the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxvi, 1636 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxvi preface 9 documents of 1636 the nuns of st. clare at manila. miguel perez, o.s.f., and others; manila, 1635-36 19 relation of 1635-36. [unsigned; manila?]; june 31 letters to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; manila, june 30 60 letter to father felipe de cardenas. cristobal de lara, s.j.; manila, july 3 265 letter to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera, cavite, july 11 269 hospitals and hospital contributions. sebastian hurtado de corcuera, and others; manila, july-august 291 bibliographical data 315 illustrations view of city of manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in valentyn's _oud en nieuw oost indien_ (dordrecht and amsterdam, 1724), i, p. 154; from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society 33 view of malacca; photographic facsimile of engraving in _recueil des voiages ... de la compagnie des indes orientales_ (amsterdam, 1725); from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society 45 map of molucca islands; photographic facsimile of map in bellin's _petit atlas maritime_ (paris, 1764), iii, no. 68; from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society 229 view of the city of macao; photographic facsimile of engraving in _recueil des voiages comp. indes orient. pais-bas_ (amsterdam, 1725), v, facing p. 208; from copy in the library of wisconsin state historical society 275 preface the scope of the present volume is confined to the year 1636, but enough of interest occurs within that time--thanks to the overflowing energy of the new governor, corcuera, who promptly reorganizes all departments of the government; his controversies with the archbishop and the friars; and the difficulties and dissensions which affect the orders themselves. the greater part of this volume is occupied by corcuera's report for the first year of his governorship. the nuns of st. clare ask (probably in 1635) for certain favors from the royal treasury; and their agent avails himself of this opportunity to ask favors for his own order, the franciscan recollects. the nuns themselves write to the king (june 30, 1636), through their abbess, ana de christo, informing him of their progress and growth in the philippines, and other matters. they have founded a convent of their order at macao; and have built a house at manila for their residence. they complain that governor corcuera has driven the franciscans from the administration of the royal hospital, and coerced the archbishop--the story of whose ill-treatment by the governor they briefly repeat, asking the king to grant the prelate redress therefor. they also ask that their confessor may have a cell at the hospital, which is near them; and complain that their convent is much injured by the walls and buildings that are being erected about it--some of these arbitrarily ordered by the governor, who ignores the needs and comfort of the nuns. they close with another appeal for royal aid to finish the building of their convent, and thanks for the king's effort to secure the canonization of their foundress. a relation for the year 1635-36 describes the arrival at manila of governor corcuera, and narrates his controversies with the archbishop. the account is more detailed and circumstantial than that of diaz (given in vol. xxv); and the two constitute an interesting chapter, not only of ecclesiastical history but of human nature. the friars finally send secret envoys to the king, to inform him of their troubles. news comes from japon of renewed persecutions of christians there, and of the apostasy of the jesuit provincial for that kingdom--who has even, it is said, married a heathen woman. at the end of this document is added a copy of a pasquinade which appeared at that time in manila, lampooning the governor and his adherents. a group of letters from corcuera (june 30, 1636) constitute his first annual report to the home government. ecclesiastical affairs engross a large part of this document, as would be expected from the recent occurrence of corcuera's controversy with the archbishop. the governor's account of this affair will be found especially interesting when compared with those presented, in vol. xxv, from jesuit and recollect sources. we have given more space to this episode than usual--partly because this contention between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities is, although but one of many, a typical and important one; and partly because it affords a favorable opportunity to view such an episode from the different standpoints of that time in manila--a necessary mental process for obtaining a correct knowledge, not only of this affair, but of all others in which the like elements of human nature are concerned. the resemblance of corcuera's account to that by "a citizen of manila" is more than casual, and incidentally throws considerable light on the situation (as well as on social conditions in manila). it contains attested copies of the various documents connected with the controversy. another section is devoted to an account of the governor's difficulties with the religious orders in "subduing the religious to the understanding that your majesty alone is their natural seignior; and the seignior of the said islands." he claims that the dominicans are most active of the orders in opposing the government, while certain proceedings of the franciscans have scandalized the spanish colony. the augustinians are in need of reform, as their proceedings are unscrupulous and selfish, and they are trying to usurp the royal authority among the indians. corcuera advises that a coadjutor be appointed for the aged archbishop guerrero, and that hereafter no more friars be made bishops in the islands. the orders have brought over more religious than the government had allowed them, to which the governor objects; he also recommends that those who do come should be procured from mexico, to save unnecessary expense in their transportation, and that seculars be preferred to friars. moreover, this will provide occupation for the theological students in the mexican colleges, who now are set aside, in ecclesiastical appointments there, for the friars. the governor appeals to the king for support in his contest with the friars. in another letter, he recounts the annoyances which he has experienced with the dominicans, and asks for the king's orders therein. still another is devoted to the recent difficulties in the franciscan order, wherein the observantines have been trying to oust the discalced friars; corcuera asks the king to interpose his influence with the heads of the order in spain to check these schemes, and to restrain the arrogance of these friars in the islands. in a brief letter regarding the mexican trade of the islands, the governor urges that the government double the amount of this trade allowed to the islands. considerable attention is given to the chinese who come to the islands; corcuera describes their present location and status, and proposes further imposts on them in order to replenish the philippine treasury. he relates the controversy between the dominicans and jesuits over the salary paid to the santa cruz cura from the parián fund, and his settlement of the case. corcuera also proposes the names of several persons from whom may be chosen a protector for the chinese residents, and announces that he has made a temporary appointment for this office. he states the action that he has taken in regard to certain vacant encomiendas; and asks that these rewards be more strictly assigned, and that the large encomiendas be divided into smaller ones. another part of this first report of corcuera concerns administrative and financial matters. he complains that the royal treasury has been recruited, and afterward depleted, by illegal and unjust means; and that its poor creditors have been shamefully treated by royal officials. he urges that vacancies in the post of governor be filled by persons appointed and sent to the islands before such emergency arises; and that these be sent from europe, and not from nueva españa. to this is appended a full and itemized account of pay-warrants which have been drawn from the royal treasury during the past year, but were commuted to one-third of their face value, as a "voluntary contribution" to his majesty's impoverished treasury. this is followed by another list, showing what sums were paid out of the treasury during 1632-35. much light is thus thrown on the peculiar financial methods of the royal officials, and the general administration of the colony's affairs. corcuera relates the manner in which he has reorganized the military forces of the colony--doing all in his power to save expenses and to supply deficiencies. he has enrolled several companies of pampango indians, who will make good soldiers, and cost much less than do the spaniards. soon after his arrival, he revises both the civil and military pay-rolls and other costs of government, making all changes that he considers necessary for greater economy and efficiency. he sends the king a copy of the new regulations thus made, with a statement of all salaried offices and paid employments, and the amounts paid in each formerly and now. from these data is deduced the statement that the amount saved to his majesty's estate is nearly forty-two thousand pesos a year. cristobal de lara, a jesuit, writes (july 3) to a friend in europe; he describes the hardships and perils of missionary life in the islands, and mentions various friends. a week later, corcuera, having received various royal decrees, sends to the king a statement of what he has done or intends to do in regard to the matters mentioned in the decrees. in several of these, he takes pains to mention that he had done what was required, even before receiving the royal command. corcuera personally attends to the lading of the acapulco galleons; he remonstrates against the order that they shall sail by june 1 of each year, explaining that the middle of july is the proper time; and asks that the commanders of the galleons be given disciplinary authority over their men while in the port of acapulco. he has forbidden the portuguese of macao to trade with the philippines; and advises that the occupation of formosa be abandoned. corcuera has formed and armed companies of natives to resist the moro pirates, and has done much to improve the efficiency of both his military and naval forces. he complains that the friars are disobedient and unruly, but commends the obedience and good-will of the secular clergy. the natives of the islands cannot endure the burdens imposed upon them by the construction of ships; and the governor asks that vessels may be sent thither from peru, to meet this difficulty. a group of papers regarding the hospitals of manila is dated july-august, 1636. governor corcuera writes to the king regarding the conduct of these institutions. the expenses therein are too great; and corcuera has levied an assessment on the pay of the officers and soldiers, to aid the hospital fund. he finds mismanagement in the royal hospitals, and dismisses from their charge the franciscan brothers who have administered their affairs. he recommends that they be placed in the care of the hospital order of st. john of god, and of secular officials. he has established a hospital at cavite, supported mainly by assessments on the sailors and workmen there; and a convalescent ward in the hospital for spaniards at manila. then follow the comments on corcuera's suggestions, made by the royal council, approving some, and criticising others; the act issued by the governor for the establishment of the aforesaid convalescent ward, to which he assigns an encomienda of indians; and a statement of the amounts contributed for the hospital fund by each of the companies and garrisons in the islands, with official attestations, etc. the editors may, 1905. documents of 1636 the nuns of st. clare at manila. miguel perez, o.s.f., and others; 1635-36. relation of 1635-36. [unsigned; manila?]; june. letters to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; june 30. letter to father felipe de cardenas. cristobal de lara, s.j.; july 3. letter to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; july 11. hospitals and hospital contributions. sebastian hurtado de corcuera, and others; july-august. sources: all but two of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the second and fourth are from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid. translations: the first, third, and sixth are translated by james a. robertson; the second and fourth, by robert w. haight; the fifth, by emma helen blair. the nuns of st. clare at manila _petition of their procurator_ sire: fray miguel perez, discalced recollect of the order of st. francis, procurator and vicar for the nuns of the convent of st. clare of the city of manila, in virtue of the authority which he holds from the said convent (which he presents) says that, as is apparent from the said authority, captain gaspar mendez and other devout persons, who have served and serve your majesty in military affairs in the philipinas islands, have done the same to the said convent for the building of it and of the church, by giving them seven thousand ducados in warrants for what your majesty owes them from their pay. that has served as an aid in their building. having petitioned your majesty to grant favor to the said convent by ordering the royal officials to pay the said warrants, by a decree of the council of april sixteen (which he presents), it was decreed that he should present the warrants and declare whence they proceeded. as he has declared in the same memorial that they proceed from the pay of soldiers, those warrants, as they are unnecessary here, have not been brought. hence, since that money is to be used for a work so holy, he is confident that your majesty will grant them the favor whom they entreat, and which they will receive as a special kindness from your majesty. further, he says that your majesty has ordered the viceroy of nueva spaña and the royal officials there that, in consideration of the poverty which the discalced recollect fathers in philipinas profess in accordance with their rule (as they cannot possess incomes), there be given to them annually from the royal treasury what is necessary for their sackcloth, medicines, breviaries, missals, and other things, as is now given to them every year. the said order has a procurator in mexico who is urging that those articles be sent every year. inasmuch as the nuns of the said convent of st. clare have no income, because they profess the first rule of st. clare, and in their case is found the same cause and reason [for the royal bounty] as in the discalced fathers, and some others, they petition your majesty to have the royal officials of mexico give them annually what is necessary for sackcloth, breviaries, missals, wine, and oil; and that also the governor of philipinas be ordered to give to the said convents the medicines that may be needed, from the royal hospital which your majesty has in the city of manila. thereby will they receive a very generous alms, and your majesty, as patron (as is the case) of that convent, ought to concede them that favor, since they are so poor. [_endorsed:_ "june 13, 636. have the warrants here mentioned paid in the subsidy allotted to those sisters, and let it be paid in their sacristy and place. in regard to the alms that they request, have the governor notified to aid those nuns with all manner of care and attention; and, as they are so needy, to aid them with goods and spare articles that shall not be taken from his majesty's treasury." "i received the authorization. fray miguel peres corvera"] _petition of the abbess_ sire: the abbess and nuns of the convent of st. clare of the city of manila declare that his majesty, king don phelipe second, ordered that convent to be founded, and your majesty is patron of it. that convent, following the rule of the glorious st. francis, has no income, but is sustained by the alms given to it by devout persons. benefactors of the said convent--among them captain gaspar mendes, treasurer of the said convent--have given certain pay-warrants which amount to about six or seven thousand pesos, in order that with it the said nuns may attend to some necessary works in the said house (and especially in the church), of which they are greatly in need. in consideration of that, the said abbess petitions and beseeches your majesty, since this is so proper a work, to order the governor and royal officials to pay the said warrants above mentioned, for the said purpose; and those nuns will receive that as a special alms from your majesty's royal hand. [_endorsed:_ "april 16, 636. let her present the warrants of which she speaks, and let her declare whence they proceed."] don juan grau, who is the person who is attending to this matter, declares that, according to the knowledge of it which he possesses, these warrants have not been sent to him; and that those which are cited in the memorial were given by soldiers from their pay, and by other persons which proceed from the same source. they have done it in their zeal to see so holy a work progress, as the need of those nuns is so great, and their institute so poor, since they cannot possess incomes. consequently, they live solely on the alms given to them by devout persons. don juan grau y monfalcon _letter from the nuns_ sire: his catholic majesty the king our sovereign, your majesty's father (who is in the enjoyment of paradise), gave us permission to come here to found a convent of the first rule of our mother st. clare in these islands. upon our arrival at this city we founded a convent, and have continued to receive in it the daughters of citizens, conquistadors, and old settlers, many of them very poor. by that method, god our lord has aided them with so perfect an estate as is that of the religious life. we, as founders, rear these girls and teach them to observe and follow our rule, so that, if we nuns who come from españa pass away, they may teach the same to, and cause it to be observed by, those who shall take the habit hereafter. god has been pleased to cause all those who have taken the habit to flourish in virtue--so greatly that they furnish an example to the old nuns--who are now all daughters of our mother st. geronima, whom they follow closely, imitating her in devotion and penances. we inform your majesty of this, as we have heard that you will rejoice greatly, as one who knows and has information of the great results that god has obtained from our coming, and which he is continuing to obtain through the new foundation [we refer to those of our number] who went to train nuns, who left this convent for that purpose to go to the city of macan--which belongs to the crown of portugal, at the entrance and mainland of china--where there are at present many nuns of especial devotion who have taken our habit, which had had no convent there any more than at this place. as soon as we arrived, our holy mother undertook the building of a convent, where we might live with modesty and humility, and with the aid of alms which were given to us by some citizens; and orphan nuns sent what they possessed. we have been building a house and church near the wall which overlooks the river of this city--in the part that appeared the most remote from trade and very secluded, and with no other view than that of the heavens. in front of it is the street in the middle of which is the royal hospital of the spaniards, which has been administered since its foundation by the religious of our seraphic father st. francis. there the religious who is vicar of this convent, who administers to us the holy sacraments, had a cell. from the alms given us we provide for his support. lately, governor don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, without cause or reason for it, drove the religious from the said hospital by force and violence and the arms of soldiers, to the contempt of our sacred order, saying that he prefers to have it administered by a secular priest, whom he brought with him as his chaplain. this prohibition, as it is not befitting the service of god and your majesty, has cost great suffering to the archbishop of these islands, grief to all this christian community, and wonder to the heathen chinese--who even among themselves respect those whom they call "bonzes," who are the same as archbishops among us. the governor, joining to the matter of the hospital other reasons--unworthy that he should assign them because he did not act upon them--had enough power, with only one auditor who is in this royal audiencia, to take away from the archbishop his temporalities, banish him from the kingdoms, and condemn him to a fine of two thousand ducados. the governor took charge of the execution of the banishment, one night, with a large body of infantry with matches lighted. the orders and their superiors came out to attend their prelate, who was clad in his pontifical robes. while he had the most holy sacrament in his hands, it happened that the chief constable of the court, one bartolome thenorio, tried to take it away from him, and used so much force that he wounded the finger of a discalced religious of st. augustine (who was aiding the archbishop to hold the monstrance) against the foot of the monstrance, drawing blood from his hand. the archbishop fell to the ground, as did the lunette of the monstrance. when the governor (who was in the street in disguise) learned of it, he sent infantry to drive out forcibly all the religious, with orders to leave the archbishop all alone. they were not to allow him to take food or drink. thus did they, dragging away the religious, upon whom the vilest men in the world laid hands, since now they could. finally the archbishop, having been arrested, sent the most holy sacrament to the church next day; and, having decreed a suspension of religious functions, allowed himself to embark and was taken by twenty-five soldiers and an adjutant to an island called mariveles, seven leguas from the city. the soldiers were ordered not to allow him to place on the vessel either bed, food, or drink. no one was to talk to him there, or give him anything to eat. this was moderated afterward. he was detained there twenty-seven days, and he returned after that with a party of soldiers who asked for him--as your majesty will learn more minutely from the relations that will be sent of everything, and from that one which the governor will send. according to what we believe, his relation will not be the most authentic, but that which, he thinks, can accomplish for him most, for the discharge of so heavy a responsibility as god will have placed upon him, for the time when he shall go to give account to him. will your majesty look carefully into this cause, as a father, patron, and defender of the church, so that in the future others may not take this as a precedent, and a greater evil befall us--if it be that an evil greater than this has [ever] occurred. it may [again] occur, under the sole pretext that it is service to your majesty, and that alone must be accomplished--which is the governor's sole excuse, and the pretext that they give for the evil deed. the church remains very much dejected, the orders and inhabitants very disconsolate, and the indians wretched; and every estate of the people of these islands is afflicted over the new administration of the governor--all through anxiety of acquiring for your majesty; so that in a short time it will all be drained, and there will be no more to drain, and this christian church will be ruined. the governor seems to be striving for its ruin rather than its advancement. it is a matter that demands a speedy remedy, as your majesty will learn by letters and relations from well-intentioned persons, which will be sent secretly. for neither the audiencia, nor the city, nor anyone else dare send openly, because of their fear of the governor's harshness; and, from the council, certain agents usually send the governors the original letters written from this place, in which account of government matters is given. of this we inform your majesty, although in brief and succinctly, because of our desire that god may send us protection and consolation through the wise decisions of your majesty. because of the governor having removed the religious from the hospital, it became necessary for our vicar to retire to the convent of our father [st. francis]; which is quite distant from here. on account of the difficulties caused by the excessive heat, and the severity of the rains during the rainy season, he cannot come at all hours to confess us and to administer the holy sacraments as we need, especially at night. what is worse is, that the governor is building a ward at the hospital, on the side that faces our convent--which he says is for convalescents. it is so high that because of its so close proximity to the convent, we think that one will be able to see the beds of the nuns in our infirmary and dormitory. that is a thing that ought to be carefully considered. but the governor has only thought about proceeding with his own purpose, leaving us surrounded on streets without any exits; for one that was near the wall--by which the parents and relatives of the nuns came, and which served for the use of the convent--has been taken by the governor for the building, thereby doing us much damage. for many structures are now being built about us, and that by the most prominent people in the city. in another part, the passage-way inside the wall--which was a street for passengers, and of service to the convent--has been closed by the governor by placing against it, and across our very threshold, another building, which he is having erected as lodgings for the cavalry and as stables, so that the company that he has organized may keep their horses. accordingly, we humbly beseech your majesty to be pleased to have the hospital returned to the religious of our order, as it has always been [in their charge], and that a cell be given therein to our vicar. by so doing, god our lord will be greatly served, and the poor aided spiritually and corporally. after those religious left, the nuns were very disconsolate for lack of ministers to attend to them. the secular priest appointed for them thinks that he has fulfilled his duty by saying mass. we trust that your majesty, through your christian zeal, will furnish relief to so pious causes as these we mention, at the first opportunity. will your majesty order that the street be left free, from the place where we have our porter's lodge to the wall--without [permitting] any hospital building or windows--as an enclosure for the convent and for its guard; so that if there should be no place for the father-vicar to live, a low dwelling may be made for him, and for the men who serve in the convent--making a gate at the wall for [receiving] the food for the convent. the poverty of our order and rule is well known to your majesty. the lack of comfort in which we live is very great, as we are without sufficient funds to finish the house and church, and the citizens are so needy that they cannot help us with the alms that we need--[although] they do not a little in aiding us with what is necessary for our ordinary support. some devout people have given us as alms some pay warrants and other debts owed to them by the royal treasury. these amount to about twelve thousand pesos, and we could finish the work with that sum. we entreat your majesty to be pleased to have your royal decree promulgated, ordering the governor to pay us up to the said sum of twelve thousand pesos in the certified warrants which we have. that will constitute a very great blessing and be an alms which your majesty will bestow upon this convent. we also petition your majesty to be pleased to show us favor by having us given alms of sackcloth, oil, an apothecary-shop in the royal hospital, wine for the masses, and wheat or flour for bread for the support of the nuns--as is done with the orders of the discalced religious; for we have no other protection or security besides that of your majesty, which is everlasting. [_in the margin_: "observe this matter, and give a copy of this section to licentiate leon, so that he may make a report of it, when the matter is considered." "it was given."] we thank your majesty for the favors that you have shown this convent and the nuns in it, in having so thoroughly taken in your charge the beatification and canonization of our holy mother geronima de la assumpçion, whereby we, her daughters, hope to behold such a day as that of her canonization. we keep her body, with all the veneration and line of succession that is possible to us; and every day god works new miracles by her. the nuns, in and out of the choir, in all their prayers, discipline, and fasting, make special mention of your majesty, and of the queen our mistress. we beseech god our lord to preserve your majesty in health, peace, and quiet, with your kingdoms, for the protection of christendom and of the church, and for happy victories against the heretics and enemies of the church. this convent will supplicate this from god constantly, as it has ever done, according to our obligation. may god preserve the catholic person of your majesty, as we, these humble nuns, desire, with increase of greater kingdoms. may he prosper the succession to them, so that, by means of it, all heathen kingdoms may come to the true knowledge of the holy faith. manila, june 30, 1636. ana de christo, abbess. sister magdalena de christo, vicar. sister maria de los angeles [_in the margin_: "have the governor notified concerning the complaint of these nuns, and the injury that they say has been done them in his having shut their street; and in the view that their apartments have which opens toward the cells, stables, and lodgings, which are near their house; and of the other things that they mention--so that no injury or discomfort may be caused to them in any manner. also say that, if the warrants which they say that they possess are certified they shall be paid in the value that shall belong to them and at the proper time. and since it is the usage to write to this convent, let it be done, advising them of what is ordered, and saying that care will always be taken of everything that pertains to them; and that we esteem their commendation of their majesties to god, which they shall continue."] [_endorsed_: "seen, and decreed within. june 16, 638."] relation of 1635-36 _relation of events in the city of manila from the year 1635 until the month of june, 1636_ on the twenty-third of june, 1635, the ships from castilla arrived at the port of capite, in which came don sevastian hurtado de [c]orquera, knight of the habit of alcantara, as governor and captain-general for his majesty. on the twenty-fourth of the said month and year, on st. john's day, about four o'clock in the afternoon, he entered manila to take possession of the government--first taking the customary oath, on entering through the gate of the bagungaiabar, [1] which is one of the chief gates of this city, accompanied by the city government and the cabildo, with the rest of the citizens who escorted him, until he reached the buildings of the palace, where he was received with much pomp, as arranged by the regimiento of this city. a few days after his arrival he reviewed all of the spanish infantry in the camp (together with the rest that he brought in his company), where he made sweeping changes, leaving the four captains in the camp. he named as sargento-mayor of the regiment don pedro de corquera, his nephew; and to the man who had held that office he gave the governorship of ermosa island. he likewise appointed, as captain and governor of his company, alferez don juan francisco de corquera, his nephew. he immediately decided that the ships (which were ready to make the voyage) should not go to castilla, saying that it was not expedient for them to go; and thus it came about, for no one dared to oppose him. at this time occurred an event which, as it was the beginning of everything which has taken place, must be remembered. an artilleryman had a slave girl whom he had brought from yndia, saying that he was going to marry her, as he had taken her while she was a maiden. but she became angry and left the house, going to that of juan de aller, a kinsman of doña maria de franzia, wife of don pedro de corquera, whom she asked to buy her. the sargento-mayor besought the captain-general to negotiate with the said artilleryman. he had the latter called, and asked him whether he wished to sell her. he answered that he did not keep her for sale, and the matter was left thus for several days. then he was again asked to sell her, and answered resolutely that he did not wish to sell her, as he was keeping her in order to marry her. thereupon it was ordered that he be placed in the stocks, and he was ill-treated. the man cried out that they were unjustly trying to take his slave from him; and order was given that he be taken into the house of pedro guerrero, and there punished as if he were mad. there he was so ill-treated that they would have driven him mad if he was not, until he saw fit to cease his obstinacy in regard to the slave woman--although he refused to receive the money which he was ordered to take from the said house, and immediately determined on a rash plan. on the eighth of august, which was sunday, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the governor was going to the residence of the society, to see the comedy which the fathers there were presenting; and with him was riding doña maria de franzia, the wife of his nephew the sargento-mayor, in a coach, having the slave woman behind. when they arrived at the corner of the augustinian church, the artilleryman came out to meet them; and, seizing the slave woman by the arm, struck her with a dagger so that she died straightway, and he retired again into the said convent of st. augustine. the news was conveyed to the governor, who had already gone into the society's house; and he sent an adjutant and a captain of his guard, together with the sargento-mayor, and some soldiers, with an order to surround the church and bring out the guilty man, and take him to the headquarters of the guard. this was done accordingly; but, as the religious had hidden him, the soldiers were unable to find him. the convent was left surrounded with soldiers, who remained there two days, so that if the artilleryman came out they could get him and bring him back; and likewise the soldiers were ordered not to allow any religious to enter or leave, or any food to be brought in to them, under penalty of death--on which account the religious found themselves in very hard straits. on the third day the guard was withdrawn, and on the fourteenth of the said month a decree was published promising [reward] to whoever should discover where the guilty man was--if he were a person of quality, an office as sergeant or standard-bearer, according to his position; or, if he were not such a person, three hundred pesos and permission to go to españa. on the twenty-seventh of this month, a negro belonging to the said convent gave information that the guilty man was in a cell therein. the governor sent adjutant don juan de frias and alferez don diego de herrero with soldiers, giving them the order to take away the man, even though the religious tried to hinder him. this they did, and could not be resisted; and as a reward for taking him out, a post of sergeant was given to the adjutant, and a military command to the alferez. having taken him out, they brought him the next day to confession, and on the following day sentenced him to death. the most illustrious lord archbishop, don fray fernando guerrero, learning of this, made a formal demand for the prisoner on behalf of the church; but they were rebellious, and refused to surrender him. on the sixth of september of this said year the most illustrious archbishop sent a requisition to general molina, who was the judge of this case, directing him to send back the prisoner, but to no effect; on the contrary, that very day the gallows was erected in front of the augustinian convent, so that the execution would be in sight of the house. when the archbishop saw this contumacious act, he sent to notify the judge again, at seven o'clock at night, to send back the prisoner under penalty of major excommunication, _latæ sententiæ_. seeing that he would not do so, at eleven o'clock at night the archbishop sent another requisition and notification to general molina, and from there to the palace to notify the said governor--who ordered the churchmen who went to do this to be arrested, and taken to the guardhouse until morning. on this said day of the said month, four companies marched out with the prisoner. fresh notifications were sent that, if he were not returned to the church within one hour, suspension of religious functions would be imposed, and heavy pecuniary penalties for the holy crusade. all this did not suffice to keep them from continuing the work; and, the time set having expired, the interdict was declared when the prisoner arrived at the corner of the plaza. the night before the bells had rung for the interdict, and the sound of the bells struck the christians with fear. but none of this was sufficient, for at about twelve o'clock in the morning, they finished hanging him--so close to the sacred place that the ladder was placed on a level with the portico, in such manner that it could not help being in the sacred place. they took him away after hanging him, and threw the body at the door of the convent, which is at the gate of the church of st. augustine. they rapped upon the door, and, as it was not opened, they left the body there; it remained without burial for two days, until the brothers of holy la misericordia buried it in the cemetery of the cathedral church, so that the body would not be corrupted and become a disgusting object. the interdict lasted two or three days, and was raised on the day of st. nicholas of tolentino, at about ten o'clock in the morning. as don pedro de monroy was provisor at the time, and the one who pronounced the excommunications, the governor decided to seize him and send him by ship to machan, [_i.e.,_ macao] or to ermossa island; but, becoming aware of this intention, he found a place of safety, to escape from this severe action. an order was given at all the gates that; if he should go out or enter them, he should be arrested. but a few days ago he was sent out of the gate which is called santo domingo, in the habit of a friar. when the guard who recognized him would have seized him, two franciscan religious, who were with him, defended him and gave him an opportunity to enter the dominican convent. when the governor learned this, irritated because his order of arrest had not proved effectual, he ordered the soldiers to be arrested who constituted the guard, and would have had them garrote the alferez don francisco de rivera, who was in command at that gate, because they had not killed a friar and taken prisoner don pedro de monroy. the said governor sent immediately to the convent of santo domingo to have them deliver the said provisor, and to say that, if they did not do so, he would go in person and take him away. to this father fray domingo gonzalez, the provincial, and commissary of the holy office, answered that it was not the provisor who was there, but don pedro de monroy, adviser of the holy office, which was not situated there; and, as such, he had kept him busy with matters pertaining to that holy tribunal, as might be seen by these disagreements which existed between the two heads [of government]. the most illustrious lord archbishop decided to call a council of the most grave and learned men of all the religious orders, in order to determine what was expedient. when he sent to ask the fathers of the society, they refused to go. after this, seeing that things were going from bad to worse, it was necessary to call another assembly of the religious orders; and when the said fathers were summoned it was not possible for them to go. thereupon, seeing that they were separating themselves from the affairs of the church, the lord archbishop ordered that they be notified of an act by which they were deprived of the right of preaching in all the churches subject to his jurisdiction. the said fathers, by virtue of a brief which they claim to have from his holiness, answered that they could preach without permission, and _contradicente episcopo_. without showing the said brief, they appointed a judge-conservator for the most illustrious archbishop, who was don fabian de santillan y avelanes, the schoolmaster of the cathedral. the latter notified his most illustrious lordship that he must revoke the said act within two hours, under penalty of major excommunication and four thousand castilian ducados. the lord archbishop went before the royal audiencia with a plea of fuerza, to declare whether the appointment made had been made legally and justly, as it had been presented before no judge, as is provided by law. the next day several religious, who were the attorneys of his illustrious lordship in the royal audiencia, having come together there, [father] badilla of the society took up the case, and through the continuance given him to inform himself of his rights, the other religious, who were acting on behalf of the lord archbishop, could do nothing until the next day, when they pleaded for him. during that time the said archbishop was posted as excommunicated, the notices being fixed on the doors of the churches of this city, by order of the judge-conservator. these notices remained posted until the twenty-fourth of january, because the royal audiencia declared that fuerza had not been committed [by the judge-conservator]. at the end of this time, which was a period of more than three months, it was decided to absolve his most illustrious lordship. the governor went to his house, on st. polycarp's day; and together they went to the cathedral, and made their peace. but meantime, in the proceedings against him, he had been condemned, by formal act of the judge-conservator, to pay another four thousand ducados; and the government of the archbishopric was to be taken from him for four years. all this was declared null by the lawyers, who said that the judge and the fathers of the society had thus incurred the penalties of the law. considering the differences which every day arose, the councils decided that it was necessary to send a despatch to his majesty secretly, remitting all the documents--although there was no more in the affair than as the proverb goes, the fear of a cat scalded with cold water. the governor began to suspect this, and left an order at all the gates to arrest father fray francisco pindo and father fray domingo collado, of the dominican order; for he thought that, being persons who were not well disposed to him, it would be they who would carry the despatches. but his shrewd schemes were frustrated, [2] and, when no one was thinking about it, a cha[m]pan had left with two religious--one a dominican and the other a recollect of st. augustine, named father fray nicolas de tolentino and father fray graviel de porto carrero--and a few sailors. these went to the island of cayo, where they provided themselves with everything necessary for their support, without anyone hindering them. on new year's day they sailed in the direction of malaca, as was afterwards learned with certainty, because they arrived a short time after at machan. they arrived at so favorable an opportunity that within a few days they embarked on an english ship that was about to leave for yndia, saying that they were leaving on business of the holy office. may god grant them a good voyage on this occasion. a ship has come from machan and brought news that there had been a great persecution in the kingdom of japon and the martyrdom of many catholic religious. it is also said that father christoval ferreira, the provincial at that time for the society of jesus in that kingdom, had apostatized; and that he not only had recanted, but had married a heathen woman, and that the wife of the said portuguese father had given birth to a child. moreover, he had betrayed [to the authorities] the few other religious who had remained there. such things as these, and worse, persons who abandon our holy faith usually do. the emperor of japon has ordered that no friar or other religious should enter [that country], and has promised great rewards to those who should learn of their entrance into his kingdom, and inform him thereof; and he threatens severe punishment to those who do not do so. during these troubles [in the diocese] don francisco valdes resigned the archdeaconry of this cathedral; and the governor, by virtue of the royal patronage, appointed as archdeacon don andres arias giron, and sent to the most illustrious archbishop to obtain his collation. the latter answered that master don andres arias was under visitation; and that he had exiled and excommunicated him for sufficient causes, and could not give him possession. when he learned of this, master don andres arias giron presented himself with a plea of fuerza before the royal audiencia; and the governor ordered that his illustrious lordship be notified that, without fail, he should put don andres in possession. he therefore called a council of religious, and all said that he should not in conscience comply. on friday, the ninth of may, at seven o'clock at night, a royal decree was issued that within an hour from the viewing of the said royal decree don andres should be put in possession, on pain of the archbishop being exiled from the kingdoms, and paying two thousand castilian ducados. thereupon his most illustrious lordship answered that he would obey the said decree, as in the name of his king and lord; but as for its fulfilment, there were reasons why he could not accede to this, that the man was under visitation, and [the ecclesiastical authorities] must not be hindered. at eight o'clock at night, seeing that they were going on with the execution of the decree, and had declared him exiled, fearing some further severity, he sent for the most holy sacrament to the convent of st. francis; and, dressed in his pontifical robes, holding the elements in his hands, in front of his episcopal chair, with all possible propriety, he approached an altar, and there remained, waiting for the conclusion of what had been begun. at ten o'clock at night the captain of artillery and alguazil-mayor tenorio, with adjutant don diego de herrera, and thirty musketeers, entered the archiepiscopal dwelling. at this juncture an interdict was declared; on that night, therefore, the confusions, disorders, and turbulence were greater than ever before seen. guards were posted above and below [the archbishop's house] on all the street corners, so that no one could enter or go out; and having found the lord archbishop in the aforesaid state, and attended by many religious of all orders, word thereof was given to the governor. he sent an order that all the religious and secular priests who remained with his most illustrious lordship should be sent away. although this was not executed, because it was not mentioned in the warrant, the court-alguazil went to the palace to learn the intention of the governor. the latter rectified the order anew; and the said alguazil-mayor, coming to the archiepiscopal building, executed it, directing the religious and secular priests to depart from the house. as they did not do so, he commanded the soldiers to obey him, under penalty of three doses of rope; [3] and to take the religious out, dragging them, or in any way they could. this they did, maltreating them and giving them rude pushes, tearing their habits. they left two religious with his most illustrious lordship, to aid him to bear the imprisonment. the alguazil-mayor came to take them away, and hurt one of them with the rays on the lunette, owing to the force which he applied; for the religious were clinging to the archbishop, whom they caused to fall to the floor, with the most holy sacrament. it was only by great good fortune that he did not lose his grasp upon it at this time. in this confusion a soldier drew his sword, and threw himself upon it, intending to kill himself--saying that the man who had seen the most holy sacrament upon the ground was no longer fit to live. he lay there, wounded, and thus they took him prisoner, and were about to garrote him; this, however, they did not do, but sent him to exile at samboanga. the archbishop was left alone with the soldiers of the guard, and several of them, as good christians, remained on their knees before the most holy sacrament, shocked and weeping to see that among catholics such things could take place. at this juncture the bishop of camarines told his most illustrious lordship that the governor said that if he wished to eat he must abandon the holy sacrament, and that if he did not do so nothing was to be given to him; and that these were the orders he had given to the said adjutant, under pain of death. thereupon the lord archbishop answered, with much courage, that he was prepared to die with the most holy sacrament in his hands, rather than do anything that would be an offense against it. thereupon they left him without a servant, to the great indignation and sorrow of many soldiers, the governor remaining as hard and obdurate as if he had not been a christian. at one o'clock at night there came a new order that the soldiers should drive from the streets the religious, who had been upon their knees with candles in their hands, worshiping the lord of heaven and earth, since the time when they had been driven from his presence. they were driven away, by dragging them and tearing their garments; and the cassock and cross were taken from the cross-bearer of his most illustrious lordship. he cried out to god, begging for mercy--a thing which melted the hearts of all the city, so that nothing was heard of but "mercy!" accompanied by the tears and apprehensions of the faithful. after this was done, at two o'clock at night there came another order, that the friars should be made to go back to their convents, which they had not done. the governor sent the sargento-mayor to tell them to go back, and not cause any more disturbance. to this they answered that they had left their convents determined to die for god, and that whether they died there or in japon was all one; that they would not leave that place, because they were in front of the most holy sacrament; and, if it should fall from the hands of the lord archbishop, the soldiers must not approach to raise it, as this was not lawful, but they themselves must do so, as priests. the sargento-mayor went away with this answer; and as the governor was at the corner of santa potenziana, on the square of the archiepiscopal buildings, in disguise, he heard all that occurred. he sent another order, commanding, in the name of his majesty, that the religious should retire to their convents; and that, if they did not do so, they would be dragged thither. seeing his accursed intention, they thought it best to let themselves be taken away by the soldiers, but with much sadness and weeping. the franciscan friars remained in their portico, to be near the house of the lord archbishop, so that they might watch what passed. the governor himself came personally, and made them retire and go within their convent. the very next day, which was the eve of espiritu santo, his illustrious lordship, finding that the governor's obstinacy was continuing and that he was being abandoned (for no one was allowed to enter), and that he had had nothing to eat for twenty-four hours, and that all this was in preparation for placing him on shipboard, sent to call the guardian of the franciscans, and entrusted to him the most holy sacrament, which was taken to his convent with great ceremony, and there deposited. at this time the archbishop was allowed to make appointments of persons to govern his archbishopric. he appointed the father reader fray francisco de paula, of the order of st. dominic, and the father reader and definitor fray pedro de santo thomas, of the discalced augustinians, ordering them not to raise the interdict and suspension of religious functions, or absolve the governor, auditor marcos capata, and don andres giron, as he reserved their absolution to himself. thereupon at eleven o'clock in the morning the court-alguazil came with a carriage, and his illustrious lordship alone was placed in it, all the religious accompanying it with tears at seeing such cruelty and severity. when they had come to the gate known as puerta de los almazenes, [4] the archbishop alighted, and again excommunicated all those who had caused his exile, and cursed the city; and throwing stones at it, and shaking the dust from his feet, he directed his steps to the water to board a champan. this was provided with sixteen arquebusiers, and the said adjutant; but they did not allow any of his servants to embark, nor consent that any provision of food be placed aboard for the voyage. when he begged for his cross, the said alguazil-mayor answered that there was no cross for him. thereupon he embarked, and although many religious desired to take leave of him, they were not allowed to come. thus they conveyed him to the island of maribelis, distant from this city some seven leguas, more or less. although many private citizens of this city made urgent request to go in their boats to the champan, they were not allowed to do so; for it was seen that they were carrying provisions for the archbishop, being moved to pity by the cruelty with which they were using him, for one would not expect infidels to do worse. in this island he was kept prisoner, without being allowed to communicate or to write letters, his treatment being such as might be expected from dispositions so obstinate. on the eleventh of this month of may the said governor appointed the said bishop of camarines to govern the archbishopric, contrary to [the law of] god and with no permission, saying that the lord archbishop was a decayed limb. the said bishop accepted the appointment, acting contrary to [decrees of] the council of trent, and incurring its penalties. he absolved the said governor, auditor capata, and don andres giron: and gave the last-named the collation for the archdeaconry, raising the interdict imposed by the legitimate prelate. those in the cathedral and the fathers of the society, who were followed by other churches, besides the convents of st. dominic, st. francis, and the discalced augustinians, at once replied that they would observe the suspension imposed on them, because they knew that a governor [of the diocese] could not raise the interdict, or do anything of what he had done; for he was suspended, interdicted, excommunicated, and under discipline, for having exercised the pontifical office, raised the interdict, and absolved the excommunicated--all this being reserved to the lord archbishop, as was declared by all the learned men of this city. although the cathedral, the church of the society, and the observantine convent of st. augustine said mass, no one went to hear it; but on the contrary the catholics were scandalized that these people should do such things through fear of the governor--things which caused great scandal, and which it would take a long time to tell. [i omit them] mainly because most of them are better left unsaid, because of the cruelty involved in them, rather than told in a relation. on the twentieth of may there came an order from the lord archbishop, at the petition of religious and holy persons, that the suspension should be raised for a fortnight, so that the feast of corpus christi, which was on the twenty-second of the said month, might be celebrated; and when the said period of time was past, he imposed the interdict as before--although it was not observed except by the dominicans, the franciscans, and the discalced augustinians. the governors of the archbishopric and of the islands respectively gave to the fathers of the society [the curacy of] chiapo, which they demanded, as belonging to the archiepiscopal court. it was donated to the lord archbishop by the franciscan fathers, on condition that it should be conferred upon no-one, but should remain for the maintenance of the poor and of secular priests; and that, in case it were given to any other order, the condition and donation should not be valid which had been made to the said lord archbishop, and accordingly it should revert again to the said franciscan fathers, as it was before. but the fathers of the society would listen to none of this, drawn on by ambition; nor would the governor, who allowed them to demand what they wished. a few days after this, on the fourth of june, the royal decree was revoked; and father fray domingo gonzalez, the dominican provincial, and other dignitaries, went to the lord archbishop, and asked him not to change anything which had been done by the said bishop of camarines. the lord archbishop would not consent to this, as it was all void, and opposed to conscience. but on the prayer and supplication of grave religious, who besought his permission for this until his majesty should send a remedy sufficient for so many evils as had occurred, his illustrious lordship thereupon consented to this; and he entered this city on the sixth of june, amid the general rejoicing of all, for thereby the church was freed from schism and the administration of an excommunicated bishop. in short, in order to remove greater evils things remain thus, without anything being changed; we hope that god our lord and his majesty will redress this, and that persons will be sent to punish the guilty according to their crimes. pasquin que se pusso a la puerta del gouernor de manila don seuastian vrtado de corquera quien la yglesia vitupera--corcuera y quien la birtud maltrata--çapata y quien se çisca de miedo--ledo segun esso llorar puedo yglesia tu triste suerte pues bienen a darte muerte corcuera çapata y ledo quien la birtud a dejado--collado quien obliga a tal trayçion--ambizion y quien sigue tal de miedo--pinedo [5] de que an labrado rezelo vna orca como aman do rabiando moriran collado ambiçion pinedo quien apresta desatinos--tiatinos en que encubren excesos--en quesos pues de quesos que se espera--cera no entiendo aquesta quimera mas si es cosa de ynteres quemarlos a todos tres tiatinos quesos y cera quien dixo el vien por el mal--vn probinzial quien la fe dixo sin tino--vn tiatino y quien su ser tubo en poco--vn cojo pues a llorar me prouoco viendo vn tiatino casado y que fue por su pecado probinzial tiatino y cojo arcidiano sin razon--jiron obispo con poco estudio--camudio excomulgado notorio--tenorio bien merezen purgatorio de ynfierno estos tres amigos pues son de dios enemigos jiron camudio y tenorio a quien aorco de vn madero--vn artio en que razon se fundaua--por la esclaua que le quita el omizido--la uida ynjustamte. perdida fue pero ya me lamento que perdiese en vn momento artillero esclaua y vida quien bio pagar de los frutos--tributos y quien aorcando peros--yeros quien dar yço a las mulatas--natas todas estas papanatas an de uenir a parar en que el diablo a de lleuar tributos yeros y natas no ay para tanta malizia--justizia ni pa tantos agrauios--labios ni para tantas locuras--curas todas estas desuenturas los cristianos padezemos pues que ya sin fuerça bemos justicia labios y curas que resulta en conclusion--resoluzion y destas cosas no buenas--penas y de tanto descontento--tormento no en bano yo me lamento viendo la yglesia sinzera a ques otra por corquera pasion penas y tormento. pasquinade affixed to the door of the governor of manila, don sevastian vrtado de corquera [6] who vituperates the church?--corcuera. who abuses virtue?--çapata. who soils himself through fear?--ledo. therefore, i can weep thy sad fate, o, church! for they come to deal thee death- corcuera, çapata, and ledo. who has abandoned virtue?--collado. what leads him to such treason?--ambition. who imitates that one through fear?--pinedo. hence i fear that they have prepared a gallows as did aman, [7] on which raging will die- collado, ambition, pinedo. who are preparing lawless acts?--the theatines [_i.e._, jesuits]. wherein do they hide their violations of law?--in cheeses. therefore, what can be expected from cheeses?--wax. [8] i do not understand such an extravagant idea; but if it is a question of profit, it would be best to burn them all three- theatines, cheeses, and wax. who said "good" instead of "bad"?--a provincial. who explained the faith without discretion?--a theatine. and who set little value on his own existence?--a cripple. therefore am i moved to tears to see a theatine who is married; and who was, because of his sin- provincial, theatine, and cripple. archdeacon with no right--jiron. a bishop with little learning--çamudio. a notorious excommunicate--tenorio. right well they deserve the purgatory of hell, these three friends; for they are the enemies of god- jiron, çamudio, and tenorio. who was hanged from a beam?--an artilleryman. on what was that action based?--on the slave-girl. of what did the homicide deprive him?--his life. unjustly lost it was; but still i lament that he should lose in one moment- that artilleryman--his slave-girl and his life. he who thought to pay from his profits--tributes; and he who in hanging dogs saw--fetters; and he who caused the mulatto women to bear--daughters: all these simpletons must come to a halt; because the devil will carry off- tributes, fetters, and daughters. [9] for so great malice, there is no--justice; nor for so many injuries--words; nor for so many follies--cures. [10] all these misfortunes, we christians must suffer; for powerless we see- justice, words, and cures. what results finally?--resolution. and from these evil things?--punishments. and from so great discontent?--torment. not in vain do i lament, seeing the sincere [11] church become otherwise because of corcuera- suffering, punishments, and torment. letters from governor hurtado de corcuera _ecclesiastical_ most potent sir: although i have related to the tribunal of the holy inquisition of mexico the disorders that have happened in this city this year which were caused by the fathers of st. dominic, and helped and strengthened by the father commissary of the holy office, fray francisco de herrera--who has endeavored to avenge his passions and those of his religious through the authority of so holy a tribunal, but overstepping the manner of procedure and prudence that that holy tribunal has in all its actions--yet i have thought it best to have recourse to your highness as to the supreme authority, so that you with the ruling hand may apply an efficacious remedy to the said disorders. therefore, i shall give your highness an account of them in this letter, in detail, although briefly. the archbishop of manila and the three orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, were united against me. they went about holding meetings, as they thought by that method to avenge themselves for the injuries which they imagined that they had received because they were not granted whatever they wished or what suited their whims. they were convened in an assembly, where they must have discussed nothing else than their own restless notions and the disturbance of the community and opposition to the government. for that reason, the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray diego duarte, with the ecclesiastical cabildo, all the clergy, and the fathers of the society of jesus, refused to attend the said meeting. the archbishop and the three orders were very angry that the fathers of the society did not attend, although they took no notice of the fact that the bishop of nueva segovia, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the clergy (who also were notified to attend the meeting) were likewise absent; and they made their anger evident, since the first topic that was discussed in the said meeting was [a plan to unite] and conspire against the fathers of the society. they issued a decree against them (which i enclose herewith) [12] in which they disfellowshipped them from the other orders, and commanded that no one should go to their houses, or to feasts or other public ceremonies; that those of the society should not be admitted into their convents for these functions; that they should not be allowed to preach in the cathedral, or in any other place outside their own houses; and other things like this. they all show the aversion and even hatred which they have for the fathers of the society. that decree was a cause for great scandal throughout this community. it was approved and signed by the said father commissary, fray francisco de herrera, thus making himself a party to all the quarrels and disturbances that resulted from the said decree. consequently, he could ill be a dispassionate judge. the fathers of the society were silent, and overlooked such things, coming from that source. some days afterward, the archbishop, in accordance with the decision of the said meeting, had the fathers of the society notified of an act, ordering them, under penalty of major excommunication, _late sentencie_, and a fine of four thousand castilian ducados, not to preach outside of their houses throughout his archbishopric, not even in the barracks and guardhouses. the fathers of the society tried to procure means of peace, but none of them succeeded. seeing that there was no hope of peace, and recognizing the injury that the archbishop was doing them at the instigation of the three orders and the father commissary, they were forced to speak out against the archbishop through their judge-conservator, don fabian de santillan y gavilanes, schoolmaster of this holy church and a person of good standing in this city. the three orders, especially that of st. dominic, took this cause against the fathers of the society as their own--although it did not concern them, but was, on the contrary, in favor of all. the fathers of the society were defending what the orders were defending, since they were defending their privileges and immunities, which are common to all the mendicant orders. but the orders did not think of this, nor that they were putting out both their eyes (as says the proverb) in order to put out one of the society. the aversion and hatred that they show against the fathers of the society is incredible, doing them all the ill turns possible in all things, and talking maliciously of them. the orders had recourse by a plea of fuerza to the royal audiencia, which declared that the judge-conservator had not employed it, and that he was legally appointed. thereupon, seeing that they had no means by which to embarrass the judge-conservator, they tried to make use of the authority of the inquisition, the fathers of st. dominic threatening the judge-conservator with it. those fathers spread the report that they would seize him, and get even with him. at this juncture the father commissary summoned him, and such was the aspect of affairs that the said judge asked the said commissary for a testimony that he had not been summoned for anything that could prejudice his person, in order that he might not be left with any stain. the judge-conservator had made complaint against the provisor, don pedro de monroy, for having declared that neither luther nor calvin, nor any other heretics, did so much harm as did the members of the society. that was a calumny and insult, the remedy for which the judge thought concerned him. the father commissary entered the lists, and asked for that cause. the judge sent him the original complaint, reserving the testimony, to present it to the holy tribunal of mexico. the said father commissary asked for the testimony, and it was also sent him. the purpose of the father commissary seems to have been to deprive him of all the papers, as your highness will see from the following. at this juncture the archbishop held a meeting with the religious of the three orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine. there under title of a protest, an insulting defamatory libel was made, according to report, not only against the society of jesus, but also against the judge-conservator himself, because he was judge-conservator; and against the royal audiencia, because it had declared his appointment legitimate. the judge-conservator brought force to bear against the archbishop in order to make him hand over the protest, but the latter steadfastly refused to do so, or to show it. finally, although the archbishop agreed to deliver it, he could not do so, because he had given it to father fray diego collado, of the order of st. dominic. the latter kept possession of it, in such wise that it could never be recovered from him; and it is even said (although i am not sure of this) that the said paper had been delivered to the father commissary in order to secure it, so that he might keep it with the papers of the inquisition. for, as the judge was urging the archbishop, the father commissary entangled the affair by ordering the judge, with censures, to relinquish the cause, and cease to ask for the said protest, and to hand over the papers that had been made in this matter. the judge, seeing the malice of the father commissary in preventing his jurisdiction, and taking from him all the papers, continued to defend himself--and asking the father commissary not to hinder his proceedings, since the trial of the said protest or defamatory libel belonged to him, as it was an insult to the society, to the judge himself, and to the royal audiencia, and as it was a matter that concerned the principal cause. a thousand notifications were served on the judge, and all of them by means of different dominican fathers, and with great noise and disturbance--a matter which caused much comment, that one commissary should have so many different secretaries, some of them being lay brothers, others priests, and others very young; and that they should disturb the community with their passions, under the mantle of the inquisition. the said defamatory protest or libel was authenticated by a royal clerk named diego de rueda. the judge-conservator arrested him. the father commissary went to ask for him, with censures, as he declared that the clerk was a familiar of the holy office. the judge replied that he had arrested the clerk to get his confession, because of the said protest which he had authenticated; that he had already taken that confession, and needed him no longer; and that the father commissary should ask me for him, for i had arrested him. the father commissary replied that he was not satisfied with that reply, and that the clerk should be given to him. but the judge answered by producing proof that he did not hold the clerk prisoner, and could not hand him over. thereupon, it appears that the father commissary calmed himself, and turned upon me in good earnest. at the earliest light he sent a youthful and somewhat impudent friar to me, to notify me of the act--which i enclose herewith [13] so that your highness may see whether this is the way to treat one who occupies such a post as i, and whom his majesty has delegated in his place. considering that the cause pertained to me, because that clerk had committed an offense in the exercise of his duty, and that the father commissary was exceeding his commission--and still more did he whom the father commissary sent to notify me so discourteously and impudently--i took the act from his hands, and sent him to his superior of the convent at the port of cavite, with orders to keep him there and reduce him to order, as i did not wish him to excite the community, as the friars were doing. the fathers of st. dominic took opportunity from this occurrence to utter blasphemies against me, and to declare me excommunicated for preventing the exercise of the holy office (as if the preservation of the royal jurisdiction would be a hindrance to that holy tribunal, which only undertakes what concerns it)--saying that i was deposed, and was not governor, nor could i be governor. they declared that the senior auditor should immediately assume the government, arrest me, and send me to a fort. they confirmed this by the father commissary bringing from cavite father fray francisco pinelo--an eloquent man, and a bold preacher in the pulpit--whom he caused to preach in his convent in this city on the second sunday in advent. at the beginning of his sermon, he proceeded to read a bull, translated into romance. he declared that it was issued by pius v, and that his holiness ordered therein that whoever should prevent the exercise of the holy office should be infamous, and incapacitated from holding office. this he said with such words and manner, and at such a time, that it had the effect of pointing me out with the finger; and it was seen clearly that everything was said for me, and that he was censuring me as infamous, and saying that i was not governor. in order that your highness may see the freedom of these friars, and how they treat him who is in the place of king--and this under cover of the inquisition, using the authority of so holy and upright a tribunal to avenge their passions in matters that do not concern the inquisition; and they cannot see that to support it i have a sword at my side with which to fight to the death in defense of this holy tribunal, as i have done for twenty-five years in your highness's service against the enemies of the faith--in this same sermon, a thousand things were said against me calling me herod; and against the royal audiencia because it declared, contrary to the will of the father commissary, that the judge-conservator was legal. aspersions were uttered against the fathers of the society, censuring them as heretics; and against the judge himself, calling him a london canon, besides a thousand other impudent speeches in the same manner. other preachers of his order have followed the same style of preaching, and they have been imitated by the recollect fathers of st. augustine--who style those of the society hypocrites and heretics; and they utter innumerable satires on them in the pulpits, making the pulpit a lectureship of vengeance, although it is the place that belongs to christ for the preaching of his holy word. how could the father commissary remedy these disorderly acts, since he was at the head of them, and since they were by his order, as can be understood from the above? in this manner did they disturb and stir up the people, and even excited them to revolt--so that if i had not had arms in my hands, and the garrison which is here at my order, beyond question a greater calamity would have been feared; and i fear one, if your highness do not take it in hand, and make a beginning in correcting such acts of boldness. i will add that i had given orders at the gates of the city that the said cleric don pedro de monroy was not to be allowed to enter, as he was a seditious man, and in union with the friars he was exciting innumerable rumors and disputes in this city; and in the time of governor don alonso faxardo he was declared exiled from the kingdoms, and the temporalities had been taken away from him, because of a riot that he caused. it happened on november 21 of the past year, that he, clad as a franciscan friar, together with another of the same order as his companion, attempted to enter a gate at the ave marias. the commandant, who recognized him, laid hold of him, and ordered the soldiers to take their weapons in order to prevent his entrance, and to obey their orders. but so many dominican friars (who were prepared for that emergency), charged down upon them and defended the said cleric with their fists and with violence; and forcing my guardhouse, they placed him within the city, in spite of the soldiers, who had no opportunity to use their weapons. that appears from a legal investigation which they made in their exoneration, for i was intending to punish them for not having kept my order. i was angry, as was natural, at that lawless act and the boldness of the friars. i advised their superior of it; but he answered that that friar had entered the city because he had been summoned by the inquisition and its commissary. for, even for such an outrage, which would have been worthy of punishment in any other, those friars take as a cloak such a holy institution as is the inquisition--as if it were not proper to advise me, and not to force my guardhouse, even though it were a matter for the inquisition. for it is certain that in all that pertains to that holy tribunal, the father commissary must find in me all protection and aid. but i was told nothing except that the force and violence was practiced of which i have given an account. it is to be presumed that it was not a matter that pertained to so holy and righteous a tribunal; but to say that it was a matter of the inquisition was only a pretext and excuse for an act of boldness like that. and in order that your highness may see more clearly what i state, the viceroy of nueva españa, the marquis de cerralbo, sent a surgeon named don garcia to this country for his crimes. he came, condemned to serve for eight years at the will of the governor, without pay. but as i had need of him to go in the fleet of galleons that i was despatching to the forts of terrenate, i tried to have him prepare for that service. he took refuge in the convent of st. dominic, where the fathers aided and protected him. one of them, named fray francisco de paula, told me that among the multitude of my affairs that were to be treated by the inquisition was the fact that i was trying to send the said francisco garcia in the fleet, as its surgeon, since he was a familiar of the holy office. i had not known that before, and i think that it is not so, since the viceroy, in the presence of the tribunal of the holy inquisition of mexico, condemned him and sent him here; or else his cause was such that, even though he was a familiar of the holy office, that holy tribunal did not think it advisable to prevent the punishment imposed by the viceroy. and although the tribunal of mexico, notwithstanding its so great power, refused to prevent that punishment, a friar tries to prevent it here and opposes me, the governor, and protects even a criminal from me--not so much to protect him, as to turn upon and oppose me. in truth, sir, this is a grievous thing, namely, that in whatever desires or whims these friars have, and for whomever they wish to be aided and protected for them against the governor, they immediately find a path by way of the inquisition. those fathers gave the final touch to those annoyances by taking from me, to my great vexation, a goodly number of sailors and some soldiers, who had received their pay in order to make the voyage in the said fleet of galleons to terrenate. one of two friars of st. dominic fled with them in a boat and went by way of macajar to india, in order to go to españa with serious complaints, as i am told, for your highness. however, the path that they are taking is very apt to lead them into the hands of the dutch or of the many other enemies who infest the seas of yndia. it is said, and i regard it as certain, that that was the plan of the father commissary of the holy office; and at least he concurred in and had a part in it. let your highness consider the boldness and freedom of those friars in recklessly entering a matter which is so to the disservice of your highness; and it is a kind of treason to take away the people who are in your service, and who have been already paid to go in the royal fleet. many other things of this sort and of this same kind could be related to your highness, and all need the same remedy. it is one which i think efficacious for the prevention of greater damages, namely, that your highness distinctly order the holy inquisition of mexico to appoint no friar of any order as their commissary in these islands, but some secular, since this function belongs to such. by that means many troubles would be avoided, and greater disorders, which may be feared if the friars act as commissaries, would be obviated; and we shall have the peace that is desired among your people. i entreat your highness to be pleased to consider this matter, and how necessary is what i represent for the exercise of so holy a tribunal, and for your highness's service; for i shall not assure you that the islands will be free from any confusion or insurrection unless reform is given, and it is at least certain that we shall never have peace [otherwise]. and since this holy tribunal always brings peace to the kingdoms where it is just, will your highness do this for me, and grant this request? i petition the above from you in consideration of the above mentioned causes; and because my uncle, the inquisitor, don pedro hurtado de gabiria--who served for thirty years in the inquisition of the canarias, granada, and lograño, and in the royal council as fiscal and inquisitor--having reared me until i was old enough to go to serve your highness in the states of flandes, in the course of his training taught me to obey, to venerate, and to respect so holy a tribunal. and wherever i have been since then, when your highness sent me from the states of flandes to piru, and thence to govern the kingdom of tierra firme at panama, the inquisitions of the said piru and cartaxena, and (when i passed through mexico) that of nueva españa, have shown me, for my great respect, courtesy, and submission, many honors and favors for which i shall always be grateful--as also to your highness, from whom i hope for greater honors. may our lord preserve your highness in your grandeur. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [the letter is followed by the appended documents:] [the act of october 9, 1635, directed against the society of jesus, which will be found in the "letter written by a citizen of manila," vol. xxv, pp. 216-219. in the present document, the act is followed by the following:] collated with the original records which are in possession of his excellency, and which i attest. manila, october ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. the bachelor joan fulgencio, notary. this copy was collated with the copy of the original which is authenticated by the bachelor, joan fulgencio, notary of the archbishop of these islands, don fray hernando guerrero, which is in possession of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands. at his order i drew this copy. manila, october seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five; witnesses being simon delgado, and alférez pedro de arexita. in testimony of truth, i sealed and signed it. andres martin del arroyo, notary of the royal crown. we, the undersigned notaries, attest that andres martin del arroyo, by whom this testimony appears to be signed and sealed, is a royal notary; and, as such, entire faith and credit has been and is given, in and out of court, to the writings, acts, and other papers, which have passed, and pass, before him. so that that may be evident, we give the present. manila, june eighteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. augusto de valenzuelo, notary-public. francisco de rueda, royal notary. sebastian damas, notary of the assembly. [the order presented to the governor by the commissary of the inquisition, francisco de herrera, november 26, 1635, and already presented in vol. xxv, pp. 243-244, follows. in the present document, it is followed by the attestation of the notary, andres del arroyo (dated april 26, 1636), who made the present copy from the original presented to the governor by the commissary. following his attestation is one by the three notaries, baptista de espinosa, alonso baeza del rio, and francisco de casares, attesting the copy of arroyo.] in the city of manila, april two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, member of his majesty's council, his governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein, declared that licentiate manuel suarez de olivera entered a complaint against alférez don francisco de rivera, the corporal of the soldiers of the guard at the gate of santo domingo, for having allowed licentiate don pedro de monrroy to enter this city, contrary to the order of his lordship; and because it appeared that the said don pedro, accompanied by other persons and disguised in the habit of a franciscan friar, entered through the said gate, although the said corporal recognized and stopped him and obstructed his entrance, calling the guard. but the said don pedro forced his way through the guard violently, and entered the convent of st. dominic, of this city. for that reason the said corporal and the soldiers with him were not condemned. and in order that his majesty may know what happened in this matter, and order his pleasure, the governor ordered juan soriano, notary-public, before whom the said complaint was made, to give two or three authorized copies of it. thus did he enact and order, and he affixed his signature. before me: francisco de ortega _head of the process._ in the city of manila, november twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, auditor-general of war, declared that it had come to his notice that although the governor and captain-general of these islands had ordered that no corporal at the gates of the city should allow licentiate don pedro de monrroy to enter this city, alférez don francisco de rivera, corporal at the gate of santo domingo, with three soldiers had allowed him to enter into the said city contrary to the said order. in order that he might chastise the aforesaid corporal and the others who appeared to be guilty, the auditor ordered the said complaint to be entered, with a process according to military usage, and that the witnesses should be examined according to the tenor of it. thus did he enact, and he affixed his signature. licentiate manuel suarez de olivera before me: juan soriano, notary-public. then the said investigation passed to the said auditor-general, who caused domingo de ayamonte, who has been alférez and is a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before him. i, the present notary, received from him the oath in due form of law before god our lord, and with the sign of the cross; and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned, in accordance with the head of the process, he declared that he was a witness of what occurred. he declared that in regard to the said order contained in the head of the process, he did not know it, and that he had not stood guard in this city or in any other place, as he had but lately come from the island of hermosa. what this witness saw was, that while he was seated outside the gate of santo domingo he heard a noise on the part of the wall inside the city, and that some person was calling out to the guard. upon going to see who was calling, and hastening to take part in whatever might arise, he found that the one calling was alférez don francisco de rivera, the corporal; and that the friars of st. dominic and three of st. francis were leading him a lively dance, dealing him many knocks and blows with their fists. after the noise had subsided, this witness asked what the matter was; and some soldiers whom he does not know told him that they had the order mentioned in the said head of the process, and that the said don pedro had entered clad as a religious of st. francis. this witness knows nothing else, nor what soldiers were at the gate; for, as he has but recently arrived, he knows no one. he declared this to be the truth, on the oath that he has taken, and affirmed and ratified it, and declared that he is fifty years old and competent to be a witness. he did not affix his signature, as he could not write. the said auditor-general signed it. licentiate manuel simrez de olivera before me: juan soriano in the city of manila, on the said day, november twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor-general caused pedro gutierrez, a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before him for the said proof. i, the present notary, received from him the oath in due form of law, before god our lord and with the sign of the cross; and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned, in accordance with the head of the process, he declared that what he knows and what passes is as follows: on this the said day, after nightfall, and while the witness was on guard with the corporal, alférez don francisco de rivera, at the gate of santo domingo of this said city; at that time there were two dominican religious outside the gate and two others on the inside--lay brothers of the said order; and at the same time a small champan, with three other religious of st. francis, arrived. having disembarked, they asked for a jug of water; and answer was given them to enter the city and drink. while they were entering the city by the said gate, the said alférez and corporal thought that one of the said franciscans was walking somewhat as if he wished to be unknown. recognizing him, he began to call out to the guard and to lay hold of the franciscan. the witness, having hastened, saw many religious who were fighting the said corporal and the other soldiers with their fists. they did that with this witness, for they gave him many blows and tore his jerkin and shirt from him, showering many insulting words upon this witness and the others. at this juncture he heard the said corporal say that don pedro de monrroy was one of the said friars who was clad in the habit of st. francis. this witness knows that the order contained in the said head of the process was given to him and the others at the said gate, so that they might not allow the said don pedro de monrroy to enter thereby. this witness saw that two of the three franciscan religious who came in the said small champan, and entered this city, tried to go out, and that one of them was left inside. all the above is the truth, on the oath that he has taken. he affirmed and ratified his deposition, and declared that he is forty years of age and competent to be a witness. he signed the above, together with the said auditor-general. further this witness who has made his deposition declares that he saw that a crowd of dominican friars came out, by a little bridge which extends to the guardhouse, and joined the others whom he had mentioned; and these latter are the ones who maltreated the said corporal and the other soldiers. he affirmed that, etc. this witness believes that even if they had had many more soldiers, they could not have resisted the said religious, because of the great force with which they defended the said don pedro de monrroy. licentiate don manuel suarez olivera pedro gutierrez before me: juan soriano, notary-public. in the city of manila, on the said day, november twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor of war caused manuel de campos, a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before him for the said investigation. i, the present notary, received from him the oath in due form of law, before god our lord, and with the sign of the cross; and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned as to the tenor of the process, this witness declared that what he knows and what occurred is as follows: he knows that the order contained in the head of the process was given at the gate of santo domingo. on the above date, after nightfall, as he was at his post, and with orders from alférez don francisco de rivera, the corporal at the said gate, there were at that time, outside the said gate three dominican religious and one secular, and inside one dominican lay brother. at that juncture came a small champan with three religious of st. francis aboard, who joined those others who were outside; and all together began to enter by the said gate--the two franciscans, and one muffled in his mantle. the said commandant came up and looked sharply at the one who was muffled up in the said mantle, saying to him, "i pray you, father, to uncover." the latter answered, "he who meddles in this is a base villain;" and, lowering his head, the said commandant recognized the said pedro de monrroy. seizing him, he called out, "ho, the guard!" this witness hastened to him, and laid hold of the friar whom the said corporal had seized. at that same instant, the father guardian of dilao gave him a blow; while many other friars, who were behind the gate which leads to the convent, charged down upon the said corporal and this witness, and dealt them many blows--dragging them even to the doors of the church, and saying many insulting words to them, telling them that they were excommunicated rogues, who were committing a very great outrage against the church. things were in that condition when the said corporal ordered that witness to go to report to the sargento-mayor; and he did so. the above is the truth, on the oath that he has taken. he affirmed all the above, and declared that he is thirty years old, and competent to be a witness. he signed it, together with the said auditor-general: licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, master-of-camp. juan soriano, notary-public. in the said city of manila, november twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor-general caused a [certain] man arrested for this complaint to appear before him, in order that he might take his deposition. i, the present notary, received the oath from him in due form of law, before god our lord and with the sign of the cross and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned, he stated and declared the following. being asked his name, his age, and his calling and why he is arrested, he stated and declared that his name is don francisco de rivera y oseguera; that he is a soldier of the company of don lorenzo de olaso; that he is twenty-nine years old; and that the reason for his arrest was that, having entered this day to guard the parián, this deponent went as corporal to guard the gate of santo domingo, with orders not to allow don pedro de monrroy to enter by the said gate. while he was at the said gate, and three dominican religious were outside of it, and inside it one, at that juncture arrived a small champan, with three religious of st. francis. they and the others started to enter the said gate, all with their faces covered. in the midst of them was a franciscan friar muffled in his mantle. on that account this deponent was mistrustful, and going to him said: "i pray you, father, to uncover." thereupon the father shrank further within his mantle, but the deponent, going nearer, recognized that it was don pedro de monrroy, who was disguised as a franciscan friar; and this deponent, grappling with him, called out for the guard. thereupon, one of the said religious attacked the said don francisco, and shoved him about, and struck him. and after the said [franciscans] came many other dominican religious, who came out of their convent (which is near the guardhouse); and they began to drag this deponent and the other soldiers to the door of the church. that made the soldiers let go of the said don pedro de monroy; for, even had there been many more soldiers, the religious would have taken him away, as there were many of them, and they came headlong to the encounter. he had a report of all the above made to the sargento-mayor. this, and naught else, is the cause of his arrest; and this is his answer. this deponent being asked whether he saw the disembarkation of the said don pedro de monrroy from the champan, and whether he knew that he was coming disguised as a franciscan friar before he entered the gate, he declared that he did not know it, as night had already fallen; for if he had known it before his arrival at the said gate, he would have prevented his entrance or have shut the gate, and have tried with all his might to obey the order given him. and he would have done that, had not the said friars hastened to him. he stated that he recognized the said don pedro de monrroy only as he was about to enter the said gate in the guardhouse, after which succeeded the aforesaid incidents. this is his response. being asked whether he knows the gravity of the offense which he commits who breaks any military order, this deponent declared that he knew it; but that he kept the said order to the utmost, and no more, because the emergency that he has related occurred. this is his response. being asked whether he knows and recognizes that the said religious were aided by any secular persons in getting the said don pedro de monroy inside the gate, he declared that he had not seen or recognized any secular persons except the said soldiers, his companions, who aided him, and the said religious. this is his response. other questions were asked and brought forward touching the matter; but to all he answered that which he has declared as above, under obligation of the oath that he has sworn. he affixed his signature, together with the auditor-general. licentiate manuel suarez de olivera don francisco de rivera y oseguera before me: juan soriano, notary-public. [the following is contained in the documents enclosed, in another letter of like date with the above letter (also by corcuera to the king, and which will be given, _post_), and gives details omitted by the present document.] _act._ in the city of manila, november twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, auditor-general of the war department of this royal camp, declared that it is advisable, for the greater justification of this complaint, to make investigation among the persons who were about the guardhouse at the gate of santo domingo of this city, in order to ascertain and find out more fully what happened last night at the said gate, by examining more of the witnesses who were present or who knew something of the aforesaid; and that the present notary should record the results as a testimony in this cause, so that it might be apparent for all time. thus did he enact and order, and he signed the same. licentiate manuel suarez de olivera before me: juan soriano _testimony._ in fulfilment of the above act, i, juan soriano, notary-public, one of the registered notaries of this city of manila, in the filipinas islands, for the king our lord, attest and assert truthfully to those who may see these presents that on this day of the above date, at the hour of ten in the morning or thereabout, i, in company with the said auditor-general, went to the gate of santo domingo of this said city, where there is generally a guardhouse of soldiers. i made an investigation among the persons near the said gate, and asked them whether any of them were present at what is contained in these records, and which happened at this gate last night, which is reckoned the twenty-first of this month. no one was found who could tell me anything about the aforesaid; and i gave the present because of what is contained in the commandment of the said auditor-general. given in the city of manila, november twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. witness, the said constable, francisco gutierrez. i seal it in testimony of the truth, juan soriano, notary-public. _act of accusation and proof_. in the city of manila, november twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, [14] licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, auditor-general of the war department of this royal camp, declared that having examined this complaint and the verbal process and investigation of it, he would charge--and he did charge--the said alférez don francisco de rivera with what has resulted against him from the said verbal process; and that he would immediately receive--and he did receive--this suit and complaint and the parties to it, for proof within the time-limit of the two days next following, common to the said parties, with all responsibility of publication and direction, and all the rest, with citation. within that time, they may prove and investigate whatever is expedient for them, and be cited in due form for sentence. thus did he enact and order, and he signed the same; and the witnesses of the verbal process shall be notified before the said auditor-general, etc. licentiate manuel suarez de olivera before me: juan soriano, notary-public. _notification_. in the city of manila, november twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, i gave notice of the above act of proof, according to its contents, to alférez don francisco de rivera, in his own person. he declared that he has no more proof to give than what he has given already; for, when the affair occurred, there were no other witnesses than the soldiers his companions, who have told and sworn the truth of what occurred. he gave the above as his reply, and i attest the same. juan soriano, notary-public. _ratification_. in the city of manila, november twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor of war caused pedro gutierrez, a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before himself. i, the present notary, received an oath from him in due form of law, before god our lord and with the sign of the cross. he promised to tell the truth, and, under that obligation, his testimony and the deposition that he made last night, the twenty-first of this month, before licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, auditor-general of war, and before me, the present notary, having been read and shown to him, he, having understood and read it word for word, declared that all therein contained, exactly as it is written and testified, was declared and asserted by him; and that the signature at the foot is in the hand and writing of this witness, and he recognizes it as such. if necessary, he again declares it in this plenary act, and he affirms and ratifies it in every point. he affixes his signature, and declares that he is forty years old, and competent to act as a witness. it is signed by the said auditor, licentiate suarez pedro gutierrez before me: juan soriano [a like declaration is received from the soldier martin de campos.] _act._ in the city of manila, november twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, auditor-general of the war department of this royal camp, having examined this complaint which he made officially, for the royal justice of war, against alférez don francisco de rivera, in regard to his allowing don pedro de monrroy to enter the gate of santo domingo of this city, while he was corporal at it, in violation of his orders from the governor and captain-general, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, to the effect that he was not to allow him to enter this city, etc., said that in consideration of what had been recounted by the investigation of this cause, the said alférez was not guilty in regard to the said entrance. on the contrary, he had done everything in accordance with his obligation to keep the said order. the auditor said that he declared--and he did so declare--the said alférez to be free and acquitted from the said charge; and said that he had done what his duty demanded in the fulfilment of his order, as a faithful soldier. by this act so did he enact, and he signed the same. licentiate manuel suarez de olivera before me: juan soriano, notary-public. remission in testimony of truth. juan soriano, notary-public. fees gratis. [an attestation of the authenticity of all matters that pass before juan soriano, dated november 29, 1635, [15] and signed by three notaries, follows.] sire: justice in this country was in the worst [possible] condition, because no one looked to your majesty for it, and some of your vassals were committing outrages on others without fear of god or respect for your majesty's officials. there was great license and looseness of life, in both men and women. that has been corrected by exiling some of the men, and arresting others; and by rebuking and threatening the women of quality, and sheltering others of less standing, in the seminary of santa potenciana, until they are sought in marriage from that house. i have done that with despatch, considering only the service of god and of your majesty. by that means many of the laymen have been restrained, as well as many of the ecclesiastical estate and regulars, who likewise have caused scandal in this direction. two men have been punished by hanging--one for having stolen the monstrance of the most holy sacrament; and the other for the murder of a slave girl whom he had owned, and whom the archbishop had caused to be sold because he was living with her in illicit relations. in order that he might not be deprived of her, he declared that he would marry her, although he had said the year before that he had been married in nueva españa. the slave girl said that she preferred to belong to another than to be his wife. the slave girl going carelessly behind her mistress's carriage, that man, deliberately and very securely, approached her by stealth; and, embracing her from behind, he stabbed and killed her treacherously. he took refuge in the convent of st. augustine, where neither the master-of-camp nor the sargento-mayor could find him. but a few days after that, when the affair had died down somewhat, because of the reward offered to my adjutant of the camp, the latter found him and took him from the convent. i referred the cause to the general of artillery, as the man was his subordinate, so that he might try it in the first instance. the general condemned him to death. he appealed to his commander-in-chief; but the auditor-general returned the cause, saying that it had no appeal, as he was convinced of the man's treachery and perfidy. thereupon the general of artillery set about the execution of the sentence of death. the archbishop of this church excommunicated the general of artillery; and his provisor, one don pedro de monrroy, a restless man, and a friend of revolution, sent twice to excommunicate me. but i gave them no opportunity to notify me at all. they declared interdicts and the cessation of divine services. the sentence was executed, and the dead man was returned to the door of the church. i wrote to the archbishop with all courtesy, entreating him to be pleased to have the churches opened and not to leave this community without mass and consolation on a day such as the nativity of our lady; and that, as justice was already done, there was nothing else to do. the archbishop called a meeting of the religious of all the orders. they thinking in this way to avenge themselves for insults that they imagined they had received--the fathers of st. dominic because i did not allow them to place benches in the principal chapel of their church when the royal audiencia was present, for other persons, and on matters touching the communal funds [of the sangleys]; those of st. francis, because of the hospitals; and those of st. augustine, because of what i had already written--carried the torch into that meeting, making a political argument from the fact that the archbishop and i were at swords' points. accordingly, they were of the opinion that the censures should be raised under no circumstances, and they talked very unbecomingly of my person. only the fathers of the society defended the royal jurisdiction, being followed by one of the franciscans. they showed clearly that the execution that had been performed was a good thing, as the murder had clearly been a treacherous one. therefore the other religious gave them cause for merit by uttering insults toward them; and from that instant took so great an aversion to them that it was the beginning of the disturbances that happened afterward. i went twice and thrice to request the archbishop to raise the interdict and the cessation of mass, but he was so far from doing it that he even refused to answer my letters. so i left him; but afterward, for certain reasons or at the request of others, he raised the censures and interdict, and absolved the general of artillery _ad cautelam_--for the latter did not consider himself as excommunicated, nor did learned men even consider him as such. that was very evident; for, having appealed to the bishop of camarines, the sentence was in his favor, and he was absolved from the pecuniary fines imposed by the archbishop. thereupon that tempest was quieted. the principal instigator of it had been the provisor, don pedro de monrroy, and its fomentors were the religious of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine. i, recognizing the naturally turbulent spirit of the said provisor, thought that we would be involved in other storms soon, unless something were done to prevent it, and some scheme found so that he might not be provisor. for that purpose, i wrote the archbishop to observe a decree of your majesty in which you order, in the time of don juan niño de tabora, that provisors be lettered, and that, since this man was not so, the office be given to another who was, thereby obeying your majesty's orders. he did not answer me, but called a meeting of the religious of the three orders. all decided not to remove the provisor, and, in good romance, not to obey the royal decree, but to oppose it--as they said, even to the death, if necessary. in order that your majesty may see for whom the archbishop and religious made so great a pledge, don pedro de monrroy is a secular priest, who does not possess, as your majesty orders, the education that provisors must necessarily have (since he possesses no degree in any faculty); still more, it is apparent to this whole community that his house is a public gaming-house for all this city, where the gambling is so extravagant, and men lose their possessions so recklessly and preposterously that i am obliged to correct it efficaciously by forbidding all persons, under penalty of fines, from going to play in his house. he is a secular priest who says mass throughout the year, except now and then; and is, finally, a restless fellow and one who likes [to stir up] revolutions. in the time of governor don alonso faxardo, he was the cause of a great disturbance in the community, by excommunicating the auditors. he was sentenced to exile from the kingdoms for that reason and the temporalities were taken from him, as your majesty will see by the enclosed testimony of the royal decree that was despatched for that purpose. but since justice in these islands is in the charge of protectors, the said decree, at the request of certain persons, was not executed. although i might execute it, in order to cut the root of the disturbances, i did not do so, in order to obviate difficulties and murmurs in a community so small. therefore, seeing that there was no other way that was milder, i offered the said provisor the chaplaincy-in-chief and vicariate of the island of hermosa--as will appear by my letter and his reply, which i enclose herewith for your majesty. [16] that was with the intent of getting him away from manila, so that he might not embroil us. but that offer which i made to the said provisor aroused innumerable disputes. the archbishop declared that i was the violator of the ecclesiastical immunity. he immediately convoked a meeting of the religious, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and other seculars. the seculars, and the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray diego duarte, excused themselves--the fathers of the society of jesus, in very courteous terms, also begging to be excused from attending meetings where nothing else was discussed save opposition to the government. the archbishop and the members of the orders were so angry because the fathers of the society did not attend that meeting (not taking into consideration at all that the bishop of nueva segovia and the ecclesiastical cabildo did not attend, either), that they turned against the said fathers of the society. the first thing done in the said meeting was to enact an act which i enclose herewith. [17] in it they are separated from the other orders, and the latter were prohibited from admitting the jesuits into their convents for feasts or other ceremonies. the other orders were not to go to the convent of the society for public ceremonies or for feasts; while those fathers could not preach in the cathedral, or in any other churches outside of their house, throughout this archbishopric--which was equal to exiling them from its territories. to such a height did passion--not to say the hate of the archbishop and orders--rise against the society of jesus, that one must pass by what was determined against them in the said meeting, in which all that was done was to discuss the government and royal jurisdiction. the archbishop and the religious seeing that the fathers of the society were not disturbed--for which object the former were striving--because of the resolution made in the said meeting, the archbishop, twenty days later, sent a notary with a notification to the superiors of the society, ordering that they should not preach outside their house, not even in the plazas and the guardhouses, under penalty of major excommunication, _late sentencie_, and a fine of four thousand ducados for the holy crusade--a thing which greatly scandalized all this community. the fathers of the society answered with moderation that they would obey whatever was not contrary to the privileges and immunities given them by the roman pontiffs; but that, since the tenor of this act was hostile to those rights, and manifest injuries were being caused to the society--first, because all of them had been deprived of the preaching, without other fault than having defended the royal jurisdiction, and the truth; second, in ordering this with [penalty of] excommunication and pecuniary fines; third, by prohibiting them from giving instruction, even in the plazas and guardhouses--they were obliged to appoint a judge-conservator; for although they had tried all means of peace they had succeeded in none, or in finding any method by which peace could be secured. on the contrary, they were notified of another act on the part of the archbishop, on the third day after, ordering them not to instruct certain indians, of whom they had legitimate control by provisions of two former prelates and of the royal patronage. from that they feared new notifications and insults, and therefore they appointed their judge-conservator on the second of november, of the past year 1635. he was a dignitary of this holy church, one don fabian de santillan y gavilanes, a qualified person of this country, and son of a treasurer of the royal exchequer. the judge-conservator ordered the archbishop to take back the acts made against the society of jesus, as they were a manifest injury. the archbishop had recourse to the royal audiencia with a plea of fuerza. the acts were requested, and the fathers of the society went to maintain their just claims, as did those of the other orders on the part of the archbishop. for, although what the society was defending was in favor of all the other orders, they did not think of that. on the contrary, they preferred to lose two eyes, in order as the saying is, to tear one from the society--against whom the fear and aversion which they cherish is remarkable, as they show by word and deed. they do the society ill turns whenever possible. after the secretary had made a report of the cause, those of the society brought forward the arguments in favor of their side; they proved also that a manifest injury had been done them in the decrees of the archbishop, and that the judge-conservator was legally appointed. the religious, who had gone on the archbishop's behalf, had nothing to say, and asked for another day in which to state their case. the following day was granted them. they summoned many more religious, and six of them were heard in the archbishop's behalf. those of the society replied to what the others opposed to them, but those of the opposing side did not satisfactorily answer those of the society. thereupon, the royal audiencia declared that the judge-conservator had not employed fuerza, and that he was legally appointed. therefore, the latter continued to press the archbishop with censures, in order to make him withdraw the acts issued against the society. the archbishop did so; but, when the matter was in a condition to be disposed of and finished in a few days, it was discovered that the archbishop and some of the three said orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, had held a conference, and had drawn up a defamatory libel under the title of a protest. they had included in it, according to public report, not only those of the society, but also the judge-conservator himself, and the royal audiencia, because they had passed judgment contrary to their will. that protest or libel was authenticated by a royal notary named diego de rueda, who is also a familiar of the holy office. the judge-conservator arrested him, and with the aid that he requested, the commissary of the holy office--who here is a dominican father, named fray francisco de herrera--went to ask the said judge-conservator for his familiar, the said notary. the judge-conservator answered that he had already taken his deposition, and had no further need of him; but that they should demand him from me, for he had been arrested by my order. i answered that he had been delinquent in the exercise of his duty, for having authenticated, as royal notary, a defamatory libel; and that the punishment therefor pertained to the royal jurisdiction. the father commissary sent two young and impudent friars to me, to notify me of the act which i enclose herewith for your majesty, and laid his orders on me as imperiously as if he were the supreme tribunal of the inquisition. i, on the contrary, before the completion of the notification, took the act from the hands of his agent with mildness, and sent him to the port of cavite, charging his superior there to keep him in that place and treat him well. this i did purposely, because it is not proper for a youthful friar to talk with so great freedom to the representative of your majesty--especially in a cause which is so peculiar to the royal jurisdiction as is this offense, which concerns the office of a notary. on that account, the fathers of st. domingo took occasion to utter blasphemies against me. they declared that i was excommunicated for hindering the service of the inquisition; that i was deposed, that i was not governor; that i could not act as governor; that the senior auditor was to assume the government immediately; that he was to imprison me and lock me up in a fort. in confirmation of what they were saying throughout the city, they brought a friar from cavite, named fray francisco pinelo, whom, being bold, eloquent, and satirical in the pulpit (as is well known in this community), they caused to preach the second sunday in advent. he read a bull in the pulpit, which was said to be by pius fifth, and which was in romance. therein the pontiff orders that he who should prevent the exercise of the holy office should be infamous and incapacitated from office, etc. that he declared in such a tone and manner that it was clearly seen that it was all for the governor, and that he was censuring me as infamous. in order that your majesty may see the license of the friars in this country, and how they treat those who exercise this office--and this under protection of the inquisition, hiding under the authority of so holy a tribunal, to avenge their passions in things which, truly, neither belong to the inquisition nor are at all connected with it--in that same sermon, innumerable other things and satires were uttered against me and against the royal audiencia for having declared, contrary to the pleasure of the friars, that the judge-conservator was not employing fuerza against the fathers of the society, censuring them as heretics; and against the judge-conservator himself, calling him a canon of london. they have made use of this style of preaching in many sermons throughout this time. the recollect fathers of st. augustine imitated him, and i am told that this is no new thing; for whatever the governors do that is displeasing to them they immediately take into the pulpits, thus making the pulpit the professorship of vengeance, while it is the seat of christ for the preaching of his holy word. the disorder that has always existed in this regard is very great, and the matter demands an efficacious remedy. what occurs to me is, for your majesty to send a decree to the governor, ordering that, when the said orders preach in this manner, he shall advise their provincial, so that the latter may deprive them of the privilege of preaching, and exile them from manila to whatever place shall be deemed best; and that, if the provincial shall not do so, then your majesty should immediately take away the temporalities from all of such order, and should order the royal officials not to pay them anything, not even the stipends for the instruction. for that nothing more should be necessary than for the governor to order it. that decree should be sent, but with restrictions, so that it may be a check on them; for your majesty has sent many decrees to the provincials, charging them not to preach whatever they please against the governors, but they do not obey them. your majesty will see the importance of this matter, because those friars stir up and disquiet the country by these actions and sermons, and arouse hatred toward the governors. the fathers of st. dominic left no stone unturned. they drew up a paper, in which they spoke very discourteously of my person; and with it they presented a petition to the dean of this cathedral church--who, inasmuch as the archbishop had been excommunicated by the judge-conservator, was acting as provisor and vicar-general in it--asking him to declare and publish me in the lists as excommunicated. the dean, who is a prudent and aged man, was very far from doing so. of a truth, sire, i cannot fail to represent to your majesty, in regard to this point, how great is the resulting inconvenience that any ordinary at all can declare your majesty's governors and viceroys excommunicated. and that would be a great embarrassment and cause for disturbance for a community; for, if the governor were declared excommunicated, the discontented would take the opportunity to release themselves from his obedience, and to excite a revolt against their legitimate king and lord. there is not lacking one who says that the bishops and ordinaries cannot do this, since the viceroys and governors enjoy the royal privileges, and that no other than the pope himself can excommunicate kings. if this is so, will your majesty be pleased to declare it, for such a declaration would be very advisable; or order what should be done in this particular. among these things there occurred another very regrettable incident. don pedro de monroy, who was now no longer provisor, left the city; and fearing that, if he returned hither, he would embroil the matter more, as was his custom, i gave orders at the gates of the city that, if he attempted to enter it, he was not to be allowed to do so. but on the twenty-first of last november, the said don pedro de monroy, clad as a franciscan friar, in the company of two other franciscan friars, attempted to enter by a gate near the convent of santo domingo. a number of religious came out of the convent to receive him. he who was stationed at the gate as commander recognized him, seized him, and cried out to his soldiers to take their weapons and prevent his entrance. but there were so many dominican friars who attacked the soldiers, and defended don pedro with their fists, that the soldiers could not use their weapons or prevent the entrance. thus, by forcing their way into the guardhouse, the friars, brought him into the city. i felt the resentment in this matter that was natural, and i ordered the corporal and the soldiers to be arrested. being about to punish them for not having obeyed their orders, they exculpated themselves very thoroughly in the investigation made by the auditor-general, but the violence of the religious gave the soldiers no opportunity to do more. consider, your majesty, what liberties these are to be taken from religious; and who can endure them? i wrote to their vicar-provincial, but he answered coolly that his religious had not done any such thing, as they are obedient, and that he had information to the contrary. the father vicar-provincial adds that don pedro [de] monrroy entered the city in response to the summons of the inquisition. this word "inquisition" is the motto and cry of the fathers of the order of st. dominic in these islands, for whatever they wish to do. your majesty will have seen from the aforesaid what ill use they make of the authority of the inquisition--so much so, that i assert that with it they disturb and excite the community, which would not be safe if your majesty did not have so many soldiers here. therefore, since it is advisable to preserve peace here, will your majesty be pleased to order the supreme tribunal of the inquisition to order the tribunal of mexico to appoint, as commissaries, not friars but seculars, since there are so many seculars who are able to act in that capacity, and since it is an office that properly belongs to the ecclesiastical estate. affairs will then run more smoothly, and there will be more harmony; and i do not expect peace until that be done, and until these lawless acts be checked. the judge-conservator went on with his commission, urging the archbishop with censures in order to make him hand over the protest or libel which had been made; but the religious gained possession, by force, of the will of the archbishop, and although he desired to surrender the paper, they did not allow him to do so. he gave it to fray diego collado, of the order of st. dominic, who secured such possession of that paper that afterward the archbishop himself was unable to obtain it, notwithstanding his efforts. all was now confusion in the community, and the friars made innumerable evil and vile reports against the fathers of the society (who bore these attacks in silence), whenever they had an opportunity. they preached innumerable satires against the same fathers of the society, and against the judge-conservator, saying that these were bringing in innumerable innovations--all for the purpose of causing a disturbance. as the preservation of peace pertains to me, i one day summoned the superiors of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, st. augustine, and of the recollects, and the father commissary of the holy office, in your majesty's name, and by a duly-executed decree of the royal audiencia. the father commissary refused to come, and sent no excuse. the superiors were told that they were to keep their friars still, so that they might not go about disquieting the community. in regard to those who were most to blame in this--namely, fray francisco de paula and fray sebastian de oquendo of the order of st. dominic, and fray alonso de carvajal and fray alonso de ochoa, of the order of st. augustine--their superiors were ordered, in your majesty's name, to cause them to leave the city for some time. but they would by no means obey, for at this time the friars do not recognize your majesty; and, in order to avoid other troubles, i had to overlook this, and let things go. at that time i was attending to the despatch to maluco of the galleons which were to go with the reënforcements. the religious of st. dominic even allured a pilot whom i had honored and favored, and whom i had chosen to go in the almiranta, so that he should desert with some of them by way of india. i learned of it, and was obliged to arrest him, and to leave orders at the gates not to allow either of the two religious of the order of st. dominic, namely, fray francisco pinello and fray diego collado, who were the two implicated in this flight, to leave the city. therefore, because of this order, they began to assert that i was incurring innumerable excommunications. they do not stop to consider that i have this city and these islands in charge, and that, accordingly, i must conserve them, and look out for them, and issue the advisable military orders that i esteem necessary; and that i could not prevent that damage except by not permitting those religious to leave the walls. in another manner, some other religious incited a goodly number of sailors, who, having received their pay to go to maluco, fled in a boat called "champan," and laid their course toward india. with them was a secular named don francisco montero, who had been expelled from the religious estate--a restless man, who had been deprived some few months before of the chaplaincy of the seminary of santa potenciana, as he was not suitable for that post and served it ill. there was also a recollect franciscan friar, named fray nicolas de tolentino, who was angered because his order had not elected him provincial, as he wished; and there was also a friar of st. dominic. they are said to be about to go to españa, with the intention of complaining of me to the supreme inquisition. but the road followed is apt to take them into the hands of the dutch, or to shipwreck. but in case any such complaint should be carried to españa, i am informing your majesty of everything. i also do so that your majesty may see to what lengths these friars go, and how necessary it is to check them, so that they may not cause similar desertions--which appear outrages, and which are so, to the disservice of your majesty, as it takes from us the men who should attend to the royal service in the royal fleet. while affairs were in this condition, and the archbishop refused to give me the protest or libel which was asked from him, and the judge-conservator would not desist from requesting it, as i judged that it was of service to our lord and to your majesty for me to interpose my authority and settle affairs, i called a meeting of the four best lawyers in manila, among whom was the fiscal of this royal audiencia. to that meeting i summoned the father provincial and father rector of the society, and the judge-conservator himself. the lawyers read the opinions, over which they had studied for several days. all agreed that the judge-conservator could remove a suspension that he had imposed on the archbishop as a means of getting the said protest or libel from him; as they said that such suspension was condemnatory. [18] for the same reason they said that he could moderate or completely abrogate the pecuniary fines. the fathers of the society, although they were the ones offended, charitably took the archbishop's part, and favored the opinion of the lawyers, and desired that the archbishop come safely out of the affair. the judge-conservator alone was somewhat harsh, and appeared to agree to nothing of this. but i asked, entreated, and persuaded him, so that he had to agree to it and absolve the archbishop from everything. thus was the affair completely ended, on january twenty-eight. i went in my coach and took the archbishop to his cathedral. a huge crowd of people assembled there, and there was much rejoicing in the community because of the conclusion of those suits, and because it is believed that your majesty will consider it well done and to your royal service. however, i am ever on the watch for new disturbances, as the archbishop is naturally inclined to such. sire, i do not know that the prelates who are clamoring at madrid are the ones needed here in these islands. not even for this archbishopric is it advisable that the archbishop be a religious; but he should be some learned secular of exemplary life--one of the many whom your majesty has in your kingdoms. and i say the same also even for the other bishopries, in so far as that might be possible. for the harmony that should reign in these islands, it is of the highest importance that the prelates be seculars instead of friars; for these latter side with the others and throw everything into confusion, and oppose the governor to the best of their ability. with secular prelates, things will go better, and great harmony will reign. i have reported these litigations so minutely that your majesty may know the exact truth--if any of the parties should write or go there, and try to deviate from the truth in their relation. may our lord preserve your majesty's royal person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [the present document is accompanied by the following documents:] [the act enacted against the society of jesus by the archbishop and orders on october 9, 1635, _q.v._ vol. xxv, pp. 216-219 (and the notarial attestations, _ante_, pp. 72, 73); the letter from the governor to pedro de monroy, of october 8, 1635, _q.v.,_ vol. xxv, pp. 207-208; the reply of the provisor, _q.v., ut supra_, pp. 209-210; the letter from the archbishop to the governor, october 9, 1635, _q.v., ut supra_, p. 221; the governor's reply to the archbishop, _q.v., ut supra_, pp. 221-223 (followed here by notarial attestation of the present copy, made at cavite, june 26, 1636).] don felipe, by the grace of god, king of castilla, leon, aragon, the two cicilias, jerusalem, portugal, navarra, granada, toledo, valencia, galicia, mallorca, sevilla, cerdeña, cordoba, corcega, murcia, jaen, the algarbes, algeciras, gibraltar, the canarias islands, the east and west indias, the islands and mainland of the ocean sea; archduke of austria: duke of borgoña, bramonte, and milan; count of axpurg, flandes, tirol, barcelona, vizcaya, and molina, etc.: inasmuch as don pedro de monrroy proceeded, when provisor of the archbishopric of manila, against licentiate don francisco de saavedra valderrama, auditor of my royal audiencia and chancillería established in the city of manila, of my filipinas islands, on the ground that he had taken the notary, de vega [_i.e._, diego?] soto from the church, where he had taken refuge because of the criminal suit that was being prosecuted against him for the falsehoods and theft with which he is charged in regard to the silver lacking in the wreck of the ship "sant nicolas de tolentino" (he being the notary of that ship), it was ordered that he be restored to the church under penalty of certain fines and censures. notwithstanding that he appealed in due time and form, and threatened the royal aid against fuerza, and licentiate marcos zapata de galvez, my fiscal in the said audiencia (who took part in the cause because of what pertains to my royal jurisdiction), did the same, the person aforesaid [_i.e._, pedro de monroy] continued to prosecute the said suit, with greater penalties and censures. therefore, the said my fiscal presented himself in the said my audiencia in the said appeal from fuerza. having examined the acts in the matter, it was decreed by an act, on the seventh of the present month and year of the date of this my letter, that the said provisor was declared to have employed fuerza, and he was ordered to recall and repeal his acts; and the aforesaid [provisor] must freely allow the said appeals before the superior judge, who should annul all that had been done and enacted in prejudice of those appeals. he was to raise and remove the censures and interdicts which had been laid, and absolve those who had been excommunicated. although he ought, in accordance with law, to obey and observe the tenor of the aforesaid decree, not only did he not do so, but on the contrary, adding fuerza to fuerza, he excommunicated auditor don alvaro de mesa y lugo, auditor of the said my audiencia, with new fines and censures. therefore, at the petition of the said my fiscal, my first and second letters were issued and despatched by the said my audiencia as royal decrees, ordering that the tenor of the said act should be observed and kept, under penalty of a fine of two thousand castilian ducados and deprivation of the temporalities, and of being exiled from my kingdoms. although he was notified, he always remained rebellious and obstinate against fulfilling it. therefore, it was declared by a third letter and royal decree, which was issued and despatched on the eighth of the said month and year, that he had incurred the said fine of the two thousand castilian ducados, exile from my kingdoms, deprivation from all the temporalities that he possesses and enjoys, and exclusion from them. as the said don pedro de monrroy has absented and hidden himself, its execution has not been entirely carried out in regard to expelling him from the country. it is advisable to make the necessary efforts, both that the aforesaid decree may be made public in the said city, and that what has been enacted may be executed. therefore, the matter having been examined by the president and auditors in the said my royal audiencia, it was resolved that i ought to order this my letter and royal decree to be issued. by it i order and command that it be proclaimed publicly in the city of manila, in its public places, that all its citizens, residents, and inhabitants shall consider the said don pedro de monrroy as exiled from my kingdoms; and, as such, that they treat him both in regard to any offices or dignities in which he may be serving, and in all other things regulated by law, as a rebel to my royal mandates; and they shall not receive or conceal him in their houses, or in any other place, nor shall they aid or protect him, so that he may be hidden--under penalty of a fine of two thousand castilian ducados for my royal-exchequer, to which i shall consider as immediately condemned whomsoever shall do the contrary. further, they shall be proceeded against by the whole rigor of the law, as against receivers and concealers of persons exiled from my kingdoms, and declared as such. i request and charge the superiors of the orders of this city, and outside the city, and other ecclesiastical person not to admit him into the city under any consideration, with warning that i shall consider myself disserved if such be done, and if more can be done in law, it is ordered to be provided as the most advisable remedy, inasmuch as it is thus fitting for my service, and my authority, protection, defense, and the conservation of my royal jurisdiction. given at manila, september twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three. don alonso faxardo de tenza doctor don alvaro de mesa y lugo licentiate don juan de saavedra valderrama i, pedro muñoz de herrera, who exercise the office of notary of the assembly of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these filipinas islands, caused this to be written by order of the king our sovereign, by the resolution of the president and auditors of that body. don juan sarmiento chancellor of don juan sarmiento [19] this copy is collated with the original royal decree, which is in the possession of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands. by order of his lordship, i drew this copy at manila, october seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. witnesses, simon delgado and the accountant, juan bautista de zubiaga. in testimony of truth, i sealed and signed it. andres martin de arroyo, notary of the royal crown. we, the undersigned notaries of the king our sovereign, attest that andres martin del arroyo, by whom this copy appears to be sealed and signed, is such royal notary as he has called himself therein. to the writings and acts that have passed, and pass, before him, entire credit has been and is given, in and out of court. so that this may appear, we affix our signatures. given at manila, june eighteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. augustin de valenzuela, notary-public. francisco de rueda, royal notary. sebastian damas, notary of the assembly. [the act of the commissary of the inquisition, dated november 26, 1635, presented to the governor and concerning the libelous protest issued by the archbishop and religious (_q.v._, vol. xxv, pp. 243-244); and the records of the trial and acquittal of francisco de rivera _q.v., ante_, pp. 73-86, taken in part from the present document) follow.] _act, and head of the process for captain juan dominguez, the pilot._ in the port of cavite, december twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, general don andres pacheco de tholedo, lieutenant-governor and captain-general, castellan and chief justice in this said fort for his majesty, declared that inasmuch as it has come to his notice that captain juan dominguez, who is captain of a company of marine infantry and pilot-in-chief of these islands, has attempted to absent himself from them, and to go in a champan to the kingdoms of castilla by way of yndia, without permission of the governor, of all which the said judge has been advised by certain papers without signature that were given to him, and by other circumstantial evidence that he has had: in order that the said crime may be punished, in accordance with the military ordinances, he ordered that an official investigation be made by the department of royal justice, according to military usage and procedure, and that the witnesses be examined in accordance with the tenor of this act and head of the process. thus did he enact, and he affixed his signature. don andres pacheco de tholedo before me: agustin de balençuela, notary-public. _testimony._ in the port of cavite, december twenty-two, one thousand six-hundred and thirty-five, the said judge summoned before him, for the said investigation, the chief gunner, daniel alvarez, an inhabitant of this said port. the oath was taken from him in due form of law, before god our lord and with the sign of the cross, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned according to the tenor of the act and the head of the process, of this other part, this witness declared that he knows captain juan dominguez, and that what he knows and what occurred is as follows: about twenty days or so ago, bartolome martin, an artilleryman, and both a countryman and a friend of this witness, said that captain juan dominguez had communicated with him, and asked him whether he would like to go to españa by way of yndia; and, if so, that he would take him also; for he, together with ten or twelve others who were sailors, was going to take a friar of st. dominic to yndia. the latter was going to take papers and despatches from the archbishop and the orders in the city of manila; and they were giving the said juan dominguez four thousand pesos for this enterprise. the said bartolome martin replied to him: "captain juan dominguez, i am equipped to go to terrenate, to serve in my post as artilleryman under general don guillermo somante. on my return from the voyage, i think that i shall go to españa, the same way by which i came. therefore, i do not care to go." this is what this witness knows, and what he has heard. it is the truth, under obligation of the oath that he has taken, by which he affirmed and ratified it. he declared that he was competent to act as a witness, and that he is forty years old. he affixed his signature, and the said judge signed it. daniel alvarez [a rubric, apparently that of the said judge, is at the foot.] before me: agustin de valençuela, notary-public. then the said judge immediately summoned bartolome martin, an artilleryman, to appear before him for the said investigation, on the said day, month, and year. from him was taken an oath in due form of law before god and with the sign of the cross, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned in accordance with the said act and head of the process, this witness declared that he knows captain juan dominguez; and that about twenty days or so ago, he called to this witness and told him to come to see him, as he had some business to talk over with him. thereupon this witness went to his house that night, and found him there with christobal romero and other persons. this witness waited until they had gone, and then asked the said captain what he wished from him. he replied that he had made arrangements with the fathers of st. domingo and some other persons (whose names he did not declare) to go in a champan from here to malaca, and from malaca to goa, in order to take some letters from the archbishop and orders of the city of manila to españa, written against the governor and captain-general of these islands about the affairs of the judge-conservator. he was to take two friars of st. domingo in the said champan, who were giving him more than four thousand pesos for that enterprise. he asked the witness whether he did not wish to leave so wretched a country, since the governor was acting so harshly toward the men of his calling, whose wages he had cut down. this witness answered that he did not wish to go with him; and that he was not a deserter, nor in debt, nor was there anything else that should lead him to absent himself. he said that he was now about to go to terrenate, and that opportunity would not be lacking for him to go to españa on his return; and then he would not have to go secretly and at such a risk, which might cost him dear. and he went to recount the occurrence, just as it had happened, to the chief gunner daniel alvarez (who cites him in his deposition), as they are friends. this is what occurred and is the truth, on the oath that he has taken, on which he affirmed and ratified it. he said that he was competent to act as a witness, and that he is thirty-one years old. he affixed his signature, and the said judge signed it. bartolome martin [the rubric of the said judge appears at the foot.] before me: agustin de valençuela, notary-public. then immediately on the said day, month, and year, the said judge summoned jose martin de barcelona before him for the said investigation. an oath was received from him in due form of law, before god our lord and with the sign of the cross, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned in accordance with the tenor of the said act, he declared that he knows the said captain juan dominguez; and although it is true that this witness stated that the said captain juan dominguez was not to go to terrenate, he did not say that because he thought that he was going to yndia, but because it was reported that the royal officials were going to arrest him for a sum of pesos which he owes to the royal treasury. he understands or knows nothing else than what he has declared, and that is the truth, on his oath, on which he affirmed and ratified his statements. he declared that he is competent to act as a witness, and that he is forty-four years old. he affixed his signature to the same, and the said judge signed it. jose martin de barcelona [a rubric is seen at the bottom, which is that generally used by the said judge.] before me: agustin de valençuela, notary-public. thereupon, immediately on the said day, month, and year, the said judge summoned cosme chacon, an artilleryman, before him for the said investigation. an oath was taken from him in due form of law, before god our lord and with the sign of the cross, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. being questioned according to the tenor of the said act and the head of the process, he declared that what he knows is, that it was said publicly and openly in that port, four or five days ago, or thereabout, that certain persons of the port had told the said judge that captain juan dominguez was trying to absent himself and go to españa by way of yndia, for which they had given the judge a letter. this witness has spoken about this same matter, and has no further information than what he has given. he was asked by the said judge whether, some four or five days ago, when the chief gunner of the fort at this port arrested him because he would not attend to the duties of his post, the witness said that the chief gunner's command over him would soon end. he declared that the words contained in the above question are true, but that his meaning in saying them was that his post of artilleryman would soon be exchanged for that of soldier (which is the employment that this witness professes), and that he made the aforesaid remark with no other meaning. this is his answer, and he declared that it is entirely true, on his oath, by which he affirmed and ratified his statement. he declared that he is competent to act as a witness; that he is twenty-seven years old; and that he does not know how to sign the above. the said judge signed it. [at the foot appears the rubric of the judge.] agustin de valençuela, notary-public. collated with the original, which is in the archives of my office, and i refer to it. at the order of general don andres pacheco de toledo, lieutenant-governor and captain-general, castellan, commandant and justice of this port, i give the present in cavite, april twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. witnesses, agustin de carrança, christobal de molina, and captain juan despinosa. in testimony of the truth, i seal it. agustin de valençuela, notary-public. _letter written by bartolomé dominguez to juan romero_ dear comrade: i trust that this letter will find your grace in the enjoyment of as good health as i wish for myself. mine is good, and at your grace's service. in regard to my return, your grace must know that, when i parted from your grace in manila, i did not have any such thought; nor did i know of it until i reached cavite, when estacio talked with me. seeing myself so out of favor and my brother dead, i resolved to return, on account of those changes. we went in a small champan--ten men and one friar--to a distance eight leguas from maribeles. there we found a large champan and two religious. we all embarked, and went to a district belonging to the fathers, to deck the champan over. we have provisions for two years; powder and balls, muskets, and two small pieces of bronze artillery [_esmeriles_]. they give each of us three hundred pesos and our expenses to españa. esteves has your grace's new doublet; and your grace can get it [from him]. francisco cachata owes [me] three pesos and bartolo two--all to be used in saying masses for my brother. juan de palacios owes me four pesos, which he may spend in his mess; and my silver spoon and mirror. will your grace get them? and they are to be used in saying masses for my brother. will your grace tell him that if he shall bring any cloth, he must do his best for his soul. the three mantas of pedro castañeda must be paid for, according to what is right. tell señora juana that i beg her pardon for not having gone to say goodbye to her uncle and aunt, and give her my regards. and will your grace tell captain juan dominguez, when he comes from terrenate, that i send him my regards. now i shall say nothing further except that may god preserve your grace for many years, and take you to your home; and, if i reach there first, i shall say that you are well. given on this new year's. from your grace's comrade, bartolome dominguez the address of this letter reads: "to my comrade, juan romero (may our lord preserve him!) at the house of juana muñoz, next to the society, cavite." collated with the copy of the report and letter which are in possession of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera y mendoça. at the order of his lordship i drew this copy, which is a true and faithful copy. witnesses at its copying, correction, and collation were the accountant juan bautista de çubiaga, agustin de reguen, and juan de palma, who were present. in testimony of truth, i sealed and signed it. andres martin de arroyo, royal notary. [the notarial attestation of the validity of documents drawn up before the above notary, dated manila, may 8, 1636, and signed by agustin de valençuela, alfonso baeza del rio, and francisco de la torre, follows.] [20] [_in the margin_: "that during the eleven months while he has been in that government he has done no other thing than to establish the royal jurisdiction and patronage, and subdue the religious to [understand] that his majesty is their natural seignior and the seignior of those islands; and he relates the mischievous proceedings of the religious of st. francis, st. augustine, and st. dominic."] sire: one would believe that your majesty (may god preserve you) has sent me not to govern your filipinas islands, but to conquer them from the religious of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine; for in the eleven months since my arrival here, i have had no other thing to do than to establish the jurisdiction of your majesty and your royal patronage, and to subdue the said religious to the understanding that your majesty alone is their natural seignior, as well as the seignior of the said islands. and hitherto they have succeeded in and obtained whatever they desired, either because they have governed the governors, or the governor through fear of their so insolent preaching, or on account of their demands and threats, has never refused them anything. and if, in the course of the year, they have resorted to these measures at the time of the despatch of the galleons to nueva españa, the governors have granted their petitions, just or unjust--either that the religious might write well of their government, or so that they might not write ill of it. i am convinced that they will always write ill of me, because i am ever striving to regulate the service of god and that of your majesty. as that is a labor in which both services may be free from self-interest and worldly ends, i shall not resent that they write to your majesty whatever they like; for, since you are so just and so catholic a sovereign, i cannot believe or expect that you will condemn me without a hearing. therefore i petition your majesty to be pleased to have your secretaries send a copy of my letters to your vassals, both regular ecclesiastics and seculars, of what i shall write concerning them; for they will find therein no deceit or falsehood (and it is impossible to deceive god and one's natural sovereign). also they will find neither hate, love, nor passion, but only kind desires for correcting the faults of my neighbors, and those of the subjects of your majesty whom you have given to me by your favor, so that i might maintain peace and justice among them, and keep them in the fear of god and that of your royal person. i also petition your majesty to be pleased to have the said secretaries send me the letters, or copies of the letters, that they shall write, so that we may, on both sides, verify the truth here, and, having verified it, advise your majesty. [_in the margin_: "that the order of st. dominic generally opposes the government, while that of st. francis has given great scandal to those islands, by the provincial chapter that was held."] the order of st. dominic has grown old in opposing the government for many years. the order of st. francis has opposed it from the time of the provincial chapter held by a commissary, fray juan de gabiria, an observantine, in which he deprived the discalced fathers of all the definitorships, elected observantine provincial and guardians, and removed the discalced provincial; and against the will of your majesty and your royal decrees tried to convert the discalced fathers into observantines, under the protection of don juan cereço salamanca. because he removed a guardian of manila, fray jose forte, for causes which the ex-provincial ought to have discovered, this order caused the greatest scandal in the community that has been seen here. as it did not happen in my time, i am only obliged to inform your majesty of it, but not of the disorders committed. [_decreed in the margin_: "in the council, december 12, 1637. that the secretary request the commissary-general of the indias to report what happened in this matter. let examination be made to discover whether there are any papers or letters that concern this matter."] [_in the margin_: "the provincials of st. francis, past and present, are coming to relate what they have done."] i have decreed that the provincials, past and present, and the commissary himself, go to report to your majesty and to their superiors what they have done; and your majesty will there give orders as to which they must be--discalced, as hitherto, or observantines. [_decreed in the margin_: "see above. if these religious come, have this section brought."] [_in the margin_: "that the order of st. augustine is in need of reform; he mentions the causes for it."] the order of st. augustine--of the recollects, in particular (although they came here, sire, to reform the others), it is seen and understood, have as great need of reformation as the first--refused to obey his holiness or your majesty's decrees. in regard to the alternation [21] that the creoles asked, various remarks are made on this matter, and the blame is cast on don juan cereço de salamanca. this order recognize the injury and injustice that they are doing to the creoles, and they know that i am not ignorant of any defects and imperfections, however serious. they have recognized in me that i shall not distort justice for anyone, and they have consequently composed themselves--quite early desisting from counseling the archbishop as the others did, and being reconciled, and returning to unite with the order of the society, withdrawing from the union which they and the other orders had formed against those fathers. their present provincial is a discreet, honorable, and upright man, so that the order is better regulated. the most efficient remedy that your majesty can adopt is, not to grant them any more religious for eight years, or permission to them to travel; for besides the fact that there are many of them here, and so many do not die as are reported to your majesty, last year there came with your majesty's permission sixteen or eighteen of the order of st. augustine, and thus was spent by your majesty as many thousands of pesos. they brought still more, as many as twenty-eight--either with the money that was left over (for your majesty gives them too large a sum), or with the money sent them by their order from here. and, as they are contented with nothing, where one religious formerly served there are now two or three; and where two served, there are now four or five. i will tell your majesty the troubles and disadvantages arising from this condition of affairs: the first is, to oppose the alcalde-mayor and your majesty's justice in every way; the second, to cause more instruction, so that your majesty may spend more in stipends, which they have obtained from the government, by the requests and presents that they have made to my predecessors; the third, to make greater slaves of the poor indians by being the merchants of their rice and cloth, taking by force from them, at the price that they choose, whatever the indians possess; and fourth, when an assessment [_repartimiento_] of rice, linen, wine, and other things is made for your majesty's magazines, and for your royal service, they offer opposition not only to the alcalde-mayor, but also to the government, bewailing the poverty of the indians--so that the latter may have more left of which these religious can skin and deprive them. these missionaries, sire, do not undertake only the teaching of the doctrines and the administration of the sacraments; but they are attempting to rule everything. they tell the indians, publicly and privately, that there is no other king or pope than themselves; and they make their fiscals give to an indian, and even to his wife, fifty lashes for any childish or foolish act. i shall be satisfied if your majesty's name has the fourth part of the sovereignty and lordship that these fathers have among these indians. sometimes they tell the alcaldes-mayor that their provincials in manila, and they in the missions, ought to be obeyed. the above and many other lawless acts which i have discovered here among these orders have made me disconsolate; and i confess to your majesty that i would serve you more willingly in any of your armies as a soldier than here as governor. if your majesty do not have the goodness to have this effectively remedied, this colony will go to ruin, because of the multitude of allied friars. the ecclesiastical cabildo and the society of jesus recognize your majesty as sovereign, and obey you, and at the same time prove by all their actions their love for your service--for all of which your majesty can honor them and show them favor, if you are so minded. [_decreed in the margin_: "let the governor cause to be exactly observed, the alternation which does not allow that there be more religious in any mission district than those who shall be necessary for it according to the royal patronage. let the others occupy themselves in instruction and in preaching, for which they were sent. let no more religious be given them for the period mentioned by the governor. if they are asked for, let a report of this letter be made."] [_in the margin_: "that bishops should be sent to those islands who are secular priests, but not friars, because of the troubles that arise from their uniting with the orders and opposing the governor; and he asks that the presiding archbishop be sent a coadjutor, as he is now very old and incapacitated."] most of the ministers of instruction think only of acquiring and amassing money, in order thereby to solicit your majesty in that court to give them these bishoprics. surely, your majesty is not well served thereby; and you should send a secular bishop, or at least an archbishop, so that the religious should not unite with him to oppose your majesty's governors. and, if it please you, will you send a coadjutor for don fray hernando guerrero, archbishop of these islands, who is now so old that he is past eighty years of age, and his hands and head shake. leaving his lack of learning out of the question, your majesty can consider what the [ecclesiastical] government will be by having peace. in order that your majesty may establish a thing so to your service, i will give that coadjutor two thousand pesos annually from my own salary. if he should assume the archbishopric during my term, i shall arrange so as to leave that sum to him as an income, besides the four thousand pesos that the archbishop receives--so that the two thousand may not be paid from your majesty's royal treasury, from your royal incomes, or from those of your vassals. by that means the archbishopric will have an income of more than six thousand pesos, and its incumbent can get along excellently on that. will your majesty kindly send such a coadjutor for the succor of these islands and the consolation and protection of the clergy, from among the so many virtuous and erudite and moral seculars in that royal court. should such an archbishop have a bishop _in partibus_, in order to go to confirm and to visit, your majesty can very well dispense with the three other bishops of cibu, nueva segovia, and camarines, for they are in fact of but little use and service in their bishoprics. [_decreed in the margin_: "touching the matter that the archbishopric be given to a secular, when that post falls vacant, let this section be referred to. in regard to giving a coadjutor to the archbishop, have his letters collected, and what other letters treat of his health, age, capacity, and method of procedure. the secretary, don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon, shall make a secret investigation of what occurs in this matter. in regard to the offer of the two thousand pesos which the governor offers from his salary, no steps will be taken at present; but have the governor notified to explain the means by which the sum that he mentions can be obtained without detriment to the royal treasury or to his majesty's vassals, so that if it be a measure proper to adopt, it may be carried out. in regard to abolishing those bishoprics, let there be brought, for the better settlement of the matter, a report of the data concerning their erection, their respective distances [from manila], and whatever else concerns this matter, and of what shall be found in the secretary's office."] [_in the margin_: "that the orders of st. dominic and st. francis have sent more religious than those granted to them."] the order of st. dominic having been granted sixteen religious by your majesty, at a cost of a like number of thousands of pesos, brought twenty-six in all, at a cost of as many thousands of pesos. the order of st. francis brought sixteen, although your majesty granted them twelve. thus, sire, your majesty spent forty-eight thousand pesos in bringing those seventy religious, and established nearly as many rivals to your governor, in order that they might oppose him in everything. the diocesan authorities of camarines have given me a memorandum, to the effect that in that bishopric alone six stipends can be saved, and a like number of guardianías, as they are very near one another, and two can be administered as one. the religious do not deserve this, but, although there may be thirty indians in one district, and another district lies but one-half or three-quarters of a legua away, they want another mission; and as i say, they are rarely willing to live alone. their prelates foster such ideas by saying that the lax conduct of one is avoided by giving him an associate. happy would i count myself, sire, if i could see myself at your majesty's feet, informing you of part of what takes place here, since i could not do so entirely. [_decreed in the margin_: "in regard to this section and the following ones, let the governor be answered not to consent to the erection of new missions that are not according to the royal patronage; and let him try, with the consent of the archbishop, to unite some with others. in those which shall be newly established, he shall also endeavor to introduce secular clergy, if he find them capable and sufficient. and whenever anyone shall again discuss the question whether it is advisable to deprive the religious of the missions and appoint seculars to them, reference shall be made to this section."] [_in the margin_: "that the orders can obtain religious from those in mexico, or creoles, without going to so great expense as to convey them from españa."] it also appears that these orders can obtain religious from mexico, without causing so great expense to your majesty's treasury--creoles, or at least those who have gone thither from españa, who are more habituated to a hot climate, and will not enter suddenly so great a change of climate as that of these islands; and even were there none of this change, it would be well for them. your majesty ought also, in justice, to favor the ecclesiastical estate, so that, if there are benefices and missions, these may be given to it. for almost all such are in the possession of the religious; and the seculars who are now studying in the colleges, from whose number some very good candidates graduate, have nothing to which to aspire. it is a shame that there is nothing in which to occupy them. they do not cause any expense to your majesty in a journey hither, nor in their studies, and are more easily reduced to reason; while the friar is one with his community, and no one denies that the religious outside his convent would die as a fish out of water. i entreat your majesty to be pleased to believe me that i do not inform you of all these things from hate, passion, or ill-will; but only from my desire that your majesty's service may be uppermost. your majesty will never have a true report concerning these islands, if your disinterested governors do not give it--for which reason, since this country is so far away, no relief can he furnished in matters that need it so greatly. for my part, i shall ever endeavor to comply with the obligations under which your majesty has placed me, together with those which i have as a christian, and those which i owe to my lineage. i shall do my uttermost, and that will be something; but if your majesty will aid me by means of some ordinances and mandates, there will remain nothing for me to do. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your majesty's vassal kisses your feet, sebastian hurtado de corcuera [22] [_endorsed_: "read and decreed within. december 12, 637."] sire: the order of st. dominic and the other orders having so disturbed me and the community with the affairs of the archbishop, don fray hernando guerrero, as i have related to your majesty in other letters, fray diego collado, who brought twenty-six religious of the said order of st. dominic last year with your majesty's order and permission, presented to me certain letters from his general. he says that he presented them in the royal council of the indias, who ordered that these be returned to him, granting him the said permission to bring the religious; although it appears that it was under the leadership of another, the nephew of the said fray diego collado, as the latter was sick. i consulted as to the matter with the audiencia, and with other learned men. in accordance with their opinions (which i have in writing), although i have no decree from your majesty ordering me to help him, i did aid him, at his petition, so that the provincial of this province should obey the letters of his general. in those letters the general orders, under penalty of major excommunication, that the provincial should deliver the government of five houses and one hospital of the chinese to the said fray diego collado, without making any excuse or delay, so that he might form therewith a separate congregation for the purpose of the propagation of the faith. [23] having, as i declare to your majesty, consulted on and examined the matter, and as this division cannot harm your majesty or the royal patronage, i deemed it advisable to grant him the aid in accordance with the opinions aforesaid. those fathers, therefore, divided into two bodies, and the moods and restlessness in which they were keeping the said archbishop subsided, and in fact have died away; and they are allowing me to live and govern in peace. until now, i have been unable to have peace during these ten months, by whatever means i have sought and striven. may god grant that it last, and that those fathers content themselves with governing within their gates, and do not endeavor to govern and manage your majesty's governors--which they attempted to do the second or third day after i was received as such in these islands. one fray sebastian de oquendo, a restless and impudent friar, and extravagant in his speech, came to give me his opinion, and to counsel me as to what persons were suitable for alcaldes-mayor and captains of the districts where those religious have their missions--praising some, and speaking evil of others; and endeavoring to make me believe that what he told me was the only thing that was advisable for your majesty's service. he continued to do that twice more within one week, until i asked him who had told him that i needed his counsel and opinion to execute and carry out your majesty's service, which was in my charge. thereupon, he talked no more to me, but he has spoken evil things of the government in the pulpit at various times--and so scandalously that it obliged the audiencia and its president to request his superior to cause him to leave the city for a season, together with fray francisco de paula, another restless preacher, and a disturber of the peace and quiet and of the minds of your majesty's vassals. the superior refused to accede to this request; accordingly, those fathers are always overbold and impudent in the pulpits. unless your majesty have the goodness to command that this be corrected, those of the province and those of this new congregation will have recourse to your majesty, in order to lodge their complaints--those of the province declaring that your majesty's patronage is not being observed, and that the aid given to fray diego de collado is contrary to the royal patronage. this is the first time that has been seen in these islands, that the friars have defended the royal patronage, for they are through and through opposed to the said royal patronage. if your majesty would be pleased to see it quite plainly, the royal patronage rules that the provincials shall propose two or three persons as priors and guardians, and that the government, representing your majesty, shall appoint one of these. by decrees sent to my predecessor, don juan niño de tabora, in the year twenty-nine, your majesty once more ordered that this be ordained by your royal council of the indias. but, notwithstanding what pertains to the patronage and what your majesty orders, the religious have refused to do this, or to obey you. they offer certain cool excuses, and, although they see that that decree is executed in piru and nueva españa, they refuse to obey in anything which pertains to the patronage, and which your majesty orders by a special decree, unless it suits them very well to obey it. and since your majesty has now sent an obedient governor, and one who does what he is ordered, he is the most evil man in all the world; and they parade him in their pulpits, attempting to ascertain and publish what belongs to god alone alone--[asking] whether the continence of the governor and his endeavor not to furnish a bad example, is the virtue of chastity, or the fault of nature. these things, sire, are taught here in the pulpits by the dominican friars. the guardian of st. francis said publicly in the pulpit of the cathedral church (because the computer of accounts had presented an account against him) that he would show a balance due against the king of españa--talking in this so discourteous manner of his natural lord, as if he were english, french, or of any other nation; and charging your majesty with the fact that fray francisco jimenez had gained oran for you, and that another franciscan friar had quieted and pacified nueva españa. from these things, he drew up results against your majesty in the pulpit. he said of the accountant, juan bautista de çubiaga, a vizcayan (who is so well known that no one can be ignorant of his birth, and of the great fidelity and disinterestedness with which he serves your majesty), that he was a gascon devil, besides other very insolent words--although the said friar is a mallorcan or a native of cerdeña [_i.e._, sardinia], which one could presume to be a more barbarous place than españa. this is preached in the pulpits, and is winked at; for these religious are exciting and stirring up the community at any opportunity, and in order to avoid scandals, the mildest course possible is being taken. these religious, sire, are very numerous, and must be trying to excite all these islands. they show humility only when the hostile indians go to sack their missions; and then they come to ask for soldiers, and to set forth many things in favor of the honor of god, and the service of your majesty. for both, with all humility i entreat your majesty to be pleased to order these excesses to be corrected, or to give me orders for what i am to do in like cases. will your majesty command that the question be considered whether it will suit your majesty to order the approval of what has been done, or to take such action as may be most expedient for your royal service--on account of the advantages arising from the separation of this order of st. dominic into two factions, and for that reason, their becoming subject to your majesty's orders. i shall obey you with my breast to the earth, as i ought to do, and as i have done for twenty-six years past. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera sire: six months before my arrival here, the fathers of st. francis had held a chapter. it was illegal, without question. fray francisco de gabiria, an observantine friar, came to them as visitor. he began his commission and visit by depriving all the definitors of the province of their offices, and appointed new definitors from the observantine friars and others who took the habit in this country and belong to the observantine faction. he continued [this course] by removing the guardians and appointing others who belonged to his following, until they had more than sufficient votes to hold a chapter. the commissary-visitor took the opportunity to do all this, because the legitimate definitors had deprived a friar, one jose fonte, of his guardianía. that religious was guardian of the convent of manila, and a prime favorite of don juan cereço, former governor _ad interim_. the legal definitors deprived him of the guardianía. upon the coming of the father commissary, fray jose fonte complained and requested his guardianía, although the matter had no appeal. the said don juan cereço also lodged a complaint, because his favorite and adviser had been deprived of his guardianía. the commissary, who saw that the occasion was so opportune for his purposes, overrode the province and body of definitors, and on account of the above, deprived the high officials [of his order] of their offices. sire, nothing is hidden from us in this land. in this case, one might tell your majesty many things, but i shall relate only two. first, the father commissary offered to the father provincial and his definitors one of the greatest insults that have been known in your majesty's kingdoms. for fray jose fonte, as is the general opinion of the community, is a rather free-and-easy religious; and the reason why the father provincial deprived him of his guardianía--although he had, as was true, the said don juan cereço so strongly on his side--was doubtless because his mode of life and his government of the convent were such that he could under no consideration be endured. your majesty can have no doubt of this, for it is proved beyond question by the loud murmuring of the community at the lack of devotion displayed by that religious. therefore, your majesty will reflect whether the removal of a provincial and the whole body of definitors, in order to reinstate this man, is an affront worthy of consideration. second, i assert that his chapter was illegal, and that beyond question; for the father commissary-general, fray francisco de ocaña, sent a very necessary letter of obedience throughout the provinces of the indias, which has, among its other sections, one of the following tenor: "_item_: we ordain that the fathers commissaries-general and the fathers commissaries-visitors shall render sentences in the causes and processes that shall be brought to trial [_i.e._, in the tribunals of the order], one week before the provincial chapters; and on the actual day of the chapter-meeting these shall be pronounced and made known, in the manner generally used by the order--so that the matter may be apparent to those members capable of voting who assemble from the said province; and so that the electors in the chapter may enjoy the liberty that is proper. whatever shall be done in any other manner, now and henceforth, we annul and revoke it." the father commissary-visitor sentenced and deprived of their offices the father provincial and his definitors immediately, in the first month of his visit, and five months before the week assigned by the father commissary-general, fray francisco de ocaña. therefore, since the law is so clear, and in the romance tongue, there is scant need of lawyers to judge that the manner in which father gabiria performed his commission is null and void. i was informed of these things, upon my arrival at the islands, by fathers of all the orders as well as by other persons of the city. i ordered the ex-provincial to come privately and talk with me. i asked him why these orders were issued and such things done, and promised to aid him in your majesty's name if he wished to demand his justice. he replied to me that he saw that all things were in a very lamentable condition, but that he did not dare plead anything; for very great scandals would arise, and the superiors of his order would take it ill, and severely punish those who had written and reported it therefore, he had resolved to be patient and to await their reply. the chief end of all this [scheming] was the capitular election, and because the father-commissary was trying to obtain the government of the province; and although it was founded and continued by discalced friars, to make it observantine. your majesty has ordered that no observantine friars may come to this country, but that all who come be discalced. beyond question, it is not at all fitting for observantines to come; for so long as there shall be observantine and discalced friars, there can be no peace; and most serious troubles will result, both to the order itself and to the natives under its charge. will your majesty be pleased to order the father commissary-general to check these proceedings, and to prevent these scandals which have occurred so often among his friars; and that he obey your majesty's decree not to send observantine friars. for, notwithstanding your majesty's order, they come here clad in the habit of discalced friars; and on their arrival at the province, their sole aim is to turn it topsy-turvy. thinking that the troubles of this order could be obviated, i requested the provincial to send that friar, fray jose fonte, to terrenate to take charge of your majesty's hospital there (a post so honorable that the provincial himself exercised it before being provincial)--in order to get him away from here, and prevent the discalced religious from being ill treated and from being afflicted in mind; and so that the provincial could better discharge the duties of his government and denounce the invalid acts that had been committed. although i told the provincial that it was advisable for your majesty's service to have that religious leave here, for which i would be answerable to him, he refused to do so, excusing him as being a definitor. and although i told the provincial that, since he could not obey what was suggested to him in your majesty's name as fitting to your service, no other religious nor any supplies of his would go to terrenate in your majesty's galleons, he gave himself no concern about it. those friars, as i have written your majesty in other letters, do not reckon themselves your vassals, and do not think that they have to obey you as such. consequently, it is advisable, as your majesty can do so, to have the matter examined, so that a suitable remedy may be applied. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed_: "december 22, 637. have the father commissary-general investigate the points of this letter, and file what he reports with the letters treating of this matter and the orders of the council, and take all to the fiscal." "the fiscal declares that the decrees and orders issued in regard to this matter must, as was ordered by the council, be filed with this letter and the report of the father commissary-general. that done, let it all be delivered to him, so that he may answer. madrid, july first, 638." "no other papers than those which are brought are found in the secretary's office treating of this matter, or of what the governor says." "the fiscal declares that the royal decrees and orders concerning this matter should be commanded to be observed, and that the father provincial of this order be commanded to apply the necessary correction so that these scandals may cease, and that information must be given to the council of what shall be done--endeavoring to see to it that there are no scandals or excesses, which are a great injury to souls. madrid, december 9, 1638." "december 10, 638. let the decrees that have been issued regarding this matter be observed. write to the father commissary-general that it is expected from his care and attention that he will so manage that all things may have the desirable harmony and suitable regulation. he shall advise the council of what occurs, and of the information that is expected. write to the governor that he have all manner of care in this matter, so that the harmony and quiet of those religious may be attained."] _commerce_ [_in the margin_: "[he asks] that, in addition to the permission given for the embarcation of cloth and silver, permission be given for two hundred and fifty thousand pesos more; for if they are prevented from sending more than the amount conceded, the royal treasury is defrauded out of a great sum, through the smuggling that takes place."] sire: your majesty's orders are not obeyed strictly in the indias, either for want of honest officials, or because your vassals would be ruined if your orders were executed strictly and to the letter. one of the most essential ordinances is that of the permission that your majesty has been pleased to give to your vassals of these filipinas islands for [exporting] two hundred and fifty thousand pesos in cloth, and the provision that the proceeds therefrom shall not amount to more than five hundred thousand pesos of silver. it neither has been nor is observed; for if the officials were strict in not allowing more to be exported than your majesty's ordinance states, then the merchants would do it privately, and as they could find means, and outside of the town; and there would be no remedy for it. the same takes place at the return of the [investment in] silver; and after that the truth could not be ascertained. this trouble can be obviated if your majesty would be pleased to grant the vassals of these islands the favor to permit them to [send exports] of two hundred and fifty thousand pesos more. for as the people are increasing in number, and are becoming richer, they cannot be maintained, because of the very heavy expenses that vanity causes, unless they can export a greater quantity of merchandise than your majesty has permitted them to. by that means they cheat your royal duties, and also by not paying the freight-charges in your galleons, although those payments are the backbone of your majesty's treasury. by those funds the said islands are sustained, as are also the soldiers and sailors, and the galleons and other ordinary expenses--a great sum. i petition your majesty to be pleased to have this matter examined in your royal council; and to order me to execute what is most fitting for your service, as far as may be possible. but since i am but one man in this region, i have no one to aid me, and i shall not be able to carry out my wishes. another means occurs to me, namely, for your majesty to be pleased to grant tacit permission to your governor that, for all the goods exported over and above the amount permitted, he may strike a bargain with the said inhabitants, and oblige them to pay here all the duties and freight-charges that they would pay if such cloth were registered. this measure has one great drawback--namely, whether your majesty can find vassals who will serve you as governors, whose consciences are so well regulated that they will serve you as is just. therefore, sire, i think it better, in order to obviate so great a loss as your majesty suffers in your royal treasury, for you to be pleased to grant permission for the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, whether to ecclesiastics or to laymen; and to order, under severe penalties of life or of loss of office in your royal service, that it be executed or observed inviolate. account must also be rendered to your majesty in this matter, in which there is so much corruption in all the indias and in these islands--with flagrant violation of law, since it has obliged me to go in person to perform the duty of a royal official by lading the vessels myself, and not permitting any consignment outside the register. the governors cannot always do that personally, because of the many occupations and responsibilities imposed by government. in consequence, they are forced to entrust it to your majesty's vassals, on whom the same penalties are laid and executed as are laid by your majesty on your said governors. i discharge my conscience, and am awaiting the resolution that your majesty may be pleased to take in this matter. may our lord preserve your catholic person in its greatness, as is necessary to christendom. manila, june last, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. sire, your majesty's vassal kisses your feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed_: "june 17, 1638. let there be no innovation."] _chinese_ [_in the margin_: "he says that the pagan indians pay annually, for the general license given them, permitting them to live in those islands, nine pesos less one real; and that they live in a place called the parián, from which they went out. and having brought them back to it, they asked permission to go to live in other places; and it was given them, by their paying ten pesos."] sire: the heathen chinese who live in these islands and come to trade with the vassals of your majesty, pay annually nine pesos less one real for the general license which is given them for permission to live in your majesty's lands, and by way of recognition. they live in a place which has been built for them near the manila walls, called in their language "the parián." many of them have gone to live outside in the stock-farms and gardens of the inhabitants, and in other parts, because of their convenience, without permission of the government. at petition of the city, i ordered an edict to be issued, ordering that all of these chinese should return to live in their parián, and most of them did so. afterward, they asked with many requests and petitions to be allowed to return to live at their posts. that favor was permitted them, on condition of the payment of ten pesos two reals in place of the nine pesos less one real for their general licenses, and, in addition to this, the half-annats for the favor--the even ten pesos being for your majesty's treasury, and the two reals for the printing of the said licenses, and for the judge, notary, chief constable, and other officials in the matter of the licenses, who issue them and collect the silver, in which your majesty has a profit of nine reals from each one of those licenses. those people have no room in their own land; and when they come in their ships to bring their merchandise to this city, many come who remain. in order that that number may not increase so much, it is ordered that they be returned in the same ships, after giving them the good usage and treatment that is shown them at present. they are so contented that, with but a message sent them by their alcalde-mayor [requesting] that they aid his majesty with [a grant of] four thousand pesos for the erection of a bulwark which has been begun, to be built in the port of cavite, they gave that sum very willingly, without making any opposition, and offered whatever else remained in their [communal] fund. for these reasons and for others, especially for the favors and kind treatment that are accorded them, i am obliged to petition your majesty to be pleased to grant me permission, so that, setting before them skilfully and discreetly the necessities of your majesty for maintaining the fortifications of the port and of this city, all the remainder of the said licenses may be paid at the rate of ten pesos two reals apiece. this will increase your majesty's revenues by eighteen or twenty thousand pesos, and this additional income will remain in your royal treasury. i will assure to your majesty, with the signatures of many theologians and the opinions of learned jurists, your [peace of] conscience and mine; and also by managing it with so much mildness that they themselves will ask it. that has been done by the four or five thousand chinese who now pay it. by means of this aid and others which are being arranged, i preserve the authority of your majesty, and free your conscience; and, provided that no one steals anything from your royal revenues, the support of these islands will be arranged for, without any help from nueva españa beyond the proceeds of the merchandise carried by the galleons. but by following this plan i have no need of anything else except that your majesty be pleased to grant me permission to do this. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed_: "the governor of filipinas to his majesty, june 30, 1636. revenue matters. june 10, 1638." "let this matter be looked up, and see whether anything has been enacted concerning it; and take it to the fiscal, with whatever notices there are concerning it." "nothing has been enacted." "the fiscal declares that it is written in this letter that there are four or five thousand chinese who are now paying this duty, and that it can be increased to eighteen or twenty thousand pesos of income, while the additional sum that will be paid by each one will not amount to more than nine reals. that cannot be, except by admitting into the filipinas islands as many more thousand chinese, as they say, as will amount to pesos. that will be running great risk, as is well known, especially in islands so remote and so sparsely settled. and if before, when there were so few chinese, so careful provisions were made to have them remain shut up within their parián, so that they could not make any changes in the condition of those islands, one would think that not without danger can this be changed, with the people who come in the ships, which they are commencing to do there. besides that, to raise the impost on his own authority, without having informed the council thereof until after it was executed, is a matter that furnishes a very bad example; and since the amount concerned is so small as thirty-six thousand reals (at nine reals apiece, on the four thousand pesos [_sic; sc._ chinese] who he says are there), it is not desirable to risk for that sum the government--which, it has been found by experience, is without danger--and to expose it to the possibility of danger. therefore he petitions that it be ordered that no innovation be made. madrid, june 30, 1638." "july 28, 1638. have the governor informed that, considering all the circumstances that he sets forth in his letter, the measure for benefiting the imposts for the royal treasury does not appear improper; but that it will be necessary to consider very carefully how this increase of duties may be attempted and obtained. for in order to obtain that increase we cannot risk the commerce, which must be considered with the coming of the chinese, as it conduces to the benefit of those islands; nor also the security of the country, if their numbers be greatly multiplied. for it seems that this will be necessary, if the money were to increase to so great a sum as he mentions. have the matter entrusted to the governor himself and to the audiencia, so that, after weighing the advantages of this measure with the advantages which might occur in its execution, and considering all the above, the decision which shall be most to his majesty's service and that of his royal audiencia may be made; and that they shall report whatever they do to the council. have the audiencia notified to the same effect."] sire: a communal fund was established in the parián or alcaicería of the chinese, who are called sangleys, in the time of don alonso faxardo de tenca, and with your approbation given april 8, 1622. each sangley pays into it three tostons annually, in two payments. the ministers of justice of the said parián are paid from that fund, as are those who live there to administer the holy sacraments, in case that some [of the sangleys] are converted--namely, two fathers of st. dominic. that fund also takes care of the works that your majesty needs; and the requisite sum is furnished from it for the payment of the laborers, so that they may go willingly, and so that no other assessment need be made. with the consent of the sangleys, don juan niño de tabora assigned from this communal fund a salary for a minister to administer the holy sacraments to the chinese living in the town of santa cruz, on the other side of the river, which is in charge of the fathers of the society of jesus; for the said don juan niño deemed that necessary. but at his death, and when an attempt was made to collect that stipend belonging to the minister of santa cruz, the fathers of st. dominic refused to pay it, but on the contrary went to law about it with him. and as if they were a party in this, they brought a very strenuous suit against him, before my predecessor, don juan cereço salamanca, who gave sentence in favor of the fathers of the society. that sentence was appealed to the royal audiencia, and although don juan cereso judged, and rightly, that there was in this matter no appeal to the audiencia, as it was purely a point of government, he did not dare to prevent the appeal, but allowed it to pass. upon my arrival at this island, i found this suit in the stage of petition; and, esteeming it to belong to the government, i suspended the suit, and ordered that the sentence and decree of don juan niño de tabora be carried out. the fathers of st. dominic were angry at that, but surely without any reason, as it was none of their business--although they had so possessed themselves of the communal fund of the parián, and so controlled it, that in the fourteen years since it was established, they have used it to get more than one hundred thousand pesos from it for matters peculiar to their order. that has been an excess and irregularity that the governors should not have allowed, as is apparent from the accounts which i ordered the accountant juan bautista de cubiaga to audit on this occasion. the sangleys of santa cruz and of the jurisdiction of tondo, seeing how small was the benefit that they derived from the communal fund of the parián, and that it was converted only to the welfare of the sangleys of the parián and of the fathers of st. dominic, petitioned me to be allowed to have a separate communal fund in tondo. considering that they were asking for justice, for don alonso faxardo, who established the said fund, declared may 4, 1622, that whenever the said sangleys thought that they could not endure the said fund, and whenever they should oppose it and petition that it be not continued or kept up, it would be proper to have it cease--in conformity with that, i, seeing that a number of the sangleys of the villages of santa cruz and tondo were opposing (and rightfully, as the fund of the parián was of no use to them) the payment by them, as by the others, of three tostons annually for each person, and that they were asking for a separate fund for tondo, which should be entrusted to the alcalde-mayor, i granted it to them. i was also influenced by the service which the sangleys of santa cruz offered to perform for your majesty, as i shall immediately relate--namely, that the alcalde-mayor of tondo should be paid from this fund, and thus the salary paid him from the royal treasury would be saved; while in the works that offered, your majesty would be better served by having two communal funds--one in the parián, and the other in tondo. therefore will your majesty be pleased to confirm this action accordingly, for it is beneficial to the royal treasury. may our lord preserve the catholic person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed:_ "manila. government matters. 1636." "june ten, six hundred and thirty-eight." "ascertain whether anything has been written about this matter by the previous governors, and take it to the fiscal to be examined, together with what advices there are concerning this." "it does not appear that the governors have written anything about this." "the fiscal declares that since there are interested parties in this separation of the communal fund (namely, the chinese of the parián and those of tondo), and since there is a suit pending between the two orders of st. dominic and the society, he cannot decide upon this matter until the parties have been heard in court, and the dispute between them settled according to law, especially if the facts are not evident by other authentic papers in this case which justify it, besides only this letter of the governor. consequently, he opposes the approval that is requested, until he can examine in greater detail the things mentioned here by a more thorough knowledge of the cause, after the parties have been cited in court. madrid, june 30, 1638." "july 24, 638. the new governor who shall go [to the islands] shall, together with the audiencia, investigate the matter."] [_in the margin:_ "he proposes names for protector of the chinese; and in the meantime, doctor luis arias de mora is appointed, to whom are assigned two hundred pesos in addition to the eight hundred that he receives as a salary, so that he may exercise his duties as the archbishop's counselor jointly with this office."] sire: your majesty has ordered that your fiscal shall not be protector of the chinese who live near the city, and that six persons be proposed so that your majesty may choose according to your pleasure. all the time while i have been in this government, the said chinese have been without a protector. thus i have had the care and task of administering justice to them; and, although they have an alcalde-mayor, they are satisfied only with what rulings the government makes. this royal audiencia has only three advocates--or four, counting doctor ledo, who is at present serving as your majesty's fiscal. i have appointed doctor luis arias de mora, who is the senior, and a person of excellent abilities, to attend to this matter until your majesty shall order otherwise. licentiate nicolas antonio de omaña is also a good person, as is licentiate manuel suarez de olibera, who is serving as auditor-general and my assessor. i have assigned two hundred pesos additional salary to the eight hundred of the protectorship to don luis arias de mora; for, in addition to exercising this office, he is the archbishop's counselor. therefore he despatches and performs what pertains to him in ecclesiastical matters, without meddling with the royal patronage and jurisdiction of your majesty, as the archbishop has tried to do hitherto. by that means i think that the archbishop will be quiet, and we shall be able to live in peace. doctor luis arias is a person who merits honor from your majesty by giving him this charge, in which he will be excellently employed. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed:_ "january 8, 637. have him notified to observe the ordinance of november 22, 636, so that he may avoid new expenses of the treasury, and that no more salary be given than what is ordered."] _encomiendas_ sire: your majesty has ordered that when persons who have been given encomiendas, and who have served in the islands, leave them, their encomiendas fall vacant, in order that they may be given to the most deserving who remain. some persons have been able to negotiate and to obtain from your majesty the favor and grace of being able to enjoy them for ten years, even though they live in nueva españa. such are the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi, whose services and those of his father well deserve that honor and reward from your majesty; also don fernando de silva, of the order of santiago, who, because of the death of don alonso faxardo, governed these islands with general approbation, and has served your majesty for many years in the states of flandes with the same approbation. besides these, there are three others to whom your majesty has granted the same favor, namely: don andres perez franco, who, although he has served for many years, and well, in the states of flandes and in these islands, as he occupied good positions, took away from them one hundred thousand pesos, which is sufficient pay and remuneration for a soldier; besides that, the marquis of cerralbo has given him a post in nueva españa in the castle and government of vera cruz. there are two other encomenderos: don fernando centeno, who also took one hundred and fifty thousand pesos from here, and who also has been occupied and busied in the best posts of nueva españa by the same viceroy; and esteban de alcaçar, who took two hundred thousand pesos from here, to whom your majesty had granted, as a reward, the government of terrenate, but which he refused. as regards the services of don fernando centeno, the soldiers speak of him with but scant respect. he was condemned to lose his head, for having refused to fight under don geronimo de silva, on an occasion when they let the dutch enemy escape, although the spaniards could have punished their boldness; and also on other occasions, it is said that they did not proceed as honorable soldiers. i cannot attest to your majesty what i have not seen, but the above is his reputation here. but granting that, and that one is occupied and the other does not admit of so honorable a post, it renders those who have served well, and are here at present, very disconsolate to see the former rewarded and very rich, and the latter poor and with no reward. and determining to inform your majesty of all these reasons, and obeying the general decree by which no one may enjoy an encomienda if he leave these islands, and another special decree issued very recently, in which your majesty is pleased to order some of the largest encomiendas to be assigned to the royal treasury, in order to give the religious the wine and oil which you have been pleased to grant them as a favor, so that it may not be necessary to take it from your royal treasury as has been done hitherto--i gave orders to the royal officials to place the proceeds of the three said encomiendas in the royal treasury, until, after your majesty were informed of all the reasons which i present from here, you might order what is most advisable and is your pleasure. i petition your majesty to be pleased to order that these consequences be not allowed; for with them, all those who should have ordinary favor with the viceroys of nueva españa, will take measures to obtain rewards there, seeking to enjoy at the same time those grants which they have here also in encomiendas, and will solicit that favor from your majesty through third persons. this is to the injury and disappointment of those who remain here, as i say above; and others will not be encouraged to come here, when they see beforehand the great troubles that they will undergo before they can merit and obtain some [reward] for living in so uncertain a country. some of the encomiendas here are very large, having incomes of from one to four thousand pesos. if your majesty be pleased to give me permission, so that they may be reduced to five hundred pesos, by dividing these among those who best deserve them, and are poorest, all will be rewarded and paid; and there will be much to give, and also to place in your majesty's royal treasury. the services [rendered] in these regions, sire, are not so arduous that this should not be a good and sufficient reward, although those who are from flandes know better how to exaggerate them. i shall await your majesty's order, for i have not learned in so many years aught else than to obey. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera _administrative and financial_ sire: your majesty has conceded to your viceroys of nueva españa authority, in the case of deaths and vacancies in this government, to send commissions to those who are to have charge of military matters; and until the arrival of the regularly-appointed governor you order them to send another governor from mexico. that has been done twice by the marquis de cerralbo--once with don fernando de silva, of the habit of santiago, because of the death of don alonso faxardo; and [the other time] with don juan cerezo de salamanca, because of the death of don juan niño de tabora. your majesty is greatly disserved in all of the things that i shall now mention. first, when the audiencia was governing the [royal] estate, your majesty's royal treasury was pledged to more than eighty or one hundred thousand pesos, which they obtained by a forced loan from the inhabitants, by placing soldiers of the guard in their houses, quartering these on them until they lent this money; and the officials spent the money in paying warrants that were ordered to be issued to please the soldiers and sailors. it has been the custom to order those warrants to be despatched so that they might be paid when there should be any money. as for those poor men, they have not been paid in one, three, ten, or fifteen years. they sell their warrants during such times for the fourth, fifth, or sixth part of their face value; and many have been paid at one hundred pesos for one thousand. the warrants are bought by the servants of the auditors, royal officials, governors, and other ministers, and to them is paid the face value. thus the poor soldiers are so unjustly dispossessed of [the rewards for] their hardships; and on this account is your majesty's royal treasury so pledged. in the term of don juan cerezo de salamanca, more than one hundred thousand odd pesos had been paid in this kind of warrants. your majesty having issued a decree, in the time of don juan niño de tabora, ordering such warrants to be paid at the third of their face value, he began to do so one year with twelve thousand pesos, that he set apart for that purpose. the said don juan cerezo did not pursue the custom, as he declared that the said don juan niño had exceeded the bounds in the execution of your majesty's decree. although this charge was brought against him in the residencia, it was not proved that he had actually paid that sum during his term. it is, however, clear to me, outside of judgment, that his own secretary, while he was judge and collector of the licenses of the sangleys, who should have deposited that money in your majesty's royal treasury, deposited a great sum of it in this kind of warrants; and so that it might not be proved judicially, the owners went to receive the money from the royal officials; and while they were there, and almost before their eyes, the said secretary again took it. and perhaps it happened that a soldier, having collected it, would say that he did not wish to return it, whereupon the secretary would give ten pesos for the transaction, and thus obtained his purpose. although i was so sure and convinced of this truth, nevertheless, as it was not proved entirely in the residencia, i did not wish to render sentence on this point, but instead to send it to your majesty's royal council; for i confess, sire, that if i had committed that outrage, as i have investigated it, i would be of the opinion that your majesty would not be fulfilling your duty, as a just king, if you did not order me to be beheaded. after my arrival at these islands, i immediately set about executing your majesty's decrees. i ordered, by an act, that all those persons to whom your majesty owed money should come to ask the third of it, the other two-thirds being commuted, so that they could ask it at no future time. all have done it and up to date we have paid in warrants of this kind the amount that your majesty, if so inclined, can have examined from the enclosed certification, as well as what we have saved from the two-thirds that have been commuted. returning, sire, to the trouble that arises from having the persons whom the viceroy sends from mexico in your majesty's name to govern _ad interim_, there is no one who does not take back one or two hundred thousand pesos, as agents for the said inhabitants of mexico. that is very much to the damage and prejudice of this city, for how can the goods of the inhabitants here go, and how can they make any profit on them, if the goods of those mexicans, which are carried under charge of the commander and almirante and the other officials (the creatures of the governor), are to be sold first? and since those governors only come for one or two years, they do not exercise justice, correct disorder, preserve the authority and jurisdiction of your majesty, or undertake any other thing than living in peace; being the protectors of all, and good merchants, in order to return very rich; complaining loudly of the hardships that they experienced in coming to serve your majesty; boasting of the many risks to their lives, and the many expenses paid from their own property; and giving the ignorant crowd to understand that your majesty is under great obligations to them. all this, sire, will cease, if your majesty will send six gentlemen of thoroughly good abilities, soldiers of flandes, to act as substitutes and who shall have commissions for the future succession to the government, through the death or absence [of the governor]. such men can bring their commissions, sealed, from your majesty, and should not come from mexico. they can be employed here as follows: the first in the fort of this city; the second in that of cavite, and in the government of the said port; the third in terrenate; the fourth in the island of hermosa; the fifth in the office of master-of-camp; the sixth as commander of the artillery, in the office of sargento-mayor, and as governor and chief justice of the parián, or alcalde-mayor of tondo. encomiendas could be given to all of them, as these fall vacant, if they prove to render the services and possess the qualities that are requisite; and they could be changed about in these offices, whenever advisable, so that they might become experienced in the [various] departments. whenever one of these should assume the government because of the death of the regularly-appointed governor, such should receive the same pay as he; and, if during his absence, that which he should be receiving. i bind myself to provide for all of them, so that they may be contented. i entreat your majesty to make this resolution, for it is expedient for your royal service. all who should come should be knights of the military orders; so that both the vassals who have rendered homage, and the heathen and other inhabitants, may learn respect and veneration for the persons whom your majesty assigns to succeed in the government. your majesty has many vassals who are soldiers, of the above excellences and qualifications, who would come very willingly if they were given such positions and hopes. if that happens in my time, they will be so well established that many who have served your majesty well would desire it. the extraordinary expenses incurred by the royal audiencia and the greed for the wealth of mexico will be avoided; and the greed of both must oblige them to be honest and to govern well. when the residencia is taken from the governors they give it as if they had been imitating moses or joshua in their government. for as nearly all the citizens of these islands have come from nueva españa to serve for reasons of justice; and as there are others who do not wish that the present governor should note them as men who swear against the past governor, as he would think that they will do the same with him at his residencia; or so that the governor might not complain of them as having evil tongues; to tell the truth here is a great sin. no one is willing that the governor, when his residencia is taken, should impute any fault to him, or obtain any testimony as to the reason why he came here as an exile. many other disadvantages arise, that cannot be written. in short, sire, most people swear falsely; and those who do not, hide themselves, or retire in order not to testify. there are theologians who counsel them that they may deny the truth under oath, in order not to do wrong. this condition ought to be closely examined, and would be remedied by those commissions. such persons should come from madrid, and the persons who have to govern should live here. i petition your majesty to be pleased to have this matter examined in your royal council, for it is very important for your service. i discharge my conscience of what is in my care, by advising your majesty of it. may our lord preserve your catholic person, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. your vassal kisses the feet of your majesty. sebastian hurtado de corcuera manila, april 11, 1636. juan bautista de çubiaga, auditor of accounts and results [_resultas_] of these islands, in whose possession are the pay-checks of the general accounts of the royal treasury, shall certify at the foot of this decree the sum of pesos that have been paid from the royal treasury from the first of july, six hundred and thirty-five, to the last of june, six hundred and thirty-six, to various persons for pay-checks that the royal treasury owes them as pay for serving your majesty, and for other reasons, by virtue of my decrees regarding the one-third, the owners voluntarily commuting to his majesty the other two-thirds, in consideration of the needs and debt of the royal estate in these said islands. the certification shall be set forth in detail with the greatest clearness, together with the amount of the two-thirds of which a gift is made to his majesty. sebastian hurtado de corcuera francisco de ortega in fulfilment of the above decree of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera y mendoza, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia herein, i, juan bautista de çubiaga, auditor of accounts and results of the royal treasury in the islands, certify that among the original pay-checks for credits on the general accounts of the royal treasury for the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, when the treasury was in charge of the royal official judges--namely, the accountant, martin ruiz de salazar; the factor, yñigo de villarreal; and the treasurer, don baltasar ruiz de escalona--there appear those which will be stated here below, as having been paid to various persons to whom the royal estate owed them, as pay and daily wages, for services performed for his majesty in various posts of sea, war, etc. [these were paid] up to one-third of their face value, by virtue of the decrees of the said governor--the other two-thirds having been given voluntarily, as a favor and proof of devotion to his majesty, because of the obligations that were resting upon his royal treasury in these islands, as appears by the memoranda that each person presented, asking that they be paid in this manner, as is set down as in the said pay-checks. those paid, their numbers in the files [_legajos_] of each department, together with the names of each person, the amount of the principal which was owing them, that of the third which was paid them, and that of the two-thirds which was commuted, are as follows: [a marginal note reads as follows: "certification of the auditor of accounts that the two-thirds commuted by the owners of the pay-checks, amount to pesos tomins granos 4,295 0 6 9,923 2 5 12,523 5 3 4,912 1 1 3,095 1 6 ----- - - 34,150 1 9"] factory department [24] number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 35 56 1 11 juan talag, an indian 14 5 11 31 3 0 36 32 0 0 juan talag, an indian 10 5 4 21 2 8 3[7] 12 5 4 juan talag, an indian 4 1 9 8 3 1 38 56 0 0 juan talag, an indian 18 5 4 31 2 8 39 131 3 5 juan talag, an indian 45 6 5 91 5 0 41 423 2 8 7 indians 141 11 11 423 2 8 [sic] 45 336 0 0 9 indians 112 0 0 224 0 0 51 414 4 1[sic] pablo de la oliva (paid one-half) 231 2 0 231 2 0 57 340 2 4 don juan sarapi 113 3 5 226 6 11 62 33 5 2 cintay, a sangley 11 1 11 22 4 0 ---------- 1,330 0 6 pay of the infantry of manila number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 76 149 7 3 alférez andres de aguiar 49 7 9 99 7 6 77 280 5 9 simon sanchez 93 4 7 187 1 2 78 117 5 9 juan de mendoza 39 1 11 78 3 10 79 316 5 3 domingo de herrera 105 4 5 211 0 10 80 224 6 4 alfonso rosario 74 7 5 149 6 11 81 257 0 5 antonio gonzalez 85 5 5 171 3 0 82 370 0 0 antonio gonzalez 123 2 8 246 5 4 84 373 5 2 antonio gomez 124 4 4 249 0 10 88 219 0 9 alferez luis de villarreal 73 0 3 146 0 6 89 129 2 5 bartolome martin 64 0 9 128 1 8 90 292 6 4 juan de orgáz 97 4 9 195 1 7 91 96 0 8 pedro ponce 32 0 2 64 0 6 92 280 3 0 juan gomez flores 93 3 8 186 7 4 96 77 3 1 juan navarro 25 6 4 51 4 9 97 43 3 0 francisco rodriguez caballos 15 6 4 31 4 8 98 70 0 10 manuel vicente 23 2 7 46 6 3 103 360 0 10 juan martin roldan 320 7 4 39 0 9 108 72 2 4 juan galo 24 0 9 48 1 7 115 48 6 11 fray francisco mexias 16 2 3 32 4 8 116 35 0 0 josé perez de nava 11 5 4 23 2 8 118 263 6 1 jeronimo enriquez 87 7 4 175 6 9 120 435 0 8 captain juan ruiz barrientos 145 0 2 290 0 6 124 167 4 10 julio alonso 55 6 11 111 5 11 said pay of the infantry of manila r[esult?] 4,295 0 6 126 505 1 8 francisco de leixas 168 3 2 336 6 6 136 294 7 4 don juan dolosit 98 2 5 196 4 11 138 221 4 2 captain pedro de la mata 73 6 8 147 5 6 pay of the infantry of maluco number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 110 206 5 8 alférez juan de montalvo 68 7 2 137 6 6 111 593 3 8 alférez juan palomo holgado 197 6 6 395 5 2 112 136 4 2 alférez juan de santiago 45 0 4 91 0 2 114 396 2 0 alférez diego nabon, a pampango 132 0 8 264 1 4 115 200 0 0 captain juan de mora 66 5 4 133 2 8 116 112 0 0 geronimo de atiença 37 2 8 74 5 4 117 510 0 0 alférez alonso rosario tenorio 170 0 0 340 0 0 118 184 0 3 alférez pedro melendez marques 61 2 9 122 5 6 119 1,535 0 0 captain alonso serrano 511 4 0 1,023 4 0 120 1,663 0 0 captain don esteban de comosa y losada 554 2 8 1,708 5 4 121 193 3 3 captain don alonso de dueñas 64 3 9 128 7 6 122 1,222 4 0 captain don juan garcia 407 4 0 815 0 0 123 110 4 4 alonso umali 36 6 9 73 5 7 124 54 6 11 alférez pablo garcia 18 2 3 36 4 8 125 354 2 9 alférez baltazar de reyes 118 11 0 236 1 10 126 209 0 0 captain rodrigo de cossa 69 5 4 139 2 8 127 100 2 5 sisto ruiz 33 3 5 66 7 0 129 212 5 9 alférez martin lasangan 70 7 1 141 6 8 131 158 7 1 alférez pablo lili 52 7 8 105 7 5 132 217 5 4 alférez pablo malanson 72 4 5 145 0 11 133 679 0 11 alférez alonso rosario 226 2 11 452 6 0 134 313 4 10 alonso maigal 104 4 3 209 0 7 135 51 5 1 agustín ansay 17 1 8 34 3 5 136 189 2 7 lucas cavasag 63 0 10 126 1 9 137 329 4 4 francisco dumagui 109 6 8 219 5 5 138 553 2 7 alférez cristobal jaron 184 4 2 368 6 5 139 348 0 0 sergeant nicolas ciap 116 0 2 232 0 5 140 303 3 4 alonso mangohat 101 1 1 202 2 3 141 397 6 7 alférez juan tubil 132 4 10 265 1 9 142 388 6 2 miguel cabalit 129 5 4 259 0 10 143 452 7 6 alférez diego pilata 150 7 10 301 7 8 144 848 5 1 alférez agustin lalung 282 7 0 848 5 1 [sic] 145 211 3 6 andres naguit 70 3 10 140 7 8 146 400 0 0 diego ruiz galazzo 133 2 8 266 5 4 147 622 5 3 don gaspar dugui 207 4 5 415 0 10 148 203 0 0 don nicolas manuel 67 5 4 135 2 8 149 694 6 2 andrés balu, a pampango 231 4 8 463 1 6 150 250 3 1 mateo bela 83 3 8 166 7 5 151 1,575 0 11 juan tambing 525 1 3 1,050 0 0 152 318 2 6 ygnacio maudain 106 0 10 212 1 8 153 300 1 9 juan de vergara 100 0 7 200 1 2 155 100 0 0 francisco de linares 33 2 8 66 5 4 156 100 0 11 juan lauglaug 33 2 11 66 6 0 157 141 0 7 agustin niri 47 0 2 94 0 5 158 44 0 10 pedro benguit 14 5 10 29 3 0 159 390 4 4 agustin tauding 130 1 5 260 2 11 160 58 1 9 pedro de mora salcedo 19 3 3 38 6 6 168 393 2 1 miguel suboc 131 0 8 262 1 5 177 1,004 6 1 captain juan campal 334 7 4 669 6 9 178 1,494 4 5 captain diego bosog 498 1 5 996 3 0 189 783 6 0 francisco quico 261 2 0 522 4 0 180 219 0 6 don nicolas banguit 73 0 2 146 0 4 181 115 3 6 don lucas lapor 38 3 10 76 7 8 182 2,061 6 4 don marcos puyat 687 2 1 1,374 4 3 184 152 2 3 captain lazaro de torres 50 6 1 101 4 2 185 254 0 10 nicolas rosario 84 5 10 163 3 0 186 47 5 5 don angel manalit 15 7 1 31 6 4 187 547 5 1 alférez agustin banal 182 4 4 365 0 9 188 384 3 11 juan pay, a pampango 128 1 0 253 2 1 189 155 2 7 francisco de mendoza 51 6 2 103 4 5 190 648 6 11 lorenzo soler 216 2 3 432 4 8 191 176 3 9 bernabé de aguiar 58 6 7 117 5 2 192 648 4 9 matheo de vila 216 1 7 432 3 2 193 319 0 1 antonio viscayno 106 2 8 212 5 5 194 171 0 4 simon ronquilo 57 0 1 114 0 3 195 399 3 8 alférez damian dalisay 133 1 2 266 2 6 199 920 4 6 captain juan gonzalez melon 306 6 10 613 5 8 200 414 5 3 domingo mangonay 138 1 9 276 3 6 _ordinary salaries_ number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 59 569 6 10 juan de olea 189 7 7 379 7 3 60 1,019 1 3 domingo guimarano 339 5 9 679 3 6 90 66 7 10 captain cristobal franco 22 2 7 44 5 3 91 622 7 8 jorge fernandez grella 207 5 2 415 2 6 _department of day wages_ number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 33 175 6 0 cristobal ramas, calker 58 4 8 117 1 4 36 2,033 7 2 the natives of la hermita 677 7 8 1,355 7 6 44 118 5 6 julian de norona 38 1 10 76 3 6 45 505 2 2 julian de norona 168 3 4 336 6 10 _extraordinary_ number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 16 666 5 4 the indians of the village of taguin 222 1 9 444 3 7 17 500 4 0 the society of jesus 166 6 8 333 5 4 _sea of manila and maluco_ number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 51 199 4 11 mateo mejias 66 4 0 133 0 11 52 476 2 8 some indians 158 6 2 317 4 6 54 339 4 10 francisco de esquivel 113 1 7 226 3 3 57 67 0 4 four indians 22 2 9 44 5 7 58 111 0 0 juan flores merino 37 0 0 74 0 0 63 201 6 2 sebastian salvador 67 2 0 134 4 2 66 536 7 10 jacinto col 178 7 11 357 7 11 68 617 4 8 pedro nuñez 205 6 10 411 5 10 74 233 7 0 domingo macabata 77 7 8 155 7 4 _salaries of alcaldes-mayor_ number amount due to amount amount of pay of pay paid commuted check check p t g p t g p t g 23 97 0 0 captain francisco sebastian flores 32 2 8 64 5 4 24 350 6 11 domingo de urieto 116 6 7 233 7 4 26 87 7 0 captain geronimo nuñez 29 4 4 58 4 8 27 53 0 0 don christobal de valderrama 17 5 4 35 2 8 ------ 4,912 7 7 _pay-checks for the year 1636_ amount due to amount amount of pay paid commuted check p t g p t g p t g 100 0 4 juan de valdimeso 33 2 9 66 5 7 303 2 6 domingo vilang, an indian 101 0 10 202 1 8 109 5 11 juan del orduy 36 4 7 73 1 0 126 7 2 juan del orduy 42 2 0 84 0 10 91 7 10 sargento-mayor andres de yllesoa 30 5 3 61 2 7 80 5 4 the said yllesoa 26 7 1 53 6 3 138 0 11 don andres arquerra 46 1 7 92 3 6 127 6 1 juan gomez serrano 42 0 8 85 1 5 791 5 5 don pedro tusiaya 263 7 1 527 6 0 97 1 6 don francisco de agis 32 3 2 64 6 0 305 0 0 don miguel de aguit 101 6 8 203 5 0 137 0 3 manuel simon 41 4 0 95 0 3 333 3 11 pedro de sisaua 111 1 3 222 2 6 610 0 0 various indians 203 0 0 407 0 0 128 6 0 andres de mesa 42 7 6 85 6 8 81 6 7 don julio limbout 27 2 2 54 6 5 131 3 3 andres dimblá 43 6 5 87 4 10 207 7 5 luis de alcazar 69 2 5 138 5 0 156 6 9 alférez simon cornejo 52 2 3 104 0 5 76 3 8 don alonso mocangos 158 6 6 317 5 2 99 4 10 alférez esteban de aldaco 33 1 7 66 3 3 ------ 3,095 1 6 the above is evident, and appears from the pay-checks above referred to, in each of which is the decree of the governor, by virtue of which the owners voluntarily commuted two-thirds of the face of each one, and i refer to it. in order that it may be apparent, and in obedience to the order of the said governor to that effect, i certify this in manila, june five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. juan bautista de çubiaga we, the undersigned notaries, certify and attest that juan bautista de çubiaga, whose rubric and name appear to be appended to this certification, is the auditor of accounts and results of the royal estate of these filipinas islands. as such, entire faith and credit are to be given to his certification, in and out of court. manila, june thirteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six augustin de valençuela, notary-public. andres martin del arroyo, royal notary. juan serrano, notary-public. _the governor's decree._ the official judges of the royal estate of his majesty shall certify at the foot of this decree the amount in pesos which they have paid from the royal treasury under their charge from the year six hundred and thirty-two until june twenty-four of the past year, six hundred and thirty-five, on the old pay-checks for pay, salary, or for other purposes, which were owed to various persons; and which, by virtue of their powers and transfers, were paid in entirety by virtue of a decree of the government, to extraordinary persons. [this is to be given] summarily, each year by itself; and [must show] the sum that is distributed each year. given at manila, february ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. don sebastian hurtado de corcuera francisco de ortega _the reply of the royal officials._ the official judges of the royal estate say that the general books, and the old pay-checks which have been paid by decree of the governors during the time to which your lordship refers in your order, have been delivered to the auditing department of the exchequer; and that there is no reason for the compilation of such a report by them. they petition your lordship to be pleased to refer the matter to the auditor of accounts, as he has possession of all the said papers. manila, february sixteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. yñigo de vlllareal don baltasar ruiz de escalona manila, february twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. let the auditor [_contador_] juan bautista de çubiaga, auditor of accounts and results in these islands, give the certification that is asked for by the decree of february ten of this year. at the foot of that decree is the rubric of governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera. ortega [_marginal note:_ "certification of the auditor of accounts and amounts--102 thousand 596 pesos, 1 tomin, 8 granos paid in pay-checks with the authority of the owners."] in obedience to the above decree of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia herein, i, juan bautista de çubiaga, auditor of accounts and results of the royal estate of these said islands, certify that it appears from the original pay-checks which are in my possession belonging to the general accounts of the royal treasury of this city of manila, for the period between years one thousand six hundred and thirty-two and the end of one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, that the official judges of this royal estate have paid from the said royal treasury a number of pay-checks that were legitimately owing to persons who were serving in the pay of his majesty, and for other reasons, to other extraordinary persons, by virtue of authorities, cessions, and transfers made to them by the real owners to collect them from the said royal treasury--and who did collect them--and to satisfy with them certain balances of accounts and results that persons who received posts in these islands owed to his majesty for various reasons. the pay-checks that here appear to have been paid to such persons by virtue of authorities, cessions, and transfers made to them by the real owners, are as follows: year of 1632 pay-check number fifty-two, for seven hundred and fifty pesos, owed to the natives of the village of candaba, for the value of one thousand two hundred fanegas of rice, which they gave as a bandala in the year one thousand six hundred and fifteen. it was collected by father fray francisco de figueroa, procurator-general of the order of st. augustine, by their authorization, on august thirty, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two, by decree of the royal audiencia which was governing _ad interim_. [25] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 750 pesos _pay of the infantry of terrenate_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 200 0 0 pedro roso, a soldier june 26, 1620 captain alonso garcia romero february 18 without decree of government. 4 100 0 0 alonso barrientos july 17, 1620 adjutant alonso perez manzan march 15 by decree of juan niño de tabora, and by the advice of the royal officials to pay with this sum and others a balance of 1,000 pesos owed by said adjutant to the royal estate. [26] 5 200 0 0 antonio de asnar march 10, 1620 adjutant alonso perez manzan march 15 _idem_. 7 614 0 10 juan pablos de cisneros april 2, 1631 admiral don francisco esguerra june 4 by authority and decree of juan niño de tabora, to satisfy claims due the royal treasury by esguerra. reported by the royal officials. 14 1,640 5 3 captain francisco melendez marquez april 30, 1621 juan de santa cruz, superintendent of the royal magazines in manila august 17 by decree of the governor, to satisfy claims of the magazines for a quantity of castilian wine taken in exchange for work and repair that he made in them for his house. 17-25 1,339 3 6 nine persons at various dates captain luis alonso de roa august 25 by authority and transfer of the owners, and by decree of the government and report of the royal officials, as a partial payment of a sum of money charged against captain luis de contreras, ex-overseer of pintados. 28 50 0 0 alonso perez, a soldier march 18, 1626 captain francisco de rebolledo september 27 by order of the royal audiencia. 29 100 0 0 juan sevillano a soldier february 1, 1625 francisco ruiz, steward of the royal hospital september 27 by authority from juan de santa cruz, superintendent of the royal magazines, executor of juan sevillano, without government decree. 40-43 793 5 9 captain don pedro taroc juan aucan, a sangley december 11 collects 517 pesos, 4 tomins by order of the governor, to pay for 60 licenses for 60 sangleys. 7-8 380 4 6 antonio caraballo, a soldier june 5, 1628 adjutant alonso perez manzano march 15 with authority and transfers of the executors, and paid by virtue of an order of juan niño de tabora, by the advice of the royal officials, in order to pay claims of the treasury of 1,000 pesos against him. domingo fernandez, artilleryman (both deceased) december 14, 1617 63 345 5 6 the executors of juan gonzalez de carate, deceased artilleryman december 3, 1625 captain luis alonso de roa august 25 by decree of juan niño de tabora, and report of the royal officials as partial payment of a sum of money charged against captain luis de contreras, overseer of oton, as heir of the bondsman of the said overseer. 69 468 5 0 francisco de la fuente december 31, 1629 captain gonzalez de francia september 3 to pay a charge resulting from the visit. 74 96 2 8 juan antonio tello, a soldier october 10, 1620 alférez pedro ruiz suarez by order of the royal audiencía to pay the balance remaining to him in his residencia as corregidor of calamianes and ybalon. 122 222 5 5 the executors of pascual de aguilar, deceased january 22, 1622 francisco gomez, of the exchequer december 22 by decree of the royal audiencia, paid 103 pesos, 4 tomins, to pay general licenses granted to sangleys. _pay of seamen_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 24 300 francisco sanchez, sailor november 20, 1630 captain luis alonso de roa august 25 by order of juan niño de tabora and report of the royal officials,as partial payment of the sum of money charged against captain luis de contreras, overseer of oton, as heir of the bondsman of the said overseer. _year of 1633_ _pay of the infantry of manila_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 6 325 2 3 the executors of pedro de la mata, deceased october 1, 1628 father fray diego de toro, o.p. january 19 paid by decree of royal audiencia for payment of a number of licenses for sangleys. 123 343 0 7 bartolome de arana, deceased june 20, 1631 general fernando de ayala, his executor december 17 by decree of juan cerezo de salamanca, as partial payment for charge [_resulta_] of 600 pesos against him for a bond that he gave to the royal treasury. 124 240 3 11 agustin de la cruz, soldier october 5, 1628 general fernando de ayala december 17 _idem_. _war--maluco_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 10 300 0 0 alférez rodrigo de orozco june 25, 1624 doña cathalina de santillan july 19 with authority from orozco, and by decree of the royal audiencia. 12 147 4 9 francisco rodriguez, a soldier december 31, 1632 pedro de cuellar august 2 with authority from rodriguez and by decree of the royal audiencia. 14 1,741 5 3 captain luis martin, a pampango may 10, 1623 the castellan, gonzalo ronquillo september 30 with authority from martin, and by decree of juan cerezo de salamanca. 41 1,134 0 0 garcia de melo, a calker march 6, 1633 don pedro de almonte december 30 collects 600 pesos with authority from melo, and by decree of juan cerezo de salamanca. 46 862 0 3 marcos hernandez, a soldier august 17, 1621 captain juan nicolas january 3, 1634 collects 410 pesos with authority from hernandez, in payment of a charge against him [_i.e._, nicolas] because he had received more pay than was due him; and without any decree. 47 400 0 0 captain nicolas maniris february 1, 1631 captain juan nicolas collects 197 pesos for the same purpose as above. 5, 8 567 5 0 various sangleys at various dates the sangleys february 17 by decree of the audiencia, for the payment of 66 licenses, there being collected 497 pesos, 4 tomins, 6 granos. 22 457 7 0 fifteen sangley stonecutters of the island of hermosa may 9, 1629 fray francisco de acosta, procurator general order of st. dominic september 17 with authority and transfer from the sangleys, and by decree of governor don juan cerezo de salamanca. _year of 1634_ _extraordinary_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 13 750 5 4 the natives of the village of bang-bang in the province of panay 1601 procurator-general of the order of st. augustine august 1 for the two-thirds of the cost of the church built in 1601 for the said village, which two-thirds are due from the king. the procurator collects 650 pesos, 4 tomins. paid by decree of governor juan cerezo do salamanca, and with authority from the debtors. 15 333 2 8 the indians of the village of san miguel 1627 procurator-general of the society of jesus september 18 they ought to have had 533 pesos, 2 tomins, 8 granos (two-thirds of the sum which they were taxed for the stone house built for the minister of the said village, and which his majesty was to pay). collected with authority and transfer of the indians, and by decree of the governor. 18 300 the indians of the village of magaldan procurator-general of the order of st. dominic september 14 due for the third of the church built in the said village by permission of governor juan de silva, and which the king was to pay. with authority and transfer of the indians, and by decree of the governor. _department of day wages_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 60 114 1 0 francisco, slave to diego fernandez torralva june 30, 1618 diego lopez saavedra, executor of torralva december 9 due for daily wages on royal works. collected to pay a charge against pedro de valdes. without decree by the government. _department of ordinary salaries_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 48-49 2,765 4 11 licentiate andres de alcazar, former auditor of the royal audiencia of manila july 2, 1622 alférez juan de mirabal cedeño june 18 with authority and transfer from the heirs of the said auditor, and by decree of governor juan cerezo de salamanca. _war--manila_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 7 1,410 5 5 captain payo, a sailor 1631 doña ana arias giron january 18 collects 410 pesos, with payo's authority, by virtue of a decree of governor juan cerezo de salamanca. 16 119 1 5 pascual de aguilar, deceased january 22,1626 the castellan, gonzalo ronquillo february 6 by decree of the above governor, to pay certain bonds that he owed to the royal treasury. 71 729 3 0 juan francisco de medina at various dates 73 alférez juan hurtado 72 juan bernal jaimes juan dias de yecla, clerk of the exchequer may 30 by decree of the above government. 84 503 5 3 pablo de cervantes december 12, 1626 captain pedro de almonte june 19 _idem._ 103 356 5 0 alférez juan martin de vargas october 8, 1630 captain antonio de lezama, nephew of the factor of the royal estate july 6 _idem._ 94 272 4 0 sergeant juan perez de aramburo november 5, 1625 alexandro lopez, procurator-general of the society of jesus june 30 _idem._ 118 1,457 3 0 pascual rodríguez at various dates 119 pablo de la ossa 120 andres diaz juan de santa cruz, superintendent of the royal magazines at manila. august 14 to pay for a quantity of mantas taken from said magazines. 158 100 0 0 josé vidal september 26, 1634 captain juan pimentel september 26 by decree of the governor. 168 203 0 3 sergeant diego de orozco february 12, 1634 diego de vargas cordero october 10 with authority and transfer from orozco, and by decree of the governor, to pay a charge resulting against him in the visit. 170-176 1,481 3 1 various soldiers at various dates guillermo chalón october 12 with authority from the soldiers, to be used as a partial payment of the balance in the account for the fitting of the ship "trinidad," which sailed from nueva españa in 1625. by decree of the governor, and report of the royal officials. 203 933 0 9 captain juan de baquedano november 6, 1633 fray alonso hidalgo procurator-general of the order of st. dominic, his executor december 9 collects 250 pesos, by decree of the governor. _pay of the infantry of terrenate_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 2 300 0 0 adjutant juan heredia ormentegui march 20, 1628 captain silvestre de aybar january 11 collects 100 pesos, with authority of heredia, and by decree of the governor. 7-23 8,995 0 0 various soldiers at various dates the castellan, gonzalo ronquillo february 6 with authority from the soldiers, and by decree of the governor and visitor, in order to pay charges resulting against himself and uncle, in the visit. 24 416 4 11 mattheo sangal, a pampango soldier february 22, 1620 general antonio carreño de valdéz february 13 collects 215 pesos, by decree of the governor. 27 240 0 0 captain juan garcia march 12, 1620 captain francisco hernandez march 4 collects 40 pesos on account, by virtue of a decree. 28 857 0 0 captain gonzalo portillo february 24, 1634 himself march 11 paid to him so that he might go to caraga, where he had received an appointment as chief accountant, that money being necessary to him, and because he had to take his wife and family. by decree of the governor. 30 462 0 3 marcos hernandez august 17, 1621 sargento-mayor melchor de cortaza march 27 with authority and transfer from hernandez, and by decree of the governor, to pay for the articles given from the royal magazines. 32 100 0 0 andres panganiban april 26, 1626 francisco pangan march 30 collects 47 pesos, 9 granos, to pay a charge made against him in the visit. 36 4,923 0 0 juan de ulex usategui captain juan sarmiento april 13 collects 3,748 pesos, by decree of the governor, in order to pay the charge resulting against sarmiento in the visit. the sum due was given to usategui as alms by various soldiers of terrenate from the pay owed them. 41 435 6 1 alférez nicolas cavil march 11, 1631 captain jose de naveda may 17 collects 248 pesos, 4 tomins, 8 granos, by decree of the governor, to pay a charge [_resulta_] that he owed. 42 175 2 6 juan bacol, an indian may 21, 1634 by decree of the governor. 43 190 3 0 alférez matheo noque february 29, 1628 juan diaz de yela may 30 _idem._ 45 706 5 8 alférez luis patil february 15, 1633 vicente de los reyes may 30 _idem._ 56 1,145 5 3 captain pedro cid february 19, 1620 57 his wife, as the guardian of his children june 30 collects 155 pesos, by decree of the governor. 63 302 6 6 alférez juan cabal november 23, 1619 juan diaz de yela july 1 by decree of the governor. 68-71 934 0 0 four soldiers at various dates juan de santa cruz august 14 by decree. 72 201 4 11 matheo sacal february 22, 1620 general antonio carreño de valdés august 18 by decree of the governor. 76 100 0 0 adjutant juan sevillano alférez juan de almansa august 26 with authority from sevillano, and by decree of the governor. 84 835 4 2 two soldiers at various dates 85 miguel de villareal september 11 by decree of the governor, to pay a balance that villarreal owed to his majesty. 91-94 1,303 4 5 four soldiers at various dates captain geronimo de fuente cortes october 5 by decree of the governor, to pay a charge [_resulta_] which he owed his majesty. 102-104 458 4 10 three soldiers at various dates diego de vargas cordero october 10 by decree of the governor, to pay certain charges that he owed to his majesty. 105-111 2,715 5 10 seven soldiers at various dates guillermo chalon november 12 by decree of the governor, and report of the royal officials, to pay the balance of the fitting out [of the ship "trinidad"] of the year 1625, which came to these islands. 112-114 749 7 10 three soldiers at various dates doña ana de cardona by decree of the governor, to pay the sum owed the royal treasury by her husband. 126 150 0 0 francisco lopez february 8, 1609 procurator-general of the order of st. dominic november 3 by decree of the governor. 127 556 6 6 geronimo de lamonte january 23, 1632 captain pedro de rojas november 3 _idem._ 129 100 4 5 alférez juan carreño de quiroz captain juan de olaez november 8 _idem._ 130 187 1 5 alférez nicolas cahil march 14, 1631 alférez francisco de torres november 18 collects 185 pesos, by decree of the governor. 132 200 0 0 pedro de salinas january 26, 1624 procurator-general of the society of jesus november 28 collects 100 pesos, by decree of the governor. _pay of the seamen_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 35 650 2 9 two sailors at different dates 36 esteban farfan may 31 by decree of the governor. 46 352 5 8 bartoleme pacheco march 16, 1616 mario geronimo, his heir june 12 _idem._ 62 529 6 7 the heirs and executors of juan perez de olea april 22, 1631 lorenzo de victoria july 3 _idem._ 73 680 0 0 juan zamorano 74 francisco reinoso juan de santa cruz august 14 by decree of the royal audiencia, and report of the royal officials. 95 271 1 4 juan diaz january 2, 1620 fray geronimo de belen, of the order of st. dominic october 6 by decree of the governor, with authority to pay a charge due the royal treasury from some poor sangleys. 96 894 6 8 two sailors at different dates 97 guillermo galon to pay the balance of accounts owing from the fitting up of the ship above referred to. 98 152 5 8 the heirs of bartholeme pacheco, calker march 16, 1616 alférez juan garcia october 25 by decree of the governor. 110 691 1 9 jose hernandez july 3, 1633 licentiate pedro tagama december 12 collects 350 pesos, by authority and decree of the governor. _year of 1635_ _factory department_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 15 60 0 0 antonio perez, an indian ropemaker august 31, 1617 felipe dalo april 18 collects 42 pesos, 2 tomins, 6 granos, with authority, to pay a charge resulting against him in the visit. _war--manila_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 11 371 5 0 manuel pacheco january 22, 1635 archbishop fray fernando do guerrero february 9 with authority and transfer. 12 173 3 4 francisco rodriguez january 24, 1635 _idem_ february 9 _idem._ 15 302 4 3 alférez alonso ruiz november 2, 1634 captain garcia de cuadros february 17 by decree of the governor. 30 180 5 7 juan vidal november 19, 1629 gonzalo teran collects 100 pesos, by decree of the governor. 36 467 6 11 hernando diaz de la peña november 31, 1628 melchor perez march 31 collects 200 pesos, with authority and transfer, and by decree of the governor. 37 269 7 4 juan de oria november 18, 1629 captain francisco lopez march 26 collects 150 pesos, by authority and decree of the governor. 47 131 2 1 alférez francisco de albornos september 25, 1634 blas de raselez may 11 with authority and transfer, and by decree of the governor. 62 63 3 6 bartholome de espinosa june 14, 1627 captain luis alonso de roa june 16 with authority, to satisfy the charges resulting from the visit. 64-67 1,066 2 5 four soldiers at various dates alonso de roa juan de olaez captain luis june 16 to satisfy the charges resulting from the visit. 66 329 3 4 alférez diego de vargas september 18, 1633 [_sic_] alférez francisco beltran june 20 to satisfy the charges resulting from the visit. by authority and decree of the governor. 71 277 4 5 alférez domingo perez november 2, 1634 captain alonso tello de guzman june 22 with authority and transfer, and by decree of the governor. 75 267 6 11 hernando diaz de la peña november 1, 1628 melchor perez _idem._ 111-113 846 7 0 three soldiers at various dates doña cathalina de gaona with authority and transfer, and by decree of the governor, to pay the charges resulting against her husband in the visit, to the treasurer, juan ruiz de escalona. _war--maluco_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 1 372 6 5 andres perez february 25, 1633 doña francisca samaniego january 10 collects 200 pesos, with authority of perez, and by decree of the governor. 6 638 6 6 alférez rodriguez de orozco february 19, 1625 lope de sosa january 22 collects 300 pesos, by authority and decree of the governor. 10 411 0 3 luis latao, an indian may 14, 1623 archbishop fray hernando guerrero february 9 by decree of the governor, to pay a debt and balance owed to his majesty by the archbishop's nephew, captain gabriel velasquez, of whom the archbishop was executor. 11, 12 145 2 3 two soldiers at different dates _idem_ february 9 _idem._ 13 193 2 0 alférez manuel lorenzo september 12, 1633 agustin angel de carvajal february 17 by decree of the governor. 15, 16 428 4 0 two soldiers at different dates doña ysabel de guerra february 27 with authority and transfer, to pay a charge that she owed to the royal treasury. 21 779 2 0 alférez esteban de espinosa december 20, 1634 pedro de almonte march 9 by decree of the governor. 23 250 0 0 alférez geronimo soman march 23, 1628 procurator of the society of jesus march 27 collects 100 pesos, by authority and decree of the governor. 24-27 1,472 0 0 four soldier at various dates bartholome gonzalez guerra march 30 with authority of the owners, and by decree of the governor, to pay the balance of an account which he owed for the fitting up of a ship. 32 200 0 0 alférez alonso vaez february 8, 1633 juan de santisteban bracamonte april 28 collects 62 pesos, 4 tomins, by decree of the governor. 41, 47 137 4 0 _idem_ february 8, 1633 captain francisco de atienza march 26 the balance of the 200 pesos above. by decree of the governor. 42 200 0 0 alférez diego duarte march 5, 1633 _idem_ march 26 by decree of the governor. 48 283 7 4 lucas çapata april 29, 1634 juan colmenares july 5 _idem._ 50 300 juan de heredia january 20, 1623 juan nicolas december 23, 1622 the executors of juan de orguëlles june 15 with authority, and by decree of the governor, to pay a charge resulting against orguëlles. 43 10,621 1 5 various soldiers at various dates pay captain luis alonso de roa june 16 checks by decree of the visitor, to pay charges that his father owed for bonds, and which resulted against him in the visit. 96 900 0 0 seven soldiers at various dates hipolito centellas june 22 collects 200 pesos, by authority and decree of the governor. 97 800 0 0 two soldiers at various dates 98 hernando zerrudo june 22 with authority from the soldiers, and by decree of the governor, to pay the charges [_resultas_] that he owed his majesty. 99 1,412 1 11 various soldiers at various dates 103 the factor, matheo de heredia june 22 with authority and transfers, and by decree of the governor, to pay the charges resulting against him in the visit. 103 1,417 2 0 three soldiers at various dates 105 doña magdalena de gaona, wife of the june 22 treasurer, silvestre de aibar by decree of the governor, to pay the charges resulting against the treasurer in the visit. 162 2,304 4 7 various soldiers at various dates 176 doña cathalina de gaona, widow of the treasurer, juan ruiz de escalona by decree of the governor, to pay the charges resulting against the treasurer in the visit. _department of day wages_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 4 1,445 6 0 amgui and tachaucho, and other sangleys july 30, 1633 5 february 9 for services on royal works. collected by decree of the governor to pay general licenses for 1635. _extraordinary_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 2 1,129 3 4 the natives of estero de lobo, in 1618 cagayan procurator-general of the order of march 3 st. dominic the amount (one-third) to be paid by his majesty in the building of their church. collects 207 pesos, with authority, and by decree of the governor, to pay 24 sangley licenses. 33-43 5,117 7 3 eleven sailors at various dates admiral luis alonso de roa june 16 with authority and transfer from the sailors, to pay the charges resulting against him in the visit, and which he owed his majesty. 44 341 1 9 jose hernandez, a sailor july, 1633 licentiate pedro cegavia june 22 by authority and decree of the governor. 45-47 1,921 5 9 three sailors at various dates hernando cerrido, constable of the royal audiencia with authority and transfer from the soldiers, and by decree of the governor, to pay charges resulting against him in the visit. _department of ordinary salaries_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 11 20,000 0 0 the property of deceased persons for 1624 loans made to royal treasury alférez juan de mirabal cedeño june 22 borrowed from the property of licentiate andres de alcaraz, former auditor of the royal audiencia. repaid on account, 14,476 pesos, by decree of the governor, and with authority and transfer from the heirs of the said auditor. _salaries of alcaldes-mayor_ number amount due to expiration of pay of pay of service check check paid to date of payment p t g 18 111 3 8 alférez francisco de los rios coronel, december 6, 1629 ex-corregidor of catanduanes juan de colmenar june 5 with authority, and by decree of the governor. accordingly, all the aforesaid is obvious, and appears from the said pay-checks, whose originals remain in my possession, to which i refer. in order that it might be on record, i certify it at the order of the said governor and captain-general, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera y mendoza. manila, april 15, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. amount 102,596 pesos, 1 tomin, 8 granos. juan bautista de çubiaga we, the undersigned notaries, certify that juan bautista de çubiaga, whose mark and name appear at the end of this certification of eleven pages, is auditor of accounts and results of the royal estate of the filipinas islands, as he styles himself. to the certifications and papers of these and other records that he has despatched, touching the said his office, entire faith and credit has been, and is, given, in and out of court. in order that such may be obvious, we signed this in manila, april thirty, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. alfonso baeza del rio, royal notary. francisco de la torre, notary of the royal crown. andres martin del arroyo, notary of the royal crown. _reduction of expenses_ sire: in my endeavor to be a good steward of your majesty's estate, having noticed and considered the many expenses and the lack of profit that you encounter in these islands, solely in order to maintain in them the catholic religion, i have thought it advisable to reduce some of the expenses--as your majesty will please to have examined by means of the orders for the said reduction, and which your majesty will please approve or censure, according as you judge it most for the good of your service. my only desire is that god will not ask account from me for doing it badly, and for unjustly causing expense to your majesty. although i desire to render your majesty so just an account, i could not fear it so much as the first, if i gave it as many others of us who serve you do. i thought it advisable to save the pay of six hundred pesos per year, which a captain receives for serving [as such] in the company that he raised in mexico; and although my officers are careful to station and retire the guards, and serve as those of the master-of-camp, i see to it that they do it well, and that they are not derelict in their duty. i have given the same orders to the governor and sargento-mayor of the forts of terrenate, who also have command of two companies; the governor and sargento-mayor of the island of hermosa, of two other companies; the warden of camboaga [_i.e._, zamboanga], of another; and the alcaldes-mayor of oton, cibu, nueva segovia, and caraga, who have a company together, and command their men in the forts in the above-named islands. also in this army, from now on, a captain will have command of another company, and will receive the pay of the chief guard of the parián, which will be paid from the communal fund of the chinese, and his pay will be saved to the treasury of your majesty. the captains who will serve without pay from your majesty's royal treasury will thus amount to eleven; and hence a great sum of money will be saved by the end of the year, as well as the [expense for] the post of sargento-mayor of this army, which is held by my nephew, don pedro hurtado de corcuera--who serves without pay, together with a company of thirty horsemen, whom i thought to be very expedient for your majesty's service, for the following reasons. first, just as i caused and ordered the raising of four companies among the citizens of this city, in the infantry, in order that they might exercise themselves in the squadrons, and be ready for any emergencies that may arise, i also had two companies of fifty horse apiece raised--one made up of the nobility of the city, who can keep horses, and the other of the overseers of the royal stockyards--all armed with spears. in order that the above horsemen might have someone to instruct and exercise them, this company of thirty horsemen was enlisted. the actual officers in it are captain, alférez, and lieutenant. it would be very advisable to raise the number to fifty, if that would be agreeable to your majesty; for besides being necessary for the guard of the coast, and to keep these nations--the chinese, japanese, and indians--in check, they patrol the city nightly, and shut and open the city gates, on horseback. for that reason the poor infantrymen are excused from patrol duty, and from locking the gates, and thus from going about almost every night knee-deep in water, from which many diseases and deaths ensued; that has been avoided by this means. experience has demonstrated, also, how useful and profitable these cavalrymen may be when stationed as a troop among the artillery on a campaign, for skirmishing--for which they are greatly esteemed in the flandes army; and, at the very least, the sight of them strikes terror in those present, and the noise made by them in those absent. will your majesty be pleased to approve and confirm this company of cavalrymen, and grant permission that it consist of fifty soldiers. notwithstanding the savings and the reductions, of which i inform your majesty, not only is there no expense incurred in this company but there is even a saving of money for the following reasons. in recent times there have been eight companies of infantry for the guard of the city; but immediately upon my arrival, i reduced them to six. when i sent the reënforcements to terrenate--for two hundred spaniards went there in three companies, and one hundred pampangos (who are as good and as faithful here as are the burgundians in flandes)--and the guard of the city remained in four companies, seeing that it was impossible to cover the posts and to stand guard with so few men, i ordered two hundred pampangos to be enrolled into two companies, so that now there are the six hundred necessary guardsmen. the pampangos are in place of the two hundred spaniards who went [to terrenate]. seeing that the said spaniards are lacking, there is nothing but to appeal to the pampangos; they are being instructed, and are managing their arms in a manner that makes me very well satisfied with them. both the captains and other officers, and the soldiers, receive half the pay of the spaniards. thus the two companies of pampangos cause your majesty an expense of ten thousand pesos, and that of the cavalry seven thousand, making a total of seventeen thousand pesos. the two infantry companies which were here before caused an expense of twenty-two thousand pesos or thereabouts; so, if the former expense was this amount, and that of the pampangos and the cavalry now is seventeen thousand, there is an annual saving of five thousand pesos to your majesty. there are thirty more soldiers than before. will your majesty please have this approved and look favorably upon it; and believe that i am spending your majesty's revenue with great care, and that i can have no scruple of conscience in what i am doing. your majesty will learn the truth of this by experience, in a short time. may our lord preserve the catholic person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera _revision of pay and rations made september 4, 1635_ don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, member of his majesty's council, member of the council of war in the states of flandes, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia, resident in the city of manila: from the discovery of these islands until now there has been no instruction or fixed order given by his majesty in regard to the pay and rations which have been and ought to be given to many of the persons who have served and who shall serve in his service in various posts of the sea and in other employments, both in this city of manila and along the coast and in the port of cavite, in the shipyards for the construction of ships which are built for the royal service in the provinces of these islands, in the presidios of the islands, and in the voyages to and from nueva españa, terrenate, the island of hermosa, macan, india, and other places; but the governors my predecessors, and the councils of the treasury, made some regulations, by virtue of decrees from his majesty (as the matter was referred to them, so that they could decide on what was best). some of the wages paid were thus very greatly increased, thereby causing, from that time until the present, a heavy burden and debt on the royal estate. so heavy has been this burden that the royal estate has come to so low an ebb by reason of some salaries that are especially excessive, that it is obliged to demand loans quite ordinarily from the inhabitants of this said city; and, because of the heavy loans that have been made for many years, it has been impossible to free itself from its many debts. now therefore, on account of all these considerations, and because the matter has been examined and considered attentively, as well as the little profit of the royal patrimony in these islands (or rather its many expenses) because of the constant reënforcements of men, money, ammunition, food, and other things that must be sent to the presidios of the islands (which, being many and so distant and separated from one another), meet a much greater cost and expense than his majesty is told--in especial the great cost of the preparation and equipment of the two ships sent annually to nueva españa for the usual reënforcement of men and the other things that maintain this land; and almost the chief reason for which those ships sail and are sent seems not to be for reënforcements, but only to carry and to bring back the goods of the inhabitants and merchants of manila, in which they traffic to the extent that is well known, and to so much greater a sum than his majesty has permitted, at so great an expense to the royal estate, and little or no profit from the duties and freights that they owe), it is advisable to revise and adjust some of the posts and wages and rations, to abolish some and add others, and to create some new ones which are obligatory and necessary for the service of his majesty. therefore, and because it is advisable, according to the present condition of matters, and in order to relieve the said royal treasury and to help it as far as may be possible (as his majesty commands by various decrees), and in order to attend better to what is obligatory and necessary, and to see that the royal treasury be not pledged so deeply as it has been hitherto and is now, he ordered by a decision communicated and conferred over with persons zealous for his majesty's service--and he did so order--the official judges of the royal estate of these islands, and all the other persons who administer the royal revenues, both in the royal treasuries of the garrisons at terrenate and the island of hermosa, under the titles of accountants, factors, and royal officials, and in the other provinces (whence they come to this royal treasury of manila to report what has entered into their possession)--each one in so far as it concerns him, or can concern him--to give the necessary orders in his majesty's name, so that from the first of the month of october next of this present year, and thenceforth, all shall understand what is to be paid and given to the persons who shall serve his majesty in the posts mentioned in this order, and which will be mentioned in every case. that sum is that which they are to receive as their proper pay; and it must be observed and kept in the following form. the assayer and weigher of the royal treasury of this city shall serve for two hundred and fifty pesos per annum, without any ration. the executor of the royal estate shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per annum, without any ration. the keeper of the provisions in the royal magazines of this city shall receive a salary of three hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the keeper of the provisions in the royal magazines of the port of cavite shall receive a salary of three hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the keeper of the royal magazines, provisions, arms, and ammunition for the forts of terrenate shall receive a salary of three hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the keeper of the provisions, arms, and ammunition for the presidio of the island of hermosa shall receive three hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the keeper of the provisions, arms, and ammunition for the port of yloylo shall receive a salary of three hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the clerk of the royal magazines of this city shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per annum, without any ration. the shore-master of the port of cavite and of all the naval dock-yards there shall receive a salary of six hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the overseer at the royal works of all the day-laborers and assistants at the said port of cavite shall receive a salary of six hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the artillery founder of this city shall receive a salary of five hundred pesos per annum, without any ration or anything else. the shipbuilder and the master-workman of the works at the port of cavite shall receive a salary of six hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the manager of the powder that is made for his majesty on the other side of the river shall receive a salary of four hundred pesos per annum, without anything else. the manager of the rigging which is made in the province of balayan for his majesty shall receive a salary of two hundred and fifty pesos per annum, without any ration. the castellan of the fort of santiago in this city of manila shall receive a salary of six hundred pesos per annum, and shall hold the place by virtue of regular appointment. he who exercises that office _ad interim_ shall receive one-half that sum as his majesty has ordered. the lieutenant of the said fort of santiago in this city, who has hitherto been appointed at a salary of four hundred and twenty pesos, is now removed and discharged; for there is no need of him in the said fort, since there is an alférez and a sergeant. there shall be two infantry adjutants in the forts of terrenate. one shall receive a salary of three hundred and sixty pesos per annum, while the other shall receive ninety-six pesos per annum--the pay of a simple soldier. they shall receive nothing else. all the pampango soldiers who serve in the forts of terrenate shall receive annual pay at the rate of forty-eight pesos of eight reals apiece. they shall be in two companies, which shall be under the command of the master-of-camp and his sargento-mayor, each of whom shall receive a salary of two hundred and fifty pesos per annum. the two alférezes of the said pampango nation shall receive an annual pay of one hundred and fifty pesos apiece. each of the sergeants of the said [pampango] nation shall receive an annual pay of one hundred and twenty pesos. there shall not be an artillery captain in the forts of terrenate, for that place is abolished. the surgeon of the royal hospital for the said forts of terrenate shall receive a salary of six hundred pesos per annum, without any ration. the field captain of the said forts shall receive an annual pay of one hundred and fifty pesos, without anything else. the military notary of the said forts, who has hitherto received a salary of two hundred pesos per annum, shall not receive that sum from the said day and thenceforth; and the accountant of the said forts shall under no consideration pay it to him. the four substitutes [_entretenimientos_], who were reduced to their [opportunities for] advantage in the said forts of terrenate, shall be given nothing by way of additional pay or allowances; and they shall not be paid in advance from the said day and thenceforth by the accountant of those forts. the infantry adjutants of the presidios in the provinces of çibu, oton, cagayan, caraga, and cambuanga, shall serve as simple soldiers for the annual pay of ninety-six pesos--the same as the simple soldier--without anything else. the field _borrechel_ (which means the field captain and borrechel in one) shall serve for an annual pay of one hundred and fifty pesos, without anything else. the military notary, who has been hitherto stationed in this city, with an annual salary of two hundred pesos, shall not receive that sum, and the royal officials shall not pay it to him. the head drummer shall be paid at the rate of one hundred and twenty pesos per annum--the pay of a musketeer. the chief gunners--in this city of manila, he of the fort of santiago in this city, and those of the port of cavite, the island of hermosa, and terrenate--shall receive annual salaries at the rate of two hundred and fifty pesos. the apothecary of the royal hospital in this said city of manila shall receive an annual salary of two hundred pesos, without any ration. the galley captains of this city of manila, the port of cavite, the island of hermosa, and terrenate, shall be abolished; for the duties of galley captain shall be performed by the master of the galley. the latter shall receive the royal revenue, and shall give account of it. he shall give bonds to the satisfaction of the royal official judges. he shall receive an annual pay of two hundred and fifty pesos, and, when afloat, the ration which shall pertain to him in addition to the pay; but, when not afloat, he shall not receive anything in addition to the pay. the boatswains of the said galleys shall receive an annual pay of two hundred pesos without ration, when in port, and when they are afloat their ordinary ration, as aforesaid. the boatswains' mates of the said galleys shall receive when ashore an annual pay of one hundred and fifty pesos, and thirty gantas of rice [per month], which must be given them on account of their pay; and, when afloat, the said one hundred and fifty pesos and the ordinary ration, as aforesaid. the guards of the said galleys of this city, terrenate, and the island of hermosa shall be abolished, as they are unnecessary. the corporals of the said galleys are removed and abolished, for they are unnecessary. the captain of the said galleys shall receive an annual pay of two hundred pesos, without any ration; when afloat, he shall be given his ordinary ration as an officer of said galley, in addition to his pay. the pilots who sail on any voyage from these islands shall receive an annual pay of five hundred pesos, besides their ordinary ration, which shall be given them from port to port, wherever they may be anchored; but while not afloat they shall receive only two hundred pesos as an allowance, and nothing else. the mates of his majesty's ships shall receive an annual pay of two hundred and fifty pesos, besides the ordinary ration, when afloat, and during any voyage; but when not afloat, even though they be employed on the ships which are to sail on any voyage whatever, they shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and their ration of thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month, as do the other sailors, and it shall be charged to the account of their pay. the second mates of the said ships shall receive an annual pay of two hundred pesos when afloat, and their ordinary ration; but in the interval when they are not afloat, even though employed in the ships that are to sail, they shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and the ordinary ration of the sailor, of thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month, at the account of their pay, as aforesaid. all the sailors who are employed and shall be employed on the cavite coast, and anywhere else, shall receive pay at the rate of one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and thirty gantas of cleaned rice apiece per month. the rice shall be charged to the account of their pay, as aforesaid. when afloat they shall receive the said one hundred and fifty pesos, and in addition the ration that has been given them hitherto. the spanish common seamen who are employed anywhere shall receive pay of one hundred pesos per year, and the thirty gantas of rice per month on account of their pay, as aforesaid. when afloat they shall receive their ordinary ration, as do the rest of the sailors, in addition to their pay. the indian common seamen who are employed anywhere shall receive forty-eight pesos per year, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month on the account of their pay, as aforesaid; and when afloat, the said pay, and in addition the ordinary ration which has hitherto been given them. the spanish carpenters, both those who work in the port of cavite, and those who work at shipbuilding in other places, shall receive an annual pay of two hundred and fifty pesos, and no more, without any ration while on shore; but when afloat, the said pay, and in addition the ordinary ration, as hitherto. the chief calker who shall be employed in any place shall receive an annual pay of three hundred pesos, without any ration; but when afloat, the said pay, and in addition his ordinary ration, as hitherto. the spanish calkers shall receive two hundred and fifty pesos per year, without ration while in port; but when afloat, the said pay and in addition their ordinary ration, as hitherto. the spanish coopers shall receive each two hundred and fifty pesos per annum, without anything else; but if afloat, their ordinary ration, as hitherto. the indian coopers shall receive an annual pay of sixty pesos per year, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month; and afloat, their ration in addition to the said pay. the diver in the port of cabite shall receive two hundred pesos per year, and a ration of thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month, which shall be charged to the account of his pay; and afloat, the ordinary ration, as hitherto. the spanish boss of the rope-factory at the port of cabite shall receive an annual pay of one hundred and fifty pesos, and thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month, which shall be paid on the account of his wages. the two indian artisans in the rope-factory shall receive fifty-four pesos per year apiece, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month, on the account of their pay. the spanish boss of the smithy at the port of cabite shall receive an annual pay of four hundred pesos, without any ration. the indian smiths at the said port of cabite and in the foundry and arsenal of this camp shall receive--the boss, one hundred pesos per year, and fifty gantas of cleaned rice per month; and the others, the pay that they are receiving. the latter shall all receive fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month, which shall be charged to the account of their pay. the sangley champan men, and sailors in the champans that belong to his majesty in any place, shall receive the pay in money that has hitherto been given them, and in addition fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month, instead of the twenty gantas that have been given them, besides their pay. the sangley carpenters and sawyers who are actually working in the port of cabite and other places shall receive the pay in money that has hitherto been given them; and in addition, fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month instead of the twenty. the sawyers of _brazas_ [27] shall receive four reals for each _braza_ one braza long and one vara wide, but nothing else. however, if they prefer rice on their account, it shall be given them at its market price to his majesty. the sangley smiths who work on the cabite shore and in other places shall receive the pay in money that has been given them hitherto; and, in addition, fifteen gantas of cleaned rice instead of twenty. the sangley calkers who ordinarily work at the royal works in cabite and other places shall receive five pesos per month, and, in addition, fifteen gantas of cleaned rice. the indians who are employed to row in the sentinel boat at mariveles, shall receive one peso in money and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month. the lascars who are employed in any capacity in cabite, either on sea or on land, shall receive--the two bosses one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and in addition fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month; while the others shall receive the pay that they receive at present, and they shall be given in addition fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month, apiece. the other two sub-bosses of the lascars shall receive one hundred and twenty pesos per year, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month. all the others shall receive the pay that they received before, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month, besides their pay. there shall be twenty musketeers in each one of the companies of this city and in the companies of the other presidios outside the city, but no more. they shall be paid at the rate of two pesos per month, one for additional pay for the musket; but no more, inasmuch as each one has been reduced four reals. the acting sergeants of the company of this said city of manila, and the others in the presidios outside it, shall receive an increase of two pesos per month, in addition to the ten pesos that they received before, because of the severe labor that they have to perform. likewise, the corporals of all the companies in this said city, and outside it, shall receive an increase of one peso per month, as additional pay, besides what they were receiving before. there shall be no shield-bearers to any company of this said city, or in the other presidios; and consequently, they shall not be paid at his majesty's account. but the captains shall have them at their own cost, and the captains shall not go without them, nor station the guards without the said page. the commander of the ships which are despatched annually to nueva españa shall receive a salary of three thousand pesos per annum, besides the usual ration while sailing from port to port--even though he anchor at any other port in the islands, if he reach it in distress, even though it be not the legitimate port whence he sailed. the admiral of the said ships shall receive an annual salary of two thousand pesos, and the usual ration while sailing from port to port, in the same manner as the commander. the notaries of the said ships which sail to nueva españa, or on any other voyage, shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, with the usual ration, as hitherto, while sailing from port to port. the stewards of the said ships, and those making any other voyages from these islands, shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, besides the usual ration, while sailing in the same manner as above; but when they reach land their pay or ration shall not run on. the guards of the water on the said ships, and those making other voyages, shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and their ration while sailing in the above manner. the office of the controllership of the royal exchequer must be held by such a person as that office requires. for in that office, not only is he under obligation to examine and review the transactions in all the other offices--the paymaster's, the factor's and the chief office [of the exchequer]--but it is instituted from their beginning, and must keep an equal number of books, which must agree with them and be made as they. he exercises the duties of the paymaster, of the factor, and of the chief official of the said exchequer, in order that the despatches made in the said offices may be collated and compared with the duplicates which he shall have made at that same time in his office of the controllership. finding that they conform, those pay-checks and payments will be despatched more properly. he shall be given two clerks to help him, at a salary of ninety-six pesos per year, without anything else. he who shall exercise the said duties of the controllership shall receive two hundred and fifty pesos per year, without anything else. in the pay-office of the infantry, in the accountancy of the treasury, there shall be a chief official, who shall receive three hundred pesos per year, but nothing else. this is the same sum that he has received and is receiving in the said office. in the said pay-office and accountancy, there shall be a subordinate official with an annual salary of two hundred and fifty pesos, without anything else, which is the sum that he has been receiving. there shall be two clerks in the said office, so that they may become experienced in the management and handling of papers; they shall succeed to the others who shall be employed in the other higher places; and they shall work there and aid them, because of the press of matters there, as i have been informed. each of those clerks shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, without ration. in addition to the chief clerk and the sub-clerk at present employed in the office of the factor of the exchequer, at the pay that they receive, there shall be another clerk; so that he may help them, and so that he may become experienced in the office for the future. he shall receive a salary of one hundred and fifty pesos, without anything else. in the chief office of the exchequer, there shall be, in addition to the chief clerk and the other sub-clerk, who shall receive the salaries that they have been receiving, another clerk to help them, and to render himself useful in the office. he shall receive one hundred and fifty pesos, but nothing else. the said clerks in any of the said offices shall be spaniards. no powder shall be wasted in salutes for the commandants of the presidios when they enter or when they go out of them, with a fleet or without it, or any other things, in any of the redoubts and forts of this city or in the others outside it--except on the day of the resurrection and on corpus christi. it shall be done with moderation on those days. if they wish to fire salutes on the days of the patron saints of the city of manila and other places in these islands, it shall be at their own cost; and they shall pay his majesty for the powder and other things that are used. furthermore, after the said day the standard-bearers of the alférezes of all the companies of this city, and of those outside the city, shall receive only the half of what they now receive. they were receiving ninety-six pesos of eight reals, the half of which is forty-eight pesos; and they shall receive that sum, and nothing else. furthermore, the standard-bearers of the companies of the pampango nation shall only receive, from the said day and thenceforth, the half of the sum paid to a soldier of that nation, and no more, and the pages of the said nation shall be dismissed. all the above shall be observed and obeyed and executed, without any violation of it by any other meaning and interpretation that might be given to it in any circumstance, under penalty of being punished as disobedient to the royal commands, so long as there is no change made in them by his majesty, by myself, or by any other person in his royal name. the said royal officials, in order that they may so understand it, shall enter this order in the royal books, and shall despatch the necessary orders to the places where that is advisable. the royal officials are to note that the salaries and other payments made in this city, in any manner, must be authorized and paid by decree of the government, as is ordered to them; and not in any other manner, by issuing pay-checks and payments in form. the auditor of accounts shall also take note of this order, so that, in accordance with it, the payments that shall have been made shall be placed in the accounts of the royal estate that he shall audit which shall have been administered not only by the said royal official judges, but by those of terrenate and the island of hermosa, and by the alcaldes-mayor, overseers, ship-masters, and all others who in any manner have to do with his majesty's revenues, and in no other manner. given in manila, september four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. don sebastian hurtado de corcuera by order of the governor: francisco de ortega also, from the said day and thenceforth, the common seamen who shall come in the ships from castilla, who shall not be necessary and indispensable in the port of cavite, shall be dismissed. the same shall be done in the ships that sail to terrenate and the island of hermosa, when they shall have returned to manila. the pay of the said common seamen shall not run any longer than the day on which they pass muster after they shall have anchored. if the said galleons shall be needed for the voyage, they shall determine what common seamen shall be necessary, a fortnight before the ships sail. furthermore, the clerk of the magazines at the said port of cavite shall not receive, from the said day and thenceforth, a greater sum than one hundred and fifty pesos of eight reals per year, and nothing else. don sebastian hurtado de corcuera from the said day, the first of october, and thenceforth, all the artillerymen of this city, the port of cavite, and all the others in all places outside this said city, shall receive one hundred and seventy pesos of eight reals per annum, and no more; and the sum of two hundred pesos that they received before shall cease. all the corporals of all the companies outside of this city shall receive and enjoy the same pay and additional pay as those of this presidio of manila, and no more. the corporals from the nobility, [28] who have been in the forts of terrenate hitherto, and who have received more pay than the other corporals of the companies, shall be dropped and removed, as they are unnecessary. furthermore, all the companies which shall be serving in the said forts shall each receive thirty ordinary escudos of ten reals, the same as is received by the companies of this presidio; and they shall cease to receive the thirty ducados of eleven reals which they had before. the corporals of the companies of the pampangos throughout these islands shall receive and enjoy no additional pay for their office. the pay of captain, alférez, and sergeant of the pampango nation shall be understood to be, for all those who serve in these islands, the amount that is assigned in the articles of this revision, and no more. don sebastian hurtado de corcuera collated with the original act and revision of pay and rations made by the governor and captain-general, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera y mendoça, who sent it to the official judges of the royal estate of these islands so that it might be put in force. i obtained it from them, in order to set it down in his majesty's books in this auditing department of the royal exchequer, and to make these copies. then i returned it to them and they have it now. given in manila, june four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. juan bautista de çubiaga juan bautista de çubiaga, auditor of accounts and results of the royal estate of these philipinas islands, shall certify at the end of this decree the salaries and wages, and the rations, that have been paid from the royal treasury and magazines to the persons who have served in any naval or military post, or in any other capacity, both in this city of manila and outside of it, and in its presidios, in former times and until june twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, when i assumed the government of the islands. he shall also make a copy, signed with his name, from the revision which i made general, in the month of september of the said year, of the paid positions in which certain wages and rations that they enjoyed were lessened and reduced, because they were so large. he shall do it all distinctly and clearly, so that the saving that has been made for his majesty's royal estate may be seen, in order that it might be evident in his royal council. given in manila, may twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. sebastian hurtado de corcuera in fulfilment of the order given by the above decree of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia herein, i, juan baptista de çubiaga, auditor of accounts and results of the royal estate of these islands, certify that it appears from various books, warrants, and other papers in this royal exchequer that are in my charge, that the various posts necessary to his majesty's service, both in this city of manila, and outside of it, and in the presidios, received the salaries which will be stated below, and which were assigned by councils of the treasury, called by the president and auditors and the fiscal and royal officials, in former years and up to june, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. in accordance with the general revision which the said governor made on september four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, there has been saved for his majesty, from the pay and rations enumerated therein--which are the amounts now paid, and those which they formerly received and which were given to those who were employed in the said posts--what appears in each item of the following. _saved for his majesty annually_ money cleaned rice rice in the husk (gantas) (fanegas) the assayer and weigher of the royal treasury received four hundred pesos and one hundred fanegas of rice in the husk per year. his pay was reduced by one hundred and fifty pesos and the hundred fanegas of rice 150 p. 0 100 the executor of the royal estate received one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month. his pay was reduced by only the ration 0 365[_sic_] 0 the keeper of the provisions and ammunition in the royal magazines of manila received six hundred pesos and one hundred fanegas of rice in the husk per year. he shall receive three hundred pesos only, his pay being reduced by three hundred pesos and the said ration 300 p. 0 100 another keeper, he of the royal magazines of cavite, received three hundred pesos per year, and sixty gantas of cleaned rice per month. his pay was reduced only by the ration 0 720 0 one person has held the above two places, with a substitute at his own cost, from the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight until the present time, at the salary of eight hundred pesos and the said ration. it was badly administered because of the vast number of papers that that keeper made, and one cannot hope to see the end of his accounts. the keeper of the magazines and the paymaster of terrenate received five hundred pesos per year and one ganta of rice daily. his pay was reduced by two hundred pesos and the ganta of rice 200 p. 365 0 the keeper of provisions and ammunition in the magazines of the island of hermosa received a salary of five hundred pesos per year and thirty gantas of rice per month as a ration. his pay was reduced by two hundred pesos and the ration, and he shall receive three hundred pesos 200 p. 365 0 the keeper of provisions and ammunition in the port of yloylo has quite generally been the purveyor and alcalde-mayor of pintados, who received seven hundred pesos per year for both places, having everything under his own charge. the amount saved in all three is one hundred and eighty pesos from the three per cent of the six thousand tributes which his majesty owns in the said purveyorship of panay and oton 180 p. 0 0 the clerk of the royal magazines of manila received one hundred and fifty pesos and forty-eight fanegas of rice in the husk per year. the revision deprived him of only the rice 0 0 48 the shore-master of cavite received six hundred pesos per year, and one hundred and twenty gantas of cleaned rice per month. the revision deprived him of only the rice 0 1,440 0 the overseer of the royal works on the cavite shore received eight hundred pesos per year. the said revision deprived him of two hundred pesos 200 p. 0 0 the artillery founder of this city received seven hundred pesos and thirty-six fanegas of rice in the husk per year. at present he receives only five hundred pesos, for the revision deprived him of two hundred pesos and the rice 200 p. 0 36 the shipbuilder and master-workman of the royal works at the port of cavite received six hundred pesos per year, and one hundred and twenty gantas of cleaned rice per month. he now receives six hundred pesos, but the ration has been taken from him 0 1,440 0 the manager of the powder-house received a salary of five hundred pesos [per year]. one hundred pesos were taken from him 100 p. 0 0 the manager of the rigging which is made in balayan received a salary of two hundred pesos and forty-eight fanegas of rice in the husk--all worth two hundred and seventy-two pesos. he now receives two hundred and fifty pesos, thus saving twenty-two pesos 22 p. 0 0 the castellan of the fort of santiago in manila received a salary of eight hundred pesos per year. now, if regularly appointed, he shall receive six hundred pesos; and, if appointed _ad interim_, the half of that sum. he who now holds that post, being appointed _ad interim_, shall receive four hundred pesos; but when one is regularly appointed, he shall be reduced by two hundred pesos 200 p. 0 0 the lieutenant of the said fort of santiago was ordered to be entirely cashiered, as he had a company of infantry in the fort with an alférez and sergeant. this post was again created, because it was advisable that the fort should not be without it; and it was given to alférez antonio ysquierdo with two hundred and forty pesos per year. if a captain should hold it, he shall receive three hundred pesos. he who held this post before received four hundred and twenty pesos. one hundred and twenty pesos are saved 120 p. 0 0 furthermore, two hundred and forty pesos are saved which were taken from the alférez when the post of lieutenant was again created 240 p. 0 0 there are two adjutants of the sargento-mayor in the forts of terrenate, who receive four hundred and twelve pesos four tomins apiece, per year. now one of them shall receive three hundred and sixty pesos per year, and the other ninety-six pesos, a total of four hundred and fifty-six pesos. the revision saves three hundred and sixty-nine pesos 369 p. 0 0 there are two infantry companies of the pampango nation in the said forts of terrenate, which formerly had two hundred soldiers, counting the captains and other officers, or one hundred and ninety-four simple soldiers. they received formerly seventy-two pesos apiece per year. now and henceforth they shall receive forty-eight pesos per year apiece, the revision depriving them of twenty-four pesos apiece. that makes a total saving of four thousand six hundred and fifty-six pesos for the one hundred and ninety-four soldiers 4,656 p. 0 0 the two captains of those two companies received two hundred and eighty-eight pesos per year--a total of five hundred and seventy-six pesos. they shall now receive two hundred and fifty pesos apiece, or a total of five hundred pesos, making a saving of seventy-six pesos 76 p. 0 0 the two alférezes of the two companies of the pampango nation received one hundred and ninety-two pesos per year apiece, a total of three hundred and eighty-four. now they receive one hundred and fifty pesos apiece, a saving of eighty-four pesos 84 p. 0 0 the two sergeants of the said nation received one hundred and forty-four pesos apiece. now they receive one hundred and twenty apiece, a saving of forty-eight pesos 48 p. 0 0 there was an artillery captain in the said forts of terrenate, who received four hundred and eighty pesos per year. this post has been entirely suppressed 480 p. 0 0 the surgeon of the hospital of terrenate received six hundred pesos per year and two rations which amounted to forty-eight maravedís daily. he was deprived of only the ration, which is worth sixty-four pesos three tomins three granos 64 p. 3t. 3g. 0 0 the field captain of the said forts of terrenate received three hundred and thirty pesos per year. now he receives one hundred and fifty pesos, thus saving one hundred and eighty 180 p. 0 0 the military notary of the said forts received two hundred pesos per year. that pay is abolished entirely 200 p. 0 0 there were four substitutes [_entretenimientos_] in the forts of terrenate. they were reduced to opportunities for profit, of various amounts, in order to distribute that money among half-pay alférezes. each substituteship was worth four hundred and fifty pesos, or a total of one thousand eight hundred pesos. this was abolished entirely 1,800 p. 0 0 in this camp of manila, in its presidios, and in those of cibu, oton, cagayan, caraga, and çamboanga, there are five adjutants of the sargentos-mayor. each received one hundred and eighty pesos. now they receive ninety-six pesos apiece, thus saving eighty-four pesos on each one, or a total for the five of four hundred and twenty pesos 420 p. 0 0 there was a field captain in this city of manila, who received one hundred and eighty pesos per year, and a field borrachel who received ninety-six pesos per year. one person shall serve in these two posts for one hundred and fifty pesos, thus saving one hundred and twenty-six pesos 126 p. 0 0 the post of the military notary, which was paid two hundred pesos per year, has been entirely abolished and taken from the person who exercised it in this city of manila 200 p. 0 0 the chief drummer of this camp of manila received one hundred and twenty pesos per year. he receives the same now, and has been reduced in nothing 0 0 0 the chief gunners of the artillery--in this city of manila, he of the fort of santiago in this city, and those of cavite, the island of hermosa, and terrenate--each received three hundred pesos per year. now each one receives two hundred and fifty pesos, thus saving two hundred and fifty pesos on all five 250 p. 0 0 the apothecary of the royal hospital of manila received two hundred pesos per year, and his ration. that was reduced only by four reals per day, and a total worth one hundred and eighty-two and one-half pesos was thus taken from him 182 p. 4t. 0 0 there are generally six galleys in the city of manila, the port of cavite, the island of hermosa, and terrenate--each galley with its captain, those of manila, cavite, and the island of hermosa, receiving three hundred and fifty pesos, and their necessary ration; and the other two of terrenate, five hundred and sixty-seven and one-half pesos per year, with the said ration. it amounted in all to two thousand six hundred and fifty-five pesos per year. those posts have been entirely abolished, because the masters of the said galleys are to serve in them 2,655 p. 0 0 each of the said six galleys had its own master, with a salary of two hundred and fifty pesos per year and fifty pesos for a ration, a total of three hundred pesos. now they receive the two hundred and fifty pesos, but no ration if anchored; while if they are afloat the ration that they received per year is diminished by half for all of them, as it is not certainly known when they are to navigate, or when they will leave or enter from port to port. thus there is a saving here of one hundred and fifty pesos, which is the half of three hundred 150 p. 0 0 the said six galleys had six boatswains, who received two hundred pesos apiece per year, besides fifty pesos for two rations. now they receive two hundred pesos--without the ration when anchored; while, if afloat, the ordinary ration. three hundred pesos are saved, and by the difference for the time when they are afloat, the half of that sum is saved, namely, one hundred and fifty pesos 150 p. 0 0 the said six galleys have six boatswains' mates, who received pay of one hundred and eighty pesos, and thirty-seven pesos four tomins for two rations, in all two hundred and seventeen and one-half pesos. now they receive one hundred and fifty pesos, and the ration when afloat. thus there is a saving of four hundred and five pesos, and the ration for all the time while they are at anchor, namely, forty-five pesos 450 p. 0 0 six guards on the said galleys received an annual pay of one hundred and eighty pesos apiece, besides two rations, a total of two hundred and thirty pesos apiece. those posts were entirely abolished, as they are not necessary. they are worth one thousand three hundred and eighty pesos 1,380 p. 0 0 the corporals of the said galleys received an annual pay of one hundred and twenty pesos apiece formerly, and two necessary rations additional. those posts were entirely abolished, as they are unnecessary. the total amount is one thousand and twenty pesos 1,020 p. 0 0 the chaplain of the said galleys received the same pay, and there is nothing in money saved on it, except twenty-five pesos, which is the half of the fifty, the value of the ration of an officer when afloat. because it is not known how long this one will be afloat, that ration is cut in two 25 p. 0 0 there are usually ten or twelve pilots and assistants in the voyages to nueva españa, the island of hermosa, and terrenate. when afloat they all formerly received pay at the rate of six hundred pesos per year; and, while ashore, two hundred pesos for allowance. sometimes those voyages last a year, or fourteen or fifteen months, and at the very least nine months; and one is commuted by the other. [29] the said pilots shall now receive five hundred pesos while afloat, besides their ration as before, and ashore the same allowance. one hundred pesos is saved from each one and in all ten pilots one thousand pesos 1,000 p. 0 0 a like number of mates sail on the said voyages in the said ships. they received three hundred pesos apiece, and their ordinary ration. now they receive two hundred and fifty pesos apiece while afloat, and there is a saving of fifty pesos on each one. this item follows the same rule as the above item, and the total saving is five hundred pesos 500 p. 0 0 there are a like number of second mates in the said voyages and on the same ships. they formerly received two hundred pesos, and their ordinary ration while afloat and ashore. now they receive the same when afloat only; and, when in the port, one hundred and fifty pesos and no more, for the ration is charged to their pay. fifty pesos are saved on each one. they receive, besides the ration for all the time while they are anchored; for although the ship is not always sailing, still they live on it, in case that any storms arise, for there are neither more nor less storms than when they are sailing. consequently, nothing is saved in what concerns the ration, and there is only a saving of money, which amounts to five hundred pesos 500 p. 0 0 there are about five hundred seamen--more rather than less--who sail in the same voyages and on the ships for castula, the island of hermosa, terrenate, and other places--where journeys are made in champans, which carry merchandise by way of the provinces to the royal magazines of manila, and cavite, and along all the river and its port, and in the port and river of yloylo, and to the presidios; as well as in the vessels that carry the money for reënforcement of those places and those that go to the provinces in order to bring back the bandalas [30] of products. they formerly received one hundred and fifty pesos per year apiece, and one ganta of cleaned rice daily as a ration. now they receive the same one hundred and fifty pesos per year; and the ration is charged to the account of their pay, except when afloat. those seamen who are generally sailing in all parts number about two hundred. they have the same storms above mentioned, and their voyages last at times one year, or more or less. thus it is considered that nothing is saved on those two hundred. on the remaining three hundred, the said ration of one ganta daily is saved entirely. that saving amounts to one hundred and nine thousand five hundred gantas 0 109,500 0 the spanish common seamen who serve in the said parts formerly received one hundred pesos, and the same ration [as the sailors]. now they receive the same when afloat, but when ashore the ration is charged to the account of their pay. the saving is so small that no mention is made of it 0 0 0 in the same voyages and ships, and in the presidios, port of cavite, port of yloylo, the royal magazines of manila, and cavite, his majesty's champans, and in various other parts, there are usually two hundred indian common seamen. they formerly received forty-eight pesos per year, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice per month. now they receive the same pay and ration while afloat, but while at anchor only the pay, and the ration is charged to the account of the pay. it is considered that one hundred common seamen are always on voyages; and since these last, as has been said above, a year more or less, it is not thought that there should be any other course with them. with the other hundred, however, there is a saving of all the rations, which amount to one thousand five hundred gantas 0 1,500 0 along the said shores and in the said ships, there are generally six spanish carpenters, who formerly received three hundred pesos and their ordinary ration. now they receive two hundred and fifty pesos apiece besides their ration while afloat, and while anchored. fifty pesos are all that is saved from each one, making a total of three hundred pesos 300 p. 0 0 the chief calker who is generally at the port of cavite formerly received three hundred pesos, and his ordinary ration of two gantas of cleaned rice daily. now he receives the same pay, but the revision deprives him of the ration, which amounts to seven hundred and thirty gantas 0 730 0 there are seven spanish calkers in the said ports and along the shore. they formerly received three hundred pesos per year, and one ganta of cleaned rice daily. now they receive two hundred and fifty pesos, and the same ration when afloat; but if not afloat they do not receive that ration. by the difference in this, as above stated, the saving in this particular is one-half of the ration, which amounts to one thousand two hundred and seventy-seven gantas, besides the three hundred and fifty pesos in reals, reckoning fifty pesos from each of the seven 350 p. 1,277 0 there are seven spanish coopers in the said places, who receive the said pay and ration, and who have been reduced to the same figures as the calkers. the same amount is saved as in the case of the calkers in the preceding item 350 p. 1,277 0 there are generally four indian coopers in the said ports, who received sixty pesos per year apiece, and one-half ganta of cleaned rice daily. now they receive the same pay and ration, while afloat; but when not afloat, they do not receive the ration. nothing is saved in money; and in case that they go on voyages, there is saved in this one-half of the four rations, which amount to three hundred and sixty-five gantas of cleaned rice 0 365 0 the diver at the port of cavite received three hundred pesos per year, and two gantas of cleaned rice daily. now by the revision he receives two hundred pesos, and one-half the ration. one hundred pesos are saved and three hundred and sixty-five gantas 100 p. 365 0 the spanish rope-master of cavite formerly received the same pay and rations as now; and nothing has been saved in this regard by the revision 0 0 0 two indian artisans in the rope-factory of cavite formerly received fifty-four pesos per year, and one ganta of rice per day. now by the revision they receive the same pay, and the half of the ration. between the two, three hundred and sixty-five gantas are saved 0 365 0 the spanish master-smith at cavite formerly received four hundred pesos per year, and thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month. now he receives the same pay without the ration, which was taken from him by the revision. the saving amounts to three hundred and sixty-five gantas 0 365 0 the indian smiths who serve in the smithies of cavite, the artillery foundry, and the arsenal of this city of manila generally number one hundred, more rather than less. the boss received one hundred and twenty pesos per year, and sixty gantas of cleaned rice per month. the rest received various sums, and thirty gantas of rice per month. now the boss receives one hundred pesos, and the others the same pay as before, but the ration that is given them must be on the account of their pay, and is fifteen gantas to each one--boss and all. twenty pesos are saved on the boss, besides seven hundred and thirty gantas of rice, and thirty-six thousand five hundred gantas from the one hundred indians. 20 p. 730 0 0 36,500 0 the sangley sailors and champan hands on his majesty's champans that carry the food and products that are transported and bought in the islands, taking these to the ports where they are needed (and there are about one hundred and sixty sangleys with their bosses), all received various wages. they receive the same now, except that the twenty gantas of cleaned rice which was given to each one as a monthly ration has been reduced by five, and each one is now given fifteen gantas. that reduction amounts to sixty gantas apiece per year, and the total for all one hundred and sixty sangleys is nine thousand six hundred gantas 0 9,600 0 the sangley carpenters and sawyers who were actually working in cavite and other places received sixty-eight and one-half pesos apiece [per year], and twenty gantas of cleaned rice per month. now they receive the same pay, and fifteen gantas. five gantas per month have been taken from each one by the revision, or sixty per year. there being fifty sangleys among those workmen, three thousand gantas are saved annually 0 3,000 0 the sangley sawyers of brazas received the same pay formerly as now, and nothing has been saved on this item 0 0 0 thirty sangley smiths who worked on the cavite shore, and in other places, received various wages, and twenty gantas of cleaned rice apiece per month. now they receive the same pay, and fifteen gantas. by the revision five gantas per month have been taken from each one, or sixty per year. from all the thirty sangleys one thousand eight hundred gantas are saved 0 1,800 0 fourteen sangley calkers who were ordinarily employed on the royal works of cavite and in other places received five pesos five tomins and twenty gantas of cleaned rice per month. now they receive the same pay and fifteen gantas. each one has been deprived of five gantas per month, or sixty gantas per year. the reduction from all fourteen amounts to eight hundred and forty gantas. besides that, each one's pay has been decreased by five reals per month, which for all fourteen amounts to one hundred and five pesos per year 105 p. 840 0 the twenty indians who served as rowers in the sentinel-boat of mariveles were formerly paid one peso per month and one hundred fanegas of cleaned rice, or four thousand eight hundred gantas per year for all. now they receive the same money, and fifteen gantas of cleaned rice apiece, or for all twenty, three thousand six hundred gantas per year. one thousand two hundred gantas are saved 0 1,200 0 the two bosses of the hundred and thirty lascars, natives of india, who serve as sailors, common seamen, and in other capacities, received formerly two hundred and forty pesos per year, and thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month. now they receive one hundred and fifty pesos per year, and fifteen gantas of rice per month. one hundred and eighty pesos and three hundred and sixty-five gantas of cleaned rice are saved on the two bosses 180 p. 365 0 two other bosses of the lascars received one hundred and twenty pesos per year and thirty gantas of cleaned rice. now they receive the same pay and fifteen gantas. on the two, three hundred and sixty-five gantas are saved 0 365 0 the other one hundred and twenty-six lascars received various wages, and thirty gantas of cleaned rice per month. now they receive the same pay, but, by the revision, the ration of each one was reduced by fifteen gantas per month, or one hundred and eighty gantas per year; and that of all, by twenty-two thousand six hundred and eighty gantas of cleaned rice, which is saved 0 22,680 0 _increase_. there are twenty-four companies, or two more or less, in all the camp of manila and in its presidios and those of terrenate. they are generally divided into different bodies in order that they may be sent to different parts as occasion demands. each company has its own sergeant, and they have all received an increase of twenty-four pesos per year over their former pay, because of their arduous duties. that increase amounts to five hundred and seventy-six pesos of common gold 576 p. 0 0 _increase_. there ought to be ninety-six corporals in all the said companies, each company of one hundred men having four, but since there are no companies that contain that number, the number is adjusted at ninety corporals. each one has received an increase of twelve pesos per year, in addition to the sum that he formerly received, because of their arduous duties. that increase amounts to one thousand and eighty pesos 1,080 p. 0 0 there were a like number of shield-bearers in the twenty-four companies, who received ninety-six pesos per year apiece. they were entirely abolished by the revision, and the captains shall keep them at their own cost. that saves two thousand three hundred and four pesos 2,304 p. 0 0 the commander of the ships which are despatched annually to nueva españa received three thousand castilian ducados per year. now he receives by the revision three thousand pesos, thus saving one thousand one hundred and twenty-five pesos. in regard to rations, he receives the same now as then 1,125 p. 0 0 the admiral of the said ships received two thousand castilian ducados per year. now he receives two thousand pesos, thus saving seven hundred and fifty pesos. in regard to rations, he receives the same now as then 750 p. 0 0 one hundred pesos per year have been reduced by the revision from the two hundred pesos that each of the two notaries of the said ships formerly received 100 p. 0 0 a like sum has been taken from the pay of the two stewards, in the same manner 100 p. 0 0 a like sum has been reduced from the pay of the water-guards, in the same way 100 p. 0 0 the two notaries and the two stewards of the ships that make the voyage to terrenate and one notary and one steward of the ship that sails to the island of hermosa, have been reduced for like sums in the same way 300 p. 0 0 _increase_. in the office of the controllership, two clerks were added with pay of ninety-six pesos per year, a total of one hundred and ninety-two pesos 192 p. 0 0 the places of chief clerk and second clerk of the pay-office, of which the revision makes mention, have neither been increased nor diminished. _increase_. in the said pay-office, two more clerks were added, with one hundred and fifty pesos apiece per year 300 p. 0 0 _increase_. in the said office of the factor, another clerk was added to the force, with a salary of one hundred and fifty pesos per year 150 p. 0 0 _increase_. the chief office was given another clerk at the same and aforesaid pay 150 p. 0 0 the powder that has been wasted in manila and in the outside presidios in firing salutes to the persons who govern the provinces, and on festal days, as appears by the different accounts of the administration of the royal estate, is considerable; and inasmuch as this cannot be regulated with certainty, it is diminished by eight hundred pesos per year, for according to the revision, powder must not be so used in the future 800 p. 0 0 the standard-bearers of all the companies of these islands and the molucas (who, as we have said above, are twenty-four in number) received ninety-six pesos apiece per year. according to the revision, they have been cut down by the half. the half that is saved amounts to one thousand one hundred and fifty-two pesos 1,152 p. 0 0 of five standard-bearers of five infantry companies of the pampango nation (who are in terrenate, the island of hermosa, cagayan, and çamboanga) those of terrenate received seventy-two pesos apiece per year; and the others, forty-eight apiece. now they receive the half of those sums, and one hundred and forty-four pesos are saved 144 p. 0 0 of the five shieldbearers of the said five companies, two received seventy-two pesos apiece, and the others forty-eight. they have all been abolished, and the amount saved in this is two hundred and eighty-eight pesos 288 p. 0 0 _increase_. the clerk of the royal magazines of cavite received one hundred and forty pesos per year, and a ration of forty-eight fanegas of rice in the husk. now he receives one hundred and fifty pesos, but the ration has been taken away 10 p. 0 0 there are about one hundred artillerymen--more rather than less--in this city of manila, the fort of santiago, the port of cavite, the fort of oton, cagayan, the island of hermosa, çibu, caraga, çamboanga, and the malucas islands. each of them formerly received two hundred pesos per year. the revision now gives them one hundred and seventy pesos, and each one has been decreased by thirty pesos. the saving in this item amounts to three thousand pesos 3,000 p. 0 0 in the reduction of the additional pay of the corporals from the nobility in the forts of terrenate--who received thirty pesos of additional pay per year, besides the ordinary pay--and who are six in number and belong to the six companies in the said forts, the sum saved amounts to one hundred and eighty pesos per year 180 p. 0 0 the said six companies in the said forts received thirty castilian ducados to distribute among those who received additional pay. now and henceforth, in accordance with the revision, they receive thirty escudos of ten-real pieces. three pesos six reals are saved on each company; and in all six, twenty-two and one-half pesos per month; and per year 273 p. 0 0 each of eight corporals of the pampango nation, for the two pampango companies who serve in the said forts of terrenate, receives one peso per month as additional pay. that amounts to ninety-six pesos per year for the eight 96 p. 0 0 there are infantry of the pampango nation in the island of hermosa, çamboanga, cagayan, oton, çibu, and caraga. among them are three captains, who received two hundred and eighty-eight pesos per year apiece; and three alférezes, who received one hundred and ninety-two pesos per year apiece. the total sum of those salaries is one thousand four hundred and forty pesos. now the captains receive two hundred and fifty pesos, and the alférezes one hundred and fifty; or a total for all six of one thousand two hundred pesos. two hundred and forty pesos are saved annually 240 p. 0 0 _general summary of the amounts saved for his majesty in these islands in certain salaries_ pesos tomins granos cleaned rice (gantas) 450 0 0 1,080 0 0 1,085 951 0 0 3,650 5,788 3 3 109,500 2,978 4 0 3,507 3,405 0 0 2,737 951 0 0 3,650 3,925 0 0 49,830 500 0 0 4,205 650 0 0 23,045 450 0 0 ------ 20 0 0 197,519 235 0 0 2,304 0 0 rice in the husk (fanegas) 2,475 0 0 2,384 0 0 200 3,789 4 0 84 ----- - - 48 31,435 3 3 -- 332 increases of pay (pesos) 1,656 792 10 ---- 2,458 pesos tomins granos consequently, according to the revision of salaries and rations made by the governor--which, exactly copied from the original, accompanies this certification--it appears that the amount annually saved for his majesty is thirty-one thousand four hundred and thirty-five pesos three tomins and three granos, 31,435 3 3 in reals; one hundred and ninety-seven thousand five hundred and nineteen gantas of cleaned rice, which is appraised at one-half real per ganta (about the usual price in the market), and hence is equivalent to twelve thousand three hundred and forty-four pesos seven tomins and six granos; 12,344 7 6 and three hundred and thirty-two fanegas of rice in the husk, of forty-eight gantas to the fanega, valued at twelve reals per fanega, and thus worth four hundred and ninety-eight pesos. 498 0 0 that gives a total of forty-four thousand two hundred and seventy-eight pesos two tomins and nine granos. 44,278 2 9 subtracting from that sum two thousand four hundred and fifty-eight pesos 2,458 0 0 for some places that the governor created anew, as the said revision declares, the remainder is forty-one thousand eight hundred and twenty pesos two tomins and nine granos. 41,820 2 9 that is the amount that is saved for his majesty annually, in deducting it from the former pay and rations attached to the positions cited by the said revision. of those posts, and of all others that his majesty has sustained and sustains in these filipinas islands, there is a full account in this auditing department of the royal exchequer which is in my charge. and now, so that it might be apparent to his majesty in his royal council of the yndias, and in any other place, i attest the same, referring to various books, accounts, and other papers of the said office, where it appears, in fulfilment of the command given by the said decree of the governor and captain-general, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera. manila, june twelve, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. juan baptista de çubiaga [_tribute from negro slaves_] sire: with the approval of your royal audiencia, it has been decreed that the negro slaves of the indians shall pay tribute to your majesty, in the same manner as it is paid by their masters and by the indian slaves whom these hold, who are of their own countrymen and people. no one has opposed it, except that the religious of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine say that this is a new imposition, and that it cannot be collected. they do so, because there is nothing else in which they can oppose the government. these indians, sire, formerly cultivated their lands, and they served the spaniards for what the latter chose to pay them, on the ships and in other kinds of service; but now, as they have become slothful and do not render these services, they purchase these negro slaves and use them for making money--with which gains they pay their tributes and support themselves. it stands to reason that since the indian slaves of these people pay the tribute as their masters do, the negro slaves should do the same. your majesty will be pleased to command that this matter be considered, and to give me such orders as shall be most expedient for the service of your majesty--whose catholic person may our lord preserve in your greatness, as christendom has need. manila, june 30, in the year 1636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed_: "governor of philipinas; to his majesty, june 30, 1636; no. 14; government."] [_endorsed_: "december 16, 1637. tell him that his zeal and solicitude for the profit of his majesty's treasury are appreciated; but that this measure seems to be an innovation, and not quite in accordance with law. accordingly the religious are not without reason for opposing it. tell him that if any difficulties arise from this, and it shall not be established and current with the consent of all, he shall avoid levying this impost, and shall render account to the council of what he shall have done."] letter from father cristobal de lara to father felipe de cardenas _pax christi vobiscum_ i consider it unnecessary to tell you of the pleasure, joy, and satisfaction which the letter of brother felipe gave me; for certainly this would be great, considering the desire which i already had to know about the brother as well as the other pupils and companions, and likewise because of the love and good-will which i have always borne towards brother felipe--who i am satisfied will repay it, and will not forget me in his holy prayers. by means of them i hope for much fervor of spirit and courage in pursuing the way of our lord, that i may not be faint-hearted in the continual hardship and toil in which i trust in our lord soon to find myself, with the conversion of these heathen--so wide-spread and far extended, and in so great need of laborers and workers. this increases our labor, so that our sufferings are very great--a prolonged martyrdom in which the sons of the society pass their lives, exposed to innumerable fatigues, which are incredible even when seen. i believe, indeed, that you in europe have no idea of this apostolic life; for of late years the missionary fathers have gone about through these mountains alone, poor and half-naked, having nothing to eat or drink, without shelter or entertainment, on account of the ferocity of the enemy in mindanao. these latter came forth this year with intent to kill all the fathers that should fall into their hands, on account of a vow which they made to their false god mahoma that, if he would give them health, they would pursue the fathers who are teaching a religion different from their own. sanô, their infamous king, complied with this vow, and brought out his army of cruel savages to attack the villages of the society. they wrought havoc worse than can be told, sparing no one. when they learned that the fathers had fled to the mountains, they sent out dogs to capture them and get them in their power--in the meantime burning houses and churches and outraging the images. they overtook the good father juan del carpio, [31] whom they cut into pieces and killed with inhuman and unheard-of cruelty. before this they had captured our good old man and father, domingo vilanzio, [32] a holy man who died from the ill-treatment which they inflicted upon him. in short, without detailing at length the glorious ministries of the society in filipinas, suffice it to say that fathers who have been through it all affirm that paraguai [33] was but matter for jest compared with this; for the society has no field more glorious, nor more to the honor of our lord. this is well seen through the marvelous events which his majesty has brought about through us, without which it would be impossible for so small a number of fathers to accomplish so much and not suffer a thousand deaths in so many hardships as they have endured. in short, my brother, it is there that we shall look to go, and die a thousand times in the quest, working day and night. but comfort shall not fail us, to refresh us in these labors, for this is only a little rice and water, and what they are seeking most to accomplish in españa--namely, that the cross of our lord should be raised up here through these labors, and all with the greatest pleasure in the world for poor me. what i should have lost if i had remained there, etc. our lord will repay the brother for his kindness in giving us news of the province, and of the fellow-novices and the fathers whom we know. certainly there is no pleasure, for us who are here, to compare with our joy in knowing about our fathers and brothers, who are ever present in our hearts. brother diego ponze has acted in a very despicable manner. i never have confidence in persons like him. i have good news of brother celerio, his companion, which pleases me much. i had written to brother diego de mendizabal before i received the clause in the letter from the brother. to all the fellow-novices who are there, a thousand million greetings, to each one separately and to all in common; and let them commend me to our lord. i was much pleased at the good news of all which was given me by brother juan de alcala. i am writing to several persons, and it will make me glad [to know] that all continue in the growth that i desire, both in virtue and in learning, etc. not to take more space, i leave unsaid many things--especially concerning japan, where the persecution is progressing cruelly and fiercely. may our lord check this, and protect my brother felipe as i desire, etc. filipinas; manila, july 3, 1636. from the humble servant of my brother, cristoval de lara i beg my brother to let brother christoval de escamilla and brother manuel de frias consider this as their own; and to them i send most cordial greetings. letter from corcuera to felipe iv sire: 1. i am at this port of cavite, lading the two galleons belonging to your majesty that carry the merchandise which you have been pleased to grant and permit to the citizens for their navigation and trade to nueva españa. these two ships will carry this year a greater registered cargo than formerly the ten galleons for five years carried. the usual amount registered was from three hundred or four hundred to five hundred chests of silks, stuffs, and cloths [_bienzos_] (which here they call _mantheria_); but now i have laden the capitana, and the registration exceeds a thousand chests, while the almiranta, which has a larger hold, will probably carry one thousand two hundred chests. the royal duties which belong to your majesty will amount to three per cent; the freight charges and further duties at the port of acapulco will come to six hundred thousand or seven hundred thousand pesos. accordingly, if your majesty's viceroy will send me even the proceeds of the said royal dues alone, i shall be able, in the four years' [service] that i have offered your majesty, to relieve this your royal treasury of more than three hundred thousand pesos of debts, and to maintain these islands with what can be obtained from them--a thing which your majesty has so desired, and which you have so often charged so many governors to do. if god grants me life, that i may employ it wholly in the service of your majesty, and in efforts to increase your royal estate, i will not content myself with that, but more and more will send you all the cloves from the malucas islands which can be procured in trade at your forts in therrenatte. thence i will send the spice to the port of acapulco, to be sent to españa to your majesty--or to be sold there, and the proceeds sent to españa. i have also decided to purchase all the wax that comes from the encomiendas of your majesty's vassals, and place it with [the products of] your royal encomiendas, to be sent on your majesty's account to nueva españa, so that the proceeds of the wax may be sent to your majesty with that from the cloves. [_marginal note_: "inform him of the receipt of his letter, and say that we hope that he will always do what he can to increase the royal estate; and that he shall endeavor to secure, by all proper and convenient methods, the relief of the royal treasury."] 2. i was occupied in this service on the morning of st. peter's day, being engaged in celebrating a fiesta to the blessed sacrament, and giving thanks to god for the favor that he has shown to your majesty in bringing to this port, at the same time and hour, your two galleons which i sent with the relief to therrenatte--of which affair i will give account to your majesty in another letter. there were two other ships, small ones, which the viceroy, the marques de cadereyta, sent to these islands with the usual succor, because last year he had not sent galleons which could carry it. in other letters i have told your majesty of his reasons of convenience. by these ships i received the decrees which your majesty has been pleased to command me to issue. in the first, you command me to charge the archbishop, the bishops, the provincials of the religious orders, and all classes of ecclesiastics and virtuous people to commend to god your majesty's monarchy, and that they should banish the vices which among your vassals are so displeasing to our lord; and the same order is laid upon the governors, alcaldes, and higher magistrates of these provinces. this mandate of your majesty shall be obeyed, sire, with all promptness, and with the carefulness which so important a matter demands--that not only for the time, but continually, this care may be maintained. and as the beginning has been made by the benefit received on st. peter's day from the fiesta of the blessed sacrament, i shall endeavor to secure the regular observance of this fiesta every year, forever, so that what your majesty desires may on that occasion be implored from god. this decree is dated at madrid, june 28, in the year 1635. [_marginal note_: "write that this is approved."] 3. with this decree comes another, in which your majesty commands that i make secret inquiries, and carry out the directions in the said decree regarding the frenchmen who have come to these islands and are living in them, and regarding their property. this i shall promptly execute, according to the tenor of the decree, and with such discretion and proper measures as shall be possible. [_marginal note_: "seen; tell him to carry out the commands of the decree."] [4.] in another decree, dated at madrid, march 4 of the same year, your majesty is pleased to command that when i send the galleons to nueva españa, they shall be in command of a trustworthy person, and that other persons of similar ability shall go with the ships, so that in case of [the commander's] death these persons shall bring them back [to these islands]. this very arrangement i had made before i saw your majesty's decree, for which honor and favor i kiss your majesty's feet a thousand times. in another letter i have entreated your majesty that you will be pleased to command your viceroy of nueva españa to allow the commander and admiral who conduct thither the galleons from these islands to exercise authority and jurisdiction in the port of acapulco (so long as they are not on the land) to punish their seamen and soldiers, and that the warden of the port shall not interfere with them by endeavoring to have such delinquents punished on shore; for they have always had some men under them who have ability, and have served well, and are very competent--who yet, from the time when the said galleons cast anchor, neither respect nor obey as they should, during the entire time while they remain in port, the said commander and admiral, since they think that those officers cannot punish them until they set sail for the return voyage. this is a great hindrance to the service of your majesty; and since you have been generously pleased to grant to your governors authority to send future successors for the said offices, may your majesty be also pleased to grant me this favor which i now entreat, in behalf of their authority and due respect and proper government. [_marginal notes_: "bring hither the orders already given on this subject, and a statement of what is customary in other ports, especially in that of bera cruz." "they are here." "let the governor's request be granted, with the conditions that he mentions; and write to the viceroy that this seems to be the general practice, to judge from precedents found here, and that he is to issue the necessary orders for the execution of the above--unless he finds difficulties in the way which oblige him to do otherwise. then, when the men on the ships commit any excesses on shore, let a case be made against them, and then referred to the commander and admiral."] 5. in another decree from madrid, dated may 4 of the same year, your majesty commands, that in order to prevent the frauds which hitherto have been committed on the ships which sail with merchandise to nueva españa, i shall, since this port is so near, sometimes go to examine and direct the lading, or entrust this duty to some careful person. before the said decree arrived, i came (as i have informed your majesty in another letter) to the said port to serve as a royal official; and i have already laden the capitana--which is an undertaking of so much importance that the governor who does not attend to it in person, but entrusts it to some one else whom he supposes to be trustworthy, does not comply with the dictates of his conscience or with the obligations of his office. notwithstanding that your majesty has royal officials to whom this task pertains, i have thanked god that i had begun to render this service to your majesty before i could know your wishes, and whether you had commanded such action. now that i know what you desire, i will carry it out more expeditiously; for here in the yndias i need only to show the orders of your majesty, in order to defend myself from the jealousy and complaints of your vassals, and with these they respect and obey me better. i follow my natural inclination in obeying, as a christian and a loyal vassal, the orders and commands which your majesty shall be pleased to give me. [_marginal note_: "seen."] 6. in another decree, dated may 4 of the same year, your majesty commands that, on account of the losses which have resulted therefrom, i shall not allow the trade and commerce of the portuguese with these islands, so that the chinese trade may not be broken off. i shall obey this very punctually, according to its tenor. judging that this very thing which your majesty commands was best, i had, before receiving the decree, sent advices to the city of macan that they must not send any merchandise to these islands; and that only one ship could come from macan, which should bring some anchors, muskets, and arquebuses, of which these islands are in great need. although when i came here i found three of their ships in the port, this year only one has come; and hereafter this commerce will be dispensed with, inasmuch as it will not be expedient to send [to macan] for anything save what the chinese cannot bring--such as anchors and firearms, which often get broken. but in everything which shall not be expedient for your majesty's service i shall prevent the portuguese from coming to this port, or to any other, to trade with the castilians. with the welcome and kind treatment which has been shown to the said chinese thirty-three of their little ships have come this year, and have brought so great a quantity of merchandise that your majesty's vassals have not for many years past seen stuffs so cheap. this has been caused by receiving them hospitably, treating them well, and despatching their affairs graciously and promptly; and by not allowing the officers of justice or those of the treasury to molest them, or to take from them a thread of silk. with this shipment of goods; these your vassals have no need whatever of the trade with the portuguese; and the customs duties of six per cent which the chinese pay have amounted this year to more than fifty thousand pesos. [_marginal note_: "seen. tell him to execute the decree, since he knows how expedient it is."] 7. in another decree, dated madrid, december 4, 1634, your majesty commands your viceroys and governors that, on account of the inconveniences resulting from the vacant see, and as the ecclesiastical cabildos manage some affairs contrary to law and to the service of god and your majesty, in order to check them such measures shall be taken as shall be most expedient for your royal service in these islands. thus far, sire, the vacant [archiepiscopal] see has not been governed by the ecclesiastical cabildo, but by the bishop of cibú, or by the bishop who has been longest in office; accordingly such irregular proceedings have not occurred here. moreover, the religious orders and their members avoid these evils, obeying your majesty and your governors, as also do the ecclesiastics of the cabildo of this holy church who are your very obedient chaplains. they cannot fail to be such, for they live on what your majesty furnishes them from your royal treasury; and they perform what has thus far been required from them which pertains to your royal service--especially in commending your majesty to god in their prayers at the beginning and the end of mass, as well as our lady the queen, and our prince and the royal children. they have done this very willingly, although it is something which had not been done before, even among the religious orders--which surprises me, and seems a very unusual thing. in all respects and in every way, i will observe and follow what your majesty is pleased to command. [_marginal note_: "this is well."] 8. in another decree, dated at san martin, december 21, 1634, your majesty commands that i shall not go beyond the decrees in regard to the resignations of saleable offices, in which it is commanded that the third part of the price of such office be placed in the royal treasury. what your majesty commands shall be fulfilled and carried out. [_marginal note_: "let this decree be brought. tell him that his course is approved, and he shall act accordingly."] 9. in another decree, dated madrid, january 30, 635, your majesty commands that i continue in the efforts made by my predecessor, don juan niño de tabora, and the plans that he had formed to expel the dutch enemy from the island of hermosa, and to unite the forces of yndia with those of these islands. this latter undertaking, sire, is very difficult; and the former is no slight thing. for if the enemy were at that time commencing their fortifications, these are by this time completed and very well defended; and unless your majesty send here a thousand spanish soldiers, i have not the force in these islands to drive out the dutch from hermosa. the portuguese of macan desire that this be done, because the enemy inflicts damage on them in the voyage to xapon. but the fact that the enemy maintain a post there does not at all embarrass or hinder the crown of castilla; for the chinese do not fail to come in twenty-four hours to the forts of your majesty that are on this side the sea, bringing the necessary merchandise and supplies. that island, sire, is of very little use to your majesty, and it serves only to consume a large part of the revenues; for the indians of the said island are [too] ferocious to be reduced to our holy catholic faith, and it only serves to keep occupied there two hundred and twenty spaniards, and a company of indians from nueva segovia, and several vessels. but as it is so injurious to the reputation of honorable soldiers to abandon the posts which others will seize, i am--notwithstanding that, as a soldier, i have considered the little or no importance of that post--maintaining and aiding it with thirty thousand pesos a year, until your majesty shall command what may please you. as for joining our forces with those of yndia, don juan de silva, in the time when he was governor, maintained the forces of these islands in a very flourishing condition; for he was able to build and assemble ten powerful galleons and two pataches, with which he undertook to join the viceroy of yndia to destroy the dutch and drive them from these seas. although he set out, he did not find any preparation on the part of the said viceroy; and by waiting for it he lost an excellent opportunity when the enemy had left their station. it is said that he died from grief at having spent so much and achieved so little result; and that this was the cause for the islands having fallen into so great poverty, and for your majesty's royal treasury being so embarrassed. for the governors to equip armed fleets is a very difficult enterprise; for from that time until the present people have been bewailing the heavy costs, and regretting the ruin of the indians who perished in the shipyards. if this colony is preserved in its present condition, not displaying our weakness to the enemies, but rather giving them and all the neighboring peoples to understand, even with a few ships, that your majesty is lord of these seas--except of the strait of sincapura, where the dutch keep all their forces--no little will be accomplished--even if your majesty do not, as i said above, send one thousand spanish soldiers. i do not mention the money, for neither can your majesty send it; and i am planning here how to economize and to maintain myself with the royal duties, a few encomiendas, and the licenses of the sangleys for the eight hundred thousand pesos which are spent in these islands. [_marginal note_: "bring the decree which gave rise to this paragraph, and the plan of hermosa island, and whatever has been written about this matter."] 10. in another decree, dated madrid, january 30, 35, your majesty commands that these ships shall sail from here so that they will reach acapulco december first. your majesty gave me the same orders last year by another decree that they should leave this port, without fail, by june first. having called a council of all the pilots, both chiefs and subordinates, they affirm and assert that the said ships cannot leave until the twelfth or fifteenth of july, because the vendabals--the winds with which they must sail--do not begin until that time, nor are they strong until the early days of august; and the ships waste the said fifteen days in sailing the eighty leguas which they have to make among the islands to reach the embocadero of san bernardino. for at times when they have sailed earlier they have been detained, before they could leave the channel, one or two months, in which time they have consumed a large part of the supplies for the voyage; and as a result, many of the men have died, from the hardships of the voyage or from want of food. for all these and many other reasons, i entreat that your majesty will be pleased to believe that i shall not waste time in these despatches, as best suits the service of your majesty and the benefit of your vassals. i have spared the viceroys of mexico from sending flour, oil, fodder, and a thousand other things for the equipment of the soldiers, of which there is no lack there--as how i am informing the viceroy, the marques de cadereyta, in the memoranda which i am sending him. by this your majesty has been saved a great part of your revenue, as well as by the galleons not being repaired in acapulco; for the viceroy did nothing more to them after the necessary repairs from the calkers and carpenters who went on the ships. in a little more than a month, they could be again sent to sea; and they did not spend, at most, more than five months in going from here, three in returning, and one in the port. [_marginal note_: "tell him that those ships are to depart at the time which shall seem most seasonable, since the orders do not intend that they shall set out with evident loss and risk at the time which has been fixed. while matters remain as they are, therefore, he shall make such arrangements as are most expedient."] 11. in another decree, dated madrid, november 29, 634, your majesty commands that a report be made of the vacancies which there are in the dignities, canonries, raciones, and medias-raciones. don juan cereso de salamanca, during the time while he governed after the death of don juan niño de tabora, promoted the following persons. the post, of schoolmaster was given to the canon don francisco de valdes. because don alonso de campos, appointed by your majesty, remained in españa, his canonry was given to don gregorio descalona, a racionero; and his racion was given to pedro diaz de ribera. by the death of don garcia de leon, who was archdeacon by your majesty's appointment, his office was given to the cantor brizeño; and his cantorship was given to don francisco de valdes, the schoolmaster. the schoolmaster's office was conferred upon the canon don gregorio descalona; and his canonry was given to pedro diaz de ribera, racionero, his racion to diego ramirez de alcantara, a medio-racionero, and his medio-racion to pedro flavio. by the death of the said archdeacon, don juan brizeño, the archdeaconry was given to don francisco de valdes, cantor; his cantorship, to thomas de guimarano, treasurer; and his treasurership, to don juan de olasso. by the death of the said guimarano, the cantorship was given to don gregorio de escalona, schoolmaster; his post as schoolmaster to don fabian de santillan, canon; and his canonry, to don pedro de quesada. on account of the resignation of the archdeaconry by don francisco de valdes (in which post i found him serving), i presented to the said dignity of archdeacon master don andres arias xiron; he is a cleric of thoroughly satisfactory character, and good parts, and is now filling that post. of all this i have given account to your majesty in another letter; you will command according to your pleasure, in regard to all the aforesaid persons. it will give me pleasure to inform your majesty very soon of the vacancies which you are to fill without presentation of names by this government; but i shall always exercise the care which i ought in the execution and fulfilment of this decree, according to my obligation. [_marginal note_: "in the memorial."] 12. in another decree, dated madrid, february 16, 635, your majesty gives command on account of the information sent you by don juan cereso salamanca that the trade with xapon had been spoiled by the indiscretion of certain religious. i promise your majesty that the religious orders have done you a great service in this respect, especially that of st. dominic. although they have so many times been told of what your majesty has seen fit to command by various decrees, they have been unwilling to obey. about a month ago, their provincial sent a champan belonging to the said order, with three of their religious; one of these was among the most prominent of their members, and he has greatly disturbed the peace of this colony since he arrived in it. they went with a japanese priest. it was not enough with these religious to show them your majesty's decrees, nor to threaten them that an account of their proceedings should be given to you, and that the favors which they usually demand gratis from the government would be withheld from them. [i told them this] in order to induce them to cease following their own pleasure in this matter, [which they do] without heeding that your majesty is spending so great an amount of your income in bringing them to these islands for the reduction of the indians to our holy catholic faith. but for this they do less than is right, although they have in these islands, without going far away to seek them, so many on whom they can exercise the charity of their office. i assure your majesty, with all truthfulness, that i do nothing in your service in which i earn more merit than in tolerating and enduring some of these religious orders. i will endeavor, as discreetly and diligently as possible, that this and other decrees of your majesty relative to this matter shall be observed. [_marginal note_: "tell him to deal with the religious orders with great moderation, in making them observe what is commanded."] 13. in regard to the deficiency of spanish soldiers, it is because so many have died, on account of the unhealthy climate and the great heat, not because so many permissions for going away have been given as your majesty has been informed. for in these galleons no spaniard is going, unless he is married and going to live with his wife, as your majesty has ordered in other royal decrees; or else, if they are not married, they have given bonds, satisfactory to the royal officials, for two thousand or four thousand pesos that they will return to this country; and even the seamen and artisans on the galleons have given bonds for the same, in greater or less sums. [_marginal note_: "tell him to observe the decrees and orders that have been issued in regard to this and to endeavor to prevent frauds in their execution."] 14. in another decree, dated madrid, february 16, 635, your majesty commands that i take measures to check the raids which the joloan, camucon, and bornean indians make, so that they shall not injure the settlements in these islands, plundering them and carrying the people into captivity--of which the audiencia has given an account to your majesty. for many years, sire, nothing has been done to stop this, save to waste your majesty's incomes; for, after the mischief had been already done, vessels sailed from here with troops who were untrained, poorly equipped, and with no relish for fighting. then, after all the expense had been made, the indians who are subject to us were left plundered and captive; and the enemy remained victorious, and still more daring and insolent. the only measure which i, but recently arrived, could take for the remedy of this evil was to order all the alcaldes-mayor to raise companies of indians, exempting the captains, alférezes, and sergeants from tributes and personal services, and equipping them with firearms, pikes, and lances. as a result, this year only one village has been plundered--and that because the alcalde-mayor could not arrive in time; and the only damage they did was to capture a religious of st. francis and some few indians. the fort which has been erected near la caldera, that of çamboanga, which is in the very territory of those indians, holds them somewhat in check. i wish to become freed somewhat from so many necessary demands upon my attention as this government requires, and see to the completion of a galley which i have begun, in order to try whether i can at one blow make an end of these enemies, and thus carry out what your majesty is pleased to command. but these [moros] are a people who, if they encounter any resistance, no matter how small, betake themselves in flight through the mountains, with which they are so well acquainted; while the spaniards cannot follow them on account of the great heat, and the many difficulties of the journey; and our peaceful indians, when they have not the spaniards near them, are timid and accomplish nothing. consequently, the whole enterprise has some share of hindrances and difficulties; but i will try, so far as it lies in my power, to accomplish it, and so that your majesty may not have occasion to command this another time. [marginal note: "this is well."] 15. in another decree, dated madrid, february 21, 635, your majesty commands that the shipyards be supplied with timbers, planks, and all that is necessary for the repairing and equipment of the galleons, because your majesty has understood that there is a lack of these materials and of the provisions necessary for the royal storehouses. your majesty was correctly informed of this; but for the past year efforts have been made to remedy these deficiencies, by building flat-bottomed boats for transporting the said timbers, and having as many as possible of the latter cut. with this, the galleons which go to castilla have been put in very good order, and there is sufficient lumber left for the necessary and usual repairs which continually have to be made in this port. as for the provisions for the storehouses, not only have the necessary supplies been lacking, but there are no storehouses in which to place them. i shall therefore begin two buildings: one a storehouse at this port, inside the castle of san phelipe; and another as lodgings for the infantry company which forms the garrison. hitherto the soldiers of that company have lived outside the said castle, as they had no quarters--some of them in wretched cabins built by their own hands. in the same manner, sire, or very little better, the rest of the troops were lodged in manila. as i have written to your majesty in other letters, i am building them a chapel, where the dead may be buried and the sacraments administered to them; also a barracks, where they can live comfortably. i am endeavoring that [the expense of] this may be met by donations and gratuitous services, and not from the royal treasury of your majesty. i have ordered that a large house, in which the governors were lodged when they came to this port, be set aside for a royal hospital. i have had it repaired, and two wings added; and thus medical treatment can be given in it to the seamen, the convicts on your majesty's galleys, the carpenters and calkers, and some sixty-six slaves of the crown. it was said that your majesty has also carpenters ashore, besides petty court officers, and the lascars and moros who serve in mooring the vessels and for all the extra labor that is needed ashore; and hitherto they have had no hospital, and it was necessary to take them to manila for treatment. [_marginal note_: "ascertain what provision has been made for this in other regions. as for the buildings for parish church, hospital, and barracks for soldiers, this is explained by another letter from the governor. as for the shipbuilding, what he says is approved."] 16. in a decree dated madrid, february 16, 635, your majesty commands that i exercise care to see that the religious shall not go to japon for the present, because the king of that country has so tightly closed the door to the catholics. [_marginal note_: "seen."] 17. he has commanded this, with very rigorous penalties of death and confiscation of property, that no vassal of his shall for ten years leave his kingdom, in any kind of vessel, so that religious may not go in their ships; he thus checks the trade with the chinese also, so that they may not carry religious. only the dutch maintain commerce with japon, from which has resulted great loss to these your majesty's islands--for they bring from xapon much silver; copper and tin, for casting artillery; wheat; and many other products and conveniences which are very necessary for the said islands. then the barter of the silks, fine castilian cloths, and spanish leather made from deerskin, which were carried there from these islands--all this is so cut off that it seems as if no way could be found to restore the trade unless god in his mercy shall open one in the course of time. [_marginal note_: "seen."] 18. don pedro de quiroga y maya, whom your majesty has been pleased to send to mexico to take the residencia of the marqués de cerralbo; sends me a certified copy of a section in the instructions which your majesty gave him, in which your majesty has commanded me, by one of your royal decrees that, in order to stop the illegal transportation to nueva españa of more merchandise than is permitted to the citizens, the ships shall be built thus: the almiranta, of four hundred to five hundred toneladas' burden; and the capitana, of five hundred to six hundred toneladas. these decrees, sire, have not come to my hands thus far, further than a copy which the said royal visitor sends me, issued in the term of don juan niño de tabora. this shall be very punctually obeyed in the future construction of the ships; but it is necessary to make the present voyage with the galleons that are already built. i must remind your majesty that the islands are at the end of their resources, as far as the indians in them are concerned; for it is they who bring the timber from the forests for the said shipbuilding. i have thought of an expedient for this, in order not to complete the destruction of the indians; it is, to ask the viceroys of your majesty in nueva españa and pirú to send vessels here. every two years, let the viceroy of pirú send to nueva españa a ship with the permission which your majesty has given, one of those which the viceroy the conde de chinchon caused to be built in the time when i served your majesty there; they were of three hundred to four hundred toneladas' burden, and carried twelve, fourteen, or sixteen pieces of artillery. the cost of these will be paid here, on the account of this royal treasury. with this, and with rebuilding the galleons that are here, and repairing them every year, may be remedied the loss in the shipyards, and the destruction and ruin of the indians. it is no light burden to maintain the laborers who cut the timber for the repairs every year. will your majesty be pleased to command the said viceroys to do what i have proposed; and thus in the course of time the ships will come to be of the burden and lading that your majesty requires. meanwhile, until the matter is arranged, the galleons will go from here to nueva españa every two years, each with two registers--one for the previous sailing, and one for the present year--as they go now. in the year when they go, they will bring back the half of the silver for the proceeds [from the merchandise sent]; and in the following year, when they do not have to go, the rest of the money will be brought in the ship which will be sent from piru. i hope that your majesty will approve this, and give such commands as are most expedient for your royal service, in order that these vassals who are so poor may be encouraged, and the merchandise that they export may bring in good returns when nothing goes unregistered, and that the indians may be saved from ruin. [_marginal note_: "let there be no innovation in this matter which he proposes, and follow the orders which have been issued in regard to the building of ships; and tell him that, as he has been commanded, he shall make no innovations without first consulting the government in regard to the matter, so that orders may be given him to be put into execution."] may our lord guard the catholic person of your majesty, as christendom has need. at cavite, july 11, 636. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera the hospitals and hospital contributions _letter to the king from sebastian hurtado de corcuera_ sire: 1. your majesty was pleased to entrust to my predecessor, don juan niño de tabora, as he was the person who had the matter in hand, the regulation of the comfort of the hospitals, the care of treating the sick, both soldiers and citizens, and the administration of the revenues of the said hospitals, so that the expenditures would be well employed and your majesty's treasury have some relief. [_in the margin_: "that the purpose in having established the convalescent ward is approved."] 2. the first thing which i heard on my arrival in this government was this [matter of the hospitals], in which i have found that your majesty spends more money than you ought to spend; and, in the endeavor to apply a suitable remedy, i ordered the royal officials to note on their pay-rolls that the soldiers must give two reals from each month's pay, and the sailors four--as is done in the states of flandes with the royal hospital of your majesty's army, where the soldiers give one real from each month's pay, and the officers, higher and lower, according to their pay. this amounts to more than seven thousand pesos per year, as your majesty will have seen by the certifications which i enclose. 3. the religious of the order of st. francis--to whose brothers the government and several of your majesty's decrees have entrusted for some years back the duty of nurses in these hospitals, and to their religious priests that of chaplains therein--have both [brothers and priests] contrived to make an ill use of the orders of your majesty and of the government; for besides the comforts that are brought from castilla at so heavy an expense to the treasury of your majesty, such as wines, raisins, almonds, and quince preserves, and other things which are not found here, and are indispensable for the hospitals--and although these things and the medicines were delivered to the steward and apothecary, the said officials did what the religious ordered them; and, to keep the devotees of religion contented, dispersed and spent many of those things outside of the hospitals. i made the steward whom i found in the hospital of the spaniards settle his accounts, which were in very bad condition; but it will cost him his property. i appointed a new steward to whom all the aforesaid articles which came from nueva españa were delivered, on his responsibility and account. this man asked for the keys to the pantries, in order to keep them, but the religious refused; consequently, i was obliged to issue strict order that the keys be given up. the provincial of that order gave way to anger, saying that the taking the keys of the pantries to keep them was to his discredit. with the devotion which i have always had toward that order, and my love for its religious, i requested the said provincial to charge himself with, or have given to some religious, the said articles, with the obligation to give account of his expense at the end of the year to the person whom i should order to do that. he replied that i could not do that, according to his rule; nor could he subject himself to give account of anything; the steward, however, continues to exercise his duty and care. [_in the margin_: "having dismissed the discalced religious from the hospital, although it is thought that in this he will have desired the greater service of his majesty and the convenient regulation of the matter, he might, before executing it, and before having made this innovation, have given some notice of it, as he has been notified to do in other points. let him do that from now henceforth. in regard to the condition of the edifice and the other matters, let him advise immediately; and of the manner in which the hospital is governed, and what has been the practical result of the change, without making any alteration in the state in which this despatch shall find it, and without going any farther."] 4. various decrees of their majesties, your holy father and your prudent grandfather, order that a convalescent ward be made in the royal hospital of the spaniards. since my predecessors did not carry out this plan, i began it with two thousand pesos, of which a governor of the sangleys of the parián made your majesty a gracious gift. it was advisable to have this ward pass through certain small cells which the brothers and religious chaplain had in the said hospital. i courteously requested the provincial to withdraw them to his convent while the said ward was being built; but he refused to do so. i again requested him to remove the most holy sacrament--which was deposited in a ward under the principal one of the infirmary and exposed to indecency, because the filth and water from the sick, fell from above--to a place above, where mass was said to the said sick. he also refused to do that; on the other hand, he went to the archbishop, who began a suit before the ordinary. although the royal audiencia (the said archbishop refusing to give the regimental chaplain-in-chief permission to administer the holy sacraments to the soldiers and others, and refusing to give it, and [the chaplain] having appealed to royal aid from the fuerza), declared that he should do what i had asked, the archbishop, nevertheless, refused to give the said permission--until that, after he had been exiled from these kingdoms for having refused to obey the decrees of your majesty (as i shall recount in another letter), the bishop of camarines, who came by act of the royal audiencia to govern during his absence, granted to the said chaplain-in-chief the said permission to administer the sacraments. for these and many other reasons, of which i shall give your majesty an account, i made the said religious leave the royal hospital of the spaniards, and the regimental chaplain-in-chief ministers to the sick for the present, until a chapel is finished (which i ordered to be built in which to bury the soldiers), and quarters [for them], at the expense of their pay, which they have graciously given, without any expense to the treasury of your majesty. and when the said chaplain-in-chief shall go to exercise his duty in the said chapel, another chaplain shall be appointed for the said royal hospital. sire, the reasons which have existed for changing the religious of this hospital are those which your majesty will please have examined in the papers which i herewith enclose. at the same time, i petition your majesty, with all humility, to be pleased to grant permission to the brothers of [st.] john of god to come to serve in these hospitals in place of the same discalced religious, and at their own petition--because of the disorderly acts that the brothers must have committed in visiting private houses in the city in the quality of surgeons, and in methods from which, they tell me, proceeded the relaxation of the order, as well as other things that deserve correction. for many reasons concerning the service of god and of your majesty, it has been, and is, advisable that these hospitals be administered by the brothers of [st.] john of god, and that the order of st. francis attend to their ministries and the observance of their rule. in case that your majesty finds it unadvisable that the said brothers of [st.] john of god come to these islands, will you be pleased to have the holy sacraments administered by seculars, the revenue put in charge of laymen, and several of the very aged alférezes, who have served long enough and now cannot bear arms, act as nurses--as they are doing at present with great willingness and promptness, in order not to lose the accommodations of the hospital by negligence and poor service. only the said hospitals of this city and of the port of cavite i have withdrawn from the power of the religious of st. francis of this city, for the reasons aforesaid, and because of the opposition which the religious have made to your majesty's governor, in their desire to make themselves lords and masters of your royal hospitals; since neither by reason of their rule, nor by their own will, nor by anything else can they be proprietors. there was no hospital at the port of cavite; but on account of the donations which some persons have given to your majesty, i have ordered a house to be prepared where the governors lived when they went to that port, and an excellent hospital has been made there. in it five hundred sailors, three or four hundred convicts belonging to the galleys, slaves of your majesty, the common seamen of the galleons, and the calkers and carpenters of the said port--in all two thousand odd persons--receive medical treatment. since this hospital has been created anew (for a barracks which was used for a hospital has fallen), the religious do not claim it in ownership, as they do the hospital of this city. the alms given by the sailors for the said hospital amount to three thousand pesos per year. with what the calkers, carpenters, and other workmen who receive pay will give, and a small cattle-farm that it owns, with some more that can be obtained from some encomienda when it falls vacant, the said hospital will be sustained without any expense to your majesty's treasury. and in order that that of manila may do the same, an excellent cattle-farm costing eight thousand pesos has been bought at the advice of the treasury council with the money contributed for it. with those ranches that it had, and the three pesos per year from each soldier, and an encomienda of one thousand three hundred tributes which has been granted to the convalescent ward in the name of your majesty, in virtue of your royal decree despatched to governor gomez perez das mariñas (and i petition your majesty to be pleased to confirm to it the encomienda of the village of macabebe, in the province of pampanga)--with all the above and other things which i shall endeavor to secure for it, i shall relieve your majesty's royal treasury from expense. the expense which i have made in only the said hospital in ten months, without its being possible to avoid it, amounts in money to seven thousand pesos for the aforesaid, and more than that amount in kind. since your majesty has so many encomiendas here, it is right that we relieve the treasury of this expense; and we shall put to rights many things which i confess to your majesty have never been regulated until now. with it the hospitals of the natives, that of los baños, that of camarines, and others, i have left to the religious until your majesty orders what is your pleasure. but it is not advisable that they should administer them, but the brothers of [st.] john of god, or secular priests and lay stewards. this is the truth, as i assure your majesty as your vassal and minister, whereby i discharge my conscience of all that shall be placed on it; and, if opportunity offer, i shall give a detailed account and one to the royal council of the yndias. may our lord preserve the catholic person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom. manila, the last of june, 1636. sire, your majesty's vassal kisses your feet, sebastian hurtado de corcuera _comments of the council_ in regard to the deductions [from their pay] that are levied on the soldiers and sailors, since it is with their good-will, as is supposed, his having introduced this plan is approved. since that aid amounts to seven thousand pesos annually, and since not only the soldiers are treated in the hospital, but other citizens; if this is so, it seems that it will be necessary that the cost of the hospital be not entirely charged to the soldiers, but that the others contribute their share, whereby the deductions [from the pay] of the soldiers will be less and less felt. that in regard to passing to the yndias it has not been considered as very advisable that the brothers of [st.] john of god go; but that in its general aspect the matter is being considered, and he will be advised of what shall be resolved. that in regard to placing alférezes on half-pay as nurses, it is not advisable; nor do such men proceed with the charity that is necessary, and that such ministry requires. that in regard to the hospital which has been established in cavite, by taking the house of the governor, it is not approved, and that is another innovation of which he must give account; for, although the work is good in itself, it has the inconvenience that when the governors go to that port, they have no house in which to lodge, and that they will have a motive for building one. consequently, he shall not go ahead with that undertaking. to apply some encomienda for that hospital of cavite appears advisable, and he is permitted to assign it an encomienda of about five hundred ducados of income. let him advise of what he does in this, and whether the quantity is sufficient, in respect to the expense, and considering the aids which he mentions in his letter, which will be made voluntarily by the contributors. in regard to the cattle-farm which has been bought for the hospital of manila with the money from the gifts, see whether the royal officials or any other persons write of this; and, if they do not write, have him told that if it is money donated as a gift to his majesty, that expenditure is not approved; for he was not authorized to make it, and has rather exceeded his authority, and it will be necessary to restore the money to his majesty. but if it is a gift made as an alms by citizens, that will be well; and it is expected that he will have it administered as is advisable. let information be asked separately on all the points of this letter from the archbishop, audiencia, royal officials, and the superior of the order of st. francis. write to the governor not to make any innovation. _governor's act regarding convalescent ward_ don sebastian urtado de corcuera, knight of the habit of alcantara, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands and president of the royal audiencia herein, etc. inasmuch as by a clause of a letter from his majesty dated san martin de la vega, april twenty-nine, one thousand five hundred and seventy-seven, directed to the governor of these islands, it is ordered that, as it is so fitting and necessary, as he has been informed, a convalescent ward be established where the poor soldiers who served in these islands may be cared for and entertained when convalescing after having left their treatment in the hospital; and that he shall maintain and supply it by assigning one thousand indians as an aid to the support of the hospital, or as shall seem best to him. that, as is well known, has not been done; and no effort has been made to fulfil the royal will in so many years, although this enterprise is so useful to the community. on the contrary, it has been the cause of many wrongs, as experience demonstrates; for, by not having had the said convalescent ward, so many soldiers, sailors, and other poor wretches have died by reason of lacking care and comfort when they recover from their illness. and great disorders have been and are caused with such sick when they leave the said hospital with little health and strength--some returning to their own houses, and some to those of others, where because of the little or no comfort, and the poor and injurious food, with wine, tobacco, buyo, and other similar things, and the continual temptations to associate with women of evil life, they relapse, so that their sickness has no cure. these having been examined by me and certified to me, in order to check these evils, and to comply with what his majesty ordered so many years ago but which has not been done, and as it is so pious a work in itself, and for the service of our lord and the good of the community: i have resolved to establish a convalescent ward near the royal hospital for the spaniards of this city of manila. and [it shall be] incorporated with the same [hospital] because there is no other place where it can be established--so that in it may be treated, entertained, and entirely cured, the sick of the hospital. these, without leaving the hospital, may pass from the sick wards to the convalescent ward, where they will be treated and entertained as well as possible from the proceeds of one thousand two hundred tributes of encomienda, which i have assigned and given to the said ward in his majesty's name in the province of pampanga, in the encomienda of macabebe, which became vacant because of the end and death of don nicolas de rivera, who possessed it for the last generation. the building of the said room and ward has been begun for more than two months; and the foundations are laid in some parts by order of captain santiago de gastelu, citizen and regidor of this city. i entrust its work to him, as he is a competent person. he has represented to me that, in order that he may continue the work to the completion that is required, and with the divisions and pantries that are necessary for its service, it is advisable that he tear down a small old house, with some cells, that are built close to the said work in the said hospital. there live the discalced fathers of st. francis, who have attended and attend to the hospital. the men cannot continue further with the work because the said old work is in the way, and because it is necessary to make the foundations alike all over. as the said religious are there, he could not begin to tear it down; while there was no place where the said religious could be accommodated in the said hospital because of its small capacity; nor was there room for the physician, surgeon, barber, steward, and apothecary, who are the persons who must live within. and likewise the house where the apothecary-shop is located, and where the apothecary and steward live, he must tear down in order to proceed with the said work. likewise he must do the same and tear down the church of the hospital in order to make there a low living-room and an infirmary, where the soldiers of the pampanga nation who fall sick in this camp of manila may be treated and cared for, as they have no other place for it. a church is not necessary in the said hospital, because another one for the infantry is being built, as quickly as possible, next to the royal palace in the plaza de armas, where all those who die in the said hospital will be carried for burial. to say mass, confess, and console the sick in the hospital, they will be attended by the regimental chaplain, to whom it properly belongs. his majesty has assigned a special pay for that here. consequently, the said religious can be dispensed with and are not necessary, since they neither confess those who go there, nor attend to anything else that is important. therefore, the father-provincial of the order of st. francis shall withdraw the religious (both priests and lay-brothers) who are in the said hospital; and shall take them to his convent, since it is within the walls of the city, and is capacious enough for them and for many others. there they will live with all comfort, care, and shelter, as is fitting, as it is advisable for the service of god and the welfare of the community that the work and quarters be continued where the said convalescents and soldiers of the pampanga nation may be treated. by this act he ordered the said captain santiago de gastelu that the work be immediately proceeded with, tearing down the said room and church and all else that seemed necessary for the said purpose, as quickly as possible, since he has been given money for the said work and building. in order that the aforesaid might be done, the said captain santiago de gastelu shall be notified. by this act, accordingly, he issued this command, and signed it. the government secretary, or another public or royal notary, will notify the aforesaid, and the said father provincial, so that what is ordered by this act may be fulfilled. manila, march five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. sevastian hurtado de corcuera francisco de ortega _notification_. in the city of manila, on the eighth day of the month of march, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, i, the notary, read and notified the order and act of this paper, as is contained therein, to captain santiago de gastelu, regidor of this city, in his own person. he said that he heard it; and i attest the same. alonso mendez de almada, royal notary of mines and registers. _notification_. in the town of san pa[b]lo, on the tenth of march, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, i, the notary, read and notified the said act and order of this paper, as is contained therein, to father fray jeronimo del espiritu santo, provincial of the order of the discalced religious of st. francis of these islands. he said that he heard it, and that he would talk with the said governor concerning the matter. i attest the same, witnesses being alférez diego salgado colmenero and matheo mexia. alonso men[d]ez de almada, royal notary of mines and registers. collated with the originals, which are in possession of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal audiencia herein, and to which i refer. in order that this might be evident, i gave the present, authorizing it in public form at his petition, and gave it the authentication which takes the place of law. as witnesses at its examination, copying, correcting, and collation were simon delgado, jhoan correa, and francisco gomez, here present. in testimony of law, i have affixed my seal: augustin de valenzuela, notary-public. in the public service; fees dispensed with; i attest it. we, the undersigned notaries, certify that agustin de valenzuela, before whom passed this authorization, and who signed and sealed this copy, is notary-public of the port of cavite; and as such, entire faith and credit have been and are given, in and out of court, to the acts, copies, and other despatches which have passed and pass before him. in order that this might be evident, we gave the present, july five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. alonso baeza del rio, notary-public. alonso mendez de almada, notary-public and clerk of registers. _money deducted from pay of soldiers and sailors as alms for the hospital_ we, the official judges of the royal treasury of these filipinas islands for the king our sovereign, certify that, by virtue of an order of the governor and captain-general, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, there has been and is deducted from [the pay of] the soldiers of this camp, in the settling of their accounts that has been made and is being made from the first of july of the past year of one thousand six hundred and thirty-five and thereafter, for the balancing of accounts of the service of his majesty in various parts and presidios of these said islands, from each soldier, that which will be stated hereafter, of what they had to contribute as an aid in the expense and support of the sick in the royal hospital of this city of manila. and, according to what it has been possible to ascertain with greater certainty, the said contributions from all the soldiers of this said camp, and in the forts and presidios of these islands, will amount to the following sum. in the city of manila and its camp in this said city of manila and its camp, there are at present four companies of spanish infantry, of which two belong to (and have that title) the said governor and captain-general, and the master-of-camp, don lorenço de olaso. from [the pay of] the captains of the other two companies, the deduction is made at the rate of one peso per month apiece--which amounts annually to twenty-four pesos 24 pesos from the four sergeants of the said companies, at the rate of two reals per month apiece--which amounts annually to twelve pesos 12 pesos the company of the said governor has ninety-two effective soldiers, and four posts below the commissioned officers--which, at the rate of two reals per month apiece, amounts annually to two hundred and eighty-eight pesos 288 pesos the company of the said master-of-camp, don lorenço de olaso, has one hundred and seven soldiers, and four posts below the commissioned officers--which, at the rate of two reals per month apiece, amounts annually to three hundred and thirty-three pesos 333 pesos the company of captain don juan francisco hurtado de corcuera has ninety-eight soldiers and four posts below the commissioned officers--which, at the rate of two reals per month apiece, amounts annually to three hundred and six pesos 306 pesos the company of captain don juan de frias has also ninety-one effective soldiers and four posts below the commissioned officers--which, at the rate of two reals per month apiece, amounts annually to two hundred and eighty-five pesos 285 pesos the company of mounted arquebusiers of the captain and sargento-mayor, don pedro hurtado de corcuera, has thirty soldiers, one lieutenant, one alférez, and one trumpeter--which, at the rate of one peso per month from the said captain, four reals from the lieutenant, four from the alférez, and two from the trumpeter and from each soldier, amounts annually to one hundred and seventeen pesos 117 pesos from two adjutants of the sargento-mayor of this camp, at the rate of two reals per month--which amounts annually to eighteen pesos 18 pesos from the head drummer of this camp, at the rate of two reals per month--which amounts annually to three pesos 3 pesos from the twelve soldiers of the guard of the said governor, at the rate of two reals per month apiece--which amounts annually to thirty-six pesos 36 pesos castle of santiago in this said city in the said castle of santiago there is an effective garrison of one drummer, one lieutenant, and twenty-two soldiers--which, at the rate of two reals per month apiece, amounts annually to seventy-two pesos 72 pesos fort san felipe at the port of cavite in the said fort san felipe, there is one company of spanish infantry, with one captain, one alférez, one sergeant, four minor posts, and seventy soldiers--which, at the rate of one peso per month from the said captain, four reals from the alférez, two from the sergeant, minor posts, and said soldiers, amounts annually to two hundred and forty-three pesos 243 pesos presidio of zibu in the city of zibu is a garrison of one company, with one captain, one alférez, one sergeant, four minor posts; and according to what we have been able to ascertain with greatest certainty, about fifty soldiers in the said company--which, at the rate of one peso from the said captain, four reals from the alférez, and two from the sergeant, minor posts, and said soldiers, amounts annually to one hundred and eighty-three pesos 183 pesos presidio of zamboanga in the presidio of san jose of zamboanga, there are three companies, with three captains, three alférezes, one sergeant, four minor posts, and two hundred and ten soldiers in all three companies--seventy in each one, according to the surest information that we have been able to obtain. at the said rate of one peso per month from each captain, four reals from each alférez, and two reals from the sergeant, each minor post, and each soldier, it amounts annually to seven hundred and twenty-nine pesos 729 pesos presidio of oton in the fort of nuestra señora de la rossario, the presidio of oton, is a garrison of one company of spanish infantry, with one captain, one alférez, one sergeant, four minor posts, and fifty soldiers, or thereabout. at the rate of one peso from the said captain, four reals from the alférez, and two from the sergeant, the minor posts, and the said soldiers, it amounts annually to one hundred and eighty-three pesos 183 pesos presidio of cagayan in the fort san francisco at the city of segovia, the presidio of cagayan, is a garrison of one spanish infantry company with one captain, one alférez, one sergeant, four minor posts, and about eighty soldiers or so--which, at the said rate from each one, namely, one peso per month from the said captain, four reals from the alférez, two from the sergeant, and each of the minor posts and the said soldiers, amounts in one year to two hundred and seventy-three pesos 273 pesos presidio of caraga in the fort of san joseph of tanga, the presidio of caraga, is a garrison of one company of spanish infantry, with one captain, one alférez, one sergeant, four minor posts, and forty-five soldiers--which, at the rate of one peso per month from the said captain, four reals from the alférez, and two from the sergeant, minor posts, and said soldiers, amounts annually to one hundred and sixty-eight pesos 168 pesos presidio and fort of the island of hermosa in the presidio san salvador of the island of hermosa, there are three companies of spanish infantry, with two captains (for the third is commanded by the castellan and governor of the said presidio), three alférezes, three sergeants, two minor posts, and one hundred and eighty soldiers among all the companies, in the proportion of sixty men to each company, which is the most authentic information that we have been able to discover and ascertain. at the rate of one peso per month from each captain, four reals from each alférez, two from each sergeant, minor post, and soldier, it amounts annually to six hundred and twenty-seven pesos 627 pesos in the said presidio there are two adjutants of the sargento-mayor, one with the pay of a musketeer, and the other with two hundred and forty pesos per [_illegible in ms._: year?], which at the rate of two reals per month from the one who serves as a soldier, and six from the other, amounts annually to twelve pesos 12 pesos forts of terrenate in the forts of terrenate there are six companies of spanish infantry, with two which are to come in the reënforcements which are next expected. for them there are five captains (for the sixth company is commanded by the governor of the said forts), six alférezes, six sergeants, twenty-four minor posts, and four hundred and eighty soldiers in all, in the proportion of eighty soldiers to each company, which is the ordinary number. at the rate of one peso per month from each captain, four reals from each alférez, and two reals from each sergeant, minor post, and soldier, this amounts annually to one thousand six hundred and twenty-six pesos 1,626 pesos in the said forts are two adjutants of the sargento-mayor--one with the pay of a soldier, and the other with twenty-five ducados per month--which, at the rate of two reals per month from him who serves in the post of soldier, and six from the other, amounts annually to twelve pesos 12 pesos consequently, all together the said contributions amount annually to five thousand five hundred and seventy-four pesos, which is the sum found among the said infantry in the balances and settlements of the accounts; it is levied on them when their pay is given to them, and when warrants are issued for what his majesty owes them for the time while they have served in these islands in the military posts. this is the most authentic account which it has been possible to get, for many soldiers are generally sick in this city and other places; and consequently, there is usually more or less expense, of little consideration. and so that this may be evident, at the order of the governor and captain-general, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, we attest the same in manila, june twenty, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. (in triplicate.) hiñigo de villareal balthazar ruiz de escalona we, the undersigned notaries, attest that iñigo de villa real and don balthazar ruiz de escalona, by whom this certification is signed, are factor and treasurer, the official judges of the royal treasury of these philipinas islands; and entire faith and credit has been and is given to them, in and out of court, to the certifications, acts, and other despatches which they as such royal official judges have given and give. manila, june twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. francisco de la torre, notary-public. alonso baeza del rio, notary-public. augustin de valenzuela, notary-public. i, martin ruiz de salazar, accountant of the royal treasury in these philipinas islands for the king our sovereign, and senior royal official judge in these islands, certify that it is evident and appears by his majesty's books of the royal accountancy that are in my charge, that there is charged to the accounts of the pay of the captains, officers, soldiers, sailors, pilots, and common seamen who serve his majesty in the company of the seamen which is stationed in this port of cavite and in other parts of these islands, three thousand one hundred and twenty-nine pesos of common gold, in the list where the account of it is kept for the time that they serve; and what is granted and paid by them for the contributions of the hospital for one year reckoned from the first of july, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, until now (the date for deducting the amount from them, when their accounts are concluded and balanced) is at the rate of eight reals from the captain, four from the alférez, two from the sergeant, a like sum from each non-commissioned officer, and four reals from each marine soldier, a like sum from the pilot, and the same from the common seamen. this has been done in virtue of an order of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the military order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal audiencia herein, under date of august sixteen of the said year one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. and in order that this may be evident wherever required. i give the present. cavite, june thirty, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. martin ruiz de salazar we, the undersigned notaries, attest that martin ruiz de salazar, by whom the certification of this other part appears to be signed, is accountant and official judge of the royal treasury of these islands. entire faith and credit has been given, in court and out, to the certifications and other despatches signed in his name. in order that that may be evident, we give the present in cavite, july twelve, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. alonso mendez de almada, royal notary and clerk of registers. augustin de valenzuela, notary-public. alonso baeza del rio, notary-public. bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _the nuns of st. clare._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticos de filipinas; años 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43." 2. _letters to felipe iv from corcuera._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." 3. _letter from corcuera,_ july 11.--the same as no. 2. 4. _hospitals and hospital contributions._--the same as no. 2. the following documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid; they are in "papeles de los jesuitas:" 5. _relation of 1635-36._--in "tomo 119, n°. 16." 6. _letter from lara._--in "tomo 119, n°. 19." notes [1] apparently referring to the gate (now puerta real) at the southern end of the city which opens toward bagumbayan, a district between manila and ermita. through this gate were made the formal entrances of governors and archbishops previous to 1762, when the city was taken by the english; after that time, these entrances were made by the puerta del parián, at the north-eastern part of the wall. [2] spanish, _mas boluesele el sueño del perro_; literally, "a dog's sleep fell on him." [3] spanish, _tres tratos de cuerda_; referring to punishment by suspending the delinquent by his hands, which are tied behind his back. [4] _i.e._, "gate of the magazines," or royal storehouses. the northernmost gate of the city, not far east of the fort of santiago, and opening toward the pásig river. [5] so in the manuscript, probably a transcriber's error; but it evidently refers to the dominican pinelo. [6] the editors are indebted to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a., of villanova college, and father fray juan but no mateos, of the same order, of the escorial, but now (may, 1905) at villanova, for valuable help in the translation of this pasquinade. as much of the subject matter of the lampoon is local tit-tat, and as many of the meanings (although they would be perfectly apparent to the manila populace) are purposely veiled, assurance cannot be given that the present interpretation is correct in every detail. there are also evident plays upon words and phrases, which can only be guessed at. hence, the original is given partly for that reason. the poetical form in which this pasquinade is written dates from an early period in castile. cervantes has a poem of this class in chapter xxvii of the first part of don quijote; while lope de vega has also employed it. the second, fourth, and sixth lines form a sort of echo to the first, third, and fifth lines (the six lines being, however, written as three in the pasquinade). see clemencin's edition of don quijote (madrid, 1894), iii, pp. 7-9. [7] see the book of esther. this is the hamah of the king james bible. [8] father fray juan mateos says of this passage: "the author seems to use the word 'quesos' [cheeses], alluding to 'casos' [cases] (a practical question of moral theology). i imagine that the text refers to the accusation made against those fathers of being casuists or adapters of the moral doctrine to their own convenience. from the context, one can deduce that 'cera' [wax] is used in the meaning of 'dinero' [money], and the meaning in that case might be, that the jesuits were trying to get money by fitting up the consciences of men with moral doctrines easy of fulfilment." [9] this is a very obscure stanza, although the allusions were doubtless well understood in manila. the second line might be translated "and who in hanging apples, saw tares;" although the translation as given above is to be preferred. [10] there is evidently a play on the word "cura," which may mean either "cures," or "priests" [_i.e_.,"cures"]. the meaning of the last line seems to refer to the ecclesiastical term. [11] this may be another play on words, for "sinzera" may be the adjective "sincere" or the two words "sin zera," "waxless," and hence in this last meaning, an allusion to the third line of the third stanza. [12] this has been already given in vol. xxv, pp. 216-219. [13] see this paper in vol. xxv, pp. 243-244. [14] continuing from this point, the present document resumes. it is probable that the part omitted in the present document was originally a portion of it; but, being written on a loose sheet of paper, has suffered the fate common to many documents and portions of documents in spanish archives, and been lost. [15] one of our two copies of this attestation bears date july 29, 1635, and the other november 19, 1635. we have adopted the date above, as being more probably the correct one, errors in the transcripts being due to the poor writing of the original. [16] see these letters in vol. xxv, pp. 207-208, 209-210. [17] see _ante_, p. 61, note 12. [18] spanish, _condenatoria_; but the word _comminatoria_ is employed in a similar expression in the "letter from a citizen of manila." [19] so in our transcript, but evidently an error of the transcriber. [20] as the reader will observe, this letter from corcuera is, in part, almost the same as that preceding; but it contains a considerable quantity of matter (including several appended documents) which is not found elsewhere, and is for that reason presented here. it is probably one of the letters sent, either partly or wholly in duplicate, by other routes to spain, so that at least one set of the despatches might reach the home government. [21] here used in a technical sense--the option or right to take action or enjoy an advantage alternately with others, as in appointments to ecclesiastical benefices, etc.; the creoles evidently demanding to share those appointments with the clergy brought over from spain. [22] several of the matters discussed in the above letter are answered by the following royal decree: the king. to don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein. your letter of june 30, 636, on ecclesiastical matters has been examined in my royal council of the indias, and reply is now made to you. you say that the religious of the order of st. augustine need correction, since they had not obeyed the bulls of his holiness nor the decrees which have been issued in regard to the alternation; and that it was expedient not to allow them any more religious for eight years. because they have many religious, as well as on account of the reasons that you bring forward for that, it has seemed best to me to charge you that you shall cause the decree for the alternation to be punctually executed, without allowing any more religious in each mission than the number which, conformably to my royal patronage, shall be enough for its needs; and that the rest of them occupy themselves in missions and preaching for which they were sent there. as for what you wrote me about the advanced age of the archbishop of those islands--who is so old that his hands and head tremble, and that it would be desirable to give him a coadjutor, and that you would arrange for giving him two thousand pesos of income besides the four thousand which the said archbishop receives, without drawing it from my royal treasury or from my vassals--i charge you to make known to me the measure or means by which that sum could be obtained without loss to my royal exchequer or my vassals, so that i may consent to your carrying it out if it be worthy of acceptance. in order that the religious of st. dominic and of the other orders who are laboring in those islands may live with the concord and good example which is proper, and that they may not appropriate more indian villages than those which are allowed them by my decrees, you shall not permit them to select any new ones beyond what shall be conformable to my patronage; and you shall, with the agreement of the archbishop, endeavor to unite some of the villages to others; and in those which are newly established you shall make the same effort, by introducing secular priests when you find them intelligent and competent. madrid, september 2, 1638. i the king countersigned by don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon, and signed by the council. (conserved in archivo historico nacional, in the cedulario indico, tomo 39, folio 225b.) [23] _para el efecto de propaganda fide_: evidently an allusion to the congregation of the propaganda (vol. xxi, p. 164, note 40), and may be freely rendered, "for carrying on the work of the [congregation for the] propagation of the faith"--collado's friars being assigned to mission work only. [24] expenses incurred either directly under the factor--one of the royal officials--or in the trading ports established by the spaniards. [25] the above shows the form in which the accounts from this point are entered. for the sake of greater condensation, we have reduced the balance of the document to the following tabular form. [26] from this and many other entries in these tables, it appears that much of the money reported as paid from the royal treasury never really left it, but that accounts were simply canceled. the benefit of these transactions would accrue to the purchaser of the pay-check, for he bought at a discount from the original holder; and, until the law whereby all the creditors of the royal treasury made a _voluntary gift_ to the king of two-thirds of the account was enforced by corcuera, he could use the pay-check at its face value, thus making immense profits, or canceling his debts to the royal treasury at small cost to himself. [27] probably planks one braza long. [28] spanish, _de guzmanes_; _i.e._, young men from noble families, who served as midshipmen in the navy, or as cadets in the army. [29] that is, what is saved on a short voyage is consumed by extra expense on a long one; and the expenses average about the same, one year with another. [30] that is, the repartimientos or amounts assessed on each district for the royal service, in rice, oil, and other products. [31] juan del carpio was born at rio frio, spain, in 1583. while a youth, he met in spain alonso humanes, who was going with missionaries to the philippines, and offered himself for that work. humanes took him to mexico, where carpio entered (1604) the jesuit order; completing there his education, he went to the philippines in 1615. his missionary labors were carried on among the visayans, during eighteen years. he was murdered by the moro pirates, december 3, 1634. see account of his life in murillo velarde's _historia_, fol. 70 verso, 71. [32] juan domingo bilancio--thus murillo velarde (_hist. de philipinas_, fol. 64); but retana and pastells (in combés's _hist. de mindanao_, cols. 740, 741) give the name as juan bautista vilancio--was born in the kingdom of naples, about 1573. before attaining his majority, he entered the jesuit order, and came to manila in 1602, spending the rest of his life in the philippine missions. he was captured by the moro pirates in 1632, who demanded a heavy ransom for him. this was raised in the following year, but he died in captivity before the money reached him. his name (apparently vilanci) is given a spanish form by all these writers; and he is not mentioned by sommervogel. [33] the paraguay missions, among the most famous of the society of jesus, and an offshoot of those of brazil, were founded in 1588. the reductions formed from the converts early in the seventeenth century, formed what has been called "the republic of paraguay." there the religious instructed them not only in religion, but in various trades and industries, the products of their work being communal. the great prosperity of the reductions was arrested (1631-32) by the heathen tribes of brazil, whereupon the christian indians abandoned them and founded new missions at the grand rapids of the parana river. in 1656 there were said to have been more than twenty towns all civilized, each containing 5,000 or 6,000 indians, and many other towns partly civilized. each reduction was governed by two priests. after the expulsion the missions declined rapidly. see _jesuit relations_ (cleveland reissue), xii, p. 276. the philippine islands, 1493-1803 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century volume iii, 1569-1576 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume iii preface. ... 15 documents of 1569 letter to felipe ii. guido de lavezaris; cebu, june 5. ... 29 letter to felipe ii. andrés de mirandaola; cubu, june 8. ... 33 letter to marqués de falçes. m.l. de legazpi; çubu, july 7. ... 44 relation of the filipinas islands. m.l. de legazpi; [çubu, july 7]. ... 54 confirmation of legazpi's title as governor and captain-general. felipe ii; madrid, august 14. ... 62 documents of 1570 letter to felipe ii. fray diego de herrera; mexico, january 16. ... 69 relation of the voyage to luzón. [june, 1570?]. ... 73 act of taking possession of luzón. martin de goiti and hernando riquel; manila, june 6. ... 105 letter to felipe ii. m. l. de legazpi; panae, july 25. ... 108 evidence regarding the portuguese expedition against cebú. m.l. de legazpi; çubu, october 21. ... 113 documents of 1571-72 relation of the discoveries of the malucos and philippinas. [1571?]. ... 121 requisitions of supplies for the spanish forces in the philippines [1571?]. ... 132 conquest of the island of luzon. manila, april 20, 1572. ... 141 foundation of the city of manila. fernando riquel; manilla, june 19, 1572. ... 173 documents of 1573 expenses incurred for the expedition to the western islands, 1569-72. melchior de legazpi; mexico, march 2. ... 177 affairs in the philippines after the death of legazpi. guido de lavezaris; manila, june 29. ... 179 relation of the western islands called filipinas. diego de artieda. ... 190 letter from the viceroy of new spain to felipe ii. martin enriquez; mexico, december 5. ... 209 documents of 1574 letter to felipe ii. andrés de mirandaola; january 8. ... 223 [1]las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del poniente hernando riquel y otros; mexico, january 11. ... 230 two royal decrees regarding manila and luzón. felipe ii; madrid, june 21. ... 250 opinion regarding tribute from the indians. fray martin de rada; manila, june 21. ... 253 reply to fray rada's "opinion." guido de lavezaris and others; [manila, june, 1574?]. ... 260 two letters to felipe ii. guido de lavezaris; manila, july 17 and 30. ... 272 slavery among the natives. guido de lavezaris; [july?]. ... 286 documents of 1575-76 part of a letter to the viceroy. guido de lavezaris; [manila, 1575?]. ... 291 letter to felipe ii. juan pacheco maldonado; [manila, 1575?]. ... 295 encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. francisco de sande, and others; manila, may 26, 1576. ... 304 letter to felipe ii. francisco de sande; manila, june 2, 1576. ... 312 bibliographical data. ... 315 illustrations portrait of fray martin de rada, o.s.a.; photographic reproduction of painting in possession of colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid. ... _frontispiece_ landing of the spaniards at cebú, in 1565; photographic reproduction of a painting at the colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid. ... 35 map showing the first landing-place of legazpi in the philippines; photographic facsimile of original (manuscript) map, contained in the pilots' log-book of the voyage, preserved in the archivo general de indias, at sevilla. ... 47 "asiae nova descriptio" (original in colors), map in _theatrum orbis terrarum_, by abraham ortelius (antverpiae, m. d. lxx), fol. 3; reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in boston public library. ... 86, 87 preface the documents presented in this volume cover the last three years of legazpi's administration in the islands, the governorship of guido de lavezaris, and the beginning of that of francisco de sande. in the brief period which we thus far survey, the first decade of spanish occupation (1565-75), are already disclosed the main elements of the oriental problem of today: the conflicting claims of powerful european nations, striving for advantage and monopoly in the rich trade of the east; the eagerness of unscrupulous europeans to subjugate the wealthy but comparatively defenseless chinese people, and the efforts of the latter to exclude foreigners from their country; the relations between the dominant whites and the weaker colored races; the characteristics, racial and local, of the various oriental peoples; the chinese migration to the islands; and the influence of the missionaries. interesting comparisons may be made between the conquests by the spaniards in the philippines and those made at an earlier period in new spain. the royal treasurer in the philippines, guido de lavezaris, writes (june 5, 1569) to felipe ii, describing the portuguese attack on cebú in the preceding autumn, and briefly mentioning some other matters. a letter from another official, andrés de mirandaola (dated three days later), informs the king of the wreck of a vessel despatched to spain with a rich cargo of spices; and he too describes briefly the encounter with the portuguese. the danger of another attack leads the spaniards to remove their camp to panay, as being safer than cebú. mirandaola pleads for reënforcements, and asks that soldiers, of more industrious sort than hitherto, be sent to the islands. he also gives some interesting information about china and its people; and asks for an increase of his salary. a letter from legazpi (july 1, 1569) to the viceroy of new spain describes the difficulties between the portuguese and spaniards at cebú, and complains of pereira's hostile actions there. the settlement has been removed to panay; they send their only remaining ship to new spain, to entreat aid in their distress and imminent danger, for the portuguese threaten to drive the spaniards out of the philippines. all the expense hitherto incurred will be wasted unless a permanent and suitably-equipped settlement be made at some good port. if supplies cannot be sent, legazpi asks for ships with which to transport the spaniards home, and wishes to resign his office as governor. with this letter he sends an account of the islands, "and of the character and condition of their inhabitants." the natives are unreliable, and utterly slothful. cinnamon is the only product of the islands which can be made profitable to the spaniards, until they can secure control of the gold mines, and have them worked. legazpi offers practical advice as to the best methods of treating the natives, conducting commerce, etc. his title of governor in cebú is confirmed (august 14, 1569) by royal decree. a letter from fray diego de herrera (january 16, 1570) to felipe ii gives a brief account of events since legazpi arrived at the islands. he praises the courage and loyalty of the soldiers, and asks the king to reward them; and asserts that the hostilities of the portuguese must be checked before much can be done to convert the natives. a document without signature narrates the events of "the voyage to luzón" in may, 1570. it is a simple but picturesque account of the campaign which resulted in the conquest of luzón and the foundation of spanish manila--evidently written by one who participated in those stirring events. the moros (mahometans) of manila profess a readiness to make a treaty of peace with the spaniards; but they treacherously begin an attack on the latter--which, however, results in their own defeat. the spaniards capture the city and set it on fire, which compels the moros to abandon it. the victors make compacts of peace with the neighboring villages, and return to panay. illustrative of this episode is the "act of taking possession of luzón," dated june 6, 1570. a letter from legazpi to the king (july 25, 1570) outlines the events of the past year. he renews his entreaties for some light-oared vessels, in which he could send exploring parties through the archipelago. in pursuance of a royal order, he sends back to mexico the portuguese who are among his troops; but he cannot banish the other foreigners, as they include his best workmen. he asks royal favor and rewards for some of his officers. on october 21 of the same year, he despatches to the king a formal complaint that pereira had again appeared at the spanish settlement (now in panay), and demolished its fortifications. a writer unknown gives an outline of the controversies regarding the line of demarcation, and of the spanish discoveries in the philippines, and the voyages made between the archipelago and mexico, up to 1571. lists of supplies needed [1571?] for the struggling colony forcibly indicate the difference between the wants of civilized europeans and those of the semi-barbarous tribes in the philippines. another picturesque account of the reduction of luzón is furnished (april 20, 1572) by an unknown writer, who claims to have obtained his information from actual participants in that campaign. he mentions various interesting details not included in the earlier account, and narrates occurrences after the conquest of manila. legazpi goes to that place (may, 1571) to establish his official residence; the natives at his approach set fire to the village, which they had rebuilt after its destruction by the spaniards in the preceding year. the seat of government for the archipelago is founded there; and amicable relations (involving the payment of tribute by the natives) are established between the spaniards and the people of some neighboring villages. other communities refuse to make submission, and defy the invaders; but they are successively reduced to subjection by the spaniards. after narrating these transactions, the writer gives a brief description of the people of luzón, their mode of dress, religious rites, and various customs; and makes commendatory mention of the chinese who have settled on that island, who are now converted to the christian faith. he then enumerates the islands thus far explored by the spaniards, mentioning their principal resources and products. in june, 1572, legazpi formally establishes the spanish city of manila, and appoints municipal officers. an official statement is made by legazpi's son melchior, royal accountant in new spain (march 2, 1573), of the expenses attending the philippine enterprise during the past four years. layezaris makes report (june 29, 1573) of legazpi's death (august 20 preceding), and of affairs in the islands since then. allotments of lands which include the natives who reside thereon (known as "repartimientos" or "encomiendas"), are being made in the islands, as fast as they are pacified. most of luzón is now subdued; its resources are great, and will maintain numerous spanish settlements. the chinese trade with its ports is extensive, and steadily increasing; and those traders are bringing wares of better quality than formerly. lavezaris complains of portuguese hostility and intrigues; a bornean king also has attempted an expedition against the spaniards. the governor sends a cargo of cinnamon to felipe; if only he had ships in which to transport that precious commodity, he could ruin the portuguese trade therein. this enterprising official has sent to new spain plants of ginger, tamarind, cinnamon, and pepper; the first two are already flourishing there. he suggests that it would be well to send to the islands jesuit and franciscan missionaries, to continue the conversion of the natives, already begun by the augustinians. he asks rewards for his officers, as having faithfully served the king amid great dangers and hardships--especially martin de goiti and juan de salcedo. he advises that municipal officers be changed annually to prevent abuses. a spanish captain, diego de artieda, writes (1573) a "relation of the western islands." he enumerates the islands thus far discovered by the spaniards, describing their location, appearance, and natural resources. he adds much curious information about the natives--concerning their religious beliefs and rites, customs, mode of dress, weapons, food, industries, social condition, etc. artieda notes all that he has been able to learn concerning japan and china, with interesting details as to their civilization, and the skill of the chinese as artisans; he mentions the antiquity of printing among them. he offers to conduct an armed expedition against the coast of china, if the king will supply him with two vessels and eighty soldiers. he advises that spain abandon the attempt to establish a footing in the philippines, or else that she ignore the treaty of zaragoza and trade with the moluccas. martin enriquez, viceroy of new spain, writes (december 5, 1573) to felipe ii, announcing the arrival of ships with despatches from the philippines. with them has come the augustinian friar diego de herrera, who is on his way to spain to inform the king of the acts of violence and injustice which are being committed in the islands--especially by the soldiers, who receive no pay and therefore maintain themselves by raids on the native villages. several spanish officers have been sent thence to mexico, by way of punishment for various misdemeanors; from them the viceroy has obtained much information, which he records for the king's benefit. the resources of the philippines are great; but "every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is justice; and without justice there is no safety." a new governor is needed there. reënforcements and supplies have been sent thither from new spain every year; but many persons die, and there has been little increase of population. the riches of china incline some of the spaniards to plan for its subjugation to spanish power. commerce with that land would be very desirable; but the viceroy cannot persuade spanish merchants to embark therein, on the uncertain and vague reports thus far received; moreover, the chinese already possess all the goods that the spaniards would export to them. enriquez asks that some large ships be provided for the philippine trade, for which he has no vessels of adequate size. he sends to the king a cargo of gold, spices, silks, wax, and other goods. he asks that artillery and rigging be sent him, and supplies for a reënforcement which he is planning to despatch next year to the philippines. he requests the king to reward the faithful services rendered by legazpi; and to do so by providing for his daughters, now of marriageable age, and giving to his son melchior some grant in new spain. the viceroy asks for orders in various matters, especially in regard to the inquisition; and enumerates the documents he sends with this letter. andrés de mirandaola writes (january 8, 1574) to the king. he enumerates the gold mines thus far discovered in the philippines, and the advantages possessed by the islands; and urges the establishment of spanish power therein. he describes, as well as he can from reports, the extent and resources of china, and hints that spain might find it worth while to conquer that rich kingdom. of much interest is the brief narrative (sent from mexico january 11, 1574) by fernando riquel, legazpi's notary, of events in the islands during 1570-73. the governor founds a town in cebú, and allots to his followers the land and the natives who reside thereon. in april, 1571 he conducts an expedition for the conquest of luzón (the events of which have been related in previous documents). riquel mentions the coming of the ships, legazpi's death, and other events. the islands are in a peaceful condition; the lands are allotted in such districts as have been pacified; there is promise of an abundant income from the tributary natives; and the gold mines are very rich. the chinese trade is described; and riquel thinks that china, notwithstanding its great population, could be subjugated "with less than sixty good spanish soldiers." his narrative is followed by a list of the articles carried in the ships which bear his letters--gold, spices, silks, cotton cloth, and porcelain. on june 21, 1574 felipe ii bestows on luzón the title of "new kingdom of castilla," and on manila that of "distinguished and ever loyal city;" and permits the establishment of a new municipal office. on the same day fray martin de rada, provincial of the augustinians in the philippines, gives his written opinion regarding the exaction by the spaniards of tributes from the indians. he declares that he and all his brethren regard the conquests made in these islands as unjust; and denounces the acts of injustice, oppression, and extortion committed against the helpless natives. rada asserts that the rate of tribute is three times as high as it ought to be, considering the poverty of the indians; and urges the governor to reduce the amount levied to one-third of the present exaction, and to protect the natives from oppression. lavezaris and other officials at manila undertake to defend themselves from rada's accusations, writing (probably very soon after his "opinion") a letter to the king to state their side of the contention. they deny some of rada's statements, and excuse their action in other matters, casting the blame for many evils on the treachery of the natives. they claim that they are protecting the friendly indians, and have nearly broken up the robbery and piracy formerly prevalent among those peoples. they assert that the natives are well supplied with food, clothing, and gold, and that the tribute levied is moderate, and not a burden on the people; also that it is regulated according to the relative wealth of different classes and regions. this is illustrated by interesting quotations of prices and values, and enumeration of goods obtained in trade, and of the products of native industry. the officials admit that the natives pay tribute only under compulsion, but say, "they like to be compelled to do so;" and they consider all poverty among the indians as due to laziness and drunkenness. it is also far better for them to pay tribute than to be raided by the spanish soldiers for the means of supporting themselves, as was done before the encomiendas were made. two letters from lavezaris (july 17 and 30, 1574) give account of the past year's events. juan de salcedo has conquered the rich province of los camarines in luzón; and the governor will try to found a spanish settlement there. the town founded at cebú was almost deserted by the spaniards; but lavezaris obliges them to return thither and aids them in their poverty. he hopes to establish commerce with borneo and eventually to found a spanish post in that island; and has other plans for increasing the domination of spain in the east indies. juan de salcedo has subdued the province of ilocos, and founded the town of fernandina. the chinese trade is steadily increasing. the natives of luzón are being rapidly converted, and missionaries are needed to care for their souls; lavezaris especially recommends the theatins for this work. he forwards a cargo of cinnamon to the king, to which he adds various curiosities, and specimens of oriental jewelry; and sends to new spain certain plants and roots of economic value, which he desires to introduce there. he has been obliged to send mirandaola to new spain under arrest; so the office of factor is vacant, and should be filled. an attorney-general is also needful in the islands. lavezaris complains of the augustinian friars for opposing the collection of tributes from the natives. some reënforcements have come from new spain. upon receiving this letter, the royal council orders that arrangements be made to furnish necessary supplies for the islands from new spain. another copy of the document is forwarded to spain, to which, as it goes on a later vessel, the governor adds some further items of news. salçedo has pacified not only los camarines, but albay and the island of catanduanes. the prospect is excellent for the establishment and prosperity of spanish colonies in the island of luzón. the governor sends with his letter maps of luzón and the coast of china. a letter (undated) from lavezaris enumerates the reasons for which persons are enslaved among the native tribes. he advises that the spaniards adopt this institution; otherwise, "this land cannot be preserved." an undated letter (1575?) by the same official, to the viceroy of new spain, mentions the orders given by the latter that all indians and negroes carried from the islands must be returned. some chinese junks have been seized and pillaged. as a result, the trade which was flourishing between the spaniards and the moros of luzón has been almost destroyed for the time--a serious matter, for the moros supply the spaniards with provisions. lavezaris asks that more married men be sent to the islands. some remarkably fine pearls have been obtained near bantayán. he asks the viceroy to provide him with a cipher code for future communications. captain juan pacheco maldonado sends to felipe ii (probably in 1575) a report on the condition and needs of the spanish colony in the philippines. he begins by narrating briefly the conquest of luzón; then describes the island and its trade, which is carried on with both china and japan. on account of its wealth and importance, luzón should be thoroughly subjugated; and maldonado enumerates the provisions that should be made for that end. forty or fifty ecclesiastics should be sent; and to aid in their labors a prelate should be appointed, for which post the writer recommends fray diego de herrera. maldonado urges that five hundred soldiers be sent from spain and that with these troops conquest should be made of the liu-kiu and japan islands. he asks also for artisans to build ships, suggesting for this purpose the negro slaves thus employed at havana. the new governor, francisco de sande, issues a decree (may 26, 1576) forbidding royal officials in the islands from holding encomiendas of indians, and appropriating to the crown those formerly granted by lavezaris. the affidavits annexed to this document enumerate the payments of tribute made by the natives, and indicate the need for sande's action. the governor sends to the king a report (dated june 7, 1576) of his first year's work, accompanied by a letter (dated june 2). he desires to subjugate china, an undertaking which he eloquently urges upon the king. this report will be given in the next volume. _the editors_ march, 1903. documents of 1569 letter to felipe ii. guido de lavezaris; june 5. letter to felipe ii. andres de mirandaola; june 8. letter to marqués de falçes. miguel lopez de legazpi; july 7. relation of the filipinas islands. miguel lopez de legazpi; july 7. confirmation of legazpi's title. felipe ii; august 14. _sources_: mss. in the archivo general de indias, at sevilla. _translations_: the first two documents are translated by arthur b. myrick; the others, by alfonso de salvio. letter from guido de lavezaris to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: this letter will serve to advise your majesty that by the _capitana_ "san pablo," which left this port on the first of july in the past year 1568, i wrote at length to your majesty regarding events which had happened up to that time; and i refer you to the letters which will go on this despatch-boat in the general budget, which is thus accidentally increased. now i shall relate the history of this ship, and what happened to us after it left, with as much brevity as possible, both to avoid prolixity and because the governor miguel lopez will give your majesty a longer and fuller relation. this ship was despatched with more than four hundred _quintals_ of cinnamon for your majesty, besides small wares and other articles as specimens, which would give no little satisfaction in that land. there arrived at this port of cubu on the eighteenth of september of that year a small vessel of portuguese, whose captain was antonio rrumbo de acosta, a person who had already come, the year before, to this port with letters from the captain-general gonzalo pereyra. he said that the captain-general was coming with, all his fleet to see the governor [of the philippines] and provide him with necessaries, and that having been separated from his fleet, he [acosta] came to seek shelter at this port, as he had knowledge of it, whence he would return immediately to seek the fleet. he did so, having first been well received by the governor [legazpi] and this whole colony. on the twenty-eighth of that same month, he came back to this port with letters from the captain-general to the governor, saying that the former was very near the port. the governor answered his letters, and despatched them; and on the thirtieth of the same month, the captain-general entered the port with a heavy fleet of portuguese. they came with nine sail--four ships of deep draught and five galleys and _fustas_, without counting other small vessels which the natives of maluco use for the service of the larger boats. they remained in this port certain days, peacefully, during which the captain-general and the governor saw each other twice--once on land and the other time on sea. at the last visit, the portuguese stated that he would serve summons upon us, which he at once proceeded to do. on the fourteenth of october he sent the first summons, which the governor answered. the portuguese made answer to this reply and after that made his third demand; and on the same day when he did this, he came to blows with us, in which nothing was gained. he surrounded us at the entrances of this port (of which there are two, one to the east and the other to the west). he always endeavored to make war on us from the outside, in order to guarantee his own safety as much as possible. many people were seen from this camp, and he captured many more, without it happening that they could take or kill any of us. he granted life to a few soldiers and boys that fled from this camp and went to his fleet. during the time of this blockade, the flagship was burned because it was of no use, and so that the nails it contained might serve for a ship that was being made. at this time came the news that the _capitana_ "san pablo" had been lost in the ladrones during a storm, and while the ship was moored. all the people had escaped and came to these filipinas islands in a bark which they made from a small boat. it was a marvelous thing that one hundred and thirty-two people should come in it as they did. may god pardon whomsoever did us such harm in losing this ship in this manner. the portuguese had notice of this loss, and, having kept us surrounded all the rest of the year, went away from this port on the first of january of this year 69, with different ideas from those which they brought hither--because they had maintained that we must go with them to india; and the captain-general demanded in his papers or summons that we should leave these islands, since they were within the demarcation of the king of portugal. now because, as i said, the governor will give your majesty at greater length the news of all this, and is sending a relation and the copy of the demands, i shall say nothing further of it. i finish by saying that the despatch-boat "san lucas" is being sent away today, in order to request that your majesty may send us sufficient help, suitable to our need, which is very great, as they who are going to you in this ship will bear witness; and by referring you to all that i have before explained to your majesty. in the ship "san juan," which left this port on the twenty-sixth of july, of the year 67, i sent certain tamarind trees and ginger roots to be planted in the more fertile districts of that nueva españa. now i am sending your majesty by rrodrigo despinosa, chief pilot who came in the _capitana_, some roots of pepper already sprouted, for the same purpose. i, as a zealous servant of your majesty, am always, so far as my little strength permits, watchful of everything that concerns the royal service. and because i personally desire to inform your majesty of these things, and in order that i may do it as fully as i have heard it, i beg your majesty to do me the favor to send me your favorable permission, in order that i may do so in the first ship that may leave these parts for that nueva españa; and because in all things i hope to receive favor from your majesty, in regard to all the rest referring to the aforesaid letters that i wrote your majesty which are likewise going on this vessel. i close begging our lord to keep your majesty's sacred royal catholic person, and prosper you with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, as we, your majesty's servants and vassals, desire. from cebu, june 5, 1569. your sacred royal catholic majesty's faithful vassal and humble servant, who kisses your royal feet, _guido de lavesaris_ letter from andres de mirandaola to felipe ii sacred catholic majesty: with the _capitana_ which left this port on the first of july, five hundred and sixty-eight, i sent your majesty a relation of what had happened up to that day in this place, with the fidelity and loyalty which i owe as your majesty's servant; and so will i do in this. it pleased god that the _capitana_, making the return trip from nueva spaña [2] for the second time, should lose the way, and be driven upon the island of guan, which is one of those called the ladrones, where they were lost on account of the storm that struck them there. assuredly this caused great sadness and anxiety in this camp, besides the great loss that it occasioned us, both because that ship was very convenient and important for the expedition, and because of its large cargo of cinnamon and other goods which would have given great satisfaction in your majesty's kingdoms and seigniories. it carried, registered for your majesty, one hundred and fifty _quintals_ of cinnamon; and for private individuals more than two hundred and fifty--which consignments we allowed to be carried on the register, mindful of the misery and necessity which the people were suffering, and considering that they had nothing else with which to help themselves. on this account, permission was given to take these goods, and with the idea that if it should seem best in nueva españa to take them at a moderate [price] [3] in your majesty's name, they would be thus taken; and advices to that effect were sent. there were also specimens of pieces of [gold], porcelain, and other things, as i have said, which would give great happiness to your majesty's vassals and make them desirous to come to these parts to serve god and your majesty. as i have said, it pleased god that everything should be lost, and that the men should be saved, although with considerable risk of life. moreover, after both privations and shipwreck had happened to them in a land where they had neither refuge nor refreshment, they had to deal with the most brutish and least civilized tribe of people ever seen hitherto. our men experienced great difficulty with those people, because of their utter barbarism and their savage manner of fighting. god, who brought them to this port, protected them, showing them his divine clemency and pity. may he give us grace to serve him, and may he keep us in your majesty's service. there arrived at this island, where we had settled in your majesty's name, gonzalo pereira with the fleet (of which we sent your majesty news by the _patache_ "san juan"). he arrived on the second of october of the year five hundred and sixty-eight; and he came thus, with four galleons and six small galleys, which took position near this your majesty's camp, after having gone through certain formalities and requisitions, as your majesty will see by these letters. [4] the said blockade lasted three months, during which they made war on us, not as on christians, and your majesty's vassals, but as against infidels and tyrants. they uttered all the insults and inflicted on us all the humiliations that they could, taking away from us the entrances to the harbors, whence came our provisions, and burning the houses and possessions of our neighboring friends--which certainly gave these pagan natives a great notion of cruelty, seeing that with such wicked ways and such cruelty the portuguese were trying to hurt and annoy us. and in this way, seeing that by fighting they might lose more than they would gain, they did not care to fight, but resolved to take, on the side toward the sea, the harbor entrances (which are two) with their ships, as they were fully aware that we had nothing with which to resist them. accordingly, they kept us shut up; and in all this time no food or anything else could be brought in for our support, for which reason we ran a great risk of perishing and dying in great misery. the governor, miguel lopez de legazpi, acted with the power delegated to him by your majesty, doing in everything all that was possible, as was evident by the messages and requests to which i refer, which were made in your majesty's name. it has pleased god that through some loss of his men, who died from diseases, the portuguese should raise the blockade on new year's day of this year five hundred and sixty-nine. he went away with his fleet, without leave-taking or without saying anything more than to warn us that he would return in a short time, with forces enough to crush and destroy us. therefore it was decided to change the site and situation of this camp to a province called panae, where it is believed that we can hold out until your majesty provide us with help and reënforcements, in order that your majesty's affairs and vassals may not be so injured by the vassals of the king of portugala place where no damage may be done, for never since these parts were discovered have the portuguese resorted thither, and neither the king of portugal nor his vassals had trade or commerce, nor can they possess anything there. therefore your majesty will understand how little respect the portuguese have--in your majesty's absence, and in a place where they can act thus--for what is due to your majesty. they are willing to execute very correctly the conditions and clauses of the agreement, that is to say those conditions that are in their favor, but will not admit any excuse or exoneration however reasonable or legitimate it may be. we are quite certain that your majesty will already have taken action in these matters, so that the portuguese cannot continue to harass us. this present enterprise is of such a nature that, if your majesty wishes to continue it--an enterprise so long desired, and in which god has afforded your majesty so fortunate and evident a result--it offers god a great increase of his catholic faith, which may be cultivated in these regions, and to your majesty an increase of great kingdoms and seigniories. as i have said above, the continuance of the liberty due to our government in these lands would assure your majesty of being served with the greatest diligence and care, such service being especially necessary. i have to report, as your majesty's faithful servant and vassal, that the persons appointed to your majesty's royal service are of little experience, and that any business, however light it is, gives them a fright. accordingly, they content themselves with doing little, and continually oppose certain things which have been discussed touching the royal treasury--as has occurred in the case of the fifths, for which my companions asked, during my absence, in a certain council that was held, telling the captains that for the present these ought not to be given. and although i do not believe that the amount is yet so heavy that it could swell your majesty's royal treasury, through the good custom and law permitted by god, which that would put an end to--the answer that i gave when they notified me of it, was that, since they were like myself, your majesty's servants and vassals they were in duty bound to increase your majesty's crown and royal estate, to the best of their ability, and ought to do so. it is especially necessary that your majesty order that the people who are to come to these parts from nueva españa shall be sent without regularly appointed captains, but that they shall bring a person suitable to command them as far as these islands, to the point where the governor, miguel lopez de legazpi, shall reside, in order to deliver the people to him and give up the command; and that your majesty shall assign to this duty persons who shall seem to be better qualified for your majesty's royal service, because thus our reënforcements will come more conveniently and with less expense to the royal treasury. there will thus be an opportunity for rewarding the persons who have served your majesty here, as being also men experienced and conversant in the business and affairs of this land, and accustomed to the hardships to be encountered here. i think that those who newly come will feel these hardships keenly, on account of this country being, as it is, very different from other regions--as your majesty will see in the case of diego de artieda. [5] he came on the _capitana_, in which he wished to return immediately after having transacted his business, and having served your majesty very little, as your majesty will, by this time, have full information and account; and the cause, as far as it is known, has been his unsteady disposition. i say this, that your majesty may have the most important information in this matter; and in everything your majesty will act as suits your pleasure. when the portuguese were in this harbor, it was learned that they were trading and bargaining on the coast of china and japan; and that it was a business by which they were maintaining themselves, since it was the most extensive and advantageous trade that has been hitherto seen in any place where trade has been carried on. i am certain of this from what i heard from them in general, and especially from the captain-general and other persons in the fleet that came here, mainly to learn what your majesty is doing--a thing they strenuously denied. i make this observation as one who transacted the business with them and with the said captain-general, for your majesty and in your majesty's royal service. your majesty will understand, without doubt, their feelings at learning that your majesty was continuing this affair and expedition--which were quite evident in the messages and summons served on us by them, and their procedures while here. one or two persons were captured in an islet, when we went to discover it, who were there with a vessel, which we chanced to encounter--in this vessel, as i have said, being these two men. they appeared to be more intelligent than the others whom we met. it was learned that the moros from borney had robbed them; consequently they had nothing except some gold and silver not worth more than a hundred _escudos_ [6] and some other articles of no value. it was learned from these men that china is a very important country and that its people are highly civilized, engage extensively in trade, and have a well-ordered government. they tell of thirteen cities called chincheo, cantun, huechiu, nimpou, onchiu, hinan, sisuan, conce, onan, nanquin, and paquin. [7] paquin is the court and residence of the king. fuchu, ucau, lintam, and cencay are cities of especial note. there are in all fifteen in which they say that the king has placed his governors. the king is named nontehe, and a son of his taycu. this is the relation that we have been able to get from these men--hitherto, outside of the ancients, the only description of the greatness of china that your majesty has. they say that these people are so fearful of a prophecy related to them many times by their astrologers--namely, that they are to be subdued, and that the race to subdue them will come from the east--that they will not allow any portuguese to land in china; and the king orders his governors expressly not to allow it. throughout his land he has enforced great watchfulness, and stored military supplies, as these indians give us to understand. all of us your majesty's servants and vassals are quite sure that, in your time, china will be subject to your majesty, and that in these parts, the religion of christ will be spread and exalted, and your majesty's royal crown increased, and all this in a very short time. i humbly beg and beseech your majesty that you will grant me the favor of increasing my salary to three thousand ducats, in consideration of the poorness of the country and the fact that we have to be supplied from españa and your majesty's realms with what we need to maintain ourselves. consider also the position that was granted me in your majesty's name by don luis de velasco, viceroy of nueva españa (whom may god keep in his perpetual glory); i have served until now in these districts as your majesty's faithful servant, enduring great hardships and misery; and that, in order to join this expedition, i spent my patrimony and ran into debt besides, to the extent of many gold pesos. it was agreed to despatch this _patache_ on account of the delay there has been in sending your majesty's despatches from nueva españa, and also to let your majesty know our negotiations with the portuguese and our great necessity; for there does not remain to us a larger boat in which we can give notice of what happens, nor supplies enough to be able to make one. in consideration of this, your majesty will be pleased to have provided, with diligence, sufficient assistance, so that we may find out what there is in these regions; and, that god and your majesty may be served therein, we are sure that your majesty will have this provided for. may our lord guard your sacred royal catholic person and increase your kingdoms and seigniories. from cubu, june viii, 1569. your sacred catholic majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses your majesty's royal feet. _andres de mirandaola_ letter from miguel lopez de legazpi to the marques de falces on the first of july of last year, i despatched from this port captain felipe de salzedo in the flagship to that nueva españa, to give your excellency [8] an account and relation of what had occurred until then, and to carry specimens of articles produced in this land. it pleased god that the ship should be wrecked while at anchor in one of the ladrones islands; for it was driven on the coast and all that was on board was lost, except the crew. they returned to these islands with much difficulty, in the boat, which they repaired for that purpose, as well as they could. felipe de salcedo saved the packet of letters for your excellency, which accompanies this letter. a few days after the departure of the flagship from here, i heard that a portuguese fleet was coming toward us. in fact, it came in sight of this port--seven vessels in all, sailing in a line, four galleons and three _fustas_. the captain-general of the fleet was a gentleman called goncalo pereira. at first, he declared that he came there only to see us and to inquire whether we needed anything that he could supply us; but after he had entered the port with fine words, offers, and promises both general and specific, he tried to persuade us to go with him to india, saying that he was surprised at our remaining so long in this land, when we knew that it belonged to the king of portugal. i answered him that i had believed myself to be on land of his majesty, but that, not being a cosmographer, and not possessing a commission from his majesty in regard to it, i did not wish to contradict him or quarrel with him on that subject. i assured him that, on arriving in this land, i was obliged to go into winter-quarters here; and that i had despatched a ship to his majesty with a relation of what had occurred on the voyage. i added that i had been expecting and still expected an answer to that report; and that for lack of ships i had postponed my departure from the country until they should be sent from nueva españa. to this he answered that, on the contrary, it seemed to him that we wished to take possession of the land of his king, with the intention of passing over into china and other regions which were likewise his, thus breaking the compact made between the kings of castilla and portugal. that was satisfactorily answered by me, in the above manner, and i assured him that my intention was not to injure his king in anything whatever, or to seize anything belonging to him, because such was the injunction imposed upon me by his majesty. all this did not prove sufficient, and he said that he could not go away from here unless either he took us away, or we left the country immediately. he began to issue some written injunctions, which, together with our answer to them, accompany the present letter, so that your excellency may know what occurred. my intention was always to avoid giving him occasion for commencing hostilities; but it availed little, for without any cause whatever he started the war, and began to demolish with his artillery some gabions we had built on the coast for our defense. he blockaded both entrances to this port with his ships, to prevent us from bringing in provisions or anything else, as will be confirmed by the testimony accompanying this letter; and declared that, if they could not capture us by any other means, they would do so by hunger. thus he besieged us for nearly three months, and the harm which he could not inflict upon the spaniards he inflicted upon the natives of the neighborhood who were our friends. he burned and destroyed seven or eight towns, and gave the natives to understand that this land belonged to the king of portugal. he said that we were thieves on a plundering expedition, and that the portuguese would destroy and kill those who befriended us. from this we clearly saw and understood the good-will with which they had come. many towns which had been won to us have withdrawn from our friendship, especially those lying along the coast of mindanao, where cinnamon is bartered. these towns the portuguese injured, and captured and took away some of the people. on the new year's day just passed, they raised the blockade and departed; for god, our lord, in his infinite goodness and mercy was pleased, through the very means by which they thought to defeat us, to force them to depart--namely, because of lack of provisions; although at their departure they threatened to return soon and take us away by force. after the blockade had been raised, and we saw the great need and distress into which they had brought us, the captains and leaders of the camp discussed the course which was to be taken for our defense in case the portuguese should return hither, as they are likely to do. all agreed that we should change our location and settlement, because it would be impossible to defend ourselves here where they could, simply by closing the entrances to the port, as they did at first, starve us, on account of the lack of food on this island. in view of other causes and arguments set forth for this change, we thought that the river panae, situated forty leagues from this place, would be a more suitable site, for it abounds in rice, and no one from the sea could prevent us from going up the river to the mountains. accordingly we have removed thither the artillery, although the quantity of powder and ammunition now remaining is so small that the artillery can be of little help in any place. we have decided to send the companies around the river into other towns, where they can sustain themselves until we hear from the enemy. the flagship having been lost, i tried to repair this _patache_ "san lucas," in order to send word to your excellency that i have no other ship left, nor can i send further information until its return. thus we are left surrounded on all sides by water and enemies, awaiting the mercy of god, and the help and remedy which your excellency will be pleased to send us, for we cannot expect it from any other source. during the blockade by the portuguese, we did not lack infamous men who, persuaded by words and promises, turned traitor and passed from this camp to their fleet. these men, whose names accompany this letter, did us no little harm. if the enemy return, may it please god that there be no more thus inclined; for, as we are poor and needy, and have not seen for many years any letter or order from his majesty, or from any other person in his royal name, concerning what we ought to do, some of our men are much disheartened. on the other hand, they are strongly solicited by the portuguese with many offers and promises--a thing which i most regret, and which gives me more grief than the harm which the enemy can do us. may it please god to remedy this, for he knows what we need. before now i have written that if his majesty has an eye only on the felipina islands, they ought to be considered of little importance, because at present the only article of profit which we can get from this land is cinnamon; and unless order is established and a settlement is made, his majesty will continue to waste money--although since then i well understand that this land possesses regions which would more than pay for the money spent on them. if his majesty desires more important things hereafter, he needs to have a settlement here with a sure harbor and port. in order that a better explanation may be given concerning what i am saying, i send to your excellency a summary relation on the nature of this country and of the natives, [9] so that your excellency may examine it and provide what is most necessary for the service of god and his majesty and for the welfare of this land. i also send with this letter the register of the flagship, so that it may be learned what it was carrying, and what of the cargo was lost. what we most need and lack at present is powder, ammunition, arquebuses, and pikes. we are so short of them that a third of our men possess no weapons with which to fight. i humbly beseech your excellency kindly to favor me by sending us what i have asked for, by this same _patache_, or by any other which might speedily be sent. this aid, even if no men or other supplies be brought over, will, with the news of favors to be received hereafter, give courage to the men; and will make them stand their ground and defend themselves until the other supplies arrive. otherwise, i think it will be exceedingly difficult for them to do so. if your excellency holds a warrant from his majesty to provide what we need here, may your excellency be pleased to see that it be fulfilled with the haste which the matter demands, and for which we beg and implore; otherwise, may your excellency favor us by sending vessels by which we might leave this land, and not perish here without any profit. and i am sure that his majesty will be pleased with that, for he would not wish us to perish here for lack of ships, as long as he expects nothing else from this land. i am sending in this _patache_ five pieces of artillery as ballast. they are medium-sized cannon, in very good condition; and, with their ammunition cases and fittings may be utilized by the ships which your excellency may be pleased to despatch. they will not be missed here, for we lack powder and ammunition even for the cannon which are left. i notified your excellency, through the flagship, that i detained captain diego de artieda against his will, for he desired to depart with the ship. he has now insisted and claimed that he should return; and i, in order not to oppose and detain him longer against his will, have permitted him to depart on the _patache_. on the same vessel departs father fray diego de errera, [10] who has been our prior here, and whom we shall greatly miss. only one religious is left us, the father fray martin de herrada, [11] and it is fortunate that he is with us. if this work is to go on, it will be necessary to send him companions and religious suited for so great and holy a work, and who might help him to sustain the charge and labors of this land, where they cannot be rewarded at present as much as in that nueva españa. the people who come here, whether they be religious or laymen, should be such as are willing to settle in this land as permanent residents, and not return in the same ship on which they came. your excellency will provide for this and in all other necessary matters. i humbly beg your excellency to have much compassion on me, and kindly give me permission to go into retirement, entrusting the affairs of this land to the hands of one who might take them up with more energy. this will be a very great favor to me. before now i have written that it is best not to allow any portuguese to come over with the other people. this matter ought to have careful attention, for the portuguese are not to be trusted, and will profit us little. many of them, both soldiers and sailors, came on the flagship, and i would be glad to see them far from here. i beseech your excellency to be pleased to take the necessary measures in this respect; for it is certainly an important matter, upon which much depends. felipe de salzedo is coming in this _patache_ and will give a more complete relation of everything; i refer you to him. may our lord keep, etc. from this island of çubu, july seven, 1569. relation of the filipinas islands and of the character and conditions of their inhabitants. this archipelago is composed of many islands. some of them are large, and most of them thickly populated, especially on the seacoast and all along the rivers. the mountains are also inhabited; but there are not as many large towns as along the coast and the rivers. the inhabitants of these islands are not subjected to any law, king, or lord. although there are large towns in some regions, the people do not act in concert or obey any ruling body; but each man does whatever he pleases, and takes care only of himself and of his slaves. he who owns most slaves, and the strongest, can obtain anything he pleases. no law binds relative to relative, parents to children, or brother to brother. no person favors another, unless it is for his own interest; on the other hand, if a man in some time of need, shelters a relative or a brother in his house, supports him, and provides him with food for a few days, he will consider that relative as his slave from that time on, and is served by him. they recognize neither lord nor rule; and even their slaves are not under great subjection to their masters and lords, serving them only under certain conditions, and when and how they please. should the master be not satisfied with his slave, he is at liberty to sell him. when these people give or lend anything to one another, the favor must be repaid double, even if between parents and children, or between brothers. at times they sell their own children, when there is little need or necessity of doing so. these people declare war among themselves at the slightest provocation, or with none whatever. all those who have not made a treaty of peace with them, or drawn blood with them, are considered as enemies. privateering and robbery have a natural attraction for them. whenever the occasion presents itself, they rob one another, even if they be neighbors or relatives; and when they see and meet one another in the open fields at nightfall, they rob and seize one another. many times it happens that half of a community is at peace with half of a neighboring community and the other halves are at war, and they assault and seize one another; nor do they have any order or arrangement in anything. all their skill is employed in setting ambuscades and laying snares to seize and capture one another, and they always try to attack with safety and advantage to themselves. the land is fertile, and abounds in all provisions common to this region. [12] if at times some places lack the necessaries of life, it is because the natives are the laziest people in the world, or because they are forced to leave their towns through war, or for other reasons. the land is neither sowed nor cultivated. another cause for the lack of provisions is, that they have so little authority over their slaves. they are satisfied with what is necessary for the present, and are always more ready to rob their neighbors of their possessions, than to work and cultivate their own land. more or less gold is found in all these islands; it is obtained from the rivers, and, in some places, from the mines, which the natives work. however, they do not work the mines steadily, but only when forced by necessity; for because of their sloth and the little work done by their slaves, they do not even try to become wealthy, nor do they care to accumulate riches. when a chief possesses one or two pairs of earrings of very fine gold, two bracelets, and a chain, he will not trouble himself to look for any more gold. any native who possesses a basketful of rice will not seek for more, or do any further work, until it is finished. thus does their idleness surpass their covetousness. in spite of all this, we see that the land possesses much gold; for all men, whether they be chiefs or not, whether freemen or slaves, extract and sell gold, although in small quantities. then, too, many ships come every year to these islands, from bornei and luzon, laden with cloth and chinese goods, carrying back gold [13] with them; yet, with all this regular withdrawal of gold, the natives have always gold enough with which to trade. all these things permit us to infer that, if the mines were worked steadily and carefully by spaniards, they would yield a great quantity of gold all the time. nevertheless, in some places where we know that mines exist, the natives do not care to work them; [14] but, on the arrival of the foreign vessels for purposes of barter, they strike a bargain with those foreigners and allow them to work in the mines for a period agreed upon. from this it is clearly evident how slothful these people are. there are places in these islands where pearls can be found, although they are not understood or valued by the natives; therefore they do not prize them, or fish for them. cinnamon is also to be found here, especially in the island of mindanao, where a large quantity of it is gathered on the headland called quavit, [15] and in samboaga and other parts of the said island. in some places we have seen pepper trees and other drugs which the natives do not value or cultivate--from which, with care and cultivation, they might derive and obtain profit. at present cinnamon is the only article in the land from which we can derive profit; for, as i have said above, the gold supply will always be small until the mines are worked. i believe that if the land is settled and peopled by spaniards, we shall be able to get plenty of gold, pearls, and other valuable articles. we shall also gain the commerce with china, whence come silks, porcelains, benzoin, musk, and other articles. thus partly through commerce and partly through the articles of commerce, the settlers will increase the wealth of the land in a short time. in order to attain this, the first and foremost thing to be attempted is colonization and settlement. through war and conquest, carried on by soldiers, who have no intention to settle or remain in this country, little or no profit will result; for the soldiers will rather impoverish the land than derive profit from it. if your majesty looks forward to this land for greater and richer things, it is necessary to people it, and to have a port here; for this land has many neighbors and is almost surrounded by the japanese islands, china, xava [java], borney, the malucos and nueva guinea. any one of these lands can be reached in a short time. this country is salubrious and has a good climate. it is well-provisioned, and has good ports, where can be found abundance of timber, [16] planking, and other articles necessary for the building of ships. by sending here workmen, sails, and certain articles which are not to be found here, ships could be built at little cost. moreover, there is great need of a good port here, for it is very dangerous for large ships to sail very far in among these islands, on account of the shoals and tides hereabout. for this reason, it would be better to build galleys and light boats with oars, to go to the lands above-named, whence they would bring the cargoes for the heavy vessels. thus the latter would not leave any port of these islands which might be founded for this purpose; and by this method the voyages and trading would be effected with great rapidity in every direction. the large ships would simply come to such ports as i have said, load their cargoes, and return. i believe that these natives could be easily subdued by good treatment and the display of kindness; for they have no leaders, and are so divided among themselves and have so little dealing with one another--never assembling to gain strength, or rendering obedience one to another. if some of them refuse at first to make peace with us, afterward, on seeing how well we treat those who have already accepted our friendship, they are induced to do the same. but if we undertake to subdue them by force of arms, and make war on them, they will perish, and we shall lose both friends and foes; for they readily abandon their houses and towns for other places, or precipitately disperse among the mountains and uplands, and neglect to plant their fields. consequently, they die from hunger and other misfortunes. one can see a proof of this in the length of time which it takes them to settle down again in a town which has been plundered, even if no one of them has been killed or captured. i believe that by peaceful and kindly means, they will be easily won over, although it may take some time to do so--because, in all towns where spaniards have brought peace and not destruction, the natives have always begged for friendship, and have offered to pay tribute from what they gather and own in their lands. and although at times they do not fulfil their promise, it is not to be wondered at; for the country is not yet sufficiently settled and secure. i am sure that, when this is so, they will be subdued and will do whatever is justly commanded them. these natives will be easily converted to our holy catholic faith, for most of them are heathens, excepting the natives of borney and lucon (who are chiefly moros), and a few converted chiefs of these islands. [17] these moros have little knowledge of the law which they profess, beyond practicing circumcision and refraining from pork. the heathens have no law at all. they have neither temples nor idols, nor do they offer any sacrifices. they easily believe what is told and presented forcibly to them. they hold some superstitions, such as the casting of lots before doing anything, and other wretched practices--all of which will be easily eradicated, if we have some priests who know their language, and will preach to them. certainly, there is a great opportunity to serve god, our lord, and to expand and extol our holy catholic faith, if our sins do not hinder the work. in some of these islands, [18] the mountain regions are inhabited by blacks, with whom as a general rule, the indians are at war, and whom the latter capture and sell, and also employ as slaves. marriage among these natives is a kind of purchase or trade, which the men make; for they pay and give money in exchange for their women, according to the rank of the parties. the sum thus paid is divided among the parents and relatives of the woman. therefore the man who has many daughters is considered rich. after marriage, whenever the husband wishes to leave his wife, or to separate from her, he can do so by paying the same sum of money that he gave for her. likewise the woman can leave her husband, or separate from him, by returning the double of what he gave for her. the men are permitted to have two or three wives, if they have money enough to buy and support them. the men treat their wives well, and love them according to their habits and customs--although they are all barbarians and have no manners or politeness. _miguel lopez de legazpi_ [_endorsed_: "there is no date." "relation of the filipinas islands and of the character of their inhabitants."] confirmation of legazpi's title as governor and captain-general don phelippe, etc. inasmuch as don luis de velasco, our former viceroy of nueva españa, through my orders equipped a fleet and the necessary men in the port of la navidad for the discovery and finding of the western islands; and inasmuch as he was pleased with you, miguel lopez de legazpi, and with your merits and services rendered, and named and appointed you captain-general of the above-mentioned fleet and its men; and inasmuch as (so we learn from the reports and information sent to us), having pursued your voyage and route, you discovered the aforesaid islands and settled in one of them, called cubu; and with your men disembarked there, fought against several towns, and built a fortress for the defense of the said island and its inhabitants: therefore, in consideration of this, and of the services rendered in this expedition, and of the private expenses that you have incurred in making it; and because we believe that it is best for our service, and for the prosperity and settlement of the said islands, and for the welfare of their inhabitants--it is our will that henceforth, as long as you live, you shall be our governor and captain-general of the island of cubu, and of the other settlements which you or any other person whatsoever may hereafter make in the island. you are also empowered to administer our civil and criminal justice, in company with the officers of justice who may be appointed in the said island and settlement. by this our ordinance, we command municipal bodies, courts, magistrates, knights, squires, officials, and good men, in all the cities, towns, and hamlets, which shall exist or be colonized in the said island and province, and our officials and others residing therein, each and every one of them, as soon as they shall be required--without any delay or hesitation, and without any further requirement or consultation on our part, and without awaiting or expecting any other ordinance, second order, or third injunction from us--to take and receive from you, the said miguel lopez de legazpi, the oath and formality requisite in such case, and which you must fulfil. after you have done this, you shall be recognized, received, and regarded as our captain-general of the said island and settlement, as long as you live. and they shall freely grant and consent that you fill and exercise the said offices, and that you administer and execute our justice among them--either personally or through your subordinates, whom you are empowered to appoint and shall appoint to the offices of governor, captain-general, constables, and other offices annexed and suitable to your government. you may dismiss and remove these subordinates, whenever you desire, or consider it best to do so for the fulfilment of our service and the execution of our justice, and to appoint and substitute others in their stead. and you may hear, examine, and decide any civil or criminal suit or case that may arise in the said island, or in its towns which you have founded or shall found, and in those settlements which shall be made in the future, either among our colonists or among others who are natives of the island, now or in the future. you and your said subordinates are also empowered to take the payments annexed and pertaining to the said offices, and to make any investigation you think best in cases at law, precedents, and all other matters annexed and pertaining to the said offices. you and your said subordinates shall perform the duties which pertain to our service and the execution of our justice, and to the colonization and government of the said island and towns. in order that you may enjoy and exercise the said offices and execute our justice, all persons shall yield obedience to you as to their persons and property; they shall offer and cause to be offered you all the support and help that you may request and need from them; in everything they shall respect and obey you, and shall carry out your orders and those of your subordinates; and they shall neither in whole nor in part place or consent to place any obstacle or hindrance in your way. by the present decree we entrust you and consider you entrusted with the aforesaid duties, and the enjoyment and exercise of the same. we give you power and authority to enjoy and exercise your office, and to administer and execute our justice in the said island and in the settlements that have been and shall be founded in the cities, towns, and villages of the said island, and its boundaries, by you or your subordinates as aforesaid. and in case that you should not be received by them, or any one of them, by this our decree we order any person or persons who exercise or shall exercise the authority of our justice in the towns of the said island, to relinquish and surrender it to you, the said miguel lopez de legazpi, as soon as they shall be requested to do so; and they shall enjoy the same no longer without our [19] permission and special order, under the penalty which private citizens are liable to and incur who make use of public and royal offices without possessing the due power and authority. we hereby suspend, and already consider as suspended, all such persons. furthermore we order that the fines pertaining to our exchequer and treasury imposed by you and your subordinates, be enforced; and you must enforce them, and deliver and surrender them to our treasurer in the said island. and further we order that if you, the said miguel lopez de legazpi, should consider it fitting to our service and to the execution of our justice, that any one whosoever, now or in future, in the said island, should leave it, and should not enter or remain therein, and that he should present himself before us, you may so order in our name; and you must banish him from the island according to the ordinance governing this matter, giving to the person thus banished the reason for his banishment. and if it seem best to you that the reason should be kept secret, you shall give it in a statement closed and sealed; and shall send the same to us by a different person than the one banished, in order that we may be informed of it. but you must take notice that, when you are compelled to banish anyone, such banishment should be only for very serious reasons. we hereby give you full power to exercise the aforesaid offices as our governor and captain-general of the said island and settlements, and to enact and execute our justice therein, with all due rights, titles, and interests. it is, moreover, our pleasure and order that you shall have and receive an annual salary of two thousand ducats or seven hundred and fifty thousand maravedis in consideration of the said offices. you shall enjoy this from the day when you took possession of the said island of cubu, in our name, and as long as you hold the said offices. we order our officials of the said island to pay you the above-mentioned two thousand ducats from the revenues and profits accruing to us in any manner in the island during the time of your rule. should this amount not be collected during the said time, we are under no obligation to give you any of it. the officials shall take a receipt from you, and a copy of this decree, signed by a notary-public. we order that the said two thousand ducats be received and placed on the accounts every year, from the said day and henceforth. let no person act in any manner contrary to this decree. given in madrid, august fourteen, one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine. _i, the king_ countersigned by francisco de eraso. signed by luis quixada, vasquez çapata, molina, aguilera, villafane. [_endorsed_: "miguel lopez de legazpi. title of governor and captain-general of the island of çubu."] documents of 1570 letter to felipe ii. fray diego de herrera; january 16. relation of the voyage to luzón. [june?] act of taking possession of luzón. martin de goiti and hernando riquel; june 6. letter to felipe ii. miguel lopez de legazpi; july 25. evidence regarding the portuguese expedition against cebú. miguel lopez de legazpi; october 21. _sources_: mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the second and third documents are translated by alfonso de salvio; the others, by arthur b. myrick. letter from fray diego de herrera to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: in the fleet that your majesty had sent from this nueva españa to the islands of the west, there were among the people some religious of st. augustine who were in your majesty's service. by your order, i was one of them. we had a prosperous voyage as your majesty will already have been fully informed. the fleet effected a landing, and founded a colony (in accordance with the instructions brought from this nueva españa) in the island of çubu--as that place abounds in food, has a very good port and is a healthful region, as has been since found by experience; and it is very strong for defense, in any casualty that might befall us. from that place a ship was sent to discover the return route [to new spain]. it succeeded well, although it appears that some of its men died. the people who remained there have all this time endured very great privations, notwithstanding the richness of the region, because they could make no settlement so peacefully that it was not against the will of the natives. therefore they were disquieted, and many fled, deserting their towns; and those who remained determined not to cultivate their fields, or to sow, believing that by this stratagem they could drive us from their land. consequently they and ours have endured very great extremities, because the same thing was done in other islands where the spaniards went to find food--so much so that many times the natives have taken the food more than four leagues inland, carrying it upon their shoulders, and crossing creeks and rivers with it, with great risk of their lives. then too another cause of so great distress has been the lack there of boats with oars; and the fact that, up to the present, no one has ventured to seek richer and more abundant lands--which are very near, as lequios, japan, and jaba [java], therein fulfilling your majesty's commands. after all that, came the portuguese fleet, arriving about the end of september of last year (1569), under command of gonzalo pereira. that man, although we made every possible effort for peace with him, would agree to nothing except that, in any case, we must leave these islands, or else go with him. the first could not be done, because we had no ships; nor the second, because that was very ignominious for us. therefore as we came to no agreement, he determined to begin hostilities, and make war on us, trusting to his numerous ships--although afterward it did not turn out as happily as he thought, as your majesty will see by the relation which the viceroy sends from this nueva españa. [20] the blockade being so long and rations so scant, the poor soldiers were in such distress that they took to hunting rats, of which there are great numbers in that land, and which are much larger than those of españa. with all this privation, and the allurements and abundance in the portuguese fleet, they served your majesty with as great loyalty and cheerfulness in this war, and in all the rest, as i believe any men in the world have ever displayed in their king's service. there was nothing which gave them so great pleasure as being ordered to do things wherein they risked their lives. therefore it seems to me that your majesty ought to reward their services, because until this present assistance ordered to be sent them by your majesty (which is very helpful), they have had nothing but two almudes [21] of uncleaned rice every saturday (after cleaning which there remained but one), without receiving any other gratification. i came to this nueva españa to give information of the great need of supplies there, and of some injuries done to the natives on account of the extremities that the soldiers suffered, and of many other things which seemed to me fitting for the service of our lord and of your majesty. i have informed the viceroy of all those things; so that, as he is nearer to those regions than is your majesty, he may remedy them. i believe that he will remedy them, because he is a good christian and conducts this business as earnestly as your majesty would desire. some of these things i think it will be necessary to submit to your majesty's consideration, and i believe that this has been done. they have ordered me to return immediately to the islands, because they tell me that in so doing i shall fulfil your majesty's service. in what concerns the conversion of the natives, nothing has as yet been really done, until we know your majesty's will, because so near çubu there are lands as great and as rich as this, which belong to your majesty--as china, lequios, jabas [java], and japan. we have heard that you will order us to go to those places and leave these other islands--which, although they have many mines and rivers of gold, are very ordinary, in comparison with the former. the people there are very barbarous, while those others are civilized. now that your majesty's will is manifest to us, we will commence the work in earnest, because hitherto, only about one hundred persons have been baptised. it will be a very great obstacle to conversions, if the war with the portuguese continues. therefore, i beg your majesty through love of the lord that some means and expedient be adopted to prevent its continuation; because, besides the great scandal given to the natives, it is a great pity that spanish and portuguese, who are so friendly in españa, should come here to kill each other, as if they were infidels. i could advise your majesty regarding everything else in these regions, such as the nature of the land and the nature and conditions of the peoples and what would be most profitable to your majesty in it. a true relation of everything has been given to the viceroy, so that he may send it to your majesty. may our lord keep your majesty's royal person in good health and in his service many years, and increase you into greater kingdoms. mexico, january 16, 1570. your sacred royal catholic majesty's least and humble servant, _fray diego de herrera_ relation of the voyage to luzon on the eighth of may of this year, one thousand five hundred and seventy, the master-of-camp, martin de goite, left the river of panay with ninety arquebusiers and twenty sailors on board the following vessels: the junk "san miguel," of about fifty tons' burden with three large pieces of artillery; the frigate "la tortuga;" and fifteen _praus_ manned by natives of çubu and of the island of panay. the officers who accompanied the master-of-camp were captain joan de salzedo [22] (grandson of the governor), sergeant-major juan de moron, ensign-major amador de rriaran, the high constable graviel de rribera, and the notary-in-chief hernando rriquel. after sailing northwest for two days, they arrived at the island of zibuyan, a high and mountainous land known to possess gold-mines. without talking to any of the natives, they left that island, which is situated about fourteen leagues from the river of panay, and went to the island of mindoro. among other islands passed was that of banton, where lived certain spaniards, who had gone there in vessels belonging to friendly indians. the island of banton is about fifteen leagues from cibuyan. it is a small circular island, high and mountainous, and is thickly populated. the natives raise a very large number of goats here, which they sell in other places. the natives of this island of banton, as well as those of cibuyan, are handsome, and paint themselves. from the island of banton to that of bindoro there is a distance of about twelve leagues. the master-of-camp reached this latter place, and anchored there with all the vessels in his charge. mindoro is also called "the lesser luçon." all its ports and maritime towns are inhabited by moros. we hear that inland live naked people called chichimecos. as far as could be seen, this island lacks provisions. news reached the master-of-camp that, in a river five leagues from the place where the ships had anchored, were two vessels from china, the inhabitants of which these natives call _sangleyes_. [23] seeing that the weather did not permit him to send the large ship, because the wind was blowing south by west, he despatched captain juan de salzedo, with the _praus_ [24] and rowboats to reconnoiter the said ships, and to request peace and friendship with them. this step had scarcely been taken when the southwest wind began to blow so violently, that our people were compelled to put into a harbor, and to find shelter for that night behind a promontory. four _praus_ and the frigate, unable to do this, found shelter farther away; and, keeping always in sight of the shore, these vessels looked for the ships all that night. the next morning they were overtaken by five of the other vessels and the frigate, which were searching for them. the master-of-camp and captain juan de salzedo were still behind, with the large junk and the other _praus_. at break of day, the _praus_ which had preceded the others reached the river where the chinese ships were anchored. the chinese, either because news of the spaniards had reached them, or because they had heard arquebuse-shots, were coming out side by side with foresails up, beating on drums, playing on fifes, firing rockets and culverins, and making a great warlike display. many of them were seen on deck, armed with arquebuses and unsheathed cutlasses. the spaniards, who are not at all slothful, did not refuse the challenge offered them by the chinese; on the contrary they boldly and fearlessly attacked the chinese ships, and, with their usual courage, grappled them. this was certainly a rash move on their part, for the chinese ships were large and high, while the _praus_ were so small and low that they hardly reached to the first pillar of the enemy's ships. but the goodly aim of the arquebusiers was so effective that the chinese did not leave their shelter, and the spaniards were thus enabled to board their ships and take possession of them. there were about eighty chinese on board the two ships; about twenty were killed in the affray. the soldiers searched the cabins in which the chinese kept their most valuable goods, and there they found silk, both woven and in skeins; gold thread, musk, gilded porcelain bowls, pieces of cotton cloth, gilded water-jugs, and other curious articles--although not in a large quantity, considering the size of the ships. the decks of both vessels were full of earthen jars and crockery; large porcelain vases, plates, and bowls; and some fine porcelain jars, which they call _sinoratas_. they also found iron, copper, steel, and a small quantity of wax which the chinese had bought. captain juan de salzedo arrived with the rear-guard of the _praus_, after the soldiers had already placed in safety the goods taken from the chinese ships. he was not at all pleased with the havoc made among the chinese. the master-of-camp, martin de goite, who had remained behind with the large ship, showed much more displeasure, when he heard of the occurrence. as soon as he was able to cast anchor with the junk in the river of bato (the name of the place where the chinese vessels were found), he made all haste to make them understand that he was sorry for their misfortune, and that they had done wrong in sallying forth against the spaniards. nevertheless, he said he would give them, besides their freedom, a ship, in which they might return to their own country without any hindrance--besides whatever was necessary for their voyage. this was highly appreciated by the chinese, who, being very humble people, knelt down with loud utterances of joy. after this proposal had been made clear to the chinese, and gladly accepted by them, the master-of-camp entrusted the chief notary, hernando rriquel, with the repairing of one of the ships--ordering him to have the hatchway taken out, and to send all that the ship contained to the port of panay. seeing that the sails, masts, and rigging of the vessels were so different from ours that none of his men had any knowledge of them, the master-of-camp thought best to ask the chinese to send three or four of their sailors with the junk to panay, in company with some friendly moros of luçon, who were with the spaniards. the chinese very willingly agreed to that, and provided the required men. thus the ship was despatched with twelve lucon moros, four chinese, and four spanish soldiers of the guard. in this river of bato was found some green pepper [25] growing on trees as small as shrubs, with their clusters like agias. here they learned that the town of mindoro, which is the capital of that island, was five leagues from bato, and that three more chinese ships were there. they also heard that the moros of mindoro had made great preparations for its defense, and had provided themselves with a large number of culverins, arrows, and other offensive weapons, and were intrenched in a very strong fort. in consideration of this, and the fact that the spaniards in this country have always desired to come in conflict with people who do not flee from them, they decided to proceed immediately to that island--although the natives of the river of bato offered them peace, and promised to pay them two hundred gold _taels_ [26] (the equivalent of two thousand _pesos de minas_ in spanish reckoning), if they would remain there a few days. the master-of-camp assured them of peace, and, telling them to have the money ready upon his return, set out for the port of mindoro. departing from the river of baco in the morning, the spaniards arrived, by noon, at the town of mindoro, which is an excellent though poorly-sheltered seaport. the harbor has only one entrance. its waters beat against a hill which is the first and the smallest of a chain of three hills overlooking the port. the other two hills are very craggy and thus form a defense to the pass for the natives. many armed moros appeared on the first hill--bowmen, lancers, and some gunners, linstocks in hand. all along the hillside stood a large number of culverins. the foot of the hill was fortified by a stone wall over fourteen feet thick. the moros were well attired after their fashion, and wore showy head-dresses, of many colors, turned back over their heads. many of them were beating drums, blowing horns made from shells, and ringing bells. the number of men was quite large. the master-of-camp arrived with his ship, ahead of the oared _praus_. when the first _prau_ arrived, he embarked in it with the chief notary, hernando rriquel, the interpreter, and a recently-converted moro, who served as guide. with only these men, and one soldier armed with a shield, the master-of-camp advanced toward the moro fort. he reached the foot of the hill, without allowing any others to follow him; and, being unable to proceed any further on account of its steepness, he summoned from above two moros, to treat for peace. there seemed to be a difference of opinion among the moros, as was gathered from their demeanor, for some made gestures of war, and others of peace, some of them even going so far as to throw a few stones and level the culverins. on the whole, they were not very anxious to fight. meanwhile, the master-of-camp was so near them that they could have spit on him. all the spaniards had already disembarked, and stood at an arquebuse-shot from the master-of-camp. the latter was so anxious to win over those moros and gain their confidence, because they exhibited fear, that he wished to climb the hill on all fours to reach them; but his companions dissuaded him from this. at this time captain juan de salzedo, the sergeant-major, the high constable, and the ensign-major, came up; and the master-of-camp, the captain, and the officials were assembled there, with but one soldier, for the master-of-camp would not allow the others to advance. the moros having seen the peaceful attitude of our people, one of them descended the hill, almost on all fours. our moro guide advanced toward him; but, on account of the great steepness of the hill, he had to be helped up by the other moro. after they had seen and recognized each other, and after the customary embrace and kiss, they descended to the master-of-camp. the latter told the moro who had come down, through the interpreter, that he need not fear; for he had not come to harm them, but to seek their friendship. the moro carried the message to the others upon the hill, and a chief came down; and, upon reaching the master-of-camp, said that he and all the town wished to be his friends, and to help the spaniards with whatever they possessed. the master-of-camp answered that the proposition was acceptable; whereupon the moro chief asked him to withdraw from that place--saying that, after they had withdrawn, he would come to treat of friendship and of what was to be given. the master-of-camp, in order to please him, agreed to this; and told the chief that he was going to review his men, and that he should not be offended when he should hear arquebuse-shots and the noise of artillery. accordingly, he withdrew to the place where his men were drawn up in order, and there a fine review took place--the company closing ranks in such perfect order that both the friendly indians (who came with us, to the number of five or six hundred) and the moros were greatly frightened. the master-of-camp ordered that the cannon amidship on the large vessel be fired, although not to increase their fright. the review had not yet ended when a moro came with sixty gold taels, which he gave to the master-of-camp--asking him not to be offended if the gift were not brought quickly, because the people had dispersed through fear, and therefore it could not be collected so soon; but he promised that they would raise the amount to four hundred taels. the master-of-camp received this gold, and had it placed in a small box, the key of which he gave to the moro, telling him to keep it until the promise was fulfilled; but to consider that after treason nothing could be more blameworthy than falsehood. the moro salaamed low, and said that he would not lie, and that they would fulfil their promise, little by little. and so they did, for, on that same day, four more messengers came with gold; and all entreated and begged the master-of-camp not to be offended at the delay, if there should be any. with these flatteries and promises the moros detained us about five days, during which time we had friendly dealings and intercourse with them, although they mistrusted us to a certain extent. they had already abandoned the first town on the shore and had withdrawn to a hill about two hundred paces away. there most of them had taken their wives, children, and part of their goods, although the best part of their property was kept farther inland. this hill was so well fortified by nature, that, had it not been for the two ladders, which the moros kept in two places, one could have ascended it only with wings. notwithstanding all these difficulties, our spaniards paid them friendly visits. on this little fortified spot the moros had built their huts, as high as mexican market-tents. they resembled a crowd of children with their holiday toys. during these five days, the moros had, little by little, given two hundred taels of impure gold, for they possess great skill in mixing it with other metals. they give it an outside appearance so natural and perfect, and so fine a ring, that unless it is melted they can deceive all men, even the best of silversmiths. while in this port of mindoro the master-of-camp sought information concerning the distance to manilla and the towns which would be found on the journey. our interpreter disagreed with the moros of mindoro as to the number of days it would take; but they all agreed that it was far, and that perhaps the weather would not permit us to sail thither. the natives of mindoro added also that the spaniards were crazy to go to manilla with so small a force, and that they pitied us. they recounted so many wonders of manilla that their tales seemed fabulous; they said that there were very large oared boats, each carrying three hundred rowers, besides the warriors; that the people were well armed and excellent bowmen; that the ships were well equipped with artillery, both large and small; and that any one of those vessels could attack two _praus_, and sink them when within range. with these accounts the moros tried to discourage the spaniards; but the more they attempted to frighten them with such things the more desirous they all became to set foot in manilla. in view of this, the master-of-camp did not wait for the full payment of what the moros had promised; but, warning them to have the remainder ready upon his return, he left them on friendly terms, and set out for the town of manilla with all his men. he left the port of mindoro at midnight, and the next morning cast anchor before a small island lying between mindoro and lucon, where he remained two days waiting for the _praus_. meanwhile, having sufficient leisure, he crossed over to the shore of lucon, which was about two leagues distant; and discovered in that same island a wide, spacious bay. the _praus_ went forward, in company with one of the moros belonging to the town of balayan, who had offered their friendship. these moros pointed out to captain juan de salcedo, who went with the oared _praus_, the mouth of a river which led inland to a lake, called bombon. [27] all the _praus_ entered this river, and came upon an uninhabited town. after the moro guides from balayan had gathered all the house commodities that they could store in their _prau_, they told the spaniards that they wished to warn their own village, so that their people should not be anxious; and so they went away, leaving the spaniards in that river. the master-of-camp took a different route with his junk, and cast anchor before the town of balayan, two leagues from the river of bombon. while anchored there, and while the master-of-camp was fretting over the non-appearance of the _praus_ that sailed with him (since now it was already two hours after nightfall), at that very time one of them, under command of captain juan de salcedo, made its appearance. he had been wounded in the leg by a poisoned arrow. soon afterward, the other _praus_ and vessels which had sailed in his company arrived. they reported to the master-of-camp that they had entered a narrow arm of the sea, which the land inward forms into a medium-sized lake, around which seemed to be many people and much cultivated land. the country seemed thickly populated and well tilled. captain juan de salcedo advanced farther up those waters, in search of a fortified place of which information had been received on the way thither--situated on both sides of the water, and thus very high and rugged, and suitable for laying ambuscades. this proved to be true; for suddenly, and without them being able to see any one, many arrows came flying through the air, one of which wounded captain juan de salcedo in the leg; and many more would have been wounded had not the _prau_ been supplied with canvas guards. the arquebusiers immediately hastened to their posts with their medicine, [28] and prevented the moros from discharging another volley of arrows, which ceased at their coming. the captain secured an antidotal herb for his wound; and, seeing that the approach to the fort was too dangerous and that it was impossible to effect a landing, he went back to collect his _praus_, and to look for a shore where he could easily disembark. a landing-place was found near the town; the men disembarked, and set out on foot in search of the moros. the latter appeared in a broad plain, covered with grass about a hand-span high. the men were divided into two troops, in order to attack the moros, who were shooting arrows as rapidly as they could, and wildly shouting. the moros waited until the spaniards began to hit their flanks with arquebuse bullets; and then, seeing the rage of their opponents, they took to flight. our men pursued them to the very gate of their town, where more than forty moros fell under the fire from the arquebuses. the spaniards entered the town, and set free two chinamen, who were kept there in chains. they learned from these men the ostensible reason for their imprisonment, as follows. two chinese ships had come to trade with the moros in this river; but, hearing of our presence in mindoro, they desired to betake themselves thither. the moros would not allow them to go away. in the quarrel that ensued over the question of their departure, the chinese fired a culverin from one of the ships and killed a moro chief. the moros assembled to avenge him, and overtook the chinese as they were about to sail out to sea through the estuary. it seems that the vessels were wrecked on certain shoals at the entrance to the estuary, and the chinese with all their possessions fell into the power of the moros, who inflicted on them a severe punishment--seizing them all, and putting them to death by inches in a most cruel manner, flaying their faces, and exposing them on reeds and mats. when the spaniards entered the town, they encountered not a few similar sights; and so recent was this deed that the flayed faces of the chinese were still bleeding. such was the account given by captain joan de salcedo of what had occurred that day during his absence from the master-of-camp. the balayan moros who had come out peacefully detained the master-of-camp there for three or four days, giving him, little by little, some impure gold. the latter, to avoid any further delay, decided to proceed to manilla. accordingly, he left these moros, on peaceful terms, telling them to collect for his return what was lacking of the amount promised. then he sailed along the coast toward manilla, which was said to be three leagues from that town. the chiefs of this town of balayan said that they wished to accompany the spaniards one day's journey from their town, in order to avenge themselves for injuries and wrongs received at the hands of some neighboring communities on the coast called tulayansi. therefore seven or eight _praus_ of moros went with us, and, when we reached that coast, two _praus_ with white flags were seen, which advanced to the ship of the master-of-camp. upon arriving there, they declared that they were natives of that coast, and that three towns, which could be seen with the naked eye, wished to be our friends, and to give us tribute as the others did. the master-of-camp received them in peace, and assured them of friendship, notwithstanding that the balayan moros who came with us opposed him--saying that those people ought not to be admitted to friendship, because they were hostile to themselves for making peace with us first. these arguments were of little avail, for the master-of-camp declared to both parties, that he had come to make friendship with all, and that his friends should have no differences between themselves; that, in case they did, it would be right for them to go to the spaniards for the settlement of them; and that the one breaking with the other would be considered as enemy of the spaniards. when they heard this answer, both sides promised to abide by that decision, whereupon the master-of-camp dismissed them all, advising those natives who had lately offered their friendship, to have the tribute ready upon his return. according to the men of balayan the enmity between these towns was because a balayan vessel, on its return from manilla, laden with merchandise, was driven by stormy weather on that coast of tulay, and the natives showed them so excellent hospitality that, instead of helping and receiving them kindly, as neighbors should, they stole the goods of the balayans and killed two of them, setting their heads on stakes. similar sights were noticed by the spaniards in these towns, which still exhibited the cruelty of the deed. this coast is called tulay. it has broad shoals and for this reason, as well as for the keen desire of all our men to set foot in manilla, they remained there only one night. therefore at dawn they set out for the town called menilla, which according to report was quite near. they sailed along the coast, noting many bays and ports. there were some towns along the shore, whose inhabitants and citizens had sought other shelter, taking away the best of their possessions. the oared vessels came to shore, to see what these towns contained; but, finding no people, they sailed on. the large vessel was sailing about a league from the coast. here they met some small boats, which the natives call _tapaques_. they were laden with provisions, rice, and salted sardines without the heads, resembling those which are found in españa. the soldiers of the _praus_ took away a quantity of rice from the moros, who did not defend themselves. the latter were allowed to depart in freedom, with their vessels. there were some who did defend themselves, and wounded two spaniards and killed one of the friendly indians who accompanied us. the master-of-camp, as he was sailing in the large vessel, was unable to put a stop to these disorders, for they were occurring in his absence. when he learned of this, and that the moro ships were coming from the bay of menilla laden with provisions, he cast anchor in a small port; and there, calling together all the _praus_, censured the men for their disorderly conduct, ordering them not to depart from his ship from that time on. the next morning, having heard from a moro captured in one of the _tapaques_ that the town of menilla was very near, all the vessels and _praus_ set sail, taking the captured moro as guide. in the afternoon they came in sight of a very large bay, which formed a wide gulf. it resembled a narrow sea with its entrance at that point; but the guides affirmed that the land was one, and so it proved to be when we entered the bay. we had taken with us from panae a moro, a native of the town of menilla, who has had intercourse with spaniards for many years and is well known among them; for, when the camp was in zebu, he always came to sell them provisions. before the master-of-camp started on this expedition from panay, this moro, and his wife and one son, had become christians. he left his wife in panay, and accompanied the master-of-camp as interpreter. he had taken with him his brother, who was likewise a native of menilla. when we entered the bay, these men advised the master-of-camp not to cast anchor before the town of menilla itself, for the coast was treacherous, and to enter the river it was necessary to wait for high tide. they advised him to anchor in a small sheltered port, two leagues from the port of menilla; and thence to send word to raxa [29] soliman, the greatest chief of all that country, with whom the terms of peace and friendship were to be made, and whose opinion was to be heeded. the master-of-camp found this advice good, and felt at ease about the port; for he had been fretting over the possibility of finding shelter in all that bay, which, because it was so large and spacious, seemed almost harborless. therefore we sailed straight to the harbor pointed out by the guides, reaching it two hours before nightfall. the land all around this bay, in the part where we anchored, and which the guides declared to be the port of menilla, was really marvelous. it appeared to be tilled and cultivated. the slopes were smooth, and had but little herbage. in fact, so excellent indications have not been seen in this land, as were seen there. after the master-of-camp cast anchor in the small port, the _praus_ and the frigate arrived there. on that day it was decided to send to raxá soliman, lord of menilla, to request peace and friendship; and that the man appointed for this should be the brother of mehomete, the converted moro. it was decided that the captive moro and a cafre [30] interpreter should go to examine the port and its position, as well as to sound the mouth of the river. these men departed the next morning, two hours before daybreak. before leaving the ships, mehomate's brother, who had been married in menilla, said that he would be able to bring back an answer on the same day, as he intended to rest at his own house. the master-of-camp was so desirous of making peaceful terms with the town of menilla that, although hasty by nature and disposition, he patiently waited there for three days after the moro's departure. the moro returned with another man, his uncle, who was said to be a servant of the king of menilla. he had been sent to act as ambassador, with certain other moros who accompanied him. he tried to make us understand, with high-sounding words, that his master was a most magnificent lord. after a great show of authority and many pauses, he finally declared that the king of menilla wished to be the friend of the spaniards, and that he would be pleased to have them settle in his land, as they had done in çubu and panay. the master-of-camp answered, through the interpreters, that he was much pleased to consider the king of menilla as a friend of the spaniards, since his only aim in coming was that of offering them peace and friendship. he also added that to carry out these wishes it was necessary for them to see each other. he therefore declared that he was going to set out immediately for the said town of menilla, and said that the moro should precede him to advise the chief of it. the moro ambassador begged him not to set sail until he had already gone a little distance, for he wished to go first to advise his master. the master-of-camp promised him to do so, and so managed that, until the moro had gone a considerable distance, he would not set out. but when it appeared that the moro had advanced about half a league away from us, all the vessels set out in the wake of his _prau_. we sailed along a thickly settled coast. moros came out in _praus_ from some of the towns to complain of the raxa soliman, for having plundered their towns and killed many of the inhabitants. the master-of-camp was going ahead under full sail; and, receiving all of these people very kindly, we kept on until about ten o'clock in the morning, when we passed the bar of the river of menila. the town was situated on the bank of the river, and seemed to be defended by a palisade all along its front. within it were many warriors, and the shore outside was crowded with people. pieces of artillery stood at the gates, guarded by bombardiers, linstock in hand. a culverin-shot from us, and close to the houses of the natives, were four chinese ships. immediately the chinese came in their skiffs to visit the master-of-camp. they brought him brandy, hens, winnowed rice, a few pieces of silk, and knick-knacks of little value. they complained to the master-of-camp of the moros of menilla, saying that the latter had taken away by force the helms of their ships and the best of their goods without paying for them. the master-of-camp received them kindly; but, desiring to be at peace with all, he waived that question. then having dismissed the chinese, he sent the interpreter ashore to tell king soliman that he wished to confer with him, and to make arrangements therefor. the interpreters returned quickly, and said that they would meet at the edge of the water, and that raxa soliman would come thither. the master-of-camp immediately landed with the spaniards, to meet him. immediately an uncle of the ruler, who also bore the title of king, advanced with so large a following that he was thought to be soliman himself. he embraced the master-of-camp, and appeared to be a man of good intentions. soon after came the other ruler, his nephew soliman, who was a younger man than he who first came. soliman assumed an air of importance and haughtiness, and said that he was pleased to be the friend of the spaniards, but the latter should understand that the moros were not painted indians. he said that they would not tolerate any abuse, as had the others; on the contrary they would repay with death the least thing that touched their honor. this speech having been made through the interpreter, the master-of-camp gratified the chief with kind words; then after they had embraced each other and made a friendly compact, the moro entered his fort. the master-of-camp returned to his ship, leaving all the oared boats and most of his men on shore, less than thirty paces from the town; and gave general orders that no man should enter the town, until the moros, who seemed quite irritated, had regained their calm. then leaving ashore the sergeant-major, juan de moron, in command, he returned to his ship to have it moored and set in order. in the afternoon of the same day, at three o'clock, the moro mahomate asked permission to spend the night among his relatives, and the master-of-camp granted his request. during the day the moros came to look at the soldiers ashore with their arquebuses and lighted match-ropes. the moros carried their weapons and showed a rather bold attitude. they even did things which the spaniards not often tolerate; but in order to obey the orders of the master-of-camp, and not give the appearance of starting hostilities on our side, they overlooked all the unmeasured boldness displayed by the moros. at nightfall the men ashore withdrew to the ships, where they slept. the next morning the moro mahomete returned with the same ambassador who had first come. the latter bore a message from rraxa soliman, to the effect that he had been informed that a tribute was to be asked of him; and that, consequently, he would not allow the spaniards to enter the river. the master-of-camp--as one desirous of peace, and in view of the orders of the governor to make peace with the said town of menilla--in his answer, requested the messenger to tell his lord not to believe such reports, for hitherto he had not asked for any tribute from him. he added that they would see each other again, and make a friendly settlement, which would be to his taste. thus he dismissed the messenger; and he himself, after a little thought, went ashore with only the spanish and moro interpreters, without notifying any one of what he was going to do. he entered the palisade, whose gates were guarded by many moros, and was led by the moros straightway to a small house, where he was bidden to await king soliman. as soon as the latter heard that the master-of-camp was within the fort, he hastened to him; and both went to a house where they made a friendly compact, after the fashion of the land--namely, in this wise: the master-of-camp drew blood with the two chiefs, uncle and nephew--both called rraxa, which in the malay language signifies king. the moros drank the blood of the master-of-camp mixed with wine, and the master-of-camp drank that of the moros in a similar way. thus the friendship was established, on the terms that the moros of menilla were to support the spaniards who came to settle there; and, doing this, they should pay no other tribute. the master-of-camp asked them for a list of the neighboring towns on the bay; and they gave him the names of forty towns of those situated on the shore, besides those inland. after this friendly agreement had been made with the moros, who promised to give some food for our men, the master-of-camp left the fort, much to our pleasure. the moros, notwithstanding the great security given them by the master-of-camp, persisted in their hostile and warlike attitude; and, even on account of the peace made, would not lay aside their weapons--on the contrary, the number of armed men seemed to be increasing continually. in the afternoon of the same day the chief notary went to the fort with the permission of the master-of-camp, to see whether any of the kings wished to trade for the royal testoons which he had in his charge. he went there accompanied by a boy only, and spoke of the matter to one of the chiefs. the latter received him very kindly and showed him some gold trinkets, which he wished to exchange for gold. for each gold piece the moro asked five of silver, but the notary would give him only three. the moro mahomete, who was present at this trading, and acted as go-between, told the chief notary to postpone the bargain until another day; and to return to the ship, and tell the master-of-camp that king soliman said that, in order to celebrate the peace made that day, he was about to pass in review his people, both on sea and on land, and should fire all his artillery, at which no offense should be taken, for all was in celebration of the peace. the chief notary left the port with the message, and found the master-of-camp receiving information in the above-mentioned vessel of friendly indian rowers; they were saying that, having relatives among the moros, they had learned that the latter were planning to fall upon the spaniards at the first rain, when it would be impossible for them to make use of the arquebuses. from this news, and from the preparations which the moros were making on both sea and land for the great review they said they were about to give, we saw that they were anxious to start the affray. at this time the moro mahomete arrived with a message from rraxa soliman, to the effect that king soliman had learned that the lord of candola, a town on the other side of the river, intended to fight the spaniards on sea and had invited him to join in the attack; but that he, soliman, had refused to do so. for this reason he would get in readiness, and, if the chief really came to offer battle, he would aid the spaniards with his people, since the master-of-camp was his friend. this new message gave a full understanding of the deceitful plan of the moros; notwithstanding all this, the master-of-camp sent his thanks to soliman for the warning, saying that he would be pleased to fight any one who desired to fight with him. he added that if it were not so late he would immediately go to the town of candola to fight with that chief. having dismissed the envoy with this message the master-of-camp ordered all the men to be on the watch, and for all the crews of the _praus_ to sleep on land. that day the sunset was so blood-red that it presented a wonderful sight. the men said that the sun was blood-stained. all that night the men, both on land and sea, slept fully armed. the next morning two or three soldiers were going ashore in a little canoe, when, seven or eight paces from land, their small canoe suddenly filled with water and the men went to the bottom. one of the soldiers, juan nunez, a native of talavera, was drowned. at ten o'clock of that same morning, some sails were seen at sea, and the master-of-camp, thinking them to be the ships of those who were coming to fight with the spaniards, despatched a _prau_ to reconnoiter them. as the _prau_ came near them, these vessels were seen to be _tapaques_, and the master-of-camp, fearing that the _prau_ might do them harm, called it back by firing a cannon seaward. the moros, who were waiting an opportunity for treason--but had not manifested it because it had not rained as they had expected--therefore opened the war; and without any warning, fired three cannon-shots, one after another. one of them pierced the side of the ship, and struck the cast-room, scattering its ashes among the bystanders; the other two shots were high, passing over the ship half-way aft; and one would have killed many men had the aim been a _vara_ [31] lower. the moros had begun their treacherous work even before this; for they had seized some of the friendly indians who had gone there to feast with their friends, had wounded the indian slave of a soldier, beaten and frightened two or three others, and wounded another soldier with an arrow. when the effrontery of the moros was seen, and that they could do us some injury with their artillery, it was decided to attack them. [32] therefore in the twinkling of an eye, the spaniards attacked and took the palisade, hurling down the bombardiers with linstock in hand, giving them no chance to fulfil their duties. after this first artillery had fallen into their hands, they immediately took the town, and set fire to it, on account of its being large. the moros abandoned the burning town, for they were unable to resist the attack of the arquebusiers, or rather the will of god, who had ordained it so--a self evident fact, since for every spaniard there were a hundred moros. the large ship was firing upon a moro boat with long-bladed oars, which was far up the river. this vessel was said to have three or four hundred fighting men and rowers on board, with many culverins and large pieces of artillery. the cannonball struck the water, for the vessel was some distance away, surrounded by more than five hundred moro _praus_ and other large ships full of armed men, bowmen, and lancers. all these ships were scattered by the artillery of the large junk. the town was rapidly burning. the master-of-camp hurriedly took the artillery from the moros--thirteen pieces, small and large. he took care to protect the vessels of the chinese, who had been greatly frightened. he ordered the return of the sails and helms which the moros had taken away from them; and the chinese, attaching the helms to their ships as quickly as they could, proceeded to cast anchor near the junk, so that the firing should do them no harm. the master-of-camp, having captured the enemy's artillery, fired upon them with their own pieces, while they were fleeing, thus inflicting upon them severe losses, both on land and water. about one hundred dead were found on land, having been burned to death, or slain by arquebus bullets; more than eighty persons were taken captive; and many others were killed in the _praus_, as they fled up the river. the rain expected by the moros came when the town was quite destroyed by fire. the loss in the town was considerable, for it was large, and carried on an extensive trade. in the town lived forty married chinese and twenty japanese. of these some came to see the master-of-camp on board the ship, before the breaking out of hostilities, among whom was a japanese with a theatin cap, from which we thought him to be a christian. when we asked him if he was one, he answered in the affirmative, saying that his name was pablo [paul]. he adored an image, and asked for some beads; but people say that he was among the moro bombardiers. among the prisoners were the chinese wives of some of the chinese who had married and settled in the town; and although it would have been justifiable to make them slaves, because their husbands had fled with the moros, the master-of-camp was unwilling to do so, but simply handed them over to the chinese of the ships. one of the chinese women wished to come with us, and we have found since that she was insane; now she is with the governor, who will send her back to her own country. those who saw soliman's house before it was burned, say that it was very large, and that it contained many valuable things, such as money, copper, iron, porcelain, blankets, wax, cotton, and wooden vats full of brandy; but everything was burned to the ground with the house. afterward the iron and copper furnished gain to whomsoever wished to take it, for a great quantity of it which this house and others contained, was found on the ground after the fire. when the prisoners captured were asked why the moros had broken the treaty of peace and friendship, they answered that the young soliman was to blame, for he always opposed his uncle, the other chief; that he had a malicious disposition; and that it was he who gave the order to fire, and who even fired with his own hand the first shot, which struck the ship. next to soliman's house was another which was used as a store-room. it contained much iron and copper, as well as culverins and cannon which had melted. some small and large cannon had just been begun. there were the clay and wax moulds, the largest of which was for a cannon seventeen feet long, resembling a culverin. the indians said that the furniture alone lost in soliman's house was worth more than five thousand ducats. after the burning of this town the master-of-camp waited two days in the river for some message from the moros, but seeing that no one appeared, and that he had but few men with him to seek them inland; and that the bay and waterway was such that, in order to sail out of it, they needed the northeast wind (which was now blowing, although feebly); and that the southwest gales were coming, so that, as the interpreters affirmed, if the necessary steps were not taken the probability was that the large ship would not leave the place; and in order not to lose the ship and its artillery--the master-of-camp decided to leave the bay immediately after having first asked full information concerning the towns upon its coast. thus we set sail in company with only the chinese and their four vessels; these said that they had no articles of trade in their vessels except some large earthen jars and porcelain. many of the soldiers bartered trifles of little value with them in exchange for wax, which the chinese greatly value and even buy with gold. from what we could see and hear of them, the chinese are a very humble people. it seems that they observe among themselves a certain form of politeness and cleanliness. they became great friends with us, and gave us letters of security, which consisted of white cloths that they had with them, upon which were painted the royal coat of arms. they promised to come the next year to this river of panay, and to establish trade with the spaniards. all that the chinese asked was given them, which pleased them much, and they were shown the best possible treatment. then they left us, and, according to what they said, went to mindoro. the master-of-camp cast anchor in the port where we halted before; and there we remained another day, to see whether or not any of the natives would come to us for peace. seeing that no one came, the master-of-camp, fearing lest the northeast wind would cease, left the harbor with his vessels, for it would not be possible to do so when the southwest wind should blow. he coasted past the towns which had made peace on the voyage hither, until the town of balayan was reached. thence we despatched the junk to the island of panae with captain juan de salcedo, who had not yet recovered from his wound in the leg, and five or six sick soldiers. the master-of-camp remained with the oared _praus_ in order to win over all the towns which were desirous of peace. thus leaving them behind pacified and assured of friendship, he returned to the camp; for the governor had sent them by sea an advice-_prau_ on the arrival of the fleet from nueva españa. such, then, are the events of this voyage. [_endorsed_: "an account of the conquest and discovery of manilla." "may eight, 1570." "relation of the discovery of the island of luçon, one of the western islands."] act of taking possession of luzon [33] in the island called by the natives "luzon the greater," in a town and river of the same called manila, on the sixth of june in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy, the honorable martin de goite, his majesty's master-of-camp in these western islands, declared before me, hernando riquel, chief government notary, and in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, that, inasmuch as--a thing well and generally known--his excellency being in this river of manila, with the men and ships accompanying him, and having made peace and drawn his blood with two chiefs, styling themselves kings of this said town (by name soliman and raxa respectively), and without giving them cause or treating them in a manner that would make the said natives change their attitude, the above said chiefs began war treacherously and unexpectedly, without advising him beforehand; and wounded and seized certain indians accompanying us. after that they discharged the artillery in their fort, two balls from which struck the ship "san miguel," on board of which was the said master-of-camp. he, in order to guard himself from the injury which the said moros were doing him in starting the war, and to prevent their artillery from harming his men, attacked the said fort of the moros, and captured it by force of arms and is now in possession of it. and inasmuch as the said fort and town of manila have been won in lawful and just war, and since, according to the said natives, manila is the capital of all the towns of this said island: therefore in his majesty's name, he was occupying and did occupy, was taking and did take, royal ownership and possession, actual and quasi, of this said island of luzon and of all the other ports, towns, and territories adjoining and belonging to this said island. moreover, as a sign of real occupation, he ordered his ensign to raise the flag of his company on the fort built by the natives, had the artillery found in the said fort taken for his majesty, and performed other acts and duties as a sign of real occupation. and when he had thus taken the said possession in his majesty's name, he asked me, the aforesaid notary, to certify and attest it, and to draw up a statement so that the proceeding might be clearly set forth. in fulfilment of that demand, i, the said hernando riquel, certify, as an actual witness, to whomsoever may see this present, that the said master-of-camp took and seized in his majesty's name the said possession in the manner above specified. and in affirmation of the above i draw up this statement, which the said master-of-camp signed; witnesses to all the abovesaid being the sergeant-major juan de morones, the high constable graviel de rrivera, the ensign-in-chief gaspar ramirez, and many other soldiers in the said fort. _martin de goite_ drawn in my presence: _hernando riquel_ collated with the original, which is in my possession. _hernando riquel_ [_endorsed:_ "possession taken of the island of luçon in his majesty's name." "possession of luzon."] letter from miguel lopez de legazpi to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: with captain joan de la ysla, who arrived at this river on st. john's eve last, i received a letter from your majesty from the escorial [34] dated the sixteenth of november, of the year sixty-eight, with the despatches and the favors that your majesty was pleased to grant this camp. for these and for other things that we expect from your majesty, all these faithful vassals of your majesty, and in their name for all, kiss your majesty's royal feet and hands. we pray god, our lord, to give us time and opportunity, as loyal vassals employed in your royal service, to merit being the instruments of the augmentation of your royal crown, with increase of new realms and dominions; and that in the fortunate days of your majesty the christian faith may be planted, grow, and increase in these lands, where the infidelity and rule of the devil, our adversary, so long prevailed. with the ships that left here last year (sixty-nine), under captain felipe de salcedo, i sent your majesty a report of everything that happened until then and the affair with the captain general of the portuguese fleet. they write me that this same felipe de salcedo took this despatch to your majesty on a despatch boat that was sent from mexico, for this purpose, whereby your majesty will have seen, learned, and understood what occurred here. we have had no word here, since then, of the portuguese; nor do i believe that they will return, because they were much harassed, and also i am certain that none of those that went from here will have any desire to return. that, however, is no reason why i should neglect what concerns your majesty's royal service. i await them within three months in this archipelago, which is the time in which they can come; and so i live with as much foreboding as if i had them before me. by other letters i have entreated your majesty, informing you of the necessity in this archipelago for boats with oars; and how important they will be for the further discovery of other things of greater importance, which until now has been neglected, through not having these boats. twice i have sent men in indian _praus_ for explorations to the north and northwest of us. once they discovered certain islands, small but well peopled with moros; and the other time they discovered on the coast of luçon, which is a large island, several settlements of moros. the latter have artillery, which they themselves cast and finish, and likewise powder and other ammunition. some of the towns received them in peace, but others would not. the possessions taken in your majesty's name accompany the present letter. these moros have much more trade, because they make voyages for that purpose, going among the people on the chinese mainland, and to the japanese. i again repeat how advantageous it would be to your majesty's service to have some oared vessels here, because the spanish are not accustomed to navigate with skill in those of the indians, and run great risks by going in them. and in order that this may not occur, will your majesty please command that what seems best to you in that case be ascertained and provided. the portuguese left us so badly accredited with these natives that some of them withdrew from our friendship; and it has been necessary to turn to pacifying them again, and at somewhat greater cost than the first time. in the future we shall have the greatest care in their conversion and good treatment, as your majesty commands. we will gladly strive to bring them to the subjection and dominion of your royal majesty, and with those who refuse and do not wish it, we shall adopt more convenient means to preach and teach to them all the evangelical law, wherein god our lord and your majesty will be well served. in fulfilment of your majesty's orders, on these two ships which are going to nueva españa, i send ten or twelve portuguese from this camp. some still remain but it seemed to me that to avoid trouble, it was well not to send many together. i am certain that some of them are good soldiers, and have served your majesty very well. there has not been heard or imagined of them anything that they ought not to have done, but your majesty's order was very well considered and noted, and therefore will be executed. on the first ships that leave here will go those who remain. the foreigners of these nations can not be banished at present, without considerable inconvenience; because all the workmen, carpenters, gunners, and half of the sailors are foreigners, some of the soldiers are flemings, and others italians, venetians, greeks, french, and so on. wherefore no new action has been taken in this at present, until your majesty is pleased to have the matter looked into, and shall command what you think best to be done about it. we have had news here from mexico that a certain fleet that sailed from peru in your majesty's name, to discover nueva guinea and other lands in those western regions, was instructed to settle all the lands extending westward between ten degrees north latitude and sixty degrees south latitude. this was incredible, because, as your majesty knows, the fleets that have left nueva españa in your majesty's name have discovered many islands and lands as far as the equator, and in south latitude. what i have settled, subdued and discovered in your majesty's name commences at six degrees latitude north of the equator, and extends from there farther north. if it were conceded to those from peru up to ten degrees, it would be equivalent to giving them the greater part of all this filipinas archipelago, and more. i thought that i ought to inform you of it, so that your majesty could make what provisions seemed best to you. melchior de legazpi, my son, who for a long time has resided at that court, has charge of my affairs; and last year, captain felipe de salcedo, my grandson, went to give your majesty a report of affairs here. i humbly pray your majesty to have them sent back, granting them favor so that they may come to serve your majesty in these regions. captain joan de la isla goes to that court, and will return on the same ship on which he went. he has served and labored much; i pray your majesty to reward him as he merits. with him i send your majesty two bronze culverins [_versos_] made by the moros of this land, so that your majesty may see what dexterity they possess in working and casting artillery. sacred royal catholic majesty, may our lord guard and increase the life and person of your royal majesty with more kingdoms and seigniories for many happy years, with victories over your enemies, as your royal heart desires. from this island of panae, on st. james' day, july xxv, 1570. your sacred royal catholic majesty's most humble and faithful servant, who kisses your royal feet and hands. _miguel lopez de legazpi_ evidence regarding the portuguese expedition against cebu--1570 in the island and town of cubu in the western felipinas islands, on the twenty-first of october, one thousand five hundred and seventy, the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king, don felipe, our lord, and of his troops and royal fleet for the exploration of the said islands, in the presence of me, fernando riquel, chief government notary, and of the undersigned witnesses: he declared that, whereas the day before yesterday, the nineteenth of this present month, while he was building some gabions on the river of çubu, for the defense of certain pieces of artillery, which he ordered to be mounted there, gonzalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese fleet which is anchored in this port, wrote to him that he must stop work on those gabions which were being made on the said river. to please him, the said governor, although the gabions were for the defense of the said artillery, yesterday (the twentieth of the said month) ordered the men to stop work. in the morning the said captain-general wrote to him again, ordering him to demolish the said gabions, as it seemed to him that they were being made as a menace to him and his fleet; and that he should reply to him what he intended to do in this matter, for, whether he answered or not, it will be held as if answered. at the same time when the portuguese sent the above letter, the said governor had written to the said captain-general, and had sent to him the factor andres de mirandaola, and myself, the said fernando riquel, with an answer to a requisition which the said captain-general had sent him the day before. whereupon the captain-general again sent word that he must order the said gabions to be destroyed; because, if they were not destroyed between that time and the evening of that day, he would take it for granted that war was declared. this said day, after dinner, the aforesaid persons having returned with this message of reply to the said governor, they told him how the galleys and small boats of the portuguese fleet were coming ashore. the said governor ordered the master-of-camp, martin de goiti, to go to see what was wanted. the said portuguese--immediately, and before the expiration of the time-limit set by the said captain-general, and without waiting for any response to be given--those of the said galleys and _fustas_, began to batter down the said gabions with a great number of guns; and they continued this almost until sunset. nevertheless, the said governor ordered that no one should discharge any artillery at them from his camp; on the contrary, he reproved an artilleryman who, without his permission, discharged one gun. while the said portuguese were demolishing the said gabions, the said governor sent the said answer to the said captain-general, complaining that he was commencing and making unjust war, against all reason and without the said governor having given any occasion for it. not only did the portuguese not relax at all but sent part of his galleys and fustas to blockade the other entrance to this harbor, which lies toward the east, so that nothing can enter or leave this camp. the governor declared that the said portuguese have said and published that through famine they will seize and carry us away prisoners, by force. in order that the manner in which the said captain-general and his men commenced to make war--and they began it, as is related hereafter--may be manifest both now and in the future, he said that he asked me, the said notary, as he did, to certify these facts to all the aforesaid in public form, in such wise that witness may be had for the protection of the rights of his majesty, and of himself in the king's royal name. all those who were present he ordered to witness it, and signed it with his name. i, the said fernando riquel, chief notary aforesaid certify to whomsoever shall see this present, or copies of it drawn up in public form, that on yesterday, wednesday in the morning, the twentieth of this said month, i, having gone by the order of his lordship the said governor to the flagship where the said captain-general gonzalo de pereira was, to take him a certain answer to a requisition sent by the said captain-general to the said governor, the said captain-general sent an oral message through me, the said notary, and the factor, andres de mirandaola, to the said governor, to the effect that, if on the evening of that day the gabions on the river of cubu were not ordered to be demolished, he would consider war declared. with this message we came from the said ship. almost at high noon, and after dinner, i, being in the said governor's room, despatching certain messages which the said governor had to send to the said captain-general, we heard a heavy fire of artillery. it was reported to the said governor that the portuguese, in _fustas_ and galleys, were attacking and firing upon the river of cubu, where there were certain works and soldiers from this camp. the said governor ordered that no artillery should be fired from this camp; on the contrary, he reproved an artilleryman who fired a piece without his permission. then he sent me, the said notary, with a letter and other despatches to the said captain-general. i went to his galleon and on my way thither, i saw that the said galleys and _fustas_ were discharging artillery at the said river and the gabions. having arrived where the said captain-general was, and having complained in the name of the said governor, he replied that he had ordered the firing of those pieces, and those being fired at the time, to frighten the troops who were on the said shore with the said gabions. also the said captain-general said that he intended to make war without wasting so much powder as was wasted that day; that on the following day if they did not remove the gabions, war would begin in earnest. so on the said day at this hour (which might be eight o'clock, more or less), i see, and it is seen clearly, that three galleys of the said portuguese fleet are rounding the island of matan with oars, against a head wind, toward the other entrance of this harbor eastward. in affirmation of the abovesaid, i signed here my name, jointly with the said governor, who asked to have given him necessary copies of this testimony. there were present, as witnesses to the said request, captains luis de la haya, andres de ybarra, juan de salcedo, juan maldonado de verrocal, and many other soldiers of this camp. _miguel lopez de legazpi_ i, the said fernando riquel, chief notary of the royal fleet that came for the exploration of the western islands, and their government for his majesty, certify to the aforesaid, in the form and manner abovesaid, wherefore i here affix my usual signature and flourish, in witness of the truth. _fernando riquel_ i, sancho lopez de agurto, royal notary of the royal _audiencia_ and _chancelleria_ of nueva españa for his majesty, hereby certify that miguel lopez de legazpi by whom this testimony is signed is governor and captain in the western islands; and fernando de rriquel, by whom this testimony is witnessed and signed, was appointed as his majesty's government notary--as appears by other acts that he has exercised and exercises in the said office; and the handwriting and signature of the said subscription appears like those that i have seen him make, all of which are alike. in order that this may be manifest, by the order of this royal _audiencia_, i gave this present, which is dated from the city of mexico, on the eighteenth of january, one thousand five hundred and seventy. wherefore i sign in witness of the truth. _sancho lopez de agurto_ i, jhoan augustin de contreras, his majesty's recorder of the royal _audiencia_ of this nueva españa, certify that miguel lopez de legazpi, whose signature is attached to this testimony, was appointed governor and general of the islands of the west and fernando riquel as his government notary; and that i have certain information that they discharge their offices in those provinces and this is a matter well and generally known regarding the above-mentioned persons. and, having seen them writing and signing their names many times, i hold and recognize as their writing and signatures, those which are contained in the above testimony of this other part, given by miguel lopez de legazpi and fernando rrequel, and followed with the subscription of the said fernando requel. i saw the aforesaid despatched as such governor and general and government notary of those islands, in the first fleet sailing thither in the month of december of the year sixty-four, and to which i refer. in affirmation whereof, i gave this present, which is dated at mexico, the twenty-eighth of january, one thousand, five hundred and seventy. accordingly, in witness of the truth, i here affix this my signature, which is as follows: _joan augustin_, his majesty's notary. documents of 1571-72. relation of the discoveries of the malucos and philippinas. [1571?] requisitions of supplies for the spanish forces in the philippines. [1571?] conquest of the island of luzón. april 20, 1572. foundation of the city of manila. fernando riquel; june 19, 1572. _sources_: mss. in the archivo general de indias at sevilla. the third is obtained from retana's _archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iv (madrid, 1898). _translations_: the first two documents are translated by alfonso de salvio; the third, by j. g. gill; the fourth, by james a. robertson. relation of the discoveries of the malucos and philippinas, and various negotiations concerning them from what may be gathered in the said account and various agreements concerning the navigation, discovery, and commerce of the western islands, especially those of maluco, philippinas, and çubu, we must assume that the discovery of the yndias was begun by order of the catholic sovereigns, in the year ninety-two, and on the second of may of the following year, ninety-three. the supreme pontiff, alexander the sixth, granted to the catholic sovereigns of castilla and leon, and to their successors, the navigation of the yndias, with all the privileges, favors, indulgences, and prerogatives which had been granted to the kings of portugal in respect to the yndias of guinea, part of affrica, and other yndias which they might conquer. this is contained more fully in the bull of concession, an authentic copy of which is to be found in the archives of simancas. on the third of the said month and year, the same supreme pontiff made a concession to the catholic sovereigns of castilla and leon, and their successors, of all the yndias in general, the islands and mainlands which had been discovered or should be discovered in the limitless future, drawing a line from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the acores and cabo verde islands. all land already discovered and to be discovered, found west and south of this line (being not actually occupied by any christian prince before christmas and the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three) [35] was to be the navigation and discovery of the kings of castilla, and was to come under their kingdom, seigniory, and jurisdiction. he who passed this line without permission would incur blame and punishment, as is more fully shown in the original bull, which is sealed with lead and deposited in the archives of simancas, and dated at rome on the fourth of may of the said year. on the twenty-sixth of september of the said year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the same supreme pontiff conceded to the catholic sovereigns, and their successors, besides the general concession of the yndias, whatever conquest they might make in their name in the eastern, western, and southern islands, "provided they be not occupied by any other," etc., as is more fully shown in the original bull given in rome on the sixth of october of the same year, and deposited in the archives at simancas. these concessions made to the catholic sovereigns of castilla and leon and their successors, as well as that made to the kings of portogal, respecting the navigation of the east indies, caused and still cause dispute and controversy between the kings of castilla and those of portugal, concerning the boundaries which should separate their navigation and discovery--the limit and bound which is to be drawn from pole to pole on this side of our hemisphere, and concerning the other bound and meridian line which is to be drawn in the hemisphere corresponding to the upper one. differences have existed and still exist between the kings concerning the line of demarcation which was to be drawn between their respective navigations and discoveries in this our hemisphere. the kings of castilla claim that it was to be drawn according to the papal concession, one hundred leagues west of the islands of acores and cabo verde; the kings of portugal claim that it was to be drawn farther west, so that their side of the demarcation might include most of the coast of brasil, and of that tierra firme [36] adjoining it. they agreed to settle this controversy, and the kings of castilla consented to have the line of demarcation drawn two hundred and seventy leagues farther west than the line decreed in the bull of concession, as is set forth in a deed of agreement. (in the original instrument, drawn on paper, the said year, in the presence of fernand alvarez of toledo, secretary of the catholic sovereigns, and in the presence of estevan vaes, secretary of the king of portogal, is found a confirmation by the catholic sovereigns. the said instrument, drawn on parchment, in arevalo, on the second of july, 1495, is fully signed by the sovereigns. the signature of the prince is found below. the instrument is countersigned by the said secretary. the seal was removed, but the cord to which it was attached remains. the confirmation of the said instrument of tordesillas by king don joan of portogal is attested by a contract written on five pages of parchment, signed by the king, and countersigned by martyn de veyra. the confirmation was given in ebora on february 27, 1525) [it] practically reads that on the seventh of june, one thousand four hundred and ninety-four, the attorneys of the catholic sovereigns and of the king of portogal empowered by their masters met in tordesillas, and drew up the said instrument. the agreement reached was that a line or meridian was to be drawn from the arctic to the antarctic pole, three hundred and seventy leagues west of the islands of cabo verde. everything west of the said line or meridian was to belong to the kings of castilla, and that east was to be the navigation, discovery, and conquest of the kings of portogal. the sea of the king of portogal was open for navigation to the kings of castilla, with the understanding that the latter should follow their course without any deviation. whatever should be found up to the twentieth of the said month of june in the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the three hundred and seventy, was to belong to the kings of portogal; and that which should be found in the remaining hundred and twenty leagues was to belong to the king of castilla. _item_, both parties agreed to send within ten months an equal number of ships, pilots, astrologers, and sailors to mark out the said line of demarcation. it is not specified that within the said ten months they did send the said pilots, astrologers, and sailors to draw the said line of demarcation; on the contrary, it is clear that the said line was not drawn; for according to the copy of a decree and declaration of the catholic sovereigns given in madrid on may the seventh, 1495, and signed by the secretary samano, it is urged that the said line be drawn--from which it is evident that the line had not been drawn within the ten months. that this line had not been drawn appears also from the conferences and records concerning the possession and ownership of the malucos, between the commissioners of both parties in the year twenty-four at the bridge of acaya, yelves, and badajoz, where the determination of this line of demarcation was discussed; and the determination thereof, discussed under three heads. first, whether a spherical or plane surface should be considered in drawing the line of demarcation. second, how should the islands of cabo verde be properly situated and located. third, from which of the said islands should they begin to measure the three hundred and seventy leagues for the demarcation. the castilians agreed with the portuguese to employ the spherical surface and still not to exclude the plane surface and other measurements. the second point appears not to have been discussed. as to the third, the castilians disagreed with the portuguese, saying that the three hundred and seventy leagues were to begin from the island of santo anton, the most western of the islands of cabo verde. the portuguese claimed that they ought to begin from the islands of la sal and buena vista, the most eastern of the group. it seems (the original having been destroyed) that each party was striving to have the islands of maluco fall on his side of the demarcation--thus contending for the contrary of what they claimed in the year 1494, when each party, ignorant of the differences which would arise about the malucos, was striving to have the coast of brasil fall on its side of the demarcation. _item_: from the castilian and portuguese sea-charts it appears that the said line of demarcation was neither drawn nor determined; because, in the model sea-charts deposited in the india house of trade in sevilla, this line or meridian is found drawn from pole to pole so as to cut our hemisphere three hundred and seventy leagues from the island of sancto anton, the last of the cabo verde islands. it also cuts the coast of brasil about two degrees from the equinoctial line through the land of humos, the tropic of capricorn, the cape of dospermitas, and the river of sant salvador. according to these charts, the line of demarcation of the king of portogal includes three hundred and ninety leagues through which the line of demarcation passes inland, and for a distance of six hundred leagues down along the coast. within the line of demarcation of the kings of castilla fall all of tierra nova [newfoundland], of the bacallaos, and of labrador. in the portoguese sea-charts, this line of demarcation is so drawn as to cut brasil farther north than the great river of orellana or amazonas, two degrees from the equinoctial line, and thirty-eight degrees south, through the low submerged districts, so that it cuts the land seven hundred leagues inland and almost one thousand three hundred leagues along the coast, including within the demarcation of portogal all of tierra nova, bacallaos, and labrador. [here follows some matter which we omit, as superfluous--an account of portuguese settlements in brazil, decisions of the junta of badajoz, and the treaty of zaragoza.] after the execution of the said deed, one of the first and chief instructions in the settlements and discoveries made, as well as on the merchant vessels and fleets despatched, is that no one shall go beyond the line of demarcation of the king of portogal, and the boundaries specified in the said contract. a similar injunction forbidding men to go beyond the boundaries of demarcation of the king of portogal was made after the execution of the demarcation deed, in the year fourteen hundred and ninety-four. 1535. in the year thirty-five, simon de alcaçava was despatched with two hundred and forty men. he passed the strait of magallanes and one of the ships returned to santiago de cuba. 1536. in the year thirty-six, cortes sent grijalva and alvarado with two ships below the equinoctial line. they reached the malucos. 1542. in the year forty-two, don antonio de mendoza sent from nueva españa ruy lopez de villalobos with four ships, four hundred soldiers, and four hundred indians. he discovered mindanaos, çubu, and nata. 1543. in the year forty-three, villalobos despatched bernardo de la torre to give an account of the expedition and its route; he discovered and named the philippinas islands. 1545. in the year forty-five, the said villalobos went to the island of nuzo, to the city of sanuso, to gilolo, and to tidori. from tidori he sent yñigo ortiz de roda as captain, and gaspar rico as pilot. on the way they discovered the coast of nueva guinea, which had been discovered by saavedra in the year twenty-seven. 1545. on november the ninth, 1545, his majesty the emperor wrote from bruxas [brussels] to don antonio de mendoça, viceroy of nueva españa, saying that the ambassador of the king of portogal had in behalf of the latter complained that the fleet of ruy lopez de villalobos went to the islands of maluco; and that, being requested by the governor of that place to leave, had gone to another island, where it remained. (ruy lopez de villalobos died, and his companions endured so many hardships, that finally they were obliged to return to spaña by way of the province of yndia. this is verified by a letter of fray gonzalo de santistevan, an augustinian, who was with the fleet.) in order to please the king of portogal, his majesty ordered the captain and his people to leave that place immediately. the said viceroy and other magistrates in whose districts the captain and his men might land were requested to arrest them, and to confiscate their drugs and spices. his majesty warned the viceroy that this decree was issued to please the king of portogal, and requested him to send news of the outcome. dissembling and secrecy was required, etc. 1559. on september 24, 1559, a decree of his majesty was sent from valladolid to don luys de velasco, ordering him to send men to discover the philippinas islands, and other places where spices could be found; but in doing this they were to avoid maluco and other places forbidden by the compact. 1560. on may 28, 1560, fray andres de urdaneta wrote from mexico that he had received the above-mentioned decree of september 24, and offered himself to undertake the expedition. he sent a memorial in which he declared that the philipina island does not come within the agreement, and that the expedition could be made under the pretext of going to rescue the men who were captured from the fleet of fray garcia de loaysa in the year 1525, from the one which cortes despatched in the year 1527, from that which don antonio sent in 1542, and from another ship despatched by cortes, which was lost on its course from nueva españa. don luys began to get ready the fleet. at his death the _audiencia_ of mexico made haste to complete the preparations; and on the first of september, one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, instructions were given to miguel lopez de legazpi, who had been appointed governor and general of the discovery of the western islands. the latter set sail with four ships on november 21, 1564. on april 27, 1551 [_sic_], he reached the island of çubu, where he built a fort. he took possession in his majesty's name of the barbudos islands, the ladrones, çibabao, the bay of sant pedro and maletie in the island of camiguinni, and bohol. he despatched the flagship under command of his grandson phelippe de salzedo, and fray andres de urdaneta. they set sail on june the first, sixty-five, and on september the eighteenth they came in sight of the first land of nueva spañia, the island of sant salvador, which is in twenty-nine and five-sixths degrees north latitude. on the first of october, they reached the port of la navidad; but, without stopping there, they proceeded to acapulco which is a better port, forty-five leagues nearer to mexico. as soon as the flagship arrived, an advice-ship was despatched from nueva spaña. it reached the royal settlement at çubu on the fifteenth of october, 1566, without the store of arms, ammunition, and other provisions needed. the captain and ensign were missing, for they had been killed in a mutiny. phelipe de salzedo as general, captain artieda with a company, and another company of juan de aguirre for captain andres de ybarra, set sail in april, 1567, with two ships and three hundred men, both sailors and soldiers. they reached çubu august 20, 1567. the general miguel lopez despatched a ship commanded by joan de la ysla. it reached nueva españa november 16, 1567; and españa june 5, 68. the council hastened to get ready a ship in santander with the said aid, arms, and ammunition, and to entrust it to the said joan de la ysla. the preparations were carried out by joan de peñalosa, administrator of the marine tithes, to whom the affair was entrusted. the ship set sail with good weather august 27, 1569. the ship, its repairing, and the goods it carried cost four million eight hundred and seventeen thousand eight hundred and seventy-six and one-half _maravedis_, as is evident by the memorandum of joan de peñalosa for the said day. the ship reached nueva spaña on the last of october, 1569. on march 9, 70, it left the port of acapulco with two hundred men including sailors, soldiers, workmen, and married men. joan de la ysla says that the officials of nueva spaña wasted one hundred and twenty-six thousand _pesos_ on his expedition, and as much while he remained there. he reached the islands at the end of may, and cast anchor in the island of marapite. thence he sent despatches to the governor and awaited his orders. on the arrival of the orders he set sail, june 20, and reached panae, where the governor was, on the twenty-third of june. on july 27, he left panae for nueva spaña, with two of the three ships which the other had brought, and reached the port of acapulco in nueva españa, november 21, 1570. january 25, 1571, he left sant juan de lua, and reached sant lucas april 17, 1571. through an advice-ship sent by the viceroy, juan de la ysla was requested to set sail with the two ships, not later than the month of february. the time to set out from nueva spaña is from the beginning of november to the latter part of january; the voyage will last two months. the time to set out for nueva españa is from the end of july to the beginning of august; the voyage will last three months. requisitions of supplies for the spanish forces in the philippines--1570-71 (_circa_) memorandum of the articles asked for by the governor of the felipinas islands--with a note of what can be supplied from nueva españa, and what must be brought from españa. this memorandum was brought last year by the advice ships. [37] first, he asks for rigging. we must buy some of that brought by the merchant fleet; for none was sent here from españa on his majesty's account. a supply must be sent, for it is very expensive here. (six hundred and forty-five _arrobas_ and fourteen _libras_ of small rigging were taken.) they ask also for pitch. it will be sent from here (a large quantity of pitch and tar was taken.) tow. we have very little of it in this country. (there were taken cxxxvii _arrobas_ of tow, and cvii _arrobas_ of old rigging for the same purpose.) saltpetre. we shall send what we have from here. (six _quintals_, nine _libras_ were taken, because they need it there only to refine the powder; likewise xi _arrobas_ of sulphur.) powder. we have it here. (there were taken cl _quintals_ [38] and three _arrobas_.) two shipmasters to build ships and galleys. shipmasters are not to be found in this land. (only one carpenter was taken, for we could not supply more.) twelve carpenters for the same purpose. we shall look for them here although it will be difficult to find any. twelve calkers. they also will be supplied from the merchant ships. (four were taken.) two overseers. they will be procured here. (enough men were sent for that purpose.) galley captains who know how to make lateensails. they are not to be found in this land, unless some come on the merchant ships. fifty bombardiers. there are none here, except those who are in the port. we shall try to send some. (five were taken, and these are sufficient; for robles, who went there as artillery founder after having served all his life in these royal houses, will instruct enough of the soldiers going from here so that they may serve whenever it is necessary.) two artillery founders. (one went, robles by name--he who is mentioned above.) two military engineers to fortify a stronghold. they are not to be found in this land. (some of the soldiers who went there can make valuable suggestions in that respect.) five hundred pikes. we shall send the iron heads from here, for the wood can be found in the islands. (three hundred pikes were sent; for we heard afterward that the wood of that land was of an inferior quality. therefore may your majesty be pleased to order that a thousand pikes be sent us, for the wood of this country is irreparably worm-eaten.) corselets. any quantity. there are very few of them in our military stores. (none of them will be found here, unless your majesty orders that they be sent from españa. it is not right that the military stores of these royal households be left without corselets.) large artillery, six pieces, averaging forty _quintals_; and two swivel-guns. we do not have them here, and it is very difficult to transport them to the wharf; so that it will be better to cast them in the islands. (the governor wrote that he had there a number of pieces of artillery which he had bought; and others that had burst, from which some might be made. eighty _arrobas_ of tin were taken; and now they are taking cc _quintals_ of copper, for we had no time to extract it last year.) a good arquebuse officer. he will not be easily found here. (he was sent.) thin wrought iron for forelock plate-bolts. we shall send it from here, although valero said that it would be less expensive if it came from españa. (ninety-two _quintals_, two _arrobas_, and nine _libras_ were taken.) thin iron plates. we will send them also from here. (the ninety-two _quintals_, two _arrobas_ and nine _libras_ contained a quantity of iron plates.) fine steel for carpenters' axes and other tools. all of this that comes in the merchant ships will be sent from here. (twenty _arrobas_ of steel were taken.) two pairs of bellows of the best kind. we have them here. (four pairs were taken.) two screws. we shall send them from here. (they were taken.) one anvil. it will be sent from here. (one large anvil was taken.) two screw plates to make screws for arquebuses. we shall send them from here. (one was taken.) two grind-stones. they will be sent from here. (two were taken.) two dozen carpenters' axes. we will send them from here. (they were taken.) six french saws. they shall be sent from here. (they were sent.) oil. we must send some of that which comes in the merchant ships. lead. we have it. (cc _quintals_ were taken. but this is the first time that we have been asked for lead; for each time that soldiers go, they take with them all the lead they wish; and it was never known that they needed it there. the vessels here are leaded, but not there; for never until now has any vessel been launched there, that has to sail on this course [between the philippines and new spain].) tin. we must buy some of that which comes from españa, for we have none here. (eighty _arrobas_ were taken--those above-mentioned.) copper. we have it here. (cc _quintals_ are being taken now; for it had not been extracted when the ship sailed.) tallow. (ccxix _quintals_ and three _arrobas_, less a small quantity used in repairing the ship in the port, were taken; and more of it will be taken this year. trumpeters and mechanics. (at the time we had no indians to send them, nor do we have any now.) indian workmen of all trades: tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, masons. (at the time we had no indians to send them, nor do we have them now.) in addition to all the above the vessel took the founder who was going to cast artillery. one tulcapoté, to cover the clay mould for the artillery. two levels. one claw hammer. one medium sized saw. one _quintal_ of steel to make files, punches, and drills, for boring the artillery. twenty-nine _arrobas_ and ten _libras_ of wrought iron for the manufacture of _animas_, sledge hammers, tongs, and hammers with which to work the iron for the artillery. a screw-plate with seven holes; and seven sledge-hammers. one anvil and forge. another small forge and three screws. [_endorsed_: "without date or signature."] [all these items apparently refer to articles subsequently added to the list; for on the ms. each one is checked off.] memorandum of what we need in this camp of his majesty which is stationed and has its residence in the western islands, in addition to the requests made in the letters and memoranda which have been sent in the past. it is as follows: _bellows_: first of all we need four pairs of bellows--two pairs made of dressed leather, and the other two of rawhide. they should be sent wrapped in coarse frieze, and placed in their jars, so as not to be gnawed by worms. _tubes_: four pairs of bellows-tubes large enough for the forges. _axes_: one hundred viscayan iron axes for the carpenters. _anvils_: an anvil weighing about one _quintal_ or six _arrobas_. _pitch_: three hundred _quintals_ of pitch. _tar_: a large quantity of tar. _tallow_: tallow in quantity, as may be needed, to be sent in suitable skins or casks. _nails: item_, nails one span in length, and for crosswise timbers. _item_, spikes and clinch nails. _sail-cloth:_ a quantity of sail-cloth. _paper_: a large bale of paper, for we have none. _books_: twelve books of large paper, bound in parchment, for the accountant. _twine and sail needles_: some sailmaker's twine and long sail-needles. _saws_: a dozen carpenters' hand-saws. _steel_: some good steel, for the kind we have here is worthless. _tacks and leather_: tacks and some pieces of tanned leather for the pump. _hoops, casks, and staves_: casks and hoops suitable for this land, because we have used a third of those brought here by the ships, in repairs for the return, voyage. let a large quantity of staves be sent. _coopers: item_, two coopers. _carpenters: item_, some ship-carpenters, provided they be good workmen. _rope-maker: item_, a rope-maker, for we are in great need of one to make rigging here. _tarpauling-nails_: a quantity of tarpauling-nails. _grappling-irons_: some grappling-irons, for the frigates have lost those brought by captain juan de la ysla in the year seventy. let some be of five _arrobas'_ weight, and the others from four to six _arrobas_. _anchors_: some anchors, of three or four _quintals_ each. _boilers_: half a dozen pitch boilers, for we have none of them. _wine_: wine for the sacrifice of the mass, and for the sick; also some vinegar. _assayer: item_, an assayer, for we are in much need of one. _negroes_: we are in great need of negroes for the labors of this camp, so as to avoid the inconveniences that arise from [depending on] the natives. _soap_: one or two _quintals_ of soap; we greatly need it for the rigging which is being made in this land. _padlocks_: a dozen padlocks, for they are not to be found here. _mariner's compasses_: half a dozen of mariner's compasses. _hour-glasses_: twenty hour-glasses indicating one to one-and-a-half hours. _screws_: two good screws for filing arquebuses. _iron wire_: six _libras_ of iron wire to repair arquebuse locks. _tin_: two _libras_ of sheet-tin for the tinning of locks. _rigging_: all sorts of rigging. _sawyers_: sawyers. _smiths_: a smith who knows how to make crowbars, adzes, axes, and chisels, and how to sharpen tools. _gunpowder_: a large quantity of gunpowder. _sulphur and saltpetre_: sulphur and saltpetre. _medicines_: some medicines for the sick and wounded. _lead_: lead, both in bars and in sheets. _gunners_: gunners are much needed. _pickaxes, shovels_: pickaxes and crow's-foot shovels. _kettles_: large and small mess-kettles, for there are none. _balances_: two new balances, one of them small. _weights and denominations_: weights to weigh gold and silver, graduated from two to four _libras_. _bells_: small and large bells for churches. _measures_: measures of one _arroba_, half-_arroba, azumbre_ and _quartillo_. _half-hanega_: two half-_hanegas_, one _celemin_, and one half-_celemin_. [39] _fishing-nets and fishermen_: two fishing-nets and a couple of fishermen [_pescadores_], if they are to be found. _stamps for the tithes_: stamps for branding the tithes, for those which were sent are out of order; also a small anvil and hammers, for marking the fifths. [40] _tow_: a large quantity of tow, for we have none. _for the main church: item_, we need a pair of chalices with their silver pitchers, two missals, and some altar-cloths and linen for the main church of this city. we need them because all that was sent us was taken by the augustinian religious, and we are unable to get any of them. _andres cauchela salvador de aldave_ relation of the conquest of the island of luzon an account of the discovery and conquest of the islands of luzón and mindoro, together with the most important events which took place therein, being a brief and summarized relation of the conquest and reduction of all that has been conquered and subdued in these islands up to the present time. likewise is contained herein a description of the civilization of the people and their mode of living; the weapons which they possess and use; and the forts which they build to defend themselves against their enemies. i have ventured to write this relation because i have been informed that many things concerning events in this land have been written, and sent to nueva españa, which are the merest fable and conjecture. for instance, they say that there are in this country moors like those of barberia [barbary], and that their strength in arms is quite equal to that of those people; and that they fight and defend themselves like the turks. those who have so written are in error. much to the contrary, it is quite certain that the natives of this island of luzón, whom we spaniards commonly call moros, are not so; for the truth is that they do not know or understand the law of mahoma--only in some of the villages on the seacoast they do not eat pork, and this for the reason that they have had dealings with the moros of burney, who have preached to them a little of the teaching of mahoma. as i shall farther on treat more in detail of the rites and ceremonies of these natives, i shall in the first place describe the wars between them and the spaniards, without useless amplification or omission; for thus have i been instructed to do by a certain person who has ordered me to write, and thus whatever i may say in defense of these natives will be read without any mistrust whatever, for whosoever reads this will know the truth with regard to what occurs here. the first thing which i shall attempt to relate herein will be an expedition which was made by captain juan de salzedo when he was governor in the island of panai. as has been already related in other accounts, written in the year sixty-nine, the portuguese raised the blockade established by them on the island of çubú against the camp of his majesty, because of certain difficulties which arose; and the governor determined to cross to the island of panay with his captains in order to levy tribute upon the people of certain provinces. his nephew, recently made captain of the company which his brother felipe de sauzedo had brought to these islands, was sent with forty soldiers to certain islands. this captain embarked in fourteen or fifteen small native boats, and set out for an islet which is called elem, [41] and when we had reached this island we did not find any resistance whatever, for all the natives came to us in peace. from there, led by a guide, he crossed to the island of mindoro, and made an attack one night just about dawn upon a very rich native village called mamburau, and plundered it. many of the natives were captured, some of whom afterward bought their liberty, and others were allowed to go free. thence he took a guide for a little islet, loban by name, which is fifteen leagues farther. when the captain was departed, the natives, who had fled from the village, returned and saw the havoc and destruction caused by the spaniards, and were unwilling to return to rebuild it; accordingly they themselves set fire to it, and totally destroyed it. the captain, having arrived at his destination at midnight, with all possible secrecy leaped ashore, and arranged his men and the pintados [42] indians whom he had with him in ambuscade near the villages, in order to make the attack upon them at daybreak. however, the natives of this island having been informed of the hostile incursion of the spaniards, withdrew with their children and wives and all their belongings that they could take with them, to three forts which they had constructed. now since these were the first natives whom we found with forts and means of defense, i shall describe here the forts and weapons which they possessed. the two principal forts were square in form, with ten or twelve culverins on each side, some of them moderately large and others very small. each fort had a wall two _estados_ high, and was surrounded by a ditch two and one-half _brazas_ in depth, filled with water. the small weapons used by these natives are badly tempered iron lances, which become blunt upon striking a fairly good coat of mail, a kind of broad dagger, and arrows--which are weapons of little value. other lances are also used which are made of fire-hardened palm-wood and are harder than the iron ones. there is an abundance of a certain very poisonous herb which they apply to their arrows. such are the weapons which the natives of these islands possess and employ. now as the captain approached the villages at daybreak, and found them empty, he proceeded through a grove to the place where the first fort was situated; and, having come in sight, negotiated with them, asking whether they desired to be friends of the spaniards. the natives, confident of their strength, refused to listen, and began to discharge their culverins and a few arrows. the captain, seeing that they would not listen to reason, ordered them to be fired upon. the skirmish lasted in one place or the other about three hours, since the spaniards could not assault or enter the fort because of the moat of water surrounding it. but, as fortune would have it, the natives had left on the other side, tied to the fort, a small boat capable of holding twenty men; and two of our soldiers threw themselves into the water and swam across, protected by our arquebusiers from the enemy, who tried to prevent them. this boat having been brought to the side where the spaniards were, fifteen soldiers entered it and approached the rampart of the fort. as soon as these men began to mount the rampart, the indians began to flee on the other side, by a passage-way which they had made for that very purpose. it is true that thirty or forty moros fought and resisted the entrance of the spaniards; but when they saw that half of our people were already on the wall, and the rest in the act of mounting, they all turned their backs and fled. a hundred or more of them were killed, while of our men five were wounded. in this way was the fort taken, together with fifty or sixty prisoners, ten or twelve culverins, and everything else in it. on the morning of the next day, which was the second of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy, the captain set free one of the moro prisoners, and sent him to the second fort, which was in the middle of the island very near the first one, and charged him to tell them that he summoned them to surrender peacefully. the moro having performed his mission, and delivered the message of the captain to those in the fort, they sent back the reply that they did not desire to be friends with the spaniards but were eager to fight with them; and with this reply the indian aforesaid returned to the captain. on the following day we went with some four hundred friendly indians to the fort; and the captain, advancing within sight of it, addressed them, asking that they should be friends with the spaniards and not try to fight with them, as that would result badly for them. they again declared that they did not desire this friendship, and began to fire their culverins and discharge arrows; and in return the soldiers discharged, on all sides, their arquebuses. but during the whole day we were not able to enter the fort, for we spaniards were very few in number; and the heat was intense, and we had not eaten, although it was near night. the captain, seeing that he had not accomplished anything, decided to return to the boats which he had left behind, and on the next morning again to besiege the fort, and hem them in as closely as possible; and thus he did. having come in this manner and having grounded his boats upon a beach close to the enemy, when these latter saw the determination of the spaniards, and that they would not depart under any circumstances until they had conquered them, they therefore determined to make peace and become friends. to this end the leaders came out of the fort and made peace and friendship with the captain, becoming good friends, which they are up to the present time. they gave him a hundred _tall [taels]_ of gold, which he divided among his soldiers. from there the captain went to a rock belonging to another small islet very near to that of loban, and lying in the sea at a very short distance from the said islet. the natives who lived in that island had retired to this rock to the number of about three hundred warriors. the captain, having arrived on the same day at about ten o'clock, went around the rock, and we captured a small boat containing thirty men. many volleys from the arquebuses were fired at them during this day; and on the following morning the soldiers began to make ladders to scale the rock--whose occupants, when they saw the determination of the spaniards, came to terms of peace and friendship, giving another hundred _tall_ of gold, following the example of those of the other fort, who had been left good friends. the captain returned with all of us who were with him to the island of panay, where the governor was with the master-of-camp, who had returned from another expedition made with his men to an island called acuyo. thereupon the question was discussed of sending men jto explore the island of luzón; and it was agreed that the master-of-camp and captain juan de sauzedo should set out upon this expedition with a hundred soldiers. the necessary preparations having been made for this expedition, the master-of-camp and the said captain embarked in two of our small ships, with three large pieces of artillery, and accompanied by fourteen or, fifteen ships of the pintados indians, our friends, who in their own language are called viseys. they sailed out of the river of panay in the year of seventy, above mentioned, on the third of may, the day of sancta cruz. i did not take part in this expedition but shall describe literally everything which occurred in it. i have drawn my information from the others who participated in it, and more especially from two of my associates, both of whom went on this expedition, and who are men of great reliability--an advantage, as i have before mentioned. the master-of-camp arrived at the island of mindoro, the village and port of which had the reputation of being very great and very strong, but which proved to be an exaggeration, for the village is small, containing only about three or four hundred inhabitants. the master-of-camp having arrived, as i have said, at that port, the indians were drawn up on a declivity before the village, and made signs that they intended to prevent the entrance of the spaniards. the master-of-camp, with all his soldiers, leaped ashore in front of the village on a little plain, and, approaching the village in a zigzag course, thus attacked it. the gunners who were in the ship were ordered to discharge a cannon in the air when the attack was made, and this was done. the indians seeing that they intended to enter the village by force, made peace with the master-of-camp, and paid him tribute; and they have remained friends and vassals of the royal spanish administration up to the present day. this is the port where enter all the passengers who come from the islands of the pintados and from españa to this island of luzón, where the governor resides. from here the master-of-camp set sail for the island of luzón, or rather the port and village of manilla, which was said to be large and very strong. it is but just to say that it is not more than one-tenth as large and as strong as in nueva españa and in other places it is reported to be; and yet, in comparison with the natives of this land, the inhabitants of manilla were powerful, for they had twelve pieces of small and inferior artillery and a few culverins, with such other weapons as i have already mentioned. this village of manilla is situated on a tongue of land extending from east to west between the river and the sea, and a fort had been built on the extreme western end of this peninsula at the entrance to the port. the sea makes a very large harbor about thirty leagues in circumference; and bordering upon this harbor are many villages, among which is that of manilla. [43] manilla is now a spanish city, founded in the name of his majesty by the governor miguel lópez de legazpi. the captain-general and captain juan de sauzedo having arrived in view of this port of manilla, entered in peace, and under the safe-conduct of two native chiefs of the said village. one of these was called laya, lately deceased, who died a christian; the other was called raxa solimán. with these two chiefs were drawn up articles of peace, although raxa soliman was suspected of lack of good-faith, while laya was always to be trusted, even until the day of his death. while these peaceful negotiations were in progress between the master-of-camp and the two chiefs above-mentioned, there collected a large number of natives of various classes; and yet there were not so many a» was reported in nueva españa, where it was claimed that there were in all eighty thousand moros in this village of manilla, when this event took place. indeed one should subtract seventy-eight thousand from the eighty thousand mentioned, in order to arrive at the two thousand which there might have been from the said village of manilla and those in its environs, including the women and children, who were present in great numbers. now, as i say, these negotiations being in progress, some of the natives desired peace and others war; for indeed the indians had some pride, and it seemed to them that the spaniards were very few and could be easily slain, even if only with clubs. thus it was that, at the end of three days during which these friendly negotiations continued (because it was impossible to come to an agreement, or conclude them), one day at ten o'clock, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of may of the year above mentioned, the indians, who were in the fort, began to discharge their artillery at two of our ships, which were moored very near by. the master-of-camp was ashore with eighty soldiers, close to this same fort, on a small piece of level ground. the fort was made of palm-tree logs surmounting a very narrow mound, and the pieces of artillery protruded from immense gaps by which the soldiers could enter at will, as i have said above. now when the moros began to violate the articles of peace and friendship which the master-of-camp had made with them, the latter was deeply concerned; for he had great fear, because the enemy were in force. yet, when he saw that the battle had broken out, he put on his helmet, and commenced to encourage his soldiers, telling them that they should acquit themselves as spaniards, and as they had always done in critical times. thereupon he ordered them to attack the fort through the openings made for the artillery, and it pleased god that not one of the gunners had the courage to fire his piece; and so great was the confusion, that they trembled upon seeing the spaniards enter with so great spirit, and, turning their backs, abandoned themselves to flight, and slew one another in their mad rush for freedom. the master-of-camp, realizing that the village was large and rich, and that the victory was his by the grace of god, for the soldiers were few, feared lest our soldiers should, through greed, set to plundering the houses and become widely scattered; and that, if the enemy should see them thus scattered, they would return and attack them when unable to reunite. that he might avoid this danger he ordered the village to be set on fire, and the soldiers to collect upon the promontory, which order was obeyed. in this manner, as related, it befell the master-of-camp, and the victory was obtained over those of manilla. the artillery which they possessed, and which i have mentioned above--namely, ten or twelve medium-sized pieces and a few culverins--was taken. on the other bank there was a village, whose chief was named alcandora, with whom the master-of-camp did not wish to deal as yet, for he knew that the governor desired to establish a settlement in this island. therefore, as he desired that this chief should stay where he was and do him no injury, he left him and returned to the island of panay, making peace and friendship, on the way, with many villages on this same island of luzón. upon reaching the island of mindoro, and being in a river which is called vaco, news came to him that juan de la ysla had arrived from nueva españa with three ships sent by the viceroy, don martín enrríquez, and with the letters which the said juan de la ysla was bringing from españa from his majesty. news was received likewise of the payments of money which were being made to the soldiers in the service of his majesty in these regions. there also came on these ships the most reverend father diego de herrera, a member of the order of st. augustine, who had gone hence a year before to nueva españa, on business which pertained to the public welfare and to the service of god and his majesty. the master-of-camp, having received the news as to these ships, made haste and arrived in the middle of the month of june at the river of panay, where the governor was. he was well received by the governor and by all, although it grieved the governor much that they had burned manilla, for he had planned to take up his residence in this village of manilla, as he afterward did. according to the story told by those who were present, it does not seem that the master-of-camp was at fault in the burning of this village; for he did it in order to make sure of the victory, and so that the enemy might not return to attack him. this is my opinion, for i regard him as a good christian. laying aside this question, i shall relate the doings of the governor. the ships having arrived at the said island of panay, orders were given for all the other captains who were scattered with their companies through the other islands to assemble. the papers and letters of his majesty were opened, and it was seen that it was his will for the lands to be settled and divided among those who conquered and subdued them. other and greater favors were conferred by his majesty, who has always striven and will always strive that our lord should be served. the will of his majesty having thus been revealed to the governor, he determined to go to found a colony on the island of cubu, which he did, naming it el nombre de jesús. he left this colony populated by forty or fifty colonists, giving them some villages and islands in the immediate environs. from that island he returned to the above-named island of panay, whence he decided to sail, with the rest of his men and all his munitions of war, to the island of luzón. he was detained here, however, for five or six months, during which time the people suffered great distress from the lack of rice in the island, because of the swarms of locusts which had prevailed for two or three years. therefore the father provincial preached to us each day, and strongly urged the governor, in all his public sermons and private conversations, that he should depart from this island and not permit the people to suffer so great distress. therefore, influenced by the prayers and warnings of the said father, and because he saw that there was reason therefor, he decided to sail out of the said river of panay with all his fleet and army, to settle the island of luzón. accompanied by the ships necessary for such an expedition, the governor set sail in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on the day after easter, taking with him the father provincial, fray diego de herrera, the master-of-camp and all the other captains, and two hundred and thirty arquebusiers. it was on the twentieth of the month that he set sail, and with fair weather he arrived at the island of mindoro with his whole fleet of twenty-six or twenty-seven ships, large and small, including both our own and those of the natives who came with us. he remained on that island fifteen or sixteen days, and from thence set out for the island of luzón, where we arrived a week later, at the bay which i have before mentioned and on which manilla is situated. when the natives knew that the governor had come with his entire force to settle upon their lands, and when they saw him entering the bay, they set fire to their village of manilla (which they had rebuilt after its burning, a year before, by the master-of-camp); and this time many of the houses were consumed and many remained standing, while the natives crossed to the opposite shore, to the village of alcandora. the governor having arrived at the port of manylla one day in the middle of the month of may, at two o'clock in the afternoon, alcandora came out in a little boat to welcome him in peace and friendship, and speak to him on behalf of raxa solimán and laya, begging that he would treat them with friendship, and pardon them for having taken up arms the past year against the master-of-camp. he said that on the following day they would come, under safe conduct from him, to talk with him and make peace. the governor received him very well, and told him through an interpreter to retire for the night to his house and to come on the next day with the two raxas, saying that he would make peace with the latter, and would treat them as sons; for he had no ill-feeling toward them, but rather regretted that they had resisted the master-of-camp. thus with these assurances, alcandora took his leave, going to his house greatly pleased. the next day the governor disembarked in manilla and the three chiefs came to talk with him and declare themselves his friends. it should not be understood in nueva españa or in españa that the chiefs in this land are absolute rulers, or that they have great authority or power. rather the very opposite is true, for there exist among them the most primitive conditions to be found in any race. it often befalls that in one village, however small it may be, there are five, six, or ten chiefs, each of whom possesses twenty or thirty slaves, whom he has the power to sell, or treat as he pleases. others there are who are called _timaguas_ (that is to say, freemen), over whom the chiefs have no power--except that the timaguas are under obligation to follow their own chief when war arises between the different factions; and even this service is not compulsory and cannot be obtained by force. as i have said, there prevails among them the utmost rudeness and lack of harmony; so that if one says "basket," the other responds "crossbow." he who has the most gold and riches is the greatest chief and of the highest nobility, and is the most respected, in accordance with the vanity and vainglory of this world. it occurs to me now that this is borne out by the proverb current among the spaniards, namely, "dost thou wish to know thy value? see what thou hast." these three chiefs, having become our friends, offered to bring all the surrounding country to terms of peace with us, a thing which they did not succeed in accomplishing, for they were not sufficiently powerful, as i have said, each village having its own chiefs. indeed there are but very few chiefs who have authority over as many as two or three villages, for the reason which i have given above. the character and customs of these people, and their clothing, ornaments, and mode of government i shall describe further on--that is to say, of the people of this island of luzon and of the other islands round about. as for those farther away in china, we are informed by those who come from there to trade with these islands that they are a cleanly, well-clothed race, and of higher morals. this is worthy of some belief, on account of the chinese who come to these islands to trade, and whom we see walking about, well and decently clothed. leaving this subject for its proper time and place, i shall continue to relate the governor's actions after disembarking in manilla, on the sixteenth of may of the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one. at the end of a week he published an edict that, in accordance with the command of his majesty, he would give lands and _repartimientos_ to those who desired to settle in the city of manilla, which he was founding in the name of his majesty. accordingly, all those who came with him, captains, soldiers, and gentlemen, settled as citizens in this city; but up to the present, and it is now about a year since the city was founded, there are very few who have _repartimientos_ or even homesteads. this is, as i have said, a very unsatisfactory manner in which this city was founded and settled. i shall now return to relate briefly the war with the natives, which the spaniards have carried on even to the present day. all that i have above related having taken place, it was decided to make peace with the nearest villages, some of whom had come to beg it from the governor, and others would not. among those who would not come was a village called butas, situated on an inlet on the other side of the river flowing past manilla, and about a league and a half away. this village, uniting with the others near by, sent word that they did not wish peace or friendship with the governor; and had the boldness to come as far as the village of alcandora, quite close to manilla, whence they sent defiance to the governor and the captains. having endured this a number of times and having made offers of peace, it finally became impossible to endure such insolence; and the governor had to send the master-of-camp, with seventy soldiers and several native leaders, by sea to fight with those indians at their village, where they were waiting with twenty or thirty of their boats, with one or two culverins in each boat. he set out (after having heard mass) on the day of the feast of the holy ghost, which was the third of the month of june in the year above mentioned. the master-of-camp, having embarked with the soldiers, arrived at the place where the enemy were assembled at twelve o'clock on that day. when they saw that he was entering the port, they sailed out to attack him with their boats (which were, as i said, twenty or thirty in number), and with a great outcry began to fire their culverins and many arrows. it was god's will that they caused no injury to our forces. taking note of the order used by the enemy, the command was given for the spaniards to fasten their boats by twos, and to row slowly toward the opposing forces. when they were in close proximity, all the arquebusiers began to shoot and to cause injuries among the enemy--who, not being able to endure the firing, which killed many of them, began to turn their backs and retreat to the land. when the pintados indians who accompanied the master-of-camp saw the enemy in retreat, they threw themselves into the water in pursuit, and caused great slaughter among them; for they are bitter enemies of the natives of this island of luzón. and thus they attacked them on land, capturing all their boats and taking two hundred of the natives prisoners; and later they captured two or three hundred more. on the land there were five or six culverins in a little fort, which was captured. in this manner were routed those indians, who had shown so much pride and had so little courage. on the morning of the next day the master-of-camp came to the city with all the booty, and divided the prisoners as slaves among the soldiers, reserving a fifth for his majesty. a few days having passed in peace and rest, there came certain indians who told the governor that in the province of capanpanga there were many densely-populated rivers; and that most of the people thereon did not desire to have friendly relations with the spaniards. the master-of-camp had to go therefore upon this conquest with one hundred soldiers. when he had entered the said province, some of the natives retired to forts which they had built, and tried to resist him. he routed them, and took from them some culverins in their possession and they were left pacified. while he was subjugating this province, there came news that two ships had arrived from nueva españa, sent by the viceroy don martín enrriquez, with a reënforcement of one hundred soldiers, under the captaincy of juan lópez de aguirre. the governor thereupon ordered the master-of-camp to go to panay, to send the said ships to this port of manilla, and to bring back his wife, who was in çubú. in consideration of this service the first _repartimiento_ in this island and a river called bonbón was allotted to him. at this same time of which we have spoken, there came down from up the river which flows by manilla, several chiefs of a village named caynta, to proclaim themselves friends of the governor. this said village had about a thousand inhabitants, and was surrounded by very tall and very dense bamboo thickets, and fortified with a wall and a few small culverins. the same river as that of manilla circles around the village and a branch of it passes through the middle dividing it in two sections. now when they had made their declarations of friendship to the spaniards, and saw our situation and condition in manilla, they came to think lightly of us; and, after their departure to their village, sent word that they did not care to be friends, but would rather fight with the governor and his men. they said that, if the spaniards would come up the river for this purpose, they would see how the people of caynta would hurl them from their lands. the governor gave them a month or two to return to their allegiance, and sent certain friendly indians to treat with them; but no conclusion could be reached until the governor sent his nephew juan de sauzedo with one hundred soldiers to conquer them, or rather to destroy them. during this interim there arrived the two ships coming from nueva españa, which had been lying in port in the island of panay. i have already told above how the master-of-camp had gone to order them to come to this port of manilla. on the fifteenth of august, the day of the assumption of our lady, they arrived; and on the same day captain juan de sauzedo embarked in a galley, with his hundred soldiers and three pieces of heavy artillery, to go to the fort of caynta. he ascended the river for three days before he reached the fort. after his arrival, the captain, following out the orders of the governor, waited three days longer, summoning them to return to the terms of peace and friendship with the spaniards which had been arranged with the governor at manilla. the ill-fated creatures were intractable, on account of the confidence which they had in their miserable fort; and for response told the captain that they desired to fight. they called upon their hearers as witnesses of the fact, saying that on the day of the battle it would be seen that their god was better than the one worshiped by the castilians. this latter statement was shown to be a falsehood; for god our lord was vindicated, and they and their demons, whom they call gods, and worship, were proved liars. thus on the third day, when the period set for summoning them had passed, the captain prepared his men; and, leaving the galley and the three pieces of artillery in a bend in the river with sufficient men, made a detour with the rest, and, on the side where the fort appeared the weakest, they entered. as they were entering, the enemy killed two men with a very small culverin which they had; and another man they pierced through his coat of mail and all with a lance of fire-hardened palm-wood, so that there were three dead. i have already said at the beginning of this relation that the lances of palm-wood are harder than iron. the fort having been entered, as i have told, the enemy made no resistance after the spaniards were within. whoever was able to flee to save his life fled, and of the indians there were slain, men and women, four hundred persons. the rest who had escaped came thereupon, and made terms of peace and friendship. the fort and all the bamboo thickets surrounding it were destroyed, and the people are today very humble and submissive. there were found in this fort but four culverins. their having artillery, and the source of their knowledge of casting it, i shall state in a few words, for i forgot to do so at the beginning. according to the natives of the province of capanpanga and manilla, there were two spaniards, from the first fleets which came to this land, who had been captives among them. one of these was a fleming, the other a vizcayan; and from them they learned to cast artillery. i do not affirm this, although, as i say, the natives make this assertion. i am inclined rather to the belief that they have learned it from the moros of burney, with whom they had dealings. the fort of caynta was destroyed, as i have related. this fort or village was very near a great lake of fresh water located about four leagues from the city of manylla. it was reputed to be very large and thickly populated along the shores; but it is not one tenth so thickly populated as they say. with regard to the lake, i shall state what it is like, for i have gone all around it afoot, and seeing gives authority. it is more than twelve leagues long and two wide, and is fresh. its freshness is caused by the fact that a great number of streams enter it, and only two flow from it; and for this reason also it is very deep, because much water enters and there is but little outflow. the villages about this lake, containing about twenty-four or twenty-six thousand men, were pacified by the captain juan de sauzedo. from here the latter crossed with sixty men to the opposite coast of this island, in quest of some mines which the natives had told him were very rich and abounding in gold. the galley was left in the lake above mentioned. these mines are on the opposite coast of this island, which is the northeastern, and the natives call them the mines of paracali. [44] when the captain had arrived at the mines with his soldiers, who had suffered much on the march because it was in the wet season, they found them excellent and very rich, and more than thirty or forty estados in depth. the natives were afraid and did not await the coming of the spaniards. some of the soldiers complained also that the captain conducted himself badly. and thus they returned having lost by death four soldiers, among whom was the sergeant juan ramos, newly come to this land. i believe, according to reports, that possession of these mines will be taken, and the whole coast thereabout conquered--for it is a very rich land--if our lord will it and give his divine sanction thereto, for here we are gaining little profit. i have told above how the master-of-camp had gone to cubú for his wife; arriving there, he returned with her to this city. there was a river in the province of capanpanga, named vites, the inhabitants of which refused to be friends of the spaniards; they were reputed to be very powerful. the master-of-camp had to take upon this expedition one hundred and fifty soldiers, and was accompanied by a native guide from the same river who was an indian chief hostile to the natives of vites. this man had come to the spaniards with the offer to conduct them into vites in perfect safety, without any danger whatever; and this he did, getting the master-of-camp and the hundred and fifty soldiers with him into the place. when the natives saw the spaniards so safely within their gates and at their fort, they surrendered themselves in peace and friendship and destroyed their fort. all the other villages round about came to offer their friendship; and thus we gained possession of this stronghold, which, by reason of the reports of the natives, was regarded as somewhat dangerous--but there was no more resistance experienced from it than what i have related. with this expedition was ended the last of the wars which have been waged in this island and in that of mindoro, the most important being written in this relation. i shall now give my attention to the treatment of certain facts with regard to the natives of this land, simply telling their manner of living, dressing, and dealing with one another. i shall describe a few things which i have seen as to the idols worshiped by them, and shall not enlarge upon other details. in the first place, the men are of medium size, and dark. they wear their hair clipped short, like the spaniards. they wear a little cloth headdress and a small piece of cloth to conceal their private parts. from the belt upward, some wear a short doublet of coarse material, with half-sleeves and open in front. there is no manner of footwear. among them the manner of dress and ornamentation is very indecent. the women are exceedingly ugly and most indecent. they clothe themselves with a piece of cloth hanging down from the belt, and a very small doublet, so that their bellies are left exposed. they can only be compared to mares glutted with hay. they have no personality or rank whatever, and eat and drink most vulgarly. there is no difference between the chief and his slave, or between the slave and his master, in the matter of eating and drinking. as for their sacrifices, each one of the natives, so far as i have seen, has in his house many idols, to whom they pray. they call god, _batala_, and the chief idol which they have is thus named; but others call him _diobata_ [45]--at least among the pintados they give him this name. the natives of this island usually call him batala, and even consider him god of all creation. accordingly, after the religious came to this land and commenced to preach the faith of jesus christ, and to baptize, the natives have not known how to give any other name in their language to god our lord, except that of batala. they are people easily converted to the faith, and in the short time while those religious have been in this island, they have gathered much fruit and have baptized many people--men, women and children, who have all been baptized without any chief or native indian of this land denying our faith. quite to the contrary, if they are questioned in regard to it, and preached to about it, they say that it is very sacred and very good. returning to the discussion of the way in which they conduct their feasts, it is as follows. when any chief is ill, he invites his kindred and orders a great meal to be prepared, consisting of fish, meat, and wine. when the guests are all assembled and the feast set forth in a few plates on the ground inside the house, they seat themselves also on the ground to eat. in the midst of the feast (called _manganito_ or _baylán_ in their tongue), they put the idol called batala and certain aged women who are considered as priestesses, and some aged indians--neither more nor less. they offer the idol some of the food which they are eating, and call upon him in their tongue, praying to him for the health of the sick man for whom the feast is held. the natives of these islands have no altars nor temples whatever. this _manganito_, or drunken revel, to give it a better name, usually lasts seven or eight days; and when it is finished they take the idols and put them in the corners of the house, and keep them there without showing them any reverence. as i have said, they all, from the least to the greatest, eat and drink to the point of losing their senses. in the villages nearest the sea some do not eat pork, the reason for their not eating it, which i have already given, being that, in trading with the moros of burney, the latter have preached to them some part of the nefarious doctrine of mahoma, charging them not to eat pork. in this they act most childishly, and when, by chance any of them are asked why they do not eat it, they say that they do not know why; and if one asks them who mahoma was and what his law commands, they say that they do not know the commandment or anything about mahoma, not even his name; nor do they know what his law is, nor whence it came. it is true that some of them who have been in burney understand some of it, and are able to read a few words of the alcorán; but these are very few, and believe that he who has not been in burney may eat pork, as i have heard many of them say. they swear by the sun and by the moon, and all the islands have this oath in common--a fact that i have noticed since our coming to this land. it does not seem to me that they are accustomed to worship animals, stars, clouds, or other things which many idolatrous pagans are wont to adore. i believe, nevertheless, that they have many other customs with regard to sacrifices and witchcraft, for they actually practice these; but there is little advantage in wasting the time or burdening the mind therewith, for any rational person will be able to understand sufficiently the rest after reading what is herein written. among them, up to the present day, i have not observed any sin against nature, which is saying a great deal of so uncivilized a race; yet with regard to their treatment of women, they are so vicious and licentious that any race whatever might excel them, and this is no insignificant evil and sin. their custom in taking wives is the following. whoever is the richest and has the most gold also has the most wives, and offends most god. there is a law among these natives which is not bad--namely, that however many wives a man has, among them all he regards one as his legitimate wife; and if, when he dies, he has no children by this woman, the children of the others do not inherit. in illustration of the truth of this, one may cite the death of laya, whom i have already mentioned. when this man died, a christian, he had no children by his legitimate wife, and although he had many by his other wives, they did not inherit; therefore his property descended to a legitimate nephew of his. it is true, however, that the bastard children may deprive them of their property. i have above shown the characteristics and mode of government among these natives. they do not care to know more than that they are indians, like all the other indians. the chiefs are but slightly distinguished in dress from the slaves and freemen. both women and men wear anklets of gold, and bracelets upon their arms. in regard to the wars waged between them and the spaniards hitherto, i have already told the principal exploits of captains and soldiers among them. i have already designated the captains who have achieved the most noted deeds in this conquest; and nothing further will be found. if it were necessary to give proof by calling upon all who are in this land, i would be ready to do that. as to what has taken place among the pintados and among the portuguese, my relation does not concern itself therewith; but i claim that the most important events which have occurred on these islands, touching the relations between the natives and the spaniards, are those related and declared by me. as for the portuguese, i shall say only that the spaniards have shown great fidelity and bravery in the service of his majesty, although they never came to a hand-to-hand struggle with the portuguese--except in a few ambuscades, where they took some captives, as has been written at great length by many chroniclers who live here. may god grant that they write the truth; for, as far as i can learn, very little credit can be given them except in the case of father fray diego de herrera and fray martín de herrada, who, being religious and strongly attached to the service of god and the public good, will write the whole truth; and yet i do not believe that they will interest themselves in secular affairs. now that i have written the customs and practices of the natives of these islands, i shall make a few remarks on the indians of china, for i had begun to state them before. i said that they come to trade with the natives and the spaniards of this island of luzón as well as to all the islands in this region, to import and sell silk stuffs, very good cotton robes, and other small articles, very neat and similar in make and style to those worn by them. as i began to say above, both men and women are vigorous and light complexioned. i say women, for some are to be found living in this island of luzón. these chinese live among these natives because they have fled from their own country, on account of certain events which took place there. they brought their wives with them; all of them, both men and women, number about one hundred and fifty. they became christians after coming here. they are a very unassuming and modest people; they clothe themselves with long robes of cotton cloth and with silk. they wear wide breeches, and sleeves and stockings, like the spaniards. they are a very ingenious and cleanly people. this, is in brief what we have seen. they wear their hair very long, men as well as women, tied up and well arranged upon their heads. i have treated thus far of various matters; i come now to speak of the fertility of these islands, of what is gathered and sown in them, mainly with regard to those in which i have been. the island of mindanao is very large and poorly populated, at least in the part in which i have been, which is from the river of butuan to the cape of calamita, about eighty leagues along the coast. it is an extremely rough country. the natives there obtain very pure gold, for the mines are numerous and very rich. the cape of caahuite, located in this island, and where cinnamon is gathered, lies in five degrees of latitude, and is toward the southeast. it is a very unhealthy country. as i remarked above, i have been at that cape. from the cape to the river grande de mindanao, the distance is about sixty leagues. we were very near this river of mindanao with the small boat of the flagship which was lost in the ladrones. up to the present day none of the spaniards of our number who were in that ship, have been in that river. near this cape there is an island called taguima, [46] and between the island and the said cape the vessels of the portuguese pass on their way to maluco for cloves. therefore if the king our lord take maluco for his own (for people say that his majesty has a right to it), the ships sent out will be able to carry out two commissions in one voyage, taking on a cargo of cloves and of cinnamon, for maluco lies in the course, and is a very good port, where they must of necessity touch. i have called attention to what i have seen in this island. finally, i shall now speak of all the others which are on terms of peace, at least as far as concerns those where the spaniards have been. the second is the island of negros, which is absolutely peaceful. it contains about twenty thousand inhabitants, and is divided among the spaniards who remained in çubú. there are said to be gold mines there. next is the said island of çubú, which is poorly populated. between these three islands there are many insignificant islets, some of them inhabited and some not. these i shall not mention, in order to avoid prolixity, but in all of them there are mines. farther to the northwest from çubú are baybay, bayugo, abuyo, cavalian, tandaya, barciogama, and other islets, among these which i have mentioned. they are divided among the same citizens of çubú. very few of them have peaceable inhabitants. with them as with the others, it is best to bring about peace in these islands. rice, cotton, great numbers of swine and fowls, wax, and honey are produced there in great abundance. there are many mines, as has been shown, and the natives say that they are well populated. there is gold in all of these islands; but the most important thing is wanting, spanish people to colonize them. there remains to the west the island of panay, which was very populous and fertile, and yielded great abundance of rice, swine, fowls, wax, and honey. the natives say that there are gold mines in this island; and, since they say it, it must be true. the gold found there is very pure. when the governor was in that island there fell upon it--because of our sins and those of the natives, or god knows what--an extremely great plague of locusts, which has lasted three years and still continues. no field is sown which they do not destroy. a great famine and pestilence have sprung up among the natives of that island, so that more than half of them have died; and they will continue to die until god our lord is pleased to remove his anger from over it. from that island to the island of luzón it is about sixty leagues, and in the course is that of mindoro. this is an island where much wax and honey is produced. it contains many gold mines, and rivers where gold is gathered. i have been all about it; on the farther coast, which is to the south, it is well populated, while on the northern coast is the village called mindoro, as well as other thickly-populated rivers. those who have not seen it or set foot upon it say that it contains about eight thousand men. i shall dare to affirm from what i have seen of it that it has more than fifteen thousand. it is very near the island of luzón. between this island and the others above named, lie many small islets, which are friendly, although they have but small populations. as i say, next is the island of luzón, where the governor resides now, and which was settled in the manner above related. this island is thickly populated and large. the greater and better part of it is still to be conquered, i would say from what i have seen of the villages and land. it does not seem to me that there will be any more resistance from any of them when they learn of the advantages of friendship with the spaniards; for they have already been informed of the way in which those are treated who resist. to the present time, all that has been explored in this island is about fifty or sixty leagues along the coast from manilla to yvalón, [47] which is the landing-place for the ships sailing to nueva spaña. on the farther coast, to the north, nothing is explored except the mines of paracali, which were discovered by captain juan de sauzedo when crossing from manilla to the other sea with sixty men, as i have told above. near these mines there is a large and thickly-populated river called bico. [48] according to the reports of the natives, all of it is thickly populated. this island extends a long distance from manilla toward the west. toward the south is a province called yloquio, which is said to be very rich in gold mines; but the spaniards have not seen it as yet. the natives have not been able to say how far this island extends in longitude. i have already said that all of it is thickly populated, and that it has a great abundance of rice, fowls, and swine, as well as great numbers of buffaloes, deer, wild boars, and goats; it also produces great quantities of cotton and colored cloths, wax, and honey; and date palms abound. in conclusion, it is very well supplied with all the things above mentioned, and many others which i shall not enumerate. it is the largest island which has thus far been discovered in these regions. as i say, it is well populated and very rich in gold mines. there is much trade with china. that part of it which has thus far been conquered and pacified, the governor has begun to allot to the conquerors. i could write many other things about this land, and the conditions existing in it; but i omit them, in order to avoid prolixity. therefore i bring the present relation to a close, to the honor and glory of our lord jesus christ, the one and everlasting god, father, son, and holy spirit, and of the glorious virgin mary, our lady, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-two, in this city of manilla, on the twentieth day of the month of april. foundation of the city of manila i, hernando riquel, notary-in-chief and governmental notary for his majesty in these islands of the west, do hereby certify most solemnly, to whomsoever shall see this present, that the most illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general in these said islands, gave the title of city to this colony of manila, on the third day of the month of june of the past year, seventy-one; and on the twenty-fourth day of the same month and year, which was st. john's day, he appointed two _alcaldes_ in ordinary, one _alguacil-mayor_, and twelve _regidores_; and on the day following he appointed one notary for the _cabildo_ and two notaries public for the court of the said _alcaldes_, [49] as is set forth in greater detail, and appears by the list of the said appointments, which are in my possession. therefore, that this might be manifest, i have been ordered by the aforesaid governor to draw up the present document; which is done in the said city of manilla, on the nineteenth day of the month of june, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-two. _fernando riquel_ [_endorsed_: "june 19, 1572. copy of the [notarial record of the] bestowal on manilla of the title of city, and the establishment of alcaldes and regidores." _and, in another hand_: "for the first article of the 7th, consult the viceroy."] documents of 1573 expenses of expedition to western islands, 1569-72. melchior de legazpi; march 2. affairs in the philippines, after the death of legazpi. guido de lavezaris; june 29. relation of the western islands, called filipinas. diego de artieda. letter from the viceroy of new spain to felipe ii. martin enriquez; december 5. _sources_: the first two documents are from mss. in the archivo de indias at sevilla; the third, from a ms. in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid, collated with another copy at sevilla; the fourth is taken from _cartas de indias_ (madrid, 1877). _translations_: the first document is translated by james a. robertson; the second, by arthur b. myrick; the third, by alfonso de salvio; the fourth, by francis w. snow. expenses incurred for the expedition to the western islands 1569-72 i, melchior de legazpi, chief accountant for his majesty in this nueva españa, hereby certify that from the original books and orders for payment pertaining to his royal accountancy, now in my possession, it appears that from the twelfth of february of the year five hundred and sixty-nine--when the _alcalde_ bernardino de albornoz entered upon his duties as royal treasurer in this nueva españa--until the end of december in the year five hundred and seventy-two, there has been audited and paid from his royal chest (the three keys of which are in charge of the treasurer of the royal estate) the sum of three hundred and twelve thousand one hundred and seventy-six _pesos_, seven _tomines_, and eight grains of common gold, each _peso_ of the value of eight _reals_. [50] this sum includes whatever pertains to the expedition of the western islands--for the crews and outfits of the royal ships that were built to send aid to the said islands; the tackle, food, and necessary armament for the said ships; the wages of the soldiers and mariners sailing therein, besides the wages of the sailors who have been serving in that capacity in the said western islands since before the years above mentioned, and those of other men; the furnishing of provisions to those who for the said time have been engaged in the work of preparing and despatching the said vessels; and the gunpowder, artillery, military supplies, and other necessary articles sent in the vessels to his majesty's camp, established in the said islands in his royal name. all this is as set forth in detail in the said books of his majesty's accountancy, to which i refer. in certification of the above, and in order that by the same it may be manifest, i give the present--by command of the most excellent don martin enrriquez, viceroy, governor, and captain-general for his majesty in this nueva españa--in duplicate, in mexico, on the second day of march in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-three. _melchior de legazpi_ [_endorsed_: "expenses incurred by the royal estate for the expedition to the western islands in the years dlxjx. lxx. lxxij."] affairs in the philippines after the death of legazpi sacred catholic royal majesty: when i came to these islands in company with the general miguel lopez de legazpi, i gave your majesty an account of the events of the expedition. since then i have not done so, understanding that the governor sent word by every ship, as was proper, how affairs were going here. now was our lord pleased to take him from this life, and i, being treasurer of the royal exchequer, succeeded him in the office by a royal provision, emanating from the royal _audiencia_ of nueva españa. to make myself better understood, your majesty perhaps knows that in the year forty-two, i came to these regions as accountant, with general villalobos, who sailed from nueva españa, sent out by the viceroy don antonio de mendoça. i was in the maluco islands, and went thence to yndia and from there to españa and nueva españa, to inform your viceroy of the success of the expedition. i brought with me from yndia the ginger root, which has grown so well in nueva españa. don antonio de mendoca sent me to españa to inform your majesty of the proceedings that should be taken in this discovery. after that mission, i returned with your majesty's despatch to nueva españa, where they were commencing to build the ships and fleet in which general miguel lopez de legazpi came for the discovery of these islands. in his company, i passed thither, for the second time, in the year sixty-four--serving your majesty as treasurer of your royal exchequer until, as i have said, miguel lopez died, on the twentieth of august in last year, seventy-two. in a chest was found the royal decree, by which, in your majesty's name, he enjoyed and exercised his office as governor and captain-general. before his death, the said miguel lopez had founded, on the island of cubu, where we first resided, a city called el santisimo nombre de jesús ["the most holy name of jesus,"] because of an image of the child jesus that we found there. here in this island of luçon, he founded the city of manilla, where from that time until his death he resided, with all his people. he had commenced to levy taxes, and was assigning _repartimientos_ in the islands and towns that were being pacified; and i am now doing the same. this island of lucon is large and well populated. the greater part of it has been explored and reduced to your majesty's service. on account of the lack of men, and the little time that we have spent here, we have not been able to investigate everything. the land contains many rich gold mines. the natives in general acquire, possess, and trade great quantities of gold. the country abounds in provisions--rice, wine, fish, hogs, castilian fowls, and wild buffaloes; in short, it is so well provided that it can maintain many spanish settlements, which will produce good fruit, both spiritual and temporal. ships from china come to trade at many ports of this island. it is understood as certain that the mainland is very near us, less than two hundred leagues; so that, if we are reënforced, i hope in our lord that much fruit and service will result to god and your majesty. for reënforcements have come to this island so slowly that, in eight years, only seven hundred soldiers have arrived; and, moreover, when some arrive others are dead as a result of the hardships and distress that have been encountered. nevertheless, our lord indeed be praised for having given us, now and in the future, greater repose in a larger land. of the natives of this island, some are moros and mahometans, especially those living near the coast. those in the interior are pagans. their arms are numerous and good, namely: culverins, large and small; lances, daggers, and arrows poisoned with herbs. they wear corselets of buffalo-hide and of twisted and knotted rope, and carry shields or bucklers. they are accustomed to fortify themselves in strong positions, where they mount their artillery and archery, surrounding them outside with ditches full of water, so that they seem very strong. but our lord (who assists us, because his holy faith is at stake) has always given us the victory, to his and your majesty's honor and glory. the chinese have come here on trading expeditions, since our arrival, for we have always tried to treat them well. therefore during the two years that we have spent on this island, they have come in greater numbers each year, and with more ships; and they come earlier than they used to, so that their trade is assured to us. those that come here are, like the people of this land, almost naked, on account of the hot climate. they do not bring to sell the silks and beautiful things that they take to malaca. they say that, if there were any one to buy them, they would bring all we wanted; and so, since trading with the spaniards, they bring each year better and much richer wares. if merchants would come from nueva españa, they might enrich themselves, and increase the royal customs in these parts--both through trade and through the mines, the richness and number of which are well-known to us. your majesty knows how antagonistic the portuguese are in everything here. when they can do us no harm in their own persons, they try to do so through others. last year chinese vessels came to this city to trade and told us how the portuguese haa asked them not to trade with us, because we were robbers and came to steal and commit other depredations, so that these people wonder not a little if this be true. as the treatment accorded to the chinese neutralizes these reports, more vessels came this year than last, and each year more will come. i advise your majesty of this, because it is better to have certain peace or open war with the portuguese, and not to be uncertain, and not to have them trying to harm us at a distance. every year we are disturbed by fears of their coming. this year i had news from moro merchants, who came from the island of borney, that last year their king had collected a large fleet to descend upon us. after having embarked, he gave up for the time the voyage because of the severe storms; but gave out that he would return this year and bring the portuguese with him. i exerted myself to get together the spaniards, who were pacifying these islands and had the island of borney reconnoitred in two parts, by oared vessels of the sort that the natives use. i instructed them that if they could get any of the moros from borney, they should bring them, in order to get at the truth; and so they did. the people whom i sent for this purpose arrived near borney, and because they did not dare bring small boats near the island itself, they halted about eight leagues from it, and captured six moros. by these i was informed that the coming of the king of borney was uncertain, and that he lives in great privacy and prudence, keeping himself informed about us. with the people that i sent for this purpose was a pilot, who had mapped the islands and lands that he saw on the way. he said that it was about two hundred leagues to the west from here to borney. with this relation i send your majesty the map of this island, and of those near borney and china. last year, seventy-two, the governor miguel lopez despatched two ships to nueva españa a few days before his death; but, as it was late when they started, and the weather bad, they could not that year make the voyage. they came back, therefore, much disabled and disordered. after the death of the governor, who had made liberal provision for their repair and [the ms. is torn here] rigging and pitch, which it has been no little trouble to find. this year, therefore, god willing, three ships will go, so that they may not for lack of vessels neglect to send reënforcements. since the death of the governor, miguel lopez, i have had made from the gold that has been brought and given by the natives as tribute and service, some jewels, which i send to your royal majesty and to the queen our mistress, with some specimens of the articles brought by the chinese. these two ships now carry one hundred and thirty-six marcos [51] of gold, just as it was obtained from the natives who gave it as tribute. i hope in our lord, that henceforth your majesty will be better served with the first fruits of this land. i am also sending to nueva españa three hundred and seventy-two _quintals_ of cinnamon, which i had brought from the island of vindanao, where there is a great quantity of it. there is no longer any necessity for the portuguese to export hereafter any more cinnamon into your majesty's kingdoms and seigniories; because a greater quantity can be brought from these districts than can be sold in europe, if ships are supplied. i am sending also to nueva españa shoots of the cinnamon and pepper trees, so that they may be planted there and benefit your majesty. i have also sent previously a tamarind tree, and have been informed that it is already bearing fruit in nueva españa. i have tried to have some rigging for the ships made on this island, because what is brought from nueva españa is completely rotten and useless, and for want of rigging the vessels have many times been unable to sail. god has been pleased that we should succeed in our endeavors--a thing that will be of great service in the despatching of the fleets that your majesty will cause to be constructed here. i have also procured pitch for the same purpose; and, although there is not much of it, what has been discovered will be of great assistance. the baptism of the natives steadily continues, and they are being received into our holy faith and religion. i hope in our lord that the spiritual and temporal good will continue to increase day by day, to the glory of our lord and to your majesty's honor. it will conduce much to the conversion of these natives to have some religious of the society of jesus, and friars of the order of st. francis, come to these districts; because it has a most edifying influence upon the covetous disposition of these barbarians, to see that those fathers do not receive or have anything to do with money--which will be a good example for them. may your majesty provide in this regard according to your pleasure, for it would certainly greatly rejoice everyone to see those holy people here. as the labors that have been endured and are being endured in this expedition are prolonged and heavy, it has happened that many of the _encomenderos_ [52] to whom _repartimientos_ were given have died. understanding that it will be for the good of your majesty's service, i have reapportioned and am reapportioning the indians, as is done in gautemala and other parts of the indies. i beg your majesty to favor this and send confirmation of it, because in no other way can this island be maintained for the present. i send to beg your majesty to grant me favor regarding certain petitions made in my own name. i am confident of receiving this as from a lord and prince so magnanimous that he will take into account that i have busied myself almost all my life in your royal service. so also those who have served your majesty in these regions send, severally and jointly, to beg your majesty to reward them, having recourse to your majesty as to a fountain of all liberality, all being confident of receiving what they ask, as they are continually receiving favors. martin de goiti has served and serves your majesty in this country in the capacity of master-of-camp. with great faith and diligence has he served, and serves, notwithstanding his age or sufferings. on the contrary, he is just as ready today to undergo hardship as he was the first day. so on account of his qualities and his experience in warlike matters and the christian spirit which he shows in all dealings with the natives, and the fidelity and truth that has always been found in him, i recommend him in general terms to the most important office in your majesty's service. i most humbly beg you that all favors may be granted him, because he is worthy and deserving of them. juan de salcedo, grandson of the governor miguel lopez, has served and serves your majesty in these districts in the capacity of captain of infantry. he is one who has exerted and does exert himself in whatever he has been commanded--not only in the conquests, discoveries, and pacification of these islands, but in everything else that has occurred and occurs from day to day in your majesty's service. in all of these, and in expeditions of great importance entrusted to him in this land, he has given a very good account of himself. he merits, and it is fitting that your majesty should resolve to grant him, some favor. in paying his grandfather's debts and for the repose of his soul, he has spent all his possessions. what the governor left was but little, and did not suffice for this, because he had spent his income in helping some poor soldiers, and in other matters of your majesty's service, and was therefore poor and needy. the governor, miguel lopez, in this city of manila appointed in your majesty's royal name certain _regidores_ to serve as long as it should be your majesty's pleasure. i did the same in the town of santísimo nombre de jesus. [53] the said governor changed the _cabildo_ of the said town at the end of the year, and i believe would have done the like in this city, had he lived; because i assure your majesty that it is a thing of great inconvenience and disturbance to have perpetual _regidores_. the _regidores_ in this city from its foundation discharged their duties little more than a year, during which time there were among them parties and factions; as a result of this, the governor, seeing certain of them maltreat or affront one of the _alcaldes_-in-ordinary in the town-hall, sent two of the said _regidores_ with the record of their trial, referred to your royal _audiencia_ in nueva españa. i removed the said _cabildo_, and appointed new _regidores_, as in the first town. and so i think it a matter very important to your majesty's service that, for the present, there should be no perpetual _regidores_ in these parts, but those who are elected annually; because in this way they will do their duties well, understanding that the office is to last but a short time. on the contrary, they will, if elected in perpetuity, become careless, as experience shows. i advise your majesty of this so that if perpetuity of these offices is demanded, you may do what seems best. after the departure of these ships if it be our lord's will, i shall continue the _repartimiento_ of this land, in those places discovered by captain juan de salcedo and the master-of-camp in this island of luzon, on the coast of yloco; for it would be impossible for this fleet to sustain itself in any other way, on account of the great privation and poverty endured in the past and present by the soldiers, especially since they are not now permitted to make raids. these were wont to be made formerly, in order to support themselves; but they proved of great harm and prejudice to the natives; and by them god our lord, and your majesty were not served. with this remedy these evils cease. everything will be done which is thought most suitable for the service of your majesty, and the support of this your camp and fleet. may our lord for many and fortunate years guard and prosper your majesty's state with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, as we, your majesty's faithful vassals, desire. manila, june 29, 1573. your sacred royal catholic majesty's faithful vassal and most humble servant, who kisses your royal feet. [54] _guido de lavezaris_ relation of the western islands called filipinas (captain artieda, who went to those islands for the king, wrote this relation.) [55] nueva españa has two ports in the south sea. that which is called acapulco is [very] good and can give shelter to many ships, no matter how large they may be; it is in seventeen and one-half degrees of north latitude. the other is called puerto de la navidad; its entrance is shallow, and it can therefore give shelter to small ships only. it is in nineteen and one-third degrees of north latitude. from whichever of these ports one goes to [any of] the western islands, the best route is to sail strictly in the latitude in which lies the island that one wishes to reach; for in the season of the _brisas_, which is the right time to make the voyage, favorable stern winds are never wanting. the season for the _brisas_ lasts from the end of october to the end of april. from the end of april to the end of october the _vendaváls_ blow, [56] which will be of help on the way back; but let it be remembered that he who wishes to return ought to take a higher degree of latitude, because there the winds will not fail him. in view of your majesty's command and orders from don luis de velasco, viceroy of nueva españa, the expedition commanded by miguel lopes de legaspi has discovered since november twenty-first, 1564, the following islands to the west, in the south sea: north-southwest from puerto de la navidad, in about ten degrees of north latitude, and at a distance of eleven hundred and twenty leagues, were found some islands running east and west. the inhabitants were dressed in a sort of cloth made of thin palm-bark. the men wore long beards, and for that reason the islands received the name of barbudos. [57] no weapons were found among them, from which we can infer that they are a peaceful people, and that they had never come into conflict with other men. they live on cocoanuts, roots, and fish. it was learned that they kept some castilian fowls. these islands may be about one hundred and seventy-five leagues from nueba españa [s: nueva guinea]. [further west by a distance of four hundred leagues lie the islands called chamurres or ladrones, which, according to report, number thirteen islands. the largest of all is not forty leagues in circumference. they are all alike in appearance, trade, and food products. i have seen but the island of guahan. their weapons consist of slings and clubs hardened in fire, which they use instead of lances. they hurl stones to so great a distance with their slings, that they are beyond range of the arquebuses. they live on rice, bananas, cocoanuts, roots, and fish. they have great quantities of ginger.] further west is the island of mindanao, with a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues. it is in its greatest measurements one hundred and forty leagues long, and sixty leagues wide. the northern promontory juts out between the two rivers of butuan and zurigan, famous for their gold, although the spaniards who went there were able to find but little--or, to be more accurate, none. according to what i have learned, all the gold mines of this island are so poor that the natives offer their labor for a gold _maes_ [58] or three reals per month. in this island cinnamon grows. i believe that, if good order be established there, we shall be able to barter for eight hundred _quintals_, and even [one thousand] [59] for a year of this article; for i was present at the barter of that which was lost with the flagship. in one month we bartered for more than six hundred _quintals_ of cinnamon at three reals per _quintal_, this money being reckoned in iron of that land. this island contains pitch. [i do not declare here the trade, rites, clothing, weapons, and food of this island, because many others are just like it; and i will place this information at the end of these islands, in order to avoid prolixity.] the middle of the island lies in fully seven and one-third degrees of north latitude. northeast of mindanao is another island called tandaya. there are certain rocky islands with an island called san lorenzo in their midst. the fact of their being small and uninhabited does not debar anyone who wishes from finding them on the chart. tantaya has a circuit of one hundred and forty leagues, and is almost triangular in shape. [the clothing, weapons, rites, and food of this people are the same as that above.] its center lies in fully twelve degrees north latitude. nearer the island of mindanao than the above-named, and extending in a north and south direction ten leagues from the point of mindanao, is another island called baybay. it has a circumference of ninety-eight leagues, and forms a strait on the east with the island of tandaya, less than a league wide; and another on the south with a very small island, called "panae the little," [60] through which strait one cannot pass, except in a small and light vessel. west of this strait is the island of mazoga. it is reported here that this island is very small, and that it has a population of six or eight indians. [it forms another strait, which can be passed by any ship.] the center of the said island of baybay is in eleven degrees of latitude. [it has the same people, weapons, trade, and customs as the islands above.] there is another island, called zubu, where the camp was established, and remained until broken up by the portuguese, on account of the excellent harbor formed by it with another island called mattan--which is almost uninhabited, unwholesome, and a large part of it covered with swamps. it is here that magallanes was slain. the port has two entrances, opening northeast and southwest. through my influence and with [s: against] the consent of most of the men, the camp was removed to the island of panae. i went there by order of the governor, and drew the plan of a fort, which now is being built. [it has the same people, and trade, and customs as the islands named above.] the center of it is in about ten and two-thirds degrees of latitude. farther west is another island, called buglas, or negros, because the inhabitants are black. it is one hundred and twenty-five leagues in circumference with a distance north and south of forty-five leagues, and east and west of twenty leagues. its center lies in ten and one-third degrees. [it has the same people and weapons as the islands above.] northwest of buglas lies panae, an island abounding in rice and all kinds of provisions. the camp was moved thither, and, as abovesaid, i drew the plan of the said fort between the two arms of a river, because it is impossible to effect an entrance by one arm. in the other arm and below the fort, fourteen gabions were made and twelve large pieces of artillery mounted for the defense of the entrance and passage. the fort is situated two and one-half leagues inland, and the ground all the way to the fort is a swamp, covered with tangles of bushes; so that enemies can approach the said fort only through the river, where are planted the above-mentioned gabions and artillery. the position is excellent, and such that it needs only a few men to defend it against many. the bar of the river is not more than one braza deep; and its coast thereabout, for more than twenty leagues, is very forbidding. its center lies in about eleven and one-third degrees of latitude. northeast of panie is the island of masbat, with a scanty and poor population. there were found gold mines from two to four _estados_ [61] in depth, somewhat more or less, although i have not measured them. i understand that the mines yield very little on account of the scanty population, and its trade is of slight value. [the people are the same as those of the above islands.] the center of this island lies in thirteen degrees of latitude. farther to the northeast of masbat lies the island of ybalon or luzon. it is a large island, with many rivers, in which gold is found--although, as i have ascertained, in but little quantity, because its most influential inhabitants are moros. while i was in panae, [s: the leading man among its people] sent a moro, his steward or treasurer to trade there; but he could hardly get for me one _marco_ of gold in exchange for four of silver, which he bought for me. buffaloes are to be found here. we have [m: not] explored much of its coast, and i have seen no one who could inform me fully concerning its south-eastern, southern, and eastern parts, because no one has sailed around it. between this island of ybalon and that of panae, lies masbat. farther on, and lying north and south, are some other small islands, in one of which is to be found much brazil-wood. although all the others have it, i mention this because the anglis [s: sangleyes] from the mainland of china come for it, in order to dye their silk. [62] in this island of luzon are three settlements of moros, who do not know the law of mahoma in its entirety. they eat no pork, and pay reverence to the said mahoma. [the rest of the inhabitants are the same and have the same customs as those above.] the southern portion of this is in about thirteen and one-third degrees of latitude. south of [that island of] zubu, between it and mindanao, is another small one, called bohol; between bohol and matan lie [as already mentioned] many small islands--uninhabited, except for game; for which reason they contain many deer and wild boars, as is generally true in most of the islands. however, this is so warm a region that the game spoils on the very day when it is killed. this island contains many palms and roots, on which the natives live. rice is lacking. southwest by south from the port of cavite, which is in six and one-half degrees of latitude in the island of mindanao where cinnamon grows, lies a small island, called taguima. [63] there the natives captured from the portuguese a small vessel, killing or making prisoners many of its crew. the latter were ransomed by the people of jolo, with whom the portuguese are on friendly terms. we have not seen this island of jolo. its inhabitants are pirates. [64] it lies to the southwest. goats are found in taguima, but no rice is harvested. civet cats are found there. while we were bartering for cinnamon, men from two towns of that island came to us, and asked to be received as subjects and tributaries of your majesty. one of these towns lies in seven degrees of latitude. there are no lords in these islands. each man is master of his own house and slaves; and the more slaves one owns, the greater and more influential is he reckoned. the people are divided into three classes. the _datos_, who correspond to knights, are the most important; the _tigamas_ [s: _timaguas_] are the freemen; and the _orispes_ are the slaves. the _datos_ boast of their old lineage. these people rob and enslave one another, although of the same island and even kindred. they are cruel among themselves. they do not often dare to kill one another, except by treachery or at great odds; and him who is slain his opponents continue to strike even after he is dead. the word for mourning is _marabae_ [s: _marahaze;_ margin: _magarihe_]. among their customs is this: that when some relative is killed, they do not cease mourning until they have avenged him [(on the spaniards)]. if the dead person is a near relative, they quit mourning, when they have either killed a man or taken captive a woman. they cut their hair. in time of mourning, they withdraw into the house of the principal and nearest relative; and there, covered with old and filthy blankets, they crouch on the floor and remain in this position without talking or eating, for three days. during this time they only drink. after the three days, they eat nothing which has come in contact with fire until they have taken vengeance or observed their custom [s: ceremony]. they place on their feet and wrists some rings of a certain wood, called _bejuco._ [65] when the reasons for mourning are not so serious, they are released from it by striking with a lance or a dagger a deer or a wild boar, even if the animal be already dead. in every port [s: village] we find that the people have their god. all of them call him _divate_ [s: diuata], and for surname they give him the name of their village. they have a god of the sea and a god of the rivers. to these gods they sacrifice swine, reserving for this especially those of a reddish color. for this sacrifice they rear such as are very large and fat they have priests, whom they call _bailanes;_ and they believe that the priests talk with their gods. when they are about to perform the sacrifice, they prepare the place with many green branches from the trees, and pieces of cloth painted as handsomely as possible. the _bailan_ plays on a heavy reed pipe about one braza in length, such as are common to that land, in the manner of a trumpet; and, while thus engaged, the people say that he talks to their gods. then he gives a lance-thrust to the hog. meanwhile, and even for a long time before commencing the rite, the women ring a certain kind of bell, play on small drums, and beat on porcelain vases with small sticks--thus producing a sort of music which makes it very difficult for them to hear one another. after the hog is killed, they dress it, and all eat of the flesh. they throw a portion of the dressed animal, placed in nets, into the river or into the sea, according to the location of the village; and they say that they do this in order that the god of the river or that of the sea may eat it. no one eats of the part touched by the lance-thrust, except the _bailan_. these people believe that their souls go down below; and they say that world is better, and that [since] it is cooler than the world above, where the heat is so great. they are buried with their riches--blankets, gold, and porcelain. when chiefs die, slaves are killed and buried with them, so that they may serve their masters in the other world. if the dead man is renowned as a seaman, they bury with him the vessel in which he sailed, with many slaves to row him, so thathe may go in it to the other world. [66] considering their size, those islands are very thinly populated. the people are generally very dark, more so than the natives of nueba españa. there are but few islands where blacks are not found among the mountains. the inhabitants of the lowlands are of the former kind, and are accustomed to tattoo their bodies, arms, legs, and even their faces, where a beard should grow, with very carefully-drawn and handsome figures. the greater the chief, or the more valiant he is, the more he tattoos himself, leaving untattooed only the parts covered by the breech clout--the [clothing or] dress worn by them, and which covers only the privy parts. both men and women suffer no hair to grow on their bodies except on the head. they wear the hair long and take good care of it so that it will grow. the men bind their hair on the crown of the head with a small piece of gauze, and the women bind it with bands made of the hair itself. all of them, both men and women, are fond of [wearing] beads, earrings and perfumes. the garment worn by them [the women] is made of linen drawn together like a bag or sleeve with two very wide openings. the amount by which this garment is too wide they gather up into many folds upon the left side, which, knotted with the same linen, rest there. a small, tight-fitting shirt is worn, which does not reach to the knees [s: waist], and covers no more than the breasts. they wear garlands of flowers on their heads. it is a very immodest dress, for it leaves uncovered the greater part of the legs and body. the women are generally depraved. they are given to abominable lustful habits. the weapons they use are the following: shields, breast-high, and little more than half a _vara_ [67] wide; lances, two and a half _varas_ long, with iron and steel points a third as long as the lance, and as wide as the hand. in some districts the lance-points are long and ground to a very fine edge. cutlasses or daggers, from a half to three-fourths of a _vara_ long, are made of the same shape as the lance-points. those people have armor consisting of cotton-lined blankets, and others of rattan. some wear corselets, made of a very hard black wood resembling ebony. they use bows which are very strong and large, and much more powerful than those used by the english. the arrows are made of reeds, the third part consisting of a point made of the hardest wood that can be found. they are not feathered. they poison the arrows with a kind of herb, which in some regions is so deadly that a man dies on the same day when he is wounded; and, no matter how small the wound is, there is no remedy, and the flesh will surely decay unless the antidotal herb, which is found in luzon, be first applied to the wound. arrows are also discharged through blow-guns with the same effect, although not with the same range. the moros, who trade with the japanese and sangleyes [s: indians or japanese], possess in their houses, and bring in their vessels, bronze culverins, so excellent and well cast, that i have never seen their equal anywhere. rice is the main article of food in these islands. in a few of them people gather enough of it to last them the whole year. in most of the islands, during the greater part of the year, they live on millet, _borona_, roasted bananas, certain roots resembling sweet potatoes and called _oropisa_, as well as on yams [_yuñames_] and _camotes_ [68] whose leaves they also eat, boiled. they eat castilian fowls and pork. in the islands inhabited by moros, some goats are raised; but there are so few of them that wherever fifteen or twenty spaniards arrive, no goats will be seen for the next two or three years. the cocoa-palm offers the greatest means of sustenance to the natives, for they obtain from it wine, fruit, oil, and vinegar. these people eat many kinds of herbs which grow both on land and in the sea. some of these herbs have been used by our people as articles of food. the scarcity of all kinds of food here is such that--with all that is brought continually from all these islands, in three frigates, one _patache_, and all the other native boats that could be obtained--each soldier or captain could only receive [as his rations] each week two _almudes_ of unwinnowed rice--which, when winnowed, yielded no more than three _cuartillos_. this ration was accompanied by nothing else, neither meat nor fish. the natives sustain life by eating little and drinking much--so heavily, that it is a marvel if they are not drunken all the time, or at least from noon on. and the more important their position, the more intoxicated do they become, for they have more to spend for this purpose. the inhabitants of the coast are fishermen who barter their fish and buy from those living inland, who till the soil, the above-named foods. they eat all kinds of shell-fish and slimy plants which grow at the bottom of the sea. they are but ill supplied with cloth. they use a kind of cloth made of wild banana leaves [69] which is as stiff as parchment, and not very durable. the natives of panae and luzon manufacture a cotton cloth with colored stripes, which is of better quality. this cloth is used by the spaniards when they can find it; otherwise they use the cloth above-mentioned. both kinds are so scarce, that we are suffering great privations for lack of clothing. the people are very poor. there are few islands where, as it is reported, gold does not exist--but in so small quantities that quite commonly [as i think i have said] a native can be hired to dig, or to work as he is commanded, for three reals a month. a slave can be bought for fifty reals, or sometimes for a little more. it is therefore evident that it is not possible to save from the mines much gold, as can be seen by any man who zealously wishes to serve your majesty who laments the great expenses of both men and money incurred here. in that land people buy and sell slaves to one another in great numbers, and even bring them to the islands of the moros. most slaves are children and grandchildren of slaves from time immemorial. in this connection, it seems to me that it would be less troublesome, and that god would be better served, if the spaniards bought these slaves and took them to nueva españa, where they would become christians; they would thus supply the great need for slaves there, and would prove a resource for the spaniards who live there. farther north than the aforesaid islands are others, the nearest to luzon being called xipon [s: japan]. we have not seen this island, and what i shall say about it has been related to us by the moros who carry on trade with that land. it is said that the island possesses silver mines, and that silks and other necessary articles from china are purchased with the silver; for all the people, both men and women, are well clad and shod. and because of being so near china, they have acquired the civilization of that country. these people manufacture very good cutlasses, which they call _legues_. these have single or double hilts, are very sharp, and are curved like turkish cutlasses. on the side without any edge, they are about half as thick as the finger, but the edge is very sharp. it is said that theatin religious have gone thither from portugal; but i do not know the result of their mission. the portuguese tell me that the natives of that land are considered very warlike. the women are virtuous, modest, and very jealous of the men [a very rare thing for these regions]. they [s: the men] shave or pluck out the hair from their heads. a little to the east between these islands and china are the islands of lequios. they are said to be rich; but we have been unable to learn much about them, for i have not seen any one who has been there. for this reason i conclude that they must be small, and that the people are not much given to commerce. likewise immediately north is the mainland called china. this is a vast country--so much so that, as we are assured, it extends as far as tartary; for merchants who have traded there say that the two nations are at war with each other. the chinese are highly civilized. they work iron with tools. i have seen iron inlaid with gold and silver, as cunningly and skilfully wrought as they could be in any part of the world. in like manner they work in wood and all other materials. the portuguese say that the chinese are good people--that they possess somewhat of the light of the world, but they see it with only one eye. they make gold into threads as is done in milan, and weave raised designs of it on damasks and other silken fabrics. they possess all kinds of weapons that we have. their artillery, judging it by some culverins i have seen that came from china, is of excellent [s: better] quality and better cast than ours. they have also a form of government; but they do not elect a governor (or captain, as they call him) unless he is a great astrologer and has first foretold the weather, future events, and the true outcome of things; so that he may be able to provide for future necessities. in each city and province there is an armed garrison. the people dress well; they wear beards and are as white as ourselves. the women are very beautiful, except that they all have small eyes. they wear long shirts and robes, reaching to the ground. they dye and dress their hair carefully, and it is even said that they rouge and color their faces. it is said that the king of that land is so great a lord, that his camp is composed of three hundred thousand men, two hundred thousand of whom are mounted on horses. on painted articles i have seen pictures of horsemen armed with coats of mail, burgundy helmets, and lances. the country is so fertile and well provisioned, that it is believed to be the best country in the world. the moros with whom i have talked have told me that the chinese are not as warlike as we are, and are heathens. they possess matrices [70] with which they have printed books from time immemorial. if your majesty desires to have this land explored, i am at your service provided i be given two ships of about two hundred and fifty tons each, with forty soldiers to each vessel, and all the artillery, ammunition, and provisions that will be necessary. then, with our lord's help, and bearing some power of ambassador to the lord of the land, i will enter the country myself, returning by way of nueva españa after having explored the coast. i will ascertain how both trade and conquest must be carried on there. i will carry out all other orders that your majesty may be pleased to give me, as well as whatever your service shall demand. southeast [s: west] by east from the island of zubu are the islands of maluco, where cloves are found; and it is not known whether they exist in any other regions. they lie below the equatorial line the names of the islands in which cloves are found are: maluco, gigolo [s: jilolo], maquian, motel, and momoy. near those islands [it is said is one called sunda, which contains pepper. to the east of those islands], at a distance of one hundred and twenty-five leagues, is nueba guinea, and three hundred and thirty-two leagues west of them is the island of burney. this island is well-provisioned; and according to what some moros, natives of burney, told me, it belongs to one lord. it is said that there are a great many pearls of enormous size, even as large as pigeon's eggs; but my opinion is that all the natives of that land are great liars, and exaggerate things. all these islands with more than two hundred and fifty leagues hereabout, are included in the compact which the sacred majesty now in glory made with the most serene king, don juan of portugal. even if it were outside of the compact, if your majesty does not wish to continue the spice trade, on account of the great expense and the little profit that it now yields, or will yield in the future, i think that it would be advisable to withdraw the people from the islands, as your majesty can hope to draw no other profit from this land. i say this as a loyal subject of your majesty, for it grieves me to see so much money wasted on a land which can be of no profit whatever. if your majesty prefers the spices, i think that it would be better to break the agreement, since it is for so small an amount, that three hundred and fifty thousand ducats [71] would be gained in two ships going from nueba españa to those regions. when this is done, your majesty's domains will extend as far as maluco, according to what was told me by the augustinian friar, by name fray martin de herrada, a native of navarra, who was prior at the time when i left the western islands. he is a great arithmetician, geometrician, and astrologer [--one of the very greatest in the world]. he has measured this, and told me so. he has also written a book on navigation and the measurement of the earth and the sea, east and west. i believe that he will send the book by fray diego de herrera, prior of the aforesaid islands of your majesty. then we shall be able to trade in spices with the whole world; for as i have said before, cloves cannot be found save in the five islands of maluco. i have written all that can be said on this subject; and i say this because i have seen other accounts both in print and in manuscript, which depart very much from the truth. in order that your majesty may not be deceived, i sign this account with my name. if your majesty should desire to know especial details about that land, i will, at your command, give oral information. [_endorsed on sevilla ms_: "superb! excellent! relation of the route to the western islands." _and in a more modern hand_: "by captain juan de la ysla. islands of the west."] letter from the viceroy of new spain to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: on the fifteenth of november there arrived at the port of acapulco one of two ships, which sailed from the philipinas islands on the first of july. the second, the flagship, entered on the twenty-fourth, for it was leaking so badly that they succeeded in making port only with great difficulty. on account of this danger, knowing the nearness of the land, the flagship had determined to keep off shore, thinking this course possible because of its better sailing qualities. ultimately they availed themselves of the land only for the purpose of taking aboard water because their supply was failing. they entered harbor without having lost either any people or any of their cargo. don pedro de luna, the captain, died of illness two hundred leagues away from land, as did a few sailors also. fray diego de herrera had taken passage in one of these vessels. it was his intention to continue the journey to spaña to give your majesty an account of the wrongs committed in those islands, because of the lack of justice; and to tell you that the soldiers, inasmuch as they are unpaid and receive no rations, are being supported at the indians' expense, and that on this account many extortions are practiced. the factor andres de mirandaola, captain juan pacheco, and juan de morones, sergeant-major, also came. the factor and sergeant-major were sent because of certain crimes which they are said to have committed; however, i do not think that these are very serious. by these men i have been informed of matters relating to those islands, and of the nature of the land. they give a very good account thereof, especially of the island of luzon, where there are settlements very thickly inhabited, by both indians and moors [moros], although the latter must not be thought of as really of that race, but only as having had the name attached to them. [72] it is not believed that they are very sincere in the profession of the mahometan religion, as many of them both drink wine and eat pork. there are many gold mines, which are worked similarly to the silver mines here. a few of some depth were seen there, although the people, naturally indolent, work them but little--and then only to the extent of their necessities, when the opportunity of barter is offered them--declaring that whenever they have any need for the gold, the mines are close by. fray diego de herrera gave me an account of many other things likewise. i am sending an abstract of his report today, which has been confirmed by those who have come from those regions. every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is justice; and without justice there is no safety. he who at the present time exercises the duties of general is not, i believe, held in much esteem; for they knew him when he held the inferior position of a bookseller here. to enter into this subject is very disagreeable to me, but, as your majesty's servant, i am obliged to mention this; for i am convinced that, if this venture is to succeed, as i hope in god that it will succeed, your majesty must appoint a man to that office who will be respected and esteemed, and who possesses the necessary qualifications both for peace and war. i beg your majesty not to make trial, especially in the case of those who are to participate in the administration of justice, of men from the indias. as for the question of helping the philipinas islands, i have up to this time adhered to the instructions which your majesty has ordered to be given me. since i came here, i have never failed in any year to send a ship or ships with reënforcements and munitions; but sea and land and climate have their effect, and the number of men is constantly diminished; so that, although people are regularly sent thither, they are actually but little increased in numbers. the object and plan which should be pursued in matters yonder i do not know; but, whatever it may be, people are necessary, for the islands are many. as for the mainland of china, it is so large a land and so thickly settled that one of its hundred divisions, according to report, is as big as half the world itself. it is learned from the chinese that they admit strangers only with reluctance to their land. for this reason, more and better soldiers would be needful than those who could go from this land, for those born here are but little used to hardship--although it is also understood that the people of china, in spite of possessing weapons, horses, and artillery, are but little superior in valor to the indians. commercial relations are now beginning to be established with the chinese; but until this is definitely completed the hopes of the merchants here will not rise, in spite of all i do and contrive with them to encourage and spur them on; for, to tell the truth, no certain information comes of a nature to induce them to go. and one of the difficulties consequent upon this commerce and intercourse is, that neither from this land nor from españa, so far as can now be learned, can anything be exported thither which they do not already possess. they have an abundance of silks, and linen likewise, according to report. cloths, on account of the heat prevalent in the country, they neither use nor value. sugar exists in great abundance. wax, drugs, and cotton are super-abundant in the islands, whither the chinese go to obtain them by barter. and thus, to make a long matter short, the commerce with that land must be carried on with silver, which they value above all other things; and i am uncertain whether your majesty will consent to this on account of having to send it to a foreign kingdom. i beg your majesty to consider all these matters, to inform me concerning them, and to give explicit orders to the person in charge here so that no mistakes may be made. the management of affairs here is attended with great difficulty, especially concerning the people who shall go; for it is almost necessary to force them to go. also with regard to the ships, which are taken wherever they can be found. usually they are miserable little vessels, which draw but little water, and cost almost as much in employing them as a ship of six hundred toneladas--necessitating, as they do, pilot, master, mate, and sailors. nor is it possible to get along with less, especially for the different watches, for otherwise the vessels could not possibly be navigated. and, inasmuch as it does not appear that the merchants are inclined to buy and fit out ships with a cargo, i am not sure, if this business is to go on at your majesty's expense, whether it would not be wise to have two ships of about five hundred toneladas constructed; and to arrange that one of them should not return the same year it went, in order to have time to collect thoroughly all the articles of barter; but that it should return the following year, and another ship then set forth from here. in this way, and in accordance with this plan, after the first expedition a ship would sail from there every year, while another would depart hence every year. one of them alone would be sufficient to contain the people going to those islands, and keep business progressing and increasing there, since there is no regular expedition. these ships bear one hundred and thirty-six marcos of gold for your majesty and some few gold jewels and other things, as your majesty will order confirmed by this memorandum which the general sends. likewise they carry almost two hundred and eighty quintals of cinnamon, besides some belonging also to individuals, which i have not seized from them, but have paid them a moderate price for it, of which a previous account has been given to your majesty. since your majesty has not had any answer sent me regarding it, i gather that your majesty does not desire that this should be done. likewise i infer the same with regard to other things to which your majesty has had no answer made me. and besides all this, the ships carry silks of different colors (both damasks and satins), cloth-stuffs, a little gold, and a lot of cotton mantles, both white and colored; a quantity of wax, glazed earthenware; and other knick-knacks such as fans, parasols, desks, and numberless other little manufactured articles. on account of its being an initial attempt, and because the merchants' interest in this commerce has not been roused or acquired, the matter of import and export duty, as i have written your majesty, has not yet been settled upon. for the future, however, i will see that they make payment like the rest. i do not believe that the cinnamon will prove a success in this land, for it is very little used, because of the use here of other spices which grow in these regions. i beg your majesty to order what disposition is to be made of the same; and likewise to be pleased to advise me whether cinnamon imported by individuals shall be allowed to be brought here. they say that in an island called cauchi, not two hundred leagues from manilla (where the spaniards are settled now), there is a great quantity of pepper, and that the chinese resort thither for trade. this seems to be the best site which could be chosen, and to secure it would obviously be attended with but little difficulty. i see no other objection in this, other than that i fear the opportunity for general trade, which is desired there, may not exist; and that the chinese will resent being deprived of their trade, which must be very lucrative to them, or having to depend upon the spaniards to carry on the same. but all the ability to remove these obstacles, and to arrange everything satisfactorily, depends upon the person whom your majesty may place there to administer justice, and to see that no wrongs are done; for in the absence of unjust conditions, self-interest will attract people. your majesty orders that no portuguese shall go to the islands; yet it is understood that some have gone there, and have married indian women. will your majesty please order whether they shall, on this account, be allowed to remain; or whether they, together with the indian women, shall be sent away? i had given orders that, when any ship should come from the islands, it should reconnoiter the coast of china on the way, in order that more information of the land and its commerce might be obtained. i gave your majesty an account of this before the step was taken; and i likewise enclosed the instructions concerning the procedure, which i thought should be observed. general miguel lopez had ordered that it should be adhered to; but when he died, it appeared to guido de labezarii to be a dangerous enterprise on account of the coast being unfamiliar and unknown, as well as a region where our ships might fall in with portuguese or other people. this is a fact, but nothing of importance can be done without danger. still we shall postpone the carrying out of this until your majesty shall arrange matters concerning that land; and the person who manages affairs there will make all suitable provision, since he will have more information upon the subject. as i have already written your majesty, there is a lack of artillery here, for those islands take it all--so that i have no artillery for a ship which i am now despatching, and which was built in the port of acapulco; and i shall have to take some of that brought by the other vessels coming here. in future, will your majesty kindly order some to be sent both for an emergency like this, and for these royal settlements? together with this ship, i will endeavor to send one of those that have arrived here which may be repaired; and in them i wish to send all the people able to go--a number not in excess of one hundred and eighty men--and some munitions. the flagship, which is of larger tonnage, will be repaired and put into shape, for it is in bad condition; as well as another ship which was to sail thence within twenty days. afterward, the vessels will remain, in order that they may go from here in a year, and take more people with them. meanwhile, your majesty will have time to make such provision as you think best. the rigging which is bought here is that conveyed by the ships from españa, and is very costly and very inferior in quality; but nothing else can be done. i beg your majesty, therefore, to send from yonder a large quantity of rigging, both small and cable size, for ships of small tonnage and for larger vessels (provided your majesty think it is well to do so). please have sent also a lot of canvas. your majesty will have to order the officials to make selection of both, and to see that it is very good; or else let them send to vilbao [bilbao] where they say the best rigging is made, and at the most reasonable prices. this must come, moreover, with the fleet, if it is to be utilized by these ships. the accountant melchor de legazpi, on hearing of the death of his father, wished to go to throw himself at your majesty's feet, in order to beg you to remember his father's services, and how he had died in your royal service; and he had for this purpose sold his property, and was poor and even not free from debt. however, i prevented him from going, by telling him to write to your majesty, and recall his father's services to your majesty. certainly, from the accounts i have received, his father did perform such services; and i understand that he was a good man, and served with all possible loyalty. the boon which his son desires does not lie in those islands, but must be given by your majesty in this land, and to the extent that seems best to you, in order that certain of his sisters, who are of a marriageable age, may not be left unprovided for. in those islands he was to have had a repartimiento which they say was a very good one. this repartimiento possessed a large amount of provisions, and is called vitis and lau. i believe that it was this which general miguel lopez wished your majesty to grant him and the same thing is desired by the successor to his office. my opinion is that it would be well to annex it to the royal crown, in order to supply soldiers and sailors with provisions from it. your majesty could order the accountant legazpi to be given such recompense in this land as your majesty may be pleased to give him; for by remembering the dead your majesty will encourage the living--so that, in addition to the mere duty involved, they may die for you with the utmost zeal. whatever your majesty may do for him, moreover, i shall consider as a favor done to myself. as for the procedure which this royal audiencia is to adopt with the inquisition, there is only a mere document which bears no signature; a copy of which i send which relates thereto. neither the auditors nor alcaldes are satisfied with this, and they think that they should possess more authority than an unsigned paper. your majesty will send whatever orders seem best to you, for there is no other provision here save the general order which your majesty gave for all the inquisitions. i am sending your majesty today copies of some letters which were written to me from the islands, in order that your majesty may have an account of those regions, up to the departure of these ships. one is from general miguel lopez legazpe, and another from guido de labezarrii; two from fray martin de rada, and two from fray francisco de ortego. i am sending also a copy of the list of gold mines of the islands; the certificate of the villages which have been annexed to the royal crown; the procedure adopted by the master-of-camp, martin de goyti, in making the treaty with the indians; the peace made with indians of manilla; the account, given by a chinese, of the coast of china, and the picture of the same; a little book which fray martin de rada sends your majesty, _de latitudine et longitudine locorum invenienda_, the memorandum sent by general guido de labezarii to your majesty; and, finally, the instructions which i had given to the person who was to go to explore the chinese coast. i enclose also the ordinances which your majesty ordered sent to the officials of veracruz with affidavit of delivery; and a copy of the decrees which cardinal de siguenca, inquisitor-general, sent. [73] may our lord preserve the royal catholic person of your majesty many years, and grant you the increase of kingdoms and seigniories, as we your majesty's servants desire. mexico, december 5, 1573. your majesty's loyal servant, who kisses your royal hands, _don martin enriquez_ [_superscription_: "to his royal catholic majesty, king philipe our sovereign, in his royal council of the indies."] documents of 1574 letter to felipe ii. andrés de mirandaola; january 8 [74]las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del poniente hernando riquel y otros; january 11 decrees regarding manila and luzon. felipe ii; june 21 opinion regarding tribute from the indians. martin de rada; june 21 reply to fray rada's "opinion." guido de lavezaris, and others; [june?] two letters to felipe ii. guido de lavezaris; july 17 and 30 slavery among the natives. guido de lavezaris; [july?] _sources_: the second of these documents is from a ms. in the archives at simancas; the third, from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_; the remainder, from the archivo general de indias at sevilla. _translations_: the second document is translated by josé m. asensio; the third, by frederic w. morrison; the sixth, by alfonso de salvio; the remainder, by arthur b. myrick. letter from andres de mirandaola to felipe ii 11. the [75] mines of which we have been informed, and which have been seen thus far are those of masbad, which are good, from the rivers of which it is said to be taken. much gold is found in the island of vindanao, in the districts of butuan, curigao, and parasao. it is said that much gold is mined there and that it is the loftiest of all these islands. in the island of luzon, where we are at present, are the following mines and rivers: in patro there are mines, as well as in bondo and pacorago, and in malabago, in the district of galvan. there are mines likewise in the province of ylocos, in the neighborhoods of balatao, turrey, alingay, and dinglas. these are very rich mines from which, it is said, much gold is extracted, and that there are many metals and rivers which have not been examined. on the other coast there are also mines, which are called those of paracali, and a river is near by; from there much fine gold is taken out. in other parts there are more mines, which will yield a great deal of gold throughout, if spaniards operate and work them. [76] 12. the kinds of gold that are found among the natives of the city and vicinity of manila are: bizlin, which is worth two pesos a tael. the weight of a tael is one and one-eighth ounces. the second kind is malubay, and the third is linguinguin. these are the kinds of gold with which the natives trade and barter. the malubay gold is worth the same as the bizlin. the linguinguin gold is worth four pesos. there is another kind of gold which the spaniards call _orejera_ [earring], which is worth five pesos. the indians call it _panica_. there is another finer sort of gold which they call _ylapo_ and another which they call _guinuguran_. from what i have heard this last is the standard, because in assay it is equal to the wrought gold of spanish jewelry. all these fine golds in the possession of the natives are never used by them except for some marriage or other important affair. for goods for which they trade and barter, they use malubay and bizlin and linguinguin. 13. and if your majesty attempt henceforth other and more important things in this land, it will be necessary to have towns and ports here, because this land is in the near neighborhood and almost in the midst of other lands--japan, china, jaba, borney, malucos, and nueva guinea, so that one can go to any of those regions in a short time. it is a healthy land of tolerable climate, and it has sufficiently good harbors where there is abundance of wood and timber, and other things necessary for the building of ships; and it would cost but little to bring workmen, sails, and some articles which are not to be had there. it is also necessary to make a good harbor there, in order that ships from outside may find anchorage. it is very dangerous for large and deep vessels to pass among so many islands, with their shoals and tides. it would therefore be necessary to build there galleys and light-draught oared vessels, in order to go to those regions that i mention above, and to carry cargoes which the heavy vessels would have to carry to this nueva españa; the latter would not leave any port of those islands which might be settled for this purpose. they could thus cruise and trade in all places in a very short time; and the heavy ships would only have to go to the harbor, to take on their cargoes and return. 14. of the mainland i will make a report conforming to what i have heard, and what i have been able to get from the natives of it--both those who lived in manila, and those who have traded between the city of manila and the mainland, whence come the ships that have visited the spanish settlements. from what i have heard, there are, for two hundred leagues (rather less than more), towns and fortresses ready for conquest, on the coast whence have come these ships, as far as canton. on one river there is a fortress, containing a certain number of soldiers as a garrison; but their number i could not ascertain from those people. there are at the mouth of the river a few islets and shoals. there is another fortress and town, about fourteen leagues farther up the coast, in a little bay, called occia. opposite the bay are a few islets, which are apparently uninhabited. about ten leagues farther up the coast there is another river, with a town and fortress called sihua. farther up the coast about twelve leagues there is another large and very swollen river which from what i have heard makes a junction with the river of the city of canton. there is a town and fortress here called cincin. it is understood that from that port sail the ships that come to manila, and others that go to vindoro, balayan, and elen. [77] farther up the coast is a large bay with many islets at its mouth, one of which is called amyhu. within the bay there is a fort and a town called aycum. farther inland there is a very broad river that leads to canton; about two leagues up there is another fort and town called cionciu, from which ships also come hither for our trade, because, as i learned from the natives, that is a large province, and has a great amount of commerce. about ten leagues farther up the coast there is a broad river with a fort and a town named tisciu. opposite this river there is an island called la mao. about fourteen leagues farther is the great river of canton where it is said there is a large fort with an ordinary garrison--as nearly as i could make out, of about six or seven hundred soldiers, who guard the fort, and their captain and governor, from the city and province of canton. opposite this river are islets where the portuguese go to trade, because they are not allowed to enter canton. [78] the first of these islets, as one enters the river, is called tanquian; and then come the islands where the portuguese anchor their ships, where there are neither houses nor anything else; but it serves as a harbor for their vessels. the place where they are is called the _quiao_ of canton. even as far as paquin [peking], which is the city of the king of china, it is said that one would have to be on the road a year; and all the route would be found full of cities and large provinces. those on the road are chincheo, cantun, hinchiu, mimipou, ouchiu, yrinari, sisvan, conceonau, nanguin, and paquin, where the court and the king reside. there are other provinces, namely suchiu, veou, histau, cencay. the last king, who died two years ago, was named ontee, and his son who succeeded him is called tayçii. [79] the latter has issued a general pardon for all those, who were out of their native lands, who should return freely to the condition in which they were during the life of his father; for, before, there was a law that he who did not return to his country within a year should be condemned to death, and his goods confiscated for the expenses of justice. but this new law ordered that the former law would not be enforced for four years, within which time those who wished to return to their former conditions might do so freely. therefore some of those converted to our holy faith, who were in the city of manila, have returned with their wives and children. father fray augustin de alburquerque who is charged with the conversion of the chinese, wished to go to the mainland this year with these christians and the traders who came to the port of manila. it seemed that there was no way of getting there--because, as we are told, a law had been passed that no foreigner whatever might enter the mainland under the penalty of losing his life; and those who convey them thither should receive the same punishment. accordingly, no one dared to take foreigners thither. the fertility, abundance, riches, and curiosities of die land need not be related here, on account of the notoriety that, from the beginning, exists regarding these things. of all the things that europe has, cloth and velvet are the only ones lacking in this country; in all else it is better supplied--both in food, and in other particular and interesting articles. in the city of mexico, january viii, md. lxxiiii. catholic royal majesty, your catholic royal majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses your majesty's royal feet, and commends himself to your royal favor, _andres de mirandaola_ las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del poniente hernando riquel y otros sienpre e ydo dando avisso delo de por aca y asi lo haze de presente rrefirendo algunas cosas delo q asubcedido despues q scriui y di razon enlos vltimos nauios q llegaron aese rreyno el ano pasado de 1570. y tocarelo mas notable dexandolo que no loes para otros autores mas desocupados rremitiendome a los capitanes pasajeros y otras personas q van en estos nauios. a 17 de nouj delaño pasado de 1570 partio el s_r_. gouer_or_. miguel lopez delegaspi del rrio de panai a cubie y conforme ala orden q tenia de su mag_d_. poblo vna villa concinq_ta_. v_o_s. a los quales dio rrepartimi_o_ de yndios con parecer del prouincial fray min de herrada y del mr_e_, de campo y capitanes. acauada de asentar esta poblon se boluio a panae a donde llego y estubo hasta q se apresto para la jornada de manila ques e la ysla de luzon adonde al presente está la prinçipal poblacion y campo de su mag_d_. partio a diez y seis de abril de mill e qnie_o_ y setenta y vno segundo dia de pascoa de resurresion enbarcose e la galera nonbrada la leona despaña q se acauo en esta sazon enel camino se detubo 32 dias asi llego ala dha poblaçion de manila y antes de llegar a ella como quatro leguas vino vna espia la qual ebiaron los prinçipales atomar tiento del yntento q se traya y entendido del s_r_. gouer_or_. queera toda paz y amistad y q p_a_ tratarlo como conbiniese y mas a gusto delos prinçipales y naturales venia en ps_a_. la espia mostro alegrio particular deentenderse y entonces se declaro como venia auer lo q esta dho y asi fue muy satisfho y rregalado de su senoria y se boluio y el gouer_or_ siguio su viaje endemahda del puerto con buen biento galerno y como desde la pobl_on_ nos vieron y no auia llegado la espia començaron a poner fuego a los casas el q_l_ llegado fue pte p_a_ q no pasase adel_te_ ynçendio porque entendiero de la espia como ybamos de paz y asise aseguraron y dispusieron a benir nos a reçiuir al camino los prinçipales rraxa el viejo y aljandora y el maguno marlanauay y sale laxa que son los mas prinçipales desta trra el raxa soliman por temor delo q hizo el año pasado no vino en conp_a_ destos y entendiende el gouernador q poreste temor no venia ebiole conestos prinçipales seguro debaxo del qual vino el dia sigui_e_ sienpre mostraua temor dio disculpa delo pasado façil y discreta y en suma dixo estas razones no tube culpa enlo q se hizo[?] porque ya saues que en esta trra no ay rrey ni caueca sola sino q cada vno tiene su parecer y opinion y asisiguen lo q mas gusto les dá vbo alg_o_s q pudieron mas q yo pues sin licencia mía rronpieron la paz y amistad y hizieronme caer en falta y si esto no fuera asi y por mi pte y consejo se hiziera mereçía pena y si fuera rey desta trra como soy solo s_r_. demihazienda nose quebrara la palabro que di p_o_ como dependio de muchos yo no pudemas se oy adel_te_ e lo que ami tocare por mi ps_a_ sugetos y amigos p_o_curare de q sea cierta la paz y amistad q se asento aviendo entendido el gouer_or_. el razonami_to_ conçediole perdon general por lo pasado con cargo que enlo presente y futuro cumpliese lo que prometia y haziendolo asi en n_e_. de su mag_d_. sele hazia toda mrcd con estos razones y otras y muchos rregalos fueron este raja y todos los demas muy cont_o_s de auer asen_do_. las pazes y el campo se alojo trra y abemos hecho cosa lo mejor q se pudo y cada diase van haziendo. el dia de pascoa de spiritusanto vinieron a la costa desta poblaçcion çiertos moros de la comarca della con n_s_. de to[?] y tantos naujos y ebiaron a dezir al gouer_or_. q_e_ venian a pelear con su gente rrespondioles q_e_ mirasen bien lo q_e_ dezian porque el no queria mandarlos matar ni hazer daño sino todo buen acogimiento y veçindad p_a_ q_e_ con liuertad pudiesen hazer suscontrataçiones y otros muchos razones p_o_mesas rregaladas y exortaçiones xptianas y no basto antes se ensoberbesieron mas pertinazm_te_. visto esto m_do_ el gouer_or_. que elmr_e_. de campo min. de goyti fuese a ellos el qual lo hizo con mucha presteza lleuando consigo la gente que le pareçio lo qual ebarco en al_o_s de los naujos que auia [?] acomodados'y dexo[?] orden que le siguiesen los soldados que dexo señalados y llego al sitio que se senaloe vnos esteros de mar p_a_ darse la batalla naual como se hizo y desbarato y rrindio a todos los enemigos con muy poco daño delos espanoles con ser los contrarios mucha gente de guerra y traer artilleria visto q_e_ por tan pocos xptianos fueran rendidos se admiraron y puro temor en toda la trra p_a_ que los naturales temen en mucha figura esta gente y con este buen subceso estubo alg_o_s dias quieto este campo. despues desto se trato con ynstancia paz con los naturales desta trra por buenos medios afixando la q_e_ se auia tratado con los primeros y alg_o_s q_e_ no auian sido en ella dezian q_e_ no querian paz ni amistad con el gouer_or_. ni con su gente ni verlos ni oyrlos porque no se les seguia prouecho y por esto vbo demandas y rrespuestas y vista su pertinaçia fue neces_o_ ebiarles a hallanar y asi se hizo en diferentes p_tes_ especial a vna prouj_n_ q_e_ tiene mucha gente nonbrada panpagan comarcana a esta çiudad de manila y a todos seles hazian rrequerimientos y amonestaçiones q_e_ viniesen a obidiencia de su mag_d_. y alos que nolo quisieron hazer fue neces_o_ pelear p_a_ rrendirlos y asi se hizo sin daño notable. est_do_ en este est_do_ las cosas desta trra tubo el gouer_or_. rueba dela llegada delos dos naujos santiago y san ju_n_ q_e_ dio tanto cont_o_ como se puede ecarecer y avnque llegaran muy travajados se rrepararon lo mejor q_e_ ser pudo p_a_ q_e_ hiziesen ttorna viaje a esa nueua spaña y el mismo cont_o_ se reçiuio con el auer llegado d_n_ p_o_ deluna conel nauio spiritusanto y asi se despacharon delos tres los dos el año pasado y pasales tarde hallaron en la mar tpos contr_o_s y les fue forçado a ribar y asi saldran aora med_te_. nro senor a prinçipio del mes de julio deste año de 1573. a los 20. de ag_o_ del ano pasado de 1572. fue nro señor seruido de llevar p_a_ si al gouernador miguel lopez de legaspi murio rrepentinam_te_. aviendosse aquel dia leuantado sano en su scriptorio se hallo vna prouj_on_. de su mag_d_. librada por esa rreal avd_a_. en el tiempo q_e_ tubo en si el gouierno por muerte del vissorrey d_n_ luis de vel_co_ e la q_e_ senalaron subcesores del cargo de miguel lopez y al que pertineçio de presente fue al thes_o_. guido delabasaris y asi se le entrega el gouierno por el mr_e_. de campo y offiçiales de su mag_d_. y por el cavildo dela çiudad y otros offiçiales y todo està paçifico y e seruiçio de su mag_d_ de presente residimos en esta çiudad de manila e la ysla de luzon que es lo mejor destos distritos el gouer_or_. pasado y el presente repartieron la trra y moradores della q_e_ estan paçificos y asise yra rrepartiendo lo q_e_ se paçificare ase hecho tasaçion delo q_e_ cada tributa_o_ a se dar e vn año que es vna manta de algodon de q_e_ ay mucha abundançia en esta ysla de diez varas de largo y dos de ancho es rropa de que vsan los naturales p_a_ bestirse delgada asi mismo an de dar dosa_s_. de arroz y vna gallina entiendese lo daran sin pesadunbre porla mucha abundançia q_e_ de todo tienen ay mucha jente, asi se entiende seran alg_o_s muy principales repartimientos de mucha renta. en esta ysla ay muchas minas de oro y pte dellas sean visto por espanoles y dizen que las labran los naturales como en la nueua spaña, las minas de plata y el metal lleua su veta seguida como la plata an hecho dello ensayes y acude atanta rriqueza q_e_ no lo scriuo porq_e_ no entiendan que me a largo el tpo descubrira la verdad. deste oro vsan los naturales y lo mezclan con metal de cobre tan sutil m_te_. que enganaran alos diestros artifices despaña. anse descubierto enesta trra muchos grangeros y asi se entiende los abra y la mejor contr_on_ q_e_ auido ni sea descubierto en todas las yndias. de vn año a esta pte, binieron al puerto desta çiudad tres naujos dela china y a las yslas comarcanas otros 5. y los que aqui llegaron traxeron mr_ca_s. delos q_e_ vsan entre ellos como lo suelen hazer de ord_o_. ay poco camino desde esta ysla ala trrafirme tardose en nauegar como 8. dias. como estos naujos llegaran a la vista del puerto desde la mar ebiaron a pedir seguro el gouer_or_. se lo dio y se les hizo muy buen tratami_to_. traxeron alg_o_s menudencias avnque poca cantidad porque los naturales con quien principalm_te_. bienen a contratar lo q_e_ comunm_te_. vsan y p_a_ ellos se trae son tinajas grandes y boca basta hierro cobre estaño y otras cosas a su modo y p_a_ los prinçipales alg_o_s pieças de seda y porçelanas finas y esto no delo muy curioso p_a_ espanoles traxeron alguna loçafina y otras cosas lo q_l_ vendieron muy bien porque alos que aqui estamos nos sobra dineros y a los chinos les falta q vender fueron tan engolosinados q_e_ cierto bolberan de aqui a 6. o 7. meses y traeran cosas muy curiosas y e mucha abundançia. traxeron muestra de muchos generos de cosas q_e_ ay e su trra p_a_ entender el precio en que los podran vender como es azogue, polbora pimienta canela fina clauo acucar hierro cobre estaño laton sedas texidos de muchos suertes y en madexas rrexalgar alcanfor loça de diferentes suertes rrica naranjas dulçes y otros mill generos y menud_a_s q_e_ no traen mas los flamencos asi mismo traxeron ymagenes de crusificos y sellos muy curiosos en que se asentar a nro modo la causa desta venida demas dela ord_a_ que ellos tienen fue alg_o_s chinos q_e_ an estado entre nosotros y eran esclauos y se les dio liuertad y pasaje p_a_ su trra los q_a_les dieron notiçia, desta poblaçion ala qual podian venir con seguridad y contratar con liuertad y paz a entender esto vinieron con los naujos y cosas ya rreferidos. ase entendido que esta gente son muy delicados e su contrat_on_. traxe y costumbres y cada dia se entendera mas porque ay alg_o_s v_o_s desto poblaçion q_e_ son naturales dela china de quien se etiende ques trra muy rrica y poblada y que el rrey tiene muy buena orden de guerra y sus fronteros muy fortificados con muchos fuerças y artilleria y gente, de guarniçion y cuidado enellos dizen que desde la çiudad de canton ques vna delas mas fuertes poblaçiones dela maritima de trrafirme ay distançia de camino de vn año p_a_ llegar a paquin ques donde esta el rey esto se entiende por trra costa a costa y enel cami_o_ ay muchas poblaçiones de ciudades muy populosas pero si su mag_d_. fuese seruido se podria allanar y conquistar con menos de 60 españoles buena gente. otros menudençias auia de q_e_dar razon de xolo se hazer porque se entenderan delo que van en estos naujos lo mas esençial delas cosas desta trra es lo q_e_ tengo rreferido el dia de oy a cont_o_ enella porlo mucho q_e_ promete la rr queza y contrataçiones todo sea p_a_ servir a nro s_r_. rel_on_ délo q traen los dos nauios q vinieron delas yslas del poni_te_ y otros cosas q_e_ á esto toca q_e_ se ponen p_a_ q_e_ mejor se entienda la calidad de aquellos prouj_a_s. 448. marcos de oro de diferentes quilates. 712 p_a_s de todas suertes desedas. 312 q_e_s de canela. 22u300 p_a_s de loça fina dorada y de otras suertes. 11u300 m_a_s de algodón q_e_ cada vna vale a 2 p_a_s de oro comun y mas. 930 a_s_ de çera q_e_ cada a_a_ vale 15 p_o_s de oro comun. 334 a_s_ de hilo de algodon q_e_ cada a_a_ vale a 17. y 20 p_o_s del dho oro. otras muchas cosas de menudençias traen q_e_ no sea valian por no entenderselos preçios dellos. en otro nauio q esta a la carga, y se espera cada dia se etiende vendra mucha cantidad de todos las cosas q_e_ estos dos naujos traxeron. para sus mag_d_s. en particular ebian deaquellos prouj_a_s. muchos joyas y coronas de oro sedas porcelana y tinajas rricas y otras cosas muy primas q_e_ los prinçipales ebian en reconoçimi_o_ de su vasallaje y por premiçias deaquella trra de presento se alistan dos naujos en que yran 200 soldados de socorro enel entre tanto q_e_ se adreçan mas naujos en que se entiende yra gran cantidad de gente, segun a sonado esta bu_a_ nueua la q_l_ se ebia a su mag_d_. por dos duplicados en diferentes naujos q_e_ nra senor lleue ensaluo, de mex_o_ xj de henero 1574. a_o_s [_endorsed at beginning_: "rel_on_ de las nueuas quescriuen delas yslas del poni_te_ herdo rrequel scriu_o_ degouernaçion dellas y otros cuyos cartas binieron e vno de dos nauios que partieron del puerto de manila a primero del mes de julio de 1573. a_o_s y surgio enel puerto de acapulco desta nueua spaña, a 15. de nouj_e_. del dho ano."] [_endorsed at end_: "nuebas delas yslas phelipp_a_s." _in another hand_: "anos 1573 y 1574 noticias de las yslas del poniente hoy filipinas y de la china escritas por hernando requel secretario de la gobernacion de ellas, y otros en el año de 1573. enviadas desde mexico el año 1574. adonde las dirigio."] news from the western islands by hernando riquel and others i have always given advices of affairs hereabout, and therefore do so at the present, referring to some things which have happened since i last wrote--a letter sent by the last ships which arrived in that kingdom in the year 1570. i will mention the most notable events, leaving other and unimportant matters for other writers who may be less occupied than i; and i refer you to the captains, passengers, and other persons who go in these ships. on the seventeenth of november of the year 1570, the governor miguel lopez de legaspi left the river of panai for cubie. [80] according to the orders given him by his majesty, he established a town of fifty inhabitants, to whom he allotted repartimientos of indians, [81] with the approbation of the provincial, fray martin de herrada, and of the master-of-camp and the captains. after establishing this town [82] he returned to panae, where, after his arrival, he remained until he prepared for the expedition to manila--a city in the island of luzon, and at present the principal settlement and camp of his majesty. he set out on the sixteenth of april of the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on easter monday. they embarked on the galley called "la leona de españa," completed in that season. on the way, they were detained thirty-two days before arriving at the said town of manila. before arriving there, and at about four leagues' distance, there came a spy sent by the chiefs to ascertain the purpose of the spaniards in going thither. he was told by the governor that his purpose was one wholly of peace and friendship; and that, in order to confer about this more conveniently, and further to please the chiefs and natives, he was coming in person. the spy appeared greatly pleased at this, and then it was explained how the governor happened to go there, as has been said. he was well satisfied thereat, and, having received some presents from his lordship, he returned to his people. the governor continued his voyage toward the port, with a mild and favoring wind. as the spy had not yet returned, the people of the town, as soon as they perceived us, commenced to set the houses on fire. as soon as the spy came, he made them put out the fire, explaining that our purpose was peaceful. they were thus reassured, and the chiefs--the aged rraxa [raja], aljandora, maguno, marlanavay, and salelaxa, the principal men of that land--prepared to come to receive us on the way. raxa soliman, through fear on account of what he did last year, did not accompany the others. when the governor learned that he did not come because of fear, he sent him by these chiefs assurance of safety. on the following day he came, but displayed continual fear. he excused himself for the past with fluency and adroitness; and, according to the reasons which he gave, there was no guilt in his actions. "as you already know, there is no king and no sole authority in this land; but everyone holds his own view and opinion, and does as he prefers. there were some persons more powerful than i, for, without license from me, they violated the peace and friendship, thus obliging me to be guilty of a lapse of duty. but if it had not been done in this wise, and they had done it with my approbation and advice, i would merit punishment. if i were king of this land, instead of being only the master of my own estate, the word i had given would not have been broken. but as this depended on the many, i could not, nor can i henceforth, do more than personally endeavor that my subjects and friends keep the peace and friendship that was established." when the governor understood the cause, he granted general pardon for the past, charging that now and in the future the promises made must be fulfilled. therefore, in the name of his majesty, he granted full grace. because of these and other reasons, and by means of many presents, this raja and all the other chiefs were satisfied, and peace was well established. a camp was formed in the land, and we have established a settlement, as well as we could; and every day more is being accomplished. on the day of pentecost there came to the shore of this settlement certain moros of the region hereabout, some seventy in number, and with as many boats; they sent word to the governor that they came to fight with his troops. he replied that they must consider well what they were doing, as he was not willing to command that they be killed, or to inflict any harm upon them. on the contrary, he offered asylum and right of residence, that they might freely carry on their traffic. many other arguments, promises, and presents were given them, and christian exhortations made; but to no effect, for they stubbornly grew more boisterous. at this, the governor commanded that the master-of-camp, martin de goyti, should attack them. this the latter did with exceeding promptness, taking with him such troops as he chose. they embarked on several of the ships which had been made ready, leaving orders that the soldiers whom he had designated should follow him. they proceeded to a place marked by certain estuaries, to engage the enemy in naval battle. this was done, and the enemy were completely defeated; and they surrendered after inflicting but little injury upon the spaniards, notwithstanding the great force of the enemy, and their many pieces of artillery. when they saw that they were conquered by so few christians, they were astonished; and fear was inspired in all the natives of the country, who hold the moros in high estimation. by this success, the country remained quiet for some time. after this earnest efforts were made to come to friendly terms with the natives, and they were told of the treatment which had been accorded to the first ones. several of those who had not been in this group declared that they desired no peace or friendship with the governor, or with his people; nor did they wish even to see or hear them, as no profit resulted to them thereby. on this account arguments were given pro and con; and in view of their obstinacy it was necessary to undertake to subdue them. this was done in many places, especially in a well-populated province named panpagan [pampanga], near this city of manila. demands and admonitions were given to all that they should render obedience to his majesty. those who refused to do so, it was necessary to fight and subdue, which was accomplished without much damage. when the affairs of this country were in this condition, the governor heard of the arrival of two ships, the "santiago" and the "san juan." this caused universal satisfaction; and although the ships arrived in a bad condition, they were repaired as well as they could be, in order to make the return voyage to that nueva spaña. the same pleasure was experienced at the coming of don pedro de luna [83] in the ship "spiritu santo." of the three ships, two were despatched last year; but on account of their late departure they experienced stormy weather on the sea, and were compelled to put into port again. accordingly, god willing, they will sail at the beginning of the month of july of this year, 1573. on the twentieth of august of the past year, 1572, our lord was pleased to call to himself the governor, miguel lopez de legaspi. he died suddenly, having that day arisen in good health. in his cabinet a provision of his majesty was found, issued by that royal audiencia during his administration, on account of the death of the viceroy, don luis de velasco. therein were designated the successors of miguel lopez; and the office at this time fell to the treasurer, guido de labasaris. the authority was therefore delivered to him by the master-of-camp, his majesty's officers, the cabildo of the city, and other officials. everything is at peace and at his majesty's service. at present we reside in this city of manila, in this island of luzon, which is the most important of these districts. both the former and the present governor apportioned the land, and the inhabitants thereof who were pacified. thus as the land is subdued, it will be divided. taxation is imposed in such a manner that every tributario must pay annually a piece of cotton cloth, which is very abundant in these islands. it must be ten [?] varas [84] in length and two varas wide. it is a thin cloth used by the natives for their clothing. moreover, there must also be given two arrobas of rice, and one hen. it must be understood that this can be levied without difficulty, as there is an abundance thereof, and everyone possesses these articles. there are many people, so it is evident that there will be some very important repartimientos, yielding good profit. in this island, there are many gold mines, some of which have been inspected by the spaniards, who say that the natives work them as is done in nueva spaña with the mines of silver; and, as in those mines, the vein of ore here is continuous. assays have been made, yielding so great wealth, that i shall not endeavor to describe them, lest i be suspected of lying. [85] time will prove the truth. the natives use this gold and mix it with copper, so cleverly as to deceive the best artisans of españa. many traders have been encountered in this land; so, it is plain, the country will have them and the best trade which has been or may be discovered in all the yndias. a year ago there came to the port of this city three ships from china, and to the neighboring islands five more. those which came here brought merchandise such as is used among the chinese, and such as they bring here ordinarily. the distance from this island to the mainland is not great, the voyage lasting about eight days. when those ships came in sight of the port, they sent from the sea to ask for assurance of safety. the governor granted it, and they were treated very well. they brought some trifles, although but a small quantity, as the natives, with whom they come principally to trade, commonly use, and for them are brought only large earthern jars, common crockery, iron, copper, tin, and other things of that kind. for the chiefs, they brought a few pieces of silks and fine porcelain; but these goods are not especially out of the common. for the spaniards they brought some fine ware and other articles, which they readily sold, since we who are here have plenty of money, and the chinese need it. they are so delighted that they will surely return in six or seven months, and will bring a great abundance of many very rare articles. they brought specimens of many kinds of goods peculiar to their country, in order to arrange the price at which they can be sold--such as quicksilver, powder, pepper, fine cinnamon, cloves, sugar, iron, copper, tin, brass, silks in textiles of many kinds and in skeins, realgar, [86] camphor, various kinds of crockery, luscious and sweet oranges; and a thousand other goods and trifles quite as many as the flemings bring. moreover, they brought images of crucifixes and very curious seals, made like ours. the cause of this unusual visit is that freedom, and passage to their own country, were given to some chinese who were slaves among us; those people spread the news of this settlement, where they could come with safety and trade freely; accordingly they came, with the ships and goods to which we have already referred. it must be understood that those people are very peculiar in their traffic, costume, and customs; every day this is more evident, since some of the inhabitants of this city are natives of china. from them it is learned that the land is very rich and thickly populated. the king is well prepared for war and the frontiers are well fortified with many forts with artillery and garrisons wherein strict watch is kept. they say that from the city of canton, one of the strongest towns on the coast of the mainland, there is a distance of one year's travel before arriving at paquin [pekin], the residence of the king; this means from coast to coast of the land. there are many very populous cities on the way, but if his majesty would be pleased so to command, they could be subdued and conquered with less than sixty good spanish soldiers. there are a few other small matters to be mentioned concerning xolo, which will be made clear by what is sent in these ships. the matter most essential to this country is what i have already referred to today, regarding trade. may the good prospect of riches and traffic be all to the service of our lord. _relation of what was brought by the two ships which came from the islands of the west, and other things referring thereto given that the resources of those provinces may be better understood._ [87] 448 marcos of gold, of different degrees of purity. 712 pieces of all kinds of silks. 312 quintals of cinnamon. 22,300 pieces of fine gilt china, and of other kinds of porcelain ware. 11,300 pieces of cotton cloth, each worth 2 pesos or more of common gold. 930 arrobas of wax, each arroba worth 15 pesos of common gold. 334 arrobas of cotton thread, each arroba worth 17 to 20 pesos of said gold. many other small articles were brought, the value of which cannot be given as it is not known. by another ship which is now being loaded and which we expect every day, it is understood that there will come a large quantity of all the goods which these two ships have brought. for their majesties individually, are sent from those provinces many jewels and crowns of gold, with silks, porcelains, rich and large earthen jars, and other very excellent things which are sent by the chiefs in token of their allegiance. for the first fruits of that land two ships are being prepared in which reënforcements of two hundred soldiers will be sent. in the meantime, more ships are being prepared in which it is understood that many people will sail. this good news is forwarded to his majesty by two duplicates in different ships, which, may it please our lord, may arrive in safety. from mexico, january xj, 1574. [_endorsed at beginning._ "relation of the news written from the islands of the west, by hernando rrequel, government notary thereof, and others, whose letters came in one of two ships which left the port of manila on the first of the month of july, 1573, and anchored at the port of acapulco of this nueva spaña on november 15 of said year."] [_endorsed at end:_ "news of the phelippinas islands." _in another hand:_ "1573, 1574. information about the western (now filipinas) islands and china, written by hernando requel, government notary thereof, and others in the year 1573; sent from mexico in 1574, whence he addressed them."] two royal decrees bestowing titles on manila and luzon don phelipe, by the grace of god, etc. inasmuch as we have been informed by the council and by the judicial and executive departments of the city of manila, in the island of luzon of the west, that the citizens and inhabitants of the said city have served us with much faithfulness and loyalty, and have endured great hardships; and that, after the said island was discovered and pacified, and the said city founded therein, the governor, miguel lopez de legazpi (now defunct), in our name, gave to the latter the title and designation _ynsigne e siempre leal cibdad_, ["distinguished and ever loyal city"], and to the said island of luzon that of _nuevo reyno de castilla_ ["new kingdom of castilla"]; and inasmuch as supplication has been made to us, for the greater welfare of the said city and the perpetual remembrance of the services of its citizens, that we order the confirmation of the said title _insigne e siempre leal cibdad de manila_, and to the said island of luzon that of _nuevo reyno de castilla_, and that it might be our will that they be so designated and named, or however else might be our pleasure: now therefore, we, after careful consideration of the above, and of the good and loyal services that the said city and its citizens have rendered us, do regard favorably the above supplication; and by the present we do confirm and approve, to the said city of manila, the title _insigne e siempre leal cibdad_, given it, in our name, by the said governor, miguel lopez de legazpi; and to the said island of luzon, the said title and appellation _nuevo reyno de castilla_. and we do consent that the said city of manila bear forever the designation and title _insigne e siempre leal_, and the said island of luzon that of _nuevo reyno de castilla_, which we, by this, our decree, grant as title and appellation, with leave and permission to be so designated and called as abovesaid, and to place the same on any or all documents that are drawn up and contracted, and on all letters that are written. and we do hereby order the same, under our hand and seal, and with the confirmation of my council of the indies. given at madrid on the twenty-first day of june, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. _i the king_ [_endorsed_: "registered."] granting to manila the office of corredor de lonxa for the estates of the city don felipe by the grace of god, etc. inasmuch as we are aware of the services which the city of manila in the island of luzon, entitled _el nuevo reyno de castilla_ ["the new kingdom of castilla"], and its citizens and inhabitants, have rendered us; and considering our desire for its honorable increase and colonization: it is our pleasure to bestow upon the said city of manila, as we do, by this present, the office of _corredor de lonxa_ [88] thereof, for the estates of the city, for such time, and no more, as may be our pleasure. and it is our wish that in said office be vested the jurisdiction and administration of the same according to and in such manner as our corredores de lonxa have exercised and do exercise it, in the cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms and seigniories, as well as in those of our indias, islands, and tierra-firme of the ocean sea; we will also that there be appointed for said office of corredor de lonxa, the person or persons whom the city may see fit to appoint; and that the said person or persons through the said appointment, and by virtue of this, our decree, shall be authorized to enjoy and exercise the said office in all cases and matters pertaining to it, in such wise as the other corredores de lonxa of the other cities, towns, and villages of these our kingdoms, and of our aforesaid indias, enjoy and exercise it. and they shall enjoy the income and fees annexed and pertaining to the said office, provided that the income which said persons shall give each year be for the estates of said city, to be expended and distributed for the common welfare of the same, and not for any other thing--for which purpose we direct the present decree to be given, signed by my hand and countersigned by our secretary. madrid, june twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. _i the king_ [_endorsed_: "registered."] opinion of fray martin de rada on tribute from the indians most illustrious lord: your lordship [89] asks me to give, in writing, my opinion of affairs in this land; and to invent a remedy which shall result more to the service of god, our lord, and of his majesty, and to the security of the consciences of those who live in this land. i say the same that i said lately in conversation with your lordship, when your lordship asked me in the autumn whether it would be right that the indians should give tribute. i told your lordship that i had determined to call an assembly of all the religious that were in this land, so that all of us in common could discuss the affairs of the country. until then, it did not seem to me that any change should be made, except that the spaniards should raise tribute by similar methods to those employed farther down on the coast--namely, a small amount of rice, equivalent to seventy gantas, [90] and a piece of cloth, for each indian giving tribute. having assented to this--although some religious, and that rightly, have found fault with the tribute, both in the pulpit and in the confessional, and in other and private discussions--i waited until all should come here, and the conference should be called as i desired, in order that everything might be better reasoned out. seeing now the great delay of some, and that we would have to leave this town--some alone, and others in company--have taken the opinion of all the fathers who were to be found here. they unanimously affirm that none among all these islands have come into the power of the spaniards with just title. for, although there are many and just causes for making war on some nations or towns, no governor or captain can do so without an express mandate for it from his majesty, excepting only that war which is waged in defense of their persons and property, others being unjustly undertaken; since neither in the first instructions that we received, nor in later ones, has his majesty ordered us to make war on the natives of these islands. rather did he order the contrary, in a letter that juan de la isla brought from his majesty, written from the escorial to the governor (who is now in glory), and which i saw. that letter declared that any conquest made in these islands by force of arms, would be unjust, even if there were cause for doing so. all the more unjust are these conquests that in none, or almost none, of them has there been any cause. for as your lordship knows, we have gone everywhere with the mailed hand; and we have required the people to be friends, and then to give us tribute. at times war has been declared against them, because they did not give as much as was demanded. and if they would not give tribute, but defended themselves, then they have been attacked, and war has been carried on with fire and sword; and even on some occasions, after the people have been killed and destroyed, and their village taken, the spaniards have sent men to summon them to make peace. and when the indians, in order not to be destroyed, came to say that they would like to be friends, the spaniards have immediately asked them for tribute, as they have done but recently in all the villages of los camarines. [91] and wherever the indians, through fear of the spaniards, have left their houses and fled to the mountains, our people have burned the houses or inflicted other great injuries. i omit mention of the villages that are robbed without awaiting peace, or those assaulted in the night-time. pretexts have been seized to subjugate all these villages, and levy tribute on them, to such amount as can be secured. with what conscience has a future tribute been asked from them, before they knew us, or before they have received any benefit from us? with what right have three extortions, of large amounts of gold, been made on the ylocos, without holding any other communication or intercourse with them, beyond going there, and demanding gold of them, and then returning? and i say the same of los camarines and of acuyo, and the other villages that are somewhat separated from the spanish settlements. in all this is it not clear that tribute is unjustly raised? likewise he who sends them for it or orders it, as also the captain in the first place, next the soldiers and those taking part in it, and those who advise it; and those who, being able to, do not prevent it; and those who, being able to make restitution, do not do so--all these together, and each person individually, are entirely responsible for all injury. and it is the same in the villages in the neighborhood of the spanish settlements; because, although they may have some religious instruction, and under the shelter of the spanish are safe from their enemies, and some injuries which have been done them have been redressed, they do not fail to receive great molestation and injury through the continual presence of the spaniards, and never-ending embarcations. finally, they were free, and, to speak openly, not reduced to vassalage. and when base and foundation fail, all that is built thereon is defective--all the more as the indians are not protected from their enemies, nor maintained in justice, as they should be. many piracies go on as before, and those most thoroughly subdued suffer the worst, because, being robbed by others who are not so subject, they are given neither any satisfaction nor allowed to secure it for themselves. and there is not sufficient reason for his majesty to have ordered that the land shall be allotted and divided into encomiendas; because his majesty was ill informed, as appears by his own letter, since he had been assured that, without any war, they had of their own accord become his majesty's vassals. therefore it seems to have been entirely against his majesty's will. if at any time we have been of opinion that the land should be allotted, as indeed it now seems to us, or likewise if the land is to be maintained, it was and is to avoid greater injury and robberies, which are committed without any remedy, when there are no repartimientos. therefore, only one thing now works injury. we are trying to render the land orderly, and not turbulent as it was before, when no one knew anything about it. even now some of the spaniards treat the natives very ill. more than all, the tribute which is now raised (three maez [mace] for each indian) is excessive, in our opinion, considering what we saw from the beginning among them and our intercourse with them, and our knowledge of their labors, and of the tools with which they cultivate the ground, and their great difficulty in supporting themselves--for they even live a part of the year on roots; and the common people can scarcely obtain a robe with which to clothe themselves. whence it happens that, at the time of collecting the tribute, some of them demolish their houses--which at the least would be worth as much as the tribute itself, if they should be sold--and go into hiding, in order not to pay the tribute. they say that afterward they will return to build, with the labor of a month or two, another house. from others it is necessary to demand the tribute with arquebuses and other weapons, and men, in order to make them give it; and most of them it is necessary to imprison to make them provide the tribute. therefore most of the owners of encomiendas maintain stocks, in which they keep as prisoners the chiefs or _timaguas_ [freemen] who do not supply the amount of the tribute from their slaves when they themselves cannot obtain it from the latter. thus, considering all this and other inconveniences, that, in order not to go into greater details, i do not set down, it was the opinion of the majority of the fathers, that--even if the whole affair were justified, and the indians maintained in peace, justice, and religious instruction--for the present, and until the indians have other opportunities, and other and better tools to cultivate the land, and until the land is more fertile, all that is taken from each indian, in general, above the value of one maez, in food and raiment, is cruelty, and oppresses them too heavily. your lordship should consider that in nueva españa, the indians at first gave nothing but food (then worth a great deal) and service. and all times are not alike, for now they can give little, but in course of time, the earth growing more fertile, they can give more; so that what is collected of all this that the indians now, in strict justice, do not owe, and that which until now has been raised, has been unjustly raised, on account of the evil way in which these indians have been conquered, and because his majesty's orders regarding them have not been obeyed. and because your lordship asks my opinion as to what ought to be done, i say that, considering that the land is already subjugated and divided into repartimientos--and for many reasons which, in order not to be prolix, i omit--there is no reason to abandon it, since it is very necessary that those who reside here should be supported. your lordship ought, in the opinion of the majority of the captains, to send his majesty a true, simple, and clear report, without dissimulations, of the methods that have been adopted in all this conquest; and of its present condition, and the methods adopted in collecting the tributes, so that his majesty, as a thorough christian, may decree what is to be done in the matter. in the meanwhile, the least amount of tribute possible should be taken for the support of all, considering that it is not owed; and those who have repartimientos should support those who have not. it seems to me that if the tributes should be regulated to the one maez of food and raiment for each indian, which i spoke of above, there will be sufficient for both classes if our people aid themselves with other profits that may be obtained. in order that this may be collected with some tribute, your lordship should in every way try to protect these natives, and to do them justice; and to abolish abuses and punish pirates, etc. we on our part, shall do what we can to aid them, instructing them in our holy faith. since this is my opinion i sign it with my name. done at san pablo of manila, on the twenty-first of june, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. _fray martin de rrada_ [_endorsed_: "these opinions are to be kept on file, in order that they may be passed upon by the council."] reply to fray rada's opinion sacred royal catholic majesty: replying to the opinion that was given by the father provincial, fray martin de rada, of the order of st. augustine, on affairs in this land, and on the raising of tribute from its natives, we confess that it was zealously done, in the service of god, our lord, and for the security of our consciences. in this estimation we hold and repute him. but, as sometimes the very wise are misled--now through too great zeal, and again by their ignorance of some things, which if they had understood fully, they would not have been misled--we shall not fail to point out in the "opinion," certain things which we consider harsh, harmful to this whole community, and very prejudicial to the development of this land. taking up the principal point to be answered in the "opinion"--namely, that his majesty was ill informed of the affairs of this land, as thus appears by his letter which captain juan de la ysla brought, we affirm that it is very erroneous. for what his majesty says in his letter is the same of which report was made before he wrote it, and the same which was occurring when the report was made of the affairs of this land, and so to say, more clear, public, and notorious--namely, that the governor (who is now in glory), when he entered this land, entered it in peace, inviting to his friendship all the natives. thus in the island of ybabao which was the first of these filipinas islands of which possession was taken, indians came to the ships from the shore, who made friends and rendered obedience to his majesty. these came of their own will, to make friends, and at the first, before any bartering of food and other small articles was made, and without anything of their possessions being asked. the same was done on the river calayan, where were captain andres de ybarra and father fray diego de herrera. peace was made, and nothing was asked or taken from them; and they remained friends. and although in the island of ybabao certain indians treacherously killed there francisco gomez and another spaniard, no war was made upon them for that reason. rather the governor was always calling for peace from all the natives of the islands where he went, without making war on anyone. so in bohol the chiefs gave their obedience, and came to the ships of their own will. from that place a contingent was sent to butuan to make friends with the chief. captain juan de la ysla and that same father provincial went there and made friends with limanpao, lord of butuan. from there they went to cubu, where they summoned and from the small boats invited the natives to make peace, proclaiming for two or three days the summons, until those natives shot arrows from the shore at those in the boats, who were continuing to summon them peaceably to make peace. therefore father fray andres de urdaneta, he who was calling upon them for peace, made a harangue to the people, saying that they were apostates, and that war could be made against them legitimately. the governor disembarked there, with the opposition of the natives. after having planted a colony there, many indians of the neighborhood, and even those of cubu, came in peace to render him obedience. thus a true report was made to his majesty, for many indians became friendly in these islands and made submission without war being waged upon them. nor would it have been made against any others, without first quietly and pacifically calling for peace, making much of them, and giving them clothes, articles of barter, food, and other small articles, which they asked for. if afterward any occasion arose for making war for the pacification of the friendly indians who were disturbed by the others who were not friendly, it cannot be said on that account that a false report was made to his majesty; for whatever was going on in the land at our arrival there has been written to him, and true reports of what has happened have always been sent him. therefore, by the above, it is clear and manifest that true and faithful reports have been made to his majesty. the "opinion" says further that no land among all these islands has come with a just title into the power of the spaniards. to this we have only to reply that we came to these districts by his majesty's order, and therefore are here, obeying his royal mandate; and, as we are not lawyers, we shall cease discussing the justice, title, or cause that his majesty has or can have in these islands. in what concerns the robberies and injuries that have been committed (if any have been) in this land, the natives have given the occasion for it, some of them being traitors and breaking the peace, as they have broken it at different times, especially in this city of manila. the master-of-camp, martin de goiti, having come hither the first time and entered in peace, and having made and ratified it with the rajas of manila, without the spaniards on their part giving them any occasion, the natives tried to kill the latter, discharging at them five or six pieces of artillery, the greater part of which hit the junk on which was the said master-of-camp. thus the spaniards were forced in self-defense to fight and enter the city, as it was entered. and, if the city was burned, it was for the security of the few spaniards who had entered it, that the natives might not attack them among houses closely joined together. the same natives confessed that they themselves had begun the war. further, as for assaulting villages at night, this has been done in the case of rebellious villages that defied the spaniards. it was necessary for the security of our friends to break and crush their pride, to avoid greater evil. if some have gone to excess in this matter, it is the individual excess which casts blame on the community in general, because the instructions that the governors have given and do give, whenever any expedition is made, are christian in tone, and quite in conformity with those which they have from his majesty. if sometimes the commanders have inflicted injury or waged any war, it is because the malice of the natives is so great, that wherever they sally out in war, with their ambuscades and other treacheries they provoke the spaniards to self-defense. if the latter go with the mailed hand, it is for the security of their own persons; for, if they were unarmed and unprepared, the natives would kill them--as they have done to many spaniards whom they have caught astray and alone, killing them and practicing great cruelties upon them. therefore it is necessary to go everywhere with weapons in hand, for the security of the spaniards; for there is so little justice and reason among these natives, and they never obey one another, or have lords or headmen among them, but all sorts of disorders, clans, and factions. before the spaniards came hither, the natives killed one another in their own villages for very slight causes. wherefore it is clear that wherever the spaniards go, they must go ready and prepared to defend themselves, as they are but few among many infidels, and loyal among traitors. therefore it is a perfectly good argument to say that wherever they go they go with weapons in hand. as to the matter of maintaining the natives in peace and justice, it is a just one. therefore we try in every way to protect those who are friendly to us. those who are in the neighborhood of the spaniards are very well protected and defended--not only from their enemies, who aforetime were wont to make war on them, but even from their servants and the members of their households, who among them were wont to kill, punish, and enslave one another, a thing not done now. and if this is done in any remote district, it is in places in which, on account of their remoteness, no remedy can be had from the spaniards. thus it is of great use and profit that the spaniards have come to the natives hereabout, on account of the security that they have from one another, and because they have free recourse to their trade and interests without being hindered or robbed by any one. they were not accustomed to this security before the spaniards came hither, because it is a thing publicly known and notorious that even in their own houses they were captured and robbed. they were not free to go fishing on the sea without being captured. now not only are they safe in their houses, but they go safely to different places, without any harm being done them. if there are piracies, they are very far from this town and in places where the spaniards do not go. it is a very ancient custom that the natives had among themselves, of capturing, robbing, killing, and imprisoning one another. now there are few injuries committed, in comparison with what used to be committed before the spaniards came here. every day there will be fewer, because we are ever striving to take and punish such pirates, as today there were some taken in this town. in regard to the tribute that has been raised, and the amount of tribute in gold that is collected from los ylocos and los camarines, without giving them any greater benefit than going there and collecting the tribute, it is a matter clearly to be understood, that, for the support of those who live in this land, it is quite necessary that the natives assist with tribute as they do in the other part of the indies. they are not considered friends, nor do they have any security, without first having paid the tribute--which is, in proportion to their condition and wealth, very little; and which they are willing to give gladly and without compulsion. in each island, district, and village, the natives give what they please, for in some places they give provisions, and in others wax, cloth, and other things which they obtain from their harvests. to them it is little, and almost nothing, because they have those things abundantly. if gold has been collected from the ylocos and the camarines, it is because the land is very rich in mines, and because they have great quantities of gold. cloth and provisions are worth more to them than in other districts, and so the natives would rather give the tribute in gold, of which they have an abundance, than in cloth and provisions, which they lack. if up to this time the said districts and villages have not been settled, it is on account of having so few men in the land and because it is not possible to do anything else. moreover, captain juan de salcedo has already settled in los ylocos, has built a village there, and has a cleric to instruct them in the tenets of our holy catholic faith; and he made a settlement in los camarines shortly after they were pacified and discovered. although we have not gained a complete knowledge of the nature of the land and settling it, because spaniards are going about everywhere still, exploring and making an end of pacifying it. when there is any possibility of settling it, that will be done, as has been done in the other districts where the natives have made and are making peace. as regards the excessive tribute which in the "opinion" is said to have been collected from the natives, to generalize from individual cases is to confuse the whole matter. we say this because a great part of this country is taxed differently in different places, and the natives vary in wealth. in some parts they are rich, in others farmers, in others merchants, in others miners; and, again, in others they live by robbery and assault. so the late governor taxed this bay of manila and its vicinity--being informed of, and having seen with his own eyes, the quality and fertility of the land, and the wealth of its natives--two fanégas each of unwinnowed rice for a year's tribute, and a piece of colored cloth of two varas in length and one in breadth; and, in default of this, three maes of gold--in gold, or in produce, as they prefer. this said tribute is so moderate, that with six silver reals, which an indian gives to his encomendero each year, he pays his tribute entirely. a maes of gold is commonly worth two reals, and, when gold is worth more, the maes is worth two reals and a half; so, even at that, it is not half the tribute that the indians pay in nueva españa. the moros pay this tribute of three maes as being more wealthy people, and because they are excellent farmers and traders. they are so rich that, if they would labor and trade for four days, they would gain enough to work off the tribute for a year. they have various sources of gain and profit; and so they have an abundance of rich jewels and trinkets of gold, which they wear on their persons. there are some chiefs in this island who have on their persons ten or twelve thousand ducats' worth of gold in jewels--to say nothing of the lands, slaves, and mines that they own. there are so many of these chiefs that they are innumerable. likewise the individual subjects of these chiefs have a great quantity of the said jewels of gold, which they wear on their persons--bracelets, chains, and earrings of solid gold, daggers of gold, and other very rich trinkets. these are generally seen among them, and not only the chiefs and freemen have plenty of these jewels, but even slaves possess and wear golden trinkets upon their persons, openly and freely. to say, then, that the indians are so wretched that they live on roots during part of the year, and in some places are accustomed to support themselves for a certain part of the year on sweet potatoes, sago bread, and other vegetables they find, is wrong. it is not so in all districts, but only in some of the pintados [92] islands; nor is this through any lack of prosperity, but because they are vicious, and eat all sorts of food. they are so lazy that they will not go four leagues out of their villages to buy rice, but spend their time in drunkenness, idolatries, and feastings. as they get along also with those eatables until they harvest their rice, they do not miss it; because they are a people who, when any of their relations die, will, as mourning, willingly go without eating rice for four or six months, or even a year. they live on other foods and grains that they possess, and in many parts of the pintados they live a part of the year on borona, millet, beans, fish, swine, and fowl, and many kinds of wine. not for that reason do they fail to be rich and have golden jewels, slaves, lands, and gardens. the pintados are not as rich as the natives of this island of luzon (who are called moros), because they are not as capable in labor and agriculture. so they are taxed to a less amount, each indian being taxed for a fanéga and a half of unwinnowed rice, and a piece of cloth, white or colored, woven from a plant. [93] in other districts they have other tax-rates, each suitable to their prosperity. up to this time the natives have not been injured, nor are they now injured, by paying the tribute which is imposed upon them, because it is so moderate that they can pay it without any labor. for by breeding four fowls under their houses every year (which can be done without any cost), they can pay their tribute, over and above which they have many advantages and profits. now more than ever, with the stay of the spaniards in these regions, they have established and increased their trade, and they continue to increase it every day. the "opinion" states that the encomenderos can be supported with the one maes that each indian gives every year. it is very certain that no one can be supported on so small a tribute, because there are many encomenderos who cannot be supported on a tribute of three maes, and they live in great poverty, through having so few indians. one of these encomenderos has for his share less than three hundred indians, and many five and six hundred, and as very few have over a thousand, especially are they in need where goods are so dear and gold is valued so slightly. a pair of shoes is worth a half-tael of gold, which would be the tribute of eight indians. a shirt is worth six pesos, and so on; all other castilian articles are worth double their price in nueva españa. then, if the indians here should pay every year two reals (the equivalent of one maez) as tribute, one could not live here by any means, especially since the natives are so rich, and have so many profits and sources of gain, and are more rich in lands than those of nueva españa. they have a great deal of cloth with which to clothe themselves; many silken fabrics worked with gold, greatly esteemed and of high value; many porcelains and fine earthenware jars; lances, daggers, bells, and vases; and many adornments for their persons, of which they make use. they also have great quantities of provisions, which they gather every year from their irrigated lands; palm wine, and wine of the nipa palm, which they collect ordinarily every day during the whole year and many other wines, made from rice or cane--to say nothing of the great profits they make from wax and gold, which are ordinarily produced in all the islands. there is a great deal of cotton, which they work and spin, and make into fine cloths; these are very valuable to the indians in their trade. the chinese bring them many silks, porcelains, and perfumes; with iron and other articles, from which they make great profits. for all this and many other reasons and causes, which are well known everywhere, the said natives can pay the tribute which is imposed upon them, and much more, without any difficulty. if some natives in some of the villages decamp in order to avoid paying the tribute, as is stated in the "opinion," it is not on account of any lack of means, but because the natives are spirited, and make it a point of honor to pay the tribute only when forced. they like to be compelled to do so. this is not the case with all of them, but only with some who, after debaucheries and guzzling of wine, come to the spaniards, and say that they have nothing wherewith to pay the tribute. this is not true of whole villages, but of certain individuals, who, as they seldom obey their chiefs, do whatever wine incites them to. all this is no reason to detract from the prosperity and riches of the natives; for if some indians go without robes and loin-cloths, they must be slaves and laborers--not because they lack cloth, since it costs them so little to make a robe that there is no one who cares to work who has not one; and not only robes, but many other valuables. for all these causes and reasons, then, although the "opinion" of the father provincial and the other religious has been given with good and holy zeal, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly harmful to the augmentation and settlement of this land, and the perpetuation of the spanish rule therein. to the natives themselves it is pernicious; because, if they do not pay tribute to the spaniards, the latter have to take from them their provisions and such things as they possess, in order to support themselves--as was done before the land was divided into repartimientos, and before the natives paid tribute. it is, therefore, most useful and profitable for the natives to pay tribute, by which the said spaniards can be supported comfortably, and without vexation to them; and if the tribute is too small and the spaniards can not be supported on it, it will come to the point of taking away their property on the sea, as was done before the land was divided into repartimientos, but does not happen now. on the contrary the natives are all very secure and quiet, and come and go to trade, and are altogether much profited and enriched by the repartimiento. _guido de lavezaris_. _juan maldonado_. _martin de goiti_. _andres cabchela_. _luis de la haya_. _salvador de aldave_. _joan de la ysla_. _amador de arriaran_. the licentiate _chacon_. _gabriel de rribera_. in my presence, _fernando riquel_ two letters from guido de lavezaris to felipe ii sacred catholic royal majesty: in the past year of seventy-three, i sent to your majesty, by two ships despatched to the kingdoms of nueva españa, a written account of what had occurred in these regions until that time. a few days after the departure of these two ships, i despatched another one, which had taken more time in its preparations. the last-named vessel followed a different course from the others, and put into a harbor again, after having sailed all around this island of luçon, on account of the bad weather with which it met. the ship has been detained until now in order to repair it, and to make all the necessary preparations. we are waiting every day for the arrival of the ships from nueva españa, for it is already time that they should arrive; but, in order that the vendavales may not prevent the navigation of this ship, we shall not detain it here until the others arrive--although it would have been much better for the service of your majesty to receive an explanation of matters regarding which an answer was expected. with the service of god and that of your majesty in mind, as soon as the ships left for nueva españa, i despatched captain juan de salcedo in july, seventy-three, with one hundred and twenty soldiers in vessels like those used by these natives, to win over and conquer bicor river and the province of los camarines, on the east side of this island of luçon. he brought under the dominion and obedience of your majesty all that region, with about twenty thousand of its natives, with as little injury as possible. some villages paid their tribute in gold. they have abundant stores of food, and possess goldmines. the people are the most valiant yet found in these regions; they possess much good armor--as iron corselets, greaves, wristlets, gauntlets, and helmets--and some arquebuses and culverins. they are the best and most skilful artificers in jewels and gold that we have seen in this land. almost all the people of los camarines pursue this handicraft. close upon the province of los camarines and bicor river are the mines of paracali. as soon as the ships arrive, i shall try to effect a settlement near those mines with the people that may come, for i consider it a matter of importance for the service of your majesty; and i shall continue the apportionment of the discovered and peaceful district of that region. in july of the past year, seventy-three, a ship despatched by the viceroy don martin enriquez arrived at these islands from nueva españa. it brought us news which caused great joy and satisfaction in this camp of your majesty. we learned that god had granted the queen, our lady, the delivery of a prince, [94] so much desired by all, and that her majesty is enjoying the good health so needful. our lord was pleased to grant us such a marked favor, and we beseech him to preserve your majesty, the queen our lady, and his highness many years for us; for only thus shall we not fear any adversity, nor can we desire greater things in this new world. in order that we might better celebrate this news, we heard at the same time of the victory won by the most serene [95] of austria over the fleet of the turk, a victory which has proved as great and signal as we expected from the zeal of his holiness and from your majesty; for god having seen that both had taken his honor so at heart, has been pleased to show part of his strength, so that in a single day he has made your majesty master of the sea. considering the great catholic zeal of your majesty, god will be pleased also to make your majesty master of the land in which his holy faith is exalted, and afterward he will grant you a share in heaven, as one employed in matters so holy deserves. i pray that god may preserve your majesty and so great a brother many years for the welfare and prosperity of christianity. on account of the necessity of visiting the islands of cubu, panae, and others near by, and for the arrangement of matters therein necessary for the service of your majesty, and the preservation of those natives, i went there in the month of november, of last year, seventy-three, and found that the town of nombre de jhesus in the island of cubu was almost deserted, and that its inhabitants were roaming about in the neighboring islands. i ordered them to assemble and resettle the said town; and since in doing so they would be poor and needy, i gave and distributed among them in the name of your majesty all that was near at hand. then i visited all the other towns until i reduced all things to the order and arrangement necessary, and left the natives quiet and reconciled. it took me four months to accomplish this so that i returned to the city of manila in the month of march of this year. as i considered the friendship of the king of borney an important matter for the service of your majesty, i sent to him a moro, a native of this island, as messenger, with certificates of security so that his people may freely come to these islands to trade, as they were accustomed to do. for the friendship of this king and the commerce will open us a way for the establishment of a community and the erection of a fort in that island; and if people come [hither from nueva españa] it will be necessary for me to go or to send others to settle that island, for the service of your majesty requires it. the lord and chief of bindanao river [96] has also notified me, through letters, that he wishes to be our friend and your majesty's vassal. this is also an important matter, for the place is suitably situated for your royal service. that river is the most important one in the island and the latter receives its name from it. if i have the opportunity i shall send men there; and, if convenient, we shall make a settlement there. in case i have people and ships enough, i intend to send men to discover the islands of lequios [liu-kiu] on this side of japan. this will be of much importance to the service of your majesty. inasmuch as this island of lucon is so large, and as, for the preservation of the natives, we need some settlements of spaniards to protect and defend them, and teach them our holy catholic faith, it seemed best to send captain juan de salcedo with seventy or eighty soldiers to people the coast of los ylocos, on the shores of a river called bigan. there i ordered him to found the town of fernandina in memory of the prince, our master [97] (may he live many happy years); and i continued to apportion, in the name of your majesty, all that had been discovered and won over thereabout, reserving for your majesty what had been ordered me through your royal decree. the chinese, in view of the kind treatment that they have always received and do receive at our hands, continue to increase their commerce each year, and supply us with many articles as sugar, wheat, and barley flour, nuts, raisins, pears, and oranges; silks, choice porcelains and iron; and other small things which we lacked in this land before their arrival. this year they gave me a drawing of the coast of china, made by themselves, which i am sending to your majesty. there is great need in these regions of franciscan, dominican, and theatin religious, and of some ecclesiastics, for the conversion of the natives. the theatins are much and especially needed; for, as an eyewitness, i know the great results that they have obtained in yndia. with the coming of more people, it will be necessary to found a few spanish settlements in this island of lucon, which is large, and in other islands; for already these natives are being baptized daily, and are embracing our holy faith and religion. they are very quiet and reconciled, and will be more so when many religious of the said orders have arrived; for at present we have only ten augustinian religious here, and they are not sufficient for the great labor demanded of them. i repeat that the service of your majesty requires the presence here of franciscan religious and of some theatins. this year we have brought from the island of bindanao three hundred quintals of cinnamon for your majesty. this ship, being small, will carry no more than eighty quintals, so that we have here three hundred and fifty quintals more to send in the ships which may come later. i am also sending to nueva españa cinnamon plants, and pepper plants of the round and large variety; also roots taken from chinese stock, so that they may be raise here for your majesty. i am sending a bundle of cinnamon branches with leaves, and three flasks of cinnamon water, for her majesty the queen, our lady. last year i sent to your majesty in this ship a cup and fourteen earrings of gold. now i do the same, and add four daggers of the kind used by these natives. for his highness the prince our master, i am sending a crown, two gold chains, and two daggers. not considering the objects themselves, or the person who sends them, may your majesty accept them as articles sent from regions so far away, with the desire of serving your majesty. for the good management of your royal exchequer, we need two men to fill the offices of treasurer and of factor. these offices are vacant at present; for while the governor miguel lopez lived i served as treasurer, but at his death i succeeded him in his charge, and sent the factor under arrest to nueva españa for certain charges made against him. your majesty will also see that we are supplied with an attorney-general, for we are in much need of one. juan de ledesma and valmaseda, your majesty's secretaries, sent to this your camp three of your royal decrees, in which we are ordered not to fill again the office of purveyor-general or any other office in these islands; and that from the gold, silver, and jewels discovered, the royal fifths shall be taken. [98] this will be heeded and carried out according to the orders of your majesty. i am also ordered to send a report concerning the slaves of these islands, how and for what reasons they are enslaved; and also concerning the augustinian religious who are here. in fulfilment of the latter command, i say that at present there are only ten religious of the said order in these islands. as to the slaves, i am sending to the members of your royal council of the indies the report which your majesty orders me to make, and in which i explain the conditions and causes of their slavery. [99] we do not notify your majesty of the many details which arise here, because we have reported, and do report all to your viceroy of nueva españa, who attends to your royal service in all that we need here with much diligence and promptness, so that nothing has been overlooked. since we came to this settlement of the city of manila, the religious who reside in these islands have shown so much scruple in regard to collecting tribute from reconciled and apportioned communities that some of them have several times affirmed in the pulpit that one could not conscientiously levy tribute, and have made other assertions at which all have been grieved. since this idea is being stirred up now more than ever, i asked the provincial of the order to give me his opinion concerning the matter in writing. he did so, and gave me an opinion which, although prompted by holy zeal and commendable in certain respects, is nevertheless severe; and, if it should be heeded, this land could not be maintained. to anticipate the religious who might notify your majesty, or send copy of the said "opinion," and to keep your majesty informed of the truth, a reply to the "opinion" was drawn with the consent of the master-of-camp, captains, and other prominent persons. the contents of the reply will be verified and proved by many spanish and native witnesses; accordingly, may your majesty, together with the members of your royal council, be pleased to provide what is most necessary for the service of your majesty. while this ship was on the point of departure, one of two ships which your viceroy don martin enrriquez despatched from nueva españa arrived here, on the fifth of the present month. through these ships he sends one hundred and fifty soldiers, some married men, and three augustinian religious. the other ship has not yet arrived. this camp of your majesty was much pleased at the news of the birth of the new infante. may he rejoice your majesty for many years. the officials of your royal exchequer who reside in mexico write that they are not empowered by your majesty to provide this camp with some very necessary supplies which were asked from them for this land. may your majesty be pleased to exercise your accustomed magnanimity, and order them to provide us with what is necessary for your majesty's service, and for the maintenance of this camp and commonwealth, according to the memorials which the royal officials of these islands shall send to them. this last ship brought a decree from your majesty issued at san lorenço el real on june fourth, seventy-two. the decree orders me and the officials of your majesty to send, by the first ships which shall leave this place, a report of your royal exchequer from the time this land was discovered and settled until the day when the report is sent, and to do so at the beginning of every year to come. this order will be heeded and carried out according to the wishes of your majesty--although, these ships having already departed, we shall not be able to do so until the departure of the others a year from now. last year, i wrote to your majesty that the indians who were deserting the encomiendas were again being allotted to the spaniards who serve your majesty in this camp. the same is being done now, since it is necessary for the service of your majesty, and the preservation of this land. i beseech your majesty to favor this measure and to confirm what has been already done, and whatever allotment should be made hereafter; for the soldiers have suffered much, and no day passes away without the death of some one. unless the land were thus allotted, it would lack means of sustenance. the office of treasurer, which i filled when governor miguel lopez was alive, is now vacant; and since i sent the factor under arrest to nueva españa, thus leaving here only the accountant, i appointed as treasurer for the proper management of your royal exchequer, salvador de aldave, until your majesty be pleased to provide otherwise. he has served almost a year in the said capacity, with all diligence and care, and he possesses all the qualifications required for such an office. from the time he came here, over seven years ago, he has served your majesty loyally in the discovery, conquest, and pacification of these islands for more than seven years, namely, from the time of his arrival. he fills the office well, and is worthy of whatever favor your majesty may be pleased to grant him. may our lord preserve the sacred catholic royal person of your majesty, and add greater realms and seigniories, as we your majesty's faithful subjects desire. manila, july 17, 1574. sacred catholic royal majesty, your loyal subject kisses the royal feet and hands of your majesty. _guido de lavezaris_ [_addressed:_ "to the sacred catholic royal majesty, the king don philipe, our sovereign."] [_endorsed:_ " philipinas, 1574. to his majesty. from guido de labezaris, july 17, 1574." "let it be made into a relation." "received, march 7, 1575."] [_remarks by the council, appended to this letter:_ answer that i receive it with gratitude, and that the governor appointed by his majesty will take account of it, and will reward him according to his services. let a decree be sent to the viceroy and officials of nueva españa so that with the money received from here they might supply these islands with the articles which may be requested as necessary for war and other emergencies, according to the memorial which the governor and officials may send. another decree should be sent also to the governor of these islands charging him to strive most diligently to facilitate commerce, and take care that the moneys belonging to your majesty be sent to the officials of nueva españa, in order that they may provide the islands with the supplies that will be needed, and which will be requested from here. for the fulfilment of this, orders should be sent to the viceroy and officials.] [the following letter, dated july 30, of this same year, is identical with the foregoing in almost every word, as far as the twenty-sixth section. the new matter in the second letter is herewith presented.] 26. up to this point, this letter is a copy of the letter which i wrote to your majesty by the ship "san juan." what afterward occurred is, that the said ship left this port on the nineteenth of the present month. may god grant the propitious voyage for which we hope. 27. one of the two ships despatched from nueva españa has not yet arrived, nor do we know anything about it. i have sent men to look for it in two different directions, with the oared boats of these natives. it is thought that the vessel is detained on account of stormy weather, and that with the help of god it will soon be here. 28. on the twenty-fourth of this month, there arrived at this city captain pedro de chaves, who, when captain juan de salcedo returned from the province of los camarines, had remained there with men to continue the exploration and pacification still remaining to be carried on. when captain juan de salcedo returned from that province the whole land was quiet and tranquil, and its natives, as well as those of the province of albay, were reduced to the service of your majesty. he had also won over the island of catanduanes five leagues from that coast the natives of that island were famous sea-pirates, who did much injury wherever they went. the people of that region are well disposed, and possess gold, mines, and plenty of provisions. now, with god's help, the whole land will be apportioned and distributed among the conquerors of these islands, according to your majesty's orders. the mines of paracali, which are a day's journey from bicor river, will be settled, for they are in a suitable place; and when they are given to the spaniards and worked by them, the land will increase in population and its commerce will prosper. i have faith in god that from this small beginning he will enlarge and increase the kingdoms and seigniories of your majesty, and we shall be able to carry the true knowledge of the holy catholic faith to so many barbarous and blinded men who are found in these regions, including the vast kingdom of china and many others. heaven has this good fortune in store for your majesty, so that it may be fulfilled during these propitious times of your majesty. 29. accompanying this letter, i send a map of the island of luçon and of the coast of the mainland of china, from which it appears that, from the coast and great river of cagayan at the northern extremity of this island to the nearest point of china, it is but a short distance by sea, a matter of forty leagues or thereabout. by next year when we shall have seen and explored more of this land, i shall send your majesty a fuller description of it than now. 30. i am also sending your majesty another paper which i received from the chinese, upon which is printed a map of the whole land of china, with an explanation which i had some chinese interpreters make, through the aid of an augustinian religious who is acquainted with the elements of the chinese language. they have promised me to bring next year other maps drawn in more detail and with more precision; and, god willing, i shall send them to your majesty. 31. by the ship "spiritu santo," now about to sail, i am sending to your majesty's officials in mexico eighty quintals of cinnamon and forty-six quintals of wax. for lack of room we have a quantity of cinnamon left over. may our lord preserve the sacred catholic royal person of your majesty with an increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, according to the desire of your majesty's faithful subjects. manila, july 30, 1574. sacred catholic royal majesty. his loyal subject and faithful servant kisses the royal feet and hands of your majesty. _guido de lavezaris_ [_addressed:_ "to his majesty--from the islands of luçon."] [_endorsed:_ "guido de lavezaris. july 30, 1574. received august 15, 1575. d."] slavery among the natives sacred royal catholic majesty: by one of your royal decrees, dated madrid, may 18, 1572, your majesty commands me to send you an account of the slaves that exist in these parts; and how, and with what justification, they are slaves. what has been ascertained about them, to the present time, in this island is as follows: some are slaves from their birth. their origin is not known, because their fathers, grandfathers, and ancestors were also slaves. but although the reason for their slavery is not known, we may believe that it was for some one of the causes here named. some are captives in wars that different villages wage against each other, for certain injuries and acts of injustice, committed either recently or in ancient times. some are made captives in wars waged by villages that have neither treaty or commerce with them, but go only to rob, without any cause. this is because a chief of any village, when he dies, imposes upon it a sort of mourning or grief; all his near relatives promise to eat no bread (which is rice), millet, or borona, and to wear no gold or any holiday dress, until they take some booty, or kill or capture men. they would go to do this, wherever they could, and where there were no friends or powerful towns who could easily avenge themselves. some, especially those who pride themselves on valor, have a custom, after gathering their harvests, of going to rob, without any cause, towns with which they have no commerce or relationship; or whomsoever they meet on the sea, where--a thing that causes wonder--they exempt not even their relatives, if the latter are less powerful than they. some are enslaved by those who rob them for a very small matter--as, for instance, a knife, a few sugar-canes, or a little rice. some are slaves because they bore testimony, or made statements about some one, which they could not prove. some are thus punished for committing some crime; or transgressing rules regarding some of their rites or ceremonies, or things forbidden among them, [100] or not coming quickly enough at the summons of some chief, or any other like thing; and if they do not have the wherewithal to pay, they are made slaves for it. if any one is guilty of a grave crime--that is, has committed murder or adultery, or given poison, or any other like serious matter--although there may be no proof of it beyond the suspicion of the principal person against whom the hurt was done, they take for their slaves, or kill, not only the culprit but his sons, brothers, parents, relatives, and slaves. if any one who is left an orphan come to the house of another, even of a kinsman (unless it be his uncle, paternal or maternal), for food only, its inmates enslave him. likewise in time of famine and distress, during which they may have given relatives food only a few times, they have sold the latter for their slaves. many also become slaves on account of loans, because these loans continue to increase steadily every three or four months; and so, however little may be the sum loaned them, at the end of little more or less than two years they become slaves. and now, sacred majesty, if it be forbidden, in those places where the spanish live, to acquire slaves in any shape or manner--those who were made slaves and were slaves before we came here and are slaves now, and whom the natives buy and sell among each other, as merchandise or other profitable wares that they possess--without them this land cannot be preserved. this, your majesty, is all known here of the slaves that i have been able to find out, having diligently sought and made the acquaintance of persons who know their language and customs. _guido de lavezaris_ documents of 1575-76 part of a letter to the viceroy. guido de lavezaris; [1575?] letter to felipe ii. juan pacheco maldonado; [1575?] encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. francisco de sande, and others; may 26, 1576 letter to felipe ii. francisco de sande; june 2, 1576 _sources_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias at sevilla. _translations_: the first document is translated by alfonso de salvio; the second and third, by arthur b. myrick; the fourth, by josé m. asensio. part of a letter to the viceroy by guido de lavecaris i am very glad that your excellency adjusted matters by ordering the return of the negroes and indians who had been carried from this land; for all of us were very anxious as to the number that we were to send hereafter in the ships which should leave these regions. may our lord prosper your excellency's life so that it may be of service to our lord and to his majesty, as it has been thus far. in this voyage our men seized two chinese junks laden with merchandise, plundered all the goods, and brought here one of the laden junks and four chinese. afterward these chinese, together with the others, who had remained in those islands where they had been seized, were sent back, so that they might return to their own country. i was exceedingly sorry that such an injury should be inflicted upon men who had neither offended us nor given us occasion to justify this action; and what grieves me most in this affair is the news which the chinese will carry to their own country about us, and about the good deeds which were done to them, and which they saw done to others, for our credit in china. as a result, most excellent sir, the commerce between us and these moros of lucon has come to a standstill, on account of the ill-treatment that they have received at our hands. they carried back to their land all that they could, and in so doing they caused us no little injury; for we had a share in the commerce maintained with them, since the moros brought and sold to us provisions. this suited us well, for already there was no other place where we could settle in this neighborhood except lucon; but now i do not know what plan and arrangement can be made. may our lord adjust matters as it pleases him best, for certainly there is need of it. a few days ago i went to the island of cubu to set free some friendly indians whom some soldiers had seized in a village which had paid tribute, and which held a deed of security. it was very difficult to get them back, for they had been sold and were already among the indians. this cost me no little labor; but our lord, who helps good intentions, favored me, and all the indians were returned to their village at my expense. this success caused much joy and satisfaction among the indians of the neighborhood. your excellency should also try to send all the married men who can possibly come. for with the existence of settled communities the natives of this land will feel more secure, and the married spaniards will devote themselves to sowing and raising the products of the land; but, if married men do not come, order and harmony will be lacking, as they have been hitherto. the recent arrival of married men caused great joy among all the natives of these islands, for they do not feel safe with us--saying that we do not intend to remain in the land, since we do not bring our wives with us. up to this time they have mistrusted us much; but, on seeing the arrival of women, they have become somewhat reassured. if your excellency orders many to come, and if a community of married people is established, the natives will become totally reconciled and will serve us better. between this island of panae and that of cubu we have found a pearl-fishery, from which the natives are accustomed to obtain their pearls. this year the governor [101] sent there a spaniard to fish for the pearls, in company with the indians of an island called bantayan, which lies near the fishery. some of the pearls he brought were as large as hazel-nuts, or a little smaller, and others were much smaller. it is said that, on account of bad weather, he was not able to fish there more than two hours, and consequently he did not gather very many pearls. many fisheries of a similar kind are to be found in these islands. one of the things, most excellent sir, which has caused and still causes us much injury, as it concerns both the souls and the peace of mind of these wretched natives, is our incurable greed, which is so deeply rooted in our hearts. the eyes of the understanding are so closed in that respect that only god could uproot it from our hearts. may our lord remedy it according to his knowledge of what is necessary for his service. i beseech your excellency kindly to send me a cipher system, so that i may give notice of what we need for the service of god and of his majesty. i beseech your excellency to forgive my boldness, for certainly my desire and intention is to be fully successful in the service of his majesty and of your excellency. letter from juan pacheco maldonado to felipe ii catholic royal majesty: in the year of seventy, your majesty's camp being in the island of panae, miguel lopez de legazpi, your governor, was informed that the island of luzon was very fertile and well populated, and afforded a good opportunity for trade. since the island of panae was poor, and the men there were in great extremity, he sent the master-of-camp, martin de goiti, with a sufficient force to examine the island of luzon, and offer peace and friendship to its natives. the said master-of-camp, having arrived at the said island of luzon, at the port and city of manila, found that the natives had built a fort and mounted six pieces of heavy artillery and a number of chambered guns, and had collected a large force to defend the entrance. the said master-of-camp, seeing that the people of the said town of manila had taken up arms, required them many times, by means of an interpreter whom he brought, to receive them in peace; because the governor sent them to win their friendship, and to see if there was any place where they might come to settle, and not to do them any harm. the natives of manila would not admit these reasons, on the contrary they began to discharge their artillery, trying to sink the vessels that the said master-of-camp brought. the latter, seeing that they made war on him, disembarked his men, took the fort without assault and its artillery. the men fled inland, forsaking the town and fort, where the said master-of-camp awaited them four days, to see if they would make peace, to which effect he questioned them many times. when he saw that they would not accept his terms, he took their artillery and ammunition and returned with these to the island of panae, where was the aforesaid governor miguel lopez de legazpi. when the latter heard the true report and relation that was brought from that land, he left, in the year following (of seventy-five) [102] the island of panae, where he had settled, for that of luzon, because the latter is well populated and has a considerable trade with the neighboring islands and the mainland of china. he entered the harbor with his fleet and by means of the interpreter whom he carried with him, using on many different occasions, the necessary means, he urged and notified the natives to receive him in peace, as vassals of your majesty. he told them that by your majesty's order the spaniards had come to that land to protect the natives from their enemies, to instruct them in civilization, and to preach to them the gospel and the way of salvation--for such is the attitude that your majesty is pleased should be taken toward them--but the said natives would not consider it. they put the governor off with long delays for four days, during which the latter permitted nothing to be landed from the fleet. thus he made the natives certain of his intention. at the end of the four days, the chiefs of the said town and vicinity came to seek peace for themselves and their villages. the said governor, in your majesty's name, received the acknowledgment and vassalage which they owed your majesty. peace and friendship being thus effected, the governor disembarked with all his men, and in your majesty's royal name took possession of the whole island of luzon. he founded and settled the city of manila, and called the said island _el nuevo reino de castilla_ ["the new kingdom of castilla"]. having done this, he tried in every way to bring the most of the natives to actual acknowledgment. many did not do so, nor have they been willing to; on the contrary, they induced others not to submit, saying that the castilians, as they call the spaniards, could not remain in that land, since they were so few; and that the people, by making war on them, could make an end of them. so it was necessary to subdue those rebels. this made trouble, because in the end they will be subjected by the said governor and the troops whom he has brought with him. the governor was diligent in reconnoitering the said island, which he found to be very rich in many gold mines, which the natives improve and work, especially in the province called ylucos. the latter is very fertile, abounding in provisions: rice, fowls, swine, goats, buffaloes, deer, and many kinds of lake-birds, all in great abundance. in this island there are many provinces, and in each one of them there are different tongues and customs. the greater number of the people are mahometan moros and indians; besides other indians who tattoo themselves in the fashion of their ancestors, and invoke the demon. they have no native king. certain of the richest individual chiefs rule the country. they wage war with one another, take prisoners in their wars, enslave them, and sell them from province to province. this island of luzon is sixty leagues from the mainland of china. the city and harbor of manila is in thirteen degrees north latitude. this island measures five hundred leagues in circumference. it has fine harbors, bays, and rivers of good depth, better harbors being found along the south side. this island is little more than one hundred leagues east of the island of burney. likewise the islands of maluco, filolo [gilolo], tidore, ternate, and ambon, called the malucos, are three hundred leagues south of this island of luzon. so also the rich country of japan, whence is brought great quantities of silver, is three hundred leagues, more or less, distant from die island of luzon. every year japanese ships come to these islands laden with merchandise. their principal trade is the exchange of gold for silver, two to two and a half marcos [103] of silver for one of gold. two hundred leagues south of luzon is the island of mindanao, whence is brought cinnamon. likewise about one hundred leagues north of luzon, and very near the mainland of china, is an island that they call cauchi, which has a great abundance of pepper. the king of china maintains trade with mis island, and so there are many chinese there. they have their own agency for the collection of the pepper. twelve or fifteen ships from the mainland of china come each year to the city of manila, laden with merchandise: figured silks of all sorts; wheat, flour, and sugar; many kinds of fruit; iron, steel, tin, brass, copper, lead, and other kinds of metals; and everything in the same abundance as in españa and the indies, so that they lack for nothing. the prices of everything are so moderate, that they are to be had almost for nothing. they also bring a great deal of bronze artillery, very well wrought, and all sorts of military supplies. this island of luzon is very suitable and convenient for trade with china; men can reach the mainland from this island, because it is so near. on this same island there is very good material for building ships and galleys, if it should please your majesty to send workmen for this purpose. as has been pointed out above, the said island of luzon is very clearly shown to be fertile and abounding in provisions, cloth, apparel, and whatever is most necessary for the preservation of human life. therefore this island ought to be settled and pacified, and what there is in it sought out and discovered, because the island is so large and powerful. for that reason, it is desirable that your majesty be pleased to provide what is necessary for that purpose, and for his plans for the future, as follows: the first thing necessary, in order to secure and settle the said island of luzon, to gain accurate information of what is yet unknown about it, and to sustain the claims that we have advanced, is to send spanish people--that is, religious and soldiers. the religious whom your majesty might send for the present are forty or fifty friars--learned theologians of mature age and good life and habits. with these and the religious of the order of st. augustine, who have five monasteries in the neighboring islands--namely, one in the island and town of cubu, another in the island and town of oton [in panay], another in the island and town of mindoro, another in the city of manila, and another in tondo (which is in luzon)--great results will be achieved; for the religious of these five monasteries have labored much and assiduously in the conversion of the natives, and our lord has been well served. by the preaching of the gospel to them, which has been done by these said religious, there have been converted to our holy catholic faith, receiving the water of baptism, a great number of indians, especially those from the island and town of cubu, who were pagans, [104] and easily converted. and likewise in the island of luzon, some native chinese who were settled there, being people of greater intelligence, have recognized the truth of the divine law and are baptized and live as christians. as the rest of the people are moros, it has not been possible to secure the desired result, on account of their resistance. this may be attained, by the favor of god, if your majesty be pleased to send the said number of forty to fifty religious, of the kind above described. second, your majesty will be pleased to send also, with the said religious, a prelate, creating bishop or archbishop of the said city of manila the reverend father fray diego de herrera, of the order of st. augustine. the father is a man of learning and of good life, who has labored much for the conversion of the indians of those islands. with him send as many of the secular clergy as your majesty pleases, who can act as prebends, canons, and chaplains; these likewise should be persons of learning and good life, and should all be subject to the above-mentioned prelate. the third has to do with soldiers. may your majesty please to send five hundred soldiers here, who may be posted in the said island of luzon, so that by their help the said governor can subjugate and settle the said island of luzon, and discover other neighboring islands. fourth: these said five hundred men can come at less cost, provided your majesty be pleased to keep to the following order: that the said troops should be collected in españa under the pretext that it is done for the convoy of the fleet which goes from these kingdoms to the said nueva españa. accordingly, of the two hundred men who ordinarily are accustomed to go from sevilla to nueva españa in convoy of the said fleet, one hundred may be left behind, the number of these hundred being supplied on the journey over from the number of the said five hundred; on the return trip of the said fleet from nueva españa to these kingdoms, the places of the said hundred soldiers may be taken by a hundred passengers, from those who generally come. as a result, at each trip and return one hundred soldiers will be spared, and thus between seven and eight thousand ducats saved. fifth: when the said five hundred men have arrived in nueva españa, on the very day when they disembark in the harbor of vera cruz, they shall go directly to the harbor of acapulco, which is one hundred and twenty leagues, more or less, from the harbor of vera cruz. for when the said troops arrive at the port of acapulco, it will be more than two months since the fleet from the said island of luzon will have arrived at the port of acapulco. so the troops can be embarked immediately on the said fleet, and make their way to the island of luzon and other islands. to try to raise the said five hundred soldiers in nueva españa would be impossible, on account of the great cost that would result; because each soldier would cost more than one hundred and fifty pesos as a gratuity (the sum usually given), or even a greater sum; and even if the said expense should be incurred, they could not arrive under the banner of the hundred soldiers above--and that with great trouble and vexation, as is well known. sixth: it is necessary, on the arrival of the said five hundred soldiers, at the said islands, to effect immediately the purpose for which they were brought--namely, to subjugate, settle, and explore both the said island of luzon, and those regions nearest china: the japans, the lequios, and the island of escauchu; this is a very important matter. it is necessary that your majesty should send us workmen, masters to build ships and galleys, locksmiths, and blacksmiths to the number of fifty. for all of these workmen your majesty, if he so please, could take the negro slaves whom your majesty has on the fortifications of habana, considering that the fortifications are finished now, and the men are no longer needed there. seventh: when the said fifty workmen have arrived, considering in these islands the great plenty and abundance of wood, iron, and other materials most necessary for building the said ships, the said workmen should build three or four vessels each year, so that the trip can be made from nueva españa to the said islands and return, with two fleets. likewise from the larger islands can be made voyages of discovery, subjugation, and colonization, and thus ascertain thoroughly the secret of the so great riches and trade possessed by the said islands, in order that your majesty may be best served in everything. i beseech and supplicate this, and especially that your majesty be pleased to provide promptly everything thus requested--seeing that delays might cause bad results, because of the small number of the spaniards, and the great work to be done at present in this island of luzon; and because those here deserve all the reward and kind succor that your majesty may extend to them. _juan pacheco maldonado_ encomiendas forbidden to royal officials in the city of manila, on the twenty-sixth day of may, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, the very illustrious doctor, francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty of these islands of the west, and auditor of his royal audiencia established in the city of mexico in nueba españa, declared that it is an encumbrance and damage to the royal treasury for his majesty's officials to hold encomiendas of indians; and, as such, his majesty has forbidden this by laws, and recently in a letter which his majesty wrote to the said officials in the year seventy-four, in which it appears they ask from him permission to own indians. in this letter there is a paragraph of the following tenor: "as for what you ask concerning repartimientos of indians--namely, that favor be granted you, because you have served as discoverers of these islands--such a thing has appeared to us unsuitable, considering your offices; and therefore there is no good reason for acceding to your request in this matter. in other affairs, there will be occasion for granting you rewards (and you will bring it to mind when you send to our council of the indies reports of what has been in your charge), and when it has been seen in what ways you have served. the same will be done in regard to increase in your salaries. madrid, april twenty-five, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four." the governor says the same; and because the aforesaid persons are freed from private affairs in order to fulfil their duties, as they are obliged, he did order, and now so orders, that they shall not hold the said indians in encomiendas, and retracted those which were granted them by guido de laveçares, treasurer of these islands--who at that time filled the office of governor thereof, on account of the death of the governor miguel lopez. he said that he placed, and he did so place, the villages which the said officials at present hold, under the rule of your majesty's royal crown. they are as follows: the natives of balayan and the river aguan, and of the villages of bulabuty, mata, amblaca, and mabulau; the river mabotan, the mines of gumun and gaogao, the river bacoun, the village of longos; the river ysin, and the villages of minangona and mina--who, it is reported, are held by the accountant andres cauchela; the natives of the coast of tule who, according to report, are held by the factor, andres de mirandaola; and a thousand indians, who, according to report are held by the treasurer, salvador de aldave in the sunguian emasingal valley. in order that his majesty may possess them as his royal property, like the others that he personally holds, the governor ordered the officials of the royal estate, whether present or future, that they shall hold those encomiendas as the royal property, make collections, and have the natives instructed in the tenets of our holy catholic faith. he charged this upon their consciences, and in the royal name, relieved his majesty and himself from that responsibility. and, further, he ordered a duplicate copy of this act to be drawn up, and to send the same to his majesty. _doctor francisco de sande_ before me, _fernando riquel_ in the city of manila, on may twenty-six, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, i, the notary undersigned, read and made known the act of his excellency, herein contained, to the accountant, andres cauchela, official of his majesty's royal treasury, who said he heard it, and that he will answer it. witnesses, alonso ligero, and balthasar de bustamante. _diego aleman_, notary-public. in the city of manila, in this said day, month, and year aforesaid, i, the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained, decreed by his excellency, to the factor and inspector, andres de mirandaola, official of his majesty's royal treasury, in his own person, who said that he heard it, and that he will answer what seems to him necessary. witnesses, gaspar de yola and melchior corila. _diego aleman_, notary-public. in the city of manila, in this said day, month, and year aforesaid, i, the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained, decreed by his excellency, to the treasurer, salvador de aldave, official of his majesty's royal treasury, in his own person, who said that he heard it. witness, antonio caballero. _diego aleman_, notary-public. in the city of manila, on may twenty-six, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these islands of the west, and auditor of his royal audiencia established in the city of mexico in nueva españa, said that whereas, since the officials of the royal treasury have been in these islands, they have collected from the trade and royal estate in their charge, many pesos of gold; and whereas, it is reported that, on account of their salaries, they have--despite the decree of his majesty in their letters-patent, and notwithstanding this letter which they have also received--held indians without his majesty's permission, and contrary to his decrees and letters: therefore the governor said that he ordered, and he did order, that whatever they have collected from the indians held by them in encomiendas be understood as counted toward the salaries which his majesty may have ordered to be paid to them; and from this time, each third of the year, when they shall collect their salaries, they shall go before his excellency, so that having seen the needs and the state of the treasury, they shall be paid proportionally, in accordance with the same. and they shall do nothing contrary to this, under penalty of five hundred pesos for the exchequer for each person and for each violation. because in this present year of seventy-six, we have been informed that each person has collected the said tributes for the whole year, they, shall all declare, clearly and specifically, under oath, the amount thus collected, and for what persons and by whose hand it was collected, so that when the first third comes due, it may be suitably adjusted, according to the above declaration. from now on they shall collect no more, except on the account of the royal treasury, under whose royal jurisdiction they are this day placed. this act shall be filed with the other, and a duplicate shall be made of the whole, to be sent to his majesty. it was signed by doctor francisco de sande. before me. _fernando riquel_. in the city of manila, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of may, one thousand five hundred and seventy-six, i, the notary undersigned, read and made known the act of his excellency, herein contained word for word, to the accountant andres cauchela, official of his majesty's royal treasury, in his own person. i took and received his oath, which he made before god and the blessed mary, with the sign of the cross +, in due legal form; and under this charge he promised to tell the truth. being asked what tributes he has collected from the villages herein mentioned, the form in which they were collected, and under whose direction and by what persons, he said that in this present year of seventy-six, he sent to the villages of bacayan (which is his encomienda) juanes de betaria, now defunct, to collect the tribute from the natives thereof. this man went thither, and collected nine hundred small pieces of white cotton cloth, three or four of which each one gave him as tribute. likewise he collected, and brought to this deponent, one hundred and fifty pesos in broken silver and testoons, and six tae[l]s of nejas gold, all of which he has, as said, together with seventy fowls. all this he gave and delivered to this deponent, and said that he had collected it from the natives of the said villages of bacayan. the said juanes de guetaria _[sic]_ went by the order of his excellency to collect the said tributes. he declared that, during this said year of seventy-six, he had not collected anything else from the said villages; and from the others that he holds as encomiendas he has not collected anything since he has held them. this is the truth, which he signed with his name, the witnesses being alonso ligero and baltasar de bustamante. _andres cauchela_ before me, _diego aleman_, notary-public. in the city of manila, this said day, month, and year aforesaid, i, the notary undersigned, made known and read the act herein contained, decreed and ordered by his excellency, to the factor and inspector andres de mirandaola, in his own person, from whom was taken and received the oath. he swore before god and the blessed mary, and on the sign of the cross +, in due legal form, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. this deponent, being asked what tributes he has collected in this present year of seventy-six, from the villages which he is said to hold as encomiendas, in the lowlands of tuley, and what persons have collected them, and what they collected, says that it is true that this deponent sent to the said villages of the lowlands of tuley one pedro de bustos, a soldier, who collected the tributes from the natives thereof. this was for the present year seventy-six. this said pedro de bustos, this deponent being out of this city, went to the villages, and collected a certain number of bales of cotton, which might weigh thirty quintals, a little more or less. this deponent did not receive anything else, nor did the said pedro de bustos give him any account of what he collected, because at that time he was out of this city with the sergeant-major, juan de moron. this deponent has not collected anything from the said villages during this present year, seventy-six. this is the truth, and what actually took place, which he signed with his name, the witnesses being juan de navarrete and melchor correa. _andres de mirandaola_ before me, _diego aleman_, notary-public. on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, i, the notary undersigned, read and made known the act herein contained, decreed by his excellency, to the treasurer, salvador de aldave, official of his majesty's royal treasury, in his own person. from him i took and received an bath, which he took before god and the blessed mary, and on the sign of the cross +, in due legal form, under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. being asked what tributes this deponent has collected from the villages which it is said he holds as his encomiendas in the provinces of yloco, and the amount thereof, and what persons have collected them in his name, he said, under obligation of his oath, that bartolome de vega, a soldier, who about fifteen or twenty days ago came from the province of yloco, told this deponent that in this year of seventy-six he had collected, from the said villages, tribute from two hundred indians. this tribute did not come to the hands of this deponent, but went to the factor andres de mirandaola in payment of a debt of the royal exchequer, owed to the said factor, and which this deponent was ordered by his excellency to pay, although he did not owe it. thus this deponent has received nothing out of what the said bartolome de vega collected this said year, of the said two hundred tributes, beyond one hundred and sixty pieces of white cloth from yloco, which the said vega gave and delivered to this deponent--a little more or less, he does not remember exactly. this said treasurer said that he was making this declaration to execute his excellency's order, and protests that he should incur no loss, because the content of the said act ought not to extend to his case, as he is not the proprietor of the said office and duty of treasurer; and because, in all the time that he has held it, he has received neither salary, gratuities, nor allowances, as will appear by his majesty's books. to those he refers, because he, as holding and occupying the said office which the treasurer guido de lavaçares had held, has conducted and exercised the said office as others have done, who at the present day hold encomiendas of indians. this he said was his declaration, and he so made it, and signed the same with his name. _salvador de aldave_ witness, anton caballero. before me, _diego aleman_, notary-public. i, the said fernando riquel, had this copy made from the original acts, which are in my possession. therefore i here affixed my name and customary flourishes, in witness of the truth. _hernando riquel_ letter to felipe ii by francisco de sande catholic royal majesty: although i have served your majesty in nueva españa as attorney, criminal judge, and auditor in the royal audiencia of mexico, i have not written to your majesty since the year 67, in order not to disturb you; i have always written to the royal council of the indies what i considered meet to your royal service. now i have come to and reside in these filipinas islands, where i serve your majesty as your governor and captain-general. as i am so far away, and have grown old in your majesty's service, and have examined affairs here, and seen the importance, the isolation, and the dangers of this colony, i venture to address your majesty briefly. i write at length, however, to the royal council of the indies, to whom i give account of the voyage, and its events, and of the needs of this land, and i refer you to that letter; i have also written of its condition, and of matters concerning the mainland of china, with what i consider it fitting for your majesty to order. i humbly beg that your majesty be so good as to examine the above-named relation, and provide therefor, as what refers therein to the expedition to china is a matter of great moment to your majesty's service. this enterprise would be easy of execution, and of little expense, as the spanish people would go without pay, and armed at their own cost. they will be chosen from the provinces, and will be glad to pay the expenses. the only cost will be for the agents, officers for the construction and command of galleys, artillerymen, smiths, and engineers, and the ammunition and artillery. food can be supplied to them here, and the troops are energetic, healthy, and young. this is the empire and the greatest glory which remains for the king of the world, the interest which surpasses all others, and the greatest service to god. i think that i have drawn a true picture of the people, as they are the best in the world for tributarios. they have waged war against the king of tartaria. [105] if they made war on this coast, his occupation, and even that of both, god helping, would soon be over. they have many enemies in this archipelago, who are more valiant than they and who will be of great help. i beseech your majesty to provide what is most fitting, that the power and laws of so just and great a king may encircle the world. in these filipinas islands there are at present five hundred spaniards in all, and if there were ten thousand, all would be rich. as there are so few we suffer many hardships, since we are among so many enemies. our only consolation, and mine in particular, is that we are serving your majesty. our diligence is unremitting, and we hope for your majesty's favor. your majesty will provide in this for your own cause, and that of the catholic church. as i write at length to your majesty's council, this letter is but brief. may our lord guard the royal catholic person of your majesty, and increase your kingdoms and seigniories, is the wish of your majesty's vassals and servants. manila, in the island of luçon of the filipinas, june 2, 1576. royal catholic majesty, from your majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands, the doctor, _francisco de sande_ bibliographical data all the material of the present volume is found in the archives of spain--mainly in the archivo de indias at sevilla, and in two patronatos therein; from transcripts of these documents our translations are made, except as otherwise noted. one of these patronatos is thus described: "simancas secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistas en consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." under this pressmark are found the following documents: 1569--letters by lavezaris and legazpi (this a copy, perhaps made by the viceroy to send to the king), and confirmation of the latter's title; 1570--the last two; 1573--lavezaris's relation; 1574--lavezaris's letters to king; 1576--the last two. the other patronato is: "simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las yslas filipinas; años 1566 á 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2|24." this is the pressmark for the following documents: 1569--mirandaola's letter, and legazpi's relation; 1570--the first three; 1571-72--all; 1573--melchior de legazpi's certificate of expenses; 1574--mirandaola's letter, rada's "opinion" and reply of officials thereto, and lavezaris's report on slavery; 1575--both documents. mirandaola's letters of 1569 and 1574 are bound together. regarding the ms. of "requisitions of supplies" (1571?), see bibliographical data of _vol_. ii, under "letter to audiencia of mexico" (1565). the account of the conquest of luzón (1572) has been published by retana in his _archivo bibliófilo filipino,_ t. iv, no. 1; our translation is made therefrom. the original ms. of diego de artieda's relation (1573) is conserved in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar at madrid; its pressmark is "711, 20-3_a_, caja n_o_ 22." the ms. ascribed by some former archivist to juan de la isla, but apparently almost identical with artieda's (see notes thereon in the text), is in the archivo de indias at sevilla; its pressmark is: "simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las islas filipinas; años 1537 á 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1|23." it is out of its proper chronological place. we have adopted the madrid ms. for our text, because it contains artieda's signature; but have incorporated therein all additional matter, or important changes found in the sevilla copy, as has been stated _ante_, note 54. the letter of enriquez (1573) is taken from _cartas de indias_ (madrid, 1877), pp. 290-296; the material for this publication is found, as stated by the editors, in the archivo histórico nacional, madrid; but they do not locate therein the documents selected by them. riquel's relation (1574) is a ms. in the archivo general of simancas; its pressmark is: "secretario de estado, leg. 155." in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid, is a ms. containing part of the material of this document; it is bound with the artieda relation. in the real academia de la historia, madrid, is another ms. (a copy by muñoz) which is similar to the document of our text, in part; the ms. from which we translate may be a compilation from these other documents and from other letters written by riquel which are alluded to therein. the document of our text was written partly on shipboard (in a vessel which left manila july 1, 1573), and completed at mexico, from which city it was despatched to spain in january, 1574. the royal decrees of 1574 are taken from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 68-71; the originals are probably in sevilla. the decree forbidding encomiendas to royal officials is at sevilla, its pressmark being, "simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1564 á 1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29." sande's relation of 1576 has been published in retana's _archivo_, ii, no. 1. it may be well to explain here the method of, arranging and locating documents which is employed in the sevilla archives. the first division is that of patronatos (sections), designated by names which show the character and source of the documents therein--as "simancas--bulas," that is, papal bulls, which had been brought to sevilla from simancas. each patronato is divided into estantes (shelves), these into cajons (cases), and these again into legajos (packets); the legajo is sometimes further divided into ramos (parts) and números (numbers). any document may thus be easily and accurately located. notes [1] this document is printed in both spanish text and english translation. [2] evidently meaning that the ship was proceeding to spain, since it carried a cargo of spices for the king. [3] the words in brackets are conjectural readings, the ms. being illegible in these places. [4] referring to legazpi's official despatches, evidently sent to spain by the same vessel which carried these letters by mirandaola and lavezaris. this document appears at the end of _vol_. ii, under the title, "negotiations between legazpi and perdra." [5] a relation purporting to have been written by this officer will appear later in this series. [6] the _escudo_ was a spanish silver coin worth about 50.1 cents of united states money; it was equivalent to ten _reals_. [7] these cities of china may be thus identified: chincheo (also written chinchew) is the modern chwan-chow-foo (variously written shen-tsheou, tsiuen-tchou, and tsiuan-tchau), in the province of fo-kien. cantun (canton; _chin._ kwang-chow-foo) is the metropolis of the province of kwang-tung. huechiu is hu-chau (hou-tchou), nimpou is ning-po, and onchiu is wan-chau--all in the province of che-kiang. hinan may refer to one of the towns on the island of hainan, which lies south of kwang-tung. conce (also, by early writers, spelled cansay) was later known as khing-sai (or kingsze)--the modern hang-chau (hang-chow-foo) in the province of che-kiang. onan is probably ho-nan, in province of same name. nanquin (nanking) is the capital of kiang-su province; and paquin is the modern peking, capital (as then) of the chinese empire. fuchu (fu-chau, or foo-choo) is in the province of fo-kien. cencay is probably the modern shang-hai, in the province of kiang-su. sisuan, lintam, and ucau cannot be satisfactorily identified. the name lequeios, which occurs elsewhere in this volume, refers to the luchu (liu-kiu, or loo-choo) group, which lies between japan and formosa. for early accounts of china, its people, and its commerce, see henry yule's _cathay and the way thither_ (hakluyt society, london, 1866). see pp. xli, xlii of that work for interesting citation regarding the civilization and excellent character and reputation of the chinese people. [8] gaston de peralta, marquis de falçes, was the third viceroy of new spain; he arrived at mexico on october 16, 1566. incurring the hostility of the _audiencia_, he was removed from his office, and returned to spain in march, 1569. [9] the document here referred to will be found directly following this letter of legazpi. [10] diego de herrera was born at recas, spain, and entered the augustinian order in 1545. he was in mexico when legazpi's expedition was organized, and accompanied urdaneta therein, as a missionary to the heathen beyond the sea. when the latter returned to mexico, he left herrera as prior of his brethren; and in 1569 herrera became superior of the mission, with the rank of provincial. he immediately went to mexico, and brought back reënforcements of friars to the philippines. for the same purpose, he went to spain in 1573; returning thence with missionaries, they were wrecked on the coast of luzon, where they all were slain by the natives (april 25, 1576). [11] martin de rada (herrada) also went with legazpi to the philippines, from mexico. he was born at pamplona, july 20, 1533, and at the age of twenty became an augustinian friar; he was noted for his mathematical and linguistic ability. in 1572, he was provincial of his order in the philippines, and was sent as ambassador twice to china and once to borneo. on his return voyage from this latter mission, he died at sea, in the month of june, 1578. [12] at this point may be presented some additional matter, obtained from a document (also in the sevilla archivo general) which purports to be a letter from mirandaola to the king, but dated june 8, 1574. he has apparently incorporated therein the greater part of the legazpi relation of 1569 which is presented in our text--adding thereto some interesting details. at this point, he enumerates the kinds of food used by the natives--"namely rice, millet, borona [a grain, also called _mijo_, resembling indian corn], castilian fowls, buffaloes, swine, and goats. they have wines of many kinds: brandy, made from palm-wine (which is obtained from the cocoa-nut palm, and from the wild nipa palm); _pitarrillos_, which are the wines made from rice, millet, and borona; and other wines, made from sugar-cane. there are fragrant fruits--large and small bananas, and _nancas_. these _nancas_ are as large as a winter melon, and contain a yellow fruit of the size of a friar's plum, within which is a kernel that, when roasted, has the flavor of a chestnut. it has a delicious taste, and there is no fruit in spain that will compare with it. there is abundance of fish, and much game--deer, mountain boars, and excellent waterfowl." for enumeration and brief description of the leading vegetable products of the archipelago, see _philippine gazetteer,_ pp. 70-95. fuller descriptions are given in various documents which will be reproduced in the present series. we may add here that, "on the death of legazpi, which occurred in august, 1572, so many unauthorized and irregular acts were committed by andrés de mirandaola that the governor, guido de lavezares, was compelled to ship him to new spain, with other persons whose presence in the archipelago cast odium on the spanish name" (_cartas de indias_, p. 804). [13] the mirandaola ms. already mentioned enumerates the articles exported from the philippines--"wax, cotton, cotton-seed, tortoise shells, and buffalo horns;" also the imports, "provisions, buffaloes, live hogs, and wine;" also "silks, porcelains, benzoin, and musk." [14] "because they say that their god orders them not to take out the gold, except on the arrival of foreign vessels." (mirandaola ms.) [15] cabit, in the mirandaola ms.; now cáuit, a point in n.e. mindanao. [16] for account of the forest wealth of the archipelago, see the recently-issued _gazetteer of the philippine islands_, published by the united states bureau of insular affairs (washington, 1902), pp. 85-93; it contains a list of nearly two hundred kinds of trees whose wood has economic value. [17] "all the natives of cubu have been converted, both chiefs and followers, except two chiefs, sumaquio and batungay. these men have not been converted, because they are not willing to leave their wives; sumaquio has two wives, and batungay three." (mirandaola ms.) [18] "in panae, and in luzon and vindanao." (mirandaola ms.) [19] this word may be "your;" it is uncertain whether the spanish word is _nra_ or _vra_. [20] evidently referring to the account of these proceeding which legazpi sent to the viceroy, marqués de falçes (see p. 44 ff., _ante_). [21] the _almude_ is one-twelfth of a _fanega_, or about 4 1/4 united states quarts. [22] juan de salcedo (salzedo, sauzedo) was born in mexico about 1549; his mother was teresa legazpi, daughter of the governor. he came to cebú in 1567, and, despite his youth, displayed from the first such courage, gallantry, and ability that he soon won great renown--especially in the conquest of luzón; he has been called "the hernan cortés of the philippines." these qualities brought him rapid military promotion; but his career was brief, for he died at the early age of twenty-seven (march 11, 1576), from drinking too much water while overheated by a hard march. he died a poor man; but his will provided that what remained from his estate, after paying his debts, should be given to certain natives belonging to his encomienda. [23] _sangleyes_: derived from _hiang_ (or _xiang_) and _ley_, meaning "a traveling merchant;" appellation of chinese traders in the philippines. [24] the _prau_ or _parao_ (a name of malay origin) was a large, flat boat with two masts, and lateen sails; used for carrying freight, and employed in the rivers and bays. [25] cf. friar odoric's description of the green pepper found in malabar (called by the arabs balad-ul-falfal, "the pepper country")--growing on vines which the natives plant against tall trees for support, and bearing fruit "just like bunches of grapes;" see yule's _cathay_, vol. i, pp. clxxvii, 77. [26] the tael is a chinese money of account, worth formerly about $1.50; now $1.68, "tael" is the trade name in china for the ounce of silver; it also designates a weight, of 1 1/3 oz. avoirdupois. [27] this lake, about seventeen miles long, is the second largest lake in luzón. it is also named taal, after the celebrated volcano in its midst. its outlet is the river pansipit. [28] spanish _pildoras_ ("pills"); a jocular allusion to the leaden bullets from the muskets. [29] the malay appellation _rajá_ or _raxa_, meaning "a sovereign," is used of rulers in manila or tondo. see retana's note on zúñiga's _estadismo_, vol. ii, pp. 521*, 522*. [30] cafre (or kafir): a term applied by mahometans to the heathen natives of conquered countries; it means "infidels." from this originated the name kafiristan ("country of infidels"), applied to the region north of the punjaub of india and south of the hindu-kush mountains; its people are called kafirs. see yule's _cathay_, vol. ii, p. 554. [31] _vara_: a measure of length, equivalent to a little more or a little less (in different spanish countries) than thirty-three english inches. [32] in the spanish text, _se acordo dar sanctiago en los moros_,--literally, "it was decided to give the 'santiago' among the moros,"--the _santiago_ ("st. james") being the war-cry of the spaniards when engaging with moors and other "infidels." [33] bound up with the ms. of this document, in the archives at sevilla, are similar official acts for "the islands of luban, similara, baluyan, helin, and vindoro." [34] the palace of the escorial was built in the town of that name, twenty-four miles from madrid, by felipe ii; it was begun in 1563, and completed in 1584, except that the pantheons were added by felipe iv. the total cost is estimated at £660,000 sterling; it is one of the largest buildings in the world, being a rectangle of six hundred and eighty by five hundred and thirty feet. it is a palace and monastery combined, the latter being in charge of the augustinian order. [35] the matter in parentheses is side notes in the original. [36] _tierra firme_: this term means simply "the continent," and was at that time applied to the northern mainland of south america, as distinguished from the adjacent islands. [37] internal evidence indicates that this list was prepared in new spain. in the ms., in the right-hand column are enumerated the articles demanded for the philippines; on the left is a statement of articles sent--various memoranda being made on each side. as here presented, the items in the left-hand column follow (within parentheses) the corresponding items on the right hand. [38] the spanish _quintal_ (100 _libras_), varied in different provinces; that of castilla was equivalent to 101.6097 united states pounds. other denominations: 25 libras = 1 arroba; 4 arrobas = 1 quintal; 20 quintals = 1 tonelada. [39] of these measures of capacity, the first set are for liquid measure: 4 copas = 1 cuartillo; 4 cuartillos = 1 azumbre; 8 azumbres = 1 arroba _mayor_ or _cantara_. this _arroba_ equals 4.26304 gallons, and is supposed to contain the weight of 35 _libras_ of pure (_i.e.,_ distilled) water. the _arroba_ for oil, however, is only 3.31853 gallons. the other measures are for dry substances. _hanega_ is only another form of _fanega_ (= 1.599 bushels), which is described in _vol_. ii, note 72; the _celemín_ is the same as the _almude_ (note 20, _ante_). table: 4 ochavillos = 1 racion; 4 raciones = 1 cuartillo; 2 cuartillos = 1 medio; 2 medios = 1 almude; 12 almudes = 1 fanega; 12 fanegas = 1 cahíz. [40] references to the shares, in goods discovered or produced, which were to be set aside for the king and the church. [41] _elem:_ in retana's text, "el _m_." in some old documents appears the name elen (or helin); it apparently refers to the islet off the southwest point of mindoro which is now called ylín. [42] _pintados_ ("painted"): a term applied to the inhabitants of the visayas (and afterward extended to those islands), because they painted their bodies with red clay--or, as some writers say, on account of their being tattooed. [43] the name manila is derived from a tagal word, _manilad,_ meaning "a place overgrown with _nilad_"--which is the name of a small tree, bearing white flowers _(ixora manila)._ some writers claim that the name is a corruption of _maydila,_ from the tagal words _may_ and _dila_, meaning "the place that has a tongue"--alluding to a tongue-shaped island formerly at the mouth of pasig river.--_rev. t. c. middleton_, o.s.a. [44] gold and other minerals are still obtained from the mines of paracale (in the province of ambos, camarines), luzón. [45] blumentritt says (_dic. mitológico de filipinas_, pp. 34, 35), of the appellation bathala: "this name, of sanscrit origin, is or was given to various gods of the malay filipinos. the ancient tagalos called their principal god _badhala_, or _bathala mey-kapal_ ["god the creator"], and gave the same name to the bird _tigmamanukin_, ... and sometimes to the comets or other heavenly bodies, which, in their opinion, predicted future events." this is analogous to the manner in which the north american indians apply such terms as "manitou," "wakan," or "medicine," not only to their divinities, but to any phenomenon that is mysterious or incomprehensible to them. the term _dîwata_ (_devata, diobata_), also of sanscrit origin, is applied variously by different races in the archipelago--sometimes to the souls of ancestors (whom they invoke); sometimes to any inferior spirits, whether good or bad (_ut supra_ pp. 45, 46). [46] a reference to the island of basilan, off the southwest point of mindanao; it was formerly called taguima. the route for ships here mentioned was through the strait of basilan. [47] yvalón (or ibalón) was the ancient name of albay; it was sometimes applied to the entire island of luzon. [48] the bícol river, which crosses the province of ambos camarines (sur), while paracale is in the same province (norte); both are on the opposite coast from albay. yloquio is probably ilocos; but that province is north, not south, of manila. [49] this municipal organization may be thus defined: the _cabildo_ was the municipal official corporation--nearly the same as the american city council; the _regidores_ were members of it. the _alguazil_ was an official who executed the orders given by the _cabildo_, or by the _alcaldes_ (judges). regarding this subject, see historical introduction, _vol_. i, p. 56; also _dic.-encicl. hisp.-amer, art_: cabildo, alcalde, etc. [50] the _peso_ was a money of account, commonly supposed to be worth fifteen _reals vellón_. there was also a silver coin called a _peso_, which was valued at eight _reals_ of silver, and weighed one _onza_ (a trifle more than the english ounce). the _real_ (=34 _maravedis_) is equivalent to nearly five cents of united states money; it is no longer coined, but is still a unit of value throughout spain. the _tomin_ for gold was equivalent to 8.883 grains (united states weight), and for silver to 9.254 grains. from a document published in _doc. inéd. ultramar_, vol. ii, pp. 461-463, it appears that seven _tomines_ of gold were equivalent to one _peso_ of gold. [51] the table of weights to which the _marco_ belongs is as follows: 12 granos = 1 tomin; 3 tomines = 1 adarme; 2 adarmes = 1 ochava or dracma; 8 ochavas = 1 onza; 8 onzas = 1 marco; 2 marcos = 1 libra (= 1.016097 united states pounds). [52] _encomenderos_: persons to whom _repartimientos_ or _encomiendas_ were granted (see _vol_. ii, note 18). [53] the name first given to the present city of cebú, on the island of that name. another early name was san miguel, given because the settlement was founded on st. michael's day. [54] bound with this ms. is an abstract of the same, evidently made for the royal council by some secretary. in the margin are noted, opposite the various points, instructions for the governor of the islands. in reply to this letter lavezaris is to be thanked for his care, and exhorted to continue it. the licentiate francisco de sande is about to go from new spain to the philippines, to take account of legazpi's administration and to act as governor. the king is advised to reward lavezaris, and suitable rewards should be given to martin de goiti and juan de salcedo. sande is to be instructed to accord good treatment to the chinese, in order to invite their trade and win them to the faith. peace and friendship must be maintained with the portuguese. the lists of _encomiendas_ granted by legazpi and lavezaris, with full information regarding them, must be sent to the government. sande should be instructed to do what he considers best, in regard to the appointment of _regidores_. [55] regarding the authorship of this document, see bibliographical data. in its presentation here, we have interpolated in brackets the additional matter found in the sevilla copy; and likewise words which alter the sense, prefixing to these "s:", to indicate the different reading of the sevilla document. matter in the madrid copy which would give a different meaning from that at sevilla is indicated by "m:". the title of the latter is: "relation of the western islands, and the route thither from nueva españa." [56] the _brisa_ is the north, northeast, or east wind, the _vendavál_ the south or southwest wind. the observations made for a considerable period at the jesuit observatory in manila indicate the main prevalence of winds as follows: north and northeast, november to january, inclusive; east, february to april; south and southwest, may to october. see algué's account of these winds, in his _archipiélago filipino_, vol. ii, ch. iv; also (with additional observations, and citations from other authorities) in _report of the philippine commission_, 1900, vol. iv, pp. 227-256. in these is discussed the question whether these prevalent winds can be properly termed monsoons. [57] probably some of the marshall islands. [58] the chinese _tael_ (weight) is equivalent to 1 1-3 united states ounces avoirdupois. the _mace_ (_masse_) is one-tenth of the _tael_, and equals 60.42 grains. these terms are also applied to moneys of account in chinese trade. [59] the words "one thousand" do not appear in the madrid copy, having probably, in the course of time, been worn off (as have other words or letters) from the edges of the paper. [60] now panaón; separated from leyte (here called baybay) by panaón strait. tandaya was the early name of samar island, which is separated from leyte by san juanico strait. mazoga is the same as massava of other early writers; it is now limasaua island. [61] the _estado_ was equivalent to 1.85472 english yards, having nearly the same value as the _braza_. [62] probably the _sibucao (cæsalpina sapan_); its wood produces a red coloring-matter which is highly valued, especially by the chinese. some varieties of it are more highly esteemed than are those produced in brazil. these "brazil" islands are apparently the small groups north of luzón, now known as batanes and babuyanes. [63] an archivist's marginal note on the sevilla ms. reads: "doubtless this should be bassilani"--which is the modern basilan, an island southwest of mindanao. [64] regarding piracy in the philippines, see barrantes's _guerras piraticas de filipinas_ (madrid, 1878); and montero y vidal's _historia de la piratería en mindanao, jolo y borneo_ (madrid, 1888). [65] a term (imported from america, and from the nahuatl language) applied to several species of _calamus_: the rattan--a plant of great use to the natives for many purposes. [66] compare the custom among the norse vikings--a warrior, at the approach of death from natural causes, embarking alone in his vessel, floating out to sea, and setting it afire, that he might perish with it. [67] the table for spanish measures of length: 12 puntos = 1 linea; 12 lineas = 1 pulgada; 6 pulgadas = 1 sesma; 2 sesmas = 1 piè (the foot, = 11.128 u. s. inches); 3 piès = 1 vara; 4 varas = 1 estadal. also, 9 lineas = 1 dedo; 12 dedos = 1 palma. the _legua_ of 8,000 _varas_ equals 4.2151 united states miles. [68] _camote:_ the sweet potato (_ipomoea batatas_.) [69] an interesting reference to one of the earliest and most characteristic industries among the natives of the philippines. the "wild banana" is the _abacá_ (_musa textilis_); its product (made from the fibers of the leaves) is commonly known as "manila hemp," and is one of the chief exports from the islands. two kinds of cloth are now made by the natives from the _abacá_, called _sinamay_ and _tinampipi_; in making them, they use only primitive handlooms. see zúñiga's description of this manufacture, in _estadismo_ (retana's edition), vol. ii, pp. 41, 42: cf. pp. 94, 95, where he praises the cotton cloths made in the philippines. [70] the spanish word is _moldes_; this sentence regarding the art of printing in china is not in the sevilla ms. gonzalez de mendoza gives an interesting account in his _hist. gran china_ (madrigal edition, madrid, 1586), part i, book iii, ch. xvi, fol. 87-87b; he says that the chinese understood and used the art of printing more than five hundred years before gutenberg. he supposes that this invention was carried to germany via russia and muscovy, or by way of the red sea and arabia. the augustinian herrada and his associates took to the philippines a great many books, "printed in various parts of that kingdom [china], but mostly in the province of ochian [the former province of hu-kwang, now forming the two provinces of hou-nan and hou-pe] ... for therein were bookshops of the largest size," where books were sold at low prices. in ch. xvii (fol. 89-91), mendoza enumerates the subjects treated in the books procured by herrada; they included history, statistics, geography, law, medicine, religion, etc. see also park's translation of mendoza (hakluyt society, london, 1853), vol. i, pp. 131-137, and editorial note thereon regarding antiquity of printing in china. [71] see the treaty of zaragoza, _vol_. i, pp. 222-239. [72] the term moros ("moors") was applied by the spaniards and portuguese to these malayans, simply because they were, at least nominally, mahometans. their residence was mainly in the islands of mindanao, jolo, paragua, and balábac. most of them were pirates, who for centuries harassed not only the spanish settlements, but those of the filipinos. [73] a note by the editor of _cartas de indias_ says: "the documents here named do not accompany this letter." [74] this document is presented in both spanish text and english translation. [75] the latter part only of this document is here presented; for somewhat more than half of it is practically a duplicate of legazpi's _relation_ of 1570--which see (_ante_, pp. 108-112), with footnotes indicating all important variations therefrom found in the first half of the mirandaola letter. the part appearing here is matter additional to the legazpi _relation_. [76] for localities in which gold is found in the philippines, see _philippine gazetteer_, pp. 83, 84. see also combés's _hist. de mindanao_, lib. 1, cap. iv, with retana's note thereon, col. 787; in the note is information apparently obtained from this document of our text. [77] the viceroy of new spain, martin enriquez, makes the following interesting comments on the chinese trade with the philippines, in a letter to the king dated january 9, 1574: "since i wrote to your majesty by the despatch ship, i have seen some of the articles which have been received in barter from the chinese; and i consider the whole thing as a waste of effort, and a losing rather than a profitable business. for all they bring are a few silks of very poor quality (most of which are very coarsely woven), some imitation brocades, fans, porcelain, writing desks, and decorated boxes; indeed, did i not have respect for more than the good government of this land, i would not permit a single one of these things to be brought into this kingdom. to pay for these they carry away gold and silver, and they are so keen that they will accept nothing else. i am told that they took away more than forty thousand ducats in gold and silver from the islands; and if this were not regulated, they would always have the best of it--although, if the spaniards who traffic there with them were business men, they themselves would reject the goods carried to them, and would try to ascertain what goods the chinese have and their value, and arrange so that the exchange should be profitable. i tell your majesty of this because i shall write the general no more than that he must not permit spaniards to carry on barter with gold that has not paid the tax." [78] in 1560 the portuguese obtained the loan of a spot near the mouth of the canton estuary, where they were permitted to establish a trading-post, which was named macao. before many years elapsed, more than five hundred portuguese merchants resorted thither annually to trade. "by the regular payment of their rent (five hundred taels a year), as well as by a judicious system of bribing, the portuguese long enjoyed the practical monopoly of the external trade of the great mart of canton with the west." see d. c. boulger's _history of china_, ii, pp. 146, 169. [79] the chinese rulers here referred to are known in history by different names from those here given, even after making allowance for their pronunciation by spaniards. moutsong, twelfth emperor of the ming dynasty, died in 1572, and was succeeded by his son chintsong, better known under the name wanleh. as this prince was then but six years old, his mother acted as regent during his minority. [80] the ultramar ms. (see bibliographical data at end of this volume) reads, "the river of panaca to cubo." [81] from this point this paragraph in the ultramar ms. reads as follows: "as justly as possible. but although it was done thus, complaints were heard, because not so many natives were found as the list made by the person who had visited this district gave us to understand. this list was so summary that it could not be true. the encomenderos urged that the governor should make the number of each repartimiento equal to the list. therefore each encomendero received the number for which he petitioned." [82] the ultramar ms. reads here: "named cebu, he set out for prognal." [83] martin enriquez writes to the king (january 9, 1574), urging that a new governor for the philippines be appointed: "i beg your majesty to appoint, within a very short time, some person who shall have the necessary qualifications for governing that land; for otherwise neither christianity nor the royal estate will be able to make much progress there. even since i wrote to your majesty, i have heard fuller details of certain things from among the many which are bound to occur, and all through lack of justice. i had charged don pedro de luna to bring me a detailed relation of everything that he should hear concerning matters there, and, as he died at sea, i sent word to the alcalde mayor of acapulco to look through his coffers for all his papers, and send them to me, suspecting that i would not like to trust everything to his memory. in this way i have ascertained from them that there is beyond question need that your majesty should endeavor to secure better administration of justice there, and provide some one to take greater care of your majesty's finances." [84] the muñoz letter (see bibliographical data at end of this volume) says, "four varas." the reading of our text is uncertain, as the number is not written in full, but is designated by a contraction difficult to read. [85] the ultramar ms. has the following: "it is enough to say, and i swear it on my oath as a christian, that there is said to be more gold in this one island than iron in vizcaya." this is very similar to the reading in the ms. copied by muñoz. [86] the red sulphuret of arsenic. [87] this and what follows was apparently added by the officials in mexico. [88] _corredor de lonja_ (_lonxa_) is undoubtedly a commission merchant: apparently the decree confers upon the city the right to appoint brokers of this class.--_a.p. cushing_. [89] this document is evidently addressed to the governor, then guido de lavezaris. [90] the ganta = 8 chupas = 3 liters. [91] an ancient province of luzon, so called from the name given in manila to the many porticos constructed out of the nipa palm. it was erected into a province during the governorship of guido de lavezaris, and was conquered by salcedo. it is mountainous, and contains rich mines of various metals, and a fertile soil. it is now (since april 27, 1901), under american government, known by the name of ambos camarines. [92] the early name of the islands now known as visayas (or bisayas)--the group lying between luzón, mindanao, and mindoro; so named from their inhabitants, known as pintados ("painted men") from their tattooed bodies. [93] referring to the abacá, or wild plantain (note 68). [94] referring to the birth of a son to felipe ii and anna of austria--probably that of jacobo (or jaime), born in 1572 or 1573, who died in 1582. [95] the name and title of this commander are, by some _lapsus calami_, omitted in the ms. the reference, however, is obvious, to don juan of austria, illegitimate son of cárlos i (but finally publicly acknowledged by him); this prince gained signal renown in wars against the mahometans. [96] the rio grande of mindanao. [97] the first-born son of felipe was fernando, born in 1571; he died at the age of four years. the town named for him is now called vigan; it is located on abra river, and is capital of the province of ilocos sur, luzón. [98] of the decrees here referred to, two may be found in _recopilación de leyes de las indias_ (5th ed., madrid, 1841), lib. viii. one (tit. iv, ley xxiv) provides that vacancies in crown offices shall be filled by the viceroy, or by the president of the audiencia; the other (tit. x, ley xviii), that gold and silver found in seaports, which has not been duly taxed and stamped, shall, if there be no smelting establishment in such place, be forfeited to the royal treasury. [99] see _post_, p. 286. [100] apparently a reference to the custom of _taboo_ (or _tabu_), of which traces exist among primitive peoples throughout the world, but most of all in polynesia. the word means "sacred"--that is, set aside or appropriated to persons or things regarded as sacred; but the custom, although doubtless originating in religious observances, gradually extended as a social usage. it is among many peoples connected with totemism, and is considered by many writers as the gradual outgrowth of animistic beliefs. [101] this was doctor francisco de sande, who entered upon his duties as governor of the philippines in august, 1575. he had previously been a member of the audiencia of mexico. while governor, he desired to undertake the conquest of china; but felipe ii ordered him to confine his activities to the preservation of what spain had already gained in the islands. sande was recalled in 1580. [102] thus in the original (_setenta y cinco_); but it must be a slip of the writer, since legazpi removed to manila in may, 1571, which was organized as a city a year later--as is shown by the "documents of 1571-72," _ante_. [103] the _marco_ was the unit of weight used in weighing gold and silver in the different latin countries. in spain it was equivalent to o.507641 lb. [104] "most authors use this nomenclature: 'moros' are mahometans, of more or less pure malay race, in whose civilization are the remains of oriental barbarism; 'infidels' or 'pagans,' [gentiles], filipinos whose only religion is one of the idolatrous rites, more or less absurd, which are natural to savages: and 'christians,' the indians whom our meritorious religious have converted to the faith of jesus christ."--_retana_ (_zúñiga,_ ii. p. 9*). [105] referring to the tartar chief yenta, who harassed the chinese empire from 1529 until 1570--raiding the frontiers, carrying away rich plunder and many captives (in one campaign, it is said, 200,000 persons), and even threatening pekin itself. finally (1570) peace was restored, yenta acknowledging the sovereignty of the chinese emperor, and receiving in return the title of prince of chuny. yenta died in 1583. see boulger's _hist. china_, ii, pp. 141-144, 150, 154. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxx, 1640 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmv contents of volume xxx preface 9 commerce between the philippines and nueva españa. antonio alvarez de abreu; madrid, 1736. [from his extracto historial.] 23 historia de la provincia del sancto rosario de la orden de predicadores (to be continued). diego aduarte, o.p.; manila, 1640 115 bibliographical data 323 illustrations title-page of extracto historial (madrid, 1736); photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 21 map of the eastern islands; photographic facsimile from mercator's atlas minor (amsterdam, 1633); from copy of original map in the bibliothèque nationale, paris 83 title-page of historia de la provincia del sancto rosario ... en philippinas, by diego aduarte, o.p. (manila, 1640); photographic facsimile from copy in library of edward e. ayer, chicago 113 governor luis perez dasmariñas; from painting exhibited at st. louis, 1904, in the philippine exhibit of the louisiana purchase exposition 227 preface the present volume contains no record of events in the year 1640; but its two documents are retrospective from that date. the first, an historical survey of philippine commerce with nueva españa, from its beginning until 1640, is taken from the extracto historial (madrid, 1736), a work devoted to that subject and compiled by order of the spanish government. the second is aduarte's noted history of the dominican missions in the philippines; although much of it is briefly synopsized, its great length permits us only to begin it here, two more volumes being necessary to complete it. valuable information regarding the trade between the philippines and nueva españa is furnished by the extracto historial (madrid, 1736), from which we take such matter as pertains to that commerce up to 1640. a brief summary of royal ordinances thereon is followed by a memorial sent (1640) to the royal visitor for mexico, juan palafox y mendoza, by juan grau y monfalcón, agent at the spanish court for the philippine islands. as palafox is commissioned to investigate the condition, needs, and commerce of the islands, grau sends him this memorial by way of information thereon, and as a brief for the islands in their controversy over the grievous restrictions placed on their commerce with nueva españa (which is mainly their export thither of chinese silk fabrics). grau's argument is carefully divided and subdivided; it is not always ingenuous, and sometimes he overshoots his mark, or uses the same premises for different and at times incongruous results; but it is on the whole a forcible presentation of the difficulties and embarrassments under which that commerce is laboring, and even the colony striving for existence. he constantly urges the great importance of the philippines to the spanish crown, not only as a center of missionary effort in the orient, but for the defense of the moluccas and the spice trade, the maintenance of eastern india, and the diversion from that region and from the american coasts of the dutch enemy, on whom the philippine colony is a continual and effective check; all these considerations are discussed at length. he lauds the bravery, loyalty, and piety of the spaniards in those islands, and their great services to the crown. he computes the expenditures necessary to sustain the philippine colony, and the revenues which it yields, and shows that its actual expense is but moderate, and far less than is supposed. from even this should properly be deducted the expenses of sustaining moluco, a burden which falls on the philippines, although the spice islands and their trade are the property of portugal; such computation leaves but 26,000 pesos annually as the actual cost of maintaining the philippines, grau proposes two plans for securing this end: one, to pay all the expenses of the islands directly from the royal treasury; the other, to grant them a sufficient amount of commerce--the latter being the most expedient and desirable method. granting this, it remains to consider the character, amount, and form of such commerce; grau expatiates on the third of these in especial, recounting the annoyances and injuries inflicted at acapulco on philippine merchants and their goods. grau notices the accusations that have been made against the philippine commerce, of infractions of the ordinances regulating it; while not denying these, he claims that they are not more extensive or serious than those that are committed in the india trade, and do not deserve the severity which has been employed against them. in behalf of the islands, grau asks for an increase in the amount of trade permitted to them; for the restrictions on their commerce have greatly reduced their wealth, on which heavier burdens are constantly laid by the necessity of defending themselves from so many and so powerful enemies. the population of manila is also much larger than when the trade was first limited, and needs more for its support; moreover, much of the amount permitted is granted to convents and other institutions, and to certain privileged persons, and various deductions are made from its total, thus diminishing its actual value. grau argues that a sufficient increase in the trade of the islands would put a stop to illegal shipments of goods; and that the exporters cannot make any reasonable profits unless they are more liberally treated. he suggests that they be allowed to export goods freely, a limitation being placed only on the returns of silver therefor; and urges that the products of the islands be free from all restrictions, and not included in the amount permitted--which latter should apply only to chinese goods--for which he adduces various forcible arguments. discussing then the commerce between nueva españa and peru, he shows that the suspension of this trade during 1635-40 has been very injurious to the philippines, for various reasons; it has also hurt both peru and mexico, especially by checking the latter's silk industry, which found a market in peru. he defends the peruvian merchants from the accusations made against them of transgressing the trade permission that had been accorded to them, and urges that, for the sake of all the western colonies, this permission be restored to peru. this memorial by grau is followed by several royal decrees (dated february 14, 1640) addressed to palafox; these are mainly "informatory," and lay before that official the representations made by the citizens of the islands regarding their distressed condition--ordering him to investigate the affairs of philipinas carefully and thoroughly, and report thereon to the home government. in later volumes of this series will be presented a considerable part of the extracto historial--a work which, as we understand, has not before been englished--on account of the importance attached not only to the book as an official report, but to the commerce of the philippines as a factor in the history and development of that spanish colony in the far east. aduarte's historia de la provincia del sancto rosario (manila, 1640) is here presented for the first time in english dress--partly in full translation and partly in synopsis, because this work, besides being voluminous, contains much about japan and other countries, and other matter outside our scope. the earlier chapters (i-ix) of book i, here briefly summarized, describe the foundation of the province and the voyage of the first dominican missionaries to manila; also the unsuccessful effort at the same time to open a mission in china. in chapter x is described their entrance into manila, their affectionate reception by all, and their establishment there as a religious community. the new arrivals are initiated into missionary labor at bataan, and soon afterward are placed in charge of the pangasinan natives, and of the chinese at manila. with the aid of bishop salazar, the dominicans secure a piece of land for their convent and church; and they receive many gifts and alms from pious citizens. they labor for the good of the spanish residents of manila, and soon effect a great change in their morals and religious life. they prosper, and are able to erect a new and handsome stone church and the other buildings necessary for their establishment; but the noted fire of 1603 destroys all this great work. it is afterward rebuilt, even more solidly than before, and all by the alms of the faithful. chapters xii-xv are devoted to an account of an image of our lady of the rosary possessed by this dominican convent, and of the miracles wrought through its agency. some of the friars had complained of the severity of their mode of life and of the rules imposed upon them; but all finally agree thereto, with great self-forgetfulness and devotion. aduarte proceeds to recount the great advantages arising to the province from this procedure, and the holiness displayed by the dominican religious in luzón--statements confirmed by various letters written to spain by trustworthy persons, not only within but without that order. chapter xix is devoted to an account of the dominicans' first mission-field, that of bataán, and their labors therein. this field had been transiently occupied by other missionaries, but was so hard and barren that none of them had persevered in its cultivation. but the dominicans "licked their fingers over the hardships," and devote themselves most heroically to the care of these poor souls, and to learning their language--a difficult task for old men. one of them, pedro de bolaños, is overcome by the labors and privations of this sort of life, and is compelled to return to manila, where he finally dies; and the others suffer much from illness. as soon as the fathers learn the language of those natives, they acquire great influence over the natives, especially through the confessional. they greatly abate drunkenness, the worst vice of the indians, by "sending to coventry" every intoxicated person; and they persuade the heathen to abandon their idols and superstitious practices, and even (perhaps the greatest triumph of all) to set free many slaves, and restore what they had taken from others in usury and by other unjust means. all this is accomplished within one year; and bataán acquires a wide reputation for the religious and peaceful life which its natives lead. various marvelous works are wrought for the fathers by divine power; "on the other hand, the devil played some tricks on them." they have to encounter witches and devils, but the lord gives them the victory over these evil beings. pangasinan is another mission-field assigned to the dominicans, which also had been barren of gospel fruit through the obstinate hostility of its natives to the christian faith. at first, they try to drive away the dominicans also, but the holy lives of those fathers work a miracle in their hard hearts, and convert them to the faith. this is told in a letter from bishop benavides to the pope, written in 1598. he relates their hardships, patience, and devotion, in the face of the hatred and hostility of the natives--so bitter that the missionaries are entreated, not only by spanish officers but by bishop salazar, to leave pangasinan. but they refuse to go, and finally their persistent and unwearied kindness to the indians, and their consistent christian characters, soften those hard hearts; and, after three years of patient waiting, the fathers gather a rich harvest of souls. those indians are excellent christians, and show most edifying devotion and piety, a statement thoroughly confirmed by later reports. the early persecution of the missionaries is explained by the fact that after their arrival the oracles of the native idols became silent, and by false accusations which the devil and his emissaries concoct against the religious. the conversions and pious acts of two prominent chiefs are related, as well as various miracles which occur in this mission. the leading events and persons of the next mission (1588-89) are described. amid the greatest difficulties and dangers, those religious make the perilous voyage to manila. the first provincial chapter-meeting is held in that city, on june 12, 1588; on this occasion the new province is organized, and officers regularly elected. some progress is made this year in pangasinan; but some of the natives are obstinately hostile, and the missionaries are often ill-treated, and sometimes in danger of death. their acts of charity to the indians, and especially their success in curing some sick persons, gradually win the affection of the natives; and the fathers are able to do much to improve the condition of those people--above all, in furnishing them hospitals and medical care for the sick, thus saving many lives. soon after reaching the islands the dominicans also undertake to minister to the chinese who come to manila. in this field, as among the indians, they obtain a foothold by their generous and unwearied care for the sick; and soon they erect a hospital for the care of poor chinese sick persons, which rapidly increases in size and in the aid bestowed upon it, and where nearly all the patients are converted before they leave it. one of their converts devotes himself to the service of the hospital for many years, and greatly aids the fathers in charge of it. new buildings are erected, and the number of converts is greatly increased. the village of binondo is enlarged, and a large and beautiful church is erected, for this chinese christian population. the pious works of several of these converts are related. the harvest of souls continues to increase, and in 1589 a small but helpful reënforcement of missionaries arrives at the islands. a full account is given of their labors in pangasinan and bataán, the marvels wrought for them, the renunciation of idols by the heathen, the devotion and piety displayed by the converts. fathers castro and benavides go to china (1590) to attempt the establishment of a mission there; but their enterprise is a failure, on account of the chinese hostility to foreigners. juan cobo, acting provincial during castro's absence, visits the missions and makes some arrangements for their more advantageous management. excellent crops for several years, and the advice and aid of the missionaries, increase the temporal prosperity of the indians; and they become more friendly to the religious, and more inclined to receive religious instruction. gomez perez dasmariñas arrives at manila in 1590, as governor of the islands. dissensions soon arise between him and bishop salazar, and the latter departs for spain (in june, 1591), accompanied by benavides. the governor is afterward slain by his own chinese oarsmen. in april, 1592, fray alonso ximenes is chosen provincial; the various missions are apportioned, and certain ordinances for their conduct and the better government of the province are enacted. fray juan de castro and fray juan cobo die soon afterward, of whom aduarte presents full biographical accounts. a special assembly of the religious is convened in december, 1594, at which additional rules for their conduct are adopted. they are also asked to send religious to nueva segovia, for which mission two fathers are allotted. aduarte describes that province, and its conquest (1581) by the spaniards, to prevent it from becoming a japanese possession. the indians of that province are so warlike that for a long time the spaniards can keep but a precarious hold upon it; and the friars find that they can accomplish nothing there with either spaniards or indians. the dominicans, therefore, enter (1595) upon a hard and sterile field; but a considerable reënforcement of missionaries opportunely arrive to aid them, although many die while en route from españa. aduarte recounts the superstitious beliefs and observances current among the cagayán indians, notions which shape or modify nearly all of their social customs; they are, from his standpoint, slaves to the devil in all things. the dominican missionaries, now eight in number, plan and begin the spiritual conquest of cagayán. for nearly a year they endure, on account of the hostility of the natives, great sufferings from hunger, exposure, and apparently vain efforts; but gradually they subdue the natives by their unwearied self-denial, patience, and love. their first-fruits consist in eight converted chiefs, who are baptized at easter (1597), and these are the beginning of a rich harvest--at first, mainly of children baptized before they die from the prevalent epidemic of smallpox. gradually, they are able to build churches in the respective villages, and to introduce among the indians a civilized and christian mode of life. at the time of aduarte's writing (ca. 1637), those people have become very fond of their religious, and ask for them to come to teach them--even changing their own residences, when necessary for their obtaining religious instruction. the supply of missionaries for that region is very inadequate, and should be promptly increased. the editors july, 1905. commerce between the philippines and nueva españa by antonio alvarez de abreu; madrid, 1736. source: translated from abreu's extracto historial (madrid, 1736), fol. 1-28; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. translation: this is made by emma helen blair. commerce between the philippines and nueva españa [from extracto historial. [1]] period i of what has been ordained by royal decrees, now compiled, in regard to the commerce of philipinas. 1-15. [this "period" consists of a very brief summary of the laws regarding the above commerce, issued from 1593 to 1635; this matter, in fuller form, has been already given in vols. xvii of this series, pp. 27-50, and xxv, pp. 48-73, with which this document should be read.] period ii of the debates on this commerce which occurred in the royal council of the indias up to the year 1640, and the commissions which on that account were entrusted to señor don juan de palafox, who, being an official of the [india] house, went as bishop of puebla de los angeles. although in the collection of documents which was furnished to us by the council, for the compilation of this extracto, nothing appears relative to the controversies which occurred during the greater part of the last century in regard to the commerce of philipinas, in order that the long silence on this matter--from the earliest decrees up to the year 1684, of which an account is given us by the papers in the secretary's office (with which "period iii" begins, and which the extracto will follow)--may not seem irreparable, it has seemed to us desirable to form the present "period" from a printed quarto book which was placed in the hands of señor palafox (who is now in nueva españa) by the deputy of those islands, and has reached us among other interesting documents. in this book are enumerated, for the purpose of furnishing information to that prelate--who was charged by the royal orders to inform [the government] regarding that affair [of the commerce]--the arguments which during the years 1638-40 were presented in behalf of the maintenance of the commerce of philipinas, and the enlargement of the amount of trade allowed to that colony. we have not been able by any search to obtain the "memorial" of one hundred and thirty-six sections which is said, in this printed book, to have been presented to the council on this subject, in behalf of the city of manila; but the insertion of the present document will not be unwelcome--not only because it contains substantially the same arguments which in following years up to the present time have been adduced, and which, it may reasonably be believed, those same islands will reproduce in the future whenever this subject is discussed; but because at the same time it presents certain information which is of no little value for better understanding the importance of that remote domain. justification of the maintenance of the philipinas islands and their commerce to the very illustrious and reverend señor don juan de palafox y mendoza, member of his majesty's council, in the royal council of the indias, and bishop of puebla de los angeles: by don juan grau y monfalcón, procurator-general of the philipinas islands, agent for the principality of catuluña, and syndic of the city of barcelona. very illustrious and reverend sir: although i wrote for the city of manila, the capital of the philipinas islands, a memorial of one hundred and thirty-six sections--at the examination and discussion of which in the council your illustrious lordship was present--in regard to eighty-five petitions, to which can be reduced all the more important matters which may be presented concerning those islands and their trade-route and their maintenance; and that memorial with its petitions your illustrious lordship is carrying with you, as it is printed, so that it seems as if there were no need of further information--and even these were superfluous to one who is so well informed on all the matters which he has in his keeping, and is so quick to understand those which may come before him: nevertheless, in order that i may to some extent relieve and set free your illustrious lordship from the burdens imposed upon your memory, as i know the number and importance of the commissions that you must execute and the matters that you must decide in nueva españa (all which will be successfully accomplished, as we are assured by your wide experience in affairs), i have determined to comprise in this single treatise the matters which concern the city of manila, and which it can present to you. it relates to the four leading points which were entrusted by his majesty and the royal council of the indias, by royal decrees, to the judicious decision and accurate information of your lordship, as follows: first, to what extent and in what manner shall the commerce of those islands be tarried on? second, whether it will be expedient to increase and extend the permission which they at present enjoy, both in the export of merchandise and in the returns of money. third, whether in the amount of merchandise allowed to them shall be included the products of the islands, or only those of china shall be understood. fourth, whether the commerce which perù was accustomed to hold with nueva españa shall be resumed, on account of the loss which results to the philipinas and nueva españa from its suspension. point first as for the first decree, which is so general as to include all, for treating of the commerce of the islands, which is essential to their preservation: this point, which in the memorial that i have cited is argued at length, can be reduced to an argument of three infallible propositions, of which, when two are proved, the third cannot be denied; and they are in this form. the philipinas islands are absolutely necessary: first, to increase the preaching of the gospel; second, to maintain the authority, grandeur, and reputation of this crown; third, to defend the moluco islands and their trade; fourth, to support eastern india; fifth, to relieve the western indias from their enemies; sixth, to aid the two crowns of castilla and portugal [2] in breaking down the power of the dutch; seventh, to protect for both crowns the commerce of china. in order to support the islands, the commerce with nueva españa is requisite and necessary; for by no other means can their defense, or means for supporting it, be provided. it immediately follows that it is also requisite and necessary to grant this commerce to the islands, or, by abandoning them, to lose all the advantages which result from their preservation, as here represented. the first proposition of this argument consists of eight fundamental reasons, which are stated therein; but it seems as if they ought to be proved, in order that their force and cogency may be fully understood. accordingly, i will run through them as briefly as possible. the first one is the increase of the preaching and promulgation of the holy gospel. this was the principal object which the catholic sovereigns of castilla had in carrying on the discovery of the western indias, and in colonizing and supporting them--and, consequently, in doing the same for all the islands adjacent to them, among the number of which are the philipinas; and although the richness of those provinces greatly aided their efforts, this was a secondary object with the sovereigns, and a fulfilment of what is promised in the gospel, that we must seek first the kingdom of god, and that all the rest which the world possesses and esteems shall be gathered and added to us. therefore, since their intention was the conversion of all the infidels who inhabit that opposite hemisphere, he who became flesh in order to redeem them chose that this undertaking should gain, as a secondary result, the infinite riches which the indias have given and are giving to españa. such a reason is not lacking in the philipinas islands. their first discovery and settlement were solely for extending the catholic faith; for then it was not known that those islands would be rich--as indeed they are not of themselves--nor that there could be any further result than the conversion of their natives to the gospel law, and the opening of a gate by which the preaching of the gospel could be carried to other provinces and kingdoms of asia. that enterprise was prosecuted very successfully, as is publicly known; and it is now very evident that all those islands are today in the bosom of the church--for they contain an archbishopric and three episcopal sees, and very many convents and hospitals; and there may be seen the christian religion as pure, as valued, and as venerated as it is in españa. and this rouses all the more admiration because the location of the colony is so remote, and so surrounded by heathens, moors, and heretics; and that, in spite of all, the power and revenues of this crown are able to maintain it. but for this result, which was the main one, what was the second, and in what was seen fulfilled the promise of the gospel? it was, that god has placed in those seas a firm column, on which he could found, and by which they could support themselves, eastern india, the molucas islands, their commerce, and that of china; and which shall prove for the enemies of this crown--heretics, moors, and heathens--a check upon their advance, a resistance to their intentions, and a strong rock on which they shall be broken, or at least their success may be checked and their machinations prevented. such are the philipinas islands, and this rank they acquired after the preaching of the gospel entered them; and it seems as if it were a providence of heaven to make them so necessary from the human standpoint, in order that the divine influences might not be lacking in them. for if sometimes the attainment of the first result might not be sufficient for maintaining them (which the piety of the kings of castilla renders incredible), that of the second result would suffice, because even the divine needs to be maintained in the world by human protection. this is an axiom which, in lands newly converted, is generally accepted in the indias; and it has been thoroughly proved by experience that the gospel is more effective among the barbarians when it is under the royal banners and standards than when it goes without them. accordingly, it pleased god to ordain that these standards should be necessary in the philipinas, in order that the preaching of the gospel, which was the motive for their going thither, might be established in their shelter. it is therefore established by a well-grounded proposition that, even if no more is looked for than this aim of converting the heathen, it is now impossible to give up the preservation of the philipinas, as being so important a part of the catholic church. and if the kings of castilla, in order not to permit liberty of conscience in flandes, have during more than seventy years maintained in those states (and, through them, in all europa) the most tedious and costly war that any monarchy in the world has waged: how can it be denied that by abandoning so vast a number of catholics as there are in those islands, who have been instructed by the christian zeal of spaniards, there will, if we leave them now, be introduced among them liberty of conscience? not to mention a mingling of schismatic heretics, moors, jews, and heathens of various sects, as is seen in bantan (which is the oriental ginebra [i.e., geneva]), and in all other places where the dutch find entrance; and they would soon enter those islands [if we abandon them]. even if they caused great expenses to this crown (which they do not), they ought to be supported and preserved. the second reason is, that in these islands are involved the authority, grandeur, and reputation of this crown. [my statement in regard to] the authority is proved by various methods, which may be found in the memorial that i have cited--of which i will only notice here the power which is exercised by the governor who rules the islands in the name of his majesty. so great is this that it may be affirmed with truth that in all his kingdoms and seigniories (although the viceroyalties are classed as superior to that government) the king does not appoint to an office of greater authority. if this is not evident, let it be noticed how many crowned kings render homage to that governor, and recognize him as their superior; how they respect him and fear his arms; how they desire his friendship, and, if they violate it, receive punishment. the king of ternate died a prisoner in manila; and he of sian made, by force of arms, satisfaction for a reprisal which he had committed. those of siao and tidore are our subjects, and that of camboxa is our ally. the ruler of great china is our friend, and the emperor of japòn was such until the dutch alienated him; and although the failure of the japanese trade causes us loss, we have not feared to declare that ruler our enemy--as are those of champa, sian, and mindanao; and, more than all, the dutch, who keep those seas so infested. and it ought to be considered that the governor of philipinas sends ambassadors to all those kings, with gifts to present to them, and receives those that they send to him in return; he makes peace and declares war, and does whatever seems to him expedient; and all this on his own responsibility, without waiting for a decision of the matter from españa, because the excessive distance renders him the entire master in these acts. this is a preëminence of so great authority that no governor or viceroy in europe exercises it. the grandeur which this monarchy preserves in those islands is widely known. in its material aspect, that domain extends through a circuit of 1,400 leguas, in which are included the two archipelagos of san lazaro and moluco: the latter composed of five especially important islands, which their own kings govern, with more than seventy others adjacent; the latter, of those which are properly called philipinas, forty in number--some of them larger than all españa, some as large as this country, and others somewhat smaller. this does not mention the islands that are small and uninhabited, which are without number. among all these is [foremost] the island of luzon, in which is the distinguished and ever loyal city of manila, which is the precious stone of this setting, and which alone is enough to prove the grandeur of españa--by its location, its splendor, its buildings, its sky, and its soil. in its citizens are resplendent the religious faith, the loyalty, and the courage which gave origin to that colony. since manila is, as some say, the antipodes of sevilla, it seems as if it tried to imitate that city in its characteristics, and in being a military center and an emporium of commerce for that hemisphere. if one considers higher things, the power of the islands cannot be reduced to the region just mentioned. manila may be compared to the city of goa, the capital of eastern india; and it is she who reduces to subjection all the coasts from the straits of sincapura to japòn, and the islands of the ladrones and the papuas; for her fleets sail through all those seas with the never conquered and always victorious royal standards of españa. her ships are admitted into many maritime kingdoms of asia, and into numberless islands adjacent to them; they make voyages so long that no others equal to these are known. they go to china and japòn, and by the southern sea to nueva españa; and by way of the northern sea--coasting all the oriental kingdoms, emerging [from the china sea] through sincapura, and doubling the great stormy cape, that of buena esperanza--they have reached the bar of san lucar, with these two voyages making almost the entire circuit of the world. and if commerce is regarded as the greatest splendor of kingdoms (as it certainly is), this greatness is not lacking to the philipinas; for they have so rich a commerce that, if they could enjoy it free, there is no city known to the world that would surpass, or even equal, manila. that in that colony resides and is preserved the reputation of this crown, is evident, if it be noted that the maintenance of that reputation by the arms of españa in fuente-rabia, in salsas, in italia, in flandes, in alemania, and in other parts of europa is not to be wondered at; for if españa is the heart which inspires strength in the mystical body of this monarchy, it is not much that the members which are nearest and so closely connected should share most effectively in this influx of energy. and if his majesty (whom god preserve!) is the soul or vital breath of this heart, it cannot be denied that the closer proximity will cause the greater effect. besides, the great number of the troops who go out from the adjoining [european] states prevents the enemy from seizing any one of those states; but the greatest cause of reputation for this crown is that, at a distance of three thousand leguas from the royal person and españa, three thousand three hundred and thirty-six spaniards, all of them occupied in those islands in war and in peace, on sea and on land, [accomplish what they do]. it is the citizens of manila who are the substance of that diamond, where the adjoining states are all enemies--barbarians, heretics, moors, and heathens. those spaniards are without hope of succor in emergencies, without safety for the unfortunate in the retreat, and even without the reward due them for their achievements; they are always inferior in numbers, and continually attacked by dutch, mindanaos, japanese, jaos, and other peoples. they are always in anxiety about the chinese, or sangleys, who number more than 30,000 in manila; and about the natives, of whom there are more than 80,000. in that land of many islands they maintain fortified posts, and on the sea armed fleets of galleons, galleys, and champans--one for the defense of manila, another for conveying troops and supplies to terrenate, and another for the fort on the island of hermosa. in this last island and in those of moluco, our military posts confront the dutch; our people are continually fighting on sea and on land, while they wage on the frontier a fierce war with the most wary people that is known, and with tribes who are as cruel as they can be. yet, although their soldiers are so few, they meet innumerable obligations, acquit themselves of all, and cause the spanish name to emerge from all gloriously, and the standards of the king our lord victoriously. therefore, it is the philipinas islands that preserve the reputation of this crown with the most valor and the least reward, with the greatest hazard, and with most glory. the third fundamental reason is, that the philipinas defend the islands of moluco, and the commerce in the cloves that are obtained from them. the importance of these islands is everywhere known, because in all the world there are no other islands nor any other region in which grows this spice or drug, so highly valued. for their discovery alone hernando de magallanes made, by order of the emperor carlos fifth, that celebrated voyage in which he found the strait to which he gave his name, and passed through it into the southern sea; and, although he was slain while making his claims, his ship sailed around the world. the lordship of those islands caused troublesome hostilities between the castilians and portuguese, which were ended by this crown giving them to that of portugal, in fulfilment of a contract; for it seemed (and indeed was evident) that castilla would have much difficulty in maintaining them when they were so separated from all its kingdoms and states, while portugal, by possessing eastern india, was less distant from and could better support them. the course of time showed that even india was very remote from them; for when the dutch power entered the orient and established a military post in bantan [3]--a port nearer to moluco, and more advantageously located than was india--it was so obviously impossible to defend them that in the end they were lost to us, the enemy getting possession of them all and of their commerce. but as the philipinas were by that time quite populous, and so near to the molucas that they were superior to bantan [as a trading post], the task of restoring the molucas [to spanish control] was laid upon the governor, don diego de acuña--who with his courage and energy, and the convenience of being so near, regained them and restored them to this crown. when both castilla and portugal recognized the great expense that india would have to incur in maintaining the molucas, and that even with excessive expenditures it would be impossible to do so, on account of the injury being nearer than the remedy, and the enemy than the succor, those islands were, by the mutual agreement of the two crowns, united to the government of the philipinas as regards their defense and support. the clove-trade was left to the portuguese, because it was so important that, if it were taken from them, india would perish, or become greatly weakened. it is thus sufficiently proved that the philipinas contributed to the restoration of all the forts in the orient; and that in their preservation was and still is involved that of the molucas, and consequently of all india. thus they have been maintained since the year 1603, defending them by force of arms against the dutch, who never cease their endeavors to expel the castilians from those islands; this has been the cause of many naval encounters and battles, in which the arms of españa have always remained victorious. nevertheless, since the military force of philipinas is small, the territory that they must defend large, and the aid which is given to them for this purpose very limited, it has not been possible to prevent the treachery and persistence of the dutch from having some effect; nor to put a stop to their sharing in the clove trade at some forts which they keep in the molucas, though at the cost of many men, armed vessels, and expenses. from all of these islands are produced each year 2,816,000 libras of cloves, of which the dutch secure 1,098,000 libras, and the portuguese and castilians 1,718,000--and this latter supply is due to the protection of the philipinas; while it is computed that the cloves which the dutch carry away amount to three times as much as it will cost them to be absolute lords of the molucas, even with the large garrisons and armed fleets which they keep and maintain for purchasing the spice and transporting it to bantan. from this it obviously follows that without the philipinas the molucas would be lost, and their commerce and trade in cloves would cease--from which would follow two pernicious results, which would cause the loss of whatever his majesty possesses in the orient. one is, that india would be greatly weakened, for lack of that commerce; for if that country languishes on account of not having all of that trade, it may well be understood that she will perish if it be taken from her. the other is, that the dutch in that case would have the entire benefit of the trade, and without much expense; for if [holanda] with less than half the trade--and that at the cost of so many garrisons and fleets--gains such profits that they are enough to maintain whatever she has in india; if she were to secure all the cloves and, on account of the less cost, thus gain a profit of more than a thousand per cent upon her investments, while the gross amount would be doubled: it is very plain that india would not remain safe, the western indias would be more effectively harassed, the rebel states in flandes would be strengthened, the coasts of españa would experience their invasions, and everywhere the treasure that could be obtained from the molucas alone would cause most injurious effects--as may be seen, with more detailed arguments, in the memorial that i have cited in behalf of the philipinas, to which [colony] we owe the only compensation [that we receive] for all these losses. the fourth reason is almost the sequence of what has been said in the third, although it is more general, since it takes notice that the dutch fleets have entered the orient with so strong a force that they have often placed india in risk of being lost to us; for if they were aided by the moorish and heathen kings and the rulers of persa and mogòr [4]--and sometimes the dutch are leagued with the english, who also navigate those seas--their invasion would be irresistible. what has prevented this danger has been the diversion furnished by the philipinas--not only by diminishing their trade and profits in moluco (as has been seen), in china, and in other regions, but by compelling them to divide their forces, and to maintain in some places very large ones. india is divided into two parts--[one], from the cape of buena esperanza to the straits of sincapura; the other, from the straits to china and japòn. the first is defended by the portuguese fleets of india, which seldom go thither through the straits; the second, by the castilians of philipinas, who never come here by way of the straits. for both these, it is necessary that the dutch send thither and maintain squadrons; and therefore it is proved, at this very beginning, that if the fleets of this crown are deficient in either of those regions, and the enemy can transfer all of his naval force to the one that remains [without defense] because there is no diversion [of his forces] in the other, it will be difficult if not impossible to defend [the one to which he goes]--an argument which admits no debate in the naval as well as in the military world. from this it follows that if now the philipinas fail us eastern india will remain without aid, and consequently in evident danger of being lost [to us]. this is further confirmed by the fact that, of the two parts into which india is divided, the enemy expends much more of his energy in the second than in the first. in the latter he is content with factories and barter, without keeping any fortified posts; in the former, he maintains the forts of malayo, toloco, tacubo, malaca, tacome, marieco, motir, nofagia, tafacen, tabelole, bermevelt, tabori, gilolo, amboino, lagu, maruco, mozovia, belgio, bantan, and hermosa island. in these nineteen presidios there were, in the year 1616, 3,000 soldiers; 193 pieces of bronze artillery and 310 of iron, and 300 stone-mortars [pedreros]; and thirty war galleons. and all this is solely to defend themselves from the philipinas, and to attack the islands so that the armed fleets of india shall not sail to that region--or, if they should go thither, it would be easy to stop them at the strait of sincapura. if then, the philipinas were unable to act, and the dutch should abandon those nineteen forts (which now are many more), as being no longer necessary to them, they would proceed to the coasts of india, and their galleons to those seas. if even when their energies are diverted, their forces divided, and their gains diminished as they are now, they cause so much anxiety, what would it be if, with little if any opposition, their forces united, and their profits increased, they should harass india? it is easy to see that they would occasion that region the utmost distress, and that consequently the philipinas are an absolutely necessary defense for it. the fifth reason has the same ground as the fourth; for, on account of the diversion of forces and the expense which the enemy now encounters in the orient and in the forts of moluco, he is compelled to refrain from annoying the western indias, and must devote less attention, military force, and money to that object. and since what he spends or fails to gain in india enables the philipinas to oppose or to embarrass him, it follows that if he there shall gain more and spend less, he will here take possession of both [the indias]. and if the indias, even with so effective a diversion [of the enemy's force as they have now], need the windward fleet which is being built there, and for which a subsidy of 600,000 ducados is granted annually: in order to dispense with the garrisons, fleets, and expenditures in india everything would have to be increased, so that in the indias more expense would be incurred for their defense than is consumed in the philipinas. the sixth is a reason of honor and profit, for these two admirable results follow from the victories which the inhabitants of philipinas have gained over the dutch: honor, on account of the glory which the catholic arms acquire in those seas, which gains for them the esteem of the japanese, chinese, sianese, mindanaos, and innumerable other peoples, who serve as spectators in the theatre for such exploits; and profit, since, if the enemy's forces are weakened it follows that, besides those that he loses in being conquered, he is compelled to expend still greater ones in order to keep his foothold. this is the most notable reason for maintaining powerful squadrons on the sea, in order that if the pirate undertakes to plunder successfully, he will have to do it with so great a force that either he will abandon the prize because he cannot hold it, or he will let it alone because the profits do not make it worth his while. of the victories which the spaniards have gained in those seas there are extant histories and accounts; and in the large memorial some of these are mentioned. the seventh is, that [by the islands] are aided the two crowns of castilla and portugal, who are so united and in so fraternal relations in the orient, each possessing its share of the two parts into which that region is, as we have said, divided. if we are to base our opinion on experience, the facts are evident in the restoration of moluco; for in the time of governor don juan de sylva the forces of both crowns were joined, and it is regarded as certain that, if death had not intercepted his designs, he would have driven from those seas the arms of holanda and of inglaterra, and awakened fear and dread in many kings who were awaiting the result of so powerful a combination; and, even though success is not always so immediate, it suffices that it should be possible to make the enemy fear, and to lead them to believe that what has occurred sometimes may occur often. the eighth reason is to protect and preserve the commerce of china for both crowns. for this argument it is taken for granted that this commerce is one of the most beneficial and lucrative of those in the entire orient; and we can say that there is no other in all the world that equals it. the oriental traffic of ancient times, which the romans so highly valued, originated in china and in the drugs, fabrics, and curiosities of that country--although, as they were ignorant of its real origin, they called it the india trade, since they received it from that country. in the larger memorial i have already discoursed upon this at length. now all the nations in those [oriental] kingdoms take part in this commerce, but it is conducted most extensively and steadily by the portuguese of india and the castilians of manila; we shall soon relate how important it is to the latter. of the portuguese it suffices to say that they possess in china the city of macan, and the privilege of entering that of canton; and the commerce of these two cities they maintain through the strait of sincapura, though always in danger from the dutch. but as the profits are so great, they sail by that route; it adds much to their safety that they cross through the seas of philipinas, and that macan can find succor in manila. but if this should be lacking, macan could not remain many years without ruin, nor could india enjoy the commerce with china, which is one of those which most benefit her; and if the chinese trade is cut off from india and manila, the dutch alone will be strong enough to carry it on. although they are at present shut out from it by the robberies that they have committed on the sangleys, they would not find it difficult to bring the latter to friendship with them; for it is already known that when money is lacking in philipinas the sangleys carry their merchandise to the dutch. therefore, on the preservation of those islands depends that of the chinese trade. these eight fundamental reasons are sufficient to prove the importance and necessity that exist for maintaining, preserving, and favoring those islands; for if they were lost the resulting damage would be great and excessive beyond any possible comparison or proportion to what the islands now cost us. and because there is seen in this an error of misapprehension, i will make a statement regarding it that is worthy of much attention and notice. this is, that it costs the royal exchequer more to support the island of san martin [5]--which is of no use, and has no more effect than to remove an obstacle to the navigation of the indias, and take away a landing-place from the pirates (who already have numberless others)--than to maintain the philipinas islands, which have the utility and effectiveness which i have stated. for the proof of this, i avail myself of a summary of the detailed statements in the larger memorial, regarding the cost of the philipinas. for the officials of justice, who govern them, 37,077 pesos; for the entire ecclesiastical estate, 37,277 pesos. in maintaining friendly relations with neighboring kings, 1,500 pesos. in the administration of the royal exchequer, 11,550 pesos. for the land forces at manila, and in the military posts of all the islands, 229,696 pesos. for wars on land, and the forts in moluco, 97,128 pesos. for naval war, shipbuilding, and navy-yards, 283,184 pesos. for supplies and provisions for all the soldiers and seamen, 153,302 pesos. these sums amount to 850,734 pesos, which is the expenditure made each year for the islands--not omitting to reckon wages and salaries, scanty though they be. this, therefore, is all the charge for their cost which can be made. on the credit side of the account, the tributes from the crown encomiendas are worth each year 53,715 pesos; and the two reals which are paid to the king by each indian in the private encomiendas amount to 21,107 pesos. the licenses which are given to the sangleys come to 112,000 pesos; and the tributes from these sangleys, to 8,250. the fifth and the tenth of gold, 750 pesos. the ecclesiastical tithes, which are collected by the royal exchequer for the support of the prelates and clergy, 2,750 pesos. the freight charges in his majesty's ships, 350 pesos. the court fines, 1,000 pesos. the customs duties, 38,000 pesos. the mesada and half-annats, 6,000. from these ten sources the income amounts to 243,922 pesos; to this must be added the imposts, freight dues, and customs duties which are collected in nueva españa on the merchandise that comes from the islands--all which amount to 300,000 pesos, and this is income that results and proceeds from the islands; accordingly, by a decree of february 19, 1606, it is commanded that these charges, adding to their amount each year, be remitted to manila, and that so much less be sent from the royal exchequer of mexico. and if all these goods are sold and traded in nueva españa once, or two or more times, and pay the customary charges of alcabala, [6] if the rate of two [per cent] which they usually pay was moderated to 30,000 pesos in the larger memorial, the rate on the said [sales] will certainly amount to 60,000 pesos. with this, the islands now have 593,922 pesos to their credit; so that their [actual] expense cannot be estimated at more than 256,812 pesos--[and that] without counting the proceeds of the crusade, those from intestate property, or the monopoly of playing-cards. another item ought to be placed with these, which is the expense for the islands of moluco. these were possessions of the crown of portugal, which consumed in supporting and defending them great sums of ducados and many soldiers; but finally it lost them, and the dutch gained them. by agreement of the two crowns, governor don pedro de acuña regained possession of them (as i have related); and as it was evident that the crown of portugal could not defend them on account of the great expense required therefor, those islands were committed, in the year 1607, to the governor of philipinas. in this must be considered several things. first, that these islands of moluco do not belong to those which are called philipinas, nor are they included in that group. second, that at present they are the property of the portuguese crown, but are in possession of the castilian crown for the purpose of protecting, maintaining, and defending them; on this account, the commerce in cloves is left to india, as it was before. third, that the philipinas and the citizens of manila do not obtain or possess any advantage or benefit from moluco, or anything else besides the continual trouble of succoring and provisioning its forts; for the clove-trade belongs to the portuguese, and there is no other commerce in those islands. fourth, that since the day when the governor of philipinas and the crown of castile took charge of moluco, the crown of portugal has saved more than 400,000 pesos, the cost which it would have incurred in maintaining moluco, estimated on the basis of what it now costs castilla for that--although manila, which is the place where provision is made for those islands, is so near them. fifth, that for these reasons it is evident and plain that what is spent for the islands of moluco should not be charged to the philipinas; nor even should the crown of castilla pay it, but rather that of portugal, which is the proprietary owner of moluco, and has the benefit of the clove-trade. consequently, whatever is received from that trade must be placed to the credit and acquittance of the philipinas, against the amount charged to them. sixth, and last, notice the [items of] the annual expenses of the moluco islands: for salaries, 97,128 pesos; provisions, considering the total number of people, will average 30,000 pesos a year; for the ecclesiastical ministrations and the management of the royal treasury, the expense will reach 4,000 pesos; and for naval affairs and shipyards, 100,000 pesos--since in order to send every year the usual supplies, and to furnish extraordinary aid when occasion demands, the armed ships are necessary which are always kept at manila. thus the cost of the islands of moluco comes to more than 230,000 pesos each year; deducting this from the 256,000 which remain charged to the philipinas, only 26,000 pesos. this is an amount unworthy of consideration, even if the islands were of no more use than to augment the grandeur of this crown; but granting that they possess the advantages that i have mentioned, the loss, cost, and expense is nothing; and it remains abundantly proved how necessary, just, expedient, and requisite it is to maintain them. if the philipinas are to be maintained, it now remains to ascertain how and in what manner this shall be done, in order to secure their preservation, and [at the same time] to avoid any considerable injury to the royal exchequer and to the other kingdoms of this crown. for this there are but two methods, and these alone; no other can be found which is adequate and efficacious. the first one is, the method which is adopted for the island of san martin, and for all the military posts which his majesty maintains in the indias and in other regions, and for his fleets and armies; this is, to furnish from the royal treasury all that shall be necessary for this purpose. granting that the islands cost annually 850,000 pesos and furnish revenues of 244,000 pesos, his majesty will have to supply 606,000 pesos. although this is a great sum of money, the preservation of those islands is so desirable, and so much more will have to be lost and spent if the islands are lost, that, in case there shall be no other way, it will be necessary and compulsory to accept and carry out the above method--although even that would not be enough, for the islands now cost 850,000 pesos [only] because the citizens of manila give much aid, and render service with their persons and property. in one year they have thus given more than 200,000 pesos, as is made evident in the larger memorial, nos. 59 and 60. accordingly, this method is exceedingly costly, and even more so than it would seem, for the reason that i have stated. there remains, then, the second method, the only one [available]; this consists in granting commerce to those islands, which would suffice to secure three results. the first of these is, to preserve the present revenue of 244,000 pesos that they yield; for that sum, or the greater part of it, is based on the wealth which the islands obtain from their commerce, and if this fails them they will produce much less, and therefore much more will have to be supplied [from without]. the second, to give the royal treasury the benefit of the 606,000 pesos which (or the greater part of that sum) are deficient for the usual expense account, as has been shown. the third, to furnish the citizens with means by which they can, in emergencies, aid the extraordinary expenses--as they always have done, and still do--by having a commerce to support them; but without this it will be necessary, as they would lack the means to render such aid, that the king should bear these expenses. these three results being granted, the preservation of those islands readily follows. the question then remains as to the character, amount, and form of this commerce, which are three principal topics. as for the character of this commerce, it is noted in the larger memorial (no. 15) that the islands have a domestic and a foreign commerce. it has been shown that this is scanty, except what proceeds from moluco; but that this might be very rich, since it is the trade in cloves (as may be seen in nos. 28, 30, 34, and 36 of the said memorial). but, as this trade is reserved for the portuguese and prohibited to the castilians, it is useless to consider it for this purpose--although it is worth notice that whatever advantage the crown of portugal derives from that trade is due to the philipinas, and results from their preservation. i shall soon make some observations on the remaining portion of this domestic commerce, and what can be obtained from it. their foreign commerce is with many regions of the orient, as is stated in the said memorial, from no. 20 on; and in no. 37 it is shown that only the inhabitants of the philipinas can carry on the commerce with china, because they have means for this only--exporting that merchandise to nueva españa, and obtaining the returns from it in silver, with which to maintain it; for they have no other commodity which the chinese crave, as is proved in the said memorial, no. 70. from this the conclusion is drawn that the islands cannot be preserved without commerce, and that this must necessarily be conducted with nueva españa in chinese merchandise, and in some of their own products. as for the second point, the amount of the commerce, this was formerly without any limitation; and during the time (which was short) while that condition lasted the islands acquired what strength and wealth and grandeur they now possess. after a time certain difficulties arose--which are discussed in the said memorial, nos. 80, 81, 94, 117, and 118--all being to the prejudice of españa's commerce; on account of these it became expedient to limit the commerce of the islands, reducing it to a fixed amount of 250,000 pesos' worth of merchandise and 500,000 pesos in returns. although the citizens resented this, and saw that if it were successful they could [only] preserve their wealth without being able to increase it much, they went on under this decree from the time when it began to be executed (in 1605) until 1635--when don pedro de quiroga went [to mexico], and by his rigorous measures reduced this permission to terms so restricted that it was rather taking away the permission entirely than carrying out its intent. this falling upon the necessity of the islands that the stated amount of their merchandise be increased, on account of the many shipwrecks, misfortunes, and expenses which they had experienced--of which i have made a brief relation in the said memorial, no. 107--to take away the permission that they had without granting them a more liberal one, was more than they could endure; it may readily be seen what results this would cause. and as divine providence did not cause these troubles to cease with the death of him who caused them, it may well be believed that the islands are today in so miserable a condition that they will either be ruined or can no longer be reached by the remedy which the kind attention of the council has begun to furnish them--entrusting its final application to the inquiry to be made by your illustrious lordship, who is well informed of the losses, advantages and disadvantages, and all the circumstances of which knowledge is necessary for your decision in a matter so serious as this, on which depends the preservation of the philipinas and of all that depends upon them. their citizens hope that your decision will be what is expedient and necessary for those vassals, always so loyal, but always harassed by enemies, and even by friends. there remains, then, the third point of the three that i have stated; that is, the form which must be adopted and followed in this commerce of the islands with nueva españa. don pedro de quiroga proceeded in this matter with measures so rigorous and unusual that he tried to establish regulations different from those which are respected and observed in all the ports of españa, of the indias, and of the world. he undertook to open and weigh the bundles and chests, and to count, weigh, and measure the commodities and wares, without any preceding denunciation, information, or [even] indication that these exceeded the registration. he laid an embargo on all, without there being any guilt on the part of the owners, or prohibition of the articles; and for only raising this so unjust embargo he extorted from the commerce 300,000 pesos--excluding from composition 600,000 pesos' worth besides, which are included in the [right of] composition by express, clear, and plain provisos [of the ordinances]. he collected the dues on whatever appraisement of the goods it suited him to make, although it was evident to him that they were being sold at half that rate in acapulco, and even in mexico. he hindered the return of the proceeds from the merchandise, which is allowed by the royal decree; and it cannot be denied that he who carries his goods to sell, [even though] with permission, may not exact the price that he shall obtain for them. for granting that permission, he demanded new dues and imposed new burdens; compelled the shippers to do whatever he wished, and harassed the mariners on that trade-route until he made them leave it--when it is known (and the islands are making representations to that effect) that it is for what is most needed in those islands that the governors in manila make concessions to their citizens when the latter ask for these, in order to constrain them by kindness to what could not be obtained by severity; and the council is conferring upon those citizens privileges and distinctions, in order that many may be encouraged to become mariners and artillerists. all this was done by don pedro de quiroga under pretext of serving his majesty; but it caused his royal exchequer the great loss which has been experienced in the failure, for two years, of ships to arrive from philipinas. by this has been lost, in dues alone, 660,000 pesos, and as much more through the suspension of commerce; and still greater were the losses to the vassals of his majesty, to say nothing of the danger in which those islands were left, and to which they are still exposed. to speak of the plan which should be established in this commerce, it seems as if it were sufficient to place before your illustrious lordship what don pedro de quiroga did, and what resulted from that, in order to understand that if by his proceedings he destroyed and ruined the commerce it is not expedient to follow his example. rather should be followed those of sevilla, cartagena, portovelo, vera cruz, and the other ports of the indias and of these kingdoms, in which royal laws, decrees, and ordinances have ordained what shall be observed in these matters; and since these regulations are not annulled or broken in favor of the islands, it will not be just if they are broken or annulled to the loss or injury of that colony. for neither do those vassals merit less than this, nor is their commerce of different character from the other commerce that belongs to this crown. although representations have been made, with more exaggeration and less in accordance [with the facts] than would be desirable, of serious infractions of law that have been committed in this commerce--which representations i have answered at length and in detail in the said memorial, from no. 94 to no. 99--it may be observed that, if there are any (which, if i do not admit, i do not deny), they are not of greater extent nor of different character than those which are every year experienced in the fleets and galleons on the india trade-route. these infractions consist in shipping more merchandise than what is registered, and different commodities from what are declared, and in carrying back more silver than is shown by the registers; and there are not and cannot be on the ships of philipinas other infractions than the shipment of more goods and the return of more silver than appear on the registers. let, then, the remedy be ascertained which is applied at sevilla, cadiz, and san lucar, at cartagena, portovelo, vera cruz, and habana, and let the same be applied at manila and acapulco. [7] let guards be placed, and informers allowed, and goods declared--with rewards to encourage, and punishments to warn; but it would be a chance success to ascertain in detail what would be shipped at sevilla and unloaded in the ports of the indias. this would be to establish not order but disorder in that commerce, as i state in the said memorial, no. 95; and soon the same thing would be noticed in that of the islands. and although it may be represented that the infractions in the philipinas trade, considering their amount, cause more loss than those in the commerce of españa, especially in the exportation of the silver--since that which is brought in the galleons outside of the kingdom finally comes to castilla; and that which is carried in the ships of philipinas soon finds its way to china, and thus is lost, and the commerce is taken away from the vassals of this crown--reply may thus be made. the illegal shipments on the philipinas route cause much less loss than do those on the india route, as is incurred when a galleon laden with silver is lost at sea, as compared with one that is captured by enemies; in the former case there is only our own loss, but in the latter is the same loss, and an advantage to our enemies. it cannot be denied that the silver which goes unregistered in the ships of philipinas is lost, but no enemy of this crown benefits thereby; for that silver comes to a halt in china, from which country it never emerges--as is stated in the said memorial, no. 72--nor does it work any harm there, whether it be more or less; for neither do we wage war with china, nor do the chinese aid any other nation which wages war with us. as for the silver which comes [to españa] unregistered in the galleons, those who best understand the subject consider that it would cause less damage if it remained in the indias (and even some extend this idea to its being lost in the sea); because, under the pretext of its coming concealed, it either does not come into sevilla, or, if it does come in, soon goes out again. in both these cases, it remains in the hands of the french, english, flemish, and portuguese, and most of it is anchored in their ships, by which inglaterra, francia, and holanda are enriched; while that which goes to portugal is carried to india, and there it is shared by the dutch, persians, arabs, mogous, and other hostile nations, until it reaches china, which is its center [of equilibrium]. it may be judged, then, which is the greater injury; and since the loss caused by the illegal shipments on the vessels of philipinas is less, let that be done with those ships that is done with the galleons. but let it not be proposed that the commerce be taken from them, or its amount limited, or that unusual methods and severity be employed in dealing with them, since these are not used in the commerce of the indias, and, comparing them together, one is no less necessary than the other. from these considerations we draw the final conclusion that if the philipinas islands are, as has been proved, absolutely necessary to this crown on account of the eminent advantages and benefits which result to it from them, and that, in order to preserve them, there are but two methods: one, for his majesty to support them; the other, to grant them commerce by which they can sustain themselves--the first costly and difficult, the second easy and obvious--the latter ought to be accepted and carried out. [this can be done] by giving them the commerce which they have hitherto enjoyed with nueva españa, to the amount that is expedient, and in the usual manner, without adding conditions that will diminish or render it difficult; for that will be to withdraw and consequently to destroy and end it, and with it those islands, which are so important to this catholic monarchy. your illustrious lordship will make such report on this point and argument as [his majesty's] vassals there expect and desire from your great ability and zeal. point second as for the permission [to trade] which the islands have enjoyed since 1604--which is to the amount of 250,000 pesos that may be carried in merchandise, and 500,000 pesos which may be sent back in silver, on the two ships which are allotted for that trade--the islands have petitioned his majesty that he would graciously increase the 250,000 pesos' worth of merchandise to 500,000, and the 500,000 pesos of silver to 800,000; this is referred to the inquiry of your illustrious lordship. and although i have in the said memorial discussed the main arguments for this request, i will, since these are related to the entire subject of those islands, here reduce them to six or seven principles. first: because, as i have stated and proved, this commerce began in the year 1565, and was carried on without any restriction of its amount until 1604, when it was limited to the amount above stated. the islands could endure this limitation because they then possessed three attributes which they now lack. the first was, that the citizens were rich and strong through having enjoyed free trade almost forty years; and therefore they possessed, and have had thus far, the means to bear expense and losses. but since, from their trade being reduced to so small an amount, it resulted that their profits were diminished and their obligations increased; their fortunes have so steadily declined that, if the trade permitted to them is not increased, they cannot improve their fortunes, nor even preserve the remnants of these. the second was, that those islands had few enemies, and were less infested and harried by them [than now]; for until the year 1600 neither did the dutch cause any anxiety in those seas, nor was there any other nation which visited them with hostile acts or fleets. since that year the profits obtained from the cloves, the plunder of the ships from china, and friendly relations with the japanese, have all been such inducements to the dutch to frequent the seas in that region that they have kept the [philipinas] islands continually in arms, rendering them an active military frontier. hardly a year has passed without a sea-fight; and, moreover, the dutch have incited the mindanaos, the japanese, and other barbarians also to make war on us. the result has been that the citizens [of the islands] have spent their fortunes in serving his majesty, which they have done with their property and persons--as is described in the said memorial, nos. 59 and 60. and as the profits from their commerce have become less, and the expenses for war greater and more continual, their poverty has become so great that they are in need of more favor than they have thus far enjoyed; for if (as has been proved) their commerce only is adequate to support those islands, and that which they have hitherto carried on is steadily declining, it must necessarily be increased, in order that they may not perish and be destroyed. this is confirmed by the third of the circumstances mentioned above, the excessive and enormous losses of property which the citizens of manila have suffered since the year 1575--which are mentioned, in due order, in the said memorial, no. 107. some of these misfortunes occurred before the year 1604, and, as until then the commerce was free, they had some reparation for their losses; but those which have occurred since then have had, on account of the limitation of trade, but little relief and scanty reparation. the result has been that, although the injurious effects and great loss have not been noticed every year, they are in the course of all those years so keenly felt that a special means of restoration is needed; and there can be no other save that of increasing their commerce, for their relief must come from the same quarter as that whence their losses came. second: [this relief should be given] because when the permit for 250,000 pesos was granted there were in manila fewer citizens and soldiers; and now the number of these and the [size of the] city have increased, and more aid has become necessary, not only with the course of the thirty-six years which have elapsed, but because there is more war. it appears that those who are occupied in his majesty's service on pay, including those who have been sent to the islands and those who are born there, number 3,338 spaniards, and 2,540 indians of various nationalities--not counting the citizens, or the traders, or other persons who are pursuing various crafts (as is stated in the said memorial, no. 55)--which is twice the number employed in the year 1604. and as it is requisite that all participate in the commerce, and that--although it must be through the medium of the citizens, among whom the amount allowed is distributed--all persons may have some share in it, it becomes necessary, since there are twice as many people as there formerly were, that the amount of trade permitted should also be doubled; for if this be not done, and that which formerly belonged to few be shared among many, no one will have enough for his needs. third: this argument being sufficient for the increase and enlargement of the amount permitted, it is asserted that this amount is less than what was first granted; for, as concerns the distribution (which is made by toneladas), the governors have introduced the practice of giving these to hospitals and convents, and often to the mariners and artillerists, to those who go on expeditions and embassies, and to other persons. thus is consumed a large part of this permitted amount, and consequently of the 500,000 pesos' worth of returns--from which are deducted the legacies, donations, contributions for charitable purposes, wages of the seamen and soldiers, wrought silver, and all the rest that is shipped (as is ordained by the decree of 1606, cited in the said memorial, no. 90), by which, it is at once evident, the amount granted by the permission is diminished to just that extent. fourth: even if it be granted that some illegalities have been committed in that trade, these must have been in exporting more merchandise and bringing back more silver than what the permission decreed; and the cause must have been the pressing need of the inhabitants. for since their numbers are greater, and the amount of trade allowed them is less in quantity, and the share of each one is less because there are more persons concerned in it, the amount that some receive will be so little that it will compel them to infringe the permission, and to export or bring back more than is allotted to them, in order that they may be able to support themselves and meet their obligations. these illegal acts will cease when the amount permitted shall be increased and extended; for, as each person will have a share sufficient to employ his capital, he will not expose it to risk, or carry goods without registry. with this, not only will the inhabitants be enriched, but the illegalities will cease; and, as the royal dues will increase, his majesty will not have to supply anything for the maintenance of the islands, but instead will be much profited by them. fifth: because the main reason for having limited this commerce was the injury which has resulted from it to sevilla, not only with the merchandise which it carries to nueva españa, but with the silver which it drains thence--as has been noticed in the said memorial, nos. 71-79 and 116-119. and although this difficulty is there solved, and this concession is thus made easier--because when the cause ceases, the effect ceases also--another argument is here adduced; this is as follows. the [accusations of] illegal acts in that commerce which are made public are either true or false; if they are false, our object is attained. but, if they are true and those things are done, how can it be said that, in place of the 250,000 pesos [allowed], four millions' worth of merchandise come to nueva españa; and that for the 500,000 pesos of returns they carry ten millions in silver? what difficulty is there in [allowing that for] the four millions that are shipped, a half-million should come under registry, and one out of the ten millions that are returned should go registered, and that on this million and a half the royal dues be collected, since actually more than 750,000 pesos are carried each way without paying these? and even if those illegal acts be checked, and it be granted that for the 250,000 pesos are shipped 500,000, and for the 500,000 pesos of returns a million be carried: if the excess [now] goes and comes without registry, how much more certain is it that the goods will be registered and the royal dues paid? but this argument is made even stronger by the great probability that the excess over the amounts allowed only extends or can extend to the investments of the shippers; and since these actually are only citizens of philipinas, the citizens neither have four millions to export, nor can they get ten millions in returns; for in this way they would be, in four years, at the rate of six millions of profits a year, the wealthiest in the world, while they are at this time the poorest. and if that result is not evident, how can the cause [assigned] be regarded as infallible? let us grant, then, that they will infringe the rule if besides the amount permitted as much more be carried; and even that is much. but if this permission were ample enough to include the funds of all those who lade goods, it is evident that the infractions of law would cease, and that it would not be possible to have them, or means to commit them; and this becomes more credible, if the urgency with which this increase of the permission is requested be noted. and how is it to be supposed that those who are carrying their goods without registry (which is more profitable) prefer to carry them registered, except in order not to exceed the privilege that is given to them? and thus it is certain that if a more extensive permission be granted to them, there will not be illegal shipments, nor will the injury [to spanish trade] be greater, nor as much as is now assumed. the sixth and last argument is reduced to what was proved in the said memorial, nos. 101-106: that the profits of this commerce, on account of the many burdens imposed upon it, are more limited than has been understood; and that in order for the exporters to make any gain, they need more liberal concessions. for [even] if the gain be thirty to forty per cent, it is consumed in costs and management, if the amount laden be small; and the increase of the principal must incur almost the same costs, for they will only be greater in [paying] the duties. the exporters demand with justice that they be authorized to ship twice as much merchandise, since the benefit that they will experience is evident, and no injury will result, as has been proved. i observe that it would seem a very proper measure to place a limit to the permission only on the returns in silver, and that the shipment of merchandise be free, under the direction of the governor. one reason is, that by this means the amount of merchandise would remain limited; since it is plain that the citizens will not leave their funds in nueva españa, and that therefore they will not carry back more than they are entitled to in the returns [for their goods]. the other, because in this no innovation arises, but it accords with the usage which has hitherto prevailed, the lading being regulated more by the burden of the ships, their capacity in toneladas, and the bulk of the commodities, than by its actual and intrinsic value; and giving opportunity for the registration of the products of the country itself, even outside of the permission, as will soon be discussed. and if no difficulty has been found in this practice, and if the governors and the viceroys have overlooked this, and if don pedro de quiroga, with all his severity, never paid any attention to the merchandise being in excess of the 250,000 pesos that were allowed, unless the goods were shipped unregistered, or incorrectly appraised: it is not a new or injurious arrangement that such a method be continued, and that the limitation of the amount allowed be imposed only on the silver that is carried as returns. point third in case the amount permitted to the islands is increased to 500,000 pesos, or the limitation be placed only on the returns in silver (as is asked and argued in the second question), the declaration of this third topic is not necessary; but if the permission is not enlarged to that extent, and the quantity of merchandise is limited, the petition which the city of manila has made finds place. in regard to that, moreover, your illustrious lordship must be informed that the city declares that the commodities which are peculiar to those islands ought not to be included in the amount permitted, but that these should be registered outside of that amount--which should be and is understood to apply to the merchandise from china, and to no other. suppose, then, that besides the commodities of china, there are sent in the ships of this commerce some which are produced and manufactured in the philipinas islands themselves, and are gathered by their natives and inhabitants--such as wax, white and yellow; talingas, [8] table-covers, and lampotes [9] (which are pieces of cotton canvas); blankets from ilocos, moro, and bombòn; and some civet. of these products a hundred toneladas are usually shipped, for, as they are bulky, they occupy more space than they are worth; but it is actually worthwhile for the citizens to ship these to nueva españa, even though it be to sell them at no more than their cost, because they have no other market for these goods. the usage which has hitherto been followed in regard to these goods is to ship them registered, and value them, and pay the royal dues, like the rest, without paying any attention to their being included or not in the 250,000 pesos of the amount permitted, although the returns for them have always been included in the 500,000 pesos of money; and in some years when the citizens have not had the cloth from china to fill up the amount of 250,000 pesos, they have done so with these goods--not because they supposed that such shipments were prohibited in other circumstances, but to supply the deficiency with such goods as they could send. they ask, then, that to avoid uncertainties declaration be made that these goods, when satisfactory proof is given that they are the products of the islands, may be carried to nueva españa without limitation of their quantity, or obligation to include them in the amount permitted. this [request] is based on the fact that the prohibition was expressly imposed for the merchandise of china, which on account of being silk goods injured [the sale of] those which are shipped from españa. this is gathered from all the decrees that have been issued in regard to this matter--all of which distinctly state the cloth of china as being the goods which damage [the spanish commerce]--not that of the islands, which is not of that character. another reason is, that no province has ever been forbidden to export to others its own products, for this would be to close to them the intercourse with others which is their right by natural law; and even if its commerce be limited to certain provinces it ought not to be deprived of trade with all the others, but the exportation which it finds least inconvenient should be left to it. from philipinas the commodities which those islands produce cannot be carried to other parts of the orient, which have abundance of the same, and even better. as the only consumption of these goods is in the indias, the citizens had begun to send them to perù, tierra firme, goathemala, and nueva españa; but of these four trade-routes three are prohibited, because with these goods are shipped those from china, so only the trade with nueva españa remains to them. it immediately follows that for this latter trade the transportation of goods must be free. another reason: because there is not a province in this [kingdom] which has not tacit or express permission to export its products to any place where these may have value and be sold, and with their proceeds are sent in return other products which are lacking in that land; for if they could not do this they would be shut in, and not having communication with adjoining lands, the result would be that both would perish, or would come to such poverty that they could not support themselves. another reason: because--as is proved in the said memorial, nos. 115, 116, and 117--these commodities from the islands do not interfere with those that are shipped from españa, because they are so different in quality. if the people have the former, they consume them; if not, they cannot supply the lack with the goods from these kingdoms, for these are of much value, and those from the islands are worth but little. nor does it follow that the poor indian or negro who buys a vara of canvas from the islands for a real and a half will, if he cannot obtain it, buy the same goods from ruan for six or eight reals; since it is more probable that he will dispense with the goods, even if he go without a shirt, than possible that he can buy it when he has not enough money to pay for it. another reason: because permission is not asked to carry back the returns for these goods in silver, since their proceeds, as being of small value, will be part of the returns allowed for the merchandise of china; and because, in case there is not room for these proceeds, the inhabitants of the islands will sooner cease to ship cloth from china, which costs them their wealth, than cloth of their own country, since they possess it for the gathering, or their indians pay tributes in it. and for these and other reasons which might be presented, and which will be very evident to your illustrious lordship in nueva españa as soon as you undertake and investigate the matter, may be inferred the just cause, the readiness, and the need with which the philipinas ask for the above declaration. point fourth although the commerce from perù to nueva españa does not apparently concern manila, and accordingly it will be deemed that manila is not interested in the question whether the suspension laid thereon be continued or removed: proof will first be adduced of the injury which the philipinas islands experience from that suspension, and then will be presented some arguments, from the many which exist, for the granting of the permission which was formerly current in that commerce. it is taken for granted (as is mentioned in the said memorial, no. 80) that at the beginning the commerce of the islands and of nueva españa was free to perù and to all its ports and provinces, in which two kinds of merchandise were trafficked--that from china, and that from nueva españa. the commerce in the goods from china was prohibited, and consequently that in the commodities of nueva españa has been checked; because, as it was decreed that no ships should go, neither commerce could be carried on. a definite form and limitations were imposed upon the commerce in chinese goods to nueva españa; but the provinces of that country and of perù remonstrated against the complete interdiction of the commerce that they had carried on together--representing that, even if the trade in chinese goods were taken away from them, as being foreign, that in their own products ought not to be forbidden to them. the reasons for this petition being considered just and proper, permission was granted for one ship each year, which should sail from the port of callao de lima, and go to that of acapulco; and this ship was allowed to carry goods to the amount of 200,000 ducados in silver, which should return to perù invested in the products and commodities peculiar to nueva españa--whether in agriculture, stock-raising, or manufactures--and in no others, even if they were the exports of these kingdoms; while the prohibition of chinese cloth remained in force, under greater and more severe penalties. the trade thus permitted, continued uninterruptedly from 1604 until, on account of certain malicious reports, and less attention being paid to that trade than should have been, it was suspended for a period of five years by a royal decree of november 23, 1634. this decree is, for greater clearness, copied here exactly; it is as follows: "the king. to marques de cerralvo, my kinsman, member of my council of war, and my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of the provinces of nueva españa. for just causes and considerations which have influenced me thereto, and because i have understood that this measure is expedient for my service, i have decided that, for a period of five years, the ship for which permission was granted to the provinces of perù to go every year with two hundred thousand ducados for their trade shall not go to those provinces [of nueva españa]. for the execution of this decree i have sent to the conde de chinchon, the viceroy of those provinces, the orders proper for this, of which i have thought it best to inform you so that, having understood this matter, you will on your side aid, in what concerns you. i charge you to do so, in fulfilment of the aforesaid command, exercising special and vigilant care that there shall be no infraction of the law, so far as concerns that country; and that no merchandise from china shall be carried from nueva españa to perù, which is the principal object aimed at. for it is certain that, if in this matter proper care and vigilance be not exercised, whatever is gained by watchfulness and precaution on one road will be diverted by another. at every opportunity that may present itself you shall, without omitting anything, always advise me, with especial care and entire secrecy, how this measure is received by the merchants and trading people of that country; and what advantages or disadvantages result from its execution, in order that, knowing this, i may take such steps and issue such orders in the matter as are most suitable. from madrid, on the twenty-third day of november in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four. i the king "by command of the king our sovereign: don fernando ruiz de contreras "signed by the council." that this suspension of the commerce of perù is injurious to the philipinas is notorious. first: because when the ships from perù do not sail to acapulco the islands are left exposed to the failure of their [usual] succor in any year when their ships do not make the voyage (as often happens), either by having to take shelter in some port, or being wrecked, or by their late arrival [at acapulco]--three contingencies which are quite possible, and even usual, as the islands have found by experience. since in these cases the failure of these ships was formerly made up by those which went from perù--the necessary supplies of men and money being sent in those vessels--it follows that if they do not go thither, and the former do not come, there will be no ships for this purpose; and in one year alone, if the islands fail to receive the aid which supports them, they run the risk of being ruined--and this may even occur on an occasion of such exigency and danger that afterward they cannot be relieved at all. [10] second: because the silk that is produced in nueva españa (both woven and in skeins) [11] was exported to perù, since it was the principal commodity included in this permission, and in order to [help meet] the expenses of the country; and nueva españa, not being as rich as perù, prefers the fabrics from china, which remain at a lower price, so that all those that come from philipinas find consumption. if, then, the market that they formerly had fails, it is necessary that this [home-grown silk] remain in nueva españa, as being their own product. it follows that so much less will be the use of the silks from china, which were substituted in the place of the mexican goods when those went out of the country with the trade permitted to perù. on this account, the commerce of philipinas has been and is steadily diminishing--to how great an extent may be easily understood by finding the country full of silks and its own fabrics, which are no longer consumed except within it, although foreign goods are brought in. even if these last are cheaper, they are a hindrance and obstacle to those which are or can be called original [in the country]--an injury which has been already experienced with the last ships from the islands, which as they failed to come in the preceding year, did not find an outlet for their wares; nor could they sell even enough to pay the freight charges and the duties, as is stated in letters from nueva españa, where your illustrious lordship can learn the facts in the case. third: because, although nueva españa has mines of silver--and that metal is obtained from them in the quantity that is known, since the greater part of it all is locked up in the royal treasuries for shipment to españa--since much goes out for the ordinary trade of goathemala, yucatàn, the windward islands, and the coasts of cartagena and venezuela, while the bulk of it is laden for these kingdoms, and even is not sufficient for their trade, it necessarily results that silver is lacking for that of philipinas, and that the islands feel the loss of the 200,000 ducados that perù was sending, which make almost 300,000 pesos of silver. this amount is not so small as to be undeserving of attention, and is sufficiently large to explain why, for this and the preceding reasons, the islands have experienced so great a decline in their commerce; and for all those reasons have so much difficulty in supporting themselves, that it obliges them to demand relief by all possible and suitable means. since one of these is, that the trade permitted to perù be carried on as it formerly was, the islands urge that its prohibition, or suspension, shall cease and be removed. and since, besides the advantages which have been mentioned, there are others which support this decision--some on the part of nueva españa, and others on that of perù--and accordingly it is demanded by both kingdoms, it must be observed that it seems just and necessary that there should be intercourse between them; and that, as they are united naturally and morally, being continuous by the land, subject to one crown, included under the government of one council, having the same laws, and being of the same nationality (that is, the castilian), trade and commerce should [not] be totally prohibited to them. nor, [on the same grounds, should the amount of trade] permitted to them be so limited, as it was, to 200,000 ducados--which, considering the richness of those countries, was very little; indeed, their intercourse is so restricted that it is less difficult to send a letter from lima to mexico by way of spain than by the route on which it is now carried. and when it has been ordained by royal decrees and by the customary instructions [to royal officials] that the two viceroys of those countries should aid and favor each other when occasions therefor arise, and when they so frequently encounter enemies by sea and disturbances by land, it does not seem consistent that those who should aid and succor each other cannot hold mutual communication. another reason: because with this prohibition opportunity is given for greater infractions of the law, or that merchandise which went with registry may go without it; for hardly is there a year when there are not voyages of prelates and ministers from perù to nueva españa, and from nueva españa to perù. very recently archbishop don feliciano de vega and auditor don antonio de ulloa went from lima to mexico, and the bishop of nueva vizcaya (who went to fill the see of la paz) from mexico to lima, as well as the auditors who were transferred from the audiencia of mexico to that of lima. all these have to go by the southern sea; and it is quite possible that, by undertaking to sail at different times--and, because each one [of those prelates] prefers to go as a superior in his own ship, different vessels convey them--two ships would go from lima to acapulco, and three or four from acapulco to lima, without either of the viceroys being able to prevent the shipment of much silver in the ships from perù, and much merchandise in those from nueva españa. moreover, these four or five ships are double that number, because all of them are chartered by the voyage, going or returning; so neither does the peruvian ship care to remain in nueva españa, nor that from nueva españa in perù; thus there will be ten ships, five from each country. and all these were rendered superfluous by the ship that belonged to the permitted trade; for since the latter sailed regularly and provided registry, there was sufficient cause for ordaining that the prelates and auditors should journey in it. this is a reason so evident that, even if there were no other, it would be enough for granting and facilitating this commerce. on behalf of nueva españa, it is mentioned in the said memorial (no. 92) that more than fourteen thousand persons are occupied in the culture of silk, who, if that should fail them, would perish. this industry has two factors: one is, that there be silk from china as raw material [para labrar] and a market for that of the country. if the commerce with perù fail them, that market (which is their principal one) is cut off; and thus that industry will cease, and the country will lose the wealth that it has which is based on that industry. moreover, since the trade of the provinces is so closely connected and bound together, that of españa will experience the same or a greater deficiency. for, if those who in nueva españa deal in silks, and are engaged in the silk culture and industry, sustained and enriched themselves with the commerce of perù, and whatever they gained in that direction converted into the commerce of castilla--consuming, as they necessarily would, the commodities in which that trade consists--it follows that if the people of nueva españa lack capital, and if that of the 200,000 ducados from perù fails them, the wealth of castilla will be thus diminished. on behalf of perù it is also represented that, when that permission for one ship each year was granted, this matter was examined and discussed, with reports from the viceroys and audiencias, and the more intelligent of the officials, and the advantages and disadvantages on both sides were carefully considered. moreover, no new causes have arisen, nor have illegalities occurred [in the commerce] which compel the suspension of a decision so suitable, just, and beneficial. and there have only been the proceedings of francisco de victoria, [12] who, without caring for anything except to make himself singular and conspicuous, and to show himself capable of what he least understood--with the desire which many have to improve the government, even though it be by ruining the countries--in affairs belonging to the commerce of philipinas and that of perù strayed so far from what was fundamental and requisite in them, as may be seen in the arguments in the said memorial, nos. 1 and 2, and from 93 to 119. and, granting for the sake of argument that this [course of action] might have had some foundation: if the suspension of this permission was for five years, either for the punishment of illegal acts, or for reasons at the time expedient, when these requirements are fulfilled, it seems just that those commerces should again continue as before. another: because this becomes more expedient in the present emergencies, in which those kingdoms desire to help meet the new impositions which have been levied in all of them since the year 1630: the union of the armies, the windward armada, the sale of new offices, the half-annat, the stamped paper, the increase of the avería on both seas, the incorporation and reduction of encomiendas in both kingdoms, and other matters, which are well known to your illustrious lordship. and if [his majesty's] vassals are not favored in these exigencies by facilitating their commerce, it will be impossible for them, even though they desire it (as they all do), to aid in bearing so great a load. [13] another: because this permission was granted to perù in recompense for what was taken away from that country in the goods from china. that trade was free, as i have said, and those stuffs were shipped from nueva españa in abundance; and thus the provinces of perù experienced great relief, as the chinese goods were so cheap that those of castilla were estimated at three times their price. it was expedient to prohibit the chinese goods, in order that the commerce of españa might not diminish for lack of the wealth of perù. and, since the welfare of some vassals is not to be gained by destroying the others, in order to repair the loss which was caused by this prohibition to the vassals of perù permission was granted to them for 200,000 ducados in goods from nueva españa, which are not so cheap as those of china, nor so dear as those of castilla. this is stated in the royal decrees for the concession, and is inferred from their being of the same year and date as those for the prohibition. if this was the cause, and now it does not cease to operate, but rather is still more active--on account of the commodities which go from españa having greatly increased in price, the land being poorer, and the impositions, expenses, and losses being heavier--it may be easily understood that this permission ought not to be refused. again: because the principal argument which gave cause for the suspension of this permission was the representation of glaring infractions of law therein. sufficient refutations to these were made in the said memorial, from no. 94 to 117; but as there they are mingled with those in the commerce of the islands, answer is [here] made to the former more than to the latter (although the one depends on the other). the exaggerated statement is made that the ship which goes every year from perù to acapulco carries, instead of the 200,000 ducados of the permission, three millions--an enlargement which is an act of audacity deserving punishment rather than complaisance. [this is preposterous:] first, because even in transgressions of this character there is usually some moderation; and never before has it been seen, heard, or supposed that where two [pesos' worth] were permitted the amount concealed would reach thirty. second, this ship which went to acapulco was one of 200 toneladas. the galleons on the india route, which go only to carry silver, and are of 600 to 800 toneladas, do not carry more than one million each year; and the capitana and the almiranta, which are larger, carry a little more. therefore, if a galleon of 800 toneladas does not carry a million and a half, how could a ship of 200 toneladas carry three millions? third, it may be asked why all that money went to nueva españa. reply will be made, "with the royal decree for the permission," and with the argument (which is very evident) that the money went thither for investment in merchandise, and not to be left there, or to come by that route to españa; for the one would be folly for its owners, and the other a blunder, since it would involve greater costs and risks. then if (as is evident) the money must return invested, and in the same ship, or in another of equal burden, who ever said or imagined that that ship, with a burden of 200 toneladas, can carry the investments of three millions? if this sum be in silver, it is impossible to do so, as is proved; but the same is true if it be in merchandise. the ships which come from eastern india to lisboa are of 1,500 toneladas, and some of 2,000; and whatever goes beyond a million in the entire lading is very profitable, and is largely composed of diamonds, rubies, civet, and musk, commodities which are not bulky. then how could a ship of 200 toneladas carry a cargo of taffetas, velvets, silk in skeins, coverlets, beds, tents, cabinets, and other like articles, to the extent of three millions of investment, which in perù would be four or five millions? fourth, because it cannot be said that the ship, since it does not carry three millions of silver, will carry two millions, or one--which also is a great transgression of the limit set. it is proved by experience that neither three nor two millions, nor one, nor [even] half a million can be invested in [the cargo of] a ship of 200 toneladas--which with 200,000 ducados of silver converted into merchandise (which in perù will be worth 300,000), and with the people, and supplies for three months (the time spent in going from acapulco to callao de lima) will sail so well laden that no considerable quantity can be carried outside of the registry. fifth, and last, because if this ship carried three millions, we must find a source for this silver, and a halting-place for it. there is no source [for that amount], because the silver produced from the mines of perù, whether computed at a little more or less, is shipped to españa every year, without an error of three millions. but if perù retained so much silver, if from the year 1636 no ship has gone to acapulco (and it is not to be supposed that the merchants keep their funds idle) from that time the exports from perù would be heavier; but if we abide by experience (which is in this matter the best proof), the opposite is well-known. as little is a halting-place found for that silver, since [what there is] remains in perù, on account of not having permission. finally, we say, and it is known, that no more silver comes [from perù] than did formerly, nor even as much. when it was going to nueva españa, the necessary effect of carrying three millions would have been to engross both the commerce of that country with castilla and that with philipinas; that those two should share the greater part of the silver; and that, when it ceased, both should feel the lack. the trade of philipinas has had less return than formerly, not for lack of silver, but because don pedro de quiroga did not give them permission to ship the returns for two years, and therefore the silver remained in nueva españa for that reason. as little has the commerce of castilla experienced a considerable reduction, and not one in proportion to the lack of perù's millions; and thus is proved that this permission for perù never had the infringements that are represented, either in the quantity that is stated, or in any other considerable amount. [it is clear] that it ought to be decreed that, since the [term of the] suspension imposed upon that commerce is completed, it shall again proceed as is demanded in behalf of philipinas, and has been requested on behalf of mexico and lima--the matter being referred to the investigation of your illustrious lordship, who, after considering the reasons here mentioned, will decide it with the perspicuity and equity that the matter demands. his majesty has also given commission to your illustrious lordship that, having heard the citizens in regard to the claim which they make of not being included in the two compositions of 630,000 pesos, the share of it which was levied upon them may be returned to them; since his majesty says in his royal decree that he does not wish them to pay what they do not owe. since all the considerations and arguments are fully stated in the said decree, i will, in order not to weary your illustrious lordship, refer you to it, which also is very convenient, as will be seen, in serving to throw much light upon the affairs which your illustrious lordship has to arrange and settle. informatory decree regarding the question to what extent and on what plan shall the commerce of the islands with nueva españa hereafter proceed. the king. to the reverend father in christ, don juan de palafox y mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of the city of puebla de los angeles, member of my royal council of the indias, to whom i have entrusted the visitation of my royal audiencia of the city of mexico in nueva españa, and of its tribunals, and that of the port of acapulco: on the part of don juan grau y monfalcòn, procurator-general of the distinguished and ever loyal city of manila, the capital of the philipinas islands, he has in the name of that city presented to me a statement that, having set forth to me in another memorial the wretched condition in which those islands are, and offered various petitions regarding it, which have been examined in the said my royal council of the indias, they failed to come to a decision in the principal points, not only on account of their importance, but in order to wait for the despatches which they were expecting to come in the trading fleet. and among those which arrived with the fleet from nueva españa there were letters from the city of manila and the governor of philipinas, and from certain intelligent persons, all of which agree--in which, to judge from the condition of affairs, those islands were in evident risk of being ruined unless the relief which they needed were sent to them with the utmost promptness, by helping to give form to their commerce, on which is based their preservation and defense, in the returns of silver, in the succors [that they receive] in fighting men, and in aid from the seamen [who go there]. the said city of manila and the governor, as men who so carefully bear in mind the losses [that the commerce has experienced] mention them in their letters; and the commissaries of the city (who reside in mexico), with even more information of what the people of the said city did not know, have considered and noted these letters, since the remonstrances which the citizens have made were caused only by having received some information in general of the cruel acts of don pedro de quiroga [y moya], and that he had prohibited 600,000 pesos to the commerce. and when they knew that, besides the previous acts of oppression, others had been so recently committed against them, and such as had never before been known, and another sum of 300,000 pesos taken from them, it can be judged what they suffered, and the affliction that they experienced. and [i desire] that always, and in whatever event, it may be seen and known that the said don juan grau gave information of and proposed to me all that he considered expedient for preventing the loss of the said islands, which with so plain indications is menacing them, and ought to be feared--as it is feared, not only by their citizens, but by all who recognize the difficulty of preserving them without commerce, or money, or soldiers, or seamen--continuing in his obligation, which is to communicate what shall be written to him, to present such requests as the said city shall order him to make, and to urge forward the decision of the most important matters. and he regards as settled that the commerce of the said islands with nueva españa is permanent, which is the only way in which they can be maintained, as he has proved in the said memorial; and that, if it ceases, they will be ruined and the dutch enemy will take possession of them, since for so many years they have with this desire harassed the islands. [he makes the following statements:] if they should succeed therein (which may god not permit) all eastern india would perish--since, if the enemy should be master of the straits of sincapura, and of the archipelagos of moluco and luzòn (which have for their defense only that which manila and its armed fleets give them), all the commerce of china would necessarily be hindered, not only for the castilians but for the portuguese; and the factories which (without other power than that of the commerce and advantage of many nations which resort to them), i possess in those coasts and kingdoms, with which i have preserved and sustained them, would come to an end. and the commerce of the said islands is at present suspended, if not cut off, as appears from the letters of the city of manila and the governor. it must be noted that three-fourths of the merchandise which the citizens are accustomed to trade is pledged to the sangleys, since the commerce has hitherto been sustained on credit alone; and as in the past year of 1636-37 no money went from nueva españa from the goods which the citizens sent, which the sangleys had sold on credit, they have not been able to satisfy these claims. for this reason the sangleys have gone away, and say that they are not willing to lose more than what they have lost; and the portuguese of macàn have done the same--who, like the chinese, have returned to their own country, ruined. and the citizens having refused, in the past year of 1636, to lade their goods in the two ships which were ready to sail, fearing (and with good cause) the severity of don pedro de quiroga, the governor urged them to lade their goods, and those which they had procured on credit--assuring them in my name that these would be expedited at acapulco in the same manner as formerly, for which purpose he ordered that all the goods should be registered with the utmost possible exactness and equity. the effect of this was, that don pedro de quiroga paid no attention to what the governor had promised in my name; instead, his harsh nature being thereby irritated, he displayed greater severity, and, not content with detaining whatever the ships carried, he weighed and opened registered bales and chests--contrary to the usage at all the ports, against the regulations provided by royal decrees; and the appraisement that he made of the merchandise was so increased and exorbitant that what was at its just price in mexico worth 800,000 pesos he rated at four millions. for the commodities which in manila cost at the rate of nine pesos, the said don pedro appraised at twenty-two; and much of the cloth was sold in acapulco, in his very sight, at six pesos, while he had collected the full amount of the royal dues, on the basis of twenty-two, at which he had valued the goods. by this one may judge how considerable a loss the citizens experienced, not only in paying the dues on so increased a valuation, but in the loss of the money they had invested. it may easily be judged that, by making this valuation so contrary to justice and reason, the registers transgressed the permitted amount; and with this appraisement he began to inflict new and hitherto unknown injuries on the commerce, with the sole intent of obtaining another composition, and demanded for it 500,000 ducados. god permitted that he should die; but, on account of his death, what he had begun was continued by the marqués de cadereyta, and continued with no less severity. for he forcibly extorted from the commerce 300,000 pesos, which the citizens did not owe according to the document that they signed at the time of their first agreement; and he made them draw up a document regarding the commerce, with declarations at the start that they had not entered protest against signing the document for the 300,000 pesos, by which act they left themselves no recourse. in order to relieve themselves from these annoyances they signed the said obligation, although they knew that it was the utter ruin of the commerce; but with this, and the damages and losses that their property suffered--for, besides opening the packages, they remained several days on the beach, with guards, and other expenses--not only their profit but their principal was consumed. another factor in this loss was the necessity of securing what belonged to the islands out of the 600,000 pesos of the first composition; and for this, and the composition of 300,000 pesos, with the half-annat (which is charged to them), they were obliged to take moneys at a loss, and to sell very cheaply the goods that had remained. the result was, that of all the investment for the said year of 1636, when the entire capital of the citizens of the islands was sent, there remained no considerable amount that could be returned to them--as they were informed by the commissary through whose hand the returns were sent. on account of this--even before the second condemnation of the 300,000 pesos, or all the unfortunate outcome of their investments, was known in manila--the citizens who had some estates in the country, seeing their extreme necessity, asked the governor's permission to go out [of the city] to live on their lands, with the little money that remained to them, by cultivating the soil to support themselves. the rest, who are poor, have asked permission to enlist in the army as soldiers, and to join expeditions, or go to terrenate, as they can find no other means of support; and the majority of the citizens were discussing whether to entreat me that i will be pleased to grant them permission so that they can return to these kingdoms, to die in their own countries, as they can no longer support themselves in the philipinas--but the governor, having notice of this, persuaded them to ask me for relief in this their afflicted condition, which they have done. accordingly, they assembled in an open session of cabildo, and agreed that, until i should be pleased to form and establish a definite plan for the said commerce, no one of them should lade or send to nueva españa any merchandise, whether in great or small quantity--with which the said commerce has entirely ceased and been suspended, and will remain in that condition until a decision shall be sent them in regard to its plan. [they say] that, if this be delayed, it may arrive at a time when already no remedy will avail; that, although the citizens of manila know that this course may ruin themselves and their islands, they consider it less injurious to them to spend their funds in maintaining what they may hereafter acquire, than in sending them to nueva españa in order to complete the loss of these in one year. they have acted accordingly, since in a patache which the governor despatched in the year 1637, with information of these necessities and of others contained in their letters, there came no merchandise, nor was there any person who was willing to ship goods; and the same occurred with the two ships which were despatched in the past year of 1638. and although the governor made all possible efforts to constrain the citizens to lade the two ships, he could not succeed in this, which now causes them to feel their loss still more keenly. it is evident that the foregoing alone will cause a greater loss of duties to my royal exchequer in nueva españa, besides the licenses of the sangleys, and other things in manila and nueva españa, than what has been gained for it by the 900,000 pesos of the said two compositions--not to mention the evident risk in which the islands remain; for, if they are lost, four millions will not be enough to recover them if the dutch take possession of them, which is the principal object at which they aim. it is represented to me that, if that commerce flourishes, my duties in nueva españa on the merchandise will amount to about 300,000 pesos, with which was provided the amount which i ordered to be sent back as returns to manila, for the purposes and preservation of those islands; and that now all that source of income has fallen at a blow, and the loss has recoiled upon my royal exchequer, since it is necessary that the amount of money which is conveyed every year for the succor of those islands be supplied from my royal treasury of mexico to that of manila, out of the silver and the fifths from the mines. and not only is this loss occasioned, but all the capital with which commerce was carried on from mexico to philipinas (to which the duties gave rise) has ceased to exist; for in the year 1638, when no ships save one patache came [to acapulco] the dues from it amounted to [only] 4,000 pesos, and in 1639 another 4,000 pesos were collected from the almiranta which arrived at acapulco. as the citizens of manila had no means to lade merchandise, not only the patache but the almiranta came without registers--as also did the capitana, which had to go back to port. according to what the governor writes, he will not send ships in the year 1640; with this, in three years i shall have lost 900,000 pesos in duties--the same amount which was extorted as composition, against all reason and justice, by don pedro de quiroga; and it is he who has caused, by his severe measures, these so irreparable losses, not only to my royal exchequer but to the commerce. [don juan grau] entreated me that, since all the above matters are worthy of such careful attention, i would be pleased, in order to place a speedy check on these losses--which recoil upon my royal exchequer, as he represented to me--to furnish a plan for the said commerce, without entrusting the matter to any judge or official visitor, or waiting for reports on a matter which is so thoroughly explained and well understood, in which even one year's delay is enough to render relief impossible, to judge by the condition in which those islands now are. [he asks that,] in case this is impracticable, i command that for six or eight years the usage that has prevailed in regard to the registration and the appraisement and all the rest be followed, without making changes in anything, punishing those who transgress the regulations and orders that have been established by royal decrees; and that this may and shall be understood without prejudice to what must and shall be decreed after the documents, reports, and other papers which shall be demanded or sent have been examined. [he asks that] i immediately despatch a decree to this effect, since, if a decision on this point be not at once sent, the commerce will be ruined in one year more--which, added to what has been already lost, will be the total destruction of the said islands. this subject has been discussed in my royal council of the indias, and i have taken into consideration all that has been represented to me, and that it is just to reward the loyalty, fidelity, and services of vassals who are continually serving me, arms in hand--defending my crown in lands so widespread, with so great reputation for my arms; and i desire in everything their prosperity, comfort, and preservation. by my decree of september 30 last i thought best to command that in the appraisements and registrations, and in not opening the bales or weighing the chests from the ships of the said philipinas islands which arrive at acapulco--unless such act shall be preceded by the informations and other requisites that are ordained by decrees that have been issued on this subject--the custom and usage which were in vogue before don pedro de quiroga went [there] should be observed, without infringing the decrees and orders which were issued regarding these matters; and that this be for the present, and meanwhile nothing else be ordained by the said my council until you shall have informed me (as you will do) about the affairs of philipinas, since i have entrusted to you the settlement and enforcement of matters concerning the commerce of the said islands. i request and charge you, [for all these reasons,] to inform me about all that i have here mentioned, with great distinctness and thoroughness, with your opinion and any suggestions that you can offer regarding the advantages and the preservation of the said philipinas islands--in order that, after the matter has been examined in the said my council, i may take such measures as are most expedient. done at madrid, february 14, 1640. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabrièl de ocaña y alarcòn informatory decree upon the augmentation of the amount permitted to the philipinas islands, in both silver and merchandise; and that the products of the islands shall not be included in the permission for 250,000 pesos. the king. to the reverend father in christ don juan de palafox y mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of the city of puebla de los angeles, member of my royal council of the indias, to whom i have committed the visitation of my royal audiencia of the city of mexico in nueva españa and of its tribunals, and the visitation of the port of acapulco: [here follows a preamble which is identical with that in the first of these decrees, as far as the words, "and to urge forward the decision of the most important matters." this decree then continues (evidently stating grau's arguments) as follows:] and as for the lack of money, this cannot be avoided when the commerce in merchandise fails, since, if that is not sent, there will be no returns from it; and the main thing to be considered is that as little can the duties be collected, which (as is proved in the said larger memorial) on the said commerce amount to the sum which is sent every year for the aid of the said islands. if these duties fail, it will be necessary that all this succor come out of my royal exchequer, and it may be needful to send much more there; for in the past, when the citizens found themselves without means to aid (as they do aid) in the support of the said islands, the deficiency had to be made good from my royal exchequer, as has been proved by experience. the governor of those islands, seeing the pressing necessities of the citizens, in the year 1637 lent them from my royal treasury 76,765 pesos, besides what he lent them in the year 1638, when in the same condition--when formerly the citizens loaned so great sums, as is known, to my royal treasury; and this is ascertained, with convincing arguments, that in order to lessen the occasion [for such loans] it is necessary to aid and favor the citizens and the commerce, since whatever it has of wealth [for them] i shall be spared from expending in the maintenance of continual war in those archipelagos. for it can be understood that if this does not cease, and those who are supporting it have no means for doing that, either i must support it or i shall be defeated; and that it is of the utmost importance to maintain the war. i have already recognized the great difficulties that result from the cessation of sending money to those islands; for, on account of the fact that in the year 1637 not more than 150,000 pesos of the amount in the count-duke's permission was carried [to mexico], and that the citizens failed to receive the returns therefrom through the harsh measures and blunders of don pedro de quiroga, the chinese merchants have gone from manila, and carried away their merchandise, because there is no one who can buy their goods; and it is known with certainty, according to letters from the city, that the silk sold by the said chinese to the dutch, since they knew that there was no money in manila, amounted to more than 5,000 picos. if the commerce with china is cut off from that city, it will be impossible again to introduce it, and whatever is collected there from the licenses given to the said chinese (which is a very large item) will be lost; and finally the whole colony will reach so exhausted a condition that it will be impossible, [14] even with a million [pesos] of aid a year, to maintain the said islands. [don juan grau] has entreated that i would be pleased to command that in the first ships which sail from acapulco for the said islands--or, in default of these, in whatever ships shall go to the islands--shall be transported, besides the usual succor that i send, all the residues of permissions which there may be in nueva españa belonging to citizens of those islands, and all the money which may be still due as returns from the permissions, so that in this first voyage may be made up whatever shall have been deficient in past ones, according to the amount permitted, and nothing shall remain to fill out the entire amount of the returns in any year. moreover, in order to mitigate somewhat the great injuries and losses for eight or ten years, [he has asked] that an increase be allowed them in the permission for the silver, up to the amount of 800,000 pesos instead of the 500,000 for which they have permission--or such quantity as i shall be pleased [to grant]; and that i give them permission to carry to nueva españa, besides the 250,000 pesos' worth of cloth from china which is already allowed to them, all the products of the country--as they have requested by a special petition in the large memorial, which don juan grau asks shall be again examined, with the strong arguments which they present for asking this favor; and he says that at present there are [even] more reasons for granting it. this matter has been considered in my royal council of the indias, notwithstanding that i commanded the viceroy and the audiencia of mexico, by my decree of december 8, 1638, to inform me what permission the philipinas islands have, and that which was granted to the count-duke; and whether it would be expedient to enlarge further that of the said islands, considering their needs and other circumstances. by another decree of mine, of the same date, i also commanded the said my viceroy and audiencia of mexico, and the governor and audiencia of manila, to inform me regarding the representations made to me, on the part of the said city of manila, that all the provinces of the indias are permitted to export the products that in them are gathered and cultivated, without limitation of quantity. those of the islands, the proceeds of their collections and labors, are: wax, lampotes, coverlets, tarlingas, blankets from ilocos, musk, civet, and other commodities which are peculiar to the said islands; and it has been the custom for many years past to ship these products to nueva españa (which is their only market), registered, but not included in the 250,000 pesos of the permission, as it seemed that the citizens did not need it for these commodities, and that it was granted only for those from china--which are the ones expressly stated in the royal decrees, and on which fall the prohibitions and penalties. and [don juan grau] petitioned that i would command that a declaration be made to this effect, and that these commodities, coming registered, and paying my royal duties at their departure from the islands and entrance at acapulco, as do the other goods from china, should be (even though their value and quantity did not come included, and be not included, in the permission) passed by the customs officers without incurring penalty of confiscation, or any other. i request and charge you that, after having thoroughly informed yourself of all that i have mentioned, you report to me very fully thereon, in order that, when the matter shall have been discussed in the said my council, i may take such measures as shall be most expedient for the relief and preservation of my vassals in those islands. done at madrid, february 14, in the year 1640. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabrièl de ocaña y alarcòn informatory decree, in regard to opening the commerce between the kingdoms of perù and nueva españa. the king. to the reverend father in christ, don juan de palafox y mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of the city of puebla de los angeles, [etc. here follows a preamble identical with that of the first decree, as explained in the second one. this decree continues:] both perù and nueva españa oppose the method followed in the commerce of the said philipinas islands, and complain of the above prohibitions, setting forth certain difficulties which result from closing to them the commerce which those two most opulent states have maintained (as it were, by nature) between themselves; the chief of these is their being entirely deprived of the mutual intercourse and relations which ought to prevail between them. on this account, another permission of two ships has been granted to them. one of these shall sail every year from the port of callao de lima, and may carry to that of acapulco silver to the amount of 200,000 ducados, for investment in the products peculiar to nueva españa--whether of agriculture, stock-raising, or manufacture--and no others, even those sent from these kingdoms. the other ship shall return from acapulco to callao with these proceeds [of the investment], the prohibition of cloth from china remaining in force; and the decree declares that none of that cloth may be sent in return for the 200,000 ducados, nor outside of that amount, enforcing its execution by heavy penalties [imposed] by the decrees of december 31, 1604, and march 8 and june 20, 1620. by these decrees final shape was given to this permission which now is suspended; and it was ordered to cease by a decree of november 23, 1634, without the reason which had given cause for this act being known--further than the measures which had been proposed for ruining the islands, and this, that the ships of perù might not sail to acapulco, to the so great harm of the philipinas islands, as this alone would be enough to ruin them. for if ships do not go from perù, the islands remain exposed to the failure of their aid, in the year when their ships do not make the voyage, by having been wrecked, or forced to put back to port, or having arrived late. as in such cases, it is usual to make good their deficiency with the ships from perù, sending in them the usual succor of men and money, if the latter do not go, and the others do not come [to acapulco], there will not be ships for that purpose, and the islands might remain for several years without the succor that supports them, at the evident risk of being ruined. to this may be added, that there are, as will be stated, in nueva españa more than fourteen thousand persons who sustain themselves with the industry of silk-raising and silk manufacture, by express permission, and the order that this industry be preserved. it cannot be maintained with only the silk that is produced in that country, the total amount of which is very small, and it therefore employs the silk that comes from manila, as being suitable for delicate fabrics. the silk fabrics of nueva españa have always been exported to perù, as commodities included in the trade permitted to those countries, which was mainly composed of these stuffs; while the fabrics of china remained for meeting the expenses of the country, which regularly consumed all that came thence. since the exportation of what formerly went to perù has ceased, the necessary result is that these goods remain and are consumed in nueva españa, as being its own product, and that just so much less of the chinese silk is required--which is substituted in place of the home product when the former goods are imported through the permission--and necessarily less of the other is produced. besides taking away their occupation from the people who are engaged in the silk industry, this will cause an evident diminution in the commerce of philipinas, the bulk of which consists in silks; for just so much less of what the islands export is consumed [in nueva españa] as cannot be sold out of what is produced there--which will be an amount so noticeable that with this reduction alone that commerce will become excessively weakened. this has been already proved in regard to the last ships which came from those islands--for, as they failed to come the previous year, they found no market for their goods, and could not sell enough of these even to pay the freight charges and the duties, according to letters from nueva españa and authentic documents; it is, therefore, very expedient that the permission given to perù should be revived, else, by not conceding it, a great reduction is feared in that of philipinas. if, when that permission was granted, the matter was discussed with adequate information, and the advantages which there might be on either side were considered, and now if no new reasons or circumstances arise which compel the decision to be suspended beyond the fact that francisco de victoria contrived such expedients, without heeding other objects, so that it seems as if he cared only for the abandonment and ruin of the islands, no opportunity should be given for that suspension. even if the memorials which [don juan grau] has furnished on the other topics prove to be sufficiently answered, and their arguments are shown to be weak or false, it must not be understood that there are better ones for what concerns the permission given to perù; but no answer is made here, save in what pertains to the philipinas, for the rest concerns nueva españa and perù, who will give fuller explanations. and, considering the evident injury and risk to which the islands are exposed by the lack of freight ships that can sail thither, since in case the ships belonging to the commerce are wrecked, or forced to take refuge in other ports, or arrive late, the islands will perish if there are no other ships in which to send the usual succor of men and money: and since freight vessels are not built, which is necessary in all the coasts of nueva españa, this deficiency must be supplied some years by the ships from perù that go to acapulco--which do not sail now, on account of the permission which was given for that purpose being suspended--from which also result to the islands the losses which have been set forth in the said memorial, which are stated anew in this petition, because it is so expedient that the traffic between nueva españa and perù be restored: [don juan grau] has petitioned me to consent to raise the suspension, or prohibition, which is laid or imposed on the said permission of perù and nueva españa, even though, for its fulfilment and better observance, the penalties be increased so far as is expedient. this matter having been considered in my royal council of the indias, as i desire to ascertain the advantages or disadvantages which may result from the aforesaid measure, whether to my greater service, to the increase or diminution of my royal dues, to the preservation of my vassals of the said philipinas islands, or to their relief or injury: i request and charge you to inform me very thoroughly of all that you shall ascertain and understand to be most expedient, in order that when i have considered all the reliable information in your report, i may take such measures as may be most fitting. done at madrid, february 14, in the year 1640. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabrièl de ocaña y alarcòn decree in which his majesty commands that a hearing be given in a court of justice to the citizens of the city of manila, regarding their claim that they be not included in the condemnations and compositions of the 900,000 pesos; and [it is declared] that it is his majesty's intention that they should not pay what they do not owe. the king. to the reverend father in christ, don juan de palafox y mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of tlaxcala, [15] member of my royal council of the indias, to whom i have entrusted the general visitation of my royal audiencia of the city of mexico in nueva españa and of its tribunals, and the visitation of the port of acapulco, and other affairs very important for my service. [most of this decree is omitted, as being only a repetition, in the main, of statements in grau's memorial preceding. the king rehearses the injuries done to philippine commerce, the arguments pro and con an increase of duties, and the representations by the citizens of manila in behalf of their petition for relief; and continues:] what they entreat with the humility belonging to my vassals, and set forth with arguments of expediency and good government, subject in everything to what shall be for my greater service, is that what is past be punished, but not so as to inflict the same penalty on those whose guilt is unequal; for if there shall prove to be guilt, it must be because they were induced to it more by their need and hardships than by the profits on their investments; and it is the fact that whatever they have acquired by these is known to be but a small part of the means which they have at present, and they have spent it and intend to spend it in serving me and in preserving those islands at the cost of their blood and property. they ask that for the present attention be given to what is hidden and concealed, and that this be diminished and reduced to the amount permitted and regulated; and that, until they know in the islands what they ought to do, and what new decrees shall be issued, those penalties be not carried out against the citizens, and that they shall not be punished for what they have committed through ignorance. they ask that for the future the duties be not increased on what shall be found within the amount permitted, whether in silver or merchandise; that no innovations be made in the appraisement of the goods, nor by opening the packages or measuring them, through any different method from that which has been [hitherto] observed and followed, since (as is very evident) they pay more than they are able to; and they state that the despatch of the two ships was included and is still contained in the composition of the 600,000 pesos for the year 1635--a proposition very plain and undisputed, which does not admit of doubt, since it is expressly, clearly, and distinctly stipulated, noted, and agreed in the document which was executed regarding this matter, the first section of which reads as follows: "first: that in this agreement shall be set down and included the two ships which are expected to come from the philipinas islands this present year, or early in this coming year of 1636, to this nueva españa with registry; and if one or both of them shall not have sailed, or shall not sail, from the said islands, or if they be forced to put back to port, this agreement shall hold good regarding those which shall come in the following year, at whatever time therein; and the ship which shall not sail this year may do so next year, so that there will be two vessels; and they may land at the port of acapulco in this nueva españa the goods that they carry, paying to his majesty his customary royal dues, without those goods being seized; nor can anything be confiscated thereon in case each person declares what he shall carry, in conformity with the proclamation which will be issued. [this goes] with declaration that if (which may god not permit) the ship be wrecked at sea, or plundered by enemies, no other shipment be allowed." it does not seem as if the persons who drew up and signed this contract could state more contingencies regarding the voyage of these ships, in order that these might be included in the document, since they set down the following: sailing in the year 1635; being obliged to put back to port, and being shipwrecked; sailing not in that year, but in the following one, that of 1636; arriving at acapulco in that year, or in 1637 at whatever time therein; one ship arriving, and the other being obliged to go back to port, or not sailing at all; and finally, settling beforehand the account and despatch of two ships which would arrive after the date of the contract and agreement, up to the completion of the said year 1637. moreover, the necessary declarations were made as to the cargo of the ships: that it must pay the customary dues, all goods being declared; and that, if this alone were done, they could not be confiscated, even though they should come outside of the registry, for this is meant by declaring them. the facts of the case were, in all these matters, that the ships did not sail in the year 1635, but in 1636, and reached acapulco at the beginning of 1637--a voyage included and expressly stated in the [aforesaid] document. in this case, conformably to the section which is here copied, it could not and cannot be doubted that these two ships were the first to arrive after the agreement, within the limit set therein, and with the permitted amount of goods registered--not only as that amount had always come, but with more rigorous and orderly [inspection]. as for the landing of the goods, this was done as the above section directed; for don pedro de quiroga, when the ships cast anchor, caused proclamation to be made that all should declare whatever goods they carried; with this, and the severity which he exercised in permitting the goods to be removed from the ships, not a bale was concealed, or considered as such, nor was anything seized as contraband. [the king then mentions quiroga's rigorous and oppressive measures, almost in grau's own words, and continues:] but it is a fact that, according to that agreement, what had to be done was to appraise all that came registered--as had been done during the six years before, to which the commission extended without making any kind of innovation, since the contract was that they had to collect the customary dues; and if anything came outside the registry, its owners, by declaring it in accordance with the proclamation (as they did declare it), had to pay the same dues, freight charges, and alcavala as did the registered merchandise--which is the same practice as that in sevilla when, at the arrival of the galleons, my royal decree regarding declarations is issued and proclaimed. and this the proclamation of don pedro de quiroga could not exceed, because it was of the same character, not only on account of his own official position, but by the obligation of the contract. such was the proper course of action, according to justice and reason, and conformably to the contract approved by the viceroy and the visitor and by me; and since, in virtue of his document, [16] the 400,000 pesos of the two thirds of 1636 and 1637 were already collected. what he did was to contravene all this, the same as if such usage had not been current; [but in that case] such a composition would not have been made, nor such a contract drawn up. for, as if the ships were not included in the agreement, whatever they carried was immediately seized (as has been stated), saying that it was confiscated--not for coming outside of registry, since of this sort there was nothing belonging to the citizens of the islands; but because the permitted amount came registered, [17] as it always has come and ought to come, in order to fulfil therein the condition of the document, which was that each chest be carried as one pico of silk, to which is introduced the addition of a quarter, from which manila has made petition. for if it were not with the express condition that these ships should be thus despatched, there would have been no reason for mentioning them in the agreement. besides, they conformed to the order of which don pedro de quiroga notified the islands, as appeared by a section of his letter, inserted in a document which the governor wrote to the city of manila, which reads thus: "we have been expecting the ships which thus far have not arrived, by which we deem it certain that they have been obliged to take refuge in port; and in order that the service of his majesty, to which your lordship is always so attentive, may be furthered, it is necessary for me to express my opinion (as you commanded me, in your instructions) that all the goods which go registered in the ships, even if there be more of them than the 250,000 pesos of the permission, should remain free, by paying the dues at the port of acapulco; and the same should be done with those that are not registered, if they are declared in the said port within twenty-four hours after the vessel casts anchor." this was the proclamation which i ordered to be made; and that if the said ships should sail from that city, or after sailing should put back into port, they might come freely the following year with the said merchandise; and this was the order that the visitor sent to manila, and which the governor executed to the letter. in accordance with it, the ships sailed, according to the agreement and its first condition; from this is positively known the notorious injury and injustice which has been done to all those engaged in this commerce who took part in the first composition--compelling them by severe measures to enter upon the second one, and to pay or be obliged to pay for it the said 300,000 pesos, endeavoring to deprive them of having recourse to my clemency with a protest. for even if there had been (as was not the case) the same or greater infractions of law in those two ships than in all the preceding years, as these cannot be of different character from those of the past, and from those included in the commissions of don pedro de quiroga, they should in justice, and by obligation and legitimate contract, agreed to and executed, be included and contained in the composition of the 600,000 pesos; and in virtue of that agreement ought to have been despatched as usual, without making accusation or fixing blame for what they carried registered, or was declared at acapulco. the islands therefore claim that they ought not to be included in the first composition, and that what they have paid ought to be restored to them and is imposed upon them when they do not owe it, on account of the said composition. they also claim that the second composition, to which those who signed the document were compelled, ought to be declared null and void; that all who were involved therein be set free from their obligation; and that what they shall have paid or contributed for its fulfilment and execution be returned and restored to them. [the king here enumerates (again in grau's language) the losses which these rigorous measures have caused to his royal exchequer, the injuries and dangers thus occasioned to the philippines, and the services rendered to the crown by its citizens;] notwithstanding that in a letter of september 2, 1638, i thought best to inform the said city of manila that in regard to the citizens of those islands being included in the former compositions made by the said don pedro de quiroga, my royal intention was that they should not pay what they did not owe. and since this depended on the acts and the general decision which don pedro de quiroga made regarding these compositions, in which the citizens of the islands claim they were not included, the judge was notified to proceed in those commissions, in order that he might hear them and administer justice as was fitting, affording redress to those who had been injured. in conformity therewith, i have considered it well to issue the present, by which i commission you, and give you all the power and authority that is required by law in order that, after hearing them, you may administer justice, and furnish redress to those who shall have been wronged in whatever has been represented to me; for such is my will. done at madrid, february 14, 1640. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabrièl de ocaña y alarcòn historia de la provincia del sancto rosario de la orden de predicadores by diego aduarte, o.p.; manila, 1640. source: translated from a copy of the above work in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. this volume comprises pp. 1-167. translation: this is made by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; it is partly in synopsis. this work will continue in vols. xxxi and xxxii; this volume comprises chaps. i-xxxvii of book i. [translation of title-page: the history of the province of the holy rosary, of the order of preachers, in philippinas, japon, and china. by the right reverend don fray diego aduarte, bishop of nueva segovia, with additions by the very reverend father fray domingo gonçalez, commissary of the holy office, and regent of the college of sancto thomas in the same province. with license, at manila, in the college of sancto thomas, by luis beltran, printer. in the year 1640.] history of the dominican province of the holy rosary by fray diego aduarte, o.p. [aduarte's work [18] is here presented, partly in full translation, partly in synopsis--the latter portions being, as usual, printed within brackets.] book i chapter i how the establishment of the dominican order in the philipinas islands was undertaken [though the dominican order did not accompany the discovery of these islands, it was not late in entering them; for it found many entire provinces still in the night of heathenism, because the preachers, though good ones, had been few, and because the inhabitants differed so in their language and were spread over so vast an extent of territory. the reports which were sent back of the intelligence of the people, the fertility of the soil, and the amount of the population moved some religious to come to these regions, in grief that so many souls should be lost for lack of some one to rescue them from their errors. the question of establishing the dominican order was discussed among the grave and holy fathers of the province of mexico; and to them it seemed unbecoming to our profession that no religious of our order should be engaged in this new conversion. the first man to put these pious desires into effect was that noble man of god, fray domingo betanços, who refused the bishopric of guatimala, preferring to be a preacher of the gospel in these islands. by his efforts he persuaded the viceroy, don antonio de mendoça, to give command that he should have a vessel and sailors to take him to philippinas, for which he had permission of his bishop. but the time determined upon by our lord for this had not yet come, and accordingly it was not carried out. however, he did not give up his desire; and began again in 1580 to discuss the journey. in order that the expedition might be better supported, he talked over with some fathers the plan of sending some one to españa and roma to obtain the necessary documents. fray juan chrisóstomo was chosen as leader of the expedition, and was sent to españa and roma to obtain the usual licenses for the foundation of a new province of this order in philippinas, japon, and china. fray juan set out in 1581 with letters from various ecclesiastics, among them the first bishop of the philippinas, don fray domingo de salazar, a religious of the same order, who happened to be in nueva españa at the time, on the way to his new bishopric. the bishop was greatly pleased with this determination, as he hoped to find through it reparation for his own unfortunate voyage, in which he had brought religious from españa for the same purpose, but had lost so many from death or sickness that he had remaining only father fray christoval de salvatierra. the mission of fray juan chrisostomo was successful. [19] he obtained from the general of the order, the most reverend fray pablo constable de ferrara, a charter giving him authority to establish a congregation of thirty brethren of the order for the philippinas islands and the kingdom of china, and directing him to follow the usages of the province of santiago of mexico. the privileges of the province of mexico were granted to the new province. the date of this charter is the fourteenth of july, 1582. the general also gave him a circular letter to the members of the order, confirming his powers.] chapter ii negotiations of fray juan chrisostomo at roma [at roma fray juan chrisostomo obtained a brief from pope gregory xiii, granting to the dominican province of philippinas and china powers of absolution from sins, excommunications, and other sentences, censures and pains, even in cases reserved for the apostolic see, in foro conscientia. this brief bears date of september 15, 1582. the pope also gave fray juan chrisostomo many precious relics for the order, granting many indulgences to those who visited them.] chapter iii the experience of fray juan chrisostomo in españa until the establishment of the new province was completed. [though father fray juan had supposed, because of the ease with which he carried out his business at roma, that he was likely to obtain even greater favor in españa, he found the conditions entirely contrary. during his absence in rome, the bishop of philippinas had sent to españa father alonso sanchez as his commissioner. the bishop met with great difficulties in philippinas, because of the long period which had passed during which there had been no bishop there. he had sent father alonso to obtain support from españa, giving him especial directions to further the establishment of the order, as he expected to receive great assistance from it. but father alonso acted in a contrary manner, maintaining both in mexico and in españa that there was no further need of clergy in the islands, and especially no need of the establishment of a new order there. being accredited with letters from the ecclesiastical dignitaries, and speaking as an eyewitness, he persuaded the spaniards of whatever he pleased; he had special influence with the council of the indias and with the king's confessor. [20] father juan was accordingly obliged to retire to his convent of san pablo at sevilla, entrusting this work to the lord. so completely did he abandon the enterprise that he made use of some of the relics which had been given him by the pope for the establishment of the new province, to the advantage of his old convent. at last, by an inspiration of god, father juan was again moved to set about the establishment of this province. among the religious who offered themselves for the work was father fray juan de castro, [21] who, after filling important administrative offices in the order, had retired to his convent of san pablo at burgos. though an old man, he was fired with religious zeal for the work on which father juan had entered. from the convent of san pablo at valladolid there volunteered two lecturers in theology, father fray miguel de venavides (afterward bishop of nueva segovia and archbishop of manila), and father fray antonio arcediano; fray juan de ormaça, lecturer in arts, afterward provincial; fray juan maldonado, likewise lecturer in arts, and afterward a holy martyr; and fray pedro de soto, fray miguel berreaça and fray juan de ojeda, who all were priests. [22] fray domingo nieva, deacon, who also volunteered, was afterward of great importance, because of the great ease and skill with which he learned languages, whether indian or chinese. from the college of san gregorio in the same city, came to join them father fray andres almaguer. from the convent of san estevan at salamanca there offered themselves for the expedition father fray alonso ximenez (afterward provincial), father fray bartolome lopez, and father fray juan de hurutria [urrutia, in reseña]. from san vicente at plasencia came father fray francisco de toro; from the royal convent of sancto thomas at avila, father fray juan cobo, [23] a master in the college there; from the college of sancto thomas de alcala, father fray bernardo navarro--who was twice provincial, and for many years commissary of the holy inquisition--father fray diego de soria (afterward bishop of nueva segovia), and the lay brother fray pedro rodriguez. from the convent of nuestra señora de la peña de francia [24] came father fray alonso delgado, who was sub-prior, and father fray pedro bolaños, [25] master of novices. from the convent of san pablo de sevilla volunteered father fray juan de la cruz, [26] and the fathers fray francisco de la cruz and fray pedro flores. father juan succeeded in obtaining a letter from the king to the governor of the philippinas islands, dated september 20, 1585, endorsing his enterprise. the religious set out from castilla in may, 1586. father fray juan chrisostomo, being too humble in spirit to undertake the leadership of the company, resigned his position in favor of father fray juan de castro.] chapter iv the experience of these first fathers up to the time of embarcation [the fathers met with great difficulty in preparing for the embarcation. after making arrangements for their passage, they found the vessel so ill-suited for their purpose, that they were obliged to annul the contract. they were left behind by the fleet with which they were to sail, and endeavored to follow it with a small vessel; but put back and finally obtained passage in a ship of fair size. as this vessel was sailing alone, it was exposed to danger from the moors and the english. while the fathers were hesitating, the adelantado of castilla offered them a munificent support if they would remain and give their attention to the spiritual good of his vassals. but overcoming all these alarms and enticements, which were wiles of the devil, the fathers courageously set sail.] chapter v the voyage of the fathers [on friday, july 17, 1586, the day of st. alexis, they began the voyage. since the vessel already had its complement of passengers, and a full cargo, there was no place for the religious or for their goods. to the old and the infirm the captain granted the cabin in the poop; the others slept where they could. they spent their time in the occupations which they would have followed in the convent. reaching the canarias they found that the fleet had already gone ahead. the captain set sail again, without giving them opportunity to say more than one mass. a fire, which threatened the safety of the ship, was put out by the holy and courageous fray juan cobo and a spaniard. seeing four vessels which did not seem to belong to the fleets, the people aboard prepared for battle; but they discovered that these were friends. they suffered greatly for want of water, but finally readied port on st. michael's day in september; from the port they went on to vera cruz, and thence to mexico. their hard experience and the badness of the climate had made a number of them ill. the first to die was father fray miguel berreaza, a religious of most holy life, a basque by nation; he died of a malignant fever. he was soon followed by father fray francisco navarro, who also died of fever. there also died father fray pedro flores, in the flower of his age. many others were afflicted with illness, but all were kindly received and treated by the religious at mexico. the indians likewise received the religious with feasts, bouquets, and dances--greatly delighting the newcomers when they saw these races so marvelously converted from barbarism and cruelty to peace, kindness, and devotion. the indians of cuitlabac received father juan chrisostomo with special tokens of love, as their father and former instructor.] chapter vi new difficulties met by the expedition, and the result [the common enemy of souls strove with all his might to keep the religious in mexico. he represented that mexico was in need of religious, and that the voyage from mexico to the philippinas is longer than that from españa to mexico. he employed a religious person who had returned from the philippinas [27] to assure them that they would not be admitted to the kingdom of china; while, as for the philippinas, he declared that the country was small, thinly populated, and sufficiently provided with religious. the viceroy [28] strove to retain them. some remained; but the most valiant and virtuous, like the army of gideon against the midianites, pushed on. the names of the eighteen who founded the province are: father fray juan de castro, vicar-general; father fray alonso ximenez, fray miguel de benavides, fray pedro bolaños, fray bernardo navarro, fray diego de soria, fray juan de castro (who had the same name as the vicar-general, and was his nephew), [29] fray marcos de san antonio, fray juan maldonado, fray juan de ormaça, fray pedro de soto, fray juan de la cruz, fray gregorio de ochoa, fray domingo de nieva (deacon), and fray pedro rodriguez, a lay brother. fifteen of these took their way to manila; for father fray juan chrisostomo was unable to go because of illness, and father fray juan cobo left the company, on business of importance which could not be finished before the embarcation. by way of macan there went to china father fray antonio de arcediano, father fray alonso delgado, and father fray bartholome lopez, as members of the same province and subjects of the father vicar-general fray juan de castro. "though there went eighteen, there should have gone a thousand; from which may appear how far from the truth in his information was he who disturbed this holy company with what he said in mexico. his intention was good, but in fact he greatly aided the devil, and kept from these islands many and very good subjects. i trust that the lord has already pardoned him."] chapter vii of the ordinances made by the vicar-general for the foundation of the new province [the vicar-general, with the advice of the eldest, most learned, and most devout of the religious, made ordinances for the foundation of the new province. he followed the customs of the provinces of mexico and guatemala. the name given to the province was that of "the most holy rosary of mary the mother of god, ever virgin." in the preamble, the father vicar-general declares that they who were to guide others in the way of perfection should first travel it themselves, doing virtuous works that they might teach others. he fortified his assertion by quoting scripture and several fathers. in the first place, the rules of the order are to be followed not only in essential but in accidental matters, the relaxation of rigor in the latter having caused some to say that the true religious life [30] was at an end. hence the members of the province were to follow the constitutions with literal exactness--fasting, dressing in woolen garments, eating fish, being humbly clad, maintaining silence, and going on foot. this general statement includes everything, but some things are specially insisted upon. uniformity is to be maintained in everything--in dress, religious ceremonies, and the celebration of mass; in churches, opinions, and doctrines. the hours are to be kept, however small the number of religious may be, prayers being said at midnight and at every other time enjoined. for every deceased religious all the priests shall say each six masses, applied in olidum; and those who are not priests shall say the psalms and double rosaries. in our conversation we shall avoid secular matters as much as possible, and speak of the things of god. we shall read the fathers, ecclesiastical histories, and comments on the scripture, the superior putting questions and a religious answering. in entering a diocese we shall call upon the bishop, receive his blessing, and follow his counsel as to our preaching. our obedience is to be perfect. secular visits are not to be made except for charity, and those under direction of the superior. if any go to ask alms, it must be by appointment of the superiors. poverty is to be maintained. temporal responsibilities are to rest solely on the superiors. convents are to be modest. books and other things acquired by the friars are to belong to the congregation. individual religious houses are to have no separate property; but all things in them or possessed by them are to be subject to the disposition of the provincial, except in so far as license to hold separate property is obtained from the general of the order. in such case a religious house shall have no share in the property of the province as a whole. no religious shall have anything laid up or shall receive anything, except in the name of the community; nor shall any be granted an exclusive right to use books. two hours a day are appointed for mental prayer and divine contemplation, which must never be omitted, either in convent or on journeys; and every day except sundays, feast-days, or solemn octaves, every religious shall take a discipline (i.e., scourge himself) with his own hands. though mattresses are allowed by the constitutions this privilege is renounced, and we are to content ourselves with a board or a poor platform and a bed of skins, except in case of sickness or for guests. on every day when there is no office of our lady, the psalms and antiphons corresponding to the letters of her most holy name are to be recited. [31] these ordinances are dated from the convent of sancto domingo at mexico, december 17, 1586. twenty religious vowed to keep them, and to go on to the newly-founded province.] chapter viii the voyage of the fathers from mexico to the philippines [the three brethren destined for china set sail from the port of acapulco for macan, in a vessel called the "san martin." the other fifteen religious began their voyage on the sunday called quasimodo, the sunday after easter, april 6, in the year 1587. it was very late in the year, so that there was danger of storms; for the time of the vendabals had come--stormy and contrary winds, which are feared greatly by the best pilots. they had the misfortune to lose their ship-stores by fire, and were obliged to live on beans and chick-peas (garbanzos) for all the rest of the voyage, which lasted three months and a half. but a much more severe affliction was the narrowness of their quarters in the ship; for two factions broke out among the crew, one party fortifying itself in the forecastle, the other in the poop; and they were about to give battle to each other, as if the one party had been moors and the other christians. fortunately, the fathers succeeded in reconciling them. the carelessness of the navigators almost caused the ship to be lost on one occasion; on another, the vessel was almost lost on some islands inhabited by cannibals. on the eve of st. magdalen's day they reached port; and they took this saint to be patron of that province.] chapter ix the voyage and experience of the brethren who went to macau [as it was the principal intention, in establishing this new province, to promulgate the holy gospel in the great kingdom of china, the fathers who were sent thither were distinguished for sanctity and learning. of the voyage we know only that the vessel was wrecked on the coast of china, and that they escaped to land as if by miracle. they were not treated with the severity usually shown to foreigners who come to or are lost on the coast of china; but were kindly received by one of the chief men, who had observed their devotion. they did not obtain permission to carry on the work of evangelization in china, but went on to macan and were thence carried to india. father antonio arcediano taught theology, and was highly regarded in goa. at different times he sent his two companions to españa and to roma to plead the cause of macan, and to do what they could to establish the preaching of the gospel in china. at the end of six years, seeing no hope of what he desired, he returned to españa, and there became a teacher of theology in the university of salamanca. he afterwards went to avila, and died there. the order did not succeed at this time in entering china by way of macan; but finally, the desired entry to china was obtained by way of hermosa.] chapter x of the entry of the religious into the city of manila, and of their occupations there until they went on their various missions. the previous chapter has caused some digression; but it was necessary, in order to give an account of the voyage, and of the career of these important religious. we now return to those on the other ship, which we left at the port of cavite--whence the news was immediately carried to manila, which is two leguas from that port. the bishop of this city, don fray domingo salazar, was, as has already been said, a religious of this order. he was greatly delighted when he learned that religious of his own order had come to found a province, which was the thing that he most desired in this life. he sent immediately to a nephew of his to ask him to welcome them and to bring them to the city, which they entered on the day of the apostle st. james. this was a happy omen for those who came with so great a desire to imitate the great zeal of this holy apostle, by which he was so distinguished among the other apostles that the enemies of the gospel opposed him more than the others, and that he was the first among the apostles to lose his life. when they entered the city there came out to meet them doctor sanctiago de vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, together with the most noble and illustrious of the city, showing in the joy of their faces and their loving words the delight that they felt at the arrival of the brethren--of whose sanctity they had already been informed and felt assured by the modesty of their appearance, faithful witness to the heart. accompanied by these friends, they went to the chief church, where the bishop was waiting for them; and he gave them his benediction, full of tears of joy. here they offered to the lord the thanks they owed to him for having brought them to the destination which they had so long desired; and for the great honor which, as to his servants and for his sake, had been shown them. immediately after, the holy bishop took them to his house, and, making them welcome to everything in it, entertained them as well as he could; for he desired for occasions such as this and for giving to the poor, that his episcopate should be rich. since this day was wholly given up to visits, it was not very pleasant for him; but when he was alone with his brethren he lifted up his voice with tears, like another joseph, and said to them: "is it possible that i have seen the order of my father st. dominic established in this country? is it possible that my eyes have seen the thing which i so much desired?" after he had said these words, he remained for a long time unable to speak, his words being followed by an abundance of tears, which he shed from tenderness and the emotion of his soul. everything else that followed was conformable to this, both in his conversation and his acts, which were those of an affectionate father. he gave them all their sustenance in his house, without growing weary of such guests. they, however, were not seeking comfort such as the good bishop provided them, but labors for themselves and souls for god; and after resting a few days they begged the bishop to put them in the way of attaining what they had come to find, as his bishopric was so rich in it. the festival of our father st. dominic was at hand; and they resolved to celebrate it before separating, asking the blessing of the great father on that important act. having no convent, they celebrated the festival in church, with the utmost solemnity and devotion; and in the evening they had some theological discussions, father fray pedro de soto maintaining several positions, in which he displayed his admirable ability and great learning. father fray miguel de venavides presided, a man who surpassed those who in that period were of mark in virtue and scholarship, by the shoulders and more, like saul in bodily presence among his subjects. the purpose of the discussions was to show that preaching the gospel (which was to be their occupation), even to the simple race of indians, does not interfere with scholarship, but requires it, and much study; the contrary is a manifest error, for the smaller the capacity of the indian, the greater should be the capacity of the minister. he is called on to make the indian capable of the loftiest mysteries taught by the faith; and we see by daily experience among indians cases and matters which cannot be solved except by a man of great knowledge, learning, and ability. since all cannot be so highly endowed, it is essential to have some ministers of superior attainments to whom the others may resort with their difficulties, and whose responses they may safely follow. the good bishop took particular pleasure in being present at and encouraging the discussions, and in perceiving that those who sustained theses and the others (who likewise exhibited their abilities) might aid him in weighty matters in the difficult duties of his office. this was afterward proved to be true in this province and in españa, where he who presided accompanied the bishop and was of great assistance to him, as we shall see. after the festival was over, it was determined that father fray christoval de salvatierra, who was the bishop's companion--and who was of the same pattern in virtue, prudence, and zeal for the common good and especially for the good of souls (as will hereafter be recounted)--should take some of these fathers to some villages of indians who had no one to instruct them, and whom he therefore had taken under his own charge. he went to visit and teach them when he had leisure from his heavy labors as vicar-general. the labor of his office, being in a new country, full of entanglements with regard to the conquistadors and new encomiendas and the collection of tributes, would have been intolerable for others; yet he took his vacation by working at other kinds of labor, teaching new indians, working with them, and introducing among them christian policy and civilization so far as they were capable of receiving them. this avocation of his would have sufficed most men for their full duty, but he did it in addition to his regular work as vicar-general. the villages were at such a distance from manila that it took more than a day to go there by sea, and much more by the rivers. [32] in order to teach the new fathers the manner of working with the indians, and to begin to acquaint them with the language of the natives, which he knew very well, he went with them to the villages commonly known as bataan. those who had the fortune to go with father fray christoval were very well pleased, inasmuch as they were beginning to obtain that which they had followed with such desire from españa. the rest of them, desiring greater convenience for living according to the custom of friars than could be afforded them in the house of the bishop (although he was a holy man), went to the convent of st. francis, where they were received and entertained as might have been expected of fathers so religious and so zealous in following the rules of their great father and ours, which we accepted exactly as if we were of the same habit. nothing less could have been expected, since those fathers then had as custodian the holy fray pedro baptista, afterwards the most glorious martyr in iapon, and as guardian father fray vicente valero--another nathaniel in guilelessness of soul, joined with a most solid virtue and devotion to his vows, which caused him to be esteemed and venerated among lay and religious. some days afterward the indians of pangasinan were entrusted to our religious. they lived forty leguas distant, and, being all heathen, had need of someone to labor among them. the order likewise took charge of the indians of bataan, to whom, as has been said, the father provisor ministered because he had no one to send; as also of the chinese or sangleys, who up to that time had had no ministry. many thousands of them had come and were still coming every year from their own country, on account of their trade and commerce in this colony, which is very great. many of them were traders, and many were mechanics. no one desired to undertake the ministry to them, because of the great labor and the little fruit; but since the new laborers had come fresh, and were eager for work, this claim of itself was sufficient for them to regard it as a great favor to be permitted to occupy themselves where the toil was greatest. the father vicar-general sent for the absent brethren, and gathered all together in the convent of st. francis; and there offered a long prayer for them, asking for the grace of the holy spirit. he then made them a spiritual and devout address. after it was concluded, he who in lesser things had never been accustomed to proceed without consultation, now, without further consultation than that which he had had with god, assigned and distributed them after the following manner. to the district of bataan he sent as vicar father fray juan de sancto thomas (or de ormaça), with three associates: father fray alonso ximenez and fray pedro bolaños, and fray domingo de nieva. to the province of pangasinan he assigned, as vicar, father fray bernardo navarro (or de sancta cathalina), with five associates: fathers fray gregorio de ochoa, fray juan de castro (nephew of the vicar-general), fray pedro de soto, fray marcos de san antonio, and father fray juan de la cruz. the father vicar-general remained with the others in the convent which was to be established in manila, and was intended for the conversion of the chinese. it was only necessary for him to give the directions and to arrange all things, every man doing that which fell to his lot. the reason was not only their great virtue of obedience, but the fact that the holy old man had held this chapter in a manner so spirited and so extraordinary as to convince them that in his address he had said to them that which it was their duty to do, and that it was god who had thus given them their commands. the father vicar-general immediately began to give his attention to the convent which was to be established in manila; but when he looked for a situation he did not find a suitable one. that part of the city that was submerged at high tide did not seem desirable; but that which was not submerged was so taken up by the cathedral and the other convents that the matter was a very difficult one. being such, the good bishop laid it before the lord in his prayers; and having earnestly besought his help, he arose from prayer with great happiness, and went, though it was late at night, to his sub-chaplain and steward, francisco zerbantes, telling him that he had the site for the friars, and directing him to see if he could obtain three hundred pesos, which the owner asked for the place; for the bishop had not even one peso with him. the steward--whose accounts were always indicating a deficit, because every third of their yearly income [33] scarcely fell due before the poor took it away from the bishop--frankly responded that he did not dare attempt to get that sum and did not see how he could, because even for their ordinary subsistence the means were frequently insufficient, so that he was embarrassed. the bishop was not disconcerted by this, but (though it is not known how or where) he quickly procured the three hundred pesos; and he told the steward to give the money to a spaniard called gaspar de isla, who was diking a small place which was all flooded, and much more the land about it. for this reason, though many had looked at it, no one had regarded it as good for a convent. but the bishop, with great insistence, directed the steward to take the next morning a stole, some holy water, and two sticks to make a cross; and he embarked in a banca, or little canoe, and went to the place (for it was overflowed to that extent), and blessed it. he took possession on august 16, 1587, and set up a cross in token that the convent should be built there, as it was; and the site has turned out to be very healthful, with very pleasant views. it has been surrounded by very good houses, and has had other advantages. the bishop gave for the building two thousand pesos--a thing apparently impossible, because of his poverty, but worthy of his great soul, and of the great affection which he felt toward the friars. they immediately began to build a house there and a poor little wooden church. they finished soon, and the religious began to occupy it on the first day of the following year, 1588, to the great joy of themselves and of the whole city. the first superior of the convent, with the title of vicar, was father fray diego de soria, a great preacher, and a very devout man, so that he immediately made many persons greatly devoted to him. the new convent began to be very much frequented, and to be so well assisted by alms that for many years there was no occasion to cook food; because every day the amount of cooked food which was provided was too great rather than too small. there were many who came to its assistance with alms, some one day, some another; but captain francisco rodriguez sent every day, so that the religious were as sure of this supply of food as if they cooked it at home. the lord paid his accounts, as he is accustomed to, promptly. the captain had lived for ten years in marriage without any children, for whom both husband and wife were most desirous, and they had some in payment for these alms; for there is nothing that the lord denies to those who have mercy on the poor. as the number of the religious increased, it became necessary to do the cooking in the convent; but the devotion of the city and the contribution of alms has always continued and still continues. thus the convent has been and is maintained solely by them, having been unwilling always to accept an endowment, though many have been offered to it. thus without endowment or possessions they get what they need, with greater certainty than if they had these. for, however certain such things may be imagined to be, they may fail, as many others have failed; but the word of god, in whom the fathers trust, cannot fail. this has been so clearly observed that when our lord the king commanded that this convent, like the others in the city, should receive as a contribution to its support four hundred pesos a year and four hundred fanegas of rice (which takes the place of wheat in this country), they for a long time declined to collect it, since it seemed to them that it was in the nature of an endowment, as being something sure and certain; yet afterward, when they saw that it was pure charity, and that he who gave it could take it away when he chose, they accepted it--on condition, however, that if the ministers of the king take it from us, even unjustly, we shall not ask for it as a right. at this time this has been done, the allowance having been taken away; but the lord in return has given much more than that. in these first years doña ana de vera, wife of the master-of-camp pedro de chaves, and doña marina de cespedes were great benefactors of the religious; and to them the convent, in gratitude, has given chapels in the church for their interment. in general, both poor and rich have given alms to the convent out of good-will; and the religious have paid them all very fully, not only by commending them to the lord in all their masses and prayers, but by earnestly laboring for the good of their souls with sermons, advice, and exhortation, as well as other spiritual exercises. this was soon evident in the reformation that began to be seen in their habits, and in the improvement in their life. accordingly, one of the citizens wrote to captain chacon (who was at that time governor of the province of nueva segovia) telling him as news that the dominican friars had come to manila; and that the city was turned into a monastery in the reformation of the lives and morals of the inhabitants, and, in particular, in the abstraction of the women from worldly concerns. this was indeed the case; one reason was, that the example given by the religious was of great influence, and, though they were few in number, they effected as much as if they were many. they acted in harmony, and devoted themselves to the divine offices as systematically as in great and well-ordered convents. they were all men of education (some of very superior education), all virtuous men, all given to prayer, all very penitent, very harmonious, very zealous for the salvation of souls, very poor, and disengaged from the things of this world. therefore, all esteemed them and desired them as guides of their souls; and they performed this office with so much care and diligence that the reformation of the aforesaid city resulted. for those who confessed to them were either obliged to reform, or were dismissed by them; for in the conduct of the penitents they refused to consent to deceit, in the collection of tributes they would not allow extortion, in women they would not suffer frivolity or impropriety of manners. as learned men, they revealed the evils in such acts, and could make these understood by their penitents; and as men without any personal motive they held themselves ready to dismiss those who with vain and plausible reasons, with the pretext of evil customs, or with other like cloaks strove to cover their acts of injustice, and to justify the wrongs which they committed through evil desires. hence those persons who confessed in the dominican convent came to be known and esteemed, as they still are; and there came to exist in the city more light in regard to things to which previously no attention had been given, and more care was taken of conduct. this was the reason why they said that the city had become a monastery; and in truth, in many cases the conduct of those who confessed there deserved that name--for example, that of doña ana de vera, doña marina de cespedes, catalina de villegas, and many other women very well known and esteemed in the city on account of their virtue. in this they all owed no little to the aid of their holy confessors, who with great care, much teaching, and their own examples, did the work of god, and succeeded in attracting many people to the knowledge of him and to his service. many, in health, did not follow their counsels, regarding them as too severe, and sought for confessors who feared to lose their penitents, and who, by making their theology liberal, unburdened the consciences of those who confessed to them. yet even these persons in the hour of death, when their desires had lost some of their force, called for the dominicans and gave to them the charge of their souls, fearing to lose them by following the road which they had taken in health. and this freedom and courage has always been maintained in this convent; and they have used it without respect of persons--with rich and poor, with governors and other officials. hence it is necessary for them to live in such a manner that no reproach can be cast upon them, and to be content with but little for their sustenance, since that little cannot fail them. withal they have no regard to pleasing men, for to saint paul it seemed that with that desire it was impossible to unite the service of god--mankind being in general greater lovers of themselves than of god, and hence he who is very desirous to please men being necessarily at enmity with god. therefore, these religious were very careful in this respect, and strove so to conduct themselves toward men that the supreme place should always be held by god; and on this account they had the reputation of rigor--though they were not rigorous, except to those who through their own desires or selfishness tried to cast aside their duties to god. chapter xi some marvels wrought by the lord in the convent of manila, and the rebuilding of the same [though the first church and convent were but small and poor buildings, made of wood, they were very precious in the sight of the lord, who manifested therein many miracles. the candles in the chapel of our lady burned without wasting. the site being clayey and not firm, and the church poor and built in haste, it was not two years before the larger chapel fell to the ground, warning of the fall having been given to one of the novices in a dream. in response to his prayers, the lord granted that the church should fall without harming any person, injuring the sanctuary, or damaging the image of our lady of the rosary. this image was thereafter regarded with such reverence that, when a new image with a marble face was set up above the altar, the people demanded their old image again. although the convent was poor, and had no income or funds for the rebuilding of the church and the other edifices, they went on with confidence in the lord to erect a convent and a church of stone. by the favor of god, they received a number of bequests and other gifts, which enabled them to build a handsome stone church, large and strong, two large dormitories, a sacristy, a chapter-house, a refectory, a porter's lodge, and such other offices as a convent has need of. the enterprise went on so rapidly that, though the wooden church had fallen toward the end of the year 1589, the new one was finished on the ninth of april, 1592, by the generous alms of the faithful, and the diligence of father fray alonso ximenez. it seemed that the work was to stand for many years, but it was not to be. in the year 1603, toward the end of april, exactly thirteen years after the building of the church [34] fire broke out in the town, at a great distance from the convent; and in a short time it consumed a third part of the city, including our convent, the hospital of the spaniards, and that of the indians. they succeeded in rescuing only the most holy sacrament and a beautiful statue of our lady of the rosary. there were lost seventy-two buildings, fourteen spaniards, and many more indians and negroes, of whom the number is not known. the property destroyed amounted to a million. the fire respected many precious and sacred things, and had for our convent the effect of requiring us to rebuild. it was determined that the church should be a vaulted building, which required stronger foundations for the whole church. it was also decided to raise and strengthen the large chapel, and to build a cloister and a super-cloister, and these buildings are in good condition still. the work was paid for by the alms of the faithful, as they were received from time to time. there was never either any lack or any superfluity.] chapter xii a revered image of our lady of the rosary possessed by this convent, and the marvels which the lord has wrought and still works by it. [this image was given to the convent by don luis perez das mariñas, formerly the governor of these islands. it was made by a chinaman, under the direction of captain hernando de los rios coronel, who afterward became a very devout priest. the chinaman was afterward converted by the miracles performed by this holy image. she sits on a very beautiful throne, and has a large, rich, and well-gilded retable, given by antonio xuarez de puga, who was many years her steward. the chapel has been enriched and adorned by many gifts. miracles wrought by this image are very numerous, the most notable of them being one which happened in 1613. the clothes of the mother and child showed signs of travel, for which it was impossible to account. at this time an expedition had been sent out to reënforce terrenate, consisting of two galleys and five other vessels, under the leadership of don fernando de ayala. the five smaller vessels and one of the galleys were driven on shore at a point called calabite, on the coast of mindoro. the indians who had been forced to row instantly fled to the mountains, taking refuge among some high rocks. the spaniards ran in pursuit of them, but the indians taking advantage of the superiority of the situation hurled stones at the spaniards, killing them miserably. one of the spaniards, francisco lopez, though desperately wounded, was kept alive for thirteen days, in response to his prayers to the virgin, until he had an opportunity of making his confession. the coincidence of time makes it probable that the journey of the holy image was taken in response to these prayers.] chapter xiii other miracles wrought by this holy image [the accounts of this extraordinary miracle moved the whole city and aroused its devotion. the sick crowded to the chapel for healing, and so many miracles were wrought that it seemed ungrateful not to make a record and a verification of them. pains of all kinds, fevers, difficult births, were cured; in one case a child which was almost drowned, and had turned black in the face, was brought back to life. the records of individual cases are given in detail, with the dates, the names of the afflicted persons, and the names of the witnesses.] chapter xiv other marvels wrought by the same image [several rescues from drowning are recorded, and further cures.] chapter xv further marvels wrought by the same holy image [in 1617 some vessels made by the governor don juan de silva, for service against the dutch heretics, were being taken to a shipyard for overhauling. by a sudden storm they were all wrecked, so that the best ships that these islands ever had, or will have, were lost. in the flagship, called the "san salvador" (a very large, swift ship), was a sailor named barnabe de castañeda, who committed himself to the virgin and was rescued. this chapter gives the accounts of four other extraordinary rescues from drowning.] chapter xvi the manner in which the religious lived when they entered their ministry to the indians before the religious separated to go on the missions to the indians to which they were severally appointed, there were given to them those general ordinances which had been so well established for this work, with much thought, prayer, and consideration in mexico, and which will be found stated in chapter vii of this history. all are based upon the instruction of the apostle to his disciple timothy: attende tibi, et doctrinae, whence he directly infers, hoc faciens, et te ipsum salvum facies, et eos qui te audiunt. [35] thus the whole foundation of the ministry rests upon every man's first taking heed to himself, and doing what he ought to do; while he who has to do good to many, drawing them forth from the condition of idolatrous heathen and great enemies of god to making them his servants and the keepers of his law, will never be able to do so unless he is himself very careful to keep that law. those religious can never do this who do not very carefully observe their own laws; therefore, the first ordinance established in the province was that our constitutions should be literally observed, just as they were written, without perverse interpretations, usages to the contrary, or irregular dispensations--a most holy ordinance, and one which is sufficient to make men saints. though in it all the rest are, as it were, included, still, for greater clearness, they made the statement that this included a prohibition to ride, and directed that the fathers should go on foot. this appeared, to some of little spirit, impossible in this country because of the great heat. they declared that if our father [st. dominic] had come to these regions he would not have commanded his friars to do thus; but they deceived themselves; for the founders of the province of mexico were much inferior to our father, but they kept this rule, and found it possible and easy. it is also declared that we should not accept money, or take any for our journeys--a stroke which cuts off at the root a thousand cares that the contrary practice brings with it, and which, when observed, brings the greatest freedom from care; for thus it becomes possible for me to live without anxiety for anything, being certain that the head of the convent is obliged to give me all that i need in health, and more in sickness, as to one who has the greater necessity. the rule was given that we should use no linen in either health or sickness, even though the latter were to death, as the constitution ordains and as appears from our histories; for all who have investigated this point sincerely have followed this rule, as did the holy pius the fifth, st. luis beltran, and many more. meat was not to be eaten without permission, and in that case of necessity that is determined by the constitutions, which is a very great one. the friars were always to meditate upon god, within and without the convent; and to wear habits poor and mean, and of the form provided by our constitutions. they were to follow the same opinions, and the same custom of administering the sacraments, and the ceremonies of the mass, and the same mode of intoning. they were all to go to matins at midnight, as to the other hours, however few the religious might be, even where was no more than one in the convent; since for even this one it is no less necessary to glorify god, and the service is no more laborious to him. thus st. paul and his disciple silas, though in chains and in prison, at midnight extolled the lord; and the royal prophet did the same, though he was alone. secular visits were entirely forbidden, except such as were required by charity; and these, it was ordained, should be made only as the superior directed, and in no other case. as for poverty, it was ordered that no one should have for any purpose any thing except his breviary and one other book of devotion, and his memorandum-book; all were to be content with the books which are possessed in common in all convents--of which they might make use, with permission, and under the obligation to return them. in cells only one image was permitted, and that a poor one, without other instruments of devotion. the superiors were in this, as in all other things, to be equal with those under them; there was to be no more in the cell of the provincial than in that of any brother. this equality, and the leading of the way by the superiors, makes the road easy for the others. such poverty as this was not only to be established and maintained with regard to individuals, but everything that the separate convents possessed was the common property of the province; and the provincial might take it from one convent which had little need of it, and give it to another that needed it more--whether it were money, or books, or ornaments, or anything else that the latter required. the license of the general of the order was required for authority to receive anything that should not belong to the whole province after the aforesaid manner; and the licenses of subordinates and superiors for that purpose were forbidden. it was necessary to follow this course, for every day new missions were to be sent out, now to japon, now to china, now to minister in the service of the indians; it would not be possible to undertake them without taking from the convents what they had to give, so that the fathers might not enter on a mission under the necessity of begging for their sustenance from the heathen to whom they were just beginning to preach, which would have been hard indeed for them. above all this--even, as it were the foundation of the whole--two hours were appointed for daily mental prayer, one after matins and the other by day, ordinarily between one and two, before vespers. this was a truly holy counsel; for as a man of himself has but little strength, he could not accomplish so much as has been recounted if he were not constantly asking for the favor of the lord, which is the office of prayer. for the food of the soul, the castigation of the body serves well, of which, indeed, there is more need than of food; therefore it was ordered that every day, after the matin prayer, they should all together take a discipline, lasting the time of a miserere and other short prayers said after it. this is to be done on all the days that are not double, [36] excepting the solemn octaves. on those days on which there is no lesser office of our lady, they were to recite the devotion of her holy name, offering this little service to her who constantly favors us with special benefits. the mattresses on the beds, permitted by the constitution as a matter of grace, they renounced--contenting themselves with sleeping on a board, with a mat, large or small, and two blankets. everything which had been ordained in mexico was accepted and confirmed by all; and they repeated it now, as they were about to separate, that they might have it as a general rule to which they were obliged to conform, and by which they were to regulate their lives. if they accepted the rules in mexico with a good will, they now ratified them in the islands with a better; and every day it was more and more plain to see of how great importance they were for our advantage, and for the advantage of those who heard the gospel from our mouths. this, then (which was their last arrangement before departing), and the promptitude with which they offered to obey all that has been here mentioned, was as much as if the lord had poured out upon them his benediction; and therewith had given them the light of knowledge, and fervor, and strength of will, for the ministry upon which they were to enter. in it they acted not like new ministers, but as if they had had many years of experience, that being verified in them which the wise man has said: "easy is it in the sight of the lord"--that is to say, with a single glance--"suddenly to make honorable and to enrich the poor"--that is to say, the humble. and this is especially true when his humility is accompanied by obedience, detestation of himself, and love of god, zeal for his honor, and desire to save souls for him. all this shines forth in those who with so great zeal accepted such ordinances, and proposed to live according to them; and it is continued in those who have followed them. therefore, in all provincial chapters they have always been confirmed and laid down with much rigor; and they have been confirmed by many generals of the order, and the original confirmations remain in the archives of the convent of manila. the principal care of the provincials in their journeys of inspection--which they make every year, personally, going to each and every one of the convents of this province--is to assure themselves how these general ordinances are obeyed; for if they are obeyed there is nothing more to ask, and where they are not obeyed no confidence can be placed. they are, as it were, a wall around the garden of our soul; so long as they are unbroken, though our adversary is always going about, as says st. peter, moving around us again and again, and seeking to do us evil, he cannot succeed; but if we make a breach in the wall it is easy for him to enter and destroy us. it is certainly true that this has often been verified with regard to our constitutions, taken by themselves, without additions; for without doubt they are a marvelous wall for the virtue of the soul, and when they are observed the soul is safe. yet there can be no doubt that the observance of the constitutions is much assisted and fortified by the two hours of prayer added in these ordinances. the daily discipline contributes to the same effect, as does also the restriction to a greater poverty, and the rule requiring corporal mortification and a more strictly retired life. all these things are added, over and above the ordinary rules of the society and its regular constitutions. in the indias--which, as experience shows, are in all states of life most exposed to laxity of morals and to luxury--such rules are not only desirable, but necessary. in this country it is necessary to give greater care to strengthening the wall of the soul, since perhaps that which in europe would be sufficient to maintain the religious in the perfect observance of their constitutions is insufficient in the indias, where causes and occasions for the decay of this wall are well known to be greater. hence it was a safe and holy counsel to add in these regions to the wall of our constitutions the aforesaid buttresses of prayer and mortification; for if in all countries that is true which the wise man said--"he who observes the law multiplies prayer"--much more necessary will that be where the observance of the law meets with greater difficulties and more obstacles. these added observances had also another very important effect: being, as they are, easy and very light for devout religious, and for those who are careful to fulfil their obligations, they are intolerable and annoying for those who are not very devout and who have little care for the business that is of so much importance. hence the obstacle which they feel first, and that which gives them the greatest annoyance, is the obligation to spend two hours in prayer daily. this is, as it were, the touchstone by which are discriminated those religious whose metal is sufficiently pure for them to live in a reformed province with benefit to themselves and to the indians. in the case of those who alone are suited to this province, it fastens and keeps them in it; the others it shuts out, and makes them strive with all their hearts--sometimes unlawfully--to return to españa, where they may live in the convents with greater security and pleasure. if there is need of any test for a religious to determine whether or not he is suited to the province, it is best for it to be in a matter of supererogation, as are these added rules; and before one tries himself in matters of obligation he would better give himself this safeguard, and, without failing in that which is obligatory, test himself by his own comfort and necessity. the reason is that it is impossible to keep up a province, or even a convent, in a state of strict observance with discontented religious. hence in our order, as in others, in convents of especial severity much attention is paid to having all the members volunteer; and if one grows weary and asks some reasonable license, let it be given; for a single discontented religious does more harm than good. when all are volunteers, all serve the lord as he desires, with delight and joy; one stimulates another, and urges him on to surpass him in virtue and in profitable exercises. under these circumstances, all are kept firmly attached to the convent; while a single discontented member is sufficient to cause the discontent of many; for this is a very contagious sickness, as this province has proved by a large experience. yet it is true that there are some good and devout religious who, as men, grow restless on some occasions; and to these should not be granted immediately the license for which they ask, until an effort has been made to quiet and console them, and to take from them so far as possible the cause of their discomfort, so that they may carry forward that which they have laudably begun. chapter xvii of the great advantage derived by this province from the observance of the aforesaid rules [these holy ordinances have without doubt been inspired by god; and the religious followed them with such exactitude that it was impossible for them not to obtain marvelous results and extraordinary successes, as in the work of god unimpeded by the imperfect obedience of his servants. the one great advantage was the profit of their own souls; the other was the salvation of an innumerable multitude of heathen, brought into the church by those who observed these ordinances. as for the first point, the sanctity of these great servants of the lord has spread its fragrance throughout all the world. in proof hereof, many letters have been collected, written by the religious of this province to that of españa, in which they recount with high praise what they have seen in it. it should be noticed that, as these countries are very far from españa, the narratives received differ widely; for here more than elsewhere is verified the castilian proverb, that every man gives his account of the day as he has acted in it. those who have been aided by the lord, and who have embraced the ministry among the indians, and the holy ordinances of this province, out of the desire to serve him, praise it highly, being compelled to do so by the truth, and by the finger of god which they have seen in it. those who from sloth or from self-love have not been able or have not been willing to persevere in this mission, and have returned to españa, wish to gild over this return, and tell everything about the province that their little affection for it suggests to their minds. as the latter are present and the former are not, the words of the latter have the greater force. it is a great proof of the virtue of the province that its good name is not blackened. frequently when good religious set out hither, they are asked to send back a plain statement of the truth of affairs in the province. from these letters, religious of great ability have collected a number of extracts containing statements sent back to españa with regard to the virtue and religion here to be found. the testimony of these letters from many thoroughly qualified witnesses, who write at the desire of their friends in españa, and who have come purposely to investigate the condition of this province, is certainly sufficient evidence without calling in any other. they all testify, without having known the one what the other had written, to the high state of virtue in this province. upon this testimony we might rely with much security; but since we have evidence from others of greater rank and of higher standing, and who are not members of the province, we may take it, not as more true, but as meriting greater credit. the testimony of the bishop of china, don fray juan pinto, or de la piedad, who came to this city of manila on his way to españa and who spent many months here, is to the following effect: "words cannot exaggerate the devotion, the noble poverty, and profound humility of these grave and holy fathers, who live together in the greatest harmony and brotherly affection. their life is not merely a miracle, but many miracles. having no income, they receive more than enough; for all of them in common, and each one in particular, need nothing. the older and graver they are, the more humble; and the weakest in corporal powers zealously follows the rigor of his religious order. they always eat fish, without any sort of dainties; their chanting and their prayers are continual; their charity toward the poor, the roughness of their habit, and their humility are like those of the most perfect in the primitive days of religion. they are zealous for the salvation of souls, and spend their time in learning not only the many languages of the philippinas, but likewise those of the chinese. they win more souls to god than any of the other orders. i die with sorrow when i think i must go on to macan. there is only one way in which i can be comforted, and for that i rely upon your reverence"--he is writing to the general of the order--"i trust that your reverence will restore to these spanish fathers the convent established in macan by their predecessors, and that it will be subject to this province of manila, in order that it may share in its reformed constitution and may reach its perfection. there are fathers here who understand the chinese language thoroughly, and who have made many converts among the chinese in that province." later in the letter he says: "i beg of your reverence that you will hear the prayer of this your poor son. let a new convent be established for these holy religious, if the country will support them; and no scandal will follow from having two convents of one order in the province." this letter is dated at manila, june 25, 1610. this great prelate went to españa, reaching the court in the year 1617. the report that he gave was such that in virtue thereof, and because of other reasons stated in the general chapter held by our order at paris, 1611 [sic] the following ordinance was passed, among those which pertained to this province: "it is with great joy that we learn, by certain report, that the philippine province of the holy rosary has been most successful in the conversion of the tribes of that region. it goes on daily advancing; in it the observance of the rule flourishes in the highest degree. though the number of the brethren is small, and they are widely scattered among those tribes, yet they have recently stretched out their branches to the kingdom of japon. the harvest reaped there can be learned from the fact that some of the japanese who were taught by them, though but recently converted to the holy faith, have advanced to such a pitch of devotion that they gave up their lives for their belief, as we learn from a trustworthy printed report. not contented even yet, they gird up their loins to send on some of their number to the very populous kingdom of china, whither they are called by the most illustrious don fray juan de piedad, bishop of macan a portuguese member of our order." immediately afterward follows the case of our convent in macan, and the direction to restore it to this province--although, on account of the opposition of the portuguese, the order has not been carried into execution. a third piece of testimony is a letter written to the king our sovereign by the cabildo of the city of manila. this letter thanks the king for sending so many religious of all orders to the philippinas, but in particular for those in the dominican order, as being men already formed by their studies, and therefore prepared to be of immediate use as soon as they have learned the language. the letter represents that, as they live without income and entirely upon alms, whatever his majesty should see fit to give them would be very acceptable to the lord. this letter bears date july 7, 1607. a report from manila to the royal council of the indias is also cited. in it the testimony of the most distinguished ecclesiastics of the cabildo is given, of their head the archbishop, at that time vazquez de marcado, and of the majority of the secular clergy, and they all bear witness to the virtue and devotion of the members of the province. in 1636 the accusation was brought that all the orders carried on trade with japan; but this province brought evidence to the contrary, so far as it was concerned. the testimony of one witness may be cited here, the chief captain, who had in that year come from macan. this was captain francisco de abreo, of the order of santiago. he testified on oath that he had known the religious of the province of the rosary for sixteen years; and that he had been acquainted with them in the realm of japon, in camboxa, and in other places where these holy religious had settled with no other object or purpose than the service of god and of his majesty our lord the king. he went on to declare that they were occupied with nothing else than the conversion of souls--as is evident of itself, from the fact that the religious of these provinces have kept and still keep, with the greatest devotion, their vow of poverty and the other vows which they have professed. it is evident to all that they depend for their living upon the alms given by his majesty, and by other faithful in this city. another evidence of this fact is that they share with those who are settled in the kingdom of japon, whither they have gone to suffer martyrdom and convert souls to god. the religious of the philippinas send to them what they can, that in the midst of all the suffering which those fathers endure in the said kingdoms they may not lack sustenance, small though it be--as indeed it must be small, considering the amount which is sent them. it never surpasses four hundred or five hundred pesos; and the manner of sending it is well known to this witness. it was to ask the captains, or some other persons who went in the ships belonging to the city of macan, to carry to the fathers in japan their support every year, since many of these persons, as soon as they went from here, made the voyage to the kingdom of iapon. the testimony ends with the most emphatic affirmation of the exemplary life of the members of the order, and of their high reputation.] chapter xviii the same subject is continued with testimony taken from regions and persons at a greater distance [the greater the virtue, the more widely it spreads its fragrance; and so it was with the founders of this province. "father fray thomas de jesus speaks thus of them in his book stimulus missionum, part iv, chap, vii: 'at this day among the brethren of st. dominic--who are making their way throughout the whole world, and especially throughout the philippine islands, to preach the gospel to the heathen--we have found that in no other place does the observance of the rule of the order flourish as it does in those islands; for the vesture that they wear is rougher, their food is more sparing, and their devotion to prayer is greater, and they voluntarily exercise themselves in all the practices of a life of greater severity and perfection.' in the same way speaks of this province the master fray domingo gravina in the book entitled, vox turturis, part ii, chap. xxiii, ad fin., where he says: 'the province of the rosary, which includes the philippine islands and the empires of japan and of the chinas and other kingdoms, is most celebrated for its sanctity. so accurately does it observe the constitutions of the order that the primitive fervor of the order seems to glow in it, as it did in the days of our father st. dominic. and hence it results that not only by their word but by their example, the people of pangasinan, gayan, and other places in the islands of luzon have been aroused, and have enlisted under the banner of christ; while in the extensive empire of japan, the kingdoms of satzuma, figen, and fingo have been, through their preaching and their works, glorified with the water of holy baptism.' thus far gravina." the most complete and accurate statement of our entire purpose has been made by the father master fray baltasar nabarrete. he writes to this province a letter of eulogy and religious congratulation. he rejoices that the dominican order, transplanted to a sterile and mountainous country, begins to bear most glorious fruit of celestial life. he celebrates the spirit and fervor of the few brethren who undertook this honorable enterprise at the beginning, and who put in the field an army in which every soldier was fit to be a captain. he congratulates them that the heathen indian should have recognized their divine power; he bears witness to the impression produced by the letters sent back home. he praises the frequency of their prayers. he compares their delight in their spiritual children to that which god may have in his own son. he glorifies their devotion in going forth to a life of affliction in distant countries; and declares that their love of god should shine forth, however efforts might be made to hide it; and that, in the power of their devotion, they will be able to do all things. he glorifies the martyrdoms that they have suffered, assuring them that for every martyr there will be a hundred more. he feels that dark clouds are arising over the order in europe; and expresses the hope that the virtue of the dominican order shall not leave its home to go to china and the philippinas. he prays that they may go on as they have begun; and that they will offer their petitions to the lord that he may have a good departure from this life. the letter is written from s. pablo de valladolid, april 25, 1625.] chapter xix the foundation of the vicariate of bataan, and the early history thereof being now armed with the general ordinances and animated by the fervent address of the vicar-general, whom they regarded as inspired by the lord, those who had received assignment went directly to the duties to which he assigned them. since that of bataan was the first in the neighborhood of manila which was founded, not fifteen days passed after the arrival of the brethren in those regions before some of them were there, to whet the steel of their ardor on some of those rough stones. within two months after their arrival they were regularly settled, and in charge of it, and were given exclusive right to it by september 15, 1587. it was a post of much labor; and on this account, and because there were many others where with less effort greater results could be obtained and more souls converted, it had been abandoned by the clergy who had previously had it. secular clergy, and members of the orders of st. francis and of st. augustine, all had tried it, but none had persevered. it was no marvel that they left it, because the few indians who dwelt there, about seven hundred inhabitants in all, were scattered in thirty villages situated at the foot of some mountains toward the sea--in a land subject to overflow, with many creeks or little rivers, to cross which the indians did not take the trouble to build bridges. there was no open road from one village to another, and it was necessary for all of them to keep in continual movement, in order to baptize, to confess, and to administer the other sacraments to all. more ordinarily, however, they were called on to go to the sick, to whom the ministers, when they were called, could not excuse themselves. since to attend to so many villages a single man would not have had enough strength, while on account of the lack of ministers not many could occupy themselves with so small an indian population, the labor came to be intolerable; and when this region was compared with others in as great a need of service, but requiring less labor, and giving a greater spiritual harvest, within a few months those missionaries left this desert place, and went away where they could reap a greater harvest with less effort. this is the reason why the indians in this district never had a settled ministry before our religious entered it. accordingly the ministers who went there, being merely transient, had not been able to give it the care and devotion required for new conversions; because the newly baptized, being so new in the faith, are likely to fall away, and to return to the vomit of the idolatrous devices which they had laid aside for their baptism--if indeed they had laid these aside. for in the case of one baptized so casually, the idolatries and superstitions in which one has been educated all his life, are not laid aside but are only concealed, unless he have help from without. this is still more the case among those who live all their lives in the midst of heathen and who know that the priest who baptizes them today will have to go away tomorrow, as has happened to these poor indians. there was even one priest who was so slothful in this duty that without teaching them what they were to believe, he baptized them by force, making them bring all the boys and girls together, though they had already reached adolescence, and gave them in writing the christian names which they were to have. with no further preparation than this, he baptized on the second day those whom he had not scared away. these were not a few; for since the baptism was not voluntary, but by force, they ran away, because no great care was taken to keep them. to keep themselves from being annoyed in this way again, they kept their names and said they were christians, so that in this way they might avoid baptism and those who baptized them. they had the idea that baptism was a curse poured out upon them; and they scarcely got out of the hands of the baptizer before they bathed, and carefully washed off the chrism and the holy oils, in which they believed the curses of baptism consisted. both classes returned to their idolatries, their superstitions, and their sins, as if they had never been baptized; and the priest went away well satisfied, leaving written on a piece of wood the names of those whom he had baptized, and supposing that he had done a great service to the lord. then he went on to perform as many other baptisms, or sacrileges, in another village. in a district so remote and so new, all this could easily and did happen. it was this that afterward gave the religious the greatest trouble and the most anxiety. on the one hand, in the first years there were many who, without being baptized, acted as if they were christians, confessing, communicating, and receiving the other sacraments as if they were so indeed; on the other hand, many of those who were baptized concealed their baptisms, and acted in all things like heathens; and, since the religious did not understand the language, it was very easy to deceive them until in time they had learned it. then by preaching and talking with the indians, they came little by little to learn of these things; and though it took a great deal of effort, with the aid of the lord, they finally brought everything to the right order. when they discovered the root of these maladies, they immediately applied to them the proper remedy--declaring in their frequent sermons and their private conversations the evil condition in which those were who, without being christians, acted as such; and likewise those, on the contrary, who really were christians and concealed the fact, living as if they were not. they offered to both of these classes to unburden their consciences without any penalty, and without affronting or disgracing them in any way; because they promised to come to the cure of their souls with perfect secrecy, without causing them to lose their good reputation in any respect on this account. it was this last that the natives feared, and that made them keep secret and concealed. in this way our fathers helped many; for it was necessary to baptize those who for many years had been receiving the holy sacraments without being christians, except in the superficial view of the common people; while those who, though they were christians, concealed the fact, likewise profited by this kindness and gentle management of their ministers, and found their remedy. as for the others whose christianity had really had a beginning, but without any preparation or catechism, they were greatly improved. by all this it is easy to see how great an amount of labor would be necessary to convert a tribe so rude and so scattered, who lived in so rough a country, and who positively loathed the faith, regarding baptism as a deadly curse. and all this labor of the ministers was carried on entirely without worldly comfort, or any sort of temporal support. but none of these things discouraged them, or made them take a backward step, not even the labor required of old and gray-haired religious in having to learn the indian language--and how difficult that is of itself, he only knows who has tried it. but as they had come eager to suffer for god, they licked their fingers over the hardships [comianse las manos tras los trabaxos]. and, as the native language is absolutely necessary to preach the gospel, they set about learning it with great spirit, though the two eldest fathers went but a little way with it, because they had already got beyond the time of learning; while the father vicar, fray juan de sancto thomas, got on very slowly with it, because he was much of the time sick. only father fray domingo de nieva (who was then a deacon) learned it rapidly and well, and soon began to preach to the indians in it--to the great delight of himself and of the fathers, and to the notable satisfaction of the indians, who in this way began to feel a great affection for all the religious. to be sure, the deacon alone preached; but the rest of them accompanied him, and by their example and good works constrained the indians to love them. the good deacon did not give over doing his duty by day or by night, now in one village, now in another; and the holy old men accompanied him, regarding themselves as very blessed in doing so. they felt that, after all, they were thus rendering assistance in the salvation of souls, which was what they desired. to the sick who were to be baptized--who were then the majority, as they were practically all heathen--the deacon did his office as a minister; those who had to confess, he served as an interpreter. sometimes they went from one village to another by sea, in tiny boats; but for much of the time it was necessary to go by land, through an overflowed and muddy country, so that they thought it best to walk barefooted and barelegged. after they arrived where they were going, they prepared themselves to hear confession or to baptize, all wet and muddy as they were, as indeed necessity compelled them to do. they had no other food than a little rice, boiled with nothing but water, and sometimes a little bit of fish to eat, if the indians happened to have any. they had the floor of an indian hut for bed, and for covers their wet apparel, and nothing else. they lived and labored thus, in order to make these indians understand that for all their efforts they expected no other return than a harvest of souls for god; and when the indians saw them so disinterested, and perceived that when they called upon the fathers on any account, whether by day or by night, whether in rain or in thunder, their request never was considered nor seemed to the fathers unreasonable, so that they should put off coming to them, many began to desire baptism, and others were eager to confess, in health or in sickness. thus, though the labor increased, it seemed lighter and even pleasanter; and after they had tasted this refreshment they were not unready to reach out further than their strength would permit. hence they all fell sick, one of them to death. this was father fray pedro bolaños, a man more than sixty years of age--who, at a time when others are accustomed to take their ease, undertook these excessive labors with more courage than strength. his efforts were such as would have been very arduous even if they had only occasionally been made; but as the work of every day they were mortal, as they turned out for father fray pedro. this father was living in the very devout and strict convent of nuestra señora de la peña de francia, when he heard with great interest the mere rumor that religious were being collected to establish a new province in the philippinas and china, which was to be placed by the founders on a footing of most strict observance, as being undertaken by persons who were proposing to convert whole nations of heathen. this came to father fray pedro as a voice from heaven; and he consulted with the virgin, to whom he was devoted, and became more settled in the purpose of undertaking this pious enterprise himself. but because he did not wish to be deceived he talked the matter over with the wisest and most devout of the fathers of that house. they dissuaded him from the undertaking because of his great age, and because he would be obliged to undertake two long sea-voyages on his way to the islands--efforts greater than at his age, after he had spent his energies for the sake of his order, he would be able to make. they went on to say that even after he had completed the sea-voyage he would suffer so from the infirmities of his years that when he reached the philippinas he would not be able to learn the language of the natives, or to be anything but a hindrance. these arguments would have made him lay aside his purpose, if devotion to that holy image had not at that time brought to that country father fray antonio de arcediano, one of the most useful of those who had enlisted on this enterprise, who did not wish to undertake it without having first received the blessing of this lady. on account of the learning and well-known virtue and prudence of father fray antonio, father fray pedro consulted with him, telling him the state of affairs with reference to his being called to this mission, and the arguments which caused him to refrain, or by which the other fathers kept him back. father fray antonio listened to the arguments and considered them, and answered as follows: "if we were going to a province already established and formed, these would be good arguments, but since it is still to be founded, they are not. it is certain that it will be ill-established if it be entirely composed of youths, however able and religious." he accordingly judged that it would be very necessary to have among the pioneers of the order there some gray-haired men, men well experienced in the practice of virtue; since for the foundation of the province which was, as they asserted, to have the rigor of the first fathers of our order, it was clear that old religious, careful observers of the rules, men of tried virtue, were of greater value than youths of good principles. hence he regarded his going as settled, and took great pleasure that it was so. hereupon the good old man determined to go, and did so; and both on the voyages and in the islands he served his companions as a great example of religious devotion, sedateness, and patience. he was always firm under the difficulties to which we have referred, and on the first mission to the heathen he was one of those sent to bataan. here his kindness and gentleness were such as to gain the good-will of the indians. to attract the older ones, he began with the children, established a school of reading and writing, and taught both to the little ones. those who were a little older he taught to sing, that, performing the office of angels, they might praise the lord in the church. he was so desirous of the salvation of souls that when the deacon went to catechize, or to baptize the sick, he went also and accompanied him--choosing this labor for himself to relieve his companions of it, for he regarded them as more useful than he, because they learned the language better. his age was so great and the labor so heavy that walking through the water produced an affection of the bowels. the severity of the disease was such that, unable longer to withstand it, he was day and night in continual pain. they took him to manila to the franciscan convent (ours being not yet built), where they took care of him with great devotion and attention. he recovered, and returned to his laborious duties, but the same infirmity attacked him with such violence that he died in the same convent, whither they had taken him the second time; and here he was interred, leaving his companions very sad on account of his absence. yet they were very confident that he who had carried for the lord so heavy a cross up to death, would likewise follow him in his glory, which according to his word is granted therewith. he was prepared with the holy sacraments, and confessed very minutely and with great frequency; and singing he invited death, praying god to take him away in peace, now that he had beheld this holy province established as a light for so many tribes, whom he had seen already coming to the church and being baptized. he bade farewell to the franciscan fathers, thanking them for their great kindness and the hospitality which they had shown him; he encouraged his companions to proceed with that which they had begun assuring them that, however great the difficulty and labor, even to those in health, there was still greater consolation, and confirmation of the hope of reward, in the perils of sickness and death in which he was; and declaring to them that the confidence in which he departed was a most sufficient reward for having left, in his last years, his quiet and his cell for this and for other greater sufferings. after the death of this father the labor to be done fell more heavily upon his companions, because it had to be divided among a smaller number. it might be said that almost the whole burden fell upon the deacon, who was, as it were, the whole of this ministry. from this it may easily be inferred that though young friars are of less dignity in such missions, they are more useful for them--that is, in cases where the sufficiency of virtue and learning makes up for the lack of age. this is what happened not only on this occasion, but on many others, as this province has learned by experience. for the labors of new conversions are very great, so great indeed as to surpass the power of youth; so that few or no such conversions have been made without costing the death of some religious. when the father vicar observed this, and found himself, though he had poor health, provided with some command of the language, he began to relieve his companions--unraveling the entanglements (which are many among the heathen indians) in matters of matrimony, usury, and the oppression which the chief men employ toward their inferiors, making them slaves without reason or justice. he gave to this matter very great care and no less labor, being present at the investigation of such things by day and by night, and thus greatly reducing the amount of labor of his companions, because when they met with a case of this kind, they referred it to him as a matter of his jurisdiction. in the confessions they had greater labor during this first year; because in the whole year the priests were not able to make themselves masters of the indian language so as to be able to hear confession independently, and to understand the indians as they ought. to be sure, the deacon, if he had been a priest, would have been very well able to confess them; and the vicar-general had authority to dispense with the required age in a case of such necessity, so that he might be ordained priest. his great virtue and indefatigable industry deserved this favor; but the vicar-general could never bring himself to the point of granting it, because he did not wish the province which was to be founded with such strictness to begin by having a dispensation in so grave a matter. accordingly the deacon was obliged to wait until he had attained the required age, which was in september of the following year, 1588, and then he was ordained priest. by this means, and by the help of another priest called fray juan de la cruz, who came to join their company--and who, being young, succeeded very well with the language--this district improved greatly. they both began to hear confessions, and immediately there were manifested by experience the great efficacy and the excellent results of this sacrament--a remedy for souls that are sick, and even for those that are dead. in all regions where it is systematically followed the most valuable results are obtained; but its effects are principally seen among indians, who are simple and have no duplicity. to such its secrecy is very edifying, and it strongly affects their souls. this it is, particularly, that directs and teaches them; hence at the beginning of the christian training of this tribe the general amendment was sensibly perceived. it was possible to read on their very faces the great efficacy of this most beneficial medicine for their souls. only in the case of the vice of drunkenness was it impossible to find a remedy that would suffice for the great excesses produced by it; for although all the indians are very faulty in this particular, those of this region surpassed those of the rest of the country, and were famous for this vice among their neighbors. it seemed impossible to remedy the fault, because it was the hereditary vice of their fathers and their grand-fathers before them; and they had, as it were, grown into it by continual use. still god revealed to the father vicar a remedy for this, so gentle that without blood or violence it brought them to reason, and so efficaciously that in a short time it achieved what was intended. this was to give orders, under light penalties, that any man who became intoxicated was not to be received in any house, and was not to be visited in his own house; that no one was to communicate to him or talk to him, or have any dealings with him. he caused to be proclaimed in church those who were most guilty of this vice, commanding all others to avoid them, as has been said, regarding them as enemies of god and despisers of his doctrine, and of the teaching of the fathers; and this way of depriving them of intercourse with the rest was sufficient to make them ashamed of themselves. the result was that they renounced their custom and evil habit, and strove so to make themselves fit for the sacrament that, in order to avoid drunkenness, they gave up wine as an ordinary beverage. if they drank it occasionally, either because of need or desire, they drank by rule and measure. so far did they depart from their old excess that they not only blotted out their former evil reputation, but obtained for themselves a good one--which up to today they maintain, to the great joy of their ministers. the same thing is true of the other vices that they had, not only when they were heathen, but even after they were baptized, on account of the bad system of which we have given an account. for lack of teaching they had remained in their idolatries as before, without giving up usury, oppression, false swearing, and the feuds in which they had been brought up to have perpetual enmities. but soon after these religious learned their language, and began to give them instruction, the change which was to be seen in them was extraordinary; for the root of all these vices was plucked up, and that so completely that they themselves aided in their own reformation--for they gave the ministers information in regard to sins and idolatries by showing them who they were that committed them, and where they were committed. thus it was easy to find some little idols that they kept hidden, which were handed over to the christian boys to drag about through the whole village, and at last were burned. by this means and by the punishment of a few old women who acted as priestesses, and who were called catalonans, the idolatry of the whole region was brought to an end. in the matters of restitution of usury, and maltreatment of slaves, and other oppressions, there was some difficulty; for, as the evil had been converted into the flesh and blood of the wrongful holders of the property, it was the same as to strip off their flesh and drain their blood to talk about their returning that which they unjustly held. still so great was the power that the teaching of the religious had over them, and so deep root had it taken in their hearts, that they broke through everything, and by the aid of the lord brought themselves to the point. thus at the beginning of their christian life they did something which would hardly have been done by those grown old in christianity, who had sucked it in with their mother's milk. they gave liberty to many slaves deprived thereof unjustly, they restored the usury they had taken, and everything that they unjustly held. and this they did with so good a grace that it was enough for the father to propose it, after having verified the case. there was one man who gave up everything that he had, because he found that it was all unjustly held; and who did this without anything more having been done to influence him than the mere speaking of the word. such a marvel as this god alone can work, who knows how to give so great an efficacy to such gentle means as have been described. though in some cases no owners were known, to whom restitution could be made, they did not fail to make restitution on that account; but, collecting all the debts of this kind, they made a common deposit of them for common needs, and for the poor. there were many who could not be found to receive the satisfaction made in this way, and the application of the amount was made to the common necessity, as has been said. the great force that brought about this result was the obvious disinterestedness of the religious, who did not desire to apply anything to the benefit of the churches, on the ground that they were of common importance, but regarded these as being their special charge, so that in this way they might assure the indians that in all this there was no other purpose than their own good, and might avoid every occasion for their imagining the contrary. that district reached this happy point in less than one year from the time when these ministers took charge of it, though it had been in the wretched state which we have described for the lack of some one systematically and regularly to care for the souls of the inhabitants. these people, who were always bringing suits and forming factions, have from that time lived so peaceably that they undertake few or no lawsuits. they prefer coming to an agreement before their minister (who takes no fees or bribes from them), to appearing before the courts, where they consume their property, and usually spend more than the case is worth. this is so true that when the alcalde-mayor came there to make his visit, he and his company were fain to hasten away from that district, for where there are no fees there are no profits; and they arranged to go on to a place where their profits would be certain, because the population were not so peaceable as in this region. chapter xx the same continued, and some miracles that afterwards followed [the mighty work described, being beyond human power, must have been of god; and, to make this clear, god showed his power in this region. at one time the father vicar was going to hear confessions in one of those villages, and was met by a leading indian already converted, by name don pablo taclanmanoc, who asked where he was going. when he said: "to hear the confessions of the people in this village," the indian replied, "well then, father, you have inquired about their debts, so that they may be able to confess?" "i cannot know them," answered the father, "if they do not tell me them; and for that reason i have taken care to instruct them in my sermons that those who owe debts must pay them." "more than that is necessary," said don pablo; "give me the charge of investigating the debts in this village, so that they may make a good confession." the religious thanked him and put off the confessions that he might see what would come of this undertaking. don pablo made his investigation with much care. he made inquiry throughout the village, and he ascertained that there were much usury and many other unjust and wrongful acts which had been committed in it. he took this all, written down in a memorandum-book, to the minister, who governed himself by it and made his inquiries in the confessions as it suggested. the confessions were very accurate, and in this way many wrongs were undone without any further pressure or force than this. when he saw how useful and necessary this undertaking had been, he had it done in all the villages, making use of the idea of the indian don pablo--whom the lord had given to these missionaries in this region as a teacher; and by whose instruction they might dig out many evil roots, which had grown strong with age, and were certain to be a great hindrance to the growth of the good seed of the gospel. this result these ministers at that time could not attain, because they were then new; nor would they have been able to attain them later, if the indians had been silent with regard to them, and had followed the bad habit of confessing the rest while being silent on this point, which to them is the hardest thing in our law. but as they were at that time at the very beginning, and as this course was followed with all, and as it agreed with the truth and with all the evidence obtained by don pablo, they all accepted it very well. the results were most beneficial to this district. the indians of it came to have such a reputation for devotion, for frequenting the holy sacraments, for obedience to their ministers, and for peace and brotherly love among themselves--being free from the vanities and excesses to which these indians are naturally inclined--that when the ecclesiastical judges desired to bring to order any persons in other regions, they used to send them to bataan, because of the good example set there. the lord cared for these indians with a very loving providence, as he showed by the special works that he wrought to rescue them from their course of perdition. though we must be silent in regard to the greater number, we cannot pass over some. an old indian woman who was preparing for baptism was one day absent from the class, and the father under whose care she was, sent a boy to call her. he came back saying she was dying; and the father, running with all his might to her side, found her still breathing. he was just in time to baptize her. the preservation of her life just up to that moment astonished all, and especially the bishop don fray domingo de salaçar. several instances are recorded, in which persons were barely kept alive up to the time of their baptism. several cases are also preserved in which insane persons were allowed a lucid interval in which to receive the holy sacrament of baptism. on the other hand, the devil played some tricks upon the fathers. one of the most important was to deceive them as to the character of some indian women accused of witchcraft. they were so ingenious in concealing their wickedness that the fathers refused to listen to charges against them. their daring reached so high a point that, at the command of one of them, the devil appeared before one of the chiefs of the village, by voice but not by sight, bidding him go thence. this was told the father. the devil answered, and said to the father: "thou shalt believe only what thou seest." at last the lord was pleased to reveal the deceit, by the means of a sick woman in a hospital, who declares that one of these witches had punished her with this illness because of her refusing to give the witch the small fruit that she had asked for. an investigation followed, and it was discovered that they were most subtle witches; that they had wrought great evils, and had two accomplices in their work. they were punished with banishment, and therewith this country was freed of this evil remnant of its heathen condition; and, though there have been more of this sort since then, their punishment has required some less severe penalty. there have been a number of notable miracles by which the lord gave authority to his gospel and his ministers among these indians--though, on account of the care which the former have taken to conceal them, the particulars are not known. still there is one miracle that is almost universal in all these regions; this is, that when the devil torments some indian, under the influence of witches with whom he has made an agreement to torment those whom they desire to harm, he loses his power before the command of the religious. the indians fear the witchcraft so that they do not dare deny the witches anything they ask; and thus they become masters of the property, the food, and the persons of all the indians. the devil is driven out by the very presence of the religious, while in their absence he is kept away by merely having the sick hold a scapular. all this is accomplished without exorcisms, except the command in the name of the lord that they shall cease their tormenting. in many cases miracles of healing have been wrought by baptism, or by confession.] chapter xxi the entry of the religious into pangasinan when the order of our father st. dominic reached these islands the indians of pangasinan were given over to idolatry, and so detested the gospel that, though the ministry of some religious was brought to the indians on both sides of them (who are those of the provinces of panpanga and of ylocos), these indians always refused to admit them; and they treated those fathers so badly that, though there were some clergy and some franciscan religious who desired and endeavored to convert them, these had no success with them on account of their determined resistance. on the contrary, the indians were wretchedly victorious, obliging the ministers, by their perversity, to go away and leave them in the darkness which they so loved and delighted in. there was only one place--the principal village, called lingayen, where the alcalde-mayor resided--in which some of the religious of our father st. augustine had been able to persevere. they were protected and defended by the law, and by the spaniards who lived there, who by their presence were able to compel the indians to treat the fathers properly--not as they had been in the other villages, where they were not only treated discourteously, but came near to being killed. this treatment resulted in bringing the fathers to the conclusion that it was best to leave them, which was what the indians desired, and even what the devil whom they served had commanded them, on occasions when he had spoken with them. one of these occasions occurred while some indians were on their way from the villages below to the mountains of the ygolotes, on their ordinary business. as they were going through a thicket [arcabuco] full of bushes and briars, they heard a very loud and dreadful voice lamenting and complaining pitifully. the indians retreated with great alarm at hearing this voice in so rough and so lonely a place; but, as they were many, they ventured to follow it to see who had uttered it, and in this way they came near to the place where it had sounded. though they kept on going up the mountain, they saw nobody, and came no nearer to the voice they heard. their alarm greatly increased, and one of them, exerting his breath and voice as much as he could, asked: "who art thou that thus lamentest and utterest such groans?" and they heard this answer: "i am apolaqui"--who among them takes the place of mars among the heathen romans--who might be called their god of war, and to whom they also pray when they go on a voyage, or on any journey for business. and when they heard it was their revered and highly beloved apolaqui that was complaining, their alarm increased so greatly that they were almost out of their senses, until one of the most courageous of them said: "apolaqui, our anito," for thus they are accustomed to call those whom they reverence as god, "for whom we celebrate feasts, what cause have we given thee now that thou shouldest complain thus? wherefore hast thou thundered upon these mountains, putting us in such fear, though we have done nothing to offend thee?" apolaqui answered: "i am weeping to see fulfilled that which for years i have dreaded: that ye should receive among you strangers with white teeth, wearing cowls, and that they should place in your houses some sticks of wood laid across each other to torment me," for thus he spoke of the crosses. "and now i am going from among you, seeking to find some one to follow me, since ye have abandoned me for strangers, though i am your ancient lord." to this day the indians give to the place where the demon spoke, this name (which in their language means "at the cross"), pinabuenlagan. is it strange that he who would do such things when he merely knew that the preachers of truth were near him, and who would thus alarm the indians who followed him, should cause them to treat the ministers of the gospel as badly as they always did? it was to these indians then, so ill disposed to receiving the faith, that father fray bernardo de sancta catalina was sent with five associates, all priests, who arrived there in the month of september, 1587. a spanish encomendero of that country, called ximenez del pino, gave them a little bit of a house, for it was not to be hoped of the indians that they would offer any hospitality to the friars; on the contrary, they hated them above all things. there was one man that offered them, if they would go away, a chinanta of gold, which is the weight of half an arroba--so far were they from offering hospitality to our fathers and doing them any kindness. the religious knew all this, and went on with patience, which was very necessary; for so determined were the indians to receive them badly that the friars were, so to speak, in a desert, so far as anything that human society could do for them was concerned. they suffered greatly from hunger and from hardships. the indians refused to provide them with the necessities of life, for payment or for anything else. many times the religious had to carry on their backs their wood and water, and even their poor little beds, when they went from one village to another; for in this way the indians strove to force them to go away, as the religious had been in the habit of doing. but the virtues of these fathers overcame everything. the hardships that they had to suffer, however severe, did not attain the height of the sufferings which they desired to bear for the lord; nor did the difficulties which they met, which were not few, discourage them; nor could the little hope that the indians gave of being converted take away the hope that the lord gave; for he was certain to pity these tribes, for whom he had shed his blood. that which happened was very strange, and it should not therefore be reported without evidence worthy of it, which is that of the first bishop of these tribes, don fray miguel de venavides--a religious of very superior virtue, as we shall tell in due time, who made a report from his bishopric to clement viii, at that time head of the church. this report, because of the person who wrote it, because it was written to the sovereign pontiff, and because it was written in fulfilment of the oath which he had taken, as bishop of this holy see, to obey and to report the condition of his church and bishopric to his holiness, must be free from all suspicion. i know not in what way, but somehow it was printed; and there are many copies in our convent in valencia. the report is as follows. "it is about eleven years since the dominican fathers entered the province of pangasinan. that which has happened in the conversion of the province, which at the present time is composed of christians--there being, of course, a heathen here and there--is such that we must give thanks to god for it. the miracles by which these tribes have been converted have been the lives of the ministers, though there have not been lacking other miracles, for the lord has now and then shown the power of his hand. there were at first six religious of this order; and when the indians saw them, they immediately asked the fathers when they were going away. the natives saw no opportunity to drive them away from their country; and so much did they detest them that there was no means by which they could be induced to give the fathers anything to eat, even for money. thus for the space of three years they suffered many hardships; but their rebelliousness could not outstrip the patience of the fathers. besides all this, five of the fathers fell sick at once, and were in that condition for five months; but at the end of that time, god was pleased to give them their health without physician, or medicine, or comforts. such was the treatment accorded them by the indians, to say nothing of the fact that no one was converted to our holy faith. the bishop of these islands, don fray domingo de salazar, noticing this fact, begged the religious to leave the indians and depart from their country. this he did at the request of many spanish captains. it was true that these indians were of all the tribes in the country the worst, the fiercest, and the most cruel--an unconquered tribe who celebrated their feasts by cutting off one another's heads. but the superior who was then at the head of the province was unwilling to take this step; on the contrary, he said, 'these bad indians are the ones whom i wish my friars to convert.' after three years, during which they only baptized a few boys (for the natives were unwilling to give the girls), the indians began to believe in the religious; and the beginning that the lord chose for this was the following. when the indians perceived the way in which the friars lived, the fasts and penances which they performed, their patience amid hardships, and the fact that the fathers not only did them no harm, but came to their aid in their necessities, they began to be mollified, and to believe what the friars said. the story is told that an indian chief went one night to a religious and said to him: 'father, you must know that i have been watching you for two years, and have carefully noted everything that you do; and i see that you all have one way of living. if one of you does not eat, no more do the others; if one of you rises at midnight to pray, so do the rest; if one of you avoids women, all the rest of you do so too. you all of you follow one rule and one road; you strive to obtain neither gold nor silver; you are ill-treated and yet patient; you do all things for our good. hence i have resolved to believe you, since i am persuaded people who act like you will not deceive.' so high did the good opinion of these dominican religious rise among those people (god having ordained it thus in his goodness and providence), that the indians actually regarded those of this habit as sinless; so much so that if the devil sometimes suggested to an indian woman an improper dream with reference to a friar, when the woman afterwards came to confess she did not say: 'i accuse myself of having dreamed this about a friar,' but, 'about a devil in the shape of a friar.' when the leading men of the tribe began to consider becoming christians--their headmen being already so, as well as some others--they came to the religious, and persuaded them that, in order that all of them might be converted together, they should first of all give up in a single day everything which they held in commission for the devil; these things were the instruments which they used for their sacrifices. the fathers accordingly did as they wished, and, with the assistance of these same governors of the country there were given up an infinite number of pieces of earthen ware and a great deal of very old wine--for this is regarded as the thing consecrated to the devil; and no one dares touch or go near it except at the time of the sacrifice, and then only the minister who performs it. they are accustomed to keep this wine at the head of the bed in a little earthen jar, like holy water. when they had given all this up (which they did with very good will), they all proposed immediately to become christians, and to know and learn the things of our holy catholic religion. after they had learned them and been instructed in them, they were directed to fast for forty days, or one month; and general baptisms took place on the eve of the feasts of the resurrection and pentecost. [long before this a marvel had happened in which an indian had been cured of a frightful rupture after his baptism. this made the indians regard the baptism as something medicinal, and they wished to be baptized whenever they were sick, in order to be cured; but the fathers undeceived them. they made the same mistake about the sign of the cross, and in regard to the cross itself. visions were seen. at one time, when some of the brethren were desirous of leaving this region and of going to china to preach the gospel, one of them laid the matter before the lord in prayer. he dreamed that night that he saw the good man of a household, clad in a long robe, and sending men out to reap his harvest. when they came to one sterile place where there was only a spike of grain here and there, they did not wish to reap it, but to go to another field where the harvest was rich; but the good man said to them: 'will you not reap here? then you shall reap neither here nor there.' finally, god was pleased that by the patience and sufferings of these ministers this tribe should be converted and baptized. they are now very good christians, insomuch that some of them can conduct prayer like religious who most closely follow the rules of their order. they are people of very good intelligence, and often put very clever questions and propose intelligent doubts. at one time when a religious was preaching of the mercy of god in dying for men, an indian woman rose in the midst of his sermon, and said: 'wait, father. how can you say that christ died? you have said that christ was god; but god cannot die.' at another time, a sick indian put the question whether god did not concur in all things that happened in the earth and was not thus responsible for the evil of it. they even go beyond things required, in order to do works of supererogation, many of them rising at midnight to pray when the matin bell rings; they follow the fasts of the dominican order; when they rise, the first thing they do at dawn is to make an offering of themselves and all that they have to our lord; whenever they begin an undertaking, they first offer it to god, with their minds, their hearts, and their hands in the work. though poor, they give alms frequently. some of them, whenever they eat, put aside a portion as 'christ's food,' and send it to some sick person. some of them fast during the whole advent, in preparation for the feast of the nativity. it is said of one indian woman that st. mary and st. joseph visited and ate with her one advent. all the spaniards and religious of other orders are amazed at this conversion, and especially at seeing them give up vices so enticing as drunkenness, which used to be very common among them--up to the point of making them unable to keep their feet--but which they have now given up so completely that some do not even taste wine. they greatly delight in the devotion of the rosary. the very friars who are their ministers are amazed to see such a conversion in a tribe so barbarous, so cruel, and so completely given over to vice. their minds are set upon preparing themselves for death, so that they regard all besides--houses, property, and children, and all temporal things--as merely accessory. those who can afford it have masses said for their souls while they are still alive, as if they were already dead; and give much alms to this end. those who have not the means for this, fast and mortify themselves. in this province the ministers have begun to give the most holy sacrament of the communion to the natives, as being adult in the faith. they prepare themselves for the communion with great devotion. as there are no masses except on the great feasts, some prepare themselves as if they were to communicate every month, being contented with spiritual communion. the hand of the lord hath wrought this; for the ministers had this success, with a race speaking a foreign language, one which the missionaries did not know as thoroughly as their own, while when these same men preached to those of our own nation and language, their words have had no such effect. the fault is in the hearers, who are unwilling to profit by the good which god has sent them." here the report of venavides ends. other reports have been sent to españa of the perfect devotion of these people. one of these tells how the indians crowd the churches at the time of confession, fast, and communicate regularly; how many of the married ones live a great part of the time not as man and wife but as brother and sister--in particular, during lent, and for some days before communicating; how there would be no end to the good that might be said about these people; and how some of them are of very good intelligence, and ingenious in asking questions which make the ministers reflect. this report is by father fray juan de sancto domingo, afterward a holy martyr in japon. [37] it is dated at magaldan, a village of pangasinan, november 8, 1618. father fray bernardo de santa catalina or navarro, the apostle to this tribe, one of whose reports bears date of manila, the twenty-fourth of [sic] one thousand six hundred and twelve, says that the great care manifested by our religious in following the rules of the order has given them power to overcome these unconquerable tribes. he reports that the number of persons baptized in the province of pangasinan has grown from a few new-born boys to ten thousand, and that the number of those in this region who are prepared for heaven is constantly increasing.] chapter xxii of the persecution of the religious by the indians, at the beginning; and of their later heartfelt conversion. the principal reason that these indians had for persecuting these first fathers who came to their villages was that, as soon as they came thither, they built a convent in a few days, and a very tiny church, in front of which they set up a large wooden cross; and that thereupon their greatest idol, who was called ana gaoley, ceased to give the responses and oracles which it had been wont to give them, in the shrines or temples which they had made, which were called anitoan. the priestesses had been accustomed to invoke these oracles, for the ministry of idols among them was given over to women. these women, called managanito, were dressed in certain vestments dedicated to this sole use, and employed certain vessels esteemed among them, containing oils, unguents, odors, and perfumes. with all this they placed themselves in a retreat where they used to conjure the devil; and there the devil spoke to them, giving them answers with regard to their wars, their sicknesses, and their undertakings. whatever thing the devil asked by the mouths of these women, however costly it might be, the indians brought immediately; and if through them he commanded the indians to kill any one, they instantly put the command into execution without a word. but from the moment of the building of the church the oracle was silent. the indians felt this very much, and made many sacrifices to placate him, supposing he had grown silent from anger; but they could not succeed in drawing a single word from him. he revealed himself on a mountain at some distance from the village, where there were some indians cutting wood for their houses, and said to them that they should not wear themselves out by asking anything more from him, because two things had banished him from his village. one of them was that straight stick set up in the village, with another across it, like a body with two arms. the other was those men with hair on their heads who were among them in his village; for so long as they were there he could not go back to it. [this ought to have been enough to convert them, like the priest of the idol whom st. gregory thaumaturgus put to silence by his presence; but these people had not intelligence enough for that, and grew very indignant against the religious, especially after the father of lies told them that the friars meant to kill their children. their wrath against the innocent religious grew so great that, if they had not feared the spaniards, they would have killed them. the enemy of god found means still more to inflame the wrath of the indians against the friars.] one of the indian women of the highest rank being found pregnant when she was about to be married, her parents intended to execute upon her their ancient law, which was to bury her alive, together with the malefactor. they seized her, and tortured her to make her reveal who he was. she, at the instigation of the devil, declared that it was father fray bernardo de sancta catalina, the superior of all those religious, and the one against whom the devil and the indians felt most bitter, because he was the principal minister of the gospel. thereupon, without further investigation, she was immediately believed: and they came upon him like bloodthirsty wolves, with the purpose of carrying out that penalty. he was not disturbed or alarmed, but made them go with him to the indian woman, and asked her some questions; and when the time was ascertained at which she had conceived, it was plain that the father had not been at that time, or for many days before or after, in that village. thus they believed him firmly, while they and he who had stirred them up were ashamed and confused. still the woman's artifice was of use to her; for the father repaid her for the false witness she had given, by delivering her from the death which they were going to inflict upon her--searching for devices to bring this about, just as the devil had searched for them to do evil; for kindness is no less subtle than malice. later will be seen what was the life and death of this holy religious, whom the devil strove to discredit by other means, but without success. [the devil was finally banished from these villages, in which he had kept all the indians in wretched slavery; for if he gave them some liberty to vice he demanded from them a much greater return.] in addition to the sacrifices that he required of them--which as has been said were costly, and which sometimes extended even to the death of men, he required them to do most painful things in their times of bereavement. for the first three days they did not have a mouthful to eat; for three more days they had only a little fruit; after this, for a long time, they had only boiled herbs or roots, without wine to drink, and with nothing savory to eat. during all this time they wore around the neck a little gold chain, which was a mark of mourning; and this they were not allowed to put off during all this period, unless they killed some one. as soon as they committed a homicide, there was an end of the mourning and the fast; and they made up by eating and drinking without limit or measure. every little thing that happened to them caused them a thousand superstitions, painful, and sometimes expensive. the worst of all was the wars that they were constantly waging among themselves, and the great oppressions inflicted upon the people of the lower class by those who are above them in rank. these took away their possessions from them and made them slaves at their mere whims, under the law that "might makes right." one of these bravo chiefs (a very tyrannical one, and therefore the more esteemed, feared, and respected by the rest), by name cabanday, would never hear of being converted to christianity--the more so because he would have been required to restore everything which he had taken by injustice, usury, extortion, and wrong; for thus he had gained all he had, and he was very rich. [god one day heard the prayers of the friars for him; and at night he told the indian who was his closest friend that he felt so strong an impulse to turn to god that he could not resist it. he ordered his slaves to take the chest in which he kept all his gold and riches, to carry it to the church, and to open it immediately. they broke it open. the fathers went down from the choir where they were, being mistrustful of some ill. they found him with his chest; he opened it; placed at the feet of father fray bernardo all that was in it, and afterwards threw himself at these too--praying, with much feeling and with many tears, to be baptized, and telling them that there was the whole of his fortune and the fortune of his children; let them do with it what they would, though they should send him away poorer than the lowest of his vassals, if only they would do what he asked. the religious gave a thousand thanks to god, comforted him, promised him baptism, and began to prepare him for it. being very old, he could not learn the prayers by heart; but he was very intelligent, and very well understood the mysteries of the faith they taught him. they accordingly baptized him, to his own great joy and to the comfort of the fathers. they called him in baptism don pablo. though he could not learn the prayers by memory, he was not deprived of them; for when he recited the rosary, in place of the pater-noster he said in his own language: "oh, lord my god, have pity upon me, a sinner," and in place of the ave maria he said the same to our lady. and, when he came to confess, in place of the general confession he said: "father, i come to your feet to reveal my sins, and to obtain pardon therefor from god our lord." he made his confession with much clearness and contriteness, educated his children in the fear of god, strove to have all the people of his country baptized, and lived an exemplary life. he lived eighteen years a christian. his death took place under the following circumstances. while father fray bernardo was confessing the indians, one lent, in the church of binalatongan, don pablo came on foot and said: "father, confess me, for i am going to die today." he asked the father to come and say mass, and to give him the viaticum. on the same day he died. no less remarkable was the conversion of another great chief of the village of magaldan, called casipit, who had been on the point of killing a franciscan, so opposed was he to the faith. this indian had already thrown him on the ground to kill him with a cruel dagger which they use, when the others hindered him. when now our order came to his country, he took it so ill that he went to manila to arrange to have the friars withdrawn from his village; and to carry out the negotiation he offered his encomendero half his property, which was considerable. his wife, named lalo, was first converted by the preaching of father fray pedro de soto. she was baptized doña gracia. by her efforts the husband was converted and baptized, with the whole of his family and his large retinue. he used to gather the people of his village near the church, and to address them, urging them to works of mercy with plain and sensible words; but with such fervor and devotion that he made them all weep, even the religious who had concealed himself to overhear. he led a very religious life, directing his household in habits of devotion. so also did his wife; and the good people directed their slaves to pay as much attention to their religious duties as to the work they did for them. on one occasion, when one of his slaves died, and it was impossible to bury him in the churchyard, because of the floods, the old man determined to carry the slave to another village, which on account of its higher situation had not been flooded, and to bury him in the church there. the river was full of trees and logs which might overturn his boat, the current was very strong, and there were many whirlpools in it. there was also danger from the caymans, which at that period of the year are most dangerous, and most frequently attack small boats. don pedro was not ignorant of the risks for an old man like him, for he was more than a hundred years old, though he had lost none of his strength. in spite of the petitions of all of his family he made the effort, carrying the slave to the village of san jacintho. the old man, when he got there, was all wet, and was chilled with the cold of the rain that had fallen and of the winds that had blown on him. he buried the slave and went home, happy in having fulfilled his duty so nobly. when one of his slaves died by accident, without having been able to confess, the good don pedro took it to heart as if it had been his own sin. from this instance may be seen how devoted christians those indians became whose conversion had been so difficult.] chapter xxiii some miracles wrought by god in pangasinan at the beginning of the preaching in this province [though the lord did not work so many miracles in this province as in the primitive church, since that was the foundation of all the churches since, he still gave authority to the preaching of his gospel in these regions by many marvelous works. father fray alonso montero, [38] a son of the province of mexico, and a native of castilla la vieja, tells us that, in two years during which he was in this province, no day passed without a miracle. after a year, during which no conversions had been made among the indians, because of their hardness of heart, it seemed to father fray bernardo that it was time to break the silence which they had kept up to that time. by the favor of an indian chief who had been converted in manila, don juan de vera by name, and of his brother, who was headman of that village, they visited all the houses, asking the people to let them have the children to baptize them. in one house they had a child and hid it. when father fray bernardo asked for it, they told him they had no child. in affliction he turned to his companion, father fray luis gandullo, and said: "there was a child here, and they will not let me have him. ask for him, your reverence, perhaps they will give him to you." after they had refused him, too, the child put up its head, and when father fray luis opened his arms and said to him in the castilian language, "come to me, child of my heart, that knowest not the good that thou losest in being hidden from holy baptism; come to us. i promise thee to take care of thee, and to do thee good," the child, as if it had understood castilian (of which it did not know a word), and as if it had had the sense to know what was for its advantage, left its mother and its kinsfolk to go to the religious, keeping its eyes fixed upon him as if thanking him for the good counsel they had been giving it. it went with the religious and was baptized, and turned out to be a very perfect christian, as having been made one by miracle. an old man annoyed them by speaking against them in his own language, and following them about everywhere. when father fray luis took him by the arm and kindly remonstrated with him, the indian, who did not understand the language, began to scream and said, "let go, father; i do not wish to become a christian." they kept this up for some time till the father let him go. some days afterward, the two fathers saw him again; and father fray luis, who had prayed much for him in the interval, pointed him out to father fray bernardo, and said: "let us ask him now if he wishes to be a christian." he accepted, and was baptized. a girl was born blind, and her parents were so afflicted that, as cruel barbarians, they planned to kill her. the religious knew of this, and prayed to god that he would be pleased to provide relief. father fray marcos de sant antonio undertook the business of gaining this soul. he spoke to the parents of the child; but they were unwilling to give the child, and offered to sell her. they came to an agreement for eight reals; and the religious took the child and baptized her. at her baptism, the lord was pleased to give her not only the light of his grace, but also that of corporal sight; and her eyes became miraculously clear and beautiful. with this the eyes of the parents were also opened, and they began to give their children for baptism, especially as this was not the only miracle wrought among the baptized children. that they might not suppose that the virtue of this most necessary sacrament had an effect upon children only, an indian who was wounded in the abdomen, so that his entrails protruded in great quantity and he seemed to be near death, was implored by the religious to be baptized. he, however, refused, and was not even influenced when they once said that this holy sacrament had sometimes cured bodies as well as souls. the religious came and did what they could to keep away the ants which came to feed upon his entrails. he already had the smell of death upon him; and, when he felt that death was near, he begged for baptism. when he was baptized, his entrails drew in again, the wound was closed, and he was as sound as if such a thing had never happened. a number of similar miracles of healing were wrought. the indians were surprised to see the religious come among them unarmed and alone, while the other spaniards always came in numbers and with firearms--even then not regarding themselves as safe, but proceeding with much caution. the religious, however, went about carelessly. when the indians consulted the devil, according to their custom before doing away with any one, he responded to them that the religious did not go unprotected; that they were accompanied by an armed angel, with a cross on his brow, and another on his shield. the indians had never seen such a thing, and could not have made up a fiction because they had never seen a painting or heard mention of any such matter. thus they learned that the devil was not so strong as they had supposed, since he was obliged to admit that there was one stronger than he. another heathen indian, who had permitted his child to be baptized, was rewarded by a vision, by which he was converted. he put away all his wives but the first, though he loved another and better one. he built in his village, called gabon, a monastery and a church for the religious, more capacious than those they had. devils were driven away by the holy sacrament of baptism, and children were restored to life. when the heathen jeered at some christians for going to church on sunday and neglecting their fields, god was pleased to send a plague of locusts, which spared the fields of the christians. many more miracles might be put down here, of which we have reports from religious of great virtue; and there is a still greater number which they have passed over and failed to mention.] chapter xxiv the coming to this province of father fray juan cobo and other religious though father fray juan cobo and other fathers did not come on the first voyage, for the reasons given, they were always thinking of and longing for this province. so when father fray juan chrisostomo felt a little better, though he was not well, they began to think immediately of resuming the journey which his severe infirmity had necessarily interrupted. father fray juan cobo had the same idea; and, even if he had not done so, affairs went on in such a way that he would have been obliged to give up all the business that kept him in nueva españa and go to the philippinas. his well-known learning, his great virtue, and his zeal for the honor of the lord, together with his great prudence and lofty courage, and all the other qualities requisite in a consummate preacher, were well known, and the order required him to preach in mexico. he declaimed against the great scandals which were occurring at that time, so that the viceroy (who was the most guilty person) ordered his banishment to the philippinas, where the authorities of nueva españa generally send the criminals whom they wish to punish. father fray juan accepted his banishment with great joy, partly because of the desire he had to make the journey, partly because of the gratification that he felt in coming hither as an exile for doing his duty as a preacher, as god had commanded. this is a most delicious, though a hidden manna, the sweetness of which those only know who find themselves in such condition as this; for it is suffering for god, who is a most generous rewarder of services performed for him--much more of sufferings undertaken for his honor. on the same ground--namely, having preached on this occasion against the doer of those scandalous deeds--the viceroy sent into banishment father fray luis gandullo, a person of very superior virtue, of whom it will be necessary later to give a very full account. when he heard the sentence of banishment, he fell on his knees and gave many thanks to the lord for the kindness that he had shown him, in honoring him by permitting him to suffer banishment for love of him. the two banished religious joined each other, and took no little pleasure in each other's company. they had much reason therefor, for they were both setting out for the same end; and god led them by the same means. father fray juan chrisostomo was joined by several: father fray juan garcia, [39] a distinguished religious and minister to the indians in nueva españa, who was afterwards of the very greatest importance in this province; father fray thomas castellar, a very religious friar; a brother, better known in this country by the name of "the holy friar" than by his own name, which was fray pedro martinez; and the brother fray juan deça, who had come to take care of father fray juan chrisostomo in his illness. [40] these all had gathered together because of the fame of the province, which was spreading abroad--that it was beginning with so great a reformation within itself, and with zeal for the conversion of so many tribes. these were seven religious in all; and, as they were on the point of departing, father fray juan cobo wished to bid farewell to one of his friends, a cleric of much virtue called juan fernandez de leon, who lived in a very exemplary manner in guastepec. when they reached there they found the house where he lived tightly closed. they shouted to him many times, but the good clergyman who was within made no answer, so carefully did he protect his retirement. it was necessary to get a ladder and climb in by a window. the virtuous cleric rejoiced much to see father fray juan, and, when he knew where they were all on the point of going, the enterprise pleased him also so well that he immediately determined to go with the religious to the philippinas. he carried out his plan, set a very noble example in life, and after his death was and is venerated as a saint, our lord proving his sainthood with miracles. a layman of much virtue called juan de soria, when he saw people of such virtue making this journey, made the same journey in their company, being desirous of assuming the habit in that province, as he did when he reached the islands. with these two good associates the company increased greatly in virtue, though it was not very great in numbers. they resolved to make their voyage immediately; and reaching tisla [i.e., tixtla], which is near the port of acapulco, they were informed that there was being prepared for the philippinas a vessel, small, old, and in ill condition, and so loaded with people, soldiers, and sailors--since they had doubled the number of those needed for the navigation of the vessel because sailors were required in manila--that it was impossible for them to embark. the news grieved them greatly, and to be assured of the truth of it they sent to the port father fray juan garcia and brother fray juan deza, who found all true that had been said of the vessel, and more. it was so heavily laden that it was in the water above the scupper-holes, without having taken on board the people who were to go as passengers, who were of no small number. the religious went back with this report, and repeated what they had been told in the port--namely, that it was impossible to put on board more, at most, than one or two priests, whom they might have with them in case of danger, in order to confess to them; and that if there had to be only two, they would better be the banished ones. they were all deeply grieved--those who remained, because they had to give up their holy enterprise; and those who were to undertake it, because they were to be separated from such a company. as they were so near the port, they thought that they would all go down and bid farewell to those who were about to sail. father fray juan chrisostomo alone, being so infirm, remained in tisla. when they reached the port, they saw that according to human reason no more could be put aboard than what they had been told; but as they were taught to direct themselves by other and higher motives, they were not discomfited, but were very instant with the lord in prayer, the priests all saying mass and begging his aid. then with new confidence they went to talk with those who had charge of the despatch of the vessel, to persuade them to give the religious a place in it. while they were busy with this, they saw the vessel putting out to sea and beginning its voyage--being in greater haste, perhaps, in order that these new passengers might not be admitted in addition to the great (and indeed excessive) number who were already going. when they saw that they were being left behind, they found a very small boat; and without further stores or other equipment they got on board. once there, they pleaded so well--and what is more, the lord so greatly aided them and gave them so great favor with the persons on board--that they admitted the six: fray juan cobo, fray luis gandullo, fray juan garcia, fray juan deca, four religious; and father juan fernandez de leon, and juan de soria. instantly, without waiting longer, they set sail with a fair wind, on shrove tuesday, 1588. they were without stores or clothes or provisions, being dependent solely upon the providence of the lord and upon the alms which they might receive from the people on the ship; these were small, in any case, on such a voyage--and the more so upon this one, for they had set out from a port where the population was so small that they could not provide themselves so well with ship-stores as they could at other places. the vessel had hardly put to sea before it was found to be leaking and to be making much water. the pilot, who was very skilful and very courageous, went straight to the fathers, and bade them commend the ship to god; for, if the prayers of good men did not save it, it would be certain to founder in the first little storm, and they would be drowned. they undertook to do as he asked, and it was well that they did so. one night a great storm arose, with a great massing of clouds and with furious winds; and though the wind was not favorable, the pilot ordered sails to be set on the poop--letting the ship drive before the wind, because the vessel would not sail close-hauled. the storm was such that, though the pilot strove to hide his anxiety, and gave his commands in a very low tone, so as not to excite the passengers and bring them on deck to see their own death and to hinder the sailors; yet, in spite of all this care, the religious perceived his fear. being in alarm at the fury of the winds and the roaring of the sea, and perceiving the danger, they gave themselves to prayer; and with outward silence they uttered the voices of their souls to the lord, begging his pity. at midnight they heard the pilot say, though in a low voice, that he wished axes to be brought, which is a preliminary to cutting away the masts. thereupon, father fray luis gandullo left the rest praying, and climbed up into the waist of the ship. he looked upon the sea in silence; its fury terrified him; he lifted his eyes to the heavens, and saw them all cloaked with the deepest blackness. therewithal, the sea was white with the waves which roared and dashed against one another, sending up spray; it seemed to him that all of the spaniards must soon be buried in them, so mighty were they, and the vessel so weak. at this point there overcame him a strange consciousness of his sins, which gave him no opportunity to think of those of others, and assured him that his own transgressions only were the cause of this frightful storm. [he went back to his post and fell on his knees before a christ that was there, prayed to the lord until he felt assured that he heard him, and turned to the virgin of the rosary. she appeared to him in a vision and promised her aid. when the pilot came in, calling out, "fathers! cast some relics into the sea, for the love of god! recite some litanies, that the lord may have compassion upon us! i promise them a lighted lantern," father luis replied that they should all be safe. they cast into the sea a relic of saint mary magdalen and an agnus dei, and began their litany. the stars began to appear and soon the storm had passed. the report of the vision and the miracle turned the hearts of the seamen and the passengers, for a time, to the good of their souls; but after easter, as is usual among worldly people, they fell back into their lax way of living, and particularly into gambling, with all the evils that ordinarily accompany it. one frightful sacrilege was committed by a gambler, who mutilated an image of christ and of the virgin, to punish them for his losses; but who repented under the ministration of father fray luis. at last they all reached manila safely.] chapter xxv the election of the first provincial, and the first provincial chapter [though the religious had come in the previous year, and though the second sunday after easter of the year 1588 had gone by (which is the usual day on which provincial chapters are held), the fathers, being so few, had waited for the arrival of those who came from mexico. accordingly, the chapter was convoked by the father vicar-general on the twelfth of june, and there were chosen as definitors father fray diego de soria, vicar of the convent at manila, where the chapter was held; fray juan cobo; fray juan de san thomas, vicar of bataan; and fray bernardo de sancta catalina, vicar of pangasinan. they and the rest elected, as the first provincial of the new province, father fray juan de castro. the first act passed in this chapter was to accept the general ordinances made for the foundation of this province when the founders were in mexico. the chapter provided that special care was to be taken that no ministerial duties were to be accepted as curacies, but merely as charity--with liberty of removal, due notice being given to the bishops. it also determined that these ordinances should be read and declared to the religious who were to be brought over from españa, so that if they approved of them they might come, while if they did not venture to undertake them they might remain; and no one might complain that he had been deceived, if he should find himself obliged to keep them. in this chapter the province was given the glorious name of our lady of the rosary, to whom all the religious desired especially to belong; they also chose as special advocate and patroness her who was the apostle [41] to the apostles, saint mary magdalen, on whose day they had reached port in these islands, and by whose aid (which they had a thousand times experienced in the order) they hoped for the most complete and glorious success in that which they were undertaking. the religious were warned to treat the indians with great charity and a spirit of kindness, as beloved sons, showing them the love that we feel for them not only by words but by deeds, and striving to attract them by love. if punishment should at any time be necessary, it was not to be by our hands, that it might not happen to us, as saint gregory said, that corrections should be converted to arms of wrath. to the convent of manila they gave the title of priory, and appointed as the first prior father fray diego de soria. they accepted the vicariate of our lady of the rosary of macan, and named as vicar thereof father fray antonio de arcediano. they likewise accepted the vicariate of our father saint dominic of binalatongan, appointing as vicar thereof father fray bernardo de sancta catalina; likewise the vicariate of our father saint dominic of bataan, the vicar whereof was father fray juan de sancto thomas; likewise the vicariate of gabon, the vicar whereof was father fray juan de san pedro martyr. they appointed as preacher-general father fray miguel de venavides; and as lecturer [42] of the convent the same person, on account of his great ability and talent. this father and father fray juan cobo were very successful in learning the chinese language, and assumed responsibility for the mission to the chinese, to which, on account of its great difficulty, no one before these fathers had devoted himself. father fray juan cobo preached the first sermon to the chinese. finally, at this chapter the father provincial and the definitors sent a full report to the most reverend general of the order--who responded, confirming the new province, and most nobly congratulating the founders thereof. the translation of this letter into spanish is given at length. the substance of it is as follows: "very reverend fathers: your letters from the philippinas islands, dated june 22, 1588, have been received and read with great pleasure in the general chapter of the order, held in this year, 1592, at the convent of san juan and san pablo in venecia. we rejoice that your fervor and zeal for the propagation of the catholic faith are about to restore the order from the ruin which we here see and experience every day, because of the great pest of the heresies. ye go down in ships to the sea, and see the great wonders of god. ye are like the mystic animals whose wings are joined between themselves, which make others fly aloft while they walk upon the ground. we approve your erection of a province in the philippinas islands, confirming it in the graces and privileges enjoyed by the other provinces of the same order; we also confirm as provincial of the said province the very reverend father fray juan de castro. all this would have been inserted in the acts of the general chapter, except for the carelessness of the printer." the letter is dated milan, november 3, 1592, and is signed by fray hipolyto maria vicaria, master-general of the order of preachers; and master fray pablo castrucio, provincial of the holy land. soon after the election of the first provincial, father fray gregorio de ochoa died. he lived a holy, scrupulous, and devout life. he was one of those assigned to the conversion of the province of pangasinan, where the exposure and hardship and the lack of necessities brought sickness upon all of the brethren except father fray bernardo de sancta catalina. father fray gregorio suffered more than any of the rest. they had no physician, medicines, or comforts. they wished to make a broth with which to take the quilites [43] they used as purgatives, but the indians, desiring to drive them away, refused them the game that they needed to make the broth; and father fray gregorio grew so ill that he had to be sent back to manila to be cured. here he grew somewhat better, and undertook for the order the work of instruction in grammar; but was taken ill again, and died.] chapter xxvi the foundation of another church in pangasinan, and the first visitation of the father provincial [after the chapter, father fray bernardo de santa catalina and the new vicar of gabon set out for pangasinan, taking with them as their associates father fray luis gandullo and brother fray juan de soria, a novice in the order. these recruits were greatly needed, and lightened the work of those who were there. in pangasinan, being unable to attract to baptism those who were of full age, they gave their energies to obtaining children--generally failing but succeeding sometimes. at the feast of our lady of august [44] they baptized sixty, all they could get together. the indians who promised their children often failed to let the religious have them, thus getting rid of the importunity of the fathers; or they would be perverted by heathen indians, who abhor baptism. the fathers prayed to the lord that they might not lose any of their number; he heard them, and a sufficient number of children were voluntarily offered to make up the total of sixty. the people came together to see what the religious would do to the children; and father fray pedro de soto preached to them upon the workings of this holy sacrament, and miracles were afterward wrought in support of his words. the lord softened these hard hearts, and in binalatongan and some other villages, where none of the adults were converted, they did not look upon the religious with such hatred as at first. only those of gabon were as obstinate as ever, and were unwilling to admit to the village the new vicar, fray san pedro martyr, and his companion. they could get for their habitation only one small hut, where they could hardly put up an altar and build a fire. accordingly they decided to go to a hamlet near there, called calasiao, where the spaniard to whom the indians gave tribute bought a hut for them, for four reals. when they had added a shed, it did not make so bad a lodging as the other, and they could inhabit it with less peril to their lives; for in gabon the indians had planned to kill them. when the fathers heard this news, it was midnight. the people in the town were drinking, and, as the friars were told, were planning their death. the news was totally unexpected to the friars, and they could not have made their escape because they did not know the country. they waited that night, offering themselves to the lord, for whom their lives would have been well expended in preaching his gospel. the next day they went to calasiao. the indians are extremely jealous, and though they were pleased that the religious had left their village, they were vexed that the fathers had gone to calasiao--a village smaller than their own, where they thought they would have to carry for burial those who died in the christian faith; so they held a council, and determined that no one, whether in health or sickness, should be baptized, and that no sick person should dare to have a father come to see him. if the fathers had known of this decision and its cause, they would have remedied it by going back to live or die at gabon. so they remained in this other little village, though they went daily to gabon and the other villages near there, to render aid in the necessities of the indians, and especially to visit the sick. on one of these visits father fray luis gandullo and father marcos de san antonio saw a man who was very sick. when they urged him to be baptized, he responded with abuse and insult. the fathers asked the people in the house with what illness he was afflicted, and they said that he was troubled with a very great swelling, and would not let them treat it. the fathers then examined him carefully, and found a dreadful abscess extending from the thigh across the abdomen; they opened it by force, and let out a great quantity of matter. those in the house, when they saw this rotten and offensive matter, fled away from the religious, while the man himself abused them. they answered him humbly, telling him that they had given him his life. "even though i should die," he said, "never come back again." the man recovered, and in course of time was converted. this and other works of charity, and in especial the cure of a woman afflicted with a disgusting leprosy, who had been abandoned by her relatives, won for the fathers the love of these indians. at last even the chief of those who had planned to kill the religious gave his child to be baptized, and finally offered himself for baptism. baptisms in the church were begun in the month of october, 1588. when the perversity of this region was overcome, many other churches were built in the neighboring villages, the mildness of the sheep sent forth by the lord prevailing, as it always has prevailed, against the bloodthirsty wolves of heathendom. about the same time the new provincial--if he can be called new who had already held the position of provincial twice before--undertook a visitation of his new province. this was the second year since he had come, and the province had greatly increased; while at the same time his sons and brothers were suffering great hardships, in living among a race without god or law or justice. to participate in their discomforts, and to aid them in their difficulties, he set out to visit them. at bataan he found all things in as good order as if the new converts had sucked in christianity with their mothers' milk. the lord began to show these indians great mercy, both spiritual and temporal. he gave them a succession of fertile years, which, being farmers, they estimate more highly than anything else. they also saw the land visited by a great plague of locusts, which attacked the fields of the heathen but left those of the christians untouched. from this time on there were also fewer sicknesses and deaths than when they were heathens. to this improvement in health the diligence of the missionaries contributed, who ordered houses to be built in all the villages to serve as hospitals. here they caused the sick poor to be carried, devoting themselves with diligence to the care of their bodies and souls, and taking the food out of their own mouths to give it to them. by this devotion and piety they prevented many deaths, and many most horrible deaths; for, since this is an agricultural tribe, the sick suffer much, and often even die without the sacrament, because their kinsmen are obliged to go out to their fields and leave no one to care for the sick person. so they had in these hospitals and still have, all that was needed, for the hospitals are still in existence; and the sick are cared for in them, bodily and spiritually, better than in their own houses. the value of these hospitals was experienced during an epidemic, in which few of those who were in the hospitals died, while in the neighboring villages where they had no hospitals there were numberless burials. when the holy provincial reached pangasinan, he saw his religious persecuted by the indians, upon whom they were heaping benefits--not only to their souls but to their bodies, which were the only things the savages understood and esteemed. he saw them without the necessaries of life, lacking even food in sickness as well as in health; he saw their dwellings so small that four reals was too much to pay for them. yet with all this he saw them happy and active, traveling from one village to another as if there was nothing that they lacked. still there was nothing to be wondered at in all this, for god's mercy to them was so clear that not only they but the heathen indians were obliged to recognize it. thus, against their wills, their hearts were softened by the good that the fathers did to them. the good old man saw with tears of delight the many miracles which the lord had wrought to give authority to his preachers and his gospel among these tribes; the flight of the devil from those villages where before he had quietly reigned, the baptisms which began to be performed, the devotion of the newly baptized. he saw the many new churches built in the villages, poor as buildings, but rich in the fruits for god to be gathered from them.] chapter xxvii the province takes charge of the missions of the chinese, and the results which follow although the zeal for the good of souls with which the religious came to these regions was universal in its scope, and included all those races who were ignorant of their god and served the devil, they were always most especially influenced by everything that concerned the conversion of the great kingdom of china. this is incomparably greater in population and higher in the character of its people, who have greater intelligence and more civilization. it is therefore the greater grief to see them so blind in what most concerns them, and so devoted to their blindness that of nothing do they take such heed as to close the doors of their souls against the light; for they believe that there is no truth of which they are ignorant, and no race that is further advanced than they. perhaps this pride and presumption is the cause why the lord has left them so long in their errors, a suitable punishment for those who, puffed up by the benefits of nature, despise those of grace--imitating in this the father of pride, who in this way lost all his good and made himself incapable of regaining it. but since this race, being men, are capable of recognizing their error, there is always hope that by the aid of the lord they will bethink themselves. the desire of converting them was the greatest and most important motive that the founders of this province had for coming to it; and when they arrived they set about with all their hearts learning the language, without being too much afraid of it. up to that time, though many had desired to learn it, no one had yet been able to conquer its great difficulty; thus it had been impossible to minister to the chinese or to teach them in their own language. the lord favored the friars' designs, seeing that, although these designs were in so uncommon a matter, they did not spring from presumption but from fervent wishes for the good of those souls, and from perfect confidence that, since the lord required these people to be baptized, he would provide the language in which they might be ministered to. it was in this faith, without hesitating at any labor, that on the first epiphany, which was in 1588, father fray miguel de venavides was able to baptize solemnly three chinese, though he had already baptized many others who asked for baptism at the point of death. this was within six months of the time when the religious set foot on this land. the bishop was greatly delighted, because he had greatly desired and striven for this end, without being able to attain it before, and now saw his desires accomplished. still, he did not even then assign to them the ministry to the chinese without having first invited to undertake it each one of the three religious orders that were in the country when our order came; and without having received the response from all of them that they were unable to supply religious to learn that language, and to minister to this race in it. he then, with all this justification, gave to them the said ministry, and granted them a license to build a new church for those who were already christians, or who should later become such. they received the same license from the governor, sanctiago de vera; and in fulfilment of this mandate they took possession of this ministry, and built a new church near the village of tondo, in another new village called baybay. the church was dedicated to our lady of the purification, and there were assigned to it the excellent colleagues fray miguel de venavides and fray juan cobo, who struggled manfully with the new language, and conquered its difficulties marvelously, although these were so great. they preached and taught in it, not only in the church to the christians, but also to the rest of them, the heathen, in their parian--as a large town is called, formed by those who come every year from china to this city of manila on business. they were greatly pleased and delighted by the marvelous conversion of some chinese. these conversions were effected not only in the case of those who came with frequency and devotion to hear the sermons and addresses made for this purpose, but even in one case when a man merely heard them repeated by others. the convert spoken of lived in the parian, where all were heathen; and he understood nothing of what they had heard but that there were religious who taught the law of god in the chinese language. this man lay sick, and was seized with a great desire to speak with these fathers, wishing to accept the law that they preached. the religious went to see him; and, when he came in, the sick man exhibited such fervent desire to become a christian that the religious in wonder asked him the reason. [he replied that he had seen in a vision a most beautiful lady, who had told him that he must become a christian in order to see the glory of heaven. when the father questioned him, he already showed considerable knowledge of the mysteries of the faith. he was baptized immediately, and died soon after. a number of similar cases followed, some chinese being converted by happy visions, some by dreadful ones.] soon after the building of the church already mentioned in the village of baybay, the religious thought they ought to go nearer the principal town of the chinese, called the parian, where there are ordinarily from eight to ten thousand chinese, and often more than fifteen thousand. accordingly, half-way between this large town and the city of manila they built a tiny hut of nipa, which here fills the place taken by straw in castilla; and from this they went, by day or by night, to take advantage of the opportunities offered for preaching to those who were in good health, and teaching and baptizing those who were sick. many of the sick were in the greatest poverty, and lacked the necessaries of life; for the chinese in manila show each other very little charity, being heathens, and, like all the rest of their nation, extremely avaricious--a quality not very consistent with caring for the sick poor. thus the religious were obliged to show compassion upon the sick, and to put the poorest ones in their little hut and in their own beds, for they had no others; and, because they could not get bed-clothing, the cloaks of the poor friars served as blankets for the sick. the friars reckoned it a profitable exchange, a most profitable exchange, to give their cloaks of serge or sackcloth for that of charity, which affords a much better and much more honorable covering. chinese and spaniards both greatly admired this deed, the more so when they saw religious of such endowments as fathers fray miguel de venavides and fray juan cobo not only putting these poor heathen and strangers in their own beds and cloaks, but serving them in all the low and humble offices required for the sick, applying themselves to all things in their own proper persons--washing their feet and bathing them and caring for them, although their maladies were very disgusting, as they usually are with this race. thus these people began to feel a very great affection not only for these fathers, but for all of their habit, seeing in them so rare and disinterested a virtue. the food for the sick was taken from that sent to the fathers from the convent of manila, for in this little hut there was nothing to eat, and no kitchen in which to prepare it. the result was that they had all the more for the poor, for those who lived in the convent of manila were unwilling to lose the merit of so good a work, and therefore gave up a good part of what they had to eat and sent it to the poor. since these poor were at first few in number, it was possible to serve them carefully; and when their numbers afterward increased, there likewise increased the piety of many spaniards and chinese christians, who aided with alms to enlarge the lodgings, to buy food and medicines, and to get the other things needed by the sick, so that there was never any lack of these, and it was never necessary to send away anyone that came. on the contrary, the religious went out and looked for people, and at times forced them to come and receive the good that they did to them. some heathen wished to give contributions to this good work done for their people; but the fathers at that time thought it well not to accept these offers, so that they might make it still more clear that they were giving their services purely for charity. the governor of manila saw the good results attained by the hospital, and the great need in which it was; and in the name of his majesty he made it a present of a hundred blankets from the country known as ylocos, which are large and are made of cotton cloth. these were for the sick to be covered with, and this gift was a very useful one. this was a work which the lord would not fail to aid, as he has so many times commended to us compassionate treatment of the poor; and as the religious in this case attended to all the needs, spiritual and temporal, of those whom they had in their care. hence the number of the poor whom they cared for was constantly multiplied, as were the alms which gave the fathers the ability to care for them. very soon the religious who accepted no income or possessions for their own, and who gave all their attention to seeking for these for the poor--had the courage to build a regular hospital of stone. in fact they drew the foundations around the little hut of nipa that they had between the parian and the city of manila, and built a large room accommodating twenty beds. but the inhabitants would not permit them to complete it, for they thought that it would be an injury to the city to have a stone building so near, as, in case of an earthquake (such as happened some years afterward), it might do damage. on this account the friars crossed to the other side of the river which washes the walls of the city, and built a temporary building entirely of wood, but large, with a capacity for eighty beds, which were ordinarily occupied. at the present time it is built with pillars of stone, and accommodates more than one hundred and fifty beds in three large wards. there are many who die in the hospital, and practically all are baptized when they are at the point of death; so there are very few who die in their unbelief, for they are influenced by the great charity with which they are cared for there. they receive all that they require, and even all the food allowed by the physician. thus their wills are made gentle, and there is fixed in them that pious affection needed by the faith, so that they will make no perverse resistance. since great care is taken to teach them the catholic truths, they understand these very well; for they have good minds; and they not only embrace them with great willingness when they are at the point of death and have lost their other purposes and desires, which previously kept them from being baptized, but usually when they leave the hospital, cured of their infirmities, they also leave their errors. then, after they have been well educated in the faith, they are made christians. thus on both accounts this hospital is one of the most illustrious in the world; for if others are illustrious on account of their splendid buildings, their great incomes, the excellent diet they provide, and the neatness with which the sick are cared for, this one, though it has of all these things even more than enough, exceeds all the rest in the fact that practically all those who enter it are heathen, and practically all are baptized. since this occurs at the point of death, they generally pass from the bed to heaven without being obliged to pass through purgatory--the proper effect of baptism being that it not only pardons all faults, but releases from all penalties. when this hospital was moved from a situation close to manila, as has been said, to the place which it now occupies, it was named for st. peter the martyr--whom the religious took as their patron, inasmuch as he was so in matters of faith, for the propagation of which everything carried on in that hospital was and is done. hence some of them desired to have the first name retained in the newly-built hospital, while others had other ideas. finally they settled the matter by lot, begging the lord to give this spiritual patronage to that saint to whom he should please to assign it. for this they put in many lots, among the rest that of the archangel st. gabriel, which was the first to come out. some were not satisfied, and for a second time the names of the saints were gathered and whirled round; when one was drawn out for the second time it was the same st. gabriel. then, when they tried drawing lots again, as they had done twice before, for a third time the same saint came out, and all were persuaded that the lord was pleased to have the patronage belong to this holy archangel. so the hospital was named for st. gabriel and became his house, so that he might arrange with god for the spiritual healing of those who were cared for there--since to him, as one so zealous for salvation, the same lord had made him his ambassador to the virgin, to confer with her on the means necessary to the universal salvation of the world. as the hospital increased in size, the number of those cared for likewise increased, its reputation spread, and it was a continual preacher of the truth of our holy faith. for the superior intelligence of the chinese forced them to the conviction that the virtue of these religious was real, because without any worldly motives they took care with such devotion of the sick of another nation, another faith, and another law, without being under any obligation to them and without expecting from them any pay or reward. if they were truly virtuous, their law must be good; and they would not be able to attempt to deceive the chinese in a matter of so much importance as their salvation. accordingly they listened with profit and many were converted, believing that one who lives a good life would tell the truth in his preaching. not only those who were converted, but all the rest, made these matters the subject of familiar conversation; then, when they went back to their own country, they told about them to those who were there; and by this hospital the order was made famous in china. to this end it was a great assistance that when the sick man first came in, and his sickness gave an opportunity for it, they did not immediately discuss spiritual matters with him, until by experience he saw the truth of what the religious ordinarily said to him, and had learned with what solicitude and care they attended to his health and his diet. upon this good foundation, and the confidence which they had created among them by such works, they built up, little by little, the preaching of the faith, and the consistency of its mysteries, confuting the errors of his infidelity. now when all this rests upon a basis of so much beneficence which is not his due, but which he has received out of kindness alone, he is very willing to accept it; and he earnestly begs for baptism, receiving that sacrament with great joy. sometimes, when some with great obstinacy have resisted the light, the lord has amazed their ears, and has forced them to be eager for baptism, as happened to one who had a severe disease of the head. he was very perverse, and one day--the day of st. nicholas the bishop--when he had been asleep for some time and had not spoken, he aroused a little, calling upon them to baptize him, because he wished to become a christian. when the religious wondered at this, as did all the rest who had seen him a short time before in so contrary a mood, they asked him the reason for the change. he answered that he had seen a venerable old man, whom he described as the saint to whom that day is sacred is represented; the vision had commanded him to be baptized. in another case, one of two sick men was baptized; and the other saw a vision of that man rescued from demons as a result of the baptism. in still another case two impenitent sick persons refused to be baptized. one of them died, and the other saw him in a vision tortured by frightful demons, and prayed to be baptized.] the result is, that few who enter the hospital are not baptized, while all tell of the good done in it for the people of their nation. years ago, a chinese heathen came from his own country, and the first thing that he did when he reached this country was to ask for this hospital, of which he had heard so much good in his own land. when they showed it to him, he went straight to it, and told the fathers that in china he had heard how the fathers in this hospital cared for and fed those who were not their kinsmen or their acquaintances; and that the glory of so noble a thing and so pious a work had caused him to come to keep them company and aid them. the religious received him lovingly, and, finding that he had unusual intelligence, they taught him not only what was required for baptism, which he received, but enough for him to teach those of his own nation all they required for baptism. this he did marvelously, and greatly diminished the labor which fell on the religious. he was named bartholome tamban; and he lived with the religious many years, being as one of them in prayer, discipline, and their other penances. he frequented often, and with much purity, the holy sacraments of penance and the eucharist. when he had served in the hospital for eighteen years, he married; and he lived a very exemplary life in the state of marriage, heard mass every day with great devotion, and, after coming to the first mass did not leave the church until he had heard all that was said, in the church at his village of minondoc. in the year 1612 he died, leaving behind him the name not only of a good christian, but of a very devoted servant of god. the hospital was afterward built with large stone pillars, but, as the number of the sick constantly increased, and as there was not room enough for them in that house, they erected another building, very large and handsome, which was finished in 1625; and both are still used. since at some times they cannot accommodate the sick because of their number, another one is now being built, still larger and finer. the lord always supplies it with great abundance, as a house that continually furnishes him people for heaven--those who, if they had died out of the hospital, would necessarily have died in their unbelief, and would have gone to people hell. as a result of the continued preaching to the chinese, the number of them converted and baptized increased from year to year. since after this they were not permitted to return to their own country, they married and settled down in this one, so that the population of christians in baybay belonging to this nation was greatly increased. it accordingly became necessary to buy another large site, in order to extend this village--which, though it is immediately contiguous to the other, has a separate name, and is somewhat divided from it by a river which passes between them. this village is called minondoc. this site was bought to be given to the new christians, as in fact it was given, by don luis perez das mariñas, [45] knight of the habit of alcantara, and former governor of these islands, a man of superior virtue, who lived in this same village among the chinese, setting them an admirable example as a man who had the name and did the works of sainthood. in this location of minondoc it was necessary to build another church, much larger than the one they had at baybay (which was very small, and did not accommodate all the congregation). from time to time it has been increased in size and is now a most beautiful church, very capacious, very well lighted, very pleasant, very strong, and very attractive. it is built wholly of stone, being thirty-eight brazas in length, and more than eight in width, and eight and one-half high. it has fifty large windows, which add much to its beauty. its size is now so great that it is the largest church in the village; and since it will not accommodate all the congregation at one time, they go to it twice on every sunday and feast-day. sermons are delivered at each of the masses, in two languages--one in chinese, and the other in the language of the natives of this country, for the wives of the chinamen and other indians who live in this town. there are then four sermons delivered every sunday, two in chinese, and two in the language of these indians; although, that they may not be too heavy a burden, each address lasts not more than half an hour. the chinese have always given this church of theirs the name of st. gabriel, after that of their hospital, in admiration of the miracle of his lot having been drawn out three times in succession as patron of the hospital, as has been said. they desire not to fail to deserve the favor of this most holy archangel, whom the lord has given them with his own hand as their especial advocate; and they therefore celebrate in his honor every year very joyful and devout feasts. throughout the year the divine offices are performed in this church with great solemnity and grandeur, many of these chinese affording their assistance, with very large contributions toward everything necessary for the adornment of the church and the divine services. there have been in this town many chinese of very exemplary lives. juan de vera was not only a very devout man, and one much given to prayer, but a man who caused all those of his household to be the same. he always heard mass, and was very regular in his attendance at church. he adorned the church most handsomely with hangings and paintings, because he understood this art. he also, thinking only of the great results to be attained by means of holy and devout books, gave himself to the great labor necessary to establish printing in this country, where there was no journeyman who could show him the way, or give him an account of the manner of printing in europe, which is very different from the manner of printing followed in his country of china. the lord aided his pious intention, and he himself gave to this undertaking not only continued and excessive labor, but all the forces of his mind, which were great. in spite of the difficulties, he attained that which he desired, and was the first printer in these islands; [46] and this not from avarice--for he gained much more in his business as a merchant, and readily gave up his profit--but merely to do this service to the lord and this good to the souls of the natives. for they could not profit by holy books printed in other countries, because of their ignorance of the foreign language; nor could they have books in their own language, because there was no printing in this country, no one who made a business of it, and not even anyone who understood it. hence this labor was very meritorious before the lord and of great profit to these peoples. as a reward the lord gave him a most happy death, with such joy and devotion that he began to sing praises to the lord in a very loud voice--at one time in his chinese language, at another in that of the indians, at another in spanish; for he knew them all well. there were about his bed many religious, who loved him much for his devoutness. one of them said, in a low voice, to him who was next to him, "it seems that the severity of his disease has affected his mind;" and as if this had been said aloud the sick man heard it, and answered, "has he not lost his reason, fathers, who on any such occasion as this should think it well to do anything but what i am doing--sing praises to the lord and give him many thanks for having made me a christian?" he longed for a thousand languages that he might praise him in all; and in this devotion and fervor of spirit he died, leaving the religious not only greatly comforted but very envious of such a death. juan de vera had a brother somewhat younger than he; and when juan saw that he was about to die he called him and said to him: "brother, there is one thing which i wish to ask you to do for me, that i may die in comfort; and that is, that you will carry on this business of printing, so that the great service done by it to god may not come to an end. i know well that you are certain in this way to lose much gain; but it is of much greater importance to you to obtain a spiritual profit by printing devout books for the indians. you may well afford to lose this temporal gain in return for that eternal one." the brother promised, and much more than fulfilled his word; for, greatly influenced by the aforesaid holy death, the brother greatly improved his own manner of life, and began a career of especial devotion, which lasted until his death. he was made steward of our lady, and served her with great diligence. from his own fortune he provided many rich adornments, giving to the church a large cross and silver candlesticks for the procession, besides a silver lamp for the most holy sacrament. he also contributed largely to the building of the church. he gave all these things to our lady, in return for what he gained in his business; and he agreed with this lady to give her a certain portion of his profits, obliging himself to this with a special vow. in return for this devotion, his merits and his gains increased, and he felt himself daily more and more under obligation; and he more and more devoutly fulfilled his office, in which he died, leaving behind him a very good name, as such a life deserved. a still greater advance in spirituality was made by antonio lopez, a chinese of superior ability and judgment, very devout and charitable, and a liberal benefactor of his church. to the building of the church he gave many thousand pesos in life, and after his death left a perpetual endowment of considerable amount for its ornaments, repairs, and other needs. because of his probity, rectitude, and disinterestedness--a rare virtue among the chinese, who are naturally avaricious, and one which is never found by itself, but is always accompanied by all the rest in a high degree, since it is the most difficult for them--because of these good qualities, he was frequently obliged to hold the office of governor of his people. this gave them great delight, because they knew he was just and pious. though this office is usually sought for, and even ordinarily bought for many thousand pesos, he did not desire it, even free of cost; and it was necessary to force it upon him. when finally he accepted it, being unable to resist longer, he desired to avoid all temptations to avarice; and therefore, from the very beginning, he made an offering to the church of all the profits obtained from the office. he left for himself only the labor, so that good-will to the party affected by his decisions might not make him swerve a single point from justice. when he died he left a will very christian and very prudent, providing for many masses immediately and a perpetual chaplaincy, bestowing much alms, giving three slaves to his church, and doing many other things worthy of his christian spirit and his advanced intelligence. there have been in this town many other persons of very great virtue, particularly women. a reference to their devotion at this point will cause a similar spirit in the readers; but, being a matter not directly connected with this history, we are obliged to omit it, that we may pass on to matters more germane to our subject. it will be sufficient to refer to one special case which happened to one woman, a japanese by nation, married to a chinaman. [poor in the things of this world, they were rich in those of heaven. each of them had the characteristics opposite to those of their race; she was without the duplicity and choleric spirit of the japanese, and he was destitute of the avarice and loquacity of the chinese. she in particular amazed and humiliated her confessor. her virtue was such that she was rewarded by a vision of our lady, who comforted her with the promise that her confessor, father fray thomas mayor, [47] who had expected to return to his native province of aragon, would not leave his post in the islands.] chapter xxviii the coming of some religious, and the second visitation of father fray juan de castro as has been seen, the conversions that had been begun proceeded with great prosperity, affording even at the very beginning marvelous fruits. the lord at the very outset favored them, as being matters peculiarly under his own care, with supernatural marvels--manifest proofs of the truths preached in them, proofs which the heathen could not resist; and hence more and more of them embraced the faith and abandoned their errors with the greatest marks of devotion. this they did with such rapidity that the few missionaries there were could not serve so many converts, scattered in so many villages. therefore the lord had compassion upon them, and in the year 1589 sent them reënforcements of religious, few but excellent. as their superior came father fray juan chrisostomo, the man who had labored most in the establishment of this province, and who therefore greatly loved it. but the lord had kept him in desire for it, that he might obtain the greater merit; and therefore in his first year he was not able to come, having been so infirm and weak that he could not even use his arms and hands to carry the food to his mouth, and had to depend upon others. in the second year, although he had not completely recovered, he set out on the road and almost reached the port, desiring to take ship; but was unable to do so, for lack of a vessel. these were reasons enough why a man who had been of old a missionary in nueva españa, who had great command of the language, and who was much beloved by religious and indians, as father fray juan chrisostomo was, should remain among them. still, this result did not follow in his case, because of the great desire that he felt to do a greater service under greater difficulties in this new province, where with the utmost fervor the missionaries devoted themselves to their labor for the benefit of souls, drawing them from the darkness of their unbelief. therefore in this year he sought for an opportunity and for some associates, and embarked for this province--although, on account of his many and severe infirmities and his great age, and on account of the fact that his life had been spent with great praise in the ministry to the mexican indians, he might justly have taken his ease in a country where it would have been so natural to do it as mexico. he was joined by father fray francisco de la mina, [48] who had been a missionary in nueva españa for forty years, setting a noble example, and exhibiting the most finished virtue; by fray thomas castellar, likewise a very devoted religious, who had been a missionary there and had labored notably in that office and in other laudable exercises, for which he received great commendation in that province; and by fray alonso montero, who, though younger, had likewise been a missionary to those indians. these two fathers were sent directly to the province of pangasinan, where they learned the language well, and labored much and with notable results. father fray francisco de la mina went to the district of bataan. he was so old that he could not learn the language of these indians very well; but the good example of his life, his great virtue, and his strictness of life, qualities which were eminent in this gray-haired and venerable man, were of great profit to the natives, and gave opportunity for permitting father fray juan garcia to leave this mission and go to that of pangasinan. this was the vocation indicated for him by the lord; and hence, by his aid, he was most useful in this tribe, and one of those who labored most and best in it. he was greatly beloved by the indians, among whom his memory still remains; and they speak of him with great affection, which he deserved by his exemplary life and by the great devotion with which he labored for them, as will be told when his happy death is related. father fray juan chrisostomo was occupied in the conversion of the chinese, not only because that was what was most desired by the religious, but also because his many infirmities would not permit him to go very far from the physician, and there was none in the other districts. when the father provincial had divided the new workers, as has been said, he himself would not be idle; and accordingly he set about a second visitation of his province, desiring to see that of which reports were sent to him--the favor shown by the lord to these new conversions, in softening the hard hearts of the heathen, and in firmly rooting the faith and virtuous habits in those already converted. he received consolation enough in seeing the great things wrought by the lord in the conversion of the chinese--the church and the teaching that they had in baibai, and the continual conversions in the parian, as a result of the sermons assiduously delivered to them. but what most of all delighted his spirit was what he saw daily in the hospital of the chinese, where he dwelt with great comfort to his soul. it delighted him greatly to hear these sick persons--who had previously not known to whom to turn in their troubles, except to their idols and devils, but who now despised these, and called in their sorrows and wretchedness upon god--invoking the most comforting name of jesus and of his most holy mother mary, our lady. to her all these peoples feel such loving devotion that some of them more quickly remember this our lady and call upon her in their necessities than god himself--in which our lord delights, for the honor of his most holy mother. it took from the holy old man a thousand gray hairs to see the many persons who, recovering from their sickness, asked for baptism--and much more to see those who died baptized. he was not displeased but delighted when he heard them ask for food and dainties, which he provided for them with great charity and kindness, giving them whatever they asked so long as it was not dangerous to their health. he regarded his provincialship as a happy one when he went among those who were serving the sick, not as their needy neighbors, but as taking the place of christ, our good, who regards as a kindness to his own person everything that is done in his name to those who are so poor. hence the good provincial went on, in happiness and devotion, serving the sick as if he were their nurse; he provided them with good beds, shared with them his robe, and as well as he could, though he did not know their language, encouraged them to patience. lifting his eyes to heaven, he thanked the redeemer of the world that he had so changed the hearts of this race, who in their heathen state seemed to have no heart or understanding for anything except the gaining of money, in which they seemed to place all their happiness and all their desires. afterward, when he saw some miraculous conversions here, which have already been partly described, it was a wonderful thing to see the devout superior breaking out in lively and fervent wishes that he might see similar mercies of the lord enjoyed by the great kingdom of china; and that the doctrine of the catholic church, carried thither by apostolic men, might succeed in conquering in that same country those able minds by the force of its truth, and by the constant aid which truth has always received from the divine goodness. he was sure that among the people of that kingdom, as they are more polite, having a superior political organization, and are more highly cultivated by learning, the faith would accomplish very extraordinary results. to this belief he was the more inclined because it had already wrought so much among those poor chinese who came to the philippinas islands; for they are ordinarily of the lower class of their kingdom, and as such come to serve and labor for foreigners. on this account there followed in his mind a great desire to send to china religious from the number of those who understood the language, and even to accompany them, though he could not see the way to carry out his plan. he could not venture to take them thither, because of his fear of the great hardships that those would have to endure who ventured upon this undertaking. so he felt the desire only, with no further results than to commend it constantly to the lord, to whom there is nothing impossible or difficult. he visited the district of bataan and found it greatly improved as a result of the useful spiritual exercise introduced by the fathers. they had set up crosses at the intersections of the roads, and here the people of the neighborhood gathered every evening as they came in from their fields, which they have very near their villages. here they recited all of the doctrine [that they had received], in order that they might be more thoroughly acquainted with it; and from day to day they became more tractable and devout, as being more fully instructed in the faith. it was for the father provincial a most delicious morsel to hear them recite not only all the prayers, but afterward all the questions which are ordinarily put in regard to the teaching of christianity--some asking the questions and others answering them; and even offering difficulties to each other, about which they asked questions, and to which many old christians would not know what to say. what pleased him more than anything else was the happy beginning of confessions that had been made. by these confessions, given with clearness and truth, the missionaries came to the knowledge of the great errors which had been committed by those who had previously been concerned with this mission. by this time, as a result of the great amount of teaching which had been given to this district, the indians came to bethink themselves, and gave information to their confessors; and thus many things which needed remedying were set right, in cases which were of no less importance than salvation itself. the provincial was with great reason pleased; for all the faults which are committed, not only against the commandment of god and of his church, but against the other sacraments, are corrected and blotted out, if only this one is properly received, for our lord has placed reparation for all of them in this sacrament of penance. but if confession is not such as it ought to be, there is no remedy; and hence everything is irredeemably lost. this truth, which holds for the whole church of god, has greater force among indians, in whose way the devil strives to place a thousand difficulties, and fears of this sacrament. since they do not know as much or have as much capacity as old christians, they are more easily deceived, and it is not so easy to deliver them from such temptations. only continual instruction by the ministers can help them to escape from these snares, as the christians of this region escaped. with great clearness and distinctness they stated what troubled their consciences, and many evils were remedied, to the great comfort both of the penitents and of their confessors, who gave an account of this matter to their superior, and he rendered many thanks to the lord for it. continuing his visitation, the provincial went on to pangasinan, where he saw and heard even greater things--since, as the obstinacy of this tribe had been greater, it was proper that god should work in it greater marvels. these had been such as to overcome nearly all their perversity, and much has been said with regard to them already. much more is omitted; but they all wrought upon these untamed indians marvelous effects. not that they subjected themselves wholly to the easy yoke of the faith; rather, the christians there were very few, but they were very good ones; and all the rest were almost convinced, by the things which they saw and heard, in favor of the gospel and its ministers. even though they did not wholly accept the missionaries, they were not so much opposed to them as they had been in the two previous years. they were influenced by the many evident miracles wrought daily for their benefit and that of their children--so many indeed that one of the ministers, in some remarks which he made upon the events which occurred there in these first years, affirms that during the time that he spent in this province not one day passed in which the lord did not work some miracles or new marvels. sometimes these took the form of the healing of incurable diseases--a cure at times so sudden and unexpected that the indians could not deny or fail to perceive it. the result was that more and more asked to be baptized, and received baptism with much faith and devotion. a good evidence of the truth of their conversion was the coming of these same new christians to the fathers, saying: "you teach us that the vessel which is full of one liquid cannot contain another if the first is not poured out--so that if a man persists in pouring another upon that which is within, it will all go outside and be lost. this is true; we cannot deny this truth, of which we have daily experience. it follows from this that though you pour upon us baptism and the good teaching which you give us, it all comes to nothing so long as we are still full of the appliances and the vessels with which we offer sacrifices to our idols; because these things keep in our memory that which we used to do with them, so that as they are the customs in which we were born and bred, they do us much harm. command, fathers, that all shall show where these things are; take them from the possession of those who have them, so that with all our hearts we may be christians." the fathers listened with great pleasure to the things said--things which had been said so many ages before by the prophet samuel, in the spirit of god, to his own city. but considering that those who kept these objects hidden, and esteemed them highly, would not display them immediately, even though they were commanded to do so, they said to these chiefs: "the example of your leaders is that which overcomes all the difficulties there may be in the rest of the village. do you begin, and the common people will follow you. even if your example is not sufficient, that which you do will be a service pleasing to god; and you will render a benefit to the souls of your neighbors, if you will declare to us who they are that make use of these things or hide them. if you do not do this, your zeal and christian resolution which you have shown to us will be useless; and the doctrine of the lord will not be advanced among your kinsmen, much to your blame." these arguments had so much weight that these chiefs were immediately the very first to cause to be brought thither the vessels of quila (this is a wine which they make of sugar-cane, and when it has aged for some years it has the color of our amber wine). this they esteem very highly and keep with great care, using it at their feasts in honor of their idols. they also brought a great amount of fine earthenware, which they employ only in their superstitions; with a great heap of various kinds of apparatus, as it were, consecrated and employed for their idolatries. after the consecration of these articles, they were used only by the ministers of their idols, who among them were old women--as it were, priestesses. all this they poured out, or broke, by the common consent of the village. this was on shrove tuesday, in pangasinan. and thus they cast from them the remnants of their idolatry, to the great confusion of the devils, to whom all this had been dedicated. this example was followed in other villages, but not in all; for up to that time they were still almost all not yet baptized, and, as heathen, they could not bring themselves to give up their superstitions. it was therefore necessary that father fray pedro de soto should spend great diligence on such things in the district of magaldan, where he was settled; for the people there were more given to superstition than were those in the rest of the island. he instructed the persons who enjoyed the greatest influence what zeal they ought to have for the honor of the lord; and to move them more, as they were only taking on for the first time the office of agents of virtue, he offered payment to anyone who would give him information with regard to these things, assuring the informers that the matter would never be revealed by him. as a result of this assurance and of the payment of the money, and, above all, the lord lending his aid to this holy purpose, but few idolatries were concealed. to all those of which he knew the father strove to bring a healing remedy, without hesitating before any labor or danger for this end in venturing among this race which was so barbarous, untamed, and idolatrous, and which so hated the gospel. in this region there was one indian chief named lomboy. this man had fled from his villages three years, for fear of the alcalde-mayor, as the officer intended to punish him for having taken the life of his own sister, whom he had detected in sin, and for failing to consult his tribesfolk or kinsmen in the matter. this lomboy used often to visit the churches and convents of the religious; and, simulating carelessness, looked on with great curiosity to see how they lived. he beheld their great innocence, their penitence, their continual prayer, their frequent scourging; he saw that they ate but little, labored much, went afoot from one village to another to give aid to all, without fear of the great heats and the no less dreadful storms of rain which follow each other in this country, according to the seasons; above all, he was impressed by the great uniformity displayed by the life of the fathers in all these holy exercises. he saw them so poor and so completely without covetousness that they not only did not strive for temporal gain, but shared freely the little which they had with the poor. he saw them so patient that they paid with good works for the bad deeds and the worse words which the heathen indian did and said to them. he saw them so chaste that they did not seem to be made of flesh and blood, and seemed to be sinless in this respect. when this indian saw and thought of all these things he said: "you know me, fathers, and you see that i am exiled for my sins. i too have noted the manner in which you live in your convents, and the way in which you treat each other. so good are your ways in all things that i cannot help seeing that the law which you preach is a good one; and therefore i have determined to bring my evil life to an end and to seek for god. therefore i beg of you the training that is needed by my faults and my wretched conditions of my life, and i put my will wholly in yours." the religious encouraged him to go on as he had begun, taught him, and baptized him; and his conversion was of great value, since it resulted in the baptism of many who heard him tell all these things as a witness at first hand from within the convent, from whom nothing could be concealed if anything to the contrary had existed. it kept the good provincial from many gray hairs to hear and see all these things; and he gave thanks to the lord for the fortitude and perseverance which his grace had inspired within him in previous years, when not only the well-affected spaniards and the religious of other orders, but even the bishop himself, had advised him to withdraw the religious from that province, where there was nothing but immeasurable labor to be done, to the great danger of their lives, while the indians gave no hope that they would be converted. rather, they strove with all their might to dismiss the religious from their country, offering a great quantity of gold for that purpose, so great was their obstinacy and their opposition to the gospel. to this the good superior had answered: "then it is these bad indians whom i wish my friars to strive to convert." indeed, he had even commanded them to persevere in that which they had begun, urging them on to the labor and the suffering with most efficacious arguments, full of spirit and truth. therefore, though this conversion was a matter of great delight to all, it was so particularly to the father provincial, for it was he who had had the greatest part in it. chapter xxix the journey of the father provincial, fray juan de castro, and of father fray miguel de venavides to the kingdom of china. [the unexpected success of the mission to the province of pangasinan encouraged the father provincial to undertake the mission to china which had been the principal object of their departure from españa. he was the more desirous to carry out his purpose of undertaking the conversion of this kingdom, because of the superior intelligence of the people, and the readiness to accept the faith which had been shown by the chinese in manila. his determination was confirmed by visions seen by father fray luis gandullo. in april, 1590, the provincial laid his plans before the religious of the province and with their consent undertook his journey. he appointed father fray diego de soria as procurator of the province, to represent it in españa and at roma. he designated as superior of the province, with all his own authority in his absence, father fray juan cobo. to take the place of this father in the mission to the chinese in manila he designated father fray juan de san pedro martyr. after making these arrangements, he selected as his own companion father fray miguel de venavides; and, with the approval of the bishop and the governor of the islands, he began to make arrangements for his voyage. this was very difficult to do, because of the strict and severe laws of the chinese empire against admitting foreigners. finally, however, two courageous chinese, don thomas seiguan, a ship-captain who had been converted at manila, and another chinese known as don francisco, agreed to run the risk of taking the fathers to china. at the very outset, the miraculous nature of the voyage was shown by the fact that the devil whom the sailors consulted with regard to the success of the voyage would not give his ordinary responses, being frightened away by the presence of the servants of the true god. as soon as they reached the coast of china, the two religious were arrested by officers who searched the ship, manacled, and taken to the city of hayteng, the chief port of china. the venerable age of fray miguel de venavides, and his ability to speak the chinese language, caused him to be treated with kindness and respect; but the provincial received much abuse and violence. after being in prison for a time in a temple of the goddess of the sea, whom they called neoma, they were taken before the tribunal. the judge was a man of great dignity and gravity, and around him stood twelve grave personages in ample robes with flowing sleeves, their rank being distinguished by a certain difference in their hats. father fray miguel answered the question why they had come to that country with great boldness and frankness, declaring that they had come to teach and to preach the true religion of the christians in that kingdom, and that in it only and in no other was salvation to be found. when they said "teach," the judge without waiting for another word replied, bo ly, which in their language means, "you are wrong;" and without further delay they were remanded to prison. the temple being flooded, they were removed to a hut near the wall of the city, where they suffered from want and were exposed to rain and wind. the provincial was taken ill, and twice almost died. the lord, however, moved the heart of a rich and noble captain, who had been twice at manila, to give them a refuge in his house. here they set up an altar where they celebrated mass, the sacramental wine being miraculously preserved. the two chinamen who had brought them over were severely punished. don thomas was about to be flogged, but at the intercession of the religious, who begged that they might receive the punishment in his place, he was spared this part of his chastisement, being condemned for life to serve in the army--which is regarded in china as a great dishonor, and brings with it much hardship. false charges were brought against the religious, that they had come as spanish spies; and these charges were supported by false testimony and by forged papers. father miguel, by the help of god, was enabled to write his petitions in the court language of that country, to the great surprise of the officials. finally the judges set the religious free, commanding them to depart from the realm, as foreigners. this they were obliged to do after some days, feeling that their presence there would do no good. the father provincial was greatly impressed by the dignity, composure, sound judgment, and superior intelligence of the chinese magistrate. as he had seen the leading personages of both españas, and had been acquainted with the court of the prudent king felipe, he was qualified to form an opinion of the merits of this judge.] chapter xxx events in the province during the absence of the provincial in china [great was the loneliness felt by the province during the absence of the provincial, because of his holy life and the love they felt for him. father fray juan cobo, though not wholly equal to the provincial, was a man of great ability and great devotion. his first act was to strengthen the ministry to the chinese, by appointing to it father fray domingo de nieva, an able and virtuous religious, and a perfect master of both the chinese and the indian languages. he labored and wrote much in both of them, to the great advantage of the ministers who succeeded him and of his own disciples. he suffered all his life long with a severe headache, which began to afflict him in youth and never left him till his death. father fray juan cobo also appointed to the hospital of the chinese brother fray pedro rodriguez, a lay religious of much charity, who found his delight and his spiritual profit in serving the sick. though he was not the founder of the hospital, he was the cause of its great increase. he restored and rebuilt it two or three times, as was necessary, because it had been built at first very poorly, and hence was very frail and not durable. at this time a fire broke out in the village of baybay. a wooden cross fastened in the gable of a house was miraculously preserved from burning. the power of god was exhibited in marvelous incidents connected with the baptism of several children.] father fray juan cobo went on a visitation of the province, and found the religious in the district of bataan suffering no little discomfort, because they could not visit the indians who were in it without great hardship and risk to their health. the reason was that the indians lived in hamlets so distant one from another that it was often necessary to travel six leguas when they were called to confess a sick person. as the number of christians kept increasing, they were called more and more often. the roads were very bad and marshy, which increased the difficulty and made it more certain that the ministers would suffer from disease. he planned to arrange them in such a manner that the ministers could visit them better and with less hardship; and gathered several little villages into others somewhat larger, placing in the midst of all the two chief villages, aboucay and samal, which were the places where the ministers resided, and from which they went out to serve the neighboring places. there was some difficulty in carrying out the plan, but god our lord showed that he was pleased with it, not only by making easy for them that which they asked from him so much to their own good, but by giving them several very fertile years, those that had preceded having been so barren that they scarcely yielded enough for the tribute. the crops were now very abundant, giving the indians enough to eat and something to sell; and they began to lift up their heads, having hitherto lived in great poverty. the health of the district was also greatly improved, and many more of their sick were cured than before the religious came. both of these results came from the better years which the lord had given them, because as a result of these they had better sustenance and fewer sicknesses. to this happy result the hospitals also contributed, which had been established by the religious, as did also the care which the religious took that the sick should not lack anything needed for their care and sustenance--of which there had previously been a very great want, so that fewer had recovered. as they experienced these benefits which had come to them with the religious, they came to love the latter very much; and with their love for them they came afterwards easily to a change of heart, which at first they had greatly opposed. the religious were a great help to them, not only in spiritual matters (which was the principal thing), but also in everything else, providing seed every year for those who had none, and greatly increasing the arable land above what they had had previously. the result was, that not only did those indians who were there live better, but many came to them from other districts, drawn by the report of their prosperity. accordingly, though in the country at large the indian districts exhibited a decreased population, the population here has constantly increased, and so steadily that there are today twice as many indians there as there were when the religious came to it. when these villages in bataan were provided for, the father vicar of the province went to pangasinan, where he found those indians somewhat more nearly tamed than they had been, though there were still many of them in their ancient hardness of heart. he was greatly delighted at seeing how much the religious had achieved, and at perceiving their great labors. he was still more delighted at seeing the many miracles wrought by our lord by the means of father fray luis gandullo and by other religious, in order to give credit to his gospel. thus the indians had formed a high idea of the law of god, the heathen were being converted, and the christians were being perfected in the faith which they had received a short time before. of all this matter a fuller account will be given in the lives of these religious. they were certainly very holy men, as was demanded by the hardness of heart of this tribe, whose hearts had to be softened and who had to be brought into the bosom of the church much more by the example of a good life than by sermons and words. [at this time died at manila father fray juan chrisostomo, the founder of the province, who had sacrificed his health to the establishment of it. he had twice labored in this foundation, twice at roma obtained for it the sanction of the sovereign pontiffs and generals of the order, and in spain had twice obtained the royal approval. for a third time he saw his work practically brought to an end in mexico, to his great sorrow. he had then been obliged to suffer the unhappiness of remaining in mexico without being able to visit the province which he had established, until at the end of two years the lord rewarded him by permitting him to spend his last days in the province which he had done so much to establish, and which he so much loved. he was a remarkable preacher, having a fine voice, a good command of language, and natural energy; and there was much substance in what he said. he made such an impression in spain that the king appointed him to be one of four bishops who were to be consecrated if china should open its doors to the preaching of the gospel. he lived a life of great asceticism, in spite of his bodily infirmities. he took upon himself the painful and laborious work of the office of vicar, giving the honorable duty to father fray juan de castro. in order to keep up his health for his work, he continued to apply remedies against his old sickness, until part of one side became as black as a coal. his death was holy and devout.] chapter xxxi the journey of the bishop of these islands to españa in company with father fray miguel de venavides, and the death of two religious. in the month of june in this same year, 1590, there came to these islands as governor gomez perez das mariñas, knight of the habit of sanctiago, an able governor, indefatigable in labor, who did many useful things for the benefit of the city of manila, one of them being to surround it with a wall of stone. some years afterward, in an uprising of the chinese, this was the only defense of the spaniards. he was extraordinarily diligent, very zealous for the common weal, a great soldier, and very chaste; yet in spite of these and other good qualities, he failed of success because he was beyond measure choleric. of this imperfection the devil took advantage to sow discord between him and the bishop, don fray domingo de salaçar--who, as a holy man, though he would suffer wrath and evil treatment affecting him personally, was not able to endure in the same way those which were opposed to his official undertakings and his official dignity. accordingly, as he endeavored to protect these or defend his subordinates, the encounters between him and the governor were very unpleasant, and grave scandals followed. our religious under these circumstances found themselves in a position of great difficulty, because the evils from one side were intolerable, while from the other even greater evils threatened them if they broke with the governor in order to stand by the holiness and justice of the bishop. so they were for some time in suspense, and did what they could to settle affairs without a rupture; but, being unable to succeed in this way, they determined to follow the opinion of st. gregory, and rather to suffer the hardships and scandals that might result, than to leave truth and justice without a defense on an occasion when there was so great need of aid. compelled by this necessity, they began, without exceeding the limits of modesty and courtesy even in the opinion of this same governor, to preach upon this subject. the governor resented this much, and when he was angry affirmed that he had been insulted; but when his wrath had given way to good sense, his intelligence could not but be convinced. he then spoke very well of our friars; constantly gave them alms; and above all, in his will (made in health, when he was about to set out on a journey), he directed that he should be buried in our convent. this was a thing that amazed the whole country and gave our religious no little credit; for, though he had regarded them as opposed to him, he recognized that they had been influenced by reason, and had been compelled by truth and justice to do what they did. thus he regarded it as very proper to entrust to them in his death soul and body, though when he was vexed, and wrath left no room in his soul for good counsel, he gave them enough cause for merits. but the lord was not pleased that he should receive ecclesiastical burial; for, in the very royal galley in which he went on this journey, the chinese whom he had taken against their will, instead of volunteers, and forced to row, rose against him and killed him and the others who accompanied him--god permitting this, to punish him for his irreverence in losing respect for a bishop who was known to be a holy man and who was his [spiritual] shepherd. the bishop, before this happened, had gone to spain, being unable to bring the governor to do justice. he had felt himself forced to this by the evils in that community, which he could not remedy there, and by the hardships suffered by his church. he was even influenced to some extent by the desire to avoid scandals by absenting himself. when he began to plan for going, he wished to take along as his associate father fray diego de soria, who, as has been said, was appointed by the father provincial, fray juan de castro, to go to españa when he went to china. on account of this, the bishop, who loved him and esteemed him highly, wished to take him in his company, while the order could not refuse, and indeed would gain much thereby. but the governor would not permit it, fearing the harm that might be done to him in españa; for because of the clearness and vigor with which the father had boldly corrected and blamed him to his face, he felt very sure, and with reason, that he would do the same in the court--the more so from having gone in company with the bishop, as they would be certain to discuss and plan this very thing on the voyage. on this account he preferred to listen to the father's corrections made in his own presence which, as he saw, proceeded from good-will and were regulated by discretion and prudence--rather than give him an opportunity to spread abroad in españa an account of the improper manner in which he treated the bishop. for this cause father fray miguel de venavides was obliged to take his place as companion of the bishop, and as procurator of the province in españa. in this way, without the knowledge of men, the plan of divine providence, which in all things chooses the better part, was being carried out. it was of advantage to the province, in that father fray diego de soria was given to it; for he was extremely useful in pangasinan and was afterward necessary at nueva segovia, in which places father fray miguel could not have rendered any assistance. on the other hand, the going of father fray miguel de venavides to españa was of the very greatest importance, because he was able to speak as an eye-witness in regard to chinese affairs, which in españa they desired much to learn about with certainty from some person of credit--as was father fray miguel, who did not speak from hearsay but from sight. the acquaintance of the grave fathers of spain with father fray miguel, and their esteem for him, gave them much more confidence in his report of the remarkable things which had happened in the province, than if they had heard them from someone of less standing. in that case they might have doubted; but, when he gave this report, they could have no doubt at all. in fact, occasions presented themselves in which all the scholarship and ability of fray miguel were required, as will later be shown. for all these reasons his departure to españa was of great importance at that time. the lord giving them a good journey, they reached there in health; and what happened to them will be told later. a shorter but more dangerous journey was taken at this time by two religious of pangasinan; but so clearly did they perceive their danger that their fear was changed to comfort--which was likewise felt by all who saw them depart, since all regarded it as certain that they were entering upon the road to heaven in striving for the salvation of that people; for there were still many who were hard-hearted and rebellious to the gospel. one of these friars was fray pedro martinez, a lay religious, a man of god, of plain and simple character. he had been brought by father fray juan cobo from nueva españa in eighty eight, his holiness and virtue being well recognized by those who had had to do with him in that country. [fray pedro was a native of segovia in old castilla, the child of poor but very devout parents. he grew up in gravity and devotion, being blessed by the particular favor of the holy virgin, to whom he showed great devotion. she appeared to him in a vision, directing him to enter her order, which she declared to be that of st. dominic. his life brought him the name of "the holy friar." fray pedro first had the office of porter in the convent at manila. seeming not to be fitted for it, he was made sacristan, but soon showed that he was less fitted for this post, and resumed his former one. he was sent by the provincial to pangasinan, and was soon seized by a severe fever, of which he died. in the utmost severity of his sickness he followed the constitutions of the order with the greatest closeness. on the day of his death he received extreme unction in the morning. they then placed in his hands a blessed candle, which they could not draw from his hands until the hour of the ave marias, when he died. at the same time the lord took to himself father fray marcos de san antonino, whom the provincial, finding him very ill with asthma, had ordered to return from his post at pangasinan to manila, to be cared for. in spite of his sufferings from this disease father fray marcos had continued his labors, not only without complaints, but with cheerfulness, walking about among these little villages and fields in order to learn the language, seeking everywhere for someone to whom he might do good, sometimes carrying the poor bed on which he had to sleep. so devoted was he to his labor that the superior had to compel him to consider his health. at manila they placed him in the hospital of the sangleys, that he might have meat to eat, as his illness required, for no meat is eaten in the convent. his asthma greatly increased, and he was attacked by a burning fever which made him so weak that he could not turn himself in bed. he died a devout death.] chapter xxxii the election of father fray alonso ximenez as provincial on the ninth of april, 1592, the sunday deus qui errantibus--which is the third after easter, and the customary day for holding provincial chapters--the electors assembled in the convent of manila to elect a provincial; and they unanimously elected as second provincial of this province father fray alonso ximenez, who was at that time prior. he was a very devout friar, an aged man and venerable, whose fervor of spirit caused him to work like a youth at a time when his great age and the many hardships which he had endured justly required rest. there were chosen as definitors fathers fray francisco de la mina, fray juan de castro (nephew of him who had just filled the office of provincial), fray thomas castellar, and fray juan de san pedro martyr. the vicariate of binalatongan was entrusted to father fray luis gandullo, that of calasiao to father fray pedro de soto, and that of bataan to father fray juan de san pedro martyr. as prior of the convent of manila was elected father fray francisco de la mina, being compelled to undertake it by his obedience, after he had accommodated himself to the ministry of bataan, and had learned the language with great effort. he had begun to learn it when he was almost seventy years of age, and had been greatly pleased with these indians because he had found in them greater ability than in those of nueva españa, to whom he had been a missionary for forty years. although this long term of service would have justified him in resting when he was relieved from labor, he was so far from this that he spent nearly the whole day with his indians in bataan, hearing them confess, teaching them, and showing them the way to salvation, because of the great love which he felt for them. so he much regretted leaving them, to take the position of prior at manila--although they needed in the convent a man of his endowments, and the duties in the convent were less laborious than those of the ministry that he then had. but this was the very thing that grieved him, because he had not come to that province to rest but to labor--insomuch that he feared those who were taking away his labors were depriving him of his merit. but the order of his superior made everything plain, and assured him that he would not lose but gain merit in this way, since his good-will was worth as much with god as many labors; and, besides this, he would gain in addition that merit which the position of prior could give him, which, for those who are such priors as this father was, is not a small but a great increase. excellent ordinances were enacted in this chapter. the first was, that those confessors who had not been examined in the province should be examined before they received confessions. for this examiners were appointed--not because the few who were in the province were not of known competency and had not been examined in other provinces before, but to establish a matter of such importance firmly at the very beginning; and to have the medicine anticipate and prevent the disease, as the holy spirit counseled, and as was very wise. they established in the convent lectures in theology, and appointed as lecturer father fray juan cobo. anyone who will consider how few the religious were, and how much they had to do, one performing the work of many, will see the esteem which these fathers felt for the exercises of sacred theology (which are so appropriate to our order), and will think very highly of this care. it was ordained that the preachers to the indians should follow in their sermons the form of the roman catechism, teaching them the virtue and necessity of the holy sacraments, and the reverence and devotion with which they must be treated. since by the mercy of god the indians have given signs of approaching them in the spirit necessary to receive them, and since they were every day increasing in works of charity and mercy, and exhibiting their faith, it was ordained that they should be instructed thoroughly in regard to this matter; and that those sufficiently instructed should be admitted to the most holy sacrament of the altar, and in time to extreme unction. they repeatedly impressed upon their own memory the ordinance passed in the first chapter, namely, that they should treat the indians with great love and charity, not only in words, but in works--aiding them in their necessities with alms, as much as might be possible for them, and in all things treating them with the spirit of mildness. this ordinance further provided that if at any time there should be necessity for punishment [of the indians], it should be performed by the hands of others, in order that from our hands they might receive nothing but benefit and might thus become devoted to the law which we preached. the chapter was held with great solemnity and joy, as the church was then used for the first time. it was now very beautiful, and was built wholly of stone. to crown the feast they held some theological discussions, certain moral difficulties being therein vindicated and explained. these difficulties had to do with that which at that time was of the greatest importance; in particular they discussed questions of great weight with regard to the collection of the tributes, [49] and the justice with which encomiendas and other places of profit ought to be distributed; and with regard to slavery in this country, since, because it does not follow the laws of españa, but conforms to the customs of the indians, it presents peculiar difficulties. but the point which they discussed most, and with the greatest profit, was the obligation of the ministers to the indians to remain among them and preach the gospel to them, and to keep them in the law which those who were already christians had received. it was shown with great clearness that, in the condition in which affairs were, the priests who were in these islands could not leave them without being guilty of mortal sin against the charity which we owe to these indians our neighbors--who are placed in the most extreme need of ministers to teach them, and to administer the sacraments to them, without which it is impossible for them to be saved. since the indians who were in this state of necessity were so many, and the priests so few that, even though their number were many times increased, there would not be enough, it was inferred with clearness that those who went away were guilty of most grievous sin. it was concluded that they were obliged to give an account to the lord of the souls which should be lost on account of their absence, the number of whom must of necessity be very great. this teaching was of great importance and usefulness in calming some priests and religious whom the love of their own country was drawing back to españa; and thus there resulted much consolation and improvement to the indians. [at this time there occurred an incident which very greatly impressed the chinese christians, and caused them to respect the directions of their confessors. the incident might be called a punishment, but it was the punishment of a kindly father, as the punishments of the lord often are; and it resulted in the entire salvation of a soul. in 1590 a chinese christian bookseller called pablo hechiu desired to return in the vessels which left manila for china. he did not dare tell any of the fathers, because he knew that they would interfere with his departure; but he was unable to keep the matter secret from father fray juan cobo. the father did what he could to keep him from going away, because of the danger which he ran of relapsing into idolatry; but the chinese succeeded in eluding him, and departed for china. the vessel in which he took passage was cast upon the mountainous coast of bolinao. [50] though the people on board escaped to land, they lost their lives, because the indians of this country, the zambales or mountaineers, are ferocious, and find their greatest delight in slaying men and cutting off their heads, for no other reason than their own wicked disposition. they are trained up in this from childhood. when they saw the wretched chinese cast on shore, they fell upon them, robbed them of everything they had saved from the wreck, and killed as many as they could; these were nearly all--some few escaping, and hiding themselves in the most thickly overgrown parts of the mountain. among those who thus escaped was pablo hechiu. he remained there hidden for a fortnight, without daring to come out from the place where he had concealed himself; and, having no food, he died, leaving on two crosses made of bamboo a written account of what had happened to him. this came to light in the following way. the governor of manila sent a strong expedition against these zambales, which sought for them all through those mountains. some of the scouts came upon pablo hechiu, his body, entire and dried, leaning against the foot of a tree. the preservation of the body was an extraordinary thing; and still more extraordinary was it that christians should go through a region which had probably never been trodden by the feet of catholics since the world was created, because the country was mountainous and visited by the zambales alone, and the place was hidden even from them by the thickness of the undergrowth. at this time died the venerable father fray juan de castro, first vicar-general and provincial of this province. it was he who had established and kept it in the happy state in which it was. he was born in burgos, of noble race; and his father, being left a widower, had entered our convent of san pablo at burgos. he had left his son in the world, but was followed by him into the religious life when the son reached maturity. the son was scholarly and well read in the saints. against his father's wishes he went to the province of guatimala, where he became twice provincial. the prudent king felipe ii appointed him to the bishopric of vera paz [sc., cruz], and sent him the royal letter of presentation to the said bishopric. the father not only desired to be excused from accepting, but concealed the matter until he desired to go to china. when the fathers endeavored to obstruct his purpose he threatened, if they would not let him make this journey, to make the other to his bishopric, which was further away and from which he would never come back. this was only a threat, because he had taken a vow not to accept the bishopric, and was resolved to keep it. he was a kindly man, and very easy of access. he was given to the use of old proverbs. he had great skill in extricating himself quickly from useless business. he was much given to the reading of the [lives of the] saints, which in dead letters contain living thoughts. when he said mass he used to water the altar with his tears, though he strove greatly to control himself. his addresses to the order had such fervor, devotion, tenderness, and gentleness that those who heard them regarded them as words from heaven, and went forth from them with new spirit. this was especially true of his address at the first chapter, when he assigned the fathers to their duties. it then seemed as if it was not he that spoke, but the holy spirit. there is much that goes to show that this is true. father juan himself was accustomed to say that he was certain that he had made no mistake in this assignment--something which those who know him and who know his humility would attribute to nothing else than divine revelation. those who were in this chapter accepted, without a single word, the duties assigned to each one, although these were such things as might cause trembling in the souls of giants in virtue, being no less than driving the devil out of his own house and his ancient abiding-place. at times the father seems to have shown the spirit of prophecy. in one case he declared that there were those before him who, as he knew, had never lost their baptismal innocence. this is proof of itself that he spoke not without some inspiration from without his own mind. second, he declared that all those who were before him should go through life without falling into mortal sin. those who listened to him understood that he was speaking of the sin of the flesh, which is that from which those are least safe who accept the ministry of souls, [even] with humility and in the fear of god. this is especially true before they learn by experience how much god helps those who fulfil this office in loving obedience to him. on several other occasions father fray juan showed that he had the spirit of prophecy. he told fray juan de soria that he would leave the order, but not to his own blame, rather to the glory of god and the happiness of the provincial, as was fulfilled. by anointing a brother who suffered from scrofula, he cured him; but when he was about to anoint fray domingo de nieva, who suffered from headache, he stopped and withdrew the holy oil, saying that it was not god's will. father fray juan had special grace and power to arouse devotion in those with whom he talked, in confession or in private conversation. the infirmities with which he was afflicted as a result of the exposure and the hardships which he suffered in china never entirely left him. he held the chapter which elected as his successor father fray alonso ximenez, and immediately afterward went to the hospital of the chinese, asking to be cared for as a poor man--preferring to die there rather than in the convent, not only because he might die there with greater humility and poverty, but because he would be less disturbed by visits, and would have more opportunity to be alone with god. in his last days he was afflicted with fears of the judgment of god. to his last moment he observed the rigorous rules of the order. when at last he died, he left the religious edified and consoled by his example, but most sad to lose him, for merely to see him had comforted them.] chapter xxxiii father fray juan cobo, his virtues and death [father fray juan cobo was born in consuegra, in the kingdom of toledo, and took the habit of the order and made his profession in the convent of the town of ocaña. after studying in that of avila, he entered the college of sancto thomas at alcala. he distinguished himself in his studies, and, after he had read the arts, he became master in the royal convent of sancto thomas at avila. his remarkable abilities were early recognized, and exhibited themselves wherever he went. taking upon himself the lowliest duties, he desired to be steward on the ship--a most disagreeable position, because of the intolerable heat in the lower part of the ship, and because the provisions frequently spoil as a result of that heat. he was a tall, handsome man, of red and white complexion, and very active. his conversation was agreeable, and his mind keen and quick. he was well acquainted not only with the liberal arts, but with many mechanical occupations. his knowledge of the chinese language has already been mentioned. he was the first man to preach publicly to the chinese, and his sermon attracted the governor and nearly all the good people of the city; they were greatly astonished, as were also the chinese, who would never have believed that any one of another nation could advance so far in the command of their language. it was to this father that principally was due the establishment of the hospital for the chinese, where so many souls were saved, and in which the lord often worked miracles by multiplying the rice which father juan kept as food for the sick persons. he knew three thousand chinese characters, each different from all the rest, for the chinese have no alphabetical letters. he translated a number of chinese books; for, like those of seneca, they contain many profound sayings, though they are the work of heathens. he taught astrology to some of the chinese, whom he found capable of learning; and also taught them trades that are necessary among the spaniards but are not employed among the chinese--such as painting images, binding books, cutting and sewing clothes, and such things--doing all things to win all men to god. at this time there came to manila a letter from the emperor of japon, taicosama, in which he asked the governor of manila and the spaniards of these islands to send him tribute every year and an acknowledgment of vassalage, that he might not come and destroy them with a mighty fleet, which he had already prepared for this purpose. this caused much alarm in the city, because the emperor of japon was very powerful, and of warlike disposition; and as a result of his victories he had become very proud and vain. the city of manila had no defenses, no walls, no protections against so strong an enemy; and the spaniards in it, being very few in number, were called on to die rather than accept that which he asked of them so much to their dishonor. it seemed to all necessary to send a special embassy to japan with an answer. father fray juan cobo was chosen by the governor as the most suitable person to represent españa who could be found in the island, both because of his natural gifts and because of his acquirements. he acquitted himself marvelously well in this occupation, greatly amazing and pleasing the emperor of japon. the emperor went so far as to permit the churches of the society of jesus to be rebuilt, and to allow the fathers publicly to prosecute the conversion of the japanese. the emperor requested father fray juan to remain in his kingdom; but he declined, as having no order to do so. at his return, they set sail in a tempestuous season, which cost them very dear, because the vessel in which father fray juan was carried was cast on shore in a country of barbarous indians, namely, that which is known as the island of hermosa. escaping to the shore to avoid the furious sea, they fell into the hands of those ferocious people, who killed them all, to a man. after the death of father fray juan, father fray pedro de soto had a vision of the father, who was in purgatory, being purified for the sin of having hastened his departure too greatly. afterward, father fray luis gandullo had a vision of him in paradise.] chapter xxxiv the death of father fray francisco de la mina, and the council which was held in place of the intermediate provincial chapter. [father fray francisco de la mina was a native of andalucia, where he assumed the habit of the order. he afterward went to mexico, preaching there both in spanish and in the indian language. he was one of those who formed the plan of sending from that province some religious to ask for the approval of the most reverend general of the order for the foundation of the new province in the philipinas. he served in the mission to the indians of bataan, learning their language; and was afterward appointed prior of manila, the second post in the province. he lost his health after his return to manila, and soon died. in the month of december, 1594, the father provincial fray alonso ximenez assembled a council of the religious in the neighborhood of manila, to serve in place of an intermediate provincial chapter. the rules which they adopted were of much importance. it was determined that on visitations the hours should be kept as in convents. it was also ordained that the convents should be visited in order, as might best be done. it was also provided that no business should be done with indians or spaniards, except in case of the necessity of sick persons, before prime or after the ave maria, or for one hour after meals. also that no religious should have any peculiar mark on the table, or on his cup or on his spoon, or should carry either with him, that there might be absolute uniformity. this order was made because the father provincial fray alonso ximenez used a marked spoon, not because it was any better than the others, but that he might neither receive nor give others anything to cause disgust; and, though it was so trifling a thing, they would not permit it to the provincial, but discussed the matter, and placed their resolution in their public formal acts--so precise were they and so closely did they follow the rule that the superior shall have nothing more than the rest, and that all things shall be uniform. while the religious were in council, the governor, don luis perez das mariñas, appeared before them, and called their attention to the great need, for the spaniards in the city and the province of nueva segovia, of a priest to confess them; and to the still greater need of someone to teach and preach the holy gospel to the native indians in that province--who, though they had now been many years subjects of his majesty, and had paid tribute to his encomenderos, had never had anyone to preach the faith to them, and were as blind and as heathen as if they had never accepted as king a catholic prince. the petition of the governor made such an impression that, in spite of the small number and the heavy duties of the religious, they assigned two to this mission. the need was indeed very great, for the spaniards who lived there had been more than six months in constant danger of death, without having any priest. the indians were enemies of the spaniards, very valiant, and very numerous considering the small number and the discord of the spaniards who were in that province. as superior, father fray diego de soria (who afterward became bishop of that region) was appointed, the ecclesiastical chapter giving him full power in spiritual matters, and the governor in temporal matters. his associate was father fray thomas castellar. they found that they needed all the authority which they had received, to bring to some order the great laxity which prevailed among the spaniards. it was this, and their great perversity and pertinacity in dissensions, which had caused the priests whom they had had to leave them. after those priests went away, their hatreds and their sins increased even more. the importance of this province, which includes the major part of the territory in charge of this order in the philipinas, makes it desirable to give some very brief notice of it.] it is a hundred and fifty leguas from manila, and constitutes a part of the island of luçon. the climate is one of the best in the islands, being refreshing, mild, and not so excessively hot as that of most of the other provinces which are comprised in this island. it is for this reason that it was called nueva segovia, after segovia in españa, which is a cool region. it is in nineteen degrees of latitude and is only sixty leguas, or a little over, from china. it accordingly resembles china somewhat in its good qualities--the abundance of fish in its rivers, of rice and other produce of the soil, of animals of the chase, and of wild boars and buffaloes in the mountains; while of spanish plants which have been introduced here the crops obtained have been very large. in the colder regions pines and live-oaks grow naturally. the occasion which obliged the spaniards to conquer it was an attack made upon it in 1581 by a japanese fleet, the japanese desiring to have control of this region because of the abundance of products which it yields that are lacking in japon. the spaniards who were in manila were informed of this project, and they did not think it best that the japanese should come so near to them, when they were so few and the japanese were so many and so audacious; they accordingly determined to go and prevent them from entering this country. with this purpose they armed a galley and other small vessels, the expedition including only forty spaniards. their leader and chief was captain carrion, and their chaplain father fray christoval de salvatierra of our order, who was the associate of the bishop, don fray domingo de salazar; he was a man of great prudence, much courage, and very superior virtue, as will be declared later. they set out from manila on the voyage to that province; and in the bight of the cape called cabo del bojeador (which is close to nueva segovia) they found a japanese vessel, which was prowling along the coast and pillaging it. the galley made an attack upon the japanese ship, and with the mid-ship gun brought down its mainmast; and immediately the spaniards, with more boldness than was expedient, bore down upon the enemy, and thrust their iron beak through his side. but they were not slow in finding out their mistake, much to their own cost; for the japanese leaped aboard, doing much execution with their cutlasses (some of which are shaped like our cutlasses and others like broadswords), and they attacked our vessel so furiously that they got control of the deck, back to the mainmast. the spaniards found themselves obliged to retreat to the poop, and cut the halyard of the mainsail. the sail fell down, with the yard, and served them as an intrenchment so that they could fire their arquebuses, doing great execution and driving off the enemy. the spaniards continued their voyage, and entered the river of nueva segovia [i.e., rio grande de cagayan], which may compete in size and in the excellence of its water with the finest rivers of spain. here they found the enemy's fleet concealed. in order to attack it they went up the river and intrenched themselves on land, working hard all night and making their breastworks of turf and fascines between stakes. they took out of the galley a paterero and two culverins, placing them under cover, and aiming them toward the land-side, as there would be the place where the japanese, if they came, would attack them. thus prepared, they all waited on their arms, having their weapons at hand even when they were obliged to rest awhile. since they had learned by experience that japanese who are wounded by pikes grasp hold of the pikes in order to kill those who have wounded them, the captain had the pikes greased on the upper half, in order that our men might be able to draw them from the bodies and the hands of the japanese, if the latter should pull by the pikes; and this device was of great use in the conflict which ensued. [51] the japanese were not idle, for they landed two hours before day, coming well armed and in good order, and protected by the darkness of the night. they advanced upon our soldiers very silently, intending to take them by surprise; however, they did not succeed, but were discovered by the sentinels. our men put themselves in good order, to wait for them while they advanced. although they perceived that the spaniards had detected them, they made a very spirited and courageous assault, but were beaten back with even greater courage once, twice, and three times. after a short rest, they attacked again with wonderful spirit, though the arquebuses and muskets brought many to the ground. finally, the whole force of japanese attacked our fort on the side where the cannon were, without knowing what awaited them there. the cannon were filled to the muzzle with ammunition, and were fired so seasonably that they did great execution among the japanese. those who were left alive, seeing what had happened, retreated, leaving their camp full of dead and mangled men. their captain had lost so many men, who were left lying on the shore, that he set sail; and they were so thoroughly punished that they never again thought of coming to conquer this country. in this way the spaniards found themselves in this region, but against the will of its inhabitants, who as little wished to see them there as to see the japanese. this was immediately manifested by their retreating into the interior, leaving the spaniards alone with nothing to eat, so that the latter consumed all the provisions that they had brought with them. the natives even made some assaults upon them, attacking them when it seemed that they could do so with safety. the spaniards accordingly suffered much hardship, want, and hunger, because supplies from manila came very insufficiently and slowly, while they had in that country nothing but cruel war. at the same time, they were much aided in their purpose to remain in it by the many factions and wars among the indians, who could not live in peace and were constantly slaying one another, following no law but "let the conqueror live." [52] on this large river a valorous indian by the name of guiab had raised himself above the others. he was at the head of only three hundred followers (since he did not wish to lead any more); he was in a fair way to make himself lord of the province, and would soon have been such if the spaniards had not come. this indian was so determined that he had no hesitation in attacking anything with the few courageous indians who followed him. he was so choleric that, whenever he wished to make any address to them, he could not speak to them at first, out of sheer fury--until, little by little, he cooled down and went on with his speech. he ruled his people like a great captain, rewarding them with largesse, which was at other people's cost and was obtained from the great wealth which he procured by robbery; and he punished them with rigor for any sort of liberty taken with him, or disrespect shown to him, or for disobedience to his orders. they carried to him the news of the spaniards, and told him that they were very courageous men who had come there from far countries; that they had beards and handsome faces, and that they did not wear the hair of their head long, as the indians were accustomed to; they reported that the strangers went dressed in iron, and that they carried sticks with which they slew from a distance anyone whom they pleased, without its being visible by what means they did so (referring to the arquebuses). guiab was greatly delighted with these reports, and, as a valiant man, he immediately felt an affection for these others who were so valiant. he strove to procure their friendship by sending them a great present of rice, chickens, large fat hogs, and other products of the land, all of them coming very opportunely because the spaniards were in such a state of need. doubtless, if the spaniards had joined with him, they would have subjected the province without more war. but as guiab had oppressed many of the people in the land and frightened all, they went to the spaniards, begging them not to ally themselves with guiab, and did nothing but speak evil of him. on this account the spaniards, purposing to gain the good will of so many, caught guiab and hanged him on a tree. the event was altogether opposite to what they had expected; for all the indians retreated from the spaniards and began to make open war upon them, often challenging them to lay aside their arquebuses and to come out into the field, man to man, with all the other weapons they pleased, so courageous are these people. though the spaniards lost this opportunity, they soon had another. in the maritime part of that region there were two of the ablest chiefs in the province--brothers, but at variance with each other--who were constantly making war against each other with the greatest cruelty. tuliao, one of them, at last got the other in his hands, put him in a cage, and kept him there for a long time. the brother in prison begged the other to kill him, because death would be better and more easily borne than the painful and disgraceful imprisonment in which he was. the other answered that he did not do that, because he was his brother. "then let me go," answered the prisoner, "since you wish me well because i am your brother." the other one refused to do this, because he knew perfectly that he would be obliged to make war again, as in fact happened; and they were at war as long as they lived, until our troops reached that region. then one of them, finding himself very hard pressed by the other, went to beg the favor of the spaniards; and the spaniards put an end to their strife by taking from them the lands about which they had been quarreling. this was a great benefit to that province, not only because the light of the true and divine faith was brought to it, but because they were so continually engaged in civil war that, if the spaniards had delayed their coming, they would have been likely to destroy each other. the life which they led did not deserve the name of life, because of the daily alarms to which they were exposed. brother was unable to trust brother, and no man left his house unarmed, or without great danger. he who had the greatest power made as many slaves as possible, on any ground, no matter how slight--even for taking a single stalk of sugar-cane, when the poor people were dying of hunger because they could not cultivate their fields on account of the wars. many of them went, of their own will, to eat in the houses of the chiefs, in order to save their lives, and in this way became their slaves. from all these evils the faith which was brought by the spaniards freed them. the latter, by the aid of some of the indians against the others, conquered many of their villages though at the cost of many deaths; and established the city which they called nueva segovia, a name which was also given to the whole province. the priest who accompanied the spaniards in these first events was, as has been said, father fray christobal de salvatierra, of the order of our father st. dominic. he was the first priest whom these indians had seen; and although, on account of his ignorance of the language, he did not occupy himself with their conversion, he did not fail to do much for them by accompanying the soldiers, in order that they might not do as many wrongs to the indians as they would otherwise have committed--for entirely to prevent outrages was impossible. he soon returned to manila, where his personal presence was necessary. there went to that province religious of our father st. augustine, who lived in the new town with the spaniards, but who undertook no ministry to the indians. they even felt that a mission to them was impossible because of the excitement of the indians resulting from the many homicides committed among them by the spaniards, as the latter have done in the other parts of the indias. besides this, these indians were so warlike that not even a religious went out of the town except in a company of soldiers and with arms; nor did the encomenderos go to collect their tributes without an escort of many soldiers, coming back immediately with anything that the indians were pleased to give them, for they feared the danger incurred by remaining. the conduct of the soldiers and of the colonists who lived there at that time was so little christian, and the exhortations of the religious had so little effect upon them, that the friars regarded it as wise to leave them in their dissensions, since they did not wish for the peace to which the religious persuaded them. accordingly, one night, without being perceived, the fathers left them and went away. for a long time they lived without a priest, without sacraments, or christian teaching, so careless of god and of their souls that they let the cattle feast in the church; and a picture of our lady which had been left in it was covered with spider-webs, there being no one to keep it in order, so forgetful were they of their souls. such was the needy condition of that province when the noble and devout governor don luis perez das mariñas came to the council above mentioned, and asked them to send religious, who might at least administer the sacraments to the spaniards. on account of the great need, the two religious mentioned went to the province, receiving orders that, if no religious came from españa in the ships for which they were waiting, they should return. the number of the religious was, indeed, so small that they could not even attend to what they had in their charge, much less assume the additional charge of that province, which was so far from the missions which the order had in those regions. the religious did their duty with great care and diligence; and that lent they made great efforts with sermons and addresses, planning and delivering them with the object of inducing the inhabitants to settle their differences and confess themselves during lent. to this end public documents were drawn up before a notary, with the purpose of adjusting debts and settling dangerous controversies. all this was a necessary and most holy work; and when it was concluded and they had left the consciences of the spaniards at rest, the time had come when the vessels from mexico might have arrived. since they had no news that religious were coming, these two friars, in fulfilment of the order given them, set out for manila again, at the time when six others, who had newly come from españa, reached the province. all eight met in the town of pata, which is at the entrance to that province. here those who were going away received with joy those who came; and together they gave many thanks to the lord. they then began upon the conversion of the province, as will be told. we shall begin with what happened to these religious on their journey from spain, and with the deaths of some who died on the way, with great manifestations of the highest virtue. chapter xxxv the second expedition of religious from castilla to the philippinas, and the deaths of some on the voyage. [father fray alonso delgado had been sent to roma by father fray antonio de arcediano, but had failed in his endeavors there on account of the opposition made by a religious of another order. he had then returned to spain, and appeared to be giving himself up wholly to the care of his own soul; but in his inmost heart he had never forgotten the conversion of the philippinas and of china. the lord also had not forgotten it, so that, though the mission of father fray alonso seemed to be dead, it was really alive. animated by the presence of don fray domingo de salaçar, bishop of the philippinas, and of father fray miguel de venavides, who had come to madrid, he immediately set about taking religious to this province by way of nueva españa. they both urged him on and praised him, knowing the need of religious in this region. the most reverend general of the order, fray hipolito maria vecaria, gave father fray alonso letters-patent permitting him to take religious of virtue and learning from the provinces of españa to the philippinas, and appointing father fray alonso his vicar-general for this purpose. the need of immediate assistance caused him to hasten his preparation, and with as many religious as he could get together in a short time, fifteen in all, he set sail in july, 1694 [sic; sc. 1594], on the feast of our lady of the rosary. they reached the port of nueva españa in safety, but as soon as they set foot on land they were afflicted by disease; and so many died that it seemed as if death had spread a drag-net for them. in puebla de los angeles, there were four religious lying sick, and placed one next to the other, in as many cells in the infirmary. death began with the one that was in the first cell and carried him off, and next to him put an end to the life of the one in the second cell, and when he was buried, attacked the third. while the religious were performing the last rites of the church for the third, the noise which they made reached the fourth cell, which was the next one, where father fray diego aduarte was lying. he had been the first one to be taken ill, and that he might not be annoyed they carried him to another cell. it seemed that death in his progress, failing to find anyone in the fourth cell, desisted from searching further, so that father diego was left to do a marvelous work, as will be recorded in time at the end of this his history. one of those who died in the convent was fray pedro batrez, son of the convent of sancto domingo at piedrahita, and an adopted son of that of sant esteban at salamanca, where he was chief sacristan when he set out for these regions. two brothers also died on the same day and at the same hour. the elder was a priest named fray antonino de sancta maria, who had come to this province from the college of sancto thomas at sevilla, of which he had been made a member on account of his profound knowledge of theology. the younger was a deacon and lived in the convent of xerez de la frontera, where, on account of his skill in singing, he had been made cantor. they distinguished themselves much on the voyage by prayer, silence, and abstinence. on fridays and saturdays they ate a little fish, which was provided for all. on the other days--since, on account of the length of the voyage, it was not possible to have fish every day--they satisfied themselves with biscuit, some raisins, and a little broth, without touching anything made of flesh. they would not let anything else be prepared for them, that they might not fare unlike the rest and that they might not cause any trouble to others. the younger died in the convent at puebla de los angeles; the elder expired at the same hour in the convent at mexico. after his death it was found that he wore a rough shirt of metal; and that, because he never left it off even in sickness it was as if it had grown to his flesh. these two brethren had died most joyful deaths. no less so was the death of a lay religious called fray gonçalo de san pedro, a son of the convent of san pablo at sevilla. his life had been a very holy one; and, at his general confession made before his death, the purity of his life was so clearly shown that the father who received the confession declared that fray gonçalo had never lost his baptismal innocence by committing mortal sin. death also carried away the superior who led these religious from spain, father fray alonso delgado. after he had lost so many of the subordinates whom he led, there was but little reason for his wishing to remain behind them. by his death the whole company was practically broken up, many of them having died and others being scattered among the convents of nueva españa. the rift was mended by the selection as superior of father fray miguel de san jacintho, who displayed such diligence that, with the aid of the lord, he succeeded in filling up the number of fifteen religious who had set out from españa. they then set out from mexico; and so great was their desire of serving the lord after the manner followed by the religious of the province to which they were going (which, as has been said, is stricter than in the other provinces of the order), that when they reached the port of acapulco they took the character of philippine friars--gave up mattresses, and began to sleep on boards; rose at midnight to say matins, going from the convent where they were guests, to the church to say them; kept the hour of prayer immediately after; and performed the discipline observed in the islands. they embarked march 23, 1595. on board ship they followed the customs of the order as closely as possible under the circumstances. they reached the port of manila june 12. by their coming the province felt enabled to undertake the conversion of the province of nueva segovia. this province alone is larger, and has more villages and a larger population than the order had previously taken under its charge in manila and pangasinan. six of the religious, as has been said, were sent to nueva segovia, and with the others the missions to bataan and pangasinan were reënforced, where death had made inroads upon the number of missionaries. when these six reached nueva segovia, father fray diego de soria and his associate were greatly delighted, having desired to enter upon the conversion of this province, but having been unable to do so because of their ignorance of the language and the fact that there were but two of them. they had hesitated the more because of the order which they had received to return to manila if no religious came out from españa, feeling that it would be unwise to begin a conversion which could not be followed up by regular instruction.] chapter xxxvi the condition in which the religious found the indians in the province this land was not only ruined by the continual wars which the villages all waged with one another, but still more by the settled peace which they all had made with the devil. they obeyed to the full his diabolical will, though it was such that there never was a tyrant who treated those whom he had conquered, and who were subject to him, as the devil treated these wretched indians. he had led their minds into such a state of confusion that they could not refuse anything which he commanded them--though his demands were so great and so grievous that they could not put their hands on anything from which he did not take tribute, and with which he had not commanded that they should do him honor by means of some superstition, threatening them with death if they failed therein. they were accustomed to call whomsoever they adored anito; and they said that they had a good anito, to whom they attributed all the good fortune that happened to them, and a had anito, who caused all their hardships, poverty, temporal evils, maladies, and deaths. they served the latter that he might not do them harm, and the former that he might do them good. they employed more priestesses, or aniteras, than priests, though they had some of the latter--a wretched class of people, and with reason despised on account of their foul manner of life. the devil entered these aniteras or sorceresses, and through them, and by their agency, he gave his answers. by these priestesses the indians performed their superstitious rites and sacrifices, when they wished to placate their anitos or obtain anything from them. if anyone fell sick, the aniteras immediately came, and with oils and a thousand performances they persuaded him that, if he would believe in what they did, they would cure him. then in his sight they performed and displayed a thousand fantastic things; and the devil so earnestly strove to give them credit that at times he made the people believe that the soul had left the body, and that the anitera had restored it by the power of her prayers and her medicines. whenever the sick man recovered, they attributed the recovery to their own efforts; while, if he died, they were plentifully supplied with excuses and reasons to avoid the blame and to throw the responsibility upon someone else. this is an old trick of the devil, with which he betrayed the heathens of antiquity, and likewise betrays this deluded and foolish people. before sowing their fields they used to celebrate three solemn feast-days, during which all the men gave themselves up to dancing, eating, and drinking until they were unable to stand; and after this came that which commonly follows--namely, giving loose rein to the flesh. the women did not drink, for this was very contrary to their customs as they are very laborious; but they made up for it as well as they could, and in the dances and all the rest they did as well as the men. if the indians left their houses, and happened to meet anyone who sneezed, they went back home again even though they had gone a day's journey, as if the sneeze had been something in the road. sometimes they went on, and returned without delay from their destination. if the same thing happened when they began to work, they immediately desisted from their labor. if on any similar occasion they heard the singing of a certain bird which they regarded as a bad omen, they did not go on at all with what they had undertaken, even though they had traveled for many days, and even in the case of an entire army in war. they acted in the same manner if the bird came or flew toward their left hand, or if it turned its bill in such or such a direction. it was the same way with other signs which they regarded as evil omens. on the contrary, they were very much encouraged and very joyful when the augury was a good one; and although a thousand times the event was opposite to what the augury, as it seemed, had threatened or promised, they never lacked an excuse for remaining in their error, and for continuing forever in this harmful ignorance. when they began a voyage by sea or by the rivers, they threw into the water a certain quantity of their food out of reverence for the devil, in order to placate him so that he might give them success. if they built a house, they had to perform their rites before entering it; and if the bird of augury entered it they either tore it down, or performed a thousand sacrifices and superstitious rites in order to fit it for habitation. when they bought anything, they did the same before they would put it in the house; and whenever they went out on any little business, those who went and those who stayed at home did nothing but perform superstitious acts that they might have good luck in it. it was the same with everything they did or thought of doing, in life and in death, in sickness and in health; and for this purpose they had their houses full of devices and apparatus. as the devil never turns back from the evil thought and purpose of being as god, which he had in the beginning, he taught them a thousand superstitious rites to adore and revere him, very like those which the church uses in honor of our true god. hence they had regular feast-days, and days assigned for their worship, and three-day feasts, like our great ecclesiastical feasts. [53] they carried on their wrists blessed beads, which the sorceresses gave them with threats of death if they took them off. they had their sort of holy water; and in one village named masi, which was much given to all sorts of superstition, they had a certain water with which they washed the arms, the legs and the foreheads of all the children, especially the children of the chiefs. as a result of this, they promised them a long and fortunate life. they had receptacles like charity-boxes, in which they put what they offered the anito. these boxes were set out in dark places, hidden in ravines, or in thickets, or in cane-brakes. even when they were in plain and open places, and even (as sometimes happened) when things of great value were placed in them, no one dared to take anything out of them, even gold, or stones regarded by them as precious. they also had some places of devotion where the sick went to pray for health, and ate food. when they went home again they were obliged to cast into these places the jars and other utensils with which they prepared their food, as being consecrated to their anito by being used at this meal, which was a kind of sacrifice. there were different places for different infirmities, while for the chiefs only there were separate places. they had so much reverence for these things that even when they had become christians they did not dare to go and destroy the things in these places which had been dedicated to the devil. the religious themselves had to go there, and with their own hands break and demolish all these things, and burn them before the eyes of the indians, and cast the ashes into the river. they kept back nothing, not even precious things which might have been applied to holy works; for in this way only was it possible to undeceive the indians, and to avoid the impression of avarice. there were dedicated to the devil certain trees, flowers, and mountains, which no one dared to touch except in the service and honor of their owner, the devil. in a word, they had not the right to put their hands on anything without turning to him and consulting him as their god. he often spoke to them in their own language, in such a way that they heard and knew that he was present, although they did not see him. even at this day they tell what he said to them. one of these aniteras, who afterward became a very good christian, told how the devil played a thousand tricks upon her. at one time she begged him earnestly to give her gold, a thing which at other times she had often asked of him. he promised it to her; and when she awoke in the night she found her wrists covered with gold bracelets, and many strings of stones highly valued among the indians. she fell asleep again; and when she awoke the second time she did not find even one ornament, for everything had disappeared like fairy wealth. the sorrow in which the trick had left her was greater than the satisfaction which she felt when she believed that she was rich. in this manner he treated them like children, promising them riches by these deceits, and assuring them of other things of the same sort. he told them besides that he knew their ancestors must come back to life again; for they believed that their deceased fathers and ancestors must return to life in this world. in this way he deceived them; and even when the religious came the natives represented to them that they would incur ignominy if their ancestors, when they came back to this world, should find them professing a different religion and law from that which they themselves had followed. they sometimes asked the devil that he would permit them to see him; but he answered that his body was so subtile that they could not see it. at one time, when some indians begged him very earnestly that he would come down on top of the house where they dwelt and talk with them, he immediately came among them; for they had there a stone, highly esteemed among them, which they called maxin. he remained for some time moving about on the ground, and from that stone spoke with a very small and fine voice. finally stone and devil disappeared, leaving them greatly pleased, and more deceived than before. when don luis perez das mariñas was at tuy, in nueva segovia, before the religious were there, he spent one night near the sea on the shore, by the mouth of a river which passes the village of pata, at the foot of a little hill which was dedicated to the devil, and where they offered sacrifices and celebrated festivals in his honor. on this account no one dared to cut a stick or anything else on it, except for the service of the devil; because the sea would instantly grow wrathful, the winds would arise, and their houses would be thrown down. when the soldiers reached there, the alcalde-mayor of that province (who was captain mercado) directed the indians to cut some stakes, reeds, and branches to build huts for the soldiers. the indians refused, and offered to bring it all from other places, even though that would require more labor of them. but the spaniards would not wait so long, and compelled them by force to cut what they needed from this little hill. that very night a frightful wind arose, stirred up the sea, drove the waves up on the shore, and carried them to the camp--which, as it seemed, was very safe from such an accident. the soldiers and don luis himself were obliged to flee from the danger, losing many things (some of them of great value), which were carried away by the sea, or by the devil in return for what they had cut from that hill of his. even after the religious had come there, when they needed some wild palms which were on that little hill, there was not an indian that dared cut these, because they were still heathen. the religious sent two christian boys whom they had brought from pangasinan, and some others who were being instructed in preparation for baptism. in course of time they cut everything off the hill, without the devil's daring to do as he had been accustomed. the indians were all struck with wonder, not only those in this village, but those in all the others. but what was the marvel? for when the religious came to establish themselves in this village the devil complained to its natives, saying that he was going away and that they should never see him again--because, as he said, from that day forth there was someone else who would deal with them. however, he did not tell them who it was. "one thing only," he said, "i tell you; take care not to believe what you hear from these men in long clothes who have come here, for i am certain that the dead will rise again." he said this to them with regard to their ancestors, as he wished them to believe that the dead would be much grieved if they were to come back to life and find their descendants far from that which they had followed during their own lives. the devil had inculcated in them a belief that, when a man died, his soul was obliged to pass a river or lake where there was a boat rowed by an old boatman; and to pay his passage they fastened some money on the arm of the dead man. they believed that no woman could pass whose hands were not tattooed with black in accordance with their custom. they were in the habit also of burying with the dead food for the journey, oil with which he might anoint himself, a robe for his clothing, and some gold for the contingencies which might arise. if the dead man was a chief, they used to bury with him one or two slaves to serve him there in some very flowery and pleasant fields, where the devil had taught them that they were to live a delightful life, eating, drinking, and enjoying themselves until they should return a second time to this world. there are still living many indians who tell about all these things, and there are even heathen who believe them, because they have had no religious to whom they might go for teaching. they also tell of some very mischievous tricks which the devil has played upon them. it happened sometimes that when a man was alone in the field he came upon some creatures resembling little women. they would deceive him, and either by alluring words or by force would place him within a thicket, and there toss him in the air as if he had been a ball; they then left him there, half-dead. if he ventured to go away from there and make his way to the village he remained for many days beside himself, as it were, and half stupid; if he did not, he died there miserably. at one time an indian chief went to sea, with many people in his vessel. they were drowned, and perished in the sea without leaving anyone to carry the news. as they did not return, their relatives consulted the devil to know where they were; and he answered them that they were suffering no pain because they had reached port in a very rich and fertile country known as mexico, where they were very happy. the others believed him, although they did not know that there was any such land until afterward, when they heard the religious speak of mexico. they then asked many questions as to their judgment with reference to this chief and those who accompanied him. the fathers undeceived them, and corrected the falsehood which the devil had told them--as if their tiny boats could have passed over so great and so terrible an ocean, or carried sufficient provisions for such a length of time as is necessary to go from there to mexico! in addition, the devil showed in his dealings with them how tyrannical and cruel he is, and how addicted to the destruction of men, by causing them to kill some in his service. this was not only made evident by their law requiring the burial of the living with the dead, as has been narrated, but also by other laws. for instance, when the son, the wife, or the brother of any chief died, he mourned; and during this mourning he fasted, not even eating rice, which is the ordinary bread of that country, or drinking wine--a deprivation which, for a race so fond of wine as this is, must have been a great hardship. during all this time he did not touch flesh or fish, but ate only roots and products of the soil, and drank water. this mourning lasted sometimes for years, sometimes less, in proportion to the love and esteem which was felt for the deceased. when it seemed to the people of the village that the time of mourning had lasted long enough, and that it would be well for their chieftain and head to treat himself more kindly--perhaps because during this time they drank less themselves, to show their sympathy with their lord--they discussed it among themselves and afterward with him. if he agreed with them, they all contributed to buy a slave, whom they handed over to him; and before them all the chief cut off the slave's head. with this the mourning came to an end, and he immediately began to drink with them like a man dying from abstinence. there was an indian who, when the religious came to this country, confessed that he had killed twelve slaves in this manner on various occasions when he had been in mourning. this, however, was not the most honorable manner of bringing the mourning to an end; for those who could slay any one belonging to their enemies did so, even though it was a woman, a child, or an old person whom they killed. this was the best way of concluding the mourning, and was accordingly followed most by those who were in mourning. they also had another cruel custom like this, which they followed in their wars, which one village waged with another on the slightest occasion. if at any time they came to an agreement instead of a quarrel, it had to be done not without shedding human blood; and the side which in their opinion was in the wrong, or was the weaker party, bought a slave and delivered him to the other side. then all these others killed him, not one failing to give him a wound even if he was already dead. they cut him in pieces; and with this they rested satisfied, as if this vengeance had been taken against all their opponents. since their wars and outbreaks were so frequent, deaths which occurred in this manner must have been very many, although the number of those whom they slew in the wars was much greater. in general they took their enemies by surprise, and killed them all, not excepting women and children and old men. such was their cruelty and their madness in this region that to slay any one of these was a great honor among them; and it sufficed to give the slayer the name of a valiant man, and to grant him the privilege of using certain marks of honor reserved for the valiant. these no one could assume who had not slain a human being, no matter whom. they had received the command to do thus from the devil, under penalty of death to whoever should assume these marks of honor without having slain another. in this way he incited them to that which he most desired, which is to shed human blood, to slay the body, and to carry off the soul to hell. in fine, their vices were such as may be inferred from what has been said. they were a people abandoned by the hand of god and governed by the devil in accordance with his laws--without judgment, or reason, or sense, because their minds had been wholly taken away by him who had governed them. in particular they were extremely vengeful, proud, envious, extraordinarily avaricious, and given to shameless and unbridled lewdness. above all, they were drunkards from the greatest to the least, and each of their drunken feasts surpassed all the others. from this vice all the other vices followed in a troop, as if they were leagued with it; and this drunkenness was continuous, and excessive. they were a heathen race, with no supernatural light, though it was at hand; and their natural light was so darkened and falsified by the devil that they regarded that person as happiest who could indulge the most in these vices. all of them took pleasure therein, and were grieved when, as happened at times, they could not commit them; they envied him who had gone furthest in them, for they regarded him as the most powerful--as indeed it was generally true that the man who had the greatest power was the most vicious. as for their marriages, they came to an end as soon as the husband was vexed with his wife, or the wife with her husband. this was all that was needed on either side, to cause them to separate and to make a new marriage, unless they had children; for they loved their children so much that this tie was sufficient to keep them from separating, and to make them bear with each other. the reason that influenced them was their desire not to be parted from their children, or to grieve them. as wives, the men were allowed to have those to whom they could give a dowry, for it is the husband that gives the dowry. but if the first wife belonged to a chief's family she would not consent to have her husband marry anyone of a rank below her own; and if the first wife was not of this rank the husband could not find any woman of high birth who would afterward marry him--except in some very unusual case, as when he was very powerful or very valiant. to their equals in rank the husbands gave large dowries, which were practically in the power of the fathers and kinsfolk of the woman. on the other hand, if they married women below them in rank, they did not endow them. further, if, as has been said, equals separated from each other as a result of any quarrel or dislike, and afterward the man wished the woman to return to his house, they asked a new dowry from him, just as if it were a new marriage. hence, if once they separated they were seldom reunited. so common was a separation that there was almost no man or woman who had not been divorced from a legitimate wife or husband. this was a thing which caused much trouble when they were to be baptized, since they were living in improper relations of marriage, because of having dismissed, men their first wives and women their first husbands, and having married others while the first were still alive. chapter xxxvii the beginning of the conversion of these indians of nueva segovia these indians were in this wretched state when the six new religious came to this province. they were received by father fray diego de soria and his associate with great joy; and the two fathers gave many thanks to the lord for remembering these souls and sending preachers to them. father fray diego immediately said that he had very much at heart the gathering into the church of these tribes, whom up to that time he had not tried to convert, on account of the order to return if no religious came from españa that year. he had felt that it would be a bad plan to baptize any while he was in this doubt, because of the danger of leaving the newly baptized without any teacher in the midst of so many heathen; for it was morally certain that they would go back to their diabolical worship if they were left alone. they would have been compelled to do so, not only by force, which the heathen about them would have been sure to apply in a matter of this kind; but by their own weakness, being new-born in the faith, and their scant possession not only of spiritual but even of natural energy, having been depraved by so many and so evil customs, in which they had been born and had spent all their lives. but now that there were religious to sustain, strengthen, and maintain in the faith those who might be converted, father fray diego was greatly encouraged, and immediately began to lay out the plan to be followed in this spiritual conquest. the first thing determined upon for this purpose was that all should commend themselves with all their hearts to the lord, to whom all this work belonged. hence, the religious who had arrived on the first of august, 1595, were gathered in the convent of the city up to the middle of september, spending all this time by day and night in constant prayer, begging the lord to direct all their actions as should be most suitable for a work so peculiarly his own as was the conversion of these indians. to this end they prayed him first of all that he would convert them themselves, by giving them purity of life, and a knowledge of this language which they had never heard, and which they had no masters to teach them; and finally that he would give them patience, courage, and virtue to live and dwell in the midst of this barbarous and bloodthirsty race, with no other defense than the divine aid. so barbarous and bloodthirsty were they that, as has been said, the spaniards dared not go out of their city unless they were well armed and went in numbers; while the friars were obliged to go, as indeed they did go, into the indian villages unarmed and alone, except for the divine companionship. the devil, the captain of the enemy's troops, was not heedless, when he saw that war had been declared against him; and the spanish sentinels that made their rounds about the city at night saw a mastiff of extraordinary size going round and round the church and the convent. since there was no such mastiff in the house of any of the spaniards, much less among the indians, and as they saw no such animal either before or afterwards, they could not doubt who it was. it was a very particular favor of the lord to show the devil in visible form, that the religious might strengthen their prayers and turn with greater urgency to him who surely favored them, for they now had in view their enemy, who desired to swallow them whole. they also perceived that he was very active among his indians; for the religious frequently heard them (sometimes by day but ordinarily by night) in the villages about the city, named daludu and tocolana, and in the houses in the fields in that vicinity, making a great noise with their voices and their gasas--which are their bells, though they are not formed like our bells. father fray diego de soria said to the other religious, with a tone of certainty: "fathers, this noise that we hear is the indians making sacrifices to the demons; for, induced by their diabolical industry, they are now offering special services to the devil, and are striving to appease him by feasts, that he may keep and preserve them in their ancient rites and customs. pray then, reverend fathers, to the lord for his grace, that he may expel from the land the prince of darkness, who holds it under his tyranny. prepare yourselves, for we are soon to come into conflict with him. within a few days you will be scattered among the villages of these heathen, and will be exposed to great dangers. you will find that you will have to do with him, for he it is who is the strong army guarding this his dwelling-place. therefore he will strive to defend it, and to attack those who seek him, and who are endeavoring to drive him forth from it. but be of good courage, for we have on our side him who conquered the devil, and who every day causes his followers to conquer him." this was not spoken to deaf persons, but to those who knew very well the truth of what was said. though they felt confident that they would conquer with the divine aid, they made themselves ready, with prayer and fasting and suffering, for the dangers and hardships without which there is never conflict, and much less victory. while this was taking place in the city, father fray diego strove to have churches erected in pata, abulug, and camalaniugan [54]--as was easily done, because the churches were very small and poor. then father fray diego held a council of the religious and said to them: "it would be well to cast lots, to see to which of each of these four villages your reverences are to go." they answered: "there is no reason for depending on uncertain lots, for he is always sure of a happy lot who is under the rule of obedience. dispose of us, your reverence, as seems best to you; for without any reply we will each of us go very contentedly wherever the direction of our superior bids us go." father fray diego was pleased to hear so wise a response, and one so proper from vowed religious; and named father fray miguel de san jacintho [55] and father fray gaspar zarfate to the church of st. mary magdalene in pata; and father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios to abulug, with brother fray domingo de san blas as his companion, directing them to build or to finish the church in honor of st. thomas aquinas, doctor of the church. father fray antonio de soria, with another brother, went to camalaniugan. in the city remained father fray diego de soria and father fray thomas castellar, who had picked up a little of the language. in addition to this, father fray diego went out to visit all the villages, to the great spiritual and temporal profit of the indians. the first church of the indians erected in this province was in the village of pata. there was a chief in it, named yringan, who was devoted to the spaniards and who attached himself to the religious, being on very intimate terms with them. he was accordingly very glad to receive them in his village, which they reached on the day of the holy cross in september. they were overjoyed to find a cross set up in it, three braças and a half in height. when they asked the indians how they got it, they answered that before the religious came to this province a contagious disease attacked the indians, of which many died. it happened that at that time there was in this village a spaniard, juan fernandez de najara, a peaceful man, much beloved by the indians. many of them went to him to ask for a remedy for their sick. he, pitying their need, answered them, "friends, i cannot cure you. it is god who can cure these ills. let us trust in him and in his only son, who was made man and died on a cross. let us believe that by his sign he will heal you. for this is a thing that we christians reverence and esteem highly; and it may be that for this devotion god will pity you. bring two pieces of wood and let us make it." he made the cross and the indians put it up. najara and his companions fell on their knees and celebrated the setting up of the cross by shooting off their arquebuses with the utmost devotion and reverence. the indians, imitating them, reverenced it in their own manner. the result was miraculous, for this contagious disease immediately began so plainly to abate that the indians could not fail to see this result, barbarians though they were. one of them, the one who received the fathers, made a small cross and fastened it to his bed, that it might protect him from this sickness, and in this way he attained his desire. when the religious entered this and the other villages of the indians, they had absolutely no knowledge of the language; and there was in all the villages not a single person who desired to receive the faith, since it had never been preached to them. they had never heard a thing of it in all their lives; on the contrary, the devil had kept them prejudiced against it--by the threats which he uttered, and by telling them that their ancestors would return, and would be greatly grieved to find them under a different law from that which they had followed. moreover, the works which they saw done by the christian spaniards whom they knew there were not such as to cause them to be converted, or to make them esteem the christian way of living. at that time they knew no religious, though they had heard of them, but very confusedly and uncertainly, by reports brought from pangasinan. accordingly they felt distrustful of religious, and believed that they followed the customs of the soldiers, because they belonged to the nation of the latter. at first, therefore, they put no confidence in them and could not understand what their purposes were in coming to live in the indian villages. they feared that the religious would be like the other christians whom they had seen, who came to try to get away from them their gold and everything that they prized. being suspicious of this, some of the villages refused to admit them, for instance, that of masi. but in the village of pata they were kindly received, and built their poor church and tiny dwelling-place, made of nothing but cane and nipa or straw, and of very slender stakes. even for this they had to pay the indians much more than the materials were worth, as also for the labor of those who built it. however, the fathers thought nothing of the expense, but it seemed to them very good; and to this very day they praise that house, and regard it as very well built. as the religious did not understand the language, and did not even have any translators or interpreters [naguatatos] by whom they might communicate with the indians, and explain the law of god which they came to preach to them, they labored much with very small results. the indians, who were greatly displeased to see them in their villages, gave them nothing to eat; and the need and hunger which they suffered were very great. although they suffered joyfully for love of god, still these things had their natural effect on their bodies; and father fray miguel de san jacintho was afflicted by a severe pain in the stomach, and his companion by giddiness of the head. both of these maladies were due to their lack of food, for as soon as they had anything to eat they recovered. but it was not often that they had sufficient food, sustaining themselves generally with nothing but herbs, and those purgative ones, which rather diminished their strength than afforded them sustenance. at meal-time one of them read a chapter from holy scripture, and when this was finished they began upon their short meal. the one who completed his meal first read another chapter of the scripture, and then they gave thanks to god, having satisfied their souls rather than their stomachs. [on one st. dominic's day the religious found themselves with nothing to eat but rice boiled in water (which takes the place of bread in this country); and just at meal-time an indian came in and gave them a very good fish of the kind called bobo. this is the best kind of fish known in this country, and this was the best fish of the sort that the fathers had ever eaten. it was caught in a river where it had never before been seen, and at a time of year when this fish is not generally found, even in the rivers which it enters to spawn. the fathers accordingly accepted this as a miracle, granted them that they might duly celebrate the day of the founder of their order. soon after, the fathers found the man who had given them the fish, given over for dead, but still living. by their care he was cured, and afterwards was baptized. the fathers to whom this happened were father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios and fray domingo de san blas. this was in august, and, as the fathers had entered upon their work in september in the preceding year, their sufferings had lasted almost a year. at this time it happened that an augustinian friar came to the village of pata, and, beholding the sufferings of these religious, was greatly shocked, and rebuked the indian chiefs for the treatment that they had offered to the friars. the religious had been unwilling to ask the indians even for a little fish, although there were a great many in the river that flowed by the village. the words of the augustinian had some effect, and the indians brought them some fish, though not very much. the custom of father fray luis de granada was to read a little after grace had been said, and then to discuss the reading and to talk over what they had learned of the language of the indians. they then took a brief rest and afterwards conferred upon some point in theology, finally returning to the language, for they thought more of discovering a new word than of finding a rich pearl. in course of time the lord was pleased to reward their diligence by giving them the use of the language, so that they could understand the indians and instruct them in the law of god. they translated the christian doctrine into their language, and had the children recite it. they succeeded in obtaining many of the children for baptism. the devil's oracles ceased in this village of pata, where they had been delivered to a sorceress named fulangan.] at this time there was in the village near this one, called cabacungan, a famous indian anitera, or priestess, with whom the devil frequently spoke, and by whose mouth in those days he uttered most dreadful things. by her means the enemy caused a great repugnance to the faith among the people there. the religious endeavored to frighten her, and several times threatened her that if she did not cease they would have her punished in the spanish city, or would send her to manila; but she, egged on by him who inspired her, pretended that she did not understand, and continued in her wickedness. the religious, as a last resort, thought it best to send an indian chief who had become a good christian to talk with her. his name was don francisco yringan. they hoped that he would be able to bring her over, or at least to prevent her from perverting the people. if they failed in this, they determined to bring her to justice. yringan did not dare to carry this message to this she-devil without stronger weapons than hers, and asked the fathers for a cross. the religious, who had nothing better at hand, painted one on a cloth that yringan had tied on his head, and used nothing but pen and ink. this was so easy that he made or painted not one only, but several. this one thing terrified the devil so greatly that, without daring to stand before the indian armed with crosses, he caught up his priestess, and she disappeared. neither he nor she ever appeared again, nor was it ever known where he took her or what he did with her. as a result of this miracle and many others with which the lord gave credit to his gospel, the indians began to feel respect for the law that the religious preached to them. the latter were much encouraged when they saw that the lord favored them; and father fray diego de soria determined to undertake a very difficult and dangerous enterprise, which, if successful, would greatly aid in this conversion. it happened that the lord of this village of pata, of masi, and of others, named siriban, a very noble and valiant indian, had at this time withdrawn to the mountains, fleeing from the alcalde-mayor, before whom some of his rivals had brought against him charges that he had many wives. in fact, he had no more than two--one of them his equal in rank; and the other of lower rank but more beloved, because he had a daughter by her whom he tenderly loved, as the child deserved. the alcalde-mayor had these two women arrested; and he ordered them to be flogged, though one of them was pregnant. partly from resentment for this, and partly for fear that the alcalde-mayor would capture him (as he meant to), siriban withdrew to the mountains, attended by a heavily-armed guard. his purpose was not to make war against the spaniards, for he never undertook anything of that kind, but merely to defend himself if they tried to capture him, as his enemies desired. however, he always kept his person safe, being an indian of great courage and much ingenuity; a man of noble birth, good motives, and a kind disposition. he was accordingly much beloved by his subjects, who accompanied and guarded him with great fidelity. all this had happened before the religious came to the province, for if father fray diego had been in it the alcalde-mayor would not have done what he did. father fray diego saw that if he could convert this indian many more would be sure to follow him to the church, and determined to attempt his conversion. for this purpose he prepared himself with many prayers and masses, and the tears of himself and the other religious, in return for which the lord caused the indians to appoint a place where father fray diego might come and speak with him. father fray diego gave him the assurance that no other spaniard would come there, and that there would be no indians in ambush and no trickery. they conversed with each other, and father fray diego was able to give siriban such assurances that he came down with his following to the village of pata, put himself like a lamb in the hands of father fray diego, and began like a child to learn the christian prayers and doctrine, desiring to receive the law which the religious taught. he was occupied in this up to the end of lent; and at easter was baptized in the city of the spaniards with seven other chiefs. these were the first adult christians of this province of nueva segovia. don diego, as siriban was named, had as his godfathers the alcalde-mayor and some other leading spaniards. this was a day of great joy for the villages; and don diego siriban and his associates became very friendly to the spaniards. don diego was very grateful and was a great aid to christianity; he attracted many to the faith, not only by his example, but by his words. many adults now began to be baptized; but the greatest and most certain harvest was that of the children, because the lord at this time sent a great plague of epidemic smallpox throughout the province. it was so malignant that it did not leave a child alive; and that the children might have eternal life the lord enabled the religious to baptize them throughout the time of the epidemic. the result was a great harvest of souls for heaven, sent from a land which always before had supplied a harvest for hell. the new preachers of the gospel kept constantly baptizing children; and, as this activity was so sure and certain in its results, they took great delight in it. they already forgot and despised all the hardships which they had suffered in their long voyages, their dangerous infirmities, and their exhausting journeys, being pleased with the taste of fruits which were so plentiful, which came so early, and which were so agreeable to god. god also showed himself to be pleased with the good services of the religious, in receiving from their hands such abundance and such gracious first-fruits. the religious also promised themselves marvelous results from their labor, which had commenced so wonderfully. not only here, but in all the churches which have been established, the ministers of this province have observed that the first bodies which have been interred in them have been those of baptized infants, in order that possession of them may be taken first by the bodies of those who, as we certainly know, have gone to glorify and to people heaven. [the lord also showed himself very kind to the adults at times. on one occasion, in response to the prayers of an indian christian he protected his fields from a plague of locusts, which devastated the fields of all his indian neighbors.] after the church of pata had been founded, it was planned to erect another as large in abulug, a more populous town, the people of which were very proud and esteemed themselves highly. the indians came to help in building it, not because of the payment they received--for as they very soon showed, they would have given much more to keep the religious out of their village, for the devil kept prejudiced against the fathers--but because they were afraid of the alcalde-mayor, who ordered them to do this. even while they were at work on it, they held a council in which they agreed to do what they could to interfere with it and to drive away the religious. the chiefs made up a plan that some of them should go to the city of manila, and there bring it about that the religious should be compelled to leave their village, and to give them over to their barbarous and heathen manner of living. the charge of this matter was put in the hands of two chiefs, who were uncle and nephew, one being named cafugao and the other tuliau. they got ready a vessel, and gave their ambassadors a great quantity of gold to carry out their object; and the latter actually set sail, in order to bring this about. the storms and dangers of the sea which they suffered on this voyage were many; because the sea of these coasts is very violent and stormy. however, making their way against the wind, they reached bigan, the principal town of the province of ylocos. here they talked with the chiefs there, telling their intentions and designs, and the purpose which took them to manila. the people of ylocos told them that they were making a mistake, and that, now they had spaniards in their land, to oppose having priests there was to strive in vain. but cafugao, who held the highest rank among them all, was so obstinate that he urged his nephew tuliau to prosecute their journey to manila, because they could reach it by six days' sailing. they set sail, and though the weather was good and the sea was quiet, they could not manage to get a step in advance, and accomplished nothing but to advance and then come back again. in this way they spent many days even in reaching a port called purau, which was little more than a day's voyage distant. this was the more marvelous because they plainly saw other vessels making their way to the same place to which they wished to go. all the rest passed them by, while they only remained in that place without being able to advance as the others did. they did not know to what they might attribute this, when they saw that for all the others that were making the same voyage the wind was fair, while for them it was contrary. at last, forced by necessity, they were obliged to return to bigan, where the chiefs of the town again tried to persuade them to receive the religious. to influence them the more, they said: "look, and see that the religious whom you have are not going to do you any harm. on the contrary, they will do you much good by helping to protect you from the spaniards. the people of pangasinan, our neighbors, are very well pleased with them; for they eat no chickens, but only a little fish, and if that is not given to them they get along with herbs. they do not travel on the backs of men, or of indians, but on their own feet. if there is no one to carry their bed for them, they carry it on their own shoulders. they do not seek for gold, they do not ask for silver; on the contrary, they give of what they have to their indians, they maintain the poor, and they cure the sick." influenced by these words, and disgusted and wearied by the unfavorable weather which they experienced, they determined to return to their village, after having spent four months on a journey which was usually performed in a week, and after having been many times in danger of being wrecked and drowned. by this may be seen the rebelliousness of their hearts, and the mercy of the lord, who carried them from one place to the other, and, placing before their eyes the death that they deserved, hindered the evil purpose upon which they had entered, and drew them to his holy law. they did not understand it then, but came to see it afterward; and to this day they tell the story with great wonder, as of a manifestly miraculous and marvelous event. when they reached their own village, they had become changed and gentle, beyond all the hope that the fathers had of them. they began with all their hearts to learn how to pray, to hear the catechism, and to frequent the church; and, urging the others to do the same, they accepted baptism. they and the rest in that house became very good christians, and were the support of christianity in that region. they gave alms freely, and were devoted to the divine worship. god has given them his blessing; and that household is the best ordered and most highly esteemed among all the indians in that province. in the meantime, the chiefs of this village and their neighbors were waiting for news from manila that the negotiations of those who had sailed there had succeeded in causing the dismissal of the religious. while waiting, they tricked and deceived them by sending half a dozen boys to listen to the prayers, having agreed among themselves that none of the grown people should enter the church or the fathers' dwelling-place, or should have any dealings with them, or go to see them. this plan displeased the boys, and one of them, a son of the most prominent chief, said: "so the grown people are pleased and satisfied to send me to endure this praying, and to stay in the church; but they ought not to do so." thus every day he quarreled with them, and they with him. he began to cry and whimper, and threatened them that he would run away if they made him go to church. this was the state of perversity in which they then were; but when the voyagers came and told them what had happened, their minds were all changed, and they began to think well of the law which was preached to them. thus they set about becoming christians, and good christians, being much aided by the virtue of the religious--which was so great that, though they were heathen and barbarous, they recognized and respected it. it happened at this time that there came to this village on business some indians who had already been converted to christianity, natives of the province of ylocos, which, as has been said, is next to that of nueva segovia. one of them fell sick, and was left without shelter or food. no one took pity upon him, because those in the village were all still heathen and pitiless, as was he whom they adored as god. father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios went to the sick man, and, pitying him, took him to the convent, entrusting him to brother fray domingo de san blas, his associate, a very devout friar. he directed him to provide the sick man with what he needed as well as he could, though this was but poorly. the brother did this with great delight, for his whole mind was set upon serving god and his neighbor. at last the sick man was about to die; and the fathers summoned the chief of the village--who was a heathen, like all the rest of them--that he might see how they attended upon the dying person, and might thus be edified and come to feel kindly toward the faith. [while the chief was there the father cast holy water upon the dying man, whom he took for dead. the sick man revived, and the result of this occurrence was to make the hearts of the chief and of the other inhabitants of the village very well disposed to the fathers and to their teaching, because they saw them act so disinterestedly and so charitably toward a stranger, from whom they could expect no reward. the recovery of the sick person when the holy water was sprinkled upon him caused the indians to believe in the virtue of this water, and hence to be willing to be baptized. an indian woman who seemed to be mortally wounded also recovered after being baptized; and the indians believed that this healing was much aided by the great virtue of the missionary, father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios. the first church was built as poorly as might have been expected of religious who came into the country as christ our lord in his gospel directed his apostles to go, without money, or bag, or treasure. in the course of time, when necessity required the building of larger churches, because the town was large and the population had almost all become christian, they were all of wood and unfortunately burned. the religious afterward undertook to build one of brick or stone; and for this purpose they built a kiln in which to burn lime. when it was already full of stone and of the wood necessary to make a fire, there was a religious standing at the top of the arch over it, and there were some men and women at work on the side. the arch suddenly fell in, and all the stone was carried inward. one woman was buried in the stone, to twice her own height. the religious offered prayers for her to the virgin; and when they uncovered her, which they did as quickly as possible, she came out, of her own accord, quite uninjured.] when the first church in this village had been finished, the religious, seeing the manifest favor of the lord in everything that had happened, undertook to build another in camalaniugan, a village about a legua from the city. the indians there are among the most intelligent in those provinces. they were very friendly with the spaniards, and gave them great help in pacifying the whole country, by their great fidelity and continued assistance in the wars which took place. no falsehood or double-dealing was ever discovered in them; and they have always preserved this affection for the spaniards, serving them much--as they were able to do, because of their proximity to the city. the chief and lord of this village was so rich that, if we are to believe his vassals, or even some of the old soldiers who were there at that time, he weighed the gold that he had with a steelyard, as iron is commonly weighed. afterward, however, he suffered from the vicissitudes of fortune, and lost the greater part of his property. to this village father fray antonio de soria went, with a brother of the order, to establish and erect a church. though they were received without opposition, the indians showed so little pleasure at having them in their village that no one visited them or spoke to them, except to ask when they were going to depart. their answer was, that they would go as soon as the river ran dry. now this river is so large that, because of its resemblance, the spaniards called it tajo [i.e., "tagus"]. at this answer the indians gave up putting that question, but they did not give up their wonder at seeing the religious among them, making a thousand guesses about the plans and purposes that the religious might have in maintaining a house and dwelling in their village. the women, though out of curiosity they tried to look at the religious, did so by stealth, glancing over their shoulders. if a religious happened to turn his head, they ran away like so many fallow-deer. if one suddenly came upon them when they were carrying water (which they drew from the river), they put it on the ground in order that they might better run away from him and from being seen by him. this was the way in which the religious were generally received in that and the other villages. however, as the story of the way in which they lived at pata and abulug had reached there, the indians did not find the missionaries quite so strange, or treat them quite so badly, as they did at those places. what they wondered at most was their habits, which for such a hot country were very heavy, and which were very different from anything that they had seen on spaniards, or on religious who had up to that time been in the city. a church was afterward built there--like the rest, poor and small, and with a roof of thatch. but it was built with great devotion on the part of the religious, and with great acceptance to our lord, for whose glory it was built. immediately afterward, they likewise built a church in buguey, which was near that village and was closely allied to it. the church of camalaniugan had the name of st. hyacinth, and was dedicated to him. that of buguei was dedicated to st. vincent ferrer; but afterward the name was changed, and it is now named for st. anne. these churches were for the time annexed to the convent in the city, as its benefices, and as dependent upon it. the religious found much to occupy them while they were dwelling in those villages, as they were the first who preached there the law of the gospel; and as they had deeply at heart the purpose of overthrowing and casting to the ground the deceits which the father of lies had inculcated upon these tribes, and the diabolical customs in which they had been brought up. these evil ways of living had been sucked in by them with their mothers' milk, and, having been continued by them all their lives, they had become second nature. as the indians had inherited them from their ancestors, they observed them with the greatest accuracy, and took the greater pleasure in them because they were so closely conformed to their wicked inclinations and their evil training. therefore to draw them forth from this condition, which was so contrary even to the law of nature, was a most difficult matter, and one in which success was not to be expected from natural forces. hence the religious strove with all their hearts to obtain divine strength by means of prayer, fasting, and tears. by the aid of the lord, which is never denied to those who thus seek for it, they went on and conquered all these difficulties; and in a short time they saw and tasted, to the great comfort of their souls, wonderful fruits from their labors. these had been accomplished by the help of god, to whose omnipotence there is nothing difficult. the indians--who, because they did not know the religious, received them at first with so much disgust--soon came to see in what an error they had been, and how unfounded their fears were; for with the religious god sent to them light, teaching, true belief, healing for their souls, comfort in their sorrow, a wise rule of conduct, order and system in their manner of living, protection against those who wronged them, and, in a word, true fathers, not only in spiritual, but also in temporal matters. hence within a few years, when the voluntary offer of their allegiance was asked for from them on the part of his majesty king felipe ii, [56] to satisfy a scruple which he had felt with regard to the conquest of that province, one of the leading chiefs of the province, don diego siriban, responded for himself and for his subjects that he gave his allegiance to the king our lord with a very good will, because of the great blessing which he had given them by sending religious to them. he went on to say "if we had known earlier the good that was coming to us with them, we would have gone to their countries to seek for it, even if we had been sure that half of us were certain to perish in the quest." the same thing was said by the whole village. another village declared that they very readily offered their allegiance to his majesty for having sent them spaniards to deliver them from the tyranny of their chiefs, and religious to deliver them from the tyranny of some spaniards. in general, the love that they feel for the religious is very great. those who can have them in their villages are greatly pleased; while those who cannot be supplied, on account of the insufficient number, long for them. an evidence of this may be seen in the case of a great indian chief named bacani. some years ago this man, who had no religious in his district, went to see the father provincial, and, falling on his knees, begged him with tears that he might receive some fathers. he offered in his own name, and in that of the other chiefs of his tribe, to gather in one village more than a thousand inhabitants, and for this purpose to leave his own villages and estates. the reason for this was that the villages were so small and scattered that it was difficult to give instruction among them; and hence the offer was made that many of them would assemble together in a new village, in some cases one or two days' travel distant from where they had been living. the inhabitants of another region, called malagueg, who had no ministers, and to whom none could be given, built a house for them and bought a boat in which they might travel--for people generally travel by the rivers--planning thus to make it easier for religious to be given them, as soon as there should be any. in the interim they did not cease to ask for them very humbly, and left no stone unturned to bring it about that the religious might be sent. they did all sorts of things to get ministers to live among them, offering to abandon their vices, and manifesting the greatest desire to become christians (as at this time, by the grace of god, they are). the same desire was displayed by the indians of the estuary of yogan; but the father provincial did not dare to give them religious. a marvel followed, for while they were very urgently pleading for missionaries, two of the religious fell sick, and were so near to death that they were already despaired of. at that time a religious came in, who was much moved to pity when he saw the heathen asking for preachers with so much urgency. he told the father provincial, fray miguel de san jacintho, that he ought to make a vow to send missionaries to the people of yogan if the lord healed the sick men; for, if the lord did heal them, it was the same as to give him anew two missionaries, the number necessary for these indians, for they were already mourning the religious as dead. the provincial made no vow, but promised to do so; and the lord straightway fulfilled that condition by healing those whose life was despaired of, and the provincial sent religious to yogan. many other indians of that same country have felt this same desire, wishing to enjoy the presence of the religious, because of the high regard that they feel for them and the great advantage which they receive from their presence. and the hearts of the religious have been not a little grieved at seeing the heathen coming to ask for preachers (which is the same as for them to come to preach to us), and themselves unable to help them. since there are not religious enough for so many villages and districts, the religious have done all they could, and at times have done more than they could; so that, as a result of their excessive labor, they have lost their lives. even so, there are many to whose succor it has not been possible to go; and they have failed to become christians for lack of missionaries to teach them, baptize them, and keep them in the divine law. (to be continued.) bibliographical data the first document is obtained from antonio alvarez de abreu's extracto historial (madrid, 1736), fol. 1-28; from a copy of that work in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. the second document is part of diego aduarte's historia de la provincia del sancto rosario (manila, 1640), pp. 1-167; from a copy of that work in the possession of edward e. ayer. it will be continued in the next two volumes of this series. notes [1] the present document is taken from the extracto historial, a work compiled (madrid, 1736) by order of the spanish government, for its information and guidance in the discussions then pending in the royal council of the indias upon the subject of the trade in chinese silks between the philippine islands and nueva españa. the book is an historical résumé of that commerce, and of legislation thereon, from its beginning to 1736; it is composed mainly of important documents--decrees, memorials, etc.--from the original sources, and is divided into ten tiempos, or periods, of which the second (which covers the time from 1603 to 1640) is here presented, and the others will receive due attention in later volumes. the title-page of the extracto (of which a facsimile precedes the present document) reads thus in english: "historical summary of the measures now under discussion in the royal and supreme council of the indias, at the instance of the city of manila and the philipinas islands, in regard to the form in which the commerce and trade in chinese fabrics with nueva españa shall be conducted and continued. and for the better understanding of the subject, the important events in that commerce are noted (distinguishing and separating the periods of time), from the discovery of the philipinas islands and the concession of commerce to them, with whatever has occurred up to the present in the operation and at the instance of the commerce of españa and its tribunal [consulado]. compiled and arranged by order of the king and the advice of the above-named council, and at his majesty's expense, by an official of the [india] house, from the papers and documents furnished by the office of the secretary for nueva españa, and [including] other special memoirs, which the said official has here set down for the greater completeness of the work, and to throw more light on the subject. at madrid: in the printing-house of juan de ariztia, in the year 1736." the official there mentioned was don antonio alvarez de abreu; at the beginning of the work he mentions in a prefatory article the reasons for its compilation, and the plan he has followed; he claims to have reproduced accurately the documents presented therein, and to have regarded the interests of both sides in the controversy then being waged over the philippine commerce. one hundred copies of the extracto were printed. [2] thus in the original; but in the following expansion of these points eight of them are enumerated, indicating an oversight on the part of the compiler. the sixth is there stated as the renown and profit accruing to the crown from the victories gained by its philippine subjects; the seventh, the aid given by them to both crowns; the eighth, their protection of chinese commerce. [3] according to crawfurd (dict. ind. islands, p. 38) this is the form, in the native languages, of the name that europeans write bantam, applied to the extreme western province of java, and to an important seaport town in its northwest extremity. most of the inhabitants of this province are sundas, but along the coasts there is considerable intermixture with javanese and other malayan peoples. the port of bantan was an important commercial center long before the arrival there of europeans. [4] i.e., hindostan (see vol. xvii, p. 252). the grave accent is here used in the word mogòr, simply as following the usage of the extracto, which throughout prints the grave instead of the acute accent. [5] st. martin, one of the antilles, was a resort for french pirates and dutch smugglers until 1638, when it was captured by the spaniards. it was afterward recovered from them, and in 1648 was formally divided between the french and dutch--a status that still prevails. [6] the alcabala, an excise duty collected on all sales of commodities, was derived from the moors, and was more or less imposed in spain from the year 1342 on. it was introduced in the american colonies in 1574, and for more than two centuries was a rich source of income for the spanish crown and a heavy tax on the colonists. the rate was at first two per cent, but afterward this was doubled and trebled; and it was levied on every transfer of goods, taxing property over and over again. see bancroft's mexico, iii, pp. 658, 659; and recopilación leyes de indias, lib. viii, tit. xiii, and lib. ix, tit. xlv, ley lxvi. [7] raynal thus describes acapulco, in his history of settlements and trade in indies (justamond's translation, london, 1783), iii, pp. 378, 379: "the port of acapulco where the vessel arrives, hath two inlets, separated from each other by a small island: the entrance into them in the day is by means of a sea-breeze, and the sailing out in the night-time is effected by a land-breeze. it is defended only by a bad fort, fifty soldiers, forty-two pieces of cannon, and thirty-two of the corps of artillery. it is equally extensive, safe, and commodious. the bason which forms this beautiful harbor is surrounded by lofty mountains, which are so dry, that they are even destitute of water. four hundred families of chinese, mulattoes, and negroes, which compose three companies of militia, are the only persons accustomed to breathe the air of this place, which is burning, heavy, and unwholesome. the number of inhabitants in this feeble and miserable colony is considerably increased upon the arrival of the galleons, by the merchants from all the provinces of mexico, who come to exchange their silver and their cochineal, for the spices, muslins, china, printed linens, silks, perfumes, and gold works of asia. at this market, the fraud impudently begun in the old world, is as impudently completed in the new. the statutes have limited the sale to 2,700,000 livres, and it exceeds 10,800,000 livres. all the money produced by these exchanges should give ten per cent. to the government: but they are deprived of three-fourths of the revenue which they ought to collect from their customs, by false entries." this passage is appropriated bodily--with a few changes, and an important omission--in malo de luque's establecimientos ultramarinos (madrid, 1790), v, p. 220; and no credit is given by him to raynal. on the map of acapulco in bellin's atlas maritime (paris, 1764), t. ii, p. 86, appears the following naïve item in the legend at the side: "two trees, to which the galleon from manila attaches a cable;" these trees are located directly in front of the tiny "city," and between two redoubts. [8] talinga is defined by noceda and sanlucar (vocab. lengua tagala, third ed., manila, 1860) as manta de ilocos ("ilocos blanket"). it is apparently the same as terlinga, used by mallat and malo de luque; and tarlinga, later in this document. [9] encarnación (dicc. bisaya-español, manila, 1885) says, after defining the word as here: "the word lompot eminently signifies 'piece;' and the pieces in which the native women weave all their fabrics are regularly eight varas long and one wide." [10] "an indiscreet or ill-directed zeal distracted from labors and persistent effort those colonists, who themselves were inclined to inactivity. their exceedingly lucrative commerce and intercourse with america accustomed them to regard as intolerable and even disgraceful the most honorable occupations. if through any misfortune the rich acapulco galleon could not be despatched, or was wrecked, the greater part of the inhabitants lapsed into fearful misery. many became beggars, thieves, or assassins; it was customary for them to enlist as soldiers; and the courts were unable to check or correct the many crimes committed." (malo de luque, establecimientos ultramarinos, v, pp. 211-212.) cf. this with raynal's settlements and trade in indies, iii, p. 78, from which malo de luque has again borrowed without giving raynal credit (see note 7, ante). [11] silkworms and the cultivation of the mulberry tree, for both of which the country is naturally adapted, were introduced into mexico by cortés, and for a time the production and manufacture of silk there promised to become a source of wealth to the country; but it was practically ruined by the restrictive and unfriendly policy of the spanish government and the competition of the chinese silks sent to nueva españa from manila. mexico has several native species of silkworms, and trees on which they feed--not only of mulberry, but of other genera; and their product was used by the natives before the conquest, especially in mizteca in oajaca. for accounts of this product and industry, see acosta's hist. indies (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1880), i, p. 269; humboldt's new spain (black's translation), iii, pp. 57-60, 465; and bancroft's hist. mexico, ii, p. 292; v, pp. 612, 613; vi, pp. 524, 576. [12] on fol. 24 verso of the extracto, the surname barahona is added to this man's name as here given. [13] under the rule of felipe iii and felipe iv, the economic and financial affairs of spain fell into a ruinous condition. the indolence and incompetency of those monarchs, the influence exercised over them by unscrupulous favorites, the rapid increase of absolutism and bureaucracy, the undue privileges accorded to the nobility and clergy, costly and useless wars, the extravagance and corruption which prevailed in the court and in the administration of the entire kingdom and the expulsion of the moriscos--all these causes quickly brought on an enormous national debt, the impoverishment of the common people, depopulation of large districts, almost the ruin of manufacture and the like industries, the oppression of the poor, the trampling down of the national liberties, the decline of spain's naval and military power, and many other evils. the treasures of the indias did not suffice to maintain the nation, and even caused some of its woes; and the reckless mismanagement of its revenues caused enormous deficits, which its rulers attempted to meet by imposing more and heavier taxes, duties, and contributions upon a people already staggering under their grievous burdens. the impositions named in the text are but a few of those levied at that time; and the colonies were compelled to bear their share of the burden carried by the mother-country. see the excellent survey of this period in spanish history, and of conditions political, administrative, social, and economic, with bibliography of the subject, in lavisse and rambaud's histoire générale (paris, 1893-1901), v, pp. 649-682. [14] marginal note: "it stands thus in the original"--referring to a doublet of three and a half (printed) lines, which the extracto has reproduced from the text which it followed, presumably a manuscript copy of the decree. [15] a variation in palafox's title, apparently due to some clerical oversight. it is not, however, incorrect, since tlascala was the earlier seat of that bishopric, and gave name to it--the bishop's residence being afterward removed to the new city of puebla, five leguas distant from tlascala. [16] apparently referring to the paper recording the composition of 1635; and the wording of this sentence in the decree would imply that the 600,000 pesos of that composition were at first levied in three annual installments, but afterward collected in advance. [17] thus in the extracto; but the statement appears to be a non sequitur, and suggests the probability of some words being omitted. [18] the various approbations at the beginning of the book are not here translated, as not being sufficiently important to justify such use of our space. the first of these is furnished by governor hurtado de corcuera, and is dated at manila, march 21, 1639--in which he states that fray gonçalez has added matter which brings down aduarte's history to 1637, thus covering a period of fifty years from the foundation of that dominican province. the request for permission to print the book is made by fray carlos clemente gant, prior-provincial of that order; and it is granted (for six years) by the governor, after favorable report on the book has been made by fray theofilo mascaros, an augustinian--this report, by the way, being dated at the augustinian convent of sancta ana de agonoy, august 29, 1638. archbishop guerrero also approves this publication (july 7, 1638); and, four days earlier, the franciscan, fray juan piña de san antonio, at sampaloc, does the same. [19] see account (mainly derived from aduarte) of the foundation of the dominican province of filipinas, in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 1-29. fray juan crisóstomo was one of the dominican friars in mexico, and was sent to spain and rome in 1581 to make arrangements for the opening of the new filipinas mission; no information is available regarding previous events in his life. having assembled the members of his mission at sevilla, he set out with them for nueva españa (july 17, 1586); but the hardships of the voyage made him so ill that he was obliged to remain a long time in mexico, not being able to reach manila until 1589. there he was so affected by age and broken health that he could do little; and finally disease carried him away, and he died probably late in 1590 or early in 1591. [20] the mission of the jesuit sanchéz to spain, and its results, are described in vols. vi and vii of this series. [21] juan de castro, a native of burgos, entered the dominican order at that place, and soon after his ordination went to nueva españa, where he spent most of his life in guatemala. being sent to madrid on business of his order, he encountered there fray juan crisóstomo (1585-86), through whom he became so interested in the projected mission to filipinas that for its sake he declined proffered honors and dignities. he conducted to manila the mission of 1587, and was elected provincial at the first chapter-meeting (june 10, 1588). in may, 1590, castro and benavides went to china to preach the gospel, returning to manila in march, 1591. the suffering and hardship which they endured in china broke down the health of castro, who was already an old man; and he died in 1592. [22] juan ormaza de santo tomás was born at medina del campo, in september, 1548. his studies were pursued at salamanca; after graduation he spent several years in teaching and was engaged in this occupation at valladolid when crisóstomo went thither to secure missionaries for filipinas. ormaza enlisted in this new field, and, after arriving at manila, he was assigned to the district of bataan. here he "reduced to two villages, with some visitas annexed, the thirty-one hamlets among which the indians were dispersed; made bridges over the rivers; hindered with palisades (which those people call tabones) the inroads of the sea, which had ruined their grain-fields; and adorned the churches with altars, sacred images, and paintings." during 1610-14 he was engaged in the missions of japan; the rest of his life, except 1619-21 and 1623-25, when he ministered to the chinese in the parián and in binondoc respectively, was spent at the manila convent--where he died on september 7, 1638. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 86-91.) pedro de soto was a native of burgos, and pursued his priestly studies at valladolid; soon after his graduation he joined the filipinas mission. his first charge was in pangasinan, where he labored zealously, amid great opposition and hostility from the natives. a serious illness at last compelled him to return (1599) to manila, where he died. [23] juan cobo, a native of castilla, joined the dominican order at ocaña, and was a student at avila and alcalá de henares. he came to nueva españa with the mission of 1587; during his stay there (prolonged another year, on account of certain business of the order) he rebuked the viceroy of mexico so boldly that the latter ordered cobo to be exiled to the philippines. arriving at the islands in may, 1588, he began his labors among the chinese of the manila parián, and later went among those of tondo. in 1592, cobo was sent by dasmariñas as ambassador to japan; having fulfilled his commission he set out on the return to manila, and is supposed to have perished by shipwreck, as nothing more was ever known of him or his ship. [24] "peña de francia is a lofty mountain in the province and diocese of salamanca, twelve leguas from this city and seven from ciudad-rodrigo. on its rugged summit is the celebrated convent-sanctuary of this name, where the community resided from easter until november 2, at which time they went down to another house, on the slope of the same mountain, only two or three brethren remaining above for the care of the sanctuary." (reseña biográfica, i, p. 95, note 1.) [25] pedro bolaños was master of novices in the convent of peña de francia when he decided to enter the filipinas mission, and was then sixty years of age. he labored among the natives of bataan for a little while; but the responsibilities of this work, the hardships of missionary life, and his advanced years, were too much for him, and he died before he had spent a year in filipinas. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 95-97.) [26] juan de la cruz, labored first among the natives of pangasinan, and was afterward sent among those of bataan, where he became very proficient in the tagál language. he was provisor of the archdiocese under benavides, until the latter's death; then he returned to bataan, where he died, probably near the end of 1605. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 100, 101.) [27] apparently meaning the jesuit alonso sanchéz, who was then in nueva españa, on his way to spain. [28] at that time, the marqués de villamanrique (vol. vi, p. 282). [29] the younger juan de castro was a priest in the dominican convent at barcelona when the filipinas mission enterprise was begun. arrived in the islands, he was sent to pangasinan; and, at the end of 1593, accompanied fray luis gandullo on an embassy to china. on their return, they were shipwrecked off the coast of pangasinan; and the exposure and suffering incident to this misfortune brought on a serious illness, from which castro died early in 1594. marcos soria de san antonio was also assigned to the pangasinan field, where his life was at first in danger from the fierce heathen; but afterward he won their affection by his gentleness and kindness to them. the sufferings and hardships of missionary life broke down his health, and he was compelled to seek medical care in manila; but it was too late, and he died there in 1591. gregorio ochoa de san vicente, then a dominican friar in valladolid, joined the filipinas mission; and, like his associates in pangasinan, was broken down by hardships--but even earlier than they, since his death occurred on november 25, 1588. the lay brother pedro rodriguez spent twenty years in the hospital maintained by the dominicans for the chinese, which was later removed to binondo. he died in that place, in 1609. [30] religious life (religion): religion, as used by aduarte, means solely the rule of life followed by a religious order, the order itself, or the ideal of the order; and derivative words have corresponding significations. for instance: "at the expense of the order (la religion)," book ii, p. 77; "to the no small credit of our religious community (nuestra religion), with the members of which (cuyos religiosos) they generally have most to do," book ii, p. 83; "the act which he was performing because of his duty as a religious (acto religioso)," book ii, p. 104; "sufficient to give glory to an entire religious order (una religion entera);" "all the religious orders (las religiones) in the indias." as an adjective, a "very religious" friar (religiosissimo padre, book ii, p. 376) means one who remarkably approaches the ideal of the order. in this sense religioso has generally been rendered by "devoted" in this translation. the noun "religious," in the sense of "a member of an order," and the adjective in such phrases as "a religious house," "the religious life," are still not rare in english.--henry b. lathrop. [31] the full text of these ordinances may be found in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 18-30; it is in latin, accompanied by a spanish translation, which differs considerably from aduarte's, following the latin more closely than his. the devotion to the virgin mary which is here mentioned (also known as the coronilla, or "little crown") is given ut supra, p. 29. the initial letters of the first words in the psalms selected for this purpose form the name "maria," as do those of the corresponding antiphons--thus producing a double acrostic on her name. gregory xiii granted an indulgence of one hundred days for those reciting this devotion. [32] the present province of bataán is on the western shore of manila bay, being the peninsula formed between that bay and the sea. but the description in the text, together with other mention of bataán (or batán) in old documents, makes it evident that the name was applied in aduarte's time to at least the western part of the delta at the mouth of the rio grande de pampanga, in the southwest part of the present pampanga province. [33] salaries were paid from the royal treasury in installments thrice a year, hence in thirds (tercios). [34] so in the text, but evidently referring to the beginning only of constructing the new church. [35] i.e., "take heed to thyself and to doctrine;" and, "in doing this thou shalt both save thyself and them that hear thee"--both quoted from 1 timothy, iv, v. 16. [36] dias que no son dobles: in church terminology, feast days whereof the canonical offices are observed according to double rite--or duplex feasts, as sometimes styled in english liturgical works. in church calendars, the rite to be followed every day of the year is determined (according to fixed rules) with a view to its greater or less solemnity. the various designations thus employed are: simple, or simplex; semi-double, or semi-duplex; double, or duplex, and these may be minor or major; major double of the second class; and major double of the first class. of this last sort are the most solemn feasts, as christmas, easter, pentecost; while a feast day of simple rite is of the lowest class.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. cf. addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, art. "feasts" and "feria," where full details, and the origin and application of the terms, are given. [37] juan de santo domingo assumed the dominican habit in the convent at salamanca, and later came to the philippines. he spent two years (1610-12) in the missions of bataán and pangasinan, and six years in manila and binondo; and in 1618 undertook, but unsuccessfully, to start a mission in korea. he then remained a little while in japan, where he was arrested (december 13, 1618) and imprisoned. condemned to suffer death by torture, he was carried away by a sickness instead (march 19, 1619). he was beatified on july 7, 1867. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 207, 208.) [38] little is known of alonso montero, save that he belonged to the province of mexico, where he spent several years, and afterward labored two years in the pangasinan mission. his name does not appear in the records after 1592. (reseña biográfica, p. 146.) [39] juan garcía was for some time a minister to the indians in nueva españa; he came to the islands in 1588, and labored in the missions of bataán and pangasinan. he died about 1603. (reseña biográfica, i, p. 138.) [40] tomas castellar, from the dominican convent at barcelona, went to mexico, where he filled various high positions in his order. he came to manila in 1589, where he remained three years; in 1592 he was sent to pangasinan, and, two years later, aided in founding the cagayan mission. returning to his former field, he labored with those natives until his death (1607). pedro martinez came to the islands in 1588, and was placed in various posts in the manila convent, for which he proved to be unfit from his habit of being absorbed in contemplation. he was then sent to pangasinan, where he died (1592) from the effects of the climate. juan bautista deza remained some time in pangasinan; then, as he had some knowledge of surgery, accompanied an expedition to camboja. nothing is known of him after 1600. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 138, 145.) [41] spanish, apostola de los apostoles. one of the word-plays of which the old religious writers were so fond. no literal translation conveys the meaning here implied; but apostola is used (as also in english) with the primitive meaning of "apostle," as one who first introduces the gospel--in this particular instance, one who first announces the good tidings, i.e., of christ's resurrection. [42] spanish, lector, literally, "reader;" applied to one who gave lectures in theology, especially moral theology. [43] amaranthus; see delgado's hist. filipinas, pp. 724, 725; and blanco's flora, p. 491. cf. vol. xv, p. 111. [44] probably referring to the feast of the assumption of the virgin, which fell on august 15. [45] see portrait of dasmariñas here presented; it is a photographic facsimile of an old painting (possibly a later copy of an authentic original) which was displayed in the manila house in the philippine exhibit at the louisiana purchase exposition (st. louis, 1904). the inscription on the scroll held by the page reads thus, in english: "don luis perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of alcántara, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands for the king our lord, and founder and owner of this village of binondo. he obtained this land by purchase, march 28, 1594, from don antonio velada, husband of doña sebastiana del valle, for the sum of $200. this sale was authorized by the certificate of gabriel quintanilla, a notary-public, one of the number allotted to this very illustrious and loyal city; and the grant of feudal rights over the sangleys and mestizos of this said village, on may 29, 1594." [46] see account of the first printing in the islands (1593), in vol. ix, p. 68; and that of printing in china, in vol. iii, p. 206. [47] tomás mayor came to manila with the dominican mission of 1602, and spent several years in their residence of san gabriel among the chinese; he composed a useful catechism in that language. in 1612 he went to macao, at the summons of the bishop there; but finding it impossible then to found a dominican house at macao, he departed thence for europe--dying, however, in that same year, before reaching his destination. [48] francisco de la mina, an andalusian, was a missionary among the mexican indians during forty years. coming to manila in 1589, he labored in bataán for a time; and was afterward made prior of the dominican convent in manila, where he died in 1592. [49] a topic then of special interest to the dominicans, since bishop salazar (who belonged to their order) had but recently been involved in a hot controversy with dasmariñas over the collection of tributes from the indians (see correspondence between them at end of vol. vii and beginning of vol. viii). all the missionaries in the islands had opposed slavery, whether among the indians or the spaniards; and the latter had adopted this practice to such an extent that gregory xiv commanded them in 1591 to cease it entirely (vol. viii, pp 70-72). [50] a cape (now known as piedra point) at northwest extremity of zambales peninsula, luzón; name also applied to the narrow channel between that cape and purra island. [51] cf. with this the description in sir thomas malory's morte d'arthur (book xxi, chap. iv) of the last and fatal combat between king arthur and sir mordred: "and when sir mordred felt that he had his death-wound, he thrust himself unto the bur of king arthur's spear," and with this final effort dealt a mortal blow on the king's head. [52] spanish, viva quien vence; equivalent to the english saying, "might makes right." [53] spanish, pascuas. certain great church festivals last three days or more in spain. [54] all these are towns on or near the northern coast of cagayán. [55] miguel martin de san jacinto made his profession at salamanca, in 1586. he seems to have spent his life after coming to the islands (1595) in the cagayán missions, in which he was a prominent worker. he died there, at abulug, april 26, 1625. gaspar zarfate was a native of mexico. he spent some time in cagayán, and afterward in manila, where he filled various important offices in his order. he died at manila, march 9, 1621; and was the first who systematized the grammar of the ibanag dialect. ambrosio martinez de la madre de dios, a native of guatemala, made his profession at mexico in 1589. reaching the philippines in 1595, he spent the rest of his days in the cagayán missions, where he died in april, 1626. domingo de san blás came to the islands from the dominican convent at sevilla, and spent several years in the cagayán missions; he died at manila, in 1601. antonio de soria came from the convent at puebla de los angeles, mexico. he labored so earnestly in the cagayán missions that he soon wore out his strength; and died at lal-ló about the beginning of 1599. see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 181-184. [56] the instructions given in this matter to the spanish officials and missionaries, and the manner in which they carried out these, may be found in vol. x, pp. 277-288. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xx, 1621-1624 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xx preface documents of 1621 news from the province of filipinas. alonso roman; manila, [july?]. death of doña catalina zambrano. [unsigned]; manila, july. letter to the king. alonso fajardo de tenca; manila, july 21. letter from the archbishop of manila to the king. miguel garcia serrano, o.s.a.; manila, july 30. letter to the king. geronimo de silva; manila, august 1. affairs in the franciscan province. pedro de sant pablo, o.s.f., and others; manila, 1620-21. letter to the king. alonso fajardo de tenca; manila, december 10. documents of 1622 letters to the king. alvaro messa y lugo; manila, 1621 and july 30, 1622. letters from the archbishop of manila to the king. miguel garcía serrano; manila, 1621-22. royal decrees regarding the religious. felipe iv; madrid, december 31. documents of 1623-1624 letter to fajardo. felipe iv; madrid, october 9, 1623. royal permission for the dominican college in manila. felipe iv; madrid, november 27, 1623. expedition to the mines of the igorrotes. alonso martin quirante; alingayen, june 5, 1624. bibliographical data. illustrations autograph signatures of valerio de ledesma and alonso roman; photographic facsimiles from tracings in the ventura del arco ms. weapons of the igorrotes; photograph of weapons in the colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid. weapons of the natives of north luzón; photograph of weapons in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid. preface the years 1621-24, although not marked by great battles, conquests, or calamities, contain much that is of interest in the internal development of the philippine colony; and these documents vividly illustrate the ceaseless play and interaction of human interests and passions--especially in the romantic but tragic love-affair of fajardo's wife, in which is material for a brilliant novel. the usual conflicts occur between the civil authorities and the friars, and between the governor and the audiencia; but the records of these controversies furnish an unusual revelation of human nature and its complicated phenomena. the alliance between the dutch and the english menaces this far oriental spanish colony with even more dangers than it has already experienced; and its feeble defenses and insufficient equipment of arms and men keep its people in constant dread and anxiety. for defense against the expected attacks of the heretics against manila more ships and fortifications are constructed; but this imposes additional burdens on the poor indians, which the governor tries to mitigate by endeavors to protect them from the oppression that they endure from the spaniards. controversies arise between the various orders, and within that of st francis, which are settled by the intervention of the bishop and governor. reports made by the orders show that over half a million of the natives are receiving religious instruction; but the bishop deprecates the favorite missionary policy of gathering the converts into "reductions," and advises that all the missions should be placed under the supervision of the bishops. the foreign population of manila still increases beyond the safety-line, and spasmodic efforts are made to restrict it; but corrupt and lax officials render these of little use. the difficulties involved in the chinese trade and its economic effects on the spanish colonies are still discussed, but without any satisfactory solution to the problem. the gold mines in northern luzón are explored and tested, but with meager results. a jesuit at manila, alonso roman, gives the "news from filipinas" for 1621. he recounts the persecution of christians that is still continuing in japan, with many martyrdoms. various encounters between the dutch and english occur until, an alliance being concluded between holland and england, their ships unite to prey on the commerce of china, portuguese india, and the philippines. the writer relates several naval encounters, and captures of trading ships. in one of these the chinese, pouring melted sugar on the enemy, "sent fourteen of the dutch in a conserve to hell." roman concludes his letter with an account of the tragedy in which governor fajardo slays his wife and her lover (may 11, 1621)--the latter being a renegade jesuit, named joan de messa. another account of this affair adds some minor details. fajardo sends his annual despatches to the king (july 21, 1621). he describes his measures for the prompter despatch of the trading-fleet to nueva españa, and the recent hostile demonstration made by the dutch and english at manila bay. he takes all precautions for defense against them, but is unable to attack them, owing to his lack of troops--a deficiency which he proceeds to explain. thus far, the enemy have done little harm, especially as fajardo promptly warned the chinese, and other trading countries near by, of their arrival. he learns of other hostile fleets that are preparing to attack the islands, and takes all possible precautions for their defense. he asks that, until the affairs of the islands are in better condition, the audiencia of manila may be discontinued, as the auditors embarrass and hinder his efforts, and are not competent to fulfil their duties. the religious also make the governor's duties a burden; and their exactions from the indians prevent the latter from serving the crown. the dutch know betters how to deal with the natives; they exempt the latter from tributes, personal services, and religious instruction. little has been done in opening the igorrote mines--a task which fajardo is warned to push forward. he has sent troops and supplies safely to ternate. he is having much trouble in regard to the residencia of his predecessor, the late juan de silva; and complains of the shelter and countenance given to auditor messa by the dominicans. fajardo recounts various matters of government and his procedure therein; also the annoyances and hindrances which he experiences from the friars. he commends, however, the jesuits and their work, suggesting that more of them should be sent to the islands. he is perplexed and hindered by the lack of soldiers, but is doing his best with his small forces. the council orders the viceroy of nueva españa to send every year to filipinas all the reenforcements in his power. the archbishop of manila sends to the king (july 30, 1621) an account of ecclesiastical and some other affairs in his diocese. he asks permission to hold an ecclesiastical council, and to hold the feast of corpus christi at some other and more convenient date than it has on the calendar. he complains of the poverty of the manila cathedral, and asks for aid; also of the governor's failure to consult him regarding appointments to prebends, and of the incapacity for canonical offices of certain royal appointees. serrano commends the members of his chapter, some of them individually and by name. the two colleges in manila are training so many students that they cannot find positions in the church, and the archbishop is greatly pained by their consequent poverty and humiliation. he asks for more competent bishops to be sent to the islands; and for authority to be given to religious ministers there to grant absolution for certain impediments to marriage which render divorces among the natives too easy. the friars who have charge of instructing the natives ought to be subject to inspection by the bishops, and thus various abuses would be corrected. affairs in japan are in great confusion, on account of the persecution of the christians; and serrano recommends that fray sotelo be not allowed to go thither as bishop of japan. he details a controversy that has arisen between the jesuits and the dominicans in manila over the refusal of confession to the dying juan de messa; the archbishop is obliged to call an ecclesiastical council to settle the matter, and they decide in favor of the jesuits. trouble arises in the franciscan order over the appointment of a visitor, which is quelled by similar action on serrano's part, and the governor's interference in the matter. more laborers are needed for the jesuit missions, as well as for those conducted by the friars. serrano urges that the hospital order of st. john of god be established in the islands, as the hospitals there need better care than they are receiving from the franciscans. he complains that the officials of the orders give letters of recommendation too easily; that the audiencia are lax in their attendance at church feasts; that the ships are sent too late to nueva españa, and also return too late to the philippines: that workmen in government employ in the islands are defrauded of their pay; that the city of manila is overrun with chinese and japanese, far beyond the numbers allowed by royal edicts or regard for the safety of the spanish citizens there; and that private persons, by collusion with the officials, illegally secure for themselves the best of the philippine trade with malacca and other adjacent regions. at the end of serrano's letter is the papal bull changing the date on which the feast of corpus christi may be celebrated in oriental regions. a letter from gerónimo de silva to the king (august 1, 1621) states that one of the ships to nueva españa has been forced back to manila by adverse weather, which has caused great distress in the islands. the annual relief for ternate has been sent; attacks on luzon by the dutch and english are expected, but result in the enemy capturing only a few chinese vessels. silva mentions the pitiably small forces of the colony for defense, and urges that reenforcements and other aid be sent for this purpose. undesirable inhabitants of the country are being sent away, especially the japanese, who are more dangerous than the chinese. silva refers to the difficulties between the governor and auditors, and asserts that these are due to the existence of the audiencia there, which is a costly and useless burden on the colony, and a hindrance to the administration of justice and to the fulfilment of the governor's duties. affairs in the franciscan province of the philippines are in unsatisfactory condition; an account of them is sent to the king (july 31, 1620) by the provincial of that order, pedro de san pablo, in behalf of the province. he states that a visitor has been sent to it from nueva españa who is not one of the discalced, and is therefore _persona non grata_ to these (of whom are the franciscans of filipinas); also that other friars "of the cloth" have slipped in among the discalced, simply to gain admission to the regions of the east. hence arise factions, dissensions, and loss to their religious interests and work; and these intruders seek to rule the others. san pablo asks the king to issue such decrees that only one branch or the other of the order may send religious to the islands; thus "there will be peace." the intruding observantines have attempted to deprive the discalced of the japan missions and of the convent of san francisco del monte, near manila; and the royal authority is invoked to restrain their encroachments. this letter is accompanied by another (july 20, 1621) signed by san pablo and other officials of his order, further entreating relief and redress for their province; and by still another letter of similar tenor (dated only 1621), complaining of auditors messa and rodriguez for their unjust and arbitrary action in the case of the unwelcome visitor sent to the franciscans, and urging the king to furnish redress therein and rebuke the auditors. a letter from fajardo to the king (december 10, 1621) concerns various matters of administration and business. he explains the late departure of the ships for nueva españa, and the consequent mortality reported on one of them. he discusses the question of diminishing the drain of silver from nueva españa to the orient, and recommends that the export of silks and other fabrics to that country from the philippines be prohibited; but he remonstrates against the proposed abandonment of macao, which would surrender the chinese trade at once to the dutch and english, and thus ruin the philippine colony. fajardo suggests that only vessels of moderate size be allowed on the nueva españa line, and that more definite measures be postponed until the subject of this trade can be more thoroughly investigated. he denies the assertions that he is interested in the shipments of goods to that country, and places upon the auditors the fault of certain matters in which he, as governor, has incurred blame. he also accuses the dominican friars of aiding and sheltering his enemies. a royal decree of 1610 has placed most of the appointments of subordinates in the hands of the auditors and fiscals, rather than (as formerly) those of viceroys and governors; and preference is given therein to the descendants of conquistadors and settlers. fajardo remonstrates against this, adducing various arguments to show how this decree hampers the efforts and authority of the governor, creates difficulties between him and the auditors, disturbs the course of administration in the islands, and injuries the public service. fajardo seconds the demand of the citizens of manila that the audiencia be suppressed, alleging that it does more harm than good. he has sent the usual supplies to ternate, and has despatched a small troop of spaniards to celebes to fortify a post there, with some franciscan missionaries to minister to the natives. he has secured the release of certain spanish prisoners, and is building two ships. some of the natives have revolted, and troops have been sent to chastise them; fajardo tries to keep the indians in due subjection, yet to treat them with justice and kindness, and he complains that his efforts to do so are hindered by the oppressive and harsh conduct of the friars (especially of the dominicans) toward the natives, and by their ambition to rule in all matters. the governor is exerting every effort to maintain the fortifications at cavite and oton, and to repair and equip the few vessels at his disposal; he has news that dutch and english fleets are coming to harass the spaniards and their chinese trade. fajardo's chief enemy in the audiencia, alvaro messa y lugo, writes to the king (apparently in 1621), complaining of the governor's official conduct as ruining the country. messa accuses him of reckless expenditures of public funds; of using these to invest for his own profit in the mexican trade; of allowing indian claims for wages to be sold at a third of their value, and cashed in full; of issuing too many licenses to chinese residents, and using these fees for himself; and of neglecting to audit the accounts of the government. according to messa, fajardo intimidates the audiencia, interrupts the course of justice, recklessly liberates criminals, persecutes citizens who differ from him, neglects to observe the royal decrees, threatens even the clergy and friars, and tyrannizes over the entire community. it may be noted that messa bases most of these accusations on report and hearsay, without citing any definite authority for his statements. messa accuses the governor of neglecting his duties, and failing to provide for the defense of the country, while spending the royal revenues lavishly; and even assails fajardo's personal character. he relates, in tedious detail, various difficulties between himself and the governor, and arbitrary acts of fajardo against him; and recounts his deliverance from prison through a miracle wrought for him at the intercession of the virgin mary. messa has taken refuge in the dominican convent, and entreats the king to redress his wrongs and punish the governor and his abettors. he recounts at much length the reasons for which he supposes the governor arrested him. in this connection messa relates his version of fajardo's killing his unfaithful wife, adding much gossip of the town that is uncomplimentary to the governor. he also states that the audiencia is virtually non-existent, and so there is no high court in which justice may be sought. messa urges the king to send a new governor, and gives his advice as to the character of him who should be sent. he intimates that fajardo has illegally obtained wealth to the value of perhaps almost a million pesos, and that even this sum will not repay the claims held against him. messa gives account of certain residencias entrusted to him, and claims that all his efforts to do this work have been blocked by the governor, especially in the case of juan de silva. he complains that the authority of the governor and that of the audiencia conflict, especially in time of war; and that the former has too wide a jurisdiction in that he may try cases brought against the auditors. messa recommends that aid for the philippine colony be sent in the form of men and money, and that the necessary ships and artillery be constructed in the islands. he complains that the chinese traders are illegally compelled to pay assessments, from which the fiscal, who is nominally their protector, receives additional pay. messa asks for honors and promotion for himself, by way of atonement for the ill-treatment that he has received from the governor; and closes with the request that fajardo's property in mexico be sequestered. with this letter is another by the same writer, dated july 30, 1622--a postscript to a duplicate of the preceding letter. he relates how fajardo has summoned him to resume his duties as auditor; but he has no confidence in the governor's sincerity. he accuses the latter of various illegal and crafty acts, among them sending contraband gold and jewels to mexico. messa recounts the proceedings in the santa potenciana scandal, blaming the governor's course therein. at the end is a letter from the audiencia advising the king to refuse an increase of salary to the archbishop of manila, with a note by fajardo recommending such increase. the archbishop of manila, miguel garcia serrano, writes (1621) a report for the first year of his term of office--which, however, he does not send until 1622. he has been occupied in official visitations, mainly in the city of manila. among the clergy therein he finds no offenses, save that a few have gambled in public; these are promptly disciplined. the cathedral is the only spanish parochial church; it cares for two thousand four hundred souls. another curate is in charge of the indians and slaves of manila, who number one thousand six hundred and forty and one thousand nine hundred and seventy respectively; but many of these confess at the convents of the various orders. the indians should have a suitable church of their own, and serrano recommends that the king provide one for them. at the port of cavite is a parochial church, which ministers to over three thousand souls. the indians in the archdiocese of manila are mainly in charge of the religious orders, as follows: of the augustinians, ninety thousand souls; franciscans, forty-eight thousand four hundred; dominicans, twenty-eight thousand; jesuits, ten thousand six hundred; recollects, eight thousand. besides these, twenty thousand indians are under the care of secular priests--making a total of two hundred and five thousand. serrano describes the method of government and administration that is followed in the missions; the natives could be more easily reached and instructed in a few large villages, but the effort to collect them in these "reductions" has proved to be neither satisfactory nor profitable, in the philippines as well as in nueva españa. chinese converts residing in the outskirts of manila number one thousand five hundred souls, in charge of the dominicans and franciscans. among the japanese who are in the islands there are more than one thousand five hundred christians. in the bishopric of cebú are two hundred spaniards; the indians and other people under instruction amount to one hundred and nineteen thousand six hundred and fifty. of these about sixteen thousand are in the care of secular priests; nearly fifty thousand, of the augustinians; and fifty-four thousand, of the jesuits. in the bishopric of cagayán (in northern luzon), there are but seventy spaniards; the augustinians instruct fifty-eight thousand, and the dominicans seventy thousand, indian natives. the bishopric of camarines (in eastern luzon) has only some fifty spaniards; eight thousand six hundred natives are cared for by secular priests, forty-five thousand by franciscans, and three thousand two hundred by jesuits. the total number of souls of natives under religious instruction in the islands amounts to over half a million--apparently not counting therein the children. but the great number of indians still unconverted demands many more missionaries, whom the king is urged to send. the archbishop gives some account of the hospitals and their management; he recommends that they be placed in care of the hospital order of st. john of god. he also enumerates the various religious and benevolent confraternities in manila, with their purposes and revenues; of these the chief is that of la misericordia. serrano describes the character and present condition of the two colleges in manila, san josé and santo tomás, and of the seminary for girls, santa potenciana; for the former he requests faculty for granting decrees to their students, and for the latter substantial pecuniary aid. he states that, in general, the indians are well treated by their religious teachers; but he recommends that more power over these ministers be given to the philippine bishops. the constant menace of the islands by the dutch enemy, however, lays cruel burdens upon the indians, in ship-building and in other preparations for war which they are compelled to make by the royal officials. serrano closes by answering certain questions about prebends, curacies, etc. a royal decree (december 31, 1622) orders the dominicans in the philippines not to meddle in affairs of government. another of the same date confirms and enforces a previous decree (1603) of felipe ii, ordering that all religious who are missionaries to the indians be examined as to their competency for such work, especially in their knowledge of the native language, by the archbishop or some person appointed by him. a letter from the king (october 9, 1623) directs fajardo to push the exploration of the igorrote mining region, and to send nutmeg from the islands to nueva españa. various matters mentioned by the governor receive perfunctory and formal answers. on november 27 following, felipe iv confirms the permission given by the governor and archbishop to the dominicans to found a college at manila. at the close of the year 1623, an expedition is sent to explore and pacify the province of the igorrotes (in northern luzon), already famous for its rich gold mines. the report of this enterprise, furnished (june 5, 1624) by its leader, alonso martin quirante, narrates its progress from day to day, the plan of the campaign, the encounters between the spaniards and the igorrotes, and the success of the former in repulsing the attacks of the natives and obtaining ore from the mines. martin describes the country through which he passes; the native tribes, their customs, and their methods of obtaining gold; the mines, and the ore secured from them. he considers the general idea of the richness of these mines incorrect and exaggerated; he examines them, however, carefully, and obtains specimens of the ore from each. then follows a report of the various tests and assays made thereon, from which the results are not very satisfactory; a table showing the values of the metal obtained in each of the assays; and the action of the audiencia of manila thereon--they deciding to abandon further attempts to explore or work the igorrote mines, and to send to nueva españa for further test the ores brought by martin to manila; moreover, the men now at the mines are to be sent to nueva segovia, to subdue the revolted indians there. _the editors_ september, 1904. documents of 1621 news from the province of filipinas. alonso roman; [july?]. death of doña catalina zambrano. [unsigned]; july. letter to the king. alonso fajardo de tença; july 21. letter from the archbishop of manila to the king. miguel garcia serrano, o.s.a., july 30. letter to the king. geronimo de silva; august 1. affairs in the franciscan province. pedro de sant pablo, o.s.f., and others; 1620-21. letter to the king. alonso fajardo de tença; december 10. _sources_: the first of these documents is obtained from a ms. in the real academia de historia, madrid; the second, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), i, pp. 509-514; the remainder, from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first of these documents is translated by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the second, fourth, fifth, and sixth, by james a. robertson--except the latin bull in the fourth, translated by rev. t.c. middleton, o.s.a.; the third and seventh, by robert w. haight. news from the province of filipinas, this year, 1621 by letters which we have received from japon this january, 1621, we heard how bitterly the persecution of god's religion is carried on in boxu, the country of masamune, [1] who has been accustomed to send embassies to spain in past years. the spread of the holy gospel and uninterrupted preaching went on until the return of the ambassador. hitherto masamune had dissimulated for reasons of state, hoping that he would be allowed to send one ship from his kingdoms to nueva españa, where he had large interests. seeing that this would not be conceded, he commenced to persecute christians openly and secretly. on the twentieth of september, 1620, he ordered prohibitions and edicts to be issued in various places, in which it was ordered that no one should receive the religion of god; and that all those who had adopted it should abandon it, under penalty of being deprived of the property and incomes which the chiefs of equal rank hold from the tono [_i.e._, daimio], while in the case of the common people, the plebeians, they should be put to death. he also commanded that any person having any knowledge of any christian should denounce him; and that all preachers of the holy gospel should leave his kingdom and state. in case that they would not abandon the religion which they preached, the officials of masamune commenced to execute their orders. many were therefore banished and dispossessed of their property, others abandoned the faith, and to six fell the best lot of all in giving up their lives, being beheaded for this reason. in the city of nangasaqui, as all its people are christians, the persecution is directed not so much against the christians, for that would utterly destroy the place, as against those who conceal the religious who are under penalty of death. on the seventeenth of december, they arrested two religious of st. francis, one a priest named fray pedro de avila, [2] and another a layman, fray vicente. on the twelfth of february they beheaded two leading natives for their faith. on the thirteenth of the same month they bound to the stake, in order to burn alive, a man who had two religious in his house. on account of his anxiety to escape the fire, he confessed; and leaping from it (they say) he begged them not to kill him, saying that [_illegible in ms_.]. they cut him to pieces, however, without mercy, and he was sent to the lord. at this same time they seized in nangasaqui a servant of the father provincial, matheo couros, who was washing his clothes. when he was thus recognized, they inflicted sharp torments upon him, to make him disclose what he knew; but he, although mangled, bravely gave up his life in the torture rather than betray the father. there are at present in japanese prisons [_ms. torn_] of religious and christians: of the order of st francis there are five; of that of st. dominic, three or four; of the jesuits one, father carlos de espinola. there were three, but one was burned alive for his faith; and the other, who was a portuguese brother, [died] [3] with the hardships of the prison, and it is thought to be certain that [his death was hastened] by poison. the dutch and english seized, on board a japanese ship which sailed from manila for japan, two religious--one a dominican, and the other an augustinian--who were identified by letters and papers that they had with them. [4] the letters [_ms. torn_] nevertheless, presented at court, for it was not considered wrong for them to have [_ms. torn_] a ship of japanese, who extended them a kindly welcome to their kingdom. they jointly presented a petition, stating to the emperor that until [_ms. torn_] destroy manila and macan, there would be no lack of religious in his [empire]; and that they should deliver over to them in orderly manner two or three thousand japanese, who [_ms. torn_] will destroy these two cities. this petition was not granted them; instead, decrees were issued in which the emperor ordered the governor of [nan]gasaqui to notify the tonos of firando and other places that under pain of [_ms. torn_] they should allow no japanese to embark with the dutch and english. [_ms. torn_] it was observed and carried out even against the wishes of the heretics, who wished to assist [_ms. torn_] of them against us. on the twenty-sixth of july there arrived at the port of firando, two dutch [vessels] with some of their men wounded and their masts pierced by shots; [_ms. torn_] they had fought in the philipinas with the ships that had come from nueva españa, and had sunk one of them. the truth of the affair was afterward found out, that [_ms. torn_] fought with ours, and it is presumed that one was sunk. [_ms. torn_] not more than two arrived at firando, to the great pleasure of the christians of japan when they heard the truth and the evil deed of the enemy. a dutch ship and patache sailed from japan in february, 1620, with the intention of lying in wait for the chinese ships that were going from manila, laden with the silver which they had received for the goods which they had sold, but during a heavy storm the vessel with all its cargo was wrecked on hermosa island. six of the dutch were drowned. those who escaped seized two boats that they found on the shore, and robbed three chinese ships of more than three hundred thousand pesos. the patache was never seen again, and there is not much doubt that it was lost with all hands on board. they sent another large ship to bantan, where they have a factory. this vessel, loaded with supplies, went ashore and was lost; and one hundred and twenty japanese and three dutchmen were drowned. the english and dutch being on the point of settling their quarrel by fighting a pitched battle off bantan near china in which both parties must have been destroyed, chance would have it that two despatch-boats arrived, one from ynglaterra and the other from olanda, bringing the news of the confederation which had been formed between those two states, [5] so that their quarrel was converted to rejoicing and merriment. then they sent off sixteen english vessels and ten dutch ships. one english ship was lost on the coast of china, as a result of trying to capture a portuguese vessel which was on its way from india to macan. nothing was ever heard of three of the dutch ships; but the others came to lie in wait for the portuguese galliots loaded with silks which the portuguese import into japan. they followed these as far as nangasaqui without being able to chase one of them, because they were too light, whereupon the enemy took shelter in their port of firando. the agreement of the confederation was as follows: in order to avoid dissensions on both sides, they were all to come into the english company, and they should render accounts of what either side had lost in the wars that they had waged; and whatever was over and above, the other side was to pay. _item_, that both parties could alike enter the regions conquered by them, with ships, men, and supplies; and that anything that they should acquire by conquest should remain in the form in which the said states [of holland] and the english company had there agreed. _item_, that the spice trade should be equally divided, each loading as many ships as the other, and that they should go shares in their seizures; finally, that an english captain was to be commander of the whole fleet this first year, and the next a dutchman, and so on alternately in succeeding years. this is their plan, which meanwhile is to redound to our injury, since they intend to make themselves masters of the philipinas, the malucas islands, india, and the whole of this archipelago. there is cause for alarm when they bring one hundred and ten ships into these seas without any means of resistance on our part. these pirates were fitting out an armada in great haste in japan. the report was current that they were going to attack macan, while others said that they were coming to the philipinas, of which we had information. the people at macan were also warned that trip english and dutch allies were coming to attack them, whereupon they set about providing supplies, and dug some trenches, which the chinese quickly dismantled, fearing lest that fortification was made against themselves; for they have never consented to wall the city, cast artillery, or make other preparations for war. the portuguese, seeing themselves ill-prepared for defense, decided to send out a ship with father geronimo rodriguez of the society of jesus, who had been rector in the college at macan, to ask our lord governor for some heavy guns for their defense. he arrived at manila toward the end of december. he explained his errand, and the lord governor gave him six pieces of artillery--one thirty-pounder, three twenty-five pounders, and two eighteen-pounders--together with a good ship to convey them there. it was sent away on the last of january. when they sailed out of the bay they caught sight of the enemy's fleet, which was headed for these islands. one of the enemy's ships followed it, but seeing that they could not overtake it they retired; and our ship continued its voyage, and in a short time arrived at macan. the assistance which went this year to maluco, arrived within sight of our forts, where three dutch ships were waiting to seize it or cut off their passage; but the captain of one of the largest of our ships approached the enemy to keep him busy fighting, while the reenforcements entered under the fire of our artillery. he fought for three hours, at the end of which time, having seen our ships in safety, he squared away and left the enemy tricked, because he had a very fast vessel. we had some trouble with the tidorans, who have been our friends and the enemies of the dutch; whereupon they poisoned a well where the men came to drink. the crime was immediately discovered, and so no harm was done. we have made friends with them again, and we continue as before. with six galleons the dutch came to the solor islands, which are near the malucas, where the portuguese have a fort. they landed more than six hundred of their men and more than one thousand moros of the country, who also came in their ships. the portuguese, who numbered perhaps thirty soldiers, defended themselves so well that they killed over seventy dutch and many moros, while many were wounded. another portuguese captain, who went out to sea with some vessels, captured some of the little galliots of the moros and some dutch lanchas. they retired at this loss, the portuguese remaining victorious. a dutch ship went aground on a shoal on the island of jolos, near these philipinas islands. being seen by the indians and natives of that land, the latter attacked them, and put them all to the sword, leaving only the captain alive for the ransom that they can get for him. for two years there have been such droughts in the malucas islands that many clove-trees have been destroyed, causing a great famine. in the beginning of february of this year, 621, nine hostile ships arrived in the bay of manila, five dutch and four english, who seized the passage by which enter the ships of all these islands from japan, china, macan, maluco, and india. the commander of this fleet was an englishman, according to the agreement between them. they sighted our forts and saw how few ships we had to oppose to them; thereupon they sailed in as if on their own seas and in a safe port. the greatest resistance which could be made against this enemy was to take care that they did not seize any of the china ships aboard of which much of our wealth comes to these islands. so two ships were despatched with all haste to the coast of china, in order to inform them of the enemy, and warn them not to sail at such a time that they would fall into the hands of the enemy. they did not arrive in time, so that some of the vessels had sailed, three of which were captured by the enemy. these were of little value, but two of some importance were taken. one of them was sighted by a small patache belonging to the dutch, who were under difficulties in attacking it, because the chinese after their manner of fighting--with caldrons of melted sugar, and stones, and clubs--defended themselves so well that with their boiling sugar they sent fourteen of the dutch in a conserve to hell. finally it was surrendered, after the death of one hundred and twenty chinese. the english commander ordered the other ship, which was the fifth, to be set afire, because of quarrels between the dutch and english over the capture and division, so that their booty was diminished. the enemy, as i have said, being masters of the sea, and the inward passage, god chose to allow an entrance to our fathers (who were coming to a meeting of the congregation), by permitting them to come. scarcely had they entered when the enemy returned to occupy his position. the same thing happened after the meeting, and the return of the fathers, a remarkable providence of the lord. a few days after, three galliots arrived from macan, laden with a rich cargo of silks and other merchandise. they entered without finding any obstruction, because the enemy had gone out to sea; and the four hours of their absence were enough to enable the galliots to enter. they had news of it, and returned at dawn the next day to see if it was true; and were furious at seeing them anchored in our harbors. at this same time the king's ship arrived which had carried to macan artillery for the defense of that city, and it brought back a cargo of silks. being informed that the enemy were lying off the entrance to the port of manila, they rowed over to an island near here, and collected a quantity of green boughs and trees, putting bunches of palm-leaves on the tops of the trees, so that they seemed to be cocoa-palms, of which there is a great abundance on that island. the stratagem worked, because the ships went about from one tack to the other without being seen by the dutch. in the same way, another portuguese galliot, also of macan, escaped, although it cut down its masts. the dutch, having seen that they were likely to get little booty on this coast, made sail for that of macan, to lie in wait, as we understood, for ships from india. last year two ships sailed from these islands for nueva españa. the almiranta, while sailing out of a strait where these islands come to an end, encountered seven hurricanes, so furious that it seemed as if the sea would swallow it up; and those who were aboard gave themselves up a thousand times for lost. they tried to make port in japon, but it was impossible; and they finally arrived at manila, rounding cabo del bojeador. the men arrived in very bad condition, and many of them blinded with the salt water which had dashed into their eyes. three days before these tempests commenced they sighted the capitana, but never saw her again. we do not know here what became of her, whether she was lost or arrived safely in nueva españa. at nine o'clock in the evening on the eleventh of may, there was an occurrence in this city as pitiable as it was unfortunate, the cause of it being a man who had been expelled from our society. after having been a member of it for seven years, he left the society, and was married three times, although he was not yet thirty years old. our lord often brought him back, warned by bitter experience of troubles and remorse of conscience; so that for a long time he did not dare to go to sleep without first confessing himself--especially on the long trip from nueva españa to these islands, where he was wrecked on a ship which was on its way with silver and other wealth belonging to these islands. the vessel escaped miraculously, with sails torn by shots from three dutch vessels, which they took for one of their own. they ran aground, but all the silver was saved. among others joan de messa (the name of the outcast of whom i have just spoken) removed all the silver and goods, to the value of thirty thousand pesos or more, belonging to people in mexico. it had been entrusted to him, and he kept it, as was done by all, in a house and church of one of our residences, situated where the ship happened to halt. while he was there he proceeded as if he were a religious, both in example and in frequenting the sacrament, until he came to this city of manila--where, with certain curious articles, he obtained entrance to and communication with the wife of the governor of these islands, doña catalina sambrano, who had little care for what her position and her dignity demanded. their sin began on holy thursday, with so little secrecy and so bad an example, that the affair was beginning to leak out. so badly did it appear that certain persons came to one of our fathers, advising him to warn joan de messa that they would kill him. the father did, but messa took no notice of it. the governor, meanwhile, was informed of his wife's evil conduct; and, wishing to detect them, he pretended to go down to the harbor and fort of cavite, situated two leguas from here. he had been wont to do this on other occasions, because the enemy with nine ships was within sight of the fort. he retraced his steps, leaving his entire retinue about a legua from here. he entered the city with the intention of accomplishing the deed (which he did later) in his own house; but before entering it he was informed by a page that his wife had gone, disguised as a man, to the house of joan de messa, where she had often gone in the same dress. after receiving this information, he sought his retinue, taking counsel with his servant and three captains, whom he placed in four streets in order to let no one pass. the governor alone arrived at the house at the very moment that his wife entered, and was going upstairs with joan de messa, and behind them a very noted pilot, on account of whom the ship that i mentioned above was celebrated. the governor attacked him and pierced him with a mortal thrust. with that he rushed out of the house, calling for confession; but, those who guarded the street, not giving him time for that, put him to death. immediately messa went up the stairs, and safely reached a large room where two candles were burning on a buffet. if these had been extinguished, he might have escaped. he drew his sword and defended himself for some time. as the governor perceived that he was clad in armor, he aimed at messa's face and pierced him through the neck, so that he fell down stairs, where he who guarded the door tried to finish him; but as messa was well-armed he could not do so readily until he wounded him in the face. during all this time messa was not heard to ask confession or even say "jesus," or any other words, except: "whoever you are, do not kill me; consider the honor of your lady." while this was going on in the street, the governor found his wife in hiding. after wounding her three times, she asked confession; and he, as a knight and a christian, went out to look for a confessor, and brought one. he resigned her to the priest, urging her to confess herself well and truly, which she did for some time, until the confessor absolved her. with three or four more wounds, and the words with which he aided her to die, he finished with her. the three dead bodies remained there until seven or eight o'clock in the morning before anyone dared to remove them. the master-of-camp, don geronimo de sylva, who had been governor of maluco, and was a knight of st. john, had the body of the governor's wife removed to her house, to wrap it in a shroud; and that night she received solemn burial by the recollects of st. augustine. the two bodies of joan de messa and the pilot remained in the street all day, while a multitude of people, of the various nations who are in this city, collected to gaze at them, manifesting awe at seeing a spectacle so new to them, and one never seen before in these regions. at night, some members of la misericordia carried them away, without clergy, lights, or funeral ceremony. they carried the two bodies together on some litters, and buried them both in the same grave. this was the disastrous end of a poor young fellow, upon whom our lord lavished many and most gracious gifts--although he knew not how to profit by them, but offended him who had granted them. those who will feel it most are the owners of the property [confided to him]; for god knows when they will collect it, because it is sequestrated. will your reverence communicate this to brother juan de alcazar. _alonso roman_ death of dona catalina zambrano may 12, 1621, occurred the unfortunate death of the governor's wife, which i intend to relate here, as it is a peculiar case. the governor of these filipinas islands, don alonso fajardo de tenza, suspected that his wife, called doña catalina zambrano, was not living as was fitting for such a personage. one afternoon, that of may 12, he pretended that he was going to the port of cavite, where he generally went because the dutch enemy were in this bay with their fleet. the governor went, but, leaving all the men who accompanied him, returned alone. entering the city secretly, he concealed himself in a house, where a captain in his confidence brought him a young page who was in the service of his wife--the one who carried the messages, and knew everything that went on. the governor placed a dagger to his breast in order to get him to tell what he knew of his wife. the page openly confessed that she was maintaining a sinful alliance with a clerk, an ordinary person, called juan de messa suero, who had been a member of the society of jesus for some years at coimbra; and that his wife was dressing in the garb of a man, in order to go outside of the palace, as she had done at other times. juan de messa came with a very eminent pilot. the governor's wife left the palace clad as a man, with her cloak and sword and all went together to the square. thence they began to walk toward a house of juan de messa. the governor, with three other men who accompanied him, went on ahead of them, and awaited them near the door of the said house, hidden in a recess. the governor's wife entered first, then juan de messa. then the pilot stopped to shut the door. thereupon the governor attacked him alone, and giving a violent push on the door, opened it. he entered, and found himself with the pilot alone, for the other man, juan de messa, with the governor's wife, on hearing the noise, fled up the stairs. it appears that the governor stabbed the pilot in the breast. the latter left the portal of the house, whereupon those who accompanied the governor and had remained to guard the door, attacked and killed him there. the governor went upstairs and found juan de messa in the hall. he chased the latter around a table that held two lights. the governor made a strong thrust at him, which almost knocked him down; but showed that he was clad in armor. by the force that the governor exerted in the thrust, he felt that he himself was wounded in the hand. apparently the pilot had given him that wound, and he had not felt it before that. the governor's sword began to grow weak, and he said: "ha, traitor, thou hast wounded me." juan de messa lost his head, and ran down stairs, thinking that his safety lay there. the governor attacked him, and on the way down stabbed him in the neck, with such force that he tripped and fell down. below, the governor and the guard finished killing him. the governor would have been in great peril, both with the pilot and upstairs with juan de massa, had not the miserable man lost his head. had he at least extinguished the candles, and stationed himself on the stairway, which was narrow, he could have prevented the governor from ascending, and could even have killed him. the latter went immediately to look for his wife, and found her hidden in an attic, hanging to a beam. he stabbed her from beneath, and passed half of his sword through her body, and at that the poor lady fell. she requested confession. the governor restrained himself, and said that it was a timely request. leaving the three men whom he brought with him as a guard, he in person going to the franciscan convent, which was near by, to summon a confessor, met a secular priest on the way, who had left his house at the disturbance. he took the latter with him and told him to confess "that person." he confessed her very slowly, delaying more than half an hour. the governor, in the meanwhile, was walking up and down. when the father had finished, he stabbed his wife, telling her to repent of her sins and to confess to god who would pardon her. this happened at nine o'clock at night. a large crowd gathered immediately, and the alcaldes made investigation of what was passing. the dead bodies of the two men were guarded until next day, for justice to do its duty. that of the governor's wife remained there until eight in the morning, when the master-of-camp, don geronimo de silva, of the habit of st. john, ordered it to be taken up and carried to his house, in order to have it buried from there, according to the rank of her person, and not according to the so disgraceful event and death that had happened. they buried her body in the recollect convent, with the greatest pomp possible. then the two bodies of the men were buried, carrying them together from the street to the grave. the royal audiencia took charge of the matter. they found almost two hundred notes from the governor's wife in juan de messa's possession, and in hers a great number from him. a report was made of all and sent to his majesty. it was the first instance in which a so common person had an alliance with so powerful a lady, who was here as is the queen in españa. [6] manila, july, 1621. letter from fajardo to the king sire: although at present, up to the nineteenth of june, the ship "sant andres," the capitana, has not arrived from nueva españa, even at this late date, which is the one that i despatched last year to that province, and i have no letters from your majesty to answer, i am making a beginning of this one in order to gain time in the despatching of those ships, so that it may be somewhat earlier than usual in past years--although at present, having the war on our hands which we have, and as the ships are later from china than is usual, and there are very few that come for fear of the war, there will be more difficulty and labor in the despatch. [_in the margin_: "council; examined."] according to the despatch which the said ship carried, measures were to be taken to secure its preparation and departure from acapulco for this country without waiting into the month of april, or without delaying more than two or three days in that month; and it was not to depart later because of the danger of encountering contrary winds in its voyage here, or being forced into the ports of japon--and likewise because this was the best, considering the course which it must steer to make the port it was ordered to; for it was understood that the enemy were coming back again, as they did last year, to cape spiritu santo, with a larger force of ships. this route was decided upon with the advice of the pilots and other persons of most experience on these seas, each one giving and signing his opinion separately, without any one of them knowing that of the others, or any one of them knowing which one i chose. this order i gave secretly and sealed, and it was to be opened seventy leguas before arriving at the said port; in which manner i have taken the precaution and preliminary steps in so far as i have been able for its reception and protection. hitherto this plan has not been made known here, which has been of no small importance in order that the enemy should not be aware of it. [_in the margin_: "this is well, and the course which he has marked out for these vessels has appeared good; accordingly let him exercise in the future the care which he has shown in this, in order to keep informed of the design of the enemies; as for the departure of the ships, have a letter written to the viceroy directing him not to let it run into april, as he says." _in another hand_: "have a letter written to the viceroy of nueva españa to the effect that the despatch of the ships for the filipinas shall be accomplished in any event by the end of march, so that it shall not run on into april, on account of the great importance of their arriving thus early, and not having them go with those despatched later--thus compelling them to take refuge in other ports, or be wrecked."] in command of these ships is placed don fernando centeno maldonado, who has served in the position of commander of the galleys both there and here, and has served many years in these islands (most of the time in the maluco islands); his services are of high repute, as are his merits and good qualities. i am sure that your majesty has been informed of them, on account of the favors which he has received from your royal hand; and in the same way i am certain that you know of the good qualities of captain francisco de salazar, who is filling the office of admiral on the said ships. [_in the margin_: "examined."] besides what i wrote your majesty last year by way of nueva españa, with the duplicate which i send by way of india, i have added what occurred to me in the despatch which i sent with captain gregorio de vidaña, regidor of this city, having decided to do so on account of the accounts and news which i receive, and which your majesty will already have learned--of all which i now send another copy with this. [_in the margin_: "examined."] the news of the confederation of the dutch and the english proved to be correct; and on the second of february they arrived on these coasts, with nine ships of war--seven large and two of moderate size, five of them being dutch and four english--with the number of a thousand to twelve hundred men of both nations, exclusive of the servants and japanese; they carried between forty and forty-four pieces of artillery, in each of the large ships, and the others each according to its capacity. it has been learned that this is true from the depositions of two prisoners, and from chinese who were in their ships; from japanese who, while coming from their land with provisions and supplies for this country, passed by the enemy, saw them, and entered their vessels; and likewise from the advices which i have received from japon. this matter found me well advanced in the preparation, because i had so anticipated the news that, although they entered the bay and port at cavite with their fleet, they did not dare--as i had caused to be made several trenches with stockades, and bastions with batteries of artillery, which appeared to me sufficient; and had placed sufficient artillery in the two vessels which were fit to receive it--to resolve to do anything against either the ships or the land; and when they found out that these defenses were there, and had seen them, they went out of the bay with all their boats. having come back to it a few days later, and seen that the preparation of the capitana and almiranta galleons was in good condition; and that we had also a moderate-sized ship, another smaller, two galleys, and another on which the work was more backward (which are the vessels that can be made ready), they went out again--going now along the coast, and now in the mouth of this bay, without separating or dividing the fleet so as to be out of sight of one another. if they had done this without guarding against encounters, i would have engaged him with the capitana and almiranta galleons, which are the ships that could be manned, although with difficulty on account of the few men whom i have here; for i had to leave the maimed and sick, and some as guard for the gates of the city, which takes as many as are necessary for all the vessels. even if they were not divided, i should have tried my fortune with him, but having made all preparations and efforts, and issued proclamations to assemble the spaniards who could be found for this purpose, those who gathered in cavite, aside from the paid soldiers, would not number seventy; nor were there more than four hundred soldiers outside of the maimed and sick, and one company and a detachment from another--amounting to about a hundred men, more or less, who remained in this city, prepared also to embark. these had been brought as detachments of the companies from nueva segovia, cibu, and oton--all of which will appear by the depositions of paid officers and the secretary of the governor, which accompany this, with the papers referring to the above mentioned matter. [_in the margin_: "the matters contained in this clause are the concern of the junta, and have been examined there." "examined; the junta is taking care to send reenforcements; and let him be careful to maintain what he has there in so good condition as may serve for whatever occasion may arise there, as is expected from him. have a letter written to the viceroy of nueva españa, telling him to send all the best part of the troops which he can, considering that the governor writes that in past years so few troops have gone there that he is now almost without any in the service; and accordingly he should decree that it be such which he sends. advise don alonso of what is written to the viceroy of nueva españa."] the reason for there being so few troops is, that after the year one thousand six hundred and sixteen, when a ship called the "angel de la guarda" came, in the following year, sixteen hundred and seventeen, there came no reenforcements of infantry, but only a patache called the "sant geronimo," with the archbishop don fray miguel garcia, and a number of friars; and in that year there died in the engagement which don juan ronquillo had with the enemy, and were drowned in the six galleons, more spaniards than i brought in the year one thousand six hundred and eighteen. since my arrival i have sent almost four hundred soldiers to terrenate, and this number has not come in the two reenforcements from nueva españa which arrived in the past years of nineteen and twenty. then besides these--and a number who have left with good cause and permission (although these are few), and others who have managed to flee without permission, and others who have turned friars--there are so many who have died in the hospital and outside of it, that it may be said that all the soldiers in the country are found in this jurisdiction [of manila.]. i have wished to give your majesty an account of this so that it might be fully understood, and that you may learn the truth of it; and that you may know how great is the lack of men here, as i say. that of vessels is not so great as some people here say, who know nothing of this matter, or who desire to build them, on account of the money which they usually obtain from this work, or which is paid to them--without considering the loss to the natives, or whether the work is necessary or not. [_in the margin_: "examined."] the enemy having seen that the equipment of the vessels which he saw in cavite was making progress, and not having separated his vessels, or despatched them to get booty--on account, moreover, of the warnings that i gave in various parts of this archipelago whence vessels came to this place, and particularly at macan and several ports of china--thus far, thanks be to god, he has taken nothing more than five sangley ships from that country. one of these disappeared with the guard which he had placed on it, and they have not been able to find it again, and another of them was burned, so that he has not taken more than three, and two of them of almost no value, and the other not very valuable; for the rich ones remain in china, and those that made bold to come kept to the course which i marked out for them, and have arrived safely, making ports in this island. even if they arrived here, which is possible, this will be of importance, in order to make merchandise cheaper; nevertheless, even if no goods arrive on the ships which have come from macan, there is more cloth than money in the country to buy it; and, besides them, we are expecting others from camboja and sian, and from yndia, which, if god bring them in safety, will also be of importance. [_in the margin_: "examined. it is hoped in god that this and other worse things will have happened to the enemy; and let him take the greatest care to advise the chinese and other merchant ships which go there, marking out the course which appears safest for them, according to the information which they have, so that in regard to them the enemy may fare as they have been doing, according to this statement."] the fleet of the enemy left the place where they last halted, and came in sight day before yesterday in the morning. some vessels were sent in pursuit, in order to bring me word of the course which they steer, and whether they are together or separate, [_in the margin_: "this is well, and let him take good care until the news from them be known."] i have received a letter from malaca, which antonio pinto de fonseca says that he received from your majesty, with notice and order to give it to me, to the effect that there and in these regions the confederated dutch and english were about to come with fifty-one ships--sixteen of which had already left, and thirty-five were in two squadrons which were being equipped. of these the sixteen which had left holland have already arrived at their factories in sunda, whence, likewise, it was learned that they say they are expecting this year the remainder. fadrique lopez de soysa, commandant of that city [_i.e._, malaca], gave me almost the same information. conformably to this, and to several advices which i have had from japon, and to others which i have been able to secure through my own investigations, it appears that these enemies are considering carrying on this war in earnest and with energy; for with these ships which have arrived, those which are expected, and more than sixty which i wrote to your majesty in the last despatch that i understood they had, those of both nations amount to more than a hundred, without counting those which the french have. if i had the eighth part of that number, and sufficient men to man them, and to keep this city and the important posts and forts of this island garrisoned, it would not trouble me much to see them involved in the cost and expense of such a fleet; for if i had the means with which to withstand their first attack, or to inflict upon them some severe blow; or if they did not know my position, and i could cause them anxiety or divert them from their object--there is no doubt that their fleet itself would be disarmed and destroyed. but since i lack such resources, and the time is passing in which i expected the aid which your majesty has offered to these islands--having sent the pilots to malaca to guide and bring them here from there--i shall be obliged to make the best of the little which i have, and to take the best precautions that i can. i am raising and fortifying a few stretches of wall which are necessary, expelling the japanese, and lessening the number of the sangleys--who, although there appear to be a great many of them, will certainly, by the proper management of the licenses, and care in obliging the sangleys to secure them, be much fewer than i found here, and than have been here for many years, on account of those who have died and left the country and the few who have come in my time. in every way i shall do my best to drive out as many as i well can so that the country may be less burdened with suspicious people; and shall likewise take other necessary precautions which may be in my power. in these efforts i feel sadly the lack of money; but in times of such need i have been obliged to try to obtain it in the most guarded and cautious ways. i am not a little glad to have with me at such a time master-of-camp don hieronimo de silva, both on account of his good counsel and aid, and likewise because if i should fail in this country there would be someone to defend it; and your majesty may be certain that he will do this with the favor of god, and that with this everything will turn out well. i beseech your majesty that, confident of this, you will continue sending the said reenforcement, and will hasten its coming by way of nueva españa to panama--sending infantry and money, the things which cannot be supplied here. [_in the margin_: "this is well; and let thanks be given him for the excellent courage which he shows. as for the information that he gives, he has learned the reason for the fleet not leaving, and the accident which happened to it; accordingly, let him exercise all care to take what precautionary measures are there necessary, as he is expected to do. as for the japanese and other nations that are there, let him decree what shall seem most expedient to him for the service of god and his majesty, and the good of the commonwealth, as well as its guard and preservation."] as we have to carry on the war in this way, so that the expense and labor may bring the best results, i beg your majesty that while it shall last you may be pleased to discontinue the audiencia here, as it is this that most hinders and opposes the administration and the government, as will appear by several depositions which accompany this. this is the enemy which most afflicts this commonwealth, and most causes dissensions, parties, factions, and hatreds between the citizens--each auditor persecuting those citizens who are not wholly of his own faction, especially those who extend aid and good-will toward the governor, against whom, as it seems, they show themselves always in league. they always make declarations of grievances [against him], because they are not each one given, as used to be and is the custom here, whatever they may ask for their sons, relatives, and servants; and they habitually discredit the governor by launching through secret channels false and malicious reports, and afterward securing witnesses of their publicity. they even, as i have written to your majesty, manage to have religious and preachers publish these reports--to which end, and for his own security, each one of the auditors has formed an alliance with the religious order which receives him best. as i have given your majesty an account of this matter and of the actions of the said auditors--which in god and my conscience i know to be true, and which will be evident by the depositions and papers which i have sent and am today sending with a letter and relation giving particulars regarding this matter--i shall not go more into detail thereon in this letter; i refer you for its substantiation to the said documents, and to the fact that i consider this government much more difficult, with the auditors of this audiencia, than it is or would be even if there were more war, for that war which they cause within its boundaries appears beyond remedy, on account of their abilities and rank. if your majesty be not pleased to withdraw them from here i beg you, as i owe it to your royal service, that you will take measures so that in no way and at no time shall they be able to succeed to the government of this land; for i hold it beyond a doubt that they will bring it to ruin, and destroy it in a very short time, even though there came to it no more enemies than that of their own tendencies. if i wrote to your majesty, in the first days after my arrival here, that the auditors were not necessary except for the audiencia sessions, i beg now that more be added. it appeared to me that for the citizens and for the affairs of these islands, those who were here were sufficient; at present i am of the opinion that if the presence of this tribunal must be continued, more members are necessary, in order to avoid the difficulty which has been found to result from the alliance of doctors don alvaro de mesa, and don antonio rodriguez, for neither more nor less justice can be secured than they choose, and they are even disturbing the government and good order which ought to prevail. even if i should not attain and enjoy the benefit of this improvement, i beseech your majesty that, if more auditors are to be sent, they may be persons of tried experience in audiencia duties--to whom it would be well to give senior rank therein, for those who are in it now are totally ignorant of its procedure, never having had any experience in so responsible positions, so that they could know how to act. if they had only been able to learn from the licentiate alcaraz, who was experienced and very prudent! but they were estranged from him, or rather they estranged themselves with their singular behavior--so that, a long time before he died, he took an oath not to return to the audiencia, and kept it. and i myself, if i could, would do the same, for the reasons i have given and for many others, which make me desire to merit that your majesty would be pleased to use me in some other way, away from this country. to such a point has it gone, that if this country were not involved in the perils of war as it has been, and as they are still threatening it, i should beseech your majesty to place it in charge of some other person, who would be more interested in documents. but may god not choose that i should be relieved from the service of your majesty, in which from the age of fifteen years i have been engaged; and i offer this so heartily that if your majesty were pleased to send another governor who should labor somewhat, and i might aid and assist him some little time, i would do so with the greatest good-will. it would be no little pleasure to me to be employed in naval and military affairs, and other things in which, with my counsel and my personal aid, i might be able to help; and to know that the matter of auditors and their demands, their rivalries, and their faultfinding, should concern another, and that he would have to oppose and resist those things, which would be not a little. nor would there be overmuch time to satisfy, quiet, and render content the many religious--which is another labor and servitude, with which there is no way to deal; for it is without remedy, since each one wishes to be the sole distributer of goods and favors, the moderator and judge of punishments, and the governor of the governor, or else his persecutor. [_in the margin_: "not to be read in the junta. join with it the letters which the auditors write against don alonzo faxardo."] in so far as concerns the indians, no more help can be drawn from them for the service of your majesty, on account of what the fathers demand. nor can they be exempted from labors and penalties if the latter need their services, or wish to punish them; and may god will that this bring not loss some day. for one of the ways with which the enemy best succeeds in winning over the natives is that, besides exempting them from tributes and personal services, they will not have to support religious instruction or ministers. although there are many good christians, not all are so forward in this matter. in the same manner in which i have already stated this, i can declare, and assure your majesty, that there are in all these religious orders men of most holy and exemplary life, who have gathered a great harvest of souls, [_in the margin_: "if there are several papers on this matter, let them be joined together and brought in."] in the prosecution of the work of pacifying, reducing, and subduing the indians who are called ygolotes, and gaining thorough knowledge of the mines of gold that are in those countries, the riches and profit that might be obtained from there could not be secured this year, after the death of captain garcia de aldana, who understood these matters and had them in charge. this is due both to the loss of his personal supervision, and to the lack of troops at this time, when the enemy's fleet were so near; but, if it be possible, nothing shall be lost. [_in the margin_: "he was written to concerning this last year, as far as the matter was examined; at present let him again be charged to continue all the care which he has been taking in the working of these mines, and, since he sees the importance which lies in this, let him do all in his power to find persons in every way satisfactory to go there. let him inform us every year of what he may be doing; for he knows in what great straits the royal estate is, and how much is being spent in those regions, without there being any results from it, while so much profit lies in those mines, as we have been informed, and as has been written to him. and let him again be charged to take the care which is expected of him that this may have the result; let it be known what he has done in cultivating and improving a matter of so much importance."] on account of word that i had of the distress in which the city of macan was, with the news that had been received there that the dutch and english were about to sack the place, and as they sent from there to ask me to help them with six large pieces of artillery, i sent it, and the aid reached them. the people of that city have shown themselves grateful for this, and send in return the value of the said pieces, invested in useful and necessary articles for the service of your majesty, which have already been received. immediately upon sending the guns i had six other larger ones cast, for from twenty-five to thirty-pound balls, and incomparably better. for we are continually becoming more skillful in foundry-work and in working the metals; so that, of almost forty pieces which have been cast in my time, with the assistance and care of don hieronimo de silva, commander of the artillery, only one has been a failure. [_in the margin_: "let him be thanked for what he mentions here, and let him continue to act thus when occasion may arise. as for what he says of the artillery, it has seemed very satisfactory; and let him continue to cast pieces as he may have need of them, as he says he is doing."] the reenforcements which this year went to terrenate arrived there safely, thanks be to god; and a small ship which routed the enemy with two or three large ships of war, which he keeps there at the entrance to those forts, came back thence with captain antonio gomez, who had the responsibility of conveying the succor, and collected and made it ready very well with one galley. [_in the margin_: "this is well, and let him always try to send to these places as much as he can, both of troops and other things which are ordinarily sent; for he knows how important a thing it is to keep the forts there in proper condition."] with this was sent the ordinary quantity of rice and provisions, and even considerably more; and likewise arms, munitions, clothes, cloth, and money, and more than a hundred and twenty spanish soldiers, who are to remain there. this year i shall try to send more and better relief than i was able to this time--and earlier than ordinary, for then it will run less danger from the enemy. the master-of-camp, don luis de bracamonte, writes me from those parts that he has news of many vessels of the enemy, and that he has put those places into the best state of defense that he could--although there was not much that he could do, because they were in good condition before, and never so well supplied with troops, money, and other necessary things as they have been at this time. [_in the margin_: "examined."] he told me of nothing else of any importance except that he gave the present or gratuity which is usually given in your majesty's name to the king of tidore and his son, and that they are quite peaceful and well disposed. [_in the margin_: "examined."] he also tells me that he has negotiated and agreed with the dutch for the ransom of martin de sosa de san pago, governor and commandant of fernanbuco, and doña angela benegas, his wife, and their children; of captain sequera y miranda, and a father of the augustinian order; and of other prisoners, soldiers, and sailors, in exchange for some of theirs, whom we had in our power. [_in the margin_: "examined."] the purchase of cloves which was ordered was made in those islands--which, according to the hopes that have been held out to me, must have amounted to even more than two hundred and fifty baras of six hundred and forty libras each. i am told that it could not be secured in so great a quantity as i wished to send your majesty, on account of a crop failure, and small harvest; and the little which was bought was used for the needs of those forts, and to have means to satisfy and confer favors on the portuguese--who, with their galliots, aid our people with rice and other things. [_in the margin_: "what he says here is well; and as he has already been told at various times how important it is that this [_i.e._, the cloves] should be brought here, let him again be charged to continue the endeavors that he has exercised, in such manner that he may bring this about, since it is so important a matter; and let him charge the governor of terrenate to maintain this [trade], so that it will not there be applied as he says it is. let him use all possible care in this, and advise us of what he does."] i shall take care that the accounts of governor lucas de vergara gaviria shall be ready; and no more has been possible on account of the many things which i wrote in regard to this matter, as will appear to your majesty by the copy which is brought by captain don jacinto de quesada figueroa. [_in the margin_: "this is well; let him advise us of what he is doing, and tell him that those papers have not arrived."] of the residencias which are entrusted by your majesty's orders to the auditor, don alvaro de mesa, he has just finished despatching that of the fiscal, don juan de alvarado bracamonte. unreasonable demands have been made upon the latter, and he has suffered more than i can tell--for as it were, behind enmities and oppositions don alvaro has taken him under his jurisdiction, and has given him very good cause for merits. [_in the margin_: "it is well."] as for the residencia of governor don juan de silva, my predecessor, i have not wished [don alvaro] to undertake or begin it, because that business would prevent him from going out to inspect this country; and, as this is very necessary, i had assigned that duty to him, in order that he might accomplish it. for this reason, and for others arising from his fearful and obstinate temper, his behavior became so furious that one session day, the last before palm sunday, he drove me to such an extremity that, losing somewhat my self-control and moderation, we might both have ruined ourselves. but god held me in his hand, and i am satisfied, in so far as that matter concerned me, with the remonstrance and sufficient correction which was necessary for his presumption, leaving it for a later time to write of it, and begin a process in the matter, conjointly with the alcaldes-in-ordinary, as your majesty commands. this is being done, although in his absence and with his opposition; for he broke from his imprisonment in the buildings of the cabildo of the city, in which he resided, and retired to the convent of st. dominic, where he has been joined by a certain pedro de lussarra and another named pedro alvarez, who was in that of st. francis--who were also absent, as i have written to your majesty in other letters. all three are there sowing discord, stirring up feeling, and trying to make people envious of me, and write down their envious complaints; and for this end they employ means which ought not even to be written. they also avail themselves of the religious of st. dominic, and likewise in order to make and forward such papers and despatches from the shelter and covert of the tribunal of the holy office, the commissary of which here belongs to this religious order. it is not hard to accomplish it in this way because they have always done so, and lately with don joan de silva, my predecessor--against whom, among other despatches, they made one with full and authenticated documents, which a friar of their order, named fray francisco de sant joseph--who was carrying the papers, and whom they considered a holy man--being at the point of death, and having scruples of conscience, ordered to be thrown into the sea. as i am making, in another letter, a longer report to your majesty in the matter above mentioned, referring to the auditor don alvaro, i shall add nothing more in this, except to say that his case must be dropped, and the audiencia will be obliged to do so, through its need of judges. the auditor don antonio rodriguez has not been present at it for a long time, although i have warned and commanded him to do so. he gives as his excuse that he is in ill health; but it is certain that that does not fail him for being present almost regularly for the documents and councils made by the said doctor don alvaro, and with the same intention and wish, influenced by their alliance--which is known certainly by an investigation which i have made for your majesty's information, and send with this, concerning his trading and trafficking in merchandise, with so much greediness and meanness of spirit that that and other things which are told about him, and are said to be well authenticated, would appear to besmirch the honor that the robe and insignia of his office carry with them, which makes him unworthy of it. but, as you wish me to tell what is true, i promise myself honors and favors from your majesty, and punishment to him who dares to write or to say what is not true. this does not give me so much trouble as the preparation and disposal of military affairs, and other obligations of my office, which i could not fulfil if i had to go about conjecturing what ill-affected persons do and write against me, as in this case; and in verifying the facts time would be lost. i do not know whether he will leave, even if nothing else should be done, [_in the margin_: "have the letters and documents in regard to this matter joined together."] as there is a lack of money in the royal treasury, and great need thereof for the maintenance of all the paid sailors and troops, measures to supply this need were decided upon in the session of the audiencia, for this and other objects for the service of your majesty--to the effect that thirty thousand pesos could be drawn from the treasury of estates of deceased persons, lent for this purpose. although the orders and documents proper and sufficient for this were despatched, the auditor don alvaro, judge for the said estates, would not transact the business which pertained to his office, and what he is under obligation to do for this purpose. accordingly it was necessary that the lock (of which he held the key) be broken open. of the acts and measures taken in this case a copy is sent in this despatch. it is understood and likewise said that the opposition shown by the said doctor don alvaro in the case referred to, was because he was indebted for some deficiency, to be placed in the said funds, of what should have been therein, or had been taken from it--a thing which i do not assert, and which indeed i do not believe (although appearances indicate it), until i am more certainly informed. [_in the margin_: "see whether there are documents in regard to this, and have them brought."] the documents that are drawn up commanding that, for the present, the license fees of sangleys who are baptized without cutting their hair should be paid, i send with this, as i offered to do in the last letter to your majesty, that you may be pleased to command that what is the most just action in this matter shall be decided upon. i likewise send a sworn statement of the money which various people have imported, and that all of it has been carefully placed in the royal treasury, [_in the margin_: "have these papers joined and brought."] on account of my continual occupations at various times, and other delays due to the obstacles made by the auditors to whom this duty belongs, whom i appointed for the council on accounts, some time has passed since i have been able to audit the accounts. together with the work done thereon by the accountant and inspector of them, they were despatched in the last session of the council up to the accounts for the year past, nineteen. they are sent sealed with this despatch to nueva españa. [_in the margin_: "it is well; and let him continue this diligence, always sending the accounts to mexico, as usual."] the office of clerk of the court is about to be sold, having been placed at fifteen hundred pesos. he who served in it during the last eleven years, since the death of the proprietary incumbent, had been treasurer and chief official of the said office since the time the audiencia was founded, and was the most competent and best fitted person for it who is known in these islands, as well as a settler of thirty years' standing here. after months of bidding, during which there was no one who would pay the price set on it, a man obtained it who was incapable, and lacking in talent and knowledge of the law; wherefore he has been indicted and accused, as will be seen by the documents of the case, which i shall try to send with this. at one stroke the price was raised to eight thousand pesos, with the aid and encouragement of the auditors, wherein each one of them personally aided him, in order to hold the new clerk on his side, and to drive out from the audiencia a man of integrity and faithfulness. although the trouble which will result to them from transacting their business with such a man as is he whom they are trying to place there will be enough punishment for such guilt, yet looking more to the service of your majesty and the prompt despatch of the administration of his royal justice, i did not interfere in the matter; but rather i think that, if there is no other more competent person, it should be given by purchase to him who was serving in it, even though it were not at so high a price, because his competency and knowledge of the law for the service of your majesty will be very much greater. with this object in view, he has been continually paid his salary from the judicial expenses. [_in the margin_: "let this clause be taken to the fiscal. this has been done."] the income which your majesty orders me to give to don miguel de legaspi, grandson of the former miguel lopez de legaspi, i have now given him, assigning him an encomienda with what appeared to be a sufficient number of indians. [_in the margin_: "it is well."] for some time past i have withheld the appointment to several encomiendas which have been vacated, not only for the aid which resulted from their tributes to the expenses of the royal treasury, but particularly because their number was not sufficient to satisfy and render content so many claimants as there are here--some of them deserving, and others with a backing of auditors, ecclesiastics, and religious. these latter are the ones whose demands are most pressing, and who make the most outcry with their claims and complaints--going so far as to murmur and consider it unjust that such rewards are given to those who have not been here so long--although the services of the latter were rendered in terrenate, under such hardships and during war--desiring that their longer residence in this city should be preferred to the services of the others. [_in the margin_: "let him deal out justice as seems most fitting to him."] the bishop of camarines, don fray diego de guevara, died in his bishopric. he had ardently desired, as he explained and told me many times, to leave it and go to españa to beseech your majesty to approve his departure from this country--for it appeared to him that no bishop was necessary in that region [of camarines], nor so many in so small a country as are these islands--if it were not that the disagreements and difficulties which he had with the friars of that province obliged him to remain. there was lost in his person one of the most zealous for the service of your majesty that were here; and one who labored for it with most affection, good sense, and integrity, without aiming at private ends or his own aggrandizement. [_in the margin_: "there is already a person appointed in his place."] the bishop of cebu, don fray pedro de arce, is likewise little or not at all desirous of greater honors. on the contrary, according to his own words, he desires the quiet of a cell, with scant alms from your majesty, for the repose of his old age; and we all believe this, for we regard him, as he is generally reputed, as a holy man, as humble as the latest novice of his order. [_in the margin_: "it is well."] the archbishop of this city, don fray miguel garcia serrano, showing his zeal for the service of your majesty and for procuring the assistance and welfare of these islands, planned and offered himself to go to that court [of españa], laying aside his own repose for the hardships of so long a voyage. in this matter, i think that the officials of his church did not divert him from the exercise of his office--this being my opinion, and that of many others--in order to leave themselves freed from so much domination and authority as this office entails, and with more free will, as they were wont to be before [he came]; and for this reason i will not say that they were making illegal use of that office--although they have discussed my affairs in an unfriendly way, at the instance of someone who induced them to do so; but, on the other hand, they have acted with great virtue and as very good ecclesiastics. when i had consulted the audiencia, in their session, about the purpose of this voyage, it appeared that it was not quite necessary, and that your majesty therefore might not approve of it; accordingly, this opinion was stated to the archbishop, with many thanks for his zeal and his kind offer. according to what i have heard, he was hurt by it; so it appears that he would have liked better that his desires should be realized. [_in the margin_: "examined."] i wrote to your majesty concerning the auditor, hieronimo de legaspi, immediately upon arriving here and making his acquaintance, what i heard and saw of his proceedings; i will therefore dispense with repeating that, since i am fulfilling my obligation by what i have already written concerning him to your majesty, and what i am doing here, on my own part, and shall do, to curb him in his way of life and his lawless acts. and i do not repeat what might be added, as it is almost all of the same sort as those of which i have written--being the effects of a depraved character, as is evident, for his will is governed by unfitting motives. he has, moreover, a son who is accustomed to argue with him, increasing his covetous disposition, although there is no need for that. [_in the margin_: "let the papers in regard to this matter be examined."] [in accordance with] what your majesty has commanded that the archbishop and i should do, calling together the provincials of the orders resident in these islands, notice has been given them concerning the things which your majesty mentions concerning their methods of procedure, and the incidental exactions and excessive fees which some of them levy upon the indians--for masses, burials, and suffrages; [7] for the building of vessels, and of churches and their houses; and for repartimientos and new impositions with which they were loading down and harassing the natives; and charging them with the reformation of this. it did not seem necessary to the archbishop, but for my part i shall nevertheless carry it out, informing each one of the provincials separately, and trying to further the royal will of your majesty, without allowing scandal to result by making this public, and difficulties from such things becoming known. i would already have done so if i were not waiting for an opportune occasion when i should be free from the occupations that i have had--encounters with enemies, the equipment of vessels, procuring supplies, and the many other things for the service of your majesty. these can be attended to only with great difficulty, lacking the favor of the religious orders, [which much be considered] in order not to annoy them; for most of them are very easily irritated, especially those of the order of st. dominic. for, even when they have no cause for displeasure, there is no one who can bring them to reason, since it appears that they regard it as their vocation to be opposed to the government and to the governors, as they have done since their establishment in these islands, without a single exception--unless only it be don luis perez dasmariñas, whom, with the asperity on which they pride themselves, and their tyrannical ways they subjected in such manner that they ruled him. in order that those who succeed me may continue attending to the service of your majesty without the difficulties and quarrels which we, the former governors and i, have experienced, it will be expedient that your majesty order them not to interfere so much in the government, and that they must restrain their audacious and insolent mode [of speech]. for this is so uncurbed and terrible that any honorable man would fear it on account of what the friars cast at him, to the prejudice of anyone who acts contrary to their wishes; and this they do not only through the pulpits, but by various other means, as i have said they did with the past governors--and particularly with don juan de silva, my predecessor--and which i also have sufficiently experienced and suffered. [_in the margin_: "let him exercise care to do what is ordered in this matter, and have it done at the first opportunity." _in another hand_: "write a letter to the provincial of st. dominic, telling him that the insolence which his friars display is known, and what don alonso says here, and accordingly the provincial must convene and reprimand them, obliging them to look after the affairs of their order alone, and the conversion of souls, as is their duty (which is the principal reason why they went there); and let them not mix in government affairs, or any others not concerning their order; and have him advise us of what he shall do." _in another hand_: "write to don alonso that such a letter has been sent to the provincial of st. dominic, that he may be aware of it."] none of these things of which i have informed your majesty and have just written about are meant to comprehend, nor can they concern, the fathers of the society of jesus; for they are judicious, prudent, and moderate men, and, without in the least failing in their obligation to the service of your majesty, they attend to those of their vocation, and to the protection of their indians, so that each of them is suitably occupied. to spare what i might write concerning their well-ordered procedure, i will say that these fathers who are here are of the same [character] as those who are under the inspection of your majesty and that of the supreme pontiff. they are religious who reap a great harvest among souls in this newly-christianized land. it would be expedient for your majesty to order their general to send [more of] his men here, increasing the number of them; for they are greatly needed for the mission villages that these fathers have in their charge, and the work which they accomplish therein, and the other duties of their office. nor is there anyone of that order who talks of going back to those kingdoms without the most urgent reason making it necessary. [_in the margin_: "examined."] i have understood that several auditors of this audiencia, meeting outside of the sessions and by themselves, have written to your majesty, and have caused various persons to write by different methods and routes, things against me, [accusing me of acts] unworthy of my office, and even incredible of my character. perhaps [they do this] on account of what i have written to your majesty concerning their actions, and to satisfy their unjust resentment, uniting [against me] for this reason and to justify themselves. as it would not be just that, relying upon the great distance and the long time which is necessary to clear up the truth, and on the changes and innovations which in the course of time usually occur, any one should dare to write letters not true of persons like myself, and especially to your majesty, i beseech you humbly to be pleased to entrust my residencia and those of the said auditors to a person who would take it from all of us, with authority to prove the facts and inflict such punishment as shall be necessary. copies of what has been written against me, and of what i have written, should be produced, so that whoever shall not prove his statements may be punished as the crime deserves, for informing your majesty maliciously against other people's reputation. on account of the importance of this, whoever is to take the residencias should be a person not belonging to this country, and who will not have to remain here, living with these auditors, or the auditors with him. whether he shall find me with much or with little property, i pledge whatever i have; whatever may be lacking for it will oblige me to pay the cost of an inspection, and the condemnation of the guilty. but i have no more than what i inherit, tied up with so many debts from this voyage that i have not been able to pay them, nor even to acquit myself of the two-thirds of my [first year's] salary which i owe to your majesty, as i was forced to make use of it for my living. although all will not be pleased at the inspection, i assure you that, if it could be general for all classes, there would be found plenty of things to be regulated, and much more in the man who thinks that he is the one most secure therefrom. with this i will end this letter, leaving it in this state until it is time to seal it, in case anything should occur to be added. [_in the margin_: "have this clause taken to the fiscal." "it has been done."] when i had written this, and the despatch of these vessels was so far along that they would, with the help of god, pursue their way when moon and weather should favor the voyage, his divine majesty (to whom be thanks!) was pleased to rejoice and encourage this land by bringing safely to a port of this country, near the point of balinao, in this neighborhood, the capitana "san andres" which was expected from nueva españa. although thus far we do not know how much money comes in her on your majesty's account for the maintenance of affairs here, with it in this country, however little it may be, things will go much better than without it, and with the anxiety over its delay. [_in the margin_: "it is well, and we thank our lord for this news, and hope in his divine majesty that we shall have other and better news from those islands."] the reenforcement of soldiers is so scant that, even if all went to terrenate, there would not be many; for the enlistments of those who came in two companies do not amount to a hundred and ten, besides seventy convicts [_forcados_] who come for service, and i know not how many galley-slaves. the number of those who die here ordinarily is very great, as i have already explained, whereby the lack of troops--which is what we most suffer from here, and can least be supplied--becomes every day greater; and in the same degree my labor and anxiety increase, adding to this and my obligations the fulfilment of so many duties as this government entails, with so little means to carry them out, and with so much as must be done to carry on war with so many enemies as there are in these regions. with this, and the knowledge of the misfortune and loss of the fleet which was coming to help us, we have already ceased to consider what we may have to bear. but nevertheless, with the help of god, i hope that the enemy, when they come here as they have hitherto done, may lose more than they gain. in the meantime we will exercise skill, care, and vigilance in this matter, until the reenforcements which i am expecting are added to our forces here, to punish the enemy, and better results are obtained than in the past. i will nor repeat again the many things which are necessary, as i have already done so sufficiently; nor again state the better facilities for sending aid regularly by way of panama, which is the most important thing. this must have been already examined and considered, if the letters in which i discussed it at length have not been lost. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to have executed immediately what is most expedient for the royal service in this matter. [_in the margin_: "write to the viceroy of nueva españa, sending a copy of this clause, so that he may see how few troops are being sent to the governor; accordingly, let him be charged to reenforce him with all the soldiers that he can, since he can see how important it is that that country be fortified and have troops; and entrust it to his care and zeal that this year there shall be sent sufficient help, as has been written to him, and let him continue this every year."] the letters of your majesty have not arrived, but we are waiting for them and hope that in time they will come, and that these ships will not lose the favorable weather necessary for their voyage, on account of the great importance of securing it. if they should come with the promptness with which i charged the person whom i sent for them, i shall answer them in the most important matters. if not, i shall do so as soon as possible, as befits the importance of what is contained in them, and the service of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "examined."] i have ordered in the session, several times, that careful abstracts should be made of the enactments made therein of which it is desirable that an account should be given your majesty. thus far it has not been possible to carry this out, in which matter i did not choose, merely in order to avoid trouble with them, to employ any repressive measure, which might increase their ill-humor; and likewise because i do not know that anything more has happened than what i write to your majesty. the reason for the auditors neglecting this matter is well known to be that the definite account which we must make to your majesty from this audiencia may not clash with that which the auditors who met together separately have made to your majesty and your ministers. this leads me, every time when i speak of it, to repeat my supplication to your majesty, as i now humbly do, that this may not go on without the inquiry of residencia which i have requested, and the punishment due each one. may god protect the catholic person of your majesty in accordance with the needs of christendom. manila, july 21, 1621. _don alonso fajardo de tenca_ [_in the margin_: "examined."] [_endorsed_: "examined and decreed within on the margin, that which concerns both the council and the junta. on september 22, 622."] letter from archbishop miguel garcia serrano to the king _condition of the archbishopric of manila in regard to the affairs of ecclesiastical and secular government._ sire: although i am writing to your majesty at length informing you of the condition of these islands regarding the enemies who come to infest them, i cannot refrain from writing this letter apart, in which i inform your majesty of matters that, in my opinion, your majesty needs and ought to know. for, although i have written concerning many of them these three years past, i must--inasmuch as i have had no answer from your majesty, not even of their receipt in the council--repeat what i have written, again and again, until i am certain that my letters have reached that royal council. knowing that, my mind will be at rest, and i shall be content with what your majesty shall be pleased to order to be done in all things. from the time of the establishment of the faith in these islands, no ecclesiastical council [8] has been held in them; [but this is] a matter that is urgently recommended by the holy general councils, for the correction of abuses and the reform of morals. it is most necessary in this archbishopric, in order to establish the administration of the sacraments with uniformity of ceremonies, the celebration of holy days, and for unusual and peculiar cases that occur in this new world. therefore, i petition your majesty to be pleased to send me permission so that i, with my three suffragans, may hold a council as soon as they reach these islands. [_marginal note_: "that a letter has already been sent to him regarding this matter; and he is to follow its directions."] the devotion, sire, to the most holy sacrament had greatly fallen into disuse in this city, just as if we who are its residents had not come from the christian country of españa. consequently, as soon as i entered upon the government of this church, i endeavored to promote this observance, and exerted all my effort and strength--so that, by the goodness of god, this devotion is being introduced in good earnest, being aided by the indulgences that our most holy father [_i.e._, probably pope paul v] conceded at the instance of your majesty; and there are few persons who do not have those indulgences in their houses, through an edition that i caused to be printed in order that all might receive the benefit of them. [_marginal note_: "that it is well, and that thanks are given him for his care in this matter; and that he continue thus, since it is a matter that is so important."] the principal feast [_i.e._, corpus christi] of this revered and admirable sacrament cannot be held at its season, as the universal church has ordained, because then the rainy or winter season begins in these regions. consequently, but seldom has the weather given opportunity to hold the procession in the streets, nor can the streets be draped or adorned. it would be a very great consolation, if your majesty would be pleased to obtain a brief from his holiness, in which he concedes us authority in these islands to anticipate the feast of the most holy sacrament, [celebrating it] on the thursday after the octave of easter; or otherwise, that this feast may come later--as his holiness conceded for all of yndia, in order to hold it at the most convenient season, since its own time came during the rainy season; in both regions the same reasons and obstacles occur so that the feast cannot be celebrated with due and proper observance. i am enclosing to your majesty a copy of the brief cited. [_marginal note_: "have a letter sent to the ambassador at roma, giving him an account of this section, and sending him a copy of the brief here cited, in order that he may petition it from his holiness; for it is a matter that should be solemnized with so great propriety. send a letter to the archbishop, telling him that a request to this effect has already been made, and that he will be advised of the answer."] the poverty of this cathedral is so great that it has had no revenue with which to furnish not only a reredos, or the necessary ornaments as regards the colors of the seasons, but also a veil to cover the altar during lent. on palm sunday the two prebendaries who accompanied me as assistants, when i performed the pontifical office on that day, wore cloaks of different color from what they should have worn, as we did not have the right ones in the church. for as the church has not a single real of income, nor has had hitherto any other aid than the alms that the inhabitants have given it, it suffers the need of which i speak. the royal audiencia has investigated this matter, on petition of the cabildo, in order to refer it to that royal council. i humbly petition your majesty to be pleased to consider that this city is a general place of concourse for all the nations of the world; that it seems a necessary obligation that--since it is impossible to celebrate the divine offices in the other churches of manila with due propriety, because of their great poverty--at least these peoples may see that it will be done in the cathedral, the metropolitan of all the others; since we do not act as we ought toward so great a lord, yet as we can, and with more propriety than in other regions. [_marginal note_: "have a copy of this section sent to the governor and audiencia, and let them assist in a matter so necessary. they shall plan how this may be done with due propriety, and shall advise us of their action. have a letter sent to the archbishop, enclosing a copy of what is written to them, so that he may understand it."] the cabildo of this holy church at present, through the goodness of god and your majesty's care in filling the prebends with such persons, consists of excellent persons. if the reason advanced to your majesty, by means of which a special brief was obtained from his holiness for the senior bishop to govern this church--[which has been done] through three vacancies in the see--had any justification at that time, surely, sire, that justification has now ceased, as the cabildo is now filled by entirely satisfactory men. hence your majesty can certainly be served by not having this government leave the cabildo in the two vacancies that will follow hereafter; for, in truth, during the few days while they governed in the last vacant see, before the arrival of the senior bishop from his bishopric, they so disposed affairs that the said bishop simply retained what they had decided, and did not change anything that he found established. [_marginal note_: "observe the custom."] great annoyances result because the governor does not communicate with the archbishop as to the persons whom he presents for the dignidades and prebends of this church, who are appointed until your majesty shall fill the places. for if it proves that the person is incapable or unworthy--either because of any secret reason known to the archbishop, or for any suit that he has pending or for any other reason--the remedy is more easy in its beginning, by first conferring together about the case. your majesty seems to have so ordered, as appears from the presentations made by governors don pedro de acuña and don juan de silba, which read as follows: "having communicated with the archbishop, and having observed the order and decree of his majesty, i present so-and-so," etc. there it appears that your majesty has ordered in this matter that consultation be held thereon. it would be well to order this again; for the governor says that he has not seen such a decree, nor do i find it in the book of decrees. [_marginal note_: "have this decree found and brought. let them observe the decrees regarding this. let the governor report on what the archbishop asks."] two appointments from your majesty came last year to this metropolitan church of manila. one was to the deanship, of santiago de castro, a sick man who has not left his house for more than three years. he is sick and old, and so deaf that he can hold no intercourse or communication with men. consequently, he is expecting death daily, and he may therefore be numbered among the dead, as far as human intercourse is concerned. this alone could hinder the execution of his appointment, for in other things he has excellent qualifications for the dignity. since his condition renders him unfit for service, and since the dean must necessarily take upon himself the management and headship of the cabildo, much consideration should be given to this appointment--especially as another appointment (as archdean) came for canon thomas de guimarano, an unlettered man, to whom some years ago they did not dare to grant permission to hear confessions on the galleys, where he was chaplain. therefore, archbishop don fray miguel de benavides wrote these words to your majesty in the year 604, the copy of which is in my possession. "don pedro de acuña gave a chaplaincy in the seminary of santa potenciana to one of his followers, who lives in his palace, one thomas de guimarano--a man of so little capacity that the said archdean and commissary of the holy office examined him at my order, in order that he might hear confessions in the galley, whose chaplain he was, and did not find him capable of doing it." such are the words of the said archbishop as to his ignorance. he has almost no capacity for management. if he were seen in this dignity people would greatly blame him who should have conferred it on him without having first notified your majesty of his unfitness. this is the reason why i have kept the two appointments of the said guimarano and santiago de castro sealed, as they came, and guarded with all secrecy, until your majesty could be advised. your royal will, i am sure, is that these appointments be not given to them, thereby entailing so much loss of prestige to the church, and scandal to the city. on the other hand, there is no lack, the office of dean being filled by licentiate don francisco gomez de arellano, a man of good conduct and of exemplary life, in approbation of whom letters have been written to your majesty at various times. [_marginal note_: "provision has already been made herein."] inasmuch as your majesty's appointment, and the favor that you were pleased to grant him in conferring on him the dignity of treasurer of this holy church, came for licentiate don miguel garcetas (of whose good qualities i have written during these last years); and inasmuch as, by his taking possession of that office, that of precentor fell vacant, which he was filling _ad interim_: the governor presented for it don juan cevicos, a priest of good education, very great austerity and exemplary life, and zealous for the general welfare. in him are also found many other very excellent qualities; and he is a very suitable man for your majesty to confer upon him the dignity that he holds, or what should afterward become vacant in this church, and even of anything of greater importance. he has not been graduated; for since the permission that is expected for the foundation of a university (which is the intention of the college of the society of jesus) has not yet reached this city, he has not yet had the opportunity to receive a degree. i have employed him in the capacity of my provisor [9] and vicar-general where he is of great help, for he is a man of considerable business capacity. [_marginal note_: "seen."] about seven months ago the governor presented juan de miranda for a _ración_ that was vacant. he is a good ecclesiastic and necessary for that ministry; for setting aside his virtue, example, and good life, he is an excellent singer, and has been reared from childhood in this church. accordingly i gave him the office very willingly. i petition your majesty to be pleased to confirm it. [_marginal note_: "seen."] it often happens that certain individuals, depending on their favor at court, try to obtain prebends and dignities from your majesty which they do not merit. they are of such a sort that i am told of persons who even do not know latin. they hope to be preferred to those who have spent all their lives in study. it would be of great importance for the prelate and cabildo of the district of the said ecclesiastics to inform your majesty for these appointments, so that, having that information, the most advisable measures for the service of god and that of your majesty may be taken. [_marginal note_: "seen."] during the month of last december, an ecclesiastic named don patricio arcaya de guevara, a native of murcia, left this country for those regions [of europe] via india. the governor was accompanied by him when he came here, and presented him for the treasurership of this holy church; and in fact he served therein _ad interim_, although the governor did not know then that he had been expelled from the order of st. augustine in the province of andalucia, and that he was living in this country incontinently and with reproach, and with less discretion than was fitting. i inform your majesty, for, according to his resolve, he was going to ask for a dignity in this or some other church of the yndias, for which he is not fit. [_marginal note_: "it is well. attention will be given to this in the office, if the papers regarding this man are sent."] the wretchedness and misery suffered by my poor ecclesiastics in this my archbishopric is very great, because of their number having increased rapidly in these latter years, on account of the college and seminary of the society of jesus, and the care that has been taken therein to maintain its studies--teaching in the classes latin, the arts, and theology; besides the students who are being reared in the college of santo thomas, founded about two years ago by the order of st. dominic. as i say, they suffer so great poverty that i am assured that some cannot leave their houses because they have no cassocks to wear--and that, too, in a country where cloth is generally so cheap. this is a matter that is breaking my heart. i have nothing with which to employ them, since the ministries are all managed by the religious. the poor ecclesiastics have only eight benefices of indians to administer, besides two spanish curacies--namely that of this city, which is administered by two parish priests [_curas_]; and that of santiago, outside the walls--and one other which has in charge the indians and slaves of manila. within the last few days two ecclesiastics, theologues, competed for a sacristy in the benefice of nuestra señora de guia, which has a salary of only ninety pesos. one of them had taken four years of theology, and is an excellent student, and not so fitting for other things. they competed for it only in order to get a morsel of food, so they would not have to beg it from door to door. will your majesty be pleased to have provided what is most suitable for the service of god and your own. [_marginal note_: "since he has the case in hand, let him take what measures are advisable."] news reached this city in the month of january last of this year, of the death of the bishop of nueva cáceres, fray diego de guevara, of the order of st. augustine; he died while visiting his bishopric. inasmuch as that church has no cabildo, the task of its government devolved upon me, as does likewise that of nueva segovia. as the bishop of the latter church, don juan de renteria, has not arrived, i petition your majesty to be pleased to have notice taken that greater competency is required for these bishoprics that are so distant from manila--in which counsel can [not] easily be taken on the troubles that confront the ministry at every step, and the bishop, like him who holds the office of magistrate, must alone determine these doubts of fuerza--than for the very large bishoprics of españa. will your majesty please take the advisable measures. [_marginal note_: "seen and provided."] the facility of these natives in going to law about marriage is very great. in fact, they achieve their purpose by alleging obstacles arising from their own illicit intercourse, before the marriage, with the relatives of their wives. often they maliciously conceal this obstacle and are silent until, the wives after experiencing with the lapse of time, during their married life, not so good treatment as they expected from their husbands, and the husbands having less pleasure in the marriage than they had promised themselves, they advance their obstacles, and petition for the annulment of the marriage. with the ease with which they find witnesses for any purpose, they succeed in carrying their desires into effect--with the liability, if what they have alleged and proved is false, of living throughout life in the sin that they have committed to the wrong of marriage; and if true, as they say, of having been unscrupulous in not having declared the obstacle. in order to avoid these troubles, it would be of great importance for your majesty to be pleased to obtain from his holiness power for the ministers in these islands to give absolution for all the secret obstacles of these neophytes when they come to be married, in order to contract the said marriage. in this way it will be managed with less offense and with more ease to the conscience than now. [_marginal note_: "have the ambassador at roma notified to propose this matter to his holiness; and if it be not unadvisable, to petition him to concede it. after doing this, advise and notify the archbishop that the matter has been sent to roma, and that he will be notified of the result."] your majesty ordered by a decree, twice issued (the second dated at san lorenço, november, 603), that the bishops should inspect the religious who give instruction, in regard to their duty of the care of souls. it would be very advisable for so holy a decree to be executed now, without more delay; for although the orders contain many who attend most earnestly to the service of our lord, there are certain persons who allow themselves to be too easily led by their inclinations, and who do not labor in their ministry with the devotion and fidelity requisite. besides the bad example thus furnished to these natives, the latter are wronged, and without any remedy, because there is no superior to whom they can go for vindication--for the provincials, sometimes for private reasons, generally sustain such subordinates. that would cease with the visit of the bishops, and the provincials would find themselves obliged, or the bishops would oblige them, always to station in the missions ministers of learning, virtue, and exemplary life. that would bring a cessation of such troubles. the friars then could not assert that they would leave the ministries, as they did when there were no secular clergy, since that is clearly impossible; for there are now so many seculars that they are sufficient to administer what the orders would abandon. [_marginal note_: "have the decree in regard to this sent to him, and have him observe the order, as declared in the said decree. despatch decrees to the archbishop and his suffragans, in accordance with those already despatched to the archbishop of mexico and his suffragan bishops."] the kingdom of xapon is in such an upheaval, and the persecution against christians so bloody, that it seems rash for religious to go there. however, those who go there from the orders, guided by the spirit of the lord, go clad as merchants, and go about at manila in the same way, some days before their passage, in order to have the japanese get to know them and take them for men who are going to their country to trade. any other method would be rash, as i say, if they went openly as religious. further, as fray luis sotelo, of the order of st. francis, tried to go with the name of bishop of xapon, delegate of the pope, and commissary-general (a thing prohibited by your majesty), and as the bulls for it have been detained by your royal council; and as your council has declared that its opinion is that, if there were an open door, there would be many things to consider as to whether fray luis sotelo should go [to xapon], because of the many reasons that constrain them to prevent his passage; therefore, it is expedient for your majesty to order that quickly; and that they recall the said sotelo and take him from these islands, so that he may not go to xapon. [_marginal note_: "have what was ordered in this matter brought."] having to speak of the orders in particular, i feel obliged to inform your majesty of occurrences in this city between that of st. dominic and the society. it was on an occasion of the death of a man in this city by stabbing, who begged loudly for confession. it was not granted to him, because a father of st. dominic said that absolution ought not to be given him, although the bystanders said that he had called for confession. a father of the society stating that absolution ought to have been given him, there arose between the two orders a very serious and violent controversy; for the dominican fathers printed certain conclusions, in which they declared that it was a rash idea, and in practice a grave and sacrilegious offense to absolve one who, only by the report of bystanders had begged for confession, but was deprived of the power of speech. the fathers of the society of jesus drew up other printed conclusions, in which they declared that it was not a rash or sacrilegious idea but a very pious one to absolve such a penitent. they persuaded the people and the orders and so inflamed the controversy that i ordered them by a decree to put an end to both contentions. both orders agreeing to dispute in my presence, i assigned judges from my cabildo, and from the orders of st. augustine and st. francis, and learned persons of the city, to be present at the disputation, and consider the arguments on each side. this was done, and the result was that, having assembled the other day, all the judges declared, _nemine discrepante_ [_i.e._, "no one dissenting"], that the opinion of the society was pious and reasonable, and could be followed. the reverend dominican fathers greatly resented this decision, and tried to carry their point by persuading the people to accept their conclusions. i thought it a matter of scandal to condemn ministers, in an affair of the sacraments, by asserting that they were committing sacrilege. i issued a censure, and ordered that no one should agree to their conclusions, and that the dominicans should not hold them. upon this second decree they elected a judge-conservator who accepted the office, but did not continue in it; so the cause was suspended, and the parties intended to have recourse to roma regarding the case. at this juncture the ritual of our very holy father paul v, with a bull of his holiness, dated roma, june 17, 1614, came to my hands, in which they order absolution to such a penitent, who asks for confession after losing his power of speech, if he shall give signs, in person or through others, of his desire. upon seeing the said ritual, i ordered it to be published, and it was done on the day of sts. peter and paul, in our church of manila, this year of 621. a judicial record was made of all of this matter, and authentic papers with the arguments of each party. that alone is being sent to your majesty as a report, in order to inform you of everything, as is my duty. [_marginal note_: "seen."] the order of st. francis in these islands is discalced. there is generally a visitor from the commissaries, who is sent by the commissary-general of nueva españa, who must be of the same discalced. this year one came, who was not received by the provincial and his definitors because he did not come in the way required by the rules and privileges of this their province. although the audiencia tried to admit the one from nueva españa, matters came to such a pass and so menacing a condition that by way of authority, and in order to avoid scandals, don alonso faxardo, governor of these islands, determined to suspend the commission, after first having conferred with me. what i did was to assemble the orders and learned persons of my cabildo. i found: first, that the commissary was not discalced, although he must be so by virtue of a bull and express privilege, which he carries in order to visit this province, or to exercise an act of jurisdiction. the authorization borne by him was very extraordinary and had a great excess of the ordinary warrants. there was added a very forcible argument of administration, which is that twenty or more of the leading friars had been sworn witnesses in the present contention, while the commissary had given testimony contrary to theirs, so that no good administration was looked for, but only numerous scandals and dissensions. then affairs almost reached the point where the province was in hostile array, one side against another. accordingly, all those of the council, without any dissenting voice, resolved that it was inexpedient for the commissary to enter on the administration. that resolution was followed, and the provincial proceeded with his duties in peace. therefore, those in nueva españa will be informed from here to send hereafter only persons of the discalced religious and of their profession, and they will be peaceably received. for if they are of the cloth [_paño_], [10] the discalced religious fear that they are trying to introduce themselves into this province and into that of xapon, and to drive the discalced from here; this has been attempted, contrary to what this city has requested your majesty several times to order--namely, that no friars of the cloth come to these islands, but only discalced, with whom the province has always been established. [_marginal note_: "seen."] the great service which the society of jesus is performing for god and your majesty in the conversion of souls is well known. but they cannot continue to prosecute what has hitherto been done in this province because of their lack of workers; for many have succumbed to the hardships of their ministry, while others are crippled and incapacitated from helping in the missions. consequently there is need of a goodly shipment of these servants of god to be sent, who so edify and instruct by their good example and learning. for this purpose, the order is sending father francisco gutierrez as their procurator-general. i humbly petition your majesty to be pleased to order that he be despatched here, so that this so urgent need may be supplied. [_marginal note:_ "have us reminded of this at the time, if the society should request it."] the other orders, those of st. augustine, st. dominic, and st. francis, experience the same lack of religious. they have their procurators at that court. will your majesty be pleased to have them given a goodly number of religious, so that they may attend to their ministries. [_marginal note_: "have us reminded in due season."] the hospitals--of which i am informing your majesty in a separate letter--need the efforts of the brethren of [st.] john of god, so that the sick may be treated as is fitting, and which is the chief object of those brethren. hitherto the discalced franciscan religious of this province have had charge of their spiritual matters. as that is not one of their vows, and they do not have charge of temporal matters, the sick have suffered greatly. accordingly, should your majesty be pleased to send some of those brethren from that country, and to order them to take charge of the administration of these hospitals, it would be a very great service to our lord. [_marginal note_: "observe what is decreed regarding this matter."] the official investigations that are made in the royal audiencia are made with so little secrecy that the parties interested know the witnesses and their depositions. the same occurs in the letters of recommendation that are obtained from the cabildos and from some orders--which the interested party takes to them, made out as they desire, and only asks for their signatures. these are obtained easily, whence follow the sinister reports that they give your majesty, to the harm of the public welfare. [_marginal note_: "it is well. let us be advised of this on the occasions that arise."] although this royal audiencia by right should attend the principal feasts at the cathedral, they have not done so; nor have i seen them attend in a body since i took up the government of this church--now upwards of a year--except once only. that was on st. andrew's day, when a prayer was made for the coming of the ships from mexico. i do not know whether the reason has been the want of harmony between the governor and the auditors, or because the governor's wife took a seat beside her husband--a thing that has never been practiced in this city in the time of the former governors. will your majesty decide what should be done in this matter, as the governor's wife must be placated in it; and whether the position to be occupied by her is to be before or behind that of the audiencia. [_marginal note_: "have the audiencia informed that they must not miss one of the prescribed days, and are to report on the other matters. write to the archbishop that the audiencia has already been notified to attend on the prescribed days."] your majesty has already provided by your royal decrees that the ships should set sail for nueva españa from this port, under any circumstances, during the month of june, because of their peril of having to make some port in distress, or of being wrecked, if they sail later. it would be expedient to apply a more constraining remedy, in order that this be executed; for were your majesty's decrees observed in these islands, as i have many times said, there would be no errors made in what pertains to the service of our lord and that of your majesty, the welfare of these islands, and the profit of their inhabitants. but, sire, as they are not obeyed, and there is no execution of them, there is general error in what could with so great facility be done aright. [_marginal note_: "have a letter written to the governor, telling him that we have heard that those ships that sail to nueva españa sail very late, and that consequently they suffer in the tempests and hardships that are known; and that now and henceforth he shall see that they sail as was the custom before and as is ordered."] when the city of manila petitioned your majesty to be pleased to have the governors of these filipinas make the appointments to the offices of the ships which are despatched hence to nueva españa, from that of commander to the least office, it was to obviate one disadvantage, according to their opinion (and in truth not a slight one), by which the said offices were given by the viceroys to their relatives and retainers, thus depriving this country's inhabitants of them. that disadvantage not only has not been corrected by this expedient--since the governors, not heeding more than their own private interests, give the said offices to their own followers--but has even given rise to a greater disadvantage, respecting the return of the ships to these islands. for, since the viceroys do not appoint to the said offices as they did before, the result is usually a lack in the reenforcements that are sent from there [_i.e._, nueva españa]; and there is less care bestowed on the despatch of the said ships for the return than is fitting. consequently, they arrive so late that already the season of the vendavals, the contrary winds of these islands, has set in; and therefore the ships have been compelled to put in at xapon, as happened in the year 17, and last year. on that account they ran a risk of being captured by the dutch; for since the viceroys are not interested, even in making those provisions, the ships sail later than they would be permitted if the persons who have charge of the ships were appointed by him, in whose good success would be also his share of reputation, or the contrary. will your majesty be pleased to order this to be noted, and take what measures may be most to your royal pleasure. [_marginal note_: "obey the ordinances."] one could not believe the injury that is done to the soldiers and sailors, and to all the wage-earners, by not paying the vouchers earned by their labor and sweat; and on the other hand, by buying these for much less than their face value. for, being rendered desperate, they sell vouchers valued at one thousand pesos for one hundred, and the lamentable thing is that, if they did not sell them, they would never be paid. scarcely have they sold the vouchers when they are immediately paid, and the purchasers even take the poor wretches to the office of accounts, so that they may be present at the payment, and that it may appear justified, by their saying that they did it of their own accord, for which they give a receipt. as it is the price of blood, and they see that others take that price, it is a grief and sorrow that cries to heaven for redress, and petitions your majesty to be pleased to have a very effective and rigorous correction applied. [_marginal note_: "have a letter written to the governor that this has been learned; and that he accordingly must correct it immediately, if there is need therefor, and advise us of what shall be done."] there are at present more than sixteen thousand chinese in this city of manila, who have received license to stay in the country. in addition about one-third as many generally remain without having a license, so that, on good computation, there are now more chinese in the country than there were sixteen and a half years ago, when they revolted and made war on us--without reckoning a great number of japanese, whose number i have been unable to ascertain, although i am told that it exceeds three thousand. accordingly, in a council of all the estates called by the governor about two months ago, in which he asked whether it would be advisable or not to go out to fight the enemy then in the mouths of this bay--who had seized them with nine very strongly armed ships, while the governor had four ships (two of them powerful galleons) and four galleys--the city forbade him to go out under any circumstances. among other reasons it was said that if the governor went out, he would leave the city of manila unprotected in his absence, and exposed to the will of so great a number of enemies, composed of chinese and japanese. that argument was not the one of least weight in the council in determining that our fleet should not sail against the enemy. i think that there has been neglect and laxity in the matter of not driving out the japanese. but, in the case of the chinese [it is] the greed for the eight pesos that each one pays for the license to remain in the country, and the excessive profits gained by the numerous agents of justice whom the governors have introduced, unnecessarily and in violation of what your majesty has so piously ruled and ordained--namely, that only those remain who cannot be spared for the service of the country, and it is certain that we cannot live without them. if your majesty's decrees were observed, all would be well managed, and we would live more comfortably and in less fear of them than we now have. i do not know, sire, what expedient can be adopted in this. i know only that it is advisable to execute the orders of your majesty's royal decrees, for that was the care and anxiety of the former archbishops and of the entire community, who always petitioned for this same thing. hence i am surprised that your majesty has not ordered that what restraint you are able to place should be imposed, so that your royal decrees be obeyed. i do not know for what reason (since all or nearly all of them concern the good government and advantage of these wretched inhabitants) they are directed either against the governors, the audiencia, or their agents, tying their hands with their prohibitions. since they are the executors of the decrees, it results that nothing is done. even the city is very much interested in this matter of the chinese remaining, in order to get their profits and rents in their alcaicerías. hence i do not think that it would be worth while to petition for [limitation of] the number of the chinese, unless your majesty assign that number. truly, with four or five thousand chinese, the community would be well served and the country free from danger. [_marginal note_: "have a letter sent to the governor, telling him of this, but not the writer; and that since he has charge of so important a matter, he must see that the decrees and orders that have been issued regarding this be obeyed. he shall advise us of what shall be done, so that the council may understand the matter."] there have been many complaints, in regard to the allotment of encomiendas, from the old and worthy soldiers who have spent their lives and blood in your majesty's service. it has already been enacted in this matter, by royal decrees, what must be done. the relief that i find is for your majesty to be pleased to order strictly that the regulations made in regard to it be obeyed. [_marginal note_: "have the governor notified to obey what is decreed regarding this."] for the last two years it has been customary in these islands for private persons residing here who have money and protection to despatch their own small ships both to macan and to malaca, sian, camboja, and other parts of this archipelago. since they have the authority, they send the best sailors that we have here in those ships. thus it occurs that we can get no hands, nor even the best soldiers, when it is necessary to prepare them and fleets for the occasion of your majesty's service; for fleeing from the annoyances and ill treatment that they experience, many absent themselves on such occasions. verily, there is not a leech that sucks out the blood from the body more than these little ships do this camp of men. it would be very expedient for your majesty to order what measure is most fitting for your service; for ¡f we weaken the body by our own hands, so that it will have but little strength in time of need, and if this land is exhausted of men, how can the enemy be resisted when they attack us? in truth, sire, i understand that the neighboring kingdoms of macan, japon, malaca, sian, camboja, and all the other lands, have so many spaniards that a great troop for your majesty's service could be formed from them alone. [_marginal note_: "have sent to the governor a relation of this, and that he accordingly take upon himself the remedy for it, since it is so important a matter that the soldiers that he shall have do not leave there; and that he advise us of what shall be done."] lastly, i petition your majesty to be pleased to have an answer written to me regarding the matters of this letter that require a reply. for since some of them concern the common welfare of the ministry, others the special welfare of this church, and others that of this city, i shall necessarily be forced to repeat them on all occasions until i am certain that they have come to the notice of that royal council of your majesty--whose very catholic person may our lord preserve for the welfare of your kingdoms with the increase of many others, as we your humble chaplains desire. manila, july 30, 1621. _fray miguel garcia serrano_, archbishop of manila. [_endorsed_: "seen and decreed within. in the council, september 30, 622."] [the bull mentioned in the first part of the above letter follows:] _copy well and faithfully drawn of the bull in which his holiness concedes that the feast of corpus christi in eastern yndia and the regions subject to the crown of portugal, be anticipated or transferred to another and more suitable day, besides other favors and privileges._ antonius, by the divine mercy cardinal priest of the holy _quatuor coronati_, [11] to the illustrious the most serene king of portugale and algarbes, health in the lord. according to the pledge of loyalty enjoined upon us by the apostolic see, we willingly charge ourselves with those matters whereby divine worship may everywhere be advanced, the devotion of the faithful of christ increased, and fitting regard paid to the safety of their souls in the lord. in truth, the petition presented to us not long ago concerning your interests stated that, since in the regions of the indias, ethiopia, arabia, and persia (through favor of the divine clemency lately brought under our rule), by reason of the difference of the seasons in those countries, the day whereon the solemn feast of the sacrament of corpus christi is celebrated, falls, according to ordinance of the universal church, in the winter time, wherefore it cannot be celebrated at that season with due ceremonies and solemnity--[the faithful] are desirous that the same feast be transferred to some other season outside of winter, that it may be kept more fittingly and with greater honor. moreover, since the said countries are very far away from your kingdom of portugal, the cities and towns and provinces therein being also at great distances from one another, it is therefore difficult for any catholic prelate either to pass thither from your said kingdom of portugal, or, if resident there, to go from one region to another, and therein bless whatever things be needed for divine worship, as well as purify the churches themselves, with their burial-places, that may have been defiled through the shedding of human blood or seed; again, since the holy oils, which everywhere are to be consecrated each year, cannot because of the difficulty of the voyage thither be carried from your said kingdom of portugal, wherefore you are unable to have them renewed according to church ordinance; again, as in cases of apostasy from the orthodox faith of persons who subsequently, through divine inspiration, are moved to return, as well as in regard to the many turks and mahometans, or followers of other misbeliefs whatsoever, who are desirous to embrace the same faith, there is no recourse possible to the apostolic see, or to others in your said kingdom of portugal who are especially delegated therefor: hence do you humbly petition the same see mercifully to make due provision therein for yourselves and the peoples of the said countries under your care, to the effect that all and singular the rectors of churches in those countries may be granted full and free power to bless newly erected churches and burial-places, to purify them when defiled, as well as to use holy oils brought from portugal, or consecrated by any prelate in those countries, even five years previous; that moreover the same rectors of churches in those countries also be empowered to reconcile apostates from the faith, absolve them, and restore them to their former state in all things, and through all. therefore, while commending in the lord your praiseworthy desires in this regard, being inclined also to favor you as in duty bound, through the gracious authority of our lord the pope, whose charge we fill as penitentiary, as well as through his special and express command given us therein _viva voce_, we hereby do grant to all and singular the venerable fathers in christ, by the grace of god bishops in those countries, as well as to you [and] your successors respectively now and for the time being, or their vicars-general in spirituals now and for the time being, the following powers, to wit: that with the council of their respective clergy and people they be empowered to transfer the said feast of the most holy body of christ to another season of the year, outside of winter, when it may be celebrated with due solemnities and ceremonies. that whosoever shall take part in the celebration of the feast thus transferred may gain, all and singular, the indulgences and graces which they would otherwise gain were they present on the day set by the universal church. that in their respective churches, all and singular, the rectors of churches and districts for the time, being may bless vestments, crosses, images, or other church ornaments whatsoever that are needed or proper in divine worship--not, however, chalices and patens. moreover, that wherever there is not present a catholic prelate who is a bishop, they may purify and bless the churches themselves, with their chapels and burial-places, should they be defiled through the shedding of human blood or seed, or any other things that have been blessed by any bishop, or, in the absence of a bishop, by any person constituted in church dignity, or by a rector of any parish church actually holding the care of souls, provided they duly employ the proper rites usually observed in such matters. again, that they may use the holy oil brought from portugal within the previous five years, and, if consecrated by any catholic prelate in those countries, when it is three years old. besides, with regard to such persons as, having once received holy baptism with the true faith of christ, have fallen away therefrom, but are now desirous to return, we grant full and free leave and power to absolve the same from the heresy that they subsequently have incurred, as often as in any manner they may have fallen therein, as well as from whatsoever other faults and spots wherewith by reason of human frailty they may be stained and marked; and to receive the same back to the bosom of holy mother church, and to restore them to their former state in all things and through all, with the fulfilment, however, of salutary penance for their fault--provided, however, that these things are to be done by a bishop as often as one is present, in the places where there is a bishop. [these things are granted] notwithstanding any apostolic, provincial or synodal decrees, or customs, or constitutions and ordinances of general or particular councils, or other things whatsoever, to the contrary. given at rome at st. peter's under the seal of office of the penitentiary, the xv kalends of july in the third year of the pontificate of our lord paul iii. i, gabriel de muxica buitran, secretary of his excellency, don fray miguel garcia serrano, archbishop of the filipinas and member of his majesty's council, and notary-public of the ecclesiastical court of this archbishopric, attest and witness truly that this copy was drawn from another that appears to have been authorized by the bishop of malaca, don goncalo de silva, signed with his signature and sealed with a seal, which appears to be that of his arms. this is a certain and true copy, and has been corrected, revised, and collated with the said original copy from which it was drawn. for its validity, don juan de cevicos, precentor in the holy metropolitan church of this city of manila, and judge-provisor and vicar-general in it and its archbishopric for the said his excellency, affixed his signature, interposing his judicial authority and decree. it is sealed with the smaller seal of the aforesaid. as witnesses at its correction and revision were father thomas saravia, secular priest, and luis mendes de leon, gospel priest, citizens and residents of this said city, on july last, one thousand six hundred and twenty-one. _don juan cevicos_ in witness of truth: _gabriel de muxica buitran_ letter to the king from geronimo de silva sire: a detailed relation of the condition and affairs of these islands having been sent to your majesty in the vessels despatched to nueva españa in august of last year, god was pleased that, after some months of navigation, the almiranta should put back in distress on the thirteenth of november, mastless and badly racked, because of the many hurricanes and the bad weather that it met on the high seas. that was a most severe loss for this city, since the chief sinew of its support at present is nothing but the trade of those two ships; for as the times go, there is now no other recourse. it is considered as certain that the flagship made the voyage, although there is no more certainty than trust that god has taken it to safety; for since it was already so late, and the monsoon of the vendavals had set in, it has not as yet returned from nueva españa, nor has any other advice come. that is no little cause for anxiety to this wretched city, in addition to the ravages of enemies and other disasters that ordinarily afflict it. may god in his mercy ordain what is most advisable for his holy service. governor don alonsso fajardo, having despatched the vessels of castilla, began to undertake the aid for terrenate; and attempted to send it earlier than formerly, in order to guard against the enemy, who continually await the ship at the entrance of those forts. notwithstanding the small amount of money and other supplies that could be taken hence, because the misery here had become as extreme as one can imagine, yet what was sent in men, food, and war-supplies, was the most abundant that has entered those forts for a considerable number of years--as the governor, being the one in charge of all those matters, will fully inform your majesty. with that relief a present was also sent to the king of macazar in your majesty's name, in recognition of the friendly reception and entertainment found in his country by your majesty's [_word illegible in ms._] vassals, and for the great importance of preserving his friendship, as i have stated in other letters. governor don alonso fajardo heard by way of japon--through an entirely trustworthy person, who is accustomed always to give information of very important matters--that the dutch enemy had allied themselves with the english, and that both nations had made an alliance to come to pillage these coasts, and that they had prepared and well equipped for that purpose a squadron of twelve large ships belonging to both nations. that news caused keen anxiety in this city, inasmuch as two so powerful nations were seen to be allied for its destruction and ruin. the most anxious was the governor, not so much because the remedy depended upon him, as because he found himself with so few forces, and it was impossible to be able to prevent so serious injury as was expected. before anything else he tried to inform your majesty of that alliance, sending a despatch for that purpose by way of portuguese india, so that it might reach your majesty's royal hands with the promptness that so important a matter demanded. notwithstanding that there were not wanting some here who doubted the truth of those despatches from japon, yet the governor, being so anxious for your majesty's service, began to prepare and furnish all that was necessary for the repair of the vessels stationed in the port of cavite, and many other things that had need of repair. at that time, on the second of february, he heard that the enemy were on the coast. in a very few days they entered by the mouth of this bay with nine vessels, seven of them of great burden, and the other two of medium size. as commander of that squadron came the englishman with four well-equipped vessels of his nation; and, as admiral, the dutchman with five vessels, no less adequately equipped and armed than the english. they sighted the port of cavite in order to reconnoiter the strength of the fleet stationed there. everything was placed in the best state of defense that time allowed, so that any attack of the enemy could be repulsed. but the enemy took a better resolve, namely, to anchor in the mouths of this bay and await there the chinese ships, while they sent two vessels to run along the coast, in order that those vessels that should anchor along it might not escape them. at this juncture a vessel arrived at this city with a special embassy from macan to beg the governor to aid them with some large pieces of artillery; for, as they were advised from japon, they were hourly awaiting that same squadron--for, as the rumor ran, they were about to attack that city. notwithstanding that the necessity here was more urgent, yet it was resolved, after having called a special council of the treasury and war, to send six large pieces of the best casting for the defense of that city--as the governor, to whom i refer, will inform your majesty more minutely. the depredations and prizes made by the enemy in all that time have not been of great importance, since as yet it is not known that they have captured more than five chinese vessels, which according to the report of the sangleys in them were not those of the wealthy men (who are here called anayes). [12] consequently, with the pillage of this year, they will not be able to meet their obligations in japon, for which thanks are due our lord. what i can affirm to your majesty is that all possible efforts were made, both in sending advices to china and in carefully watching through outposts this entire coast, which was partly the reason why the enemy failed to cause greater damage. the founding of the artillery made here hitherto cost so much labor, and it resulted so unsatisfactorily, that we were all in the greatest perplexity because we could not determine where the defect lay. but, after many different experiments in alloying the metals, it has been god's pleasure that we hit upon it. i can also assure your majesty that the artillery that is cast now is as good and safe as that of pirú, and costs much less in metal and labor than the pieces formerly cast. one cannot help reflecting how great and distressing would be the anxiety and uneasiness of the governor if the enemy should attack him and he were without possibility of collecting the forces with which to drive him from these islands. but for all that might happen, and in case the enemy should divide his fleet, in order to be able to make use of any good opportunity, the governor placed in order two good galleons--a flagship and an almiranta--two other quite small ships, and two galleys. that represents the total strength of your majesty's fleet in this port and all the islands. in order to equip them with men, the governor withdrew as many men as possible from the presidios of oton, cibu, and nueva segovia. he sent edicts to all the provinces to assemble the wandering indians therein. although the greatest rigor was employed for this purpose, those collected amounted to so few, that their number did not reach seventy persons. it is a pitiful thing to see how few men your majesty has for service in these islands, as i can certify, since the army is in my charge. for the paid infantry does not exceed four hundred in actual service, outside of the crippled and sick in the hospital, where they are continually dying. many of those who are not on pay escape to india and other regions, without any possibility of avoiding it. consequently, sire, this matter remains in the above condition, and demands very speedy betterment, which your majesty should furnish by sending a number of men and the other things needed for the conservation of all this land. for by doing otherwise, a well-known danger is invited, as your majesty will learn more fully from the relation that the governor will send, to which i refer. on the thirteenth of the month of last june, a ship from malaca anchored in this port, bearing news of the advices that your majesty ordered to be sent to portuguese yndia, in regard to the alliance between the states of olanda and ynglaterra, and their purpose to attack these regions with the huge fleet that was thought to have come for that purpose. it also brought news that sixteen dutch ships had already arrived at la sunda, and that the rest of the fleet was on the way. may god, in his infinite goodness, bring their evil plans to naught, since we here are so in need of human forces to frustrate them. i can assure your majesty that we will always exercise the requisite care and vigilance here, if your majesty will send and provide the most important and necessary things; this the governor has begun to do, especially in his cleansing the country of so many people that occupy it, with whom there is very little security. especially is that true of the japanese, who are seditious and arrogant, with whom the enemy hold so intimate trade and intercourse in their own country. for these reasons we keep strict and careful watch over them, since the suspicions conceived of them have been often verified. the number of sangleys whom it is advisable to allow to remain in this city is also being lessened, and only those sufficient for its service are left. by that means, i trust in our lord that we can withstand our enemies' designs. those designs, as we have heard, are to besiege this city, or the forts of terrenate, or to establish themselves in otton in your majesty's fort on the point of ylo ylo. i trust in his divine majesty that they will not succeed in their attempt, for, although we have so few forces, we will resist to the utmost until your majesty shall furnish those forces advisable for greater results in your royal service. all of these things, although so considerable, could be endured, if the royal treasury had the sum requisite for affairs so difficult. but i can assure your majesty with entire truth that the need of your treasury is so pressing now that it is incomparable. not less so is the barrenness of this country, which was formerly and usually the last resource. consequently there is so universal misery that no words could exaggerate it to your majesty. during the month of last april occurred a somewhat sharp encounter between governor don alonso fajardo and auditor don alvaro de mesa y lugo, on going into the assembly hall--in which, according to report, the auditor was somewhat lavish of words. for that reason the governor had him arrested and imprisoned in the cabildo's halls, where he was kept a few days, until he left his prison and retired into the convent of st. dominic of this city, where he still is--as your majesty will learn more fully by the judicial reports that were sent you in regard to this matter, and to which i refer. all these exhibitions of temper and anger result from what i have pointed out to your majesty in many other letters. they will exist as long as there is an audiencia and auditors in this city. i base this assertion on the arguments and reasons that my experience during the time of my residence in these islands has shown me. again referring to several of those reasons, i shall mention here only three to your majesty: first, that the auditors have so few causes to judge that there are no more than those of four indians in regard to their houseplots and lands--in which they finally spend more in costs than the principal over which they are litigating; the second because the auditors are stubbornly opposed to the governors, for which reason the latter cannot attain success in many things, and your majesty's service suffers. the aim of the auditors is naught else than to get all the posts for their relatives, intimates, and comrades; but with these many retired captains can be recompensed, who have served and serve your majesty here whenever necessary, without return or pay. when their requests are not granted, these men withdraw to their homes, which causes the country to be divided into factions and parties. the third reason is the number of pesos that your majesty would save from the salaries of the auditors and other officials of the audiencia. with that sum, twice as much infantry could be maintained as that which your majesty has here. that, in the light of present conditions, is the most important thing for the necessary maintenance and defense of these islands. i have dared to relate this to your majesty because of my zeal as a loyal vassal, and as one who looks at things dispassionately. will your majesty decide as is most advisable to your royal service. in all the letters that i have written to your majesty in the past, i have made a full report of the services that i have tried to perform for your majesty in more than forty consecutive years, not only in these regions, but in the states of flandes, and in ytalia, and in other lands, of which your majesty already has information. at present i only beg your majesty to be pleased to consider that my age is over sixty, and, although i might thereby be somewhat hindered, still i will appreciate it more than i can express, to finish the remainder of my life in the service of your majesty, employed in the post and grant that your majesty may be pleased to confer upon me, according to the capacity and talent found in me, as i hope from the royal hand of your majesty. when i was about to seal this packet, news reached this city of the happy arrival at these islands of the ship "san andres," which was expected from nueva españa. that news has caused a quite universal happiness to this wretched community. the ship has anchored in the province of ylocos, eighty leguas from here, as the weather does not permit it to come to this port. your majesty's letters have not yet reached this port, and, as the vessels which are being despatched are on the point of sailing, it will not be possible to answer them, as the governor will more fully inform your majesty--whose catholic and royal person may our lord preserve for many years, as is necessary to christendom, etc. manila, august first, 1621. your majesty's humble servant, _don hieronimo de silva_ affairs in the franciscan province sire: i, fray pedro de sant pablo, [13] preacher and minister provincial of this province of sant gregorio of the philipinas islands of the order of the discalced religious of our seraphic father st. francis, and son of the province of sant joseph of the same order, who minister in the convent of la purissima concepcion [_i.e._, "the most pure conception"] in the town of barajas, and the least vassal of your majesty, and your humble and unworthy chaplain, give your majesty in the present an account of the unhappy condition of the province, in my own behalf and in the name of all this province. i declare that for the last few years the province has become restless, factional, and divided into parties, which it is a pity to see. it is one thing to see it, and another to bear it. on account of its condition, i have often resolved to resign my office as its head, as i was unable to remedy these ills; but i have refrained from doing so, as i think that i am doing some service to god our lord therein, from whom i await the remedy. the cause of all these troubles is the coming to this province of your majesty--which was established in so great discalcedness, [14] strict observance, and poverty--of religious not discalced, or reared on that good milk, but belonging to the cloth in those [spanish] kingdoms, of religious reared (although under a rule) with different principles and mode of life. so different are these that under no consideration can there be the remedy that they will accommodate their way to ours, or we conform to theirs. some of us appeal to paul and others to zefas [_i.e._, cephas] [15]--a most lamentable and injurious condition of affairs, and the destruction of this conversion, and of our own peace within and without. in order not to weary your majesty, i shall not dwell longer upon this, or spend time setting forth our losses. but although peace--the essential thing--has fled, it has been preserved [here] in the reform, separation from the world, poverty, and strict mode of life which are observed among the discalced religious of those kingdoms of españa; and i think that, in poverty, this province even exceeds [the practice of] that virtue in those kingdoms. to indians that appears a miraculous thing, beyond what is either acquired or natural. to god be the thanks! this province was established and has been preserved with holy religious, sons of the provinces of the discalced in españa; and at present about two-thirds of these religious are from the said provinces. but little by little, religious of the cloth have come among them, clad as discalced religious only in order to gain admission to these regions. so many of them have gathered here that they are sufficient to form parties and divisions by themselves, aided by some of our discalced religious who join their party. what most encourages this is, that as our fathers-general, commissaries-general, and other superiors are those who govern us, they try to favor those of the provinces of the cloth with offices as superiors and commissaries, and with other privileges, whereby they are advantaged and plant the foot of superiority above others much more deserving and worthy than they; consequently they plant their feet upon all in order to attain their ends. in this way do they destroy the peace of one and all of us, so that i am fain to be able to express my grief to your sacred and royal majesty. this would be checked provided our said father superiors would observe and place in execution an order and royal command, which it is said that your majesty gave long ago, ordering that the said fathers of the observance should not come to these islands, but only the professed religious of the discalced branch. but this they do, thinking that they comply with your majesty's said order by clothing those said religious of the cloth in the shabby habit of the discalced religious, in order to pass over here--whereby your majesty's royal will is defrauded and your royal officials at your ports deceived. therefore i petition your majesty, by the blood of christ our lord, to provide the remedy. that consists in one of two alternatives: namely, either that your majesty order that, since there are so many friars, no religious who has not made profession in the provinces of the discalced religious of españa shall take passage henceforth for these islands and for japon, and that religious who come to these islands and provinces must go from those provinces [of the discalced], and not from the provinces of the cloth, for the said fathers have so many and so extensive conversions in which to employ themselves; or that, on the contrary, no discalced religious may take passage, but that all be of the cloth. for in this manner the one class will decrease and the others will increase, and all will soon belong to the one class; and, by the help of god our lord, there will be peace. the condition of japon is as follows. about two years ago (that is, in 1618), brother [_sc._ father] fray luis sotelo came here with letters from our most reverend father fray juan de vivanco, confirmed by the nuncio of those kingdoms and by our father commissary-general of nueva españa. entrance was gained for us by him to japon, but he was taken away from us by fuerza; [16] and this year, 1620, our father commissary-general of nueva españa, fray diego de otalora, sent another in his place, a son of the province of santiago in españa, of the cloth. we also had a letter from our most reverend father, fray juan de venido, commissary of court, dated at that court in the year 1619. according to one clause of it, the patent of brother fray luis de sotelo, and that of fray francisco ximenez, whom they but lately sent as commissary for the said japon, were revoked. this province, having taken depositions in regard to it, with the aid of the said letter, adjudged japon accordingly. both of them were notified, heard the act, and asked for copies. in this condition the affair (which is all litigation) remains; for, although the province remains thus, the pending suit still encumbers it. for the love of our lord jesus christ, i humbly petition your majesty, prostrate at your royal feet, to aid us in this, so that the matter may be confirmed in favor of the said province; for japon belongs to it, and was founded and planted by it, and god has watered that land with the blood of our sons. for it is impossible by any manner or method, or by any way or expedient, that authority can be given to pass to that province of japon, or that it can be preserved, except by this; for in these two years while its condition has been as described, this province has furnished both religious and other supplies. besides this, they are depriving us of a house and shrine of this province, called sant francisco del monte, used for the training of novitiates; and they have deprived us of it, together with the said province of japon. besides, there are many other troubles that they have caused us (of which the procurator of this province will inform your majesty) in order that the discalced branch should not proceed with the said conversion, which has hitherto cost it so much. for that reason has arisen in this province the resentment that is just, and it is commended to our lord with many fastings and disciplines. will your majesty examine this matter with those royal eyes, so void of passion, and set it right, as i have here petitioned, for thus will it be expedient for the royal service of his divine majesty and that of your majesty. may his divine majesty augment, keep, and preserve you, as we, all these your faithful vassals, desire--who (and i, the most wretched of them) prostrate ourselves before the royal feet of your majesty, which we kiss a thousand times. given in sant francisco in manila, july 31, 1620, and by your royal majesty's most unworthy servant, _fray pedro de san pablo_, minister provincial. we, the provincial and definitors of the province of sant gregorio of the philipinas islands, of the order of the discalced religious of our seraphic father st. francis, the humble and loyal vassals of your majesty, declare that, inasmuch as our lord god took to himself and allowed to die the first fathers and founders who had come hither, with great virtue and sanctity, from the provinces of the discalced religious of the kingdom of castilla, those who were in this province set about appointing some heads from the religious reared in this country. because of that, this holy province began to be divided into great factions some few years ago; and it has been so divided that it would break the heart of one who knew it [as it was] before. the sole cause of fomenting these factions is that the fathers of the observance have passed to this province and these islands, in violation of a royal decree of your majesty, and dwell among us wearing the habits of discalced religious, fomenting these factions and divisions, to the great loss and ruin of all good and reform. those troubles are prevailing in this province because the latter is directly governed by the father commissary-general of nueva españa, who is of the same observance and not a discalced religious. we are suffering great detriment at present, and many scandals have arisen, to the great loss of our credit and the welfare of these conversions. this is especially true of that of the kingdoms of xapon, which the said father commissary-general of nueva españa has attempted to wrest from us with great violence, although that is greatly to the disservice of his divine majesty, and that of your majesty. such also would be the case if our holy order cannot be established in that and other fields of conversion--discalced, poor, and reformed, and with as great admiration as that with which it has been hitherto established and preserved amid all these nations. the remedy for the avoidance of these evils lies in your majesty again ordering that not any of the said fathers of the observance shall come to these regions, as they are wont to come, feigning by their habits to be discalced religious; and in your assigning us a resident commissary-general, subject forever to a province of the discalced branch of castilla, so that the said reform may be preserved, and that he may govern the province better, as having been reared in the said discalced branch, of which this province has more experience. if this be impossible, then we petition your majesty to be pleased to order that we may be freed from obligation to the father commissary-general of nueva españa, and to allow this province to be immediately under the government of one of our fathers-general, a commissary-general of all the yndias resident in your court, as thus it is advisable. this we humbly petition and supplicate from your majesty. in case that be impossible, then we petition your majesty to hand these conversions over to the said fathers of the observance; for, being a unit and being harmonious, they will attend better to the ministry of souls. if the said fathers come to attend to these conversions, will your majesty be pleased to give permission and equipment to all of us discalced religious who have come from castilla to return to our province. confiding in the accustomed largess and kindness of your majesty, we shall say no more. may his divine majesty preserve and augment your majesty, as we, these unworthy chaplains of your majesty, petition and desire in our prayers and sacrifices, etc. given in this convent of your majesty of nuestra señora de los angeles, of manila, july 20, 1621. _fray pedro de san pablo_, minister provincial. _fray andres del sacramento_, [17] definitor. _fray agustín de tordesilla_, [18] definitor. _fray christoval de santa ana_, definitor. _fray antonio de nombela_, definitor. [_notes at beginning_: "the minister provincial and the definitors of the province of san gregorio in manila, of the order of st. francis. "they mention the extortions committed on that province by some auditors of the audiencia, which compelled them to receive father fray francisco ximinez in your majesty's name, although in violation of a brief of his holiness. it is petitioned that a remonstrance be sent to them, so that they may not exercise similar violence on any other occasion."] sire: we, the provincial and definitors of the province of sant gregorio of the philipinas islands of the order of the discalced religious of our seraphic father st. francis, your majesty's loyal vassals and humble chaplains, declare that this province has been signally injured and aggrieved, with great detriment to its general credit and good name, and the opinion of all our order, and in particular that of the said province, by licentiate hieronimo del gaspi chabarria, doctor don albaro de mesa y lugo, and doctor don antonio rodriguez de villegas, auditors of your royal audiencia of these islands, by reason of their having granted your royal aid to fray francisco ximenez, an observantine religious. the latter came to this province with a commission granted by the father commissary-general of our order in nueva españa, ordering us to receive him--although he ought not to be received, as it was in violation of the general rule of government in our order; and in violation of a brief of his holiness, gregory thirteenth. moreover, such action tends to the destruction of the discalced religious, and of the reform and common welfare of this province, and of the conversions in these new kingdoms of your majesty--especially when the said auditors compel this province to receive him in your royal name, making an ill use of your name and of the royal authority, and insulting it--and he does that, who, under pretext of such name, practices injustices and extortions, and who does not observe the terms of laws and ordinances; and much more, when they are practiced against an order and province that your majesty has always esteemed and esteems so highly. thus, nominally by your royal authority, we have suffered great violence and scandals, and it is certain that had this occurred nearer to your majesty's pious eyes, a most signal and exemplary chastisement would have followed. but in these so remote regions, where redress arrives late, it is usual, and almost necessary for us chaplains of your majesty and the orders to suffer these extortions; and if they did not result in detriment to virtue and to the public welfare, by bearing them patiently we would not lose, but rather gain much. therefore we petition and supplicate your majesty to examine this cause with your own eyes, and provide redress for the injuries received--annulling these acts of violence and rebuking your said auditors, so that it may serve them as a correction, and others as an example and warning; and so that the ministers of the gospel and the orders in these islands may not be annoyed or injured by the evil example furnished to the newly converted, whereby they would esteem the ecclesiastical estate and divine worship less. for such is not the will of your majesty. in this respect, there is in these regions a great deficiency in all your officials; consequently the ecclesiastical class need to have your majesty renew your decrees that give injunctions to your agents. by so doing your majesty will render a great service to his divine majesty, favor to all of us, and good to these new plants. may god our lord preserve your majesty for years, as we desire, and augment your happy state, as we your least and unworthy chaplains desire, etc. given in this convent of your majesty, nuestra señora de los angeles, manila, in 1621. _fray pedro de san pablo_, minister provincial. _fray agustin de tordesillas_, [_ms. uncertain_] [19] and definitor. _fray andres del sacremento_, definitor. _fray antonio de nombela_, definitor. _fray christoval de santa ana_, [20] definitor. letter from fajardo to the king sire: in the ships which left here this year for nueva spaña i gave your majesty a long account of everything which, up to that time, could be related, or which occurred to me, with duplicates of different letters, therefore the most that i have to add today is the reception of your majesty's letter and your royal decrees. i have not done this before as i had not sufficient leisure to examine them, or do so in the interval allowed by the season. what i have to say at present concerning their contents is, that i shall act in all respects, and carry out what your majesty orders therein, according to my ability, and as best i can, and as is most expedient for your majesty's service. in conformity therewith and in due form, acts of obedience were rendered; and, in some points which appear to me to demand more detailed explanation than was given in that general answer, i will furnish it. as to what your majesty wrote to the marques de guadalcaxar, [21] former viceroy of nueva spaña, in regard to [the statement] that on the ship "san nicolas" three hundred and thirty persons died on account of its late departure from these islands, all that i can say is that, since a person of his position and character undertook to write it, he should certainly have first informed himself thoroughly in the matter. although i was present at the despatching of this ship and went out with it well outside of cavite, it did not appear to me that, in regard to the people who were going, the ship was carrying half [of its quota]; for at most there are accustomed to go with the officers usually seventy seamen and gunners, more or less, according to the tonnage of the ships, although the number mentioned is for a ship of very large tonnage. with these there usually go as many more, indians from this country, as common seamen, and some slaves that the said officers and the passengers are allowed to take with them for their service, paying the duties which are usually paid to your majesty. the passengers are usually kept down to as small a number as possible; and if so many died as is affirmed in the supposed relation, they were not spaniards, because of these not many died. they must have been negroes and slaves, who were hidden after embarkation by those who took them aboard, with an eye to the great gain which there usually is in this, by saving the cost and the duties that they owe, when the royal officials at acapulco are friends of theirs, or those who thus convey slaves are of the household of the viceroy. [22] in so far as concerns their departure, the regulation of that is not at present in the power of the governor of these islands; for the enemy are accustomed to come hither, as has been evident during the little more than three years while i have been here; they have come twice, and i am likewise expecting them now--and always with at least twice the fleet and troops that we have. every day they are gaining more strength, as is seen by the presence of so many of them on this coast. the ships from china do not come, and it is with their merchandise that our ships must go to nueva spaña. we are, moreover, obliged to keep the small vessels which can be manned, ready for war, in order to compel the enemy not to divide their forces and thus inflict the damage which, without this check, they would accomplish; and in order to fight with them, offering them an opportunity to do so even though they might obtain from us some advantage, which might be made up by the gain [of keeping them in check]. as we had to attend to this and then direct our efforts to fitting up the ships for nueva spaña--shutting up the gun-ports, and changing the vessels so that they are suitable for merchant ships, and even at times enlarging them and increasing the conveniences within, and waiting until the amount of the merchandise has been completed, so that they may carry it--we could not get them off so quickly as was wished, nor upon an appointed day as before, when there was no war, and when at christmas we used to have thirty or forty ships from china. the viceroy can inform you of this, for he too can ascertain this through the relations, as well as i. as for the memorial which your majesty orders me to send touching the diminution of the quantity of silver which comes from nueva spaña to these islands, having looked into the matter it appears to me that not only is this design a proper one, but that it is very necessary to bring about this result; for i judge that only with the utmost difficulty can the drain of so much silver every year from that country and those mines be continued. they, too, are being exhausted like those of other countries, and the natives are diminishing; so that the silver is obtained in the most costly and scanty fashion, to be carried hither and go away to lie in the treasure-house of the king of china. i did not neglect to consider this when i proposed to your majesty that the trade of these islands with nueva spaña should be exclusive of silk and woven goods, except linen and other products of this country, which are not of great importance; for although the coming of silver from there would not thus be altogether stopped, there is no doubt that it would be less, and we would avoid the drain from españa by the french, english, and flemish, of what they are accustomed to take away [in payment] for the linens which they carry thither to sell, and this saving would pass to the yndias, as i have explained more at length in the letter which treats of this, a copy of which accompanies the present. if this is done, there will undoubtedly be more trade with xapon, with the opportunity given by the silk trade; and in this manner we might continue establishing a trade so that the linen trade with nueva spaña might also be restricted, if linens for indias could be more advantageously provided by some other part of españa. although in the memorial there is a matter which demands so much attention as the depopulation of a town like macan, and the difficulties are set forth arising from its occupation by the dutch or english, and their admission [to trade] by the chinese--who, with their greediness, would seek the profit which they formerly gained from the portuguese, thus destroying, at a single stroke, the commerce of this country with nueva spaña, which is the means whereby all who reside here support themselves--to do so would appear a matter of the most difficulty. it would seem necessary and requisite for the [preservation of the] japanese trade to transport some or the greater part of those people [of macao] to the province of nueva segovia, or to the island of hermosa, getting a foothold there whence we might better continue and carry on the navigation from china to that place and from there to xapon, and not from here; for silks are already as high in this city as in nangasaqui, on account of the danger from enemies which the chinese risk in coming here. it has appeared best to me not to make any hasty decision in this matter without informing myself more thoroughly and considering it, so that i may be better able to state my judgment to your majesty by the first ships which shall be despatched, by the favor of god. while my opinion is that, in the meantime, no more definite plan or decision should be adopted, there is no more effective remedy for limiting the drain from nueva spaña through this country than to regulate the capacity and cargoes of the ships which go from here; because if they are large they are bound to be filled, even though it be with clothing and useful articles for households, and they must bring back the price of these things, cost what they may. but if they are smaller vessels they cannot take on so large cargoes, and accordingly what is bought to be carried in them, as less has to be bought for this purpose, is cheaper, and, as not so much is carried, it brings a higher price in nueva spaña; in this manner, therefore, the investment of ten is worth as much as that of twenty going in large ships, and it is rather profit than loss for the citizens here, and likewise for the service of your majesty--although the citizens of the city of mexico who have correspondents and secret factors here will be affected by it, because they will not obtain so large a portion of the investment and the cheap cargo, as the people here will need all that the ships can carry. this is all i can say regarding this at present. as for what your majesty writes me concerning the factor and inspector, diego de castro lisson, in the matter of this office of accounts, in which relation your majesty orders me to appoint to the office of accountant thereof someone who is a fit person, i will say that you may have information as to what the said diego de castro lisson is, as he was already in your service when i arrived here. i do not find him, but in his place luis de vera encalada, a person who for this office or any other of this profession, or one of trust, ought not to be preferred to juan de messa suero, if the latter were not dead (as i have explained to your majesty in another letter). as for your majesty making the choice and appointment of this office, there will be no other difficulty than that the salary must be larger--as the authority will be, if the appointment is from the royal hand of your majesty--and the business is of so little importance and no profit; for although he is called accountant of accounts, in my opinion he is coming to be the director thereof, since the examination and decision of difficulties or additions is made by us, the president, two auditors, and a fiscal. the offices which, being vacant, are filled in the interim until your majesty shall grant the appointment and favor thereof have been in my term merely for half the salary, without the person who served in them in this way having received any allowance for expenses, in any manner whatsoever; nor is there anything here with which to make such allowance, and i have understood that this has always been the case. the memorial of the pilot gaspar conquero, which treats of the exploring of the island of oro, which is here called rica de oro, has been examined; and as soon as he makes this port, or there is any other person suitable for conducting this exploration, and to be given the island as an encomienda, i shall do so as your majesty orders. as for what your majesty orders to the effect that i should inform you of the wound which was given captain matheo des villerias, all i can say is that on the night when it was given i sent to tell the auditor, don alvaro de messa, that he should conduct the investigation, and take the proper measures; but he did not do so, although there was no reason which should hinder him; accordingly, not to lose any time in this, the auditor hieronimo de legaspi undertook the work, and before him the case was tried. no guilt was charged against any one, although the wounded man said that he conjectured that it was captain silvestre de aybar. afterward his suspicion was changed, and he told me personally that he suspected admiral don luis de cordova; and, although we could not be sure that it was he, the presumption was stronger since it was learned that captain villerias had spoken very ill of matters which concerned the viceroy marques de guadalcacar, to whose party the said don luis de cordova belongs. villerias had another quarrel of this sort with the latter, after which they were quite friendly. this is not the first trouble which has happened to villerias on account of having talked and interfered too much, but he has had other and more important ones. this would not be any too small to be worth judicial consideration if the matter could be cleared up, and if the occasion which, it is said, he gave for his wound by speaking thus concerning the said marques, could be ascertained. i have not been able to learn in these islands that there are any jerominian, benedictine, carmelite, trinitarian, or victorian friars here, although i have tried to exercise the care which your majesty directs in this regard. in accordance with the contents of another decree of august 25, of the past year 620, it appears that your majesty has been informed that the reason why the ships left these islands for nueva spaña later than in past years was because the president and auditors were interested, and principal shippers therein. the truth is, that their not leaving earlier was due to the coming of the enemy with large fleets to these coasts, and to the fact that the ships which bring the merchandise for these shipments [to nueva spaña] were late or did not come for fear of the enemy (as i have already written to you more at length and in detail), and likewise on account of negotiations and agreements between the auditors and the present president. i will swear to it that the report which has been made to your majesty on this point is untrue, because i was not brought up in the households or under the instruction of merchants, but in the good way of military exercises, as were my ancestors. it must be evident to your majesty, as the property that i possess could well attest, that it would be very well for me if it were increased by the amounts that are lacking and pledged. as for the property of deceased persons, this treasury has a judge, on which account i have less knowledge of its administration--although whenever opportunity offers and it is expedient to take any action regarding it, i do so according to my duty, and before your majesty orders it, as he does order in the decree which treats of this. i made strenuous efforts not to have individual depositaries appointed for this property; but not only in this but likewise in the court fines, and other condemnations and various deposits which ought to enter into the said treasury, and into the royal treasury and general depositary in each case where it is concerned, there has been no way of forcing the auditor hieronimo de legaspi to cease making the deposits with various persons that they might have the profit thereof. for it is plain and well known that as my occupation keeps me most of the time encumbered with duties outside of the audiencia, and often outside of the city, in my absence these things are done, and others which should not be. i attempt to correct them, although i do not hope for amendment from the licentiate legaspi in this matter of money and other very unlawful things, ill-befitting his office and his age, the illegal character of his acts eliciting many complaints which i have received. i have received a memorial, a copy of which i send with this, containing more than forty separate heads against him, and offering proof of them--which, although they are not unknown or secret things, it will be no little matter to prove against an auditor while holding his office. since i have given your majesty at other times an account of this person, although summarily, i shall not say any more of him in this letter; yet more may be said concerning both him and the auditor alvaro de messa. the latter is still in [the convent of] ssancto domingo, stirring up trouble and revolution, as is his nature, and making people jealous of me--sowing discord and untrue and evil words to this end, and to destroy my reputation and render null my services; and afterward to go back and gather them up in sworn statements and depositions in documents, as a public matter, without considering that this act of his is insubordination. with this, and as he has gone so far as to seek false depositions against me--as is evident from the true ones which i have sent your majesty--i do not think that anything further can be said concerning a professing christian. nor can we live in safety and honor where such infernal actions are committed, if they be not punished and corrected by your majesty's just and powerful hand--by ordering that with him shall also be rebuked the friars of that convent, who not only keep the said doctor in their house and aid him in his actions against my person and office, but also give refuge with the same object to a certain pedro de lussara and one pedro alvarez, his men, who are working in his cause. i have given your majesty other reports of this; but they interfere so much in this government and in the desire to command, that at times i have been in fear lest it was not the affairs of their missions and the sangleys for which they wish to do everything, and lest some disturbance should arise that would demand punishment. if they could be relieved from some of the excessive ardor that they have, and the desire to go out into secular life with their own lawsuits and quarrels, seeking to have every one fear them and esteem their friendship, in other respects they would be the best friars which i have seen in the indias. as for the review of accounts which the said factor and inspector diego de castro lisson had in charge, i refer you to the report which he will make or has made, as he has told me, giving the reasons why he has not continued therein. in the second place, i have learned that it is a matter of no little importance that this should be done quite thoroughly and fully--if not for the property that might be taken from him, yet to put into better condition the documents and despatches of his department, by which a great amount will be gained at once forever. it is also equally necessary that the intelligence and energy of him who comes for this purpose should be greater [than that of the said factor]; and the inspector-general, thomas de yvio calderon, is not a person of sufficient prominence, nor is he discreet enough, for an affair of the greatest importance to the service of your majesty--although his standing is not a poor one, and if a higher position were conferred on him, with the honors and favors that your majesty might give him, everything might be well arranged. i dare say that i have information of no other person who is more suitable, by his abilities and qualifications, which are well known and have been shown in the service of your majesty; and i have such information concerning his conduct of affairs that i should consider him very good for you to approve for this commission. if your majesty shall decide to send anyone to do this work, i warn you, in order that he may fulfil his duties with exactness, as is due to the service of your majesty, that he should not come as subordinate to or dependent upon the audiencia or the governor, if it can be avoided; but his only business should be to separate entanglements and untie the knots. it will be no less unadvisable to have him remain here with an office or allowance; for in such case he would not wish to offend many persons, but would conciliate their good-will. if your majesty will accept mine, you will pardon me for being longer in the answer than was the question. as for several points mentioned in the royal decree of your majesty of the twelfth of december, one thousand six hundred and ten--by which persons who come with the viceroys, governors, presidents, captains-general, auditors, and royal officials, are prohibited and incapacitated from receiving the favors and rewards of offices, encomiendas, and other things which are usually given to those who serve and labor; and preference over other claimants is given to the sons and descendants of conquistadors, and likewise of the settlers; and it is directed that for the distribution of the said favors or rewards the new order and form should be followed which your majesty ordains in the said decree, taking away the power from those who before held it in this matter, and giving what was held by them to the auditors and fiscals--it has seemed best to me to inform your majesty of what presents itself to me in this regard, so that concerning all this you may provide and command what is most suitable for your royal service, and for the divine service, in behalf of which the former is conducted. this country is most distant from españa of any which is known in the world and it, with the persons who inhabit and maintain it, are today the most borne down with troubles of all the indias; for here is the force of the war which is not felt there, and between so many nations as are our neighbors, who can wage and maintain it; it seems, therefore, as if no person who is free to do what he will, and who aspires to honor and fortune, would come here to serve, without expectation of those rewards, if he were able to do it nearer the eye of your majesty and of his fatherland. for if it is true that hitherto there have been many of this kind who have come, it has been in the hope that after three years they could leave, entering the honored or profitable occupations which they might have merited. the official persons with whom they came, or to whose land they belonged, and who were friendly, or appreciative of their abilities and qualifications, would help them, nor did it appear that favor would be extended unjustly. all the more now, when on every hand is barred any one of this class of persons who would desire to come; only those come whom some misdeed or ill-fortune drives into this land, and those who legally come to trade and live as merchants, and those whom the royal audiencia of mexico sends by way of condemnation, besides the people for our defense, and who are levied in companies in the markets and fairs of that city. and with these people there would come no noblemen of good parts and honored character, or many accomplished soldiers with merits acquired in war, such as the viceroys, governors, and other officers of this sort who come to serve your majesty are accustomed to bring with them--without any suspicion that they ought not to do so, for the importance of having such men is already known, and is all the greater on account of the more occasions for war and other emergencies. i assure your majesty that it is a well-known and evident fact that there are in this city honored knights and persons of excellent qualities, merits, and abilities, worthy of esteem. i assure you that it is also true that almost all of them came attached to the persons who filled the said offices, and attracted by their promises and expectations, whereby this country was greatly distinguished. this could not have been said if such persons had not come here, but we would already be very destitute of nobility without them, and would even have forgotten the way to carry on and fulfil their duties. that the sons and descendants of conquistadors and original settlers should be preferred to those who are more recent and have not rendered greater services is a just and holy thing, especially in the peaceful countries of the indias. but if this preeminence in life and in the favor of your majesty is granted to them in consideration of the services which their ancestors have rendered in their conquests and pacifications, and on occasions of wars which were there carried on, it also appears just that present services which are being rendered in this land on occasions of war here and upon these seas, ought not to take their position behind those of the ancestors. for it is certain that the services of today are more important, on account of the greater need which there is for them, and because the creole sons and descendants of conquistadors or colonists claim the favors entirely in consideration of this (although there are not many who show their deserts by continuing their services), going so far as to demand that those who served terrenate should have no recognition in granting the favors and encomiendas of this country, as if there were anything to provide them with in those islands. i beseech your majesty to command that your royal will be declared in this matter--although, for my part, i have understood that it is those whose services are the greater, whether in the present or the past, who should have the first or greater reward, considering the quality of those services, the rank of the persons, and their abilities and character. in the distribution of the offices, encomiendas, and other rewards and favors which are given in the name of your majesty to those who serve who deserve them, the auditors and fiscals hold the authority, and the viceroys, governors, and captains-general lose what they used to possess. there will surely be great difficulties from this, and much greater in this country where there is so much war, and in others where war shall arise, than in the other parts of the indias, which are tranquil and quiet and enjoy peace. for if in them all the offices and occupations are of advantage and utility, and for that reason sought through different methods, and on this account there are many worthy persons to receive them, among whom to choose, therefore this new order ought to be put into operation [there]. in this country it is different, because most of them are engaged in the exercise and labor of war, and there are by no means too many men for the needs thereof; it thus necessarily results that, as certain offices are demanded for them, those who appoint to these are importuned; but here it has to be the governor who importunes, and who is under obligation to the persons of ability and services, who are charged with matters which are important. and if beside this, and besides employing them in dangerous affairs and commissions (liable to result in an unfortunate end and the loss of life and reputation through the mutations of fortune which they encounter), if, when they have carried these out well, the governor cannot be satisfied with this for them, nor with good will, being under obligation to reward them, if they do not hold from him the other said offices which belong to the audiencia (which is almost always ill-disposed toward the governor), it will bring about great trouble, not only for those who seek to toil and win merit, but likewise for the governors, who, without the aid of such men, could not fulfil their obligations. and as these services and merits are for the most part acquired in war, almost always most of these men are counting on rewards, and upon binding in this manner their captain-general, without having recourse to submissions or other negotiations. it will be seldom that there is not some ill-feeling in the audiencia--now for having proceeded in the said manner, and again for not having complied with the claims of every leader and proprietor--but only to the governor. if, on the one hand, there is this annoyance, and the familiar entrance into his house in order to seek the offices and rewards; and, on the other, the entrance into those of the auditors and other persons mentioned in the said decree--it would necessarily be here, where there is not much from which to choose, that we would have to give assistance to those who, on account of their low condition or incapacity, are not esteemed or well known. besides the above arguments, i wish to furnish the latest example of the difficulty which was experienced here is the previous year of 617, as there were so many who had to decide the allotment of offices. this was when don joan ronquillo, with that great fleet, went out and fought the one that the enemy maintained along these coasts. as each one of them [_i.e._, the auditors and fiscal] sought the best galleon and the most prominent post for his relative or favorite, the galleons were divided among these, ignoring persons who could manage them better than some of those who were chosen. no admiral was appointed for the fleet, from which resulted no advantage, but rather injury--and there might have been more if the commander of the fleet had died, as might have happened, and each one would have sought to take his place, as this was not specified. this [same defect] was found in the ordinances which the audiencia of mexico issued, with so many opinions, when the government was in its charge, that your majesty ordered them to be repealed and amended, as they were so insufficient for such emergencies; and because it was so evident and certain (as it likewise is to my knowledge) that through the power which appoints those who serve, and punishes them when they are in the wrong, they ought to be rewarded when they are right. for otherwise the governor and captain-general would be the man who persuades or compels them to serve and labor, and it would be the auditors who must reward them; for it is in their power to say who are competent and who not, without its remaining in the power of the governor to do more than make a proposition in their favor--which would be of no force if two auditors joined against his opinion, as they almost always do. such persons, therefore, would very seldom succeed in obtaining the reward of their services; and this office of governor and captain-general would become the most down-trodden, wearisome, and undignified of all that your majesty has in his pay and service--and it should be well considered that the office today is one of the most laborious and least profitable, when it is served as it should be, considering its importance. your majesty will make suitable provision, adding to these observations the fact that the prestige of españa has been greatly endangered by the lack of troops and money in parts so distant from aid, and in a country which has so many enemies--the worst in this respect being those who are nearest, and who are able to make the most cruel thrusts at our honor, directed and guided by the auditors, without their heeding truth or conscience, and of which i have already often complained to your majesty. if the said auditors are to be given still greater authority, whether it be for conferring benefits or taking them away, your majesty will see how they will treat his president and those who are helping him. moreover, if authority be taken away from him, in place of being given to him for his greater honor and so that he may be able to carry on better the labors and duties of this office [it may be doubted whether] persons of the ability that is needed for that position will be willing to risk inconveniences and losses so obvious--it being certain that a man is necessary here of integrity and accomplishments and of excellent abilities; he must also be proficient in various professions and functions for which occasions continually arise here, so that he must practice and exercise them. then in regard to property the greatest difficulty of all is touched--that is, to need it and not to have it; for it is necessary to spend all the year and all one's life in contriving. in regard to war it is the same thing, since there are so many occasions for it here, and the forces and means to enable him to carry out what he would undertake are lacking; nor can he show who is at the head of the enterprise and has in charge what means are available for his purposes. he must also be accomplished with weapons, and experienced in the preparation and management of marine affairs and artillery, for here the governor must be almost always, and in most affairs of these islands, the head master; for it is not the same as in españa, where each office has its own man, but in the affairs of government it is certain that this is the most difficult office that is known. for the greater the obligation, and the less the means for fulfilling it, so much greater is the labor and so many more are the demands; and the less there is to give them, the more captious and more numerous are the complaints and discontents, which they both utter and write, that they have never seen a worse governor. nor are there lacking friars to help them, who preach the same thing with great effect--all the more if by chance something which the friars have asked for has been denied them. other reasons beside those that i have given could be added to this effect, which i do not set down, as the city are doing it on their own part. i beg your majesty to have all these matters examined and considered, and to decree what is most fitting for your royal service--in attention to which it has seemed to me just, fitting, and proper to make this representation and supplication. i once more beg your majesty to have examined and considered what this city so often requested from you, for a long time before i came here, in regard to releasing them from the audiencia--although, as i have said in other letters, i shall not enjoy this relief from the burden which is resting upon and is, in every way, irksome to all the people. i shall refrain from bringing forward this claim again, but i assure your majesty that the audiencia does more harm than good, as is manifest from the many arguments adduced in regard to this matter; and there is justice there for no one, except when it suits the pleasure or convenience of some auditor or auditors, because the more care is exercised to make them administer justice, the more they pervert it when they wish to, using the freedom to vote which belongs to them. on the occasion of the unfortunate event which happened to me on the night of the twelfth of may past [23]--and it was so important and serious an affair, as your majesty already knows, or will learn by the judicial record and papers regarding the matter, which i despatched by way of nueva spaña and am now despatching via india--they made (although i am their president) no more demonstration against the agents, go-betweens, and apologists who were guilty in this affair than if it had concerned the most wretched and degraded of the chinamen who go about here. as it was my own case, and as i was satisfied in regard to the principal matter that concerned me (thanks be to god), i did not wish to exercise my authority in the case; but it may be seen to what lengths the blindness of their desires and passions leads them. i have already despatched the supplies to terrenate, and to the island of panay. the larger ships of this expedition will carry the cargo that is to be brought thence, and the smaller vessels will go to join the larger ones with the supplies from here inside of two days, with the aid of god; may he convey in safety the relief for those places. it is quite sufficient, and is sent earlier than in former years--although there are not many soldiers for it, on account of the number which i have sent in past years, and because we have here a very small force. i have had good news from those forts that, for the present, they have no enemies, according to what they write from there, thanks to his divine majesty. in the principal island of the celeves, otherwise known as that of matheo, and by still others as that of macazar, [24] as the chief man of that island is lord of that region, there is, at a certain point of it, a strait which makes an islet. this waterway was recently discovered, and by it there is a better route to terrenate than was formerly followed. according to the information given me a post can be occupied there, whereby this passage (which is very narrow) can be guarded, and the enemy be prevented from using it. likewise your majesty will have shelter for his vessels, and a foothold in that country, which abounds with meat and rice. this would be very useful and convenient for sending supplies thence to terrenate, during the whole year. during most seasons of the year the voyage from macazar to the islands of panay and the pintados, or to this island, can be made. as there have been some spaniards and friars there, and this was pleasing to those indians and their master; and as they are receiving the water of holy baptism in considerable numbers, and have now shown signs that they are troubled at the lack of religious; and as the spaniards have retired by the order of master-of-camp don luis de bracamonte--it has appeared best to me to send again some men and a couple of religious of the order of st. francis, together with captain francisco melendez marques, who has been very well received and is much liked by the said indians. i ordered him that, through friendship, or in whatever way he could best do it, he should strive to win their good-will, so that they might not only consent to give us a place where fortifications might be built, which would be a sufficient foundation for greater works, but that they should also aid in that labor; and that he should use and take possession of the site as soon as it should be conceded to him, or as soon and as fully as possible. or having examined and chosen the spot, he should leave it until i should be able to send the troops and what was necessary therefor. for the said purpose he took nearly a thousand pesos in money, or in stuffs and other articles which are most valued there. i take it that this is a thing more than expedient; and, if i had been informed of it before, i would have tried to do this earlier. i shall be glad if your majesty is satisfied and pleased with it, as in all i desire to win your approval. the chief captain of ffernanbuc, [25] martin dessosa de san pago, and his wife and three children, who were prisoners in the hands of the dutch, i have had exchanged for prisoners whom i held here. he and his household are going with their goods in the galliots which are now leaving this city for yndia. i also freed from the same captivity captain miguel de sequeira sañudo, who also has already set out for yndia, by the "aura" [_i.e._, "breeze"], of macan. as for the stuffs and merchandise which remained to be got out of the ship called "nuestra señora de la vida," which was wrecked, a great deal more of its cargo has been unloaded than what i informed your majesty of in the last despatch which i sent by way of nueva spaña. all the artillery that was in it was likewise taken out; and i have ordered it to be conveyed to a shipyard in this island, where two ships are being built, which were already necessary to supply the place of the old ones. there is no anxiety about raising money for the future when the indians are helping with a good will, as they are doing now; and this work is being paid for, as well as that on some galliots or little galleys, of seventeen benches each, which also i am having built, as i save in that way half the crew, and they are sufficient for this country and its coasts. there are no other vessels belonging to the enemy that can secure any advantage over them, for our vessels, to aid in fighting, can carry very good artillery; and, as for going about where occasion arises to punish or intimidate the indians, they are excellent--although for attacking the vessels with which those called mindanaos, xoloans, and camucones (who are bad neighbors of ours) usually sally out, we need other boats like theirs. but if we had a fourth of their number, and a couple of these galliots, they would not dare to await attack, even though as many of their ships as could be found in their islands were assembled, as has lately been seen; for some of these tribes having recently been tardy [in their payment of tributes], when we sent a galley with four or five smaller boats from here we could find no more of them, although the sargento-mayor don fernando de silva, who went out for this purpose, is even now in search of them. in the last few days, news has come from the province of nueva segovia that some indians on four or six of the encomiendas there had fled to the woods, driving away the religious and burning the churches. although it is not a thing to create much anxiety, i thought best to despatch immediately, without losing an hour of time, admiral joan baptista de molina, with a sufficient number of soldiers--some spaniards, and some from the province of panpanga--for their pacification and the punishment of the leaders and the guilty ones, for it is well to quench the fire, however small it may be, before it extends and increases. on the other hand the enemy's greatest desire is to see these natives disaffected toward us, and disposed to favor them, as they have intimated to some who were in their power, and whom afterward they set free--[telling them] that they levy no tributes from them, nor have they any friars to flog the indians, nor any religious teaching; on this they base their hopes of limiting our power in this land, which without this means they cannot expect. it is necessary on the one hand to punish severely the presumption of these natives, and on the other not to afflict them or make them desperate. it is very certain, thanks be to god, that for my own part i have kept them all contented, favored, and well paid, without consenting that, even for the service of your majesty, they should suffer any oppression; and they prove this by the contentment in which they live and with which they aid [me] in every way, as is well known. there must be in that court [of españa] enough persons, both religious and laymen, who have gone from here who can tell you this. but all this is not enough, nor even holding in check the alcaldes-mayor, encomenderos, and collectors, if the ministers in the missions will not treat them well. for it is not sufficient to protect them from the oppressions of the passing spaniards, who will be forgotten, if on the other hand they are liable--on account of their service, or for some displeasure, or for gain, or because they do not know as much theology as the others--to be flogged or put in the stocks, and to suffer other hardships, which they feel, even though they are indians. these fathers of st. dominic are not their least oppressors, although i do not know whether they take from them anything which is of importance; and they favor them much and even at times in a manner not very honorable. the friars serve as protectors to them and inspire them to boldness; and now by this path of protection, and again by that of punishment, the indians are all being brought to recognize them as powerful lords, in both spiritual and temporal matters. so far has this gone that, if the alcalde-mayor orders anything, even though it be just and necessary and for the service of your majesty, if the friar orders something else, it must be as the latter desires, at least for the time being, until a more urgent order is issued. your majesty will be pleased to consider what is best to decree in regard to this for the future, as i am applying the most gentle and expedient means and correctives for the present. according to the distribution of licenses to sangleys, it appears that the care which i took to reduce the number of those here has had a good effect, and that they have gone back to their own country. for, as strict measures were taken to the effect that all those in this country should not remain here without securing licenses, a much smaller number of these have been issued this year than last. likewise a large part of the japanese have been expelled, so that for a long time there have not been so few of them here as now. i sent an order and what was necessary for the fortification at oton, and had that port put in a state of defense. the same thing is being done with the fort at cavite, as i wrote to your majesty. in the same way we are steadily engaged in repairing and equipping the ships, not only the capitana and the almiranta, but the ship which this year came from nueva spaña, and another small ship and three galleys. i do not know whether they can be manned, but everything is being prepared for any emergency that may arise. what we cannot make is money and spaniards, the lack of the latter being the most serious; and i have many times represented to your majesty that the aid from nueva spaña has come in scanty measure, as if from one who was not obliged to give an account of this matter. the infantry, of whom a very small number have come, are in such a state that i would be glad if most of them had remained there; and, in short, counting them all--aside from those who are crippled, and those housed in the forts here and at cavite--they do not amount to seven hundred and fifty in all these companies, as appears from the certified official statements which i send with this. deducting those who are usually left in the ports, and the number who are ordinarily sick in the hospital, there will be barely enough to defend the capitana and almiranta, two galleys, and a patache (or another galley in its place), if they are also accompanied by some respectable citizens and persons who are anxious to serve and merit reward. there are not yet here, however, the usual number of unpaid soldiers--who are here called "irregulars" [_extravagantes_] because nearly all of them are so, and serve in these companies; but now, when there are not many troops, they are thus far well provided and paid, and are content, thanks be to god. with their help, when occasion arises, i hope that the soldiers will do their duty very well; and for such time i shall collect all that i can of those whom i have mentioned who are off duty, and likewise those who are to return to carry on their work in the mines of the indians who are called igolotes, the neighbors of those in pangasinan. with the help which has been offered me by doctor don juan de rrenteria, bishop of nueva segovia and of that region, who displays a zeal for the service of your majesty conformable to his obligations, my hopes have increased for the good results which i desire in this. may god our lord, for whom it is done, grant us this and all other things, and protect the catholic person of your majesty, according to the needs of christendom. manila, december 10, 1621. with the arrival of a ship which has come from xapon to the island of mariveles, at the mouth of this bay (whence i do not know where it went), i received the letters which came for me. i learned by them that nine armed ships were ready to sail from that country to join on this coast two others which came out earlier to cruise along the coast of china. it appears, however, that they certainly have left xapon, as this was made known and affirmed by a dutch factor, who fled from them in malayo. his declaration accompanies this letter, to the effect that this fleet is already equipped, and that it has been detached merely to come to these coasts to rob the ships from china, and to bring about an encounter with those from nueva spaña, keeping a place to retire to and fit up in some japanese ports. i am not surprised if this also is true, as it has been learned from many besides this factor that the flemish and english nations have a hundred vessels and more in these parts, besides those that are expected, and are said to be coming. but god is before and above all. your majesty will arrange and decree what is most suitable; meantime, while i live, and remain here, i shall do what i can, and, with the divine favor, i expect no evil result. _don alonso fajardo de tenca_ [_endorsed_: "see whether this letter is a duplicate, for it is old."] documents of 1622 letter to the king. alvaro messa y lugo; 1621 and july 30, 1622. letters from the archbishop of manila to the king. miguel garcía serrano, o.s.a.; 1621-22. royal decrees regarding the religious. felipe iv; december 31. _source_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: all these are made by james a. robertson. letters from auditor messa y lugo to the king sire: immediately upon my arrival in this country, i informed your majesty, at the first opportunity, of everything possible, both of the condition in which i found affairs here, and of what i could conjecture in the beginning made by the new governor, don alonso fajardo--of whom i immediately conceived suspicions and fears--and in the little that i saw of the beginnings of his government, by which he would not satisfy the need of the country for justice and [good] administration. then in my next despatch, [26] [i informed you how this idea was confirmed] by the demonstrations which may be called want of prudence; then, at intervals, i continued to add to my letters whatever occurred that was more intimately connected with this particular. thus have i been doing on all the other occasions when ships have sailed from this country, both for mexico and via yndia, in addition to what the audiencia has written to your majesty. although it has been impossible to inform your majesty so minutely of everything, because it must be done with all possible caution and secrecy, in order to escape the violence and force of the governor--who with extraordinary vigilance and solicitude examines the mails, in order to seize the letters--and this obstacle has been aided by the multitude of affairs, still less, sire, can that be attempted now when they have an exact number. but the extravagance of the governor's actions seems to be in excess of human capacity, and of such sort that, although it be morally impossible to point them out, it is more impossible, even when inadequately described, to believe them; for in my opinion it is incredible when spoken or heard, and scarce will be believed when seen, at least to men who recognize the loyalty that they owe to their god and their king. accordingly, and as it is so necessary, in order to fulfil the obligations of my conscience, to inform my king, continuing the account that i have given hitherto of the wretched condition to which the governor has reduced the country (and this cannot be specific and particular, because of the multitude of his reckless acts or excesses, as above stated), i shall relate, as succinctly as possible, some little that will serve as an indication of what i shall leave unsaid. hence, sire, i say that, from what we see here, what the governor is doing is to expend your majesty's royal revenues on the one hand, uselessly, without the careful consideration of facts which is necessary to obtain results for the service of your majesty, and with very indolent attention; and on the other hand, contriving to secure with them his own advantage, under color of service to your majesty, by sending your majesty's ships to yndia, macan, and other regions for his own negotiations, under pretext of sending them for military stores and other things for the royal service. in this way he defrauds your majesty of a vast sum of ducados, a thing that could be given another name. in still another direction [he acts unjustly], by giving warrants to pay due-bills, and that not to the owners of those bills, but to persons who buy them at one-third and less [of their face value]. to such persons does he open the doors to pay them, while they are shut on the wretched owners without recourse. [that is done] perhaps, in order to make them sell their claims; for of the two-thirds or more remaining from the face value of the due-bill for their service of wealth, a great share of profit falls to the governor, as is openly muttered. this is affirmed by many conjectures, and especially by the fact that it all passes through the hands of his retainers and partisans, and those of his household. all this is done to the neglect of building ships and preparing the supplies necessary for the defense and conservation of the country. the governor is also managing to make vast profits from consignments of goods; and--as is hinted, and even affirmed, however secretly he attempts to keep his affairs--a great part of the consignments are supplied by the royal treasury of your majesty, and the royal income from the licenses given to the chinese to remain in the country aids him not a little. that sum amounts nearly every year to one hundred and thirty thousand pesos, for many of the chinese remain, thus incurring the risk of another insurrection, notwithstanding the so strict decrees in which your majesty orders the very opposite, and prohibits their remaining. that money was formerly collected and placed in the treasury through the intervention of the royal officials. the governor has ordered it to be collected by one of his servants and paid whenever the latter chooses, so that vast sums are always due to the treasury. i have been assured that forty thousand pesos are still owing this year, which it is said that the governor is using for his trading, as well as even the salary which is generally given the collectors. for that reason, when the servant receives the money that the chinese pay for their licenses, it is weighed, and if it is under weight, he demands two or three reals more; but when he delivers that part of it which he chooses to pay into the treasury, as i have said, he does not deliver it by weight, but by count, and thus keeps the profit of the two or three reals. that amounts to about four thousand pesos. it is sometimes even said that what he delivers into the treasury on the principal account he pays in warrants bought by the schemes and channels above mentioned. so many of these things are attributed to his master, the governor, that i am ashamed to relate them, for i do not believe them--or at least i suspect that they are exaggerated. for it is even said that that servant gives false licenses instead of the true ones, which he distributes to the chinese at the same price as the good ones, and keeps the money for them. it is said that the governor has money taken from the royal treasury secretly at night. thus do they say, and attribute things to the governor by so many and so diverse roads, that one is scandalized on hearing them--both about the royal revenues and about other particular things in the matter of profit. what i know for certain is that the governor does not have the accounts audited annually in january, as your majesty orders, by the president and two auditors. on the contrary, the accounts for years before he assumed the government are so far behind that they have not yet come to those of his government, although he has been here three years. in those accounts preceding--although i am one of the two auditors whom your majesty orders to audit the accounts together with the president; and although i say many things about his negligence--i have not been sufficient, for he is the one who has to take action therein. i believe that he has not attended to this matter, but rather has utterly neglected it; for i am persuaded that, in reaching the accounts of his own term, he has to keep things very private for the above-mentioned reasons. i do not know whether he fears to have the accounts made public; and besides that i should be the judge of them, for he knows that many worlds could not, through god's mercy, move me one jot from my strict observance of your majesty's service. also the governor tries to violate justice, and to prohibit the punishment of evildoers, [at the same time] prosecuting and punishing the good and innocent; for he protects the former and abhors the latter, inasmuch as the one class do his will, while the others note and hate the evil things that he does. to them he offers insults, and to the others he gives offices and honors. in suits there must be nothing done but his pleasure, even though the suits be pending in the audiencia, especially if they belong to persons devoted to him, or to those whom he hates; and he acts therein with so great violence that, when his desires are not carried out, he stops the course of the suits and takes them to his own house, so that the audiencia may not pass any sentence contrary to his will. no one dares to demand justice from him, or any clerk to notify him of the vote of the audiencia, while the parties to the suit call out to god in the streets. when it suits his pleasure, he takes charge of the criminal causes, and says that he does not wish a case to be prosecuted further, or that such a person be punished. consequently, the number of the evildoers (and it is for them that he acts thus) increases so greatly that the scandal arising from it is pitiful. malefactors also are more numerous because, when the whim takes him to forsake the other methods, the governor orders the warden of the prison to let the prisoners go, even when they are imprisoned for serious crimes; or he does this secretly, so that no one should know it, and under pretext that they are needed for war or your majesty's service. but he does the very opposite if it is a matter not to his taste, even though the prisoners be guiltless. his actions are still more objectionable when he goes to inspect the general prison, where he prevents the auditors from having any vote, and they are allowed to do only what he wishes; while he threatens them that he will dash out their brains with a club, and other serious things. the governor also makes a practice of neglecting and not observing the decrees and orders of your majesty, interpreting them to his own satisfaction, or pretending that he has not got them, when he does not wish them to be known, even though he should be plainly told of them; and even if he knows it, he regards everything according to his own pleasure and preference. if any one murmurs or says a word, he is prosecuted, and his innocence is punished with violent imprisonment. the governor even takes away his natural defense so that he cannot appeal or demand justice; and the governor searches for contrivances to annoy those who do not approve his doings. the governor also makes a practice of being so absolute in everything, that he does not only what is mentioned above so summarily and in general terms--for, as i have stated to your majesty in the beginning, it appears difficult in each of these subjects to enumerate the things that he does (even, in my judgment, only the weighty and more serious ones)--but also in regard to various other matters does he act and proceed in the same manner. consequently, i believe that there is no man who will not affirm that from the time that the governor entered this country, he has done no good thing, but all in disservice of your majesty, at least in the regular procedure. for if he calls treasury meetings, if he sometimes attends the audiencia and sessions, or does any other act by reason of his office, there is no one who does not understand that the ends and objects of his acts are his own conveniences, vengeance, and passions or the conduct of his own affairs and those of all his following--as has been apparent to me at many times, on occasions when i have been able to be present by virtue of my office. yet he neither wishes the auditors to counsel or advise or influence him, nor that a word be said about his actions. on, the contrary he manages to get all his affairs approved especially by those persons holding office, such as regidors, royal officials, and others, and not only laymen but ecclesiastical persons. consequently he seeks with most strenuous efforts the life of those laymen who do not approve his acts, both in public and in private. he threatens to proceed against them, either personally or through intermediaries, for the most remote and trifling irregularity that can be imagined; and he brings suits without hesitating, when he finds no witnesses, to secure others, even though they be false. to them he furnishes offices and other accommodations for that service, as many dare to say; and there is no longer any redress or protection, or at least that which is usually a safeguard destroys them. consequently they endeavor to please him, without considering what he asks or what they do. hence it results that neither the royal officials nor the regidors, nor any other persons whatever whom he may need--either that they may give him their approval, or that they may suit his pleasure--whether in violation of ordinance or decree of your majesty or for whatever he might desire, exercise their offices with freedom. thus outraged and tyrannized over is all this community--so much so, that i have been told secretly that the regidors have sent your majesty a chart of a certain victory which they pretend that the governor has gained from the dutch enemy who generally frequent these coasts, in which they pretend that the governor burned and put to flight their ships by his plans and arrangements. god knows the truth, and whether that is so; but i can never persuade myself of so great corruption; for such a thing never happened, and the governor has here a sufficiently wretched reputation. in this matter, and regarding a matter of such gravity, it was told me that when a regidor who privately told it was asked how they had done such a thing, he had answered by asking what they would have done if a traitor had come to govern them. although that is not public, but was told in private, your majesty will learn it there by its effects if that chart has reached you. but what is public is that the governor says that your majesty should have patience; and since you sent him here he will conduct affairs according to his own pleasure. he either threatens ecclesiastical persons, even though they are friars, that if they do not act the same as the laymen, he will take from them the stipends given them by your majesty, or he does not pay them; and he has oppressed them so that not even do the preachers dare to utter truths in the pulpit, both by his threats and because he dishonors them, and says that they are living in concubinage, and that he will have them stabbed. however, the chief reason why they have ceased to preach, as i have been told, is because all conclude that it is a matter that has no remedy, and that, since they attain no results, they do not care to ruin themselves; and so they abandon it as a matter already adjudged. by these acts of violence on the one hand, and with the flattery of some on the other, he obtained a guaranty to your majesty in order, as is understood, to screen by it, or at least to moderate, the enormity of his acts. he also avails himself, for this purpose, of threats to the notaries, of nothing less than the galleys and their ruin; or they are given to understand that they must not give official statements of anything requested from them, especially to persons who he thinks will write to your majesty. he has under his influence one pedro muñoz de herrera, who is clerk of court for the audiencia, with whom he negotiates those statements that he wishes; and there is even a very evil rumor that the latter will give them even though they are not true, and that he gives them from the official records as demanded, even when these are defective--not only by what is known of the person of each one, but because the governor has favored, protected, and placed him by force in the audiencia. [this has been done] both in a murder that the governor committed on the person of his wife, and in many other matters. finally in violation of your majesty's decrees which order that the offices be sold, he has, after having granted some gratuitously for his own objects, without selling them, refused to adjudge the office of secretary held by pedro muñoz to one diego de rueda, who bid eight thousand pesos for it, in order that pedro muñoz might not be deprived of it; while he gave it to the latter for one thousand five hundred pesos, which the said muñoz had bid for it, and that sum was paid in purchased pay-warrants, in order to give it to him gratis, as is well known. he manages the clergy in the same way; and, as he suspected that the cabildo of the church wrote a letter to your majesty last year, they have, since he learned something of this matter, endured a little tempest until they have been able, by certain paths that they have learned, to watch him. this present year i fear that they will not write, in view of the extraordinary care with which they see that the governor seizes the letters that are sent to your majesty. the whole country is so fearful of such interference that each one, i think, will seek an extraordinary way in order to save his letters. some are thinking of putting them in boxes of merchandise, for which reason i fear that some will be left; and, as i have said, it might be that these will be the letters of the cabildo of the church--not only because of the aforesaid reason, but because, although i see that the archbishop is annoyed at the acts of the governor, and as i understand, those affairs cause him internal anxiety through his desire of remedying them, there is among outsiders considerable grumbling because he flatters the governor and humors him in many ways (which leads people to think that the cause for it is certain accommodations for his servants and relatives that the governor gives him); and because of certain injuries which they think could at least be abated with less compliance [on the archbishop's part]. but i do not agree with that, notwithstanding that i might commend [more] effort [by the archbishop]; for i know the governor's temper. the governor also makes a practice of neglecting and sleeping over affairs of good government, a policy that is fitting [27] for the conservation of the country in peace and in the service of god; and he lives in a profound slumber, and neglects taking any precautions whatever--although the enemy so frequently invades these coasts, with new forces each day on the sea; while on the land are great numbers of chinese sangleys and japanese. this has long caused many men of loyalty and high standing to be anxious with the memory of the past insurrection of the sangleys; and not less is the anxiety caused by the japanese, for they are numerous and are an extremely warlike race. [28] and although the governor has orders and decrees from your majesty that only the number who would be necessary for the ordinary service of the trades of the country shall remain here; and although the facts are well known to him, besides that he has been often told of this, both in and out of official meetings: yet he does not discuss its remedy, but only talks of making outside demonstrations by which he will accomplish much. but one would believe that he means that he will do much evil. may god in his mercy keep that evil far away. the governor does the same in what concerns the enemy on the sea; for not only does he not discuss, nor has he discussed, the building of ships in order to be prepared, as did don juan de silva, to go to meet the enemy, but on the contrary, when he reached this land, although the galleons built by don juan de silva had been wrecked, and although the audiencia which was then governing had ordered, notwithstanding that the treasury did not contain a single real, some ships to be built, so that they might be finished in place of those which had been wrecked, yet the governor, on finding them on the stocks at his arrival, ordered all work to cease, and only two ships were finished. he ordered even those vessels to be reduced in size, whereat there are not wanting those who grumbled that he did it in order to have trading-ships instead of warships. [29] he has not built any others during all these three years, although the employees in the accountancy of the royal treasury assure me, and it is without doubt so, that he has spent three millions [of pesos] of your majesty's royal incomes from these regions, and of the funds brought from nueva españa, during three years. that is a very great pity here, for it is to be presumed that he has spent a great portion of that sum in paying due-bills bought at one-third and less [their face value], as i have said above. the employees of the accountancy have assured me that five hundred thousand pesos were paid in that way last year, and that fact is very well known. it is also known that the due-bills outstanding have been exhausted, so that now they are being sought very anxiously in the same districts, but cannot be found. although we generally have six or seven months' sure notice from xapon before the coming of the enemy, that they are going to come, the governor makes no preparation, small or large, nor does he build any vessels, but allows the time to pass as if he had no such warning. when the enemy arrive at the coast, the governor, without any intention of going to meet them--as is known publicly and generally, and is known by the results, as he has already spent the money--lays hands on the inhabitants and mainly by force gets a loan of one hundred thousand pesos from them, or what he thinks best, and has the ships in the port repaired. those vessels often do not exceed three, and he spends on them a vast sum of ducados, even loading them with food and war-supplies of all that is needed. he troubles the soldiers in making them go and come to and from cavite, and even making them embark. he says with show of great courage that he is going out, although he is told that such a thing is impossible with the ships that he has, for the enemy have many. having spent all the money and exhausted the miserable inhabitants whom he has thus burdened, he calls a council at this juncture, and asks whether it is advisable to go out. since the enemy are so superior they cannot tell him to go out, and in addition they see little gain in it; accordingly it is resolved that it is not advisable to go out. your majesty's royal treasury thus remains depleted, and the enemy are left to pillage the vessels that they seize from those who come to this city, especially those from china. it is even asserted, although i do not know whether it is true, that he makes underhanded efforts in the midst of all these braveries, by the hands of certain persons who are masters of his secrets, so that the city may come out and disapprove of, and protest against, his going [against the enemy], and may inform many of the council of the danger if they should say that he should go out. and it is said that thus, in the matters above related and in many things left unsaid, the governor wastes his time--which he ought to spend in pleasing god our lord, and in imploring his mercy, so that he might aid us in the conservation of the country, in succeeding in serving our king, and in preparing matters for his royal service--in many feasts and games, parties, weddings, christenings, and entertainments with women, even while the enemy are along the coasts, and often even anchored inside the bay; for i believe, and it is understood, that the japanese inform the enemy of the slight preparations of the country. as a result, the governor has acquired a wretched reputation and character, even among the chinese sangleys and the japanese of the country (who are infidels), not only for sensuality and lasciviousness, but for other and worse doings. we have the country in the most wretched condition that can be imagined. never has it been so wretched, as is affirmed openly by the oldest residents here, as well as by me. they bewail don juan de silva, for, although they say that he was covetous and revengeful, yet he was moderate in these faults; besides, he was prudent, and watchful of your majesty's service, and of the preservation [of the country] and credit in war, and of the honor of your spanish nation. many of them fear, and i with them, some great chastisement from heaven, because of the publicity and multitude of the sins of us who live here. in the particulars of the above matters [your majesty's revenues] have been and are being wasted during the time of this government, and i fear greatly that it will continue in the same way until the end of it; and i do not know that it can become worse. for i assure your majesty that i am talking with some caution, although i could enlarge on this subject--because when i talk with my king, i am talking with god, for the satisfaction and security of my conscience; and because from my entrance into this audiencia, i thought that i would not be fulfilling my obligations unless i endeavored to do my duty in what concerns me, and in the rest what i could, so that the service of god our lord and that of your majesty might be furthered. i thought that if evil beginnings be looked on with fear they could not increase. i always endeavored to furnish a good example in the matter of any actions and life, and at the same time to persuade and advise the governor of what i deemed worthy of reform, so that reason and not inclination might rule. i avoided conforming to his will in all things that came to my hands by reason of my office which were not to the service of your majesty. by deed, example, and advice, or at least by efficient warnings, i exerted myself, so that only your majesty's service should be striven for, and i am persevering in this course. i desire and am endeavoring to be on my guard respecting matters which concern his inclination and not his reason. for in fact, although the governor has done what he wished in many things, because he does not know how to conduct negotiations otherwise, at least he did not so act with me; and because of me and the openness of my nature, he ceased to attempt and to do other things--i persevering in my purpose, and he in his; and, although disabusing his mind of the idea that i would surrender myself to an evil thing, humoring him and giving him pleasure in all that i could freely. inasmuch as that was so little and the matter of justice so great, because your majesty's royal treasury and other most important things enter into it, he readily abandoned the path of perverting me. he said, with promises, that he would esteem my compliance more highly than that of all others, or than a great sum of money, besides other exaggerations (from which i think that he did not ill judge me), and changed the course that he had pursued by means of insults and injuries. [as an instance of the latter], after talking to me with his usual harshness while in his house--that which your majesty assigns and gives to the president [of the audiencia] by an order that you have given to the effect that there be houses for the president and auditors--one of the houses of one of the auditors having become vacant because licentiate alcaraz left it, the governor (although it pertained to me by my seniority, because licentiate legaspi already had a house) took it from me, moved into it, and left his own under pretext that he wished to demolish it, because it was falling down. he has lived in both houses (for one is near the other) for two years, although there have been most furious winds and storms, which makes his object evident. besides, since your majesty assigns a house to the president and auditors, if mine should collapse, i would rent a house which he could not seize afterward; and since by the mercy of god, i trust in his divine majesty, that all the world could not divorce me from the service of my king, i endured and concealed the annoyance of his having deprived me of my house. i think that the scope of his pretensions must have increased, and that, when i censured him more, he tried to drive me from the audiencia by different methods that he attempted. one was to send me to inspect the country (where one goes mostly by sea, because of the multitude of the islands, the great distance, and the fact that the roads pass through the territory of the insurgent indians) while the enemy was along the coast; yet an order was given to all the spaniards who were living on their encomiendas, and others who are the chiefs--against whom, and not the poor common indians, the inspection is aimed--to come to reside in this city because of the presence of the enemy. besides, that inspection did not pertain to me, since i was neither the oldest nor the most recent auditor. notwithstanding that the audiencia resisted, saying that it was not advisable to make that visit then, he tried to have it done by his appointment alone, and without the concurrence of the audiencia, having attempted to do that last year as well as at the present time. in order to constrain and annoy me more, he ordered me to go out in holy week, notwithstanding that i replied to him that i would go (although it did not pertain to me) if the audiencia concurred in it, but that without that concurrence i could not go. in consequence, it appears that the governor desisted for the time, but did not abandon his project; on the contrary, he was more set on it. when the christmas season came, the time for the distribution of offices, in accordance with your majesty's ordinances, that of probate judge fell to me in my turn. but this so annoyed him that he tried to avoid giving it, withholding the commission signed by the entire audiencia, for more than two months, i believe, with a certain scandal to the city; for litigants did not know to what judge they could have recourse, as my predecessor's time had expired. after he had delivered me the commission, when i commenced to exercise the office--with no greater pleasure than that of serving your majesty, although others solicit those offices--the death of licentiate andres de alcaraz happened, without his leaving a will. as judge, i set about collecting his property with much diligence, involving considerable hardship. that caused me certain fevers, for as he died in the country outside this city in a garden his property was in great peril. of this i gave your majesty an account after the property was collected and placed in order, with the precautions that i had taken--by which, notwithstanding the suits that had succeeded, i would continue to retain and reserve the property in case that your majesty were pleased to send [some one to take] the said auditor's inspection or residencia. in conformity with that i had sent documents both to the probate court of mexico and to the house of trade at sevilla, so that the property that the said auditor possessed there might be collected, and that your majesty might be advised. finally, i continuing in my office and the governor in his purpose--which was stimulated by his inability to reduce me to what i can morally believe, besides the public rumor and report--and he being most desirous of taking from me my office of probate judge, especially after the property had been entered in the accounts of the probate court; and i had begun the administration of the property of licentiate andres de alcaraz: for certain purposes, which i do not dare to state, although they are reported, for i do not dare believe them, still by this and by many other reasons, and more because he had seized certain of the letters that i have written to inform your majesty (for which, as persons in his confidence assure me, with whom he has communicated the matter, he has felt, and still feels, special anger and fury against me), he resolved to remove me, even though it should be by arbitrary act, from the audiencia. of that i am morally persuaded, and it is well known. seeking occasion for this, but not finding it, and wearied perhaps in waiting for it, it happened one session that, while licentiate legaspi and don juan de valderrama, auditor and fiscal, were at the door of the hall of his house, a message came in which don antonio rodriguez de villegas excused himself on the grounds of ill health. as the governor never attends the sessions of the audiencia except for his private ends, under pretext of your majesty's service, he was very angry that don antonio should excuse himself that day; for he was trying to secure the passage of a resolution [by the audiencia] that i should go out to make the inspection--always persisting, as i have said, in his purpose; and also because it was understood that he had on his part managed to get the consent of licentiate legaspi to it. on hearing the message, he said very angrily that don antonio rodriguez and i were always excusing ourselves from your majesty's service by feigning to be sick. [that he said] in the presence of many people who were there, besides other quite unreasonable language. for that reason i was forced to ask him why, if your majesty gave credit to an auditor when he excused himself, did not he have to do the same, all this with the intention to calm and satisfy him. he abandoned himself to a flow of words, somewhat disconnected, to which i replied, saying that your majesty did not order a president to treat the auditors so; and that i served your majesty punctually, and did not excuse myself when i was well. if i remember correctly, i think that i made witnesses of all; for he also came to me after all that, and told me that i lied, and i think that he said "villain." however, i do not believe that any besides licentiate legaspi and the fiscal heard that, and inasmuch as he told me to keep still and not reply, threatening me with execrations and oaths, i said to him with the greatest calmness, as is my custom: "if your lordship tells us what is not so, are we not to remonstrate and answer you?" thereupon he went to the meeting, where he told me that i was the worst christian in the world, and that i took communion like judas, besides other insults of like import, before licentiate legaspi and the fiscal. i was silent under everything, for i only told him that in the matter of sins i could confess many omissions; but i warned him that witnesses heard that, just as they had also heard at his house the other things that he said. although he went ahead he may perhaps have thought that i persisted in silence, and did not answer him, in order that he might be led on to commit some imprudent act; thereupon he must have thought that there was now much to fear, and that he was not to find a justifiable opportunity, [for] he caught at that word, and said that i had intended to give him the lie, as if transgressions in thought were to be fought over--the more so, sire, as i did not speak another word to him; for if i had spoken another word, i am not the man who would deny that to your majesty or any one else. on account of that, the governor determined to make me the object of a lawsuit, and received his witnesses. to them he did not fail to tell what had happened, but not the words that i had spoken. when some wished to tell more, it is said that he insulted and threatened them. however, he did not do that with licentiate legaspi and don juan de valderrama, the auditor and fiscal, whom he also received as witnesses, and whom i warned beforehand to give witness of everything that had passed; still, they said no more than what the governor wished, by which i am insulted, ashamed, and surprised beyond manner. notwithstanding their great friendship with him, and that they know how to gratify him and be gratified by him (of which would to god there were not so much to murmur at in the community, because of the great aid they render him in ruining it), still i am consoled, and i praise god for everything. with this and, as has been declared publicly, with the advice of an advocate, to whom he gave an appointment so that he might be made judge of vagabonds--and who was, as is said, urged and even persuaded for it, that such action was not to arrest me, but only to intimidate me--the governor issued a warrant for arrest, and seized me. this was done while all the audiencia was in a body, near the chapel where mass was being said, and about to go on general prison inspection, on palm saturday--although he had no sufficient reasons, as i told him so that he should not do it, as well as to the rest of the audiencia so that they might discuss it. he sent me to the cabildo quarters, which are in the public prison, where he set over me seven soldiers of the guard and a corporal, with orders not to let me talk with any layman, especially any scrivener, and not to let me have paper and ink to write. besides that guard, he set other soldiers in the street, so that i might not escape through the windows, as i believe. i am also told that the corporal had orders to kill me if i tried to escape, although i do not know what truth there is in that statement. but none of the orders given were more than oral, for the governor did not want them set on the records. imprisoned in the above manner--on palm saturday, when [even] highwaymen are set free--he kept me prisoner during all of holy week and easter, and two whole months--with the greatest scandal that, as i have heard, this community has ever had--until many religious, servants of god, and the archbishop, went to him to persuade him, and to undeceive him as to the gravity of the act that he had committed. but they obtained no beneficial result from it; on the contrary, considering as well founded the fears that they inspired in him, and thinking to justify his crime, he began to take a residencia of all my life. that lasted almost two months, and he summoned witnesses, and many of them, who told all that they knew about me. in order to persuade them to go into details, perhaps, as to what he desired, he proclaimed that i was not to be set free or to be an auditor any longer in the country; but that, on the contrary, he was going to place me aboard ship. by those efforts, and others--not only by demands on the one hand, but by fears that he inculcated through third parties, as has been told me, on the other--he obtained a great number of witnesses. however, he discharged many of these, in anger at them because they told him, with forcible arguments, that they were christians, and that he should not involve them in matters with which they were unacquainted. others of them, who tried to say, as was thought, many things that appeared to be in my favor, were not allowed to say these. all that took place under the efficient management of pedro muñoz, court scrivener of the audiencia, with whom the governor was hand in glove, as i have said. for, in order to do it, i am told that he suppressed the heading of the process which he had before made on account of only that word, and substituted another in its place which comprehended in it scope all the discourses in the life of a man--so that it might not be understood, as i believe, that he had made so great a mistake at the beginning, and for other objects that the governor will know. notwithstanding that, and his cruelty, violence, and force, and the fears of the witnesses, i trust in our lord that he will not have permitted them to give false testimonies against me, although the outrageous manner in which the governor proceeds, and the so mortal fear that all have of him, makes that much to be dreaded. finally, at the end of the two months of so serious and scandalous an imprisonment, our lord was pleased to perform a miracle for me, through the intercession of the virgin, our lady, to whom i attribute it (and that miracle is not the first that she has performed for men as unworthy as i). it occurred thus: one day i dressed myself in my usual manner for going to the audiencia; and at ten i went out among all the soldiers who were posted there, and went down the steps at my usual gait. in the same way, while in the prison, many people were round about, and in the public place where one goes out of the prison were many more; but i passed through the midst of them all to the college of sancto thomas. next day i went thence to [the convent of] st. dominic, which is on the other side of the wall, where i remain a refugee. [30] the convent is quite far from the prison, and no man spoke to me at all; on the contrary, those in the square accompanied me. afterward the soldiers and guard (whom god was pleased to stop, i know not how) must have returned to their senses; and they came after me, when i was already near the church. ascertaining what had happened, some went to the church, and the governor arrested others. he, as i have been told, ordered all the camp of soldiers called to arms, as if it were for the dutch, with the intention, it is said, of taking me out by force, even if he should destroy the college. however, he restrained himself to sending two companies. it is even said, further, that all that day and night they surrounded the college, under orders not to allow entrance or exit to friar or anyone else, or the entrance of food, until the archbishop, at the instance of the friars, persuaded the governor to withdraw the soldiers. i consider as a miracle also what happened with him. since i have been in [the convent of] st. dominic, i have heard from several persons that the governor was quietly trying to have me killed by a certain agreement, which would have been very easy for him had not god prevented it. however, although that is not very well known, nor do i believe it all, yet it could be feared from him, and from his great desire to be free from my witnessing his acts on occasions of defending the justice and service of my king, since he could not reduce me to take a path contrary thereto. for that reason, i have tried with peculiar care to have god's zealous servants commend him to god, and petition him for the governor's reformation and prudent action, so that he may not fall into the deeper abyss of miseries. then the governor ordered my property to be sequestered, and they went to my house and took an inventory of all my books and the other treasures that i possessed, even to the very clothes of my wife, and my salaries--just as if i were a private citizen and not next [in authority] to your majesty and the royal council, as i am; as if i had committed some crime, and he had authority to proceed against and punish me, he saying that he is the aggrieved and proper party; and as if, besides, he could be judge with so great violence. he had me summoned by edicts and proclaimed through the public streets, an action that has scandalized this community. but, notwithstanding his hostile demonstrations, he cannot satisfy himself, for all of which i have tried to give many thanks to god, considering that i am suffering thus for [the sake of] justice, and for defending the service of god and of my king. in regard to that it must be considered that, although all those lawless acts, insults, and violences to the private person of don alvaro de messa i consider as referred to god, nevertheless it is a serious and intolerable matter to persecute a minister for being loyal to his king. for the sake of the respect and royal authority of your majesty which is so offended by those qualities in your minister, on account of the public scandal, and for the conservation of justice and the security of the country, and in order to avoid disservice to god and your majesty--all which is attained by the punishment of the guilty, by which the good would be encouraged and those who are not good would fear--an exemplary punishment seems very necessary for the governor, and for me a reward and honor for the affronts and hardships that i have suffered, especially in this country, where, because of the absolute procedure of the governor, no attention is paid to your majesty's royal orders, and one trembles to displease the governor, without more reason than that the latter desires such and such a thing. and because for many years this has continued to increase, very justly may one fear that, if it be not punished, it may reach such a point that the remedy will be difficult and ever miraculous. to moderate the enormity of the circumstances of my imprisonment and the grave scandal existing hitherto throughout the community (and i think that it will exist until satisfaction can be made for it), his guardian angels--one of whom is don juan de alvarado, who has been fiscal and whom your majesty ordered to be banished hence; and who was irritated because i had not cloaked his residencia, about which i am writing your majesty in a separate letter--and others who are of the same sort, advised the governor to make use of an ordinance which is one of those of this audiencia, never used and not even remembered for a long time, and which is as follows: "_item_: i order that my president of the said audiencia try the criminal causes of its auditors, together with the alcaldes-in-ordinary, notwithstanding the ordinance that rules the contrary." [31] he availed himself of this to summon the alcaldes-in-ordinary and to cause them to sign all that he decreed, for they were present at nothing else than the signing of what he was violating--both with witnesses and without them, when they were not persons who were mere creatures of his; for, when persons are elected into the cabildo, nothing but what the governor wishes is voted. further than this, if they were persons of greater obligations, and more exemplary in life and conscience, i think that they would do the same, although it might even be in a matter of greater weight; for, as i have told your majesty, the more than violence and force that the governor holds over their minds and wills is incredible, although evident. not all dare to resist at the peril of their security and life, and of being imprisoned, as i was, for the service of your majesty. they, hastily judging, differentiate between the future hurt, which may not come to them, and the punishment which they regard as a present hurt, namely, to suffer for god and their king. besides, as they also are in the deal, they have their advantages, by which they are all blinded. for to whoever can see, and to him who desires the light of heaven that he may succeed, not only is the ordinance not obscure, as they say, but quite clear, since it does not give authority or contain words for arrest or process; nor does it in any way alter the law. therefore, those nearest [to your majesty], as are the auditors, cannot be imprisoned or proceeded against except by your majesty or the royal council, or by your order. nevertheless, the president, in virtue of his superintendency over the audiencia, may ordain to the auditors what may be just and reasonable in matters that pertain to the government and its conservation; and even, in the heated arguments that are wont to arise between the auditors, has authority, in case the nature of the affair might require it, to retire each auditor to his own house, until they make up the quarrel; and, should he deem it advisable, he may inform your majesty. for the ordinance does not say that the president and alcaldes shall proceed, arrest, sentence, and execute justice in criminal causes affecting the auditors. all that, in my opinion, was meant to amend the express privilege of law as contained substantially in the _corpus juris_ [_civilis_]; [32] and even then serious causes would have to be understood by criminal causes; _ultra multa cum tiberº farsnaci e regni col. 9, ttº 4, pº. 3._ [33] but it says only that the governor shall try criminal causes, which means that, in crimes that are not such by reason of the office, but personal and serious crimes of the auditors, he shall investigate, together with the alcaldes, and advise your majesty; and the word "try," instead of meaning to arrest and execute justice and other equivalent things, only denotes simple jurisdiction which belongs to civil cases, and not authority, either pure or mixed. [34] otherwise your majesty could avoid the visits and residencia which you send to the audiencia. accordingly, to try criminal cases means that they be treated civilly without allowing them to be [cases for either] pure or mixed authority, by arresting or proceeding; but only to investigate and advise your majesty, except in capital causes that have the capital penalty. in such cases it would be advisable for the audiencia, and even for the president alone, to secure the criminals, if they should be auditors and nearest [to the king], but not by virtue of the ordinance, but by virtue of the ordinary authority of law, and the privileges of public protection--citing [the paragraph] _ne delicta_, etc., in case that it was unable, because of the crime and the person, to be secure in any other way than by imprisonment which befits the crime, and in accordance with the teaching of the law _divi fratres f fin ff de poen._ [35] therefore the audiencia ought to arrest the governor for four murders that he has lately committed (and which will be told later), solely to assure and advise your majesty, with judicial consideration, so that you might decree your pleasure in respect to his person. but [they ought] to punish his accomplices, who were numerous, and who are not near [to the king], but most of them men who, without that crime, deserve to be severely punished for others; but they are all passed by, in virtue of peace and harmony, by licentiate hieronimo de legaspi and don juan de valderrama, the auditor and fiscal, who are on good terms with the governor. [indeed, these men] now constitute the audiencia, because don antonio rodriguez has retired to his house, and is sick because of the insults cast upon him by the governor at a meeting (which i shall relate later); while i was arrested when it happened, and am now in refuge in the sanctuary. in order that all that may be done well, the governor arrests me and insults me--although, i am, by the mercy of god, guiltless of any crime, capital, moderate, or the least, and even without the slightest dispute in the audiencia; but only because my character and the obligations of my conscience do not allow me to lack one jot in my service to my king--under pretext that by not consenting to the things that the governor imputed to me, i told him that what he was saying to me was not so. had i shown any want of prudence in my defense--which i could have done, and which i think another would have done, who would not have endured it as did i--i would have been excused, and he would have been guilty in making himself the judge of his own cause--the more, as there was no fault or injury; or, even if there were any, it was not to the tribunal or to his dignity. i do not know, sire, [of a case] even with full authority from your majesty in regard to visit and residencia, when one has ever seen an auditor arrested and proclaimed, even though he had committed many serious crimes; and when, as has been told me, they shuddered with horror at the men who did it. however, i would better leave this matter now, and put a stop to this particular, rather reproaching myself at having digressed to discuss these private details (although with so great limitation), since i am talking with so exalted a tribunal, and to so many grandees and to so gifted men. for that reason, i do not dare allege rights or continue, but only to petition your majesty to be pleased to have your royal provision issued with the gravest penalties (nevertheless, i fear that those penalties will not be sufficient, from what i know and what the community knows of the governor), so that the governor may release me; and ordering him not to molest me with any processes or causes whatsoever, so that i may attend to the affairs of my office as auditor, freely, as well as to those which your majesty has assigned to me. [i also ask] that the royal officials pay me all my salaries, [36] for the time while the governor has prevented and kept me by force from exercising my office; that the governor restore to me my property that he has sequestered; that, if it be sold, i be paid for it; that the governor leave my house that he has occupied for two years, pay me the rent for it, and go to his own house, since your majesty has assigned it to me and the other to him; and that, if the governor should have drawn up any acts, they be sent to the council immediately. for i have not been able to get them from him, nor is there any one who can get any testimonial from him of anything. on the contrary the governor has, since i have been in [the convent of] st. dominic, seized certain petitions presented in the audiencia before licentiate legaspi, who is there alone, a thing which before could not have been possible; and has refused to return them under any circumstances, in accordance with his usual custom in such things. i trust, god helping, that if the governor sends the testimonies by themselves alone; without considering his own inability to do it, his violence, and the judicial substance, your majesty, if so pleased, will find in them a disposition to punish him severely, and to condemn him and the alcaldes; and to order me to be paid many damages and costs which have been imposed on me, rewarding me and granting me great favors and honor. for without any other investigation or information from me, or from others, i think that you will see very clearly the reasons and objects that, as i have said, have moved the governor to commit so atrocious an act as he did in my imprisonment. however, it is also well known that the following reasons have influenced him. first, the governor, as above stated, was angered because, when i was judge of the probate court, it should happen that i should collect that property of licentiate andres de alcazar, because of the latter's death. licentiate legaspi was angered for the same reason. for both of them, as is very well known in this community, would have liked that to have happened when licentiate legaspi should be judge, and they know why. i dare only judge what is said, and what i see and hear outside, although there is so much grumbling at their objects, and at the wealth that they have retained for this, that it scandalizes me. however, i do not dare to believe it, in order to say whether it be true that the reputation and envy of each one of those two men that exists in this community, obliges everyone to form his own opinion of it. desiring that the care of the fund and the office pass to better hands than mine, they thought that it would be done well if i were arrested. accordingly, the governor took this as his guide for action, so that, while i was a prisoner, the care of the fund might be transferred to licentiate legaspi. the governor alone appointed the latter as probate judge, although i still had one year to serve, and at the fulfilment of that time it pertained in turn to don antonio rodriguez; and then all the audiencia exercises it and not he solely, by virtue of express orders and commands of your majesty. thereupon, the governor, in one way or another, together with licentiate legaspi, although no layman spoke to me in prison, permitted me to be notified to deliver the keys and the property. but i, fearing, as a man, what others feared, said that i had to give an account of that property, and that since i was a prisoner, i could not do so; and that he should free me, so that i could attend to my office and fulfil the commissions with which your majesty had charged me--namely, the residencias of don juan de silva and don juan de alvarado--since i had committed no crime for which i should be arrested; and adduced other reasons why i could not deliver the key because of the risk that that property would be running should the key pass through other hands. as he thought that that was insufficient to obtain his will, they immediately added another reason according to which it was advisable to borrow from that fund thirty thousand pesos for your majesty's service, under pretext that it was to be used for the despatch of the fleet then preparing to sail. [but this was done] in violation of a decree of your majesty ordering that the president and governor shall take no money, in small or large quantity, from the fund of the probate court, for any cause whatever. by the report of that fund your majesty has been informed that they are wont to draw that money for their trading and personal advantage, as is murmured openly. that occurred in this instance, for with the above-said and with other formalities, the governor [broke] the lock of the chest, ordering thirty thousand pesos to be extracted from it and the rest delivered to licentiate legaspi, probate judge, whom the governor had appointed. they went to my house to do it. they left a guard of six or seven soldiers under a corporal, day and night, to guard the rest of the property, namely, a great quantity of gold and jewels. consequently, my wife was compelled to leave her house that night, and went to the house of the widow of doctor juan manuel de la bega, until she found a house and moved into it, leaving the house to the governor. i think that the latter's insults and discourtesy even produced considerable anger in the negroes. even yet, a period of four months, the soldiers are guarding the chest, and will not allow me to do my duty, and do not deliver it to licentiate legaspi; for as is well known, they are keeping it for a better opportunity. this affair has much surprised this community, and the litigants in the court are calling out, although they are assured that it is not without foundation; for they cannot wish to have news taken in these ships that the chest was handed over, and that they did with it what is suspected, which will be seen later. the thirty thousand pesos were not intended for the fleet, for the fleet did not sail, nor is it expected that it will ever sail during the governor's life. neither was it used as a means of help for the infantry, who go complaining through the streets. indeed i cannot tell whether any one can say with certainty what has been done with that sum; although it is said that another very large sum, which the governor obtained from the citizens almost by a forced loan, was spent in the preparation of the ships in the port--but which did not sail, as has been said. however, some assert that the governor divided them, he himself taking thirteen or fourteen thousand pesos on the account of future salary; and that in like manner he shared it with licentiate legaspi and the fiscal. god showed me especially great favor in my being able to keep the account-book of the fund in my own hands through the efforts of a good christian, the defender of probated property, for my security of what had been placed in and what had been disbursed from the fund. for nothing is placed in or spent from it, except by notary's authority, and the presence as witnesses of those who guard the fund. if they were to seize the book from me, i doubt not, sire, that they would do me signal harm, and because, as i have said above to your majesty, the governor can do whatever he wishes. another reason alleged for my arrest is because it is affirmed that, the governor planning as he did to kill his wife, my presence in the audiencia would be a decidedly great inconvenience. for it is known, notwithstanding the few successes and works [that i have accomplished], through certain good desires that will have been recognized in me, that since i have been in the audiencia, i endeavor as much as possible to see that affairs are managed with due regard for law; and that, had i been present in that so serious matter, i would have done my utmost; and what i ought to do, as would be fitting for the service of god and of your majesty. that incident--which, i think, i cannot avoid relating, as one having accurate information--was as follows: having arrested me with the haste above mentioned, it happened that the governor--having planned, so says common rumor, the death of his wife--circulated the report one afternoon that he was going out of town to a place called cavite. departing that afternoon, he returned at night. having notified the guards and soldiers to that effect, he climbed over the wall by means of a ladder, and went to the house of one of the companions who went with him (for many of his adherents went with him, and some who were hired). going with them from this house, he stationed men at the place where he had planned that his wife would come with a young boy whom she sheltered at her house, and in whom she had confidence. this boy persuaded her to go out dressed as a gallant (a very wrong act, although she had been persuaded by the certainty that her husband had gone to cavite), to the house of a man named juan de messa, who had been brought as chief clerk by the factor, dionisio de castro licon, and whom the governor suspected of adultery with his wife. arrived at the place above mentioned, the governor saw her coming with two men, one of whom is said to have been juan de messa, and the other his friend. advised by the young lad that it was she, for he accompanied her in the street for some time, where he left her with her companion and went to give account of it to the governor, the latter went behind her with the retinue above mentioned. arrived at juan de messa's door, which is quite distant from that of the governor, he let them enter, but went in behind them before they shut the door. mounting the stairs with some of his men behind juan de messa and his wife, who had ascended, and leaving the others below with the other friend who had come as companion to juan de messa, the death of his wife followed, as did that of juan de messa and of the latter's escort, a pilot who had come from castilla last year. they were killed up stairs and down, as i have said, and because the governor had taken possession of the streets, and stationed soldiers there with orders to allow no one to pass. the soldiers killed a young lad who tried to pass, or wounded him so severely that it is said that he died. notwithstanding the unseemly hour, the people came running out at the outcry and clamor especially those from the nearest houses. they saw and noted everything with fairness, and consequently it has been published that the chief murderers were those whom the governor took with him, both those of his wife and of the others. that has seemed in this community to be a very lamentable occurrence. then the governor went to his house after the event and the matter was immediately known throughout the city. thereupon licentiate legaspi and don antonio rodriguez proceeded to make investigations. what they began to do was, it is said, to furnish proofs of adultery. they have managed to do this by great efforts, and that with the criminals free, and with the power of the governor. and i am told that the governor ordained what had to be done, namely, to make no investigations against the dead woman. what is understood is, that many fine things have been done in the records, for they say that they have expunged, erased, and copied things according to their pleasure, the notary in the cause being the governor's most devoted follower, pedro muñoz, secretary of the audiencia court, as above stated. in everything has always been done what the governor has ordered and commanded--especially by licentiate legaspi, for don antonio withdrew then and refused to do anything further, at seeing how the governor flinched from everything. all the criminals go about and take their pleasure, thus occasioning much reproach. will your majesty consider what you shall be pleased to order done in this matter; for there is much talk of the hatred and great and long-standing enmity of the governor to his wife, and of the evil life that he led her. it is said that he had already given her poison three or four times, from which she escaped by antidotes that she took; and that one of her women, to whom she gave the remainder of a little chocolate [37] in which the poisons were administered to her, died within two days or so, because she did not take the antidote, while his wife escaped because she had done so. another reason alleged for my arrest is, that there might be no occasion or opportunity of [my] giving information to your majesty, and that that accounts for the hastiness of the imprisonment; and that they would not allow me to touch pen to paper, having been warned of the letters that i wrote to your majesty--which, as above stated, were seized from me. these have incited him to cruelty, and increased in me the suspicion that was told me after my arrival at [the convent of] st. dominic, namely, that he tried to plan my murder there. that is the fear with which i have written, and in which are all those who give information to your majesty, because of the vigilant measures taken to seize the letters. another reason alleged is, that i might not push forward the residencia of the fiscal, and send it to your majesty; for, as considered by them, it must have been expedient for them that i should not send it to your majesty; and because i had not taken that of don juan de silva to his taste, awaiting an occasion for it when he should not be present and when he should have left this city sometime, for if he were present it would be impossible to take it. another reason is because, as he has seen your majesty has been pleased to show me the favor to commit that residencia to me, and his conscience accuses him, he fears (as is reported) that it or the visit is near; and fearing that your majesty would show me the favor to commit it to me, and fearing justice, because i am not a person who could overlook matters against your majesty's service, it has seemed to him, on the one hand, that if i were arrested and not in the audiencia, it would be easy by active efforts to get hold of the letters and seize and conceal the decrees. on the other hand, he thought by means of the acts of violence and insult that he has used to disqualify me for such a responsibility with your majesty, for which effect it is understood that he has also designedly made and procured my arrest. with what has been stated above (in which i could go into further details without charging my conscience), the case can be duly estimated by mentioning the particulars of one point, concerning which i have to say the following. this country is at present in the most wretched condition imaginable. moreover the governor has recently obtained his desires, namely, to be without an audiencia, for licentiate legaspi is the only one in it. for, besides having driven me from it, it seems that he has also removed don antonio rodriguez by treating him very ill and by grossly insulting him, because the latter petitioned that the acts by which the governor had arrested an auditor in the manner in which he had arrested me, be placed before the audiencia. but the governor refused to give them; on the contrary, he has taken away every one of several petitions presented in the audiencia, not wishing them to be seen publicly, for which arbitrary act redress was demanded. the governor recognizes neither justice nor king, but only his own absolute will and pleasure. for that reason, shortly after my imprisonment until now, don antonio has been and is quite unwell, and has less hope of going to the audiencia for a long time. don antonio does not deserve that, for in many matters and on many occasions have i recognized in him very good desires and works for the service of your majesty. consequently, even if licentiate legaspi remains, that means to have no audiencia, when one considers the close relations that exist between these two strong arguments, the disposition of the governor, and the way in which he treats the service of your majesty. for the people generally say of him that it would be a miracle if another worse than he could be found. it is said of licentiate legaspi that he is the worst official that your majesty has. the same has been said of don juan de alvarado, ex-fiscal, and that is known throughout the country as a public matter. all three are so great friends that some call them "the union of the saints," so that, of a truth, as the people understand, not one tittle more than the governor wishes ever happens. consequently, a number of litigants are holding back their suits until there shall be an audiencia. there is much outcry at there being no one from whom to demand justice for the insults cast on them by the governor, for, finally, if there were men to defend the service of your majesty, the governor would not do whatever he wished, although they would suffer and endure many insults for it. the fact is that if all men had a desire and resolution to suffer hardships and even to die for justice and the service of their king, the community would suffer less hurt today, for the governor would not be so daring. and he would not in that case have dared to arrest me, had not he had the consent of licentiate legaspi in his grasp; and whenever he needs it he is quite sure of it, in exchange for the advantages that, as everyone knows, the governor has given to him and his sons and retainers--from which i have tried many times to divert him, constraining him by the fidelity due to his king, so that he take strength and write your majesty. although i have brought him over on some occasions, my effect has lasted less time than it would last if i had the opportunity and occasion that such things have when one goes straight to god. on the contrary, i think he gets along better without me in the audiencia, both he and don juan de valderrama--to whom i said what i could say to a brother as soon as he arrived here, because i saw the state of affairs and thought to better them somewhat. but i have indeed done little. my conscience has made me write at such length, and although there is much to make me continue, i think that i shall have performed my duty with the above, so that all may be considered, provided your majesty be pleased to send us redress with the haste that so serious matters as these require, by sending us a leader who is a good christian and one very zealous for god's service, and who will only strive to obtain that and to serve his king, and not the contrary. for with that the audiencia will have its due place, and the auditors will attend strictly to their duties, and will conduct it for the peace and conservation of the country, and for your majesty's service. it is also important that your majesty send an inspector here, inasmuch as the country is so full of schemes, tricks, and contrivances to destroy it and finish its ruin; and since your majesty, as so holy a king, cannot abandon it, after having planted therein the holy gospel, and consequently, having sent the so great fruit of so many souls to heaven. besides this, if it has peace and is free from enemies, and religiously governed, it will give the greatest wealth and grandeur to your majesty that can be imagined. it is advisable that such a one be a picked man, and that he be such a person as is necessary, as i have written your majesty at other times: that he be entirely disinterested, and a good lawyer, with clean hands; that he have great authority in regard to war and peace, and over high officials in both, and power to suspend, in case he deem it advisable, the most serious penalties for your service for long periods, in order to investigate the truth, so that he may understand and learn the tricks, crimes, and criminals, and that he may know the persons in whom he can trust--not only as his agents, but also so that he can ascertain how your majesty can best provide suitable measures [for reform]. for in no other way can the holy desires of your majesty, which are those of god, who rewards the good and punishes the evil, be obtained. if he be not such, he will be confused during his inspection by schemes, impositions, and covetousness, but if he be such, he will be the consolation of this country, as i trust in god, and your majesty will hold it securely in order and justice, in peace and true obedience, and with renown. your majesty will then know the evil and the good men, and the excesses of many, and mine. you will obtain great possessions for the royal exchequer and render great service for god our lord. but otherwise, if he be not such a person, he will serve as a help to the ruin of the country, and as an encouragement to future officials, especially the governors, so that they may act worse. and since thin country has gone from bad to worse because of the officials that it has had, especially the governors, until its present condition has been reached, if your majesty does not visit an exemplary punishment on those officials, in accordance with each one's guilt, it is quite clear that those who shall govern in the future will complete its ruin. for the security of that, i think it will aid much for your majesty to send a stringent order to mexico and to sevilla, so that the property sent by the governor, and what he has sent by third persons under various heads, be investigated, which can be ascertained with reasonable efforts; and that it be secured by levying an attachment on it, or at least by placing it in a depositary; or as your majesty may deem best to order it, for it is understood that such property is in very great quantity. although i do not dare to affirm this, there are some who with the information and even more that they have of the coming and going of these things relating to the governor are persuaded that the sum [thus sent away] will amount to little less than one million [pesos], and at least to a great sum. i think that all that sum will be necessary, if his inspection or residencia be well made, and that much more will not suffice for the pecuniary part. to do it your majesty will have sufficient grounds by reason of the advices, letters, and report that have already reached and will reach you concerning his affairs. will your majesty decree what is most to your royal service. i began to take the residencia of don juan de alvarado, as soon as i received your majesty's decree, and i give account of it in a separate letter that i am sending to your majesty with it. of that of don juan de silva, which your majesty also ordered me to take, i have informed your majesty in other letters, that that order reached me jointly with that of the fiscal, and that for certain reasons of convenience i deemed it best to take that of the fiscal, and afterward to enter upon that of don juan de silva. the country has been so scandalized by what occurred in that of the fiscal, don juan de alvarado, because of the violent demonstrations made by the governor in favor of the fiscal, that many witnesses of those who swore, came to me to ask me not to take don juan de silva's residencia, because there was not one man who would tell anything that he knew when summoned. some of the witnesses they tried to kill at night, and others fled the city, having been threatened, it is said, by order of the governor, after the charges against the fiscal were published, until which time he and the governor thought that there could be no witness who would dare [say anything]. on that account the demonstrations that arose were greater, and i was requested, considering the condition of the affairs of the country and the many objects of the governor, to do the same in the residencia of don juan de silva. [this was desired] on account not only of the many connections that it must necessarily have with many cases related to it, with which he has had connection during the time while he has been here; but of other private persons, his friends, who are involved in the residencia, especially one josephe de naveda alvarado, a relative of the fiscal, who was secretary to don juan de silva, and also served him in other offices of great danger. it is well known that this man, for don juan's sake, has committed the most dangerous and insolent acts that one can imagine, during that time and at present. he is also secretary to this governor, whose especial favor he enjoys. whence i am persuaded beyond all doubt that nothing good will be done, for what the governor would not do through josephe de naveda and the others is much more than what he would do through the fiscal. it is not many months since, because of a royal decree that your majesty sent to the audiencia ordering the investigation of the property of don juan de silva and its sequestration, i found, on attending to it, a process where it appeared that this naveda owed don juan de silva eight thousand pesos. on taking it to the audiencia to have justice done there and to have it paid, notwithstanding your majesty's decree, the governor seized the process and kept it, forbidding us, with frightful demonstrations [of anger], to discuss it longer. consequently, i thought it best to postpone taking the residencia until i could see whether matters would mend, which god is wont to bring about by methods unthought of--notwithstanding that the governor, under pretext of service to your majesty, told me often to take the residencia, for, in the presence of the greatest and most serious offenses, both he and his associates would come out as if they were angels. this was the motive of the pressure that he brought to bear; and, even though he should have more crimes than the sea has sands, yet because of him nothing would be said against the others. that would mean not to take the residencia, and for me not to obey your majesty's will, with the loss of great sums, and much detriment, to the royal exchequer; for it is certain, sire, that those who would come out as if angels--and some of them, especially naveda, according to the report and outcry of the country--would not pay what they owe with many lives and with many hangings. for such are the devices that the governors have used here for the destruction both of the royal treasury of your majesty and of this country. however, with the lapse of time and hoping for opportunity, i made investigations as secretly as possible with most of the notaries in this city, inasmuch as two or three others that remain are of the governor's household--to the end, as i have told your majesty, that they may serve his purposes. they (and if there were others, it would all be miraculous) [38] and given with the greatest fear in the world; with which your majesty will see that not even in secret and under oath do men dare to speak. then continuing, the time came in which the governor arrested me, without considering what i had in charge at your majesty's command. consequently everything is at a standstill, until god shall remedy it. hence, sire, as i have said, the obligation of conscience makes me give account to your majesty; and i think, for a conclusion of this matter, that i am not excused from some particulars. the first is the news that has reached this city, by way of india, that the enemy is sending reenforcements of fifty-five warships. because the governor's disposition during this time is so worthy of resentment, as above related, it is stated publicly that, on receiving this news, the archbishop told the governor to try to prepare some warships, to whom he responded that he would gladly sell the few that he had. hence it is feared that the enemy will have been informed of that as soon as they reached this country; and that with this opportunity, they would write, and they thought it good to come if it is true. secondly, that the government of this country has more need of a man who is a servant of god, of mature age and prudence, rather than simply a soldier; if there should not be readily found, a man thoroughly qualified for the warfare of this country, the least influential citizens here understand it. there are some men of great courage, and thus when the audiencia was governing, it has had excellent successes. consequently, such a man would cost your majesty two-thirds less than the governor costs you. it is certain, and i consider it assured, that all the mishaps that the affairs of this country have experienced--both in this land, and in the fleets and succors that your majesty has tried to send to it from those regions--have happened because of the multitude of offenses to god that have been committed here in other times and are even now being committed; and that all are derived from the disorderly lives of the governors. thirdly, that great damages result because of the division of jurisdiction between the audiencia and captain-general. for the audiencia tries civil cases of the soldiers and the general the criminal; but with authority as captain-general, as he is governor and president, he extends that jurisdiction as far as he pleases. he interprets the decrees that your majesty has issued for this purpose, [to apply] even to the citizens of manila; and when the infantry leave this city and the citizens are stationed as guards, they are made to assume the condition of the other soldiers. the audiencia is left without any jurisdiction, while the captain-general gets it all, notwithstanding the many offenses to god which are committed--for many wicked men are protected by the war at this time, and in a few days go out to commit greater crimes. since the audiencia tries civil causes of the soldiers with the plenary jurisdiction that it enjoys over the citizens (and the soldiers are citizens), on the other hand it appears most fitting that it try cases of the soldiers like those of the citizens; and that, as appeal is made from the ordinary judges, appeal be made to the audiencia by the soldiers in cases civil and criminal--at least while the soldiers are not actually fighting, or in pursuit of the enemy. for, besides the service to god and to your majesty that will result from such a course, the audiencia, when there is one, will be respected; and the soldiers will not be so disregardful of what their captain-general says to them in times of peace, even though the latter be one who razes a convent to the ground. fourthly, that among the ordinances of this audiencia is one (to which i referred above) ordering the president to try the criminal causes of the auditors with that the governor has endeavored to make a pretext for my imprisonment. as i do not see the original signed by your majesty, i doubt the truth of that decree, as occasion for it was given by people who pay little heed to conscience. with that decree, if the governor wished to destroy [39] the country, and if the auditor did not agree with him, he could move a question in regard to its being cloudy and there being no sun. if an auditor should say that he thought the sun was shining, the governor would say that the auditor meant to call him a liar, as he said to me. by that means, and by similar methods used toward the others, he would, destroy them, and would keep them imprisoned three or four years, until relief came from your majesty; and sometimes it would be impossible to send that relief for the damages that this country thus receives. consequently, sire, it is very necessary for your majesty to revoke that decree, and to give the audiencia the authority and the superiority that it has enjoyed in other times; for by doing otherwise the audiencia can be very well dispensed with, as it amounts to no audiencia. this is truer, since it is six thousand leguas' distance to your majesty, and since it might happen that relief may not arrive in three years--especially since, in strictness of law, your majesty does not give them the authority that they arrogate to themselves; and, to him who cherishes malice, a slight occasion is sufficient. fifthly, that although it is true that it was decided to be advisable for your majesty to send aid to this country, as i understand that it has been petitioned in the manner and form of reenforcement, i greatly doubt whether it is more suitable for your majesty to send ships by way of the cape of buena esperanza; for the artillery founded here is the best in the world, as are the ships built here, as i have been well informed. besides, the artillery and ships of the quality and size necessary here cannot be sent from that country, for it has been found that war is made more securely here and the enemy frightened more by the very large galleons (much larger than those sent from there), which will withstand heavy artillery, such as those built by don juan de silva. further, the woods [used here] resist the balls better; and the ships are built with special strength and by the best master in the world, as i have been told. with money and care, the rapidity with which those ships can be built is remarkable. consequently, i think that if what is spent on the fleet be sent in money, and soldiers, and sailors, by way of nueva españa in trading fleets, and by way of india in the ships that sail from lisboa, it would be more expedient--notwithstanding that it is said that the infantry that come by way of nueva españa desert at their arrival there; for with good judgment and care that difficulty would be remedied. will your majesty decide what is most advisable. sixthly, that the fiscal of this audiencia fills the office of protector of the indian natives, and of the chinese sangleys who come from china to this country, for their advantage and trade, by virtue of a decree issued by your majesty. your majesty assigns him no salary, for it seems to be your intention to have him attend to that duty with his salary as fiscal. the governors here, in order to control the fiscals, so that the latter may not oppose the things that the former wish when these are in violation of your majesty's service, assign them an annual salary of eight hundred pesos at the cost of the chinese sangleys. for that purpose a communal fund has been established, and each chinese is obliged to deposit, i believe, two reals apiece annually in that fund, and from that fund is assigned the salary of the fiscal as protector. as the chinese are so numerous, the sum amounts to considerable, although it it not all paid to the fiscal. in the collection and method used, considerable annoyances are experienced. besides, there is no authority to levy that money, for your majesty has not assigned it, nor is the governor able to do it, although he give your majesty a pretext for it. the worst thing is that that sum has never served, nor does it serve, other purpose than to flay the sangleys, for besides that it seems incompatible for one to be a protector on the one hand, and one who seeks to act as prosecutor on the other, it seems that the true protector is the good judge, the audiencia [or] the good governor. but as with the protector they never escape from spending their money, but rather, i think, spend more, and the most who have suits, waste their poor resources on the procurators and lawyers, it seems to be a matter worthy of reform, and that the sangleys either should have no protector who is not a protection to them, but a trouble (or at least for most of them), or that your majesty order that he perform the duties of the office with his salary as fiscal; for i certify that many offenses to god will cease. and since they claim that it is not an office of honor, there is a mystery therein, especially since i, having charged against don juan de alvarado that he was taking that salary without orders from your majesty, the succeeding fiscal knowing that, and don juan de silva having revoked that communal tax, the preceding fiscal has agreed with the present governor that the communal tax on the chinese be again established, and that the salary be assigned from it. that is a very flimsy pretext, so that the fiscals may not perform their duties faithfully against the governor. will your majesty order what shall be most suitable for this particular, and for whatever else is mentioned herein. lastly, i have made known by other letters to your majesty that from my arrival in this country, although i keep about, i have ever been ill and a sufferer from sickness, besides which i have had several dangerous illnesses in bed, so that i cannot serve your majesty here as i desire. i trust, god willing, that i shall have better and better occasions to serve your majesty in another place, for which reason i petition your majesty to be pleased not to consider my slight services, but only my good desires by promoting me to the occupation of greater favors and honors, and especially to satisfy me for the insults that the governor has cast on me in your majesty's service, and for the many dangers through which i have passed in my endeavors to have your majesty served and obeyed loyally and as is fitting. as to what pertains to the seizure above mentioned of the great quantity of property that the governor is said to possess in mexico, i must warn you that, in addition to what was said, the report originated publicly, in the beginning, in this city that the governor was to go in a ship that he was intending to despatch by way of the cape of buena esperanza, with a quantity of cloves which he was expecting from terrenate. that was founded on what they say about his knowledge of how serious are the things that he has done, and that, fearful of punishment from your majesty, he did not intend to await it; and also because this year he has sent whatever he could to nueva españa in the ships that sailed, lessening even his number of horses, as is said; and [it was rumored] that he was about to go by way of the cape of buena esperanza with the cloves that he was awaiting from terrenate. but inasmuch as the cloves from terrenate did not come, it is now said that he is not sending the ship, and that he must have taken new counsel. consequently although the flagship of the two ships that were going to nueva españa was wrecked, still in the advice-ship that he despatched later the governor sent a huge quantity of goods. he sent in the almiranta which got away safely and took the lead, a person to look after and care for everything, namely, don fernando falcon, whom he made captain of infantry, and to whom he gave great profits for that purpose. it is said that he had orders to look after everything, and to ship as much as possible to castilla; as also, because he must fear that it will be possible, on account of his great offenses, for your majesty to be informed of the great wealth that he has sent and his conscience will accuse him. will your majesty order those goods to be sequestered--as is said here, all that [he has], without taking account of the one hundred and thirty or so boxes, which, as is notorious in this city, he lost in the flagship. this is added new to the letter that i sent in the ships of nueva españa, of which this letter is a copy, and which i am sending by way of yndia. will your majesty provide, etc. _licentiate don alvaro messa y lugo_ sire: the letters that will accompany this letter are duplicates of last year, both of what i wrote via mexico and via yndia; and although at that time i wrote as i did in them many more and better things can be said now. for besides the fact that lawless acts are so prevalent, they are increasing with the presence of their master, who, to be explicit, is the governor. it is advisable for the honor and respect of your majesty, to put a stop to as much as possible. for that reason, i shall merely touch upon the following particulars of what is new, with all possible brevity; for in order to satisfy your majesty some things are requisite. hence, sire: 1. first, after fifteen months of imprisonment and retreat, while i was very heedless, and distrustful that the governor would take such action (although very confident in the mercy of god), the governor sent an order to me at st. dominic to come out and assume my duties. although i hesitated considerably about going out on account of the great peril in which i was placing myself, the force of your majesty's service drew me out, a fortnight or thereabout before the arrival of the ships from acapulco. i was encouraged considerably by the religious who assured me that the whole town was clamoring for me to go out, except certain persons who hate justice. consequently i persuaded myself that i would be doing your majesty a service, and for that i did not think that i was doing much in endangering myself, since i shall do my duty in losing my life. it seems miraculous, and there are few who understand how the governor came to do this, for, although it is true that he fell out with licentiate legaspi, on finding that the latter while enjoying so great friendship with him, had written against him; and because of the great friendship between licentiate legaspi and licentiate juan de baiderrama the governor's displeasure was also extended toward the said licentiate baiderrama: still they maintained friendly relations, although the governor ceased to extend to him the accommodations and profits of former times. although it is reported that the governor made numerous investigations, i have not heard from one who knew the whole truth that he did it with violence, but with great mildness, giving the witness liberty to make his deposition. on the contrary i have always understood, sire, that he made no further investigations, nor has he wished to do so; and i even believe that it was done for reasons of state, in order not to irritate licentiate legaspi too much, in case that the latter should take part in his residencia, for the governor must consider him as a revengeful and hot-headed person. but licentiate legaspi, fearing that the governor intended to arrest him, withdrew into the [convent of] the society of jesus. it is said that on that account he allowed me to come out. all persons of good judgment are not sorry for it, especially since they know the inclination of the governor, who, it is feared, would not lose much pleasure if all the world were destroyed--although in his falling out with licentiate legaspi, a matter that began some four or five months ago, it is understood that that has aided considerably in his having repented of my imprisonment and the affronts that he put upon me; for it is understood that his chief counselor and instigator was the said licentiate legaspi under pretext of desiring, and advising him of, his welfare, as to an associate in the matter of his duty. for that reason he did not wish me to be present, as i would be a considerable hindrance, as i write your majesty in the duplicates. the same is said of don juan de balderrama, although it is also understood that he did it with moderation; for all does not seem sufficient for the governor's relenting toward me. consequently i consider it more correct to ascribe everything to the great goodness of the lord, who well knows how to plan all things. what i can say, sire, is that notwithstanding all the above, i do not believe the governor's intention a sincere one, because of what is known concerning him. i have never seen him do anything, although a good act, that did not have a private aim. consequently i think that if he took me from prison it was for his own end. the same is true of the investigations concerning, and his falling out with, licentiate legaspi, notwithstanding that he says he is zealous for your majesty's service in it, and although it is true that the deeds of licentiate legaspi are many and very serious. 2. secondly, that although the governor, while i was in the audiencia, tried to deprive the audiencia of all authority, and the auditors gave him considerable opportunity for it (with the exception of me only, and as such he expelled me), however, during the time of my absence, he has gained such foothold and influence over everything, that scarcely has one liberty to live in the audiencia. this is especially so in regard to myself; for although i desire and try to secure your majesty's service, i cannot feign or dissimulate in the things in which i am unable to secure your service, although i try to flee any occasion of dispute with him, with extraordinary endeavor. consequently, for my part, sire, i declare that in many offenses that concern him, the punishment is deferred, with great regret, until your majesty send a remedy; besides, there are many other criminals whom he has sent from here, so that they should not harm him. 3. the third, which is of the manner of the above, namely, that it is said that one gregorio de vidaña, whom the governor despatched to yndia during that time on his private business at the expense of your majesty's authority--for, in violation of your royal will and your royal decrees that prohibit the sale of offices, the governor gave vidaña an appointment as regidor gratuitously, in order that the cabildo might appoint him as procurator (for which he schemed) and that they give him a considerable number of ducados--obtained or stole in yndia certain letters written to your majesty by the audiencia and despatched via yndia in the time of don antonio rodriguez, which were the duplicates of others written via nueva españa. he directed them to this city, together with other letters written by the inhabitants and religious. the governor opened and read them, with so little fear and respect that one of his adherents went about the streets publicly reading to private persons the letters that the audiencia wrote to your majesty. consequently he has taken occasion to write to your majesty with tricks and cunning, as is said. 4. the fourth is that, in consequence of this and other things, occasion was given for it to be said very openly, this year, that he opened the packets from your majesty, which were handed to him first, and extracted whatever he wanted, if they contained anything that answered his purpose; and then resealed them and ordered the person who bore them (and whom he sent for them) to return very secretly as he had entered, and to enter a second time publicly with the packets damp, so that it could not be seen that they had been opened. in this too was involved your majesty's new seal which they said would be found in one of the packets, but it does not appear. therefore they charge the governor with concealing it; and all that is without the aid of authority to make investigation. 5. the fifth is that your majesty orders by a decree that came to the audiencia this year that the vessels that sail hence to acapulco be not despatched late. the fact of the matter in this is, sire, that the audiencia is powerless to remedy that, beyond the repeated telling of it to the governor. if they should do more, besides not being obeyed by a single man, at the least little thing, the governor would seize the auditor who said it and clap him into prison; and, as he is the sole and absolute ruler, he is, notwithstanding what has been said to him this year, despatching the vessels when he wishes, and answers that he is attending to it very well and is doing his duty. it is said that, this year as in others, he has made a great cargo by the schemes and methods mentioned in the duplicates. others say that he has done it, because it is common talk that news came to him that in acapulco a small casket of gold in bars, and jewels and pearls, had been confiscated from him as contraband goods, although the officials did not know the owner of it; and that one don fernando falcon, who took under his charge a considerable amount of the governor's property last year, went to piru from acapulco with most of it, and the governor is obliged to claim compensation. because of awaiting ships from macan to make chests, the ships are not yet despatched, and it is the thirtieth of july; nor does anyone imagine that they will leave the islands even by the fifteenth of august. that, the governor says, is because of the enemy. thus and with other schemes, although certain new pretenses are alleged, and with absolute power, does the governor act just as he pleases. it is impossible to remedy matters unless the governor be a man who fears god and your majesty; for if he wishes to send depositions that the sun gives no light, as one might say, [he can do it]. what occurs to me, sire, is that, since it is sufficient for the good sailing of the ships that they sail by the middle of july, if unable to sail before, your majesty should set a time-limit by ordering that they sail between the middle of june and the middle of july, if they cannot sail before; and that they shall not sail after that. in that way, since it will be known that they have to sail, all those interested in the cargo, even though it be the most influential persons, the governors, will have their despatches ready. but they will not do it in any other way, for although your majesty says that they shall not sail late, the governors do what they wish in this matter. will your majesty be pleased to order your pleasure. 6. the sixth is that your majesty orders the audiencia to send a relation of what occurred in certain crimes at santa potenciana. since the audiencia writes it through its president, namely, the governor, scarcely could he refrain from telling the truth in order not to lie. consequently i think it advisable to answer that in this letter. what passes, sire, and it is the truth, is that the seminary called santa potenciana is a house of retreat, not for religion but for single or married women, and almost without retirement, as it has relaxed considerably. for that reason it is a cause for wonder that there are men who some years are willing to leave their wives there during their absence. consequently, the majority of women there are mestizas. it happened perchance that lucas de vergara gaviria left his wife there when he went to terrenate as governor, as did another who went later, namely, sargento-mayor antonio carreño de baldes. it was said (and not covertly, but quite openly) that the governor solicited the wife of lucas de bergara, but that he was angered at her purity and virtue. also it was said that the same thing occurred with the wife of carreño de baldes, although she is not considered a person of so great virtue as the other woman. and this being so, they say that licentiate hieronimo de legaspi, while i was on that occasion in bed indisposed, proceeded against one juan de mohedano, because it was said that he had entered santa potenciana to hold carnal communication with a married woman. upon my recovery, and when i went to the audiencia, i found that juan de mohedano was presenting a petition challenging their jurisdiction by saying that he was a soldier. when i learned the cause, i wondered, for the woman was married and one of the chief women here, namely, the wife of the said antonio carreño de baldes, who was in terrenate. i resolved to investigate the matter, as it was only verbal, so that it might not become public. the audiencia had made a judicial writ and secret information and merits, by a secret and outside method, without arresting mohedano in order to exile and punish him, so that it might not be known; for by any other way it would have been contrary to law, and would have meant the irreparable loss and deprivation of the honor of an influential woman and to the blamelessness of her husband if perchance she has secretly committed certain acts of imprudence, or written papers, or made pretensions, and i do not know whether such were more than indications. at that juncture the governor took up the matter, by whom it is said mohedano was persuaded to challenge the jurisdiction [of the audiencia], by promises to free him; he did it, as was seen, thus deceiving him in order to avenge himself, as it is said, as soon as he had the woman with him. thus the governor came to the session, and, with his usual heat, caused the case to be remitted to him without greater justification, as he was the captain-general. licentiate legaspi and licentiate alcazar did it through compulsion, but i, sire, for the reason above stated, did not agree to it, and so voted in the meeting. being then, sire, the leader in the cause against mohedano and that wretched woman, he proceeded therein, as well as in another that he began against one don fernando becerra for the same thing. this he did with an alcalde-in-ordinary, or with don hieronimo de silva, or with both, going and coming to and from santa potenciana with soldiers and the torture-rack, besides indulging in other demonstrations, as they affirm, that scandalized the city--where, as this city is but small, everything was instantly divulged. and as evil men are not wanting, there was one who gave notice of a certain slander against general don juan de la vega, son of doctor juan manuel de la vega, ex-auditor of this audiencia. there was a certain report of meetings with the wife of lucas de vergara, auditor of terrenate. since the governor was also angered by her said purity and virtue, which truly are great, it is said that he considered it a good opportunity for vengeance. he himself, seeing the door opened by licentiate legaspi in the case of the other woman, conducted the cause. in the case of mohedano and don fernando bezerra, there was dispute; while that of don juan de la vega came on appeal to the audiencia. since this is so small a place, and was so scandalized, and these households were ruined (for the matter was all immediately made known publicly), the audiencia thought, since only the husband can take action in an adultery suit, and since all that had been done was illegal, because the women were immediately published, together with the investigations and intent [_yntencion_], that also in consequence of that, and the lack of proof, and because of other considerations, it would be advisable, besides doing justice in what came to their hand, to repair the honor of those influential men and women. consequently the audiencia acquitted juan de la vega, whereat the whole city rejoiced, for all were persuaded that such accusations were lies. however, as this matter is so serious, when the husbands learned of it upon their arrival, they refused to live with their wives or to enter an adultery suit, for the adultery could not be proved. consequently, even with such an effort by the audiencia, those families are ruined; although it is quite true that, if the governor had executed the sentence, it is regarded as certain that they would have killed their wives. this is the truth, sire, and it could not be written in the audiencia's letter. if other things have been written to your majesty by the governor, they must be a part of his schemes to bleed himself safely, under pretext of your majesty's service, as all see that he is doing. the residencia of licentiate don juan de saavedra for the period of his fiscalship, which your majesty orders me to take, has come to my hands. i am resolved to take it on the departure of the ships, for this residencia does not have the troubles of that of don juan de silva and of don hieronimo de silva, as these duplicates of the letters of the past year which i wrote your majesty and which will be in these letters that i am writing [will relate]. in those residencias i shall make, as i say in the duplicates, efforts to take them, proceeding throughout as in duty bound, looking to the greater service of god and that of your majesty. thefts committed by the soldiers because they are not paid, and many other calamities of the country, i shall not relate because of what i have promised, and as that would be impossible. and also because that aids in putting an end to sorrow and just resentment, will your majesty give what orders you please in everything. i petition your majesty for god's sake to please give me satisfaction for the insults and injuries that i have received from the governor for your majesty's service, and also to withdraw me from this country, honoring me and showing me favor, for i have no strength to serve your majesty here. may god preserve the catholic person of your majesty. manila, july 30, 1622. _licentiate don alvaro messa y lugo_ sire: the archbishop of these islands presented a petition in this royal audiencia, in which he requested that depositions be accepted for him, by order and officially, in which he claims that your majesty conceded to him an increase of his salary of three thousand castilian ducados per year, in order that he may be able to support himself for the reasons that he alleges. having officially received the depositions, what seems to have resulted from it, in brief, is that if the archbishop would regulate himself in the ostentation and authority that he exercises in imitation of others, his predecessors, he could live on his salary of three thousand ducados. nevertheless they [_i.e._, those making depositions] consider the said ostentation and authority as suitable to what is due the archiepiscopal dignity; and that, in order to sustain that dignity that he exercises and enjoys, an increase of his salary will be necessary, because the prices of articles for the sustenance of human life have increased, as appears by the said deposition, which, if your majesty please, you will order to be examined. on considering the above and other reasons of your majesty's service, this audiencia believes that, if your majesty wish, you may avoid the increase of the said salary. may god preserve the catholic person of your majesty. august 14, 622. _licentiate don alvaro messa y lugo_ _licentiate don juan de saavedra valderrama_ [_endorsed_: "the audiencia of manila in regard to the pretensions of the archbishop of that island."] for the same reasons that move the audiencia to present information that it will be just to increase the salary of the prebendaries of this church, the governor thinks it proper to increase that of the archbishop to the sum that your majesty may be pleased; and not in the last place, since his obligations are in the first place. _don alonso fajardo de tença_ letters from the archbishop of manila to the king sire: in compliance with what your majesty ordered in your royal decree of may eighteen, 619, countersigned by your secretary, juan ruiz de contreras, i shall inform your majesty in this letter [40] of the matters pertaining to the ecclesiastical government of this archbishopric, that are mentioned in the said royal decree, and i shall answer and satisfy each section in the same order as set forth therein. _possession of the archbishopric and residence therein_. [41] i took possession, sire, of this archbishopric, july 23, 620, and i have always resided therein without having absented myself therefrom. _visitation of the ecclesiastical cabildo, clergy of manila, and province of pampanga_. from the said day on which i took possession of this archbishopric, i have busied myself in this city of manila, its metropolis, visiting my cabildo, clergy, hospitals, and confraternities, and bestowing confirmation and attending to other duties in my charge, until april 20, 621, when i set out to visit the province of pampanga. in that and in administering the sacrament of confirmation, i was busied somewhat more than one month. then i returned to manila, where i have resided until now, without having gone to visit the rest of my diocese, because of nine dutch vessels that were in the mouth of the bay, and because of other events which have hindered me. i shall do so, god willing, as soon as the vessels about to go to nueva españa have set sail. thanks to god, the inspection of my cabildo resulted in not finding any offense for which charges ought to be brought against any prebend; nor against the other clergy of this city was anything proved that merited punishment, except that three or four had gambled with some publicity, for which they were punished. some cases of open concubinage of lay persons have caused and are causing remark in this city; and as this city is so small, they cannot be very well hidden. in order that such might be avoided, i have made and am making all the efforts possible. _parochial church of manila and number of souls under its direction_. inside the walls of manila there is only one spanish parochial church, namely, the cathedral. hitherto it has had but one curate; and inasmuch as i found the curacy vacant, and thought it advisable for the better administration of the parishioners, i discussed with the governor the matter of having two. he agreed to it, and consequently a proclamation was published and the appointments given by competition to two virtuous and learned clerics, who today serve in the said curacy. in that parochial church are directed in confession two thousand four hundred spaniards, both men and women, among whom are to be counted a few mestizos. one thousand are male inhabitants and transients, eight hundred and sixteen regular soldiers, and five hundred and eighty-four women. in the above number neither the religious, priests, nor children, are included. _curacy of indians and slaves inside manila_. there is also one curate who has charge of the indian natives of this city and the slaves and freedmen living within the city. he ministers to about one thousand six hundred and forty indians who make confession; and one thousand nine hundred and seventy slaves, among whom are some few freedmen. although that seems considerable for only one curate, he can comfortably take care of them, for the majority of them confess in the convents of st. augustine, st. francis, st. dominic, the augustinian recollects, and the college of the society of jesus of this city. the said indians are ministered to, although with much inconvenience, in a chapel of the royal spanish hospital, and are buried in the church or cemetery of the cathedral. if your majesty so wish, they can have a church of their own, and the expenses therefor can be secured from the royal treasury, as is done in the villages outside manila, where tribute is collected, since they and the freedmen pay it to your majesty. _parochial church of santiago, a suburb of manila, and the souls cared for therein_. in the village of bagumbaya, which is a suburb of this city, is the parochial church of santiago, in charge of a beneficed secular priest. there one hundred and fifty spaniards (one hundred and twenty of whom are men), besides another hundred and fifty mestizos and freedmen, and four hundred indians and slaves are ministered to. _parochial church of the port of cavite and the souls directed therein_. in the port of cavite, three leguas from manila, there is a parochial church in charge of a beneficed secular priest. in it four hundred and thirty spaniards are cared for; fifty of these are soldiers of the fort, fifty women, and all the others sailors, some of whom are mestizos. the said beneficed priest also ministers to two thousand four hundred indians and some slaves and people of various nations, who number about four hundred. the religious of st. francis, st. dominic, the society of jesus, and the augustinian recollects, who own convents in the said port, assist him. _benefices, and mission villages of indian natives in the diocese of the archbishopric of manila both in charge of the secular priests and of religious; and the number of souls cared for in the archbishopric_. the missions of the indian natives of all this archbishopric are in charge of secular priests and of religious of st. augustine, st. francis, st. dominic, the society of jesus, and augustinian recollects. those of the secular priests are divided into twelve benefices, among which are the three above-mentioned, namely, manila, bagumbaya, and cavite. altogether, twenty thousand souls of the said natives are ministered to. _order of st. augustine_. the order of st. augustine has thirty-two convents, all of which contain together fifty-six priests, who minister to ninety thousand souls. _order of st. francis_. the order of st. francis has thirty-eight convents of _guardianías_ [42] and presidencies, in which are forty-seven priests, who all together minister to forty-eight thousand four hundred souls. [_order of st. dominic_.] the order of st. dominic has three convents. they minister to three thousand souls and have five religious. the rest of their religious are stationed in the bishopric of nueva segovia. in the province of pangasinan, the order of st. dominic has ten convents, with sixteen priests, who minister to twenty-five thousand souls. [43] _the society of jesus_. the society of jesus has three residences, with eight priests, who minister to ten thousand six hundred souls. _augustinian recollects_. the religious of the augustinian recollects have three convents with six priests, who minister to eight thousand souls. consequently the number of souls of the natives alone, who are cared for in the territory of this archbishopric of manila, amounts to two hundred and one thousand six hundred. [44] _method of administration and direction of the villages and missions_. the benefices of secular priests, and the convents and residences of religious, above mentioned, are directed and instructed as follows. some have only one village; while for others--the most common--besides the capital or principal village, there are two, three, four, or five small villages, and in some even more, all of which attend the church of the capital, when they are near it and in a place suitable for that--which is generally the case, as the distance is short, and can be traversed by waterways of lakes and rivers. but when the distance is great, in the said villages (or in some of them) there are churches where the priests go to celebrate mass, on holy days and other days, from the capitals when there are two or more priests; and they teach and administer the sacraments. but when there is only one priest, as in the benefices of the seculars and some of the orders, he says one mass in his capital, and another in another village or visita of his district where all or almost all of the people of it are gathered. in some districts, inasmuch as the distance is considerable, the minister lives two or three months in one village of his district and two or three in another, and in this way goes the round of his benefice. the orders have their distinct districts assigned in provinces, and thus by their contiguity those of each order are a mutual aid among themselves. although it is impossible to deny that the natives would be better instructed and would live in more orderly ways if the small villages were to be reduced to the capital, making one or two settlements of each benefice, they consider it such an affliction to leave their little houses where they were born and have been reared, their fields, and their other comforts of life, that it could only be attained with difficulty, and little fruit would result therefrom. thus has the experience of assembling the people into communities in nueva españa proved, and so has what little of it has been attempted here. however, in the visit that i shall make in this archbishopric, i shall try to reduce them to as few settlements as possible. inasmuch as i deem it greater prolixity than is advisable for what your majesty desires to know about the missions of the indians, if i set down the name and number of their settlements, i have refrained from doing so. _sangley missions of the diocese of the archbishopric of manila, and the number of souls directed in them_. besides the said missions to the natives, the order of st. dominic has in the town of binondo, which is near manila on the other side of the river, christian sangleys, most of whom are married to indian women of this island, while others are married with women of other nations. at present they number five hundred sangley mestizo inhabitants, who are cared for in their own language in the convent of the above-mentioned order in the said town. besides the said sangleys of binondo--who cannot return to their own country, because they are married, and have no cues, and have become residents here--some have been baptized these last four years who have retained their long cues, without binding them not to return to their own country. some of these are ministered to in a church in charge of the order of st. dominic, near the parián; and others in two other churches almost in the suburbs of manila, and in one other somewhat farther away--all three of which are in charge of the order of st. francis, and number about one thousand sangleys, who are directed in their own language. _japanese missions, and the number of souls ministered to therein_. in the parochial church of santiago, and in the villages of dilao and san miguel, which are suburbs of manila, and in the part of cavite, most of the japanese in these islands are instructed. some of them are married, and although, because they are a people who go to and fro to their own country, they have no fixed number, at present there are more than fifteen hundred christians. and now, sire, i have given your majesty a report of the souls ministered to in the territory of this archbishopric, as exactly, accurately, and clearly as i have been able. inasmuch as your majesty will be pleased to have me report likewise on the three bishoprics of these islands that are suffragan to this archbishopric of manila, although that report be summary, a brief relation of it is here appended, which has been abstracted from the reports given to me by the provincials of the orders and other persons. _benefices and missions of the bishopric of zibu, and the number of souls ministered to_. in the bishopric of santisimo nombre de jesus in the city of zebu--the residence of the bishop--there is one spanish parochial church, namely, the cathedral, whose benefice is served by one secular priest. he ministers to one hundred spaniards (fifty of whom are soldiers, and twenty are women), and to two hundred and fifty malucans, ambuenos, and those of other nations. in the same city of zebu is one other benefice, also served by a secular priest, where one thousand six hundred souls, counting indian inhabitants, wandering indians, and sangleys, are directed. they are attended to by the convent of st. augustine, and the residence [_colegio_] of the society of jesus in that city. in the city of arebalo, which is situated in the province of oton, and which belongs to the same bishopric, is a parochial church for spaniards, who, counting the women, number about one hundred. in the island of caraga are fifty spanish soldiers, to whom, together with four hundred indian natives, one secular priest ministers. besides the said benefices of zebu, villa de arebalo, and the island of caraga, that bishopric has twelve secular benefices which minister to fifteen thousand four hundred souls. the order of st. augustine minister to forty-eight thousand souls of the indian natives in the fifteen convents with their visitas that they maintain in that bishopric. the society of jesus minister to fifty-four thousand souls in their residences. they give the name of residence to the college or chief place to which the fathers of that district, who have other houses and churches of their own where they live, are subject. thus the souls of the indian natives ministered to in the bishopric of zebu total one hundred and nineteen thousand six hundred and fifty, including the few malucans, ambuenos, and those of other nations, as above stated. _missions of the bishopric of cagayan, and the number of souls cared for therein_. the bishopric of cagayan, whose capital is the city of nueva segovia, has twenty spanish inhabitants and fifty soldiers in the said city. there is not a single secular benefice in all that bishopric, and it is administered by the orders of st. augustine and st. dominic. the order of st. augustine has fifteen convents, in which fifty-eight thousand souls of indian natives are cared for. the souls of the natives ministered to in the said bishopric of cagayan amount to one hundred and twenty-eight thousand. _benefices and missions of the bishopric of camarines, and the number of souls instructed therein_. in the bishopric of camarines, whose seat is in the city of caceres, there are at present only twelve or fifteen spanish inhabitants, the alcalde-mayor, some few soldiers whom he takes with him, and the collectors of tribute for that province, all of whom do not number fifty men. they are ministered to in the cathedral by one secular priest, who has in charge two small villages near by, where live two hundred souls of the natives. that bishopric has five secular benefices, where eight thousand four hundred souls of natives are ministered to. the order of st. francis owns twenty-four convents with guardianías and presidencies, and ministers to forty-five thousand souls. the society of jesus has one residence, where they minister to three thousand two hundred souls. hence the souls of the natives cared for in the said bishopric of camarines amount to fifty-six thousand eight hundred. _the number of souls of indian natives ministered to in the filipinas islands_. according to the evidence of this relation, the souls of indian natives ministered to in this archbishopric and in its suffragans, the three above-mentioned bishoprics, amount to five hundred and six thousand. [45] _the need of ministers, which explains why many souls of indian natives remain to be converted to our holy religion_. the number would be far greater, sire, were there more ministers. through lack of them a considerable number of those already pacified and who pay tribute remain to be converted. there are some of these even among the indians who are christians, especially in the bishoprics of zibu and cagayan; while even in the bishopric of camarines there are some pagans, but not so many, and those of this archbishopric of manila are still fewer. consequently it will be very advisable that religious of the said orders come to these islands, so that they may attend to this instruction and conversion, for all the islands are in pressing need of them. _the arduous work of the ministers in the conversion of the indians_. one would not believe how arduously the ministers to the indians in these islands work, and how they should be esteemed; for not only do they attend to their baptisms, confessions, communions, marriages, and burials, but also--and this is of far greater labor, work, and occupation--to the daily instruction of all in the church (even though they be the children and grandchildren of christians) in the prayers and whatever is necessary so that they may know and understand our holy faith, in order that the holy sacraments may be administered to them. _hospitals_ _royal hospital of manila, where spaniards are treated_. there is, sire, within the city of manila, the royal spanish hospital, where all the ailments of only the spanish men are treated. it is maintained from your majesty's royal treasury, the medicines, delicacies, wine, and some other things being brought from nueva españa, while the rest are bought here. there are generally from seventy to one hundred sick men, most of them soldiers of this camp. as the needs of the royal treasury have been so great these years, the sick have so little comfort that for lack of it many of them die. the hospital is in charge of a steward appointed by the governor, and has its physician, surgeon, apothecary, barber, and other paid helpers. the order of st. francis administer the sacraments to the sick. one or two priests of that order live in the hospital, and two others, lay brethren, act as nurses. it would seem advisable that that hospital and the others be placed under the charge of the brothers of st. john of god (who have the care of hospitals as an object of their profession), if a sufficient number of them came from españa. _hospital of la misericordia, where slaves and spanish women are treated_. in another hospital, called that of la misericordia, [46] also inside the walls of manila, sick slaves are treated for all ailments--both men and women, in separate quarters. there are generally from eighty to one hundred sick persons in it. it has one separate room where poor spanish women are treated, which generally has from twelve to twenty women. that hospital is in charge of the confraternity of la misericordia ["mercy"], which bears all the expenses and keeps the hospital very well supplied with medicine and delicacies. it is administered by religious of st. francis. _hospital of the natives_. five hundred paces from the wall of manila stands the hospital of the native indians, where only indian men and women are treated (in distinct rooms), for all ailments. it has generally from about one hundred to one hundred and fifty sick. five hundred ducados are given to it annually from the royal treasury by the order of your majesty, besides one thousand five hundred fanegas of uncleaned rice, one thousand five hundred fowls, and two hundred blankets [_mantas_] from ylocos, while the medicines brought from nueva españa are shared with them. with the above and four toneladas of the cargo which are given in the ships that ply to and from nueva españa (which are sold), some income that it possesses from the rent of certain lands, and a farm for large stock, there is enough for the treatment and care of the sick. however, at present the hospital is short, because the toneladas of the cargo have been worthless during these last years; and because of the needs of the royal treasury the five hundred ducados have been owing for more than three consecutive years. the hospital is in charge of a steward appointed by the governor, and is administered by the order of st. francis. _hospital of the sangleys_. in the town of binondo, which lies near manila on the other side of the river, is the hospital of san gabriel, where the sangleys, both christian and pagan, are treated. although the sick who go thither are very few when compared with the so great number of that nation in these islands, since the sick generally do not exceed thirty in number--and perhaps quite naturally, for since they have no hospitals in their country, they shun and despise them--yet very great results are obtained there; for very few or none at all die without the water of baptism, while of those cured the most become converts, thanks to the preparation of the usual and familiar conversation and intercourse that they hold with the religious of the order of st. dominic, who minister to the said hospital, and endeavor most earnestly to convert them. that hospital is sufficiently maintained by the money collected from the tolls of the sangleys themselves, who pass from one district to the other opposite the parián, [47] and with some income that it possesses. although the said tolls are collected from the indian natives of these islands, it would be just to allow the latter to pass freely, as do the spanish, slaves, freedmen, and those of other nations; for the natives ought not to be, in this matter, placed on a worse footing [than the others], especially since the money so obtained from them is only converted to the benefit of the sangleys who are treated in the said hospital. _hospital of los vaños_ [_i.e._, "the baths"]. on the shore of the laguna de bay, twelve miles up stream from manila, stands a hospital called los vaños. it was established there a few years ago, as it was found by trial that the hot water that bubbles up from certain springs was good for those having humors, buboes, and colds. hence many spaniards, natives, and those of other nations, both men and women (who have separate quarters), are treated in that hospital, for the said ailments. most of what is expended there is derived from the royal treasury and royal magazines, but because of the scarcity of funds in these times it is not as well looked after now as it was some years ago. consequently, it is in debt and suffers great need. the steward who has charge of it is appointed by the governor, and religious of the order of st. francis conduct it. _confraternities of manila_ the confraternities, sire, in this city of manila are as follows: _of the most holy sacrament_ [_santisimo sacramento_]. the confraternity of the most holy sacrament, in the cathedral; with only thirty pesos income, which, with the alms procured by the brethren and others, is spent for wax. _of the souls_ [_las animas_]. that of the souls in purgatory, in the same cathedral. it has an income of one hundred and ten pesos. with this and the alms that are collected, they furnish the solemn mass and its responses monday of each week, and perform other suffrages and anniversary masses. _of the most holy name of jesus_ [_santisimo nombre de jesus_]; _the nazarenes_ [_los nazarinos_]; _and the solitude_ [_la soledad_]. the confraternities of the most holy name of jesus, of the nazarenes, and of the solitude of our lady, are established in the convents of st. augustine, the recollects, and st. dominic. they have no incomes, except alms that the brethren gather. that is spent in wax and ornaments by the said convents, each convent buying one day every week during lent the wax for the sermons that are preached, and the floats of the passion that are carried in the processions of the discipline during holy week, in which the brethren and others take part. _of the rosary_ [_el rosario_]. the confraternity of the rosary of our lady, which was founded in the convent of st. dominic, has some income bequeathed it by pious persons, from which, together with the alms gathered by the brethren, four or six orphan girls are married yearly, to each of whom three hundred pesos are given as a dowry. _brotherhood of the confraternity of la misericordia_ ["mercy"]. in the year five hundred and ninety-three, the confraternity of la misericordia was started in this city. it has continued to increase daily to greater estate, until now it is of the utmost importance in the city, because of the many needs that it succors and relieves, and the charitable works that it undertakes. it was founded with the same rules and for the same end as that of the city of lisboa, and others that were begun in imitation of the latter in portuguese india--whence it must have been introduced here on account of its nearness to, and communication with, these islands. it has two hundred brethren, and every year twelve of these are chosen, who are called "brethren of the bureau of accounts." they, together with one brother, who is their chief, have charge of the government of the said confraternity. they beg alms two days of every week and collect whatever they get from this source and from the bequests left by most of the dying. they spend annually on the average more than twelve thousand pesos, which includes three thousand six hundred of income that they now possess, that was bequeathed them by certain persons. that sum they use for the general support and relief of self-respecting poor men and women who live uprightly; on the poor of the prison, whose suits they urge; on helping many of the girls sheltered in the seminary of santa potenciana; on the support of certain collegiates who study in the convent of santo thomas of the order of st. dominic, and in that of san joseph of the society of jesus; in marrying girls and orphans; on the support of the hospital built by them where slaves are treated, and which i mentioned above; on the alms for masses, and for other similar purposes. many of the dying appoint the brethren of the bureau of accounts as their executors, and they carry out the terms of the wills with great strictness. they attend to the burial of the poor, and of the bones of those who are hanged, which duty they see to once each year. _colleges of students_ _college of the society of jesus, called san joseph_. there are two colleges for students. one was founded by captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, and is named san joseph. it is in charge of the society of jesus, and the collegiates go to attend lectures at the residence [_colegio_] of the same society (which is close by) in grammar, philosophy, and ecclesiastical and moral theology. at present it has twenty collegiates who wear the _beca_. [48] some of them pay their tuition, but others are aided by the confraternity of la misericordia; for the income of the founder falls somewhat short now of sustaining the college, because of expenses in erecting the buildings of the said college. _college of santo thomas, which is in charge of the order of st. dominic._ the college is called santo thomas de aquino. it is in charge of the order of st. dominic, and is very near their convent. for two years it has had collegiates. it was founded by the alms of deceased persons and by other contributions from the living, which the fathers have procured and collected. it has some income and is continuing to increase. at present it also has twenty collegiates who wear the beca, some of whom also pay their tuition, and others are supported by the confraternity of la misericordia and certain persons. they take lectures in grammar, philosophy, and theology in the same college, where they have a rector and masters belonging to the order of st. dominic. these two colleges aggrandize the city greatly and the sons of the inhabitants of these islands are being reared in them in culture, virtue, and learning. it will be of the utmost importance to the city's progress for your majesty to honor them by granting them authority to give degrees in the branches that they teach. _seminary of santa potenciana._ many years ago the seminary of santa potenciana was founded in this city at your majesty's command, in order to maintain in it poor girls, both spaniards and mestizas, who being reared there in a safe retreat and under good teaching might leave it virtuous, and as such be sought as wives. it has been supported hitherto by an income of one thousand pesos that it possesses, and with eight hundred pesos which is about the value of an encomienda granted it by your majesty, besides three toneladas of the cargo given it annually by allotment in the ships despatched hence to nueva españa, and certain alms bequeathed to it by certain dying persons. for some few years past the seminary has been greatly in debt, both because of increasing the number of their girls, and because the toneladas of the cargo have had no value, and on account of the greatly increased cost of living; and it is suffering so great need that it has not enough for the ordinary maintenance of the fifty girls who are there at present, some of whom are aided by the confraternity of la misericordia. it will be advisable, since the work is so consecrated to the service of god and so suitable to that of your majesty, whose royal person is patron of that seminary, for you to order the governor to aid it from the royal treasury, or--and this would be more secure--apportion to it more indians, so that a work so holy and necessary in this community may continue to advance, since it is served by slave women and has never been served by spanish women. it is certain that if this retreat, from which the girls go out married, were to fail, they would perish and be lost. _how the indians are treated by the curates and ministers._ the indians, sire, of this archbishopric are generally treated with mildness, love, and zeal for their salvation, by the priests and ministers who instruct them. whenever the contrary is heard from anyone, he is corrected, admonished, and punished--by myself if he is a secular. if he is a religious, his superior does it, when he deems it best; for i (even though the case be one of the ministry and care of souls) alone have power to warn and ask his superior to remedy it. in regard to that, it would be greatly advisable that the bishops of the philipinas have more power over the ministers of souls in their charge, and that the latter be obliged to give account. but, however this may be, it is not a matter from which results any considerable annoyance or harm to the indians, except that of the bad example which they might derive from it, if they saw their priest and teacher do the contrary of what he teaches them and censures them for by word of mouth. the most powerful cause, then, that destroys and consumes the indians of philipinas is the same one that has destroyed and consumed the spaniards. all have been ruined by the continual and large fleets with which the dutch enemy persecute us, and because our forces are so few to oppose them, as i have represented in other letters that i am writing to your majesty. it is impossible to prevent us all from suffering, and even perishing very speedily, if your majesty's most powerful hand does not help and defend us. consequently, sire, i consider as inexcusable the vexations that have come and are coming upon the indians in the building of ships and the making of other preparations to defend us; for these would be very much less if the indians were paid for their work as your majesty orders, if they were placed in charge of disinterested persons, and if compassion were shown them. _preachers for the indian natives._ there are as many preachers for the indians as there are priests who minister to them; for although the chief and most important instruction which can be preached to them is to make the indians understand the ministers of our holy religion, and for the minister that he know the language thoroughly, there is no difficulty in preaching to them, if one does it (and thus it is advisable) simply and plainly. _preachers for spaniards._ there is not any lack of preachers for the spaniards either, for generally each of the convents of st augustine, st. francis, st. dominic, the society of jesus, and the augustinian recollects of this city have two preachers, who are erudite fathers and of exemplary life. besides, there are certain others, who by reason of living in the convents and surrounding missions attend to the preaching of several sermons during the year. these with holy zeal reprehend vices with thorough modesty and prudence, and tell us what is suitable for our salvation. but your majesty is assured that the chief preacher and teaching for the inhabitants of manila, and the best method of banishing public sins from it, is the good example and life of the governors. with that, and with the affability and love that they would exercise toward the virtuous, and with the displeasure and asperity with which they would treat the vicious, there would result, at least in the exterior court, the good or evil conduct of the inhabitants of this community. inasmuch as the community is small, and all its inhabitants need the governor and are watching him, they will try to imitate him. _in regard to sending a relation of the persons worthy and capable of being appointed prelates._ your majesty ordered me in the said royal decree to send a separate and very secret relation of those persons most worthy and capable in this archbishopric of being appointed to prelacies--recounting their virtue, morals, and example, character, prudence, age, and modesty; and of the intellect, learning, degrees, and governing ability of such persons, besides other circumstances. obeying the commands of your majesty, i report all that in a separate letter, and i shall continue to do so in the form and manner in which your majesty may advise me. _whether there are vacant prebends or benefices._ at present, sire, there is no vacant prebend in the cathedral of this city, although some are being filled by appointments by the governor until your majesty shall confirm them or shall appoint to these posts persons who are pleasing to you. in regard to that, i refer to what i am writing to your majesty in a separate letter. the benefices are appointed by competition as soon as they become vacant, in the manner prescribed by the holy council of trent, in accordance with the royal patronage and last royal decree of your majesty that treats of this matter. consequently, throughout this diocese there is no vacant prebend or benefice. as soon as any become vacant, i shall take care to provide for them as speedily as possible, as your majesty so piously orders me. _regarding the number of curacies and missions, and of the persons who administer them._ in regard to the relation and report that your majesty orders me to make of the curacies and missions of this diocese (both of spaniards and of indians); of the persons who serve them, and the manner of their presentation, whether of seculars or of friars, and of what orders; the age of each, and his length of service in those curacies and missions; and whether he serves with the good-will, humility, unworldliness, and good example to which he is bound; as well as of other things contained in the section that treats of this. i refer to what i have said in my letter, without going into particulars regarding the names and ages of the ministers; for that appears to be less necessary, since the benefices at present held by seculars in these islands are so limited in stipends and obventions that nearly all of them are compelled to beg for these, in order not to desert their benefices. in the missions in charge of the religious, the same persons do not live continuously, for their provincials remove and change them from one to another, according as they deem most advisable. _that this relation shall be continued on all occasions._ i shall have the care that your majesty orders, in sending duplicates of this relation until i am advised that your majesty has received it, and i shall add to it whatever occurs later. when i learn that your majesty has received it, i shall observe the order given me, to refer to what i shall have written in what may not be new matter, increased and corrected by the past relations as far as may be advisable. i shall continue to do that without awaiting any new order for it from your majesty, whose very catholic person may our lord preserve for the increase of new kingdoms and the prosperity of those which you possess, as is necessary to christendom, and as we your majesty's humble chaplains desire. manila, august, 1621. this, sire, is the relation of that i wrote to your majesty in the past year of 1621. i found nothing to correct except the section treating of the number of the convents in charge of the order of st. dominic, which is amended in its place in the margin. manila, july last, 1622. _fray miguel garcia serrano_, archbishop of manila. royal decrees regarding the religious ordering the dominicans not to meddle in government affairs the king. venerable and devout father provincial of the order of st. dominic of the philipinas islands: i have been informed that the religious of your order are living with great lack of restraint, and are meddling in the government of those islands, from which have resulted and are resulting very great difficulties. moreover, the honor and procedure of those who have been men of those islands have suffered; for, both in the pulpit and in other ways, the religious are trying to sully the reputation of those persons when they are not acceptable to them. now inasmuch as that is unworthy of any person whatever, and more so of religious who have to furnish an example to all by their retirement from the world and their method of procedure; and inasmuch as it is very advisable to reform that efficaciously: therefore after examination of the matter by my council of the indias, it has been deemed best to charge and order you, as i do, to summon immediately all the religious of your order. by the best method that you shall deem advisable you shall censure them for their irregularities, and represent these to them; and warn them to engage only in their devotions and the conversion of souls according to their obligations--which is the main purpose for which they went there--and that they shall not meddle in government matters, or in any other matter that does not concern their order. you shall advise me of what you shall do in this matter. given at madrid, december thirty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. [49] _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the council. [_endorsed_: "to the provincial of the order of st. dominic of the philipinias islands, ordering him to summon the religious of his order, and censure them for their irregularities, warning them to engage only in their devotions and conversion of souls, without meddling in government matters or in any other matter that does not concern their order."] ordering the archbishop of manila to examine religious the king. very reverend father in christ, the archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila of the philipinas islands, and member of my council: the king, my sovereign and father--may he rest in peace--by his decree dated november fourteen of the past year, six hundred and three, charged the archbishop then governing that church [_i.e._, benavides], that in accordance with the rules and ordinances he should not permit or allow any religious in the missions in charge of the orders to enter upon or exercise the duties of a priest [_cura_] unless he had first been examined and approved by the said archbishop or by the person appointed for that purpose, so that such religious should have the necessary competency, and know the language of the indians whom he should have to instruct--as is contained more minutely in the said cedula, which is of the following tenor. "the king. very reverend in christ, the father archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila of the philippinas islands and member of my council: although it has been stringently ordered that the ministers appointed to the missions of the indians, both seculars and friars, must know the language of the indians whom they are to instruct and teach; that they be possessed of the qualities required for the office of priest [_cura_] which they are to exercise; and that the teachers among the religious, in so far as they are priests [_curas_] be visited by the secular prelates: i have been informed that those orders have not been observed as is needful; that you prelates do not exercise the fitting care in examining the said religious teachers in order to be assured of their competency and thorough knowledge of the language of those whom they are going to instruct; and that in the visitations many of their omissions and irregular acts in the administration of the sacraments and in the exercise of their duties as priest are not remedied. that is a matter of considerable annoyance. and because the indians suffer greatly, in the spiritual and temporal, from those appointed by their superiors, both in this and in the choice of persons less careful than they should be; and because it is advisable for the service of god our lord, and for our service, and for the welfare of the indians, that the ministers of instruction be such as are required for that ministry, and that they know the language of the indians: therefore i charge you straitly, in accordance with the rules and ordinances, not to permit or allow any religious to enter upon or exercise the duties of the office of priest in the missions in charge of the religious in the district of that archbishopric, unless he first be examined and approved by you or the person whom you shall appoint therefor, in order to satisfy yourself that he has the necessary competency, and that he knows the language of the indians whom he is to instruct. in the visitations that you shall make you shall remove those whom you shall find to be incompetent, or lacking in the ability and good morals that are requisite, and those who do not know sufficiently the language of the indians whom they instruct; and you shall advise their superiors of it, so that they may appoint others who shall have the requisite qualifications, in which they are also to be examined. you shall advise me of whatever is done in the matter. given in san lorenzo, november fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_." and inasmuch as my intention and will is that the orders and commands on the said subject be obeyed and executed exactly, i request and charge you to examine the said decree, above inserted, and to observe and obey it _in toto_, exactly as is contained and declared therein. such is my will, notwithstanding that, in the course of time and with the claims of the prelates, any other custom may have been tolerated or introduced. that shall not be allowed, under any consideration whatever. in order that the above order may have more complete effect, i am having the audiencia there ordered, by another decree of the same date with this, to give you the necessary protection and aid for it. you shall advise me of all that is done in this matter. given at madrid, december thirty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the council. [_endorsed_: "to the archbishop of manila, that he observe the decree above inserted, so that the religious of the missions shall be examined in the language of the indians."] [_endorsed_: "_id._ to the bishop of nueva segovia in philipinas." "_id._ to the bishop of nueva cáceres." "_id._ to the bishop of the city of santisimo nombre de jesús."] documents of 1623-1624 letter to fajardo. felipe iv; october 9, 1623. royal permission for the dominican college in manila. felipe iv; november 27, 1623. expedition to the mines of the igorrotes. alonso martin quirante; june 5, 1624. _sources_: the first of these documents is obtained from the "cedulario indico" in the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the second, from _algunos documentos relat. univ. de manila_, p. 21, and pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, iii, p. 565; the third, from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: all these are made by james a. robertson. letter from felipe iv to fajardo the king. don alonso de tenza, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia thereof: the letter which you wrote me on august 20, 1622, containing information regarding the state of those islands, has been received; and in my royal council of the indias the points that belong to their province have been considered, and you will be furnished with the resolutions adopted thereon. you mention the revolt and retreat to the hills of certain natives of the provinces of pintados, nueva segovia, and cambales, and the reason which you think they had for it. i appreciate the care which you have exercised in that matter, since on other occasions when you have been directed to see that the indians be treated as well as possible, you have endeavored to have my orders carried out, for in this way they will be preserved as we desire. again i charge you that you inform the superiors of the convents, and religious who are busied in the conversion and teaching of the indians, how important it is to treat them well. since you were unable to attend to the mines of the province of pangasinan, in the mountains and the lands of the ygolotes, on account of the press of business which you have had, you will now carry on their exploration, since you see that it is desirable to accomplish this enterprise. [50] as for the efforts that you have made to discover certain fruits of the land, and your assertion that a considerable quantity of nutmeg [51] has been discovered similar to that from the malucas islands, you will make the necessary investigations to ascertain this accurately. i also charge you to continue what you have begun, and to send a quantity of the said nutmeg to the officers of my royal exchequer in the city of mexico in nueva españa, so that they may send it to these kingdoms; and there also shall the investigation be made, according to the orders sent in my decree. as regards your remarks concerning the licentiate geronimo de legaspi, auditor of that audiencia, you will execute your orders in the matter, and i shall await the result. what you write in response to my decree, which was sent you on june 8, 1621, that you should investigate the mode of life of the wives of the auditors and other officials therein mentioned, is noted; and all this is placed in your charge and on your conscience. you are to correct the abuses which you find existing, no matter whom they concern, and shall read this section in the audiencia, so that they may know my will. i am advised of what you say, and have often represented, as to the necessity that the persons who are appointed to that audiencia shall be well-known and approved. i am also advised as to what you say of the person of don geronimo de silva, and the assistance which you have had from him. the embassy for japan--with a gift, which shall not seem an acknowledgment--you say, could not be sent off last year, which is well. in the future, you will execute your orders in this matter. all the other sections which your letter contains have been considered, and now nothing remains but to make suitable provisions regarding them. [madrid, october 9, 1623.] _i the king_ by order of the king, our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ royal permission for the dominican college in manila by license of the ordinary and the governor of the filipinas islands, and the consent of our royal audiencia therein, the religious of the order of st. dominic in the city of manila founded a college, where grammar, the arts, and theology, are taught. in it they established two religious for each subject, and they have twenty secular collegiates. from this has resulted and now is resulting a great advantage to the youth, to the preaching of the holy gospel, and to the instruction of the sons of the inhabitants. we order that now, and until we order otherwise, the said religious make use of the said license given them by the governor to found the college, and to study the said branches. this is and shall be understood to be without derogation or prejudice to any decrees concerning like foundations, in order that they may not be established and begun without our express permission, which must be observed throughout our indias, without any exception. [given in madrid, november 27, 1623, by felipe iv.] the king. inasmuch as fray matheo de la villa, procurator-general of the order of st. dominic in the philipinas islands, has reported to me that a college was founded in certain houses that they held as theirs in that city, by the license of the ordinary and of don alonso faxardo de tenca, my governor and captain-general of those islands, where grammar, the arts, and theology are taught; and that there are two religious of each department in it for that purpose, and twenty secular collegiates; and that from it has resulted, and is resulting, great advantage to the youth, the preaching of the holy gospel, and the instruction of the sons of the citizens: and petitioning me, in consideration of the above, and of the fact that the license which was conceded to them was on condition that they obtain my confirmation of it, if i should be pleased to give it; and the matter having been considered in my royal council of the yndias, i have considered it advisable to give the present. by it i order that for the present, and until i order otherwise, the said religious of the order of st. dominic enjoy the license that the said my governor gave them to found the said college and to teach in it the said branches; and such is my will. given in madrid, november twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three. _i the king_ countersigned by juan ruiz de contreras, and signed by the members of the council. expedition to the mines of the igorrotes _relation of the discovery of the mines and of the pacification of the ygolotes in the province of pangasinan_ relation of the voyage and entrance that i, captain and sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, made by order of the governor and captain-general, don alonso faxardo de tenca, during this present year, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, to the province and mines of the ygolotes; and the tests or assays made of the metals there by various miners; the nature of the country, and what i was able to learn of its inhabitants. first, i left the city of manila by order of the said governor and captain-general, to attain the said entrance, on december twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three, and went overland to the province of pangasinan. i reached that province on january first, six hundred and twenty-four, and took over the offices of justice and war from captain and sargento-mayor antonio carreño de valdes. as he notified me of the royal decree ordering his residencia to be taken, in fulfilment thereof i took it, and sent him to the said city on the fifth of the following february. on the eleventh of the said month of january, the champan which was despatched at my departure from the said city, laden with the infantry, ammunition, and other war-stores necessary for the said entrance, reached the port and storehouses of arrimguey. from the said day, january first, until the eleventh of the following february, when i reached the said town and storehouses of arriguey [_sic_] i collected and gathered provisions and everything else important for the success of the said expedition. likewise, together with the preparation that i made of food in the said time, in the said month of february, i caused to be collected, in addition to the seventy spanish soldiers and officers of my company, fourteen adventurers [_extravagantes_] or substitutes [_sobresalientes_], besides two sailors (one of them a miner), two japanese miners, and one armorer; a clerk [_tenedor_] and notary; eleven of his majesty's negro slaves, and nine indians imprisoned for crimes; forty-seven sangley carpenters, smiths, and sawyers; and one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight other indians--eight hundred and ninety-three from the province of ylocos, formed into twelve companies; and eight hundred and fifty-five from the province of pangasinan, formed into ten other companies--who in all totaled one thousand nine hundred and three rations. father fray raymundo beger [52] of the order of preachers, and licentiate augustin tabuyo baldecañas, who was supplied by the bishop of nueva segovia, also went with us as our curas and vicars for the success of the said expedition. on the fourteenth of the said month, i made a muster and enrolment of the said men. the next day rations were given to all of them for a fortnight, and i began to despatch them by troops in the manner and order following. on the sixteenth of the said month of february, i despatched adjutant andres tamayo with twenty soldiers and two hundred pangasinan indians, a chosen and light troop, in order that being unencumbered or discommoded by their rations, arms, and tools they might open and clear the road, arranging camping-places along it during the assigned marches. they were given orders to stop in those quarters only over night, so that afterward and without joining them the second troop who were to follow could occupy the same. on the next day, the seventeenth, after having formed three divisions from the other men, with eighteen soldiers in charge of my sargento and of a corporal, i despatched five hundred and sixteen of the indians of each province--all except their officers with their packs--with orders to follow the first divisions. they were to make the same marches, but were not to unite with the first troop, nor with the following one. this was in order to avoid the confusion and obstacles that might arise from both troops, since they were men of so little reason, both in camp and in marching; since they had to go by only one path, where because of its narrowness and poor condition they had to go in single file. i despatched the third troop consisting of a like number of natives with seventeen spanish soldiers, on the eighteenth of february, in charge of another corporal, ordering them to follow the other two preceding divisions, in the same order and marches. the next day, february nineteen, having assigned eight soldiers under a half-pay alférez, and twenty-five pangasinan indians under their captain, as a guard to the said storehouses--and having despatched the master-of-camp of the province of ylocos for more men, in order to exchange them after a month with those who had gone out before, who, i feared, were already beginning to desert in part--i started with the rest of the men that were left. i went to pass the night at the place called san juan, two leguas along the road, where, at the foot of a cross set up there, i found a letter from the troop ahead, announcing that they had found the quarters burned to the ground, and that they did not know who had set the fire, but suspected it was the ygolotes. i left the above place on the twentieth, and went to pass the night with the said last division at the site of duplas, located about four leguas along the road. i also found the camp and the country round about burning, the said ygolotes having set it afire only a short time before. next day, wednesday, the twenty-first of the said month, after the conclusion of sprinkling ashes on all the soldiers, i left the said place and went to pass the night at another place called san francisco. on that day not more than one and one-half leguas could be made, because of the many rivers. on thursday, the twenty-second, at noon, after another one and one-half leguas made as above, my said division and i reached buena vista, where i found all three divisions had halted because the ygolote indians had occupied the road; and they were building forts at a narrow passage on it, with a stockade, where, when the said adjutant tried to pass ahead, they wounded him and some of the other spaniards, and some indians who accompanied him. next day, the twenty-third, i went out with thirty soldiers and about one hundred and fifty indians to the said pass that the ygolotes were defending; and although they resisted for some time, and killed some soldiers and natives, i gained the pass and destroyed the fort, so that the enemy could not remain in it longer or make any other sortie, as it was all unsheltered. saturday, the twenty-fourth, i left the said place of buena vista, and went with all my troops united to pass the night at los pinos, a march of three leguas. that distance was made with some difficulty as the roads in some parts are very closely grown with reed-grass; and in the bad passes are fallen trees which form the best defense that the ygolotes can have, so that if we were perceived they could attack us in safety or could shelter themselves. sunday, the twenty-fifth, i went to pass the night, on account of the convenient supply of water, at rio frio [_i.e._, "cold river"] with my said men, marching through the extremely hot sun for one and one-half leguas. next day, monday, february twenty-six, about one o'clock, i reached the new mines called galan by their natives, located about three leguas from rio frio. as the ygolotes had learned of our approach, or had seen us about to set fire to some houses--about two hundred which they had located in various places about the said mines and hill--they sought shelter without leaving anything except some small heaps of metal which they were digging in order to work. next day, the twenty-seventh, having reconnoitered the said place, and having seen that it was suitable and secure, and that within a stone's throw on the same elevation were the mines and veins of most importance that are yet known to exist among the said ygolotes, according to the information given by men who already had experience of them before, i determined to establish a camp and fortify myself in them. that i did, locating in a place where in no direction could we fail to succor and overlook all the paths and ravines where any danger could be feared, or any difficulty of getting food and water close at hand and in the quantity desired. in the course of the said march, i saw and noted that from the time of my departure from the said village of arringuey, we were always going from one peak to another, until we reached that of los pinos, from which other higher ones were discovered; while some small streams were passed on the way, not of great volume, but to some extent shut in with mountains and lands full of reed-grass. up on the said peak the mountains were almost everywhere destitute of forests; for except in the very damp ravines, reed-grass does not grow, or any tree except pines. for that reason, wherever one looks from the height, very many mountains are to be seen, so jagged, steep, and near together that it seems impossible for men or any other living thing to exist on them. the climate of those mountains is cold rather than temperate, and less healthful than sickly. the winds that usually prevail are north and south, and the south winds generally bring rain, accompanied by extremely violent thunder-storms. dense fogs always prevail, and generally make the country very damp. certain streamlets of water issue from the springs of those mountains, from which people drink; and these waters are so cold and thin that, if one does not eat sufficient, they do him much harm. for that reason it must be that birds do not breed there; for, since the first is lacking to them, those that can escape do not await their destruction. only certain little birds like linnets are seen, and at times some crows, which must be foreign to them. none of the most common useful and fruit trees, which abound in all the neighboring provinces, are found there; and less any of new or old españa; nor any other that yields either known or wild fruits: so that the mountains are covered only with a great quantity of pines, whose roots do not penetrate the ground more than half a vara. the ground to that depth is black, but below that red and so hard [53] that the roots, not being able to penetrate it, are very easily torn up at any violent wind. all the said peaks are so cleared and despoiled of trees that they do not hinder one from noticing and seeing, for a great distance below the pines, whatever preparations are being made. the houses in which those ygolotes protect themselves from the inclemencies of the weather--which is intolerable, both because of the sun when it shines, and from the rains and cold--are very small, built of straw and short wood. they have no walls, for the roofs serve as everything, extending from above even to the ground. they sleep high up, on some boards or planks roughly put together. the doors of their houses, which are very small, are so low that one must get down on hands and knees in order to enter them. their settlements are established on the peaks of the mountains, and on the roughest of them, whence afar off they can see all the paths, so that no one can approach them without being seen by their sentinels, who always guard their posts day and night. if there is any danger, they can easily retire without being seen, leaving behind nothing more than their miserable huts; and, not fearing whether any go to seek them, they defend themselves as they may by hurling down huge rocks which they have suitably placed, sharp-pointed reeds, [54] and stones; and especially do they seek the sure and convenient site. in the rainy season they fear firearms but little, for they know that they are of less effect than none at all. the usual dress and clothing of that people is a loose shock of disheveled hair that reaches below the ears, and certain bands about one _jeme_ [55] wide made from the bark of trees. having wound these about the waist, they twist them so that they cover the privy parts. they call these _bahaques_, and they are worn by all classes of people, men and women. besides the said bahaque, the chiefs wear ilocan blankets, which they have inherited from their ancestors; this garment is crossed from the shoulder to the waist, where they knot it. thus do they go, without any other clothes or shoes. [56] the chiefs of those natives are not differentiated from the rest of the people in other things than in the possession of more bones of animals that they have killed in their feasts, more clothes, and greater age. there are more chiefs than in other nations, for there is one in every ten or twelve houses, who is head of his kinsfolk. they inherit from father to children, or by blood, and do not recognize one as greater than the other. those chiefs generally insert gold in the teeth, which is so well fitted that it does not hinder their talking or eating at all. the ygolotes are in general a very active people, bold, well built, and feared by the other nations surrounding them. as they have discovered that, and that others, even when numerous, always run from them, the ygolotes attack with but few men. whenever they kill anyone, scarcely has he fallen before his head is cut off. on that account they make many feasts, and at night light many fires on many peaks. they make cups of the skulls, from which they drink in their feasts and revelries; and leave them as household effects to their heirs. if any of them are killed, and they can conceal it, they endeavor to do so; for they grieve greatly and consider it as a very great insult if the bodies of their dead are not carried away. the arms used by them consist of a pointed lance one-third of a vara long, which they generally carry, well polished, and set in a handle of strong wood more than one braza long. they have others with which they usually fight, made from heavy green poles, larger than the above. at the head they insert a bamboo knot, with its point well sharpened into two edges. they cover themselves with their shields, which consist of certain short and very light boards, about four or five palmos long and two or more wide. they use many sharp-pointed stakes with which they sow the ground, particularly about their haunts, and wherever harm might come to them. [57] the ygolotes are an idolatrous race. they say that their god is the sky, whom they call cabunian; and they offer and sacrifice to him, in their banquets and feasts, swine and carabaos, but under no consideration cows or bulls. the method of sacrifice practiced by them is [as follows]. having tied all the animals not prohibited about the house of the sacrificer, after the ceremony an old man or old woman, having placed on the ground a painted cloth that resembles a surplice, and which they call _salili_, they continue to kill the animals, and make a great feast. they keep that up for two or three days until they have finished eating what they have, when their feast or _magunito_ also finishes. he who keeps up such entertainment longest and kills most of the said animals is most respected. their sages or philosophers are the oldest men and women, whom they respect and obey in an extraordinary manner, and most when they are occupied in the said feasts; for they say that then and even ordinarily those persons are wont to talk with the devil, who keeps them blinded. that race lacks all good natural reasoning power. they cannot read, nor do they know what day, month, or year, or the increase and decline of the moon, signify. they govern themselves by one star that rises in the west, which they call _gaganayan_, while they call the natives of their neighborhood by the same name. on seeing that star they attend to the planting of their waste and wretched fields in order to sow them with yams and camotes, which form their usual and natural food. they do not have to plow or dig, or perform any other cultivation than that of clearing the land where they are to plant. when any one of those barbarians dies, they do not bury him for many days, for, as they say, they pass one month, during which period they amass quantities of food about the deceased, to whom they give his share as well as the others. then they continue to prick the body, and, as they say, they draw off or suck out the humors until the body is left dry. when that time comes they wrap it in their blankets, and fasten buyos and other things about the waist for the journey. some are buried in a sitting posture and placed with their backs against their shields, in caves under the rocks, the mouths of which are stopped with stones. others they set in the trees, and they carry food for so many days after having left them in either one of those places. it is not very easy to ascertain the number of those people, who are scattered, for they are so intractable, and do not let themselves be seen, moving from one place to another on slight pretext, without any hindrance; for their houses, to provide which would be the chief cause of anxiety, they easily build anywhere, with a bundle of hay, while they move their fields of yams or camotes (on which they live well) from one place to another without much effort, pulling them up by the roots--for, because of the dampness of the country, these take root wherever they are placed. in the same manner, they carry their ornaments or bones; [58] and since their arms and clothes are but little or nothing, they are not embarrassed, because they always carry these with them. yet it is known that, if those called ygolotes reach one thousand men, that is a great number. they can scarcely gather in one body or live on friendly terms with one another. for those of banaco and those of atindao, villages of the same mountains, have little or no communication with them, as neither do those of aytuy and panaquy, villages on the other side of the said mountain-range--to whom it is said that they pay tribute or a sort of recognition; but both are hostile to those of alrade, vigan, and oyrraya, so that, all those ygolotes being so separated, cautious, malicious and treacherous, no message or despatch can at all be sent them. for if it be done with few indians, they secure and kill them; and if there are many, they fight them, and will not listen to or believe them. if spaniards go with an interpreter to talk to them, as i have sometimes attempted to do, they anticipate them on seeing them and no one remains in his house, but they flee from the spaniards. then, if perchance they hear some arguments that are shouted out to them, they laugh, and answer that we are deceiving them, and that they will not trust us; that they know us for people of bad faith; and that we must lay aside our firearms if we wish them to approach. and if we did that, they would employ their usual treachery and evil methods, as they generally do. in the rainy season, that wretched race, most of whom are miners, unite with their wives and children to wash the sand of the streamlets that flow from the mountains, where with less work than in their mines, by avoiding the digging and crushing of the metal, they get some gold, although very little. [59] with what all of them get in one way or another, they go down peacefully to the villages nearest to them, to trade for certain animals or cattle. they do not trade the gold by weight, but by sight. those cattle are the ones that they eat, with the solemnity above described, in a general assembly; for they do not breed any kind of cattle or any other living thing for their feast or sustenance, except certain small and very wretched dogs which we have often had a chance to see. it is not easy for us or even for them to ascertain the strata, veins, or ores whence that product is yielded, since it is well known that it does not originate or form in the sand, which does not contain nurseries for it, since so many streamlets descend from so many ravines and slopes. for it is not yet known that, moving about ordinarily and having signs of that product, without ascertaining or knowing any other in all the country, the natives have discovered more than five elevations or hills within a distance of five or six leguas, which they have worked during the dry season, in order to support themselves so wretchedly as is known. besides, those ygolotes are indebted to the natives of the villages who are our friends, and are unable to pay those who give them credit; the wealth and wit of both peoples being so small and restricted that, although those people have no other kind of expenses, or other thing to attend to, than the product of their mines, they are very generally in debt--a sure proof of the mistake made in believing that the gain is much, or the said mines of much importance, as has been and is demonstrated by experience. on one of the five elevations which i have said that the ygolotes worked, namely, the said new one called galan (it being the chief one, as i have said), i camped, and built the fort of santiago, under whose advocacy [_i.e._, of santiago or st. james] they say it was before. retaining with myself about two hundred natives from both provinces [_i.e._, pampanga and ilocos], with the sangleys and prisoners whom i took with me, i sent back all the others with thirty soldiers on the twenty-eighth of the month of february, to get more provisions, ammunition, and other necessary things, at the village and storehouses of arrimguey, although afterward some ylocos indians deserted in the one month and six days while i occupied that place, the natives having returned by a third path. in all three months, their provisions amounted to two thousand and eighty-seven baskets of rice, each of fifteen gantas; and for the rations of all the men from january sixteen (when food began to be issued at my account) until march twenty-four following, were consumed two thousand and ninety-four baskets. these rations were given to all the said natives, and to seven hundred and sixty others besides, who were brought from ylocos by the said master-of-camp in order to exchange with the first, as has been said. on the said day, march twenty-four, i mustered all the men, and paid and despatched them, except about one hundred and twenty from both provinces, thirty-one sangleys, and about five adventurers [_estravagantes_] and substitutes who remained with me to aid and accompany us. having despatched the said men, i ordered the lieutenant of the province of pagasinam not to advise me of anything unless it were a matter of great importance until the fifteenth of may, when he should send me four hundred other natives [from pangasinan] and one hundred from the said province of ylocos, all laden with beans and other things necessary for the sustenance of the men of the said presidio. that was done in order that i might more freely attend to the investigation of the mines of the said ygolotes and what substance they contained. for that purpose i immediately ordered martin de vergara, my alférez, rodrigo lopez orduña, juan de mugaburu, graviel molinero, and diego de tovar, soldiers of my company and all miners, and other persons who understood something [of mines] to investigate and reconnoiter the said new mines where the said ygolotes were working. the mouths of those mines are in the northern part [of the ridge], about a stone's throw from the said fort, and the mine discovered extends from above downward in the manner of a horizontal vein or shell for the distance of a musket-shot from northwest to southeast, and then twists about for another equal distance to the direction that looks toward the northwest and west, until it disappears into the depths of a ravine or watercourse where there is but little sun. that is not the case with the one that extends northwest and southeast, for it is flooded with sunlight most of the day. when i reached that place the ygolotes were working the said mines through many mouths or passages that they had opened, following the metal of one large vein, from which they were taking out the ore that was softest and easiest to dig, although it contained blue iron pyrites that contain antimony. having investigated and examined the above-mentioned, i judged it best to open a trial place or mouth high up, and in the middle of all the mine works that the said ygolotes were carrying on, in order to get all the body of the metal from the top which is more than one braza wide, and from the crust of the earth. on the fifth of march following, we began to open it, and, following the opening for ten estados, we encountered the said mines that the ygolotes were working, by which our field of work was enlarged much more on the level, at the sides, and vertically; and we continued to get metal for assaying. the second hill or mine is that called arisey and bugayona, which is but little more than three leguas from the new one above. it issues from the same ridge or elevation, where the old fort del rosario [_i.e._, "of the rosary"] was established, which was destroyed by fire in november of the past year one thousand six hundred and twenty-three. it is on the slope facing west, and the sun floods it from nine until four. it has a descent of one-half legua that is very troublesome as it is very steep, with two divisions and ravines at the side, and precipices along both slopes and also in front; for it is very steep, with a hollow in the middle, in which a spring of water is enclosed, that rises near the place where the said fort stood. [there is] a slope which is at the foot of the work where the natives washed [gold], and gathered certain small stones known to them, which they crushed for their profit; for in no other way is there any known or constant source from which to obtain the metal--but only loose dirt with certain ores, and those of the said red metal, which traverse the soil--without digging down to the bottom. nor can this dirt be worked without danger of caving in, as was the case in all the veins and works that were on that elevation. nothing more of these remained than only the indications of having been opened and worked from the vertical within the elevation; for they do not follow the level and center as that has been found to be of no benefit. from that one is led to believe that the mines were abandoned long ago. yet from the mouths of those sunken mines, inasmuch as no other place was found whence one might get ore, about fifteen small baskets of ore were obtained by the said miners, alférez martin de bergara, rodrigo lopez orduña, juan de mugaburu, and diego de tovar, from that which appeared best for assaying and examining its nature or the benefit that could be derived from it. the third elevation and mine is that called baranaban, which is about one legua from the said fort and mine of arisey, on a barren hill that faces south, which is flooded by the sun all day long. through it runs a vein about one vara wide, extending east and west for some distance. there are some works and openings there, narrow, and distinct one from the other. thence were taken fifteen baskets of gravel and dirt, which has the color of coal, in order to assay it. one can get a quantity of it from the said vein, although with little security from the earth caving in unless the works be propped up; for all of them are of shifting dirt, which is easily undermined, for which reason the said works have caved in, and bear the aspect rather of neglect than of having been worked. the fourth hill or mine is that of antamog, which is perhaps more than two leguas from the said old fort and mine of arisey, and five and one-half from our fort of santiago, which faces south from a large hill whose peak extends east and west, the said elevation having been undermined by one of its springs, and traversed by very narrow small threads of white and yellow metal; while all the elevation is traversed by and filled with passages, which are found intermixed, opened sidewise from the vertical and inward, and dipping downward scarcely at all, as the threads of the metal are not deep. in order that these may not cave in, they are propped up with stakes and boards; for otherwise, inasmuch as the dirt is so loose, they would not remain at all secure, as has happened to those unpropped, since we saw some that were blocked up and caved in. the said works are very narrow, and all were examined without finding metal, because of the high level, or sides, or any kind of vein, except at the entrance of the openings whence they were drawn. from the said threads they obtained a kind of brass-colored and less dirty earth, in order to wash it in another large placer, that they had at one side of the said elevation, with a small stream that rises on top of the elevation, where they had a small settlement. they could, to all appearances, obtain but little profit, and with great difficulty, even with the community so near by. according to the signs, it was a long time since those workings and mines had been worked, and they were more neglected than the others; yet they produced the best (or the best-appearing) ore that could be found. twenty baskets of it were obtained by the said miners to assay and investigate its nature, and determine what it might be. the fifth and last elevation, hill, or mine is that called conog, which is about one-half legua from the preceding and located in the same chain. it is flooded by the sun all day long, as is the other. the said elevation, turning, extends toward the north. in it are to be seen five or six openings or passages, that differ but little from those of antamog. no considerable or fundamental vein was found, but only brass-colored earth that contained some small bits of blue metal containing iron pyrites, all of them very soft. in one passage that was lower was found on the level a small stream of clear water which empties through another opening lower down than it, both of those openings having been made for one excavation. to all appearances those mines were abandoned long ago; and although they were not being worked, and were seen to be so neglected, they contained the best-appearing metal that was seen. the said miners got about ten small baskets of it to assay. the tools with which those ygolotes worked, or work, their mines are certain stakes of heavy wood fashioned like pickaxes, with the knot of the said stake larger at the end of it, where, having pierced it, they fit into it a small narrow bit of iron about one palmo long. then seated in the passages or works, as the veins prove, they pick out and remove the ore, which having been crushed by a stout rock in certain large receptacles fixed firmly in the ground, and with other smaller stones by hand, and having reduced the ore to powder, they carry it to the washing-places. for that purpose they have some small streamlets near at hand, with two or three hollows in their beds. there passing the said ore from one to the other until they clean away the mud from it, by means of the sunlight, which floods everything, they discover and collect some dust or grains of gold. then they again crush the large grains of ore, and wash and rewash it, until, having passed through the said basins, what remains at last is entirely useless. to judge by the tools that have been seen and which the said ygolotes have, as above said, the most usual and only working that they give their ores is the above, and nothing further. with their little ability for discovering these, if nature and poverty--which reduces them to subjection without any expense--did not compel them, they would vainly spend their time, in one way or another, in searching for something to eat, which they do not possess or produce. all the hills and elevations, mines, passages, veins, and works above mentioned have been examined and entered by the said miners. they have obtained and assayed metals with the greatest care possible. each assay is set down separately so that it will stand as a testimony and token of service, with the day, month, and year, just as they have been made, in the following manner. _refinement_ [_of metals_]. 1. first, on palm saturday, on the night of the thirtieth of march, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, a refining fire was made by the said alférez martin de vergara and the other miners. upon it and seventeen libras of lead was fed the dust and sediment of one-half quintal of ore that was obtained from the hole which i have said was opened in the veins and new mines of galan, at a depth of ten estados. a grain of the appearance of silver, and weighing as much as one real, was obtained. _quicksilver_. 2. on the said day, april six, of the said year, three quintals of ore from the same hole and veins were incorporated with three libras of quicksilver and compounded with salt. on the tenth of the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold was obtained that weighed one-half real. in the said assay ten onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 3. on the said day, april six, three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore from the said hole and vein, which was obtained at a depth of ten estados; and the mixture was compounded with salt. it was washed on the tenth of the said month, and a small grain of gold of the weight of one-half real was obtained. eleven onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 4. on sunday, april seven, two quintals of the same ore from the said hole and vein were incorporated with two libras of quicksilver, having roasted the ore while in the form of stone, before crushing it. on the eleventh it was washed, and a small grain of gold of the weight of one-half real was obtained. six onzas of quicksilver were lost. [5.] that day, the eleventh of the said month, in a second refinement, the dust and sediment that remained from a quintal of the same ore was put on the fire. on being fused with twenty-three libras of lead, nothing was obtained from the said assay. _quicksilver_. 6. saturday, the thirteenth of the said month of april, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two and one-half arrobas of ore obtained from certain excavations found below the earth inside a little hut, near our fort and the said mine, which was burned by the igolotes. on the eighteenth of the month it was washed, and a grain of gold weighing one real was obtained; and three onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 7. tuesday, the sixteenth, four libras of quicksilver were incorporated with four quintals of ore obtained at a depth of ten or eleven estados in the said mine and hole. having made that assay in a stove, on the twenty-second of the said month of april they washed the said four quintals of ore, and obtained a grain of gold of the weight of one real. two onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 8. wednesday, the seventeenth, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of the said ore, obtained at a depth of eleven estados. having been treated in a reverberating furnace, on the twenty-second of the said month it was washed and a small grain of gold of barely the weight of half a real was obtained. three and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 9. thursday, april eighteen, they recrushed and washed the sweepings and residue of the first three quintals of ore which had been compounded with quicksilver. with the one quintal that resulted therefrom, they incorporated on the said day one libra of quicksilver. on the twenty-second it was washed, and for the second time a small grain of gold was obtained of the weight of one-quarter real. two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 10. wednesday, the twenty-fourth of the said month of april, four libras of quicksilver were incorporated with four quintals of ore, obtained from a passage or opening carefully concealed in the bed of the streamlet, almost at the end of the said vein, and at the end of the other openings in it on the northwest side, where it obtains but very little sun and considerable dampness. it is an ore that contains a quantity of antimony, and one can obtain much of it, to judge from the works that the ygolotes had, and those that we were making, as it seemed an ore of fairly good appearance. compounding the assay of the said four quintals with salt and magistral, [60] the compound was washed on the second of may following, and a grain of gold of one-half real weight obtained. two onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 11. on the twenty-ninth of april, three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore obtained from a washing-place made by the ygolotes below the openings, and near the preceding place. the compound was washed on the fifth of may, and a grain of gold weighing one and one-half reals was obtained. eight onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 12. on the third of the said month of may, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said hole and vein as the four preceding assays. having been crushed and burned in the openings before being incorporated with the said quicksilver, it was washed on the sixth; a small grain of gold, weighing less than one-half real, was obtained from that assay, while three onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 13. april twenty-nine, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the old mines, of which i have made mention, called baranaban. on may sixteen it was washed, and a small grain of gold obtained of one-quarter real weight. three onzas of quicksilver were lost. _arisus. quicksilver._ 14. tuesday, april thirty, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with another quintal of ore obtained from the said old mines called arisey and bugayona. on may seven following it was washed, and a small grain of gold, weighing less than one-quarter real, obtained. two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 15. the first of the said month of may, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said old mines and from those called antamo. on the eighth of the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold about as large as the head of a pin, which could not be weighed, obtained. six onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 16. the said day, may first, one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from the said old mines--from the one called conog. on the eighth of the said month it was washed, and another small grain of gold obtained, of the same size as the preceding. four onzas of quicksilver were lost in the said assay. _quicksilver_. 17. may two, one-half libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two arrobas of ore obtained from the vein and works of the streamlet at the new mine mentioned above as being near our fort of santiago. compounding that assay and calcination with magistral, nothing was obtained. three onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 18. the said day, may two, another one-half libra of quicksilver was incorporated with another half libra, i mean one-half quintal, of ore obtained from the preceding opening and vein. it was washed on the sixth of the said month, as also was the preceding assay. only a small grain of gold weighing one-fourth real was obtained from that [mass] which was only compounded with quicksilver. two and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 19. on the fifth of the same month of may three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore from the first hole and mouth opened near our fort, as above stated. on the twelfth of the said month it was washed, and a grain of gold weighing scarcely one real obtained. two onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 20. saturday, may eleven, one-half libra of quicksilver was incorporated with two arrobas of ore obtained from an enclosure found at one-half legua's distance from our fort and the new mine, on the edge of a river. it was washed on the sixteenth of the said month, but nothing was found in it. one and one-half onzas of quicksilver were lost. _quicksilver_. 21. on the fourteenth of the said month one libra of quicksilver was incorporated with one quintal of ore obtained from a passage which was discovered to have been worked by the ygolotes in the same vein and new mine, in its western part of which mention has been made. the said vein extends to the southwest. the mixture was washed on the eighteenth of the said month, and a small grain of gold, weighing one-half real, was obtained. one-half onza of quicksilver was lost. _quicksilver_. 22. on thursday, may nine, three libras of quicksilver were incorporated with three quintals of ore obtained from the first hole and vein of the new mine, of which mention has been made. may nineteen it was washed, and a small grain of gold, of one-third real weight, obtained. twelve onzas of quicksilver were lost. _smelting_. 23. monday, the twentieth of the said month, another assay was made by fusing one quintal of litharge [61] and two of ore obtained from the said hole and vein preceding. from the said mixture, although they tried it several times, it was impossible to fuse or melt the said ore. on the contrary, there was a loss of the lead consumed with the said litharge, and the mixture continued to be consumed; so that having been exhausted and the oven having become clogged, it was necessary to stop without succeeding with the said assay. they attributed that to the said ore being unfit for smelting. _quicksilver_. 24. thursday, may twenty, two libras of quicksilver were incorporated with one and one-half quintals of ore obtained from a depth of fourteen estados in the said vein and hole which was opened as above stated. on the twenty-fifth of the said month it was washed, and a small grain of gold, weighing one-half real, was obtained. two onzas of quicksilver were lost. _smelting_. 25. sunday, may twenty-six, a second assay by smelting was made with three quintals of litharge and one of _tesmiquitate_, [62] refined; both were fluxed with three quintals of ore obtained from the second hole or passage above mentioned as being near the level of the streamlet in the said vein and new mine. that was a second and different compound and was made by smelting and with the said flux; but they were unable to fuse the ore, although many efforts were exerted. it was useless because of the poor quality that the miners ascribed to the said ore. finding that there was considerable loss and waste of the lead, they had to desist. _smelting_. 26. monday, may twenty-six, a third assay was made by refining or smelting, by feeding the dust that was left from one quintal of ore, obtained at a depth of fourteen or more estados from the first vein and hole which, i have said, was opened in the said new mine. having consumed twenty-five libras of lead, upon which the metal melted, a grain resulted that resembles silver, and weighs one and one-half reals. [63] the said tests or assays having been made and finished, the lay of the land, and its natives and mines, having been examined, and having obtained a quantity of ore from all the mines, i left the said presidio and fort of santiago well fortified with a garrison of fifty-six spaniards and fifty indians--twenty-five from the province of pangasinan and twenty-five from that of ylocos--eleven galley negroes, and one armorer, with food and all other things necessary for more than fifteen months. then, with the said last division of the said five hundred indians, who, as i have made mention, were to be sent me by a lieutenant by the twenty-fourth of may, i set about my descent, carrying with me, by the end of the said month, one hundred quintals of the said ore; this i am sending to the city of manila in four hundred small rice-baskets, each numbered with the mine whence it was taken, so that proof may be made there of the efforts mentioned above; since it is the self-same ore, the governor and captain-general, the royal audiencia, and the royal officials can confirm it anew and make the tests again, so that, understanding the said mines fully, they may report to his majesty, and resolve upon the measures that they deem fitting in regard to the holding of the said presidio in a land of so little or no profit as is that land. _alonzo martin quirante_ _act_. in the camp of new mines and the fort of santiago of the ygolotes, on the twenty-ninth day of the month of march, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, captain and sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, chief magistrate of the province of pangasinan and military commandant of that province and of that of ylocos, in whose charge is the conquest or pacification of the ygolote indians, and the discovery, working, and opening of their mines, declared that inasmuch as he was ordered by governor and captain-general don alonso fajardo de tença, he has come for the said purpose of the said conquest, pacification, and discovery of the said mines. and inasmuch as he had been informed by experienced men that the productive mines, to which the said natives are giving most attention at the present time, are the new ones among them called galan, he has located and planted upon them the said camp and fort of santiago, so that, having made a fort among them and placed in safety his men, food supply, and other military stores, he might make expeditions and explore the other mines of which he has or may have information that the said ygolotes have profitably worked, or can work, throughout all this region. he declared that it should be ascertained what ore could be obtained from those mines, and the amount of metal that should result from them, and the loss of materials that should be allotted for their treatment. he ordered me, the present scribe, to make and prepare a blank book in which to set down as evidence, with the day, month, and year, the assays of the said ores obtained from such mines, and the materials used in their treatment; and that this act be placed at the head of such evidence, which should therefore be given, in the said manner, so that it might be seen for all time. thus did he decree and order, and he affixed his signature. i, the said scribe of this said camp of mines and forces of santiago, attest it. _alonso martin quirante_ before me: _alonso callexas_ _attestation_. 1. i, alonso callexas, scribe of these new mines of santiago of the ygolotes, in fulfilment of the order given me by the said act above declared, having made this blank book, do hereby attest faithfully and truly, that today, saturday, at ten o'clock at night, or thereabout, the thirtieth of this current month of march, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, the first assay was finished by alférez martin de vergara, of the company of the said captain and sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, in the presence of juan de mugaburu, rodrigo lopez orduña, grabiel molinero, and diego de tovar, all miners. the assay was for one-half quintal of ore which was obtained from a hole made in these new mines from the crust of the earth to the openings and veins whence the said ygolote indians evidently had been and were obtaining it, and when we had dug down about ten estados. the said assay was made by refining, by feeding [the dust of the ore] upon sixteen libras of lead. from it was obtained a grain that resembled silver, which, having been weighed by me, weighed a trifle more than one real. in order that that may be evident, i gave the present at the petition of the said captain and sargento-mayor, who, together with the said alférez, affixed his signature. witnesses were licentiate augustin tabuyo baldicañas, cura and vicar in this said camp and fort, adjutant andres tamayo, alférez don joseph de renteria, and many others who were present at this royal camp and fort of santiago, where this is dated on the said saturday, march thirty, one-thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _alonso martin quirante_ _martin de vergara_ before me: _alonso callejas_, scribe. [twenty-five other attestations, one for every following assay after the first, all similar to the above, follow. the document continues:] _attestation_. 27. i, alonso callejas, scribe of these said new mines and fort of santiago among the ygolotes, attest and witness truly that the twenty-six assays contained in these six leaves and in this form, are of the mines and ores declared therein; and that from the said mines, in my presence, of which i give attestation, one hundred quintals of ore, besides that used in the said assays, were taken by order of captain and sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, in order to send them to the city of manila, by alférez martin de vergara, juanes de mugaburu, graviel molinero, rodrigo lopez orduña, and diego de tovar, all miners. accordingly that ore, having been weighed by me, is being carried in four hundred small rice-baskets of an arroba apiece--so that, since they are from the same ores as those from which the said assays have been made, the governor and captain-general, don alonso faxardo de tença, and the royal officials may have the assays made again in the said city; and so that, with verification of the efforts that have been made in these mines, they may understand and see the truth concerning and the possibilities of the mines of the ygolotes of which we have as yet had notice, and that have been worked or may be worked all about this said camp and for some leguas about it. and so that it may be evident, i gave the present at the petition of captain and sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, who affixed his signature together with the above mentioned miners. witnesses were licentiate agustin tabuyo baldecañas, captain joan de salinas, and adjutant andres tamayo, while in this camp of new mines and the fort of santiago, where this is dated on the twenty-seventh day of the month of may, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _alonso martin quirante_ _martin de vergara_ _juanes de mugaburu_ _rodrigo lopez orduña_ _diego de tovar_ _graviel molinero_ before me: _alonso callejas_, scribe. by order of the captain and sargento-mayor, alonso martin quirante, chief justice of this province of pangasinan and military commandant of it and of the province of ylocos, i, the present scribe, ordered to be drawn and drew this copy of the original attestations and investigations which were made for the said purpose. it is a true and faithful copy, and has been collated and revised with the said originals which were sent to the said governor and captain-general of these islands, don alonso fajardo de tenga. in the copy, for its greater validity, the said captain and sargento-mayor interposed his authority and judicial decree in due form, and so that it might be credited in and out of court. and he affixed his signature, witnesses being alférez alonso tellez de prado, sargento domingo ruiz, and captain joan de salinas, who were present in this village of alingayen, where this is given on the fifth day of the month of june, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _alonso martin quirante_ i sealed it in testimony of truth: _gaspar de los reyes_, notary-public. _quicksilver that was lost_ no. 1. it is silver. 10. no. 2. it weighed scarce one maes, or nine diezmos, of the fineness of eighteen or nineteen carats, alloyed with silver. it is worth on this occasion four reals. [64] 11. no. 3. it weighs two and one-half diezmos. ten diezmos make one maes of the same gold of the above standard. it is worth one and one-half reals. 6. no. 4. it weighs one and one-half diezmos of the same fineness as the first. it is worth twenty-four maravedis. 3. no. 6. it weighs one maes and one diezmo of gold of twenty carats fine. it is worth five and one-half reals. 12. no. 7. the gold weighs one maes two diezmos of eighteen or nineteen carats fine. it is worth five and one-half reals. 3. no. 8. the gold weighs five and one-half diezmos of eighteen carats fine. it is worth two reals and twenty-four maravedis. 2. no. 9. 32. no. 10. the gold weighs six and one-half diezmos of sixteen carats fine. it is worth three reals. 8. no. 11. the gold weighs two maes four diezmos of twenty-two carats fine. it is worth thirteen reals twenty-four maravedis. 3. no. 12. it weighs two diezmos of sixteen carats fine. it is worth one real. 3. no. 13. it weighs two large diezmos of eighteen carats fine. it is worth one real. 2 1/2. no. 14. it weighs one large diezmo of eighteen or nineteen carats fine. it is worth twenty-four maravedis. 6. no. 15. it weighs a scant one-half diezmo of eighteen carats fine. it is worth six maravedis. 4. no. 16. it weighs a scant one-half diezmo of eighteen carats fine. it is worth six maravedis. 3. no. 17. 2 1/2. no. 18. it weighs one diezmo of eighteen carats fine. it is worth one-half real. 2. no. 19. it weighs nine and one-half diezmos of sixteen carats fine. it is worth three reals twenty-four maravedis. 1. no. 21. it weighs four diezmos of eighteen or nineteen carats fine. it is worth two reals. 1/2. no. 22. it weighs three diezmos of fourteen carats fine. it is worth one real. 2. no. 24. it weighs six and one-half diezmos of metal [but of a] very base alloy; to judge by its points, there is no standard with which to compare it. all the rest is copper. no. 26. it is silver. pelayo hernandez. all of it is worth 5 pesos 6 tomins. in the city of manila, on the thirteenth of july, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, while doctor don alvaro de mesa y lugo of his majesty's council and his auditor in the said royal audiencia, who exercises the office of its president; and don geronimo de silva, captain-general on sea and land and of the artillery of these islands; licentiate juan de saavedra balderramas, licentiate don matthias flores, and licentiate zapata de galvez, auditors and fiscals of the said royal audiencia; and the judicial officials of the royal revenues, diego de castro lizon, factor and overseer, and martin ruiz de salazar, accountant--were in the hall of the audiencia; and while they were thus assembled: the said president declared that inasmuch as a quantity of ores had been brought from the mines of the ygolotes, so that the tests might be made here, in order to ascertain whether they conformed to those made there, of which sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, chief magistrate and commandant of the province of pangasinan, sent a relation and attestation, it was advisable to discuss it and determine whether it would be advisable to send the ore brought thence to nueva españa in the ships which are next to be sent thither. inasmuch as there are many persons skilled in mines and assay of ore in that kingdom, they might perhaps be able to furnish the accurate tests there that had not been arrived at here. if they did not succeed in ascertaining its quality there, that would be a greater proof of the disillusion that is talked of here. he trusted that what might be done in this matter be most expedient for the service of the king our sovereign. the assembly having discussed and conferred upon the question put by the said president, all were unanimously and harmoniously of one accord and opinion. they declared and voted that for the present the expenses and costs that are being incurred in the working of the mines of the ygolotes be curtailed; that the officials and workmen there be withdrawn and disbanded; that the one hundred _chiculetes_ [_sc._ quintals] of ore and dirt which are in this city, together with the gold obtained, from the assays and tests which were made there, be sent in those vessels next to be despatched to nueva españa, to the royal officials of the city of mexico; and that the matter be entrusted to the royal officials of this city--not only to attend to it, but to send a relation of all that has taken place and of the efforts expended in the working of those mines, and the results thereof. thus they may there prove it, and attempt to make new efforts to know whether the greatest profit has been obtained from what was got here--for it is understood that there are persons there of greater experience in that art--so that advice of it may be given to the royal council of the indias, and may also be sent to the said royal officials of this city. the president also declared that the infantry stationed in the city of nueva segovia are very needy and destitute, as it is many days since any aid has been sent to them from this city; and, as the greater part of that province has revolted, his majesty does not possess in it any royal revenues with which to be able to sustain the soldiers. [accordingly, it should be considered] whether it would be advisable that the infantry established in the presidio at the mines be assigned to the province of nueva segovia, so that, with greater forces, our purpose to subdue the natives who have revolted there might be attained, since the said mines are in the middle of the path. he also declared that, above all, the said men present at the meeting should give their opinion, so that whatever might be voted be carried out as might be most advisable for his majesty's service. the said men in the assembly having discussed and conferred concerning the proposition of the said president, all were unanimously and uniformly of one mind and opinion. they declared that four installments of pay be sent to the infantry established in the presido at the city of nueva segovia; and that the royal judges and officials send directions for the order that must be observed in relieving them. in what pertains to the infantry established in the presidio of the mines being taken to the city of nueva segovia, they declared that that be referred to the captain-general, so that he may take what measures are most expedient for his majesty's service. they gave their opinion in writing, and affixed their signatures. _doctor don alvaro de mesa y lugo_ _don geronimo de silva_ _licentiate don juan de saavedra balderrama_ _licentiate don mathias delgado flores_ _licentiate marcos zapota de galvez_ _diego de castro lizon_ _martin ruiz de salazar_ before me: _pedro alvarez_ collated with the original minute: _pedro alvarez_ between lines are: "me;" "in;" "they find;" "that was brought from the old mines called;" "corrected;" "me;" "who;" "should be worth;" "erased;" "ygolotes;" "in-[_des_];" "ten;" "it is not worth." revised with a copy of the originals that is in this royal accountancy, to which we refer. manila, august eleven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _diego de castro lison_ _joan perez descalona_ _martin ruiz de salazar_ bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla, the pressmark of each being thus indicated: 1. _letter by fajardo_ (july 21).--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." 2. _letter by serrano_ (1621).--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 3. _affairs in franciscan province_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1617 á 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38." 4. _letter by silva_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oydores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20." 5. _letter by fajardo_ (december 10).--the same as no. 1. 6. _letters by messa y lugo_--the same as no. 4. 7. _letters by serrano_ (1622).--the same as no. 2. 8. _decrees regarding religious_.--"audiencia de filipinas; registro de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidos á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." 9. _expedition to igorrotes mines_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1623 á 1641; est. 67, caj. 16, leg. 30." the following is from a ms. in the collection "papeles de los jesuitas," in the real academia de la historia, madrid: 10. _news from province of filipinas_.--"tomo 87, n_o_ 48." the following is taken from the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 11. _letter by felipe iv_.--"tomo 40, fol. 7, verso, n_o_ 15." the following is found in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library): 12. _death of doña catalina_.--in vol. i, pp. 509-514. the following document includes two, as thus indicated: 13. _royal permission for dominican college_.--from _algunos documentos relat. univ. de manila_ (madrid, 1892), p. 21; and pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, iii, p. 565. notes [1] according to the _diary_ of richard cocks, this prince was the father-in-law of calsa sama, the youngest son of the shogun hidétada. [2] pedro de avila joined the franciscan missions in the philippines in 1616, and immediately requested from his superiors permission to go to japan. this was finally granted; he went there in 1619, but was imprisoned for preaching the faith, in 1620, and, after nearly two years of most painful and wretched imprisonment, was burned at the stake at nangasaqui, on september 10, 1622, at the age of thirty years. [3] the original ms. of this document is badly worn, in places; and the words enclosed in brackets, in the two following paragraphs, indicate the conjectures of the transcriber. [4] these priests were pedro de zuñiga, an augustinian, and luis flores, a dominican. in 1622, they, with the japanese captain of the vessel, were burned to death by a slow fire, and the crew were beheaded. the japanese shogun appropriated the cargo of the ship, leaving only the empty hull for the dutch and english. (see cocks's _diary_, i, pp. xxxvi and xxxvii.) [5] as a result of this alliance, the english and the dutch east india companies were united; "a combined fleet of english and dutch ships, sailing under the modest name of the fleet of defence, was equipped for the purpose of endamaging the common enemy and diverting the trade of china from the philippine islands to the dutch and english settlements; in other words, to blockade the spanish and portuguese ports and seize as many of the chinese trading junks as possible. in the two expeditions to the philippines undertaken by the fleet before the english and dutch again separated, they captured many prizes." (see e.m. thompson's preface to cocks's _diary_, i, pp. xxxi-xxxvi.) [6] la concepción (v, pp. 106, 107), in reporting this incident says that the amour of the governor's wife was with a "distinguished subject of this community," that is, manila, and that the latter was not killed but escaped across seas. montero y vidal (_historia_, i, pp. 177, 179), who had evidently not seen the documents of the text, and partially following la conceptión's error and improving on it, lays the time of fajardo's vengeance in 1624, and says that the paramour was unknown and escaped by jumping from a window, later probably finding means to get to america. montero y vidal is usually more careful of his dates. [7] _i.e._, for prayers or works for the benefit of the souls in purgatory. [8] serrano apparently overlooks the diocesan council convened in 1600 by bishop agurto at cibú (see _vol_. xiii, pp. 133-135). addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_ says (p. 46): "provincial councils, owing to the difficulties of the times, have been less frequent in recent times than formerly; but, by the council of trent, metropolitans are bound to convene them, every three years." [9] the ecclesiastical judge to whom the bishop delegates his authority and jurisdiction for the determination of the suits and causes pertaining to his jurisdiction; and hence a synonym for vicar-general. rev. t.c. middleton, in a recent communication, says that the term "provisor" was apparently used only by the spanish and spanish colonies. it is not to be found in ferrario, moroni, or soglia, and has no legal equivalent in english. it generally appears linked with another term as "provisor y vicario capitular" or "provisor y vicario general." an archbishop or bishop usually had his "provisor" whose powers were apparently the same as a vicar-general's or a vicar-capitular's. the nomination, or creation, of a vicar-general is in the hands of an archbishop or bishop; whereas a vicar-capitular is chosen only when a see becomes vacant, the cathedral chapter naming the person, who is to rule (during the said vacancy) with title of "vicar-capitular." in the united states, since there are no cathedral chapters, there are in consequence no vicars-capitular, their place, etc., being taken by an administrator, who is chosen by the metropolitan, unless already named by the former occupant of the vacant see. [10] the discalced franciscans were founded by st. francis of assisi, under the name friars minor, and the rule was very binding and strict. under the immediate successor of st. francis, elias of cortona, sprang up a branch of the order, made up of former members who wished a less strict rule, and those who wished to preserve the strict rule were persecuted. the members of the relaxed branch became known as "conventuals" or "minors conventual" in contradistinction to the friars minor (or minorites), who are known also as "observants" or "observantines." three great branches sprang later from the friars minor: reformed minors, founded in 1419, by st. bernardino of siena; the recollects, founded in 1500, by john of guadalupe; and the alcantarines, founded in 1555, by st. peter of alcantára--but all under one head or chief superior, termed minister-general. the alcantarines wore a white habit, the others brown, except in england and spanish countries, where they wear gray. in 1897, pope leo xiii, by his bull _felicitate quadam_ ordered the observants, reformed, discalced, or alcantarines, and the recollects, to unite under the same general superior, to use the same constitutions, to wear the same habit, and to bear the same name, viz., "friars minor." the conventuals and capuchins were to remain distinct orders as heretofore. the term _paño_ in the text refers to the conventuals, the less strict branch of the franciscans, who were wont to dress in what one might call "fine raiment"--habits of cloth, as distinguished from the coarse serge-like stuff of the others. cf. addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_.--_rev. t.c. middleton_. [11] referring to the church and convent of santi quattro incoronati (one of the titular churches of rome), which was founded by honorius i (a.d. 622), on the site of a temple of diana, in honor of four painters and five sculptors who all were martyred for refusing to paint and carve idols for diocletian. see historical and descriptive account of it in a.j.c. hare's _walks in rome_, pp. 230-232. [12] argensola (_conquista_), p. 317, mentions the anhayes merchants, and speaks of them as coming from chincheo. see _vol_. xii of this series, pp. 155, 277; the word is there spelled _avay_ and auhay, because thus written in the spanish transcription from the original. [13] pedro de san pablo made his profession in the franciscan province of san josé, and in 1606 went to the philippines, where he was appointed conventual preacher of naga. in 1609 he went to manila as preacher, and at the same time had charge of santa ana de sepa. october 29, 1611, he was elected definitor, and in 1616 minister of santa ana de sepa once more. he became provincial august 3, 1619, and held that office until march 15, 1622, when he embarked for mexico, but died at sea. see huerta's _estado_. [14] spanish, _descalces_; literally, "barefootedness;" a term applied to monastic organizations whose members are not permitted to wear shoes. [15] a reference to i cor. i, 12, and possibly to iii, 22. [16] huerta says of sotelo (p. 393): "as the preparations for his journey to japan were not made so promptly as he desired, he retired to our convent of san francisco del monte, where he occupied himself in the practice of all kinds of virtues until the year 1622, when he succeeded in reaching japan." fuerza here apparently refers to ecclesiastical interference with sotelo's plans, to which reference has been several times made in preceding volumes. [17] andres del sacramento was a native of a small village in the valley of sayago. he made profession in the province of san pablo, and reached the philippines in 1611. in october of that year he was assigned to the village of ligmauan, whence he went to tacboan. at the chapter held august 3, 1619, he was elected definitor. he afterward ministered at manila, minalabag, polangui, and again at minalabag. he became provincial november 18, 1628, and held that office until january 17, 1632. in that time he projected and partly executed the opening of a navigable canal from nueva cáceres to the port of pasacao. after 1632 he ministered in several villages, and was elected provincial for the second time september 16, 1639, holding the office until january 17, 1643. he died in the convent at manila in 1644. see huerta's _estado_. [18] agustin de tordesillas was born in tordesillas in 1528, and in his childhood served as acolyte in the parochial church, where he learned to play the organ. in 1558 he took the franciscan habit as a lay brother, and made profession in the observantine province of la concepcion in 1559. he was finally ordained a priest, and became a confessor. he afterward joined the province of san josé, and arrived with the first franciscans at manila in 1577, and was appointed first president of the convent there. on may 20, 1579, he went to china, returning thence at the beginning of 1580. that year he was appointed first master of novitiates, first chaplain of the royal hospital of manila, and vicar-general of all the archipelago, which last office he held until the arrival of bishop salazar in 1581. in 1582 he went to china again, whence he went to siam in 1583, via macao. returning to macao he was appointed guardian of the convent there, but returned to manila in 1586. there he labored in the hospital until he was elected definitor at the chapter of september 15, 1594, after that being guardian one or more times of the convents at manila, san francisco del monte, and cavite, besides having charge of sampaloc. he lived to the age of one hundred and one years, dying in the manila convent, having been the last one of the first mission to die. he wrote a relation of the expedition of the franciscans to china. see _ut supra_, and _vol_. vi, p. 131. note 31. [19] in the ms. at this point the text apparently reads _pol_ desta pos; but it is uncertain what these words refer to, especially as tordesillas was not at the time provincial of the franciscan province, but was probably minister at sampaloc, near manila (huerta, p. 504). [20] huerta's lists contain no one of this name; but he gives a sketch of alonso de santa ana, missionary in the philippines from 1594 until his death in 1630. this priest, however, was absent in mexico and europe from 1617 until 1621, when he returned to manila. [21] diego fernandez de córdoba, marques de guadalcázar, was viceroy from 1612 to 1620. the audiencia of mexico then assumed rule, which lasted until the arrival (august, 1621) of the new viceroy, diego carrillo de mendoza y pimentel, marques de gelves. he was a just, stern, and efficient ruler, who reformed many abuses and protected the poor and the indians; but he thus incurred the enmity of corrupt men in high position, and even that of the archbishop, juan perez de la serna. in consequence, gelves was excommunicated by serna (january, 1624), and soon afterward deposed by popular clamor and riots; the audiencia then governed until the following october, when a new viceroy came, the marques de cerralvo. by his efforts, gelves was vindicated in every respect, and honorably returned to spain. [22] bancroft (_history of mexico_, iii, pp. 28, 38) characterizes the viceroy guadalcázar as a weak and somewhat indolent ruler, in whose term corruption flourished; but of gelves he says: "he broke up effectually the trade in contraband goods between acapulco and peru.... he removed the royal officials having charge of the supplies for the philippines, putting clean-handed men in their places; and in consequence the amount of supplies sent to that colony was greater than ever before.... [_note_:] in 1622 the value of these supplies was nine hundred thousand dollars, and in the following year two-thirds of that amount." [23] alluding to the death, by fajardo's own hand, of his unfaithful wife and her lover; see the first two documents of the present volume. [24] celebes was long almost unknown to europeans, and its deep indentations by gulfs led to the notion, long entertained, that it was a group of islands, rather than one. it has an estimated area of some 57,000 square miles, but its soil is generally poor, and its population thin and scanty. the two leading and more civilized people of celebes are the macassars and bugis, who inhabit its southwestern peninsula. the macassar nation (in their own language, mangkasara) conquered the bugis in the sixteenth century, and became converts to mahometanism early in the seventeenth. they were conquered by the dutch in 1669, and the latter nation has since then been nominal ruler of celebes island. by the name macassar is commonly meant the dutch fortified town of rotterdam, on the western shore of the peninsula above mentioned; the dutch made it a free port in 1847. see the full descriptive and historical account of celebes by valentyn, _oud en nieuw oost-indien_, part iii, book ii, pp. 128-235. [25] pernambuco, one of the most important of the portuguese colonies in brazil, was founded early in the sixteenth century. it was captured and plundered in 1593 by the english, under sir james lancaster, and again seized by the dutch in 1630; but the portuguese drove out the dutch in 1654, after which time brazil remained in possession of portugal, until the peaceful revolution of that colony, and the formation of the present republic. [26] in the original, the order of these two letters is the reverse of that given here. although the letter presented here first is undated, sufficient internal evidence attests that its date is earlier than the other letter, and that it is the duplicate of a letter sent by the ships of an earlier year. [27] so in original; evidently an ironical comment. [28] our transcript reads "_gente religiosissima_," "a most religious race," which is evidently intended for "_gente belicosissima_." [29] colin, _labor evangélica_, p. 159, in discussing the events of fajardo's government of the islands says: "and inasmuch as there were many complaints of the annoyances imposed upon the indians during don juan de silva's term, because of the construction of so many and so great galleons, he was charged to moderate that, and to endeavor to give relief to the natives; in consequence of which, as soon as he had entered by the strait of san bernardino, he ordered two galleons which he found on the stocks there to be reduced in size. during his entire government he was very favorable to the indians, and relieved as many of their burdens as possible. therefore they loved him as a father. he also favored particularly the progress of the spanish community, endeavoring to get worthy soldiers to become citizens there--to whom, for that purpose, he granted encomiendas and offices. by that means the soldiers were reformed, and many daughters of spaniards who were without protection were married." [30] _retraido_: one who has taken refuge in a sacred place. [31] see this and other regulations concerning suits that affect auditors, in "foundation of the audiencia," _vol_. v of this series. [32] the reading of this and following legal quotations of this document are due to the kindly cooperation of dr. munroe smith, of the school of political science of columbia university; mr. joseph fitzgerald, of mamaroneck, new york; and rev. josé algué, s.j., of the manila observatory. the passages allow for the most part, of only conjecture, while some portions are unintelligible. [33] mr. fitzgerald conjectures that _ultra multa cum tiber farsnaci_ is equivalent to "many [passages, texts, authorities?] besides in tiberius farsnaci." _regni col[lectio]._ possibly the citation is from the _nueva recopilación_ of 1567. in some contemporary latin commentaries the _nueva recopilación_ is described as _regiæ constitutiones_; in others as _collectio legum hispania_. book 9, title 4 of the _nueva recopilación_ deals with "_los officiales de la contaduria mayor_." _regni collectio_ would naturally refer to the castilian law. possibly, however, the reference is to some collection of laws for the colonies. the _recopilación de las leyes de indias_ was not published till 1680; but, according to antequera (_hist. de la legislacion_, p. 564), a previous collection of the colonial laws, down to 1596, was made "_en cuatro tomos impresos_;" also, early in the seventeenth century, "_se publicó como provisional el libro titulado 'sumarios de la recopilación' general de leyes_."--_munroe smith_. [34] _no ymperio, ni mero, ni misto. imperio mero_ [_i.e.,_ pure authority], the authority that resides in the sovereign, and by his appointment in certain magistrates, to impose penalties on the guilty, with the trying of the cause; _imperio mixto_ [_i.e._, mixed authority], the authority that belongs to judges to decide civil cases, and to carry their sentences into effect. see _novísimo diccionario de la lengua cast_. (paris, 1897). [35] ff = digest (ff was a lombard form of d), and the reference is to justinian's _digest_, book 48, tit. 19 (_de poenis_) fragment 27, which begins "_divi fratres_." the last paragraph of this fragment empowers the roman governor (_præses_) to arrest and imprison any of the leading citizens (_principales_) who have committed felonies. it is cited as a precedent in favor of the spanish president.--_munroe smith_. [36] at this point the following citation occurs in the margin: _ultra plures cum cobb lib. 3, variar, c. 13, nº 6. bartol alias ex conducto et item cumquidam ff locat e inl c et divus ff de uauj e ex trah i egruti p. totum maxime n° 15 luias de penia in l i c de principal lib. 12_. much of this is unintelligible and there have evidently been many errors in transcription due to the illegibility of the original ms. the following conjectures and information, however, clear up certain portions of the passage. mr. fitzgerald conjectures _ultra plures_ to be "several [authors] besides." _cobb._ is read _codieibus_ by father josé algué, s.j. _ex conducto et item cumquidam ff locat_. the reference is to justinian's digest, book 19, tit. 2 (_locati conducti_), fr. 15, which begins "_ex conducto_" and especially to the passage in the middle of fr. 15 (§ 3 of modern editions) which begins "_cum quidam_." it reads: "when a certain person alleged a conflagration on the (leased) land and desired a remission (of the rent), the following rescript is sent to him: 'if you have tilled the soil, relief may not undeservedly be given you on account of the accident of a sudden conflagration.'" the transcription of the following reference to the digest: _divus ff_: is too hopelessly muddled to identify. before these is a reference to bartolus, and at the end a reference possibly to cujas (cujacius). bartolus was the leading civilian of the fourteenth century; cujacius of the sixteenth.--_munroe smith_. _in l_ is for _in loco_, and _l i c_ for _loco ibi citato_.--_jose algue_, s.j. [37] chocolate was at that time supplied to the philippines from nueva españa; but the cultivation of the cacao-tree (_theobroma cacao_), of which chocolate is a product, was introduced into the islands about 1665 by the governor diego salcedo, at the instance of the jesuit juan de avila, according to delgado (_hist. de filipinas_, p. 535). blanco says (_flora,_ p. 420), citing gaspar de san agustin, that this honor belongs to a pilot named pedro brabo de lagunas, who brought cacao plants to manila in 1670. [38] there is evidently a slip of some sort here, due either to mistranscription or to a slip between messa's hand and brain. the sense seems to require some such phrase as "depositions were given with great fear." [39] there is a probable play on words here, the original reading _asolar_, literally, "destroy;" but the writer may have used it in the sense of "to deprive the earth of the sun," in view of the succeeding remark, _sol_ being the word for "sun." [40] this letter is published, in an abridged form, by rev. pablo pastells, in his edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, ii, pp. 688, 689; but he there dates the letter july 25, while the sevilla ms. (here followed) makes it august, in 1621. [41] the italic side heads and center heads throughout this letter appear in the margin of the original, and were made either by the archbishop himself or by a government clerk. [42] _i.e._, guardianship: the district allowed to each convent in which to beg. [43] this last sentence is evidently the correction in the margin noted by the archbishop in the last clause of the present letter. [44] the numbers given in the text (all written out in words, not figures) amount to 205,000. [45] the numbers given in the text, for the various bishoprics, amount to 509,450. [46] conducted by the confraternity of that name; see letter of audiencia regarding the objects and work of this association, in _vol_. xiv, pp. 208-313. see also dasmariñas's account of the royal hospital, in _vol_. x, pp. 28-40. [47] at that period the (new) parián, as shown by a plan of 1641, was opposite the city of manila on the other side of the pasig river. evidently, then, the chinese and indians were obliged to pay tolls for crossing the river to the city. [48] see _vol_. xiii, p. 185, note 33. _beca_ is most suitably translated "sleeves." [49] a decree of like tenor was sent to the audiencia on the same date. it is quite probable that similar decrees were sent to all the orders. [50] regarding this, fajardo wrote thus to the king, on august 17, 1623 (a letter found in the sevilla archives): "the expedition to take possession of the gold mines of the ygolotes, which border on peaceful lands of this island, has been accomplished, although it has entailed some expense, not a little labor, and some bloodshed; for those barbarians are so indomitable, and occupy fortifications, in which are spaniards and indians belonging to the peaceful vassals of your majesty. the indications of the mines, the disposition of the ridges, and the quality of the earth where they were, promise more richness than do the trials which have been made thus far by washing and separating the gold. until all the tests which are used for this purpose have been made, it can not be certainly said what their value, will be--although it appears to me that that cannot be small, considering the large amount of gold which these natives take from the mines and barter with the friendly indians. even if the profit is not large enough to make it expedient to administer it on your majesty's account, in pacifying and reducing to obedience these ygolotes indians there will be no little advantage, besides the taxes, from reducing them to the vassalage of your majesty, and to instruction in our holy catholic faith, which they have never received." [51] "the nutmeg [_myristica fragrans_] grows naturally in cebu and in laguna province, and will grow in all parts of the islands cultivated" (_report_ of u.s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, p. 271). delgado states (_historia_, p. 537) that in 1737 he found the nutmeg growing wild in leyte, a native of the visayas islands. he adds: "it could be cultivated in these islands, if the natives would apply themselves to this work--or at least if the alcaldes-mayor would compel them to do so, as they do now in la laguna of manila, from which results to the people of the islands no little benefit." [52] probably the same as ramón beguer, who arrived in the islands in 1615, and ministered in various missions in pangasinan. finally he retired to the dominican convent in manila, where he died in 1661 (_reseña biog. sant. rosario_, i, p. 348). [53] george f. becker in his "report on geology of the philippine islands"--in _twenty-first annual report_ of u.s. geological survey (washington, 1901), part iii, pp. 487-625--cites (p. 622; cf. also p. 517) the geologist r. von drasche thus: "layers of tuff [or tufa--a volcanic rock formed of agglutinated volcanic earth or scoria] are also exposed (_fragmente zu einer geologie der insel luzón_, pp. 29-31) at many points between aringay and benguet, but these tuffs toward the interior, even at galiano, are 'no longer earthy, but quite hard, crystalline, and sandstone like.'" this probably explains martin's description of the hard ground. ariñgay is located on the northwestern coast of luzón, at the mouth of ariñgay river, in the province, of unión. [54] bacacayes; see description of these weapons in _vol_. xvi, p. 55, note 26. [55] the distance from the end of the thumb to the end of the forefinger (both extended)--about equivalent to the english span. [56] for the dress of the igorrotes, see sawyer's _inhabitants of the philippines_, pp. 254, 255, and the names of their various articles of dress, p. 264. concerning the igorrotes, bulletin no. i, of the _census of the philippine islands: 1903_, "population of the philippines" (department of commerce and labor, bureau of the census: 1904) contains the following (p. 6): "of the other wild tribes in the philippine islands, one of the most important is the igorot, which inhabits the central cordillera from the extreme north of luzón south to the plains of pangasinán and nueva ecija. under this general name there are various subgroup designations, such as the gaddans, dadayags, or mayoyao. another branch of the igorot tribe is the kalinga, along the cagayán river, near ilagan, in the province of isabela. to the westward, in the sub-province of bontoc, is another branch of the igorot people, who are said to be the most famous of the head-hunters. another branch is the tinguian, inhabiting the provinces of nueva ecija, ilocos sur, lepanto-bontoc, and abra." [57] see sawyer, _ut supra_, p. 263. the spear described is probably the _say-aug_. the sharp-pointed stakes are of bamboo, and are called _sayac_ or _dayac_. [58] that is, the bones of the animals that they had killed for their feasts, and which they hung up in their houses as ornaments and display. [59] see becker's account of the gold-producing districts in luzón, their geological conditions, and the native methods of mining (_twenty-first annual report_ of u.s. geological survey, part iii, pp. 576-580). he states that the igorrotes have always refused, even to the present day, to allow any outsiders, of any race, to visit the quartz mines in their country. [60] "roasted and powdered copper pyrites added to ores of silver when reduced to the state of a magma [_i.e._, a thin paste], in order to reduce the horn silver; formerly so called at the spanish mines of mexico and south america" (webster's _dictionary_). "the _magistral_ is a mixture of pyritous copper and sulphuretted salt, roasted for some hours in a reverberating oven, and slowly cooled" (humboldt's _new spain_, black's trans., iii, p. 260). [61] spanish, _greta_, an old word used for _almártaga_; oxide of lead in the form of small scales, and lustrous; commonly called "litharge of silver," or "of gold," as it resembles those metals. [62] also written _temesquitato_; a mexican word, applied to the dross from the surface of lead into which pulverized silver ore is introduced. [63] see humboldt's account of the mining methods and processes in vogue in nueva españa, in his _new spain_ (black's trans.), iii, pp. 231-280. various laws and ordinances concerning the discovery and operation of mines in the spanish colonies may be found in _recopilación de leyes_. mainly in lib. iv, tit. xix, xx, and lib. viii, tit. xi. [64] the first figure refers to the number of onzas loss of quicksilver, and the second to the number of the assay. thus ten onzas of quicksilver were lost in the second assay. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxiii, 1629-30 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxiii preface documents of 1629-30 decree regarding mission appointments in the indias. felipe iv; madrid, april 6, 1629 letter from manila dominicans to felipe iv. diego duarte, and others; manila, may 12, 1629 letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; cavite, august 1, 1629 relation of 1629-30. [unsigned; manila, july, 1630] letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; manila, july 30, and cavite, august 4, 1630 history of the augustinian order in the filipinas islands (to be concluded). juan de medina, o.s.a.; 1630 [but printed at manila, 1893] bibliographical data illustrations monument in manila to legazpi and urdaneta; from a photograph in possession of the colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid 125 map of the marianas islands (with large inset of the island of guam); photographic facsimile of bellin's map in _historische beschryving der reizen_ (amsterdam, 1758), xvii, p. 6; from copy in library of wisconsin historical society 135 view of boat of the ladrone islands; from engraving in _histoire générale des voyages_ (paris, 1753) xi, facing p. 171; from copy in the library of wisconsin historical society 139 exterior of augustinian church and convent, manila; from plate in possession of the colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid 205 preface the present volume contains but few documents relating to current affairs in 1629-30, the greater part of its space being occupied with the augustinian medina's history of his order in the philippines to 1630; but the annual reports of the governor present an interesting view of the colony's affairs at that time. as usual, the colonial treasury is but slenderly provided with the funds necessary for carrying on the government, and tavora proposes expedients for obtaining these, and for utilizing hitherto neglected resources of the country. he has to contend with hostility on the part of the royal officials, and apathy in mexico as to the welfare of the far western colony dependent on it. the southern malays are hostile, but thus far have been held in check; and threatened hostilities with japan have been averted. medina's history is of course largely religious; but it contains considerable mention of secular events and of social and economic conditions. the length of this work obliges us to synopsize such matter as is of secondary importance, and to conclude our translation of it in _vol_. xxiv. a royal decree (april 6, 1629) commands the provincials of the religious orders in the spanish colonies to heed the rights of the royal patronage in making or changing appointments to mission posts. the leading dominican officials in manila write (may 12, 1629) to the king, informing him that the country is in a ruinous condition from the piracies of the dutch, which have also broken up the trade of the islands. they ask certain favors from the king, and are sending an envoy to madrid to discuss their affairs with him. the annual reports of governor tavora (dated august 1, 1629) include many important matters. as usual, he is embarrassed by lack of funds; little has been received from nueva españa, and the revenues of the islands are greatly diminished by the decline in trade. he is endeavoring to secure what cloves he can from the moluccas, and advises that this product be bartered in india, on the royal account, for supplies needed for the royal magazines in manila, which can be done on highly profitable terms. tavora minimizes the possible danger to these cargoes from the dutch enemy at singapore, and asks that he be allowed to send cloves thus to india, at such times as he can collect a sufficient quantity for this purpose; and that in this matter the treasury officials be not allowed to interfere. he also proposes that the rations of rice allotted by the government to its workmen be provided by letting chinese farmers cultivate certain unused crown lands; he has even begun to plan for this undertaking. tavora recounts certain difficulties that he has experienced in dealing with the treasury officials at manila, and asks for the royal decision. in this connection, he remarks: "the offices in the yndias are not worth anything unless one steals." to this letter are appended the decisions made by the royal fiscal in spain. he refers to the royal councils the proposal to trade cloves in india; approves the farming of crown lands, but is uncertain whether the mexican treasury can provide the additional contribution thus made necessary; advises thorough inspection of the accounts of the probate treasury, and strict prohibition of the use of those funds by the governors; objects to accepting pay-warrants in place of cash; and states that the removal of minor officials in the treasury, and the fees paid to them, are matters which should be investigated. a later opinion by the fiscal is to the effect that those minor officials be removed and appointed, as hitherto, by the treasury officials, not by the governor. another letter from tavora, of the same date, deals with various matters of administration, relations with other nations, etc. he again deplores the late arrival of the ships from nueva españa, and urges that they he sent thence earlier in the season. he has not waited for them in sending the vessels to acapulco; and the latter carry but small cargoes, owing to the unusual lack of chinese goods in manila this year. the citizens desire to send a committee of their number to mexico to conduct their trade, in order to thwart the supposed unfriendly schemes of the mexican merchants; but the governor deprecates this proceeding, as dangerous to the best interests of the islands. it is favored by an old royal decree, which he is putting into execution; but he considers this so inexpedient that he asks the royal council to decide the case. he deprecates the forced loans that the governors make from the inhabitants, and urges that this be prevented by having more aid sent from nueva españa. the governor is endeavoring to have ships built in india, camboja, and cochinchina, to relieve the islands from this burden; he has a prospect of success in these efforts. the king of siam who withheld the property of spaniards is dead; and his son, in fear of spanish arms, seeks friendly relations with manila. tavora has endeavored to restore trade with japan, and has sent an embassy thither to make amends for burning the japanese junk off siam. regarding that affair, a sharp controversy has arisen between manila and macan, which is referred to the home government. don fernando de silva has left the islands, not without certain difficulties concerning bonds for his residencia, involving the governor's right of jurisdiction--which tavora settles by the decision of common sense. the bridge across the pasig is nearly completed, and the cost of it has been met from the general fund of the chinese residents, as has also the support of the hospital for their use. on the arrival of the ships from nueva españa, the governor is disappointed at receiving so little from the viceroy, and implores the king for more reliable and permanent aid for the islands. he is sending artillery to mexico. to this letter are appended a report of proceedings in the council convened to discuss relations with japan, and various official acts regarding fernando de silva's departure from the islands. the jesuit annalist for 1629-30 relates various affairs of war. an expedition is sent against jolo; but, their commander being wounded in an attack, the spaniards are seized with a panic, and retreat without accomplishing much. the malays of achen attack malacca, and besiege it during four months; then help arrives opportunely, in an expedition headed by the viceroy of india. the enemy are finally defeated, with loss of all their ships and artillery, and practically all their men killed or captured. soon afterward the viceroy is accidentally drowned, which puts an end to his plans of conquest. the missionaries in cochinchina are persecuted by superstitious natives. the more important events in the colony's affairs for 1630 are related in tavora's letters (july 30 and august 4). the japanese are still angry at the burning of their junk by the spaniards, and talk of attacking the latter in both formosa and luzón; accordingly, tavora has greatly strengthened the fortifications of manila. he has sent the usual relief to ternate, but finds hostile dutch ships there, and more reported as not far away. he mentions the siege of malaca, and other exploits of the portuguese; also the unsuccessful expedition to jolo. affairs in cagayan are improving, and more of the revolted indians are being subdued. in the second letter tavora recounts his difficulties with the auditors, who are sending secret despatches to spain, commanding the royal officials to pay their salaries regardless of the governor's orders, endeavoring to rule the chinese, interfering in matters which do not concern them, and complaining against the governor's acts and plans. tavora recounts these matters in detail, defending himself against the accusations made by the auditors, and stating his services to the crown. at the end, he asks permission to resign his post as governor. the _historia_ of fray juan de medina, o.s.a., was written in 1630, but printed at manila in 1893. he records the history of his order in the philippines up to 1630, adding much interesting information regarding secular affairs and the condition of the islands and their people. he begins with a résumé of the discovery and early history of the archipelago--in the former of which, it will he remembered, the augustinian urdaneta was so prominent. legazpi's voyage, and his encounters with the natives, are related at length. medina describes the island of cebú (where the spaniards first halted), and its economic and religious condition at the time of his writing. he adds some information regarding panay, negros, and other adjacent islands; then, resuming his narration, describes the founding by legazpi of a city in cebú, and the purification of the natives. this is at first a most difficult and vexatious matter, as the natives are faithless to their promises; but they are finally won over by a chief whose wife, captured by the spaniards, is well treated and restored to him. in the midst of this account medina injects another, relating how urdaneta, sent home by legazpi with despatches, discovers the return route from the philippines to nueva españa; and recounting subsequent events in the lives of urdaneta and his companion aguirre. friendship with the natives of cebú having been established, the augustinians there begin to labor in the conversion of the indians, and a considerable number of baptisms are conferred. the infant colony is attacked (at the instigation of the devil) by the portuguese, but they are obliged to depart without harming it. the missions thrive apace, and extend to neighboring islands; and fray diego de herrera goes to spain to obtain more laborers for this so promising field. returning, he brings tokens of the royal favor to both the missionaries and legazpi. that officer concludes to remove his seat of government to luzón, especially to secure the valuable chinese trade, of which medina gives some account--not failing to reiterate the stereotyped complaint that all the silver is being carried to china. medina describes with enthusiasm the magnificent bay of manila, where the spaniards enter luzon; and relates the dealings of the invaders with the moros, who are, as usual, perfidious and unreliable. after a time, however, they are reduced to obedience, largely through the efforts of the religious who accompany legazpi. the augustinians have a large and handsome convent in manila, which is described. the organization of their province of filipinas is accomplished _pro tempore_ in 1572, and diego de herrera is sent to spain to secure their independence and procure more missionaries. medina recounts the convents and churches founded in succession by his order, with some account of the lakes bombon and bay, and of the communities about them. speaking of the hospitals, he highly commends the franciscans who have them in charge. he describes the region watered by the pasig river, and the augustinian convents therein; and continues his account, in like manner, for panay and the other islands in which that order has its missions--throughout furnishing much valuable, although desultory, information regarding social and economic conditions. recurring to affairs at manila, he recounts the beginning and growth of the chinese trade there, and the unsuccessful attempts of the early augustinians to open a mission in china. legazpi's death (1572) is a grief and loss to that order. the people of mindoro, hearing of limahon's attack on manila, rebel, and threaten to kill the missionaries there; but afterward they release the fathers. the moros at manila also revolt, but are finally pacified. various new augustinians arrive at manila in 1574 and 1575; but a great loss befalls them in the following year, in the death of fray diego de herrera and ten missionaries whom he was bringing to the islands, their ship being wrecked when near manila. the augustinians, seeing their inability to cultivate so great a mission-field, invite other orders to come to their aid. accordingly, the discalced franciscans arrive in the islands in 1577, the jesuits in 1580, the dominicans in 1581. medina enumerates the missions and colleges conducted by the latter orders, at the same time warmly commending their educational work and their pious zeal. the dominicans are in charge of the sangleys, of whose sharp dealings with the spaniards medina complains. among the mission-fields ceded to the dominicans by the augustinians are the provinces of pangasinán and cagayan; in the latter, the natives frequently revolt against the spaniards. medina extols the magnificence of the churches in manila, and the liberality displayed by the faithful in adorning them. this is noted by foreigners who come to the city, notably the japanese. the converts of that nation have witnessed nobly their zeal and holy devotion, for more than nine hundred have been martyred in japan for the truth. in 1575, two augustinians go to china with letters from the governor of the philippines, hoping to begin a mission in that country. in this attempt they are not successful, but they return with much information regarding china, which until then had been mainly a _terra incognita_. the city of manila has made steady progress, and the religious orders are erecting stone buildings for their convents. at first, they had built their houses of wood, in the native style, which is described by our writer. many houses, both within and without the city, are now built of stone; but the health of the city is not as good as when the people lived in wooden houses. in 1578 fray agustín de alburquerque is elected provincial, and at once begins to extend the missions of his order--especially in pampanga, of which province some description is given. this province, once so populous, has lost many of its men by conscription for the spanish forts, being sent away even to maluco. it is often raided by the head-hunting tribes of the interior--something which cannot be checked, especially on account of the heedlessness and lack of foresight inherent in the character of the indians. they are lazy, deficient in public spirit, and have no initiative; what they accomplish is only under the vigilance and urging of the missionary or the alcalde-mayor. the panay convent is near the spanish fort at arevalo, and the fathers have the privilege of treatment by the surgeon there--"who, without being able to distinguish his right hand, bleeds and purges, so that in a brief time the sick man is laid in his grave." the creoles of nueva españa die early, and "do not reach their majority." in 1581, fray andrés de aguirre is elected provincial of filipinas: his many virtues and achievements are extolled by our writer. medina here takes occasion to advocate the policy of gathering the indians into reductions and there teaching them the civilized ways of europeans. he makes interesting observations on the character and temperament of the natives; and complains of the opposition encountered by the missionaries from the spaniards, "by whose hands the devil wages warfare against the ministry; consequently the religious tire themselves out, and the devil reaps what harvest he wills." but the spaniards oppress the indians; and, "if it were not for the protection of the religious, there would not now be an indian, or any settlement." moreover, it is the religious who are taming those wild peoples, and reducing them to subjection to the spanish crown. all these points are illustrated by anecdotes and citations from actual experience. under aguirre's rule as provincial, some extensions of missions are made. among these is bantayan--since that time abandoned by the augustinians, as medina records, and almost depopulated by the raids of moro pirates. an attempt is made to remove its inhabitants to settlements in cebú island; but they refuse to leave their homes. medina recounts numerous instances of cruel and oppressive treatment of the indians by the spaniards, and of insolence and opposition on the part of the latter to the missionaries and their work. with this, he also urges that the religious be allowed to inflict punishments upon the natives, when the latter are disobedient or commit misdeeds. in this argument medina makes a curious admission, especially as he writes after missionaries had labored sixty-five years in the islands--saying of the indians: "for they detest, as a rule, church matters--to such an extent, that they would even pay two tributes to be free from the church. they love their old beliefs and revelries so strongly that they would lose their souls for them. without any fear, how would they attend to their duties?" the missionaries also desire to break up the native habits of sloth and vagabondage, by compelling the indians to live in villages; but many spaniards oppose this policy. medina recounts the difficulties between the friars and the ecclesiastical authorities, in bishop salazar's time, regarding the religious jurisdiction of the former. further extension of missions is made during the provincialate of fray diego de alvarez (elected in 1584). each district in which a mission is introduced or enlarged is described by our writer, who adds many pertinent and interesting observations on the natives and their character, their relations with the spaniards, the affairs of his order, the progress of the colony, the products of the country, etc. _the editors_ december, 1904. documents of 1629-1630 decree regarding mission appointments in the indias. felipe iv; april 6, 1629. letter from manila dominicans to felipe iv. diego duarte, and others; may 12, 1629. letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; august 1, 1629. relation of 1629-30. [unsigned; july, 1630.] letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; july 30 and august 4, 1630. _sources_: of these documents, the first is obtained from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, iii, p. 686; the fourth, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), i, pp. 617-625; and the remainder from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: all these documents are translated by james a. robertson. decree regarding mission appointments in the indias the king. inasmuch as i have been informed that--notwithstanding that it has been ruled and decreed, in virtue of the prerogative of my royal patronage, that the provincials of the orders in my western indias, whenever they have to propose any religious for the instruction or for the administration of sacraments, or to remove him who should have been appointed, shall give notice thereof to my viceroy, president, audiencia, or governor, who should have charge of the superior government of the province, and to the bishop; and that he who may have been already appointed be not removed until another has been appointed in his place--for some time past, the said provincials have been introducing the custom of dismissing and removing the religious teacher who is stationed at any mission, and appointing another in his place, solely on their own authority, without giving notice to the said viceroy, or the persons above mentioned, as they have done on various occasions. they also claim that if a religious is once approved by the bishop for a mission, he needs no further approbation for any other mission to which his provincial may transfer him. if the archbishops or bishops of the diocese where such a thing occurs try to hinder it, the provincials base various lawsuits upon that point, whence follow many injurious and troublesome results. in order to obviate these, the matter having been discussed and considered by the members of my council of the indias, with their assent and advice i have deemed it advisable to ordain and order--as by the present i do ordain and order--that now and henceforth, in regard to the said provincials removing and appointing the religious of the said missions, they shall observe and obey what is ordained on that head by the said my royal patronage, according to what is mentioned in this my decree. they shall not violate or disobey it in any way; and in addition to it, whenever they shall have to appoint any religious to the said missions in their charge--whether because of the promotion of him who serves it, or by his death, or for any other reason--they shall nominate from among their religious those who shall appear most suitable for such mission, upon which their consciences are charged. this nomination shall be presented before my viceroy, president, or governor (or to the person who shall exercise the superior government, in my name, of the province where such mission shall be located), so that from the three nominated he may select one. this choice shall be sent to the archbishop or bishop of that diocese, so that the said archbishop or bishop may make the provision, collation, and canonical institution of such mission, in accordance with the choice and by virtue of such presentation. in regard to the pretension made by the said provincials, namely, that if a religious be once approved for a mission, it must be understood that that approbation is to answer for all the other missions to which he may be appointed, i consider it advisable to declare--as i declare and order by the present--that the religious who shall have once been examined and approved by the bishop for a mission, remain examined and approved for all the other missions of the same language to which he shall be appointed afterward. but if the mission for which his provincial shall present him be of a different language, he must be examined and approved anew in it; and, until he shall be examined and approved, he cannot serve in the mission. i order my viceroys, presidents, and governors of each and every part of the said my indias, on whom falls the execution of the said royal patronage; and i request and charge the very reverend and the reverend fathers in christ, the archbishops and bishops of the indias--each one of them in what concerns him--to observe and obey this my decree, and its contents, exactly and punctually, without permitting or allowing anything to be done contrary to or in violation of its contents, in any manner; and that they give notice to all the provincials of the said orders of this ordinance, so that they may observe it. given in madrid, april six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ letter from manila dominicans to felipe iv sire: responding to our obligation, as religious of st. dominic our father, and as vassals of your majesty, to advise you of the condition of the lands of your seigniory, where we now reside in this country of the philipinas and the city of manila (where we are at present assembled in our provincial chapter and defínitory), we say that this land is greatly afflicted because these seas are so infested with the dutch. the trade with neighboring nations, which was formerly rich and supported this country, has lost its power. the result of the dutch attacks is, that your vassals here have no sea forces, and but few for land; and those are widely scattered in various presidios of little importance, that serve no good purpose and cause very great expense to your royal treasury. at those presidios the soldiers die in great numbers from the unhealthful climate, insufficient and poor food, and their own inactivity and vicious lives. we believe that a small fleet for the sea could be maintained at a much smaller cost; that will sweep it of enemies, will keep the soldiers contented and in sufficient numbers (and if they are killed, it will be while performing their duty, and not for the above reasons); trade would return to its former condition, and all the injuries that daily befall this wretched country would cease. concerning the condition of our holy order, your officials will tell your majesty, for they ought to inform you of everything that happens here. and although they are, as a rule, not very friendly to us, because our order is a friend to truth, we leave information of our affairs to be given through their statements. the report of our poverty will be given to your majesty by our religious procurator of the province, who is at that court. we beseech your majesty to hear, believe, and protect him, and despatch his affairs. the royal officials of mexico, on account of the expense of these islands, which is made up from the treasury under their charge, send annually to our order, at the cost of your royal revenues, flour for the host, and two arrobas of wine for each priest, with orders that one and one-half arrobas are to be given here to each one, because of the waste on the voyage. since we do not even see any dust from the flour, nor more than one arroba of the wine, in order to celebrate mass for a whole year, on account of which mass cannot be said, even on days of obligation, it is sufficient to propose it in this way, in order that we may expect the remedy as sure to follow from your majesty, whose royal person may our lord preserve for many years, as we all your vassals find necessary. from the city of manila in the filipinas islands, may twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. your majesty's servants and chaplains, _fray diego duarte_, definitor. _fray joan luis de gueti_, definitor. _fray gaspar cassablanca_, definitor. _fray pedro martin de lucenilla_, definitor. [a copy of the last portion of the above letter regarding the flour and wine sent from mexico follows, and is commented upon thus: "decree of the council. referred to the fiscal, november 8, 1630." "the fiscal says that what is requested by this portion of the letter appears very just and advisable; and it will be right and expedient to give strict orders to the governor of philipinas to be very careful to relieve these necessities, and not to allow them to be again represented to the council. madrid, february 8, 1631."] letters to felipe iv from governor tavora treasury matters sire: the officials of the royal treasury will give your majesty a detailed account of the condition of your treasury in these islands--which beyond all doubt is very pitiable, because of the smallness of the relief that has come these last few years from nueva españa, and the little profit that the islands themselves have produced, because of the great decrease in commerce. that obliges me to see what measures will be advisable to increase the revenues and decrease the expenses of this royal treasury. the other day, i proposed in a meeting of the treasury, of which i send a copy, what will be seen in that copy--for whose better understanding, and so that the advisability of the proposition may be seen in your royal council, i thought it fitting to write this section. _first point of the letter_ your majesty has ordered by many decrees that we try to obtain cloves, from our present possessions in the malucas, and that they be cultivated for your royal treasury. in accordance with that command--although your majesty's purpose had not been realized hitherto, either because the governors my predecessors were unable (which is the most certain thing), or they did not always have the cloves in the quantities necessary, or because of the corrupt agents who have been occupied in that business--i have now forty-five bars [_i.e.,_ bahars] of cloves stored in the magazines; and i judge that an average of fifty bars per year (rather more than less) could be obtained without much difficulty. considering the question of the cultivation and investment of that quantity, i think that by no other route can this be better accomplished, or with more gain to your royal treasury, than by way of yndia. i base my assertion on the following argument. fifty bars of cloves are worth four thousand pesos in maluco. if they are traded for clothing such as the moros wear, the cost will be one-half less. the carriage from maluco to manila is nothing, for they will be brought in the ships of the usual relief expedition to those forts. the fifty bars, delivered in this city, are worth already at least ten thousand pesos. once laden for india, and carried at your majesty's account in your own ship, they will be worth thirty-five thousand pesos and more when delivered in goa or cochin, as is affirmed by men experienced in this kind of merchandise. your majesty needs many things in your royal magazines which are brought from the above-named cities, such as saltpetre, iron, anchors, slaves for the galleys, arms, biscuits, _cayro_, white cloth, and wearing apparel for convicts. those articles are bought every year in manila from merchants of yndia, at excessive rates. the thirty-five thousand pesos resulting from the cloves having been invested, then, in those articles at goa or cochin, and having been brought to manila on your majesty's account and investment, will be worth at the figures now paid for the said articles, ninety or one hundred thousand pesos. and even if all this did not rise to so high prices, i am sure that fifty thousand pesos (which is one-half less than one might consider them to be worth) will be the return in products to these magazines from the fifty bars, which will cost four thousand pesos in money at first cost, as i have said--and if they be bought for the peculiar cloth of yndia, two thousand pesos. that would be a very considerable gain and relief to the royal treasury. [1] [_in the margin_: "consult with his majesty as to what the governor proposes; and say that it has been judged best, before advising what we think of it, to refer the matter to his majesty, so that he may order the council of portugal to state their opinion regarding the matter. having examined it from all points of view, an opinion will be given."] [2] the expenses of that voyage will not amount to much, considering the profit and gain. the expenses for this gain are as follows: one ship or patache of one hundred and fifty castilian toneladas, which, if built in these islands, will cost, when ready to sail, ten or twelve thousand pesos; eight pieces of bronze artillery, using balls of twelve and eight libras, which will be worth five thousand pesos; twenty-five sailors and a like number of musketeers, with six artillery-men, taken from those who receive the usual pay of this camp and beach--all married men and under such obligations that they cannot remain in yndia, and who when embarked will only receive an increase in their rations of biscuit, meat, and fish, and some native wine, all of which amounts to but little; one captain for the management of the vessel, and master, pilots, boatswains, keeper of the arms [_guardian_], and steward--who are the officers to whom pay is assigned. the above, with all the other purchase expenses which i have given above for this ship, will not amount for the first time to twenty thousand pesos, together with the four thousand for the value of the cloves, the total amounting to twenty-four thousand, more or less. by this method, the so great profits for this treasury will be made, as above stated--adding the sum received from the freight charges for goods belonging to private persons, which can be brought and carried by this ship, and the register and the duties on them, which will here amount to considerable, and will prove of great relief for the said expenses. the danger of this voyage is that of meeting the dutch at the passage through the strait of sincapura, near malaca, which every year the dutch inhabitants of jacatra belonging to the company [3] close up, and with a ship or two of little strength, or a couple of pataches, await the portuguese galliots that sail from macan to yndia, and from yndia to this city. the enemy knows very well that the portuguese do not carry force enough to fight, and that on seeing the dutch they run ashore and place their persons in safety with their gold, which is the form in which they chiefly invest their wealth. the ship which would sail from here would enter by a different channel than do the portuguese, as the strait has three entrances. our ship will be a swifter one, and will sail better against the wind; and a dutch ship will not be able to catch it in two rosaries, and their pataches will not dare to grapple it because of the defense which they will encounter. thus by fighting, without losing their route, the ship, will reach malaca, and will make its voyage. on its return, it will stop first at malaca, where it will hear news of the enemy. in case they find that the enemy are in the pass, they can wait in those forts until the former have retired to their own fort at jacatra. thus far, i have mentioned all the advantages, expenses, and dangers. what still remains is to petition your majesty to be pleased to have this matter considered; and if it appear advisable, to order that this voyage be made every year or every two years, as the governor shall deem best, and according to the quantity of cloves on hand and the opportunity offered by the weather. i petition that there shall be, in this regard, no opposition from the treasury council, in which, i have understood, your majesty has ordered that the governor concur in the opinion of the majority. that may prove, in this country, to be a source of considerable trouble; for it might some day happen that an expedition would be determined to be necessary, in a council of war, and that the majority of the votes of the treasury council in which the expenses are voted may not concur, either through want of capacity in the officials, or through an excess of passion and private interest--and, in a land so remote, experience teaches that there are many such. in the report of the meeting that i enclose herewith, in regard to the above matter of the cloves, i guessed what were the majority of the opinions beforehand. doctor don albaro de mesa y lugo, neutral or indecisive as he is on all questions of any importance or difficulty, and especially on those regarding revenue, for fear lest the auditors be obliged to pay. licentiate geronimo de legaspi, senior auditor at the time of the council, not satisfied because i have employed his elder son in a company, tried to have a place given to the second son also, in another one. because what he asked was not done, although i desired to please him, he was displeased. the accountant, marten ruiz de salazar, has for a long time been offended, because he was not allowed to take fees from the clerks of the accountancy, and to exercise absolute authority over accepting and dismissing them, as in the present case. hence my proposition was disliked by them both. thus may your majesty see carried out in this case the same motive that i stated for all the others--namely, that they do not vote without self-interest or passion. he to whom your majesty can and ought to trust most is the person to whom all the government shall have been charged; and he should be given authority so that he may, after having heard the opinions of the treasury council, concur with the party which may seem to him more judicious, even though it be not the one with the more votes. [_in the margin_: "have the fiscal see this again." "the fiscal declares that the form is laid down by the decrees and ordinances which treat of it, and he thinks it undesirable to make any innovation. for even though there happen to be some officials, of those who take part in those meetings, who are such as here described, it might also happen that there would be rash governors who might act inconsiderately, and only through self-will or caprice, and cause great and excessive expenses of the royal revenues. consequently, it is preferable that action be taken by many votes, since in justifiable and even in doubtful cases the preference of him who governs or presides is always followed. madrid, july 11, 1631." "let the ordinance be kept."] in case that your majesty consider it fitting to have this voyage made in the aforesaid manner, it will be necessary for the decrees to come in duplicate for the viceroy of yndia, so that he may grant free passage for this ship, and that he may give without any opposition the wares that will have to be bought on your majesty's account; and so that no duties be imposed in goa, malaca, or any other part of yndia, on what may be registered in your majesty's name. order must also be sent to cochin, so that if any ship should have to be built there (as the ships cost less there, and last longer than those of these islands) all assistance and favor may be extended. _point 2 of the letter_ the second point discussed in the council is also essential; and if it be carried out, it will be the greatest relief to the islands, and will result in great saving for your majesty. in the rations of rice (which is the bread of this country) which are furnished in cavite and other parts, more than fifty thousand fanegas are consumed annually. this is imposed on the indian natives by assessment or allotment, [4] and is paid at the rate of a peso per fanega. for the last three years the chinese, both infidels and christians, have devoted their efforts to sowing rice. consequently, the country has been well supplied, as the chinese are better farmers than the indians. many citizens and the convents of the religious orders have given them the loan of lands and twenty-five pesos per head, so that they might settle and equip themselves with the necessary implements for farming the land. the first year the chinaman pays this sum, and the following years gives for every hundred brazas of land fifteen or twenty pesos rent, which is a like number of fanegas of rice. it has seemed to me expedient that in certain uncultivated lands that rightly remain in the name of your majesty in the best region and lands of the islands (which is near here, in la laguna de [bay], five leguas up the river from manila), two pieces of land should be appropriated [for this purpose]. i am assured that these will be sufficient so that two thousand sangleys can be established on them; and that your majesty will make the profit which the inhabitants and the religious make, since you can do so with greater advantage and protection to the farmers than private persons can give. i am also assured that a very productive agricultural estate can be made, by managing to obtain from it the cost in one or two years. for the rest of the time the rent is left free [from debt or other obligation]. for two thousand sangleys that will amount to forty thousand fanegas of rice; and, as it increases with time, it will amount to fifty thousand. that is as much as these magazines need. [_in the margin_: "let us be informed whether any of the expenses of those islands have been reduced." "bring the memorandum of the reduction that was made in the year 618."] the gain that will accrue to your majesty from that will be to relieve your majesty from the expense of fifty thousand pesos, and the indian natives from the assessment and allotment of fifty thousand fanegas, which, as aforesaid, is the greatest relief for the islands, and for this royal treasury. the risk that will be run of the money that will be advanced to the chinese so that they may settle and equip their farms (in which, although it is given with confidence, there is, of course, always some risk that some will run away and others will die), will all, however, be of little importance, in view of the profits that are seen to result in the estates which the religious and inhabitants are equipping. it would be advisable for your majesty to decree this to be carried out without any opposition; and that you order the viceroy of nueva españa, in order to facilitate it, to send five thousand pesos separately, and in addition [to the usual situado] in order that i may continue with capital what has been begun without it and (with what i have lent to the treasury from my own funds) make the experiment and take possession of the lands, ordering wheat to be sowed in a portion of them. i am told that it has been shown by experience that wheat bears well. this undertaking can not be accomplished in one or two years. your majesty holds these islands for many years through the divine favor, and your successors as long as the world shall last. consequently, the future must be considered, in order that these lands may not remain behind; but if this be done in all parts, in what pertains to your majesty's revenues, the treasury will not remain in so backward a condition as at present. _third point of the letter_ your majesty's royal treasury owes to that of the goods of deceased persons more than forty thousand pesos, as appears from the memorandum and certification which i enclose herewith. for since the relief which is sent from nueva españa is so meager, and the expenses here are so great, the governors my predecessors were obliged to take, by way of loan, all that sum on different occasions. for the same reason i have not been able during my term, to repay it, nor do i hope to be able to do so, unless your majesty order that sum to be sent from or paid in nueva españa on a separate account, in consideration of the fact that it is property of parties who are suffering, and, most of all, the goods of deceased persons. i give this information to your majesty, as to the master and sovereign of it, and for the relief of my conscience. _fourth point of the letter_ the office of the notary of government and war which became vacant by the death of captain pedro alvarez, was put at auction and adjudged to the heaviest bidder, who was pedro de heredia, governor of terrenate. he bought it and placed it under charge of one of his sons. it was knocked down for the value of fifty-four thousand pesos--ten thousand to be paid on the spot, in reals, another ten thousand from his pay, and the thirty-four thousand remaining in the pay-warrants of various persons. it seems to have been a sale of importance for the services of your majesty. and in order to avoid the suits which the secretaries of government have had with the governors my predecessors, as to whether that office should include the secretaryship of the permits to the sangleys and the inspection of the chinese ships (which are special commissions of the governor), and in order to avoid suits with my successors, i ordered that in the sale of that office it be made a condition that no more than the office of government secretary be sold; and that this was understood to be only what the governor should sign in writing; for in the commissions that the latter should give for those permits the secretary of the government was not to act as secretary. [_in the margin_: "as the fiscal says."] the above is what occurs to me in regard to the increase and efficient administration of your royal treasury. i shall now declare my opinion regarding two differences of justice or jurisdiction that have arisen with the royal officials. _fifth point of this letter_ they formerly proposed the clerks whom they employed in their offices, so that the governor should appoint them at the pay that was assigned. in consequence of that power that they possessed, the accountant tried to take it upon himself to dismiss a clerk without any agreement with his associates, or the consent of the government. in fact, he abolished the position. i was informed that it was not for incompetency, or for any failure of which the clerk had been guilty in his office, but only for the accountant's own private reasons. he was ordered to return the man to his place, and to have him serve as before. the accountant alleged with too unmeasured language that he and his associates had the authority to dismiss the clerks, since they were the ones who proposed them. i was advised that it would be better government, in order to avoid the consequences, for the royal officials not to propose the clerks whom they had to employ in their offices, except in the memorial of the person who enters it, petitioning that they give information of his competency. accordingly, i so provided; and therefore, so long as the clerks give satisfaction, it must not be understood that the royal officials can dismiss them without having information of demerits understood by the government--which is the agency to dismiss such men, as it was the one to hire them. [_in the margin_: "ascertain what the royal officials write; and, if they have not written, let them report." "search was made, and all the papers on the matter collected, together with those sections and letters which the royal officials have written."] [_sixth point of this letter_] the accountant has also claimed the right to collect certain fees which this royal audiencia assigned some years ago, by a sentence of examination and review, as a tariff to the clerks of the accountancy, the factor's office, and the treasury. the accountant lately renewed the suit, and declared in this audiencia the one which i have resolved to send to your royal council with the evidence. the matter is one of moment, for the clerks who serve carry the weight of the work of the accountancy; and as they cannot be maintained with the fees of the tariff, they charge additional fees, which parties give them in order to facilitate their business. nor is it possible for the governors to avoid that; for it is a matter of importance to the parties themselves to conceal it, for the sake of their business. if the accountant tries to take those fees from them, the clerks will have a much greater reason to accept bribes; else they will not expedite the business, or reduce the great volume of accounts and business that are pending in this accountancy. even the commencement of this suit has caused great trouble, and the clerks have been much disturbed by it. will your majesty be pleased to order the suit to be concluded, and the decision that is most expedient to be made. [_in the margin_: "look up the papers regarding this matter; let it be as the fiscal says." "these sections were collected with the papers which treat of this matter."] what is to be said is that the accountant and treasurer are very poor; and that the offices in the yndias are not worth anything unless one steals, and they do not do that. the expenses of their households and families have been excessive in this city for some little time past, and consequently, those ministers cannot live decently on their pay. if there is any means to increase it, will your majesty order that inquiry be made in what way this can be done without the royal officials taking away the perquisites from their clerks. may god preserve the catholic royal person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom. cavite, august first, 1629. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ [_addressed_: "to his majesty. cavite, 1629."] [_endorsed_: "governor don juan niño de tavora. treasury. seen and decreed in the margin, july 11. take it to the fiscal. in the council, november 23, 630."] [_the findings of the fiscal_] 1. the fiscal says that he has read this letter. in regard to the first point, concerning the ship which is to take the cloves, he thinks that if affairs move with the security and ease which the governor ascribes to them, the profit is a matter of considerable moment, and that the governor should be ordered to undertake it. but, inasmuch as many things enter into that question which pertain to the council of war, he requests that the matter be examined and discussed by them before any resolution be taken. he also thinks that it will be necessary that a copy of what concerns the council of portugal be given that body, on account of the relations which the execution of this measure have and may have with goa, malaca, and other points of eastern yndia which fall within the demarcation of the said council. 2. in regard to the second point, concerning the cultivation of the land, he thinks that it ought to be accepted; for the amount of money risked is little, and will be spent to establish a known gain. he only stops to consider that, in order to carry out this measure and the preceding one, the governor requests further increase in the situado which is generally given from mexico to those islands; and he does not know whether the royal treasury of that city is at present able to furnish that increase, because of the loss which his majesty's incomes have sustained from the inundation [5] and other troubles which have come upon them, and the heavy burdens of the said treasury. 3. in regard to the third point, concerning what is owed to the fund of the goods of deceased persons--a sum which exceeds forty thousand pesos, because the governors have used it on various urgent occasions that have arisen and have not repaid it--the fiscal recognizes how just it is that an effort be made to repay and satisfy those funds, but he finds this unadvisable at present for the royal treasury; for it is first necessary to liquidate the accounts and investigate how all that sum was spent, and whether it could have been avoided, and why the governors have not always made it up from the situado which has been sent to them all these years. that must depend on the investigation which shall be made in the inspection which has been ordered to be made of the governors, auditors, treasuries, and royal officials of those islands. this point must be set down in writing, as it is so essential, so that the inspector who shall be appointed may have it well in hand. after knowing the result and report of the inspection, orders will be given as to what shall be just in regard to the payment and integrity of the said fund of the goods of deceased persons. a royal decree must be despatched, so that this indebtedness be made no greater in the future, and so that the governors take upon themselves no authority to make payments out of the said fund; and such proceeding shall be strictly prohibited to them, as it was by another decree which was despatched to piru in regard to this same matter, and the custom of the viceroys in making payments from the fund of the goods of deceased persons. 4. in regard to the fourth point, concerning the sale of the office of [secretary of] government and war, which the governor says he has sold for fifty-four thousand pesos, the fiscal will place before the council what will be advisable for the investigation of this matter, when the purchaser shall come to ask for the confirmation of this sale. for the present, what he has to note is that only ten thousand pesos of the said sum appear to have been in cash; for the forty-four thousand pesos remaining were received in salary-warrants which were said to be owing from the treasury to the said purchaser and to other persons. that mode of payment has many inconveniences, as has been alleged on other occasions; and order must be given that it be avoided as much as possible. 5. in regard to the fifth point, no definite measures can be taken until the accountant and royal officials have been heard, and the custom ascertained which has been in vogue in appointing and removing the minor officials of the royal treasury; for in the majority of cases, it is usually in charge of the royal officials, to say who shall help them, and they remove or appoint as they deem best. if there has been or is anything that contradicts this, it is where such minor officials are paid and are given title by his majesty. 6. in regard to the sixth and last point, it will be advisable to look up and collect the acts cited in it; and in the meanwhile the fiscal thinks that order should be given to pay the fees to the minor officials, as was declared by the royal audiencia. madrid, november 30, 1630. [a copy of certain sections of the present letter follows (those of the fifth point) with the decree of the council and the statement of the fiscal, all of which is given above. several of the summaries of decrees of the council are dated july 11, 1631. the following statement, relating to the fifth and sixth points, completes the document.] the fiscal, having seen the acts which accompany this section of this letter, in virtue of a decree of the council, declares that it should be ordered to observe the custom that has been followed in manila in regard to the appointment of the clerks who serve under the royal officials; and that there be no such innovation as is attempted by the governor--by which, besides the petition that shall be given to the governor by the person who solicits such and such an office, the royal officials give information as to his ability and competency; and the governor, having considered his competency, will make the appointment. for this means to deprive the royal officials of what they now enjoy and possess, which is even less than their rights in other parts. neither does the pretension of the accountant, martin ruiz de salazar, appear suitable--namely, that he absolutely appoint his clerks and have authority to remove them; for that is contrary to the custom and procedure which has always obtained there. it is sufficient for him to propose them to the governor. it will be well for the latter to retain that privilege, especially since that royal official's associates, the treasurer and factor, do not make any demand regarding this point, although they have the same right. it will be advisable to write to the accountant that in regard to the point that he makes concerning the removing of his clerk at will, he shall go to the governor who appointed him, or to the audiencia, where justice will be done in the presence of the parties. in regard to the laws and acts regarding this that have been referred to the council, he thinks that either one of two means can be adopted: either to order the audiencia of manila to take the proper measures, after having examined the parties, since they are there, and do not come [here] under summons; or, in case the council wishes to decide the matter, that the parties be summoned, so that they may declare what is advisable for them. for the tariff given by the audiencia in the year 599 speaks clearly in favor of the clerks; and since it is so old and has always been observed, and since this favorable act was obtained from the audiencia, the said royal officials cannot take any resolution within hearing of them. thus does the fiscal petition. madrid, june 9, 1633. government matters _1. slowness of the ships which come from nueva españa_ sire: in a separate letter sent with this same despatch, i write to your majesty of the matters pertaining to war, revenue, the ecclesiastical estate, and the religious orders, that have arisen in the course of the year. in the present letter, i shall briefly mention some general points of the government, for which i take pen in hand today, july 19, before the arrival at this port of cavite of the ships from nueva españa, or news that they have entered the islands. consequently we (i and all this city) are as anxious as can be imagined, as it is now so late and the vendavals have already set in with some vehemence. may god, in his mercy, have pity on us; and will your majesty be pleased to urge the viceroy of nueva españa, by ordering him to have the aid for these islands leave acapulco at least by the middle of march. by that the voyage will be made certain; but if it is delayed until the last of the same month or the first of april, as has been done these last years, these islands are in evident danger of remaining without aid, and that would mean their total ruin. [_in the margin_: "have him notified accordingly, and advise the governor what orders have been sent to him."] _2. despatch of the ships leaving here this year_ i am despatching these ships before the arrival of the others, to the very great inconvenience of the entire country. but the trouble would be greater if the ships sailed out of season, and after the subsidence of the vendavals, which is their proper monsoon. may god bear them with safety. they are the two best ships which have sailed from this place. the flagship was finished recently, and the almiranta is the same as new, because of the thorough overhauling that was given it on this beach. [_in the margin_: "seen."] _3. their small cargo, and the lack of trade in this year_ their cargo is small, because ships from china and macan have not entered manila this year, and those which were laden in the island of hermosa have not returned. the reason why the chinese did not come is the multitude of pirates of their own nation who have overrun their coasts; while it is understood that the reason why the ships have not returned from the island of hermosa on time is because the vendavals must have set in earlier than usual. accordingly, for both reasons the ships take less merchandise than they could, and what they take is at advanced prices. everything has been incredibly dear in manila this year; and we could not live here if we did not have the hope of better conditions and an abundance of all things. [_in the margin_: "seen."] _4. resolution taken by this city to send eight citizens to the city of mexico, so that they may handle their merchandise in accordance with a royal decree which they have presented for that purpose._ the scarcity in the present year and the small supply of the past years have given this city occasion to resolve upon an innovation which we greatly fear will be its total ruin. the city petitioned me for the execution of a decree of your majesty given in the year 1593, which has not as yet been given force in what pertains to the citizens; and that is the matter in which they are causing an innovation. your majesty permits them in that decree to go to sell their goods in mexico, or to send them by persons who go in the ships; but not to send or consign them to citizens of mexico, unless it he in the second place and in case of the death of those who take them. as the profits have been so small these last few years, the citizens of manila throw the blame on the efforts of those in mexico, which they say are unfriendly. consequently, they have resolved to send eight men from this city with goods of those who have consented to commit these to them; for which, although they pretended that this would not remain at the will of the owners, i, however, relying upon the decree, have refused to concede them more than it mentions. the eight men have orders and instructions to form one single body, and to sell through one person, and to manage their business by the counsel and opinion of all, the majority of votes ruling. they are to make all the necessary efforts in nueva españa for blocking the citizens of mexico who are not agents for those in filipinas, even if it should be necessary for some of them to go to that court to attain their purpose. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "it was taken to him. answered on a separate paper."] 5. _advantages and difficulties in the execution of this decree, and the ruinous outcome which may be feared from it._ as the execution of this decree, although so old, is a good method to attain what his majesty intends and what the monarchy needs, that but little money of merchants be sent to these islands, i am giving without any opposition to the citizens of this city what is ordered by the decree, as will be seen by the acts that have been passed in this regard which i am sending to that royal council, in order that it may understand the matter better, and that it may take the measures which seem most advisable. the truth is, that i fear lest a violent clash result from this innovation, between this city and that of mexico; for the citizens of the latter place, when they find themselves deprived of the gains which they had by acting as agents for those of filipinas, will render poor service as such to the latter; and further, knowing that the citizens here are combining against them, that will oblige them also to combine [against these citizens], in order not to make the returns this year with any silver. that would be the total ruin of this colony, because of the small investments and business affairs of these last years. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal with the acts." "they were taken to him. response on a separate paper."] _6. that all that has been done in this matter has been with the approval and assent of the audiencia, and against my own_. i never took my pen to sign an act in this matter (upon which all the audiencia was unanimous), for they seemed to me the most serious acts that could arise pro and con in this community. all that i have executed has been against my own opinion. what i would gladly have done would be to have four or six alert men to take charge of the goods of private persons, and have each one administer it as best he could, without at present trying to oppose the citizens of mexico and to deprive them at one stroke of the agencies, and that would be accomplished gradually. besides, times becoming better by buying here cheap, the profits would be greater; and it would be a good expedient not to send too great a consignment of goods to nueva españa. that would be, and this city would have, some relief without so much offense to the city of mexico, which is of no less importance to the monarchy than this city. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "it was referred to him. response in a separate paper."] 7. _how injurious it is to take loans from the inhabitants of this city_ the havoc wrought by the loans which the inhabitants are forced to make to the royal treasury, which is now owing them about two hundred thousand pesos, is not little. the inhabitants have been unable to invest that money, and hence the deficiency in what they could have used in trade has embarrassed them with a like shortage in the profits that they would have made with this sum. your majesty ought to have this matter remedied by ordering the viceroys of nueva españa to aid this treasury with the sum asked for here; for surely such procedure means the total destruction of these few vassals whom your majesty has here in this little commonwealth. if that relief be lacking, the enemy will have but little to do in making themselves masters of the south sea. [_in the margin:_ "that this matter is being discussed very carefully and that it will be thoroughly examined in order to give a suitable answer."] _8. the fresh supply of saltpetre which was brought from yndia by the efforts of don felipe mascareñas, captain of cochin_. four galliots have come from yndia with flour and a certain quantity of saltpetre, of which we were in great need. the captain of cochin, don felipe de mascareñas, is the one who has solicited it; and he aids me very punctually with what i ask from him. i am trying to have some ships built there for the nueva españa line. i request your majesty to thank him, and to encourage him to pay careful attention to the quick building of the new ships; for this would effect much, and relieve the islands of one of the greatest burdens that they endure, namely, the shipyards and shipbuilding. [_in the margin_: "let his majesty be consulted, so that the same be done in such manner as he prefers." "consultation was held october 17."] _9. embassy sent to the king of camboja; the building of ships; and the trade that has been established with him_. for the same purpose i despatched an embassy this year to the kingdom of camboja, in order to ascertain whether it has suitable timber. i have heard that those who went there have been well received by the king, and that he is answering me by another embassy composed of his vassals. they say that he has never done so with anyone else, and that the building of a ship was already being begun. i am momentarily expecting a patache which was bought there, in which the ambassadors are coming. i trust that very many matters for relief for these islands and saving for your majesty will be arranged with them besides the shipbuilding, as well as the advantage which the catholic faith may obtain in this commerce. for some dominican fathers whom i sent as chaplains for the spaniards write me that they were very cordially received by the king, and that the latter had given them permission to build a church, and to baptize those who wished to be converted. [_in the margin:_ "have him advise us of the result, and approve what he is doing."] _10. embassy and trade with the king of cochinchina_ i also sent a message to the king of cochinchina, with letters and presents, in order to establish a factory in his kingdom, both for the building of ships and for the exporting of iron and other metals--which can be imported from there at much less cost than what is now incurred here in the islands. i have already received a reply from the king, which contains many expressions of desire that what i am trying to do will be effected; and i am in hopes of accomplishing it this year. [_in the margin_: "approve it and tell him to continue these efforts."] 11. _message to the king of sian, and the condition in which the punishment meted out to him last year has placed him_. as for the king of sian, i advised your majesty last year of the punishment inflicted upon him for his injustice toward the inhabitants of this city in keeping their goods. after having inflicted the punishment, i thought it advisable to send him a message through an experienced person of his kingdom, declaring what was intended by the expedition of the galleons to his river; and warning him to give full satisfaction, unless he wished the punishment to proceed further. the messenger found the king dead, and all the counselors removed who were in power at the time when the matter occurred, and the new king so fearful of the arms of your majesty that he was afraid to despatch any vessel from his coasts. he has sent the messenger back to me with letters and presents, in which he begs for our friendship, and satisfies in words the injustice which his father committed. however, he does not make any active reparation, so that i am at present in a condition of continuing the chastisement or of accepting the reparation and friendship which he asks, as shall seem to me best for the welfare of these islands. this is a matter of importance, which i am communicating in order that what is most expedient may be carried out. [_in the margin_: "that it is well to continue demanding from him what his father owed."] _[12.] despatch sent to japan in regard to the burning of the junk, of which advice was sent last year; and the controversy regarding this which the city of macan has maintained with me_. like efforts have been made to restore the trade with japon, which was formerly of great importance to these islands. i sent a despatch to the governor of nangasaqui, sending him forty-two japanese whom general don juan de alcaraso brought to me from a junk of that nation--which, as i advised you last year, he burned at the bar of the river of sian. i offered them friendship and trade, giving them to understand that the burning was done without my orders; and that, if they would have trade and commerce with these islands as before, i would give satisfaction for the damage in the said burning. this despatch did not reach nangasaqui in the time that i supposed, nor as yet have we heard from it. the news of the said burning having reached that same city [i.e., nangasaqui] at a time when the portuguese were there with the galliots that make that voyage, trading, with their merchandise, the japanese attempted to attack them, and to force them to pay the value of the merchandise and the junk which were burned; and it is feared that thereupon they would lay an embargo on the three galliots. however, as yet we do not know with certainty or assurance, except that a suit was pending in the court of the king of japon, the portuguese claiming that they could not in justice be forced to repay the damage which the castilians had done. thereupon the city of macan earnestly begged me to make satisfaction, and send the value of the cargo burned and lost in the said junk, in order to silence the japanese. being desirous of gratifying the people of macan, and settling the matter, i called an assembly of theologians and jurists, in which i broached the subject. all agreed that so long as the japanese persevered in locking the door to commerce with these islands, contrary to justice and reason, there should be no talk of giving satisfaction for the damage inflicted, until advice could be given to your majesty--even though it should follow from this, by a casualty not intended, that the portuguese with whom the said japanese trade should have to pay for the loss. this will be seen more in detail in the authentic copy of the said council's proceedings, which i enclose herewith, so that if perchance the city of macan should petition your majesty through the council of portugal to have these damages paid, no decision may be made in the matter until you shall have seen the motives which we have here for failing to settle it. in such case, i petition your majesty also to be pleased to examine, with this section of this letter, that of another which i wrote in the past year of 628 in regard to the same matter. it will be considered that if the damage inflicted has to be paid for, it will fall upon those who did it. that would be the soldiers of this camp and the leader under whom they were, namely, the said commander, don joan de alcarasso, who distinguished themselves greatly in your majesty's service in the said expedition of the galleons. [_in the margin_: "file, and have the fiscal examine it all." "it was all filed and referred to the fiscal. it is answered on a separate paper."] _13. departure of don fernando de silva, and difficulties that arose in it_ don fernando de silva (who is the person whom i found governing in these islands when i arrived here), exercising the permission given him by your majesty by which he may enjoy for eight years the encomiendas held here by his wife for two lives, undertook to make his voyage this year. as i thought that a government permit in writing (as is usual with others who have not been governors) was unnecessary so that he might embark, i communicated the matter to the audiencia in session, which was of my opinion. but the auditors added that the governor ought to issue an act by which he should notify your majesty's fiscal and the official royal judges that the said don fernando was leaving these islands, and that he thus informed them in case that they had anything to plead against him. i thought it an unnecessary proceeding, as the departure of the said don fernando de silva was sufficiently public; yet, in order to comply with the opinion of the audiencia, i issued the said act. the fiscal entered a demand that the said don fernando be commanded to give bonds, for himself and his agents and servants, to furnish residencia for the time while he had governed these islands, and to pay the judgment and sentence therein. a copy of this document was given to the party. he replied that the governor was not a competent judge of this article of residencia, but only the royal council of the yndias. i thought the same, and so did the government assessor. i ruled that the fiscal should demand what was expedient for him from the judge before whom he could and should appear by right. he appealed from this to the royal audiencia, which declared that the governor was a competent judge, and that he ought to pass judgment upon this article. this matter has been examined and reviewed, without there having been found any decree of your majesty which orders such a thing, or any precedent of a similar case made here or in nueva españa--not only as far as the governor, captain-general, and president of the audiencia is concerned, but even for the officials of the audiencia. they, having been promoted to other parts, have gone without giving their residencia or bonds, so long as that royal council does not provide therefor. consequently, notwithstanding what the audiencia declared, i thought it wise not to set such a precedent, or cause such difficulty to the superior ministers of your majesty (who would have them under your eyes, in whatever part they might be), so that you may order them to pay what they should be sentenced to pay in their residencia, when your royal council shall decide that it be taken. i was obliged to make this decision by the consideration that it might happen that there might not be left to a governor persons who are under obligation to him in the country, because he has given to no one other things than what he has deserved, by which no one considers himself favored and obliged. and it may be that no one can be found to go bond for him; and it will not be right that he should have to remain in the filipinas on account of not having bonds, if there is no commission to take his residencia. and this would weigh even more heavily upon the auditors, who have less power to give favors; and, when they were promoted by your majesty, they would be unable to go to take charge of their places for lack of bonds. thus they would remain in this land, exposed to innumerable affronts from those to whom they had administered justice, which is a thing that your majesty ought not to permit to happen to your ministers. although all these reasons were sufficient to decide me not to allow this innovation without a special order from your majesty, there is, in the present case of don fernando de silba, another very special consideration, since he is leaving an encomienda in this country with an income of four thousand pesos per year. that is the best bond that one can ask. consequently, seeing that no detriment was being incurred in not taking the bonds, i decided the matter by declaring that i was not judge in this sense. i am sending the copies of the acts to that royal council, so that your majesty may be pleased, after their examination, to enact what may be considered most fitting, and with all distinctness, so that there may be no abuses here, and so that the governors who depart after the entrance of the other governors may not be harassed. with don fernando i have maintained very harmonious relations during the three years while i kept him here. on the occasion of this despatch, i have furnished him all the accommodations possible, assigning him forty toneladas of cargo to carry his goods, household, and servants. he is a person who is worthy of what favor your majesty may show him, and will render excellent service in any employment that he may hold. [_in the margin_: "refer it to the fiscal." "it was referred. answered on a separate paper."] _[14.] erection of the bridge; and how the hospital has been given the revenue produced by the ferry boat._ the bridge which i began in this city (as i have advised you during the last few years) is now in such a condition that we can cross by it. it will be finished in a couple of months without having cost the citizens or your majesty a single maravedi. the sangleys have built it from their common fund, with which they have been freed from the amount that the ferry-boat cost them. the latter belonged to the hospital of the same sangleys, which is in charge of the dominican fathers; and it netted them at least two thousand pesos annually. they maintained themselves with that sum; and accordingly, so that that hospital, so necessary for that nation, might not be left without support, it has seemed best, with the consent of the audiencia, to assign to the hospital the same sum of two thousand pesos per year from the common fund of the same sangleys, with their consent. thus will it be done, and the sangleys do not pay any ferry rate, but support the hospital, in which they are treated, from their common fund. your majesty is patron of it as ever, the fathers happy, and the poor well provided for. [_in the margin_: "file this with what is enacted in the petition of the dominican fathers." "this section was filed with a memorial given by fray mateo de villa." "it is decreed in the memorial and what is to be answered, here on a separate paper."] _15. sickness in manila this year, and death of the archbishop_ i hope to construct other works this year, if our lord gives me life, with which this city will be no less beautified. there has been but little health in this city and its environs this year, with many sudden deaths, both of spaniards and indian natives and slaves. among others has passed away the archbishop don fray miguel garcia serrano, who died on corpus christi, as is written at greater length in the letter touching the ecclesiastical estate. [_in the margin_: "seen."] _16. arrival of the aid and ships from nueva españa_ just as i reached this point in my letter, and when about to seal it, i received news that the two ships which sailed for nueva españa last year for the reënforcement have returned with it; and that they have made port in different parts of these islands, because the weather did not allow them to reach this port of cavite. they left nueva españa late, and the vendavals set in early. hence the voyage has been one of hardships, and it was a great mercy of god that they were able to make the islands, although not little is the discomfort and not few the additional expenses that have been incurred because of their inability to make this port. what i grieve over most is to see the inadequacy of the aid, which does not reach two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, while i informed the viceroy that we needed four hundred thousand, as i wrote last year. consequently, i again petition your majesty in the same terms as in that letter, to be pleased to endow these islands with the said sum, so that it may not be at the will of the viceroys of nueva españa to discontinue sending it. this is the chief point, and on it is based all the government of these islands, so that we may be able to give a good account of them to your majesty. [_in the margin_: "have what was enacted for this examined." "the enactments were examined, and filed with this section for the council. answered on a separate paper."] _17. aid of artillery sent to the viceroy_ the viceroy of nueva españa asks me for bronze artillery with which to fortify the fortress of san juan de ulua, sending me twenty-four thousand pesos for the expense of it. although the ships have arrived so late that i have had no time to cast it in the quantity and of the quality that he asks, i am sending him the equivalent [of the money] in eighteen excellent pieces from what we have already manufactured, with which i think that that fort will be well defended, and the viceroy will have the pieces with which to go to succor the fort if it should be necessary. he tells me that he wishes some of the artillery which he has asked of me for that purpose. [_in the margin_: "it is well, and let him execute what the viceroy shall advise him of in this respect."] may god preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty with the increase of kingdoms and states that is necessary to christendom. cavite, august first, 1629. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ [appended to this letter are the following documents:] _second council in regard to the injuries committed on the japanese boat which was captured in sian_ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth day of the month of january, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, don juan niño de tavora, knight of the order of calatrava, comendador of puerto llano, member of the council of war of the king our sovereign, his governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein, called a meeting of theologians and juries in order to discuss matters of his majesty's service, and those touching cases of conscience and justice. and in the royal buildings and the palace of the governor's dwelling, in the presence of licentiate marcos çapata de galvez, fiscal of the said royal audiencia; the reverend fathers, fray domingo gonzalez of the order of st. dominic, commissary of the holy office and rector of the college of sancto tomas; fray juan de montemayor, of the order of st. augustine, fathers diego de bobadilla and francisco colin of the society of jesus of this city, father fray gaspar de santa monica, lecturer on theology in the convent of st. nicolas of the order of the discalced augustinians; and licentiate don rodrigo gonzalez de varreda, his lordship's assessor; and all being assembled: the lord governor ordered me, the present government secretary, to read a paper, which his lordship gave me for that purpose. i read it, and it was of the following tenor. "in may of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight, there took place at the bar of the river of sian the capture and burning of the junk from xapon, caused by our galleons. in july of the same year, it was decided, at a meeting of four theologians and two jurists which was called to discuss the matter, that this act had been unjust, for lack of authority by him who did it; and that, accordingly, the one who caused the damage was under obligations to make it good to the japanese. "that satisfaction has not been discussed as yet, except that the king gave liberty to the japanese who were captured; and they were made ready to be sent to their country with messages for the governor of nangasaqui. these were to the effect that keen regret was felt over the illegal act recently committed by our galleons; and that as to the value of the junk and its cargo, order would be given to make complete reparation, if the japanese would open commerce with this city, as was done in former years, and as they now have with the portuguese. of the contrary, in case that the japanese refuse to open commerce, nothing was said; nor did it state who was the principal cause, but gave the order for the damage. no investigation or effort has been made in regard to reparation, but a reply is being awaited to the message which was sent to japon, so that the government might know what ought to be done and ordered. "the reason for this suspension or omission on the part of the government has been because we considered that the king our sovereign has a legitimate cause to make war on the japanese on account of the faith which they so cruelly persecute; and because all who leave japon in order to ship goods have to deny the faith before embarking, at least to outward appearance, and unite with the heathen in order to persecute the faith. thus it is believed that these islands have an especial reason to consider themselves aggrieved by japon. 1st. because the japanese have prohibited commerce without other reason than the faith, and that with so great severity that a ship which sailed secretly from the districts of arima and omura for these islands having put back, and the japanese ascertaining whither it was bound, that resulted in the loss of many lives, and in most cruel injuries to the christian people there. 2d. because the japanese refused to receive the ambassadors who were sent from here in order to bring about peace and harmony between these kingdoms. 3d. because of the old-time robberies which were made in the time of taicosama, and by his order, of the goods of the galleon 'san phelipe,' which put in at their coasts because of bad weather--the japanese martyring on that occasion the religious of st. francis who protested against the injustice; and taico declaring war against these islands in the endeavor to make them tributary, and for some years sending a number of ships to infest, as they did, these coasts; and although peace was made afterward in the time of daifu, and commerce was reopened, still they never gave satisfaction for the wrong committed, nor did we obtain damages for it. consequently, as soon as the peace was broken, on account of daifu, and because they deprived us of commerce with them, it appears that they again revived the past insults and that they are vigorously demanding their right of procuring redress. 4th. because from the time when our ships put in at japon, and the japanese had news of the richness of these islands, they have always tried to conquer them, by endeavoring to get a foothold on the island of hermosa, in order to make it a way-station for the conquest of luzon. that has caused the governors of philipinas to make great expenditures and vast preparations during the past few years; and but recently it is learned that discussions of this kind are rife in japon, and that their reason for not doing it [_i.e._, conquering the islands] is not the lack of malice but of power. "for all the above reasons, it was nevertheless doubted whether the capture and burning of the said junk were unjust, if, now that it has been done, the king our sovereign could avail himself of these wrongs as a beginning and part of the compensation; and if those who govern these islands in the name of his majesty could remain firm, and order the person who committed the injury not to give any satisfaction so long as they make no reparation in japon--or at least so long as they do not desist from the aforesaid injuries, by opening commerce, or in some other manner that may be advantageous to these islands. in virtue of that doubt the discussion of the question of satisfaction for the injuries has been neglected until now by the government. the government has contented itself with the aforesaid measures of granting liberty and accommodations to the japanese, and a message which was sent to the japanese--to which the reasons and consequences of state that existed for it obliged us. "one of these reasons was that one now urged by the correspondence with macan, upon whose commerce japon might perhaps fall in order to obtain reparation for the injury which this government might inflict upon them, as we see has been attempted. the city and commandant of macan request these islands to make reparation immediately for the goods, so that the difficulty may not recoil upon them, to the damage of their goods and of the commerce between yndia and japon, which they declare to be of great importance for the preservation of christianity in those islands." and having finished reading the said paper in the said meeting, his lordship requested those present to give him their opinions in regard to its contents, so that the most advisable measures might be taken for the service of his majesty and for the relief of his conscience. all the said assembly having heard and understood the contents of the said paper, above incorporated, and conferred regarding it and what in conscience they ought and could do, voted unanimously and as one man that the king our sovereign and these islands have sufficient cause in law to avail themselves of these wrongs which were committed by our galleons without their orders, and to take them as a beginning and part of the reparation; and that, so long as the japanese did not give satisfaction for the aforesaid wrongs, the lord governor ought not to order any reparation to be given; for the right to take reparation, when the party owes it and does not give it, is plain. in the present case, it is certain that his majesty could with justice order the said loss, and even greater, to be inflicted upon the japanese, in retaliation for the injuries committed on the faith and these islands. and since he did not order it, but it is done, he has an undisputed faculty and right to avail himself of the wrongs committed. thus it appears that there is no doubt that his majesty's officials are not bound in conscience to make reparation to those of japon until his majesty is advised of the case, so that we may see whether he wishes to avail himself of, or to have these islands avail themselves of, his right. in regard to the mention of the injury that may follow to the inhabitants of macan if reparation be not made immediately, as yet we do not know that the latter have shipped anything; and even if they had, macan, in order not to break with japon, would have to pay the value of this junk, since that is an incident not reckoned on by manila, but one which this city rather tried to obviate by all the means which were readily feasible, such as giving liberty to the prisoners, sending an embassy and messages of apology to the japanese, and pledging immediate reparation for the injury done to their property, if they would open trade and make peace with these islands. so long as they do not do this his lordship appears to be fulfilling the demands of conscience by informing his majesty of what is happening, so that as sovereign of both states [i.e., manila and macan], he may order what is to his royal service. this is their opinion, and the said father diego de bobadilla said that the opinion does not state anything as to who ought to make reparation for the said injuries, nor do they consider that; because it does not pertain to them to give any opinion or judgment on that point, but only to state who would have authority for doing it. his lordship, having seen the above opinions, declared that he was in accord with them, and that he is doing what is mentioned in them in the manner which seems to his lordship best. he affixed his signature, as did the rest of the said assembly. _don juan niño de tavora_ _licentiate marcos çapata de galvez_ _fray domingo de gonçales_ _francisco colin_ _diego de bobadilla_ _don rodrigo gonçales de barreda_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_ collated with the original records which rest in this government office. by order of the said lord governor and captain-general, i drew up this copy, at manila, june twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, [witnesses being] francisco de silva and don juan martin. in testimony of the truth, i seal and sign it officially. _andres martin del arroyo_, royal secretary. we, the undersigned notaries, attest that andres martin del arroyo, by whom these copies appear to be signed and sealed, is a notary of the king our sovereign, and exercises the office of chief government and military notary of these islands. the copies and other matters that pass and have passed before him are given and have been given entire faith and credit, both in and out of court. given in manila, july three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. _pedro muñoz de herrera_, royal notary. _luis de barrasa_, royal notary. _luis de torres_, royal notary. _acts regarding departure of fernando de silva from the islands_ _act by the governor_ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth of july, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, don juan niño de tavora, knight of the order of calatrava, comendador of puerto llano, member of the council of war of the king our sovereign, his governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein, declared that, inasmuch as don fernando de silva, knight of the habit of santiago, former governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal audiencia therein, because of the death of don alonso fajardo de tença, is to go to nueva españa this present year, and to take his wife, doña maria de salazar, and his household and family: therefore he ordered--and he did so order--that if the fiscal of these islands and the royal officials have anything to plead against the said don fernando de silva, whereby he should not make his voyage without any hindrance, they do it within the following day. thus did he enact and order, and he signed it. _don juan niño de tavora_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_ _notification to and reply of the fiscal_ in manila, on the seventeenth of july, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, i, the notary, read and announced the act of the lord governor, contained in another part of this, to licentiate marcos çapata de galvez, fiscal of the royal audiencia of these islands. having heard it, he said that what he has to demand is that the said don fernando give bonds to furnish residencia, both for himself and for his agents and servants, for the time while he governed these islands; and to pay the amount to which he should be adjudged and sentenced, and that he leave a person with accepted powers to give the said residencia. thus does he request his lordship to order, as that is justice. he signed it, and will request it by petition. _marcos capata de galvez_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_ _notification to the treasurer_ in manila, july seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, i, the notary, announced the act of the lord governor, herein elsewhere contained, to the treasurer, juan ruiz descalona, official judge of the royal exchequer in these islands. having heard it, he declared that he does not know whether don fernando de silva is indebted to the royal treasury. if he is not, then he does not know of any reason why, in what concerns this matter, there should be any obstacle to prevent his journey. he signed the same. _juan ruiz descalona_ _andres martin del arroyo_ _notification to the accountant_ in manila, july seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, i, the secretary, gave notice of the act of the governor and captain-general, on the preceding leaf, to the accountant, martin ruiz de salazar, official judge of the royal exchequer in these islands. he declared that when don fernando de silva was governor he ordered and commanded some things contrary to the ordinances in regard to payments which were made from the royal treasury, as he thought them expedient for his majesty's service. there is nothing evident today in the royal accountancy why he should be detained, for this concerns the residencia which he should give, with the bonds which the fiscal demands shall, according to law, be furnished in residencias, to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced. it is well provided, except, etc. he signed the same. _martin ruiz de salazar_ _andres martin del arroyo_ _demand of his majesty's fiscal_ i, licentiate marcos capata de galvez, his majesty's fiscal in this royal audiencia, declare that the government secretary, andres martin del arroyo, notified me of an act of his lordship, in which he orders me to plead what there may be to plead against don fernando de silva, knight of the habit of santiago, and that the same act be made known to the royal officials, in consideration of the fact that he is to make his voyage to nueva españa this year. since the said don fernando should give his residencia for the time while he was governor of these islands, it will be advisable for your lordship that, if his departure be effected, he shall give good and creditable bonds to furnish the said residencia for himself and for his agents and servants, and to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced, leaving a person with accepted powers who may give it for him. this being complied with by the royal exchequer, i have nothing else to require. i request and beseech your lordship to have the said don fernando give bonds to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia which he shall furnish and that he leave a person with, accepted powers to give it when his majesty orders it, for all this that i request is justice, etc. _licentiate marcos capata de galvez_ _act_ cavite, july eighteen, six hundred and twenty-nine. copy for don fernando de silva. thus he [i.e., the governor] enacts, together with his counselor. at the bottom of this decree are two rubrics, one of the lord governor and captain-general, and the other of licentiate don rodrigo gonçales de barreda, his counselor. _andres martin_ [_del arroyo_] _petition of don fernando de silva_ i, don fernando de silva, knight of the order of santiago, former governor and captain-general in these islands and president of his royal audiencia for the king our sovereign, in answer to a writ presented by his majesty's fiscal, in which he declares that he has been notified of an act of your lordship ordering him to plead against me whatever he might have to plead, in consideration of the fact that i am about to go to nueva españa; and who demanded that i be ordered to leave bonds for the sum to which i might be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia that is to be taken from me, and a person with accepted powers to furnish my residencia for me when his majesty orders it: declare that notwithstanding that the said act could not be pronounced by your lordship, nor the said demand made by the fiscal--which is an innovation that until today has not been made with any of the governors, or with any other official of his majesty among the number of those who must give residencia of their offices when and before whom the royal pleasure dictates--(for that belongs exclusively to the royal person and to the supreme council of the indias, and to no other judge or royal minister) yet, without prejudice to my right, and without attributing to your lordship greater jurisdiction than what belongs to your office, because on my part there is no cause to refuse what the said fiscal demands, and in order to avoid the trouble which might ensue for me if my voyage were hindered or delayed by opposing the said demand at a time when the ships are so soon to set sail, i am ready to give the said bonds, that i will furnish residencia for all matters in which by law i ought to give it, and that i will pay the sum to which i may be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia; and, besides, to leave a person with accepted powers who shall give my residencia for me when his majesty orders it. i request and beseech your lordship to receive from me the said bonds by the present notary, for which, etc., and in all justice. _don fernando de silva_ _don juan fernandez de ledo_ _act of the governor_ in the port of cavite, july twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, don juan niño de tavora, governor and captain-general of these islands, having seen this petition of don fernando and what was demanded by the fiscal regarding the bonds to give residencia for himself and for his servants and agents, for the time while he was governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal audiencia therein: declared that the fiscal should plead what he had to plead in this regard before whom and with what law he ought and could plead it. thus did he order, and he signed the same, with the advice of his counselor, who signed. _don juan niño de tavora_ _licentiate don rodrigo gonçalez de barreda_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_ _notification to his majesty's fiscal, and his appeal_ in the city of manila, july twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, i, the present secretary, read and announced the act (which is written on the leaf preceding this) enacted by don juan niño de tavora, governor and captain-general of these islands, to licentiate marcos çapata de galvez, fiscal of this royal audiencia, in his own person. his grace said that talking with the due respect, he appeals to the president and auditors of the said royal audiencia, and requests the government secretary that, in accordance with the ordinance, he go to the audiencia to make a report of this cause. this was what he gave as his reply, and he affixed his signature thereto, witnesses being licentiate pedro lopez and juan de cañeda, residents of manila. _licentiate marcos çapata de galvez_ before me: _diego de torres_, royal notary. _summons given to don fernando_ in manila, on the said day, month, and year, i, the undersigned notary, gave notice and summoned in due form, for the appeal interposed by the fiscal, and at his request, don fernando de silva, in his own person. he said that he hears it, and regards himself as summoned. witnesses were captain don manuel de torres and alférez bartolome gomez, and i attest, the same. before me: _diego de torres_, royal notary. _act of the royal audiencia_ in the city of manila, july twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancilleria of these filipinas islands, having examined these acts in regard to the demand of his majesty's fiscal of this said royal audiencia--by virtue of which don fernando de silva, knight of the habit of santiago, and former governor and captain-general of these islands and president of this royal audiencia, should give bonds to furnish residencia for the time while he exercised the said duties, for himself and his agents, and to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced in that residencia, leaving a person with accepted powers to give the said residencia--and the appeal interposed on the part of the said fiscal from the act enacted by the governor and captain-general of these islands on the twenty-third of the present month and year, in which he ordered that the said fiscal plead in this regard what he had to plead before whom and with the law that he ought: declared that they returned this cause--and they did return it--to the said governor, so that as a competent judge, he might enact what should be just in the matter. by this act they so enacted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro muñoz de herrera_ _appeal of don fernando from the said act_ most potent sire: i, don fernando de silva, knight of the order of santiago, your former governor and captain-general in these islands, and president of the royal audiencia, appeal from the act of the audiencia of the twenty-fourth of this month of july, only in regard to their ordering returned to your governor and captain-general the cause which your fiscal of this royal audiencia is prosecuting, by which they order me to give bonds that i will furnish residencia of the said offices and pay the sum to which i shall be adjudged and sentenced in it, as i am about to go to nueva españa. it was declared in the said act that the said your governor and captain-general was a competent judge to try the said cause. that said act, only as far as the said declaration is concerned (and speaking with due respect), must be revoked as a general rule, and because i am, by having exercised the said offices of president, governor, and captain-general, immediately subordinate to your royal person and to your supreme council of the indias; and no other judge or tribunal can take it upon themselves to try anything pertaining to the residencia of the said offices or to security for residencia. thus, until the present time, the said bonds have not been required in this city for this royal audiencia or for your governors, my predecessors in the government, or for your auditors when they leave these islands to go to nueva españa or to other parts (who ought also to give residencia for their offices at the will of your royal council); they have gone without giving the said bonds. moreover, as is proved by this royal decree, of which i present an authorized copy, attested by three royal notaries, your royal person was pleased to give me permission authorizing me to make the said voyage, without condition or obligation of giving the said bonds. the obligation that your majesty did not impose in the said permit cannot be imposed by any of the judges or ministers inferior to the said your royal council of the indias. and accordingly, although the question of the said bonds might have been discussed with other persons, that cannot be understood as applying to me; but i must be allowed to make my voyage freely, without any obstacle being offered, as his majesty [6] orders, notwithstanding the contents of my writing of the twenty-third of this month. for that writing was without prejudice to my right, and did hot attribute any jurisdiction to the said your governor. i presented the said writing before receiving the said permission from his majesty. consequently, i petition and beseech your highness to be pleased to have the said act revoked, in so far as it concerns the said declaration, by ordering that it be understood without having the cause returned to the said your governor and captain-general; for what i petition is justice, and for it, etc. _don fernando de silva_ _doctor juan fernandez de ledo_ _act of the royal audiencia, and reply of the fiscal_ in manila, on the twenty-seventh of july, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, while the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these filipinas islands were in session, this petition was presented, which having been examined they asked for a copy. the fiscal presented an act which declared that appeal ought not to be allowed from an act referring back a cause. consequently, since this cause has been returned to the lord governor, his lordship must decide the chief matter, namely, whether or not to allow the said bonds to be given. the documents presented are not for this plea, but for the principal cause before the lord governor. therefore, the fiscal, as far as he is concerned, concludes by this plea. _licenciate marcos çapata de galvez_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_ _summons to don fernando, and his reply_ in the city of manila, on july twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, i, the secretary, informed don fernando de silva of the act herein elsewhere contained. he declared that the appeal which he has interposed is in regard to declaring the auditors of the royal audiencia competent judges of that which the fiscal has demanded from the governor. he declared that, in regard to this question, there must be an authoritative statement from the proper source; and that the appeal must be allowed. on seeing the acts, he regards himself as summoned. he signed the same. _don fernando de silva_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_, royal secretary. _decree for don fernando_ the king. on behalf of you, don fernando de silva, knight of the order of santiago, relation has been made me that you have served in the states of flandes, and that you have served in other important affairs for more than ten years; that, having gone to nueva españa by the appointment of the marquis of çerralbo, you served _ad interim_ in the duties of my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein, because of the death of don alonso fajardo de tença; that you did it excellently, maintaining that community in peace, which was supplied with what was necessary; and that my royal treasury was but little burdened. when don juan niño de tavora arrived to serve me in those offices, he found the finest fleet of galleons which those islands have had, with which they could defend themselves from the enemies who infest them; provision of the metals necessary for casting artillery, and fifty molds for casting the pieces every two days; and the infantry in good discipline, clothing in abundance, and the ships for nueva españa ready to lade. possession had been taken in my name of the island of hermosa, which is eighteen leguas from the mainland of china, in the year six hundred and twenty-six, by which it will always be safe for the wealth of that kingdom to pass by there, without the enemy being able to hinder them (their fortress being very well fortified by nature). you were married in those islands to doña maria de salazar, granddaughter of one of the earliest and most prominent conquistadors and settlers of the islands, and your father-in-law was the first spaniard born in the said islands; [7] and, in commemoration of the services which the aforesaid performed, the encomienda of butuan and oton was given to them, which they enjoyed. i conceded the favor of prolonging to the said doña maria de salazar, your wife, the same encomienda for one generation more, by a decree of february twenty-four, six hundred and twenty-two; and to it shall succeed the person to whom it shall belong and pertain according to the law of succession. you went to the said islands solely for the purpose of serving me in the said duties, and incurred many expenses on the voyage, and enjoyed only slightly more than one year's salary. you have a desire to continue in my service, petitioning me that, in order that you may be able to do so, and in remuneration of the forbears of your wife, i employ you without the prohibition imposed on absentees, ordering that they may not enjoy the income from their encomiendas of indians, preventing you therefrom; and [that you be allowed] to appoint a representative [of the encomienda] to the satisfaction of my governor of the said islands as is the usual custom. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, i have considered it proper to give the present. by it i give permission to you, the said don fernando de silva, to be absent for the space of eight years from the said encomienda, together with all your household and goods, in nueva españa or in any other part where i may employ you, provided that you leave the representative and all the rest to which you, as an encomendero, are obliged, to the satisfaction of my governor of the said islands, to whom and to my royal audiencia of the said islands, i order no obstruction to your voyage to be placed. during the said eight years, which are to run and be reckoned from the day on which you leave the said islands in order to make your voyage, they shall not take away from or deprive you of the said indians; and shall allow you to enjoy freely the income from them and the other things which you shall possess in the said islands, notwithstanding any royal orders or decrees given to the contrary. such orders and decrees, i do for this time, and so far as they touch this case, dispense with. given in madrid, october two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ i copy this transcript from the original, which was in possession of the treasurer, alonso de santoyo, knight of the order of santiago, at whose request it was drawn. it is a faithful and true copy. mexico, march twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. witnesses were hipolito de santoyo and geronimo de marquina, inhabitants of mexico. i seal it in testimony of the truth. _marcos leandro_, his majesty's notary. we, the undersigned notaries, certify and attest that marcos leandro, by whom this copy appears to be signed and sealed, is a notary of his majesty; and as such, entire faith and credit has been and is given to the writs and other acts which have passed and pass before him, both in and out of court. in order that it may be apparent, we give the present in mexico, march twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. _pedro gallo_, his majesty's notary. _francisco gallo_, his majesty's notary. _alonso cavallero_, his majesty's notary. _act ordering the fulfilment of the royal decree_ in the port of cavite, july twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, don juan niño de tavora, knight of the order of calatrava, comendador of puerto llano, member of his majesty's council of war, his governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein, having seen this copy of the royal decree which his majesty gave at the petition of don fernando de silva, knight of the habit of santiago--who presented himself before his lordship in his own behalf, and petitioned that it be observed and obeyed--and attentive to the fact that the said copy was authorized by a notary of his majesty, and attested by three other notaries: ordered--and he did so order--the contents of the said copy of the said royal decree to be observed and obeyed; and that the said don fernando avail himself of it, leaving an agent appointed to attend to the said obligations of the said encomienda. the judges and royal officials shall note the decree in the books under their charge, and shall observe and obey it, as is contained therein, in behalf of the royal treasury. thus did he enact; and he signed the same, together with his counselor. _don juan niño de tavora_ _licentiate don rodrigo gonçales de barreda_ _andres martin del arroyo_ collated with the copy of the royal and original act from which it was copied. it is an accurate and exact copy, and agrees with the original, which was returned on the part of the said don fernando de silva, in order to take account of it in the royal accountancy. this copy was made in manila at his request, july twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine; witnesses being francisco de silva and don juan martin, residents of manila. _andres martin del arroyo_, royal notary _act of the royal audiencia_ in the city of manila, july twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and cnancillería of these filipinas islands having examined these acts in regard to the demand of his majesty's fiscal in this royal audiencia that don fernando de silva, knight of the order of santiago, former governor and captain-general and president of this royal audiencia of these said islands, give bonds to furnish residencia, for himself and his agents and servants, for the period while he exercised the said offices, and to pay the sum to which he should be adjudged and sentenced, leaving behind a person with accepted powers; and the appeal interposed by the said don fernando de silva from the act enacted by this royal audiencia, on the twenty-fourth of this present month, in which this cause was returned to the lord governor and captain-general, so that, as a competent judge, he might enact what might be justice in it, etc.: declared that, notwithstanding the said appeal, they must confirm--and they did confirm--the said act of this royal audiencia, with the declaration that the said return be, and be understood, in order that the said lord governor and captain-general may declare whether or not he [the said don fernando] must give bonds to the said fiscal of his majesty. thus they did enact, order, and decree. before me: _pedro muñoz de herrera_ _act of the governor_ in the port of cavite, july twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, don juan niño de tavora, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein; having examined these acts and the demand of the fiscal of his majesty concerning don fernando de silva giving bonds to furnish residencia for the period while he governed these islands, and for his agents and servants, and to pay the sum to which he should be adjudged and sentenced; the other things which he has petitioned; the return of these acts to his lordship by the royal audiencia in an act which they passed at [the reception of] the appeal by the said don fernando de silva; another act passed by the said royal audiencia, that, as a competent judge, the governor should enact what should be justice in this matter; and the copy of the royal decree presented before the said royal audiencia; said that he declared--and he did declare--that his lordship was not a competent judge in this cause to declare or order whether the said don fernando should or should not give the bonds which the said fiscal has demanded for the said residencia, or for any other thing pertaining to it; and that the fiscal should plead in this regard what he should have to plead before whom and with what right he can and ought. thus did he enact and order, and he signed the same, by the advice of his counselor. _don juan niño de tavora_ _licentiate don rodrigo gonçales de barreda_ before me: _andres martin del arroyo_ collated with the original acts, which rest at present in these archives of the office of government under my charge. this copy is accurate and exact, according to the originals. at the command of the said lord governor and captain-general, i ordered to be drawn and drew this copy, in the port of cavite, july twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine; witnesses being don juan martin and francisco de silva. in testimony of truth, i signed and sealed it. _andres martin del arroyo_, royal notary. we, the undersigned notaries, testify that andres martin del arroyo, by whom this copy appears to be signed and sealed, is a notary of the king our sovereign, and exercises the office of notary-in-chief of government and war of these islands. to his copies, acts, and dispatches, entire faith and credit is and has been given in and out of court. given in cavite, july thirty, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. _luis de torres_, royal notary. _pedro de valdes_, royal notary. _augustin de valenzuela_, notary-public. relation of 1629-30 _relation of events in the filipinas islands and other surrounding regions, from the month of july, 1629, until that of 1630_. i shall commence the affairs of these islands with the expedition to jolo. it is an island of this archipelago, rebellious for years past; and its natives, who are mahometans, have made a thousand incursions against us in these islands, pillaging whenever opportunity arises, burning villages and churches, and capturing numerous people. in order to remedy all these evils, governor don juan niño de tabora determined to equip a powerful fleet in order to destroy that enemy and conquer a stronghold which nature has made in their island--so lofty and so difficult of approach, that there is no better stone castle; for the approach to it is by one path, and it has some artillery which defends it. the people are courageous and warlike. for our fleet were collected one galley, three brigantines, twelve freight champaos (which are like small pataches), and about fifty caracoas. the last named are the usual craft of these islands, and generally have thirty or forty oars on a side. all these vessels together carried about four hundred spaniards and two thousand five hundred indians, and they had considerable apparatus and war supplies. it was quite sufficient for another conquest of greater importance than the one on which they were going. all that fleet departed, then, from the port of dapitan on march 17. dapitan is the port nearest to the enemy, and the island of jolo was reached in [_blank space in the ventura del arco ms_.] days. at dawn our men were landed, and began the ascent to the stronghold. the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olaso, who was commander-in-chief of the fleet, preceded the men. the joloans defended their stronghold with valor. they killed some of our men and wounded eight, among them the master-of-camp himself. he was overthrown, as if dead, and went rolling down the hill. however, he was not dead, but only wounded, nothing more. our men retired on the run, and to speak plainly, such terror entered into them that they did not dare to attack again. they skirted the island in their craft, entered the villages, burned, wrecked, destroyed them, and killed a few people. they brought back some captives with them whom the joloans had taken from us. a violent storm overtook them, which compelled them to weigh anchor, and they retired stealthily. thus so powerful a fleet as that was lost. it was such a fleet that never has one like it been made for the yndias in these islands. the joloan enemy were left triumphant, and so insolent that we fear that they will make an end of the islands of the pintados--which are the nearest ones to them, and which they infest and pillage with great facility. "a greater force than ever attacked malaca from achen--two hundred and twenty craft; and among them thirty-three were of stupendous size and resembled galleys with topsails, while others were medium-sized and smaller; and they carried a force of nineteen thousand men of the best picked soldiers, who were all ordered not to return alive without taking malaca. they disembarked at a river one-half legua from here. then they began to march with great trenches, ramparts, and other devices until they neared the walls. after taking the mount of san francisco, they fortified themselves on it, and for the space of four months they continued to batter the walls of the city. our artillery harassed them from the ramparts also although the trenches and terrepleins did not allow us to do them much harm. they destroyed all the side of yben, bocachina, and san lorenzo, and did not leave a house, palm-tree, or church. then they attempted to pass to the malaca side in order to destroy its suburbs, and to attack the walls on all sides. in order to make use of all their men, they beached all their ships in the mire of the river. that was their total destruction, for the reënforcements arrived on october 21, from yndia, with nuño alvarez botello--who succeeded in the government to the bishop who was governing and died; he had thirty-three oared vessels and one thousand portuguese soldiers, the flower of the nobility and soldiery of yndia. thereupon the enemy retired to the river where their fleet was stationed. the governor, without disembarking, took his station in the entrance, where he cannonaded them for forty-six days with all of his artillery. he had some very heavy artillery which he had brought from yndia, which he fired from some barges that he had built. he harassed them so greatly with these guns that, although the enemy attacked him in order to get out, they were unable; and finally surrendered, or fled to the mountains and forests, one night. a great number of them remained in our hands, and the others in the hands of the king of pan and those of malay friends who aided us. they abandoned a quantity of spoils, all their ships, artillery, etc., so that of the nineteen thousand men there did not remain any who could rightfully carry back the news. the portuguese collected three hundred pieces of artillery, counting large and small, with which the fortress was well supplied, and artillery was sent to other parts. the versos, falcons, and arquebuses which they captured were without number. it was a glorious victory which our lord gave to this city of malaca. the neighboring kings who were subject to achen immediately resolved to render homage, by sending their ambassadors." thus far father azevedo. [8] after having gained the victory against the people of achen, nuño alvarez botello determined to remain to winter in the region of the south. he sent some ships to java; and with them a large galleon belonging to the enemy, and the commander and captains who were captured. he kept twenty-three of his galliots, with seven hundred picked men, in order to go in pursuit of the dutch. he commenced at humbe, thirty leguas from malaca, where, the dutch have a factory for pepper. there were two dutch ships at the bar [of the river] which went out to meet him. the portuguese attacked the dutch ship, which was a very handsome one, and had come from holanda the year before. they gave it a volley which fell into a quantity of cartridges and powder, whereupon the ship blew up, although some of the dutch who fell into the water were picked up. then the portuguese assailed the other ship, captured it, and sent it to malaca. they saw that there was another large ship in thus mouth of the river, and attacked that one. the dutch who were aboard deserted it. the portuguese captured the artillery, ammunition, and other things in the ship, and set it afire. learning that there was another ship [up the] river, and that it was lading pepper, the portuguese determined to go to capture it. they entered the river, attacked the ship, and, without their knowing how, it blew up. as the ship sank, a powerful suction was formed, and drew after it the dutch [i.e., one of the captured ones] skiff in which the commander, nuño alvarez botello, was giving his orders. the brave gentleman was drowned there, without any one being able to help him; and with him were also drowned his good intentions, and all that that fleet expected to do. in consequence of the persecution of the king of conchinchina against the missionaries [9]--because the commerce of macao had been lacking for some time, and on account of the great drought that lasted for the space of fourteen months--governor don juan niño de tabora ordered an embassy to be sent to the said king, and for that purpose sent father antonio cardin with some presents. the father reached turon, and thence went to sinao, the court of the king. the king took the presents from him, but notwithstanding that received him with very ill grace; and, without conceding him what he asked, made him retire to macao. [to the above relation for the years 1629-1630 (which seems to be merely a synopsis or abstract, and not a copy of the original document) is appended the following from another and later relation:] in the years from july, 1630, until that time in 1632, says a relation, there was great peace, and the filipinas islands prospered; for aid from holanda failed the dutch, and their forces were too few to trouble the spanish possessions of the archipelago and the malucas. however the quiet was disturbed in the province of caraga, where the indians revolted, and assassinated the spaniards and the recollect religious who were instructing them. the leaders of the revolt were punished, and the indians gradually subdued. letters from tavora to felipe iv _news of the japon fleet, and of the fortifications which were built on that occasion, without any expense to your majesty._ sire: i gave your majesty an account in july of last year, 629, by way of nueva españa, of the condition in which were war affairs in these islands; and again in november, by way of yndia, i added such new events as had occurred up to that time. what there is to write now is that we were advised in march of this year, 630, from macan by the ship "trinidad," which sailed thence, that the japanese were still angry over the burning of their junk by our men in the port of the kingdom of sian in the year 628, as i have written in other letters; and that they were constructing large fleets to avenge themselves on our port and fort in the island of hermosa, and on the city and coasts of manila. it was asserted that the japanese had forty thousand men in various ships of the dutch and portuguese which they had embargoed, and in a great number of their own vessels. i thought it uncertain news, because of my knowledge of the nature of the japanese; yet i resolved to make use of it to further the fortification of this city and its environs. i suggested to the chinese that they perform some service for his majesty for the relief of that necessity, from their communal fund. they gave four thousand pesos, with which, and by means of other efforts, i built two cavaliers and a bit of covered way with its ledge of stone, they being built of incorruptible wood, while other enclosures and preparations were erected in cavite. with them and with the fortifications which, as i wrote, were constructed last year on another similar occasion, this city remains well fortified. and i trust, with god's help, that when i leave here there will be much better fortifications, so that the city of manila and the port of cavite may be safer with few soldiers than they were before with many. on account of the same news, the fortification of the island of hermosa was also urged forward. the commandant, don juan de alcaraso, who has it in charge, writes me that he was in such condition that he did not fear the japanese, even though they should come with as great a force as was reported. the dutch will be able to cause greater anxiety if they should return this year to the port of tanchuy, as they did last. i am preparing aid, not so much as our people there ask and need, but in accord with the little aid which has come to me from nueva españa. it has been learned from a ship of chinese which arrived here afterward, and which sailed by stealth from the kingdom of japon, that the imprisoned portuguese, the dutch, and their stranded ships were still detained there, and that there was no movement of the fleet. [_in the margin_: "give him thanks for what he has done, and [tell him] that provision has been made in regard to the junk."] _aid for terrenate_ i sent the usual aid for the forts of terrenate in the middle of november this year, as that season is the true monsoon. it was sent in two ships which had just arrived from nueva españa, together with a patache. all three vessels were equipped, and carried a sufficient force, so that they would not have to enter terrenate by stealth, or fleeing from the enemy. i was very happy over the despatch, both for this reason and because i saved the cost and preparation of the pataches in which this aid is generally taken. god our lord was pleased that, while the vessels were at a distance of two leguas from a port of these islands where they had to lade rice and other products, they should be struck by a very violent squall, which forced them to drag all their anchors, and the storm carried them immediately until they grounded. the flagship ran aground in the sand; but, the masts having been cut down, it and the patache were put out of danger. the almiranta grounded on reefs, where it was instantly shivered into pieces. its mast fell in such a favorable manner that it could be used as a bridge by the men, who were all saved by that means. after the storm was over, there was opportunity to remove the artillery, the silver, and a goodly portion of the food which the ship was carrying. consequently the loss was only of the boat, which was quite old. the two remaining ones were refitted, and proceeded on their way. inasmuch as they could not take all the provisions necessary, i despatched another patache from this city, but it was also wrecked on these coasts. the men and provisions were saved, and the wreck was not due to the fault of those who had charge of the patache, as was proved by the trial held regarding it. i immediately despatched another patache--for in the matter of aid i leave no stone unturned--which performed the voyage. all three vessels have returned from terrenate, where they entered at a very convenient season; because a number of our men having left our forts, by order of governor pedro de heredia, to effect a junction with the men of tidore in the town of the ternatans, which lies under the guns of the enemy, the latter withdrew to their forts the ship which was awaiting the relief from us. that relief entered terrenate the same day on which the enemy withdrew. after the silver and food were unladed, it was planned to sally out with the flagship of the relief fleet, to fight with the enemy's ship; and this would have been put into execution if two other ships had not come to their aid that same night, which made a force very superior to ours. it was reported that there were thirty dutch ships in the island of ambueno, and that half of them were coming to terrenate to make a moro, whom they wished to introduce into the government, king of the natives; and that the others were coming to the coasts of china, the island of hermosa, and perhaps manila. that enemy has had very little power in this sea for the last two or three years. i am now informed by letters that eighteen ships have come to them from europa, and that the javanese have raised the siege of jacatra, by which the dutch will remain more free to annoy us. [_in the margin_: "[tell him] that what he says has been noted; and that he proceed in everything with the prudence that is expected from him."] _that the convoying of the chinese fleet by two galleons of this state is being discussed, as that has been asked by the viceroy of yndia._ the count of linnares, who has just arrived to govern yndia, requests me to send three galleons to convoy the galliots which are bound from macan to yndia, and which are called "the chinese fleet," granting for the expenses certain accommodations in the duties on merchandise and the freight charges of the same trading fleet. i have discussed the matter with the auditors, and in the council of war. although it is impossible to do air that the viceroy asks, i am arranging to have at least two galleons go, as the majority of votes were in favor of it; and because it fits well with the determination of last year to send a galleon to goa for anchors and other supplies which it is necessary to bring from that place. the principal reason is to oblige that viceroy thereby to join his galleons with those of this state, in order to make for once some considerable showing of force against the enemy. [_in the margin_: "let it be understood that it is regarded as certain that the decisions which he shall make will be formed with the prudence and consideration that are expected from him."] _deeds of nuño alvarez botello in malaca_ nuño alvarez botello had very good fortune against the enemy in capturing two ships and burning two other large and heavily equipped ones close to the factory of jambi, which is near jacatra. much greater luck did he have in raising the siege of malaca, with the capture and slaughter of nineteen thousand moros from achen who held the city closely beset. however both events were tempered by the death of the said captain, as your majesty is advised through the council of portugal by letters from malaca, which are enclosed with this one. [_in the margin:_ "let account of all this be given to his majesty, although a very detailed account of the affair will be given by the council of portugal."] _expedition made to the islands of jolo and mindanao_ another sort of enemies whom these islands have are the moros of certain kingdoms near them. those who have been most insolent and unbridled since my arrival in this government are the inhabitants of the kingdom of jolo. for their punishment (in addition to the punishment inflicted two years ago) a fleet was prepared this year of three hundred and fifty spaniards and two thousand five hundred indians, under command of don lorenço olasso, master-of-camp of this army. after a long and troublesome voyage, he arrived late at the island and chief stronghold where the king lives. they found the village dismantled, and the king and his chiefs and the majority of his men retired to a very steep hill which they have fortified for that purpose. he attacked them at daybreak, confident that their lack of caution would facilitate his entrance, and that the short time remaining in which to perform that exploit would suffice. within a very short time he gained as far as the crest of the hill, where the stout enclosure and works of the enemy were. and if, as he himself fought, there had been others to assist him, he would have entered the place and captured the king and all his household and chiefs. on the part of our spaniards and indians the necessary spirit was not exerted. the enemy held the stronghold sufficiently well in their defense, and with the advantage of location; and did considerable damage to our men with their artillery, spears, and other missile weapons. on that account it was deemed better to withdraw the men from the hill and to abandon the undertaking for the time, and to employ the army in burning the villages and leveling the fields round about. in doing that there were many frays with the enemy, and many of the people were killed, so that it is thought that they are severely punished. the weather did not allow the enterprise to be carried to a more satisfactory conclusion. the fleet went from that place to the island of mindanao, which is one of the largest islands of this archipelago, while its king is one of the most powerful enemies that these natives have had. just now he is friendly, and the peace was confirmed with the coming of the master-of-camp, so that i trust that it will last for some years. i have increased the pay of the officers and private soldiers who distinguished themselves on that occasion, while i am trying to reduce that of those who did not, so that it may serve as a warning. [_in the margin_: "when we learn the resolution which he has taken, let report of this be made to his majesty."] _reduction of the cagayan indians_ cagayan affairs are in better condition than formerly. some indians have already been reduced to the obedience of your majesty, and the others are being pressed to render it. i hope for a good result. may our lord give the outcome which he knows to be most desirable. may he preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, with increase of kingdoms and states, as we your vassals desire and as christendom needs. manila, july 30, 1630. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ [_in the margin_: "it is well. have a copy of this letter sent to his majesty, so that he may be informed of everything."] _government touching judicial and military matters_ sire: after having concluded my despatch, and while awaiting that of the royal audiencia in order to sign it (they having before communicated with me in session concerning the matters of which they were to write), i learned that the auditors had sealed the letter, and that they were sending it by a different way, as they did not wish me to see or sign it. that is a singular innovation; but, in order to avoid greater disturbances, i undertook, while they were assembled, to tell them what evil they were doing in trying to make such an innovation, which was so unsuitable; for i would not hinder them from writing freely whatever they might judge fitting to the royal service of your majesty, nor would i be angry if their opinion were different from mine. neither were they to write anything which should be untrue, and which i could not see; thus would they avoid interrupting by such innovation the peace and concord with which we had lived during these four years. i entreated them to comply with the obligations of their office, namely, to live in harmony with their president, and to write their opinion with the truth that is required, showing that malice does not move them but only the desire of right action. [i told them that] they should do as in previous years, namely, allow me to sign the letter. i warned them of the disservice which is being done to your majesty in the president and auditors not being in accord; and i protested to them that it was they who were declaring war, since they were persisting in trying to make me suspect that they were writing things against me which they did not dare to say to me. that is the manifestation which they might make in case of any treachery or knavery on my part. they had little to answer to these arguments, but for all that they were not willing to regulate their conduct as they should, but to persevere in their theme. that would have obliged me to make the demonstration which the case demanded, had i not considered rather the service of your majesty than the action which the vehemence of their passions deserves. _attack on the orders of the government, by the auditors commanding the royal officials to pay them their thirds [of salary], notwithstanding any order of government_. 2. jointly with this they made another attack on the government, namely, to notify the royal officials by an act that they should immediately pay them their thirds [of salary] notwithstanding any order that they might have to the contrary, as such was not from your majesty. that they said because of the order of the government that nothing be paid without its decree. that order was given by all my predecessors, and the auditors themselves ratified it when they were governing, as will be seen by the enclosed records. i resented this action, because of their boldness in trying to oppose the orders of the government, and because of the slight foundation which they had for it: for never was more owing to them than the third for april, as the treasury is without a real at this time; and we do not have in the entire city any place to get the money, and with great difficulty are we able to get a meager aid for the soldiers and sailors. that third is paid the auditors in june or july, which is the time when the silver comes from nueva españa. and now because it arrived about ten days ago, and their third has not been paid them, because i am here in cavite, attending to the despatch of the ships, they were so impatient that, not having taken the trouble to remind me of their need so that i might order them paid immediately, they enacted the act above mentioned--copy of which, together with the reply of the royal officials, i herewith enclose. last year they themselves asked me not to pay them the april third until that for august was due, as they wished to receive them together. that shows how little inconvenience follows their not having received it this year in the month of july. surely, all these actions are the offspring of their natures, [and show the] duplicity and deceit with which they are arming themselves in order to break the peace, perhaps because they have seen that the inspector who was expected did not come this or last year, at whose coming i was hoping to have rest. but since he has not come, it will be necessary for me to do myself what i wished to have done by the hand of another--namely, to give the auditors to understand the respect which they ought to have for their governor and president. this said, i shall now go on to answer the points of the letter which i have heard from them themselves, and which they say are the ones which they wrote to your majesty. in passing, i shall answer to that council the chief complaints, which, i suppose, are the ones that may oppose my method of governing. it is no little consolation that all of them have to do with points or controversies of justice, and not defects which transgress my obligations; for it is those that could give me some pain. _that it is not advisable that the royal audiencia carry the burden of visiting the prison of tondo and that of the parián of the chinese._ 3. the first point is in respect to the royal audiencia petitioning that it be ordered that they visit the prisons of the village of tondo and of the parián of the sangleys. this does not appear just; for although those prisons are near manila, and inside the district of the five leguas to which the [jurisdiction of the] audiencia extends (which is the argument on which they take their stand), still those places have their alcaldes-mayor, and are separate jurisdictions, and it belongs to those officials to make their visitation of prisons as the audiencia do in theirs. it is true that the alcaldes-in-ordinary and those of the court (who are the auditors themselves) arrest in tondo and in the parián by virtue of the five leguas; but they do not put the prisoners in the prisons of those courts, but in that of the court, or the prison of this city. the example which they have cited to me--namely, that the prisons of the suburbs of mexico are visited on saturdays by the auditors--is not well taken in this case; for those prisons are in charge of the corregidor, and separate, because the city is large and needs those different prisons. but the prison of tacubaja, which is one-half legua or slightly more from the city, is not visited by the audiencia, because it has its own alcalde-mayor. and it is certain that because sangleys are confined in these prisons of tondo and the parián, the royal audiencia is claiming the right to visit them, for all their anxiety is to acquire very full authority over that people. i have written your majesty enough on this point. it would be advisable for your service to have this royal audiencia prohibited from trying any cause concerning the sangleys. _causes for accepting the resignation of the reporter of the audiencia from his office_. 4. the second point is in regard to their saying that i accepted the resignation of licentiate umaña, reporter of this royal audiencia, from his office. it is a fact that the reasons which he gave me for it obliged me to do so--not so much on account of his lack of health and eyesight, although he has that, as for the ill-treatment inflicted upon him by the auditors, without its being possible for me to give him any relief in it, as i am not always at the meetings. the auditors are insufferable; and, although this man had served in this capacity for many years, they finally had him so harassed that they daily sought numberless excuses by which to avoid coming to the audiencia. and inasmuch as it is difficult to struggle all one's life in one thing which concerns the ordinary despatch of business, i thought it less inconvenient to accept this resignation. in the meanwhile, until your majesty shall provide a remedy, they have been allowed to select whomever there is in the city. but no one satisfies them; because, as there is no one who can endure them, there is no lawyer of high standing who will accept the office. _that the auditors, are giving malicious information when they say that the governor prevents a report of the government suits from being made to the royal audiencia._ 5. the third point is that the auditors complain that i do not allow any report of the government suits to be made to the audiencia. as a sample, they cite an appeal made by the friars of st. augustine from the edict, issued at the petition of the city, ordering all the sangley shopkeepers to be collected in the parián. although that was a necessary measure, and the royal audiencia had no right to meddle in a matter so manifestly belonging to the government as the residence of the sangleys in this or in that part yet i am not doing nor did i do what they say in this matter, about preventing the report to be made--as will be seen by the acts which i enclose herewith, and which are cited in the letter on government affairs, which mentions this point. by those acts will be seen the very opposite of what they tell me that they have written. _that those appointed to judicial offices be lawyers_ 6. the fourth point is that they say that there are few advocates in this royal audiencia, as i always keep them occupied in judicial posts, which ought to be kept for men of merit. the truth is that there are not more than five lawyers in all the islands; and that in the four years while i have governed here i have not occupied in judicial offices more than two--namely, doctor juan fernandez de ledo, in the parián (which is an office that does not prevent him from exercising the profession of the law, since he does that in this same city, and already his term of office is over), and doctor luis arias de mora (whom i have only occupied in the office at la laguna de bay, which is three leguas away, and in which i maintain him because of a petition to that effect from the provincial and religious of st. francis, who are the ministers in charge of those missions). they have assured me that they have not had an alcalde-mayor for many years who has given more satisfaction in that province. since la laguna, whence are brought the timbers for the shipbuilding at cavite, depends greatly on the religious, and without the latter the indians would do nothing, and it is important to me to have there a person of great exactness, so that the cutting and sending of wood may not cease, and consequently, the building and repair of the ships; and since there are so few methodical men in this country, when there is one, i try to retain him in office all the time. in regard to appointing lawyers to judicial offices, i have made no innovation, for my predecessors have done the same; and such men can be not less suitable for those offices than soldiers. here, sire, there is very little for the lawyers to do, and they starve to death. since they are citizens and have married in the country, they must be supported, at least so that the governors may have someone with whom to consult in regard to the doubts which arise with the auditors. that is the reason for the ill-will that the latter show toward them. _whence arises the opposition of the auditors to the concession of the winepresses which have been granted to the seminary for orphan boys_. 7. the fifth point is that they talk of the concession of the sangley winepresses which have been conceded to the seminary for orphan boys. for justification of that, i refer to a section of the letter which i am writing on this matter in the letter regarding government affairs, and to the papers which are cited in that letter, which are clear enough. i know that the opposition shown to this is managed by licentiate marcos çapata, who, as he has but lately been invested with authority, has been actively engaged in attacking these winepresses, as he thought that he was performing a great service to the community; and as it has been made clear that the disadvantages of the matter are not of the importance that he imagined, he is somewhat piqued. i beseech your majesty to consider this point and not to allow any ill-will to disturb so excellent a work as is the completion of the seminary for these boys, without any cost to the royal revenues and without any damage to the community. _report on the permission to gamble which is given to the chinese during their festival_. 8. the sixth point is that they speak of the permit which is given to the sangleys to gamble during the fortnight of their festival. [10] they allege that it is a pernicious thing for the community. i, sire, have been even more strict in this than were my predecessors, who introduced it at petition of the sangleys themselves, in order to keep them quiet and in order to avoid greater troubles, as that nation is by nature excessively addicted to gambling. it seems conformable to reason that if they are not permitted to play during the year, it be conceded to them for their festival, which is the time of their holidays. your majesty has ordered that the infidels be allowed to live according to their own customs in everything which is not contrary to natural law, or opposed to the good example of the christians in whose land they live. it seems very conformable to law and to good government to keep these men contented and quiet, and this is being done. this country cannot get along without infidel sangleys, for they are the ones who bring us food from china. consequently, it is necessary to allow them to live in their own manner in all things which are not prejudicial to the faith and to the light of reason. gaming is a matter of indifference, and although it is true that, if it be indulged in to excess, the troubles follow which are experienced in these sangleys, yet those troubles are not to be laid to the one who gives them the permission to indulge reasonably in a diversion. it is known as a well-ascertained fact that the sangleys will gamble, whether with or without license; and that there are not wanting citizens, and even sons and relatives of auditors, who will shield them for it. hence i have considered it as less troublesome to give them a moderate permission (such as that which is granted to them for their festival), and to try to prevent the danger of incurring other and greater troubles by making the sangleys restless and discontented, and gaming secretly all the year in the houses or gateways of private persons. it is true that some friars have preached against this; but i ordered one of them, who is considered as the most learned, to give me in writing his reasons for opposing this. having also consulted with my confessor and with other theologians, who were of opinion that this was not a matter for burdening the conscience (and i do not know why the auditors should think that the religious who gave this opinion allowed themselves to be carried away by their desire to natter me, charging their own consciences in order to save mine), i am rather persuaded that he who preached the contrary was induced to do so by his own or another's prejudice in opposition to the government. the opinions of both sides are in my possession, with full relation of everything that there is bearing on this subject. if your majesty wish, they can be sent you very easily; and i would have done so immediately, if they had not reminded me of this complaint at so critical a time. _the foundation for the complaint of the auditors that the governor does not allow them to visit the provinces._ 9. the seventh point. i am advised also that the auditors write that i do not allow them to go to visit the provinces. i am not aware that this subject has been discussed in my time. neither do i know whether the execution of it would be convenient in districts where the indians are so poor and so burdened with repartimientos and shipyards, the conveyance of food and products, and other things which are unavoidable in the service of your majesty. if in addition to all that, they were to be burdened with the expense of the visit of an auditor, they would become still more crushed. however, i shall not shut the door in this matter; and if 1 shall find it necessary for the service of your majesty to send some auditor to the provinces, it shall be done. however, i am quite sure that it will not be very easy for them to go to the most needy provinces, which are the poorest and most remote. _that there is a special book in which to inscribe the opinion of the audiencia when appointments are discussed with them_. 10. the eighth point. in regard to the appointments to, the judicial offices and encomiendas, they say that i discuss them with the royal audiencia in accordance with the decree in which your majesty orders that, but that their opinions are not written down. although i am not aware that the decree orders such a thing--since it only says that if the auditors are of a contrary opinion, what the governor resolves shall be done, and they shall advise your majesty of their opinion--yet a book has been kept ready, in which to inscribe those opinions. i do not know that any occasion has arisen where it was necessary, for of all the propositions which i have made only one has been contradicted by all the audiencia, and which i tried to execute, although they were of the contrary opinion, in the end, i did not execute it, yielding to their judgment, and thus there was nothing to write. _the little reason that the auditors have for complaining to the city of the appointment of admiral, which was given to captain diego lopez lobo_. 11. the ninth and last point that they tell me is written in this letter is, to petition your majesty to order that, since the posts of commander and admiral are of the most importance of all that are provided in these islands, appointments to them be subject to consultation with the audiencia. for this, i am told that they take occasion from the appointment that i have made this year of admiral in the person of captain diego lopez lobo--alleging that he is not a citizen but a foreigner, and that he is interested in the capture of the siamese junk, which they say is reported to be valued at more than three hundred thousand pesos. commencing with this last, what they say is outside of all truth, as will appear by the accounts made by the accountant and adjuster of accounts, juan bautista de çubiaga, whose certification i enclose herewith. what captain diego lopez lobo did was to capture that junk and bring it to manila, in which he is so far from having incurred displeasure, that on the contrary, by that action alone, he merited the place of admiral which is given him; for, besides having attained what was ordered him, he conducted himself so honestly in the capture of the vessel that neither for himself nor for others did he allow anything of importance to be taken--putting aboard it a trustworthy commander with ten soldiers, who brought the junk as it was to manila, without wasting any of the merchandise. thus did he obey the order given him that there should be no sack, but that he should bring it as he had found it, with all fidelity; since it was not taken as an absolute prize, but by way of reprisal, as i have written in another letter. in regard to the said diego lopez lobo not being a castilian citizen but a portuguese (which has been the rock of offense to auditors and citizens, and the motive which has induced the city to complain to your majesty), i am not aware that it is a crime or a demerit to be a portuguese. diego lopez is a son of the second lopez lobo, a nobleman, of the rank that can be easily ascertained in that council. he went to east yndia in the service of your majesty, where he lived for ten years. thence he came to these islands, where i found him serving worthily with a company of infantry, which had been given him by don fernando de silva during the year while he governed, here. during all that year and the four of my government, he has had his house, and dwelling in manila, which seems to be sufficient for him to call himself a citizen. opportunity lately offered to send him to that court to discuss the union of the posts and arms of the south sea, about which i am writing in a separate letter. as he is a man who had been under both crowns of portugal and castilla, and because of his rank and good qualities i thought there was no other to whom i could better trust a matter of so great moment. imagining that, as it was a service, for your majesty, the city would consider it favorably, i gave him charge of that matter. but since there is no other aim than self-interest, there are few who yield their own advantage for the common welfare and the service of your majesty. eight or nine citizens--all encomenderos, the least of whom has four hundred and fifty-six tributes--without their having killed many moros, [a service] for which they ought to claim a post for castilla, presented a petition to the city, signed by their names, by which they asked the city to oppose the said choice. the city accepted the petition, and sent it to me at my council, with a number of the decrees of your majesty, which discuss the matter of appointment to the posts of commander and admiral--as if i had not seen them, or looked to see whether the person of diego lopez had place among them. the post of commander was granted to a citizen, the most honored of the most honored in this city. the post of admiral for the return voyage (which is an advantageous post) was given to another citizen, also married in this city, and one of its worthy men. only the outward trip has been granted to diego lopez, so that he may come before the eyes of your majesty more fittingly, since the advantage is not more than one-half the pay and accommodation of his own post. eight or nine citizens who enjoy good incomes (one of them has two or three thousand pesos), without being better knights or soldiers than diego lopez, complain. it was all contrived by one or two uneasy spirits, simply to make merits, from vengeance at not having succeeded in obtaining the office of stewardship of the city, and who claimed to negotiate for a certain person who was not suitable. here whatever differs from and opposes the governor is done with a sinister intention, and not through zeal for the public welfare. the gist of the petition is enclosed herewith, in case that the city shall forget to send it. i petition your majesty to grant me the favor to have it examined; and that in consideration of the criticism which they attempt to make in it on the loyalty and fidelity of the portuguese nation, and of the authority which they are attempting to take in what they say, that they did not willingly oppose the appointment of the captain of infantry, your majesty will order that the admonition and punishment which their boldness deserves be given to them. i have not as yet done that, in order to avoid greater disturbances at a time when we are trying to effect a union of portuguese and castilian posts and arms in this south sea. that union is the only means by which to drive the enemy from that sea. at a time when many castilian soldiers have come to yndia, and when there are more than two hundred portuguese soldiers, alférezes, and captains in the forts of maluco and manila, these men [whom i have mentioned] are ill satisfied, and are sowing schisms among them all. will your majesty have this examined, and furnish the relief that it requires. and if there be discussion of the matter of pleasing the auditors in what they petition--namely, that the appointments to these posts be conferred upon them--it will be better for your majesty to order that the posts be given to their sons and brothers, who are the persons for whom they desire them, although those men do not have the merits that are requisite for such places. if they had the merits, it would not be necessary for such men to try to get them. _origin of the above complaints and others like them_ 12. it is a foregone conclusion, sire, in the yndias more than in other regions, that he who shall govern uprightly will have many rivals; for those who generally come hither come with the desire to hoard up riches. that is the cause which draws them from their native place; but, as wealth is not obtained sometimes as quickly as they would wish, they become resentful. as it is quite natural for mean people to attribute more to themselves than they deserve, nothing satisfies them; and they spend all their time envying what is given to others, and crying down their services and merits, and complaining of the government, by murmuring openly against him who has it in charge, and accusing him with innumerable testimonials. some of the inferior officials among those whom your majesty has in the yndias do not avoid doing this. such men desire that their posts be extended in authority and profit--in authority not for the honor, for one does not concern himself about that in the yndias; but for the profit, which forms their desire and fixed purpose. for if, perchance, there is a servant, relative, or follower to whom is not given all that such an official wishes, and whenever he wishes, and as quickly as he wishes, the friendship is immediately broken, and the royal service pays for it, for such a minister no longer is inclined to it, and only tries to cause it trouble, and to work against whatever the governor proposes. _efforts which have been made to quiet complaints_ 13. knowing this by the experience of four years of government, i have taken all possible measures to regulate as well as possible these malcontents; but since the limits of my duty to god and to your majesty cannot be overstepped, however much i have desired and tried to please them, i have learned that i am very backward, and that they are accusing me by innumerable testimonials. i petition your majesty to rest assured that i am serving you with great devotion and with the desire of succeeding in what i owe to my birth. the royal revenues are spent with great circumspection, as will be seen by the accounts sent this year to that royal council. military affairs are undertaken after full counsel. my presence in the government is continuous. the community is quiet. the soldiers are in the best state of discipline that can be had. the ships are despatched at the monsoons. the provinces are reënforced at the proper time. the cloth traded is procured with the help of the neighboring kings, and of all your agents; and your majesty keeps them occupied both in yndia and in this archipelago. the indians are less oppressed than ever, and, as i have written in other years, a great number of burdens have been taken from them. no spaniard is found who has been ill-treated by words. what there has been to allot has been among many, and all are supported therewith, although discontented. the city has been fortified and beautified. finally, i assert that i shall not secure from the philipinas by the end of eight years, if god give me that long life, and your majesty preserve me in the islands, the dowry which doña madalena brought, although i live (as is a fact) so moderately. granting this, i do not know what more remains or ought to be done. _permission asked by the governor to leave the philipinas_ 14. i have written at this length not for fear of someone having written against me--for to think that no one would do so would be great arrogance--but only to give account to your majesty of what passes here; to ask pardon for my omissions, and that you will not believe those who are affected by passion; and that you be pleased to withdraw me hence, as i petitioned you last year. the toil endured here is vast, and i have now but little strength and health to be able to endure it, when i have so little success in attaining my loyal desires. my agents will present memorials in that royal council, in which i beg your majesty for some gratuity and accommodations with which to leave this exile. i promise myself a very liberal one from your royal kindness and generosity, in proportion to my services and those of my ancestors and forbears. may our lord preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, with increase of kingdoms and states, as is necessary to christendom. cavite, august 4, 1630. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ historia de la orden de s. agustín de estas islas filipinas by fray juan de medina, o.s.a., manila, 1893 [but written in 1630]. _source_: translated from a copy of the above work, in the possession of the editors. _translation_: this document it translated (and in part synopsized) by james a. robertson. history of the augustinian order in the filipinas islands _by fray juan de medina, o.s.a._ history of the events of the order of our great father st. augustine in these filipinas islands, from the time of their discovery and colonization by the spaniards, with information regarding memorable occurrences. composed by the venerable father, fray juan de medina, [11] a native of sevilla, formerly minister to the villages of ibahay, aclán, dumangas, passi, and panay, vicar-provincial of that island, [12] and prior of the convent of santo niño de cebú. written by his own hand in the year 1630. the annals of the religious of the order of our father st. augustine in the filipinas islands from the time of their discovery and colonization by the spaniards by order and command of don felipe ii, king and sovereign of the españas. chapter i [medina's narrative opens with the expedition of legazpi, and the part played therein by the augustinian andrés de urdaneta and his companions. felipe ii, having determined upon an expedition to the western islands, "entrusted the matter to the viceroy of nueva españa, at that time don luis de velasco, a man of so great worth in all matters, that he has never received adequate praise. the king gave him in everything ample and most complete authority to appoint a commander and officials, and to make with them whatever agreements and covenants seemed most advantageous to him and to the royal service. they were always to listen to the advice of father fray andrés de urdaneta.... his majesty stipulated that urdaneta should, at all hazards, be persuaded to undertake the expedition in person," taking with him such other religious of the same order as he thought best. the king wrote to urdaneta as follows:] i the king. to the devout father fray andrés de urdaneta, of the order of st. augustine: i have been informed that, while you were a layman, you accompanied the fleet of loaysa, and passed through the strait of magallanes and the spice region, where you spent eight years in our service. and inasmuch as we have just charged don luis de velasco, our viceroy of that nueva españa, to send two ships to discover the western islands in the direction of the molucas, and to give them instructions how to proceed, in accordance with the instructions given to him; and as, on account of the great store of knowledge that you are said to possess of the affairs of that land, and since you understand, as you do, its navigation, and are a good cosmographer, it would be very conducive to excellent results, both in what relates to the said navigation, and to the service of our lord, for you to accompany the said ships: i, therefore, ask and charge you to accompany the said ships, and to do what shall be ordered you by the said our viceroy. beside the service that you will thus render to our lord, i shall be very greatly served, and shall have account taken of this matter, so that you may receive the favors that offer. valladolid, september 24, 1559. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _francisco de eraso_ [of urdaneta, father fray estéban de salazar remarks that "his devotion and sanctity cannot be briefly told, while a book would be required for his military prowess and deeds." he was the foremost navigator of the time, and "had added the wind called _huracán_ by sailors to the compass. the sailors believe that when this wind blows all the other winds, in number thirty-two, are blowing, and that only one wind results, with a whirling direction from pole to pole." a brief review of urdaneta's life follows. his youth was largely spent in the italian wars, and his later years in the south sea. he accompanied loaysa's expedition in 1525. "joined to his so wide experience was the fact that he was a man skilled in cosmography and astrology ... and he was therefore best suited to discover the return passage to nueva españa from those islands, a thing regarded as very difficult, and never yet done, although attempted." he had joined the unfortunate saavedra expedition at the islands in an attempt to find the return passage, but they were forced to put back to the moluccas. shortly after his return to spain, he went again to new spain, where, in 1542, "viceroy don antonio de mendoza appointed him general of the fleet" of the new expedition. "he begged off, as he loved his quiet, ... or, because he feared for the success of the expedition.... therefore ruy lópez de villalobos was appointed in his stead; but his voyage was very unfortunate. afterward, tired of the world, and disillusioned of it, urdaneta took the habit of our father st. augustine in the famous convent of méxico--where he dedicated himself so thoroughly to matters of religion and virtue that one would believe that he had been reared to their observance all the days of his life, so forgetful was he of what he had seen in the world, as if he had never lived in it. but when he seemed to be enjoying the greatest quiet and repose, god drew him from his cell, and placed him in charge of new navigations...."] chapters ii and iii [upon the receipt of the king's letters, the viceroy of new spain, "with the concurrence of the audiencia, summoned father fray andrés de urdaneta, and after having delivered into his own hands the letter that had come for him from his majesty, intimated to him the importance of the expedition and the great spiritual advantages that would accrue from it." when urged to accept the trust, urdaneta responded that he must first communicate with "his superior, who stood to him in place of god." the consent and order of the latter was readily obtained, and urdaneta accepted the expedition "with so great joy and gladness, that the fire that glowed in his heart was well shown by his eagerness." in continuation of the project, "the viceroy took measures to establish a shipyard in puerto de la navidad--one hundred and twenty leguas from the city of mexico, and situated in nineteen and one-half degrees north latitude--so that three or four ships of different burden might be made;" for this expedition was not only to discover routes, but to colonize and take possession of the islands. by the advice of urdaneta, "miguel lopez de legazpi, an illustrious gentleman, and one of great prudence and valor, and above all, an excellent christian," was chosen as commander of the expedition, the viceroy carefully consulting the friar so that a good choice might be made. [13] in discussing the voyage, urdaneta "proposed that they should first go to discover nueva guinea. he expressed the great advantages that would arise from this, the chief being that it could be the stepping-place to the whole world. nueva guinea is near the equator, and stretches east three hundred leguas and north live or six degrees. on this account it has been doubted whether it is mainland, because it extends so far toward the salomon islands [14] or the straits of magallanes. however, now that the opposite coast of magallanes has been navigated the doubt has been destroyed, and it has been discovered that it is not a continuation of that land, but an island surrounded by the water of the south sea. father urdaneta had discovered this island in company with alvaro de saavedra. in the year of 28, he returned to this land and anchored, when wrecked by terrible storms that they experienced, which forced them to return. then they did not land, but from the coast, the island appeared very pleasant, and displayed good anchorages and ports. its inhabitants are black, tall, robust, and well built in general. hence, father urdaneta thought it advisable to go to this island first, and make a few entrances, until they could discover its products, and if it were fertile and suitable, to colonize it. if it were not suitable, still, some one of its ports would be of great importance, to serve as a station for all the other expeditions, which they might wish to make to all the islands of the archipelago, which are innumerable and nearly all undiscovered." the viceroy, while not opposing the opinion of the friar, and even giving him to understand that it would be followed, at the end gave a different order.] [for the voyage the augustinian provincial, with the concurrence of the other religious, selected the missionaries who were to be "the foundation stones upon which that church was to be established:" the prior, andrés de urdaneta; martín rada, "the most eminent man in the astrology of that time," who proved of great aid to urdaneta in scientific lines; diego herrera, who was to spend "all his life in the filipinas, with great temporal and spiritual gain, until at last, he lost his life in the year of 76, when he was drowned;" andrés de aguirre, who was also to spend all the rest of his life in the islands, making two journeys to spain in their interest; lorenzo jimenez, "who died while waiting at puerto de la navidad to embark;" and pedro de gamboa. when all was about in readiness to sail, the viceroy luis de velasco died. in eulogizing him, esteban de salazar says: "of his virtue and valor, and his christian spirit, we cannot speak in sufficiently fitting terms, for he was the light and model of all goodness and for all christian princes. although he lived amid the treasures of the indians so many years, he kept his soul so noble and so uncorrupted, and his hands so continent, that he died poor." notwithstanding the death of the viceroy, preparations went on. legazpi, on arriving at port, took inventory of his men, and found that, counting soldiers, sailors, and servants, they amounted to more than four hundred. there were two pataches and two galleys. the flagship was the "san pedro," of about four hundred tons' burden; the almiranta was called "san pablo," and was under command of mateo del sar (_sic_). in this vessel embarked fathers diego herrera and pedro de gamboa; the others sailed in the flagship. "a grandson of the general, named felipe de salcedo, a lad of sixteen, also embarked. he afterward attained great prominence in the islands, and is therefore given special mention here." a native, pedro pacheco, brought from the islands on the return of the survivors of the villalobos expedition, was also taken as interpreter. the two pataches were in command of alonso de arellano and juan de la isla. after legazpi had given his instructions to the officers, the fleet set sail november 21, 1564, the men all having invoked the blessing of god upon their voyage.] chapter iv _of the voyage made by our religious to the western islands_ great undertakings are wont never to lack their obstacles, which although they do not fail to unnerve those of feeble intellect, yet seem to serve only as spurs to the lofty-minded, to make them not abandon what is undertaken; and these latter show greater courage, when fortune shows herself most contrary. and the devil, when he divines that any work is on foot that may be for the service of the lord unless he can hinder it, at the very least manages to impede it, and does his utmost to render it of none effect. thus in this departure, they did not fail to have their misfortunes, but having conquered these by their courageous souls, they continued their voyage. for four days had they ploughed the waters of the sea, when the general thought it best to open his majesty's despatch and read the instructions given him, and find the route that he was ordered to take. the instructions were given him under lock and seal, and he was ordered not to open them, until he had sailed at least one hundred leguas. for the opening of the instructions, he had all the men of account in the fleet assembled; they found that, in accordance with his majesty's decree, they were ordered to go straight to the islands, now called filipinas. when they were reached, a portion of the army and the religious were to remain there, while father urdaneta, with the other portion of the fleet, was to return in order to establish the route, until then unknown, as this was the object and chief purpose of his majesty father urdaneta was extremely sorry at this, for he had always been given to understand that his opinion would be followed on this voyage. but it was certainly considered best by the audiencia; for, besides their fulfilling in it his majesty's will, they observed that the journey to nueva guinea embraced many things, and father urdaneta could not discover so quickly the return voyage from the filipinas to nueva españa--and this was the chief aim of that expedition, and the object of greatest importance that was sought. after they had understood, then, his majesty's will, by the instructions that were read in their presence, all obeyed them as loyal vassals, and in pursuance thereof, began to lay their course, which with so certain a beginning as that of obedience and the sacrifice of their own wills, already promised a prosperous end. they changed their course, descending to the nineteenth degree, in which lie the islands of los reyes [15] and corales. [16] from this point they began to take a direct course to the filipinas. in order to do this, an order was issued to steer west by south, and all the fleet was ordered to do the same, and, as far as possible, not to separate from the flagship. but should the vessels be separated by any storm, they were given to understand that they were to follow the said route, until they made some of the islands of the filipinas, where they would all meet. upon this they again invoked the most sweet name of jesus, and sailed with favoring breezes until they reached the ninth degree; and then the commander again called an assembly to discuss the voyage. there they took the latitude, and all the pilots disagreed by as much as a point of the compass, some of them making it two hundred leguas more than the others; and they could agree on neither the latitude nor the daily runs. father urdaneta asserted that the corales islands had already been passed, and that they were farther on their journey. accordingly he gave orders to make the tenth degree and sail toward the arrecifes [17] and matalotes [18] islands, which are very much farther. they sailed along this course until january 9, when they discovered land. they went closer to it, and saw a small island, which was seemingly about three leguas in circumference. it was covered with trees and cocoa-palms, but as it was surrounded by reefs, they could not anchor at it. they sailed about the island, and spied a settlement situated among some palms, and some indiana on the shore. but they were likewise unable to anchor there, for, on casting their anchor, they found more than fifteen brazas of water. finally a small boat was lowered, which contained father urdaneta, together with the master-of-camp, captain juan de la isla, and felipe salcedo. they reported on their return that those people were friendly, well disposed, and gentle; that they had no manner of weapon, either defensive or offensive; that they were clad in reed mats, very fine and well finished; and that the island contained many excellent fruits, fish, castilian fowl, and millet. they reported also that the indians were full-bearded. on this account those islands were called barbudos. they did not stop at these islands, or at any of the others that they sighted afterward, where, certainly, our religious would leave portions of their hearts, melted with fire and love for their fellow-creatures, to all of whom they would desire to give a portion of the light that they carried, so that those peoples might be withdrawn from their dense darkness. but since now they could do no more, they would commend them to god, so that by his goodness he might open the door for them which he was now about to open to the other islands, for those people had been redeemed no less than the others. in short, they continued to pass those islands, obedient to the orders that they must not stop until they should teach filipinas. at those islands it was better ordained that the seminary should be established, so that from that point the light and instruction might spread to the shores of other islands. without any doubt, the filipinas are the best suited for this purpose, as they are near great china, and not far from japón, siam, and camboja, while even the land of india is said to be within sight; and the islands are surrounded by an infinite number of other islands, inhabited by immense multitudes of people. the fleet set sail and left those islands of the barbudos--and now the route to the filipinas is very far from them. next day they sighted another island, which seemed of vast extent. but when they had arrived nearer, they found some small barren islands, stretching north and south, to which they gave the name placeres. [19] in the afternoon another island, upon which lived many birds, was sighted, and they named it from the birds. from this point they continued, to discover islands and barren islets, all of them in the latitude of ten degrees; and they gave various names to them. here father urdaneta ordered the vessels to ascend to the thirteenth degree, so that by running westward and turning their course to the southwest, until they reached twelve and one-half degrees, they might reach the filipinas. on saturday, january 22, the ladrones islands were discovered, so called because their inhabitants are robbers, to as great an extent as possible. they are very different from the natives of the other islands, whose goodness is such, that they do not know what it is to steal. and if i admit that there are many robbers [in the filipinas] they have become so since the spaniards, have governed them; for the natives learn our bad habits better than our good ones. hence they are quite expert in all the vices of the spaniards, but dull and ignorant in their virtues. in this is seen the bias of their disposition, and that they are much more inclined to evil than to good. father urdaneta said mass in these ladrones islands, and gave their inhabitants to understand, as well as he could, the purpose of his coming, making use likewise of the interpreter pacheco. possession was taken of those islands for the king, our sovereign, with all the solemnities of law. the natives expressed great satisfaction with everything; for, as they are by nature robbers, they assured the spaniards, in order to commit their depredations better. and not few were the jests that our spaniards endured from that people, all out of respect to the general, who with his goodness, bore it all, claiming in this wise to win the hearts of those islanders better than with arms. for if the natives were exasperated they would receive tardily the blessings that were intended for them. this island of the ladrones where the spaniards anchored is a lofty, mountainous land, with its coasts fringed with thick cocoa groves, and other cool and shady trees. the natives of the islands eat rice, which is the chief food of all the islands. at times, when i consider how many people use rice as bread, i think that three-fourths of the world are sustained on this kind of food. these ladrones islands number thirteen, [20] and extend north and south. as they were the first islands of which the general took possession, his majesty granted them to melchor lópez de legaspi, only son of the general, giving him the title of adelantado. these indians go naked. both men and women are fine sailors and swimmers, for they are accustomed to jump from their little boats after fish, and to catch and eat them raw. their boats are very narrow, and have only a counterweight at the opposite end, where they carry their sail. the sail is lateen, and woven from palms, in these craft do they venture forth intrepidly through those seas, from island to island, so that one would think that they had a treaty with wind and water. the ships en route to the filipinas pass through these islands, at different latitudes at various times. so many boats go out to meet them, that they quite surround the ships. the natives try to trade water and the products of their islands for iron, the substance that they esteem most; but, if they are able to steal the iron, without giving anything for it, they do so. it is necessary to aim an arquebus (which they fear greatly) at them in order to get the article returned. and to induce them to leave the ships free, there is no better method than to fire the arquebus in the air, the reverberations of which cause them to hide, fear, and vanish. while the ship in which i took passage was passing one of the islands, many small boats came out as usual. among them came one belonging to a robust youth, who was coming to look for a castilian, who had been his captive, as he desired to see him. this spaniard, with others who escaped from the ship "santa margarita" (which was wrecked on those islands), lived among those barbarians, until, by good fortune, the ships with succor passed there, and they embarked in them. the spaniard, who had been the slave of this indian, was with us. as soon as the latter saw him, he boarded our vessel fearlessly. and still with no signs of fear, he went among our men and threw himself into the arms of the man whom he knew, and who had eaten his bread and lived in his house. he was quite covered with marks of teeth; and when the spaniard, who knew something of their language and customs because of his stay among them, was asked the reason, he said that that native had but just been married, and the dowry that he had given was to receive those bites from his wife without murmuring. in that way do the women elect and choose their husbands. the native was loaded down with scissors, knives and iron. with all this load he dived into the water, and at the moment he was thought to have gone to the bottom, because of the weight of his load, he reappeared quite at his ease, placed his load in his little craft, then got in himself, and hoisted his sail. he himself attended to all the duties of steersman and lookout, and ploughed those seas as if his craft were a powerful galleon. the household economy of these, as of the other natives, is uniform, as will be told later on; so that all appear as if cut out by one pair of shears--notable indications that they are all lopped from one trunk. chapter v _of the discovery of these islands_ they continued their voyage toward the west, until the thirteenth of the above month, on which day land was sighted at eight o'clock in the morning. that point marks the beginning of the filipinas islands, which name was given to all these islands, in the year 42, by ruy lópez de villalobos. anchor was cast in a bay forty-five brazas deep. then, at the general's command, the master-of-camp, father urdaneta, and some soldiers with them, landed, and went to see whether the island contained any town or people with whom they could talk. and although they brought report of none of this, they found quite sufficient information next day from some indians who came to the flagship, who furnished them with the desired information regarding those islands. the commander received them kindly, and presented to them some small trifles, of little value--which, however, they esteemed highly, as they were novelties and unknown to them before--and they went away happy. when they were going, they were told that they could treat for friendship and alliance with the spaniards without any fear. those indians, drawn to the spaniards by both the kindly treatment and the presents given them, talked to their tribesmen. as a result, the next morning the ships were surrounded by their little boats, all full of indians of all ages. among them were some chiefs, who told the spaniards that they wished to draw blood with them, as a proof of the constancy with which they would keep the friendship that was to be made with them. this ceremony consists in drawing some drops of blood, generally from the arms. these drops they mix together, and afterward mix with a little wine, which is then drunk by the two or more who bled themselves and who wish to contract the friendship. the commander rejoiced at this, although he refused to draw blood himself, reserving that ceremony for the king, or supreme head of all the islands. accordingly the master-of-camp drew blood with them, and then they became seemingly firm friends. the commander regaled them as well as he was able, and bestowed not less attention on them. as a result they appeared well pleased, and bound to make similar returns. they promised to do many favors for the spaniards in the future. through this care, the islanders continued to frequent the vessels fearlessly. the commander treated them according to their rank, and showed himself kind and affectionate to all. he believed that he could accomplish more for god and his king by that way than by the din of arms. as soon as the father prior, fray andrés urdaneta, considered them somewhat quiet and less timorous than at first, he began, as a true curator of souls, to tell them the chief purpose of the spaniards' coming through so wide and vast seas, ploughing the waters in those vessels of theirs; this he declared to be none other than to give them light, in order that, issuing from the darkness of the ignorance in which they had lived for so many years, they might know the true god, the creator of the universe, and his only begotten son--who became man for our redemption and our release from the slavery of the devil, lived in this world among men, and finally died, so that by his death we might have life and liberty. he declared that the imparting of such truths to them was the duty of the fathers and priests who were in the vessels, who would take nothing else upon themselves, so that these natives, guided thus by the right way, might also enjoy salvation. the others, he said, although they were of the same nation, desired to settle among the natives--not for any evil, but only to trade in the things of which the natives had abundance; and at the same time to protect them and defend them from their enemies, who, envious of their good fortune, might try to make war upon them. likewise they would maintain the natives in all peace and quiet, so that, on this account, the latter might devote themselves more thoroughly to their occupations, either at home or abroad, without any fear of harm befalling them from the spaniards, if they on their part regarded thoroughly the laws of the friendship that had been entered upon with so many ceremonies, according to their manner and custom. in all these negotiations, the indian pacheco proved of great use. through what was said to him, and from his own experience, he endeavored to persuade the natives to do what would be so much to their advantage. the natives showed themselves very well satisfied at everything, and agreed to everything without any repugnance or opposition. after this the spaniards requested the natives to sell them some food; for they needed food, because of their long voyage. the natives promised the food generously and willingly. the men in the fleet waited until next day, believing that the natives would surely fulfil their promise, since the promise had been made with so many appearances of affection. the natives came then, but brought no more than one cock and one egg, and said that they were collecting the other food in their towns. now at this the general recognized the islanders' faithlessness and malice, and that they were entertaining the spaniards with words alone, and that they were only awaiting a good opportunity to work some great mischief. the gallant gentleman bore it all, in order not to give any grounds for any possible complaints from the natives. on the other hand, he set about finding a better port, in order to have it against the occasion already feared by the tokens observed in those fickle people. to this end he sent captain juan de la isla to look for a good port. he and his men went to a bay, where the indians met them peaceably, and showed signs of a desire to draw blood with them. but our men dared not trust them, as they feared some calamity or treachery. one of our gallant youths, an attendant on the commander, by name francisco gómez, declared his intention to draw blood with them; and without more consent, suiting the action to the word, he landed, and began to loose his clothing for the ceremony. but scarcely had he uncovered his breast, when suddenly an indian pierced him with a lance, and he fell to the earth dead. this unlooked for event caused our men great grief. it confirmed their fears, and showed them how little they could trust to that faithless race. our commander was likewise mocked by the indians, who seeing that they had enjoyed his presents, and that the spaniards were still mild and discussed only the question of concluding the temporal affairs, now came no longer to the ships, and not one single indian appeared. this made the commander somewhat anxious, and his anxiety was increased by the non-return of the small-boat, and he feared greatly that some ill-fortune had befallen it. on this account, he determined to weigh anchor with all the fleet, and coast along the island in search of ports, rivers, or settlements, and not less, provisions, of which now they were in sad want. accordingly they set sail at nightfall, and next day sighted another bay, which they named san pedro, as it was the eve of st. peter's preaching in antioch. at that place one of the chief indians, nephew of tandayag, chief of that island, came to see them. he came, on behalf of his uncle, to draw blood with the commander. he was received courteously, and the commander made much of him, and asked him to bring his uncle, with whom he would draw blood willingly; for it was not reasonable that the commander of the castilians, the ambassador of so powerful a sovereign as the king of españa, should draw blood with less than the supreme ruler of the islands. this argument satisfied the barbarian, and be declared the commander's remark to be very reasonable. accordingly he would have his uncle come, both because the request of _basal_ was reasonable--_basal_ was the name given by them to the commander, and this name is given even now to all the governors, whom they have called and call captain basal (_id est_, "captain-general")--and also because, as he said, he knew his uncle was very willing to make peace with the castilians, and to live under their guardianship and protection. the commander bestowed generous gifts upon him, and sent him away very happy. he went away, to all appearances, making them a thousand promises that the natives would bring them very willingly all the provisions, and everything that they requested, as alliance and friendship with the castilas [i.e., castilians]--as the natives called, and still call us--was of great moment to them. but neither they nor the many others who came fulfilled their word one whit, so that our men were made to understand that they came only to see and note what kind of men ours were, their arms, and how they could rid themselves of them. for they immediately thought that friendship with the castilians would be of no use to them, because those who were then the rulers of the natives would afterward behold themselves under the yoke, serving as slaves. this they considered more than the good of the soul, offered to them, to which they paid no attention; nor did they desire it, as they were content with their _anitos_, wassails, and innumerable other superstitions that had been handed down from father to son since time immemorial. when this was considered by the commander and the religious, the former, by the advice of the religious, sent captain martin goiti to explore the river of tandayag, and to find out, on the way, whether any good port existed along the coast, where safe anchorage might be had. he was ordered strictly to do no harm to the indians. he took father fray diego de herrera with him. i beg the kind reader to note that there is no sign of any action, in which, if one of our religious took part, he did not play the principal role. one is led to think that the lord wished them to be the explorers in everything. the commander had so good an opinion of our religious, that he trusted to nothing without them, nor had any confidence in the good outcome of any undertaking without them. he chose, as an excellent christian, to attribute all his prosperity to the servants of god, in whom he put greater trust than in his own strength. for at the end difficulties are removed more easily by prayers than by human strength; and god always desires that the glory of things be attributed to him, as the one who really does them. he who does not guide himself thus is in great error. and if, by the same reasoning, one attributes anything to himself, god makes of no account his intents; so that, whereas he expected to derive from it honor, he derives disgrace. this i think the reason of so many lost opportunities, so many ruined fleets, and the ill-success of other fleets, for perhaps no thought or heed had been given to god. but it was quite apparent how little confidence our commander placed in his own honor, since he would allow no action to be passed over without our religious, in order to attribute it to god, whose in truth it was. as soon as the commander had despatched the frigate or patache, [as] the governor, he landed, and took possession in his majesty's name. father fray andrés de aguirre said the first mass. this taking of possession was observed before a notary, with all the solemnities requisite and necessary. from that point, the commander ascended a creek, toward the town of coyongo he took father urdaneta and father aguirre with him to talk to the inhabitants, and to endeavor to make them peaceful. arrived in sight of the town he found that the indians were hostile. they were drawn up in squares according to their custom, and by their cries demanded battle. the commander did not permit any harm to be done them, but tried to inform them, through his interpreter, of his reason for coming. but it was of no avail, for the natives answered that the castilians' words were fair, but their deeds evil. when the commander found his efforts of no avail, he went down the creek. the indians imagined he was fleeing, and with loud cries followed him. they threw such a shower of stones, and they were so troublesome, that the commander was obliged to face about to censure them. he fired a few arquebus shots, but with so great mildness and moderation that it served only to frighten and not to kill them, but it was effective. captain martín de goiti, who, as i have said, went to explore the river of tandayag, had no better success with the indians than the above; for when he tried to take in water in a river, an indian came out from the thicket, and throwing his dart, transfixed a servant of the captain, so that he died immediately. the frigate advanced, and discovered a large river, and a large settlement, with many rice-fields, herds of swine, and castilian fowls. thereupon they thought it unnecessary to make any further explorations. goiti learned that the town was called cabalían, and thereupon returned to inform the commander fully of his expedition. the latter was much cheered at this, because of the little result obtained by his efforts in tandayag, and the time and presents that he had lost. the commander removed his fleet to cabalían. upon his arrival there, he landed some men, so that, accompanied by father urdaneta, they might offer the inhabitants peace. scarcely had the embassy been announced in cabalían, when the indians filled the shore and sea with their _barotos_ [21] and boats; for they had heard already of the commander's kind treatment, and had been informed concerning the gifts and presents that he gave. among them came a youth, the son of the chief of cabalían, who came to draw blood with the commander. he was received courteously, and the alférez-general, son of the commander, drew blood with him. he said that when the ruler of that town should come, then the commander would draw blood with him. that youth, named camatuan, assented to everything, for never does the swindler consider that he must pay or fulfil anything. this visit allowed the people of cabalían time to collect all their best possessions and food, which they removed that night, thus mocking the commander. chapter vi _continuation of the preceding_ the commander saw that all his good and earnest efforts had been frustrated, and that the natives of the islands had mocked the spaniards openly; because hitherto they had suffered no ill from the latter, but only the above-mentioned kind treatment and hospitality, which would have proved sufficient to attract a more unruly race. but such is the characteristic of this race, which has afflicted and still afflicts the priests. these people refuse to do anything thoroughly; and in order to get them to perform what is ordered of them, one must use the lash and the rattan--whence comes the saying of a holy bishop of these islands, namely, that on that day when was born the indian, next to him was born the rattan, with which the dust was to be beaten from his back. and if we ministers have experienced this after so long a period of cultivation and teaching, what must it have been at the beginning? accordingly, i am not surprised that the indians were so ungrateful to general miguel lópez de legaspi, turned their backs on all his offers, played such sorry jests on him, and broke faith immediately--for the indians do not possess it. and even after he had participated in their bestial ceremonies of drawing blood and drinking the blood--a token of constancy among the indians--the latter, it was found, failed to observe them just as readily as the friendship had been confirmed by these customs. the commander began to suffer almost extreme want, for already he had provisions for but two days, and was compelled to seek them. hitherto efforts, such as men of so generous souls and so desirous of peace could make, had been made. but the spaniards saw that they were not advantaged, and that need was tightening the cords, so that, if they did not look for food in a different manner, they would doubtless perish at the hands of the indians, a thing quite opposed to charity. hence, it was permitted the spaniards, in order to sustain life, to take food by harsh means, since indeed kind measures did not suffice. nevertheless, the commander, to be justified, took counsel with all the others before doing anything of importance, for he would rather err with the advice of all, than succeed through his own single action. he called a council of war; he communicated to all the condition of affairs, and what efforts had been made with the indians in order to make firm peace, and to buy from them with money the food necessary for their sustenance. this, he said, it was impossible to negotiate with the indians. now necessity forced the spaniards to get food by severer methods, since the indians had repulsed mild measures so obstinately. when the commander stopped speaking, he ordered every one to express his opinion. thereupon, the father prior, fray andrés de urdaneta, arose and spoke first, as was his custom, because of his experience and his offices, and because all the spaniards regarded him as a father, from whom must originate the remedy. he said that natural law conceded to them the right to get provisions by the readiest means, in order that that fleet, which had been constructed for the good of those barbarians, might not perish. even if the end of their coming had not been so great and important to those peoples, it was a well-known wrong to refuse them the intercourse most natural to men, without the spaniards having given any occasion for it. inasmuch as they were reduced to the preservation of life itself, they were justified in taking arms, wherewith to get the sustenance that the indians had unjustly withheld from them and refused them for their money. _quibus necessarium tunc est bellum_. therefore, he considered war justifiable, since by no other way had any remedy been found among those unreasoning barbarians. but before commencing war, he said, a solemn declaration of the wrongs should be made, of which the spaniards would be, in no manner, guilty, since they had labored so sincerely for peace and harmony. father urdaneta's advice was concurred in unanimously, as was usual. accordingly, his advice was followed on this occasion, as being the sanest and most sensible. in order to put the decision of the conference into execution, the governor ordered martín de goiti to land with fifty well-armed soldiers. by means of the interpreter, pacheco, he was to announce the articles of peace to the indians; and declare that, if they did not accord what was so reasonable to all, then they should prepare for the war, which, from that moment was proclaimed on them as rebels. the indians paid no more heed to this than to all the rest that had been told them. thus it was necessary to make use of their arms. the arquebuses were fired more to scare than to harm the indians; for, as soon as those natives heard the report, being so little used to them, their terror was so great, that, without awaiting more, they abandoned the shore and village, fled to the hills, and allowed the soldiers to collect the swine that were found there, and the fowls and rice that they could carry away. all this was appraised at its just value, and the money given to the chief's son, whom the commander still kept with him, in order that he might take it to the village. he was also to inform the inhabitants that the need of the spaniards compelled them to take by force of arms what the indians refused to sell for money, and nevertheless after they had been able to accomplish what was seen, yet they were paying for it, which was a sufficient indication of the spaniards' fair and open proceeding, so contrary to what the indians had done. he was ordered to return with the reply, notwithstanding its tenor. since he was ruler of that village in the absence of his father, he should reduce the people to obedience, and counsel them to do what was so thoroughly to their interest. camutuan, who listened to all of the above, and seemingly assented to it, took the money and promised to fulfil his charge with success. but as soon as he left the ship, he acted just as the others had done; for in their method of acting all the indians are cut out by one pair of shears. to a greater or less degree, all of them are a unit. whoever has seen one of them, might well say that he has seen all. the chiefs, by the very fact of their chieftaincy, should have some better mode of procedure; yet they are so little better than the others that it can scarcely be perceived. the commander, who was aware that that matter must be settled finally with arms, yet did not wish to leave anything undone. consequently, to procure the peace justly, he determined to leave that village of cabalian and go to another, called manchagua, where report said that the first spaniards had landed. to this end he despatched the master-of-camp and father urdaneta ahead to offer peace to the chief of that village by means of a present. the commander went with his fleet from this village to the island of camiguin, where he succeeded likewise in finding no people, who but recently were all to be found. our men made many other efforts, and even took as intermediary a moro factor of the king of burney, who was there at that time. the latter said that the governor had captured him in a battle with the portuguese. i do not discuss that battle, in order to consider only the essential thing pertaining to us religious, namely, the planting of the faith, the fundamental reason for this history. but in passing, i merely observe that our forces gained many glorious victories over the portuguese, for the latter were exceedingly sorry to have the castilians for so near neighbors, and tried to drive them out. perhaps they were influenced in this by having as neighbors those who had a better right and reason to the molucas than themselves. this, i think, must have been why our lord favored the castilians' cause the more. perhaps had the portuguese examined the matter more closely, they would not have given the castilians so many occasions for glory, nor have demanded investigations so greatly to their satisfaction--or rather, [as it proved,] their loss. resuming, then, the thread of my history, i say that this bornean youth, who was well versed in affairs of the islands and knew their chiefs, because of his continual communication with them, wished to repay the spaniards for the kind treatment that they had given him--or rather he wished to obtain their good will, in order to regain his liberty. he began to treat for peace, and to harmonize discordant spirits, so that affairs might be meliorated, by reason of what the spaniards requested. he assured the islanders of the great moderation which the spaniards would exercise toward them, and that they would commit no wrong or violence. he accomplished this with so good grace, that he brought the chiefs sicatuna and sigala before the commander. these chiefs drew blood with our men, and made a lasting peace. but none of these exploits was important, because they found it all tiresome and inconvenient to continue of one mind. already was the season well advanced, and our commander was anxious about the affairs of nueva españa. he desired to give a good account there of his expedition, and feared lest, by the delay, they might doubt his success or care. he was right in correcting this wrong, because, although no doubts arise where confidence is, yet all the kingdom was in great suspense; for the patache "san lúcas," which sailed with our fleet, had scarcely gone two hundred leguas from puerto de la navidad, when it maliciously separated from the others. after pillaging those islands, it returned to nueva españa, and said that a storm had separated them, and that, without doubt, all the rest of the fleet was lost. for that reason, then, the commander, to allay the fears caused in nueva españa by the delay, called a council, according to his custom. there he proposed the questions that had arisen concerning that matter, which he himself had already considered. he besought all to counsel him in this as to what would be best for their convenience, honor, and reputation, and as to what means should be taken to fulfil all their commission. the strongest reason that he adduced was the discovery of the return passage to nueva españa; and he said that that had been the most potent reason for the construction of that fleet. in short, the unanimous reply, given through the mouth of father urdaneta, was that it was very proper to ascertain correctly the return passage, since by it, the kingdoms of nueva españa and even of españa, would be strung together, as they say. the flagship "san pedro" was selected for the voyage, as being, in their opinion, the strongest and best able to resist so new and unknown seas, as were supposed to exist on the return trip. meanwhile, the almiranta "san pablo" and the patache "san juan" were to stay among the islands, although it was judged better to go to the island of sugbú [cebú], where the spaniards had been several times already, and where they were known. also they believed that, if they should experience any difficulty, they would be justified in making war there, because of the treachery that its inhabitants had shown to captain hernando de magallanes--whom they had killed treacherously with many of his men, at a banquet, where they had been invited in good faith. besides that, those indians had offered themselves for the service of the king of españa, and many were baptized, in the time of the said captain, who afterward apostatized. this was a very strong and sufficient foundation, upon which father fray andrés de urdaneta and the others based the right to make war, in case that the indians refused to receive them peacefully, as was their pretense. all approved this opinion. however, i must note here the strongest reason that they ought to have alleged, unless they must have neglected and passed it by as being so well known, in order to find others more constraining. when i read the various opinions of the doctors regarding our right to make war on the western indians, although they are somewhat sufficient, that which has most real power to quiet the conscience--while those who opposed it can only be esteemed as rash--is the concession of alexander vi which is, in brief, as follows. [here follows the portion of the bull of alexander vi of may 4, 1493, included in _et tu tanti negotii ... auctoritate et jurisdictione facimus, constituimus et deputamus_.] [22] since, then, the supreme pontiff says that he can give, and does really give them, he would be rash who could have any scruples about the right of our kings to possess these provinces, and the right of the conquistadors therein to make war, since the latter did it by order of their kings. for who doubts that the supreme pontiff, who never was known to be tyrannical or unjust, had not well considered his powers in order to make this concession? the reasons that could influence his holiness are not unknown, but they are rather for the schools than for this place. the above has been given with the end of quieting the consciences of the conquistadors, and of sealing the mouths of the ignorant, since whatever scruples do or can arise in this matter are settled so completely by alexander vi's brief. the soldier has no call to judge or investigate the justification of the war, as the doctors unanimously agree. it is sufficient that he consider it as not manifestly unjust, and that he consider his king--as we all do ours--as so catholic and so good, that he will war upon no one without a very just reason. for the justification of a king in matters of conscience, the declaration of the first rule is sufficient, namely, the certain knowledge of the roman pontiff. hence, according to the above, the opinions rendered by father urdaneta in two grave councils seem very apropos. but for soldiers, it is better to take our stand upon this conclusive argument namely, that those islands belong to our catholic sovereigns of castilla and león, by concession of the pope, and by the reasons that influenced him therein. accordingly, the spaniards may make port wherever they wish, may request provisions in exchange for their money, may establish towns and cities, erect redoubts as if in their own land, and make war on whomever opposes them, as they are unjustly prohibited [by such opposition] from doing what is right. chapter vii _of the arrival and landing of the fleet at the island of sugbú_ having resolved to follow the advice given, our men set sail, and directed their course toward the island of sugbú [i.e., cebú]. they anchored there on the twenty-seventh day of the month of april, day of the glorious martyr st. vidal, in the year 1565. this day happened to be also the feast of the resurrection. they honored the saint as their patron and advocate. his feast is kept every year, and his day observed. the flag is unfurled with the greatest pomp possible, but that is little now, because the city of santísimo nombre de dios, founded there, has greatly declined. a regidor unfurls the flag. he is assigned therefor by the city, that is, the cabildo, to whom the city grants his gratuity. on this day, the [image of the] most sacred child jesus, which rests in our convent of san agustín, is taken out, and carried in procession to the cathedral, after a paper has been signed, by decree of the justice, that it will be given back to the same religious. the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos come to our house to take part in the procession, the prebendaries say mass, and a religious of our house preaches. after the fulfilment of these duties, those who carried the most sacred child carry it back, and the spiritual feast is ended. [23] in the afternoon there is a bull-fight, as extensive as their means allow--but that, as i have said, is slight. the island is long and narrow, and extends north and south. it has but little rice, as the dry seasons there are generally long. once it was excellent for cattle, and the herds multiplied to such an extent that there was no room for them on the land. the milk was of fine quality, and the cheeses which were made, and are still made, are the best in the islands, and are esteemed as such. but the cattle have decreased so much, that the ranches that had a thousand cows now have but the name of having been there. the best ranch always was the one that belonged to us, located something like three-quarters of a legua from the city, for it had about two thousand cows; but scarcely does it preserve five hundred today. the cause of this might have been from the indians not eating beef in the beginning, and their dogs not disturbing the calves. but now the indians eat beef, and the fields are full of unruly dogs, so that between them both, the cattle are a thing of the past. only the fathers of the society, as in all districts, have the good fortune to preserve their estates, and maintain their cows in the said city; so that it may be said that they sustain the city, which nets them not a little gain. the fields are full also of a weed called _amores secos_, [24] which is not good for the cattle. furthermore, the island is barren, for which reason the spaniards abandoned it, and established the seat of their government in the island of luzón, where at present is located the city of manila. the city [of nombre de dios] lies in that part where the vendaval blows, so that the waves and surf are blown against their houses. lying in front of and very near to sugbú is an island called magtang, where captain magallanes was killed years ago. it is a low-lying land, and now with so few inhabitants that they do not reach fifty; but when the spaniards arrived there was a greater number. [25] there are two channel-entrances, with one strait between the two islands. it is not of even width but is narrow in some places, and wide at others, in accordance with the points and bays between the islands. one mouth lies toward the brisa, and is deeper and narrower; the other to the vendaval, shallower, but wider. hence by this latter mouth no ship with high freeboard can enter, but they enter by the other mouth. the port has so deep water right next the shore, that the ships anchor on the sand. the fort is now located quite near, and is mounted with excellent artillery. the ships of our spaniards passed by, and anchored here. they found many people; for truly the island was thickly populated, and with the most warlike people of the country, as has been seen when they have joined with the spaniards. they have performed excellent exploits in the service of the spaniards, and have aided them in conquering the country. the old inhabitants assert that when the spaniards arrived, the town of sugbú was so populous that its houses extended from mandave to san nicolás, which is, i think, more than one and one-half leguas by land. now there are so few inhabitants, that there are not three hundred tributes in the town of san nicolás, which is the town proper of sugbú. they are separated about one-quarter legua from the city of the spaniards. [26] it is the best port of the island today, and might have been very good, if affairs there had continued to improve. but as cities are maintained and grow through trade, and the trade there is in wax, which is of little value, its citizens are abandoning the city and going to manila. while the climate of the latter place is not so good, nor the country so healthy, they are drawn by the wealth there, and the trade with china, japón, macan, and india--and above all, with nueva españa. i believe, if a small ship were to leave this city of santísimo nombre de jesús--which is the second in these islands, because that of cáceres in camarines, and that of segovia in cagayán [27] have already declined--for nueva españa, that, beyond any doubt, the city would return to its former prosperity. but it does not appear possible, for the city has no citizens with capital who care to engage in the building of any vessel. the city has a garrison of one company of seven hundred soldiers, more or less at times, and other extravagances. it has an alcalde-mayor, who acts as governor. he is also captain of the company of the presidio, and usually is supreme chief of all the pintados. the latter are so called because all the male pintados tattooed their entire bodies with so excellent and well-designed symmetry, that the best artist in españa could learn from them. the women tattooed the hands. but the proper name of these islands is the bisayas. many tongues are spoken in them, for there are many islands and many villages, and there is hardly a village that has not its own dialect. but the chief tongues are the _boholan_, which is spoken in sugbú, and the _hiligain_, and they are very similar. these islands have a bishop, whose see is located in the city of santísimo nombre de jesus. that city has a cabildo with its dignitaries, but in name only, for it has no income. the bishops have been to blame, because they have not been very active; for our sovereigns, through their piety, would have assigned stipends, had these been proposed to them. this bishopric has a large territory, and, in my opinion, is larger and more extensive than the archbishopric of manila. for it includes the islands of leyte, samar, and ibabao, [28] where the fathers of the society are carrying on their missions. this island was formerly densely inhabited with indians, but now the population is much less, as is that of all the other islands. this bishopric includes the island of bohol, which is in charge of the same fathers. it can be seen from the plaza of sugbú, from which it is slightly more than three leguas distant. i shall have to speak of it later. this bishopric includes also the island of panay, more than fifty leguas distant, which is in our charge. we have thirteen convents there, besides two more in the island of sugbú, and besides the other three belonging to seculars in the same island of panay. [29] this island is the granary of all the islands of this archipelago, and i shall need to speak of it many times. this bishopric includes the island of negros, so called from its many negrillos. it is bounded on one side by sugbú. in short, the islands subject to this bishopric are almost innumerable. it extends to the great island of mindanao, which is said to be larger than that of manila, [30] and to be inhabited by an infinite number of people. by our neglect the worship of mahoma has gained an entrance there. one would believe that those demons attended to, and still attend to, those fables of theirs, more than we to our truths. many of the islands about mindanao have the same worship. on one side are the islands of cuyo and great paragua, where abundance of wax is gathered. war generally prevails in the pintados. this offers great danger to those who go there, and more to the religious who go there most often. and although our fleets have made sallies, i have never seen them have any luck--either because they did not wish it, or because the indians' boats are so light that our caracoas can never overtake them, the worst people of these islands thus succeeding with their great depredations. this matter will be referred to later; for some time past we have lost sight of our men, whom we left disembarking at sugbú, armed and ready for whatever might happen. an indian named tupas was the chief of that island. although all manner of efforts were made with him, he refused to come to good terms with the commander. he continued to occasion innumerable delays, while, on the other hand, he negotiated with his men to arm and oppose the spaniards, according to their custom--so that not only would they defend their country from them, but even finish them all, doing to them the same thing that their ancestors had done to magallanes's men. for, he said, those foreign nations could bring them no advantage, but would deprive them of their liberty, which they enjoyed as rulers of the land. furthermore their _babaylans_, who were their priestesses, made every effort so that the spaniards might not set foot on land; for the devil, with whom they were in accord, seeing that his reign was about to end, acted with more than usual vigor through his infernal ministers. but when the lord is pleased with anything, there is no effort that can disturb him. hence when our commander beheld the indians preparing for the defense, and filling the shore with their lances, darts, campilans, and long shields (which they call _carasag_), and the sea with their boats--to which they give many names, which we pass over--although the commander saw all this, still he did not neglect to announce peace, by means of the father prior, fray andrés de urdaneta, and by public act of the notary. but it had no better effect than the preceding efforts. hence he ordered his artillery to be discharged, somewhat high, so that he might frighten and startle them, without doing them any harm. this succeeded as he expected, for those people, little accustomed to similar reports, immediately abandoned the shore and sea, fleeing more quickly than they had gathered. thus our men landed without any opposition. the indians are much more nimble than the spaniards, and it is very easy for them to run through their land, while it is difficult for us. our men were unable to enter and obviate the danger, for, when the firearms were discharged, they set fire to some houses. these were burnt, inasmuch as their material is very inflammable, and with them much food, which, in short, was the greatest loss, for there was great need of it. without doubt all the village would have been burned had not the wind been contrary, and for the time being favored the other houses, so that they were not burned. [the eighth chapter of medina's narrative relates the finding of the image of the child jesus, which had been left in the island by a member of the magallanes expedition. our author exults over this find, which he extols as miraculous, and asserts to be the "greatest relic ... of the islands."] chapter ix _of the subjection of the indians of sugbú to the king of españa_ after the above acts, it appears that affairs began to brighten; for those indians, after witnessing the kind treatment extended to them, and seeing that the spaniards were more affable than they appeared on the outside, promised very fair reciprocity. the commander endeavored to ascertain their reason for refusing to the spaniards provisions and entrance into their land, so decidedly contrary to the laws of hospitality. they answered that they were afraid that the spaniards' object was to call them to strict account for the death of magallanes and his men, and that they had come for no other purpose. they thought that his mildness toward them was only for the purpose of quieting them so that he could later take sharp revenge more easily. the commander believed that they spoke the truth in their reply, and promised to do them no injury whatever for that crime; for on the one hand that affair was already forgotten, and, on the other, the spaniards' intention was to establish and maintain among them friendly intercourse. hence, the first step and measure was not to be vengeance, whereby, necessarily, the natives would be exasperated. moreover the commander told them to bring their chief to him at all hazards, for he wanted to conclude matters at once, and sign the peace. thereupon, the indians went, but did not heed the request at all; for, as i have remarked before, this race is generally faithless and obstinate. on the contrary, the indians endeavored to do all the harm possible to the spaniards, killing them when they found them alone, and attacking them in their usual rushes, and with outcry and uproar--their peculiar action in war or attack. when the commander saw that his hopes were in vain, and that those barbarians had no intention of acting well, he began, as a good captain, to prepare his camp. he cleared away the palms from his camp, and intrenched himself carefully, in order that when the indians, according to their custom, should attack him, the result would not be so harmless to themselves that they would not regret it. the spaniards then began to make their raids into the land, collected what food they could find, and captured what indians they met. once they were so fortunate that, besides bringing back to the flagship quantities of rice, and many swine and fowls, which food was being despatched with all rapidity, they captured six indian women. among these was one who occupied so commanding a position that she promised to have tupas come to the flagship, by means of her husband, who was one of the foremost chiefs of the island. at this time, the commander began to be established in the island, and accordingly desired to discuss the founding of a city there, to be called santísimo nombre de jesús. he marked out the lines, assigned homesteads, and began to apportion them to those who were to remain there. it was all done according to the plan of father urdaneta, who was the chief mover in everything. he marked out a triangular fort, which was constructed rapidly; for the commander took charge of one side, the master-of-camp of another, and the other captains of the third. a site was assigned for the cathedral. also a site was given to our order, so large that, of a surety--and i agree thereto--the liberality of the christian commander can only be praised, as well as the zeal of our religious, whereby it appeared that that must amount to something important some day. they did not found their house, as one author says, in the house where the most holy child was found, for that house was next to the cathedral. there is a very poor hermitage there today. it must be venerated more greatly, for as the devotion went on diminishing, so likewise did the worship. its roof is of nipa, or palm leaves, which are used as roofing for houses. the sides are boards, and no care, so far as i know; is taken to sweep it. our convent is situated very far from it, on the shore, which is swept by the vendaval. between its rock wall and the shore, which is but a short distance, is to be seen the first cross erected there by our men. [31] now it has a stone base, and it is enough that it has not been destroyed, inasmuch as we take but little care of antiquities. although the convent should be the best and most esteemed in the province, as it is, in short, the ancestral house that declares very well our antiquity in the islands, it is, i know not why, the poorest and neediest. it may have been that, as all the wealth passed to manila, and the capital of the province was established there, this other city was neglected; or because, as the city was declining, so likewise the convent declined. after the above-mentioned acts, those first conquistadors were ordered to make a solemn procession. the whole fleet took part in it, and carried the best ornaments that they could. the most holy child was carried in this procession to our house, and placed on an altar as decently adorned as was possible in that early period. the first mass of those islands was celebrated there, with more spirit and devotion, than music and splendor. at its conclusion, all took a vow to celebrate annually the feast of the finding of that relic--the twenty-eighth of april, when, as above stated, the feast of st. vidal is observed. a fraternity of the most sacred name of jesus was then established, with the same rules as that of st. augustine in the city of méjico. this was the beginning of that religious province, this its first stone, and this the first foundation--which, beyond all doubt, began from that very moment to promise very great increase. because of this rock being hewn out of the mountain of its eternity, it fell to the earth with so small an appearance to the eyes, that it seemed a mere pebble. but so great was it in its efficacy, that it has increased so much, that it became a mountain, which occupied no less a space than the whole earth. hence did those holy religious trust that the foundations of that small stone would increase so much that, within a short time, they would be extended throughout the islands, and that the islands would become subject to the worship of the true god; while everything pertaining to the demon, who held those islanders deceived with innumerable impurities and indecencies, would be wholly cast out from them. these deceits were of such a nature, that had it not been for the feeble intellect of the natives, they would have themselves withdrawn the latter from their blindness. in the afternoon of the same day, it appeared that the lord began to take account of the service rendered him; for he brought ambassadors from the chief, requesting an audience of the commander for the morrow. the commander consented to receive him, and sent the chief a white cloth in token of safe conduct, and that he would be immune from harm. before tupas's arrival, the governor--for he was already given this title--called a council to discuss whether it would be expedient to grant the natives general pardon for the killing of captain hernando de magallanes; and whether they should recognize the king of españa as their sovereign, and pay some tribute as acknowledgment. our men decided upon the first two, but left the third for a better occasion, in order not to exasperate those who were showing signs of obedience. but truly there was little to scruple over, since, with good reason, it was quite proper that the indians should aid somewhat in an expense so great, as it was being made in their behalf. for up till then four expeditions had been despatched, and the spaniards who have come here since then are without number. accordingly, since the government is now established, when the profit accruing from the islands is considered, as well as their expense to his majesty, the latter is beyond any doubt the greater; besides, españa is dispossessed of her sons, and the religious orders of their most illustrious members, who all perish in these islands, without any hope of their ever quitting mere beginnings and having any value _per se_. this i consider, beyond all doubt, as the greatest expense and worthy of consideration; for the mines yield silver and the forests wood, while españa only yields spaniards. it may give so many, that it may become barren, and be obliged to rear children outside, in place of its own. thus all the foregoing indicates the great zeal of our sovereigns, and that only the love of souls influences them; since the expenses of temporal things are so heavy and the profit nothing. but i hope, through most merciful god, that the spiritual blessings are so many that not only will they equal but surpass the expense; so that if from so heavy expenses resulted only the salvation of even one soul, as says a doctor, our monarchs would be sufficiently remunerated. but it is quite evident that the souls saved are innumerable; for had not the lord his chosen ones here, he would not have imbued the hearts of our monarchs to persevere in the discovery of these islands; after their discovery, with their colonization; and, after their colonization, with their conservation at so much expense to them. moreover, the hopes for china and japón are very great. in japón, not only are they hopes, but we already see that land sprinkled in all parts with the blood of innumerable martyrs, and as excellent as the primitive church could have. and with such risk, what harvest can not be awaited? will it be a slight glory for our sovereigns, in the future, that god has chosen them as the instruments to enrich his church with so notable martyrs? indeed i think that their majesties have understood this very well. thus, beyond doubt, their fervor will continue to increase, and will encourage this field, where the lord gathers so much fruit daily. returning now to our subject, i say that, as the third article of the tributes, while they were irresolute and leaving it for another day, the chief tupas was announced. he was so humbled that everything was concluded to the governor's taste. tupas made long excuses for his delay--which were accepted then. but he said that he was quite decided to make peace with the castilians, and to serve them with all his men; since he recognized that, although his were the more numerous, they were inferior in valor to the spaniards. the natives wished from that moment to consider the spaniards as their seigniors, and the latter's king as their king. they offered what vassalage was right in recognition of subjection. thereupon, they signed the treaty of peace under the most advantageous conditions. all was done by act of notary. the governor, in his majesty's name, gave them a general pardon for the death of magallanes and his men. he received them under his tutelage and protection, not only to protect them from their enemies, but also to preserve them in peace and justice, as other vassals of their majesties are preserved. all the indians rejoiced greatly at this, thus showing that the continual fear of their sin had made them regard so little the courtesies that they had received. they promised amendment in the future, and called upon time to be witness of everything. as to the tribute and recognition, they said that the governor should consider the amount, so that they could deliberate over it. the governor answered that, for the time being, he would assign no tribute; and that they should bring what they deemed fitting, since the spaniards would be satisfied with little. for that action, he said, was only to show that they were vassals of that one whom they had verbally acclaimed as their sovereign. the governor made them many presents, and showed them all kind treatment; whereupon, they took their leave, to all appearances quite in harmony. the governor was very happy, for he thought that, with that labor, which was not of the least, the undertaking was ended. but that succeeded as the others had done, for the chief did not return, although the governor had him summoned, and begged him to comply with the treaty and agreement, which had been confirmed by so many oaths. but he did not lack excuses to allege. it was understood fully that, because the indian never lacks plenty of lies, all this was only to make time in order to await a more suitable occasion. our men dissimulated, for already they were about to despatch the flagship, for which preparations were going on apace. chapter x _how father urdaneta discovered the return passage to nueva españa_ now were preparations for the sailing well advanced, and the season was already well forward, and the governor had all that was yet lacking concluded without any delay. he assigned the men for the voyage, and as commander of the ship "san pedro," chose his grandson felipe de salcedo, a youth of tender years, but possessed of great courage and valor. he subordinated him in all things to the advice of father urdaneta; the latter was the one who had been expressly ordered by his majesty, to discover the [return] route, hitherto unknown to everybody. for company and counsel, father urdaneta took father fray andrés aguirre with him. they set sail june 1, 1565. the voyage was prosperous and better than those made now, which are so full of hardships and dangers, as will be seen in the proper place. father urdaneta took charge of the ship, for as soon as they had left súgbú, the pilot and master of the ship died. even to this circumstance can one ascribe its good fortune, as a ship governed by so great a religious. setting sail, then, with the vendaval, within a short time they reached the outside of the channel. the ships sailing from manila do not do this, and are much delayed, because they must run a greater distance within the channel and among more islands. this is not the least danger of the vessels in sailing from the bay of manila. they need the brisa or east wind; but when the shoals of silay are reached, they need the vendaval. but, when they sail, they usually go at the height of the vendaval, and many times the ships encounter great danger, and lose their anchors, and are even wrecked. this does not happen in sugbú. but they leave port with the vendaval, and get clear of the islands, and in less than twenty hours reach the spanish sea. they pursue their course with the same vendaval, which brings them to the ladrones islands. at this point navigation is difficult, for east winds prevail here, which take vessels going to nueva españa by the bow. hence, it is necessary to present the side of the vessel to their fury, and to look for north winds. thus they go forging their way until they reach thirty, thirty-six, or forty degrees, and one has gone as high as fifty degrees. there northwest and north winds are generally blowing, and with these they descend to the coast of nueva españa. in those latitudes great cold is suffered. by the above account the difficulty of this voyage will be realized, for in sailing from sugbú, which lies in twelve degrees, or from manila, in thirteen degrees, to acapulco, in seventeen degrees, a deviation so disproportional as ascending to thirty-four or forty degrees is made. on account of this difference in temperatures, very many of the crew fall sick, die, and endure very great hardship, since the voyages are necessarily long; hence we can say that they make the voyage twice over. in passing, will be declared how deserving of thanks from their state were our religious, and what great service they performed for their two majesties--the divine and the human--in discovering, with so much toil, this course, which had been impossible hitherto. in addition, not less were their exploits in the islands, in planting the faith therein. many religious, moved by their zeal, have made these journeys two or three times. many men died on this voyage, chiefly for lack of proper nourishment. and reason shows how little they must have taken, since no land would give it to them; for, at the best, they could then only get fowls, swine, and rice (which was their chief food) from the indians. thus the entire weight of the voyage was loaded upon the shoulders of our argonaut, who made it; and he so carried himself that he shirked no toil, although of an advanced age. every day he cast the lead, took observations, and did everything that seemed advisable for that course. hence it was god's will that he reached puerto de la navidad on october 3, after a voyage of four months and three days. on arriving at port, he made the chart, showing all their routes, winds, points, and capes--so completely, that even today his chart is followed without any additions. for i believe that that chart included everything to be comprehended in that very wide gulf, which is, without doubt, the greatest known. from there he went to méjico. his return caused not a little wonder in that kingdom, and he was considered as an extraordinary man; for he, invested with the habit, had discovered what so many and so notable men had failed in, and could not accomplish. it was an undertaking that god had reserved for our holy order. father fray andrés de urdaneta remained but a short time in méjico, for he found a vessel about to sail to españa, and he took passage thereon, together with his companion, father fray andrés de aguirre. he arrived in españa safely, where he informed his majesty fully of all that he had done in his service, in obedience to his order; and also of the state of affairs in filipinas, and the necessity for their succor, if the undertaking was to be continued. his majesty granted him audience with great kindness, and considered himself well served in all that had been accomplished. he gave orders that father fray andrés and his companion should be supplied with all necessities while they remained at court. father urdaneta settled all matters pertaining to these islands very carefully and satisfactorily. when everything was concluded, he requested leave of the members of the council to return to nueva españa, where he desired to finish his days in peace. the council asked him to wait a while, so that after his majesty had concluded affairs in flandes, with which he was very busy, he could hear him at leisure and remunerate his great labors. father urdaneta replied that his object in coming to court was only to inform his majesty of what had been ordered him, and he was sure that in the services that he had performed after he became a religious (reward for which he wished from god alone) he had no other aim than to obey his superiors, and at the same time to serve his majesty for the alms and favors that he had granted to the augustinian order in the indias. finally, they had to grant him this permission, although first his majesty granted him audience very willingly, and showed himself as capable in those matters as in all others of his kingdom and seigniory. thereupon, the two fathers, fray andrés de urdaneta and fray andrés de aguirre, took passage for nueva españa, where they arrived in good health, after much wandering and shipwreck. father urdaneta lived after this, until june 23, 1568, when our lord was pleased to take him, to reward him, as is believed, with his eternal rest. at his death he was seventy years old, less some months. he wore the habit for fifteen years, which we believe were of great merit; for he was ever an austere religious, very poor, very humble, and beyond belief obedient--things which in heaven he will have found well gained. father fray andrés de aguirre, father urdaneta's companion in his wanderings and labors, remained in the province of méjico until the year 1580, when he returned to filipinas, moved by great and powerful reasons, namely, sentiments of holiness and the increase of those provinces. he was made provincial, and as we shall see later, he went again to españa, where after negotiating all that he wished with his majesty, he returned to méjico. here he despatched all the affairs with which he was charged, and settled down to a life of rest. but in the year 1593, he thought he was not employing well in a life of rest the health that god had given him, and therefore returned to filipinas, where he served our lord for the rest of his days, until he died, to enter upon the joy of eternity. chapter xi _of what was passing in the filipinas_ it appears that matters at sugbú were now running more smoothly, for that chief, the husband of the indian princess (whom the governor ordered to be treated with consideration), collected as much as he could carry, and came into the governor's presence, to give it to him in exchange for his wife. the governor, who saw the way opened for a great stroke, told him that his wife was not a captive, nor did the spaniards come with any intention whatever of capturing the people, but rather to give liberty to those who were captives. there was his wife, and he could ascertain from her what treatment had been shown her, and he could take her away at once, together with what he had brought to ransom her. as soon as that barbarian heard this, he wept for joy, and threw himself at the governor's feet, which he tried to kiss. he said that the castilians were in truth good men, and that the reports that the indians had had hitherto were malicious. the people that acted thus could only have good bowels and a guileless heart--this is their peculiar mode of expression. his wife was given to him, whereat he was very happy. they talked so well to the chief tupas, that he came in the morning with a great following of his slaves, friends, and relatives, the most gallant that could come in his train. all, in sincerity and without pretense, offered themselves again to the service of the castilas [i.e., castilians], as they called and continue to call the spaniards. three of the fathers remained in the island, namely, father fray martin de rada, father fray diego de herrera, and father fray pedro de gamboa. these began, with great assiduity, to study the language, to endeavor to teach the indians, and to instruct them in the holy mysteries of our faith. the indians listened closely and attentively to them. he who accomplished most was father fray martín de rada, who, being a man of great imagination, in a short time laid up great riches, and made considerable gain among the natives. and, in fact, when i was in the island of sugbú in the year 1612, as a conventual in the convent of the natives, called san nicolás, i saw a lexicon there, compiled by father fray martín de rada, which contained a great number of words. this must have been of no little aid to those who came afterward. the fathers did not dare baptize the indians immediately; for, on the one hand, they feared their fickleness, since they knew with what ease those who had received baptism in the time of general magallanes, had apostatized. besides, the fathers did not know what orders would be given them, or whether they would be commanded to retire. thus they were very considerate and circumspect in everything, but did not neglect, for all that, to labor in the field, in order that they might afterward gather abundance of fruit. the religious endeavored to have the children of the most prominent people come to the convent, or to that house wherein they were living, in order that they might give them instruction, and teach them to read and write. since they were the newest plants, necessarily they would receive the teaching better, and the new customs would be impressed more easily upon them than on those already hardened and petrified in their old customs. the indians assented readily to this, for already with their subjection, they felt some indescribable superiority in the spaniards which obliged them to regard the latter with fear and respect. much more so did they regard the fathers, upon seeing the reverence with which the captains treated them, who always kissed their hands on seeing them. this custom has remained even until the present in the islands. however, they do not kiss the hand, but the habit or girdle. i suppose that the fathers' modesty would not permit the captains to kiss the hand, and they substituted therefor the habit or girdle. upon the indians seeing this, they have followed the same custom. consequently, as a rule, when an indian comes to talk to a father, he kisses the latter's hand. with this instruction that the fathers continued to give the youth, the indians were becoming more harmonized, and began to lose their previous horror of the spaniards, and on the other hand, to love them. most of them begged the fathers to please make them christians. a miracle which happened at that time aided in this. a fire catching in some of the soldiers' quarters on a holiday (namely, all-saints' day of 1566), many houses were burned, among them that in which the fathers were living. meanwhile another and larger house was being built. the religious had erected a bamboo cross at the door of the said house. the bamboos are very thick in those islands and so plentiful that they are used for masts and yards for the caracoas; and they make the best, for they are very strong, of slight weight, and can be raised and lowered easily. then the fire breaking out so furiously had burned more than thirty houses within an incredibly short time, and among these was ours. the flame enveloped the cross on all sides, but did not burn it, or even smoke it. when the religious saw the present marvel, they had the bells rung as a sign of rejoicing. upon the spaniards and indians coming to see what was the matter, they looked at it not without great wonder, for wonder was caused by the fire's so great respect for that cross. from that time the natives began to have a deeper idea of the mysteries preached to them by the religious, since they saw the proof of them with their own eyes. another miracle almost similar happened in nueva españa, when that great pirate franco draque [i.e., francis drake] was coasting those shores. he was english by nation, but had been reared many years in españa; [32] so that the proverb which says, "rear a crow, and it will tear your eye out," might be fulfilled. when this man was passing through the strait of magallanes, and coasting the southern shores, then much neglected, many were the depredations that he committed. he set fire to whatever he found, and burned it in his fury. when he arrived at the coast of colima [in peru], there was a shipyard in one of those ports, where a frigate was being built for the pearl-fishery. it was already completed below its cabin. draque ordered it fired, and such was its material that it was quickly converted into ashes. hut a cross which had been raised above the cabin was uninjured by the fire, as a thing against which flames have no power. running through the land and along the coasts, the citizens of the town of colima came to the cabin, and among its ashes saw the cross, clean and shining. this gave them no little consolation, and they regarded that occurrence as a miracle, namely, that the fire that had destroyed so great a structure, had reserved only the cross. the citizens did not keep it, but cut it into splinters, and divided it among themselves. although one cannot but praise their zeal in this, yet it would have been better had they adorned a church with it, so that the memory of the miracle would last longer. chapter xii _of several who were baptized_ [the miracle of the cross and the efforts put forth by the fathers bore fruit, and the natives began to request baptism. the first to receive the holy sacrament was a niece of tupas, who was named isabel. the ceremony was celebrated with great pomp, "for among the indians, no sense is so strong as sight. this is so great a truth that they regard as nothing any castilian whom they see abased and ragged. on the contrary, when they see any castilian who makes a show, they immediately call him 'captain,' and canonize him under this name, although he does not deserve to be even a soldier. the same is true in regard to the religious, of which i could say much because of my experience therein of more than twenty-two years. they esteem the prior greatly, but his companion very little. they think that the religious who lives better and has the greater number of servants, is a great chief. they believe the contrary of him who does not live with so much ostentation. it happened that a religious was going to visit the chapels of that district where he lived. he, with the spirit that he brought from castilla, intended to commence with the greatest poverty, so that he took neither bed nor refreshment. an indian, who was going along as cook, on considering that, said that that father was going in that way, because he must be some _bañaga_ in his own country--that is, low and base by birth. another time, when the same religious was going barefoot, like the natives, because of the poor roads (for there is nothing good in these islands), their edification was to make a sound like castanets with the mouth, saying that he was a strong and brave man. hence arose the saying that i heard from father bernabé de villalobos, [33] a notable minister of the bisayas, who labored many years in the salvation of souls, namely, that if he wished to ascend to any dignity, although he would endeavor to be as humble as possible before god, he would show the utmost grandeur outwardly, so that the natives might recognize the majesty of the dignity by the exterior. from this also arises their not agreeing to or believing in anything, unless they see it. thus in discussing the glory of heaven, or the pains of hell with them, they reply that if they do not see it how then can they believe it?" [34] isabel was married, after her baptism, to maestre andrés, a calker of the fleet. the wedding was also celebrated with great show. her son and others of her household were the next to receive baptism. the bornean moro, who served the spaniards so well among the islands, was also converted, "a baptism of great importance ... for this moro was the key to all the islands, as he was well known in them all; and so much faith was put in him, that he was obeyed as little less than king." mahometanism has secured a foothold in the islands, and the natives are constant in it as it does not forbid "stealing or homicide, does not prohibit usury, hatred, or robbery, nor less does it deprive them of their women, in which vice they are sunken, and the women no less than the men. so much are the latter sunken in this vice, that they considered it the choicest thing, and in their revelries were wont, while singing, to fit out a caracoa (a medium-sized vessel ten or twelve brazas long) with those who have been their gallants; and for more verification of this assertion, the women did not allow any man to have communication with them unless he had a _sacra_, that is a small jagged wheel, like the wheel of st. catherine, with its points blunted. that wheel was set with a bronze pin, which was thrust through it; for from an early age the males pierced their privies with these, and by means of them had communication with the women, as if they were dogs. all of that has been done away with by the gospel and its ministers, and they have grieved over it as at death. that would not be taken from them but rather supported by the mahometan law. they endeavor to give themselves with great satiety to the eating of pork and the drinking of wine, and they stuff themselves from time to time, never losing an occasion that is offered. many of those injuries which the devil was working in the souls of those natives have been remedied; and i hope, with the help of his divine majesty, that the evil seed will be truly eradicated from these islands with the lapse of time, so that the seed sown by his ministers may increase and bear a most plentiful harvest." our author continues:] but the enemy of the human race, who recognized his loss, and that the progress of the diabolical worship of mahomet, by which he wished to gain these islands, was shortened by our coming, tried to concoct a scheme to drive the spaniards from the islands, since there were no longer any forces sufficient to drive them out. for although the islanders were many in number, so great was their horror of the arquebuses and other firearms, that the very report of these made them tremble. they did not consider themselves safe from their balls and fire, even in the deepest woods. hence what we now hold was subdued in a short time, of which a thousand years ago not one palmo would have been gained, but rather lost. hence in order to succeed in his designs against us, the devil made use of another nation, as spanish as the castilians, and of equal arms and courage. he contrived that they should come from maluco, where they had been for some days, and with equal forces descend upon the castilians in sugbú to drive them out. they claimed that they found the latter on territory that was theirs, and belonged to the kingdom of portugal. over this matter there were not a few contests and glorious triumphs, which must be passed by, for it will be the lord's will to have them published some day by him who may write the general history of these islands, so that so heroic exploits may not remain buried in the abyss of oblivion. because of this, our spaniards found themselves in dire need of all things. they had few men, and little ammunition, and the land where the war was carried on was not so well-affected as they wished; for the temperament of the natives made them incline toward the victor, and persecute the conquered. but, notwithstanding this, the spaniards were so courageous in defending what they already possessed that they were prepared to give up their lives rather than one palmo of land. however, the governor, as a good christian, had the religious summoned, and requested them to consider the matter, so that when the truth was known fully, and what justice they had on their side, they might, with greater courage, defend their cloak from him who was trying to take it away by violence.... [the fathers deliberated, and father rada, who "was not only a very great theologian, but was the wisest man in the world in mathematics, geography, astronomy, astrology, and the foretelling of events," made a chart on which he showed alexander vi's line. by this he proved the islands well within spain's demarcation. they had also been taken possession of for spain by magallanes. these proofs did not satisfy the portuguese, however, and they continued their attempts.] chapter xiii _of what the religious did in the islands, and how they baptized tupas_ [during the conflict with the portuguese, the fathers, as became spiritual advisers, did their duty, and bore their full part. the continual illness of father gamboa rendered necessary greater activity on the part of fathers herrera and rada. with great effort they succeeded in baptizing the chief tupas, well knowing the effect the baptism of such a great chief would have upon the other natives, who were completely in the power of their chiefs. with him was baptized his son. the effect was immediate, and natives of cebú and all the neighboring islands requested baptism. the patache "san juan" arrived at the island from new spain in 1569, with two more religious: juan de alba, [35] who had spent more than thirty-three years in new spain; and alonso giménez, [36] "who quickly learned the language of these islands." it was resolved to send one religious to new spain "to look after the affairs of the islands, and get colonists for them from the many workmen in nueva españa." the lot fell to father diego de herrera, and he set sail, after having been elected as the first provincial of the philippines. medina says: "the intention of the religious is not known. for they had no order from the most reverend general to create a provincial, and such an order was necessary. their object is unknown, but it is well known that the said father fray diego de herrera was despatched and arrived at nueva españa, bearing this title." his mission in new spain and spain proved successful, and advantageous to the islands; and he set sail again for the philippines with a number of religious. of the three religious remaining in the islands, after father herrera's departure--for father gamboa had already been sent back on the "san lúcas," because of his continual ill-health--martín de rada remained in cebú, juan de alba went to the alaguer river in panay, and alonso jiménez to ibalon. "there, in those ministries, the religious were learning the language with the greatest assiduity, in order to be able to preach and confess, and to teach the mysteries of our faith."] chapter xiv _how our religious went to the island of luzon, and of other matters that arose there_ as time passed, it appears that we continued to attain more and more favorable results in enlarging the spanish dominion and empire among the islands, and in extending likewise the name of christ our lord, for the adoration and reverence of those barbarous nations. this year the return of the father provincial, fray diego de herrera, who had gone the year before to nueva españa, as above related, and returned the following year, was made most prosperously, and with incredible rapidity. it seems that he had put his hand carefully to the work, which he had already commenced, and desired to see it assume a wider extent, and to have those fields full of workers. he was exceedingly well received in nueva españa, and so much caressed, that all were importunate to embrace him again and again, not being satisfied with simply embracing him whom they saw visibly as the apostle of china--the name by which they designated these islands. they promised him munificent help in advancing the undertaking. on that account was his return so prompt. he was accompanied by two religious, namely, father fray diego ordonez [37] and father fray diego de espinar. [38] he bore the despatches that father urdaneta had negotiated. in them, his majesty ordered the filipinas islands to be colonized, so that, by that means, the conversion of those races might be advanced better, which the augustinian order had already begun, with so much labor, to secure. and besides the service that was being rendered to our lord therein, his majesty was pleased, and thanked them for the same. his majesty sent the title of adelantado to the commander, for himself and for his heirs, with the warrant for this privilege with pendant seal. this was extended to the ladrones islands, which were the first that he discovered and took possession of. that clause declares: "just as (says his majesty) our adelantados of the kingdoms of castilla and of the indias enjoy and exercise this title; you shall have all the honors, concessions, favors, franchises, privileges and exemptions, preëminences, prerogatives, and immunities, which, as our adelantado, you should possess and enjoy." the above is given place here, because, on the one hand, it was negotiated by our religious; and, on the other, to show ourselves grateful, to him who loved and protected us in everything. moreover, his majesty sent him leave to apportion the encomiendas among the deserving, as seemed best to his judgment. the governor was very grateful for all the favors received from his majesty. he was not puffed up, but more than ever devoted to his service; for no fetters bind the good so tightly as do kindnesses, which are strong shackles, with which they are held within just limits. _compedes namque invenit qui benefacta invenit._ [39] the adelantado--for so shall we call him now--became more fully and correctly informed of all the islands; and learned that that of sugbú was not adequate, on account of its sterility, to sustain the empire of the spaniards. he had been informed also that the island of luzon, or that of manila, would be the best for him in everything; because of being, on the one hand, the largest of the islands--for it had a coast of more than two hundred leguas, and was almost four hundred in circumference--and being on the other, more thickly settled with people, who would be more prompt to sustain the spaniards. and above all it was nearer china, whose trade, it was hoped, would prove of great advantage, not only for those who might colonize the islands, but also for all españa. for that exceedingly vast kingdom abounds in whatever can be desired to sustain life, and is such that, since it has so many people who have no room to live on land, many make their habitations on the sea in certain small champáns, a sort of boat, very suitable for them. nevertheless, the large vessels with chapas, and those of lesser size, are well nigh innumerable; and they sail annually to surrounding countries, laden with food and merchandise. forty, and upwards, were wont to come to manila alone. in the year 1631, although then not [many of them] were coming, the number amounted to fifty, counting large and small vessels. we will not mention those that go to japón; and although, in going there, they experience very great trouble, still a constant stream of vessels go thither, for great profits are derived there. these vessels go to siam, camboja, borney, maluco, and macasar. in short, they coast and go everywhere, and carry iron, quicksilver, silk, rice, pork, gold, and innumerable other things, without causing any deficiency for their own sustenance. they carry away all the silver in the world; and even that of europa, or its value, is about to cease, for the portuguese and other nations, as the english and hollanders, carry it to the sangleys, without a single piece of money, or one real's worth of silver, leaving their own country. thus (and i do not deceive myself in saying it) the kingdom of china is the most powerful in the world; and we might even call it the world's treasury, since the silver is imprisoned there, and is given an eternal prison. and if there were no more silver there than what has been taken from mexico during sixty-six years of trade, it could make them most wealthy; and much more so, inasmuch as the mexican silver is not the most that they get, for they take much from other quarters. they are the most greedy for and affectioned to silver of any race known. they hold it in the greatest esteem, for they withdraw the gold from their own country in order to lock up the silver therein. and when they see silver, they look at it admiringly. i am writing not from hearsay, but from the sight and experience of many years. consequently, he who has any silver, and takes passage with them, is not safe. _deprædari ergo desiderat qui thesaurum publice portat in via_. [40] it would not be bad if they only despoiled him, but they will beat him most cruelly with clubs, which they use as weapons. great misfortunes have happened in these islands, some of which will be recounted in the proper place. nevertheless, the spaniard does not notice that no one receives any harm [from the chinaman], except when he opens the doors to him, and brings him into his house. besides this they are excellent merchants, and are very tractable; and in this regard they are far ahead of the japanese. the sangley, or chinaman (for the two are one), when he makes any profit in his merchandise, trusts and waits very accommodatingly. we shall treat of their other customs as occasion offers. this trade, then, must doubtless have influenced our adelantado in going to the land nearest it, in addition to his own comfort, which was found there with advantages. accordingly, when he had prepared his fleet of caracoas--the most suitable war-vessel in the islands--they set sail with them after two o'clock at night, with oar and sail, taking advantage of the weather. at five in the afternoon, they reached land and made port, where the men ate, and took what wood and water were necessary. these boats have bamboo counter-balances at the side, whereby it appears that they sail more securely; for the canes, being large and hollow, have great sustaining power. it has happened that a sea-going caracoa has kept continually above water during a hurricane, until driven by the waves upon some island; and, as there are so many islands, they cannot fail to strike one. the indians embarked very willingly with the adelantado, for their greatest pleasure consists in cutting off a head. and they desired all the others to be subjects, since they were; and that no one should escape the fire, but that the law should be universal. besides, the bisayans were generally at war with the inhabitants of manila--who were now moros, through contact with borney, and captured the former, since they were men of greater valor; and now the bisayans wished to prove whether they could use their swords and cutlasses against them under the protection of castilla. father fray diego de herrera went with the adelantado. he seemed tireless, and wished only at one stroke to take everything for god, whose zeal moved him. they arrived, then, at that island, after reducing to their service on the way, all the islands in their path. these are not few, such as those of masbate, sibuyan or sigan, bantong, romblón, marinduque, and mindoro. the island of manila is as large as i have already stated. access to it is obtained through [a bay with] two entrances, which are caused by an island between them, called mariveles. there is a corregidor there, whose only duty is to set fires on the highest part of the island. [41] these are seen from manila, and give notice of what is passing, in accordance with the signals that the governor has made or given. a chinese vessel is signaled by one fire; one from macan by two; one from india by three; and one from castilla by four. both entrances are navigable, for both are very deep. then the entrance expands into the most beautiful bay that i think the world possesses; for it is more than forty leguas in circumference. [42] anchorage can be found in all parts of it, and its maximum depth is not over forty brazas. the bottom is sand and mud, without a single pebble. a marvelous number of rivers and creeks empty into the bay, which cause the latter to be more frequented. it is so filled with fish that, although so great a town is fed by them, it never begs alms outside. when the vendavals blow, the weather is terrific; for they come from the sea, and the waves sweep in from the sea, and become so violent that ships cannot navigate without great danger. since the vessels are laden in the time of vendaval season, and the distance from manila to cavite--the port--is two leguas eastward, the crossing is very dangerous during the vendaval, and great misfortunes have occurred, both to property and to life, without the governors being able to remedy it--or rather, caring to do so, for they could easily remedy it. but let us leave their government, which does not concern us. the settlement, then most flourishing, was located where the city of manila is situated, namely, at the mouth of the pasig river where it empties into the sea, and on the south side of it. on the north side is located another settlement, which formerly was very large, and even now is not small; for what it lacks in tagáls, it makes up in chinese christians, and those who have settled there. it is called tondo, [43] and our convent there is a very handsome building, being entirely of cut stone. the convent contains the equipage of the father provincials, who have gone there to live. this seems well advised, because they do not stay in manila, nor can they stay there; and by this method they save themselves innumerable inconveniences and importunities. besides, whenever necessary, they can reach manila very quickly by taking a boat just outside the court of the church and descending a salt-water stream; then they cross the pasig river--all this in less than one-half hour--and disembark at the very gate of santo domingo. our adelantado thought rightly that the conflict with those moros must cost much blood, as the latter were aided by many other towns--both along the coast, and up along the river--which endure unto this day, still as flourishing and numerous as before. already these peoples had been informed of events in sugbú, of the victory over the portuguese, and the subjection of the other islands. it seemed a difficult thing for them to stem the tide, and to kick against the pricks; and accordingly, they came to regard as well that which--according as affairs were going, with wind and tide in favor of the adelantado--they should have considered as ill. the greatest chiefs of that country then were the old rajá, rajá solimán, and lacandola. these men, as they already observed the pernicious worship of mahoma, imitated mahometan names, as well as their customs. on the part of the spaniards, their coming thither and the advantages that the natives could derive therefrom were proposed. these would not be few, since they would enjoy entire peace, whereby all their affairs would prosper. _fiat pax in virtute tua et abundantia_. [44] the principal thing would be, that they would be freed from the error of the law under which they were living; for the only true law, and way of salvation, was the law of the christians. that law those religious whom the spaniards brought there would teach them. the religious had come with only this object, and time would prove the truth. all this was very easy for them, but in what pertains to the changing of the law they found most difficulty; for they thought that they could attain life eternal by means of the law under which they were living. the cursed mahoma made the law, and ordered his believers not to dispute his law; for he knew that his lies would immediately be laid open at the first attack. on the other hand he advised them that each one was saved by his own law. therefore, cursed demon, if thus you have advised, how in spite of torments, do you contrive that your law is received? this law mahoma introduced into the world with force and arms. i am not surprised that these natives were so sorry to leave their religion, for they were persuaded that there was salvation thereby. but they preferred to follow mahoma--homicide, drunkard, incestuous, robber, and sensual--than christ, exposed naked on a cross, who preached fasting, mortification, chastity, penitence, love for one's enemy, and other virtues. the borneans who were living in their country offered the greatest opposition to them, and were persuading them to the contrary, with the cessation of their cursed religion. but as this was a matter that could not be concluded in one day, but only gradually, and they had to be convinced of their errors and superstitions by the true and forcible arguments of our religion, it was left for the fathers--whose fasting, abstinence, prayers, and sermons were to cast out that demon, so strongly fortified in the hearts of those poor wretches. _hoc genus (demoniorum) non ejicitur nisi per orationem et jejunium_. [45] upon this, those moros or tagáls received the peace offered them, and rendered homage to king don felipe, our sovereign--whom may god keep in his glory--and to his successors, the sovereigns of españa. the adelantado set up the standard for him and in his name. this was concluded and effected in the year 1571, day of the glorious st. andrew, the patron saint of manila. on that day, the standard is carried in that city, the capital of the islands, in the same manner as we related in describing the city of santísimo nombre de jesús in the island of sugbú. it is now carried with much less pomp than formerly, for all things are declining; and as affairs had their beginning, so they must have their middle and their end, for they are perishable and finite, and consequently must end. chapter xv _continuation of the preceding chapter_ inasmuch as all one's affairs are subject to change, those things which apparently have greatest stability show, when one least thinks it, their defects [_muestran la hilaza_] and reveal their mutability. so it happened here. the adelantado was very happy indeed at the extremely good outcome of events, and at the peace so fortunately obtained in a matter, which, in his constant opinion, to buy cheaply had to be at the cost of much bloodshed. for everything he, as so thorough a servant of god, rendered thanks to the lord, whose will governs all things; and man on his part does but little. but his happiness was of short duration, for that inconstant race, with the ease already mentioned, turned about, and tried to employ war in order to relieve themselves from the yoke that had been placed on their necks--in their opinion with little wisdom [on their part]; for without testing the ranks of the foreign enemy they had surrendered their land, where each one is a lion. in short, they perjured themselves, after having given their word, by breaking it. but as the moro keeps no promise, except when to his own advantage, they made their forts and mounted therein a few small pieces obtained by exchange from borney--whence they obtained these things, as being related by religion. all was already war and the din thereof, so that, necessarily, the voices of the preachers were not listened to--although, as they were so fervent, they did not discontinue performing their duties and efforts with all, and busying themselves in learning the [native] language. for, although nearly all the languages resemble one another in construction, yet they have so many different words that each one must be learned with special care, so that the native can better understand the father. the tagál language is the principal one spoken in the island of luzón. father fray diego de ordóñez learned this language very quickly, and with it obtained what result those warlike confusions and rumors permitted him. the aged and holy fray juan de alba, who had previously been stationed in the river alaguer, in the island of panay, had come with father fray diego de herrera. although one would think that his advanced years would excuse him from learning like a child, yet, to the end that he might serve our lord, whose work it was, he endeavored to become young, even making it his duty. and what is more, while the struggle was in progress, and a general stampede was looked for daily, he descended to the hostile natives, contrary to the advice of many, preached to them, taught them, and exhorted them to peace, without on that account being in any evident danger, for the lord protected him as another prophet elias. [the religious hold an important position in the colony. in 1571 two vessels bring an increase of six fathers: alonso de alvarado, [46] one of the villalobos expedition; gerónimo marín, [47] who afterward goes to china, and transacts affairs in mexico and spain; francisco de ortega, [48] who dies as bishop of camarines; agustín de alburquerque, [49] who becomes provincial; francisco merino; [50] and juan de orta. [51] all of these die in the islands. the first fruit of these religious is the old raja, who is baptized while sick. at his death he is interred with christian rites. father alvarado, filled with zeal, fearlessly ascends the pasig river and preaches in laguna de taguig and taytay, where he is peaceably received. the tagáls are soon convinced of the good intentions and mildness of the spaniards, and begin readily to receive the faith. medina continues:] two buildings were being erected in manila, for the temporal and the spiritual. the temporal was in the shape of a fort, which was being built. with such a possession friends feel secure, enemies fear, and one's strength is increased. how much the spiritual edifice was growing is seen, since the number of workers was increasing, the people were becoming more and more capable of understanding what we were teaching them, and were estimating the inequality between the two beliefs. hence it was needful that they should embrace what was good, and throw away the other as wicked and evil. the fathers kept school in the convent. they taught the boys to read and reckon. they were training some of them in the sacristy, teaching them to aid in the mass; so that, by having nearer at hand what we were teaching them, they should learn it more easily. all this was necessary in order to conquer natives, who were so hardened and so much accustomed to evil, that they regarded everything evil as good. for to such a pass can evil come, as says the prophet isaiah: _væ qui dicitis bonum malum_. [52] and as the lads returned home every day with something new, which they told to their fathers and mothers, the result was that they gave the latter food for reflection, which caused the spark to course through their hearts; and as the spark was fire, and still more from god, it must strike deep and work its effect. thus the number of christians continued to increase. and, not less, certain hopes arose that they would be multiplied daily, and extended through all those nations who were viewing events in luzon, as being the greatest island of all, and with the most warlike inhabitants. a site had been chosen for the convent, which is today the best in the city, and the largest and finest; for it comprises an entire square, equal on each side. it has a vaulted church with its transept. the body of the church is adorned on each side with chapels. truly, if the chapels had been built higher, according to the plan, so that there might have been a series of windows above, where the light would enter, it would rank with the fine buildings of españa. but the lack of light is unfortunate for it. it has a very fine stone cloister, accompanied by its cells. there is a vault underneath also. all of this work has proved excellent, for although it is in a place where frequent earthquakes occur, it has suffered no damage of consequence. [53] rather, i think that the fathers of the society, upon seeing this, have planned to build their church with a vault, and are correcting in it the faults of ours. thus it will result in a very fine building indeed, and just as the affairs of that so distinguished and holy order are wont to result. the rest is yet to be built, for now everything is very dear. since the money is derived from outside sources, they must be guided by the alms received; but the faithful assist according to their means--if they have little, with little; and, as [now] they have not anything, it is a matter of necessity that they cannot give us even that little. i can only acknowledge that as we were the first [to enter here], our houses ought to be, at the end of sixty-six years very strong in this regard. but the fact is that there is no community in manila that does [not] excel us in this; and we remain only with the name [of being well-to-do], which does us no little harm. for, with the title of powerful ones, no one remembers us, except to beg from us and take away our lands; and, as they say in españa: "what matters it to me if my father is called _hogaza_ [i.e., "large loaf of bread"], if i die of hunger?" but, finally, the little that covetousness influences us will be evident to all, even if i am not pleased at the abandoning of what belongs to us lawfully; as says our great father: _et ideo quanta amplius rem communem, quam propriam curaveritis, tanto vos amplius proficere noveritis_. [54] yet am i glad that in such manner are we so greedy of the rich patrimony of poverty, and such masters in it, that we cannot keep anything. for, after all, we are all sons of one father, of whom it is written that, although he was a bishop, he made no will at his death, for he had nothing. _testamentum nullum fecit; quia unde faceret pauper christi non habuit_. [55] i made the above remarks, for later an occasion so apropos may not arise. chapter xvi _of the assembly held by our religious in these islands, where they elected a provincial; and of other events._ [with the increase of their numbers, the missionaries felt the need of electing a provincial. accordingly a general assembly was called, and in the early part of may, 1572, martín de rada was elected provincial--"a person of whom we have said so much and of whom we shall say much, and of whom there is plenty to say; for he was a subject worthy of all things, and his memory is as green today in the islands as if he were alive; and his achievements are extolled by spaniards and indians, who hold his sayings as prophecies.... in this assembly the priests had a vote, for as there were no fixed convents, and all were participating in the same labor, the responsibility of voting was divided among them all. the first thing that they discussed after the election was the despatching of a religious to nueva españa, and thence to españa, to give account of the condition of the province, and of their ministry; and to request religious for the continuation of the work, and permission for our most reverend father to divide the province among them with full authority of proceeding in their elections and government, as in the other provinces which are not dependent." diego de herrera was chosen for this mission, and left manila in the beginning of august, 1572. the new provincial set vigorously to work, "correcting, if there were aught to be corrected, anything in those first laborers that gave the lie to the perfection that they were professing (and in religious any puerility gives the lie to perfection, just as in a beautiful face any mark shows out, however small it be). the religious are the face of the community, the most unblemished of it, and all men are looking at them. consequently there must be nothing that gives the lie to it; for, however slight it be, it must be immediately seen." convents, churches, and houses, "not costly, but with the moderation of that time," were erected. medina continues:] ... a convent was established in the town of taal. there is a lake there, generally known as the lake of bongbong. its water is salt, and so deep that the bottom cannot be reached in some parts. it is about forty leguas in circumference, counting in its gulfs and bays. [56] shad are caught there, or rather tunny-fish, which, although not like those of españa, still approximate to them. the lake empties through a river into the sea. when the spaniards went there, this lake swarmed with people. it is twelve or thirteen leguas from manila. its chief town was this taal, where the religious were established. now it is the principal convent, and has a stone church, but very few people. [57] there lives the alcalde-mayor of la laguna. and there are generally spaniards there who are making rigging for his majesty. this lake has its islets, especially one opposite taal, which had a volcano, which generally emitted flames. [58] that made that ministry unhealthful; for the wind or brisa blew the heat and flames into the village so that all that land became parched, and the natives had no lands to cultivate.... [to remedy this father alburquerque built an altar at the foot of the volcano; a procession was made thither by all the village, and mass celebrated. so successful was this that "as yet no more fire or smoke has been seen, and that island, about four leguas in circuit, has fields and cows, and the inhabitants of taal sow and reap their harvests in their land." other convents were established at tanauan, lipa, bauang, and batangas, the first three with houses, the last with a house and stone church. "but they have few people, [59] so that the presence of the spaniard must be a poison that finishes them. and this reduces them more than their wars and slaveries did in their heathenism. of the volcano of tlascala is recounted almost the same thing as of taal."] the father provincial settled religious in laguna de bay, [60] which is another lake not less remarkable than the one that we have just described. its water is fresh, and it is the largest lake known [in the islands], for it must be more than fifty leguas in circuit. it has its islets in the middle, some larger than others. it is exceedingly stormy, for, as the water has but little density, it is aroused and disturbed with but little wind, to the danger of those upon it. this convent is one of our largest. it was the largest settlement [on the lake]; now it has about one hundred tributes. all the indian women make hose, and they are the best that are exported. there are generally two religious there, for that convent has its visita. the church is of stone, and is very large, as is the house likewise. about this lake are many convents of the religious fathers of st. francis, which district we assigned to them--although we could have kept it, and assigned to them a district more remote. but in this is seen our indifference, for we shared with our guests the best, which are the districts nearer manila. this lake has very famous baths of hot water, one legua from bay, which are a remedy for many ills. an excellent hospital is established there, with a house adequate for the religious who administer it. these religious are franciscans, and they administer this hospital, as they do others in the islands, with the charity and love which might be expected from so holy religious. and although brothers of st. john of god came to administer the hospitals, and remained in manila many days, and even years, the franciscan fathers were not willing to give up their infirmaries and hospitals, nor were the former able to deprive them of these. therefore, they returned to nueva españa. and indeed, even if they who have the care of hospitals as a duty [i.e., the brothers of st. john of god] had charge of these, i do not see how they could have done it with greater charity, or more to the universal satisfaction [than have the franciscans]. this lake empties by two arms of rivers: one goes to pasig, our convent; and the other to taguig, likewise our convent. lower down the two rivers unite. further increased by the san mateo, which comes from the uplands, and has very clear water, they make a very beautiful river which empties into the sea, after flowing past the walls of manila. it is called the pasig river from the chief village. but in order to drink of the good water, one must ascend even to the very convent of pasig, where the water is found clear. there are many things to see along this river. for both sides are lined with gardens and summer-houses, more lived in than even those of manila, for there is enjoyed the coolness and freedom which the city does not possess. there are churches up the river, some with seculars, some with fathers of the society, some of st. francis, and some ours. for two leguas up the river [61] is our convent of nuestra señora de guadalupe, which is built of stone. it is the most frequented house of devotion in the islands, both by spaniards and by natives. and it is enough that it has not ceased to exist, because of the changeableness and fickleness of the country. we may talk more at length of this holy house. religious were established in the convent of pasig, of which we have said somewhat already. it is about three leguas from manila, and from guadalupe one legua farther on. now it has less than one thousand indians in charge, and three religious; for it has a most fatiguing visita, namely, san mateo, where ordinarily is established one religious with voting power. [62] the father provincial established religious in calumpit, one day's journey from manila toward the east (where the tagál language is likewise spoken), bordering the province of pampanga. it is located on a beautiful river called quingua, of excellent water, which is used by all the convents of that district. it was a very densely populated district, but now it has but few people, for the indians have not remained there. [63] it had formerly innumerable _mosquitas_, [64] but now few; and some sugar plantations, which were started by father fray pedro mejía, [65] and continued by father fray luis ronquillo. [66] if care were taken of them, the convent would be supplied with what is necessary. it is a priorate and has a vote. its indians number about five hundred. the father provincial likewise established a convent in lubao, which is [in] the province of pampanga. it is a most fertile land, and we might say that it sustains the country, for it is all rice-fields. hence it is said, that at harvest pampanga is worth little. the convent of lubao had many people, and hence they were able to build a church, which is one of the best in the country. it is all built of brick, made there; they also built a two-roomed house. it has generally two religious, with six hundred indians. [67] all pampanga is like streets, for the houses of one town are continued by those of another. one may go to all its towns without getting in the sun, for now the bamboos, and now the palms furnish very pleasant shade. from this place one goes to guagua, a short legua, past the houses; thence to betis; from betis to bacolor, the best of the entire province. of the rest we shall speak in their turn. the father provincial established religious in the island of panay, which, as it was of the bisayan language, he was not willing to abandon. those islands, although the first to whom the clarion of the gospel was sounded, have been the ones that have remained most in ignorance. i am unaware of the cause for this unless it be my sins, for truly the most flourishing province, in regard to its missions, has been that of panay, as will be seen in this work. and yet, they are as new in matters of our faith, as on the first day. i think that their living in very remote towns conduces greatly to this, and in not seeing the religious so frequently as the others do. and although they have attempted to maintain some [religious] assemblies, they have not retained them, for the persons who most strenuously oppose their having assemblies are the encomenderos--because they fear the diminution of their indians, more than what they owe as christians. i console myself that another tribunal will judge them with more rigor. but may it please the omnipotent god that human selfishness be not repaid with eternal punishments; for they become encomenderos more to deprive the natives of the good of the soul, than to convert them and protect them in what concerns them so deeply. the island of panay is more than sixty leguas [68] south of manila. the same star stands over the bar of its principal river, the panay, as at manila. its other river, the alaguer, is on the other coast. both have about the same amount of water, but the panay flows more slowly, and hence can be ascended more readily. it is also deeper, so that fragatas can enter over its bar at full tide, for it has about one and one-half brazas of depth. at low tide, not even the small vessels can enter. it is two leguas from the bar to the town. the convent is very large. with its visitas, it has in charge more than one thousand two hundred indians. the alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction lives there. as a rule, there are many spaniards there; for at that port are collected the vessels for the relief expedition to maluco. thence goods are transported in champans to ilong-ilong, where the port is located, and where the vessels are laden. there are more than one hundred chinese married to native women in this town, and their number is increasing daily, so that i think they will end by peopling the country. i, being twice prior of this convent, learned somewhat of the chinese language, in order to be able to minister to them; for to do so in spanish, or in the language of the land, is the same as ministering to spaniards in greek. the river banks above are lined with palm groves, and with villages that are thinly inhabited because of the laziness of the alcaldes-mayor. the latter imagine that, when their offices are given to them, it is only that they may get money. they only take heed of that, and prove rather a drawback than an aid to the ministry. about two days' journey up the river, and on a branch flowing into the panay, is the convent of mambúsao [69], a very flourishing house. don fray pedro de agurto, first bishop of sugbú, and a member of our order, gave this to the order. he was one of the most learned and holy men of all the indias. afterwards he will be glorified, for he is the brightest jewel in this history, and has most honored the habit in these islands. he was a creole of nueva españa, and one of whom all those fathers can be proud. ascending the river inland in panay, and leaving on the right mandruga and mambúsao, one reaches the convent of dumalág, after a few days' journey, more or less. it is a very important convent, for it ministers to more than one thousand indians. there are two religious in each of these convents, prior and assistant. before arriving at the convent of dumalág, the convent of dumárao, a very important house, has its river on the left. all of these convents have their churches and houses finished--although in wood, for it is not convenient to build them of other materials. those crossing to the coast of otóng, where the port and fort are located, pass through this district. they use a hammock [as their bed]; they walk inland a matter of two good leguas. then they stop in a visita of passi called batobato. thence they descend the river--or go by land, if the water is low--to the town of passi, which is located in the middle of the island, with the most beautiful and suitable site imaginable. it enjoys balmy winds, excellent water, less dense woods, and less rain, so that one would believe it a different region. this convent has a stone church, and has charge of about two thousand tributes. the king grants it a stipend for three religious, and since this had to be, as it were, the escorial, not only of the islands, but also of the country, it has been so unfortunate that scarcely has a work been finished than it immediately is burned. i cannot say in what this convent has suffered most, and that from the time when they left their old site and moved to their present location. this so constant work is the reason for this district not having more than two thousand indians, and i wonder that it has them. the river of alaguer [70] flows past the convent gates. by this one descends, leaving on the right and inland the priorate of laglág; [71] and still lower and also inland and on the same side, that of baong; [72] and reaches the convent of dumangas, which we call alaguer. thither went father fray juan de alba--as the reader will remember--and from that house all the above were administered until they were made priorates. the bar of this river is about two leguas from the town. now the convent is finished, but can sustain only one religious. the port and the fleet have destroyed it; for these are the best people of the bisayas. the river, although like that of panay, can not have much depth because of its rapid current, nor can the tide ascend for any distance, however, small boats enter it. these two rivers have one source. the panay runs northward, and this of alaguer toward the vendaval. if one wishes, he may cross hence, between this island and himalos, [73] to salog (jaro), a convent of the order, which was also assigned to it by bishop agurto. it has in charge about one thousand indians, but the number is much lessened by the conscriptions of the port, which is one-half legua from that town. from that place, following the coast, one goes to the convent of otóng, the chief convent of this island, because it is near the village of arévalo--once important, but now of no account. the alcalde-mayor and overseer-general of the malucos lives there. otóng lies about one and one-half leguas from the port. one may reach it either by the beach, or by a salt-water creek which flows through the village (and even to the very gates of our convent), and then makes a turn, leaving the village an island. about two leguas along the coast lies the convent of tigbauang, which belongs to our order. today it is in charge of more than eight hundred indians. the capital is very small, for it enjoys the conscriptions of ilong-ilong. a matter of a short legua farther on is the convent of guimbal. of it, one may philosophize as in the case of tigbauang. the latter has hantic [74] as a visita, which was formerly one of the best priorates, but often destroyed by men from camucón, solog, and mindanao, as it is quite outside the spanish pale. it is more than twenty leguas from its capital, and is visited with great hardship and danger. now since, without thinking, we have related all that is to be known of the island of panay, let us return to manila; for i think that something awaits us there. chapter xvii _of how our religious tried to go to great china_ during this time two chinese junks or champans came to manila to trade. these people, as they are so fond of silver, scented what was to enter their country through this medium. hence they began the richest and most opulent trade known. were the spaniards less hasty, surely the trade would have resulted more cheaply, and the chinese would not have done with them as they wished. in the beginning the articles traded were very cheap, and extravagant fortunes were made in méjico. now, however, it makes such inroads on the capital, that loss on the cost has often occurred in méjico. but then, who can remedy this? these indians or chinese are generally called sangleys, not because they call themselves chinese or sangleys, for they have been and are surprised at the two names. they are called sangleys, because when they came to manila, and the people saw men of so strange appearance, with hair like that of women--and of which they take most especial care, more even than of their faces and bodies--and done up on the head very nicely, and with a most peculiar headdress, their long garments, their ample and long drawers reaching to the feet, and all their other apparel in keeping, which seemingly belong to women rather than men, they asked the latter who they were. the answer was "sangley" (or "merchant"); as one would say, "we are merchants." they were canonized with this name, and it has proved permanent, and hence they are now called by no other name. the name china must have been given by the portuguese. their own name is songsua. [75] [a short description of china and its people follows. the fathers no sooner saw the chinese traders, than they were filled with zeal for the conversion of the country. but they were unsuccessful in persuading the traders to embark them on their vessels. a letter written by legazpi to one of the chinese viceroys, and accompanied by a present, also failed of effect, for neither was delivered. thus china remained a closed door for the time being.] chapter xviii _of the part played by our religious in the siege of manila by limahón, a great sangley pirate, and of the latter's flight and destruction._ the month of august, 1572, was, beyond doubt, a sad one throughout the filipinas islands; for, in that month the lord was pleased to take to himself adelantado miguel lópez de legaspi, by whose valor and prudence these islands had been won, and increased with the advantages that were seen. for in his eight years of governorship he did not begin anything that did not have a prosperous conclusion--well known to arise from his zeal and christianity and his firmness and forbearance. hence he was, with reason, loved by his own men, and feared and respected by foreigners. thus, by merely the renown of his name in the islands, no one, however brave he might be, dared to exert himself as a leader. during his life, all promised themselves that that work commenced by him would attain the ends suitable to beginnings so distinguished. but at his death everything remained, as it were, in a torpid condition; for indeed it seemed to the enemy impossible that that man who had conquered theme had died, or that so great valor had passed away so soon. but, truly, those who grieved and wept most were our religious, for they knew what they were losing in his loss, and how matters of religious instruction would be put backward, which by his valor were extending and widening the territories of the church. and their grief was greater because they were surrounded on all sides by enemies, and were in a city without walls, or other fort than that of the bodies and good courage of the soldiers but soldiers are wont to lose their courage when they have no level head to guide them and face the danger. the adelantado was buried, in fine, in the convent of st. augustine in manila, his bones being deposited there, until his disposition of them was carried out. father fray martín de rada, who lived there then as provincial, conducted his obsequies. he preached a long sermon on his many virtues, in which it is certain that one cannot say that love of his benefactor moved him, but zeal that vices should be eradicated. after the next year, 73, his obsequies were preached in our convent in méjico. there master fray melchor de los reyes preached with the vigor that might be expected from so erudite a man. he satisfied the audience and not less our duty and thankfulness. and certainly we in this convent ought to feel very thankful toward him [i.e., legazpi] and for the blessings and advantages acquired through him by the order of our father st. augustine. the treasurer, guido de lavezares, entered into the government by virtue of a royal decree in the islands (although a secret one), in which his majesty ordered that in case of the death of the adelantado they should be governed by mateo de saus--who had gone to the islands with the title of master-of-camp; and in case of the death of this second, the treasurer should enter into the governorship, with the title of governor and captain-general. he did so, thus fulfilling his majesty's decree; and he had so great christianity and prudence, that one would believe that he had inherited the spirit and zeal of the dead governor. [here follows a very brief account of the descent on manila by limahon, who is forced to retire to pangasinán--medina says cagayán. there the pirates published news that the spaniards had all been killed. medina continues:] those who hastened to believe this were the indians of mindoro, who are also something like the moros. this island is more than twenty leguas from manila on one side; on the other it is so near that there are but two or three leguas to cross, namely, by way of batangas. the island is very large, and very well covered with mountains; and it has beautiful rivers and a plentiful supply of fish, and above all, of wax. it has a corregidor, and is more than one hundred leguas in circuit. it has two benefices, in which live beneficed seculars. one is called bacoy, and the other nauhang. they have about six and seven hundred indians respectively. services are held in the tagál speech. but there are here, further, some indians whiter than the tagáls, who live in troops in the mountains. they are the ancient inhabitants of the country, and it is they who gather the great abundance of wax which is yielded there. i said that there was a benefice of them, namely, of the people called mangyan. [76] they are very good, and if they were instructed and taught, it would be easy to reduce them to settlements and missions. but no one attempts to do any work in the lord's service. especially do these mangyanes fear the sea. they pay no tribute. they fear lest the spaniards take them to man their ships. they go naked; and deliver the wax to the tagáls, which the latter pay as tribute, and give as their share. more than three hundred quintals of wax yearly must be obtained in this island. this mission, then, was first in our charge, and at the time of the pirate limahon's descent upon manila, that island was a priorate. its prior was father fray francisco de ortega, and his companion was father fray diego mójica. [77] as soon as those moros heard, then, of the result at manila, they threw off the yoke, attacked the fathers, seized them, and talked of killing them. however, they forbore to kill the fathers immediately--i know not for what reason, since the moros were setting out to execute that resolve. [the governor, hearing of the imprisonment of the fathers, sent for them, but they had already been released. the moros of manila, instigated by borneans, took occasion to revolt at this time, choosing as their two leaders lacandola and rajá solimán. "seeing this, father fray gerónimo marín determined to go to the other side of the river and talk to those chiefs concerning the cause of their rising, so that, if there were complaints, as cannot fail to arise among soldiers, they might be remedied." quiet was finally restored in this quarter, the greatest difficulty being found with rajá solimán, who "did not act fairly in whatever the spaniards were concerned, nor did he regard them with friendly eyes." the governor proclaimed a religious procession in honor of the fortunate termination of the affair with limahon. it was held january 2, 1575, at which time was founded a brotherhood of st. andrew. in the year 1574 three more augustinian religious had arrived, namely, diego de mójica, alonso gutiérrez, [78] and juan gallegos. [79] also in 1575 came three others, francisco manrique, [80] sebastián de molina, [81] and alonso heredero. [82]] chapter xix _of other events, and when the other religious entered into the islands_ [in these early years a disaster befalls the augustinians, and somewhat dashes their hopes. this is the death of diego de herrera with ten priests who are coming, six from spain and four from mexico, to augment the missionary efforts. of the thirty-six priests obtained by herrera on his mission to spain, but six set sail for the philippines. the four from mexico who join them are: francisco martínez, of the chair of writing in the university of mexico, an excellent greek and latin student, who had been prior of the augustinian convent in lima, lésmes de santiago, an ascetic, and formerly a successful merchant; francisco bello; and francisco de arévalo. the shipwreck is quite near manila and is due "to the carelessness of the pilot--and i think that this is the first ship that has suffered shipwreck on coming from méjico." the loss of herrera is felt keenly, for he was an enthusiastic and zealous worker. "the loss of this ship was felt keenly in the islands, for it bore heavy reënforcements of troops, money, and other things needed in the new land, which lacked everything. but above all they were anxious because they were surrounded on all sides by enemies, and had but few troops, and these were scattered in many districts. but those who grieved most were ours...." medina continues:] the religious discussed the matter, and seeing the great abundance of the harvest, and that they were unable to attend to everything, they thought that it was not right to enjoy this field alone, but that the other orders should come to aid them. for they recognized that there was work for all, and that, if the door of china and japón was opened, those from españa would seem but few to them. besides, there was enough in the islands wherewith to occupy themselves. therefore, they wrote to the father-provincial of nueva españa--at that time maestro veracruz, a man of the letters and holy life that is known--asking him to take the matter up with the viceroy. [83] he favored this plan, chiefly because in it was evidenced the great liberality of ours, in not keeping the bread, which the lord had given them, but dividing it with love with their other companions; and this fraternal spirit of the orders is a good thing. this example was given us by the holy apostles, who, after casting that net in which they caught so many fish that they could not pull it in because of so great weight, immediately _annuerunt sociis_. they called and signaled to their companions to come to their aid, in order that they might enjoy their good fortune and drag the net to shore and obtain the fish. the viceroy of nueva españa discussed the matter, in the interests of all the orders--for the viceroy was father of them. he wrote to his majesty, so that the discalced fathers of the order of our father st. francis, with whom our religious shared the cape, went to the islands in the year 1577. and ours even gave them of the best, which they themselves had pacified, namely, camarines, laguna de bay, and many convents about manila. there they began to preach, to establish contents, and to administer, with the greatest fervor. they have increased so much that now they have many convents, that contain excellent linguists, and grand servants of the lord, and have notable martyrs--of which, god willing, we shall see somewhat later. later, in the year 1580, the fathers of the society of jesus came to the islands. therein they have made much gain, as it is well known that they have done wherever they dwell, by teaching human as well as divine letters to the youth, and at the same time giving them the mild food of virtue--which enters very well along with the teaching of letters, of which a long and settled experience has been had. they have the university in manila, very notable in its members, which has filled the islands with learned men. it is in no respect defective; but is excellent in everything. and although all do not join the church, knowledge does not at all tarnish a captain's reputation; rather, it is enamel upon gold. for he who has the most alert understanding enters and goes out better on occasions, and gives in public the better reason for what is proposed. besides, those born in the islands grow up with but little knowledge of the castilian language, both on account of the habits of the country, and because they are always arm in arm with the blacks, who talk a jargon of tongues--which is neither their own, for they have lost that, nor that of the natives, nor of the spaniards, but a smattering of each one; those coming from españa do not understand them. therefore, it is needful that the youth should have some means of losing that corrupt speech, and of relearning that of their parents, so that they may afterward be able to shine in public without shame. the fathers of the society have many places of ministry, and daily are extending their labors. they have a little about manila, but more in the bisayas; for they have charge of the island of samar, that of leyte, that of ibabao, and that of bohol. [84] now they have a convent in the very island of mindanao, where they have performed great deeds among the subanes. they have missions in many other districts, the indians of which are very tractable and well instructed, as i shall be able to relate here; for they are excellent in everything. and as the fathers are usually influential in secular affairs, they obtain what they see to be important for their good management, all of which is needed to induce these stiff-necked people to accept salvation. they have remarkable bisayan linguists. and although they printed belarmino [85] in that tongue, i think it was at more cost than gain; for to imagine that the indian will buy a book is a ridiculous notion. and even if he had it, he would be too lazy to read it. this is the reason why so little has been printed in all the languages of these regions. perhaps with the lapse of time they will lose the ancient vices, and become fonder of the truth. in the next year, 1581, several religious of his order went to the islands with bishop fray domingo de salazar, of the order of our father st. dominic, and first bishop of these islands. they established themselves in manila with so great observance and vigor, that, in the opinion of all, this province is the most holy and austere known, and is considered as such. those who come from españa do not recognize it--not because there is a lack of observance there, but because the habit here is most severe; and since the country is so unsuitable for austerity, necessarily that is a cause for keen regret, and those who wear the habit are wont to wear a hair-shirt perpetually. these most religious fathers have charge of the sangleys, for whom they have had finished linguists, and they do not lack such now. they have built so fine a wooden church in the parián of manila--that is, the alcaicería, where the sangleys have their shops--that it might be sightly even in españa, and in it the sangleys have generously assisted. [86] for they had a common fund for current expenses, and they amass in it yearly about twenty thousand pesos. each sangley, pagan or christian, pays, if he wear a cue, three reals of four to the peso, in two payments. for this fund there are spanish collectors with a sufficient salary. what i regret is that, in all these cunning devices to obtain their money, and the exaction of these contributions, the money is taken from the spaniards, as the sangleys are their creditors. and the sangley himself says when they collect it, "i do not pay this, but the castilian." for since we get our food, clothing and shoes through them, and it is necessary that everything come from the hand of the sangleys, therefore they avenge themselves very well, by putting up prices on everything, and shortening measures, so that the loss is greater than is realized. watchful spaniards do not fail to take note of this, and they grieve over it; but they endure it, for the communal fund, or the tribute, or the other things are not demanded of them--as if in what they buy, or order to be made, they did not pay double. when i came to the islands in the year 1610, when not so much was exacted from the sangleys, there was a large bale of paper of eighty large sheets, from each one of which six small sheets were made, so that there were four hundred and eighty sheets. this could be bought for three or four reals. but after the contributions were levied on them, i saw and bought these large bales of paper, of but fifty large sheets, and from each one could be cut no more than four small sheets; and they cost three pesos. they could not have so high a price in españa. i bought a small piece of linen of fourteen or fifteen varas for four reals. now they measure by varas, and it is very cheap at one real per vara. and thus in everything else, this appears now, whether the sangley, the spaniard or the chinese pays the trickery. but it is a singular thing, how poorly the spaniard governs himself. wherever he halts, immediately all prices go up; and even when he is able to get food gratis, he clothes himself and obtains his food at excessive rates, because of his lack of consideration or his heedlessness. and when he happens to bethink himself, it is too late. the dominican fathers have another station of married sangleys, near manila, and adjoining tondo, so close that their houses and those of tondo are contiguous. this station belonged to us, but we generously gave it to them, so that they might agree to make a compact in regard to the celebration of the feast of corpus christi. [87] we ourselves celebrated it on the sunday that came after the principal feast, when the cathedral celebrates it, with great solemnity. the fathers of our father st. dominic came and entered their suit. journeys were made to and from roma at great expense. at the end, it was decided that the festival should be celebrated _ad invicem_ [i.e., "in turn"], one year in one place and the next year in the other, in the following manner. when it should be celebrated in santo domingo, we were to perform the services at the altar; and when it was celebrated at our house, in the same way they should perform the service. let them consider that it was important whether to celebrate the feast immediately on the following monday. some things on which we lay particular stress have no importance whatever; and, regarding some that we ought to lay stress on, we allow them to stand without any care whatever. this is well known and a trite saying in our holy order. but it is a matter of greater importance to that convent than to ours that the feast should be celebrated today rather than tomorrow. the dominican fathers have built in the convent a very strong stone church, which would be considered substantial in españa. one has only to cross the bridge over the river to go from this church to their church in the parián. a short distance farther, and also near there, they possess the hospital for sick sangleys. but i maintain that but few are treated there, for these nations would rather be left to die in their own houses, with their relatives, than to regain their health in the hospital. besides the sangleys have very excellent physicians among themselves, even better than those from españa--i mean those in manila, who serve rather to take money and to bury people than for any other purpose, and gain their experience at the very dear cost of the spaniards. furthermore, the dominican fathers have the province of pangasinán, which belonged to us. but recently we gave them the town of lingayén, the best one of that province. likewise they have the province of cagayán, the most distant part of the island, which contains the city of nueva segovia (which consists of the name merely). there is an alcalde-mayor and a commander, who is also captain of the troops in the presidio established there. these inhabitants of cagayán are warlike. daily they rise and burn convents and churches and kill some of the religious. the dominicans have many convents for here is their stronghold. and indeed up the river (as they say), which is the best and largest of the island--and where those who understand it thoroughly say that the city of manila ought to be--are remarkable lands and nations as yet unconquered. the fathers have worked here, and are working, with great zest, and suffer innumerable inconveniences for the good of those souls. hope of greater fruits is very bright. in order to reach this province, those going by land cross our province of llocos, which lies between cagayán and pangasinán, of which we must make mention later. this illustrious order has had in manila men prominent in letters and religion. they are a mirror in life and morals, and revered in life as heavenly men. and in japon, although they were the last in the lord's vineyard, they have not been last in gains and labors, for they have had very saintly martyrs. they have a college in manila also, where they teach latin, the arts, and theology, and that college is likewise a university. thus behold manila, founded but yesterday, with two universities; and i am not surprised that, notwithstanding that it is the colony of the spaniards, and the desire of so many nations, the more it has of that the more it needs. for from here must emanate the light that will lighten all this archipelago. when these peoples are converted, they will lack ministers, so great is the latitude discovered in this hemisphere. may our lord be pleased to aid them and to aid us, so that our labors may bear light, his majesty be reverenced worthily, and the devil be banished from the hearts of these people. in the above colleges, a number of students receive instruction, and are sustained free of charge. the portion of the others who enter, amounting, i believe, to one hundred pesos, is paid. their results are excellent. the liberality of those who haver come to manila is discernible in everything; for in works of charity they have given and are giving very much, although those with wealth are very few. and really the magnificence of all the churches and temples astonishes me. all are finished and wonderfully adorned with jewels and silver ornaments, without there being any building for which there is not more than enough; and silver ornaments for the front of the altar are seen in many churches of manila. indeed when those who have done this are considered attentively they have made the expense once for all; for by means of the silver, hangings which soon are destroyed and damaged by the dampness in these islands, are done away with, but the silver, when somewhat tarnished, regains its former luster, and even more, by cleaning it. the work of the society may be extolled in all españa. all this appears good, so that when the foreigners return to their countries, after having finished their trading, and sold their merchandise, they should take with them the news of our temples; and that through the grandeur and majesty of the temples, they may recognize the grandeur and majesty of him who is thus worshiped in this country. and this is one thing at which the nations are most astonished, and especially the japanese. they look at the temples with great curiosity. this nation has also been tested in christianity. for up to today they have given to the church an innumerable number of martyrs, both men and women, all notable. this i have heard declared by the archdean alonso garcia, in the reports made in manila by order of his holiness in the year 1631. in them were described more than nine hundred martyrs, all notable, besides the rest, of whom no knowledge could be had. nearly all the orders have japanese priests, and they are excellent subjects; our order has three. two, fray miguel and fray león, are holy men. the third has not resulted so, although he is rather an interpreter and one well grounded in everything. but until life is ended we may not praise or condemn one. _ante mortem non laudes hominem quemquam; lauda post mortem, honorifica post consumationem_. [88] chapters xx-xxii [these chapters deal almost entirely with chinese affairs, and the part played by the augustinians in the first spanish embassy sent to china; their return; and the ill-success of the second embassy to that country.] [at length the attempts of the augustinians to go to china bear fruit, and on june 21, 1575, martin de rada and jerónimo marín set sail for the great empire. the opportunity comes through the defeat and siege of the pirate limahon. the chinese captain dumón braves the laws forbidding the entrance of foreigners into china, and conveys the missionaries to that country--whither they go rather in the light of emissaries of the government than as religious workers; for the governor, guido de lavezares, gave them three letters, one for the chinese emperor, another for the viceroy of the province of fo-kien, and the third for the governor of chin-cheu. they are well received and borne through a portion of the land in state. they receive audience, and later a banquet, from the governor of the city of chin-cheu, to whom they deliver the letter from the spanish governor.] [89] [at oc-kin, the viceroy grants the fathers cordial and dignified audience. at the request of the former the fathers present him with a paper in which they state their object and desire, namely, the preaching of the gospel. the viceroy requests a book of the christian law, whereupon he is presented with a breviary, as the fathers have no other book with them. after hearing an exposition of the christian doctrine, the viceroy dismisses the augustinians, loading them with rich presents. three captains are ordered to see them safely to manila. to the letter of the spanish governor, the viceroy replied as follows:] _letter from the kingdom of tangbin in the province of oc-kin, from the royal house_ i received a letter, to which this is the reply, from the governor in the fort of manila. to thee, who art born of heaven. although we differ among ourselves, we are children of one father and of one mother. therefore we love and regard you as friends and brothers. and likewise have we friendship with the lóquios, a foreign people, who come as friends to this province of oc-kin every three years. they, in token of friendship, bring us some products of their country, which this country does not produce. here we present to them other things unknown to their own country. therefore shalt thou know that we protect and esteem greatly the foreigners who come hither. we have ordered the fathers and castilians to be supplied with all necessaries, so that they might lack nothing. for if they should lack anything, we would be grieved and ashamed. and besides this, we have offered and given them some things, all of which is placed in a memorandum. the ten vessels that are going to your shores are furnished with all necessaries, so that you shall not have any trouble in giving them what they shall peradventure ask of you. the captains and sailors, and the rest of the crew, are paid for ten months. we have written to the king the extent of our information, so that he may know what is passing. we would like the fathers to remain here, and more, until we shall hear and see the king's reply. but as the voyages are long, namely, three months to go and three to return, we thought that you would grieve over their absence. therefore, we return them to you and send with them a small present. all the present is in charge and keeping of my captain. if any of it be lacking, he will be punished. given in the year of the king the lion huicbanlic [i.e., wanleh]. [after a stay of thirty-five days in oc-kin, the fathers, still accompanied by the two soldiers, loarca and sarmiento, set out on their return, being banqueted and feasted at all the cities on their way. they set sail for manila september 14, and arrived there, "part of them october 28, and the others november 1. when they arrived they found a new governor, for doctor francisco de sande had reached the islands in the month of august of the year 1575, with his majesty's appointment as governor of those islands." the present to the governor is delivered to lavezares. "among the rich things brought, the greatest was that brought by father fray martín de rada, and a thing of great importance and value in those times--namely, a description of the great kingdom of china, its provinces, its boundaries, its religion, its wealth, its civilization, its amusements, and everything that human curiosity is desirous of knowing, of which until then there was no account. this was the account caused to be printed by father fray jerónimo román, of our order, in the second edition of his _repúblicas del mundo_, which was published by bishop fray pedro de mendoza, [90] in his book on that kingdom."] [on the return trip of the chinese captains, a second embassy of priests, agustín de alburquerque and martín de rada, accompany them. but the captains are dissatisfied with the presents received; and this, together with the news of the escape of limahon, determines them to abandon the fathers. accordingly the latter are left destitute in the country of the hostile zambales, but fortunately make their way back to manila, where they are welcomed with rejoicing. somewhat later (1580) an embassy of three priests is appointed by the king of spain, consisting of the augustinians juan gonzáles de mendoza--then bishop of popayán, perú, and later bishop of lípari, in the kingdom of naples--francisco de ortega, and jerónimo marín, to go to china. the avowed object of the embassy is to open the door to commerce, and carry the faith to china. the first remains in spain. the advice of marín is followed and the embassy is not sent.] chapter xxiii _of the election, in the islands, of father fray agustín de alburquerque_ it appears that now the provinces of filipinas were gathering greater strength, for, while they were being colonized, the increasing trade and the relations with méjico were excellent; the religious were increasing, in the temporal and spiritual, throughout the province, which was obtaining many and good laborers; and convents were being built. that of manila and that of santísimo nombre de jesús, in particular, were laying their foundations, in order to erect stone buildings; for, however strong wooden supports may be, yet with the lapse of time they finally decay and become useless. this does not happen so quickly with what is made of stone, which lasts much longer and opposes the inclemencies of the weather. at first we used to make our houses in the manner of the inhabitants of the country themselves; for, in short, they know more of their climate, as they have more experience therein, and god gave them more adequate knowledge of the products of the islands, so that they might make use of them. the islands are by nature very damp. if one digs down two palmos he finds water. therefore, humanly speaking, it is impossible to make cellars as in españa, or to live upon the ground, because it would play havoc with one. for this mother nature provided these indians with certain woods, so large and hard that, after planting them in the earth, the indians build their houses upon them, at a height of one and one-half, two, or three brazas. these timbers or columns are called _harigues_, and the wood is that called _tugás_. [91] these timbers having been placed, as i say, upright in the earth, and having the space of more than a braza beneath them, form the columns of the edifice, and upon them the natives build. we have all made use of this method of building in these islands. we have built fine houses and churches from these woods--for which, inasmuch as many villages assist in the building, the largest columns and those of known goodness are sought, which last many years. in conformity with this, while i was building a house in the town of dumangas, on the alaguer river, a very large house was there, belonging to an encomendero living there, one ruy lópez de arellano, a native of constantina. this man died, and the house being already half fallen, i was having it taken down, in order to make some use of it, before time should finish its destruction, and the river bear it away, which was very rapidly being done. i took down from it one column, in particular, which the indians assured me had been brought there more than thirty years before by the indians up the river. i affirm that at the ground line it was eaten in about a finger's length around. all the rest was in perfect condition. and i observed that the part that had been under ground was in much better condition. there are other columns left as inheritances from father to children, and to grandchildren, upon which many houses have been built. the walls, which are called _dingding_, are made of excellent timber. the walls of the indians' houses are made of bamboo, inasmuch as they are poorer. the roof is made of palm-leaf, called _nipa_. instead of nails, the natives use certain strong ligaments, made from flexible roots, called _bejuco_ [i.e., rattan], where we use nails. these houses, then, are considered more healthy; for as it is usually very hot in the islands, these houses are much more cool, and the winds blow through them with greater ease. when manila had wooden houses, it was more healthy. but now they have taken to making stone edifices, and those not of stone are rare. stone is also being used to build outside of manila, and already there are many houses and churches of that material. if one considers this closely, even though economy be not considered, necessity was bound to impose this. for there could be no woods to furnish so many columns, and the dragging of them thither would be very costly. hence, by collecting money, which is easier for the natives, they summon chinese, who do what work is desired; and, if it is wished, they paint the building. therefore, because of the aforesaid reasons, our convent at manila was begun in stone. it is now, as i have remarked, the best in the islands; and daily it is being made more notable by further work. the fathers held a chapter meeting in 1578, and peaceably and quietly cast their votes for father fray agustín de alburquerque, a man of whom we have already said sufficient of his occupations, virtue, zeal, and prudence. as soon as he beheld himself invested with the ermine, he gave his attention to everything possible, looking after both the spiritual good of the province--the principal thing--and the temporal, extending and spreading the province. he established religious in bulacán, and that place is now one of the principal and more desirable convents. it has an excellent stone house and church, and about six hundred tributes. [92] it is about six leguas north of manila. it has usually two religious. the tagál language is spoken there. the alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction, which has about four thousand indians, lives in bulacán. all the manila religious extol the indians of this town as the most tractable and most attached to the church. he established religious in candava also. this is the last convent in pampanga, and formerly was most flourishing, although now it in very dilapidated. near it is a beautiful and copious river, [93] which divides into many branches as it approaches the sea, and all these branches empty into manila bay. hence one may go to all these convents both by sea and by the estuaries, without sail. therefore, one can go and come without depending on the weather. it has now about six hundred indians. [94] it is one and one-half day's journey from manila. two religious live there. it has a very fine wooden house, and the church is built of the same material. religious were firmly established in macabebe. this is, in my opinion, the finest priorate of all pampanga, and the chief one. it lies on a branch of the candava river, as above stated; and in the middle of the road has a very good wooden house and church. three religious lived there generally, for it had more than one thousand three hundred indians. a visita called minalampara was taken away from it, which is a vicariate. with that the said town of macabebe was left with about one thousand indians. [95] two religious live there generally. all this pampanga country is swampy. for such is the condition of the rivers, that the people have their conduits, and, when they need water let it in. this is the reason for the vast quantity of rice there. this province has abundance of cocoa-palms, and many bananas. the soil is very favorable for any trees that one might choose to plant there. when the religious arrived there, that province had many inhabitants. now, although it lacks that great number of former years, yet it is not depopulated. [96] the people there have accepted christianity more readily than all others of the islands. they have more to do with the spaniards than the others, and try to imitate them as far as possible. but the more they try to do that, the more do they show their texture as indians. very many people have been conscripted from this district, and i wonder that a man is left. for the governors send soldiers from here to maluco, sugbú, octóng, and caragán, where a fort has been built and is guarded by the men of pampanga. and although they do more work than the spanish soldiers, they receive no pay, their food is scarce, and they are ill treated. and yet it can be said of these indians (and a strange thing it is), that although they are treated so harshly, it is not known that a single one has deserted to the dutch in maluco, where they suffer more than in their own country. many of the other indians go and come. when these soldiers leave pampanga, they present a fine appearance, for the villages come to their aid, each with a certain sum, for their uniforms. all this is due to the teaching of the religious of our father st. augustine, whose flock these indians are, and the children of their teaching. besides the above religious, the provincial established others in a settlement in the village of bacolor, which is the best village not only of pampanga, but of all the islands; for it has more than one thousand indians under the bell [i.e., "who are christians"]. it is about one and one-half days' journey from manila by sea and creeks, as in the case of the others. it has the best meadow-land in the islands, and it all produces rice abundantly. it is irrigated, as was remarked above of the others. it has a celebrated church with its crucifix, which is entirely built of stone and brick. the house is made of stone also. the inhabitants are the richest and best-clothed of all pampanga, and have the most prominent of the chiefs. when the supply of religious is good, there are always three in this village, and there have even been at times four or five; for besides the stipend paid by his majesty (who owns this encomienda), it has its own chaplaincies, founded by the said inhabitants of pampanga. it also has its own altar fund, which, although not very important as yet, will yield something for the support of those in charge there. all the territory of pampanga is surrounded by mountains where dwell zambales and negrillos, who descend to the villages for the purpose of head-hunting; for there is nothing so much to their taste as this. a people without abiding-place or house cannot be punished. they rest at night where they choose; and sustain themselves on roots and what game they bring down with their bows. the children, as they are raised with this milk, and as they are given suck of human blood, die by pouring out their own blood. many misfortunes occur yearly, and we have only the pain of not being able to remedy them. and although the indians know this, they do not, on that account, watch more carefully or have greater vigilance over themselves. on the contrary they proceed with so great abandon that one marvels. if they are censured, they answer: "what can we do, since there is nothing besides the will of god?" the same thing happens in regard to the crocodiles. although the people see that the crocodiles seize them daily, they proceed with the same abandon; notwithstanding that, with but little toil, they could remedy this, by catching them or by making some enclosed bathing places in the rivers. but they neglect to do this, either through laziness, or in order not to toil for another's gain. for they say: "what is given me by another, or by the village?" under no circumstance do they unite in doing anything for the common good, unless the alcalde-mayor or the father orders it. finally, it is necessary that the father govern and rule [even] those most enlightened and civilized. hereabout it is said that the village is such as is the prior. if the prior makes them assist, they do so. if he leaves them they are overcome by their laziness. they forget what has been taught them, with the ease to which they accommodate themselves. they learn with ease everything evil, without a master; but for the good, one master is not sufficient for each indian. for they are greatly given to following their inclination, which causes great grief to the ministers. [97] but not all men can be saints; and, since the lord gave them no greater talent, he desires them to be saved with what they have. _homines, et jumenta salvabis, domine._ [98] all of these convents are located within the archbishopric of manila. the father provincial went further, and established religious in the island of panay. the reader may remember the description that we gave of it, and which he will find in the next to the last place to the convent of tigbauan; for there the provincial established resident religious. this convent has been in many different hands; for at first, as appears, we had it in charge, and then the seculars had it. the fathers of the society followed the latter, after which a portuguese secular had charge of it for a considerable time. he, in order to relieve his burden, exchanged it for another district of the order called ibahay, which was the first priorate given me in these islands by the order, and in my opinion better than tigbauan. the only thing which made it troublesome were five islands which had visitas that belonged to it, where it had all that was needed. the order has held it for some time, and it is not so good as others. it is a royal encomienda. the village of arévalo is situated near by. therefore, whenever the religious are sick, there is never lack there in the presidio of a surgeon, who, without being able to distinguish his right hand, bleeds and purges, so that in a brief time the sick man is laid in his grave; and a religious or a spaniard is worth a great deal in this country. daily our number is lessening, for the country furnishes but little help. it cannot be compared to nueva españa, which has enough inhabitants for itself, and to spare. nothing increases here, or succeeds. the creoles do not reach their majority, and death comes upon them unseasonably. [99] chapter xxiv _of the chapter held in the islands, in which was elected the fourth provincial, our father fray andrés de aguirre._ when the time came, as ordained by our rules, namely, april 22, 1581, the fathers who were now in greater number, and as as we have related, had a greater number of missionaries and convents--assembled. peacefully and harmoniously they cast their votes for father fray andrés de aguirre--of whom one may not say little, and, if we say much, it will grow wearisome, and we shall never fill the measure of his deserts. let the religious who reads this remember the mention which we have given this servant of god, and he will find that father to have taken part in the most important things recounted in this history; for he will see how he was one of the six who first came to this country in the adelantado's following, november 23, 1564. he will find this father the associate of father urdaneta, when the latter discovered the return passage to nueva españa. he will see him at the court, together with the aforesaid [urdaneta], informing king felipe ii about events in filipinas, and of the fortunes of that fleet, which we have related. although he returned to méjico with the same father urdaneta, and stayed there many years, yet, thinking that he was ill employing the health which our lord gave him, and that his person would be more useful in the country which he had discovered for the honor of god, and thus renewed in courage and spirit, he determined to return to filipinas. for that purpose he petitioned the father provincial of méjico to aid him on that journey with some religious, who were the jewels of greatest value that he could take. his request was conceded, and those religious were such that truly this province of filipinas owes what luster it possesses to them. for as they were all excellent persons for the ministry, and came from a place, namely, méjico, where so great care and solicitude was the rule, they tried to reduce this province to the fashion of that one, by settling the indians, gathering them together, and making them observe civilized laws. and i am very certain that that is the difficulty of christianizing these islands. if the desired gain in the harvests is not seen today, it is because there has been no firmness in that plan; but the natives are allowed to live in their small settlements, whither the religious goes but seldom, and the indians cannot see what is preached to them put into practice. i have said somewhat on this subject previously, and whenever opportunity occurs, i shall again discuss it, as it is very dose to my heart. besides, it was, and is, better for the castilians themselves to have the indians living in communities; for in matters requiring despatch, they have the latter close at hand, and keep them more tamed, and richer in what concerns their advantage. "but," i ask, "what difference is there between the zambales of these islands, and the chinese? are the former not, like the latter, rational beings? if then they agree in the chief thing, which is excellency, how do they differ so much in the manner of living? why do some have an organized state, and others not?" and if this so brave people settle in communities and bind themselves with laws and government, they will in time lose that natural haughtiness and adopt different customs. for if animals incapable of reason are domesticated by human intercourse and lose their fierceness, men capable of reason will do it much more. the negroes furnish us with an example of this. although they appear a race that seems the scum of the world--so wild [100] when they are brought, that they even appear more bestial than the beasts themselves--yet, after intercourse with a civilized people, they learn at last to act like human beings. now how much better would the indians of these islands do this, in whom has been found much capacity for whatever we have tried to teach them! those only who are unwilling do not learn--through laziness, and because they see what little gain they derive from it. who will doubt that some of them make excellent scribes, so that even the castilians are children compared to them. some are excellent singers, and there are choruses of musicians in manila who would be notable in españa. for one to become an excellent tailor, all that is needed is for him to see the work. they make very good carpenters; and this trade is not taught them, but they only have to see it. for in what pertains to _agibilibus_ [101] they are better than we, for they are more phlegmatic. the indian women have more capacity, and learn easily to use the needle, when they see it, thus they are more skilful than the spanish women reared here; therefore the articles of handiwork that have been exported from these islands are numberless. and all these indian women live where there are religious, which is quite different from the visitas, with which there is no comparison. [102] the women of the visitas tremble before a religious. when the religious talks to them in the church or elsewhere, they do not understand him. they are thoughtless beings, and seem even more heedless than beasts. i shall prove this proposition. while i was visiting the sibuyan islands, i was trying to confess those people, who, although truly many of them were christians, had never been confessed, perhaps because no more could be done with them. i performed all my duties in order to persuade a people so rustic and rude, and without sense, to make confession. at that time an honorable spaniard, one alonso de barco, who was married to a native woman of panay, went to those islands to collect his tributes. he was walking through the church court when i was hearing confessions. i had sent away one of the chief indian women, because she did not pay attention or answer questions, and had told her to meditate thoroughly over her sins and return later. she went out and the spaniard asked her if she had confessed. she replied that she had not, because the father had asked her how many feet a hog had, and she had been unable to answer me. the spaniard laughed heartily, and, upon my coming out, told me about it. whereupon i crossed myself many times, at seeing that the people were so thoughtless there, and that she should have understood me so ridiculously. those who live where the father is stationed are not so, but even the little children come to the convent and are assembled. and in matters of the soul--the chief thing--they go to confession; and in truth i would rather confess a hundred indians in the filipinas, of those thus rendered fluent, than one spaniard. the indian women confess remarkably well, and with many tears, and take communion with devotion. they give account of themselves, respect the father, and recognize his courtesy. who has not experienced this? the spaniards understand it all, but when an effort is made to settle the indians in villages, all the spaniards resist the religious as if the latter were taking something from their pockets. and surely, as i am advised, the greatest warfare that the devil wages against the ministry is by the hands of the spaniards, so that all those who should favor this cause are opposed to it. consequently, the religious tire themselves out, and the devil reaps what harvest he wills. all the evil is laid to our door, and the good the spaniards attribute to themselves. if the indian flees and the encomienda is deserted, it is the fault of the religious. but if it increases, it is due to the alcalde-mayor, the encomendero, and the collector. this is a thing so beyond reason, that truth itself cries out. if it were not for the protection of the religious, there would not now be an indian, or any settlement. the indians understand this fact very well, as will be seen by the statement of one of them. the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray pedro de soria, collected those indians together, by order of his majesty, and told them of the advantages of the spanish monarchy, and how beneficial it would be for them to have don felipe, the king of the spaniards, as their king, who would protect them peacefully and with justice. the chiefs answered not a word to this. thereupon, the bishop spoke again and asked them whether they had understood the words he had spoken to them, and if they would answer. thereupon a clownish indian arose and said: "we answer that we wish the king of españa to be our king and sovereign, for he has sent castilians to us, who are freeing us from the tyranny and domination of our chiefs, as well as fathers who aid us against the same castilians and protect us from them." further, suppose that it were possible to make the religious withdraw, so that their ministries should cease; within a few days their lack would he bewailed, to the greatest extent possible. but this fact is true, that while one enjoys a blessing, it is not esteemed, nor is any thought given to a present virtue. however, let it be lacking, we feel that lack immediately, and we seek alter it enviously. as says horace: _virtutem incolumen odimus, sublatam ex oculis quærimus invidi_. [103] spaniards may ask me: "who has pacified the country? who domesticated the indians, so that one can go through the whole country with more safety than by the highways of españa? for there neither the machine of justice, nor the severe punishments, nor the grave penalties secure any safety. nor do the lofty houses, nor their tightly barred doors at all prevent the evils committed by the thief and murderer; for all is open to the execution of their desires. here one sleeps with the door open, with entire safety, and just as if many legions of soldiers were watching it." and in fact, i do not recall ever having locked a door during my ministry. [104] i ask then, whence proceeds this except from the religious, who are gradually taming these peoples as fathers, and teaching them for temporal interests also? it there were no religious, how could the tributes be entirely collected? for the tributes seemed to be only what the chiefs chose to give, without its being possible by any severity to make them give more. this is proved, because in the encomienda of dapitan, a district of mindanao, although tribute was paid to diego de ledesma, son of one of the conquistadors, it amounted to nothing, all told being no more than the value of forty pesos. but at the end of one year after it was given to the fathers of the society, tribute was collected from more than one thousand indians. for, as we have, during the course of the year, made them resort [to church], the chief cannot afterward conceal any of them. truly, when i see the duties that we are performing, and at so great danger (for we are the object of the watchfulness and censure of the governors and all the people of the country), if we undertake to defend the indians, they say that we are usurping the royal jurisdiction--just as if we were not serving his majesty the king, our sovereign, with all our strength. if we make agreements with them as fathers, in order that their suits may not last ten years, they say that we are playing the justice. if we try to prevent offenses to the lord, they say that we are interested in the matter. if we restrain the heavy trading, they say that it is to profit more. and truly, we might say that _spectaculum facti sumus mundi, angelis et hominibus_. [105] if love of god and our neighbor did not guide us, of a truth there would be opportunity for some one to say "_pereat dies in qua natus sum, et nox in qua dictum est, 'conceptus est homo?'_." [106] for the accusations and misrepresentations in vogue concerning the religious are innumerable. [107] i knew a venerable old man, by name fray juan de villamayor, [108] whose head and beard contained not one single black hair. he was prior in aclán, where some spaniards of evil life then resided; and because he tried to put an end to the offenses to the lord, one of the spaniards defied him, and laying his hand upon his sword, said to him: "come down here, my poor little father, and i shall tell you who you are." the religious answered him very humbly, and bade him farewell, saying that what he was doing was in the service of the community. he said that he would talk with him later, when he had recovered from his anger. while father fray lúcas de la reina, who was one of the foremost religious in the bisayan province--a fine linguist, and one who added much to the sacristies, and was very discerning in things pertaining to the altar--was prior in the same village, he heard that a wretched mestizo woman in his district was leading a dissolute life; for on that occasion the encomendero don agustín flores was there. this man came at the head of a number of blinded and unruly spaniards. the religious had the woman seized and placed in a private house. a mestizo brother of hers grieved so sorely over this that, trusting in the favor of the encomendero, he tried to kill the religious. for while the said father was standing at the church door after the _salve_ on a saturday, surrounded by spaniards, the mestizo came in at one side, and struck at him with a dagger. the father warded it off, and protected himself from it with his hands, without a spaniard offering to aid him. a lay brother, named fray andrés garcía, [109] was coming toward the convent; he was making a small flat-bottomed boat [_chatilla_] there for the house at manila. he was truly a religious of great virtue and example. he had formerly been a soldier in flandes and italia, and was one of the chosen men sent to ginebra [i.e., geneva] by felipe iv, to carry despatches to the duke of saboya [i.e., savoy], the king's brother-in-law, who was trying to take that rebellious city. as soon as father fray lúcas spied the brother, he cried out and begged for aid. fray andres hastened to him, and although now a man well along in years, he had not forgotten the vigor of his youth. and in such manner did he comport himself, that those castilians went away. the mestizo was punished, and the father was healed. the religious have suffered, and still suffer, innumerable things like the above, for making those indians sincere christians, for teaching them civilization, and for serving your majesty in pacifying the country for you. eight religious, who accompanied father fray andrés de aguirre hither, began this work. although that father returned to the filipinas islands simply to aid ours in the work here, and to die in the country discovered by him, yet the province, finding that its affairs, past and present, were known to him, elected him provincial; he was therefore constrained to bend his shoulders to receive that load--which is not light, to one who knows it. this chapter named many other places as priorates, which, although under administration, were only visited, and had been waiting until there should be religious [to place in charge of them]; as religious were obtained from time to time, the convents were being supplied--not only with those coming from españa, but with those professing in manila. for in this manner the natives could be ministered to more readily, and the religious would fulfil their duties better; and their responsibility was very heavy. religious were established in pangasinán. 1 have referred to this before, and mentioned that this province is in possession of the most religious fathers of our father st. dominic (who keep it in a very flourishing condition), by reason of the cession of it that we made. finally it has many excellent convents, built by those who administer them so carefully. religious were established in the island of bantayan, located between the island of panay and that of sugbú, but farther from that of panay. however, if one wishes to go to the island of sugbú without sailing in the open sea, he may coast from islet to islet, although the distance across is not greater than one or one and one-half leguas. these bantayan islets are numerous, and are all low and very small. the largest is the above-named one. when ours acquired it, it had many inhabitants, all of very pleasing appearance, and tall and well-built. but now it is almost depopulated by the ceaseless invasions from mindanao and jológ. [110] we abandoned this convent (which had a thousand indians) years ago, in order not to be changing from place to place. this island is the mother of fish, [111] and those that are caught in their season at these islets are innumerable. they are taken in boats among the islands. after we abandoned it, the island was given over to beneficed seculars. although they have done their duty as zealous men, they have been unable to do more, because of being exposed to great risks. the above-named enemies have made great slaughter in these islands, and have taken even a greater number of captives. for these people have no abiding-place; and, however quickly the news arrives at sugbú, when help comes the enemy has already left. for, although the distance across is not more than three or four leguas, and even two in parts, the help, as it must travel by sea, must go far--namely, twenty-five leguas. lately, in the year 1628, men from jológ did very great damage in that island. admiral don cristóbal de lugo was governing at sugbú as lieutenant-governor. he could have sent men, since he had news of the enemy in time. the chanter juan muñiscripo, beneficed clergyman of the island, and another secular (who had been expelled from the society), by name alonso de campos, and six spaniards--who, it is known, fulfilled their duty--were in the island. but finally, as they lacked all necessary ammunition, they had to retire and take to hiding, and seek new locations. by god's mercy they were not captured, but the people of the island who were captured and killed numbered more than one hundred and fifty. the attempt has been made to withdraw the indians thence, and settle them on the mainland of sugbú, which is more suitable in every respect; but the attempt has failed, for the indians would rather die there than to have a thousand comforts elsewhere. these islands contain many cocoa-palms, but no water or rice. the water comes from wells, and is very bad. the incumbent of the benefice has now built a small fort; but i believe in my soul that, when the indian catches sight of the enemy, he will abandon it instantly. this island has a village called hilingigay, which it is said was the source of all the bisayan indians who have peopled these shores, and whose language resembles that of hilingigay. the indians remember quite well when they were under our tutelage and teaching, and desire to return to it. for they assert that since we have left them they have not passed one good day. they talk in this vein because always the past was better. that benefice has now about four hundred indians. they pay tribute to the king, and belong to the bishopric of sugbú, being of its jurisdiction in secular matters as well. it is more than seventy leguas from manila to bantayan to the south. the father provincial established religious in jaro, on the coast of the island of sugbú, a place at present called carcar. it has in charge more than one thousand two hundred indians. it has been visited at times from san nicolás, and at others from the house of nombre de jesús of the spaniards. but it seemed best at this time for it to have a prior with assistants, because of the conveniences which were found there, which are not few--and much more [are they to be considered] in the case of the ministry. it is about six leguas from the city of nombre de jesús, and more than twenty from the end of the district. the distance can be made in four hours, with the brisa. the provincial established religious in hantic [112] on the opposite coast of panay. it was an excellent village. the holy martyr melo [113] was prior of it. now it is fallen back because we left it; and we have taken it once more. it has about three hundred indians, and is a visita of guimbal, which is one legua from tigbauan, and more than fifty from manila. resident religious were established in aclán, on the island of panay, on the coast that looks toward manila, which is more than fifty leguas away. this is the best convent of the island. the provincial thought best to change it for another which is inland from the river of panay, called barbarán, a village of people possessed by the devil. the exchange was effected, and it happened that the secular who was there, died as soon as he reached aclán, and that the first religious established in barbarán also died very soon, the one being but little behind the other. i have never believed in this changing of districts, for since all are of indians, the betterment is slight, while the damage suffered by the ministry, which is the chief thing, is vast. i omit to mention other and no less damages that exist, which are not for this place, as they do not concern us. the father provincial established religious in batangas, which is more than twenty leguas' distance from manila. it has a stone church and house, although these are much dilapidated from the weather. it was a great district, but now it is much less because of the men drafted for manila. it has about six hundred indians as tributarios. two religious live there generally. service is performed in the tagál tongue. we have mentioned this convent in our description of the lake of bongbong or taal, which is the nearest convent to batangas, from which it is even distant only one day's journey; the road passes through certain most excellent meadows, resembling those of españa; where one may rear an immense number of cattle. the indians through all this district, which they call the comintan, make use of domestic cattle on which they travel and carry their loads. the language used there is much like the bisayan, for one can cross from this town of batangas, which is located on a very beautiful bay, to the bisayas with great ease during the brisas. this district belongs to the archbishopric of manila. moreover, the provincial established a convent in malolos. this place lies two leguas by land from bulacán, and there is an excellent highway. from manila it lies little less than one day's journey. this village has greatly decreased; it has about three hundred indians. it is a priorate and has a vote, but has only one religious. it has a wooden house, and has never had one of stone. [114] the father provincial established religious in agonoy, where tagál is spoken. it is on the way to pampanga, on a branch of that river called candaba. it is a very large priorate, for it has more than one thousand rich and influential indians. three religious live there. it is quite near to macabebe and calumpit, for one can ascend to either place by the river in two hours. this town is not farther from manila than one day's journey. a quantity of wine is made there from a tree that grows in its marshes, called palm or nipa. the house is wooden and very poor. [115] moreover, the father provincial established religious in méxico, a town of pampanga. it receives its name from its great abundance of water. a great quantity of rice is produced there, and it has a fine plain. the house and church are of stone. it has about three hundred tributes. [116]. it is a priorate and has a vote, and one or two religious generally live there. this town is quite exposed to the inroads of the negrillos and zambales, and there are continual misfortunes of murders, and it is quite common to find headless bodies in the field. it belongs to the archbishopric of manila, and lies more than one day's journey from the city, either by sea or creek. chapter xxv _of the great oppositions suffered by the province in that time_ [however, in these early days, even, peace and quiet are not for the religious; and they find their work hindered and even opposed by encomenderos and other spaniards who work much evil against them, and turn the natives against them. our author mentions certain cases, for the entire truth of which he vouches, which show the manner in which some spaniards act.] it happened while i was prior of passi in the bisayas, an encomienda belonging to his majesty, that some indians had been drafted from that district to man a fleet which was being built. some of the poor wretches, on the return from the expedition, desirous of returning to their homes--seeing that after so long an absence they were detained for other private works, now by this spaniard and now by that one, who seized them--fled. for the indian acts without counsel, as he lacks understanding. very often, after having worked one month, and when, within one or two days, they would be exchanged, they run away--thus giving occasion to seek and punish them, and losing their wages, and abandoning the axes with which they were working. it appeared to a gentleman who was chief commander and lieutenant-governor in ylong-ylong, a port of panay, an infringement of his rights that the indians should flee. therefore, he sent two soldiers to look for them, at the cost of the poor wretches. they came to the place where i was, and told me why they came. i replied to them that they could look for them immediately. they seized the governor, [117] and wandered for three days amid the hills and valleys, stupidly, as if the indians would appear; for not only those indians, but the peaceful ones had abandoned their houses, and fled to the mountains. they returned, worn out after three days, without a single indian. the spaniard who acted as leader put the wretched governor, holding in his hands his majesty's rod of justice, in the stocks; and there he beat him at his pleasure, now with a club, and now with his dagger. thereupon the indian began to cry out so loudly that i heard his cries in the convent. as 1 was about to go down, his relatives with tears informed me of what was being done. i went alone to the government house, for my companion was on a visit, this being the eve of the feast of the holy spirit in 1623. i began to ascend and to reprimand the soldier and to tell him that he had no authority to put that governor in the stocks, nor to maltreat him. then the soldier pointed his sword at my breast, and gave me a very impudent message from the commandant. among other things, he told me that he would send for me and bind me with double shackles. i laughed, brushed aside the sword, went to the stocks, and took my indian, all covered with his own blood, and so ill-used that even yet he knows no well day, but is constantly ailing and dispirited, and in a bed. next morning, they took the governor away, saying that the commandant would condemn him to the galleys, as if he were the cause of the indians fleeing. fearful of the case, i went down the river, and talked with the commandant. after talking with him, he returned the indian to me. since then 1 have received innumerable favors from him there, which i shall not name, as they are not of interest. nevertheless, the indian spent more than six taels of gold, or more than forty granos, in the journey. let this true account and fact be considered, and who serves his majesty, who protects the indians, to what we religious are exposed, and what we endure in the fulfilment of our duties, and in the preservation of the country--which the spaniards themselves are inciting to hostilities by such oppressions. the soldier was not commended, but neither did the commandant punish him. within a short time he died, without his hopes being obtained, and as they are wont to die here. may god in his goodness have pity on his soul. while i was prior in santísimo nombre de jesús (the chief house of the province in the olden days), and while the chief commandant and lieutenant-governor was another gentleman whom i shall not name because of his influence, the latter struck a religious, whom i had there as the head preacher, between the eyes. in order to take away all opportunities for trouble, and that the commandant with his influence might cause none to the order--for whatever such an official wishes to do here, he does--i allowed the religious to go to the convent of cárcar. it was necessary for this religious to go to san nicolás, on that saint's day, to preach, and he did so. as soon as he arrived, clad in his black habit, in all the propriety of an augustinian religious, he went to the house of the foremost man of the city, both in position and wealth, and his wife, who were regarded most highly by the people, one of whose children had been baptized by the religious. he requested this man to give him the little loaves that the latter had been asked to make. the commandant heard of his arrival, and immediately sent two soldiers and an adjutant to seize him, and drag him with them, although he had retired. the commandant had prepared a champan and shackles to send the religious to manila. i was advised of his arrest. i set out and went to tell bishop don fray pedro de arce, who was at that time in his house, of the matter. he went out in his chair, followed him to the city and we found the religious surrounded by soldiers, who immediately opened the door and went away. we went to the convent, where the bishop began to write. two seculars, who defended this action, and by whose authority the commandant did this, prevented the commandant from being excommunicated. finally, in a meeting of the orders, the commandant was declared excommunicated. but the governor of filipinas, don juan niño de tabora, who should have punished the commandant, neglected to do so. in this he did not imitate don juan de silva, who, when a similar case happened, summoned the alcalde-mayor who was in llocos, took from him his office, and deprived him of all rights, although he was pardoned by having had the express order of the bishop of that province. but what men neglect to punish the lord does not forget to punish. he ordered a change of fortune after certain days, so that the same governor, don juan niño de tabora, did not like this gentleman. accordingly, following the dictates of his conscience, he made the latter leave manila, under pretext of going to pacify an encomienda that he had given him. finally, things became so linked together, that the above-mentioned man took refuge in our convent, for he had not found a kindly reception in any other. there dispossessed of his encomienda, which had been taken from him, he suffered for one year, what that same gentleman knows; until that, with the arrival at these islands of the inspector don francisco de rojas, he left the cloister--saying that he had not sinned against king, governor, or state; but that, if he suffered, it was for his misconduct toward our order in sugbú. i might write thousands of things concerning these events, where, as in the above, one might see the gain made by the religious, and at what cost to them, as said christ: _eritis odio omnibus propter nomen meum_. [118] consequently, i cannot quite understand how the spaniards should desire us in these ministries, so that, by our attending to our obligations, they could take pleasure therein. this people whom we have in charge are rustic, uncivilized, lawless, and have no more system of action than the will of their chiefs. now, then, how can these people become christians, unless they are gathered together, and restrained; and if the religious, as fathers and masters, do not punish them? and if a father has the well-known jurisdiction over his son--and this jurisdiction is extended much more in the case of a master--why do we not have something for these two titles? for if the indians have no fear or respect for the religious, of what advantage is our stay here? and how can we compel those already christianized to fulfil their duties, if the indian feels that the father can not punish him? for they detest, as a rule, church matters--to such an extent, that they would even pay two tributes to be free from the church. they love their old beliefs and revelries so strongly that they would lose their souls for them. without any fear, how would they attend to their duties? the extensive kingdom of china is more densely populated than any other that is known, and there is the greatest poverty among the common people, who are given to theft, murder, and innumerable other sins. yet it is the most peaceful kingdom known and has no gallows or execution, but [they are restrained] by means only of their fear of the bamboo with which they are beaten. now if the indian lack this fear, who can bring him to reason? the indians are daily growing worse, for they are losing fear. daily utterances are made against the religious that they cannot punish them, and should not do it. this reacts against the spaniards themselves, for, once aroused, the indians will rebel when least expected; and they know already how to wield a sword and use an arquebus. it is quite true that the religious do not mix in things of importance belonging to other tribunals, and the fathers provincial are careful to advise them on this matter; but the opposition to them in their ministry is the cause of the devil and his work. some persons, under the pretext of piety, try to destroy the religious, saying that the indians are free, and protected in their liberty, and that their liberty must not be taken away, but that they may wander as they will. for the aim of the fathers is to have the indians live in villages. all this means harm to the indian, for he is naturally lazy and a friend of sloth. if he is allowed, he wanders about aimlessly like a vagabond without working; and, at tribute-paying time, he has not the wherewithal to pay. he begs a loan of the tribute, and thus he becomes a slave. this would not happen, were he forced to perform the work from which he flees. thus in not allowing him to become a vagabond, his own good is sought. we know well that there are constables in españa who arrest and search out the idle. is that contrary to the liberty in which we are born? certainly not, for idleness is the mother of all the vices, as st. gregory insinuates, when he names it as the chief cause of the destruction of sodom: _fuit iniquitas sororis tutu superbia, abundantia et otium._ [119] then, how can what is not opposed to liberty in españa be opposed to liberty here in a country which rears so remarkable natives? therefore for his own good much care must be taken of the indian. what the indian should be, he would become with the knowledge of the priors, so that they may make him settle down, and perform the work that is to make him a christian, support him, pay his tribute, and make him a man of reason and judgment. [120] besides this war waged on us by the secular element, that which was most feared and dangerous, and caused the religious most anxiety, was the spiritual war. this arose from the zeal of the bishop of manila, don domingo de salazar, the first bishop of this city a man of vast knowledge on all subjects, and who was not ignorant of the privileges of the mendicant orders in the administration of the natives. he was bishop in manila, and thought that he ought not to allow the religious so much freedom in the office that they were administering. he tried to restrict them in many ways, and refused to concede much. the religious, however, did not do less than to answer by pointing to the bulls of the supreme pontiffs (called forth many times at the instance of the catholic sovereigns of españa), and other _motus proprios_--all made for the furtherance of good administration, and that the faith might be propagated throughout the new kingdoms of their domains. the bishop denied to the ministers everything pertaining to jurisdiction and power; for he imagined that we could not grant dispensation in that second degree for marriages, or exercise any judicial act of those which recently--that is, ordinarily--they exercise over the newly converted. this occasioned a great contention, and even scandal; for as the country was new, and there was no other learning than that of his lordship--which doubtless was very great, and authorized by his dignity and person--and that of our fathers, some said "yes," and others "no," some that they could, others that they could not. thus everything was in confusion, not only among ours, but throughout the islands. the father provincial was like a drowning man in this matter, and was obliged to give attention to so grave a necessity as the present. as he could devise no remedy here, he resolved to go to españa, in order to settle the whole matter. the bishop, who wished only to do the proper thing, was glad of the voyage. he wrote some letters to religious of the province of méjico, whom he thoroughly trusted and believed in. he set his doubts before them, and the arguments on which he grounded his position, in order that the controversy might be settled amicably; and that the province of méjico, as the mother of this province, might correct what his lordship considered as excesses. the father provincial left manila and reached nueva españa. he left his vicar in the filipinas, namely father fray francisco manrique. he pursued his voyage, and reached españa in safety, where he despatched his business very favorably--both in the roman court, where gregory xiii was governing the church of god; and in the court of españa, where he obtained very favorable decrees from his majesty, felipe ii, our king and sovereign. the latter approved everything that our religious had done in the churches of those kingdoms and seigniories of his. he granted many other favors and gifts, so that they might prosecute the undertaking with greater resolution, and by the self-same methods that had been used theretofore. while these matters were being negotiated at court, the religious of this province, [121] conferring upon the articles upon which the bishop and ours disagreed, wrote to the bishop letters of complete submission, in which they begged him to moderate his anger, and await the decision that would soon arrive from españa with other decisions approving what had until then been done by the religious, and encouraging them to go forward in the defense of truth. the most learned master veracruz, as the father and protector of the ministry, and defense of the privileges held by the religious, wrote so learned a letter to the bishop, that it proved sufficient to calm him. later, that letter served as a primer for the ministers, and a protection against the difficulties that arose. of so much value has been the opinion of this great man, and of all his writings. [122] in conclusion, i will say that father fray andrés de aguirre returned from españa, whereupon those hurricanes which had been aroused were laid. but he reached méjico so broken from the journey that he did not dare to go immediately to the filipinas. however he sent the promised news of what had been enacted concerning it, which was given a glad reception. thereupon, our fathers, like men who had reached land after a great and severe storm, commenced to breathe. they gave thanks to the lord that he had not forgotten them. thanks were given likewise to his majesty felipe ii; for by so many favors and privileges they were able to prosecute the works that had been undertaken, and to place their shoulders to works much greater for his service. this was not alone for the good of the augustinian order, but for that of all the other orders; for if one order suffered shipwreck, all must do the same, as all were in the same boat, directed by the same helm in the same direction, and under the same winds. [father aguirre returned to the islands in 1593, where he was received with joy. he died as was his wish, in the islands "which he loved greatly, as he was one of the founders of that province."] chapter xxvi _of the chapter held in the filipinas islands, and as will be told later, of the first election of our father fray diego de alvarez._ [123] the year 1584 came, at which time father fray andrés de aguirre had finished his term as provincial, as aforesaid; and the time had come to give the province, according to the orders and rulings of our regulations, a new head, who should take charge of the affairs of the province, both in spiritual and temporal matters, with new strength, and new energy and resolution. i do not deceive myself in comparing the action of the chapter to that of retiling; for they act as one who, when he perceives that his house is leaking, tries to remedy that by putting on new tiles, which oppose the rain and wind with new vigor and thoroughness, and keep the house free from leaks, which at the last would utterly ruin it. in the same manner, the superiors of the order, after the completion of their three years of service in the office, would beyond any doubt be tired and liable to yield more easily to any dispensation in the rigor of the observance, so that gradually the edifice would be undermined--as the holy ghost tells us, _qui spernit modica, paulatim decidet_. [124] therefore in order to avoid such troubles, which are so full of peril to the order, our rules provide that new superiors be elected, who may carry out the rigor of our laws with new resolution, new zeal, and new force, and who should restore and suspend whatever time and opportunity has relaxed somewhat, taking away the opportunity for evil custom and abuses. thus, desirous in this chapter of advance throughout the province, the capitular fathers set their eves on father fray diego de alvarez, a man of learning and judgment, and of blameless life. of such a man did the province have need, so that with the quiet that it had already negotiated at the cost of the anxiety, care, and diligence of father fray andrés de aguirre, the new provincial might continue what his predecessor had so happily commenced. thus, then, the whole chapter having turned their attention to the good of the province, many things were settled in it; and the province began to spread, and new priorates were assigned from the visitas of the order (which were numerous and very widely scattered), so that by this means the indians could be better instructed and greater care taken of them. the experience has shown us that they are a race with whom one cannot be neglectful; and if it were possible to assign one religious to each indian, so that the latter might not lose sight of him, even this, i believe would be insufficient. for scarcely has one left them for any short space of time, when they return to their natural way of life--just like the bow which, when strung, is bent; but, when unstrung, at once straightens and regains its former position. in this chapter religious were established in the village of bantay, of the province of ilocos, near the town of fernandina, which now exists only in name. [125] it is fifty leguas from manila. it has now an excellent wooden house and church. it belongs to the bishopric of cagayán, and the bishop of that province usually lives there. it has two resident religious, and has more than one thousand indians in charge. the chapter placed a religious in the village of purao, [126] the first village in the province of ilocos after leaving the province of pangasinán. this village belongs to the bishopric of cagayán, and is a district of about one thousand indians, although it is unhealthful. two religious live there usually. it is fifty-four leguas from manila. one can go to the province of ilocos either by sea or by land, although the highway is very dangerous. one always goes with an escort of armed indians, for many zambales wander through those mountains, whence they descend to hunt heads. when there is no resistance offered by arquebuses, of which they are in deadly fear, they obtain heads very easily. this chapter established religious in vigan, or the village of fernandina, near bantay. there lives the bishop, to whom this town has been given for his dwelling, and so that he may place there what seculars he wishes. it is the best town in ilocos, although it has suffered its setbacks from fires, which have caused much damage. the residence of the alcalde-mayor of this province is here. this province is better than all the others, because the ilocans lead all the other indians in being clean and heat, and in having large settlements. however, that is due to the earlier religious, who settled them in villages, and the people have remained settled so thoroughly. had the like been done in the other provinces, the religious would not suffer so greatly. this province has thirteen priorates in all, only four of which, or rather five, have a vote. [127] the indians are all christians, and are the humblest and most tractable known. the entire province lies along the coast, and has fine rivers, which descend from the mountains. when the north winds blow, the province is considered very unhealthful. it produces rice in abundance, and all the native fruits, besides some of castilla, such as oranges, grapes, figs, etc. the houses are all built of wood, and therefore liable to many fires, so that scarcely a year passes when some convent does not burn. now they have begun to roof the houses with stone, that is, tile. this was begun by father fray francisco de mercado, [128] who has often been prior of ilaoag--which has more than one thousand five hundred indians--and at other times vicar-provincial of the same province. [129] this province is considered to have a great advantage over the others; for when the chinese arrive late, and cannot anchor or go to manila, they enter some port or river of ilocos. on that account this province is well supplied with necessaries, at very reasonable prices. traders are wont to go there from manila in order to buy, and then take their purchases to manila with the north wind or brisa. ships from macau and india are accustomed also to anchor in these ports, this depending upon what time they come and all this is of advantage to this district. a great quantity of gold has been, and is, obtained from the province; not that the province yields it, but the igorrotes bring it down from the mountains. they are light-complexioned indians, but more unconquerable than what we have said of zambales and negrillos. when peaceful they bring down gold, which they extract there from their mines; and they exchange it for cattle, which those along the coast own. they trade also for abnormally large and completely white swine--never have i seen them of such size in españa. they also take away blankets, which the people in ilocos make of excellent quality, from cotton, which is produced in abundance. but when the igorrotes are hostile, the same is suffered as at pampanga, and even more. for then those mountaineers come down to hunt heads, in which they take great pride. this is a remarkable inclination of all these indians, for they are all bloodthirsty. ours labored much in this province, as will be seen. the father provincial established religious for the second time in the districts near passi in bisayas. we have said enough of this in its place, and i refer to that. likewise the fathers of the definitorio established resident fathers in malate. this is only one short half-legua from manila, and consists of but one street, along which are three parish churches. the first is santiago [130] and is built of stone. it is excellent, and was ordered to be built by don juan de silva, governor of these islands. all the spaniards who live outside the city of manila--who, i believe, number more than those who live within--attend this church. these spaniards are all poor folk, and married to native, mestiza, or negro women. many are sailors; and some are in the islands only temporarily, engaged in their petty trading, and because they can live more comfortably in this country, and there is less heat, as it is open and free. this suburb contains some stone houses, and some summer gardens. farther on is ermita, which ministers to tagál indians, who number about four hundred. [131] it has a stone church and the house of the beneficed priest. it belonged to us first; but some time ago it was given to the bishops of manila, in order that they might have a house outside the city, where they might refresh and recreate themselves. [132] it is called nuestra señora de guia. it has an image to which great devotion is paid. when the ships from castilla fail to come, and are delayed, then they take out the image and carry it to the cathedral, and a novena is performed in order that the virgin may bring these ships. thus many times the ships have arrived at that time. at other times it has happened that, after the novena, they have no news of the vessels and they wish to return the virgin, but the weather has been such that it was impossible; but at that time news of the vessels would arrive, which is the most joyful news for all the islands. for if the vessels fail to come, in even one year, all are left without help or shelter. [133] further on in the same street is this convent of ours at malate. it has a stone church and house, sufficient for one religious, who lives there and has in charge two hundred indians. [134] the image, "nuestra señora de los remedios," has been highly reverenced. all the indians of these towns are traders, and their chief source of wealth is in the voyages to cavite. for there, at any time, they find a boat all ready, which takes them to cavite in a very short time. very rarely is any of these boats ever lost; for the indians understand them perfectly, and are wont to venture on the sea even with the waves running sky-high. religious were established in tanauan, situated in the lake of taal. it was a very fine town, rich and densely populated, but now it is thoroughly impoverished. it has a wooden house and church, and ours minister to about seven hundred indians. [135] the people are tagáls. as one goes thither from manila, he descends a truly frightful hill for more than one legua. the convent lies on the lake shore, and on the brow of the same land or slope. tanauan lies eleven or twelve leguas from manila, and belongs to the latter's bishopric. in it is comintan, where many cotton hose are made. the inhabitants are healthier and more clever than the others. champans (which are sangley boats) enter this lake through the taal river, by which the lake empties into the sea; for the chinese go everywhere, and there is no islet, however devoid of profit it be, where they do not go. if they can obtain nothing else at any islet they get wood; and if that is lacking, yet they find on the coast material from which they make lime. this they take to manila, and it is not the least expensive thing. a convent and religious were established in lipa, which is located on this lake, four leguas from the convent of tanauan, of which i have just spoken. this convent has at present about four hundred indians. it has one religious, and the place formerly was densely populated. but already i have mentioned how this lake region has retrograded. many indians have been taken thence to cavite, and but very few return; for they remain in that neighborhood, fleeing from work. there are a very fine new house and church there, which are built of wood and better than those of tanauan. religious were established in san pablo in the mountains, [136] which is fourteen leguas from manila by way of laguna de bay--ten to the bay, and four to this convent. it was nothing until father fray hernando cabrera [137]--of the province of andalucía, and a son of the house at cordova--went there, who was prior in that convent for many years. although neither its house nor its churches of stone, yet they are of wood, and the best and finest in the province--particularly the church, with its reredoses and paintings of the saints of the order, so handsomely made that there is nothing finer in the islands. it is feared, and with good reason, that since it is built of wood, it will last but a short time, and that all that expense and beauty will be wasted. the indians were settled as if they were spaniards, and their village was laid out with its squares and so excellent houses that it was good only to behold it. but as soon as the father left there, all that order vanished; for all which does not tend to keep the indians in their fields and in the mountains makes them dissatisfied. the father established so good a stock farm that the manila convent had to go there, and obtain from it five hundred head of cattle; these were placed on the old stock farm, which no longer had any cattle. he adorned the sacristy of the said village with so much silver that no cathedral in españa had an equal amount, for it had abundance of every kind. as soon as this religious left there, the convent of manila took a notable ornament from it, which cost it more than eight hundred granos. with this the house at manila is adorned during the most solemn feasts, both within and without the house. the father did many things in other places, until his death at sea, during a voyage to españa in 1629. the province will always mourn the death of this religious, for, besides his having done most to increase it, he was the best tagál interpreter. this, together with his exceeding great renown in secular affairs, and his not less observance in matters affecting his order, was a quality that would make him esteemed in any community. he left this province to go to take shelter in españa. there was no provincial who would restrain him; for of these religious there are some who had to be restrained, since out of many crews not many men excel. he died at sea; and it was well understood that god did not choose to leave him here, but without doubt would take him to give him the reward of his many labors and of his devotion. this convent has more than one thousand indians, and three religious--a very small number. sometimes there are two religious, the number depending upon the poverty or ease of the time. a quantity of fruit grows in this place. the water is bad, and therefore the religious are looking for better. cattle draw the fruit from here to bay, where small sangley and japanese champans are found. these buy the fruit to resell it in manila; for all the fruit and buyo used in the city of manila comes from this laguna, as i believe i have already mentioned. amid these heights are many fresh-water lakes, and others of salt water, one-half legua in circuit or more. others are less but so deep that bottom cannot be found. they are secrets of the author of nature. chapter xxvii _which treats of the chapter of this province in which father fray diego muñóz [138] was elected_ in the year 1587, the chapter was held in manila. it was the first one held according to the new rules received and ordered to be observed in the general chapter held at rome in 1581, when our very reverend tadeo perusino, a man of great learning, notable for his sanctity, and one of great skill in the government and management of grave matters (as was declared by his excellency cardinal jacobo sabelio, on this same occasion), was elected [general of the order] for the second time. this work [i.e., the new rules] had been commenced in 1575 at another general chapter, at which this illustrious man was elected also. there all the provinces warned him of the need for rules, for they had very few or none, and that, therefore, he should ordain in this respect what he should consider most advisable; and that they should order them to be printed. they also declared that it was necessary to correct them, and make them conform with the holy canons of the council of trent, and with certain new determinations and rules of the most holy pontiffs, adding various other things in harmony with the times, for with time everything changes. the chapter having referred this matter to out most reverend father, his paternity consulted all the father provincials and learned men of all the provinces, and finished the work with so great success that it was quite concluded and approved by the year 1580, by the assistance therein of his excellency cardinal jacobo sabelio, most beneficent protector of our holy order. the latter presented these rules to his holiness gregory xiii, so that he might amend and correct them as our supreme head and shepherd. his holiness committed them to two most erudite cardinals, alciato and justiniano--the first doctor in both laws, and the second a very great theologian, who had governed the order of our father st. dominic most worthily as its general. these illustrious men having examined and approved them, his holiness deigned to bless them; and, as i think, that means that he approved them without adding to them greater force than they possessed, as they are the orders of our general chapters. that is the ceremony that his holiness is wont to display with provincial councils. hence they are authorized, but with no greater force than that given them by the council. for if he would positively approve the rules and order them to be observed, then they would have the force of apostolic rules. the fifth part of the said rules, which treats of degrees, was not received by the spanish provinces, who dissembled with it. the generals have heard that, and not only have they not said anything about it, but have even neglected it, so that the fifth part is now not binding. in what pertains to the visitors, they are elected in the province, and have a vote in the provincial and intermediary chapters. but our most reverend father generals have dispensed with their making visits the third year, on account of the inconveniences that have been found to result from the visit. therefore, according to these new rules, the fathers assembled in the manila convent, and cast their votes for father fray diego muñóz, although he had not reached the age of thirty years. that was a sufficient argument for his ability, since his so great lack of years was dispensed with, and since a province which was founded with so great devotion chose to select a man so young. but in truth, he was a person of so excellent erudition and rare virtue that that dignity was the least thing that he merited. his election was very well-received, and his person was judged to be very suitable for the office. he was a son of the house of méjico; and that fortunate house has been one of great learning and virtue, as is proved by its numberless illustrious sons who have gone forth from it. he came to the islands at the completion of his studies, eager for the salvation of souls, and thinking that there were many laborers for nueva españa and a lack of them for these islands. in the islands, he so conducted himself, during the period of his residence in them, that he was always ascending to higher planes, until he became provincial. in that office he showed himself no less devoted than previously to whatever arose for the welfare of his order, which was not little. nor did he show a halting courage in it, as will be told in due season. he was commissary of the holy office in the islands, which he administered with the greatest of prudence and wisdom, and not less to the satisfaction of the inquisitors. he, also, added to the luster of the province by founding new convents. among them was that of apalit, in pampanga. apalit is located on the river of candaba (of which we have before spoken), very near to macabebe. it had many indians formerly, but now it has very few, scarcely three hundred, i believe. [139] this house has no vote. one religious, who is sufficient, generally lives there; he can confess himself at the many convents near by, reached both by water and by land. at this time father quiñones, [140] a son of the house at méjico, died among the tagáls. the indians cannot forget his life, for his penances and mortifications were great, and he is commonly regarded as a saint. he worked hard in his ministry, and gave the indians excellent instruction. he compiled a grammar and lexicon of the tagál language, and he was the first one to give the rules of the tagál mode of speech, so that the mysteries of our redemption could be declared better to the indians by one talking their language perfectly. he was learned, and graduated in both laws; but he did not preach because of an impediment in his speech, which was somewhat stammering.... [it is related that what was considered his body was found in 1634 [141] to be in perfect preservation. father muñóz died while still a young man.] chapter xxviii _of the election of our fathet fray juan de valderrama_ when the time for the election came, namely, may 22, 1590, all the capitulars, who were now coming from all parts, assembled. they came from the bisayas in their caracoas, and from llocos, some by land and some by sea, for the election. those among the tagáls and in pampanga were living nearer, and accordingly, without being absent over lent from their missions, they came at the critical moment and entered manila at the time set by our rules. finally, all assembled, and considered and consulted in regard to the person most suitable, in their opinion, for the good and welfare of the province. that, to my way of thinking, is what the religious always take by the horns, as men who place the common welfare before the spiritual (or rather, private) good. finally, they thought that father fray juan de henao (or rather, valderrama) was the man most suitable for that occasion. accordingly, they elected him, and his election was a most fortunate event, for he was very religious and very devoted to his institution. hence he governed with great prudence and devotion. during his term some new priorates were established, which seemed advisable for the good government and administration of the indians. among them was that of arayat, located in the farthest corner of pampanga. it had a goodly population at the beginning, but now the population has dwindled to less than one hundred indians; [142] for on one side the zambales, and on the other the conscriptions, have been consuming them, as is seen at present in other districts. he also established religious and visited the provinces very carefully, and provided in all things quite in accordance with the obligation of our calling. at this time happened a wonderful miracle in the province of llocos, whose memory endures unto today. it was as follows. among the religious who were going to filipinas quite ordinarily, in great numbers, went father fray pedro de la cruz, [143] to whom our lord gave much of his spirit, and who was called commonly "the apostle of the filipinas;" and for him the lord worked many wonderful miracles. the province of pangasinan--which as we said above we gave to the religious fathers of our father st. dominic (perhaps from this fact, the latter have taken occasion to write that he was their religious; but the trick matters not; only it is not right to take him from those to whom he belongs, for the stones which shine with more luster in religion are those in whom our lord shows more of his piety and mercy)--fell to this religious and holy man. this servant of god, then, being in a village of that province called bagnotan, saw an indian woman carrying a baby, to whom she had but recently given birth. the religious was doubtless moved by the spirit of heaven in his question. the indian woman answered that she was taking the baby to bury it alive, for it had been born blind. when he asked her for her reason, she said that they had the custom of immediately burying alive any child born who was incapable of serving its parents, for in such case the latter had no interest or hope in its living. for it was an arduous task to give them being, to bear them in travail, to rear them through childhood and support them all their lives, since such children could not requite so many benefits. no arguments availed to persuade the indian woman of the contrary, until the holy man made an agreement with her, namely, that she should give him the child, and that he would rear her and support her as his own daughter. with this agreement, the mother gave the child to father pedro de la cruz, and he entered his convent with his new daughter. he got a woman to nurse her at the price of four reals per month, and then with his right as father, set about baptizing her. he did so, and it was our lord's pleasure, for the credit of his servant, the value of holy baptism, and his own glory, and likewise so that that devilish custom should cease, that, as soon as the infant received the water of holy baptism, she gained her sight, although she had indeed been born blind.... chapter xxix _of the second election of our father fray diego alvarez_ father fray diego de alvarez left so good an estimation of himself during the three years of his service as provincial, and governed with so great prudence, that so great a desire for his rule was aroused that, upon the arrival of the time assigned by our rules, the fathers did not wish to make any new trials of conditions which, although in appearance good, afterwards are found deceitful. they had had experience of the prudence of father fray diego alvarez, and accordingly reelected him so that they might enjoy him for the second time; for in truth he had been a father to them. hence he was elected unanimously, may 6, 1593. his election was very favorably received in the islands, for he was always much loved by his own and by others; and he always showed great judgment, preserving the province during his two trienniums in that flower and rigor of devotion which it had at first, and also glorifying the province with the new inauguration of houses and convents. he established a religious in pototan, a village then ruined; [144] and that village, as it was so small, was united, above suagui, with another called baong. [145] accordingly, a church was built there. this convent of baong had more than one thousand indians, and was a well-known place for recreation; but now, although it endures, it has but six hundred indians. as it is remote from trade, and situated inland, residence there is regarded as exile. it is one day's journey from dumangás, and its river empties into that of alaguer. this chapter also established religious in sibucao, a matter of one legua from the suagui river, up the river alaguer. the road also turned from dumangás by ascending the river, although by land the journey is shorter. this convent was very well located here, for, in short, it is within sight of so gloomy [146] a river, and very convenient for the religious. afterward the fathers thought that they were acting wisely in moving the convent one-half day's journey inland to a village called laglag, very inconvenient for the religious. but indeed it is apparent how the fathers of former days sought rather the comfort of the natives than their own convenience; accordingly, wherever they found the most people, there they went. this convent has more than one thousand indians, and two religious live there ordinarily. it is one of the good convents of the province of bisayas, and has a wooden church. [147] the bishop of sugbú, don fray pedro de agurto, bestowed the district of salog upon the province, as i have said before. it is very near the port and fort of ilong-ilong. it is an excellent port, and has now been improved through becoming the property of his majesty. this convent has more than one thousand indians in charge, and generally has two religious. its chief center is on the coast, or rather, near the coast, on a fine river, and its visitas are inland. religious were established also in the village of octóng, one of the chief villages of the bisayas. that convent has a vote, and is in charge of more than one thousand two hundred indians. [148] it is one-eighth legua from the village of arévalo. this village was well inhabited, and the people spread along that coast. the dutch burned it once, as well as the convents of salog and tigbauan; but it was rebuilt, better than ever. in regard to the people along the coast, they have diminished greatly, for the ravages [of pirates] on that coast are frightful. i cannot understand how the indians can endure so much, for they have too much toil--now with the little fleet that defends their coast, now with the ships sent to ternate, whose boats are laded and provisioned in that port. two religious live in that convent, which is adorned with considerable silver and many ornaments. the people are intelligent, as they are reared with castilians. the convent is situated in the sugbú bishopric. religious were established in potol, [149] the first point on panay island coming from manila. that convent enjoys an exceedingly large stipend, for its jurisdiction extends very far. it has as visitas the five islands mentioned previously, and all those coasts. thus it had more than two thousand indians. later fleeing from their enemies, more came to the island, four leguas up the river of ibahay. the river is so long that it has an ascent of as many more leguas. this was my first priorate in 1611, when it was yet good. that year came three severe hurricanes--called _báguios_--which ruined the country, and laid low the church and house, which was very large and fine. i rebuilt it. afterward our father barona [150] exchanged it for that of tigbauan. the bishop of sugbú made two benefices of that district, and two beneficiaries reside there at present. but the natives always remember the first religious that they had, for what is known first is liked more--but not because they have ceased to be tended with good devotion. during this three years, priorates were established in many convents in llocos, as in that of tagudin. that convent suffers greatly from the igorrotes, and on that account is almost depopulated. [151] a priorate was established in candón, an important priorate of that province and the best, although without a vote. it ministers to more than one thousand five hundred indians. [152] another was established in nalbacán, a priorate with a vote, although it has been greatly exhausted by the burning of the church and convent. batac also is an excellent priorate, and now is one of those that have a vote and are more esteemed. resident religious were established in dinglao, [153] which is an excellent vicariate. religious were placed in bauang. all these convents belong to the bishopric of nueva segovia or cagayán, as above stated. in the island of manila, that is, in the archbishopric of manila, religious were established, in caruyan and quingua. now these last two are vicariates, and do not have one thousand indians. the religious living in them can scarcely support himself. [154] (_to be concluded._) bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _letter from manila dominicans._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de filipinas; años de 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43." 2. _letters from juan niño de tavora,_ 1629.--"simancas--secular; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; audiencia de filipinas; años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." 3. _letters from juan niño de tavora,_ 1630.--the same as no. 2. the following document is obtained from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_: 4. _decree regarding missions._--in vol. iii, p. 686. the following document is taken from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library): 5. _relation of 1629-30._--in vol. i, pp. 617-625. 6. medina's _historia de la orden de s. agustin_ is partly translated in full, partly synopsized, from a copy of the printed work in the possession of the editors. notes [1] see _vol_. xxii, p. 128. [2] see, _post_, the statements of the fiscal at madrid regarding the various points of this letter. his examination was made and his opinions noted before the decrees of the council were given. [3] referring to the dutch east india company, formed by the consolidation (1602) of the various trading companies in the orient, by the states-general of holland. this was for many years one of the richest and most successful of the world's great commercial associations; but in the eighteenth century its condition became one of decline. when holland and belgium were conquered by france, in 1795, the dutch east india company was practically abolished. thereafter, until 1808, the dutch indias were administered by a committee of the states-general, and in the latter year their government was formally vested in the dutch nation, which has from that time retained it. [4] spanish _vandala_: a filipino word, signifying a forcible assessment on the natives for government supplies--_i.e.,_ a repartimiento; see explanation in retana's _zúñiga_, ii, p. 532*. for later and different use of the word, see zúñiga's text (_ut supra_), i, p. 325. [5] alluding to the floods which, as often in former years, had recently inundated a part of the valley in which lies the city of mexico. in 1627 heavy rains caused the bursting of the dams that confined the quauhtitlan river, and parts of the city were overflowed. the same experience was repeated in 1629, but to such an extent that the entire city was under water, in most places more than five feet deep. it was more than four years before the city was freed from this calamity, and not until 1634 was this accomplished for the valley, by a series of earthquake shocks. see bancroft's account of these floods, and the drainage works undertaken to prevent them, in his _hist. mexico_, iii, pp. 7-11, 85-91. [6] the petition here addresses the governor instead of the king. [7] see _vol_. viii, pp. 127, 133, where the encomiendas of butuan and oton are mentioned as held by doña lucía de loarca. this would indicate that silva's wife was a granddaughter of miguel de loarca, and that her father was a son of the latter. [8] the above matter in quotation marks, as appears from a footnote in the ventura del arco ms., is taken from a letter written by father manuel azevedo, rector of manila, may 3,1630. evidently "manila" is an error for "malaca," and the letter was probably written to manila, and the above section embodied in the relation written from that place. [9] see account of the establishment of this mission, in _vol_. xviii, p. 213. [10] the festival here mentioned would seem, from its length, to mean the two feasts observed by the chinese in the first month of the year--new year's and the "feast of lanterns." see accounts of these and other feasts in williams's _middle kingdom_, ii, pp. 76-84; and winterbotham's _chinese empire_, ii, pp. 49, 50, 138-142. [11] fray juan de medina was born at sevilla, and entered the augustinian convent of that city. on reaching the philippines he was assigned to the bisayan group, and was known to those natives by the name of "the apostle of panay." a zealous worker, he was wont on feast days to preach to his flock in three languages--bisayan, chinese, and spanish. he was minister at laglag in 1613, at mambúsao in 1615, at dumangas in 1618, at panay in 1619, and at passi in 1623; prior of the convent at cebú in 1626; and definitor in 1629. after twenty years of missionary labors, being soul-tormented, he asked and secured reluctant permission to return to spain; but the exigencies of the weather prevented the ship from making its voyage. three years later he obtained permission to make the same voyage, but died at sea (1635). diaz, in his _conquistas_, says that medina composed many things in aid of his missionary work; but only the present history and four volumes of manuscript sermons in the panayana language are known with certainty. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 83-85; and pardo de tavera's _biblioteca filipina_, p. 255. [12] the island of panay, in which is a village of the same name. the augustinian missionaries began their labors in this island in 1572, at otón (or ogtóng). their first establishment in the archipelago was at cebú (1565). dumangas mission was begun in 1578; aclán, in 1581; passi, in 1593; ibahay, in 1611. all these are in panay. see list of convents and villages founded by the augustinians in the philippines, from 1565 to 1880, at the end of medina's _historia_, pp. 481-488. [13] the monument of legazpi and urdaneta presented in this volume was the work of the sculptor, agustín querol, and of the architect, luis maría cabello. on the front and rear of the pedestal are the arms of manila and spain. on one side are allegorical representations of the sea and, valor for legazpi, and on the other the emblems of science for urdaneta. the pedestal ends above in a border upon which are the names of magallanes, elcano, jofré de loaisa, and villalobos. this monument is due to señor gutiérrez de la vega, who initiated a public subscription during the last years of the spanish regime for a monument to the two discoverers. as it arrived at manila where spanish authority in the islands was tottering or ended, it was placed in position by the americans. see "españa y américa," (augustinian review), for april, 1903, pp. 479-485. [14] see _vol_. xv, p. 102, note 66. [15] western group of the carolinas. they were called los reyes, because they were discovered on the sixth of january, when the festival of the holy kings is celebrated.--_miguel coco, o.s.a._ fray miguel coco--born at zamora in 1860, and a resident in the philippines during 1881-95--was editor of medina's _historia_, on which he made copious annotations. many of these we reproduce or synopsize, in english translation, all of which are signed by his name. [16] the corales (or coral), san estéban, or jardines islands are now the northern carolinas.--_coco_. [17] now the palaos.--_coco_. [18] for the name of this latter island, see _vol_. ii, p. 68. the spanish editor of medina, in referring to san agustin's _conquistas_ (p. 26), where the name of this island is discussed, says wrongly that the name was given by the legazpi expedition. it is one of the western carolinas. [19] in hydrography the name _placeres_ is given to the layer of sand in stagnant water or alluvion which usually has particles of gold. the placeres are in die western part of the carolinas. see san agustin's _conquistas_, p. 67, and montero y vidal's _el archipiélago filipino_ (madrid, 1886), pp. 443-499.--_coco_. [20] the largest of the marianas or ladrone islands is guam, which was ceded to the united states by spain in 1898. the remaining twelve smaller islands of the group were transferred to germany by spain. [21] retana (_estadismo,_ ii, p. 512*) says that the _baroto_ is now a boat dug out of a single log, sometimes of more than eighty feet in length. they are used principally for the lading and discharging of vessels, and are native craft of cebú and neighboring islands. see _u.s. gazetteer of philippine islands_ (washington, 1902). [22] see _vol_. i, pp. 105-111, for the english translation of this bull. the translation of the portion quoted occupies parts of pp. 108, 109. [23] this image is not now carried to the cathedral on st. vidal's day. it is carried in procession, however, on the second sunday succeeding epiphany when the church celebrates the feast of the sweet name of jesus. until the end of spain's domination of the islands the banner of castile was also carried in this procession.--_coco_. [24] literally "barren loves," the _chrysopopogon acicutatus_ (trin.). it is described by delgado (_historia,_ p. 744) as a brake that is found quite commonly in the fields, and has small ears that bear a kind of very small millet, like that called _vallico_ in spain, which grows among the wheat. it has a rough mildew that sticks to the clothes and penetrates them, which the spaniards call _amores secos_. it is especially abundant where there are cattle; and when these are grazing, the plants penetrate their eyes, even blinding them because they grow so thickly, and they must be withdrawn with the fingers. [25] charts of the villages of opong and córdoba in the island of mactan, made about 1893, showed that the island possessed 15,060 inhabitants.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1, of _census of the philippine islands_: 1903, "population of the philippines" (issued by the bureau of the census, of the department of commerce and labor, washington, 1904), gives the present population of mactán, which is in the province of cebú, as 17,540, all civilized. the philippine islands are divided into provinces or _comandancias,_ the latter meaning military district, and in which civil government has not yet been established. the province or comandancia is divided into municipalities and _barrios_. that barrio or ward in which the municipal government is located is called the _población_ or _centro_. the census of the various municipalities has been returned for each barrio. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_. [26] cebú and san nicolás are now two independent towns. the census of the latter, about 1893, showed 20,498 inhabitants.--_coco_. the population of the island of cebú, according to the census of 1903 (see bulletin no. i, _ut supra_), was 592,247; of the city of cebú, 31,079; or, if the closer-built part of this municipality, which may properly be regarded as the city of cebú, be considered, its population is 18,330. the steady increase in the total population of the philippines, as shown by various reports and sources, more or less authoritative and trustworthy, is seen in the following figures. at the time of the discovery by magallanes in 1521, the total population is supposed to have numbered about 500,000. in 382 years, according to the census report of 1903, the population (now 7,635,426, slightly more than the 1900 census of new york state) has multiplied fifteen times. the increase during the past century was 1.5 per cent. of the present population, 6,987,686 are civilized or partly so, and 647,740 are wild and uncivilized, although they have some knowledge of domestic arts. of this latter number about 23,000 are negritos, who are supposed to be the aborigines of the archipelago. sources (ecclesiastical and governmental) give the census for various years as follows; they cannot all be taken as definite, although some are approximately so: 1735 837,182 1799 1,522,224 1805 1,741,234 1812 1,933,331 1815 2,502,994 1817 2,062,805 1818 2,026,230 1827 2,593,287 1833 3,153,290 1840 3,096,031 1845 3,434,007 1850 3,800,163 1862 4,734,533 1870 4,698,477 1876 5,567,685 1879 5,817,268 1887 5,984,727 1891 6,101,682 1896 6,261,339 that guesswork has figured to some extent in these figures is evident; but as a whole they represent tolerably well the growth of the islands. the figures for 1903 are to be relied on. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_, and _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_, pp. 25-31. [27] the episcopal residence is now in vigan, ilocos sur, where it was removed in 1755 from lal-lo, cagayán.--_coco_. [28] the island now known as samar was formerly called samar in the south, and ibabao in the north.--_coco_. [29] the island of panay has at present one hundred villages, scattered through the three provinces of iloilo, capiz, and antique, and the two districts of concepción and aclán--with a population in 1893 of about 790,772 people, of whom the augustinians had in charge 561,158.--_coco_. the "bulletin" above cited gives panay (which comprises parts of antique, capiz, and iloilo provinces) 743,646 people, of whom 14,933 are wild. [30] this is a fact if the figures of the _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_ are correct. those figures show that the mainland of luzon contains 43,075 square miles and that of mindanao 45,559. while these numbers may not yet be taken as authoritative they may be regarded as approximate until actual and scientific surveys are made. algué's _atlas_ follows the generally accepted though perhaps erroneous idea that luzon is the larger of the two, its figures being 47,238 and 36,237 square miles, respectively. [31] this cross is still preserved. it was enclosed in an octagonal temple by the augustinians in the time of the augustinian bishop of cebú, fray santos marañón, in order to preserve it from the weather, and from the natives, who, regarding it as miraculous, were accustomed to take splinters from it as relics. the foundation of the enclosure is of stone, and it has a grated window which permits passers-by to see the cross. the latter is wooden, not stone, as montero y vidal states in his _historia general_, i, p. 17. this is the identical cross erected by magallanes in 1521.--_coco_. [32] this statement is an error. drake's first trip to spain was made to the biscayan coast in 1564, and was only for the voyage. see julian corbett's _sir francis drake_. (london, 1890). [33] fray bernabé villalobos was born in león, and professed in the augustinian convent of san felipe el real. he went to the philippines in 1590, where he had charge of missions in halaud (1591), panay (1593), and otón (1596). he was twice prior of manila (1602 and 1613), twice of cebú (1606 and 1618), and definitor (1616), and later labored in the tagál missions. his death occurred at manila in 1646. see perez's _catálogo_, p. 41. [34] compare the materialism of the north american indians, in cleveland reissue of _jesuit relations_, viii, p. 119; xx, p. 71; 1, p. 289. [35] fray juan de alva was born of an illustrious family in segovia, and professed in the augustinian convent at toledo in 1514. in 1535 he went to mexico, where he labored for thirty-three years. at the age of seventy-two he went to the philippines, landing at cebú in 1569. he labored successfully in panay, and founded the church of dumangas. in 1572 he was elected first prior of the convent of manila and definitor, after which (1575) he began the foundation of pásig. he became rector provincial of the philippines in 1576, and died at manila, september 17, 1577. see perez's _catálogo_, p. 8. [36] fray alonso jiménez was a native of málaga, and took his vows in the augustinian convent at mexico in 1558. he accompanied juan de alva to the philippines, where he voted in the first provincial chapter. he was the first missionary to the islands of masbate, leyte, samar, and burias. thence he went to ibalon in the province of camarines, where he resided several years, and made many excursions into albay and sorsogón. he was prior of cebú in 1575. endowed with great facility in learning languages, he became known as the first linguist of the islands. his death occurred in august, 1577, at the cebú convent. he composed a catechism in the bicol language. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 9. [37] fray diego ordóñez vivar was a native of guadalajara in nueva galicia, and professed in the convent of mexico in 1557. arriving at the philippines in 1570 he became the first missionary to bulacán in 1572, provincial secretary in 1580 and 1584, minister at hagonoy in 1582 and 1587, procurator-general in 1583, and minister at tendo in 1594 and 1599. he died in pampanga in 1603. agustín maria, o.s.a., in his _osario venerable_ (still unpublished) says that ordónez was in japan and was an eye-witness of the martyrdom of the franciscans in 1596. see perez's _catálogo_, pp. 9, 10. [38] fray diego de espinar was born in toledo and entered a convent in castilla. almost immediately upon his arrival at cebú (1570) he was assigned to the region about laguna de bay. he was the first missionary at bonbón (1575), mindoro (1578), parañaque (1580), and candaba (1581). he took part in the first diocesan council celebrated by bishop salazar; and in 1587 went to macao, where he lived until 1596. while returning to manila in the latter year he was wrecked and drowned between mindanao and borneo (1597). he had been definitor in 1581. see perez's _catálogo_, p. 10. [39] "for he finds shackles who finds kindnesses." [40] st. gregory, _homil. ii in evangelia_.--_coco_. englished, this reads: "therefore, he desires to plunder him who carries a public treasure along the street." [41] this islet is today called corregidor. the name mariveles is applied to the mountain ridge in the southern part of bataan province, whose brow forms, with corregidor, one of the entrances to manila bay. it is a great pity that corregidor is not well fortified, in case of war with a foreigner, as it is a very strategic point, and the key to the port and city of manila.--_coco_. [42] buzeta and bravo, _diccionario geográfico_, say that manila bay is thirty-three leguas in circumference, and has a maximum depth of thirty-five brazas. manila bay is one of the finest bays in the world and by far the best in the far east. it will accommodate all the fleets of the world. its greatest dimensions are from tubutubu island in the estuary of orani, bay of pampanga, in the northwest angle of the shore of the greater bay, to las piñas, thirty-five miles, near the boundary between cavite and rizal; and from the delta of the river grande pampanga, on the shores of bulacán in the northeast, to corregidor island, southwest, thirty-one miles. it is one hundred and twenty miles in circumference. five of the important rivers of the archipelago empty into it. see _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_, p. 186. [43] tondo now contains 39,043 civilized inhabitants. it is the most northerly and populous district along the bay shore above the pásig. its inhabitants are largely engaged in the tobacco and cigar industries, and in fishing, weaving, and gardening for the manila market. see bulletin no. 1 of the census bureau, and _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_, p. 188. [44] psalms cxxi, 7.--_coco_. [45] matthew xvii, 20.--_coco_. [46] see _vol_. vi, p. 115, note 27. [47] see _vol_. vi, p. 88, note 22. [48] see _vol_. ix, p. 95, note 18. [49] fray agustín de alburquerque was a native of castilla, and professed at the convent of salamanca. batangas became the theater of his missionary labors in the islands. he was definitor in 1572, prior of tondo in 1575, and prior provincial in 1578, renouncing to the franciscans during his term the _omnimoda_ ecclesiastical jurisdiction. he tried to sell himself as a slave, in order that he might introduce christianity into china. he is the author of the first or second tagál grammar, the franciscans claiming that the first was written by fray juan de plasencia. he died in 1580. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 13, 14. [50] fray francisco merino took his vows in the augustinian province of castilla. after his arrival in the islands he labored in the province of iloílo until his death. although he was proposed as one of the associates of father rada on the latter's memorable journey to china in 1576, jerónimo marín went in his stead; while he himself accompanied juan de salcedo and pedro chaves on the camarines expedition. he died in 1581. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 14. [51] fray juan de orta, born in moguer, in the province of huelva, professed in the convent of mexico in 1558. he was a novice under urdaneta. shortly after his arrival at the islands, he learned the bicol language, in which he evangelized with great success. a number of villages founded by him were later handed over to the care of the franciscans. in 1575 he returned to manila to help the prior there, where he worked zealously, having in charge also until his death (in manila on palm sunday, 1577) the village of parañaque. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 12. [52] isaiah v, 20.--_coco_. [53] this edifice is still in existence. it is the only one with a stone vault which has been constructed in the archipelago. it resisted with but little damage the series of most severe earthquakes which devastated manila so frequently. the earthquake of 1880 split one of its towers, which the fathers of the convent afterward ordered to be pulled down. the church is the most capacious and beautiful in manila, in spite of these circumstances. its architect was the augustinian lay-brother fray antonio herrara, nephew or son of the famous architect who built the escorial.--_coco_. [54] _in reg_., chapter viii. this is in english: "and therefore, the more fully that you shall watch over a common possession than your own, so much the more fully shall you learn how to progress." [55] st. poss, in his life of st. augustine [_vita s. augustini_], chapter xxix. englished the above quotation is, "he made no will, for, as he was a pauper in christ, he had nothing." [56] the _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_ (p. 374) says that the lake of bonbón or taal is second in importance among the lakes of luzón. its circumference is seventy-five miles, being seventeen miles from north to south and twelve and one-half miles from east to west: it reaches a depth of one hundred and six fathoms very near shore. the crater of the volcano of taal in its center supplies quantities of sulphur. [57] the last parochial census (before 1893) gave taal 32,908 inhabitants, and says that from it was formed the village of lemery, which has 16,738 inhabitants.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) gives the present civilized population of taal as 17,525. the chief industries of the people are agriculture, herding, fishing, and the coast trade. lemery has 11,150 civilized inhabitants. [58] for a late discussion of the volcanoes of the philippines, see bulletin no. 3 of _the census of the philippine islands_, "volcanoes and seismic centers," published by the department of commerce and labor, bureau of the census (washington, 1904). [59] today (1893) tanauan has 21,363 inhabitants; lipa, 40,031; bauang, 39,275; and batangas, 35,156.--_coco_. the bulletin's figures give tanauan 18,263 civilized inhabitants; lipa, 37,934; bauang, 39,094; and batangas, 33,131. [60] this lake has a coast-line of 108 miles, and its two greatest diameters are respectively 32 and 28 miles. fifteen rivers empty into it. see _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands._ [61] the original reads: "_porque dos iglesias_," which we have regarded as a misprint for "_porque dos leguas_." [62] the original is "_de voto_." perhaps medina means that the religious at this visita had the right of voting at the election of the provincial.--_coco_. [63] calumpit has now (1893) 15,024 inhabitants.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) gives the present civilized population of calumpit as 13,897. [64] a small bird, native to the island of cerdeña, whose nest is utilized by the cuckoo. the context, however, suggests that the word may be a misprint for _mezquitas_, referring to the mezquit (_algarobia_) of nueva españa--the writer meaning that along the quiñgua valley were numerous thickets of some shrub resembling the mezquit. the river is now fringed with clumps of prickly bamboo. it is also possible that _mosquitas_ is simply a misprint for _mosquitos_ ("mosquitoes"). [65] fray pedro mejia was born in la mancha, and professed in the augustinian convent at valladolid. he became prior of guadalupe in 1621, and later definitor and visitor. he was minister at narvacan in 1611 and of the tagál villages of calumpit, bauan, and guiguinto until his death in 1659. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 94. [66] fray luis ronquillo, nephew of governor gonzalo ronquillo, was born in the city of arevalo (spain), in the province of avila. he was lecturer in theology, master, and prior of the convent of arenas. he went to the philippines in 1624, where he became preacher in 1626, definitor-general in 1628, prior of manila and master of novitiates in 1638, prior of tondo and malate, and definitor of the province in 1632; and was at the missions of calumpit (1629), bay (1635), bulacán (1641), and pásig (1642). he died at manila in 1644. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 102. [67] the census prior to 1893 gave lubao 20,568 inhabitants.--_coco_. its present civilized population according to bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) is 19,063. [68] doubtless a mistake of the author, for manila is about three hundred and twenty miles from iloílo.--_coco_. [69] today (1893) administered by seculars, to whom the augustinians ceded it.--_coco_. [70] today halaud.--_coco_. [71] dueñas.--_coco_. [72] dingle.--_coco_. [73] the island of guimarás, today (1893) in charge of seculars.--_coco_. [74] the present province of antique.--_coco_. [75] the chinese call their country song-song.--_coco_. [76] "_manguianes._--the heathen, unaffiliated natives inhabiting the interior of mindoro, romblon, and tablas. manguian (forest people) is a collective, name of different languages and races. according to r. jordana, the manguianes of mindoro are divided into four branches, one of which, bukil or buquel, is a bastard race of negritos, while a second in external appearance reminds one of chinese mestizos, and on that account it is to be regarded as a mongoloid type. the other two are pure malay." (blumentritt's "native tribes of the philippines," in _smithsonian report,_ 1899, p. 541.) colin says (_labor evangélica,_ lib. i, cap. iv, sec. 30) that the tribes dwelling at the headwaters of the rivers in the various islands are known by almost as many different names--among these, as zambales, manguianes, etc. "it is understood that they are mestizos of the other tribes, the savage and the civilized; and that for this reason they rank between those two classes of peoples in color, dress, and customs." he also describes their habits and mode of life (cap. vi, sec. 52), and says of them: "they are a simple, honest, temperate people," and adds that, up to the time of writing his book, they had not been christianized, "save some six hundred in the district and visitas of nauhan, who received baptism during the few years in which the society of jesus had charge of them." murillo velarde, s.j., states in his _historia de philipinas_ (manila, 1749), fol. 52, that "in 1631 the cura of mindoro, who was a secular priest, ceded that ministry to the society;... the superior lived at nauhan in mindoro, and ours undertook to preach to and convert the manguianes, heathen indians of that island." on fol. 63, verso, and folio 64 he gives some account of these labors, and of the customs of these people, under the date 1633. sawyer (_inhabitants of the philippines,_ p. 206) describes the manguianes as "probably a hybrid negrito-visaya race." he mentions three varieties of these people, of whom "those residing near the western coast are much whiter, with lighter hair and full beards;" those of the southern part show evident signs of chinese blood; and those in the center are darker and less intelligent. he praises the morality and honesty of the manguianes, as also does worcester (_philippine islands,_ p. 413). [77] fray diego mójica was born of noble parents in a castilian town, and took the augustinian habit in salamanca. after living for some years in mexico, he went (1573) to the philippines, where he was sent to mindoro. he was the first prior of the convent of santa maria de gracia in 1575; twice definitor; minister of tondo and batangas; prior of pásig in 1578; preacher and confessor to the spaniards in 1580; president of the provincial chapter in 1581. he died in 1584. extremely modest by nature, he never sought or wished preferment. [78] fray alonso gutiérrez professed in the province of castilla, and was a conventual in cebú in 1573. he ministered to halaud and otón successively in 1576 and 1577; was preacher and confessor in 1581; minister at parañaque in 1584, at tabucao in 1584, at pásig in 1586, and at tondo in 1587. in the last-named year he was definitor and lecturer, and in 1590 president of the chapter, dying at manila in 1605. see perez's _catálogo,_ p. 15. [79] fray juan gallegos took his vows at the convent at mexico about 1566. upon his arrival at the islands, he became a conventual at lubao. he was first minister to bay in 1578, and to tabucao in 1581. he died while definitor, at the end of 1581. _ibid_., p. 15. [80] fray francisco manrique professed at valladolid, and on his arrival at the islands relieved father rada (september 11, 1575) of the ministry at otón. he was afterward definitor and missionary at lubao (1576); rector provincial in 1577; first minister to candaba in 1579; prior of manila, 1575, 1578, 1581, and 1584; definitor, 1581; vicar-provincial, 1582; and first prior of macao, 1587. his death must have occurred in 1588, as his name does not appear after that in the provincial records. _ibid_. p. 16. [81] fray sebastián molina, after his arrival at the islands, became first minister to macabebe in 1575. he died in september of the following year. _ibid_., p. 16. [82] fray alonso heredero was an austere religious, and was three times minister at macabebe (1576, 1578, and 1581). he was definitor and minister at calumpit in 1584, and again definitor and minister at méjico in 1590. he died in the latter town in 1591. _ibid_., p. 16. [83] the viceroy of nueva españa at this time was martin enriquez de almansa; he arrived in the city of mexico november 5, 1568, and held his office until october, 1580, when he was succeeded by the condé de la coruña. [84] the franciscans were in charge of these islands in 1893.--_coco_. [85] the "christian doctrine" of cardinal bellarmino; see _vol_. xvii, p. 70, and note. [86] only the name of parián remains today; and of the church not even the ruins.--_coco_. [87] san agustín (_conquistas_ p. 381) says that the augustinian mission to the chinese was established in the tondo convent in 1581, and placed under the special charge of fray diego muñoz. later a suit arose between the augustinians and dominicans (_conquistas_, p. 533) as to the administration of the chinese at baybay. it was settled in 1612, on condition of the two orders celebrating alternately corpus christi day. [88] ecclesiastes xi, 30.--_coco_. [89] see gonzalez de mendoza's _historia de la gran china_ (1586), for a relation of this journey. part of it may be found in _vol_. vi of this series, pp. 114-125. [90] this is evidently the _historia de la gran china_ by gonzalez de mendoza. [91] in tagál, _molave_.--_coco_. [92] bulacán in the census preceding 1893 had a population of 13,659.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1 gives bulacán 11,589 civilized inhabitants. [93] the rio grande of pampanga. [94] in 1893, the inhabitants numbered 15,156, with a convent and church of solid masonry.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1 makes the present civilized population 11,783. [95] in 1893 macabebe had 19,801 inhabitants, and a stone church and convent.--_coco_. the civilized population now (see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_) is 14,405. [96] the population of the province of pampanga is reported for five different years as follows: 1818, 106,381; 1840, 152,232; 1850, 156,272; 1870, 203,137 (these four including tárlac); 1887, 223,902. the estimate of the _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_, from which these numbers are taken, figures a population of 223,922 for 1901. bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) reports 223,754 for 1903, of whom 222,656 are civilized, and 1,098 wild. [97] the attitude of the great augustinian philippine writer, san agustín, and in general the friars of the last century of the spanish regime, toward the native is well shown in the following note by the spanish editor, father coco: "the indians have not changed in this regard. since they have not lost their disposition they preserve with it their vices. if the father does not interest himself in the regulation of bridges, roads, the maintenance of the children at school, etc., nothing useful is done. in this interest and zeal, the father must not relax one instant, for the very moment in which the vigilance of the father rests, little by little all the good that he has done in the village disappears. the greater number of the ilocan plains are crossed by irrigation canals, brought to completion by the initiative of the fathers, and preserved until now by the watchfulness of the same persons. all this, as is natural, brings endless troubles and not small sorrow to the parish priest." [98] psalms xxxv, 7.--_coco_. [99] the author might have added something more, namely, that from the little that is enjoyed from the spanish race, it is becoming so degenerate in the course of time that it is losing completely even the characteristic traces of its origin. it is giving the "leap backward," as we say here in common parlance.--_coco_. [100] the original is _bozales_, which is a term applied to negroes lately imported, or to inhabitants of the less polished provinces of spain, newly arrived in madrid. [101] dative of _agibilis_, a late latin word coined from _agere_; meaning "what can be done or accomplished." [102] _visitas_ in the philippines are the distant suburbs of a village. they generally have their chapel and patron saint, and the chapel is called _visita_. the term has been extended to the suburbs. many of the _visitas_ are distant from the mother village four or six hours by horse, along impassable roads which cause great annoyances to the parish priests.--_coco_. [103] odes, book iv, 24, 11. 30, 31. william coutts in his translation of horace (new york and bombay, 1898) renders this passage as follows: "we hate virtue when safe amongst us, but seek for it when removed from our eyes, envious alike." [104] still today [1893], thanks to god, one may sleep in the convents with doors unlocked, without the slightest fear. however, now they are generally locked in the province of manila.--_coco_. [105] paul's first epistle to the corinthians iv, 9.--_coco_. [106] job iii, 3. [107] much more might be said about these points, which father medina treats with as much skill as delicacy.... not to go into certain details, wearisome beyond measure, i shall only say, that even now were it not for the direct intervention of the spanish priest in the collection of the cedula or tribute, the treasury would lose some hundreds of thousands of pesos. many are the parish priests, especially in the bisayas, who oblige the heads of barangay to deliver at the convent the result of the collection; for if they did not do so, not one-half of what the town should furnish would be deposited in the royal treasury. while the writer of these lines was in a certain town of iloílo a few years ago, the parish priest had in his convent the sum of 15,000 pesos, belonging to the collection of the tribute. he petitioned the corresponding authority for an armed force to conduct the revenues of the state safely to the royal treasury. that authority considered it suitable to answer him that it was not part of the duty of the military force to act as a custodian for the conveyance of the state revenue....--_coco_. [108] fray juan de villamayor took his vows in the augustinian convent of toledo, and was conventual and prior of halaud in 1590 and 1593 respectively. he ministered at aclán in 1596, at jaro in 1598, at sibucao in 1599, at potól in 1603, and finally at aclán, 1605-1608, where he died the latter year. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 38. [109] the lay brother fray andrés garcia was assistant for some years at the mission at aclán. he died in 1623. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 75. [110] the island of bantayan (province of cebú) has now a population of 18,325, all civilized. see bulletin no. i, _ut supra._ [111] and of pearls.--_coco_. [112] antique; in 1893 it was a province with twenty-one villages and a population of 119,322, under the charge of sixteen augustinians.--_coco_. its present population is 134,166, of whom 131,245 are civilized and 2,921 wild. the reports of population for several other years are as follows: 1818, 50,597; 1840, 48,333; 1850, 84,570; 1870, 108,855; 1887, 115,434. see bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) and _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands._ [113] father fray nicolás melo, or moran, portuguese by birth, and the lay-brother fray nicolás de san agustín, a japanese, were sent on an important commission to europe in 1597. they went to malacca, and thence to goa--where, not finding facilities to embark, they determined to make the journey by land. they journeyed toward persia, in company with other augustinian religious, who were going to our missions in that empire. thence they went to moscow, where father melo comforted the persecuted catholics (to whom he administered the holy sacraments), and tried to convert the calvinist heretics, for which reason they were imprisoned and suffered penalties without number. when they reached nisna, near the caspian sea, brother fray nicolás de san agustín was beheaded on the thirtieth of november, 1611, for refusing to apostatize from the holy catholic faith. father nicolás melo was burned alive in astrakán, together with princess bárbara noski, a tertiary of our order, on the first of november, 1616.--_coco_. father melo was born of a noble family in corinchán, portugal. going to mexico at an early age, he took the augustinian habit in the convent of puebla de los angeles, june 28, 1578. after becoming a priest he went to the philippines, where he learned the tagál and bisayan tongues, and ministered at aclán, cagayancilo, batangas, and tanauan. see pérez's _catálogo,_ p. 27. the lay-brother, fray nicolás de san agustín, a japanese, converted by the above, professed in the manila convent in 1594. ibid., p. 69. [114] in 1893 malolos had 14,635 inhabitants, without reckoning the villages of barasoaín and santa isabel, with 9,442 and 7,174 inhabitants respectively. the three villages, especially malolos, had at the above date beautiful churches and convents of solid masonry.--_coco_. the present civilized population of malolos (see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_) is 12,575; barasoaín, 8,047; and of santa isabel, 6,403. the first named is the capital of bulacán province. [115] now (1893) the parish of hagonoy has in charge 19,755 people, and has a very large stone church and convent.--_coco_. its present civilized population (see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_) is 21,304. [116] this town had 16,867 inhabitants in 1893.--_coco_. it now has 13,469 civilized inhabitants according to the latest census. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [117] _pedáneo_ or _gobernadorcilio_, as he is called in the country.--_coco_. [118] matthew x, 22.--_coco_. [119] "the iniquity of thy sister was pride, abundance, and sloth." [120] in regard to what is mentioned of the character and nature of the indian, all the authors, native and foreign, whom i have read are unanimous in this, with the exception of father delgado, s.j., who for reasons unknown to me, although not difficult to infer, dissents from the others. see the attempt at refutation (!) which the above father, with more good will than success, has tried to make of the so well known letter of father gaspar de san agustín--a letter which in my opinion should never have been published (as in fact it was published in the first volume of this "biblioteca," p. 273, _et seq._). no spaniard or foreigner who has lived for some time in the islands and has had intercourse with the natives will agree with what father delgado asserts, but which is so opposed to the facts. to speak truly is not to offend, but to depart from the truth is injustice; and in the present case, he who writes thus would merit another epithet.--_coco_. the letter mentioned in the preceding paragraph will be published later in this series. [121] that is, the vicar-provincial and definitors, who governed the province.--_coco_. [122] this letter is given in full by gaspar de san agustín in his _conquistas_, pp. 395-409.--_coco_. this was the father master, fray alonso de la vera-cruz, one of those in mexico to whom the bishop wrote. see san agustín, _ut supra_, p. 395. [123] fray diego alvarez was master of novices in the manila convent in 1580, and minister at taal in 1581, and at bulacán in 1582. he was elected prior provincial in 1584, and definitor and minister at taguig in the provincial chapter of 1587. in 1590 he took charge of the manila priorate and was elected provincial for the second time in 1593. he died in the convent of san pablo in manila, in 1601. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 20. [124] ecclesiasticus xix, 1. [125] the city of vigan is not now [1893] in so poor a state as father medina says. it is well inhabited, and presents a good appearance, having many stone edifices.--_coco_. it is the capital of the province of ilocos sur, and has a civilized population of 14,945 (see _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_ and bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_); and from its position on the railroad from manila it is a town of importance. [126] now [1893] called balaoang, and with 8,260 inhabitants.--_coco_. balaoang is now in the province of la unión, and has a civilized population of 10,008. see _ut supra._ [127] in 1893 the three provinces of la unión and south and north ilocos had, in the lowlands, forty-two villages with a total population of 349,205; and in the mountains fifteen missions in abra, lepanto, and benguet, with a population of 43,044, or a total of 392,249. all were under charge of the augustinians.--_coco_. ilocos norte now contains 178,995 (2,210 wild) inhabitants, ilocos sur, 187,411 (13,611 wild); and la unión, 137,839 (10,050 wild). the province of abra contains 51,860 (14,037 wild) inhabitants; benguet, 22,745 (21,828 wild); and lepanto-bontoc, 72,750 (70,283 wild). see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_. [128] fray francisco mercado took his vows in the manila convent in 1611. he was a missionary at laoag (1614, 1626, 1635) and batác (1620, 1641), provisor of the bishop of nueva segovia (1623), and definitor (1632). he gave generous alms to the province from his own funds, showing special favor to the convents of guadalupe and bantay. in the latter he acquired a fine estate, with the intention of building a hospital for the ilocan friars; and at that convent he collected a good library, which was later removed to manila. he died at batác in 1642. see perez's _catálogo_, p. 194. [129] "ilaoag" is the capital of the province of ilocos norte and is today called laoag. it has a civilised population of 34,454. see _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_, and bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_. [130] it does not exist now. its demolition was ordered by the general government, after manila was evacuated by the english, who used it as a fort, as they likewise did the convent of the recollects, in the siege of manila in 1763.--_coco_. [131] ermita has a present population of 12,246. it is the seat of the observatory of manila, and of the normal school. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_; and _u.s. gazetteer of the philippine islands_, p. 189. [132] now [1893] this is in charge of the recollects.--_coco_. [133] spanish, _ni hay padre para hijo, ni hijo para padre_--"there is neither father for child, nor child for father." [134] now [1893] there are 1,805 inhabitants; and the village of pineda, with 8,196 inhabitants, was separated from it. the virgin de los remedios [i.e., "of the remedies"] is still highly reverenced.--_coco_. malate has now (see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_) a population of 8,855. [135] in 1893 tanauan had a fine stone church with three naves and a convent.--_coco_. see _ante_, note 58. [136] the order ceded it to the franciscans.--coco. [137] fray hernando cabrera took his vows at cordova in 1601. upon going to the philippines he filled the following positions: sub-prior at manila, 1609; missionary at batangas, 1611; at taal, 1613; at parañaque, 1614; at san pablo de los montes, 1618, 1626, and 1629, where his efforts resulted in an excellent and well equipped church and convent; definitor, examiner, and definitor-general. he died at sea in 1630, while on his way to nueva españa. see perez's _catálogo_, pp. 78, 79. [138] fray diego muñóz was born in the town of zafra, of the province of badajoz, and took his vows in the augustinian convent of mexico in 1571. he was renowned for both his learning and his virtues, and on his arrival at the philippines in 1578 was given the chair of sacred theology in the convent of san pablo at manila. he was the first commissary of the holy inquisition in the islands; missionary at pásig and malolos in 1580 and 1584 respectively, and of the tondo sangleys in 1581; definitor in 1584; provincial in 1587, when it was necessary to obtain dispensation from rome, as he had not reached the required age. during his term as provincial the regulations of the order were received, and the present manila convent begun. he died in 1594, leaving sermons in castilian and tagál, one volume each. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 22. [139] the last census before 1893 gave apalit 11,563 inhabitants.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) shows the present civilized population to be 12,206. [140] fray juan quiñones was born at sevilla about 1551 of a noble family. he studied in the university of mexico, and took the habit in that city in 1575. he went to the philippines in 1577, where he threw himself fervently into the missionary work. in 1578 he was named minister to bay and extended his efforts to taal and pásig. he was definitor in 1581 and 1587; prior of manila in 1586, and vicar-provincial in 1587, dying that same year at the convent of san pablo in manila. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 19. [141] this is the date of the text, and if true, the date of the title-page (1630) must be either a misprint or an equivocation on the part of the author. or this instance and the several others similar to it may have been added by medina to his manuscript after he had completed it to the date of the title-page; or they may be due to a later hand. [142] in 1893 there were 12,858 inhabitants.--_coco_. the present civilized population of aráyat is 12,904. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [143] information regarding this father is very slight. he was admitted as confessor to the spaniards, as appears by an augustinian record of november 12, 1602 after having been examined, and having presented his licenses to confess, which had been given him in goa. in 1604, he returned to be approved. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 185. [144] in 1893, one of the best towns in iloílo, with a population of 15,842.--_coco_. bulletin no. 1 (_ut supra_) gives the civilized population for 1903 as 20,964. [145] now dingle, and not connected with pototan. it has a population of 9,769.--_coco_. also in iloílo province and with a present civilized population of 12,129. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [146] spanish, _lamentado_; thus in printed text, but this word seems of dubious accuracy. [147] it now has [1893] a beautiful stone church, and a population of 5,281. its modern name is dueñas.--_coco_. also situated in the province of iloílo, with a present civilized population of 6,700. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [148] this is a very important town in iloílo. in 1893 it had 15,151 inhabitants. it had a beautiful stone church, built very high, and in the form of a greek cross, crowned with a fine cupola.--_coco_. its present civilized population is 14,464. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [149] ibahay in the district of aclán, of cápiz province--_coco_. [150] this is fray alonso baraona, a native of quintanario, in the province of burgos. he took his vows in the convent of that city in 1596. he became prior of santo niño in 1607, and was missionary at dumangás in 1608, batan in 1609, jaro in 1610, aclán in 1613, and passi in 1614. he was definitor and prior provincial in 1617, and missionary at bay in 1633. his death occurred in 1626. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 77. [151] in 1893 it had 7,623 inhabitants.--_coco_. the civilized population in 1903 was 8,503. it is in the province of llocos sur. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [152] in 1893, a parish chart showed 12,180 inhabitants.--_coco_. also in llocos sur, and with a civilized population of 18,828. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ [153] dingras with 11,113 inhabitants in 1893.--_coco_. the present civilized population is 15,792. this village is situated in the province of ilocos norte. narvacán (the nalbacán of the text), in ilocos sur, has a present civilized population of 19,575. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra_. [154] caruya or caruyan, now bigaa was in 1893 a parish, as was also quingua, in the province of bulacán. they had populations in 1893 of 7,108 and 7,787 respectively, and good stone churches and convents.--_coco_. these two villages have present civilized populations of 8,000 and 7,229, respectively. see bulletin no. 1, _ut supra._ the philippine islands, 1493-1803 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century volume v, 1582-1583 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume v preface 9 documents of 1582 letter to felipe ii. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; manila, june 16 [1]relacion de las yslas filipinas. miguel de loarca; [arevalo, june, 1582) letter to felipe ii. fray domingo de salazar; manila, june 20 letter to the viceroy. juan baptista roman; cabite, june 25 letter to felipe ii. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; manila, july 1 papal decrees regarding the dominicans. gregory xiii; rome, september 15 and october 20 report on the offices saleable in the philippines. [unsigned; 1582?] documents of 1583 complaints against peñalosa. gabriel de ribera; [1583?] affairs in the philipinas islands. domingo de salazar; [manila, 1583] instructions to commissary of the inquisition. pedro de los rios, and others; mexico, march 1 foundation of the audiencia of manila (to be concluded). felipe ii; aranjuez, may 5 bibliographical data illustrations map of south america and antilles, showing strait of magellan (original in colors), in _beschryvinghe van de gantsche custe_, by jan huygen van linschoten (amstelredam, m.d.xcvi); reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in boston public library autograph signature of domingo de salazar, o.p., first bishop of manila; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla preface the period covered by this volume is short--only the years 1582-83, which close the second decade of spanish occupation of the philippine islands; but in that time occur some events of great importance, and certain influences which deeply affect early philippine history are revealed. the coming (in 1581) of the zealous and intrepid bishop, domingo de salazar, was a red-letter day for the natives of the islands. the spanish conquerors are ruthlessly oppressing the indians, caring but little for the opposition made by the friars; but salazar exerts as far as possible his ecclesiastical authority, and, besides, vigorously urges the king to shield those unfortunate victims of spanish rapacity. various humane laws are accordingly enacted for the protection of the natives; but of course this interference by the bishop occasions a bitter hostility between the ecclesiastical and the secular powers--perhaps never to be quieted. with salazar come jesuit fathers, who establish in the islands the missionary work of that order. in 1582 japanese pirates begin to threaten luzón, but are defeated and held in check by the spanish troops. in 1583 occur two most notable events: one of these is the appointment for the islands of a royal audiencia, or high court of justice--especially ordered by the king to watch over and shield the indians; the other is the opening there of a branch of the inquisition or holy office. fuller details of all these matters are herewith given in the usual synopsis of documents. in a letter dated june 16, 1582, governor peñalosa reports that the conversion of the natives is making good progress, but there are not enough missionaries. he recommends that a convent be established in every city and village; and that missionaries be sent directly from the mother-country, rather than from new spain, as in the latter case they soon become discontented after coming to the philippines. he complains because the franciscans have gone to china; he renews the plea advanced by former officials for the conquest of that country, but regards the present spanish force in the philippines as inadequate for that purpose. meanwhile, he is endeavoring to strengthen the colony, and has founded the town of arévalo in panay. another new town is being established--nueva segovia, in luzon. peñalosa has sent an officer to maluco, and the jesuit sanchéz to macao, to pacify the portuguese there when they shall learn of the change in their rulers--the dominion over portugal having passed to the crown of spain. he criticizes the administration of his predecessors, saying that they followed no plan or system in disbursements from the royal exchequer. the governor thinks that the customs duties heretofore levied in the islands--three per cent on both imports and exports--are too small; and he has decided to raise the rate to five per cent for merchants in the philippines, and seven for those in mexico. he is endeavoring to extend the commerce of the islands, and for this purpose is sending ships with goods to panama and peru. he has sent one piece of heavy artillery to the viceroy of peru, who asks peñalosa for more; this is for the defense of the strait of magellan. the commerce between the philippines and new spain is increasing. peñalosa commends the jesuit missionaries who have come to the islands, and advises that more of them be sent thither. he is building forts and ships for the defense of the islands. he remonstrates against the recent royal decree which ordered the liberation of all indian slaves held by spaniards in the philippines; and closes by asking some personal favors. by the same mail which conveys the governor's letter is sent an account of the islands and their people, written by a soldier named miguel de loarca, who was one of the earlier conquerors and settlers there. beginning at cebú, as the first settlement was made therein, he describes each island then known to the spaniards in that group--noting its size, contour, and population; and enumerating the encomiendas assigned therein, the officials in the spanish settlements, the products of the island, etc. with this information loarca incorporates many interesting details regarding the social and economic condition of the natives. after this preliminary survey, he describes at some length the religious beliefs of the pintados or visayan indians; these vary, as held by the coast dwellers and those of the mountains. he relates their notions about the creation of the world and the origin of man, the condition of departed souls, and the deities who control their destiny. many of these beliefs are, of course, childish, crude, and superstitious; yet some indicate considerable imagination and poetic fancy. they have various deities, and their priests are usually women; their religious traditions are preserved in songs. their mortuary and mourning customs are described. a chapter is devoted to the institution of slavery among these peoples--its nature and causes, and the value and status of the slave. their marriage customs are described at length, with the status of women among them, the penalties for unfaithfulness, the causes for divorce, etc. there is considerable curious information regarding the fauna and flora of the islands. loarca then proceeds to relate similar particulars about the moros of luzon; they adore a divinity called bathala, "the lord of all," or creator. his ministers, who are deities of rain, harvest, trees, the sea, etc., are called _anitos_, and worshiped and invoked accordingly; they intercede for the people with the great bathala. these moros are governed by chiefs, who enact and administer such laws as seem necessary for the preservation of good order--adultery, murder, and theft being the chief crimes, which are punished by a system of fines, or by the enslavement of those who are without means to pay them. the recently-arrived bishop, domingo de salazar, writes (june 20, 1582) to the king, imploring redress for the wrongs and sufferings endured by the indians, who are continually oppressed by the spanish officials placed over them. an affidavit made by some indian chiefs relates their grievances. as a result of this ill-treatment, the native villages are rapidly being depopulated. a letter from the royal factor in the philippines, juan baptista roman (june 25, 1582), relates the encounter of the spaniards with some japanese pirates who have raided the province of cagayan in luzón, and implores speedy aid from mexico against this enemy. a letter evidently written by peñalosa, although unsigned (july 1, 1582), mentions the fight with the japanese, and asks for reënforcements of troops. more funds are also needed for extra expenses incurred, and especially for emergencies which often arise in the islands. two papal decrees (september 15 and october 20, 1582) found the philippine province of the dominican order, and grant indulgences to those who go thither as missionaries. an unsigned document (1582?) enumerates the "offices saleable" in the philippine islands; and recommends some changes in the methods of filling them, in view of the prevalent abuses. captain gabriel de ribera addresses (1583?) to some high official a letter complaining that peñalosa's administration is a bad one, and injurious to the welfare of the islands. in the same year bishop salazar writes a memorial regarding affairs in the islands, for the information of the king and his royal council of the indias. he begins by describing the present scarcity of food supplies in luzón. this is the result of sending to work in the mines the indians of pampanga, which province has hitherto been the granary of the island. the spaniards also compel the natives to work in the galleys, and at many other tasks, so that they have no opportunity to cultivate their fields, and are even deprived of suitable religious instruction. greedy spanish officials have monopolized all local traffic, and have set their own price on all provisions, from which some have made great profits. salazar--who has with good reason been styled "the las casas of the philippines"--enumerates a melancholy list of injuries and opressions inflicted upon the hapless natives by their conquerors, and urges in most forcible and eloquent language that they be protected from injustice and treated as human beings. he cites from the royal decrees the clauses which make such provisions in behalf of the indians, and claims that most of these are continually disobeyed. the indians held by the royal crown suffer even greater oppression than do those in private encomiendas. as a result of all these evil deeds on the part of the spaniards, the indians have come to abhor the christian faith, and many remain pagans; while those who are nominally christians are so through fear rather than choice. the preachers who are sent to them ought to go without military escort, and the ençomenderos should be compelled to fulfil their duties toward the indians in their charge. the bishop then describes the status of the chinese traders who come to the philippine islands. vexatious dues have been levied upon the chinese in manila; they have been herded together in one dwelling, apart from the other residents of the city; and a special warden, with arbitrary power, has been placed over them. besides, they have been compelled to sell their goods at much below their value, and have frequently been plundered; and reparation for their wrongs has been denied. as a consequence, chinese goods have almost disappeared from the market, and the few articles seen are sold at exorbitant prices. other traders who come to manila are also burdened with numerous unjust and arbitrary exactions. salazar complains that the spaniards enslave the indians, and, despite all remonstrances made by the priests and friars, refuse to liberate their slaves. the natives are oppressed by the officials, and are at the mercy of lawless, because unpaid, soldiers. the encomenderos refuse to pay tithes, and the royal officials say that they have no instructions to pay the bishop; he is thus greatly straitened in means, and can do but little to aid the unfortunate natives or the poor spaniards. the governor proposes to levy an additional tribute on the indians; the clergy and the friars hold a conference regarding this matter, and decide that it may reasonably be levied, in order to support the expenses of protecting the natives from their enemies, and of instructing them in the true religion. nevertheless, the bishop advises that no additional tribute be imposed until the king shall have opportunity to examine the question, and order such action as he deems best. the soldiers in the philippines have left behind them (in spain, mexico, and elsewhere) families whom they have practically abandoned for many years. salazar desires the king to order that these men be sent back to their homes, or obliged to bring their families to the islands. again he recurs to the wretched condition of the natives, and asks that suitable provision be made for an official "protector of the indians;" and that to this post, now temporarily filled, the bishop may have the right of nomination. he also asks that to the city of manila be granted an encomienda, to provide means for conducting municipal affairs and meeting necessary expenses. he recommends a reward for ensign francisco de dueñas, who has just returned from an important mission to ternate--whither he went with official announcement of the transfer of the portuguese settlement there to the spanish crown, which is peaceably accomplished. the franciscan missionaries who went to china have been brought back to the islands by the governor, who forbids them to go away again without his permission. the bishop intercedes for them with peñalosa, but in vain. this is but an instance of the frequent conflicts between the bishop and the civil authorities, who hinder rather than aid his efforts. salazar closes his letter with advice to the king as to the officials who ought to be sent to these islands. a document of especial interest is that (dated march 1, 1583) which gives instructions for the commissary of the inquisition who is to reside in the philippines. great care must be exercised in the choice of that official; he must be very discreet in his actions, and observe most strictly the rule of secrecy in all transactions connected with his office and proceedings. all cases of heresy are to be referred to the holy office; accordingly, no cognizance of such cases is to be taken by bishops or other ecclesiastical dignitaries. the commissary is warned to control his temper, to be careful and thorough in his investigations, and to report to the holy office any cases of disrespect or disobedience to his commands. careful instructions are given for procedure in receiving denunciations against suspected persons, on which are placed various restrictions, as well as upon arrests made in consequence of such accusations. the commissary is expected to investigate various crimes, especially that of bigamy; but he should, when possible, leave its punishment to the regular courts. in case of any accusation for this or other crimes, he should send to the inquisition at mexico all available information regarding the accused; in certain cases the latter should be sent to mexico. the royal officials of justice are required to assist the commissary on his demand, and the public prisons are at his disposal; but he may at his own discretion select a special and secret place of imprisonment for a person arrested by him. the prisoner is to be promptly despatched to mexico, to be tried by the inquisition there. the commissary is warned not to sequestrate the property of the accused, but to see that it be administered by some capable person. funds to provide for the prisoner's journey and his food, clothing, and other necessary expenses are, however, to be taken from his property--enough of it for this purpose being sold at public auction. none of these procedures shall apply to the indians, who shall be left under the jurisdiction of the ordinary ecclesiastical courts; but cases involving spaniards, mestizos, and mulattoes shall be tried by the inquisition. its edicts against certain books shall be solemnly read in public, for which procedure instructions are given. the commissary must visit the ships arriving at the ports, and examine their officers according to his instructions; but this applies only to spanish ships which come from spanish possessions. the especial object of such visitation is to confiscate any books condemned by the inquisition which may be conveyed by the ships. doubtful cases are left to the commissary's discretion, since he is at so great a distance from mexico. another valuable document is the decree which provides (may 5, 1583) for the establishment and conduct of a royal audiencia (high court of justice) in manila. provision is made for a house wherein this court shall sit, and for its powers and the scope of its jurisdiction; and instructions are given for its course of procedure in the various matters which shall come before it. certain duties outside their judiciary functions are prescribed for its members; among these are the oversight of the royal exchequer, and inspection of inns, apothecary shops, and weights and measures. the audiencia shall despatch to the home government information regarding the resources of the islands, the condition of the people, their attitude toward idolatry, the instruction bestowed upon indian slaves, etc. it shall fix the prices to be asked by merchants for their wares; keep a list of all the spanish citizens, with record of the services and rewards of each; audit the municipal accounts of the city where the court is established; and allot lands to those who settle new towns. its powers in regard to ecclesiastical cases of various kinds are carefully defined. felipe orders that the papal bulls be proclaimed only in those towns where spaniards have settled, and then in the spanish language; and that the indians shall not be compelled to hear the preaching of them, or to receive them. specific directions are given for the manner in which the audiencia shall audit the accounts of the royal treasury, and it may not expend the moneys therein; it shall also audit the accounts of estates in probate. its members must especially watch over the welfare of the conquered indians--punishing those who oppress them, and seeing that the natives receive religious instruction, in which the audiencia and the bishop shall cooperate; and various specific directions are given for the protection of the indians and their interests. the duties of the officials subordinate to the audiencia--fiscal attorney, alguazils, clerks, jail-wardens, and others--are carefully prescribed, as also are those of advocates. the remainder of this document will be presented in _vol_. vi. _the editors_ may, 1903. documents of 1582 letter to felipe ii. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; june 16. [2]relacion de las yslas filipinas. miguel de loarca; [june]. letter to felipe ii. fray domingo de salazar; june 20. letter to viceroy. juan baptista roman; june 25. letter to felipe ii. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; july 1. papal decrees regarding the dominicans. gregory xiii; september 15 and october 20. report on the offices saleable in the philippines. [unsigned; 1582?]. _sources_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla--excepting the papal decrees, which are taken from hernaez's _colección de bulas_. _translations_: the first and third documents are translated by josé m. and clara m. asensio; the second, by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university, and emma helen blair; the fourth, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the fifth, by james a. robertson; the sixth, by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a., of villanova college; the seventh, by alfonso de salvio. letter from peñalosa to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: there has now returned one of the ships by which i wrote in the year 80. until now no word has been received of the other ship to nueva españa, in which i sent a duplicate report. therefore in this letter i shall refer to some of the most essential points which i had written, and will give a report also of what is presented for the first time. this country is advancing rapidly in the conversion of the natives, and they are quick to embrace baptism and the knowledge of our holy faith. if the harvest is not greater, it is for lack of workers. however, the repartimientos held by the spaniards contain but few persons and yield small income; and thus they cannot assist in supplying all the instruction necessary, because of the cost of maintaining the religious. in this ship sail two religious of the order of st. augustine, in order to beseech your majesty to grant them grace in several necessary points. one is father fray juan pimentel, in whom are found many excellent qualities. among the things that they desire, i consider it very important that your majesty order convents to be built in all the villages and cities. there should be a convent of six religious in each of the villages, and one of twelve in the cities. may your majesty see to it that these be provided, from the alms which are customarily given to those who serve in the instruction of your majesty's towns. it is very inconvenient that for lack of the means of support, the priests who are sent here and are occupied in instructing the indians, are not able to carry on their work. if there were convents, none but the most approved persons would be sent to occupy them, as is necessary for the result that they strive to attain by their doctrine, lives, and examples. it is very necessary that the friars who are sent to these islands come directly from españa, and that they have not remained any length of time in nueva españa. as that land is so prosperous and wealthy, and the affairs and teaching of the indians have attained such progress, they become much discouraged in this country, and try to return to new spain or go elsewhere. as a result of this feeling, there set out in april of this year the custodian of the order of st. francis, with seven other friars of this city. they sailed without my approbation in a fragata which had been secretly made ready; and went to macau, a town in china which is inhabited by portuguese. the ships from india belonging to portugal stop there for trade, as well as those going to japan. it seemed to me that god would not sanction their departure, nor would your majesty be pleased to have them leave this country, where there are so many native christians and where religious are so needed, since they had been sent hither at your majesty's expense, to discharge the obligations of the royal conscience; but without my order, and at such a time, they set out. we even yet do not know the attitude taken by your majesty in regard to the affairs of portugal. i am determined to send after them, stop them, and prevent their voyage, although there have been and are now serious embarrassments in the way. if your majesty does not approve of my plans, may it be commanded that everything be carefully weighed and considered. three years ago four friars of the same order made that identical voyage without permission of the governor then here. it is not possible to check them if their superiors do not remedy the affair. if your majesty should order that no portuguese friars come hither, it would be best for your royal service. the royal estate has advanced, and is now progressing by the means which i have provided for its increase. although the rents and profits have been doubled since i came, their sum is but little, and does not amount to thirty thousand pesos annually. this is not sufficient for the salaries and expenses of the fleets and artillery, and therefore the treasury remains in debt, although not to such an extent as formerly. everything possible is done to cut down expenses for your majesty, and thus a great reduction has been made therein. this has been done with many supplies which are usually provided from nueva españa, since i am informed that many articles which are brought thence at great cost can be supplied here. it is a mistake for your majesty to think that these islands can serve the royal estate with a considerable sum of money, for i can say that that will not be for many years yet. but it is right that your majesty should value this land highly, on account of its proximity to china. without doubt that is the finest country in the world, since it has so many people and so great wealth. this island of luçon is not a hundred leagues distant from china, and ought to profit much from the endeavors made there by the vassals of your majesty. it is considered just that war should be made against them; and this and their conquest depends only on the way in which god inclines the heart of your majesty. until his divine majesty is pleased to appoint that time, it would be a serious error to undertake a war with the people who could be sent from here. i have determined to occupy them in finishing the settlement of these islands. accordingly, the village of arevalo--on the island of panay, fifty leagues from this district--has just been settled. the land is very fertile and the inhabitants are rich. they are almost all at peace, and the town is increasing in population because of the good and healthful character of that country. this year i have sent people to settle the city of segovia in a province called cagayan, in this island, a hundred leagues from this city. it is the frontier of china, and much benefit is expected from its settlement--for it is the best-situated port, with a harbor of greater depth, for the ships which sail in the line from nueva españa and peru; and it is so near to china that one can cross thence in three days. for the sake of the future i consider it very important to have that frontier settled. i sent for the settlement thereof captain juan pablos de carrion, with about a hundred picked men. they go in good order, well provided with artillery, vessels, ammunition, and with the approbation and blessing of the church. god will be served through them, and your majesty as well. in the years 80 and 81 there came to these islands some pirate ships from japan, which is located about four hundred leagues from here. they did some injury to the natives. this year, as warning was received that ten ships were being prepared to come to these islands, i have sent a fleet to the place where they are accustomed to come. this fleet is composed of six vessels, among them a ship and a galley well supplied with guns. i will send later advices of the outcome. the japanese are the most warlike people in this part of the world. they have artillery and many arquebuses and lances. they use defensive armor for the body, made of iron, which they have owing to the subtlety of the portuguese, who have displayed that trait to the injury of their own souls. although i have had no letter or advices of the state of affairs with portugal, it seemed to me in the year 80, that we should live with great care and circumspection on account of what might happen, as the portuguese are so quarrelsome, and especially if don antonio, the prior of crato, [3] should come here. in order to try to ascertain the state of affairs at maluco and at macau, the post held by the portuguese in china, i have sent for this purpose to the islands of maluco the sub-lieutenant francisco de dueñas with four companions. he is well-instructed as to what course to pursue. likewise i sent to macau father alonso sanchez of the society of the name of jesus, a person in whom are combined many admirable traits. [4] they are going to try to prepare and calm the people for the time when certain news will be had of the occurrences in portugal. they will bring back a report of everything which has been learned there of affairs, even to the defeat of the infante don antonio. i realize that it is necessary to be diligent in order to effect the desired ends, or that at least i shall be informed of the conditions there, and the forces with which the portuguese are supplied. the governors who have been here have used no system in making disbursements from the royal exchequer. they have followed the plan of spending as they saw fit and convenient to your majesty's royal service. i have continued in the same way because in no other manner would it be possible to support it or make advancement. the expenses here are for the most part extraordinary, and of small sums, as the royal exchequer cannot allow more owing to its limited resources, as i have already said. for expenses of considerable sums, as those incurred in despatching fleets for our settlements, against pirates, and in paying the salaries of corregidors and alcaldes-mayor, the officials ask me to request an order from your majesty. i have no other way of complying with the obligations of your royal service. will your majesty please to have an order sent me, in order that when i consider it convenient for your royal service, i may make payments from the royal treasury? it is not possible otherwise to maintain your royal service. the total expenditure is but slight, and is watched and regulated with all care. there are several men, newly-arrived in this country, who are always writing advices and opinions in respect to the aforesaid matter and others. it would be best for the royal service that the decrees despatched therefor be sent submitted to the consideration of the governor. as we are so far away it is right, _ceteris paribus_, in order to insure progress, that confidence be placed in the governor. by other letters, i have already given advices of the imposition of three per cent as duties on both importations and exportations of the merchandise of both spaniards and chinese. a freight charge of twelve pesos per tonelada is also imposed. considering their large profits, these duties are very moderate. for this reason, and because the instructions brought by the adelantado legaspi decreed the collection of five per cent from the people of this country and seven from the merchants of mexico, and as the collection at that rate cannot, in good conscience, be too long delayed, i have decided to enforce it. your majesty will provide according to the royal pleasure. in my opinion, the regulations made are moderate, just, and desirable for the royal service. i also gave information that i had sent a ship to piru in the year 81. from all that i hear, it is important for the progress of this kingdom that it trade and have commerce with the others; therefore i am sending this year another ship, for private individuals, to panama. consequently, i shall have ships sent to the principal kingdoms held by your majesty in the indias and the southern sea. the ship for peru carried some artillery to be delivered to the viceroy, among them a piece of eighty-five quintals. i decided to do this, knowing the need there for heavy artillery, as the strait had to be fortified. [5] i think that the artillery arrived at an opportune season, for i have had a letter from the viceroy, don martin enriques, in which he begs me to let him know if i could supply him with heavy artillery. i am only waiting for [the return of] the ship which i sent a year ago, in order to furnish him with as much as i can, for i consider that your majesty will be thereby served. the viceroy, count de coruña, [6] regrets that i despatched ships to a point outside of nueva españa. i can well believe that he has been persuaded to this view by the merchants interested in trade, as they do not wish the gains to be divided. those who consider the subject without prejudice, however, will understand the great advantages which might follow thereby to this country, in that people will come hither and commerce be opened upon all sides. the affairs of this country are improving to such an extent that the cargo of this ship bound for nueva españa is worth four hundred thousand pesos. it carries two thousand marcos of gold without taking into account the large quantity of goods intended for panama. in the past year, 81, there came from nueva españa three theatins; and two priests, father antonio sedeño [7] and father alonso sanches, zealous servants of god and having great erudition. they are doing much good, and i consider them as excellent persons for this country, and think that it would be advantageous to send more. in some places which need defense i am having forts built, and for them artillery is constantly being cast--although there is a lack of competent workmen, nor are there any in nueva españa. it would be well to have master-founders of cannon sent from españa. i am also having some galliots and fragatas built, so that i may be supplied with vessels for both present and future emergencies. this kingdom was thrown into great confusion by a decree in which your majesty ordered the liberation of all indian slaves held by spaniards. this affair has caused me much anxiety; for, if it should be immediately complied with, and put into execution without allowing any term of grace, this kingdom would be placed in a sad state for many good and very forcible reasons. of these, and of the measures which i took in regard to this, your majesty will be informed at greater length. accordingly, i refer you to that report, and beseech your majesty that the decree be greatly amended, since this is a very important matter. by the death of salvador de aldave, who served as treasurer of your royal estate, in place of the master-of-camp, guido de laveçares (the proprietary holder, who died), i appointed to the said office don antonio jufre, my step-son. he came with me to serve your majesty in these islands, and i consider that he possesses the necessary qualifications for the requirements of the office. he has fulfilled its duties thus far; and now he has gone to the settlement of the city of segovia, as treasurer and purveyor of the fleet. i beseech your majesty to have the goodness to ratify his appointment to said office. in my instructions your majesty granted me the favor and permission to obtain a repartimiento of indians from each of the new settlements--to be in all three repartimientos. as, to enjoy this favor, i must live for a longer time than is assured by my poor state of health, i beg your majesty kindly to allow me to take one of the repartimientos from one of the towns which is already discovered and settled, and which is at present unoccupied; this is only that i may serve your majesty with more strength. may our lord guard your catholic royal majesty with increase of kingdoms and seignories, as we your servants desire. manila, june 16, 1582. royal catholic majesty, the most humble servant of your majesty, who kisses the royal feet and hands. _don gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa_ relacion de las yslas filipinas por miguel de loarca _tratado de las yslas philipinas en qe_ se contiene todas las yslas y poblaçones qe estan reduçidas al seruiçio de la magd real del rey don phelippe nro señor y las poblaçones qe están fundadas de españoles y la manera del gouierno de españoles y naturales con algunas condiçiones de los yndios y moros destas yslas. aunqe la prinçipal poblaçon de españoles, en estas yslas es la çiudad de manila y la ysla de luçon donde ella esta es la mejor y mas rica de todo lo descubierto y por esta causa ubieramos de tratar y començar a escrivir della pero por aver sido la de çubu la primera qe se pobló y que de allí se a salido a conquistar todo lo demas y tambien por auerme va sa dado tam breue tiempo para haçer esta relaçion y tenerla yo mas de la ysla de çubu y de las demas sus comarcanas que llaman de los pintados, començare della pa que se prosiga despues mas largamte en lo que toca a esta ysla de luçon y sus comarcanas que por ser moros difieren algo en las condiçiones y viuienda y lengua.--no se puede negar a ver faltado curiosidad en los que a esta tierra an pasado pues eclesiastico, ni secular an tomado la mano para contar lo que a acaeçido en la conquista desta tierra y ansi aunque en mexico el padre fray alonso de buyça diçen tiene hecho vn gran volumen sobre ello tengolo por dudoso porqe yo e visto cartas suyas qe vinieron el año pasado en este navio sanct martin, por las quales enbia a pedir certidumbre de cosas acaeçidas de dies y seys años a esta pte porqe esta dudoso de las relaçiones que de aca le an enbiado y si hubiera escrito alguno de los estantes en este reyno, diera de todo verdadera notiçia para los tiempos venideros y agora con muçha dificultad se podra poner en orden y sera menester muçho tiempo y por y esto y la breuedad no tratare deste particular sino cumpliendo lo que su magd mda a v. sa por su real çedula añidiendo algunas costumbres de los naturales pa que pues son basallos de su magd sepa de la barbaridad de que los a sacado y la poliçia en qe agora viuen con su buen gouierno.-capo primo _de la ysla de çubu y de las qe_ estan en su juridiçion _ysla de çubu._ [8] la ysla de çubu ques la primera donde miguel lopes de l[eg]azpi poblo tiene de box y çircuyto casi çien leguas, y de longitud casi çinquenta porques muy angosta por las dos puntas tendrá por lo mas ancho veynte leguas la vna caveça della que se llama burula qe esta a la uanda del norte la otra punta qe llamamos las cabeças; que los naturales llaman sanbuan esta a la vanda del sur por que esta ysla corre casi norte sur esto se entiende, maren fuera porqe costa à costa ay ensenadas qe corren en diferentes rumbos esto es por la banda, donde esta la poblaçon de çubu, por la otra vanda ques la vanda del hueste corre casi les nordeste sur sudueste, tiene toda esta ysla como tres mil y quinientos yndios en diferentes poblaçones por la mayor parte pequeñas, que por eso no pongo sino algunas qe son las principales qe las de mas son pequeñas de a oçho o a dies casas. _jaro_. jaro es de un encomendero qe tiene encomienda en otra parte tiene quios yndios-_daraguete_. daraguete son demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios-_peñol_. el peñol es demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios-_jaro_. jaro es demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios-_temanduc_ temanduqe es demasia de encomienda, tiene quinientos yndios,-_temanduc_. en la mesma prouinçia de temanduqe tiene otro encomendero setenta yndios, es demasia de encomiendas-_barile_ el pueblo de barile es otra encomienda, tiene quatroçientos yndios, es demasia de encomienda.-_burungan_ el pueblo de burungan terna setenta yndios, es demasia de encomienda-_candaya_. la prouinçia de candaya tiene treçientos y çinquenta yndios, son de dos encomenderos, es demasia de encomienda.-no tiene ninguna encomienda prinçipal en toda ella ningun español aunque son catorçe los que tienen parte en ella qe por ser veçinos de la villa de çubu se les dió a cada uno dos o tres puebleçuelos para seruiçio y gallinas y otras cosas de sustento, por tener las encomiendas prinçipales lejos a treynta, y a quarenta leguas, mas y menos tiene aliende de los diçhos naturales como dos tiros de arcabuz de la uilla de los españoles qe se llama la villa del ssantisimo nombre de jesus porqe alli se allo vn niño jesus del tiempo de magallanes qe los yndios tenian en beneraçion, vn pueblo de los naturales ques de la rel corona qe tiene como oçhoçientos yndios los quales por el adelantado miguel lopes de legazpi fueron reseruados de tributo por auer sido siempre en fauor de los españoles y auer ayudado a ganar pte de las otras yslas. _notables de la ysla de çubu_ auia en la poblaçon de los españoles treynta y tantos encomenderos. ay de ordinario çinquenta o sesenta españoles con los vecinos y soldados qe acuden alli, _alld mayor en çubu_. ay vna leal de [ = vn alcalde] mayor proveido por los gouernadores destas yslas con treçientos pesos de salario pagados de penas de camara y no alcançando en la real haçienda el alcalde mayor asta agora no a proueydo ningun theniente ay seis regidores los quales asta agora an sido cadañeros y vn alguaçil mayor proveydo por los gouernadores que an sido y esta a beneplaçito del goueror quitarle y ponerle es ofiçio qe no tiene prouechos ninguno y asi se dá a un encomendero hombre prinçipal, ay dos alcaldes hordinarios y vn escriuano de cabildo y publico que si no fuesen encomenderos de los derechos, no podrian sustentarse por no auer en aquella villa ningun comerçio por estar a trasmano, tiene el mejor puesto qe se a allado en estas yslas y por esso poblo alli miguel lopes de legazpi el qual fundo la diçha villa año de sesenta y quatro podria ser qe con el trato del maluco fuese a mas porqe no siendo de aqui no tiene otra pte de donde le venga ninguna contrataçion porque su comarca es pobre porqe en todo su destricto aunqe es mucho no ay minas de oro ni lauaderos sino es in la ysla de mindanao como se dira adelante y eso es poco en esta ysla de çubu se coje poco aroz coje se vorona y millo y tiene poco algodon a casi ninguno porque la ropa que vsan para su vestir. es sacada de vnos platanos y dello haçen vnas mantas como bocaçi de colores qe llaman los naturales medrinaqe y en estas yslas la que tiene aroz y algodon, es tierra rica por lo que vale en la nueva españa el algodon y las mantas, la condiçion de la gte dire despues de todos los pintados en general porqe todos son de vna manera tienen tambien gallinas y puercos y algunas cabras frisoles y vnas rayçes como batatas de sancto domingo qe llaman camotes en esta ysla y en todas las demas el prinçipal mantenimiento despues del aroz es pescado porqe en todas lo ay en abundançia y bueno--[en esta ysla de çubu aun qe en todas las yslas que se an descubierto en estas partes ay benados en esta no ay ninguno y si lo traen de fuera y lo hechan en ella se muere luego.] [9]-_ysla de matan_ al sur de la poblaçon de çubu como dos tiros de arcabuz esta la ysla de matan, ques donde mataron a magallanes ques la que haçe el puerto de çubu, y tiene como quatro leguas de çircuyto y media legua de ançho, ay en ella como treçientos yndios en quatro o çinco pueblos pequeños es proprios de la villa-_ysla de vohol_. dela otra vanda desta ysla de matan mas al sur esta la ysla de vohol como ocho leguas apartada de la poblaçon de çubu qe tiene como dos mil yndios es de encomienda los naturales desta ysla. son muy aparentados, con los çebuanes y son casi todos vnos, los naturales della, qe viuen en las playas son por la mayor parte grandes pescadores, son grandes bogadores y ansi solian andar antes qe viniesen, los españoles a robar en corço en sus nauios y son contratantes, solia auer en esta ysla vna gran poblaçon poco tiempo antes qe viniesen a estas yslas los españoles--los malucos la saquearon, y toda la mayor pte de la gente se repartio por las demas yslas donde agora auitan las poblaçones de la sierra adentro son pequeñas y pobres y aun no del todo sujetos, ay en esta ysla muçha abundançia de caça de venados y puercos, y en muchas ysletas qe tiene alderredor de si despobladas a donde ay tambien grandes pesquerias tendra de çircuyto como quarento leguas y oçho a diez de ançho-_yslas de negros_. por la vanda del hueste de la ysla de çubu esta otra ysla que los españoles llaman ysla de negros porqe en las serranias ay algunos negros, los yndios la nombran por diferentes nombres como es nayon y ma maylan y otros nombres conforme a los pueblos qe tiene en cada pte della terna como seys o siete mil yndios. la cantidad de los negros no se sabe porqe no estan de paz, por la pte que esta hacia çubu es poco poblada, porqe solo tiene vna poblaçon, buena que es el rio de tanay y la mitad de los yndios de aquel rio son los yndios qe fueron de bohol, por la vanda del sur qe confina con la ysla de panay y villa de areualo es bien poblada porqe estan alli los rios de ylo ynabagan bago y carobcop tecgaguan qe son fertiles de comida como es aroz puercos y gallinas y muçho medrinaque aunqe no tienen algodon la pte qe confina con la ysla de çubu esta apartada de la diçha ysla como dos leguas y media y por la pte que confina, qe confina con la ysla de panay y villa de areualo tiene otro tanto porqe estas yslas haçe dos estreçhos el vno haçe con la ysla de zubu y el otro con la ysla de panay, la pte qe cae a la ysla de çubu ay tres encomenderos por la parte de la ysla de panay y villa de areualo ay otros oçho encomenderos que si no son los dos todos los demas tienen encomiendas en otra pte terna esta ysla nouenta leguas de box y de ançho como doçe o treçe leguas no tiene su magd en esta ysla ningunos pueblos-_ysla de fuegos_ çerca del estreçho qe haçe la ysla de negros y la ysla de çubu esta vna ysla qe llamamos nosotros ysla de fuegos qe terna diez leguas de box terna como duçientos yndios esta es demasia de vn encomendero cojese en ella cantidad de çera _ysla de camotes_. por la pte del leste de la ysla de çubu esten dos ysletas pequeñas qe ternan de box cada vna çinco leguas que llaman ysletas de camotes ternan entrambas como treçientos yndios son proprios de la çiudad de çubu es gte pobre aunqe tienen alguna çera, y muçho pescado son las poblaçones pequeñas de siete y a ocho casas estan apartadas de la ysla de çubu como tres leguas y siete de la çiudad-_ysla de baybay_ corriendo mas haçia la buelta del leste como otras tres leguas esta la ysla qe llaman de baybay y por otro nombre leyte ques ysla grande y muy abundante de comida aunqe la ropa es de medrinaqe es muy poblada terna como catorçe o quinçe mil yndios y de los diez mil dellos se cobran tributos porqe a sido gte mala de domeñar tiene doçe encomenderos no tiene su magd en ella ningunos yndios, terna esta ysla como oçhenta leguas de box y de ançho quinçe o diez y seys, las poblaçones y rios prinçipales son los siguintes vaybay, yodmuc, leyte, cauigava, barugo, maraguincay palos, abuyo, dulaque y longos, bito, cabalian, calamocan, tugud no ay en esta ysla minas ni lauaderos ni se coje otra ropa sino de medriñaque que como tengo diçho es como bocaçi qe se haçe de vnos platanos çimarrones-_ysla de panaon_ entre esta ysla y la ysla de mindanao qe corre la vna con la otra norte sur esta la ysla de panaon, terna oçho leguas de çircuyto y tres de ançho es gente pobre abra como çien hombres son de vn encomendero-_ysla de siargao_--mas adelante como doçe leguas de la ysla de panaon arimada a la ysla de mindanao esta la ysla de siargao la qual terna como quinçe leguas de box y seys de ançho terna como quatroçientros hombres, las poblaçones están en vnas [10] [poblaçones: _crossed out in ms_.] esteros asperos y de mala condicion es de un encomendero, es gente pobre por ser aragana porqe tiene muçhas ysletas pequeñas alderedor de si en las quales ay muchos labaderos, de oro y minas, diçen qe no las labrauan porqe los cosarios qe sabiendo que estauan alli benefiçiandolas le venian alli a cautiuar, pero tanpoco lo haçen agora qe estan seguros por donde se puede ynferir que lo haçen de flojedad-_ysla de maçagua_ a la vanda del hueste de la ysla de baybay esta vna ysleta pequeña que se llama maçagua de quien tantos milagros contaua el padre fray andres de urbaneta qe terna como quatro leguas de box y vna de ançho, tiene como sesenta hombres es demasia de vn encomendero es gente pobre y miserable no tiene sino sal y pescado-_ysla de maripipe_. a la otra vanda del nordeste de la ysla de baybay esta la ysla que llaman de maripipe ques tierra muy alta y por ser muy fragosa es esteril, terna como siete leguas de box y dos y media de ançho terna como çien yndios. _ysla de limancaguayan_ mas çerca del estreçho y cavo del espu sancto esta otra ysla apartada desta como tres leguas que se llama limancaguayan que terna otro tanto box como maripipe y otros çien hombres es tierra qe se cojen en ella aroz y medriñaque, son estas dos yslas de vn encomendero y la yslas de fuegos que diximos atrás.-_ysla de masbate_ mas al nor nordeste desta ysla de leyte esta la ysla de masbate qe terna como treynta leguas de box y seys de ançho, tiene como quinientos yndios es de vn encomendero aqui ay minas de oro de donde se sacaua cantidad porque los naturales de camarines venian a labrar alli las minas anse absentado de alli por causa de los españoles y asi no se benefician, e tomado por çentro de todas estas yslas que e diçho la ysla de leyte porque son todas ellas comarcanas a ella.-_ysla de bantayan_ a la vanda del norte de a ysla de çubu apartada della como dos leguas esta la ysla de bantayan que terna oçho leguas de box y dos de ançho tiene çerca de mil yndios y son de vn encomendero [y: _crossed out in ms._] ella y la ysla de vohol ariba diçho, la gente della es buena gente tratante tienen grande pesquerias que es ysla de heçha muçhos baxos tiene pesqueria de perlas aunqe poca cosa no se coje en ella sino a millo y borona y no se coje ningun arroz por ques tierra toda de mal pais aunque llana algunos de los naturales desta ysla haçen sus sementeras en la ysla de çubu, como digo esta dos leguas de trauesia tiene muy buenos palmares y lo mismo se a de entender de todas las yslas de los pintados porque todas lellas abundan en gran cantidad de palmas-_ysla de capul_ es la ysla que haçe estreçho con la ysla de luçon por donde entran los nauios qe vienen de españa, tiene como doçe leguas de box quatro de ançho tiene como quinientos yndios, es de vn encomendero es gente pobre cogen aroz y medriñaque-_ysla de viri_. mas al llegar haçia el cauo del espu santo esta [y: _crossed out in ms._] la ysla de biri en el proprio estrecho, terna como çinco leguas de box y dos de ançho, tiene como çien hombres, esta y maçagua son de vn encomendero-_ysla de ybabao_ al sueste de la ysla de baybay esta la ysla de ybabao qe por otro nombre llaman la ysla de candaya qe terna siento y diez leguas de box no se a andado por ella por tierra y ansi no se sabe lo que tiene de ançho diçen que los naturales que tiene tanta gente como la ysla de baybay y que es fertil y abundante de comida, los qe los españoles avran descubierto seran como çinco mil yndios en las poblaçones siguientes el pueblo de daguisan el rio de ylaga el rio de yba el rio de basey los pueblos de hubun los pueblos de balingigua los pueblos de guiguan el rio de sicaualo el rio de bolongan el rio de sibato el pueblo de tinagun el rio de caluiga los esteros de vlaya el rio de paguntan el rio de napundan el rio de bolo el rio de pono el rio de gamay los pueblos de panpan el rio de catubi el rio de volonto el rio de yuatan el rio de pagaguahan el pueblo de baranas el pueblo de arasan _yslas de bantac_. junto a la ysla de ybabao por la vanda del leste ques el golfo de nueua españa estan dos yslas qe llaman bantac qe tienen poca gente a lo qe diçen los yndios no se a entrado en ellas-_ysla verde_ en esta misma costa frontera de los pueblos de guiguan qe estan a la vanda del golfo esta la ysla verde terna como oçho leguas de çircuyto y quatro de ançho tiene como çiento y çinquenta yndios _ysla de canaguan_ de la otra vanda del hueste frontero del rio de tinahon esta la ysla de canaguan qe terna como quatro leguas de box y vna de ançho tiene como çien hombres-_ysla de caguayan_ la ysla de caguayan esta casi arimada a la ysla de ybabao por la parte del hueste tiene tres leguas de box y vna de ançho tiene duçientos hombres-_ysla de batac_. la ysla de batac questa junto à esta tierra, tiene çien hombres, todas estas yslas qe e diçho son de los encomenderos de çubu y juridiçion de la çiudad desuerte qe tiene de çircuyto la çiudad de çubu de juridiçion contando cada ysla por si y lo qe esta descubierto de la ysla de mindanao seysçientas y sesenta y siete leguas.-_ysla de mindanao_ la ysla de mindanao es muy grande qe se entiende ques la mas grande qe ay en todo lo qe esta descubierto asta àgora aunqe en ella ay poca gente de paz porqe no ay sino es alguna poca y esa es en la playa esta descubierto della que los españoles an andado, como çiento y çinquenta leguas, desde el rio de catel asta el rio prinçipal que llaman mindanao, desde la çiudad de çubu a la tierra mas çercana qe es dapitan, se corre el sueste y es dapitan puerto y esta enmedic de lo descubierto de la ysla solia estar poblado àgora tiene poca gente cojese aroz y oro porqe en toda la ysla ay labaderos y minas pero es tan poco qe no luçe, desde alli a la punta de la canela ay mas de treynta rios poblados _notables de la ysla de mindanao_ pero la gente de la playa es muy poca y esos son lutaos que es vn genero de homb es en esta tierra, qe no tienen otra manera de viuir sino es andar a pescar y en sus nauios traen sus mugeres y perros y gatos y toda su hacienda, el pescado que toman rescatan en las serranias, _casas en arboles de las serranias de mindanao_ tienen estas serranos desta ysla sus casas en vnos arboles los quales son tan grandes qe auitan en vna casa ençina de vn arbol quarenta y çinquenta hombres casados con sus familias y tienenlo como fuerte para defender se de los enemigos por lo que se a visto abundan en gran cantidad de cora, es la tierra muy aspera y montuosa tienen mantas de medriñaqe-en la punta de cauite qe es en esta ysla es donde ay la cantidad de canela, estara quarenta leguas de dapitan, esta es la pte qe corre hagia el maluco.-_isla de taguima_ cerca desta punta de la canela esta la ysla de taguima qe terna de box como catçore leguas y de ançho quatro y tiene como quios yndios es de dos encomenderos. ay en esta ysla gran cantidad de gatos de algalia por aqui pasan las naos de los portugueses qe van desde malaca a maluco por el clauo, y anles heçho los naturales desta ysla muçho daño, y muçhas veçes pasando por alli contrayçiones. en toda la ysla de mindanao ay gatos de algalia pero gente pobre de comida y mantas-_ysla de soloc_ la ysla de soloc esta desuiada desta punta de la canela veynte leguas qe son moros de burney los que la poseen, descubriose quando el rio de burney terna como veynte y quatro leguas de çircuyto diçen qe tiene poco mas de mil hombres, diçen que ay en ella elefantes y buena pesqueria de perlas. es un encomendero de los de çubu es juridiçion de aquella ciudad.-_prosigue la ysla de mindanao_ desde dapitan volviendo la buelta del nordeste asta llegar al rio de butuan es todo de vn encomendero sino son los pueblos de gonpot y cagayan que por ser pueblos qe ay canela estan en cabeça de su magd y esta es poca gte qe no tiene duçientos hombres deste proprio encomendero es desde dapitan asta çerca de la punta de la canela que tiene mas de sesenta leguas de encomienda en esta ysla de mindanao y es suya la ysla de soloc ariua diçha y tiene otra encomienda en la ysla de çubu, y con todo esto es pobre [y muere de la hámbre: _crossed out in ms_.] por lo qual no ay qe heçar mano de todo lo que esta descubierto en la ysla de mindanao.-_rios. paniguian ydac matanda ytanda tago ono beslin. qe_ todo ello terna como tres mil hombres pero esta la mayor pte de guerra. el rio de butuan ques de guido de la ueçaris terna como seysçientos yndios, qe estan en esta ysla, y mas adelante estan los rrios de surigao y parasao y otros qe todo es pobre cosa aunque ay labaderos en ellos de oro como son los rio, paniguian, ydac, matanda ytanda, tago, ono, beslin qe todo ella terna como tres mil hombres pero esta la mayor pte de guerra.-el rio prinçipal de mindanao ques el prinçipal de la ysla de donde tomo nombre la ysla de mindanao se a ydo dos veçes a descubrir y ase traydo poca luz del anse visto seys o siete pueblos. el vno y prinçipal a donde auita el reyeçillo y otro qe se llaman tanpacan y boayen y valet y otros qe se aura visto como poblaçon de tres mill hombres poco mas aunqe se tiene notiçia de muçha gte-_ysla de camaniguin_. en frente del rio de butuan viniendo haçia çubu entre vohol y la ysla de mindanao esta la ysla de camaniguin terna como diez leguas de box. tiene como çien yndios. esta desuiada la vsla de mindanao dos leguas, es tierra muy alta y aspera cojese en ella alguna çera es demasia de vn encomendero de la çiudad de çubu-capo 2 _qe_ trata de la ysla de panay y de su juridiçion-_ysla de panay_ la ysla de panay qe esta desuiada de la ysla de gubu por lo mas çercano doçe leguas y de la ysla de negros dos leguas y media la ysla mas fertil y abundante de todas las descubiertas sacado la ysla de luçon porques muy fertil y abundante y de aroz y puercos y gallinas çera y miel, y gran cantidad de algodon y medriñaque las poblaçones estan muy juntas y todas ellas paçificas y façiles a la conversion es tierra sana y de buenos mantenimientos desuerte que los españoles qe en otras partes de la ysla enferman van alli a conualeçer y cobrar salud los naturales della es gente muy sana y limpia porque aunque la ysla de çubu es tanbien sana y de buena constelaçion, la gente della por la mayor parte anda sienpre muy sarnosa, y con bubas, y en esta ysla de panay, diçen los naturales qe jamás ningun natural della tubo bubas, asta qe los boholanes como dixe ariba qe a causa de los malucos despoblaron a vohol vinieron a poblar a ella qe las an pegado à algunos naturales. por estas causas el gouernador don gonçalo ronquillo fundo en ella la villa de areualo a la vanda del sur porqe esta ysla corre casi norte sur, y aquella vanda ay la mayor cantidad, de gente y juntas las poblaçones a la diçha villa y la mayor grosedad de la tierra, ay en ella quinçe encomenderos que teman entre todos çerca de veynte mil yndios todos de paz que pagan su tributo, y por estar çercana la vanda de ysla de negros qe confina con ella el diçno gouérnador le dio por juridiçion los rios de ylo, ynabagan, pago, ycarobcop ytecgaguan qe como ariba queda diçho es lo mejor de la ysla de negros y ansi acuden a haçer alli sus casas y es el pueblo mas basteçido que ay en las yslas. desta ysla de panay se saca agora para la çiudad de manila y otras partes gran cantidad de aroz y carne, _alld mayor de areualo con 300 po_s de salarjo. ay en la villa desta ysla vn alcalde mayor, quatro regidores, vn alguaçil mayor, dos alcaldes hordinarios y vn escriuano publico y del cauildo los regidores son perpetuos el alguaçil mayor por el tiempo qe lo fuere el alcalde mayor el escriuano como es poblacon nueua y ay pocos pleytos no tiene proueçhos sino es de los pleytos de los yndios porqe sale a visitar fuera con el alcalde mayor y de otras comisiones qe se le cometen a la justiçia tiene la villa de juridiçion tres leguas en çircuyto de la diçha villa no tiene proprios.--las principales poblaçones desta ysla son las siguientes el pueblo de oton junto a la villa el pueblo de ticbaguan- el rio de jaro.- el rio de yvahay- el rio de ajuy.- el rio de harahut el rio de panay el rio de aclan el pueblo de antiqe el pueblo de bugason y otros de menos cantidad, tiene el alcalde mayor de salario treçientos pesos librados en las penas de camara y si no alcançare en la real caxa cobra por comission del goueror y de los ofiçiales reales los tributos qe perteneçen a su magd en aquella ysla. qe seran poco mas de dos mil hombres, en el rio de haraut y rio de ajuy y rio de panay y los quintos del oro que se labra ques casi nada esta esta uilla, apartada de la çiudad del ssmo nome de jhs. qe esta en la ysla de çubu çerca de çinquenta leguas y por la abundançia de madera y comida a auido aqui casi siempre astillero en esta ysla y lo ay àgora a donde esta poblada agora la uilla de areualo de galeras y fragatas y aqui se hiço tambien la nao visaya, tiene de box esta ysla çien, leguas. _ysla de ymaraes_ desuida como dos tiros de arcabuz desta ysla de panay esta la ysla de ymaraes qe terna de box como doçe leguas, terna quinientos yndios es de vn de los encomenderos de la ysla de panay es abundante de aroz algodon miel y çera y muçha caça y esta es muy hordinario en todas las yslas auer abundançia dello tiene muçha madera y della se saca para los astilleros y para labrar todas las casas de la comarca, entra en la jurisdiçion de la villa de areualo aunqe tiene tanto çircuyto. _ysla de cuyo_ frontero de antiqe ques en la ysla de panay a la vanda del hueste al mesmo rumbo desuiada como diez y seys leguas esta la ysla de cuyo ques de vno de los encomenderos de la ysla de panay, terna oçhoçientos hombres, tienen cantidad de aroz es el grano colorado porque la tierra lo es ansi cria se gran cantidad de cabras ques la tierra aparejada para ello, tienen grandes pesquerias cojen se algunas perlas, labranse alli muy buenas mantas de algodon aunque el algodon no se coje alli solian acudir alli muçhos nauios de burney al rescate del bruscay que son vnos çiertos caracolillos que heçha la mar ques moneda en sian como el cacao en la nueva españa es de la juridiçion de areualo nunca a entrado en ella ninguna justa tiene esta ysla doçe leguas de box. _ysletas de lalutaya_ cercanas a esta ysla estan çinco [_sic_] ysletillas qe se llaman la lutaya, dehet bisucay, cadnuyan, tacaguayan, lubit tinotoan, es gente muy pobre son esclauos de los prinçipales de la ysla de cuyo aura poco mas de çien hombres en todas estas ysletas viuen de haçer sal y petates qe son estera por ser gte miserable y en esto pagan su tributo--terna seys leguas de box esta ysla. _ysla de osigan_ ala vanda del nordeste de la ysla de panay desbiada como tres leguas de lo vltimo de la ysla esta la ysla de osigan qe nosotros llamamos ysla de tablas qe terna diez y oçho leguas de box ques tierra muy montuosa cojese en ella çera aura como duçientos y çinquenta yndios en poblaçones pequeñas-_ysla de çibuyan_ mas adelante como seys leguas desta ysla esta la ysla de çibuyan terna como doçe leguas de box y seys de ançho terna como treçientos yndios y estas dos son de vno de los encomenderos de la ysla de panay en esta ysla ay muy buenas minas de oro pero labranlas mal por ser todos los yndios pintados muy araganes son dejuridiçion de areualo--_ysla de buracay_ como dos tiros de arcabuz de la caueça de la ysla de panay qe esta a la vanda del norte esta la ysla de buracay. tiene como tres leguas de box y media de ançho tiene çien yndios no se coje alli aroz sino tienen granjeria de algunas cabras--_ysla de anbil_ media legua desta ysla esta otra qe se llama anbil tiene como tres leguas de box y vna de ançho y tiene çinquenta yndios son casi todos carpinteros de nauios-_ysla de simara_ desuiada como dos leguas de la ysla de tablas qe se llaman osigan esta la ysla de simara qe terna quatro leguas de box y dos de ançho tiene çiento y çinquenta hombres es gente tratante tiene cabras y por esto se llama ysla de cabras esta desuiada de la ysla de panay como doçe leguas.-_ysla de sivaay_ desta punta de la ysla de panay qe esta a la vanda del norte corriendo al hueste a quatro leguas esta la ysla de sivaay qe tiene çinco leguas de box y legua y media de ançho tiene setente yndios--_ysla de similara_. mas adelante como tres leguas arimada a la ysla de mindoro esta la ysla de similara qe tiene nouenta yndios. tiene de box quatro leguas y de ançho vna legua, toda la gente destas ysletas es gente qe tiene poca coseçha haçen muçha sal y son tratantes-_ysla de batbatan_ mas abajo desta punta de panay haçia el sur desuiada como legua y media de la diçha ysla de panay esta la ysla de bacbatan que tiene oçhenta yndios, tiene de box como tres leguas y vna de ançho haçen sus sementeras y cojen la çera en la ysla de panay, todas estas yslas buracay, anbil, simara siuaay similara bacbatan son de vn encomendero, de los de la ysla de panay-_ysla de banton_ como legua y media de la ysla de simara o de cabras esta la ysla de banton qe terna como oçho leguas de box y tres de ançho tiene duçientos yndios es tierra muy aspera, ay muçhos palmares y crianse muçhas batatas y ñames cojen çera son tratantes-_ysla de donblon_ la ysla de donblon esta entre çibuyan e ysla de tablas tiene siete leguas de çircuyto y tres de ançho tiene como duçientos y çinquenta yndios. es tierra de muçha çera esta ysla de donblor y la de banton son de vno de los encomenderos de la ysla de panay y su juridiçion de la villa de areualo, la ysla de ymaras y la ysla de cuyo, la ysla de bacbatan, la ysla de sivahi, la ysla de similara, la ysla de buracay, la de anbil, la de simara, la de osaygan, la de banton, la de donblon, la de çibuyan y mas lo prinçipal de la ysla de negros qe desde la punta de sita-rauaan asta siparay que son mas de veynte leguas ques lo poblado de aquella ysla de negros. la ysla de banton qe es lo mas apartado de la juridiçion estara como çinquenta y çinco o çincuenta y seys leguas des-viada de la villa de areualo-_ysla de cagaian_ de la villa de areualo corriendo la buelta del sur sudueste qe es yr mas en fuera porqe para alli no ay otras yslas sino son las que llaman de cagayan qe son dos ysletas bajas desuiadas de la ysla de panay como quinçe leguas son çercadas de muçhos araçifes bajos que si no se sabe bien la entrada ques angosta corren riesgos los nauios que van a ellas. estas yslas estan pobladas qe ternan como quatro çientos hombres qe todos ellos son muy exçelentes offiçiales de haçer nauios diçen los naturales dellos qe algunos años a qe por temor de los cosarios poblaron aquellas yslas por estar fuertes con los arraçifes y qe despues aca se an querido voluer a viuir a la ysla de panay y morianseles gran cantidad de las mugeres y viendo esto como son agoreros, voluieronse otra vez a las yslas de cagayan y de alli salen cada año y se reparten por todas las a haçer nauios estos yndios cagayanes an heçho las naos qe se an heçho en estas yslas de su magd y las galeros y galeotas y fragatas estos ayudan a remendar los nauios y adreçarlos y ansi es la gente mas ymportante qe ay en estas yslas por este efecto el adelantado miguel lopes de legazpi las dió por demasía a los encomenderos de la ysla de negros despues aca por pareçer cosa conuiniente se an puesto en cabeça de su magd de suerte qe tiene de juridiçion la villa de areualo cerca de duçientas y cinquentá leguas. capo 3o _qe_ trata de la ysla de luçon _ysla de luçon_ la ysla e luçon as la mas prinçipal ysla de todo lo descubierto porques poblada de muçha gte es muy abasteçida de aroz y muçhas minas donde se a sacado gran cantidad de oro espeçial de la prouinçia de los ylocos. esta repartida en tres prouinçias digo la prinçipal della la prinçipal es donde esta fundada la çiudad de manilla cabeça deste reyno a donde reside el gouernador, en ella ay el mayor concurso de españoles qe ay en todas las yslas, legua y media de la çiudad esta el puerto de cauite donde vienen las naos qe vienen de nueua españa en el rio desta çiudad entran los nauios qe vienen de çhina qe de hordinario acuden muçhos al rescate tiene aqui su magd vn fuerte con vn alcayde tres offiçiales reales proueydos por su magd vn sargento mayor y vn alferez mayor proueydos por su magd vn alguaçil mayor de corte vn alguaçil mayor de la çiudad vn secretario de gouernaçion, escriuano de cauildo, quatro escriuanos publicos. reside en esta çiudad el obpo de todas las yslas qe tiene en ella su silla y la yglesia catedral. ay siete regidores en esta çiudad los tres son proprietarios proueydos por su magd qe son el capitan juan de moron don luis enrriquez, po de herrera, los quatro son proueydos por el goueror qe son el capitan grauiel de ribera, el capitan joan maldonado el capitan bergara el capitan ro aluarez. ay vn monasterio de frayles augustinos y otro de frayles descalços, y vna casa de la compañia. esta esta çiudad fundada en medio de vna ensenada grande y terna de box çerca de veynte leguas, toda esta ensenada es muy fertil y abundante, esta poblada de moros yndustriados de los de burney. el rio ariua desta çiudad como çinco leguas tiene vna laguna de agua dulçe qe terna de box mas de veynte leguas tierra abundante de aroz y algodon ricos de oro digo qe lo tienen en sus joyas qe por aqui no ay minas desta generaçion de moros estan poblados hasta los pueblos de las batangas qe adelante se dira la cantidad de gte qe son, destos moros esta poblada la ysla de mindoro y la de luban y no se allan en otra pte de las yslas porqe los de la prouja de camarines qe es la cabeça desta ysla qe esta a la vanda del leste que haçe estreçho por donde entran las naos qe vienen de nueua españa es gente qe son casi pintados y aun los de la otra caueça desta ysla cae a la vanda del sueste haçia los japones tanbien son casi semejantes a los pintados aunqe no se pintan como ellos y traen diferentemente oradadas las orejas porqe la pintura destas dos prouinçias es poca, los pintados pintan se todo el cuerpo muy galanamente y los moros no se pintan ninguna cosa ni se oradan las orejas ni traen el cauello largo sino cortado al contrario de los visayas qe lo traen largo aunqe las mugeres de los moros se horadan las orejas pero muy feamente, de suerte qe los moros poseen la tierra mas fertil desta ysla pero no tienen sino esta ensenada de manilla y quinçe leguas de costa. ay en la comarca desta çiudad las encomiendas siguientes:-la encomienda de vatan qe tiene oçhoçientos hombres-la encomienda de vitis qe terna como siete mill hombres-la encomienda de macabebe qe tiene dos mill y seysçientos hombres-la encomienda de calonpite qe terna tres mill hombres-la encomienda de candaua, tiene dos mill hombres-junto a esta encomienda esta vn pueblo qe de su antiguedad le llaman castilla pequeño ques de su magd tiene setenta hombres-la encomienda de pale tiene treçientos hombres.-la encomienda de binto que tiene quatroçientos hombres.-la encomienda de malolos tiene oçhoçientos hombres-la encomienda de guiguinto tiene quatroçientos hombres la encomienda de malolos tiene oçhoçientos hombres la encomienda de caluya qe es de su magd tiene seysçientos hombres en todas estas encomiendas ariba dhas solian auer vn alcalde mayor y hagora despues qe vino don gonçalo proueyo los siguientes.-_corregidor de batan_. en batan vn corregidor qe tiene de salario çiento y çinquenta pessos.-_allde_ mayor de lubao. en lubao otro que tiene de salario trezios pos. _allde_ myor de calonpite en calonpite y macaueue otro trezios pos. _allde_ mayor de candaua. en candaua y en otras dos encomiendas, otro dozientos pos _allde_ myor de bulacan. en bulacan y su comarca otro con duçientos pesos de salario. todas estas encomiendas hablan vna lengua y aca junta a la çiudad por la costa hablan otra desde tondo qè es de la otra vanda del rio desta çiudad tiene este pueblo de tondo mil y treçientos y çinquenta yndios son de su magd el pueblo de quiapo qe es tambien de su magd el pueblo de pandacan qe es de vn encomendero, tiene çiento y çinquenta hombres-el pueblo de santa maria qe es de vn encomendero qe tiene [_blank space in ms_.] el pueblo de capaques ques de su magd tiene duçientos hombres la encomienda de pasic ques de vn encomendero qe tiene dos mil hombres la encomienda de tagui ques de otro encomendero qe tiene seysçientos y sesenta hombres-la encomienda de taytay qe tiene quinientos yndios. todas estas encomiendas desde tondo están en el rio de manilla asta llegar a la laguna, y es juridiçion todo de vn alcalde mayor el qual tiene proueydo vn theniente en tondo, lleva el alcalde mayor de salario duçientos pesos y el teniente çiento-toda la laguna tiene otro alcalde mayor en las poblaçiones siguientes-la encomienda de maribago tiene treçientos hombres. la encomienda de tabuc tiene [_blank space in ms._] la encomienda de vahi tiene dos mill y quinientos hombres la de pila mil y seysçientos hombres.-la encomienda de mayay quatroçientos hombres. la encomienda de lumban mili y quinientos hombres la encomienda de maracta qe es de su magd seysçientos hombres. la encomienda de balian; seysçientos hombres la encomienda de sinoloan seteçientos hombres la encomienda de moron mil y çien hombres estas dos encomiendas postreras tienen muçha mas gte sino qe estan de guerra en las serranias, todo esto es dentro de la laguna voluiendo a la costa de manilla de la otra uanda de tondo estan los pueblos siguientes. la playa en la mano laguo, malahat, longalo, palañac, vacol minacaya, cauite, todos estos estan en la comarca de cauite y son de su magd tienen tributarios al prinçipio de la ensenada frontero de la otra punta ques batan esta _alde_ myor de la costa la encomienda de maragondon qe tiene quatroçientos y çinquenta hombres todos estos pueblos de la playa ariua diçhos y qe son de su magd y esta encomienda de maragondon tiene vn alcalde mayor qe tiene treçientos pesos de salario-fuera de la ensenada de manilla voluiendo a la vanda del leste estan los pueblos de los vajos de tuley qe son de su magd qe tiene tributarios-_corregidor de balayan_ la encomienda de balayan qe es de vn encomendero qe tiene seysçientos hombres en esto esta proueydo vn corregidor que tiene de salario çiento y çinquenta pesos-_alde_ myor de bonvon. esta luego la laguna de bombon qe terna como tres mil y quatroçientos hombres y luego los pueblos de las batangas qe tienen mill hombres qe es de vn encomendero, en estas dos encomiendas ay otro alcalde mayor, toda esta tierra desde tuley asta batangas son moros como esta diçho es gente muy rica de algodon y posseen muçho oro de sus antepasados-pasado la poblaçon de las batangas qe ariua tenemos diçho yendo la costa en la mano la buelta de camarines como tres leguas esta el rio del lobo que tiene como çien yndios luego esta maribago a dos leguas a donde ay minas de oro ay aqui como çien yndios àdelante esta el pueblo de biga que terna como çiento y çinquenta yndios. àdelante esta galuan qe tiene otros çiento y çinquenta, todos estos pueblos son de vn encomendero, mas adelante por la costa esta el rio de dayun qe terna seysçientos yndios, y mas adelante esta el rio de tubi que tiene en los tingues como quinientos yndios, luego esta el rio de carilaya y otras poblaçiones pequeñas por alli que ternan todas como quinientos yndios adelante esta el rio de caguayan qe terna como duçientos yndios todo esto es de otros tres encomenderos y es todo juridiçion del alcalde mayor de mindoro y agora comiença la prouja de camarines aunqe ay algunos poblaçones en medio de poca ymportancia. capo 4o _qe_ trata de las proujas de camarines _proujas_ de camarines y vicor. la costa àdelante, en el rio depasacao comiençan las prouinçias de vicor y camarines las quales como e diçho ariba esta a la vanda del leste al entrar de las yslas philipinas desembarcandose en el rio de pasacao qe esta setenta leguas de la çiudad de manilla por la mar y caminando tres leguas por tierra se va a dar al rio de vicor que su vertiente tiene en la contra costa de la ysla de la vanda del norte _alld myor de camarines_ a donde esta poblada la villa de caçeres a donde reside vn alcalde mayor qe tiene de salario trezientos pos, ay dos alcaldes hordinarios y seys regidores nombrados por el goueror por el tiempo qe fuere su voluntad está esta villa de caçeres situada en medio de toda la prouja en el rio de vicor en el qual rio ay oçho encomenderos, los siete ternan a seteçientos yndios cada vno y el otro tiene dos mill y su magd tiene en el mismo rio dos mil yndios en los pueblos de minalagua y nagua, por este rio se va a dar a vna laguna que llaman la laguna de libon qe tiene poca gte en la comarca della esta vna encomienda qe tiene mil y quinientos yndios en el pueblo de libón y sus subjetos desta laguna por esteros qe tiene con estar en medio de la sierra se puede yr a yguas y albay y a camarines y a bicagua, y a otras partes, todos los encomenderos desta villa de caçeres son veynte y quatro qe los catorçe entiendense con los siete qe diximos ariua a seteçientos yndios y el vno a dos mill y el otro qe diximos de la laguna de libon ay mil y quinientos los demas ternan a treçientos yndios cada vno, pagan en el rio vicor el tributo en oro y aroz qe se coje muçho porqe ay en esta provinçia las minas de paracale qe estan diez y seys leguas de la villa qe son buenas minas y tambien lo traen de catanduanes qe esta treynta leguas de la villa la villa no tiene proprios ni juridiçion son juridiçion del alcalde mayor de la prouinçia de laguna y qe terna mill y quios hombres. esta repartida en tres encomenderos albay y baquian ternan oçhoçientos yndios esta repartida en dos encomenderos, camarines esta en vno, terna quinientos hombres-libon en vn encomendero myl y quinientos hombres la prouinçia de paracale y su costa asta mahuban terna dos mill hombres, esta repartida en tres encomenderos y el rey tiene aqui pte la vaya de yualon terna mil y quinientos hombres, esta repartida endos encomenderos-_ysla de catanduanes_. la ysla de catanduanes terna quatro mil hombres esta repartida en quatro encomenderos. el salario que tiene el alcalde mayor son treçientos pesos paganse de penas de camara y si no de la real caxa no prouee theniente ninguno sino es en la villa saliendo fuera tiene esta villa vn escriuano proueydo por el goueror qe por tener poco qe haçer en la villa acude tambien a los negoçios del alcalde mayor y sale a visitar con el. valdrale todo como quatroçientos pesos cada año. ay en esta villa vn tesorero proueydo por el gouernador gana duçientos pesos de salario. tiene quenta de cobrar los tributos de su magd va a dar cuento cada año a la ciudad de manilla.-la calidad de la tierra es buena y sana y cojese cantidad de arroz ay cantidad de palmas qe sacan vino y haçen mucho aguardiente los naturales desta prouinçia son casi como e diçho como los pintados aunque estos son mas araganes porqe se ocupan casi todos los dias en beuer y las mugeres acuden à las labranças estan en parçialidades como los pintados y tienen las mesmas costumbres adorauan todos estos a un ydolo de palo mal agestado hablauan con el de monio y ay muçhos eçhiçeros, por no auer residido en esta prouinçia no se su manera de sacrifiçios ni e allado quien me lo diga.-_minas_ ay minas como e diçho en paracale y en la vaya de caporaguay en la ysla de catanduanes qe todo es en la comarca desta villa de caçeres _distançias_ dende pasacao yendo boxeando la ysla la buelta del lesto haçia bu aygan veynte leguas y voluiendo la costa al norueste ay asta el rio de vicor sesenta leguas qe todo esto se ataja con las tres leguas qe ay dende pasacao al rio de vicor y desde el rio de vicor asta la punta de los babuyanes ques en la otra caueça de la ysla qe como e diçho es haçia los japones ay çiento y veynte leguas qe es cosa costa braua corre norueste sueste no esta poblada toda esta tierra, sino en tres partes. la vna es la prouinçia de valete qe terna ochoçientos yndios, y mas adelante diez leguas, esta casiguran qe aura quinientos yndios esta pte es como los ylocos porqe estan en su contra costa aunqe no se conmunican por ser la tierra muy aspera, y mas adelante esta vn rio qe llaman alañao ques poblado que ay en el oro y algodon son los proprios indios como los de valete y casiguran en toda esta costa no ay otra poblaçon ninguna asta qe dende la punta de babuyanes buelue la punta leste gueste asta dar en el rio de cagayan qe es rio caudaloso y desde la punta esta la voca deste rio ay doge leguas.-_rio de cagayan_ el rio de cagayan es grande y caudaloso aunqe la barra es baxa qe de pleamar tiene dos braças y de baxa mar vna tiene grandes poblacones qe se tiene notiçia que ay mas de treynta mill hombres es gente qe cojen muçho aroz. tienen muçhos puercos tienen algun oro aunqe ellos no tienen minas tratan con los ylocos. es tierra enferma especialmente en bentando el norte _yslas de mandato y buyon_. en esta contra costa çerca de la ysla de luçon estan des ysletas pobladas qe se llaman la vna mandato y la otra buyon qe terna cada vna como cinco leguas son pobladas de moros porqe estan arimadas a la mesma ysla de luçon frontero de la laguna de manila. [_marginal note:_ buelue la ysla de luçon desde la çiudad de manilla donde començamos la buelta hasta el rio de cagayan.] _ysla de marinduqe_. entre la ysla de banton y la de luçon quatro leguas de banton y çinco de la ysla de luçon esta la ysla de marinduqe. que tiene como veynte y seys leguas de box, y oçho de ançho aura en ella como mill hombres capul y ella son de vn encomendero: son yndios pintados aunqe no es juridiçion de çubu, areualo ni camarines. capo 5o _qe_ trata de la prouja de ylocos _buelue la ysla de luçon. çambales_. en saliendo la ensenada de manilla a la vanda del norte; ques yendo haçia la prouinçia de ylocos entra luego la prouinçia de los çambales en la qual abra como mill hombres, son como çhiçhimecos de la nueua españa sus costumbres son casi como las de los moros, en el habito difieren porqe estos traen vnos pañetes cortes y vna ropilla como salta en barca con medias mangas y escotaddo [el cuello: _crossed out in ms_.] traen en medio del peçho vna ynsinia como de cruz, heçha de diferentes colores y a las espaldas, otra traen la caueça tresquilada la mitad, que es desde la frente a la coronilla, las poblacones qe se saben dellos son, marayomo, pinahuyu manaban, buanguin, tuguy, polo, bongalon, dalayap, cabatogan, bacol, sus biçios destos es a los qe matan haçerles vn agujero en las coronillas, y sorber les por alli los sesos. _prouinçia de bulinao_ luego esta bulinao qe son las de mas çambales los quales estan puestos en caueça de su magd aura como quatroçientos hombres de paz aunqe ay muçha gente en las serranias es gte belicosa qe su deleyte y contente es tener guerra vnos con otros y cortar las cabeças y colgar las de baxo de sus cassas el qe mas cabeças tiene en su casa ese es mas tenido y temido son labradores aunque en poca cantidad son casi como çhiçhimecos de la nueua españa, qe no se an podido traer de paz sino son los pueblos de bulinao como diçho tengo terna como quatroçientos yndios de paz gente es que conoçen qe ay dios en el çielo pero en sus trauajos y enfermedades ynuocan, a sus difunctos, y antepasados, como los visayas.-_vaya de pangasinan_ mas adelante como çinco leguas esta la prouinçia de pangasinan ques vna vaya que terna como seys leguas en torno, salen a esta vaya tres rios caudales que deçienden de las sierras de las minas aurá en esta prouinçia quatro mill hombres de paz. ay seys encomenderos y su magd. esta enterado en lo mejor della de mill hombres es gente qe en el traje y lengua son semejantes a los çambales ariua dichos aun qe es gente de mas raçon por ser contratante y asi tratan con çhinos, japones, y burneyes, y con los naturales destas yslas. es muy abundante esta prouinçia de vastimentos como es de aroz, cabras, y puercos. ay muçha caça de bufanos porqe aunqe su prinçipal negoçio es tratar, son grandes labradores, porqe venden a los mineros la comida y ropa a trueqe de oro y este oro bueluen a rescatar a los españoles, es gente muy çelosa de sus mugeres y ansi si les cometen adulterio las matan sin qe los parientes lo tengan a mal matan los hijos si tienen muçhos porqe no viuan en proueça de la suerte qe diximos de los pintados, _alld myor de pangassinan_ de dos años a esta parte ay vn alcalde mayor con çien pesos de salario, dende esta prouinçia se puede yr a manilla por camino muy llano y bueno y aura de camino, catorçe, o quinçe leguas hasta dar en los rios de la capanpanga. _puerto del japon_ quatro leguas adelante esta vn puerto qe llaman el puerto del japon qe ay en el vna poblaçon de [español: _crossed out in ms_.] yndios ques vna misma gte qe la de pangasinan. _alinguey y baratao_ seys leguas mas adelante estan los pueblos de alinguey y baratao en qe aura dos mill hombres era encomienda de vn encomendero agora esta en la rel corona toda es gente como la de pangasinan.-_purao_ quatro leguas mas adelante estan los pueblos de purao en qe aura dos mili hombres es de vn encomendero ques tambien de bitis y lubao. la gente destos pueblos es diferente en la lengua, a los de atras, aunqe en los tratos y costumbres son semejantes y son labradores, posseen muçho oro por ser veçinos de las minas estos no matan los hijos como diximos de los de pangasinan-_pueblos de lumaquaqe_ tres leguas mas adelante, esta el valle qe llaman de lumaquaqe en qe aura mill y quinientos hombres es la mitad de un encomendero, y la otra mitad de su magd es gte semejante a la de purao-_pueblos de candon_ dos leguas adelante estan los pueblos de candon tienen como mil y oçhoçientos hombres. estan encomendados en dos encomenderos es vna gte como de la purao.-_prouja_ de maluacan tres leguas àdelante esta la prouinçja de maluacan tiene como mil y oçhoçientos hombres estan encomendados en el encomendero de bonbon-_valle de landan _ dos leguas adelante, esta el valle de landan qe terna como mill yndios, qe son del hospital de la çiudad de manilla _pueblo de vigan_ en frente deste valle esta el pueblo de vigan qe terna como oçhoçientos hombres. es de su magd e junto a el esta poblada la villa fernandina qe poblo guido de laveçaris el año de setenta y çinco nombro en ella seys regidores e dos alcaldes, e vna justiçia mayor de todas las prouinçias de los ylocos, _alld mayor de ylocos_. pero con la venida de limahon se desbarato y ansi agora, solo ay alli vn alcalde mayor con veynte o treynta españoles, qe ay de hordinarío alli ques a manera de presidio tiene de salario trezientos pos el nombra los escriuanos que le pareçen _valle de bantay_. una legua de la villa esta el valle de bantay qe terna mili y seysçientos hombres es de vn encomendero-_valle de sinay_ tres leguas adelante esta el valle de sinay ques del mismo encomendero de bantay terna como otros mili y seysçientos hombres. _el valle de vavo_. de alli a dos deguas esta el valle de vavo ques de vn encomendero qe terna como mill yndios _prouia_ de cacaguayan e luego mas adelante esta la prouinçia de cacaguayan aura en ella como quatro mill hombres, los dos mill son de dos encomenderos a cada mill y los dos mill son de su magd-_prouja_ de ylagua adelante otras dos laguas esta la prouinia de ylagua qe es de su magd en qe aura como çinco mill hombres pero no estan todos de paz-_valle de dynglas_. la tierra a dentro desta prouinçia esta vn valle qe se diçe de dinglas qe estará tres leguas de la mar qe terna dos mill yndios es de vn encomendero. _valle de vicagua_ la costa adelante de ylagua esta el valle de vicagua en qe aura otros dos mill hombres, ay en el dos encomiendas desde aqui al rio de cagayan ay veynte leguas y en el camino ay algunos rios y poblaçones pero no estan de paz ni se sabe ques-toda esta gente de los ylocos tienen casi su manera de viuir como los pintados pero comen carne cruda de animales, y es gte quieta; y paçifica, y enemiga de guerra, es gente muy baça, y de buena condiçion. de suerte qe ay desde la çiudad de manilla hasta el ryo de cagayan por esta parte çiento y diez leguas poco mas, o menos como he diçho atras, por la breuedad no se a podido sacar mas particularidades desta ysla de lugon qe es la prinçipal deste reyno-_ysla de mindoro_ frontero destas encomiendas de bonbon y batangas esta la ysla de mindoro qe la mayor pte de la gte della son moros, tiene el pueblo de mindoro qe es buen puerto para naos, tres leguas de trabesia de la ysla de luçon es aquel puerto de su magd terna como duçientos y çinquenta moros tiene de çircuyto la ysla oçhenta leguas es poca poblada porqe en toda ella no se allan quinientos hombres tiene algunos negros en las serranias qe cojen gran cantidad de çera es muy pobre de bastimentos.-_ysla de luban_ quatro leguas desuiada desta ysla en la punta questa al hueste que viene a caer frontero de la ensenada de manilla esta la ysla de luban desuiada de la çiudad de manilla veynte leguas, frontero de la misma ensenada tiene esta ysla como diez leguas de box tiene seys pueblos en qe aura como quinientos yndios-pegada esta ysla esta otra pequeña qe tambien tiene el mesmo nombre, tendra como çien hombres, toda es vna misma gte qe la de luban _ysla de elin_ dos leguas deuiada de la ysla de mindoro a la vanda del sur esta la ysla de elin qe es de yndios visayas tiene de box siete leguas ay en ella como duçientos yndios, _alld mayor de vindoro_. estas yslas la de mindoro y elin y luban son de vn encomendero y tienen todas vn alcalde mayor el qual tiene tambien de juridiçion en la ysla de luçon desde los batangas asta que comiença la prouja de camarines a qe volueremos hagora _yslas de los babayanes_. frontero del rio de cagayan estan siete yslas qe llaman de los babuyanes estas estan mar enfuera, la buelta de la çhina llaman se babuyanes porqe dellas se traen gran cantidad de puercos à la prouinçia de ylocos qe estos naturales llaman babuyes y de alli les pusieron este nombre, tienese muy poca, notiçia dellos. _ysla de calamianes_. la buelta de burney saliendo de la çiudad de manilla doçe leguas de la ysla de elin estan las yslas qe diçen de los calamianes qe por estar a tras mano se tiene poca notiçia dellas, digo de la gente qe tienen porqe solamente se an visto algunos pueblos de las playas a donde se a ydo a cobrar tributo, los naturales qe habitan en las playas son pintados los de las serranias son negros cojen grandisima cantidad de çera, a cuyo rescate acuden casi de todas las yslas, son faltos de comida y de ropa la prinçipal de las yslas se llama paraguan qe tiene çiento y çinquenta leguas de box, las otras son yslas pequeñas qe son las que ay pobladas. taniando binorboran cabanga bangaan caramian y por otro nombre linapacan dipayan, coron en todas estas yslas no se cobra sino tributo de treçientos yndios y ansi no se puede tener muçha notiçia dellos, estas yslas son todas juridiçion del alcalde mayor de mindoro [y pagan tributos: _crossed out in ms_.] y estan en la corona real. capitulo 6o _qe_ trata de la gente de la yslas de los pintados y sus condiçiones. la gente de las yslas de los pintados es gte qe no es muy morena es gte bien heçha y bien agestada ansi hombres como mugeres las quales algunas son blancas, traen hombres y mugeres el cauello largo rebuelto a la coronilla de la caueça qe les àgraçia muçho pintanse los barones todo el cuerpo de vnas labores muy galanas con vnas herreçuelos pequeños mojados en tinta qe yncorporados con la sangre queda la pintura perpetua, es gente qe viue sana porqe la consteraçion de la tierra es buena porqe casi no se alla ningun hombre contreçho ni manco de naturaleça ni mudo ni sordo ni ningun endemoniado ni loco y ansi viuen sanos hasta muy viejos, es gente briosa y martista, andavan siempre en guerras por mar y por tierra, ponense muy galanas joyas en las orejas qe las tienen oradadas por dos partes y en la garganta y en los braços. el vestido es galano y honesto, su vestires algodon o medriñaque y tambien usan seda, trayda de la çhina y de otras partes. es gente muy dada al vino qe lo haçen de aroz y de palmas y es bueno rraras veçes estan furiosos estando borraçhos porqe con dormirse las pasa la borraçhera o en graçias, quieren muçho a sus mugeres porqe ellos pagan el dote quando se casan, y ansi aunqe les cometan adulterio nunca proceden contra ellas sino contra los adulteros. tienen vna cosa muy abominable qe tienen oradado el miembro genital y por el agujero se meten un cañuto de estaño y sobre aquel se ponen vna rodaja a manera de espuela qe tiene vn gran palmo de rruedo qe pesan algunas dellas mas de media libra de estaño, ponenlas de veynte suertes ques cosa deshonesta tratarlo con estas se juntan con sus mugeres pero no vsan dellas los serranos aunqe todos generalmente se retajan, pero diçen que lo haçen por su salud y linpieça, no reparan jamas quando se casan en si la muger esta donçella o no. las mugeres son hermosas aunqe deshonestas no se les da nada de cometer adulterio porqe nunca las castigan ellos por ello andan bien adreçadas y honestamente porqe traen todas las carnes cubiertas. son muy linpias y muy amigas de olores en grande estremo. afrentanse de tener muçhos hijos por qe dizen que auiendose de repartir la haçienda entre todos qe quedaran todos pobres qe mas vale qe aya ouo y ese rico, tienen grande punto en sus casamientos porqe no se casara nadie sino es con su semejante y ansi jamas se casan prinçipales, sino es con mugeres prinçipales, solian tener cada vno las mugeres qe podian conprar y sostentar, son ellas grandissimas alcaguetas y de sus proprias hijas y ansi ninguna cosa se les da de ser ruynès delante de las madres porqe por esto no se les da ningun castigo aunqe los varones, no son tan alcaguetes como los moros, quieren los hombres tanto a sus mugeres qe si tienen guerras vnos con otros el marido se acuesta y ayuda a la parentela de la muger aunqe sea contra su proprio padre y hernos-cap. 7o _qe_ trata de la opinion que tienen los naturales de las yslas de los pintados del prinçipio del mundo. ay dos diferençias de hombres en esta tierra qe aunqe son todos vnos se tratan algun tanto diferentemente y casi siempre son enemigos los vnos los que viuen en las marinas y los otros los que viuen en las serranias y si tienen alguna paz entre si es por la necesidad qe tienen los vnos de los otros para sustentar la vida humana, porqe los de la serrania no pueden viuir sin el pescado y la sal y otras cosas y tinajas y platos qe vienen de otras partes, ni los de la playa pueden viuir sin el aroz y algodon qe tienen los serranos y ansi tienen dos opiniones, en lo del prinçipio del mundo y por careçer de letras guardan estos naturales sus antiguedades en los cantares los quales cantan de ordinario en sus bogas como son ysleños con muy buena graçia y en sus borraçheras tienen cantores tambien de buenas voçes qe cantan las haçañas pasadas y ansi siempre ay notiçia de las cosas antiguas, los de la playa qe llaman yligueynes tienen por opinion qe el çielo y tierra no tuba prinçipio y que tenian dos dioses qe se llamauan el vno captan y el otro maguayen y qe el viento terral y el de la mar se casaron y el de la tierra gomito vna caña y qe aquesta caña la sembro el dios captan y que estando ya grande rebentó y heçho de si dos cañutos qe tenia heçho vn hombre y vna muger al hombre llamaron sicalac de donde llaman a todos los hombres lalac y a la muger llamaron sicauay de donde llamaron despues àca a las mugeres babayes el varon le dixo a la muger qe se casasen entrambos pues no auian otros en el mundo ella dixo qe no queria porqe eran hermanos salidos de vna caña y qe no auia auido mas de vn ñudo entre entrambos y qe no se queria casar por ser hermano suyo, al fin se conçertaron de yr lo a preguntar à las toninas de la mar y a las palomas qe andauan por el ayre y vltimamente lo fueron a preguntar al temblor de la tierra, al qual dixo qe era neçesario qe se casasen para qe vbiese hombres en el mundo y ellos se casaron y el primer hijo que tubieron se llamo sibo, y despues una hija qe se llamo samar y estos dos hermanos vbieron otra hija que se llamo lupluban y esta se casó con vn hijo de los primeros hombres qe se llamo pandaguan y estos dos tubieron otro hijo llamado anoranor y el pandaguan fue el primero qe ynvento los corrales para pescar en la mar y la primera vez tomo vn tiburon y tomado lo saco en tierra, pensando qe no se auia de morir y puesto en tierra muriosele como le vido muerto començo a haçer le las obsequias y llorar por el y quexar se a los dioses de qe auia muerto vno qe asta alli no se auia muerto ninguna, y diçen qe el dios captan como lo oyo enbio las moscas qe le abisasen quien era el muerto y no osando llegar las moscas enbio al gorgojo el qual vio qe el muerto era el tiburon y enojado el dios captan de qe se vbiesen heçho obsequias al pescado. el y el maguayen heçharon vn rayo con qe mataron al pandaguan y estubo treynta dias muerto en el ynfierno y al cauo dellas se condolieron del y le resçuçitaron y le tornaron al mundo en el ynter qe el estubo muerto la muger qe se llamaua lubluban se amançebo con vno qe se llamaua maracoyrun de donde diçen qe tubo prinçipio el amançebar se y quando llego no la allo en casa por qe le auia conbidado el amigo a vn puerco qe auia hurtado qe diçen qe fue el primer hurto qe auia; auido en el mundo y el la enbió a llamar con su hijo y ella no quiso venir diçiendo qe los muertos no voluian al mundo de lo qual el enojado se voluio al ynfierno y tienen por opinion qe si la muger viniere a su llamado y el no se voluiera a yr entonçes qe todos los qe se murieran voluieran al mundo [_blank space in ms_.] y los maganitos y el ynbentor dellos y las çeremonias dellos el redaño-_segunda opinion de los serranos qe_ llaman tinguianes tienen por opinion los tinguianes qe no auiendo mas de mar y çielo vn milano como no tenia a donde posarse determino de reuoluer al çielo y la mar, por cuya cavsa la mar quiso haçer guerra al çielo y ynçhandose haçia ariua el çielo biendo aquesto trato paçes con la mar y despues por vengarse del atreuimiento qe auia tenido de ynçharse haçia ariua diçen qe arojó todas estas yslas deste archipielago sobre la mar, para domeñarla y qe corriese la mar de vna parte para otra y no se pudiese ynçhar, y de aqui tubo el prinçipio el mauaris qe es vengarse vno de otro qe le a heçho injuria qe es cosa muy vsada; en esta tierra y lo tienen por punto el no satisfaçerse y luego toman el cuento de la caña diçiendo qe picando el milano en la caña salieron aquel hombre y aquella muger qe ariua diçe y cuentan luego qe la primera vez que pario la cauahi pario gran cantidad de hijos juntos y qe entrando el padre una vez muy enojado en casa y amenaçando a los hijos ellos heçharon a huir y de miedo y qe vnos se metieron en vnos aposentos en lo mas escondido de la casa, y otros se quedaron escondidos en otros aposentos, mas afuera y otros se escondieron en los dindines qe son las paredes de la casa heçhas de caña y otros se escondieron en el fogon y otros salieron por la puerta por donde su padre entro y se fueron, haçia la mar, diçen ellos qe se metieron, en los aposentos, de mas adentro, son los prinçipales qe ay en estas yslas qe deçienden de aquellos y los que quedaron mas afuera qe son los timaguas, y los qe se escondieron entre las paredes qe son los esclauos, y los qe se escondieron en el fogon qe son los negros, y qe los qe se fueron por la puerta afuera haçia a la mar, que somos nosotros los españoles qe nunca mas an tenido notiçia de nosotros, asta qe nos vieron voluer otra vez por la mar.-capitulo 8o _de la opinion qe_ tienen de los qe se mueren. diçen qe los qe mueren a puñaladas o los come algun cayman o a flechaço qe es muerte muy honrrada, y qe la alma dellos se suben por el arco qe se haçe quando lluebe al çielo y se tornan dioses y los qe se aogan qe sus almas se quedan alli en la mar para siempre y por honrra les ponen vna caña alta y alli un bestido, si es de hombre de hombre y si de muger de muger y alli lo dexan estar asta qe se haçe pedaços de viejo, a estos quando mueren, ahogados quando algun hijo suyo o pariente esta enfermo toman y metense en vn barangay los parientes y con vna baylana ques como saçerdotisa, y vna caxa llena de mantas y otras cosas, y a donde la saçerdotisa les diçe qe la arrojen en la mar la arrojan pidiendo fauor y ayuda, a su antepasado, para su enfermedad-_opinionde los qe_ se mueren. los qe se mueren de su enfermedad si son moços diçen qe los mangalos qe son los duendes les comen las asaduras y que por por esta causa, se mueren, porqe ellos no entendien que ay corrupçion de humores qe causan las enfermedades y los que mueren, biejos diçen qe el viento llega y les arebata las almas y que destos qe asi mueren los arayas qe es una çierta parçialidad de pueblos se van a vna sierra muy alta que se llama mayas qe esta en la ysla de panay y los qe llaman yligueynes qe son los çubuanes, boholanes, bantayanes, van sus almas con el dios que llaman, sisiburanen a vna sierra muy alta qe en la ysla de burney _el dios sidapa_. diçen qe en el çielo ay otro dios qe se diçe sidapa y que este tiene vn arbol muy grande en aquel çerro de mayas y qe alli mide las vidas de todos los que naçen y pone una señal y qe en llegando a la medida qe el a puesto luego se muere-_opinion que tienen áçerca de a donde van las animas_ tienen por opinion qe en muriendo las almas se van al ynfierno dereçhas todas, pero qe por los maganitos que son los sacrifiçios y ofrendas qe haçen al dios pandaqe vista en aquel çerro de mayas lo rescatan de simuran y de siguinarugan dioses del ynfierno-diçen qe la naçion de los yligueynes quando se mueren los lleua el dios maguayen al ynfierno y que lleuandolos en su barangay sale sumpoy ques otro dios y se los quita y los lleua a sisiburanen, ques el dios que diximos ariua, para que los tenga consigo buenos y males todos los lleuan por un parejo de que van al ynfierno pero los pobres qe no tienen quien les haga sacrifiçios quedan se para siempre en el ynfierno, y se los come el dios del ynfierno o se los tiene para siempre en prissiones por donde se vera quan poco se les daua por ser buenos o malos, y quanta razon tenian de aborreçer la proueça-_baylanas_ estos naturales destas yslas no tienen ningun tiempo ni lugar dedicado para haçer sacrifiçios ni oraçion sino quando alguno esta enfermo por sementeras o por sus guerras haçen sus sacrifiçios qe llaman baylanes y de aqui llaman baylanes a las mugeres saçerdotisas o a los varones que haçen este offçio pone se la saçerdotisa muy galana con su guirnalda en la caueça y muçho oro y ponen sus pitarrillas qe son vnas tinajas de vino de aroz y traen vn puerco viuo alli y muçha comida adreçada y cantando ella sus cantares ynuoca al demonio y el le apareçe muy galano, con vn vestido todo de oro y despues le entra en el cuerpo y la derueca en el suelo y la haçe heçhar espumarajos por la uoca como quien tiene el demonio en el cuerpo y habla y diçe si el enfermo a de tener salud o no y en los demas casos diçe los suçesos en todo este ynterin ay gran musica de campanas y atabales y en lebantandose toma la lança y dale vna lamçada al puerco por el coraçon y adreçado haçen su platillo para el demonio y en vn altar qe alli tienen puesto le ponen alli el puerco guisado y arroz y platanos y vino y todo lo demas que ay que comer hacen esto para pedir salud para los enfermos y pa rescatar a los qe estan en el ynfierno y quando van a guerras y a hurtar para estos ynuocan al varangao ques el arco del çielo y ay naguinid y a macanduc, sus dioses y para el rescate del ynfierno al qe ariua diximos tam bien ynuocan a sus antepasados los muertos y diçen qe les veen y qe les responden a lo que les preguntan _opinion açerca del mundo_ tienen quel mundo nunca se a de acauar. _el dios macaptan_ diçen qe macaptan esta mas ariba del çielo y qe le tienen por malo porqe les da enfermedades y los mata y diçen qe porque no a comido cosa deste mundo ni biuido pitarrillas no los quiere bien y los mata _el dios lalahon_ el dios lalahon diçen qe reside en vn volcan qe esta en la ysla de negros qe heçha fuego y qe esta el volcan frontero de la uilla de areualo, como ginco leguas a este lalahon ynuocan para sus sementeras y quando no quieren darselas buenas he-ghales la langosta qe se las hegha a perder y se las come esta lahon es muger _entierros_ estos naturales se entierran en vnos atahudes de palo en sus proprias casas, entierran se con oro y mantas y otras joyas porqe digen qe si van ricos los reçiuiran de buena gana y al contrario si van pobres. _çentinela qe_ haçen a los muertos quando alguno, se muere haçen muçhos fuegos debaxo de la casa y andan de noçhe hombres armados haçiendo çentinela al atahud porqe diçen qe vienen los bruxos que los ay tambien en esta tierra y qe tocan al atahud y que rebienta luego el atahud y sale grande hedor del cuerpo muerto y qe no lo pueden tener en caja por el grande hedor y ansi por algunas noçhes le haçen çentinela--_escauos que matan quando mueren los prinçipales_ quando mueren los prinçipales desgendientes de dumaguet de la muerte qe muere el prinçipal de aquella mesma muerte matan a un esclauo el mas desuenturado qe pueden aliar para qe los sirua en el otro mundo y siempre procuran, que sea este esclauo estranjero y no natural porqe realmente no son nada crueles-la causa porque matan a los esclauos qe diximos quando muere algun prinçipal diçen ques antiguamente, que a la cuenta qe ellos diçen a mas de diez mill años vn prinçipal que se llamaua marapan estandose proueyendo pidio a vn esclauo suyo vn poco de çacate para linpiarse y el esclauo le arojo vna caña grande de carriço y pareçe qe le açerto en vna rodilla y lastimole y como el era ya muy viejo de aquel açhaqe diçen que murio y antes qe muriese dexo mandado qe quando el muriese matassen aquel esclauo y a todos sus hijos y de aqui quedo yntroduçido el matar esclauos quando se mueren los prinçipales _luto de no comer_, quando se muere padre o madre o algun pariente çercano prometian de no comer aroz hasta haçer algun cautivo auido por guerra y se ponian vnas manillas de bejucos qe cojian de todo el braço ques el verdadero luto y en la garganta y no bebian pitarrilla, sino con platanos y camotes se sustentauan hasta qe cautiuauan o matauan a alguno qe entonges se quitauan el luto y acaeçia estar desta manera un año sin comer aroz de suerte qe se parauan muy magantos y ñacos pero reçien muerto el pariente determinauan de no comer sino dexarse morir pero juntauanse luego sus timaguas y esclauos y heghaban vna derama por el pueblo y dauanselo porqe [muriesse: _crossed out in ms_.] comiese platanos, y bebiese tuba, ques vino de palmas porqe no se muriesse qe estos eran prouehuelos qe tenían los prinçipales, este luto llaman ellos entre si maglahe _luto de las mugeres_ al luto de las mugeres llaman morotal es de la propria manera qe los hombres sino qe en lugar de yr a cautiuar o matar para quitarse el luto y poder comer aroz se meten con muçhas mugeres en vn barangay y un yndio qe va gouernando y otro qe va açhicando y otro qe va en la proa y estos tres yndios los buscan siempre qe sean yndios muy valientes qe ayan heçho muchas agañas por armas y vanse a otro pueblo de amigos suyos y van cantando estos tres yndios sus heçhos al son de la boga, y los esclauos qe an cautiuado y los hombres qe an muerto en guerras y leuan el nauio cargado de vino y pitarrillas y llegados al pueblo conbidan a los del pueblo y los del pueblo a ellos y haçen vna gran borraçhera y desde entonçes se quitan las mantas blancas y las argollas de bejucos de los braços y de la gar ganta y desde entonçes se quitan el luto y comen aroz y se ponen oro. _larao de los muertos qe_ luto. vna de las leyes qe esecutan con mas rigor es la qe llaman larao y es qe quando se muere algun prinçipal quieren qe tengan todos luto y qe guarden las cosas siguientes, qe nadie riña con otro mientras qe vbiere luto y muçho mas graues si riñen en el enterramiento, qe no traygan el yerro de la lança haçia ariua sino haçia abajo quel puño del puñal lo traygan en la pretina de suerte qe ande al rebes qe no traygan vestido galano ni colorado qe en aquellos dias no entre ningun barangay cantando sino con muçho silençio y haçen vna çerca alderredor de la cassa del muerto qe pasa por ella y la quiebra ni mas ni menos le penan y porqe venga a notiçia de todos vn timagua de los honrrados anda pregonando por todo el pueblo el luto porqe nayde pretenda ygnorançia, y ansi el que le quebranta le ponen sin remedio si es esclauo el que pega de los qe siruen fuera de casa y no tiene con qe pagar paga su amo por el pero lleuale a su casa qe le sirua y le haçe ay o ey estas leyes diçen qe les dexo lubluban y panas. a algunos les a pareçido estas leves rigurosas espeçialmente a los religiosos perro ella era general para prinçipales y timaguas y esclauos. _guerras_. el primer hombres qe diçen qe tubo guerra diçen qe se llamo panas hijo de aquel anoranor nieto de los primeros [padres: _crossed out in ms._] hombres tuba la con mañgaran, sobre una herençia y de alli tubieron prinçipio las guerras porqe se diuidieron en dos partes y de padres a hijos an yenido deçindiendo--y ansi digen qe el primer hombre qe tomo armas para pelear fue el panas.-_guerras justas_ tres guerras tienen estos naturales por justas la primera si vn yndio va a vn pueblo y le matan alla sin raçon, la otra por quitarle las mugeres la otra es porqe si van a contratar debajo de àmistad a algunos pueblos y alla les haçen algunos agrabios o los maltratan y debaxo de amistad les haçen trayçion _leyes_--diçen qe las leyes por que se an gouernado hasta agora se las dexo lubluban aquella muger qe diximos ariba y destas leyes son defensores, y executores solos los prinçipales porqe no tienen juez ninguno aunqe tienen terçeros qe de vna parte a otra andan conçhavando-capo 9o _qe_ trata de la esclauonia de las yslas filipinas _leyes para los esclauos_ a ningun yndio desta tierra haçen esclauo ni le matan por ningun delito qe cometa aunqe sea hurto ni por adulterio ni por homiçida, sino qe tienen señalado la pena qe le an de lleuar en preseas o en oro y ansi si no tiene para pagarlo el lo busca y se enpeña y por aqui viene a haçerse esclauo, y en qualquier tiempo qe paga lo que le prestaron torna a quedar libre y ansi conforme al delito qe cometen son esclauos y ansi ay tres generos de esclauos en estas yslas. el primero y mas esclauo es el de aquel que se siruen en su casa ques el que llaman ayuey estos trauajan tres dias para el amo y vno para el _generos de esclauonias_ otros ay qe se llaman tumaranpoc qe tienen casas de por si y son obligados de acudir a seruir a su amo de quatro dias el vno y los tres para ellos, y si no siruen estos a sus amos, por ocupar se en sus sementeras, dan cada año a su amo diez chiçubites de arroz de anega, cada çhicubite--ay otros qe son esclauos que los tienen ellos por mas honrrados qe se llaman tomatabanes qe no les siruen en sus casas, sino es quando aya algun banquete o borraçhera qe vienen con algun pressentillo tanbien ellos a beber pero estos quando se mueren entran los amos a la pte con los hijos de la haçienda qe dexan y en vida son obligados a seruir çinco dias cada mes y si no siruen dan cada año çinco çhicubites de aroz.-_valor de los esclauos_ los ayueyes tenian valor entre ellos de dos taes de oro de labin sian que valen doçe pesos.--los tumaranpoques lo proprio--los tumatabanes tenian de valor un tae qe son seys pesos las mugeres de los ayueyes siruen también en la casa de los prinçipales como sus maridos. las mugeres de los tumaranpoques si tienen los hijos siruen la mitad del mes en ylar y texer algodon que les dan sus amos, y la otra mitad para si--las mugeres de los tumatabanes no haçen mas cada mes de benefiçiar vna madexa de algodon para su amo dandoles el amo el algodon en capullo--a los ayueyes solamte dan de comer y bestir sus amos, y los demas no les dan nada--quando mueren estos esclauos ninguna haiçenda les quitan sus amos sino a los tomatabanes como diximos. los que estos naturales an vendido a los españoles por la mayor parte son los ayoeyes las leyes qe tienen para penar a vno hasta haçerle esclauo por muertes por adulterios por hurtos, por deshonrrar de palabra alguna muger prinçipal, o por quitar le la manta en publico y dexarla desnuda o ser causa qe por huyr o defenderse le caya qe esto tienen por muçha afrenta _ladrones_. si el ladron haçe algun hurto grande penan a el y a toda su parentela, digo los qe son mas çercanos parientes, y si es por muerte o por adulterio a toda su parentela penan, y si no tienen conqe pagar los haçen esclauos, y esta ley pasaua entre todos los mismos prinçipales, de suerte qe si vn principal comete algun delitto aunqe sea contra su mesmo esclauo o timagua lo penan de la misma manera, pero no vienen a ser esclauos porqe no tienen conqe pagar la pena, qe sino tanbien serian esclauos.--si el hurto es pequeño penan al que lo haçe y no a sus parientes _en tiempo de hambre_ quando ay hambre los pobres qe no tienen conqe se sustentar por no pereçer acuden a los ricos y sienpre por la mayor pte procuran qe sean sus parientes y se les dan por esclauos porqe los sustenten. _otra manera de esclauonia._ ay otro genero de [esclauonia: _crossed out in ms._] señorio qe yntroduxo vno que se llamaua sidumaguer qe diçen que a mas de dos mill años qe fue que porque le quebraron vn barangay en languiguey donde el era natural ques en la ysla de bantayan qe si tenian los qe defienden, de aquellos qe le quebraron el barangay si qdo mueren dexan diez esclauos le dauan dos y al respeto toda la demas haçienda, y esta manera de esclauonia. quedo yntroduçida en todos los yndios de las playas y no los tinguianes _verdaderos timaguas._ los hombres libres destas yslas que llaman timaguas qe ni son prinçipales ni esclauos viuen desta manera, que si vn timagua se quiere yr a bibir a vn pueblo se allega a vn prinçipal de los del pueblo porqe hordinariamente los pueblos tienen muçhos prinçipales qe cada vno tiene su barrio con sus esclauos y timaguas conoçidos, y se le offreçe por su timagua y es obligado a haçer las cosas siguientes; quando haçen banquetes, a otros prinçipales allarse alli, porqe es costumbre qe primero beba de la pitarrilla el timagua, que no ningun prinçipal y el a de acompañar al prinçipal quando camina con sus armas y si se enbarca a de yr bogando, y lleuar sus armas para defender el nauio pero aunqe quebranten algunas cosas desto nunca les penan sino riñenlos por este seruiçio, es obligado el prinçipal a defenderle con su persona y su parentela de qualquiera que le quisiere haçer agrabio sin raçon y asi acaeçe sobre los timaguas auer guerras entre padres y hijos, y hernos contra hernos y si va a otros pueblos, y alla le haçen agrabios ni mas ni menos procura con todas sus fuerças de desagrabiarle y con esto viuen seguros, y tienen libertad el timagua de pasar de vn prinçipal a otro quando le dá gusto qe no le pone ynpedimento en ello-_de la manera como salen a robar_ tienen estos naturales su manera de heçhar suertes con vnos colmillos de cayman o de jabalyes quandos las heçhan ynuocan sus dioses y antepasados preguntandoles como les a de suçeder en la guerra, o en los viajes qe haçen y por las bueltas quedan con los cordeles adeuinan lo que les a de suçeder y estas suertes heçhan para qlquier cosa qe ayan de poner la mano, tienen por costumbre de salir a robar cada año los yndios de las playas en tiempo qe hagen bonangas ques entre brisas y vendabales y los tinguianes despues de auer cojido sus sementeras y como tienen por costumbre de ser enemigos de los qe lo son de sus amigos nunca les faltauan guerras.-quando van a robar si pueden traer viuo al enemigo no lo matauan, y si alguno mataua el cautiuo despues de rendido pagaualo de su bolsa, y si no tenia conqe pagarlo quedauase por esclauo la presa qe haçen de qualquier suerte que sea es de los prinçipales sino es alguna poca cosa, qe dan a los timaguas qe yuan con ellos bogando pero si yuan muçhos prinçipales el prinçipal qe haçia el magaanito qe es el sacrifiçio qe diximos àriba lleuaua se la mitad de la presa, y la otra mitad era de los demas prinçipales-_prinçipales cautiuos_ si cautiuauan a algun prinçipal tratauanlo bien y si algun amigo por estar lejos su tierra le rrescataua voluiale el cautiuo doblado, de la qe daua por el por la buena obra qe hacia en sacar le de prision, por que siempre le tenian aprisionado--al[gun: _crossed out in ms_.] que estuaua cautiuo y al qe adulteraua y al que mataua todos los parientes, le ayudauan a rescatar y a pagan lo que deuia cada vno conforme al parentesco qe tenia con el, y si no tenian, los parientes quedaua esclauo.--_enprestidos_ si se emprestauan arroz vnos a otros y se pagauan vn año sin qe se lo pagara, como es cosa qe se siembra si el primer año qe lo sembrauan no lo pagauan--al segundo pagauan doblado, y al tercero quatro doblado y asi yva subiendo y solo este logro tenian aunqe algunos an diçho otra cosa, pero no se an ynformado bien agora algunos araganes que no quieren buscar su tributo para pagarlo, lo piden prestado y bueluen alguna cosa mas _herençias_ las herencias tenían costumbre de partir desta suerte qe si vno moria, y dexaua quatro hijos, la haçienda y esclauos se hagian quatro partes yguales y cada vno de los hijos lleuaua la suya y si dexaua algun hijo bastardo le dauan la pte que a los hermanos querían porqe este no entraua en las partes, ni lleuaua mas de lo que le dauan voluntariamente los hermanos o la mda qe el padre haçia, y si le pareçia al padre mejorar a alguno de sus hijos lo haçia, y si acaso el muerto no dexaua hijos heredauan todos los hermanos qe tenia partes yguales y si no tenia hermanos heredauan los primos hermanos, y si no los auia entraua todo el linaje partiendo la haçienda de suerte qe auiendo hijo sino los auia los hermanos eran herederos forçosos y si no los auia los primos hermanos y no los auiendo los deudos todos partian la haçienda ygualmte capo 10 _qe_ trata de los matrimonios de las yslas. _casamientos de los prinçipales_ grandes yerros se an hegho en los casamientos qe se an heçho entre los naturales desta tierra despues de auer se heçho xpianos por no auer sacado bien en linpio la consumaçion qe tenian en sus matrimonios, y ansi vnos religiosos casan a vnos y otros los descasan, y otros los bueluen a casar, y ansi a auido grandissimas confusiones por lo qual yo e procurado con toda diligençia sacar a luz la manera qe tenian en sus matrimonios qe pasa desta manera quando alguno se quiere casar porqe siempre el varon pide a la muger llaman a algunos timaguas, honrrados del pueblo esto haçen los que son prinçipales porqe pareçe a ser qe de tres calidades de hombres qe ay en estas yslas qe son prinçipales, timaguas qe son los hombres libres y esclauos cada vno tiene diferente manera de casarse y ansi como digo los prinçipales enbian por terçeros a algunos de sus timaguas, para tratar el casamiento y lleua el vno dellos la lança del desposado de su padre y en llegando a la casa del padre de la desposada da vna lançada en la escalera de la cassa y teniendo la lança, de aquella manera, ynuocan a sus dioses y antepasados para qe les sean propiçios en aquel casamiento y esta lança es del terçero, si se efectua el casamiento, o se la rescatan. despues qe ya esta conçertado el casamiento ques despues de auer se conçertado en el dote el qual paga el marido a la muger qe entre los prinçipales destas yslas, de hordinario son çien taes en oro en esclauos y en preseas, ques valor de quinientos, o seysçientos pesos, van por la desposada en casa de sus padres y traela vn yndio en hombros, y llegando al piede la escalera, del desposado haçe el melindre y diçe qe no quiere subir y de que ven qe no vastan ruegos sale el suegro y diçe qe le dará vn esclauo y que suba y por el esclauo sube, despues qe esta al fin de la escalera y ve la casa del suegro, y la gente qe esta dentro vuelbe luego a haçer de la melindrosa, y el suegro le a de dar otro esclauo porqe entre dentro y ni mas ni menos le a de dar otro presea porqe se siente y otra porqe comiençe a comer y otra porqe comiençe a beuer despues qe ya estan juntos los desposados bebiendo se leuanta vn viejo y diçe en altas voçes qe callen todos qe quiere hablar y diçe fulano se casa con fulana pero es con tal condiçion qe si el andubiere destraydo y no acudiere a sustentar a su muger ella le a de dexar y no le a de voluer cosa ninguna, del dote qe le dió y della quedara libre y se podra casar con otro y por el consiguiente si ella fuere ruyn le podra quitar la dote qe le dió y dexalla, y casar se con otra sea me todos testigos deste conçierto qe se haçe y acabado de deçir esto toman vn plato de aroz linpio crudo y biene vna vieja y toma las manos dereçhas de los desposados y ponelas ençima del àroz y junta la vna mano con la otra y en teniendo las juntas toma el arroz y de rama lo por ençima de todos los qe estan en el vanguete y entonçes la vieja da vn grito y todos le responden con otro semejante y este es la consumaçion del matrimonio o casamiento y asta este punto no les consienten los padres comer ni dormir juntos, en haçiendo esta ceremonia se la entregan por su muger pero si auiendo tratado el casamiento por terçera persa el que se quiere casar se arepiente aunqe sea antes de auer se juntado con ella, y se quiere casar con otra, pierde la señal qe a dado porqe ellos en començando a tratar el casamiento comiençan a dar el dote, y si vno diçe en àlguna conuersaçion o borraçhera, yo me quiero casar con fulana, hija de fulano y despues saliendo le al casamiento no quiere casarse le penan por ello y le quintan mucha pte de su haçienda en el dote no tiene que ver el desposado con el ni la despues de rendido pagaualo de su bolsa, y si no del suegro y si el desposado no es de hedad para casar se o la desposada es niña sirue a su suegro en casa, asta qe son de hedad para juntar se _casamientos de los timaguas_ los timaguas no haçen estas çeremonias por la falta de la haçienda ni tanpoco haçen las ceremonias de juntar las manos en el plato del aroz por respeto de los prinçipales por questa çeremonia es de solos los prinçipales pero consumen su matrimonio quando los juntan a entrambos a dos a beber en vn cañuto de la pitarrilla, y entonçes dan vn grito y se van todos los combidados y quedan casados porqe nunca les juntan a beber asta ques ya gran rato de la noçhe y esta propria çeremonia hagen los esclauos honrrados y ricos.-_casamientos de esclauos_ pero los esclauos pobres qe siruen en casa enos se casan vnos con otros sin beber ni sin alcaguete ninguno ni sin çeremonia mas de deçir el vno al otro casemonos pero si vn prinçipal tiene vn esclauo, de los ayoiyes qe le siruen en casa y lo quiere casar con esclaua de otro prinçipal de la misma calidad enbia vna yndia por terçera, que diga el amo de la esclaua qe quiere casar su esclauo con su esclaua y conçertado el casamiento dale vna tinaja o tres o quatro platos y no haçen otra çeremonia ninguna y lo que naçen destos es la mitad del amo de la esclaua, y la otra mitad del amo del esclauo y quando estos vienen a tener hijos qe pueden seruir a sus amos quedan ellos heçhos tumaranpoques como emos diçho porqe en casandose vn esclauo de vn prinçipal con esclaua de otro prinçipal luego les dan casa por si y acuden a seruir a sus amos--si se casa vn libre con vna esclaua o al reues lo que naçe es medio esclauo y si ay dos hijos el vno es libre y el otro esclauo a escojer de los padres.-en vna cosa pareçe qe van fuera de toda raçon y justa y es ques vso entre ellos qe si vn yndio de otro pueblo deue a otro deste pueblo veynte pesos pongamos por caso y se los pide y no se los quiere pagar encojiendo algun indio de aquel pueblo donde le deuen aquellos veynte pesos, aunque no sea pariente ni conoçido del que los deue le heçhan mano y le haçen pagar los veynte pesos y es costumbre que al que paga estos veynte pesos el que los deuia primero le a de pagar quarenta pesos por ellos por aquella fuerça qe le hiçieron a el esto diçen qe lo haçen por no entrar con mano armada a cobrar del otro pueblos sacan se sangre de los braços y los vnos gustan _amistades_ para haçer amistades entre los qe estan venidos ora sean particulares, o de pueblos con pueblos sacan se sangre de los braços y los vnos gustan la sangre de los otros en vna bellota, o en vn poco de vino y esta amistad no ay quebrantarla. _echiceros. bruxos. medicos_. ay en esta tierra brujos y eçhiçeros aunqe ay tambien buenos medicos qe curan con yeruas simples, especialmente contra qualquier genero de ponçona, porqe ay muy admirables contra yeruas, son los naturales desta ysla muy agoreros de suerte qe por ninguna via ningun natural se embarcaua en nauio donde fuese cabra o mono porqe deçian qe se auian de perder y desta muerte tienen otras mil abusiones, agora pocos años à ay entre ellos vna heçhiçera la qual diçen qe la ynuentaron los naturales de ybalon despues de qe los españoles estamos aqui y es que ynuocan çiertos demonios que llaman naguined y arapayan, y macbarubac y con aceyte de cocos y vn colmillo de cayman sobre qe haçen sus sacrifiçios ynvocando los demonios y este aceyte venden vnos a otros, y quando lo venden; haçen tambien sus sacrifiçios ynvocando al demonio pidiendole qe la virtud qe tiene se la traspase en aquel que se la compra y diçen qe con solo que le digan qe se muera dentro de tanto tiempo se muere luego, si no le curan con otro açeyte qe ay contra este y esta heçhiçeria a heçho muçho daño entre los pintados porqe el demonio haçe de las suyas, los religiosos an procurado el remedio desto con quitar les los aceytes y castigarlos-_estornudar_ si alguno va a alguna guerra o haçer alguna cosa de ynportançia, si al salir de casa estornuda tienelo por mal aguero y buelue se.-_fiestas_ no tienen estos naturales ninguna fiesta en todo el año qe la guarden mas de quando los maridos van a las guerras no trauajan las mugeres en aquel tiempo _al granar del aroz_ tienen tambien siete dias quando comiençan a labrar sus sementeras, qe ni muelen aroz para comer ni dexan entrar estranjeros en sus pueblos en todo este tiempo porqe diçen qe aquel es tiempo que estan rogando a sus dioses qe les de buena coseçha. _años y meses_ reparten el año en doçe meses aunqe no nombran mas de los siete [_sic_] y estos meses son lunares porqe los cuentan por las lunas, el primer mes es quando salen las cabrillas qe le lleman vlalen, el otro mes le llaman dagancahuy ques quando desmontan los arboles para sembrar, el otro llaman daganenan bulan, ques quando juntan esta madera en las sementeras, el otro llaman, elquilin ques quando queman la sementera. el otro llaman ynabuyan qe es en tiempo de bonanças el otro llaman cauav ques quando desyeruan las sementeras el otro se llama[n cabuy: _crossed out in ms_.] yrarapun ques quando comiençan a cojer aroz al otro llaman manululsul ques quando an acabado de cojer, con los demas meses, no tienen cuenta por que no tienen qe haçer en campo. _bientos_. tienen por opinion qe los vientos salen de la mar, y fundanse en esta raçon qe ven ynçhada la mar; primero qe comiença a bentar _tortugas_ ay en esta tierra muy gran cantidad de tortugas muy grandes mayores qe no adargas es cosa marauillosa, que quando se juntan el maçho con la hembra, se estan veynte y veynte y çinco dias pegados y estan tan enbeueçidos en aquel acto qe se heçhan los yndios a nado en medio de la mar y los atan los pies y las manos sin qe lo sientan y las sacan a tierra, y esto a mi proprio me a acaeçido haçerlo _culebras_. ay en esta tierra culebras grandisimas qe son tan grandes como palmas, aunqe son bouas.-_caymanes_ ay grandissima cantidad de caymanes qe son lagartos de agua en todos los rios y por la mar qe haçen muçho daño. _gatos de algalia_ en muçhas yslas destas ay gatos de algalia. _tabones pajaros_ ay en esta tierra vn genero de pajaro ques menor qe vna gallina de castilla y ponen vn guebo mayor qe de ansar ques casi el todo yema, y el pajaro entierra, los guebos vna braça debaxo de la arena. a la vera del agua y alli salen los pollos y con los piezitos haçia arriua, vienen desbiando la arena, y en estando ariba luego al momento buelan.-_palmas_ en todas estas yslas ay gran cantidad de palmas de cocos allan se piedras en algunos cocos tan grandes como abellanas que ellos preçian pero no se sabe hasta agora, la virtud qe tienen. saca se de las palmas gran cantidad de vino qe saca vn yndio a la mañana de las palmas qe benefiçia dos arrobas de vino y es dulçe y bueno y dell se haçe gran cantidad de agua ardiente, haçe se vinagre bueno y buena miel de los cocos qe a falta de àroz es buen sustento, haçen se basos y meçha para los arcabuçes y çestos de las ojas de suerte qe es arbol muy proueychoso. ay en estas yslas muçhos puercos y buenos cabras y gran cantidad de bufanos brabos qe façilmente tomandose çhicos se amansan, ay patos y algunas ansares traydas de çhina, ay gran cantidad de gallinas como las de castilla muy buenas y algunas qe no tienen colas qe tienen abusion de no comerlas los naturales, y son mejores qe las otras frutas de las qe ay en castilla no ay ninguna antigua en esta tierra con estar tan veçina de la çhina a do ay tantas de la tierra propria, ay algunas y raçonables como son muy buenos platanos nancas qe es fruta muy olorosa, y mayor quel mayor melon de españa macupas qe son como mançanas santores qe saben a menbrillo ay muy buenas naranjas y limones. ay en la prouinçia de ylocos vn arbol grande qe heçha la flor casi como la acçucçena qe tiene sabor de pescado y los yndios la cojen por la mañana y la cueçen y comen en lugar de pescado y es cosa marauillosa, qe otro dia por la mañana esta otra vez llena de flor y ansi cada dia. ay por los montes donde ay falta de agua vnos bexucos grandes de a seys y ocho braças mas gruesos qe vn dedo pulgar grueso qe cortandolos heçhan de si gran cantidad de agua, ques muy buena, conqe se remedia la falta del agua sale de vn bexuco dos y tres cuartillos-capo 11 _qe_ trata de los ritos y çeremonias de los moros de la comarca de la ciudad de manilla y de sus condiçiones _dios batala_ la ley que antiguamente guardauan estos moros era que adorauan un dios qe llamauan entre ellos batala qe propriamente quiere deçir lios y deçian qe adorauan a aquel batala por qe era señor de todo y qe auia heçho los hombres y los pueblos y deçian qe este batala tenia muçhos ministros qe enbiaua a este mundo a hobrar por ellos, lo qe aca se haçia a estos llaman anitos y cada anito tenia su offiçio vnos de las sementeras, otros de los nauegantes, otros de los qe yvan a la guerra, otros de las entermedades y ansi cada vno tenia el nombre del offiçio que tenia, como deçir el anito de las sementeras, el anito de la llubia, a estos anitos haçian sacrifiçio quando querian algo de cada vno conforme a su ofiçio la suerte del sacrifiçio era semejante a la de los pintados qe llamauan vn catalonan, qe es lo mismo qe vaylan, entre los pintados que es como saçerdote y este haçia el sacrifiçio pidiendo al anito lo que le querian pedir juntando muçho aroz y carne y pescado y haçia sus ynuocaçiones hasta ql demonio se le enrraua en el cuerpo mientras qe el catalonan estaua desmayado y basqueando, estan los yndios cantando y bebiendo y olgandose hasta qe el catalonan buelue en si y les da la respuesta quel anito le daua a el y si era por enfermo ofreçian le muçhas cadenas y joyas de oro y deçian qe le rescatauan la salud de aquel enfermo duraua este anito si era enfermo-el tiempo qe le duraua la enfermedad preguntando les qe porqe causa haçian el sacrifiçio al anito y no al batala deçian qe el batala es tan gran señor qe no le puede hablar nadie qe esta en el çielo y qe el anito ques de tanta caledad y qe baxaua aca a hablar les como el ministro del batala y qe ynterçedia por ellos vnan en algunas partes espeçialmente en las serranias en muriendoseles padre, o madre o pariente haçer de palo vn ydolo pequeño y guardallo y asi ay casa, qe tiene çiento o ducientos de aquellos ydolos y a estos tambien llaman anitos porque diçen qe en muriendose van a seruir al batala y asi les haçen sacrifiçios, ofreçiendoles cosas de comer y vino y joyas de oro rogandole sea su ynterçesor con el batala, ques el que tienen por dios-_señorio de los moros_ entre estos moros ay ni mas ni menos behetria qe en los pintados, qe auia prinçipales en sus barrios a quien obedeçian qe castigauan sus delitos y les dauan las leyes qe auian de guardar y en los pueblos donde auia diez o doçe prinçipales no mas vno dellos el mas rico era el qe obedeçian todos, tienen en muçho la antiguedad del linaje y ansi para ser señor aprouechaua muçho, quando haçian sus leyes para gouernar su republica el mayor prinçipal a quien obedeçian los demas juntaua todos los demas prinçipales del pueblo en su casa y juntos proponia su platica diçiendo qe para remediar muchos delitos qe se cometian era neçesario poner penas y haçer hordenanças para qe se remediase y qe ellos pues qe eran los señores viesen lo que les pareçia y que ordenasen, de suerte qe todos vibiesen en paz. desta puliçia careçian los pintados, porqe ninguno querià rreconoçer a otro por mas prinçipal, entonçes los demas prinçipales respondian qe les pareçia muy bien y que pues el era el mayor de todos hiçiese lo que le pareçiese ser justo qe ellos le dauan la mano, y asi el prinçipal haçia las leyes qe le pareçia ser necesarias porqe estos moros tienen letras de las quales careçen todos los demas naturales de las yslas y lo que el hordenaua, aprobauan los demas prinçipales, y luego venia vn pregonero que llaman vmalahocan ques propriamente mayordomo y tomaua vna canpana, y salia por el pueblo y en cada barrio pregonaua las hordenancas, qe se auian hecho y el pueblo rrespondia que las obedecia y asi yva de en pueblo en pueblo por todo el destrito de aquel principal y de alli adelante el que yncurria en la pena era lleuado al principal y el le condenaua en ella y si la pena era de muerte y el condenado decia que queria ser esclauo se le perdonaua y quedaua esclauo, eran tambien jueçes los demas prinçipales, cada vno en su barrio y quando se offrecia algun negocio de calidad mandaua el principal mayor juntar todos los demas principales para sentenciarlo, y concluydo con voto de todos los demas usauan lleuar derechos, y no auia cosa señalada en ellos, mas de lo que el proprio juez decia qe le diessen. _casamientos_ estos moros vsauan sus casamientos de la mesma orden que vsan los pintados en el dar el dote de suerte qe si el varon se apartaua y descasaua contra la voluntad de la muger, tenia perdido el dote y se quedaua ella sin el y si la muger dexaua al marido era obligada à voluer el dote y si cometia adulterio y por ello la dexaua el marido voluia el dote doblado, y si acaso la muger dexaua al marido por casar se con otro aquel con quien se cassaua estaua obligado a dar al primer marido el dote qe auia dado y mas otro tanto de pena o lo qe el juez mandase, la muger adultera siendo prinçipal tenia pena de muerte cojiendola el marido en ynfragante y el adultero tambien y los podia matar, sin pena alguna, y si acaso mataua al vno y se escapaua el otro auia guerra abierta entre las parentelas, hasta qe el otro moria y si acaso se esscapauan ambos, rescatauan la vida a peso de oro, y si eran prinçipales tenian çien taes de pena, çinquenta la muger y çinquenta el delinquente, y con esto les perdonauan y quedauan amigos, y si eran timaguas tenian menos pena-_guerras_ las guerras y la esclauonia dellos tenian ni mas ni menos qe los pintados. _ladrones_ era ley entre los naturales çerca de los ladrones qe al que haçia hurto de menor cantia; qe eran hasta quatro taes qe son veynte pesos y siendo de alli para ariba, era hurto mayor tenia de pena voluer el oro y despues la condenaçion, al arbitrio del juez y era pena pecuniaria, y siendo hurto mayor qe se entendia de quatro taes para ariba tenia de pena esclauo, y si el vrto llegaua a vn cati de oro era la pena de muerte o de haçerlo esclauo, a el y a sus hijos, y los qe estubiesen dentro de su casa. era tambien ley qe por el primer hurto era la pena pecuniaria y por el segundo esclauonia, y de alli para ariua, era de muerte y si se le perdonaua era como esta diçho ariua haçiendole esclauo a el, y a su muger y hijos, y el hijo qe probaua estar fuera de casa, y posar en casa por si suya o de algun pariente como viuiese por si no se entendia la pena con el y asi era libre de suerte qe no cayan en la pena sino aquellos qe se allauan en casa, del delinquente por la sospeçha qe se tenia de saber todos del hurto-era tambien ley qe el que se descomedia al prinçipal conoçiendo le trataua mal de palabra, tenia pena de muerte, y si tenia posible para rescatar la vida, tenia de pena quince taes de oro, y si no tenia conqe o los parientes le ayudauan, a su rescate; y el delinquente pedia; misericordia conqe seria esclauo se le otorgaua la vida y asi quedaua por esclauo del ynjuriado porqe la pena del dinero era para el teniendo posible y si la pendencia, era entre personas yguales, prinçipales tratandose por justicia y por sus leyes tenia la mesma pena y si no queria el delinquente pasar por lo sentenciado era luego pregonada la guerra, entre los pueblos y parcialidades qe sucedia esto y de alli los qe se prendian eran esclauos _podiase este rrescatar, despues dando la cantidad y en el entreianto seruir_ era ley qe si venian dos timaguas y auia afrenta en alguno dellos tenia de dinero conforme a la calidad de la afrenta y esto era al arbitrio del juez y si el afrenta era grande la pena asimismo y no teniendo de qe pagarla pasando de çinco taes quedaua por esclauo del ynjuriado y si el delinquente pedia de med al principal, o a otro amigo, le prestase el su dinero quedaua por esclauo del que le prestaua el dinero y esta esclauonia se entendia, con solo el delinquente, y no con sus hijos ni parientes saluo con los hijos qe vbiesse despues de esclauo. es también vsança entre los naturales desta ysla ayudar se vnos a otros con dineros prestados, y el que los lleua prestados de algun principal o timagua, quedaua de que passado çierto tiempo en qe auia de tratar con aq dinero pagaua la cantidad qe le fué prestada, y de mas desto por la buena obra qe se le haçia partia la ganançia era ley qe si el que llevaua el dinero que braua, y no tenia de qe pagar, quedaua por esclauo del y los hijos. qe tubiere despues que los de antes son libres.-_puedese rescatar despues dando la cantidad el ó sus hijos_. era ley entre estos qe si dos personas haçian compañia de mercaduria, y ponian tanta cantidad de dinero el vno y el otro yva el vno a tratar con el dinero de entrambos, si yendo este tratante su viaje, le prenden enemigos, es obligado el otro compañero que queda en el pueblo a acudir a rescatar al otro con la mitad del preçio qe conçiertan y el preso queda libre ansi de la deuda, de la conpañia como del rescate qe despues se le da, y no es obligado a pagar nada y si el que lleua el dinero se pierde por culpa suya jugandolo o gastandolo con mugeres, esta obligado a pagar, al conpañero la cantidad qe le dio y quedan obligados el y sus hijos a la paga y si la cantidad es tanta qe no alcançan conqe pagar dentro del tienpo qe se conçiertan, queda por esclauo del otro y la mitad de sus hijos qe si tiene dos hijos el vno queda por esclauo y el otro libre, y si tiene quatro quedan los dos esclauos y los dos libres, y ansi era siendo en mas cantidad y si los hijos alcançauan despues conqe pagar la deuda del padre quedauan libres. era ley al que mataua a otro qe muriese y si pedia misericordia quedaua por esclauo del padre o hijos del muerto o del pariente mas çercano y si eran quatro o cinco en la muerte pagauan todos al señor del esclauo el precio qe el esclauo podia valer y despues el juez los sentençiaua en lo que le pareçia y si no tenian de qe pagar la pena quedauan por esclauos y si el muerto era timagua tenian pena de muerte los que se prueua qe lo mataron y si los condenados piden misericordia quedauan por esclauos de suerte qe despues de condenados estaua en el escojer de los delinquentes la muerte o la esclauonia y si el muerto era prinçipal todo el pueblo donde se prouaba qe lo mataron auian de ser esclauos matando primero los mas culpados y si eran personas particulares, de tres o quatro o mas morian los mas culpados sin remedio de misericordia y los demas y sus hijos esclauos. quando algun entraua en casa de algun prinçipal de noçhe contra la voluntad de su dueño tenia pena de muerte y era costumbre quando se cojia alguno destos dalle primero tormento por saber si lo auia enbiado algun otro prinçipal y si confesaua auer sido mandado tenia pena de esclauo y el que lo enbio tenia pena de muerte de la qual podia librar se pagando cantidad de oro por el delito. el que cometia adulterio siendo entre prinçipales tenia pena de muerte y la mesma pena tenia el que era cojido con alguna mançeba de algun prinçipal y era desta suerte qe siendo cojido en ynfragante le podia matar el marido, y si acaso se escapaua, huyendo tenia pena de dinero, y hasta qe la pagauan tenia pendençia entre las parentelas donde suçedia, lo proprio era entre los timaguas. esta relaçion saco por mandado del gouernador destas yslas miguel de loarca vz° de la villa de areualo vno de los primeros que en ellas entraron curioso é estas cosas y asi la tengo por çierta y verdadera-[_endorsed at end_: "relaçion fha en conformidad de vna çedula de su magd sobre cosas particulares destas yslas--es para el real consejo de las yndias."] [_endorsed on outside wrapper_: "relacion de las yslas filipinas, su descubrimiento, poblaçiones de españoles, usos y costumbres de sus naturales, religion, &a; hecha en virtud de real cedula por miguel de loarca, vecino de la villa de arèvalo, uno de los primeros conquistadores y pobladores."] relation of the filipinas islands by miguel de loarca _a treatise on the philipinas islands, in which an account is given of all the islands and peoples reduced to the obedience of his royal majesty, king don phelippe, our sovereign, and of the settlements that the spaniards have made there; together with an account of the form of government among both the spaniards and the natives, and of some customs of the indians and moros of these islands_. although the chief settlement of the spaniards in these islands is the city of manila, and the island of luçon, wherein it is situated, is the finest and richest of all the islands discovered (on which account we should discuss and begin to write about it first), yet, since the island of çubu was the first to be settled, and served as the starting-point for the conquest of all the others; and, too, because your lordship has allowed me so short a time in which to write this relation; and because i know them better, i shall commence with the island of cubu and those adjacent to it, the pintados. thus i may afterward speak more at length on matters pertaining to this island of luçon and its neighboring islands--where, because the natives are moros, they differ somewhat from the former in customs, mode of life, and language. it cannot be denied that the men who have come to this country have lacked the desire for investigation, since neither ecclesiastics nor laymen have undertaken to relate what occurred in this land at the time of its conquest; and, although it is said that father fray alonso de buyça has written a large volume in mexico on this subject, i doubt the assertion, because i have seen his letters which came last year, in this ship "sanct martin." in these letters he asked for exact information about events in this region of sixteen years ago, because he mistrusted the accounts which have been sent to him from here; he also requested any one of the settlers of this land, who should write, to give a faithful account of all things for times to come. at present, it will be difficult to arrange such information, and much time will be needed therefor. in view of this and the short time before me, i shall not treat of that particular subject; but i shall fulfil what his majesty has ordered from your lordship by his royal decree; and i shall also add a description of some customs of the natives, in order that, since they are his majesty's vassals, he may know of the barbarous life from which he has delivered these natives, and of the civilized manner in which they now live under his gracious sway. chapter first _of the island of çubu, and of the other islands under its jurisdiction_. _island of çubu_. the island of çubu, the first to be settled by miguel lopez de legazpi, has a circuit of nearly a hundred leagues and a length of about fifty leagues, for it is very narrow. at the two extremities it is, at the widest place, about twenty leagues wide. one extremity, the one lying toward the north, is called burula. the other extremity, which we call las cabeças and the natives sanbuan, lies at the south; for, as is inferred, this island runs nearly north and south. one cannot sail very close to the island; because all along the coast where the town of çubu is situated are to be found bays that curve in different directions. on the other and western side of the island the land lies almost northeast and southwest. the entire island contains about three thousand five hundred indians, living in different, and for the most part small, villages. here i shall mention only the principal ones, for the others are small, numbering only from eight to ten houses. _jaro_. jaro is under the charge of an encomendero who also holds an encomienda elsewhere; the village is inhabited by five hundred indians. _daraguete_. daraguete is also an encomienda, with two hundred indians. _peñol_. el peñol is also an encomienda, with two hundred indians. _jaro_. jaro is likewise an encomienda, with two hundred indians. _temanduc_. temanduque is also an encomienda, with five hundred indians. _temanduc_. in the same province of temanduque another encomendero has seventy indians; and it is also an encomienda. _barile_. the village of barile is another encomienda; it is inhabited by four hundred natives. it is also an encomienda. _burugan_. the village of burugan has about seventy indians. it is also an encomienda. _candaya_. the province of candaya has three hundred and fifty indians, belonging to two encomenderos. it is also an encomienda. no spaniards are to be found in any of the principal encomiendas, in all this province, although fourteen of them possess holdings therein. these spaniards, because they were inhabitants of the town of çubu, received each two or three small villages, together with service from the indians, fowls, and other means of maintenance; for the principal encomiendas were distant from them thirty or forty leagues, more or less. on the other side of the above-mentioned native communities, at about two arquebus-shots from the spanish town of ssantisimo nombre de jesus (thus called because an image of the child jesus, of the time of magallanes, had been found there, and was held in great reverence by the indians), is a village of the natives belonging to the royal crown, with about eight hundred indians. the commander miguel lopez de legazpi exempted this community from paying tribute; for they had always taken sides with the spaniards, and had helped them to conquer some of the other islands. _observations on the island of çubu_. in this village live thirty spaniards, and as many encomenderos. counting both citizens and soldiers, fifty or sixty spaniards ordinarily reside there. _alcalde-mayor in çubu_. the governors of these islands have always appointed an alcalde-mayor, at a salary of three hundred pesos taken from the fines forfeited to the royal treasury; and the royal treasury not being sufficient, the alcalde-mayor has not, as yet, appointed any deputy. there are six regidors, who, up to the present time, have been elected annually. the past governors appointed also an alguazil-mayor, whom they can remove and replace at their pleasure. there is no remuneration for this last office; and it is therefore given to an encomendero, who is generally one of the leading citizens. there are also two alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one notary for the cabildo and the public. if all these officials were not also encomenderos, they would be unable to support themselves; for the town possesses no commerce which comes within their reach. the town has the best port of these islands, and it was for this reason that miguel lopez de legazpi founded a settlement there. it was he who founded the above-mentioned town, in the year of sixty-four. perhaps the traffic with maluco may prove of advantage to the town, for there is no other place in its vicinity with which any commerce could be carried on. its neighborhood is poor, and all the vast district round about lacks gold mines or gold-placers, except in the island of mindanao--and that but little--as will be described later. the island of çubu produces a small quantity of rice, borona, and millet and little or no cotton; for the cloth which the natives use for their garments is made from a kind of banana. from this they make a sort of cloth resembling colored calico, which the natives call _medriñaque_. in these islands great value is set upon the land which can produce rice and cotton, because cotton and cloth find a good market in nueva españa. the condition of the people will be described when i shall speak of all the pintados in general, for they all are very similar. all are provided with fowls, swine, a few goats, beans, and a kind of root resembling the potatoes of sancto domingo, called by the natives _camotes_. after rice, fish is the main article of maintenance in this and other islands, for it abounds in all of them, and is of excellent quality in this island of çubu. although deer have been found in all the islands discovered hereabout, there are none here; and if any should be brought hither from elsewhere they would immediately die. _island of matan_. to the south of the settlement of çubu, about two arquebus-shots from it, lies the island of matan where magallanes was killed; it forms the port of çubu. the island is about four leagues in circumference, and half a league wide; it has a population of about three hundred indians, scattered through four or five small villages, all of which are under the jurisdiction of the town of çubu. _island of vohol_. on the other side of the island of matan, and farther south, about eight leagues from the settlement of çubu, lies the island of vohol, which is an encomienda with two thousand indians. the natives of this island are closely related to the people of cebu and are almost one and the same people. those inhabiting the coast regions are mainly fishermen. they are excellent oarsmen; and, before the arrival of the spaniards, they were accustomed to cruise about in their vessels on marauding expeditions. they are also traders. there was once a large town in this island [bohol], which, shortly before the spaniards came hither, was plundered by the people of maluco, and the majority of its inhabitants were dispersed throughout the other islands, where they now dwell. the settlements inland among the mountains are small and poor, and are not yet wholly under subjection. in this island, as well as in the many nearby uninhabited islets--these latter abounding also in fish--there is great abundance of game, both deer and boars. the island is about forty leagues in circumference, and eight or ten leagues wide. _island of negros_. west of the island of çubu lies another island, called by the spaniards negros, because its mountain districts are inhabited by some blacks. the indians have given it various names, such as nayon, mamaylan, and others, all taken from the names of villages in different parts of the island. it contains some six or seven thousand indians; but the number of blacks has not been ascertained, because of their hostility. the side of the island facing çubu is sparsely populated; for it has only one settlement worthy the name, which is situated on the river tanay, and half of the indians on that river are natives of bohol. the southern side, facing the island of panay and the town of arevalo, is thickly settled; for it contains the rivers ylo, ynabagan, bago, carobcop, and tecgaguan--all fertile districts, rich in foods, such as rice, swine, and fowls; and abounding in medriñaque, although there is no cotton. the coast facing çubu lies about two and one-half leagues from that island, and on the side facing the island of panay and the town of arevalo there is a like distance; so that two straits are made with these islands of zubu and panay respectively. the side toward çubu has three encomenderos; and that toward panay and the town of arevalo has eight. all other encomenderos hold encomiendas in other parts of the island. this island is about ninety leagues in circumference, and about twelve or thirteen leagues wide. none of its villages belong to his majesty. _island of fuegos_. near the straits formed by negros island and that of çubu, there is an island which we call the island of fuegos. it has a circuit of ten leagues, and a population of nearly two hundred indians, and is a part of an encomienda. this island produces a great quantity of wax. _island of camotes_. east of the island of çubu are two small islets, each about five leagues in circumference. they are called the islets of camotes. the two are inhabited by about three hundred indians, and are under the jurisdiction of the city of çubu. the people are poor, although they possess some wax and a great quantity of fish. the villages are small, consisting of only seven or eight houses each. these islets are about three leagues from the island of çubu, and seven from the city of that name. _island of baybay_. about three leagues farther east lies the island of baybay, or leyte, as it is also called. it is a large and well-provisioned island, although the people dress in medriñaque. leyte is thickly settled; it may have a population of fourteen or fifteen thousand indians, ten thousand of whom pay tribute because that has been a people hard to conquer. there are twelve encomenderos; but his majesty owns none of the indians. this island is about eighty leagues in circumference, and fifteen or sixteen wide. its principal settlements and rivers are vaybay, yodmuc, leyte, cavigava, barugo, maraguincay, palos, abuyo, dulaque, longos, bito, cabalian, calamocan and tugud. this island possesses neither mines nor gold-placers; the only cloth it produces is medriñaque, which, as i have said before, resembles calico, and is made from a kind of wild banana. _island of panaon_. between this island and that of mindanao, which lies north and south, is the island of panaon. it is about eight leagues in circumference, and three leagues wide. the population is poor, and numbers only about one hundred men, who belong to one encomendero. _island of siargao_. twelve leagues from the island of panaon, and next to the island of mindanao, is the island of siargao, which is about fifteen leagues in circumference and six leagues wide. it may have about four hundred inhabitants, and its villages are built around rough and dangerous estuaries. there is only one encomendero. the people are poor because of their indolence; for although there are numerous small islets near this island, which contain many gold-placers, they do not work them. they give as a reason that, if the corsairs should discover that they were working these mines, they would come hither to take them captive; but even now, when no one can molest them, they do not work the mines, and hence we may infer that their poverty is mainly due to sloth. _island of maçagua_. west of the island of baybay is a small island called maçagua, about which father fray andres de urbaneta related so many wonders. it is four leagues in circumference and one league wide; it has about sixty inhabitants, as well as an encomendero. the people are poor and wretched, possessing nothing but salt and fish. _island of maripipe_. at the other side, northeast from the island of baybay, lies the island called maripipe. it is a very mountainous island, and by reason of its great roughness it is barren. it is about seven leagues in circumference and two and one-half leagues wide. it has a population of about one hundred indians. _island of limancaguayan_. nearer the strait and cape of espiritu santo, and about three leagues from maripipe, is another island, called limancaguayan. like maripipe it has a circumference of about seven leagues, and a population of one hundred. this island produces rice and medriñaque. these two islands belong to one encomendero, together with the island of fuegos, which we mentioned above. _island of masbate_. farther to the north-northeast of this island of leyte lies the island of masbate, which is about thirty leagues in circumference, and six leagues wide. it has about five hundred indians, who belong to one encomendero. it has also gold mines from which much gold was dug, for the natives of camarines went thither to work them; but they have left the place on account of the spaniards, and therefore the mines are not worked. the island of leyte is considered the centre of all the islands mentioned above, because they all lie in its neighborhood. _island of bantayan_. about two leagues north of the island of çubu lies the island of bantayan. it is about eight leagues in circumference and two leagues wide, and has a population of about one thousand indians; this and the above-mentioned island of vohol are under the charge of one encomendero. its inhabitants are well-disposed. they have large fisheries, for there are many shoals near the island. there is also a pearl-fishery, although a very small one. the land produces millet and borona, but no rice, for all the island has poor soil notwithstanding that it is level. some of the natives of this island cultivate land on the island of çubu, which, as i have said, is two leagues away. the island abounds in excellent palm-trees--a growth common to all the pintados islands, for all of them abound in palms. _island of capul_. capul is the name of the island forming a strait with the island of luçon. through this strait pass all the ships which come from españa. capul is about twelve leagues in circumference and four leagues wide. it has about five hundred indians, and belongs to one encomendero. its inhabitants are poor and have rice and medriñaque. _island of viri_. still nearer the cape of espiritu santo, and in the strait itself, lies the island of viri. it is about five leagues in circumference and two leagues wide. it has a population of about one hundred. this island and that of maçagua are under one encomendero. _island of ybabao_. southeast of the island of baybay, lies the island of ybabao, or as it is also called, the island of candaya [also tandaya]. it is about one hundred and ten leagues in circumference. no one has yet gone through the land, and therefore its width is not known. they say that its population is as large as that of the island of baybay, and that it is a fertile and well-provisioned island. the people seen by the spaniards will number about five thousand indians, who are scattered through the following villages: the village of daguisan. the river of ylaga. the river of yba. the river of basey. the villages of hubun. the villages of balingigua. the villages of guiguan. the river of sicavalo. the river of bolongan. the river of sibato. the village of tinagun. the river of calviga. the estuaries of ulaya. the river of paguntan. the river of napundan. the river of bolo. the river of pono. the river of gamay. the villages of panpan. the river of catubi. the river of volonto. the river of yuatan. the river of pagaguahan. the village of baranas. the village of arasan. _islands of bantac_. close to the island of ybabao, on its eastern side and in the gulf of nueva españa [_i.e._, pacific ocean], are to be found two islands, called bantac. they are thinly populated, and according to what the indians say, no one has yet set foot on them. _verde island_. on this same side, opposite the town of guiguan on the gulf side, lies verde island. it is about eight leagues in circumference, and four leagues wide. it contains about one hundred and fifty indians. _island of canaguan_. on the western side, opposite the river of tinahon, lies the island of canaguan, which is about four leagues in circumference and one league wide. it contains about one hundred men. _island of caguayan_. the island of caguayan lies very close to the western side of the island of ybabao, and is three leaguo in circumference and one league wide. its population numbers two hundred men. _island of batac_. the island of batac, which is near this place, contains one hundred men. all these islands which have been mentioned are under the charge of the encomenderos of çubu, and under the jurisdiction of the city by the same name; so that, counting each island by itself, and that part of the island of mindanao which has been explored, the jurisdiction of the city of çubu extends over a circuit of six hundred and sixty-seven leagues. _island of mindanao_. of all the islands discovered up to the present time, mindanao is supposed to be the largest, although but few of its inhabitants are friendly--almost none, in fact--and those dwell along the coast. the spaniards have explored only about one hundred and fifty leagues of this island, namely, from the river of catel to the principal river, which is called mindanao. from the city of çubu one has to sail southeast to reach the nearest point of mindanao, which is called dapitan. dapitan has a port, and lies in the middle of the discovered section of the island. once this section was thickly populated, but now there are only a few inhabitants left. it produces rice and gold, for there are gold-placers and mines all over the island; but the gold is found in so small a quantity that it can hardly be detected. from dapitan to the point of cinnamon there are more than thirty rivers whose banks are settled. _observations on the island of mindanao._ but those who live along the shore are very few, and are called lutaos--a name applied to a tribe of people in this land, whose only means of sustenance is derived from fishing; and who take their wives, dogs, cats, and all their possessions in their boats. the fish that they catch they trade with the people of the mountains. _tree-dwellings of the mountaineers of mindanao._ the mountaineers of this island build their houses in certain trees, so large that in each one a house is built which can contain forty or fifty married men and their families; the tree serves as a fortress against the enemy. as far as seen this region abounds in wax. the land is very rough and mountainous, and the inhabitants dress in mediñaque cloth. forty leagues from dapitan, on the side facing maluco, is cavite point, where there is abundance of cinnamon; this is the district which extends toward maluco. _island of taguima._ not far from this cinnamon point, lies the island of taguima, which is about fourteen leagues in circumference, and four leagues wide. it has a population of about five hundred indians, with two encomenderos. in all parts of mindanao are found a great many civet-cats. the portuguese ships, on their way from malaca to maluco for cloves, pass by this island, and formerly did much harm to the natives, often committing acts of treachery while making that passage. civet-cats are found in all parts of the island of mindanao; but the people are poorly supplied with food and clothing. _island of soloc_. twenty leagues from this cinnamon point lies the island of soloc. its inhabitants are moros from burney. it was discovered at the same time as was the river of burney. the island is about twenty-four leagues in circumference, and is said to have somewhat more than one thousand inhabitants. it is said to have elephants and a fine pearl-fishery. it belongs to one of the encomenderos of çubu, and is within the jurisdiction of that city. _island of mindanao, continued_. all the region northeast of dapitan, as far as the river of butuan, is under one encomendero, except the villages of gonpot and cagayan. these two villages, on account of their production of cinnamon, are under his majesty, although their population is small, not exceeding two hundred men. the same encomendero has charge also of the district between dapitan and almost to the cinnamon point, so that his encomienda in this island of mindanao is of nearly sixty leagues' extent; he is also encomendero of the above-mentioned island of soloc, and holds another encomienda in the island of çubu. with all this, he is poor [and dying of hunger: _crossed out in original ms_.], and cannot help laying hands on all the discovered land of mindanao _rivers: paniguian, ydac, matanda, ytanda, tago, ono, beslin--all of which have about three thousand men, for the most part hostile_. around the river butuan, which belongs to guido de la veçaris, dwell about six hundred indians who are in this island. farther on are to be found the rivers surigao, parasao and others, all poor regions notwithstanding their gold-placers. the same may be said of the rivers paniguian, ydac, matanda, ytanda, tago, ono, and beslin--all of which have a population of about three thousand, mostly hostile. two attempts have been made to explore the chief river of mindanao--the most important of the island, and from which the island of mindanao derives its name--but with little result, for our people have been able to discover only six or seven villages. of these villages the principal one is where the petty king lives; others are tanpacan, boayen, and valet, with others, which, according to what has been seen, have a population of a little more than three thousand, although it is reported that there are many more than that number. _island of camaniguin_. opposite butuan river, in the direction of çubu, and between vohol and the island of mindanao, lies the island of camaniguin. it is about ten leagues in circumference, and has a population of about one hundred indians. this island is two leagues from mindanao. it is a craggy and mountainous island. it produces some wax, and la gente della por la mayor parte anda sienpre muy city of çubu. chapter second _of the island of panay and of the district under its jurisdiction_ _island of panay_. twelve leagues from the nearest point of çubu, and two and one-half leagues from negros island, lies the island of panay, the most fertile and well-provisioned of all the islands discovered, except the island of luçon; for it is exceedingly fertile, and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, wax, and honey; it produces also a great quantity of cotton and medriñaque. its villages stand very close together, and the people are peaceful and open to conversion. the land is healthful and well-provisioned, so that the spaniards who are stricken with sickness in other islands go thither to recover their health. the natives are healthy and clean; and although the island of çubu is also healthful and has a good climate, most of its inhabitants are always afflicted with the itch and buboes. in the island of panay the natives declare that no one of them had ever been afflicted with buboes until the people from bohol--who, as we said above, abandoned bohol on account of the people of maluco--came to settle in panay, and gave the disease to some of the natives. for these reasons the governor, don gonçalo ronquillo, founded the town of arevalo, on the south side of this island; for the island runs almost north and south, and on that side live the majority of the people, and the villages are near this town, and the land here is more fertile. in this town dwell fifteen encomenderos, who have among them about twenty thousand indians, all pacified and paying tribute. since the town is situated on the side nearest negros island, its nearest neighbor, the above-mentioned governor placed under its jurisdiction the rivers ylo, ynabagan, bago, carobcop and tecgaguan--which, as has been said before, constitute the best district of negros island. for all these reasons, people flocked thither to build their houses; and the place has become the best-provisioned district in all the islands. this island of panay provides the city of manila and other places with a large quantity of rice and meat. _alcalde-mayor of arevalo, with a salary of 300 pesos_. the city of this island has one alcalde-mayor, four regidors, one alguazil-mayor, two alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one notary for the public and for the cabildo. the regidors are elected for life, and the alguazil-mayor remains in office as long as does the alcalde-mayor. being a new town, there are few lawsuits; and the notary can depend on no other compensation than that which he derives from lawsuits among the indians (for he accompanies the alcalde-mayor on his official visits), and from the cases which are brought before the law for settlement. this city holds jurisdiction over a circuit of three leagues, but it possesses no territory of its own. the following are the principal communities in this island: the village of oton, next to the town. the village of ticbaguan. the river jaro. the river yvahay. the river ajuy. the river harahut. the river panay. the river aclan. the village of antique. the village of bugason. and others of less importance. the alcalde-mayor receives a salary of three hundred pesos, paid from the fines forfeited to the royal treasury; and if those do not suffice, he will be empowered by the governor and other royal officials to collect the tribute which his majesty receives in that island--from somewhat more than two thousand men, who dwell in the vicinity of the rivers haraut, ajuy, and panay--the fifths of the gold which is dug in that region, almost nothing in amount. this town is about fifty leagues from that of santisimo nombre de jesus in the island of çubu. as this island contains great abundance of timber and provisions, it has almost continuously had a shipyard on it, as is the case now at the location of the town of arevalo, for galleys and fragatas. here the ship "visaya" was launched. this island is about one hundred leagues in circumference. _island of ymaraes_. about two arquebus-shots from the island of panay lies the island of ymaraes. it is about twelve leagues in circumference, and has a population of about five hundred indians, all of whom are in charge of one of the encomenderos of the island of panay. it abounds in rice, cotton, honey, wax, and much game, as is usual in all the islands. it has much timber, which serves for the shipyards, and for house-building in the neighboring islands. although of such extent, ymaraes comes under the jurisdiction of the town of arevalo. _island of cuyo_. opposite antique, which is located in the island of panay, and about sixteen leagues farther in the same westerly direction, lies the island of cuyo. this island is also in charge of one of the encomenderos of the island of panay, and has a population of about eight hundred. it abounds in rice which bears a reddish kernel, because the soil is of that color. a great many goats are being raised, for the region is favorable for that. there are large fisheries, and some pearls are gathered. a large quantity of cotton cloth is woven there, although the cotton is not produced on the island. formerly many ships from burney were wont to come to barter for _bruscays_, which are a kind of sea-shell which in sian is used as money, as cocoa-beans are used in nueva españa. it is under the jurisdiction of arevalo, although the authority of that town has never been exercised therein. this island is twelve leagues in circumference. _islets of lutaya_. not far from this island are five [seven] very small islets called lutaya, dehet, bisucay, cadnuyan, tacaguayan, lubit, and tinotoan. the people are very poor, and are kept in slavery by the chiefs of the island of cuyo. these islets, all together, contain somewhat more than one hundred men. the chief occupation in all these islets is making salt and mats--the latter from rushes, for they are a wretched people. these they pay as their tribute. this island is six leagues in circumference. _island of osigan_. northeast of the island of panay and three leagues from its extreme point, lies the island of osigan, which we call the island of tablas. it is about eighteen leagues in circumference, and is quite mountainous. wax is collected there. it has a population of about two hundred and fifty indians, living in small villages. _island of çibuyan._ six leagues from osigan lies the island of çibuyan. it is about twelve leagues in circumference, and six leagues wide. it has about three hundred indians, of whom two hundred are under one of the panay encomenderos. in this island are to be found very good gold mines, but they are not properly worked, for the indians are all pintados, and are very slothful. they belong to the jurisdiction of arevalo. _island of buracay._ about two arquebus-shots from the north point of the island of panay, lies the island of buracay. it is about three leagues in circumference, and one-half league wide. it is inhabited by about one hundred indians, who cultivate rice there, and in addition derive profit from some goats. _island of anbil._ one half league from this island is another island, called anbil. it is about three leagues in circumference, and one wide. its fifty indians are mostly ship-builders. _island of simara._ about two leagues from the island of tablas--or, as it is also called, osigan--lies the island of simara. it is about four leagues in circumference, and two leagues wide. it has a population of one hundred and fifty. these people are traders, and raise goats, and therefore the island is called cabras ["goats"] island. it is about twelve leagues from the island of panay. _island of sivaay._ four leagues west of the north point of panay, is the island of sivaay. it is five leagues in circumference, and one and one-half leagues wide, and has a population of seventy indians. _island of similara._ about three leagues farther, toward the island of mindoro, is found the island of similara, with a population of ninety indians. it is four leagues in circumference, and one league wide. all the people of these islets gather a very scanty harvest; they make salt, and are traders. _island of batbatan._ south of the north point of panay, and about one and one-half leagues from that island, lies the island of bacbatan, with a population of eighty indians. the island is about three leagues in circumference, and one league wide. the inhabitants raise their wheat and produce their wax on the island of panay. all these islands--buracay, anbil, simara, sivaay, similara, and bacbatan--are under one of the encomenderos of panay. _island of banton._ the island of banton lies about one and one-half leagues from the island of simara, or cabras. it is about eight leagues in circumference and three leagues wide, and has two hundred indians. the island is very craggy; it abounds in palm-trees, potatoes, yams, and wax. the people are traders. _island of donblon._ the island of donblon lies between çibuyan and the island of tablas. it is seven leagues in circumference and three leagues wide. donblon is inhabited by nearly two hundred and fifty indians, and abounds in wax. this island and that of banton come under one of the panay encomenderos, and under the jurisdiction of the town of arevalo. the jurisdiction of this town extends also over the islands of ymaras, cuyo, bacbatan, sivahi, similara, buracay, anbil, simara, osaygan, banton, donblon, cibuyan, and over the larger populated section of negros island--namely, from the cape of sitaravaan to siparay, an extent of more than twenty leagues. banton, which is the last island of this jurisdiction, lies about fifty-five or fifty-six leagues from the town of arevalo. _island of cagaian._ sailing south-southeast from the town of arevalo, one comes to the open sea; for there are no other islands in that direction except the ones called cagayan--two low islets about fifteen leagues from the island of panay. they are surrounded by many low reefs; and unless their narrow entry is well known, the ships which go there encounter great dangers. these islands have about four hundred inhabitants, all of whom are very skilful ship-builders. it is said that a few years ago the natives peopled these islands in order to fortify themselves by the reefs, for fear of the pirates. then they undertook to return to the island of panay in order to dwell there; but very many of their women died there. seeing this, as they are soothsayers they returned to the islands of cagayan, whence they set out every year, and scatter themselves over all the islands to build ships. these indians of cagayan have made his majesty's ships in these islands, as well as the galleys, galliots, and fragatas. they also help in repairing and righting ships. being therefore the most important people in these islands, the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi allotted the islands of cagayan to the encomenderos of negros island. afterwards it seemed best to put them under his majesty's control. thus the town of arevalo holds jurisdiction over an extent of about two hundred and fifty leagues. chapter third _of the island of luçon_ _island of luçon_. the island of luçon is the most important island of the whole group which has been discovered. it is thickly populated and well-provided with rice and gold-mines. these mines have yielded much gold, especially in the province of ylocos. this island is divided into three provinces, the chief of which is that wherein was founded the city of manilla, the capital of this kingdom and the seat of the governor. hither flock more spaniards than are found in all the other islands. one league and a half from this city is the port of cavite, where the ships from nueva españa anchor. the ships from çhina enter also through the river of this city, for they usually come in great numbers to carry on their trading. his majesty has a fortress here, with its governor, three royal officers, one major, and one royal standard-bearer--all appointed by his majesty. there are also two alguaçils-mayor--one of court and one of the city, one government secretary, one notary for the cabildo, and four notaries-public. manila is also the seat of the bishop of all the islands; in this city he resides and has his cathedral church. there are also seven regidors in this city; three of them are proprietary magistrates, and are appointed by his majesty--namely, captain juan de moron, don luis enrriquez, and pedro de herrera. the other four are appointed by the governor--namely, captain graviel de ribera, captain joan maldonado, captain bergara, and captain rodrigo alvarez. there is also a convent of augustinian monks, one of descalced friars, and one house of the company [of jesus]. the city is situated midway on the shore of a large bay, about twenty leagues in circumference. the region all about this bay is fertile, and well-provisioned. the inhabitants are moros, instructed in that faith by those of burney. the river has a fresh-water lake, about five leagues above this city; it is more than twenty leagues in circumference. the district abounds in rice and cotton. the people possess much gold in the way of trinkets, but there are no mines in this region. this same race of moros have made settlements as far as the villages of the batangas; their number will be told later. they have also peopled the island of mindoro and that of luban, but they are to be found in no other region of these islands. the inhabitants of the province of camarines at the eastern end of this island, through whose strait arrive the ships from nueva españa, resemble the pintados; and even those at the other and southeastern [_sc._ northern] end of this island, toward the japanese, also closely resemble the pintados--although they do not tattoo _[pintan]_ themselves as the latter do, and bore their ears differently; for in these two provinces there is but little tattooing. the pintados tattoo the whole body very gorgeously; but the moros do not tattoo themselves at all, nor do they bore their ears. unlike the men of visaya, the moros wear their hair short, although their women bore their ears, but in a very ugly manner. the moros inhabit only this district of the bay of manilla. with a fifteen-league coast, the most fertile land of this island. the following encomiendas are to be found in the neighborhood of this city: the encomienda of vatan, eight hundred men. the encomienda of vitis, with about seven thousand men. the encomienda of macabebe, with two thousand six hundred men. the encomienda of calonpite, with about three thousand men. the encomienda of candava, with two thousand men. near this encomienda is a village which, on account of its antiquity, is called little castilla. it belongs to his majesty, and has a population of seventy. the encomienda of pale, with three hundred men. the encomienda of binto, with four hundred men. the encomienda of malolos, eight hundred men. the encomienda of guiguinto, four hundred men. the encomienda of catangalan, with eight hundred men. the encomienda of caluya belongs to his majesty, and has six hundred men. formerly all the above-mentioned encomiendas had one alcalde-mayor, but since don gonzalo came he has appointed the following officials: _corregidor of batan_. in batan, a corregidor, with a salary of one hundred and fifty pesos. _alcalde-mayor of lubao_. in lubao, another, with a salary of three hundred pesos. _alcalde-mayor of calompite_. in calompite and macaveve, another, with a salary of three hundred pesos. _alcalde-mayor of candava_. in candava and two other encomiendas, another, with a salary of two hundred pesos. _alcalde-mayor of bulacan._ in bulacan and its vicinity, another, with a salary of two hundred pesos. one language is spoken in all these encomiendas. quite near the city, and along the coast from tondo, which is situated on the other side of the river of this city, another language is spoken. this village of tondo belongs to his majesty, and possesses a population of one thousand three hundred and fifty indians. the village of quiapo also belongs to his majesty. the village of pandacan, which is held by an encomendero, has one hundred and fifty men. the village of santa maria is under an encomendero, and has a population of [_blank space in ms_.]. the village of capaques has two hundred men, and belongs to his majesty. the encomienda of pasic has one encomendero, and contains two thousand men. the encomienda of tagui is under one encomendero, and has six hundred and sixty men. the encomienda of taytay is inhabited by five hundred indians. all these encomiendas are situated along the river of manilla, from tondo to the lake, and are under the jurisdiction of one alcalde-mayor, who appoints a deputy for tondo. the alcalde-mayor has a salary of two hundred pesos; and his deputy, one hundred. around the lake the following settlements are under the jurisdiction of another alcalde-mayor: the encomienda of maribago, three hundred men. the encomienda of tabuc, with [_blank space in ms._]. the encomienda of vahi, with two thousand five hundred men. the encomienda of pila, with one thousand six hundred men. the encomienda of mayay, with four hundred men. the encomienda of lumban, with one thousand five hundred men. the encomienda of maracta belongs to his majesty, and has six hundred men. the encomienda of balian, with six hundred men. the encomienda of sinoloan, with seven hundred men. the encomienda of moron, with one thousand one hundred men. the last two encomiendas have a much larger population; but they are hostile, and live in the mountains. all the above-mentioned encomiendas are found around the lake. turning toward the coast of manilla, on the other side of tondo, we find the following villages: on the coast near manila are laguo, malahat, longalo, palañac, vacol, minacaya, and cavite. all these villages are in the neighborhood of cavite, and belong to his majesty, to whom they pay tribute. on entering the bay opposite the other point, which is called batan, is: _alcalde-mayor for the coast_. the encomienda of maragondon, with four hundred and fifty men. this encomienda of maragondon, together with all the above-mentioned coast villages which belong to his majesty, is under the jurisdiction of one alcalde-mayor, who receives a salary of three hundred pesos. outside of the bay of manilla, on the east, are the villages of the lowlands of tuley, which belong to his majesty and pay him tribute. _corregidor of balayan_. the encomienda of balayan has six hundred men, with one encomendero; one corregidor is appointed here, who receives a salary of one hundred and fifty pesos. _alcalde-mayor of vonvon_. the district around the lake of bombon has a population of about three thousand four hundred. then come the villages of the batangas district, with one thousand men and one encomendero. these two encomiendas are under the jurisdiction of another alcalde-mayor. all the land between tuley and batangas is inhabited by moros, who, as we have said above, have abundance of cotton, and possess much gold handed down to them by their ancestors. proceeding about three leagues from the settlement of batangas, which we mentioned above, along the coast toward camarines, we come to the river of lobo, on which are about a hundred indians. two leagues from lobo is maribago, where there are gold mines; here dwell about one hundred indians. farther on is the village of biga, with a population of about one hundred and fifty indians. next is galvan, with about another hundred and fifty indians. all these villages have one encomendero. farther along the coast is the river dayun, with about six hundred indians; and next, the river tubi, on which, in the tingues [hills], are about five hundred indians. next are the river carilaya and other small settlements, with a total population of about five hundred indians. still farther is the river caguayan, with about two hundred indians. all this territory has three encomenderos, and is all under the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of mindoro. here begins the province of camarines, although a few settlements of little importance may be found between the two regions. chapter fourth _which treats of the camarines provinces_ _provinces of camarines and vicor_. farther along the coast near the pasacao river begin the provinces of vicor and camarines, which, as we have said above, are situated on the east side as you enter the philipinas islands. disembarking at the pasacao river, which is seventy leagues from the city of manilla by sea, and journeying three leagues by land, one comes to the vicor river flowing north; its source is in the opposite coasts of the island. [11] _alcalde-mayor of camarines_. here lies the town of caçeres, the seat of an alcalde-mayor who receives a salary of three hundred pesos. there are also two alcaldes-in-ordinary, and six regidors, whom the governor appoints for as long a period as he chooses. this town of caçeres is situated in the middle of the entire province, on the banks of the river vicor. this river district is allotted to eight encomenderos, seven of whom have in charge about seven hundred indians each, and the other about two thousand. along the same river, his majesty possesses the villages of minalagua and nagua, with two thousand indians. following this river, one comes to a lake called the lake of libon, which is but scantily populated. the district round about is one encomienda, with one thousand five hundred indians living in the village of libon and its environs. this lake of libon, lying in a mountainous region, has many creeks, by which one can easily go to yguas, albay, camarines, bicagua, and other places. the town of caçeres has in all twenty-four encomenderos. fourteen of them, including the seven above mentioned, have seven hundred indians each; one has two thousand; another, that of lake libon, has one thousand five hundred; and the rest have about three hundred indians each. the inhabitants of the vicor river district pay their tribute in gold and rice, for they possess these articles in great abundance--for in this province are the excellent mines of paracale, sixteen leagues from the town; they work also the mines of catanduanes, thirty leagues from the town. the town has no dependencies, nor does it hold any jurisdiction over other communities. the whole district is under the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of the province of laguna. this province has a population of about one thousand five hundred, and is allotted to three encomenderos. albay and baquian are inhabited by about eight hundred indians, who are allotted to two encomenderos. camarines, with about five hundred men, is under one encomendero. libon is under one encomendero, and has one thousand five hundred men. the province of paracale and its coast, as far as mahuban, is inhabited by about two thousand men, and is allotted to three encomenderos. the king owns a share of this province. the district around the bay of yvalon has a population of about one thousand five hundred, being divided between two encomenderos. _island of catanduanes_. the island of catanduanes has a population of about four thousand, and is allotted to four encomenderos. the alcalde-mayor receives a salary of three hundred pesos, which is paid from the fines forfeited to the royal treasury, or from the royal treasury itself. he appoints no lieutenant, except one for the town when he is absent. the governor appointed a notary for this town, who, having little to do, attends also to the affairs of the alcalde-mayor, and accompanies him on his tours of inspection. thus his various occupations yield him an annual income of nearly four hundred pesos. there is also a treasurer in this town, appointed by the governor, at a salary of two hundred pesos. his duty is to collect the tribute due to his majesty, and to go every year to manila to give an account of his work. the country is fertile and healthy. it abounds in rice and palm-trees, from which wine and a great quantity of brandy are made. as already said, the natives of this province closely resemble the pintados--although the former are more slothful; for they spend nearly all their time in drinking, while their wives cultivate the land. like the pintados, they are a sociable people, and observe the same customs. they all worship the ugly wooden idol, and talk to the demon. they have also many wizards. not having lived in this province, i am not acquainted with their manner of sacrifice, nor have i found one who could tell me of it. _mines_. as i have said, there are mines in paracale, in the bay of caporaguay, and in the island of catanduanes. all these districts are in the neighborhood of the town of caçeres. _distances_. from pasacao, one has to follow the coast of the island eastward twenty leagues to bucaygan, and sixty leagues more to the northwest, before he reaches vicor river. all this may be shortened to the three leagues [by land] between pasacao and the vicor river. the distance between vicor river and the cape of babuyanes--situated at the other end of the island, toward japan, as above stated--is one hundred and twenty leagues. the coast between vicor and babuyanes is rugged, and extends northwest and southeast. not all this land is inhabited, but only three districts of it, namely: the province of valete, with about eight hundred indians; ten leagues farther, that of casiguran, with about five hundred indians (a district resembling ylocos, which lies on the opposite coast, although the two provinces have no communication, because of the ruggedness of the country); and, farther on, the province of alanao river. this last is well peopled, and produces gold and cotton; its native indians resemble those of valete and casiguran. besides these three districts, no other settlement on this coast is encountered until the cape of babuyanes is reached. from the cape the coast runs east and west until the river of cagayan is reached. this is a very large river. it is twelve leagues from the cape to the mouth of this river. _river cagayan_. cagayan is a river of great volume, although its bar forms shallows. at high tide the bar has two brazas of water, and at low tide one. on its banks are large settlements with a population of more than thirty thousand. the people gather a great quantity of rice, and keep many swine. they have also some gold, although there are no gold mines. their trade is carried on with the men of ylocos. this region is unwholesome, especially when the north wind prevails. _islands of mandato and buyon_. on the opposite coast, near the island of luçon, are two inhabited islets, called mandato and buyon respectively, each one about five leagues in circumference, settled by moros, on account of their lying so near the island of luçon opposite the bay of manila. [_marginal note:_ "the island of luçon curves from the city of manilla, where the change in direction begins, to the river of cagayan."] _island of marinduque_. between the island of banton and that of luçon, four leagues from the former and five from the latter, lies the island of marinduque. it is about twenty-six leagues in circumference, and eight leagues wide, and contains about one thousand men. capul and this island are under the charge of one encomendero. the indians are pintados, although under the jurisdiction of neither çubu, arevalo, nor camarines. chapter fifth _which treats of the province of ylocos_ _island of luzon, continued_. going out of the bay of manilla, and sailing north toward the province of ylocos, first comes the province of the çambales. this province has about one thousand men, who are like the chichimecos of nueva españa. their customs are much like those of the moros; they differ from the latter in their dress. these people wear short trousers, and short-sleeved jackets shaped to fit [the neck: _crossed out in ms_.], which resemble the _saltambarca_. [12] on the middle of the breast, and on the shoulders, they wear a badge resembling a cross, fashioned in different colors. some of them cut only half of their hair--namely, from the brow to the crown of the head. the villages of this province which are known are marayomo, pinahuyu, mahaban, buanguin, tuguy, polo, bongalon, dalayap, cabatogan, and bacol. it is the custom among this people to punish murderers by boring a hole through the crown of the head and taking out the brains. _province of bulinao_. next comes bulinao, also inhabited by çambales; but the province belongs to his majesty. it has a population of about four hundred peaceful indians, besides many more who live among the mountains. the latter are a warlike people, whose only delight and satisfaction is in waging war and in cutting off one another's heads, which they hang up in their houses. the man who can display the most heads in his house is he who is most respected and feared by all. they cultivate the land although only in small tracts. they are like the chichimecos of nueva españa, who cannot be subdued--except that the villages of bulinao, as i have said, contain about four hundred indians who are pacified. these people recognize a god in heaven; but in times of trouble and sickness they invoke their dead and their ancestors, like the people of visaya. _bay of pangasinan_. about five leagues farther is the province of pangasinan. its bay is about six leagues around. three large rivers, which flow from the mining district of the mountains, fall into this bay. this province has a peaceful population of four thousand. the land is allotted to six encomenderos; but the best portion of it, which has one thousand men, belongs to his majesty. the people resemble the cambales above mentioned, in both dress and language; but they are more intelligent, for they are traders and traffic with the chinese, japanese, borneans, and the natives of other islands. this province abounds in food supplies, such as rice, goats, and swine; and many buffaloes are hunted. the main occupation of this people is commerce; but they are also good farmers, and sell their articles of food and clothing to the miners; the gold that they obtain in return for these they barter with the spaniards. the men are very jealous of their wives, whom they kill immediately if caught in adultery; nor do the relatives of the latter resent the deed. these people, like the pintados, kill their children if they have many, in order that they may not live in poverty. _alcalde-mayor of pangassinan_. for two years this district has had one alcalde-mayor, who receives a salary of one hundred pesos. from this province one can go by land to manilla, over a very smooth and good road, having to travel only fourteen or fifteen leagues to arrive at the capanpanga river. _port of japon_. four leagues farther is a port which is called the port of japon. there is a settlement of [spaniard: _crossed out in ms_.] indians, of the same race as those of pangasinan. _alinguey and baratao_. six leagues farther are the villages of alinguey and baratao, with a population of about two thousand. once they were allotted to one encomendero, but now they belong to the royal crown. the people are of the same race as those who inhabit pangasinan. _purao_. four leagues farther are the villages of purao, with a population of two thousand. these towns are under the encomendero of bitis and lubao. the people differ from the above in language, but resemble them in their behavior and customs. they till the land; and possess much gold, on account of being near the mines. these people do not kill their children, as do the people of pangasinan. _villages of lumaquaque_. three leagues farther is the valley of lumaquaque, where live about one thousand five hundred natives. half of this district is under one encomendero, the other half belongs to his majesty. the people resemble those of purao. _villages of candon_. two leagues farther are the villages of candon, with a population of about one thousand eight hundred. they are under two encomenderos. the people resemble those of purao. _province of maluacan_. three leagues farther is the province of maluacan, with a population of about one thousand eight hundred. it is under the encomendero of bonbon. _valley of landan_. two leagues farther is the valley of landan, with a population of about one thousand indians, who belong to the hospital of the city of manilla. _village of vigan_. opposite this valley is the village of vigan, with about eight hundred inhabitants. it belongs to his majesty. not far from vigan is settled the town of fernandina, which guido de la vezaris founded in the year seventy-five. he appointed there six regidors, two alcaldes, and one chief justice for all the provinces of the ylocos. _alcalde-mayor of ylocos_. at the coming of limahon, fernandina was plundered, and there only remains now one alcalde-mayor, with twenty or thirty spaniards, who usually dwell there as if in banishment. the alcalde-mayor receives a salary of three hundred pesos, and appoints notaries at his pleasure. _valley of bantay_. one league from this town is the valley of bantay, with a population of about one thousand six hundred, and one encomendero. _valley of sinay_. three leagues farther is the valley of sinay, which is under the same encomendero of bantay, and has a population of about one thousand six hundred. _the valley of vavo_. two leagues from sinay is the valley of vavo. it is under one encomendero, and has a population of about one thousand indians. _province of cacaguayan_. still farther is the province of cacaguayan, with a population of about four thousand. two thousand of them are under two encomenderos--each with one thousand; and two thousand belong to his majesty. _province of ylagua._ two leagues farther is the province of ylagua, which belongs to his majesty. it has a population of about five thousand, but they are not all peaceful. _valley of dynglas._ three leagues inland from this province is a valley called dinglas. it has a population of about two thousand indians, and one encomendero. _valley of vicagua._ farther along the coast from ylagua is the valley of vicagua, with a population of two thousand, and two encomiendas. this valley is twenty leagues from the cagayan river. there are to be found some rivers and settlements, but the inhabitants are not pacified or even known. all the people of the ylocos resemble the pintados in their manner of living, but they eat raw meat. they are a quiet and peaceful people, dislike war, and are humble and well-disposed. thus, from the city of manilla to the cagayan river hither, the distance is about one hundred and ten leagues, as stated above. on account of the shortness of the time before me, i am unable to give a more detailed account of this island of luçon, which is the most important in this land. _island of mindoro._ opposite the encomiendas of bonbon and batangas lies the island of mindoro. the moros form the greater part of its population. three leagues from the island of luçon is located the village of mindoro. this is a good harbor for ships, and belongs to his majesty. the village is inhabited by about two hundred and fifty moros. the island is eighty leagues in circumference, and is scantily populated, for it has in all less than five hundred inhabitants. some blacks live in the mountains, who gather a large quantity of wax. the island is ill supplied with provisions. _island of luban_. four leagues from the western point of this island, and opposite the bay of manilla, lies the island of luban. it is twenty leagues from manilla, and has a circumference of about ten leagues. it has six villages, with a total population of about five hundred indians. close to this island is a smaller one by the same name, with about one hundred inhabitants. the people are the same as those of luzon. _island of elin_. the island of elin lies two leagues south from the island of mindoro. it is seven leagues in circumference and is inhabited by about two hundred visayan indians. _alcalde-mayor of vindoro_. these islands--namely mindoro, elin, and luban--are under one encomendero, and all have one alcalde-mayor, who holds jurisdiction also over that region of luçon which begins at batangas and ends at the province of camarines, to which region we shall now return. _islands of the babayanes_. opposite the cagayan river, in the open sea toward china, are seven islands, called babuyanes. because many swine are imported therefrom into the province of ylocos, and since the word for swine in the ylocos language is _babuyes_, the islands have been called by that name. of their inhabitants very little is known. _island of calamianes_. returning from burney and sailing from manilla twelve leagues beyond the island of elin, we find the islands of the calamianes. these islands being somewhat out of the way, very little is known about them--that is, about their inhabitants, for only a few villages along the coast have been seen, where the tribute is collected. the natives of these coast-towns are pintados; those who live in the mountains are blacks. a very large quantity of wax is collected there, which is an article of barter for nearly all the other islands. they lack provisions and clothing. the most important of the calamianes islands is paraguan, which has a circuit of one hundred and fifty leagues. the other islands are small, and only the following are inhabited: tanianao, binorboran, cabanga, bangaan, caramian (which is also called by another name, linapacan), dipayan, and coron. in all these islands, only three hundred indians pay tribute; therefore very little is known about them. these islands are all under the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of mindoro, [and pay tribute: _crossed out in ms_.] and belong to the royal crown. chapter sixth _of the inhabitants of the pintados islands and their mode of life_ the natives of the pintados islands are not very dark. both men and women are well formed and have regular features. some of the women are white. both men and women wear their hair long, and fastened in a knot on the crown of the head, which is very becoming. the men tattoo their entire bodies with very beautiful figures, using therefor small pieces of iron dipped in ink. this ink incorporates itself with the blood, and the marks are indelible. they are healthy people, for the climate of that land is good. among them are found no crippled, maimed, deaf, or dumb persons. no one of them has ever been possessed by evil spirits, or has become insane. therefore they reach an advanced age in perfect health. the pintados are a courageous and warlike race; they have continually waged war on both land and sea. they bore their ears in two places and wear beautiful ornaments, not only in their ears, but also around their necks and arms. their dress is neat and modest, made generally of cotton, medriñaque, or silk (which they get from china and other places). they are greatly addicted to the use of a kind of wine which they make from rice and from the palm-tree, and which is good. very rarely do they become angry when drunk, for their drunkenness passes off in jests or in sleep. the men are very fond of their wives, for it is the men who give the dowry at marriage. and even if their wives commit adultery, action is never taken against the woman, but against the adulterer. an abominable custom among the men is to bore a hole through the genital organ, placing within this opening a tin tube, to which they fasten a wheel like that of a spur, a full palm in circumference. these are made of tin, and some of them weigh more than half a pound. they use twenty kinds of these wheels; but modesty forbids us to speak of them. by means of these they have intercourse with their wives. [13] the inhabitants of the mountains do not follow this custom; all, however, circumcise themselves, saying that they do it for their health and for cleanliness. when they marry, they are not concerned whether their wives are virgins or not. the women are beautiful, but unchaste. they do not hesitate to commit adultery, because they receive no punishment for it. they are well and modestly dressed, in that they cover all the private parts; they are very clean, and are very fond of perfumes. it is considered a disgrace among them to have many children; for they say that when the property is to be divided among all the children, they will all be poor, and that it is better to have one child, and leave him wealthy. the pintados are very strict as to whom they marry; for no one marries below his station. therefore chiefs will never marry any but women of rank. all the men are accustomed to have as many wives as they can buy and support. the women are extremely lewd, and they even encourage their own daughters to a life of unchastity; so that there is nothing so vile for the latter that they cannot do it before their mothers, since they incur no punishment. the men, however, are not so vile as the moros. the pintados love their wives so dearly, that, in case of a quarrel they take sides with their wives' relatives, even against their own fathers and brothers. chapter seventh _which treats of the belief held by the natives of the pintados islands concerning the creation_ there are two kinds of people in this land, who, although of the same race, differ somewhat in their customs and are almost always on mutually unfriendly terms. one class includes those who live along the coast, the other class those who live in the mountains; and if peace seems to reign among them, it is because they depend upon each other for the necessities of life. the inhabitants of the mountains cannot live without the fish, salt, and other articles of food, and the jars and dishes, of other districts; nor, on the other hand, can those of the coast live without the rice and cotton of the mountaineers. in like manner they have two different beliefs concerning the beginning of the world; and since these natives are not acquainted with the art of writing, they preserve their ancient lore through songs, which they sing in a very pleasing manner--commonly while plying their oars, as they are island-dwellers. also, during their revelries, the singers who have good voices recite the exploits of olden times; thus they always possess a knowledge of past events. the people of the coast, who are called the yligueynes, believe that heaven and earth had no beginning, and that there were two gods, one called captan and the other maguayen. [14] they believe that the land breeze and the sea breeze were married; and that the land breeze brought forth a reed, which was planted by the god captan. when the reed grew, it broke into two sections, which became a man and a woman. to the man they gave the name of sicalac, and that is the reason why men from that time on have been called _lalac_; the woman they called sicavay, and thenceforth women have been called _babayes_. one day the man asked the woman to marry him, for there were no other people in the world; but she refused, saying that they were brother and sister, born of the same reed, with only one knot between them; and that she would not marry him, since he was her brother. finally they agreed to ask advice from the tunnies of the sea, and from the doves of the air; they also went to the earthquake, who said that it was necessary for them to marry, so that the world might be peopled. they married, and called their first son sibo; then a daughter was born to them, and they gave her the name of samar. this brother and sister also had a daughter, called lupluban. she married pandaguan, a son of the first pair, and had a son called anoranor. pandaguan was the first to invent a net for fishing at sea; and, the first time when he used it, he caught a shark and brought it on shore, thinking that it would not die. but the shark died when brought ashore; and pandaguan, when he saw this, began to mourn and weep over it--complaining against the gods for having allowed the shark to die, when no one had died before that time. it is said that the god captan, on hearing this, sent the flies to ascertain who the dead one was; but, as the flies did not dare to go, captan sent the weevil, who brought back the news of the shark's death. the god captan was displeased at these obsequies to a fish. he and maguayen made a thunderbolt, with which they killed pandaguan; he remained thirty days in the infernal regions, at the end of which time the gods took pity upon him, brought him back to life, and returned him to the world. while pandaguan was dead, his wife lubluban became the concubine of a man called maracoyrun; and these people say that at that time concubinage began in the world. when pandaguan returned, he did not find his wife at home, because she had been invited by her friend to feast upon a pig that he had stolen; and the natives say that this was the first theft committed in the world. pandaguan sent his son for lubluban, but she refused to go home, saying that the dead do not return to the world. at this answer pandaguan became angry, and returned to the infernal regions. the people believe that, if his wife had obeyed his summons, and he had not gone back at that time, all the dead would return to life. [_blank space in ms_.] inheritances, and their inventor. their ceremonies. the omentum [15]. _another belief, that of the mountaineers, who are called tinguianes_ the tinguianes believe that in the beginning were only the sea and the sky; and that one day a kite, having no place where to alight, determined to set the sea against the sky. accordingly, the sea declared war against the sky, and threw her waters upward. the sky, seeing this, made a treaty of peace with the sea. afterward, to avenge himself upon her for having dared to assert herself, they say that he showered upon the sea all the islands of this archipelago, in order to subdue her; and that the sea ran to and fro without being able to rise again. they say that from this event arose the custom of _mavaris_--that is, taking vengeance for an insult received, a very common practice in this land; and they consider it a point of honor to take revenge. then they relate also the story of the reed; but they say that the kite pecked the reed, and the aforesaid man and woman came out. they add that the first time when cavahi gave birth to children, she brought forth a great number at once. one day the father went home, very angry, and threatened the children. the latter were frightened and fled; some into the most hidden rooms of the house; some hid in other places nearer the open air; some hid themselves within the _dindines_, or walls of the houses, which are constructed of reeds; some in the fireplace; and some fled to the sea through the same door by which the father had entered. it is said that those who fled to the most hidden rooms are the chiefs of these islands; those who remained nearer the outside are the timaguas; those who hid themselves within the walls are the slaves; those who hid themselves in the fireplace are the blacks; and those who fled out to the sea through the open door, are the spaniards, and that they had no news of us until they beheld us return through the sea. chapter eighth _of their belief concerning the dead_ it is said that the souls of those who are stabbed to death, eaten by crocodiles, or killed by arrows (which is considered a very honorable death), go to heaven by way of the arch which is formed when it rains, and become gods. the souls of the drowned remain in the sea forever. by way of honor to these, they erect a tall reed and hang upon it a garment--that of a man, if the dead be a man; but a woman's, for a woman. this garment is left there until it falls to pieces through age. when the children or other relatives of drowned persons are sick, the relatives are taken and placed in a barangay, in company with a _baylana_, who is a sort of priestess; and, at the place indicated by the priestess, they throw into the sea a chest filled with robes and other articles, which they have brought with them. at the same time their ancestors are invoked to protect and help the sick man during his illness. _belief regarding the dead_ if those who die from disease are young, the pintados say that the _mangalos_, who are goblins, are eating their bowels, wherefore they die; for these people do not know that the corruption of humors causes diseases. they say of those who die in old age that the wind comes and snatches away their souls. and of those who die thus, the arayas (which is a certain alliance of villages), they say, go to a very high mountain in the island of panay, called mayas. the souls of the yligueynes, who comprise the people of çubu, bohol, and bantay, go with the god called sisiburanen, to a very high mountain in the island of burney. _the god sidapa_. they say that there is in the sky another god, called sidapa. this god possesses a very tall tree on mount mayas. there he measures the lives of all the new-born, and places a mark on the tree; when the person's stature equals this mark, he dies immediately. _belief concerning the destination of souls_. it is believed that at death all souls go directly to the infernal regions; but that, by means of the _maganitos_, which are the sacrifices and offerings made to the god pandaque in sight of the mount of mayas, they are redeemed from simuran and siguinarugan, gods of the lower regions. it is said that, when the yligueynes die, the god maguayen carries them to inferno. when he has carried them thither in his barangay, sumpoy, another god, sallies forth, takes them away, and leads them to sisiburanen, the god before mentioned, who keeps them all. good or bad alike, he takes them all on equal terms, when they go to inferno. but the poor, who have no one to offer sacrifices for them, remain forever, in the inferno, and the god of those regions eats them, or keeps them forever in prison. from this it will be seen how little their being good or bad avails them, and how much reason they have to hate poverty. _baylanas_. the natives of these islands have neither time nor place set apart for the offering of prayers and sacrifices to their gods. it is only in case of sickness, and in times of seed-sowing or of war, that sacrifices are offered. these sacrifices are called _baylanes_, and the priestesses, or the men who perform this office, are also called _baylanes_. the priestesses dress very gaily, with garlands on their heads, and are resplendent with gold. they bring to the place of sacrifice some _pitarrillas_ (a kind of earthen jar) full of rice-wine, besides a live hog and a quantity of prepared food. then the priestess chants her songs and invokes the demon, who appears to her all glistening in gold. then he enters her body and hurls her to the ground, foaming at the mouth as one possessed. in this state she declares whether the sick person is to recover or not. in regard to other matters, she foretells the future. all this takes place to the sound of bells and kettle-drums. then she rises and taking a spear, she pierces the heart of the hog. they dress it and prepare a dish for the demons. upon an altar erected there, they place the dressed hog, rice, bananas, wine, and all the other articles of food that they have brought. all this is done in behalf of sick persons, or to redeem those who are confined in the infernal regions. when they go to war or on a plundering expedition, they offer prayers to varangao, who is the rainbow, and to their gods, ynaguinid and macanduc. for the redemption of souls detained in the inferno above mentioned, they invoke also their ancestors, and the dead, claiming to see them and receive answers to their questions. _belief concerning the world. the god macaptan._ they believe that the world has no end. they say that macaptan dwells highest in the sky. they consider him a bad god, because he sends disease and death among them, saying that because he has not eaten anything of this world, or drunk any pitarrillas, he does not love them, and so kills them. _the god lalahon_. it is said that the divinity lalahon dwells in a volcano in negros island, whence she hurls fire. the volcano is about five leagues from the town of arevalo. they invoke lalahon for their harvest; when she does not choose to grant them good harvests she sends the locusts to destroy and consume the crops. this lalahon is a woman. _burials_. these natives bury their dead in certain wooden coffins, in their own houses. they bury with the dead gold, cloth, and other valuable objects--saying that if they depart rich they will be well received in the other world, but coldly if they go poor. _how they guard the dead_. when anyone dies, the people light many fires near his house; and at night armed men go to act as sentinels about his coffin, for fear that the sorcerers (who are in this country also) may come and touch the coffin; for then the coffin would immediately burst open and a great stench issue from the corpse, which could not any longer remain in the coffin. for this reason they keep watch for several nights. _slaves killed at the death of chiefs_. when any chief descended from dumaguet dies, a slave is made to die by the same death as that of the chief. they choose the most wretched slave whom they can find, so that he may serve the chief in the other world. they always select for this a slave who is a foreigner, and not a native; for they really are not at all cruel. they say that the reason for their killing slaves, as we have said, at the death of any chief is very ancient. according to their story, a chief called marapan more than ten thousand years ago, while easing his body asked a slave of his for some grass with which to clean himself. the slave threw to him a large stalk of reed-grass, which seems to have hit the chief on the knee, causing a wound. as he was at the time a very old man, he died, as they say, from the blow; but before his death he gave orders that, when he should die, the slave and all his children should be put to death. from this arose the custom of killing slaves at the death of a chief. _mourning indicated by fasting_. when the father or mother or any near relative died, they promised to eat no rice until they should seize some captive in battle. the actual sign of mourning among them was the wearing of armlets made of bejucos [rattans] which covered the entire arm, with a similar band around the neck. they drank no pitarrilla, and their only food was bananas and camotes, until they had either taken a captive or killed some one, when they ceased their mourning; it might thus happen that they would eat no rice for a whole year, and therefore they would be, at the end of that period, very languid and weak. sometimes a man determined, soon after a relative's death, to eat nothing, but to abandon himself to death. but his timaguas and slaves quickly assembled, and made a collection throughout the village; bananas were given him for food, and _tuba_ (which is a wine made from the palm-tree) for drink, so that he should not die. these gains were the perquisites of the chiefs. this kind of mourning is called among them _maglahe_. _mourning among the women_. the mourning observed by the women they call _morotal_. it is similar to that of the men, except that the mourner--instead of going to capture or kill some one before she is allowed to cease mourning and to eat rice again--embarks in a barangay with many women; they have one indian man to steer, one to bail, and one in the bow. these three indians are always chosen as being very valiant men, who have achieved much success in war. thus they go to a village of their friends, the three indians singing all along the way, keeping time with their oars; they recount their exploits, the slaves whom they have captured, and the men whom they have killed in war. the vessel is laden with wine and pitarrillas. when they reach the village, they exchange invitations with the inhabitants, and hold a great revel. after this they lay aside their white robes, and strip the bejuco bands from their arms and necks; the mourning ends, and they begin to eat rice again, and to adorn themselves with gold. _larao of the dead_--_that is, mourning_. one of the observances which is carried out with most rigor is that called _larao_. this rule requires that when a chief dies all must mourn him, and must observe the following restrictions: no one shall quarrel with any other during the time of mourning, and especially at the time of the burial. spears must be carried point downward, and daggers be carried in the belt with hilt reversed. no gala or colored dress shall be worn during that time. there must be no singing on board a barangay when returning to the village, but strict silence is maintained. they make an enclosure around the house of the dead man; and if anyone, great or small, passes by and transgresses this bound, he shall be punished. in order that all men may know of a chief's death and no one feign ignorance, one of the timaguas who is held in honor goes through the village and makes announcement of the mourning. he who transgresses the law must pay the penalty, without fail. if he who does this wrong be a slave--one of those who serve without the dwelling--and has not the means to pay, his owner pays for him; but the latter takes the slave to his own house, that he may serve him, and makes him an ayoey. they say that these rules were left to them by lubluban and panas. to some, especially to the religious, it has seemed as if they were too rigorous for these people; but they were general among chiefs, timaguas, and slaves. _wars_. the first man who waged war, according to their story, was panas, the son of that anoranor, who was grandson of the first human [parents: _crossed out in ms_.] beings. he declared war against mañgaran, on account of an inheritance; and from that time date the first wars, because the people were divided into two factions, and hostility was handed down from father to son. they say that panas was the first man to use weapons in fighting. _just wars_. there are three cases in which these natives regard war as just. the first is when an indian goes to another village and is there put to death without cause; the second, when their wives are stolen from them; and the third is when they go in friendly manner to trade at any village, and there, under the appearance of friendship, are wronged or maltreated. _laws_. they say that the laws by which they have thus far been governed were left to them by lubluban, the woman whom we have already mentioned. of these laws only the chiefs are defenders and executors there are no judges, although there are mediators who go from one party to another to bring about a reconciliation. chapter ninth _which treats of slavery in the filipinas islands_ _laws of slavery_. no indian in this country is made a slave or is put to death for any crime which he commits, even if it be theft, adultery, or murder--except that for each crime there is an established fine, which they have to pay in jewels or gold, and if the culprit is unable to pay the fine he will borrow the money, and pledge himself to the man from whom he borrows. as a result he becomes a slave, until he shall repay what was lent to him; after that, he is free again. therefore, according to the crime committed, they are slaves; and there are three classes of slaves in these islands. the first, and the most thoroughly enslaved, is the bondman of him who is served in his own dwelling; such a slave they call _ayuey_. these slaves work three days for the master, and one for themselves. _kinds of slavery_. another class of slaves are those called _tumaranpoc_. they live in their own houses, and are obliged to go to work for their master one day out of four, having the three days for themselves. if they fail to work for their master, in order to cultivate their own fields, they give the master each year ten _çhicubites_ of rice, each çhicubite being equal to one fanéga. there are other slaves, whom these people hold in most respect, who are called _tomatabans_; these work in the house of the master only when there is some banquet or revel. on such occasions they bring small gifts, and share in the drinking. but when one of these slaves dies, the property left by the slave is shared with his children by the master. during their lifetime, these slaves are bound to work for their master five days in a month; or, if they do not work, they annually give the master five çhicubites of rice. _value of the slaves_. the ayueys are worth among these people two gold taes of labin sian, the equivalent of twelve pesos. the tumaranpoques are worth the same sum. the tumatabans are worth one tae, or six pesos. the ayuey women, like their husbands, work in the houses of chiefs. the tumaranpoque women, if they have children, serve half of the month in spinning and weaving cotton, which their masters supply; and during the other half of the month they work for themselves. the tumataban women spin only one hank of cotton each month for their masters, who furnish to them the cotton in the boll. only the ayueys receive food and clothing from their masters; to the others the masters give nothing. when these slaves die the masters take away all their property, except from the tomatabans, as we have said above. those whom these natives have sold as slaves to the spaniards are mostly the ayueys. the rules which they observe for punishing any one so severely as to enslave him are as follows: for murder, adultery, and theft; and for insulting any woman of rank, or taking away her robe in public and leaving her naked, or causing her to flee or defend herself so that it falls off, which is considered a great offense. _thieves_. if a thief commit a great robbery, he and all his relatives (or at least his nearest kin) are fined. if they are unable to pay the fine, they are made slaves. this law applies to all classes, and even to the chiefs themselves; accordingly, if a chief commit any crime, even against one of his own slaves or timaguas, he is fined in the same manner. but they are not reduced to slavery for lack of means to pay the fine; as, if they were not chiefs, they would be slaves. in case of a small theft, the punishment falls upon the thief alone, and not on his relatives. _in time of famine._ when there is a famine the poor, who have not the means of sustenance, in order not to perish, go to the rich--and almost always they seek their relatives and surrender themselves to them as slaves--in order to be fed. _another kind of slavery._ there is another kind of lordship [slavery: _crossed out in ms_.], which was first introduced by a man whom they call sidumaguer--which, they say, occurred more than two thousand years ago. because some men broke a barangay belonging to him--in languiguey, his native village, situated in the island of bantayan--he compelled the descendants of those who had broken his barangay to bequeath to him at their deaths two slaves out of every ten, and the same portion of all their other property. this kind of slavery gradually made its way among all the indians living on the coast, but not among the tinguianes. _real timaguas._ the freemen of these islands, who are called timaguas, are neither chiefs nor slaves. this is their mode of life. if a timagua desires to live in a certain village, he joins himself to one of the chiefs--for each village usually has many chiefs, each of whom has his own district, with slaves and timaguas, well known to him--to whom he offers himself as his timagua, binding himself to observe the following laws: when feasts are given to other chiefs he must attend; for it is the custom that the timagua drink first from the pitarrilla, before any chief does so. he must, with his weapons, accompany the chief when he goes on a journey. when the latter enters a boat the timagua must go to ply the oar, and to carry his weapons for the defense of the vessel; but if the vessel sustain any damages he receives no punishment for this, but is only reprimanded. for this service the chief is under obligation to defend the timagua, in his own person and those of his relatives, against anyone who seeks to injure him without cause; and thus it happens that, to defend the timaguas, fathers fight against their sons, and brothers against one another. if the timagua goes to any other village and there is wronged, the chief will endeavor, with all his forces, to avenge him to the same extent. thus the timaguas live in security, and are free to pass from the service of one chief to that of another, whenever they so desire, and without any obstacle being placed in their way. _of the manner in which they set out on raids_. these natives have a method of casting lots with the teeth of a crocodile or of a wild boar. during the ceremony they invoke their gods and their ancestors, and inquire of them as to the result of their wars and their journeys. by knots or loops which they make with cords, they foretell what will happen to them; and they resort to these practices for everything which they have to undertake. the indians along the coast are accustomed to set out every year on their plundering expeditions in the season of the bonanças, which come between the brisas and the vendabals. the tinguianes set out after they have gathered their harvests; and since their custom is to be enemies to those who are such to their friends, they do not lack opportunity for fighting. while on a plundering expedition, if they could take their enemy alive they did not kill him. if any one slew a captive after his surrender, he must pay for him with his own money; and if he were unable to do so he was held as a slave. the booty that they take, whatever it may be, belongs to the chiefs, except a small portion which is given to the timaguas who go with them as oarsmen. but if many chiefs went on a raid, the one who offered the _magaanito,_ or the sacrifice mentioned above, received half of the booty, and the other half belonged to the other chiefs. _captured chiefs._ if any chief were taken captive, he was well treated; and if any friend ransomed the captive because he was far from home, the captive returned to him double the amount that his friend had paid for him, because of his good offices in withdrawing the chief from captivity; for the latter would, otherwise, always remain a prisoner. when a chief was taken captive, or committed adultery or murder, all his relatives contributed toward his ransom, each according to the degree of his kinship; and if the relatives had not means to do this the chief remained a slave. _borrowing._ if they lent rice to anyone, one year was allowed for repaying it, since it is something that is planted. if the loan were not repaid after the first harvest, double the amount was to be paid at the second; at the third harvest, fourfold was due on an unpaid loan; and so on, regularly increasing. this was the only usury among them, although some have stated otherwise; but those persons were not well informed. now, some who are lazy, and unwilling to exert themselves to pay the tribute, ask a loan for this purpose, and repay a somewhat larger sum. _inheritances._ it is their custom to share inheritances in the following manner. if a man died and left four children, the property and the slaves were divided into four equal parts, and each one of the children took his own share. if the dead man left a bastard child, the latter would receive only what the brothers were pleased to give him; for he had no right to one of the shares, nor could he take more than what his brothers voluntarily gave him, or the legacy made by his father in his favor. if the father chose to favor any of his children in his will, he did so. if the dead man left no children, all his brothers inherited his property, having equal shares therein; and if he had no brothers, his cousins-german would inherit; if he had no cousins, all his kinsmen. his property, then, went to the children, if he had any; if not, his brothers were necessarily the heirs; if he had no brothers, his first cousins; and in default of these, all his relatives shared the estate equally. chapter tenth _which treats of marriage customs in these islands_ _marriage of the chiefs._ great mistakes have been made regarding the marriages formed among the natives of this country since they have become christians, because the marriage customs once observed among the natives have not been clearly understood. therefore some religious join them in marriage, while others release them, and others reëstablish the marriage, thus creating great confusion. for this reason, i have diligently endeavored to bring to light the way in which they observed the marriage ceremonies, which are as follows. when any man wishes to marry, he, since the man always asks the woman, calls in certain timaguas who are respected in the village. (this is what the chiefs do. for there appear to be three ranks of men in these islands--namely, chiefs, timaguas, who are freemen, and slaves--each class having different marriage customs.) the chiefs, then, i say, send as go-betweens some of their timaguas, to negotiate the marriage. one of these men takes the young man's lance from his father, and when he reaches the house of the girl's father he thrusts the spear into the staircase of the house; and while he holds the lance thus, they invoke their gods and ancestors, requesting them to be propitious to this marriage. if the marriage takes place, the lance belongs to the go-between, or it is redeemed. after the marriage is agreed upon--that is to say, after fixing the amount of the dowry which the husband pays to the wife (which among the chiefs of these islands is generally the sum of one hundred taes, in gold, slaves, and jewels, and is equivalent to one hundred pesos)--they go to bring the bride from the house of her parents. one of the indians takes her on his shoulders; and on arriving at the foot of the stairway to the bridegroom's house, she affects coyness, and says that she will not enter. when many entreaties have proved useless, the father-in-law comes out and promises to give her a slave if she will go up. she mounts the staircase, for the slave; but when she reaches the top of the stairway and looks into her father-in-law's house and sees the people assembled within, she again pretends to be bashful, and the father-in-law must give her another slave. after she has entered, the same thing takes place; and he must give her a jewel to make her sit down, another to make her begin to eat, and another before she will drink. while the betrothed pair are drinking together an old man rises, and in a loud voice calls all to silence, as he wishes to speak. he says: "so-and-so marries so-and-so, but on the condition that if the man should through dissolute conduct fail to support his wife, she will leave him, and shall not be obliged to return anything of the dowry that he has given her; and she shall have freedom and permission to marry another man. and therefore, should the woman betray her husband, he can take away the dowry that he gave her, leave her, and marry another woman. be all of you witnesses for me to this compact." when the old man has ended his speech, they take a dish filled with clean, uncooked rice, and an old woman comes and joins the hands of the pair, and lays them upon the rice. then, holding their hands thus joined, she throws the rice over all those who are present at the banquet. then the old woman gives a loud shout, and all answer her with a similar shout; and the marriage contract or ceremony is completed. up to this time, her parents do not allow the young couple to eat or sleep together; but by performing this ceremony they deliver her up as his wife. but if, after the marriage contract has been negotiated by a third party, the man who seeks marriage should repent of the bargain and seek to marry another woman, he loses the earnest-money that he has given, even if he has had no intercourse with the former; because when they commence negotiations for the marriage they begin to give the dowry. if a man say in conversation, or at a drunken feast, "i wish to marry so-and-so, daughter of so-and-so," and afterward break his promise and refuse to marry her, he is fined for it; and they take away a great part of his property. in regard to the dowry, neither the husband nor the wife can enjoy it until they have children; for until then it belongs to the father-in-law. if the bridegroom is not of age to marry, or the bride is too young, both still work in the house of the father-in-law until they are of age to live together. _marriage among the timaguas_. the timaguas do not follow these usages, because they have no property of their own. they do not observe the ceremony of joining hands over the dish of rice, through respect for the chiefs; for that ceremony is for chiefs only. their marriage is accomplished when the pair unite in drinking pitarrilla from the same cup. then they give a shout, and all the guests depart; and they are considered as married, for they are not allowed to drink together until late at night. the same ceremony is observed by rich and respectable slaves. _marriage among the slaves_. but the poor slaves, who serve in the houses, marry each other without drinking and without any go-between. they observe no ceremony, but simply say to each other, "let us marry." if a chief have a slave, one of his ayoiys, who serves in the house, and wishes to marry him to a female slave of the same class belonging to another chief, he sends an indian woman as agent to the master of the female slave, saying that her master wishes to marry one of his male slaves to the other's female slave. after the marriage has been arranged, he gives his slave an earthen jar, or three or four dishes, and there is no other ceremony. half of the children born to this couple will belong to the master of the female slave, and the other half will belong to the master of the male slave. when the time comes when their children are able to work for their masters, the parents are made tumaranpoques, as we have said; because when a male slave of one chief marries the female slave of another chief, they immediately receive a house for their own use, and go out to work for their masters. if a freeman marries a female slave, or _vice versa_, half of the children are slaves. thus, if there are two children, one is free and the other a slave, as the parents may choose. in one thing these natives seem to go beyond all reason and justice. it is usage among them that, if an indian of one village owes twenty pesos (to suppose a case) to an indian in another village, and when asked for the money refuses to repay it, when any indian of that village where the said twenty pesos is due is caught, they seize him--even if he is in no way related to or acquainted with the debtor--and compel him to pay the twenty pesos. it is their custom that he who first owed the twenty pesos must return to him who paid that sum forty pesos instead, on account of the violence used against him. they say that they act thus in order not to use the mailed hand for collecting from the other in that village, since that would result in war. _friendship_. reconciliation between those who have quarreled, whether these are individuals or the people of different villages, is brought about by drawing blood from the arms of both parties, and each tasting the blood of the other, placed in a shell, sometimes mixed with a little wine; and such friendship is not to be broken. _witches and sorcerers; physicians_. in this land are sorcerers and witches--although there are also good physicians, who cure diseases with medicinal herbs; especially they have a remedy for every kind of poison, for there are most wonderful antidotal herbs. the natives of this island are very superstitious; consequently, no native will embark for any voyage in a vessel on which there may be a goat or a monkey, for they say that they will surely be wrecked. they have a thousand other omens of this sort. for a few years past they have had among them one form of witchcraft which was invented by the natives of ybalon after the spaniards had come here. this is the invocation of certain demons, whom they call naguined, arapayan, and macbarubac. to these they offer sacrifices, consisting of cocoanut-oil and a crocodile's tooth; and while they make these offerings, they invoke the demons. this oil they sell to one another; and even when they sell it they offer sacrifices and invoke the demon, beseeching him that the power which he possesses may be transferred to the buyer of the oil. they claim that the simple declaration that one will die within a certain time is sufficient to make him die immediately at that time, unless they save him with another oil, which counteracts the former. this witchery has done a great deal of harm among the pintados, because the demon plays tricks on them. the religious have tried to remedy this evil, by taking away from them the oil and chastising them. _sneezing_. if any one who is going to war or is about to begin any important undertaking, sneeze on leaving the house, he considers it a bad omen, and turns back. _feasts_. these natives have no feasts that they observe, throughout the year-save that when the married men go to war, during their absence the women do not work. _at the rice-harvest._ besides these times they set apart seven days when they begin to till their fields, in which time they neither grind any rice for their food, nor do they allow any stranger, during all that time, to enter their villages; for they say that that is the time when they pray to their gods to grant them an abundant harvest. _years and months_. they divide the year into twelve months, although only seven [_sc_. eight] of these have names; they are lunar months, because they are reckoned by moons. the first month is that in which the pleiades appear, which they call ulalen. the second is called dagancahuy, the time when the trees are felled in order to sow the land. another month they call daganenan bulan; it comes when the wood of those trees is collected from the fields. another is called elquilin, and is the time when they burn over the fields. another month they call ynabuyan, which comes when the bonanças blow. another they call cavay; it is when they weed their fields. another they call [cabuy: _crossed out in ms._] yrarapun; it is the time when they begin to harvest the rice. another they call manalulsul, in which the harvesting is completed. as for the remaining months, they pay little attention to them, because in those months there is no work in the fields. _winds_. it is their opinion that the winds come from the sea, which they base on the fact that the sea swells before the winds begin to blow. _turtles_. in this land are very many turtles, of great size; they are larger than a shield. here is a marvellous thing when the male and the female have intercourse, they remain thus joined together for twenty or twenty-five days. they become so stupefied during this act that the indians dive into the sea, and tie the feet of the turtles without their perceiving it, and draw these creatures ashore. i have even done this myself. _serpents_. there are in this land enormous serpents, as large as palm-trees; they are, however, sluggish. _crocodiles_. there are enormous numbers of crocodiles, which are water-lizards. they live in all the rivers and in the sea, and do much harm. _civet-cats._ in many of these islands are civet-cats. _tabon birds_. in this land there is a kind of bird, smaller than a castilian fowl; its eggs is larger than that of a goose, and is almost all yolk. this bird lays its eggs in the sand, a braza deep, at the edge of the water. there the young ones are hatched, and come up through the sand, opening a way through it with their little feet; and as soon as they gain the surface they fly away. [16] _palms_. in all these islands are great numbers of cocoa-palms. in some of the nuts are found stones as large as filberts, which the natives prize, although thus far it is not known what efficacy they have. they draw a great quantity of wine from the palm-trees; one indian can in one forenoon obtain two arrobas of sap from the palm trees that he cultivates. it is sweet and good, and is used in making great quantities of brandy, excellent vinegar, and delicious honey. the cocoanuts furnish a nutritious food when rice is scarce. from the nut-shells they make dishes, and [from the fibrous husk?] match-cords for their arquebuses; and with the leaves they make baskets. consequently this tree is very useful. in these islands are very many swine, and goats of excellent quality. there are also a great many wild buffaloes, which, if caught when young, can be easily tamed. there are ducks, and some geese which have been brought from china. there are also a great many fowls of excellent quality, which are similar to those of castilla. there are some fowls which have no tails, for which reason the natives superstitiously refuse to eat them; but these are better than the other sorts. as for fruits like those in castilla, they were formerly not to be found in this land, because of its proximity to china, where there are so many fruits peculiar to that country. there are here some tolerably good fruits, such as excellent bananas [17]; nancas, a very fragrant fruit, and larger than the largest spanish melon; macupas, which resemble apples; and santors, which taste like the quince. there are also many good oranges and lemons. in the province of ylocos is found a large tree whose blossoms resemble the white lily, and taste like fish. the indians gather the blossoms in the morning, cook them, and eat them in place of fish. and, wonderful to relate, on the next morning the tree is again full of blossoms; and this occurs day after day. in the mountain region, where there is scarcity of water, are found certain bejucos, six or eight brazas high, and larger around than the thumb. when this stem is cut, there gushes forth a great quantity of water, of excellent taste; and this liquid supplies the lack of water. each bejuco will yield two or three cuartillos of water. [18] chapter eleventh _which treats of the rites and ceremonies observed by the moros in the vicinity of manilla, and of their social conditions_ _the god batala_. according to the religion formerly observed by these moros, they worshiped a deity called among them batala, which properly means "god." they said that they adored this batala because he was the lord of all, and had created human beings and villages. they said that this batala had many agents under him, whom he sent to this world to produce, in behalf of men, what is yielded here. these beings were called _anitos_, and each anito had a special office. some of them were for the fields, and some for those who journey by sea; some for those who went to war, and some for diseases. each anito was therefore named for his office; there was, for instance, the anito of the fields, and the anito of the rain. to these anitos the people offered sacrifices, when they desired anything--to each one according to his office. the mode of sacrifice was like that of the pintados. they summoned a _catalonan_, which is the same as the vaylan among the pintados, that is, a priest. he offered the sacrifice, requesting from the anito whatever the people desired him to ask, and heaping up great quantities of rice, meat, and fish. his invocations lasted until the demon entered his body, when the catalonan fell into a swoon, foaming at the mouth. the indians sang, drank, and feasted until the catalonan came to himself, and told them the answer that the anito had given to him. if the sacrifice was in behalf of a sick person, they offered many golden chains and ornaments, saying that they were paying a ransom for the sick person's health. this invocation of the anito continued as long as the sickness lasted. when the natives were asked why the sacrifices were offered to the anito, and not to the batala, they answered that the batala was a great lord, and no one could speak to him. he lived in the sky; but the anito, who was of such a nature that he came down here to talk with men, was to the batala as a minister, and interceded for them. in some places and especially in the mountain districts, when the father, mother, or other relative dies, the people unite in making a small wooden idol, and preserve it. accordingly there is a house which contains one hundred or two hundred of these idols. these images also are called _anitos_; for they say that when people die, they go to serve the batala. therefore they make sacrifices to these anitos, offering them food, wine, and gold ornaments; and request them to be intercessors for them before the batala, whom they regard as god. _government of the moros_. among the moros there is precisely the same lack of government as among the pintados. they had chiefs in their respective districts, whom the people obeyed; they punished criminals, and laid down the laws that must be observed. in the villages, where they had ten or twelve chiefs, one only--the richest of them--was he whom all obeyed. they greatly esteem an ancient lineage, which is therefore a great advantage to him who desires to be a lord. when laws were to be enacted for governing the commonwealth, the greatest chief, whom all the rest obeyed, assembled in his own house all the other chiefs of the village; and when they had come, he made a speech, declaring that, to correct the many criminal acts which were being committed, it was necessary that they impose penalties and enact ordinances, so that these evils might be remedied and that all might live in peace. this policy was not in vogue among the pintados, because no one of them was willing to recognize another as his superior. then the other chiefs replied that this seemed good to them; and that, since he was the greatest chief of all, he might do whatever appeared to him just, and they would approve it. accordingly, that chief made such regulations as he deemed necessary; for these moros possess the art of writing, which no other natives of the islands have. the other chiefs approved what he ordained. immediately came a public crier, whom they call _umalahocan_, who is properly a mayor-domo, or steward; he took a bell and went through the village, announcing in each district the regulations which had been made. the people replied that they would obey. thus the umalahocan went from village to village, through the whole district of this chief; and from that time on he who incurred the penalties of law was taken to the chief, who sentenced him accordingly. if the penalty be death, and the condemned man say that he prefers to be a slave, he is pardoned, and becomes a slave. all the other chiefs are also judges, each in his own district; but when any important case arises the head chief calls all the others together, in order to decide it, and the affair is settled by the vote of all. the chiefs are accustomed to impose the taxes; but there is no fixed amount for these, save what the proper judge decrees shall be paid. _marriages_. these moros followed in their marriages the same customs as those of the pintados, in giving the dowry. thus, if the man should, contrary to the woman's desire, break his pledge and annul the marriage, he would lose the dowry, and she would retain it, free from him. likewise, if the wife left the husband she was obliged to return him the dowry. if she committed adultery and the husband therefore left her, she returned him double the amount of the dowry. if the wife left the husband in order to marry another, the second husband was obliged to repay to the first husband the dowry which the latter had given to the woman, and to pay a fine, more or less--such an amount as the judge should order him to give. if the husband were a chief, and caught his wife in the act of committing adultery, he had the right to punish her with death, and the adulterer also, and could slay them with impunity. if he killed one and the other escaped, there would be open war between the two families until the other adulterer died. if both escaped, they must pay for their lives with a certain weight of gold. if they were chiefs, the penalty was one hundred taes, fifty for the woman and fifty for the adulterer. this done, they were pardoned, and remained friends. if they were timaguas, they incurred a lighter penalty. _wars_. in wars and slavery among the moros, they observed the same customs as did the pintados. _thieves_. there was among the natives a law concerning thieves. it was a petty theft if the amount were less than four taes (that is, twenty pesos); but if more than that sum, it was a serious offense. he who committed the former must return the gold, and then be sentenced, at the will of the judge, to pay a fine in money. if it were the greater theft, involving an amount of four taes or upward, he incurred the penalty of slavery. but if the goods stolen amounted to a cati [catty] of gold, the penalty was death, or the enslavement of the culprit and his children and all those of his household. it was also a law that for the first theft the penalty was a fine in money, and for the second, slavery; for further offenses, it was death. or if pardoned, as described above, he was made a slave, with his wife and children. this punishment did not apply to the son who proved that he was outside the house--whether he dwelt in a house of his own or lived with relatives on an independent footing; and therefore he was free. only those who lived in the house of the delinquent were liable to punishment, because they all were suspected of knowledge of the theft. there was also a law that anyone who spoke disrespectfully of a chief, or uttered abusive language to him, was liable to death. if he could redeem his life, a fine of fifteen taes of gold was imposed. if he did not have the means to pay and relatives did not contribute to ransom him, and the delinquent begged for mercy, saying that then he would become a slave, his life was spared, and he became the slave of the injured party. for this reason the penalty of a fine was available for him who possessed wealth. if the quarrel were between persons of equal rank, the chiefs settled the matter according to justice and their laws, and the like penalty was imposed. if the delinquent refused to pay according to this sentence, war was declared between the villages or the factions. hostilities then followed; and from that time those who were captured were enslaved. _one may be released after paying the sum decreed; until then he is a slave._ it was a law that if, when two timaguas were together, either of them insulted the other, he must pay a sum of money according to the nature of the insult, which was decided by the judge. if the insult were a gross one, the fine was large accordingly; and if the culprit had not the means to pay more than five taes, he became the slave of the injured person. if the delinquent begged from the chief or some other friend the favor of lending him the money, he became the slave of him who loaned the money. this slavery extended only to the culprit, and not to his children or relatives, except to children who were born during his slavery. it is usual among the natives of this island to aid one another with money-loans. he who borrowed from a chief or a timagua retained the money until a fixed time had elapsed, during which he might use the money that was lent to him; and besides, he divided with the lender the profit that he made, in acknowledgment of the favor that he had received. it was a law that if he who borrowed the money became insolvent, and had not means to pay his debt, he was considered a slave therefor, together with the children born during his slavery; those already born were free. it was a law among these people, when two men formed a business partnership in which each placed the same amount of money, that if one of them went to traffic with the money belonging to both, and while on a trading journey were captured by enemies, the other man who remained in the village must go to ransom his partner, with half of the ransom-price agreed upon; and the captive was then released from liability--not only for what was due to the partnership, but for the amount which was afterward given for his ransom, and was not obliged to pay anything. if the man who lost the money lost it in gambling, or by spending it with women, he was obliged to repay to the partnership the amount which he had drawn therefrom, and he and his children were obliged to pay it. if the amount were so great that they could not pay it within the time agreed upon, he and half his children would become the slaves of the partner. if there were two children, one was a slave and the other was free; if four, two were slaves, and two free; and so on with any larger number. if the children were able to pay their father's debt afterward, they were set free. it was a law that he who killed another must die; but if he begged for mercy he would become the slave of the dead man's father, children, or nearest relatives. if four or five men were concerned in the murder, they all paid to the master of the slave the price which the slave might be worth; and then the judge sentenced them to such punishment as he thought just. if the men had not means to pay the fine, they became slaves. if the dead man were a timagua, the penalty of death was incurred by those who were proved to be his murderers; but if the condemned men begged for mercy they became slaves. accordingly, after they were sentenced the culprit might choose between death and slavery. if the man slain were a chief, the entire village where he was slain must, when that was proved, become slaves, those who were most guilty being first put to death. if the murderers were private persons only, three or four of the most guilty were put to death, without any resource in mercy; and the rest, with their children, became slaves. when any person entered the house of a chief by night, against the will of the owner, he incurred the death penalty. it was their custom that when such an offender was caught he was first tortured, to ascertain whether any other chief had sent him. if he confessed that he had been thus sent, he was punished by enslavement; and he who had sent him incurred the death penalty, but might be released therefrom by paying a certain amount of gold for the crime. he who committed adultery was, if he were one of the chiefs, punished with death; the same penalty was inflicted upon any man who was caught with the concubine of a chief. similarly, the husband might kill the adulterer, if caught in the act. if perchance he escaped by flight, he was condemned to pay a fine in money; and until this was done there was enmity between the two families concerned. the same law was in force among the timaguas. this relation was written by order of the governor of these islands. _miguel de loarca_ of the town of arevalo. was also one of the first, among those who came to these islands, who showed any curiosity regarding these matters; and therefore i consider this a reliable and true account. [_endorsed at end_: "a memoir regarding the peculiarities of these islands, written in obedience to a decree of his majesty. to the royal council of the indies."] [_endorsed on outside wrapper_: "relation of the filipinas islands, their discovery, the spanish settlements, the usages and customs of the natives, their religion, etc.; written, in virtue of a royal decree, by miguel de loarca, a citizen of the town of arevalo, one of the earliest conquerors and settlers." _a similar endorsement is written on the inside cover of the ms_.] letter from domingo de salazar to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: after having written the letters and memoranda which are going to your majesty, there came some neighboring indians to this city, who begged me to make known to your majesty the contents of their testimonial. a few days afterward i told certain of them that they should decide what they wished, and that i would write to your majesty concerning them--as your majesty is a most christian king who considers well their interests, and has commanded that they be well-treated, and will order punishment for those who maltreat them. on the same day, some of the most prominent indians came, and with them more than forty others from the neighboring villages. they asked from me the things that i have stated elsewhere; and i certify to your majesty that, if all that they said could be written in this account, it would be but little shorter than the other one which i am sending to your majesty. without doubt it would break your majesty's heart if you could see them as they are, and how pitiable are their appearance and the things that they relate. another day there came chiefs from other villages to say the same and much more. today ten or twelve chiefs have come to see me from a province called mauban, which belongs to your majesty. they are all heathen, and told me that they had learned that i wrote to your majesty in their behalf. they asked me to remember them also. i did not wish to admit more than what was said by those who came first, as it would make a disturbance in the land, should they all come here to complain. your majesty will be pleased to command that their case be considered, and provision made for them. i can do nothing, save to deplore it, and to beseech your majesty for the remedy. manila, june twenty, 1582. _fray domingo_, bishop of the felipinas in the city of manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of june, of the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two, before the very illustrious don fray domingo de salasar, first bishop of these islands and a member of his majesty's council, and in the presence of me, the secretary undersigned, there appeared certain indians who spoke through francisco morantes and andres de cervantes, interpreters of the moro tongue. they declared themselves to be don luis amanicaldo, don martin panga, don gabriel luanbacar, and don juan bautangad, christians; and salalila and calao amarlenguaguay, heathen; and doña francisca saygan: all chiefs of the villages of tondo and capaymisilo; and many other chiefs. through the interpreters, they said that they had learned that by this ship which is about to depart for nueva españa, his most reverend lordship was to write to his majesty. as they were suffering so many injuries, grievances, and vexations, as is well-known to all, they humbly begged that he be so kind as to inform his majesty thereof in detail, in order that his majesty, after having learned of their afflictions, may be pleased to remedy them. they were then asked what things they desired to be especially placed before his majesty's consideration, and to declare the same. they replied that the injuries which they suffer, and which ought to be redressed, are those inflicted by the alcaldes-mayor. much trouble is caused them by these officials, as within three leagues there are four alcaldes-mayor and their officers, who inflict serious penalties for light offenses. they take at their own price the rice of the indians, and afterward sell it at a very high rate, doing the same with all other articles of provisions and agricultural products. furthermore, they oblige the indians to act as their oarsmen, whenever they wish. if they return from an expedition which has lasted a month, they are told straightway to prepare for another, being paid nothing whatsoever; nevertheless in every village assessments are levied upon the natives, for the payment of those who go on such service. if at any time they are paid, it is very little, and that very seldom. because of the many acts of oppression which they have suffered, many indians have now abandoned tondo, capaymisilo, and other villages near this city of manila. they have gone to live in other provinces, which has occasioned much damage and loss to the chiefs. out of the three hundred indians who were there, one hundred have gone away, and the said chiefs are obliged to pay the tribute for those who flee and die, and for their slaves and little boys. if they do not pay these, they are placed in the stocks and flogged. others are tied to posts and kept there until they pay. moreover, they dig no gold, for the officials oblige them to pay the fifth. if they do not make a statement of their gold it is seized as forfeited, even when it is old gold; and the gold is not returned to them until after payment of a heavy fine. they do not wish to let the alcaldes-mayor buy rice, because they all hoard it. if the natives come to complain of their grievances to the alcaldes-mayor alone, they are imprisoned and thrown into the stocks, and are charged with prison-fees. their afflictions and troubles are so many that they cannot be endured; and they wish to leave this island, or at least to go to some encomienda of a private individual. in the said villages of the king they cannot endure the alcaldes-mayor. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas _andres de cervantes_ _francisco morante_ before me: _salvador de argon_, secretary letter from juan baptista roman to the viceroy most illustrious and excellent sir: i do not know whether the letters with new information which the governor is writing today will arrive in time to go on this ship, which has been despatched to this port of acabite; so i wish to give your excellency notice of what is going on. yesterday--st. john's day--in the afternoon, there arrived six soldiers who had gone with captain juan pablo de carrion [19] against the japanese, who are settled on the river cagayan. they say that juan pablo sailed with his fleet--which comprised the ship "sant jusepe," the admiral's galley, and five fragatas--from the port of bigan, situated in ylocos, about thirty-five days' journey from cagayan. as he sailed out, he encountered a chinese pirate, who very soon surrendered. he put seventeen soldiers aboard of her and continued his course. while rounding cape borgador near cagayan one fair morning at dawn, they found themselves near a japanese ship, which juan pablo engaged with the admiral's galley in which he himself was. with his artillery he shot away their mainmast, and killed several men. the japanese put out grappling-irons and poured two hundred men aboard the galley, armed with pikes and breastplates. there remained sixty arquebusiers firing at our men. finally, the enemy conquered the galley as far as the mainmast. there our people also made a stand in their extreme necessity, and made the japanese retreat to their ship. they dropped their grappling-irons, and set their foresail, which still remained to them. at this moment the ship "sant jusepe" grappled with them, and with the artillery and forces of the ship overcame the japanese; the latter fought valiantly until only eighteen remained, who gave themselves up, exhausted. some men on the galley were killed, and among them its captain, pero lucas, fighting valiantly as a good soldier. then the captain, juan pablo, ascended the cagayan river, and found in the opening a fort and eleven japanese ships. he passed along the upper shore because the mouth of the river is a league in width. the ship "sant jusepe" was entering the river, and it happened by bad fortune that some of our soldiers, who were in a small fragata, called out to the captain, saying to him: "return, return to manila! set the whole fleet to return, because there are a thousand japanese on the river with a great deal of artillery, and we are few." whereupon captain luys de callejo directed his course seaward; and although juan pablos fired a piece of artillery he did not and could not enter, and continued to tack back and forth. in the morning he anchored in a bay, where such a tempest overtook them that it broke three cables out of four that he had, and one used for weighing anchor. he sent these six soldiers in a small vessel to see if there was on an islet any water, of which they were in great need. the men lost their way, without finding any water; and when they returned where they had left their ship they could not find it. they met with some of those indians who were in the galley with juan pablos, from whom it was learned that juan pablo had ascended the river two leagues and had fortified himself in a bay; and that with him was the galley, which had begun to leak everywhere, in the engagement with the japanese. the indian crew was discharged on account of not having the supplies which were lost on the galley. most of these men went aboard the "sant jusepe." they said that the japanese were attacking them with eighteen _champans_, [20] which are like skiffs. they were defending themselves well although there were but sixty soldiers with the seamen, and there were a thousand of the enemy, of a race at once valorous and skilful. the six soldiers came with this news, and on the way they met a sailor who had escaped from a sangley ship which had sailed from here, with supplies of rice for juan pablo. he says that the sangleys mutinied at midnight and killed ten soldiers who were going with it as an escort, who had no sentinel. this one escaped by swimming, with the aid of a lance that was hurled at him from the ship. moreover, i have just detained some passengers who were going on this ship, because there are no troops on these islands, and a hundred soldiers have to go immediately as a reenforcement, although the weather is tempestuous. i expect to be one of them, if the governor will give me permission. these enemies, who have in truth remained here, are a warlike people; and if your excellency do not provide by this ship, and reenforce us with a thousand soldiers, these islands can be of little value. may your excellency with great prudence provide what is most necessary for his majesty's service, since we have no resource other than the favor your excellency shall order to be extended to us. the governor was disposed to send assistance to the ship, which was a very important affair; but after these events he will not be able to do it, because there do not remain in this city seventy men who can bear arms. may our lord guard the most illustrious and excellent person of your excellency and increase your estate, as your excellency's servants desire. from cabite, june 25, 1582. most excellent and illustrious sir, your servant kisses your excellency's hands. _juan baptista roman_ letter from peñalosa to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: by this ship, which is to leave these islands on the last of june of this year, i am giving your majesty a full account of the condition of affairs and events in this region. as it was about to sail news came of the fleet--which, i wrote among other things, i had despatched to effect a settlement in cagayan--and of the punishment and resistance of the japanese pirates, of whose coming we had news this year. the fleet sent by me, as above stated, met two vessels of the enemy near cagayan, one of japanese and the other of sangleys; an engagement ensued, and those vessels surrendered after a fierce fight, in which two hundred japanese, among them the commander of the fleet and his son, were killed, while we lost only three soldiers. juan pablo de carrion, whom i sent as my lieutenant-general in charge of this fleet, continued his journey, and entered the cagayan river, where he was to make a settlement. at the entrance of the river he found six more japanese vessels belonging to the fleet of those which had surrendered. there was also a goodly number of people there, and fortifications. on account of his lack of men--a severe storm having driven out to sea the flagship, which he took on this expedition--he did not sack these forts, but attempted only to enter the river. this he did, going up about six leagues, where he made a settlement in a place where he could erect a fort, whence he could direct offensive and defensive warfare against the enemy. this news came yesterday; and with all possible despatch i am sending reënforcements, boats, ammunition, and the provisions necessary. i considered it so needful to employ the soldiers for this purpose, because too small a force remains to me for the aid of maluco, as i have written, since that undertaking is so important. however if they send from that place to beg aid, i shall give it with what forces i can. for i suffer a great lack of men and other things because no reënforcements have been sent me from nueva españa, although i have implored them. this land suffers from a constant and pressing need of reënforcements, on account not only of its unhealthful climate, but of the many emergencies which continually arise when i must send aid. these occasions now are not so much a matter of jest as they have been hitherto; for the chinese and japanese are not indians, but people as valiant as many of the inhabitants of berberia [barbary], and even more so. i entreat your majesty to give careful attention to this, and to order that in all vessels as many men as possible be sent; for it is the key to what is necessary for the preservation of this camp. i beg also that careful attention be given in the other things. the gratuity for the expenses incurred in these necessary undertakings and for others similar to them, which are thrusting themselves forward every moment--which was provided by your majesty's auditors of your royal audiencia of mexico in the ship arriving at this bay on the twenty-fourth of last month, consisted of a decree and warrant in which they order that doctor sande be paid here for the time while he remained here after my arrival, and until his arrival at mexico. for this purpose they set aside in their decree the tributes which belong to your majesty, and order that they be attached for this and sent to them--threatening me with imprisonment if i do not comply. i have written to your majesty already of the poor state of your treasury here and its many pressing necessities, and of the extreme difficulty experienced in raising the amount needful for the same. will your majesty please take suitable action in this? for without the aid of what little resources your majesty possesses here, this colony cannot be preserved. may our lord guard the catholic and royal person of your majesty for mary prosperous years, and give you increase of many kingdoms and seigniories for the good of christianity. manila, july first, 82. [_endorsed:_ "to the royal catholic majesty, king don phelipe, our sovereign, through his royal council of the indies. governor of the philipinas."] two papal decrees indulgence granted to the dominicans on their setting out for the philippines gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of god: in perpetual remembrance of the affair. since, as we have learned, very vast kingdoms, islands, cities, and towns in the parts of the western indias are being converted to the faith of christ, and daily the light of heavenly learning is beaming on the peoples thereof--who, hitherto unacquainted with the law of god, and under the yoke of the demon, were groping their way in the dark places of unbelief; but now, rejecting the errors of heathenism, are revering and following the name of our savior jesus christ: therefore our beloved son, the master-general of the order of preachers [21] [dominicans], has determined to send thither professed members under the care of their own vicar, with rules for austere life and a reformed standard of conduct--as is becoming to a religious and praiseworthy institute, and according to which their province of new spain was established--who there may found a new province of their order. we, on whom through appointment of the lord it is incumbent to foster the spread of the gospel, desirous of taking part in this duty of preaching the gospel in kingdoms wherein christ is unknown, desirous moreover to aid, in as faras we can, the pious and religious endeavors of the friars preachers--who, with their abandonment of fatherland and their self-denial of comforts, are now exposing themselves to dangers of land and sea for the sake of spreading the name of christ--therefore, trusting in the mercy of almighty god and the authority of his blessed apostles peter and paul, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents do grant, etc., a plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins to the professed members of the said order, all and singular, if really penitent and confessed, who by leave or order or mandate of their afore-named master-general shall go to the philippine islands. given at rome, at st. mark's, under the seal of the fisherman, on the fifteenth day of september, in the year 1582, the eleventh of our pontificate. foundation of the province of the dominicans in the philippines gregory xiii, pope. beloved son, health and apostolic blessing. not long ago you acquainted us with the fact that, some time before, paul conestabile, master-general of the entire order of friars preachers, gave you leave--with thirty or forty professed members of the said order, to be gathered by you from the provinces of spain, aragon and andalusia, and ten from the province of mexico and from chiappa, [22] to go to the philippine islands and to the kingdom of china. moreover, appointing you his vicar-general in the said philippine islands and kingdom of china, etc., he granted to you, all and singular, the privileges which had been granted by former generals to the province of santiago of mexico--to the end that you might there establish a rule of life in accordance with the same, and found provinces, etc. but since, as you also told us, the said general paul is dead, and there are some who are doubtful of your power in the premises, and therefore you have humbly petitioned us to determine what through our apostolic bounty you should do in the premises: therefore, holding that you are free from any sort of excommunication, etc., and by these presents decreeing that the tenor of the said letters is to be considered as if herein expressed; moreover, being not unwilling to hearken to your petition, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents, approve and confirm the things contained therein, all and singular; and, as far as needs be, do again depute you to the aforesaid charge, [23] etc. given at rome, at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, on the twentieth day of october in the year 1582, the eleventh of our pontificate. report on the offices saleable in the philippines the following are the saleable offices in these philipinas islands, from which some gain may be derived. seven positions as city magistrates in manila; because, of the twelve which are available, three are filled with officials of his majesty, and two by captain juan de moron and by pedro de herrera, both possessing titles from his majesty. two offices as notaries-public in the same city; for, of the three available, one is filled by diego alemán who was appointed by his majesty, and the other two are appointed by the governors, and therefore are not royal notaries. a notary of the cabildo, for no one has been supplied by his majesty. the office of alguacil-mayor [high constable] in this city was held by hernan lopez: he has lived during the last three years in mexico, where he has married, and has not attended to his office; and consequently the governor disposes of this position. more will be given for this office on account of its dignity, as holding a seat in the cabildo next to the royal officials. the office of chief clerk of registers and mines of these islands; for no appointment has been made by his majesty. six magistrates for the town of zubu, which is the required number. no one has been appointed by his majesty. in the said town, two notaries--one public, and the other for the cabildo; for they have not been filled by his majesty. in the said town, the office of alguacil-mayor; for his majesty has made no provision for the said dignity. the offices which are available in the town of zubu are also available in the town of caçeres, in the province of camarines; and in the town of arevalo, in the island of panai. the town of fernandina in the province of ylocos has proved to be so unhealthy a region that, from being the richest town of these islands, it has now only a few inhabitants with no organized cabildo or government. the city of segovia, in the province of cagayan, is a newly-settled city. the offices have been filled by the governor with the early conquerors; it will therefore be convenient for his majesty to confirm them, in order that the community may become permanently settled. concerning the office of alcalde-mayor in the villages and provinces of the indians, the following method is carried out. the alcalde-mayor, who goes there for a year or two, takes with him his own alguacil and clerk, appointed by himself. the lawsuits which take place before them are seldom made public; and they can keep the fines forfeited to the royal treasury--which are not slight, for they fine the natives even for treading the ground. they keep neither archives nor record of anything, so that his majesty is ill served in their office; the natives suffer, and the officials condemn themselves. in view of all this, it would be better for each province of indians possessing the office of alcalde-mayor to have a permanent alguacil and clerk appointed by his majesty; for if they are not appointed by the alcalde and are not his servants, they will not conform so thoroughly to his will. thus light would be shed upon the legal proceedings, of which an account would be kept; and the fines forfeited to the royal treasury would not be lost, together with the expenses of justice. finally, if they are appointed permanently, they will aim at the preservation of the indians for their own benefit, and will not plunder and then go away, as they do now. the three most important provinces in which an alcalde resides are: the province of pampanga, which is the most fertile region of these islands, and which has about thirty thousand indians; the province of la laguna de bai, with a like number of indians; and the province of bombon, balaian, mindoro, with about twenty thousand indians. i believe that in these three provinces the offices of alguacil and clerk will be of no less value than they are in spanish communities. in the other provinces, these offices are of little importance at present. documents of 1583 complaints against peñalosa. gabriel de ribera; [1583?] affairs in the philipinas islands. fray domingo de salazar; [1583]. instructions to commissary of the inquisition. pedro de los rios, and others; march 1. foundation of the audiencia of manila. felipe ii; may 5. _sources_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla--excepting the third, which is from the archivo general at simancas. _translations_: the first and third documents are translated by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university; the second, by herbert e. bolton, of the university of texas; the fourth, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin. complaints against peñalosa most powerful lord: [24] captain gabriel de rivera [25] beseeches your highness on behalf of the filipinas islands, kindly to see that due attention and consideration be given to the advancement and preservation of those islands, upon which his majesty has set his eyes so fixedly, and which have cost so many thousands of ducats and spanish lives. may what has been asked be provided, according to the memorials which i have presented to the royal person and to your highness; for it befits the service of god our lord, that of your highness, and the advancement and good government of those islands. the appointment of don gonzalo ronquillo [26] by your highness as governor for life, and the many sentences, decrees, and favors in his behalf, greatly injure the said islands in their advancement; they harass and totally ruin them as we have seen with our own eyes. such an appointment is contrary to the orders and laws given for the new discoveries; for the filipinas islands were discovered more than fifty years ago, and were settled at the time of the emperor (may he rest in peace). since a way of return to nueba españa had not been discovered, the settlers for lack of sustenance abandoned the land, until the viceroy, don luis de belasco, by order of your highness despatched a fleet to the said islands, and sent miguel lopez de legazpi as governor, who made a settlement and discovered a way of return. he went there at his own expense. all favors granted him in the meantime were so small and inadequate that he was not even allowed to take a repartimiento. the islands have been settled for twenty years, and have enjoyed peace and quiet. [27] the appointment may have been a very lawful one, but it should not be forgotten that it is injurious to the said islands and their advancement. god alone can remedy the abuses perpetrated every day, for, as is well known by your highness, they are beyond any other remedy--inasmuch as don gonzalo has carried out no part of the agreement he made with his majesty. in regard to this, and the papers and memorials which i have presented, may your very christian highness take the measures befitting the service of god, and the advancement and good government of those islands. _gabriel de ribera_ affairs in the philipinas islands _by fray domingo de salazar_ _memorial regarding occurrences in these philipinas islands of the west, also their condition, and matters which require correction; written by fray domingo de salazar, bishop of the said islands, in order that his majesty and the gentlemen of his royal council of the indies may see it._ at first, when the spaniards came to these islands, there was a great abundance of provisions, such as are produced in the country; namely, rice, beans, fowls, swine, deer, buffaloes, fish, cocoanuts, bananas and some other fruits, wine, and honey. of these a large quantity could be bought from the natives with very little money. although among them there was gold, with which they traded and trafficked, yet it was most usual to barter eatables for rice until the spaniards introduced the use of money, from which no little harm has come to the country. wine and rice are measured by the ganta, which is equivalent to a quarter of a celemín in our measure. the prices which articles brought after the spaniards introduced silver coins--which are, as a rule, tostóns, as the four-real pieces are called--were as follows: [four] [28] hundred gantas of rice [for one tostón]; for another, a hundred of wine; and for another, twelve, fourteen, or sixteen fowls; and other things in proportion. these rates continued until a year and a half or two years ago. then products began to be scarce in this country, and articles which were formerly cried through the streets have today reached so high prices and such scarcity that there is now no one who can obtain them, even when they go to search for them in the indian villages. for what is thus found the common prices are forty or fifty gantas of rice, or eight or ten gantas of wine, for one tostón; fowls have advanced to two reals apiece, although the usual price is one real; while a hog costs four or five pesos, or six or eight for one of considerable size. oil of agenxoli [sesame], cocoanuts, and butter, which formerly could be bought very cheaply, cannot now be obtained--although in this there is variation, as little or much comes to the market. i have tried to ascertain the reason for so great a change, and for the dearness of food; and after thoroughly informing myself through persons who know, and through what i have seen with my own eyes, i find the following reasons therefor. first: when don gonçalo ronquillo came here as governor of la pampanga, [29] whence all this country used to be supplied with rice, wine, and fowls, a great number of indians went to the mines of ylocos, where they remained during the time when they ought to have sowed their grain. many of them died there, and those who returned were so fatigued that they needed rest more than work. as a result, in that year followed a very great scarcity of rice, and for lack of it a great number of indians in the said pampanga died from hunger. in luvao alone, the encomienda of guido de la vaçares, the dead exceeded a thousand. second: in regard to the many occupations in which the spaniards employ the indians, such as setting them to row in the galleys and fragatas despatched by the governor and officials on various commissions, which are never lacking. at times they go so far away that they are absent four or six months; and many of those who go die there. others run away and hide in the mountains, to escape from the toils imposed upon them. others the spaniards employ in cutting wood in the forests and conveying it to this city, and other indians in other labors, so that they do not permit them to rest or to attend to their fields. consequently, they sow little and reap less, and have no opportunity to attend religious instruction. it sometimes happens that while these miserable creatures are being instructed for baptism the spaniards force them to go to the tasks that i have mentioned; and when they return they have forgotten what they knew; for this reason there are today many indians to be baptized. in some cases when i have gone to a village to administer confirmation, i have returned without confirming any one, because the indians were not in the place, but were occupied in labors ordered by the alcalde-mayor, and i could not collect them together. in proof of this, i send a mandate issued by a deputy of tondo. (i was present at the time, and all the people were away, occupied in the tasks assigned to them; and the only indians in the village were those who were being instructed for the reception of baptism.) this ordinance commanded all the indians of the said village to cut wood, and those who were receiving instruction to quit it. third: before the governor don gonçalo ronquillo came, there were not more than three or four alcaldes-mayor in all these islands; but now there are sixteen and most of them are men who came with him. as they came poor, and as the salaries are small, they have taken away the indians--as all affirm, and it is common talk--at the time for harvesting rice; and they buy up all other provisions, and many profit by selling them again. in this way everything has become dear, because, as they have forbidden the indians to trade and traffic, they sell at whatever price they wish. formerly the indians brought their produce to the gates, and sold it at very low-prices; for they are satisfied with very little gain, which is not true of the spaniards. but, not to ascribe all the guilt to men, but to our sins, the cause of this dearness has in part been that these years have not afforded as good weather as others. this is the state in which the country has thus far been up to the present. _injuries inflicted upon the indians_ first: when a long expedition is to be made, the wrongs which they suffer are many. one is to despatch for the indians who are to row in a galley or fragata a sailor who has neither piety nor christian feeling. moreover, it is notorious that, without inquiring whether an indian is married or single, or whether his wife is sick or his children without clothing, he takes them all away. it has happened that when a husband has led this deputy to his wife, who was great with child, and has asked with tears that he might be left behind as she had no one to care for her, the sailor has beaten her with cudgels in order to make her go, and the poor husband also, despite his resistance. in other cases, their wives are abandoned when dying, the husband being compelled to go away to row. the indians are put into irons on the galleys, and flogged as if they were galley-slaves or prisoners. moreover, the pay that is given them is very small; for they give each man only four reals a month--and this is so irregularly paid that most of them never see it. the [officials of the] villages from which they take the rowers divide the pay among themselves, or give it to those whom they impress as oarsmen. this statement is thoroughly authenticated; for when the governor, don gonçalo ronquillo, sent to the mines, in vitis and lobao alone they divided three thousand pesos belonging to the indians themselves; and when he sent to borney, in bonbón they divided more than two thousand. they say that in all pampanga five or six thousand pesos were taken, and similarly in all towns where they get recruits. sometimes they do not go at harvest-time to collect the rice which they say belongs to your majesty, but only when it is very dear; and then they require it to be sold for the price which it was worth when they harvested. sometimes the indians buy back for five or six tostons what they sold for one. the past year, when the indians ate shoots of palms and bananas because they had no rice, and many indians died from hunger, they made them sell the remaining rice at the price which it was worth at harvest-time. sometimes the entire quantity of his rice is taken from an indian, without leaving him a grain to eat. one poor widow, seeing that they were carrying off all her rice without leaving her a grain to eat, took, as best she could, two basketfuls to hide under the altar, and there saved them; but it is certain that if the collector had known it, they would have been taken from that place. another injury that they do to this poor people, under pretense of its being for your majesty, whereby your royal name is detested among them, is as follows. formerly, when rice was plentiful, four hundred gantas were worth one tostón; your majesty's officials of la pampanga furnished me with the price which it was worth. last year the governor ordered that twelve thousand fanégas of rice be taken from la pampanga for your majesty, and that the indians should give three hundred gantas for one tostón. it was then worth among them about a peso of gold, because it could not be had at any price. many indians died of hunger. the three hundred gantas which they took from them for one tostón were worth about six tostóns, and a person who wished to buy it could not find it. this present year, when they have so little grain and the famine is so great in la pampanga, the spaniards might have sent to other districts to buy rice, where--although they must go farther--it is more plentiful, and could be taken without injuring the indians. yet the spaniards have chosen not to do this, but rather to order that it be taken from la pampanga. and while the price among the indians is fifty gantas for one tostón, they require them to give for your majesty at the rate of two hundred and fifty gantas. at the season when this was collected, i was visiting la pampanga, and i saw so much weeping and moaning on the part of the wretched indians from whom they took the rice, that it moved me to great pity--and all the more since i could see so little means to provide a remedy; for although i wrote about it to the master-of-camp, who was at that time lieutenant-governor, it profited me little. as for the means of collecting this rice, the alcalde-mayor or his deputy divides among the chiefs two, three, four, or more taes of gold (which is a certain weight worth five pesos), and orders that so many gantas of rice be collected for one tostón. afterward they send, to collect this rice, men without piety; who, with blows, torture, and imprisonment enforce compliance with the rate of three hundred and fifty gantas for a tostón; and, in other years, one hundred of wine, and this year, sixty. it is a fact well established, for i have learned from the very persons who collect it that it often happens, that the indian, not having so much rice as is demanded, is obliged to go to buy at the rate of fifty gantas for a tostón, and fifteen gantas of wine; and from him, as is said, they take two hundred and fifty of rice and seventy of wine for one tostón. if this occurred only with respect to rice, which is necessary for the expense which your majesty incurs in this city, it would be but half a wrong, although i do not know what law permits them to invent one price for your majesty and another for others. however this may be, i will pass on. but the real evil is that the governor, master-of-camp, alcaldes-mayor, your majesty's officials and other persons to whom these wish to give it, all consume it at this same price, and they also collect it at this price for the hospitals of the city. although the governor, in the orders which he gives for the hospitals and for other persons, such as alcaldes-mayor, does not name the number of gantas to be given for a tostón, yet the rate is not higher than for your majesty. he is at fault, in that--knowing that they collect at this price--he neither causes what has thus been taken to be restored, nor punishes him who transgresses in this matter; thus many dare to take rice from them at these same prices, knowing that they will not be punished. i know that many alcaldes-mayor, having orders from the governor to buy from the indians of their districts three hundred fanégas from each single man and five hundred from each married man, take it at the aforesaid price, and even much more than they are permitted to take, and sell it again at the current price. i know that they also go to collect, at the price fixed for your majesty, for themselves and their friends, much more rice than they have a right to take according to order. the same is true in regard to cutting timber. they compel the indians to work at tasks in the service of your majesty, paying them but little, and that irregularly and late, and often not at all. i do not mention the injuries which the indians received from the spaniards during the conquest, for from what happened to them in other parts of the yndias can be inferred what would happen here, which was not less, but in many places much more. i speak of what has happened and now happens in the collection of the tributes, so that your majesty may see if it is right to overlook or tolerate things which go so far beyond all human justice. as for the first, your majesty may be assured that heretofore these indians never have understood, nor have they been given to understand, that the spaniards entered this country for any other purpose than to subjugate them and compel them to pay tributes. as this is a thing which all peoples naturally refuse, it follows that where they have been able to resist they have always done so, and have gone to war. when they can do no more, they say that they will pay tribute. and these people the spaniards call pacified, and say that they have submitted to your majesty! and without telling them more of god and of the benefits which it was intended to confer upon them, they demand tribute from them each year. their custom therein is as follows. as soon as the spaniards have subjugated them, and they have promised to pay tribute (for from us christians they hear no other word than "pay tribute"), they say to the natives, "you must give so much a year." if they are not allotted in encomiendas, the governor sends some one to collect the tributes; but it is most usual to allot them at once in an encomienda to him who has charge of collecting the tributes. although the decree relating to encomiendas says, "provided that you instruct them in the matters of our most holy faith," the only care that they have for that is, that the encomendero takes with him eight or ten soldiers with their arquebuses and weapons, orders the chiefs to be called, and demands that they give him the tributes for all the indians of their village. here my powers fail me, i lack the courage, and i can find no words, to express to your majesty the misfortunes, injuries, and vexations, the torments and miseries, which the indians are made to suffer in the collection of the tributes. the tribute at which all are commonly rated is the value of eight reals, paid in gold or in produce which they gather from their lands; but this rate is observed like all other rules that are in favor of the indians--that is, it is never observed at all. some they compel to pay it in gold, even when they do not have it. in regard to the gold likewise, there are great abuses, because as there are vast differences in gold here, they always make the natives give the finest. the weight at which they receive the tribute is what he who collects it wishes, and he never selects the lightest. others make them pay cloth or thread. but the evil is not here, but in the manner of collecting; for, if the chief does not give them as much gold as they demand, or does not pay for as many indians as they say there are, they crucify the unfortunate chief, or put his head in the stocks--for all the encomenderos, when they go to collect, have their stocks, and there they lash and torment the chiefs until they give the entire sum demanded from them. sometimes the wife or daughter of the chief is seized, when he himself does not appear. many are the chiefs who have died of torture in the manner which i have stated. when i was in the port of ybalon some chiefs came there to see me; and the first thing they said to me was, that one who was collecting the tributes in that settlement had killed a chief by torture, and the same indians indicated the manner in which he had been killed, which was by crucifixion, and hanging him by the arms. i saw this soldier in the town of caceres, in the province of camarines, and learned that the justice arrested him for it and fined him fifty pesos--to be divided equally between the exchequer and the expenses of justice--and that with this punishment he was immediately set free. likewise i learned that an encomendero--because a chief had neither gold nor silver nor cloth with which to pay the tribute--exacted from him an indian for nine pesos, in payment of nine tributes which he owed; and then took this indian to the ship and sold him for thirty-five pesos. and although i told this to the steward and asked for the indian, he remained in slavery. they collect tribute from children, old men, and slaves, and many remain unmarried because of the tribute, while others kill their children. what the encomendero does, after having collected his tributes in the manner stated, is to return home; and for another year he neither sees nor hears of them. he takes no more account of them than if they were deer, until the next year, when the same thing is repeated. these injuries the spaniards inflicted in all places until recently. in this district of manila there is not so much of it now, because many of the natives are already christians, and there are religious among them, and affairs are in better order. but in remote places and some not very far away, what i have stated occurs, and even worse things are done. because all, or nearly all, of those who pay the tribute are infidels, and neither know nor understand more of the matters of our faith than they did a hundred years ago, and even more on account of the wrongs which they suffer, they abhor and abominate the faith. indeed, as for the example of decency which those who mingle with the indians set them there is no way to describe it here without offending your majesty's ears; but i state it as an assured fact that they care not whether a woman be a believer or an infidel, single or married; all are on the same level. from this your majesty will gather what these unhappy indians will have conceived of us and of the faith which we preach. i shall not omit to mention here a thing which is full of reproach to the christians who have lived here, and even to all of us who hear it--namely, that the natives of these islands have been, from ancient times, infidels, of whom there are many now in this and other islands; and that the moros have come to these islands from that of burney to preach the law of mahoma, through which preaching a large number of pagans have turned moros. those who have received this vile law keep it with much pertinacity, and there is great difficulty in getting them to leave it. moreover it is known that the reason which they give--to our shame and confusion--is that they were better treated by the preachers of mahoma than they have been and are by the preachers of christ. [30] since, through kind and gentle treatment, they received that doctrine willingly, it took root in their hearts, and so they leave it reluctantly. but this is not the case with what we preach to them, for, as it is accompanied with so much bad treatment and with so evil examples, they say "yes" with the mouth and "no" with the heart; and thus when occasion arises they leave it, although by the mercy of god, this is becoming somewhat remedied by the coming of the ministers of the gospel, with whose advent these grievances cease in some places. after don gerónimo [31] ronquillo carne to govern, [it was decreed] that from the indians should be taken the [taels?] [32] of gold which the indians manufacture. whether or not this has been done by order of your majesty, i do not know; but i know that if your majesty were in this country you would not order this law to be executed now; because most of them are still infidels, and i do not know what right there is to exact these taxes from the infidel, nor to what a people so [_illegible in original ms._] might be driven by such rigor. from this result many injuries to the indians. for, as is well known, they have wrought the gold which they received from their ancestors, and they regard it as lost. [33] all the indians are compelled to declare all the gold that they possess, and the amounts are placed on a list, in order that if they should come into possession of more gold in the future, it may be taken from them--not as the royal fifth, but as forfeited. moreover as these indians wear chains and ajorcas, [34] the alcaldes-mayor, in the attempt to profit thereby, require that these should be declared, on the ground that these are ornaments which the indians have manufactured, and on which they have not paid the fifth; and although this may be a lie, it costs the indian, before he is free, a good share of his gold. indeed, they denounced an indian before the governor himself; and in spite of many entreaties from religious, he fined the indian one hundred and twenty pesos, which was the third part of the gold about which he was accused. a religious assured me that it was gold received from his ancestors; but the indian could not help himself. i could never finish--and it would be a very annoying subject for your majesty--relating all the hardships that befall these unfortunates in this country. they ought to be feasted and favored, in order that they may become attached to our faith, and understand the mercy that god has shown them in bringing them to the knowledge and manifestation of it; but those who here continue to forget this are the cause of their abhorring the faith. they consider your majesty a cruel king, and think that you are trying only to profit by their estates and to claim their personal service--although all is so much to the contrary on the part of your majesty, as witness the holy laws and ordinances which, for the good government of these lands, your majesty has made and ordered to be observed. but if it is true, most christian king, that the intent of your majesty in sending spaniards to these lands is that god may be known, his faith preached, and his holy law received here; and that these indians, by love, good works, and example, may be led to the knowledge of god and obedience to your majesty--what law or right permits individuals to transgress in this matter by their greed and self-interest, and to do the opposite of that for which your majesty sent them? this purpose is that in your royal name and with holy royal authority they may govern this country, dignified for this task by very honorable titles, and remunerated by large salaries, your majesty so affectionately charging them to treat these natives well, and giving them for that purpose such holy laws, ordinances, and instructions. yet these men turn aside their eyes from all this and close them to the injuries and ill-treatment which these unfortunates receive. what abhorrence to our holy faith arises in their minds from this conduct, and what an impediment to the conversion of the infidels is thus formed! and those who are already converted are regretting that step; for these men concern themselves so entirely with getting rich in the shortest possible time, to which end they are continually planning and undertaking every means which seems to them best suited to attain that object--even though it may be contrary to your majesty's commands and prohibited by the laws of the kingdom and the ordinances of the yndias, and though it may be injurious and prejudicial to those whom they were charged, by the authority of your majesty, to make free, and to secure from all those wrongs. if this be true, what punishment would be fitting for such a crime? or how could your majesty so overlook a thing so pernicious, that you should not order it to be punished rigorously, and should not remedy evils which so greatly need correction? but whether this is so or not, it is not for me to accuse or to speak ill of any one. i only say, and truthfully, that this land is ruined; and it is doubtful whether, if it experiences another year like the two just past, it will endure till the third--and this is no exaggeration. in the ship which just arrived from nueba españa came certain royal decrees--a remedy for some evils of which information had been given. it seems that the country received thereby some alleviation of its troubles, but i do not know what will follow. it is a great misfortune to have your majesty so far away. for if you were near us, all these ills would soon disappear--as i hope, by the divine goodness and your majesty's holy zeal, that they will not endure longer than till you shall hear of them, not by my report, but by information which may be quite sufficiently obtained in nueba españa; for what i say here is for no other purpose than that your majesty may be informed of what is going on, and that you may order it to be remedied. since your majesty orders, by your royal decree, that in case the governor do not keep the royal laws and ordinances which are made for these lands, i advise your majesty of the fact: what might in compliance be said with entire truthfulness is, that i do not know what decree, provision, or ordinance issued for the benefit and aid of the indians is kept or noticed; and if any promise is made, it is only for courtesy. never have i seen any man punished who may have violated the decrees, or who may be scandalous in sin; and in order that it may be quite evident to your majesty how badly your holy laws are kept, i shall proceed to demonstrate by the royal ordinances. 2nd. the second clause, commencing, "those who administer government," etc., is neither kept nor noticed, because it never is taken into account. therefore the indians understand that the good which is to be done them is but to subjugate them and make them pay tribute; and as this is the purpose of those in authority, they never do what is ordered in this clause, but at once send soldiers to force the indians to submit although they may not desire it; and before they return they leave the natives subjects and tributarios. 4th. clause four, for the same reason, is not heeded. 20th. in regard to clause 20, although it is so necessary, and so deserves to be obeyed, those in power act as if they were ordered to do the very opposite, as is explained above, where i discuss the wrongs that they inflict. 24th. to what is ordered in clause 24 some respect is now paid in this island; but heretofore everything has been done in contravention of it, and the penalty has never been enforced. 25th. nor has clause 25 been observed in this island. on the contrary, there has been, i say plainly, a notable diminution in the royal exchequer, and the difficulties which are mentioned in the clause result. 29th. with regard to clause 29, the deeds of those who go on these expeditions are so contrary to the orders given in this clause that it would appear that they are sent to rob, rather than to pacify. 30th. clause 30 is the least respected of all those contained in this book of ordinances, as was said, and there is most necessity for its observance. it is, moreover, certain that all the other ordinances are regulated by what is here commanded. 32nd. to clause 32, which treats of new settlements, no more attention is paid than if it had not been written. for no settlement is either made or contemplated in this island; no spanish town has any pasture for cattle, or land for cultivation, although that would be a great convenience; and those who wish to undertake anything of the sort--for there are two or three such--are granted no favor when this matter is discussed; nor is there any one who remembers the law. 33rd. no attention is paid to clause 33, nor is the pacification of the natives conducted on any orderly plan--except that here and there some men are sent to make the indians tributary, without attention to securing their pacification or settlement. some attention was, however, given to this in the expedition which was just made to cagayan. 36th. we all know well that the principal aim of your majesty is that expressed in clause 36, but this is not the aim of those who govern; accordingly, they do little for the conversion of the indians, but much for their own profit. 138th. the part of clause 138 which is observed, for good or bad, is to subjugate the indians and compel them to pay tribute; beyond this there is neither care nor thought. 139th. for the like reason, clause 139 is not observed, nor is there thought of it. 141st. of what is ordered in clause 141 nothing is observed; for they care no more for rendering justice to the indians than if these were beasts who lack reason. 144th. the part of clause 144 most important for observance was that beginning "the country being pacified" [_illegible in original ms._]; it was, indeed, the most necessary for observance. but in order to relate the harm that follows from not observing it, there should be another man who knows better how to say it than i do. this law or clause contains two parts. in the first is stated the obligation of the governor in allotting the indians; in the second, the obligations of the encomenderos toward their encomiendas. as for the first, it might (and not without reason) be disputed whether, for your majesty's peace of conscience and for the welfare of these natives, it is fitting that these encomiendas be allotted. but since this subject requires more time and space than i now have to devote thereto, let it remain for another voyage, when, by the help of god, these and other doubts will be dissipated, for the service of god and your majesty. i venture to say this because, although your majesty has so near you so many and so excellent learned men in all subjects, yet, to determine many matters relative to the yndias, it is doubtless necessary to have dwelt in them, and that for not a few years. for the present it is sufficient to say that if the governors (before allotting the indians) and the encomenderos (after their allotment) would observe even what is demanded from them in this clause, they would relieve your majesty from painful scruples, and us from doubt, and thus from a heavy burden of conscience; while to the indians would be given an extraordinary benefit. but all is contrary to this, because neither do the governors, when allotting the indians, take notice of what is here required from them--for they make the encomiendas before the indians are pacified, or even have heard the name of god or of your majesty--nor do the encomenderos heed the obligation which they take upon themselves; but, confident of the encomienda allotted in this manner, they go to collect the tributes in the manner above stated; and among them are some who do so even more tyrannically. 145th. of clause 145, that which has to do with the indians is not observed any more than the foregoing in regard to reserving the chief villages for your majesty. your islands are not like nueva españa, where there is a chief village with many others subject to it. here all are small villages, and each one is its own head. the governors, interpreting this law more literally than is good for the service of your majesty, have added to your royal crown some very small maritime villages; and the advantage has been given to whomsoever they have wished--whether justly or not, it is not for me to decide. i can assure your majesty that it is very little in way of tributes that finds its way into the royal chest, although there is much need that your majesty should have money here to provide many necessities, which others cannot supply if your majesty cannot. i also say that, according to accounts current here, no indians are harder worked or less free than those apportioned to the royal crown. there are many other reasons which might be given to make this clear, which are very patent to us here. one is that, as the officials do not go out to collect the tributes, the governor sends one of his servants whom he wishes to favor, to collect them. he collects for your majesty what they owe, and for himself whatever he desires; and this is most certain, as well as the method of collecting. your majesty's indians undergo greater oppression than do the others. those encomenderos visit their indians, and once in a while they cannot help taking pity on them; but for those of your majesty, there is no one to grieve and no one to care. i even hear it said that many soldiers, when without food, take it from the indians, under the pretense that they serve your majesty and are given nothing--saying that, as it belongs to your majesty, they may do so. 146th. what is contained in clause 146 is the thing which would most attract the indians to receive our faith if it were observed. but there is nothing which more impedes the conversion of these barbarians than that, from the very outset, the spaniards go among them and compel them to become subjects of another and a foreign king whom they do not know; and without more ado demand tribute from them, which is the thing that they most unwillingly acquiesce in. certainly it is a very great pity and a cause for much grief that such covetousness is found among us, that--through not knowing how to deal with these barbarians, through not having patience with them that they may understand the good which comes with us to them, and through greed for what they now pay us--we may be the cause of thousands of them remaining unconverted, and of those who are converted becoming so more through force than choice. i am certain that if this clause had been observed, all of these islands would be converted, and that not as a pretense, but in all sincerity. from this your majesty may see the harm done by those who do not observe what your majesty commands with respect to the pacification of the indians. and--in order that you may know how these indians feel about paying the tribute--when my arrival was made known among them, and it was said that i was captain of the clergy, as the governor was of the laymen, they asked if i had come to force on them any tribute, a thing which they so much fear. in the instructions which the governor, don gerónimo [_sc._ gonzalo], recently gave to captain juan pablo de carrión, who made the expedition to cagayan, there is a clause stating that "tribute shall not be demanded from them for one year"--which marks the beginning of some respect for your majesty's orders; and i hope to god that it is to be one of much importance, in order that those indians, who three or four times have been so wronged and scandalized, may now have peace. 147th. clause 147 is quite forgotten, nor can those who govern be persuaded that this so holy manner of preaching the gospel be tried; besides, your majesty leaves no authority to the bishops or to other prelates to attempt the apostolic preaching of the gospel, but all the authority is given to the governors, or is assumed by them. if this clause were to be observed, the bishops and not the governors would have to reform whatever is needed. the preachers go either alone or with an escort; hence it is that the governors attempt more than the conversion of the indians. they never find place for the fulfilment of this clause. it is without doubt a shameful thing, and unworthy of one who professes such a law as ours, that we should not trust in god, for sometimes the preachers would do more alone, unaccompanied by arquebuses and pikes; and, although i do not deny that this may be lawful and sometimes necessary, it would not be a bad plan that this be tried the other way, at some time. but it will not be done if your majesty does not order otherwise. 148th. it is very necessary to observe clause 148 in this country, since the indians are thinly scattered, and are settled amid rivers and marshes where they are found with much difficulty. hence it is very desirable that the encomenderos do as they are here commanded, and not wait for the religious or ecclesiastics, who can not do it with the same facility as can the encomenderos. moreover, since the removal of the indians from their former homes is a thing very odious to them, and they change their homes very unwillingly and with much hardship, it would be better that they be vexed with the encomendero than with the minister--who has to teach them, and through whom they have to learn love, and who in all things strives for their good. the same is true of building the churches and monasteries. _relation of what concerns the sangleys_ the commerce with the sangleys has always been considered very important for the supplies and trade not only of this city, but of those who come here to invest their money, and for what is expected from it in the future. for it might be that by this means we shall get a foothold in that great realm, which of all things is so much desired. this trade has been so harassed and injured this year that we are in great dread lest those who come here, or many of them, will not return, or that they will not be willing to sell their merchandise at former prices, because of the bad treatment that they have received and the lack of order here. during the past year and the present one the ill feeling has increased, because at first they paid nothing; but later anchorage dues were levied upon them--more by way of securing acknowledgment than for gain; while last year and this they have demanded three per cent from the sangleys, from which many injuries to the latter have resulted. the first is, that they all were ordered to live apart, in one fenced-in dwelling made this year, whither they have gone very unwillingly. there the shops have made them pay higher prices than goods would cost them outside. a warden has been appointed for them, with judicial authority to punish them; and, according to report, many wrongs and injuries are inflicted upon them. indeed, for very trivial causes they are put in the stocks, and pecuniary fines exacted from them. sometimes they have been fined for going outside at night to ease the body, or for not keeping their place clean. under the pretext that they must pay taxes to your majesty, a penalty was imposed upon the sale of any article without its previous registration; but at the time of this registration the best of their merchandise was taken from them, and that at the price which the inspector or the registrar chose to set. some pieces of silk were therefore hidden by the sangleys, either to sell them to better advantage or to give them to persons to whom the goods had been promised. for this they were punished with as much rigor as if the penalty had been required from them for many years, instead of being, on the contrary, only the first or second time when they had heard of it. among other things, i know that because a chinese merchant sentenced him to one hundred lashes and a fine of seventy-five tostóns. a brother of his came to me to ask protection for him, and at my request they remitted the lashes; but he paid the tostóns before he could leave the jail. of these and of other wrongs to individuals so many cases occur that i have been greatly troubled. for some would take the goods from the sangleys by force, and keep them; others would not give them what the goods were worth; others would give them written orders [span. _çédulas_] [35] (which are much in use among them), and afterward repudiate these. thereupon they would hasten to me; and, as i could not secure reparation for these wrongs, i was greatly afflicted. the confusion and lawlessness which prevailed in taking the goods from them was so great, that in order to get these better and cheaper, those who had authority in this matter would not allow the sangleys liberty to sell to those whom they might prefer. but these of whom i speak took all the goods. then, after having selected what they desired, at whatever price they might choose, they would give the rest to their servants, friends, and associates. in consequence, although twenty ships have come from china--and so many have never before been seen in this space of time--nothing of all that comes from china has been visible this year. on the contrary, chinese goods have risen to such excessive prices that a piece of satin formerly worth ten or twelve tostóns here, has been sold at forty or forty-five, and yet could not be found, even for the church, which is so needy that it has not been able to obtain silk to make a single ornament. the same is true of all other chinese goods, which were formerly hawked in vain through the streets. who may have been the cause of this, what has become of these goods, or where they may have gone, it is not incumbent upon me to say. what devolves upon me is, to represent to your majesty the condition of this country, which can not last long volves upon me is, to represent to your majesty the will insist upon knowing whose is the guilt, and upon providing a remedy for your vassals who are so greatly in need of it. from this condition of affairs has resulted very great harm, which must be the reason why the trade of this city has ceased. that is, since all the goods have this year come into the possession of a few persons, the traders who came here on the strength of reports of the good trade in this country have not spent their money; or else those who have spent it have bought very little, and at so high prices that they will do well if they get back their money. the evil does not stop here; for these traders are compelled to perform sentinel-duty, just as the soldiers do, and in order not to leave their goods to be stolen, they pay a soldier who does this for them, and collects the money. thus every week they have to pay one tostón (the equivalent of four reals) for the services of a sentinel. these same merchants were summoned for an expedition which was going to iapón [japan], and a fleet was made ready to sail thither; and in order to avoid going they paid as much as thirty and forty pesos each. thus, in many ways, trade has been unfortunate this year. the latest injury--that which most harassed the chinese, and most succeeded in irritating them--was that, in sending a galley on the expedition to iapón which i mentioned, twenty or thirty sangleys who had come this year to remain here were seized, and compelled to row. many have come to me to complain, saying that they had come here to earn a living for their children; and asked that, since they were not allowed to accomplish what they came for, they might be permitted to return to their own land. but it profited neither them nor me to say this, for they went on that expedition and have not yet returned. from this another injury has come to us all. for since those who went in the galley, and others sent afterward, were fishermen, the fish that formerly was sold in the streets in great quantities, and for a trifling sum, now cannot be obtained at a high price. next, they sent another vessel, loaded with rice as provision for the fleet, and ordered a like number of sangleys to accompany it. in order to avoid going, each hunted up whomsoever he could find; and he who had no slave to send gave ten pesos to some other man to act as his substitute. these and other wrongs have caused two hundred sangleys, who came this year to settle here, to return; and of those who were living here two hundred and more have gone away. there used to be a very prosperous settlement of them on the other side of the river, but now there appears to be almost no one--as your majesty will see by the letter written to me by the vicar of the sangleys, who is an augustinian friar. another wrong is done to the indians--not to all in general, but to many; it is, to hold them as slaves. this clause also concerns the failure of the governors to obey your majesty's decrees and writs; for so many of these are issued, commanding that indians must not be held as slaves of the spaniards anywhere in the yndias--either in the islands or on the mainland, in lands discovered or to be discovered. this applies, in whatever way the spaniards may have obtained them: whether it be in just war; or if the indians themselves have sold them to the spaniards, saying that they are slaves; or even if among them these are actually slaves; or by any other means, and in any manner whatsoever. by the ship in which i came the augustinian fathers brought a new decree from your majesty, ordering with much rigor, and in strong terms, that the spaniards shall at once liberate the slaves whom they may hold, under whatever circumstances they may have obtained them. this was presented to the governor, for i talked with him about it. but, to show that what i say above is true--that no decree in favor of the indians is ever enforced--since this decree was presented the indians are still in the same servitude as formerly, and some of them are even worse treated than in the past. the governor did not so long delay to enforce the decree (if there be one) relative to taking a fifth of the gold; for the first thing that he did on entering his office was to demand the fifth, while the decree regarding liberty is yet to be executed. i have passed over many things in this connection which, if written here, would be annoying to your majesty. a document in behalf of the city is being prepared which proves the great necessity in this country for servitude. it states that the spaniards undergo much toil, and most of them many hardships, and that there is much need that your majesty should aid and favor them; but asks that this be done by allowing them to hold slaves. your majesty will order this to be carefully examined, for it is a certain and well-established fact (and admitted by the very persons who hold and attempt to gain possession of slaves) that although among the indians there are some who are really slaves, these are few; and that, rather than sell these now, the indians will sell one of their children. all others are wrongfully obtained and unjustly enslaved--as would be done by a people so barbarous as this, who at this very time sell a relative for gain, and among whom the more powerful will sell the weaker. most of those who today are in manila as slaves are of this class. as soon as this decree was presented to him, the governor asked me to advise him what he should do. accordingly, i convened the superiors of the orders, and the religious therein who had long resided here, with some very learned men who came with me. all of them, without one exception, were of one opinion, a copy of which goes with this letter; your majesty will please order it to be examined--although it profits little, because proclamation of the decree and orders that it be obeyed were not issued until march of this year. would to god that it had not been proclaimed! because before that the masters were afraid, and had already determined to give their slaves liberty, seeing that they were urged thereto in the confessional. but when the decree was proclaimed, and the petition which the city referred to your majesty was granted, all returned to their obstinacy. upon seeing this, i again convened the fathers and priests, and we agreed to admit the owner of slaves to confession, but on condition that they make no objection to what your majesty may order; or that within two years from the departure of this ship (the term assigned to them by your majesty) they should free the slaves. but i am sure that if your majesty does not renew your order the masters would not release them, if two years or even twenty should pass. it is a great hardship, and a scandal, to have to deny them confession; and many say that they will not release their slaves until your majesty so orders, even though they remain without confession. the decrees made by the city and by the protector of the indians are being sent to you. your majesty will order examination of them, and whatever else may be proper, and command accordingly; because, although i have been of the opinion that for the present the masters may be absolved, many of the religious refuse to do so unless the slaves are first given their liberty. it is next in order to inform your majesty of what is done here with the prelates; [36] it is as follows: when a spaniard comes to this country he is at once ordered to serve under the flag, although he may be a merchant who comes here to buy and sell. the authorities say that for the present it seems proper to allow the merchants to depend upon their merchandise, and the encomenderos to live upon their encomiendas. all the rest live a very poor and wretched life; for they are not supplied with any provisions, nor do they possess means to procure food and clothing. notwithstanding all this, they are ordered with great severity to assist the sentinels and aid in other duties of war, just as if they were well paid. hence ensue oppression and ill-treatment of the indians; for sometimes when an indian has some food that he has cooked for his own meal, a soldier enters and takes it away from him. not only that; they also maltreat and beat the indians, and when i, being near at hand, go to them and reprimand them for it, they say to me: "what is to be done? must we be left to die?" i assure your majesty that in this matter i suffer an intolerable torment; because all come to me with their troubles, and i have not the means to remedy them. i only pity them, and do what i can, with my limited means, to aid them. moreover, the encomenderos refuse to pay tithes, although they have been ordered to do so; nor can the royal officials pay me what your majesty orders to be given me from your royal treasury, because they assert that no adequate instructions are sent them. thus i am without means for myself or for the poor. the former governors were accustomed to divide among the poor soldiers some of the rice paid to your majesty as tribute, in order that they might endure their misery; but now not even this is given to them. it is a still greater oppression that the authorities neither consent to furnish them a living, nor give them permission to go in search of it or even to leave this island. i gave to the governor the decree regarding this matter which your majesty ordered to be sent; but nothing has been done, because in it your majesty did no more than to order him to attend to it, and to do what he might think best. the governor consulted me about his intention to add to the tribute of the indians two more reals apiece, with which to support the poor soldiers; and i convened the fathers and the clergy to confer about this matter. seeing that this country cannot be sustained unless there are spaniards in it, unless the encomenderos are supported, unless the tributes are collected with the aid and assistance of the soldiers here, and unless the indians pay the tribute which the encomenderos levy for love of the faith, they concluded that the encomenderos are obliged to support the soldiers, who are necessary to render the country secure. but, on the other hand, they considered that as the encomenderos of these islands are very poor, and some of them are married, and very few have encomiendas of reasonable extent, and they can maintain themselves only with much difficulty--much less will they be able to support the soldiers. they concluded that your majesty is not obliged to use your royal patrimony for this and the other expenses, but that those for whose benefit they are incurred (for which purpose the spaniards are here) must bear the cost. accordingly, if the tribute they give does not suffice for all the expenses necessary in order that they may have suitable instruction and may be protected, they, and not your majesty, must bear these--as st. paul says, and as the divine law commands. for this reason the governor wished to add the two reals before mentioned, and there was no lack of agreement in this opinion among the fathers and clergy. to me also it seems that, considering the divine law, these people are obliged to pay all the expenses. but considering the poverty of the common people, that perhaps the tribute they give might suffice, for all that is necessary--if it were well apportioned--and for other reasons that make the project doubtful, i have ventured to give the opinion that nothing should be added to the tribute which the indians now give, until your majesty can be informed and can order what action should be taken. in these islands there are many soldiers who were married in mexico, españa, and other countries. many of them left their wives twenty-five, others ten, fifteen, or twenty years ago; and others, more or less. i have done my best to induce them to go to live with their wives, or to bring them here, but it has been of no avail. will your majesty please order that your decree in this matter be observed, for this is not done--nor do the governors try to observe it, saying that the soldiers are needed here; and thus they spend so many years, breaking the law of god and that of holy matrimony. i beg your majesty, if it please you, to provide a remedy for this; for, if your majesty does not order it, there will be no one here who can send them hence. the thing most necessary for the protection of these indians until they shall better understand our ways is, that there should be a protector who should look after them and defend them from the innumerable injuries that are inflicted upon them. the governor has named one who, it appears to me, does this well, and with care and diligence. but as his appointment is temporary, he dare not exercise his office with as much freedom as if he were appointed by your majesty. i beseech your majesty to order this matter disposed of in such manner that it may be to the advantage and not to the injury of the indians--which would result if this office were given through favor or sale, instead of being conferred on a person who is unencumbered, and very zealous in the service of your majesty and for the welfare of the indians; of such there will be very few. he who is now protector is very persevering, and is qualified for this appointment. his name is benito de mendiola. [37] but this man might prove deficient; and for the future, if it shall please your majesty--since this should be well done (for it surely is a very important matter), and the bishops are, by right, fathers of the unhappy--it might be entrusted to him whom the bishop appoints, your majesty naming the salary or requiring that it be raised here. if it please your majesty, i will see that the indians pay it, which they will do very willingly. and if your majesty does not commit this to the bishop, he and the governor might be entrusted to name the appointee, it being provided that together and in no other way may they remove him--because many times the protector has to ask things which the governor does not like. the governor becomes angry at him, and if it is in his power, removes him--as i have seen done more than once since i came. the inhabitants of this city are among the most loyal subjects that your majesty has in all his islands; and the soldiers, although suffering so many hardships, as above stated, and many more which cannot be told, are so obedient to orders in the service of your majesty that it is certainly a cause for thanksgiving to god that, in so great an expanse of country, there should be a prince so obeyed and feared, loved and reverenced as is your majesty in these regions. and since this condition of affairs is conserved by subjects perceiving gratitude in their kings and princes, and knowing that their rulers reward them for loyalty, i humbly petition your majesty to give attention to what i have said (which is unquestionably true); and that you show them favor, in order that they may know that your majesty is pleased with their loyalty. i understand that what they ask is, that your majesty order that the limits of this city's jurisdiction (which is five leagues) be maintained; and that you make them a gift of some lands, of which they have none, but without which no commonwealth can be sustained or conserved. the cabildo of méxico has, besides other sources of income, an encomienda--that of jalapa, a prosperous village near méxico. here there is at present nothing with which to undertake any enterprise, unless your majesty is pleased that some village be given them as an encomienda, in order that from the tributes may be obtained means to defray the necessary expenses, and conduct the public business in such manner as your majesty shall order. with that they will be well content. the governor despatched a soldier to maluco to ascertain what conclusion the portuguese of those islands had reached. he returned almost at the same time as the ship from nueba españa, with the news which the governor will write to your majesty. this news gave great satisfaction to all the people of these islands, because your majesty's interests are thereby promoted, since our lord has placed in your majesty's hands the spice-trade of maluco, which your ancestors so greatly desired. i am sending the letter which the captain at maluco wrote me, in order that it may please your majesty to reward generously so worthy a portuguese as this man is--who certainly has displayed great zeal in your majesty's service--not forgetting him who obtained and bore the news. this is ensign francisco de dueñas, a very intelligent man, and very reliable in his own duties, who by his energy and diligence succeeded with this undertaking, in which others had failed. he is an old soldier in these islands, and has served your majesty well in times of war. he is loved by all in this city, and has a good reputation on account of his excellent qualities. he is a person to whom anything whatever may be entrusted; he is very faithful, and a very good christian. will your majesty please order that some reward be given to him? because he merits it, and because others may thereby be encouraged. i also beg that the portuguese soldiers of maluco may be in some way rewarded for the affection with which they ask your majesty to be their king and lord. in the letter written to me by the captain, he complains that i have not written to him; and he has reason for this--although the blame was not mine; for the governor wrote to the captain without saying anything to me, as he has done in other undertakings. i do not say this to speak ill of the governor, but only that your majesty may know how affairs go here, and what respect is paid to the bishops. in regard to maluco, your majesty will send some one there who understands it well. to those here who understand the trade, it has appeared that the cloves and other spices will go at less cost by way of nueba españa, and with less risk and more quickly than by way of india; and that to preserve the supply of cloves, so that it may not be destroyed, it is necessary that your majesty should not permit the indians of those islands to be allotted, but should retain them under your majesty's direct control, and they should be dealt with as the king of portugal dealt with them. for if the spaniards try to subjugate them, and order them to pay tribute, all will be lost--especially in view of the ill-treatment which the castilians will inflict upon the natives if the conquered land be given to them as an encomienda (even though it be with name of pacification), as we have seen them do in all lands where they have been. the indians would receive such harm at the first entrance of the spaniards that it would not be repaired in many years. your majesty will pardon my boldness and accept my desire, which is very strong, to serve your majesty, in stating what i and many conscientious persons here feel. your majesty will adjust the matter as shall serve your interests. it is now three years since certain franciscan religious left this island to go to china (as your majesty will already know), without notifying the governor. now they have determined to do the same thing; the custodian, whose name is fray pablo de jesús, has gone thither with his companions, without saying anything to the governor, for which i am very sorry. for lack of their labors here, many indians who were already christians have remained without instruction, which i consider a great disadvantage. but, knowing that god moves the hearts of men (a matter that we cannot understand), i will overlook that. the governor took this with more asperity than i wished, for he sent after them, and the person who went thither treated them very rudely; but finally god ordained that they should arrive at this island. the governor ordered a proclamation to be made (its contents will be seen by the copy of the ordinance which i send to your majesty), which even to me seems very harsh toward an order of so high character and strict obedience as is that of the discalced franciscans. i advised the governor not to act with so much severity, but he did not see fit to grant my petition. i have since learned that the same person who went after them treated them very harshly in pangasinán and yllocos--perpetrating upon them many acts of oppression, taking away their ship, and refusing to let any one accompany them--which occasioned no little scandal to the indians. among other reasons which the religious have given me to justify their departure from here is the sight of the ill-usage which the natives of these islands receive from the spaniards, especially those who have the charge of justice; and they say that all these are for hindrance, and no one for help. hence no harvest can be gathered; and therefore they went to seek a place where they could gather it. certainly they are not far wrong, for the things that occur here and the obstacles opposed by those who ought to aid us, are so numerous that many times i have longed to leave it all and flee to the mountains; but the charge that i hold keeps me within bounds. there is very little respect for the ministers of the gospel; and they cannot exercise their office without being dependent upon those who have more concern for their own profit than for the instruction of the indians. there was sent to the island of macan, where the portuguese live--near the city of canton, in china--a father of the society, and with him two franciscan religious, to deal with the portuguese there, in the same way as with those at maluco; he was sent also to the chinese governor at canton. a copy of the letter is sent to you, in order that it may be seen what is asked from the chinese governor and in what form; for the chinese who were then here told me how it should be properly written; they said that their governor would thus learn our usages, and that he would be delighted if we would write to him as we write to one another. to fulfil our obligation, and to bring this narrative--already so long--to a close, i will not omit, as your majesty's servant and chaplain, to say that since these lands are your majesty's, and you have in them so many and so loyal and obedient subjects, both spaniards and indians, you should please to see that the people are cared for and well treated; and that the governors preserve their liberties, and do not convert the government into a source of profit to those who govern, as has been done heretofore, to the great injury and deterioration of these colonies. to remedy this condition, your majesty should send to govern them not those who solicit that charge, but those whom your majesty shall seek--christian men, without greed; for such men are what the people desire, and would suit them and us. let your majesty send hither a man who comes alone, and without obligations to relatives or friends (in serving whom they neglect their duty to the early comers, whose blood has been spilled), who is content with the salary that your majesty assigns him (which is always quite sufficient), and who hopes for advancement by your majesty through his services; and who will not, by making himself rich in two years, destroy this country, or prevent others from enjoying it and gaining a livelihood. by doing this, your majesty will have one of the best possessions in the yndias. but if things go on as heretofore and there is no one to attend to it, it cannot continue long. if it shall please your majesty to entrust the government to men who live here, there are those who could conduct it very well and creditably, without the many disadvantages which attend those who come from españa. the foregoing is such information as i can give your majesty from here regarding the transgression and observance of the royal commands, laws, and decrees; and of the present state of this country, the wrongs that occur in it, and what matters ought to be remedied. on account of the little time before the ship departs, not all of this letter is so polished as to be fit to appear before your majesty. if this relation is deficient (as it cannot fail to be) it is not in lack of truth or in desire to serve your majesty and secure the welfare of these souls whom, because of their sins and my own, i have in charge. if there is anything which to your majesty appears worthy of remedy, i humbly ask for it; and if i have said anything about which it appears to your majesty i ought to have been silent, i also humbly beg that i may be pardoned. since your majesty knows that i am five thousand leagues distant from your court, and surrounded by so many griefs and afflictions, you will not be surprised at what i say, but at what i leave unsaid--and even why i myself did not go to beg for the remedy; for it certainly is a different thing to see and endure it here, than to hear it mentioned there. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas instructions to commissary of the inquisition _instructions which the person who is or in future will be the commissary of the holy office in the city and bishopric of manila and the phelipinas islands of the west, [38] must mark and observe, in order better to fulfil the office and trust which he holds._ 1. for this office shall always be chosen persons who are thoroughly competent and well approved--whose purity of family descent, and exemplary life and habits, have been previously ascertained through written information. besides this, confidence is placed in their prudence, moderation, and temperance, which qualities will enable them to exercise aright the trust conferred upon them, and they will exercise it, for the public good, for the better transaction of business, and not for any private ends. above all, it behooves them, and they are earnestly charged, not to employ the name and title of the holy office for avenging individual wrongs, or for the intimidation or affront of any person. the more such a person shall suspect the inquisitor's friendship, the more prudently must the latter deal with him; otherwise, not only will god be therein offended, but the holy office will be greatly wronged. 2. as soon as the commissary receives his appointment, and before he makes use of his powers, he must accept it in the presence of an apostolic notary or a royal scrivener, in whose presence he shall give oath of secrecy and fidelity according to the minute accompanying these instructions. he will show the said title to the governor, and to the ecclesiastical and lay cabildos, in order that they may receive, treat, and recognize him as a commissary and agent of so holy an office. he will take great care not to exceed his commission, but to fulfil it, observing these instructions and other particulars which will be sent to him, which treat of the manner of receiving acknowledgments, substantiating testimony, and visiting ships. to show the certificate of appointment to the cabildos is only a mark of courtesy, and in no way a necessary proceeding; for there is no need of their permission or approbation. the commissary is advised of this because the patent for his commission does not require any other contrasignature or permission for its validity. 3. secrecy is the surest means, which the inquisition is to employ very rigorously, for the detection and punishment of crimes. therefore the commissary is strictly charged to observe secrecy in reference to these instructions, or any others which shall be sent to him, or letters written to him about business, and all else that comes to his notice in the capacity of commissary. he shall impose the same secrecy upon all those who act as accusers or witnesses, or who ratify their former testimony, and upon all honest persons who are present at such ratification--ordering all the said parties to observe secrecy, under pain of excommunication, and under the obligation of the oath which they took when making their depositions. the commissary, moreover, shall impose other punishments, pecuniary or corporal; and shall enlarge on the gravity of the sin committed in the disclosure of a secret by a witness, with this warning, that the inquisition punishes from the standpoint of example, and according to the character of the person and the nature of the transaction. on account of the great distance, [to manila] [39] it is fitting to make this provision, that whenever any person who shall incur excommunication for having disclosed a secret shall come, of his own free will, to ask for absolution, therefore with the confession of his guilt the commissary shall absolve him, and impose upon him some secret spiritual penance, such as will entail no stigma or infamy. the commissary shall submit his own denunciation to the holy office, without making further investigations concerning the matter except in serious cases. but should the disclosure of a secret result in any marked injury or bring dishonor to a person, in such an event further information is required, in order that in either case the holy office may, after due examination, justly dispose of the matter as is fitting, although no change will result for the absolved person. 4. special care must be taken to warn bishops, vicars-general [_provisores_], visitors, and vicars, that they are not allowed to mention crimes of heresy or the like in their public letters and proclamations during visit; for his holiness has referred and submitted such cases to the most illustrious inquisitor-general and the inquisitors appointed by him in all the kingdoms and seigniories of his majesty. therefore they shall try these cases _privatim_, which other judges can neither try, nor undertake to investigate, nor otherwise handle. since in visitations crimes often come to light which must be tried by the holy office, warning must be given that these should be submitted to the inquisition, with all secrecy and without the knowledge of the guilty party. the same must be done in suppressing the titles of vicars, in annulling the head of processes and charges made by the bishops, and in suppressing the title of inquisitor-inordinary; for in these regions the jurisdiction over the crime of heresy is wholly apostolic, except in case of the indians. if any doubt, contention, or difficulty regarding the execution of this clause should arise, the commissary, without further inquiry, shall promptly notify us that he has warned, in especially polite and respectful language, the prelate concerned, to whom he must show much reverence--for the reverential respect which is due him should not be in the least abated by the privilege of the commissary's office. 5. it sometimes happens that certain ecclesiastical or lay judges take up matters belonging to the holy office, and make judicial inquiries therein. the question whether they should forbear from investigation of such cases, and submit them to others, has caused differences to arise between them and the commissaries, and has made them set forth most weighty arguments. since the main care shall be to prevent such clash of authorities, in order to avoid this it is enough to bid them not to meddle in such matters. but if they persist in doing so it will be necessary to send them an injunction, couched in very respectful terms, drawn up in writing before a notary; to note their answers; and then to report everything to the holy office. 6. in cases of disobedience, disrespect, hindrance, and obstruction to the free and just exercise of the holy office, which also are wont to occur, the commissary shall be careful not to lose his temper, or to give way to words or deeds injurious and offensive to any person; on the contrary, that is the time for him to control himself and show great moderation. he shall make a diligent and full inquiry from other persons regarding the whole case, and shall notify us through his report; in this way any disobedience or disrespect on the part of a judge or a private person will be punished with greater rigor and justification. the delay which is apparent in this case might seem injurious, but it will not be so--as it is not in the transactions of the inquisition; for, after men have slept soundly, they are awakened by a very exemplary punishment. 7. denunciations regarding the matters contained in the edict shall be received in the commissary's own house, in a suitable, secret, and convenient place. they shall always be made by day, unless it should be necessary to receive them by night. the persons who come for this purpose must be treated with kindness, each according to his station in life. every sort of infamy upon the party concerned must be avoided as much as possible. 8. in receiving denunciations there shall be no delay, but rather great care and diligence, as likewise in examining the evidence, following and keeping within the bounds of the injunctions laid down in the instructions which are especially sent for that purpose. the same and even greater care, and much attention, are required in forwarding depositions. 9. since it often happens that some of the witnesses are out of the city, and therefore depositions must be taken in different places, let the case in question decide the course of procedure, whether or not the commissary shall order the witness to appear before him. usually there is no need to cause the witnesses the trouble of coming a long distance, when the investigation can be entrusted to the parish priest [_cura_] or vicar of the place, the notary making certification at the head of the authorization therefor given to him by this clause. a case may arise where it is best to wait for the witness, and it may be desirable to hold him, in order to examine him personally; this is left to the commissary's choice, for, having the case before him, he can decide what is best to do. if any one be summoned on the affairs of the holy office and shall not render due obedience, a written order must be sent to him, imposing upon him the penalty of excommunication and a fine in money, should he disobey. a report of all proceedings in each individual case shall be made, so that the disobedient person may receive exemplary punishment, according to his station in life and the nature of his disobedience. 10. some are accustomed to send their denunciations through memorials, with or without their signatures, or by letters-missive; but, since these persons write them under no pressure or oath, and without the presence of a judge or a notary, they expand their accusations to the detriment of their neighbor's reputation. therefore the commissary ought to avoid as much as possible the acceptance of such letters and memorials, and shall order the witnesses to declare under oath what they know of the matter, in order to free their consciences, and shall examine them concerning the facts. if the acceptance of such a letter cannot be avoided, the person who writes it should be summoned and made to acknowledge it under oath before a notary, after which he should be examined about the letter. if the letter be written from a distant place, the rule in the preceding clause can be followed. 11. likewise some persons, moved by passion more than by commendable zeal, are wont to denounce others on the ground that they are _confessos_, and therefore not entitled to wear silk, carry weapons, ride on horseback, or do other things forbidden to them by laws and royal ordinances of these realms, as well as by the instructions of the holy office, as likewise is set forth in the edict. in these cases one ought to be careful not to accept such depositions except from children and grand-children of _relaxados_, or from children of a relaxada, [40] or from persons who themselves have been reconciled to the church [_reconciliados_]. the commissary may receive denunciations from these three classes of persons, and send them to the holy office, without making any arrest, issuing interdicts, or taking other steps. on the contrary he will maintain great secrecy, and charge the witnesses to do the same. as for other persons denounced as confessos, since they are not in the said class, nothing will be written. on the contrary, the same secrecy will be imposed upon the witnesses and they shall be very kindly admonished to be silent, and not to slander their neighbors, informing them that the holy office will take no offense at what they have testified. 12. the heading of the charge made against any person must begin with the words of the first witness, and not, as is customary with ordinary judges in these regions, the formula, that "it has come to his notice," etc.--inserting first what he has heard concerning the crime from any witness. when the commissary receives documents of many clauses from this holy office for the investigation of different matters and against many persons, he will place as introduction to the inquiry that he makes in each case that clause of the document which applies to the matter in question, legalized by the notary. 13. any arrest made by the holy office is a matter of much reproach and dishonor for that person, and of no less damage and injury to his property; therefore an arrest should be made with prudence, care, and for just cause. authority for this is not given to the commissary, who neither should nor can arrest a person except in special cases, and by a special order entrusted to him against the person who is to be arrested; and even then, the commissary must see that the purport of the said order be executed, without exceeding it. 14. the crime of bigamy is very frequent in this country, so that it behooves all commissaries to make diligent inquiry concerning it, and to punish the crime. if the ecclesiastical or secular court arrest any one for this crime and proceed against him, let them administer justice freely and without hindrance. if they refer the case to the commissary without charge, and without his making any effort for such remission, the latter shall say that it is very well, and that they may refer and send the case to this holy office at their own expense--or at that of the prisoner, if he be well-to-do. if they still urge him to receive the case there, that it may be sent by the order and at the expense of the holy office, the commissary shall answer that he has no orders from us for such action. if, dissatisfied with this answer, they ask permission to inflict punishment there, he will answer that they may investigate the matter, and may do justice according to law. after that he will allow no more arguments on the question. 15. this clause applies when the said courts have anticipated the case by the arrest of the accused person; for if the latter were free, and through information received from witnesses his two marriages were proved, and the existence of the first wife at the time of the second marriage, which constitutes the crime, the commissary shall arrest and remand to prison the person thus proved guilty--sending with the prisoner the information or original record, but retaining there an authenticated copy of it. concerning other cases of bigamy, which do not show the same degree of guilt, it will suffice to send authenticated copies of such records or depositions as are received, and to keep the originals. special information must be sent concerning the prudence of the accused, his station in life, and his wealth; so that after due examination the necessary measures may be taken. if he should come to this country [mexico], the commissary must give us notice of his coming, so that the holy office may hear of it by the first despatches which shall reach mexico. he shall also write to the commissary who resides at the port of acapulco, that any attempted absence or flight may be prevented. 16. concerning the other crimes enumerated in the general edict, after the denunciation has been received and the witnesses have been examined, according to the order laid down in the instructions, it will suffice to send such information without making any arrest or taking other steps. the commissary shall also send information concerning the person's birth-place, station in life, means, and the real estate that he owns in this country, or in españa. he shall notify us, in case such person comes here, so that we may deal with him as the nature of his offense demands. 17. as for the judicial proceedings in matters which concern the holy office--whether they be settled, or informal, or pending official transactions--which other courts submit to the holy office, whether at the instance of the attorney-general or by agreement, all original documents must be delivered, without retaining a copy of any; oath to this effect will be made by the apostolic notary or by the royal scrivener who hands them over. since suits which do not belong to the holy office are sometimes thus handed over, the commissary shall, on account of the danger that they may be lost at sea, not send documents until he shall first examine them. if they clearly prove to be cases not belonging to the inquisition, he shall return them to the owners. in case of doubt, the commissary shall send an account of the offense, with the evidence, and the status of the process--saying whether it is decided or pending, and whether informal or received on trial; he will also report as to the rank of the accused person, and whether at the time any arrest has been made, or will be made in the future. ordinarily, whether the case be one of bigamy or of some other crime, the commissary shall proceed as stated in the two preceding clauses. if he should not be sent as prisoner, it will not be right to do so until his offense be investigated here; accordingly the commissary may discharge him under bail or under juratory security. [41] if the accused is unable to provide security, the commissary shall command him not to leave the city, town, or province where the crime occurred and where he owns property, under severe penalties of excommunication, and pecuniary or bodily punishments, suitable to the person's station. if such person wishes to come to this country, he can do so by offering the same bail or security to the holy office; but he must first be warned not to make the journey if other matters render such a step unsuitable. he shall be assured that in his absence his trial and his honor will receive the same attention as if he were present. 18. when any arrest must be made according to these instructions, it must, for any case of bigamy, be made according to clause fifteen. the commissary shall issue orders entrusting the matter, as is customary, to some one of the familiars whom he has to keep in the city. until he has familiars, for lack of them he shall entrust it to the person on whom he has most reliance, and in whose integrity he most confides. when it is necessary, but only then, he may ask for the aid of the royal officials of justice. whenever this shall be necessary, the royal officials may seize only the person pointed out to them by the holy office; and they must assist him, giving their favor and aid only for such person. in order to obtain this help, the commissary needs only to ask for it in polite terms; and it may be demanded without the necessity of giving information, either written or oral, regarding the offense--and, indeed, he shall be very careful not to do so. on the contrary, if anyone should be so inconsiderate as to ask for such information, let the commissary send us a detailed account of what takes place in the matter. 19. royal magistrates are under obligation to render this assistance, since the request therefor does not require from them any fees, alguacil, or scrivener. the magistrates are also under obligation to receive and keep any prisoner in their jails, to take good care of him, and to account for him, but without exacting therefor any prison-fees. accordingly the commissary will, when occasion arises, notify the magistrates and request their assistance; and if necessary he will command it, under pain of excommunication and a money fine. thus he will not be obliged to find another and special prison, and incur the expense of guards. if the rank of the person, and the condition of the prison, and the nature of the crime require a more special and secret prison, on account of the danger that the prisoner may be able to communicate his affairs to other persons, such arrangements are left to the judgment of the commissary, who is charged to see that in these arrests little outcry be made, and that all scandal be avoided. 20. when the criminal is arrested, the commissary shall send him by the first available ship, registering him as being in the shipmaster's charge--commanding the latter (under penalty, if necessary), to take good care of the prisoner until he shall be handed over, at the port of acapulco, to the commissary who dwells there, who is duly authorized to act. if the prisoner be well-to-do, the commissary shall send at least one hundred pesos' worth of his property, in order to pay for the food that he needs during his imprisonment, and to meet the expenses that he may incur during the journey; otherwise, the commissary shall send whatever sum be may obtain from the property. since these men who are twice married are not a very dangerous class of people, the commissary may in a case of flight exercise leniency, by allowing them to come and present themselves under a sufficient security, corresponding to their station and means. 21. a sequestration of property is very injurious to a person, especially in the indias, where all the value of property depends upon its management. the commissary ought not therefore, in any case, to do this; on the contrary, the arrested person shall permit suitable provision for his property, according to his own preference, entrusting it by means of an inventory to some person in whom he has confidence. the latter shall bind himself, in due form, to be the depositary of such goods as the prisoner may leave in his charge on account of his arrest; and in such manner that it may not seem to be a deposit or a sequestration by the holy office, but simply a contract between two parties. this accomplished, the commissary shall obtain very minute information about the station of the prisoner, his mode of life, and the means and property that he may possess. if he has any reason to suspect that either the prisoner or the person to whom he has entrusted his property on account of the arrest, is endeavoring to hide, or squander, or alienate the property, he shall be careful not to allow such alienation or any other mismanagement of the property; until the holy office, having examined his offense, shall make suitable provision for a legal sequestration: for in punishing a crime, the property of the guilty person is always regarded as an accessory element, to be used in behalf of the person to whom it shall belong after the culprit is released from prison. 22. money for the prisoner's food, for the expenses of his journey, according to his station, and for his bedding and clothes, must be taken entirely from his estates; and if he has none, let such of his goods be sold as will inflict least damage upon him, to the amount necessary, at a public auction before a notary or a royal scrivener. no officer or agent of the holy office shall take anything from the said sale, either personally or through agents--a command which is general in all cases when goods are sold by the holy office, whether they are sequestrated or not. to better ascertain which of the goods would cause him least damage, it will be advisable to consult the opinion and desire of the interested party. 23. all that has been said thus far concerning the acceptance of denunciations, and the reference of cases, prisoners, and proceedings to the holy office, does not apply to the indians--against whom the commissary shall not proceed for the present, but shall leave them to the jurisdiction of the ordinary. [42] cases involving them are not to be referred to us. all other cases, in which mestizos, mulattoes, and spaniards, of all classes, are involved, shall be tried exclusively by the holy office rather than by the ordinary courts, as specified in the fourth clause of these instructions. 24. the holy office is wont to issue edicts--as, for instance, the general edict concerning matters of the faith, and other specific ones--for the prohibition and seizure of certain books. the public reading of these edicts is of the utmost importance, having the force of a notarial summons. it always takes place in the cathedral church, where the people are commanded several days beforehand to meet, under pain of excommunication. the sermon is assigned to the most learned preacher of reputation and authority, who preaches it elsewhere, on that same day; notice is therefore given to the monasteries and to all concerned. the holy office shall appoint both the preacher and the day, although it is best to make arrangements therefor with the prelate, and obtain his concurrence; for in so doing nothing is detracted from what is due to the holy office. although the penalty of excommunication is imposed, it is not held to bind any except those who for petty considerations neglect to heed it. in denouncing their guilt the commissary shall absolve them, imposing upon them only some secret spiritual penances and not any pecuniary or ignominious punishment. others who through carelessness, negligence, or ignorance, fail to appear, the commissary shall discharge with a gentle reprimand, setting at ease their consciences in regard to the excommunication. 25. the inquisitor therein anticipating the action of any other judge is accustomed to visit all ships which arrive at the ports, no matter whence they come; therefore the commissary shall do so, if he is in a place where it can be done, and shall ask the principal officers of the ship the questions sent with these instructions. if he is unable to do so in person, he will entrust the matter to the parish priest or the vicar who resides in the port, sending him a copy of the questions to be asked. he will notify us as to the ports chiefly frequented by ships, where it will be best to keep persons with a special commission from us; and will name some of the persons to whom this commission may be given. when the commissary has succeeded in visiting the ship at its station in the harbor, the captain, master, or clerk, or some of the passengers will find it necessary to go ashore, to the city; then, while the supplies most needed are being procured, he will examine them. in all this it is very important to avoid carelessness. this is understood only of ships which belong to spaniards and come from nueva spaña, piru, or panama, or from portuguese india, or from other regions. 26. one of the most important reasons for inspecting the ships is the books, especially the boxes which come as cargo. the royal officials and magistrates of his majesty who reside in the ports shall send the said boxes to the commissary of the inquisition, without opening them or taking any books out of them. the commissary shall open them and examine the books, comparing them with the general catalogue; and after seizing such as he finds are prohibited, he will give the rest to the owners to this end the commissary shall make known to the royal officials of the city, and to those who reside in the ports, the ordinance which accompanies this paper; and this applies even when the said boxes of books have been previously examined by another inquisitor. 27. whenever a ship departs from the islands, the commissary must send replies to the letters which are written to him, and information of what is occurring there. 28. finally, we recommend the examination of these instructions--which, although so full in their provision for all contingencies, properly apply to ordinary occurrences, with a few clauses for which provision had already been made. the most difficult task, therefore, will be to examine them carefully at first, and to bear in mind that any doubtful cases are to be decided by the commissary as shall be necessary, since he is so far away [from mexico]. with this, and the confidence that we place in him personally and in his prudence and great zeal, we trust that the commissary will meet all success. given at mexico, march first, one thousand five hundred and eighty-three. the licentiate _bonilla_ the licentiate _santos garcia_ by order of the inquisitors: _pedro de los rios_ foundation of the audiencia of manila don phelipe, by the grace of god, king of castile, of leon, of aragon, of the two sicilias, of ihm, of portugal, of navarra, of granada, of toledo, of valencia, of galicia, of mallorcas, of sevilla, of cerdeña, of cordoba, of corcega, of murcia, of jaen, of the algarves, of algeçira, of gibraltar, of the islands of canaria, of the eastern and western yndias islands, and the tierra firme of the great ocean; archduke of austria; duke of bergoña, of brabante, and milan; count of absburg, of flandes, of tirol, and of barcelona; lord of vizcaya and of molina; etc. whereas, in the interests of good government and the administration of our justice, we have accorded the establishment in the city of manila of the island of luçon of one of our royal audiencias and chancillerias, [43] in which there shall be a president, three auditors, a fiscal, and the necessary officials; and whereas we have granted that this audiencia shall have the same authority and preeminence as each one of our royal audiencias which sit in the town of valladolid and the city of granada of these our realms, and the other audiencias in our yndias: now therefore we order to be made and sent to the said island our royal seal, with which are to be sealed our decisions which are made and issued by the said president and auditors in the said audiencia. moreover, as to the course of procedure which they are to follow in the performance of their duties, we have ordered certain rules to be drawn up, as follows: _house of audiencia_ 1. first, we ordain and command that in the said city of manila there shall be a house of audiencia, where may sit and reside our said president and auditors, and where our royal seal and register may be kept, and in which shall be the prison and its warden, and the smelter for precious metals. if there should, however, be no accommodation for living in the said house, the auditors shall lodge in other houses, which they shall occupy with the consent of their owners, paying them rent; and the audiencia shall be held in the house where the president dwells, and therein shall be the prison and its warden. 2. it is our will and desire that the said audiencia shall have as its district the said island of luçon and the other filipinas islands of the archipelago of china, and the mainland of the same, whether discovered or yet to be discovered. _jurisdiction of the president and auditors in civil and criminal cases_ 3. we ordain and command that our aforesaid auditors shall have jurisdiction of all the civil and criminal cases which come to our said audiencia on appeal from the governors, alcaldes-mayor, and other magistrates of the provinces and islands and district subject to our aforesaid audiencia, and shall try them by examination and review, but shall not have jurisdiction of any case in the first instance--except it be in cases which belong to a superior court [44] or criminal cases which arise in the city, town, or towns where they may sit, or within five leagues thereof; and in the civil cases arising in the town or village where they may sit, the alcaldes-in-ordinary shall have jurisdiction. 4. _item_: we ordain that our said judges try such civil and criminal cases in the same manner in which they would be tried by the judges and alcaldes of our audiencias of valladolid and granada, and that they may and shall render decisions according to the precedents of the alcaldes of our audiencias of valladolid and granada. 5. _item_: we command that the governors, alcaldes-mayor, and other magistrates of the said district shall authorize appeals to be made from them to our aforesaid audiencia in the cases in which rightly and in conformity with these rules it may have jurisdiction, except those which must go to the councils for settlement in conformity with the decree made by us, and excepting further the cases involving less than a certain sum in which by special decrees appeals from the alcaldes-in-ordinary must go before the governors--which cases we wish to remain as they are during our pleasure. 6. _item_: in the civil cases in which judgments are pronounced after examination and review by our said president and auditors, they are to be executed without any further appeal or petition, or other recourse, except when the case involves so large an amount that there may be ground for a further appeal to our royal person, in conformity with the provision and decree of our laws and ordinances. in such cases we desire that the privilege of appeal be given, under the condition that the party who makes a second appeal must and do present himself before us within a year after the original judgment has been communicated to his attorney. yet we desire and command that the judgment of revision be executed notwithstanding such second appeal, the party in whose favor the judgment was rendered giving first sufficient and satisfactory bond that, if it shall be reversed, he will restore everything which has been adjudged and given to him thereby, in conformity with the judgment which has been pronounced by the persons appointed by us. we also ordain that the cases which shall come up on such second appeal must be presented as original cases before our council of the yndias, being left just as they were; but an official report of the entire case is to be left in the possession of a clerk of the audiencia before which it has been tried, and the parties must petition for such appeals before the audiencia itself. yet if the judgment of revision which is pronounced in our said audiencias be with regard to possession, we declare and order that no opportunity is to be given for such second appeal unless the judgment of revision is carried out, although it be contrary to that of the original trial. 7. _item_: in the hearing and judging of said cases, either civil or criminal, the decision shall be whatever meets the approval of the majority; and should they be equally divided, two or three of the judges shall choose, impartially and in whatever manner may seem best to them, an advocate for the determination of the case upon which they have disagreed. the decision of the majority must be executed, even if this majority consist of but two. if there be but two judges in the audiencia, they are empowered to try and determine all the said cases alone; if they can agree, their decision is valid, and in case of disagreement, they shall choose judges in the manner above described. if at any time there should be but one judge in the audiencia, he is empowered alone to conduct the proceedings in all the said cases up to the point of rendering final decision. he may make investigations and issue orders for arrest, and when the affair is submitted for final decision, he may choose an assistant judge satisfactory to him. he is empowered to pursue this same course in cases of damage which cannot be repaired by definite sentence; and in a civil case of two hundred pesos or less, he is empowered to conduct alone an original trial or an appeal, as he may also do in criminal suits for slander. 8. _item_: we ordain and command with regard to civil cases appealed from the alcaldes-in-ordinary of the city where the audiencia may be, or from the other magistrates within five leagues thereof, that they may be appealed before the audiencia; and if the judgment given by the audiencia in said cases be of two hundred pesos of the mines [_pesos de minas_] or less, it shall be executed as if it were granted after review, and there shall be no appeal therefrom, whether the said judgment be in confirmation or in revocation. 9. [technical directions for procedure in a case on appeal when the appellant desires, after appeal, to add to the evidence taken at the trial of first instance. affidavits are presented on both sides before the judge of first instance, an interlocutory decision is pronounced, time is allowed for filing objections, and the record of the second series of proceedings is added to that of the first.] [45] 10. _item_: whoever shall bring before our audiencia a case on appeal may appear before the clerk whom he chooses. the clerk before whom he appears shall be required to notify our president and auditors of such appearance, that they may assign the case so as to produce equality among the clerks; and the same shall be maintained among the suits begun in the first instance in our said audiencia. 11. _item_: we command that the judgments pronounced by our said president and auditors for the region beyond the five-league limit, and writs of execution and other writs, shall be given in our name and with our title, royal seal, and record. writs with seal and record shall receive the fees which by our royal tariffs of fees for our audiencia have been commanded for them. the judgments pronounced for the region within the five-league limit shall follow the form of orders without seal or record, issued by our auditors, etc. and these writs shall be obeyed and executed in the same manner as writs and judgments sealed with our name and royal seal. 12. _item_: our president shall keep a record of votes, which he shall swear to keep secret, and in which he shall enter, in brief form, the opinions of himself and the auditors in all cases involving a hundred thousand maravedis and upwards. 13. _item_: we will that our auditors repeal no sentence of banishment, nor allow writs of delay for debts; yet we permit them to issue writs of delay for six months to particular persons, and not in general--provided first that such person for legitimate causes which have intervened is unable to pay; and that he offers approved security, not clerical or noble, [46] that at the end of six months he will pay the debt. this term may be allowed for the same debt only once. 14. _item_: we ordain that the appeals taken from decisions for plaintiff or defendant in pecuniary suits, and in suits involving only private interests, when said decisions are pronounced by those who report to the governors and corregidors of the district of our said audiencia, shall go before it; but as for all other matters heard by such judges, and as for the results of secret investigation, they shall go before our council of the yndias. 15. _item_: our audiencia shall appoint no judge in cases of residencia [_juez de residencia_], or governors for the provinces subject to their jurisdiction, or judges for special criminal investigations [_pesquisidores_]. if any individual bring complaint or charges against the governor, and the audiencia shall see that the matter is of such nature that it is of importance to know the truth concerning it, in such case they shall send one person to obtain the necessary information. the complainant or accuser must give bonds that he will pay the costs and the penalty which will be assessed against him in case the accusation proves false. in other cases special judges of investigation shall not make inquisitions, except with regard to riots and seditious associations, or other matters of so pressing importance that the delay requisite for consulting us would produce notable inconvenience. 16. in cases which occur outside of the five-league limit, our president and auditors may appoint judges by commission [_jueçes de comision_], to hear the cases and to administer justice with regard to them. care must be taken that they make their inquiries in cases which warrant inquiry, and in no others. such judges by commission for crimes and misdemeanors shall be given authority only to carry on a legal inquiry [_informacion_], and to arrest the delinquents and convey them to the prison of the audiencia. they may also collect their fees from those who owe them. the clerks before whom the cases are carried on shall hand the records in their entirety to the clerks of the audiencia, where the matter shall be completed in such manner that the parties shall be obliged to pay only single fees. and if the clerks who attend such commissions have no commissioners [_receptores_], they shall be appointed by our audiencia, and not by the clerks thereof. 17. _item_: we command that the receiving of the testimony which must be taken in the transactions which proceed from our audiencia shall be entrusted to the clerks of those cities where it shall need to be done. if there are no such clerks, our said audiencia in the interim during which there are no official commissioners of examination [_receptores_] [47] shall appoint therefor a suitable person. 18. _item_: our auditors in the exercise of civil and criminal jurisdiction shall receive no fees, or fines, or amercements, or anything under color of charges for sitting as assessors to the judges. the fines which they lay in cases where the law assigns any fine to the judge shall be for our exchequer and treasury, and for no other person. if the auditors take any of the aforesaid payments, they shall restore them fourfold. 19. _item_: we command that when any governors, alcaldes-mayor, or other magistrates of the district of our said audiencia, shall fail to execute the writs and decrees which in our name the audiencia shall send them, without showing that they have just cause to desist from the execution thereof, then in such case the audiencia may send officials whose fees shall be at the cost of those guilty of disobedience, which officials shall cause the process of the audiencia to be executed, notwithstanding the provision that the audiencia shall not send out special judges of investigation [_pesquisidores_]. 20. _item_: our audiencia shall maintain those who have letters-patent of nobility or privileges of gentility in the said letters-patent and privileges. in other cases where claims of gentle birth are put forward, they shall not try them, but remit them to the audiencias of these kingdoms which have jurisdiction in such matters. 21. _item_: we command that our president and auditors shall have no authority to grant permission to go to the provinces of peru. 22. _item_: we ordain and command that all criminal cases which shall come for judgment, from all parts of their jurisdiction, before our said audiencia, of whatsoever nature or importance they may be, shall be tried, decided, and determined as on examination and review before our said audiencia. the sentence accordingly given shall be executed and carried into effect duly, without process of appeal, petition, or any other legal remedy or recourse. 23. _item_: we ordain that no one shall appear at the prison of our audiencia as an attorney, even though he have special power of attorney therefor, unless he have information that his client is confined in the prison, and shall swear that the judge who shall be trying the case is distrusted by him with just cause. in such case our auditors shall direct the judge to send them a signed transcript of the record, in order that, after the transcript has been submitted, if it shall appear that they should try the case, they may direct the transfer of the record to the audiencia. in such case they shall grant the party a writ forbidding the judge to proceed further with the case; and the prisoner shall appear at his own expense, providing good security. before the auditors have examined the record, they shall grant no writ of injunction, temporary or perpetual. if, however, the prisoner shall have appeared in person, and shall find that he has a right to a trial in the audiencia, and to a writ of injunction against the judge who claims the right to try the case of to summon the parties to appear to the charges, let them give the writ. meanwhile the prisoner shall be confined in the prison, and shall not be admitted to bail until by means of the record the nature of the charge is made evident in conformity with the laws of these realms which govern in such cases. 24. _item_: we ordain and command that our president and auditors and the ordinary magistrates of our said yndias, where there shall be a mint, shall have jurisdiction over all crimes of falsification of money committed by the moneyers although they be committed within the mint. accordingly, they may call the case before them, unless the alcaldes of the said mint have anticipated them and begun to try it. likewise, our said president and auditors, with respect to the mints in their jurisdiction, may appoint a person to report to the alcaldes and officials of the said mints. 25. _item_: we command that on saturday of every week two auditors in rotation, as the president shall assign them, shall inspect the prisons of the audiencia and of the town where the audiencia may be. there shall be present at the inspection the alcaldes, alguazils, and clerks of the prisons, and our fiscal attorney. at the inspection of the prison of the town or city the alcaldes-in-ordinary thereof shall be seated near the auditors. 26. _item_: we command that the president and auditors of our audiencia shall be present on every day that is not a holiday, in the court-rooms, to hear the statement of cases [_relaciones_]--three hours on the days when cases are not heard [_no de audiencia_] and four hours on days when hearings are given [_de audiencia_], according to the rules of our audiencias of valladolid and granada. he who is absent without sending a sufficient excuse shall be fined half his pay for that day, by the person whom the president shall appoint, whose report in the matter shall receive faith and credit, so that no auditor shall hold or try the said cases in his own house without being joined with all the others, as has been said with regard to the said audiencia, to hear and determine pleas and matters brought before it. 27. _item_: no auditor shall sit when a suit is begun that will affect him, his sons, fathers, sons-in-law, or brothers, or when he shall be challenged. as regards the penalty for challenging our president and auditors, the ordinances of madrid shall be followed, the fine contained therein being doubled. 28. _item_: our president and auditors shall have no authority to bring before our audiencia in the first instance any suit of their own, of their wives, or of their children. the said suits shall be tried by the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and shall come on appeal before our council of the yndias if the case involves a thousand pesos or upwards. if the other party to the suit desires to appeal to our audiencia and not to the council, he may do so; but the auditor, his wife, and his children shall have no such right of choice. 29. further: the said auditors shall not appear for others in the said audiencia or in any other, nor shall they undertake to arbitrate cases that may come before them, except that cases already begun may be submitted to all the auditors of the audiencia for arbitration, and except where our permission may be given--under penalty of being suspended from the audiencia for thirty days and losing salary for two months. 30. our said president and auditors shall have no share with an advocate or commissioner [_receptor_] in his fees or salary. nor shall they have the right to receive anything but food from any corporation or individual, or other person, who shall have been interested in a suit within a year previous, or who shall expect to be so interested, and the same as to their wives and children--under the penalty for forswearing, besides loss of office, being rendered incapable of holding any other office, and being required to pay double for what they have taken. they shall take great care not to converse much or be very familiar with advocates or attorneys who are pleading cases. 31. _item_: we command that our president and auditors shall not be engaged in military expeditions, or expeditions of discovery, without my express command. they shall have no income-bearing estates [_granjerias_] either in cattle or in arable land, or in mines. they shall carry on no mercantile business by themselves, or in partnership, or through intermediaries; nor shall they avail themselves of the services of indians in procuring water or wood or grass, or for other purposes on pain of being deprived of their offices. 32. _item_: there shall be appointed to no position as corregidor or other officer of justice the son, brother, father-in-law, son-in-law, or brother-in-law of any president, auditor, or fiscal of our audiencias; and if any one shall be so appointed he shall not perform the duties of the office, under a penalty of a thousand pesos of gold for our treasury. 33. _item_: we command that when any person desires to bring any suit or action against any of our auditors he may do so before our said audiencia, or before the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and he may appeal from the said alcaldes to the said audiencia. 34. _item_: we ordain that when any auditor is offered as a witness the audiencia shall appoint a magistrate, in order that the rights of the parties may not be lost for want of evidence; and they shall give direction that he is to give his testimony, unless it shall appear that he is offered as a witness maliciously to prevent him from acting as judge in the case. 35. _item_: we command that an auditor who goes on a tour of inspection shall receive no more fees than are ordained and commanded to be given him, and shall accept nothing from indians or spaniards except food, on penalty of repaying it fourfold. 36. _item_: we command that our president of the said audiencia shall try criminal charges against the auditors thereof jointly with the alcaldes-in-ordinary, notwithstanding the ordinance to the contrary. 37. further, in case of inability of the president of the said audiencia of such nature that he cannot carry on the functions of government, the audiencia itself shall assume the government and do all that he had authority to do--the senior auditor filling the office of president, and taking charge of the other matters committed to the president until we make provision in some other manner. 38. _item_: we command that our said president shall not have authority to give permission to the auditors of the said audiencia to come to these realms without our express command. _affairs of government_ 39. _item_: we command that in our said audiencia there shall be a record for affairs of government, in which our auditors shall register the votes that they give on affairs of government. 40. _item_: we command that our president of our audiencia shall send once a year to our council of the yndias an extended and detailed report, attested by his signature, of the salaries, payments, fees, and allowances paid in this territory from our royal treasury to all persons whatsoever, and shall state how much was paid to each, and for what reason. and he shall give a list of the corregidorships, stating in it to whom the appointment is given by our warrant [_cedula_], and to whom by order of our president and audiencia, and for what reason; and he shall report on the qualifications and merits of each person, the amount of fees that each one receives, the amount of salaries in each corregidor's district, and the persons appointed in each district, and their qualifications. he shall also state the nature of their service, and how long it is since they were appointed to the said offices. the same reports shall be made by our fiscal and our officials of the royal treasury. 41. _item_: we desire that one of our auditors, each in his turn, shall make a visit of inspection once a year to the villages of the district of the said audiencia, and to the inns and, apothecaries' shops, seeing to it that the inns shall have fixed lists of rates. the medicines and other things in the apothecaries' shops which he discovers to be spoiled he shall pour out and not permit to be sold. on the same visit to the provinces of his district he shall inform himself as to the nature of the soil, the amount of the population, and the best means of supporting the churches and monasteries required. he shall observe what public buildings arc needed for the good of the towns and the better traveling of the roads. he shall find out whether the natives perform the sacrifices and commit the idolatries to which they are accustomed, how the corregidors perform their duties, and whether the slaves that go to the mines are instructed in doctrine as they ought to be. he shall ascertain whether the indians support themselves, or whether they are made slaves, contrary to that which is ordained. and he shall inform himself in a compendious manner with regard to everything else requiring his attention. the said auditor shall have warrant to attend to matters in which delay would be dangerous, or which are of such a nature that they do not require greater deliberation. he shall remit to the audiencia the other cases to which he is not obliged to attend. for the acts aforesaid shall be given to the auditor the warrant of the decree dealing with inspections. 42. _item_: we command that our said president shall grant no fee, office, corregidorship, or other source of profit by which means of support may be gained, to any man who has indians in encomiendas. 43. _item_: our said president and auditors shall suffer no merchants to set upon their wares prices higher than those by us ordained and commanded. 44. further: whensoever the citizens and inhabitants of the district of our audiencia shall be summoned by the said audiencia they shall obey the summons in peace and war, as by our president and auditors shall be commanded; and they shall do and fulfil all that on our behalf they say and command, and they shall give them all aid and comfort which they desire--under penalty of infamy, and the other penalties incurred by vassals disobedient to their king and lord. 45. _item_: any person who desires to petition us for any favor for services not performed in our yndias shall first make his declaration before the audiencia in whose district he may be, and the audiencia shall make an official report of the services performed, and of his character. this report, folded and sealed, with their opinion at the foot thereof, shall be sent in duplicate to our council, without being shown to the person interested. and if the person interested desires to make a report for himself, they shall receive and transmit it. 46. _item_: we command that in each and every case when any towns or individuals of their district appear before our audiencia to petition for license to make repartimientos, the audiencia shall grant the license which seems to them due, but only so far as concerns suits pending before the said audiencia, and for public works for which no other maintenance is provided, and for no other purpose. the said license in the aforesaid cases shall be granted, if such towns have no endowments [_propios_]. 47. _item_: when any one shall petition for an assignment of any town lots or agricultural lands in the city or town where our audiencia shall reside, then after conference in the cabildo, notice of the judgment of the cabildo shall be given to our president, by means of two regidors deputed therefor. and when they have made their examination, that upon which the president together with the two deputies shall determine, shall be carried out, being attested by all in the presence of the clerk of the cabildo, that he may record it in the council-book. petitions for assignments of lands and waters for machinery shall be presented before the president, who shall transmit them to the said cabildo that they may confer thereon. they shall return them by a regidor, who shall report their conclusions, so that after examination the president may determine that which is fitting. 48. _item_: our said president and auditors shall cause to be made a record-book in which shall be entered the names of citizens of this territory, the service performed by each one, and the reward received by him, either in money, by way of fees, or in other ways, or by appointment, and to what offices. the said record shall be kept with great care, together with the record of votes, so that when any person makes a statement of services before them they may report their opinions in his case. 49. _item_: we command that our audiencia, at the end of the two months during which the two regidors appointed as inspectors of weights and measures have served, shall receive from them an account of their service. 50. _item_: we command that our audiencia shall have authority to order the execution of the ordinances made for the provinces under their jurisdiction, after being filed by them, and during the time while they are being sent to us for confirmation. 51. _item_: that an auditor every year by turns, beginning with the most recently appointed, shall audit the accounts rendered by the cabildo of the city where our audiencia shall reside. 52. further: when the president and auditors shall be about to allot the lands, waters, watering-places for cattle, and pastures of any town, city, or village, among the persons who are to be settled therein, they shall do so with the counsel of the cabildos thereof, taking into consideration that in such allotments the regidors shall be preferred, provided they have no other allotments of arable lands or dwelling-lots. let such allotments be made without prejudice to the indians, retaining for them their arable lands, gardens, and pastures, so that all shall be cared for. 53. _item_: we command that our president and auditors shall appoint no administrative or notarial official, or fill any other permanent office, even if it be vacant by resignation; nor shall they make such appointments in the interim before we appoint. _ecclesiastical cases_ 54. _item_: we ordain and command that our auditors of our audiencia, in cases of unlawful procedure on the part of ecclesiastical judges [48] shall follow the procedure by and according to which in these our realms the audiencias of valladolid and granada proceed, without extending it further than is practised in our said audiencias. 55. _item_: we command that our said audiencia, governors, and other magistrates of their district shall ascertain and know if in those regions there are any persons who have letters of authorization or apostolic bulls to take possession of the property left by the archbishops who may die in those regions, or of the vacant bishoprics. when it is known who has them, let him cause them to be brought accordingly. first of all, let them appeal from such persons before his holiness, nor give nor allow opportunity for them to be used in any manner, nor for possession to be taken of the said property or vacant bishoprics. they shall not do, or permit to be done, any other acts in prejudice of the rights and usages with regard to bishoprics to which we are entitled with respect to this matter, or in prejudice of the immemorial custom that possession shall not be taken. and such authorizations and bulls thus obtained you will send in their entirety, in the first ships, to be presented before the members of our council of the yndias, together with the appeals which shall have been taken with regard to the matter. 56. _item_: when there shall be doubt with regard to the signification of anything in the contents of an ecclesiastical appointment, or as to the requisite collation at the hands of the bishops of benefices for the clergy whom we present, let the president of the audiencia decide it. 57. and when in our said audiencia the aid of the secular arm is asked for by the prelates and ecclesiastical judges, let them plead by way of petition and not of demand. 58. _item_: our audiencia and the other magistrates of our said district shall see to it that in the towns which are not populated by spaniards no bulls shall be published. they shall not permit indians to be compelled to hear the preaching of them, or to receive them. those which are published from the pulpit shall be published in the spanish language. we also give the same command to the commissaries of the holy crusade. [49] _royal treasury and its officials_ 59. _item_: we also ordain that the suits of our royal treasury be examined and decided before any others that shall be before the audiencia; and that our fiscal shall take care to prosecute them, and to report to us what is done therein. 60. _item_: our president with two auditors at the beginning of each year shall audit the reports of the officials in charge of our royal treasury for the previous year; and the said officials shall finish them within the months of january and february. when they are completed they shall send a transcript thereof to our council of the yndias. we also command that at the end of the said two months, if the said accounts are not completed, the officials of our royal treasury shall receive no salary until they finish them; and each of the auditors who shall thus be ready to receive the said accounts shall have as a fee twenty-five thousand maravedis. 61. _item_: the judicial settlement [_remate_] made with regard to auctions by our royal treasury must not be made without the consent of the majority of those appointed therefor, even when the auditor who shall be present desires it. further, at such sales and settlements shall be present our fiscal with said officials, who shall sell nothing in his absence. 62. _item_: we command that at the time when the auditing of the accounts of our royal exchequer by our president and auditors shall begin, in conformity with the decree given thereon, they shall go first of all to our royal treasury and weigh and count the gold and silver and the other things therein. they shall make a record thereof, and immediately begin the accounts; and when they are completed the balance shall be collected within the time required by the said decree, and shall be placed in the chest of the three keys, orders being given that the balance of the preceding year shall not be made up by the collections received during the auditing of the accounts. 63. _item_: when the officials of our royal exchequer shall have need of absenting themselves from the city where they reside, they shall not have authority to do so without license from our president, who shall give it for a short time, to a destination within those regions, and no more. there shall be designated, in the place of the official on leave, a person suitable therefor in the judgment of the said president. and if the said official absents himself in any other manner he shall lose his position. 64. further: at the time of the making up of the accounts of the tithes, for distribution according to the ecclesiastical appointments, there shall be present thereat an auditor. 65. _item_: we command that no salary be paid from our royal exchequer, or from fines, to the judges in cases of residencia, or to criminal judges [_pesquisidores_] commissioned by our audiencia. 66. _item_: we desire that there shall be a record of all the suits and transactions of our royal exchequer; and that every thursday in each week (and if that shall be a holiday, on the day before), after dinner, the senior auditor with our fiscal and the officials of our exchequer, and one of the clerks thereof, shall discuss article by article the said suits and transactions by means of the said record, considering the state in which they are and how the decisions reached at previous meetings have been carried out. 67. _item_: we command that our president and auditors shall have no authority to direct the payment of any money from our royal exchequer, or to expend anything from it, without more express license and command--except when cases occur in which the delay required to submit them to us for consultation would cause irreparable injury. in such case, when it shall seem advisable to our president and auditors and the officials of our royal exchequer they shall expend therefrom that which they all jointly shall regard as requisite, and shall make expenditures in no other manner. the warrant which they shall give for this shall be signed by them all, on penalty that what is expended contrary to the tenor hereof shall be paid from their own property. they shall immediately report the amount thereof, the purpose and manner of the expenditure, and the necessity for which it shall have been made. _fines paid into the royal treasury_ 68. _item_: we command that our treasurer shall receive all fines, in whatever manner they shall be applied by our auditors, whether to our treasury, or to court rooms, or to other expenses. our alguazil-mayor shall take charge of the enforcement of them. the amounts so received by the said treasurer shall be immediately brought before the officials of our royal exchequer, who shall deposit them in the chest of the three keys, and enter in a record everything thus collected from the said sentences. they shall keep separate the fines for the treasury and those for court rooms; and our said president and auditors shall supervise the care thereof taken by the treasurer, who shall at the end of each year, on account of the said sentences [_condenaciones_] and the receipt thereof, send to our council of the yndias a condensed report thereof, attested by his signature and that of the officials, and a certificate from the clerks of the said audiencia as to the sentences given. 69. _item_: there shall be in the possession of our president a record in which every clerk shall enter in his presence, every week, the sentences passed in presence of the said clerk, on pain of being obliged to pay them from his own property. when the president and auditors shall have need of anything, they shall give a warrant for it on our treasurer on account of those moneys collected under judicial sentences passed for similar objects. _probate matters_ 70. further: we command that our audiencia shall audit the accounts of the administrators of the estates of deceased persons, and shall see if they have observed the ordinances and decrees given with regard thereto. these accounts shall be audited in the month of january, on pain of loss of salary for two months, to be taken from that due the first third of the year, unless they show that they have audited the said accounts in the said month. we command further that, for the good administration of the estates of deceased persons, our said audiencia shall appoint each year an auditor who shall be judge of such administration, and may try the matter as if the whole audiencia were to try it. _indians, and matters relating to them_ 71. _item_: our said president and auditors shall always take great care to be informed of the crimes and abuses which shall be committed, or have been committed, against the indians who shall be under our royal crown, or against those granted in encomiendas to other persons by the governors or private persons. the said president and auditors shall make inquiry as to the manner in which the ordinances and instructions given in regard to this matter have been and are observed, punishing the guilty with all rigor, and providing means to bring it about that the said indians shall be better treated and shall be instructed in our holy catholic faith, regarding them as our free vassals. this must be their chief care; it is that for which we have chiefly to hold them accountable, and that in which they are chiefly called on to serve us. 72. we command that our said president and auditors shall take great care to give no opportunity that, in the cases in which indians shall be plaintiffs or defendants, orders shall be granted on _ex parte_ motions [_procesos ordinarios_] or that the suits shall be long continued without prompt decision. our said auditors shall preserve the usages and customs of the indians when they are not plainly unjust, and shall take care that the same are preserved by the inferior judges. 73. let our said audiencia and the bishop see to it that in every village there shall be a person appointed to give instruction in doctrine to the indians and blacks who serve without going into the field, every day one hour; and to those who go into the field, on sundays and feast-days. and let the audiencia and the bishop compel their lord to bid them go and learn the doctrine. 74. _item_: let no judge of first instance in the district o our said audiencia meddle with depriving the caciques [50] of their caciquedoms for accusations brought before the said judge, on pain of removal from office and a fine of fifty thousand milreis to our treasury. let the decision of the case in dispute be reserved for our audiencia, for the auditor who shall next inspect the said villages. 75. _item_: when a suit is brought against indians, the plaintiff may make his complaint before our audiencia, in whose district they are; and an order shall there be given the parties that within three months, which may be extended to not more than six, each one shall present his testimony. after the testimony of every twelve witnesses is taken, the report shall be sent, folded and sealed, without other publication or formal conclusion of the preliminary proceedings, to our council, that it may decree justice. and our auditors, before they send the record, shall cause the parties to be cited to come and appear before the said council in pursuance of the said action, within the term assigned them, with warning that if they do not appear, the case will be decided in their absence. 76. _item_: we command that when anyone by his own authority shall deprive another of the possession of the indians whom he shall have, our audiencia, prohibiting the said violence and doing justice, shall restore matters to the state in which they were before the act was done. 77. _item_: let the president and auditors not permit any cacique or chief to come to this country from those regions without our license. 78. further: our auditors, on two days in the week and saturdays, if they have no suits of poor persons before them, shall hear cases of indians against indians. we command that the auditor who shall go on a journey of inspection through the country shall have power to try cases with regard to the liberty of the indians, making report before the audiencia. likewise the auditor who shall inspect the prison of the indians shall examine the witnesses by personal examination, and not by report. 79. _item_: our president and auditors shall appoint a judge to allot the waters to the natives for the period during which need thereof may continue, whenever it may be necessary to do so, and no one shall be permitted to molest them therein. the said judge shall come to the audiencia to give an account of what he shall have done, and he must not come at the cost of the indians. our said auditors shall take great care not to send a notary to take testimony [_receptor_] for light causes, to the indians' villages or elsewhere, except in a matter of importance, and one in which there is great advantage in sending them. _fiscal_ 80. _item_: we command that our fiscal attorney of the said audiencia shall have no authority to appear as an advocate in any case; and that he shall give his whole attention to what concerns us, our exchequer [_camara_] and treasury [_fisco_]; and he shall swear accordingly before our president and auditors. he shall serve in person, except when he shall absent himself for some just cause for a short time, with the permission of our president, and with his authorization for cases prosecuted at a distance from the seat of our said audiencia. our said fiscal shall take great care to see whether the decrees given and the ordinances made are carried out, especially those dealing with the instruction, conversion, kind treatment, and protection of the indians. 81. _item_: we command that our said fiscal shall sit on the right-hand bench, taking precedence of all the advocates; and at the inspection of the royal prison he shall sit in the court-room behind the auditors; and the same at the inspection of the city prison, the judges of first instance taking precedence of him; and in all other cases he shall take the best place after the auditors and after the alguazil-mayor of the audiencia. 82. _item_: we command that our said fiscal shall take care to assist and favor poor indians in the suits they are carrying on, and to see to it on their behalf that they are not oppressed, maltreated, or wronged--acting in conformity with our laws and ordinances. 83. _item_: we ordain and command that our said fiscal shall assume the charge and conduct of the cases concerning the execution of our justice, when appeal shall be taken from the corregidors or other judges. 84. further: we command that our said fiscal shall bring no charges without waiting for a complainant, except when the fact is notorious, or when judicial inquiry has been made. 85. _item_: it shall be his duty to concern himself, and he shall concern himself, with notorious immorality, and with the defense of the royal authority; and to this end he shall perform all necessary legal acts. _alguazil-mayor and his deputies_ 86. _item_: we command that our alguazil-mayor of our audiencia shall be maintained in all the honors and dignities which are observed in the case of the alguazils-mayor of our audiencias of valladolid and granada, and that he shall take the place and seat taken by our said alguazils-mayor. 87. _item_: we command that our said alguazil-mayor shall not farm out his office; and that he and his deputies shall observe the laws that deal therewith, and the oath that they take when admitted to office. 88. _item_: we command that our said alguazil-mayor shall have authority to remove from office his deputies and jailers whenever he sees fit, and that he shall have authority to appoint and shall appoint others again, first presenting them before the audiencia. 89. _item_: we ordain and command that when our audiencia shall depute any judge or commissioner of inspection [_visitador_] who shall need to take an alguazil, he shall take the deputy designated by our alguazil-mayor therefor, and shall employ him and no other--unless in some special case the contrary shall be approved by our audiencia, for just cause. 90. _item_: we command that our alguazil-mayor or his deputies, whensoever they shall be directed to arrest any person, shall do so and act accordingly without delay, concealment, or negligence--under a penalty of forty pesos for every occasion on which they do the contrary, in addition to the damage and concern of the parties, and of that which has been adjudged and decreed. 91. _item_: we command that if a malefactor be found committing a crime they may and shall arrest him without a warrant. if it shall be in the day-time, they shall take him immediately before the audiencia stating the cause of his arrest; if at night, they shall put him in jail, and without delay on the following morning shall produce him before the audiencia, as aforesaid. they shall not venture to take any property from the person whom they arrest, on pain of being required to repay double what they have taken, for our treasury. 92. _item_: we command that our said alguazil-mayor shall not tolerate forbidden games of chance or notorious immoralities; and if in the performance of his duty he shall meet with resistance, let him immediately come and declare the same to the said audiencia, and on saturday of each week let him come and give an account and review of what he has thus done, under penalty of being required to pay four pesos for the poor of the prison in each case. 93 _item_: the said alguazil-mayor shall present before the audiencia the two alguazils whom he shall appoint for himself, that they may be approved by us; and they shall not perform their functions until, after being thus presented before the said audiencia, they shall swear in due form that they will well and faithfully perform their duties, observing the laws, decrees, and ordinances dealing with the same; and that they will not promise or give, and have not promised or given, for the sake of those offices, or for the profits thereof, or for anything else, the services of themselves or their men; and that from the income and profits of the said offices they have not given or promised anything. the same oath shall be required of the alguazil-mayor who shall present them, and likewise from the substitute alguazils--under the penalty prescribed for forswearing, and of dismissal from office. 94. _item_: we command that they shall not take gifts or gratifications from the prisoners or from others for them, or for this cause lighten imprisonments or release prisoners. and they shall not make arrests without warrant, except in _flagrante delicto_, on pain of dismissal from office, of, being incapacitated for future employment, and of being required to repay fourfold what they have thus taken, to our exchequer. 95. _item_: our said alguazil-mayor shall appoint no jailer without first presenting him before our audiencia, that it may be seen whether he is fit and able, and that he may be approved by our president and auditors--on pain of losing the right to appoint for a year. and the appointment shall be made by my said president and auditors. 96. _item_: we command that he shall have no authority to take fees for executions without the previous payment of the party in interest, under the penalty prescribed for forswearing, and the other penalties contained in the laws and ordinances dealing herewith. 97. _item_: our said alguazil-mayor and his deputies shall be present at the sittings of the audiencia, under a penalty of two pesos for every day of absence, for the poor of the prison. 98. _item_: our said alguazil-mayor or his deputies shall be obliged to make their rounds by night, on pain of being condemned to pay the damages resulting from their fault or negligence, and four pesos for the court-room of our audiencia, for every night when they fail to do their duty. 99. _item_: we command our said alguazil-mayor to be present at the inspections of the prisons of our said audiencia, under a penalty of two pesos of gold for every time of failure, for the poor thereof. 100. _item_: we command them to do and execute that which is commanded in the ordinances made or to be made for the good administration and government of the city or town where our audiencia sits. 101. _item_: they shall not take weapons from those who carry them at nightfall or after candle-light, or from those who rise early to go to their labors and tillage. 102. _item_: they shall take no fees for the executions which it shall be their duty to levy, or which they shall levy, on the property or goods adjudged, or which shall be adjudged, to our treasury. 103. _item_: we command them not to take the money of those who are found gambling, except when they exact from them the legal fine, which they have authority to put in safe-keeping when they find them engaged in the said gambling. 104. further: let him take care to go by nigh and day through the public places to prevent disturbances and quarrels, on pain of suspension from his offices. 105. _item_: let him take no fees for executions more than once for one debt, even when the party at whose instance the execution is made allows delay or continuance to the person against whose goods the said execution is made--on pain of being compelled to pay the excess of the fees fourfold, to our exchequer. _clerks of the audiencia_ 107. we ordain and command that the clerks [_escribanos_] of our audiencia shall have no authority to appoint deputy clerks, administrative or judicial, in the cities, towns, and villages of the district of the said audiencia, nor shall they employ therein such deputies. 108. _item_: the clerks of the said audiencia shall be appointed by us and by no other person; and in all matters relating to the examination of witnesses they shall follow the rules of the audiencias of these our realms. 109. [amount of fees for clerks, seal, and register must be endorsed on all documents. penalty: two pesos to the court-room.] 110. [official reporter's [_relator_] fees must be endorsed and shown to party. penalty: loss thereof.] 111. [clerks to take testimony in person. regulations as to substitutes acting when clerks are prevented, and as to collection of fees.] 112. [clerks' and notaries' records to be annually inspected by an auditor.] 113. the said clerks shall enter in one order of court all the official positions which are provided for a village [_i. e._, of indians], and on account thereof they shall receive no excessive fees. their fees shall be paid by the superintendents [_calpiscas_] of the villages. 114. _item:_ no indians shall be granted in encomiendas by repartimiento to the clerks of our said audiencia. if they are so granted, the said clerks shall have no authority to keep them. 115-120. [section 115 provides that appeals from the decision of the inspector of weights and measures of the city where the audiencia sits are to be given preference. sections 116-120 contain provisions for promptitude and accuracy in the business of recording--among others, that the pages of the record of a case shall run with serial numbers, and that notice of the number of pages and parts of pages be given to the parties. the penalty for violation of each of these sections is two pesos for the court-room of the audiencia.] 121. [the registers must be marked with a cross at the end of each year, under a penalty of thirty pesos to the exchequer.] 122. [if there is a supply of clerks, complaints must not be made before a clerk who is brother or cousin to the plaintiff.] 123. the said clerks shall not ask or accept fees for the ecclesiastical cases conducted before the said audiencia at the suit of the corregidors or judges of residencia, with regard to matters relating to the defence of the royal authority; or for the proceedings transacted before the said officers and the decisions rendered with regard thereto--under penalty of a fourfold fine to our exchequer; and we command that our fiscal attorney shall attend such hearings with all diligence. 124. further: they shall not write with abbreviations, putting "a." for "alonso" or "c" for "ciento," under a penalty of thirty pesos for our exchequer. 125-138. [these sections direct accuracy and promptitude in various kinds of cases, with penalties for negligence. they also give directions for avoiding extortionate or illegal fees. fiscal cases are exempt, as are cases involving any royal rights. the penalties are two pesos for the court-room, for minor negligences; heavier fines for more important ones; damages to the party injured; compensation to the exchequer; a fourfold fine to the exchequer for wrongful fees; suspension or removal from office. the most important section is the following:] 131. the clerks and relators of the said audiencia, in cases civil and criminal, shall receive the fees belonging to them, in conformity with the fee-list; and that this may be attended to and fulfilled accordingly, we command that henceforth the aforesaid and each of them shall enter on the record and documents in the case the fees that they are to receive from the parties, or from their attorneys or agents, both for the examination of the record of proceedings and the rest, stating specifically the amount that they are to receive and the items of charge. this they shall attest with their signatures, jointly with the party in interest, or his attorney or agent, who is to pay the said fees, in such manner that both shall attest that which they are thus to receive for the said record of proceedings and pleadings. if he who pays the said fees shall not be able to sign his name, let another sign for him. when the case or affair is finished, the said clerk or relator, and the party, or his attorney or agent, shall swear that they have not accepted or given more fees for that case or affair than that which is there entered and signed; and that, if they shall accept or give more, they will enter and sign it as has been said. the penalty of the first offense is a requirement to repay fourfold to our exchequer that which is taken otherwise than as herein ordained; for the second, the same penalty and dismissal from office; and if the party or the attorney shall give information that he has given moneys to the said clerk, and they shall not be endorsed as aforesaid, let him be believed on his oath as to the amount that he shall have given. 139. [clerks and commissioners are to undertake no official investigations without signed warrant from the court. penalty: two years' suspension and a hundred pesos for the first offense, and dismissal for the second.] 140. [more than one demand [_peticion_] in appeals is not to be accepted from either party. penalty: two pesos.] 141. [abbreviations or numbers in dates are not permitted, for fear of fraud. penalty: damages of the parties and twenty pesos for the exchequer and court-rooms.] 142. [memoranda of testimony in criminal cases must be given to the fiscal for correction. penalty: four pesos.] 143. [clerks in all depositions are to put questions as to age and the like, to avoid fraud. penalty: two pesos to the court room.] 144. they shall accept no food, fowls, or other things in satisfaction of their fees, on pain of being required to repay fourfold what they thus accept, to our exchequer. 145. [no fees are to be accepted from a defendant who swears on preliminary examination that he owes nothing, in case the plaintiff does not prove his case on judicial examination. in such case, the plaintiff is to pay the fees.] 146. [copies of decisions are to be promptly given to the party requesting it. penalty: two pesos to the court-room.] 147. [notice of fines and penalties must be sent to the fiscal weekly. penalty: two pesos to the court-room.] 148. [evidence of poor suitors is to be taken with care and promptitude.] 149. [notifications of hearings in cases concerning small amounts are to be sent to the parties. penalty: two pesos to the court-room.] 150. [personal presence is required at examinations in criminal cases and the execution of sentences. penalty: suspension from office.] 151. [lists of fees allowed by law must be posted in their offices, as well as in the public hall of the audiencia. penalty: five pesos to the poor of the prison.] 152. [no fees may be taken for keeping or looking for records. penalty: fourfold to the royal exchequer.] 153. [copies of penalties and memoranda of fiscal cases must be sent to the fiscal every week. penalty: six pesos to the royal exchequer.] 154. [examinations are to be dated by the time of examination, and not by that of taking the oath. penalty: four pesos to the exchequer.] 155. in inquisitions and examinations which they shall make they shall put thirty lines on a page, and in every line ten parts [_i.e._], words divided by spaces]; and they shall write a good hand and shall place at the foot of each inquisition or examination the fees to be received therefor, under a penalty of eight pesos to our exchequer for a violation. 156. [fees for single documents are not to be augmented because other documents are incorporated within them. penalty: fourfold repayment to the exchequer.] 157. [cases affecting the treasury, in which no party appears therefor, are to be brought to the attention of the fiscal.] 158. [fees are not to be charged to poor suitors; if the poor suitor's opponent is condemned in costs, the fees are to be paid by the poor suitor and added to the costs.] 159. [fees for permitting an examination of records are not to be charged, unless the examination is made by the party or his representative. fourfold penalty to the exchequer.] 160. [copies of essential documents are to be included in the record of a case without extra fees. penalty: twenty pesos to the court-room of our audiencia.] 161. [unsigned interrogatories are not to be accepted. questions must be put only by the counselor of the audiencia.] 162. [cases requiring to be divided by assignment among various clerks shall not be accepted without immediate reference to the official whose duty it is to assign cases. penalty: loss of cases for two months, and loss of the case in question.] 163. [records and documents must not be committed to the care of any but attorneys or counselors, and to them only on their giving a receipt. fines are imposed for delay in returning them.] 164. [no record is to be kept of a case of twenty pesos or less, and no fee of more than half a peso from each party is to be taken in such case. fourfold penalty to the exchequer.] 165. [no fees are to be taken for a view of the records, in cases appealed from ecclesiastical courts, on the ground of violence to law [_fuerza_], if the case is referred back to those courts. penalty: fourfold fine to the exchequer.] 166. [fees are to be charged only for the record of such judicial acts as are actually before them, although the whole record is transmitted therewith. previous penalty.] 167. [charges of violation of their oath are to be preferred by the fiscal in the event of failure to attend on him with the weekly fines, or of making excessive charges.] 168. [clerks must be present half an hour before the court convenes; and petitions must be handed in before the president and auditors take their seats in court. penalty: two pesos of gold paid to the court-room.] 169. [they must affirm with their signatures the sentences given after review by the president and auditors, and written in a book kept in the president's room, before the third day next following. this is done so that the sentences may be known, and to avoid fraud, as the sentences are pronounced after review. penalty: double the amount in question to the exchequer.] 170. [they must write the decisions of the court by their own hands, especially in affairs of importance, as secrets would not be safe with minor officials. penalty: six pesos to the court-room.] 171. [the clerks of the said audiencia or of the criminal court shall levy no fees on the cases pleaded before the said president, auditors and alcaldes, to which the fiscal attorneys are a party, even if the decision is for the said fiscals, with judgment of costs against the other party; and they shall not put them on the record, nor collect them from the condemned persons. p.: forty pesos for the chamber of this audiencia, and payment of twice the amount collected to the exchequer.] _official reporters_ 172-202. [these sections give directions with regard to the duties and emoluments of the reporters [_relatores_], as minute and precise as those for the clerks, with similar penalties. the following sections may be specially noticed:] 176. [relators are not to ask for cases, but to await the assignment of the bailiffs [_porteros_].] 179. [relators are not to buy or sell cases from one another, on pain of dismissal from office.] 189. [the words of witnesses in criminal cases are not to be reported at the public statement of the case, for they are to be seen by the auditors alone, without being entrusted to anyone else. penalty: thirty pesos to the exchequer.] 192. [relators and other officers are to live near the audiencia.] 195. [no gifts may be accepted. penalty: double the amount to the exchequer, condemnation as forsworn, and loss of office.] _assigners of cases_ 203. [fees of the official who distributes the cases [_repartidor_] among the clerks are to be two tomines for each case, [51] except from poor suitors and others exempt.] _taxing of fees and costs_ 204. [records of cases transferred to the council of the yndias are to have their fees taxed by a special officer.] 205. [in case of complaint against the taxation, the auditor for the week shall decide.] _advocates_ 206-214. [these sections give minute directions as to procedure, fixing the time and manner in which documents are to be presented, filed, and demanded, regulating the manner of taxing advocates' fees, and enumerating certain duties of advocates in the conduct of their cases.] 215. counsel shall swear that they will not give their assistance in unjust causes, or counsel the parties to injustice; and that as soon as they discover that their client is not suing for justice they will abandon the case. if it shall happen that through the negligence or ignorance of the counsel, deducible from the record, the party whom he assists shall lose his right, we command that the said counsel be held to pay his client the damages resulting, together with the costs; and the judge before whom the case shall be pending shall oblige him to pay without delay. 216. [counsel shall not dare to abandon a case once undertaken, except because of injustice. penalty: loss of fees and damages to the client.] 217. [counsel is not to repeat allegations in documents; documents are to be signed by known counsel; two pleas only are to be accepted.] 218. no counsel shall dare to make a bargain with his client for a part of the property to which he lays claim; [52] and, if he shall do so, he shall have no authority to act in the said office for him or for any other. 219. [advocates are to be examined and approved by the president and auditors, and entered on the list of advocates; no one without a degree may appear in a court, except the party in his own behalf. penalties graduated.] 220. [advocates must use care and diligence in behalf of their clients, and conduct their cases honorably. penalty: suspension, in the judgment of the court.] 221. _item:_ we ordain and command that the advocate or advocates shall, in cases of first instance and on appeal, pay the parties double the damage resulting from their malice, fault, negligence, or want of skill; and that justice be done promptly in this matter. 222. [advocates must agree as to their fees before examining the documents of the parties.] 223. [advocates who have pleaded on one side of a case may not plead later on the other side of the same case.] 224. _item:_ we command that the said advocates shall be obliged, at the beginning of the suit, to obtain from the party a complete report in writing of everything pertaining to his right--so that, when it shall be necessary to call for an account, if they have not, through the client's fault, done for him what they should, they may be able to prove the same, in order to take advantage thereof. this report they shall take, signed by the party in interest, or, if he cannot read, the person to whom the party shall entrust the duty. 225. [advocates must not betray secrets, or advise both parties, and must swear to obey the laws--on pain of fines, and of being removed from the office of advocate.] 226. [advocates are to take precedence in order of the seniority of their admission. penalty: suspension for one year.] 227. [irrelevant questions are forbidden. penalty: ten pesos to court-room.] 228. they shall sign the powers of attorney of their clients; and shall not frame their interrogatories in the second instance of a case exactly as on the first hearing, or exactly opposite, under a penalty of six pesos to the court-room; and therewith shall cease the examination of the said powers and interrogatories required from our auditors, in conformity with the new laws and ordinances made by us. 229. [bachelors may not plead or sit with the doctors and licentiates. penalty: forty pesos to the court-room.] 230. [clerks of advocates are not to charge clients fees. penalty: double the fee, to the exchequer.] _attorneys_ 231. [attorneys must be examined and licensed by the court.] 232. [attorneys and counselors must not agree to prosecute cases at their own expense. penalty, fifty thousand maravedis.] 233. [the number of attorneys is to be fixed and usual.] 234. [attorneys must enter no pleadings except for default, conclusion of preliminary process, and the like; and must sign their papers.] 235. [attorneys must not retain money sent to pay fees and court costs, and must transmit documents to counsel within three days.] 236-241. [these articles deal with the conduct of attorneys in court, and the procedure necessary to institute actions.] 242. [attorneys must be present to inspect the taxation of costs.] 243. [petition for a decree is to be assigned to the next meeting of the audiencia.] 244. attorneys who ask for documents beyond what the interests of the parties require shall pay six pesos to the court-room, and be imprisoned at the judgment of the president and auditors. this provision shall be valid against all officials. 245. [names of attorneys of both parties must be entered on all judicial acts and documents.] 246. [money sent to attorneys for costs must be immediately deposited with the clerk, who shall keep a record.] 247. they shall accept no more fees than shall be regulated by our president and auditors, especially in cases where indians are plaintiffs or defendants, under a penalty of twice the amount, for our exchequer. 248. [of notice to parties as to testimony on second instance.] 249. [documents must be clearly written, without erasure, and properly folded.] 250. [attorneys may not receive gifts to protract causes.] bibliographical data all the documents presented in this volume, except four, are obtained from the archivo general de indias at sevilla, and are translated from our transcriptions of the original mss. they are located as follows: peñalosa's two letters: in the patronato "simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." loarca's "relation:" in "simancas-filipinas; descubrimientos, descriptiones y poblaciones de las yslas filipinas; años 1537 á 1565--1° hay 2°; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1|23." in the real academia de historia, madrid, is a copy of this document, made by muñoz; it is somewhat modernized in spelling, capitalization, etc. a copy of muñoz's transcription is in lenox library. the original ms. is without date; but internal evidence with peñalosa's statement in his letter to the king (_vol_. iv, p. 315), shows that loarca wrote his account of the islands in june, 1582. in the same legajo with this document is the "report on offices saleable;" but, as the dates show, both are misplaced here. they probably belong in the same patronato as that in which are found the next two documents. ribera's letter, and the instrument establishing the audiencia of manila: in a patronato which bears the same title as the preceding one, but covers the years 1582 to 1606. these two documents are in "est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|25"--the audiencia decree being also designated as "1° 1, no. 11." salazar's letter of 1582: in "simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de manila, vistos en el consejo; años de 1579 á 1599; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 1." letter of juan baptista roman: in "simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de filipinas, vistos en el consejo; años 1564 á 1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29." the "instructions for the commissary of the inquisition" is found in the archivo general of simancas; our translation is made from a transcription of the original ms. its pressmark is: "consejo de inquisicion; libro 762, folio 170." the salazar "relation" of 1583 we translate from the text given in retana's _archivo del bibliófilo filipino_ iii, no. 1, the papal decrees regarding the dominicans are obtained from hernaez's _colección de bulas_, i, pp. 527, 528. notes [1] this document is presented in both spanish text and english translation. [2] this document is presented in both spanish text and english translation. [3] a pretender to the portuguese throne, who occupied it for a short period (in 1580) in the interim between henrique's death and felipe's accession, see _vol_. i, pp. 355, 356. [4] alonso sánchez was born at mondejar, in 1547; and became a novice in the jesuit order (june 18, 1565), at alcala. in 1579, he went to mexico; and two years later, with bishop salazar, to the philippines. he was sent to macao in 1582 to receive for felipe ii the allegiance of the portuguese at that place. stanley, in his edition of morga's _sucesos_ (p. 402) says: "the library of the academy of history, madrid, contains a chinese copy of a chapa, by which the mandarins of canton allowed a portuguese ship to come and fetch padre alonso sanchez and the dispatches from machan (moluccas)." in 1586 sánchez was commissioned by the governor and spanish inhabitants of the philippines to go to rome and madrid in their behalf; documents which explain this embassy will be presented in later volumes of this series. he died at alcala, may 27, 1593. sommervogel cites (_bibliothèque comp. jésus_, viii, col. 520, 521) various writings by sánchez, mainly on missionary affairs, or on the relations between the philippine colony and the crown of spain. [5] thomas candish, the english navigator, relates in picturesque style the fortunes of the spanish settlement here referred to, "king philips citie which the spaniards had built." candish halted there in january, 1587; the place was then deserted, and he named it port famine. it was located not far from the extreme southern point of the patagonian mainland, at a point commanding the strait of magellan. candish says: "they had contriued their citie very well, and seated it in the best place of the streights for wood and water: they had builded vp their churches by themselues: they had lawes very seuere among themselues, for they had erected a gibet, whereon they had done execution vpon some of their company.... during the time that they were there, which was two yeeres the least, they could neuer haue any thing to growe or in any wise prosper. and on the other side the indians oftentimes preyed vpon them vntill their victuals grewe so short... that they dyed like dogges in their houses, and in their clothes, wherein we found them still at our comming.... to conclude, they were determined to haue trauailed towards the riuer of plate, only being left aliue 23 persons, whereof two were women, which were the remainder of 4 hundred." see hakluyt's _voyages_ (goldsmid ed., edinburgh, 1890), xvi, pp. 12, 13. [6] don lorenzo juarez de mendoza, count of coruña, assumed the duties of viceroy of new spain on october 4, 1580; he was then advanced in years, and died at mexico before his three-years' term of office expired--on june 19, 1583. [7] antonio sedeño was born at san clemente, in 1532 or 1535. in his youth he was a soldier and military engineer, but entered the jesuit order in 1558 or 1559. after his ordination he went (1568) to florida as a missionary, and in 1572 to new spain. the rest of his life was spent in the philippines, where he not only held high official positions in his order, but introduced among the filipino natives many industries and manufactures, opened the first school in the island, founded colleges, and engaged in many other labors for the benefit of both the spanish and the natives. he died september 2, 1595. see notice of his life in sommervogel's _bibliothèque_; and algué's _archipiélago filipino_, i, p. 251 (translated in _report_ of u.s. philippine commission, 1900, iv, p. 99). [8] the words in italics at the beginning of the paragraphs are in the ms. written as marginal notes. [9] the matter in brackets is an insert in the margin of the original manuscript. [10] in making this correction the writer evidently neglected to change the gender of "vnas." [11] pasacao river is a small stream on the western side of the (old) province of camarínes sur. the overland journey here mentioned is to nueva cáceres, capital of the province, which is ten miles above the mouth of naga river (although farther by the windings of the river). this river has its source only four miles from the pacific coast of albay, whence it flows n.w. into bató lake; this part of its course is called inaya river. another n.w. course of about the same length (about 25 miles) carries the waters of the lake as far as nueva cáceres, in a stream known as bicol (the vicor of our text) river. from that city to its discharge in san miguel bay, it is called naga river. [12] a sort of garment worn by peasants, opening behind or at the shoulder. the meaning of the name, "jump aboard," suggests the similar name applied in some localities in the united states to a sort of over-all blouse, there called "jumper." [13] cf. the descriptions of this custom in morga's _philippine islands_ (hakluyt society, london, 1868), p. 304; and in account of thomas candish's voyage, in hakluyt's _voyages_ (goldsmid ed.) xvi, p. 42. [14] "a god of the higuecinas (a subdivision of the ancient bisayas). the igueines (another subdivision of that people) believed that the god maguayan carried the souls of his disciples, in his boat, to another life."--_ferdinand blumentritt_: "diccionario mitológico," in retana's _archivo_, ii, p. 411. [15] these seem to be memoranda, which the writer forgot to fill in later. [16] the tabon, also called "the mound-builder" _(megapodius cumingi_). its eggs are highly prized by the natives as an article of food; they rob the deposit made by the birds. after each egg is deposited, the parent birds (several pairs of whom often frequent the same spot) scratch earth over it, thus gradually raising a mound of considerable size. see description of this bird in _report_ of u.s. philippine commission for 1900, iii, pp. 314, 315. [17] of the banana (_musa_), over fifty varieties have been enumerated as found in the philippine islands. many of these are minutely described in blanco's _flora_, pp. 167-175. the nangca (or langca) is _arctocarpus integrifolia_; the macupa (also known as tampoi), _eugenia malaccensis_; the santol (santor), _sandóricum indicum_. see descriptions of all these in blanco's _flora_, and in _u.s. philippine gazetteer_, pp. 93-95. [18] the bejucos, as before explained, are various species of _calamus,_ commonly known as rattan. blanco describes two of these _(c. maximus_ and _c. gracilis_) as furnishing a supply of water. some of the species attain a height of more than six hundred feet. [19] a sketch of this officer in _cartas de indias_ (p. 734) states that he founded the city of nueva segovia, and probably remained in the islands from the time of their conquest until his death; also that the japanese corsair here referred to was named tay zufu. [20] _champan_ (or _sampan_): a chinese vessel; described by retana (zúñiga's _estadismo_, ii, p. 513*) as being "about as large as a spanish patache, but inferior to the junks of the chinese; used by that people for trading in the filipinas islands." the term is now applied to a boat 12 or 15 feet long, in which a family often makes its home, on the canton river; also to a vessel of 70 or 80 tons' burden, used in the rivers of colombia, s.a. [21] the dominican order (also known as the order of preachers) was founded, about 1215, by st. dominic de guzman; he adopted, but with various additions, the rule of st. augustine. among the great men who have belonged to this order are thomas aquinas, johann tauler, and girolamo savonarola. [22] chiapas (chiapa) was a province of the ancient kingdom of guatemala; also a bishopric (erected in 1538). its capital bore the same name. [23] the vicar-general to whom these letters were addressed was named fr. juan crisóstomo sevillano.--_rev. t.c. middleton, o.s.a._ [24] the original ms. is endorsed by some archivist: "letter of captain gabriel de rivera to his majesty, upon philippine affairs;" but the letter is evidently addressed to some official--perhaps the viceroy of new spain, or the president of the royal council. [25] in a letter dated manila, july 20, 1581, and signed by amador de arriaran, andres cabchela, salvador de aldave, luis de vivanco, joan manuel pimentel, juan maldonado, gabriel de ribera, and juan pacheco amado, it is stated that ribera is sent as procurador [attorney]-general to the king to give account of the "affairs and condition of this land." he is recommended to the king's consideration as "one of the first who came to this exploration and pacification" with legazpi, and "has been able to give a good account of himself in everything." the pressmark of this document, which exists in archivo general de indias at sevilla, is: "simancas--filipinas: descubrimientos, etc., años 1566 á 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2|24." morga says that ribera was created mariscal of bonbon while in spain. the effect of his mission was the establishment of the audiencia of manila, whose president was to fill the offices of governor and captain-general of the islands. this was attained after the death of ronquillo, although that event was unknown in court at the time. [26] gonzalo ronquillo was governor from 1580 until his death in 1583. morga says that trade with the chinese was increased during his governorship. he attempted to discover a return route to new spain through the southern seas, but was unsuccessful. he opened trade with peru. a duty of two per cent on merchandise sent to new spain was imposed by him, and one of three per cent on goods imported by the chinese. [27] taking the words "twenty years" literally would make the date of this letter in 1584, but it must have been prior to that date. ribera was sent to spain in 1581, and ronquillo died in 1583. the date of this letter therefore is conjectured to have been the latter year. [28] retana's text here reads thus: "el preçio que tenian las cosas, después que los españoles introduxera la moneda de plata, que por la mayor parte son tostones, que así llaman á los reales de á cuatro çientas gantas de arroz, y por otro [real], çiento de vino, y por otro, doçe y catorçe y a un diez y seis gallinas." the bracketed word _real_ was supplied by retana. a more satisfactory emendation would be _tostón_, the equivalent of _real de á cuatro_. the passage should read thus: "reales de a cuatro [por un tostón cuatro] çientas gantas de arroz, y por otro [tostón] çiento," etc. this supposition is borne out by a later passage where salazar states that in former times four hundred gantas of rice cost one tostón.--_h.e. bolton_. [29] ronquillo was governor of the entire archipelago.--_retana_. [30] he alludes, as will be seen below, to the encomenderos, against whom, chiefly, this accusation by the famous bishop salazar is directed--_retana_. [31] a mistake for "gonzalo;" father salazar commits the error again, as will be seen farther on.--_retana_. [32] the word "taels" is retana's conjecture; but it is possible that the doubtful word was _joyas_ ("ornaments"). from the context, it is more probably _quintos_ ("fifths"), indicating that the royal officials attempted to exact from the indians the "king's fifth" on all their possessions of gold, as well as on that newly dug from the ground. [33] that is, as no longer in circulation (span., _por perdido_). the reference is to the native custom mentioned by sande in his report of 1577 (see _vol_ iv of this series, p. 99). speaking of the best grade of gold used by the moros, he says: "from this is made the jewelry which they inherit from their ancestors, with which they never part." [34] a term originally applied to the gold or silver wristlets and anklets worn by moorish women. [35] in the form of promissory notes, such as always have been so much used and abused in the philippines.--_retana_. [36] span., _perlados_; so in retana's text, but from the context there is apparently some error in this--perhaps a copyist's conjecture for some illegible word. [37] this man was notary of the expedition sent to borneo and mindanao by francisco de sande under command of gabriel de rivera. see _ante_, _vol_. iv, p. 273. [38] fray santa inés says (_crónica,_ i, p. 16) that the use of this phrase (spanish, _islas del poniente_) arose among spanish traders--partly because, to reach the philippines, they followed the course of the sun westward from spain; and partly to sustain the contention that those islands were "in the demarcation of castilla, or the western indias, and not in that of portugal, or oriental india." [39] the inquisition was first introduced into portuguese india in 1560; and into spanish america in 1569 (at panama). in 1570 it was established in mexico, of which the philippines were a dependency in religious as well as civil affairs. felipe ii's decree (january 25, 1569) establishing the inquisition in the indias, with other decrees regulating the operations and privileges of that tribunal, may be found in _recopilación leyes indias_ (ed. 1841), lib. i, tit. xix. regarding the history and methods of the inquisition, the following works are most full and authoritative: _practica inquisitionis hereticoe pravitatis_ (ed. of c. douais, paris, 1886), by bernard gui--himself an inquisitor; it was composed about 1321. _historia inquisitionis_ (amstelodami, 1692), by philippus van limborch; english translations of this book were published at london in 1731, 1734, 1816, and 1825. _anales de la inquisicion de españa_ (madrid, 1812-13), by juan a. llorente, who was secretary to the inquisition in spain, and chancellor of the university of toledo; translations of this book were published in english (london, 1826; and new york, 1838), and in other languages. _historica critica de la inquisicion de españa_ (madrid, 1822), also by llorente. _history of the inquisition_ (london and n.y., 1874), by w.h. rule. _the jews of spain and portugal, and the inquisition_ (london, 1877), by frederic d. mocatta, a jew. _history of the inquisition of the middle ages_ (n.y., 1886), by henry c. lea. _les sources de l'histoire de l'inquisition dans le midi de la france au treizième et au quatorzième siécle_, by c. douais, editor of gui's work; it includes the _chronique_ of guilhem pelisso, "the first written account of the inquisition." [40] _relaxado_ (feminine, _relaxada_): a person abandoned by the ecclesiastical judge to the secular arm [_al brazo seglar_]; referring to the obstinate heretic who refused to abjure and do penance, or to him who after abjuration should relapse. _confeso_ ("confessed") meant a jew converted to the christian faith. [41] an oath taken by a person who has no bail, that he will return to prison when summoned. [42] referring to the established judge of ecclesiastical causes, the vicars of the bishops, or sometimes to the bishops themselves. [43] there were only two chancillerias in spain--those at valladolid and granada; they were originally one tribunal, which followed the royal court. they had cognizance of cases on appeal, cases of nobility, and cases regarding the inheritance of entailed property. these courts were abolished by the constitution of 1812 and subsequent legislative enactments.--_a.p. cushing_. [44] _casos de corte_: cases which, because of their importance, the amount involved, or the dignity of the parties, might in the first instance be tried in a superior court.--_nov. dice. lengua castellana_ (gamier, paris, 1897). [45] paragraphs enclosed in brackets contain brief synopses of the corresponding matter in the text which is purely technical, and not of sufficient special interest to justify giving it so much space in our pages. [46] that is, not subject to the exemptions of the privileged orders.--_h.b. lathrop_. [47] a receptor is an escribano (clerk, or scrivener) who by special commission or authority from a tribunal proceeds to perform certain judicial functions.--_a.p. cushing_. [48] spanish, _en los casas de fuerça hechas por jueces eclesiasticos._ _fuerza_ is injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge in (1) hearing a case which does not come within his jurisdiction; (2) non-observance of rules of procedure; or (3) unjust refusal to allow an appeal. in such cases the aid of the secular courts may be invoked, by the _recurso de fuerza_; and thus cases were brought before the audiencia, as above in section 7.--_a.p. cushing_. [49] in _recopilación leyes indias_ (ed. 1841), lib. i, tit. xx, may be found the royal decrees issued from 1537 to 1640 regarding the operations of the holy crusade in the spanish colonies. [50] a word originating in hayti, signifying "princes" or "chiefs"--quite naturally extended, by a spanish clerk or secretary, to the chiefs of filipino tribes. [51] this is the only case in which the amount of a fee is prescribed in this instrument, except for officials peculiar to the region; the tariff (_arancel_) of spain is to be followed, as a rule.--_h.b. lathrop_. [52] this clause forbids the counsel to take a contingent fee.--_h.b. lathrop_. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century volume ix, 1593-1597 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume ix preface 9 documents of 1593 the second embassy to japan. g. p. dasmariñas, and others; april-may. ... 23 two letters to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; manila, june 20. ... 58 memorandum of troops required in the philippines. [unsigned and undated; 1593?]. ... 74 letter to the king of camboja. g. p. dasmariñas; manila, september 27. ... 76 documents of 1594 list of philippine villages reduced by the spaniards. [unsigned and undated; 1594?]. ... 81 letter to king of canboja. luis perez dasmariñas; manila, february 8. ... 86 investigation of the hospital. hernando de los ríos, and others; manila, february-april. ... 88 report concerning the filipinas islands, and other papers. francisco de ortega, o.s.a.; [1594]. ... 95 decree for despatch of missionaries. felipe ii; aranjuez, april 27. ... 120 reply to the japanese emperor's letter. l.p. dasmariñas, and others; manila, april 22--28 ... 122 three letters to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; manila, june 15--23 ... 137 documents of 1595 letter to felipe ii. pedro gongalez de carbajal; [1595?] ... 147 formation of new dioceses. felipe ii; madrid, june 17 ... 150 letter to felipe ii. antonio de morga; manila, june 25 ... 154 expedition to camboja. gregorio da cruz, and others; august 1--3 ... 161 instructions to figueroa. l.p. dasmariñas; manila, november 13--16 ... 181 the audiencia of manila reëstablished. felipe ii; el pardo, november 26 ... 189 letter to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; manila, december 6 ... 193 documents of 1596 coat-of-arms of the city of manila. felipe ii; aranjuez, march 20 ... 211 decree regarding the bishopric of nueva segovia. felipe ii; ateca, may 15 ... 216 instructions for governor tello. felipe ii; toledo, may 25 ... 218 letter to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; manila, june 30 ... 259 letter to felipe ii. antonio de morga; manila, july 6 ... 263 letter to felipe ii. francisco tello; manila, july 17 ... 274 documents of 1597 pacification of mindanao. juan de ronquillo; tanpaca, may 10 ... 281 memorial on navigation and conquest. hernando de los rios; manila, june 27 ... 299 letter to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; manila, june 28 ... 315 bibliographical data ... 327 illustrations autograph signature of gomez perez dasmariñas, governor of the philippine islands; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 69 coat-of-arms of the city of manila (two representations); photographic facsimiles from original mss. (dated 1683 and 1748) in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 213 map of islands of luzón and hermosa, with part of china; photographic facsimile of ms. map by hernando de los rios coronel (dated june 27, 1597), in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 305 preface the events related in the present volume (1593-97) conclude the first quarter-century of the history of manila as a spanish settlement. that city, although small, is gaining in importance and prosperity; it is fairly well fortified, and its public institutions are increasing; it is now the seat of an archbishop, and three dioceses are formed to be under his care. restless spirits among the spaniards desire to conquer neighboring lands; this is partially accomplished in mindanao, but that island proves to be of little value. an expedition is sent nominally in aid of camboja against siam, but is unsuccessful. meanwhile, the spaniards are not free from danger: the emperor of japan is apparently plotting their subjection; and the natives of the islands, although nominally pacified, are inclined to rebel. the increasing numbers of the chinese in the islands render them dangerous, and various restrictions are imposed upon them. governor dasmariñas, slain by his chinese oarsmen, is succeeded _pro tempore_ by his son luis pérez; but the latter is too young for so important a post, and the king reestablishes the audiencia at manila. its president, francisco tello, is also governor of the islands. in 1593 another ambassador arrives at manila from the japanese ruler hideyoshi. this is faranda, who furnishes a full account of the manner in which fray juan cobos had been received in japan the year before, and of his own appointment from the emperor as envoy to the spaniards, on which errand he departed with cobos. the latter perished by shipwreck, faranda arriving safely at manila. he professes a desire for peace and friendship between the japanese and spaniards, instead of the subjection of the latter; and asks that franciscan missionaries be sent to his country. since he brings no credentials, except letters from fray cobos, the governor orders an official inquiry into the whole matter, and examines witnesses about it. juan de solis, a spanish captain who happened to be in japan when fray cobos arrived there, thinks that the emperor is sincere in asking only the friendship of the castilians. solis relates the events of the father's stay there, confirming the account given by faranda. a similar deposition is made by antonio lopez, the chinese convert who comes with faranda. but there follows a long account, apparently obtained from conversations held with this antonio and several others, of intrigues and plots among the japanese to subdue the philippines, as they have done with corea. the spaniards are warned against the chinese who are in manila. much of this is apparently the gossip of the parián; but it affords curious side-lights on the relations between the japanese, chinese, and spaniards. a letter from dasmariñas to the japanese emperor (may 20, 1593) announces his despatch of another envoy, the franciscan priest pedro baptista. governor dasmariñas writes (june 20, 1593) to king felipe, reporting the present state of affairs in he islands. he asks for more missionaries, and states the qualifications that they should possess. he intends to found a new spanish colony in the recently-pacified district of tuy. all luzon has now been explored and pacified. the fortifications of manila are now in good condition; accordingly, the city is safe from outside enemies, and the natives can see that the spanish occupation is a permanent one. the cathedral is so nearly completed that worship is celebrated therein; and the convent of sancta potenciana is well under way. galleys are patrolling the coast to watch for enemies; but the clergy have so opposed the efforts of the governor to man the galleys that he could not equip them as well as he desired. the permission given to the indians to pay their tributes in produce or in coin, as they might choose, is leading to the ruin of the country; for the natives are in consequence neglecting their industries and manufactures, and prices are much higher. the royal officials, therefore, now collect the tributes in produce only. again the governor complains of the marriages of wealthy widows to adventurers, who have thus "defrauded several very honorable and worthy captains and soldiers who serve here;" he recommends that heiresses be not allowed to marry without the king's consent. he also advises that all collections of tributes be made by the royal officials, who should pay the encomenderos their dues. another letter of the same date is especially interesting, as containing the earliest data thus far available on the first printing in the philippines. dasmariñas desires the king to provide some suitable design for the coat-of-arms of the city of manila. he protests against the heavy duties levied in mexico on goods exported from the islands. these letters are followed by a memorandum--unsigned and undated, but probably written about 1593--of "the troops required in the philippines;" this is itemized, and gives a total of 1,517. on september 27, 1593, dasmariñas sends a friendly letter, with gifts, to the king of camboja, who is threatened by the king of siam; and he offers to be arbitrator of their differences. an unsigned list (1594?) is given of the villages reduced by the spaniards under an officer named berramontano. luis perez, son of gomez perez dasmariñas, who has succeeded to his father's office, writes to the king of camboja (february 8, 1594) renewing his father's proffers of friendship for that ruler. at this time hernando de los rios, administrator of the royal hospital at manila, demands from the government more aid for that institution. witnesses testify that there is much sickness and mortality among the spanish soldiery in the islands; and that the hospital, as their only resource for care when ill, should receive an increase of its present inadequate income, and new buildings should be constructed for its use. in 1594 francisco de ortega, augustinian visitor-general in the philippines, presents a number of reports and petitions to the king. the abstracts of these papers which are preserved in the sevilla archives are here presented. the first of these documents contains a list of the islands, with a brief account of their size and population, of the number of religious already at work in them, and of the number yet needed. next, ortega asks for certain grants from the royal bounty for his order: a fixed sum for the building of the burnt monastery; an increased allowance for the yearly support of the religious, as prices have risen; allowances of wine, oil, and medicine for the augustinian convent at manila; and an increase in the number of religious provided for it. he complains that the dominicans are, by their mission to the chinese, intruding upon the rights of the augustinians, and prays for the establishment of a convent of recollect augustinians in a place proposed by him. ortega urges upon the king the temporal and spiritual importance of providing religious ministers, of striving to gain an entrance to china, of accepting the advances of the japanese king of firando, of conquering ternate, of resisting the japanese tyrant, and of pacifying mindanao. he asks that more troops be sent to cébu; that the spanish settlement there be raised to the rank of a city; that the regidors be crown appointees; and that its people be permitted to send their exports directly to nueva españa. he also advises that the port of cavite be more strongly fortified. a royal decree (april 27) orders that one hundred religious be sent to the islands. on april 22, 1594, a council of war is held at manila, to agree upon the reply which shall be made to an arrogant despatch from the japanese emperor, ostensibly peaceful, but containing covert threats and accepting certain gifts as tokens of vassalage. he then reads a draft of reply, which is criticized as likely to cause unnecessary offense by some expressions therein; an amended reply is read and adopted by the council, a few days later. luis perez dasmariñas asks (june 15, 1594) from felipe ii aid for two charitable institutions in manila--the girls' seminary of sancta potenciana, and the confraternity of la misericordia; also for the establishment and support of a temporary lodging-house for colonists, and of a hospital for the servants of spaniards. in another letter (june 22) the governor commends to felipe's favor carbajal, the captain who had gone to japan; the latter is now sent to spain with hideyoshi's letter. on the next day, dasmariñas advises the king of further news and despatches from japan, sent by the envoy fray pedro baptista. the japanese emperor professes friendship, but dasmariñas does not trust him, and has done all in his power to fortify manila. carbajal, the captain who conveyed the franciscans to japan, writes (1595?) to the king, to inform him of the prosperity and importance of that country, and the attitude of its ruler toward the spaniards. the emperor has treated the franciscans kindly. carbajal recommends that the spanish trade in china should be diverted to japan. in 1595 the diocese of manila is elevated to an archdiocese, and three new bishoprics are created--those of cébu, nueva cáceres, and nueva segovia. the king of spain, in the decree (june 17) making provision for this, also appoints incumbents for these posts. dr. antonio de morga, sent to the philippines in place of rojas, reports to felipe ii (june 25, 1595) his arrival and inauguration as lieutenant-governor, and urges the necessity of an investigation (which was accordingly decreed) of the royal treasury of the islands. he encloses the various official papers establishing his appointment and inauguration in due form. in august of that year, luis dasmariñas is persuaded to send aid to the king of camboja against the siamese. this is requested in his behalf by diego veloso, a portuguese adventurer who has spent ten years in that country, and who states that its ruler has protected the christian missionaries in his kingdom and now should be aided by the spaniards. certain stipulations are proposed to be fulfilled by the king of camboja in return for spanish aid, and veloso accepts them in his behalf. instructions are given to figueroa (november 13, 1595) regarding the conquest of mindanao. on november 26 following, the king issues a decree reestablishing the audiencia of manila, and appointing as its president the new governor of the islands, francisco tello--sending him detailed instructions as to the ceremonies to be observed in receiving the royal seal, "which are to be the same as would be observed in the reception of my royal person." luis pérez dasmariñas writes to felipe ii (december 6, 1595) giving a general report of external conditions in the province. after a reference to the progress of various religious missions, he reports that figueroa has gone to pacify mindanao, although a dispute whether he is to be subordinate to the manila government is unsettled. he gives an account of the projects of veloso for assisting the king of camboja; and states that he, with the consent of both religious and military authorities, has decided to make an attempt first against champa, but to send a representative to camboja in order to keep the friendship of its king. he urges the sending of a moderate force against siam, to be provided by the home government. he announces that he is planning to send an embassy to china, with gifts; and he prays the king to reimburse him for expenses connected with the sending of this embassy. toward the end of the letter he discusses the gifts most acceptable in china. felipe ii grants (march 20, 1596) the city of manila a coat-of-arms more satisfactory to the spaniards than the one which had been previously used. a royal decree, dated may 15, 1596, regulates the status of the bishoprics suffragan to the archdiocese of manila. ten days later, the king issues instructions for the new governor, francisco tello. he is earnestly charged to further in every possible way the interests of religion, especially in the instruction of the natives, and the completion and equipment of the cathedral; and to work in harmony with the archbishop. he is to provide liberally for the maintenance of the hospitals, and oversee their management. he must give the king full information regarding the number of missionaries now in the islands, and those needed there, etc.; and shall make arrangements with the superiors of the various orders for the most advantageous distribution of the missionaries who shall be sent each year. every effort must be made to convert the heathen indians. tello is strictly charged not to meddle with ecclesiastical affairs, and to maintain friendly relations with both clerics and friars. no minister of religion shall be permitted to collect from the natives any fees for burials, marriages, etc. tello is ordered to leave some missionaries at the ladrones islands, for the instruction of the natives. tribute must be collected from all the pacified indians, whether converts or heathen. the ecclesiastics must not meddle with the collection of tributes, or oppose the governor's authority; for any reforms which they may desire, they must consult with their superiors and prelates, and send applications to the king. tithes must be paid more fully than hitherto. the duties which the citizens ask to have repealed must still be levied. certain provisions are made for an income for the municipality of manila. tello is directed to see that the chinese be removed to quarters outside the city. no duties shall be levied on provisions and munitions brought to manila by foreigners. various other clauses are practically the duplicates of instructions given to gomez dasmariñas. agriculture must be encouraged in every way. the convent for girls is to be aided and encouraged. encomiendas may not be sold or transferred to other holders, but should be made large enough to support both the encomendero and the instruction of the natives. the indians should be settled in "reductions" like those of the american colonies, where they may be sufficiently instructed. justice is not to be severe, and litigation is not to be encouraged. religious will be provided as needed, and hence the priests are to publish no objections to the taking of tributes. soldiers are to be well employed, receiving pay only when they have no other income, and being exempt from arrest for debt. captains have authority only over soldiers, and the military must treat the indians kindly. the forts and fortifications must be maintained, and a watch kept constantly against enemies, who are enumerated, "especially the english lutherans." reports as to the possibility of new conquests are desired, but no such enterprises must be undertaken without circumspection and justification. as the soldiers are now fairly paid, there is no need of spoliation in conquests. the regions nearest manila must be conquered, for there is rebellion now in the heart of luzón. encouragement is given to extend conquests from the liu kiu islands to java, borneo, and the moluccas. the expense is to be borne by the royal exchequer, so far as shall be necessary, although the plan of rewarding the conquerors from the conquered territory is to be followed. the indians are to have the right of paying their tributes in any goods at their own option, to avoid extortion. the religious must not go to china or elsewhere, but must do the work among the indians for which they were sent to the islands. the chinese suffer oppression and extortion from the customs officers; this must be corrected. encomenderos and citizens are not to leave the islands without permission, on pain of confiscation of encomiendas. trade between the islands and china is not to be given up, in spite of objections made by the portuguese. effort shall be made to teach the castilian language to the indians. the governor must maintain cordial relations with the new audiencia and with the ecclesiastics. luis perez dasmariñas prays the king (june 30, 1596) for permission to lade a small vessel for peru, that he may make enough to pay off his debts. an answer is deferred until after the residencia in his case and his father's be taken. morga writes to felipe ii (july 6, 1596) a general report. the country in general is at peace, and fears from japan have been removed by the calming influence of the franciscans there. figueroa has been killed in mindanao, leaving an estate sufficient to carry on the expedition, and infant heirs to his prospective rewards. the expedition to camboja has gone--the tone of morga's report evidently disapproving this; and an expedition to china has been forced to return. there has been uneasiness as to the presence of so many chinese, and many have been sent out of the country. the lines of manila have been newly drawn, making it easier of defense. financial affairs require complete reform. the officials of the treasury are under suspension, pending investigation; and the revenue has been wasted for needless salaries and sinecures. the soldiery devote themselves to trade, losing their military efficiency and interfering with the business of the citizens. the city of manila is well provided with funds, and the fiscal arrangements are just. internal affairs are in a bad way, because of the facility and youth of luis perez dasmariñas, and the lack of a regularly-appointed governor. morga complains of the meddlesomeness of ecclesiastics. he prays for the reëstablishment of the audiencia; and reports that the country is all pacified, needing now mainly religious. he praises the plan of educating the sons of the natives at the jesuit college. he reports the arrival of vessels from the unsuccessful exploring expedition of mendaña to the islands of the south pacific. in conclusion, he prays that, in consideration of his poor health and the death of his children, he may be permitted to return to spain. tello writes to felipe ii (july 17, 1596) a letter upon his arrival. he is pleased with manila, although many public requirements are not attended to. the chinese near the city require watching. the archbishop has remained in mexico. trade has fallen off; and soldiers should be sent yearly to make up for deaths and losses. he recommends the continuation of the mindanao pacification at the expense of the heirs of figueroa. in a postscript he reports bad news from the camboja expedition. the pacification of mindanao (begun by figueroa) is continued by juan de ronquillo. he sends a report (may 10, 1597) of the campaign to governor tello. after a fierce contest with the natives, in which neither side gains the victory, a treaty of peace is negotiated. great distress ensues for lack of food, among both spaniards and indians; and aid from manila is asked. mindanao is a poor country, and will be of very little use to spain. ronquillo urges that supplies of troops, ammunition, and provision be sent from manila, for the mindanaos will certainly rebel as soon as tribute is exacted from them; and it is best to complete their conquest promptly. the missions in this island have been assigned to the jesuits; but only one priest is now there, and more are needed at once. the encomenderos to whom mindanao has been assigned ought to aid in its subjugation, and should be sent at once with troops to the island. a brief outline of the campaign is added, unsigned and undated. a memorial by hernando de los rios (june 27, 1597) to the king of spain urges the importance of conquering surrounding countries, notably the island of formosa. he describes certain routes, more direct than those hitherto followed, between spain and the philippines, and also complains of the number of chinese who infest manila. luis perez dasmariñas urges on felipe ii (june 28, 1597) the evils resulting from the presence in the islands of so many heathen chinese, with their vices, cunning, and danger to the state. "except for self-interest, we are mutually contrary and hateful." he recommends a number of severe measures limiting their activity, and placing obstacles in the way of their employment; and adds various notes recommending specific regulations for them. _the editors_ november, 1903. documents of 1593 the second embassy to japan. g. p. dasmariñas, and others; april-may. two letters to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; june 20. memorandum of troops required in the philippines. [1593?] letter to the king of camboja. g. p. dasmariñas; september 27. _sources_: these translations are all obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: part of the first document is translated by consuelo a. davidson; the rest of this, and the remaining documents in this group, by james a. robertson. the second embassy to japan [_statement by faranda_] my lord the emperor conbacondo [1] sends me as his ambassador to your excellency, as the representative of king philippe, to ask that we maintain hereafter the peaceful relations required by the close bond of true friendship and fraternity, for which reason i, in the name of my lord the emperor conbacondo and as his ambassador, ask his majesty king philippe and your excellency to accept and receive that friendship, as my lord the emperor desires. the letter brought by gaspar, my vassal, was in order to ascertain whether your excellency and the other spaniards were friends or foes, and not, as had been imagined or understood here, that you should become vassals of my lord the emperor, and render him obedience and submission. having learned the truth, my lord the emperor sent this embassy, ordering me to put on the garment which i am wearing, which means friendship and fraternity; for if we had come for war, as was thought, my garments would have been different, and i would have come in a different manner. it would have greatly pleased me if it had been possible for father fray juan cobos to come, to present the sword which, as a token of friendship and true brotherhood was given to him to be presented to your excellency; and to describe the kind reception accorded to him there and the love shown to him, so that i might have been more cordially received by your excellency. your excellency, not being acquainted with the many things said in this city concerning my visit, is very kind to receive me in this manner, not knowing even who i am, which could have been explained by father fray juan cobos if he had come. will your excellency be pleased to order that a reply be given to me as soon as possible, that i may go away and take the other xaponese who are here, because it is time to do so, and because the xaponese who have come heretofore from xapon are not of the higher classes, but are very low. your excellency should decide whether you do not wish them to go, as people of this sort are a shame to the kingdom of xapon; and, in case provisions or anything else are required from my country, i will send them with merchants duly registered. for that purpose i ask your excellency to give me a seal, and i will leave here one of mine, so that all our procedures may be uniform and harmonious; for it would not be right to have the people from the kingdom of xapon come here to rob the land and occasion scandals, thus giving a bad name to our country, and especially in a country with which we have established close friendship and with whom we are at peace. i also ask that when the emperor needs the spaniards in the wars which he may wage, your excellency will bind yourself to send him reënforcements of men, and he will do the same at any time when your excellency shall see fit to send to his kingdom of xapon for soldiers. everything that i have asked from your excellency herein is in the name of my lord the emperor. your excellency has doubted my authority, because i did not present letters from my lord the emperor. they are in the possession of father fray juan cobos and give me ample authority to negotiate with your excellency in regard to everything required to establish peace and amity. i will wait until i reach my emperor's presence and i will then send the agreements written by his own hands, and signed with my name, as a proof of my veracity. [_authentication_] we, the undersigned religious, state that the ambassador did sign this memorial; and i, fray gonzalo garcia, certify that everything contained herein was dictated to me to be written for your excellency in the spanish language by his order; and i as interpreter had it written by one of the religious who here sign our names. dated in this city of manila, the twenty-seventh of april, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. _fray gonçalo garcia_ _fray geronimo vazquez_ _fray andres del spiritu santo_ [_statement by faranda_] last year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two, conbacondon, the emperor of the realm of xapon, commanded me to come to these islands to negotiate for peace and amity with your excellency and the spaniards residing here, your excellency having agreed to it as the representative here of his majesty king don philipe. in order to carry out my emperor's orders i went as far as the province of sanchuma, [2] to a seaport, whence i was to sail; but while making preparations for my departure, i was attacked by sickness. then, in order not to lose the opportunity or to disobey said orders on account of my illness, i decided to send in my place my vassal gaspar, whom i greatly esteem, believing that he would execute the commission well, as he is a man experienced in all matters pertaining to these islands, having been in them before; and in consequence i sent him, giving him the letter from the emperor my lord. he came and delivered it; but, as there was no interpreter, it was not understood, and he was discredited because of the little authority he had, as he was not an ambassador. for that reason your excellency decided to send father fray juan cobos and captain lope de llano, who were to visit the kingdom of xapon and ascertain the truth concerning the embassy which my said subject brought. when fray juan cobos arrived in satisma he wrote two letters, one to the emperor, my lord, and another to me as the person to whom the embassy sent to these islands had been entrusted. the said two letters were tied together, and i received them in the town of mengoya, where the court of my lord the emperor is established. [3] for the sake of courtesy, i did not separate mine, but took both and delivered them to the emperor my lord, who read his and gave me mine--ordering a captain and myself, one by land and the other by sea, to go to meet father fray juan cobos. we departed at once, i going by sea; and i met him at geto, a place between firando and mangasatte, [4] where i received him with great pleasure, and brought him to the court where my lord the emperor then was. upon being notified of his arrival, the emperor ordered one of his nobles to give him hospitality in his own home, so that father juan cobos could rest there until a house could be adorned with gold, to shelter him with more pomp, because he was the envoy of so great a governor and because he is a father, and known to be a learned man, and that all his royal city might see how grand a reception was accorded to him. twenty-five days afterward, when everything was ready to receive him, i sent six hundred of the principal men, nobles and gentry, to convey him to the emperor's presence, sending a beautifully decorated litter, on which the father was carried on their shoulders. everyone was amazed to see such a reception, the like of which had never before been accorded to any other ambassador, although many had come to my lord the emperor, some to offer obedience, others to negotiate peace treaties. it was because the emperor knew that the spaniards are a warlike nation, valiant and honored above all other people, that he gave them such a reception; and so it was known over all the court. my lord the emperor was inside the fortress, and when father fray juan cobos reached the palace he was bidden to enter the audience-chamber where the emperor was waiting for him, and where he received him with the greatest honor and show of affection ever shown to any man, seating him next to himself. father fray juan cobos presented him with the letter, which upon being read, showed how doubts had arisen regarding the embassy sent by the emperor the year before. my lord the emperor called me, and asked me why i had not fulfilled his orders--to which i replied that i had gone to do so, but that, while at the seaport, i had been taken sick; and in order not to miss sending his embassy, i had entrusted it to one of my vassals, a christian. then my lord the emperor ordered me to go with father fray juan cobos to visit your excellency in his name, and to deliver my letters and try to establish lasting relations of friendship and amity; and finally sent me away, after having given me full instructions as to what i was to say and do. to father fray juan cobos my lord the emperor gave a sword of great worth and value, as a token of friendship, for your excellency; and a letter, wherein it was written that we were to be friends and brothers. father fray juan cobos and i departed for the port, but on arriving there he would not embark on my vessel. so we set sail, he on his vessel and i on mine. upon leaving i told father fray juan cobos that it would be better to wait for the tide, and until the moon came out; but he answered: "your people do not know or understand the sea." i am a pilot, and, seeing that the high tide was against us, i waited until the moon arose; but the father would not wait, and so left, and i have never since seen him. the advice i gave him before leaving was so that the emperor my lord might not ask me why i had not advised him, and so that the father himself might not have reason to complain against me. i gave him two of my kinsmen to accompany him, since he would not sail on my vessel. before he left, i asked the father to give me a letter for your excellency, because the ocean was not safe; and i asked also for some one who would come with me to these islands, and who could tell who i was, and state the reasons why i came. he gave me antonio, a christian sangley. the said antonio asked the father for a letter to your excellency, and he gave it to him; and so we separated, in the manner above described. i, faranda quiemon, ambassador of the emperor of the realms of xapon, state that the people of the said realms are heathen, but have already begun to accept the gospel law, and wish to become christians; and if this desire and belief has not spread more, it is because of the lack of ministers and priests. i know that my emperor desires me to bring back some fathers, provided they are of the order of st. francis, because this is an order and habit new to him; and our lord jesus christ and he will be well pleased that i should do them this service. if your excellency will order this to be done, you will confer a favor upon the said emperor and myself. i beg your excellency to favor me by commanding that ten fathers of the above-mentioned franciscan order be sent to accompany me from this city to xapon for the said object--the said ten fathers to be fray pedro baptista, fray vicente vermeo, fray blas de la madre de dios, fray juan pobre, fray diego portero, father gonzalez, fray francisco parilla, fray joseph, fray francisco ribero, and fray andres (an unsettled priest). besides the fact that we shall all take as a favor the service done our lord, i promise in the name of the emperor and on his royal word that they shall be well received and well treated, and that no harm shall be done them; and if they become unwilling to stay, and are disinclined to do the work for which they have been taken thither, i promise to send them back to this city as they came. [_letters from fray juan cobos_] the bearer of this is faranda quiemo, a xaponese, who goes in a new vessel, which has some red pictures painted on the poop. she is a staunch ship, carrying one hundred and twenty men, chinese and xaponese. it carries as a signal a red pennant at the stern. given at cuxi, a port of xapon, on october 29, 1592. _fray juan cobos_ [_addressed_: "to gomez perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, at manila."] because of the uncertainty of the ocean, i send this note by another vessel which sails together with ours from this port, so that in case it reaches your excellency before us you will not be alarmed on our account. our trip has been very prosperous, and, should the lord preserve our health, we shall, as soon as we find ourselves in manila, report to your excellency how well we were received by the emperor and how well attended, thus honoring our lord the king, your excellency, and our nation. nothing more at present, as i am writing these lines only in case our ship should prove less speedy. from xapon, province of china, [5] port of cuxi, november 4. captain lope llanos kisses your excellency's hands; he is very ill with quartan ague. _fray juan cobos_ [_addressed_: "to gomez perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general of the felipinas islands."] the bearer is antonio lopez, a chinese, who sails on the vessel of the japanese faranda as a token of peace, and to protect the vessel, so that no harm may be done to it. _fray juan cobo_ may jesus be always with your excellency. it was found necessary that antonio lopez, the chinese, depart in the vessel of faranda quiemo, who is the master of the faranda who carries these letters and was the source of all these messages. although i leave the port in xapon before him, the fortunes of the ocean are various, and he may arrive there first. glory be to god that our voyage has been very prosperous, as your excellency will learn. as this letter is only intended as a safe-conduct for its bearers (for which we are hostages), and as a permit to antonio lopez, i say nothing more except that i recommend your excellency, in case he shall arrive before i do, to give them a kind reception, because we were well received by the emperor. it is worth while for your excellency to send here for copper and hemp, on the king's account, as i shall report to you at my arrival. captain lope de llanos kisses your lordship's hands; he is very ill with quartan ague. he is not writing, because this letter is intended only for the purpose above mentioned. from the realm of xapon, province of chaxuma, at the port of cuxi, november 4, 1592. _fray juan cobo_ addressed to gomez perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of santiago, and governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands. _decree_ in the city of manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of may, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, i, gomez perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of santiago, and captain-general of these islands, declare in the name of the king, our lord, that whereas last year some letters and an ambassador claiming to come from the king of xapon were received here, and, moved by suspicion and fearing war, i sent the father fray juan cobos with letters for the emperor; and whereas it is over a year since the said father left here, and, notwithstanding i have received letters from him meanwhile, making known his safe arrival and the prompt execution of his mission, i am anxious because he does not return; three xaponese vessels having arrived, and in one of them a man by the name of faranda, a xaponese who claims to be the ambassador; and as i wish to be informed what sort of a man this faranda is, and to learn whether father cobos arrived there and how he was received and sent away, and the purpose that faranda has in coming, and what are the intentions and objects of the said emperor, and whatever else it is expedient to ask in order to disperse and clear away the prevalent uncertainties, and know whether we are to have safety and peace with that king: i hereby order that the following investigation be made, the proceedings of which shall be attached to the original letters sent by father fray juan cobo and to the memorial submitted by faranda; and i sign it with my name. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ before me: _juan de cuellar_ [_testimony_] in [6] the city of manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of may, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, the said governor and captain-general, gomez perez das marinas, summoned captain joan de solis to his presence, in order to make the above-mentioned investigation. he took the oath before god and on the sign of the cross, in due form, and promised to answer truthfully the questions asked him. the tenor of the questions having been read to him, he said that, as one who had just come from the kingdoms of xapon, and reached this port and bay but yesterday, and who was in xapon when father fray joan cobos arrived there--where this witness was building a ship (the one in which he came hither), and work on which he left and abandoned, in order to go to see, protect, and serve the said father fray joan cobo, and to instruct him in the customs and usages of the country, as the father came in behalf of his majesty--he will relate here what he knows. while this witness was in the kingdoms of xapon last year, the emperor resolved to send an embassy here. this he entrusted to faranda queymon, but as the latter fell sick at the time of his intended departure from that country, he sent in his stead a christian xaponese, named gaspar, otherwise called faranda. this witness says that what he heard and was told regarding that matter--not only by the emperor himself, with whom he conversed several times, but by other personages and nobles of the emperor's court--was always that the intention of the king of xapon was only to ascertain, by means of this embassy, whether these philippines islands were friendly or hostile to him; for if they were friendly, then he wished friendship and alliance with the governor and the spaniards, and trade and intercourse. if they were not friendly, then he would consider them as enemies, and would attack them. this was the object of the embassy, and the emperor's intention, as he himself declared three or four times in the presence of this deponent, in the following formal language: "it is true that i sent quiemon on that embassy, for, as a man who knows that land, he gave me an account of it. but what i wished was friendship, and trade and intercourse with the castilians, as i have been informed of the good treatment given to my xaponese there. i do not want silver, gold, soldiers, or anything else, but only to keep them as friends." this witness, as he knew the emperor's nature, and his veracity, and the punctiliousness with which he keeps his word, thinks that he does not claim vassalage, tribute, or any recognition from this community and kingdom, nor does he intend to commit any wrong toward this kingdom; but rather this witness believes and knows that the emperor will aid this kingdom with soldiers, and whatever else might be asked from him. therefore he thinks that he who interpreted the letter could not read or interpret it, if he asserted that the emperor demanded vassalage; for the characters used in their writing are difficult to understand. likewise this witness declared, in regard to the arrival of father fray joan cobo in the kingdoms of xapon, that he saw that father cobo went from the port of chandomar to nangoya, where the emperor was residing, and that this witness accompanied and entertained him through the entire journey--about one hundred leguas. this witness saw with his own eyes that the city of nangoya is a city of one hundred thousand or more inhabitants. this city was built and settled in five months. it is three leguas long, and nine leguas in circumference. it was built by order of quambaco, by which his power was manifest. as soon as father cobo had arrived and was about to disembark in the port of the said city of nangoya, a nobleman of the court came to receive him, bearing three letters--one for the said father, another for captain lope de llano, and the third for the present witness. they [the father and the two captains] were borne on the shoulders of men to the house of the man who came to receive them. there lodging had been prepared by order of cuambac. within a week, cuambac had the father summoned; as soon as the latter had entered the palace, the emperor bade him be seated, and received the messages that he bore. then he made the above assertion to him with indications of great pleasure. after that he ordered a collation spread for the father, and asked him if he would like some tea to drink. the father replied that he kissed his highness's hands. as he rose to go, the emperor ordered him to be taken to the chanayu--a small house where the most privileged go for recreation and to drink tea [7] with the emperor. this house is well provided with gilded tables, vessels, sideboards, and braziers; and the cups and basins, and the rest of the service, are all of gold. there the emperor ordered a very fine banquet to be spread for him, and had wine carried to him. he again repeated the words above mentioned, two or three times, and then sat down. after a moment's conversation, he took leave of the father. thirteen days after that, he sent the father a _catana_ or sword, which is held in high estimation there in his kingdom, because of its fineness and adornments; and a letter for the governor. this letter was written on a large sheet of gilt paper resembling damask, in letters of gold. this witness saw it, and took it in his hand, and had it read many times. in brief, it contained these words: "i sent quiemon, as he is a man of intelligence, and as he had given me a relation of that country, and the good treatment shown to my vassals there; but i do not desire silver, gold, or soldiers, or anything else, but only fast friendship with your nation, for i hold everything under my sway. in coray [corea] my captains have already taken the king prisoner, and are now near lanquin, and about to seize china. i am sending you a sword now, in order that you may have some remembrance from me in that country. you shall have this written to your king, and shall send me his reply. to the lioccata of manila, huye çama," (that is to say, "the great captain") the honor shown to father fray joan cobo was never shown to any foreigner or native, according to the assertion of this witness, as one who has a thorough understanding of the customs and laws of that country. from all of the above it can be understood that the said father was received and his business despatched with great honor. and, as to the father not having come to this country, this witness declares that be knows that the father embarked, after receiving many presents and supplies. the vessel on which he embarked was in poor repair, and the season the very depth of winter. the sea was in great turmoil, and the winds contrary. on this account he thinks that the father perished at sea. as to the person of the ambassador faranda, he knows him to be a man of influence in xapon, who was recently created a lord by the emperor of that country. the emperor ordered him to come here in attendance on father fray joan cobo, as one who was held in high estimation. for this reason, this witness thinks that his coming is without any duplicity, or cause for suspicion--beyond a little vanity, to show that he is a lord, and one whom the emperor chooses for things as important as this. therefore this community has no grounds for fear of any wrong being done by that country; but should, on the contrary, esteem highly the friendship made with the said emperor; and as the latter is a friend so powerful and important, his ambassador should be served and entertained in the manner that seems most desirable to the governor. this witness asserts the above, by the oath he took, to be what he knows and what he has heard. he is thirty-eight years old. he affixed his signature to the above. _joan de solis_ before me: _joan de cuellar_ in the city of manila, on the first of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, for the investigation of the aforesaid matter, an oath was received in due form of law, before god and on the sign of the cross, from antonio lopez, a chinese christian, an interpreter. he took the oath, and promised, under charge thereof, to tell the truth. being questioned regarding the matter, this witness declared that he went to the kingdoms of xapon last year with father cobo. he saw that the father was very courteously received by the emperor upon his arrival there; for he saw father cobo enter [the palace] and go to meet the emperor. he saw that father cobo appeared very happy and cheerful, and heard him say that after a few days he was to go back with his business well despatched. he saw the father embark well and happy, with a present from the emperor of a very fine _catana_, or sword, for the governor of the philippinas. father cobo gave this witness a letter, which he brought to the governor, for he sailed in the ambassador's ship, by order of father cobo. this witness knows that the emperor was very friendly to the spaniards, and that the ambassador faranda queimon came to make a treaty of peace. the latter is the same man whom they saw enter and go with father cobo to meet the emperor. queimon is not hostile, but friendly. this is the truth and nothing else, on his oath. he is about forty years old. he signed the above, according to his custom. before me: _joan de cuellar_ collated with the original: _juan de cuellar_ [_endorsed_: "matters discussed with the governor by faranda, ambassador from japon."] antonio said that he heard that the emperor of japon gave the conquest of these islands to kunquyn. he also heard the soldiers of the house of kunquyn say that they would like to come to these islands; and they asked him if the people of cagayan were subdued. upon antonio replying "yes," they said "no," and that they knew it. he has heard that the king of japon gave the conquest of the island of ermosa to a japanese; and that, when this man shall come to these islands, he will come through them, island by island, and that they had already set out. the greatest distance between any of these islands is about two days' sail by sea, and one or two nights. the xaponese laughed when they heard antonio say that these islands contained four or five thousand spaniards. they said that the defense of these islands was merely a matter for jest, for one hundred of the japanese were worth two or three hundred of us; and that, therefore, the conquest of these islands presented no difficulty. they declared that the natives of cagayan were ill-disposed toward us; and that the japanese would no sooner land in cagayan, than the natives would deliver the spaniards to them. antonio declared further that three large ships were being built in japon; and he could not understand why, unless for these islands, as they had no need of them for other purposes. antonio lopez declares further that he heard in japon that the king ordered this ambassador to return with the news, if the people of luçon should submit. but if they did not submit, then he should order none of the japanese here to return to japon; as he would kill those who did return, for he wished them to live here. antonio thinks that caution regarding the japanese here should still be maintained--for, as i understand, there are three hundred or more japanese here, and one hundred and fifty came in the ambassador's ship. according to antonio's opinion, no confidence should be placed in the infidel sangleys; for many of them have been in japon, and those most evil and most opposed to the chinese are those very chinese. he declares that a japanese, named don baltasar, conspired with don agustin at the time of the revolt. this was told to antonio lopez by a christian sangley in firando. he declares that there are many of the japanese here who came to cagayan seven years ago, and that the pilot who has just arrived in this ship also went to cagayan, to plunder. he has many times heard the japanese say that they would go to ciuteui, thence to cagayan; and that the king of japon ordered the inhabitants of liutai not to render homage any longer to china. they recognized that country to the extent that, when the reigning king died, his successor had to be approved by china. all the trees in japon are assigned to the king; and no one may cut them without his permission. antonio declares that little confidence can be placed in the sangleys, in the parian; for many of them, having been promised some vassals by the japanese, are in rebellion. in japon there is universal talk of the abundance of gold in this land. on this account, the soldiers are anxious to come here; and are coming, as they do not care to go to core, which is a poor country. those who come from core say: "formerly when we were going to plunder their country, the chinese immediately united with us; but now there is no one in core who cares for our friendship, but all love the chinese even unto death." antonio thinks also that "the infidel sangleys should not be allowed to go to the visayas, nor a christian with many other infidels, as is the custom, but that only christians go, on account of the acts of treachery and revolt that the chinese, instigated by the japanese, may attempt." he declares further that three or four japanese asserted, in the king's court, that if they should go to manila, the natives themselves would deliver to them the spaniards dead. as he understands, because of this and of other things, father juan cobo said that when he returned here he would confer with the governor as to the advisability of not permitting a single japanese to remain in the country. antonio declares that father juan cobo left japon so quickly, and at a so inopportune season, because of his fears of the japanese; and that he had previously agreed with this antonio lopez to send him to hroguyaca, on the pretext that he was going to china, but with instructions to change his course at sea, and return here. antonio declares that juan sami, a master of chinese letters, who accompanied father fray juan cobo, read the letter given to this faranda by the japanese emperor. it contained injunctions to subdue the inhabitants of these islands, and oblige them to recognize him as lord. if the spaniards should not do that promptly, he [the emperor] would come soon; and had it not been for the dangerous sea for half of the distance, he would have come already. juan sami, master of chinese letters, declared that he accompanied father fray juan cobo to japon. there the father met juan de solis, a castilian, who was much persecuted by the portuguese. this same master presented a petition to the japanese king, by order of father fray juan cobo. this petition complained of the injuries that juan de solis had received from the portuguese, who had stolen from him a quantity of gold, silver, and other property. he presented this petition to the king of japon, on the day when he met him. the latter accordingly ordered one of his captains to return all the stolen articles; but as yet only five hundred pesos are paid. francisco de loadi de oñate declares that he knows juan de solis; who is a captain of the king, our sovereign. this captain went, at the order of the audiencia of panama, to macan, in order to purchase copper and other articles; but the portuguese seized all his money and his vessel. they sold the ship very cheaply, and sent the crew as prisoners to goa. from sheer pity, he entered his pulpit one day, and there complained of the injuries done to the captain--among others, maiming one of his arms. after this the aforesaid solis, in company with a father of the society, [8] who was about to go to japon as visitador, went to the said kingdom. without the knowledge of the father visitador, solis, as soon as he arrived at japon, presented [to the king] a rich gift, which according to various estimates cost seven or ten thousand ducados. he also presented certain letters in the name of the king our sovereign, whereupon he was very kindly received by the japanese king. the latter gave solis a letter ordering the refunding of all that had been taken from him, with interest. after this solis obtained permission to build a vessel, which was already completed, all but stepping the masts. the boatswain was found dead one morning, and the ship scuttled. solis, after the portuguese and theatins had denied that they had done this, went to meaco. when the king of japon asked him why he did not go, he told him what had happened; and recounted to him what the father visitador had done. thereupon, the king began to persecute the theatin fathers. the witness declares further that the said king gave the said captain solis a letter ordering that no portuguese or any other person should dare or attempt to oppose him any further. _francisco de lorduy_ juan sami declared that he saw and read a letter from the king of xapon to the governor of these islands. its substance was as follows: "formerly i was a man of little renown. now all who live beneath the sky recognize me and are my vassals. i ordered the king of core to render me homage. at his refusal, i sent my captain to war upon him, and seize his land even to the confines of liauton. [9] this liauton is a land with many chinese soldiers, near which resides the king of china. i have seized the fortress of partho, which i have subdued, and it is very devoted to me, because i love the people of that fortress as fathers and mothers love their children. those who recognize my authority i do not ill-treat, but i send my captains to war upon whomsoever shall refuse to submit to me. i am writing this letter to thee, so that it may prove a token, signal, and reminder. thou shalt write these things to the king of castilla quickly, so that he may be informed thereof. do not delay, but write at once. i send thee that sword, which is called _quihocan_." he declares that this letter was given to the father while in the court; and that when the father was about to leave, he received a second of like tenor, written later than the above. in it the emperor stated that he was sending this faranda as ambassador. in what pertains to corean matters, he declares that the japanese did indeed conquer the kingdom at first, but that many soldiers came from the country of liacaton, who harassed the japanese greatly. after many of the japanese had died by sword and disease, the chinese recovered this fortress of partho and other districts. he declares moreover, that father fray juan cobo asked him: "why dost thou fear to have the japanese go to china?" he answered him that the chinese did not fear them, as there were many soldiers; and even if the japanese should kill many of them at first, many others would come afterwards. when he asked the father if he were afraid to have them come here, to luçon, he said that the father answered: "no, even if many hundreds of japanese should come." he declares that it was after the father had talked with the king that the churches were destroyed. antonio lopez declares that father fray juan cobo showed the king of japon the kingdoms of our king on a globe. he gave this to the king, with the names of the kingdoms written in chinese characters, with the distances between them. the occasion for this arose, because when the king of xapon read the letter written from this country, he saw so many kingdoms, whereupon he asked to have them pointed out to him in detail, with their size and the distances between them. the father told him that the portuguese were subjects of the king of castilla. the father wrote this to hunquin, who requested it from him in the name of the king. antonio lopez says that he does not know whether it was on the occasion of hunquin asking the father why he did not acknowledge subjection to him, or on the other occasion of the father coming to say that the present which he had taken to the king of japon was not sent in the name of our king (for he did not acknowledge any superior), but that it would be from the theatin fathers; but after the father had conversed with the king, on his return they found the churches destroyed. moreover, he says that at some time during this month luis, a servant of joan de solis, will come here. this man served as interpreter between the father and the king of japon, and also hunquin. moreover, antonio declares that when he was accompanying father fray juan cobo one day, as they journeyed together, he asked the father: "father, shall we have war in luçon this year?" the father answered: "no, we shall not." the father said that he was going to castilla this year to discuss some matters that only he could discuss there, as he alone had seen them; and that it would be advisable to send fathers of st. francis to japon this year, for the fathers do not desire money. the japanese are tractable in disposition, and they greatly desired the fathers. the father said it would be advisable for him to continue diverting them for four years, when the fortresses in manila would be completed; and then there would be war. _letter from the emperor of japon to the governor of luçon_ formerly i was an insignificant man and held in but little esteem; but i set out to conquer this round expanse under the sky, and those who live beneath the sky upon the earth are all my vassals. those who do homage to me have peace and security, and live without fear. but i immediately send my captains and soldiers to those who do not render homage to me, to make war upon them, as has recently happened to the king of core. because he refused homage to me, i have seized his kingdom even to the confines of liauton, located near the court of the chinese king. already have i seized the fortress and district of parto, and have pacified it thoroughly. although the kingdoms were in revolt and about to make war, i gave them by means of my good plans, thought out in one, two, or three days, one after another, laws and decrees, whereby i pacified them; for i love my vassals as parents love their children. the kings of other nations are not as i; for although they give me but little, still i receive them. in that paper i am sending thee those words, in order that they may serve as a reminder. thou shalt write the following at once to the king of castilla: "those who insult me cannot escape, but those who hearken to me and obey me live in peace and sleep with security." i send thee this sword, called quihocan, as a present. talk with tuquy at once, and do not delay. antonio declares that firanda's clerk said to him yesterday: "antonio, see that thou tellest the truth. it matters little that we japanese are about. thou shalt tell the truth." antonio answered him that he would indeed tell the truth, and what was not true, he would not say. antonio declares that when he asked a japanese friend of his, who brings a few cotton articles, why he served faranda, and if it were better for his trading, this japanese answered that faranda was their ruler, and without his leave not one of them could return to japon. if faranda did not obtain a favorable message this year, then he would not return to japon; but if they treated him well he would return. antonio declares that this good treatment means obedience to the king of japon. moreover he declared that faranda's brother told him that four months are needed to go from mexico to luçon, and from there at luçon to mexico another four; and on this account but few soldiers could come from mexico. japan is not more than twenty days' journey distant, and therefore it would be well for us to appreciate this fact. antonio declares that he told this to father juan cobo and to captain llanos. antonio says that one usangro, a great friend of faranda, took him, while in japon, to his house. this man is now sick in the ship. antonio says it will be advisable for him to take usangro to his house, in order to repay his hospitality. he says that he will try to find out from this man how affairs stand. he declares that those who accompanied faranda assert that the latter came to become governor of manila. all those of the ship say this, and he heard it said likewise in japon. he did not know whether faranda were to govern only the japanese, or the tagals, or the spaniards as well. he asserts also that faranda's servants told the sangleys to be careful of their actions, for their master faranda was to govern them also here at manila. he says that what he understands of faranda's purpose is, that the latter promised the king of japon that he would plan how these islands should render the king homage. his intention is to take a certain rich present with him, in order that he might say in japon that he brings recognition. but now, as the father has not come, and as he believes that he will not obtain the present that he seeks, he is sad; and thus he will be very low-spirited, compared to his previous state of mind. he says also that when don agustin, a tagal of tondo, and don baltazar, a japanese, conspired together to seize manila, don agustin gave the latter a hat, and don baltasar gave the said don agustin a morion and some cuirasses. this antonio says also that father fray juan cobo conferred with him upon the advisability of our concerting with china against japon, in the following manner: if the japanese should attack china, we would aid the latter; and if they attacked these islands, then the chinese should aid us. he asserts that the father once told him that faranda, as he had lost his property, was about to come to these islands to confer with the governor, so that his two vessels might engage in trade between these islands and japon. when antonio said to the father: "take care that thou dost not reveal the design of this man, namely, to wrest manila from you spaniards," the father responded that faranda did not dare do it. antonio says that he does not know whether the father told this to faranda to test him, for well he knows it, but it is certain that the father knows that the japanese are trying to have the people of manila render homage to them. miguel onte says that he has heard it reported that, about forty years ago, the japanese were trading in china. then they were very mild, and feigned to be very humble. but after they had learned the passages, rivers, and entrances, they came to china to plunder; and thirty-four years ago they robbed him and many others who were with him. he says that in the time of santiago de vera, the chinese said to the latter: "take care, sir, do not allow the japanese to come here; for if a few come now, and receive hospitable treatment, more of them will come tomorrow, and continually more, so that what happened to us will happen to you spaniards." he says that he has heard it reported that the father of this faranda requested the conquest of these islands from the king of japon a number of years ago. to this end he requested five thousand soldiers; and the king of japon promised him ten thousand. he has felled trees and prepared timber to build vessels. moreover, he declares that two other vessels are about to come here now. before the coming of the japanese this year, there were four hundred japanese here. these two vessels have brought almost three hundred, and another three hundred will come in the ships that are coming. therefore much caution must be employed. he says also that many of the sangleys who came with faranda declare that this faranda wants a share in these islands, and that they do homage to him. miguel says that he cannot understand what faranda wants here, unless it is this thing. if something is not given him, he will not return to japon, but will send for troops. he declares further that, when the japanese made their first assault in china, they were living there peacefully. one night they set fire to the town that they inhabited, and captured and robbed all the people whom they could find. many of the sangleys fear lest this be enacted here. for why has faranda come here to manila, unless for this? it is said that he is gloomy because of the non-arrival of the troops. he declares further that what he understands of the chinese is, that if the spaniards, when war should break out, would make arrangements with the chinese to give them money and the heads of all the japanese that they might kill--giving them a certain sum for each head, and allowing them to take it to china afterwards--many of the chinese would fight with good courage. two or three thousand soldiers could be found, who would fight very bravely. he says that it would be advisable to go to patan and sian for saltpeter and lead. sangley christians could go for this in their own vessels. he declares further that, in case of necessity, they might bring from the atarrayas, whose habitations extend from here to palañaque, more than thirty picos of lead. i, fray juan de san pedro martir, declare that i have learned, through a very certain and indubitable medium, that one of the japanese who accompanied faranda, and who is in his immediate service, told a certain individual that faranda was coming to these islands in order that they might render him homage. if they should refuse it, he would not dare return to japon; as the king of that country would hang him, if he returned without taking manila, or its fort. there were five hundred japanese here for the accomplishment of this. in testimony of the truth of the above, i affix my signature. april twenty-four, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. _fray juan de san pedro martir_ antonio says that he heard it said in hunquin's house in japon that ten _bañes_ of soldiers (one hundred thousand japanese) would come here. when this antonio told them that these islands contained only five or six thousand soldiers, and that here at manila there were no more than three or four thousand soldiers, the japanese said that so many troops would be unnecessary; and therefore that ten thousand would be sufficient. he asserts further that his guest said, about three days ago, that three days would be sufficient for five or six thousand men to come here to manila. he says also that the clerk of faranda and of the ship (who was arrested yesterday), while talking today with pablo rroman, told the latter that twenty japanese were equal to twenty of us. antonio lopez says also that on the night when his lordship granted him leave to go to his house--the night of the feast of the resurrection--pablo rroman was in the ship. this was told antonio by the sangleys, in particular by one of his cousins. therefore they could ascertain from the father the intentions of faranda. he says that he heard that he was going for copper. this antonio says also that, while he was in faranda's house, faranda ordered don pedro leon, a japanese, to ask a spaniard present to fence with him. the spaniard fenced, whereupon faranda remarked that he was skilful. this he said in sarcastic comment on us, as was gathered from his manner of saying it. he says also that the sangleys who came in faranda's ship complained that faranda does not allow them to remove their possessions from it, and that none of them are willing to return with him. he says also that the distance from japon to liutue is three hundred japanese leguas, which are equal to two hundred castilian leguas. in his opinion, and he says the father thought the same, ten japanese leguas are equivalent to eight of ours. he says also that a japanese threatened antonio melo, a christian sangley, that, if he sold the vessel which he had brought from japon, he would speak to cunbaço, who would crucify the sangley. he says also that one sails from luiteui [liukiu?] to the island of hermosa, whence he strikes sioabuetabo, where the men go naked. if the weather is favorable, this voyage takes two days and one night, but if not, the only ports are in these islands of liuitiui above mentioned. this liuitiui consists of seven islands. he asked this in japon. he declares further that his guest told him that, if no fathers are sent to japon this year, there will be war next year. if the governor sends a present to cuanbaco, faranda and cuanbaco will be very glad; but if not, then there will be war. father fray juan cobo had discussed the same thing with this antonio. antonio asserts, moreover, that he suspected in japon that hunquin would not allow juan de solis's ship to sail. he remarked this to juan sami, his comrade, a christian sangley, who had gone to japon with him and father fray juan cobo. he based this assertion on the fact that when this antonio wished to bring the ship in which the father had come, hunquin must have prevented its sailing; for, until this faranda left, a servant of hunquin remained at the port. although this man was poor, yet faranda respected him, feasted him, and gave him a garment when he left. his name was hirobio. moreover, he says that his host told him that four or five thousand men would come in large vessels to conquer these islands, and that this number was sufficient. only ten ships would be needed for this. he declares that, in his opinion, it would be an advisable plan for the governor to contrive to despatch a couple of japanese vessels without telling faranda that he would give him any present, or any fathers to accompany him. he should show signs that he wishes to detain faranda, in order to ascertain his intention in this way; for the latter has said that his ship must leave these islands first. he asserts also that the japanese emperor admits in his letter that the sword which he sent by means of the same japanese, is called _guihoccan_. this is a chinese word, which, being translated into our language, signifies: "i am sending thee that token of brotherly love. cross the sea, so that thou mayst render submission to me." this letter _gi_, or word _gui_, signifies "love," and a token of the love which exists between brothers. this word _hoc_ signifies subjection. finally this word _can_ signifies sea. thus "the sword guihoccan" admits of the above explanation. he declares also that his guest told him that the ships would not come to this bay; but that the soldiers would march here by land. miguel onte declares that many sangleys would buy catanas, but they did not dare, for fear lest the governor would take them away. he says the chinese would like to sail five days ahead of the japanese. antonio lopez says that the helmsmen of the ship have told him that they and the pilot had consulted together as to the way of reaching manila in the quickest time, and says that they will come by way of liuteui. he declares also that he thinks that the japanese have detained pedro solis's vessel and another one, which were about to sail; for surely, had they not been detained, they would have arrived. he says also that the reason why the helmsmen do not wish to return is because they know that the japanese are coming next year, and that the latter will force them to bring them here. on this account, they wish to remain here and return to china. he says, too, that great care should be taken; for, in his opinion, it would be very advisable to detain the japanese, and not allow them to return. for it is certain that they will try to subdue us; but if these do not return, the japanese in japon will be as though blind. he says further that faranda told him yesterday that affairs were turning out well, and that they and we would be friends; and that it was very well that the governor had invited them. he also said that because the inhabitants of core refused their friendship, and endeavored to fortify themselves, the japanese retreated, in such manner as their knowledge of the country permitted--not being acquainted with the routes in the fortified part of the country, but only with those where it was not defended. [_endorsed_: "ancient fears of japon, 1593."] _copy of the letter written by gomez perez dasmariñas to the emperor of xapon._ last year i wrote to your grandeur through father fray juan cobo, in reply to a letter given to me here in your royal name, although i had good reason to doubt the authenticity of the embassy as well as the meaning of the words, and i have waited almost a year to receive your statement and reply; and have only received a very short and general letter from father cobo, stating that he sailed away from there six months ago, highly favored and with his mission expedited by your royal hands, which i kiss therefor. two xaponese vessels, which have been hospitably received by me, have arrived here--one of them bringing faranda, who claims to be your ambassador, but who brings neither a chapa nor your letter, nor an answer to mine, nor anything to clear up my doubt. and now, considering the uncertainty of the sea-voyage, and the fact that father cobo has not come, i am more in the dark than ever, and more desirous of learning your royal intentions and wishes. for, although faranda brings me no credentials, yet i cannot believe that a vassal of your grandeur, and one to all appearance so honored, would dare to appropriate and use your royal name without your order. therefore, in such uncertainty, i cannot do otherwise than hear him and speed him in his mission. i answered a memorial which he gave me, as he will show you. at present, to clear up the doubt and uncertainty, i am sending father fray pedro baptista, who is a most serious man, of much worth and character, with whom i counsel and advise in the affairs most important to my king; in short, he is my comfort and my consolation, as he is to all the people of this state. he carries with him the letters which have passed between us, and the copy of faranda's memorial, and my answer thereto, so that he may there consider the whole affair with your royal person and bring back to me the explanation and certainty and decision which are to be hoped from your royal heart. he has power from me to accept and establish the peace and amity which are offered in your royal name and requested from us by faranda; and the treaty shall be held in force and observed until such time as the king my lord, advised of the facts, shall order me what to do. i trust that all will come out as you desire. i, for my part, shall do all i can to further this. may god keep your royal person and grant much prosperity to you. from manila, on the twentieth of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three since our lord's birth. i was particularly inclined to send this despatch by one who, besides the high esteem in which he is held by me, is a member of the holy order of st. francis, as faranda requested this in his memorial addressed to me, wherein he said that it would greatly please you to see there fathers of this blessed order. this man is one of most strict and holy life, which alone would make him worthy of veneration. two letters from gomez perez dasmariñas to felipe ii sire: last year, 1592, i gave your majesty an account, in various letters (written in duplicate), of the condition of matters in this country, and of everything that had occurred up to that time of which i should advise you, and at greater length. now i repeat that information sending with the present letter a brief summary or memorandum of the various points about which i wrote, so that, being thus reminded of what required deliberation, your majesty may be pleased to order that all these matters be examined and suitable action taken. but lately (april 27), on the arrival at this port of a vessel from mexico, i received no letter from your majesty or your councils, because no fleet went hence to mexico this year. consequently i shall note here only what has happened since last year. since i have had, this year, no news of your majesty's health, may it please his divine majesty, that when this letter reaches you, it will find your majesty enjoying the health needed by the interests of christendom, and the prosperity for which we, your majesty's vassals and servants, pray; and may this continue so for many long and happy years, so that the disturbed and embarrassed condition of affairs which now generally prevails may be reduced to order. as i have written to your majesty of our need here of ministers to give christian instruction, i have great hopes that your majesty has done us the favor to send a great force of missionaries to this vineyard and to this new field of christendom, which so sorely needs them. i hope, too, that these laborers will not come from mexico, but from españa, and that they will be among those who are most needed there; for this land, so new and so distant from your majesty's royal sight, demands such men. likewise they should be humble, peaceful subjects, loving god and your majesty, and attentive to their ministry of preaching the holy gospel and the salvation of souls. they should not be men with selfish interests, or have special objects or pretensions in view which would divert them from their chief aim. i am hoping for them chiefly because of the great need for them in the province of tuy. this province was rendered obedient to your majesty without bloodshed and voluntarily, by means of the fathers. at that time they paid some beads, and rice, and some small articles of little or no value, only as a slight token of recognition. i thought it better, according to our promises to them, not to collect any tribute from them inside of one year; and although this time has expired, still i have not thought it proper to collect the tribute, because of our lack of ministers to instruct them, and because i am thinking of founding a spanish settlement there. this latter i propose doing, on account of the fertility of that region, and its superior climate, as well as the robustness of the indians, and their great vigor and intelligence. they have large villages and houses, abundance of rice, cattle, fruit, cotton, anise, ginger, and other products. in that region fifteen thousand tributarios are subject to your majesty's obedience. when the year, as above stated, had expired, i sent to tuy, about five months ago, thirty soldiers under their leader, for the sole purpose of visiting those villages and ascertaining whether they were obedient to your majesty's service and friendly to us. i sent them some beads, hawk's bells, and other trifles of slight value, although these things are highly esteemed among them. the people were found to be quite peaceful, obedient, and friendly, and were willing to pay the tribute to your majesty at that time, as you will see by the accompanying information. i was unwilling to have the tribute collected until we have fathers to instruct them--or at least, until we institute justice among them and found a settlement there. for this last-named purpose i have no men, because many have died of disease during the past year. i am considering whether i shall make the settlement in tuy, as it is the capital, or between tuy and cagayan; upon the arrival of the vessels, and after i have ascertained the fitness of the troops (for this vessel brought but few), we shall determine what is best. the same need of ministers is felt in the provinces of cagayan. and although all these provinces are so truly pacified, and the indians therein very friendly and well satisfied, and all pay tribute, still the fourth part of the tribute is not collected, because of the lack of ministers. there is a countless number of villages needing instruction, and all ready to become christians, and for this reason also i am awaiting ministers. i enclose information concerning the excellent condition of that region. i have written your majesty before of the good condition of the zambales' affairs, and the severe punishment meted out to them, and the lack of ministers for the recent settlements made in pacifying them. because of this lack, we have been unable to establish these settlements, as fully as is desirable--although the highways are safe and open, while in the mountain districts disturbances are but slight; so that the good condition prevails that your majesty will see by the inclosed account. in pangasinan and ylocos, the tributes have been lately increased, and the whole district enjoys peace and tranquillity, as is apparent by the other account enclosed. in all these transactions in the above districts, there has resulted no confusion; on the contrary, there is universal tranquillity and accord. the same peace and tranquillity reigns in the provinces of pintados, cibu, and camarines; and although, at my arrival here, on the opposite coast there were some things that needed attention and adjustment, as well as in other parts of these islands of luzon and all this kingdom, there is now no quarter that has not been explored and that does not render peaceful homage to your majesty. your majesty will have learned from my letters of the satisfactory completion of the enclosure and fortification of this city, since it was already walled from the new fort on the point along the whole stretch of seacoast to the round fort of nuestra señora de guia ["our lady of guidance"]. this fort having fallen, not having been properly constructed, and so that it was of little or no use, i have reduced it to such shape that it will be of use, by joining to it a defense of cut stone, about as high as the fort, and a rampart that commands all the country and part of the sea. on the other side, i have built another rampart, small and low, for the defense of the principal gate of the city, which has been built there under the shelter and defense of the projection of the high fortification; so that fort is now safe and useful. afterward the work will be completed on the other side. i am sending an account of this. from this gate, the wall is being continued along the land side toward the river as far as its entrance, with the same thickness, height, and shape as the other wall, and each with its traverses. and now this city is enclosed by sea and land, so that only one small portion fronting on the river is open between that and the fort of the point. this has not been enclosed, because that open space is so small, and it fronts on the river between the fort of the point and another cavalier named sanct gabriel which has been built there. as these two are opposite each other and within easy distance, it is evident that no danger will enter by that place, for it is the best guarded and most secure. and, too, as this wall and fort have been built at so little or no cost to your majesty, except from the two per cent tax levied once, and from your majesty's monopoly of the sale of playing-cards, i ran so short of funds that i was compelled to leave this bit of the shore unenclosed. but, god be praised, the work in its present condition is so far advanced, that no enemy who attacks me can give me any cause for anxiety. your majesty may see what has been done since my arrival here, by the accompanying plan. [10] this wall has had no less effect for the undeceiving of the natives. hitherto they have hoped that the occupation and settlement of the spaniards here was not to be permanent, as was observed in a joint meeting of the religious orders and myself, held in your majesty's fort about one month ago. at that time fray christoval, who was managing this bishopric, said that, less than one month previous, some chiefs of la laguna (which is five leagues from this city) had asked him when the castilians were going to leave. they will have been already undeceived in this regard, and the insolent and audacious designs of the hostile mestizos and foreigners will have received a heavy blow when they see this city enclosed and defended by land and sea. although the cathedral church was being finished when the vessels left, after the portal was built--although with opposition and a suit, as your majesty will see by the accompanying papers--i had your majesty's arms placed upon it. truly, that was sufficiently contrary to the will of these priests here, who--just as if your majesty were some foreigner, and not the sovereign, as you are, of all this land--declare that, wherever the arms of st. peter are placed, those of your majesty are unnecessary, to such a state has the insistence and license of the ecclesiastics here come. finally, as to the building of the church, it is so far advanced that, notwithstanding the little still to be done, the divine offices are celebrated therein with due propriety. the canons receive their pay from their stipends, and are content therewith. there is need of a prelate--who, as i have written your majesty, should be not a theologian, but a canonist, in order to serve suitably god and your majesty. the work on the new convent of sanct andres and sancta potenciana for the shelter and training of girls is well under way, although for lack of money not so far advanced as i would like. however, the girls are being cared for in the house first assigned them. as i have written to your majesty, i have four galleys fitted up, which are actually patrolling the coast, and acting as a defense to these islands whenever needed, although they cost me abundance of complaints, both in and out of the pulpit, from these blessed fathers, who have compelled me to make the enclosed inquiries; and yet, with the rumors and dangers current at the present time, these four seem but few to the theologues. my only regret is my inability to provide and fit them with all the things that they lack, as i wrote your majesty. in accordance with clause 7 of your majesty's instructions, whereby i was ordered to allow the indians to pay their tribute in land products or in money, as they chose, your order has been observed hitherto. experience has shown that the carrying of this measure farther means the ruin of the country; for since the indian sees that he can pay his tribute with ten reals, which he makes in one day's gain, all the rest of the year he makes merry and spends his time in idleness and leisure, drunkenness and _magabalijas_, which are his sources of income. therefore they do not sow their fields, raise animals, or weave their cloth, or cultivate the fruits of the earth. on this account no rice is found, nor one mata or lampote, [11] which is worth more than three from china. there is no cotton, wax, gold, or other article of exchange; and all the trade here in these things has been lost, as well as the great cheapness of these things when the indians paid their tribute in produce, and not as they might choose. when it became evident that the country was falling into ruin, and the pressure brought to bear by the encomenderos in opposition to the religious orders, and the injuries and annoyances resulting from this method of collecting the tribute were seen, it was determined that it should be collected in produce, as your majesty will see by the resolution taken there. therefore we shall collect the tribute in accordance with this decision, until your majesty shall be pleased to order otherwise. the bishop of malaca wrote me the letter that i enclose herewith. and although i answered him so briefly, and without making a decision (as you will see by the enclosed copy of the letter), because i did not like to say what i thought without first consulting your majesty, now, because of some news and information given me in regard to matters of the commerce and navigation of those regions and of these, i lay before your majesty, in the enclosed paper, the drawbacks and advantages on either side that i find in this matter, so that, after examining them, your majesty may be pleased to order in all these matters what is most suitable. i have written to your majesty concerning the great annoyances resulting from the unsuitable marriages of widows and minors, who are wealthy encomenderas of this country. it is a fact that within the last few days, three cases of very great inequality and irregularity have occurred in the marriages of the widows of very respectable captains, with an income of more than four or five thousand pesos. one of them was of advanced age, and quite unfitted for marriage. they all married youths with little or no money, who have employed evil methods to obtain this end, and have defrauded several very honorable and worthy captains and soldiers, who serve here, and for whom such encomiendas were especially established. these women inherited these encomiendas from their husbands or fathers. this abuse will result in the complete destruction of this country, and the discouragement of its soldiers and conquistadors, unless your majesty remedy it. this can be done by ordering that these marriages shall not be made here without communicating with you, under penalty of loss of such encomiendas; and it should be provided that the governor should not make this an opportunity whereby to accommodate and provide for his relatives and servants. your majesty will act according to your pleasure. the encomenderos and soldiers of this country, who have grown old and married here, say, whenever i summon them for certain matters in your majesty's service--whether for actual service, or only to confer with them--that they are old, that they have served sufficiently, and that they are embarrassed with wives and children. thus i find them disinclined to any service; but, if i do not summon them, they assert that i give them nothing to do, and do not consult them at all. the worst of it all is that they all imagine themselves capable of giving counsel. those who are capable know very well that i employ them, and consult them in matters about which i think they have something to say. for those who would complain, i leave the door open, so that they may present their arguments in regard to the mistakes made hitherto. having ascertained very carefully the extortions and injuries inflicted on the indians by the encomenderos and their collectors, in the collection of their tributes, i have thought that it might be a good plan to have the tributes of all the encomiendas collected in your majesty's name, and placed in the royal treasury; then they could be paid out from it to the encomenderos. by this method innumerable acts of tyranny and insolence would be avoided, which can not be remedied, especially in encomiendas distant from here one hundred, one hundred and fifty, or two hundred leguas. not one case of punishment has occurred in these encomiendas, although there are wrongs. we must go there with the authority of the law. thus all the encomiendas would have but one master and true proprietor--namely, your majesty. the collectors would be appointed by one person, and would be men of merit, and conscientious and moral. the estate of the temporal [12] encomenderos would be managed for them at less cost than they themselves would incur therein, and all the tributes would be collected without any care or trouble on their part. although this might be somewhat severe on those who already possess encomiendas, it might at least be adopted for those in the future who are granted favors and new appointments (just as if the encomienda were vacant), so that this so commendable usage might be introduced. in reality the value of the encomienda would be given to them, minus the cost of collection; and the instruction, would be much better paid, although this latter is regulated as carefully as possible. by this method, too, certain soldiers who are poor and still in service could be appointed to make these collections. may our lord, etc. from manila, june xx, 1593. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ sire: because of the great need, i have granted in your majesty's name a license for this once for the printing of the "christian doctrine," copies of which i enclose herewith--one in the tagal language, which is the native and the best language of these islands, and the other in the chinese language. [13] i hope that great benefits will result therefrom in the conversion and instruction of the people of both nations. and because the countries of the yndias are on a larger scale in everything, and because things are more expensive in them, i have set the price at four reals apiece until your majesty is pleased to decree what is to be done. on certain of the buildings of this city upon which it is advisable to have the city's arms placed--as the houses of the cabildo, the prison, and others built at the expense of the city--i have not allowed the arms to be placed; for the arms which are now on some cloths [14] on its cabildo, which are those used at the discovery of this country, seem to me to have more meaning and to be more pleasing to the natives of the country than to the spaniards who settled it. for they represent a bark or frigate in a river, with a shore lined with cocoa-palms, which is a fruit of this country. if some memorial of some king imprisoned, or some notable deed were to be placed on them, they [the spaniards] would consider them suitable. but of them, i say, that should the indians seek for a coat of arms as a memorial of their native place and country, they could find none more suitable. therefore i believe that the city will adopt with ready compliance such design as your majesty may ordain. for this purpose, i have ordered that, on the façades of the principal gate of this city, and in other places, where i have had your majesty's arms placed, collateral stones be placed for those of the city, as yet left blank, until your majesty shall determine what shall be decreed in the matter. the procession made here on corpus christi day, with the assent of the bishop, passed before his residence; and although but twenty or thirty paces from the royal buildings, the procession did not go to them, which they could have done at the cost of so little time and space, and would not, on that account, have been prevented from returning to the house of the bishop. will your majesty order in this regard according to your pleasure. the city is concerned, and i believe i wrote to your majesty, about the ten per cent duty imposed in mexico recently on merchandise from this country; and although i desire nothing so much as that there be found a way to provide for the pressing need in which your majesty finds yourself in these necessitous times, still, with your majesty's permission, i will say only concerning this, that, although it is true that the profits of this merchandise, if well administered, might endure this duty, yet the citizens of this country are poor, the money and capital are restricted, and the land is new; and at the beginning these gains were larger than now, since, because of the heavy expenses, the net profit obtained is much less. likewise it appears that the same statement is true of the natives, who feel keenly so many burdens, and who are suspicious that we are gradually increasing them. therefore they say the castilians have good words but few deeds, and those evil. those who might better carry this burden are the chinese, because of the great profit and gain that they make and obtain here in so little time. but i fear also that if they are annoyed, they will not come and will abandon the trade, by which this country lives and increases. i do nothing but put both of these considerations before your majesty, so that you may ordain in everything what is most to your service. may our lord preserve your majesty for many happy years as christendom has need, and as we, the vassals and servants of your majesty, desire. manila, june 20, 1593. [_endorsed:_ "filipinas. copy of a letter written by governor gomez perez dasmarinas."] memorandum of troops required in the philippines. the soldiers necessary to guard the city of manila, and the redoubts, galleys, forts of cagayan and çebu, and presidios erected against the zambales: -----table for cagayan, seventy soldiers are needed for the defense of the city, and thirty for the fort and presidio of san pablo, near cagayan, the total amounting to one hundred 100 for the town of arevalo, in otton, one hundred 100 for camarines, one hundred 100 for ylocos, one hundred 100 for çebu--that is, the city of santissimo nombre de jhesus--one hundred 100 for the settlement of the provinces of tuy, recently explored, one hundred 100 for the presidios among the çambales--namely, the presidio de san andres de mexico, thirty; the presidio of tarla, thirty; the presidio of san phelippe de malabuc, thirty; the presidio of la playa honda, thirty: the total amounting to one hundred and twenty soldiers 120 for the guard of mariveles, eight soldiers. 8 for the guard and defense of this city of manila, we shall need one thousand men--or, at the very least, six hundred. 600 for the new fort on point sanctiago, ten gunners and twenty soldiers 30 for the fort of nuestra señora de guia, eight gunners and twenty soldiers 28 for the cavalier of san gabriel, six soldiers and one corporal 7 for the fort at the port of cavite, twenty-four soldiers 24 for four galleys to guard these coasts, to each one twenty-five soldiers, a total of one hundred 100 total, one thousand five hundred and seventeen men 1517 -----with this number this kingdom would have some assurance of security, both from the natives and from surrounding peoples. it should be taken for granted that reënforcements be sent each year to maintain this number; for, because of the unhealthfulness of this country, many are constantly dying. [_endorsed:_ "troops necessary in those philippinas islands."] letter from gomez perez dasmariñas to the king of camboja gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of sa[n]ctiago, governor and captain-general of luson: for the king of castilla, my sovereign, i wish you health and prosperity. i received the embassy and letter of the king of camboja [15] with great happiness; with these, as well as with the elephant and the friendship that you send me, i am greatly pleased--as also with the inclination that you manifest for the service and devotion of the king, my sovereign. i shall inform the latter of this, and it will be esteemed highly. i have grieved sorely over the wars and hostilities between the kings of camboja and sian; for i would much prefer that perfect harmony, accord, and peace should reign between two such kings and neighbors (both of whom are our friends), for without it is neither advantage nor happiness. i would grant the king of camboja the aid and reënforcement that he begs against the king of sian, but that king would marvel at it. he is also a servant of mine, and our friend. therefore i wish to know the cause and grounds for these animosities, and the justice and reason on either side, for thus can i come to a just decision. in the meanwhile, since the result of wars (even when they are victorious ones), is for the most part ruin, death, destruction, and depopulation of kingdoms and vassals; and my good will and affection toward the king of camboja binds me to desire to see him freed from these difficulties and this uneasiness, so that he may live tranquilly, and that we may have intercourse and friendship, and that commerce and harmony may increase among all of us everywhere, to the common advantage of all--i have tried to provide the easiest and best method. this is for me to become arbitrator, in order to try to adjust these differences. therefore i have written a letter and sent an ambassador to the king of sian, without informing him that the king of camboja is in need of aid and has begged it from me, and i think that he will accept. if so just a cause should fail, then your and my cause is more reasonable and justifiable, in order to do what you beg of me. in any event, you can be certain of my being a friend to the king of camboja--as your ambassador, who is returning well-treated and happy, will tell you in greater detail. let us consult and discuss over the road already opened. those of camboja will always receive the same hospitable treatment as in their own land. i am sending you some emeralds, and a horse, which is an excellent animal, in token of affection, besides some hunting dogs, for belosso told me that they were much esteemed in camboja. because of the lack of certain spanish curiosities, i am not sending such; but i shall procure them for another time. if another rose diamond from this country would be acceptable, i shall be very glad to give it to you. to fulfil more completely our friendship, i am sending you the copy of the letter that i wrote to the king of sian. may god preserve and prosper you. from manila, september 27, in the year 1593 since our lord jesus christ's birth. _gomez perez dasmarinas_ [_endorsed_: "1594. copy of a letter to the king of camboja from governor gomez perez."] documents of 1594 list of philippine villages reduced by the spaniards. [1594?] letter to king of canboja. luis perez dasmariñas; february 8. investigation of the hospital. hernando de los rios, and others; february-april. report concerning the filipinas islands, and other papers. francisco de ortega. decree for despatch of missionaries. felipe ii; april 27. reply to the japanese emperor's letter. l.p. dasmariñas, and others; april 22--28. three letters to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; june 15--23. _sources_: the royal decree of april 27 is taken from santa inés's _crónica_, ii, p. 607; the remaining documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the sixth document is translated by consuelo a. davidson; the first two letters in the seventh, by josé m. and clara m. asensio, and arthur b. myrick, respectively; all the remaining matter, by james a. robertson. list of philippine villages reduced by the spaniards list of the villages reduced to the service of his majesty, and the names of the chiefs who have made peace, since captain ffernando de berramontano went to those provinces as chief and leader of the troops, at the order of gomez perez dasmarinas, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands. potol and its allies--chiefs, atano, anguilo, and ffucao. village of cataguram--chief, manipas. village and river of tulaque--chief, apavao. village and river of massi--chief, seriban. village of gatara--chief, lipagam. valley of sinabanga--chief, amangapa. river of bangal--chief, mother of sseriban. river of pata--chiefs, amanbacay and manipaz. river of cabrasinga--chiefs, lumboy and ffucman. river of maguin--chief, seriban. estuary of bacto--chief, sivican. bulay-chief, macapito. village of magamon--chiefs, higoran and maramossi. village of higuy-chief, hivigan. village of carlanga--chiefs, maguigal and agarrao. village of linga--chief, palatao. village of lobo--chief, dalapiao. village of arangay--chief, abugam. village of pras--chief, agarrao. village of gumay--chief, saguin. village of tarugo--chief, valigot. village of gadu--chief, balagua. village of taban--chief, baloy. village of catabagam--chief, banagua. village of tapayacan--chief, vanga. river and towns of nabunga, belonging to his majesty--chief, tabuga. village of calabatan--chief, bacu. village of maguin--chief, baligot. village of malapil--chief, the same. village of tuao--chief, the same. village of canoran--chief, the same. village of agat--chief, lahizio. estuary of malaguit and village of sinagan--chief, calaz. village of doga--chief, the same. village of cabicumga--chief, the same. village of gabutan--chief, the same. village of taramin--chief, the same. village of lines--chief, the same. village of massi--chief, the above. village of nagugan--chief, the above. village of gumoy--chief, the same. village of talapa--chief, çiroy babalino. village of pelitan--chief, sibay. village of lubutan--chief, magalate. village of batagua--chief, ladaran. village of tubigarao and its allies--chief, lahinaman darrey. village of maguila--chief, batoninam. village of calabatan--chief, matalo. village of care--chief, alu. village of duli--chief, duli. village of bolo--chiefs, manoto and sino. village of masepni--chief, seriban. village of guinoya--chief, sinanagua. village of balissi--chief, matalaguan. village of purrao--chief, zuaduban. village of bual--chief, mamagua. estuary of nalaguan--chiefs, tagabassi, pasigan and sima. village of carrima--chief, urragam. village of taporagua--chief, sidagay. village of cacaguayan--chief, zalope. village of talamas--chief, marratan. village of alata--chief, vaguigo. village of tabagan--chief, basugumi. village of bugarro--chief, pigol. estuary and villages of dumon. durangua. tinapanga. gabemta. balogo--chief, bengel. village of camalayuga--chief, litagua. village of daludu--chief, jseamalaza. village of tocolana--chief, mandarelac. province of yugan, but lately conquered, with seven villages. villages of la lamona and mandaya, seven in all. the chief river, named tazo. camalayuga, segovia, tocolana, pantao, camanao, gotate, tagay, river of maguin, calimotan, dumon, durango, tinaponga, gabemta, bolaryo, balobo, galitan, dulaga, village of mapanga, locon, masepin, estuary of arolo, pagaman, amoran, agopan, estuary of bacto, yamaguam, mangua, bagan, goran, magano, higuy, batana, cacomigan, arrimanao, cataessaman. catadar, estuary of maguila, cacomigan, cabugao, mapapala, boboo, estuary of bagam, tubigarao, abas, louba, nota, botoan, lulu, lapugan, vical, estuary of malagui, nalaguam, ungagui, carrama, ymaniz, quinoyo, marranate, batagua, boluye, lulutam, estuary of batagua, amiguibay, bugarro, bonoay, bugao, bungal, alu, alagua, bolabic, togote. cugan, alate, roge, fugao, inlet of purrao, bolo, tingar, pipin, purrao, dala, bicum, malata, duyusan, bacuam, baga, upland of lapazada, nabotas, river of çimbuey, pelitam, alata, river atam, paguyamapi, luday, lama, babayugom, malin, casiyam, agutane, maguilo, parbuam, tabussi, capay, minaga, balaga, malopi, matudo, loquillo, beledeca, cagavian, bagu, guto, labu, tongolan, talogua, talaona. gumitan, lubutan, ligon, baporago, river of baporago, cabalaratan, gamoy, abazague, passacoy, biao, malay, bulagua, plains of llobo, madulango, cari, duli, marañon, tapie, nabunge, bangal, ulagua, tarugo, gadu, ylagua, pras, tarro, taban, carlanga, yagam, ramoron, pagamal, agunge, river of llobo, tabagam, pipi, gumabi, capayam, river of palmarez ["palm-groves"], malabit, arangay, lobor, valley of palmarez, estuary of gacare, jataro, talapo, talapanze, mandayo. la lamona, potol, sinabange, cabunuam, jacatay, tocol, alibumga, maperi, manaco, paracam, duludu, ladugo, minalam, batal, batatas, balissi, estuary of latupe, river of lulaque, simayo, massin, river bangal, bangal, pata, cabicumga. letter from luis perez dasmariñas to the king of canboja to the king of canboja: don luis perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of luzon, for the king of castilla, my sovereign, wishes you health and prosperity. after the governor, my father, had despatched captain diego belosso, your ambassador, and had given him the enclosed letter, god our lord, in whose hand and divine providence are life and death, was pleased to take my father to himself. [16] i succeeded him in his duties, and in the good-will and friendship with which he was ready to aid, in every way, the desire and service of the king of canboja. i shall continue the same in all sincerity, as the bearer of this will inform you. and as proof of this, in order that diego belosso [17] may not go unaccompanied, i am sending diego de villanueva with this reply. he is an honored nobleman, of excellent qualities; and he might be of some service and use to you there in mining matters, for he has much knowledge thereof, as well as in the working of metals. you may discuss with him what you wish, and anything pertaining to the good of your kingdom. you may credit anything that he may say and represent in my name. i shall be very glad to establish intercourse and communication between us; for the people of canboja will ever meet, when they come here, hospitable reception and fatherly love from me. truly i wish that i had here some spanish curiosities to send to the king of canboja, in token of love and friendship; but on a second journey, god pleasing, i shall be better prepared. in the meanwhile i shall inform the said king, my sovereign, of this new friendship, and of the pathway opened for trade and communication between us, which is so useful and agreeable to all, and from which i hope will result glory for our great god, and many beneficial results. the king, my sovereign, will heartily commend and favor this, and will rejoice exceedingly that it shall result in every way to your satisfaction and approval, an object which i shall forward whenever opportunity presents. may our lord god preserve and prosper you. manila, february 8, 1594. considering that the king of canboja wishes to advance diego de belosso, and that he is a deserving man, i have given special orders that he should go, as he does, free from restrictions, and with satisfactory equipment. [_endorsed_: "+1594+. copy of the letter to the king of canboja from governor don luis perez."] investigation of the hospital i, hernando de los rios, administrator of the royal hospital of this city, declare that, because of the small amount of income and alms received by the said hospital, the needs of the sick are not provided for. it is impossible to give them everything requisite for their health, inasmuch as there are many sick there, both of the ordinary troops and the mercenary soldiers, to whom his majesty gives medicines, and for whom he supplies a physician, as he is bound to do. the same provision is made for the other poor and needy inhabitants and citizens to whom his majesty is under obligations, as they are old soldiers and settlers who have served for many years in this country without any pay. many of them fall sick from the great sufferings that they undergo, because of the unhealthfulness of this country, both in food and climate, and from other causes. however, these would be much more numerous, if there were no place in which to succor their necessities. as is well known, not one of the sick has (and there is not in this city) any other place where they can go except to this hospital. it is well known how much more it costs his majesty to transport a man from nueva españa than to sustain him after having brought him here; and for the common welfare of this community and its conservation, it is necessary to have men here. hence, and since charity to the sick is so great a service to god our lord, i beg and entreat your lordship to be pleased to assign to the said hospital from the royal exchequer what is necessary for its efficient administration and maintenance, in consideration of the fact that the income apportioned to it is inadequate, because of its heavy expenses. if necessary, i am ready to undergo investigation, and i take oath in due form that this petition is made with no ill intent, and i beg justice. _hernando de los rios_ february 16, 1594: investigation shall be made in regard to the contents of this petition. the witnesses whom the administrator of the hospital shall present in the course of the legal verification which he has been ordered to make shall be examined in accordance with the following interrogatory. 1. first: whether they are acquainted with the said hospital. 2. _item_: whether they know that there is no other hospital in these islands and city where the spanish, especially the soldiers, can be treated. 3. _item_: whether they know that the majority of the soldiers serve for pay, and that there are, as a rule, fifty or sixty sick, or even more. 4. for the fourth question: let them state whether they know that, by failing to give them the necessary attention, his majesty would be put to greater expense and cost, and this community would suffer great harm and loss, because of the death of many, and because of the much greater expense to the king, our sovereign, in transporting one soldier here than in supporting two. 5. _item_: let them state whether they know that, because of the small pay and the dearness of food, and because of their discomfort and their heavy toil in mounting guard and in sentinel duty, many fall sick daily and die; and that for this reason, the said hospital always contains more sick men than it can take care of. 6. _item_: let them state whether they know that many of the old sailors and soldiers, who have served his majesty here, are poor and needy; that these men are useful in this country, because they are, like the others, ready for whatever occasions arise; that they have no other place to go to except the said hospital, when they become sick; and that his majesty is under obligations to provide them with a hospital, as he has not rewarded their services. 7. for the seventh question: whether they know that the hospital possesses an income of but little more than one thousand five hundred pesos, and that the gifts to it are very few. 8. for the eighth question: whether they know that the said hospital needs more than six thousand pesos for its maintenance, since its expenses are high, and since there is no other food in this country that can be provided for the sick than fowls, which are valued at excessive rates--as, for instance, two reals, or two and one-half or three reals. 9. the ninth: let them state whether they know that the said hospital uses many drugs from castilla and other regions, which are very dear, because they are brought from so great a distance as those who know say. 10. for the tenth question: let them state whether they know that the said hospital is in great need of buildings for the service of the poor, and the accommodation of the others who work in the said hospital; since it has but one corridor, where the said sick are poorly accommodated and crowded; and that therefore the said hospital needs four more buildings. 11. for the eleventh question: let them state whether they know that, in addition to the things enumerated above, the said hospital has need of a very large force of attendants, as brethren and slaves, and of other services from indian men and women, upon whom a great sum of money is necessarily spent, both in wages and food; and that they are badly accommodated, because they have no adequate house. 12. for question twelve: whether they know that all the aforesaid is public and well known. _hernando de los rios_ _evidence on the part of the hospital_ in the city of manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, colonel hernando de los rios, steward of the spanish hospital of this city, in answer to the contents of the petition and interrogatory above set forth, presented as witness fray diego muñoz, prior of the convent of sant pablo de san agustin of manila, and commissary of the holy office. oath was taken from him _in verbum sacerdotis_, and he promised to tell the truth. being interrogated in accordance with the inquiry, he deposed as follows: 1. to the first question he answered that he knew of the royal hospital of this city of manila from the time of its establishment by doctor santiago de vera. this was his answer. being asked the usual questions prescribed by law, he said that he was thirty-four years old and competent to be a witness. 2. to the second question, he answered that he knew there is no other hospital for treating spaniards throughout these islands except that of the said city of manila. therefore spaniards from all the islands, especially ordinary soldiers and mercenaries, go there for treatment. this was his answer. 3. to the third question he answered that he knew the number of patients in the said hospital, as he had been in it many times. he thought it contained ordinarily fifty or sixty sick soldiers. this was his answer. 4. to the fourth question he answered that he knew that by not giving proper attention to the sick, his majesty would suffer greater expense and cost in being compelled to send other men in their place to this country. this will be a great expense to his majesty, because of the high cost of transporting each of those who go to the said islands; besides, on account of the great distance of the country, and the difference of its climate from that of our españa, many men die. this was his answer. 5. to the fifth question he answered that his reply was the same as to the preceding question. 6. to the sixth question he answered that besides the mercenaries and ordinary soldiers who are treated in the said royal hospital, many others are also treated--namely, sailors, and old and poor spanish soldiers, who because they have not the means to be treated, have recourse to the said hospital. these his majesty is under obligation to assist, because of their services. this was his answer. 7. to the seventh question he answered that he referred to the attestation and certifications given by the officials of the royal exchequer of these islands, and that he knew that the income is insufficient for the heavy expense incurred by the said royal hospital--as this witness and the other superiors of the religious orders of this city have written to his majesty, begging him to assist the said royal hospital by increasing its income, since it is not sufficient. this was his answer. 8. to the eighth question he answered that his reply was the same as to the preceding question. 9. in answer to the ninth question he declared that he believed that, since so many sick persons are treated in the said hospital, many drugs must necessarily be used which are not products of this country, and which must be brought from nueva españa and other regions. this was his answer. 10. in answer to the tenth question he declared that he knew that the hospital needs more buildings than it has, for the sick are many and crowded. this was his answer. 11. in answer to the eleventh question he declared that he did not know; but that he thought that for so many people as are there usually, many servants are necessary. this was his answer. 12. in answer to the twelfth question, he declared, on his oath, that the aforesaid is the truth and is public and well known; and he affixed his signature to it. _fray diego muñoz_ before me: _martin sanchez de leyba_, royal notary. [in like manner, depositions were taken from fray alonso jimenez, provincial of the order of st. dominic; father antonio sedeño, superior of the society of jesus; captain pedro de chaves, master-of-camp; diego velazquez de mercado, dean of the cathedral of san pedro de manila; and gaspar de ysla, former steward of the hospital. their testimony is much the same as the one given above, nothing new being brought out. the document ends as follows:] in regard to this work i certify, in so far as i may, as to its necessity and justice, for the welfare and amendment of all this country and community; and that it is a work worthy the royal heart of his majesty, that it needs his royal and generous protection and favor, and that god our lord through his poor, will be greatly served in it. _luis perez dasmarinas_ therefore i affixed my seal in testimony of accuracy. _gaspar de azebo_ [_endorsed_: "inquiry in regard to the great advantage derived from the royal hospital of manila, and in regard to the affirmation that the poor cannot be supported with its income."] report concerning the filipinas islands, and other papers a report concerning the filipinas islands, which it is advisable to settle and pacify; and other matters most potent sire: fray francisco de ortega [18] of the order of st. augustine, visitor-general of the province of the philipinas, and prior of the convent of the city of manila, with desire and zeal for the service of god our lord, and of your highness, in order to inform you concerning the nature of the philipinas islands, which have rendered obedience to your highness, and of what is advisable for their welfare and increase, and for the relief of your highness's royal conscience, makes the following declaration. 1. that it will be of much import for your highness to order the island of mindanao, which is four hundred leguas in circuit, to be pacified and settled. it is said that there are many people there who, when pacified, will need, according to the report made, at least eighty ministers for the conversion of those natives. this said island lies to the south. it produces a great quantity of cinnamon, which, if cultivated, will prove a source of great profit to the royal exchequer of your highness. this island is quite near those of maluco, and the occupation of it will be very advantageous, because of what is said of the trade and commerce of the said malucas islands, of which we would thus gain practical knowledge. 2. the island of leyte lies in the same southern region. it is sixty leguas in circumference. it is apportioned to eight encomenderos, who have about five thousand indians as tributarios. the latter have up to this day never seen ministers of the gospel, and they have been paying tribute for over twenty years. it is advisable, for the relief of the conscience of those encomenderos and the royal conscience of your highness, that ministers be furnished. for the conversion of those natives, ten ministers will be needed, counting one minister to each five hundred tributarios. these latter will amount to ten thousand souls, but more rather than less, counting the women and children. 3. the island called negros, which has been so called by the spaniards because in this island there are more than the usual proportion of a race called negrillos; they are not, however, as black as those of guinea. they live separate from the natives of the island, which is something like one hundred leguas in circumference. four thousand five hundred indians pay tribute in this island, which is allotted to eight encomenderos. these, as well as the encomenderos of leyte, above mentioned, have repartimientos of indians in other places. for the conversion of these natives, nine or ten more ministers of the gospel will be needed. according to the above report, there are some twenty thousand souls there. 4. the island of panay has twenty-five thousand indians as tributarios, or about one hundred thousand souls, rather more than less. it is one hundred leguas in circumference, and has sixteen encomenderos, and fourteen religious of the order of st. augustine, in six monasteries founded there--one on the river of panay, which is in the royal crown lands of your highness, and the other five monasteries in villages of the encomenderos. all the other villages of this island, which is the best in that land, after luzon, are without ministers. to comply with the obligation and relief [of the conscience] of the encomenderos, thirty-six ministers are needed, in addition to the aforesaid; for the island, as i have said, contains about one hundred thousand people, great and small, requiring the ministry of instruction. 5. the island of cubu, which was the first in this archipelago to render obedience to your highness, and where the first settlement of spaniards was established, is one hundred leguas in circumference, or thereabouts. the number of indians in the southern part, is not known with accuracy, because it has not been visited. four thousand indians pay tribute to eight encomenderos. it has no ministers of the gospel, but there is a monastery of the order of st. augustine, established in the city of santisimo nombre de jesus, and they have in charge a village of the natives near by, with about one thousand two hundred inhabitants. all the rest are without instruction. six ministers, besides the three in the said monastery, are needed for the conversion of those natives. 6. the island of bool is twenty-four leguas in circuit, with one thousand indian tributarios, or about four thousand souls. they have never had, nor have they now, any instruction, and they have paid tribute for eighteen years. they need two ministers for their conversion. 7. the island of cuyo is twelve leguas in circumference. it has one thousand indians paying tribute, but, for want of ministers, none of it is christianized; for they have never had them and have not now. they have been paying tribute as long as those of the island of bool. two ministers are needed for the instruction of these natives. 8. the island of mindoro is eighty leguas or so in circuit, and lies to the south. it is but scantily populated; although much of it has not been visited, in the known parts there are about two thousand indian tributarios. the chief village of this island, which belongs to your highness, has one minister. there is need of six ministers of the gospel, counting the one priest that it has. 9. and further, the said father fray francisco de ortega says that, in addition to the islands named above, are other small islands, whose names follow. ybabao is twelve leguas in circuit, has eight hundred tributarios, and is an encomienda. samal has three thousand indian tributarios, or something above ten thousand souls, and a circuit of about fifteen leguas. capul is ten leguas in circuit, and has three hundred and fifty tributarios. the island of maripipe has a like number, and is fifteen leguas in circumference. camanguian, ten leguas in circuit, and one hundred and fifty tributarios; cubuyan, eighteen leguas in circuit, and two hundred and fifty tributarios; the island of cabras, a like number, and is eight leguas in circuit. vanton is about ten leguas in circumference, and has about three hundred tributarios. that of marinducq is thirty leguas in circuit, and has eight hundred indian tributarios; romblon, eight leguas in circuit, and one hundred and fifty indian tributarios; tablas, eighteen leguas and two hundred and fifty tributarios. the island of ambil is five leguas in circuit, and has one hundred and fifty indian tributarios; buracay, six leguas, and two hundred and fifty tributarios. that of helin is about eight leguas in circuit, and has three hundred indian tributarios; calamianes, sixty leguas in circuit, or thereabout, and thus far is known to have six hundred tributarios; caguayanes, eighteen leguas in circumference, and about five hundred indians; mazbate, twenty-five leguas and five hundred and fifty tributarios. the island of fuegos is nine leguas in circuit, and has two hundred tributarios; ymaras, fourteen leguas in circuit, and three hundred and fifty tributarios. 10. all the above islands, and four other small ones, each of about eighty or one hundred indians at the most, have no ministers of the gospel, nor are there any christians in them, although all are apportioned into encomiendas. one encomendero holds five or six islands as an encomienda; and, because they are not easily accessible, these natives are almost without possibility of ever having ministers, or of attaining to a knowledge of god our lord. however, if they should have ministers, and if these dwelt in some of the best populated islands, they could visit the others, since they are near one another. by this means, those souls might be helped. 11. the island of catanduanes, which lies north, near the island of luçon, is about thirty leguas in circuit, and has four thousand indian tributarios. it is apportioned to four encomenderos. eight ministers of the gospel are needed for the conversion of those people, who number about sixteen thousand souls. 12. the island of luzon, whereon is located the city of manila, is the best and most thickly populated, most abundant in food and richest in gold mines. it is three hundred leguas in circumference, and is all apportioned among encomenderos. the villages in the chief places of the provinces belong to your highness's royal crown. in this and other parts, your highness has thirty thousand tributarios or thereabout. although they all pay tribute in the villages under charge of encomenderos, many of them have no instruction; and they have paid, and there has been collected from them, tribute for more than sixteen years. that this may be quite evident to your majesty, he says that, in the province of camarines, located eighty leguas from the city of manila in the said island, in the vicinity of the volcano of albay, are four encomenderos, who collect more than three thousand tributes, and there are no ministers of the gospel. this means twelve thousand souls to be converted, for not one of them is a christian, for the reason given above. for their conversion, six ministers will be necessary. 13. further in the above province are four other encomenderos, who collect tribute from the island of capul (which lies four leguas away), and from the bay of ybalon. they collect almost three thousand tributes, and they likewise have no minister of the gospel. there are some two [19] thousand souls, and they will need six ministers for their conversion. 14. in the above province is an islet of about two or three leguas in circuit. it is apportioned to two encomenderos, who collect one thousand two hundred tributes. this means four thousand souls, and will require two ministers. 15. _item_: in the said province, near the volcano of albay, is a village called yguey, with seven hundred indian tributarios, and not one a christian, for lack of ministers. it belongs to one encomendero. there are about three thousand souls, more or less, who need two ministers of the gospel for their conversion. 16. in the same island of luzon, toward the north, in the province of cagayan, are some allotted indians, who, although they pay tribute, are not baptized for lack of ministers. their encomenderos are twelve in number, and the indians in their encomiendas, ten thousand four hundred, or more than forty thousand souls. in proportion to the others, they will need twenty ministers for their conversion. 17. in the same island of luzon, in the provinces of ylocos and pangasinan are twelve encomenderos, with sixteen thousand indians paying tribute, which means about seventy thousand souls. very few of these, not eight thousand, are baptized. they need thirty ministers for their conversion and instruction. 18. besides the above, in the same island, another thickly-inhabited province in this region, one week's journey from manila, was explored two years ago, by order of governor gomez perez dasmarinas. according to the report given to the said fray francisco de ortega by friars of his order, at least forty ministers are needed there for the welfare, assistance, and conversion of those natives. thus, all together, two hundred ministers of the gospel are necessary for the administration and conversion of the natives of those islands--which are under the protection and dominion of your highness, to whom they have rendered obedience and whom they recognize as king and sovereign. this number is in addition to those who are there now, reckoning among these latter the descalced fathers of the order of st. francis, who sailed in the fleet now on the way for nueva españa, in order to go to the said islands. and in order that your highness may consider as excellently employed all that you have spent from your royal exchequer in the furtherance of this apostolic and sovereign work of conversion, he [ortega] gives a report as to the monasteries of religious and the ministers of the three orders there, and the great results produced by the preaching of the gospel among those natives. this is to the great merit of your highness, since they [the monasteries] have been the chief instrument of the relief and salvation of the indians. 19. there is one monastery with four religious of his order of st. augustine, in the island of cubu. they have baptized about six thousand, large and small, of the indians in their charge there. 20. there is another monastery of the same order in another small island, called batayan. it has two religious, who have baptized three thousand souls. 21. in the island of panay, the best island after that of luzon, are six monasteries of his order. the island has sixteen ministers, who have baptized more than thirty thousand persons, large and small. each day the conversion extends farther and it is through lack of ministers that more are not baptized. 22. in the island of luzon, where the city of manila is located, in a province called pampanga, in a territory of eighteen leguas, are twelve monasteries of his order. these have twenty-nine religious, all priests. this district has twenty-three thousand five hundred tributarios, or ninety thousand souls--more, rather than less--for they are a people who multiply rapidly. of all this number, there are but few unbaptized. 23. in the same province (i mean island) of luzon, is another province, called ylocos, and another, pangasinan, where his order of st. augustine has eleven monasteries; and another in a spanish settlement on the cagayah river, where there are twenty-eight religious, all priests. in all this territory are twenty thousand tributarios, or about eighty thousand souls, of whom fifty-five thousand are baptized, while the rest are daily becoming converted. 24. in another province, called bombon, where there are two large lakes, the shores of which are all settled, within a territory twenty leguas from the city of manila are established eleven monasteries of his order of st. augustine. here there are nineteen thousand five hundred tributarios, or more than eighty thousand souls. of these more than sixty thousand are baptized, while the rest are regularly being converted. the said monasteries have twenty-six religious, all priests. 25. the monasteries belonging to the order of st. augustine in those islands in the villages of the indians number forty-three, with one hundred and five ministers, who have in their charge, as reported, two hundred and eighty-nine thousand souls, of whom two hundred and forty-four thousand are baptized, while the remaining forty-five thousand are being converted daily. in addition there is another monastery in the city of manila, with twenty-five ministers--ten of them priests, and the others without sacerdotal orders. this is in addition to novices, of whom there are usually some in the monastery. the members of the convent have in charge certain indians near the city along the seacoast. thus there are forty-four monasteries with one hundred and thirty ministers. 26. the monasteries of the order of st. francis in indian villages in those islands, number twenty-three. they have forty-nine ministers in these; and in the city of manila they have another monastery of their order, with fifteen religious--priests and brethren, laymen and choristers. he [ortega] does not know the exact number of indians in their charge, although he thinks that they have baptized something like thirty thousand persons. there are four monasteries of the order of st. dominic in indian villages, and two in manila--one among the chinese settled there, and the other among the spaniards. all six convents have eighteen ministers, and he thinks they have baptized something like fourteen thousand souls. fray francisco de ortega presents this report to your highness, as one who has an experience of twenty-four years in those islands, and what remains from thirty-nine years in nueva españa. he presents the report with all sincerity, so that your highness may have detailed information, and may deem yourself to be well served by his order. his hope is that the necessity of ministers--both for preaching to the natives already converted, and for the conversion of so vast a multitude of people still to be converted--being evident, your highness, with your royal and usual kindness, may have a great number of ministers of the gospel sent; since god is sending the remedy that is drawing this people from their blindness, by the hands of your highness, for whom he is keeping the reward of so noble and sovereign a work as this of converting a new world to the knowledge of god our lord. [_endorsed:_ "fray francisco de ortega of the order of st. augustine."] what he begs for the monasteries of his order + sire: fray francisco de ortega, visitor-general of his order of st. augustine, and prior of the convent of the city of manila, in the name of that province, and by the authority which he has for that purpose, humbly begs and beseeches the following from your majesty. 1. that your majesty be pleased to bestow, as a grant and as alms for the building of the monastery of that city, a fixed sum for a certain period, as you did in past years for the building of the church of the said monastery. in that case were assigned for the period of ten years one thousand ducados annually. this grant is asked in consideration of the fact that it has been burned twice, and has been in part rebuilt from the alms that the religious have acquired with great difficulty. another ground is the many services performed by his order in that country for your majesty from the beginning, when it was settled, with innumerable hardships which they endured when engaged in implanting the faith, and in the service and relief of the royal conscience of your majesty--there being then no other ministers there except them alone, as is quite well and commonly known, and as will appear by the evidence which he adduces thereof. finally, a third ground for the grant is the fact that the monastery of manila is very poor, so that it cannot continue the work undertaken, and therefore the religious are much inconvenienced by the narrowness of their quarters. this is a house where great strictness and austerity are observed; and in the bestowal upon them of this grant and alms by your majesty god our lord will be served abundantly, and his [ortega's] order will receive benefit and favor thereby. questions 20 to 24 and the opinion. [_in the margin_: "let the father declare the nature and extent of the favor which he desires, and let the decree referred to be brought." "a copy of the decree mentioned is brought."] 2. _item_: that in consideration of the fact that when your majesty's first governor in those islands, miguel lopez de legaspi, assigned one hundred pesos (of eight reals to the peso) and fifty fanegas of rice annually for the support of each religious, goods were very cheap, while now they are worth twice as much, and the religious cannot be supported with this alms, he begs and beseeches your majesty to have the goodness to order that the alms for the food and clothing of each religious be annually one hundred pesos de minas, or at least castilian ducados, and the usual amount of rice. this is a very moderate request, since the religious possess no income or chaplaincies, and it will bring but little additional expense upon your majesty's royal exchequer, as the monasteries sustained by your royal crown are but few; and if your majesty gives commands to this effect, they will be much advantaged and favored. [_in the margin_: "let the governor give information of conditions in this matter, and what he deems best for the future. let him make a report of everything in minute detail."] 3. _item_: the said father fray francisco de ortega declares that fourteen years ago, when he came from those islands the first time, your majesty at his request and supplication granted favor to that province, by ordering your royal officials to give annually, to each religious who was a priest, two arrobas of wine for the mass, and to each convent of his order in the province six jars of oil for the lamp of the most holy sacrament, as was done throughout nueva españa. this was not fulfilled, because before the arrival of the time for the royal officials to give this alms the said convent of st. augustine was burned; and among the property and papers destroyed was your majesty's royal decree, bestowing the said favor. he begs and entreats your majesty, in confirmation of the said favor and alms, to issue your royal decree, inserting the first decree therein, so that henceforth the said grant may take effect; and to direct the officials of the royal treasury in mexico to send the things granted in kind to the royal officials of manila, so that the latter may give them to the monasteries of the said order, in pursuance of and conformity with your majesty's commands. by so doing the decree will be fulfilled and the expense to your majesty's royal exchequer will also be diminished. [_in the margin_: "have this decree renewed."] 4. further, he declares that at the convent of san augustin de manila the novices are taught, and that the arts and theology have been and will be regularly studied there. it is a seminary whence they go, and will continue to go, to other districts to preach to and convert those natives, and to instruct those already converted, and to administer the sacraments of our holy catholic faith. there they receive and lodge the religious going to those islands from this kingdom to engage in the apostolic work of the conversion of those natives. the house is poor, so that with its present resources it is impossible to support eight friars, without the alms that your majesty ordered to be given for four-there being, as a general rule, more than twenty religious in the said convent. he begs and entreats your majesty, in consideration of the aforesaid, to order the grant increased to the number of twelve religious, more or less, as may be your majesty's pleasure. they will receive this as a great help and bounty. [_in the margin_: "that which is provided for the second section above."] 5. _item_: he begs and entreats your majesty, in consideration of the aforesaid and of the fact that the convent at manila is an infirmary for all that province, where all those engaged in the conversion and administration of the sacraments in the indian villages come for treatment when sick, to grant bounty and alms to the said convent, by ordering that the physician and the medical supplies necessary for the treatment of the said religious be at the cost of your majesty's royal exchequer, as your majesty has done in the kingdom of peru. [_in the margin_: "let him be given the decree in accordance with the declaration made."] 6. the said father fray francisco de ortega informs your majesty that the bishop of those islands, of his own notion and at his own pleasure, placed religious of his own order of st. dominic in a settlement of sangleys (natives of the kingdom of china) near the city of manila, and across a river that flows through it. from the beginning when that island was gained and settled, the religious of the order of st augustine have had the said chinese and natives in charge, to whose conversion and baptism they have paid special attention. from the monastery of his order to the place where the dominican fathers have settled the distance is but two shots of an arquebus. this is in direct opposition to your majesty's orders and the commands of your royal decrees--namely, that wherever the monastery of one order is established, no other shall be placed except at the distance appointed by your majesty. as most of the chinese settled there are idolatrous heathen, it is a great disadvantage for them to be mingled with the newly-converted christian indians, the natives of another race; and from this mingling arise many offenses against god our lord. in order to avoid these, it would be advisable for your majesty to have those chinese removed thence to the place where the rest of their nation have settled, leaving those natives free. it would be well also to decree that the dominican fathers there shall settle in another place where there is greater need for them; and that your majesty entrust the execution of all the above to the governor of those islands, [_in the margin_: "have the governor examine and provide for this."] 7. further, he says that some three years ago father fray mattheo de mendoza, of his order, implored and entreated your majesty, in the name of that province, to be pleased to grant permission for the founding of a monastery of recollet friars of his order, in a hermitage called nuestra señora de guia, located in a place about one-quarter of a legua from the city of manila. your majesty ordered your royal decree to be issued to the effect that the governor and bishop should make investigations as to whether it would be useful and advantageous to have the said hermitage granted for the said purpose, and that they should send their report, together with their opinion on the matter, to the royal council of the yndias. in fulfilment of this direction, the said governor has sent the said documents to your majesty. he [ortega] entreats you to have it examined and, in accordance with it, to provide and order what is deemed of most advantage to the service of god our lord, and of your majesty--considering that, if the said recollet religious are established there, from their good instruction, life, and example great results will be obtained, both among the natives, and from the devotion of the spaniards. [_in the margin_: "let the governor undertake the establishment of whatever religious of the order of st. augustine he thinks advisable."] [_endorsed:_ "+ fray francisco de ortega, of the order of st. augustine."] advice on fourteen points of great import for the service of god and his majesty, and the increase of his royal estate sire: fray francisco de ortega, of the order of st. augustine, visitador-general of his order in the philipinas islands, by apostolic authority, and by the royal authority of your majesty, and the authority of his general, declares that he has spent thirty-eight years in the yndias--sixteen of them in nueva españa and the rest in the philipinas islands--preaching the word of god, and administering the holy sacraments to spaniards and indians. in this period is reckoned the time spent in voyaging to and fro between this kingdom and those districts twice (and with this last time, thrice) to your majesty as a suppliant, and voyaging twenty-two thousand leguas and undergoing many dangers and hardships to inform your majesty of the condition of those islands, and of what, in his opinion, by reason of his long experience in that country, was fitting for the service of god our lord, and that of your majesty. his purpose was that, with your royal clemency and magnanimity and most christian zeal, you might decree a reform, and provide what should be most convenient for the aforesaid objects--which reform your majesty decreed, and it has been placed in execution. he has conducted the religious whom your majesty bade him take for the conversion of those natives--forty in number, except for those who died on the voyage; he has founded twelve monasteries beside the ones already there--in all, forty-three; he has visited the province and executed your majesty's commands. and now lastly, in the service of god and your majesty, by the advice and consent of the governor of those islands, under the persuasion and with the sanction of the religious of that province, he comes again the third time, bowed down with years and labors, and with thought for the future, but disdaining the perils of this long and dangerous voyage, to inform your majesty of what is advisable for your royal service, and for the welfare, increase, and conservation of that country. his declaration follows: 1. that it will be very advisable for the service of god our lord, the merit of your majesty, the welfare and relief of the natives of those islands, the establishment and increase of the country, and the relief of your majesty's royal conscience that you have a large number of religious provided for the conversion of those to be baptized, and the maintenance in the faith of those already christians; for, because of lack of ministers, many fail to receive baptism, and to acquire a knowledge of god our lord. further, for temporal welfare and increase, they [the religious] are those who are of most importance; for, wherever they are, the people are orderly and quiet, even if not all converted, and there is a constant tendency for wealth to increase. but where there are none, things tend toward waste and the dissipation of wealth, which fact ample experience attests in all parts of the yndias. it is quite sure and certain that a hundred ministers of the gospel effect more temporal and spiritual good than a thousand soldiers. 2. that it would be very advantageous for the service of god our lord, and that of your majesty, and for the welfare and relief of so infinite a number of people as there are in the great kingdom of china, that you order the continuation of that which you ordered twelve years ago, and the execution of which was begun, although the effect attempted was not followed up nor attained because of the hidden judgment of god. this was for your majesty to write to the king of china, sending him, in token of affection and friendship, certain articles of the products of this kingdom, which that kingdom does not have, with a request for him to give audience to the ministers of god, whom your majesty should send him; to give license or permission for ministers of the gospel to enter his kingdom and preach our holy faith freely; and to grant that the spaniards and chinese should have trade and commerce, the former being assigned some maritime port, such as has been assigned to the portuguese in macan. for there is a long experience from the time when father fray martin de herrera of his order of st. augustine went there, up to the present time, that in no other way will they admit the ministers of the orders in those islands, who have gone there to strive for their relief and salvation; because, beside imprisoning and ill-treating them, and prohibiting them from residing there, they have sent them back to the city of manila. humanly speaking, there is no other remedy, or no remedy more mild and better suited to the justification of your majesty than this. he regards it as beyond question that what previously had no effect your majesty will in your most christian conscience command to be carried out, since by this command you run risk of little loss, and there is a clear possibility of gaining much. [_in the margin_: "have the papers brought that were lately examined, and what was done in this matter."] 3. the said fray francisco de ortega informs your majesty that, within sight of the mainland of china, is an island called nao, lying toward the south, where is grown and where there is a great quantity of pepper. its inhabitants have trade and commerce with the chinese, and although the island is not large, it is said to contain fifteen cities, most of which have from twelve to fourteen thousand citizens. they are a dull-witted race, and are given over to many kinds of vice and licentiousness. this is an argument that the entrance to this island will be easier; and therefore the information is given that one thousand spaniards would suffice for its pacification. if there were a justifiable ground for seizure, this would be a position of great advantage for communicating with and entering the great kingdom of china. 4. likewise he says that in his opinion it will be of great importance for your majesty to write to xapon, to the king of firando, as he declares his wish to become a christian and asks for religious of the order of st. augustine, as appears by a letter written by a father of the said order there, fray francisco manrique by name. this latter says that the king is very desirous of becoming a vassal of your majesty; and, if he does so, it will be very advisable to have him for a friend, for whatever opportunities may arise for your majesty's service. 5. _item_: he declares that, in his opinion, it will be very advantageous to the service of our lord, and to that of your majesty, that an attempt, by order and command of your majesty, should be made to conquer and settle with spaniards one of the maluco islands, namely the best and chiefest, by name terrenate, settled by the natives, and by moros, turks, and javanese, who have been brought there for its security and protection--and where the doctrine of mahoma holds sway. this would be of very great advantage to the salvation of those souls, and would prevent the inhabitants from leaving there to preach the doctrine of mahoma in the surrounding islands, as he is informed they are doing in the island of mindanao, which is under your majesty's dominion and protection. in addition, your majesty's royal exchequer would gain greatly, for your majesty would be master of all the cloves that are taken to persia, and to many parts of the world, besides those which come to españa by way of portuguese yndia. from there a great quantity of the spices in that island might be exported to nueva españa, and thence to this kingdom in quicker time and at less cost than are required by way of eastern yndia and lisboa--although the trade and commerce by way of yndia ought not to cease, as that would not be advantageous to your majesty's service. 6. _item_: he declares that, in his opinion, it would be very undesirable for the japanese tyrant to put into execution his proposed expedition to manila, of which he insolently wrote to your majesty's governor in that city; and this matter might be entrusted to governor gomez perez dasmariñas, as he is a very valorous and resolute soldier. he by his valor and prudence will succeed in the undertaking; and had doctor santiago de vera, your majesty's governor, sent, years ago, a captain of the energy, valor, and mettle of the present governor, that island and those near by would be gained and pacified, to the great gain of your majesty's royal exchequer. 7. _item_: he declares that, in order to effect the above, it will be very advisable for your majesty to order the island of bindanao conquered and settled. this island is located about eighty leguas from the island of terrenate and from the others, which are separated from one another by not more than two or three leguas; and some are even nearer. besides being advisable for the above purpose, the island is very large, and thickly populated, and contains a very abundant supply of cinnamon, which, if cultivated, will bring great gains to your majesty's royal exchequer. 8. _item_: he declares that it would be advisable to reënforce the city of santisimo nombre de jesus, on the island of cubu, with more troops, for its security, as well as that of the other islands near by and those of maluco, as it is a way station between maluco and nueva españa, and one of the best ports as yet known in those islands. 9. _item_: the said father fray francisco de ortega, in the name of that city and the island of cubu, by virtue of the specific and general authorization given him for that purpose, humbly begs and entreats your majesty that its title of city, given it by the governors who have ruled in that island, be confirmed by your majesty by your royal decree, in consideration of the fact that it is the first settlement made in those islands, the place where the natives began to be converted, and where the inhabitants first rendered obedience to your majesty; and by this they will be advantaged and favored. [_in a different hand_: "let it be given the title of city."] 10. _item_: he begs and entreats your majesty to be pleased to order that the regidors of that city hold office for life, and not for one year, as now; and that their appointment be entrusted to the governor, so that he may appoint them in your majesty's name; for thus the regidors will be the oldest and most deserving men, and that community will be governed better. 11. _item_: he begs and entreats your majesty to be pleased to give license that the inhabitants of that city [santisimo nombre de jesus] may build a vessel of about two hundred and fifty toneladas, in order that the said ship may be sent with the vessels sailing from manila to nueva españa, with the wax, cotton cloth, and the other cloth made from banana leaves, called medriñaque--in which products tributes are collected by all those of this island and by the encomenderos of the island of panae. the reason for this request is that in taking these things to manila there is great risk and danger from the natives, because each spaniard who goes to manila is forced to take forty or fifty indians, whence it happens that there are more than four hundred indians in manila for three months of each year and longer, who are outside their native place. this is to the great damage and loss of the natives, and if your majesty grants this permission, it will be avoided. [_in the margin_: "let this be referred to the governor, so that if there is no special disadvantage, and it does not conflict with his present orders, he may grant permission for the sailing of this vessel."] 12. in what pertains to the island of luçon, where the city of manila has been founded, and the other islands of that archipelago, the said fray francisco de ortega declares that everything is improving since the arrival of governor gomez perez dasmariñas in that country; for he is very vigilant and painstaking in all matters touching the service of god our lord, and of your majesty. thus all things are peaceful and tranquil; and by his prudence, good example, and good government, that state and the spread of the holy gospel are increasing rapidly. 13. likewise, with zeal for the service of god and of your majesty, according to what he saw, learned, and heard asserted by persons zealous for the service of your majesty, he declares that the galleys that are [at] the havana [20] are of little use and advantage, and a great expense to the royal exchequer, because they cost annually forty-two thousand ducados. and since they are there, they have been of no effect at all--although occasions have arisen when they might have been useful--because they were not well equipped, and lacked soldiers. therefore it will be advisable either that they be strengthened and disposed as is necessary for the occasion that may arise, or that such excessive expenses without any profit accruing from them be avoided. [_in the margin_: "already provided for."] 14. _item_: that the port on the point at the entrance to havana [cavite?] is very important for the guard and defense of the entrance to the port; but it must be strengthened with more pieces of artillery, for it has very few for the defense of the entrance by sea and land, if a large force of enemies should come; and that the fort built on the headland in front of the point is very good, exceedingly strong, and very important for its object. nevertheless, according to what he saw, learned, and heard said by military men, the work must be made smaller, for it covers a great deal of space; and, unless it be retrenched, a much greater garrison must be supplied, besides a great deal of artillery for its guard and defense, and for the object for which it was built. [_endorsed_: "+ father francisco de ortega of the order of st. augustine."] decree for despatch of missionaries the king: to gómez pérez dasmariñas, knight of the order of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands. after reading what you wrote me recently in regard to the need of those islands for religious to carry out our obligation to the conversion and instruction of the natives, i have ordered the needful despatch put thereto, so that at the present one hundred religious are going there--to wit, forty augustinians, twenty-four dominicans, eighteen descalced franciscans, and eighteen of the society. furthermore, additional missionaries shall be sent until the need is met. now because i have learned that better results will be obtained by assigning each order to a district by itself, and more emulation will ensue among them without their embarrassing one another, or their work overlapping, as might happen if they were assigned to districts regardless of order, i command you, together with the bishop of those islands, to divide the provinces, for the said instruction and conversion, among the religious of the orders, in such a manner that where augustinians go there shall be no franciscans, nor religious of the society where there are dominicans. thus you will proceed, assigning each order to its province; taking note that the province allotted to the society must have the same manner of instruction as the others; for this same obligation rests upon them there as upon the others, and it does not at all differ from them. given at aranjuez, april 27, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four. _i the king_ countersigned by don luis de salazar and approved by the council. reply to the japanese emperor's letter in the city of manila, on the twenty-second day of april, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, don luis perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, ordered a council of war, held in his presence in the royal houses and attended by licentiate pedro de rojas, lieutenant-governor; the master-of-camp diego ronquillo; captain gomez de machuca, factor and treasurer; captain don juan ronquillo; captain pedro de chaves; captain and sargento-mayor juan xuares gallinato; captain joan de villegas; captain pedro de arceo cuevasruvias; captain jhoan de laxara; captain francisco de mercado andrade; captain juan esquerra; captain christoval de axqueta; captain hernando muñoz de poyatos; captain pedro sarmiento; captain diego de castillo; captain antonio de canedo; captain augustin de urdiales; captain antonio rodriguez chacon; captain don francisco de mendoza; and captain gaspar perez. the said governor communicated to them that governor gomez perez dasmariñas, his late father (who is in heaven), sent to japon father fray pedro bauptista and other franciscan fathers, together with pedro gonçalez. the latter returned from that kingdom of xapon a few days ago, and brought for the said governor a letter from the king, which was shown to them, and its contents read, after it was translated into the spanish language. it was as follows: _letter from the emperor of xapon_ father pedro brought me letters from which i learned the customs of your country, as also from what father pedro told me particularly, and from what father cobo had stated before. when i was born, the sun shone on my breast; and this is a miracle, and portends that i was destined from the beginning to be lord of all between the rising and the setting sun, and that all kingdoms must render me vassalage and bow down before my door; and unless they do it, i will destroy them with war. i have conquered all the kingdom of xapon, and that of coria, and many of my commanders have asked my permission to go and capture manila. learning this, faranda and funguen told me that ships went there from here, and came back, and so the people there appeared not to be enemies, for which reason i did not send troops. i made war against the koreans and conquered as far as meaco, because they failed to keep their word. afterward my soldiers killed many chinese and many nobles who came to help the koreans. in view of this they humbled themselves, and sent an ambassador who asked that we send some of our people to coria, and said that the chinese desired eternal friendship with the kingdom of xapon. i have sent many of our people to coria to occupy the fortresses and await the embassy. should they break their word again, i will go in person to make war upon them; and after going to china, luzon will be within my reach. let us be friends forever, and write to that effect to the king of castilla. do not, because he is far away, let him slight my words. i have never seen those far lands, but from the accounts given i know what is there. you were very discreet in coming immediately, and this pleased me greatly. i received your present. i will never fail in my friendship. those who come from your country may come safely over land and sea without any wrong being done them, or their property being stolen. you may believe everything that the man who came with the father says, because he has seen my country and the hospitality which i tendered. write to the king of castilla that he is waiting there. tell him to send a man of position so that our friendship may be stronger. the rest i have entrusted to funguen. the above letter being read, the governor told them that it was true that the king, on the face of the letter, offered peace and friendship to this country and ratified what faranda negotiated with the governor's father. yet it was also plain, the governor said, from his arrogant words, that the peace and friendship were to last only for an indefinite period; those words did not accord with the authority and good name of our king and the christian name and reputation of the spanish nation, because of the pride and arrogance with which he referred to his birth and his personality, saying: "i am a man destined from the beginning to be lord of all from the rising to the setting sun, to whom all kingdoms must render vassalage and bow down before my door; and, unless they do it, i will destroy them." again, as the governor declared, not satisfied with this, he threatened us with his desire to capture the land, by saying: "many of my commanders have asked my permission to take manila;" and then by referring to the manner in which he humbled the chinese in the war with coria, to their sending him an ambassador, and to his reply that if they broke their word, he would go in person to china and would make war against it, in which case luzon would be within his reach. from all this it was difficult to draw any meaning not ominous for us; and what sounded the worst was when he gave us to understand, deceiving himself into that belief, that the embassy and presents taken by father fray pedro bautista were sent as tokens of obedience--"you were discreet in coming immediately, and this pleased me greatly. i received the present which came as specified in the letter," etc. then the governor said that this friendship would be too dearly bought, if it cost us one atom of reputation or authority; and seeing that he must not and could not hide from our sovereign the receipt of the said letter, with which the emperor of japan was acquainted, knowing well its contents and purpose, he deemed it fitting to answer said letter in a manner that would undeceive him in this important matter; and for that purpose he had dictated a reply which he would have read to them afterward. it begins by giving the emperor an account of the death of his father and of other events which he would be bound to learn, but which might be reported to him in a distorted form. after this he thanks him for the confirmation of amity; and then, with some heat and no less truth, calls his attention to the uncertainty of the prophecy concerning his rule over the world, enlightening him by the way as to some matters of our holy faith. in conclusion, with reference to the acknowledgment of subjection which he had supposed us to make, the letter states that our trust was wholly in god and in our obedience to him, while our allegiance to our most christian king admitted of no other allegiance, and of no other subjection, dominion, or acknowledgment of vassalage. and finally, in order to appease him somewhat at the end of the letter, a complete confirmation of peace and amity is offered him; and he is told that the king will be notified, and that in this, and in sending someone hence, and receiving persons from there, and in other tokens of friendship, good treatment, and a good understanding, his subjects would find this peace and amity here and on the part of his majesty. the answer was immediately read, and is as follows: _reply to the letter_ the letter addressed by your grandeur to my father was received by me as the person left in charge of the government of this land at his death, which occurred on the way to maluco. he was treacherously killed while sleeping one night, without apprehension or precaution, as one who did not dream of having enemies or traitors with him. the traitors were the sangleys, whom he took with him to work his galley. like the ineffably low, vile, and cowardly people that they are, they killed my father because he trusted them and set them loose for their own comfort. the news of this event reached me far from the place of its occurrence, while i was awaiting him with the fleet and troops, that we might depart. although after his death i endeavored to continue my journey, i was prevented because of several events and considerations. i came back here desirous of hearing news from your grandeur, and of seeing your letter replying to those sent by my father through father fray pedro. although two vessels arrived here from xapon, they could not give me the desired news. the arrival of pedro gonçalez has pleased me greatly, especially in view of the fact that i was unable to understand his delay, and of the rumor here that your grandeur was going to send your armies, a report very different from the agreement made in your name with my father by your ambassador and servant faranda, which was for firm peace and full amity. through the letter brought by pedro gonçalez, i have learned that it is your royal desire that such relations be continued; and this has greatly pleased me, for it is to be hoped that as the kings are great, great will be the friendship, and greater still the fruits of it. equally great is my desire that hereafter we treat each other in every way like friends, with less formality and more frankness than in your royal letters hitherto received; because to say that the sun at your royal birth promised you the whole world and its sovereignty, i believe can only be the saying of someone who wishes to please and flatter you with such a prophecy--which is in no wise possible or practicable, for many reasons. the first is that the very power which according to your grandeur's statement is to give you that dominion is unable to do it, since the sun is, just like the sky, the earth and everything else created, the work of our true god and therefore it can neither promise nor fulfil such a promise. the sun has no more life or power than what god gave it, and this does not go to the extent of taking or giving away kingdoms, which can only be done by god himself. it is to this great god and lord that thanks are due for all our life and power; and it is he who has such power, and not the sun or anything else which, as already stated, is an object created by him. from the above-stated truth it must be inferred that it was flattery and nothing practicable that those learned men said. in this prophecy they have shown themselves to be in the wrong; because, even if no other obstacles were to be encountered, it would be impossible to fulfil the prophecy when it is considered what a long time it would require to do so, and how short our life is, especially so when the greater part of it is past. after this obstacle a greater one arises, and that is that, even if so many and powerful kings as the world holds were to be subjugated, my king would suffice to overthrow all these prophecies. and because it is right that i do so, and in order that your grandeur be not deceived by what is nothing else than the false flattery of ignorant people, i acquaint you with the fact that my king's power is such, and the kingdoms and countries under his royal and christian rule are so many, that his power and greatness is beyond compare with that of many kings and lords, though they be most powerful, each by himself. his dominions here are but a corner, and my king's possessions cannot be judged by his dominion here. now, returning to what i was saying, since our lord and king is so powerful as he is, and only one of the many kings of this world, it can be easily imagined that all the rest of them will not obey one man alone, and that no human power could control so much. even were every one of them to render you obedience, it is not to be thought that either our king or his subjects would do it; but on the contrary, were it not that our divine and christian laws prevent us from taking unjustly from any one that which does not belong to us, and if affairs were in accordance with power and strength, my king only would be the one obeyed and acknowledged as such ruler. in all other matters we put our trust not in human power, which does not and cannot extend beyond god's divine wishes, but in him whom we acknowledge as our true lord and god, as well as the god of everything created. under his omnipotent care we feel safe; and this feeling of safety and trust is not imagined, but real and proved by wonderful and miraculous deeds and events. having such men near you as father fray pedro and others, your grandeur could gain information--if for no other reason, merely for curiosity, since your grandeur is so desirous of learning about greatness; and once having learned the greatness of our omnipotent lord, you will see how wise we are in putting our trust and confidence in him, who is almighty. i have said all this not to displease your grandeur, but in order that you may realize why we do not render obedience to other dominion, other power or other lord, than jesus christ, almighty and true god and lord, and our most christian king don phelipe. as regards the friendship that your grandeur says we ought to maintain forever, we, on our side, will observe it; and i feel certain that your grandeur will keep it on your part, since it is so declared in your royal letters. i will advise my king and lord at the earliest opportunity of the peace and friendship established, so that he may ratify it from there; and i trust in the lord that everything will be done as desired by your grandeur, whom i wish to serve and please as the friend of my king and our own. in order to do so, i should have been glad if i had some curious things from castilla, to send as presents to your grandeur; but i cannot do it now, and will send them later, when they come. should your grandeur wish that as friends we send each other men of rank and station so that our intercourse might be more friendly and informal--not that the religious who have gone are not among us here respected and highly esteemed as servants of god, and are not sufficiently high in station--but from now on a layman could be sent of higher rank than that of those who have gone heretofore. should your grandeur desire to send someone to visit the court of my king and see its splendor and the power and dominion of his majesty, he will be sent on from here, and will be well received and highly favored by my king, because he is very fond of receiving and entertaining foreigners, and especially such as might come from your grandeur, who would receive especial favor. your grandeur can advise me of your decision in regard to this as well as the other matters; and may the lord keep you and enlighten you with his divine light. then the governor said that because of the duty which, as a christian, he owed to the lord, and because of his duty to the king as his servant and subject, and because of the strict account which he must render sooner or later, he thought this a very serious case which could not be ignored or passed by. he said that it required just such an answer as the one he had decided to send; and that he would have answered the emperor with more decision and heat, were it not for the danger incurred by the fathers and the christians residing in that kingdom, and the danger to these islands, if the emperor were to be openly provoked and displeased to the extent of declaring war. because of the above-mentioned reasons, and taking into consideration the service of the lord, and the welfare of those people, and the growth of the new gospel so pleasing to the lord and so earnestly desired by his majesty, and notwithstanding his judgment and belief that the said answer should be sent just as read here, he desired to call together these grave and important persons and inform them of this affair, so that, having examined the said letter, they could give their opinion. if they approved of it, it would be sent; but should they, for any reasons or considerations, desire it to be otherwise, they should give signed statements of their opinions, with the reasons therefor, and this opinion, together with his letter, and a copy of the letters from japon and the reply which they think suitable, will be sent to his majesty for the protection of the governor in the future, as in this matter he would not do anything but what might be resolved upon, and decided to be most beneficial to the service of god and of the king our lord, and to the good name of the spanish nation. then the licentiate pedro de rojas, lieutenant-governor, said that the substance of the reply to the king of xapon's letter, as read, was very prudent and discreet, and that its warmth and spirit were proper in view of the arrogant words written by the emperor in his letter; but that in his opinion, it would be well to follow the reserved and dignified style generally used among such personages, and to leave out some words, especially in that part referring to the falsity of the prophecies, where other arguments could be advanced. the master-of-camp and other captains present were of the same opinion. the decision of the question was, therefore, postponed until the next day, when an amended reply would be presented. this resolution was signed, by the licentiate pedro de rojas, diego ronquillo, juan xuarez gallinato, gomez de machuca, pedro de chaves, don juan ronquillo, diego de castillo, pedro de arceo cuevasruvias, juan esquerra, hernando muñoz de poyatos, don francisco de poça, francisco de mercado andrade, christoval de azqueta, juan de alcega, don diego jordano, antonio decanedo, gaspar perez. before me: _juan de cuellar_ in the city of manila, on the twenty-eighth day of april, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, the master-of-camp and captains who attended the preceding council of war met a second time at the royal house by order of and in the presence of don luis perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general, to decide concerning the reply to be sent to the letter of cuambaco, the emperor of xapon, as had been agreed upon the day before. it had then been decided to omit from the said reply some of the arguments, and to substitute others, briefer and less likely to provoke or annoy him, leaving in it only such things as are required for the fulfilment of our duties as christians, and as subjects of our king, and for the sake of our good name. in conformity with this decision, the letter having been so amended, the governor ordered it to be read aloud, so that the said master-of-camp and captains could give their opinion as to whether it was proper and desirable to send it; and it was read as follows: _the letter_ the letter addressed by your grandeur to my father was received by me as the person left in charge of the government of this land at his death, which occurred on the way to maluco. he was treacherously killed while sleeping one night, without apprehension or precaution, as one who did not dream of having enemies or traitors with him. the traitors were the sangleys, whom he took with him to work his galley. like the ineffably low, vile, and cowardly people that they are, they killed my father because he trusted them, and set them loose for their own comfort. the news of this event reached me far from the place of its occurrence, while i was awaiting him with the fleet and troops, that we might depart. although after his death i endeavored to continue my journey, i was prevented because of several events and considerations. i came back here, desirous of hearing news from your grandeur and of seeing your letter replying to those sent by my father through father fray pedro. although two vessels arrived here from xapon, they could not give me the desired news. the arrival of pedro gonçalez has given me great pleasure, especially in view of the fact that i was unable to understand his delay, and of the rumor here that your grandeur was going to send your armies, a report very different from the agreement made in your name with my father by your ambassador and servant faranda, which was for firm peace and full amity. through the letter brought by pedro gonçalez, i have learned that it is your royal desire that such relations be continued, and this has greatly pleased me; for it is to be hoped that as the kings are great, great will be the friendship, and greater still the fruits of it. equally great is my desire that hereafter we treat each other in every way as friends, with less formality and more frankness than in your royal letters hitherto received. since your grandeur speaks of vassalage, i wish your grandeur to understand that my king's power is so great and so extensive, and the kingdoms and states ruled by his christian hand are so many, that they are beyond compare with the greatness of many kings, though these be most powerful each by himself. his dominions here are nothing but a corner, and my king's possessions are not to be judged by his dominions here. the reason that they are so small is, that our christian and divine laws do not permit us to do injury or damage to anyone by taking away that which belongs to him. i say this to your grandeur that you may know that, although we are in a confined and narrow region, we do not recognize other ruler, other power, other dominion, or other lord, than jesus christ, the almighty and true god and lord, and our most christian king don phelipe. concerning the friendship that your grandeur suggests we ought to maintain forever, it will be kept by us; and i feel assured that your grandeur will keep it on your part, since it is so declared in your royal letters. i will advise my lord and king at the earliest opportunity of the peace and friendship established, so that he may ratify it from there; and i trust in the lord that everything will be done as desired by your grandeur, whom i wish to serve and please as the friend of my king and our own. for such purpose i should have been glad if i had some curious things from castilla to send as presents to your grandeur; but i cannot do it now, and will send them later when they come. should your grandeur wish that as friends we send each other men of rank and of a high station, so that our intercourse might be more friendly and informal--not that the religious who have gone are not among us respected and highly esteemed as ministers of god, or are not sufficiently high in station--but from now on a layman could be sent of higher rank than that of those who have gone heretofore. should your grandeur desire to send someone to visit the court of my king and see its splendor, and the power and dominion of his majesty, he will be sent on from here, and will be well received and highly favored by my king, because he is very fond of receiving and entertaining foreigners--especially such as might come from your grandeur, who would receive especial favor. your grandeur can advise me of your decision in regard to this as well as the other matters; and may our lord keep and enlighten you with his divine light. after the letter thus amended was read, the above-mentioned persons unanimously and of one accord stated that it was a good and proper reply to the letter of the king of xapon, and that the said reply complied with what was required by the good service of the lord and of his majesty, and with the good name and repute of the spanish nation; and it was, accordingly, signed by licentiate pedro de rojas, diego ronquillo, gomez de machuca, juan xuarez gallinato, pedro de chaves, don juan ronquillo, pedro de arceo cuevasrubias, diego de castillo, hernando muñoz de poyatos, francisco de mercado andrade, don francisco de poça, juan ezguerra, christoval de axqueta, jhoan de alcega, antonio de cañedo, don diego jordano, gaspar perez, agustin de urdiales. before me: _juan de cuellar_ letters from luis perez dasmariñas to felipe ii sire: the seminary for girls of sancta potenciana which was commenced by my father in pursuance of your majesty's orders is now finished, thanks be to god. it is one of the most splendid buildings of this city, and for some days the cloister has been occupied by the mother superior and by some good women of this town, who with holy zeal and in the desire of serving god in retreat and solitude, have entered there. their sincerity and integrity of life was proved before their entering the convent, which is thereby greatly benefited. by the good example of these women, and the influence of their virtue, retirement, and modesty, i have no doubt that the girls who are now there, and those who shall enter hereafter, will be greatly benefited and improved in the service of god. the advantage of such good surroundings must aid in their improvement and help them in marriage, thus accomplishing the end for which the holy zeal of your majesty was striving in founding this work so pleasing to god. in this connection it should be said, that since this establishment is so meritorious and necessary in this commonwealth, which is young and poor, and greatly in need of a general fund for the public honor and welfare, its maintenance and perpetuity should be assured. the establishment entails little expense, and the work has been carried on according to your majesty's orders, without burdening the royal exchequer; and hence the gain has been great. the opportunity is no less favorable which is now offered your majesty to employ your liberal and royal hand in favoring and aiding this seminary with an income. thus by its increase will god our lord, be glorified, by the exercise of charity. daily prayers are held there for your majesty, that god may grant you many happy years of this life, and life everlasting. there are now about thirty persons in the seminary, and others are entering every day. another holy work has, by the favor of the lord, been established in this town in these days; and i hope that his divine majesty is no less pleased by it, than by that which i have just described. it is very similar to that and is a confraternity of mercy in which there have entered as brethren the most illustrious and prominent persons of this city. the object thereof, in conformity with its appellation of mercy, is to exercise the latter in all the works and occasions which may arise, of which there is no lack, as this land of yours is so poor. as i say, this confraternity is occupied in feeding all the worthy poor, of whom there are many; and in arranging marriages for orphan girls, the daughters of the conquistadors and of persons who have served your majesty and died in the royal service, leaving their children without inheritance, in poverty and bereavement. these are persons to whom your majesty owes a recompense; and any favor to this confraternity is granted to them and to all this community. it also persuades people to come willingly to settle here from other parts, as they see that they may find here a refuge and relief for their needs. the land has hitherto been discredited for the little comfort which poor men, both married and single, find here in a country new, unknown, and of scanty resources. even these resources are under obligation to be given to others who have settled the place and served your majesty; and for them alone there is not enough, much less for those newly arrived. for their relief there should be a lodging-house, so that poor married men may be sheltered there and given what is necessary, until they find it convenient to go out and support themselves. in addition to all the aforesaid institutions, another no less important one must be mentioned. a hospital should be established for the treatment of all the servants and slaves of the spaniards. this is a very necessary undertaking and a work of exceeding charity; for there are many of these servants who die, as they have nowhere to go for treatment. even their souls suffer, as there is some neglect in administering the sacrament to them. although there are two hospitals--the royal, and that for the natives--the servants are received in neither, on account of the poverty of the hospitals, and the many sick who are usually there, and the lack of conveniences for so many. as i have written in a former letter, your majesty should also favor these hospitals, and in particular this holy confraternity of mercy. thus i beg your majesty to do so, in the name of our good god and lord. his divine majesty will reward, as is his wont, all that is done for his love and service. in the name of this state, and the poor, and for my own sake, i humbly beg this of your majesty; and if there be anything of sufficient worth in me to be presented before the royal presence of your majesty as deserving reward and recompense; i should but ask for favor for these two hospitals, which are so needy, and particularly for this holy confraternity of mercy. there should also be provided means according to the income, to provide dowries for a certain number of the girls who are sheltered every year in the seminary of sancta potenciana. thus it is evident that the state will be totally healed of its evils; and these works of charity will, i believe, be glorious in the eyes of god, especially if your majesty will look upon them with your royal and compassionate eyes, and encourage them with your royal aid. may our lord preserve your majesty for many long years, as christendom has need. at manila, june 15, 1594. _luis perez dasmariñas_ sire: in the papers i send your majesty by these vessels, i give an account of japanese affairs and suspicions. in this letter i shall content myself with saying that when my father made answer to the second japanese embassy, he sent with father fray pedro baptista, to accompany and take care of the fathers, and with further orders to treat with that king, one pedro gonçalez, a man who, by trade and commerce, had acquired some knowledge of that land, and acquaintance with some of its inhabitants. he went and performed his mission well. the japanese king, either because he is a man of unusual good-will, or because he harbors designs, tells me in his original letter that he wishes to have your majesty see it, and to have the same pedro gonçalez, who brought it, take it with him to españa, together with an account of what he saw in that kingdom. he indicates with some insistence that he wishes this, and i am advised by letters from there that, if it be not sent, as he knows everything that is done here, he will be vexed and take it as a pretext for making an earlier declaration of war. therefore in my opinion his wishes ought to be observed since no harm will be done. pedro gonçalez carries the original letter and its translation, together with the reply which was sent from here. although, as i say, the bearer goes ostensibly only to comply with the wishes of the king of japon (for i have already written to your majesty respecting this matter), yet your majesty may, if such be his pleasure, hear from pedro gonçalez certain peculiarities of that kingdom which he has observed. so, because he is an honorable man, prudent, straightforward, of good reputation and abilities, and because he labored and incurred heavy expenses on these voyages, kindly grant him some favor; for he has deserved it, on account of the affection, good-will, and care that he has displayed in everything which he has been ordered to do in your majesty's service. may our lord preserve your majesty for many prosperous years. manila, june 22, 1594. _luis perez dasmariñas_ sire: after despatching a letter to your majesty in the vessel "sant phelippe," which it was thought best to send first, as it was in çibu, i had other letters from japon from father fray pedro baptista, the originals of which i send herewith. from these letters, and from one from the emperor of japon, a copy of which is enclosed, we can easily infer how little security is assured us by his friendship and promises, and be sure that any slight occasion would induce him to break them. but i am continuing to treat with him, in order to gain time to complete the fortifications of this city. i am showing kindness to the japanese ships that put in here. and, although i am sending the emperor, as answer to his letter, the one which i transmitted to your majesty in the vessel "sant phelippe" (a duplicate of which i enclose herewith), i am thinking of sending him a present because of the treaty of amity he has made with us. in this way, as i say, i shall dissimulate and keep him in good humor. for this purpose i am striving to spread the rumor here that the peace is firm; but i am not slackening work on the fortifications. on the contrary, i am speeding them forward with added watchfulness. god be praised, the wall is now completed, and the forts are in fair condition for defense. i hope, god willing, that the enemy will find this quite different from what they must be congratulating themselves that they will find. it is decidedly important to have a large contingent of troops sent from mexico. this is the most pressing need, and the viceroy of nueva españa should be urgently ordered to attend to it. for if the japanese come, they may be able, in case help does not arrive, to gain the land after a long siege and with a large force, and thus put us to great straits. but to whatever extremities we come, we here will not, at least, be found to lack the necessary energy and determination, and we will give your majesty a good account of your land and our obligations. we trust matters to the omnipotent hand of our god and lord. may he ordain what is most befitting his service and the glory of his sacred name. may he preserve your majesty for many long years, as christendom has need. manila, june 23, 1594. _luis perez dasmariñas_ [_addressed_: "to the king, our sovereign. in his royal council of the yndias."] [_endorsed_: "philippinas. to his majesty. luis perez dasmariñas, 1594, june 23."] documents of 1595 letter to felipe ii. pedro gonzalez de carbajal; [1595?] formation of new dioceses. felipe ii; june 17. letter to felipe ii. antonio de morga; june 25. expedition to camboja. gregorio da cruz, and others; august 1--3. instructions to figueroa. l. p. dasmariñas; november 13--16. the audiencia of manila reëstablished. felipe ii; november 26. letter to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; december 6. _sources_: the second document is taken from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 86--94; all the others are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first document is translated by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the second, by frederic w. morrison, of harvard university; the third and part of the seventh, by josé m. and clara h. asensio; the fourth and fifth, by robert w. haight; the sixth and part of the seventh, by james a. robertson. letter from pedro de carbajal to felipe ii sire: it is well known that the emperor of japon is powerful in men and arms, and that his people are of great courage. he was making ready two hundred ships, and casting quantities of artillery. japon is distant from the realm of the philipinas four hundred leagues, which is a voyage of fifteen or twenty days by sea. on his friendship depends the preservation of the philipinas, and of two hundred thousand christians in that same kingdom of japon, as well as of the rest of its people, who are being christianized from day to day. we have great hopes that all of them will become christians, because it is known surely that many of the principal people of japon would become christians, if they were not hindered by their fear of the said emperor's indignation. he ordered me [21] to say to your majesty, on his part, that, if your majesty would make friends with him, he would always provide the governor of the philipinas with what assistance was necessary, even to ten thousand men. when the governor of meaco (who is the person who governs all that kingdom) delivered me the letter which he brought for your majesty, he told me to tell your majesty that the emperor was your friend, and that on his part the friendship would not fail; and that your majesty should not, because he was so far away, consider it as of little account. gomez perez de las marinas, governor of the philipinas, sent me with father fray pedro baptista and three other fathers of st. francis, to take a letter to that emperor in response to the one which he had written. we went with this arrangement, that the fathers would remain in japon (as they did) and that i should return with the answer that the governor desired. having delivered the letter to the emperor, when he learned from the letter that the governor of the philipinas wished to notify your majesty of this emperor's intentions, he said, without giving me an answer, that since the governor wished to advise you, he could not do it better than through me. that i might be the better able to do so, he ordered that i should examine his fortresses, cities, and rich palaces, and the indications of his great power, so that i could give your majesty a good account of it all, as well as of the kind treatment that was always given to me, and to the franciscan fathers who remained there. these fathers asking him for a small piece of ground on which to build a house and church, he told them that he would give them a large piece in the place where they were, and also furnish them food. then he ordered that the site and house that they might select should be given to them. and because the land was so cold, he ordered the fathers (who are barefooted) to be shod and clothed; and said that he would give them these things and would treat them as his children if they would obey him as their father. he sent me word to say that he would await your majesty's answer. while we were in japon at that time, the fathers and myself knew for certain that some of the japanese chiefs asked the emperor's permission to go to subjugate the philipinas, and make him lord of them, without any cost to him. the latter replied that he would have nothing to do with it, until he saw your majesty's response. it is quite necessary that your majesty should send an order to the bishop of great china at macan, and the fathers of the society of jesus, to the effect that all the ships should leave there and go to japon. these should investigate, and look to it that they carry no people who have not a good understanding of christianity and fidelity; because that emperor is desirous of meeting people who will teach him to construct ships and artillery in our manner. all this will be of considerable harm and inconvenience; for, although he has artillery and ships, they are less effective than ours. they tell me that on this coast is father fray miguel de venavides, [22] of the order of st. dominic, by whom your majesty can be very well informed of all these matters, because he has dealt with some japanese, and has gone through great china. _pedro gonzalez de carbajal_ formation of new dioceses the king: to my cousin, the duke. my zeal and desire have always been, and are, to procure and provide throughout all the provinces, divisions, and localities of the western indias, whether already discovered or to be discovered hereafter, the propagation and extension of our holy catholic faith and christian religion; and for that purpose i endeavor to provide the necessary prelates and ministers, through whose agency the natives of those parts, blinded by their hideous idolatry, may come into knowledge of the true faith; and, together with those already converted, may be enlightened and instructed so that they may enjoy salvation, partaking of the copious fruit of our redemption. hence at my supplication, archbishoprics have been established in those districts and places where it seemed necessary. for, in spite of the fact that a bishopric was founded in the city of manila in the island of luzon in the philipinas, situated in the great archipelago of china, very near the mainland of that country--yet, inasmuch as that district is very large, and contains numerous islands with a large native population--a single prelate cannot easily and under ordinary circumstances visit his diocese as he should, fulfil the pontifical decrees, and provide for spiritual affairs with the necessary despatch. it has been shown by those who have had experience that many inconveniences result; and after this was investigated by the members of my royal council of the indias, and counsel taken upon it, with the object of correcting these evils, it has seemed to me both fitting and necessary for the fulfilment of the obligation that i am under of procuring the salvation of the souls of those my subjects--according as i am enjoined by the holy apostolic see and bidden by my conscience--that the cathedral church of the said city of manila be elevated into a metropolitan see and its territory into an archbishopric; and that three new bishoprics be created and established suffragan to it, so that they may hold their synods according to the orders of the holy council of trent, and without coming to nueva españa, as the bishop of manila, who was the suffragan to the archbishop of mexico, was compelled to do. from one region to the other, the journey is more than three thousand leguas; and, besides, it is evident that those islands could thus be better and more fittingly governed in spiritual affairs. therefore i command you upon receipt of this despatch, to propose to his holiness, and supplicate him, in my name, that he may be pleased to elevate into a metropolitan see the said cathedral church of manila, and to create the three bishoprics aforesaid--one in the church of the city of nueva-segovia in the province of cagayan in the island of luzon, under the protection of the conception of our lady; one in the city of cáceres in the territory of camarines, in the same island, under the protection of st. john the evangelist; and the other in the aforesaid city of santísimo nombre de xesus, in the island of cebú, of that archipelago, under the protection of the guardian angel. in this way each one may exercise in his diocese the pastoral office; and the metropolitan archbishop, together with the bishops, may labor with jurisdiction, authority, and power in the conversion and instruction of the said natives; and he and they may provide for other spiritual matters which may seem desirable for the maintenance of divine worship and the salvation of souls. but for the present, and until affairs be more settled in those regions and tithes established, no cathedral churches shall be erected, or dignitaries or canonries provided for, except that the bishops shall dwell privately in the monasteries of their order which are situated in the aforesaid cities. nevertheless, in order that the said cathedral churches may be erected in due time, and that for the present, definite territories may be assigned to the aforesaid archbishopric, and to the bishops, you must thus entreat his holiness, in my name, to give me power to add to or to change the said territories, when and in such wise as may seem most fitting to me. at the same time, you will present and nominate to his holiness, in my name, fray ygnacio de santibañez, [23] of the order of st. francis, as archbishop of the aforesaid church of manila, in place of the late fray domingo de salazar, of the order of st. dominic, the first and last bishop of that city; for the bishopric of nueva-segovia, fray miguel de benavides, of the order of st. dominic; for the bishopric of the city of santísimo nombre de xesús, in the island of cebú, fray pedro de agurto, of the order of st. augustine; and for the bishopric of the city of cáceres, fray luis maldonado, of the order of st. francis. by these presents i nominate them and offer them as candidates to his holiness, in order that by this nomination--which i make as patron of all the churches of the indias--he may bestow upon them these churches and the aforesaid archbishopric and bishoprics; for from the favorable accounts that i have of the goodness, learning, virtue, and exemplary lives of the aforesaid religious, i trust that our lord will be well served by these provisions and the churches well governed and administered. moreover, in according me this, his holiness will confer upon me a special favor and kindness, which you will therefore make known to him. you will also tell him that in the absence of tithes, i have endowed the archbishopric with an annuity of three thousand ducats, drawn from my royal exchequer, and each of the bishops with five hundred thousand maravedis [24] annually. you will see to it that the bulls [25] on the whole matter be sent out with the utmost promptitude in order to reach the first fleet that sails. from madrid, on the seventeenth day of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. _i the king_ letter from antonio de morga to felipe ii sire: on the tenth of this month of july [_sic_], i arrived at port in these philipinas islands with the fleet of your majesty, and the reënforcements that were sent to this place by the viceroy don luis de velasco, under my command. i found the land at peace, and more free from suspicions of enemies than it has been hitherto. there is great hope that if moderate diligence be shown, our lord may be pleased to open the door to the preaching of the gospel among the heathen. this is proved by the harvest gathered by the four descalced friars of the order of st. francis, who went hence to xapon last year. i found don luis dasmariñas governing this land, on account of the death of his father, as your majesty will have been fully informed ere this. i will serve according to your majesty's orders in the office of lieutenant-general of these islands with as much care as my strength will permit, until your majesty may be pleased to order otherwise. i humbly beseech your majesty that the method of procedure that is to be followed here be sent to this kingdom with the utmost despatch. may those who live here be granted reward, for they have served your majesty with much care and fidelity; and if the land is not burdened with taxes, the maintenance and advancement of it are likely to bring about great improvements even in the neighboring kingdoms, to the service of god and of your majesty. i shall commence the residencia which your majesty orders me to take in the case of licentiate pedro de rojas, my predecessor, and of other ministers, as soon as these ships for nueva españa have sailed. in order not to hinder their despatch, it has seemed best to postpone this work; but by the first ships i shall do as your majesty bids me in this matter. i was inaugurated into my office as soon as i arrived at this city, and concerning the inauguration i send the accompanying report to your majesty. as i have come so recently i give no report in detail as to what should be done in this region. from what i have seen, however, it seems to me that i ought to remind your majesty of what i wrote from mexico. your majesty's treasury in these islands has been administered at a great loss to your majesty's exchequer, and it is very necessary for your majesty to send someone to make investigations and set things in order for the future. in that way your majesty will be enabled to meet the expenses incurred, without providing therefor from nueva españa, as is done now. everything is greatly in arrears. may our lord preserve the royal person of your majesty for many long years, as is needed by universal christendom, and as we your majesty's servants desire. manila, june 25, 1595. _dr. antonio morga_ [_order by the council_: "let a decree be issued for the governor of the philipinas to have these accounts taken. they shall be taken by doctor antonio de morga. the results shall be sent to this council, with an account of everything that is done, and his opinion of what is meet to be done. a complete report shall be made of the royal property in that treasury."] [_endorsed:_ "considered may 27, 1596. decree enclosed."] this is a true and faithful copy taken from a royal decree and issued by the royal council of the indias, which doctor antonio de morga, assessor and lieutenant to the governor in the judicial cases in these ffilipinas islands, presented before don luis perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general thereof. its contents are as follows: don felipe, by the grace of god king of castilla, [here follows the usual list of his dignities and titles]: appreciating what you, doctor antonio de morga, have done in my service, and your good qualities, learning, and efficiency, it is my will to choose and appoint you as i hereby do, my assessor and lieutenant to my governor and captain-general of the filipinas, in place of licentiate pedro de rojas, who at present serves in said office, and whom i have promoted as criminal alcalde of my royal audiencia of the city of mexico. it is my will that you be lieutenant-general of said governor and captain-general, with jurisdiction in affairs of government and war, to act as such; and, for the time that i may so desire, you shall exercise said offices in the affairs and cases which may arise in said islands, and relating to and bearing on them, in the fulness and manner exercised by former lieutenant-generals, and by him who at present fills that office in the provinces of chile, in the affairs of government and war. the governor shall not appoint or have any other lieutenant; and in prosecuting, determining, and closing the cases which may occur, take place, or arise, in said islands, you shall proceed in the form and order which is contained and declared in the decree signed by my hand on the seventeenth day of the month of january of the present year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. as concerns the cases and suits about the indians which may arise in those islands, you shall proceed according to the decree of malinas and the declarations thereof, a copy of which will be given you, signed by joan de ledesma, my court secretary, of that which i have issued for the said provinces of chile. i have therefore sent my letter to my said governor and captain-general of said islands, and as soon as it shall be shown to him, he shall take and receive from you, the said doctor antonio de morga, the oath and the formalities prescribed in such cases and required from you. this having been done, you shall be received and regarded as lieutenant for matters of government and war and assessor for matters of justice; and you shall fill the said offices in every case and affair touching or pertaining thereto, as has been said. as soon as you shall have been received into the said offices, and shall have had delivered to you the rod of my justice, no other lieutenant whatever shall be permitted to exercise it, under the penalty incurred by persons who exercise public and royal offices without holding power and license therefor. after you have taken the said rod of my justice, he and all the citizens and inhabitants, and the captains, officers, and troops of the cities, towns, and settlements of said islands shall have and hold you as such lieutenant-general and assessor of the said government in government, war, and judicial affairs. they shall cause to be exercised the functions of the said offices in your person as herein provided, and shall observe and cause to be observed for you all the honors, favors, civilities, licenses, exemptions, preeminences, prerogatives, privileges, and other things, and each and every one thereof which by reason of the said offices you should have and enjoy. i, by these presents, receive you, and hold you received into the use and exercise of the said offices; and i give you power and authority to use and exercise them in case the said governor, or any of the aforesaid persons, should not receive you. it is my pleasure that you have and receive as yearly salary for the said offices two thousand pesos of four hundred and fifty maravedis each. i order the officials of my exchequer of the said islands to give and pay you this salary from the day when you sail from one of the two ports, barrameda or cadiz, on the way to assume your duties in the said office. in the future your salary shall be paid you, as long as you are in my service, at the times and terms which were followed in the payment of the said licentiate pedro de rojas. your receipts, a sworn statement of the day of your sailing, as aforesaid, and a copy of this my decree shall be entered in the books of the officials. i order that the maravedis given and paid for this reason be receipted and charged on account with no other warrant whatsoever. given at san lorenço, on the eighteenth day of august in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. _i the king_ i, joan de ybarra, secretary of our lord the king, have written this at his command. the licentiate _hinojosa_ _doctor pedro diaz de tudanco_ the licentiate _benito de caltadano_ the licentiate _bartolome de toledo_ registered: _pedro de ledesma_ for the chancellor: _pedro de ledesma_ this commission and royal decree was entered in the books of the india house of trade, of this city of sevilla, on the eleventh of january in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. _doctor gutierrez flores_ _ochoa de orguiza_ _fernando de porras_ at manila, the thirteenth day of june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before don luis perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these ffilipinas islands, by order of our lord the king, and in the presence of me, the undersigned notary, doctor antonio de morga presented this royal decree and petitioned for its execution. when the said governor heard this, he took the decree, kissed it, and placed it above his head, as a decree of his king and natural lord (may our lord preserve him with increase of better kingdoms and seigniories!); and in token of his readiness to give commands in fulfilment of his majesty's orders. then the said governor took and received him on his oath before god, our lord, and on a sign of the cross made by the right hand of the said doctor antonio de morga, that he would execute his trust and office of lieutenant-general and assessor to the said governor truly and faithfully, as was declared and contained in this decree in conformity with the orders, commands, and decrees which in any manner refer or pertain to the said office and trust. after he had so sworn before the said governor, there was delivered to him the rod of royal justice, in order that he might enjoy and exercise the said office. to this were witnesses: the licentiate pedro de rojas, estevan de marquina. _luis perez dasmariñas_ before me: _gaspar de asebo_ the said copy was made, copied, corrected, and collated from the government records under my charge. it is a true and faithful copy of the records. the witnesses were diego de ffuentes, and alonso de aguilar. given at manila, on the twenty-third of june in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. therefore i affixed my seal, in witness of its accuracy. _gaspar de asebo_ expedition to camboja information, petitions, and stipulations concerning sending aid to the kingdom of camboja _petition of diego beloso, ambassador of the king of camboja_ i, captain beloso, appear before your lordship and say that i have lived ten years in the kingdom of camboja, where the king of that country has always shown me great graces and favors, since i was acquainted with his language, and has appeared highly satisfied with me, as well in the conducting of matters of peace as in matters of war and government. for these reasons i am under great obligations to him, and likewise because he is a person bound by close ties to the spaniards, and who consents and desires that there should be in his kingdom churches and christians. he also maintains their ministers, as appears from the two orders of the dominicans and franciscans which he has in his country, whom he is providing with provisions and personal service; and he has not only maintained them but has sent to malaca and macan a great deal of rice and wine, and other presents. he has always held all spaniards as his friends, and received them in his courts and lands with great friendship and graciousness. he has lent aid to them in their need, as appears from the case of captain gregorio de bargas, and blas rruys, who in the year of ninety-two sailed from the city of canton in the land of china, with the intention of going to the said kingdom of canboja in order to examine and explore the said country, and to bring about communication between the said king and this city, for they were already aware of his desire and his friendly disposition. during the voyage the king of chanpan, like the tyrant and pirate that he is, treacherously robbed and captured them, and held them in that captivity until they were obliged to leave in flight, with much cunning and craft, alone and taking nothing with them. after suffering immense hardships, they arrived at his city poor and in ill condition. the said king of canvoja received them kindly, treated them well, and lent aid to their needs. he was much pleased with them when he found that they were from this country, and that they had intended to come to his. he was greatly pained to learn of their captivity and loss, and had much pity for them when he found what misery and hardship they had endured. for their coming was a thing which he desired much on account of the many things which i often told him, because he had always been interested in them, and because of the many conversations which i had with him. i recounted to him the greatness of his majesty and of this city, whereupon he showed a lively pleasure in all, and was led to wish to communicate with the city, of which communication he was already greatly desirous. with the arrival of the said persons and what they told him, he completed his information concerning the matters that he had learned from me. at that time he was suspicious of the king of ssian, who was his bitter enemy, as well as the enemy of christianity and of the spanish nation, and with whom he was in a state of open warfare. he preferred to avail himself of aid from the christians rather than from the heathens or moros who dwelt in the neighborhood, if he could do so. he gave entire credit to what we had told him, and what we were then telling him. he confirmed by deed the love which he had shown to all of us spaniards, and decided to send an embassy to the governor of these islands, seeking aid for the conflict in which he feared he would soon find himself. this embassy he entrusted to me and to captain gregorio de vargas, placing more confidence in us than in any of his own subjects. the said blas rruiz he kept in his service to satisfy the wishes of some of his own subjects, who, because they do not like him, opposed the voyage and the embassies. he wrote to the said governor a letter, written on a leaf of beaten gold, and sent as a present an elephant, slaves, and other articles, as appears by the said embassy, to which i refer you. this embassy we carried out, on arriving at this city, delivering the letter and the presents, and were engaged in it many days, beseeching the last governor to send the king some aid, in order to redeem him from the utter ruin which afterward happened. as this country was on the point of sending an expedition to maluco, the governor deferred the aid. after your lordship succeeded to the government, you despatched me and gave me an answer for the said king, sending him a castilian horse with trappings, and a rich jewel of emeralds. when i arrived at the said kingdom of canvoja i sent a soldier named pantaleon carnero to give the news to the king, and to take measures to learn the state in which the country was--all of which is explained more at length by this information which i am presenting, and which i drew up in sian before the religious, together with the persons who went with me, to clear myself and in order that it might appear thereby that the embassy was accomplished. i petition that it be examined, and a copy be given me as a safeguard for my exoneration in all particulars. in fact the sianese robbed and captured us and we were carried as prisoners to the city of judea, [26] which is in the kingdom of sian. here we found the fathers and other christians, who had come from canvoja, and who were in a sad and unfortunate captivity; they were allowed no churches or provisions, but must seek their food as alms from the heathen, so that the affliction and misfortune which they undergo is a most pitiable thing. when we were all joined together and saw what we must suffer, we decided to seek some remedy. we considered the state of that kingdom, and that the king had expended his substance and had few sianese troops, on account of the many who had died in the war with camboja and the war which he was carrying on with pegu--who had sent a great army against him, so that there were none left in the city except children and women; and that he is a very cruel tyrant and a persecutor of the holy catholic faith, and will consent to no christian place of worship in his kingdom, but rather destroys them, and burns those which he may find in other kingdoms. he receives in his kingdom the worship of mahoma, which is preached with his consent, and he gives permission to his subjects to turn moors. we also considered the king of canboja was such a friend of ours that he protected our faith, and that he was so placed that he would be heartily pleased to aid the spaniards with all his power against that tyrant, because the latter would then be destroyed and put in the power of the spaniards. for this is what he wishes, even although he should help the spaniards to win all the kingdoms in the neighborhood, of which there are more than twelve; for i have always heard this from him, and further that he wishes to be a christian and that his whole kingdom should be christian. accordingly, pondering over what means we could use to advise your lordship of all this--as you are a person so jealous of the honor of god and the service of his majesty, and are in a position to remedy it all; and, with so good and certain an ally, would win all those rich kingdoms and reduce to the holy catholic faith so many thousands of souls, which are being lost, not by their own fault--we noticed that the king of sian had been much pained by the death, before he had seen it, of the horse which was brought from your lordship. and, considering the great pleasure which he took in a philosopher's stone, we promised him that if he would send me to this country i should bring him back a large horse and mare for breeding, and a philosopher's stone a cubit long, which he had said he would prize much. out of desire for these things, he ordered that i be sent back; and told the fathers that they on his behalf should write to your lordship--for he is so arrogant that he even sets no store by writing. he ordered to be given to me, to present to your lordship, two elephants and an ivory tusk, which i have already delivered to your lordship. after i set out upon the voyage i underwent many hardships, as i arrived at malaca with ill weather, and when the chief captain found what message i was carrying and learned my intentions in the matter, he wished to interfere with me and detain me and stop the voyage. he attempted to take the elephants from the junk, in order to send them to goya, and to take me prisoner. and in fact i suffered in the said city and fortress of malaca, more hardships and hindrances than among the heathen before i was sent on the road with these letters to bring to your lordship, as appears more at length by the information which i have given your majesty for the remedy of all this. in the name of the king of canvoja, whose ambassador i am, and on behalf of the religious and other christians who are in captivity in the kingdom of ssian, and on my own behalf, as ambassador to your lordship, i petition and beseech that you be pleased to attend to the giving of the aid which has been sought by him. and now i petition in the name of this poor and much-beset king of canvoja, who is so friendly to our nation and to christianity, more especially at present, when he has been ruined and is in danger of a return of the king of sian against him (who would make complete the ruin and desolation of his country), so good a friend of ours, who has no one to aid him. and especially will this aid now be of profit and of immense importance, as the king of sian is without troops of war and has them scattered; and each day he is becoming more powerful and is possessing himself of the kingdom of pegu--whose king likewise is a very close friend of the christians--and he is destroying christian lands and churches which lie within that kingdom, in large numbers. if the aid which your lordship would send were joined to the power of canvoja, the principal city of sian might easily be taken; and then the other kingdoms could immediately and easily be won, for when this one is undone the others have no spirit to defend themselves singly. as the said king of canvoja continues always to favor and help the spaniards, as it is certain that he will do, yndia cannot come to aid in this as it has so many enemies at its gates; and, if your lordship lend this most just aid, you will add greatly to the service of god our lord, and it will redound to the great increase of the christian religion, and will augment the royal crown of the king our lord--besides being a work of charity to succor the man who cries for favor and help, that he may become a christian. for when he becomes so it will be very easy to bring all those of his kingdom over, with some little effort to see that so good a desire is realized. there are a number of other things which your lordship can examine and consider in the letters sent by the bishop of malaca, and those of the religious who remain in ssian. beside this there would result an important entrance onto the mainland whence great increase and wealth might result. as to the doubt which exists as to the state in which the king of canvoja is, i will say that at the time when i was about to leave the city of ssian there arrived some sianese soldiers of the number who were in the garrison in canvoja; and they said that the king thereof had come down from the mountains where he was, and had killed and captured all the sianese who were there, except some few who had escaped into the mountains; and that they had killed his brother, who had favored the sianese in canvoja so that the natives should come to him. the virrey which had remained there had surrendered to the king of canvoja, who was already possessed of all his lands. this was quite generally known in ssian, and the king learned of it; and, fearing lest he of canvoja should come to that country by sea, while he had no troops, he sent three oared vessels to act as sentinels at the mouths of the rivers, to see if he of canvoja should come, and to advise him thereof. at the time when i went down the river the other three vessels went down, and at the mouth met a sianese ship which was coming from canvoja, and they told me that the king thereof was lord of his land and sea, and that they had escaped with much difficulty. they said that there was not at present a sianese in canvoja who was not captured. with this second news they confirmed that in the city. when this was learned by the people in the three ships who were acting as sentinels, they went back to tell the king of it, that he might send more men to the sentinel ships, so that they should not be easily overcome, since the king of canvoja was lord of his lands. i have no doubt that if the king of sian were gone with all his army, he of canvoja would wage war; and the sianese without their king are a people who have no spirit, or arms for their defense, for they possess nothing more than machetes, small bucklers, and javelins made of cane, all of which is a mere trifling armament. the men of canvoja have many arrows and are very skilful with them. if the king was conquered at first it was because of the little confidence which he had in his own subjects; for, in short, it has since transpired that the larger part of them went over to the side of the king of sian to his own brother, whom he afterwards killed, as i have said. i assure you that the canvojans, in company with the spaniards whose aid they would have, are a stronger nation than in all the rest of the country on the field, owing to the advantage in arms which they have over all the other nations in those regions. accordingly i beseech you not to lose such a friend and helper, and that your lordship should not permit that through lack of reënforcements, since they can be given, he and his subjects should again become heathens and lose their souls. i remind your lordship that in the instructions which his majesty has sent to this city he instructs you that the neighboring kingdoms should be favored, and especially that of canvoja, for he knows that that is friendly. again i beseech your lordship as respectfully as i can, since it is a matter of so great importance which should not be lost, nor should such a wonderful chance be allowed to pass and no advantage taken of it, and of so great a benefit as it promises. i would remind your lordship that, in the sending of this aid, promptness is above all necessary, in order that it may have a prosperous and successful result. it would be best that it should leave here sometime during the month of september of this year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, for that is the best time of the year to follow up these enterprises in favorable weather, since we have ready for it a well-supplied place of residence in which to live and remain secure. in short i petition everything which can be petitioned in such a matter, and which is fitting and could be done, and would result in profit and utility for my parties and for the persons for whom i speak; and above all i plead for justice in asking the aid which of right should be given. furthermore i say that in the name of the king of canvoja, as his ambassador, i am prepared to draw up with your lordship stipulations, and i declare that what shall be agreed to in his name he will comply with, without in any wise failing. for in this whole matter i hold his authority to speak, which is the same as is in practice among us, and which he gave me at my leave-taking, when he told me to use every means to bring him help, and in his name to do and promise everything which should appear best to me, for he should be pleased to comply with all of them. he said that his final aim was to be a christian, and that this i should tell the governor; and further that he wished to lend all his power to the spaniards, so that they could conquer the surrounding kingdoms and possess them. as for him and his children, he wished no more than his own kingdom, converted to the faith. accordingly i am ready to make in his name whatever stipulations may be just, and to bind him thereto as his ambassador, since i am doing it for his sake. on account of this desire, i beg your lordship, in case this does not take place by reason of some insurmountable difficulty, to order given to me a testimonial of all these matters in such wise as will give them credit; for i intend to go therewith and present myself before his majesty, seeking justice. _diego beloso_ in the city of manila, on the first day of august of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before don luis perez dasmarinas: have this petition and information presented, and let captain diego beloso present a memorial of the number of troops and of other things which he desires and seeks as ambassador of the king of canvoja, so that, having been examined by his lordship, he may make the necessary provision. likewise let him propose the stipulations to be complied with by the king of canvoja, and carried out, providing the aid which he seeks is sent. accordingly i have pronounced and signed this. luis _perez_ before me: _estevan de marquina_ _brief memorial by the ambassadors of the king of canvoja_ we, captain diego beloso and captain gregorio de vargas, declare that for the better understanding of this petition of the king of canvoja for aid, there must be considered the matters which the said king told me, diego beloso, for the governor of manilla, and which are now given in writing. and we beg that they be examined with the rest in connection with this solicitation. 1. in the first place that the king's verbal instructions to diego beloso be examined, as they contain the substance of the embassy. 2. in the second place the aid is sought to carry on offensive operations against no neighboring country, but only through this means to become christian, and to defend himself, and keep the people in subjection; for, if the king were baptized without having spaniards in the country, it would cause rebellion and desertion to sian. if he has spaniards his own subjects will be obliged to join the faith, and neighboring kingdoms will abandon mahoma. 3. in the third place it must be considered that the said king is powerful and independent; and when he sent for this aid he was in all prosperity, and did not greatly fear the king of sian, for he had beaten him before. but he was merely sending for the christians to declare his faith, and the contents of the letter of embassy were meant to satisfy his nobles. he will be content with his kingdom alone, and will leave the spaniards all that they may conquer, offering them his power in the future. 4. [_summarized_: likewise should be considered the great faith which he has so long maintained, having supported religious of two orders, the dominicans and franciscans, in his country for thirty years with necessaries and servants, and sending occasionally to malaca and macan for spanish messengers. he has always helped all the spaniards and other christians who were in his country, and given the fathers license to preach over all the land. he has exempted all converts from tribute, and bidden them give recognition to the fathers. he has always listened to the wishes of the fathers and has sought to gather a number of christians--ordering all vessels which leave his country to try to bring spaniards and other christians back; and, if they found them captives, to ransom them at any price. in this way he got several together in his country, and favored them more than his own subjects. the larger part of his guard of arquebusiers were christians, although not spaniards; and he paid them well, and favored them so much that they dared to kill his other subjects. he gave money to the spaniards and treated them much better than his own nobles, who were accordingly aggrieved. in the year 93, i, gregorio de vargas, and blas rruiz, my companion, arrived there, as we had heard of him in macan. we determined at the risk of our lives and the cost of our goods to procure him a communication with this city and make him an ally. we told him of ourselves, and as he believed us, he sent this embassy, seeking aid. and this we seek that such an important country be not lost for the lack of so little aid; and because it is for the service of god our lord, and of his majesty, and will add to the spanish renown, and the faith of jesus will be established on the continent, where it may extend through all those great and powerful heathen countries to his honor and glory.] this is the truth of what we know and think in this matter, according to our best knowledge, through god and on our conscience; and we swear it by god and upon the cross, and sign it with our names. _gregorio de vargas_ _diego velosso_ i, captain diego de veloso, ambassador of the king of canvoja, declare that in a petition which i gave in the name of the said king, your lordship, decreeing thereon, ordered me to give a memorial concerning the articles necessary for the help which i seek; and in compliance with the command of your lordship i would say that for the said aid to be effective, and in order that the said king shall be able to defend his kingdom therewith, and win back that of the tyrant, from which it is to be taken, the following things are necessary: in the first place, the largest possible number of spaniards that your lordship can send with the said aid, including arquebusiers and musketeers, being veteran and well armed and disciplined soldiers--of whom there should be no less than three hundred. _item._ as many as possible of native indians who have gone on expeditions with the said spaniards, and are well drilled, so that being mixed with the said spaniards, and as far as possible being arquebusiers, they will be effective on the field. _item._ a galley without slaves, with full sail, oars, and artillery. _item._ the vessel "nuestra señora del rosario," and the little vessel which went to china, called "santiago," and the necessary fragatas for the troops, with all the artillery which can be spared. _item._ eight caracoas and virreys, without crews. all of which, as i have said to your lordship, is the least which can be sent for the said help, whereby the said king would receive a gracious favor. _diego veloso_ at manilla, on the third of the month of august in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before the governor and captain-general of these islands, don luis perez das marinas, was presented this petition, and having examined it he spoke. having examined it, his lordship commanded that it be placed with the other papers, and that diego veloso appear before his lordship, to come to an agreement over the conditions which are to be agreed upon and concluded by the king of canvoja and the undersigned, in case the aid which he seeks should be granted. _luis perez dasmarinas_ before me: _estevan de marquiña_ in the city of manila, on the third of august, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, don luis perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general in this country, did graciously cause to appear captain diego beloso and gregorio de vargas machuca, residents in this city, who said that they, as ambassadors of the king of canvoja, had come before his lordship to examine the stipulations which he proposed as the effect and object of his embassy, and contingent upon the aid which they had come to seek--so that, having seen and copied them, a resolution might be reached. having been examined by his lordship, he proposed to them that, in case the aid which they sought were accorded, the king of canvoja must swear and promise to keep and comply with the stipulations, and that at no time shall he or his successors break them or violate them. _stipulations_ 1. in the first place the king of canvoja, his wife and children, and his household must be baptized, and must receive the faith and gospel of jesus christ our very god and lord; and he must allow it freely to be preached in his country and realm, and lend all his favor and help to it and to the building of churches, protecting and favoring the said fathers, and ministers. 2. so soon as the spaniards have arrived in his country he must give them for their accommodation a port, and a good site for settlement and fortification, which settlement and fortification he must aid to construct with his men, with all haste, and at his own expense for the first time, since it is for his defense, protection, and greater safety. 3. he must pay the troops and camp people, soldiers, captains, commander, and other officers of war, so long as, and during the time while they shall not have any repartimientos or other certain sources of income whereby to maintain themselves; this pay must be punctual, and fully paid by thirds of a year, and likewise he must supply the camp with provisions, in such wise that they shall not suffer need or lack the necessary supplies. 4. in the matters in which he seeks our favor and help we shall only be bound to give them when those matters are justified and right, and as such permitted by our holy faith, and of no other kind. consequently, for this favor and help which is accorded to him he must swear to be a perpetual and faithful friend of our king and lord don felipe ii, and of the prince our lord, his son, don felipe iii, and of his other successors in the kingdom; and as such, whenever occasion shall arise which makes it necessary for defense or offense, and to carry expeditions into other neighboring kingdoms and lands, he will aid with his troops, elephants, and vessels, in so great number as he conveniently can without embarrassment, conformably to the power and forces which he shall have at that time available therefor, without binding or obliging himself in case of evident lack or need therefor. 5. in the expeditions which the king of canvoja shall with justice undertake against other kingdoms and lands in which the spaniards may help him, if they are victorious, he must share with his majesty what may be won of such lands and kingdoms, that it may be placed under his royal ownership, and that he may do with them as with his own, whatever he may please. furthermore, of the spoils and gains from the sacking of such lands, cities, and kingdoms he must give to the soldiers who shall go to aid him in such expedition, if he does not pay any other salary or wages, a third thereof; and, if he does pay other wages, a fourth. 6. _item_. the spaniards who go must be subject to their superior commander, who takes them in his charge, and who shall be appointed by me. they are to be punished by him for any wrong-doing which they commit, and the same must hold true in the expeditions which they make; and the colors must not be lowered to any other persons except those customary among ourselves, nor to any other ensign, standard, or person; but, in whatever place and occasion they may be, they must keep their due and just place. 7. the king and his sons, or he who shall succeed him in the kingdom, must swear that never, after the spaniards shall be in their country and kingdom, and shall preach the gospel of jesus christ our god and lord, will they receive therein or consent to any false doctrine, or allow any other faith to be obeyed or publicly preached, or that there shall be set apart for it houses, persons, or public places. 8. in case that he shall lack children or legitimate successors, and must name a successor in the kingdom, it should be with the advice of persons deputized and commanded by the spaniards, and with that of the superior or superiors of the religious and the orders which may be in his country. he must not appoint or leave as successor in the kingdom any one who is not a christian, or who will not swear to keep and comply with these stipulations as he does. in case that he should lack relatives or other persons to whom rightly and justly the succession of the kingdom should fall, and he has to name some outside person, it must be our king and lord don felipe, or the legitimate successor who may be reigning at that time. these said eight stipulations just given were proposed by his lordship to the said diego beloso and gregorio de vargas, ambassadors of the said king of canvoja, that they might examine them and confer together, and promise in the name of the said king that if the said aid were sent he would formally and duly swear to keep, accept, and comply with them, according as their tenor demanded, without breaking or violating them, or any part thereof at any time--neither he, nor his successors and heirs, under penalty that if they should break or violate them, or any part of them, from that time on the spaniards remained freed and no longer bound to the aid and help which they are to give if these stipulations are complied with; and they may freely do what seems best to them. the said stipulations having been examined by the said diego beloso and gregorio de vargas, and having discussed and conferred in regard to them as to what was expedient, they said that the king of canvoja would accept them all and comply with them; for they have learned from him that very willingly will he receive them, and swear to carry them out for himself and for his successors. this they have understood and regard as the truth, considering the eagerness with which they have seen him seek for and desire the friendship of the spaniards, and their presence in his land, beside the matters which he has mentioned and communicated to them very particularly. they consider it certain that at present his desires will be the stronger on account of what has happened to him; they except in all the above only two things, one of which is that he should not be obliged in any way to force his wife and children immediately to become christians, but that he without doubt would do so. the other is that he also should not bind himself to pay and maintain the troops of war who go there to aid him; since for this the said king will give one of the best provinces of his kingdom, so that out of the tributes and profits thereof the said troops may be maintained and paid. with these two exceptions and declarations, in all the rest they promise and bind themselves, as ambassadors of the said king of canvoja, so far as they can and ought to be bound; and as further evidence thereof they give their word and bond for him that he will do and fulfil what they therein agree upon and promise in his name, that he will accept, comply with, and keep, and swear to keep and comply with the said stipulations, and that at no time shall he or his successors break them or violate them, or any part thereof, under the penalties provided for and incurred by those who shall violate the faith and loyalty which they promise in so great and important matters. accordingly, if the aid which is sought be furnished them, he on his part will comply with that which is asked from him, without in any manner failing. they as his ambassadors, with all the power which they hold and as best they can and should, bind the said king and swear in his name to its fulfilment, through god our lord, with the sign of the cross and upon the holy gospels, in legal form. they signed it with their names, to which the undersigned notary attests; and likewise they promised under the said oath that, in the effecting and execution of the aforesaid, they will act as they ought and are bound to do, as faithful and loyal vassals of the king our lord. _diego beloso_ _gregorio de vargas machuca_ before me: _estevan de marquina_ instructions to figueroa in the city of manila, on the thirteenth day of november, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, don luis perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands for our lord the king, declares that he has considered the documents and official acts hitherto made and issued in regard to the settlement and pacification of the island of mindanao by captain rodriguez de figueroa, as stated in the report and account sent by the alcalde-mayor of oton concerning the present invasion of the province of pintados by hostile caracoas. the said governor has also considered the pleas offered in the same matter by don francisco de poça y guevara y conçortes for himself and the other encomenderos of the said island of mindanao; and also the recent discussion, consultation, and conference upon the said expedition and the results thereof. i declare that i ought to direct, and do direct, that captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa shall be notified to make the said expedition, pacification, and settlement of the said island of mindanao after the following manner. first: he shall observe and comply with the commands of our lord the king as laid down in two sections of a royal letter dated at madrid june 11, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, the tenor of which is as follows: "i have considered the directions given by you to captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa as to the pacification of mindanao, and approve thereof. i sanction the carrying of these provisions into effect, provided that the third part which he is directed to set off by itself, to be distributed in encomiendas, shall not in income exceed fifteen thousand pesos of eight reals. it is understood that this is allowed for the pacification of the entire island, and that a proportionate allowance is made for a partial pacification. you are also empowered to offer him that the title of mariscal of the said island will be given him as soon as he shall report that the said island is pacified, and that he has complied with the agreement, and has imposed laws; and to bid him to observe the ordinances and instructions made for the said pacification, without exceeding them. "i take advantage of this opportunity to charge you anew that in this exploration and in all the others that shall be made you shall see to it that the aforesaid instructions and ordinances for new explorations, entrances, and collections of tribute, and the other laws governing these matters be observed, taking care that they are not transgressed in any particular." these two articles are to be held to be included in the regulations laid down by the late governor and captain-general of these islands, gomez perez dasmarinas, for the government of the said captain estevan rodriguez, in the city of manila, may 12, 1591, before juan de cuellar, his notary; and by virtue of the said letter of the king our lord i offered the said captain estevan rodriguez to give and transmit to him in his royal name the title of mariscal of the said island of mindanao as soon as he should report that he had pacified it and complied with the stipulations agreed upon; and i also charged and i charge him to fulfil the other matters contained in the said articles, and i acquaint him with their contents, all with a view to his observing and complying with the contents thereof. likewise in the interim before our lord the king is advised of that which is done and happens on the said expedition and pacification, and until he replies transmitting a statement as to what must be observed and performed, in order that some inconveniences which may arise in the said interim may be brought to an end, the said captain estevan rodriguez is required to promise and to offer his person and goods as security that, in so far as concerns the persons whom he shall judge proper to receive encomiendas in the said island of mindanao, and who may receive damage if the said encomiendas are taken from them, or others assigned to them, they shall keep and maintain the same status in such encomiendas. the encomiendas which are to be assigned and those which have been assigned and allotted with the bulk of indians who are not pacified, and from whom no tribute has been collected, shall be assigned by the said captain, conformably to the provision. as for the encomiendas which have revolted after tributes have been collected from them, whose encomenderos are on the way or have been sent to that country (they having been women and minors at the time of this pacification), when they have taken citizenship and complied with the other commands of his majesty, the said captain estevan rrodriguez shall give them over as soon as pacified to the said encomenderos. when such encomiendas have a certain number of indians, that number must be furnished. but if located in valleys, provinces, or rivers, without a settled number of indians, they must be allotted in an equitable number according to the character and services of the encomenderos, so that there may be enough for all. the encomiendas which are peaceful and where tributes are collected, such as those of butuan, and others similar, shall remain entirely in the possession of those who hold them; and they shall not be obliged to aid in the pacification or in any other matter, and shall enjoy their possession. as for the actual number of tributes, it appears best at present that the patrons should collect and hold them only from the pacified indians, and no others. if they should wish to go or send, as has been said, to this pacification, the said captain estevan rrodriguez must assign and give to them shares in the same pacified encomiendas, beside what they possess and collect at present, and as many indians as shall appear most just, according to their rank and services, and the number which they have on their encomiendas. this must be expedited and executed by the said captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, who will keep this matter in mind, and comply and follow it in this wise for the present until his majesty shall provide and command otherwise (when he will immediately be informed), without prejudice to the service of the parties to the said encomiendas; and, in case they should feel aggrieved, they shall appeal to his majesty in their own behalf, if they so desire. 2. likewise he shall neither receive nor welcome any outlawed delinquent, or any other person, who shall go without license from the governor to the island of mindanao; and those who shall so go, he shall deliver over or send back, as this is necessary for the safety and quiet of this commonwealth, and in order to avoid great inconveniences, evils, and injuries which might occur, and would work ill to the service of god and his majesty, and injury to this commonwealth. 3. _item_. he shall allow no intercourse whatsoever with nueva españa, nor send any boat or vessel thither, without communicating and informing us in this city and commonwealth, in order that the trade and intercourse shall be on the terms and in the manner which it is most fitting that it should be, so that there may result therefrom no injury, damage, or loss to this commonwealth; and no such thing should be done without its consent, unless by the commission and express order of his majesty. 4. _item_. in case this colony should be surrounded and beset with any enemy, or should be in any need or conflict, so that aid should be necessary, when the said captain estevan rrodriguez learns and is aware thereof, or is informed of it, he shall come with the greatest haste and the largest force possible to its aid, without attempting to exempt or excuse himself, or neglecting to do this in any way, for any reason, nor in any manner. and likewise when there is any necessity of the forces at maluco and anbueno being reënforced, he shall aid them in the best manner possible. he shall be intent upon the interests of his majesty, and other just and pious causes and interests pertaining to the service of god and of his majesty which should influence him; and because he is so near and accessible he can render aid with the utmost convenience. 5. _item_. he shall not engage in, commence, or carry out any other expedition or entry into any realm or island, far or near, without the special commission and order to be secured therefor from his majesty. 6. _item_. he shall keep and comply with the said ordinances and commands, which his majesty directs the said governor to impose upon him and cause him to comply with, in this and other discoveries, without exceeding, changing, or violating them, or neglecting to comply with and keep each and every one of them. and if he shall execute any sentence in any cause or suit to anyone's prejudice, damage, or grievance, he shall pay, as damage for the party, the losses which were undergone and suffered by the parties through him. all this that has been said the said captain estevan rrodriguez must promise to keep and comply with, under the said obligation of his person and goods. having accepted, as above stated, the said expedition, the said captain estevan rrodriguez de figueroa was informed and made aware of the agreement contained herein concerning the said expedition and pacification, by virtue of the empowering instrument which he holds to that effect, and of the resolve and determination that it should have and has entire and complete force, as his majesty permits and commands. he said that he was ready to allow all necessary provision to be made for the said expedition, that it might be immediately put in execution, as is necessary. and if the parties interested wish to bring it to trial, they shall do so before his lordship, so that they may carry it on to his majesty; and the royal offices in this city should be notified if they have anything to petition, which they seek for. thereupon he protested to the said captain estevan rrodriguez what he had before said and protested to this effect, and which is most practical and convenient. accordingly i decree, command, and petition, with testimony, jointly and in accord with the opinion of doctor antonio de morga, my counselor and lietutenant-general. _luis perez dasmarinas_ _don antonio de morga_ before me: _gaspar de acebo_ _notifications_ the said act has been brought to the notice of the said captain estevan rrodriguez, and of the royal officials, and of the city government of manila, so that each may petition as they see fit. _acceptance of the expedition to mindanao_ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth day of the month of november in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, before me, the undersigned notary, appeared in person captain estavan rodriguez de figueroa, who, some three days more or less before, had been notified by me, the present notary, of an act of the governor and captain-general of these islands relating to the expedition and pacification of the island of mindanao. having answered to this that he would take it, he now responds that from the instant and hour when he was notified of the said act he accepted it, and, in compliance therewith, has paid the troops of war and incurred other expenses; and now he again accepts it and agrees to the terms contained in the said act, and obliges himself to it, and to be bound by everything in it, and promises and binds himself accordingly to keep and comply with it in every way and in every manner, and he will bind himself formally. accordingly he signed it, witnesses being luis bagado and geronimo suares, and he signed it with his name. _estevan rrodriguez de figueroa_ before me: _gaspar de acebo_ in compliance with his answer, he has formally bound himself with his person and goods, all of which is provided by the acts issued in this matter. the audiencia of manila reëstablished to don francisco thello, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands. through god's grace, the affairs of those islands are daily assuming greater proportions--both because of the many exploring expeditions by which that island and the others of that great archipelago are becoming settled; and because of the chinese trade and commerce, which likewise are a cause of increase in the consequence of affairs there. hence, in matters of justice, there should be such expedition as is desirable, without its being necessary for the parties to go to the city of mexico, in order to carry on their cases--thus spending and consuming their means in these long voyages, or else running risk of losing their rights. and also, if you are disengaged from matters pertaining to justice, you will have more time for matters of government and war; or in important and arduous cases you may find it advisable to have those with whom to take counsel, that matters may be considered with the requisite continuity and by a sufficiently large body of advisers. for these reasons, i have decided to reëstablish an audiencia in that city of manila, as in former years. you shall be president thereof, holding this office with the offices of my governor and captain-general. my purpose in advising you thereof is that, having taken note of it, you may do all that is requisite for the establishment of the audiencia and the receiving of my royal seal. this must follow the same procedure which would be observed in the reception of my royal person. [27] accordingly, as soon as you shall hear of its arrival, you shall go to receive the seal, accompanied by the auditors, the fiscal, all the soldiers in military array, the citizen encomenderos, my officials, and all others in public positions. the said seal will be contained in a box borne under a canopy, the supports of which shall be carried by the regidors of the city. the box will be borne by a horse, richly caparisoned, and having on the two sides of its hangings, which must be of brocade or silk, two shields bearing my royal arms, the face [of the horse] being covered with cloths [a frontal] of the same [material]. you, with your retinue, shall precede the canopy, and the soldiers in military array, with their captains, under rule and command of the master-of-camp as general, shall follow it. all of you shall go straight to the cathedral with bared heads, where the archbishop will be waiting, clad in his pontifical vestments, together with all his clergy. he shall go to the door, where you and all the people shall stop. then you shall take the box in both hands, and shall approach the altar, near which in the principal chapel there shall be a chair of state. there you shall place the box, and the archbishop shall repeat his prayers, beseeching our lord to direct the founding of the said audiencia for his good service, and the pure administration of justice. after the ceremony, the archbishop and his assistants, and the clergy, shall remain there, while you shall take the box again and place it on the horse, which must always be led by the chief constable of the audiencia, in person and on foot, and with head bared. you shall then proceed with the same assemblage to my royal houses, where you shall deposit the said seal in a suitable place. then you shall enter upon the proceedings for installing the audiencia, and together with the auditors and fiscal you shall establish it. this day shall be occupied solely with examining the ordinances of audiencias, with taking the oath from the said auditors, fiscal, and assistants, and with an address from you, in which, in my name, you shall charge them to exercise their offices faithfully, and to maintain peace and harmony among themselves; and you shall enjoin the inferiors to observe respect, secrecy, and diligence. thenceforth you shall proceed according to the usual form of the other audiencias of these kingdoms and of the yndias. given at el pardo, november twenty-sixth, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. [28] _i the king_ by order of the king: _juan ybarra_ signed by the president and members of the council. [_in the margin at the beginning of this document_: "to don francisco tello, governor of the philipinas islands, in regard to the establishment of the audiencia, and the receiving of the royal seal."] letter from luis perez dasmariñas to felipe ii sire: by the ships which sailed for nueva españa in july of this year 95, i wrote at length to your majesty, giving account of some things which, in my poor judgment and opinion, would be to the glory and service of god and of your majesty; and very necessary, important, and fitting for the common good, preservation, and increase of these towns. therefore i felt myself urged and obliged to break silence; and i would not now refrain from referring to those matters, if i did not fear and doubt that this present letter would not reach the royal hands by this way, and did i not believe that several of those i have written by another way, namely by nueva españa, have arrived there. the present occasion for writing to your majesty is to inform you of the arrival of the religious and ministers whom your majesty was pleased to send here. this was of great moment and importance, because of our great need of them. i am writing also to say that the fathers of the society of jesus have taken under their charge the island of leyte, one of the pintados, which has hitherto had no instruction. although but four fathers went there, so great good has resulted from their labors, within six months or so, that two days ago the father vice-provincial told me that he had received a letter saying that the fathers now preach to the indians in their own language. the good results and benefits are so great that there are now more than five thousand four hundred catechumens--who, without being at all compelled to do so, have themselves destroyed and cast down their false idols. this gives no little encouragement and occasion to praise god; and shows how important, necessary, and beneficial is the presence here of good ministers. moreover, the fathers of the order of st. dominic have taken charge of the province of cagayan, where there has been no lack of disturbances among the natives, with no little tumult and danger to the fathers and to us also. the arrival of the fathers there has been of much importance and benefit in that province, both temporally and spiritually; and has helped in the pacification of the indians. please god their mission may prosper and extend as far as possible. by a ship which came from japon in the month of november of this year, i received a letter from father fray pedro bautista and fray juan de jhesus, wherein they advise me of the good condition in which god is pleased to maintain the things pertaining to his glory and service, and to the good of his creatures and of this state. affairs are quiet there, as little has taken place, and their hopes are such as are more particularly referred to in the account of father fray juan de jhesus, a copy of whose letter accompanies this. likewise i have to write concerning your majesty's reply about the agreement made by my father with captain esteban rodriguez in regard to the pacification of the island of mindanao. when we were discussing this matter it was suggested to consider captain esteban rodriguez in an undertaking in a light which seemed very clear and plain. he, however, thought that he should not be subordinate to this government, but free and exempt from obedience thereto. over this point conferences and discussions were held with grave and learned persons, and it was decided that the said captain should go on said expedition as a subordinate and in no other way, for many causes and reasons offered, agreed upon, and established as very important and of universal application; and that he ought to consider the great difficulties which might arise should he go without being subordinate to this government, as well as the universal and public danger and loss that might ensue to this state, and especially to some of its inhabitants; and, further, the injury to the service of god and of your majesty. of all of this your majesty will be informed at greater length, and will understand it by the papers and writs concerning this case. therefore i shall make no further reference to it, leaving the report thereof to be sent by a more safe and certain way than this. in regard to the rest of the case however i say, sire, that although captain esteban rodriguez possesses the qualities of discretion, valor, ability, competence, and much experience in this work, and is courageous and of honorable estate, yet he is in my opinion very stiff, unchangeable, independent, and fixed in his determination and opinion. thus he did not wish to discuss or to say anything whatever in regard to this question of subordination. thereupon, as it was not judged convenient to permit him to make the journey independently, the plans were abandoned, and everything was left until your majesty should be advised thereof. at that time, however, news came for the second time that some hostile bands from terrenate and mindanao, in some very light vessels propelled by oars, called caracoas, had landed on the coast of cebu. they committed many depredations, such as murders, the taking of captives, and robberies, among the indians. although rodriguez ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of cibu, sent some soldiers to attack them, who, after finding one of their vessels, seized it, and killed or captured its crew, this victory only brought a thicker cloud of enemies, dangers, and misfortunes. although a captain of infantry was despatched immediately with a contingent of troops to pursue and look for them, yet, for the security, aid, and defense of that coast, it was finally judged and considered best, and a more wise, important, and fitting relief, for captain esteban rodriguez to make his expedition. thereby those dangers, or the majority of them, would be checked and relieved, as well as others which would grow or increase by inattention. thus matters were arranged with him in the form that your majesty will see by the copy accompanying this letter. as he will have plenty to do on this expedition, your majesty, having been advised in the meantime, will be able to order and declare the best method to be pursued in this matter. to captain esteban rodriguez have been given troops, artillery, ammunition, and other supplies on his account; and he will depart on his expedition within three months, more or less, god willing. besides this, report is due to your majesty of the despatch of letters and certain articles for the king of canboja by means of diego veloso. the former sent this man on an embassy to my father when the latter was on his way in the expedition to maluco. when about to enter the harbor of canboja, he [veloso] met the army and part of the fleet of the king of sian who had begun hostilities against the king of canboja. the king of sian inflicted great damage upon the people and country of the king of canboja, causing him to withdraw to the mountains, as has been reported. thus diego veloso, and the others with him, had been captured and carried away. but afterward god was minded to move the said king of sian to free him, and to send him with a ship and two elephants (male and female), and a large tusk of another elephant, which were brought to me. the king wrote me through a father of the order of st. francis, [29] who was a captive there in canboja with others, a letter, a copy of which accompanies the present, and to which i will not refer, in order not to make this letter longer. occasion was offered by this for the same ambassador, despatched now by the king of sian, and formerly by the king of canboja, again to negotiate and ask for help from me for the king of canboja, for he had heard that the king of sian had repeated the past injuries; and as i did not acquiesce, he gave me many causes and reasons which i shall not mention here, but god willing, will state in a letter by way of nueva españa. as the affair seemed urgent to me and very important, serious, and of weighty consideration and promise, and one fitting to bring about great things in the noble service of the divine majesty of god our lord, and of your majesty, i discussed this matter, and considered whether it would not be a better plan to make an expedition to chanpa, [30] as this is a very important passage and post. it is occupied by a cruel and pernicious tyrant who commits and causes iniquities, cruelties, and unheard-of treacheries. in the opinion of certain persons who have been there, the capture of this place would be very easy, with two hundred spaniards and five hundred indians; or at the most, success is assured with three hundred spaniards. both on account of the facility and importance of this expedition, and the tyrannical deeds, treacheries, and iniquities of that king, investigations have been made, and the matter submitted to the prelates and other clerical persons, in order that they might consider whether it were just. although there were some reservations and conditions, they decided that the expedition was just. this was submitted to a council of war, together with the question of aid to the king of canboja, in order to determine which matter it would be better to undertake. however it was resolved definitely in favor of the expedition to chanpa for certain reasons and considerations. but at the same time it was also resolved to send someone to canboja to ascertain the king's condition, and what were his determination, wish, and intention in respect to the help requested by him, and in his name by diego veloso. now we must determine and decide what will be best for the service of god and of your majesty. god willing, captain juan juarez gallinato, a man of talents, discretion, and experience, and well fitted for this occasion and the contingencies that may arise (which are of no little consideration, importance, and weight), will take charge of this expedition. he will have two ships and some troops, and is under orders to proceed according to the weather, opportunity, and disposition and state of affairs which are in his opinion most fitting. he is to discuss certain matters with the siamese king, and to procure the release of the religious and other persons whom the latter holds captive. especially he is to establish friendship with the king of canboja, who, as it seems, is desirous thereof, inasmuch as he has asked for it so repeatedly and with so great earnestness. thus for this and many other reasons, in the opinion of those who regard and view matters with some consideration, this expedition is a work prompted and incited by the holy spirit. may god grant that matters may be directed in the best way for his service. the spiritual and temporal benefits to be derived from it, to the glory of god and the good and conversion of his creatures, will not be few, if his divine majesty will grant a beginning of his light and knowledge in this great kingdom, which is surrounded by so many others, so great, rich, and powerful--where, with but little difficulty, god willing, his divine majesty can be so exalted, recognized, and magnified, and your majesty served. thus considering the greatness, natural advantages and opportunities which god has given to affairs here, together with other things, i am prompted to write to your majesty of the great importance of this garrison and post. i do not say this in undue exaggeration but with sincere love and desire that your majesty may esteem, recognize, and know it for such, and provide and appoint for it a person of the requisite valor, christianity, sufficiency, and talents, demanded by the greatness and importance of affairs here at this time, and which each day may be presented in their full import. god has provided these things here, and perhaps some of them are reserved for the happy days and times of your majesty, so that even in this life you may enjoy the reward of the height to which your majesty has procured and advanced his glory, honor, and service, and in the life hereafter the greater rewards and crown. in resuming discussion of the expedition to canboja, i will say that i find myself ill-prepared for it; for i should like, considering the great import it may have, more resources and force for it than i have at present. for, if god should be pleased to grant the success hoped for at this time in regard to this kingdom, the effort would be lost, as affairs would take shape and increase in extent; and because a sufficient number of troops could not remain from the first in the kingdom and land of canboja, who could, in any event, sustain themselves in that post, until your majesty should be pleased to reënforce them and assure its safety. but i desire this most earnestly for i foresee and desire the great blessings and benefits, and the spiritual and temporal advancements, which may be increased and hoped for. likewise, because the voyage thither is but short, we can send help and reënforcements twice a year, and maintain there a moderate force and garrison. moreover, if this friendship with the king is brought about, many greater and more important undertakings will follow, which can be attempted, attained, and expected to follow, with the aid of his divine majesty. therefore i have had the boldness and audacity to be so prolix, and to beg your majesty to have the goodness to provide that if perchance this effort is not successful now, this peace, friendship, and understanding with this king may be attempted and brought about in the future; and if they be just and possible, some of the expeditions to sian or chanpa may likewise be effected. for the evils, cruelties, and tyrannies of these two kings are great, and war might be justifiable. with a moderate amount of power and force, either of these expeditions could be effected, for i have already stated what is said in regard to that of chanpa. i have received this information and that concerning sian from the bishop of malaca, who is surely of holy zeal, and desirous of the glory of god and the service of your majesty, as i have recognized and been convinced of by his letters which prove this. in a set of charts which he sent me from sian, he says that that expedition can be made with a thousand men; and there are even people who say that it could be done with a less number. it is true that to hear of the great number of troops that this king and others place in the field causes hesitation, and makes one consider and believe nonsensical, inconsiderate, and rash the pretense that so great matters may be effected and attempted with so small a force; yet we should consider that this is god's cause, and should take into account the importance of gaining and establishing friendship with the king of canboja, who can aid us so powerfully, because of his hostility to sian on account of the war made against him for years, and of his recent injury and damage. this, together with other circumstances, such as the inhabitants' feebleness of heart, courage, and weapons; their awkwardness and lack of skill in handling the most important and injurious weapons; their barbarism and discord; the lax discipline observed and kept among them and the hatred and dislike toward these barbarous tyrants felt by many of their own subjects and neighbors, to whom their deeds are most prejudicial and damaging--all these considerations make the attempt much less difficult than it seems. these are the marvel and greatnesses of god, and surely they cause wonder and fear, and move the hearts and desires of those who behold and consider them, on seeing that his divine majesty should have placed in so many kingdoms, so great, populous, and wealthy, and so densely inhabited by so infinite multitudes of people, so great weakness, and the power, through another kingdom, to effect an entrance into some of them. this incites and makes us desire their conversion to the knowledge of god, and we desire all that said power, means, and gateway which his divine majesty has left and placed for this attainment in these districts and region, choosing and selecting your majesty as the instrument for blessings and grandeurs, such as, with his grace, can be attained, and appointing this port and garrison as the gateway, staircase, and entrance for it. therefore these and other considerations give occasion for recommending earnestly and signifying to your majesty the importance thereof, in order that your majesty may send such a person as this matter requires and demands, who shall attempt zealously and strive to see the name of god our lord, and his glory and honor, much amplified and increased, and your majesty well served, since there is so great opportunity and occasion therefor. were your majesty eager and desirous of furthering your own particular advantage and interests, you would have also plenty of opportunity for it, as this place is exceedingly well fitted therefor. i beseech your majesty to pardon my prolixity and daring, to which i am forced by the great importance of these matters, and by the obligation, love, and desire that i owe the service of god and of your majesty; and by my having so few opportunities to write, and those so far apart. in regard to chinese affairs, i wrote your majesty this year, that i was thinking of sending my cousin, don ffernando de castro, with the father prior of the convent of san domingo, with some presents and letters to the king. this i thought fitting because of the condition in which the father prior (or, to say better, god) had left matters there; and under cover of this cause and pretext, i hoped they might try, at this time, to see the king, if such a thing were possible, and to offer to him certain presents together with the letter. this was written with much affection, respect, consideration, and vigor, and in it i bore in mind, as far as possible, your majesty's holy zeal, aim, and desire for the conversion of this great kingdom. in the last part of it i referred to past events, so that in turn both matters might be discussed. the attempt was made accordingly. i purchased and collected some articles--namely, two swords well and curiously wrought and beautifully adorned in gold and silver; some articles of gold and precious stones; and some plate, although but a little. these, together with other things that we could find, approximated about eight thousand pesos or so, according to the value and appraisal made of them. all of this sum, together with the amount necessary for the voyage, i succeeded in obtaining without taking anything whatever from the royal treasury; for there was nothing there for it. i was confident that your majesty would consider this to be for your service, and would order this sum paid, especially as it seemed fitting and of great possible importance. although for such a matter and for one who owes so much as myself to the service of god and your majesty, it seems small and of a mean, vile, and selfish mind, to discuss payment, yet his divine majesty knows that my present great need, obligations, and debts force me to say this, for i am obliged to pay out more than thirty-eight thousand pesos. and god knows that all i have and can call mine outside of the present sum, that which i shall have ready at the end of this year toward the day when god and your majesty will be no longer served by me, and the little coming to me from the sale of my father's estate--a very small sum indeed--all the rest, i say, without omitting anything of money value, will amount, in my opinion, to something like five thousand pesos, and even that sum may not be reached. for, although, as i wrote and told your majesty in former letters, it seemed--and when i wrote i believed--that i should have something to leave instead of so much to pay, yet matters have happened and fallen out in this way, and thus i find myself in my present condition. i am not grieving much over any need that may come to me, for by the mercy and goodness of god, if i had paid my debts and had nothing, i should be very rich in the pleasure of this knowledge. however, i am not without obligations to have some property, and i have very little and owe much that must be paid; and besides i have to give account both for myself and my father. my present declaration is not artifice, subterfuge, or a change of purpose from what i have previously expressed to your majesty, as to my king and sovereign, but the truth and my earnest desire to see myself free from this burden and obligation of debt; and is intended that your majesty might know that this least of your servants has these obligations and so little to pay them, in a country so distant and remote from his own. but leaving this in the hands of god and your majesty, i say, sire, that don ffernando set sail with the father prior upon the voyage; but, as it was late in the season, and the ship was chinese, they put into port again, and thus i do not know if the voyage can be made and the reply received in time to advise your majesty thereof by the ships which leave here in june, if perchance it can be made at all. because i am so forced by necessity, i beseech your majesty to please order the payment of the expenses of the voyage and the cost of the presents. the latter should not be charged to this treasury, which i fear could not meet the payment, thus forcing me to pay it, god knows with what or how. as a servant desirous that god be known and served in so great a kingdom as china, i venture to say that, if your majesty would send this king some curiosities, that act might, according to the posture and condition in which god has now placed matters, be of great importance, benefit, and profit for the service of his divine majesty, the merit of your majesty, and the good of so many souls as are lost and condemned there. i bear well in mind past events, sire, from which if appears that there is neither merit nor room for this favor and present; but, king and sire, the blood of christ and the conversion of so many souls is of most importance. much harm might also be suffered by this new state without traffic with this nation, this being its nerve and support. even though it should be desired to treat of past events, and it should be considered best for the service of your majesty to deal severely with this king, it would not be a bad idea to offer friendship at the same time. with this excuse, a present might be well received and be of considerable use. if, perchance, god should move your majesty to this, i may say that, in my opinion, the presents which in years gone by your majesty was pleased to have taken to this king, were and would be very appropriate and sufficient. although it is true that he is a great, rich, and powerful monarch, the curiosity, novelty, and different fashion of the things that we use are greatly admired by those people. the velvets, however, have lost the value they had formerly, for many of them are manufactured in china. a good flemish tapestry wrought with stories and figures, would be, i think, of particular novelty for them. besides it would also be advantageous with the king's relatives, who also have influence in this kingdom. there should also be good and excellent paintings, and two suits of splendid armor. in this, sire, i well see that i am bold and venturesome; but my intention is not evil, and the great importance of the aforesaid, and your majesty's holy zeal, urge me thereto, as also the belief that it not contrary to the service of god and to your majesty. may his divine majesty preserve your majesty for as many long and happy years of life as possible, and as we your majesty's vassals need. manila, the sixth of december, 1595. _luis perez dasmariñas_ documents of 1596 coat-of-arms of the city of manila. felipe ii; march 20. decree regarding the bishopric of nueva segovia. felipe ii; may 15. instructions for governor tello. felipe ii; may 25. letter to felipe ii. l. p. dasmariñas; june 30. letter to felipe ii. antonio de morga; july 6. letter to felipe ii. francisco tello; july 17. _sources_: the two royal decrees are taken from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 95--98, 101--103; all the others are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first two documents are translated by frederic w. morrison, of harvard university; the third and sixth, by james a. robertson; the fourth and fifth, by josé m. and clara m. asensio. coat-of-arms of the city of manila don philipe, by the grace of god, etc. inasmuch as you, captain agustin de arce, in the capacity of procurador-general of the filipinas islands, have informed me that the inhabitants of the city of manila did render me service in its discovery, and remain there continuing this work; and inasmuch as you have entreated me--in consideration of the said facts, and because the said city of manila is the capital and principal city of the said islands, and it was therefore commanded that an audiencia be again established there, and its cathedral church elevated into a metropolitan church, by which the city will be ennobled--that i should order a coat-of-arms to be bestowed upon the city, such as is possessed by other cities of the indias; and considering that my council on the affairs of the indias, after consultation with me, has favored the above request; it has seemed to me fitting to grant it. by these presents i assign, as the special coat-of-arms of the said city of manila in the filipinas islands, a shield which shall have in the center of its upper part a golden castle on a red field, closed by a blue door and windows, and which shall be surmounted by a crown; and in the lower half on a blue field a half lion and half dolphin of silver, armed and langued gules--that is to say, with red nails and tongue. the said lion shall hold in his paw a sword with guard and hilt. this coat-of-arms shall be made similar to the accompanying shield, painted as is indicated above. i bestow these arms upon the said city of manila, as its own, and as its appointed and recognized device, so that it may and shall bear and place them upon its banners, shields, seals, flags, and standards, and in all other parts and places desired and considered fitting, according to, and following the same form and manner as the other cities of my kingdoms to which i have given arms and device place and possess them. and by this my decree, i charge the most serene prince, don philipo, my very dear and well beloved son, and the kings succeeding to me, and i order the infants, prelates, dukes, marqueses, counts, and grandees; the masters, priors, commanders and sub-commanders of the orders; the governors of castles, forts, and open districts; the members of my council, and the president and auditors of the same royal audiencias; the alcaldes, constables of my house, court, and chanceries; all the councils, corregidors, asistentes, governors, _veinte e cuatros,_ [31] regidors, and jurors; and the knights, squires, officials, and freemen of all the cities, towns, and villages of these my kingdoms and seigniories, and of my said indias, islands, and tierra firme of the ocean sea--both in the present and future, and each and every one of them in his jurisdiction, who shall be notified of this--that they observe and regard, and cause to be observed and regarded the said grant of the said arms which i thus bestow upon the said city of manila in the filipinas islands, so that they be allowed to place and possess them in the said city. and i order that no obstruction or impediment be offered to this concession or to any part of it, and that no one shall consent to place any obstruction whatever thereto, under penalty of my displeasure, and of a fine of ten thousand maravedis, to be paid to my exchequer, laid upon any person who shall act contrary to this order. given in aranxuez, on the twentieth day of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. _i the king_ decree regarding the bishopric of nueva segovia to the reverend father in christ, the bishop of nueva segovia in the province of cagayan, in the island of luzon, and member of my council: inasmuch as his holiness at my supplication did see fit to elevate the cathedral church of manila into a metropolitan see, and to appoint three other bishops, one of them in that city, the purpose thereof having been that there should be prelates who might care for the instruction and teaching of the indians, the administering of the sacraments, the exercise of episcopal acts, and the visitation of their districts, all which a single prelate could not easily do; i have seen fit to inform you that, for the present, so long as affairs are undeveloped, and until a better arrangement is made, no cathedral church shall be erected in that city, nor dignities or prebends provided for. you are to dwell privately in the monastery of your order in that said city, and remain there as prelate for such time as may please you. that bishopric shall be suffragan to the archbishop of manila, and you shall have the latter as your metropolitan bishop and shall repair to that city for the synods and other matters arranged by the canons and councils. it is my will that you shall have what is necessary for your sustenance and the maintenance of your episcopal dignities. the tithes in your district are at present to be gathered into one amount, and you are to have all that pertains to the prelates and to the prebendaries, dignitaries, and canons. in case this is not sufficient, you will repair to the officials of my royal exchequer in those islands, whom i command, upon establishment by evidence that all the aforesaid does not reach five hundred thousand maravedis yearly, that they shall grant and pay you such deficit from my royal exchequer. and with the said testimony, and with a copy of this my decree and your receipt, i order that what is thus granted and paid you be received and audited. done in ateca, the fifteenth of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. _i the king_ [32] instructions for governor tello what you, don francisco tello, knight of the order of santiago, whom i have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia, which i have ordered to be reëstablished there, are to do in the service of god, and my own, and for the good government of those islands, is as follows: infinite praises must be given to our lord, and i accordingly offer them to him, for the great blessing that he has been pleased to grant me, inasmuch as, during the time that i by his mercy and will am king, he has chosen me as the instrument for the discovery of islands so remote and unknown; and because, after those peoples have lived for so many years in the blindness of their heathendom, the gospel has recently been published in them, the catholic faith planted therein and received, and so many native indians converted, who enjoy the teaching of the gospel. and thanks are due to god also for the natural expectation and hope that may and ought to exist that, by the same mercy of god, he must be pleased that the preaching of his gospel should be spread farther, and that all the other islands, of that vast archipelago, which extends through more than nine hundred leguas of latitude, and more than five hundred of longitude--exclusive of the great surrounding kingdoms of the mainland, round about those islands, namely china, cochina, cochinchina, chanpa, canboja, sian, patan, joor, and others--by receiving him and the faith, may come into the true knowledge of the faith. therefore, notwithstanding that all my will and desire is that, by the aid of the good spiritual and temporal government in what is explored of the said islands, and the care that must be had in the reduction of the rest, the end be attained to which the grace that god has shown me and is now showing me, constrains me so straitly; still, until he, in his infinite providence, shall dispose it, the most advisable thing is to watch carefully over the sure preservation and increase of what has been reduced and pacified at so great expense. i charge you that you strive for this end, considering the condition in which you find affairs and the great importance and advisability of bringing them to perfection and placing foundations so firm and secure that not only will there be naught to fear from the many enemies surrounding that part explored, but that it shall be preserved and increased. since there is nothing which will have so much influence over all affairs as the care that you are to exercise, i charge you with rigor that those new plants be instructed in the teachings of the gospel and of christianity by the ecclesiastics whom i have sent, and am sending, for that purpose, with so great trouble and expense; and in civil and moral matters, by the temporal ministers, protecting them so that they may receive good treatment, and maintaining them in peace and justice, so that their labors may be satisfied. therefore a most important means will be the care that you and the prelates are to observe in having divine worship celebrated with the greatest devotion and solemnity possible, at least on easter and the holy days that the church is accustomed to solemnize and observe. you shall have especial care that the places of worship are kept in order and well served, and all this with due propriety, especially the cathedral church, inasmuch as it is the principal and archiepiscopal church, whose example must induce the same results in the other churches. inasmuch as i was informed that things were quite to the contrary; and that the said church, besides being poorly roofed with wood and straw, was not properly served; and that it needed and lacked what it should have--a thing to which the former governors should not have consented--i charged your predecessor, gomez perez dasmariñas, strictly that, immediately upon his arrival at the islands, he should have the said church rebuilt. i assigned for this work the sum of twelve thousand ducados in three parts: one from my royal exchequer, another from the encomenderos, and the third from the indians. these said twelve thousand ducados were to be spent on the said building within four years, at the rate of three thousand ducados annually. in order that it might be done more easily, i gave an anticipatory order for two thousand ducados on the account of my third, on the treasury of nueva españa, whence the said gomez perez took them. notwithstanding that he wrote to me in his last letters that the work was nearing completion, and although i think it ought to be finished now, yet, because it is in the gaze of so many enemies, idolaters, and mahometans, it is advisable that they should see, not only that there is no lack in this matter, but also that the church shall be an example of the solemnity of the divine ecclesiastical ceremonies, that should arouse and persuade them to enter the fold of the church. as soon as you shall have arrived at that country, you shall inspect the said church, and find out whether the building is finished. if there is anything wanting, you shall finish it. likewise you shall see that it is provided with ornaments, chalices, crosses, and other things pertaining to its service, so that it may be fully provided with the articles for the celebration of divine worship, with the authority, pomp, and propriety suitable to the edification of the faithful, and the conversion of those who are unconverted. for this you shall make use of an additional two thousand ducados, which i ordered assigned by thirds after the completion of what pertains to the building, in accordance with the terms of the decree which shall be given you in duplicate. besides this, you shall endeavor to furnish what is most necessary, and what you think needful and advisable, by the methods and means which appear most suitable, so that in any event this matter shall be well attended to. you shall keep me informed of the progress of the matter; and you shall send me a minute and specific report of the condition in which you find the building and edifice of the church, its service of ornaments, and everything needful for it, so that, by knowing this thoroughly, i may learn how well it is improved and placed in the condition which is fitting, and which i so much desire, in your term of office. and i charge you that you do all this with the knowledge and advice of the archbishop, since this care rests on him. in this, and in all the rest, you shall maintain good relations with the latter. the city of manila has two hospitals, one for spaniards, and the other for indians. as i was informed that both were in want, and that it was desirable to preserve them, i ordered the said gomez perez to apply to the spanish hospital, from the first repartimientos that should fall vacant in the said islands, enough to furnish an annual income of one thousand pesos; and to the indian hospital, five hundred ducados, taken from the increase in the tributes of the same indians--so that both should enjoy the said incomes as long as i should determine. inasmuch as this is a work of so great charity, and to the service of our lord, i charge you, immediately upon your arrival at the said city, to inspect the hospitals. you shall examine there the care and attention given to the sick; you shall endeavor to have the accounts kept with due care. you shall audit the accounts of the possessions of each hospital, by virtue of and in accordance with the decree that was sent, of which a duplicate will be given you. if the said gomez perez did not endow them with the above named incomes, you shall do it as soon as possible. first, you shall provide that all the necessary buildings be erected, so that the sick may have a place wherein to be sheltered and to avoid the inclemencies of the weather. i have been informed that this is especially necessary. at times when other business gives room for it, you shall attend to the inspection of the hospitals, both yourself and the auditors of the audiencia which is about to be reëstablished. you shall do this in turn, so that when those at the head of the hospitals see the care that you take, they will fulfil their duties without any lack or neglect, or any possibility of the like. and in order that it may be known that no such lack or neglect occurs during your term of office, you shall advise me immediately of the condition in which you find the buildings of the said hospitals; the arrangements made in them in respect to administration, hospitality, treatment, and reception of the poor; and the new ordinances that you shall enact. as i was informed that those islands were in great need of ministers of instruction, and that some indians were dying without baptism; that, because of the same need, other islands were not being conquered and converted; and that to cause this condition to cease, it would be advisable to send religious of the orders established there--i designated and ordered one hundred and fifty-four religious to go there last year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, and they actually went. although one hundred and ten others, chosen from all the said orders are going this year, nevertheless, in order that religious may be sent continually, until there is no lack of them, but a sufficient force to attend to the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and the conversion of those heathen (which i so much desire), and so that those recently converted may be taught and instructed, i charge you to confer over this matter with the archbishop and audiencia. you shall advise me of the number of religious, their convents, and their orders, their manner of living, and the number whom it would be advisable to send now, the districts to which they should especially be sent, and the orders to which they should belong. in the meantime, you shall come to an understanding with all the superiors, so that all the religious there at present, and those who shall be sent in the future, shall be so distributed that adequate instruction may be given in all necessary districts, as doubtless can be done if all engage in the ministry for which chiefly they are sent. they are likewise sent for the conversion and instruction of the natives who are pacified and have acknowledged my service and obedience; and they shall not go elsewhere without your permission and that of the said superiors. through the latter, you shall ascertain the results obtained in their respective districts, and their lack of instruction, in order that, having this certain knowledge, you may be able to advise me more clearly and precisely. and so that everything may be done better and with greater quietness, i charge you to maintain good relations with the superiors, so that, taking example from your harmony, those who are subordinate may also be in accord among themselves, and produce the result that i desire. one of the things that have given rise to uneasiness among some of the religious, who have been divided among different opinions, and that have caused great doubts among the spaniards, is the fact that the religious instruction of the newly-explored places was not looked after as it should have been; for in this regard the plan to be followed among them was explained specifically and explicitly, so that if it were observed, there could be no ground for doubt in regard to the justification of the beginning and continuing of the exploration in accord with my intention, will, and desire. again i declare this to be that the said religious instruction must be looked after in every place pacified during your term; and that you shall not consent that it be transgressed, in whole or in part, or that any pacification be made by any other means or method, so that in regard to this there may be the peace and harmony among all which i desire. putting an end to all past scruples, those already converted must receive good treatment; and those not converted must be converted with the mildness with which it is advisable that the gospel be preached and received, and the catholic faith believed and confessed, from which the desired happiness and gain will result. bishop don fray domingo de salazar complained that the governors did not allow him to exercise his jurisdiction. this, he said, was one of the things that made him come here. and because it is not proper that those going now should do this, or that in the future the governors should meddle with ecclesiastical matters, as such is contrary to my will and desire, i charge you that you shall not meddle with the jurisdiction of the prelates. on the contrary you shall aid and protect them, so that they may occupy themselves with the matters which, in accordance with my ordinances and decrees, can and ought to occupy their time and attention, provided this does not oppose my royal jurisdiction. this latter it is proper that you and they preserve and respect, as well as what concerns the right of my patronage, which you shall cause to be observed according to the concession granted to the castilian sovereigns by apostolic authority, and declared in the instruction which you will find there, which i am writing in like terms to the said prelates. once more i charge you to maintain thoroughly good relations with the latter. the bishop petitioned also that, in the appraisement of the revenues that were to be given to the curates of indian villages, it should be considered that the said indians were not accustomed to pay fees for burials, marriages, or other ecclesiastical ministrations; and that it should be ordered that all the religious, in charge of and entrusted with instruction, should not collect the said fees, and that this extend also to the secular ecclesiastics. inasmuch as he had ordered the same, under penalty of spiritual censure, and as it seemed quite proper to me, i declared and ordered that this custom be kept inviolate by both the seculars and regulars throughout that entire district, as you will see by the decree that was despatched in accordance with this. you shall cause this to be observed and fulfilled. you shall advise me specifically of the fulfilment of this decree and its results. it seems an inhuman thing, and contrary to all christian charity, to have left the indians of the ladrone islands without instruction, since all who go to the philipinas make port in their lands; and since after receiving help from them, and no resistance or injuries, the governors and prelates have passed by those people without furnishing them any instruction. this is a great cause of grief, and a bad example. in order that it may be rectified, since you and the archbishop are going together, you shall examine the disposition of the land, and you shall leave there, from the religious who are sailing now, those who seem suitable for the conversion and instruction of those natives. if it seems advisable, you shall also leave with them some soldiers for their protection, and as a defense from the dangers of those barbarians, in accordance with the ordinance regarding new discoveries. you shall advise me of what is done in this. the bishop and some of the religious were of opinion that tributes could not be collected from the heathen indians, and that the indians could not be compelled to pay them until they were christians. when the bishop came here, one of the matters, together with instruction, petitioned for by him was, that it should be ordered that no tributes be levied on the said heathen indians. after conference and discussion regarding this in my council of the indias, in presence of the said bishop and other religious, it was resolved that tributes should be collected throughout, without any exceptions, from all the indians who were pacified, even though they were not christians; and that among those indians who should not have any instruction, the portion to be applied to that purpose should upon collection be kept in a separate account for some hospitals as a means of benefit for the said indians, and so that they may also be furnished instruction therefrom. a decree was sent in accordance with this, and its duplicate will be given you, so that after you shall have examined and understood it you shall cause its contents to be observed to the letter. and with that prudence which i expect from you, you shall see that the religious orders and the religious observe this matter. if, notwithstanding, they think that the ordinance is inadvisable and requires revision, they shall suspend revision until they have informed me thereof. they should be assured that my will in this, as in all other matters, is that all things be carried on with the most complete justification. you shall request this from them, and charge them with it in my name, in order that no disputes may arise among them for this cause or any other. inasmuch as they all have the same aim, it is but just and necessary that they aid one another, for by so doing will their end be more certainly attained. great annoyances and troubles have resulted from the expressed opinions of the religious, which have been uttered in the pulpit and spoken in public. as is notorious, this has been the cause of disturbing and offending the town, and the spaniards have become confused with doubts; and some have died without any hope, and without receiving from the religious any consolation to satisfy their consciences. for the religious demand nothing less from them than the restoration of everything acquired in the discovery and pacification--an impossibility for them. then too, the religious impose difficulties in the collection of the tributes in the encomiendas, saying that some of the encomiendas do not have the adequate instruction, and assigning other reasons for other encomiendas. thus the religious meddle in nearly everything, just as they did in opposing the _pancada_ [33] and the assessment that was levied for the walls and fortifications of manila. the bishop took part in some of these matters by declaring the governor excommunicated. this has caused all to live, and they still live, with no hope. inasmuch as great moderation and consideration must be shown in all actions, without allowing the people to live in so great anxiety and embarrassment, you shall confer with the secular and regular superiors, so that they may advise their subordinates--the preachers and confessors--not to offend the people with such propositions; and that whenever the latter think it advisable to make any reform, they shall confer with the same superiors, as these are men of learning, who by right should discuss and procure the reform. they shall communicate this matter to you, in order that you may enact whatever reform is advisable and possible. you shall advise me of what is most suitable for reform, in order that the matter may be examined and determined here. if any of the said preachers or confessors shall not observe this order, or shall offend people by any new proposition of doubts, or in matters of government, you shall advise their superior thereof, in order that he may correct and reform it. should the latter not attend to this, then you shall enact what you think advisable for the welfare and tranquillity of the country. you shall discuss such matters with the archbishop and audiencia, in order that success, as is so important, may be more surely obtained. you shall advise me of whatever is done. gomez perez was also ordered to enact and provide that the encomenderos pay tithes according to the method, habit, and custom in mexico; for, inasmuch as the church did not have any bishop, curate, or organized government before that time, the tithes were not paid. inasmuch as it is proper that this be determined, executed, and observed according to the precepts of the church, you shall order all the spaniards to pay tithes on their farm and stock products. you shall proceed rather with care and prudence than with rigor, and also with the knowledge and opinion of the archbishop and audiencia. as i have been petitioned, in the name of the said city of manila, to order that the three per cent duty imposed by don gonzalo rronquillo be not paid in the city, because the country is very poor and needy, and the citizens have many other expenses for the city, i answered that i should be very glad to relieve them of it, but that, on account of the very heavy expenses that were requisite for the preservation of those islands, i was forced to avail myself of what could be reasonably obtained therefrom. accordingly i charged the said gomez perez to order the collection of the said three per cent, and directed that the proceeds therefrom be kept separate, for the purpose of paying the military forces. you shall exercise the same care, and shall attend to the matter with the mildness and efficient means that i expect from you. while en route through nueva spaña, you shall request the viceroy to order that the speedy and efficient collection of the duties at acapulco be attended to, and that he send the proceeds from them to those islands with the least possible delay--because of the need there of whatever duties are at acapulco--in accordance with the terms of the separate decree that will be handed you with these instructions, so that you may give it to the viceroy, and take the requisite action in this. i was petitioned, in behalf of the said city, to have some public property assigned to it, in order that it might attend to matters of peace, war, government, and other things touching its preservation, defense, and any suits that might be brought against it. i assigned the city for six years one-half of the fines and penalties applied to my treasury, and the revenues from the warehouses and shops wherein the chinese merchandise is traded. when gomez perez arrived there, he wrote me that the fines adjudged to the treasury had been assigned to the city; but that the sum raised by this means amounted to very little, and that there were no warehouses. he wrote, however, that there were a number of sangley shops in the parian, the rent from which was given to the judge who governed the sangleys. now, inasmuch as i purpose to bestow favor upon the said city, i have continued the said fines from the treasury for another ten years. in the matter of the shops, you shall manage and try to procure by gentle means that the sangleys may voluntarily pay the salary of their judge. if this be done, then you shall also assign the rents from the shops as public property to the said city. failing in this, then, together with the audiencia, you shall investigate and determine what other thing can be given in its place as said public property, without encroaching on my treasury. you shall try to arrange this as conveniently as possible, and i shall consider myself well served in this matter. i have been told that the said sangleys formerly lived in the city, but that gomez perez removed them from it; and that recently they left the location that he had assigned them, and returned to the city. there they carry on trade in private houses. it does not seem advisable to allow this, for, as i have been told, not any of them are christians, and therefore it would be advisable to assign them another separate settlement near the city. this matter requires careful consideration, and immediately upon your arrival at those islands, you, the archbishop, and the audiencia shall investigate and determine what site outside of the city can be assigned them as a lodging with the best security against the troubles that might result from a race in whom, at present, we can place but little confidence. you shall take into consideration also their comfort, and shall assign them the site that you think most suitable, with the ratification of the city itself, and without any prejudice to anyone else. on petition of the said city of manila, i enacted and ordered that no foreigners who come to the ports of the said islands--chinese, portuguese, japonese, cianese, borneans, or any others--shall pay duties, especially on food, ammunition, and materials for making ammunition. inasmuch as my will is that the said collection be set aside, you shall not allow them to demand or levy the said duties on the said articles, until such time as i order the contrary. in order that all people may know that they may go thither with the said articles, and that they may enjoy the said exemption, you shall cause to be proclaimed the decree regarding this matter that will be given you. you shall advise me of the general benefit that shall result from this, as well as the advantage which, without causing injury thereto, might be drawn from these goods for my treasury. inasmuch as the good administration of distributive justice is one of the things on which principally depends the good government of the community, and the happiness of its people and of the districts composing it, i order you to grant what offices and posts of the country are at your disposal to meritorious men, and for services and capacity. you shall grant the offices in such a way that they be filled by the old inhabitants who have lived in the country at least three years, and have become citizens of it. you shall grant the encomiendas to soldiers who shall have lived in the islands in actual military service and duty, always giving the preference to those who merit it with most cause. you shall take into consideration their length of residence, the quality of their services, and all other circumstances of their services, greater and lesser, in the country. these men must not be sons, brothers, relatives, servants, of friends of yours, or of the auditors or other officials of the audiencia; for you are warned not to grant encomiendas of indians to such men, or appoint them to offices--and to this end a sufficient salary is paid you to enable you to support them--and also it is not right that those who go last should profit by the sweat of another's labor. moreover, if rewards are dealt out where they are due, all will serve assiduously, as they will hope to attain like rewards. my will is that this order be observed, and that it be kept so rigidly, that, now and henceforth, the said sons, brothers, and servants of yours are declared incapable of holding the said encomiendas and offices. inasmuch as certain men who already hold encomiendas in the said islands and have therein a sufficiency of what they need, are begging for further bounty, you are advised not to grant them anything more, until many others have been provided and rewarded with encomiendas and other posts and rewards. these others, as i have been informed, are as old residents, and as meritorious as they, and have performed many more services in conquering and maintaining the country than those who are begging now; and yet they have not been rewarded. on this account they are poor, irritated, and querulous. however, if when any good repartimiento falls vacant, you think it advisable to grant it to one who, because he has an encomienda already, deserves it less, you may do it, providing you deprive him of the one he had before, so that you may grant it in the form above stated. you shall provide for and reward all these men, according to the seniority, merits, and capacity of each one. you shall prefer such men to any others who do not possess these requisites, in the said allotment of encomiendas and governmental and military positions, and all other rewards of the country. i charge and order you to observe the same in regard to commissions and appointments on land and sea, particularly in the appointment of masters and officials of vessels; for, the grant will be made to those who have worked, and deserve the appointment, and will give hope to the others, and, will persuade those who are absent to return. thus the country will be settled and will grow, your government will be so much more mild and easy, and a condition of general and individual happiness will exist. as i was informed that it would be desirable not to allow chinese or other foreign vessels to sell at retail the merchandise that they might bring to the said islands, or those of the country to buy them, publicly or secretly, under heavy penalties, it was resolved that as many persons of the requisite qualifications as were necessary should be deputed and chosen to purchase the said merchandise in the bulk. they were to buy at wholesale all the goods brought in the ships, and afterward to distribute them to the spanish, chinese, and indian inhabitants justly and fairly, at the cost price. now, since in regard to this matter, i ordered the said gomez perez, in his instructions, to enact what he judged fitting, without allowing anyone except those assigned by his orders, to go to the vessels, notwithstanding that he wrote me afterward that many difficulties stood in the way of the execution of this plan, since the religious opposed it, i caused him to be ordered by my decree, dated june 11, of last year--the duplicate of which will be given you--that in spite of that he should continue the plan, according to instructions, of selling by wholesale. this is what is termed _pancada_ there. and inasmuch as it appears advisable now, you shall continue the same order. you shall endeavor to traffic for the said merchandise with other products of the islands, so that the exportation of so much coin as is taken to foreign kingdoms may be avoided as far as possible. however, since it is my royal purpose and will to have the government of the islands adjusted in this, as in all else, in the manner most conducive to their sure conservation, and desired advancement, i charge you to discuss this matter with the audiencia and those persons who possess the greatest prudence and experience in those islands. the latter must be quite disinterested, and anxious to serve god and myself. after their opinions and yours shall have been heard and considered, you shall advise me specifically of them, so that the most advisable steps may be taken. this plan in regard to the pancada seems so much more fitting and to be desired, as by means of it, the stay there of indian retailers who store and retail the goods, will be avoided. also many other injuries, expenses, scarcities, secret sins, and witchcrafts, will be avoided, which, as i have been told, are taught there, especially in their shops. it is said that these shops are necessary for retail trade, and from year to year. they could be handed over to spaniards, in order that the profits therefrom may remain among the spaniards, and in order that the latter may be led to become citizens there in greater numbers. the chinese christians who live there, and other old inhabitants, who are not transients, nor primarily traders, but workmen--mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, or other producers of food--might be allowed to remain. altogether this seems worthy of consideration, and hence you are advised to fulfil carefully the decree in regard to the heathen chinese traders who go there for purposes of trade, not remaining there; and to take care that not so many of them become citizens in those islands. this latter might be the cause of some trouble. if you deem it advisable to grant permission and leave to the inhabitants of those islands to go to japon, macan, and the other portuguese or pagan kingdoms and posts, in order to engage in commerce, you may do so, with the opinion and advice of the audiencia. you shall be very careful, so that those to whom you grant the said permission be such persons that no trouble or danger is caused to the said trades by their departure. you shall endeavor to have the indian chiefs and timaguas make just contracts and divisions with the farmers in order that they may become fond of, and learn our method of farming; and that the spaniards may have those who can aid them with men and other necessities. those indians are shrewd, and will know how to keep their contracts with the farmers, especially if the latter are simple men, as has been said. you shall be very careful to procure the introduction of tilling and cultivation of the soil. upon the departure of gomez perez from this country, he took my decree to hand to the viceroy of nueva españa, in which i ordered the latter to send to the islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty-four cows, and two bulls. inasmuch as i do not know yet whether or not they have been taken there, you shall investigate the matter in the said nueva españa. if it has not been done, you shall request the viceroy, as i write him, to have those animals taken in the vessels in which you sail from acapulco to the said islands. i was petitioned, on behalf of the said islands, to order that encomiendas be granted with the condition and obligation upon the encomenderos that some patch of ground should be cultivated, and that the farmers and indians should be aided so that they also may till and cultivate. i charged gomez perez straitly in his instructions with this, and now i charge you too. you shall grant lands and homesteads, cattle and horses for breeding and farming, both to the indians, and to the settlers and farmers. inasmuch as the execution of this is important, you shall advise me of the condition of former days and what ordinances you shall enact, so that what is advisable may be done during your term. the said gomez perez dasmarinas was advised urgently in his instructions to endeavor to establish a convent for the shelter of girls, as soon as he should arrive at those islands, in order that both those who should sail from this country, and those born in the islands, might be kept therein. there they would live respectably, and be well instructed. they would leave the convent in order to marry, so that the necessary increase in population might be assured. the said gomez perez wrote me in his last letters that he had established the said convent in a parish of the city called san andres, quite to the liking and satisfaction of the cabildo and citizens. he said that one citizen had granted the convent a certain estate, with which, together with other alms, a few girls were being supported. he reported that the convent was beginning to show good results, in accordance with the purpose of its foundation. since this matter is so important to our lord's service and the welfare of that country, i charge you to prosecute what has been commenced. you shall procure its further progress, strengthening it and aiding it as far as possible. you shall examine and cause its' rules to be observed. these rules were sent, and declare the method of governing and controlling the girls of that retreat. you shall advise me of the condition in which you find the retreat, and hereafter shall do the same on all occasions that might arise. you shall act in this with the care that i expect from you. you shall fill the vacant posts of the said islands, as aforesaid, with the most worthy men, and those who have served me best. they shall be appointed with the obligation to send within a certain period, fixed by you, to obtain my confirmation. then you shall advise me of the nature and character of the offices filled. for, although the said offices be of such a nature that they could be sold, as is done in the other parts of the yndias, yet i consider it best not to discuss this at present, but only to have you dispose of them freely, in my name, to those who deserve them most, and who will prove of the greatest utility for the public benefit. i have received a report from the said islands, that in so far as the nature of the country and the settlement of the indians may permit, it would be advisable to order that no encomiendas of less than eight hundred or one thousand indians be granted, in order that they might furnish tithes for religious instruction and a livelihood for their owners; and that those having but few indians be allowed, if they so wish, to transfer or sell them to a neighboring encomendero, so that by uniting the two encomiendas a greater one would result, from which it would be possible to furnish the tithes and a livelihood. i ordered gomez perez in his instructions that, in matters touching the sale, exchange, or transfer of the said repartimientos, he should not permit this, as it is contrary to my laws. i ordered him, however, to exercise great care, so that the repartimientos might prove sufficient for the instruction and the livelihood of the said encomenderos; and also to continue the endeavor to settle the said indians in fixed abodes, where they should be provided with ample instruction. inasmuch as this is the most important matter there, and one to which you must attend with special care and attention, as it concerns the welfare of souls and the christianity of the indians--and it is fitting that you give it preference over all other things--you shall note that when these small encomiendas fall vacant, you shall unite them, if possible, in order that the above petition may have effect. whenever the products and revenues of any encomienda do not suffice for the encomendero and for the instruction, you shall give the preference to the instruction, even though the encomendero be left without resource. in accordance with the above, i have sent my decree, of which a duplicate will be given you. this decree provides carefully and assiduously for the reduction of the said indians in settlements in very convenient districts, hamlets, and localities, as has been done in those of peru, and as in being done in those of nueva españa. as the suits and controversies between the citizens and between the indians themselves constitute one of the things most conducive to the waste of property, cause difficulties, and may cause harm in a country so new, because of the ill-will and anger resulting from them, i charged the said gomez perez, in his instructions, that although my will was to preserve full justice for both classes, yet that he should, as far as he could do so in a proper manner, endeavor to settle the controversies and suits that should arise, without recourse to law, or proceeding by the ordinary terms, or penalizing the parties with money fines. now in order that all may enjoy the blessings which must follow from a government so mild; so that all may live in tranquillity and ease; and so that the great purposes that, god willing, are to be attained hereafter, may not be hindered or disturbed--i charge you and the audiencia that, in all that you shall do, you shall act with the prudence advisable in the cases and affairs, and bring about results that can end only in the happiness and welfare of my vassals, together with the spread and knowledge of the faith and gospel that i desire. as i was informed that the said islands had but little instruction, and that great difficulty was encountered in providing it--a difficulty that was rendered much greater because of the nature of the country, as it consists entirely of islands, most of which are so small that they contain from three to five hundred islanders and above, while some contain but one or two hundred; and likewise it is hindered by the long and dangerous voyage, the heat, rains, and poor roads of the country--i ordered and commanded the said gomez perez in his instructions that, upon his arrival at the said islands, he should investigate very carefully matters in regard to the outlook for instruction. i ordered him to confer with the bishop (whom he should charge in my name to aid him on his part), and, in accordance with his advice, to provide what was most advisable, so that the instruction might be distributed even to the bounds of the sea, to the extent possible in all parts. i charge you likewise that this be accomplished with all the promptness and security demanded by its importance. you shall endeavor to secure the reduction of the indians into settlements, as well as possible, in the manner aforesaid. you shall confer with the superiors, whom this matter concerns chiefly, so that--as i am writing to them--they may apportion the instruction where it is lacking. in the meantime, more men shall be sent for this purpose, as has been done, and will be done, in accordance with the advices that are received from you, and from them, of the number needed and required. inasmuch as i have done for my part the utmost possible, as i shall continue to do, there is no room or plausible reason for the scruples that certain religious have raised about the tributes which are levied. you shall endeavor, with the requisite prudence, to put an end to the past scruples; and if occasion arises for like scruples, or others, you shall order that, without any public offense or disputing, they advise me of their causes, in so far as they know them. if these causes are just, then they shall be set right, in order that god our lord may be served, as i desire. you shall take most especial care for the well-being of the soldiers, and see that they are well paid, employed, and disciplined. you shall endeavor to keep them useful and of service. those holding offices or other means of gain you shall not permit to draw pay. you shall observe and cause to be observed for the said captains, officers, and soldiers, their exemption from arrest for debts contracted during the period of their service. nor shall execution be taken against the weapons, horses, or anything else needful and peculiar to the military. whenever you shall send any captain with men upon any commission or duty that may arise, you shall order that his privileges be observed also--namely, what pertains to his ordinary power and requisite authority to order and punish inferiors, and to regulate all other military matters. you shall see that these privileges are conceded to them, and that they exercise them, but shall declare that their jurisdiction extends solely to their soldiers. you shall charge them to treat the indians well, and to fulfil their command in such a way that the indians receive no injury. you shall exercise great care to punish openly any excess in this direction. it is my will that you have a retinue of twelve halberdiers as a bodyguard; the said halberdiers shall draw the same pay as soldiers, and shall have a chief or captain, who shall draw fifteen pesos monthly. although their principal duty must be to act as a retinue, and this is done and ordered on account of what pertains to the authority and dignity of your offices, you are advised that they must likewise perform military service whenever occasion demands. inasmuch as i have been informed that many of the soldiers sent from nueva españa to the said islands are lads, mestizos, and some indians; that they have no weapons; and that a portion of them are pages and servants to the captains and other persons, who, together with their masters, under the pretext and name of soldiers draw their pay--i charge and order you, now and henceforth, not to receive or admit as soldiers any indians from nueva españa. on the contrary, the viceroy [of new spain] must be informed that he is not to send them; and the indians, that they shall not be received or admitted; and of the mestizos only those who merit it, and whom you think very well fitted for it. none of the others shall be sent who has not attained the age of sixteen years and over, and a soldier shall not be the page or servant of any person; for while he acts in such capacity, he shall not receive soldier's pay. in all of the above, i charge you to take strict account, so that nothing may be done, nor shall you permit it, to the contrary. gomez perez dasmarinas left the city of manila walled with stone wherever it was necessary, and constructed a fort and tower in those parts where he was ordered. because of the importance of keeping that citadel well defended, you shall, as soon as you shall arrive, inspect the said forts and wall, and shall see that they are kept in order and well maintained. if they are incomplete, you shall finish them, and advise me of everything. the said gomez perez was likewise ordered to construct another fort in yllocos or cagayan as a protection against the indian, japanese, and chinese robbers; another in çebu, as a protection against the borneans and malucos; and another in panpanga, as a protection against the çambales. he was instructed to maintain the continual care and vigilance required for the preservation of lands so new, remote, and surrounded by enemies. he was ordered especially to beware of the natives of the country, who are numerous, and have but little endurance and permanence in the faith; of four or five thousand chinese who live there, and go to and fro upon their trading voyages; of the japanese who resort there regularly; of the malucos and borneans, who are irritated, and have vaunted themselves boldly and openly; and most especially of the english lutherans, who go to those coasts. although i have been told that the said gomez perez had constructed the said forts, whereby to check the incursions of those nations, i charge you that, if they have been constructed, you look carefully to their maintenance. if they need anything for their completion, you shall complete them. you shall proceed cautiously, and keep ever on the watch, since you see what happened to the said gomez perez by trusting to the apparent good faith of the sangleys. the said gomez perez was charged also to construct a moderate-sized coasting fleet of a few galleys or fragatas to guard and cruise along the coasts, and prevent the thefts and damages that the japanese were wont to inflict throughout them, especially in the districts of gagaian and yllocos. there they were wont to capture the chinese vessels that bring food and merchandise to the said islands. this was the cause of great loss, and an impediment to commerce and plenty. likewise the fleet could be used to prevent the chinese, on their return to their country, from harming the natives of the above-mentioned islands, to afford protection against chinese and bornean pirates, and to oppose any other acts or attempts of foreigners. in conformity with this order, the said gomez perez had eight galleys built, which he had well manned. they were of great use for the protection and defense of those lands. therefore it is desirable that they be maintained. hence i order you to see that they are well manned and provisioned. you must keep close watch over the conscripts, so that the fate of gomez perez may not occur again. you shall have another galley built to replace the one lost. inasmuch as you must maintain the roll of men complete, you are advised that if you find that the scruples raised by certain men, in regard to the indian slaves bought by the said gomez perez in order to man the said galleys, as there were no other men available for them, are still in force, then it will be advisable for you and the archbishop, together with those persons whom you both think advisable, to discuss this matter, and to determine how the galleys can be maintained and manned without the said scruples; or that those who have those scruples, may tell how the land may be made secure without them. you shall advise me of everything and of the account given to you by the commander and officers of the said galleys, as to their condition, adequacy, and services. upon your arrival at those islands, and when you shall have taken charge of your office, you shall investigate the new method and conditions by which new invasions and pacifications may be lawfully made; also the smallness of the number of men, the slight cost, and the great ease and advantage with which they should be made, because of the division of the country into many islands and among many petty rulers, who easily come to blows among themselves, and ally themselves with the spaniards, and hence can be preserved with but few soldiers. since the petition in regard to the pay and number of the soldiers there was conceded--and you must keep the soldiers in good discipline, and satisfied and well-paid--you shall make the said expeditions of entry and pacification with great forethought and justification. you shall observe the ordinances in the instructions for new discoveries, which shall be given you, and shall not transgress them one jot or tittle in regard both to what is pacified during your term, and to conserving that, as well as what shall have been pacified before; for in both cases you must do this without any sort of violence or ill treatment, but with the kind treatment by which friends must be preserved. thus if there has been any excess in this--which has been done contrary to my will and orders--it must entirely cease in whatever shall be done during your term. by this i lighten my conscience and charge yours. the great need for the said pacification in the said islands has been reported, especially in those very districts where the spaniards live, and which they frequent. these districts are all in rebellion and unsubdued, because of the lack of soldiers. report has been made also of the injuries and vexations caused by the soldiers there to the natives. and inasmuch as things are come to such a pass there, according to report, that the island of lucon has many provinces which have never been subdued, or if subdued, are in rebellion--as for instance, cagayan, panga[sinan?], onçian, çambales, valenses, and others, all in the midst of the pacified provinces, and near and contiguous to manila, and all in confusion and lack of any regulation--as soon as you reach the said islands, with the advice and opinion of the audiencia, you shall ordain what is most advisable in this matter. you shall begin, as may be reasonable and most desirable, by attending to the general improvement of these conditions, and with especial care and assistance; for evil might come upon the distant places, if the part at your very doors is left under suspicion and unsubdued. besides there is the obligation to try to secure the continuation of the instruction of so many people as are already converted, and under my royal protection. because these do not have the peace and tranquillity required, they suffer great hardships and wrongs from those who are in rebellion and unpacified. daily the latter harass, kill, and assault them, and burn their crops. on this account, and because they kill many spaniards also, not only is there no advance made in conquests, but that portion conquered is being daily diminished. in order to reform this state of affairs, you shall give commands, in accordance with what has been said above, with great consideration and justification. you shall always observe, as aforesaid, the ordinances set forth in the instructions for discoveries, pacifications, and the introduction of the gospel, without violating them in any point. beside the said provinces that are in rebellion in places, among the spaniards and indians already converted, there are others, which although they do not lie so near, yet, in respect to their distances and the nature of their inhabitants, cannot be termed new discoveries, as they are already known and considered--as, for instance, babuyanes, the island of hermosa, the island of caballos, lequios, the islands of ancion, jabas, burney, pacaguan, calanyanes, mindanao, sido, maluco, and many others. since, as it is reported, the condition of these provinces is daily becoming worse, and it is advised that it would be necessary to pacify them for the welfare and safety of the spaniards, and that delay might make that task more difficult, you shall inform yourself as to how the said pacification and conquest can be best and most quickly made. you shall perform it with the advice and opinion of the audiencia, in the form and manner most advisable. you shall always observe in everything the form above mentioned, and no other. as i have thought it advisable that you, whom i trust so completely, should, with the advice and opinion of the audiencia, have power and authority to make the said expeditions of entry and pacifications at the cost of my royal exchequer, in consideration of the fact that, if you in lands so remote were compelled to await a reply from here, important opportunities and occasions might be lost, i have resolved to empower you for this purpose. accordingly i give you this power, and i order the officials of my royal exchequer of the said islands to honor all your orders on them for the said purpose, from the moneys in their power. but you are to take note that you shall exercise the said power only in the most important matters that arise. you shall beforehand communicate regarding these, not only with the audiencia, as above stated, but also with ecclesiastical or secular persons, or such of them as you shall deem suitable and of greatest merit and experience, in order that whatever is done be concurred in by all and the expense be no greater than what is unavoidable. you shall endeavor to make as safe as possible the regions pacified and subdued. you shall advise me, with the minuteness and circumspectness required by the importance of this matter and my desire for its execution, of what you do, of what is pacified, the means that you employ, and the condition in which it shall be placed and left. in order that this may be done better and at the least expense, i authorize you, after having resolved upon the expeditions of entry and the new pacifications that it is advisable to make, in the form above mentioned, to covenant and agree with captains, encomenderos, and any others, in regard to the said expeditions of entry and pacifications. they shall make them wholly or partly at their own cost, as you may deem more advisable. these men shall be given title as governors of the islands or provinces that they discover or pacify, and for a limited time as captains and masters-of-camp. however, you shall not grant them title as adelantados or mariscals; but, when anyone claims such a title, you shall refer the matter to me, with a relation of the services, character, and merits of the claimant. the said contracts and covenants that you shall make, may, with the concurrence and advice of the audiencia, remain in force until i approve them, in order to gain time, but on the condition of referring everything to me. for this, in conformity with it, you shall bind the parties to produce the said confirmations within a certain brief period fixed by yourself. they shall bind themselves to observe in their pacifications the said orders and instructions given by me for making the said pacifications and new discoveries, and, after they are made, for conserving them; for in this matter you must make no exemptions, nor shall i make any in any case, nor shall any contract be kept with those who do not observe and keep the above. i have been informed also that there has been, and is at present, much irregularity in the collection of the tributes from the indians, because the former governors of the said islands made the appraisements in a very confused and haphazard manner. for, although each indian's tribute is worth eight reals, paid in whatever the indian possesses, yet on account of certain words in the said appraisals and of the articles which are assigned for tribute--such as cotton cloth, and other products of the country--occasion is given for the said irregularity. this has resulted in each one's collecting whatever he wished, to the great offense and wrong of the said indians; for when gold is plentiful, their encomenderos demand money, and when the latter is abundant and gold scarce, they demand gold, even though the said indians have to seek and buy it. in short, they always demand the said tributes in those things that are scarce. thus for the tribute of eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, according to the value of the products that they demand, which they cause the indians to seek and bring from other districts, to their great distress and affliction. as it is advisable to remedy this disorder and excess, i charge you that, with the concurrence and advice of the audiencia, you shall endeavor to have the decree followed in regard to the payment by the said indians of their tribute in money, gold, or land products--as they choose, without being forced or urged to pay it in any other thing or product whereby they suffer the said wrong, or any similar wrong; this shall be observed in the payment of the said tributes. in regard to the lawlessness that has existed and exists, in the departure of the said religious from the said islands to the mainland of china and other places, without permission from the governor or archbishop (declaring that, because of their universal power, they will excommunicate those who prevent them) i have previously made known what was regarded as advisable--namely, that the religious should go to the said philipinas islands fully resolved to settle there, and not to go to any other place without your permission and that of the said archbishop; for i am sending them for this purpose, and they go there at so great expense to me, in order that my obligation to furnish instruction might be fulfilled. it is not right that, when they go there, they should frustrate all the above for their own individual ends and purposes, in order that they might secure and enjoy the privileges on which they are established; without being bound to their ministry, which they have no right to abandon. this must be understood as affecting the religious who go there for the purpose of settling and remaining in the islands, and not those who have my permission to go farther to other districts; for, when the latter is given or granted them, it will be after weighty consideration. i have been informed also that, in order to correct the license that has existed, and the wrongs that have resulted from the departure of some from the said islands for china and other countries without order or permission, it would be advisable to ordain, under severe penalties, that no spanish layman may leave the islands for any place, or to attend to any business, or give fragata, supplies, or any other aid to any of the said religious, except by my special order, or by your permission and that of the said archbishop. inasmuch as this is coördinate with the contents of the preceding section, you shall note what is provided therein, for the same must be understood in what touches this matter, which it covers completely. i have been informed that wrongs are inflicted on the heathen chinese indians who go to trade at the said islands, both in permitting the guards stationed by my royal officials on their vessels to take bribes (which are brought from china to give to private individuals, in order to allow them to do certain things), and in the conduct of those who register the vessels, who seize and take from them all the best merchandise, and leave them only the worst. this they pay for only at the price brought by the rejected merchandise. the chinese, because they fear lest those who register their vessels should take their merchandise from them at the time of appraisal, value them at prices much in excess of their true value. the result of this is that, as the goods are sold afterward at very low rates, the chinese pay my duties at the rate of valuation. moreover, the masts are taken from their vessels in order to place them in spanish vessels, as they are light; and in exchange they are given others, which are so heavy that they are lost. this is not right and ought not to be permitted. therefore i charge you not to allow it, or to permit any wrong to be inflicted upon the said indians. on the contrary, both you and the said audiencia shall take special care to remedy the said wrongs, and to punish those who inflict them. you shall show all kind treatment and attention, both to the above and to all others who went there before for trade and commerce. you shall expedite them in every way and treat them well, as is advisable--not only so that they may continue the trade, but also so that they may be led to abandon the idolatry and blindness in which they live, and to receive instruction in the law of the gospel. because of the importance of attention to duties of citizenship on the part of citizen encomenderos--both for the conservation and defense of the said islands, and for their settlement and increase--i charge you to grant leave to no encomendero, under any considerations, to absent himself from the said islands, even if he should have permission from the viceroy and audiencia of nueva españa. if anyone should absent himself without permission from me, or unless you shall have granted him permission for unavoidable reasons, you shall deprive him of his encomienda, and bestow it upon another and more deserving citizen. inasmuch as mariscal gavriel de rivera, captain juan pacheco maldonado, and other citizens went to nueva españa by permission of former governors, and although they have petitioned me for a prolongation of their stay there, not only have i not conceded this to them, but i have answered them bidding them to return. they were warned that their encomiendas would be declared vacant, as the time granted by their permission is already expired, unless they should have returned within the period by which they were bound. if you ascertain, upon your arrival at nueva españa, that they have not returned to the said islands, then you shall deprive them of the said encomiendas, and give the same to others. you shall admit no objection or excuse, for whatever you do contrary to this, now and henceforth, i hereby declare as invalid and null and void. as i was petitioned, in behalf of the said islands, to grant them a concession ordering exemption from the duties on the first sale of the goods that they send to the port of acapulco and other places, and also that the twelve pesos per tonelada of freight shipped by the citizens of those islands be not collected at the said port of acapulco--this is the duty imposed by don gonçalo ronquillo--answer was made them that the proceeds from these duties were very necessary in order to pay the soldiers and for other expenses. accordingly gomez perez was ordered in his instructions to have them collected for the above-named purpose, and you shall do the same, until i ordain and order otherwise. much has been reported of the disadvantages arising from the trade between those islands and china. the portuguese have complained of this, and declared it to be of great harm to them in their trading. they allege other reasons, in order to persuade me that this trade should be prohibited. but other reasons, proving the contrary, have not been lacking here, the first and foremost (and it is true) being that, by this means, the land already discovered can be conserved, and the gospel can be introduced into other lands farther on--a matter that under any other régime would be difficult and almost impossible; and although the portuguese offer other important arguments, this is what most influences me. therefore, in order to adopt the method which will best harmonize these difficulties, my council discussed the matter, and advised what you will see in the decrees which have been despatched on this occasion, and which shall be given you. i order you to have them observed and obeyed to the letter. however, if any disadvantages should result, or if there are any other more desirable methods, you shall advise me of all, so that after investigation, the advisable steps may be taken. because of my great desire that the contents of section seventeen be obeyed to the letter, i charge and order you that, whenever you write me and send me despatches, you shall send a minute and exact relation of all the meritorious persons who claim reward for services that they have performed in the reduction, pacification, and conservation of that land, with the character, seniority, and other circumstances concerning each of them. you shall send also a list of those whom you shall reward, with the means, method, reason, and justification of the reward that you shall have given them. this shall include both the vacant encomiendas that you shall have allotted, and the posts that you shall have filled, or any other means that you shall have employed in granting the said rewards. for if i have this information regarding them all, then the reason for the complaints and grievances of certain men can be investigated, who assert that they do not receive the reward and remuneration that they demand. in order to bind them more closely to the fulfilment of the aforesaid, a decree of like tenor shall be sent you, and you shall examine and obey it. as you will find out, especial care has been taken that the ecclesiastics and friars who present themselves to give instruction should learn the language of the indians whom they are to teach and instruct; and that chairs should be established where the said language may be taught, so that there may be plenty of priests and ministers who know the language, in order to fulfil the above purpose. but inasmuch as this method has not proved, nor is it now, a sufficient aid by which the indians may be taught and instructed in the christian faith and religion, so that they may receive as much benefit therefrom as is advisable and desirable--and as they would have received had the same care been taken to teach all the indians castilian, by which plan more and better ministers would have been had for their teaching and instruction, and they would have fallen into fewer errors, or none, on account of their idolatries and other former vices and superstitions--it has been deemed advisable to provide in this regard the decree [34] that will be given you with these instructions. accordingly, after you shall have caused that decree to be proclaimed in the usual public places, with the necessary solemnities and other ceremonies, you shall meet with the audiencia and secular and regular ecclesiastical dignitaries, and all together you shall decide and ordain how the contents of the said decree may be observed, obeyed, and executed exactly and to the letter, both in that city and in all the other cities of those islands and provinces, so that all its contents may be fulfilled and executed. you shall have the care in this that i expect from you, and as is demanded by its importance. thus will our lord be very greatly served, and the souls of the indians advantaged. whenever opportunity offers, you shall advise me of what shall be ordained for its fulfilment, and the manner and method of executing it. and inasmuch as i have ever exercised especial care in maintaining all the kingdoms and provinces subject to me in peace, tranquillity, and justice, for this same purpose and object i established an audiencia in that said city and province, in order that everything might be governed by means of it, and justice administered with the universal equality, mildness, and satisfaction desirable. after its establishment i ordered it to be suppressed, as experience proved it to be unnecessary in a land so new and unsettled. in its place i sent a governor; and although his administration was excellent, yet, inasmuch as that community has grown and, it is hoped, will continue to grow, i have thought it advisable to found and establish the said audiencia again. accordingly, after having appointed you in the place of gomez perez, your predecessor, i have determined to establish the said audiencia again. it shall be located in those districts, in order that their government may be similar to that of the other kingdoms under my dominion. i have appointed for it persons as auditors, a fiscal, and other officials. i have renewed the former ordinances [35] by which that said audiencia was founded. you shall examine those ordinances, in order to have them observed and obeyed with the exactness that i expect from you. you shall mamtain the necessary peace and harmony with those acting as auditors, so that your government may be all that is needful and as i desire for the consolation, relief, and happiness of that community, and of its inhabitants, and my vassals therein. you on both sides [governor and audiencia] shall administer the government with care, understanding--especially those of you who might be the cause of disturbing the peace, harmony, and friendly relations with which you, on both sides and jointly, must carry on the government--that i shall consider myself well served in the accomplishment and execution of this. i charge this upon you, and expect you to accomplish it with the good example that is due from you in everything. you shall exercise great care not to send judges on special commissions except in necessary and unavoidable cases, in order to avoid the harm that they generally cause to communities. this must be avoided there, chiefly because that community has been settled so recently. it is advisable to act with greater caution in this matter, as in everything else, for the better conservation and increase of that community. you shall exercise the same and greater care to maintain thorough harmony and unity with all the ecclesiastical dignitaries, both secular and regular, and with all the ecclesiastical estate; for many consequences, very important for the general and individual good of all that land and all those provinces, can be expected from the good example resulting from this. at toledo, on the twenty-fifth day of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _joan de ybarra_ signed by the president and members of the council. letter from luis perez dasmariñas to felipe ii sire: with some misgiving and anxiety, sire, i have considered whether or no i should write this to your majesty, but necessity and not my wish obliges me. for some reasons i would like to leave it unwritten, particularly because i do not care to contradict myself and appear, in what i am about to write and ask of your majesty, to change my ground from what i have written to your majesty before about some of my affairs. i cease not to fear and dread that the reason of this may appear from what i write now and what has before been written, to be an invention, artifice, or plot. it is not so, although i confess it does in some wise appear so. speaking with frankness and truth, sire, which is the way in which i have concluded to write this, and as one should always write, particularly to your majesty, the fact is, sire, that my affairs have taken a different turn from what i expected when i wrote to your majesty. by the compassion and grace of god i have no longer that wish, intent, and desire, which i have expressed in other letters to your majesty, concerning my wish and desire of obtaining a state more quiet and safe and less disturbed, and less dangerous for my past and present salvation. in order not to tire or occupy your majesty with an affair of so little weight and moment, although it means much to me, i declare, sire, that, according to my desire and intention, i wrote to your majesty exempting myself and bidding farewell to human and temporal pretensions, thinking that they were not necessary for me, and rather desiring to assist with what i had, some persons in need, debt, and obligation. since then my affairs here have gone in the usual and ordinary way of the world, which is unlike, even contrary to, human project, plan, and judgment. many times things are planned very differently from what actually happens afterwards, as is verified by my case. for i thought to have something to leave, and i am obliged to ask for aid; and i may truly say that it is not for myself, but for those whom i owe and am under strict and just obligations to satisfy and pay. the debts are such and so many, that no calculation can be made. in december, when i wrote to your majesty by way of malaca, according to my understanding the debts were somewhat more than thirty-eight thousand pesos. although it is true that some were paid later, i have not adjusted or liquidated my debts so that i can state the amount; yet i can assure your majesty that altogether i owe a very large sum at present. god knows how overcome with confusion i am when i consider my debts and obligations and the little i have to satisfy them. thus, sire, your majesty cannot fail of the assistance which is necessary for one who has so little and owes so much, and who has to pay it and, moreover, answer and give account for his father and himself. besides what was paid and spent by my father, after his death were contracted debts not far from twenty-five or twenty-six thousand pesos, and in addition to the aforesaid, there are other things not yet cleared up of which the amount is not known. on account of all this i have ventured to give a report to your majesty, so that, knowing the burden of obligations and the plight of this least of your majesty's servants, who is in this land so distant and far from his own, your majesty may be pleased with your royal and most pious compassion to take pity upon and show mercy to this, his most insignificant servant. for his relief, after god, he depends on the royal graciousness and aid of your majesty, as from his king and lord, from whom and from whose magnanimity, after god, depends my weal, succor, and liberty. as necessity teaches those who suffer to seek plans and modes for relief, i shall propose to your majesty what seems to me the most convenient and speedy remedy. i desire that your majesty may be pleased but to grant me grace and license to send and despatch to peru, if perchance it be expedient, and i am able so to do, a ship of two hundred and fifty or three hundred toneladas, with articles and goods from china--although i do not know what i can do with my small capital and means. yet it is to be considered that here a ship is made and built at much less cost than elsewhere; and, if it were of no more than the said tonnage, it might be done in some way or other. this would be exceeding grace and relief for this least of your majesty's servants, who humbly begs that it be so done. i ask it not with designs, plans, and desires for greater profits and riches, to be held and enjoyed; but for the relief and payment of so great necessities and strict obligations, and in behalf of others. if there should be anything left over after fulfilling these obligations, and should your majesty be pleased to grant me this grace according to my plan, there might result profit to this commonwealth. the cargo sent there could at the same time bring aid to me and relief to the commonwealth--or, as i say, convenience and profit. a ship of so little tonnage sent only once to peru cannot take an excessive or inordinate cargo. for this reason also, i beseech your majesty to grant me this grace; and although i have many excuses wherewith to move and incline the royal heart and compassion of your majesty, by referring to several of my affairs and services, i omit to do so. i only supplicate your majesty most humbly by the royal magnanimity and the necessity of this least of your majesty's servants. may your majesty be pleased to grant me this grace. above all, i beseech the divine majesty of god our lord that, if this be not meet for his glory or service, or if there may result therefrom some damage or prejudice to his cause or that of your majesty, his divine majesty will move your majesty not to permit or concede me this grace which i ask. may his divine majesty preserve your majesty as he is able, and as we all desire and need. amen: manila, june 30, 1596. _luis perez dasmariñas_ [_endorsed_: "manila. to his majesty, 1596; don luis dasmariñas, june 30." "keep this letter until the report of the residencia which is to be taken in his case and that of his father shall be received."] letter from doctor antonio de morga to felipe ii sire: at the close of the past year, ninety-five, i wrote to your majesty via malaca, giving a full account of some affairs of this place. the duplicate of that letter accompanies this, and i refer you to the same. every day the peace of this land is becoming more secure. xapon is kept quiet by the presence of the franciscan religious whom we have there. they have built churches and hospitals; and in march they wrote to us again, telling how they preached publicly and have made a large number of converts. they are fearful lest the fathers of the society of jesus will insist that they leave that country. such a change would disturb everything, for the king loves them on account of their poverty and charity. if they did so, we should return to the former days of uneasiness. captain esteban rodriguez de figueroa set forth on the first of last april on the expedition for the pacification of mindanao, with about fifty sail, large and small, two hundred and fourteen spaniards, one thousand five hundred armed indians, and a good store of artillery, ammunition, and supplies. in a week's time he came to the mouth of the river of mindanao. the king and his people had retired twenty-five leguas up the river to a village named buhayen, where they fortified themselves. governor esteban rodriguez followed them with the fleet, and landed the majority of the troops, whereupon an engagement took place there. the governor went with a few troops to arrange for an agreement, and an armed indian assailed him. the captain received so severe a cut on the head with a carmpilan that he became unconscious and died within thirty hours, without having declared a successor to the government. the camp and fleet were fortified in a convenient place and a city was founded, which was called murcia. the cabildo thereof elected as governor captain juan de laxara, a captain of infantry of this camp, who had accompanied estevan rodriguez and the troops here assigned to the latter, and whom estevan rodriguez had appointed submaster-of-camp. he is in the said city, fortifying it, and claims to carry on the government thereof without being subject to this or any other, for he is a bold man. he asks aid, and it will be sent in due time. in the meanwhile steps are being taken to mollify him so that he will come to reason and not become petulant, on account of the inconveniences which might arise therefrom to the service of your majesty, and the peace and welfare of this state. since there is doubt as to what will happen, it will be even more desirable than when estevan rodriguez was living that your majesty now give definite commands in respect to this matter. the said island of mindanao is very large and rich, and is inhabited by many people. there is a steady increase in the number of those who submit to the sway of your majesty, in addition to those already pacified. it is the first of these islands to recognize your majesty, and is the most important for their security and the conquest of maluco and other countries. by the papers which the governor sent in regard to the agreement that i had made with the said captain estevan rodriguez, your majesty will find that he is obliged to conclude the pacification and settlement, and maintain everything for one year, at his own expense. your majesty gave him the government and a certain repartimiento for two generations. he left a very considerable estate with which to carry out the agreement, and your majesty will not go beyond your right in taking charge of it. there are left here two daughters, his heirs, the elder being four years old, by whom and their guardians efforts are being made that the undertaking may be carried out and aided as far as possible, until they become of age. to enjoy its control and favors, it would be well for the estate to be administered from this city. upon this point your majesty will provide according to the royal pleasure. the governor persisted in his determination to carry out the expedition to camboja, and at the beginning of this year despatched one ship and two junks, with men, artillery, and ammunition, under command of captain juan xuarez gallinato. thus far we have received no word whatever from them. the governor is sending the document referring thereto; and, although it is rumored that but few troops were taken by them, in fact two hundred men left this city, and artifice was used, in order that the real number should not appear at the departure. they had, in truth, gone ahead some days earlier and awaited the vessels outside. at the same time, he sent another expedition to china; but as those who set out returned here, it seems as if god had, for the present, closed the door for that voyage; and so it stands. this year so many chinese have come under pretext of trading, that we have been very cautious, and suspicious of an uprising. for by these expeditions we have been left so greatly in need of troops, that there was good cause to be fearful and on the watch. i undertook to put the chinese out of the country, and by this time more than twelve thousand have embarked. about as many more remain, and much diligence is being observed. they are a people with whom one must live with much watchfulness and caution, of which but little has hitherto been exercised. the city has been cut down in size, extending from the border of the fort and royal house by the garrison, furnishing a retreat in case of necessity for the few people here and the women and children. in fact the whole change is only setting the city aright; for the fortifications were wrongly planned from the beginning. your majesty's exchequer has suffered so much damage and loss by the mismanagement of the officials, that, although various gentle means were taken to relieve and repair it, they were of no effect. consequently, when the governor saw himself so hard pressed, he commenced to investigate the accounts; and the officers are suspended from the exercise of their duties until the state of their offices shall be ascertained. they are alike in their bitter enmities and difficulties with one another, making the despatch of the matter impossible. the papers are sent in order that your majesty may see what has been done, and the condition of affairs here at present, which if investigated thoroughly will be found to contain other things of much moment in the matter. your majesty will decree in everything what will be most expedient for your service. i assure your majesty that had any other means been found of dealing with the said officials besides the one used, until your majesty should be advised thereof, this final measure would not have been taken--which was necessary, since no other effectual means were at hand. your majesty has yet in this kingdom a revenue amply sufficient for all the expenses thereof, if it be administered with fidelity and care, and if many present superfluous expenses be suppressed. there are not more than a hundred paid soldiers in camp, and six captains of infantry and their officers draw salaries. the forts are without garrisons; but for more than a year the wardens thereof have been improperly drawing salaries. your majesty has no galleys whatever, and there is one commander, who, though unemployed, draws a yearly salary of eight hundred pesos; and there are many officers who get a salary in the same manner. there are many garrisons of soldiers, sailors, artillerymen, and others in various capacities who draw pay from your majesty's exchequer; and they are of no service, nor will they ever in their lives be of any use, except as servants and attendants upon the officers and other persons, who pay them from your majesty's revenues. in this way much of your majesty's revenue is being spent and wasted. it would be necessary to institute a reform, and to make many investigations of the accounts of your majesty's debtors and the collectors of your majesty's revenue, in order to regain much property which is lost. every day more will be wasted unless your majesty orders a speedy remedy, with punishment of the guilty, which shall serve as a warning for the future. in the meanwhile much suffering will be felt here, as at present; and even a large part of your majesty's estate in nueva españa will not suffice to meet the needs here. there are very few in these islands capable of handling the arquebus, although they used to be the best and most skilful soldiers in the yndias. the cause of this is that they have so devoted themselves to trade that they have no desire for anything else. nevertheless, your majesty ordered, in the instructions given to gomez perez, when he came here to govern, that those who drew pay from your majesty as fighting men should not be allowed to trade. afterward in a clause of the letter of january, 1593, replying to another of his, your majesty ordered the same thing. this has not been complied with, however, and as the captains and higher officers are rich and rewarded by their salaries and grants, it is not just that they be merchants, as is the case. they are so diverted from military exercise that they are as useless as if they were in toledo; and elsewhere they engross, by their large shipments, the space required for the merchandise and freight of the citizens. your majesty therefore spends the revenue on them and their soldiers uselessly; and it is necessary that this be corrected, in order that affairs may return to their normal condition. the city was sufficiently supplied with public endowments, because in addition to what the governor held, he made a grant to it, in the name of your majesty, of the shops and rents of a new parián, which had been built after my arrival for the chinese, outside the walls, on the border of sant gabriel. consequently there comes in from the property more than four thousand pesos annually, which is fully sufficient for necessary expenses, and in the future should be used for public buildings, which are needed. none such have ever been attempted, except the wall and fortifications which were built by the governor gomez perez. in respect to the traffic of the citizens of these islands and the administration of their commerce, your majesty made suitable provisions by a decree of the same month of january, ninety-three. this is as is necessary; and since the returns from all the merchandise from nueva spaña come to them without limitation, there is left them no just ground for complaint. when i came here i found that, although the said decree is so precise, the execution of it was so far forgotten here that, when i took steps for its observance, it was ill received, as will appear by the accompanying reports thereof. nevertheless, the execution of the decree will be attended to on my part, until your majesty may decree otherwise. there is no doubt that by this is decreed what is expedient for this kingdom; and if the officials took proper care to execute your majesty's orders, these difficulties would be obviated. but, as i have before written, it is not done with due exactness. governor don luis perez dasmariñas was daily expecting a change in this government and his removal, and owing to this and his mildness of disposition, affairs in general suffer. although he is a man of good intentions and of much virtue, he is governed in everything by the friars, and particularly by the dominicans, who are enjoying this favorable opportunity and make use of it to advance their own interests and those of their friends. the youth and inexperience of the governor does not permit of anything else. now with the news that your majesty is to send don francisco tello to this government, it seems as if everything would take on new life; for, if there is more delay, it would be at the cost of the service of your majesty, and the welfare of these islands. everything has declined greatly from the condition in which matters were left by his father; and although i have done what i could it is but little, on account of my slight and inadequate authority. nevertheless, some of the most important things have been looked after with more spirit than at first. the people of this land cannot be pleased with everything, for they are fond of liberty; and for this reason there are some complaints. but i endeavor only to further the service of god and of your majesty, not to consult their tastes or to manage affairs so that they may write to your majesty in approbation of me. as things have happened, there may be a lack of persons to approve my proceedings; but this does not vex me, because i expect that, with god's help, time will show the truth; and no other reward is needed than to satisfy your majesty, as is my earnest desire. the jurisdiction of your majesty in this kingdom is so hampered by that of the ecclesiastics that on no occasion can we have our own way. as there is no one to withstand them much damage is experienced; and we see ourselves in great troubles and hardships, tied hand and foot, because the ecclesiastics and religious interfere in everything. they rebel against and hinder the accomplishment of your majesty's commands; and even among themselves they have many dissensions and disagreements. it is a pitiable state of affairs, and even if it were for no other purpose than to moderate these excesses and licenses of powerful persons, it would be best to have here the royal audiencia, which your majesty ordered to be suppressed. i beseech your majesty, as i likewise urged from nueva spaña, in the report which your majesty already has, that in case the royal audiencia is not reëstablished, a remedy be provided. there should be someone to oppose the ecclesiastics in a land so far away from the audiencia of mexico; for, no matter what question is sent there for decision, at least two years must elapse before despatches can be returned. the bishop is very much missed in this land by all the ecclesiastics; and it would be very beneficial for the future if he should come this year with the arms sent from nueva spaña. may god bring them, although they are already late in arriving. if they should fail to come, great need would be felt everywhere. all these islands are now pacified, and the only need is for ministers of the gospel, on account of the many heathen who are without instruction. many of the spaniards who people the land and come here for its defense, die here. thus we are in need, as i have said. the college [36] founded by the fathers of the society for the education of spaniards in this city, at the expense of your majesty's exchequer, is now closed, by the new contract which was made with captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa regarding the patronage which was given him from this house and college. according to the wish of your majesty, this work was changed into a college for natives which they wished to found. the same income of one thousand pesos a year has been assigned them, in addition to the fourth of the tribute paid where there is no instruction, and other sums from similar sources. i think it would be well to further this work; for besides the receiving of a good education by the sons of natives, which would strengthen them greatly in the things of the christian religion and right living, it would be a hidden blessing to have the sons of the principal natives in this college, for our safety is thereby assured on any occasion whatever. the papers in this matter are sent, in order that your majesty may have provision made according to your pleasure. at the beginning of this year, a galleon arrived at these islands from piru, and later a small fragata in its convoy, wherein it appears that adelantado alvaro de mendaña had set out from piru in april of last year to discover the western islands in the southern sea. this he did not succeed in doing, and lost his flagship and afterward another fragata. he formed a settlement on another island near nueva guinea, where the men quarreled among themselves, and the said adelantado died with many of his people. [37] his wife inherited that settlement, and arrived at these islands in great need and after many hardships, where she married don fernando de castro, cousin of the governor, and returned to piru with her ship. i am sending your majesty the report of the matter which has been received, and an account of their voyage and adventures, which are therein stated at greater length. after such long voyages i am left in very poor health, and with little hope of recovery, on account of the climate of this country. i am very poor and spent, with fewer children than those i brought with me, for they have died on the way. therefore i strongly desire that your majesty grant me grace if it be possible, and permit me to go to españa, and be pleased to provide for this garrison. with this i should feel well paid and satisfied after all my hardships and wanderings. even though i do not deserve the rewards of my predecessors, i shall live content in returning to my home and fireside, god willing, to give your majesty a true account of the many things i have seen, and of what would be best for the better service of your majesty. i humbly beseech your majesty to grant me this favor as soon as possible. may our lord preserve for many years the royal person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom and your majesty's servants. manila, july 6, 1596. _dr. antonio de morga_ letter from francisco tello to felipe ii sire: through god's help, i entered the channel of these islands on the third of june of this present year, 1596. as the weather was bad, it was was necessary for me to make port at ybalon, where i was forced to remain several days, because of contrary winds. considering that this condition of affairs might endure longer, i determined to go overland to manila; and did so, although with considerable hardship, as the country was completely overflowed on account of the heavy rains. however, i derived some advantage from this, for i thus saw a portion of the country and its products. it was of advantage in enabling me to master the affairs of the country, and to know what things it is advisable to provide to put it in good condition. i entered manila on the fourteenth of july. as this letter is being written only three days after my arrival in this city, i cannot inform your majesty thoroughly of the condition of this community. but my first sight of it has honestly pleased me very much. god and your majesty must be thanked fervently, that in lands so remote and obscure the name and religion of god exists, and the authority and power of your majesty; and this with so great hopes and disposition of being able to work great things, worthy the royal soul and heart of your majesty. for this object i think we shall need troops, arms, and money, which is the common strength. also i found the colony somewhat weak both in its forces and in the faulty system and arrangement of its fortifications. i found also great need of royal buildings, and buildings for the cabildo, a slaughter-house, a prison, clean streets, and other public works. this may be because of the smallness of means. i shall remedy what i can, and give your majesty a more detailed account of it later. i find this kingdom safe from all fears of the japanese at present, although not from the swarms of chinese who resort hither in a haphazard and disorderly manner, unless we maintain the caution and foresight demanded by the little trust that we can place in their companionship and fidelity. in respect to the person of don luys perez dasmariñas, whom i found acting as governor, i assure your majesty that all his thought and life is dedicated to god and virtue. however, in matters of government i do not know what will be the outcome of some things, which i find very confused and remiss. i shall give you a more detailed account of them in a later letter, for now this vessel is on the point of sailing, and is outside the port. the archbishop of this country remained in mexico. this does not fail to cause a want, because of the great scarcity of prelates here. i hear that the trade of this country, upon which its perpetuation chiefly depends, has greatly decreased, not only on account of the low prices of merchandise in mexico, and the unprofitable exchanges and other misfortunes suffered by commerce, but also because of the numerous impositions and duties levied; so that i find this community much discouraged and disheartened. i shall try to repair this as well as possible, and will give your majesty a more detailed account, both in this matter and in what concerns the two communities of indians and chinese, and whatever else there is to relate. a founder of artillery is very much needed here. i entreat your majesty to have one provided, as well as the fifty farmers mentioned in your majesty's instructions. above all, i entreat your majesty, since this new plant and undertaking depends so much upon your majesty in person, that you will have the kindness to consent to have soldiers sent to us annually; for, sire, the hospital (where many die) takes its share every year, and another part is taken by certain expeditions and reënforcements that are sent out. as for those who are left, your majesty should consider, if the ship from mexico fails to come for even one year, how surrounded by so many fears of enemies is this country. therefore i beseech your majesty to order that the viceroy of mexico shall be careful to provide troops each year, and that they be sent armed, of which there is little care. as captain esteban rrodriguez died while pacifying mindanao, and left it almost reduced, and settled with about two hundred spaniards, and as the country was being brought to your majesty's obedience, it will be desirable for your royal service to continue the work. from what i have learned in these few days, i believe that your majesty will be served by ordering that this pacification be continued at the expense of the heir of esteban rrodriguez, and with the latter's possessions, as they are sufficient, until the agreement be completely fulfilled. by so doing your majesty's treasury will be eased, and i think the reward of this work will be obtained by him who most deserves it--namely, the successor of the man who perished in it, since he left it to him, although he did not name him. it only remains for your majesty to be pleased to declare, in favor of this kingdom, the subordination of that pacification to this one, since the latter proceeds from the former, and is, as it were, filial to it. there are other conveniences and arguments that favor this plan; and in the contrary plan there are many inconveniences, of which i understand that your majesty is advised by these vessels. now in the meantime, i am considering what it will be best to provide in the service of god, and of your majesty, whom may our lord preserve, etc. manila, july 17, 1596. since the above was written, news has come of the expedition [to camboja] which was made here. it is not such as we wished to hear, for of the three vessels that were taking part in it, one [_illegible in ms._] a storm, and fell into the hands of the king of cian. no news has been heard of the two others, although it is believed that captain gallinato still remains [_illegible in ms._]. according to my understanding, it is very desirable that there always be galleys in this land for defense from its ills, and the conservation of its reputation from so many enemies by whom we are surrounded. inasmuch as those here are found to be quite dilapidated and useless, i have deemed it fitting to your majesty's service to build three or four. _don francisco tello_ documents of 1597 pacification of mindanao. juan de ronquillo; may 10. memorial on navigation and conquest. hernando de los rios; june 27. letter to felipe ii. l.p. dasmariñas; june 28. _sources_: all these documents are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first document is translated by james a. robertson; the second, by robert w. haight; the third, by josé m. and clara m. asensio. the pacification of mindanao _letter from juan de ronquillo governor tello_ [this report of ronquillo's is in places abridged, as he repeats many of his statements. he set sail (from oton) on february 8, 1597, the earliest date possible after the receipt of supplies. two virreys had been sent ahead under francisco de torres, with orders to coast from island to island, in order to avoid the dangers of the open sea; they had not yet been heard from. at the port of la canela (_i.e._, "cinnamon;" modern cáuit) ronquillo found captain juan pacho, who had gone for fish and salt for his command; and, as the men were scattered in zamboanga and taguima, there was a delay of three days in getting them together. pilots from these forces were placed in each vessel to guide the ships to the river. ronquillo then embarked on his fragata and ordered the sangley vessel and those of the indian chiefs from danganlibor to follow. the brisas or northeasters were dead ahead, and to avoid the force of the winds he took his course inside of some islets. the sangley vessel did not enter, as its draught was so great that the navigators feared to make the attempt. since the sangley vessel seemed to be in difficulties, he sent a captain to it; but he came back with the report that all was well. ronquillo then sent directions as to their course. he had been informed by the sailor whom he sent as pilot in the sangley vessel that there was water enough in the strait of mangayao; but, if this should not be so, they were to keep outside. they remained outside, and the rest of the fleet sailed safely on to the point of las flechas ("the arrows"), twelve leguas from the river (rio grande, in mindanao, where the letter was written). the wind being heavy and the vessels old and deep in the water, he anchored in a river never before entered, so far as was known, cutting away trees and branches to do so. when the fragata was safe, he sent the master-of-camp for the galleys, which were sinking because of their rottenness. at the same time a virrey was sent to look for the sangley vessel. the virrey returned without news; and though ronquillo was very anxious he kept on to the river toward which he was sailing, all assuring him that he would find the sangley ship here. a fire was seen at night, apparently a signal that the vessel would go to la canela for water, being unable to make the river because of the winds. after taking in water they left port, and the next night the chinese crew mutinied, and killed the spaniards. the chinese had been disarmed, and committed the deed with clubs and wooden hatchets. ronquillo asserts that all possible care had been taken. the vessel carried the bulk of their provisions, clothing, tow, and some ammunition. in spite of this loss the expedition had been very successful. upon reaching the river whence he writes, he spent five days in repairs upon the fleet; and then, after completing the fort of tampaca (modern tabaca) and storing the ammunition and food in it, he ascended the river, leaving a guard of thirty-four men under sargento-mayor diego de chaves, one of whose legs had been cut off. the force which went up the river numbered two hundred and thirty, including sailors and gunners. the enemy retired behind some parapets as soon as the artillery opened upon them, and brought some artillery to bear on the flagship (one of the galleys), but could not retard the spanish advance. continuing, ronquillo writes:] i answered their fire with so great readiness that i forced them to withdraw their artillery. but, as if they were goblins, they remained here behind a bush or a tree, firing at us, without being seen. thus did they keep us busy until one o'clock at night. i remained three days without landing, awaiting the arrival of lumaquan--a chief of the tingues [_i.e._, hill-people], the best indian of this island, and our best friend--and five hundred indians, who were coming to aid us. on the very day of his arrival i landed in the following order. i formed a square of twelve ranks of thirteen men each, closing front, side, and rear guards with halberds and pikes. there were two captains in the van-guard, one in the rear-guard, and two at the sides, so that, wherever the enemy should attack, the soldiers could, by facing about, fight without at all breaking ranks. i detailed two files of forty arquebusiers and two captains to go ahead to discover ambushes. under cover of their arquebuses went the pioneers to clear the way. as i heard, according to reports, that the enemy would halt upon this day, i went ashore and marched straight forward at the head of the squadron, at times going through the ranks to see if anything was needed. upon that day, we busied ourselves until sunset in clearing the way as fully as great toil and diligence would allow, without the square being thrown into any confusion, or any man falling out. but as we could not come in sight of the fort, i returned to pass the night in the fleet, for until the road should be open and known, and its distance, i did not care to land my artillery, as i had so few men. besides those who were clearing the path, i had no men to fire the artillery. immediately on the following day i continued my plans in the same order. as one of my legs pained me, because of a fall backward two days previously down the hatchway of the galley--and by good luck i did not break my neck--from which i am still suffering, i did not go ashore. also, i thought that, since the enemy had not attacked us in the most dangerous places, they would not do so in places not to their advantage. thus the path was cleared, upon this day, without encountering any enemy or sighting their fort. again the men returned to the fleet for the night. on the third day, as the work of reconnoitering was proceeding, a large ambuscade of indians attacked us in the open near a palm-grove. as was learned later, they numbered about two thousand. they attacked us with the greatest fury and determination, in small bodies of skilful troops. as the soldiers were ordered immediately to form their square, when the enemy arrived in front of it, and saw it so well ordered and bristling with halberds, they did not dare to break it, but turned and fled. in the assault five of their men were killed with arquebus-shots, and several others wounded. among those killed were two of their bravest and most esteemed men. one was from terrenate and was a _casis_ [38] who instructed them in their religion. of a truth, they showed clearly that they were brave; for i do not believe that there are many peoples who would attack with so gallant a determination, when they were armed with nothing but shields and canpilans. they killed five of my indians who were clearing the path, who did not use good judgment in retiring. this took place quite near their fort. as soon as i was advised of this occurrence, for i had not gone ashore on this day also, i sent at once as many men as possible from the galleys, with axes, shovels, spades, and wicker baskets. i ordered them to entrench themselves in as advanced a position as possible. _they commenced to attack the fort. the enemy begged for peace on the second day._ [39] the next day i landed my artillery, and went with it to attack the enemy's fort. as the distance was quite great, i moved my entrenchments nearer twice, and with great difficulty, for the enemy never ceased shooting at us. they wounded three gunners and several other men; surely they were very lucky shots. finally i planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over one hundred paces from the fort. although i battered the fort hotly, i could not effect a breach through which to make an assault. all the damage that i did them by day, they repaired by night. immediately on the following day they began to call from their walls. when i asked them what they wanted they said that they wished to be friends. i was very short of ammunition, for i had only three thousand arquebus-bullets left, and very few cannon-balls; and both would be spent in one day's fighting, during which, should we not gain the fort, we would be lost--and with no power to defend ourselves while withdrawing our artillery and camp. at the same time, i reconnoitered the fort and its situation, for it is located at the entrance of a lagoon, thus having only water at the back, and swampy and marshy ground at the sides. it has a frontage of more than one thousand paces, is furnished with very good transversals, and is well supplied with artillery and arquebuses. moreover, it has a ditch of water more than four brazas wide and two deep, and thus there was a space of dry ground of only fifteen paces where it was possible to attack; and this space was bravely defended, and with the greatest force of the enemy. the inner parts were water, where they sailed in vessels, while we had no footing at all. again, i reflected that those who had awaited us so long, had waited with the determination to die in defense of the fort; and if they should see the contest ending unfavorably for them, no one would prevent their flight. further, if they awaited the assault it would cost me the greater part of my remaining ammunition, and my best men; while, if the enemy fled, nothing would be accomplished, but on the contrary a long, tedious, and costly war would be entered upon. hence, with the opinion and advice of the captains i negotiated for peace; and told them that i would admit them to friendship under the following conditions: _treaty of peace and conditional covenants_ first, that first and foremost, they must offer homage to his majesty, and pay something as recognition. _obligation to return their prisoners to his majesty_. that all the natives who had been taken from the pintados islands last year, must be restored. _to break friendship with terrenate._ that they must break the peace and confederation made with the people of terrenate, and must not admit the latter into their country. _friendship with those who were friends formerly._ that they must be friends with danganlibor and lumaquan, chiefs of this island, who have rendered homage to his majesty; and must not make war on any of their vassals. that all the chiefs must go to live in their old villages. they accepted all the conditions, and raxa mura, sala, silonga, and the other chiefs swore to keep the peace on these conditions, and paid homage to his majesty, paying a certain sum in gold as recognition. inasmuch as they had taken the vizcayans whom they had enslaved to a great distance, so that they should not escape, they paid another like sum of gold as pledges that they would deliver them to the spaniards. as the friendly indians said that the end for which i was making peace was, under pretext of it, to seize the chief men and hang them and separate them from the others, the chiefs did not venture to come immediately. however, they said that when they should ascertain our treaty, and if our purpose was not as aforesaid, they would come. although such a thing had not even entered my mind, as i shall not make any promises in his majesty's name that cannot be fulfilled, it was true that the friendly indians said it; for they wished to break trie peace, in order to see if they could not rob these people at our cost. after making this treaty and securing this result (which, of a truth, your lordship may regard as most felicitous and of great importance, and as the beginning of much good), i retired to my fleet. next day the chiefs came to the river-bank, and i made them friends with danganlibor and lumaquan, and they embraced each other. some of them boarded the galleys, and began thus to lose their fear gradually. already some of the chiefs have started to go to their villages, and have collected their people in order to settle them. i hope, god willing, that everything will assume a settled and quiet condition. and albeit that my toil and my service rendered to your lordship in this affair do not equal my desire, still your lordship can represent it to his majesty as one of the greatest that have been rendered in these islands. i am not going to leave them; so, when any greater opportunity arises, your lordship may entrust it to me. i assert that if this occasion had not had the almost unexpected favorable ending, and if our lord had not evidently been pleased to lend his aid, your lordship would suffer great anxiety and all the islands would be in great straits; for, with the alliance that they had formed with terrenate, there would be no safety in the entire district. [the victorious troops were in the greatest need. there were many messes of four or five with only one shirt among them, which they wore by turns. there was only ammunition enough for two hours. there was only rice enough to allow fifteen gantas a month to spaniards and ten to indians; and even this ration would only last till the end of august. they had no meat or fish. ronquillo had "set a dragnet," and taken the rice of all the people within reach, beginning with himself. then he sent out officers in fragatas to search for rice, giving them four hundred pesos for the purpose, and directing them to pay as long as the money lasted, and then to take provisions in any way in which they could get them. they were, if necessary, to use force to obtain supplies from encomenderos or indians, for their pay giving them orders on the charges of the land (_situado_), or the tribute, or to be paid when possible. as for the other parts of the island, the very chiefs were perishing of hunger, because of the war, and came daily to beg for rice. this they received, in order that they might be bound to the spaniards. accordingly ronquillo asks for assistance and supplies from manila until the stress should be over in mindanao. he gives honorable mention to his officers and troops, many of whom were wounded. he looks forward to great difficulties as soon as any attempt shall be made to collect tributes. the leading chiefs collect tribute from their vassals; and the only demand hitherto has been for open friendship and the recognition of the sovereignty of spain. if these men--raxa mura, sala, silonga, and lumaquan--are now told that they must not collect tribute, but that all the tribute must be paid to his majesty and to individuals, "it will be a very bitter draught for them to swallow." these indians, ronquillo says, are not like those in luzon, but are accustomed to power and sovereignty. some collect five or six thousand tributes. if the tributes are to be collected, two hundred more soldiers and a large quantity of ammunition will be necessary, or much additional time. the troops have not been paid what figueroa owed them; and it is plain that no profit is to be expected in the island for a long time to come. when it does come, the encomenderos, who have fraudulently remained at leisure in manila, will get it. hence the soldiers have petitioned that the property of figueroa in the island be sold and the proceeds applied to their payment. fourteen hundred pesos of worked silver was sold; and the soldiers received six pesos each. the captains also asked and received some compensation. the discontent was so great that ronquillo declares that no resolution can command men so ragged and starving, penniless and unpaid; and that they are already saying that they cannot eat good words. he concludes this section by asking for twenty thousand pesos and eight hundred indian rowers, and for some exchanges of his men.] _that the country is not such as it has been painted, and not so excellent as has been reported._ hitherto it has not been possible to tell your lordship anything certain of this country, except that it will be of but little advantage to his majesty, but a source of great expense. it has far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and all are very poor, so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning their arms, and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the land, which is low and swampy in this river. there is no chief who can raise twenty taes of gold. rice is very scarce; in the tingues is found a small amount, which is used for food by the chiefs only. they are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, and less fruit. it abounds in fish in some districts, but this river contains only eels. they are as good as those of españa. they are not found all the year round, but only during the rainy season. the climate does not differ much from that there. it has very dense fogs. i have been unable to make a complete map of the island. i am sending your lordship only that of this river, made with exactness, with all its arms and estuaries, and their settlements. the arithmetical symbols represent the number of people in each, and the letters the names of the chiefs. i have corrected it with all care. we have already examined almost everything from the coast of la canela, dapitan, and botran [butúan?]. there is a full report there which may be filed with this map. _the island of matheo is excellent, and a better expedition could be made there._ concerning the island of matheo, i have been able to learn from men who have been there that it is very fertile, thickly populated, and rich in food products, including rice. the inhabitants are not very warlike. would to god that your lordship had expended there what was left here, for with less effort we would have gained more. terrenate has some dealings with this island. [i say this] in case anything is to be done before it has more. of maluco i have not ascertained anything new, except that things are in their usual condition. _he has not effected a settlement, as he has not found a convenient site. he is awaiting the pleasure of your lordship, and [a more favorable] season._ as yet i have not effected any settlement, as i have not found a suitable and convenient location for it, for all the river above is swampy; and, if we were to look for dry land along its course, it is so far away that it would take a week to reach it from the mouth of the river. although beyond this river, toward la canela, there is a good place for a settlement, yet it is not advisable to leave this river now until matters are more settled and quiet. this river is the residence of the chief men of the island. accordingly i shall wait the result of this rainy season; and if the discomfort be not too great, i shall settle on the site where i am now established, which is in a very good position, and here i shall await your lordship's decision. _that the indians are warlike and have fortified themselves, with their forces now there, and others that they will collect, when the proposal is made that they must pay tribute. hence, reënforcements of soldiers, ammunition and food are necessary, and time._ although things have so fortunate a beginning as i have related, it is by way of peace. all the chiefs retain their full complements of artillery and arquebuses, so that, whenever they wish to defend themselves, they may do so. beyond any doubt, on the day that tribute is demanded from them, not only our new friends, but danganlibor and lumaquan as well, who rendered homage of their own free will, will rebel. for the speedy subjection of them all, we need a large force. hence i repeat to your lordship, in order that you may not be deceived by certain opinions of persons who have not seen this region for many years--for it is not as of yore, and they did not know it, and the inhabitants are indians only in name--that a great force of soldiers is needed, as well as ammunition, in order to make them pay tribute. this matter is of prime importance. i would not be complying with my obligation unless i entreated your lordship to consider this matter deeply. you should consider whether this enterprise must be given up or sustained, for it is very costly, and we must not allow odds to be taken of us when we have our best opportunity. thus i think that we can finish this matter at one time, and that your lordship should send two hundred men in one summer. with this number we can overrun all districts, take away the natives' artillery, and collect tribute. this manner of proceeding would be very economical. _all the men, counting those maimed, number two hundred and sixty._ the number of men that i found in this island and those who should be brought from zibu fell far short of what i expected. all that i could gather together--gunners, sailors, and maimed men--do not number more than two hundred and sixty-four men. some of them have died. i am sending there the crippled and maimed, who are useless, so that i shall have left in this river a trifle above two hundred men, many of whom are sick, because of past hardships and their wretched existence. _that medicines and delicacies be provided._ the master-of-camp is sick, and i fear lest, with the advance of the rainy season, the sickness will continue to increase; for it cannot be alleviated by medicines and delicacies, because we have none. this is a great pity. i entreat your lordship to have medicines and some delicacies provided for the sick, and clothing for the hospital. _that religious are not going there to furnish instruction_. father chirinos [40] came to this island with the sargento-mayor, and on his first sight of it was so discontented that for no other reason, he turned his back upon it, and was in so great a hurry to return that he declared that if a vessel were not given him immediately in which to leave, he would swim away. he went away speaking ill of this place, and has caused great annoyance and wrong to these poor soldiers. if a religious who ought to be happy with a hard life, and who ought to seek hardships in which to serve god better, refused those which might be offered him here, the soldiers, who are less perfect and less filled with god, will do but little. father juan de sanlucar asked me for leave likewise to go there with this vessel, in order to go to get a companion, as he could not stay here alone. i did not grant it him. if the fathers of the society are to have this place in charge, it will be right for them to send religious. if not, then they should say so, and your lordship should request the ecclesiastical government to provide ministers. the one here at present has labored to our great approbation and has set a good example. but he is greatly grieved at being alone, and he is not without reason, for he has no one to whom to make his confession. the ration given to these people is so small that it can only be endured in times of great stress. indeed it is doubtful whether a spaniard could live on only one-half ganta of rice, without anything else; and even the indian is unable to do so without having some fish with it. for the future we need abundance of provisions; for, as i have noted, we cannot expect this land to furnish them, because it does not have any. your lordship must have them provided in accordance with the accompanying memorandum. _that it is advisable to send hither the encomenderos, and from there to give the soldiers and captains some gratification and pay._ all the captains and soldiers of this camp perform their duties grumblingly, since the encomenderos enjoy the fruits of their labor. through false representations the encomenderos have remained behind, instead of coming here on this pacification. if each encomendero has to live on his encomienda, and the heirs of estevan rodriguez in some part of the island, there is nothing left for the captains and soldiers. the owners should come, therefore, to reduce their encomiendas to subjection, since they take the gain. they do not go very far upon the road, and it is not a good argument to say that each one will pacify his own encomienda; for so long as this river is unpacified, nothing is pacified. your lordship should order all of them, without any exception, to come in person, and to bring some soldiers at their own cost, with sufficient food for a year's maintenance. in this way, something will be done; for an encomienda cannot be pacified with only one soldier, paid by an encomendero. i entreat your lordship to decide quickly upon the course to be taken, and, with the same haste, to send me immediate advice by a birey. the route is open, and the virey can come here any time in june; thus i may be advised in advance of your lordship's orders as to the course to pursue here, and this needy people may be encouraged with the hope of speedy relief. your lordship should write to them, thanking them for their labors, and encouraging them with their pay, to continue their work. may god preserve your lordship many years, with the increase of dignities that we your servants desire. tanpaca, may 10, 97. your lordship's most humble servant. _don juan ronquillo_ [_endorsed:_ "mindanao, 1597. general don juan rronquillo."] _the campaign_ the sargento-mayor of the city of manila left for mindanao on the thirtieth of december of ninety-six, and arrived at the city of zebu on the fourteenth of january. he left there for la caldera [41] on the twenty-ninth of the said month, and arrived at la caldera on the second of february, where he found the fleet of mindanao, which had gone away for lack of supplies. the whole fleet left la caldera on the sixth of said month, in the direction of mindanao; and on the eleventh captain torivio de misa was sent forward with a galliot and two lapis, as he suspected that the unfriendly indians had surrounded the friendly natives from tanpacon. on the fourteenth he sent sargento-mayor diego de chaves with two galleys, and other light vessels, to follow up torivio de miranda; and he remained behind with the three fragatas, which, as they were heavy vessels, could not follow the rest of the fleet. on the fifteenth of december, captain graviel gonzales, who was on board one of the lapis which accompanied torivio de miranda, was drowned while passing las flechas, at the edge of the river of mindanao. on the seventeenth, captain torivio de miranda entered the river, where he found that the enemy had drawn a blockade about our friends of tanpacon, and had killed more than seventy of them; but at his arrival they raised the blockade, and retired to their fort in flight. on the eighth of january, captain chaves arrived with his fragatas at the river, and on the twelfth planned and founded the fort of tanpacan near this settlement of our friends. on the twenty-fifth, the sargento-mayor sailed for the river of simay to capture certain vessels belonging to the enemy, in which they were going to seek aid from terrenate. during a certain battle which they had there with the enemy, he had a leg cut off, well toward the thigh, and recived a shot in the helmet above the ear. one of his comrades, who was fighting at his side, had his right leg cut off. on the tenth of march, the master-of-camp arrived; and, on the twenty-first, general don juan ronquillo. on the tenth of april the enemy's fleet came up, and on the seventeenth they landed, sweeping along the allies in front of them, together with forty arquebusiers, who were escorting them in their line, and on their right wing. a few days ago the enemy made an attack from ambuscade, with more than two thousand men. they came on, closing in until they reached the squadron, where they encountered the resistance of arms to their advance, and retired fleeing. they left some of their bravest dead, together with a few terrenatans, without doing any damage to us, except killing five visayans. accordingly our squadron, which consisted of a hundred and sixty-nine men, on the fourth day intrenched themselves as best they could; and little by little moved the intrenchments forward until they were a hundred and sixty-six paces from the enemy. during this time the enemy defended themselves with a park of small artillery and two large guns. on the twenty-fifth, the general sent to consult sargento-mayor diego de chaves, who was in the fleet; and by his opinion a traverse was built as a half-moon, where were stationed seven pieces of artillery, with which they battered the fort of the enemy. on the twenty-eighth, when the enemy saw the damage which our artillery was doing them, they rendered obedience and sued for peace; and on the twenty-ninth peace was agreed upon with the following conditions: they were to return the visayan slaves whom they hold, and pay tribute, and must not receive terrenatans in their country. they were to give obedience to his majesty, and the chiefs were to give oath; and in pledge of this they gave a golden chain. they are all going back to their villages, and gathering up the visayan slaves. it will be well to reënforce the spaniards with troops and money this year, so that matters may remain settled and they shall not try to create a disturbance again. memorial on navigation and conquest [this memorial, addressed to felipe ii by hernando de los ríos, is prefaced by a letter from luis perez dasmariñas, as follows:] sire: in these islands resides a person named hernando de los ryos, a colonel, a man of much information concerning important matters, and particularly learned in mathematics and astrology, and possessed of such virtue and such uprightness of life, and so zealous and desirous of the service of god and your majesty, and of the common welfare, that i know not if there be a man in these parts to exceed him in this; and may it please our lord to give us many who shall succeed in being so disinterested in worldly things and earthly claims. at any rate, in the secular estate, in my opinion and perhaps that of many good men, i know not if you will find in this country, or even for the most part in others, a man of more learning, respectability, and virtue, accompanied by other good qualities and gifts with which god has graced him, and which are so well employed and profited by, as in himself. for his sole object is to serve god and desire his service and that of your majesty, and the great good which can be accomplished in these regions; and he is not interested in the occupations and advantages of office, although it would be well indeed if all those who hold them had the qualifications that he has for them. at any rate, he has refused and rejected some of the best offices of this country, particularly an offer to be a royal official of the royal exchequer of your majesty, when i desired him to be so during my government, as i understood that he was a fit man for the service of god and of your majesty. it was impossible, however, to persuade him. his intention, as i have understood, is to become a priest. he has made a very peculiar instrument of general usefulness in many curious and important ways, particularly in navigation, for getting bearings and taking measurements, which are rendered very easy. i do not send one to your majesty, because he has not finished a book of description and explanation of this instrument. i have persuaded him to send one to your majesty, as i also shall do, as i consider it well that your majesty should have information of the learning, virtue, and parts which are found in him, as it may be of use and importance for the service of god and your majesty--whom may our lord protect many years of life, according to his power and the desire and need of us all. manyla, june 27, 1597. _luys perez das marinas_ _memorial_ indeed, the desire which possesses me of serving your majesty and ending my life in your service, as i am a humble vassal of your majesty, was too mixed with awe to allow of this boldness, if don luis perez de las marinas, former governor of these islands, had not encouraged me and persuaded me to give information to your majesty of several matters concerning these parts, as a person who has spent nine years here. i could wish that it was with better reason, if time had been given me to finish a book which treats of the use of an astrolabe, very important for the service of your majesty, for use in the art of navigation. this i would send you this year, with an ample relation of various matters, if don francisco tello, governor of these islands, had not occupied me in ridding them of a great number of chinese and japanese sangleys, who, under pretense of being merchants, were seeking to remain in this country, and with whom there is no manner of safety. they know how to set about so cunningly to gain the good-will of the citizens that it appears almost impossible, if your majesty does not send and order a remedy, to better the matter here, although i have used all possible diligence in it. the reason for this is that each particular citizen defends those whom he needs, as they are a people who are cunning at all crafts. accordingly they keep them in their houses, and hide them; so that they sleep inside the city at night, to the number of about two thousand. there are more than five thousand who remain this year with the governor's license in the service of the colony, for they tell the governor that this is exoedient. it appears to me that three thousand is enough, and even with this number more care and precaution could be taken than is done here, and there should be no more of the infidels. i give this account ... [42] as a person who has them in his charge, in other matters touching ... that which don luis perez de las marinas gives your majesty ... i have informed him so that, being so christian and zealous a knight in the service of your majesty, he will give a true and certain relation of all. with this astrolabe, which, with the aid of god, i have discovered, can be found the altitude from the pole, and the latitude of any region whatsoever at any hour of the day, and at the same time it will tell the hour, in the same way that it gives directions at night by any known star more easily than the mariners usually take it at midday. besides this, it also serves like other astrolabes at midday, to indicate the various points of the compass, and show and verify with precision the deviations and deflection of the needle from the pole. in this way it serves to give the longitude where one is sailing, on whatever parallel to the equinoctial. likewise it shows the position of the stars, even when all their latitudes [_i.e.,_ altitudes?] and declinations are unknown, so easily that even the most uninstructed can in a short time learn it. it is of use in other curious, useful, and important ways, for the perfection of this art, which can by its aid be verified. as it is an article so curious and useful, the said luis perez de las marinas persuaded me to give an account of it to your majesty, with a brief relation and discourse concerning the information which i have of these parts. although your majesty has so little profit from these islands, we can see that it is a place of much importance for the service of your majesty, and the spread of the most holy catholic faith, since it has as neighbors, and surrounding it, many extremely rich and fertile countries. the disposition of matters is ... that they are propitious for your majesty easily to make himself master of those lands. your majesty will see that this is so by the relations which the governor of these islands, and likewise don luis perez de las marinas, formerly governor of them, have sent you. it is very necessary and expedient that several expeditions and conquests should be made in these parts for the service of your majesty in view of the advantages that the castilians would gain if they held a good post on the mainland--such as the kingdom of sian, which is very rich and abounds in many things, and could be conquered and kept with a thousand men, according to everyone who has been there; or the kingdom of canboxa, which is seeking our friendship, and offers to maintain troops at its own expense, and furnish them to us on occasions when aid may be necessary; or the kingdom of chanpa, which could be conquered and maintained with three hundred men, and is the pass for this archipelago, and the key to cochinchina, which is a very rich and fertile country, and could be conquered with a thousand or fifteen hundred men. the latter is more to the east than the said kingdoms between chanpa and china, close to these islands, and with everyone ... of them on account of the many wars and enmities, which exist among them, this ... would be easy to spread the royal sovereignty of your majesty with great ... so that all would seek for our friendship and alliance; for ... said, and with a little shrewdness and cunning a great deal of it might be gained ... with our protection and oversight the ministers and preachers ... could spread over all those parts in safety; to convert those souls and bring such a great multitude of heathen to the true knowledge of our lord god. it is no little shame to consider that among those peoples, by way of burnei and other mahometans the venom and poison of their false doctrine is being scattered--although this is of so great importance, as your majesty must see by the accounts which are sent you, and to which i refer. but for the present the thing which appears very expedient and necessary, and should be attended to at once, is to take a port on the island of hermosa, which lies distant from the farthest part of this island (which is the province of cagaia), thirty-six leagues in a northwesterly direction. in circumference it measures about two hundred leagues, and stretches in the same direction from the twenty-second to the twenty-fifth degree. from there to the mainland of china is not more than twenty leagues. ... informed by a person who has been there that it is fertile and inhabited by a people similar to the natives of these islands, who rob and kill those who go there in vessels, as it is the necessary route from china to this city, from japon here, and to other parts. the country is well supplied with provisions. it has few ports, but there is one which lies at the head of it, on the side which faces toward japon, which is very well formed and strong. it is named keilang, and at present has no defense. if three hundred men were placed there with a fort, all the power of those parts would not be sufficient to dislodge them; for the entrance is very narrow, and with artillery they could resist any efforts which were made against them. it is a large port with deep water, and the entrance is closed by an island on the northeast part, inhabited by about three hundred indians. i have sent a carefully traced sketch of this to your majesty with this letter. the reason why it is very necessary to occupy this port is for the safety of these islands; for it is known to a certainty that ... that if a fort is built at ... which is very ... will be able to send it from there without great difficulty, and being installed there, would make us anxious at all times, and harry the land, without there being any help for it, for they are a warlike and numerous people. the other reason is because all the trading ships which sail for this city from china make land there, and will not dare sail from their own country. they are very much afraid of those people, and will cease their trade with this city, and thus that will be lost--even more than the great wealth which the ship "san felipe" [43] carried, which arrived in their country in the past year, ninety-six. that wealth made them covetous of it; and perhaps their principal intention is to come here and attack these islands. it is not worthy of the spanish reputation to allow this barbarian to use us thus, without experiencing our power through some injury. it would be a great loss to him to take that passage from him; and, for any purpose that your majesty may desire, it will be a very important station; since, if your majesty sends a large number of troops by way of nueva españa or of india, that is so difficult an undertaking, and entails so much expense and the death of so many. it is of no less importance to give an account to your majesty of two routes which can be explored at little expense and are short and easy. the first is by the strait which is called danian [_i.e._, anian], which lies between the farthest land of china and the regions of nueva españa ... a relation which i [received] there, which was left in manuscript by fray martin de rada, of the order of st. augustine, a great mathematician, of whom your majesty had information in this ... of the letter. a worthy vizcayan, named juanes de ribas, a native of san sebastian, told me that while he was going after whales to terranova [_i.e._, newfoundland] he received information that in the year forty-five some bretons were carried [by storms] from the cape of breton, which lies about eighty leguas west of the cape of bacallaos, which lies in forty-nine or fifty degrees of latitude. he said that in latitude fifty-two degrees, after sailing to the northwest a hundred leguas, they encountered a strait. and, according to this relation, some portuguese came to india and china; they say that in forty-five days they arrived from ucheo at lisboa; and, believing that the king would show them favor, they gave him an account of it. but he threw them into prison, and they died there. one of the portuguese who went in that ship afterward came to nueva españa and accompanied francisco de ivarra in the exploration of nueva viscaya. [44] the said francisco de ivarra intended to go to explore this strait, but there were difficulties in the way, and they, did not accomplish it. this vizcayan and the portuguese became friendly and told to each other what each one had seen and knew. they said that from the cape of breton they go to the northwest until they reach the mainland and afterwards coast down toward the southwest, as the coast runs in this direction, and they come upon the entrance which, although it seems very small, yet is large and deep. then sailing to this sea of china to the west-southwest, they said that at the mouth of the strait, toward the south sea as toward the north sea, there are many small islands, although more ... in the direction of the north, coming from china outside of ... which to manil .... the country of china is very high, and wooded with pine trees and ... partly lower, also with forests. he said that in the strait they use no wind at all, but that the currents take them in and float them through. they said that those who consider that the island of bacallao is all one are wrong; for it consists of several small islands in a chain, reaching to cape gata, which is in sixty-two degrees, and where there is a deep channel which enters into the great bay. they say that the point of vacallaos is in fifty degrees, and they run along the coast of this island as far as cape breton, about eighty leguas. those who place cape breton on the maps should put it on the same large island, and it lies nearer to the point of vacallaos than to cape gata. [45] it may also be inferred that these seas communicate with each other, because on the coast of nueva españa those who are coming from these islands in forty-two degrees latitude see a great number of whales, who must enter by that strait to winter in a warm climate. accordingly your majesty can send as many troops as you wish in this way with ease, and become lord of these parts. although this voyage being in so high a latitude appears to entail some difficulty, there will be none, in view of the fact that by leaving españa at the end of march, when they arrive in the high latitudes it is the hot season, and the days are long and the weather is fair; and the winds are brisas, as is necessary. thus they will come here very easily, and in the island of hermosa, in this port of kielang, your majesty may send and have stationed a considerable fleet, safe and well provisioned; for the country is fertile, and productive of food stuffs, rice, meat, and so much fish that they load every year two hundred ships for china--especially as the coast of china is so near, where for money ... what they wish in abundance; and also from japon they can ... examine. the other route for navigation is through nuevo mexico, in forty-five degrees of latitude. this was related to me by a friar named fray andres de aguirre, of the order of st. augustine, who died about three years ago, being prior of the convent of his order in this city. he was learned in cosmography. he said that in his presence, at the time when don luis de velasco the elder was governor of nueva españa, a vizcayan gave an account of this route, who said that he had seen it while he was sailing with a french pirate. they entered through an arm of the sea above the main coast opposite florida, and after sailing west for many days they found that the said arm ended in a bay. they saw straightway a half a league distant another arm of the sea, and building a brigantine they went through it sailing for several days, and came upon a very populous city, where they were furnished with whatever they needed, and had built for them some wooden houses on the shore, until, on account of a certain difficulty which one of them had with a woman, they were driven out of the country, and went back. from this it may be inferred that in that region, which they said lay in forty-five degrees of ... from here having ships there, rather ... of this. father antonio sedeño, rector of the society of jesus of this city, who died about two years ago, said that it was told him many times by pero melendez in florida. [46] these two explorations will be very easy to make, at little expense, from these islands rather than from españa. for their entrances from that side are difficult to find, and from this side one cannot go astray, nor is there any obstacle. the first year after gomez perez de las marinas arrived in this country as governor, he conferred with me about sending me to explore the strait of danian. by reason of the expedition which he intended to make to maluco, he deferred the other; and when he was so unfortunately killed it put an end to the project. he, i believe, would have far advanced the affairs of these parts if he had lived, and would have done good service for your majesty, judging by the valor and zeal which he showed; and his absence, and the need for him, have brought this city to a sense of what they owe him, and now they deplore his loss. i have given this brief account to your majesty, begging humbly that you will pardon my boldness (which zeal for your royal service and the good of these regions has caused) in advising your majesty, that you may see how glorious opportunities our lord god has kept for you to extend and widen out the holy catholic faith. but it is necessary that your majesty should entrust this to a person of high rank and great worth, and that he should not come for a limited time, with the intention of gathering riches and the fruit of the land, and then returning; for those who have this intention will not be watchful for its welfare, nor zealous for the honor of god and for the service of your majesty. i have informed the governor of these islands, don francisco tello, of this, so that he may write to your majesty and make use of the opportunities which are offered him. i know not what he will do. may our lord god, for whom we labor, protect your majesty many years, according to the needs of christendom, and augment your estate with greater lands and majesty, for his glory and the good of ... may it prosper. manila, june 27, 1597. [_endorsed_: "examined on the thirteenth of september of 1599. as to what he says of the astrolabe, have a copy made and delivered to cespedes, that he may examine it and give his opinion in regard to it. as for the rest, join everything in regard to this matter, and have all the papers brought in a bundle."] [_memoranda at beginning of document_: "memorial addressed to the king, dated at manila on june 27, 1597, by colonel hernando de los rios, which gives an account of a book which he is engaged in composing, concerning the approved usage and art of navigation, and of the importance of taking a port on the mainland of china, and particularly in the island of hermosa, of which he gives a very circumstantial description, accompanying it with his map, and finally a very valuable discourse on the two routes which are the most expeditious and direct for navigation from spaña to those kingdoms, that can be found. the first is through a channel or narrowing of the sea which enters nuebo mexico above florida at forty-five degrees latitude, according to the information received from father federico of the society of jesus, and from a friar of the order of st. augustine, who was very learned in cosmography, and who died in that city. the other is through the strait called anian. there is inserted in the said memorial a relation which was left written by fray martin de rada, of the order of st. augustine. it was received from a vizcayan named juanes de rivas, a native of san sevastian, wherein he sets forth that various portuguese have passed by that way to yndia and china, and by way of ucheo returned to lisboa in forty-five days of voyage. he gives a condensed description of the ship's courses, and the navigation which must be accomplished until they have arrived in the harbor, either here or in china, etc., etc. memorial directed to the king of españa by benito escoto, a genoese noble, in the year 1616, giving an account of a certain method which he had discovered of putting together certain tables of longitudes in maritime voyages and navigation, etc.; and to find that navigation which, up to that time, so many serious men and mariners had sought and had not found--namely, the passage by the northern part of china, japon, malucas, and philipinas, with a condensed discourse concerning the advantages which will accrue from the proposed action. and in continuation a letter from the prior of the convent of santa maria, written to ... in recommendation of the good circumstances and worthy qualities both of the author and his work."] letter from luis perez dasmariñas to felipe ii sire: although the duties and obligations of my office are ended, i have no less obligation as a private individual for the service of god and your majesty. that service and recognition is due while life shall last, and therefore it does not seem as if i were fulfilling my duty by keeping silent and not informing your majesty of some things which have been proposed and set forth elsewhere. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to regard and consider them as things very important to the service of god and of your majesty. what i have thought fit to submit particularly to your majesty are the injuries, hindrances, contradictions, and great disturbances which are experienced here, whence follow results very offensive and contrary to the service of god our lord, and of your majesty. they are also prejudicial to the common spiritual and temporal good of this land, and the quiet, safety, and preservation of these districts and islands, and of the vassals who live and serve your majesty here. one (and a general) injury is the unrestricted presence of a great number of sangleys or chinese heathen who live and mingle freely with us and the natives of these islands in their trading occupations, and business. they serve but to consume, make scarce, and enhance the price of both supplies and money, and to cause uneasiness, fears, and distrust. of all the aforesaid we have had experience, and the particular instances are not referred to, in order to avoid prolixity. on occasions when there are expeditions, or when it may be expedient to make them, there are some persons who do not desire to do so--either for their own interests or convenience, or for other considerations, ends, and motives which they have for opposing the accomplishment of the expedition. they say that there are many sangleys in the land who are inclined or are able to revolt. this and other things they say in excuse; but although this consideration and caution should not be condemned but praised, together with everything else which may be classed under the name and title of preservation, i doubt whether they are always most advantageous to the service of god and of your majesty. i am only certain that it is of great importance to be rid of these disturbances and contradictions, which are contrary to all good. these heathen are the whole year living on, and, little by little, consuming and obtaining, the goods and money of the state in their traffic, business, and occupations. this does not take into account the sale and profitable trade in merchandise which takes place every year. all the money goes and passes to china, and remains there from year to year and in fact always. although it is true that the profitable trade and sale of merchandise is the sinew and support of this state, and very necessary, and cannot nor should be checked, nevertheless, it would at least be fitting for the christians to gain what is gained by the heathen from year to year in these islands and state, in their damaging trades and occupations. thus would a great part of the poverty and necessity of the christians be done away with, and they would be relieved, maintained, and aided. they could live more comfortably, and there would be avoided the inconveniences of discontent, murmuring, and offense, which exist when the people see themselves so little favored, helped, and appreciated. they become discouraged with the condition of affairs when they see that the heathen are much more favored and treated more kindly by us than they themselves, solely for the advantage arising from what they give, and greed for it. they carry on their pretensions and business with us while we ourselves fail in many respects to give an example of christian charity which should be observed, and to show the zeal and consideration which is due to the service of god our lord and the common good. the evils which may result from trading are very common, and these heathen secure many things which they desire, and obtain by means of payment and reward. in doing this, although they are exceedingly avaricious, yet in behalf of their vices, unchastity, and abominations, and for their wishes and desires, for the sake of gain and profit, they do not stop at trifles; nor are they stingy and careless, but open-handed and generous, and endeavor and negotiate in a thousand ways to procure what they purpose and desire. the spaniards themselves favor, intercede and negotiate for them for the sake of their own private interest and their gain in doing so. this manner of carrying on affairs has been continued until they are now accustomed to it and perhaps confident therein because of their experience in conducting business in this way. in addition to this, there has been negligence and laxity in enforcing decrees in their cases, thereby causing the heathen to hold the orders given them in but little estimation, and with good reason to mock and jest, and make sport of our mode of government and our decrees. it is almost impossible, or exceedingly difficult, to enforce or execute the latter, or to remedy the very great inconveniences which result and are caused by these heathen, because of the many defenders whom they have and find for their pretensions. two things in regard to these people are most worthy of consideration. one is that, as these people mingle so freely and at large among the natives in these islands for their trading and business, they can very easily under this pretext and appearance with all safety, security, and freedom, investigate and note the ports, islands, and settlements; they can also see how careless and negligent the forces have become, and can observe the lack of troops, forces, and defense from which we suffer. thus they may dare to interfere, and can bring to these islands any enemy or enemies whatsoever, who are covetous of the islands; or they may plan some alliance and deviltry with the natives. the latter being aggrieved, querulous, and dissatisfied can be moved by their persuasions, or inclined and persuaded toward their traffic, modes, and customs of more gain, comfort, and liberty, with less subjection, oppression, and ill-treatment, than are suffered and received by many. consequently, there is no little cause, disposition, and opportunity for any evil whatsoever, since we are so confident and these sangleys are a people very covetous, cunning, and treacherous--as has been experienced in the mutiny on a ship and the killing of the spaniards who were on their way to the province of cagayan, a few days ago. there was also the rebellion of cayalera, so costly, severe, and injurious, and which hindered so greatly the service of god and of your majesty, which was to have been accomplished. there was afterward the case of another ship of portuguese and religious, which was bound for malaca; and now this year, but a few days ago, a ship, with about thirty spaniards aboard, was going to the island of mindanao. many were killed, and the few who escaped were wounded and injured. the second point is that, in addition to what has been said about this nation, they have unchaste, shameless, and abominable ways of life and customs. besides having enough proof and experience to be able to say this, i certify to the truth of having heard this from a religious--a man very zealous in the service of our lord and a minister who has charge of the sangleys at present. the christian sangleys who had acquired sufficient knowledge and experience before conversion, tell of the habits, customs, and mode of life of the heathen. those who were born, or reared from childhood, in these islands have heard and noted this. they say that they would dare to certify or swear that at a certain age all, from the sons of great mandarins down to the lowest class, are guilty of one vile and abominable sin. there is a wicked rumor here that even their king himself is no exception. that this evil exists among this people, is not only declared, but it is a thing which has been proved, and investigated on complaint, and has at times been punished by justice. this is the case, sire, and the number of infidels here is very great; for in the past year, ninety-six, more than twenty-four thousand persons were said to have come. thirteen thousand were sent away from the country, and the number would have been greater if the ships from castilla had arrived, thus supplying means for deporting more. these people come to these islands and settlements, and trade very freely with the natives, who are naturally weak and covetous; and, too, they remain constantly with us. many of them live and sleep within the city and in the houses of the spaniards, whose wives, children, men and women servants--and of these last, not a few--are there also. even if there were no more evils and opportunity for wrong than for these women and children to be eyewitnesses of what happens in houses where there are people so vile, bold, vicious, and shameless--who are, although generous, covetous, cunning, and treacherous--these alone are sufficient evils and causes for spaniards not to permit the sangleys, or consent, as they do, to their staying in their houses. this they allow on account of the gain, rent, and payments given them, and for greater convenience and shortening of their own labors. consequently, these people are not separated on account of their aforesaid customs, nor of the danger and opportunity offered them for connivance and knavery. they could burn the city in a night; and should they rise, they could before the blow was felt kill with their weapons many of the persons who keep and permit them to stay in their own houses, finding them asleep and unaware; and they know very well how to do it, to our cost and injury. but neither this injurious and painful experience, nor all the aforesaid dangers, are sufficient to check or remedy this grave evil. it is greed which is the road and means of perdition, and which destroys, corrupts, perverts, and hinders everything; this it is that jeopardizes and has, perhaps, embarrassed, checked, diminished, and restricted the service of god and of your majesty, and the welfare, honor, and prosperity of your vassals in this land. thereby have been retarded in this new world the good and fruitful spiritual and temporal results which would, perhaps, have been realized ere this, were the desire for money less, and the love, zeal, and desire for the service and glory of our lord greater. there should be more interest in the common good and less self-interest, which is the loss, impediment, and ruin of everything. indeed, this greed and covetousness is the knot, tie, and strong bond between us and this nation, so different, injurious, and contrary to our own, as experience and past events have shown. it is an expedient of the devil that this people shall obtain all or nearly all that they want. as their communication, presence, and trade is so prejudicial, and as from it and their interest and greed result so many common evils and great sins, abominations, and offenses to our lord, it seems as if his divine majesty were taking a hand in this and punishing the offenses of those who are in this land, as also our neglect of correcting them, and our lack of zeal for his honor and service--both by our great loss of property, and by this nation, and the injuries that we have received from them, and our mishaps with them, since thus we lay ourselves open and deserve to be punished. it seems that he punishes them too with us, by the injuries, afflictions, and annoyances that they suffer. and thus his divine majesty is punishing both nations. for except for self-interest as a medium, we are mutually contrary and hateful. [the rest of the letter is badly torn, but a sufficient amount remains for the general meaning to be discovered. the writer calls for the expulsion of the sangleys so far as this is possible. the city desires them to remain only from avarice, desiring the rents from their shops, and the profits arising from their business. the sangleys have corrupted some of the most illustrious persons in the country. severity is requisite.] june 28, 1597. _luis perez dasmarinas_ _notes regarding the sangleys_ first, it is meet that the governor order, with all care and exactness, an investigation and exact and unexaggerated calculation to be made of the number of sangleys who are needed in the ordinary and necessary occupations for the service of the commonwealth, in this city of manila, and in cagayan and cibu. this done, it should be ordered and brought about that the christians occupy and serve in those occupations which they understand and formerly filled. thus it will follow that fewer heathen will serve in these occupations; and that the christians will profit thereby, and will be occupied and provided for, and many other difficulties and injuries would thus cease. and then, having diminished the number of christians who understand and can be used in occupations, and having left, as is necessary to the service of the commonwealth the required number of heathen, who are not imprudent or gamblers (for there are many who are too dangerous and cunning to be permitted to remain), all the other heathen sangleys of these islands should be collected, put on vessels, and sent back to their own lands, with great care, rigor, and despatch. this diligence should last until this country is cleansed and freed from people so injurious to it. but i must also say, in order to relieve my conscience, that the person to whom this business and the execution thereof is entrusted should be worthy of the greatest confidence, and as good a christian as can be found. he should claim no temporal interests, but look only to the service of god our lord, and that of your majesty, and to the common welfare of this land. if he be not such a one, no better opportunity could be imagined for large thefts and substantial bribes, involving thousands of pesos, thus failing to provide the relief which is meet and due. _item_: that every year, as some sangleys are converted and made christians, care be taken that they be given occupation, and an equal number of heathen who have hitherto filled positions be expelled. _item_: that in the trading-ships which come every year, it be not permitted to bring more than the sailors necessary for the care of the vessels (according to the capacity and tonnage of the ship), and the merchants who come with their property. the latter must return to their land that same year after the sale of their goods, and must not remain in the country; nor shall they be permitted to do so for any reason whatever. the ship shall return with all the persons whom it brought, together with those who came before and had remained in the country. _item_: in no case shall license or permission be given for heathen sangleys to carry on trade and contracts, sales, and business in these islands and at large among the natives. the christians, however, shall be allowed such occupation for their convenience and greater safety, and in order to avoid many distrusts, dangers, and troubles. _item_: no sangley who is not a christian should be allowed to go inland more than two leguas from the city, or remain or trade in the settlements of the natives, especially those of christians, under a severe penalty for doing so, and one much greater to the magistrate who should consent thereto. _item_: it is meet that the religious do not keep or aid heathen sangleys, in their convents and districts, by giving them advantages and employments; for these may be accomplished by the natives, without employing the sangleys, thus avoiding no few inconveniences, as can be seen and understood. it is scarcely less (and perhaps even more) to the service of our lord that these works be postponed somewhat, or that some of them which are less urgent be abandoned; as it is not meet that for neatness or greater excellence in the work, the sangleys live as they do at present. _item_: that to no heathen sangley should be given license to make rice-wine as so much of this is consumed. if license be granted it should be to some poor christians, in order to aid and relieve their necessity. _item_: it is of great importance that neither consent nor permission be given to any sangleys to enjoy or exercise any occupation whatever, outside of the parian and the public place assigned to them and to the service of the state. they should not be allowed either to live and remain during the day, or to sleep at night, in the city, in any convent or in any house of any citizen of whatsoever rank, under a heavy penalty. upon the citizen who should consent to and conceal this act, it is meet that a greater penalty be imposed and executed. it would even be proper to add to the penalty incurred by him in person and estate the penalty for treason to the service of your majesty, and to punish the guilty person as a traitor. thus would this evil be corrected and remedied; for it is a pity, sorrow, and shame, that it should exist and be permitted for the aforesaid causes and reasons. consequently, it is meet that the penalty be executed with more severity on the citizens, since--as they are responsible for the greatest injury, and are most to blame--from them must emanate the remedy, which consists of applying severity and chastisement. _luis perez dasmarinas_ bibliographical data the royal decree of april 27, 1594, is taken from santa inés's _crónica_, ii, p. 607; those of june 17, 1595, and march 20 and may 15, 1596, from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, xxxiv, pp. 86-98 and 101-103. all the other documents in this volume are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, their respective pressmarks being as follows: 1. _second embassy to japan._--first part: "simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." second part: "simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las yslas filipinas; años de 1582 á 1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|25, ramo 50." 2. _letters from g.p. dasmariñas._--june 20: the same as no. 1, second part (but no ramo). september 27: "simancas--filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dha audiencia vistos en el conscio; años de 1583 á 1600; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 3. _memorandum of troops._--the same as no. 2, first part. 4. _list of philippine villages._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 5. _letter to king of camboja, 1594_.--the same as no. 4. 6. _investigation of the hospital_.--the same as no. 2, first part. 7. _report by ortega_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de religiosos misioneros de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1569 á 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37." 8. _reply to japanese emperor_.--the same as no. 1, first part. 9. _letters from l.p. dasmariñas, june, 1594_.--the same as no. 4 (except that of june 22, the same as no. 1, first part). 10. _letter from carbajal_.--the same as no. 1, first part. 11. _letter from morga, 1595_.--the same as no. 4. 12. _expedition to camboja, and instructions to figueroa_.--the same as no. 2 (letter of june 20). 13. _reëstablishment of audiencia_.--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años de 1568 á 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11, libro 2, fol. 100a-101b." 14. _letter from dasmariñas, december 6, 1595_.--the same as no. 4. 15. _instructions for tello_.--the same as no. 13 (except fol. 146--170). 16. _letters from dasmariñas and others, june-july, 1596_.--the same as no. 4. 17. _pacification of mindanao_.--the same as no. 2 (letter of september 27). the last section (headed, "the campaign"): "simancas--filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1606; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." 18. _memorial by los rios_.--the same as no. 17, second part. 19. _letter from dasmariñas, june 28, 1597_.--the same as no. 4. notes [1] another corruption of kuwambaku (see _vol_. viii, note 42). [2] the province of satsuma, in the southern part of kiushiu island, the most southern of the main japan group. [3] miako (more generally known by its chinese name, kiôto) was the capital of the japanese emperors from the year 794 until 1868. mengoya is probably the same as the modern nagoya, an important city in the province of owari; in the other ms. the name is nongoya. [4] firando is now hirado; and mangasatte is apparently a corruption of nangasaki. [5] evidently an error in the ms. (which seems to be a duplicate copy of the original); the other ms. has "chaxuma"--_i.e._, satsuma. [6] from this point we follow the second and fuller account given in the other ms. (see bibliographical data at end of volume). the two agree nearly to the end of solis's deposition; then follows, in the first, a brief statement by antonio lopez, and a letter from dasmariñas to the japanese emperor (which we shall give at the close of the second report). [7] in the original, _cha_, a word of chinese origin. [8] the christian religion was first introduced into japan by the preaching of the great jesuit st. francis xavier, in 1549. favored by the japanese ruler nobunaga, the jesuit missions rapidly increased; and by 1581 "they reckoned nearly one hundred and fifty thousand adherents in all classes of society, and over two hundred churches." (rein's _japan_, pp. 265-271.) [9] liao-tung, a province of manchuria which lies between korea and the chinese province of chi-li (in which is pekín); the former is also known as mukden, from the name of its capital city. [10] this plan is not in the archivo de indias. [11] a textile fabric of cotton made by the natives of the philippines; see zúñiga's _estadismo_ (retana's ed.), ii, 88, where the word is spelled _lompote_. [12] spanish, _encomenderos temporales_; apparently referring to grants of encomiendas made for a limited time, or to those which were held subject to an annual pension. [13] it has been generally supposed that the first book printed in the philippines was the _arte y reglas de la lengua tagala_ (bataan, 1610). j.t. medina cites the _historia eclesiastica_ of fray alonso fernandez (toledo, 1611--but he cites p. 100 of edition of 1693), to show that in 1602 a book was published at manila concerning our lady of the rosary. but this letter of dasmariñas proves conclusively that printing in the islands goes back to at least as early a date as 1593. it was published by retana in _política de españa en filipinas_ (october 23, 1899); and in part by medina, who conjectures that the "christian doctrine" there mentioned was composed by fray juan de plasencia. aduarte states explicitly (_historia,_ ed. 1640, i, p. 108, and ii, p. 16) that the first printer in the islands was juan de vera, a chinese convert, in the dominican convent at manila; and that he was incited to do this work by the dominican friar francisco de san joseph. but he also states that the latter came to the philippines with benavides (1595). for further accounts of printing in the islands, see medina's _imprenta en manila_ (santiago de chile, 1896), pp. v-lxxvi; retana's _zúñiga_, ii, pp. 93*-100*; and middleton's _notes on bibliography of philippines_ (philadelphia, 1900), pp. 27--37. [14] apparently meaning pieces of canvas on which the arms were painted. [15] according to morga, this king was named prauncar (phra uncar) langara; and his ambassador was diego belloso (veloso), a portuguese. on returning to cambodia with this letter to its king, the envoy found that country conquered by the siamese. he was captured by them and carried, with the presents that he bore from dasmariñas, to siam. later, he aided in the restoration of the exiled royal family of cambodia to power; and for these services a province was given to him. see morga's _sucesos_ (hakluyt soc. trans., london, 1878), pp. 44--52. [16] regarding dasmaríñas's death, see note 44, _vol_. viii. he was succeeded by his son, luis perez, the writer of this letter; he acted as governor until the summer of 1596. [17] belloso secured aid from luis perez dasmariñas for the exiled king of cambodia; but morga says (p. 46) that this was done against his advice and that of other leading officers. [18] francisco ortega (thus pérez; but de ortega in the mss. which we follow) made profession in the augustinian order, at toledo--in 1564, according to pérez, but various allusions in this document render 1554 a more satisfactory date. two years later he went to mexico, and thence (about 1570) to the philippines. in 1575, when he was a missionary in mindoro, he barely escaped death at the hands of the natives, and was then appointed prior of the convent of manila. in 1580 he went to spain as commissary for the philippine province of the order; and ten years afterward returned to the philippines with a considerable body of missionaries. in 1597 ortega was transferred to mexico, where he died in 1601. [19] in ms. _dos_ (two); evidently an error for _doce_ (twelve). [20] in the original, _las galeras que estan la havana_. it must be remembered that these ortega papers are in abstract only--apparently summarized for the use of the royal council by some clerk, who may have been more familiar with affairs in nueva españa than in the philippines. _la havana_ is probably his error or conjecture for _á cavite_. [21] carbajal was the captain in whose ship sailed pedro bautista, envoy of dasmariñas to japan (_vol_. viii, note 33). a full account of this embassy is given by la concepción in _hist. de philipinas_, ii, pp. 341--376. [22] miguel de benavides (born about 1550) came to the philippines as a member of the first dominican mission band (1587). three years later he went to china as a missionary; returning to manila, he accompanied salazar to spain (1592). he was created the first bishop of the new diocese of nueva segovia, and afterward archbishop of manila; he died in that city on july 26, 1605. to him was due the foundation of the college of santo tomás. [23] ignacio de santibañez, a franciscan, was appointed first archbishop of manila; he then went to nueva españa, where he was consecrated in 1596, but did not take possession of his see until 1598. his term of office lasted less than three months, for he died on august 14 of the same year. [24] the maravedi was a money of account; thirty-four made a real (see _vol_. iii, p. 177). a royal decree dated june 14, 1595, granted to santibañez an annuity of 500,000 maravedis from salazar's death until such time as his successor should enter upon his duties as archbishop. [25] by bulls given at rome, august 14, 1595, the bishoprics of nueva segovia, cebú, and nueva cáceres were established. the right of changing the boundaries of the dioceses was reserved to the papal nuncio in spain; and the patronage was granted (as in the new archbishopric of manila) to the king of spain. [26] better known as yuthia (a name corrupted from the sanscrit); it was the ancient capital of siam, and lies on the river meinam, fifty-four miles above bangkok. [27] see the detailed account of the ceremonies with which the royal seal of the audiencia was received on its arrival at manila, as related by morga in his _sucesos_ (hakluyt soc. trans.), pp. 89--91. [28] the archbishop of manila, in a letter to the king dated august 15, 1624, makes the following interesting observation on the state of affairs in manila after the suppression of the audiencia: "the principal motive that influenced philippo second, our sovereign, to reëstablish, in the time of the governorship of don francisco tello, the royal audiencia in these islands, which had been suppressed some years before, was that, in districts so remote and distant from his royal presence, the governors might not be so absolute, but that there might be a superior arm to check them, and not allow extortions upon an innocent people." [29] the letter here mentioned is found in a group of papers in the sevilla archives (see bibliographical data for "instructions to figueroa"), and is (in somewhat condensed form) as follows: "since writing the letter of embassy, the king has ordered me to write another for your lordship, as the former was not necessary on account of the embassy which diego beloso was conducting for the king of canvoxa, whose kingdom the king of sian has taken. accordingly he would have your lordship send the first embassy, or allow commerce, since the road is open to all vessels and persons who desire to go thither from sian, for he will do the same for that trade as for malaca. he desires from your lordship a horse and mare for breeding, and will take it as a mark of esteem from you. he orders captain diego beloso to command this junk, and the latter will negotiate with your lordship. he carries a number of presents for your lordship. i recommend captain diego beloso to you, although i know it to be unnecessary after what he has done in canvoja. he is carrying to your lordship two elephants, male and female, at his own suggestion, together with a beautiful piece of ivory. done on october 8, 1594. _fray gregorio da cruz_." [30] champa (chanpa) was the malay name of cambodia (camboja); it was, however, first applied to a malay settlement on the eastern coast of the gulf of siam. later, the province of champa was a part of the kingdom of anam, and is now part of french cochin-china. [31] _veinte e cuatros_, literally "twenty-fours," aldermen or regidors in the town councils of certain towns in andalusia. [32] a decree of like import, and couched in exactly the same language, was issued at the same place and on the same date _in re_ the bishopric of nueva-cáceres. this decree is published in _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 99--101. [33] contract for disposing of goods by wholesale. [34] as early as 1550 a decree was issued that, "when possible, schools should be established for the instruction of the indians in the castilian language" (_recop. leyes indias_, lib. vi, tit. i, ley xviii); but apparently this was not fully enforced. [35] see the document here referred to, at the end of _vol_. v, and completed in _vol_. vi. [36] figueroa, "before leaving iloilo, made his will, endowing the jesuit college at manila with two thousand pesos of income; and directed that in case his daughters should die their inheritance should pass to that college of san josé" (montero y vidal's _piratería en mindanao_, i, p. 140). [37] see _discovery of the solomon islands_ (hakluyt soc. publications, 2d series, nos. 7, 8; london, 1901); this contains mendaña's and other narratives of his expeditions in the southern pacific ocean. [38] a title given among mahometans to certain persons of religious profession. [39] this and other italic headings to paragraphs in this document are, in the original ms., marginal notes in another handwriting--probably made by a clerk, for convenience of reference. [40] when figueroa began the conquest of mindanao (1596) he was accompanied thither by two jesuits--juan del campo, a priest; and gaspar gómez, a lay brother. the former was carried off by a fever, dying on august 10, 1596, at the age of thirty years, after little more than a year's stay in the islands. in his place, juan de sanlúcar and pedro de chirino accompanied ronquillo's expedition in the following year. sanlúcar entered the jesuit order in 1570, and came to the philippines in time to join the mindanao expedition; he died at palápag, april 26, 1612. pedro de chirino entered the jesuit order in 1580, and arrived at manila ten years later. he died there on september 16, 1635, at the age of seventy-eight. his noted work, _relacion de las islas filipinas_ (roma, 1604), will be presented in subsequent volumes of this series. la concepcion says of him (_hist. de philipinas_, v, p. 198): "a man of great industry and of studious habits, who devoted to study and books all the time which was not occupied by his ministry to souls." [41] _la caldera_, "the caldron"--a port in the extreme south of mindanao, not far from zamboanga; its primitive name, cauite. [42] the original ms. of this document is illegible or torn in many places: these are indicated by leaders (...). [43] this ship was wrecked on the coast of japan, driven thither by tempests; and its rich cargo was seized by the japanese. detailed accounts of this event and its consequences are furnished by morga in his _sucesos_ (hakluyt soc. trans.), pp. 75--79; santa inés, in the _crónica_, ii, pp. 252--272; and la concepcion, in _hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 106--119, 143--148. [44] francisco de ibarra was a prominent spanish officer in mexico (1554--72); he subjected to the dominion of spain the province of copala, which he named nueva vizcaya, founding therein the cities of durango, sinaloa, and others. [45] for accounts of early explorations on north american coasts, see the following works: on the northeastern coast, winsor's _narrative and critical history of america_, iv, pp. 33--102. on the pacific coast, h.h. bancroft's _history of the northwest coast_, i, pp. 1--136. the voyages mentioned in this document are regarded by bancroft as apocryphal. bacallaos ("cod-fish") was an early designation of the island of newfoundland, but was afterward extended to the mainland of eastern canada. the cape of breton evidently refers to cape breton, on the island of that name. [46] sedeño, as vice-provincial of his order in the islands, governed all its missions there. on a journey of inspection he suffered greatly from the hardships of a stormy voyage, and died at cebú on september 1, 1595. la concepcion gives an interesting sketch of his life and labors, in _hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 7--12. before coming to the philippines, sedeño had accompanied the expeditions of pedro melendez in florida. gutenberg the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxviii, 1674-1683 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvi contents of volume xxxviii preface 9 miscellaneous documents, 1674-1683 manila and the philippines about 1650 (concluded). domingo fernandez navarrete, o.p.; madrid, 1676. [from his tratados historicos.] 17 condition of the clergy of the philippines. pedro diaz del cosio, o.p., and others; madrid, 1674-75 72 prerogatives of ex-provincials granted to augustinian procurators from filipinas, innocent xi; rome, december 17, 1677 76 royal patronage extended to the university of santo tomás. carlos ii; madrid, may 17, 1680 78 letter to carlos ii. francisco pizarro orellana; manila, february 24, 1683 81 insurrections by filipinos in the seventeenth century. [accounts by various early writers covering the period 1621-83.] 87 dampier in the philippines (to be concluded). william dampier; london, 1697 241 bibliographical data 287 illustrations map of manila and its suburbs; photographic facsimile from original ms. (dated 1671) in archivo general de indias, sevilla 45 the philippine islands; photographic facsimile of map drawn by captain john kempthorne, ca. 1688; (evidently from earlier map of 1676); from original manuscript map in the british museum 95 map of portion of philippine islands; drawn by william hacke, ca. 1680; photographic facsimile from original manuscript map in the british museum 213 inhabitants of the ladrones islands; photographic facsimile of engraving in t. de bry's peregrinationes, 1st ed. (amsterdam, 1602), tome xvi, no. iv, p. 34; from copy in boston public library 257 preface the present volume (1674-83) is partly descriptive of the philippines, as seen by the quaint dominican writer navarrete; and about half of it is occupied with the insurrections by the filipino natives in the seventeenth century, a topic of special importance in regard to the relations between the natives and their conquerors, and to the influence of the missionaries. resuming the relation by navarrete (begun in the preceding volume), we find an account of the fall of fajardo's favorite venegas; of various dangers from which the writer escapes; etc. he praises at length the excellent qualities and abilities of governor manrique de lara. he relates a missionary trip to luban and mindoro, and describes those islands, their products, and their people. navarrete is stationed in a curacy in mindoro, and relates some of his experiences therein. having returned to manila, he goes to bataan, where he and others are grievously annoyed by goblins or demons, for several months. he goes again to mindoro, with another priest, and while there a threatened attack by pirates sends the indians in flight to the hills, which compels the fathers to return to manila. navarrete relates the loss of several galleons by storms. he laments the cruelty with which the spaniards treat the natives in the labor of shipbuilding, and says that "at times, religious are sent to protect and defend them from the infernal fury of some spaniards." then he describes manila and the products of luzón, in sketchy but enthusiastic fashion. he mentions with surprise the number of chinese, besides mestizos and natives, who are maintained for the service of the spanish colony there. the chinese are, in religious matters, under the care of the dominicans. navarrete enumerates many prominent persons in manila whom he knew, both laymen and ecclesiastics; and describes the hospitable and pious treatment accorded to the japanese christians (some of them lepers) who were exiled to manila. he decides to leave the islands, and goes (1653) to macasar; the hardships and perils of that voyage are vividly related. buffeted by fierce storms, the vessel does not arrive at its destination until nine months after leaving manila--some two months being spent at a malay village on the northern coast of celebes, where the spanish passengers on the vessel suffer greatly from hunger. they finally reach macasar, where navarrete spends several years, in 1658 departing for macao, to enter the chinese missions. his narrative, although rambling and sketchy, is fresh and picturesque; and it indicates a keen and shrewd observer, and a man intelligent, enthusiastic, outspoken, and humane. the dominican procurator-general at madrid represents to the spanish government (1674) the evils arising from the "almost perpetual vacancies" in the episcopal sees of the islands, and their subjection to the secular government there; and he makes recommendations for correcting these evils. in consequence of his efforts, the royal council recommend various measures for this object. a papal decree of december 17, 1677, allows to the augustinian procurators the same prerogatives and privileges that are enjoyed by ex-provincials of the order. by royal decree (may 17, 1680) the university of santo tomás is placed under the royal patronage. the bishop of nueva segovia, francisco de pizarro, writes to cárlos ii (february 24, 1683), giving a brief outline of the controversy between the jesuits and dominicans over their respective colleges in manila; he takes occasion to praise the jesuits and their labors. much light is thrown upon the relations of the spaniards with the filipinos, and upon the native character, by the accounts (some of them almost contemporary) here presented of insurrections by filipinos in the seventeenth century. these occur in northern luzón (1621, 1625, 1629, 1639), bohol and leyte (1622), mindanao (1629, 1650), pampanga (1645, 1660) and pangasinán (1661) in luzón, the visayan islands (1649-50), otón in panay (1663, 1672), and among the zambals (1661, 1681, 1683). accounts of these are here translated from early chronicles, their writers representing the various religious orders; and are arranged chronologically. these revolts are caused partly by spanish oppression, but even more by the influence of certain chiefs who desire to restore the old worship of idols, and who appeal to the superstitious, credulous, and fickle natures of their followers. they are, in each case, sooner or later quelled by the spaniards, thanks to their bravery and their possession of firearms; and severe punishments are inflicted on the ringleaders, thus restraining further attempts to throw off the spanish yoke. the rebellion of 1649-50 is so general that the spaniards are obliged to call in the aid of the lutaos of southern mindanao, themselves enemies and pirates not many years before; but they willingly go to attack their ancient enemies the visayans. in several of these insurrections, great dangers are averted by the influence that the missionaries have acquired over the natives, and they sometimes are able even to prevent rebellions; they often risk their lives in thus going among the insurgents, nevertheless, the first fury of the insurgents is directed against the churches, and sometimes against the missionaries as well as the other spaniards; they kill some friars, burn the convents and churches, and profane the images. diaz ascribes this to the shrewd scheming of the ringleaders to involve the crowd in general guilt, and thus secure the adherence and more desperate resistance of their followers. one of the insurrections is led by a scheming priest of idols who persuades the natives that he is god; and certain of his associates personate christ, the holy spirit, and the virgin mary--only to receive heavier punishment when their rebellion is overthrown. the policy of the spaniards toward the natives is plainly shown in these accounts, and often reminds the reader of that pursued by the french with the north american tribes, and by the english with the natives of india. the english buccaneer william dampier spent most of the years 1686-87 in the philippine islands; his own account of this sojourn (published in 1697) is an interesting and valuable addition to philippine documentary material. departing from cape corrientes in mexico (march 31, 1686), they sail across the pacific in order to plunder the vessels engaged in the philippine commerce, and on may 21 reach guam, whose people and products are minutely described. the population of that island is greatly reduced, because most of the natives had left it after an unsuccessful rebellion against their spanish conquerors. the english obtain a supply of provisions here, by professing to be spaniards. thence they depart for mindanao (june 2), where they remain until january 13, 1687. dampier describes, with much detail, the fauna, products, people, and customs of mindanao. this document will be concluded in vol. xxxix. the editors april, 1906. miscellaneous documents, 1674-1683 manila and the philippines about 1650 (concluded). domingo fernandez navarrete, o.p.; 1676. condition of the clergy of the philippines. pedro diaz del cosio, o.p., and others; 1674-75. prerogatives of ex-provincials granted to augustinian procurators from filipinas. innocent xi; december 17, 1677. royal patronage extended to the university of santo tomás. carlos ii; may 17, 1680. letter to carlos ii. francisco pizarro orellana: february 24, 1683. insurrections by filipinos in the seventeenth century. [accounts by various early writers covering the period 1621-83.] dampier in the philippines (to be concluded). william dampier; 1697. sources: the first document is concluded from vol. xxxvii, q.v. the second is obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iii, pp. 1-5. the third is from hernaez's colección de bulas, i, p. 592. the fourth is from algunos documentos relat. á la uuniv. de manila, pp. 31-33. the fifth is from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the sixth is from various early writers, full references to each being given in the text. the seventh is from the voyages of dampier, london ed. of 1703, i, pp. 279-402; from a copy in the library of harvard university. translations: the first, second, fourth, and seventh of these documents are translated by james a. robertson; the third, by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.; the fifth and sixth, by emma helen blair. manila and the philippines about 1650 (concluded) chap. v what i observed and accomplished in that time 1. in the year of 53, don sabiniano manrique de lara, a brother of the conde de friginiana, arrived in manila as governor of the islands. he was accompanied by the archbishop, don miguel de poblete, a creole from la puebla de los angeles; the bishop of nueva segovia, señor cardenas, a creole of pirù, of my order, a very learned and illustrious preacher; the bishop of nueva caceres, one san gregorio, a franciscan; and doctor ucles, [1] dean of the manila cathedral, as bishop of zibu. he brought people and money, with which the islands were resuscitated. all their citizens were worn out, poor, sad, and exhausted with the severity and too great seclusion of don diego faxardo. the affability of the new governor was very pleasing. he held intercourse with all, gave audience to all, went through the city, visited the convents, and scrupulously attended the feasts, and sermons published on the list. he was entertaining, and could sustain a conversation very agreeably with his fine understanding. he was not at all vain or proud, but was pious and very religious. at times when i heard him speak of the things of god and of freeing oneself from the deceits of the world, he kept my attention, absorbed, both with the words that he uttered, and with the effective way and the spirit with which he expressed them. he was never partial [in dealing] with the orders; but he venerated, loved, and wished well to them all, bearing himself toward them as a prince ought. he showed himself to be devout, and very devout on not few occasions; and he personally attended the processions which were formed in the city. he was a giver of alms, and tried hard to advance the [welfare of the] community. for that purpose, many marriages took place by his arrangement; and he aided in them by bestowing some offices. on the occasion when the new archbishop absolved that land, by special order of his holiness, from the censures incurred through the exile pronounced against the archbishop by corcuera (of which mention has been made above), the same don sabiniano brought señor poblete to the postern of the almacenes [i.e., magazines], where that exile had been enforced, so that he might pronounce his blessing there. when it was done, don sabiniano threw himself at the archbishop's feet, and said: "your excellency may be assured that i shall never cause such disturbances." that action was a fine example for all men. 2. he was unfortunate in some things, especially in the loss of ships during his time, but i do not see that he is at all to blame for this. what blame could be attached to don sabiniano because the ship in which don pedro de villaroel was commander was wrecked? where did don sabiniano sin because another ship was lost in which the commander ugalde and thomàs ramos were so interested? what i know is that that gentleman labored assiduously, that he built fine ships, and that he fortified the city admirably to resist the chinese. i heard of some charges afterward that had been made against him in his residencia, which surely are more worthy of being laughed at than to be taken in any other way. the little bad temper that he had was the best thing that he could display in that land. i noted one thing, over which i pondered with all my care, namely, that if he ever through his quick and choleric nature uttered two words in anger to anyone, he was so sorry and repentant, that there was no means or method that he did not seek in order to assure and content the one aggrieved, to whom thereafter he showed much kindness, and treated with unusual expressions of love--a great argument that for his good and pious disposition. that is a matter on which much could be written, if my purpose did not prevent me. 3. but my heart will not allow me to let the great services and merits of that very illustrious gentleman remain buried in forgetfulness; for that reason i determined to insert some of them here. i am not playing the part of a great thinker, and still less that of an historian, for my pen is very weak and limited. i shall merely relate simply, in accordance with my style, what i am very sure of. it is not my business to publish the blueness of his blood, nor to attempt to give the world knowledge of the origin and stock of the most noble family of the manriques de lara, or of its most brilliant branches, which make glorious and illustrious so many houses of españa; for besides the fact that that is superior to my limited abilities, i would be presuming to exhibit the resplendent rays of the sun.... 4. i confess also that if the subject of whom i am treating had no greater splendor than that communicated by his blood, my attention would not be so taken up with him. it cannot be denied that the heir to nobility deserves great praises; nor is there any doubt that acquired nobility mounts above and lifts the former even to the clouds.... and thus i say that that gentleman has with his devotion, excellent example, and services for his majesty gained new splendors for the manriques de lara, and greatly increased their glories. 5. while i was in the port of cavite in 1656, i heard that he had held the appointment of master-of-camp at the age of nineteen. there are men who acquire more in a few years by their valor and courage than others in many years. [navarrete relates that when the princess margarita of portugal was in lisboa, don sabiniano was made admiral of the fleet assembled against france, and held that post for eighteen months. at the separation of the spanish and portuguese crowns he was taken prisoner, and was confined in various prisons, from december 25, 1640 to may 8, 1645. after being set at liberty he was soon given the post of castellan of acapulco.] then followed the government of philipinas, a post [which is bestowed] as a reward for the greatest services, and is the first and best of all in the indias. he governed as i have written, and as i shall write hereafter. he has held no other place, because he did not desire it. i remember quite distinctly what he said to me one day in manila: "father fray domingo, if god carries us to españa, your reverence will see how i shall seclude myself at malaga, in order to live [so as to prepare] for death, without meddling more with the affairs of the world." thus did he do, and i see that he is doing it. i would very willingly write at greater length, if, as i have said, the principal purpose of this work did not prevent it. 12. shortly after the new governor had entered the country, i discovered in the mountains of batan the famous fruit considered as a delicacy in china, which is called lechias by the spaniards and li chi by the chinese. it is one of the best fruits in the world. i took some to manila, and they were the first fresh ones that have been in that city; for those taken thither from china are dried, and do not at all resemble the fresh ones. i wrote about this fruit in the first treatise. [2] 13. at that time, when i was convalescing, i offered to accompany one of ours who was about to go to the island of luban, and thence to the island of mindoro, to visit some mission fields, and do what i could to benefit those wretched indians. the island of luban is situated twelve leguas from that of manila. it is small but beautiful. there are many cocoa palm-groves in those fields, and considerable cotton from which very fine cloth is made. the village has about 200 tributes. that place contains a well-built fort, which has a most excellent moat, for the purpose of defending the inhabitants from the camucones robbers. the latter, through our very culpable neglect, infest that and other districts every year with the greatest loss of his majesty's vassals. during the season when we were there, there was an unexpected attack. we hastened to the fort, but the attack ended in nothing. the church is a suitable one and is well adorned. the cura had established the custom that, when the time for the ave marias rang, they should ring to recite the rosary, to which all the village hastened. some people assured us that after the establishment of that holy devotion no enemy had ever gone thither, although before that time many had attacked and pillaged them of all their possessions. formerly, they neither recited the rosary nor had a fort; and afterward they had all that, but the first was sufficient for their defense. we confessed and preached there until after the feast of the nativity, which was celebrated very solemnly. during that time a fearful storm arose, and, in order to assure our safety, we descended to the portal, for we thought the house would be carried away. a royal champan was sailing not very far from that place, in which were the captain and alcalde-mayor of caraga and his wife, and three recollect fathers. they were running before the wind without knowing where they were going. the night was very dark, and the seas were running high; they thought that they were lost, but they did not know whether the land was far or near. two of the augustinian recollect fathers took counsel between themselves, alone and secretly; and according to what is believed they must have said that it was better to anticipate and not to wait until all of them should fall into the water, where there is generally some difficulty in keeping clear of one another. each of them tied up his small mattress, which was filled with varo (a material like cotton, which will float on the water for a long time), and then, calling his servant, jumped into the sea without being perceived or seen by anyone. the result only gave the others occasion to imagine what has been written. their associate and the others felt it keenly. neither of them was ever heard of again. the first heavy sea must have washed their mattresses out of their hands, and they must have perished without any help. at dawn the little vessel ran ashore on the beach of a small island one-half legua from luban. all the people were saved except a female slave, who was drowned suddenly when she jumped into the water to go ashore, and no one was able to aid her. they reached luban, so weak and miserable that their faces plainly showed their sufferings. the cura treated them very hospitably. 14. on epiphany we crossed by sail and oar the channel to mindoro. that same afternoon we went up to the village of calavit, which is situated more than one legua from the sea; all the way the road lies straight up hill and is rough. after three days we descended in order to go to guistin, where we were to lodge, and whence we were to go to all other parts. we walked more than six leguas that day over the most infernal road that can be imagined. in places we clambered over rocks, and in parts, even with the aid of the indians, we were unable to ascend. we found a place where the rocks were all jagged, and so sharp and penetrating that, actually and truly, they wore out the soles of our shoes. the poor indians, who go barefoot naturally and legitimately, walked along with the soles of their feet dripping blood, which caused us to overflow with compassion. we reached the foot of the mountain of guistin without having eaten a mouthful. there we found some indians who had some roasted potatoes, although these were cold. we ate a trifle of that refreshment and then began to climb the mountain. it is as high as the other but without comparison much rougher. for a goodly distance we did nothing but clamber up by laying hold of the roots of trees. we walked the rest of the way, but after taking twenty paces we would throw ourselves on the ground to breathe a bit. finally, by god's help we arrived and found the church. without being able to enter it, we fell face downward on the earth near the door, where we stayed a long time in order to rest a little. we found ourselves afterward so sweaty that even our outside habits contained moisture. the wind which was blowing was cold and violent in the eighth degree. [3] we took shelter for that night in a poor little hut of straw, which was open to the four winds. our supper was a small bit of biscuit soaked in a trifle of the wine used for mass, [which we drank] for fear of the cold. we slept sitting, close to one another. next day (which dawned clear) we made use of the sun to dry our clothes. after mass we set about our business, namely, looking after the souls of those indians. it must be observed that the whole refreshment there consisted of some eggs, rice, and potatoes; those mountains contain many and excellent potatoes. on the day of the purification, after having said mass and preached, i returned in one day to calavit, passing for the second time over that good road. the weariness, sweat, wind, and poor food caused me an attack of illness that night, while i was alone in my wretched little hut of bamboo and straw--so that i thought i would end my life there; and in truth i was consoled. i remained there for some days, doing what i could. then i went to two other small villages, the way thither being over a very bad road; there i instructed, preached, and baptized some of the people. one day i found myself with nine young fellows of marriageable age who had descended the mountains to ask baptism. they had never seen a priest. having been catechised they received the waters of baptism. one old man who must have been, beyond any question, more than eighty years old, responded very readily to the catechism, and showed himself very devout. when i was going to recite the divine office, he walked back of me. once i called to him and asked him what he wanted, and why he always dogged my footsteps. he replied to me: "father, i hear you say that we are obliged to know the christian doctrine; and as i do not know it, i am seeking the opportunity so that your reverence may teach it to me." "how many years," i asked him, "have you been a christian?" "one year," he replied; "and i am sure that i understood what it was from childhood." thereupon i asked him further: "who baptized you, and how?" he gave me an account of everything, and said that no word had been taught him; and that he had been told that it was because he was old and could not learn. that caused me a great sorrow and i began immediately to catechise him. i took him with me to the seashore, and, we twain having seated ourselves, i explained the credo to him as clearly as possible, accommodating myself to his capacity. said i to him: "you see this sea and that sky: god created them all." he immediately answered: "is it possible? is god so great that he could do that?" i repeated what i had said, and explained it to him, and said again: "yes, that sky, this earth, the sea, etc., all are the work of god." he repeated in great astonishment: "so great, so great is god?" he repeated that many times. i took great pains with him and he did the same himself, for he understood it better than did the young fellows. i confessed him afterwards, and found that i had to absolve him. i asked him "juan, have you ever sworn or told a lie?" "for what purpose, father? or why should i swear or tell a lie?" he answered. "have you had any words or quarreled with any person?" "father, i live alone; i attend to my field; i neither see nor talk to anyone. even if i wished to quarrel, i have no one with whom to quarrel." thus did he reply to all my questions. i gave him some small articles of clothing, and told him that his name was juan de dios [i.e., john of god]. he was very happy, and i was very much consoled. that little village having been instructed, and the children baptized, as well as the adults above mentioned, i returned to guistin. the cura of nanhoan, thirty leguas south, summoned one of us, and i resolved to go there immediately. 15. when sailing in sight of a beach, the indians discovered a carabao or buffalo which was near the water. we drew to the land. i remained on the sea, and the indians attacked with their spears. the animal performed some queer antics; it rushed madly into the sea, and made furiously for the boat where i was. it struck the outside bamboos, and, had it not done that, i would have been in danger of my life. the indians finally killed it, and immediately cut it into bits on the spot for drying. i landed to await my men, when we immediately caught sight of a band of negrillos of the mountain. we recognized that they were peaceful, whereupon i calmed myself. in order that the sight of me might not scare them, i hid among some trees. about thirty men, women, and children came, all of whom, both male and female, carried bows and arrows. all were naked, except for the privies, which they cover with the leaves of a certain tree. the men were tattooed in white, the women in other colors, and they wore large wild flowers in their ears. in truth, both men and women resembled devils. when they began to chat with the indians i came out suddenly and spoke to them in their language, and offered them tobacco in the leaf, a thing which they esteem highly. when they saw me they were thrown into confusion, and almost all the women and some of the children ran away, with such swiftness that one would think that they were flying. the others remained quiet. i gave them tobacco, coaxed them and treated them with great gentleness. two women went to look for fresh drinking water; and the indians, having finished with the carabao, left these [negrillos] there with the intestines, stomach, and bones. the indians told me that, after our party would leave the place, all these wild people would gather here, and would not go away until they had gnawed the bones, and would even eat the stomach with its contents. 16. at ten o'clock at night we ascended the river of baccò, which is the chief town of that island. the rain fell so heavily that the village was under water. i remained there twenty-four hours. there is a very lofty mountain within sight of the village, down which falls a river which, when viewed from below, appears like a crystal mountain. the water passes near the village, and, as it seethes so mightily, and is overhung by a quantity of sarsaparilla, it is a wonderful sight. that island has some peculiarities. first, it has a great number of civet cats, from which much civet can be obtained for trade. there is the greatest quantity of wax in all those mountains; no account is taken of the honey. there are potatoes, sweet potatoes, grapes, yams, and fruits, in the greatest abundance; an infinite number of cedars, [4] whose flower, which i saw often, exhales the sweetest odor and is very large; and cocoa-palms in great abundance. there is another kind of palm from which they get honey, wine, vinegar, tuba, and sugar. there are also innumerable trees, resembling bananas, from which a black fiber is obtained for the rigging and cables of ships, of which there are so many that one is surprised. there is another species of white fiber which comes from another tree called abaaca. there are more of that kind in another part. it is excellent for ship cables, for the more it is wet the stronger it becomes. there is another tree on which a certain bark grows, as white as snow. it is soft as soft can be to the touch, and the indians use it for their beds and for clothing--although they are not without cotton, of which they make excellent clothing. [5] 17. rivers and sea abound with fine fish. the fish called pexemulier [6] is found there. very valuable rosaries are made of its bones, because of the great virtue residing in them against hemorrhages; one which has been tested by experience is worth many ducados. licentiate francisco roca, the cura of that place, related to me what happened in his district--a very notable case. an indian who went to fish every day found near the water a pexemulier, which is said to resemble a woman from the breasts down. he had regular intercourse with this creature, and continued that bestial concubinage daily for more than six months without losing a single day in that communication. after that time god touched his heart, and constrained him to confess. he confessed, and was ordered not to go to that place any more; he obeyed, and ceased that abomination. i avow that if i myself had not heard it from the above [cura], i would have doubted its truth exceedingly. 18. on the afternoon of the next day, we (the cura, the alcalde-mayor, and i) set out in three boats for another curacy, namely, the one to which i was going. all three had to be reconciled, because of some slight differences that had preceded, and for that reason the voyage was made. the cura entertained us royally and we embraced and became good friends, and the feast was ended with a grand banquet which he gave us. it is not going to excess to add somewhat more than usual in such great occasions and feasts.... the truth is there was no wine, but only plenty of good water. in a few days i went out to the visitas, which were numerous and distant one from another. having passed the first, i turned inland in order to cut off a large cape which extended far into the sea from a mountain. the crossing was thickly overgrown with trees, so high that one could not see the sky at all for two leguas. the leeches were so numerous that we could not estimate them. on reaching the sea i crossed a rivulet on the shoulders of an indian, who carried his spear in his hand. half-way over he descried a fine ray-fish; he threw his spear, and nailed it to the sand. when he had carried me over, he returned and got that fish, dragging it along through the water. the indian told me what fine food its liver was, and they cooked it for me, and truly it is a fine delicacy. i mentioned that in roma in the year 73, and it so struck the fancy [of those who heard me] that some of them were anxious to secure that dainty. i did not know at that time the great virtue of the spine or claw at the point of the tail of that fish. it is an admirable remedy against toothache, and if the teeth be merely rubbed with that claw the pain leaves them; however, it must be cut off while the fish is alive. 19. i went to celebrate holy week in a small village whose little church was located in the most pleasant and agreeable place that can be found anywhere. it lay three leguas from the sea, and one ascended thither by a fine and full-flowing river, which has a bed one legua wide during the rainy season. near that river is a low-lying mountain which resembles a pleasant garden. at the south it has the most beautiful cocoa-palms; on the east and north it is covered with cacasuchiles full of flowers, which are beguiling to the sight and smell; to the east one sees very lofty mountains, which are very sightly. round about it was a hedge of tall maguey, [7] and in the middle of that stood the house and church. the village site, on the north side, and on the south, where the river flowed, was very steep, and had a fine spring at the foot. the means of approach to the village were suitably hidden, for safety from the hostile camucones. indians of other villages assembled there; all confessed and communed, and some were baptized. two things in especial happened to me there. one was a confession that covered thirty years. truly that indian confessed remarkably well, and had a very fine understanding. the other was that of a woman already of marriageable age and of excellent mind. she said to me: "father, i went to the mountain with a youth, and we lived there as if we were married for six years." (there is no lack of food in the mountains without any work.) "one night, as often before, we went to sleep upon the grass. at dawn i awoke, raised myself up to look at him, and beheld him dead at my side. so great was my fear on beholding that that i immediately descended to the village with the determination to confess and change my life. i have found an occasion when the father is here, and i wish to make use of it." i counseled her as to what she would better do, and told her to be ever mindful of the mercy that god had shown her. literally was the remark of god verified in this case, namely, that "two shall be sleeping, and one shall be taken and the other left." [8] the poor wretched youth suddenly attacked by death would run enough risk if one thought of the time and occasion when he was summoned. we practiced all the ceremonies of the church from palm sunday to the day of the resurrection. they had their altar; the chief of the village gave all the wax that was used on it. i remember that, when the mandato [9] was being preached, the good old man was softened, and suddenly kneeled down, weeping and sobbing. that devotion drew tears from me and the rest, and with them was the sermon finished. 20. all of those people are, as villagers of the mountain regions, sincere, and without a bit of malice. they attend church with great devotion, and no word is spoken to them that does not fructify; therefore the gospel will continually spread among them. but there they are held by a mass every two or three years; those who die remain dead; and immediately the cura takes great care in collecting the tribute from them, and the personal services and fees. 21. one of the great conveniences for the indians in having religious in their districts is that, since the latter are changed every little while, if the indian who is cowardly is afraid to confess to one, or has had a quarrel with him, he unbosoms himself to the other, and confesses well and freely to him. but if he once exhibits fear of the cura, or the cura gets angry at him, it is very difficult for him to show clearly what is in his breast when he goes to confess. he who made the confession to me that covered the thirty years had been silent about some matters, through fear and terror. this point is worthy of consideration. the fathers of the society had been in that island in previous years; and they had four missionaries there, who labored very earnestly. the seculars to whom it belonged before went to law with them. it was returned to the seculars, and only one cura is stationed there to administer what was administered by the four religious. already one can see what must become of it. this is to seek quæ sua sunt, non quæ jesu christi. [10] there were visitas where the cura had not set foot for fourteen years. 22. on the day of the resurrection, after the mass, and after the mystery had been explained to the people, and some rice, potatoes, eggs, and fruit had been distributed among some poor people who had come to me, i went overland to another village. i slept on the way in the shade of some trees. there i encountered an infidel from the mountains, who had an excellent disposition. i showed him many kindnesses, but since no inclinations [toward the faith] had preceded, they availed but little. next day i lodged in the house of another infidel, who treated me very well. these indians and thousands of others do not become baptized because they fear the tribute and personal services, as i have already observed in another place. 23. we arrived at the village of santiago, which has a very poor climate, and is much exposed to the attacks of the hostile camucones. the year before, some of them had been captured; and one of them said to me: "father, my wife was giving birth to a child in this house, when the enemies arrived. i jumped through that window and some followed me. the others, especially the women who were in my house, were captured. they were taken along that path, and my wife, being weak and exhausted, could not walk. to make her go forward they kept striking her with clubs, and i watched it from behind here, quite powerless to aid her. she was carrying the newborn infant on one arm, and while there those men cleft it in twain from its head down with a catan and left it there." o barbarous cruelty! all that saddened my heart, and fear would not allow me to sleep, and daily i found my health getting worse. i said to the indians that we should go to another place which was more healthful and safe, and they agreed to it. in a short time they built a chapel there and a little house for me. they built huts in their own manner for themselves, which are sufficient to protect them from the air and the rains. cold there is not, but the heat is excessive. 24. one of the chinese boats which was en route to manila by way of that island stopped there. the chinaman, named gote, told me how he had outwitted six hostile boats by a trick and his boldness. his boat carried a father of the society, and one spaniard. seeing that the enemy were about to attack him, he anticipated them. he ran up his flag, sounded his gongs, summoning and inviting them to fight and made for them. the enemy got together to take counsel, and the result was that they fled. the chinaman told me, in his broken spanish: "those people neither saw nor knew what i was carrying in my boat. they also fear death. had i fled, without doubt i would have been killed. was it not better then to attack? they must have thought or suspected that i had arms; for who would risk his own life?" on the day of st. philip and st. james i was in great tribulation. i was confessing in the chapel. i noticed that the seat in which i was seated, which was of bamboo, was shaking. i imagined that some dog was under it, and asked the indian to drive it away from there. he answered: "no, father, it is not a dog, but an earthquake." it increased in violence so much that, abandoning my penitent, i knelt down and begged god for mercy. i thought that surely the end of the world was come. i have seen many earthquakes, but none so severe as that. at the close i said: "if that earthquake has been as violent in manila, not one stone has remained upon another." i learned afterward that it had caused some damage, although it was not great. the distance thence to manila is very nearly one hundred leguas and there is a goodly stretch of water in between. 25. during those days i gave instruction and confession and administered the communion to all. there were no adults to baptize, but there were children. as the heat increased, together with the danger of the enemy and my lack of health, i resolved to return, although not a little sorry to leave two more visitas, twenty leguas from that place. i reached nanhoan by passing again through the same villages by which i had come. during that voyage i observed that, having ascended a river and told the indians to prepare me a place wherein to say mass and another in which to sleep that night, they made the whole thing in two hours, by making a covering above that place with only the leaves of the wild palm. that night a very heavy shower fell, but not a single drop leaked inside the shelter. then and on many other occasions i have noticed that each leaf was so large that an indian carried it by dragging it; and since they are fan-shaped, and have channels, and are strong, they could withstand as much rain as might fall. in another village an incident happened that caused the indians great fear, and myself not a little wonder. the indians were down at the shore, mending the boat in which i was going to embark, when suddenly a well-known fish came out of the water, which we call picuda, [11] and the portuguese vicuda. it seized an indian so firmly by the instep that it began to drag him into the sea. his companions hastened to his rescue and made the fish loose its prey by means of clubs and stones, and return to the water. they brought the young fellow to me wounded. he confessed, and was very sick. he recovered his health afterward, but was lame in that foot. those men were astonished, for they had never seen or heard that that fish went ashore, and much less that it attacked men. 26. there is a fine lake near nanhoan [12] which is so full of fish, especially skates, that one can sometimes catch them with the hands, take out the eggs and let the fish go. if those eggs be salted, they make a fine accompaniment for rice and are considered a dainty. while i was there an indian woman came to bathe, but she remained behind in the teeth of a crocodile. i left for manila, and a chief and his son with four indians set out from the southern side. the enemy met them and, although they resisted, they were captured and taken prisoners to mindanao. the lord delivered me and those with me. i passed the bay of batangas and went round by way of the lake of lombon, [13] which is very beautiful. from manila, where i remained several days, i went to batam, where i suffered the greatest discomforts and uneasiness from witches or goblins. we do not know what it was, but the result showed that it was a work of the devil. considerable danger to any man was not experienced, but we heard rumblings and noises, and stones were thrown. the house became dirty in an instant, and was clean again as quickly. chairs were overthrown with great swiftness, and we could not see who moved them; and such things as that did we see with our eyes. we passed whole nights without sleeping. 27. one of those nights another [disturbance occurred]; when i had already retired, and the noise was somewhat silenced, the fiscal and governor and some other indians came into the sleeping-room to see whether they could discover anything. they were advancing very courageously and threatening with punishment those persons who were disturbing the house; but they had no sooner entered than a stairway fell down upon them, showering them with a mass of stones, sand, and mud. they were so scared that they never returned to make another examination. i was summoned to manila, whereupon i was delivered from that most vexatious trouble, which had continued for months; and others had much to suffer and endure. chapter vi of my second mission to mindoro 1. i entered the college of santo thomàs for the third time, and that time it was to teach the morning classes in theology. the last of april of the following year, the archbishop assigned don christoval sarmiento, cura of nuestra señora de guia, as visitor of mindoro. he asked me to go in his company, and he did not have to beg me urgently, for the air at the college was very bad for me. the father provincial gave his consent, and, having taken one of my pupils as associate, we all went up-stream together, and then crossed over to the sea; and, on the day of the cross in may, i preached in bacò. the devotion of the indians to the cross is very remarkable; they venerate and celebrate it to the greatest degree imaginable. there is no indian village which is not full of crosses, and the indians set up and fix them with great neatness. as we entered the first visita on our way up-stream, we were overtaken by a furious storm, and passed a miserable night indeed in the boat, which was very small. for the second time we crossed over the mountain of the leeches, with great suffering. i had left the second visita until my return. a chief asked me to confess him, but i told him to wait a few days until my return, when i would have plenty of time. he insisted and begged me to hear him confess. i did so, and when i returned he was already dead. i considered that it was the result of his predestination. i remember that he confessed very well and with great tenderness of heart. 2. i reached the village with the beautiful location of which i have already written. but since the camucones had in the preceding year captured the chief of it on his leaving nanhoan, i found it changed now and all the people sad and disconsolate. i talked with his wife, who was in mourning, and confessed her. before i had confessed her, it is true that she had never uncovered her face. such sedateness and modesty as this is observed by many indian women, even by villagers. i consoled her as well as i could. in another village before we reached that of santiago, many indians were assembled; we remained there for a considerable time. i noted there that the dogs barked excessively during the night, and, as it was a dangerous place on account of the camucones, that caused some anxiety. i asked the indians the reason for so much barking. they answered: "father, there are many crocodiles in this river. when the dogs wish to cross over to the other side they gather in one spot and bark for a long time until they believe that the crocodiles have collected there (for it is a fact that is well known that crocodiles look for dogs as cats do for rats); and then, some of the dogs running above and some below, they cross over safe and secure from the crocodiles. that happens nightly, and consequently, there is no [cause for] anxiety when they are heard to bark." i wondered, and i remembered that i had read that the dogs of the nile region do the same thing. 3. on one of those days a spy of the enemy came to us, who beguiled us with a thousand idle stories. when we began to discover somewhat of his purpose, it was impossible to find him. an indian soon came from the other visitas with the news that ten hostile caracoas were sailing for that place. the indians took to the mountains immediately, and we were left alone with our servants. on receiving that bad news, we determined to return, grieving deeply at seeing the impediments that were unexpectedly arising to prevent our mission to the most needy villages. while returning, i heard of many skirmishes that the indians had had with the camucones, but the former always came off the worse. before reaching manila, we heard that the ship "san diego" which arrived from mexico with don pedro de villarroel as commander, had been wrecked at balaian. i heard the commander don pedro de mendiola say that that ship had cost his majesty more than two hundred thousand pesos. that was the famous "san diego" which was used as a fort when the dutch attacked manila. all the dutch ships discharged their artillery at it, and it received them all on one side, for it was beached. more than one thousand balls were found, and of the two thousand that were fired at it, not one passed through it. the timber of that country is uncommonly good, as is also the strength with which the ships are built. the ship which went to acapulco that year suffered violent storms, and one huge sea carried off fourteen sailors, according to a letter that i saw. those of the ship afterward affirmed the same thing, and they also said that when the wave that carried the men off subsided it had thrown them again into the waist of the ship, which was a piece of marvelous good fortune. he who has traveled even a little by water will have no difficulty in seeing how this could be. years before, the sailors in cavite say, another sea, which had broken upon a ship when making the same voyage, had dragged off thirty-six men; a great wave that. some few were saved, but the others were buried in the waters. when don pedro de villarroel returned, he who is now the archbishop of manila, don fray juan lopez, wrote me that a heavy sea had completely torn away the stern gallery. i had seen the ship before, and it was so staunch that it seems incredible that a wave should do such damage. at that time one would believe that some spirit stood in mariveles with a cutlass in his hand, forbidding the entrance of any ship into the bay. thus did i preach in the port of cavite. the ship which don diego faxardo had built in camboxa came near there, and was wrecked on the japanese shoals, where some persons of quality were drowned. after it left mexico under command of lorenco de ugalde, while it was in a river, so furious a storm struck it that whatever of the ship was above water was cut away and driven ashore; and some men were flung against the masts to which they remained clinging, where they were afterwards found, to the surprise [of their rescuers]. considerable money was lost and considerable was stolen. it was told in manila, as a positive fact, that the commander had obtained from cards alone twelve thousand pesos between acapulco and that place. who would believe such a thing here? in pangasinan there were thunder, lightning, and earthquakes; and rocks fell, and stones so large that they weighed five arrobas. bishop cardenas wrote about that to the governor and audiencia, and added that he himself had seen some of the above-mentioned stones. it was inferred that the stones had come from some volcano, but no one ever heard where they had come from. 3 [sic]. the loss of so many ships caused us great sadness of heart. the greatest hardship fell to the indians, for they cannot live without ships. when one is lost it is necessary to build another, and that means the cutting of wood. six or eight thousand indians are assembled for that task, and go to the mountains. on them falls the vast labor of cutting and dragging the timber in. to that must be added the blows that are rained down upon them, and the poor pay, and bad nourishment that they receive. at times, religious are sent to protect and defend them from the infernal fury of some spaniards. moreover, in the timber collected for one ship there is [actually enough] for two ships. many gain advantage at the cost of the indians' sweat, and later others make a profit in cavite, as i have seen. 4. before leaving manila, it will be apropos to say something of that island. i shall say nothing particular of the islands of oton, iloilo, zibu, marinduque, romblon, caraga, [14] calamianes, and others (all of which belong to our king, are inhabited by indians, and are administered by religious or curas), for i was not in them. i know that they abound in rice, the larger cattle, wax, cotton, and the common fruits. but, as remarked, i do not know the details from experience. only i am certain that the nests built by the swallows from the sea foam, on the crags near the shores, are valued highly, and are very delicious. when cooked with meat, they are a marvel and contain much nourishment. they are given as presents in manila. those which are carried to china are worth many ducados, as i wrote. they are abundant in calamianes, but i imagine that the same must be true of other islands also; for the portuguese trade in this commodity in sian and camboxa for china. when dry they resemble a little ash-colored earth, but they change appearance after being washed and cooked. there is no doubt that gold is found in all the islands named, in some more than in others. the island of manila is the largest and most celebrated. it extends from nine or ten degrees south latitude to more than nineteen in the north. from east to west it is very unequal. manila, which is the capital of all the islands, is near a large river and very near the sea. there reside the governor, four auditors, one fiscal, the archbishop, three royal officials, the alguaçil-mayor of the court, and the municipal corporation with its two alcaldes-in-ordinary, regidors, and alguaçil mayor. the old cathedral was overthrown by the great earthquake of st. andrew's [day] of 46. another was built later, but it was not finished in my time. there is a very spacious and beautiful royal chapel and the convents of st. dominic, st. francis, st. augustine, the society [of jesus], st. nicolas [i.e., the recollect convent], santa clara, and st. john of god; besides two colleges--ours of santo thomas, which is a university incorporated, and affiliated with that of mexico; and that of san joseph, of the society of jesus. there is a fine royal hospital; a church of santa potenciana with a house for the shelter of respectable women; and a fine church of the misericordia with a seminary where many spanish orphan girls are reared and given dowers for marriage. the best people of manila look after that seminary. the [post of] head brother of the misericordia is one of the highest offices in that community. when i had to preach in that church one year, i read the rules professed by that confraternity, and they instructed me in some things. one thing was, that during one of the former years they had distributed in alms alone to the respectable poor thirty-six thousand reals of eight. the city has very fine houses and palaces inside; while outside of it are orchards, gardens, and many baths, which are most necessary for relief from the excessive heat there. the walls, ramparts, cavaliers, covert-ways, and diamond-points which surround the city are as much as can be desired. the site is impregnable in itself, and, even if it were not, the fortifications are sufficient to protect the city. the artillery is heavy and excellent. it is one of the best strongholds that his majesty owns. outside its walls it has a babylon of villages and people on all sides. the river girdles the wall on the north side, and has a fine bridge, which is well garrisoned. as these things are already known, i shall not spend time with them. 5. in their books the chinese have mentioned the island of manila, which they call liu sung. [15] they say that it is a land where gold abounds, and in that they say truly and rightly. the provinces of pangasinan and ilocos are more remarkable in this regard than any other. rice is abundant and good. there is the rice of forty days, so that it is sown, grows, and is dried, harvested, and eaten in forty days--a very remarkable thing. there is rice of two months, of three, and of five. there are also fine lands for wheat, if there were any system and method in sowing it. if any indians sow it, it is levied upon in the king's name; and consequently, the indians do not devote themselves to that work. in my time, wheat was worth ninety pesos per fanega. if they would sow it in that country, it would be very cheap. the larger cattle are too cheap, so greatly have they multiplied. a large and strong bull is worth four pesos, according to the established price. goats are not wanting, and there are innumerable deer and very many buffaloes. the males of the buffaloes have been crossed with cows, and the result has been a third and very strange-appearing species. there are ducks, chickens, sugar, wax, and wood that is called here brazil-wood; there is so much of this that it costs only the cutting. excellent rattan is found in the greatest abundance, and more than enough cotton to clothe the people of the country. wines and brandy, made from nipa and other materials, are not wanting, nor people to drink them. there are many delicious fruits. the guayava, [16] which has spread so fast that it is destroying the pasturage, is the finest [kind of fruit]--raw, cooked, prepared in preserves, and in jelly; it is good in all forms. the reason why it has multiplied to such an extent is that crows and birds eat of it and afterward drop the stones to the ground, and wherever the latter fall they take root. the portuguese told me that the sandalwood of the island of timor had increased in that way, without any other labor, as i have already written. that tree also bears a small fruit which the birds eat, and whose stones they reject which immediately take root without any other cultivation being necessary. there are macupas, bilimbins, pahos, santols, and papaws, [17] any of which can compete with the best fruit here. there is also the nangca, [18] which is the best fruit in the world. some of them weigh over forty libras. they are delicious, and the nuts or seeds which each mouthful encloses in itself are very savory, raw or roasted. this fruit grows on the trunk of the tree, and on the large branches, but not on the small ones, as it would be impossible for their weight to be borne there. that tree has no flower. father kirquero [19] greatly admired that fruit, and the fruit of the pineapple (or ananasses, as the portuguese call them). he says that they have those fruits in china, but he was deceived in that regard; they grow in that part of the world, but not in china. the portuguese praise the ananasses of malaca highly. they are good, and without doubt there is but little difference between them and those of manila; even those which i ate in nueva españa seemed just like them. the small sapota and black sapotas, which are numerous and good, grow there. [20] there are found, above all, ates, [21] which for odor and taste i consider superior to all the fruits that god has created. there are bananas, seven or eight varieties, some better than others; and the same [may be said] of oranges. the lemons of manila are small. flowers of innumerable varieties are found, and odoriferous herbs in the same way. sweet basil and sage grow in the plain, so tall and wide-spreading that it is a wonder to see them. there are many palms--cocoa, areca, and other species. the cocoas are the most useful. before the cocoanut sprouts from the flower-stalk, a precious liquor is extracted which is called tuba by the indians, and in eastern india sura. it is distilled at night, and is a delicious and most healthful beverage by morning. if it be boiled it lasts all day. a fine syrup and excellent honey are made from it, and i have made them. the distillations of the day are made into wine, and also into the finest of vinegar. a fine tow is made from the outside shell of the cocoanut, which is used for the calking of ships and other craft. excellent ropes and fuses are made of it for all sorts of firearms, which are used by the musketeers and arquebusiers. from the inside shell are made elegant drinking-cups for water and chocolate. the water contained inside the cocoanut is drunk, and, if the cocoanut is tender, it is a very sweet and healthful beverage. the cocoanut is roasted for the sick, and after it settles the said water is drunk and produces excellent results. from the white flesh into which the water is gradually converted, a milk is extracted, with which they cook many of their eatables, among these their rice. an excellent conserve called buchayo by the indians is made from it. good oil is also extracted from this nut; and from the residue of that process the natives and creoles make a very savory dish with rice. there remain then the trunk and branches [of the tree], which have many other uses. the bamboos are also very useful. some of them are as thick as the thigh. chairs, tables, houses, very large churches, fences about the stockyards, scaffolds for buildings, and innumerable other things are made from them. there is an abundance of fish, fine shellfish, including oysters, iguanas, [22] (which, although they have an infernal shape, are the finest kind of food), and the finest shads and pampanos. in the island of manila and other islands dependent on it only a little coolness is needed, although there are parts somewhat temperate. for the rest, nothing else is needed than to take care of them. other persons will secure rich harvests, but his majesty gets nothing, although private persons gain from all of them. that country has temperatures for all products that are desired--for wheat, cloves, cinnamon, and pepper, and for mulberry trees from which the silkworms are fed. there is considerable excellent tobacco. ebony in as great quantities as are desired, and sandalwood (although it is not fine) are also found in the mountains. precious stones called bezoars are found in deer; i saw a very fine one, valued, it was said, at many ducados. a deer had been struck with a harpoon, which remained in the deer's body while the animal still lived. after some time the deer was killed, and the harpoon was found in its proper shape all covered with bezoar. one point was broken off, and in that way the head was laid bare, to the wonder of all who saw it. as arrowheads are poisoned, it was said that that stone, as it had prevented the poison of the said harpoon, must be a marvelous antidote against all poisons. i forgot to consider the fertility of the land of manila. it suffices to say that six short leguas from that city there are certain lands, called tunacan, [23] which yield one hundred and thirty fanegas of rice to one fanega sown in them. [24] that appears to me to be as much as can be desired. 6. other minor matters pertaining to manila were overlooked by me, which it is not proper to bury in silence. one is of a seminary for boys, called san juan de letran. it was founded by a religious, a lay-brother of my order, one fray diego de santa maria. [25] in my time it had more than two hundred boys, and was of great benefit to those islands. the way in which the boys were managed was inimitable in any other seminary. they were taught reading, writing, grammar, and music there. those who studied the arts and theology went to our college. they were given two suits of clothes per year, and received religious instruction. in the morning, before breakfast, they recited aloud in chorus one-third of the rosary, at noon another third, and at evening the remaining third, and the salve chanted with the litany of our lady; and at midnight of important feasts, the matins. while they were eating at dinner and supper one of them read at the table. they confessed and took communion every month, and were punished or rewarded. some of those boys became soldiers, some secular priests, and some took the habit in the convents of st. francis, st. augustine, and st. dominic, so that the seminary was a general camp of soldiers, both temporal and spiritual. an encomienda was obtained from his majesty to aid in their support. alms were obtained from burials [26] and also from the indians. it is certainly a heroic work. i am told that they have been taken inside the city now, and the most influential religious of the province live there, and, during these later years, those who have been provincials of the order. 7. all of us in this country see another very peculiar thing--namely, that although the city is small, and the spaniards few in number, yet thousands of chinese, mestizos, and natives are maintained for their service, so that there are about two hundred chinese carpenters in the parián, beside those of the other trades, and all of them are always employed in manila by the spaniards. there are about two hundred chinese and mestizo barbers, all of whom live on the spaniards; and others in the same proportion. outside the walls there is a famous hospital for the natives, which is well taken care of by the franciscan fathers who have charge of it. opposite the fortress of san gabriel lies our charge, namely, the care of the chinese. there one finds a chinese physician, chinese medicines, a religious who understands the chinese language, a nurse, and servants who have charge of everything. rarely does one die without baptism, and many of them show abundant signs of salvation. all the neighborhood of manila, except the part that borders on the sea, is filled with villages and churches--that of the parián being ours, where there is always a religious who knows the chinese language. dilao is a village of japanese, and has a franciscan religious. the parish church of santiago is for spaniards who live outside the walls; also that of nuestra señora de guia, which has a very miraculous image. our image of the rosary is most miraculous, and it is the consolation of all the city and of the islands. it is said that they have made imperial crowns for the son and the mother, even more precious than those which i said were possessed by our lady of the rosary and her blessed son in mexico. the recollect fathers of our father st. augustine have [an image], an ecce homo, which excites devotion most powerfully, and has been taken to the hearts of all people. it was placed in position amid great rejoicing and imposing ceremonies, shortly after the arrival of don sabiniano manrique de lara--who took part therein very fervently, and who went to hear mass in that sanctuary every friday throughout the year. 8. some influential persons of the city died during those years. among them were don francisco diaz de mendoça, noble, virtuous, and beloved by all; the commander don pedro de mendiola, a fine soldier and very gentlemanly, who was governor of terrenate and castellan of cavite, and held other important posts; sargento-mayor navarro, or, as he was otherwise called, "the just judge" (his father-in-law, diego enriquez de losada, a man of well-known virtue, was drowned in the camboxa ship). of the secular priests died the two best bonnets [27] that those islands have had, namely, don juan de ledo and don alonso zapata, both dignidades of the cathedral and doctors of our university, and notable in teaching and in the pulpit. i believe that no one of the dignidades of my time is still living. 9. the members of the audiencia of that time were don sebastian cavallero de medina, a creole of mexico; don albaro fernandez de ocampo, a native of madrid; don francisco samaniego y ivesta, a montañes; and don salvador de espinosa, a creole of vera-cruz; and the fiscal, don n. de bolivar. all showed me many favors. i have dedicated conclusions [28] to the second and third, and others afterward also to don sabiniano who was present in the royal audiencia. [then there were] the master-of-camp, don pedro de almonte, and the sargento-mayor, don martin de ocadiz, who had gone as commandant of the relief sent that year to terrenate. the commissary of the holy office was father fray francisco de paula, who had been provincial, and filled that office for the second time afterward, a man of great influence in all things. at that time, then, i resolved to leave the islands. 10. a very holy and catholic action that occurred in manila during the preceding years had slipped my memory; it is very proper that it be known by all, and venerated and applauded by the sons of the church. when the catholics were exiled from japon, they went, as is known, to manila. the welcome, good treatment, kindnesses, and presents that were showered upon those confessors of jesus christ cannot be imagined; the people tried to outdo one another in showing their piety. not a few sick and leprous persons arrived, and yet was charity so great that they were taken into the houses to be treated; and those who obtained some of them even considered themselves fortunate. they were regarded as saints, and were esteemed a great reliquary of inestimable value. governor, auditors, citizens, religious, and soldiers engaged in a scuffle, [29] in common phrase, in order to secure a japanese whether well or sick. no doubt that caused great edification among the heathen people from china, who were watching everything. although the chinese see and notice our faults, on that occasion they experienced the marvelous effects of our holy law. to have there such and so many witnesses must have made them see that our conduct and mode of living was such that they would recognize it here and glorify our god and lord.... i heard later that some of the people in europa did not act so kindly to the exiles from irlanda.... chapter vii of the departure from manila, and the voyage to macasar 1. don sabiniano manrique was governing to the satisfaction of the community. no governor in the world has ever kept all the people satisfied, or ever will. however, some restless fellows were not wanting, a thing that no human prudence can avoid. but it is a very strong argument for his good government that the commander don francisco enriquez de losada wrote in the year sixty-six (and i have his letter in my possession) that all the people, and especially the religious, were calling for don sabiniano. i never heard that they cried out for others. this is most sufficient testimony for the praise and credit of that illustrious gentleman. although his lordship had given me his word to provide me with quarters in the ship which was going to acapulco that year, the terror that reigned in my soul at the thought of passing those seas, and other things, induced me to take passage with my old friend, the commander christoval romero. all my viaticum and supplies resolved themselves into sixty reals of eight, four tunics, and two habits, that i might travel more lightly and unimpeded. i left my cloak with a friend, and went without that and other things no voyage by water can be assured, even if only for a few leguas; and it is folly to appoint it for fixed days. 2. we set sail on the fourteenth of february, and i confess that i was soon depressed, and feared that the voyage would turn out ill; for the seamen, who in accordance with all good reasoning ought to live with greater discretion and fear, commenced to go astray. the east winds were blustering by that time, but to us it appeared that they had shut themselves up in their secret treasuries. we reached zamboanga march six, where we met the relief ship that was en route to terrenate. it had taken on rice and meat at oton, and their commandant was already dead. at seven o'clock at night we continued our journey, and in a sudden squall the sail swept our best sailor into the sea, and he stayed there. that misfortune increased my terrors. during our crossing to the island of macasar, a distance of sixty leguas, the storms were furious; the waves the most terrible ever seen; the samatras most powerful, although of short duration; and, above all, pilots were unreliable. one morning we awoke to find ourselves among some rugged cliffs and huge rocks; i know not how that boat got among them without being dashed to pieces. we escaped out of that danger, to fall into greater ones. in four or five days we found the weather very clear until half-past eleven o'clock; but when we went to take [observations of] the sun the sky would be darkened and covered with clouds, and we with gloom. the shore was on our left hand--at a distance of about two leguas at times, as we found out afterward; but it was so covered with clouds that we could not descry it. we proceeded for one day with a most favoring wind and weather straight toward our objective point. our people fancied that it was an immense bay, and seeing land to the north, went thither in that mistaken belief. the current opposed us so powerfully that, the wind having freshened considerably, we could not gain a palmo of land. as we then were, we should have reached macasar in one week; but my sins were the reason why we did not arrive until the following october. to reach that land, we placed ourselves in the care of god and fortune. on holy saturday, (the last of march) when we tried to cast anchor we felt the boat ground upon some shoals. i cannot describe the confusion that arose, and what i saw and suffered. all cried out "lower the sails!" but no one attempted to lower them. i got into a corner to commend myself to god, for i thought that the end had come. the sea went down, and we saw that we were surrounded by sandbanks and shoals, except for the channel, through which we had sailed under the guidance of god. the stern was in fourteen brazas and the bow was hard and fast. we worked more than half the night; and, luckily for us, the weather was clear and calm. the sea rose, and, with the tow-ropes that were cast out and the other efforts that were made, the ship was set afloat without having sprung a leak. at dawn we set sail once more. o! what a sad easter was ours! our supplies were daily diminishing, and the perplexity in which we were was increasing hourly. in fine, after a week we found ourselves embayed, and could find no outlet into the sea. small boats were plying to and fro in that region. they took us for pirates, and we took them for robbers, so that we fled from each other without finding any way of getting light on the place where we were. we had already found by the sun that we were lost, for we were two degrees in north latitude, which did not accord with our sailing directions. we spent another week in getting out of that bay. we saw clearly the land of the other side, and as we had good weather to cross the commander wished, contrary to the opinion of all, to remain and to anchor until next day. as we were eating he said to us: "all oppose me. is not your reverence of my opinion that we should cross on saturday morning?" i answered "sir, the best time for crossing is when god gives us a good wind." he was silent, but stuck to his opinion. at three in the afternoon on the second day of the crossing, on the eve of st. mark, so strong a southwester arose, that it was necessary to run before the wind, near shore, without knowing of the shoals that were there. that was one of the most wretched nights that i have passed on sea. the mainsail was torn into shreds, the yard was broken, the foremast was snapped off, and the rod of the steering-gear was broken. we all went into the cabin, and recited the rosary and the litanies of our lady, waiting for what god was going to do with us. all had already confessed. after midnight, being worn out, i fell asleep in a little corner. when i awakened, the wind had ceased, but the dead seas troubled us greatly. we saw land near us, and certain landmarks were recognized, by which we were not a little consoled. we had been one and one-half months in that region. we there encountered the island called diablo [i.e., devil's island], and we could have entered the kingdom of totole, if our courage had not failed us. the commander resolved to turn back and go to the kingdom of bohol, [30] in order to lay in fresh supplies. the journey was half over when the wind veered to the bow, and we again ran before it. thus did we plow through that sea. we returned the second time to bohol. we were all but gone, and it was my counsel to return. the commander said: "father, some angel spoke through your reverence's lips; for it is a foregone conclusion that we would perish if the furious wind which arose had taken us where we were the day before." some things were purchased. we carried thence an indian from manila, now half moroized, who afterward proved a great consolation to us, as he was most experienced on that coast. on corpus christi day we anchored near totole, where we found captain navarro, who was also going to macasar in another champan. we were very joyful at that, although our joy was short-lived. by the variation of time during the voyage which is made through eastern india, it is well known that twelve hours are gained, while a like time is lost in our indias. from terrenate to india the reckoning of the portuguese is observed. according to our reckoning, we reached that place on corpus christi day (a thursday) which those who were en route from terrenate reckoned as friday; so that we had eaten flesh at noon, and at night when we were in the port we ate fish. we lost that day, as well as the following one, which was saturday--so that, if we had anchored at midnight, we would properly have had a week without any friday, and only five days long. as for the divine office, although i was not under obligation to recite all the prayers for friday, i recited, since i had time and to spare, those for thursday and those for friday on the very day of corpus christi. 3. we bought a quantity of sago [31] there, called by the indians in manila yoro. it is the heart of certain palm-trees; when soaked, it makes a yellow meal (properly it looks like yellow sand). certain cakes are made from it which serve that people in lieu of bread; we lived on it for six months. although it is a good food for europeans, at times it fails to satisfy the hunger. sometimes it seemed insipid food, but at others it tasted good. that tree is so flexible that it is never cut although it may be more than one vara in circumference. in manila the indians eat this food in time of need. that caused us considerable pity when we saw it, for really it is only pounded wood; but then it seemed to us to be a great dainty. that site [i.e., totole] lay in a trifle over one degree north latitude. from ten until two the sun beat down fiercely, but, at that hour, a heavy shower fell every day, and there were terrible thunders and heavy winds that cooled off everything; and the nights were so cool that we had to put on heavy clothing. 4. captain navarro and the commander agreed between themselves to winter there. our anger at that was great. two other passengers and i tried to buy a boat from the king and to go away in it. having made the agreement and paid the money, the king went back on his bargain, and kept more than one-half of the sum paid. he was a great rogue, although he treated me with much honor, and always seated me near himself. some very ridiculous things happened to me with him. his palace was a little hut of bamboos and straw; but he bore himself there with an incredible majesty, and all who spoke to him prostrated themselves on the ground. he gave us a banquet, in which he offered us some sago cakes, and some very small fish cooked without a particle of salt. the prince died there, and i confess that i was astonished at the burial. the king and queen went to his funeral, the king with wooden shoes and the queen barefoot. when they returned, as the queen was going up to her house, a female servant washed her feet on the ladder. for twenty-four hours, some swivel-guns which stood at the palace door were fired every half hour. the king went into retreat, and would not grant audience for many days. he made an auction of all his possessions, in order to express his grief; but no one dared buy anything. we noted a very extraordinary thing there, namely, that the majority of those people did not care for silver. if we showed them an eight-real piece and a single real, they preferred the single real to the eight-real piece. as long as the single reals lasted we lived cheaply, but when we ran out of them, they refused to give us as much for an eight-real piece as they had given us for a single real. we suffered great hunger. one day i went to the beach, and encountered a negro cook of the commander, who was cooking some fish. i asked him to give me one or two of them, but he replied: "father, they have been counted." "then for the love of god, will you give me at least a little of that hot water?" "yes," he said, "i will give you that." i went up along the beach, where i found a dirty half of a cocoanut-shell, deeply encrusted with sand; i washed it with my hands and got my hot water in it. i put into it a half-crust of dry sago (even though it remain a whole day in water, the water will not penetrate it), and i managed to eat some mouthfuls of it, although it was very hard on my teeth, and drank my hot water. with that, i was content to take a bit of exercise, and to finish with prayer what was lacking to me [for my meal]. 5. when the tide went down, the seamen went to catch shellfish on the reefs which were exposed. they caught curious kinds of snails, toads, and snakes of a thousand forms and shapes. everything tasted good, and we grew fat. i reached such a state that i stole sago, when i got a chance and could do it secretly. many times i asked what dainties were more necessary than a little rice boiled in water. in manila i observed very strictly the rules laid down by the physicians that i should not eat butter, or this or that; but during the voyage i ate such things, that i know not how i lived. qui dat nivem sicut lanam [32] applies here. we left totole on the first of august. those cruel men put us all in great risk of losing our lives; four of us had already died, and others of us were sick. i noted one very curious thing, namely, that a poor negro, who had embarked only to beg alms in macasar, began the voyage so weak that he could not stand upright. yet all that hardship and misery (in which he had the greatest share) cured him completely; and he fattened so much that he did not appear to be the same man. at sunset of the day of our father st. dominic, we crossed the line and entered south latitude. the line crosses two islands, called dos hermanas [i.e., two sisters]. the wind blew so cold off shore that we all wrapped ourselves in all the clothes that we had. in europa, in more than 50 degrees north latitude, men were burning with the heat at that time, while we under the line were shivering with cold. who can understand that philosophy?... two days after, we reached the kingdom of caile, [33] which lies in one and one-half degrees south latitude. it has an admirable bay, more than three leguas long and two wide. as soon as we had anchored, a manila indian came to us, one juan de la cruz. he read very devoutly, and had his rosary about his neck. i ransomed him for twenty pesos and took him to macasar, where he proved to be a great rogue. he told us that there were two portuguese there, and we went immediately to see them. on the way, we visited a petty king who regaled us on cocoanuts. captain navarro asked for some water to drink. the queen said that there was none in the house, and the king in anger ordered them to go for some immediately. on hearing that, the queen went out of her apartment instantly, and having taken a large bamboo went straight to the river (which was near) for water; then she returned and we had our drink. at that place one of the portuguese overtook us; the other was very sick. we went to his house, where moros, both men and women, came to see us; and among them, those infernal monsters of men clad in women's clothes, who are married publicly to other men. nothing has ever surprised me more than that. the portuguese told us there that there were men who preferred to marry these [creatures] rather than women. they gave two reasons, one that they look after the welfare of their husbands carefully; the other that they were very diligent and rich, because they alone could be orives. 6. that is the kingdom where the men and women dress only in paper; and, since it is a material which does not last long, the women are continually working at it with great industry. the material consists of the bark of a small tree, [34] which we saw there. they beat it out with a stone into curious patterns, and make it as they desire, coarse, fine, and most fine; and they dye it in all colors. twenty paces away, these appear like fine camlets. much of it is taken to manila and macao, where i saw excellent bed-curtains [made of it]; in cold weather they are as good as one can desire. in the rainy season, which is the great enemy of paper, the remedy applied by those people is to undress and put one's clothes under one's arm. 7. the men are always busy in making cocoanut oil, of which they sell considerable, and pay much in tribute to the king of macasar. while we were there, he sent for ninety thousand celemins of oil. the palm-groves in those fields are astonishing. the bananas which that land produces are the best in the world, and innumerable. the natives live on them and sow no rice nor any other kind of seed. we remained in those villages for one week, without eating anything else than bananas or drinking anything else than [the juice of] cocoanuts. they raise buffaloes, goats, and horses, which they sell. when they hold their general assemblies, they eat one or two buffaloes, half raw and half roasted. the villages are excellently arranged, and the council-houses are admirable. the climate is fine, and the people would pay homage to the spaniards very willingly, as we were told there, merely to be freed from the tyrannical dominion of the king of macasar. 8. i afterward ransomed another manila indian. he was sick, and i confessed him; but when we arrived at macasar he died. i gave six pesos for him, and would doubtless have given my habit. we left the bay, but on st. bartholomew's eve we were obliged to put back into port because of heavy seas. on the nativity of our lady we left once more, and by slow sailing we reached the kingdom of mamuyo. [35] we made port with great difficulty, and there all the sailors fell sick. together with the sick portuguese, and two servants whom we had, i bought a small boat. while it was being mended, i rested and looked after the sick. i saw the king's palace; it was an excellent structure, and made of fine woods. we took our departure, the two champans remaining anchored there. it cost us our triumph to escape from some dangers; but we passed the nights with great ease and rest. of a truth, we committed some acts of rashness. when we reached the kingdom of mandar [36] we found another king, already an old man. he treated us well, and immediately sent the prince to see me; he was a fine young fellow. moreover, we went to macasar together, which is the capital of all the island. [there] we found the people more civilized. it was god's will, and was due to his mercy, that i should reach macasar nine months and three days after leaving manila, although that voyage had never taken more than forty days. i thought that i had reached paradise. i found two members of my order there, and i thought them two angels; and they certainly were that for me, for they regaled me as much as their poverty permitted. as for me, it is certain that nothing gladdened me so much as to see myself away from the sea, among my friends, and where i could say mass. chapter viii of my stay in the kingdom of macasar [the large and fertile island of macasar, which is located near borneo, is ruled by one called the sumbanco (signifying "emperor"), who has many petty kings subject to him. commerce is brisk, and ships from manila, goa, and macao, and dutch and english ships, frequent the island. the portuguese of malacca and the mahometans from siam were the first to publish the name of god there. "before that trade opened, they were all heathen; they thought it well to accept one of the two faiths, and to follow it. not to err in so necessary a matter, they resolved to employ a ridiculous method, namely, to despatch at the same time a boat to sian for moros, and another to malacca for religious, agreeing that they would receive the first ones who arrived." the moros arrived first through the fault of the portuguese. when malacca falls to the dutch, many portuguese and mestizos take refuge at macasar, where they are well received and form a considerable settlement. it is a haven for traders, for there are no duties of any kind, but the captains need only make presents to the sumbanco. the prince receives navarrete well, and visits him at the house of an influential portuguese. the churches of the dominicans and jesuits have been destroyed at the request of the bishop of malacca, whence have arisen various troubles. soon after, navarrete pays a visit to the prince in the palace, where he sees various books and maps that had belonged to the missions. an embassy at that time from jacatra finally results in war with the dutch, who conquer the natives in 1670, and carry off the sumbanco and prince. as a consequence all the portuguese leave the island. at macasar, navarrete meets the chief of mindoro who had been captured four years before. the missionary preaches in macasar through lent, but the native rulers do not become christians. two portuguese arrested for a murder by the sumbanco are promised life if they will renounce christianity. one, refusing, is killed immediately; the other, acquiescing, is allowed to live, but soon escapes to macao. many of the portuguese slaves have become mahometans; and, in addition, christians and mahometans are living together in concubinage. in borneo are more than four thousand captive indians from manila. "in all the islands of that archipelago there are indians from philipinas, either refugees or captives. wherever i have been, from china to surrate, i found people from manila and its islands. people try, forsooth, to impute the decrease of the indians to other and fanciful beginnings; but let them be well treated, and they will not flee. let them be protected, and they will not be captured. no vessel leaves manila, whether it is of portuguese, or siamese, or cambodians, etc., that does not carry indians from the islands." in may, 1658, a portuguese ship from goa arrives at the island with information of the loss of ceylon. among its passengers are some franciscans and jesuits. navarrete, tired of the sea, determines to go to macan with the other religious, and devote his life to the chinese missions.] condition of the clergy of the philippines the procurator-general of the dominicans in madrid, fray pedro diaz del cosio, made a representation to the queen-regent in august, 1674, in regard to the condition of the clergy of the islands, because of the almost perpetual vacancies [in the sees] of the archbishop and bishops, and the excessive subjection in which the governors held them, and the harsh treatment accorded them. [37] he represented that the bishopric of nueva caceres had been vacant for about thirty-one years; and that he who had last been presented (on september 30, 1672) had not obtained the bulls from his holiness. that the bishopric of cebu had not had any bishop who was regularly appointed and who took possession, for about nineteen years, when don fray juan lopez assumed that post in 1666; that the latter had been promoted to the bishopric of manila; that don diego de aguilar was presented in 1672, a dominican of the age of sixty years, but had not yet, at that date (1674), obtained the bulls (although he had accepted the dignity)--without doubt, because he was old and lived in mejico. that the bishopric of nueva segovia had been vacant for about fifteen years, since the death of the last bishop, don fray rodrigo de cardenas, [38] a dominican; for he who had then (1674) been presented, namely, don jose poblete, dean of the cabildo of manila, had not yet obtained the bulls nor his authorization, for lack of money. that the archbishopric of manila, the one which had been vacant the least time (since the death of don miguel de poblete in 1668), had been given to don fray juan lopez, bishop of cebu, whose bulls could not arrive until 1674--six years of vacancy. that the governors were interested in having vacancies; for they filled the posts provisionally, and for that reason they were slow in giving information of a vacancy. that the incomes of the bishops were scant, and were collected at the will of the governors, who paid them poorly, and curtailed them. therefore arrangements should be made to let the bishops themselves collect their dues from the tributes, as these were paid in. that the cost of the bulls ought to be paid from the royal treasury. that appointments ought to be given to persons not over forty years of age. that they should be given to dominican friars, who would obtain the bulls without any delay. that the third part of the income of the vacancies should be given to the persons appointed, in order to pay for the bulls. that the power of exiling bishops should be taken from the governors and audiencia. that three auxiliary bishops should be appointed, who should succeed, according to their seniority, [in case of vacancies] in the archbishopric and bishoprics, and should begin to govern immediately. the father procurator, fray pedro del cosio, set forth those claims, but no one took any notice of them. the memorial was presented to the council, october 26, 1674. having been investigated by the fiscal--whom, as well as the other persons who intervened in it, father cosio visited--it was examined in the council, march 11, 1675, and gave rise to the following resolutions: that the governors of filipinas should report promptly to the council the vacancies of the bishoprics, under penalty of a fine of two thousand pesos. that the archbishop of manila should appoint governors ad interim in the vacancies of the three bishoprics of filipinas; and his holiness should be petitioned for despatches, so that in such case the ecclesiastical spiritual authority should be exercised by the consecrated bishops left. that the royal officials of mejico should remit on separate account what was owing to the archbishop and cabildo of manila, without the governor and royal officials of filipinas having any part in it. that the audiencia alone could proceed, in accordance with law, against the ecclesiastics, and not the governor by himself alone. that the archbishop should report the amount of the tithes of the islands, in each of the three bishoprics, in order to erect cathedrals and establish cabildos. that the royal officials of manila should report the amount of the third part of the [incomes of the] last vacancies of the bishoprics. it appears further: that the council was about to resolve that one-third of the incomes of the vacancies of the bishoprics of filipinas should belong to the treasury, and another third part should be conceded to the bishops-elect to pay for the bulls. that it was resolved to augment the income of the archbishop to five thousand pesos, and that of the bishops to four thousand pesos. that it was about to petition roma to lower by one-third the cost of the bulls to the bishops of filipinas. that the archbishop should punish public scandals of incontinence, both of lewd women and of men living in concubinage. that in the disputes of don gerónimo herrera with the archbishop [39] some matters were determined in favor of the latter. prerogatives of ex-provincials granted to the procurators of the order of hermits of st. augustine in filipinas innocent xi, pope. in future remembrance of the affair. not long ago it was represented to us on the part of our sons the brethren of the order of hermits of st. augustine of the province of the islands known as the philippines, in the ocean sea that as they had to send a religious to attend to urgent matters of the said province in the roman and spanish royal courts, nor was any religious found willing to undertake such burden because of the very long and toilsome journey, that could not be made without grave discomforts and danger of life, as also because such procurators after laboring three years and longer in their charge were not allowed any prerogative, the same petitioners very earnestly desire a grant from us to the effect that those who for three continuous years shall exercise the duty of procurator in the said courts shall enjoy the privileges of ex-provincials. since, moreover, not only the whole province aforesaid, but also the late prior-general of the said order, has petitioned for the grant of such indulgence, therefore the said petitioners have humbly solicited us to make through our apostolic bounty due provision in the premises. 1. accordingly, desiring to reward the petitioners with special favors and graces, moreover considering them all and singular to be free from any sort of excommunication, ... and being not indisposed to hearken to their prayers, with the counsel of our venerable brethren the cardinals of the holy roman church who are in charge of matters appertaining to bishops and regulars, and with the consent of the aforementioned prior general, by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents, we grant and allow those religious of the said province who in the future shall exercise at least for three years the duty of procurator of their province in the aforesaid courts the full and lawful possession and enjoyment of all the privileges, prerogatives, and exemptions now possessed and enjoyed by ex-provincials of the same province--due regard, however, always being had in the premises to the authority of the congregation of the same cardinals. 2. decreeing that these present letters shall always be held as binding, valid, and efficacious, and shall obtain their plenary and entire results, etc. given at rome, at st. mary major's, under the seal of the fisherman, december 17, 1677, the second year of our pontificate. royal patronage extended to the university of santo tomas the king. inasmuch as fray alonso sandín, [40] definitor and procurator-general of the province of santo rosario of the order of st. dominic in the filipinas islands, has represented to me that a public academic institution was erected in the college of santo tomás of the city of manila, by a bull of his holiness innocent x, promulgated november 20, 1645, at the instance of the king my sovereign and father (may he rest in peace) and passed by my council of the indias, by virtue of which degrees in the arts and theology are granted in that institution, with full rigor of examinations and publicity, to capable persons in those islands, from which follows a notable advantage for furnishing prebends and curacies, for which the students therein compete, they petition me that, considering this, in order that the students' energy may not decrease in what at present is flourishing, i be pleased to admit that university under my royal patronage, and declare myself to be its patron. my said council, having examined the petition, together with an authentic copy of the document erecting the university and of what my fiscal said concerning it, i have considered it expedient to admit, as by this present i do, the said university of the college of santo tomás of the city of manila under my protection, and declare it to be under my royal patronage. i order my president and the auditors of my audiencia of that city, and request and charge the archbishop of the city, the bishops of the said islands, the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, the superiors of the orders, and any other of my judges and justices of the islands, that they consider it as such, and observe it; and that they cause to be observed the privileges and exceptions that pertain to it by reason of such patronage, for so is my will. given in madrid, may 17, 1680. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: josé de veitialinage [41] in the city of manila, august 21, 1681. the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these filipinas islands, while in royal council, after having examined the petition of father fray juan de santa maría [42] of the order of preachers, and rector of the university of santo tomás de aquino, together with his majesty's royal decree which is mentioned therein, in which his majesty receives his university under his royal protection and declares it to be under his royal patronage; and that due execution and fulfilment be given thereto in this royal audiencia, together with the petition for the fiscal in the examination given it: the aforesaid took the decree in their hands, kissed it, and placed it upon their heads, as a decree of their king and legitimate sovereign (whom may the divine majesty preserve, with increase of new kingdoms and seigniories); and in obedience thereto declared that they would observe, fulfil, and execute it, in accordance with, and as his majesty ordains and commands, and--leaving a certified copy of it in the record books--that the original would be returned. thus they voted and decreed and signed it with their rubrics before the fiscal. before me: juan sánchez letter to carlos ii sire: although the royal audiencia must give you information of the controversies that have arisen between the religious of st. dominic and the fathers of the society of jesus--from which resulted others between the archbishop of this city and the said fathers, as he attempted to be the judge in their suits, upon which they implored your royal aid--i cannot avoid, for my own part, giving you an account thereof, in order not to fail in my obligation. i must embark in a few days for nueva segovia, from which place the despatch that i would send may not arrive in time [for the mail to acapulco], on account of the storms that may arise and the perils of the way that have been experienced--especially at this present time, with the deaths of several passengers, among them a religious of st. john of god. [43] and although in another letter (which i sent by way of banta) i gave your majesty a detailed account of the litigation that has begun to take shape between the college of san joseph, which is in charge of the fathers of the society, and that of santo thomas, which is administered by the fathers of st. dominic, it has seemed needful that i should continue that account, giving it quite fully on account of the unforeseen events that since have resulted. years ago the said fathers of st. dominic began a lawsuit against those of the society in regard to the priority of their college, and, too, in regard to the authorization enjoyed by the society of power to confer degrees on their students in arts and theology. after many disputes, and declarations by the royal audiencia, both parties had recourse to your royal council of the indias; the society obtained sentence in its favor, and the royal executory decree was ordered to be issued--of which, it cannot be doubted, account can be given in the council. and although the society have remained in peaceable possession, during the course of so long a time as has elapsed since the said executory decree, the order of st. dominic have tried in every way to disturb them--giving, in the "conclusions" which they print, the impression that their university is the only one [in manila], and that the degrees conferred in that of the society of jesus were null and void. and now they are again styling their college of santo thomas a "royal college;" and for greater ostentation they placed, on the twenty-fourth of november in the past year, your majesty's arms over the gates of the said college. when the fathers of the society saw this, they raised objections, demanding the observance of what was decreed and ordained by your majesty in the above-mentioned executory decree, and that the rector of the college of santo thomas be notified of it, in order that he might not plead ignorance on account of not being an old resident of this city. the said rector, being notified of this opposition, purposely absented himself. your royal audiencia commanded that copies of the decisions of your royal council, contained in the executory decree, be affixed to the doors of the said college of santo thomas, and posted in other public places in this city. the rector, without doubt, must have resented the command by your royal audiencia; for upon one of the posted copies of the decisions of the council a lay religious of st. dominic placed another paper, in which he censured the fathers of the society for trading and bartering. [44] thereupon immediately came out your archbishop, who is of the said order, [45] with official statements against the society, calling upon many laymen, residents of the city, to express their opinion on the point at issue, under [penalty of] censures. he also sent a notary to the ship "santa rossa" (which had put back to port), for the same purpose, because among those who had embarked thereon was father gerónimo de ortega, [46] who had been appointed by the said order procurator-general for your royal court and that of roma, with his companion, father luis de morales. [47] this arrogant act was perhaps occasioned by seeing the said procurator and his companion lade on the ship various goods which they ordinarily send to the marianas for the support and maintenance of the fathers who reside there, and of the others who (as is generally and publicly known) are aided by the said fathers with their accustomed charity and zeal. for these purposes they employ the liberal alms with which your majesty has been pleased to coöperate in the promotion of a work so to the service of god our lord, in that and other labors--as in the missions of china and other realms, where they are occupied in preaching the holy gospel. besides, [i must not omit mention of] the disinterested manner in which they proceed in the administration of the missions which they occupy; this is sufficient testimony to their being so far removed from transactions of that sort, and evidence that we can and ought to understand; for every one knows that they do not exact fees for burials or marriages, or other functions. in this condition has remained the litigation of the said fathers--who are protected by your royal audiencia; and since it is necessary for a definite account of the proceedings in future, i refer you in everything to the official legal report of the audiencia. may our lord prosper your majesty with the happiness and success that christendom needs for its protection and promotion. manila, february 24, 1683. francisco, bishop of nueva segovia. [endorsed: "manila; to his majesty; 1683. the bishop of nueva segovia, don francisco pizarro. received on may 19, 1685, by the hand of diego altamirano, procurator of the society." these lines are followed by a brief synopsis of the bishop's letter, and the comment, "thus far no letter has been received from the audiencia; but recently letters have come from the bishop of nueva caceres, don fray andres gonzalez, and the assistant bishop barrientos, which mention, among other matters, the commercial transactions of the society; and this information has been handed to the fiscal."] [endorsed: "council; let two other letters be brought--one from this bishop, and the other from the assistant bishop duran."] [endorsed: "council; june 4, 1685. carry this to the fiscal, so that he can examine with it all the other papers relating to this subject; and let a clerk make a brief of the whole matter."] insurrections by filipinos in the seventeenth century gadanes; 1621 [an account of this uprising is given by aduarte in book ii, chap. xvii, of his historia; see our vol. xxxii, pp. 113-120.] in bohol and leyte; 1622 [see account of the bohol revolt in vol. xxiv, pp. 116-119; it also spread to leyte. we present here some further account, obtained from murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 17, 18; diaz's conquistas, pp. 132-136. concepción (in hist. de philipinas, v, pp. 20-25) adds nothing new.] the majority of the ministers in the island of bohol [48] had gone to zebu, to celebrate the feasts of the beatification of st. xavier; in their absence lucifer attempted to possess himself again of those souls. the divata, or demon, appeared to some indians in the woods--its face covered, like that of one taking the discipline--and commanded them to quit the gospel ministers and the spanish vassalage, and take refuge in the hills; and to build him a chapel, where he would aid them and give them whatever they needed to pass their lives in happiness and abundance, without the encumbrance of paying tribute to the spaniards or dues to the churches. two or three indians, who on account of their evil deeds were wandering as fugitives, became priests of this divata, in order to persuade the people to apostasy and rebellion; and, to take away the fear which they naturally feel toward the spaniards, these priests told them that, if they would attack the spaniards, the divata would cause the mountains to rise against their foe; that the muskets of the latter would not go off, or else the bullets would rebound on those who fired them; that if any indian should die, the demon would resuscitate him; that the leaves of the trees would be converted into saranga (which is a large fish); that when they cut bejucos, these would distil wine instead of water; that from the banana-leaves they would make fine linen; and, in short, that all would be pleasure, enjoyment, and delight. with these magnificent promises, so attractive to men--and especially to the indians, who are so inclined to idleness and sloth--four villages revolted; only loboc (which is the chief village) and baclayon remained firm in the faith, and in loyalty to the king. information of this reached zebu, and immediately don juan de alcarazo, alcalde-mayor of zebu, went to quiet the island; [49] he invited them to make peace, for which the rebels did not care. their boldness increasing, they burned the four villages and their churches; they flung on the ground the rosaries and crosses, and pierced an image of the blessed virgin eighteen times with javelins--although afterward in zebu some tried to make amends to her with the most affectionate demonstrations of reverence, and she was placed in our church. thereupon the chief ordered troops from zebu, fifty spaniards and a thousand friendly indians, [50] accompanied by a father; and on new year's day, 1622, he began the march to the mountains, where the insurgents were. for five days they traveled through rugged hills and deep ravines, crossing marshes where the mud came to their knees, or even to their waists, and shedding their blood on the thorns and briars. on the fifth day, the insurgents killed a friendly indian; this they celebrated with loud shouts, and it greatly increased their arrogance. on the following day, more than 1,500 rebel indians attacked our vanguard, which consisted of sixteen spaniards and three hundred indians; but when our muskets were fired so many fell dead that the rebels began to retreat to a bamboo thicket. when we followed them, a heavy rain fell, which encouraged the rebels, for they said that our muskets were then useless. but heaven favored our cause with a marvel, since, although the pans of the musket-locks were full of water, the soldiers declared that the powder never failed to catch fire, nor did the matches go out. at this the rebels fled into the mountains; and our men arrived at a village of more than a thousand houses, in the midst of which was the temple of their divata. our troops found there much food, various jewels of silver and gold, and many bells of the sort those people use--all which was given to our indians. the rebels were in a fortification of stone, in which they had placed many stones and clods of earth to throw at our men; but the latter, covering themselves with their shields, seized the redoubt, with the death of many of the enemy, [51] and in a fortnight returned to loboc. captain alcarazo, who was foremost in all these engagements, commanded that some of the rebels be hanged, and published a pardon to the rest; and he returned to zebu, [52] where the victory was celebrated. this success had very important results, for it checked the revolt of other islands and other villages--who were expecting the favorable result which the demon had promised them, so that they could shake off the mild yoke of christ, and with it their vassalage to the spaniards. many of them, now undeceived, accepted the pardon; but others, who were stubborn, fortified themselves at the summit of a rugged and lofty hill, difficult of access, and closed the road [to it] with brambles and thorns. [53] they also filled the paths with very sharp stakes driven into the soil, and placed among the branches of the trees many crossbows, [54] in order that these, being discharged as our men passed them, might wound the soldiers; and above they provided many stones to throw at the spaniards, hurling them from the top of the hill. six months later the same don juan alcarazo returned, to dislodge those rebels with forty spaniards and many indians. after suffering great hardships in making the paths accessible, nearly all his men were hurt, by the time they reached the fort, by the many stones which the enemy hurled down from the summit; but our soldiers courageously climbed the ascent, firing their muskets, and killed many of the rebels, putting the rest to flight. thus was dispersed that sedition, which was one of the most dangerous that had occurred in the islands--not only because the boholans were the most warlike and valiant of the indians, but on account of the conspiracy spreading to many other tribes. noble examples of fidelity in this great disturbance are not lacking. [murillo velarde here mentions two instances of this.] the natives of carigara in the island of leyte became impatient, and revolted without waiting for the result in bohol, incited thereto by bancao, the ruling chief of limasava--who in the year 1565 [55] received with friendly welcome miguel lopez de legazpi and the spaniards who came to his island, supplying them with what they needed, for which phelipe ii sent him a royal decree, thanking him for the kind hospitality which he showed to those first spaniards. he was baptised and, although a young man, showed that he was loyal to the christians; but, conquered by the enemy [of souls], he changed sides in his old age. [56] this man lived in the island of leyte, and with a son of his and another man, pagali (whom he chose as priest of his idolatry), erected a sacred place to the divata, or devil; and they induced six villages in the island to rebel. in order to remove from them their fear of the spaniards, these men told their followers that they could change the spaniards into stones as soon as they saw them, by repeating the word bato, which signifies "stone;" and that a woman or a child could change them into clay by flinging earth upon them. father melchor de vera went to zebu to give warning of this sedition and obtain aid to check it. captain alcarazo equipped an armada of forty vessels, in which were embarked some spaniards and many friendly indians, also the father rector of zebu and father vera; these united with the forces (both spanish and indian) that the alcalde of leyte had. they offered peace to the rebels, but the latter spurned it with contempt. our men, divided into three bodies, attacked them; and, when that which don juan de alcarazo commanded came in sight of the rebels, they fled to the hills. our soldiers followed them, and on the way put to the sword or shot those whom they encountered; and, although the compassion of the spaniards spared the children and women, [57] these could not escape the fury of the indians. many of the rebels died, the enchantment not availing them by which they had thought to turn the spaniards into stone or clay; the rest saved themselves by flight. the spaniards came to a large building which the rebels had erected for their divata; they encamped in it ten days, and then burned it. some one pierced with a lance bancao, the chief instigator of the rebellion, not knowing who he was, whom two of his slaves were carrying on their shoulders and immediately his head was placed on a stake as a public warning. he and his children came to a wretched end, as a punishment for their infidelity and apostasy; for his second son was beheaded as a traitor, and a daughter of his was taken captive. to inspire greater terror, the captain gave orders to shoot three or four rebels, and to burn [58] one of their priests--in order that, by the light of that fire, the blindness in which the divata had kept them deluded might be removed. the spaniards also cut off the head of an indian who had robbed father vinancio [i.e., vilancio] and broken to pieces an image of the virgin, and kicked a crucifix; and his head was set up in the same place where he had committed those horrible sacrileges. there were many who, in the midst of so furious a tempest, remained constant in their religious belief. [several instances of this are related by the author.] mandayas; 1625 [for particulars of this insurrection, see aduarte's historia, book ii, chaps, xxviii, xxx, in our vol. xxxii, pp. 147-152, 162. cf. ferrando's account, hist. de los pp. dominicos, ii, pp. 114-117; and our vol. xxii, pp. 69, 95.] in caraga and in cagayan; 1629 [see vol. xxiv, pp. 165, 175, 177, 216, 217, 229; and fuller account of that in caraga, in concepción's hist. de philipinas, v, pp. 163-179 (in our vol. xxxv, pp. 89-91).] in nueva segovia; 1639 [see santa cruz's account (hist. sant. rosario) in our vol. xxxv, pp. 47-51.] in pampanga, 1645; and in bulacán, 1643 [the following is taken from diaz's conquistas, pp. 483, 484:] this fearful earthquake [59] was general in all these filipinas, although it was more severe in some regions than in others--for in the province of cagayán, in [the land of] one people called maynanes, a great mountain was cleft open; and the havoc made by it extended as far as maluco. in the heights of gapang, [60] in the province of pampanga, it was very severe, and lasted several days. even greater damage might have been done by an uprising that was plotted by an indian of evil disposition in the villages of gapang, santor, caranglán, and patabangán, exhorting the natives there to rebel and restore themselves to their former liberty, by slaying the spaniards and the religious. he assured them that in manila there were no spaniards left, because the earth had swallowed them, with the entire city, on the night of the earthquake that occurred on st. andrew's day; and that the demon, with whom he had compact and intercourse, had promised him that he would aid the natives so that they might maintain themselves without paying tribute, and might enjoy much prosperity, and provided that they would slay the fathers and burn the churches. the delusion of the indians of gapang went so far that they seized arms, and summoned to their aid many heathen zambals, and burned the churches of santor and pantabangán. when this was known in manila, the encomendero of those villages, admiral rodrigo de mesa, offered his services to pacify them, and went to gapang with alférez callejas, their collectors of tribute, and some friendly indians; but the insurgents, who now were numerous, badly wounded the encomendero, who fled on horseback, and a year later died from that wound at manila. they slew alférez callejas and many of the loyal indians who went in his company, and fortified themselves in the mountains. the prior and minister, fray juan cabello, escaped by the aid of some other indians who were not of the hostile party, came to manila, and gave information of the progress of the rebellion. opinions differed as to the methods which should be employed in pacifying the insurgents; and our father provincial, fray alonso carbajal, decided to send the father lecturer fray juan de abarca, [61] a religious for whom the natives of that district had much affection and respect, since he had been their minister for many years. with this commission this religious set out for pampanga, taking with him a companion, master-of-camp don agustin songsong, a valiant pampango, with as many soldiers of that people as seemed necessary. they arrived at gapang, and by means of father fray juan de abarca's preaching and his earnest efforts--which would take too long to relate, as would the many perils of death to which he exposed himself--that sedition was finally quelled, and the insurgents returned to their former quiet. but the indian sorcerer, the cause of this disturbance, did not make his appearance, notwithstanding all the efforts that were made to find him. another rebellion, which threatened a great outbreak, was checked (in the year 1643) by father fray cristobal enriquez. in the district of malolos in the province of bulacán, an indian named don pedro ladía, a native of borney, went about promoting sedition; he proclaimed that to him belonged the right of being king over the provinces of tagalos, alleging that he was a descendant of raja matanda, [62] the petty king whom the spaniards found at manila in the year 1571. with these and other impostures, aided by wine--the chief counselor in matters of policy and war, among those natives--and with the consultations with the demon which always figure on these occasions, he kept many villages of that district disquieted. but the sagacious procedure of father fray cristobal enriquez intercepted all these misfortunes which were threatening us, by furnishing a plan for the arrest of don pedro ladía--who already was styling himself "king of the tagálogs;" he was sent to manila, where, he paid with his life for his vain presumption. and thus this revolt, lacking even that weak foundation, was entirely quieted. in the pintados; 1649-50 [the best authorities on this insurrection are the jesuit historians, since it arose in regions under their spiritual charge. we select the earliest account, that of combés, written while the incidents of that time were fresh in men's minds; it is found in his hist. de mindanao, col. 489-498. murillo velarde also relates these events, in hist. de philipinas, fol. 171b-175. cf. the augustinian diaz, in conquistas, pp. 517-523; and the recollect concepción, hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 247-280.] the queen of joló, tuambaloca, wrote at the same time, asking permission to come to end her days in the island of basilan, and all was so secure from war that she remained as arbiter of peace for all the islands of samboangan; and, as such, even the governor of manila availed himself of her power [63] in order to pacify the disturbances in the islands.... this occasion made sufficiently evident the greatness of the benefit that the islands owe to the society for the [treaties of] peace made with these kings--thus finding the royal arms at liberty for more pressing exigencies, and being set free, as regards those kings, from the most painful anxiety lest their forces would be allied with our dangers. with this, attention could be given to the punishment of burney, a pirate as cruel as impious; and to finding external relief in the domestic losses and evils which had rendered our safety so uncertain. [our forces were thus ready] in an almost general revolt of all the islands, in the provinces that were most subjugated and had never tested the keenness of our arms; for they had yielded to the echoes of our trumpets, receiving our troops in peace. but in these recent years had been operating in these new worlds the influences of that malign planet which was ruining europe (and especially our españa), with revolts of entire kingdoms, and has caused rivers of blood to run in the populous kingdom of china; and it reached these islands, to wreak on them its fierceness. and god--permitting evil, for the credit of virtue and the reward of the good--gave warlike courage to the most pusillanimous tribes, and armed the nakedness of these indians to resist the unconquerable steel of our spaniards. the first region to declare against us was the province of ibabao, which is in the island of samar; it is the coast which faces the north, beaten by the sea of nueva españa. there the society has a new residence, which is occupied by six fathers. all the villages connected with it revolted, following the audacious stand of the chief among them, which is palapag. this was occasioned by the oppressions arising from our public works--which is a motive that should appeal to them, since they were the ones interested in the defense [of the coasts against their enemies]. but the indians, as barbarians, do not heed future perils, but rather present fatigues; and to these their slothful nature opposes itself. the losses of galleons made it necessary to maintain in that province a shipyard. this drafted all the carpenters from manila, and, in order to supply those that were needed on that shore, it was necessary to demand from each province a certain number--a quota of hardly one to each village, and this so equitably that to worldly prudence these allotments seemed advantageous, for which many would eagerly ask. but as the indians have grown up in their wretchedness and in the life of brutes in their remote mountains, it seems to them that they are maintaining their liberty. they resented greatly this political compulsion to citizenship and the formation of a village, [so that they would live] as men. those in the provinces that were most civilized and were nearest to manila had obeyed the decree without opposition, but these [remote] provinces immediately made such demonstrations of displeasure that all of us perceived the difficulty [of enforcing the demand], and several undertook to represent it [to the authorities]. don diego de faxardo was the governor, a man so harsh in his methods, and having so little pious regard for the [religious] ministers, that their intercessions only made him more cruel, on account of the dogmatic opinion which he followed, that the ministers are the ones who oppose the royal service. accordingly they all gave up any active opposition, but moderated in a thousand ways the execution [of the decree] (which they saw could not be avoided), sometimes with gifts, sometimes with considerations of utility. the men of ibabao, trusting in the ruggedness of their coast or the inaccessibility of their mountains, or in the succor which had been positively promised to them by the dutch--who every year make port on their coasts, awaiting with their armed fleets the relief [sent us] from nueva españa--immediately declared themselves [against us]. at the outset, in their stubbornness and disobedience, until their affairs were settled and their retreat prevented, they talked of fleeing to the mountains. this was their first opinion; but a malicious indian interfered in the discussion, and told them that they could not accomplish anything by that course, because the village would not be destroyed, nor would the promoters [of the rebellion] have the following that they desired, unless they ordered that all should rebel, and slay the father, and burn the church; for their guilt in such action would intimidate all of them. as their councils were held in the excitement of wine, all readily approved this extravagant proposal. immediately the demon offered them, for its execution, the evilly-inclined mind of a vile indian named sumoroy, who, although he had been much favored by the fathers as being a skilful pilot on the sea, and on this account had always enjoyed immunity from tribute and personal services, and was actually the castellan of the fortified residence that they had there, yet desired--because they had removed an obstacle [64] which for many years had kept him at variance with and separated from his lawful wife--to find an opportunity for vengeance. this man offered to kill the father; and, confirming his resolve with many draughts to his success, and loud shouts, they dreamed that they were already masters of the entire world, and had slain all the spaniards. he had already prejudiced their minds against his enemy, telling each indian in the village separately that he had been assigned by the father to go to the manila shore; consequently, no one now repaired to mass or took notice of public affairs. the father rector--who was father miguel ponce barberan, a native of the kingdom of aragon--saw plainly the hostile disposition of the people, but never could have imagined so insane a resolve; and if any one could most confidently throw aside anxiety it was this father, for he had been, without contradiction, the most beloved and cherished by the natives, of all the fathers who had itinerated there--and, as well, the one who had spent most years in ministering to those people. a tuesday, then, the first day of june in the year 1649, the traitor selected for his sacrilegious parricide; and, as a thief in the house, who knew its avenues of entrance and egress very well, he took his stand within, awaiting the father at the top of the stairway, when he should ascend it after supper. while the father halted on the stairs to say a prayer for the souls in purgatory--for which, it happened, the bells were ringing--sumoroy hurled a javelin at him from above, which pierced his breast and immediately brought him to the ground; nor did he breathe again, spending his last energy in pronouncing the sweet names of jesus and mary. for two days the fathers remained at home in suspense, without understanding the cause of this evil deed, or knowing who was its author; and the rebels themselves delayed to commit sacrileges by breaking with shame and declaring themselves [rebels]. finally, on the day of corpus christi, about noon, the murderer came in sight, leading the multitude, and openly declared that it was he who had slain the father, loudly defying the whole world. they gave the fathers and the brother whom they found in the house the opportunity to leave it, provided that they removed nothing from it; and immediately, as barbarians and enemies of god--forgetting the faith and christian belief of so many years, in which they had grown up--they sacked and burned the church and house, profaning the ornaments, and cutting from them drawers and turbans according to their old-time usage. if there were any of the faithful [among the crowd], they let themselves be persuaded by the argument of the barbarians for their timidity, that if they remained among the insurgents the anger of the spaniards would be moderated, and accordingly they followed the perverse ones. the report of this sacrilegious act fanned the flame of infernal zeal itself, and found the minds of the people so ready that, almost as if there had been a general decision and they only awaited the signal for putting it into execution, in almost all the villages on that coast they burned their churches, the ministers fled, and the rebels retreated to the mountains, where they fancied they could maintain their former brutal mode of life. in the rest of the provinces--either because they perhaps regarded it as somewhat discreditable that the men of ibabao should display their valor in order to oppose the spaniards, and they themselves not do so; or because all of them were (as some desire to be) in communication with the dutch--they proceeded to follow the example and imitate the boldness of the men of palapag. our arms would be found greatly embarrassed if those of the dutch were to add confidence to the insolence of the indians; and, at the very least, there would not remain a province which would not be up in arms, and no minister or spaniard of those who were scattered among them would escape. but god our lord, who chastised as a father, and chose to correct with clemency the wickedness with which the spaniards abuse the subject condition of these natives--and as a warning to the latter, to confirm them in the truth of our holy faith and disabuse them of their errors--so adjusted the times that although the dutch fleets had not failed to come to the islands for ten years past, about that very month [i.e., june], in this year the peace kept them away, and the publication of it arrived here in good time, so that our forces were left free for the punishment [of the rebels]. immediately the province of camarines, on the mainland of manila, declared itself against us, and the father guardian [of the franciscans] was banished from solsogon; and their lead was followed by their island of masbate, where an alférez was put to death. this presumptuous act disturbed the peace of cebú island; and its natives also, without fearing the strong fort and the city to near them, also defied us, another officer being slain there. in the province of caraga, the men of linao revolted, displaying their evil intentions by the murder of the father prior (a discalced augustinian), and of the spaniards in a small garrison which was kept there, some dozen in number; but few escaped, and those were badly wounded. in the province of iligan, which borders on caraga, the manobos, a barbarian tribe, seized the peaceable village of cagayan. the entire coast [i.e., of northern mindanao], and the adjacent island of camigin, followed their example; in camigin they bound the father prior (also a discalced augustinian), the impious indians going so far as to place their brutal feet on the neck of the holy religious. in the jurisdiction of samboangan, the subanos went astray--their principal village, named siocon, releasing itself from obedience with the sacrilegious parricide of father juan del campo, and the atrocious murder of his companions, as we shall afterward relate. the boholans, on account of their valor, retained their esteem for the faith. thus, for the punishment of so many atrocious deeds and for quelling the insolence of the barbarians, there remained to us no other arms than those of samboangan, and no other auxiliaries than those people who had been our friends for so few years. those of ibabao aroused the utmost anxiety, their insolence continually calling us to arms; for, not content with atrocities in their own country, they went to disquiet another region. they even disturbed those who dwelt on the opposite coast of samar, threatening them with ruin if they did not follow the lead of the others. their attempts began to be dangerous, since they stirred up the village of paranas, which is only two leguas from the seat of our jurisdiction there--catbalogan, where the alcalde-mayor resides; and in fact many fled to the mountains, without regard to the war which menaced them, when the spaniards were placed under arms, two leguas from their abode. in the other villages [the natives] were in arms, and regarded us all with apprehension. at the outset, the alcalde-mayor was ready with such force as he could assemble--adventurers in the province, mestizos, and indians; but, as the former were all collectors [of tribute] and the latter all relatives [of the insurgents], some were not accustomed to arms and the hardships of campaigning, and the others could not use weapons against those of their own blood. accordingly this, instead of checking their fury, only rendered their boldness more insolent, and gave unwonted force to their arms; and men who before did not find enough woods in which to hide themselves from a camucon ship, now went so far as to make daybreak assaults on our troops, and slew our men before our eyes. and as a final token of their contempt, when the captain demanded from them the head of sumoroy, by way of atonement for what he had done, they sent down the river to him the head of a swine--although in the end, worn out, they considered it good luck that they could again secure peace. [the authorities] in manila, seeing that the revolt was continually gathering strength, and that the insolence of the insurgents was passing all bounds, recognized how important it was to repress it, undertaking its chastisement in earnest. for this purpose they despatched general andres lopez de azaldigui (who was chief of the royal galleys of these islands), with the title of lieutenant of the captain-general; and with this authority he levied many spaniards, being empowered to obtain them from all the fortified posts. he made all the necessary arrangements for the enterprise, but he soon recognized the danger that he incurred among the natives--who all, regarding those of palapag as restorers of their liberty, were rejoicing over their successes--and that in our reverses we had cause to fear them as enemies, since they were on the watch to know what fortune those of palapag had in order to follow it if they were sure of the result. a large fleet of native boats was needed for the transportation of provisions and military supplies; but, the greater the number of these that were thus assembled, the more was the danger increased. on this account the general wrote to manila, demanding galleys; and there, in order to avoid the expense of galleys and the perils of seas so rough, they despatched orders that the armada should come from zamboangan--for the loyalty of those people against the bisayans, as against their old-time enemies, could not be doubted. and with the support of these [auxiliaries] effective aid might be rendered by those of the inland provinces, which had been ruled without risk by the spaniards because they did not go there entirely in the hands of the natives. the armada was despatched as promptly as possible by the commandant [of zamboanga]. sargento-mayor pedro duran, with two captains in active service--as chief, captain juan muñoz, who was commander of the armada; and as second in command captain juan de ulloa--with the most choice and distinguished soldiers of the lutaos. as leader of these, since he was the military chief of that people, was sent general don francisco ugbo (whom i have previously mentioned), with the master-of-camp, sargento-mayor, and captains of the tribe, and as many as four hundred of its men. father francisco martinez had then arrived at samboangan, to act as rector of the new [jesuit] college there--of which the official recognition from our father general came in this same year--a religious who deserved well of those christian churches, for he had sustained them in their earliest infancy, having labored in the arduous beginnings of [the missions in] joló and samboangan. by this [departure of the lutaos] father alexandro lopez found his occupation gone, and was therefore able to embark with the armada, which needed his presence and aid, as it was going for so important an enterprise--on the fortunate result of which, as many thought, depended the fidelity of all the provinces of pintados. all fortified themselves with the holy sacraments, as solicitously as christians of very long standing could do; and, as if they were such, on all occasions which arose in the voyage and in the battle itself they made evident, by their reverence for their holy name [of christians] and appreciation of the danger, how they felt these obligations in their hearts. the sargento-mayor of the tribe (who belonged to its highest nobility) encountered a temptation to his own perdition; but he put it behind him by saying that he was going to war, and could not at that time discuss a matter which would work injury to his soul. great was the rejoicing which this armada caused in all the towns where it landed, notably in the city of cebú, where the lutaos were known (and most of them, especially those who commanded the joangas, had the reputation of being pirates), at seeing them, now christians, repair to the churches with so much devotion and attend divine worship with such reverence--those very people who had ravaged the islands with fire, and damaged nearly all the churches of bisayas with their outrages and robberies; those who yesterday were enemies, but today bearing arms in our aid; and those who yesterday were cruel enemies to god, now the avengers of insults to him. tears sprang to [the eyes of] all, and they did not cease to give a thousand thanks to the fathers for their labors, so effectual--not only in the conversion of that moro people, but for the benefit of these christian communities, removing their terror and turning their dread and mistrust of the moro arms into joy and expectation of success. arriving at palapag by the month of may [i.e., in 1650], they found that the leader of the campaign was captain don xinés de roxas; and that it had been much retarded on account of the reputation which the men of palapag had steadily gained by their daring acts. they had fortified themselves on a height which was regarded as impregnable by nature, as only one path was known by which it could be ascended, and that very narrow and difficult. on this path the enemy had built fortifications, and from loopholes therein they did much damage to our men, without risk [to themselves]; they lost no opportunity to fall suddenly on our troops, and any man who strayed from the rest paid the penalty with his life, so sharply did they note any negligence on our part; and, as masters of the land, they boldly engaged us, secure from being pursued. the captain wearied himself much with various fortifications, and kept the men exhausted; and he engaged in the same fatiguing labor those of the armada, until the sargento-mayor of that tribe, don alonso maconbon, was bold enough to ask him, face to face, why he was wearing out the men in work which was not important. he told the captain that they had not come to haul logs, but to fight in battle, and that he must contrive to employ them in fighting; for, if he did not, they would go back to their homes. at seeing the daring of this man, and the angry words that the soldiers of samboangan--who, as veterans, were eager to have an opportunity for distinguishing themselves--flung at him, although he resented their lack of respect he was rejoiced to see their courage; and he was encouraged to make the assault, which, with the coxcombs and foppish adventurers from manila, seemed a dangerous enterprise. and, as those of the armada, it seems, were boasting most of their valor, he assigned them to the brunt of the battle, in order thus to employ their courage in carrying out their own advice. he made ready, then, the infantry of the armada, with the lutaos, for a day that he set for the assault, which they were obliged to make over a precipitous ascent, exceedingly dangerous--so that they could make their way up it only by giving their weapons and their hands to each other. [65] at nightfall they reached the slope, and in the darkness of the night proceeded to ascend it. the enemy had their sentinels, but our lord easily diverted their attention by sending a heavy shower of rain--which our men regarded as a misfortune, which made the enterprise more difficult and the ascent all the more dangerous. but it was altogether fortunate for the expedition; for the pass was so difficult that the sentinel alone could defend it against a thousand assailants, and the most feeble old man was sufficient for guarding it, especially if the danger [from an attack] were known to the insurgents, who had given all their attention to the troop of the commander don xinés. the time while the rain fell was enough to enable all the soldiers to reach the top without danger; and so careful were the men that not one of them had his match extinguished. they halted there, waiting for the daylight; and when the rain gave opportunity to the sentinel he came back, waving a torch in order to light his path. our men could have slain him; but they let him go, so as not to raise an alarm. either because he heard their voices, or saw some lighted match, he waited a little while, and then returned to inform the rest of it; and the troops, seeing that they were discovered, marched toward the fortifications. so quickly they reached them that the enemy at once took to flight; our men pursued them with their arms, but the enemy quickly escaped, by dangerous precipices and paths which they know well. but the spaniards did not choose to divert much of their attention [to the fugitives], rather taking care to occupy promptly their rochelle; [66] accordingly, they erected their fortifications, and occupied them with their artillery, supplies, and weapons. from that place they sent for the commander, captain don xinés de roxas, who went up to take possession of the gains made by the arduous efforts and daring bravery of the men of samboangan. in this enterprise captain francisco de leyba, then commander of the samboangan armada, and captain silvestre de rodas, an old soldier of terrenate, especially distinguished themselves. the lutaos dispersed through the place, and, breaking into a house, found the mother of the traitor and parricide sumoroy; and they dragged her out and tore her to pieces. sumoroy had been sent down [from their stronghold] the day before, secretly, in a hammock, and all the children and women the rebels had already placed in safety; for, from the day when they saw the samboangan armada, they felt that their cause was lost, and, lacking confidence in the outcome, they forestalled the danger. thus was ended this longed-for enterprise, and the war in ibabao; for the natives, now disarmed and divided, would have no courage left, save for flight, and the hardships of a life so full of fear [as that of fugitives] would oblige them to surrender, one by one--as was actually the case. accordingly, the armada [and its men] took their departure, leaving the islands thankful for what they had accomplished and edified by their good example. for in the heat of conflict and in dangerous encounters (which is the time when the natural disposition and the inner soul are displayed), those soldiers did not fail to invoke the sweet names of jesus and mary, without ceasing or neglecting this in the utmost confusion and ardor of battle, giving pious examples to the christian soldiery--to the admiration of the natives, [although they were] accustomed to these [pious] observances; since the clamorous efforts [of the soldiers], and solicitude for their danger, disturb the piety of even the oldest veterans. [we append to this the following account from diaz's conquistas (pp. 517-523), as being more detailed and furnishing a somewhat different light on various incidents of the insurrection. in order to place it in the present document, as belonging to this special subject, it has been removed from its place in diaz's history of his order and its missions (see vol. xxxvii, pp. 149-284).] there was an indian named sumoroy in the village of palapag, who was regarded as one of the best, although he was one of the very worst, and was as evil as his father--who, accredited with the same hypocrisy, was a babaylán and priest of the devil, and made the other indians apostatize. he was greatly addicted to drunkenness, and he had so promoted it [in others] that all the village was contaminated with this vice, as well as that of lust--vices so closely allied to idolatry, of which truth there are many examples in holy writ. the inhabitants of palapag were corrupted by those evil habits at the time when governor don diego fajardo--with the intention of relieving the near-by provinces of tagalos and pampanga from the burden of working, at the harbor of cavite, in the building of galleons and vessels necessary for the conservation and defense of these islands--had ordered the alcaldes of leite and other provinces to send men thence to cavite for that employment. that was a difficult undertaking, because of the distance of more than one hundred leguas, and the troubles and wrongs to the said indians that would result from their leaving their homes for so long a time. the father ministers went to the alcaldes, and the latter to manila, to represent those troubles and wrongs; but the only thing that they obtained was a more stringent order to execute the mandate without more reply. consequently they could do nothing else than obey the orders of the superior government, although they feared what very soon occurred. but what good end could so mistaken and pernicious a decision have? as soon as the inhabitants of palapag saw that the alcaldes-mayor were beginning to collect men to send them to the harbor of cavite, they began to go oftener to the meetings in the house of sumoroy and his father, and to begin (when heated with wine, the ordinary counselor of the indians) to organize their insurrection. they quickly appointed leaders, of whom the chief was don juan ponce, a very influential man and a bad christian, but married to a wife from a chief's family in the village of catubig; she was very different from him in her morals, for she was very virtuous. the second leader was one don pedro caamug, and the third the above-named sumoroy. then they discussed the murder of the father minister, miguel ponce of the society of jesus, an aragonese, [67] at the suggestion of that malignant sorcerer and priest of the devil, the father of sumoroy, who charged that undertaking upon his son. on tuesday evening, the first of june, 1649, he went to the house of the father, who had just eaten his dinner, and was ascending a narrow ladder to his house. sumoroy awaited him at that place, and hurling his lance, pierced his breast from side to side, and left him dead, without more time than to say "jesus, mary." they spared the life of father julio aleni, [68] a roman, saying that he was not their minister, but was dedicated to china, whence is inferred their motive in killing the [former] father. next day they despoiled the house and church of its furniture and holy ornaments; profaned the altars and sacred images; scattered the holy oils; and used the silver chrismatories for the ajonjolí oil with which they anoint their hair. it was the will of divine providence to show forth the devout fidelity of the women amid the infidelity and apostasy of the men; for, the day before that spoliation, doña angelina dinagungan, wife of don juan ponce, accompanied by another good christian woman, doña maría malón, went to the church and saved some holy images and ornaments, besides a chest belonging to the father, with the little that it contained, which they afterward surrendered to him. among the images that that devout woman saved from the sacrilegious hands of the rebels was an image of our lady of the conception, which was kept with great propriety in the house of doña maría malón, and which was often seen to sweat abundantly and to shed tears, a miracle which spread throughout the village. when the perfidious sumoroy heard of it, he said: "the virgin mary is weeping. let us see if she will weep if we burn the house;" and he went thither, with other men like himself, and set fire to it. but divine clemency did not permit the fire to catch in that house, although it was of bamboo and nipa like the others. the husband of doña maría malón, called don gabriel hongpón, was a head man [cabeza de barangay]; and only he and all his people remained faithful to god and to their king. god gave him courage to resist so many, who always respected him as he was so influential a man in that village of palapag. the insurgents incited the inhabitants of catubig, who also revolted. they killed a spaniard, and burned the church and house of the father minister, after having sacked it. the contagion having spread to other villages, the people did the same at pambohan, or bayugo, catarman, and bonan; and thence passed to infect the provinces of ibalón [69] and camarines, where they killed a franciscan religious, the guardian of sorsogón. they killed alférez torres in masbate. in caraga, the inhabitants of the village of tinao revolted and killed their minister, a discalced augustinian, and a few spanish soldiers of a small presidio established there, the rest escaping the fury of the insurgents. in iligán, the village of cagayán, a mission of our discalced religious, revolted. in the adjacent island of camiguín, a mission of the same religious, they bound their minister and set their feet on his neck. the subanos mutinied in the jurisdiction of zamboanga, in the village called siocon, where they killed father juan del campo [70] of the society of jesus. the villages of the islands of cebú and bohol, who are warlike people, were wavering in their loyalty. but divine clemency did not permit them to declare themselves. thus with the patience and tolerance of the father ministers, who suffered many hardships and found themselves in great danger, those fires--which could have consumed the loyalty of the provinces of these islands--were soon extinguished. the first village to rebel in the island of leite was bacor, where the church and house of the father minister were burned, and the people joined the inhabitants of palapag, leaving the village deserted. the insurgents pretended that two dutch ships were near, which were coming to aid them as equals in their rebellion against the church and the vassalage due to their lawful king; and that pretense greatly aided them in their evil design. as soon as the alcalde-mayor of leite heard of the insurrection, he collected all the boats and men possible, but these were very fragile means to oppose to so vast a multitude of insurgent and desperate men. consequently, although they went to palapag with the said alcalde-mayor, one captain don juan gómez de tres palacios y estrado, they served no other purpose than to make the rebellion worse, and to encourage the enemy. the latter intrenched themselves on an impregnable hill called "the table of palapag;" and what is the greatest cause for surprise is that a spaniard called pedro zapata, who had married an indian woman in palapag (who must have perverted him), went with them. but the insurgents gave him his pay by killing him, in order to take away the woman, a worthy reward for his incredible treason. they made trenches and strong stockades, with many sharp stakes and snares, and many stone boulders suspended, which, by being thrown upon the strongest army, would cause cruel injury. to work greater harm, they gave command of their men to don pedro caamug, who descended the hill with two hundred insurgents and returned to the village of palapag, where he killed the father minister, vicente damián, [71] and two boys who were serving him, who in their fear were clinging to the father. they again burned the church, a chamber of nipa and bamboo which don gabriel and his faithful followers had erected for the celebration of mass, furnishing this additional bond to their apostasy and rebellion. they returned to their impregnable hill after this, which was in their eyes a great victory, and began to fortify themselves much more strongly than they were, as they feared the war that was expected from manila. governor don diego fajardo, seeing that the undertaking of the reduction of the inhabitants of palapag was an affair requiring much care and consideration, because of the evil effects that would result from any unfavorable event, after holding a council of war determined to entrust this undertaking to the commander of the galleys, andrés lópez de asaldigui (already named on many occasions), as he had all the good qualities which can form a good soldier; for he was very brave and prudent, fortunate in the enterprises that had been entrusted to him, and a prime favorite with the soldiers because of his great liberality. that commander left manila with the best men whom he could enlist, both spaniards and pampangos, and went to catbalogan, the capital of that province, where he mustered thirteen oared vessels and two champans. his first order was to send some vessels to panay and iloilo for food. well informed of the condition of the rebels of palapag, he found that he needed more war-supplies for that conquest; for the insurgents had extended their revolt to many villages of the island, and the other neighboring islands were apparently prepared to follow their bold acts, if they were at all fortunate. therefore andrés lópez de asaldegui sent to ask the governor for the galleys in his charge; but the latter did not send them, in order to avoid the expense that would be caused the royal treasury, which was very needy. but he sent order instead that the fleet of zamboanga should be at his disposal. [at this juncture, asaldigui is summoned by the governor to investigate the loss of the galleon "encarnación," and "entrusting the palapag enterprise to captain ginés de rojas--a brave soldier, but one who had little reputation and affection among the soldiers, who regretted that order exceedingly, and would have returned home had they been able. to such an extent does the reputation of the leader further any enterprise."] don ginés de rojas assembled the thirteen oared vessels and the two champans, in the latter of which he stowed the food. likewise the fleet of zamboanga came up with four caracoas and some spaniards, and four hundred lutaos; these are indians of that region who have been recently converted to our holy faith from the errors of the cursed sect of mahomet, by the efforts and toil of the religious of the society. their commandant was their master-of-camp don francisco ugbo, a lutao, and a brave man; and their sargento-mayor don alonso macobo, of the same nation. the chief commander of that fleet was captain juan muñoz, the admiral was juan de ulloa, and the captain was suárez, who were veteran soldiers. in addition to that succor there came from cebú captain don francisco de sandoval and juan fernández de león, who brought many men from sialo, caraga, and other provinces. when all those forces were assembled in catbalogan, don ginés de rojas divided them into three divisions, two under command of sandoval and león, and the third in his own charge. he ordered captain sandoval to go to his encomienda at catubig, and thence, with all the men whom he could assemble, to go to reduce the village of palapag. captain león was ordered to go with his men through tubig, sulat, borongán, and other villages--first, however, to go to guigán, to get as many men there as possible. don ginés de rojas chose the villages of catarman and bobor, where his encomienda lay. all things were ready to undertake the conquest of the impregnable hill. nothing worthy of note happened to captain don francisco de sandoval, but the indians of bacor prepared an ambush against juan fernández de león in a very dangerous pass. juan de león de paranas had gone out, embarking in the river of nasán, which is very rapid because of its great current--and among other dangerous places is one more dangerous than all, namely, a fall and cataract which is two spear-lengths in height. consequently, in order to proceed, one must unlade the boats; and, after raising them with great toil by means of certain very thick and strong rattans, must, after suspending or letting the boat down thus, again lade it. there did the enemy set their ambush for juan de león, but it was disclosed by a friendly indian. our men firing their muskets and arquebuses at that side, the indians fled with great loss; and our men proceeded to the bar of the river, where they fortified themselves in a stout stockade. sandoval did the same in catubig, as did don silvestre de rodas, whom don ginés sent as a reënforcement to sandoval. those leaders, having arranged matters in this manner, continued to invite and pacify the many indians who presented themselves. but those who were entrenched on the hill, confident in their fortress and defense, persisted obstinately in their revolt, and tried to get the other villages not to declare in our favor. don ginés fortified his post, and ordered each captain to do the same with his, for he had resolved to blockade and capture the natives on the hill by hunger. the natives learned from their spies that don ginés had but few men in his quarters, as the rest had gone to get provisions; and, having determined to use so favorable an opportunity, many of them went at night, by the river, near the land. when they thought that our men were very careless and sound asleep, they pulled some stakes out of the fortification of don ginés, and entered in a disorderly mob. but the sentinels hearing the noise, sounded the alarm. don ginés, awaking, seized his sword and buckler; and, accompanied by those who could follow him so hastily, confronted the enemy, and drove them to flight with great loss--as was judged from the abundance of blood that was seen in the camp in the morning. but it was not without any harm to our men, some of whom were wounded, although no one died. one ball struck sumoroy on the shoulder, but only one dead man was left in the camp; for our opponents dragged the others away and threw them into the water. don ginés did not care to pursue them, fearing some ambush, which would have been easy in that darkness. the soldiers grumbled much at the great caution and prudence of don ginés de rojas, who thought only of strengthening his fortifications, to the great labor of those who now desired to busy themselves with the enemy, and not the trees of the forest. that rose to such a pitch that the sargento-mayor of the lutaos, don francisco macombo, went to don ginés impatiently, and told him that neither he nor his men had come from zamboanga to cut timber but to fight with the enemies of palapag. don ginés was not displeased to see the willingness of his soldiers to fight, and therefore, in order to employ it, he had the men called to arms, and arranged the attack. he formed two divisions [for attack] from the whole army, and left the third to guard the camp. the assault was made in two parts--one by the open road, although it was better defended by the opponents; and the other by a precipitous path which was passable for the birds alone--for it was a huge steep rock, and so narrow at the place where the camp of the insurgents was established that only a single man could enter an opening made by nature--a place called for that reason by the natives, in their own language, "the eye of a needle." the men climbed up by that path, using feet and hands without carrying their arms; for these were carried by him who followed, and afterward given to him who was ahead; and so they did one with another. in addition to that, the insurgents had posted a sentinel there to advise them of any new move, for which a few coming to his aid would be sufficient to prevent many from effecting an entrance. don ginés entrusted that difficult undertaking to captain silvestre de rodas, a native of rota, and a soldier of great renown in his time, of whom are recounted incredible exploits performed by him in ternate. he gave him command of the lutao soldiers, with their commander don francisco macombo; for himself don ginés took the battalion of the soldiers who attacked the hill in front. the vanguard and rearguard were placed in command of captains sandoval and juan fernández de león. the assault being planned in that form, don ginés engaged the enemy with his men, with great valor, to the sound of drums and trumpets, and went up the hill with great difficulty and danger. for the insurgents, cutting the rattans by which the stones and very large trunks of trees were fastened and kept back, would have been able by rolling them down to do great damage to our men, had not divine providence directed these missiles to places where they could do no damage. our men went up most of the hill with this obstinacy, and the enemy went out to meet them with so great valor that it seemed rather desperation; and the damage inflicted upon them by our arquebuses did not cool their obstinacy, for they tried to throw themselves on our spears and swords in their anxiety to die while killing [others]. the great advantage of the fortress of the hill increased their courage, as it could have caused great loss to our men to fight in the open and unsheltered. the fight lasted many hours, the enemy often being relieved, for they had many brave and well-armed men on the hill. don ginés de rojas, seeing that the fury of the enemy was invincible (for they were fighting more like lions than like men), and that his men could not proceed with the undertaking, because they had no further strength and were tired, and had many wounded, yielded for the time being, and sounded the retreat, leaving more vigorous experience for another day. the enemy also retired, satisfied at the resistance that they had shown, although much to their cost. very different was the success of the brave silvestre de rodas, with his lutaos in charge of don francisco ugbo and don alonso macombo, who on the second of july, 1650, made the assault in the most difficult point--which was the eye of the needle in the rock, as we have stated above, through which silvestre de rodas was the first to go. he chose the silence of the night, a time when they were least likely to be discovered. climbing up one by one and without arms, with the labor that was necessary, at the middle of the ascent an obstacle occurred that could have blocked so great an enterprise. that was a very heavy rain, which lasted a great part of the night, and which the men endured without the slightest shelter, but with great vigilance and care that fire for their matches should not be lacking--availing themselves for that purpose of the shields of the lutaos, which are called carazas, and are made of long narrow pieces of wood, with which they cover all the body at the side. the rain ceased and, although they were soaking, they all resumed the ascent of the hill; they reached the entrance of the rock at an opportune time, when the sentinel, quite unsuspicious of such an assault, was absent, as he had gone to get some fire (without the company of which those indians cannot live), or indeed have a smoke, for they think that that furnishes them with fine company. on that account, silvestre de rodas and some of the foremost, who were the most vigorous were enabled to enter. the sentinel returned with a brand in his hand, and when he was near perceived the bad effect of his carelessness, and believed that our camp was already upon him. he looked in astonishment, and then, hurriedly taking flight, began to cry out and announce that our men had already entered the hill by means of the rock. not less was the confusion of all, who were quite free from the dread of so unexpected an assault. confused and lacking in counsel, a panic terror seized them and forced them into disorganized flight, so that silvestre de rodas and the lutaos were allowed to become masters of the field. unfurling their victorious banners, they took possession of the lodgings, trenches, and food of the enemy. don ginés de rojas ascended the hill with his whole army, and destroyed the insurgent quarters by setting fire to them. having published a general pardon, those who had been insurgents before, presented themselves in peace. the chief leader sumoroy and his sorcerer father refused to put in an appearance, or to talk of peace. but the very ones whom he had caused to rebel killed him, and carried his head to don ginés de rojas, although they had been so loyal to him before that when the alcalde-mayor of leite went at the beginning to reduce them to peace, and asked them as the first condition to deliver to him the head of sumoroy, they, making light of the request, sent him the head of a swine. but afterward, as a token of their true obedience, they delivered the head, without any one asking for it. don juan ponce remained in hiding in the island of cebú for a long time, but after having obtained pardon he returned to palapag; there he committed crimes that were so atrocious that the alcalde-mayor seized him and sent him to manila, where he paid for those crimes on the scaffold. he who had the best end was don pedro caamug; for he was the first to present himself, and showed great loyalty in the reduction of the others. he continued all his life to be very quiet, and was governor of his village, where he was highly esteemed; and it was proved that he was not the one who had killed father vicente with his hands, although he was captain of that band. moreover, it was found to be advisable to overlook much on that occasion, as the quiet of all the pintados islands, who were awaiting the end of the rebels of palapag, depended on it. [the following additional information is obtained from concepción's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 247-280:] [p. 254:] from here [i.e., cebú] leaped more than sparks to the province of caraga, where there had been some causes for resentment between the alcalde-mayor and the father minister of tandag. the father had rebuked the alcalde for oppressions inflicted on the indians, and, perceiving that his exhortations were unheeded, he carried his complaints to the supreme tribunal, where hearing was given to them. the alcalde-mayor was angry at being prodded from manila, and found means to take his revenge. governor faxardo, vigilant in defending the provinces from the dutch, gave orders to reconnoiter the harbors and fortify the military posts; and, that he might take seasonable precautions, he solicited accurate information [from the officials]. the alcalde-mayor, in the anger that he felt, availed himself of this opportunity. he informed the governor that the fort of tandag was in condition to make a vigorous defense, to which the only hindrance was the church and convent--a very strong edifice, which dominates the castle--and that he considered it very necessary to demolish it. in virtue of this report, it was decided in the military and fiscal councils that those buildings should be demolished, as well as all others that might be on that coast which were of like materials, in order that the dutch might not find in them means of offense or defense. this order arrived at tandag, where now there was another governor. captain don juan garcia did not make it known, and held a council in the fort regarding its execution, and therein was decided the suspension of the order--for, in case that the enemy came, the buildings could be easily torn down and burned, since the walls were weak and the roofs of nipa or straw--until the supreme government should make some other arrangement. representations were made to that government of the great sorrow that the natives felt at the destruction [of those buildings], from which it was feared that if another church were not built, at a greater distance, the natives would take flight to the mountains. notwithstanding this second information, the former order for demolition was confirmed. [see account of this measure, and of the revolt of the indians, and of its being quelled by spanish troops, in vol. xxxvi, in santa theresa's narrative. concepción continues, p. 262:] this father minister [72] sent a despatch to manila, communicating this melancholy information; on receiving it, señor faxardo immediately sent to tandag captain gregorio dicastillo with a detachment of spanish infantry, so that, in conjunction with bernabe de la plaza, alcalde-mayor of that province, they might try all measures, even though they might be severe, for reducing the insurgents. they went to butuan, where they established a military base or headquarters. in order to justify the severity of war, a general amnesty was published. many indians came to present themselves, of whom several were hanged; a few of those who came down from the mountains gained their liberty, the rest remaining as slaves. it was a wicked act of those who executed [the governor's orders] that they shamefully broke the promise made in the name of the king, and in so august a name committed perfidy. manila and its suburbs were full of slaves. the royal audiencia made formal inquiry into these illegal acts, and took the residencia of the principal persons concerned in them. one was put to the torture, and confessed; he was sentenced to decapitation. the property of another was confiscated, after two years of imprisonment; and another found himself reduced to extreme poverty. he who was commissioned by the supreme government for the trial of these suits, licentiate don manuel suarez de olivera, the military auditor-general, declared in favor of the indian slaves, setting all of them free. in order that this decree might be effective, those included under its provisions were registered by father fray augustin--then secretary of his province, and known by the name of "padre capitan" [i.e., "father captain"]--who included in the list many indians whose names were not contained in the official documents. he presented it to the governor, and asked for a mandatory decree for their liberty, which was promptly issued; and then he went with the notary through all the houses in which the indians were distributed, enforcing the execution of the decree. this proceeding cost him many fatigues and annoyances; for since those who had paid out their money for the indians were left without slaves, there was hardly a house where he came where he would not hear opprobrious language. it also caused him great expenses; but his efficient management of the business came out successfully. he collected all the slaves, and furnished them with transportation to carry them back to their homes and their native land. this benefaction rendered it easy for the indian chiefs of linao, who had left their village and were fugitives, to return to their due obedience and vassalage.... [pp. 273-281: after the rebellion was put down in leyte], the indians of bisayas remained more quiet; by those so costly experiences they had been undeceived, and had learned that it is impossible to shake off the spanish yoke, by force or by fraud; their wildness subdued by trade and intercourse [with us], they recognize that they ought not to thrust aside what produces so many advantages for them in being treated by our sovereign as his children. these tribunals treat them with charity, mildness, and justice, besides bearing with their troublesome traits and their weaknesses, without adding injury to their wretched condition. don francisco ugbo returned from the palapag expedition wounded, and attacked by a serious malady, which was declared mortal. this commander, learning that his last hour was at hand, showed how deeply rooted was the christian religion in his heart, although it was of recent growth; he received the holy sacraments with extraordinary devotion and reverence, exhorted all his family and acquaintances to become good christians, and in the midst of his intense pains endured them without complaint or anger. in his testament he commanded, as his last wishes, that his property should be shared between his relatives and his soul [i.e., in saying masses for its repose]; and he died while offering fervent acts of contrition, to the admiration and consolation of those who were present. by the death of father juan de el campo the [religious] administration of la caldera and siocon was left forsaken. the provincial of the society sent to that conversion father francisco combes, who applied his efforts to gathering those wild natures into a social group; with this basis he undertook their instruction in our supreme mysteries, and they gradually became accustomed to a rational and civilized life. on the river of sibuco there was an indian named ondol, so cruel that he would kill any person without further cause than his own whim; and this man had a brother of the same barbarous habits, who kept a great number of women in his power that he might abuse them. ondol sought to kill father adulfo de pedrosa, and also threatened father combes; but the latter discreetly took no notice of it, and ondol went on, trusting to this. consequently, before he realized it he was seized, and sent a prisoner to samboangan; the governor there received him gladly, at seeing in his power an indian who had made so much mischief. his brother continued to rouse disturbances, and an armada was sent against him, but accomplished nothing. this, however, warned him to avoid the blow, and he hid among the woods and hills. the guards of father combes seized by stratagem more than fifteen relatives of this evil man, and sent them to samboangan; love for his people, and their danger, brought this bloody man to the church, to beg mercy from the father. the latter gladly admitted him, and proposed to him the conditions, [of his pardon]--he and all his people, who were lutaos, must live in range of the artillery of the fort, and render service in the armada. he also obtained, by diligent efforts, the ascendency over the insurgents of siocon. father combes entered that village, landing there with his men; they asked for the bones of father campo's companions, which they found lying among the brier-patches. these they buried together, and placed a cross over the tomb. father combes took from that place a hermit, who, dressed as a woman, punctually observed the natural law, and professed celibacy; he was named lavia de manila. [73] this man was converted to the law of christ, and spent the remainder of his life as a faithful servant [of god]. in basilan, affairs were more difficult. most of the people of that island had been subdued by father francisco lado, [74] who with the aid of the governor of samboangan had driven from it all the panditas, [75] and the vicious and suspicious characters. only one of these was left, who by his malice stirred up much disquiet; this was one tabaco, who incited the natives of the island to revolution. all who desired to be freed from the tribute and other obligations repaired to him, and at once found in him their patron. his faction rapidly increased, and at samboangan it was decided to intercept this danger. diligent were their efforts, for the very basilanos whom it was necessary for the spaniards to employ warned this man of all that they did; and with their information he mocked the utmost efforts of the spaniards. an adjutant undertook a raid, with a considerable number of spaniards and pampangos, and burned his grain-fields; but he did not encounter tabaco, and had to return. father lado went to find him, and asked him to wait for him in a certain place; the father made such representations that he succeeded in inducing this man to leave the mountains. he went with the father to see the governor of samboangan, and gave the latter such assurances of his desires for peace and quiet that to him was entrusted the reduction of the natives. he returned to basilan, and to his perverse mode of life--so much so, that he tried to kill father lado, in order to remove that obstacle to his evil designs. the father knew his depraved intentions, and fled from the blow that was aimed at him; and at samboangan there was discussion, in a military council, of the most effective measure for restraining those seditious natives. among the speakers was an alférez, don alonso tenorio, who said that it was a fruitless trouble and fatigue to transport [to basilan] arms and troops, since these carried with them the warning to the rebels to place themselves in safety; that efforts should be made to kill tabaco, and the rest would be subdued, and thus this source of evil would be stopped without wearing out either spaniards or indians. the governor, who supposed that don alonso spoke without experience, and that the arrogance of youth led him too far, said to him: "then, your grace, go and kill him." tenorio was not a man to jest, or one to form speculative projects which others might carry out; he took this order quite in earnest, and immediately set out for basilan with some companions. he summoned tabaco to a certain place, in which he must communicate to him an important matter, which would be to his advantage. tabaco went to the place designated, with several of his most valiant companions; and tenorio also arrived with his friends. the indian awaited him without fear, at seeing him destitute of forces adequate to his own; and tenorio, having talked about the subject that had been agreed upon, said to him, in a most resolute voice, "tabaco, unless thou desirest me to kill thee, give thyself up as a prisoner." tabaco, without showing any alarm, rose to his feet, holding his lance, in order to reply with it; tenorio attacked him with astonishing courage, and the companions of both engaged in the fight. our men killed tabaco, and seven of his braves; and on our side one spaniard and two indians were slain. tenorio cut off tabaco's head, and those of his seven companions, and in forty hours [76] was already on his return to samboangan with these trophies. thus promptly was concluded an exploit which pledged [the safety of] all the forces of the garrison; with the death of tabaco his followers lost their courage, and the island remained entirely quiet. such is the power of an heroic resolution. it is certain that conversions of the moros are difficult, but those which are successful are stable; they steadfastly maintain the true religion, when they cast aside the errors of their false belief. the following instance is an edifying one, and goes far to confirm our statement. when the joloans were conquered and reduced to quiet, the turbulent and cruel achen--a dato, and a notorious pirate--was not pacified. he made a voyage to borney, in order to stir up the natives there, and to make them companions and auxiliaries in his robberies. he carried with him his wife tuam oley, [77] daughter of libot; the latter was a urancaya or petty king of the lutaos of the siocon coast, and was a mahometan by profession. enlightened within and from above, he had received holy baptism, and very strictly maintained its innocence. achen became very sick in borney, and, reduced to the last extremity, as a last farewell he made his wife swear that she would never abandon the doctrine of mahoma. after achen's death, oley began to feel the sorrows of an afflicted widowhood, and she sadly wrote to her father, libot, asking him to go to carry her away from that wretched exile. his paternal affection made him resolve, although he was now old and feeble, to go to console his daughter. the governor [of samboangan] tried to prevent this voyage, on account of libot's age, and because, as the latter had grown up in the errors of that sect, it was feared that there was danger of his perversion [from the christian faith]. the governor therefore proposed to him measures which were sufficient for removing his daughter from that country. libot assured him of his constancy in the faith, and in proof of his firmness, gave a contribution of a hundred pesos to the church; as it was not easy to detain him, they acquiesced in the voyage. he arrived at the court of borney, where, on account of his advanced age and the hardships of the journey, he fell ill, and this sickness proved to be mortal. the king, seeing libot, exhorted him to abandon the new religion and return to his former faith; but libot remained steadfast. then the king sent him his panditas, or learned doctors, in order to convince him; but they found that their efforts were in vain. the king was angered at this constancy, and threatened to take libot's property from him, make his daughter a slave, and fling his dead body into the open field. all this libot scorned, and charged his daughter to bury him as a christian, without using the ceremonies of the moors [i.e., mahometans] in their funerals, or even mingling these [with christian rites]; and so he died, in a very christian frame of mind. the prince took possession of all libot's property, and ordered that his daughter oley be imprisoned; but she, availing herself of her many slaves, forced her way out of her prison, and risked going as a fugitive to samboangan. the king, furious, undertook to avenge this affront on the corpse of her father, and commanded that it be disinterred; but through supreme providence they were never able to find it, although they attempted to, with the closest search, and they believed that his daughter had carried the body with her. oley arrived at samboangan safely, and soon fell ill, not without suspicion of some deadly poison. the fathers went to her, to see if they could convert her to the faith of jesus christ, but their persuasions were vain. in compassion, the governor and other persons opposed such obstinacy, with both promises and threats; but they could not make her change her opinion in the least. the victory was won by the [native] master-of-camp, don pedro cabilin, a very influential and respected man, who pledged himself to persuade oley to become a christian. she listened to him attentively on account of his nobility, and because he was of her own kinsfolk and blood. with these recommendations, and his effectual arguments, that obstinacy was conquered, and she received holy baptism, to the universal joy of the entire garrison. her godmother was the wife of the governor, doña cathalina henriquez, and the newly-baptized convert took that lady's name. oley had an excellent intellect, and put it to good use in her last moments, continually invoking god up to her last breath. the spaniards gave her a very solemn burial. the chiefs carried her body on their shoulders up to the door of the church, where the governor and the officers of the garrison took it, carrying it in the same manner to the burial-place, and afterward to the tomb--this magnificent display causing edification to all. [see santa theresa's account (in vol. xxxvi) of one of the outer waves of this insurrection, that among the manobos of mindanao.] in pampanga and pangasinan; 1660-61 [the following account of this revolt is taken (partly in synopsis) from diaz's conquistas, pp. 568-590. these events are also related in santa cruz's hist. sant. rosario, pp. 331-341; murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 253b-256; concepción's hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 9-35; and ferrando's hist. de los pp. dominicos, iii, pp. 67-74.] [p. 568:] all the ten years of the government of the prudent and magnanimous governor don sabiniano manrique de lara were a melancholy period of troubles and misfortunes, greater and more continual than these islands had ever before suffered; and without doubt they would have been more painful and intolerable if they had not been ameliorated and diminished by the discretion, affable behavior, and clemency of this great governor--so that it seems as if divine providence (or, in heathen phrase, fortune) had trained don sabiniano for a governor in such times. [diaz then enumerates several of these disasters, notably the losses of richly-laden galleons.] [p. 571 et seq.] so frequent were these losses that don juan grau de monfalcón, procurator in madrid for the city of manila, in a curious treatise which he presented to the royal and supreme council of indias makes a computation of them for sixty-five years, and finds that only fifteen of these were exempt from such misfortunes. but they were almost continual in this calamitous term of office, although don sabiniano met all these disasters with serenity and steadfastness, and apparently with cheerfulness; this he did through prudence, in order that the sorrow [of the people] might not extend to despair.... but no art could long veil so much misery. the more warlike provinces of these islands ascertained the unusual events which had caused our forces to be so small, however much prudence dissimulated these; and they sought to avail themselves of so good an opportunity, deeming it a suitable time for recovering their liberty, a gift of priceless value. subjugation is always a matter of coercion, and this in turn needs other and greater violence that it may repress this natural inclination; and in natives whose condition makes them abject this desire increases more vehemently. they did not realize that the spaniards had freed them from the harsh captivity of their barbarous tyranny, transferring them to an honorable subjection which made them more the masters of their liberty, because these rebels had not endured that tyranny. they came to know our lack of strength, and from that passed to despising it; they presumed more on their own strength than they ought, and rashly went on, without consideration, looking only at the end and forgetting the means [to attain it]. the first who decided to try fortune by experience were the pampangos, the most warlike and prominent people of these islands, and near to manila. [their rebellion was] all the worse because these people had been trained in the military art in our own schools, in the fortified posts of ternate, zamboanga, joló, caraga, and other places, where their valor was well known; but it needed the shelter of ours, and therefore it was said that one spaniard and three pampangos were equal to four spaniards. this people were harassed by repeated requisitions for cutting timber, for the continual building of galleons, and they received no satisfaction for many purchases of rice for which the money was due them. the province of pampanga is in our charge in spiritual matters, and there we have sixteen convents and doctrinas, among the best which there are in this field of christianity. the convents are: bacolor (which is the head of them all), baua, lubao, sexmoan, betis, porac, mexico, minalin, macabebe, apalit, candava, arayat, magalang, gapan, and santor. then in the hill-country beyond these places we have large missions of warlike peoples who are being converted to our holy faith, called italones, abacaes, and calonasas, and ituríes, and various others, who have been induced to settle in several villages. these are continually increasing, and we expect in god that they will attain much growth if it is not interfered with by subjecting them to tribute and personal services, of which they have a great horror. these are the hindrances which delay the conversions of these numerous peoples, some heathens and others recently converted; for among these tribes of low condition the appetite for liberty increases with great force--spurred on by the envy which is aroused in them at seeing the freedom which is enjoyed by other peoples as being more noble or vigorous, or because the cultivation of their mental powers procures it for them. many peoples were conquered because they did not know their own strength until they found that they were subdued. in these islands we find by experience that in no province do the people live more peaceably than in those which received us with hostility, and in none have they attempted a change [of rule] except in those which invited us with [offers of peace]--and the most pusillanimous of these have most strenuously endeavored to throw off the curb of subjection. those immediately surrounding manila were the last to do so, because in them our hands had seized the reins. some were intimidated by the contact with our power, and others were restrained by a sense of honor, seeing themselves admitted to the privilege of [carrying] our arms, and honored by the confidence which up to this time had been merited by the fidelity of the pampango people. on this occasion they were the first who broke away, because even our esteem could not remove from them their mean nature. the pampangos, determined to break the bonds of subjection and throw off the yoke of the spanish dominion, carried out that resolve with valor. in their opinion, they had just cause for this action, in the timber-cutting that was being done in their forests, in the place called malasinglo and bocoboco; they alleged as their first pretexts some acts of oppression committed on them by juan de corteberria, [78] chief overseer of the said timber-cutting--which lasted eight months, a thousand pampango men assisting in the work, levied in the usual repartimientos. in the early days of october, 1660, the loyal population of pampanga made their first rebellious movements--the people being exasperated against the overseers of the wood-cutting, who had been ill-treating them. setting fire to the huts in which they had lodged, they declared, by the light of the fierce flames, their rash intention; and as leader of their revolt they appointed an indian chief named don francisco maniago, a native of the village of mexico, who was master-of-camp for his majesty. the post of chaplain for the said wood-cutting was filled by a religious of the order of st. dominic, named father fray pedro camacho; [79] he made all possible efforts to pacify them, but all in vain. on this account he decided to come to manila and report everything to don sabiniano manrique de lara, to whom he represented that he did not regard as prudent the idea that he must proceed with rigor against the ringleaders of the sedition. at the same time when the information of that fire reached don sabiniano there came also advices from the alcalde-mayor of the province of pampanga, don juan gomez de payva, that he had exhausted all measures for restoring security. in consequence of this, don sabiniano again despatched father fray pedro camacho with a message for those people, that he on his part would assure them of pardon and relief if they would return and resume their work. don sabiniano rightly guessed the burden imposed by the circumstances of the occasion; for the revolt was in one of the most warlike nations of these islands, and the garrison at manila was drained of soldiers by the continual reënforcements sent to maluco, and by the aid [furnished from it] to the relief that had come from nueva españa. this had been brought in the patache "san damián," in charge of admiral don manuel de alarcon, sent by the viceroy, conde de baños, and had been secreted on the coast opposite the port of lampón; and therefore don sabiniano, although he put on an appearance of assurance, in reality experienced the utmost anxiety. he wrote secretly to our father fray josé duque, who was then prior of the convent of sexmoán, and to father fray isidro rodríguez, prior of the convent of baua, to ask that they, with the authority which they had acquired during so many years as ministers in that province, would endeavor to persuade those people to return to their obedience. those religious labored to that end, with all the greater eagerness on account of what was risked in the revolt; but the only effect was to set spurs to the boldness of the insurgents, who attributed to the governor's fear of them the peaceable measures that were proposed. the result showed this, for, tearing off at once the mask which they had worn, they presented themselves, armed, in the village of lubao, under the command of the above-named don francisco maniago, although many of the mutineers had gone to their own villages. others gathered in a strong force in the village of bacolor, closing the mouths of the rivers with stakes, in order to hinder the commerce of that province with manila; and they wrote letters to the provinces of pangasinán and ilocos, urging them to follow their example and throw off the heavy yoke of the spaniards, and to kill all of the latter who might be in those provinces. information of this reached don sabiniano at night, and, without stopping to wait for daylight, he embarked in company with the twelve military leaders, and set out at daybreak for the village of macabebe. the governor took with him, besides his alférez francisco de roa and others, the following recently-created officers: generals don felipe de ugalde, juan enrique de miranda, and don juan de vergara; admirals don diego cortés and don felix de herrera robachero; sargentos-mayor don pedro tamayo, martín sanchez de la cuesta, and pedro lozano; captains don pedro carmona, don juan de morales, don josé cascos de quirós, don alonso de las casas, don alonso de quirante, don gabriel niño de guzmán, juan diaz yañez, silvestre de rodas; and for his secretaries general sebastian rayo doria and juan de padilla. the government notaries were captain juan fijado and captain simón de fuentes; and the aides-de-camp, pedro méndez de sotomayor and francisco iglesias. with this detachment, who numbered at most 300 men, in eleven small champans and with four pieces of artillery, each carrying four-libra balls, don sabiniano began his journey; and he reached the village of macabebe at six in the afternoon of the following day, having been delayed a long time by removing the stakes with which the insurgents had closed the entrances to the rivers. all the islands were imperiled by this war, since all the tribes were on the watch for its outcome--which, in case it were adverse to the spaniards, would give to this [pampango] people a great reputation, and to the rest so much confidence that not one of them would forego the opportunity for their fancied relief. a very hazardous corrective was that of resort to arms; for, whether [we remained] victorious or conquered, in any event the spanish power would be left diminished and weakened. for, although only 200 infantry had been taken from the manila garrison for this expedition, it was necessary that the deficiency should be made good by the ecclesiastical estate in that city--which was left in charge of master-of-camp don domingo de ugarte. as we have stated, don sabiniano arrived at macabebe, a rich and populous village in that province; he came opportunely, as on that very day the people in that village had made ready their vessels and weapons to go to join the mutineers. those of macabebe received the governor with affected friendliness, the presence of the spaniards so well armed having taken away their courage; and all their anxiety was to hide the tokens of their disorder. the governor was lodged in the house of don francisco salonga, as it was the best in the village, although the convent was offered to him by father fray enrique de castro (who was its prior), observant of the civilities requisite to guests so honored, although unexpected. he also endeavored that all the women should be kept out of sight, so that the wanton conduct of the soldiers might not give any occasion for new dangers; and don sabiniano gave the men strict orders, with heavy penalties for the transgressors, so that they might not render the spanish name more odious through fault of ours. this unexpected arrival diverted the course of the resolution made by the macabebe natives, and therefore they revoked it, dissimulating with affected protestations of loyalty; but those who were found with arms did not neglect to hasten to hide their weapons, in order that their recent inconstancy might not render suspicious, by so manifest a token of rebellion, the loyalty which their respectful behavior pledged. don sabiniano well understood it all, but, feigning affable manners, and careful to show confidence, he made a virtue of the occasion. the obsequious solicitude of the macabebe men rendered doubtful the resolution of the others, who in the village of apalit took away the despatches that had been given to don agustin pimintuan, the intended ambassador of the rebels for conspiring in the provinces of pangasinán and ilocos, their near neighbors--fearing that he who bore them would place them in the hands of the governor, that he might with the names of the conspirators blot his own from the list of the traitors. all were afraid at the so close proximity of the governor, imagining that they already had upon them the entire spanish power, which discouraged the former ardor of all. it was worth much to don sabiniano that he had made sure of one individual, named don juan macapagal, a chief of the village of arayat, since it was necessary to pass through there to reach the province of pangasinán; and, this being assured, we were free from the danger that the indians of the two provinces might unite their forces. don sabiniano wrote a letter to don juan macapagal, in which, assuming his fidelity to his majesty, he ordered that chief to come to confer with him at macabebe. don juan macapagal immediately left his home, and, passing through the camp of the rebels, went to assure don sabiniano of his obedience, offering his life in the service of his majesty. don sabiniano treated him with great kindness, accompanied with promises [of reward], with which the fidelity of macapagal was easily secured. don sabiniano made him master-of-camp of his people, and, as pledges for his constancy, asked him for his children and wife, on the pretext of assuring in manila their safety from the rebels--thus mingling his confidence with measures of suspicion, but veiling this with pretexts of protection. the pampango, quite contrary to what was believed, accepted this so harsh condition; but when once the resolution of a nobleman has been declared, any alteration brings in greater distrust. don sabiniano sent captain nicolás coronado with twenty-five soldiers, ordering him to construct a fort in arayat, as was afterward done, and also to hasten the coming of the wife and children of macapagal. [the mutineers send an envoy to macapagal to secure his support, but he kills the envoy and compels his followers to turn back.] the chiefs and leaders of the mutiny were already finding that their followers had grown remiss, and the courage of those who supported them had diminished, and they despaired of the constancy of these. they were still more depressed by the news which they received of the extreme honors which the governor paid to the wife and children of don juan macapagal--sending them to manila with great distinction, and entrusting them to the gallant care of general don francisco de figueroa, the alcalde-mayor of tondo--and of their entertainment and kind reception, in which they were served with a display beyond what their condition and nature required. at this demonstration the envy of the rebels guessed the superior position to which macapagal's fidelity would raise him, above all those of his people. by the honors paid to this chief, the governor allured the ambition of the rest, and introduced discord in order to separate by craft that body which ambition held together. our religious availed themselves of this opportunity, and like thieves in the house, since they understood the natural disposition of the indians, they neglected no occasion to persuade some and allure others with promises--an endeavor which, although the governor had not charged it upon them, they prosecuted with great earnestness, on account of the great risk which was incurred by the christian church in such disturbances. all the ministers of that province accomplished much, especially the father definitors fray josé duque and isidro rodríguez, also fray jose de vega (the prior of guagua), fray andres de salazar, and fray enrique de castro, and others--whom those natives reverenced, as their abilities deserved. soon the results of these efforts became available; for the chief promoters of the rebellion, finding the courage of their followers so weakened, began to search for paths for their own safety. they despatched our father fray andrés de salazar with a letter to don sabiniano, in which they alleged, as an excuse for the disturbance, the arrears of pay which were due them for their services, together with the loans of their commodities which had been taken to manila for the support of the paid soldiers; they entreated his lordship to command that these dues be paid, so that their people, delighted with this payment and therefore laying aside their fury, could be disarmed by their chiefs and sent back to their homes. don sabiniano allowed himself to be influenced by the arguments which they placed before him, considering that the anger of the people is not easily quenched by resorting to another force, and so he agreed to grant them a part of what they demanded; and they were pacified by his paying some part of the debt--although the authorities must contract fresh obligations to do this, as the royal treasury was exhausted on account of not having received even the interest on the money which had been landed at a place one hundred leguas from manila. in view of this, the governor offered them 14,000 pesos, on account of what was due them, which amounted to more than 200,000 pesos. for this he sent his secretary, general sebastian rayo doria, to authorize two other commanders, generals juan enriquez de miranda and felipe de ugalde, to establish peace and publish the general amnesty for the past which he granted to all that people. when the writ of amnesty was drawn up, and the words were repeated to them in their own language by the amanuensis (who was one of the pampango tribe), in reading to them these words, "in the name of his majesty i grant pardon, for the sake of avoiding all bloodshed," he altered the sense of this sentence, telling them the very opposite [of what it said]. then, slipping out of the conference, he went among the crowd to tell them [this false statement], and from this resulted fresh disturbances. the effect of this was the detention of our generals as prisoners, and the choice of a new head, or master-of-camp, for the mutiny, don nicolás mañago--who immediately issued a proclamation that on the following day all should be on hand, with their arms ready for use. that day's interval gave opportunity for the labors of our religious, who did everything in their power to undeceive the people and dispel the error under which they were laboring--making known to them the true meaning of the terms of the amnesty; and thereupon those timid creatures began to grow calm. nor was the governor negligent meanwhile; for, as soon as he was informed of the condition of the generals whom he had sent, he commanded that the drums should immediately call the troops to arms, and they should move against the rebels--for his very desire for peace had made him keep his forces in readiness and at their stations; but, as a good officer, he knew that the most suitable means of securing an honorable peace is to make more formidable the preparations for war. the troops--[as yet] in peace, but well armed--were encamped very near the rebels; they traveled through the open country, as is possible in the settled part of that province (which is all rivers and bayous), conveyed in boats that were adequate for their numbers. the mountain route was taken by captain don luis de aduna and don sebastian villareal with the cavalry, in order to embarrass the enemy's retreat, and deprive them of their accustomed refuge, which is the mountains. don juan macapagal, who with loyal ardor took the field in his majesty's service, was sent to his own village of arayat, that he might, in conjunction with the people from the farms about that village, prevent the enemy from using that route to go to pangasinán--a matter which caused the governor much anxiety, as those natives are warlike. on the same day, at sunset, don sabiniano met his secretary, general sebastian rayo doria, whom the rebels had sent back with entreaties, that he might delay the just wrath of his lordship, and they accompanied these with submissions and offerings. most of our success in quieting this second revolt is due to the many efforts made by the fathers who were ministers in that province, not only with the common rebels but with their leaders--offering to the former amnesty, and to the latter rewards, on the part of his majesty. with only the near approach of the army, its march being directed toward the rebels, and with no other writ of requisition than its fearful reputation which threatened them with chastisement, affairs assumed another guise; and those who before looked at any plan for peace with distrust now solicited it, having lost their expectation of any more favorable arrangement. as don sabiniano understood the desire which led them, he spoke to them with affected severity, and despatched a courier to give them orders that they must immediately send him the two generals (whom they had detained to secure a settlement favorable to their fears), with their weapons, furnishings, and clothing, without a thread being missing. he said that if any one of these articles should be lacking, a duel would be enacted in honor of it, which would be satisfied [only] with the fire from weapons that were already intolerable in the hands [of the soldiers]; and that, if their valor could ill endure the bridle of clemency so ill recompensed, if they did not accept it he would now proceed to exchange it for severity. at the distance of a few paces the courier met generals sebastian rayo doria and juan enriquez de miranda, whom the rebels had set at liberty through the persuasions of the father ministers. as their fear was not quieted by any means whatever, they made haste to the safety which imagination suddenly presented to them; they feared that the illegal detention of the spanish generals would add fire to our indignation. the governor, seeing our honor thus satisfied, and discretion triumphant, turned to the alcalde-mayor of that province, and told him that on the following day he must surrender to him its chief men. those who were present looked at one another in surprise, wondering that the governor should not know the condition in which the chiefs still were, united and armed in so great a number that their submission was not to be expected at a mere summons. it is a fact that in the excuses which the chiefs had given for their resolution they cast the blame on the villages, attempting thus to confuse their own malice with [that of] the multitude. accordingly, it was expedient that the governor should follow their usage, by making them think that he had not fathomed their purposes, so that they could not guess that he was dissimulating. the result corresponded to the ingenious scheme, skill obtaining what guile had concealed. for the chiefs, seeing that their excuses were so readily received, attempted to carry them further; and therefore at one o'clock at night they arrived, with all the people of the revolted villages, in eighty vessels, at the village of macabebe. the military officers felt anxiety, not only at their coming at a suspicious hour of the night, but at the multitude, a great impediment to negotiations for peace; in view of this the governor deferred until the next day giving them audience. but as there are cases in which confidence is safer than mistrust, especially when one is intent on giving security to distrust and calming fear, the governor commanded that all should enter his presence, and that our armada and troops should, without any outcry or demonstration of anxiety, watch very attentively the actions of these people. it was the effect of fear, which is with difficulty laid aside when conscience itself accuses, that these rebels came armed to capitulate, concealing by the submission that they tendered the cunning with which they acted. many things have to be tolerated in an enemy when there are certain expectations of gaining one's end. the governor overlooked their being armed, and granted what they asked; and his efforts succeeded in allaying the fears of those people. he commanded the chiefs to make the people go away, so that they might resume their industries; and, in testimony of the fidelity which their authority guaranteed in the common people, he ordered them to continue sending the men necessary for the timber-cutting for the galleons, the only source of life for these islands. the multitude gladly took their departure, and the governor, although he was victorious and armed, did not choose for that time that the chiefs who had incited the rebellion should make amends for their fault; instead, he granted them all that they asked, and afterward talked with them quite familiarly--endeavoring to convince their minds, although he saw their strength conquered at his feet. to the chiefs who were humble and repentant he said: "i cannot deny that in demanding the payment of what was due you, you asked what was just; but as little can you deny that you did not ask it in a just way. not only because, when the manner in which you act must be so costly both to yourselves and to the king, he who solicits justice by such means is the aggressor, more cruel than is justice, perverting peace and introducing war (in which this virtue [of justice] is always lacking), but because in war all the wealth that one had intended to increase is destroyed; and it is more cruel than kind to employ, in order to show anger at the wealth which recognizes a debt, what will cause the ruin of property and lives. who has ever grown rich through war? and who has not lost in war that which in peace he held secure? many are they who with the wealth that they possessed had not yet been able to attain the success at which they aimed; and those who had attained it were subjected to a lamentable misery--the villages burned, the countries depopulated, and their customs trampled under foot. it is not, then, justice to bring in general ruin as the price of so limited an expectation, which vanishes through the very means by which it is secured. if this mode [of obtaining what you demand] is so harsh, your purpose is no less unjust. you make an arrogant demand upon the king, when you know that he cannot pay you; and in order to expedite it you oblige him to incur greater expenses, thus doing more to render his efforts impossible. ignorance may serve other provinces as an excuse, but not you, whom our continual intercourse with you has rendered more intelligent. you know very well the scantiness of the relief which has come from nueva españa during my term of office; and you are not ignorant of the unavoidable expenses which this government is obliged to meet for the preservation of the country, which much exceed the aid received. one galleon alone demands half of the money, even when the wages and other expenses are reduced to what is absolutely necessary. the [expenses of the] fortified posts, which are paid for by all the native peoples, amount to five thousand [pesos]; while the aid [sent], averaging one year with another, hardly amounts to 5,000 pesos. the king has no other wealth than that of his vassals, and his own is in the amount that their defense requires, when the necessities of these islands are so great; for with you [indians] he does not avail himself of this right, which is that of all kings and commonwealths. many times have i written to his majesty to ask that he regulate this matter; and from his clemency i am expecting the relief for which i have been so anxious, which i am sure he will furnish. must his majesty, since the peace of these islands and the maintenance of the faith in them are all so costly to his royal treasury, make up the omissions of the officials in nueva españa? your patience would be greater than ours if your gratitude more quickly recognized our kindness in employing our forces for your defense, and our arms in watching over your peace. i ask you to consider, not the powerful enemies who oppose our forces, but the wretched condition in which you formerly lived without our arms--in continual wars, within even your own homes, one village against another; without liberty having two leguas of extent, and being waylaid by your own tyranny, without any right save might, or further justification than deeds of violence. let me remind you of the way in which you lived; your huts were the taller trees, like bird's nests, [80] your sleep was disturbed by the nightmare of anxiety, because danger confronted you, so near that it was no farther away than from one house to another. cast your eyes on the spanish infantry; consider the hardships which they endure on sea and land; and see what support they receive, only the fourth part of the wages assigned them, which still does not bring them to the condition which among your people is misery. see how they give to the king, as a loan, each year much more than this, and of much more importance--since they deprive themselves of life itself, without any opportunity remaining to them for supplying their needs. they serve as if they were slaves, and would be fortunate if we paid them as we do our servants. and finally, consider that the king taxes himself in enormous sums, for your safety and defense alone, while the rest of the nations in the world obey him and pay him tribute. they all enrich his treasures, yet he willingly lavishes these here, for you people. understand these reasons, and you will see how little cause you had for so ungrateful a resolution. your natives must be blamed for the ungrateful way in which they have acted, since they have shown no patience with a nation which has endured so much for you, or for its king, who has so generously spent his money for your welfare. notify them also that i acknowledge the docility with which they have returned to their obedience, more in humility than in distrust; for i would grieve much if we came to blows, since if fighting began i could not restrain the soldiers from compelling me, against my wishes, to behold your entire ruin. you know very well that there is no people in these islands who can resist their valor in the field, and no hope could render you secure [from them]. the open country [would be] clear of obstructions, the ground level, the villages wide open; and you would have to flee to the mountains, wherever necessity guided you lost creatures, or else the ashes of your villages must be mingled with those of your bodies. i have had a greater struggle with the spanish valor, to check its ardor, than even with your thoughtlessness [in trying] to bring you to a full knowledge of your error. now let your behavior blot out that error, since i have forgiven you for what is past; and beware that you do not repeat your faithless ingratitude." thus did the discreet and sagacious governor, don sabiniano, destroy the infernal seed that discord had sowed in the hearts of the pampangos, alluring them with [the idea of] liberty, more potent than the apple of gold flung down at the marriage of peleus and thetis.... don sabiniano received all their excuses with his usual affability, and in the name of his majesty restored them to his favor and to the condition of faithful vassals, and gave them in due form, in writing, a general amnesty. he commanded the alcalde-mayor to distribute to them with exactness and care the sum which he had, by contracting new obligations, brought for their relief; and to order them in testimony of their repentance--now that he had brought them back to their former fidelity, and as this outbreak had been [the result of] their anxiety, in grief rather than in rebellion--to repair, as before, with men to the wood-cutting for the construction of the ships. they asked from him time to repair their houses, and permission to attend to their cultivation of the soil; and this was granted, to their satisfaction. the affairs of the province were immediately put in order. the governor commanded juan camacho de la peña to retire, and left as governor of the province general don francisco de atienza y báñez--an old soldier whose valor was equal to the wisdom gained by his experiences in the governments which he had held in these islands, in caraga and zamboanga--with orders that he must exercise vigilance in regard to every indication of disturbance, and by prudent action and kind treatment constrain the natives to prefer their own tranquillity. he sent a despatch by adjutant francisco amaya, accompanied by seven soldiers, to the province of pangasinán, to notify the alcalde-mayor, named francisco gómez pulido, of the outcome in pampanga, in order that he might with this example be on the alert in his own province. don sabiniano also ordered him to communicate this information to the alcaldes-mayor of ilocos (don alonso de peralta) and of cagayán, and warn them to keep watch on the movements of the natives, and to endeavor that the submission of the pampangos should confirm the others in their tranquillity. nor was the governor content with this activity only; but he sent a sealed letter to the sargento-mayor of the royal regiment in manila, francisco pedro de quirós, with orders that he should deliver it, in a well-equipped champan with twelve soldiers, to a thoroughly reliable person; and that the latter, when two leguas beyond mariveles, should open the letter, and execute the orders that he should find therein. these were, that he should take the route to pangasinán, and deliver the letters which he had sent to the alcalde-mayor, in which he warned him by the events in pampanga of the danger which he had cause to suspect in the province which was in his charge, and of the watchful care that he must exercise over the actions of the natives therein; and that if any pampangos should be dispersed through his villages--and he regarded it as certain that such had been sent, in order to form conspiracies among those natives--he should by suitable plans arrest them and send them to manila. having made these arrangements, the governor returned to the capital, taking in his company don francisco mañago, under pretext of employing him in the office of master-of-camp for those of his tribe in that city. under the pretext of honoring this chief, he cloaked his anxiety to remove from the sight of the pampangos the man to whom all eyes were directed on account of his authority and power, and from whom, it was understood, their resolution took new breath; for, if their regard for peace grew weak, his prestige and authority might not be lacking for seditions--although this alone was not the sole incentive which moved them, since it was accompanied by the influence of josé celis, a native of that province, who was incited by the laws that he had learned, which had been taught to him by the auditor don francisco samaniego y cuesta, under whom he had served. at the same time he carried with him others of the more guilty, whom he attracted with the hope of greater rewards; there was no discussion of other modes of satisfaction, as the occasion did not allow them. after the return of the governor to manila, affairs were so skilfully arranged that the pampangos themselves demanded that two garrisons be placed in their province, as necessary to their security--one in lubao, to free themselves from the invasions which in that direction they are continually suffering from the blacks of the hill-country; and the other in arayat, as a precaution against the fears which arise from the pangasinans--and that these should be in charge of officers thoroughly satisfactory to the governor. this, the very thing that the governor desired, was quickly agreed to, and he stationed in arayat captain nicolás coronado, and in baras (which is lubao) captain juan giménez de escolástica, soldiers of great valor. this step was of great importance on account of the commotions (which will be considered further on) in the provinces of pangasinán and ilocos, the results of which were so lamentable that up to this day they have not ceased to arouse grief. very different were they from the events in pampanga, for in the latter province there was not experienced any death, or ravaging of churches, or burning of villages, but merely threats of disobedience to their chiefs; but in the other provinces, all these things occurred, and many of each kind. the alcalde-mayor, francisco gómez pulido, replied to the governor's letter that the natives in his province maintained remarkable peace, and that the alcalde-mayor of ilocos, don alonso peralta, had made the same report to him; and with this the anxiety that was felt in regard to those provinces was partly dissipated. but his vigilance was deceived; for in a fortnight from that time, in the village of malunguey in the province of pangasinán, from some slight cause was raised a sedition which compelled the alcalde-mayor to hasten out with the soldiers whom the governor had sent him in the champan. those first disturbances were quieted, more because the fruit of rebellion was not yet matured than because other endeavors were made [by the spaniards]. the alcalde-mayor was more easily satisfied than he should have been with the dissembled tranquillity, and sent a report of the whole affair to manila. however much the ashes of dissimulation hid the fire, it did not fail to make its presence known, by the smoke that it sent forth, or by the flames which arose at every breath of wind. one is wont in such case to curb caution, even though he has not yet the wood ready for keeping up the fire of his strength; but if one is sure of safety without having turned over the ashes, a fire that cannot be checked will leap upon him in his sleep. the fire, covered during two months, steadily spread, through the hidden passage of the intercourse between different villages, until its effects became so serious that the alcalde-mayor francisco gómez pulido was undeceived, and had to give up his groundless confidence. a spark flew over to the province of ilocos, and left matters there ready for the operations that afterward were seen.... it took two months, as i have said, after apparent quiet was secured, to explode the mine which the faithlessness of the pangasinans had covered, [and this occurred] with a fearful crash. on the fifteenth of december, 1660, this perilous volcano was revealed in lingayén, the chief town of that province. the reason why its effects were so long delayed was the great bulk which it had acquired through the diligence of don andrés malóng, his majesty's master-of-camp for that tribe, a native of binalatongan. the first proceeding of mob ferocity was to go to the house of the alguazil-mayor [81] and kill him and all his family, and then set fire to his house. from here the multitude went, hoisting their sails, under the guidance of malóng to conquer the villages--by the cruel acts of armed force gaining those who would not voluntarily have surrendered to them. encouraged by their large following, which was hourly increasing, malóng directed his efforts to capture by force the village of bagnotan, one of the richest and most populous of that province, whose inhabitants had thus far refused to range themselves on the side of the traitors. the loyalty of those people proved very costly to them; for they were suddenly attacked one night by don andres malóng, followed by more than four thousand rebels. they sacked the town, and after having committed many inhuman murders set fire to it, and reduced it to ashes--the voracity of the flames not sparing the convent and church, a magnificent edifice which was one of the finest that the fathers of st. dominic possessed in that province. the father minister thought himself fortunate that he could escape with his life, fleeing on a swift horse from the barbarous cruelty of the assailants--who, on learning that the alcalde-mayor francisco gómez pulido had left lingayén in flight, flew thither on the wings of their fury. he had embarked with all his family, and with the soldiers whom the governor had sent him, in the champan of a ship-master named juan de campos; but, as unfortunately they could not pass over that bar on account of the ebb-tide, they had to wait for high tide, and this gave the insurgents time to arrive. attempting to attack the champan, they found such resistance from the firearms of those within it that they had to curb their first fury; but they were soon freed from this hindrance by the malicious cunning of some sangleys, who imparted to them a scheme for success. this was, to cover some small boats with many branches of trees, when they could safely attack those on the champan--which plan they carried out so effectively that a great number of little boats in entire safety made an assault on the champan. those who were in it could make no resistance to such a multitude, and were all put to the sword--among them the alcalde-mayor, who did wonderful things in the defense, until, covered with wounds from arrows and javelins, and faint from loss of blood, his strength failed. the rebels killed his wife, who had recently become a mother, and his sister-in-law, a young girl, and all those in his service--soldiers, servants, and other people--no one being able to escape from this barbarous cruelty except a little girl and a little boy (the latter only a few days old), the children of the alcalde-mayor. their lives were saved by the efforts of a friendly indian from the village of binalatongan; don sabiniano afterward rewarded him, and gave the girl an encomienda for the services rendered by her father. with this deed, which seemed a victory to don andrés malóng, he persuaded himself that he had closed the account with the entire spanish nation, his arrogant confidence believing that the spaniards would not return there on account of their punctilious regard for honor. carried away by his vanity, he caused himself to be acclaimed king of pangasinán, with much drinking of wine; and he bestowed the title of conde on don pedro gumapos, a native of the village of agoo. in order to perpetuate by might his new but tyrannical dignity, he summoned to his aid the zambal tribe--a people who know no more civilized mode of life than the savage abode of the mountains and rocks; and without recognizing any one as king save him who, most barbarous of all, distinguishes himself as most courageous. they accepted the invitation, attracted more by the desire to plunder than by friendship, a relation which they recognize with no one. with this succor, malóng easily persuaded himself that he was invincible; his arrogance therefore led him to send letters to all the chiefs of the provinces of ilocos and cagayán, commanding that they immediately acknowledge him as their lord, and slay all the spaniards whom they might find in those provinces, unless they wished to experience chastisement from his power. he sent other letters, similar to these, to pampanga, and especially to don francisco mañago; these were seized from the messengers by the wary artifice, inspired by loyalty, of an indian, a native of magalang, who offered to the messengers to place the letters safely in the hands of don francisco mañago. he delivered them to the commandant of the fort at arayat, captain nicolás coronado, who without delay sent them to the governor, who received them on the twentieth of the same month of december. when he opened these, he found that their contents were, in brief, to tell don francisco mañago that, if he did not undertake to arouse the province of pampanga to take sides with malóng, killing the spaniards who were found therein, he would send for the chastisement of that province don melchor de vera, with six thousand men who were already under his command. this assertion was not a false one; for so great was the multitude of adherents who were coming to him--some attracted by the novelty, others by their eagerness for plunder, and others by inconstancy or fear--that he was able to divide his men into three parts. to don melchor de vera he gave orders to descend on pampanga with six thousand men, and conquer the villages; to don pedro gumapos he assigned three thousand pangasinans and zambals, with orders to reduce the provinces of ilocos and cagayán; and he himself was left with two thousand men, to furnish aid wherever necessity required it. this information was received by the governor without surprise, as if he had been expecting it; and on that very afternoon he despatched, to fortify the post at arayat, captain silvestre de rodas--an old soldier of experience and reputation in many encounters, in which his valor always obtained the advantage over the enemy. the governor gave him fifty infantry, so that in case don melchor de vera arrived with the rebel army he could maintain his position, going out to encounter them until the arrival of general francisco de esteybar with the spanish army. the latter was on the same day appointed commander-in-chief of the troops and lieutenant of the governor and captain-general, with all the body of soldiers who, under the pressure of necessity, could be detached from the scanty garrison of manila. on the same day don sabiniano appointed, as commander of the armed fleet which he resolved to equip and despatch against the rebels, general felipe de ugalde--a man of unusual prudence, and distinguished by heroic deeds in the army of ternate, where he was sargento-mayor. to this he added a commission as commander-in-chief of pangasinán and ilocos, in order that he might be able to act independently, wherever he might be, and, in the lack of a governor for those provinces, carry out their pacification through their fear of punishment. in this army went the following officers: sargento-mayor diego de morales, and captains simón de fuentes, alonso castro, juan de san martín, don juan de morales, don juan francisco. in it were also the company of merdicas (who are malays), and their master-of-camp cachil duco, the prince of tidori; don francisco garcía; the company of creole negroes, [82] with their master-of-camp ventura meca; and the japanese of dilao. they had four pieces of artillery, which carried four-libra balls. on december 22 general esteybar began the march by land; on the twenty-fourth general don felipe de ugalde set out by sea, with four champans and under their protection a joanga. with the former went two hundred infantry, and other troops of all nationalities, japanese and merdicas; while ugalde took seventy spaniards and some thirty pampangos--with captains don alonso quirante, don juan de guzmán, juan díaz yáñez, don diego de lemos; the adjutant diego sánchez de almazán, miguel roldan, and cristobal romero; captains nicolás blanco and lorenzo coronado. ugalde carried orders to land at lingayén, the chief town in the jurisdiction of pangasinán, and fortify a post from which he could inflict injury on the enemy. this was compassed by the activity of general ugalde; for, having stationed a force in bolinao, he assured [the loyalty of] that village, [83] which had been doubtful. although those natives had not yet committed the cruelties of those of pangasinán, they carried out the orders sent them by malóng; and they had captured a spanish woman, and slain a spaniard named pedro saraspe, the collector for bolinao--which was an encomienda of admiral pedro duran monforte--and had sent his head to don andrés malóng. general ugalde quieted all their fear of the chastisement which they saw threatening their heads, and, placing the government of the village in the hands of a chief who had shown himself most steadfast in loyalty, don luis sorriguen, he left bolinao secured for the service of his majesty. then he pursued his way, and came in sight of the bar at lingayén on january 6, 1661; although he strove, at the risk of his armada, to enter it against the severity of the storm that opposed him, the weather prevailed, and compelled him to make port two leguas to leeward of the bar, at suali. he sent the joanga (which is an oared vessel) to make soundings at the bar, with orders to summon him by signals, so that he could approach with this opportunity near enough to reconnoiter the fortifications of the rebels. he discovered a large crowd of people, who made him no other reply than that of bullets and arrows; and he observed the haste with which they were building fortifications, working behind a shelter which they had made of gabions. the foresight of the general suspected that they had not closed the bar against him, and he again strove, although without avail, to enter it on the eighth of the same month. then, seeing that the weather was steadily becoming more favorable to the enemy, he proposed to assault the village by land. this idea of his was opposed by all the military leaders, and he therefore had to repeat his attempt by sea, on the ninth; but they had hardly set sail when they encountered a messenger from the minister of lingayén, father juan camacho, [84] of the order of st. dominic. he informed them that the usurping "king," malóng, had despatched soldiers with orders to cut off the head of the governor of that village, named don pedro lombey, to burn the church, and to carry the religious as prisoners to him at binalatongan, where he was waiting far them; for with this severity he expected to compel the few people whom that governor and the religious were keeping peaceable, to take sides with his faction. at the same time, that religious related the grievous injuries, the plundering of property, and the burning of buildings, that had been inflicted by the cruelty of the insurgents, and those which must result if the above order were carried out; for then that village and the christian church which had been maintained under its protection would be finally destroyed. general ugalde immediately formed another resolution, without submitting it to the opinions of other men; since in critical moments, when reputation and the common welfare are at stake, such opinions serve rather as a hindrance than as an advantage to success. he commanded the infantry to disembark, without allowing them to take with them anything save their weapons. he despatched the armada in charge of captain don diego de lemos, commanding him to contend once more against the severity of the elements [for an entrance to the river], and, if he could not overcome their hostility, to return to the harbor, and there await the result and new orders. he ordered the adjutant, diego sánchez de almanzán, to enter the river with the joanga, at all risks, as its passage was so important for the security of the people against the enemy, who were awaiting them on the other side; and told him that if the joanga should be wrecked they would find him and his troops at a post convenient for securing the people from invasion by the enemy. ugalde divided his soldiers into three bodies; one of these went ahead as vanguard, under command of captain miguel rendón. the battalion was given to captain cristobal romero, and the rearguard to captain juan díaz yáñez. captains nicolás blanco and lorenzo coronado were sent forward with some arquebusiers, to reconnoitre the field. the general gave public orders to the men of the rearguard to shoot the first soldier who should retreat from his post. he was awaited at the bar by the forces of the insurgents, who supposed that he had come in the champans which they saw endeavoring to occupy the bar. by this precaution he took them by surprise, so little ready for it that, seeing themselves assailed and the drums sounding the call to arms behind them on the land, this second danger so terrified them that their defensive array was thrown into confusion; and their fear giving them no leisure for other plans, it sent them headlong and dispersed them in precipitate flight. the army of ugalde arrived at the river without encountering the enemy, at four in the afternoon, and continuing the march, he entered the village of lingayén at sunset, with all his men. the only persons whom he found alive there were the father ministers and four chiefs; but they saw in front of the royal buildings, impaled on stakes, the heads of alcalde-mayor francisco gómez pulido, nicolás de campos, pedro saraspe, and the wife and the sister-in-law of pulido--which the rebels, in their confusion, could not hide. when those people rebel, and see that they involve themselves in danger, they try to lead the rest to engage in destruction, in order thus to persuade the rabble and those who are easily deluded that, if they remain in the villages, they expose themselves to the blows of the vengeance which will be executed on those whom the sword encounters. for the same reason, they try to burn the churches and kill the priests, thinking that with such atrocious deeds the crime becomes general, even though it has been committed by only a few. thus fear, which so easily finds place in their pusillanimous natures, drives them to flee as fugitives; and necessity makes them take refuge with those who are traitors, fearing their cruelties. it was this that had caused most [of the people of lingayén] to flee, since their hands were free from such crimes. on the same night when general ugalde arrived, four agents of don andrés malóng came, in accordance with the warning of father camacho which had hastened the general's decision; they came to set fire to the church and seize the religious; and, as they did not find the men whom they had left in defense of the bar, or any one of their faction in the village who could warn them in time, they easily fell into the power of ugalde's men. he immediately ordered that their heads should be cut off and suspended from hooks on the road to binalatongan, in order that these might be tokens of the severity that would be experienced by those who were stubborn in their rebellion. by this means general felipe de ugalde so quickly pushed his good fortune that when the military commander-in-chief arrived, which was on january 17, only two villages in the entire province of pangasinán, those of malunguey and binalatongan, persisted in their rebellion; and most of the inhabitants of the villages had returned to their homes, remaining in their shelter and peace. the commander-in-chief, francisco de esteybar, although he at first set out by land, was detained for some time because he halted at arayat, to wait for the pampango troops who were being levied for this campaign--until on the sixth day he was constrained to begin the march by the news which he received about the natives of magalang, the furthest village in pampanga, by a chief from porac named don andrés manacuil. this man had been snared and captured by malóng, with eleven companions who were lying dead from lance-thrusts, and he alone had escaped. he declared that don melchor de vera was approaching with an army of six thousand pangasinans, and that they would reach that village on the following day; that it was not strong enough to resist the enemy, and therefore it would be necessary for the spaniards, unless they received reënforcements, to abandon the village and take refuge in the mountains. the general's reply was prompt action; he gave the signal to march with all the energy and promptness that the emergency demanded, and on the same day reached magalang, at nightfall. there he learned that the rebel army had lodged that night at macaulo, a hamlet two leguas distant. francisco de esteybar proposed to push ahead, but this was opposed by the leading officers, on account of the men being exhausted with marching all day long. the cavalry captain don luis de aduna offered to go, with the freshest of the men, proceeding until he encountered the enemy, so as to ascertain how strong they were, and doing them what damage he could. the commander-in-chief gladly accepted the offer, and, adding a detachment of thirty foot-soldiers to the cavalry troop, he despatched them very quickly. the enemy don melchor de vera came to meet the army, ignorant and unsuspecting that he would find it so near and in the field; and the night, the fatigue of his men, and the present hostile attitude of the people, rendered futile the activities of his spies. the troop of don luis de aduna marched in good order, and, although he sent forward men to explore the road, when daylight came he found himself in the midst of the enemy, who were stretched out in a pleasant open field--nearly all of them lying on the ground, either from their natural sloth or overcome by sleep. the pangasinans raised an alarm, uttering a loud shout, a signal with which all these peoples begin their battles, in order to arouse their own courage and weaken that of the enemy; but such was not the effect of their activity on this occasion, for apprehension awoke, without enlivening their courage, and, their fear of unforeseen danger prevailing, it made them run away in disorderly flight from the perils that they dreaded. as for our men--whether the horses, frightened by the unaccustomed shouting, could not be held in by the curb; or their riders, at sight of that frightful multitude armed, felt the natural effect in their hearts; or their ears were deafened by the hideous shouts, of for some other reason--the cavalry of the squadron turned their backs, with the same haste as did the enemy, without either side waiting to prove the danger with their weapons. who doubts that don luis de aduna, already informed of the multitude of those whom he was going to seek, had carefully considered the hazard? but it is not the same thing to look at the danger from afar, and to consider it while in the midst of it, if the leader has known danger beforehand from similar experiences. if he had fought in other campaigns, he would have known that mere numbers do not make these peoples more valiant; for they do not know how to wage war except in their ambuscades, where they are quite safe, and in the open field they cannot, for lack of military discipline, maintain battle for an instant. at last the cavalry arrived in safety at the camp, to report to their commander, general francisco de esteybar, without having accomplished anything worthy of note. the commander, not only to proceed with the foresight which the remoteness of the country and the laborious march required, but to make sure that the enemy's army should not leave pampanga, waited there a week, going round a hill opposite, which had a spring on the other side. don melchor de vera, although he had seen his own men take to flight, as he saw that our soldiers did the same thing, attributed to his own valor that panic of terror of which the incidents are perhaps noted among the barbarous exploits of these peoples, in recording the events of war in these islands. don melchor de vera returned to the presence of his [superior, the] usurping king, and assured him that he had left the spaniards conquered, and cut off the heads of three hundred of them and more than a thousand pampangos, without losing a single man of his own. but all the exploit that he had performed was to cut off the heads of three indians from the village of cambuy (a visita of arayat), whom don juan macapagal had sent on business to the village of telbán; their bodies were found this side of the village of paniqui. what these peoples gain easily they regard with credulity and confidence; accordingly they supposed that the failure of the spaniards to follow them was a recognition of their power. this delay, which they attributed to fear, gave them assurance; and as general felipe de ugalde had not yet set his troops in motion for lingayén, they all considered themselves safe, and talked of following up their enterprise, to which they were led by their eagerness to make an actual raid on the province of ilocos; for it was rich in gold, and its inhabitants had little courage. they were encouraged to this by the favorable result of the raid which "conde" don pedro gurcapos had effected a few days before, although he only went as far as bauang; but now, with their troops still further reënforced, they wished to go as far as cagayán, to stir up the minds of those natives, so that, if they succeeded, they could induce those people to join them. for this purpose, they detached from the best troops of the rebel army as many as four thousand men, zambals and pangasinans, and placed them under command of don jacinto macasiag, a native of binalatongan, for the new conquest--which they supposed would be very easy, as the minds of some of the chiefs there, with whom they had held correspondence, were prepared for it. soon don andrés malóng repented of having separated so large a number of troops from the main body of his army, when, on the ninth of january, general ugalde gave the signal for hostilities by way of lingayén; and on the seventeenth of the same month the commander, francisco de esteybar, came unexpectedly with all the strength of the spanish army. the rebels of binalatongan had torn down and burned the bridge, which was built of planks--a difficulty which might prove an obstacle to the courage of francisco de esteybar; but a courageous soldier named cristóbal de santa cruz, with two bold merdicas, made the crossing easy. the latter leaped into the water, swimming, and the spaniard walked upon their shields or bucklers; and in this way, fastening together all the logs and bamboos that they could collect, they made a raft large enough to transport on it the infantry. malóng sent to summon don melchor de vera, and in the interval, urged on more by the fear arising from their guilt than by the number of the spanish soldiery (which, compared with that of the rebels, was much smaller), all the rebels took refuge in binalatongan; but this did not last them long, for the two generals, having united their forces, marched forward to attack them and thus end the war at once. don andrés malóng, having been informed of this intention, would not wait to confront the chances of fortune. he set fire to the village of binalatongan, and plundered it of everything; and he burned the church and convent, the images of the saints which were therein becoming the prey of that barbarous multitude, who trampled on them and broke them in pieces, venting on, these figures of the saints the fury and madness which obliged them to retreat to the mountains. this they did in such haste that many fell into the hands of the soldiers whom the commander-in-chief, observing their flight, quickly sent for this purpose. the main body of the troops--not only the cavalry but the infantry--followed the rebels, as far as the ground allowed them to, killing, while the pursuit lasted, more than five hundred zambals and rebels. after this the army not being able to continue the pursuit, returned to lingayén in order to aid the other provinces wherever necessity might require. soon afterward, troops of indians began arriving, to cast themselves at the feet of the commander-in-chief, entreating pardon; and he in virtue of the powers with which he had been invested, detained those whom he considered guilty, and allowed the rest to go to their villages. the natives, in order to check the just wrath of the spaniards, thought best to offer themselves to bring in don andrés malóng a prisoner; and francisco de esteybar, having learned where this man had concealed himself--which was in a forest between bagnotan and calasiao--sent captain simon de fuentes and alférez alonso de alcántara with sixty soldiers, fifteen spaniards, with fifteen merdicas and creoles, and sargento-mayor pedro machado of ternate and some pangasinans, who served as guides. they found the hut of don andrés malóng, where they arrested him and his mother, beata de santo domingo; they also took away a girl of ten years, a sister-in-law of francisco pulido, whom he had kept a captive for the purpose of marrying her. they found a large quantity of gold, pearls, and silver, which malóng had taken with him. carrying him to binalatongan, they placed him in prison, under close guard. it is quite worth while to note what happened to don francisco de pacadua, one of the principal rebels, who in this farce played the role of judge to the king don andrés malóng. they had carried him a prisoner to binalatongan; and, as he was very rich he formed a plan to escape from the prison by bribing the guards with much gold. he succeeded in this, and in his flight, while crossing the river, a crocodile seized him; but it did him no further harm than to carry him held fast in [its mouth], to the mouth of the river of binalatongan, where some soldiers were on guard, and to leave him there, half-dead with fear, with only some slight wounds from the creature's claws. the soldiers ran up to see who he was, and recognized pacadua; they took him prisoner, and in due time he atoned for his crime on the gallows. they conveyed him to the presence of general francisco de esteybar, who ordered that he be carefully guarded until his punishment should be duly adjudged; for in the province of ilocos very lamentable events were making pressing calls upon the spanish forces--since, as will be seen in the proper place, the natives there had slain two religious. francisco de esteybar was informed how, among the ravages and cruelties which the rebels had committed in the village of malunguey, they had demolished the church and convent in order to use the planks in these for making their fortifications; and in a thicket had been found an image of the mother of god, [that had been taken] from that church, showing marks of ill-treatment, and with its hands cut off. francisco de esteybar went to malunguey with most of his army, and they carried the sacred image in a triumphal procession to binalatongan, where it was reverently deposited. it is said that the rebels used the hands of the sacred image as spoons for eating their cooked rice [morisqueta]--an act of insolence which was made known as being insurrection and rebellion against both majesties. it is also related that they trampled on the rosaries and committed other impious acts, tokens of their apostasy. the fathers of st. dominic labored much in reducing and pacifying the insurgents, displaying the ardor and energy in insurrection which they are accustomed to exert in their missions and ministries; but as the hearts of the pangasinans were so cold, and their wills were so obstinate in their treacherous rebellion, they would not be affected even by blows from the hammer of the strongest cyclop. but many withdrew from the ranks of the insurgents through the counsel and persuasion of father fray juan camacho--don carlos malóng, the brother of the usurping king don andrés, and many others--who, being tractable, in time embraced his wholesome counsels. thus was finally extinguished this fire which rebellion kindled in the province of pangasinán, which threatened great destruction--although it wrought no slight havoc in the burning of the two villages bagnotan and binalatongan, which were the most important in that province; and up to the present time they have not been able to recover the wealth and population that they formerly had. that the outbreak of these rebels was no more extensive is due to the fact that the governor undertook so promptly to apply the remedy, sending out by land and sea officers so valiant, and so experienced in conquest--as [for instance], francisco de esteybar, who was one of the most fortunate soldiers who have been known in these regions. in a printed history [85] i have seen mention of this rebellion in pangasinán with much solicitude to exonerate the insurgents, and omitting many circumstances which aggravate it. but i am not influenced by prejudice, for i do not feel it; but i am guided by the relations of it made by disinterested persons of that period, and of soldiers who took part in the said reduction. some of these are still alive, among them captain alonso martín franco, who was present in all the revolutions, those of pampanga, pangasinán, and ilocos, and gives an account of all the events above mentioned and of those which are related in the following chapters. in the latter are recounted the ravages wrought by don pedro gumapos, by order of his king don andrés malóng, in the province of ilocos, aided by the zambals, a cruel and barbarous people, who inflicted so much harm on that province that it is deplored even to this day. raid of the pangasinans and zambals into the province of ilocos; 1660-61 [this is related by diaz, continuing the above account, in his conquistas, pp. 590-616 (book iii, chapters xxi-xxiv).] that i may give a more satisfactory relation of the melancholy tragedy in the province of ilocos, i have thought it best to defer for later mention the march of the fantastic "conde" don pedro gumapos to that province, where we shall find him in due time, and to follow the relation of all those occurrences which was sent to our father provincial, fray diego de ordas, by his vicar in that province, father fray bernardino márquez--adopting the simplicity of his mode of writing, that i may without exaggeration accurately describe the events of all that occurred there; for a uniform style cannot always be employed, especially when the accounts of others are followed. on the sixteenth day of december in the year 1660, the father preacher fray luís de la fuente, prior of that district, having left the village of bauang--to which he had gone to make his confession--to go to his village of agoo, learned on the route of the insurrection in the province of pangasinán, and the raid of the zambals into that of ilocos. he returned to bauang with that information, and communicated it fully to the father preacher fray bernardino márquez, [86] prior of that convent and vicar-provincial of ilocos; and at the same time asked permission to go up to lamianán, which is the most northern district in that province. father fray bernardino attempted to turn father fray luís from this purpose, telling him that it was not right to abandon one's flock in time of tribulation--for which reason he was of opinion that fray luís should return to his ministry at agoo; and in order to do so with safety he could go accompanied by an indian chief named don pedro hidalgo, who was much beloved by the zambals. father fray luís was as willing as prompt to comply with his superior's wishes; but don pedro hidalgo answered that it was not proper to expose father fray luís's life to so evident a risk; and that it was better that he himself should first go to ascertain in what condition affairs were in the village of agoo. this opinion of don pedro was approved by father fray bernardino, who thereupon gave permission to father fray luís to make his journey to laminián. he set out for that place on the seventeenth of december, 1660, in company with a spanish tax-collector named juan de silva, who had come [to bauang] to escape the fury of the rebels in the province of pangasinán.... on the sixteenth, father fray luís had warned captain aguerra and the alcalde-mayor of the province of ilocos, don alonso de peralta, of the disturbed condition in which those districts were; and on the same day a letter went by way of bauang from don andrés malóng, who styled himself king of pangasinán. the letter was written to all the indian chiefs of the provinces of ilocos and cagayán, and he advised them therein to take up arms and slay all the spaniards, as he had done in his kingdom of pangasinán; and declared that if they did not do so, he would go thither with his soldiers and punish them as disobedient. on the day of the expectation of our lady, which they reckon the eighteenth of december, father fray bernardino márquez, while in his church at bauang ... [was warned of the approach of the zambals]. he found at the door of the church two indian chiefs of that village, one of whom was named don juan canangán; they told him not to be afraid, as they were there determined to defend the father from the fury of the zambals, who were already near, even if it cost them their lives.... while he was saying mass, the zambals arrived; their leader or captain was he who had been titled "conde," a native of the village of agoo and married in binalatongan, named don pedro gumapos, who had been an associate of don andrés malóng in that insurrection. the zambals waited very quietly for the father to finish saying mass; and when he had returned thanks and begun to say the prayers, a message came to him from don pedro gumapos asking permission to kiss his hand. father fray bernardino gave it, and gumapos came up accompanied by zambals and negritos, armed with balazaos [87] and catanas. he kissed father fray bernardino's hand, and told him absurd things about his rebellion against the spaniards, and at the same time he asked permission for his soldiers to search the convent, to see if any spaniard were concealed there. father fray bernardino, certain that no one was there, told him that he might do as he pleased; gumapos ordered his companions to make the search, and if they met any spaniard to kill him. the zambals carried out this order of gumapos, and in the course of the search looted whatever there was in the convent. while this was being done, gumapos remained talking with father fray bernardino márquez; and, when he asked where was father fray luís de la fuente, father fray bernardino answered that he had gone up to bagnotan to make his confession. gumapos replied to this that he had come to kill fray luís, unless father fray bernardino would ransom him for 300 pesos. to this audacious proposition the father answered that he had not so much money, and that gumapos should therefore take his life, or carry him away as a slave, and let father fray luís go. gumapos replied to this that no injury of any kind would be done to the father, for he himself would rather suffer such harm in his own person; but this was no virtue of gumapos, but [the result of] an order given to him by his little king don andrés maléng, who was very fond of father fray bernardino márquez. [gumapos orders the headman of bauang to go after fray luís with a troop of indians, zambals, and negritos; they kill the spaniard who accompanies him, and carry the father back to bauang. gumapos, after vainly trying to exact a ransom from the friar, orders the indian to kill him; but they take pity on him, and collect among themselves the sum of eight and a half taes of gold, "the greater part of this being given by doña maría uañga, chieftainess of the visita of balanac." finally gumapos imprisons both the religious in a cell, where they remain under guard until the rebels go away.] all the time while the zambals remained in bauang, they were engaged in plundering and robbing the poor indians, and did all the damage that they could. the religious emerged from their prison, half-dead from weakness, for they had remained almost three days without eating or drinking; but the zambals had left nothing in the convent, and the religious therefore had to send to the indians to beg food. that day father fray bernardino wrote a letter to father fray juan de [88] isla, the commissary of the inquisition in that province and his visitor, entreating him to notify the bishop--who then was bishop of nueva segovia, the illustrious don fray rodrigo de cárdenas, belonging to the order of st. dominic, and a native of lima; a man who excelled in virtue as well as in learning--and that both of them should ask the alcalde-mayor, don alonso de peralta, for the aid which those districts of bauang and agoo so greatly needed. on the following day, the twentieth of december, nearly all the people in the village of bauang confessed and received communion, most of those who had taken part in the murder of the spaniard juan de silva doing penance--especially the headman, who, as he had a very quiet and peaceable disposition, had been constrained by fear of gumapos to assist in such a crime. the fathers were greatly edified by the christian spirit of the indians, which is so great in this province of ilocos. father fray luís pursued his journey to lamianán, accompanied by a native named don dionisio maricdín--a friendly act which no other indian is known to have performed on that occasion, as being disobedient to the orders of "conde" don pedro gumapos, of whom all had conceived so great fear. for this service he was afterward rewarded by general sebastián rayo doria, who made the said don dionisio maricdín sargento-mayor of the villages of aringuey, bauang, and agoo, on july 5, 1661. father fray luís reached the bar of purao, and found there alférez lorenzo arqueros, alguazil-mayor and deputy of the alcalde-mayor of the province of ilocos; he had come with a troop of indians from that province to set free the fathers, fray bernardino and fray luís, from the power of the zambals. they all came to bagnotán, from which place they notified father fray bernardino, who was in bauang. in consequence of the repeated advices of zambal raids into ilocos, the alcalde-mayor, don alonso de peralta, called a council of war at vigan, to provide suitable measures for averting the many dangers which were threatening the province. at this council were present the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray rodrigo de cárdenas, the father visitor fray juan de isla, and all the spaniards; and it was decided that the alcalde-mayor should go in person to the succor of those districts infested by zambals, accompanied by father fray gonzalo de la palma and father fray josé polanco. [89] the lord bishop was to remain in vigan, in company with father fray juan de isla, with the charge of sending a troop of ilocan and cagayan indians who were being levied, and of taking such other measures as might prove desirable. in order to render aid and confront the zambals as quickly as possible, the alcalde-mayor sent ahead alférez lorenzo arqueros, with such men as could be collected in so short a time; and soon don alonso de peralta followed him, [with troops] lightly equipped [a la ligera], accompanied by the two fathers, fray gonzalo and fray josé, as far as namacpacán, the first village of the province of ilocos. i have already related how father fray bernardino márquez had remained at bauang, where he received notice of the arrival of lorenzo arqueros at bagnotán for the succor of those districts; and at the same time he had very accurate information that the zambals were planning to make a second raid on the province of ilocos. he immediately warned lorenzo arqueros of this, who was still at bagnotán--asking that officer to go down to bauang, if he thought it best, that he might from a nearer station check the designs of the zambals. father fray bernardino continued to receive reliable advices of the coming of the zambals, and on that account decided one night to leave bauang in a boat, with six indians as a guard, to go in search of lorenzo arqueros. at the cost of much hardship the father found him near the visita of dalangdang, on his march toward bauang; the father joined the troop of lorenzo arqueros, and they continued the march to bauang. they arrived there at daybreak, but found the village without inhabitants, because for fear of the zambals they had fled to the woods. lorenzo arqueros ordered his men to beat the drums, and soon the village was full of people. father fray bernardino talked to the indians, and sent notice of this aid [just received] to the village of agoo. those people replied by informing him that the zambals were ready to make a second raid; and that in any case the spaniards ought to see that don miguel carreño was hanged. he was a native of the visita of aringuey, and the father of don pedro gumapos, the head of the conspirators, to whom he communicated all the operations of the loyal indians. in consequence of this advice, lorenzo arqueros ordered master-of-camp don lorenzo peding, a valiant ilocan, to go with a hundred men to arrest don miguel carreño. [carreño is seized and hanged; the zambals of his command, dispirited by losing him, are defeated and take to flight.] lorenzo arqueros reported all this to his captain the alcalde-mayor, don alonso de peralta, who was still at namacpacán--asking at the same time that he would come to his aid, since he knew with certainty that the zambals, with much larger numbers, were coming in search of him. at this, don alonso de peralta resolved to go in person to the succor of his lieutenant; but this resolution was opposed by the fathers, not only because it was not right for him to go on so important a relief expedition with only six or seven spanish mestizos, who accompanied him, but also because he ought not to leave his jurisdiction, which extended only as far as namacpacán. they told him that it would be better to wait for the soldiers whom the bishop was to send from vigan, so that he could with this reënforcement go to look for the enemy; but the alcalde-mayor, urged on by the letters of lorenzo arqueros, and, besides, encouraged by the latter's previous success, pursued his resolution, and marched for bauang, accompanied by father fray josé blanco [90] and father fray gonzalo de la palma. as soon as he encountered lorenzo arqueros, he ordered the latter to set out for the village of agoo, to succor master-of-camp don lorenzo peding. [arrived at agoo, arqueros finds the zambals in sufficient force to render more aid necessary; and his urgent request brings peralta to agoo. the latter brings with him two jars [tibores] of gunpowder, which had been kept in the convent at bauang. arqueros advises peralta to retreat, since their auxiliaries are all undisciplined, and the ilocans somewhat timid, while the enemy are superior in numbers--having more than five thousand men, while the ilocans did not exceed one thousand five hundred. peralta refuses to do this, especially as the ilocans have firearms, "which the zambal so greatly dreads." the ilocans go, without orders, across the river, to form an ambush against the foe; arqueros goes to their aid, followed by peralta. "the fathers disguised themselves, fearing that the zambals, if they should be victorious, would, angered by having seen fathers in battle, slay the dominican fathers of the province of pangasinán, who were in their power." at daybreak the enemy come to the attack; the ilocans are soon overcome by fear, and take flight, neither the officers nor the friars being able to restrain them. don lorenzo peding dies bravely fighting, after having slain many of his assailants; and all the guns and other weapons, and the gunpowder, of the ilocans are captured by the zambals. peding's death utterly destroys the little remnant of courage in his followers, and they flee pell-mell, trampling on and drowning each other in the ford of the river. "the most pitiable thing was to see the children and old men in flight, and especially the women--some of whom gave birth to children, and others suffered abortion through fear, the infants being abandoned in the camp. the children were drowned, and the old people were overcome by exhaustion; all were in most pitiable condition. those who felt it most keenly were the fathers, who aided some but could not help all, since all the people had fled." the spanish leaders attempt to rally the indians at agoo, and afterward at bauang, but all in vain; they are compelled to return to namacpacán, where they arrive on january 4, 1661. finding that they can obtain neither men nor arms, they continue their retreat to vigan. on the route, they stop at narbacán, and order "the indians of that village, with those of santa catalina, a visita of bantay, to erect a stockade and rampart in agayayos [91] to prevent the zambals from passing through there for vigán and cagayán. he garrisoned this post with a body of indians, in command of one of them, named don pedro de la peña, a native of santa catalina, and continued his journey to vigán."] the father visitor, fray juan de la isla, had considered it expedient to command the father ministers to retreat to vigán; they obeyed, although against the dictates of their paternal charity, which was unwilling to abandon their spiritual sons. some fathers thought that they ought not to obey this mandate; and one of them made his way through the middle of the enemies, to go to his ministry of taguding, and others to the hills, to which the ilocans had retreated, for fear of the zambals. [arriving at vigan, the spaniards hold a conference regarding the threatening dangers.] the alcalde-mayor, bishop don fray rodrigo cárdenas, and father fray juan de isla were of opinion that the most prudent measure was to place in a ship all the father ministers and all the spaniards who were there, and send them to manila, so that they might not experience the worst severity of ill-fortune. for, although it could not be doubted that aid would come from manila, it was very uncertain whether information of the disordered condition of those provinces had reached the supreme government, while it was most evident that the zambal army would soon come [to vigan], aided, as was already conjectured, by their communication with some indian chiefs of that province. many forcible arguments were brought forward against this opinion by the father ministers, especially fray bernardino márquez, fray josé arias, and fray gonzalo de la palma, who were followed by all the other ministers. they concluded by saying that if the ministers were to retreat, it would be utter ruin to the province, in regard, not only to god but to the king; for the indians who yet maintained their faith and loyalty would abandon all if they had not the fathers--either through fear, or carried away by their heathen customs. in that council it was also resolved to build a fort at vigan, so that they could resist the zambals until aid from manila should arrive. this work was begun, but not carried out; for the indians who worked at it were continually disappearing. the alcalde-mayor, therefore, don alonso de peralta, finally decided to give orders that all the spaniards who were in the province--except lorenzo arqueros, who refused to embark--and all the father ministers, both secular and religious, who wished to go to manila, should go aboard the champans which he had at the bar there. he himself embarked in a champan with the father visitor fray juan de isla and father fray luís de la fuente, the bishop promising to follow them. the retreat of don alonso peralta caused great injuries to that poor province, although the rest of the religious remained in vigán, in company with the bishop and in his house; he had at his side only two secular priests--one named don gerónimo de leyva, the judge-provisor and commissary of the inquisition for that bishopric; and the other, father don miguel de quiros. i have already told how the governor, don sabiniano manrique de lara, hearing at manila of the uprising and disturbances in the province of pangasinán, commanded that an army and some vessels be assembled as promptly as possible, so that our arms might by land and sea punish the conspirators; and how he appointed as commander of the land forces francisco de esteybar--a valiant and fortunate soldier, a native of the town of mondragon, in the province of guipúzcoa--and of the armed fleet felipe de ugalde, also a brave soldier, and a native of the same province of guipúzcoa. don sabiniano gave them orders that, in the emergencies that might arise in the campaign, each might act for himself, without waiting for the opinion of the other commander--for this reason, that often excellent opportunities in war are liable to miscarry. the instructions of don sabiniano were so judicious and clear that to this, more than any other cause, is due the speedy pacification of those provinces. at this time the zambals--who, eager to plunder the rich province of ilocos, and encouraged by the victory over its alcalde-mayor, had continued the pursuit of the conquered--arrived at narvacan, where they waited some time through fear of the resistance which they would meet in the pass of agayayos; but they were soon relieved from this fear by the very man, don pedro de la peña, who had remained for the guard and defense of that pass. he tore down the stockade, and very gladly went to offer them a free passage; accordingly, they went on without further hindrance. this treason of don pedro de la peña was the whole cause of the zambals being able to raid the villages of ilocos, from vigan on; for this post of the agayayos is so difficult of passage that it only affords easy entrance to one man, and a horse can go through with difficulty, between two great cliffs, which are inaccessible by the summits. and since the zambals must pass through it one by one, it would have been impossible for them to succeed in penetrating it, with even a very few men to defend the entrance. but this traitor to his country was like conde don julián in españa, who gave free passage to the enemies. don pedro paid for it with his life, on the gallows; but that province even now bewails the harm [that he caused it]. on that same day letters arrived at vigán from general felipe de ugalde, written to the alcaldes-mayor of ilocos and cagayán, informing them of his arrival by sea for the succor of the province of pangasinán, and of the arrival of general francisco de esteybar by land. on account of the absence of the alcalde-mayor, don alonso, the letter which came for him was opened by the bishop, and his illustrious lordship and his companions were delighted at the good news, and full of hopes that they would soon enjoy peace; but their joy was quenched by the information which soon followed that the zambals had already arrived at santa catalina, a visita of vigán. on the following day, the twentieth of january, the zambals arrived at vigán. [the bishop waits for them to come, prepared to say mass for their benefit, since they have sent him word that they wish to hear it, "a singular mode of hostility, and a still more rare mode of devotion, which looks more like craft than simplicity, although all traits at once are possible in these people." a number of the zambals, including their leaders, hear mass with much reverence, and even confess to the priests, saying that many of their men have come on this raid through fear, rather than their own inclination. most of the troop, however, proceed to loot the village; the people take refuge in the bishop's house and the church, thus saving their lives, although they endure great suffering and privation by being shut up indoors for two days, with little food or drink. finally the fathers persuade the zambals to let the people return to their houses.] on that day the enemy appointed don juan celiboto headman of the village, and from that time the zambals made great haste to seize as many indians as they could, both men and women, to be their slaves. only the sacristans had been left on guard in the church; the zambals slew them together in the baptistery, and plundered it of all the ornaments and cloth that they found; and there they also killed a negro who tried to avail himself of the church to escape from their hands. many ilocans died in various places on that day--so many that when the number was reckoned it was found that the village of bantay alone had eighty [92] dead, whose bodies they hid among the hills, so that they might not be seen by the fathers. in those villages all was confusion, outcries, the ringing of bells, the discharge of arquebuses, and shouts; and among the ecclesiastics all was affliction and grief at seeing so many calamities, without being able to remedy them. some indian chiefs, for greater security, had brought to the bishop's house the gold, silver, and other valuables which they possessed; and the amount thus brought together was so great that there was not space for them in the rooms above, and much property was even placed below the house. the zambals cast their eyes on this wealth with eager desire, and their sentinels therefore watched very closely the house of his illustrious lordship; this was a source of great anxiety to him and to the fathers, lest the poor owners should lose their property. the commander don jacinto [macasiag] had promised to confer with the bishop about providing safety for these things, but did not keep his promise; his illustrious lordship therefore commanded father fray gonzalo to go to talk with don jacinto in his quarters. the father did not shun making these journeys, because he lost no time on the road, hearing some confess, and baptizing others, even of the zambals themselves. at the same time he gained the opportunity of seeing one of the champans of general felipe de ugalde arrive at the bar; it had been sent to reconnoitre those coasts, under the appearance of selling merchandise. under the pretext of looking at the goods, father fray gonzalo went aboard this vessel, and informed the captain of the wretched condition in which they all were. nothing was gained, however, by this effort, as the champan, on its return, was maliciously steered away from the place where the commander was who had sent it; but the ecclesiastics were left with the consolation that aid would soon come. the zambals came, plundering and killing, as far as the slope of baduc, but they could not pass from that place to the province of cagayán, on account of the resistance made by alférez lorenzo arqueros with a troop of ilocans and cagayans. the bishop and the fathers were well aware of the greedy anxiety of the zambals to plunder the valuables that were in the house of his illustrious lordship--who, hearing reports of the abominations, thefts, and murders which they had committed in the churches, summoned them before him, and, when most of them were assembled, publicly cursed and excommunicated all those who should hereafter kill, or meddle with things belonging to the churches or to his house. immediately after this, a sermon was preached to them by the father vicar-provincial, fray bernardino márquez, rebuking them for the evil that they did instead of keeping the law of the christians--for such were the greater part of the zambal army. they listened very attentively to the sermon, much to the satisfaction of the bishop; and, as he always did when affairs of importance came before his illustrious lordship, he availed himself of the augustinian religious (especially of father fray gonzalo de la palma), on account of the secular clergy being unacceptable to the zambals. nor is it to be doubted that not only the clerics but his illustrious lordship would have perished, if it had not been for our religious, as is fully proved by letters written to the supreme government by the illustrious don fray rodrigo de cárdenas. as soon as the coming of the zambals was known, much silver belonging to the churches, and much silver and gold of private persons, were buried in different places; but on wednesday afternoon the zambals began to open [these] tombs, until no silver or gold was left. our lord granted that some of the church silver should afterward be restored; but all the gold and silver of private persons was lost. father fray gonzalo asked permission of the zambal leader, don jacinto, to dig up the silver belonging to the church of taguding; don jacinto gave this, and promised that he would, for the father's greater safety, assist him in person. he did so, as he had promised; but while they were engaged in digging up the silver the zambals rushed to the house of the bishop, and pillaged whatever hampers and chests they found under the house--with so much violence and clamor that the religious, affrighted, took refuge in the apartments of his illustrious lordship. [the eagerness of the zambals for plunder soon induces them to send the bishop and the priests to santa catalina, so that they may loot the bishop's house and whatever of value remains in it. on the way they see many corpses of indians slain by the foe; the village of bantay is burned, only the church and convent, and a tiled house, are left standing. arrived at santa catalina, the zambals who escort the priests proceed to plunder and burn that village; and the fathers are unable to procure any food until the next day, save a little rice, and are compelled to flee for their lives from the flames--finally spending the second day with no shelter save a tree, and no food save what is given them by the zambals from whom they beg it as alms.] in the afternoon came don marcos macasián to notify the fathers of the order given by his chief, don jacinto, that the bishop and the rest who were with him should go on with the rebel army, which included three hundred ilocan indians--some forced to join them, and others who were traitors; counting these with the pangasinans and zambals, the whole number was about three thousand. he brought some talabones [93] in which the bishop and the fathers were accommodated--although but poorly, on account of the few men available to carry them, and the ill-will of the bearers. on this account, and so that they might aid the bishop, who was in poor health, the religious and the priests were reduced to traveling on foot over most of the route from santa catalina to narbacán--where it is necessary to go through the agayayos, which are certain cliffs very difficult of passage.... in the middle of the [second] day they reached agayayos, and at nine in the night they entered narbacán. at the entrance to this village the zambals had a skirmish with the indians of that district, who, allied with the tinguianes, did all the harm that they could to the zambals. so daring were they that they seized and carried away one of the men who were escorting the fathers, and, without his companions being able to prevent it, the assailants cut off his head, and ran into the woods. in this manner more than four hundred zambals had already died. moreover, they had thickly planted the road from narbacán with sharp stakes, in order that the zambals might not use it; and for this reason the fathers suffered greatly, because they traveled on foot. as soon as they arrived at narbacán, they notified the native governor [gobernadorcillo], (who was the father of the traitor don juan de pacadua), who gave the fathers sufficient cause to fear; for between him and his blacks he held the fathers fast, unwilling to let them go, by saying that he preferred that they should be entertained in his own house, which was quite spacious, and not in the convent, which was ill supplied. the fathers would not go anywhere except to the convent, and thus the contest lasted until the arrival of the bishop; he also insisted on going to the convent, with which they gained their point; and the captain of the village went with them, to escort them and light the way. they arrived at the convent, where they found not even water to drink; then the father went out to get some, and to find also a little rice [morisqueta] for the bishop, of which he was in great need. on the following day, january 31, the entire zambal army encamped in narbacán; it had been awaited by the leader, don jacinto macasiag, who had been detained in vigan by his plan of attacking a champan sent by don felipe de ugalde with more than twenty soldiers. don jacinto returned to narbacán, without having been able to carry out the intention which had delayed him; and found at narbacán a letter from his kinglet, don andrés malóng. the latter informed him of the arrival of the spanish forces in his kingdom, for which reason don jacinto must make haste to go there with troops under him, so that they and his own men might together put an end to the "spanish rabble;" and he must carry thither with him the indian chiefs of the villages that they had conquered, so that these might be witnesses of the rebels' valor against the spaniards. many were the letters and papers written by that infernal monster to all the indian chiefs in all the provinces; and in the last ones written to don jacinto macasiag, which the bearers concealed without giving them to him, he ordered don jacinto to burn all the villages with their churches and convents, and to retreat to the woods with the zambals, since he had already conquered the spaniards. but the result was quite different; for when he wrote it don jacinto had already fled and taken refuge in the hills, and the spaniards were pursuing him. when the zambals saw the letter from malóng, they began to clamor against the natives of narbacán, on account of the injuries which they had received from the latter; and they swore that for this cause they would kill them and burn their village. but they did not fulfil the latter threat, nor dare to carry out the first, not only because the indians had concealed themselves in the woods, but on account of the fear that the zambals had conceived of them--especially of the indian who led them in battle, named don felipe madamba, a native of the village of bringas; he was so loyal to his majesty, and so valiant, that he dashed alone, on horseback, among the zambals and calanasas, cutting off their heads, without any one being able to resist him. he was able to escape from these affrays, but his horse and he were covered with the arrows which they shot at him, although not one of these caused him any injury worth mention. on the same day (that of st. ignatius the martyr), the army of the zambals set out to go to pangasinán, leaving part of the village of narbacán in flames; the fathers, having compassion for those people, entreated the leader, don jacinto, to order his men to put out the fire. he did so, by a public order; and immediately they extinguished the flames. litters and carriers were already provided for the bishop and the fathers, that they might follow the army; but they all, with one voice and opinion, told the guards that they would not depart from narbacán, even though it should cost them their lives. when the guards perceived their firm resolution, they notified their chief, don jacinto macasiag, who was willing that the fathers should remain; but when this decision was learned by gumapos, who had marched ahead, he commanded his arquebusiers to go there and slay the bishop and all the ecclesiastics. they would have carried out this order, if don marcos macasián had not dissuaded gumapos from it--the latter saying that the fathers did not serve in the army, and that they were more of a hindrance than anything else, and it was therefore better to kill them. [on the third day after the departure of the enemy, the people of narbacán return to their homes. the bishop is accidentally hurt, and fray bernardino becomes ill--both cases being aggravated by the sufferings which they endured while in the hands of the zambals.] generals francisco de esteybar and felipe de ugalde were in pangasinán, uncertain in what part of the country the enemy might still be, in order to send thither their forces; for, although general ugalde had sent two champans to reconnoiter the coasts of the provinces of ilocos and cagayán, they had not returned with their report. by land, he had no letter from either the alcaldes or the religious of those provinces. with this, and the assurances of the fathers of st. dominic in the province of pangasinán that those of ilocos and cagayán were free from enemies, the commanders were perplexed, and almost determined to withdraw their forces from those provinces. our lord permitted that, the champan in which alcalde-mayor don alonso de peralta and the father visitor fray juan de isla were sailing having landed at bolinao, they should learn there how the spanish armada was in pangasinán; accordingly, they directed their course thither, and, having arrived, found the commanders and related to them the wretched condition in which that province of ilocos was left. in consequence of this information, francisco de esteybar at once gave orders that the army should set out for that province. before francisco de esteybar departed from binalatongan, he left the place fortified, with a stronghold in the court of the church; it had four sentry-posts, four pieces of bronze artillery carrying four-libra balls, and four officers--captains don alonso quirante, juan diaz ibáñez, don juan de guzmán, and nicolás serrano. as chief commander he left sargento-mayor domingo martín barrena, with some infantry--spaniards, merdicas, and creole negroes [criollos morenos]. the alcalde-mayor returned in his champan to vigán, and fathers fray juan de isla and fray luis de la fuente marched with the spanish army, which on its way reached the village of santa cruz. the zambals left narbacán, and, reaching the village of santa maría, sacked and burned it, as well as the convent; they did the same at san esteban and the village of santiago--to whose patron [i.e., st. james] was attributed their failure to burn the church, although they set fire to it. they burned and plundered the villages of san pedro and candón, going from the latter to that of santa cruz. there they learned that the spaniards were at santa lucía; then they collected many of the valuables and cloths which they had plundered and set fire to them, and they set out in search of the spaniards, who also were coming with the same object. the latter, ignorant of the enemy's proximity, learned of it by an accident; this was, that father fray juan de la isla, having pushed ahead of the spanish army, encountered a party of zambals, from whom he escaped by a miracle. father fray juan warned the spaniards of the zambals' approach, and they forthwith set out to fight the enemy. the armies came into sight of each other between the villages of santa cruz and santa lucía, and general francisco de esteybar at once commanded that the signal for attack be given. the zambals twice engaged our men, with fierceness and loud shouts; but they were finally conquered by the spaniards--more than four hundred zambals being killed, and the greater part of their force taken prisoners. one of these was don pedro gumapos, holding in his hand the staff of the bishop, thus being fulfilled what the holy prelate had prophesied to him. the victory completed, francisco de esteybar withdrew with his army to namacpacán, where he had left captain simón de fuentes with a division of the army; they took with them gumapos and many other prisoners, and afterward sent them to vigán. there, in company with others, they hanged the rebel leader, and after his death cut off that sacrilegious hand, which was fastened near the house of the bishop. the loss of the spaniards was very small, but a circumstance worthy of admiration was noted; it was that, not only in this battle but in other encounters which had occurred, all those of the zambal army who were slain lay face downward, and all the dead of the spanish army had their faces turned upward--as if by this god had chosen to show that the zambals died under the curse and excommunication of the bishop. on account of this so fortunate success, generals francisco de esteybar and felipe de ugalde talked of returning to manila, believing that now everything was quiet; but information came to them of the new uprising by the indians of bacarra, and francisco de esteybar at once ordered the army to march to that village. the manner in which those indians revolted is as follows: i have already pointed out the multitude of letters and documents which the usurping king malóng wrote [to the leading men] everywhere--more especially to don juan magsanop and don pedro almazán. the latter was a very rich chief, a native of the village of san nicolás (then a visita of ilauag), and so bitterly hostile to the spaniards that he kept in his house as many pairs of fetters as there were fathers and spaniards in the entire province, in order to fasten these on them when he should have opportunity. this don pedro almazán formed an alliance with don juan magsanop, a native of bangi, a visita of the village of bacarra; and with don gaspar cristóbal, headman of ilauag, and a native of that village. the former, in order to make sure of don gaspar cristóbal, asked him for his daughter, to marry her to his own oldest son; and these three indians, as being so influential, continually stirred up others to join their conspiracy, and called in the calanasa tribe to aid them. the calanasas were heathen barbarians who lived in the clefts of the mountains and other rocky places, and their only occupation was the killing of men and animals. feeling safe with such aid as this, the leaders of the conspiracy undertook to make don pedro almazán king of the province of ilocos, and they swore allegiance to his son as prince; the latter celebrated his wedding with the daughter of don gaspar cristóbal, as they had agreed. in order that the [former] function might be celebrated with all solemnity and not lack what was requisite, they plundered the church in the village of ilauag, and with the crown which they took from the head of the queen of angels (who is venerated in that church) they crowned don pedro almazán as king and the married pair as princes. all these proceedings were carried on so secretly that they could never be traced; and in this condition of their plot the letter of don andrés malóng found them, in which he notified them that he had conquered the spaniards. as now they were free, in their own opinion, from that danger, and safe from the zambals, who were on their march from pangasinán, it seemed to them now time to bring to light their depraved intentions. before doing so, don juan magsanop wrote from bacarra a letter to don gaspar cristóbal, in which he asked what opinion the latter had reached, and that he be informed of it. the reply which don gaspar cristóbal gave was to take a fagot of reeds in his hand, and himself set fire to the church in ilauag; and he ordered the bearer of the letter to carry back that reply. when this was known to magsanop, he made himself known, with banners displayed, at bacarra at the end of january, 1661, and sent word to the calanasas to come down with all speed to his aid. in the rebel league were joined the villages of pata and cabicungán, administered by the fathers of st. dominic, their minister at that time being father fray josé santa maría; hearing the tumult and the shouts of the rebels, he went out of the convent, against the advice of a spaniard (whose name is not known) who had taken refuge in it. father fray josé persisted in his resolution, but as soon as the rebels saw him many attacked him; and, piercing him with many javelins they cut off his head, and with great delight went to sack the convent. they made the attack by way of the church, the doors of which were locked; but the brave spaniard, now bereft of the father, when he heard their clamor from within fastened all the windows and doors that he could reach, and loaded two guns that he had inside. the servants of the father who had remained there kept loading the guns for him, and, aiming through some loopholes or apertures, they allowed the multitude to come close to the building, and then fired, without a shot failing to hit. he accomplished so much that the rebels, persuaded that some company of soldiers were inside the church, retreated without executing their purpose of sacking and burning the church and convent. on the first of february this melancholy tidings reached the village of narbacán, where there were nine religious of the order of our father st. augustine, exchanging congratulations and expressions of joy over the freedom that they were beginning to enjoy with the departure, that day, of the zambal army. all their joy was changed into sadness and perplexity by the news of what had occurred at ilauag; but the one who felt this most was father fray josé arias, at that time prior of the village of bacarra. [feeling that duty calls him to go back, there, he does so, although against the entreaties of his brethren. his people welcome his return, but at the news that the calanasas are approaching all take to flight, carrying the friar with them; but later they leave him in the house of a native helper. "the streets were full of rebels and calanasas, who with loud shouts and yells acclaimed don pedro almazán as king, and threatened all the spaniards with death." fray josé and the helper plan to escape by night, but an envoy from the rebels warns the latter to drive the friar from his house, or they will kill him and his family; frightened at this, he carries the father to another house. "in a little while don tomás bisaya, one of the heads of the conspiracy, sent a mulatto named juan (who had been a servant of the fathers) with some men, and an order to fray josé to enter a petaca [94], so that he could escape to the village of ilauag." he does this, and the party set out for that village; but on the way they meet a party of rebels, who kill the father, cut off his head, and carry it to magsanop. diaz here copies the relation of this affair which was sent to the augustinians throughout the province, a letter from the provincial, fray diego de ordás, citing the account sent to him by bishop cárdenas. "magsanop and the other tyrants celebrated this victory, all drinking from the skull of the venerable father, which served in their barbarous proceedings as a precious vase.... after several days his head was ransomed, and interred with his body."] the army of general francisco de esteybar marched to bacarra, but the first to arrive was lorenzo arqueros, with a detachment of more than a thousand men, ilocans and cagayans; the rebels and the calanasas, not daring to face these, retreated with all speed to the woods, but lorenzo arqueros did not fail to search for them, in whatever places they had concealed themselves. he seized magsanop, who, angered at seeing himself a prisoner, drew a dagger and killed himself with it, a worthy punishment for his sacrilegious perfidy. don pedro almazán, who had taken horse to flee, burst into a fury, and died raging; [95] and all his children met wretched deaths. general francisco de esteybar arrived with all his army at the village of bacarra, but lorenzo arqueros had it already reduced to quiet, so that the general had nothing to do, except to order that a fort be built in bacarra and garrisoned with soldiers, so as to secure the province from other disturbances. general sebastián rayo doria gave orders for the execution of the commission which he bore, by agreement of the royal audiencia, to administer justice to those who were most guilty; his military judge was licentiate don juan de rosales, and the notary was nicolás de herrera, who began their official duties, bringing legal proceedings [against the rebels]. the penalties of justice were inflicted as follows: in vigán, don pedro gumapos was shot through the back, and afterward the hand with which he took the staff from the bishop was cut off; and don cristóbal ambagán, don pedro almazán, don tomás boaya, [96] don pedro de la peña, and others, to the number of sixteen, were hanged. in binalatongan was erected a square gallows, as in vigán, and the following were hanged: don melchor de vera, don francisco de pacadua, don francisco along, and don jacinto macasiag; a sangley mestizo, named domingo isón, although he said that he died innocent; a man of half-malabar blood, named lorenzo; and others, to the number of fourteen. it is quite remarkable that, when the sacristans were in the [church] tower with orders from the father ministers to toll the bells as soon as each of those who were hanged was dead, when it came to the turn of domingo isón they rang a peal instead of tolling, without having had an order for it; in this it seems as if the divine majesty chose to demonstrate his innocence, as it was afterward ascertained. they promptly shot don andrés malóng, placed in the middle, seated on a stone; and this was the end of his unhappy reign in pangasinán. afterward, in mexico, punishment was inflicted on don francisco and don cristóbal mañago, who were shot; and some were hanged--don juan palasigui, don marcos marcasián, sargento-mayor chombillo, supil and baluyot of guagua, the amanuensis, and many others. josé celis, the lawyer, was carried to manila, where he was hanged. after these executions, licentiate manuel suárez de olivera, the senior advocate of the royal audiencia, printed a treatise against don juan de rosales, in which he condemned the excessive rigor of these punishments. this was answered by don juan de rosales with another pamphlet--very learned, which also was printed--whose theme was feci judicium et justitiam, non tradas me calumniantibus me, drawn from psalm 118, [97] justifying his proceedings to the satisfaction of those who were free from prejudice. thus was quenched that infernal fire which kindled discord in the hearts of the natives of the provinces of pampanga and pangasinán, and of the indians of the village of bacarra in ilocos--a fire which threatened to consume the peace and obedience of the other provinces of these islands, whose people were on the watch for its outcome, in order to declare themselves [rebels] and prove fortune, and to gain what seemed to them liberty. but this would have been, quite to the contrary, their entire perdition; for, escaping from their civilized subjection to the spaniards, they would have fallen back into the barbarous tyranny of their own people--which, like chips from the same log, [98] is what most hurts, as experience shows; and the natives themselves know this. they were continually experiencing this in the tumult in pampanga, for the tyrannical acts and the extortions which they suffered from the principal leaders of the revolt were more grievous than those which they experienced or could fear from subjection to the spaniards. so true is this that in the village of guagua it was said by an old chief who survived that time, named don pedro anas, that so great was the confusion and lawlessness, and so tyrannical were the leaders of the outbreak, that if the governor don sabiniano manrique de lara had not come so promptly with his troops, the indians themselves would have gone to manila to make their submission at his feet; some of them could not unite with the others, and, although all desired liberty, they did not work together to secure the means for attaining it, and therefore they experienced a heavier [yoke of] subjection. and among the peoples whom god seems to have created that they may live in subjection to others who govern them with justice and authority are those of these filipinas islands; for when the spanish arms conquered them with so great facility they were living without a head, without king or lord to obey--being only tyrannized over by him who among them displayed most courage; and this subjection was continually changing, other men, of greater valor and sagacity, gaining the ascendency. nor was the least cause of their reduction the diligent efforts of the religious who were ministers in these provinces, with their notable assiduity in preaching to the natives and exhorting them, with the arguments that we have already stated; and in this task they suffered the greatest hardships and dangers to life. in the province of ilocos, fathers fray bernardino márquez, fray gonzalo de la palma, fray luís de la fuente, and fray juan de isla. in pampanga, the following fathers were very prominent in the reduction: in bacolor, fray francisco de medina basco; in guagua, fray luís de la vega; in lubao, fray josé botoño; in mexico, fray josé cornejo; in candaba, fray pedro de eguiluz; in apalit, fray josé de tapia; in macabebe, fray enrique de castro; but, more than all, fray josé duque and fray isidro rodríguez, whose authority among the natives could overcome the greatest difficulties. information to this effect was given to the royal and supreme council of the indias by don sabiniano manrique de lara himself, in madrid, after his return from his government in the year 1667--when father fray isidro rodríguez was at the same court as procurator for this province, soliciting the numerous mission which he conducted hither, and in which i came, the least of its members. [notable among the losses and injuries caused by the zambal raid was the death of the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray rodrigo de cárdenas, of whom diaz gives a biographical sketch. he died at manila, early in may, 1661.] in otón (panay); 1663 [as related by diaz in his conquistas, pp. 640-644.] at the time when this conflagration [99]--which threatened to destroy what spanish constancy had gained in these islands during a hundred and ten years--had just been extinguished, another and new one began to burn in the province of ogtong in pintados; and, if timely measures had not been taken to check it, this one would have caused greater ravages than the previous rebellions in the provinces of pampanga, pangasinán, and ilocos. this entire province is in charge of our religious. we have in it eight convents and doctrinas--antique, guimbal, tigbauan, ogtong, jaro, dumangas, laglag, and pasig [100]--which belong to the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor who resides in iloilo, where there is a good supply of artillery, with two companies of spaniards, and one of pampangos. this province and that of panay are united in one island, yielding a great abundance of rice; it is the sicilia of filipinas for its fertility, and also resembles that island in its extent, and in having three promontories such as gave it the name trinacria. this island is called panay, so even its name suits it; for in it there grows so great an abundance of rice, which is the bread of this country. it contains two provinces, governed by two alcaldes-mayor--that of iloilo, already mentioned, and that of panay; the latter rules over nine large villages. of these, six are in charge of the order of our father st. augustine--capiz, panay, batan, mambusao, dumalag, and dumarao; [101] two are administered by secular priests, aclán and ibahay; and the island of romblón is a doctrina of the discalced religious [i.e., recollects] of our father st. augustine. [diaz here refers to the description of panay and the augustinian houses therein which is given by medina, and to the foundation of their convent at laglag. [102]] this ministry and doctrina comprises five visitas and dependent churches: two on the river that is called araut, named sibucao and sumandig; and three in the mountains, misi, camantugan, and malonor. these were a cruel and rude people, and greatly addicted to superstitions and heathen rites on account of living so separated from intercourse with the gospel ministers--who throughout the year share, in their turn, in the instruction and administration of these visitas. it cost the first religious many hardships to tame these mountaineers and instruct them in the holy faith; for what they gained with the utmost toil in a week was dissipated during the absence of the religious from their ministry. the village of malonor always had disguised babaylanes--which is the same as "priests of the demon," by whose direction the sacrifices which they made proceeded. they offered up swine, birds, and various kinds of food produced by the ground; and held solemn drinking-feasts--the main purpose of the universal enemy [of souls], since from this vice resulted many acts of lewdness and [other] abominations, all which tended to the perdition of their souls. the prior and minister of that district in this year of 1663 was father fray francisco de mesa--a native of the city of manila, [103] and who had professed in our convent of san pablo; a religious of great virtue, and most zealous and diligent in fulfilling the obligations of his office. in the visita of malonor there was at this time a malicious indian, a noted sorcerer and priest of the demon, who lived in concealment in the dense forest; and there he called together the indians, telling them that he was commanded by the nonos--who are the souls of their first ancestors who came over to people these filipinas--in whose name he assured them that the demon had appeared to them in trees and caves. this minister of satan was named tapar, and went about in the garb of a woman, on account of the office of babaylán and priest of the demon, with whom they supposed that he had a pact and frequent communication. moreover, he wrought prodigies resembling the miracles, with which he kept that ignorant people deluded. with these impostures and frauds tapar obtained so much influence that the people followed him, revering him as a prophet, and he taught them to worship idols and offer sacrifices to satan. seeing that he had many followers, and that his reputation was well established, he made himself known, declaring that he was the eternal father; and he invented a diabolical farce, naming one of his most intimate associates for the son, and another for the holy ghost, while to a shameless prostitute they gave the name of maría santisima ["mary most holy"], as the name of mary had been given her in baptism. [104] then he appointed apostles, and to others he gave titles of pope and bishops; and in frequent assemblies they committed execrable abominations, performed with frequent drinking-bouts, in which there were shocking fornications among the men and women, both married and unmarried. this debauchery ended with the sacrifice to the demon, who, they said, gave them replies, although confused ones; but all were for their greater perdition; at other times, they believed, the demon appeared to them in various forms. all these things were done in the most retired part of the mountains, which there are very craggy. for a long time this infernal epidemic remained concealed; but finally spread as far as the visitas of the villages of jaro and pasig, although those who were infected by it were not so many there as in the village of malonor, where the morals of those wretched people; deluded by the demon, were more corrupt. father fray francisco de mesa received word of the unhappy condition in which were the souls of those parishioners of his; and, knowing that that cancer, which was spreading so far, needed to be severely cauterized, he gave information of all this to the purveyor-general of pintados, the alcalde-mayor of that province, admiral pedro duran de monforte--a valiant soldier, whom we have mentioned in this history at various times. that officer, with the promptness that was necessary, sent captains gregorio de peralta, nicolás becerra, and francisco duarte, and adjutants pedro farfán and pedro brazales, with some spaniards, pampangos, and merdicas from siao (which is an island of maluco)--a brave people, but cruel, which is a vice of cowards. while the people were on their way to the village of malonor, father fray francisco de mesa decided to risk the attempt to prove whether he could through his preaching persuade them to accept better counsels, and, repentant, to put an end to that abominable farce of apostates; for it seemed to him that he would not fulfil his obligation if he did not make this endeavor. he encountered much opposition from the chiefs of the village of laglag, who were not accomplices in the sedition by those of malonor; but with intrepid courage to confer with the rebels. he reached the village and sent word to them to assemble in some convenient place, where he would go to discuss with them what concerned the deliverance of their souls, in case they were unwilling to come to the place where father fray francisco was. they replied "that they would not go out of the place where" (on account of its being rugged) "they had taken refuge for the sake of their safety--not, however, for fear of the spaniards, whom they esteemed but lightly, for they themselves were accompanied by all the holy trinity, the blessed virgin mary, and all the apostles, who would defend them by working miracles." they also said that they did not need father ministers, because they had popes and bishops and priests who could minister to them in their own way, although it was very different from that which the fathers used; and "that fray francisco should be content with this, that they did not undertake to do harm to the other christians who, deluded, followed him--although they could do these much harm with the power of god the father, who assisted them"--and in this fashion they uttered other execrable blasphemies. father fray francisco, grieved at the perdition of those souls, with intrepid heart determined to go to the place where the rebels were (which was almost inaccessible on account of its ruggedness), where they had erected a shed which served them as a temple in which to offer their sacrifices to the demon and to hold their infamous assemblies. but he did not venture to do so, being dissuaded by the peaceable indians of laglag, and by fray martín de mansilla, the prior of pasig; for that would be to search imprudently for danger, without hope of accomplishing even the least good, since the people of malonor were so obstinate. the prior told him that it was better to wait for the coming of the spaniards. but this was not enough to prevent him from going to the said laglag. [105] the father arrived, very late in the day, at the house which he had in the village, close to the church, with the intention of obtaining better information regarding the condition of those misguided people, so as to see if he could make any endeavor for the good of their souls. in case he could not do so, he intended to return to laglag the next day, and there await the coming of the spaniards. the rebellious apostates consulted the demon as to what they should do; and in consequence resolved to put father francisco to death; and they proceeded to carry out this decision. it was about midnight when they all came down to the village in a mob; and some surrounded the house, which was made of bamboo, and others began to thrust their lances through the openings in the floor, between the bamboos, wounding father fray francisco, and uttering many abusive words. the father religious, alarmed at his peril, sprang up intending to jump out at the windows, as the house stood very low, not considering the greater danger of this. as he leaped, the insurgents ran toward him, and received him on the points of their lances; and all he could do was to reach the cross which stood in the cemetery, next to the church. he embraced it tenderly, and in this position received many lance-thrusts; and thus, his arms flung round the holy cross, and uttering loving and devout words, he rendered his soul to the lord--to go, as we may piously believe, to enjoy eternal peace. [106] the insurgents burned the house and the church, but they did not dare to profane the body of the venerable father, and retreated to the most secluded part of those mountains. on the same day when the news that the apostates had killed the father reached the village of laglag the spaniards and soldiers arrived whom admiral pedro durán had sent; and with them came the notary-public of the province and lorenzo tallez mucientes to make an investigation [of the murder], although there was some delay in the arrival of the alcalde-mayor, pedro durán, in person. two days after the death of the venerable father, they went to the village of malonor, and found the body of the venerable father at the foot of the cross--quite ruddy and without corruption, and the blood dropping from it as if the murderers had but that instant slain him (as the notary bernabé lópez has assured me at various times); and it remained in the same incorruption, and without the blood coagulating, until the third day, when they buried it in the church of laglag. pedro durán proceeded, as both a soldier and a judge, to search for the aggressors; and a considerable time after the death of the venerable father, and after many endeavors, and having employed adroit spies, the spaniards seized the principal actors in the diabolical farce. others defended themselves and were slain; but their corpses were brought in, and carried with the criminals to the port of iloilo. there justice was executed upon them; they were fastened to stakes in the river of araut, [107] and the body of the accursed woman who played the part of the blessed virgin was impaled on a stake and placed at the mouth of the river of laglag. in otón; 1672 [this is related by diaz in his conquistas, pp. 696-697.] the spirit of discord also roamed through the mountains of the province of ogtong in the island of panay, causing a disturbance which had an aspect more ridiculous than serious; and if i have concluded to set it down here it is only to show the pliability of disposition in these indians in believing every new thing, even when it is groundless, simply because fear persuades them to believe whatever is inimical to the spaniards, and especially if it is to their discredit. in the villages of miagao and other visitas of tigbauan, the collector of tributes for the king was a soldier born in nueva españa, of a merry and jesting disposition; he without heeding what would result, told among the indians this exceedingly absurd story: "that the king of españa had gone out to the seashore for recreation, so heedless of danger and so lightly attended that he had been captured by some turkish galleys that landed at that shore, and had been carried away to the court of the grand turk, who demanded for his ransom an enormous number of slaves; and that to comply with this demand he had sent many ships, which were to carry all the natives of that province to him, so that he could deliver them to the turks." the soldier told them that several ships had come for this purpose, which were already in the harbor of iloilo; and that the alcalde-mayor don sebastián de villarreal and other spaniards had to go with the ships, in order to make this delivery. this foolish and so perverse story was so thoroughly believed by the bisayan indians [108] that it caused a great disturbance and commotion among the inhabitants of the villages of tigbauan, miagao, guimbal, and their visitas--so that, abandoning their homes and villages, they fled to the woods without concerted action, publishing the story that the turks were already close by to seize them, and would carry the natives to their king as prisoners. the father ministers, as being nearest to them, experienced great perplexity, not being able to bring back the fugitives, as they did not know the cause of their disturbance; for when the natives perceived any religious they only took to flight, crying out, "turks!" and thus the villages were being depopulated. when the said alcalde-mayor learned this, he gathered all the soldiers that he could find, and reënlisted many veteran soldiers; and, in company with the father ministers fray marcos gabilán, fray marcos gonzález, and fray agustín de estrada, he set out with all speed to see if he could check the disturbance; for he did not know of the falsehood uttered by the demon through the lips of the soldier. but this measure tended to fan the flames and to give further confirmation to that lie; they found, therefore, the villages deserted, and feared that this was a general rebellion. at last, the absurd cause which had influenced the natives was ascertained; and in a conference of the father ministers and the sensible spaniards they chose the more prudent measure of withdrawing the troops, and allowing the natives to be undeceived by the course of events. the soldier, who must have been more knave than dolt, succeeded in concealing himself so well that nothing was known of him for a long time, because he left the island. the end of this revolution was, that gradually the indians became undeceived, and ascertained that the whole thing was a lie; and through the agency of father fray agustín de estrada, of whom they had a very high opinion, they were pacified, and brought back to their villages and homes. this is written only that some idea may be formed of the readiness with which these natives believe any lie; and the difficulties experienced by the religious who live among them as ministers, and the danger to the lives of the fathers if the demon concocts some fiction which, like this, is to their detriment or to the discredit of the spaniards. in playa honda; 1681 [from diaz's conquistas, pp. 747-748.] the governor, don juan de vargas, in view of the many ravages, murders, and thefts which the revolted zambals of playa honda had committed--infesting the road from pangasinán to ilocos, and harassing the adjoining villages that were subject to the spanish dominion--determined to curb their audacity by some exploit which would inspire them with fear, and to restrain for the future their insolence and daring. for this purpose he sent captain alonso martín franco and captain simón de torres, with a suitable number of spaniards, pampangos, and merdicas (who are ternatans and malays), and gave them the orders that were desirable for the success of so useful an expedition--that simón de torres and alonso martín franco, each with half of the soldiers, should go in opposite directions, beating the woods, and fighting with any zambals whom they might encounter. they did so, compelling the rebels to retreat as far as the place where their companions were; and on st. james's day the two captains joined their forces, the signal being the discharge of three exploding rockets, and fought with the zambal insurgents. they carried out their orders and fought against these enemies, who are indeed a warlike people, and killed many of them, not without some loss of our men. their leader was a valiant zambal named tumalang, to whom the inhabitants of those mountains rendered obedience; this man, seeing the death of an associate of his in whom he greatly trusted, whom alonso martín franco had slain, and influenced by some higher feeling, declared that he wished to be a friend of the spaniards, and with his people to establish villages where he would be under spanish rule. a very convenient location was set apart, and therein was founded a handsome village called nueva toledo, and some others near a fort that is called pignamén, [109] which don manuel de león ordered to be founded--in which, by order of the governor, captain alonso martín franco remained as commandant, with a larger garrison; and this fort has been most efficacious for averting such losses as they then experienced. chief tumalang received holy baptism, and was named don alonso; and he declared that it was he who had cut off the head of don felipe ugalde, [110] whose skull he had in his possession as a trophy. this he surrendered to martín franco, that he might bury it in consecrated ground. the command of this fort is today an office that is conferred on a very meritorious officer; he has jurisdiction in all those villages of playa honda, and appoints in them governors who administer justice, as do the alcaldes-mayor of these islands in their [respective] provinces. in zambal villages; 1683 [the following account is taken from salazar's hist. de sant. rosario, pp. 300-311. it was a revolt against ecclesiastical authority, and would have ended in the liberation of the zambals from all spanish rule, had they not been in awe of the fort and garrison of paynauen. salazar's relation is interesting in regard to native character and missionary methods.] there was in the village of balacbac an indian chief named dulinen, to whose following belonged a great part of the village; although he came down [from the hills] to live in a settlement, it was more from worldly considerations than from affection for a christian mode of life, and he therefore left in the mountains all his valuables, and a nephew of his for a guard over them. this was learned by an indian named calignao, who went to the mountain and slew the nephew of dulinen--who, incensed at this, urged his followers to go with him to the mountain to avenge the death of his nephew. when this came to the knowledge of the servant of god, [111] he made every effort to prevent this flight, and although he restrained some of them he could not entirely prevent it; accordingly, that chief went back to the mountains, followed by seventeen families. the commandant of the fort at paynaoven [sic], when he learned of this departure, attacked the chief and his followers, and burned down the village of aglao, of which the murderer calignao and the said chief were natives, and which was near that of balacbac, where at that time all lived. the said calignao had many kinsmen, and, in order that these might not go away and flee to the mountains, father fray domingo endeavored to gain their good-will; he asked the commandant for a commission as adjutant for calignao, which the commandant immediately gave him--adding, to pacify the indians, that the killing by calignao had been done in compliance with a command by the government that all those should be killed who would not come down to the settlements, etc. with this the men of balacbac were calmed, but their quiet did not last long; for a relative of calignao named dagdagan, who accompanied the commandant and his soldiers, promised to attack the chief who had fled. entering the woods to carry out this plan, he went but a few paces when he was slain by a negrillo of the mountains; and, through the mischief-making of a wicked indian, his relatives believed that the religious had occasioned this death. they assembled to celebrate his funeral rites with much wine-drinking (a common usage among these infidels); and their carousal resulted in an agreement to cut off the head of the servant of god, for which exploit calignao offered himself, in return for the kind acts which father fray domingo had done for him. and now that we have this evil man under consideration [entre manos] it will be well to point out something of his life, in order that what remains to be told of him may not afterward cause surprise. thomas calignao was a native of the village of aglao, distant two leguas from balacbac, and was a christian from his childhood--although of christian he had only the name; for his life and habits were worse than those of a heathen. he never heard mass, or made a confession; he observed neither human nor divine nor even natural law; for his only endeavor was to cut off heads--even if they were those of children or women--without further cause or motive than his craving to kill for the sake of killing. on account of these and many other sins, the commandant often intended to put him to death; but he did not carry out this purpose, through the intercession of father fray domingo, for the servant of god said (and not unjustly): "if you kill this man, who has so large a following, many will return to the mountains; but if he is reclaimed to an upright life he will bring in and convert many cimarrons, and can be very helpful to us in our ministry." for these and other reasons, and for the salvation of that soul, father fray domingo made every effort to convert calignao to a good life--now with advice, now with kind acts, again with examples, flattering words, and promises, and sometimes with threats--[telling calignao] that unless he mended his ways, he would leave the commandant to do his duty. none of these methods sufficed to reclaim him, for, even when it seemed as if he were somewhat softened, if they summoned him to hear mass he became indignant, and heard it while seated and smoking tobacco (an impropriety unheard-of in this country); and if the father commanded him to kneel he was inflamed with anger and excitement--most of all, when the father commanded him to come for instruction in the [christian] doctrine, his ignorance of which made him so bad a christian. father fray domingo, seeing how little attention calignao paid to his counsels, availed himself of his relatives and other influential persons, in order that they might bring him to reason and to decent living. but all this was lost time, for besides not hearing mass on the feast-days, or attending instruction (as all did), all that he cared or watched for was to kill others and become drunk; and although he did this, as he thought, in secret, other persons told it to father fray domingo, who rebuked him for his cruel acts and his persistence in his evil ways. from this arose the hatred and ill-will which calignao entertained for the servant of god; and in order to remove him thus, and not have in future any one who would rebuke him, he now offered to cut off the father's head. on a certain occasion calignao killed a poor woman; and as the aggressor was unknown, as this happened in a hidden place, father fray domingo undertook, in order to learn who did it, to use the stratagem of feeling the pulse of every person in the village. all agreed to this, except calignao, who, being present at this trial, escaped and fled to the woods for several days. soon returning thence to the village, he went about visiting his relatives; he told them that he was going to the mountains, not to return; but that, before he went away, he must cut off some heads. he thereupon went to the house of an indian, a nephew of the woman whom he had murdered, and in order to kill him unsheathed the ygua, which is worse than a butcher's knife; but the indian, who was seated, seized his dagger in his hand, and remained thus, quietly--at which calignao was afraid, and did not dare to carry out his purpose. at the noise of this, all the people hastened thither, as did father fray domingo, who, seeing the perverse calignao in the mood for cutting off heads, said to him: "come here, thou wicked man. are not the murders that thou committest at night enough, without trying to kill in daylight, and in sight of all?" to which he replied: "i am looking for thee, father, for thee first of all; do thou come here." two indians then approached to pacify him; but all was in vain, for he was blind with anger and fury; and when they tried to bring him to reason, he hastily went out and fled to the mountains. soon afterward he returned to the village, and, passing in front of the convent at a time when the servant of god was at the window, calignao began to defy him, with both words and gestures; but father fray domingo answered him: "since thou knowest that the religious do not kill, or carry arms, thou talkest thus--as thou wouldst not talk or act with the soldiers." this made calignao very ugly, and, walking throughout the midst of the village, he declared that he would not halt until he had taken the head from father fray domingo; and no one dared say a word to him, because he was sheltered by his relatives. the commandant of the fort, having learned of the cruel and shameless acts of calignao, sent seven spanish soldiers to guard father fray domingo, and ordered them to arrest or kill that evil man; but, although they twice had the opportunity to do this, the servant of god prevented it, and, most of the soldiers having become sick, they returned to their fort without having accomplished anything. the commandant, at this, ordered the headman of balacbac to seize or kill calignao, who every day went in or out of the said village; but he did not carry out this order, for all feared him and showed him respect--rather, indeed, they watched over his safety. for more than three years the servant of god went about, inquiring, with great solicitude into the idolatrous customs which the zambals had; and for this he availed himself of the boys--whom he assembled together, and taught to read, and related to them the examples and lives of the saints, bestowing on them presents and kindnesses, with great affection. then he questioned them as to the method and the times in which their parents and elders practiced idolatry, and they told him everything, with all details. this was especially true of the boy diego, whom father fray domingo baptized in abucay; he was a nephew of a priest of their idols, and was very well instructed in our holy faith; and he was not suspected of telling the father what conduced to the greater service and honor of god. father fray domingo charged the rest of the boys to keep this secret, so that their parents should not flog them; and through fear of this they remained silent, so that it was never known that the boys were the ones who had revealed the practice of idolatry. thus father fray domingo came to know that the chiefs of the villages were the priests of the idols, and that they found this profitable; for by [filling] this office they obtained their food, and had the advantage in any controversy, and, without this, they would fare ill. also that the common people were in great subjection and obedience to the said priests, who could incite them to any daring act--especially since, as he was informed, all the people in the province, both infidels and christians, had been bound by promise and oath not to reveal their idolatries, no matter how many inquiries the father should make, even though they were ruined or lost their lives by this silence. accordingly the servant of god found this undertaking very arduous, and foresaw that it would cost him many hardships, and that he would in it expose himself to many dangers to his reputation, and honor, and even to his life. notwithstanding, like another elias, zeal for the honor of god flamed in him; and laying aside all fear for what might come, he directed his efforts and all his energies to the destruction of this infernal vice. when lent came around in the year 1683, he began his war against idolatry, having first commended to god this his undertaking. he summoned to his presence each one of the idolaters, and said to one: "thou hast these and these instruments, and with them thou didst offer sacrifice on such a day, in company with n. and n." [112] to another he said: "thou art a priest of so many idols, and for these thou hast so many implements, kept in such and such a place--with which thou renderest to the demon the honor and reverence which are due to god alone, the author of creation. as proofs of this, on such a day thou didst sacrifice in company with n. and n., and on such a day with n." in this manner he went on, examining all the zambals; and they, seeing these accurate proofs, regarded the servant of god as a soothsayer, and handed over to him the instruments of their idol-worship. immediately he gave these to the boys, so that they could break in pieces and abuse them; and finally he commanded them to burn these articles in the sight of all. the spectators were amazed at seeing that neither the father nor the children died as a result of this desecration of their idols; for they had believed that he who should profane these instruments must perish. the father preached to them, and taught them what they must do in future. having accomplished this in baubuen, he proceeded to the villages of balacbac and alalang--where, although at the beginning he encountered some resistance, he finally succeeded in his purpose that these indians also should surrender to him the implements of idol-worship that they possessed. having placed all these in a little hut, he set fire to it, and all were burned, not without the surprise of these indians also that no disaster happened to the father. the indians of these villages requested that those of the village of masingloc should not be told that the former had surrendered their implements, because all had sworn an oath not to do so, and, if it were known that they had given up these articles, the others would come to attack, them. notwithstanding this petition, the servant of god proceeded to do the same at masingloc, three or four times; there he encountered an old chief, who was the bayoc, or head priest, who delegated jurisdiction to the rest in order that they could sacrifice to their idols. with this diabolical man, possessed by a demon, the servant of god labored without measure, preaching to him, and convincing him with arguments; but in no way could he be cured of his obstinacy, even when one day father fray domingo went so far as to cast himself at his feet and kiss them--watering them with his tears, which ran in streams over his cheeks--begging him for the love of god to give up that practice [of idolatry] and be converted to god with all his heart, and relating to him many instances that were pertinent to the subject; but the old man, obstinate and possessed by a demon, showed himself rebellious, hard, and stubborn. the chiefs of masingloc, seeing the activity of the servant of god, and the earnestness with which he went about that business, sent nine of their number to manila, who presented a petition to the government saying that they had been christians for ninety years [113] and had never kept idols; and now father fray domingo perez had given them the reputation of being idolaters, taking away their good name, etc. this caused the servant of god to suffer much in regard to his own reputation; for in manila, as people had not kept the matter in mind, each one considered it according to his own personal feelings and the most moderate called it indiscreet zeal, and others lack of judgment. at that time the suits against señor pardo were at their height, since about this time he was arrested; accordingly, all those who were governing had a poor opinion of the dominican friars. and now with the petition of these indians they were more confirmed in their opinion, treating us as violators of the peace, and disturbers of the people; and all this was charged to the servant of god, as, to appearances, the origin and cause of all the trouble. accordingly, very severe letters were written to him from manila, censuring him for imprudent conduct, etc. but the commandant at the fort at paynaven, as soon as he learned of the result, wrote to the governor, telling him the entire truth, and asking him to arrest those indians; but when this despatch reached manila, the petition had been already presented, and representations had been made against the servant of god, and in favor of the zambal indians. notwithstanding this, the governor did what the commandant asked him, placing the indians in the fort [of santiago]. when this was known by the people of masingloc, they immediately surrendered a hundred and fifty implements with which they served and adored their idols; and the commandant again wrote to the governor, asking him to release the nine indians. this was done, but on the return to their village one of them died after a brief illness; he was the chief minister of the idols, although he did not make this known up to the hour of his death. the others also quickly became ill, and they died one after another, god punishing their insolence, and defending the honor of his servant. most of the indians were reclaimed, and confirmed in our holy faith, by the words and deeds of father fray domingo; and they therefore voluntarily gave up the instruments with which they formerly sacrificed to the demon--although many did so because they could not resist, especially those who were priests and had obtained their living by those practices; these were the chief men of the villages. they remained grieved and angry, and with little love for the servant of god; and each one of them would, if he had had the power, have taken the father's life--or a thousand of them, if he could have had so many--but they were made cowards by their fear of the soldiers at the fort. [angered at what fray domingo had done to uproot their idolatries, these chiefs conspire against him, and resolve to take his life--for which deed calignao offers his services. at the time (july, 1683), the father is in manila soliciting contributions for building churches in the zambal country; his head, which a year before had showed hardly a gray hair, is now almost white, at the age of forty-five--an effect of his unusual toils above described. on november 12 of that same year fray domingo is treacherously slain, on his return from baubuen to balacbac, by calignao and an infidel negrillo named quibácat, with poisoned arrows. some friendly indians convey him to balacbac, where he dies three days later. the commandant of the fort wishes to go to punish the zambals for this murder, but a friar dissuades him, saying that if he leaves the fort, the zambals would get possession of it, "and no religious or spaniard would be left in all playa honda." soldiers are sent to seize the assassin, but he cannot be taken, for he is protected by the natives in the village, "who all were present at the funeral more from joy at seeing the father dead than from compassion, or sadness at having lost him, thinking that with the death of father fray domingo they could again revive their idol-worship."] dampier in the philippines [following is a synopsis and verbatim transcription of the voyages made by william dampier [114] during the years 1679-1691, as related in the first volume of his new voyage round the world. [115] the introduction and first nine chapters describe his voyages in american waters. with chapter x begins his experience in eastern waters.] chap. x their departure from cape corrientes for the ladrone islands, and the east-indies. their course thither, and accidents by the way: with a table of each days run, &c. of the different accounts of the breadth of these seas. guam, one of the ladrone islands. the coco-nut tree, fruit, &c. the toddi, or arack that distils from it; with other uses that are made of it. coire cables. the lime, or crab limon. the bread-fruit. the native indians of guam. their proe's, a remarkable sort of boats: and of those used in the east-indies. the state of guam: and the provisions with which they were furnish'd there. i have given an account in the last chapter of the resolutions we took of going over to the east-indies. but having more calmly considered on the length of our voyage, from hence to guam, one of the ladrone islands, which is the first place that we could touch at, and there also not being certain to find provisions, most of our men were almost daunted at the thoughts of it; for we had not 60 days provision, at a little more than half a pint of maiz a day for each man, and no other provision, except 3 meals of salted jew-fish; [116] and we had a great many rats aboard, which we could not hinder from eating part of our maiz. beside, the great distance between cape corrientes and guam: which is variously set down. the spaniards, who have the greatest reason to know best, make it to be between 2300 and 2400 leagues; our books also reckon it differently, between 90 and 100 degrees, which all comes short indeed of 2000 leagues, but even that was a voyage enough to frighten us, considering our scanty provisions. captain swan, to encourage his men to go with him, perswaded them that the english books did give the best account of the distance; his reasons were many, although but weak. he urged among the rest, that sir thomas candish and sir francis drake, did run it in less than 50 days, and that he did not question but that our ships were better sailers, than those which were built in that age, and that he did not doubt to get there in little more than 40 days: this being the best time in the year for breezes, which undoubtedly is the reason that the spaniards set out from acapulco about this time; and that although they are 60 days in their voyage, it is because they are great ships, deep laden, and very heavy sailers; besides, they wanting nothing, are in no great haste in their way, but sail with a great deal of their usual caution. and when they come near the island guam, they lie by in the night for a week, before they make land. in prudence we also should have contrived to lie by in the night when we came near land, for otherwise we might have run ashoar, or have outsailed the islands, and lost sight of them before morning. but our bold adventures seldom proceed with such wariness when in any straights. but of all captain swan's arguments, that which prevailed most with them was, his promising them, as i have said, to cruise off the manila's. so he and his men being now agreed, and they incouraged with the hope of gain, which works its way thro' all difficulties, we set out from cape corrientes march the 31st, 1686. we were 2 ships in company, captain swan's ship, and a bark commanded under captain swan, by captain teat, and we were 150 men, 100 aboard of the ship, and 50 aboard the bark, beside slaves, as i said. we had a small land-wind at e.n.e. which carried us three or four leagues, then the sea-wind came at w.n.w. a fresh gale, so we steered away s.w. by 6 a clock in the evening we were about 9 leagues s. w. from the cape, then we met a land-wind which blew fresh all night, and the next morning about 10 a clock we had the sea-breez at n.n.e. so that at noon we were 30 leagues from the cape. it blew a fresh gale of wind, which carries us off into the true trade-wind, (of the difference of which trade-winds i shall speak in the chapter of winds, in the appendix) [117] for although the constant sea-breez near the shoar is at w.n.w. yet the true trade off at sea, when you are clear of the land-winds, is at e.n.e. at first we had it at n.n.e. so it came about northerly, and then to the east as we run off. at 250 leagues distance from the shoar we had it at e.n.e. and there it stood till we came within 40 leagues of guam. when we had eaten up our 3 meals of salted jew-fish, in so many days time, we had nothing but our small allowance of maiz. after the 31st day of march we made great runs every day, having very fair clear weather, and a fresh trade-wind, which we made use of with all our sails, and we made many good observations of the sun. at our first setting out, we steered into the lat. of 13 degrees, which is near the lat. of guam; then we steered west, keeping in that lat. by that time we had sailed 20 days, our men seeing we made such great runs, and the wind like to continue, repined because they were kept at such short allowance. captain swan endeavored to perswade them to have a little patience; yet nothing but an augmentation of their daily allowance would appeasse them. captain swan though with much reluctance, gave way to a small enlargement of our commons, for now we had not above 10 spoonfuls of boil'd maiz a man, once a day, whereas before we had 8: i do believe that this short allowance did me a great deal of good, though others were weakened by it; for i found that my strength encreased, and my dropsie wore off. yet i drank 3 times every 24 hours; but many of our men did not drink in 9 or 10 days time, and some not in 12 days; one of our men did not drink in 17 days time, and said he was not adry when he did drink; yet he made water every day more or less. one of our men in the midst of these hardships was found guilty of theft, and condemned for the same, to have 3 blows from each man in the ship, with a 2 inch and a half rope on his bare back. captain swan began first, and struck with a good will; whose example was followed by all of us. it was very strange, that in all this voyage we did not see one fish, not so much as a flying-fish, nor any sort of fowl; but at one time, when we were by my account 4975 miles west from cape corrientes, then we saw a great number of boobies, which we supposed came from some rocks not far from us, which were mentioned in some of our sea-charts, but we did not see them. after we had run the 1900 leagues by our reckoning, which made the english account to guam, the men began to murmur against captain swan, for perswading them to come on this voyage; but he gave them fair words, and told them that the spanish account might probably be the truest, and seeing the gale was likely to continue, a short time longer would end our troubles. as we drew nigh the island, we met with some small rain, and the clouds settling in the west, were an apparent token that we were not far from land; for in these climates, betwixt or near the tropicks, where the trade-wind blows constantly, the clouds which fly swift over head, yet seem near the limb of the horizon to hang without much motion or alteration, where the land is near. i have often taken notice of it, especially if it is high land, for you shall then have the clouds hang about it without any visible motion. the 20th day of may, our bark being about 3 leagues a-head of our ship, sailed over a rocky shole, on which there was but 4 fathom water, and abundance of fish swimming about the rocks. they imagin'd by this that the land was not far off; so they clap'd on a wind with the barks head to the north, and being past the shole lay by for us. when we came up with them, captain teat came aboard us, and related what he had seen. we were then in lat. 12. d. 55 m. steering west. the island guam is laid down in lat. 13. d. n. by the spaniards, [118] who are masters of it, keeping it as a baiting-place as they go to the philippine islands. therefore we clap'd on a wind and stood to northward, being somewhat troubled and doubtful whether we were right, because there is no shole laid down, in the spanish drafts about the island guam. at 4 a clock, to our great joy, we saw the island guam, at about 8 leagues distance. it was well for captain swan that we got sight of it before our provision was spent, of which we had but enough for 3 days more; for, as i was afterwards informed, the men had contrived, first to kill captain swan and eat him when the victuals was gone, and after him all of us who were accessary in promoting the undertaking this voyage. this made captain swan say to me after our arrival at guam, ah! dampier, you would have made them but a poor meal; for i was as lean as the captain was lusty and fleshy. the wind was at e.n.e. and the land bore at n.n.e. therefore we stood to the northward, till we brought the island to bear east, and then we turned to get in to an anchor. [here follows a table with entries from march 31 to may 21 showing the daily runs made by the ships. this table shows the course to have been almost due west after april 17. the variation in the needle is disregarded as it was so slight. dampier declares that the sea-distances have been incorrectly stated. he continues:] but to proceed with our voyage: the island guam or guahon, (as the native indians pronounce it) is one of the ladrone islands, belongs to the spaniards, who have a small fort with six guns in it, with a governour, and 20 or 30 soldiers. they keep it for the relief and refreshment of their philippine ships, that touch here in their way from acapulco to manila, but the winds will not so easily let them take this way back again. the spaniards of late have named guam, the island maria, it is about 12 leagues long, and 4 broad, lying n. and s. it is pretty high champain land. the 21st day of may, 1686, at 11 a clock in the evening, we anchored near the middle of the island guam, on the west side; a mile from the shore. at a distance it appears flat and even, but coming near it you will find it stands shelving, and the east side, which is much the highest, is fenced with steep rocks, that oppose the violence of the sea, which continually rage against it, being driven with the constant trade-wind, and on that side there is no anchoring. the west side is pretty low, and full of small sandy bays, divided with as many rocky points. the soil of the island is reddish, dry and indifferent fruitful. the fruits are chiefly rice, pine-apples, water-melons, musk-melons, oranges, and limes, coco-nuts, and a sort of fruit called by us bread-fruit. the coco-nut trees grow by the sea, on the western side in great groves, 3 or 4 miles in length, and a mile or two broad. this tree is in shape like the cabbage-tree, and at a distance they are not to be known each from other, only the coco-nut tree is fuller of branches; but the cabbage-tree generally is much higher, tho' the coco-nut trees in some places are very high. the nut or fruit grows at the head of the tree, among the branches and in clusters, 10 or 12 in a cluster. the branch to which they grow is about the bigness of a man's arm, and as long, running small towards the end. it is of a yellow colour, full of knots and very tough. the nut is generally bigger than a man's head. the outer rind is near two inches thick, before you come to the shell; the shell it self is black, thick, and very hard. the kernel in some nuts is near an inch thick, sticking to the inside of the shell clear round, leaving a hollow in the middle of it, which contains about a pint, more or less, according to the bigness of the nut, for some are much bigger than others. this cavity is full of sweet, delicate, wholsome and refreshing water. while the nut is growing, all the inside is full of this water, without any kernel at all; but as the nut grows towards its maturity, the kernel begins to gather and settle round on the inside of the shell, and is soft like cream, and as the nut ripens, it increaseth in substance and becomes hard. the ripe kernel is sweet enough, but very hard to digest, therefore seldom eaten, unless by strangers, who know not the effects of it; but while it is young and soft like pap, some men will eat it, scraping it out with a spoon, after they have drunk the water that was within it. i like the water best when the nut is almost ripe, for it is then sweetest and briskest. when these nuts are ripe and gathered, the outside rind becomes of a brown rusty colour; so that one would think that they were dead and dry; yet they will sprout out like onions, after they have been hanging in the sun 3 or 4 months, or thrown about in a house or ship, and if planted afterward in the earth, they will grow up to a tree. before they thus sprout out, there is a small spungy round knob grows in the inside, which we call an apple. this at first is no bigger than the top of one's finger, but increaseth daily, sucking up the water till it is grown so big as to fill up the cavity of the coconut, and then it begins to sprout forth. by this time the nut that was hard, begins to grow oily and soft, thereby giving passage to the sprout that springs from the apple, which nature hath so contrived, that it points to the hole in the shell, (of which there are three, till it grows ripe, just where it's fastned by its stalk to the tree; but one of these holes remains open, even when it is ripe) through which it creeps and spreads forth its branches. you may let these teeming nuts sprout out a foot and half, or two foot high before you plant them, for they will grow a great while like an onion out of their own substance. beside the liquor or water in the fruit, there is also a sort of wine drawn from the tree called toddy, which looks like whey. it is sweet and very pleasant, but it is to be drunk within 24 hours after it is drawn, for afterwards it grows sowre. those that have a great many trees, draw a spirit from the sowre wine, called arack. arack is distill'd also from rice, and other things in the east-indies; but none is so much esteemed for making punch as this sort made of toddy, or the sap of the coco-nut tree, for it makes most delicate punch; but it must have a dash of brandy to hearten it, because this arack is not strong enough to make good punch of it self. this sort of liquor is chiefly used about goa; and therefore it has the name of goa arack. the way of drawing the toddy from the tree, is by cutting the top of a branch that would bear nuts; but before it has any fruit; and from thence the liquor which was to feed its fruit, distils into the hole of a callabash that is hung upon it. this branch continues running amost as long as the fruit would have been growing, and then it dries away. the tree hath usually three fruitful branches, which if they be all tapp'd thus, then the tree bears no fruit that year; but if one or two only be tapp'd, the other will bear fruit all the while. the liquor which is thus drawn is emptied out of the callabash duly morning and evening, so long as it continues running, and is sold every morning and evening in most towns in the east indies, and great gains are produced from it even this way; but those that distil it and make arack, reap the greatest profit. there is also great profit made of the fruit, both of the nut and the shell. the kernel is much used in making broath. when the nut is dry, they take off the husk, and giving two good blows on the middle of the nut, it breaks in two equal parts, letting the water fall on the ground; then with a small iron rasp made for the purpose, the kernel or nut is rasped out clean, which being put into a little fresh water, makes it become white as milk. in this milky water they boil a fowl, or any other sort of flesh, and it makes very savory broath. english seamen put this water into boiled rice, which they eat instead of rice-milk, carrying nuts purposely to sea with them. this they learn from the natives. but the greatest use of the kernel is to make oyl, both for burning and for frying. the way to make the oyl is to grate or rasp the kernel, and steep it in fresh water; then boil it, and scum off the oyl at top as it rises: but the nuts that make the oyl ought to be a long time gathered, so as that the kernel may be turning soft and oily. the shell of this nut is used in the east indies for cups, dishes, ladles, spoons, and in a manner for all eating and drinking vessels. well shaped nuts are often brought home to europe, and much esteemed. the husk of the shell is of great use to make cables; for the dry husk is full of small strings and threads, which being beaten, become soft, and the other substance which was mixt among it falls away like saw-dust, leaving only the strings. these are afterwards spun into long yarns, and twisted up into balls for convenience: and many of these rope-yarns joined together make good cables. this manufactory is chiefly used at the maldive-islands, and the threads sent in balls into all places that trade thither, purposely for to make cables. i made a cable at achin with some of it. these are called coire cables; they will last very well. but there is another sort of coire cables (as they are called) that are black, and more strong and lasting; and are made of strings that grow, like horse-hair, at the heads of certain trees, almost like the coco-nut tree. this sort comes most from the island timor. in the south seas the spaniards do make oakam to chalk their ships, with the husk of the coco-nut, which is more serviceable than that made of hemp, and they say it will never rot. i have been told by captain knox, [119] who wrote the relation of ceylon, that in some places of india they make a sort of course cloth of the husk of the coco-nut, which is used for sails. i my self have seen a sort of course sail-cloth made of such a kind of substance; but whether the same or no i know not. i have been the longer on this subject, to give the reader a particular account of the use and profit of a vegetable, which is possibly of all others the most generally serviceable to the conveniences, as well as the necessities of humane life. yet this tree, that is of such great use, and esteemed so much in the east indies, is scarce regarded in the west indies, for want of the knowledge of the benefit which it may produce. and 'tis partly for the sake of my country-men, in our american plantations, that i have spoken so largely of it. for the hot climates there are a very proper soil for it: and indeed it is so hardy, both in the raising it, and when grown, that it will thrive as well in dry sandy ground as in rich land. i have found them growing very well in low sandy islands (on the west of sumatra) that are overflowed with the sea every spring-tide; and though the nuts there are not very big, yet this is no loss, for the kernel is thick and sweet; and the milk, or water in the inside, is more pleasant and sweet than that of the nuts that grow in rich ground, which are commonly large indeed, but not very sweet. these at guam grow in dry ground, are of a middle size, and i think the sweetest that i did ever taste. thus much for the coco-nut. the lime is a sort of bastard or crab limon, the tree, or bush that bears it, is prickly, like a thorn, growing full of small boughs. in jamaica, and other places, they make of the lime-bush fences about gardens, or any other inclosure, by planting the seeds close together, which growing up thick, spread abroad, and make a very good hedge. the fruit is like a limon, but a smaller; the rind thin, and the inclosed substance full of juice. the juice is very tart, yet of a pleasant taste sweetened with sugar. it is chiefly used for making punch, both in the east and west indies, as well ashoar as at sea, and much of it is for that purpose yearly brought home to england, from our west india plantations. it is also used for a particular kind of sauce, which is called pepper-sauce, and is made of cod-pepper, commonly call'd guinea-pepper, boiled in water, and then pickled with salt, and mix'd with lime-juice to preserve it. limes grow plentiful in the east and west indies, within the tropicks. the bread-fruit (as we call it) grows on a large tree, as big and high as our largest apple-trees. it hath a spreading head full of branches, and dark leaves. the fruit grows on the boughs like apples: it is as big as a penny-loaf, when wheat is at five shillings the bushel. it is of a round shape, and hath a thick tough rind. when the fruit is ripe, it is yellow and soft; and the taste is sweet and pleasant. the natives of this island use it for bread: they gather it when full grown, while it is green and hard; then they bake it in an oven, which scorcheth the rind and makes it black: but they scrape off the outside black crust, and there remains a tender thin crust, and the inside is soft, tender and white, like the crumb of a penny loaf. there is neither seed nor stone in the inside, but all is of a pure substance like bread: it must be eaten new, for if it is kept above 24 hours, it becomes dry, and eats harsh and choaky; but 'tis very pleasant before it is too stale. this fruit lasts in season 8 months in the year; during which time the natives eat no other sort of food of bread-kind. i did never see of this fruit any where but here. the natives told us, that there is plenty of this fruit growing on the rest of the ladrone islands; and i did never hear of any of it any where else. they have here some rice also: but the island being of a dry soil, and therefore not very proper for it, they do not sow very much. fish is scarce about this island; yet on the shoal that our bark came over there was great plenty, and the natives commonly go thither to fish. the natives of this island are strong bodied, large limb'd, and well-shap'd. they are copper-coloured, like other indians: their hair is black and long, their eyes meanly proportioned; they have pretty high noses; their lips are pretty full, and their teeth indifferent white. they are long visaged, and stern of countenance; yet we found them to be affable and courteous. they are many of them troubled with a kind of leprosie. this distemper is very common at mindanao: therefore i shall speak more of it in my next chapter. they of guam are otherwise very healthy, especially in the dry season: but in the wet season, which comes in in june, and holds till october, the air is more thick and unwholsome; which occasions fevers: but the rains are not violent nor lasting. for the island lies so far westerly from the phillipine islands, or any other land, that the westerly winds do seldom blow so far; and when they do, they do not last long: but the easterly winds do constantly blow here, which are dry and healthy; and this island is found to be very healthful, as we were informed while we lay by it. the natives are very ingenious beyond any people, in making boats, or proes, as they are called in the east indies, and therein they take great delight. these are built sharp at both ends; the bottom is of one piece, made like the bottom of a little canoa, very neatly dug, and left of a good substance. this bottom part is instead of a keel. it is about 26 or 28 foot long; the under part of this keel is made round, but inclining to a wedge, and smooth; and the upper part is almost flat, having a very gentle hollow, and is about a foot broad: from hence both sides of the boat are carried up to about 5 foot high with narrow plank, not above 4 or 5 inches broad, and each end of the boat turns up round, very prettily. but what is very singular, one side of the boat is made perpendicular, like a wall, while the other side is rounding, made as other vessels are, with a pretty full belly. just in the middle it is about 4 or 5 foot broad aloft, or more, according to the length of the boat. the mast stands exactly in the middle, with a long yard that peeps up and down like a mizen-yard. one end of it reacheth down to the end or head of the boat, where it is placed in a notch, that is made there purposely to receive it, and keep it fast. the other end hangs over the stern: to this yard the sail is fastened. at the foot of the sail there is another small yard, to keep the sail out square, and to roll up the sail on when it blows hard; for it serves instead of a reef to take up the sail to what degree they please, according to the strength of the wind. along the belly-side of the boat, parallel with it, at about 6 or 7 foot distance, lies another small boat, or canoa, being a log of very light wood, almost as long as the great boat, but not so wide, being not above a foot and an half wide at the upper part, and very sharp like a wedge at each end. and there are two bamboas of about 8 or 10 foot long, and as big as ones leg, placed over the great boats side, one near each end of it, and reaching about 6 or 7 foot from the side of the boat: by the help of which, the little boat is made firm and contiguous to the other. these are generally called by the dutch, and by the english from them, outlayers. [120] the use of them is to keep the great boat upright from over-setting; because the wind here being in a manner constantly east, (or if it would be at west it would be the same thing) and the range of these islands, where their business lies to and fro, being mostly north and south, they turn the flat side of the boat against the wind, upon which they sail, and the belly-side, consequently, with its little boat, is upon the lee: and the vessel having a head at each end, so as to sail with either of them foremost (indifferently) they need not tack, or go about, as all our vessels do, but each end of the boat serves either for head or stern as they please. when they ply to windward, and are minded to go about, he that steers bears away a little from the wind, by which means the stern comes to the wind; which is now become the head, only by shifting the end of the yard. this boat is steered with a broad paddle, instead of a rudder. i have been the more particular in describing these boats, because i do believe, they sail the best of any boats in the world. i did here for my own satisfaction, try the swiftness of one of them; sailing by our log, we had 12 knots on our reel, and she run it all out before the half minute-glass was half out; which, if it had been no more, is after the rate of 12 mile an hour; but i do believe she would have run 24 mile an hour. it was very pleasant to see the little boat running along so swift by the others side. the native indians are no less dextrous in managing, than in building these boats. by report, they will go from hence to another of the ladrone islands about 30 leagues off, and there do their business, and return again in less than 12 hours. i was told that one of these boats was sent express to manila, which is above 400 leagues, and performed the voyage in 4 days time. there are of these proes or boats used in many places of the east indies, but with a belly and a little boat on each side. only at mindanao i saw one like these, with the belly and a little boat only on one side, and the other flat, but not so neatly built. the indians of guam have neat little houses, very handsomly thatch'd with palmeto-thatch. they inhabit together in villages built by the sea, on the west-side, and have spanish priests to instruct them in the christian religion. the spaniards have a small fort on the west side, near the south end, with six guns in it. there is a governour and 20 or 30 spanish soldiers. there are no more spaniards on this island, besides 2 or 3 priests. not long before we arrived here, the natives rose on the spaniards to destroy them, and did kill many: but the governour with his soldiers at length prevailed, and drove them out of the fort: so when they found themselves disappointed of their intent, they destroyed the plantations and stock, and then went away to other islands: there were then 3 or 400 indians on this island; but now there are not above 100; for all that were in this conspiracy went away. [121] as for these who yet remain, if they were not actually concerned in that broil, yet their hearts also are bent against the spaniards: for they offered to carry us to the fort, and assist us in the conquest of the island; but c. swan was not for molesting the spaniards here. before we came to an anchor here, one of the priests came aboard in the night, with 3 indians. they first hailed us to know from whence we came, and what we were: to whom answer was made in spanish, that we were spaniards, and that we came from acapulco. it being dark they could not see the make of our ship, nor very well discern what we were: therefore we came aboard; but perceiving the mistake they were in, in taking us for a spanish ship, they endeavoured to get from us again, but we held their boat fast, and made them come in. capt. swan received the priest with much civility, and conducting him into the great cabbin, declared, that the reason of our coming to this island was want of provis[i]on, and that he came not in any hostile manner, but as a friend to purchase with his money what he wanted: and therefore desired the priest to write a letter to the governour, to inform him what we were, and on what account we came. for having him now aboard, the captain was willing to detain him as an hostage, till we had provision. the padre told captain swan, that provision was now scarce on the island; but he would engage, that the governour would do his utmost to furnish us. in the morning the indians, in whose boat or proe the frier came aboard, were sent to the governour with two letters; one from the frier, and another very obliging one from captain swan, and a present of four yards of scarlet-cloath, and a piece of broad silver and gold lace. the governour lives near the south end of the island on the west side; which was about 5 leagues from the place where we were; therefore we did not expect an answer till the evening, not knowing then how nimble they were. therefore when the indian canoa was dispatched away to the governour, we hoised out 2 of our canoas, and sent one a fishing, and the other ashore for coco-nuts. our fishing canoa got nothing; but the men that went ashore for coco-nuts came off laden. about 11 a clock, that same morning, the governour of the island sent a letter to captain swan, complimenting him for his present, and promising to support us with as much provision, as he could possibly spare; and as a token of his gratitude, he sent a present of 6 hogs, of a small sort, most excellent meat, the best i think, that ever i eat: they are fed with coco-nuts, and their flesh is hard as brisket beef. they were doubtless of that breed in america which came originally from spain. he sent also 12 musk-melons, larger than ours in england, and as many water-melons, both sorts here being a very excellent fruit; and sent an order to the indians that lived in a village not far from our ship, to bake every day as much of the bread-fruit as we did desire, and to assist us in getting as many dry coco-nuts as we would have; which they accordingly did, and brought off the bread-fruit every day hot, as much as we could eat. after this the governour sent every day a canoa or two with hogs and fruit, and desired for the same, powder, shot, and arms; which was sent according to his request. we had a delicate large english dog; which the governour did desire, and had it given him very freely by the captain, though much against the grain of many of his men, who had a great value for that dog. captain swan endeavoured to get this governour's letter of recommendation to some merchants at manila, for he had then a design to go to fort st. george, [122] and from thence intended to trade to manila: but this his design was concealed from the company. while we lay here, the acapulco ship [123] arrived in sight of the island, but did not come in the sight of us; for the governour sent an indian proe, with advice of our being here. therefore she stood off to the southward of the island, and coming foul of the same shole that our bark had run over before, was in great danger of being lost there, for she struck off her rudder, and with much ado got clear; but not till after three days labour for tho' the shole be so near the island, and the indians go off and fish there every day, yet the master of the acapulco ship, who should (one would think) know these parts, was utterly ignorant of it. this their striking on the shole we heard afterward, when we were on the coast of manila; but these indians of guam did speak of her being in sight of the island while we lay there, which put our men in a great heat to go out after her, but captain swan perswaded them out of that humour, for he was now wholly averse to any hostile action. the 30th day of may, the governor sent his last present, which was some hogs, a jar of pickled mangoes, a jar of excellent pickled fish, and a jar of fine rusk, or bread of fine wheat flower, baked like bisket, but not so hard. he sent besides, 6 or 7 packs of rice, desiring to be excused from sending any more provision to us, saying he had no more on the island that he could spare. he sent word also that the west monsoon was at hand, that therefore it behooved us to be jogging from hence, unless we were resolved to return back to america again. captain swan returned him thanks for his kindness and advice, and took his leave; and the same day sent the frier ashoar, that was seized on at our first arrival, and gave him a large brass clock, an astrolable, and a large telescope: for which present the frier sent us aboard six hogs, and a roasting pig, 3 or 4 bushels of potatoes, and 50 pound of manila tobacco. then we prepared to be gone, being pretty well furnished with provision to carry us to mindanao, where we designed next to touch. we took aboard us as many coco-nuts as we could well stow, and we had a good stock of rice, and about 50 hogs in salt. chap. xi they resolve to go to mindanao. their departure from guam. of the philippine islands. the isle luconia, and its chief town and port, manilo, manila, or manilbo. of the rich trade we might establish with these islands. st. john's island. they arrive at mindanao. the island described. its fertility. the libby trees, and the sago made of them. the plantain tree, fruit, liquor, and cloath. a smaller plantain at mindanao. the bonano. of the clove bark, cloves, and nutmegs, and the methods taken by the dutch to monopolize the spices. the betel-nut, and arek-tree. the durian, and the jaca-tree and fruit. the beasts of mindanao, centapees or forty legs, a venemous insect, and others. their fowls, fish, &c. the temperature of the climate, with the course of the winds, tornadoes, rain, and temper of the air throughout the year. while we lay at guam, we took up a resolution of going to mindanao, one of the philippine islands, being told by the frier, and others, that it was exceedingly well stored with provisions; that the natives were mahometans, and that they had formerly a commerce with the spaniards, but that now they were at wars with them. this island was therefore thought to be a convenient place for us to go to; for besides that, it was in our way to the east indies, which we had resolved to visit; and that the westerly monsoon was at hand, which would oblige us to shelter somewhere in a short time, and that we could not expect good harbours in a better place than in so large an island as mindanao: besides all this, i say, the inhabitants of mindanao being then, as we were told, (tho' falsly) at wars with the spaniards, our men, who it should seem were very squeamish of plundering without licence, derived hopes from thence of getting a commission there from the prince of the island, to plunder the spanish ships about manila, and so to make mindanao their common rendezvous. and if captain swan was minded to go to an english port, yet his men who thought he intended to leave them, hoped to get vessels and pilots at mindanao fit for their turn, to cruize on the coast of manila. as for captain swan he was willing enough to go thither, as best suiting his own design; and therefore this voyage was concluded on by general consent. accordingly, june 2d, 1686, we left guam, bound for mindanao. we had fair weather, and a pretty smart gale of wind at east, for 3 or 4 days, and then it shifted to the s.w. being rainy, but it soon came about again to the east, and blew a gentle gale; yet it often shuffled about to the s.e. for though in the east indies the winds shift in april, yet we found this to the shifting season for the winds here; the other shifting season being in october, sooner or later, all over india. as to our course from guam to the philippine islands, we found it (as i intimated before) agreeable enough with the account of our common draughts. the 21st of june we arrived at the island st. john, [124] which is one of the philippine islands. the philippines are a great company of large islands, taking up about 13 deg. of lat. in length, reaching near upon, from 5 d. of north lat. to the 19th degree, and in breadth about 6 deg. of longitude. they derive this name from philip ii. king of spain; and even now they do most of them belong to that crown. the chiefest island in this range is luconia, which lies on the north of them all. at this island magellan died on the voyage that he was making round the world. [125] for after he had past those streights between the south end of america and terre del fuego, which now bear his name, and had ranged down in the south seas on the back of america; from thence stretching over to the east-indies, he fell in with the ladrone islands, and from thence steering east still, he fell in with these philippine islands, and anchored at luconia; where he warr'd with the native indians, to bring them in obedience to his master the king of spain, and was by them kill'd with a poysoned arrow. it is now wholly under the spaniards, who have several towns there. the chief is manilo, which is a large sea-port town near the s.e. [sic] end, opposite to the island mindora. it was a place of great strength and trade: the two great acapulco ships before mentioned fetching from hence all sorts of east-india commodities; which are brought hither by foreigners, especially by the chinese and the portuguese. sometimes the english merchants of fort st. george send their ships hither as it were by stealth, under the charge of portuguese pilots and mariners: for as yet we cannot get the spaniards there to a commerce with us or the dutch, although they have but few ships of their own. this seems to arise from a jealousie or fear of discovering the riches of these islands, for most, if not all the philippine islands, are rich in gold; and the spaniards have no place of much strength in all these islands that i could ever hear of, besides manilo it self. yet they have villages and towns on several of the islands, and padres or priests to instruct the native indians, from whom they get their gold. the spanish inhabitants, of the smaller islands especially, would willingly trade with us if the government was not so severe against it: for they have no goods but what are brought from manilo at an extraordinary dear rate. i am of the opinion, that if any of our nations would seek a trade with them, they would not lose their labour; for the spaniards can and will smuggle (as our seamen call trading by stealth) as well as any nation that i know; and our jamaicans are to their profit sensible enough of it. and i have been informed that captain goodlud of london, in a voyage which he made from mindanao to china, touch'd at some of these islands, and was civilly treated by the spaniards, who bought some of his commodities, giving him a very good price for the same. there are about 12 or 14 more large islands lying to the southward of luconia; most of which as i said before, are inhabited by the spaniards. besides these there are an infinite number of small islands of no account, and even the great islands, many of them, are without names; or at least so variously set down, that i find the same islands named by divers names. the island st. john and mindanao are the southermost of all these islands, and are the only islands in all this range that are not subject to the spaniards. st. john's island is on the east-side of the mindanao, and distant from it 3 or 4 leagues. it is in lat. about 7 or 8 north. this island is in length about 38 leagues, stretching n.n.w. and s.s.e. and it is in breadth about 24 leagues, in the middle of the island. the northermost end is broader, and the southermost is narrower: this island is of a good heighth, and is full of many small hills. the land of the south-east end (where i was ashoar) is of a black fat mould; and the whole island seems to partake of the same fatness, by the vast number of large trees that it produceth; for it looks all over like one great grove. as we were passing by the s.e. end we saw a canoa of the natives under the shoar; therefore one of our canoas went after to have spoken with her; but she run away from us, seeing themselves chaced, put their canoa ashoar, leaving her, fled into the woods; nor would be allured to come to us, altho' we did what we could to entice them; besides these men, we saw no more here, nor sign of any inhabitants at this end. when we came aboard our ship again, we steered away for the island mindanao, which was now fair in sight of us: it being about 10 leagues distant from this part of st. john's. the 22d day we came within a league of the east-side of the island mindanao, and having the wind at s.e. we steered toward the north-end, keeping on the east-side, till we came into the lat. of 7 d. 40 m. and there we anchored in a small bay, about a mile from the shoar, in 10 fathom water, rocky foul ground. some of our books gave us an account, that mindanao city and isle lies in 7 d. 40 m. we guest that the middle of the island might lie in this lat. but we were at a great loss where to find the city, whether on the east or west-side. indeed, had it been a small island, lying open to the eastern wind, we might possibly have searched first on the west-side; for commonly the islands within the tropicks, or within the bounds of the trade-winds, have their harbours on the west-side, as best sheltered; but the island mindanao being guarded on the east-side by st. john's island, we might as reasonably expect to find the harbour and city on this side as any where else: but coming into the lat. in which we judg'd the city might be, found no canoas, or people, that might give us any umbrage of a city, or place of trade near at hand, tho' we coasted within a league of the shoar. the island mindanao is the biggest of all the philippine islands, except luconia. it is about 60 leagues long, and 40 or 50 broad. the south-end is about 5 d. n. and the n.w. end reacheth almost to 8 d. n. it is a very mountainous island, full of hills and valleys. the mould in general is deep and black, and extraordinary fat and fruitful. the sides of the hill are stony, yet productive enough of very large tall trees. in the heart of the country there are some mountains that yield good gold. the valleys are well moistned with pleasant brooks, and small rivers of delicate water; and have trees of divers sorts flourishing and green all the year. the trees in general are very large, and most of them are of kinds unknown to us. there is one sort which deserves particular notice; called by the natives libby-trees. these grow wild in great groves of 5 or 6 miles long, by the sides of the rivers. of these trees sago is made, which the poor country people eat instead of bread 3 or 4 months in the year. this tree for its body and shape is much like the palmeto-tree, or the cabbage-tree, but not so tall as the latter. the bark and wood is hard and thin like a shell, and full of white pith, like the pith of an elder. this tree they cut down, and split it in the middle, and scrape out all the pith; which they beat lustily with a wooden pestle in a great mortár or trough, and then put it into a cloth or strainer held over a trough; and pouring water in among the pith, they stir it about in the cloth: so the water carries all the substance of the pith through the cloth down into the trough, leaving nothing in the cloth but a light sort of husk, which they throw away; but that which falls into the trough settles in a short time to the bottom like mud; and then they draw off the water, and take up the muddy substance, wherewith they make cakes; which being baked proves very good bread. the mindanao people live 3 or 4 months of the year on this food for their bread kind. the native indians of teranate, and tidore, and all the spice islands, have plenty of these trees, and use them for food in the same manner; as i have been inform'd by mr. caril rofy, who is now commander of one of the king's ships. he was one of our company at this time; and being left with captain swan at mindanao, went afterward to teranate, and lived there among the dutch a year or two. the sago which is transported into other parts of the east indies, is dried in small pieces like little seeds or comfits, and commonly eaten with milk of almonds, by those that are troubled with the flux; for it is a great binder, and very good in that distemper. in some places of mindanao there is plenty of rice; but in the hilly land they plant yams, potatoes and pumkins; all which thrive very well. the other fruits of this island are water-melons, musk-melons, plaintains, bonanoes, guavas, nutmegs, cloves, betel-nuts, durians, jacks, or jacas, coco-nuts, oranges, &c. the plantain i take to be the king of all fruit, not except the coco it self. the tree that bears this fruit is about 3 foot, or 3 foot and an half round, and about 10 or 12 foot high. these trees are not raised from seed, (for they seem not to have any) but from the roots of other old trees. if these young suckers are taken out of the ground, and planted in another place, it will be 15 months before they bear, but if let stand in their own native soil they will bear in 12 months. as soon as the fruit is ripe the tree decays, but then there are many young ones growing up to supply its place. when this tree first springs out of the ground, it comes up with two leaves; and by that time it is a foot high, two more springs up in the inside of them; and in a short time after two more within them; and so on. by that time the tree is a month old, you may perceive a small body almost as big as ones arm, and then there are eight or ten leaves, some of them four or five foot high. the first leaves that it shoots forth are not above a foot long, and half a foot broad; and the stem that bears them no bigger than ones finger; but as the tree grows higher the leaves are larger. as the young leaves spring up in the inside, so the old leaves spread off, and their tops droop downward, being of a greater length and breadth, by how much they are nearer the root, and at last decay and rot off; but still there are young leaves spring up out of the top, which makes the tree look always green and flourishing. when the tree is full grown, the leaves are 7 or 8 foot long, and a foot and half broad; towards the end they are smaller, and end with a round point. the stem of the leaf is as big as a man's arm, almost round, and about a foot in length, between the leaf and the body of the tree. that part of the stem which comes from the tree, if it be the outside leaf, seems to inclose half the body, as it were with a thick hide; and right against it, on the other side of the tree, is another such answering to it. the next two leaves, in the inside of these, grow opposite to each other, in the same manner, but so that if the two outward grow north and south, these grow east and west, and those still within them keep the same order. thus the body of this tree seems to be made up of many thick skins, growing one over another, and when it is full grown, there springs out of the top a strong stem, harder in substance than any other part of the body. this stem shoots forth at the heart of the tree, is as big as a man's arm, and as long; and the fruit grows in clusters round it, first blossoming, and then shooting forth the fruit. it is so excellent, that the spaniards give it the preheminence of all other fruit, as most conducing to life. it grows in a cod about 6 or 7 inches long, and as big as a man's arm. the shell, rind or cod, is soft, and of a yellow colour when ripe. it resembles in shape hogs-gut pudding. the inclosed fruit is no harder than butter in winter, and is much of the colour of the purest yellow butter. it is of a delicate taste, and melts in ones mouth like marmalet. it is all pure pulp, without any seed, kernel or stone. this fruit is so much esteemed by all europeans that settle in america, that when they make a new plantation they commonly begin with a good plantain-walk, as they call it, or a field of plantains; and as their family encreaseth, so they augment the plantain-walk, keeping one man purposely to prune the trees, and gather the fruit as he sees convenient. for the trees continue bearing, some or other, most part of the year; and this is many times the whole food on which a whole family subsists. they thrive only in rich fat ground, for poor sandy will not bear them. the spaniards in their towns in america, as at havana, cartagena, portabel, &c. have their markets full of plantains, it being the common food for poor people; their common price is half a riol, [i.e., real] 3. d. a dozen. when this fruit is only used for bread, it is roasted or boil'd when it's just full grown, but not yet ripe, or turn'd yellow. poor people, or negroes, that have neither fish nor flesh to eat with it, make sauce with cod-pepper, salt and lime-juice, which makes it eat very savory; much better than a crust of bread alone. sometimes for a change they eat a roasted plantain, and a ripe raw plantain together, which is instead of bread and butter. they eat very pleasant so, and i have made many a good meal in this manner. sometimes our english take 5 or 7 ripe plantains, and mashing them together, make them into a lump, and boil them instead of a bag-pudding; which they call a buff-jacket: and this is a very good way for a change. this fruit makes also very goad tarts; and the green plantains slic'd thin, and dried in the sun, and grated will make a sort of flour which is very good to make puddings. a ripe plantain slic'd and dried in the sun may be preserved a great while; and then eats like figs, very sweet and pleasant. the darien indians preserve them a long time, by drying them gently over the fire; mashing them first, and moulding them into lumps. the moskito indians will take a ripe plantain and roast it; then take a pint and a half of water in a calabash, and squeeze the plantain in pieces with their hands, mixing it with the water; then they drink it all off together: this they call mishlaw, and it's pleasant and sweet, and nourishing; somewhat like lambs-wool (as 'tis call'd) made with apples and ale; and of this fruit alone many thousands of indian families in the west-indies have their whole subsistence. when they make drink with them, they take 10 or 12 ripe plantains and mash them well in a trough: then they put 2 gallons of water among them; and this in 2 hours time will ferment and froth like wort. in 4 hours it is fit to drink; and then they bottle it, and drink it as they have occasion: but this will not keep above 24 or 30 hours. those therefore that use this drink, brew it in this manner every morning. when i went first to jamaica i could relish no other drink they had there. it drinks brisk and cool, and is very pleasant. this drink is windy, and so is the fruit eaten raw; but boil'd or roasted it is not so. if this drink is kept above 30 hours it grows sharp: but if then it be put out into the sun, it will become very good vinegar. this fruit grows all over the west indies (in the proper climates) at guinea, and in the east-indies. as the fruit of this tree is of great use for food, so is the body no less serviceable to make cloaths; but this i never knew till i came to this island. the ordinary people of mindanao do wear no other cloth. the tree never bearing but once, and so being fell'd when the fruit is ripe, they cut it down close by the ground, if they intend to make cloth with it. one blow with a hachet, or long knife, will strike it asunder; then they cut off the top, leaving the trunk 8 or 10 foot long, stripping off the outer rind, which is thickest towards the lower end, having stript 2 or 3 of these rinds, the trunk becomes in a manner all of one bigness, and of a whitish colour: then they split the trunk in the middle; which being done, they split the two halves again, as near the middle as they can. this they leave in the sun 2 or 3 days, in which time part of the juicy substance of the tree dries away, and then the ends will appear full of small threads. the women whose employment it is to make the cloth, take hold of those threads one by one, which rend away easily from one end of the trunk to the other, in bigness like whited brown-thread; for the threads are naturally of a determinate bigness, as i observed their cloth to be all of one substance and equal fineness; but 'tis stubborn when new, wears out soon, and when wet, feels a little slimy. they make their pieces 7 or 8 yards long, their warp and woof all one thickness and substance. there is another sort of plantains in that island, which are shorter and less than the others, which i never saw any where but here. these are full of black seeds mixt quite through the fruit. they are binding, and are much eaten by those that have fluxes. the country people gave them us for that use, and with good success. the bonano tree is exactly like the plantain for shape and bigness, nor easily distinguishable from it but by its fruit, which is a great deal smaller, and not about half so long as a plantain, being also more mellow and soft, less luscious, yet of a more delicate taste. they use this for the making drink oftener than plantains, and it is best when used for drink, or eaten as fruit; but it is not so good for bread, nor doth it eat well at all when roasted or boil'd; so 'tis only necessity that makes any use it this way. they grow generally where plantains do, being set intermixt with them purposely in their plantain-walks. they have plenty of clove-bark, of which i saw a ship load; and as for cloves, raja laut, whom i shall have occasion to mention, told me, that if the english would settle there, they could order matters so in a little time, as to send a ship-load of cloves from thence every year. i have been informd that they grow on the boughs of a tree about as big as a plumb-tree, but i never happened to see any of them. i have not seen the nutmeg-trees any where; but the nutmegs this island produces are fair and large, yet they have no great store of them, being unwilling to propagate them or the cloves, for fear that should invite the dutch to visit them, and bring them into subjection, as they have done the rest of the neighboring islands where they grow. for the dutch being seated among the spice-islands, have monopolized all the trade into their own hands, and will not suffer any of the natives to dispose of it, but to themselves alone. nay, they are so careful to preserve it in their own hands, that they will not suffer the spice to grow in the uninhabited islands, but send soldiers to cut the trees down. captain rofy told me, that while he lived with the dutch, he was sent with other men to cut down the spice-trees; and that he himself did at several times cut down 7 or 800 trees. yet altho' the dutch take such care to destroy them, there are many uninhabited islands that have great plenty of spice-trees, as i have been informed by dutch men that have been there, particularly by a captain of a dutch ship that i met with at achin, who told me, that near the island banda there is an island where the cloves falling from the trees do lie and rot on the ground, and they are at the time when the fruit falls, 3 or 4 inches thick under the trees. he and some others told me, that it would not be a hard matter for an english vessel to purchase a ships cargo of spice, of the natives of some of these spice-islands. he was a free merchant that told me this. for by that name the dutch and english in the east-indies, distinguished those merchants who are not servants to the company. the free merchants are not suffered to trade to the spice-islands, nor to many other places where the dutch have factories; but on the other hand, they are suffered to trade to some places where the dutch company themselves may not trade, as to achin particularly, for there are some princes in the indies, who will not trade with the company for fear of them. the seamen that go to the spice-islands are obliged to bring no spice from thence for themselves, except a small matter for their own use, about a pound or two. yet the masters of those ships do commonly so order their business, that they often secure a good quantity, and send it ashoar to some place near batavia, before they come into the harbour, (for it is always brought thither first before it's sent to europe,) and if they meet any vessel at sea that will buy their cloves, they will sell 10 or 15 tuns out of 100, and yet seemingly carry their complement to batavia; for they will pour water among the remaining part of their cargo, which will swell them to that degree, that the ships hold will be as full again, as it was before any were sold. this trick they use whenever they dispose of any clandestinely, for the cloves when they first take them in are extraordinary dry; and so will imbibe a great deal of moisture. this is but one instance, of many hundreds, of little deceitful arts the dutch sea-men have in these parts among them, of which i have both seen and heard several. i believe there are no where greater thieves; and nothing will persuade them to discover one another; for should any do it, the rest would certainly knock him on the head. but to return to the products of mindanao. the betel-nut is much esteemed here, as it is in most places of the east-indies. the betel-tree grows like the cabbage-tree, but it is not so big, nor so high. the body grows strait, about 12 or 14 foot high, without leaf or branch, except at the head. there it spreads forth long branches, like other trees of the like nature, as the cabbage-tree, the coco-nut tree, and the palm. these branches are about 10 or 12 foot long, and their stems near the head of the tree, as big as a man's arm. on the top of the tree among the branches the betel-nut grows on a tough stem, as big as a man's finger, in clusters much as the coco-nuts do, and they grow 40 or 50 in a cluster. this fruit is bigger than a nutmeg, and is much like it, but rounder. it is much used all over the east-indies. their way is to cut it in four pieces, and wrap one of them up in an arek-leaf, which they spread with a soft paste made of lime or plaster, and then chew it altogether. every man in these parts carries his lime-box by his side, and dipping his finger into it, spreads his betel and arek leaf with it. the arek is a small tree or shrub, of a green bark, and the leaf is long and broader than a willow. they are packt up to sell into parts that have them not, to chew with the betel. the betel-nut is most esteemed when it is young, and before it grows hard, and then they cut it only in two pieces with the green husk or shell on it. it is then exceeding juicy, and therefore makes them spit much. it tastes rough in the mouth, and dies the lips red, and makes the teeth black, but it preserves them, and cleanseth the gums. it is also accounted very wholsom for the stomach; but sometimes it will cause great giddiness in the head of those that are not us'd to chew it. but this is the effect only of the old nut, for the young nuts will not do it. i speak of my own experience. this island produceth also durians and jacks. the trees that bear the durians, are as big as apple-trees, full of boughs. the rind is thick and rough; the fruit is so large that they grow only about the bodies, or on the limbs near the body, like the cacao. the fruit is about the bigness of a large pumkin, covered with a thick green rough rind. when it is ripe, the rind begins to turn yellow, but it is not fit to eat till it opens at the top. then the fruit in the inside is ripe, and sends forth an excellent scent. when the rind is opened, the fruit may be split into four quarters; each quarter hath several small cells, that inclose a certain quantity of the fruit, according to the bigness of the cell, for some are larger than others. the largest of the fruit may be as big as a pullets egg: 'tis as white as milk, and as soft as cream, and the taste very delicious to those that are accustomed to them; but those who have not been used to eat them, will dislike them at first, because they smell like roasted onions. this fruit must be eaten in its prime, (for there is no eating of it before it is ripe) and even then 'twill not keep above a day or two before it putrifies, and turns black, or of a dark colour, and then it is not good. within the fruit there is a stone as big as a small bean, which hath a thin shell over it. those that are minded to eat the stones or nuts, roast them, and then a thin shell comes off, which incloses the nut; and it eats like a chesnut. the jack or jaca is much like the durian, both in bigness and shape. the trees that bear them also are much a like, and so is the manner of the fruits growing. but the inside is different; for the fruit of the durian is white, that of the jack is yellow, and fuller of stones. the durian is most esteemed; yet the jack is very pleasant fruit, and the stones or kernels are good roasted. there are many other sorts of grain, roots and fruits in this island, which to give a particular description of would fill up a large volume. in this island are also many sorts of beasts, both wild and tame; as horses, bulls, and cows, buffaloes, goats, wild hogs, deer, monkies, guano's, lizards, snakes, &c. i never saw or heard of any beasts of prey here, as in many other places. the hogs are ugly creatures; they have all great knobs growing over their eyes, and there are multitudes of them in the woods. they are commonly very poor, yet sweet. deer are here very plentiful in some places, where they are not disturbed. of the venemous kind of creatures here are scorpions, whose sting is in their tail; and centapees, call'd by the english 40 legs, both which are also common in the west-indies, in jamaica, and elsewhere. these centapees are 4 or 5 inches long, as big as a goose-quill, but flattish; of a dun or reddish colour on the back, but belly whitish and full of legs on each side the belly. their sting or bite is more raging than the scorpion. they lie in old houses, and dry timber. there are several sorts of snakes, some very poisonous. there is another sort of creature like a guano both in colour and shape, but four times as big, whose tongue is like a small harpoon, having two beards like the beards of a fishook. they are said to be very venemous, but i know not their names. i have seen them in other places also, as at pulo condore, or the island condore, and at achin, and have been told that they are in the bay of bengal. the fowls of this country are ducks and hens: other tame fowl i have not seen nor heard of any. the wild fowl are pidgeons, parrots, parakits, turtle doves, and abundance of small fowls. there are bats as big as a kite. there are a great many harbours, creeks, and good bays for ships to ride in; and rivers navigable for canoas, proes or barks, which are all plentifully stored with fish of divers sorts, so is also the adjacent sea. the chiefest fish are bonetas, snooks, cavally's bremes, mullets, 10 pounders, &c. here are also plenty of sea turtle, and small manatee, which are not near so big as those in the west-indies. the biggest that i saw would not weigh above 600 pound, but the flesh both of the turtle and manatee are very sweet. the weather at mindanao is temperate enough as to heat, for all it lies so near the equator; and especially on the borders near the sea. there they commonly enjoy the breezes by day, and cooling land winds at night. the winds are easterly one part of the year, and westerly the other. the easterly winds begin to blow in october, and it is the middle of november before they are settled. these winds bring fair weather. the westerly winds begin to blow in may, but are not settled till a month afterwards. the west winds always bring rain, tornadoes, and very tempestuous weather. at the first coming in of these winds they blow but faintly; but then the tornadoes rise one in a day, sometimes two. these are thunder-showers which commonly come against the wind, bringing with them a contrary wind to what did blow before. after the tornadoes are over, the wind shifts about again, and the sky becomes clear, yet then in the valleys and the sides of the mountains, there riseth a thick fog, which covers the land. the tornadoes continue thus for a week or more; then they come thicker, two or three in a day, bringing violent gusts of wind, and terrible claps of thunder. at last they come so fast, that the wind remains in the quarter from whence these tornadoes do rise, which is out of the west, and there it settles till october or november. when these westward winds are thus settled, the sky is all in mourning, being covered with black clouds, pouring down excessive rains sometimes mixt with thunder and lightning, that nothing can be more dismal. the winds raging to that degree, that the biggest trees are torn up by the roots, and the rivers swell and overflow their banks, and drown the low land, carrying great trees into the sea. thus it continues sometimes a week together, before the sun or stars appear. the fiercest of this weather is in the latter end of july and in august, for then the towns seem to stand in a great pond, and they go from one house to another in canoas. at this time the water carries away all the filth and nastiness from under their houses. whilst this tempestuous season lasts, the weather is cold and chilly. in september the weather is more moderate, and the winds are not so fierce, nor the rain so violent. the air thenceforward begins to be more clear and delightsome; but then in the morning there are thick fogs, continuing till 10 or 11 a clock before the sun shines out, especially when it has rained in the night. in october the easterly winds begin to blow again, and bring fair weather till april. thus much concerning the natural state of mindanao. (to be concluded.) bibliographical data the documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. manila and the philippines.--from navarrete's tratados historicos (madrid, 1676), tratado vi, chaps, iii-viii; from a copy in the library of congress. chaps. iii-iv appeared in vol. xxxvii; the remainder is presented in the present volume. 2. condition of the clergy.--in ventura del arco mss (ayer library), iii, pp. 1-5. 3. prerogatives of ex-provincials.--from hernaez's colección de bulas, i, p. 592. 4. royal patronage of santo tomás.--from algunos documentos relat. á la univ. de manila, pp. 31-33. 5. letter by pizarro orellana.--from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; pressmark, "simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de manila; años 1597 á 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." 6. insurrections by filipinos. this is compiled from various early writers--murillo velarde, diaz, combés, and others--full references to these sources being given in the text itself. 7. dampier in the philippines.--from dampier's voyages (london ed. of 1703), i, pp. 279-402; from a copy in the library of harvard university. notes [1] diaz's account ante, gives this name as juan de velas. the franciscan was antonio de san gregorio. [2] in no. 11 of his first tratado, p. 39, navarrete says of this fruit: "the lechia, called li chi by the chinese, is considered in that region as the queen of fruits. one is not deceived in this, for i am sure that if the ate [i.e., anona] did not exceed it, i could not find any fruit that would be better. although it is a fact that good things are few and scarce, lechias are so plentiful, that the yield in the maritime provinces alone is immense; but they do not lose any of the esteem in which they are held for that reason. they are small, being slightly larger than a large nut, and the shell is green and thin. the inside is as white as snow, and it has a kernel in the middle as black as jet. its savor, taste, refreshing powers, and odor make one praise the creator. when they eat them, they generally put them in fresh water, for they say that they are somewhat hot. they eat as many as they can, drink a little water, and then the appetite is keen to go at it again. the tree is very tall and beautiful. i discovered them for governor don sabiniano manrique de lara in the mountains of bantan, the year when i arrived at those islands. but, as they were wild, they were not so large as those in china. mendoça calls them ciruelas [i.e., plums], but they deserve a better name." this tree is also known as the alipai (euphoria litchi), which is the name given it by the natives. the name "lechia" may be a corruption of the chinese; on the other hand the chinese name as given by navarrete may be the corruption of "lechia." blanco (p. 199), describes the tree and fruit. see also official handbook of philippines, p. 297. [3] apparently referring to the direction of the wind, as determined on the circumference of the compass or other instrument. [4] the calantas, or philippine cedar (cedrela, of the order meliaceæ); it is a valuable lumber tree. [5] see list of philippine fiber plants in official handbook of the philippines (manila, 1903), part i, pp. 328-339; also list of fruits and vegetables, pp. 296-328. both the scientific and the native vernacular names are given, with valuable notes on many plants and trees. [6] literally, "woman fish"--the dugong (vol. xxix, p. 302). see delgado's detailed description of this creature, made from personal examination of it, in hist. de filipinas, pp. 910-912; he also mentions the virtue in its bones. [7] the maguey or american agave (agave vivipara) was introduced into the philippines from america, and is cultivated there to a slight extent. it yields a fiber from which a cloth called nipis is woven. the fiber itself has been exported in bulk to europe, china, and japan for many years. see census of philippine islands, iv, p. 120. [8] a reference to matthew xxiv, 40: "then two shall be in the field: one shall be taken, and one shall be left." [9] the ecclesiastical ceremony of washing the feet of twelve persons on maundy thursday. [10] i.e., "the things that are their own, and not the things that are jesus christ's." [11] the garfish or sea-needle (belone vulgaris). [12] the village and lake of nauján. the former is located on the nauján river, about two miles from its mouth in northeastern mindoro. the lake of nauján, which is drained by the adlobang and nauján rivers, is about 2-1/2 miles inland from the coast, and is about 6×10 miles in size. the water is almost stagnant, and the lake contains many sharks which enter at high tide, while crocodiles are frequent; numerous kaseles, or snake-birds, and other water birds are also to be found there. see u. s. philippine gazetteer. [13] misprint for the lake of bombon. [14] oton and iloilo are here confused with the island of panay, and caraga with that of mindanao. [15] navarrete says (tratados, p. 2): "the chinese traders who crossed over to manila, when asked who they were and what they desired, answered, xang lai; that is, 'we come to trade and barter.' the spaniards, who did not understand the chinese language, imagined that that was the name of a nation; and united those two words into one, by which until this day they designate the chinese, calling them sangleys. in this way we europeans have corrupted many other words for that part of the world. the philipinas islands are called liù sung; the spaniard corrupted the words, and calls them luzon. the city of manila is called mainila, which means 'marsh' or 'mire;' our people cut out an 'i,' and the name became manila. the island which the natives call minolo is named mindoro by the spaniards, and that of malindic we call marinduque." [16] the guayaba or guava (psidium guayava), well-known and valued in america for its acid fruit, and early introduced thence into the philippines, where it is known as bayabas. [17] the macupa (eugenio malaccensis--linn.) is about the size of a sweet pepper and of somewhat the same shape, rather larger and quite red in color, but more lustrous; bitter-sweet in taste, somewhat agreeable, but has no solid flesh which can be eaten. the proper season for the fruit is april, may, and june. the leaves of the tree have medicinal properties. the balimbing (averrhora carambola--linn.) has the odor of a quince, and is used by the natives as food with dry fish or meat. there are several varieties, and the flesh is watery. it makes an excellent preserve, and is a good sea food. see delgado's historia, pp. 505, 506, 512; and census of philippines, iv, pp. 124-126; also, for the paho, santol, and papaw (papaya), our vol. xiii, p. 141, note 20, vol. xvi, p. 87, note 72, and vol. xxi, p. 144, note 36. [18] see vol. xvi, p. 87, note 72. see also census of philippines, p. 125. [19] athanasius kircher was born near fulda, germany, in 1602, and became a jesuit novice at the age of sixteen. he was for several years a teacher in the jesuit college at wurtzburg, but was driven to france (1632) by the war then waging in germany. having spent some time at avignon, he was sent to rome, where he died on november 27, 1680. he was one of the most illustrious writers in the jesuit order; see list of his works in sommervogel's bibliothèque, iv, cols. 1046-1077. they embrace a wide range of subjects--science, mathematics, egyptian hieroglyphics, archæology, etc. the allusion in the text is probably to kircher's china monumentis (rome, 1667). [20] the small sapota or chico zapote (achras sapota--linn.) was, according to delgado, peculiar to nueva españa. the tree is tall, wide-spreading, and tufted. delgado also describes another variety called zapote prieto (diospyros ebenaster--retz), of which there are two varieties, one white and one black, which he declares to be natives of nueva españa. the census of philippines says, however, that they are natives of china. the fruit resembles a medium-sized apple, and has a green exterior. a pleasant preserve is made of it. see delgado's historia, pp. 517, 518, and census of philippines, iv, p. 126. [21] ates (anona squamosa--linn.) is a fruit somewhat resembling in appearance a small pineapple. its exterior is green and the interior white, and it contains many beautiful bright seeds. it is aromatic and delicate in flavor, and mild and pleasant to the taste. it is heating in its effects. oranges of various indigenous species are found, among them being several wild species--one of the latter, the amumuntay (citrus histrix), being twelve or thirteen inches in circumference and very juicy and bitter. there are seven varieties of lemons, some of superior quality. see delgado's historia, pp. 519, 520, 548-560; census of philippines, iv, pp. 124-126; our vol. v, p. 169, and vol. xvi, p. 87, note 72. [22] the iguana is very abundant in some localities, and sometimes attains a size of five feet, and can swallow fair-sized fowls whole. they are often found on trees or in bushes along the river banks. when disturbed they drop into the water and thus escape. the eggs are considered a great delicacy by the natives, and the flesh of one species, the ibid, ibit, or pelubid, is highly esteemed. see handbook of the philippines (manila, 1903), p. 150. [23] tunasan is in the province of laguna, which is thus mentioned in the u. s. philippine gazetteer (p. 574): "this province is considered the garden of the philippines. its soil and climate are adapted to the successful growth of every variety of tropical plant and tree known to the archipelago." both mechanical and agricultural industries are considerably developed in laguna. [24] in the irrigated lands of pangasinán the rice yield is eighty-fold; in dry lands fifty-fold; in highlands of the third class, at least fortyto sixty-fold. the most fertile farm of the philippines (imus) has 13,442 hectares devoted to rice cultivation. its lands of the first class yield one hundred-fold; of the second, seventy-five-fold; and of the third fifty-fold. other lands in the islands yield from fifteen-fold up. see census of philippines, iv, p. 93. [25] in the dominican mission of 1632 came a lay-brother named fray diego de santa maría, a son of the convent at sevilla. through charity, he sheltered and educated orphan boys, as fray geronimo guerrero (vol. xxii, p. 109) had done earlier. in 1640 these two enterprises were consolidated, under the auspices of the dominican order in manila, and organized into the college of san juan letran. fray diego remained in charge of it for many years; but finally, having obtained permission to return to spain, he died on the way, at acapulco, in 1657. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 418, 419.) [26] "the boys themselves received ten pesos each for assisting at burials, which were very frequent" (reseña biográfica, i, p. 420). [27] used here because the secular clergy wear a bonnet, in contradistinction to a friar, who wears a hood or cowl. see appleton's new velázquez dictionary. [28] theses controverted and defended in the schools. see ut supra. [29] spanish, andauan a la rebatiña--a locution which can hardly find an exact equivalent in english. [30] on the northern coast of the island celebes were two villages named bool and tontoli, about twenty (dutch) miles apart; see valentyn's oud en nieuw oost-indien, deel iii, st. ii, p. 134, and map in deel i, facing p. 1. [31] the most important starch-producing palm of the philippines is the buri (corypha umbraculifera) which gave name to the island of burias and from which sago is obtained. "it blooms but once, and then perishes" (blanco). the sago is procured by felling the tree near the root, and taking out the soft interior portion of the trunk, which is placed in casks or troughs and the bitter sap drained off. it is then pounded with paddles or mallets, which separate the starch into fine grains. the starch is then gathered and dried, and converted into flour. a wine is also obtained from the tree. see census of philippines, iv, p. 123; also blanco's flora, p. 160; delgado's historia, pp. 660-662; and vol. xxxiv, p. 154, note 499. [32] a reference to psalm cxlvii, v. 16: "[praise the lord,] who giveth snow like wool." [33] valentyn mentions the village of cajeli (oud en nieuw oost-indien, deel iii, p. 134 of section on macasar). crawfurd describes kaili as a country on the western side of celebes. [34] probably the paper mulberry (brousson etia papyrifera), from which the south sea islanders make their clothing, using the inner bark. see crawfurd's dict. ind. islands, pp. 327, 328. [35] on the map in valentyn's work, referred to in note 30, ante, appears the village of mamoia, north of macasar. [36] mandhar is a district of celebes, lying between kaili and macasar; its people have a language peculiar to themselves, and are among the more civilized peoples of that island. (crawfurd's dictionary, pp. 88, 264.) [37] this document in the ventura del arco mss. is evidently a mere synopsis of the original. [38] "in the year 61 the three bishops had died--don fray rodrigo de cardenas, of nueva segovia; don fray antonio de san gregorio, of nueva cazeres; and doctor don juan velez (a cleric, formerly dean of the holy church of manila), of zebú; and the royal decrees for the new incumbents did not reach manila until the year 65. therein were proposed the following names: for the diocese of nueva segovia, fray francisco de navarro, a discalced franciscan, who set a most unusual example by refusing so honorable a dignity. for that of nueva cazeres, fray francisco de la madre de dios (or de la alameda) also a discalced franciscan; but the royal decree found him dead two years before. for that of zebú, the most illustrious don fray juan lopez, who came in this ship 'san joseph,' and had been already consecrated in mechoacan." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 140, 141.) [39] in 1673 arose a controversy between the archbishop, fray juan lópez, and don jerónimo de herrera, the chief chaplain of the royal chapel, who undertook to exercise among the soldiers the functions of parish priest. he was excommunicated by the archbishop, but instituted proceedings against that prelate in a military court. this suit was quashed by the audiencia, but the governor withheld the archbishop's stipends. these conflicts led to certain of the measures adopted by the council, recorded in our text. [40] alonso sandin made his profession in the dominican convent of salamanca, in 1658. after completing his studies, he became a teacher in the college at plasencia, but resigned that post for the philippine missions, being then thirty-one years of age; he came in the mission of 1671. he was a teacher in santo tomás at manila, until 1676, when he was sent as procurator to rome and madrid, filling that office for twenty years. he died at madrid, in may, 1701. [41] veitia linage is best known by his work, norte de la contratación de las indias occidentales (sevilla, 1672) a valuable contribution to the history of spanish commerce. [42] juan de santa maría came to these islands (1666) from the dominican convent at sevilla, where he had professed two years before. he was occupied as a teacher in santo tomás, later becoming rector of the university, superior of the province, and incumbent of other high offices therein. from 1694 to 1700 he labored in the missions of bataan. at the time of his death (april 30, 1715) he was acting provincial. (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 24-26.) [43] see account of the establishment of this hospital order in manila (1641) in concepción's hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 56-69; and the full history of its first century's labors there, by the rector of its manila convent, fray juan manuel maldonado de puga (granada, 1742). [44] montero y vidal cites (hist. de filipinas, i, p. 368) a line of this pasquinade: "he who desires to buy carajais or frying-pans, iron, etc., resorts to the fathers of the society." [45] felipe fernández de pardo was born on february 7, 1611, in valladolid, of noble lineage. at the age of fifteen, he entered the dominican order in that city. after being ordained, he spent several years as a teacher in colleges of his order, and then joined the philippine mission, arriving in the islands in 1648. he was a teacher in santo thomas for several years, and then its rector; in 1660 was elected prior of the manila convent, and afterward, provincial. in 1671, he became commissary of the inquisition at manila, and in 1677 archbishop of that diocese, although, as the bulls therefor did not arrive, he was not consecrated until october 28, 1681. he was a rigorous censor of public morals, and a strenuous advocate of his ecclesiastical privileges; consequently, he became embroiled with influential private persons, with the secular government, and with the religious orders. as a result, the audiencia decreed (march, 1683) his banishment, sending him to lingayén. the new governor, cruzalaegui, secured pardo's reinstatement in his see, which occurred november 15, 1684; then followed more troubles and disputes, the archbishop seeking vengeance on his former enemies. he died on december 31, 1689. see sketch of his life in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 473-486; and an outline of his official career in montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 365-376. [46] jerónimo de ortega was born at tudela, april 12, 1627; he was but fourteen years old when he entered the jesuit order. in 1654 he entered the philippine missions, where most of his term of service was devoted to the college at manila, of which he was successively vice-rector and rector during six years; he also filled other important offices in his order. sailing for europe (1683), as related in our text, he died at sea before reaching acapulco, on november 15 of that year. see murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 356. [47] luís de morales was born in tordesillas on september 29, 1641, and became a jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. later, he devoted himself to the philippine missions; in mexico he met father sanvitores, who selected morales to aid him in the evangelization of the marianas, where he labored three years. in 1671 morales went to manila, where he was assigned to the tagal missions; in 1676 he became rector of antipolo, and in 1681 vice-rector of cavite. going to europe with ortega, the latter's death imposed his responsible mission upon morales. having fulfilled its duties, he desired to return to the philippines, but was detained in mexico seven years; he came back to manila about 1698, and soon afterward was elected provincial. his term of office ended, he was rector of the manila college for four years; and he died there on june 14, 1716. (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 403-405.) [48] "bohol, pertaining to the government of zebú, and its spiritual administration to the fathers of the society of jesus, who in this island have in their charge six [sic] villages, the most important of which are loboc, baclayón, inabangan, malabago, malabohoc" (diaz's conquistas, p. 132). a note by diaz's editor, fray tirso lópez, states that bohol "now [1890] belongs to the recollects." [49] "he made ready four caracoas, with such spaniards as he could find, and indians from sialo (which is the coast of zebú), a very warlike people; and set out for bohol, not entrusting to any one else an expedition so important" (diaz, p. 133). diaz has evidently obtained most of his information from murillo velarde. we present (in notes) only such matter as he gives additional to the latter. [50] diaz states (p. 133) that these were both pampango and sialo indians, and numbered more than a thousand. [51] "the insurgents fled to the mountain, where for four days our men pursued them, slaying all that they encountered. they found many persons who had died for lack of food, as they had made but scanty provision of it, confiding in the promises of the demon, who had promised them that he would change the leaves on the trees into rice." (diaz, p. 134.) [52] "laden with spoil and captives," and "leaving a garrison of spaniards and pampangos" (diaz, p. 134). [53] spanish, zarzas y espinas; probably meaning branches of thorny shrubs, and trees. the defense of pointed stakes driven into the ground (vol. xxvii, p. 275) is called in tagal suyac. cf. description of this in ling roth's natives of sarawak (london, 1896), i, p. 444, and ii, pp. 110-115. [54] spanish, ballestones; but the contrivance mentioned in the text refers to a trap used throughout the archipelago for hunting large game; it is called belatic or balantic, and as it is sprung discharges a sharp javelin or arrow. see description and illustration of this trap in reed's negritos of zambales (manila, 1904), pp. 45, 46; and of a similar device used by the dyaks and malays of borneo, in ling roth's natives of sarawak, i, pp. 437-442. cf. diaz's mention (conquistas, p. 134) of these ballestones, "which they are wont to set as snares for hunting deer." [55] fifty-seven years previously; bancao must have been, then, at least seventy-five years old at the time of this revolt; diaz says (p. 134) that bancao was "very old and decrepit." [56] according to diaz (p. 135). "desiring to be king of the island of leyte." [57] "for with the enemy came many women clad in white, and many children, in order to pick up bits of earth and scatter them on the wind, as the demon had told them--believing that if they did so the spaniards would fall dead; but the test of this proved very costly to them. the demon had also promised them that he would resuscitate those slain in battle; but, when they carried some of the dead to his temple for him to do this, he replied, with ridiculous excuses, that he could not do it." (diaz, p. 135.) [58] according to diaz (p. 136), he was shot and then burned; also many of the rebels were hanged or shot. [59] see description of this earthquake in vol. xxxv, pp. 217-226. [60] gapán (or gapang) is a town in the southern part of nueva ecija, luzon, near san isidro and the rio grande de la pampanga. [61] juan de abarca, a native of madrid, came to the islands in the augustinian mission of 1635, and was a minister in pampangan and visayan villages during twenty years, except at times filling official posts in manila. he died there in 1656. [62] see account of the conquest of luzón, in vol iii, pp. 141-172; but the name matanda does not occur therein. [63] alluding to the fact that it was the lutaos--who lived in basilan, joló, and other islands south of mindanao--who aided the spaniards to quell this insurrection. [64] that is, the missionaries had interfered with an illicit amour of sumoroy's (concepción, hist. de philipinas, vi, p. 251). [65] meaning that at a certain part of the ascent, where but one man at a time could pass, each had to use both hands and feet for climbing, leaving his weapons with the man next to him, the latter handing them up afterward; and so on, with each in turn. see murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 174. [66] an allusion to la rochelle, considered the most strongly fortified town in france. [67] miguel ponce, s.j., was born in peñaroya in aragon, in the archbishopric of zaragoza, and attended the university of alcalá de henares where he studied philosophy and theology. his endeavors to enter the society met with failure. inspired to a mission life, he set out for madrid to join the mission then forming for the philippines, but found the procurator already gone. following afoot, he overtook him at carmona, but was so worn out with his difficult journey and so tanned that he resembled a negro in color. for that reason the procurator refused to accept him, "for in indias, color is an accident of great importance to the indians." but ponce, in his eagerness to go, offered to accompany the missionaries as a servant or slave; and he was finally taken in the capacity of servant, embarking with the secular habit. he was admitted into the society at mexico in 1631, and after four months sailed from acapulco for the philippines. his studies were completed at manila, and he was finally ordained a priest. for eleven months he labored in eastern samar and was later appointed rector of palapag. he was killed as above described, june 11, 1649. see murillo velarde, fol. 175, 176a. [68] giulio aleni, s.j., was born at brescia in 1582 and entered the society in 1600, being sent almost immediately after professing the humanities to china. he landed at macao in 1610 and entered china in 1613, where he labored until 1649, the year of his death. as the text shows, he must have made a journey to the philippines. he left many writings, a number in the chinese tongue. see sommervogel's bibliothèque. [69] of albay, which some called ibalón, from a village and port of that name.--rev. tirso lópez, o.s.a. [70] juan del campo, s.j., was born in march, 1620, in villanueva de la vera, near jarandilla, his father being juan del campo, a familiar of the holy office. having studied in the jesuit college at oropesa, he entered the society (1636) contrary to the wish of his parents. he went to mexico in 1642, and thence to manila (1643). his superiors sent him to mindanao among the subanos, where he labored zealously. he suffered martyrdom in that island january 7, 1650, during the insurrections. see murillo velarde, fol. 178-179 verso. [71] vicente damian, s.j., was born in the city of mecina, october 13, 1613, and after studying in a jesuit college, entered the society, march 20, 1630. after many vain efforts, he finally obtained permission to go to the philippines, where he arrived in 1643. after completing his theological studies in manila, he was sent to the ibabao missions, where his preaching and works caused visible effects. after the death of miguel ponce, he was appointed rector in his place. he met death october 11, 1649 at the hands of the insurgents. see murillo velarde, fol. 176-178. [72] the recollect fray miguel de santo tomás, minister at butuan; it was he who cared for the survivors of the insurgents' attack on linao (vol. xxxvi, p. 136). [73] this name is quite erroneous. the person here referred to was tuto, a member of the curious class among the subanons of mindanao who are called labias (see description post, in vol. xl.) for manila read malandi (or malandeg), the name of an ancient village on the coast near zamboanga which disappeared after the abandonment of the fortress there. tuto was baptized by combés under the name of martin, and often aided that missionary when he visited tuto's village of malandi. (see combés's hist. mindanao, col. 63, 64, 514, 756, 786.) [74] francisco lado, a native of sardinia, was born on june 2, 1617, and at the age of sixteen entered the jesuit order. he died at san pedro macati, on may 19, 1677. (retana and pastells's edition of combés, col. 713.) [75] a sanskrit word, meaning "a learned man"--apparently borrowed by the malays and used to designate their mahometan teachers. [76] spanish, à las quarenta horas; a phrase usually referring to the devotion of forty hours in connection with the exposition of the blessed sacrament (usually occurring in times of public danger or distress). as nothing is said in the text of such exposition, the apparent meaning is that tenorio finished his enterprise within forty hours after leaving samboangan--a rendering for which the spanish form is an unusual one, but not more so than many other expressions in concepción's pages. [77] this name is said (retana and pastells's combés, col. 739) to mean "lady who will be queen"--uley being a variant of uraya, the future of raia or raja ("king" or "queen"). urancaya (ut supra, col. 787) is from orang ("man") and kaya ("rich"). [78] concepción states (hist. de philipinas, vii, p. 9) that an insufficient amount of timber was furnished for a ship then on the stocks, and cortaberria urged on the overseers of the woodcutting, and they in turn their gangs of men, but with so much harshness that the latter mutinied. [79] pedro camacho came from the dominican convent at sevilla, in the mission of 1648. he ministered to the indians in and near manila, and was director of the school of san juan de letran; he finally returned to spain in 1659. (reseña biográfica, p. 466.) [80] for description of tree-dwellings--made, however, by the natives of mindanao--see vol. xxi, pp. 239-241. [81] this was nicolas de campo. [82] spanish, morenos criollos. "there are creoles, or morenos, who are black negroes, natives of the country; there are many cafres, and other negroes from angola, congo, and africa" (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 5). [83] in bolinao was a chief named sumulay, a relative of malóng, who tried to further the latter's ambitious schemes; sumulay was opposed by the missionary there, a discalced augustinian named juan blancas. on january 5 ugalde arrived at bolinao, and conferred with blancas. as the chief strength of the insurgents lay in their poisoned arrows, which caused mortal wounds, the friar induced a friendly chief to supply the spanish troops with an antidote for this poison. ugalde also procured there supplies of various kinds--among them, small boats which could enter the creeks, and hides of cattle with which to form shelters against the enemy's arrows. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 16, 26, 27.) [84] juan camacho made his profession in the dominican convent of almagro, april 19, 1638, and came to the philippines in 1648. most of his remaining years were spent in the pangasinán missions; but in 1668 he became prior of the manila convent, and a year later provincial. in his old age, he was summoned to mexico by the inquisition on a scandalous charge; his innocence being declared after four years, he returned to the islands, and died at manila in 1700. (reseña biográfica, i, p. 471.) [85] probably alluding to santa cruz's hist. sant. rosario; he mentions the insurgent leader malóng as dying "a very good christian" (p. 340), and the insurgents as deluded and misled. his account of the rebellion is much shorter than diaz's. it will be remembered that the dominicans had spiritual charge of pangasinán. [86] bernardino márquez, a native of galicia, made his profession in the convent of toro, and came to the islands in 1645. he spent the rest of his life mainly in the ilocan missions, and died in 1680. (pérez's catálogo, p. 120.) [87] a misprint for balarao (or bararao), another name for the kris--see vol. xvi, p. 81, and vol. xxviii, p. 55. [88] thus in the text, in most places; but in pérez's catálogo the name is written "de la isla." [89] juan polanco was a native of the hill-country of burgos, and professed in the dominican convent at valladolid in 1639. he came to the islands in 1658, and, after learning the chinese language, went to china; he spent two years there, suffering persecutions and torture. he was then appointed procurator-general of his order at madrid and rome, in which service he sent to the philippines the mission of 1666. he died at sevilla, on december 2, 1671. [90] thus in text; apparently a misprint for polanco. [91] this name is not found in the gazetteers of the present time; but it must have been in the mountains east of vigán, from which narvacán is thirteen miles southeast. [92] concepción makes this number eight hundred (vii, p. 31), as does murillo velarde (fol. 256). both they and diaz give the numbers in words, not figures. [93] talabón: a name given to a sort of litter (also known as petaca--which also means "a covered box or basket"--and lorimón), which is usually conveyed by four men in their hands or on their shoulders, after the fashion of a silla gestatoria (a portable chair used by the pope on great occasions), but closed.--rev. tirso lópez, o.s.a. [94] see preceding note on talabón (p. 199). [95] this statement does not agree with that in the next paragraph which states that this chief was hanged at vigán. [96] elsewhere printed bisaya. the tagal word buaya means "crocodile," which gives some basis for the conjecture that boaya was the chief's name, as persons are often named for animals, among barbarous peoples. [97] verse 121: "i have done judgment and justice; give me not up to them that slander me." [98] spanish, como cuñas del mismo palo; alluding to the proverb, no hay peor cuña que la del mismo palo, equivalent to "there is no worse enemy than an alienated friend." [99] alluding to the threatened invasion of the philippines by kue-sing, the chinese adventurer, and the consequent disturbances among the chinese in the islands, with the ravages made by the moro pirates--all in 1662. see accounts in vol. xxxvi. [100] these houses were founded in the following order: ogtóng (otón), 1572; tigbauan, 1575; dumangas, 1578; antique, 1581; jaro, 1587; guimbal, 1590; passi (pasig), 1593; laglag, 1608. (in regard to laglag, cf. our vol. xxiii, p. 293.) for these dates, see coco's chronological table at end of medina's historia, pp. 481-488. [101] these houses were thus founded: panay and dumárao, 1581; dumalag (or ayombón), 1506; batán, 1601; mambúsao, 1606; cápiz, 1707. aclán was founded by the augustinians, in 1581; and ibahay, in 1611. see table mentioned in note 100, above. [102] laglag is now named dueñas. this wretched custom of changing the old names, substituting for them new ones which have no connection with the place to which they are applied nor with filipinas, has unfortunately become general in those islands; and for the sake of pleasing or flattering some captain-general, alcalde, or cura, history is grievously obscured.--rev. tirso lópez, o.s.a. [103] pérez says (catálogo, p. 199) that mesa was a native of mexico, but made his profession (1644) in the convent of san pablo at manila. in 1656 he became minister at dumalag, and in 1659 at laglag. [104] this mingling of religion and idolatry was frequent among the newly-converted indians, who by not living conformably to the just severity of the gospel precepts, apostatized from the faith; and even today cases of similar amalgamation occur. the indians of filipinas did not offer sacrifices to the demon because they believed that he was some divinity, for they had knowledge of his being an evil spirit: but through fear, so that by keeping him satisfied he should do them no harm, or else that he might aid them to carry out some depraved purpose.--rev. tirso lópez, o.s.a. [105] thus in the text, but evidently an error; it should doubtless be regarded as an error for malonor. [106] a similar death was the fate of that most pious father fray isidro badrena--on april 9 in the year 1874, in the hills near the town of tubungan--when he was exhorting some apostate indians to desist from offering an idolatrous sacrifice.--rev. tirso lópez, o.s.a. tubungan is seventeen miles west-northwest of iloilo. [107] the modern form of this name is jalaur; this fine river, with its numerous affluents, waters the northeastern part of the province of iloilo, panay. the "river of laglag" is evidently the ulián, which flows into the jalaur near laglag (the modern dueñas). apparently the culprits, both living and dead, were fastened to stakes in the river, to be eaten by crocodiles. [108] delgado relates this incident (hist. de filipinas, p. 280) as a specimen of the credulity of the natives, and adds this other instance: "while i was in the village of lipa, the discovery was made in the village of tanauan of a mine which was said to be of silver. officials and workmen were sent to examine it, and test the ore, by the governor don fausto cruzat y góngora; they did so diligently, but the mine said only, argentum et aurum non est mihi [i.e., "silver and gold have i none"]. at that time the devil caused some arrant knave to spread the lying tale that the miners declared that the mine would not yield silver until this were done: all the visayans of comintan must be seized and their eyes gouged out, and these must be mixed with other ingredients, and the ore-vein of the mine rubbed with that compound. this was so thoroughly believed that every one was anxious and tearful, and the old women hid themselves in the grain-fields; and it took a long time to quiet them, with much labor of the [religious] ministers (whom they did not believe, because these were castilians), until in the course of time they were undeceived." [109] apparently a misprint, as diaz usually makes it pignauen, but both forms seem improbable, as compared with paynauén--cf. that name in next section of this document, and in concepción (viii, p. 14)--and suggest carelessness in transcription from the ms. of diaz. it is written paynaven in various documents cited in reseña biográfica, i, p. 490, et seq. neither name appears in modern gazetteers. [110] he was killed in the expedition against the igorrotes, about 1666; diaz says (p. 654) that ugalde went with four thousand pesos to pay the troops, without sufficient escort, and was waylaid and slain by zambals. paynauén was founded at that time. [111] domingo pérez was born in 1636 near santillana, and professed in the dominican convent at trianos, at the age of twenty-three. he came to the islands in 1666, and in the following year was sent to the bataan missions, and soon afterward to those among the zambal tribes; the rest of his life, save during 1677-79, was spent among the zambals. he wrote an "account of the customs and superstitions of the zambals." (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 34-43.) [112] "n" in spanish stands for some proper name unknown, or not intended to be expressed, like the english "mr. blank," or "so-and-so." [113] the missions to the zambals were previously in the hands the augustinian recollects. a royal decree dated june 18, 1677 commanded the archbishop of manila to place the missions of mindoro in charge of one of the religious orders. concepción states (hist. de philipinas, viii, pp. 4-16) that pardo thereupon compelled the recollects to give up the zambal missions to the dominicans, receiving in exchange therefor those of mindoro that the natives in the latter desired to have jesuits sent to them, and that the zambals preferred the dominicans, but that the opposition of both was overcome by the persuasions of government officials; and that the dominicans, in their zeal for condensing the scattered zambal population, made several blunders by removing certain villages to very unsuitable and disadvantageous locations. the compiler of reseña biográfica asserts that concepción's statements are incorrect. he claims that the zambal in 1676 asked for religious instruction, stipulating that dominican missionaries be sent them, which was done; that soon the recollects began to complain of this, as an intrusion on their field of labor, and the dominicans therefore withdrew their laborers; that this field was afterward given to the dominicans by archbishop pardo (1679), on account of its being neglected by the recollects; that the attempt to carry on the zambal missions cost the dominicans great loss of money and men, without producing satisfactory results, and therefore they offered several times to give up this charge; and that finally (1712) they did actually renounce and surrender the zambal missions. in proof of these statements he cites not only salazar's historia, but various documents and records from the dominican archives at manila. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 486-504; this resumé is accompanied by an interesting report of the work accomplished by the dominicans in those missions during the years 1680-90, made by fray gregorio jiraldez, june 2, 1690.) [114] william dampier, one of the most noted of english navigators and freebooters, was born of an old somersetshire family in 1652. he received an education that would fit him for some trade, but, his parents dying while he was young, he was allowed to follow his roving bent; he was bound to the master of a ship in 1669, and made voyages to france and newfoundland. in 1670 he sailed as a common sailor to java, returning to england in 1672. the next year he served against the dutch, and in 1674 went to jamaica, where he lived for more than a year as a planter. in august of the following year (1675), he became a logwood-cutter at campeachy, where he first met with the freebooters. the year 1678 found him in england, but in 1679 he was once more in jamaica; and shortly after began his life as a privateer, part of his adventures being given in detail in the present text. after his return to england in 1691, not much is known of him until 1697, when he published his travels. two years later he was deputed by the government to conduct a voyage of discovery to the south seas, during which voyage he explored the west and northwest coasts of australia, new guinea, and new britain, and named the dampier archipelago and strait. he made two other circumnavigations (1703-07, and 1708-11), the last as pilot of the privateer "duke." his death occurred in london in 1715. dampier also left various other writings. the seventh edition of his voyages, published in 1729, is a composite work, and contains much that is not dampier's own. consequently, that edition is not used in the present instance, as we prefer to present dampier's own work. see knox's new col. of voyages (london, 1767), iii, pp. 28-121; and new international encyclopædia. [115] the title-page of this book reads as follows: "a new voyage round the world. describing particularly, the isthmus of america, several coasts and islands in the west indies, the isles of cape verd, the passage by terra del fuego, the south sea coasts of chili, peru, and mexico; the isle of guam one of the ladrones, mindanao, and other philippine and east india islands near cambodia, china, formosa, luconia, celebes, &c., new holland, sumatra, nicobar, isles; the cape of good hope, and santa helena. their soil, rivers, harbours, plants, fruits, animals, and inhabitants. their customs, religion, government, trade, &c. vol. i. by captain william dampier. illustrated with particular maps and draughts. the fifth edition corrected. london: printed for james knapton, at the crown in st. paul's church-yard. 1703." [116] of the jew-fish, dampier says (i, p. 249): "the jew-fish is a very good fish, and i judge so called by the english, because it hath scales and fins, therefore a clean fish, according to the levitical law, and the jews at jamaica buy them, and eat them very freely. it is a very large fish, shaped much like a cod, but a great deal bigger; one will weigh 3, or 4, or 5 hundred weight. it hath a large head, with great fins and scales, as big as an half-crown, answerable to the bigness of his body. it is very sweet meat, and commonly fat. this fish lives among rocks; there are plenty of them in the west-indies, about jamaica, and the coast of caraccos; but chiefly in these seas, especially more westward." [117] in the preface to his first volume, dampier says that he had intended to add an appendix, in which various matters were to have been discussed, but he omits it because it would swell his volume too greatly. [118] the latitude of the island of guam is 13° 27' north and its longitude 145° east. [119] robert knox (1640-1720) was the first english writer on ceylon, where he was a prisoner among the natives for almost twenty years. after his escape from captivity he reached a dutch colony on the coast, and returned to england in 1680. he made later voyages to india and the south seas. his relation is entitled an historical relation of the island of ceylon in the east indies; together with an account of the detaining in captivity the author and diverse other englishmen now living there, and of the author's miraculous escape (london, 1681). it has been translated into french, dutch, and german. (new international encyclopædia.) [120] at first sight, this might be considered the source of the english word "outriggers;" but according to murray (who cites this statement of dampier's) the dutch word uitlegger was not used in this sense until a much later date, and cannot be considered as the source of the english word. [121] the governor of the marianas, antonio saravia, died on november 3, 1683, and was succeeded by damian de esplana. early in 1684, he sent josé de quiroga to subdue, the northern islands of the group. taking advantage of this division of the spanish forces, the natives of guam rebelled, and on july 23 attacked the spaniards in agaña, badly wounding esplana, killing nearly fifty soldiers and wounding others, and killing or wounding several jesuits. meanwhile the natives of seypan attacked quiroga, but he finally defeated them and came back to guam (november 23); but he could not punish the natives, as they fled to the mountains and the neighboring islands. in 1688 esplana went to manila for medical treatment, but returned about a year later; and he died at agaña in 1694. (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 359 b-361.) [122] the english factory at fort st. george, the chief citadel of madras. fort st. george was established in 1639, a piece of land having been obtained from the rajah of chandgherry; it commands the black town and the roads, and may be considered the nucleus of the city. it was held by the french during the years 1744-49. [123] this was the galleon "san telmo;" it arrived safely at manila. [124] evidently the island of leyte which fits dampier's description of the island of st. john (see post). [125] magalhães was killed, not in luzon, but on the island of mactan. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxii, 1640 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmv contents of volume xxxii preface 9 historia de la provincia del sancto rosario de la orden de predicadores (concluded). diego aduarte, o.p.; manila, 1640 19 bibliographical data 299 illustrations indiæ orientalis nec non insularum adiacentum nova descriptio (map of indian archipelago), photographic facsimile of part of map by nicolaus visscher [1660?], from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society 153 map of the east indies; photographic facsimile, from the french edition of mercator's atlas minor of 1635; from copy of original map in bibliotheque nationale, paris 169 autograph signature of diego aduarte, o. p.; photographic facsimile from original ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 297 preface in the present volume is concluded the excellent historia of the dominican writer diego aduarte, begun in vol. xxx, and continued in xxxi; the period of mission history here covered being 1608-37. aduarte died in 1636; but the events subsequent to 1634, with a sketch of aduarte's life, are added by the hand of his editor, fray domingo gonçalez. continuing the life of fray luis gandullo, who was prominent among the founders of the dominican province, aduarte narrates the marvelous conversions and even miracles wrought by him, and many of his visions and other wonderful experiences. in 1612, the chapter again elects fray miguel de san jacinto as provincial. the persecutions in japan become more widespread and severe; various incidents therein are related. our writer sketches the life of fray diego de soria, the second bishop of nueva segovia; and of another early missionary in that province, francisco minayo. book ii of aduarte's history recounts events from 1614 on, beginning with japan, where a new and more cruel persecution of the christians begins with that year; and orders are given by the shogun that all priests and religious must be banished from japan. when this order is carried out, many of the missionaries remain in the country, in hiding and disguised--traveling through the country to instruct and console the christians, suffering great hardships and dangers, and finally, in most cases, dying as martyrs for their faith. in the long biography of fray francisco de san joseph blancas, the most interesting point is his linguistic achievements in the tagal language, and the introduction of printing in the philippine islands, which aduarte here ascribes entirely to fray francisco. this father also learned the chinese language, and assumed the charge of instructing the negroes and slaves in manila. in 1615, the cagayán mission is much disturbed and injured by the flight to the mountains of many indians who had been gathered into the mission reductions; this is caused by the machinations of the aniteras, or priestesses of the old idols, who try to draw these half-tamed indians back to their old superstitions. in this year come a large company of religious; and in 1616 the provincial elected is fray bernardo de sancta catalina--who dies soon afterward, and of whom aduarte writes a long biographical account. he is succeeded as provincial (april 15, 1617) by fray melchior de mançano. the persecutions in japan steadily increase in severity, in 1615-16, in which latter year iyeyasu dies. in 1617 two missionaries--one a dominican, the other an augustinian--deliberately go to omura to rebuke the daimiô for his cruelty to the christians, and to preach the gospel in public; they, with other captive religious, are put to death. their example in so bravely enduring martyrdom encourages and strengthens the japanese christians, many of whom give their lives for the faith, and compels the respect of the heathen. other missionaries are arrested, and suffer great privations while in prison. aduarte recounts the progress of the work undertaken by the dominicans for the chinese in manila. for many years the missionaries live at binondoc, the village to which the christian chinese go to live when they receive the new faith; but they conclude that it would be better for all concerned to build a convent and church within the parián. in 1617 they begin to erect these buildings, and priests of the order take up their residence therein, in the midst of that great market and its crowd of traders and artisans. their labors are crowned with notable and prompt success--not only in securing the baptism of the sick and dying, but in the instruction of those who are in health, who carry the gospel into their own country, wherein the missionaries hope to effect a great conversion some day. the church first erected is a poor and unsubstantial affair; but afterward a large and very handsome church is built--in the chinese fashion, of wood shaped and fitted without any nails. when the parián is burned in 1628, the church is saved by placing an image of the virgin in front of the approaching flames. later, the timbers begin to decay, and another building is erected, with stone pillars; its walls are covered with paintings, which serve greatly for the instruction of the heathen. during fifteen years, the number of baptisms in this church amounts to 4,752. the dominicans win the great respect and affection of the chinese, who seldom die without having received baptism. this order extends its labors to some other countries. china is, of course, the chief goal of its desires; but the dominicans are unable to effect an entrance therein. one of the friars, attempting to go there (1618), is obliged by storms to land on formosa; and to his subsequent report of the advantages of this island is ascribed its later acquisition by the spaniards. another mission sets out for korea, but is unable to go farther than nangasaki, and is thus frustrated. twenty-four new missionaries arrive this year from spain. a new residence is established at cavite, the priests in which accomplish much good, among both spaniards and natives. a new mission is begun in the babuyan islands, north of cagayán; it is very arduous and full of privations, but the religious gladly labor therein, and find the people excellent christians, although they are most poor and needy. the fathers often ask alms from the convents and the christians in nueva segovia, to help these poor disciples of the lord. some of the religious who have remained in japan are martyred in this year of 1618; yet amid the fierce persecutions new converts are made, and the native christians show much loyalty and generosity to their spiritual fathers. in 1619 the intermediate chapter session meets at nueva segovia, on which occasion the college of santo thomas at manila is formally added to the province; an historical sketch of this institution is presented. in november of that year occurs an unusually severe earthquake in luzón, of which various features and incidents are recorded. among the buildings overthrown is the dominican convent in manila, all its inmates, however, escaping in safety. in 1621 fray miguel ruiz is elected provincial. on november 6 of that year occurs a revolt among the gadanes in northern luzón, of which a full account is given. one of the dominican missionaries, fray pedro de santo thomas, courageously goes alone and unarmed, to the mountain stronghold of the insurgents, to win them back; and some months later he returns with three hundred families of these rebels, who settle peaceably on the lower lands. aduarte fills chapters xviii-xxvi with accounts of martyrdoms of dominicans in japan, during 1621-23, and sketches of their lives--matter which is presented to our readers in brief synopsis, as but indirectly concerning the philippines. the election of provincial in 1625 elevates to that dignity fray bartholomé martinez, who has long labored among the chinese of manila. in this year occurs another revolt among some of the cagayán indians; two religious are treacherously slain by them, and then they flee to the mountains. in 1626, fernando de silva sends an expedition to conquer formosa, which is accompanied by dominican missionaries, who hope to find in formosa a stepping-stone to an entrance for them into china. a fortified post is established in the island by the spaniards; the dominicans act as spiritual guides for the soldiers, and, after learning the native language, are able to win the confidence of the inhabitants and begin instructing them. many of the missionaries in the province die, but a reënforcement comes to them in this same year. in 1627 is held the intermediate chapter-session. by that time the revolted mandayas have been pacified, and by the efforts of their dominican pastors induced to return to their villages and to the care of the missionaries. in this year occur many martyrdoms in japan, of which accounts are given. in 1628, the four orders of friars in the philippines unite to send a reënforcement of missionaries to japan, but this attempt is frustrated by the wreck of their ship. aduarte at this time arrives at manila with a large company of religious. a spanish expedition is sent to camboja, and the dominicans send missionaries thither; but both enterprises result in failure. in formosa they are making some progress. the provincial elected in 1629 is fray francisco de herrera. soon afterward dies fray bartolomé martinez, of whom aduarte writes a long biography; he ends his life in the formosa mission, which he had established. the persecutions in japan continue (1629-30), hundreds being martyred for the faith, and rigorous search being made everywhere for all christians. it is with difficulty that any news of events there can be sent from that country. at the end of 1630, some spaniards, accompanied by two dominican friars, go on an embassy to the chinese city of ucheo; on the way, the chinese crew mutiny, and kill most of the spaniards. four of these, including one of the friars, escape to the chinese coast; the father remains there, and labors among the heathen. in december, 1633, the preaching of the gospel is introduced into itui, in luzón; two dominican friars go thither, of whose mission, and of that region and its people, some account is given, followed by a long biography of fray tomás gutierrez, head of the mission. the new provincial this year is fray domingo gonçalez, aduarte's editor; at this session of the chapter an important change is made, the abolition of the intermediate chapter. the missions are extended farther than ever before, but new workers are greatly needed. many religious meet a martyr's death in japan this year, and the persecution steadily increases in severity; biographical sketches of several martyrs are given, one of whom had achieved much in formosa. in that island arises a rebellion among the natives, who murder (1633) one of the missionaries. aduarte describes the mission to the mandayas of northern luzón, begun in 1631; it has been very successful, and many of those fierce and warlike people are now quite tamed and christianized. the martyrdoms (in 1634) of several missionaries and christian women in japan, with sketches of their lives, are related. two chapters are devoted to an account of the dominican missions in china, which contain many devout christians; at times, the missionaries are in danger of being slain by mobs. the dominican mission in formosa has not accomplished many conversions, and it has lost many devoted missionaries. at this point ends aduarte's own work in this history; the remaining chapters are added by his editor, fray domingo gonçalez. he relates in full the late effort made by fray diego collado to divide the province of filipinas, and to appropriate its best posts and revenues for his congregation of "barbones." this attempt greatly disturbs aduarte, whose last days are saddened, and perhaps even shortened, thereby. but not long after his death this cloud passes away, and the province is restored to its former condition--a result mainly ascribed to the intervention of the virgin mary; and collado's new congregation melts away. gonçalez then presents a long and elaborate biography of the illustrious aduarte, which we abridge considerably, retaining especially such information about that prelate, and such account of the missions, as has not already appeared in his historia. his virtues are recounted at length, and the many benefits which he secured for his order, for the poor and needy everywhere, and for the indians. fray gonçalez completes aduarte's history up to the year 1637, thus comprising the first fifty years of the history of the philippine dominican province. in that year, fray carlós gant is elected provincial; and in japan the last dominican friars remaining there are martyred, of whose lives and deaths sketches are given. at the end of the book is printed a letter from felipe iv to the dominican provincial at manila, ordering that the recent partition of the province be annulled, and collado sent back to spain. the editors august, 1905. historia de la provincia del sancto rosario de la orden de predicadores (concluded) by diego aduarte, o.p.; manila, 1640. source: translated from a copy of the above work in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. translation: this is made by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin. this volume includes chaps. lxxi-lxxviii of book i, and all of book ii--partly in synopsis. history of the dominican province of the holy rosary by fray diego aduarte, o.p. (concluded) chapter lxxi the arrival at manila of father fray luis, his assignment to pangasinan and the events there [father fray luis was assigned to the province of pangasinan and went there in the company of the two other fathers who were sent to the same place. suffering from disease as a result of exposure, he was miraculously cured. the lord wrought miraculous conversions by means of father fray luis, and supported him in his sufferings and illness with visions. being taken back to manila for care, and fearing that he might be sent to some other province, he prayed god to renew his strength that he might return to pangasinan. the lord heard his prayer and he was able to return to the duties which he loved. the lord blessed the mere word of father fray luis, sometimes even more than the great labors of other religious; and he took as his special charge those indians who had been given up by others. at one time when news came that smallpox was raging in one of the villages named bimmalay, and that many children were dying in it, father fray luis instantly went there to baptize as many of the children as he could. the fathers were not usually permitted to baptize the children, except in cases where it was certain that they were not going to live, and then they were permitted to do so only as a result of prayers and importunities. at one time a soldier came to binalatongan with news that don luis perez das mariñas was dying in the province of ylocos. he sent word to father fray luis, but without asking him to come, as the sisters of lazarus wrote to the lord. father fray luis went to his choir to intercede for his friend, and there remained constantly in prayer and sacrifice until he received news that he was better. from the very day when the soldier reached father fray luis, the governor began to recover his health. on many occasions sick children were healed by the prayers of father fray luis. he was ready to risk his life for his duties. in many cases it seemed as if god had kept children alive only until they received baptism that they might be saved.] a case which illustrates this point happened to father fray luis in calasiao. he would never tell of this unless compelled by his obedience. he was called upon to see a child who had been baptized, and who was dying; and he went there with a boy named andresillo, and with others. when they came near the house where the child was, they heard a great lamentation with which they were weeping over him; and in another house very near they heard a great noise of people who were drinking, as was then very common among the heathen. among others was their chief named catongal, a man fierce by nature, and furious when he had taken wine. on this occasion he came up with the others, full of wine, and said to the father, "you kill many"--intimating that he killed them with baptism, because few of those who received it escaped. the father replied that the reason of this was, that the indians did not permit the children to be baptized until there was no hope for their lives; and he said that the good that the religious did to them would cause them to rejoice greatly if they knew it. catongal was not mollified by this; and the father tried to leave him to go on, but it seemed best to have the child shrouded first that he might take it and bury it--to prevent superstitious acts, such as were customary. he saw it lying dead in the arms of an indian woman; and, looking upon it as such, he directed them to shroud it. but a voice within him seemed to say that he should repeat a gospel. he went to look at it again, found upon it all the marks of death, and said, "why should i say a gospel for it?" they shrouded it; but he was still more urged on by that inner impulse to repeat the gospel, until at last he did so. it was the gospel of st. john, in principio erat verbum. [1] after he had repeated this he made the sign of the cross upon the brow of the infant, saying, "o lord, i ask no miracles of thee; but if it is to thy glory, the credit of thy faith, and the conversion of these heathen, i pray thee to work them." he added, evangelica lectio sit tibi salus et protectio, placing his hand upon the head of the child; and, before he took away his hand, the lord looked upon the child and gave it life. all were astonished, and the father in confusion said, in order to humiliate himself, that it could not have been dead; and the chief was convinced that the fathers did not kill children. the child sucked immediately, like a well and healthy child. it would have been a miracle, even though it were not dead, for it so suddenly to have recovered its health. father fray luis passed the rest of that day in great embarrassment, being anxious lest some part of what had happened should be attributed to him, as the instrument of it. on the following day he went to ask how the child was, and found it well and strong. he asked the indians who were there what they thought of the event, and, before they replied, the lord gave him an answer from within: "this is excessive curiosity." he blamed himself severely, and was so ashamed that he went away immediately, and never more looked upon the child or spoke of the matter; and on the occasions which offered themselves for any father to make any reference to it (because it had been public), he changed the subject of conversation, without appearing to understand. [in the villages of gabon and magaldan, father fray luis succeeded in overcoming the hardness of heart of the heathen.] chapter lxxii some special favors received by father fray luis from the lord, and some temptations which he suffered from the enemy. [however glorious the success of father fray luis in this country, he was desirous of going to great china, the conversion of which the religious of this region had most at heart. he was taught in a vision that the conversion of china was soon to be attempted and saw also a vision of a man such as the missionaries to china ought to be. he was constant in prayer and had frequent visions which guided him in his religious life. the lord granted him the blessing of great purity. at one time, having been careless in prayer, he was visited by the lord with a punishment of strange trembling which went from the feet to the top of his head, and seemed as if it would shatter his bones. when the fathers of this province decided to send two to make an exploration of the great kingdom of china, father fray miguel de benavides asked for the prayers of father fray luis--and, in particular, that the idols might fall to the earth before the presence of god. father fray luis offered his prayers, and received from god the reply that he asked much. but he answered, "thou canst do it, o lord." it is not only favors which the lord grants his servants; hence father fray luis suffered many temptations of the devil, which were permitted by the lord that the virtues of the father might take firmer roots. at one time the devil appeared to him in the form of christ; but father fray luis, not being moved by the affection which he commonly felt for holy visions, said to him, "thou art not that which thou seemest." when father fray luis made the sign of the cross, the devil took the form of a great cat, fierce, black, and terrible, which by sending fire from its eyes and mouth exhibited its rage and torment. "that is your real form, i think," said the father, and without paying any further attention to him, he went on with his holy exercises. the devil strove to interfere with him in his prayer, but he was able to drive him away. he was at times tempted to be guilty of improprieties in saying mass, such as looking into the chalice, but the angels protected him. the devils at times strove to make him flee from the church where he was performing his discipline. father fray luis suffered as much from the temptations of others as from his own. he comforted brother juan de soria of manila, who, under the direction of god, laid aside the habit of the order. on another occasion, he assisted a novice who was moved by affection for a woman. he had a vision of christ crucified, with drops of blood falling from his head upon his breast, but not upon the ground; this signified that the novice should leave the order, but not to his destruction.. he did so, and was married; but in a few days he was left alone, his wife going to the aid of her poor and widowed mother. this the lord seemed to have ordained. on another occasion, father fray luis succeeded in converting a spanish sinner of the most obstinate sort, who had been exiled from nueva españa to the philippinas for his scandalous life. the wretch confessed, and received communion, girt himself with a haircloth garment, and, during the rest of his life (during which he was confined in prison), he fasted often on bread and water.] chapter lxxiii the fervor of spirit of father fray luis, and his expedition to china [although grace perfects nature, it may work so vehemently that it weakens it and takes from it health and even life. this happened in the case of father fray luis, who, although he was of robust constitution, sometimes lost his health and was in great danger of death as the result of the vehemence of his spirit in receiving the favors of god. he prayed to the lord to moderate this vehemence of spirit, and begged that he would take it from him. father fray juan de soria prayed the lord to take from father fray luis this intensity, and to give it to don luis perez das mariñas. from that day forward the father lived with the greatest calmness, while the knight became so fervent of spirit that he seemed like a living fire; and finally he said to father fray luis that he should die of the love of god. father fray luis, after having received this peace and calm, became eager to go to the conversion of china. father fray juan had a vision of christ our lord, seated upon a very spirited horse, which was biting the bit and leaping about. the saddle, the girths, the reins, and all the other accoutrements all seemed so weak that saddle and horseman were sure to fall to the ground; but he held his seat firmly, and made charges in one direction and another, brandishing a lance with great dexterity. the horseman said to the father, "who, think you, can control this horse?" he answered, "thou only knowest, lord." "it is i alone," said the lord, giving him an inward understanding that this horse represented china, and the weak accoutrements signified the scarcity of ministers for its conversion. he added aloud, "go straightway and tell fray luis what thou hast seen, which is a corroboration of what has at other times been said to him." visions were manifested to others, which ratified the visions which had already shown fray luis that he was to go to china. before the departure of the governor gomez perez, cathalina diaz--a spanish woman of holy life, to whom god vouchsafed to see the future in visions, at times--had a vision of the governor with his head cut open and bathed in his blood, the death of the governor by treachery being prophesied in this way. although the difficulties of going to china seemed as a result of this act of treachery to be greatly increased, in reality the lord made it the means by which father fray luis was sent there; for he received a commission as ambassador, in company with father fray juan de castro. the ambassadors, reaching the province of canton instead of that of chincheo, for which they were bound, were arrested as pirates. father fray luis thus had the opportunity to convert an apostate christian among the chinese. he also found many slaves from macan who had apostatized in that country; and to them he preached with much spirit, but little fruit. the voyage was one on which they suffered greatly, particularly father fray luis, who traveled with nothing but the habit in which he was clothed; and they were exposed to the rain and to the cold, which was excessive. the viceroy of canton was very wrathful with them because they did not show him the courtesy customary in that country, threatened them, and commanded them to leave the province within fifteen days, taking with them not more than twenty-five picos of rice. on his way back to the port he found a number of apostates, but was unable to bring them back to the faith. there is a law of the king of china that any poor foreigner shall be supported at the public expense so long as he is in the kingdom; but that, if he desires to depart, he shall pay the mandarin the cost of his clothing, and something more. the allowance was twelve maravedis a day. this is sufficient for three meals, since things are cheap in that country. it is plain from this that there is no law in china against admitting foreigners. on the contrary, there is a law to attract them and to keep them. knowing this, the slaves of the portuguese in macan flee to china, where they have their liberty and are well received. father fray luis made one or two conversions. neither in chincheo nor in canton did they find a trace of the galley which they sought, because it had gone to cochinchina. the mandarins in chincheo played a trick upon them, when the fathers asked permission for religious to go from manila to their country. pretending to give it, the mandarins handed them a plate of silver with some chinese characters upon it, for which they received large payment. the father obtained this money as alms from the spaniards who accompanied him on the voyage; but, when he showed the plate in manila, it was found only to give permission to buy food there without hindrance. at the time of this journey father fray luis was actually prior of the convent of manila. on one easter day he had a vision of the holy spirit coming down upon all the religious of the convent of manila. after his term was at an end, he was assigned to nueva segovia, where the faith had been newly planted.] chapter lxxiv the silence, occupation, and virtues of father fray luis, and his happy death [father fray luis had the three virtues which st. ambrose, the doctor of the church, affirms to be fundamental ones: the power to keep silence, the power to speak in due time, and the contempt for worldly things. his habit of silence seemed excessive to some, but when it was necessary he spoke with great spirit; and he so contemned worldly things that, in spite of the high offices which he held in the order, he had not even, as many good religious have, an image or any other trifling thing of his own. when he was ambassador in china, he left the rich table of don fernando de castro and sustained himself, as one in poverty, by the allowance granted to the poor in china. contrary to his nature, he was very humble. he was devout in prayer, and careful in saying the divine offices. he distributed his time with the greatest accuracy. he was most modest in the presence of women, and, though he sometimes had to speak to them, he never looked upon their faces. he was so charitable and tender-hearted that, when the judges were about to execute any rigorous sentence, they always concealed it from father fray luis, because they knew they could not resist his prayers for pity and pardon. he could not bear offenses against god, however willing to suffer wrongs to himself. he slept on a mat on the floor of his cell. his pillow was a piece of wood hollowed to make it light. though the rules of the order permitted him two blankets, one to lie on and the other to cover himself with, he contented himself with one, folding it so that it would fulfil both offices. he wore his serge tunic a month without changing it, which in such a hot country causes great annoyance, because of the great amount of perspiration. he said that custom had made it not uncomfortable for him. he constantly wore a hair-shirt next his skin, and over that a corselet of mail. in his extreme old age, the bishop of nueva segovia compelled him to lay this last aside. he wore his breeches in such a way that the fastenings cut into the flesh of his legs. he was very sparing in his eating, giving his suppers, when the constitutions permit them to us, to the poor; and his noon allowance was more theirs than his. his lunch was two biscuit crusts and a banana, or two guavas, when there were any; and except at these times he neither ate nor drank. when he was vicar of the convent of nueva segovia, a father visited him as his guest, bringing with him two crawfish, which he boiled and put on the table; but father fray luis would not permit them to be eaten, saying it was not a feast, that they should have anything so unusual. he scourged himself every night, with the energy which was his by nature. he was most patient, and, though his body was mortified, his spirit was open to divine influences. he had great power of insight into the souls of those whom he saw. at one time he caused the bishop of nueva segovia, whose vicar-general he was, to dismiss two youths of his household--saying that he saw in them the marks of wickedness, and that one of them was a thief and the other a traitor. this was not known at the time, but the truth was afterwards discovered, one of them having ransacked a desk of the bishop's and the other having been condemned to be hanged for murder. when he was engaged in contemplation, his mind was so absorbed that he could hear and see nothing else than the visions of god. this life of penitence continued from his youth to an old age of almost eighty years. in his last illness he was taken to the convent of sancto domingo at manila, where he died. testimony of miracles wrought by him during his life was given after his death. he is mentioned with honor in the records of the provincial chapter of 1612 and in the general chapter held at bolonia in 1615.] chapter lxxv the election as provincial of father fray miguel de san jacintho, and the condition of the province and japon. on the thirteenth of may, 1612, father fray miguel de san jacintho was a second time elected as provincial, not because there was any lack of religious of much virtue, knowledge, and prudence to take the place of father fray baltasar fort--who had just completed his term, and had governed like an angel--but because father fray miguel had left all the religious of the province so devoted to his good government that they finally determined to elect him again. they regarded it as more prudent to select one whom they knew by experience to be of great skill in the government of the province, than to try the government of others who, though they gave good hopes, could not offer so much certainty. [at this time the bishop of macan, don fray juan de la piedad, was in manila. he was a religious of our order; and when he saw the interest of our religious here in the conversion of the chinese, he was desirous that some of the fathers of the order who understood the chinese language might be given to him to enter the kingdom by way of macan. two fathers, thomas mayor--a very successful minister among the chinese race, and excellent in their language--and bartolome martinez, were assigned for this purpose; but they met with so much opposition at macan from the religious of another order that they were unable to carry out their purpose. father fray thomas went to españa, and father fray bartholome returned to the philippinas. their voyage was not entirely without fruit, inasmuch as it resulted in the conversion of one chinaman from chincheo. at this time, although our religious and the christian people in the kingdom of figen in japon enjoyed peace and quiet, there were persecutions in other kingdoms of that realm. after the death of father gregorio cespedes of the society of jesus in the kingdom of bugen, in 1611, the tono of that region, who had protected christianity out of respect for the father, banished two other fathers who were there, and tore down the churches. the tono of firando martyred in october of this year three christians; and that of caratzu, [2] a cruel renegade, banished many. thus the devil began that which afterwards took place. the lord gave warning, by means of crosses miraculously found, of the persecution which was to occur. in this year there went to japon father fray alonso navarrete and father fray domingo de valderrama, sent there by father fray baltasar fort; and in the following year father fray baltasar himself, at the end of his term as provincial, went as vicar-provincial to this kingdom. for a long time the emperor of japon [3] had shown much dislike to christianity, and in the year 1612 he began to persecute it. don pablo dayfachi, the secretary of a man who was very intimate with the emperor, received a great quantity of money from don juan, tono of arima, to help him in the recovery of some lands which had been lost by his ancestors in war. don pablo, who was a christian, could do nothing for the cause of don juan, who complained to the emperor. the emperor commanded that don pablo should be burned alive in the sight of his wife, and that his son should be killed. the emperor thereupon began to persecute the christians, saying that deeds like these were not done by the japanese, and that don pablo had degenerated from them because he was a christian. fourteen knights with their wives and families and servants were exiled. the tono of arima was banished, because he had endeavored to get back by favors lands which others had gained by war, and was finally executed. a certain english heretic, named guillermo adam [i.e., will adams], who knew the japanese language and who pleased the emperor by giving him an account of european affairs, vomited forth the hate which he felt against our holy faith whenever he had opportunity. he told him that the plan of the king our lord to conquer kingdoms is to send religious first, that they may make the way plain for soldiers, citing for example nueva españa and the philippinas--although, in point of fact, neither there nor here did religious precede, but invaders who intended to conquer the country. in addition to this, safioye, the governor of nangasaqui, had difficulties with certain fathers, and had complained of them to the emperor. the result was that the hatred of the emperor for christianity grew greater and greater. he finally commanded all the churches in that part of japon known as cami to be demolished, and gave the same commands for the kingdom of quanto. [4] he required the christians in certain parts of the country to deny their faith. a number of the christians proved weak; while of those who refused to obey the commands some were martyred, some banished, and some driven to the mountains. the conduct of the governors in different parts of the country varied from very great rigor to as much kindness as was consistent with obeying the commands of the emperor. the tono of figan, who had shown so many favors to our order, directed the religious of our order to leave the kingdom, but did not at that time persecute the christians. the command to depart was received by the religious in september, 1613. two of the religious retained their habit, and went on to nangasaqui; but the third, disguising himself in japanese costume, fled to the country of omura, and went about secretly animating and encouraging the japanese christians. don miguel, the tono of arima, who had married a granddaughter of the emperor, [5] requested eight gentlemen of his household to pretend to have abandoned the faith, in order that he might satisfy the emperor that he had ceased to be a christian. five finally consented. the other three were executed with their wives and children, eight persons in all, in october, 1613. they were burned alive with a slow fire. the religious having been driven out from nearly all the kingdoms and having assembled in nangasaqui, two of our religious were sent out to go secretly to comfort the persecuted christians, to hear their confessions, and to celebrate the sacraments.] chapter lxxvi the servant of god, don fray diego de soria, bishop of nueva segovia, and one of the founders of this province. [among the most highly honored religious in this province a very important place is taken by don fray diego de soria, second bishop of nueva segovia. it was he who began the conversion in this province, and who might therefore be called the father in christ of that church. father fray diego was a native of yebenes, near toledo, and professed religion in the convent of the order at ocaña. giving signs of promise as a student and a preacher, he was sent to the college of alcala, where he continued to follow the rigorous rules of the order forbidding the eating of flesh. when the holy and prudent vicar-general, fray juan de castro, assigned his companions to their various duties, he gave father fray diego the chief place by making him superior of the convent which was to be founded in the city of manila. the number of the religious at that time was so few that the superior of manila rang the bells, assisted in the singing, took messages to the sacristy, and was general confessor of the many who, influenced by the great virtue of the new religious (the dominicans), came to put their consciences in their care. the lord had endowed father fray diego with two qualities which appear to be opposed to each other. the first was natural freedom of speech in rebuking evil with great courage and zeal; the other was marked gentleness and suavity of nature. at one time when the governor of manila--who was a very good christian and a learned man [6]--was confessing to him, a certain difficulty arose in which it seemed to father fray diego that the governor had erred. when the governor strove to defend his conduct, father fray diego said to him that in this matter he was, although learned, not a judge but a party, and indeed defendant; that in cases of conscience the confessor alone was the judge; and that, after reflection, he had formed his conclusion, which was that the governor's conduct could not be approved. he required him to accept his decision or to seek a confessor elsewhere. the governor, with tears in his eyes, professed his readiness to obey. at one time when a very rich man was sick, and feared death and the judgment, he sent to call father fray diego to him that he might confess; but the father refused to go, sending back as an answer that the rich man must return the tribute which he had wrongfully taken from an encomienda, and must give the indians there a minister. the sick man put himself in father fray diego's hands, and thus his conscience was composed, to the great advantage of the wronged indians. when the bishop of these islands, don fray domingo de salaçar, was about to set out for españa, he asked for father fray diego as a companion; but the governor at that time [i.e., gomez perez dasmariñas], being very different from the previous one, refused to permit him to go to españa, fearing the freedom with which he might speak there. father fray diego was therefore sent to pangasinan, where he learned the language of the indians; thence he went to nueva segovia, being the first minister to the indians there. among them he made many conversions, especially that of the most important indian in that region, don diego siriban. he was afterward elected prior of manila, and was then sent as procurator to españa. he went on his voyage in complete poverty, trusting in the lord for what he might need. he received enough not only for the support of himself and his companion, but for the purchase of the convent and garden of san jacintho--where, from that time forward, the religious who came from españa to this province were lodged. this was so important a matter that if father fray diego had done nothing else for this province, this would have been enough to entitle him to its gratitude and perpetual thanks, since it receives here a perpetual benefit whenever new religious come. he had planned for other similar prudent arrangements in españa, but the province declined them for the time, failing to see the advantage of them; and afterward, when they were desired they could not be obtained, because there was no fray diego de soria in españa. in that country, great and small thronged to consult him in regard to spiritual matters, for he had singular power in prudent counsel. he gave his chief attention to sending many good religious to the philippinas, and for this purpose went on to roma clad in the same lowly fashion as in his poor province. he was very small of stature, and went clothed in a habit of serge which was short and patched. in spite of his unfavorable appearance, he made a great impression, not only upon the general of the order, but upon the supreme pontiff, who at that time was clement viii. the pope desired to retain father fray diego with him in roma, in order to put into execution the reformation of all the religious orders; but the father was unable to remain, because he was very much occupied with assembling religious for this province. it usually happens that many of those religious who have purposed to come to the philippinas have fallen off; but in the case of father fray diego not one of those who had been assigned and prepared for this journey failed him, while many others came to see if they might be accepted. this happened at the time of the great plague of 1601, which raged with especial fury in sevilla, where the religious were to assemble. father fray diego was highly regarded at court, especially by queen margarita. the bishopric of nueva caceres in these islands was vacant, and was offered to father fray diego, who declined to accept it because he did not understand the language of the indians of that region. but when the bishopric of nueva segovia was offered to him, he could find no excuse for declining it. it was desired to keep him in españa in some bishopric; but, as he wrote, he would not give up his poor apostolic bishopric for the chief bishopric in españa. when he became bishop, he did not change his manner of living or lay aside his serge habit. the only thing which he did to maintain his dignity as a bishop was to keep one servant. he kept his pectoral covered with his scapular, until the nuncio directed him to make his appearance more dignified, and to wear his pectoral openly. his prudence was so highly regarded that he was asked to carry the news of her mother's death to the daughter of the duchess of lerma, the wife of the conde de niebla, which he did with such discretion that she accepted her bereavement with christian resignation. on his departure from españa, he brought with him a good company of religious. on the way he was delivered, as by the hand of god, from some moorish galliots. when the others were rejoicing at the opportunity of disembarking at the island of guadalupe to get wood and water, the bishop was in great anxiety, as if he saw the evil that was to follow; and strove, but without success, to keep the others from going on the land. the bishop disembarked, and after saying mass instantly returned to the ship. the rest of the religious, following the usual custom of those who go to that island, remained till evening. five of them lost their lives, and four came back wounded, by the arrows of the indians on that island. somewhat later, a storm attacking the fleet, some of the other vessels were lost; but that in which the bishop was came safe to land--as it seemed, miraculously. in nueva españa he inspected the convents of the province, under direction of the pope, the general of the order, and the king; and he performed this visitation with such justice that even those who were grieved by his chastisement were obliged to admit that he was a saint. on the way a mule laden with a number of rich and exquisite pieces of cloth which had been given him in españa by many lords, and by the queen herself, for his pontifical vestments, was drowned. all that the bishop said was dominus dedit; dominus abstulit--"the lord gave it, and the lord has taken it away; let him be praised for all things." the muleteer was overcome with shame; but the bishop consoled him, and caused him to be paid as if he had delivered his entire load safely.] chapter lxxvii the personal habits of don fray diego de soria and other matters in regard to him up to his death. [after reaching his bishopric, don fray diego made a visitation of it. striving so far as possible to relieve the indians of burdens and of other labor, he made these visitations with as little baggage as possible. he immediately paid those whom it was necessary to cause to carry loads, and put the indians to no expense whatsoever, even in matters in which he might justly have done so. he constantly wished to give them much, and not to ask even for the little which was his due. he delighted in labor, and rejoiced particularly when there were many to be confirmed. he observed the discipline and the rules of prayer of this province. he rose at dawn and prayed until six, when he said mass and gave devout thanks. if there was any business to be done, he gave audience or attended to necessary matters. when he was not obliged to attend to any of these occupations, he read and meditated upon holy books and upon the sacred scripture and its expositors. he did not generally write, but read and meditated, and received the lord. thus he was occupied up to the time for saying prayers at the sixth and the ninth hour; and then he ate some eggs and fish, as if he were still in the convent of the order. after his meal, he conversed with his companion upon some useful subject; and, after resting awhile, returned to the exercise of prayer until the time of saying vespers. then, if necessary, he gave audience, or engaged in works of piety; and then he returned to his sacred reading and contemplation. he never had any other entertainment or amusement, however lawful, nor did he go out to refresh himself in the garden, or in the chase, or in fishing, taking pleasure in none of these things. he made a personal visitation of his bishopric every year, and confirmed many christians, sending word beforehand, that the ministers might prepare those who were to receive this holy sacrament. he gave much to his church and to his convent of manila, in spite of the poverty of his bishopric, but gave very little help to a poor brother of his. in the province of pangasinan he gave great alms, and sent a large sum of money to buy rice to be kept on deposit, as it were, in the cities, and to be distributed in times of famine. he spent but little upon the persons of his household, directing them to eat as he did, twice a day, eggs and fish, and to be clothed plainly as suited ecclesiastical persons. he lived in such poverty that he sometimes lacked tunics to make a change. he was given to ejaculatory prayer. at the festival of pentecost in the year 1608, a dove lighted on his head, which he was unable to drive away, the lord thus showing him honor. in the following year, at the celebration of this festival in abulug the dove came and sat upon the shoulder of the bishop. when the fever with which his last illness began came upon him, he knew that his death was approaching. so far as he could, he followed the constitutions of the order even in his sickness. after twenty-seven days of sickness, and twenty-seven years of labor in these regions, his works were at an end, and he went to receive the reward of them. in his last illness he gave to the college of sancto thomas, at manila, his library and three thousand pesos.] chapter lxxviii father fray francisco minaio and his death [at this time the death of father fray francisco minaio was much regretted in the province. he was a native of arevalo in castilla la vieja. he assumed the habit and professed in palencia, and was sent to finish his studies in arts and theology to the convent of sancta cruz at segovia. he came to the province, very near its beginning, with the bishop don fray miguel de benavides. he was assigned to the province of nueva segovia, which was practically all heathen. he labored much and with good results, and was stationed at the utmost borders of the province, in the village of pilitan. he learned the language well, and was very devoted and compassionate to the indians. he labored most affectionately with the poor and sick, and cared for the latter with his own hands. he and his associate, father fray luis flores, went about through all that region, searching for, and burning the huts where superstitious sacrifices were offered to the devil, who was consulted as an oracle in these places. these huts were generally hidden among the mountains and crags in the midst of bushes. the servants of god traveled over the rough paths, and all the rest that they could take was in finding one of these huts and in burning it. the devils were greatly angered by these insults; and the indians heard, in their fields, the complaints of the devil because they believed in these men with white teeth. but they were obliged to confess their weakness to the indians, who in this way were converted to the true faith. father fray francisco, not contented with work in these villages, began upon the conversion of the idolatrous tribes of the great and spacious plains in the neighborhood of pilitan, which are known as zimbuey. so diligent was he that churches were built on those plains, and practically all were baptized and became good christians.] at one time when the father went to visit them he found one of the principal chiefs of that country, named guiab, lying sick. he talked with him about matters of the faith and his salvation; and guiab, although he did not listen to them with displeasure, was still unwilling to embrace them. since his sickness was not at that time severe, father fray francisco left him, telling him that if his disease grew worse he should send for him. father fray francisco returned to his village of pilitan. the sickness of guiab increased in severity; and the physicians who were there--perhaps the aforesaid sorceresses--told him that the cure for his disease consisted in killing a child and in bathing himself in its blood. he immediately sent for the child; but so great was the respect which they had for father fray francisco that, although they supposed that the life of guiab was departing, they were unwilling to put this order into execution without first asking permission from the father, and sent for some one to ask it. the father heard the message, and, without letting the messengers return, went with them, fearing that even if he refused his permission they would go on and kill the child. at this same time guiab heard, perhaps from the devil, that the father was coming. he sent other messengers to say that there was no necessity of the father's taking the trouble to go to the village; that if he was not pleased that they should kill the child, they would not kill it. this message reached the father while he was still on the way, but he did not stop on that account, and kept on with all the rest. when he entered the house of guiab he found it full of people; and immediately beheld there, weeping bitterly and hoarse with crying, the child who was designed for the inhuman remedy which should slay its soul. full of pity, he told the sick man of the great error which he was committing, and the frightful sin against god which would result; the uselessness and unreasonableness of striving to obtain health for an old man by bathing him in the blood of a child; the indignation of the spaniards if they should hear of this act; and the vengeance which they would take for this unjust and cruel murder, if not upon his person, at least upon his gold and treasure. guiab admitted his error, and ordered the child to be given to father fray francisco. in the course of the father's conversation, guiab received instruction as to matters of the faith, which the father explained to him, taking as the principle and subject of what he said the control of god our lord over the lives of men. the father took the child in his arms, and, on his way back with him, he found a man tied fast to a ladder. this was the father of the child, who was placed thus that he might not interfere with the killing under the influence of his natural paternal love. he had him untied, and left him in freedom and in great happiness with his son. the sickness of guiab was mortal, and the father taught him thoroughly and baptized him. following the directions of the new christian in his will, father fray francisco divided his gold among his relatives, and gave liberty to many slaves whom he wrongfully held. to the child whom the religious had ransomed (at the price of six reals), he likewise gave baptism; and named him feliz [i.e., "fortunate"], since he had been fortunate in being rescued from the gates of eternal damnation, where he was already standing, and placed by baptism in the beauty of grace and on the right path for glory. [it could but be that the devil should burn with infernal wrath against one who did so much against him; and that the lord should reward him, as he rewards his servants in this world, with sufferings which result in their spiritual good. a bad man brought a false accusation against father fray francisco of most nefarious wickedness, and supported it with evidence so plausible that it seemed as if the father must be guilty. the author of this charge exchanged a religious letter which father fray francisco had written to his superior, for a forged one very contrary to father fray francisco's real manner of writing. in this way father fray luis gandullo, at that time vicar-provincial, was convinced of the truth of the charge. the innocent man took this so much to heart that one day, when he was saying mass before his indians, he fainted and fell on the floor, as if he were dead. the indians fled from the church, in fear that they should be charged with having caused the death of their minister. he was withdrawn from his ministry and placed in confinement; but in the course of the trial the truth was made clear, and father fray francisco was set free with honor. some years afterward, he was appointed prior of the convent at manila, and afterward, was very nearly elected provincial. he greatly augmented the devotion to our lady of the rosary, and adorned her image with rich vestments and jewels, and her chapel with a large retable and other ornaments. he was not forgetful of the necessities of the poor, and greatly increased the alms which were ordinarily given at the door of the convent. after he had finished his term as prior, he returned to nueva segovia. when he came back, the indians, learning that their good father and teacher had returned, came fifty leguas to visit him. the lord gave him a peaceful death, and he was buried in the church of our father sancto domingo at nueva segovia.] [end of book i] book second of the history of the province of the holy rosary chapter i the sufferings of the religious in japon in the persecution which arose against christianity [the church in japon was like the primitive church as it was founded by our lord, which from the beginning suffered persecutions. the first persecutions of the church were not so severe but that the disciples when persecuted in one city could flee to another; thus, by sinking its roots deep, it was able to endure the greater persecutions which followed in the days of the neros and the domitians. all the persecutions in japon up to the year 1614 were like those in the infancy of the early church--tempered, and without much shedding of blood; and giving the ministers an opportunity, when they were expelled from one kingdom, to flee to another. that which arose in this year was like the universal persecution of the church. the emperor, seeing that it was impossible to cut off the trunk of christianity in japon, and that to martyr a few would only give the creed greater strength, decided (perhaps advised by the devil) that it would be better and easier to cut off only the roots--namely, the religious, by whose teachings christianity in japon had been brought into existence and was sustained. in the beginning of january in this year he sent out an edict to all his tonos that the priests and religious in their lands should be gathered together and sent to the port of nangasaqui, to the governor safioye, to be put on board ship and banished to maccan or to manila, so that not one should be left in japon. after this the rosaries, images, and other sacred objects were to be taken from the christians; and they were to be compelled to worship idols, the disobedient being tortured and put to death. great care was to be taken that the bodies of the martyrs should not be permitted to fall into the hands of the christians, who might venerate them. this decree was thoroughly carried out, and the christians, deprived of ministers and sacraments, went out of the cities and fled--some to the mountains, others to caves, others to thick woods; and others set sail in little boats for other countries. it made the heart burn simply to hear the cruel destruction wrought by the emperor among the faithful. some were hung alive by one foot to high trees; others were tied to stakes and exposed to the rigors of winter by night and by day; the ears and the noses of others were cut off. others were branded on the brow with hot irons. men and women were being put to shame by being exposed naked, and chaste women were threatened with being sent to the brothels. some were put in sacks of straw, dragged about the streets and derided; and others were hung up in panniers and baskets. others suffered confiscation of their goods, and were banished, all people being forbidden to give them food or lodging. these last were, for the most part, noble and rich persons who had been brought up in luxury. [7] the religious, laying aside their habits, went in secret throughout japon, animating and strengthening the persecuted christians to suffer for the lord. among these religious there were three of our order. in this extremity of persecution confraternities were formed, for the mutual support of their members. they took pledges to be faithful, and were likely to be of great use because the japanese, being a people who think much of their honor, would be ashamed to lapse from such agreements and promises. they made many processions, and subjected themselves to severe disciplines. on the second of june, safioye was visited by all the superiors of the religious orders, whom he received with courtesy and a great show of kindness. as soon as they had returned to their convents, he sent them word from the emperor that they should prepare all the members of their order to go to macan or manila in the following autumn; and an inspector was sent to see that the mandate was carried out. all the officials of the city of nangasaqui were compelled to sign a paper to the effect that they would not conceal any religious or secular clergymen, or show them favor, or assist them to remain in japon. it was pitiful to see the japanese christians as the time for the departure of the religious approached. on the fourteenth of october, our religious tore up the crosses which had been erected, and burned them, together with other things from the church, that they might not be profaned by the heathen. after partaking of the holy sacrament on the following day, they put out the lamps and left the altars. they put on board the ships the relics and the bodies of the saints, and most of the ecclesiastical ornaments and things from the sacristies, though of these they left some to the christians who were to remain in hiding. they were able to take only a few of the bells. on the twenty-fifth, they were ordered to leave the city for the port of facunda, till their ships should be ready. after they had set sail, certain priests returned in small boats. there were five secular priests out of seven. six of the ten franciscan priests remained, and seven out of the nine priests of our order. of three augustinian fathers, one remained. of seventy priests of the society, eighteen or twenty remained. [8] more would have returned to land if it had not been for the failure of one of the boats agreed upon. the names of the fathers who remained are given in all cases, except in that of the jesuits. after the departure of the clergy, the profanation of the churches was begun. the fathers disguised themselves as well as they could, and went out upon their mission. many of them were obliged to remain in nangasaqui and its vicinity, because the greater number of christians were there. they traveled secretly, however, all over japon. they labored chiefly at night, and suffered greatly, being obliged to travel much, and lacking food and sleep.] chapter ii father fray francisco de san joseph blancas [though father fray francisco de san joseph was not one of the first founders of this province, he came in the second shipload from españa. because of his great virtue he is worthy of an important place in this history. for this purpose it has pleased god that there should come to my hands from the bishop of monopoli, don fray juan lopez, an accurate account of the first years of this father, which follows. father fray francisco was born at tarazona in navarra. his parents were exceptionally pious. from his youth father fray francisco showed signs of exceptional devotion. he fled from the sight of women, and even declined to accompany his mother, excusing himself on the ground of his studies. at the age of thirteen he was sent to alcala de henares to continue his studies; and at the age of fifteen he assumed the habit, and showed the behavior of a man at that youthful age. an account is given of his sisters; and the testimony of persons of superior virtue to the sanctity of father fray francisco is cited. in course of time he came to be reader of arts in the religious convent of piedrahita, where he was made master of the students. he had even greater gifts as a preacher than as a teacher, having a fine voice, natural rhetoric and powers of action, a great gift of words, good memory, and skill in systematic arrangement. he was master of the hearts of all those who heard him. his first pulpit was that of san antonino at yepes, and later he was appointed as preacher to the convent of alcala. while here he felt the impulse to go to the philippinas, and, in spite of the efforts of the convent to retain him, he carried out his purpose. when he reached manila, his superiors, desiring that the spaniards of manila might not be deprived of his great talents as a preacher, assigned him to the ministry of bataan, which is near manila. here he learned the common language of the indians, called tagal, so rapidly that he was able to preach in it within three months, and taught others the language within six. he was constantly studying the exact signification of the words of the language and the method in which the indians used them, so that he might become a consummate master of this tongue.] it is their custom when they are rowing their boats, or when many are gathered together on any occasion, to sing in order to beguile and relieve their labors. as they had no others, they used their old profane and even pernicious songs. he composed many songs in their language, after their own manner of verse, but on sacred themes--for he had a particular gift for this--and introduced these among them, so that they might use them on such occasions. he hoped in this way to make them forget their old ballads, which were useless or noxious, without taking from them their pleasure--rather, indeed, to increase their delight by the devout sentiments of the new songs. he wrote many books of devotion for them; and since there was no printing in these islands, and no one who understood it or who made a trade of it, he planned to have the printing done by means of a chinaman, a good christian. this man, seeing that the books of father fray francisco were sure to be of great use, bestowed so much energy upon this undertaking that he finally succeeded with it. he was aided by some who told him what they knew, and thus in time learned everything that was necessary to do printing; and he printed these books. [9] [the good father so delighted in seeing the fruit of his teaching among the indians that when he was directed to come back to the city, to preach to the spaniards, it was a severe penance for him. however, he did so, especially in lent. he was very severe in rebuking vice, and it gave him pain to be obliged to preach to vicious spaniards, as it seemed to him that he was toiling in sterile soil. he usually came down from the pulpit bathed in sweat, but continued to wear his heavy tunic and to observe the rules of the order rigorously. although he had seemed to be of delicate constitution in españa, his health was always very good, so that for more than twenty years during which he was in this province he did not even have a headache, except once, when he struck himself by accident. he spoke with intense energy, in a grave, sententious, and clear manner. he learned the chinese language, in addition to the other two in which he preached; and he took as his especial charge the duty of teaching the many negroes and slaves in manila. he was most humble, in spite of his great abilities. when he was vicar-provincial of manila, he received a letter from the provincial, who was making a visitation in the province of nueva segovia. he asked father fray francisco, as vicar-provincial, to see if some of the religious in his district could not be spared for that needy region. father fray francisco, thinking that he was himself the least necessary person in the district of manila, took with him one father as his companion, and set out for nueva segovia. in the year 1614 he was sent to españa as procurator of the province, but died on the voyage to mexico. just before and after his death his body gave signs by the beauty of its appearance of the sanctity and purity of his life. he printed a grammar of the tagal language, and in that language he printed a memorial of the christian life, a book on the four last things, [10] another of preparation for the communion, a treatise on confession, a book on the mysteries of the rosary of our lady, and another to teach the tagal indians the spanish language. he also left behind him many devout and valuable compositions in the language of those indians, particularly many sermons for sundays and saints' days, which were highly regarded because of their doctrine and their language, which is very elegant and pure. he had also made a collection of sermons in the spanish language for a whole year, with the purpose of printing them. the letter of the dean and chapter of the holy church of manila (dated may 12, 1614), given him as he was about to set out for españa, corroborates aduarte's account of him, and is therefore printed by that writer in full.] chapter iii events in this province at this time in the year 1615 this province, which from the beginning had sailed with a fair wind, and had proceeded with the conversions which it had undertaken in these philippinas islands without meeting any storm, began to feel a hurricane which caused much anxiety and pain. it was of great value in teaching the religious to open their eyes, and to know that in dealing with heathen and new converts they should not be content with the simplicity of the dove, but should strive to add the wisdom of the serpent, as our lord charged his disciples and his preachers. seven years only had passed since the village named batavag, which is the furthest village in the province of nueva segovia, had been formed by assembling a population of mountaineers. many of these were still heathen; while the adult christians (who were the minority in the village) had been educated in their idolatries, and therefore had not completely rooted out from their hearts their ancient customs. thus in time of sickness the former priestesses of the devil, or witches, found their way into many of their hearts. these women, coveting payment, came to offer on the part of the devil, health to the sick if they would observe the ancient superstitions which he had taught them. these sorceresses killed certain birds, anointed the sick with their blood, practiced other superstitious ceremonies which the devil accepted as a sacrifice, and performed other similar acts. some sick persons were guilty of these things in their desire for health, not giving heed, since they were not firmly rooted in the faith, to the grave offense which in this way they were committing against god, the author of life and health; and not considering the injury to the faith or the serious harm to their own souls and consciences, which would follow. yet their condition was such that they ought to have considered this matter all the more carefully, as the death that they feared brought them nearer to the time when an account of all this would be demanded from them. if the evil had been confined to this village, it would not have been very great, because batavag was small and had not a very large population, and a majority of the adults were not yet christian; but the evil spread to other villages which were larger and older in the faith, such as bolo, pilitan, and abuatan, each of which had two thousand inhabitants or more. hence the matter was of greater importance, and caused more anxiety to the ministers and preachers of the law of god. when they received information as to what was occurring, they went with great secrecy to make an investigation into the evil; and they wrote down the names of the old aniteras or witches, in whom was the whole foundation of this sin. one of the persons who took part in this investigation warned the guilty old women in the village of batavag; and they, to escape the punishment which they feared, began to stir up the inhabitants of that village. when the religious went there with the purpose of remedying one evil, they found another greater one; for the people of the village of batavag were in tumult and alarm because of what the witches had said to them, and had determined to flee to their mountains and their ancient dwelling-places. they had been brought to the one that they now had, that they might be more easily, and more to the profit of their souls, taught and baptized and given the sacraments, in sickness and in health; for so long as they were divided as they had been, into tiny hamlets at great distances from each other, it was impossible to do that. but being (as at this time they were) disturbed and alarmed by the witches, and desirous of abandoning the faith, they returned to their ancient sites, which more readily permitted each one to live in the law which he preferred, and none in that which would have been well for him. yet, in spite of all this, the religious had dealt so well with them, and had shown them so much love and benevolence, that the indians could not cease to feel and to show kindness for them. hence, though they were able to kill the religious or to do them any harm they pleased, because the fathers were alone among them without any other protection than their good consciences--which is a great safeguard--the indians not only did them no harm, but laid hands on nothing of theirs or of their convent. this was, as it were, a declaration that they had fled, not on account of any harm that the ministers had done them, but on account of their fear of the punishment which their bad consciences caused them to dread--a fear increased by what the aniteras or witches, as the most guilty, had falsely said to them with the purpose of alarming them. in point of fact, the religious had had no idea of severe punishment, but simply of remedying such pernicious evils. they pitied them as being new in the faith, and pitied even the very witches as being persons deceived by the devil, little exercised in the law of god, and many of them not even baptized. the religious were greatly grieved by this event, and carried down to the nearest village the adornments of the church which they had there, taking with them some indians who feared god and did not wish to follow the pernicious behaviour of those who fled from god to the devil. they made some efforts to bring back with kindness those who had fled; and in this way some of them, enlightened by god, returned to the bosom of the church and the easy yoke of the divine law. they made continual efforts to bring back the rest, declining no labor, no journeys, and no discomforts, in order to gain some soul from among these lost ones. the flight of these indians took place on the day of the ascension of the lord, may 28. since they had retired into the mountains, the spaniards, as they were few, did not pursue them, deeming that on account of the roughness of the country where they were the pursuit would have little effect, and would cause many deaths, much suffering, and great expense. hence many of them remained apostates from the faith and the baptism which they received, which is a cause of great grief. on the nineteenth of the following month in the same year, ships arrived from mexico with thirty-two religious to aid in the work of conversion upon which this province was engaged. on the following day, saturday, in the morning, they entered the convent, to the great joy of themselves and of those who dwelt in it. their vicar and superior from mexico hither had been father fray angel ferrer, [11] who was afterward a glorious martyr in japon. when this company of religious arrived in mexico, he was vicar of the convent of san jacintho, which this province has near that noble city, as a hospice for the religious who come to it from españa. since he who was conducting them [i.e., aduarte] went back thither, father fray angel undertook the very useful duty of conducting them to the philippinas, in order that the former might fulfil his office as procurator of the province. the lord led him, without his knowing it, that he might give him a glorious martyr's crown, which he received a few years afterward, as will be told later. these religious reached mexico in the year 1613. since in that year there had been no ships from the philippinas, it was necessary to detain them there until the following year, with great risk that those who were coming to these islands might remain in that kingdom, which has so attractive a climate and is so abundant in all things; but as these fathers did not come to seek for pleasures, but for the souls of their fellow-men and labors for themselves, it was not hard to overcome this and other difficulties which were met. to this good result the excellent administration of the superiors greatly contributed, and the constant occupation of the friars in holy exercises, prayer, fasting, and disciplines. thus they not only prevailed against the temptations of ease and comfort, but were prepared so that the lord might raise them to higher things--some of them even to the glory of martyrdom, which, as st. augustine says, is the greatest glory of the church. [in order to inspire in them a longing for these things, the lord gave them grace in the meantime to save some lost souls. two notable cases of this sort occurred, one in cadiz and the other in mexico. two of them rescued and returned to her convent, a wretched woman, eighteen years old, whom a dissolute lieutenant had enticed from a convent in xerez. in mexico there was a wretched man, a person of acute intellect and learning, who had been guilty of an infamous crime with a boy. he had refused to confess, and, when he was tortured, had charged a number of innocent persons with complicity with his foul actions. the president of the alcaldes de corte [i.e., "judges of the high court"] was at this time dr. morga, who had a very kind feeling for the religious of this province, since he had come to know them by his long residence here as an auditor. by his assistance, and by that of one of the officers of the prison, father fray pedro muriel obtained access to this unfortunate man; and by his wise and kindly conferences softened his heart, so that he confessed his original guilt and also his malice in making false charges against innocent persons. both before and after his execution, there were manifest signs that the lord had been pleased to grant him salvation. in the following year, 1616, father fray bernardo de sancta catalina, or navarro, commissary of the holy office in these islands, and one of the first founders of the province, was a second time elected provincial. in the following month, at a feast of the visitation, there died in the city of nueva segovia father fray garcia oroz, a navarrese by nation; he was a son of the convent of our lady of atocha in madrid, and a religious old in virtue as in years. when he made his first efforts to come to the province he had been hindered, but afterward carried out his intention; and although, because of his years, he was unable to learn the language, he was of great use to his companion who understood it, by his assistance and by the good example of his life.] chapter iv the life and death of father fray bernardo de sancta cathalina, or navarro [the new provincial had but a short time in which he could exercise his office, as he died in november of the same year, on the octave of all saints. father fray bernardo was a native of villanueva de la xara. he was much inclined from his earliest years to letters and the church; he assumed the habit in the convent of sancta cruz at villaescusa. after he had professed, he was sent to study in the college of sancto thomas at alcala, which was the highest honor that the convent could bestow on a student. here he so distinguished himself that the college gave him charge of the conduct of a theological discussion in the provincial chapter, which is the highest honor that a college can give its theologues. while at the college, he did not take advantage of the privilege of eating meat, which is granted to students in consideration of their labors and study. he was a successful and beloved preacher, and lived a life of the severest mortification. he was most devoted to the holy sacrament. at one time when a sick person had received the lord and had afterward vomited forth the sacramental species, which was carelessly swept into a rubbish-heap, father fray bernardo rescued the precious treasure. he was most successful in uprooting the vices of the villages in españa where he preached. when he came to this province he was one of the best of the ministers, and one of those who labored in the conversion of these tribes with the greatest results. he was assigned to be superior of the religious who preached to the barbarian indians in pangasinan--an indomitable, untamed, and bloody race; and above measure opposed to the gospel, since that was above measure opposed to their vices, cruelties, lewdnesses, superstitions, and idolatries. noble religious were his companions, eager to act and to suffer for the conversion of souls; but father fray bernardo was the head and superior of these religious, the one who first began to succeed in christianizing those indians, the one who perfected them and carried them on to a high state of christian excellence. his life and his doctrine were alike marvelous and efficacious in influencing the souls of those indians. he was devoted to his charge, seeking alms from the spaniards for his indians, and defending them with all his might from the wrongs which were committed against them. it was only in defense of his indians that he was seen to give up his ordinary gentleness of demeanor, which was like that of a dove. the lord blessed his efforts for the conversion of those indians by miraculous healing wrought by his hands. he was visited by the saints, in particular by our father st. dominic and st. vincent ferrer, who were seen to come and say matins with him. he was given miraculous insight into the souls of those who confessed to him; was miraculously preserved from fire and water; and had power given him to see devils who had taken possession of those who were confessing to him, or whom he desired to convert. it was declared that he even had a vision of the holy virgin. he lived a life of abstinence, penance, and the greatest devotion; and translated into the indian language a hundred and fifty brief devout treatises. he also wrote in their language a number of spiritual letters, afterward collected by father fray melchior pavia, who made a goodly volume of them that they might serve as an example of the manner to be followed, in writing to the indians, by the religious who came after. in temporal matters he likewise assisted those indians in all ways in his power; for in addition to their poverty they were his dearest sons, engendered in christ with mighty but successful labors. although father fray bernardo would have been pleased to be left forever among his indians, the province felt that it had need of him for higher duties, and elected him as provincial in 1596. he gave a noble example as head of the province, and was most wise, kind, and prudent in his visitations. at one time, finding it necessary to chastise one of his subordinates, he began the punishment upon himself, compelling the guilty person to scourge him severely while they two were alone. then he proceeded to scourge the man who was in fault, who, considering what had preceded, received his chastisement with great humility and amended his life. the fervent love of god of father fray bernardo was manifest in all that he said and did. the high esteem in which he was held spread from the philippinas to nueva españa, so that the tribunal of the holy office in mexico made him its commissary-general in all these islands. on some occasions he showed the gift of prophecy, foretelling the deaths of some persons, or declaring the deaths of those who were at a distance. once when a governor assembled a great fleet against the dutch enemies, he was obliged to obtain the necessary revenue by great oppression of the indians and the poor, since the royal treasury did not yield a sufficient amount for the undertaking. father fray bernardo was greatly grieved by this course of procedure, and strove to remedy it without success. when the governor was about to set out, father fray bernardo declared to him that he would never return; and, in point of fact, he died in malaca without ever seeing the enemy. [12] the persecution in japon was revealed to him before it occurred. being asked how he knew of the threatening danger, he said that he inferred it from certain stars in the sky, which resembled a comet threatening japon. his companion when he had looked was unable to see any comet, or anything like one. his love and charity kept constantly increasing, and there were continually on his lips the words, "let us love god; let us love god." he sent what he could to the needy and persecuted christians in japon, and wrote to mexico to get such assistance for them as he could obtain. he was always most loving and kindly to all the religious. at the end of his term as provincial, he would have been glad to live and die among his children in pangasinan, but was detained in manila by his duties as commissary of the holy office. yet every year he used to make a visit to pangasinan, where he was received as an angel from heaven, and sometimes carried almost by force to distant villages, by indians who came more than twenty leguas for the purpose. his arrival was like a feast-day. the people crowded to confess to him, and to listen to his spiritual exhortations. they put off the settlement of their most weighty differences to submit them to his judgment. they sometimes crowded about him to kiss his hand or his scapular so that he could not move. when he was a second time elected as provincial, his devotion to the duties of his office resulted in his death. the stormy weather preventing him from going by sea to nueva segovia, he made the journey by land, traveling through the swamps and lowlands of yllocos [13] and over the caraballos, some rough and lofty mountains, where he was caught by a baguio or hurricane. the rivers rose so that he was unable to go on. captain pedro de rojas, his son in the faith, had gone with him to keep him company. the hardships of their journey were such that both men fell sick; and father fray bernardo, in fear of immediate death, kept praying to the lord that he would prolong his life until they reached a place where he could receive the sacraments. arriving in abulug, captain pedro de rojas was given up by the physician; but the father, in spite of his advanced age, seemed likely to recover. he was deeply grieved that he--who was of no use in the world, as he said--should be saved, while the captain had given up his life simply to accompany him. he prayed the lord that he might change places with the captain, who soon afterward began to amend; while father fray bernardo within twenty-four hours fell sick again in camalayugan, and felt that his disease was mortal. on the eighth of november, the octave of all saints, he departed from this vale of tears, to be with those who are in glory. his death caused great grief in pangasinan and manila. double honors were shown to him in our convent, first as provincial, and second as commissary-general of the holy office. at the latter service father fray antonio gutierrez preached, recounting much of what has here been written. after his death, a religious had a vision of his soul going to glory. in the provincial chapter in the following year, honorable mention is made of father fray bernardo in a latin eulogy, recording his illustrious virtues, his marvelous success in the conversion of the province of pangasinan, and the sacrifice of his life to the duties of his office.] chapter v the election as provincial of father fray melchior mançano, and the situation in japon at this time. when the sad news of the death of the provincial was learned, the electors assembled at binalatongan, a village of pangasinan, on the fifteenth of april, 1617, and elected as head and superior of the province father fray melchior de mançano, [14] who was at that time vicar of the convent of the city of nueva segovia. he was a very prudent and devout character, a professed son of the convent of the order in ocaña; and had been made, on account of his great ability and his successful studies, a theologue at the college of sancto thomas at alcala. in this province he had governed many of the best convents with great approbation; and his term as provincial was very useful to the province, augmenting it greatly, as will be narrated. [now that the churches in all japon were torn down and all the priests expelled, as safioye supposed, it seemed to him time to begin the persecution of christianity. the commencement was made in the kingdom of arima, which was under the direct government of the emperor. the officers upon whom was laid the carrying out of this persecution did their work with cruelty and insolence. when the news of the beginning of the persecution reached figen, twenty courageous japanese went from nangasaqui to arima to confess the faith, and died a glorious martyrdom. some others who purposed to follow in their footsteps had not the courage, and recanted when they saw the dreadful torment which awaited them. as soon as father fray thomas del espiritu sancto, or zumarraga, the vicar-provincial of our religious who were in hiding, heard of this persecution in arima, he despatched father fray jacintho orfanel to go to the aid of the persecuted christians, and soon afterward sent father fray juan de los angeles rueda to go thither also. they were followed by the father commissary of the order of st. francis, with three other religious of his order. the efforts of the religious in hearing confessions, giving the sacraments, and comforting and strengthening the persecuted christians, were of great value. it seemed unwise, however, to enter the city of arima itself, where guards had been set to prevent entrance and egress; for if the emperor should learn that any religious had remained in japon, the persecution was likely to be very much more severe. the christians in nangasaqui prepared themselves, and were prepared by the religious, for the beginning of the persecution in that city. when everything was ready, the persecution was suspended on account of a war between the emperor and fideyori, the son of the previous emperor and the true heir to the throne. [15] the officers contented themselves with publicly burning a great number of rosaries, crosses, and other christian emblems taken from arima. father fray alonso navarrete had assumed the dress of a spanish layman and was beaten for trying to rescue from the fire some rosaries. our religious obtained the sacred relics of a number of the blessed martyrs. the emperor was victorious over fideyori by treachery. during the progress of the war the christians had peace; and the fathers did a mighty work in strengthening their courage, and in perfecting them in the faith. many, however, of the christians, for the lack of ministers, had begun to forget the matters of the faith and even their own christian names. some of the franciscan fathers were captured, and thrown into prison; but the fathers of our order escaped. after the fall of usaca and the disastrous close of the war, the persecution broke out again. the fathers were scattered among various kingdoms, but were prevented, by the very close watch which was kept, from entering satzuma. the father vicar-provincial alone, with father fray francisco de morales and father fray joseph, remained in nangasaqui, going out at night only, in secular dress. this lasted until the death of the emperor, in the year 1616. nangasaqui being the metropolis of christianity in japon, where the number of christians was greatest and their spirit resolved and determined, the emperor did not dare to treat the christians there with as much severity as elsewhere. in spite of the exposure of our ministers in japon, not one of the members of our order died a natural death, but all were crowned with the crown and aureole of martyrdom.] chapter vi the great devotion in japon to the rosary of our lady; the death of the emperor, and the state of the church there. [in the beginning of the year 1616, the confraternity of our lady of the rosary, which had been established in 1602, when the order of our father st. dominic entered japon, was very greatly increased, and the devotion to the rosary became much more intense. this order and the devotion connected with it spread from nangasaqui through all parts of japon, and much improvement in the lives of those who devoted themselves to the rosary was perceived. miraculous strength was also given to the members of the confraternity to hold to their faith. in july the emperor died by poison, which was given him by mistake from a box of medicine. the emperor being succeeded by his son, xogunsama, [16] the persecution was continued, and even increased in severity, the officers exerting themselves to invent ingenious tortures. sometimes the very tormentors themselves, though they did not abandon their idolatry, were compelled by the virtue of the martyrs, and the aid rendered them by the lord, to admit the truth of our holy faith. particulars are given of the deaths of a number of martyrs. in course of time the persecution extended to nangasaqui. it was discovered by accident that there were religious in the city. this was one cause for the beginning of the persecution. another cause was the contentions of two governors in the city, one christian and the other heathen. [17] great efforts being made to capture some of the religious, father fray pedro de la asumpcion of the order of st. francis, and father juan baptista tavora of the society, were caught and suffered martyrdom, being decapitated may 22, 1617. this caused great joy among the religious, who had feared that, if they should be captured, they would merely be sent out of the kingdom, but were now encouraged to hope for the crown of martyrdom.] chapter vii the expedition of father fray alonso navarrete, vicar-provincial of our order in japon, and father fray hernando de san joseph, or ayala, vicar-provincial of the order of our father st. augustine, for the aid of the christians of omura. [the persecutors were satisfied with these deaths, thinking that they would frighten the ministers of the gospel and either drive them out of japon or greatly curtail their activity. may 24, 1617, on the eve of corpus christi, father fray alonso navarrete, vicar-general of our order, set out for omura, where the other priests had been martyred, with the purpose of openly preaching the gospel there. he took with him a courageous japanese servant named pablo. the landlord of his house also volunteered. father fray hernando de san joseph, vicar-provincial of the augustinian order, who was his close friend, decided to accompany him. after examining their consciences carefully, father fray francisco de morales of our order approved their enterprise.] chapter viii the capture of the holy martyrs [the two fathers set out, traveling slowly, encouraging the christians and recovering some of those who had recanted. the number of those who came to be confessed was very great, and the religious heard their confessions at the risk of their lives. the fathers rejoiced to lay aside their secular garments; and the christians who saw them in religious habits were greatly delighted. five persecutors came to arrest the fathers, who received them with great joy and gave them presents. father fray alonso wrote a letter to the tono, informing him that the fathers had come to give him an opportunity to repent of his great sin in martyring the fathers who had been executed, and to deliver him from the pains of hell. some japanese boldly offered themselves for martyrdom. the christian inhabitants of the city showed the greatest devotion to the fathers, crowding about them and offering themselves for martyrdom with them; and they showed the greatest grief at the thought that the fathers were to be taken from them by death. the tono of omura was in the greatest grief and perplexity, feeling that there would fall on him the obligation to martyr christians after christians who would come to offer themselves in his kingdom. he finally determined to take their lives, but with the greatest secrecy, in order to prevent an uprising in the city. the fathers were accordingly taken to a desolate island named usuxima; and in spite of the efforts of the heathen to keep the place secret, they were followed by a great number of christians, who confessed to them.] chapter ix the death of the three holy martyrs [from this island the three fathers were removed to another named coguchi. they received with great joy the news that they were to die, and were carried to another island still more solitary. here they showed great courtesy and kindness to those who were to slay them. they left letters for their provincials, desiring them to send religious to japon at any cost. in spite of the care of the tyrant, some christians were present at the execution. the two were beheaded on thursday, the first of june, the octave of corpus christi. their very executioners looked upon them at such men of virtue that they dipped their handkerchiefs and bits of paper in their sacred blood, to keep these as relics. the bodies of all the martyrs were put in coffins laden with stones, and cast into the sea. in spite of the danger, many japanese went to the place of the martyrdom to venerate the relics of these saints; and the confraternity of the rosary offered continual prayers that they might recover the bodies of these holy martyrs. at the end of two months the bodies of the holy and blessed fray pedro de la asumpcion and fray hernando were cast up on the shore.] chapter x the virtues of these blessed fathers, their fitness to obtain the crown of martyrdom, and the fruits which followed therefrom. [the holy fray hernando was especially devoted to the souls in purgatory, and gave a notable example of poverty and obedience to the rules of his order. father fray alonso was very pious, almsgiving, and compassionate. although the lords in japon are very rich, the poor people are very needy; so that the heathen often slay their new-born children, and the christians cast them out in the street. the heart of the holy man was so afflicted by this that, at his persuasion, a spanish captain named pablo carrucho settled a certain income upon the pious work of maintaining these children. just before his death the holy martyr, not forgetful of this, wrote a letter to the captain, urging him not to forget the alms for the exposed children. father fray alonso was one of the first ministers of nueva segovia; he returned to europe, to bring with him a number of new religious to the philippinas. after he had been assigned to japon he once returned to the philippinas. he suffered greatly in these voyages, since he was of delicate constitution. he was a charitable and most beloved minister, very bold, and especially distinguished for his gratitude. from this martyrdom the christians of nangasaqui received new courage, as did also those of omura, who were greatly strengthened in the faith. some, indeed, who had feared to do so before, boldly confessed christianity. throughout japon the example of this martyrdom was a great source of strength to the christians, and forced the heathen to respect the christian faith. the heathen also were cured of their error of supposing that the fathers had come to this region because of temporal ambitions. the persecution which was feared in nangasaqui ceased when the courage of the holy men was seen. the last result of this martyrdom was the many more martyrdoms, which soon followed, of those who by the example of these saints openly avowed christianity. the names of several of the confessors and martyrs are given, with a brief account of their deaths.] chapter xi the state of affairs in japon after the martyrdom of the saints fray alonso navarrete and fray hernando de ayala. [after the martyrdom of these holy religious the christians of omura, ashamed of their weakness, desired to follow their example. father fray thomas del espiritu sancto and father fray juan de los angeles, religious of our order, and father fray apolinario franco, commissary of the order of st. francis, went to take spiritual charge of these christians in omura. fathers fray apolinario and fray thomas were arrested, with their servants, and imprisoned. father fray juan de los angeles was not found. the landlord of father fray alonso navarrete in course of time won the crown of martyrdom by the boldness of his confession; and he and another christian were carried to an islet, and secretly executed at midnight on the last day of september. the tono of omura, in perplexity, went to the court of the emperor to confer with him in regard to the questions raised by the arrest of the two fathers. the christian faith extended, and some remarkable conversions of persecutors took place. the holy fathers suffered in prison from the rigors of winter, having been deprived of their clothes, and having no bed or any protection against the cold; for the prison was made of wood, and did not protect them against the cold, wind, or snow. they suffered equal tortures from hunger, having but a small ration of boiled rice without other food--the christians having been forbidden to assist them.] chapter xii the building of the church of los sanctos reyes in the parian as soon as the order entered these islands, it took upon itself the charge of evangelizing and teaching the chinese who came to these islands, every year, in pursuit of their business and profit. they all lived in a sort of alcaicería, or market, called in this country a parian; and here there were usually ten thousand chinese, and at times as many as twenty thousand. here they not only store their merchandise, which is very rich, but maintain all the trades required for a very well ordered and provided community. they were at that time all heathen, because up to that time as soon as any chinaman was converted and baptized he was obliged to leave this idolatrous place and to go to live in another village, of baptized chinese, which was near there. in this way the effort was made to separate the newly-baptized from the heathen, so that they might not follow the bad example of their heathen neighbors while their christianity, being new, had not sufficient strength to resist this temptation and free themselves from the danger of this scandal. the town of the heathen was not forgotten on this account; for the religious went from the town of the christian chinese, called binondoc, where they lived, to preach every sunday to those who lived in the parian. this course was followed up to the year 1617, when it was remarked, with reason, how advantageous it would be that preachers should be constantly in residence in this multitude of people. thus by having more intercourse with them, and being in closer relations with them, they might reap a greater spiritual harvest among the chinese, and the number of those who should be baptized, in both sickness and health, might be greatly increased. the father provincial conferred with the two estates, ecclesiastical and secular, receiving the approval of everyone. the usual licenses were obtained, and a small wooden church and convent were begun. everything was done at the expense of the order, that it might not be necessary to ask anything from the heathen chinese, for whose benefit and advantage the buildings were erected. the lord straightway began to manifest that the work was very acceptable to him, by showing marvelous favor to a chinaman who was occupied as overseer of the building. a spaniard, enraged because he had been bitten by a dog, asked the chinaman "whose dog that was," intending to avenge upon the owner the pain which the dog had caused him. the chinaman answered that he did not know whose it was, and the angry spaniard said: "it must be yours, because you do not tell me." drawing his sword he thrust it at his chest; but the lord, who was pleased with the care which the chinaman gave to the building of his poor temple, guided the sword so that it struck an ebony cross which the chinaman wore under his clothes. the blow made a deep mark upon this cross, while the chinaman was untouched--the lord receiving the thrust upon his own cross that it might not harm his votary. the chinaman recognized this as a very special mercy, and a great reward for his labor; and he and all those who knew of the fact praised the lord, wonderful in his works. the poor church was finished, and being the edifice of those vowed to poverty it lasted but a short time. the beams which served as columns and held up the building were not strong, and the soil was marshy and unstable; hence the beams were unable to carry the load of the tiling, but gave way, in such a manner as to threaten the downfall of the church. to prevent this, so that no one might be caught beneath, it was planned to take down the tiling; and while the church was being untiled, and there were nineteen persons on the roof, the building (which was already on the point of falling) broke open with this additional weight, and the whole roof came down--key-beams, ridge-pole, and tiles. even some of the largest beams were broken into very small fragments; and many of those who were on the peak of the roof were caught and buried in the lumber and tiles, so that of some there was nothing to be seen except some part of their clothing. a great multitude of people ran to the noise. most of them were heathen, and stood looking on with much alarm at the ruin which had been wrought; but they did not dare to show any kindness, or to disinter the poor workmen who had been overwhelmed. hence the men remained for a long space of time covered in this way, all supposing that they were not only dead, but horribly mangled. however, this was not the case; for the lord was desirous of teaching these heathen the omnipotence of his providence and the care that he takes of those who serve him; and all were taken out, unconscious indeed, but uninjured and in health, without the slightest wound upon any one of them, although some very heavy key-beams had been broken to pieces. they soon came to themselves and gave thanks to him who had so marvelously preserved them; while all those present, who were innumerable, both christians and heathen, were astonished, and the heathen said aloud: "great is the providence of the god of the christians." thus the lord drew from these his enemies the highest praises, and changed into honor to his name that which might have caused offense among these idolaters if these men had been killed while working on the house of god. it was believed that the fervent prayer of father fray bartholome martynez aided much in bringing about this result; for the work was going on under his direction, and when he saw that a good account of it could not be given, if the lord did not remedy this misfortune, he begged this grace of him most affectionately. and this was not the only time when the lord granted to his faithful and devout prayers very marvelous things, as will be narrated in due time. a small portion of the land belonging to the convent was made ready to serve, as well as possible, for a tiny church for the few christians who were there. the harvest reaped here by the religious, in this multitude of heathen and idolatrous people, was marvelous. they taught them constantly by day and night in the church, in the squares, in their houses, without losing an opportunity to do them good--though they labored beyond their strength, trusting in the lord whose work they were doing. marvelous results immediately followed, to the great service and honor of the lord and the profit of souls. of the many sick in the parian, who before the residence of the fathers had all departed in their heathen state, now, since they have had these devoted fathers among them and have heard their teaching, practically none have died without being baptized. such is the fruit of the fathers' care in expounding the faith to them, explaining to them the great good and the spiritual benefit of baptism, and the eternal misery of those who have neglected it. often even the heathen relatives and friends of the sick have persuaded them to be baptized; and they, like the persons of their own nation whom the fathers have appointed for that purpose, take great care to ascertain if there are any sick, and to inform the fathers, that the latter may visit them and teach them the way to heaven. in addition to these who are baptized in sickness, many are baptized in health and take back the news of the gospel to their own country. in this way, it is hoped, the entry of preachers into china will be somewhat facilitated, if it is once known that we are persons who, in addition to loving and helping them, are not desirous for our temporal profit, but for the good of their souls. this is an argument of great weight with the chinaman, who is excessively avaricious, and hence regards as a very divine virtue the contempt of that which he esteems so highly. since they are very intelligent, they are easily persuaded that that is truth which we preach to them as to the great reward in the other life for those who are good, since they see that their preachers take such pains and undergo such penances to become good, and despise all temporal gain in the firm hope of an eternal one. if their eternal reward were not to be much the vaster, great would be their imprudence to cast aside for it all temporal reward; and they would be, as the apostle has said, of all men most miserable. father fray bartholome martynez afterward erected on the same site a sumptuous and handsome church, which was intentionally made large and capacious, that there might be room in it for the many whom he hoped to baptize; and beautiful, that the very magnificence of the edifice might give some sign by its appearance of whose it was. in order that it might please the chinese better, it was constructed entirely after the manner of the best buildings in china, out of wood, the pieces framed together with joints, without any nails in the entire frame. this was accomplished, in spite of the fact that the number of pieces which entered into the frame came to more than three thousand. they were wrought with marvelous skill, and with superior craftsmanship; indeed, before they began to be put in place they were all shaped, with their joints so fitted that, although the architect at the time of erecting the building happened to be unable on account of illness to rise from his bed, and had to give his directions from it as to what had to be done, yet everything was found to be so exact that his presence was not needed. everything was fitted exactly as it was planned and worked out by the designer from the beginning. this is something which aroused great admiration in the spanish architects who saw it, and they were amazed, and with reason. it is reckoned a matter worthy of the wisdom given by god to solomon that the same thing is recounted of the temple which he built, as is narrated in holy scripture. the architect was a heathen, very old and infirm; but god prolonged his life until this work was finished. afterward, as his illness grew worse, he asked for holy baptism; and, having received it devoutly, he died happy in being a christian, and was buried in the church which he had built for god. [while the church was being built, some very notable events happened. one sunday, after the christians had heard mass, they and a number of heathen who helped them were dragging a very large beam which was to serve as a column in the building. as they went down a little hill, it began to roll on some round sticks which they had placed under it in order that they might move it with less difficulty, and came at one of those who were dragging it with such force that, as it seemed, he could in no way avoid being caught by it. the lord heard the prayers of some religious who were present, and delivered him from his danger. in the same church the workmen were setting up the beams which were to support the four corners of the transept like columns--which beams were much larger, longer, and thicker than any of the others. a great number of people were stationed on each of the four sides of one, to draw it so that it might go straight. the cables which they used were new and heavy, and there was a workman seated on the head of the beam to watch the hitches of the cables to be sure that they did not slip. the weight of the beam was so great that one of the cables gave way, and when it was broken the others began to become loose. the workmen dropped their work and fled in alarm, leaving the man on the head of the beam beyond help, as it seemed. father fray bartholome martinez prayed to the lord for this man, and the beam rested upon some bamboos standing there, which were strong, but not strong enough to carry such a weight; and the man got down by them unhurt, but with his blood curdled by fright. the church was finished and was most beautiful, being a notable piece of work in its style. it caused great joy to the spaniards, and to the chinese, both christian and heathen. in the course of time another event which greatly edified these chinese occurred; for on monday, march 13, 1628, at one o'clock at night, a fire broke out in the parian which burnt down practically the whole of it--since it was at that time built of reeds and nipa, or of dry boards, which burn like a torch. the only houses saved were some which were protected by green trees, and some other small ones which were somewhat isolated. the fire bore directly toward the church, and had already begun to scorch the wood of it, when the religious carried out the image of our lady of the rosary, and turned her face toward the fire. the wind instantly changed, and the church was saved. although in the construction of this most beautiful church care had been taken to build it of durable wood, yet within a few years some of it rotted, and it seemed as if it would be with this church as with the others. hence it was deemed necessary to tear it down, for fear of accident; and another church was built, with strong pillars of stone.] since this is very near the city, we did not fail to build it with stronger frame. but it is very beautifully decorated, its walls being covered from top to bottom with paintings, in which is depicted everything which may instruct these heathen in the knowledge of that which is of consequence for them to understand. there is represented the whole life of christ our lord, and his most holy mother; there are many pictures of the judgment, purgatory, glory, and hell; much instruction as to the seven holy sacraments; many miracles pertaining to them, and especially to the greatest of all; many martyrs, and many holy examples. all this, in addition to beautifying the church, is of great use, serving as devout books wherein these people (who are very inquisitive) may see and understand that which is taught to them by word of mouth; and very great benefit is thus wrought for them. many incidents have occurred which have made clear the great usefulness of having this church in the midst of this idolatrous population, to preach the true god with so loud a voice that it may be heard in the great kingdom of china, and may dispose it to be converted. [one of those who had been baptized here was accused, when he returned to his country, of being a christian. when the christian replied that there was nothing evil in christianity, the judge asked him how he could say that being a christian was not evil. he handed the judge a little card printed in the chinese language, containing the first prayers, the ten commandments, and directions for works of charity, and told him that this was the christian law. the judge, when he had read it over, dismissed the chinaman, retaining the card, and saying: "who has deceived me by saying that christianity is evil? on the contrary, it is very good." thus the knowledge of christianity spreads in that great kingdom. the lord wrought miracles in defense of the new converts, punishing with death a heathen who had insulted a chinaman that had given up his litigious habits after his baptism; and other miracles of healing and protection were wrought, and marvelous conversions took place, evidently by the hand of god.] there have been baptized in this church, from the year 1618, when baptisms began, up to the year 1633, when this is written, four thousand seven hundred and fifty-two chinese, all adults. of these, two thousand and fifty-five were baptized in health, and two thousand six hundred and ninety-seven in sickness, in addition to some whose names were accidentally omitted from the registry. since that time [18] baptisms have continued at a proportional rate, where, before they had the church, all died in their idolatry, and there were very few who went hence in health to be baptized in other churches. such persons usually went to our church in minondo for the christians of their nation; but those who went from the parian were very few, because they did not at that time have the constant intimacy and stimulus of the presence of the religious, as now. the result has been a very great increase of the affection which the chinese have always felt for our order, and the high regard which they have for our holy faith. this is so great that even the heathen, who themselves are not baptized because of worldly considerations, generally desire the sick with whom they are connected by relationship or friendship to become christians. hence it is rare that anyone dies in this great multitude of heathens without first being baptized; while those who return to their great kingdom give in it a very good report of our faith and of the doctrine of christ, to the no small credit of our religious community, with the members of which they generally have most to do, and receive from them the greatest benefits, both in spiritual and in temporal matters; for we are often able to be of assistance to them. they recount all this in their own country; and this is an excellent preparation for the rapid advance of the holy gospel, which has already entered it. chapter xiii some missions sent to various kingdoms [since the establishment of this province was intended not only for the philippinas, but also for the neighboring heathen kingdoms, advantage was taken of every opportunity to send out religious to these other kingdoms. our order had planned to labor in the conversion of the kingdom of macasar, whose king manifested some signs of desiring to have religious sent to him. this kingdom is very powerful, and has a large population. the people of it have an excellent natural disposition, which is a good foundation for the faith; but, because of disturbances which arose, this mission did not take effect. the religious not only of this province, but of españa and nueva españa, have had their hearts set upon the conversion of the kingdom of china, the population of which is of incredible vastness, and the people there exhibit very acute intelligence and have an excellent civilization and government. they even establish their authority in all the neighboring kingdoms: corea, siam, camboja, cochinchina, and others; and they communicate their system to these as far as possible. their character and their moral doctrines also fit them for the gospel. in spite of the failure of previous efforts to enter this kingdom, our religious were not discouraged. in this year (i.e., 1618) an opportunity was offered when the governor, don alonso fajardo de tença, was about to send an embassy to inform the chinese that their enemy and ours, the dutch, had taken up their station in the straits through which the merchant vessels of china sail on their way to this city, richly laden; and that the enemy intended to capture and pillage the ships there. our order was asked to send a religious who understood the language, and who had worked among the chinese in the islands; father fray bartholome martinez was chosen for the post. after some days sailing the vessel met with a furious storm, in which it lost the mainmast; and afterward struck upon a large rock, losing the rudder and part of the poop. some leaped into the water, and some made their way to land in the boat; the rest remained on board the vessel, and father fray bartholome remained with them to hear their confessions. the next morning they all succeeded in getting to land, not far from pangasinan. here father fray bartholome preached to the chinese who had come to that region to carry on business, and succeeded in converting twenty. from pangasinan he made his way with great difficulty to nueva segovia, where he was directed to embark in another royal vessel, and to carry out his embassy by way of macan. on this voyage they also met with dreadful storms, and he landed twice on the island of hermosa. this island had not yet been taken possession of for his majesty; but the lord willed that the father should see it and carry to manila a full report as to its character, the result of which was that the island was afterward acquired. he finally reached macan, where he met with so many obstacles to carrying out his mission that he was obliged to return to manila, and thus failed to gain that entry into china which he had desired. at the same time, another mission was planned to the kingdom of corea; for it seemed likely that there would be a great and noble conversion in that kingdom, the people of which have a very good character by nature, being very simple, and free from duplicity and deceit. that kingdom is between great china and japon, so near to each that it is separated from them only by some very narrow arms of the sea, like large rivers. the people have the intelligence and ability of the chinese, without their duplicity. they are for the most part tillers of the soil. they have some of the valor of the japanese, without their ferocity. it happened in 1593 that taycosama determined to make war against this kingdom of corea, in order to strengthen himself by diminishing the power of some princes of his own state, whom he sent to make this war at their own expense. the war was most cruel and destructive, and the kingdom of japon was full of corean slaves. [19] among these was one who was converted and who came to manila. the father of this convert (who was called tomas) reached the post of secretary to the king, and, taking advantage of his wealth and high office, spared no pains in the search for his son. the son, in spite of his love for his native country and his father, and the hope of the wealth which he would have if he returned, was still more devoted to his own soul; and was therefore unwilling to return to his own country without taking with him some religious. the father provincial, thinking this a good opportunity to begin this conversion, assigned three religious, who set sail, on the thirteenth of june in this year (i.e., 1618) in a ship for japon, since there was no ship direct to corea. at nangasaqui the officials, detecting the purpose of the religious, detained them and finally prevented them from going on. tomas was obliged to go on without them, promising to send for them; but affairs in japon became so disturbed that nothing more was ever heard of him. two of the three religious who were to go to corea returned to manila. the third, father fray juan de sancto domingo, remained in japon and learned the language, that he might aid the afflicted christians there; and he was rewarded by the lord with the palm of martyrdom.] so eager was the province to extend our holy catholic faith throughout all regions, to introduce it into the kingdoms of the heathen, to enlighten their souls and show them the way to heaven, that the lord aided them by sending in this year twenty-four new laborers, religious who had been gathered in españa by father jacintho calvo [20]--a religious who had been in this province, and who on account of the severe heat in the islands, which was dangerous to his health, sent the fathers on from mexico, whither he had brought them, under the leadership of father fray antonio cañiçares. they arrived here very opportunely; for by the missions which have been mentioned several ministries had been much interfered with, and were now filled up from this new company. even some new convents were established; for instance that of san telmo at cavite. this town is the port where all those go aboard who sail from these islands to nueva españa or to yndia or to other regions--except in the case of small vessels, which are able to sail from the city. in cavite there is accordingly a large town of spaniards, indians, chinese, and japanese. at that time they were in greater need of christian teaching because they had only one convent, that of the seraphic father st. francis; and, besides, our order needed to have a convent there in which the religious might remain while waiting to go aboard the vessels. on this account this convent of san telmo was established there at that time, and did great good to those who lived in the town. the confraternity of our lady of the rosary was immediately carried thither; and this holy devotion was greatly revived, and other very good effects were wrought. thus for the virgin's sake the people of the town have come to have a great regard for her chaplains; and a fine church, with rich altar decorations and ornaments, and a convent sufficient for the religious who are obliged to be at cavite, have been built there. this is supported very well by alms, without any other income; and the religious with their sermons and good example have wrought much good, not only among the spaniards, but also among the natives. there has been a great reformation of morals among both, as is always effected by the devotion to the virgin of the rosary, wherever care is taken to give due heed to preaching it, and to using it as a benefit come from heaven, by the hands of the virgin, to correct the sins and reform the excesses of the world. during this year a beginning was also made in an undertaking which had been much desired by good and spiritual religious, as being worthy of and proper to that charity with which the religious of this province usually took up enterprises involving great labor, that they might in return offer souls to the lord and bring heathen into the church. there are near the province of nueva segovia certain islands, called babuianes, following each other in a line toward the northeast until they approach near those which are called lequios, which are near japon. [21] these latter are innumerable, and some of them are very large and very fertile. their inhabitants are of excellent natural dispositions, so that, being heathen, they cause wonder in all of those who go there. they are extremely kind, loving, docile, and free from self-interest--excellent foundations for their becoming noble christians if the happy day of the faith shall dawn upon them. the islands near nueva segovia are not fertile, being plagued with fierce winds, which, sweeping over them without any defense, do them great damage. the inhabitants, however, are very ingenuous and simple. when they sometimes came to nueva segovia to do their poor little trading, the hearts of the religious were grieved when they saw those people of a natural disposition so excellent, so humble and peaceable; while their souls were left totally without assistance because they were poor and few, and widely scattered over many islands in the midst of the sea, without hope that any other preachers would undertake their conversion if our religious neglected them. they had a spanish encomendero, who went duly every year to demand his tribute from them; but he paid no attention to providing them with christian teaching, civilization, or justice. he saw them only when he collected his tribute, without caring about them all the rest of the year, and without trying to do them any good, as he was bound to do. the religious had many times conferred about the conversion of these poor people, but their purposes had never taken effect until this year, when the religious came from españa; and then preachers were sent to them. that it might be possible to reach them, the inhabitants of many islands were gathered on one, where they could more conveniently be taught; they were baptized, and became very good christians. in this way the great labor was somewhat diminished, and the religious were enabled to bear the almost total absence of comfort among them; for they were imprisoned on a small island from which during many months of the year it was impossible to have any communication with other people. the land was so scanty and in every way so poor that it did not produce even enough rice for the food of the inhabitants; but yielded only borona and other grains of less excellence than rice, or even something inferior to this. the people generally sustained themselves on roots, potatoes, and such things. if this fails, as often happens, it is necessary for the religious to support them by giving them the little they themselves have, and asking alms from the other convents of nueva segovia. all this was evident before the religious went to convert them, as was also the inconvenience which results if the religious are ill--as they must inevitably be much of the time--for there is no physician there, nor are there any medicines; and for nearly half the year it is not possible for a religious to go thence to be cared for where he can have them, or even to send a letter. during this period this sea is not navigable, for it is very stormy; and the boats which they have there, being the boats of poor persons, are small. yet all this, and the fact that those natives have a different language from all the rest, and many other inconveniences which they suffered there, the religious bore with pleasure, being good and devout christians. they are in two little villages, with a church and a convent in each, sufficient for its needs. though the indians provided the labor, all the rest was a gift which the religious had made and are making to them. since they had religious, there have been several attacks of smallpox in various years, which is almost like a plague among the indians--attacking practically all of them, and being very fatal. on these occasions great numbers of baptized children have gone to heaven; and there have been many cases of the special providence with which the lord takes hence those who are predestinated. the love and devotion with which the ministers strive for their salvation is so great that he only who has seen it can believe it. on the one hand the people were good christians, humble and devout, and on the other hand so poor and needy that it seemed as if the people and their country had been rejected by all lands and men. hence the religious, taking them in charge, pitied their miseries and strove to provide relief for them in both their temporal and their more important spiritual necessities. thus, in times of need, the religious have come to nueva segovia to ask alms from house to house, sometimes undergoing manifest danger of drowning to help these indians. as for their souls, the care which they take of them may be inferred from the following case. the principal minister, father fray jacintho de san geronimo, learned that a poor woman was in the fields about to give birth to a child. she had not come to the village, as they commonly do, perhaps because she could not. the religious pitied her, and went to find her and bring her to the town, so that in her need she might find someone to help her when she should be delivered. with all this solicitude it took him some days to find her, so far away from all companionship did she live. when she had been brought to the village she was provided for by the religious, and brought forth two children. they were baptized by the religious, and both died within a short time, going to enjoy god forever because of the devoted care given to them by their spiritual father while their natural parents left them on the road to perdition; for without doubt they would have been lost, if the religious had not had the mother brought to the village for her delivery. chapter xiiii the capture of father fray juan de santo domingo, and his happy death in prison in japon [after the death of safioye, other enemies of christianity held the government of nagasaki. with great acuteness the persecutors set about capturing the religious who were concealed in the city. on the thirteenth of december, 1618, they found two convents and captured four religious, two of our order, fray angel ferrer and fray juan de sancto domingo, with some japanese. at the same time they captured father carlos espinola and brother ambrosio hernandez of the society of jesus, with their portuguese landlord. the fathers, on being interrogated, confessed who they were. the two japanese youths, the servants of the religious, whom the judges desired to set free, insisted that they were christians, and declared that they were not ignorant of the profession of the religious, so that the judges were obliged to imprison them. the japanese christians crowded in and shouted, and some of them made a bold confession of faith. the persecution of the christians throughout the kingdom of japon increased greatly in severity, but the christians protected the fathers and did not give them up. even in the midst of the persecution many were converted and baptized, and other religious came into the kingdom to carry on the work. the fathers in prison were treated with great severity. father fray juan de sancto domingo fell ill in prison, and finally died there. his imprisoned brethren desired to keep his body as that of a saint; but, being unable to do so, cut off a foot and a hand, keeping them for their comfort. the japanese took the body, intending to burn it and to scatter the ashes in the sea; but though they built a great funeral pyre they were unable to burn it, and finally threw it into the ocean, weighted with chains. the holy martyr was a native of castilla la vieja, of the region of campos near sanabria, and assumed the habit in the convent of san estevan at salamanca. he came to this holy province in the year 1601. he was assigned to the ministry of bataan, where he learned the language quickly, as he did also the language of pampanga. hence he was sent to pangasinan, where he learned a third indian language. when he was afterward sent to preach the holy gospel in the kingdom of corea, he remained in japon to assist the afflicted christians there, being persuaded to do so by the holy fray francisco de morales. he was engaged in the occupation of learning the japanese language when he was captured by the persecutors.] chapter xv the intermediate chapter, and the death of father fray juan de leyva in the year of our lord 1619 the intermediate chapter in the term of father fray melchior de mançano was held, on the twentieth of april, in the convent of our father st. dominic at nueva segovia. in it many important ordinances were passed, which were of assistance in supporting the observance of the rules and in making illustrious our order. this was the first provincial chapter held in that province [i.e., of nueva segovia], and it was accordingly conducted with much dignity and was attended by many of the religious of this province. their number was great, but greater was the divine providence and the paternal affection with which the lord sustained them, showing forth his greatness so plainly that it was obvious to all that he it was who provided the religious with their daily food. [during the session of the chapter, there was a wonderful catch of excellent fish called taraquitos. [22] on this occasion they were so large that they weighed ninety libras, and so abundant that they sufficed not only for the whole chapter, but for all the spaniards. all that beheld this were amazed, because the fish of this kind which had hitherto been caught there were but few and small, never weighing more than four libras. no fish so large, and no such numbers of these fish, had been seen before, or were seen afterwards. the very chinese fishermen who were heathen were the most amazed; for being desirous of continuing the fishery for gain after the close of the chapter, they did not catch a single fish of this kind.] in this provincial chapter was received and incorporated into the province the college of sancto thomas at manila, which had been in process of erection for some years, and was now ready to be occupied. the first man to plan this great work was the archbishop of manila, don fray miguel de benavides. being a learned and a holy man, he was grieved that there was in his province no fixed and regular school of learning--as there was not at that time, the fathers contenting themselves with carrying on instruction when there was need of it. this was only when among the religious who came from españa there were some who had not finished their studies; and in such cases they were given to masters to teach them. the places of masters were filled with as much system as in the schools in españa, by the fathers fray juan cobo, fray juan de san pedro martyr, fray francisco de morales, and others. when the religious had completed their courses, the schools were brought to an end; and the masters with their pupils, who were now sufficiently instructed, went to preach the gospel to these peoples. this was the end for which schools were established, and for which both pupils and teachers had come from españa, many of them leaving behind them the chairs from which they lectured--coming here not to lecture, but to convert souls. all this did not satisfy the great mind and the charitable heart of the archbishop. he declared that lecturing and teaching were matters of great importance in the order of st. dominic, and were ordained to a lofty end; and that they had as their purpose not only ministering and preaching the gospel, but also the creation of ministers and preachers, which is a superior and creative work, as the degree of the bishops is superior to that of the priests. therefore, though the priests have the lofty duty of consecrating and offering the most sacred body of christ, the bishops are those who make these priests. likewise the lecturers and masters of theology in this land surpass the ministers and preachers of the gospel, since with their teaching they make them fit for this very office. on this account lecturers might well come from españa to lecture in this country, to their own great advantage; since in españa they make preachers for that kingdom, where there is not so great a need of persons to preach, and where the effect of their sermons is not so great or so certain as here. further--and this he repeated many times--our constitutions, made after consideration and reflection upon this matter, require that there should be no convent of ours in which there is not a doctor or master who is actually engaged in teaching; they require that in the provinces there shall be organized, settled, and permanent schools of higher learning. hence, as our province lays so great stress upon the observance of our sacred constitutions, it ought not to regard itself as released from the obligation to carry out this one. this requirement, as is evident from the constitutions themselves, is one of the most important and one for which a very special observance and regard is commanded. with this argument he convinced the minds of the religious, and they began to try to establish the schools. the death of the archbishop soon occurred, after he had held his office for only two years. he did what he could by leaving to this work his library and all that he had, the whole of which, as befitted one vowed to poverty, came to only two thousand pesos. however, it did much toward making a beginning to this holy and necessary work. this institution was so beneficial to his archbishopric that it may be said that since it was established there are competitors for benefices, who have studied so that they may be able to hold them; while previously there were no such persons, and even no persons who desired to study--because, since no one had studied, it was necessary to appoint men to benefices, even if they had not learning. on this account they did not understand the obligation which rested upon them if they received the benefices, and were unwilling to spend time or labor upon study when they could obtain benefices without. since the establishment of this college there are competitors for benefices who have studied; and hence those who come into competition with them are obliged to study--being certain that a benefice will not be taken away from a good student to give it to one who has no knowledge. after this good beginning made by the archbishop, the province entrusted to the holy fray bernardo de sancta catalina the care of this work. since he was beloved and esteemed by all, there were many to aid him with great benefactions. everything that was given was bestowed without any conditions, though the college keeps these benefactions in memory--feeling obliged to commend the benefactors to god all the more carefully, on account of the confidence in the religious which they showed. this was so great that they asked for no more security than their own knowledge that the religious would do this for them, which was without doubt a better security than any other that they could ask in return for their benefactions. the building was begun and the college was founded during the term of the father provincial fray baltasar fort. the title of founder was given to him who was the cause of the foundation and who gave the first gift for that purpose. this was, as has been said, the archbishop don fray miguel de venavides, as appears from the document of foundation which is in the same college. some years later the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray diego de soria, being near to death, left to the college his library, and three thousand eight hundred pesos which he possessed. with this sum the building was continued, and in this year [i.e., 1619] on the day of the assumption of our lady, twelve lay collegians entered on residence. father fray balthasar fort was appointed as rector, with two lecturers in theology, one in arts, and one in grammar; and the college was opened with great formality, and with the same care and attention as in the best institutions in españa. the lecturers and the rector had all been trained in distinguished schools belonging to our religious order; and they carried on their lectures, conferences, and other academic exercises in the same manner in which they had followed the courses in españa. the same system has been persevered in and carried further. afterward, to encourage the students, the sanction of his majesty and a brief from the supreme pontiff were obtained, granting this college authority to give all the degrees which are given in other universities, with all the privileges which the graduates of those universities have throughout the indias. the students have performed their exercises for graduation as brilliantly as they could be performed in the best conducted universities in españa; and the examination is regarded as even more rigorous, in the judgment of many persons of authority who have seen both of them. the income of the college has increased steadily with the course of time, in proportion to the number of collegians, of whom there are now usually about thirty; and in buildings, income, and instruction, the college may compete with the finest in españa. [in the month of october in the same year, father fray juan de leyva died in the province of nueva segovia. father fray juan was a native of la rioja, and was born in a village named grañon. he lost his mother when he was a very young child, but had been so carefully trained in the devotion of our lady, that he immediately chose her as his mother. he left his own country while very young, and went to madrid, the country of all, being commended to an honorable person who took him thence to valencia del cid. here by the death of his benefactor or from some other cause he was left alone, a child of twelve in a strange country. he determined to make his way back to madrid on foot. he reached the convent of our lady at atocha, where he was overcome with fatigue. in response to his prayers, our lady opened the way to him to enter the convent of our lady at atocha, by the patronage of a noble person. he was an excellent student, and as such was sent to our college of sancto thomas at alcala. here in the year 1605 he heard the voice that called him to the mission of the philippinas, and he was most humble and obedient. after he had begun to study the language of the chinese in the mission of binondoc, he was called upon to go to nueva segovia because of the need of religious there; and he uncomplainingly obeyed, without giving a thought to the great amount of labor which he had given to learning the new language which he now laid aside. he succeeded well with the language of nueva segovia, although on account of his age it was difficult for him to learn it. he was most devoted to the care of the altars, the adornment of the church, and the holy sacraments. when he gave extreme unction, he was accustomed to wash with his own hands the feet of the indian who was to receive the sacrament. he never entrusted the lamp of the most holy sacrament to boys, but himself provided it with oil, raised the wick, and cleaned the vessel. he was most constant in prayer, adding an hour to the two hours universally observed in the province; and he usually made this hour so long that it lasted from one to five, at which time he went to complines. he was so sparing in eating that the little which he ate at a meal often lasted him for twenty-four hours, so that in time his stomach came to be so reduced in size that any little thing overloaded it. he was prior of the convent of manila, and definitor in a provincial chapter. being elected as procurator, he was unable to fulfil his office, inasmuch as the vessel in which he was to go did not sail. he therefore returned to his indians in nueva segovia. here by his hand the lord wrought miraculous works, granting children to childless parents and healing the sick. he died a holy death, and was honorably mentioned in the provincial chapter that followed.] toward the end of november in this year, on st. andrew's day, a terrible earthquake occurred in these islands. it extended from manila to the extreme limits of the province of nueva segovia, a distance of two hundred leguas. this earthquake, which was such as had never been seen before, did great damage throughout all of this region and made a great impression. in the province of ylocos palm-trees were buried, leaving only their tops above the ground. some mountains struck against others, with the great force of the earthquake, overthrowing many buildings and killing people. its greatest violence was in nueva segovia, where the mountains opened and new fountains of water were uncovered. the earth vomited out great masses of sand, and trembled so that people could not stand on their feet, but sat on the ground; and were as seasick on land as if they had been in a ship at sea in a storm. in the high lands of the indians named mandayas [23] a mountain fell and, catching a village below it, overwhelmed it and killed the inhabitants. one large tract of land near the river which previously had contained little mountains, as it were, most of it being at a considerable elevation, sank downward, and is now almost level with the margin of the water. the movement in the bed of the river was so great that it raised waves like those at sea, or such as are aroused by the blasts of a furious wind. the stone buildings suffered the greatest damage. our church and convent in the city were totally overthrown, the very foundations giving way in places, because of the sinking of the earth. it was no small comfort to be able to find the most holy sacrament in this most pitiful ruin, with the consecrated loaves unbroken and unharmed. there were nine religious at that time in the convent, three of whom were outside of the house--the rest escaping, not without a special providence of god. father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios was protected in the arch of a window, everything on all sides of him having fallen. there were persons who declared that they had seen above the walls of the enclosure a matron in the dress and mantle which our lady is accustomed to wear. it was no new thing for the sovereign princess to come to the protection of her friars in their great distress; but because of the great disturbance, and the carelessness ordinarily shown about such things in religious orders, the verification of these facts was neglected. only one religious, named fray juan de san lorenço, [24] who was sick in bed, had his arm broken by a beam which fell upon it; and only one indian boy who was waiting upon him was killed. this religious lived for some years, and offered a noble example of patience in enduring the cruel miseries and the terrible pains occasioned by the blow, of which he finally died. chapter xvi some very virtuous fathers who died at this time [in the hospice belonging to the province in the city of mexico, there died at this time father fray athanasio de moya, a near relative of the holy archbishop of valencia, don fray thomas de villanueva. he assumed the habit in the royal convent of sancta cruz at segovia, where he showed great courage and devotion in the great plague of 1599. in 1601 he came to this province, and was assigned to the ministry of bataan. from here he was sent back to care for the hospice of san jacintho at mexico, where he constantly followed the rigorous rules of the province of the philippinas. in the next vessels which left for nueva españa the superior of this province sent father fray juan naya to take the place of the father who had just died. the lord, who had carried father fray juan throughout his life through great sufferings, ordained that he should not fight the last fight in the delightful clime of mexico; and hence was pleased to take him to himself before the voyage to nueva españa was concluded. he was a native of aragon, and assumed the habit of the order in our convent of san pedro martyr at calatayud. his proficiency and scholarship was such, and such was his virtue, that he was appointed master of novices while still very young. the lord wrought miracles through him. he cast out a demon from a sick woman in españa; was miraculously protected from death on the island of guadalupe; and was delivered from an illness which afflicted him in the philippinas, by [making a vow to our lady, as follows:] "i, fray juan naya, being afflicted by this severe infirmity, and seeing that i am very much hindered from carrying on the ministry for which i came from españa, vow and promise, as humbly and devoutly as i may, to the most blessed virgin mary, my lady, that i will minister to the indians in this ministry, remaining and assisting in it at the command of my superior, in reverence and honor for this most sacred virgin, my lady, for seven continuous years from the day of her visitation, the second of july, 1605, if she will deign to obtain for me from her most holy son, our lord jesus christ, comfortable and sufficient health for me to be able to accomplish that which is necessary in this ministry; and i vow that, if i shall gain this health, i will exercise the ministry." this humble supplication was heard at that tribunal of mercy, and our lady of compassion granted him his health so completely that at the end of the month he was well and strong enough to learn the language, and in three months was fit to render service and labor in it. as a memorial of this marvelous goodness, he kept this vow written in his breviary, and, as often as he read it there, he used always to give devout thanks to her who had gained that health for him; and with great devotion he fulfilled his vow, to the great gain of the indians in this province. at the end of the seven years he was afflicted with a flux of the bowels, with abundance of blood; and on the same day of the visitation he made another vow to serve four years more in the ministry in the honor of this lady. he received complete health, so that he was able to labor in it for that time and much longer, as one of the best of the ministers of religion, giving a great example of holiness and virtue wherever he was. when he was living in the district of ytabes, in a village of that province named tuao, he was once burying a dead man in the cemetery when a venomous snake came out from the grass and, amid the noise and alarm of the people, entered between his leg and his breeches--which was an easy thing for the snake to do, since these garments are worn loose in this province and resemble polainas. [25] although the indians, who knew how poisonous the snake was, cried out and gave him over for dead, father fray juan continued with the act which he was performing, because of his duty as a religious, until he had finished burying the indian; and then, putting his hand in his breeches, he caught the snake by the neck, and drew it out and threw it away, without receiving any harm from it. [when father fray juan was vicar of yrraya, and was living in a village called abuatan, a fire broke out. father fray juan threw himself on his knees and prayed that the fire should turn away from the village, as it did--making its way straight toward the tambobos, or granaries where the indians kept their food, the loss of which would have been a greater damage than the burning of the village. in response to the prayers of father fray juan, the wind fell and the fire ceased. on one occasion his guardian angel came to accompany him in his prayers. when he was assigned to the vicariate of san jacintho at mexico, he embarked in the flagship sent back that year, in which more than sixty persons died because of the hardships and length of the voyage. father fray juan was attacked by some malignant fevers, and when he asked for extreme unction, on the day of st. john the evangelist, the sailors were so much alarmed at the fear of losing his prayers that they declared that if he died they would not continue their voyage, but would go back to the island of the ladrones, that they might not perish in the dreadful storms to which they would be exposed if they had not the aid and comfort of father fray juan. at the demand of the sailors, the general asked father fray juan if they should continue their voyage. the sick man was grieved at being asked that which was reserved for god alone; but he was persuaded to tell what god had given him to know, and made a sign for them to go on. his poor possessions were shared among those of the ship as precious relics; and on the octave of st. john, on the third of january, 1620, a fair wind began to blow. the sailors cried out joyfully: "father fray juan has seen god, and has sent us fair weather." on the seventh of the same month, they began to descry signs of land coming from the coast of nueva españa, whereupon they regarded as fulfilled that which the holy religious had promised them. father fray gaspar zarfate was a native of the city of mexico, and assumed the habit and professed in the convent of that city. he was a teacher of the arts in the convent at puebla de los angeles, whence he volunteered to come to this province. he reached the islands in 1595, and was one of the first founders of christianity in the province of nueva segovia. here he labored much, with great results. he devoted himself to the study of the language of the indians in that region, and his attainments in it were very great. he was the first to make a grammar of this language, and he knew a very large number of words in it. thus he opened the way for the other religious, that they might as a result of his labors more easily learn this language, and preach the holy gospel in it. he was most penitent and devoted to prayer; and so completely master of his passions that, though by nature he was very choleric, he seemed excessively phlegmatic. at one time when he was vicar of camalaniugan an indian saw our father st. dominic praying in his company, and surrounded by light from heaven. in the village of nasiping it was said that father fray gaspar had raised a child from the dead. the verification of this matter was neglected, but father fray gaspar's reputation for sanctity was such that no one regarded the statement as incredible. he was made preacher-general of the province, in which there was only one such preacher. he was definitor, vicar-provincial, and twice prior of the convent of manila, in which city he had the name of "the holy prior." he suffered greatly from a urinary disease, from which he finally died. he received honorable mention on the records of the provincial chapter during this same year.] chapter xvii the election as provincial of father fray miguel ruiz, and events in the province at this time on the first of may, 1621, father fray miguel ruiz was elected as provincial, to the great satisfaction of the province. he was a son of the royal convent of sancta cruz at segovia; and at the time of his election was prior of the convent of manila, which position he had held twice. he exhibited in it and in other important dignities the excellent qualities which are desired in a good superior--much virtue and learning, great prudence, and natural gravity and kindness, which, while rendering him much beloved, did not allow others to lose respect for him. in this chapter many ordinances were enacted which were helpful for the quiet and calm of the religious. during this year two religious went from nueva segovia to japon, and, after having suffered much in that kingdom, they had the fortunate end of glorious martyrdom--being burnt alive by a slow fire, as will be seen later. a fortunate provincialate was promised because it had begun so joyfully; for at that time the verification of a most famous miracle wrought by our lady of the rosary was being concluded. she went, in her holy image which she had in the convent of manila, to give aid. (as she did most marvelously) to a votary of hers by the name of francisco lopez, who called upon her in the extreme necessity of his soul. the narrative, with the most marvelous circumstances which accompanied her act, has already been given in the part of this history which treats of the foundation of this convent--where something has also been narrated with regard to the great deeds of this most holy image, and some account has been given of the innumerable miracles which it has wrought and still works. among them this, which was the most famous, has been described. [26] on account of it, this most holy image was brought out during the procession which was made to the cathedral on the first sunday of the chapter-meeting, and with its beauty and the special joy of that day, the city was filled with delight and devotion. the miracle was made the subject of sermons, and was painted upon a canvas, and thus the devotion of all to this sovereign lady was greatly increased; and she, as if by grace omnipotent, from that day forward conferred more and greater favors on her votaries. she so greatly multiplied the working of manifest miracles that, although many of them have been recounted in the place referred to, there were incomparably more which were omitted on account of their number; and she has never ceased and will never cease to work the like marvels, until the devotion of this city for her shall cease. this provincialate was also very happy in the great number of holy martyrs which the province had during it. a detailed account of them will be given, so far as we have been able to learn the facts, though many great and edifying matters must remain in silence because the disturbances of the persecution gave no opportunity for verifying them. yet that which is certain is so much that it alone would be sufficient to give glory to an entire religious order; and how much more to a small province--so small that there were many convents in españa which alone contained more religious than this entire province. under all these circumstances, for the lord to give so many and so great saints to it is a special mercy; and however much we may strive to praise and give thanks for it, our praise and gratitude will never reach the obligation, which is far and beyond measure above our feeble strength. all these new causes of joy were necessary to temper the sorrow caused among the religious of this province by the rising of a large number of indians, which happened on the sixth of november in this year in the most distant parts of the province of nueva segovia, in the region known as yrraya. on the friday before, a very large and beautiful cross had been set up in the court or cemetery of the church in the largest village there, which was called abuatan. at this time the indians gave every evidence of joy and pleasure and even of devotion to the lord who redeemed us on the cross; but on the following sunday, instigated by the devil, they burnt their churches and villages, and avowed themselves enemies of the spaniards, and even of god, whom they left that they might return to their ancient sites to serve the devil in exchange for the enjoyments of the liberties and vices of their heathen state. practically all those in this village, and many of those in another near it called pilitan, belonged to a tribe called gadanes. [27] this tribe was always regarded as one on a lower plane of civilization than the others, and more devoted to freedom, and enemies to subjection; for they were a race bred in the most distant mountains and the wildernesses of that province, and they had less communication and commerce than did the other tribes--not only with the spaniards, but even with the rest of the indians. it was these gadanes, then, who became restless, and disquieted the other inhabitants of that region, though these others had always been very faithful to god and the spaniards. they had even sustained many bloody wars with the neighbors by whom they were surrounded that they might not be lacking in the friendship which they had with the spaniards, or in the subjection which they had promised them. but now these revolted and joined the insurgents, partly as the result of force applied by the gadanes--for the latter greatly excelled them in numbers, and caught them unprepared for defense--and partly also carried away by their own natural desire for liberty, to which they were invited by the safety of the mountains to which they proposed to go. the mountains, being very rough, offered opportunities for easy defense; and, being very fertile, promised them an abundant living. the gadanes had planned this revolt far ahead, and had appointed a day for it to occur some time later. their purpose was to try to get back first certain chiefs who were held as hostages in the city of the spaniards; and they had already sent there one of their chiefs, named saquin, who had the influence of a father over the rest, that he might bring away these chiefs, with great dissimulation and pretended arguments of necessity. it happened that the father vicar of abuatan had grown weary of his work, and wished to resign his office. he had gone down at that time to the city to ask the father provincial, who happened to be there then, to give this office to someone else and to permit him to take some rest by being under his directions. the gadanes, accused by their own bad consciences, supposed that he had detected their purpose of rising, and had gone down to ask for soldiers to prevent it. in fear of interference, they hastened on their treacherous act; and, without waiting for the appointed period, or for the return of him who had gone down for the hostages (their relatives), they decided to rise at once. without further deliberation or delay, they began active operations. father fray alonso hernandez, who was at abuatan, heard the tumult; and being above measure sad at what was happening, he tried his best to quiet them. he told them how foolish their proceedings were, and how they were deceived by the devil, not only as to the good of their souls, but also as to the many temporal advantages, which they possessed in their trade, with the spaniards as well as with the rest of the indians--in which they gained so much that they were the richest and most prosperous indians in all that region. all this, he said, and their own quiet, peace, and comfort would be destroyed by their rising; while if they would keep quiet they would preserve it all, for he assured them that no harm would happen to them for what they intended to do. but the chiefs who led the insurgents said to him that he should not waste his time by talking about this; and that it was now too late, since they were determined to carry on what they had begun. "what is it that moves you," said the religious, "to so imprudent an act? if the religious have done you any wrong, you have me here in your power; revenge it upon me, take my life in pay for it, and do not cast away your souls." "it is not because of any wrong from the religious, or resentment toward them," said the indians, "but because we are weary of the oppressive acts of the spaniards. depart hence in peace; for though it is true that our rising is not against the religious, we cannot promise that some drunken indian may not try to take off your head." the religious perceived the obstinacy of the gadanes, and the fact that arguments would be useless in this matter, and went away to watch over the village of pilitan, which was under his care. he found it quiet, but that peace continued for a very short time; for presently--this was early sunday morning--he heard a very great noise and a loud indian war-cry. they came in a crowd, after their ancient custom, naked, and thickly anointed with oil, and with weapons in their hands. it was the insurgents from abuatan, coming to force the indians of pilitan to join the uprising, in order that they might have more strength to resist the spaniards when the latter should make war upon them to bring them to subjection. one of the chiefs who were leading the insurgents, named don phelippe cutapay, a young man of about twenty-three, came forward. he had been brought up from infancy in the church with the religious, and when he was a mere child had aided in mass as sacristan, and afterward as cantor; and at this time he was governor of abuatan. he went direct to the church to speak to the religious, intending to inform him as to what they were about to do, and to advise him to go down the river, for fear that someone might get beyond control and harm him. while he was talking with the religious in the cloister, his elder brother, named don gabriel dayag, who was acting as guide to the others, came in. being somewhat nervous and excited, he approached the religious with little courtesy; cutapay rebuked him for the way in which he was acting, saying to him that he should remember that he was before the father, to whom he owed more respect. the elder brother answered: "cutapay, if our minds are divided we shall do nothing;" however, he grew calm and behaved respectfully in the presence of the religious. the shouting increased, and there were now in the courtyard of the church about eight hundred indians armed and prepared for battle. the religious roused his courage, and, laying aside all fear, went out to them; and standing in the midst of this multitude, as a sheep among wolves, he caused them to sit down, and addressed them for more than an hour. he urged upon them what would be for their good, and strove to persuade them to see the great error into which they were falling. among other things in the utterances which the lord is accustomed to impart under such circumstances, he said: "my sons, among whom i have so long been, and to whom i have so many years preached the true doctrine, which you ought to follow, and have taught you that which you ought to observe for the good of your souls, i am greatly grieved to see the mistaken path which you take, casting yourselves over precipices where destruction is certain, and from which your rescue is difficult. if your wish to run away is on account of the bad treatment which you have received from us religious--and from me in particular, as being less prudent than others--here you have me alone and defenseless. slay me then, slay me, and do not cast away your souls. let me pay with my life the evil which you are about to do; and do not lose your faith and your hope of salvation, nor pay in hell for the sin of this uprising, and for the many sins which you will add to it in your revolt." some of them made the same answer as before; that they had not done this because of ill-will toward the religious; but on the contrary, they felt for them affection and love, and therefore did not intend to do them any harm. this they said was plain because, although they had him alone in the midst of them, no one was rude to him, but even in the midst of the tumult showed him respect. "the reason of our uprising," they said, "is that we are weary of the oppressions of the spaniards; and if you or any other religious desire to come to our villages, any one of you may come whenever he pleases, providing he does not bring a spaniard." the religious responded by offering that the spaniards would do them no harm, especially for what they had already done, promising himself to remain among them as security, so that they might take away his life if the least harm should come to them from that cause. but they were very far indeed from accepting this good advice; and some of them went away and set fire to some houses, upon which a great outcry arose in the village. cutapay stood up and greatly blamed what had been done, saying that it was very ill considered and a daring outrage to set fire. "i call your attention," he said, "to the fact that the father is in the village; and so long as he is here nothing should be done to grieve him;" and he commanded people to go and put out the fire and to calm the village. the religious began to preach to them again; but, though there were so many people before him, he was preaching in the desert, and hence could accomplish nothing with them. they asked the father to depart, and to take with him the silver and ornaments of the sacristy of this church and of that of abuatan. this was no small generosity from an excited body of insurgents. they provided him with boats, and men to row them, and the friars went down the river to the friendly villages. the insurgents immediately began to commit a thousand extravagances. they set fire to the houses, they drank, and they annoyed the people in the village. if any were unwilling to join them, they threatened them with death by holding lances to their breasts. the result was that many joined them, being forced by the fear of instant death, and waiting for a better time when they could again have religious. a few of them succeeded in hiding, and going down the river after the fathers, some leaving their sons and others their fathers. there was one chief who, despising his wealth and his gold, left it all and came with the religious, taking with him only his wife. his name was don bernabe lumaban. doña agustina pamma, who was a member of one of the most noble families of the region and the wife of one of the chiefs, hid herself in a marsh--standing in it up to her neck that she might be left behind, and might go to a christian village. however, she was discovered, and was taken along by the insurgents. but the lord did not fail to reward her pious desires, for within a few years she accomplished them, and lived for a long time, as she desired, in the church. the insurgents did not cease until they had roused all the villages in their vicinity. as men abandoned of god and directed by the devil, they were guilty of horrible sacrileges. in the village of abuatan they sacked the church and the sacristy, and made a jest and derision of the things which they found there. they treated irreverently that which they had a little before reverenced: the women put on the frontals as petticoats [sayas], and of the corporals and the palls of the chalices they made head-kerchiefs. they dressed themselves in the habits of the religious, and even went so far as to lose their respect for the image of the virgin. the feet and hands of this image were of ivory, and it was one of the most beautiful in all that province and in all the islands. there was one man who dared to give it a slash across the nose, saying, "let us see if she will bleed." they also committed other sacrileges, and even greater ones, as a barbarous tribe of apostates. afterward an indian, finding an opportunity to flee from them to a catholic region, did so; and he went not alone, for he carried with him the holy image of the virgin of the rosary which had been slashed across the face. although it was received with great rejoicings by the christians, they could but shed many tears to see it so outraged. all this grieved the hearts of the religious who had trained and taught them, and who now saw them lost irremediably and without reason; for although they said that they could not endure the oppressions of the spaniards, these were not so great but that the profit which the indians gained by their commerce with them was very much greater. the man who at that time used to collect the tributes was so kind a man and so good a christian that, confident of his own innocence and of the fact that he had never wronged them, he went up when he heard this news, to try to bring them back by argument; but they no sooner saw him than they killed him. one of those who were most grieved by this disastrous uprising was father fray pedro de sancto thomas, for he had dwelt for a long time among this tribe, and had been the vicar and superior of those churches, and loved each one of the insurgents as his spiritual son. hence this misfortune hurt his soul, and he determined to strive to remedy this great evil as completely as he could, without shrinking from any danger or effort for the purpose. the places where the insurgents had betaken themselves had been selected as particularly strong and secure, and were in the midst of mountains so high and so craggy that they might be defended from the spaniards, if the latter should try to bring them back or to punish them. hence the journey to them was long and excessively difficult. yet in spite of this, without hesitating at the hardships of the road, and at the great danger which he ran by passing through villages of other indians--with whom he was not acquainted, and who were generally looking out for an opportunity to cut off some head without running any risk--he made his way through everything, went among them alone, and tried to arrange for bringing them back, and made agreements with them. no spaniard dared appear among them, for they were certain to kill him, but father fray pedro was admitted and entertained; and in the following year, 1622, he brought back in peace with him some three hundred households of those who had rebelled. these had gone with the body of insurgents from the villages of pilitan and bolo. most of them had been compelled to do so, as has been said, and they were accordingly brought back as a result of the earnest efforts and the courageous boldness of father fray pedro. returning to a pacified region, they were settled at the mouth of the river of maquila. after this was accomplished, he went further up the river of balisi, where it was most difficult, with the alcade-mayor and the troops who were advancing against the rebels. he went before, trusting in god, to speak with the enemy; and he was so confident that he was able to say, like st. martin among the highwaymen, that he had never had less fear in all his life, because fear had been taken from him by the lord, for whose sake he had placed himself in this situation. the leader of the revolted enemy, don gabriel dayag, came to him and kissed his scapular with great reverence, and embraced him. repenting for what he had done, don gabriel planned to return; and although at that time he did not carry out this project, he finally came down in peace later, and revealed to the father some ambuscades on the road in some dangerous passes where the indians intended to kill the spanish soldiers, which danger was avoided by his information. at that time this father was vicar-provincial, and, that he might be able to have more time to attend to these necessary and arduous labors, the provincial relieved him from the office--to the great satisfaction of father fray pedro, who esteemed most highly that which was most laborious and least honorable. he paid little attention to his bodily health, all his solicitude being given to the spiritual health of himself and his fellow-men. he treated himself very ill, and would take no comfort even when he needed it. he never complained when he was suffering from illness, until the increase of the disease obliged him to keep his bed, in a condition of such infirmity that, even when in bed, he was unable to move. the hardships which he endured at this time by going (always on foot) over very difficult paths were most trying. the heat of the sun was terrible; he was obliged to be awake much; and he had but little food, and that bad--so that nothing could be looked for except a severe illness or death. he was reduced to skin and bones, and yet he strove to give himself spirit to return to that destroyed vineyard, that he might restore it to its ancient beauty and verdure; but his exhausted strength was insufficient to resist so severe a disease, and they accordingly had him carried down to be cared for in the city of nueva segovia. the medicines, however, came so late that he was no longer susceptible to them. being nothing but skin and bone, he was like a living image of death. he was greatly grieved by his sickness, and his grief was greater since the disease immediately exhibited its deadly malice; yet it was not a rapid one, and hence he had time for preparation for the dreadful journey. he received the holy sacraments very calmly, and he made his confession quite at leisure. since it was the last one, and there were now no stumbles to be feared, he declared that he went from this world in the virginal purity with which he had entered it. he died on the day of st. peter the apostle; on that day he assumed the religious habit; and finally, on that day he ended this miserable life, in the hope of going to eternal felicity by the aid of that same holy apostle, to whom he had always been devoted. this father was a son of the convent of villaescusa, and, after a life in españa in which he had a special reputation for virtue, he continued the same course in this province, with great spiritual progress, for more than twenty years. he was always beloved by all, and always distinguished in his labors for the spiritual good of his fellow-men--not only in yrraya, but wherever he lived. this was especially true in the district of malagueg, where another uprising occurred, and where, though he was in great danger of being slain by the insurgents, he showed great courage and readiness to die for the holy gospel. but here the lord delivered him for more labors, greater merits, and higher glory. in the provincial chapter which followed, the following record was entered on the minutes: "in the convent of our father st. dominic at nueva segovia, died the reverend father fray pedro de sancto thomas, an aged priest and father, vicar of yrraya. he was beloved by god and man, and most observant of the rules of the order; and, although he suffered from disease, yet he underwent the greatest hardships for the conversion of the indians and for sustaining them in the faith." chapter xviii the voyage of the holy fray luis flores to the kingdom of japon [father fray luis flores was for many years engaged in the ministry to the indians of nueva segovia. though his work was rewarded with much fruit, he felt that it was not such as he desired it to be; and he asked and received license to return to manila, where, by devoting himself to prayer and the reading of holy books, his soul might obtain strength to be more fit for his labors. while he was living in the convent in great quietude of spirit, the news of the imprisonment of some of our religious in japon reached manila; and--like that antonius who, in the time of constantius the arian emperor, [28] left the desert and went to alexandria to confound the heretics--father fray luis determined to leave his beloved quiet and to go to japon. having received permission to go on this enterprise, he departed without having had any companion assigned to him. god provided one in the person of father fray pedro de zuñiga, [29] an augustinian friar who had been driven from japon at the time of the banishment of the religious. they embarked as secretly as they could, june 5, 1620. they dressed themselves in secular habits, and disguised themselves as completely as possible. they met with storms and contrary winds, and were obliged to land at macan to renew their stores. they reëmbarked july 2, and on st. magdalen's day anchored off the island of hermosa to get wood and water. they were still within sight of the island when they were captured by a ship of dutch pirates. the japanese, when they saw that these were dutch, were at ease because of the peace between the dutch and the japanese; but the fathers and the two spanish passengers aboard were in great fear, because of the mortal enmity between the dutch and the spanish. the japanese tried to hide them in the cargo, which was almost entirely composed of the hides of deer, many of which are bought by the japanese in the philippinas to be made into breeches. the moisture caused the stench from the skins to be horrible, and the fathers suffered much from it during the day and night while they were there. the dutch caught them and, suspecting them of being religious, offered them meat to eat on friday, and tried them with theological arguments. they also made prize of the ship and cargo, for carrying spanish friars. there were seven other vessels, dutch and english, with whom they divided their captives and their booty. the fathers were threatened with death, and the letters accrediting them to the religious orders in japon were found. although these were in cipher, they increased the suspicion against them. on the fourth of august they landed in the port of firando in japon, where the dutch and english had their factories. they were subjected to a most rigorous imprisonment and to very severe treatment, being stripped to their waists with their hands tied behind their backs, and their feet fastened to some small cannon. the spanish and japanese christians in nangasaqui were greatly grieved when they heard of the imprisonment of the religious; and made plans to rescue them, which came to nothing. the dutch were desirous of giving their prisoners to the emperor, for they wished, as he did, to root out christianity from japon, and at the same time to bring to an end all commerce between the japanese and the spaniards, hoping in this way to have the commerce to themselves, and caring nothing for the loss of all these souls.] chapter xix the many efforts made for the rescue of the prisoners without any good results, and rather to their cost; the martyrdom of the prisoners. [several of the fathers who were in japon made efforts to rescue the prisoners. at one time father fray pedro de zuñiga and the two spaniards were slipped past the guard, but were soon caught again and driven back. when the japanese sent to ask if they were religious, father fray luis sent an answer complaining of the dutch for plundering the ship and taking him prisoner, and alleging that they were rebels and pirates. the dutch, in anger, determined to force the father by torture to confess that he was a religious. they bound his body and let water drip upon a cloth over his face until he lost consciousness. the prisoners were afterward actually rescued from prison, but were soon caught again and were beaten. it may be asked how priests were justified in concealing the fact that they were priests. to this it may be answered, as st. thomas says (22, sec. 3, art 2), that the priesthood is a free state, which may be assumed by anyone who desires; and when they were asked if they were priests or not, they had a right to conceal it, or to deny it in some good sense true according to their own meaning, without following the meaning of him who asked the question--which they were not bound to follow, because the question was unjust. in making this denial they did not deny that they were christians. indeed, they expressly confessed that; they denied only that they were fathers, as they were not in the natural sense. this declaration did not scandalize or injure the japanese christians. they were satisfied that it was not a lie, but a prudent and lawful artifice. as there is a time to be silent, there is also a time to speak, and as the evidence against father fray zuñiga became so strong that the truth could not be denied except to his own discredit, he confessed in december, 1621. father fray pedro was then handed over to the japanese to be put in prison; and father fray luis, seeing that nothing would be gained by further concealment, confessed to the king of firando that he was a religious of the order of st. dominic. the two friars were imprisoned on the island of quinoxima. the other christian prisoners were visited by a priest, a japanese by nation, named thomas araqui, who had studied at roma, but who upon his return to his own country had apostatized. he was laboring at nangasaqui to induce the christians to recant, that the work of persecution might be carried on with less bloodshed. on the seventeenth of august, the fathers and the japanese who had tried to rescue father fray luis were taken to nangasaqui. here it was impossible to find christians who would bring the wood for the pyre of the fathers; and finally the officials found some heathen of low life who lived among the brothels, who consented to do it. [30] the apostate thomas araqui strove to pervert the fathers, and the holy prisoners were offered their lives if they would recant, but they boldly refused. finally sentence was passed upon fifteen christians. three, including the fathers, were to be burnt alive, and the others were to be burnt after decapitation. on the following day, the twentieth of august, the sentence was executed in the presence of a great multitude. when the heads of the twelve were shown to the multitude in order to strike terror into the hearts of the christians, the contrary result was attained, for they shouted aloud that the saints were happy and victorious. the japanese by the name of joachim who suffered the extreme of torture with the fathers spoke boldly to the crowd, as the fathers did also. the death of the fathers came by noon; and this great multitude remained there all that time without breaking their fast, accompanying the saints with prayers and groans. at this time the women and children went home, while the men remained to obtain the holy relics, which were kept for five days that they might be shown to the dutch as evidence that the sentence had been carried out. the christians afterward secured the relics. his own holy religious order will take care to provide an account of fray pedro de zuñiga. the holy fray luis flores was a fleming by nation, a native of gante (i.e., ghent). he went to españa in company with his relatives, and from there to the yndias, assuming the habit of the order of st. dominic in the convent of the illustrious city of mexico. when he came to the philipinas he was sent to the province of nueva segovia, where he was an excellent minister.] chapter xx the captivity of other religious in japon [the first of the religious to join father fray thomas del espiritu sancto in prison was father fray angel orsuchi, who called himself in españa and here ferrer, from devotion to the glorious st. vincent. he was an italian, a native of the distinguished city of luca, in toscana. he was born of noble ancestry and assumed the habit and was a student in the college of la minerva at roma. seeing the great lack of ministers of the gospel in these regions, and the great devotion of this province, he desired to enter it. for this purpose he went to españa under color of pursuing his studies, that his voyage might not be hindered by his relatives or by the religious of his own province. he took advantage of his first opportunity to come to these regions from españa, which was in the year 1601. he was assigned to nueva segovia, and after learning the language reaped a great harvest of converts. being afflicted by a severe illness he returned to manila, where his illness kept him for more than two years. after his recovery he went to the district of bataan. the lord restored his health to him in response to a vow. father fray angel learned the language of bataan, and ministered to the indians of this region, without leaving it--except for a short time, when he went to pangasinan as vicar-provincial--until he was assigned to the duty of superior of the hospice of our order in mexico. in mexico he advanced greatly in the things of the spirit, and after a time became very desirous of returning to this province. he took advantage of the opportunity offered him by the return to españa of the superior of a company of religious, to take his place and to lead the religious to the philippinas. in the following year, 1616, it was proposed to make him provincial, but he himself objected so strongly that he was not elected. father fray angel was definitor at this chapter. the news of the sufferings of the christians of japon, and of the glorious martyrdoms of so many religious there, aroused in the mind of this blessed father such lively desires to go to the aid of these faithful and courageous christians that he could neither sleep nor eat nor take any rest. he submitted his purposes to a religious of the society of jesus named father calderon, who had been in japon almost thirty years. this father approved his designs; and then father fray angel desired his superior to determine whether or not he should go--fearing, on the one hand, that his strength might not be sufficient for the purpose; and being, on the other, desirous of undertaking this glorious work. his superior accordingly commanded him to take the journey to japon. he assumed a secular garb, and after many hardships and sufferings on the voyage reached japon in august, 1618. while he was still studying the language he was captured by the ministers of satan on st. lucy's day in december, at midnight. with him were also captured father fray juan de sancto domingo and a number of japanese. the fathers admitted that they were religious, and were sent to the prison of omura, where father fray thomas de sancto dominico and fray apolinario franco, a franciscan, had been confined for two years. they were commanded to lay aside their habits, which they had again assumed, and to dress in lay garments. it was intended to prevent the japanese christians from reverencing the fathers, but this act of the judges increased the devotion of the multitude. one of the most devoted of the fathers, father fray alonso de mena, was betrayed on thursday, march 14; and was bound and taken, with his landlord and a number of japanese, before the judge. he admitted that he was a religious of the order of st. dominic. on the following day, they tortured a boy until he revealed the hiding-place of father fray francisco de morales. he was immediately arrested. this caused much grief among the japanese christians, many of whom showed great courage and boldness in confessing their faith. on the following sunday, which was palm sunday, the two fathers were sent to the island of yuquinoxima, where the holy martyrs, fray luis flores and fray pedro de zuñiga, had been burned. in spite of the efforts of the judges to prevent the faithful from venerating these holy prisoners, the pious japanese showed the greatest devotion and reverence to them. the fathers were thus made happy in their prison; and father fray francisco de morales sent home a letter to manila rejoicing in his imprisonment--which was very severe, and in which they were subjected to great suffering for lack of proper food, from the discomfort of their lodging, and from the indecent and insulting behaviour of the guard. in the month of august all the prisoners were brought together to the prison of omura, and they rejoiced to meet one another. soon after was captured the holy fray joseph de san jacintho. he was seized on the seventeenth of august, 1621; he confessed that he was a religious, and told his name. on august 19 he was brought ignominiously bound to the prison of omura, followed by a crowd of sobbing christians.] chapter xxi the arrest of the holy fray jacintho orfanel; the narrowness of his prison, and the great miseries of it; his martyrdom, and the marvelous fruits which followed from his captivity. [though most of the fathers had remained in the cities of the japanese, others wandered through the mountains and in thinly populated places, where they suffered even greater hardships than the former class, as they ministered to their faithful sons in those desolate regions. among these was the holy fray jacintho orfanel. being lean, swarthy and tall, it was difficult for him to disguise himself, since the japanese are generally short, broad-shouldered, and fair-skinned. even if his secular habit had disguised him so far as his external appearance went, the modesty and gravity of his behaviour would have been sufficient to betray him. while he was resting in nangasaqui for a time to recover from an illness, he was betrayed by a renegade christian and arrested. boldly avowing who he was, he was sent to the prison of omura to join the rest of the prisoners, who received him with the te deum laudamus, as at the entry of a prince or papal legate. merely to hear the description of their prison causes horror, it was so small and so wretched. the persecutors permitted them no materials for writing, and no implements made of iron, so that their nails and their hair grew long. they were not allowed to wash or to change their clothes. the guards were changed constantly, that they might form no friendship with the prisoners. this severity, which was intended to alarm the other ministers of the gospel who were in japon, if there were any, had no such effect. the imprisoned japanese showed the greatest courage, and their wives desired to follow them into their imprisonment. the captive christians spent all that time in holy exercises, prayers, the singing of psalms, the keeping of the hours, and the celebration of the mass. the conduct of the spanish prisoners was such as to overthrow the false opinion spread through japon by the dutch, that the fathers were spies of the king of españa. their sufferings and their martyrdom encouraged the christians in the faith. from the prison the fathers wrote encouraging letters to the suffering christians of japon. they also wrote to their brethren in manila.] chapter xxii the giving of the habit to three japanese by the holy captives; and the martyrdom of the fathers fray francisco de morales, fray alonso de mena, fray angel ferrer (or orsuchi), fray jacintho orfanel, fray joseph de san jacintho, and two of those who had professed in prison (all members of the order), besides many others. [the fathers, desiring those to be their equals in condition who were so in virtue, determined to give the habit to some of the holy japanese, their companions. three therefore, among those of the best capacity and the highest virtue, passed their novitiate in the prison, and at the end of their year professed. these saintly men feared that their penalty would be banishment, not death. on the ninth of september, 1622, the judges called before them many of the prisoners, offering them life and liberty if they would renounce christianity, and at this time they brought before them some of the prisoners from omura. as they came to nangasaqui a great crowd of christians came to welcome and escort them. on the following day, the martyrs were brought out to be slain; there were, in all, thirty-three. before those who were condemned to the stake were burned, the others were decapitated in their sight. there were seven of our order in this company: fathers fray francisco de morales, fray alonso de mena, fray angel orsuchi, fray jacintho orfanel, fray joseph de san jacintho, and the lay brothers fray thomas del rosario and domingo (a donado), [31] both japanese. the two lay brothers were decapitated, and the fathers were burned at the stake, twenty-five men in all being burned. all the sufferers died with the most cheerful courage. the judges did all they could to keep the holy relics from being venerated by the christians, some of whom lost their lives in the effort to obtain these.] chapter xxiii the martyrdom of the holy fray thomas de zumarraga, brother fray mancio de sancto thomas, and a japanese; and those of other japanese in omura. [father fray thomas de zumarraga and brother fray mancio de sancto thomas were greatly grieved that they should have been left behind when the other fathers and brethren went to martyrdom; but soon afterward their grief was taken away, and the door of the prison opened that they might go forth to be executed at nangasaqui. it was no small grief to the saints not to see the christians in the streets, who had withdrawn themselves from fear of the emperor's edict. the martyrs died courageously. the holy fray francisco de morales was a native of madrid. he assumed the habit in the convent of san pablo at valladolid, where he professed and began his studies. he was afterward a student in the college of san gregorio in the same city, and became afterward a lecturer in arts in his own convent. thence he went to the philipinas, where he spent some time as a teacher of theology and as preacher to the spaniards in the city of manila. one good friday some japanese happened to enter the church; and father fray francisco was so much affected by the sight that when he returned to his cell he was sighing and sobbing, and repeating, "to japon, to japon!" at the provincial chapter in the convent in 1602 he was prior, and was appointed definitor. at this time one of the subjects discussed was the answer to be made to the king of satçuma, who had earnestly begged for friars of st. dominic for his kingdom. the holy friar fray francisco de morales was appointed superior to the missionaries in japon, by the voice of all. in time of peace he built many churches; he gained many souls for god, and at last he attained the martyr's crown. the holy fray thomas de zumarraga was a native of the city of victoria in vizcaya, and a son of the convent of the order of st. dominic in that city. he studied in the college of san gregorio at valladolid. he accompanied father francisco de morales to japon and attained an elegant mastery of the language of that country, in which he lived twenty years, five of them in prison. the holy fray alonso de mena was a native of the city of logroño; he was a son of the famous convent of san estevan at salamanca, whence he went out to the philippinas. here he was occupied for some time in the ministry to the chinese, and the lord conveyed him thence to japon. he suffered from illness for a number of years, and from a profound melancholy, which did not prevent him from fulfilling his ministry with great joy. the holy fray joseph de san jacintho was a native of the town named villarejo de salvanes, in la mancha, and was a son of the convent of sancto domingo at ocaña. he went out to the philippinas from the royal convent of san pedro martyr at toledo, when he had finished his studies there. he was sent immediately to japon, where he accommodated himself in all things to the japanese manner of life, dressing and eating like the japanese, employing their civilities, speaking their language with as much propriety as they, and in the same sing-song voice. in all this he surpassed the other fathers, insomuch that he was taken by the japanese as one of themselves. the holy fray jacintho orfanel was a valencian by birth, and was by his habit a son of the convent of sancta cathalina martyr at barcelona. he was a religious of the greatest modesty and patience.] chapter xxiv a mission sent by the province to japon, and the result of it [though the province rejoiced in having so many glorious martyrs, it was grieved to see the preachers of the holy gospel in japon come to an end, for without them it was impossible for the faith to be continued. these true sons of our father st. dominic strove therefore to fill up the number of those who, after having fought valorously, had departed to heaven with the crown of martyrdom. the project was one of great difficulty. the law directed that not only the preachers should be burnt to death, but that all those who brought them should suffer the like penalty, and that the vessels and cargo should be confiscated. the dutch and english heretics watched with great care to see if any religious attempted to enter the kingdom. the emperor decreed that a registry should be kept of all on board the vessels which came to the kingdom. and finally there were many, even in catholic countries, who for the sake of trade with japon endeavored to prevent the religious from going to that country. the commerce of that kingdom with the philippinas islands had been almost destroyed, so that the very archbishop himself endeavored to prevent preachers from going from these islands to japon. they were even more rigorous in macan. but the holy martyrs from their prisons sent back calls for religious to aid the japanese in their extreme spiritual need. hence in the year 1623 the superiors of three religious orders determined to buy a ship, and to give large pay to the pilot and the sailors to take the religious to japon. the risk of death was great in japon, and scarcely less in these islands, because the voyage was contrary to the will and the command of the governor. finally, ten priests were embarked--four from our order, four franciscans, and two augustinian recollects. many obstacles were placed in the way of the journey, but the voyage finally took place. the province sent of its best: father fray diego de rivera, [32] a son of the convent of san pablo at cordova who was at the time teaching theology, as he had done for many years in the college in manila; father fray domingo de erquicia, who was at that time the principal preacher in manila; father fray lucas del espiritu sancto, lecturer in arts in the aforesaid college; and father fray luis beltran or exarch, minister to the chinese and the indians. they suffered much on the voyage. they followed the course by the babuyanes and the islands of the lequios, from which they were driven by a storm to the coast of china, where they took on water and wood at a point named sombor. they tried to make port to get fresh ship-stores, but were attacked by the chinese. father fray diego de ribera was shot in the leg, by accident, by one of his own men, and finally died. on the nineteenth of june they landed in satzuma, and were directed to go to nangasaqui. they immediately set about learning the language, and had been there but a short time when the emperor issued a decree expelling all the spaniards who had come to japon from manila. the fathers pretended to return to macan, but left the vessel to come back secretly to nangasaqui. the persecution was going on, seventy persons being martyred in 1623--among them father fray francisco galvez, [33] a franciscan; and father geronimo de los angeles, a jesuit. father fray pedro bazquez was taken prisoner; and, as the other fathers had not yet learned the language, all the labors of the dominican order fell upon father fray domingo castellet. the fathers encouraged the japanese, a number of whom confessed bravely and suffered death by burning, among them being some of noble birth. the accounts of matters in japon during this period are drawn in the main from the letters of father fray domingo de erquicia. the fathers were obliged to be most secret, to go from house to house by night, and to expose themselves to cold and snow. what happened to this father and his companion was not known here until august in this year 1626. we turn from the account of the works of these fathers to give a narrative of the experience of some who had been in japon longer, and who had thus far escaped martyrdom. one was fray pedro vasquez, a son of the convent of nuestra señora de atocha at madrid; and the other fray domingo castellet, a son of the convent of sancta catalina martir at barcelona. as the persecution advanced, the portuguese who lived in the kingdom were expelled from it.] chapter xxv the harvest reaped in japon by the holy father fray pedro vazquez; his life and virtues [the holy fray pedro vazquez was born in berin in the kingdom of galicia, in the county of monterrey. he assumed the habit in the famous convent of nuestra señora de atocha at madrid, and studied arts and theology in the royal convents of sancta cruz at segovia, and sancto thomas at avila. he came to the philippinas with the second body of religious which i brought over, the first having come in 1613. his first work in the philippinas islands was in nueva segovia, where he reaped a great harvest. when the news of the happy death of the holy martyr fray alonso navarrete reached him, he strove to be permitted to go to japon, and after two years received license to do so. the ship arrived in nangasaqui after a voyage of only eleven days. this was on the twenty-second of july, 1621. hearing of the great number of martyrdoms, he strove with all his might to learn the language, until he knew enough of it to go to the prisons and confess the prisoners, as he did boldly. within one year he heard the confessions of more than seven thousand persons.] chapter xxvi a more detailed account of the imprisonment of the holy fray pedro bazquez, the time while it lasted, and the sufferings which he endured in it; and finally his glorious martyrdom, in company with four other martyrs. [when father fray domingo castellet had finished the interment of the relics of the holy martyr fray luis flores, and father fray pedro was speaking with him in somewhat loud tones, two heathen officers happened to hear them speaking spanish. they arrested father fray pedro, but father fray domingo escaped. they offered to let the father go for a bribe, which he refused to give them; and he suffered greatly in prison. the christians mourned and grieved when they saw that he was arrested. he was taken to the prison of omura, where the holy fray luis sotelo was in prison. here they were happy in each other's company, though the imprisonment was very severe. finally the servant of god and his four companions, father miguel caraballo, father fray luis sotelo, and two japanese franciscans, were taken from prison and burnt, intoning the litany during their sufferings. in spite of the care of the officers, some small relics of the holy martyrs were rescued by father fray domingo castellet.] chapter xxvii the election as provincial of father fray bartholome martinez, and the deaths of some religious on the nineteenth of april, 1625, the vigil of the glorious virgin st. inez de monte policiano, the fathers having votes assembled for the election of a provincial, since father fray miguel ruiz had finished his term. on the first ballot the votes were divided almost equally, since there were so many religious worthy of the post as to cause difficulty in the selection. but this did not last long, for on the second ballot those who had the largest number of ballots withdrew, and father fray bartholome martinez was unanimously elected. he had been vicar of the parian of the chinese, and was their special minister. he was recognized by all, both religious and laymen, as worthy of this or of greater offices, because of his great virtue, learning, prudence, and devotion. at the same time no one had talked about or even thought of such a choice, because, in truth, there were many others who well deserved the post and who were much older than he. the lord, who does not look at these exterior things alone, but at the heart and the soul, turned their eyes upon this father as upon another david, so that by being placed in a post of government he might do great things. it was the lord who caused them all, as if moved by a spirit from above, to elect him with great good-will, and with general applause from within and without the order, all recognizing the hand of the lord in a choice which was at once so wise and so far from the thoughts of all. in particular, the archbishop of this city was greatly pleased with it, for he knew well the great virtues of the person chosen, and sent to give his most special congratulations to the fathers. father fray bartholome was a son of the famous convent of san estevan at salamanca. he was a great theologian, and a man of superior virtue, devotion to the rules of the order, and mortification. he underwent many extraordinary sufferings. some were voluntarily assumed, and although these were many, they were (as we shall see afterwards) easier to bear because voluntary. at the same time, it was necessary to train and try him for much which the lord desired to work through his means; and hence the lord gave permission to the devil to torment him--so severely that, when he was still very young, his hair grew white. in the first year of this assault he lost his strength, and was dying without suffering from any other disease. he was living in the convent of novices in salamanca, and revealed his sufferings to his confessor and spiritual master alone. this was the holy fray diego de alderete. he, being of much experience in such sufferings, consoled and encouraged him, but commanded him not to speak of the matter with any person. this direction he observed so carefully that it was never possible to learn any more than these general facts, although there must have been many very remarkable things which, if known, would have been highly edifying. but he, striving for more humility, and obeying the order to keep silence, never revealed them, and no one else ever knew them. he was seen to be growing weaker, being without strength and without health, and when he was taken to the infirmary the physicians corroborated what all knew with regard to the danger in which he was; but they were never able to find out the cause, since it was beyond the limits of their science. all this, and much more which was added to it, was necessary, and helped him much to bear the bitter hardships which in time he suffered, and which would have broken his heart. our lord conducted father fray bartholome through all his life by a way of suffering, and in suffering he ended it--as will be narrated in due time, when we reach the year of our lord 1629, when his virtue and his abstinence will be specially treated. during his term as provincial, the province lost by death several religious of superior qualities, and suffered from several insurrections of villages. both of these things were severely felt in a region where the religious are so few that the loss of a single one is a notable loss; and where all energy is turned toward converting souls, so that the perdition of a single one causes great sorrow. for these sufferings our lord brought some comfort in the martyrdom of some sons of the province, and in the extension of the holy gospel to the island of hermosa. [among the religious who died at this time was father fray francisco de cabrera, vicar of san miguel de nasiping; he was a native of carmona, and a son of the convent at san lucar, whence he was sent to pass his novitiate in sancto domingo at xerez. he was stationed in nueva segovia and was an exemplary minister. his name is honorably mentioned on the records of the chapter in the year 1625. at the same provincial chapter honorable mention was made of father fray pedro blazquez, vicar of the convent of manavag. he was a native of marchena in andalucia. he assumed the habit of the order in the famous convent of san pablo at sevilla and was sent as a collegiate to almagro. he left his convent of sevilla to come to this province in 1613, and was regarded by those who accompanied him as a saint. on the fifteenth of may, 1624, died father fray thomas vilar. he was a native of castellon de la palana in the kingdom of valencia, where he assumed the habit. he was sent to the college of the order in origuela, and came to the philippinas in 1601. he was assigned to the province of nueva segovia, and afterwards was appointed rector of the college of sancto thomas at manila. in the following november, as fathers fray miguel de san jacintho (a man who was twice provincial) and fray diego de toro, vicar of san jacintho at camalaniogan in nueva segovia, testify, a marvel happened in the village of apari, [34] a port in that province in the district of camalaniogan. a fire occurred here one night, and a sea breeze was sweeping it throughout the village, when the vicar, taking in his hands the little image of our lady of the rosary which they were accustomed to carry in the processions, made a vow and turned it toward the fire, when the wind immediately died down and the fire began to go out.] chapter xxviii father fray juan de rueda and de los angeles, who died a martyr [father fray juan de rueda was a native of the mountains of burgos, and had assumed the habit in san pablo at valladolid, whence he came to the philippinas in the year 1603, being sent, as soon as he arrived, to the kingdom of japon. here he assumed the name of fray juan de los angeles. when the priests were banished, father fray juan was one of those who remained in hiding to aid and fortify the christians there. in 1619 he came to manila in order to obtain more religious. he reaped a great harvest in arima. he was devoted to the holy rosary. he translated into japanese the devotion of the holy rosary while he was in manila. his anxiety to return was such that he strove to make his way back by the islands of the lequios, where his arguments in favor of christianity convinced those who heard them that he was a spanish priest. he was therefore imprisoned for a time in an island called avaguni, where he profaned a thicket which was dedicated to an idol, and for this suffered death, but on what day was never known. while this provincial chapter was being held in manila, there died in nueva segovia father fray miguel de san jacintho, a native of caceres in estremadura. he was a son of the convent of san estevan at salamanca. he volunteered for the philippinas in 1594, and in mexico was elected a superior of the company, the vicar who had led them having died; he was assigned to nueva segovia. he was a most devoted minister, a diligent student of the language of that nation, and a most zealous and devoted religious. he prayed the lord that he might not die a superior, and his prayer was granted; for after he had been vicar of many convents, vicar-provincial of nueva segovia, prior of the convent of manila, and twice provincial of the province, the lord called him to himself when he was living in masi, one of the first villages which he converted. he died suddenly, on the twenty-fifth of april. the indians of the villages of abulug, masi, pata, and cabacungan gave him the most costly funeral honors within their power, and made up a subscription for more than five hundred masses, which at four reals apiece come to more than two thousand. this they did as a token of their great love for him, and the great debt which they owed him for bringing them to the catholic faith.] on the eighth of june, the first sunday after the most holy trinity, a great misfortune occurred in the revolt of some indians of the province of nueva segovia. turning their backs on the faith, they gave it up and fled to the mountains--a thing which caused great grief to the ministers of the holy gospel. in that province, above a village named abulug, near a river which comes down from the mountain, two villages had been formed by gathering the inhabitants together. they were called nuestra señora del rossario de fotol, as has been recounted in this history, and san lorenço de capinatan. in the latter there lived some indians known as mandayas, a wild and fierce tribe whose native abode was in mountainous places about the bay of bigan in ylocos. the religious ministered to them and assisted them in their necessities, taught them the law of god, and baptized many people, for these people generally asked holy baptism from them. their evil nature, which was perverse and restless, and their affection for their ancient places of abode so attracted them that it seemed as if in that village they were caught fast by the hair. three times they endeavored to escape to the mountains; and though they were prevented twice, and their efforts came to nothing, this last time they so planned their attempt, and kept it so secret, that they carried out their evil purpose. with this object, they stirred up the old inhabitants of capinatan, and persuaded those of fotol, bringing them to join them by means of threats and prayers. some of the people of fotol became so obstinate that they were worse than the mandayas, the first movers of the insurrection. afterward the mandayas who were in capinatan rose; and two of them, don miguel lanab and another chief named alababan, set the enterprise in motion by going to the church to speak to the religious who was there at the time. this was father fray alonso garcia, [35] a son of the convent of san pablo at valladolid, who had said a first mass in the village of fotol, and a second in capinatan, and was now at dinner with brother fray onofre palao, a lay religious from the convent of manila. they were seated at their meal in a little corridor of the house. their assailants came up, and each one standing beside the religious whom he was to decapitate, they made a pretense of asking permission to go to some villages on their ancient lands. father fray alonso, who had but recently come, referred the request to the regular minister of the village, and asked them to wait till he should come, because he was in another village. at this point alababan raised his arm, and with his balanao or knife he struck such a blow on the neck of fray onofre that he cut off his head to the backbone, leaving it hanging by only a little bit of skin. don miguel lanab, who had not acted so promptly, lifted his knife, and father fray alonso naturally raised his hand to protect his head. the knife cut through this and the blow went on and reached his head. father fray alonso rose from the table and fell on his knees like a gentle lamb; and the mandaya traitor repeated the blow, giving him another on the head. the indian boys who served at the table began to scream; and the transgressors, that they might not be caught in so perfidious an act, made their escape. some indians who were ignorant of the conspiracy came, and took father fray alonso to the house of a chief, where some medicines were applied to the wound. as they were preparing a barge in which to take him down to the village of abulug, the mandayas came, and prevented them from doing so by threats. they took him back to the house of the chieftainess: and while father fray alonso was exhorting the people to come back to obedience, and expounding to them the evil of which they were guilty in apostatizing from the faith, three mandayas came in, and with their keen balanaos or knives cut to pieces the confessor of christ. they afterward threw out the pieces from the house, to be eaten by the swine who were there. as a result of this atrocious deed, the mandayas rose in a body and roused the capinatas; and, coming down to fotol, they forced the people there by menaces to flee with them to the mountains. they set fire to the churches, and, as members of satan, they defiled them by a thousand sacrileges. they struck off the head of a christ, and cut the body down the middle, dividing it into two parts, which were afterward found by the religious who came to bring them back to obedience. the religious buried these, the uprising of the mandayas (of whose severe punishment we shall soon hear) allowing no opportunity for anything else. with regard to fray alonso garcia, several matters worthy of remark were noted. the first was this. some months before, while he was living in the convent in capinatan, he one night had put himself into the posture of prayer in the dormitory, with his breviary in his hand. at this time the convent was disturbed by an imp who caused so much trouble that he would not give the religious any rest, and from whose visitations there was not in all the convent any place that was free. he disturbed them in the dormitory, he made a noise in the cells, he feigned the noise of a struggle in the church; and sometimes he let himself fall with a clatter that was heard in the village, and he would throw himself down from the choir. he used to walk up and down in the church, and he made his appearance in the larders, where he broke all the plates there were; he made a noise under the beds, and struck the heads of the bedsteads; and sounded the strings of a harp which they had for use at masses on some feasts. this disturbance lasted until the breaking-out of the uprising, and must have been a prognostication of it, and a sign of what the devil was devising to disquiet the christians of this village. now while father fray alonso was praying, the imp came to him, invisible to everyone in the dormitory, and struck the father a heavy blow, so that he felt pain in the same hand and wrist, in the place where the blow afterward fell which cut it off. this was the first of the things referred to. the second was that he thought so little of himself, and had so little confidence in his own works, that he was accustomed to say that if he did not die by some fortunate blow which should take away his life and despatch him to heaven, he did not know whether he should go there. this he said because of his humility, and the event was as he said. another matter was that, although father fray alonso was not a very skilful linguist, and not one of those who had made the greatest progress in speaking the language of that tribe, yet when he was wounded by the first blows and was urging the indians not to flee, and telling them of the harm which would come to them if they did so, he spoke with such elegance and precision that the indians were amazed to hear him; and they noted this as a striking fact at the time, and told of it afterward. he was very charitable, and was in the habit of praising all and of speaking of the defects of himself alone. he came to the philippinas in the year 1622, and lived in the province of nueva segovia--where, in his third year, he met with the happy death which keen knives, directed by hands of apostates from the faith, bring to ministers of the holy gospel. the intermediate chapter of 1628 made mention of these two religious in the following words: "in the province of nueva segovia father fray alonso garcia, a priest, and brother fray onofre palao, a lay brother, died happily by the hands of impious apostates, an uprising of the indians to whom they ministered having occurred." in the place where father fray alonso was cut to pieces, there was afterward raised in his honor a small shrine. the indians were brought back in the following year, and this tribe used devoutly to frequent this shrine. the dwelling of the religious had stood where fray onofre had been killed, and here it was erected again. since the first building was burned, it was supposed that the fire had consumed his body at the same time--although some spaniards have some small bones which they value, believing that these are his, because they found them where he was decapitated. chapter xxix the foundation of a church in the island of hermosa and the holy deaths of some religious [the order of st. dominic has always had its eyes fixed upon great china; and father fray bartholome martinez was especially anxious for the conversion of that great realm. in this conversion he was like moses, who came in sight of the promised land; for he carried religious and planted the faith in the island of hermosa, from which that most populous realm is almost in sight. this island had been greatly coveted by chinese, japanese, spanish, and dutch. the king of españa was the first to undertake to conquer it; and by his order there were prepared two ships of moderate size with a force of two hundred soldiers and sailors. the leader was don juan zamudio, who came to the philippinas in 1593. he chose the time of his voyage unfortunately, and was driven back to the coast of batan; but he was rescued by the intervention of our lady of the rosary. the emperor of japon in 1615, after his victory over fideyori, sent an expedition against the island. it left nangasaque in 1616 and wintered in the lequios islands. setting sail again in the following november [sic], it was scattered by storms upon the coast of china. the dutch, desirous of weakening the power of españa and of interfering with the work of the preachers of the holy gospel, had taken possession of an uninhabited island called island de pescadores, [36] which lay off the coast of china. this was in 1624. by the chinese the dutch were persuaded to go thence to another island (formosa) running from northeast to southwest, sixty-four leguas in length, and extending from latitude twenty-one to latitude twenty-five, and being thus twenty leguas in breadth. they established themselves at the southern point, in latitude twenty-three, in a port called taiban, opposite hayteng in chincheo. from this post they could scour the seas and capture the vessels sailing from china. here they built a small fort from which they could do much damage to the inhabitants of manila and might close very important gateways to the holy gospel. [37] in the year 1625 don fernando de silva was governor of the philippinas. he determined to send a fleet to take possession of a port in the island of hermosa, in the name of the king of españa, that the designs of the dutch might be frustrated. he counseled with the provincial of the order of st. dominic, fray bartholome martinez, who promised to go to the island of hermosa and to take religious there, hoping in this way to gain an entry into china. in order to keep the design secret it was said that the troops were going to pacify the rebellious indians of yrraya, who had fled to the mountains. on february 8, 1626, the fleet sailed from the port of cavite; it was composed of twelve champans and two galleys. there were three captains of infantry and their companies, and the force was under the command of the sargento-mayor, antonio carreño de valdes. the ecclesiastical authority was in the hands of the provincial, fray bartholome martinez, who took with him five religious, including those whom he later brought from nueva segovia. they anchored in the port of nueva segovia on the fifteenth of march, and remained there for some time. during the interval troops were sent to the river of the mandayas, the indians of which had rebelled in the previous june, as was said in the foregoing chapter. in order to reduce them, a great number of palms were cut down, that they might more easily be brought to subjection for lack of food. since the reduction of the mandayas took more time than was expected, and the voyage to the island of hermosa was urgent, this matter was left without being brought to a conclusion. to carry out their principal purpose they sailed on the fourth of may, coming in sight of the island on the seventh of the same month. they coasted the island for three days, and on the tenth of may anchored on an estuary which they named sanctiago. the provincial and pedro martin garay, the chief pilot, went in two small vessels to the northern headland, exploring the coast. within five hours they discovered a port which they called la sanctissima trinidad. they took back the news to the fleet, which came on to the port and in the divine name of the most holy trinity took the port under the protection of españa. they built a fort upon an islet [38] a little more than a legua in circumference. this they called san salvador. they also constructed a rampart on the top of a hill three hundred feet or more in height, which made the place impregnable. the dominicans erected a humble church, dedicating it to st. catharine of siena. here they heard the confessions of the spaniards, preached, taught, and filled the office of parish priests, up to the year 1635. the inhabitants of this region had fled from fear of the arquebuses of the spaniards, and desired to avenge themselves for the wrong which they felt that they had suffered because the soldiers made use of the rice which the natives had left behind them. to quiet and satisfy them, the religious set about learning their language; and, although they knew very little of it, they began to communicate with the natives, caressing them and giving them presents. the lord prospered their work, and the barbarians, who had lived the lives of savages, drinking the blood of their neighbors, and eating the flesh of their enemies, were tamed by the treatment of the religious. they brought their wives and children to be baptized. the first fruits were delicate and tender children, many of whom, after being laved in the baptismal font, went to enjoy the possession to which they had acquired a right from the waters of the holy jordan. the convent of all saints of the island of hermosa was accepted in the intermediate chapter of the year of our lord 1627, and was erected into a vicariate, father fray francisco mola [39] being appointed as its vicar and superior. on the fourth of february of this year father fray alonso del castillo, a native of andalucia and a son of sancto domingo de sant lucar, set sail from his convent in the islands of the babuyanes to go to nueva segovia. the distance is a little more than six leguas, but the crossing is dangerous at some times. his vessel was swamped, and the father and those who were with him were all drowned. he was an abstemious and devoted religious. father fray alonso lived in the islands of the babuyanes. he was at one time tempted by a thought which was unworthy of his state as a religious, and the purity which he maintained--the devil urging him to it, and putting before him the means of carrying out the design, and the method of keeping it in secrecy during the absence of the superior. father fray alonso, recognizing from whose bow this arrow had been shot, went to his superior and told him the temptation of the devil with all the details. he and the superior laid the matter before god with prayers and scourgings. the devil was unable to oppose such humility, and in a few days father fray alonso was able to assure the vicar that there was nothing to fear. in the following april died father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios, a native of guatimala, a son of the convent of sancto domingo at mexico. he came to the philippinas in the year 1595, and was assigned to the province of nueva segovia. without any controversy, it is he who up to the present day has most accurately learned the language there, and who was the teacher of those who understood it best. no one surpassed him in his pronunciation and his choice of words. he wrote a methodical grammar, arranged a vocabulary, translated the gospels, various examples of holy life, an explanation of the articles, the passion of our lord, and other works highly esteemed for the elegance of the writing and the propriety of the words. he was a religious of great virtue, and our lord wrought many miracles by his prayers. it was in response to his prayers that when the lime-kiln in abulug fell, those upon whom it fell did not lose their lives. in pata occurred two cases, as it seemed, of resurrection; and in tocolana he saved the church from burning. at the last of may, father fray diego carlos, a native of guatimala and a son of the convent at puebla de los angeles, died in the same province. he suffered much at the time of the insurrection of the mandayas indians, whose minister he had been, and whom he had brought down from their mountains. in the provincial chapter of 1621 he twice received half the votes in the election for provincial. in the month of june, father fray juan de san jacintho, a native of los guertos in segovia, and a son of san estevan at salamanca, fell ill in the province of ytuy. he lived a devout and a devoted life in the province of pangasinan. he was greatly beloved by all. some indians of the province of ytuy having asked for baptism, he went thither twice, suffering greatly from the hardships of the journey. the second time, he fell ill; and it was rumored that the indians had given him poison, as they often do. he died at manila. in the year of our lord 1627, toward the end of march, died in the province of nueva segovia brother fray juan garcia, [40] a lay religious, a native of yebenes in la mancha, and a son of the convent of sancto domingo at manila.] to aid in supplying the want of these noble ministers, and to fill up the gap caused by the death of many more, our lord gave us in july, 1626, a reënforcement of religious, who had been assembled in españa by father fray jacintho calvo, and whom he had entrusted in mexico to father fray alonso sanchez de la visitacion--a son of the convent at ocaña, who had come to the philippinas in the year 1613. [41] he was at the time vicar of san jacintho, where he had been sent by the chapter of the year 1623; and he now undertook the charge of conducting the religious, returning to the ministry of nueva segovia, where he had previously been. he had been appointed by the inquisition of mexico as its commissary for the cases which might arise in the said province pertaining to that holy tribunal. chapter xxx the state of the province, and the persecution in japon for the holding of the intermediate chapter [in 1627], an ancient custom in the order of st. dominic, devout fathers had assembled. although the day was at hand, the provincial was absent, being occupied in the new conversion in the island of hermosa. he had not returned from there since the previous year, when he had made the journey. as the accidents of the sea are so various, the religious were anxious; but the lord relieved them from their anxiety on the day before the holding of the chapter, the morning of thursday. the coming of father fray bartolome caused joy in all the community; and in recognition of the good news which he brought and of the labors which he had undergone, the governor don juan niño de tavora, invited him and the fathers who constituted the chapter to dine with him on the following day, which was friday. that evening they discussed that which they were to do on saturday the twenty-fourth of april; and on that day they elected as definitors fathers fray balthasar fort and fray miguel ruiz, who had been provincials; fray antonio cañiçares, vicar of babuyanes, and fray marcos saavedra, a son of villaescusa, vicar of san raymundo de malagueg. by this time the indians who not long before had revolted and apostatized from the faith in mandayas (and especially those of fotol and capinatan) had been reduced to subjection, and, as a result of the efforts of the religious, had gone down to their old villages. recognizing the error which they had committed, and desirous of atoning for it by amending their lives, they built churches, reëstablished the villages, and returned to the quiet which they had enjoyed in their earlier age of gold, giving up their age of hard iron [42] which they had been deluded into entering. [the religious in japon were at this time greatly afflicted. one of the persecutors, feyzo, strove to force his own mother by hunger to give up the faith from which he was himself a renegade. this man captured father baltazar de torres, a religious of the society of jesus, who had been his own father in the faith, and imprisoned him. on the twentieth of july four religious of the society of jesus, with five of their servants, were burned at the stake. the persecution was most bitter at omura, where the holy father fray luis beltran (of exarch) then was. he was a native of barcelona, and received the habit in the convent of sancta catarina martir in that city. he was sent to the college of origuela, where even during the time of his studies he devoted himself to prayer and spiritual exercises. he volunteered for the philippinas, reaching manila in 1618. after learning the language of the indians of that region, who are called tagalos, he also learned that of the chinese, ministering in both languages up to the year 1622, when he was sent to japon to assist in consoling the afflicted japanese. he came in disguise, and very soon learned the language of that country; and he labored for three years with great effect in the kingdom of omura. he foresaw that he was to suffer death by martyrdom. he was serving in a hut of lepers when he was betrayed to the judge. while in prison his very jailers showed him respect.] chapter xxxi the state of affairs in japon; and the martyrdom of father fray luis, fray mincio de la cruz, fray pedro de sancta maria, and some other persons of the tertiary order of st. dominic. [besides father fray luis, father fray francisco de sancta maria, and brother fray bartholome laurel, [43] his companion in the order of st. francis, were captured, together with their landlords and others in their house. the bitterness of the persecution increased, and the ministers of the gospels went out into the fields, ascended the mountains, and hid themselves in the caves of the earth. father fray lucas del espiritu sancto had no food for forty days except some boiled roots. the christians were forbidden to assemble, and were brought in scores before the ministers of satan, to recant or suffer martyrdom. the number of the holy martyrs cannot be counted. the poor were driven out from their houses, and were compelled to suffer the rigors of winter, from which many of them died. the persecution came to be so severe that this year of 1627 was adorned with martyrs. on the sixteenth or seventeenth of august, eighteen christians of all ages and conditions received the palm of martyrdom, among them father fray francisco de sancta maria. among those executed were some children of three and five years of age. details are given of the martyrdoms of a number of japanese, with the horrible tortures which were inflicted upon them. father fray luis gave the habit to some of the japanese who were confined with him; and on july 29, 1627, the father and the nine professed, and three poor women who rejoiced that the time had come when they were to be freed from their leprosy, were executed by burning at the stake.] chapter xxxii the great persecution in japon, and the care of the province to send ministers there [there were three of our religious in japon at this time, who comforted the christians and kept in hiding from the ministers of the law. it was with great difficulty that they could be assisted. in the year 1628 the four religious orders in these islands, the franciscans, the calced augustinians, the recollect augustinians, and our order, put forth all their energies to send religious to japon as secretly as possible. the expense was enormous, amounting to more than ten thousand pesos from the common purse of these four orders. they embarked twenty-four religious; among these were six of our holy order, one of whom died after two days of sailing--father fray antonio corbera, a native of la mancha, who had come within a short time to the philippinas from the college of san gregorio at valladolid. the ship was wrecked by the carelessness of the pilot. though the fathers escaped from drowning, two of ours died from injuries received in the wreck, and from sunstroke after reaching land. one was father fray antonio cañizares, a native of almagro and a son of the convent of our order there, who had labored nobly among the indians of these regions for some years. [44] the other was father fray juan de vera, a native of the city of sancta fee in the kingdom of granada. he studied in españa at the convent of san pablo at valladolid. he came to this province, learned the chinese language, and was occupied in the ministry to the chinese when he was assigned to this duty. the franciscan fathers, not dismayed by the failure of this enterprise, strove to make the journey to japon by themselves. during two years, no news reached us from japon, except that the persecution had attained such a point that not even a letter could get in or out. finally father fray domingo castellet was captured by the diligence of the persecutors. he was born in a village named esparraguera, in the principality of cataluña, october 7, 1592. he assumed the habit of our order october 23, 1608, in the convent of sancta cathalina martir at barcelona. he pursued his studies in the very religious convent of sancta cruz at segovia, where he showed great ability. in the year of our lord 1613, when i was about to make a voyage to the philippinas islands as procurator-general for the province of the holy rosary of the order of st. dominic, and when i came to sancta cruz at segovia searching for religious to accompany me, one of the first who enlisted was father fray domingo castellet. he was assigned to the province of nueva segovia, where he taught for six years in the new villages called los mandayas. in 1621 he was directed to go to japon, where he showed the greatest intrepidity in danger, and wrought a marvelous work. he was taken by surprise, and was followed to prison by several confessors.] chapter xxxiii the martyrdom of the servants of god, fray domingo castellet, fray thomas de san jacintho, fray antonio de sancto domingo, and some persons of the tertiary order of st. dominic. [the blessed fray domingo spent all his time in preparing himself for his last journey, the journey from this world to heaven, and in doing his duty by the holy company who were in prison with him. there were many christians in the prison of nangasaqui, among them two japanese lay novices, who afterward made their profession before the holy religious who was vicar-provincial of japon. he prayed many hours in the day, and took a daily discipline in company with the brethren, in addition to special exercises of devotion and penance. on the day of the nativity of the most blessed virgin, he was taken out to the place of execution and born into heaven. many japanese christians were burned alive or decapitated, the church in japan being illustrious in noble martyrdoms, and no less triumphant than the primitive church, and the order of st. dominic having a great share in this glory.] chapter xxxiv the voyage in this year of religious of the province to camboja, in the effort to convert it; and the progress of the conversion of the island of hermosa. in this year, twenty-eight, i came for the third time from españa to the philippinas, not alone, but with a good company of excellent religious, [45] who, desirous to advance themselves in virtue, left their land and their kin and their comforts, like abraham, that they might assist in their spiritual necessity, these tribes which depended so much upon such ministers. there was no lack of hardships on the way, for the lord knows of how much importance it is for us to find persons who will accept these as they ought; he does not lose the opportunity to apply them, and does not desire that his gift should be useless. when we reached manila we were heartily received, for we had been desired because of the great lack which had resulted from the deaths that had taken away religious just when they were most needed by the indians whom we had under our care. there were also many others under our eyes who still were heathen for lack of preachers, but who would have been christians if they had anyone to teach them the truth and the catholic religion. the vacancies were filled up with these reënforcements. as might be expected of those who were heartily desirous of converting their fellow men, the more they labored the more labor they desired; and there were many who were very eager to go on new missions and to reap new harvests of heathen. [the opportunity was offered for making another attempt to convert camboja. a chinaman who had lived in the kingdom of camboxa brought word that the good reputation which the fathers of st. dominic had left in that country would cause them to be kindly received there if they went again. the kingdom of camboxa is the one which has given religious rites, though false ones, to china, japon, and the most civilized of the surrounding nations; and the people of that kingdom are naturally much inclined to religious devotion. hence it was hoped that they would be the better christians because they were so devout heathen. a letter was written to the king of camboxa, asking permission to preach the gospel in that country. the reply which was received was courteous, but did not grant the desired permission. at this time the governor of manila was thinking of sending spaniards to camboja to build a ship there, because of the excellence of the wood of that region for such a purpose, and the abundance of workmen there. that the spaniards who went might not be deprived of sacred ordinances, he asked the superior of our order for religious to accompany the expedition. there were strong arguments against sending the religious to that kingdom. the cambodians had twice exhibited their fickleness, having striven to kill the spaniards and the religious who had been invited to enter the kingdom. the same fickleness would make it unlikely that converts would hold to the faith in times of persecution. the people were unintelligent, and most vicious; and the country was very hot and unhealthful. on the other hand, it did not seem consistent with christian charity not to take advantage of every opportunity to attempt to save these people, in spite of their natural fickleness, their low intelligence, and their inveterate vices. three religious were accordingly assigned to this expedition, the superior of whom was father fray juan baptista de morales, a son of the convent of san pablo at ecija. he was a master of the chinese language, which is of great importance in that kingdom. two other religious volunteered to go on this service. they set sail december 21. the voyage, though a dangerous one, was fortunate; and they sailed four hundred leguas up the famous river of that kingdom (the me-kong river), the source of which is unknown. the religious were courteously received by the king. factious quarrels broke out among the spaniards, which threatened so grave results that father fray juan baptista de morales felt obliged to return with them when they came back to the islands, for fear of an outbreak on the way. the king refused to give permission for the baptism of his subjects, allowing only the chinese and japanese to be converted; and the ministers, feeling that they could be of greater use in these islands, returned to take up their ministries here, where they have been of the greatest use. this was the third time that this province actually placed religious in the kingdom of camboxa, in addition to the expeditions which set out for that kingdom but failed. at this time our religious in hermosa were engaged in the most laborious work of all these ministries, the learning of a new and extraordinary language without grammar or vocabulary, or any other aid even in the country itself; for at the beginning they were not able by payment to keep an indian who would merely permit them to listen to him as he spoke and to catch up a word here and there. although at the beginning these people were like wild beasts, without the least trace of human civilization, the religious have now domesticated them to such an extent that they can go among them--although a few years before no stranger could enter their country without their drinking his blood like fierce wolves. some infants have been baptized, and the children of some villages, though not baptized, know the creed and pray every night at the foot of the cross. the children learned to laugh at the old superstitions, which have a strong hold on their elders. the hardest thing of all has been to bring them back to their old villages, from which they fled in fear of the arms of the spaniards; but as they learned the gain to be acquired from trading with the spaniards--which is a lodestone that attracts hearts of iron--they are returning to their old abodes. the religious have erected two little convents and churches, about like shepherds' huts in appearance. one is near the presidio of san salvador, in a native village called camaurri, and is dedicated to st. joseph. the other is half a legua from the village of tanchuy (i.e., tamsui), and is dedicated to the virgin of the rosary.] chapter xxxv the foundation of the first church among the indians of tanchuy, a district of the island of hermosa, and the events which happened among those indians. [the father provincial, father fray bartholome martynez, after building a church in the new city of san salvador, went on to tanchuy, a province of the same island and a port known to the vessels which come to it from china. it is fourteen leguas from the chief city in it. when the fort was built there, to which the name of st. dominic was given, he was present, doing all he could to prevent damage to the natives. many of the latter fled away to senar, where he followed them and built a church. the ministry in this province of tanchuy was entrusted to father fray francisco de sancto domingo, a son of the convent of zamora. his companion was brother fray andres ximenez. they went by sea, having a perilous voyage, and were met when they landed by father fray jacintho de esquivel.] the three went with captain luis de guzman and some soldiers, to set up in the village of senar a beautiful image of the virgin of the rosary. they went on foot and with great difficulty, as it had rained the day before and was still raining, and part of the way they went mid-leg deep. not a single soldier said the things which are usually heard on such occasions. on the contrary, loaded as they were with mud, they comforted themselves by saying: "at last we are going to establish the faith." the captain, luis de guzman, to whom this region owes much, because of his valor and christian spirit, and his kind treatment of the natives in it, marched barefoot, encouraging them and saying: "come on, my children; doubtless there is much good here, because the beginning is so hard." a messenger was sent ahead to notify the indians, and by their help the streets were covered with branches; they fitted up a half-castle [46] with powder, which they had prepared, and they arranged for a graceful sword dance. when the image, which they carried as ceremoniously as possible, reached the village, they placed it in the church. the sky cleared, and the sun came out as if to rejoice in the festival; and after a mass of the virgin of the rosary had been said, they bore her in procession--the soldiers firing off their arquebuses, and the castle discharging its salute, and the dance being performed in token of the possession taken of this country by the queen of heaven, and of the conclusion of the devil's ancient control over it. [the indians rejoiced greatly, the chiefs being invited to dine with the captain. after this they gave a ball after their fashion--a very disgraceful one in our eyes, because at every turn they drink a draught of a very bad wine which they have. this kind of ball or dance they keep up for six or eight hours, and sometimes for whole days. the chiefs kept boasting that their village was the finest in the island, since they had spaniards, a father and a church, as the others had not. they desired to return the invitation of the captain with one to a feast after their own manner--which is a repast of dogs rather than of men, since they eat nothing except meat so rotten that the bad odor of it serves them as salt. after the feast the soldiers, the captain, and father fray jacintho returned to tanchui; while father fray francisco and brother fray andres remained as a guard of honor to the virgin. father fray francisco, thinking that the spaniards would be lonely without their holy image, thought best to return it; but the indians were so much grieved that it was given back to them, and they rejoiced greatly, though they were not yet christians. a great part of the labor of the conversion fell upon the brother. the lord wrought miraculous works through his hands, keeping the sick alive until they might receive holy baptism, and doing wonderful works of healing. the kindly treatment of the fathers at last made the indians feel sufficient confidence in the spaniards to return to their previous places of abode, whence they had fled from fear. one lay brother was in the island of hermosa for five years among the indians, who, although they had not been pacified, never harmed him. he baptized a number, brought down from the mountains many who had fled from fear of the spaniards; and with them formed a village of moderate size named camuarri, which is constantly increasing in numbers, and greatly needs a church.] chapter xxxvi the election as provincial of father fray francisco de herrera, commissary of the holy inquisition; and the beginning of an account of father fray bartholome martinez. in may, 1629, father fray francisco de herrera was elected as provincial of this province, on the first ballot. he was a son of the convent of san gines at talabera, and afterward a student of san gregorio at valladolid. at the time of his election he was commissary of the holy inquisition in all these islands, and prior of the convent in this city of manila. since he is still living, we must be silent about him, and not say the things in his praise which are so well known, and which are said by those who enjoyed his peaceful and religious government. in this chapter nothing of importance was done in laying down ordinances for the province; but there was much cause to give thanks to the lord for the peace and quiet with which the religious strove to fulfil their obligations as members of the order and as ministers of the holy gospel. the lord gave them special relief and comfort, that they might find light and pleasant the great sufferings which they endured in both capacities. hence the electors returned to their posts very promptly, feeling that in them the hand of the lord had delivered to them their own profit and that of their fellow-men. [at the beginning of the following august occurred the death of the venerable father bartholome martynez, who, being engaged in the conversion of the island of hermosa, was unable to attend this chapter. father fray bartholome was a native of a village of raoja called el rasillo, a hamlet of some twenty poor inhabitants. he was a son of sant estevan at salamanca, and a student in the college of sancto thomas at alcala. he took advantage of the opportunity of coming to this province in company with the holy fray alonso navarrete. he gave his chief attention in the province to learning the chinese language, hoping to become a missionary to the kingdom of china. he was so devoted to the chinese that he was beside himself with anger whenever a wrong was done by a spanish soldier to any chinaman. as this seemed to be an impediment to the conversion, he resolved to restrain his anger, and learned, as the law of the lord teaches us, to be angry but not to sin. it was father fray bartholome who built the beautiful wooden church in the chinese parian. the cost was above twenty thousand castilian ducados, and it was all raised by offerings. the lord wrought miracles by father fray bartholome in the building of this church, and on other occasions. on some occasions he displayed the gift of prophecy.] chapter xxxvii the virtues which god granted him, and particularly some in which he excelled; his labors and death. [father fray bartholome was notable for humility, patience, penances, and zeal. when he was elected provincial in 1625, he prostrated himself on the ground, and begged them to put him in jail rather than make him provincial. his habit was poor and mean, his tunics full of sweat and blood and all tattered. he would never permit the indians to carry him across streams or to wash his feet. he subjected his body to the severest mortifications, beating himself cruelly and wearing chains of various kinds, some with sharpened links. he went always on foot, even crossing swollen streams in this way. he had so accustomed himself to abstinence that when he felt obliged to set the other religious the example of eating a little more than was habitual to him, that they might not injure their health, he suffered greatly as a result. he slept as little as he ate. he suffered greatly from asthma, but was most patient. although he was often insulted on the expedition to hermosa for interfering with the soldiers, he overcame all this by his great patience. the chinese or sangleys were devoted to the father, because of his affection for them. he gave them alms of his poverty, and was once almost drowned in the effort to rescue some heathen chinese. in spite of the failure of his two efforts to enter china, he was not discouraged, but hoped that the way might be opened through hermosa. in the effort to carry out the plan of sending an expedition to hermosa, he exposed himself to dangerous storms, but was rescued by the lord. to bring the expedition to success, he labored with his own hands like a slave. on the way he brought from bigan, on the coast of ylocos, to nueva segovia the remains of bishop don fray diego de soria. the efforts of this father on this journey seemed superhuman. the soldiers when told of the real object of the expedition believed that they were deceived, and were on the point of mutiny. when a storm broke out soon after they had landed on the island of hermosa, and the soldiers were exposed to hardship, and when the indians made some resistance, the soldiers cursed and swore at the father again; but afterward they came to love him. it was with the idea of getting nearer to the coast of china that the father suggested that possession be taken of the port in tanchuy. it was fortunate that this suggestion was made and carried out by the commander, don juan de alcarazo; for if they had waited a week they would have found the port in possession of the dutch, who came there with three vessels of war, but were forced to retire. happy in the good results of the expedition, the father set sail to cross an arm of the sea, in a small boat in which there were eight persons, the father and the commander among them. the boat was caught by a wave and capsized; five, including the general, were saved, and three, among them father fray bartholome, were drowned. the death of the father caused great grief among the soldiers, the chinese--both christian and heathen--the religious, and all who knew him.] chapter xxxviii the death of father fray miguel ruiz, and the state of affairs in japon [on friday, june 7, 1630, died father fray miguel ruiz, a son of the royal convent of sancta cruz at segovia, who had come to the province of the philippinas toward the end of april in 1602. at the time of his death he was vicar of san gabriel at binondoc. he was several times vicar of the district of bataan; he was once vicar-general of the province, was definitor in many provincial chapters, vicar-provincial, several times prior of manila, and provincial of the province, which office he filled with justice and gentleness. he was a devout religious, much given to penance, and indefatigable in teaching the indians--in whose language, in addition to a book of the holy rosary which was printed, he wrote several tracts, made the abridgment of the grammar which is still printed, and made a careful vocabulary, which at the end of his life he was desirous of augmenting. it was said that he died by poison, given him by a person whom he had chastised for scandalous living. it is most likely that the pains in the stomach from which he suffered came from the fogs which are so common in the philippinas. the persecution in japon had reached such a point that it was impossible to enter the kingdom. the religious orders did all in their power to replace the holy martyrs with new laborers. they went to great expense for this purpose, and many religious died in the effort to make their way to japon; but the kingdom remained so closely shut up that their efforts were without result. information as to the condition of affairs there in this year 1630 was received from father fray lucas del espiritu sancto. the religious in the empire were even unable to meet one another, and were hunted from place to place, exposed to wind and weather. under these circumstances the peace between the religious orders was of great utility to the ministers in japon. the religious were constantly exposed to being captured, being obliged to lodge in the houses of renegades and heathen; but the constancy and devotion of the fathers caused even these men to respect them. the japanese were absolutely controlled by the devil of idolatry. every false sect was tolerated, christianity alone was persecuted. among the fathers in japon at this time was a native japanese, who had completed his course in arts and theology in the college of sancto thomas at manila. he profited well by his studies, and had been given the habit, had professed, and had passed through all the orders. he had been taken by father fray bartholome martinez, during his term as provincial, to the island of hermosa--not to remain, but to make his way from there to japan, if possible, by the islands of the lequios. he was dressed after the japanese fashion, with two swords, and succeeded in making his entry into japon, from which he wrote a letter to the provincial, dated january 3, 1630. in this he says that he reached his country on the eve of st. martin; but that he has been unable to get into communication with his superior, who was at that time father fray domingo de erquicia. he later writes that it is dangerous to send letters, because of the severe punishment of those who are caught with letters of the fathers upon them. if it had not been for the return of this father in this way, no information would have been received with regard to the fate of father juan de rueda in the islands of the lequios. the third religious at this time in japon was father fray domingo de erquicia, who also sent back a letter in this year. he says that the savage persecution which was designed to root out christianity from japon made many weak, but brought out the bravery of many noble martyrs. in november, 1629, father fray bartholome gutierrez, of the order of st. augustine, was captured in arima; and in the same month there was captured in nangasaqui a father of the society of jesus, named antonio. somewhat later an augustinian recollect named fray francisco de jesus, and afterward his companion, fray vicente de san antonio, were captured, a mountain having been burnt over in pursuit of them. father fray domingo de erquicia writes that a man recognized him and set out to betray him, but that he was rescued by the courage of his landlords. in march, 1630, they captured a brother of the order of st. francis; so that there were in that year five religious imprisoned in omura, together with forty lay christians, besides those in nangasaqui. in his letter father fray domingo gives a record of the executions of which he knew. the total within a year and a half is over two hundred. in this year the daire [47] (who in japon is like the pope in our church), on account of various causes for offense against the emperor, caused his hair to be cut off, to indicate that he renounced his high office--something that, it is said, had never been seen in japan; and thus that realm is now without a head in spiritual affairs. no dutch ship came to japon in this year, and the dutch who had come in the two previous years were all put in prison. the japanese desire that the dutch surrender to them the fort which they have in the island of hermosa, where some of them have been sent, while others remain in japan as hostages.] chapter xxxix the life and death of father fray matheo de cobissa [though sufferings and persecution refine the gold of the church, yet there are many rich and pure spirits who appear in time of peace. of these latter we are now to give an example. there were but few years in which father fray matheo de cobissa lived in this province. he reached the province toward the close of july, 1628, and was sent directly to the island of hermosa where he spent less than three years, but those were full of glory. fray francisco mola, vicar-provincial of the order in hermosa, and fray angel de san antonio, vicar of the convent of all saints in that island, wrote a formal certificate testifying to the facts in the case of father fray matheo. they give an account of the marvelous visions which the father beheld, in which the lord explained to him what was to come. the lord had previously revealed the future to him, giving him notice beforehand of the coming of the english fleet to cadiz in 1625; of the great inundation in españa in 1626; and of the unfortunate death of the reverend father fray bartholome martinez, the provincial, on his return from the island of yama. to these fathers the dying father gave an account of other visions that he had had. he told them further that his rigorous penances had never weakened his bodily strength. he received the extreme unction, and told the fathers who were listening that when he was coming from españa he saw by the mizzenmast of the vessel the patriarchs st. dominic and st. francis, and that he had had a vision of the three holy kings. not satisfied with this evidence uttered by this father's mouth, these fathers added other information. father fray angel told of cases which had been revealed to him by father fray matheo, in confession, which he had received permission to publish for the glory of god. such were the coming of the dutch enemy against tanchuy and the death of the provincial. when the fathers asked if his dreams, which signified that which was to come, were always clear, or were of indistinct figures, he answered that they were generally clear; but sometimes only such that he could understand that something was prognosticated, though he could not tell immediately what it was. he was most devoted to prayer, and most rigorously abstinent. father francisco mola testified to the religious devotion of the friar. brother fray andres ximenez, who accompanied the father from españa and was very intimate with him, testified to his life of mortification and penance, and to his devotion. he was reckoned a saint, and the high esteem in which he was held in this province is shown by the words of the provincial chapter in recording his death.] chapter xl the entrance made from the island of hermosa to the great kingdom of china by two fathers of st. dominic. [if this island were of no value, its spiritual promise would make it important; and if it were poor in material things--and it is not, because it has many mines of gold and silver, and is fertile--it would still be well that our nation has set foot on it. it is of spiritual use because it is from hence, as it appears, that the conversion of the great kingdom of china is to have its rise. it is of importance in a material way, because of its nearness to the trade of that kingdom, which is so rich and so abounding in merchandise. that both spiritual and temporal ends might be attained, don juan de arcaraço, [48] who was commandant of the island at that time, decided to send an embassy to the viceroy of hucheo, the capital of the nearest province, with a view to opening up trade with it, but without saying anything about matters of faith. he offered our religious an opportunity to go on the embassy. two religious were accordingly sent--the father vicar of the convent, fray angel coqui, a florentine by birth, who had assumed the surname of san antonino; and, as his companion, father fray thomas de sierra, who was called here "de la magdalena." he was a native of cerdeña. his natural gifts were but small, but his spiritual ones were great, as will be seen. they set out accompanied by two soldiers and seven indians, carrying their letter of embassy and a present for the viceroy. they took what they needed to say mass, and a very little money for their support; and embarked (december 30, 1630) in two very small vessels. on the way a heathen chinese, master of the vessel in which the religious were, planned to kill them in order to rob them. the signal being given, the chinese killed five of the members of the expedition, and wounded two with the clubs which they used as weapons--for, among the chinese, soldiers only are permitted to carry weapons of iron. father fray thomas was one of those who lost his life. the narrative may pause for a moment to give some account of him. he was a native of cerdeña, and a son of the convent there. he was destined to the order of st. dominic from his mother's womb. since the schools in his part of the country were not very good, he strove to be assigned to the province of andalucia, and went to the convent of san pablo at cordova. hearing of the devout manner of life of the religious in this province, he desired to enter it, and departed from españa in the year 1627, at which time i was bringing over a body of religious. this was the third company which i led (besides the first, in which i came with others under leadership, which is now about forty years ago). i accepted his application, thinking that he could complete his studies in this province as well as in españa. he was of most gentle and patient disposition. he suffered greatly from headaches, and was unable to carry on his studies, though in some cases of moral theology he showed ability. he was sent to the island of hermosa, in the hope that the cooler climate would benefit him. his health improved, and he devoted himself to learning the mandarin language, which is the language used in china by the learned, and takes the place of latin among us. nicolas muñoz, a native of mexico, a soldier, was one of those killed at this time. he was a man of the greatest piety. god in his infinite pity delivered father fray angel from this terrible danger. he fled to the cabin in the poop, and there he and the three others who survived were able to defend themselves against the seventeen chinese, who fastened them up there, hoping to kill them of starvation. the vessel was captured by pirates, to whom father fray angel owed his liberty and his life. the mutineers on the vessel told the pirates that the persons in the poop were captives taken in lawful war, whom they were going to sell into slavery. the pirates planned to make an assault upon them, but decided not to, because they would be certain to meet with some damage, and resolved to scuttle the ship, leaving the captives to drown. they took off the sail and the rudder, anchored the vessel that it might not be carried ashore, and abandoned it. the prisoners were left fastened up and unable to get out, while the vessel filled with water up to the poop. the imprisoned men found a chisel in the cabin, with which they worked a hole between two boards, and finally escaped from their confinement. they made their way to an island, and on the other side found an arm of the sea wherein there were many vessels, among them a fisher's boat. they went up to the fishermen, who fled from them, but who came back again in response to their prayers, and let them have some food. these men warned them not to stay on that island that night, for fear of tigers; and said that if they survived until morning they would meet with other worse tigers--namely, soldiers from the fleets which were always moving about that coast, who would certainly kill them. in fear of both dangers, they asked the fishermen to take them to terra firma, and to bring them before some mandarin. a thousand difficulties were raised which were quickly conquered with a few bits of money which had escaped the recent robbery. being brought before a mandarin, they were sent to the city of ziumcheo with letters of safe-conduct and provision for the journey--which according to the custom of this kingdom, is afforded to every poor man who in any way comes to it. the letter which accompanied them described them as four robbers who had been caught on the seashore. the second mandarin before whom they were brought sent them to the third; and he despatched them to the viceroy, forty leguas away in the city of ucheo. father fray angel was taken ill, as a result of all his hardships, but recovered by the help of god. as all the papers had been lost, the viceroy directed the father to return to the island of hermosa for satisfactory credentials, providing him with a vessel and everything necessary for the purpose. the father, unwilling to leave china, and being afraid that the viceroy had some design against him, sent in his place a christian japanese who understood the mandarin language very well. he was one of a number who were scattered over china, and who desired to make their way to a christian country. he dressed this man in a religious habit and caused him to pretend to be ill, so that he might be left quiet in a dark part of the ship. by the laws of the kingdom the father thus exposed himself to death or to perpetual imprisonment, which in china is a prolonged death. the curiosity of the chinese is such that nothing escapes it. the viceroy, the mandarins, and all knew of the return of the father, and even knew where he was lodged; but no disturbance arose, and the authorities paid no attention to the matter. the father decided to change his dress, and to assume such a one as was worn by the most honorable of the natives, who pay great attention to such matters. he permitted his hair and beard to grow in their manner, as some fathers of the society of jesus have done--who have performed many useful labors here, as is known throughout europe. during four months the father was unable to say mass, having been robbed of what was necessary.] chapter xli father fray angel leaves the city of ucheo for the town of fuhan, trusting solely in god; the success of his journey. [father fray angel, knowing that there were some christians in the village of fuhan and the province of funinchiu, decided to set out thither on foot. he met with no interference on the way. in fuhan he found some christians, and met father julio aleni of the society of jesus. like father fray angel, he was an italian; and he showed the father much kindness. here father fray angel made a number of conversions, and found everything promising for the future of christianity in china. the lord showed the father grace, for, though he was naturally weak, he received strength for many labors. he begged for a companion, saying in one of his letters which he wrote from fuhan, december 24, 1632: "laborers! laborers! laborers! for the harvest is ready and it is great." there was sent him as companion father fray juan baptista de morales, a son of the convent of san pablo de ezija, for the province could spare no more.] chapter xlii the lives and deaths of fathers fray marcos de saavedra and fray juan rodriguez [january 6, 1631, died in the convent of sancto domingo father fray marcos de saavedra, a native of villamayor in the district of veles, a son of sancta cruz at villa escusa in la mancha. he left españa in 1623, in which year he was ordained priest in mexico. he was a minister in nueva segovia, and understood the language of the natives very perfectly. he composed in it a book of sermons for the whole year; and a grammar for those who might learn it later, abbreviating the old grammar. he was a devout and zealous religious, and patiently suffered the long illness which preceded his death. on the seventh of may in this same year father fray juan rodriguez departed from this wretched life for a happier one, in the convent of sancto domingo at nueva segovia. he was a native of the bishopric of salamanca, and assumed the habit in the famous convent of san estevan in that city. after he finished his course in arts and theology, he was assigned to the convent of sancto domingo in the city of guadalaxara. he was a friar of exceptional devotion and received great favors from the holy virgin and from st. joseph and st. dominic, who visited one of his penitents and directed his life. with the approbation of the lord, father fray juan desired to go to the convent of the order in the town of aranda de duero, which was famous for its observance of the rule. here he was master of the novices, and hence he was called by god to this province. he was sent to nueva segovia, where he learned the language of the natives, and within five months was able to preach to them in it. he was much beloved by the natives, and also by the religious, who all desired to be in his company. his devout and exemplary life edified all wherever he went. after he had been attacked by an illness which proved to be his last, he was sent with some spanish soldiers to bring back some christians indians who were in the mountains, and who wished to return, but were prevented by their neighbors, who threatened them with death. in spite of his illness, he accepted the responsibility and went with the troops. the soldiers, growing impatient with the delay of the indians, who feared them, desired to capture them with the aid of some friendly indians who accompanied the expedition. the father, however, persuaded them to wait for another day; and after he had spent the night in prayer he succeeded by his gentleness and his arguments in persuading those indians to give up their lost way of life and to return. there were in all more than one hundred and thirty persons. after his return his illness grew rapidly worse, and he died in the month of may.] chapter xliii a second expedition made by two fathers to the province of sinay, otherwise known as ytui, and the result of it. eighty years had passed since christianity was first planted in this country in the island of luçon, the chief island of the philippinas. from here it had spread to other islands; and in luçon it had spread from one province to the next, for in this one island there are many nations and languages. yet the province of ytui [49]--as we shall call it in future, since it is better known by that name--had not had the good fortune to receive regular preaching before this late date, namely, the beginning of the year thirty-three. this delay was not due to the fault of the natives, for they have often manifested a desire to receive the gospel, and have asked several religious orders for ministers to teach them; but to the fact that all the orders were so poor in ministers, on account of the great number of people whom they must aid. that country also is so rough and so difficult of access for the visitations of the superiors, that all the orders have avoided assuming the charge of it. for some years the order of the glorious father st. francis sent religious there to cultivate it, but without any good result. they made a beginning, but could not carry it on--some of the fathers being taken away by death, and others leaving the region because of sickness. the natives have constantly persisted in their request for ministers of the gospel to teach them, and have been particularly urgent with our sacred order--because they have some commerce with the province of pangasinan, which is in our charge; and because they know how much that is advanced in all matters, both temporal and spiritual, as a result of the labors of the fathers who minister to it, though the population was previously the most barbarous known in these islands. once, some years ago, some chiefs came here to manila during a chapter when a provincial was elected, to place their request before it. the fiscal of the king (who was also that of the royal chancillería), don juan de bracamonte, offered a petition to the definitors, supporting this request for ministers for that province, since the indians were vassals of the king and paid him their tribute, and his majesty was bound to provide them with christian instruction. the answer was a hopeful one, saying that if his majesty would send ministers from españa they would then very readily be assigned to this duty, as he desired; but in the meantime the order could scarcely fulfil the requirements of the regions which they had already in charge, for the indians were many and the ministers few. on another occasion when the father provincial of the province, fray baltasar fort, was making his visitation to this province of pangasinan, the inhabitants of ytui learned of the fact; and there came to meet him, in a village called calasiao, some thirty of the chief indians of that country--among them he who was, as it were, their king. he brought with him his wife and his sister; and they proffered their request with much feeling and many tears, complaining of their misfortune that when they were so near--the provinces were about four days' journey apart--they were not worthy to receive the fathers, though they had several times striven to obtain them with all possible urgency. the provincial could but feel pity when he saw these heathen indians becoming preachers to us, in so urgently persuading the preachers to come and teach them the law of god; yet he was totally unable to give them what they asked, but gave them his promise that he would do so as soon as possible. they returned to their country with this answer, very disconsolate. father fray thomas gutierrez--a minister who was then in pangasinan and of whom an account will be given later--learned of this, and volunteered to undertake an expedition thither. a second father, fray juan luis de guete, offered to go as his companion. the father provincial granted their request, in spite of the need of them that would be felt in the posts which they left; but he commanded them that they should go at this time simply to explore the country, and should return within a few days to report their opinions to him, according to the impression made upon them by the natives. they did this, and went about through the villages of the province, setting up in the public squares large crosses, to the great delight of the indians; this act was a token that the fathers took possession of them for the lord who was crucified on the cross. that the devil might begin to give up his ancient possession of the natives, the fathers taught them the worship which they should perform, and some prayers out of the "christian doctrine" translated into the language of pangasinan. that language they half understood, though it was different from their own. they understood it all so well that they immediately began to say the prayers they knew, around the crosses, seated on cane benches which they made for the purpose--two of them intoning the prayer, and the rest repeating it. with these excellent beginnings, which gave proof of the fitness of the soil for receiving the seed of the faith, the two explorers returned to report to their superior as he had commanded them, and offered themselves anew to return to that region. the provincial, when he heard their report, was not unwilling to grant their pious desires, although it seemed that these were contrary to what the strength of the province could sustain. so trusting in the power of god, and with the permission and benediction of the father provincial, they prepared themselves for the return; but they were interfered with by someone who disturbed them by indiscreet zeal, for the devil sometimes appears clothed in the garments of an angel of light. the project was not carried out, but not from the fault of the order or of its sons, who are not accustomed to be slothful before such opportunities. perhaps those peoples were not yet ready in the sight of god for that which they desired; for in such matters the what, the when, and the how are understood by god alone and are determined according to his divine foreknowledge. the natives of ytuy were not weary of being persistent in presenting their requests, as in such matters it is well to be. it happened that in the month of december in the year 1632 the father provincial, fray francisco de herrera (now commissary general of the holy office for all these philipinas islands), was traveling in that region on his visitation to the province of pangasinan. the natives of ytuy, who must have had scouts to inform them, learned of this; and there immediately came in search of him some twenty-four indians, four or six of them being leading chiefs in the province. in the name of all the rest of the natives, they put forward their old request. he did not make them the answer which they had received before--"wait, wait again;" but gave his instant approval, drawing strength from the weakness of the province--which, in the matter of laborers, is great for such a harvest as it has upon its hands, and as it sees every day increasing; and which, therefore, has to pass by much for lack of ability to achieve it all. the father who seemed most suited for this mission was father fray thomas gutierrez, who some years before had filled the office of explorer in this country. his companion was father fray juan de arjona, [50] a son of the convent of san pablo de cordova--a man of middle age, but of more than middling spirit. they both took up the enterprise with great delight, without any objections or requests; and went back with the indians who had come thence, taking no larger outfit than was absolutely necessary to equip them for the journey. this chapter will give a brief account of the events of the journey and their arrival at ytuy, drawn from a letter written by both fathers and dated at ytuy january 21, 1633. the letter was directed to the father provincial, and contains the following narrative: they left pangasinan for ytuy december 6, 1632, the day of st. nicholas the bishop; and since there is but little communication between the two countries--none at all, in fact, except that occasionally some natives on each side visit the other--there is no open road from one to the other, since the indians have no need of one, making their way like deer through the thickets of the mountains. by their account, the journey takes four days; but this is estimated by their mode of travel, which is twice as rapid as ours. father fray thomas was so eager to reach that region that he even wished to make the journey shorter, and he asked the indians if they did not know some short cut. one of them responded that he did; the father asked him to guide them, and they all followed him. this was in an evil hour, for the short cut did nothing but to increase their labor, as it took them out of their way. the journey occupied nine days, over mountains and across valleys, and through rivers, streams, and marshes, which they came upon at every step--for the guide did not know where he was going, and yet they were obliged to follow him. the provision which they carried was but for a few days, since they did not expect so long a journey, and they carried it all on their own shoulders that they might not burden the indians. since the journey took twice as long as they had expected, they became very hungry, and thus suffered much, hunger being added to exhaustion. the sky was not kind to them on their journey, for it rained constantly on all these days and they had no protection; and the ground was as cruel, for the thickets abounded with leeches who attached themselves to the faces, the hands, and the feet of the travelers, and drew blood like a physician's blood-letting. the indians were not distressed by any of these things, or by the necessity of carrying the fathers on their shoulders across rivers or very bad places in the road, which shows the pleasure and affection with which they were taking the religious to their country. the fathers endured this no less well, being certain that they were not putting into a torn sack what they suffered for god. they derived some relief from their sufferings from one happy circumstance provided them by god, who seemed to have designed all these wanderings. this was that in the midst of these wildernesses they found a tiny village of christian indians; for this jurisdiction was under the charge of other ministers, but was very little visited by them, since it was at so great a distance and over so rough a road. they baptized two children, and heard the confessions of some adults--among them that of a woman who had not confessed for some years, having no one to confess to. though she seemed well and healthy, she died that same day. this was a marked token of her predestination. they finally reached the principal village of the province, which is called ytui, and takes its name from the village. the indians received them with great demonstrations of joy, after their manner; and they remained there for eight days resting, and receiving visits from all the villages in the province, who sent ambassadors to bid them welcome with some presents of the fruits of the country. they set out afterwards to visit all the villages in it. great and small, they visited eleven, that they might become acquainted with the temper of the indians. in all they were received with the same tokens of pleasure. from what they saw and learned from the indians, they had much to say in their report of the excellence of the country. they said that it was cool, so that by day the sun's heat was pleasant at times, and a covering was agreeable at night. this is something new in these islands, which have the fault of being very hot. they reported that the country was so fertile that when indians desired to plant their rice they only burn over a part of the mountain [51] and, without any further plowing or digging, they make holes with a stick in the soil, and drop some grains of rice in them. this was their manner of sowing; and, after covering the rice with the same earth, they obtained very heavy crops. they said that some good fruits grew there, and that in their opinion that country would yield all the fruits of spain, if the seeds of the latter were planted. there were, they affirmed, pleasant valleys with quiet rivers and streams in them from which the natives obtain some gold, and that the indians are wont to wear golden earrings. they are not acquainted with silver, and do not care for it. they have no sort of money, so that all their sales and purchases are carried on by barter. they keep their villages very clean and in good condition--a new thing among the indians. they also remarked that there was great fraternity between different villages. this is something even more unusual, for generally these nations live after the law of "might makes right" [viva quien vence], at the expense of their heads. hence these indians walk alone over their roads without fear of being injured or robbed, for they are very safe in this respect--so much so that they leave the rice which they gather, each one in his own field, heaped up in the spike and covered with straw. they go there and carry what they want to their houses, to grind and eat, without fearing that anyone will take what is not his. they readily offered all their infants to the fathers to be baptized, so that within about three months, during which the religious went about visiting the villages, they baptized some four hundred. it would have been the same with the adults, if it had not been necessary to prepare them with the catechism. the fathers have been slow in this, because they have been obliged to translate the prayers into the native language, of which they have not a good command. they are spending their time in learning it, and on this account and no other are delayed in beginning baptism. in order that so few ministers may be able to teach the indians, it is necessary to bring them together into a smaller number of villages, conveniently arranged so that the people may be visited and helped in their necessities. since the country is very mountainous, the fathers have determined to bring and gather them in large settlements, at sites convenient for their fields, near a river which rises in this country, and which, increased by others, grows to be a very large stream, crossing the whole of nueva segovia to the ocean. [52] this river, on account of its fish (upon which most of the indians live), is also of great value to them. this is the only point as to which they are somewhat obstinate, because they are greatly grieved to leave their ancient abode. however, most of them have accepted it, and it is hoped that the rest will come, and in this way in a short time much will be gained by the aid of the lord. through the mountains next to this province, which are many and very rough, there wander a tribe of indians known as alegueses, a vagabond people having no settled places of abode. father fray thomas sent word to them by an indian chief of ytuy that if they wished to come and settle one of the new sites which he indicated, he would receive them there as sons, and do them all the good he could. they answered in the affirmative, and he waited for them for some time; but before they came the holy man finished his days, full of years and of heroic works, as will soon be seen. this is the work which these apostolic men of god accomplished in only three months, as appears from the aforesaid report. they conclude their report with another case similar to that referred to above, of the woman who died so soon after she had confessed. in the goings-out and comings-in of the fathers among the indians that they might become acquainted with them, they found in one village, called palar, a very aged indian woman who was dying. she had eaten nothing for five days. father fray thomas went to see her, and began to talk with her of becoming a christian for the salvation of her soul. he expounded to her briefly what she had to believe, and called upon her to repent of her sins. she answered as well as might be desired, and he accordingly baptized her on that day, which was the last day of her earthly life and the first day of her christian one. it was a happy day, so far as can be judged; for, being newly baptized, she had merely to be recorded in purgatory. not only in these new provinces where the dawn of the gospel's light now begins to shine do extraordinary cases happen like those which have been mentioned, to the great glory of god and the joy of his ministers; but they also occur in many others where the dawn has risen high but has not yet bathed all the horizon, though it is covering it, little by little. from the province of nueva segovia father fray geronimo de zamora, [53] a native of the city of zaragoça, wrote me a letter dated february 25, 1633. in it are these words: "before lent i went up the river of mandayas" (this is the name of a part of that province), "to try to teach many indians who were without christian instruction in heathen darkness, but who paid tribute to the king our lord as his vassals, without even being sons of the church. i asked them if i might visit them, and they received my request kindly and asked that i or some other father should remain among them. in token of the heartiness of their wish, they gave me, as a sort of hostages, ten sons of their chiefs to be baptized; and after having sufficiently instructed them, i baptized them, to the great joy and delight of my soul. i hope in god that in this way thousands of them may be redeemed from the power of the devil, for there is no one who will declare that they are not his." he afterward asked aid from his neighbors to draw the net which was laden with so many fish as are promised by the casts already made there. many are needed, but we may say here, "where are those good men?" it is not to be understood that only these new events are the good ones, or that among christians who have been so for some time there are but few occurrences to rouse joy. this is not the case, for there are so many which have occurred among these latter that a very large book might be made of the account of them, if it were necessary to report what has happened hitherto, and what happens every day anew, to the holy old ministers of the gospel who have been and are among them, whose beards have grown, and whose hair has become white among the indians. they are good witnesses to this truth, and to the growth that the spirit is wont to cause in these clods of earth. as for those who grow weary quickly and leave the ministry, there is no necessity to say anything. it is certain that among those who have been christians steadily for years there are fewer dangers; yet the care of them is of no less merit, and consequently the reward will be no less, since, as king david has well said (i kings, xxx), aequa pars erit descendentis ad praelium et remanentis ad sarcinas, et similiter divident. [54] here in manila the order has under its care a hospital for the chinese, in which the sick of that nation are cared for. the province may place this at the head of its possessions, since there is scarcely a day in which some soul or souls of newly baptized do not pass to heaven. very few are they who die without baptism, and very many are they who give their souls to god before the baptismal waters are dry on their heads. this is accomplished with so little effort on the part of the minister that it calls upon him only to make a little effort, and to go from his cell to the infirmary. i do not know whether there is any other hospital in christendom of the character of this hospital, its principal end being the cure of souls, while for the cure of bodies it has its physician, its medicines, and everything needed within its gates, besides the food and the dainties called for by the palates of the sick. the effects of the divine predestination which are beheld in it are so many that they are almost ordinary, and are therefore not mentioned. [in japon the persecution was increasing in fierceness, and very few letters were received. one of these, from father fray domingo de erquicia, gives an account of the death of the emperor and the succession of his son, who was even more cruel than the father. [55] he tells of the deaths over a slow fire of a father of the order of the calced augustinians, and of two discalced; of a japanese franciscan priest of the tertiary order, and of a franciscan brother; and of a japanese father of the society of jesus--the remains of all being burned, and the ashes cast into the sea. on another occasion two augustinian recollects were burned. two franciscan fathers were captured, while two dominicans were hidden in caves or cisterns, and did not see the sun or the moon for many days. from a dominican at macao, fray antonio del rosario, testimony was received as to the great achievements of father fray domingo erquicia.] chapter xliv the life and death of father fray thomas gutierrez, vicar provincial of the province of ytuy [father fray thomas gutierrez was a native of the city of origuela in the kingdom of valencia; and he assumed the habit in the convent and college of the order there. when the opportunity offered he went to the province of sant hipolito de oaxaca in nueva españa. here he learned the language of the mistecs, whose minister he was for some years. coming to the philippinas, he was assigned to the province of pangasinan, where in a few months he learned the language so well that he surpassed many of the very natives. he rebuked the vices of the indians with such efficacy that they called him "thunder," because he frightened them like the thunder, which they greatly fear. he was a rigid observer of the rules of the province and was notable for his modesty. he went courageously among the savage indians, who often attack those who are traveling along the paths--not for their purses, but for their heads, he who cuts off the greatest number being the most highly esteemed among them.] on one occasion he came to a village of these indians called managuag. while he was there, more than four hundred of these zambales, as they are called, appeared in the village, with their bows, arrows, lances, and daggers such as they use--which are so keen that in a single instant they strike a head to the earth. they came into the unsuspecting village with such a noise and shout that the poor inhabitants, being unarmed, almost died of fear. some fled to the mountains, and some sixty christian indians took refuge in the house of a chief. when they saw that they were lost, having no weapons nor any means to defend themselves, they put themselves in the hands of god, and decided to make use of prayers in place of weapons; so they fell on their knees, and began in a loud voice to pray in their language. the zambales, hearing them, surrounded the house and undertook to go up to it. without knowing what held them back, they were several times obliged to retreat when they were half-way there. they finally set fire to it, though against their will, for they thought much of being able to take with them the heads of its inmates. it was burned to the ground in a few moments, with those who were within. although god did not deliver them from the fire, he showed by a miracle that he had delivered them from the fires of hell, and perhaps from the fires of purgatory, exchanging those for this fire; for they were all found dead in a circle, untouched by the fire, and on their knees, with their elbows on the ground and their heads on their hands. most of them took refuge in the church under the protection of the father and of god. these availed them; and the father, without attempting to close doors or windows, took in his hands a christ that was on the altar, from whom he and the people (who were about him) all begged for mercy, which the father of mercies granted them. it was a marvelous thing that though the cemetery in front of the church had a wall the height of which was only from a few palmos up to two varas, the enemy were unable to cross it; and one of them, who leaped over it, was struck dead by a stray arrow. the roof of the church and the convent was of nipa, which is like so much dry straw to the fire. upon it fell many brands and more than fifty burning arrows, none of which kindled it, though it was so inflammable. god, choosing to show who it was that defended this place, by the prayers of his servant fray thomas, permitted an indian who was with him in the church, and who thought he was not safe there, to go out, thinking that he might escape by running. the enemy caught him and cut off his head in an instant. not an arrow touched even the clothes of one of those who remained with the father, though these fell as thick as grass, and though many arrows passed among them, for they came in at the doors and windows of the church like showers of rain. finally the enemy, frightened--although, being barbarians, they could not understand--when they saw that the fire would not catch, though there was nothing to prevent it, and that their arms would not injure these people, though disarmed, retreated with some heads (the spoils which they most desire) and with some captives. the father, when the disturbance was over, immediately set about burying the dead and putting the village in a situation to defend itself from any other similar attack. on a mountain chain near two villages, one of which is one of the most important in the province of pangasinan, which are called binalatongan and balanguey, there were some unpacified indians so savage and barbarous that they knew no occupation but cutting off heads. they were even more cruel than the ones just referred to, and came down into the valleys, to the fields of the peaceful indians and to the roads, to hunt the latter like so many deer. father fray thomas was much grieved by this, and did not know what to do to prevent it. to keep them back by arms he had not the strength; and, as for arguments, these were not people who would accept them. he therefore made use of a means which the event showed to have been revealed to him from above, because according to carnal reason it seemed to be very contrary to the rules of prudence. he directed two christian indians to go up the mountains to the settlements of their enemies, totally unarmed, and to carry to them a certain message from him. they went, for the indians did not know how to refuse to do what the father directed them; but they went as if they were going to the slaughter. when they came to the place, they made signs of peace; but the barbarians, who knew no more about peace than about theology, were on the point of killing them without listening to them. but one of the savages themselves diverted them from this purpose by saying that they would better listen to them first; that there would be time to kill them afterwards, because they could not escape. they called our indians, and asked them what they wished; and they answered that they were bringing a message from father fray thomas their father; this was, that he begged them earnestly to do no more harm to these indians their neighbors, who were to him as sons. he desired them to come down and settle in the plains wherever they pleased, promising that he would regard them likewise as his sons, and would show them great kindness. they were not acquainted with the father, and did not know his name; and some of them were of the opinion that they had better slay the simple ambassadors. others, contrary to their usual practice, defended the latter, treated them well, and showed them hospitality. among those who were thus kind to them were two chiefs, of whom one--who was, as it were, the leader of all--was named duayen; the other was named buaya. their hearts, which were harder than the hearts of tigers, god softened without any other application than that which has been described. they sent back his ambassadors to the father with an escort to defend them in dangerous places, and to take them safe to his presence; and by them they sent the answer that they were very ready to do with a good will what he commanded them, and that they would come down to the plain and settle in three places, so situated that the father might visit and teach them. they did not delay in carrying out their promise. they built their villages, and in them churches and dwellings for the father. in one of the churches were baptized immediately a son and two daughters of duayen, together with many other children, twenty of them boys. thus was sown the seed of the gospel, which has grown luxuriantly, at no further cost than has been recounted. father fray thomas was indefatigable in striving for the good of souls. for the benefit of souls he made journeys of twelve leguas on foot, over very bad roads and in the heat of the sun. he sometimes went among warlike indians who cut off the heads of others, while he and those who went with him saved theirs. it seemed to his companion, when he took one, that even though the companion was weak, a contagion of strength went out from the father, so that his associate was able to follow him, and they both went on long journeys without being much exhausted. father fray thomas was not grieved that the direction of his superior occupied him in different posts, and called him from one place which was already cultivated well to another which was not so, but very ill--an effect which might have resulted from various causes. in the province of ylocos--which is next to that of pangasinan, and between it and that of nueva segovia, all of them being in this island of luçon--there is a large village called nalbacan, the instruction of which was entrusted to secular clergy. as they were quickly changed, one after the other, and as some of them did not know the language of the natives, the village was in great lack of religious instruction. the bishop of these provinces, don diego de soria, determined to give this village to the order, that it might minister to it. the father provincial who held that office at the time, charged father fray thomas with this duty. he set out there immediately, and began on the way to learn something of the language of the country, of which he had already a vocabulary and a grammar. though it is different from that of pangasinan, he preached in it at the end of twenty days after he arrived there, and before the bishop and other priests who were there, and before the natives, to the wonder of all. he began to fill his office so acceptably to the indians that some came from the most remote parts of the province to confess to him and to receive his counsels. he was given the name of "the holy father," and, whenever they spoke of him, they used this name. as this is the appellation of the supreme pontiff of the church, whom the indians had never seen, and still less had any dealings with him, those who were not acquainted with the secret were surprised to hear them speak until they came to understand it. father fray thomas remained here a year, and his teaching and example were easily perceived in the improvement of the indians and of those who were under his direction. all this province of the indians is under the care of augustinian fathers, who have in it many places where they give christian instruction. they accordingly claimed this of nalbacan, which was the only place outside of their jurisdiction. the order was very willing to yield it, and in exchange for it the augustinians gave to our order another, which they had among our ministries in pangasinan; and thus each order remained with its province complete, with its own tribe and language. when the augustinian fathers came to take possession of the house of father fray thomas, as they did somewhat in advance of the time, he departed with nothing but his cloak, his hat, his breviary, and his staff, setting out for the province of nueva segovia, which was very near, to wait for the order of his superior, and to be disposed of as he pleased. desiring not to be idle in the interim, for he did not wish to be idle a single hour--and if he did not know the language he would have to be idle many hours--he learned the language of that country with the facility which god had given him. he was aided by the fact that the languages of these three provinces of indians are somewhat alike, and resemble each other in their idioms and in their syntax--which does not seem to have been invented by a barbarous people, but by a race of intelligence and keenness of mind. he remained but a short time in this province, being sent by the order of his superior to his former province of pangasinan, whose language he understood as if it were his mother-tongue. in this language he wrote many books of devotion, sermons, and treatises, which he distributed while he was alive among the fathers who were ministers to that people; and he left others behind him at his death, as his estate, for he had no other estate except instruments of penance. from these long journeys on foot, through these rough and hot regions, a sickness resulted in pangasinan which threatened to be the last of his life, and obliged him to give up the ministry to the indians, much against his will. he suffered from this very much more than from the pain of the illness; but what he could not gain in this life he laid up for the other by his admirable patience and fortitude. finally god restored his health, without medicines or comforts, for which there is little provision here; and there was less then, because things were nearer the beginning, when everything was barrenness and extreme poverty. with all these merits, he still lacked one thing to fill up the measure of his deserts. the common enemy of souls guessed this, and once appeared to him, while he was reading a book of devotion, in a hideous and shocking form; and although the father made the sign of the cross, the enemy did not flee so quickly but that he had time to say that, if it were not for the stones on the father's neck, he would be revenged upon him. this was the rosary, which the father took off neither by night nor by day, that he might be at all hours armed against him who may attack at any hour, and will do so whenever he is permitted. his zeal for souls increased with age, contrary to what often happens; for with the old age of the body, the weakening of the strength, and the increase of infirmity, old age often attacks the spirit--as st. paul says (hebrews, viii), quod antiquatur et senescit prope interitum est [56]--which is as true of the spirit as of the body. when the father had reached the age of seventy years, he implored father fray francisco de herrera, who was provincial at the time, to send him to japon on the occasion when the large mission thither was planned which, afterward, god did not see fit to permit to be carried out. i think that this was not the first time that he proffered this request to his superiors. in proportion to the dangers and hardships promised by this mission, of which father fray thomas was not ignorant, was his earnestness in the desire to be a member of it. this is a proof of his vigorous spirit in venerable old age. his urgent request was not admitted, on the ground of his age; but he did not lose the merit of it, since he made it without any hypocrisy. god preserved him for another mission (that described in the previous chapter), which he undertook in the province of ytui. he had made a beginning there in former years, but had not carried it on because of the obstacle there mentioned. he had now come to three years beyond seventy, and undertook the difficult expedition already described with as much spirit and energy as if he had only half his years. yet he was much bowed with infirmities, as well as with age; and between them he seemed, as he walked, to be dragging along his body and his bowels. the words which the church sings of the holy old simeon are not inappropriate, senex puerum portabat; puer autem senem regebat. [57] this same god whose name he, as his vassal, desired to carry to all regions, directed him and strengthened him, so that he undertook enterprises so far beyond the strength of one bowed with years and infirmities. in this period of his life he began to learn the language of this province, accomplishing his purpose in three months, and beginning to preach to the natives in it. he went to attend them in their spiritual needs whenever they summoned him, however far away he was, without heeding rain, or sun, or difficult roads. though very compassionate to all, he was rigorous to himself alone, and that throughout his life. every night he took a rigorous discipline; and never after he entered the order did he eat meat, except in case of grave necessity. he did not complain of his food when it was scanty or ill prepared, in sickness or in health. to the fasts of the order he added others. after the festival of the resurrection he added another lent up to whitsunday, and another afterwards to the day of our father st. dominic, so that the whole year was to him fasting and lent. on wednesdays, fridays, and saturdays throughout the year, and on the eves of the festivals of christ our lord, of the virgin his most holy mother, and of our father st. dominic, and of the saints of the order, he fasted on bread and water. as a result he possessed that which follows such fasting--a heroic degree of chastity. finally the last illness of his life came upon him, being occasioned by a fall from a precipice, while he was in the work of his ministry. during the whole time of his illness, his companion could not persuade him to accept a sheet of very coarse cotton, or to permit his bed to be changed. on the bed which he had in health, which was a frame of cane-work covered with a patched blanket, he desired to await the hour of his death. before his death he made a general confession, covering his whole life from the time before he reached years of discretion. though his confession covered so many years, it lasted about a quarter of an hour. after he had most devoutly received the other sacraments, he died in the lord, march 30, 1633. the following provincial chapter, in giving notice to the province of his happy death, said: "in the province of ytui father fray thomas gutierrez ended his days, an aged priest and father, most observant of the rules of the order, severe to himself and most gentle to others. he labored in this province for the good of souls for the space of five and thirty years, with such devotion that the very indians, by whom he was most beloved, held and regarded him as pious and a saint. this aroused the ill-will of the devil, who appeared to him while he was at prayer; and the wicked enemy was able to arouse in him great fear and terror, but not to harm him, because he found him protected with the impregnable rosary of the virgin. of him we have the pious faith that, full of years and of virtue, he has flown to heaven." chapter xlv the election as provincial of father fray domingo gonçalez, and the state of the province on the sixteenth of april in this year 1633, the fathers of the province assembled in manila to elect a superior. their minds were in such agreement that without difficulty they unanimously elected, on the first ballot, father fray domingo gonçalez, prior of the same convent, not one vote being lacking for the election but his own. he was very acceptable to the estates, both secular and ecclesiastical, of this region, as have been all of the other provincials; since the electors have always exhibited great zeal for the good of the order, and have made their choice without considering personal predilections. in general, the election has not previously been discussed, so that the provincial is elected before anyone suspects who he is. often a person is elected with regard to whom no one imagined any such thing, so that the city is not a little edified. he who was elected at that time was in españa a student at the college of san gregorio, where he was for many years a teacher of theology. after filling all the offices of the order, he became commissary of the holy office in these islands--as he still is, with which we must bring to an end all that may be said with regard to him. the provincial and the definitors found nothing to occupy themselves with in the reformation of the province. advice was received of a new ordinance of the chapter-general held in roma in 1629, in which permission is given to the provinces to discontinue the intermediate chapter as being the source of much expense and trouble to all the order--and, in this province, of much interference with the systematic instruction of the indians in our charge, many of whom are entirely without ministers during the whole time spent in coming to these intermediate chapters. in their place were very prudently substituted the councils, which, being reduced to a much smaller number of religious, the picked men of the province, are almost as useful and much less expensive, and are not followed by the bad results spoken of. this permission was accepted, and the precedent has since been followed. in this year the order was extended so far throughout these kingdoms that it had never before reached such limits. although the number of the religious of this province is very small, they have taken up a jurisdiction so extended and so large that, even though many hundreds and even thousands of companions were to come to their aid, they would have enough to provide all these with labor, without needing to seek for or even to accept anything else, all of them being occupied with that which has already been acquired and gained. for the lack of ministers, the indians are still untaught, and remain in their heathen state; while if they had ministers they would embrace and follow the law of god, as those have admitted and professed it who by the favor of heaven have been able to obtain ministers. [the persecution in japon was still increasing in intensity and cruelty. the authorities of japon now offered a reward of a thousand taes (which amount to almost as many ducados of castilla) to anyone who would reveal the place of hiding of a minister, in addition to full pardon for all offenses previously committed. besides this, a new and dreadful method of execution was devised for the christians, inasmuch as their crime was regarded as so vile that the ordinary methods of execution--decapitation, or burning alive over a slow fire--should not be used as a punishment for them. the condemned christians were hung, head downward, in a pit, in such a manner that they could not move their bodies, and that the blood ran out of their mouths, noses, eyes, and ears until they bled to death in horrible torment. [58] in this way father fray domingo de erquicia was martyred. father fray jacobo de sancta maria, [59] a japanese by nation, who had assumed the habit in our convent of manila, august 15, 1624, was martyred in this year. he had returned to japon in 1632. he went by way of the islands of the lequios; and the champan in which he traveled with some japanese fathers of the society encountered storms, and was cast upon the shores of coria. the sufferings of this voyage were such that his hair turned gray. at the end of five months he reached satzuma, where he labored for about three months. his father, who was a christian, was tortured by water until he revealed the place where his son was hidden; and on the seventeenth of august father fray jacobo died, after three days of torture, by the method of hanging described. in this year two preachers of our order made their way to japon. one was the glorious martyr, father fray jacobo; the other was a sicilian, a very thorough master of the chinese language, who was called fray jordan de san estevan. he had assumed the habit in sicilia, after having studied arts and theology in aragon and castilla. he barely escaped capture immediately on his arrival; and the whole crew of chinese who had been hired to bring him were executed for the crime of bringing a priest into the kingdom. in this year, thirty-three, the cruel old emperor died; and in the commotions which followed it seemed as if all parties turned their hands against the christians. many other martyrs of other orders were executed at this time. among them were father manuel borges, of the society of jesus; fathers fray melchor and fray martin, augustinian recollects--spaniards, who were caught before they learned the language; father fray jacobo antoni, a roman, of the society of jesus; fathers fray benito fernandez (a portuguese) and fray francisco de gracia, of the order of st. augustine; and a japanese father of the society named pablo saito, who had accompanied father fray jacobo from manila. in this year father fray thomas de san jacintho reported that thirteen religious were captured in nangasaqui, besides two of the order of st. francis who were prisoners in usaca. besides these, there were fathers antonio de sousa and juan mateos, and father christoval ferreyra, all portuguese jesuits; father fray lucas del espiritu sancto, a father of our order; besides many japanese, both lay and religious. father fray lucas del espiritu sancto was a son of the convent of sancto domingo at benavente. an account is given of his labors in the chapter dealing with the year thirty-one. from his prison he wrote an account of his labors and travels in japon, in which he told how he had gone through the most distant parts of the empire from east to west. most of these fathers and many of their companions were tortured while in prison, and father fray lucas wrote a long letter describing their imprisonment and torture. in this letter he makes the following statement: that if he should die on the day of st. luke, he would be exactly thirty-nine years of age; that he assumed the habit in 1610 in the convent of sancto domingo at benabente, whence he went to study at trianos and hence to valladolid, coming to the philippinas in 1617, and being assigned to duty in nueva segovia. he reached japon in 1623. his letter is dated october 16, 1633, and two days later he was put to the torture of the hanging described, being respited for a time and afterward executed.] chapter xlvi the holy fray jacintho de esquivel or de el rosario, martyred on the way to japon; and his holy life. [to the six or seven holy martyrs of our sacred order--fray domingo de erquicia, [60] fray lucas del espiritu sancto, fray jacobo de santa maria, and three or four lay brothers, should be added another who, though he did not die in japon, died on the journey thither, at the hands of traitorous heathen. this was father fray jacintho de esquivel. he was a basque by nation, noble in lineage and nobler in virtue. he assumed the habit in the convent of san domingo of the city of victoria. while he was a novice i happened, in returning from the chapter-general in paris in 1611, where i was definitor for this province, to rest in his convent for a week; and at that time he conceived the desire to come to this province. he was sent to the famous college of san gregorio at valladolid, and distinguished himself in his studies, becoming a teacher of arts when still very young. in manila he was appointed as lecturer in theology in the college of sancto thomas; and in this position he did not take advantage of the dispensations allowed, but rigorously observed the severe rules of the province. while he was teaching theology he studied the japanese language, under the teaching of father fray jacobo de sancta maria. with his aid he printed, at the expense of the college, a japanese-spanish vocabulary--a large book, which required very great resolution and labor. as a result of abstinence, he had lost the sense of taste. he dressed poorly and roughly, and his modesty and chastity were such that he once said that he had never looked a woman in the face. in order to make his way to japon he went to the island of hermosa. on the very night of the arrival of father fray jacintho occurred a heavy storm, which overthrew a small convent of ours with its church, which had been erected in the parian of the chinese. the other fathers attributed this to the wrath of the devil because of the coming of the father; but he rejoiced that materials were provided for building a church in taparri, for which the ruins of these buildings might be used. this village of taparri was populated by the worst tribe in the whole island; for they were all pirates, who committed as much robbery and murder on the sea as they could. it was less than a legua from the presidio of san salvador, and strict orders had been issued that no one should go there without permission, and that those who went should always go in company and armed. the father asked permission to go and build a church in that village, where he soon learned a few of the words. when the indians asked him where his wife and sons and land were, he answered that the religious had none, to which they replied that he was a great liar. at another time, when he told them of the resurrection of the dead, they called him mad. afterward, when they came to have a great deal of affection for him and offered him several marriages, and saw that he would not accept them, or even admit a woman into his house, they began to believe in him. he afterward set about building a church in another village on the same coast, nearer the presidio, and named camaurri. he established peace between the two villages though they had always been enemies before. he was afterward sent to tanchuy. he lived a life of great mortification, and labored strenuously to learn the language of this country. in a few months he succeeded, and made a grammar and a very copious vocabulary. being sent back from tangchuy to sant salvador, he obeyed most readily, and his labors were attended with great results. he exposed himself to dangers by sea and by land, and preached to spaniards as well as to indians. he established in the island of hermosa the holy confraternity of la misericordia. the good cavalier don juan de alcaraso gave four thousand pesos for the purpose; and father fray jacintho gave two thousand, which he had received in alms. he also established a school for the bright chinese and japanese children, and those of other nations in that country, where they might be taught the matters of our faith, and where those who are capable of them might learn latin, the liberal arts, and theology. he hoped thus to train up children who might carry the faith into china and japon. he finally embarked for japon in a chinese vessel, with a franciscan; and after they had been at sea for a few days the chinese, unwilling to wait and put them ashore in japon, killed them and took their noses and ears to the judges in nangasaqui, who paid them liberally.] chapter xlvii the martyrdom of the holy friar fray francisco de sancto domingo in the island of hermosa, and the death of the venerable father fray angel de san antonino in great china. [in the course of time arose a persecution of the christians in the island of hermosa. an indian chief in tanchuy excited some villages to rebel, and to kill some spaniards from an ambush. they first employed their weapons upon the holy martyr fray francisco de sancto domingo, who had never done them anything but kindness, and who had just rescued from prison the man who excited all the others. this man had been placed there because his evil purposes had been detected. father fray francisco was a native of portugal, and a son of the convent of zamora in the province of españa, whence he went in 1615 to study theology in the royal convent of sancto thomas at avila. he came in my company on the second expedition which i made with religious from españa to this country. he was assigned to duty in nueva segovia, where he learned the language of the natives, and labored gloriously among them for some years. he was a lean man but had very good health and great strength. he was taken by the father provincial, fray bartholome martinez, as his companion, and the conversion of the island of hermosa was begun. he suffered from headache, in addition to which he subjected himself to the most severe penances. he was most kindly and charitable, especially to the indians. when the indians attacked him, he sank on his knees before them; and they shot at least fifty arrows into his body. the indians cut off his head, leaving the tongue and lower jaw on the body; and with the head and the right hand they went to the mountains, to celebrate the festival of head-cutting. on the way the head wept miraculously, and there was a dreadful earthquake, so that the indians in alarm cast the head into the river. the holy martyr died january 27, 1633, the lord working miracles upon his body after his death. in this same year, there died in great china father fray angel de san antonio, who before coming to this province used his family name, which was quoqui (or cocci). he was of noble florentine descent. some mention of his virtues has been already made, when i spoke of the entrance of our order into the kingdom of china. by the assistance of miracles, he succeeded in carrying out the great desire of the province to preach the gospel in that most populous and wealthy country, the people of which have so much intelligence and such fine natural gifts. he was minister to the indians of bataan, whose language he understood; but by the direction of his superiors he undertook the study of the chinese language, and, in spite of its difficulty, he obeyed with alacrity and promptness. before he had thoroughly mastered this language he was sent to hermosa, from which the governor, don juan de alcaraso, sent him on an embassy to the viceroy of ucheo. the treachery of the chinese on the way has already been described; and an account has been given of the events which occurred in china. in the year in which the order sent him a companion (1633), he was taken sick, and died.] chapter xlviii the beginning of the conversion of the mandayas, mountaineers of nueva segovia although the conversions of the kingdoms of japon and china turns thither much [missionary] effort [61] in españa, since these kingdoms are so magnificent, and summons many noble spirits, that is not the only conversion; nor ought the others to be despised where the lord more quietly (and perhaps in a humbler way) works marvelous effects among the heathen who are converted--and also among the ministers, who profit greatly by so noble a work. many examples of this have been written in this history, which are confirmed by the events of this year among the indians called mandayas, who inhabit some remote and craggy mountains in the province of nueva segovia. though this island of luçon is the first which received the faith in these regions, having done so at the time when the spaniards invaded it, there are still many regions in it where for lack of ministers the faith has not been preached, and where the inhabitants have never heard more of the gospel than if christians had never come hither. this is true not only of a village here and there, but of whole provinces, each inhabited by its own race and each possessing its own language, though they are all within this great island. such were these mandayas indians, the conversion of whom was begun in this year by father fray geronimo de zamora, a native of zaragoça, a son of the most religious province of aragon--from whose report, and from that of two other fathers who for some time accompanied him, the following facts are drawn. in the provincial chapter of the year 1631 obedience sent this father as superior to the villages of fotol and capinatan, which are in nueva segovia near the aforesaid mountains. he had great joy in going there, for he immediately entertained great hopes of the conversion of these mandaya tribes. they were as completely given over to their errors as if there had never been a preacher of the faith in this country, for they lived in mountains which were very rugged, although they were near the villages above mentioned. when father fray geronimo came thither and saw that these heathen sometimes came down for trade with the villages, he began to show them kindness, and to give them some trifles that they thought much of, until at last he secured their good will. for the time he did not speak of anything else, for they were not inclined to matters of the faith, much less to accept ministers who would interfere with the vices in which they lived and had been brought up. in this way a year passed, and at the beginning of the next year, seeing that they were more kindly disposed to him, it seemed to him that he could trust them; and he determined to go up to their villages. he was confident that even though they would not admit him as a teacher and preacher, they would receive him kindly as their friend and benefactor, who was not coming to take or to ask for what they possessed, but merely to provide them with a good which they were without. that he might not make a mistake by following his own opinion, he consulted first with the father vicar-provincial of that region and some grave fathers of it; and after they had conferred, and discussed the case, they resolved that father fray geronimo should make the journey, while the others should pray to the lord for a good result. hereupon he most courageously went up into the mountains, about the end of january, taking with him some indians whom he could trust and who were of good intelligence--acquaintances and friends of the mandayas. it took him a day and a half of most laborious traveling to reach their first village, for they had to row up stream against the current, which is always strong and in some places terrible. the river runs between high mountains on both sides and in the middle of the stream there are great rocks, which make it very dangerous to go up--and still more so to go down, because the rapid current carries the boat against the rocks. they received him with great pleasure, and lodged him in one of their best houses, though it was built of thatch, after the custom of the country. next to it the father had a building erected where he could say mass; and he sent round to the chiefs of the other villages to ask them to come to that one, and there he waited for them. they did so readily, because of their good will toward him; and, when they were all together, the father--standing in the midst of them in an open place, like st. paul in athens--expounded to them the mysteries of our faith, demolishing the delusions of their errors and the teaching of the devil, the father of lies, and saying much that was suitable for both purposes. to this they listened with attention, although the doctrine was new to their ears. god enlightened them within, and hence they did not answer as the athenians did to st. paul--some making a jest of it, and others saying that they would hear him another time as to this matter, while there were few that believed; but here all said at once that they believed what they were taught, and wished to receive this holy law, placing themselves in his hands to be disposed of as he thought best. great was the joy which father fray geronimo felt at this answer, which was beyond his hopes; and he gave many thanks to the lord, seeing that it was he who had accomplished the matter so well, so quickly, and with so little effort, though it was a great matter. he also thanked them, and confirmed them as much as he could in their good purpose; and he asked them as a proof of the validity of the promise which they had given him, to grant him, as sureties that they would not retract it, their infant sons in baptism. without hesitation ten of their chiefs on the following day brought ten infants, their sons, whom father fray geronimo immediately baptized, offering them to god as the first-fruits of this new conversion. as a token that in the name of christ our lord and of his most holy mother he assumed possession thereof, he said mass, and assigned to the village as their patron the virgin of the pillar of zaragoça. [62] it was surely a prudent thought to fasten this tender church to this strong pillar, upon which from of old that noble city has been supported, and has stood firm without being overthrown by the storms that have assailed it since its foundation, though it be as many years in age as the days of the same virgin in this mortal life; and it shall last to the end of the world. throughout that whole day the father spent his time in converse with his new sons, encouraging them to go on with what they had so happily begun; but he was obliged to leave them for the time, that he might return to the villages under his care, for lent was at hand and it was necessary for him to listen to confessions. the ministers are so few that their strength and power cannot reach as far as their desire. the indians were greatly grieved when they saw that they were to be without a guide just as they were beginning a path which they had never trod; but the father was more grieved at being obliged to leave them. he promised to come back and live among them as soon as he could; and they determined to go to his superior to beg for a minister and a teacher to instruct them in the way of salvation. they carried out their plan at such a fortunate time that they found the fathers preparing to go to the provincial chapter, which was at hand. the religious promised to help the indians in their good purpose, and did so, as will soon be seen. father fray geronimo departed from them with many tears on both sides--the indians weeping from sorrow at being left behind; the father partly from grief at leaving them, and partly from joy at seeing his desires realized and his labors so well begun, for this meant that the work was half done. the fathers of the chapter complied with the promise that had been given, and recounted to the definitors the good beginning of this conversion which they had seen, and the great desire with which these heathen indians asked for ministers to teach and baptize them. the result was that the definitors felt obliged to grant so just a petition, and to give them as minister and preacher the same fray geronimo de zamora, who offered to dwell in those solitary mountains in order to carry on what the lord had begun through his ministry and diligence. that he might be able to go, he was provided with two good companions--a great number where the religious were so few, and where there was so much calling upon them for their help. the convent and convents which might be established there were accepted; and the patronage of the virgin of the pillar was extended over all the christian churches which might be formed there. this last request was so just that it brought its favorable answer with it; and, even if father fray geronimo had not presented it, there was a definitor in that chapter who would have made it, because he was likewise a native of the same city of zaragoça, and a son of the famous convent of preachers of that city. his name was fray carlos clemente gant, [63] long an excellent minister of the province of nueva segovia. it is well that the sons of that noble city never cease, wherever they are, to see within their souls that great sanctuary which the city enjoys and in the shade of which they were bred. though father fray geronimo was eager to carry out the orders of the chapter, he was unable to do so until the beginning of september, on account of the obstacles placed in his way by the devil, who saw how much he was to lose by the expedition. he finally embarked to go up the river with one of his companions, father fray luis de oñate, [64] who called himself here by the name of del rosario; he was a native of sevilla, and a son of the convent of portaceli in the same city, a religious of much virtue though of few years, and therefore very well suited to such enterprises. all of his qualifications were necessary, because in the midst of that voyage, at one most dangerous passage, full of great rocks, where the waves are high and the current is stronger, they were unable for three days to make a yard of headway by the greatest efforts that they could put forth, such was the force of the current--or of the devil, who, being unable to do more, strove in this way to interfere with the fathers on their journey. at last by patience and perseverance, which conquer everything, they reached the end of their difficulty. they arrived in the first village of the mandayas on september 7, the eve of the nativity of our lady--a feast which, among the other feasts of the virgin, is celebrated in zaragoça with the greatest solemnity by the chapter and the clergy of the holy church of the pillar. the indians received them with great demonstrations of joy, after their fashion; and with much greater joy, though a spiritual one, the fathers celebrated on the following day the birth of the virgin--for it seemed to them wonderfully appropriate to begin the foundation of this conversion on this day--the virgin herself adopting it, so that, as if it were her own, she might look upon it with the eyes of a mother, and of one so tender. the material (that is, the minds of the listeners) being so well disposed, it was an easy thing for the word of god to kindle in it; for it is like fire, as st. jerome says in his comment upon the prophet abdias [i.e., obadiah], which consumes the straw and purifies the grain for the lord. hence the first thing which father fray geronimo did, because of his deep spiritual insight and his great experience as a minister, was to get at them under the straw of their vices and superstitions, and to place before them immediately the pure grain and clean seed of the faith. he began, as st. paul did, in the eleventh chapter of the epistle to the hebrews, with the knowledge of and belief in one sole god, the great reward which he has prepared for those who serve him, and the dreadful punishment with which he chastises the unbelief of the heathen and the sins of those who offend him. with such force did he explain the greatness of the reward of glory, and the horrors of eternal punishment decreed for the heathen, that all those who heard desired to be baptized immediately. but as this was not possible for the adults, who must first be instructed in the matters of our holy faith, and relieved and unburdened from their previous sins and superstitions, they immediately offered their infant children, who might receive holy baptism without these preparations. within a few days were baptized some three hundred and more, who learned the whole of the christian doctrine with strange quickness, a clear indication of the great willingness with which they were converted to their creator. on the first sunday in october, which came very soon, an indian chief and his wife were baptized; and four days later his brother, a youth. it was attributed to the particular favor of the virgin of the rosary, whose festival is celebrated on that sunday, that so barbarous a race, without knowing how to read or write, and bred in those mountains without commerce or communication even with other indians, should so quickly learn so many prayers. this is still more wonderful because they were not taught them in their own language, which is a savage one, but in that of more highly civilized indians, which is quite different from theirs. although they usually all understand this latter, they never speak it among themselves, which increased the difficulty of this matter, and the grace shown by enabling them to conquer it in so short a time. the religious went on to two other villages higher up, and were received by the indians with the same welcome and signs of rejoicing as in the first village. these indians listened as readily to the teaching of the faith as the others. here was founded a tiny church under the advocacy of st. antoninus--for when lots were cast for this glorious saint, st. jerome, and st. francis, that of our holy archbishop came out; and, mass being said in his honor, the church was dedicated to him. then followed the baptism of many children, whose fathers readily brought them for the purpose--and indeed desired to be the companions of their children in baptism, but were obliged to wait until they could be prepared. the religious could not remain here, and wait until they had prepared them, because they were called back by their obligations to minister to those who were already christians in the older villages of their district, to whom a single religious could not attend sufficiently. as only one had been left behind, the fathers were obliged to leave them after making so good a beginning, promising to return afterward and to perfect them in christianity, after fulfilling these duties. it may perhaps seem to some a cause for offense when they shall read that these fathers left this growing grain in the blade, without protection or anyone to care for it, when there was danger that the enemy might come and sow tares in the field; but if the reader will consider how few ministers the province had, and how much they had to attend to, he cannot fail to see that they did not only what they could, but many times more--god giving them courage for that to which their natural strength, as it seemed, could not attain. yet, even so, they were sometimes compelled guiltlessly to fail in that to which charity would have obliged them if they had been able to do it. [when the fathers informed the mandayas of their intention, the indians were so much grieved that the chiefs and the council resolved to keep the fathers by force if they would not remain with them willingly. father fray geronimo called their attention to the fact that, as a good father, he must attend to all his sons alike. they replied that it would be enough for one to return, and the companion of father fray geronimo was accordingly left behind. he was but new in the ministry, and was now to be left alone in the midst of these mountains to cope with the difficulties of a new conversion. father fray geronimo separated from him and the indians with little less grief and tears, on both sides, than when st. paul departed from the inhabitants of ephesus. father fray luis, the minister who remained behind, determined to guide himself by the instructions and the example of father fray geronimo. from father fray luis is obtained the report which follows. as it deals with matters in which he was himself concerned, it was very short, and he was greatly opposed to publishing it; but the truth of history requires us not to pass over the glory of his works. he was not to baptize any adults, however well instructed, until father fray geronimo returned, for fear of meeting with the impediments which are so frequent in such cases--irregularities in marriage, or the guilt of unjust enslavements and of wrongs done by the more powerful to the weaker, or any of a thousand other impediments which only those who are skilful and experienced in the ministry of new conversions can detect and settle. father fray luis continued to exercise his office, and found in the indians a wonderful hunger and thirst for the matters of the faith, and great readiness in learning it. some christians who were older in the faith, who had accompanied the fathers, were astonished. one of these was don francisco tuliao, at present master-of-camp for the indians of the whole province of nueva segovia; he had accompanied the religious, and his influence was of great importance in achieving the conversion of these people. when he saw the fervor of the mandayas, and the ease with which they learned christianity, though they were regarded even by the other indians as rude and barbarous, he declared that the hand of god could be seen in this work. the lord took to himself the tithe of the first ten baptized children; but the indians who in their heathen days had been accustomed to spend a week in weeping and mourning their dead children, with a thousand superstitions and extravagances, before burying them, now accepted readily from the hand of the lord the death of baptized children who departed in their innocence; and, without a sign of grief, they themselves took the little bodies of their children to be buried in the church. in the case of adults also, some of them showed marvelous devotion and were baptized on their deathbeds. even those who were not baptized believed, and helped the baptized to die blessedly. many signs of true conversion were shown by these indians; the virgin showed special grace to some of the converts, in particular assisting one poor woman of small intelligence to learn the prayers, with which she had great difficulty; and miracles were wrought in order that those predestined by god might not die unbaptized. by the twelfth of january of the following year more than five hundred of this tribe had been baptized; and though it would seem that such a number would have justified the permanent residence of a minister among them, father fray luis was obliged to leave the mandayas, to go to aid in hearing the confessions of those in the lower villages, where there were only six confessors for more than eight thousand penitents. he departed from them with grief, and left behind for their instruction some indians qualified for the purpose, among them the master-of-camp don francisco tuliao (who was an indian). he had accompanied the religious in their good work, being also directed by the civil authorities to lead in a war for the reduction of some indians near the mandayas, in villages called ysson.] they had risen; and, being favored by their location in the midst of rugged mountains, had refused the obedience and the tributes which they had been accustomed to pay to their encomenderos. this difficulty was happily settled by don francisco, as a result of his prudence and authority. the truth is that the thing was already practically settled, father fray geronimo de zamora having arranged it when he came up for the first time to the mandayas. at this time he summoned the chiefs of the villages of ysson along with the rest; and the arguments of this father had such an influence upon them that they immediately yielded to them and put themselves in his hands. as a token of their fidelity they cut off their hair, which is much cherished by these heathen; and this was as much as to say that they renounced their ancient customs and the laws of their ancestors, and that they desired to embrace the law of god, whose servants did not wear their hair long, as did all the heathen. would that there had been ministers and preachers to give them; for they would have been able to enter this region immediately, and to go among the heathen villages, baptizing the indians as if they had never served the devil. it is a pity that many of them should be still completely given up to their errors, for lack of someone to declare the truth to them. as soon as father fray geronimo and his companion were able to leave the confessions and the communion of the elder christians, they returned to the aid of these new ones who so greatly required their presence. it did not seem that their absence had caused any great evils, for they found them well taught and prepared for baptism. accordingly, a few days afterward, on one of the feasts of the virgin, namely, the purification, they were able to baptize eighty-three persons who had come to years of discretion, belonging to the leading families in that country; and in two days more, forty others, elderly men. they took as great pains as they could to keep these solemn baptisms for festivals of our lady, in recognition of her patronage, and with the purpose that after their spiritual birth these tribes might remain very devoted to her and continue under her protection. music to make these baptisms joyful there was not in these villages, because they were so new; but there was no lack of music in heaven, for if the conversion of one sinner causes rejoicing there, the conversion of so many heathen could not fail to cause great joy indeed. in the following april, father fray geronimo de zamora reported that the conversion of the mandayas was advancing; and that their christian character was, by the grace of our lady of the pillar, becoming better and better established. these mandayas indians were little esteemed in the province of nueva segovia, being regarded as fickle and inconstant, and of small capacity--so that some venerable and prudent ministers thought it was not wise to extend christianity so rapidly among them. but the proofs which they gave of being aided by heaven relieved their ministers of these fears, and caused them to baptize them without delay. they learn the faith rapidly, readily give up their old superstitions, and are much devoted to prayer. before baptism they paid their debts, gave liberty to their slaves who were unjustly held, and did many other things that are very hard. they have given up killing and wronging their neighbors, and are now so friendly and peaceful that they visit and entertain each other without suspicion--even in the case of persons, who a short time ago, were hunting each other with the purpose of committing murder. under all these circumstances, was there any reason for prohibiting their baptism? chapter xlix the beginning of the account of the glorious martyrdom of four illustrious martyrs--fathers fray jordan de sant estevan, fray thomas de san jacintho, and two religious of our tertiary order in japon. [father fray thomas de sant jacintho was a native of firando in japon, and was the son of christian parents. he learned latin and began ecclesiastical studies, and even commenced to preach, under the direction of the fathers of the society. the breaking-out of the persecution obliged him to go to manila to carry out his studies; so that he pursued the study of theology under the religious of st. dominic in that city, where he assumed the habit. he showed great keenness of mind, and advanced far in learning. he was a companion of father fray jacobo de sancta maria, whose glorious martyrdom has been described. the native pride and hauntiness of the japanese are very much opposed to the religious state, but father fray thomas in his novitiate and throughout his life exhibited the greatest humility. he spoke spanish like a native, and took delight in fulfilling the duties and performing the offices of a friar. he made his profession august 16, 1635, being thirty-five years of age, and continued to carry on the study of theology afterward. under these circumstances he was selected by the father provincial, fray bartholome martinez, as one of those to go to the island of hermosa. on the way, the expedition was detained for some months in the province of nueva segovia, the climate of which is well known to be most adverse for the japanese, who generally fall sick and die there. this had happened only a short time before to two priests, companions of his and devout religious. father fray thomas, however, said nothing of his fears, and the lord preserved him for the acceptable sacrifice which he was to make in japon. there was great difficulty in sending religious to japon; out father fray thomas went, disguised in japanese dress, to the island of the lequios, which is subject to the japanese. here by the death of his companion he was left alone, with ornaments and money, and with the direction to go to japon at the first opportunity and to present himself to his superior, at that time the holy martyr fray domingo de erquicia. in the letter which father fray thomas wrote back, he briefly mentions being in the island of the lequios, making no allusion to the great sufferings which he must have passed through on this journey. he reached japon in the year 1630, remaining there to the end of the year 1634, four years in all. he was a great help and comfort to the afflicted christians. the authorities sought after him with great diligence, offering large rewards for his capture, and displaying the greatest severity against those who harbored the ministers of the faith.] chapter l the coming of the venerable father fray jordan de san estevan to this province, and his entry into japon. [father fray jordan de san estevan was a sicilian, who had assumed the habit of our order in his native country. hearing of the crowns of martyrdom which had been attained in japon, he went to españa, hoping that he might make his way thence to this province and have the opportunity of offering his life for christ. he carried on his studies in the convent of our order in the city of truxillo, and was a religious of the utmost devotion, abstinence, and spiritual elevation. submitting his purposes to persons of learning and virtue, he received their approval, and set out for these islands. he formed a most intimate friendship with father fray jacintho de esquivel, or del rosario, who afterward was a holy martyr. to pass his time when in mexico--for he was a great enemy of idleness--he wrote an elegant latin summary of the lives of the saints of our order. when he reached these islands he postponed to his obedience his eagerness to go to japon; and was assigned to minister to the chinese, whose language and letters he learned, being acquainted with many thousand characters. the lord had given him a great gift of languages; for in addition to his native language he knew latin, greek, spanish, chinese, that of the indians of nueva segovia, and finally the japanese. he generally lived in the hospitals of the chinese, obeying the whims of the sick chinese with the greatest charity and kindness. at last he received permission to go to japon, passing for a chinese. in 1632 he set sail, reaching japon in the following year. he met with many dangers and wandered about through the mountains. as a result of exposure he was afflicted by a severe illness, but was cured by the grace of god.] chapter li the capture and martyrdom of the fathers fray jordan de san estevan, and fray thomas de san jacintho. [the persecutors at this time were seeking with extraordinary diligence for an augustinian father named miguel, a japanese by nation. the inquisition brought the officers of the law to the house where fathers fray jordan and fray thomas were lodging; and though, being informed of its approach, they fled, they were caught on the day of our father st. dominic, august 4, 1634. when examined in court they answered briefly and boldly, and with christian liberty showed no reverence to their unjust judges, denying the accusation of being spies of españa. after a severe imprisonment and being ignominiously treated by the judges, before whom they were called several times, they suffered from the dreadful torture of water, which was poured down their throats until they swelled out like bags. they were then laid on the ground and a plank placed upon them, with two men on it, who trod on the plank and thus forced the water out of their mouths, ears, nostrils, eyes and other parts, with such torture as may be imagined. afterward they again filled them with water, and forced it out again. they were subject to other tortures of the most horrible nature. november 11, 1634, sixty-nine persons, men and women, were taken out of prison to suffer for christ, some by burning, some by beheading, and our glorious martyrs by being suspended head downward. as they passed through the streets, the christians showed them secret signs of respect. the martyrs who declared their faith were brought to a place of execution. father fray jordan lingered for seven days, and father fray thomas somewhat less. during his lifetime father fray jordan had received marked signs of the divine favor, having power to reveal their secrets to guilty hearts, and receiving other special revelations.] chapter lii the glorious martyrdoms of the illustrious marina and magdalena, religious of the tertiary order [the christian japanese who had been well prepared in the faith yielded many confessors; and the religious decided to admit into religious orders some of these of the most advanced virtue. among these was a certain sister marina, admitted by father fray luis exarch--a most holy woman. she was arrested and charged with being a christian, and with protecting the religious. they revived in her case a torture which had long been given up as barbarous, exposing her naked to the public view and then subjecting her to other tortures by dragging her about from town to town, and causing her to suffer from thirst. her valor and courage caused even the heathen to respect her. she was condemned to be burned by a slow fire, and her ashes were cast into the sea. sister magdalena was the child of two martyrs; she departed to the desert, and gave herself up to devotion. she received the habit from father fray jordan, and, though the officers were not seeking for her, she came before them and confessed christianity, forcing them to imprison her. after subjecting her to frightful tortures, the tyrant judge finally grew weary and sentenced her to death, directing her to be hanged by her feet. she lived in this torture, without food or drink, for thirteen days and a half.] chapter liii the condition of the christian church lately established by our religious in great china [though the religious of our order who had recently entered great china had not enjoyed entire freedom from disturbance, they had met with no such opposition as they had expected. they baptized many who became devout christians. the christians converted in china are better christians than those converted in these islands, being of higher rank and greater intelligence. they live a life of devotion, and do much penance. they often ask acute questions, which cause the minister difficulty in answering; and they are very constant in times of persecution. up to this year 1634 our province has had in china only two priests; while the order of st. francis has sent two others, who have at our request labored in company with the members of our order. our religious have gone to cities which do not belong to any other order, in order to avoid collisions. the chinese women are kept in such seclusion that their conversion has been very difficult, though their husbands sometimes bring them; and the lord has in some remarkable cases shown special favor to the preaching of his gospel by the members of our order. the lord also works miracles by the hands of his preachers, showing that he is the true god, and that the idols are vanity. in especial, he has cast out devils by his ministers. at times the chinese heathen have risen against the christians, and have spread false tales about them. three such uprisings are described, the church being torn down in one of them, some christians being maltreated, and a few being slain. the judge punished the rioters, but directed the religious to leave the city. the women are devoted christians. father fray juan baptista de morales [65] and father fray francisco diaz [66] were both exposed to the danger of death at the hands of the chinese rioters, and a number of weak christians fell away; but even under these circumstances the presence of the missionaries achieved much. the chinese are great idolaters, especially the women, for they believe that after death they shall come to life again in new form, even men taking the form of brute animals, and good women becoming men--which is something which they regard highly, because of the subjection and inferiority of women in china. the chinese in the region where the fathers were at work were given to horrible vices and to excessive and superfluous courtesy. the converted chinese departed from their vices, and did much penance.] chapter liv the discovery by the religious of many superstitions concealed by some new christians [the greatest of the griefs of the christian ministers in china was the discovery of a number of superstitions concealed by their converts. many of these had to do with matters which were requisite for them to retain their honor and their positions in the state. they were obliged to offer the adoration yielded by everyone in this kingdom to their deceased ancestors and to worship a certain great teacher of theirs, congchu [67] by name, who has left for them admirable laws full of excellent moral teachings and political virtues, and defective only from the lack of the divine illumination. the superiors of the religious orders went secretly to behold the mode in which the ancestors were worshiped, of which a full description is given in the text. the magistrates are required to render special worship to an idol named chinhuan, the christian magistrates, in order to hold their office, being obliged to perform sacrifices to this idol. among the flowers they conceal a small cross, thus thinking that they may be able to satisfy their consciences and to keep their offices. all the chinese scholars are obliged to sacrifice to conchu. this worship is required of the mandarins and all public officers. our religious informed the christian chinese that the mere exterior performance of these rites was a mortal sin, incapacitating them to receive the sacrament. it is affirmed by the chinese that the fathers of the society of jesus permitted them to render this sacrifice, but this is not the case. the religious, by opposing these superstitions, met with many difficulties. at this time books were printed in chinese against our faith, and the superiors of the two orders went to visit the author of the books, who, angry at the correction of the fathers, declared that they had attempted to kill him. worse books were issued, one of them by a magistrate. the fathers openly opposed what was said, and were in danger of death, but were delivered by the hand of god.] chapter lv the life of father fray luis muro, and his martyrdom at the hands of heathen indians in the island of hermosa. [to the judgment of flesh and blood it would not seem that the success of our order in the island of hermosa was worthy of our efforts. we have sent there some of our best religious; and they have converted very few of the indians, in proportion to the number of noble religious who have been lost there. yet to him who will judge aright, and who understands the worth of the soul, it will not seem much to have spent the blood of martyrs and the sufferings of holy religious for the sake of those souls which have passed from this island to heaven. among the martyrs on the island a high place is taken by father fray luis muro, who died gloriously at this time by the hands of these indians. he assumed the habit of the order in the famous convent of san pablo at valladolid, where he professed. feeling the great need of preachers of the gospel in this province, he left all that he had to come to these islands (in 1626). he was desirous to go to japan, but the lord, not granting him that, permitted him to attain martyrdom in another way. he was a most devoted and successful minister in bataan, whence he was sent to the island of hermosa. here he strove to bring back to the church those who had martyred father fray francisco de sancto domingo, and he obtained their pardon and safe-conduct. at this time there was a great lack of provisions in the chief town of the island, because of the failure of the ship sent with provisions from manila. troops were sent out with money and cloths (which the indians prefer) to buy provisions justly, and without inflicting wrong. father fray luis accompanied the troops, to restrain them from harming the indians, and especially from driving back those whom he was striving to regain for the church. god was pleased that six chinese vessels laden with rice should arrive at the time, thus relieving their needs. a small guard, with whom father fray luis remained, was put in charge of the rice, the rest of the company returning with as much as could be taken at one time to the chief camp. father fray luis went out to make an attempt to reconcile some other indians who had risen against the spaniards. the indians, seeing the spaniards very few in number, conspired to attack them. a detachment of troops were attacked in an ambush, and one of the first who was shot by an arrow was father fray luis. the indians cut off his head, his feet, and his hands, and washed them with his own blood. miracles were wrought upon the holy body, and the provincial chapter gave special attention to his happy death and his excellent life.] this was the last life written in this history by the venerable lord bishop don fray diego aduarte. he was taken away by death at the conclusion of it, that it might not be printed without the life of its author, and that his memory might be eternal--not only as a result of the labor which he spent upon it, but also of the many labors which he undertook for the lord and the good of souls, so greatly to the honor of this province. some of these have been recounted in the course of this his book; but many have remained in silence because they took place in españa where he dwelt many years, filling with great distinction the post of procurator general of this province. of what we have seen and known here, something will now be said, a great tribulation which came upon this province at this time, and which was in no small degree contributory to his death, being first dealt with. chapter lvi a new congregation of religious which was proposed in these islands at this time in the ships which reached these islands in this year 1635 there came twenty religious, sent by his majesty at the request of the procurator then at the court, father fray matheo de la villa. [68] this father had for many years filled that office with great excellence, because of the great love which he always had for the province--in which he had been many years a devoted minister of the gospel, prior of the principal convent in this city, and definitor in its provincial chapters. this was the only office which the province could give him, though it was far below his deserts. his merits attracted so much attention in the court that, without his having any idea of it, as the event showed, his majesty nominated him as bishop of nueva segovia. the humble father never accepted the appointment, although strongly urged to do so; and thus his virtue was better known, and received the higher glory. when these religious were about to come to this province it seemed, to one who had been in it and who was then resident at court, [69] that this was a good opportunity to put into execution a certain purpose which he had; and he so disposed matters that father fray matheo de villa accepted this religious as vicar of the shipload of twenty ministers sent by his majesty to the province. this religious seemed to father fray matheo to be a person who would fill the office excellently, as he had been in these regions. he did not imagine that in the fair words which he heard was concealed the deceit which he afterwards learned. the fact was that this religious, perhaps with a good intention, had for many years striven to divide this little province, by dismembering from it japon, china, and the other heathen kingdoms in which it had new conversions, not considering that these could not be kept in existence apart from the conversion which the province maintains here. he had discussed this matter with our late general, the most reverend father fray seraphino sicco, of pavia--who having governed the whole order with much prudence for many years, thoroughly knew and understood what would be for its advantage; and who therefore immediately perceived how destructive to the province and how harmful to the order this division would be, and imposed perpetual silence upon him with regard to the matter. for other reasons added to this, he took from him his authority as procurator of this province and commanded him to have no more to do with matters of the indias. because of this mandate, and for other reasons concurrent with it, the royal council of the indias commanded him not to go to them. on these accounts he gave over his purpose for the time being, until the election of a new general of our order, to whom he went. as he was new in the government and very zealous for the conversion of the heathen, the religious was able, by making great offers in that regard, to persuade the father-general to make the aforesaid division; and to take from the province the said conversions, and to give them to a new congregation of fathers established for the purpose. the said father was appointed vicar-general of this congregation, and for its beginning and support it received all the houses belonging to this province for which the new vicar proffered his request. these, excluding the convent of the city of manila, were the best in the province. all this was done because of the contention that this province, being much occupied with the conversions of indians which it has undertaken in these philippinas islands, could not attend to the conversions of the said heathen regions. on a bosom so pious and so desirous for the good of souls as that of the most reverend general of the order, this made so great an impression that without knowing anything of the province, not even the procurator that it had in españa, he granted everything that was asked. the suitor knew very well that this division could not be made without the consent of our lord the king as patron (in which relation he stands to all the religious orders in the indias); so he tried all expedients at court to obtain this assent, but was not successful in any of his efforts. the prudent counselors of his majesty, with whom in particular he discussed the matter, declared that the royal council would by no means consent to so great an innovation without first being informed by the prominent personages of this region with regard to the advantage or disadvantage of the plan proposed. this caused him to despair of attaining any of his desires by this road; for he had no hope that any person acquainted with the facts would declare in favor of his purposes, because of their thorough impracticability. he therefore determined to obtain by artifice what he could not obtain by reason or justice. an opportunity being afterwards offered for religious to come to this province, he strove to go as their superior, carefully hiding his purpose from the procurator of this province. then, just as they were about to embark from sevilla, he sent to the court notice of a mandate and act of excommunication from our most reverend general, commanding that this new congregation should not be interfered with on any pretext or cause. this was done at a time when it was impossible to put any obstacles in his way, because he would already have embarked beforehand. after leaving sevilla, and even before going there, he already had on his side some of the religious, to whom he had declared his purpose. while at sea he revealed his plan to all, thus endeavoring to draw them into agreement with him. he placed before them the opportunity of being taken directly to japon and to great china, a most efficacious bait for the fervor with which the new religious set out from españa to the conversions of those regions. at the same time he strove to disgust them with the ministries to the indians, declaring that the province had now no other ministries, and that he was the only one who could now send them to those kingdoms and to the conversion of those heathen regions. in this way he alienated them from the province, to which it was his duty to take them; for it was for that province that our lord the king had given them and paid their expenses, and to which our most reverend general had granted them. he reached the province, and presented only the letters-patent dividing the province and establishing the congregation, which were couched in very strong terms. the provincial, who had already been advised of the whole matter and of what he ought to reply, listened to them and made the following response. he was ready to obey the letters and the mandate of the most reverend general, as his higher officer and lawful superior, when and in the manner in which his reverence desired that they should be obeyed and put into execution. this was by asking and first obtaining the consent of our lord the king, as patron of all the orders in all the indias. without this consent the division proposed could not be made, and new provinces and congregations could not be established; and our most reverend general would not desire to contravene the right and patronage of the king, because that would be contrary to justice. the father replied that this matter was now being attended to, and desired the provincial to show immediate obedience to these letters by transferring to him the contents of the province which by the letters were assigned to the congregation. this obedience could not be shown, and therefore his claim was without effect. as nothing more could be done, the business remained in this condition for about nine months, during which this father, taking advantage of a certain opportunity, very inconsistently with his function of propagating the faith, asked and obtained a force of soldiers, with which he violently seized by force the houses of this province which he claimed, contrary to the royal patronage and the will of the most reverend father. when the general gave those letters with such authority as he had a right to claim, he desired first that the consent due by justice should first be asked of the patron, whom he in no wise intended to wrong. in addition, there were many other reasons making everything done in virtue of these letters unjust. they were notoriously surreptitious, and obtained by false information. it was manifest that the province, although it attended to the ministry to the indians of this country, was not forgetful of the ministry to japon and china. on the contrary, it gave so much attention to them that it was constantly suffering from suits and vexations because the governor, the audiencia, and the city, and sometimes even the ecclesiastics, declared that the province went to excess in that direction. it not only sent preachers of its own order to those realms, but encouraged and stirred up the other orders to do the same thing, without shrinking from the excessive expenses necessary for the purpose. to this end it never imagined itself poor, though it was so poor that it had not and has not any income more than what the lord sends it in alms. hence the pretext for establishing the new congregation was manifestly false; and the letters were so clearly surreptitious that, in order to prove that they were so, no other evidence was necessary than the evidence of the governor himself, of the royal audiencia, and of the councils which were often held against the province on account of this. under these circumstances, our most reverend general did not desire to have his letters put into execution until he had received information, as is expressly laid down (even with reference to the commands of the supreme pontiff) in the law, chap. siquando, de rescriptis, and chap. super litteris, eodem. much more is this true if most grave inconveniences would result (as they would) to the conversions of those realms, which inconveniences our most reverend father by no means desired to bring about. it was his will that the execution of his letters should be suspended, as they were suspended, until information was sent to him with regard to the facts; and it was his will that his determination as superior should be awaited with humility. further, in conformity with our constitution (distinction 2, chap. 1), no religious house may pass from one province to another unless the transference be approved in three chapters-general; and hence this great number of houses and of conversions was not to be immediately transferred at the first direction to that effect, without further approbation--especially since the evils which would have followed from this change were so many, so grievous, and so certain, as they were instantly proved to be by experience. it is true that the most reverend general said in his letters that he proceeded in this matter with the authority of the supreme pontiff, or of the congregation de propaganda fide; and this would be enough for his letters to receive entire authority if they were against particular persons, and did not include spiritual harms and evils to the aforesaid conversions. but as they were the destruction of this province, and would have produced the most grievous mischief in the conversions, the most reverend general did not desire that his letters should be executed until he had been advised. there was no obligation to do this, the commission not coming as is expressly said that it should come in the chapter cum in iure, de officio et potentia iudicis delegati. this is the common judgment of doctors, from which may be seen how unreasonable it was to take violent possession of the aforesaid houses. this and other disturbances which followed caused great grief throughout this colony, for it was regretted that by information designed to effect an evil purpose, and in an improper manner, a province should have been so disquieted which had continued from its foundation in the greatest harmony, without any disturbances. the archbishop of manila and three bishops in this country, the religious orders, and the city, all wrote to the most reverend general, testifying as eyewitnesses that the information given to him was not in conformity with that which was actually known to occur in point of fact. on the contrary, it was declared that the province had always shown great care and watchfulness in sending preachers to japon, great china, camboja, the island of hermosa, and other heathen realms near these islands; while the congregation which it was intended to establish not only could not surpass it in this matter, but could not even achieve as much, as is shown by the many martyrdoms which the province has experienced in these conversions. this will always be plain, for by the grace of god they have not ceased nor are they ceasing, as we shall see even in these very years. the one who suffered most from the disquiet caused by the new congregation was the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray diego aduarte; for he was one who had most complete knowledge of the province of which he had written the history, and he understood him who now disquieted it, for he had had acquaintance and dealings with him for many years, and that intimately. he accordingly came directly from his bishopric, the capital of which is distant from this city of manila a hundred and fifty leguas, and strove with all his might that the evil done should be undone. though at the time he could not succeed, it is to be believed that he brought it about afterward, when he went to be with the lord. for, returning in deep sadness to his bishopric, he came to his death before many days; and after this there were not many months before the matter was cleared up, and affairs were set upon their ancient basis, by the return to the province of the houses which had been taken from it. this was notably to its honor and caused the most universal rejoicing through the country that had been seen in many years. the people in the villages where missions were established which had been taken from the province and given to the congregation, were particularly delighted, and held public festivals for many days, when, after having experienced the method in which the congregation carried on its work, they saw the convents and the ministries returned to the religious of the province--whose manner of conducting their affairs was so much better, that it had caused great grief to the chinese and the indians to be deprived of such teachers and ministers. therefore, when the religious returned, those people displayed their delight by costly public rejoicings, carried on for many days. when the evil befell the province--which was on the fourth of may, the first sunday in the month, and the day of our great saint catharine of siena in the year 1636--all the religious of the province went to beg the favor of their patroness, the virgin of the rosary; and in all the houses of the order her holy litany was recited every night, in unison, with this purpose. this means was so efficacious that, contrary to every human hope, matters were settled and arranged as if by the hands of this great lady; and without any effort on the part of the province so many things were cleared up, and put together in its favor that finally, by the aid of one who was not expected to give aid, the truth was victorious; and the houses returned to their ancient and legitimate possessors, and the province to its longed-for quiet, september 6, 1637, after having remained in the power of the congregation one year and four months. the religious being grateful for this restitution to the virgin, from whose generous hands they had received so great a gift, rendered public thanks to her in all the convents. in the convent of manila a feast of an octave was most solemnly celebrated, this lady being drawn in procession with great majesty, like a triumphant conqueror. as such she remained all those days in the midst of the main chapel, with the richest adornments and the finest of decoration. in this we were aided by those outside of the order to give to this lady our highest thanks, recognizing her supreme grace, which could have been granted by none but her powerful hand. the duty of writing with all care to the most reverend general was not neglected now, as it had not been neglected before; and a full account and report were sent to him showing how experience had manifested that the information in virtue of which the new congregation had been obtained was impossible. after the congregation had been placed in possession, and was under the obligation of going to the aid of japon and china and other kingdoms, it did not do so; and there was no hope that it would do so, nor even that it would so much as have religious to maintain the houses which it had taken from the province. it was not to be expected that his majesty would send them from españa, and there was no other way or manner in which they could come. the vain expectation of giving many habits here was immediately disappointed, for even if they desired to give these, there was no one to whom they could be given, nor was there anyone suitable for the purpose. this would have been much more true if, as had been said to the most reverend general, the habit was to be given to indians. this was something unworthy of thought; but it was actually stated in the very patent, because information to that effect had been given to the most reverend general, though it is contrary to the judgment of all those of ability who have been in the indias, and contrary to the demonstration of experience ever since there have been religious orders in these regions. as soon as it saw itself possessed of the houses, it saw also the great difficulty or impossibility of this project; and even to maintain them it found itself obliged to disquiet the religious of the province by persuading them to enter the congregation. some were even received, contrary to the express mandate of our most reverend general laid down in this patent itself. it is plain from this that these proceedings must have been the cause of great annoyance and of many difficulties, for there was nothing but lawsuits with the province, and disturbances, which left no time to pay attention to the greater fruit of the conversions of the heathen which had been promised. on the contrary, it interfered with them, as the lord, who was offended with these acts revealed, however secret the interference was kept. there must be added to all this that the congregation, from its very beginning, began to relax and to give up the supports which the prudent and holy founders of the province set up in holy manner for the maintenance of the evangelical ministry which it exercised. these are prayers, the disciplines, the rigorous abstinence, and the like, commanded by the constitution and ordained in the same law. the congregation did not accept them; and on this account, and because of the results which followed, it could not continue, and was brought to an end, the lord not permitting that to go further which set out with so bad a beginning. even before seeing these evil results by experience, nearly all the religious brought by this father from españa foresaw them; and, leaving him, they were nearly all incorporated with the province. generally speaking, the more religious and intelligent of them did not desire to go to the congregation; for they judged with much prudence that a thing which was so ill founded could not have a good end, as it did not. some of these have obtained the reward of this wise decision, for they have been sent to the province of japon, and became most glorious martyrs, as we shall soon tell. one of those who were appointed for this most holy and happy mission lost and abandoned it by abandoning the province and joining the congregation. as a penalty for this act, he lost the crown of martyrdom, which his companions gained by remaining in the province. thus the lord manifested the truth of what we said when we declared that the province was more careful and even more able to attend to these missions than was the congregation which was formed for them. at the very time when the province sent out this mission, the congregation regarded it as impossible, and even strove to impede it, as has been said. chapter lvii the life and death of the venerable bishop don fray diego aduarte, a religious of this province for those who knew the great virtues of the most religious father and most perfect bishop don fray diego aduarte, this history must certainly fall under the condemnation of being incomplete, not only because it passes over in silence the great good which he wrought in españa before coming to this country, but also because he showed singular dexterity, in hiding, because of his humility, the admirable works in which he exercised himself, though when in the province he much surpassed others. in this he was much aided by his nature, which was not a little taciturn; and although he corrected this fault by virtue, and those who dealt with him intimately found him always most kind, and extremely glad to do good to all, yet in himself at first sight and in one's first conversation with him he did not seem so, and did not even give signs of the great devotion which he concealed within himself. yet after no long time he revealed himself to one who had to do with him; and his devotion was the more admirable and the more esteemed the more it exceeded his nature and the less it was exhibited. at the same time, his great care to hide his own good works and his taciturn nature have concealed from us many deeds and writings of great edification and good example. he was a native of zaragoça, and was of noble birth. at the age of sixteen he came to castilla; and, as he was passing casually through alcala de henares, he fell into conversation with a religious of the order, who told him how, though he was a student in the college which the order has there, he was giving up this position, with all the hopes which it offered him, and was leaving all his kinsmen and friends in españa to go to the philippinas. the religious said that a new province was about to be established there, under the strictest rules, and on a basis of so extensive charity as to strive with all diligence and care for the conversion of the many heathen regions there. [this conversation, and certain other reasons, decided the young diego to ask for the habit in that convent which the order has in alcala; and they very willingly gave him the habit immediately, april 9, the day of st. peter martyr in the year 1586. he made his profession, and, being well instructed in the matters of religion and virtue, after the custom of the order went to study, reaching high attainments in scholarship. he was ordained priest in the year 1594, and returned to alcala on some business, without thinking of journeying to these regions. in spite of the incident described, he had never had any inclination to it, or to any other of the indias; but was possessed by a particular love for the quiet and calm caused by retirement in the cell.] at that time there arrived there one of the religious who had founded this province in the beginning, fray alonso delgado; he had returned to españa, to assemble companions to carry on the many conversions of the heathen which had been happily begun. a few days before, the patents of the general of our order had been read in this convent, giving him authority to take with him those who might enlist in so holy a work. father fray francisco blancas, who was afterward called here "de sant joseph," had offered himself. the prior and the friars of the convent had tried to hinder him because of the need of him which they should feel; for it seemed to them that there was scarcely anyone in the province who in life, spirit, and teaching could fill his place. father fray alonso delgado had complained of their interference, and was now returning with new directions that no one should disturb those who desired to go on this holy expedition. this brought to an end the force brought to bear by the prior and the convent, but not their prayers and persuasions that the said father would remain. father fray francisco blancas and father fray diego aduarte were very fond of each other, being natives of the same kingdom of aragon, sons of this convent of alcala, and being almost of one age and of one mind. [accordingly the prior asked father fray diego to persuade father fray francisco to remain; but both of them were induced to go to filipinas by the arguments of father fray alonso. with great content the two began their journey from toledo on the first of june, and reached sevilla in a fortnight walking poorly and humbly, and setting a noble example. they caused great joy in all the companions who, expecting father fray francisco alone, saw him arrive with so good an associate. when they set sail they met with great hardships. the ship was very inconvenient, being small and having no quarter-deck. they met with contrary winds and heavy seas the first fortnight of the voyage, which is the hardest for inexperienced sailors. they met with the heaviest weather in the gulf well named the gulf de las yeguas (i.e., "of the mares") because of the kicks which it generally gives to those who sail through it. on the land journey, before they reached the city of mexico four of the religious fell sick, among them father fray diego, who alone escaped. the rest of the chapter consists of a somewhat abbreviated repetition of the accounts of journeys already given in the body of the work. a few details are added. for instance, we are told that, in the prayers of the fathers, father fray diego was usually the one to wake the others up by beginning the singing of the te deum. those next him observed that he spent nearly all of the night on his knees in prayer. the only additional information as to his life in manila before the first of his many voyages is, that he was assigned to the ministry to the chinese. he learned the language, though he found it very difficult, hearing confessions and preaching in it within a few months. the narrative of the first journey to camboxa is given as in chapters xlvi-xlviii of book i, with the addition of some new information. when the spaniards left camboxa they passed by the contiguous kingdom of champa, because of the savagery of the inhabitants, and went on to cochinchina. the cruelties of the ruler of this kingdom are described at some length; and we are informed that on the return voyage the vessel in which father fray diego was sailing was obliged to take refuge in one of his ports. an account is given of a miracle wrought by the habit of father fray diego, which had been left behind with four soldiers in a boat at the time of the attack on the king of camboja. these soldiers were shot at with volleys of arrows from the shore, but were protected by the holy habit as by a wall. the great respect felt by the religious of malaca for father fray diego when they become acquainted with his virtue and learning is recounted.] chapter lviii other voyages and sufferings of father fray diego aduarte under the direction of his superiors and for the preaching of the gospel. [this chapter contains an account of the unsuccessful expedition to camboxa undertaken by don luis perez das mariñas, as narrated in book i, chapters xlix and l, of this history. in that narrative, given by father fray diego, he breaks off in the account of his own experience at the point where he was separated from the rest of the company, having gone to macan to be cured of his illness while the others returned to manila.] he was not able to remain very long in macan because many chinese mandarins frequently came to that city, and to the convent where father fray diego was, since the city is in china itself; and it did not seem to him that he was safe from the inspector. as there was no opportunity for him to make a voyage in any other direction, he set out for malaca, a city of india about as far from manila as macan is. as we shall see, he went away partly that that ship and all in it might not perish. they set sail in the middle of january; and as they were crossing from the gulf of haynao to the coast of cochinchina, champa, and camboja, there was a furious storm at the same place where he had met a storm two years before, and on the same night, between the eighth and ninth of february. [this stripped the ship of its rigging, and threw them into great distress; however, as it was strong and steered well, it soon righted itself and reached malaca. here father fray diego remained, and the vessel sailed again for goa, but came back again after struggling for forty days with heavy seas and unfavorable winds. having lost this opportunity it was obliged to winter there, and departed with the next monsoon, in the middle of the following december. in it there went three portuguese religious of our order, taking with them father fray diego, who, because of his poverty, was not provided with ship-stores. after they had passed the famous island of zeilan (i.e., ceylon), and were in latitude six, they encountered so heavy a sea that they were driven back to the equator, under the lee of the maldive islands, where a ship never lands. caught in that archipelago of reefs and atolls, the portuguese are long delayed before they can make their way out. at last they reach the harbor of kocchi in india, "after having spent five months in sailing four hundred leguas;" and, if they had arrived a few hours later, could not have entered the port over the bar, although they emptied the ship. father fray diego waited in india for the season when he could voyage to españa.] he was not idle, but was occupied with many devout exercises, which he had continued even when he was at sea. yet this was not what he most desired, and not what was most suitable to his wishes, and to his calling as a religious. hence when he found himself in convents of devoted religious, his spirit was greatly rejoiced; and he strove there to lay up some provision of devotion for the long voyage, in the service of god and of these new conversions, which he proposed to undertake to españa for preachers. he visited first the christians converted by the apostle st. thomas, whose christianity has endured from his time to the present in india, and is now purged from its errors, which it incurred only for lack of catholic preachers. there are in that country matters to arouse great devotion, and anyone who was so devout as father fray diego could not go that way without visiting them, even at the cost of many days of journey and hardship. this was not in vain, but brought with it much spiritual reward. he embarked january 15, 1603, in the "san roque," a very large ship with four decks and two quarter-decks. they had favorable weather to the latitude of cape de buena esperança [i.e., of good hope]; and thus a long vacation from hardships was provided for father fray diego, who had been inured to suffering them in the service of him who was his comfort in them. [but here they encountered first calms, and then fearful tempests, which almost wrecked the ship; and, to save their lives, they were compelled to lighten the ship, casting into the sea pepper and rich stuffs valued at fifty thousand ducados. finally, they passed the cape of good hope on may 12. the rest of the voyage was peaceful, save that they encountered a storm off the coast of portugal; but they escaped from this and landed at vigo, which is in galicia, september 17, after having passed eight months in navigation. they all went barefoot to church to give thanks to the lord, who had delivered them from so many and such great perils; and father fray diego went to visit the church of the apostle of españa, [70] which is fourteen leguas from there, because it would not have been proper to miss this devotion on account of so short a journey.] chapter lix other journeys of father fray diego in the service of the lord, for the advancement of the conversions of these tribes. after all these hardships and perils, which were suffered with such great patience, father fray diego went to the court of españa--not to gain honor or wealth, or rent, or any other temporal thing; but because of love of the lord, for his glory, the extension of the gospel, and the salvation of these tribes. since he had already passed through so many difficulties, divine providence did not see fit that he should find them there, where there are ordinarily so many; and the royal council immediately gave him permission and direction to convey a number of religious to this province at his majesty's expense, that they might there carry on the excellent work which had been begun by the religious of this order, and that they might continue to draw heathen from the darkness of unbelief to the light of the gospel. father fray diego was not of a character to regard himself as exhausted, although he had so many reasons to be so; and therefore, without more delay, he traversed the [ecclesiastical] provinces of españa, aragon, and andalucia, seeking for laborers for this part of the vineyard of the church, or this new vine in it. [as this was a work of god, he moved the hearts of many good religious to volunteer to undertake this arduous enterprise. they were greatly influenced by hearing from father fray diego and others of the great need and lack of religious in this province, to accomplish the vast work with which it is charged; and of the good done by our order in these regions, which follows the primitive order in the strict observance of the rule, and which is like the primitive church in the conversion of the peoples. this company embarked near the first of july, 1605; and, after suffering the ordinary discomforts of two long voyages following so closely one after the other, they reached manila the next year, six having died in the voyages and journeys. one of these was father fray pedro valverde, a student in the college of san gregorio, a son of san pablo at cordova, and a religious of superior virtue. he died as the vessel was just beginning to come among the islands, and was buried in an indian hamlet near the port of ybalon. some years afterward, when the father provincial sent a religious for his bones, he found the body still entire, without a foul odor or any decay, just as if it had been newly buried; but neither the indians nor their encomendero would permit him to take it away, keeping possession of it as a holy body. the day after they arrived, the superior gave them their assignments throughout all the province because of the great need of religious; and many were sent to nueva segovia.] ere long, many of the religious wrote to him thanking him for having brought them to so devoted a province, where they had so much opportunity to serve god and to do good to their fellow-men. in particular, father fray matheo de la villa, a son of sant esteban at salamanca, wrote to him. he was in a large village, the whole population of which was composed of heathen who desired to become christians. he taught them what they desired much, and he desired more. he wrote that on holy saturday he had been obliged to baptize six hundred of them in a church which they themselves were making; and that he now understood the language of the natives sufficiently, though he had been only six months learning it. in spite of this diligence, they were not able to attend to this great spiritual harvest, for the laborers were few; and so, though new and old were apportioned, there were not enough, although they did all in their power, for many villages of heathen who begged for them with great urgency. the provincial, grieved by this, and seeing that he had no answer to make except that he would pray god to bring religious from españa, wrote to father fray francisco de sant joseph, whom he had left in manila as vicar-provincial, and to the other religious, an account of affairs. in particular he told them that the indian chiefs from inland had come to him begging him, on their knees and in tears, to give them a religious to teach them the way to heaven; and that one of them had offered to make a village of two thousand inhabitants and the other of nine hundred, in order that the religious might with greater ease give them christian instruction. the indians in their heathen condition live in farmsteads and tiny hamlets, where it is very difficult to teach them; and it is impossible that teaching shall enlighten them, because of the inability of the religious to care for and attend to so many small villages. hence, to make good christians of them, it is necessary to gather them in larger villages. at the beginning, there was great difficulty in causing the indians to leave their ancient abodes; though by the help of god, and of that spirit of gentleness and kindness which he gives to his disciples, the religious overcame it. these heathen indians were so eager to have teachers that, unlike the rest, they did not wait to be asked; but, to succeed in obtaining religious, themselves offered by anticipation to remove this difficulty, which is generally so great. the provincial wrote, in addition, that if the ministers at manila should be reduced somewhat in number he could send someone, or someone could go, to help in this extreme need, to which he could not give aid from there. father fray francisco de sant joseph called together the fathers who formed the council; and they, after considering the case, found only one religious who could go. this was father fray jacintho de sant jeronimo. because of this father fray francisco de sant joseph--as one who always thought of himself that he did little, and that he would be little missed--set out with this religious at the time of his embarcation, without consulting anyone else. in this he acted as superior, which he then was. after he had sailed eight leguas, he wrote to the religious of manila that he was going to supply this lack, since it seemed to him that he would not be much missed here. but the father-provincial did not approve, because he knew that for the indians about manila, whose language he understood admirably, he was a st. paul. on this account he was called, even by the religious of other orders, "the apostle of the indians." for the spaniards he was a second st. john chrisostom in preaching and life; and hence the provincial was not slow in sending him back to his former post. the position of prior of the principal convent in the province of manila was vacant, and the religious in it unanimously elected father fray diego as their superior. he declined the position as long as he could, and accepted it only when he was compelled to do so by the rule of strict obedience. he filled the position remarkably well, though he did not hold it long; for in the following year the vessels from nueva españa brought news of the death of father fray domingo de nieva, who had gone in the preceding year as procurator of this province in españa. he had left the cares of this life to enjoy the quiet which, because of his great virtue and charity, the lord had kept for him in heaven. since it was very necessary for the province to have someone in españa to send them religious--for without this supply the province could not be maintained--they immediately arranged to send another; and no one was found so suitable as father fray diego. he was accordingly asked to return and begin his labors anew by embarking for españa, where he was to act as the procurator of this province in all matters, and was especially to provide them with religious.... notwithstanding the hardships and dangers of that voyage, his love to god and the province, and his perception of the need which forced them to do this, outweighed these other considerations; and he immediately prepared himself for the departure which was at hand. with only three woolen tunics in place of shirts, and the ship-stores for the first voyage, without a real or anything else for the remainder of the journey, he embarked in the middle of july, having remained in manila not quite a full year. they had good weather until they reached the latitude of japon, and from there such furious winds as lifted the sea up to the sky.... since they had come from so hot a climate as that of this country, and had so suddenly entered this other, which was so cold, they could not fail to suffer from many diseases. many died on this voyage, among them the commander and the master of the ship, and a rich merchant who was a passenger. he, perceiving father fray diego's holy way of life, his great virtue, poverty, contempt for temporal things, devotion toward god, and charity toward his fellow-men, gave him all his wealth, which amounted to seventy thousand pesos, that he alone, at his own pleasure, without being obliged to render account to anyone, might distribute the whole of it in pious works. he told him that, though he had no heirs to whom he was obliged to leave anything, he had some poor relatives in portugal (whence he had come), and he charged him to aid them. father fray diego gave so much attention to the fulfilment of his wish that he went in person to portugal solely for this purpose, sought with great care for the relatives of the deceased, relieved their necessities, and left them all in good circumstances, considering their estate, and very content. he also fulfilled the rest of the desires of the testator in accordance with the trust given him, without applying to himself or to any relative of his more than the trouble and the reward from god, which would not be small. [father fray diego went on to españa, and thence to francia, that he might for his province, and personally, yield obedience to the most reverend general of the order, at that time fray agustin galamino, a holy man, who as such took particular delight in hearing what father fray diego related as an eyewitness of the devotion of the province of the philippinas and of the great services which it wrought for the lord in the conversions of these idolatrous tribes. the pious general gave him all the documents necessary for taking religious thither; and father fray diego was about to return with the documents, that he might not lose a moment in the execution of his trust, the great importance of which he perceived. but his superior obliged him to remain for the general chapter, which was to be held in the middle of the year in paris (in which he was a definitor)--to the great regret of father fray diego at losing all this time from the affairs of the province of which he thought so much. for ten years he filled this office of procurator for the province in españa, setting an admirable example to lay and religious, who saw him always humble, devout, and in poverty, and putting forward no claims for himself, either within or without the order. this made him freely able to express his judgment with holy and religious liberty before the royal council and to the president and members of it. they all looked upon him with special respect. he aided in sending the religious brought to this province by father fray alonso navarete, who afterward was a holy martyr, the first one of our order to suffer in japon, and the one who opened the door of martyrdom for so many as afterward followed his good example. he later sent another shipload, with father fray jacintho calvo; and the same father fray diego, after sending these first two, afterward set out to bring other religious with him. but, when he arrived in mexico, he received letters from the provincial of this province, desiring him to return to españa and continue his functions as procurator-general in it. here he could be of use only as one man; there he could do the work of many, by sending so many good religious. he went back to the labor which he had desired to give up; and abandoning a life of contemplation in a cell, for which he was eager, he returned to the publicity of tribunals, and the distraction of journeys, from which he desired to flee. at all times, however, he was instant in prayer, and in other devout exercises. as a reward for this care, he received from the lord success in the business which he undertook, a successful despatch of it being furthered by his prayer--which, it seemed, would have taken off his attention from his business and interfered with it. in spite of all this experience of the pleasure of the lord in this exercise, he still desired to retire and to prepare himself for a holy death; and he constantly begged the superior of this province to send him a successor, that he might return to it.] the province sent father fray matheo de la villa, who has several times been mentioned with praise. thereupon father fray diego, after obtaining the necessary licenses and decrees, gathered twenty companions and came to live and die with them in this province--nearly all the members of which were his sons, whom he had sent or brought from españa, as has been recounted. hence he was received as the general father of all, and was by all much beloved for the great good which he had wrought for all of them, for each one in particular, and for the whole province in general, by means of many royal decrees and grants which he had obtained at court for medicine for the sick, wine for the masses, oil for the lamps which burned before the most holy sacrament, and habits for the religious, which are great sources of relief in our great poverty. among these things the provision for the dress of the religious ought not to be passed over in silence. neither the province nor any house within it had any regular source of income; and it provided for all its expenses entirely with alms received from the faithful. since serge for our habits had to be brought from nueva españa, it was a difficult thing for the province to send every year the money for all the clothing of the religious, at the price in mexico. the province provides the religious with clothing, for no member of it cares for himself, or has any deposit or anything else of his own, not even with the permission of his superior. hence the province sent directions to father fray diego to ask his majesty to give as alms the clothing for all the religious of the province--and this not for one year or two, but forever, since the same need and poverty were to continue forever. father fray diego, who was acquainted with the heavy demands upon the royal treasury, regarded it as impossible to obtain this; and he put off asking for it until he felt obliged to send an answer to the province. feeling practically certain that it would not be granted, he asked for it in a memorial of his own, sending in other memorials in which he asked for things which seemed to him very easy to grant; and when he looked over the answers he found that the royal council had unhesitatingly allowed the grant and gift of the clothing (which he had regarded as impossible), but had refused everything which he asked for in the other memorial. from this it was plain that it was god who had in his hand the heart of the king; and that he had done more than what human prudence might hope for. this truth was all the more confirmed by the fact that when the royal decree came to be presented before the royal officials in mexico, who were always accustomed to put a thousand difficulties and contingencies in the way of such grants, they not only did not put any such in the way of this grant; but, seeing that the religious had from mere timidity asked much less than they needed, urged them to ask for a sufficient amount. the matter was immediately settled on this footing, and has remained so ever since, a plain token that the lord is pleased that the religious of this province shall wear the habits which they have always worn--poor, humble, rough, made of coarse and heavy serge; a penance for the religious, and a good example for others, as have always been the poor and rough habits of religious orders. at the first vacancy of the position of prior in manila father fray diego was a second time elected prior. he filled the post to the great benefit of the religious and the convent, to the needs and obligations of which he attended with great care and charity. he was by nature taciturn and somewhat rigid, but by virtue was so corrected and mild that he left no necessity unremedied, no afflicted whom he did not strive to console, no weak or fallen one for whom he did not pray. with all he was gentle, and to all he desired to do good. while he was in this position, and very far from thinking of changing his condition, he received in the year 1632 the royal decree appointing him bishop of nueva segovia. he hesitated long before accepting this dignity, presenting many arguments against his acceptance. but, since all the others were opposed to him in this matter, he gave up his own opinion and accepted the episcopate, with the most firm determination not to abandon his character as a friar vowed to poverty and to observe the manner of living which he had previously maintained--and even to improve it by far, as the superior station upon which he entered required of him; and this determination he most perfectly fulfilled, as will be seen. someone very much devoted to the order sent him a diamond cross for a pectoral; and he returned it, saying that it was very rich for so poor a bishop, for whom a pectoral of wood would be sufficient. the bulls did not reach him that year; so he waited for them without leaving the cell in which he had lived in the hospital of the chinese. he took no servant, and made no change in his poor manner of living, dress, and clothing. he went to the choir and performed the other obligations of religious in this poor habit, and did everything else, whether by day or in the midst of the night, that he had promised. he was consecrated and went to his bishopric; and giving himself up wholly to his obligations as bishop he personally visited all his bishopric, leaving in all parts a lively memory of his sanctity, devotion, and alms-giving. his common custom was to spend one hour of prayer before mass, raising his fervor by mental devotion that he might say it with a greater spiritual elevation. this was in addition to many other hours of prayer by day and by night. after mass was finished, he spent another hour in giving thanks to the lord for what he had received; and then he went immediately to his study of holy scripture, which likewise is prayer. he did not rise from his work until something happened which compelled him to. his expenses were almost nothing, so that the poor income of his bishopric was wholly spent upon charity and upon the adornments of his church; for in these two matters he spent as if he were rich. hence in the short time during which he governed the bishopric (which was only a year and a half), he gave it more ornaments and jewels than others who had been superiors there had given in many years. he was most humble; and when father fray carlos clemente gant was vicar of the convent, the bishop used to go almost daily from his residence to our house to confess to him. when father fray carlos begged him to remain at home, and said he would go to hear his confession every day, the bishop declined, saying, "your reverence is very busy. i, who am less so, will come," and on this footing this matter always continued. he took less food than when he was in the order, giving up one meal when he accepted the bishopric. he said that his position brought more obligations; therefore his food ought to be less. he always ate fish, if necessity did not force him to take something else. his bed was a piece of felt for a mattress and a blanket for covering, without any other pillow than the mat used by the poor chinese, or one of the native mats--which was given a coat of a sort of varnish, so that the perspiration might be washed off and the pillow kept clean. in his whole house he had no other bed-clothes, so that even in his last sickness he had no mattress nor sheets, nor even a linen pillow upon which to rest his head; it was therefore necessary to bring that which was kept ready in the poor infirmary of the convent, for no such comforts were used or were to be found in the bishop's house. when he went on visitation, he always took with him some bundles of cloth to distribute among the poor, and these and other good works which he did for them constituted the sole profit of his visitation. he highly esteemed the ministers whom he had in his bishopric, and was greatly pleased to see that they were practically all religious--not only of his own order, but also of that of our father st. augustine. he loved both tenderly, and always had much good to say of all of them. during his time another bishop [71] (who was a member of an order) put forward a claim that the royal decrees should be put in execution which provide that the religious who have charge of indians shall be subject to the inspection and visitation of the bishop or his visitors. when this matter was discussed before the royal audiencia, our good bishop was present--yielding, so far as his bishopric was concerned, the favor granted in these royal decrees. he declared and proved with many strong arguments that, though the execution of the decrees would greatly increase the dignity and temporal profit of the bishops, it was to the spiritual and temporal injury of the indians. hence, to avoid these greater injuries, he renounced with a good will these inferior gains, as a prelate who felt that all his gains were secured by procuring the proper ministry for those subject to him. the whole income of his bishopric he collected for the poor, without taking from it more than the labor or dividing it among the needy; for his own maintenance, he asked alms as one of the poor. when on any account he was absent from his bishopric, he left someone in it to distribute alms to the poor, that they might not be injured by his absence. the habit which he wore was of serge, and he wore an old frieze cloak which had served one of the religious on his way from españa. his shoes were old and patched, and his breeches poor and mean, like those used in this province. he wore no rings, and did not spend a real for them or for a pectoral, being contented with those which were offered to him as to a bishop in such a state of poverty. when he entered our convents, he prostrated himself on the floor to receive the blessing of the superior, as the other religious do; and he joined the community and took no precedence in seating himself, just like any of the other brothers. he did not permit them to give him anything special in the refectory; and he remained in all things as humble and as perfect in his duties, as a member of the order, as he had been before becoming a bishop. the happy end of all his many arduous labors was at hand; and after only three days of sickness he went to receive the endless reward of his toils, leaving those who were subject to him above measure sad at the loss of such a superior, father, and common benefactor of all. but those who displayed the greatest feeling, and with the greatest reason, were the religious of this province, who had in him an honor, a defense, and an example, which incited them to all virtue, and to strict observance of their rules. [his death caused great sorrow, not only in his diocese but in manila, where he was beloved by all; and notable honors were paid to his memory, even by the other orders.] chapter lx the glorious martyrdom of four religious of this province, and two laymen, their companions, in japon. may 2, 1637, there was elected as provincial father fray carlos clemente gant, a native of the famous city of zaragoça, and a son of the illustrious convent of preachers in that city, a person of much virtue and superior prudence, of which he had given evidence in many offices which he had filled with great praise. he was elected in this chapter on the first ballot, and the wisdom of his election was soon shown, the lord choosing him as a principal instrument to bring to an end the congregation--which, as has been narrated, had already begun to be planned, to the great harm of these conversions. [this year, which concludes the number of fifty since the foundation of this province, is closed, as with a precious key, by the marvelous martyrdom of four religious belonging to the province--father fray antonio gonçalez, father fray guillermo cortet (who here bore the name of fray thomas de sancto domingo), father fray miguel de ozaraza, and father fray vicente de la cruz. with the martyrdoms (already narrated) of father fray jordan de san estevan and fray thomas de san jacintho, the japanese persecutors of the church had spilled the blood of all the dominican friars of that kingdom; yet they had not, as they expected, caused the souls of the religious to fear, or cooled their fervent desires to go to japon. of all those who asked for permission to go thither, these four only received the desired license. two of them were teachers of theology in the college and university of the province, in the city of manila; and both of them had lectured on theology before coming to this province--father fray antonio in that of españa, and father fray guillermo in his native country of france. thus the province has sent its best to japon. father fray francisco de morales was for many years lecturer on theology, and at the time of his mission was prior of the convent of manila; and father fray jacintho de esquivel, father fray domingo de erquicia, father fray lucas del espiritu sancto, and father fray diego de rivera had all been lecturers on theology. there was great difficulty in sending these four religious to japon, which was finally overcome by the determination of the religious. in the year 1634, some spaniards had been cast on shore on the islands of the lequios, which are subject to japon. they were examined to see if they were religious or no; but, as it did not appear that they were, they were set free. many japanese came to them by night, asking them if they were priests to hear their confessions; and, being assured that they were not, they begged for priests to come to them. father fray vincente de la cruz and a christian japanese offered to take the religious whom the province might send and to make their way from the lequios islands to japon. the governor, learning that the expedition was about to be equipped, burned the vessel which had been prepared, and set sentinels at the mouth of the bay to prevent the religious from setting out. by god's aid they succeeded in eluding him, and after meeting with storms made their way to the islands of the lequios, where they landed july 10, 1636. no certain reports have been received as to what occurred in the islands; but the fathers seem to have been arrested as soon as they revealed themselves, and to have been sent as prisoners to japon. on september 13, 1637, fathers fray guillermo cortet, fray miguel oçaraça and fray vicente de la cruz, dressed in secular clothes, were brought from satzuma to nangasaqui, to be tried for their crime. father fray antonio gonçalez was not with them, having sailed in another vessel, and not having yet arrived. they answered boldly, declaring that they had had no assistance from any government; and that their very pilot had been a religious who had known something of seamanship before entering the order. they were subjected to terrible torture, especially the torture of water, which they bore bravely. their tortures were prolonged, and the text describes them with fulness. on the twenty-first of the same month, father fray antonio gonçalez, the superior of the religious, arrived in nangasaqui in another funea. he was accompanied by two lay companions--one a mestizo, the son of a chinese man and an indian woman; the other a japanese, who had been exiled for the faith. [72] as soon as father fray antonio set foot on the soil, he made the sign of the cross, in sight of all the portuguese trading there and of a great multitude of people. the holy father, being of noble stature, towered above the company about him like another saul. he was taken directly before the judges, confessed who he was, was cruelly tortured, and subjected to insult. the mestizo at first feared the torments, but afterward plucked up his courage to endure them. the japanese wretchedly fell away from fear. father fray antonio suffered the torture of water, to which he was subjected when he was very sick of a fever; and he died in the prison, his body being burnt and the ashes cast into the sea. on the twenty-seventh of the month the prisoners were taken out to be martyred, being gagged to prevent their preaching. they were all suspended by the feet, and while they hung in their pits they chanted praises to god; and the ministers of justice, in admiration of their courage, caused them to be taken out from the holes still alive and to be beheaded, that they might no longer suffer torture. the ashes of the five holy martyrs were cast into the sea, three leguas from the port of nangasaqui, on the same day, september 29, 1637.] chapter lxi the exercises with which the lord prepared these saints for martyrdom [the lord in general requires a holy life to precede a martyr's death. father fray antonio gonçalez was a native of leon, bred up for the lord like another samuel. he showed great capacity in his studies, and became the master of the students in the most religious convent of piedrahita. before his conversion, he was devoted to poetry and such matters, which, though they do not take away the grace of the lord, choke the good seed of his special counsels and the way of perfection. but before long father fray antonio gave up these trifles, which, though they were not grave faults, were grave impediments to the perfection to which the lord called him. considering how god might best be pleased, it seemed to him that the best offering he could make was the offering of martyrdom. as a means to attain this end, he considered that coming to this province offered the best opportunity for becoming a martyr. he devoted himself to virtuous company, and was most useful as a minister in españa. he begged his way from door to door, and set out for the philippinas when he was just recovering from a severe illness. he was greatly given to works of mortification, and most patient, kind, and obedient. he was devoted to be service of the rosary, and offered a special devotion, among many saints, to st. peter martyr, whom he desired to imitate in life and in death. his martyrdom had been predicted while he was in españa. father fray guillermo cortet was a native of visiers, a city of france. he was the child of noble and wealthy parents. while still a young layman he heard of the glory of our holy martyrs in japon, which made such an impression upon his heart that he determined to give up all that he had and might hope for in the world, and to assume the habit of the order which contained such saints, hoping that he himself might be one of them. he therefore requested the habit from father fray sebastian michaelis, who at that time governed the strictest congregation in france. in time he professed, and became notable for religion, virtue, and learning. so closely did he observe the rule that, when the famous convent of the order in aviñon was to be reformed, father fray guillermo was sent there for the purpose. all this time he was sighing for japon, and finally set out on foot for españa, making the journey in the winter through rain, cold, and snow. he was greatly esteemed in the court, but left it to come to the philippinas as a member of the congregation. this he abandoned when he heard the convincing reasons with which the province, though obeying the most reverend general and his letters, suspended the execution of them until they could give him information as to the surreptitious manner in which they were obtained, the many impossibilities which they contained within themselves, and the harm which would be done to the work of conversion by the establishment of the congregation. the province directed him to teach theology in the college of sancto thomas at manila, which he did obediently, putting aside his desire to go to japon. that he might have more time and ease in the holy exercise of prayer, he never undressed at night during the last twenty years of his life, but slept seated in a chair. this country is infested with multitudes of annoying mosquitos; but he did not take advantage of the common means of preventing them, which is a tent, something permitted to all the religious. he would not accept one, but offered to the lord the stings of the gnats, which is no small mortification and penance. it was no wonder that he paid small attention to the stings of mosquitos, as he often wore next to his skin a girdle bearing fifteen rosettes in honor of our lady of the rosary and her fifteen mysteries, with points so sharp that they drew blood when they were touched with the finger. besides this he wore an iron chain, which was kept bright by wear and gleamed as if it were polished; and in addition to all these things he sometimes wore next his skin a hair shirt, with points of iron so cruel and large that the mere sight of them shocked some religious who happened to see them, as being the most severe thing that they had ever seen in their lives. he was most abstinent, full of devotion for the mass, and above measure humble. he was also very kind and gentle, especially to repentant sinners. he was scarcely a year in this province when his ardent desire to go to japon was finally gratified. father fray miguel de ozaraza was a native of vizcaya; and because of his virtues, devotion, and prudence he was much beloved in the convent of sancto thomas at madrid, where he lived for some years in great quiet, with all the comfort that a good religious could desire. but as many laymen have been moved by the desire of worldly riches to leave their comforts in españa and to go to the indias, so the desire for spiritual profit caused father fray miguel to come to this most distant part of the world. he was very industrious, and skilful in the management of business; and had much to do with the management of the affairs of the shipload of religious with which it was intended to begin the new congregation. when he came to the province, and more clearly understood the condition of affairs here, he left the congregation and was incorporated into the province. for this he obtained the reward of martyrdom for which he sought. no opportunity for him to go to japon immediately offering, he was directed to learn an indian language, and to minister to the indians; this he did with humble obedience, not looking down upon this despised ministry. at the same time he studied the japanese language. his fortitude in martyrdom was supernatural and divine.] father fray vicente de la cruz, whose japanese name was xivozzuca, was a native of japan, the child of devoted christians of long standing, and was the youngest of seven brothers. he was offered to god before his birth; for, while he was still in his mother's womb, his parents promised that, if they should have a son, they would offer him like a second samuel to the service of the church. they bred him in this way as one dedicated to such a service, never permitting him to wear any colored clothes like other boys of his rank, that he might grow up with the sense of being dedicated to god, and of being bound to serve him with all care and devotion. at the age of nine he was given to the fathers of the society in fulfilment of the vow; and from that tender age began to be trained in nangasaqui in the college of the fathers there--studying grammar, and the other moral teaching given by the fathers of the society to those who are to aid them in their preaching. this vicente did for many years, up to the persecution which broke out, with the fury described, in the year 1614. at this time vicente went to manila, when the ministers were exiled, returning soon afterwards to japon; but like the dove in the ark, not finding a place whereon to set his foot, because of the persecution, he returned again to this city, seeking some established way in which he could serve the lord as a minister of the church. he suffered great need, and was tempted by friends and acquaintances to change his plans and to marry; but he did not consent, preferring to be poor and needy in the house of the lord than to live with ease among laymen. the lord, who never fails those who put their trust in him, helped him by making him acquainted with the bishop of zubu, don fray pedro de arce, a master of such virtue that the virtues of vicente could not fail to advance under him. father fray luis sotelo afterwards came to this city with the purpose of taking preachers to japon, and vicente joined him, being prepared for every good work, even at the expense of the hardship and danger required by the preaching of the faith in japon. it was not yet time for this holy man to suffer, and hence he was prevented by sickness from accompanying the holy martyr fray luis sotelo when he went to japon; so he remained in this country, teaching the language to the religious who were to go to that realm. in this and in all his actions his conduct was so virtuous that the christian japanese offered him a liberal support, so that he was ordained priest and gave them his spiritual aid, preaching to them and administering the holy sacraments. that he might live with great perfection, he followed the rule of the tertiary order of the noble st. francis. the expedition of these holy martyrs was about to take place, and the superior of it endeavored to have father fray vicente accompany and guide them, as he was a native japanese who had had experience in the preaching of the gospel in that realm. he not only readily agreed to this, but earnestly begged for the habit of the order; and he wore it--in such manner as he could, since he was going to preach in japon--for more than a year; he professed and suffered, as has been described. may the lord give us for the merits and intercession of these glorious martyrs, [73] and of all the other holy martyrs and confessors who have been in this province, something of the divine grace which made them such as they were. thus, as up to this time the present members of the province have not belied the holy beginnings with which it was established, but rather seem to perfect themselves with each new increase, so may we not fall off in the future; but may our love toward god and our fellow-men, and our devotion to the rule of our order, forever preserve the perfection which has been found hitherto in the sons of the province, to the glory of the author of all good, who is the same lord god to whom belongs all glory forever and ever. amen. after the fifty years of this history were completed, there came the following letter from his majesty, which settled the matter which had disturbed the religious of this province and kept them in affliction. this letter was received, as has been said in the history, without any representation from the province having come to the royal ears; hence it is a most certain proof that it was given by the special providence of the lord, and by the aid of our great patroness the virgin mother; and that it is worthy to be placed as a conclusion to this history. letter written by his majesty to the venerable and devout father provincial of the order of st. dominic of the philipinas islands. (copied faithfully from the original.) the king. to the venerable and devout father provincial of the order of st. dominic of the philipinas islands. from different reports which i have received, i have learned of the disturbance and disquiet caused among the religious of that province by the division of it that was made by virtue of letters obtained from the general of the order by fray diego collado, and by the aid given him for the purpose by don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, my governor and captain-general of these islands. i desired that the said briefs should not be executed, since they were not approved by my royal council of the indias; and hence, looking rather to the conformity of the religious with the rule of the order, and to the quiet of that province, and perceiving that the said division must cause some relaxation therein, i have commanded my said governor and captain-general of these islands, and my royal audiencia, to suspend the said brief and all other briefs brought by the said fray diego collado, without permitting them to be executed. and i have commanded that the division of the provinces which has been made shall be annulled, and that they shall return to the condition in which they were before the said division. i accordingly request and direct you to attend to it, on your part, that these said provinces shall be placed in the state in which they were before collado to españa immediately. that this may have effect, i have in a letter of this day commanded my said governor to have him provided with passage. you will inform me at the first opportunity of what you shall have done in execution of what i thus request of you. dated at madrid, february first, in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. i the king by command of our lord the king: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon bibliographical data for bibliographical data of aduarte's historia, which is concluded in the present volume, see vol. xxx. notes [1] i.e., "in the beginning was the word." the other quotation reads, in english, "may the reading of the gospel be health and protection to thee." [2] karatsu is a town in hizen, north of nagasaki; it possesses large deposits of coal and kaolin. it was formerly called nagoya. [3] the shôgun at that time was hidetada (1605-1623); but his father iyeyasu, although nominally retired from the government, still inspired its proceedings in great degree, until his death in 1616. [4] for description of the kuwantô, see vol. xvi, p. 47. this group of provinces lies near the center of hondo, and includes the city of tôkio (yedo). [5] according to rein (japan, p. 304), he had put away his christian wife to marry a daughter of hidetada, and had become an apostate. then he removed his residence from arima to shimabara, and began a fierce persecution of the christians. [6] evidently referring to santiago de vera. [7] notwithstanding this fierce persecution--which, thus begun, culminated in the massacre of shimabara (1637), and lasted as long as christians could be discovered by the japanese authorities--a considerable number of japanese converts maintained their christian faith, unknown to their rulers, handing it down from one generation to another until 1868, when their existence became known to the government, and for a time they were exiled from their homes, but were restored to them a few years later. this christian church was at urakami, about seven miles north of nagasaki. [8] rein states (japan, p. 306) that there were 22 franciscans, dominicans, and augustinians (agreeing with aduarte's total), 117 jesuits, and nearly 200 native priests and catechists; and that these were shipped to macao. murdoch and yamagata say (hist. japan, p. 503) that 63 jesuits were sent to macao; and 23 jesuits, all the philippine religious, and several distinguished japanese exiles, to manila. [9] cf. vol. ix, p. 68, for mention of earliest printing in the islands. [10] see vol. xii, p. 222. [11] angelo orsucci e ferrer was born in lucca, italy, in 1570, also entering there the dominican order. hearing of the filipinas missions, he went to valencia, in spain, to join them, and arrived at manila in 1602. he labored successively in the cagayán and bataán missions, and in 1612 went to mexico to take charge of the dominican hospice there. in 1615 he returned to manila, conducting the mission band which aduarte had brought to mexico. he went again to bataán for a time; but, hearing of the persecutions in japan, determined to go thither, reaching that country in august, 1618. in the following december he was arrested, and imprisoned in omura. he remained there nearly four years, and was burned alive on september 10, 1622. he was beatified in 1867. see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 211-214. [12] this was juan de silva, who died on april 19, 1616 (see vol. xvii, p. 279). [13] a letter written by the franciscan fray pedro de alfaro to fray juan de ayora, commissary in manila, under date of canton, october 13, 1579, and existing (in copy) in archivo general de indias (with pressmark, "simancas-eclesiastico; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1608; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 42"), says of the ilocos district: "also it should be noted by your charity and the superiors who shall come that the province of ylocos is the destruction and sepulcher of friars; for it is known how the first who went there returned, while i found the next ones, although they had come there so short a time before, with very ill-looking, flabby, and colorless countenances, and brother fray sebastian (may he rest in glory), smitten with stomach trouble. his sickness began there, and there was its ending. in consideration of this, and of the common rumor and report of all, i do not believe that it is a district where we can live." the sick friar here mentioned was sebastian de baeza, who, at the time alfaro wrote, had just died on a ship in canton bay. [14] melchor manzano came to manila in 1606, and ministered in the cagayán missions until he was chosen provincial in 1617. in 1621 he was appointed procurator of the province at madrid; and he died in italy, about 1630, as bishop-elect of nueva segovia. [15] after the battle of sekigahara (1600) iyeyasu had left hideyori (the infant son of hideyoshi), with his mother, in the castle of osaka. after this child grew to manhood, he incurred the jealousy of iyeyasu, which was doubtless aggravated by his intimacy with the jesuits, and the shelter given by him to many discontented japanese, both heathen and christian. armies were raised on both sides, and on june 4, 1615, the castle of osaka was carried by assault, and burned, hideyori and his mother both perishing. see murdoch and yamagata's full account of this war, its causes, and its immediate results (hist. japan, pp. 507-567); cf. rein's japan, p. 306. [16] i.e., "the lord shogun;" it is only a title of honor, not a personal name. it here refers to hidetada, who had been associated with his father iyeyasu in the government. [17] later (at the beginning of chap. xiiii) aduarte states that under safioye were two officials in charge of the nagasaki government--antonio toan, a christian; and feizó, a renegade christian. after safioye's death, dissensions arose between these two; and finally the emperor made feizó and gonrozu (a nephew of safioye) joint governors of the city, who proceeded to persecute the christians with renewed severity. [18] this sentence may be a later addition by aduarte himself; but is more probably written by his editor, fray domingo gonçalez. [19] among these korean captives were numerous potters, who were carried to kiôto, hagi, satsuma, and other towns of japan, in order to introduce into that country the ceramic arts of korea. descendants of these potters are still living in tsuboya, a village of satsuma, where they still carry on their craft. see rein's japan, pp. 289, 527. [20] jacinto calvo came to manila in 1604, from the convent of peña de francia; but he soon returned to spain, on business of his order. it is probable that he spent the rest of his life there, except for some years while he was in charge of the hospice at mexico; it is not known when he died. [21] the babuyan and batan islands, groups lying north of luzón, extend northward to near the southern end of formosa. from near the northern end of that island, the riu-kiu island stretches in a long northeastward curve to the vicinity of kiushiu island, in southern japan. [22] a vulgar appellation of the fish called rompecandados ("padlock-breaker"), according to note by retana and pastells in their edition of combés's mindanao, col. 770. taraquito may possibly be a diminutive form derived from tarascar, meaning "to bite, or tear with the teeth." [23] the tribe best known as mandaya are found in mindanao; but the same name is conferred by some spanish writers on the apayaos (a head-hunting tribe in northwestern cagayán and the adjoining portions of ilocos norte and abra)--with doubtful accuracy, according to blumentritt (native tribes of philippines, p. 531). in u.s. philippine commission's report, 1900, iii, p. 19, is the following statement: "in the hamlets on the western side of the river [i.e., rio grande de cagayán], itaves, apayao, and mandayo are spoken;" but there is no further reference to a mandaya tribe in cagayán. see aduarte's mention of mandayas in later chapters. [24] juan de san lorenzo came to manila with the mission of 1618; he labored in the cagayán missions, and died at lal-ló in 1623. [25] a sort of trousers, generally made of cloth, covering the legs as far as the knees, buttoned or hooked together on the outside. it has also a dust-guard, which extends to the shoe. it is mainly used by laborers, carriers, and the like. (dominguez's diccionario nacional.) [26] see book i of aduarte's work, chapters xii-xv (in vol. xxx of this series). [27] blumentritt characterizes the gaddanes as "a malay head-hunting people, with a language of their own, settled in the provinces of isabela and cagayán." landor mentions them (gems of the east, p. 478) as having delicately chiseled features, and being now civilized and christianized. the bulk of the population of nueva vizcaya is made up of converts from two of the mountain igorot tribes, the isinay and the gaddang or gaddan. this valley was called ituy or isinay. there are but three or four thousand people in each of these tribes, the rest of the christianized population of this province being made up of ilocano immigrants. (u. s. census of philippines, i, pp. 449, 471. 472.) [28] constantius, second son of constantine the great; he reigned from 337 a. d. to 361, and adopted the arian doctrine, of which he was a powerful supporter. [29] pedro de zúñiga was a native of sevilla, and a son of marqués de villamanrique, viceroy of mexico; he entered the augustinian order at sevilla, in 1604. he came to manila in 1610, and spent several years as a missionary in pampanga. fired with zeal for the japanese missions, he entered them in 1618, only to be sent back to manila the next year with other priests banished from japan; but, as recounted in our text, zúñiga returned to that land to end his life as a martyr (august 19, 1622). he was beatified in 1867. see pérez's catálogo, p. 82. [30] probably a reference to the ronins, men who had left their masters, under the old feudal system in japan, and spent their time in low company and in idleness and excesses; see griffis's mikado's empire, p. 278. [31] this brother's proper name was mangorochi. the term donado, like the french donné (in each case meaning, literally, "one who is given") was applied to devout persons who voluntarily entered the service of the missions, giving themselves (often for life) to that cause, and sharing the lot of the missionaries. all the martyrs whose fate aduarte describes were afterward beatified. [32] diego de rivera came to manila from córdoba, in 1615. he ministered in bataán at first, but was lecturer in santo tomás from 1619 to 1623--in which year he lost his life as described in our text. [33] francisco galvez, a native of utiel, made his profession in the franciscan order in 1600, at the age of twenty-six. in 1609 he departed for the philippines, where for some time he ministered to the japanese christians resident near manila. he went to japan in 1612, but was banished thence in 1614; after several vain efforts, he succeeded in returning to that country in 1618. he was arrested by the japanese authorities, and after great sufferings in prison was burned alive at yendo, december 4, 1623. (see huerta's estado, pp. 391, 392.) [34] aparri is a port of entry on the northern coast of luzón, at the mouth of the rio grande de cagayán. it is the chief port of coast and ocean trade in that region, and the starting-point for inland river navigation. [35] alonso garcía came from córdoba to manila, in 1622; he was sent to the cagayán missions, where he died as here related. onofre palau was a native of valencia, but entered the dominican order at manila, in 1620. in the following year he made his profession, and was sent to cagayán, where he died with garcía. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 294, 373.) [36] i.e., "island of fishermen," indicating the occupation of nearly all the 50,000 inhabitants (of chinese race) of the group known as pescadores islands, west of formosa, and under the jurisdiction of that island (which has been, since 1895, a possession of japan). the location of the pescadores is such as to make them of strategic importance, and japan is now (1905) fortifying them. [37] the chinese refused to allow the dutch to trade with them unless the latter would depart from the pescadores, but permitted them to occupy formosa. the dutch settled there in 1624, at tainan (formerly taiwan) near anping, remains of old dutch forts still existing at both places; and this island was their headquarters for trade with japan and china. see basil h. chamberlain's account of formosa in murray's handbook for travelers in japan (4th ed., new york and london, 1898), pp. 536-542; davidson's historical sketch in transactions of asiatic society of japan, vol. xxiv, pp. 112-136. [38] one of the small islands in the bay of kelung. [39] francisco mola was born in madrid, and there made his profession as a dominican, in 1600. he came to the philippines in 1611, and spent many years in the cagayán missions; afterward having charge of the mission in formosa. after 1643 his name is not mentioned in the provincial records, as he returned to spain about that time. (reseña biográfica, i, p. 339.) [40] juan garcía lacalle entered the dominican order at manila, in 1602; he spent many years in the cagayán missions. [41] apparently a misprint for 1611. sanchez remained in the cagayán missions until his death, which must have occurred about 1640. the missionaries brought by him in 1626 numbered sixteen, sketches of whom are given in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 375-381. [42] a play upon words, the spanish hierro ("iron") having almost the same pronunciation as yerro ("error"). [43] both these missionaries came to manila in the mission of 1609. fray francisco labored in the villages of balete and polo--the former being originally a village of japanese, formed in 1601 by tello from that of dilao, near manila, but again restored to dilao in 1626. fray francisco went to japan in 1623, and was burned at the stake on august 17, 1627. fray bartolomé served in a hospital (probably that at los baños), went to japan in 1623, and met the same fate as befell fray francisco. see huerta's estado, pp. 395, 557. [44] he had come to manila in 1618, and labored in the cagayán missions and the babuyanes. [45] in this band were twenty friars; for sketches of their lives, see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 381-390. [46] spanish, castillo ("little castle"); apparently an imitation of the castillo de fuego, a contrivance built of wood in the shape of a castle, to which are attached various fireworks. [47] the reference in our text is to go-midzuno-o, who was mikado from 1611 to 1630; in the latter year he abdicated that dignity, forced to this step by petty persecutions and interference by the shôgun hidetada, and lived in retirement for the rest of his life, dying in 1680. the statement as to cutting off his hair is hardly accurate in regard to its rarity, as it was then the custom for potentates of various degrees to abdicate their office at an early period therein, and retire into a buddhist monastery, on which occasion the head of the candidate was shaved. dairi is merely one of the appellations bestowed upon the mikado of japan (see vol. xix, p. 51). the term mikado is practically the equivalent of "sublime porte;" the first to bear this name was jimmu-tennô (660-585 b. c.), and his dynasty has continued to the present day. after the conquest of korea (202 a. d.) chinese influences began to affect japan; and the mikado's authority was gradually diminished by powerful chiefs and lords, until the dignity of shôgun--a military title of honor--was conferred (1192) upon yoritomo, and made hereditary in his family. from that time dates the dual monarchy which ruled japan--the mikado being but the nominal sovereign--until 1868; the revolution of that year suppressed the shôgunate, and restored to the mikado his rightful authority. the mikado's residence was established at kiôto in 793, where it remained until 1868, being then transferred to yedo (now tôkiô). the comparison of the mikado to a pope arose from his possessing certain prerogatives in religious matters, and because a sort of divine character was ascribed to him from the claim of the first mikado that he was a descendant of the sun-goddess amaterasu. see rein's japan, pp. 214, 224, 315-317; also murdoch and yamagata's hist. japan, chap. i, and pp. 697-700. [48] a variant form of alcarazo, as the name is spelled elsewhere. these variations, which occur in numerous cases, may be due to additions made by aduarte's editor; or possibly to his employing more than one amanuensis. [49] the modern province of nueva vizcaya. [50] juan arjona came from the convent at córdoba, in the mission of 1628, and was assigned to the pangasinan field. in 1637-38 he was ministering in ituy, and in 1639 was appointed to a station in formosa. afterward he returned to pangasinan, and, after filling various offices in manila, died there on september 4, 1666, at the age of eighty-four. [51] there are more than a hundred different varieties of rice, some of which are lowland, cultivated by irrigation, and some upland, grown in the dry lands (these being more numerous than the former). see u. s. philippine commission's report, 1900, iii, pp. 244, 245. [52] the province of nueva vizcaya (ituy) is drained by the great river magat and its tributaries, which fertilize its soil; this stream flows into the rio grande de cagayán, which aduarte seems to regard as the continuation of the magat. [53] jerónimo de zamora came to the islands in 1615, and labored thirty-eight years in the cagayán missions; at times he occupied various offices, among them that of commissary of the inquisition. he died at lal-ló about 1655. [54] i.e., "equal shall be the portion of him that went down to battle and of him that abode at the baggage, and they shall divide alike;" in i kings (of the douay version; i samuel of the protestant versions), xxx, v. 24. [55] hidetada died in 1632, hut he had, following the usual custom, abdicated the shôgunate in 1623, in favor of his son iyemitsu--retaining, however, as iyeyasu had done, the actual control of the empire until his death. [56] i.e., "that which decayeth and groweth old is near its end" (hebrews, viii, 13). [57] i.e., "the old man carried the child, but the child directed the old man." [58] the torment of the pit (french, fosse, spanish, hoyo); a hole six feet deep and three in diameter was dug, and a post with a projecting arm was planted by its side. to this arm the victim was suspended, being lowered head downward into the pit, and left thus until he either died or recanted; his body had been previously tightly corded, to impede the circulation of the blood, but one hand was left free, to make the sign of recantation. this horrible torment did not bring death until two, three, or even six days; but most of the religious endured it unto death, rather than recant. of the few who did so was christoval ferreira (vol. xxiv, note 91). see murdoch and yamagata's hist. japan, pp. 632-633. [59] jacobo somonaga (in religion, de santa maria) was born in omura of christian parents; he had ability as a speaker, and often preached while a student. he came to manila, and at first became an augustinian; afterward, he entered the dominican order (august 15, 1624), being then forty-three years of age. in 1627 he was in formosa; in 1632 he went from manila to japan, and in the following year died as a martyr. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 256, 257.) [60] domingo ibañez de erquicia was born about 1587, in san sebastian, spain, and entered the dominican order there. he came to the islands in 1611, and was sent to pangasinan. from 1616 he remained in manila--except 1619-21, at binondo--until 1623, when he went to japan--where he labored, in spite of persecution and sufferings, until his martyrdom, august 18, 1633. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 235-241.) [61] spanish, de grãde estampida; literally, "causes a great stampede thither." [62] alluding to the cathedral el pilar at zaragoza, in which is a famous statue of the virgin descending upon a pillar. it soon became a rival of the noted shrine of st. james at compostella, in the number of pilgrims attracted thither, and miracles performed. maria del pilar is a favorite name for girls in spain, commonly abbreviated to pilar. [63] carlos clemente gant made his profession at zaragoza, in 1602. he came to manila in 1611, and spent most of his life in the cagayán missions, filling many high offices in that region; he was also provincial for two terms. he died at lal-ló, in 1660, at the age of seventy-two. [64] luis oñate made his profession at sevilla, in 1626, and came to the islands in 1632. he spent the rest of his life in the cagayán missions; and he died at manila on june 18, 1678, at the age of almost seventy. [65] juan bautista morales was born in 1597, at ecija; he entered the dominican convent there, but was ordained in mexico. in 1618 he came to manila, and was assigned to the ministry among the chinese there. in 1628 and 1629 he was in camboja, but was unable to establish a mission there. in 1633 he went to china; after spending several years in the missions there, he was sent (1640) by his order to europe, to make complaint regarding the practice of the "chinese rites" by the jesuits in china. taking the overland route from goa, morales arrived in italy in january, 1643; five years later, he escorted a band of missionaries to manila, and in 1649 returned to china. he spent the rest of his life there, dying at fo-kien, september 17, 1664. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 358-369.) [66] francisco diaz was born near valladolid, october 4, 1606, and entered the dominican order there. coming to manila in 1632, he spent some time in the chinese hospital; and in 1635 he entered the china mission, where he spent the rest of his life, dying at ting-teu, november 4, 1646. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 393-411.) [67] referring to the chinese moralist and teacher kôshi, usually known to europeans as confucius. his teachings have exercised a powerful influence on the history and national character of japan; and iyeyasu's celebrated code of laws was modeled thereon. [68] mateo de la villa, born in the province of oviedo, made his profession in the dominican convent at salamanca, in 1600. six years later he came to the islands, where he spent many years in the cagayán missions. in 1622 he was appointed procurator at madrid and rome, a charge which he held as late as 1665; but it is not known when and where he died. (see reseña biográfica, i, p. 330.) [69] this was fray diego collado, who had come to the philippines in 1611; see sketch of his life in vol. xxv, p. 158. the band whom he led were called "barbones" (see vol. xxv, p. 161). [70] allusion is here made to the famous town of santiago de compostela, formerly the capital of galicia. its foundation was due to the alleged discovery (in the ninth century) of the burial place of st. james the apostle, who afterward became the patron saint of spain. a church was built over the tomb of the saint, by alfonso i, but was destroyed by the saracens; the present cathedral was begun about 1080. it soon became a noted resort of pilgrims, being visited by many thousands every year, and has continued to be such to the present time. [71] referring to fray francisco de zamudio, an augustinian, the bishop of nueva caçeres--of whom bare mention (and that only as a confessor) is made in pérez's catálogo. cf. the earlier controversy on this question between archbishop serrano and the religious orders (1624), for which see vol. xxi, pp. 32-78. [72] the japanese was named lazaro; he was one of the lepers who had been formerly exiled from japan for the faith, and came with the dominicans as a guide. although at first he denied the christian faith, under pressure of torture, he afterward recovered courage, and died as a martyr, september 29, 1637. the mestizo was lorenzo ruiz, a native of binondo; he had left luzón on account of a murder that he had committed there. he also was martyred, at the same time as lazaro. (see reseña biográfica, i, p. 276, note.) [73] biographical sketches of all these martyrs are given in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 258-276. it is well to note, in this connection, the fact that the persecutions of christians in japan were not, in the main, on religious grounds. the japanese government was tolerant to the new religion until it had reason to fear that its authority was being subverted by the influence of the missionaries, and the independence of the nation threatened by the foreign nations who sent to japan the priests and traders. see griffis's mikado's empire, pp. 247-259, rein's japan, pp. 290-293, and murdoch and yamagata's history of japan, pp. 457-506. the last-named cites at length the writings of charlevoix, léon pagés, and other historians. prepared by jeroen hellingman and the distributed proofreaders team. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century volume iv, 1576-1582 e. h. blair & j. a. robertson contents of volume iv preface documents of 1576-78: relation of the filipinas islands. francisco de sande; manila, june 7, 1576. relation and description of the phelipinas islands. [francisco de sande]; manila, june 8, 1577. bull for erection of the diocese and cathedral church of manila. gregory xiii; rome, february 6, 1578. letter to felipe ii. francisco de sande; manila, july 29, 1578. grant of a plenary indulgence to all the faithful who visit churches of the friars minors. gregory xiii; rome, november 15, 1578. documents of 1579-82: royal decree regulating the foundation of monasteries. felipe ii; aranjuez, may 13, 1579. letter to felipe ii. francisco de sande; manila, may 30, 1579. expeditions to borneo, jolo, and mindanao. francisco de sande and others; manila, april 19, 1578, to june 10, 1579. appointments to vacancies in manila cathedral. felipe ii; [promulgated from?] guadalupe, march 26, 1580. letter to felipe ii. gonçillo ronquillo de peñalosa; manila, july 17, 1581. ordinance restricting departure from the islands. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; manila, march 2, 1582. letter to felipe ii. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; manila, june 15, 1582. bibliographical data illustrations view of mallaca, in _eylffte schiffahrt_, by levinus hulsius (franckfurt am mayn, 1612), p. 64; enlarged photographic facsimile, from copy in harvard university library. "indiae orientalis, insularumque adiacientium typus" (original in colors), map in _theatrum orbis terrarum_, by abraham ortelius (antverpiae, m. d. lxx), fol. 48; reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in boston public library. "incola ex insulis moluco" (picture of a moluccan warrior; original in colors), engraving in _voyage ofte schipvaert_, jan huygen van linschoten (amstelredam, m. d. xcvi), p. 64; photographic facsimile, from copy in boston public library. preface the first official report sent by governor francisco de sande to the home government is dated june 7, 1576. it is introduced by a description of the winds prevalent in the indian archipelago. arriving at manila (august 25, 1575), he finds that much of the city has been destroyed by a chinese pirate named limahon; and he relates, in a graphic manner, the circumstances of this affair. in the first attack (september, 1574), fourteen spaniards and more than eighty chinese are slain. the enemy renew the attack a few days later, but are repulsed with much loss. the moros of the vicinity rebel, insulting and robbing the friars and defiling the churches. the chinese proceed to pangasinan, where they erect a fort, determining to establish themselves there. all the spanish forces are assembled, and an expedition is sent (march 23, 1575), under juan de salcedo, to attack the marauders. in the first encounter the spanish are victorious; but through mismanagement they fail to follow up their success, and finally the chinese depart from luzón. a chinese officer named omocon comes to search for the pirate limahon; on his return, he carries some augustinian friars to china, but they return in a few months. the chinese bring certain presents to the governor, which he turns over to the king. he does not like that people, saying that they are mean, impudent, importunate, and deceitful. he relates many interesting particulars regarding the country and people of china--derived from the various reports which have come to him from traders, missionaries, and the filipino natives. sande has a poor opinion of the trade with china; the only useful article which the chinese bring to the philippines is iron. he urges here, as in the letter preceding this report, that the king should at once send an expedition for the conquest of china, for which four thousand to six thousand men would be needed. he argues that this enterprise would be an act of justice, for several curious reasons: it would free the wretched chinese from the oppressive tyranny and cruelty of their rulers; it is right to punish them for their many crimes and vices; and they ought to be compelled to admit foreigners to their country. the governor is not troubled by any scruples of conscience respecting the line of demarcation; for he affirms that all the region from the moluccas to the islands of japan, inclusive, with borneo and all the coast of china, is "within the demarcation of spain." he is ready to drive the portuguese out of the moluccas, if the king will consent thereto. sande gives further details as to the philippines and their people. the climate is healthful, for those who live temperately. the culture of rice is described, and the fertility of the soil praised. much interesting information is given regarding the characteristics, habits, and customs of the people; he regards most of them as drunken, licentious, and idle, and avaricious and murderous. the governor has rebuilt the ruined fort at cebu; but he thinks that a settlement there is useless and expensive. he asks for oared vessels, with which to navigate among the islands; and he is anxious to seize the moluccas for spain. he complains of the reckless manner in which repartimientos had been assigned by legazpi and lavezaris, an abuse which he is trying to reform. he has revoked many of these allotments, and placed them under the control of the crown. he has established two shipyards, which have done good work in building and repairing vessels. he needs artillery, or else skilled workmen to make it; also fifty good gunners, two master-engineers, and more troops. sande has founded a hospital at manila, mainly for the soldiers--apparently the first in the islands; and is planning to build a house in which convalescents may be properly cared for. he has begun to fortify manila, and is making other preparations for its defense. the province of pampanga, almost the only source of supply of food for the spaniards, has been appropriated by sande for the crown; he asks the king to confirm this action. he is endeavoring to stop various leaks in the royal treasury, and is providing for the worthy poor. he mentions the royal order that all the indians should be induced to settle near the districts already pacified, in order to render them sedentary and to convert them to the christian faith--a plan which he considers quite impracticable. the governor is greatly annoyed by the careless and extravagant administration of the royal funds by the officials at manila; he makes various recommendations for securing better and more economical conduct of the public service. he reports the religious status of the land, and calls for more priests, especially recommending the franciscans, "since they live among the natives, and we need not support them." certain concessions and exemptions should be continued, as the people are so poor; and for that reason customs duties ought not to be levied until the people can afford to pay them. the two friars whom the chinese captain omocon had consented to convey a second time to his country, not having means to satisfy with gifts his avaricious nature, had been therefore abandoned on a lonely island, where they are rescued by a passing troop of spaniards. sande enumerates various documents, maps, etc., which he is sending to the king; and he again appeals for consent to his proposal for the conquest of china. a paper containing memoranda for reply to this letter indicates that the king declines to entertain this scheme, and advises sande to expend his energies upon the preservation and development of the lands already conquered. in another report, dated june 8, 1577, sande furnishes some information additional to that in the preceding document. the moros of luzon are very shrewd traders, and are skilful in alloying the gold which they obtain in that island. this practice causes the governor much perplexity regarding the currency question. he has succeeded, during the past two years, in putting "the affairs of the royal estate into as good order as in mexico;" and has reformed various abuses, small and great. he explains the manner in which he has aided needy soldiers and other persons in want, and reassigned encomiendas of persons deceased. as for the natives, sande says that they are not simple, foolish, or timorous; "they can be dealt with only by the arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver." he has maintained good discipline among the soldiers, and reformed them from the vicious habits which had been prevalent among them. he asks that the concessions made regarding the customs duties and the royal fifths be continued, on account of the poverty of the colony. he renews his request for more religious teachers, and asks not only for secular priests, but more friars--especially those who cannot own property, as the indians will have more regard for such. he explains in detail his difficulties regarding the proper disposal of the crown funds by the royal officials, and the heroic treatment made necessary by their inefficiency and mismanagement. the property of guido de lavezaris is confiscated, and the goods of other wrong-doers are seized. the city is now surrounded by a palisade and rampart; and the river-bank has been protected against the action of the waves. he has built, or has now in the shipyards, vessels worth in new spain one hundred thousand ducats, which have cost him less than fifteen thousand. the resources of the land are being developed; the rebellious natives have been pacified; churches, and a house for the friars, have been erected; and a residence for the governor has been built. in all these undertakings, he finds it necessary to watch everything, and superintend the workmen; this care and oversight has enabled him to secure good returns from the expenditure of the public funds. a papal bull dated february 6, 1578, erects the diocese of manila, and constitutes its church a cathedral; the duties and privileges of the bishop thereof are enumerated. he shall be subordinate to the archbishop of mexico; and the usual tithes and other dues are remitted. sande writes to the king (july 29, 1578) a brief report of his expedition to borneo in the months of march to may preceding; and requests rewards and promotion for himself and his brothers. by a decree dated november 15, 1578, pope gregory xiii grants "plenary indulgence to all the faithful who visit churches" of the franciscans in these oriental regions. on may 13, 1579, king felipe issues a decree regarding the foundation of monasteries in the philippines. fray domingo de salazar (a dominican) has been appointed bishop of manila, and will soon go thither with friars. the governor is ordered to ascertain where monasteries are needed, and there to erect buildings for this purpose. sande informs the king (may 30, 1579) of the result of his efforts to subdue other and neighboring islands. the city in borneo which he attacked in the preceding year has been rebuilt, and the king of that land is ready to submit. the king of jolo (sulu) has become a vassal of spain, and peace has been made with the people dwelling on the rio grande of mindanao. sande is still eager to set out for the conquest of the moluccas and of china, and is doing all that he can to accumulate shipping and artillery for that purpose. this letter is accompanied by a bulky document containing the official notarial record of the expedition which sande mentions. the governor learns from filipino natives of luzon that the king of borneo oppresses and plunders their countrymen who visit his land--thus wronging vassals of spain; and that the borneans, being mahometans, are spreading their heresy among the peoples of the archipelago. sande writes a letter to this ruler, announcing his desire to confer with him, and to make a compact of peace and friendship. he demands from the king not only free opportunity for christian preachers to evangelize the borneans, but also the cessation of any further mahometan propaganda by borneans among the filipinos. the king must also surrender any persons whom he has forcibly detained, with all their possessions; and must provide the spaniards with food--for which, however, he will receive pay. no answer being made by the borneans, and sande's envoys not returning to the fleet, he enters the port, despite the resistance of the native vessels therein. the people thereupon flee inland, and the spaniards enter the town, seizing there various possessions of the king--among them letters from the portuguese, one of which is signed "el rey" ("the king"). sande takes possession of all borneo for spain. he then sends (may 23, 1578) one of his officers, estevan rodriguez de figueroa, to subdue the sulu islands. he is instructed to reduce, as gently as he can, the pirates of that group to peaceful agriculturists, and secure from them the payment of tribute. next, he is to go on a similar errand to mindanao; and, as many of its inhabitants are mahometans, he must strive to uproot "that accursed doctrine" there. sande returns to manila, whence in the following year (february 28, 1579) he despatches juan arce de sadornil with a fleet to borneo, giving him detailed instructions for his conduct on this expedition. he is to ascertain the condition of affairs there, and gently endeavor to gain the submission of the king as a vassal of spain. sadornil goes to borneo, and conducts various negotiations with the king, but cannot induce the latter to confer with him in person. finally, seeing that he can accomplish nothing, and that his men are suffering from confinement and illness, he decides to return to manila; and he advises sande that a settlement of spaniards in borneo must, to be successful, be made in the town where the moro court resides. in june, 1578, the king of sulu submits to the spanish power. from the moluccas comes the news that the people of ternate have revolted against the portuguese, who have been compelled to abandon their fortress there and retreat to amboina. their trade in spices is therefore greatly injured, for the time; and other malayan peoples are also hostile to the portuguese. sande again sends (january, 1579) an expedition to mindanao and sulu, under captain de ribera, to secure their submission to spanish authority. his instructions lay special stress on proper care for the health of the troops. the tribute desired from sulu consists of "two or three tame elephants." ribera goes to the rio grande of mindanao, but can accomplish nothing; for the natives, in terror of the spaniards, have abandoned their villages, fleeing to the mountains. ribera erects a fort at the delta of the river, and receives the submission of a few neighboring chiefs; but, as his men are being prostrated by sickness, he obtains from a friendly _dato_ (chief) a list of the indian villages and their population, with such information as he can gather, and departs--sending a small detachment of troops to pacify the district of butuan. going to cavite, ribera finds there a deputation from sulu, who bring a little tribute saying that their people have been harassed by famine ever since figueroa came, a year before, to demand tribute from them. finding upon investigation that this story is true, he gives back their tributes, receiving instead a cannon which they had taken from a wrecked portuguese galley. ribera then returns to cebu. a royal decree of march 26, 1580, provides for appointments to fill vacant benefices in the cathedral at manila the new governor, ronquillo de peñalosa, writes to the king (july 17, 1581), asking whether manila is to be regarded as his capital and head-quarters, and giving advice in various matters. like many such documents, this is endorsed: "seen; an answer is unnecessary." as some of the franciscan friars who have come to the philippines have preferred to labor in china, peñalosa orders (march 2, 1582) that no person shall leave the islands without his permission. in a letter dated june is of that year, he complains to the king that he has not received the expected reënforcements of men from new spain; that the audiencia of that country (in which is now sande, superseded by peñalosa as governor of the philippines) meddles with his government and threatens to make trouble for him; and that he needs a competent assistant in his office. ternate is now under spanish control, and spain monopolizes the rich spice-trade; panama is the best route therefor. an "english pirate," presumably sir francis drake, has been intriguing with the malays at ternate, and the post there should be more heavily fortified. the newly-appointed bishop, salazar, has arrived; on account of his austerity and his wish to dominate, he is not a favorite with the people. _the editors_ april, 1903. documents of 1576-78 relation of the filipinas islands. francisco de sande; june 7, 1576. relation and description of the phelipinas islands. [francisco de sande]; june 8, 1577. bull for erection of the diocese of manila. gregory xiii; february 6, 1578. letter to felipe ii. francisco de sande; july 29, 1578. indulgence to those who visit franciscan churches; gregory xiii; november 15, 1578. _sources_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo de indias, sevilla, excepting the papal decrees; the first of these is from _doc. inéd., amér. y oceanía_, xxxiv, pp. 72-79, the second from the _crónica de la provincia de san gregorio_ of fray francisco de santa inés (manila, 1892), i, pp. 215, 216. _translations_: the first document is translated by rachel king; the second, by josé m. ascensio; the third and fifth, by rev. t.c. middleton, o.s.a.; the fourth, by g.a. england. relation of the filipinas islands royal catholic majesty: i sailed from the port of acapulco, nueva españa, on the sixth of april of the year seventy-five, as i had previously informed your majesty from that port. on account of setting sail during the calms, we were delayed, so that it took us seventy-two days to reach the ladrones. there we filled our water-butts, and i took on board a large anchor that i found there that had belonged formerly to the flagship lost there by ffelipe de sauzedo; in the other ship we placed four small boat-loads of ballast. all this detained us only a day and a half. on nearing the cape of spiritu santo in tandaya, one of the philipinas, our progress was impeded by the vendaval, and our pilots also gave us considerable trouble, so that i arrived at manilla on the twenty-fifth of august of the year seventy-five. on that day i took possession of the office of governor and captain-general. 2. although your majesty may know better than i the matters i am about to relate, still, like a country-man, i wish to speak, and to tell what i myself have experienced. i am informed here that throughout the entire sea in these latitudes there are two general seasons. during one, the dry season, the _brisas_, as they are called, blow from the southeast to the north, finally blowing directly from the north; while in the other, or wet season, the _vendavales_ blow from northwest to south-southeast. thus, during these two seasons, the winds blow from every point of the compass. for this reason it will be seen that coming from nueva españa, from the east toward this western region, the brisas would help; while the vendavales, especially the usual one, which is a south-westerly wind in the channels of these islands, would impede the progress of the ship. these two general seasons begin in some years somewhat earlier than in others, and in some places before they do in others. however, it is quite clear and evident that by the end of may and the middle of june, the vendaval begins here from the west (and i believe that this is true of all the southern sea), and blows strongly night and day. now if for any reason it should cease for a moment it would only be to burst forth again with renewed vigor. such a period of quietness is called here _calladas_ ["silence"]. the brisa begins in november, and lasts until the end of may. between these two general seasons two others exist, called _bonanças_ ["gentle winds"] which last from the middle of march to the end of may, and comprise also part of september and october. during that time the bonança of april and may is the most prevalent wind, although other winds are blowing constantly. should the usually mild winds prove severe, then the opposite season would develop, so that in april a vendaval often presents itself, and in september a violent brisa may blow. these seasons, i think, correspond to those of the northern sea, as you may be already aware--although i do not know whether they are at all regular, for the fleets of merchant ships leave nueva spaña the middle of april and somewhat later, taking thirty, forty, and sixty days to reach havana, a distance of three hundred leagues. although the pilots tell us that this is a good time to sail in a southeast direction, they cannot deny that they endure very great hardships from the calms caused by the bonanzas. during this journey from nueva españa to havana, many people have met their death. leaving in february in a few days one reaches havana. but i, sailing the sixth of april (that is, in the middle of the bonança season), did not encounter bad weather, being detained twenty days in the calms thirty leagues from nueva españa. neither did we encounter so feeble winds that our progress might have been retarded; nor did the vendaval of july burst forth before it was due. 3. i learned in these islands that this city had been burned by a pirate and that there had been a war. there they asked me for lead, and i readily complied with their requests, until i was weary of granting petitions. i thought that we had some lead; but on summoning my men, and searching for it, only five or six arrobas were found; and that was in sheets, such as are used to stop leaks in ships. arriving at manila, i could get no lead; and, not being able to obtain it elsewhere, we took from the sides of the ships somewhat less than seventy arrobas, some of which was used. with what is left we remain, hoping for the grace of god; for should not the ship sheathed with lead arrive, i do not know what would become of this camp of your majesty. your majesty will understand, then, the condition of affairs here; and will please have pity and consideration for the men who are serving your majesty here, so far away, and with so much hardship and so much danger. 4. on my arrival, i found manila in great part burned and destroyed. let me relate what occurs here. they say that the kingdom of china is often invaded by corsairs, and that one named limahon (or, as the chinese call him, dim mhon) had committed great depredations in china, whereby he had amassed great wealth. he was pursued by his king to the region near the upper point of this island of luçon. near an island about forty leagues from luçon, he captured a chinese merchant-ship that was en route from this city of manila for purposes of trade. the merchants carried with them a quantity of gold and many reals of four mexicans each, and other things obtained in this island, which were highly esteemed by them. demanding with threats, where they had obtained this gold and silver, he robbed them of their goods, which they said had been obtained in luçon, in trade with the castilians. a pilot assisted him greatly in his negotiations here, for he said that the people were quite secure and careless, and were scattered through many places; and that, if he would come to the island in a short time, he would find only old people and invalids, as a galley was about to leave in order to take a captain to mindanao and perhaps had already gone, so that there would be no one with whom to fight. the above-mentioned limahon believed him, and thereupon came to the city. on the way, however, at dawn of day, without himself being seen, he met one of your majesty's galliots. on this vessel there were twenty-two people, counting soldiers and sailors. this ship was sent by captain juan de saucedo, who was in ylocos, to some villages of çinay [sinay], near by, for provisions. this vessel had been taken from this city by order of guido de lavezares, in order to explore the province of cagayan, to which i sent don luis de sahajossa this last winter. when the corsair saw the galliot, he lowered his small boats and made an assault upon it; but, although the galliot was badly equipped, the soldiers defended themselves bravely from the attack of the small boats. the natives on the coast, say that a bronze falcon weighing fourteen quintals was fired five times. this falcon was called "vigilantib" by the soldiers, on account of this word being used as an inscription upon it. as the corsair saw what a brave defense they made against the small boats, he bore down upon them with his whole fleet, consisting of sixty-two large ships, and with their great fire-bombs they burned the galley in a very short time. the poor fellows in it not having confidence in their oars--as they had only four oars to a bench, the galliot having fifteen benches--those still living threw themselves into the water. thus they all perished, either at the hands of the chinese or at those of the natives, who are wont to act in this manner. the chinese sacked the galley, and placed the "vigilantib" and other arms in their ships. this falcon was the greatest loss sustained by the galley, which was lost because it had been poorly equipped and had an insufficient number of men; they, as a result, could not warn manila and other places. had they been supplied with ammunition, it would have been easy to escape; and even, with the "vigilantib" alone, to have destroyed their fleet. 5. with this prize captured from the galliot, the corsair proceeded toward manila. at this time a soldier, sayavedra, sergeant of juan de saucedo, who was in one of the neighboring villages, saw what had happened, and that the galley had been burned; and he wrote a letter to this effect to juan de saucedo, sending it overland by an indian to vigan, where saucedo was located with one hundred men. in a short time juan de saucedo saw the ships of the corsair and his armament; so he sent a virey to advise the people of manila of what was taking place. the ships in advance, on discovering the virey, deceived its occupants, and stood out to sea, to round a promontory, through the bay of which was coming the deceived virey. the _virey_ is a kind of vessel used by the natives of these islands; it has but little steadiness, and always navigates near the shore. while this little boat was going around the bay, all the ships came upon it at once. the occupants of the little boat had to run aground, in order to escape with their lives, and to hide in the hills. then they took out their weapons, and paused to see what was taking place. the chinese broke up the ship, but did not completely destroy it, and then continued their journey. the soldiers again took to their vessel, and slowly wended their way to manila, arriving there one day after st. andrew's day, at noon, and after the corsair had made the first assault. they spread the news that juan de saucedo was coming from ylocos with all haste, for he had found out who limahon was. these soldiers landed in a hostile region, that of a certain people called zambales; they are very much like the chichimecos of nueva españa, who have no ambition higher than that of cutting off men's heads. they are accustomed to the use of bows and arrows. consequently three soldiers in a rough country could not have escaped, unless god had kept their boat from being entirely destroyed by the sangleyes. 6. the corsair continued his journey, and, intending to make an attack at dawn, anchored outside the bay, and sent all his small boats ashore in charge of some captains, in the early part of st. andrew's eve. they say that the corsair remained with the ships; but that in the boats there were seven hundred men, among whom were a few arquebusiers, and many pikemen, besides men armed with battle-axes. [1] they were clad in corselets which are coats lined with exceedingly thick cotton. they had durable bamboo hats, which served as helmets; they carried cutlasses, and several daggers in their belts; and all were barefoot. their manner of warfare or of fighting, was to form a squadron composed of men with battle-axes, among whom were placed some arquebusiers, a few of the latter going ahead as skirmishers. one of every ten men carried a banner, fastened to his shoulders and reaching two palms above his head. there were other and larger banners also, so that it appeared as if some important personage was coming who served in the capacity of master-of-camp. these, then, were the people who made the first attack. 7. the entrance to the bay of this city of manila is southwest of manila. on its southern side, and to the right on entering the bay, is the port of cavite, two leagues from manila. they took the shorter route, which was safer for their small boats, and came somewhat late within half a league of manila without being seen; for the slight breeze stirring from the east prevented them from making the assault at daybreak. manila is on a point or isthmus running southeast and northwest; and the river encompasses it from the east to the northwest. they did not enter by the river, in order not to be seen by the fishermen who are constantly going and coming; and also for the reason that the bay is very wide at this point, and they would have to force an entrance, which they did not dare attempt in their small boats. the pirates therefore began a hurried march along shore toward the city, dragging their lances. they arrived at the city somewhere between nine and ten o'clock in the morning. the first house attacked was that of the master-of-camp, martin de goite; he was sick in bed at the time. already some natives had come to him from the shore, shouting at the tops of their voices that enemies were near, and that the king of borney was coming down upon the castilians. now as martin de goite knew that this was the season of the brisas, and that it was impossible to come from borney, which lies to the southwest, because the wind was dead ahead, and not believing in the possibility of other enemies, he laughed at the men, telling them that they were drunken. meanwhile, the advance-guard of the squadron was near the house, when he arose, put on a suit of mail, and took a sword with which to defend himself. it is believed that the chinese were passing straight ahead toward the governor's house and the artillery, guided by the spy whom they brought with them, for they were stealing along the shore forward. this would have meant the total destruction of this city and camp; for your majesty's houses, being at the extreme end of the point of land made by the sea and the river, were without any defense. the inhabitants of the city were each in his own house, and the artillery was lying on the ground dismounted, the pieces scattered here and there throughout the camp. the point of the island once occupied, the spaniards had no place wherein to gather and fortify themselves, so that they could have a safe position back of them. god provided this, for it is said that, when the enemies came marching in line along the seacoast, the wife of martin de goite, the master-of-camp, was looking out of a window which faced the seacoast. she had a child's helmet on her head, and she called and beckoned to them, telling them in castilian that they were dogs, and that they would all be killed. the chinese observed this, and learned from the guide that this was the house of the master-of-camp. they regarded this as a very important piece of news, and, going to that house, hurled many fire-bombs, with which they burned it in a very short time; for it was made, like all the houses there, of wood and straw. they killed some men who had gathered there; they also killed the master-of-camp, who had been injured by the fire and wounded by an arquebuse-shot in one arm, and who threw himself from a window, on account of the cruel flames. a soldier, although the enemy struck at him repeatedly with cutlasses and battle-axes, escaped with but a slight wound. it is believed that if the master-of-camp had left the house early, he would have escaped; but that he tried to defend himself in his house, which he was unable to do, on account of his severe illness. several other persons were killed there with him. his wife, who had shouted to them, they stripped, and tore off a ring which she was slow in drawing from her finger, and a necklace; and then they stabbed her severely in the neck. she rushed from the house and hid in the tall grass, thus escaping with her life; and she is now alive. another woman and three or four men were killed. in burning that house, and in the resistance offered there, they were detained some time; therefore news of this affair reached the city and the house of the governor, guido de lavezares. the first intimation that they had of the approach of the enemy was the sight of the burning house of the master-of-camp, which thus revealed it. when the affair at the house was over, the pirates attempted to proceed once more to the beach. the delay at the house was important, for in the meanwhile captains velasquez and chacon, with what soldiers there were, went to the seacoast; and from the shelter of the houses facing the beach fired well-aimed volleys from their arquebuses, whereat a number of the advance guard fell. thus was god pleased that with the death of thirteen or fourteen spaniards and more than eighty chinese, the latter had enough, retreated to their boats, and went away. the spaniards did not molest them while they were retreating, on this day, on account of their own small number of fighting men, and for fear that such a course might incite those fleeing to return. the corsairs did not utter a word, nor did they complain, even when they fell with wounds. those in command endeavored to induce their men to press forward, but did not succeed. most of the spaniards who were killed were arquebusiers, who had drawn near in order to take good aim. although they did this, so many battle-axes were directed against them that they were overthrown. now had there been better order in keeping the soldiers from making a sally unless commanded, it is thought that, since there was a body of lancers who could have met the enemy face to face, none would have been killed except those in the house of the master-of-camp, where more damage was done them by fire than by weapons. the corsairs went to the port of cavite, where they found their chief with all his fleet; for on seeing the fire in the city, and hearing the roar of the artillery, he knew that his men were accomplishing their purpose, and entered the bay, going straight to the port of cavite. those of his men who had gone to the city in the boats told him that they were unable to finish the affair or to accomplish more, for the castilians were a very brave people. 8. after the flight of the chinese, a chinese merchant who was in the city, sinsay by name, called upon the governor. he told him the corsair's name, who he was, and his power. he also stated that he was a pirate, and not sent by order of his king; and that without doubt he would return in three days. he advised the spaniards to fortify themselves, and to remove the straw from the roofs of your majesty's houses, so that they could not be fired--advice which was acted upon. 9. the corsair limahon rebuked his captains, and publicly manifested his disgust at their defeat. then he summoned his soldiers, paid them all, and made them great promises. they agreed to rest one day and to return on the morning of the third day, when he would accompany them personally--which he did, with his entire fleet. 10. it seems that guido lavezares, on that day, ordered that two of the principal moros be arrested and imprisoned, saying that, by means of them, the moros would supply him with food. thereupon the moros rebelled, and the prisoners were placed, bareheaded, in the stocks. this was the occasion of a suit brought against one osorio, the constable, in whose house was the prison. he claims that he was not guilty of the offense, saying that one sancho ortiz de agurto, sergeant of captain velasquez, killed them, or ordered certain slaves to kill them. the suit was decided accordingly. 11. the first attack was made on the day of st. andrew the apostle. on tuesday, the last of september [2] of the year seventy-four, the captains began the fortifications, making with boards, stakes, and boxes and barrels filled with sand, a palisade from the river to the sea. although it was the best they could build, it was weak enough. the next day, wednesday, at noon the three soldiers came to warn the people, as i have previously mentioned. at nightfall of this day arrived juan de saucedo. as before stated, he had been stationed in ylocos with fifty soldiers. he came almost within sight of the chinese fleet, and upon entering the bay, took the left-hand side, leaving the right side of the port to the chinese. the people were overjoyed to see him and his soldiers, and that night they assisted in the work of the fortifications. very early upon the next day (thursday) the chinese advanced in martial array, as if determined upon revenge. at four o'clock the whole fleet appeared in front of the city, in the form of a great crescent, so that they might be there before daybreak; and three salutes were fired from all the guns of the whole fleet. then at dawn they lowered the small boats, finally disembarking near the house of the master-of-camp, which they had burned. the chief landed, but it is reported that he did not fight, or leave, that place, where he remained seated in a chair. he divided his soldiers there--numbering, it is said, about one thousand men--into two bodies. part of them he sent through the principal street of the city, and the others along the beach. the latter took the same route as those who arrived on the first day. besides these two squadrons, other men were sent along the river-bank. 12. they were allowed to land, which has been considered a great mistake; for all along the shore the land is covered with grass high enough to form a fine ambuscade, where the arquebusiers could easily have been placed under cover. the corsair might haye been easily killed with one shot, when he landed in his chair to take command. 13. this day the pirates, as if previously determined, did not burn any houses that seemed to be of good quality. they went straight to the fort, and assailed it vigorously on two sides. they encountered a strong resistance from the river side and in front, and some of them were killed. on the side next the sea, the guard of the fort was entrusted to a sergeant, named sancho hortiz de agurto. he went down to the shore, leaving the post, where he was stationed to find but from what quarter the chinese were coming. they were already so near that, upon one of the chinese meeting him, the lance of the latter must have proved the longer weapon; for he wounded the soldier, who was armed only with a halberd, in the neck. either this wound or some other obliged him to retire; and, upon his doing so, the chinese shot him in the back with an arquebuse, which caused his death. they assert that this must have occurred as narrated, for he was seen to measure his halbert against the lance of the chinese. they found him wounded with a lance-thrust, and the larger hole caused by the bullet was in his breast, a proof that the bullet left his body there. but his friends tried to say that while he was fighting with the sangley, they shot him in the back--which might have been so; for as the enemy were forcing their way into the fort, they naturally met with resistance from those defending that position. thus according to his friends, the mistake in leaving the palisade caused the harm. on this account it happened that, when they forced that position, they found there the least resistance. about eighty chinese entered the fort at that point, and all of them might have done so had they all been of equal courage. our soldiers attacked them immediately, with lance and arquebuse, killing them all, according to report. this result was aided by the resistance experienced by the assaulters in other parts of the fort, which forced the chinese to commence a retreat. now when the main division of those who had entered the fort saw the others retreat, they too retreated and did not enter, abandoning the eighty, all of whom the spaniards killed whether they sought flight by land or sea. on this day they burned the augustinian church, the church of the city, and a galley that was grounded near the river; and they also destroyed an old ship. this galley was about to sail to mindanao, as previously stated. three spaniards were killed and several wounded on this day, and mare than two hundred chinese. the greatest damage was caused by the fire; for a great fire-bomb fell upon some powder, which exploded causing the death of two or three other men. 14. it is said that the corsair limahon tried to force his men to remain, but was unsuccessful, so he retired, embarked in his boats, and set sail with his vessels for the port of cavite. 15. it is thought that allowing the chinese to embark on their retreat without hindrance was a mistake. some of the spaniards did attempt to prevent them, but the corsair, fearing that this might happen, sent some boats by sea to the river, so that the spaniards should continue their guard, and not hinder the embarkation; and so that they might believe that those in the boats were reinforcements sent to take them in the rear. thus it was believed, regarding it casually, that if the corsair had had much force and had taken thought in the beginning to attack in so many different places, he would have done it; but that either he did not understand this, or did not dare to do it. therefore he collected his men, without any damage being inflicted on him in his retreat. 16. as the natives of this place, who are moros, saw what took place the first day, thinking that the chinese were victorious, they all rebelled on the second day. in that short space of time there gathered around the city of manila more than ten thousand moros, in their little boats, ready to obey the commands of the corsair. they say, too, that messengers were sent to cavite, and the news spread broadcast. wherever friars were stationed, the moros captured and insulted them, threatened them with death, and robbed them of everything. they defiled the churches, killing goats there; and slew all the spaniards possible, and their slaves. it is for this reason, the soldiers say, that they did not leave the fort, in order to prevent the departure of the corsairs, for the moros surrounded them on all sides. when the moros knew that the sangleyes had gone, and that the spaniards had been victorious, they set the friars free; and, little by little, they again became submissive--apologizing for their revolt because of the chiefs who had been slain in prison. 17. the artillery was badly mounted, and there was no gunner who knew how to fire it. if the spaniards had had sufficient artillery, that would have proved very effectual; and, as the vessels neared the city, some of them might have been sent to the bottom. no damage, however, was done to any vessel, although they were fired upon; so that all the resistance which they made was with lances and arquebuses. 18. the corsair went to the port of cavite with his fleet, and did not appear again; and not one ship could be found at the dawn of day. he departed to ylocos, whence he came. he determined to establish himself in this island, settling in the province of pangasinan, in the vicinity of ylocos. there he founded a settlement, consisting of a great fort, in which dwelt all those who had accompanied him; and a counter-fort in the middle with an excellent and well-constructed house for himself, where he was recuperating, forty leagues from this city of manila. 19. the wall of the fort was very high and built of palm-logs, and the counter-fort was built of palm-wood planks. when the corsair arrived there, he seized by treachery several chiefs of that land, through whom he obtained supplies. he robbed them of all their substance, and, in general treated them badly. as he had their chiefs, the common people could not flee; and because the corsair did not kill them, as he had done with others, they supported and served him. on this account he was very well supplied with provisions, wood, and other necessary things. 20. the spanish people who were not in the city during that attack were scattered throughout the province of camarines, one hundred leagues from here. there were almost a hundred men with a captain in the island of çubu, and seventy more in ylocos under juan de saucedo, who had gone thither to form a settlement, since these men were the encomenderos of that province. when the corsair went away, a ship was sent to find out where he had halted; and, upon discovering this, all the spanish people were summoned, who came to manila as quickly as possible. in the meantime guido de lavezares appointed juan de saucedo master-of-camp, and all began preparations to meet the enemy. during the time of preparation for the expedition, in order to leave the city in security, they constructed a fort; it is now finished, and was made by the natives, the wood being paid for at the expense of your majesty. your majesty's carpenters here also assisted, so that the work was completed. the master-of-camp, juan de saucedo, and all the spaniards who had gathered, and were available for the expedition, were summoned. they numbered about two hundred and fifty-six, together with two thousand five hundred friendly indians; and they set out in fifty-nine native vessels, commanded by captains chacon, chaves, rribera, and rramirez. these officers were instructed to consult together in regard to whatever the said master-of-camp should freely and voluntarily communicate to them, as it was he who was conducting the present undertaking. 21. they say that the corsair had, in all, about three thousand men and as many women, whom he had forcibly taken from china and japan. the best people that he had were natives of those countries. 22. the spaniards left manila on the twenty-third of march of 75, and arrived at the river of pangasinan on holy wednesday, the thirtieth of march. they entered by the bar of the river, two hours before daybreak; and, without being seen, landed the soldiers and four pieces of artillery. they selected the spot where the river was narrowest, to see whether they could obstruct the passage of the chinese ships. they sent out spies, who returned with the information that the chinese were off their guard, and were careless. upon this the master-of-camp sent captains chaves and chacon in haste, with nine vessels, in each of which were about eight men, with orders to approach the chinese boats and to try to capture one or more of them--especially the big ones, so that he might be able with them to obstruct the bar of the river. he also sent captain ribera with twenty-eight men and some indians by land, so that, at the same time when the captains were examining the river in their ships the former could assault the fort, in order to divert the people in it, and to enable those on the river to seize the said vessels. the plan for the enterprise failed, but success came in an unexpected manner; for it pleased god that, when the spanish ships discovered the chinese, thirty-five chinese vessels were setting out to look for supplies for the corsair. as they were sailing along quite free from care, they caught sight of the spaniards, and turned about and fled. it happened that, as the spaniards pursued them, firing their arquebuses, the chinese ships almost ran aground; whereupon all the men jumped overboard and fled to the fort, abandoning their ships. the same thing occurred to the sailors of the other fleet, so that in a moment the entire fleet was captured, together with all it contained; but it was thoughtlessly fired, and was entirely burned. 23. by this time, about ten o'clock in the morning, they began fighting in the fort under captain grabiel de ribera, and had already forced an entrance. when captain chaves heard them from the ships, he went to their assistance, where he was joined immediately by captain chacon. they succeeded in reaching the first fort, capturing more than one hundred women and children after killing many of the men. at this time they set fire to the fort, claiming afterward that it was done by the indians. this was a great mistake, for the wind blew the flames in the faces of the spaniards, hurting them very much. some of the soldiers remained to rob the fort. the master-of-camp did not go to their assistance with reënforcements--although the captains say that they notified him that, as they were doing so little on account of the fire, the chinese were commencing to make repairs. as night was approaching, it was necessary for the captains to retire, leaving the fort which they had gained. if reënforcements of those who had remained in camp with the master-of-camp had come up then, they would have captured all the enemy. it is said that the chinese were hurrying from the other side of the fort, on their way to the hills. 24. when captains chaves and chacon left the ships, all were burning; for either the soldiers or the indians, it is not known why, set fire to them, so that, in a moment, they were all ablaze. 25. on account of the great rejoicing over the unexpected victory, they overlooked the matter of keeping some of the ships both to bar up the river, and because they were large and well-equipped, particularly the flagship of the corsair. the success requisite in this affair failed through a lack of system in such an occurrence, as might be expected in fighting with barbarous people. _item_, the master-of-camp was lacking in quickness in coming to the rescue upon hearing the firing on shore, so that at least captain ribera's force, so small, might not be swept away. _item_, sentinels were lacking, as well as detachments of men to serve as reënforcements for the sake of security, and to furnish aid on occasions like the above. 26. some of the soldiers went to the master-of-camp, accompanied by slaves carrying some of the pieces from the fort. they reported a victory, saying that the fort had surrendered, and that all was finished. these men went without orders from their captains, but were not punished; nor was any new action taken, notwithstanding that the captains assert that they sent reports of the condition of the war. the captains, upon seeing that the chinese were losing all fear, and had wounded some of the men, returned to the camp about sunset, overcome with fatigue. had those in camp given aid then, the rampart would not have been abandoned; but they could have stayed in or behind it, and victory was certain. the captains say that the soldiers were very eager, and, as could be seen, fought from ten in the morning; but that the country is hot, that their weapons were heavy, that the smoke beat in their faces, and that they saw night approaching without reënforcements or any food. they even say they would have perished had they not found a well whence the chinese drew water for their work; and this water, although bad, they drank from their helmets, being refreshed thereby. on account of these conditions they were compelled to retire to the camp. upon their arrival at camp, they declare that they were met by the master-of-camp, juan de saucedo, who told them that, if he were a soldier and not the master-of-camp, he would die with them, for he was also a soldier to fight with the chinese. the said captains and the people generally felt that the master-of-camp was very much troubled about what had happened--he complaining that they, despite his order to the contrary, had burned the fleet, and spent their time with the enemy in the fort; they responding that he was requiting them very poorly, and that, after they had gained the day and attained the victory at so great peril to themselves, he spoke such words through envy, that he proved his treachery, and refused to aid them in their necessity. from this arose many slanders, hate, and differences of opinion among the soldiers, that god alone can dispel. it is certain that there was a lack of persons who could direct such a battle, and the day was certainly the luckiest, as well as the least systematic, that could be imagined. a few of the men were wounded and five were killed on account of their lack of order, and because they waited until the enemy were recuperated. 27. a council was held, the following night, by the master-of-camp and the captains. some of the latter thought it expedient to make an attack the next morning, before the corsair should regain his courage. as this was the prevailing opinion, the master-of-camp went with all his men to make an assault. on nearing the fort, they heard rumors and opinions that the place was already being fortified. the master-of-camp retired his forces, saying that it was not convenient to make the assault, or to expose the few spaniards that your majesty had here to so much danger. now at this time there arose a great difference of opinion, caused by private interposition. it certainly was a mistake not to make the assault on that day, for the day before counted for but little; and a captain offered to reconnoiter the weakest part, and to lead in the assault. 28. after this retreat, they encamped near the enemy, on the islet formed by the river, which runs north and south. the enemy were on the northern side and the spaniards on the southern. it was a good thing to have located so near the enemy, if they had immediately made a defense for the artillery, which could have been done with stakes and earth. that should have been done before it was established there; but they took up their position before they had made the bulwark. 29. by this time the corsair had regained his courage, and ordered certain of his guns fired at the camp. the "vigilantib," which had been captured from the galley, as abovesaid, shattered the leg of a standard-bearer of the master-of-camp, striking him in the middle of the shin-bone. this man was healed, and is now living. this catastrophe caused such an impression, that they resolved to move the camp from the island to the mainland, so that the river might intervene between them and the spot occupied by the corsair. it was a great mistake followed by still greater ones. the affair became a long siege, and they amused themselves in gambling freely, in levying tribute, and in other like things. 30. the corsair was not expecting an assault by the spaniards, so his fort was not completed, lacking the terreplein; and his artillery was unmounted, and no sentinels were placed. he had made no preparations for war, beyond what a colonist might do. but now he hurried to make preparations and to defend his cause. he sent out squadrons from time to time with lances and arquebuses to fight--although he himself did not leave the fort for the battle, but from within gave his signals of retreat or attack. 31. the master-of-camp only made some ambuscades, prolonging the siege. it is certain that the spaniards never fought the chinese with all their men, force to force. although the chinese leader sent out five hundred or six hundred men, who pretended to show fight, they generally fled when fifty of the spaniards came out. it is certain that, force to force, the chinese would not wait to fight; and if by the help of god they remained they would be routed, although they had three times as many men, for they are not a warlike race. it is also certain, and all acknowledge it to be true, that the spaniards desired to fight hand to hand, and to make the assault. they always did their duty, fighting like valiant men, although there were some cowardly ones, as all bodies have their weak side. 32. on account of the space given to the corsair, the latter was able to delay things and to do some damage. for instance some soldiers were imprudently sent to form some small ambuscades; but the chinese were warned of them, and made a counter ambuscade. of the seven soldiers who left the camp, the chinese killed and captured five, and the other two fled. it was exceedingly foolhardy to send so few men out in a case like this, and caused great harm, for it made the chinese more daring. the master-of-camp left camp with about twenty men to form another ambuscade, contrary to the advice of the captains. this also proved unsuccessful, although, as help came, the chinese retired without doing any damage. 33. as the corsair had no ships, he sent men out to cut wood, and as all his soldiers were good workmen, they soon constructed thirty ships within the fort. with these he set sail at noon on the fourth of august, having been besieged within the fortifications for over four months. he directed his ships toward his own country, but, as he left, he committed some damage with the "vigilantib." at this time the spaniards feared that, when the ships were leaving, they were about to attack them; and that some column was about to take them in the rear. for this reason they fortified their rear-guard strongly when the corsair left. it was ludicrous to expect that the chinese were coming to attack them, when with all their squadrons they never dared once to measure their strength with ours. 34. before this the spaniards had filled the river with stakes, to retard the progress of the corsair, but the latter removed them. he compelled some of his men to enter the water; and ropes being tied to the shoulders of these men, they removed, although with considerable difficulty, a sufficient number of the stakes to clear the vessels. while he was removing the stakes, the spaniards stationed arquebusiers and as large a force as they were able; but in this there was negligence in not opposing the enemy with better arquebusiers. 35. they say that the corsair sent offers of friendship to the spaniards, saying that he would introduce us to the kingdom of china and assist us in conquering the same. in regard to this there was no further discussion; because he asked as a condition that the siege should be raised, and that the spaniards should go to manila, where he would return, in order to adjust the matter. then, too, omocon, a captain of the king of china, was in that city, who had come to locate the corsair, besides sinsay, and others, which made the spaniards suspicious of admitting these discussions. 36. it seems that in the kingdom of china this corsair, limahon, had done much damage; and the king was at a great expense and trouble in maintaining garrisons along the frontier where he was wont to commit his frequent depredations. the governors of the province of hoquian sent two ships in charge of a chinese captain, named omocon, sent by the governor of chinchiu, who bears the title there of _yncuanton_, to spy upon limahon, in order to send a fleet against him. this same omocon also brought letters containing a pardon from the king, in case he should fall into the hands of limahon. he brought letters also to the principal married men with limahon, promising them many things, if they would kill the corsair and return to the service of their king. this omocon arrived at pangasinan after the burning of the enemy's fleet, and after the attack made on the fort the first day. he spoke with the master-of-camp asserting that their enemy was a pirate; and that if the spaniards would take him prisoner or kill him, the king of china would recompense them by entering into friendly and brotherly relations with them. he also said that monuments would be set up in the king's city, and in other public places, with inscriptions describing the heroic feats of the castilians, who would not come to terms with limahon, but on the contrary had killed him in order to do the king of china a favor. this omocon, when he saw that the corsair was defeated and without any hope of getting ships, and ascertained that limahon could not engage in a pitched battle, and concluding that the consummation had come, said that he would go to notify the yncuanton of chinchiu. then he offered to take some of the religious with him, saying that he would take as many as wished to go. accordingly the master-of-camp sent him to manila, and guido de lavezares gave him a certain present to take to china. fathers fray martin de errada, a native of navarra, and fray gerónimo martin, a native of mexico, went with him. a soldier named miguel de loarca, and another called pedro sarmiento, also accompanied them. they reached pangasinan where they took two other soldiers with them, nicolas de cuenca and juan de triana. they took also as interpreter a chinese, named hernando, who understood spanish. the above-mentioned sinsay also went with them. a large vessel belonging to omocon was left in pangasinan with thirty or forty chinese; omocon said that he did so, in order that they might be of service to the camp. the fathers and soldiers went to china with omocon, and what they saw there they have since related. [3] 37. it is believed that it was a mistake to let omocon go, because with the two ships that he took, and the one that remained there, it might have been possible to close up the passage of the river. however at the time of the departure of the corsair minor matters should not be classed with errors. 38. when the friars reached china, they carried letters with them. they were there four or five months, and might have remained there, but the governors did not agree to that. because of their eagerness to see limahon, the governors despatched a fleet of ten ships, and with it the fathers and spaniards, on the pretext that, if it were necessary for the chinese to assist in the war, the latter would lend their aid. they appointed sinsay captain, and omocon a captain of higher rank. on the way, these men falsified the letters given them by guido de laveçares, writing others that said that they were at the front, and fought valiantly, encouraging the castilians when the latter burned the fleet and demolished the fort; as a reward for which they gave in money, to each one, besides the captaincy, four hundred silver taes, each tae of the value of twelve castilian reals. these captains had with them as captain-general another chinese, named siaogo, an insignificant, mean-looking, little old man. it is said that he had been a corsair when young. when these people came to this island and learned that limahon had gone, they cried for very rage and bitterness--especially omocon, who had solemnly averred that the corsair could not escape. they brought a slight present with them, of a few pieces of silk and cotton shawls, and also letters. a part of the present was for the governor, another for the master-of-camp, another for the captains, and the rest for the soldiers. their portion was given to the captains by the chinese and friars. that which was destined for the governor i received, and am sending it by this same packet to your majesty, so that you may see their way of doing things. i am sending also some cloth, such as they wear, five bonnets, a belt that indicates that the wearer is a captain, and the original letters that came from china translated into spanish--one of them having the equivalent spanish words under the chinese and the letter telling about the present. from these it will be seen that their writing does not consist of letters, but of syllables or symbols. they brought with them thirteen horses as a present or as purchases. these beasts are full of bad habits, like those of galicia. one horse was given there and here to the governor, and was delivered to the officials of your majesty's royal estate, that they may sell it, and place the proceeds in the box with the three keys. the rest of the horses were sent to their respective owners. 39. these ten ships brought some merchandise to sell, although but little, which they sold at very high rates. they are a mean, impudent people, as well as very importunate. they remained in this port more than six months, and demanded a present to carry back with them--saying that the good will of their commanders would thus be gained; and that, if this present were made to them, it would stand the spaniards in good stead in their land. inasmuch as it was reported that limahon had fled, and as these people are as cowardly as indians, they begged me to write to china that limahon was dead. for this purpose, they tried to procure many human heads, which many natives of this land are wont to keep as treasures, in order to declare that they had that of limahon. they made a false seal, claiming that it had belonged to limahon, from whom they had taken it. they endeavored to have me write to china from here after this manner, but i always told them, whenever they broached the subject, that the castilians did not know how to lie, and that we could not discuss such trivial matters. i consulted the captains and religious concerning the present, and we agreed that it was not convenient to send one, but that we would furnish them with provisions. therefore we supplied them generously, and they left this port on the fourth of may of the year seventy-six. they took with them two fathers, fray martin de errada and fray augustin de alburquerque, and my letters, a copy of which i am sending, as well as an order for the fathers to remain there to preach. the chinese did not take any spaniards with them; however, they begged for some of our people, later, thinking that the latter would take something to give them or which they could seize. during their stay here i treated them very well, but there is no way of softening their hearts, except by means of gifts--although, to my way of thinking, weapons would avail more. 40. the kingdom of china is very large. it is a two days' journey from the head of this island thither for spanish ships. sailing from this port one day until one loses sight of land, on the next day china is seen. they themselves call their country "the kingdom of taibiu;" those of the yndias, and other peoples, call it china. this means "a very remote land," just as in castilla they called nueva españa and peru "las antillas." thoughout these islands they call the chinese "sangleyes," meaning "a people who come and go," on account of their habit of coming annually to these islands to trade--or, as they say there, "the regular post." here they style the portuguese, "parangue," taking the name from _margaritas_ [pearls]. they were given this name, because they were the first who sold pearls. the captains describe the kingdom of taibiu in the following manner: it has fifteen provinces, with viceroys, while the people out-number those of germany. the king is now a child of thirteen. he has a mother and tutors, and it is about three years since his father died. the people are light complexioned, well-built, and robust. there are some who resemble mulattoes, who are badly treated. 41. the men and women both wear long garments, like the one that i am sending so that your majesty may see it. all wear wide trousers [sp. _çaragueles_], black or white felt hose, and shoes. the country is cold like españa, but there are some warm regions. it has a great many people. 42. they are heathens, and do absurd things. they do not use the rosary, and have no religious observances or ornate temples. if some temples do exist, only mechanical rites are performed in them. they are a vile people, and are sodomites, as is affirmed by spaniards who have seen young boys present themselves before the justice to ask the amount of the fine for the crime of violation, and frankly pay it. they are all tyrants, especially those in authority, who oppress the poor heavily. 43. they are a cowardly people--so much so, that none ride on horseback, although there are many horses there, because they do not dare to mount them. they do not carry weapons, nor do they use spurs on the horses. they use the whip and bridle, which do not have much effect on the horse. 44. there are a great many robbers or highway-men, robbing along the highways or off them. they are very lazy; they do not cultivate the ground unless some one forces them to it, and they do not collect the harvest. they sell their children, in case of poverty, for a small sum of money with which to buy food. 45. all the land belongs to the king, and no one in all the kingdom owns a handful of earth; accordingly each man must pay, in proportion to the amount of land that he uses, tribute to the king. 46. they know nothing, unless it be to read and write; and those who can do this well are made great captains by the king. 47. they talk slowly, very explosively, and arrogantly. our manner of writing astonishes these people, as well as our way of living, which they think better than their own. 48. when they effect a cure by blood-letting, they scrape the skin until the blood comes, and with lighted wicks cauterize the wounds; they also give the patient certain potions about which they have learned by experience. 49. they always drink hot water. they heat this on the fire, and water their wine, which they drink hot. they pretend to a knowledge of chiromancy, but know nothing about it. 50. they are very superstitious in casting lots. when they crossed the bar of this port, this superstition affected the flagship in which the fathers had embarked, and the captain had to have the lot taken by divination, and had the friars, whom he was carrying, changed to another ship. however, the truth is that the change was made so that they would have more freedom to pursue their customary vices. 51. they are very submissive to authority, and patiently suffer the punishments inflicted. for a very slight offense an ear will be cut off, or a hundred lashes of the whip given. the land is fertile. the horses are small and the cows are like those of berberia. it is reported that farther inland are horses capable of bearing armed men. 52. no sheep are found along the coast, but there are said to be some inland. on my asking them what castilian products were lacking in their country, they replied, "none whatever, unless it be velvet;" and they say that they do not have this, because they do not know how to make it, but that if they could see that manufacture, they would learn it. 53. they say that inland there are vines from which they make wine, and olives. at the rear, this kingdom joins tartaria; and a great many years ago, they do not know how many, the natives established the king of tartaria in taybiu, and he and his descendants ruled it for one hundred and seventy years, until, after four generations, they were expelled. now one of the descendants of the native kings of taybiu reigns, and wages constant war with the tartars, of whom they say they are not afraid. they can reckon time only by the years of their king, and therefore lose count easily; for, as soon as one king dies, no further mention is made of him, and they reckon time by the first or second year of the reign of the new king, and no other memory of the preceding king endures. in another manner they reckon the months by moons, and have eleven months to the year. it is quite usual for that land to change masters; but it has always had a king, either of their own nation or a foreigner. they count as their new year's the first of february. 54. the king and the chief priest dress in yellow, as a mark of distinction, no one else being allowed to use this color. 55. the smallest province has more inhabitants than nueva españa and piru together. the cities are large, but contain mean little houses. the people are generally poor. there are no gold or silver coins, but everything is sold by weight. there are some copper and bronze coins for small change. there is gold and a great deal of silver. one peso [weight] of gold is worth four pesos of silver, according to their calculation. for so many pesos of silver so many of silk are obtained, and so with other things. 56. everything is sold by weight, even wood and chickens, and all other things; they are sold very cheaply, for land is very cheap. 57. wheat and rice are raised abundantly. there are mines of gold, silver, quicksilver, copper, lead, tin, and all the metals. 58. it takes a week, generally, to make the voyage from manila to chiunchiu [the modern chwan-chow-foo], a distance of about one hundred and forty leagues. it is said that the journey has been made in fair weather in six days, and has never required more than ten. 59. these people never travel by water except during the months of the bonanças, which i have explained. their ships cannot stand the wind astern, because both bow and stern have the same form and are flat, like a square table; they are so made in order that either end can be used. they navigate always, in either direction, by means of side-winds. these vessels rock to and fro, like cradles with oars. 60. the sails of their ships are made of bamboo, like matting. they do not use a yard on the mast, but raise the mainsail on the mast fastened to a pole as an infantry flag is placed on a pike; and the sheets hang down from the other side with which the sail is turned to this or that side, according to the direction of the wind. the sail is half the width of the ship, and the mast is large and high. the sail is raised by means of a windlass, which contrivance is used also for a capstan. the rigging is made of reeds and grass, which grow wild. the mast is stepped about two-thirds of the length of the ship nearer the prow, in order that the ship may pitch forward. the foremast is not stationary, being moved to port or starboard, according to the weather or other requirements. the sheets are worked in the same way. the compass is divided for fewer directions than ours. they also use stern-masts as mizzen-masts, which, like that at the bow, are changed from one side to the other, so that they do not need quadrants. they go from one side to the other with the wind which helps them. they use two oars at the bow to turn the ship, and two others at the stern that assist the sailing. the compass consists of a small earthenware jar, on which the directions are marked. this jar is filled with water and the magnetized needle placed in it. sometimes before they happen to strike it right, they could go to the bottom twenty times, thus, although it is marvelous, considering that they are a barbarous people, that they should understand the art of navigation, it is very surprising to see how barbarous are their methods. 61. all their arms, for both sea and land, are fire-bombs. they have quantities of gunpowder, in the shape of loaves. their artillery, although not large, is poor. they have also, and quite commonly poor, culverins and arquebuses, so that they depend mainly on their lances. i am informed that they do not fear the arquebuses very much, because they themselves are so poor shots with them, and are amazed at seeing a hen or a pigeon killed with an arquebuse-shot. they fear lances more than other weapons. 62. the chief captains and the king never cut their finger-nails, and allow one to grow as long as the finger, and longer. these go to war seated in chairs, carried on the shoulders of other men. they frequently become intoxicated, and are very libidinous. they guard their women very carefully. the women also do not cut their finger-nails. when daughters are born to people of rank, they compress the child's feet by the toes, so that they cannot grow; and the girl cannot stand on them, but is always carried about seated. for this reason, these women never leave the house. 63. the men have as many wives as they can support. they wear their hair long, gathered up on top of the head, as women dress their hair. 64. none but a few principal people ever see the face of the king, and those only who are near him. his face is always covered when he goes out, and he is accompanied by a numerous guard. 65. the king resides in the province of paquian, in a city called quincay, mentioned by marco polo, the venetian, [4] in his second book, and sixty-fourth chapter. according to the account given by these, people, their country must have been ruled by the tartars before marco polo made that voyage, because in his history he refers to the master of this city, and of others in the kingdom, as "the great khan." i believe that the strange people and language must have changed the names of many of the provinces in his time. although he writes briefly, and in such a way that it seems but nonsense, still it is true that this city does exist; and, according to the statements of the chinese, the name means in their language "city of heaven," as says marco polo. this city of quincay, as nearly as we can learn, seems to be somewhat less than five hundred leagues from manila, which is to those living here as cales and the mainland of españa, and if more of our people could go in one virey, everything would be changed. these people do not extol quincay less than marco polo does. 66. marco polo says that there are in that city nestorian christians. the people here cannot pronounce the name, but claim that there are people in it from all over the world in great numbers. the people there are very vicious, as are those in these islands, which are really an archipelago of china, and their inhabitants are one people with the chinese--as are those of candia and of constantinople, who are all greeks. 67. there are walls in the city formed of smooth, dry stone, well placed on the outside. the food consists mainly of fish, for which they go out into the sea to a distance of twenty leagues. whoever should prove master of the sea might do with them as he wished--especially along their coast, which extends north and south for more than five hundred leagues, where one may work daily havoc. their garrisons of soldiers along the coast are worthless, for they are treated only as the servants of the commanders, and are overburdened; the result is that the lowest and most abused people among the chinese are the soldiers. 68. the people generally have no weapons, nor do they use any. a corsair with two hundred men could rob a large town of thirty thousand inhabitants. they are very poor marksmen, and their arquebuses are worthless. 69. the trade with china is very disadvantageous to the spaniards, as well as to the inhabitants of these islands; for the only useful thing that they bring is iron, and nothing else. their silks are of poor quality; and they take away our gold and silver. just so long as their intercourse with us endures without war, just so much the more skilful will they become; and all the less fear will they have of those with whom they have traded. 70. some indians, japanese, and chinese told me here that the portuguese have taken weapons to china, especially arquebuses such as we use; and a chinese sold me a portuguese broadsword. the portuguese could teach them the use of large artillery, how to manage the horse, and other things equally injurious to us. as they are merchants, it would not be surprising that they should do so. does not your majesty think that it would be well to hasten this expedition, and to do so at once? for, in truth, it is the most important thing that could happen for the service of god and of your majesty. we are told that there are millions of men, and that their tribute to their king is thirty millions or more. 71. the equipments necessary for this expedition are four or six thousand men, armed with lances and arquebuses, and the ships, artillery, and necessary munitions. 72. with two or three thousand men one can take whatever province he pleases, and through its ports and fleet render himself the most powerful on the sea. this will be very easy. in conquering one province, the conquest of all is made. 73. the people would revolt immediately, for they are very badly treated. they are infidels, and poor; and, finally, the kind treatment, the evidences of power, and the religion which we shall show to them will hold them firmly to us. 74. there is enough wood in these islands, and enough men to make a great fleet of galleys. in all the islands a great many corsairs live, from whom also we could obtain help for this expedition, as also from the japanese, who are the mortal enemies of the chinese. all would gladly take part in it. some native corsairs would also join us, and introduce us into the country. 75. the war with this nation is most just, for it gives freedom to poor, wretched people who are killed, whose children are ravished by strangers, and whom judges, rulers, and king treat with unheard-of tyranny. each speaks ill of his neighbor; and almost all of them are pirates, when any occasion arises, so that none are faithful to their king. moreover, a war could be waged against them because they prohibit people from entering their country. besides, i do not know, nor have i heard of, any wickedness that they do not practice; for they are idolators, sodomites, robbers, and pirates, both by land and sea. and in fact the sea, which ought to be free according to the law of nations, is not so, as far as the chinese are concerned; for whosoever navigates within their reach is killed and robbed, if they can do it. one day i called captain omocon, telling him in confidence that i wished to send a ship to trade with china, and he told me in friendship and all sincerity not to send that galley until i had ten more well equipped to accompany it; for the chinese were so evilly inclined that, they would under some pretext try to attack and capture it, in order to rob it of its goods, and make slaves of the crew. it is safe to say that, no matter what good we might do them, they will always give us daily a thousand causes for a just war. now my opinion is, may it please your majesty, that it would be an advantage to have a sufficient force of soldiers, so that, under any circumstance whatsoever, they may find us ready. 76. moreover, we live so near them that in five days they can come hither in their ships, while we in two days can sail in ours from one coast to the other; and, as we have seen, they are wont to commit depredations (as was the case in this city). therefore, this course of action will quite prevent the execution of their plans, which i know--namely, that if they are able they will kill me, and are seeking occasion for it. 77. i offer myself to serve your majesty in this expedition, which i desire so much that i cannot overrate it. if for this reason your majesty is inclined to put less trust in me as a loyal vassal and servant, let some one else to your liking take charge of this expedition, even if i do not go on it, provided it is undertaken at your majesty's command. since i shall have been your majesty's impelling motive, i shall remain satisfied; and it will be a sufficient reward for my poor services to have recommended it so earnestly in this manner. if it had pleased god to endow me with great wealth, i would not hesitate to spend on this expedition my entire patrimony whenever your majesty should so command. in beginning a battle, the business would be finished, for there is not a man in that whole kingdom who has an income of one hundred ducats or a palm's length of land; nor is there one who considers it a disgrace to be given two hundred lashes. they are a mercenary horde, accustomed to serve foreigners. 78. the kingdom inland, from what i have learned from men who know, is not so large, nor does it extend so far as they say--namely, that it requires a journey of seven months to reach the place where the king lives. there are about five hundred leagues of seacoast running north and south. it is wonderful to see the number of people and the eagerness that they display in their duties and occupations. besides the ordinary tribute, they say that the king has a million paid soldiers to oppose the tartars, at the wall [5] made by both nations. with this i send a chinese map, from which one can learn something, although the chinese are so barbarous, as will be seen from their papers. 79. in a letter from china, from the ynçuanton (as they are barbarians, and the real information that they possess of us is that our numbers are but two hundred men), he states (i know not what the words are, but they mean "tribute"), that a present taken by the chinese the past year, before my arrival, was placed in the king's treasury. as omocon falsified the letters that he took from here, as the friars told me on their return, and as he even stole a large part of that present--he must have said, that it was through his efforts that the fleet of the corsair limahon was burned, when he joined the castilians; and that the latter would send the corsair to their king. afterward they tried to induce us to write from here in accordance with their desires, as i have said before. i treated them kindly, but the council decided that the chinese should take no present, since it might happen that they would steal it; but that two priests should go to that land, who should carry letters and instructions from me, and should send back an answer, to ensure better success. 80. it is said that every three years the king changes the viceroys in china, because of his knowledge that they have robbed the whole country; also that those in command there resist the king's authority, as soon as they end their terms of office, and persuade others to do the same. in short, as no one can or does speak to the king or his viceroys except through a third party, they never tell the truth, and thus the whole country is in a state of infidelity and barbarism. 81. concerning the demarcations, it is perfectly clear that the malucos and all the rest extending from malaca toward this direction, including burney, the whole coast of china, lequios, the japanese islands, and nueva guinea are in the demarcation of your majesty. the portuguese pass the limits of their demarcation by more than five hundred leagues, and are busied in fortifying themselves. however, it is not necessary to take any notice of their fortifications; for, if ordered to do so, we can go to maluco very easily. we are only awaiting the will of your majesty. the chinese bring here quantities of pepper which, as well as cloves, they sell for four reals a libra--and one hundred nutmegs for the same amount. this year, they told us, there are no portuguese in china; for they all gathered at malaca, because of the war waged against them by the king of achen. others who have come here, have told us that they were not in malaca either; but i did not believe it. i believe only that the chinese like our trade better because of the silver from mexico and the gold from these regions; and that business with the portuguese is business transacted with corsairs. among other reasons why your majesty should, without hesitation, despatch troops as soon as possible to this land, is that the king of achen--who is a wretched, little, naked, barefooted moro--is treating the portuguese very badly. this ill-treatment arises from the fact that five or six hundred turkish arquebusiers have come to him from mec[c]a, and with their help he is conquering all the region thereabout. this territory is about the same distance from malaca as berbería is from andalucía. malaca is on the coast of china itself, which at that point turns toward the north. in that region we find two more petty kings, one of çian [siam] and the other of patan [pahang?], both moros. they are about three hundred leagues from us here, while about one hundred and fifty leagues from us is the king of borney--who is also a moro, and in constant communication with the first named kings; and the whole archipelago would very willingly render obedience and pay tribute to him, if we were not here. these moros of borney preach the doctrine of mahoma, converting all the moros of these islands. i have investigated the matter so that, whenever god pleases, if we have forts and troops in this land, we might aid the portuguese, in order that the petty king of achen might be subdued--who persistently continues to send out his mahometan preachers. as i before remarked, he has turks in his service; accordingly, by depriving them of that vantage-point, the passage would be closed, and neither turks nor moros could travel from malaca to this place. these are the most dangerous people, and know the use of all manner of arms, and of horses. waiting for the portuguese to do something is a weariness to the flesh, for they are a poor people at best. nearly all the inhabitants here were born in yndia, and are children of indians. _condition of the country_ 82. these philipinas islands are numerous and very extensive. the climate is hot and damp. there is no protection from the sun, as the houses are built of stakes and bamboo and the roofs are made of palm leaves. notwithstanding all this the country is healthy. at night there is an agreeable temperature, and during the day are the flood-tides of the sea. there is water in abundance. the evening dew is not harmful. if there were the same protection from the sun that exists in sevilla, this country would be as healthy--and some places more so, if one lives temperately (especially as regards continence), and does not imbibe too freely; for the penalty for immoderate living is death. the food here is rice, which is the bread of this country. it is cultivated in the following manner. they put a basketful of it into the river to soak. after a few days they take it from the water; what is bad and has not sprouted is thrown away. the rest is put on a bamboo mat and covered with earth, and placed where it is kept moist by the water. after the sprouting grains have germinated sufficiently, they are transplanted one by one, as lettuce is cultivated in españa. in this way they have abundance of rice in a short time. there is another crop of rice, which grows of itself, but it is not so abundant. wine is made from the cocoa-palm, from rice, and from millet, and they have _ajonjolí_ [6]--but of all these only a little, because the people are indians. there is plenty of fish, but it is not so good as that of españa. the same fowl are found here as in castilla, but they are much better than those of castilla. there are many swine, deer, and buffalo, but he who wishes them must kill them himself, because no native will kill or hunt them. meat spoils very quickly here on account of the heat. 83. the soil is very fertile--better than that of nueva españa; and the rains come at about the same season. there is no such thing as a bad year, unless some hurricane works damage. 84. the people here are naked, and barefoot. they wrap a cotton cloth around their loins. those who possess such a thing wear a little cotton or china silk shirt. they are people capable of much toil. some are moros, and they obtain much gold, which they worship as a god. all their possessions are gold and a few slaves, the latter being worth among them five or six pesos each. they do not let their hair hang but wind a small turban about the head. they believe that paradise and successful enterprises are reserved for those who submit to the religion of the moros of borney, of which they make much account. they do not eat pork, and believe many foolish notions that tend toward superstition. these are a richer people, because they are merchants, and, with their slaves, cultivate the land. there are other natives who tattoo themselves, and wear long hair, as the chinese do. they are a poorer and fiercer race. all carry weapons, such as daggers and lances, and possess some artillery. no reliance can ever be placed on either of these races. they all settle on the shores of rivers, on account of the convenience for their fields, and because they can communicate with one another, and go in their little boats to steal. they hardly ever travel by land. inland in the islands, and away from the rivers, dwells another race who resemble the chichimecos [7] of nueva españa, very savage and cruel, among whom are some negroes. all use bows and arrows, and consider it very meritorious to kill men, in order to keep the heads of the slain as ornaments for their houses. they are the most despised people in these islands, and are called _tinguianes_ [8] or "mountaineers;" for _tingue_ means "mountain." they have quantities of honey and wax, and trade these commodities with the lowlanders. as these islands are so fertile, there are large groves which are called _arcabucos_ ["thickets"]. thus there are no open roads, for which reason the spaniards experience difficulty in moving rapidly on land, while the natives can easily flee from one end to the other. 85. most of the indians are heathens, but have no intelligent belief, or any ceremonies. they believe in their ancestors, and when about to embark upon some enterprise commend themselves to these, asking them for aid. they are greatly addicted to licentiousness and drunkenness, and are accustomed to plunder and cheat one another. they are all usurers, lending money for interest and go even to the point of making slaves of their debtors, which is the usual method of obtaining slaves. another way is through their wars, whether just or unjust. those who are driven on their coast by storms are made slaves by the inhabitants of that land. they are so mercenary that they even make slaves of their own brothers, through usury. they do not understand any kind of work, unless it be to do something actually necessary--such as to build their houses, which are made of stakes after their fashion; to fish, according to their method; to row, and perform the duties of sailors; and to cultivate the land. the mountaineers make iron lance-points, daggers, and certain small tools used in transplanting rice. they are very anxious to possess artillery, of which they cast a little, although but poorly. they are all a miserable race. although the pintados behave better to the spaniards, yet, whenever they find one alone, they kill him, and the moros do the same whenever they can. 86. when miguel lopez de legazpi came to these islands, he settled in the island of çubu, which is very barren and small. when he went thence, he went to panae, on account of the war waged against him by the portuguese, and the famine there, which was very severe. with but little acuteness, he established a settlement in çubu, with about fifty inhabitants; and built a little fort of stakes, which soon tumbled down. although the country is healthful, it is so barren that no one cares to live there; neither is it an important place. i have established this place and rebuilt the ruined fortress; and i have placed there an alcalde mayor and about fifty soldiers who have pacified those natives. the latter had risen in rebellion, at the opportunity afforded by the tyrant limahon. that islet is next another called mindanao, a large and rich island--where, god willing, we must make an expedition soon. this settlement is of no advantage, and causes expense and no gain, beyond saying that it is near maluco; nor does it possess other good qualities than that it claims to have a good climate and port. 87. the malucos are nearer to nueva españa than this city is, by two hundred leagues; so that it would be easier and shorter to reach them from nueva españa. on returning, the season could be chosen better, as there are no channels or islands to go through, as we have here. among these islands there are certain currents which flow more rapidly than those of any river. one cannot believe this unless one actually sees it. and as the archipelago is so extensive, at the doubling of each promontory it is needful to choose a different time for sailing. for this reason we need vessels with oars. meanwhile, unless your majesty orders it, we shall not go to maluco. if we had to go there, it would be better to locate in that village in mindanao, which is well supplied with provisions and where there are people. it is more than one hundred leagues nearer than maluco. 88. when your majesty was pleased to give miguel lopez de legaspi permission to divide the land into encomiendas, he did so in accordance with the wishes of the few men whom he had, assigning two or three thousand natives as an encomienda to four or eight men. these natives were not pacified, conquered, or even seen, so that the people asked and still ask for soldiers to visit and pacify them, in regard to which there is much trouble here. it was agreed that eight thousand tributarios should be given as an encomienda to the master-of-camp, four thousand to the captains, three thousand to men of rank, and so on to the different classes, according to their position. this caused trouble immediately because the generality of people and soldiers are not willing to acknowledge so many people superior to themselves. it is impossible to pursue the procedure adopted. again, complaints are heard that fewer indians are given to one than to another, and that those taken from their encomienda, as is commonly asserted, swell the encomiendas of other persons. all these were things not well understood at that time. they were not discussed in the residencia, [9] in order not to arouse dissension. i tell all this to your majesty so that you may know the condition of affairs here. if i could, i would reform matters so that good sense should conquer. 89. he [legazpi] was also wont to maintain a number of gentlemen, who had nothing more to do than to act as sentinels for him alone. they were considered as of higher rank, as above said, and even more; and they ate with him at his table. they were ordinarily young men recommended to him by others from mexico. they were thus set above their fellows, which occasioned considerable trouble--even resulting once in the garrotting of one from cadiz. these men always accompanied the governor in his walks, for he went afoot, because there were no horses; and they were supported from your majesty's treasury. it has seemed to me a gracious act toward the people to entrust my person to them all; and that those appointed by the sergeant-major in turn, from the different companies, should perform sentinel duty at my house--in order to relieve your majesty's royal estate of this traffic and expense; and to obviate this envy and the too great equality caused by seating common people at the table. then, too, i ride on horseback whenever i go out; and no one would wish to attend me except my servants. therefore this guard, as was necessary, ceases to exist. i rely on the fidelity of the sentinels, and will rely on any person who refrains from possessions and honor not his own, and sets a good example. 90. for the reason above stated--that repartimientos were made by miguel lopez de legaspi, and afterward by guido de lavesares, of places never pacified or even seen--there are many encomenderos who have no food, and who, whenever any district is pacified of late, demand that it be given to them by virtue of that encomienda, to the prejudice of those who go to pacify and cultivate it. consequently, notwithstanding that i have not yet seen the river of vindanao, as above stated, i must send men there. they have divided it into encomiendas, and assessed the tax according to the men; just as in districts which are not so large as that one, they come to beg for men, in order to go to collect their tributes and commit various excesses. in accordance with your majesty's order and commission, i shall grant no encomienda that is not pacified and faithful. i think that this will settle the matter, and that the people will come to understand it. i enclose with this a list of the encomiendas of the country; but all that is a matter of little importance except for the passage from the mainland of china. 91. as i have previously observed, and since all the cost of the exploration and occupancy of these islands, has been at your majesty's expense, those in charge of the government have but ill attended to apportioning indians to the royal crown; and those allotments were made by way of compliment, and are the worst ones. they relied only on what had to be sent them annually from nueva españa, and on what has come from there; for this land is as sterile as one who lives on charity. accompanying this is a list of the income that your majesty has here. as far as i understand it, there is no account of the number of indians who are apportioned to the royal crown, and whether or not they wander through the hills, for no one has seen them. to discuss this matter in the residencia would be to excite the people to anger. i thought that it would be all right to do it quietly, and therefore i have apportioned as many as possible to the royal crown. however in regard to this there was trouble enough, for once an office-holder stated in public that, at this rate, all the indians would belong to the royal crown, and it became necessary to use dissimulation. 92. when guido de lavesares was governor he placed to his own credit as many indians as he saw fit; but i revoked all this, and allotted them to the royal crown. i am sending the records to you; and with whatever it may please your majesty to give your servants we shall be well satisfied. 93. there is in these islands an abundance of wood and of men, so that a large fleet of boats and galleys may be built. there is a quantity of cheap iron from china, worked by the natives here, who can make what is necessary from it--which they cannot do with castilian iron, for it is exceedingly hard. we have no pitch, tallow, or rigging worth mention, because what there is is so scarce and poor that it amounts to nothing. there is no oakum for calking. large anchors cannot be made; but the rest of the tackle can be obtained here in good condition. there is good timber also; to my way of thinking, therefore, the ship that would cost ten thousand ducats in guatimala, and in nueva españa thirty [thousand], can be made here for two or three [thousand], should strenuous efforts be employed. when i came here i found the city burned and razed to the ground. i erected shipyards in two places, separating the workmen, so that they might accomplish more if they entered into competition. the one in manila has turned out a galliot of sixteen or seventeen benches; and has repaired the ship that brought me here, and also one that was made in acapulco, which i believe cost more than fifteen thousand ducats. they were about to burn the latter ship for the iron that they could thus obtain; but through promises and diligence on my part the keel and stern-post, which were rotten were removed, as well as half the hull of the ship; and, god willing, she will sail from here one month after this ship departs. almost one braza was cut off near the bow, on account of its unsatisfactory shape; and more than two brazas will be added to the original length. this will make a vessel capable of carrying two hundred soldiers--which, as this ship had been condemned, means that we have, from nothing, made twenty thousand ducats. i found that the ship which had been repaired was destroyed during limahon's attack. rigging, masts, sails, and everything else necessary have been placed in it, and the ship is called "sant felipe." on finishing this, they will begin to work on another galley; and, besides, will repair another vessel that is rotten, and whose keel, although of a better pattern, will require as much labor as the other. however, god willing, it will be completed by january, so that there will be two galleys here. in oton, on the island of panae i have finished another galley, thirty-four varas long, with twenty benches. still another will be ready by september and i shall continue with the work. 94. i would not dare to employ rowers for this country, since i have so few men now on the spanish galliots; for it would be possible for them to take flight some day, and to do mischief. all these islands are full of robbers. having these four galleys i shall, with god's help, man them with friends, and seek equipment for them. it is my plan to build a hundred galleys, and to support them in your majesty's service from our enemies, if your majesty would care to provide what is necessary. 95. there is no artilleryman here who knows how to fire or cast artillery, nor is there any artillery. i am writing to the viceroy our needs in this matter. having learned that the moros of this country had artillery, i told them that they had nothing to fear now, since we spaniards are here, who will defend them; and that therefore they should give me their artillery. by very affable address, i have obtained possession of as much as possible, without any harshness, and without seizing any man. i have therefore in the fort, in your majesty's magazine, four hundred quintals of bronze that seems to be good. it was all taken within the radius of eight leagues. for this reason, and because often some of the pieces burst, we need here at this camp master-workmen to cast artillery. they ought to be sent from españa for this purpose so that we should not be deceived about them in mexico, as we have been in regard to the gunners--who have simply passed by the gunners' barracks, and have never served in the capacity of gunner. such men we have here, to our great risk and harm. it will be necessary to send fifty gunners. those who are here must be discharged, or be sent as substitutes for sailors. 96. and because, although i might act as overseer, these things do not form part of my duty, two master-engineers are necessary, who understand how to fortify a town, and everything pertaining thereto. we also need experienced troops, for we are here among enemies and nothing is possessed unless it is held. with regard to the artillery and master-engineers, i implore that your majesty may be pleased to command that this business be attended to at once; for we are lost here without artillery, which alone can defend the dominions of your majesty. 97. it is necessary that two masters to build ships and galleys should be sent from nueva españa--so that, if it were necessary, those here, who are becoming lazy, might be changed. it is necessary to change them and to keep them in two shipyards, as i have done, so that the expense at acapulco, in nueva españa, might cease. all the work done there is thrown away; for the vessels from nueva españa alone detain the workmen here in repairing them, and prevent them from building new ones. we need commanders of galleys who know how to manage the lateen sail. 98. we have no lead here, but it abounds in nueva españa; it will be necessary to order that more than five hundred quintals be brought from that country, for this is our sustenance--besides three hundred quintals of gunpowder, for present use. we need some weapons and armor--some corselets, such as are used in nueva españa, and five hundred lances, which should be brought from nueva españa. those that we had here were used up, through carelessness and in the encounter with the corsair. until now it was not understood that pikes were necessary, because the natives are wont to flee. but now it has been seen that the chinese attack other men with these weapons, for fear of their commander. now as there are so few of us, and the country breathes nothing but war, we have not ventured into the forests to see if there is good wood for these lances. for the lack of these lances here, we have no lance-practice, nor is there a squadron to train the soldiers; although, because of the great need, i have contrived to make some lances from poles and bamboo, with iron and steel from china. i have made one hundred iron points. i do not dare to issue orders for target-practice (which the young soldiers need especially), not even for a day, in order not to use up my miserably small quantity of powder and lead. 99. because of the many hardships in this country, the soldier must be ready at any moment to execute the commands of those in authority. for this reason, we find the consignments of married men a great inconvenience; for they are not of much use here, as they are generally very poor and old. it seems to me that, for the present, we do not require the services of married men, unless there might be some one of the nobility, whose family would set a good example. 100. as the soldiers suffer so many hardships, they become sick; and although many even die, they are all so poor that they cannot leave anything. they have no medicines, and are always ready to beg them, as they have no other resource. when i came, i had a hospital built; but the corsair burned it. this served as a lodging-place for poor people; and, for this purpose, i brought a man from nueva españa to attend the sick. we who are here consider this an excellent institution, and, because without an endowment there would be no hospital when a soldier was dying, i apportioned about one thousand indians to the hospital, whom it now enjoys because of this need. for the future, will your majesty please order that a sum sufficient for its needs be paid from the treasury, and that those indians be apportioned to the royal crown. we need also another house for convalescents where they may be compelled to follow a certain diet, such as a bit of fowl. when i find a little leisure from so many toils, i will build such a house, and establish suitable rules regarding the food. thus, besides the service of god, many can be supplied with food, by means of the person who conducts the house. 101. it is necessary to maintain suitable order for the conservation of the fort and artillery; and, as an inducement for those soldiers who perform sentinel duty there, and the gunners who serve there, to live within the fort, it is necessary to maintain them at the separate expense of the fort. it is necessary also that, for the same purpose, the governor of the fort should keep it in repair; and these expenses should not be confused with those of your majesty's treasury of the three keys. i have discovered by experience that each account divided by itself is much more satisfactory. 102. i have set about fortifying this city; but this work is not yet completed, as the site is large, and i would not leave the friars outside, from whom we all receive our instruction; moreover, we have had so much work and hardship, and the indians help us but little, and i do not wish them to neglect their fields. it will, however, soon be completed. it will be a palisade joined with keys, all along the shore and across the river; and a cavalier [10] for defense--where some artillery is to be mounted when the indians have gathered in their harvest--will be completed very soon. likewise twenty thousand fanégas of rice for the support of your majesty's camp and fleet will be stored away. 103. the province which, in all this island of luçon, produces most grain is that called pampanga. it has two rivers, one called bitis [betis] and the other lubao, along whose banks dwell three thousand five hundred moros, more or less, all tillers of the soil, and taxed to the value of eight reals each. this city and all this region is provided with food--namely, rice, which is the bread here--by this province; so that if the rice harvest should fail there, there would be no place where it could be obtained. throughout the province there are not sufficient indians belonging to the royal crown who could give one thousand fanégas of income to your majesty. these two rivers were not included in the encomiendas made by the late miguel lopez de legaspi, governor of these islands (who apportioned a part of that province), in order that he might request them from your majesty for himself. after his death, guido de lavasares, who succeeded him, placed them openly to his own account, and apportioned the rest; but i revoked the decree, and apportioned them to the royal crown of your majesty, where they are now; and the officials of the royal exchequer have collected their tribute from them this year. it seems that your majesty has been pleased to bestow this encomienda upon the son of the defunct adelantado, legaspi. if this should pass to him--as it is only reasonable to expect that it should, since such is your majesty's pleasure, and it is a favor to the children of him who died in your majesty's service--it would be most serious damage to the condition of these islands. for not only has your majesty no income in grain, nor any place from which to obtain it, but these indians, as they are near, work very well, when told that they are tributarios of your majesty; and they serve in cutting wood, and do other things which are very useful and important here. if perchance the heir of the defunct governor should come to ask for his rights, i believe that it would be well to ask him to do us the favor of waiting until this point in my letter can be answered. some plan might be arranged, if it pleased your majesty, so that he should be recompensed in nueva españa. this will prove advantageous, since this encomienda has been already allotted to the royal crown. i entreat your majesty to please to have the matter examined, because it is important. for this reason i mention here the number of indians, and their tributes. it is a healthful and rich land. 104. the provinces in these islands that would be profitable to settle are those that can maintain the spaniards and can provide them with food. if these are not colonized by us, the indians will continue their old mode of life, which means attacking others. for this reason, it would be well to grant some lands, but with discretion, so that we shall not be separated; for each by itself would prove but a weak community, as happened on the appearance of the corsair. for this reason and because there have always been foreign ships here, i have delayed effecting settlements until we have more people. i have attempted to send leaders and men through those districts, so that the land might be made peaceful; and for this purpose have sent one troop to çubu, another to camarines, and another to ylocos. we are always busy. 105. according to the accounts of the royal exchequer, your majesty will see that guido de lavesares and legazpi have been in the habit of allowing gratuities and other free sums from the royal treasury. i have not continued these, but have closed the door on all this, in order not to give them. however, as the friars insist that it be given and spent in sermons, i have, without consulting them made a decree to the effect that only the needy poor should receive alms, and the gift must be for their support. i ordered a list of the poor to be made and rice to be given them, as is given to others who are supplied with rations from the royal treasury. thereupon some persons came, and have received alms. those who begged only for gaming and other like purposes are ashamed to take that alms, and wish nothing but encomiendas. i have stated all this to your majesty so that you may be pleased to send me special instructions concerning these charities and gratuities, so that in a just case actually seen, and in certain necessities and calamities, attested to before notary and witnesses, i might be empowered to furnish aid of weapons and clothing--always prohibiting the giving of money even for once, or the income from the chest with three keys, for this is harmful. 106. when an encomendero dies in nueva españa, his indians are allotted to the royal crown of your majesty, as being in a simple and peaceful country, where there is no need of soldiers. in these islands i think that this would be impossible; and i would not dare do it until i receive an answer from your majesty ordering me to do so. for, as so many men die here, all the encomiendas would belong to your majesty in four years; and the soldiers would have an incentive to attempt the deaths of others. i notify your majesty concerning this so that you may order how i am to proceed. i have planned to correct with gentleness the harm already done in apportioning villages to the royal crown, by taking care that they be near and convenient to the districts where the spaniards will reside, and where the fleets will be stationed. some of those situated in more remote districts i have granted. as time passes, i understand these things better; and whenever occasion arises i am ever watchful of your majesty's royal treasury. in mexico conditions hereabout are understood so little, that i believe none know what takes place here. of this i am sure because they did not tell me the truth there, nor did i understand it. one must actually see for himself the conditions here. 107. as there are so few people here it is impossible to administer justice, such as execution for murder, or whipping a rogue; for in one day we all would die. it is necessary to separate enemies and pardon offenders; for a whipped man can be a soldier no longer. it is important that your majesty should know this. 108. the ordinances sent me by your majesty concerning pacified districts, which propose to summon the indians peaceably to settle near those districts and to persuade them to become christians by means of the friars, are very holy and just, but it is quite evident that a correct report of this matter has not been made. for the indians are generally like deer; whenever one wishes to find them, he must first employ strategy to catch one of the indians in order that this one may summon the others who have taken to the hills. moreover, while they are going and coming it is necessary that god should perform miracles in providing food, clothing, and shoes for the soldiers, and also for the friars, who will go for this purpose. you must know that being long in one place incites them against one another, and they begin to die. those who return come broken down and sick; and alms must be given them, in order that they may remain alive. i advise and assure your majesty that they appeal to us with great facility for clothing, weapons, and money. 109. i have to undertake many different trades and offices here for i must serve as workman and overseer, judge and mediator; i must take care of the hospitals and of the dead, as well as the property of the deceased. not one real of said property has been lost. i am sending today forty-five marcos of gold, credited to the accounts of the dead. there remain here pending law-suits, appealed to the audiencia of mexico, in greater amount. there is so much administration by land and sea, and so many details, that it is impossible to mention them. all this gives me great satisfaction, for i am happier when many cares attend my duties. what has wearied me, and still is unusually wearisome, is the accounts of the officials of your majesty's royal exchequer, on account of their extravagance and careless administration. in this ship i am sending the accounts, even in their present shape, from which your majesty will see whether there has been any trouble. i enclose also the examination of the officials and the residencias that have been taken. in these residencias, because it was not best to discuss it, no charges were made, since no indians had been apportioned to the royal crown. on this account, the treasury has but little income at present. i shall endeavor to improve these matters in the future, as i have said. the books of said officials of the royal treasury have been copied according to your majesty's orders, as given in the clause of instruction for taking the accounts, and are being sent. 119. these officials of the royal treasury asked permission of your majesty to have indians, as appears by a letter sent them as an answer on the fleet by which i came, and according to what they say. in that letter your majesty says this is not convenient. notwithstanding, when guido de lavesares became governor, he gave them encomiendas of indians. it seemed to me that they neglected their duties, depending upon other means of subsistence; and that they try to flatter and please the governor so that he will give them another encomienda; that the natives are angry, and that these same officials presume to draw a salary besides. thus it seemed best to me to apportion their indians to the royal crown of your majesty. therefore i promulgated a decree that they should have no indians, and that their salaries should be paid from the royal treasury according to its contents. they have appealed from this. will your majesty examine and provide what is necessary? where your majesty possesses so slight an income as is the case at present in these islands, it was a mistake to send, at the beginning, three officials with a salary as great as those of mexico receive. for this very reason, their letters-patent state that they are to be paid only from the profits of this land; yet they have taken from the stores for barter and from your majesty's treasury at various times and seasons, what they could. i did not take an itemized account of this, for at the time of settlement, either they had nothing, or it was hidden; and they allowed themselves to be imprisoned. upon this question judgment has been suspended, and i refer it to your majesty, so that you may make such provision as is best. my opinion is that for the present the officials of your majesty's royal exchequer here should not hold positions simply for ostentation, but for actual service--since there is so much to be administered here, and it is necessary that they should go about to make collections and to inspect the work in the shipyards, as well as in other places where they might be needed. it would be better to give them lower salaries, and if they proved themselves efficient in their duties, then they should be given an increase in the shape of an encomienda or another office, after having closed the account; for in this land, as all are soldiers, there are no guarantors or others to ensure the pay of the many officials. there are people of gentle birth here, as well as diligent and able soldiers, who could fill all the positions satisfactorily, while the accounts would be well kept--all of which is necessary, so far away from your majesty. will your majesty please issue the necessary orders in this? 112. although from the letter that i am writing to the viceroy of mexico one can understand something of what concerns religious instruction and the friars in this country, still i state the matter here as i understand it. although, according to their rule, they may hold property in common, they cannot do so here; for the houses are built of wood and bamboo, while there are no other holdings for them. to all friars, priests, and lay brethren something must be given, so they are each granted an annual income of one hundred pesos, and one hundred fanégas of rice. i think there is a lack of religious instruction here; for there are only thirteen friars who can say mass, and i am not sure that any one of these understands the language of the natives. i am told that these islands alone require one thousand priests. those friars who are to come here must be men who are missed elsewhere, since they come to lead an apostolic life. it is very necessary for your majesty to send friars from all the orders--especially the franciscans, and many of them, for they live among the indians, and we need not support them. your majesty's only expense, so far as they are concerned, will be certain articles for their vestments, from nueva españa. i entreat your majesty to provide for this most carefully, for it is necessary. 113. when i arrived, there were two ecclesiastics, one of whom died of disease, and one only is left. many are needed. the ecclesiastics complain of the friars sent them. during my term all will be peace. 114. there is a decree of concession in these islands, issued by your majesty, to the effect that for ten years your majesty's fifth of the gold should be made one-tenth. [11] the city claims that this concession is continued. as all are soldiers and are poor, it is necessary and just that your majesty concede this in this instance. likewise there is exemption for thirty years from customs. this amounts to a mere pittance here, and what is brought hither or carried away belongs to the soldiers, who support themselves with this help; for they are given nothing, except a few encomiendas to some, and rations to others who are poor and sick; and these customs duties should be allowed to all, to prevent them from begging. 115. up to the present time there have been no duties on exports or imports, or any other duties. and as i came during so hard times, and the people were so poor and few i did not dare to impose them. it seems to me too soon to talk of duties until it can be made profitable. this amounts to but a small sum, and whatever is brought from china by the vessels is but a small matter; and if we did not treat them well, they would not return. deprived of what they bring, we would suffer. therefore i mean to defer this until we have some galleys fitted up, and possess a firmer grip in this country, 116. in this island the natives have a quantity of gold, in the form of jewelry, with which they trade. there are many reports of gold mines. because it is reported that the best mines are those in the province of ylocos, i sent thither the sergeant-major from this camp with forty arquebusiers. he reached those mines, and reports that they are located in a very rough country, twenty leagues inland; that the way thither is obstructed by great forests; and that the country is very cold, and has great pine forests. he brought some metal, all of which i am sending to the viceroy of mexico; this appears to be worth something. as it is necessary to march afoot and to carry their food, and the country is hostile, and the soldiers poor, it seems a pity to send them to lose what they have, in a district where they can obtain no profit; for the operation of the mines requires tranquillity among the people, the service of many men, and abundant supplies. i shall endeavor to have the troops return, when food can be taken there, and will inform your majesty thereof. 117. when the sergeant-major was returning from the mines, he discovered on an islet the two friars who were going with the captains in may. they say that the captains attempted to rob them; but, upon seeing that they had neither gold nor silver, because all the alms that had been given them had been deposited, by my advice, in a place of safety, the captains said that they would not take them to china since they were not taking thither anything for presents. a chinese who was going with them as interpreter was also robbed of what i had given him. they beheaded two other chinese who had been with limahon, and were presented to the friars, so that they could not, on returning to their own country, relate what had occurred. it is said that the captains had determined to circulate there in china the story that limahon and the master-of-camp had both been killed in the fight, whereupon the castilians being without a leader, returned to manila and allowed the corsairs opportunity to escape. but the latter remained, in order to verify the axiom that they have in china, that they may not flee. this is so evil a race that if today the whole world were given them, tomorrow they would commit a thousand treasons to steal one single real. we shall live here always on our guard, and shall do our duty, god helping. 118. as i have informed your majesty, the master-of-camp, martin de goite, died; and after his death, guido de lavesares appointed captain juan de saucedo as master-of-camp. this captain assisted in the expedition against the corsair, and it was under his charge in pangasinan. at my arrival i did not discuss with him and the captains the matter of residencia, for they were artful enough, and at variance with one another. moreover it was rather the moment for burying troubles and proceeding to business. therefore neither in his office nor in that of the captains appointed (in greater number than was necessary) by guido de lavesares, did i make, nor have i made, any innovation; for there are so few people here. juan de saucedo, master-of-camp, went to ylocos to collect tribute from some indians of an encomienda that he had there. there he had an attack of illness, from which he died in a short time. this is the sickness that kills old and young. upon this occasion of the death of the master-of-camp the chinese fabricated their lie, and complained that we did not give them anything; while in reality we spent a considerable sum from your majesty's royal exchequer to supply them with provisions, ship's stores, and other articles, in order that they might take the fathers to china. i believe that god wills it thus, and that it is well that they owe something, so that they may pay it at once. it is not safe to go unarmed or carelessly in that country, or in this; nor must one begin an attack without having a fort to receive the return blow, and be able to sustain it. i refer to what i have said above, and i beseech your majesty once more to have this expedition undertaken. as i before remarked, two merchant-ships remained here, and we treated them kindly and with justice. when they were leaving, they asked me what message i had for their country. i told them to convey my compliments to the said captains, and to say that i had very kind feelings for all the people of china; and that this was my message. 119. since this letter was written, we have received word that the ship sent by the viceroy this year with the usual help was lost. it was the pilot's fault, or at least they say that it was. may god find a remedy for this loss, for i dare not speak of it. 120. with this i enclose a copy of the letter that i have written to the viceroy. with it i send a list of all that is needed here. this ship sets sail at a favorable season, the beginning of june of 76; and, please god, another will leave in about a month, as it lacks but a little carpenter-work. we have been working at it five months. 121. in the investigation and accounts, the officials excused themselves, saying that they had no instructions; so i made a few ordinances adapted to the life here. i am sending these with the present letter. 122. i am sending also the investigations that were made in regard to no ship leaving last year; and about not compelling any one to assay gold that is mined and traded with here. 123. i am sending the originals, and translations of the letters from china, together with the residencias; and other papers, consisting of a chinese map and another small map that i had made here, some stories of china, and those that they call "flowers of silver"--all in a box directed to the viceroy of nueva españa, so that it may be sent to your majesty. it may be, as i believe, that, in the accounts of the officials of your majesty's royal treasury, i also have not fulfilled well the duty of accountant, as is done at court. i humbly beg your majesty that these faults may be pardoned, and that i may be advised of them, so that in the future my work may be more correct. when these ships are despatched, i shall begin to examine the accounts of last year, and shall send them by the first ship. i shall set down fully in these your majesty's actual income here. i do not venture to send it with the other papers but will send it by itself. the only data accompanying this letter are in a statement of the money paid into the treasury last year, 1575; and i hope, god helping, that this amount will soon increase. 124. because, as i have said, this year's ship from nueva españa was lost, will your majesty please order new copies of all the papers sent in it. 125. your majesty sent me twelve magistracy titles for the regidores of this city, with a decree. i gave them to those magistrates whom i found living here, who numbered five, seven having died before my arrival, counting one who had become a friar. therefore i guided myself by the precedent that there should be twelve. in addition to these five, there are the three officials of this royal exchequer, which makes the number eight; a high-constable of the city, who was already provided, and him i have left undisturbed; one antonio alvarez, one franciso bañon, and one marcos de herrera who are among the earliest settlers. the truth of the matter is that we would better not discuss these magistracies now, for everything is in turmoil. your majesty also had a decree sent, so that the city might have the boundaries that i should assign to it; but i have not yet determined this, as i had some doubts and wished to investigate the matter thoroughly; for, if once they are assigned, the natives are bound. i shall advise your majesty of my decision. 126. we have shipped in this vessel ninety bundles of cinnamon belonging to your majesty; and as many more, which remained here, will be shipped in the next vessel, which will sail next month. i have gathered articles of barter, in order to send a commander of troops to mindanao for next year's barter; then i will advise you of what is in that island. 127. a book will also be found in the box which is a narration of the country, rents, and tributarios of china, which is in substance what is contained on the chinese map. there is also another small book resembling a collection of sea-charts, and some papers upon which are depicted their officials of justice, which are sold in the shops of that land. because i am writing to the viceroy in mexico and am sending your majesty a copy of the letter, where what i do not write here is written, i close, beseeching your majesty to be so kind as to order that this country be provided for, since it is so easy; and to grant favors to all of us who are serving you here. may our lord preserve the royal catholic person of your majesty, and bestow upon you greater kingdoms and seigniories, as is the wish of your servants and vassals. manila, in the island of luçon, in the filipinas, june 7, 1576. royal catholic majesty, your majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands. _doctor francisco de sande_ [in the same legajo, there is a letter from the city of manila, dated june 2, 1576, which also contains an account of the affair of the pirate limahon. it is endorsed thus: "let it be abstracted in a report. done." the abstract of the letter follows, and is doubtless the work of one of the royal clerks or secretaries. certain instructions and remarks of the king or council appear in the margin of the abstract. opposite that for clauses 71-81, which discuss the proposed conquest of china, are the following remarks: "reply as to the receipt of this; and that, in what relates to the conquest of china, it is not fitting at the present time to discuss that matter. on the contrary, he must strive for the maintenance of friendship with the chinese, and must not make any alliance with the pirates hostile to the chinese, nor give that nation any just cause for indignation against us. he must advise us of everything, and if, when the whole question is understood better, it shall be suitable to make any innovation later, then he will be given the order and plan that he must follow therein. meanwhile he shall strive to manage what is in his charge, so that god and his majesty will be served; and he shall and must adhere strictly to his instructions as to conquests and new explorations. we shall see to it carefully that he is reënforced annually from this land with men, weapons, ammunition, and everything needed for aid. the viceroy of nueva españa will be informed of this, and ordered to attend to it carefully. religious will be sent also, to give instruction; and all supplies that are possible at the present time will be sent. the governor must be very zealous, and encourage the people there, and give them to understand the care that is and will be taken for them here, in protecting, aiding, and favoring them; and he must govern in all matters as is expected from his good sense and prudence. write to the viceroy to send lead, for he [sande] asks for it." opposite clauses 82-85, treating of the characteristics of the philippines and of their inhabitants: "tell him that the report of that land has been read, and has occasioned gladness, and that he should continue to advise us thus of what is necessary; also that he show much honor and favor to the captains and soldiers." opposite clause 86, treating of the reëstablishment of cebú: "write that this is well done; and that he shall strive to have people gathered in the principal _presidio_ [military post]." opposite clause 89, treating of maluco: "let there be no innovation in what pertains to the malucos." opposite clause 90, treating of the encomiendas made by legazpi: "in what has been allotted, let there be no innovation; and let that which is granted hereafter be allotted in accordance with the deserts and services of each one." opposite clause 91: "none of the documents that he mentions as being enclosed with this letter appear to have come. he said in his letter that they were all coming in one box directed to the viceroy, and this has not arrived." "have this relation brought." "it has not arrived, as said above." opposite clause 92: "bring these decrees." "they have not arrived." opposite clauses 93 and 94: "as for what he says concerning the four galleys, let them be used to defend that port and country." opposite clause 95: "the viceroy should be advised to send as many of those people [gunners, etc.] as possible. write to him to that effect." opposite clauses 96, 97, and 98: "_yden_" ["the same"] opposite clause 100: "tell him to manage this as seems best to him;" and opposite clause 101, "_yden_." opposite clause 102, treating of legazpi's and lavezares's grants in bitis and lubao: "he is to observe what is ordered about this in another letter." opposite clause 105, treating of gratuities, etc.: "have the instructions taken by legazpi brought. bring the book containing the ordinances made here, after the arrival at and occupation of the islands is brought; the instructions given before that time were given by the viceroy." opposite clause 106, treating of vacant encomiendas: "write that, when necessity requires, and the matter can be remedied in no other way, he remedy it as well as he can, especially considering the necessities of the land, taking special care of his majesty's estate. in the above-named book is the method to be followed in regard to encomiendas. let him adhere to that method, and let all the encomiendas falling vacant be allotted, until there be given a contrary order." opposite clause 108: "these ordinances are brought, and a decree is being despatched that, since we have learned that these ordinances are not observed, he is ordered to enforce them." opposite clause 109: "let them be despatched." opposite clause 110, treating of the encomiendas in possession of royal officials: "this can be passed by and overlooked, because the land is new, until other provision be made. in accordance with this, let those indians be returned." opposite clause 111, treating of salaries of royal officials: "let the officials be allowed to collect their salaries from the products of the country which are put into the treasury, as the property of his majesty, until other provision be made--both of money placed therein hitherto and to be put therein in the future." opposite clause 112, treating of religious: "write that they are already sent, and that we shall see to it that more are sent continually, as well as ecclesiastics." opposite clause 114: "let it be done thus, and a decree will be sent to this effect by his majesty." opposite clause 116: "let it be done thus." opposite clause 121: "let them be given to a reporter, and let him bring them immediately." opposite clause 122: "_yden_. he has been informed already that the box containing all these documents has not been sent by the viceroy." opposite clause 123: "answer that these papers have not arrived. when they come they will be examined, and he will be advised of our pleasure." opposite clause 124: "it shall be sent, and so advise him." on the outside is the following endorsement: "answered inside. let all that is requested be brought." these marginal remarks and provisions offer a good example of the spanish method of treating the communications received from royal officials. they show a distinct business-like method, that sought to dispose of such communications in the briefest time.] relation and description of the phelipinas islands [this document (which, in the archives at sevilla, is separated from the preceding one) is, although dated on june 8, 1577, partly a duplicate of sande's first report, dated june 7, 1576, which immediately precedes this one in the present volume. we therefore omit such part of it as repeats matter contained therein, and present all that gives additional or new information.] the natives are all very idle. if they would but apply themselves to work a little of the time, they could have all they wanted; but as it is a hot country and they are barbarians, they go naked. nevertheless, all know how to raise cotton and silk, and everywhere they know how to spin and weave for clothing. there is no need for anyone to spend any gold; for they catch the fish which they eat; the wine is made from the palms, which are very abundant; and from these same trees they obtain also oil and vinegar. in the mountains there are wild boars, deer, and buffalo, which they can kill in any desired number. rice, which is the bread of the country, grows in abundance. therefore they are afflicted by no poverty, and only seek to kill one another, considering it a great triumph to cut off one another's heads and take captives. in this island there is much gold, in sheets, among the natives; and, although they trade but little, they understand the value of the gold, and know how to adulterate it by mixing it with silver, tin, copper, brass, and other metals brought from china. they have established the value and qualities of gold as follows: there is a very base gold that has no name, with which they deceive; and a second grade, called _malubai_, which is worth two pesos. another quality, called _bielu_, is worth three pesos; and another, called _linguingui_, is worth four. the quality called _oregeras,_ for which the chinese name is _panica_, is worth five pesos; and this is the best gold in which they trade. it is of sixteen or even eighteen carats, and of this are made all their trinkets and jewelry. the best gold obtained is another grade called _guinogulan_ [12] which means "the lord of golds;" it weighs about twenty-two carats. from this is made the jewelry which they inherit from their ancestors, with which they never part; and even should they wish to sell these ornaments, there is no one who would give for them more than five pesos in silver. neither will they give more, even for good gold; and they do not take it in exchange for supplies, or for the goods which they sell. consequently this is the reason that gold is so valued in this country. it may be illustrated in this way. should a spaniard buy food or anything else from a native, the moro immediately takes out the touchstone which he carries with him; and, even if the value be not over two reals, he takes great pains to see if the gold be conformable to the aforesaid standard. although it may be stamped and assayed, the indian will trust to no reckoning but his own. neither is there any rule by which to pay, beyond the weight and value of the gold; this applies likewise to the orejeras or panica, for all the gold which is used in trade is mixed with other substances, to make the other grades of base gold. although i have intended and tried to remedy this, it is impossible, as the majority of them are silversmiths for this very purpose; and if any restrictions were made, they would think that they were about to be ruined. it has seemed to me that the country is very new for establishing any other currency than gold, which here is like the king's fifth of silver in nueva españa. i have written to this effect to the viceroy, a copy of which letter accompanies this, and a report concerning this matter; also an account of the gold paid to the royal treasury, and the trade effected by all the spaniards. the chinese will not take the panica at more than four pesos of texuela to the tae[l] which, they say, is of that value in their country and they lose one llealla by so doing. this is the weight called _tae_, and comes from china. it weighs more than one onza, two adármes; so that three taes and thirteen maes are worth two castilian marcos, or one livra. [13] when i came here the viceroy of mexico sent an assayer, saying that one had been requested from here. after his arrival no one brought him anything to assay, as he was young and inexperienced in treating gold. losses suffered at the beginning by those who tried to have gold assayed caused us to abandon the attempt. the moros understand the laws of gold better than we do. i have given notice of [original illegible]. it may be of service to the royal estate. i have given information thereof which will accompany this, and i think that it is impossible to exercise more diligence. i have ordered that, when the gold enters into possession of the officials of the royal estate, they shall value it before a notary, so that it shall be issued in the same way that it entered. this is done because there seems to be no other remedy, as the moros, with their standards, buy up all the money of current gold, and necessarily at the prices which they themselves give to it in their debts and traffic. as provisions were wont to be sent from nueva españa every year, there were also sent reals until i came. since then, none have been sent; nor has any money been given to me. on the other hand, i have announced to the public that it is outrageous that we do not serve your majesty by sending some gold from here; and that even to think of their sending money from there would be to argue that we do not know how to look for it as well as they do in nueva españa. it has been a thankless task to make this ruined land profitable, for he who has indians, or some wealth, keeps it for himself; everyone else comes, with loud complaints, to ask the governor to give them enough to eat from the royal estate. accordingly, when i came here the royal treasury had no possibility of income, as his majesty will see from the accounts and from a memorandum which i am sending. although but a short time has passed, the condition of things has improved, and the affairs of the royal estate have been put into as good order as in mexico, considering their extent. i have succeeded in obtaining for the royal crown all the indians possible, especially those who are useful, and whose tributes are increasing. they are conveniently near spaniards, so that the latter can more easily make collections, and also profit by the supplies. thus i will always do, although i have had, and still have, considerable trouble in it. these natives have not been able to pay their tributes, on account of living scattered and far away; and their country has been at war until now. they have not been taxed, as the number of people is not known. they are so skilful in hiding themselves, that private soldiers have to be sent from here for the collection of the money. these latter collect what they wish, and say that they have collected so much, and not a penny more, and that the entire village is composed of honest men. whoever goes brings back the same account of these peoples. therefore little is paid, and the returns to the royal treasury are few i have made investigations, however, and have imprisoned some of the soldiers, and prevented others from collecting the tributes; but it is only vain endeavor. on account of the few people in this country justice cannot be executed for this or any of the offenses common here. no one here is willing to accompany a man who goes on horseback, or serve him in any way. therefore, i am served only by my servants; but, nevertheless, i have in my house all who wish to come there to live and to eat; and i help them to the extent of my ability. they are served by my slaves and servants in due order. there are many of them, but in my house permission is not given to live with the liberty that is desired by young men. in due season, or when your majesty may be pleased to provide more troops, the present customs may be suitably changed--my intention being only to establish a reform in this direction. _item_: the voyages to this country are all by sea, and in ships which are often wrecked, many soldiers being thus lost. those who have the good fortune to escape with their lives lose their arquebuses, coats-of-mail, swords, and daggers, which constitute their military equipment. since i have been here, i have often helped many of those thus left destitute, who had no other means of succor, although not at so moderate cost to the royal estate as for the poor. in this case i have not spent from the royal estate until after reviewing all other expenses of like nature, and consulting your majesty. this expense seems to be as necessary as the first provision of weapons and clothing to the soldiers. nevertheless, it is wise to warn them to be more careful in navigation, and more resolute in guarding their belongings. in my opinion it will be convenient for your majesty to have the goodness to send instructions on this point, stating especially whether it is possible to give aid, in weapons and clothing, in a moderate quantity, from the royal treasury. it should be always forbidden to give money from the royal treasury even once, although it may thus happen that some soldiers, nobles, and cavaliers may suffer want, for lack of money with which to clothe themselves. it is not convenient to grant encomiendas to all; and although they may ask for food at the houses of their friends, they are in need of clothing. the only means of income here is the payment of the tributes to the encomenderos, whom i have tried to convince that all the soldiers be maintained thereby, as it is a very convenient method; but people of much caprice cannot be persuaded to this, nor can they clear their heads from vapors. on account of the small number of troops here, as i have already stated, i have induced the people to do sentinel-duty and undertake expeditions under leaders--of whom there are not a few, beginning with a brother of mine. although i do my best, it is impossible to avoid giving them some aid. last christmas i aided several with tributes paid by some unapportioned indians, declaring that, if they had belonged to the royal crown, i could not have done so. i allotted the indians to a captain by the name of chacon, and the income arising from them was divided among several persons. i preferred to have the transaction take place under authority of the officials, and to have it attested by the government notary. therefore this has been recorded, and together with the decree forwarded to your majesty. i trust that his majesty will examine it, and send me information of what he may be pleased to provide. in nueva españa, when an encomendero dies without an heir, the indians under his charge revert to the royal crown. when guido de lavazares was here, he arranged that in such case the indians should be re-allotted; and thus it was done, being a law of the land when i came here. as the country is so new, and but ill pacified, and there is so great need for people, and this concerns the community, i have followed the same custom since my arrival--although i have assigned to the royal crown the majority of indians who are left ownerless, thus combining both methods. i have told the people that it is meet for his majesty to receive income in order to support the friars and his servants here, as well as for the alms and assistance which have been described. nevertheless, it has seemed to me necessary that his majesty be informed of the reassignments, and that he have the goodness to issue commands therefor which shall be duly obeyed. i state no reasons for or against this arrangement, since the royal council may judge better than i. if it be considered convenient to grant the grace which these persons desire, as a favor proceeding from the royal person and his royal council, let it not be imagined that this and similar actions emanate from the governor. i am of the opinion that his majesty is the one to grant the favor; and, if he does so, he will send advices thereof, either secret or public. the indians of this country are not simple or foolish, nor are they frightened by anything whatever. they can be dealt with only by the arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver. if they were like those of nueva españa, peru, tierra templada, tierra firme, and in the other explored places where the ships of castilla may enter, sound reasoning might have some effect. [14] but these indians first inquire if they must be christians, pay money, forsake their wives, and other similar things. they kill the spaniards so boldly, that without arquebuses we could do nothing. this was the reason that magallanes, the discoverer of these islands, was killed; and that villalobos and sayavedra, and those who came afterward from nueva españa were maltreated. all those who have been killed since the coming of miguel lopez de legazpi received their death through lack of arquebuses. the indians have thousands of lances, daggers, shields, and other pieces of armor, with which they fight very well. they have no leaders to whom they look up. the havoc caused by the arquebuse, and their own lack of honor, make them seek refuge in flight, and give obedience to our orders. after imprisoning a soldier, it is necessary to give him food while he is in jail, and also to care for him in sickness. in order to avoid the expense, he is finally set at liberty. i have exercised all possible diligence to deal with them so that they will be afraid, and mend their ways. i have sent the delinquents to work apart, separated from one another; and have also reprimanded them, and informed them that they must do right. thus, by the aid of god, this commonwealth is entirely reformed. they do not follow the pernicious practice of gambling, because they are occupied, and because they know that he who is engaged in these practices cannot be my friend. among other men, gambling might be more endurable; but here they attack one another with knives, blaspheme, and steal, and do great harm to one another. there is also almost complete reformation from the swearing, drinking, and like vices which had caused great corruption and the disgrace of many men. there is also improvement in regard to concubinage among them. it is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest lifes, but as they are young, and the women in this country are so many and so bad, it is more difficult to correct this evil. * * * * * by a decree of your majesty, i was asked [to fix] the boundaries of the city. i assigned five leagues around this place where we live, although as yet these limits are of no use, as in this island there have not been, nor are there now, any customs duties or other imposts. i came at a time full of labors, and the people are few and poor. considering the losses of the ships of the past year, it seems to me that it is too soon to obtain any duties from the chinese ships. i have advised your majesty thereof, and exemption from the customs and other duties has been granted to these islands for thirty years. consequently, nothing is demanded from the spaniards; and, as they are all soldiers, and should have some profit from what is sent hence to nueva españa, it would be well to increase the customs duties somewhat. it is also decreed that for the term of ten years there shall be paid the tenth instead of the fifth of all the gold found here. the city already demands, at the end of these ten years, that your majesty renew his favors. i think that, as a result of this decree, some gold is sent to nueva españa; but, if the entire fifth were taken, the gold would be traded with the chinese, and thus so great a quantity would not be sent to nueva españa. may your majesty be pleased to grant this, and advise me as to this point. when i came to this city there were here two ecclesiastics, and besides them no more in all the islands. one died of illness, and the other is now alone here, under command of the friars. when at one time he read a letter of excommunication he was appointed vicar by the provincial of the order of st. augustine; and now he complains that he is commanded by friars. there is great need that ecclesiastics be sent here, so that the sacraments can be administered and confessions be heard, as in other colonies. although i write to the viceroy of mexico concerning the religious instruction in this country (a copy of which letter accompanies this), i wish to explain more fully to your majesty that there is a great lack thereof. some of the friars sent from mexico are those who cannot stay there, and must be sent away. those who come here to lead the apostolic life must be orderly persons, and such as are missed in the place from which they come. but it is of secondary importance to discuss persons, and it is necessary to refer to important matters which require remedies. your majesty must understand that there is great lack of religious teachers here, and that the friars labor very diligently, although they do not usually apply themselves to learn the language, or to attract the natives. if i am not mistaken, the surest remedy is for friars and ecclesiastics of all orders to come here, especially those who cannot possess property; for, as this land is so new and there are no inheritances, the friars can have no income in common, except the alms given from the royal treasury. as the indians are so avaricious, and adore the gold--which they actually kiss, and consider of the highest importance--it is exceedingly necessary that the priest accept no gold, nor should he seek or trouble them for it. he must only desire food, according to the necessities of nature; and as the land is well provided therein, at the lowest prices in the world, he may be well content who wishes nothing more. * * * * * as soon as i arrived in this city, i began proceedings in the residencia, and the examination of accounts, according to your majesty's commands. duplicates of the report were sent in the ship "santiago" and also in the ship "san phelipe," which were unfortunately lost. in the ship "san juan" will now be despatched the duplicates, as your majesty will note in the letter to the viceroy. there is also sent an account of everything else which has been done in regard to the officials. i made all possible endeavor in mexico to obtain instructions and papers regarding their, and i brought only those which i send with the accounts. they said that there were no others, and the officers of the royal estate declare that they brought no instructions, and never had any. as your majesty will see by the accounts there were no books of the treasurer or factor, and consequently none can be despatched with the accounts. when these officials were asked, they said that they kept no books. only the accountant kept a book; but aldave, who served guido de lavazares, had a memorandum-book, which i remit with the accounts. i have issued orders for every official to keep a book, and to have a common book of the treasury, which is now done. moreover, as they said that they had no instructions, i gave them some orders, according to what i believe is necessary, copies of which i send to the royal council. the officials rendered their accounts, although i have not passed upon some things--such as accounts which are not certified, the tribute collected, and their salaries. if they hold some funds which i have not found, i cannot execute what i am commanded to do; although what i have found has been attended to. for this reason, affairs have been delayed; and in the meantime investigations have been made, and thus many affairs are now sent for the consideration of the royal council. some of my instructions, however, cannot be carried out, for lack of funds. on the occasion of the last investigations, it appears that they reported that they had spent more than they had received; and that the loans and deposits thus due should be placed to the account of the royal treasury. as their loans were drawn out as salaries, i have not permitted this. the officials of the royal estate have each furnished bondsmen, who are their securities for two thousand ducats; and they gave them, little [original illegible] because they came from nueva españa without furnishing bonds, and, as they say, without instructions; so i have commanded them to find bondsmen for these amounts. their sureties are all captains and soldiers, from whom their clothes and weapons cannot be taken away, nor their means of support; there are, moreover, no realty holdings here. they regard their accounts, however, as adjusted, and have almost obliged me to wait for your majesty to examine their pleas, so that their misdeeds may be excused. on this account i am advancing but slowly; and, as our resources for correcting this evil are so inadequate, may your majesty be pleased to declare his pleasure as soon as possible. the sureties have not fulfilled their agreements; and, although i have commanded them to give bonds, they do not nor can they do so, as all are soldiers in this country. the best remedy is for his majesty to command that accounts be audited every year. thus i have ordered, and they have been audited to the year seventy-six, and accompany this present report. for this reason most of all should the officials give bonds, that they are in charge of various small matters and transactions for which i am not sufficient security. accordingly, although they have not yet furnished bonds, i have refrained from enforcing this order, until his majesty shall decide what he wishes done. guido de lavazares had appointed salvador de aldave as treasurer; and he still holds the position until your majesty shall make provision therefor. guido de lavazares does not wish the office; nor do i think that he is capable of filling an office which requires the keeping of documents. in investigating the accounts of the officials, execution was levied on their goods, some of which have been entered in the royal treasury. i have commanded half of their salaries to be issued them for their support, and no more, until your majesty shall provide accordingly. some slaves, clothing, and bedding were left to them, the same being considered as deposits in the name of the royal estate. his property was left to guido de lavazares, but no salary, since that is drawn by another man, who holds his office. i offered to give him an encomienda for his support; but he did not wish it, and asked me for permission to leave this country. i showed to him a clause of the instructions regarding the accounts, which said that close watch must be kept over those who were under surveillance; that, if it were not for that clause, i would permit him to go; and that i would immediately inform your majesty thereof. i also give information regarding the tributes from the provinces of bites and lubao, and elsewhere, which guido de lavazares collected for himself. his property was confiscated, to which act his wife was opposed, and also the properties of persons deceased of which there were many. some of these were placed in the royal treasury, together with another portion, sent from the payments from the valley of purao. all is set down in the accounts, as is everything concerning this matter, with the proceedings therein. on continuing the investigation, it was found that property had been delivered to the person serving in the office of captain of artillery. when an account was demanded from him, it was many months before he was obliged to give it, as may be seen by his petitions accompanying the record of his trial. after waiting six or seven months (i shall not mention here all the words spoken), and on seeing that he was so reluctant to present his account and explanation, i took advantage of a petition which he had made--in which he resigned his office, and begged that i give it to some one else. this i did, giving the position to him who was sergeant-major of the camp. after these changes, i had his property seized. this compelled him to attend to the account, and he began to be willing to hand it in, as appears very clearly in the report of his trial, which accompanies this. it might be well that i should not habitually show similar lenity; but in this case there could be naught but compassion felt, as he had no judgment whatever. [15] i was therefore moved; and, by his majesty's favor, this captain of artillery has an encomienda of more than a thousand men, near this city. this i have had set aside for him, and have commanded that he support himself from half the tributes thereof; likewise his clothes, and weapons, and his servants, were left to him. he asked permission to go to españa, saying that he was married, and that he had not seen his wife for twenty years. his majesty will command what shall be provided in this case. in the investigation of the former captain of artillery (appointed by miguel lopez de legazpi, at puerto de la navidad), inasmuch as no bonds were taken from this soldier, i have attached the property of miguel lopez, and that of the officials, for not having attended to their duty in this regard. after seeing the account and investigation of this matter made by the officials of the royal estate, i decided to transfer the blame to the account of miguel lopez, and to seize his goods for the same reason. at my arrival here, guido de lavazares had allotted indians to the officials of the royal estate. when i entered upon my office, they sent to ask his majesty for permission to hold them. they were answered by a decree, which was shown to me when i came, which declared that this could not be allowed. for this reason i placed all their salaries to the account of the royal crown, to which they still belong. salvador de aldave presented a petition, saying that he is not a proprietary official, but merely holds the office of treasurer until another shall be provided in his place. this was done in order that his indians should not be taken away; and on this account i have allowed him to keep them. they have all appealed, asking that your majesty declare his pleasure. i wish that the officials of the royal estate would apply themselves more to their duties, and the exercise of diligence therein, as is very needful where there is so much to be administered; and that they should be free from other obligations and have no other means of earning a support. as his majesty will have already understood, i have declared that neither the officers nor other persons here can give bonds. the labors here are and have been those of which your majesty will have knowledge. one and all have served your majesty for many years, and as soldiers and among soldiers. if there should be any fault in the papers, i beg your majesty to extend his mercy to all, and to deign to forget these errors. may your majesty be pleased to pardon me this boldness, and to command that the accounts be examined. may replies be sent by the first ship and any faults of mine which may be found therein be pardoned, and all necessary instructions be furnished to me. moreover, in regard to the inquiry which discusses the exchange of different grades of gold, the people here are of such sort that no one makes a payment without declaring that he is giving gold of a good quality; but, on the other hand, the one who collects declares to the contrary. by the accounts for the year seventy-six, which are now finished, and by the entire expense account, which i have examined personally, it seems to me that good faith in the past year may be deduced. in this country, the heat of the sun is very great; and for even one week's work, or when a ship is going to be launched, it is necessary to erect a shelter for the workmen. this is made in a short time, with poles, bamboo, and palm-leaves. in the shipyards there is much waste; and, as the wood rots from dampness here, the soldiers take it at night to use in their houses, and relieve their misery. this cannot be called a theft, as it is done by menials who came hither at your majesty's expense and are engaged in his service. when i came here i found the country swept by fire, everything in ruins, and the indians in rebellion, having taken advantage of the coming of the pirate [limahon]. since then i have not ceased in my endeavors to promote all possible peace here. i have surrounded the city with a palisade and rampart, building therein two cavaliers, which are further strengthened by ramparts--one toward the southeast, where the pirate landed; and the other toward the northwest. it seemed to me very important to guard the point formed by the river and the sea. people declare that after miguel lopez de legazpi came here the water wore away the land for the distance of two gunshots. i have all the river staked in, as also the point by the sea; and have had the latter filled in with earth until it is all level. i think that it will, therefore, be always stable, if it is repaired from time to time. i have had the fort of this city repaired, building ramparts where they were lacking, so that one may walk around it on the rampart. i have covered two cavaliers, although communication may be had between them at a pike's length, which could not be done before. the floors have been covered with wood, so that the pieces of artillery may be dragged about more easily. i have also constructed many chests, both for the interior of the fort and for the galleys, and have mounted all the guns here. as i advised by the ship "santiago," i sent to the island of panay for galleys to be made. two built there were launched in this city, and i have another of sixteen [toneladas?] finished, and one of twenty-five is in course of construction. it would have been completed four months ago had it not been for the overhauling of this ship "san juan," which carries this letter. nevertheless, it will be finished inside of two months, because all the boarding, planking, and sheathing has been done, and there is nothing more to hinder the workmen on the ship. i have also had oars brought for all four galleys, and the majority of them are made. also the provisions for them and some casks have been supplied. the oars are not yet ready for use, as there are not eight quintals of lead in this country. i am expecting supplies from nueva españa, with some men to command the galleys. besides these occupations, all the workmen were engaged during the past year, from christmas until july, in overhauling the ships "santiago" and "san phelipe." they have been busy since october in overhauling this ship "san juan" until its sailing today, to repair damages caused by its wreck. it is now put in very good condition, with pine masts, which i took from that of the [original illegible] which are said to be better than those here; for the wood of this land is very heavy. after the completion of the galleys which were built here, i have commanded them to build there a large ship of four hundred toneladas. after completing the galley, another will be made here of the same style, god willing; we have bought much iron and everything necessary, as i have written to the viceroy in his letter. god permitting, we shall build ships here which would be worth in nueva españa one hundred thousand ducats, and which cost here less than fifteen [thousand]. consequently the situation here may be improved thereby. moreover, some light sail-boats have been made; we have succeeded in subduing all the natives; search has been made for mines, and everything possible has been done, as your majesty may see by the letter to the viceroy. there has also been built a hospital in this city, to which i have granted an encomienda, as i have already advised your majesty. i have built the church of san agustin, the expenses of justice have been paid, and a house has been built for the friars. as the corsair had burned everything, they were given three hundred pesos from the royal treasury for this purpose. as the city was without a public church, i have had as large a one as possible built of wood. there could not be a better or larger one in this country; and the work has been going on for five months, but even yet it is not finished. he who is governor here must exercise constant vigilance in affairs. he must know what is being accomplished in the different works, and when the persons who draw salaries journey to and from different points. he must be watchful of the provisions and supplies, and in truth, the governor must be an overseer of all the offices. it is especially difficult to prevent things from happening behind one's back. i have also had a house built where the governor lives, as there was none here before. in truth, i may say that when your majesty was pleased to order me to come here, the path was not discovered by which they brought me on the sea, and the land was neither subdued nor peopled. i say this without prejudice to the services of my neighbors, and i humbly beg that your majesty be pleased to grant me grace and remember me. in manila, june the eighth, 1577. [_endorsed on front_: "relation of the condition in which were found the filipinas islands. their location is described in detail, and the fertility of the soil for food products, pasturage, the sugar industry, and that of indigo. the year 1577."] bull for erection of the diocese and cathedral church of manila gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of god: in perpetual remembrance of the affair. trusting in the safeguard of him who moves the hinges of the earth, toward whom are bent the minds of men--through whose providence, moreover, all things derive their government--we willingly do our share of the duty entrusted to us from above, to the end that they who now are in darkness may be enabled to enjoy the true light which is christ jesus, and that the rays of his light may beam upon them. wherefore, in accordance with the preëminence of this apostolic see in the regions of the earth, all and singular, as required by necessity and other reasonable motives, we plant new episcopal sees and churches, that by new plantations may be increased the new adhesion of peoples to the church militant; that everywhere may arise, spread, and flourish the profession of the christian religion and the catholic faith; that even insignificant places may thereby be enlightened, and that their inhabitants and the dwellers thereof, girded around with new sees in charge of prelates of rank, may the more easily win the rewards of everlasting happiness. in truth, since the soldiers of our very dear son in christ, philip, catholic sovereign of the spains, voyaging many years ago to the sea known as mar del sur ["southern sea"], discovered there very many islands known as the philippines, near the continent of china, in some of which (chiefly in luzon and zebu) they made settlements; while the same king philip sent to the aforesaid islands not only temporal governors for the purpose of establishing and maintaining justice therein, but ecclesiastical persons, both regulars and seculars, that they might administer the sacraments of the church and confirm converts in the catholic faith--the result was that, through the mercy of god, many natives of the said islands were converted to the said faith. however (albeit matters in the spiritual realm have thus far been managed in this fashion), with the increase of spaniards in those islands the same king philip, in order that they might become more peaceful and populous, with this intent sent thither spaniards--two hundred men with their wives and children, and four hundred unmarried men. daily very many of the said natives, embracing the aforesaid faith, receive the regeneration of sacred baptism, although the islands aforesaid are more than two thousand leagues distant from the province of the christians known as new spain, subject to the rule of the said king philip, whence supplies are brought to those islands. it therefore was proper and necessary, for the welfare of the souls of these natives and other like persons, as well as for the peace of conscience of the said king philip, that in those islands should be some one in charge of spiritual affairs, with the care of the said souls. neither should there be wanting the proper and necessary spiritual and ecclesiastical government in those regions, to the end that almighty god may be served more faithfully, and the gospel law and the said faith be spread and exalted the more, on this account. after mature deliberation with our brethren on these points, with their advice, arid at the humble solicitation of the aforesaid king philip, by our apostolic authority, by perpetual tenor of these presents, to the praise and glory of the same almighty god, as well as to the honor of his most glorious mother and ever virgin mary and of all the heavenly court, and to the exaltation of the aforesaid faith, we separate, exempt, and wholly release the church of the city known as manila, in the said island of luzon, as well as the city itself, and, in the islands belonging to it and their districts, territories, and villages, all the inhabitants of either sex, all the clergy, people, secular and regular persons, monasteries, hospitals, and pious places, as well as ecclesiastical and secular benefices, of whatsoever orders of regulars, from our venerable brother the archbishop of mexico, and from any other ecclesiastical and diocesan prelates, under whose jurisdiction they previously may have been--as well as from all jurisdiction, superiorship, cognizance, visit, dominion, and power of any one whomsoever. moreover, by the aforesaid authority and tenor, we erect and establish forever the town of manila into a city, and its church into a cathedral, under the title of "the conception of the same blessed mary virgin," to be held by one bishop as its head, who shall see to the enlargement of its buildings and their restoration in the style of a cathedral church. besides this, in it and the city and diocese he shall have the word of god preached, the heathen natives of those islands brought and converted to the worship of the orthodox faith, and converts instructed and confirmed in the same faith; moreover, he shall cause to be imparted to them the grace of baptism, with the administration of the other sacraments of the church. in the church, city, and diocese of manila, he shall exercise episcopal jurisdiction, authority, and power freely. moreover, in both the aforesaid city and diocese he shall now, as well as on occasion, erect and establish dignities, canonries, prebends, and other ecclesiastical benefices, both with and without parochial charge, with whatever else besides may be expedient for the increase of divine worship and the health of soul of those natives. he shall be subject to the said archbishop of mexico, and to his successors for the time being, as metropolitan. moreover, he shall enjoy all rights as on occasion shall be declared, excepting as regards gold and silver metals, gems, and precious stones, which are the right of the said philip and of the catholic sovereigns of the spains for the time being. for this reason we ordain that tithes and offerings of first-fruits [_primitias_], as required by law, need not be paid. moreover he shall enjoy all other episcopal rights, the same as are enjoyed, by law or custom, by other bishops of the kingdoms of the spains together with the exaction of the same as see, table [_mensa_], and other episcopal insignia, and jurisdictions. besides, for the future he may freely and lawfully use, hold, and enjoy the privileges, immunities, and graces which other cathedral churches and their prelates in the said kingdoms use, hold, and enjoy, in any manner, through law or custom. again, to the same church of manila we assign the aforesaid people for city, the said island of luzon and all the other islands for diocese, and the natives and inhabitants thereof for clergy and people. moreover we grant to the same king philip power to assign, increase, extend, lessen, and otherwise change the bounds therein. for his episcopal table [_mensa_], we apply and appropriate as dowry the yearly revenue of two hundred ducats, to be paid by king philip from the yearly revenues coming to him from the said island of luzon, until the fruit of the table itself shall reach the value of two hundred similar ducats. moreover we reserve, grant, and assign forever to the king the right of patronage over the church of manila; and should any vacancy occur therein (this the first occasion only excepted), to present, within one year, to the roman pontiff for the time being, persons fit for that office as bishop and pastor of the same church of manila. we also grant the same right of presentation for dignities, canonries, prebends, and other benefices, from their first erection, and thereafter as vacancies shall occur, these being similarly given to the bishop of manila for the time being, who shall present the same to philip, or the king for the time being--who, by reason of the dowry and the new foundation, is to be consulted in the establishment of these dignities, canonries, and prebends, the apostolic constitutions, and ordinances, and other things, to the contrary notwithstanding. let no one therefore infringe this page of our separation, exemption, release, decree of erection, establishment, application, appropriation, reservation, grant, and assignments, or rashly dare to contravene. should anyone, however, presume to attempt it, let him recognize that he has thereby incurred the wrath of almighty god, and of his blessed apostles peter and paul. given at rome, at st. peter's, on the sixth day of february in the year of the incarnation of our lord one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, and the seventh year of our pontificate. letter from francisco de sande to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: i have informed your majesty in other letters concerning the condition of these your filipinas islands, and refer you to what i have written to your majesty's royal council of the indies, which letters have probably arrived ere now. likewise i have informed your majesty how, obeying your majesty's orders, and those of the royal council of the indies, to obtain the friendship of the king of borney and vindanao, and to render an account of what was done in this matter, i left this city of manila with the fleet of galleys and galliots. this i did for your majesty on the third day of march, and i proceeded to the island of borney with forty sail, counting ships of this country, and with peaceful intentions, as my actions demonstrated. but the moro king of those districts, not wishing peace, came out with his fleet to fight me on the sea, three or four leagues from the city. i sent him a written message of peace; but he killed one of the ambassadors (who were chiefs), and despoiled them of their possessions, as well as the moro rowers whom they took with them from this island of luçon. but although three of these have returned, the others have not. finally he opened hostilities, discharging his artillery. after we had fired a number of volleys, it was god's pleasure that the moros should be conquered and take to flight. thereupon i employed myself in collecting the galleys and ships taken from them--in all twenty-seven. likewise i secured the artillery, dragging much of the same out of the water, where they had thrown it--in all one hundred and seventy pieces, both large and small. in my other letter, however, i did not inform your majesty exactly concerning this number, and stated that i had remained in borney to settle and populate it, as in fact i did. after this, when i had subdued four or five thousand moros who were settled there--among them an uncle of the king, and a cousin who served the latter there as captain-general in that war, the king of borney persisting in hiding in the mountains and swamps in which that island abounds--and when i set about collecting and summoning the people, it was god's will that all my soldiers should fall ill. it became necessary for me to set sail in order to save my men, as your majesty will perceive by the relation which i am sending to the royal council of the indies. however, i first made an agreement with those chiefs, who promised to give full obedience to your majesty; and that king assured me that he would receive spaniards. therefore, at the first occasion the spaniards will effect a settlement, a place will be chosen for them, which is understood to be most healthful; and your majesty will be informed thereof. from borney i sent seven of the galleys captured there, with artillery, and two others of your majesty's ships, for the pacification of the island of vindanao. that fleet arrived there after a quiet voyage, and i shall have news of it this coming september. in borney i obtained precise information concerning the entire archipelago and the mainland, as i found there people from china, cauchi, [16] camboja, sian, patane, pahan, jabas, samatra, achen, manancabo, batachina, maluco, vindanao, limboton, and other islands thereabout. concerning these i inform you only that as far as sian there dwell moros; and thence toward the north are idolaters. moreover, they are within your majesty's demarcation and are not included in the compact [of zaragoza]; and by employing the proper methods they can be brought to the service of god and of your majesty, without violating the laws of god or nature, or the instructions which your majesty has most inviolably charged upon me. with the artillery which i have taken and still hold, and the galleys as well, the propagation of the faith and of your majesty's service can be carried forward. i take part in these expeditions necessarily, because of the communications which it is necessary to make, and to secure the observance of instructions and the obedience of the soldiers. in this i continue to serve your majesty with much joy, and i see to it that all my men shall do the same. on account of my small force (some of my men being also inexperienced and ill-armed), and because of a lack of equipment, and my determination to settle in this island, where there are gold-mines in two localities, i do not inform your majesty concerning what expedition i shall make this coming year; since, whatever it may be, it is necessary to commence it with the beginning of the year, and cease before st. john's day. with the first reënforcements which i received, up to the present time, i made this expedition; and i found the second reënforcement in this city of manila, with which i shall do all things possible in the service of your majesty and will inform you thereof by the first vessel. with this reënforcement i obtained letters and news concerning your majesty's health, and that of other royal personages. i derived therefrom the greatest satisfaction, and i continually beseech our lord to grant you, and to preserve, health for many years, as your majesty's vassals and servants desire and need. i am writing more at length to the royal council, to which i am sending a relation of what i request herein--which i hope your majesty will be pleased to examine, for it will be a great favor. in other letters i have begged your majesty to be pleased to grant me a reward; and i referred the matter, in order that he might urge the same, to a brother whom i had in españa. god has taken this brother, as well as my father also; another brother is serving your majesty in the flemish war. for this reason, i believe, i have not received it--whence i am in anxiety, since i know what your majesty ordinarily does for those who serve him. i entreat your majesty to have the goodness to favor me, and to console me in my losses of family, since only god and your majesty are left me in this life. the favor which i beg your majesty is that you bestow upon me the robe, with a commandery, of one of the three orders. [17] i entreat your majesty to vouchsafe this in my behalf, for it is a thing that your majesty is accustomed to bestow upon any worthy soldier, even when he has not an office like that in which i serve. likewise i entreat that don joan de sande, my brother, who, as i have already stated, has been serving your majesty in flanders twelve years, be given the robe, if he be still alive; and if not, i entreat the same for don bernardino de sande, my brother, who has served your majesty in this country as a soldier, and is now serving you as a captain of infantry. these brothers, as well as myself, will serve you better according as we are more highly honored. it is of great importance that your majesty do not forget me, who am serving you in this capacity of governer and captain-general. and also, because i now have but little recompense, i beg your majesty to have the goodness to order it increased, and to allow me some gratuity: for in the last expedition i spent three thousand ducats of my own, and every day there arise similar necessities. and, regarding other favors which i also entreat from the royal council, may it please your majesty to examine the letters, graciously to take cognizance of them, and to bestow upon me the reward due for the years that i have spent in your majesty's service, continuing the service, both in peace and war, rendered to your majesty by my ancestors and kinsmen of a most ancient lineage. and, since god so ordains it, i am alone; and now i entreat your majesty to have the goodness to reply to me, granting me the reward, which i am quite confident of receiving, and by which i am comforted. since in the letter to the council i am writing more at length, in this present letter i do otherwise, because of the many and important matters that take up the time of your majesty's royal person. the portuguese have constructed six fortifications in maluco, in each of which they have mounted eight lombardy guns. the real defense is for your majesty to order that no innovation be brought forward in what pertains to the compact; for i see this with great pain and anxiety for your royal crown. as for the rest, it would be quite an easy matter. i brought from borney twenty-seven ships, among them being twenty-one galleys and galliots, together with a hundred and seventy pieces of artillery, as above said, and other war material of which i am sending an account to the royal council. these supplies could not be furnished to this country for a thousand ducats; and with them the condition of these islands will be greatly improved. may it please our lord so to ordain that all men shall recognize your majesty as their king and sovereign, as you deserve. may our lord guard the royal catholic person of your majesty many long years, augmenting your dominion and kingdoms, as we your vassals desire. at manila, in the island of luçon in the philipinas, july 29, 1578. royal catholic majesty, i am your majesty's loyal vassal and servant; who kisses your royal hands, _doctor francisco de sande_ [_endorsed_: "september 12, 1579. to the president of the indias. let it be filed with the other letter, and put away."] grant of a plenary indulgence to all the faithful who visit churches of the friars minors to all the faithful of christ who view these present letters, health and apostolic blessing: with solicitude, as is the duty of our pastoral office, for the health of the lord's flock entrusted by divine arrangement to our unworthy care, we willingly invite the faithful of that flock, all and singular, to visit churches and perform pious and meritorious works, in order that with the aid of divine grace, through spiritual largesses, indulgences (namely), and the pardoning of sins, they may the more easily reach the joys of everlasting happiness. for in the indias, china, and the philippine islands, we desire that the churches already founded, or to be founded within the next ten years, and each one thereof belonging to the monasteries or houses of the discalced brethren known as the order of minors of st. francis [18] of observance be held in due veneration by the faithful of christ themselves--that, frequenting them with befitting reverence, and flocking thither to those churches with greater readiness for the sake of devotion, they thereby may find themselves more fruitfully refreshed through the bestowal of heavenly grace. therefore, relying on the mercy of almighty god and the authority of his blessed apostles peter and paul, we mercifully in the lord grant and bestow a plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins, on all the faithful of christ of either sex, who, truly penitent and confessed each year, visit devoutly the aforesaid churches, or any of them, on the first and second day of the month of august, as well as the feasts of st. francis, st. anthony of padua, st. clare, st. louis, and st. bernardine; and these during their visit shall, from the first vespers to sunset of those days and feasts, pour forth pious prayers to god for the exaltation of holy mother church, the uprooting of heresies, and the conversion of the peoples of those regions to the catholic faith. these presents are to hold for all times. but, as it would be difficult to have these present letters carried to all and singular the places where needed, we desire, and by our apostolic authority decree, that to copies of them bearing the seal of any person in ecclesiastical rank, the same respect shall be paid as would be given to the originals themselves, were they shown. given at rome, at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, on the fifteenth day of november, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the seventh year of our pontificate. documents of 1579-82 decree regulating the foundation of monasteries. felipe ii; aranjuez, may 13, 1579. letter to felipe ii. francisco de sande; may 30, 1579. expeditions to borneo, jolo, and mindanao. francisco de sande, and others; april 19, 1578 to june 10, 1579. appointments to vacancies in manila cathedral. felipe ii; [promulgated from?] guadalupe, march 26, 1580. letter to felipe ii. gonçillo ronquillo de peñalosa; july 17, 1581. ordinance restricting departure from the islands. gonçalo ronquillo de peñalosa; march 2, 1582. letter to felipe ii. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa; june 15, 1582. _sources_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo de indias, sevilla, except the royal decrees; these are taken from the original ms. documents in the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid. _translations_: the first and fourth documents are translated by alfonso de salvio; the second and third, by james a. robertson; the last three, by josé m. asensio. royal decree regulating the foundation of monasteries the king. to our governor of the filipinas islands: fray domingo de salazar, of the dominican order, and bishop of the said islands, has reported to us that he is going to reside in these islands; and that he will take with him religious of his order to found monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion and instruction of the natives. he has petitioned us to issue commands that whatever is done for the above order, as for those of st. francis and st. augustine, be done at our expense and that of the spaniards and indians (as has been done in other parts of our indias), or as suits our pleasure, and as it receives the approval of our council of the indies. inasmuch as we have provided that monasteries be founded in nueva españa wherever it is necessary, and have ordered that, if the chosen places be villages belonging to the royal crown, the monasteries are to be founded at our expense--the indians of such villages contributing their labor in the work and erection of the buildings; and that, when the villages are in charge of encomenderos, the monasteries are to be founded at our expense and that of the encomenderos, as well as with the help of the indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas: therefore it is our desire that the same orders be carried out in the founding of monasteries in those islands. i order you immediately to ascertain in what districts and places of those islands monasteries are needed; after which you will take the necessary measures toward their erection, being careful that the houses be modest, and that they be not superfluously furnished. if the villages where they are to be founded belong to our royal crown, you will give orders that they be erected at our expense, and that the indians of such villages contribute their labor towards the work and building of them. and if the villages are in the charge of private persons, the monasteries are to be built at our expense and that of the encomenderos; with the aid of the indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas, as above mentioned. if in the villages live spaniards holding no encomiendas of indians, you will assess them also according to their condition and property, for they are in like manner under obligation to contribute toward the building of churches. the sum paid by the said spaniards will be subtracted from the share demanded from the said indians and encomenderos; for since this is a good work, beneficial to all, it is only right that all help toward its completion. being thus a matter of such importance, you will devote to it all the care that it requires, remembering that no new monastery of a different order is to be founded in the same village or its vicinity. you will be careful always to inform us of what is being done in this respect, and of the result of the labors of the religious. _i, the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de heraso_ aranjuez, may 13, 1579. letter from francisco de sande to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: last year, seventy-eight, in july, i wrote to your majesty and advised you of my expedition to the island of borney, and its outcome. this year i sent thither a fleet, which brought news that the city had been rebuilt. the moro king there detained the captain until he had placed his clothing and wives in safety. the captain, in accordance with his instructions, returned without doing them any damage. i am quite sure that that king will quietly submit, if we effect a settlement there. the king of jolo rendered obedience to your majesty and surrendered his artillery. this year he gave as tribute a piece weighing fourteen quintals that must have been hidden away. this year of seventy-nine, i sent an expedition to pacify the river of mindanao. the king ruling there fled; but, as our people carried orders not to do any harm there also, peace was made, and some of the natives returned. if we plant a colony there, that king also will submit--which cannot be effected in any other way, because of our distance from there. in august of seventy-eight a galleon and a large galley with five hundred men, and other necessary supplies for maluco, passed borney. it is said that one hundred were portuguese and spaniards, and the rest _mestizos_ [19] and people from yndia. according to a cafre [heathen], their hulks were in very poor condition. he says they were going to maluco to collect the tribute which was lost three years ago. i am sending the investigations and accounts of this and of everything to your majesty's royal council, and am writing more in detail. i beg your majesty to be so good as to favor this other world by examining this letter. because of your majesty's stringent orders not to go to maluco, we have not gone thither. however, the compact, as i have advised your majesty is not well considered; and maluco is not comprehended in it, and is in your majesty's demarcation. [20] thirty vessels leaving and returning to sevilla could load cargoes of spices--pepper, camphor, and other drugs and spices. in these vessels, people could be brought from españa, and a few fleets would populate this land, and clearly we could take possession of all of china; for by way of nueva españa the despatch of vessels will always be a trifling matter, and by way of the strait of magallanes i do not believe that we can hope for so good a result. i am writing in detail regarding this to your majesty's royal council. i am writing also of the method which i think we should employ--namely, to settle in greater java, whence we should despatch a vessel to sevilla to give information of the route, although i believe that that made by the ship "victoria" is not forgotten. i have built a vessel here of six hundred toneladas, which can make the said voyage, if your majesty will so order; and i am now building another. there is an excellent fleet of galleys; and with what was captured from the borneans, and in jolo and vindanao, and with that taken from the portuguese galley which i said was lost, we have more than two hundred pieces of artillery. from the useless pieces i am casting others. certain indians in this land have founded for me one piece weighing ninety quintals; and there is not in the castle of milan a piece so well made. another mold has been made, and the indian says that he will make as many as are ordered. from nueva españa no favorable message, in regard to this or other things, is sent. therefore if your majesty wishes that china be yours in your days-please god, may they be many, as we your majesty's servants need--it is necessary for the execution thereof that ships be sent here from nueva españa, since now we have some knowledge of this region, and the vessels have here a good port, and we know how to proceed. this archipelago is secure from enemies, blessed be god. we have begun settlements--one in the province called cagayan, in the northern part of this island, and sixty leagues from china. in other letters i have begged your majesty to be so kind as to favor me. once more i bring this to your memory. i beg your majesty to grant me a habit and an encomienda for myself, and another for one of my brothers. all of my brothers are serving your majesty in the war, and i am sure that they deserve the most that i beg and entreat. i am writing to the royal council. i beg your majesty to order that my case be examined, and to honor this office in which i serve you, and bestow favor upon one who has served you for so many years as i. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic and royal person, and increase you for many years as we, your servants and vassals, desire. manila, in the island of luçon, in philipinas, may 30, 1579. royal catholic majesty, your majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands, _doctor francisco de sande_ [_endorsed_: "doctor francisco de sande. june four, 1581. he requests a habit and an encomienda. to the council of the indies." "seen, and no answer is required."] expeditions to borneo, jolo, and mindanao in the galley named "santiago," on the nineteenth of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the western islands declared: that, inasmuch as his lordship is going with a fleet of galleys to the island of borney, both to teach the natives there the christian law, and to reduce them to the dominion of his majesty--as well as to ascertain and inform himself about the customs, past and present, of the said natives, what law and ceremonies they observe, and the mode of life among the natives thereabout and in other parts, who are vassals of his majesty--in order to attain this he ordered to be conducted, and did conduct, the following inquiries and procedures: for the investigation of the above-named matters, the aforesaid governor summoned to his presence an indian who, through the medium and speech of juan ochoa ttabudo, an interpreter, declared his name to be magad-china, and himself an inhabitant of balayan. without taking the oath, he promised to tell the truth; and, being interrogated according to the tenor of this declaration, said that he knows that the king of borney is wont to detain many indians who resort to borney for trade and intercourse, and that he does not permit them to leave the country, especially those indians whom he knows to be rich. the witness knows that the king forces them to marry in that country, so that at their death he may obtain their possessions. in this way he has seen detained against their will, indians of çubu, the island of lucon, balayan, bonbon, and other districts of these islands--all rich and influential men. in especial was he acquainted with an indian of manila, a messenger of raxa soliman, by name simalinquidlan; another named siparan, a native of manila; and a chief named siganbal, a native of balayan, whom he (the present witness) knows to have been detained by the king of borney, in his country, and he does not allow them to leave it. the said chief of balayan has been detained six years, and some eighty or ninety tacs of gold were taken from him, besides slaves, and all these were kept by the king. at the end of the said six years, the said chief fled returning to balayan, his native village. in like manner, the present witness knows that the king of borney is detaining many indian chiefs and _timaguas_ [freemen], and that he will not allow them to leave his country. likewise this witness, upon going to borney to trade, was detained in the island against his will for eight or nine years, until the said king of borney sent him to balayan to sell a trifle of _camanguian_ and other articles--whereupon he remained in the said town, and would not return to borney. he has seen this done and practiced by the king of borney against many persons, both chiefs and timaguas, of the region about manila, who are vassals of his majesty. being asked where he learned the worship of mahoma, and who declared it to him, he said that the ancestors of the borneans were natives of meca, as he, the present witness, had heard; for the natives of balayan, manila, mindoro, bonbon, and that region did not have knowledge of the said worship until the borneans had explained it to them; they have done so with the natives of these islands, and therefore all these are moros now, because their ancestors learned it from the said moros of borney. [21] their language, both spoken and written, is derived from meca; and the said borneans and natives of sian and patan possess and observe their alcorans--the law and worship of mahoma. he said that in the book of the alcoran, which the present witness has seen and has heard preached, they say and assert that they are the enemies of the christians. likewise in other books they say that the borneans have always desired to make moros of the christians--a thing that he has also heard declared by the _catip_ [caliph?] whom the said borneans regard as a priest, and who preaches the said doctrine of mahoma. this said catip, and others, with like expressions preach the said doctrine of mahoma, so that the said natives observe it. they declare and publish that the law of the christians is evil; and their own, good. the witness knows that, in the former year, seventy-four, the king of borney undertook to attack manila, and to plunder and kill the spaniards, launching for the purpose a fleet of one hundred galleys and one hundred small vessels. in each large vessel were about fifty, and in the smaller about thirty men--all together, in the judgment of this witness, making about seven or eight thousand men. all were of one mind, to kill the spaniards at manila. the said fleet left the river of borney to begin the said expedition, but, after sailing about twenty leagues, immediately returned, because the son of the king of borney was taking part in the said expedition; and, in order that the spaniards might not land at borney in another part, and kill his father, he did not continue the said expedition, but returned with the whole fleet, without his enterprise having any effect. the witness has heard that the king of borney wrote letters to raxa soliman and lacandora, chiefs of manila, so that they might revolt against the spaniards, and saying that all would be protected. likewise he has heard his relatives and other moros tell how in former times the king of borney has sent preachers of the sect of mahoma to cebu, oton, manila, and other districts, so that the people there might be instructed in it as were those of borney. and this witness, in his own time, has heard the said doctrine preached in balayan, by a moro regarded among them as a priest, by name siat saen. also it is well known that the said borneans are wont to plunder the calamianes, and enslave the people and take them to borney. they do the same in other districts thereabout. the witness has heard that the said king of borney holds captive a spaniard, named diego felipe, and two christian visayans, whose names he does not know. this is what he knows, or is currently reported, and what he has seen. he certified as to its truth, ratified it, and signed it, in his own language, as did the said interpreter. he was about thirty-one years old. _joan ochoa ttabudo_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary [following this are depositions taken from four other men, two of them natives of borneo. the testimonies of all are very similar to the foregoing, and show the policy of the king of borneo. one testimony declares that the king was wont to make the rich and influential men who might land at his island captains, in order to retain their wealth. the document continues:] [_letter to the king of borneo_.] i, doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these islands and districts of the west, by order of his majesty, the king of castilla and leon, my sovereign, don ffelipe, the greatest king and most powerful sovereign in the world, send this letter by these messengers to you, outardo soltan lixar, king of borney, so that you may know my will, and what i require. you know already how i, with the other captains and soldiers of the castilians live, by order of the king, our sovereign, in manila, in the island of luçon, in çubu, and in other districts. there in manila, çubu, and other districts it has been rumored that you have tried and are trying to do us harm, and to make war upon us; that you have tried to induce and have solicited the natives of luçon and other districts to rebel and revolt against us; that you have sent spies to çubu and other districts; that you have left your residence for this purpose of warring against us with a fleet of ships. all these things are without any reason, and i know not what is the cause therefor; for my will is good and i desire to show naught but good to all, and ill to none. since i am proceeding to confer with you openly and publicly, i notify you that i am not coming to plunder or to harm you, but to prove of use to you; for the king, my sovereign, orders thus, and accordingly i gladly notify you that i am going to you. my sovereign, the king of castilla, spends his money through us, the castilians, and sends us into all parts of the world, in order that we might proclaim the law of the true god. for this purpose i came hither; and now i am going to confer with you, chiefly that you may know your god and creator, and to teach you the true law. i wish to do you no ill, nor to seize your possessions; on the contrary, if you are our friend, i will aid and defend you, according to the orders of the king, my sovereign. to this end i offer you peace and friendship on our part, in such wise, that there may be mutual security, on both sides, to go and to come, to see one another, to trade and traffic, as is usual among friends. what you are to do is to admit preachers of the holy gospel, who may preach the law of the christians in your lands in all security; and likewise that any person whatever of your country may have entire liberty and permission to attend the preaching of the law of the christians, and that he who wishes to become a christian may do so without any ill befalling him. further, i desire that you shall send no preachers of the sect of mahoma to any part of these islands, nor to the heathen among the tingues [hill-people], nor into other parts of your own island--inasmuch as the doctrine of mahoma is a false and evil law, and the religion of the christians alone is true, holy, and good. further, i desire that you send me a christian spaniard, called diego felipe, whom i am told you have there, as well as others if you have them; and two visayans, natives of çubu, christians whom we know that you have, and who were captured from their own country; likewise whomever else you have in your power. you must give to the heirs of raxa soliman and lacandora, natives of luçon--vassals of the king, my sovereign, and his subjects, in his royal name the slaves and property that you have retained there belonging to them; and whatever belongs to any other vassals of the king, my sovereign. this i would do myself, if i had anything of yours or of your people, and would pay and return it, and would do justice to them in that regard very openly. _item_: you must allow those persons whom you have detained, because they are rich, to go about freely, and give them leave to return to their own lands, since they are natives of these islands of the king, my sovereign. they went to trade with you, and you have no right to constrain them; but you must allow them to go freely with their wives, children, and possessions. likewise, you must forbid your people from asking tribute in these islands, inasmuch as i collect tribute in them, as it is the right of our king, my sovereign. i write this letter that you may be advised of my wishes. you must answer it immediately, and not detain the messengers, even if they should say that they wish to remain in borney with you; for if they are detained, i shall understand that there is some mischief and deceit on your part against our people. as we are coming by way of the sea, and have need of food, you must send food to us, in accordance with what is asked by my messengers, in return for our money. this shall be paid you, as you wish; and for the same, we are bringing silver and gold. i shall be glad to receive your reply and to talk with you. advise me with all haste. may god grant you the true light and health. _doctor francisco de sande_ (on the thirteenth day of april of the above year, i delivered two copies of this letter, one in the bornean language, and the other in that of manila, to chiefs magat and magachina, so that they might give them to the king of borney. i hereby certify to the same: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary) [22] (on this day, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these islands, showed this letter to father fray martin de rada, religious of the order of st. augustine, whom he is taking with him in the said expedition, so that he might examine it, as a matter resolved on by both. he, having read it, pronounced it good and said that it could be sent to the said king of borney. i herewith certify to the same: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary in the chief galley, named "santiago," while at sea near the island of borney, one of the filipinas islands belonging to his majesty, on sunday, the thirteenth day of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty, declared that, as is well known, his lordship going with the galleys and ships of the fleet here amid these islands at this present time--and sailing with every mark of peace to the port of borney, and as a token of the same, with a white flag at the bow of the flagship, in which the said governor is sailing--it was discovered by the said galley, and by the _fragata_ [23] sailing in advance of the fleet as a scout-boat, that the mouth of the river-harbor called borney was occupied and blockaded with a great number of vessels. and because it was learned from other indians of the said river of borney that they desired war instead of peace; and as he did not desire to war upon them, or do them any damage--to the offense of god, our lord, or in disobedience to his majesty's orders--the said governor ordered the said flagship, and all the said fleet, to cast anchor, and sent a message by two moros of balayan, his majesty's vassals in the island of luçon. these men were ordered to tell the borneans, in order that they might know, that his intentions were peaceful; that, as a token thereof, he was flying the white flag; and that they should not trouble themselves to fire any of their artillery upon the spaniards, for, if the borneans did any damage, they would be punished. the said ambassadors took also two letters, one in the bornean language, and the other in the moro tongue, which they understand. in these letters was affirmed security of peace, and other matters. and--inasmuch as military affairs cannot maintain the moderation that may be desired, because of the emergencies that usually arise--in order that the above might be evident, and also in anticipation of whatever might happen, the governor ordered this set down in writing, making therein the present declaration; that i, the said notary, might certify thereto _in toto_, and file with these records the original of the said letter, which he ordered to be written to the said indians, so that all may be kept together and serve as evidence of the above matters. thus doctor francisco de sande ordered, and he signed it in my presence. _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary on the said day, month, and year, aforesaid, in obedience to the order of the said governor, the oath was taken and received before god and the blessed mary, and on a sign of the cross, in due form of law, from pedro lucas, a soldier; under which obligation, when questioned, he declared what he knows, and that present occurrences are as follows. on this day, sunday, about four in the afternoon or so, when the flagship named "santiago" (wherein were the said governor and other soldiers and troops) and also the other galleys and war vessels of his majesty were sailing toward the port of the said island of borney, this witness saw that the said flagship flew a white flag of peace on the bow of the said flagship. and at the mouth of the said port he saw a number of ships--in his opinion, some twenty-five or thirty in all. when the said governor saw the said fleet, and that war was about to ensue, in order not to have war with them, but that all might be peace, he ordered the said flagship and also the other ships and vessels of the said fleet to anchor. they anchored at a good distance from the said port, in order to give the natives of the said island to understand that the governor desired not war with them, but all peace and friendship. this witness saw that the governor gave two letters to two moro chiefs of balayan, vassals of his majesty, of the island of luçon--one letter in the moro tongue, and the other in that of borney. in them he informed the borneans of his reasons for coming, and that he desired not war with them, but all peace and friendship. this witness saw the two indians leave the said flagship and embark on a fragata of the said fleet with the said two letters, in order to deliver them to the indians in the said war-vessels. the governor ordered them to return with all haste, with a reply to his lordship. this is the extent of his knowledge and what he has seen this said day. he affirms its truth, by the oath that he took, and has signed the same. he says that he is thirty years old. upon this being read to him, he affirmed and ratified the same. _pedro lucas_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary [testimony is received also from three others, juan manuel pimentel, juan ochoa, and gaspar perez. that of the first is similar to the above. that of the last contains the information that the two moros sent with the letters "as yet have not returned nor sent a reply, except that we see that the said fleet of the borneans still holds the mouth of the said port, and his majesty's fleet is anchored in the open sea and in great peril; and this witness has heard some heavy shots fired by the borneans at his majesty's fleet. it is well known, and this witness has heard the borneans say, that the king of borneo and his people are about to war upon the spaniards, both by sea and by land." a portion of the interpreter juan ochoa's testimony is as follows. "this witness saw at the mouth of the said port a number of bornean warships, in his judgment numbering some twenty or twenty-five. when these were seen by the said governor and by the fragata of the said fleet, the said governor ordered the said flagship and all the other galleys and ships to anchor, which they did, anchoring in the open sea, without any shelter. this witness saw that the flagship was flying a white flag of peace, so that the natives of the island might understand that the spaniards desired not war, but all peace. and on this same day, this witness heard from bornean moros captured in a small boat on that day while on their way from the said river of borney to their villages, that the said king of borney had heard that the said fleet of his majesty was going to borney; and in order to defend himself and fight with them, he had gathered as large a fleet as possible, and for the purpose of war had come to the island of mohala (distant about one league from the port of borney), where his majesty's fleet was about to anchor and take in water. the said bornean moros told this witness, as being the interpreter, that they had been captured on the said day, in the said boat."] testimony regarding the naval battle when the port was captured after the above events, on monday, the fourteenth of the said month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, about noon, the said governor having seen that the said borneans had returned no answer to his letters, nor had they sent back the two above-mentioned chiefs and six moros from balayan (his majesty's vassals, who accompanied the chiefs), and because his majesty's fleet was in great danger, as it had not made port; that a number of vessels belonging to the said borneans were on the point of beginning hostilities, and that the borneans showed by certain tokens that they were anxious for war and not peace--for this reason commencing to fire and discharge many pieces of artillery at his majesty's said fleet and soldiers: therefore he ordered that the said fleet, disposed in good order, enter the said port, placing at the bow of the said flagship a white flag of peace, that, if the said borneans wished peace, he might make it with them. and at the coming of the said fleet of his majesty, thus arranged, the borneans in the said port--to the number of fifty ships, large and small, rather more than less--began to resist the entrance into the port of the said fleet, firing many pieces of artillery at the said fleet of his majesty and the spaniards in it, until, after some time, the fleet of his majesty entered the said port, when the said borneans retired and fled toward the said river of borney with many ships in pursuit of them. thus did the said fleet anchor in the said port against the will of the said borneans. of all the above, i, the said notary, testify herewith. these things took place before me, as a person aboard the said fleet; and i herewith testify to the same--andres de villanueva, the ensign francisco banon, hernan ramirez plata, juan de argumedo, and others, being witnesses. i testify thereto: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary after the above events, on wednesday, the sixteenth day of the month of april, of the said year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in the western islands, being in the river of borney, where there was a great settlement of houses; and going into a large house, said to belong to the old king of the said river, found there the said simagat, a chief of balayan, and a vassal of his majesty, who was one of the messengers sent to the said king of borney with two peace-letters. when questioned through the interpreter, juan ochoa ttabudo, he told what happened in regard to the letters given them for the said king of borney, to whom he gave them; what answer they made to him concerning them; what insults and ill-treatment they inflicted on him; and what befell simagachina, chief of balayan, who accompanied him. he declared that what happened is as follows. on sunday night, the thirteenth of this present month of april, this witness and the said simagachina left the flagship, embarking in one of his majesty's fragatas, together with six moros, five of whom were from balayan and one from tondo. they took two letters from his lordship for the king of borney, one written in the bornean tongue and the other in that of manila. when this witness, and the others abovesaid, had landed in the port of the said river of borney where a number of war vessels had gathered to prevent the fleet of his majesty from making the said port; and when he had come to a large galley under command of a bornean named salalila--the latter, on seeing them, ordered them placed in the said galley, and took from this witness a gold _calenbiga_ that he wore, which weighed about seven taes of gold. another indian, unknown to him, took another from the said arm, and several other ornaments were seized from him. they took from him a gold box, two small chains, and another smaller one, all together weighing eleven taes. on taking away his garment, they discovered the letters given him by his lordship. as soon as the said salalila and the other borneans with him saw the said letters, they laid hands upon them, exclaiming: "what knavery is this that you have here? it is some sorcery to fight with us." this witness replied that they were only some letters for the king of borney from the spaniards. thereupon the said salalila read the letter that was written in the manila tongue, and, after reading it, said jestingly, "this letter is from portuguese," and tore it into pieces. the other letter, written in the bornean tongue, the said salalila sent, together with this witness, in a small boat with certain bornean moros to the king of borney. the said magachina and the other moros remained in the said fleet with the said salalila. about three o'clock next morning they reached the house where the said old king of borney lived. the said borneans gave him the said letter in the presence of this witness. a bornean moro read it; and, when he came to the end, the said king remarked: "so this is the way that your people write to me, who am king; while the castilians are _capie_"--that is to say, in the bornean language "men"--"who have no souls, who are consumed by fire when they die, and that, too, because they eat pork;" and after certain other words, the said king asked him what he would do, and if he wished to return to the castilians. this witness answered, "no, i do not wish to go now, so that i shall not be killed on the way." thereupon the said king of borney said to him: "remain here; and, after the spaniards are conquered, stay here, and marry. i will give you a galley to command." this witness, for fear that he would be killed, answered, "yes, i will do as you wish." thereupon the king asked him as to the ships and people of the castilians, and this witness told him that there were eight galleys, thirty-two vireys, and seven hundred spaniards under the supreme command of captain bassar. then the king asked how many pieces of artillery were in each ship, and their size, and how large a ball each one carried. this witness answered that each galley carried in its bow three large pieces; and that four galleys threw balls as large as his head, and the others balls about one-half that size. he asked further if they carried broadside pieces, or if they carried any that one man might take alone; and this witness answered that they did not. likewise he asked him what weapons the spaniards carried, and whether the governor were young or old. this witness answered that each spaniard had one coat-of-mail, two arquebuses (one large and one small), a buckler, sword and dagger, and a lance; and that the said governor was not old. he asked him the governor's name, and whether he was recently come from españa. this witness answered that he did not know his name, but that all called him captain basar, and that he had come two years ago to manila. then he asked him for the master-of-camp, juan de salcedo, and for many castilians of manila. this witness told him that the said juan de salcedo was dead. he also asked him what spaniards remained in manila, about their fort and artillery, whether ships came annually from españa, and what soldiers they brought. this witness said that many spaniards remained in manila, for ships came from castilla every year bringing many people, all of whom remained; and that they had built a very large fort containing forty pieces of artillery. many other things which he could not remember were asked him, after which the said king dismissed him; whereupon this witness went to the house of a relative of his, on the other side of the river. as he was finishing his breakfast, for it was early morning, about nine or ten moros entered, bound him, and took him to the said house of the king, who asked him anew many questions concerning the spaniards, which he does not remember, except that they threatened him that, if he did not tell the truth, they would kill him, and whether the said letter was witchcraft. upon this witness asserting that he had told the truth, they took him to the prison and thrust both his feet in the stocks, put a chain about his neck, bound his hands, and set a moro named tumanpate to guard him. while in this condition, a moro named haguandatan entered the said prison, drew a moro dagger three palms long, and said to him: "have no fear. i killed magachina thus, and gave him a dagger-thrust near the neck, from which he died." he was a slave of the king and turned to go, saying that he was going back to the sea and the fleet to fight with the castilians. then many other moros came in to kill him, but the jailer forbade it and would not allow them to kill him. afterward, about nightfall, he heard many shouts and outcries from the said river; and, upon his asking the said jailer what it meant, the latter told him that the bornean fleet was fleeing from the spaniards. thereupon this witness asked that he be not killed, and said that he would give him money. accordingly, at night the jailer took him from the said prison to a house of his up the river and told him that the king of borney and many indians had fled up the river; and that he should write a note, so that his relative should pay his ransom. while here, his relative aforesaid, named siandi, came and gave him a culverin [24] of three quintals weight, with other spaniards--he alone remaining, for the other man, his relative, turned back, leaving this witness in the power of the spaniards. likewise this witness declared that when they took him to the river of borney, he met on the way a son of the said king of borney who was going to fight with the said fleet. this man told him where he was going, and how the said letters had come to his father; and thus let him go. and this is the extent of his knowledge, and of those events. it is the truth. having read it to him and given him to understand it, he affirmed and ratified it. he is about thirty years old. he did not sign it, but the said interpreter did. he said it is known that the borneans killed his companion, the said simagachina. _juan ochoa ttabudo_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary and after the above events, on the same day, month, and year, above-mentioned, the said governor in the said flagship and with the other galleys and small ships in his convoy, entered the bar of the said river of borney and came to the village, where it was reported that the said king of borney resided; where also were the fragatas of his majesty and other vessels that had entered the port, in pursuit of the said borneans. and having arrived at the said village with certain soldiers and troops, the governor entered its chamber, and it remained for him to give two taes of gold and four slaves. then the prisoner was released. upon this witness going down the river with another relative of his, named sicollao, they met a spaniard named diego martin, and joined a large house which was there, and below the said river, said to be the house of a son of the said king of borney. this house contained a large and well-finished piece of artillery, and a number of culverins, _frecones_, and other offensive arms. advancing toward the houses where it was reported that the old king of borney lived, near the said house, they saw a large galley with more than twenty-four benches on each side. it contained a large swivel-gun and another smaller piece, both loaded, and having on them some _quinas,_ [25] which appeared to be the arms of the king of portugal, and each one furnished with two handles. the said galley contained also four other culverins mounted in the place where the cargo is stored; and the galley carried a quantity of ammunition for the said pieces. some four or five galleots of sixteen or eighteen benches each were found also, with many falcons, and culverins, and one of them with a half _sacre._ [26] after disembarking, the said governor entered a house reported to be that of the old king of borney. there he found a large gourd filled with papers, among which were three letters--two written in the characters and language of borney, one bearing a signature, namely, "don leonis pereyra martin ferreyras;" the third was written in portuguese, beginning, "noble and honored king of borneo." it was dated at ebora, march seven, one thousand five hundred and seventy-three, and bore a signature, namely, "el rey" ["the king"]. by order of his lordship, i, the said notary, took possession of the said letters. the said governor went also by land to a house, wherein was kept the gunpowder. he found there eighteen bornean jars filled with powder, twenty-four filled with saltpeter, and many loaves of sulphur; more than five hundred lances and _conpites_, with which the said natives shoot; many shields, pikes with iron heads, a great quantity of small and large iron balls of many kinds, and many arrows; and two or three jars of poisonous herbs. also at the door of the said arsenal was a piece of artillery, a broken swivel-gun (also bearing the arms of the king of portugal), with its large handles; four other _fresones_, large and long, with four chambers; two cannon-cases for artillery, one very large and without any piece; and a stone ball, slightly thicker than a man's body. another large house, said to belong to indian chiefs and captains, was entered. a number of culverins and some gunpowder were found there. then the said governor went to the mosque located in the said town, where he found a large chair, upon which, they say, sat the preacher who expounded the doctrine of mahoma to the said borneans. near this chair was a block of marble containing painted and gilded pictures of idols. this and the said chair the governor ordered taken from the said mosque, as well as a trough which the borneans said contained water wherein whoever bathed went straight to heaven at his death. this trough was removed by order of the said governor, along with other articles, and the idols contained in the mosque. there were collected also throughout the said town a great number of projectiles, falcons, and culverins. this ammunition and artillery was ordered to be collected and kept by the said governor, so that the said borneans could not use it. all that happened on this said day passed before me and many others. i certify thereto--the treasurer salvador de aldave, the ensign juan de gamboa, luis de garnica, francisco chacon, and many others being witnesses. i certify thereto: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary and after the above events, in the settlement on the said river of borney, on sunday, the twentieth day of the month of april of the said year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in the islands of the west, with all his soldiers and troops in line of battle, entered certain houses said to belong to the said king of borney, and went through several of them from one part to another, and said that he was taking, and did take, possession of them, in the name of his majesty, king don felipe, our sovereign. from here, marching in battle-array, he disembarked, and went hither and thither in various parts, had many branches cut from trees there, and entered the mosque of the said town, and a large house which was among others in the settlement; here he ordered his lodging to be prepared and at present is lodged there. all this he declared that he did in sign of possession, and for the possession which he was taking and did take of the said settlement and of all the island of borney with intention to hold and defend it in the name of his majesty from whomsoever might try to oppose him. for defense of the troops in the said settlement, he ordered a stockade to be built, like a fort, where his lordship and all the other spaniards are lodged. he ordered me, the said notary, to testify to this; and i, the said notary, certify to all the abovesaid, for these events took place before me, as one coming upon the said conquest-witnesses thereto being pero lucas, luis de garnica, francisco chacon, and many others. _alonso beltran_, notary of his majesty and after the above events, in the said village on the river of borney, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of april of the above year, the said governor summoned an indian before him who, through the interpreter juan ochoa ttabudo, declared himself to be one sinagua, a native of the town of balayan, one of the six moros who left the flagship at his lordship's order with simagat and simagachina, with two letters for the king of borney. he was advised (but without administering the oath, because he was a moro) to tell truly what he knew and had seen, and the injuries and ill-treatment inflicted upon him and the others. he said that what he knows and what occurred is the following. as before declared, this witness is one of the six moros whom the said simagat and simagachina took with them when they carried the letters to the king of borney at the order of his lordship. when they reached the fleet of the king of borney, stationed in the port of an islet to forbid the entrance there of the spaniards, and when the said borneans saw them, these envoys were seized and each one placed in a separate galley--except this witness and one other moro, one sungayan, who were imprisoned together and put in fetters under the deck. this witness does not know what was done with the others. the next morning they took this witness and his above-mentioned companion and led them before a captain, whose name he does not know. this captain ordered them to be freed and food to be given them. then he ordered them to be placed in the said galley without this witness seeing any of the others who had gone with them. because he was below in the said galley, this witness did not see the fight between the said moros and spaniards, except that the vessels of the said borneans took flight, and that the galley in which this witness was fled up the river of borney, until its captain and crew landed. taking this witness and his companion with them, they marched inland one and one-half days, without this witness knowing whither they were taking them. finally, for fear of the said borneans, they hid themselves; for the said borneans were fleeing across country. this witness and his said companion fled and returned, until they found a small boat in which they embarked to look for the spaniards (keeping hidden in order not to meet any borneans), until they met certain spanish vessels, which they accompanied to the village, where the governor and spaniards now are. here they found alive the said simagat, who told them how he had been ill-treated, his gold taken from him, and himself threatened with death; and that the said borneans had killed the said simagachina. this witness is convinced of his death, for he has never appeared nor have they had any news of him. as he does not understand the language of borney, he cannot tell what passed among the said borneans, when he was captured; he knows this and naught else. and he declares it true, and affirms and ratifies the same. he is about twenty-five years of age. he did not sign the above, but the interpreter juan ochoa ttabudo, did so. before me: _alonso beltrán_, his majesty's notary [the deposition of the above native's companion follows. it is of similar tenor to the above.] and after the above events in the said settlement and river of borney, on the said day, month, and year above mentioned, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general of the islands of the west for his majesty, said that, because there was no fort where he could store and place the artillery, ammunition, and other material here at present, and in order that all might be kept safe and securely, he had ordered a fort to be constructed for the defense of his majesty's camp, and of the spaniards stationed in this settlement and river of borney with his lordship, where the said spaniards might gather. he ordered a house to be built within it where the powder and ammunition now here may be kept; likewise a hospital, where the sick may be cured, and a house in which to store the provisions for the said camp. in order that his majesty and the members of the royal council might know of all this, he ordered me, the said notary, to testify thereto. i, the said alonso beltran, his majesty's notary, certify by order of the said governor that after he took possession in the name of his majesty, of the settlement on the said river of borney, where at present he is lodged, he ordered the said fort and other buildings above mentioned to be constructed, and it has been finished with great despatch, with the assistance, in all the work, of the men of his camp. in order that all this may be evident, he ordered me, the said notary, to make one copy, or two or three, or as many more as are required, of the said records, in which all and singular he interposed, and he did interpose, his authority and judicial decree, in order that they should be valid and lawful in court and out of court; and he signed the same with his name. _doctor francisco de sande_ i certify thereto: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary the following is an exact and faithful copy of a letter missive written on paper in portuguese, dated at evora, march seven, one thousand five hundred and seventy-three, and bearing a signature, namely "el rey" ["the king"], which was found among certain papers in the house of the old king of borney. the tenor of this letter is as follows. _letter from the king of portugal_ noble and honored king of borneo: i, don sebastian, by the grace of god king of portugal and of the argarves, on this side and on the other side of the sea in africa, seignior of guinea, and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of etiopil [ethiopia], arabia, persia, and india, inform you that juao guago de andrado wrote me that, while passing your kingdom on his way to maluco, as captain of his galleon, you sent to confer with him about certain things touching my service. upon his entering, you communicated to him what i am very glad to know and for which i give you many thanks and express my appreciation. i beg that you will do, in regard to the matters that you discussed with the said juao guago, and in regard to other things, whatever offers itself for my service, and that you send to petition in my name my governor of malaca and the southern district, whatever you may be able to request; and he shall give it to you without delay and protect your affairs, as is fitting. given at evora, march seven, one thousand five hundred and seventy-three. _the king_ (this copy was made and copied from the said letter of the said king, which was found on the river of borney on the twenty-fourth of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight. witnesses, who saw it compared and collated, were francisco pacheco and alonso falcon. i certify thereto: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary) that which you, captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa shall observe on the expedition which you are about to make, god our lord helping, is as follows: from this city and island of borney, god willing, you shall go to the islands of xolo, where you shall endeavor to reduce that chief and his people to the obedience of his majesty. you shall bargain with them as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall be in pearls, as they are wont to give to the king of borney. you shall exercise great care and, if possible, much mildness; for it is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated; therefore, in case they receive you peaceably, you shall treat them well. and, in addition to the above, you must order that, besides the tribute that they are to pay in pearls, they shall obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the spaniards or castilians, may buy them; that they must trade with us from now on; that every year castilians will go to their lands with cloths and merchandise from china, of whatever they shall declare that they may need. you shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to go freely to manila and to come to borney, although not to steal. _item_: you shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; and you shall seek it and see that it be brought you with all haste. you shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels, sails, and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and you shall deprive them of those supplies, for it is notorious that those people are common marauders. and because of my information that the chief who calls himself lord of xolo is a bornean, and owns houses in this city of borney; that he fought against us in the naval battle, and that he fled to xolo, where he is now; and since i am told that he took two galleys and three small vessels, artillery, and ammunition--you shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys, vessels, artillery, and ammunition. if he acquiesce, you shall give him a passport. you shall see whether he has any children; and, if so, you shall take one, and tell him that he must come to see me in borney in february. and, as i have said, this must be done if possible gently, in order that no people may be killed. you shall tell them that it will be to their advantage to be vassals of his majesty, and our allies. if they do not act respectfully, and it shall be necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. and inasmuch as the joloans, as is well known, are open pirates, whose only ambition is to steal, and to assault men in order to sell them elsewhere--especially as they go annually for plunder among all the pintados islands, which are under his majesty's dominion--you shall try to ascertain the pintados slaves among them, in order to return such to their homes, especially those who are christians. and, as i have said, you shall deprive them of such vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their fishing-vessels, so that if the said lord of jolo so desire, he can come to confer reasonably with me. thus you shall ascertain who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries; and you shall command them expressly to settle down in their land, to cultivate, sow, and harvest, develop the pearl industry, and cease to be pirates. you shall order them to raise fowls and cattle. you shall try to ascertain their number, and bring it to me in writing, in order that i may see it, together with the distance from these islands to the jolo islands, information regarding the food, water, and healthfulness of that land, and other things that may occur to you. and you shall tell the people, in my name, that they shall tame for me a couple of elephants; and that i shall send for those animals and pay for them. after having finished affairs in xolo, if time permits you shall, god willing, go to the island of mindanao. there you shall try, by the most convenient methods and with friendliness, to reduce the chief of the river of bindinao, and the other chiefs of that island, and of those near by, to the obedience of his majesty--giving him to understand what they will gain in becoming his majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us. and, in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making peace with us, you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you shall take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such form as they are willing to give. thus you shall suit their convenience in everything pertaining to them, and cause them to understand the great expenses of his majesty in this land. you shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly, since we come to teach them our civilization, and most of all the service of god, our lord, who created and redeemed them, and of whom they are ignorant; and how to live in accord with natural law, as is their obligation. for this purpose you shall tell them that you are going to their land for two principal reasons. the first is that they should cease to be pirates, who rob and harry the weak, and enslave wherever and whomsoever they can--selling their captives outside of their own island, and separating them from their wives and children; and that they must cease to commit other like cruelties and thefts, and must become good and virtuous men, who shall grow to merit the second and principal reason for going to their lands. you shall give them to understand that they are ignorant of god, our lord, who created and redeemed them, so that when they know him they may serve him and become good. it is quite evident that they will gain very much in these things, and therefore it is right that they aid us and give us something. this shall be at their own will, as above said. _item_: you shall order them not to admit any more preachers of the doctrine of mahoma, since it is evil and false, and that of the christians alone is good. and because we have been in these regions so short a time, the lord of bindanao has been deceived by the preachers of borney, and the people have become moros. you shall tell him that our object is that he be converted to christianity; and that he must allow us freely to preach the law of the christians, and the natives must be allowed to go to hear the preaching and to be converted, without receiving any harm from the chiefs. and you shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect of mahoma, and shall seize and bring them before me. and you shall burn or destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has been preached, and you shall order that it be not rebuilt. _item_: you shall order that the indians shall not go outside of their island to trade; and you shall seize those vessels used for plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your judgment, are used for trade and fishing. you shall take also what artillery and ammunition they have. you shall ascertain the harvest, seasons, and products of the land; the gold mines, and the places where they wash gold; the number of inhabitants, and their settlements; and their customs. you must especially secure information regarding cinnamon, in order to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if one must go to cabite for it, and why it is not as good as that which the portuguese take to castilla. you shall ascertain how they cut and strip it from the tree, and if it be of importance that it dry on the tree, or in what other manner it should be treated; for i have been told that that obtained from these districts in the past has not been good, and has not a good sale in españa. and, since it might happen that the people will not make peace, and may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish them as you deem best, taking special care not to trust them for it is evident that before all else they will, if possible, commit some treachery. you must not await such an occasion, for we know already their treachery against his majesty's fleet commanded by villalobos, certain of whose men they killed under assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. in that treachery all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for four or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat, which contained four or five spaniards. likewise many people took part in the killing of the said villalobos's master-of-camp, and other soldiers, in that same year. you shall remind them of these things, and warn them; for, from now on, we shall destroy them and their generation. and since it might happen that, without any occasion of war or peace, the said natives flee to the mountains, you shall order that certain of the said natives summon them; and, when they have come, you shall discuss the matter with them. if they refuse to come, you shall, in conformity with your orders, remain there a given time. and if they continue to refuse to come down, you shall leave them, and shall return, without permitting their houses to be burned or their palm-trees to be cut down. neither shall anything be stolen from them; but you shall take only what is absolutely necessary for food, and the food and other things necessary to provision your vessels for the return trip. you shall try to secure information of the island of linboton, as well as of batachina and celebes, so as to advise me thereof; and you shall do this in accord with the time-limit i have set for you to make this exploration, and you shall observe the same rule as in that of mindanao. in order that we may allot in encomiendas whatever people are found in these districts, you shall bring me a signed notarial writ. thus, as those lands have no other owner, the natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of his majesty, according to his will--and by war, if the natives begin it, so that war on our part may be just, and that the same justice may continue, so that we can compel them to obey, and impose tributes upon them. you shall exercise much diligence in this and see to it that these orders be carried out carefully and intelligently. god willing, i shall be in borney by the end of the month of january next--or, at the latest, by the eighth of february--with the fleet and all the necessaries that must be brought from manila, and that which is here. and at that time your grace shall come to borney with the fleet that you have, and with all the people that you have or shall have in the pintados, so that we may do here whatever is proper for the service of his majesty, to which we are bound. these instructions must not be disregarded in any point, unless i advise you to the contrary by letter. and to this end you shall see that all who live and dwell there be commissioned for the above, in addition to their other duties. given at borney, may twenty-three, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight. if the natives of mindanao or of any other place shall give tribute according to the above, you shall act according to the usual custom in these islands--namely, you shall take one-half and place it to the account of his majesty, while the other half shall be distributed among the soldiers. given _ut supra_. _doctor francisco de sande_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary (i delivered a copy of these instructions to captain esteban rodriguez de figueroa, so that he should observe and keep the orders therein set forth. i certify thereto at this time. father fray martin de rada, to whom his lordship communicated it, said that it was well arranged. _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary) in the city of manila, on the fifth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said governor, in order to verify the above, summoned to his presence an indian, who through the interpreter juan vicente declared himself to be one matelin magat buxa amat, a native of bayan. without taking the oath, he promised to tell the truth as far as he knew it, and in what was asked him. being asked that he tell and declare who killed martin, an indian who was taking some letters to the king of borney the past year, seventy-eight, and the reason therefor, he made the following declaration and deposition. this witness has resided in the said island of borney from childhood, more than forty years. when the said governor was near the port of the bay of borney with a fleet, this witness and many other moros went, at command of the king of borney, to fight with the spaniards. he noticed that the battle was waged for some time, for this witness was one of those taken as captain of a vessel, until he and the other moros fled. but this witness did not see the said martin, who was carrying the said letters, killed. he knows, however, that a moro named sidata killed him with a dagger-thrust in the neck by order of the said king of borney. the wife of this witness buried the said martin, for he was a relative of this witness. she buried him in front of the house of this witness where their relatives are buried. when this witness returned to borney, he learned of the said martin's death, and that he was buried, and who had killed him. also this witness found in the prison of the king of borney, in the middle of the said river, the other indian, magat, the companion of the said martin, who had been entrusted with the said letters. he was a prisoner in the said prison, and had a chain about his neck, and his hands bound with reeds; and they had taken from him the gold chains that he wore on his neck. this witness knows that this said gold was taken by panguilan salalila, and afterward the king took it. the said panguilan salalila is the uncle of the king of borney. the said salalila and many other moros fought in the fleet of the said king of borney, in defense of the said port--for instance, tumango, the said king's brother, bandahala, the said king's nephew, and each man in his own vessel. being asked what was done to eight [_sic_] indians who accompanied the said indians entrusted with the said letters, this witness said that he did not know, for he was always in the fleet, fighting with the spaniards. afterward, inasmuch as the said magat, who was imprisoned, was his relative, he went to the said prison to free him, and gave his jailer, by name patimuhaurat, a large culverin weighing fifteen arrobas, and pledged himself to give him four slaves and two taes of gold. thereupon the said jailer released the said magat, and this witness accompanied him to a spanish vessel. the said jailer and the other bornean moros fled. afterward the said jailer returned to borney, where this witness saw him deliver the said culverin to the flagship of his majesty, by order of his lordship. after a certain period this witness saw that the said governor with his fleet went to manila, whereupon, in fear lest the said moros should kill him, he came to this city. this is what he knows, and his deposition, and contains true answers to what he has been asked. he knows naught else, and has affirmed and ratified the above. he appears to be some fifty or so years old. he did not sign his name. _juan vicente_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary [likewise the deposition of one amiguicon, a native of luzon, was taken. its essential parts are as follows:] being asked how long he had lived in borney and what he was doing there, he said, as above, that he is a native of this island of lucon and that about fourteen years ago he went to trade in borney with property and merchandise. the king of borney would not let him come to this city, and refused him permission therefor. thus he made cloth for him and served him in war and did whatever offered until his lordship came to borney. asked what he was doing in borney when the said governor went there, this witness said that, when the said governor arrived at the bay of borney, he went out by command of the king of borney in a galley with artillery, to fight with his lordship's vessels. other galleys and many soldiers went also. in the galley in charge of this witness were fifty-four fighting men, and more than thirty rowers. there were six pieces of artillery, two large ones at the bow and four culverins at the sides. in the vessel commanded by the son of the old king who reigns in borney, by name soltan lijar, were twenty pieces, three large ones in the bow, and the others at the sides. all the said galleys and other vessels were about fifty in number, and all went out to fight with the fleet of the said governor. these fifty-four vessels consisted of galleys and large ships, besides many other small boats that sailed--sail-boats, _bancas_, and _barangayes_ [27]--all of which fleet was seen by this witness as he set out for the port where the battle was fought. the said king of borney remained in his galley at the mouth of the river, anchored at an islet called polocharami. after the borneans were conquered, they all fled, as did this witness. after two or three days, this witness and other bornean moros came to the said governor, and begged him to pardon them; accordingly the said governor granted them pardon. when this witness was asked whether he had seen an indian, named martin, and another, magat, a chief of this island, and some six or seven other indians who served them as oarsmen, whom the said governor was sending to the said king of borney with letters of peace, and what the said king did, he responded that he did not see the said messengers, but that he knew that they had gone with letters from the said governor for the king. this witness knew one of them, namely, magat. because this witness was with the said fleet at the entrance of the said port, he did not see what passed with the king, but it is well known that the said king had the said martin killed, and the said magat imprisoned, as well as the other indians who served as oarsmen. they brought one of the said indians, who served as oarsman (who were from the port of this city [manila]) to this witness, to be cured of a wound in the arm that had been inflicted upon him. this indian is a slave of don agustín, chief of tondo. the slayer of the said chief martin was a bornean moro, named siparardal. the said magat was imprisoned, and his gold taken from him, and they wished to kill him. this witness knows that the said borneans commenced the fight first with the spaniards, firing many artillery-shots at them. they refused any alliance with the spaniards; on the contrary, he saw that they mocked the spaniards, and told them that they would all be killed and their fleet seized. thus this witness saw that they set about the execution of this; for he was ordered by the said king of borney to go out in the said galley to fight with the spaniards. as soon as the said moros were defeated they broke and fled. _instructions as to what captain don juan arce de sadornil is to observe in this present expedition to the island and city of borney, which belongs to his majesty_: the route and navigation, both going and coming, are known, and you have a pilot. therefore i shall say nothing more than to warn you not to disembark on any of the islands, unless forced to by necessity, and then with a force of men, so that the natives may commit no treason. when you reach the island of borney in the district of [illegible words in ms.]--the place to which captain esteban rodriguez went for _contrayerva,_ [28] and the people engaged in trade and gave information as to the condition of borney--where, they tell me, is the _panguilan_ [29] maraxa de raxa, you shall halt at that coast to see if he is there, which you will ascertain from such moro vessels as you will meet before reaching that place. and finding him there, you will give him my letter. you will ascertain from him the condition of affairs in borney; the whereabouts of soltan lijar, and what he intends to do; whether portuguese have gone thither, and if they are still there; and other things which may seem proper to you. you are already aware that i left as commander in borney the panguilan maraxa de raxa, and that i gave him a letter of assurance and friendship, and another to the panguilan salalila; you must observe all friendship toward them. as soon as you have arrived, you must confer with the panguinals [_sc._ panguilans]; you shall ascertain from some indians whether the king of borney has returned, and his condition, and that of the settlement. if these panguilans tell your grace that you should not go to [the port of] borney, but should remain where you are, and that they are going to talk to the king--or whatever other reasons they may adduce, your grace will tell them that you are ordered to anchor at the island of mohala, where the battle occurred, and that your grace will await them there for conference; and your grace will tell them that they should read my letters to the king. and, if it seems advisable to your grace, you shall write to the king, briefly, telling him of the firm friendship that he will receive from me, and the great advantage that will undoubtedly accrue to him in becoming a vassal of his majesty, the king, our sovereign. if the said panguilans do not appear, then your grace will continue your voyage and anchor at the above-named place. you shall send my letters to borney, with the following order. if either one of the panguilans is dead or absent, the letters shall be given to the other. if neither is found there, the letters shall be given to the king; if he is not there, then to the most influential man; and your grace shall write him that he advise you speedily, and assign him a certain limit of time for the answer. should you be informed that raxayro, king of xolo, is there, you shall write him also, observing the same order as the above. you shall request from the king of borney that he render obedience to his majesty, king don ffelipe, our sovereign, king of castilla and leon; that he promise to observe it faithfully, as his vassal, and that he serve him in peace and in war in this land wherever his majesty commands. if he does this, then i shall pardon him for his want of respect and his crime of last year, when he killed my ambassador, and commenced to wage war upon us, although we offered him good terms of peace. _item_: in acknowledgment of this subjection, he shall pay tribute to his majesty, to consist of camphor, galleys, or other products of that land, and in the quantity not agreed upon with him, but to his pleasure--until his majesty and i, in his royal name, order the contrary. he shall promise not to receive pirates in that land, and that he will not despatch plundering expeditions anywhere, nor permit any slaves to be taken from among the natives to china, or to the portuguese, or to any other place, telling him that that island is depopulated thereby. _item_: that each year the king of borney and his successors send one or two vessels to this city to bring the tribute and to trade. _item_: that when i agree to settle in that island, he shall go to the place selected, with his people, or send there, and build houses and whatever else is necessary for the settlement, those who work at this to receive pay. in exchange for this, you will tell him the great advantages that will accrue to him from our alliance: that his majesty will show him favor; and that, if he has any enemy who undertakes to war upon him, i shall defend him, and shall send thither the fleet of his majesty, if he advise me of such need. _item_. if the said king declares that he will flee to the mountains, and refuses to come to confer with you, and shall not render obedience, then you shall try to remove his fear. if he shall persist in this, then you shall leave him without doing him any harm, telling him to send to me here, with letters, a moro chief for conference with me. if the king do not appear, and the city is inhabited, you shall treat concerning these matters with the most influential person there, in accordance with the above. in order to send this message, you are taking bornean moros, to despatch them two by two. everything that passes must be in writing and attested by a notary. you likewise have a letter from the daughter of the panguilan salalila, telling the borneans what good treatment i have accorded to the captives here, and how happy she is. after having despatched what pertains to the above, you shall investigate the river of tamaran. without doing them any hurt, you shall summon that people, and examine the location of their land, and ascertain whether we can settle there; also the depth of the river, and the number of inhabitants. you shall decide with them about the tribute they are to pay; and, even if they do not pay any, or pay but little, you shall do them no harm. after examining the river of baran, you shall return to this city as soon as possible. if there are any portuguese in borney, or any should come while your grace is there, your grace shall give them a hospitable reception. you shall ascertain from them both the condition of their affairs and as much else as you are able. if they commence to show any disrespect or hostility, then your grace will try with the utmost diligence to secure the victory. in no other circumstances shall you wage war with them. and should you come to hostilities with them, your grace shall bring what they have to this city. even if the king of borney should be fortified and have repaired his forts in polocharami and panigaran, your grace will take no notice of that, but transact your business in accordance with your orders. therefore your grace shall in no wise fight, unless he commences it, as upon the other occasion. then your grace shall take what steps are necessary, since the thing is forced on you. your grace shall see to it that your fleet of vessels remain together; and if any of them become separated in crossing the wide expanses of water in your course, you shall give orders where it shall meet you, so that all may be kept in order. in case you have to fight, you shall put the ship from castilla in the front, and the others shall aid it, and, being lighter, can be used better for pursuit. you shall exercise great care in regard to the musketeers, and put them in charge of an experienced man, and let opportunity be given them to advance. _item_: you shall exercise care, so that, if the bornean galleys take the lead, they shall not separate from the castilian galley and the neapolitan fragata; likewise that the latter does not separate from the castilian galley. _item_: you shall see to it that the spaniards do not kill or steal any cow (for there are but few), so that the king of borney make no complaint. there are cows in borney and in mohala, in the island of bencoraco. notice shall be given among your people, so that these beasts may be preserved; in the river of tabaron, where i have said that you must go, the men may kill swine and deer, if necessity arise, for there are many of these animals there. _item_: you shall not allow any slave, male or female, to be taken. you shall exercise great care in this, imposing the penalty of death on whomsoever shall steal them; and even should the natives wish to sell slaves [30] the spaniards shall not buy them, if they are natives of the same island. given at manila, february twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _doctor francisco de sande_ by order of his lordship: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary in the flagship "espíritu santo," on the fourth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain don juan arce de sadornil said that, inasmuch as he is not taking a notary of his majesty or a notary-public for the negotiations and legal proceedings that may arise in this voyage in the said galley and the other vessels of the said fleet despatched this year to the kingdom of borney, before whom the said proceedings and negotiations may be executed, in order that they may attest what happens; and inasmuch as it is necessary for his majesty's service to appoint a skilful person to the said office: therefore, with entire confidence in the character and capability of manuel de caceres, and feeling certain that he will therefore fill the said office faithfully, in that manner and form most suitable to the requirements of the law, he appointed, and he did appoint, as notary of this said fleet the said manuel de caceres before whom shall pass the legal proceedings, suits, and other negotiations that shall occur, and he shall attest them as notary. i, the said manuel de caceres, being present, accept it, and swear before god, our lord, and on the sign of the cross--which i do with my right hand--to exercise precisely, faithfully, and legally, the said office of notary in the negotiations and proceedings which shall take place before me, and to keep secret whatever is necessary, under penalty of falling into the lowest infamy and perjury, and of being punished according to law. witnesses are andres de la tubilla, juan de yepes, sergeant cristoval de arqueta, and don juan arce. before me: _manuel caceres_, notary-elect in the galley "espiritu santo," belonging to his majesty, while it was anchored at the port of mohala, in the island and kingdom of borney, on the twentieth of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, in the presence of me, the notary, and the undersigned witnesses, the illustrious captain juan de arce sadornil declared that, inasmuch as his grace came by order of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these western islands, to this said river, to see whether the said natives of the said river and city of borney were settled, as they were when subdued by force of arms by the said governor, and when he left them for the city of manila; and to see whether soltan lixar, king of borneo, had returned to his former village, and what was become of him, and what persons might be present in his stead; and that by all good methods he [sadornil] should calm and pacify them, and give them the governor's letters; and do other things set down clearly and ordered by the instructions given by his lordship; and, inasmuch as the said captain had come to this said port of mohala, but has been unable to have any intercourse in regard to the above matters, as the said governor orders, although he has tried and done his utmost, and in the manner which his lordship orders by his instruction; and inasmuch as, having arrived at this said port on this said day, and having seen many vessels leave the said port of borney--which, although he awaited them and cast anchor for this purpose, never came to him so that he could hold communication with them, in order that the said bornean moros might become quiet and learn his majesty's purpose, and that of his lordship and of his captain in his royal name--to wit, that i am not to do them harm or annoy them, but on the contrary to protect and defend them; and that they might know the true god and the true pathway of salvation: therefore the said captain summoned to his presence sipopat and esin, bornean moros, whom his lordship took to manila last year. the said captain has brought them for this purpose, and given them to understand the above through the said francisco magat; and he delivered to them two letters from the said governor, written in our language and translated into the bornean language, and signed with his name--one for the panguilan marraxa de raxa, and the other for the panguilan salalila. he also gave them two other letters in the bornean tongue for the said salalila, which were written by his daughter and son-in-law in the city of manila. the said sipopat and esin went to the said captain to take the said letters and to hear the message imparted to them by the said captain. they were to return with the answer that would be given them in the river of borney. all of which, i, the said notary, attest, together with the witnesses present, to wit, father baltasar de miranda, ecclesiastical presbyter, ensign salvador de sequera, sergeant cristoval de arqueta, luis briceño, bartolome de tapia. and the said captain signed it. _don juan de arce_ before me: _manuel de caceres_, notary in the port of mohala, in the kingdom of borney, on the twenty-first day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious don juan de arce summoned to his presence the captain and pilot of a chinese ship, which was anchored in the said port, each one of them alone; and before me, the said notary, through the moro simagat, an interpreter of the sangley [_i.e._, chinese] and spanish tongues, questioned them on the condition of affairs in the land, and whether the king soltan lixar had returned to his former settlement; and in regard to the panguilans maraxa de raxa and salalila, and other matters pertaining to the service of his majesty. they answered that they had entered the said port three days ago; that upon this said day the king and his people had received news of the coming of the spaniards; and that the king of borney had ordered them to enter the said river with another chinese vessel there. but they refused because they did not know what would happen to them. from that time, when night came they began to annoy them with their small boats and conpites. they said that the king soltan lijar was in borney, and that the panguilan salalila had died by some disease. they had heard, from the fishermen who came to their boat to sell fish, that the king had a fort up the river where he had placed the women and the food-supplies of the city when he heard of our coming. the said fishermen told them that the king had ordered a quantity of poison to be thrown into the water, in order to kill the people. they had heard even that the death of the said salalila happened thus. they knew naught else, for they were come hither but recently. this is the truth, and they know naught else. i, the present notary, attest the same; and the said interpreter simagat, as well as the said captain, signed it. _don juan de arce_ before me: _manuel de caceres_, notary and after the above events, on the twenty-second day of the month of march, of the said year, in the presence of me, the said notary, and the witnesses who here signed, appeared the said moros sipopat and esin, whom his grace had sent to the said city of borney. they brought a paper written in bornean, which they said was given them by the king, soltan lijar. they declared that the said king had received the letters addressed to the said panguilans maraxa de raxa and salalila, as the said salalila was dead, and maraxa de raxa had gone to the river of saragua. the king said that he wished alliance with the said captain, and therefore sent that written letter, in which he says the same thing. he wrote it so that the spaniards might believe it. likewise he had sent two caracoas, which came in care of the above-named envoys. and i, the said notary, and many others saw these boats. they came flying white flags, and anchored near our fleet. from there they sent the said moros, our messengers, in a _baroto_. [31] all of the above was interpreted by simaguat, moro interpreter of the said language. the said captain having seen this, and because he had no one who could read the letter, gave a verbal response to the said moros, through simagat, ordering them to tell the king that he had no one who knew how to read and write the said bornean language, and for this reason he did not write to him. he said that the wish of the said governor, and his own through the former's order, was that the king should become our ally, and recognize as seignior the king of castilla, our sovereign; and that he should come to treat with the said captain, or send one of his chiefs, so that the latter might discuss the matter, since this was so desirable for his tranquillity and his honor. thereupon he ordered the messengers to be despatched. the witnesses present were luis briseño, alonso locano, bartolome de tapia, and many other persons. _don juan arce_ i attest the above: _manuel de caceres_, notary thereupon on this said day, month, and year abovementioned, a moro whom the said captain said he knew last year as a slave of the panguilan salalila, appeared then before the said captain don juan de arce. the said moro said that he was the abovementioned person, and that he had come into the possession of the king through the death of his master. the king treated him badly; and, as soon as he knew that the spaniards were in this port, he came to them. then the said captain, through the said simagat, ordered the said moro to be questioned about the death of the said salalila, his master; the whereabouts of the panguilan maraja de raxa; whether the king, soltan lijar, was in borney; where he had hidden when the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, the governor, was here last year; whether the said king was fortified; what artillery and provisions he had; and what he was now doing. this witness replied that his name was sisian, and that he was a native of sian. he came to this kingdom of borney with his mother, and had always been the slave of the panguilan maraxa de raxa, and served the said salalila likewise when occasion offered. after the said governor went to manila, this indian served the said salalila the entire time. he saw that, some days after the said maraxa de raxa had despatched advice that the spaniards had gone, king soltan lijar came to his settlement of borney with about fifty vessels, large and small--among them being a galley of manrijar in which was the body of the old king, his father, who had died at baran, a few days before, from a disease. they buried him with solemnity in the river of borney. with the said soltan lijar came the _vandaran_, who serves as steward and treasurer, and the _tumangan_, or chief justice, the panguilan salam, and others. as soon as he entered the river, the other persons and panguilans who were fugitives outside the city began to return. the king began to collect all his artillery, and has collected by this time about two hundred pieces. he summoned all his bisayan and moro allies in order to build a fort, which he has built up the river, from palm-trees four brazas high. he placed there all his artillery, wives, food, and provisions, as soon as he heard of our coming. only the men stayed on the river, keeping close watch. as to the death of his master, as soon as the king had come, he asked salalila why he had married his daughter to don agustin, chief of tondo in the city of manila, who had come to this said river with the said governor. he said that salalila replied that he had done it for fear, and to please the spaniards. thereupon the king dissimulated until, after a month, there came a large galleon and a galley of portuguese, who negotiated by letters and in person with the king, and went up to the city and traded about a hundred slaves, wax, and other goods. at the end of ten days the portuguese left for maluco; and three days after salalila was dead, from a sickness that lasted less than half a day. it was a sudden looseness of the bowels, which proved so severe that, on getting up to ease himself, he fell dead. it was rumored among the people that the king had ordered him to be poisoned; but so great was the fear of the said king that no one dared to discuss it. it is now five months since the said maraxa de raxa left the city of borney with two caracoas. this witness has heard it said that the king sent him to tolobaran, and to all the other rivers as far as saragua, in order to look for a good location in which to settle with all his people in a strong and well-provisioned place; and he has not returned. he knows nothing more of this. after the death of the said salalila, the king took all his property and slaves, among the latter this witness. because he was very tired and worn out in making the fort which he has mentioned, and in cutting wood for another fort, which the king intended to build on the site where the said governor had settled near the mosque, this witness resolved to flee to the spaniards, in order to go to the city of manila to the daughter of the panguilan salalila, his master. when asked how many portuguese vessels came, and if this witness saw them, and if he went to them, he answered that he had gone to them many times with his master; that they were in a ship of deep draught and a large castilian galley; that the galley was much larger than this flagship; that it carried ninety men and three large pieces at the bow, and falcons at the stern. the large ship carried one hundred portuguese, eight large pieces, and many culverins. the crew of the galley, or rowers, were chained, and the galley was in poor condition from storms that it had suffered. in this port a mast and other equipment were made. and in regard to what he knows touching the hiding-place of the king during his lordship's stay in this river, he says that it was well-known that he was in a river of bisayas in the province of malanao, near to saragua. this is all that he can tell and no more. this his deposition being read, he declared it true. by his appearance his age must be about forty years. the said captain signed the above in the presence of many witnesses. _don juan arce_ before me: _manuel de caceres_, notary after the above events, in the said port, this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the illustrious captain don juan arce de sadornil ordered certain soldiers, before me, the present notary, and the witnesses here signed, to go in the neapolitan frigate in pursuit of a bornean sail which passed near the flagship, flying a white flag of peace, to take the indians who were in the said vessel, and bring them before his grace, in order that they might talk with them, and learn what had happened in the city of borney, so that he might take action more intelligently. in obedience to the said captain's order, the said soldiers went and executed the above-mentioned command, and captured a tapaque, with seven indians. these men, when asked of what place they were native, and whether they were _amaguas_ and slaves, and whence they were coming, answered through the said simagat that they were natives of borney and slaves of king soltan lijar, and that they were coming from the river of baran to buy food. questioned about the panguilans salalila and maraxa de raxa, and the others, they said that the said salalila had died from his illness, and that the said maraxa de raxa had gone to the said river of saragua, they knew not why. questioned as to where the king was, what he was doing, and where he was living, and if he had a fortress, and where they said that at the river above borney he had built a fort of tall palm-trees; that he was trying to build another in the city, near the mosque; that he was in the city, and was living in the houses there, which are usually of straw. they had heard that the said king had collected two hundred pieces of artillery, counting large and small pieces, but that he lacked ammunition. he had repaired a vessel--the one brought by the said captain from saragua last year--to send it to the kingdom of sian for artillery. not long after the departure hence of the governor, they had seen a deep-draught vessel and a large galley at the said city and river of borney, with people and artillery. they had learned from others that they were portuguese, and that they conferred with the king of borney, and then went away. they knew nothing else. when questioned whether any among them knew how to write, they answered that two of them knew how. each one of them singly interpreted the paper sent by the said king soltan to the said captain. translated into our language through the interpreters, the said simagat and sitales, this letter was as follows. _letter of king soltan_ i, soltan lijar, king of borney, received the letters from captain don juan to maraxa de raxa and the panguilan salalila, because of the absence of the panguilan maraxa de raxa, and the death of salalila, who died from illness. if captain don juan wishes my friendship, i will be his friend, for i am willing to be such. then the said captain wrote a letter, which through the agency of alonso buytrago and the said interpreters was translated into the bornean language and characters. after treating the said indians hospitably, he ordered them to give the letter to the said king, and despatched them. i, the said notary, attest all the above. witnesses are ensign salvador de sequera, sergeant cristoval de arqueta, bartolome de tapia, and others. _don juan arce_ before me: _manuel caceres_, notary on this said day, he immediately sent this letter to the said king, by means of the said indians, in the presence of me, the notary, and the witnesses herein signed. the tenor of this letter is as follows, and was translated, as above said, into their language, by the aforesaid. noble and honorable king of borney: i, captain juan, received a letter from your majesty, by which i was informed that the letters which i had sent to the panguilan salalila and maraxa de raxa had been received by your majesty, because of the death of salalila, and the absence of the other. i was very glad thereat, and to learn, as i did, that your majesty was in this kingdom, rebuilding your so ancient and noble city, which is a token that you wish to live in tranquillity and honor, as now is shown. your majesty wished to take up arms last year, and, like a man without common sense, to make war on one who did not make war. the governor, don francisco de sande, captain-general of our people, and of all these islands, on the contrary, had only a desire for the friendship of your majesty and your people. it was god's will, therefore, that you be conquered; and, contrary to our intention, your town was destroyed. this was very little damage compared to the advantage that you would derive from becoming vassals of his majesty, the king of castilla, our sovereign, and the ally of the castilians in this land; and from your people trading in peace throughout all this land, both with spaniards and with the moros of manila, balayan, bonbon, mindoro, çubu, and any other district, so that the borneans will become very rich and make great profits. if your majesty makes an alliance with us, it is quite certain that you will find good friends in us--and so much so, that if any other king should molest you and you should have need of aid, the said governor will send his galleys and fleet to protect your majesty, as if he were offering aid to our own spaniards. if your majesty refuses our alliance, then will ensue much harm, for you will never sleep secure in your bed. neither will your vassals live in ease. the spaniards are so brave and so daring that they regard fighting and dangers as a repast. instead of thus offending them, i request you urgently that you should take good counsel as to what you should do, and quickly; so that, if you wish to make peace with me here, we may confer any time tomorrow. or you may appoint a chief who will bear your letter of credit and authorization to treat, in your name, concerning what is necessary. if not, then i shall not be able to prevent certain damage that my people will commit, although my governor orders me not to commit any damage; and, to obey his order, i anchored in this port of mohala. i shall stay here until i receive word as to your intentions, until the said time expires. and now, because i am told that your majesty is a sensible man, and will study my reasons carefully, as is fitting, i shall say no more. may god give you much health, and grace that you may know him. written at mohala, in his majesty's flagship. (this said letter was translated, and sent in the form and manner abovesaid, witnesses being luis briceño, alonso locano, bartolome tapia, and other persons. i, the above-named notary, attest the same, which is drawn in the said galley in the said port, on the twenty-third day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. i attest it: _manuel de caceres_, notary in the said port, on the said day, the twenty-third of march, of the said year, the indians sipopot and esin returned before the said captain and in their keeping were the said two caracoas. they anchored near by, and stated, through the said interpreters, that the said king declared that he would come next day to confer with the said captain. he would not come to his fleet, however, but on the coast of this said island, where each one would land with five or ten men, an equal number of borneans and of spaniards. they would treat for peace and of whatever else was fitting. the said spaniards should not come in coats-of-mail, since they were to treat of peace. the said captain answered that he would be very glad to meet him as he proposed, and that he should come next morning. and if he did not come that day, then he would know that his reasons were only pretense, and that he was putting him off with words. thereupon he sent the said indians together with those who took the letter above set forth; and i, the said notary, testified thereto. witnesses were pablo granado, andres de la tubilla, alonso lozano, and many others. _don juan arce_ i certify thereto: _manuel de caceres_, notary and after all the above events in the said port of mohala, in the said galley "espíritu santo," on the twenty-fifth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain don juan arce summoned to his presence ensign francisco rodriguez, ensign salvador de sequera, ensign pedro de salasar, and sergeants bartolomé de tapia, cristoval de arqueta, antonio canedo, francisco de ribera, melchior de villanueva, alonso loçano, juan de chavarria, luis briceño, cristoval xuares, baltasar de bustamente, juan de la feria, juan de yepes, and antonio sanchez, for this purpose having ordered the rally sounded by trumpet. when these had come and with them the other persons and soldiers whom he wished to be present, the said captain took the instructions for this expedition given him by the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these western islands, and auditor of his royal audiencia of mexico, and ordered it to be read publicly in the presence of the above-named persons. when it had been read and heard publicly by all, the said captain told them his reason for summoning them together to hear the said instructions--namely, that they might know that king soltan had broken his word given two or three days previously. he said that he would come to treat with the said captain; and he had not sent messengers to excuse his inability to come, nor had he done anything else. therefore it was proved that he had entertained them with promises, in order that he might collect and place in his fort the rest of his property. especially was this proved more conclusively, for on this said day no fishermen had come, as was their usual custom, to the fleet to trade their fish. however they had come near to get their nets and a sort of weir with which they are wont to catch fish. and although the captain wished to enter the city and river of borney, he did not dare to do so, in order not to violate the order of the said governor; for he had heard that they would not neglect to station some scout-boats in borney with some culverins and artillery, and that they would fire at us, and then take flight to the fort which was reported to have been built. not being able to pursue them or attack them, because of having no commission for it, meant that he would suffer in estimation and lose reputation among them. this did not appear desirable to him, so he resolved to send some soldiers in a light vessel next day, with orders only to see whether they had the said fort, or had commenced to build it, in the islets of polocelemin [32] and pangaran, in order to advise his lordship concerning it. he resolved to wait several days, in order to make other inquiries, as he should consider best. the captain told all those present that they should examine this resolve to see whether it was proper. if any other thing could be done or ought to be done, more befitting his majesty's service and that of the said governor in his royal name, he requested them to tell him; for if their advice was good he would accept and act upon it willingly. all of the above-named answered--not excepting any point--that nothing better could be done; that it was very well considered and ordained; that he should carry out his plan for the examination of the said islets in order to give his lordship an account of them; and that, with this and the inquiries made by his grace, he would have done everything to which his commission obliged him. and it was not at all fitting to give the moros any opportunity to say that we came back to make war upon them, especially without the orders of his lordship. i, the present notary, attest all the above, which occurred as set down above, witnesses being father baltasar de miranda, juan de santiago, pedro granado, the above-named. the said captain and the other witnesses signed the same with their names. _don juan de arce_ _pedro granado de aguero_ witness, _baltasar de miranda_ _juan de santiago_ before me, and i attest the same: _manuel de caceres_, notary i, manuel de caceres, notary, appointed by the illustrious captain juan de arce sadornil in this expedition made this present year to the kingdom of borney, hereby attest to all that see this present, that from certain enclosures with nets, that are wont to be set near this fleet, certain moros with their boats were wont to come hither to trade their fish. as we paid them and gave them good treatment, they returned, and thus they were wont to do. on this day more boats coming to the said enclosures, they drew up their nets, went away and did not bring us any fish, nor did they appear, nor do we know why they do not come. this argues the suspicion that their king or some one else has summoned them. at the request of the said captain, i give this present, so that what is done in the galley "espiritu santo," in the said port of mohala, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, may be evident. witnesses of the above are anton sanchez, baltasar de bustamente, juan de santiago, and other persons. i attest the same: _manuel de caceres_, notary in the port of mohala, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said captain, in observance of the above decision, in the presence of me, the notary, and the witnesses hereunto signed, ordered ensign salvador de sequera, accompanied by the men assigned to him, to embark in the neapolitan fragata belonging to this fleet, in order to go to the islets of polocelemin and paingaran, in order to see whether the natives had constructed any fort, after the departure of the said governor to the city of manila. when this was done, he should return without going elsewhere; and if he met moro bancas and vessels, he should fly white flags in token of peace. he was ordered to try to open conversation with them; and, even if the said vessels were to fire some artillery, the said ensign and his companions were not to answer them. on the contrary, they were to fly the said white flag of peace, and to return to this fleet. father baltasar de miranda and alonso cornejo were witnesses to the above, and the said captain signed it. _don juan arce_ before me: _manuel caceres_, notary after the above events, in the said month and year abovesaid, in the said galley, the said captain having ordered three soldiers in a light boat, one hour before dawn, to try to talk with some indians, and, if possible, obtain information regarding the king, of the condition of his affairs, and other necessary things; and having brought the bornean indians prisoners, the said captain summoned each of them to his presence. through the agency of the interpreter sitahel, they were asked where the king and his people were, and what was decided upon. the first said his name was usman, and that he was a native of this island of mohala. the second day after the arrival of our fleet at this port, some of the king's slaves came in bancas, with orders that all the people should assemble up the river. this witness asked a slave of the said king where the latter was, to which the slave answered that on that day he was going to retire to the fort, where already were the women, artillery, provisions, and other things. he was to leave the tumangan and bandara in the city, so that these men might have ordinarily two or three scout-boats with artillery at the bar; if the spaniards resolved upon going up the river or to enter it, they should flee to the fort. this witness went also the next day to the settlement of borney, and found that the king had gone to the said fort, and that the said tumangan and the bandara were in the city. when asked why he did not go to the fort as did the others, he replied that, because he did not find his mantelin who is a person holding the office of captain and sergeant, with forty men under him--in borney, and learned that he was outside of the bar, he was coming in search of him. when asked how many portuguese vessels had passed there during the last vendabals, and what forts king soltan has built or intends to build, he said that two vessels had passed--one of deep draught and a galley--and that they had traded as usual with the borneans. the portuguese went to the settlement, and the borneans went to the vessels. in regard to the forts, the king had built one up the river where the people are gathered. it is named talin, and is made of palm-trees three or four estados high. they are now busy constructing a mosque. this witness had heard that as soon as the said mosque was completed, galleys would be begun in the ship-yard. there was no fort at paingaran. there is nothing else; and, the same being read, he declared it true. he appeared to be about thirty-three or thirty-four years of age. the said captain signed the above. _don juan arce_ before me: _manuel caceres_, notary [the deposition of another moro follows, being in substance the same as the above, with a slight addition in regard to the panguilans maraxa de raxa and salalila, which is similar to other testimonies concerning them.] then immediately, upon this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign, salvador de sequera, the ensign, francisco rodriguez, and the others who went in the said fragata as above said, to the said islets of polocelemin and paingaran, returned to the said captain. they said that, as they went upon this errand in accordance with his grace's orders, they met nine ships and some caracoas. as soon as these saw these vessels, they flew their white flag as a token of friendship, in order that the others should come to talk with them. but these ships refused to come, and fired some artillery at them. the said ensigns having witnessed this, the said salvador de sequera requested me, the present notary, to attest it, so that if might appear in the records. in response to his request i gave the present signed with my name. then the said ensigns returned, without doing anything else than to make the said signs of peace. the natives refusing, as above said, to come, but on the contrary persisting in discharging their artillery, they returned, and declared this before the said captain and myself, the present notary. they signed the above with their names, as did also the said captain. _don juan de arce_ _francisco de rodríguez_ _salvador de sequera_ before me, and i certify thereto: _manuel de caceres_, notary then in the said galley on this said day, month, and year above stated, the said captain, before me, the undersigned notary, summoned before his grace, the said usman, amat, and two other youths, all borneans. through the mouth of the above-mentioned sitahel, they were instructed that they should tell king soltan, the tumangan, the vandara, and the other chiefs, that the said captain did not intend to enter the river, nor begin hostilities against him--although he had not kept his word and had tried to injure his men--because the said governor did not wish any harm to be done them, nor that they and their town should be destroyed, but desired his friendship. for this reason he ordered that he [sadornil] should not attack them, or enter his settlement, or do them any injury, under pain of being beheaded. although the men brought by the said captain had seen his rudeness, and were desirous to retaliate, he had not consented thereto; nor had his grace desired such a thing, that he might not exceed the orders of the said governor. likewise they were to tell the said king and the others that, since peace with the said governor was so advisable, they should send a ship to confer and a person to treat concerning the said peace. if they would come, the said captain would wait two more days for them. then returning to these men their weapons and vanca, and presenting them gifts and food, and showing them other good treatment, he let them go freely. they left, and i, the present notary, certify thereto--juan de santiago, pedro granado, and sergeant cristoval de arqueta, being witnesses. _don juan de arce_ before me: _manuel caceres_, notary in the said galley, "espiritu santo," on the twenty-eighth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said captain--having seen that the last borneans sent as messengers by his grace, on the twenty-third of this present month, did not return, but that, on the contrary, the above affair of ensign sequera had happened, who went to reconnoiter the island of polocelemin; and that also no answer had been returned by the indians despatched on the twenty-fifth of the same month; and that the said borneans, yesterday, the twenty-seventh of this said month, came with ten or eleven vessels very near this fleet, and when ensign francisco rodriguez met them with a white flag and without arms, the said borneans without any shame came leisurely to him, beckoning him with the hand, and then forced him to retreat. he gave an account of this to the said captain--when his grace saw this, and that he could not make war upon the said borneans, because of his lordship's orders to the contrary and because their fort had been built up the river, where no galley or galleot could sail; and seeing that some of the reputation until then enjoyed by the spaniards might be lost, and that no advantage was accruing to the service of his majesty from his stay in this said island of mohala; and that the people ran risk of becoming sick, not only from the waters of that land, but from the rains, the heat of the sun, poor food, want of exercise, and others difficulties: he ordered sail to be set in order to return to the city of manila, and to give an account of the expedition to his lordship, the governor. thus he decreed, and ordered, and signed it with his name. witnesses were father baltasar de miranda, luis briceño, alonso locano, and many others. _don juan de arce sadornil_ before me: _manuel de caceres_, notary most illustrious sire: in a clause of the instructions given me by your lordship, you order me on my return from the river and settlement of borney, to visit the river of taguaran. but because i was informed that the said river is not navigable by galleys unless at extremely high tide, and to anchor near the shore meant some risk--for at the present season occur nightly heavy showers brought by the vendaval--and because the king is not peaceably inclined, and considering that all the land would revolt, i concluded that it would be useless for me to go thither, since the said river of taguaran is on the way to borney, so that any one may very easily ascertain what he wishes. in my opinion, if we effect a colony in borney, the spaniards must live where the king and the moros are, in order to keep them under control. in any other way they will be always unmanageable. whenever your lordship wishes, i shall tell you some reasons that should induce us to make a settlement in no other place but where the moros live. given in this galley "espíritu santo," belonging to his majesty, on the twenty-ninth of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _don juan darce_ by order of his lordship: _manuel de caceres_, notary the order which we must regard and observe in the voyage and navigation from here to borney is as follows. the galleys shall follow the flagship, without preceding it, and at night they shall be vigilant, both in following the lantern, and in watching for certain shoals such as are wont to be in the sea, and for strange ships, as well as all else advisable. when any galley encounters any danger, and needs help, it shall discharge a cannon as sign of distress; and all the other ships shall go to its assistance, to see what has happened. the neapolitan vessel shall go as much as possible in advance of the flagship; and, in case it should come upon any shoal or promontory that juts out too far, if it be daytime it shall return to give advice thereof; but if at night, besides turning to give advice, it shall fire a small piece of its artillery so that we may stop and take the necessary steps. if perchance any galley should lose the route through either bad weather or any other cause not malicious, it shall continue its voyage to the island of malaca, where the one arriving first will await the other. should any enemy attack us at sea, with intent to annoy us, the two bornean galleys shall go to the flagship--that in charge of ensign francisco rodriguez on the right, and that in charge of antonio cañedo on the left. the neapolitan ship shall take up a position at the stern of the flagship, in order to assist in what is ordered. the vessels shall take care always to anchor near the flagship, keeping watch over their oars. they shall be alert. from malaca each afternoon they shall ask for a watchword, so that, if they meet any hostile ship, it may be known. a copy of these instructions shall be given to the other galleys, so that they may keep them. given on the seventh of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _don juan arce_ before me: _manuel de caceres_, notary the order to be observed at present by the soldiers in this fleet, while anchored in the port of mohala, or wherever else, is as follows. first, although the natives of the river of borney are peaceful, they shall buy no slaves who are natives of the island of borney, even if the natives wish to sell them. if they wish to buy any slaves not natives of the said island, they shall not do so, except in my presence, in order that i may find out his native place, and whether or no he can be bought. _item_: no soldier shall dare to kill any cattle here or in any other part where they have them, so that the king of borney and the other natives may see that we do not come to harass them, but that we wish their friendship. _item_: no soldier shall disembark or go from his ship to take water or any other thing, except when the flagship takes in water, and he is summoned. then the landing shall be effected with great care, and the commanders of the galleys shall signify what soldiers are to disembark. they shall be advised not to take any water that is not in a newly-made well, so that the water may not be poisoned by the natives. _item_: all the galleys shall keep close sentinel guard at night, and shall keep their arms ready. each night they shall assign a watchword, and the galleys shall not fire any shot unless compelled by necessity. _item_: no one shall dare go to the sangley ship anchored at this port, in order to avoid the insults and damage that the soldiers are wont to inflict on the said sangleyes. if they need anything, they shall send their slaves to buy it. they shall in no point infringe the above regulation, under penalty of punishment to him who shall act contrary to this, with all the severity allowed by law. in order that this paper may be manifest to everyone, it shall be read and proclaimed in all the ships of the fleet, in the presence of the commanders. given on the galley "espíritu santo," on the twenty-first of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _don juan arce de sadornil_ by order of the captain: _manuel de caceres_ (thereupon, on the said day, month, and year above stated, i, the said notary, read and proclaimed the decree above set forth, by order of the captain, to the soldiers of the said galleys, in the presence of the commanders. they said that they heard and would obey it. witnesses were francisco de la mesquita, juan de santiago, and pedro granado. i attest the same: _manuel de caceres_, notary) i, gonzalo de santiago, notary elect, certify to all who may see this present, that, on the fourteenth day of the month of june, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, rahayro, panguilan of borney, who calls himself king of xolo, surrendered himself as a vassal to his majesty, king don phelipe, king of castilla and leon, for himself and his descendants. in token of recognition and vassalage, he gave twelve pearls and thirty-five taes of gold for himself and his vassals, which are the islands of xolo, treguima, camboanga, cavite, and tavitavi, his subjects and vassals. the said rahayro bound himself and his descendants from this day to recognize king don felipe, our sovereign, king of castilla and leon, and to be subject to the crown of castilla and leon; and as such, he, the above-named, will give the yearly recognition and tribute which shall be assigned to him. this said vassalage was made by the said rahayro, in virtue of an act of war. the illustrious esteban rodriguez de figueroa, captain of infantry for his majesty, justified the war on his part. he had two engagements with the above king, one in the town of xolo, and the other at the foot of a large rock in the open field. having conquered them, just as he was about to enter their fort the said king of xolo came out peacefully and rendered obedience to his majesty, as above stated. therefore i gave the present, so that the above declaration may stand in the records. witnesses were ensign alonso osorio, sergeant mateo sanchez, alvaro de ángulo, rodrigo sanchez, luis de santacruz, juan lorenço, juan lope de leon, and many other soldiers. therefore i affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, in testimony of truth. the said captain signed it with his name. _esteban rodríguez_ i certify thereto: _gonzalo de santiago_, notary by appointment in the city of manila, on the nineteenth day of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these western islands, and his auditor in the royal audiencia of mexico in nueva españa, declared that he has heard that a war-galley of the king of portugal was lost on the coast of mindanao, and in order to ascertain where it was going, and whose it was, he ordered to be made, and did make, the following inquiries. in verification of the abovesaid, the said governor summoned to his presence a man, who declared his name to be bartolome fernandez, a native of the city of goa in yndia. he said that he was there a freeman, serving as page a portuguese named luis fragoso; and that he is a baptized christian. the oath was taken and received from him before god and the blessed mary, and on the sign of the cross, in the form prescribed by law; under which obligation, being questioned, this witness said that he left the city of goa, in yndia, about a year or so ago, in a galleon called "san jhosef," under captain martin lopez de sossa, a nobleman. with the said ship was a merchant ship from cochin. the said ship "san jhosef," had one hundred old portuguese soldiers, and one hundred others, young mestizos of that land. it was equipped with twelve large pieces and certain culverins. the soldiers were armd with arquebuses and other weapons. this said vessel was despatched to maluco, by order of the governor of yndia, don diego de meneses, and the said martin lopez de sossa was captain. in malaca, more of the mestizos of yndia, sons of portuguese, were shipped, to the number of three hundred men. these with the mestizos brought from yndia, made somewhere about five hundred men in the said galleon. a galley of twenty-four benches accompanied it, each oar being manned with three men. they carried lead. the galley was old and was given to them in malaca by the captain of malaca, named arias de saldeva, who is captain of the fortress. the captain of the sea is matias de alburquerque. because of the said martin lopez de sossa falling sick, he remained in malaca, very sick; and one of his brothers, pedro lopez de sossa, came in his place as captain of the said galleon. another nobleman, tome de sossa, a former page of the said matias de alburquerque, captain of the sea, was made captain of the said galley. this witness was aboard this galley, in the service of the said tome de sossa, who brought this witness from yndia to malaca. thus the said galleon and galley, with the people above mentioned (of whom some fifty soldiers were aboard the galley and the rest aboard the galleon), set sail for maluco in the month of august of last year seventy-eight. after sailing for a week, they anchored at borney, near the island of mohala. when they were there together, a banca with certain bornean fishermen came to talk with the people of the ship and the galley. they asked who they were, and were answered that they were portuguese. then the said bornean moros said "we thought that you were castilians, for we are expecting them daily to come for tribute." thereupon they told them that a fleet of castilians with many vessels and a multitude of people had gone there, and fought with them, and had plundered them. it was current talk among the portuguese, that they marveled that the spaniards would have plundered the borneans, for they considered that people as valiant, since they are accustomed to go to malaca, pegu, and other places for the sake of plunder, and borney was very strong. therefore they were surprised that the castilians had taken them. they began a song sung by the rowers, which runs: "borney, peak above peak in salt water; there you go to eat buyo." [33] this song they sang because they formerly regarded the moros as valiant men, and in jest. the said captain-in-chief sent this witness in this said fishing-boat, to talk with the king of borney, because he knew the bornean language. with this witness went an inhabitant of malaca, one quenana, a native of malavar. they took a present to the said king of borney; this was a carpet from conbaya [camboja]; which was given to this witness to give to the king of borney. he found him in a large house which belonged to the old king. this witness knew this, for he formerly knew the said old king of that land. the old king is dead and the said king is his son. he is a tall, fat man, and quite black. he was seated with many of his relatives, called panguilans, and his children and brothers. this witness saw and knew the tumango and mandahala, the panguilan salalila, and many others. the said king of borney was playing chess, seated in a hall with the said panguilans. this witness bowed low and made the usual obeisance, gave him the said carpet, and sat down. one of the king's sons said to this witness, in his own language, that he talked excellently, and asked him his nationality. this witness told him, and the said king's son gave him some buyo to chew. he remained with them some time. the king asked him what the portuguese wished. this witness replied that they were on their way to maluco, and were looking for some slaves for their galley, and for food. thereupon the said king of borney ordered the vandahala to go to talk with the captain-in-chief in the galleon. the vandahala went in a small boat with thirty rowers and two culverins. when he left the king's house for the said vessel, the said people showed this witness some vireys, saying that they had taken them in battle from the spaniards. they said that they had hanged one spaniard, and threatened them. they said that the spaniards had come in large vessels and with a numerous fleet, whereat they had fled to the mountains. they did not tell that the spaniards had seized any galleys and artillery. the said bandahala went to the said galleon to talk with the said captain, pedro lopez de sossa. he asked him, in the name of the king of borney, to help him fight the castilians, who were about to return there for the tribute; and desired them to remain in the island. if he would winter there, the king of borney would pay him as much as he would gain in maluco. the said captain pedro lopez answered him that he was about to make investigations in maluco, which was in bad condition, and could not remain in borney. it was likewise impossible for him to fight with the castilians, for they were brothers. if he wished to ask for help, he must send to request it from the captain of malaca. likewise this witness saw two ships that they were about to send to malaca. the said bandahala, thereupon, went to talk with the king. that night a cafre blacksmith, a christian, one luis, fled from borney to the portuguese. he told the said captain, pedro lopez, that the king of borney had ordered that the portuguese who were in borney at the arrival of the castilian fleet should be killed; that the king had robbed them of their possessions, and that some sailors had fled with the vessel. when the said captain pedro lopez heard this, he was angry at the borneans, and sent the small boats to bring men from the galleon (for he was in the galley), saying that he intended to enter the river to fight the said borneans. the next morning the said bandahala tua, that is to say, "old man," came in a ship. the borneans brought fowls, sugar, fruits, _tampo_, and other things, to sell. they brought no presents. the said captain, pedro lopez, seized the said vandahala and about thirty rowers with him, and put them in the said galley, with the intention of keeping them prisoners. the said vandahala asserted that they had not killed the portuguese, nor robbed them at all. the said captain, pedro lopez, sent the said trader quenenia to talk to the king, and to ask him why they had killed those portuguese. the said king replied that he knew of no such thing, and that the tanguilans of the mountain had killed them. afterward the said captain, pedro lopez, said, "who is deceiving me in these things among these moros?" he then set free the moros, and left the said trader quenena, in borney with a pack containing seven or eight hundred pieces of cloth, so that he might trade it for camphor, wax, and tortoise-shell, and then go to malaca with it in one of the two ships that i said were about to sail to malaca. the said captain bought eight javanese slaves, and the king presented to him two more, making a total of ten. each slave cost ten pieces of _caniquí_ [34] which we valued at three _vardagos_, each _vardago_ being worth one _patagon_, which this witness thinks is about equivalent to two manila tostones. then weighing anchor they proceeded on their way to maluco. the galley anchored at the river of tabaran to look for food. they bought there swine and fowls, receiving five fowls for one piece of _caniquí_. from there they sailed near a large island, called by them island of xordan. there a storm with a vendabal struck them and destroyed the said galley, which was old. it sprang a leak under the keel, and was driven upon some rocks near cabite, at an island near canboanga. there the said galley was lost with all its food, artillery, and ammunition. five portuguese were drowned, and two others were killed by the moros of that land. all the cafres and slaves who were chained were drowned. about forty portuguese and twelve cafres escaped. they scattered into different parties, so that the natives should not kill them. this witness fell into the power of some natives of camboanga, who made him prisoner. a spaniard brought this witness and others recently, when they came with his majesty's spice. however, this witness did not see what became of the said spaniards, nor what became of the galleon, except that he heard that the galleon collected the men in its small boats and finished its voyage, by taking another tack, as he heard from the natives of camboanga. therefore this witness never saw the said galleon again. he heard also that the said galleon had broken its mainmast. this is what he knows, and his deposition. it is the truth, on the oath that he took. he affirmed and ratified it. when this witness was asked if he had been in maluco, and requested to tell what he knew of matters there, and why so many portuguese should go there, he declared that he had heard it stated publicly and openly in yndia and in malaca, and that he heard diego de sanbucho, a noble inhabitant of malaca, now there, say that the fortress of maluco, which the portuguese held in terrenate, was lost to them three years ago. for after the death of gonzalo pereyra, who had gone with the portuguese to fight at cubu, and who had died at maluco after his return there, the noble above named, diego de sanbucho, was captain of maluco. he found that certain of the married men had gone to live at anbon and others to malaca, and that they had taken all their cattle and artillery with them in two galliots, which they now have at anbon. the cause of the loss of the said maluco was the revolt of the said natives and a war because a portuguese had killed their king. immediately the people revolted, and besieged the portuguese. they died from hunger, until the survivors abandoned the fort, going to anbon, as i have said; only two dominican fathers remained. the said inhabitants of maluco refused to give cloves to the portuguese, and sold them to the javanese, who in turn sold them at malaca. the only cloves brought were those of anbon, and only one ship-load at that. the portuguese go to anbon by way of jaba, across from borney, since maluco was lost; the present fleet came by way of borney. on account of these troubles, it is sailing straight for maluco, in order to construct a fort to fight with the natives. another galleon, the "san juan," under captain martin alfonso, a noble, is in malaca, and is about to go to anbon; and it must go by way of jaba, opposite the coast of borney. with the few men whom it can take, and those whom it can secure at anbon, it must go with them all to maluco to aid the said captain pedro lopez to oppose the inhabitants of maluco. this witness knows, too, that the portuguese captured a son of the king of maluco, named don francisco, whom they took to yndia. this witness saw him lately at malaca. he has heard that the people of maluco begged that he be given up, as he is their king, and that if he is restored they will make peace and surrender the fortress. with the said don francisco are three of his relatives, one don enrique, one pablo desa, and the third jordan de fletes. don enrique is undahala at malaca, which is the office of judge among the natives. the vessel which is going by way of the coast of jaba to anbon must lay in a good supply of food from xaba. this witness knows further that a queen of xaba is at war with the portuguese; she is the queen of xapara. consequently the javanese refuse to take food to malaca, which is furnished by the king of pegu. this witness has heard that the king of pegu has made dependents of the kings of sian and patan. the portuguese have war likewise with the king of bintan, for the latter married a daughter of the king of achen who is hostile to the portuguese. this witness has been twice in maluco, and has seen what he has described. at the entrance to the port is a rampart, and, farther in, the fort where the said portuguese live. they have a vault there in the middle of the court; and, even if the fort be burned, the court inside is not burned. when asked what became of the artillery of the galley which was lost on the coast, he said that the king of mindanao, who is an old man, heard of the loss of the said galley there, and went there with forty vessels, and that the people of samboanga seized the said artillery, which they had taken from the galley and took it ashore at the river of mindanao. he said that the people of samboanga burst one piece; and the spaniards took it, along with two grappling hooks, and brought it to this city. all the above is the truth. this witness said also that the said galley that was lost carried nine pieces of artillery--amidships a large round swivel-gun; at the bow and along the sides, two large chambered falcons; at the stern two more; and at the sides four culverins, two on each side. the chief of taguima took two culverins, and the king of mindanao took all the rest. this is the truth, on the oath that he has taken; and he affirmed and ratified the same, but did not sign it. he is about thirty years old, a little more or less. _doctor francisco de sande_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary _captain ribera's instructions_ the instructions that captain grabiel de rivera must observe in the expedition that he is about to make, at my command, to the island and river of mindanao, are as follows. first, you shall go to the port of çubu, where are the artillery and ships of his majesty brought from borney by captain esteban rodriguez, and the other supplies left there by him. you shall take all of these supplies that you may need for your expedition as well as the necessary soldiers and food. the soldiers shall be taken from the inhabitants of the said city, and from the soldiers taken for the said expedition by captain juan lopez de aguirre. this latter shall deliver his men to the magistrate there. you shall choose from them such men as you desire, since you have the affair in hand. you shall try to take some men belonging to the captain and chief named quilantan, as, they tell me, he is acquainted in the river of bindanao. as you know, captain esteban rodriguez went last year by my orders to pacify the river of mindanao. because of the lack of provisions, the current of the river, and other causes, he did not carry out my wishes--namely, to explore that river and all its environs personally, and to wait there some little time to try to get them to make peace. i ordered him to represent to the natives how advantageous it would be for them to become his majesty's vassals and our allies. he was ordered to treat them well, and to use kind methods and persuasion with them; and not to use force, or plunder them, burn their houses, or do any other damage to them. and that they might become friends, he was not to ask tribute from them, and should exercise no force in this regard. he was merely to tell them of his majesty's heavy expenses in this land, and the many hardships endured by the spaniards in going to civilize them, and to teach them how to live in accordance with the law of nature, so that they might understand the chief requirements--namely, to become christians and recognize the true god, who created and redeemed them; and in order that they might cease to do evil to their neighbors, and to commit other cruelties and robberies. and it is just that, since so much is spent by his majesty, and by the christians who go there, that the natives should on their side aid somewhat, since they benefit thereby. but the said captain was ordered that whatever they gave should be decided by the natives themselves. in observance of this the said esteban rodriguez did them no injury whatever; but they fled. and because, when the spaniards went to attempt to pacify them, as i have heard, the natives killed those who went as ambassadors to them (among whom was a vassal of his majesty from the island of jolo), you will investigate this matter in the city of nombre de jesus among the soldiers who went on that expedition, in order that you may have the necessary foreknowledge. and if they really killed those who went on an embassy to them--a barbarous and cruel act--and if they are wont to display such treachery, then you shall punish them as you deem best. i leave this to your own judgment advising you that in his majesty's fleet, commanded by villalobos, they killed certain men, under promise of security, and seized one of his boats. in this treachery they all shared, for one boat containing three or four men was attacked by three or four thousand natives. they killed also the master-of-camp of the said fleet. this will warn you not to put any trust in them, or to allow them time or opportunity to enable them to commit any treachery. you will keep strict watch over your ships and men. although you have the said information and you understand clearly that they are evilly inclined and have committed the said crimes, you must begin by trying to make them peaceable by kind methods, as above stated. if they are unruly and it becomes necessary to punish them, you shall do it. and if they give no occasion for either peace or war but flee to the mountains, then you shall wait for them with all the prudence possible, and such as i expect from you. you shall endeavor always to see that the soldiers and troops commit no depredations. if the said indians come peaceably and with friendliness, you shall receive from them what they offer, as above stated. and you shall give testimony, before a notary appointed by yourself as to the way in which the natives of those regions place themselves under the obedience of his majesty--by their own wish, or by act of war, if they commence it; so that, as far as you are concerned, you may have permanent and just authority to compel them to obey and pay tribute. in this matter you must exercise care and diligence, for it is an affair which needs accuracy, so that the land may be allotted according to the instructions of his majesty. and in such case you shall agree with the natives upon the season when the spaniards shall return thither next year; and tell them that they shall come here freely, if they wish, for intercourse and trade with us. you shall bring in writing a memorandum of the times of harvest and the products of the land; the gold-mines and places where gold is washed; the number of inhabitants, their settlements and customs; whether that river yields cinnamon, and how it should be treated in order to make it good. _item:_ you shall obtain information regarding the islands of limboton [35] and celebes, the course thither, their products, and bring me a clear statement thereof. _item_: you shall order that no indian be sold outside the island, representing to them how cruel it is to sell the men of their own land, and that by such an act they offend god and depopulate the land. _item_: you shall order that they cease to rob, within or without the island, warning them that such is an offense to god, our lord. and because i have heard that one of the ships of villalobos was lost for want of a small boat, and in it two large anchors and one half sacre (weighing fourteen quintals, and named "san marcos"), twelve culverins, and certain pieces of iron ordnance, you shall try to get hold of them all, employing therein much diligence. you shall try to ascertain where their artillery is, and to secure it, for it is very material that they remain at peace. and inasmuch as the chief of mindanao has been deceived for some time by preachers from borney who preach the doctrine of mahoma, and it is said that there are preachers there endeavoring to convert them all into moros; and since our main intention is to convert them to christianity: you shall order them to admit no more such preachers of the sect of mahoma. and if you can ascertain who they are, you shall try, to the best of your ability, to bring them here; and shall burn the edifice wherein the accursed doctrine was read and taught, and shall order that none other like it be built. you shall tell the said natives that i will send christian fathers there, who will instruct them; that already the mosque at borney is burned, and that there are now no more bornean preachers. you shall also tell them what occurred in borney last year. you shall examine the entrance and port in the river and the ships of the natives; for it will be allowable to take from them those used for piracy, leaving them their fishing and trading vessels. if the said natives pay tribute, it shall be disposed of in accordance with the custom of that land--namely, one half shall be reserved for his majesty, and the other half shall be divided among the soldiers, as an aid in their necessity. and since all the importance of this expedition lies in patience and comfort (because the indians, having seen that they would soon have to yield, refuse to come down from the mountains), you shall try to make yourself as comfortable as possible, paying special attention to the health and welfare of your troops. and you shall carefully study the country in general, and its water and food-products, so that you may inform yourself better, in order if possible, to preserve health, which is the principal desideratum. in order to guard the health of your men, i charge you specially that you take good care of your sick. you shall put a soldier of good temper in charge of them who shall minister to them. from whatever gold or other property of his majesty's you may have, the sick shall be provided with fowls or whatever is necessary. you shall especially forbid the soldiers to eat bananas or sugar-cane, or other harmful things, and see that they live decently. you shall find out from the indians of that land whether they sail or go to maluco. you shall ask them whether there are any christians there; and if there is any cafre or christian in bindanao, you shall secure him. having completed matters at bindanao, you shall return to the port of cavite. [36] thence, with what men you deem advisable and with interpreters from taguima, you shall go to the island of jolo, where captain esteban made an agreement with the king of that place to pay tribute to his majesty. you shall tell that king that i left borney for certain reasons, and that i send this other fleet there for the purpose of telling him that he should abide by his obedience, in order not to receive more harm. you shall ask tribute from the lord of jolo, but this shall be paid at his pleasure and be very light, inasmuch as he has rendered obedience to his majesty but recently, and because of the good will he has shown in his majesty's service, in sending a letter and returning eight slaves that he had there who were taken from the island of çubu, who were vassals of his majesty. however, in return for that, pedro de oseguera wrote me that two men from jolo, who had been captured by the men of çubu, had been given up. if there are any more joloans there, you may take them, first seeing whether they are christians and whether they go of their own free will. the priest at çubu shall declare what it will be right to do in this. you shall tell the said lord of xolo also that, if he wishes to ask anything else of me, he shall despatch ships hither. they shall be secure from injury, for i have ordered that none molest them; and you shall give him my letter that you have with you. you shall give him a written permit, so that his people may pass freely through our territory, if they show the said letter to the people of this land. captain esteban rodriguez told me that the lord of xolo had told him that he would have two or three tame elephants for his majesty's tribute. you shall ask for them, and if he gives them, you shall bring them here with the utmost care. for that purpose you shall take, wherever you find it, such ship as is most suitable. if he has no tame ones to give you, you shall tell him to have them, at all hazards, next time the castilians go thither. you shall ascertain the time and manner in which they can be brought here. you shall likewise show yourself very affable to the lord of xolo. you shall urge him to persevere in the pearl industry. both from him and from the inhabitants of mindanao, you shall ascertain what things they need from china, so that other methods failing, those articles may be taken to them from here. inasmuch as captain esteban rodriguez brought certain anchors and pieces of artillery from that island, and did not sound the place where a ship was lost in a storm from the north, if you have opportunity, you shall be careful to do so, taking care to return before the season for sailing is past. on your return you shall see whether captain juan lopez de aguirre left any cinnamon because unable to bring it in the vessels of his fleet. _item_: when you return by way of çubu, you shall bring back all his majesty's vessels there, as well as all the artillery left there by esteban rodriguez. you shall bring also a relation of present and past occurrences there. you shall try to ascertain whether there is any cinnamon in the river of mindanao. if so, you shall try to bring some of it. you shall try to find out how to treat it, so that it may be of as good quality as that in castilla; for his majesty has had us notified that that sent from these districts has not been good. on your way to çubu, you shall send some one to pacify the tingues [hill-people] of butuan and to examine the towns reported by juan gutierres cortes, in order to discover the people and ascertain their number and their location. you shall send a cautious man for this, who shall investigate such matters as are necessary. when you leave çubu, you shall order pedro navarro to send to this city all his majesty's ships in that place, and the artillery taken there by captain esteban rodriguez, as well as whatever else he has there in his keeping, in charge, of a careful man. this must be accomplished by the bonancas of april, for the artillery can be brought more securely then. if any soldier or any one else should die, you shall make an inventory of his possessions, and keep the same. you shall note his name and his birthplace, so that there may be a good account and relation of everything. given at manila, january fifteen, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _doctor francisco de sande_ before me: _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary in the city of santisimo nombre de jesus, in the filipinas islands of the west, on the eighteenth day of the month of february, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de rivera--a person who by order and authorization of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, of his majesty's council, auditor of his royal audiencia established in the city of mexico, and his governor and captain-general in these islands, is about to go to pacify and explore the river and island of mindanao--said that, inasmuch as it is necessary to appoint a notary for the said expedition, in order that he may handle and despatch the business that will arise during it; and inasmuch as diego lopez carreño is a skilful man and qualified to take charge of this: therefore he appointed, and he did appoint, him as notary of the fleet and expedition. he authorized him fully, in so far as he himself is authorized by his lordship, to enjoy and exercise this power. he ordered him to take the oath and execute the formalities required by law, for the exercise of this power. then the said diego lopez carreño, who was present, accepted it, according to the order of the said captain. he took the oath before god and the blessed mary, and on a sign of the cross, upon which he placed his right hand, to exercise the office well and faithfully to the best of his knowledge and understanding, and to commit no fraud, equivocation, or deceit; and, if he did thus, may god so reward him; but if not, then may he be proceeded against. he affixed his name thereto. witnesses were tome de la ysla, pedro navarro, grabiel de ribera. _diego lopez carreño_, notary off the coast of the river of mindanao, when sailing toward the said river, on the thirteenth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain, grabiel de ribera, met off the coast of the said river, a small boat. his grace ordered it brought to the side of the flagship, in order to find out whence it was coming and whither bound. when it was brought, it appeared that certain indians were aboard; through the interpreter, miguel godines, who understands the language of the said indians, they said that they were slaves of limansacay, king of the said river of mindanao. the said captain feasted them, gave them some articles that he had brought in his galley, and ordered the said interpreter to inform them that he had come by order and authorization of the very illustrious governor of these islands; that he came in his majesty's name to pacify the said land, to pacify and quiet the said natives, and to make them friends, vassals, and servants of his majesty, as are the natives of the other islands. as vassals of king don ffelipe, our sovereign, they would be greatly profited, would be protected and aided by the said governor, and his grace would now protect them in whatever arose and in what they most desired. the reason why he wished to have peace with him, and with the other chiefs of the said river, was because his majesty wished them to understand the great error and delusion that they labored under, and to recognize their creator and lord, who is the only true god. and because they were indians who could not write and slaves of limited understanding, the captain did not discuss with them more fully his grace's reason for coming. he asked them to tell the said limansacay all the above things, and told them that they should have no fear or suspicion of any thing, for his grace had no authorization to injure or molest them in any way, but only to entertain and protect the said limansacay and the other chiefs of the said river, as had been done in many other districts, and as is done with all the natives of all the islands. thereupon the said indians went away, without any harm or insult being offered them; on the contrary they were feasted. to all of the above i attest, for it occurred in my presence. witnesses are pedro de oseguerre, tome de la ysla, ensign melchor de torres. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary-elect off the coast of the river of mindanao, four leagues from the said river, on the fourteenth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera, sailing toward the said river met a small boat, and in order to take in water and ascertain their position, ordered it brought to the flagship. when it was brought, it appeared that it contained a boholan indian, named umapas, married in the said island of mindanao. two of his brothers-in-law, natives of the said river, accompanied him. through the interpreter, miguel godines, they were asked whence they came and whither they were bound. through the said interpreter they answered that they were bound for the city of manila, at the order of limansacay, king of mindanao; and that they were taking to his lordship, the governor, two gold-emblazoned daggers, and two great loaves of wax. furthermore, the said king ordered them to collect five taes of gold owed him by some indians. all this, they said, was to be given to the said governor in token of recognition and peace, which they were going, in the name of the said king limansacay, to ask from the said governor. upon hearing this, the said captain informed the above-named persons that his grace was going in the name of his majesty and by order of his lordship, in his royal name, to pacify all that region, and to make peace with all the natives thereof. therefore his grace took them with him to the very mouth of the said river, and from there despatched the two brothers-in-law of the said umapas, who are natives of the said river, in order that they might advise the said limansacay, king of the said river, that his grace was commissioned by the said governor to treat with him for peace and alliance, which his father asututan, now defunct, had requested from king don ffelipe, our sovereign. in consideration of umapas's fear and premonition that the king would behead him if he returned, his grace despatched the two said brothers-in-law. he ordered them to tell limasancay, king of the said river, when they reached his presence, of the good resolution that his father had taken, and his great zeal in making peace with his majesty, and with the governor in his royal name; that his grace was ready and prepared to receive them as vassals of his majesty, in whose royal name he was come; and that the king would take them under his royal crown and give them his royal aid. they would be protected and aided on every occasion that might arise, and whenever they needed it. in order to ascertain what were king limasancay's purposes, and what he intended to do, his grace would await a reply to it all, for one natural day [_i.e.,_ twenty-four hours], anchored at the mouth of the said river of mindanao. he ordered all the above to be set down in writing, that it might stand in the records, and affixed thereto his signature. _grabiel de ribera_ _miguel godines_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet on the coast of mindanao, two leagues, more or less, from the said river, on the fourteenth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera ordered that the following instructions be imparted to all those in charge of the warships taken by the said captain for the conquest and pacification of the said river and island of mindanao, and that they should keep it in its entirety. first, the fragata acting as flagship shall enter first, having on its right the other fragata under command of sergeant lope de catalaraga, and on the left, the two vireys--in order that they may be at hand, if it is necessary that any message be despatched. immediately shall enter successively the two bornean galleys, in charge, of tome de la ysla and juan rodriguez de norvega, so that, should it be necessary to fire their artillery, they may do it when the fragatas discharge theirs, for which i shall have the trumpet sounded. the two virocos shall form a rear-guard, preceding the other viroco, which has a lack of men. all of them shall sail as closely together as possible, and those which sail faster shall await the others, so that we may all keep in order. no arquebuse shall be fired unless it is necessary, and no one shall disembark without my permission and order. i order you to observe great care in all the above, and even more in looking after the provisions in your vessels; for we do not know how long we shall stay in the said river, nor do we know whether we can procure provisions there, and because of the long distance from this said river to the town of santísimo nombre de jesus, where we could find the articles necessary for the support of the said fleet. i order you to observe and obey all the above, and not to violate these provisions, under penalty of punishment. i order that all the above instructions be read to each commander of the said vessels, so that he may know it. _grabiel de ribera_ by order of his lordship: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet (on the said day, month, and year aforesaid, i, diego lopez carreño, notary of the fleet, certify that i read the entire instructions of the other part of this present to all those commanding the ships of the said fleet, to each one separately. they all answered that they were ready to observe and obey the contents of the said instructions. witnesses are tome de la ysla and sergeant catalinaga, who were present the entire time. before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the river of mindanao, at the mouth of the said river, on the fifteenth of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera, after having waited at the mouth of the said river, during the time which he had set with the two messengers whom he sent to limansancay, king of the said river of mindanao; and seeing that the above-mentioned persons did not bring any reply to the message that his grace had sent to the said king (as is set forth in more detail in a certain writing in regard to this matter executed before me the present notary, and to which i refer): notifying and arranging all his fleet, he entered the said river. after having ascended it for about a league or so, and reached the first port in the said river which is settled, a chief called dato bandel, accompanied by many indians, came, bearing a white flag in his hand. he told the said captain that he wished to make peace and alliance with his majesty, and with him in his royal name. that was his intention, but he was hostile to limancansay, king of mindanao, who was settled up the river. therefore his grace took with him the said chief, and after arriving at the said village--where, he declared, the said limasancay lived--he found there certain indians. he had them summoned, and when they readied the flagship he embraced and regaled them, and made them sit down near him. one of them was a chief, who said through miguel godines, interpreter of their language, that his name was sicuyrey, and that he was a cousin to the said king limasancay. his grace set this man next himself, and gave him ornaments and presents from among his store, as well as to the others. his grace told and informed them that he was come in the name of king don ffelipe, our sovereign, and by order of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, of his majesty's council, and his governor and captain-general throughout these islands, to make terms with limasancay, king of this river of mindanao, for peace and alliance, and that they might become vassals of his majesty. he informed them of the great good that would accrue to them all and to the said limasancay in particular, if he made the said peace and alliance with his majesty, and with the said governor in his royal name, at whose order his grace, was come--principally that they might recognize jesus christ, the creator of the whole world, our only salvation. this is his majesty's principal purpose, and he will entertain and protect them in all things, as is his custom among all the other natives of these islands who are under his royal crown. in order to impart this, and many other things, of advantage to the said limasancay and to all the natives of this river, it was necessary that limasancay come to his grace. if he feared anything, the captain was ready to give him whatever security he wished; for he had not come to molest, but to favor him, according to the orders of the said governor. sicuyrey, having been informed of all the above matters by the interpreter, answered that the said king, limasancay, was not at present in that town, but in another, two leagues distant. he said he would go to him and confer with him in regard to everything that the said captain had told him; and that he would bring him back with him, in order that the captain might discuss all those matters. then they left, and the said captain said that he would await the answer given to the, said sicuyrey by the said limasancay; and sicuyrey went away, together with the others who had come with him. four hours later, he returned to the said captain with the news that he had talked to his cousin limasancay, and had told him all his grace's words. he sent as answer that upon the following day he would come to talk with him, and that he should await him. upon receiving this reply the said captain said he would wait until the following day. he ordered that no soldier should go ashore or do any damage in the said port to any one, until the plan and purpose of the said king limasancay was evident, and what he would do in regard to the said alliance and peace that his grace wished to make with him in accordance with his majesty's orders. in order that all the above, and the said captain's great zeal and resolution in everything concerning these natives might be properly recorded, he requested me, the present notary, to set it down in writing, so that everything might stand in the records. i certify thereto, for it occurred before me, in the presence of the witnesses, ensign melchor de torres and pablo de asequera. _graviel de ribera_ it took place before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet after the above events, on this said day, month, and year above stated, after all the above had happened in regard to the said chief, the said captain, considering that the said dato bahande had come of his own accord to make peace, inasmuch as he came with the said flag, his grace declared, in the name of his majesty, and that of the governor in his royal name, that he received him as his vassal, with all his subjects--declaring that hereafter they will molest no spaniard, will not make war on the spaniards, and will render assistance in whatever the governor, or whosoever is authorized by him, shall order. he said that he was ready to obey. i certify thereto, in the presence of witnesses sergeant catalinaya and ensign artiaga. before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet while anchored in the river of mindanao at the port reported to belong to limansancay, king of the said river, on the fifteenth of the said month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, at about four o'clock in the afternoon, or a trifle later, certain indians of the small boats carried by the ships of the said fleet went ashore at the said port, to look for wood with which to cook their food. it appears that an indian (from the fragata commanded by juan rodriguez de norvega) who was a native of the town of cayut, of tome de la ysla's encomienda, received five wounds from other natives of the said river of mindanao who were at the said town--one in the abdomen, which caused his intestines to protrude, and the rest in his arms and thighs. the natives of the said river and village inflicted these wounds on the said indian treacherously, giving him some buyo, and while he was reaching for it, wounding him. he died as a result and was buried in the said village. although this injury was inflicted on us, the captain, because he was awaiting the said limasancay, for the said peace, ordered all the soldiers and the other indians of the fleet not to harm the natives of the said village, until it was seen what the said limasancay would do regarding the agreement which he had made with the said captain. in order that this, as well as the death of the said indian and the wounds he had received, might be evident, the said captain requested me to give him the present writing as certification and attestation in the manner above stated. witnesses, ensign melchor de torres, pedro de esequera, and diego de artiaga gamboa. _graviel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the river and village called mindanao, on the sixteenth of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the fleet being anchored at the entrance of the said village, wherein it is said limasancay, petty king of the said river, usually lives and resides, at about three o'clock or so in the afternoon, in the presence of me, the notary, and the witnesses hereunto subscribed--the illustrious captain, grabiel de ribera, being in his flagship--it appears that sicurey summoned him from the other side of the river. the said captain had sent him, one or two days previously, to summon the said limasancay. to ascertain the reply of the above king and what the said sicurey asked from him, his grace, accompanied by me, the present notary and the witnesses, went to an uninhabited house in the said village and ascended to its top, in order to be able to see and talk with the said sicurey--who as above stated was on the other side of the river with certain indians who came with him. through the interpreter whom his grace carried he ordered the said sicurey to be interrogated concerning the reply that he brought to what the said captain had sent him to tell his cousin limasancay; and the said captain told sicurey that he should come from the other side of the river in order that he might talk with him, and ascertain what message the said limasancay sent, what was the latter's intention and purpose, and whether he desired to make the said peace that he had requested in his majesty's name. to all of this the said sicurey answered, without coming to his grace, that he had talked to his cousin, the said limasancay, who was three days' journey up the river from where the said captain was stationed; that the said village is called busayen, and that he had told the king everything that he had been ordered to tell. but the king had answered that he was afraid that he would be seized, and for that reason he would not come to see his grace; but he told sicurey that he should return thanks to the said captain for the presents which his grace had given to him and to the others. he would return to talk again with the said limasancay, and would again ask him to come. the said captain told him that, since he was willing to do him that pleasure, and return again, he should tell the said limasancay that his grace did not come to seize or annoy him; for, had he wished to annoy him, he would not have asked as he had that the king come to make peace. the intent of his majesty, and that of the very illustrious governor, by whose commission and mandate he comes, is only to inform the people in that so great river where they are and live, that they should become vassals of his majesty, and of the said governor in his royal name, as the natives of other islands have done. if he and the other chiefs give obedience to his majesty, to whom all render obedience, and are willing to be his vassals and desire to be protected under his royal crown and favor, his grace would regale them and would not molest or annoy them. they could remain in their own lands and settlement. if they would, of their own volition and without being forced, give some tribute, his grace would receive it in his majesty's name, and only in token of obedience and so that it might be understood that they wished peace and were obedient under his royal crown; that they themselves should decide whatever they wished to give for this purpose. if the said limasancay feared, as he said, that his grace would seize him, he was prepared to give him any and all security that he might desire, so that he might come to treat with the said captain and that he might understand that the latter has no intention of illtreating him; for if his intention were to molest the king, his grace had had occasion therefor already, and could have seized the said sicurey and other chiefs who came to discuss peace with his grace, as well as a chief called dato bahandie. this last has come peacefully and has rendered obedience to his majesty; and in return therefor the said captain has regaled him and will protect him on every occasion. if the said limasancay purposes to attempt treachery and deceit toward the said captain, and in short not to come peacefully, he shall send word immediately as to his intention; for, if he do not come peacefully, then his grace will employ all the correctives and artifices possible, until he leaves this land pacified and its inhabitants as vassals of his majesty. his grace has been informed, by natives and chiefs of the said river, that the said limasancay is preventing and hindering many chiefs from surrendering themselves as vassals of his majesty, by saying that, if they did, he would persecute and destroy them. since he prevents this, and refuses to make friendship, as has been required of him, and prevents others from doing so, his grace, as above stated, will proceed against the said limasancay by all possible ways and methods, as against a man who prevents the chiefs of the said river from making peace and rendering obedience to his majesty as they wish: his grace will also proceed against all his paniaguados, and against all those who refuse peace and obedience to his majesty. the said sicurey having heard all the above declaration, and other words to the same effect, replied that he would repeat it all to the said limasancay, and would return within three days. because the said village of mindanao did not contain food for the soldiers, the captain told the said sicurey that he would await him and his reply in tampaca, six leagues up the river above the said village of mindanao. in order that this might appear in the records, i attest and certify the same, which took place before me. witnesses, pedro de eseguera and ensign arteaga. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet at the river and village of mindanao, on the seventeenth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, after the illustrious captain, grabiel ribera, had waited three days at his anchorage for limasancay to come, to make peace as he had requested of him; and seeing that he did not come and that food was becoming scarce, and, the said village being depopulated, he could find no food there; and because his grace had been told by natives of the said river that the said limasancay was retiring up river to one of his villages, to make a fort there for his defense; and seeing that the king was dealing treacherously, in order to gain time to build the said fort: in order to avoid the possible great danger in allowing the said limasancay to fortify himself, and likewise because he had heard that the village of tapaca, about four leagues up the river, contained food, from which the fleet (some vessels of which were in want) might be reprovisioned; to look for and collect certain pieces of artillery which were said to be in the said village, and which were reported to have belonged to the lost portuguese galley--his grace on this said day, ascended the river to the said village, for the causes and reasons above stated. i attest the same. witnesses, pedro de eseguera, ensign melchor de torres, and ensign arteaga. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the village of tapaca, on the nineteenth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, in fulfilment of the order given by the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera, after having voyaged for three days up stream to the village of tapaca, whither his grace shaped his course, it appears that, at the entrance of the port, the said captain despatched a small barangay with certain indians and three soldiers. he ordered these to go ahead to notify the chiefs of the said town that his grace was coming, by order of his majesty, to pacify the said town and its vicinity; and that the said natives should come peaceably. it appears that, at the entrance of the said village, before talking to any of the natives, according to his grace's orders, certain culverins and many arrows were discharged at the said barangay. as soon as the said captain learned of this, he ordered immediately all the soldiers and men in the ships of his fleet, to set in order for instant action the cannons, muskets, and other firearms, so that if necessity demanded, they might be fired. when everything was in order, he entered the said village. at the said entrance many culverins and arrows were fired at the said fleet. consequently his grace ordered all the soldiers to keep together and not to separate at all. thus the said captain went up the river to the said village, where he disembarked. accompanied by me, the present notary, certain soldiers, a chief whom he took as interpreter, named quilantan, and other chiefs and interpreters, the said captain advanced, carrying a white peace-flag; and he ordered the said chiefs to call out and summon the indians who were on the other side of the river. thereupon these latter summoned them, and some of those on the other side came, upon which the said captain ordered his interpreters to ask the said natives why they had fled and deserted the town, and why they had discharged those arrows and culverins, inasmuch as his grace had given them no cause therefor. he informed them all that he did not come to harm or offend them; he came to this river solely at the command of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, of his majesty's council, and his governor for all these islands--who had sent his grace to inform them of the great error and delusion under which they live and labor, and to make them vassals of his majesty, and of the said governor in his royal name. being vassals, great gain and advantage would accrue to them, and they would dwell in quiet and peace in their lands and settlements, as at present. they would not be ousted or dispossessed of them, and no person should annoy or molest them. on the contrary, they would be protected, defended, and aided by his majesty and the very illustrious governor in his royal name. by his grace also, protection would be given, in whatever required it at present, as he had promised to dato bahandie, a native of this village, who, because he came peacefully and rendered obedience to his majesty, had been received under his royal protection. he and others of his opinion would be protected in all necessities, and on all occasions, as vassals of his majesty. they should understand that the captain has not come to plunder them or to seize, their possessions, but only for the purpose above stated. if they had any food, his grace had need of it, and would pay them in full for it. they should return to their houses and land and should not abandon their village. he did not wish them to pay him tribute or other things. while summoning them and notifying them of these and other things which his grace tried to make them understand, they sent a volley of arrows toward his grace, and by good luck missed killing one of the said interpreters and chiefs there. and as soon as the said indians on the other side heard the said summons, they declared that the castilians were rogues and had come to deceive them. thereupon the said captain returned to the rest of his men. to all of the above, i, the present notary, certify. witnesses, francisco gomez, sergeant lope de catalinaga, and juan rodriguez de norvega. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the village of tapaca on the twentieth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, captain grabiel de rivera, seeing that he had had no intercourse with the natives nor was able to secure it since his arrival in the said village, ordered that three ambuscades be made inland. thereupon a certain number of soldiers and some friendly indian rowers whom he had, penetrated inland about one and one-half leagues. it appears that in four hours the said soldiers returned with the report that it was utterly impossible to advance farther, because of the numerous swamps and marshes, where the water reached their knees and higher. consequently, and because the captain saw how the food was failing, and because he had been informed by certain friendly indians who had come in peace and by dato bahandie, that the petty king limasancay must be in the village above tampaca, he authorized pedro brizeño de eseguera, a citizen of the town of santísimo nombre de jesus, a discreet and capable man and one experienced in that land, to ascend the river in two vireys and one small barangay, with twenty-six soldiers; for these vessels were light and the current of the river strong and his grace could not ascend the said river with the other ships of the fleet. indeed, coming from the village of mindanao to this village of tapaca, it had taken four days to make four leagues (the distance between the two towns), and he had arrived after great effort, and being towed by the indians. he gave, for this reason, the said commission to the said pedro de oseguera, and ordered him to obey and observe in every particular, and not to exceed the tenor and order of what was commanded him in the said commission given him by the captain. thus he ordered and affixed thereto his signature. witnesses, sergeant catalinaga, juan rodriguez de norvega, and francisco velazquez. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet i, grabiel de ribera, captain of infantry for his majesty in the filipinas islands of the west, who by order of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general of these islands, come to pacify and explore the river of mindanao, by virtue of the commission and instructions given me by his lordship to make the said expedition: inasmuch as i have reached the village of tapaca in prosecution of my voyage, and after remaining here certain days, summoning and notifying the natives--in the presence of a notary, who attested the same--to come to make peace; and having informed them that i came in his majesty's name to pacify the said river, and to make the natives and residents of that region vassals of his majesty--which was proclaimed through interpreters who understand their language; and inasmuch as the natives of the said village, although all the above information was proclaimed, have fled and abandoned their houses and lands, and the fleet is suffering from lack of provisions, for the food is all gone; and because it would be extremely difficult for it to ascend the river farther, and would require much time, because of the great strength of the current all along the river, it having taken three days to tow the galleys and fragatas by means of small oared vireys from the village of mindanao to this of tapaca (a distance of four leagues), because of the said current: therefore in the name of his majesty, and for the proper provision and despatch of the said fleet and men, and so that the instructions of his lordship may be observed and obeyed, he said that he delegated, and he did delegate, all his power, as far as he possesses it for the said purpose, to pedro brizeño de oseguera, a citizen of the town of santísimo nombre de jesus--a deserving and capable man, and experienced in that land--so that with two vireys and one barangay, all oared boats, and accompanied by twenty-six soldiers, he may ascend the said river. when he has reached certain settlements on the river, and in especial that of the village of ybatel (where it is said the petty king limasancay is), he shall notify him and the chiefs of the said village, and those of the village of buayen, through the interpreters that he shall take with him, that the said pedro brizeño de oseguera goes by my orders to the said villages, to inform them that i have come by order of the said governor to execute and fulfil the above purpose; and that i am awaiting, in this village of tapaca, the said limasancay and the other chiefs to come to make peace and to acknowledge themselves vassals of his majesty, as dato bahandie, chief of this river, has done. likewise he shall inform them that his majesty's purpose in sending me to this said river is to pacify it and make it peaceful, and to make them understand the great delusion in which all the natives thereof live; that they shall become vassals of king don ffelipe, our sovereign (whom may god preserve), as are all the natives of the island of panay, the pintados islands, and those of the island of luçon; and that they may be instructed in the matters which pertain to our holy catholic faith. if they become vassals of his majesty they will be protected and guarded, whenever they have need and whenever occasion requires. they shall return to their houses and towns as formerly, for i have given them no occasion to abandon these. i do not come to plunder their possessions or to harm them, or to require them to give tribute, beyond what they give now of their own volition, in token of recognition and obedience, so that it may be understood that they desire peace and alliance. furthermore he shall try to ascertain and discover with all solicitude and care the whereabouts of limasancay, for i have heard that he is in the village of buyayen with his father-in-law, the chief of the said town, by name seproa. he shall try to confer and treat with limasancay; and, that failing, he shall send another person to tell him to come to this village of tapacan, where i am at present, and that he shall have no fear, or be alarmed at anything; and that, if he comes, we shall treat for the peace and friendship that i come to make with him and the other chiefs of the said river in his majesty's name. i am thoroughly aware that the reason for the hostility of the natives of this entire river and their abandonment of their houses and native places is his instigation and command. if he does not intend to come to treat with me, he shall not hinder or prevent the said chiefs who, as i have been informed, desire to do so, from coming to make peace. for this reason he shall not do it. likewise he [oseguera] shall inform the said limasancay and the said chiefs that, if they become his majesty's vassals and render him obedience, they shall be protected and aided, and live quietly and peaceably in their lands and native places. no one shall molest or annoy them in any way. if they do not do this, then there will result many wanderings and anxieties, and many other troubles and losses will come upon them. for all the above and for whatever happens in the said summons, he shall appoint a notary before whom declarations shall be made. i give him power and authority, in all the fulness delegated to me by his lordship for the said purpose. he shall exercise great diligence and care therein. he shall not allow the soldiers who take with them indian rowers to molest or trouble the natives of the said village, or their houses and possessions. he shall take as many days as he deems necessary for this purpose, but no more. given at the said village of tapacan, on the twentieth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _grabiel de ribera_ by order of the captain: _diego lopez_, notary of the fleet in the village of tapacan, on the river of mindanao, on the twenty-third day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, before the illustrious grabiel de ribera, captain of infantry for his majesty in these islands, and before me, diego lopez carreño, notary of the fleet, appeared pedro brizeño de oseguera. he said that, in fulfilment of the commission and instructions given him by the said captain, to ascend the river with the two vireys and one barangay, accompanied by others, as declared in the said instructions, he went, in prosecution of his voyage, and arrived at the village of buayen, about four leagues from this village of tapacan, passing some small uninhabited villages on the way. when he reached the said village of buayen carrying a white flag in token of peace, many shouts were raised by his indians, who called in their own language siproa, chief of the said town and father-in-law of limasancay. although they shouted, as said, and tried to find some natives in order to confer with them, they could see nothing of them. on this account they could not inform the natives of the said village of their object. therefore he went on to the village of ybalet, about three leagues from the said town of buayen. carrying his said white flag, he looked for indians in the said village, and found certain indians. he ordered the interpreters with him to summon these indians to him, declaring that he would not harm them, for he came only to request their peace and alliance, and that they become vassals of king don ffelipe, our sovereign, as is dato bahandie, chief and native of this river. when they were asked where the said limasancay and other chiefs were, they answered that they had left them behind in the village of buayen and that they had no chief in their village, for he too was hidden with the said limasancay. the said pedro brizeño de oseguera also sought provisions in both the villages of buayen and ybalet, for the support of the said fleet, but found nothing in either one, for the natives were all hostile, and all their houses had been abandoned. when the said indians were asked the above questions, and he saw how scanty was the information derived from them, he [oseguera] tried to lay certain ambuscades, in order to capture some indian to have speech with him concerning the said river. therefore the two ambuscades were laid, but an indian could be taken in neither one; for none appeared to be captured, as all had fled, and were so afraid of the soldiers that upon seeing spaniards in their land they took to the mountains. thus retired the indians who talked with the said pedro de oseguera, refusing to come to him. since he saw that these two villages--the most important, so far as he knew, on all this river--contained no peaceful indian with whom to treat and from whom he could ascertain what was happening; and that he could find no food, he decided to return to the said captain to advise him of what he said had occurred. this relation is true, and witnesses present were ensign melchor de torres, francisco rodriguez de salamanca, and san juan de cavala. he affixed his signature, jointly with captain grabiel de ribera. _pedro brizeno de oseguera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the village of tapaca, located on the river above the village of mindanao, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera, after remaining seven days at the said village of tapaca, anchored there with his fleet and soldiers; and, having seen that the natives of the said village and all its vicinity refused to come to make peace--as is stated above more in detail and as appears by the records made in regard to this matter, to which i refer--in order to fulfil and observe the orders contained in the instructions given him by the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, in consideration of the fact that the location and settlement of the said village of tapaca is very unhealthful, and that some of his soldiers and many indian rowers had fallen ill, in order to avoid the danger that might again occur for the above reason, ordered all the commanders of ships to make ready to come to this village of mindanao, where his grace had formerly been with the said fleet, without committing any depredations in the said village; for the said village of mindanao is a healthful village and settlement, and its climate is excellent. accordingly, he left the said village of tapaca on this said day to return to this of mindanao, where he arrived on the same day at five o'clock in the afternoon. i attest the same. witnesses, pedro de oseguera, tome de la ysla, and francisco velazquez. _grabiel de ribera_ by order of his lordship: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the village of tapaca, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera, upon finding that he had been unable to seize any indians in the ambuscades which his grace had ordered to be made in the said village, in order to talk with them regarding affairs of the said river, left, when about to depart, two ambuscades of soldiers in the said village of tapaca. two indians were taken in this way by the soldiers, who were led before the said captain, then anchored with the rest of his men and boats in the village of lusa, one-half a league from tanpaca. they were brought before me, the present notary, and the interpreter laquian--an indian, who understands the language of the natives of this river; and the following questions were asked them. one of them on being asked his name and whose slave he was, responded that his name was sidurman and that he was the slave of batala, a chief of the said village of tapaca, and brother-in-law to limasancay, petty king of the said river. being interrogated by the said interpreter why he and his companion came to the said village of tanpaca, where the said captain was, since the natives of the said village had hidden themselves and abandoned the said village, he declared that the said batala sent them both to the said village in order to find out what the castilians were doing there. this was their reason for coming. being asked to tell where the said batala was when he sent him and his companion on the above-mentioned errand, he said that he was in a village called bulon, situated on the said river. the said captain asked him what he [sidurman] was doing in the said village, and why batala and all the other chiefs had abandoned their own village. he said and answered that they had fled from fear and terror of the castilians, for limasancay had sent word by a slave to his said master to do this, and that he was doing the same to the village of buyen. therefore the said batala and the other chiefs went to the said village, as above stated. he was asked if there was a road by which his grace might go to the said village, where the said batala was, in order to treat with him for peace. if there is, his grace said, he would loose them and give them their liberty. this witness said that the creek by which he came is navigable only with barotos, and he and his companion came in one. it is quite impassable in one part and swampy in the other, with water up to the breast, and higher. when the said batala and all his wives and the rest of the people went thither, they used very small barotos, and then with difficulty. therefore the spaniards do not dare go thither by way of the said swamps. this witness being asked where his master batala keeps his artillery, said that he knew that he had two falcons that were brought from the town of zamboanga, when batala was with limasancay. these were taken from the lost portuguese galley. when he went away, he took these pieces with him in a baroto, and has them, as well as other small culverins, in his possession. being asked where the said limasancay and the other people are, since limasancay sent word to his said master, batala, to flee and abandon his village, he said that he knows only what he has heard--namely, that he is in the village of buayen with his father-in-law, siproa, and that they are hidden in a marsh. sidurman was also asked, as he is a native of this river, if he knows where limasancay keeps his artillery, and that which he brought from samboanga. he said that he does not know. this he deposed through the said interpreter before the said captain and in the presence of me, the said notary. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said captain summoned to his presence the indian laman, the companion of the said sidurman. the same questions and articles put to the said sidurman were asked of laman through the interpreter. his answers were similar to those declared by the same sidurman in his deposition. i, the present notary, attest the same. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet in the river of mindanao, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, while the fleet was anchored at the village of limasancay, petty king of the said river, the captain, considering that in the villages of tapaca, buayen, and balete (the most important villages of the said river), and in many other villages of the river, he had endeavored to induce limasancay and the other chiefs to come to make peace (as is contained in the reports, to which i refer), said that, in order that the natives of the said river might understand that his grace would not return, or leave the said river until he left it pacified and tranquil, under the protection of king don ffelipe, our sovereign (whom may god preserve), be ordered for this purpose a fort to be commenced in the said village of mindanao, on a point made by two arms of the river, near where the fleet is anchored. [37] he ordered palm-trees and other wood needed for it to be cut. therefore, on this said day, and in presence of me, the said notary, certain palm-trees were cut, and the said fort begun. i certify thereto. witnesses, sergeant catalinaga, tome de la ysla, and pedro brizeño de eseguera. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez_, notary of the fleet in the village of mindanao, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said captain ordered aquilantan, a chief of tanae, who accompanied his grace, to go to the town of silanga, situated on the said river, to summon its chief, dato bahandil, the one with whom his grace had made peace when he ascended the river. he was to tell him to come immediately to his grace, who wished to discuss certain matters with him. the said quilantan summoned the said bahandil, and he came on the same day. when he and the other chiefs who accompanied him from the same village were brought before the captain, they were informed through laquian, the interpreter, that his grace had ascended the river to the town of balete, displaying a white flag all along the said river, as a peace token. he had summoned the natives of the river to make peace, as he did not come to plunder or harm them. although he did his utmost to make peace with them, he could not effect it. his grace has understood that limasancay is responsible for this condition of affairs. through his cunning and by his order, all the people have been hostile to the spaniards, and have abandoned their villages. he requested dato bahandil, since he is the vassal and ally of his majesty, to go or send to the village of buayen, where the said limasancay is, and tell him that the said captain did not come to rob or harm him, but only to make alliance and peace, and that he should place himself under the dominion of king don ffelipe, our sovereign (whom may god preserve), from this much advantage would accrue to him, and he and all the other chiefs would be dispossessed of the error in which they all are, and would recognize their creator, who is the only true god. although his grace had many excuses for putting him to death--inasmuch as they killed one of his grace's indians in the said village of mindanao and had discharged many arrows at the spaniards all along the river, both by day and night--yet he had no desire to harm them, notwithstanding his opportunities therefor; for he could have burned their villages, cut down their palm-trees, and seized and killed many people, and that whenever he wished. consequently they should understand that he bore express command from the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor of all these islands, not to harm them in any way, and hitherto he has not done so. should the said limasancay refuse to come to make peace, he should not prevent the other chiefs and natives of this river from coming to render obedience to his majesty. his grace has heard that, because limasancay will not consent to come, no one else dares to come to make peace. the said dato bahandil having heard and understood all of the foregoing, answered that, having had war with limasancay and having made peace but recently, he did not dare to go to talk with him or any other of his village; for, if he had any trouble with him, the latter would immediately order him to be killed. therefore he declined to go. the said captain asked him, since he would not go, to find some one in his village who would go to tell the said limasancay all the above, saying that he would pay this man. likewise limasancay should be told that his grace was building a fort in his said village, and that he did not intend to leave until the king should make peace. dato bahandil went, saying that he would return with the answer within two days and that he would try to despatch the said indian to the said limasancay. the payment for this man was given to the said dato bahandil. i certify to all the above. witnesses, pedro brizeño de eseguera, melchor de torres, and pedro de brito. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, while the said captain, in the said village of mindanao, was holding a conference there with the said dato bahandil and other chiefs of the said village--wherein he discussed all the matters above stated, and declared--before the said captain and in the presence of me, the said notary, and of the greater part of the people of his fleet, a volley of poisoned arrows was discharged from the other side of the river and fell near the said captain and among the others. by great good fortune none of those with the said captain were wounded. thereupon the said chiefs, seeing this shameless conduct of the indians, begged and persuaded the said captain to send men and soldiers to kill the said indians. persuaded by them, he ordered some soldiers to fire a few arquebuses in the direction of the firing of the said arrows, in order to stop further volleys. yet they refused to desist, and sent another volley of arrows. and because of the excitement among the indians engaged on the fort, the captain ordered six soldiers and a few of his indians to go to the other side to try to capture an indian, in order to ascertain who they were and who sent them there. the said soldiers went to execute this order, and the indians who had fired the said arrows began to defend themselves. therefore the friendly indians killed three of them and took one prisoner. he was taken to the captain, who ordered him to be imprisoned. i certify thereto. witnesses, sergeant catalinaga and tome de la ysla. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet after the above events, in the said village of mindanao, on the twenty-eighth of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, atangata, an indian slave of limasancay, was summoned before the illustrious captain graviel de ribera, and in the presence of me, diego lopez carreño, notary, that i might take down his confession and deposition. upon his appearance he was interrogated thus. he was asked who were the people with him when he was captured, who were shooting at the spaniards, and at whose commission and command they came to shoot those arrows. he said that they were fourteen indians who came to discharge those arrows; that some of them were timaguas, and others slaves belonging to limasancay, at whose order they had come; and that they had left the town of buayen, where the said limasancay is, two days ago, coming hither in barotos. being asked whether the said arrows that were shot were poisoned, in order thereby to kill the spaniards who were in the said village, and who gave the poison, he said that they brought it from the said town of buayen, and that some arrows were poisoned when they came, and others they themselves poisoned when they were ready to use them. the herb used was poisonous, and if any castilian should be wounded, he would die therefrom. being asked, since he is a slave of the said limasancay, where his said master keeps the artillery that he brought from the village of samboanga (from that lost in the portuguese galley), and that which the said limasancay has of his own, he declared that he knows that he threw a large piece into the river in front and near to his house (one brought from samboanga), as well as another and smaller piece. the rest of the artillery being small, he took it all with him when he went away. these pieces consist of three very small culverins. as the rest were large, he threw them into the river in front of his house. being asked where limasancay was hiding and why he had fled, he said that limasancay had gone away, through fear of the spaniards, to the village of buayen, where he is with his father-in-law. beyond that he does not know where he is hidden. this witness was not with him, for they took the barotos in which they came hither from the village of ertala, where he lived. this is what he knows of the matter, and nothing else. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez_, notary of the fleet on the twenty-eighth of the said month of march, of the year above stated, considering that, by his confession above given, atagayta, the slave of limasancay, deposed that the said artillery was in the river in front of the house where limasancay lived and resided, he ordered all his indian rowers, and those of the other vessels, that they should look for it in the river at low tide, at that point where the said indian signified that they were. his grace ordered them to look for it, saying that he who should find it would be given and paid one-half tae of gold. accordingly they began to look for the said artillery, and found, in the said river in front of the houses where the said limasancay generally lives, one large piece, from the artillery found in samboanga; one small culverin, one small grappling-iron, and three googings of the anchor, two of these broken and one whole. his grace ordered all these to be brought ashore, giving the indian who discovered them the one-half tae of gold. i, the present notary, testify thereto. witnesses, ensign de arteaga and pedro de oseguera. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez carreno_, notary of the fleet on the twenty-ninth of the said month of march, the said captain ordered the said indians to search the said river for the other pieces; and, as on the preceding day, his grace said that he who found any piece would be paid and rewarded. accordingly many of the indian rowers searched throughout the whole river, but found no other pieces, nor anything beyond what was found the previous day. i testify thereto. witnesses, tome de la ysla and pedro de brito. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _diego lopez_, notary of the fleet in the village of mindanao, on the thirtieth of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain grabiel de ribera, captain of infantry for his majesty and of the fleet and troops who came to pacify this river and the villages of this island and the island of jolo, by order of the very illustrious governor and captain-general of these islands, declared that, inasmuch as his grace has arrested diego lopez carreño, notary, hitherto of this fleet for necessary reasons, and as it is necessary to appoint another person to exercise the said office and to act as notary of the said fleet: in consideration of the ability and capacity of benito de mediola, a soldier of this fleet, and as he has confidence that he will perform his duty thoroughly and faithfully, said that he appointed, and he did appoint him, as notary of the said fleet. he ordered him to accept it with the formality and oath required by law. i, the said benito de mendiola, being present, placed my hand on a sign of the cross which the captain made with his right hand, and swore before god and on the said cross, and promised to exercise the said office of notary faithfully, legally, and diligently, under pain of incurring the penalties incurred by those who do not exercise their duties legally, and to keep secrets. i affix my signature, together with the captain--who, when he saw my oath and formality, said that he gave me complete power in form of law to exercise the said office, and said that he would confirm by his authority and judicial decree the acts that were executed before me, so that they should be valid in court or out of it. witnesses, sergeant lope de catalinaga, juan de avila, and don sebastian de baeça, soldiers. _grabiel de ribera_ _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on the thirtieth day of the month of march of the said year, dato bahandil, chief of the said village of silanga, appeared before the said captain, and said that, in obedience to his grace's orders in regard to the messenger that should be sent to the said limasancay, he sent yesterday, the twenty-ninth day of this present month, an indian timagua from his village accompanied by four indians, in a baroto. he gave these men the payment that his grace had given him for this purpose. he told and charged them all that his grace had ordered to be told to the said limasancay and other chiefs. he expects a reply within three days. being asked by the said laquidan, interpreter, how it is that, being hostile to the said limasancay, as he says, he does not know where he is and where he is living, dato bahandil answered that the said limasancay is fleeing with one virey and ten vancas. from fear of the spaniards he never remains in one town permanently but is in one swamp today and another tomorrow. this he declared before the witnesses, sergeant catalinaga and juan davila. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on the thirty-first day of the said month of march, sihauil, a friendly indian of dato bahandil's town, appeared before the said captain and in the presence of me, the present notary. through the said interpreter, laquian, he told the said captain that, if he would pay him, he would tell him where was the other large piece of artillery brought by limasancay from the said village of samboanga. he asked them not to tell limasancay who had told them, lest he order him to be killed. the captain bargained with the said indian in my presence to pay him three taes of ingot [_linguague_] gold, which was proved with the touchstone, according to the said law; and they were weighed out and given to him immediately. then many of the indians and soldiers went to look for the said piece, and dragged a small marsh, which is covered by the river at high tide, quite near the fort built by order of the said captain. they found a bronze piece of artillery bearing the arms of the king of portugal, apparently some seven or eight quintals in weight. the said captain ordered it placed on one of the fragatas--that commanded by lope de catalinaga. and although many people looked for other pieces throughout that entire swamp, no more were found. i certify thereto. witnesses, pedro brizeño de eseguera, diego nuñez, and ensign melchor de torres. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on this said day, the thirty-first of march of the said year, the said captain, considering that, by reason of the long voyage and bad weather, and the great lack of all kinds of food in the fleet, because of his long stay; and seeing how much was needed if he accomplish the purpose for which the governor despatched him on this expedition, and the said hunger and want; and that he could not by any method secure provisions in all this river: therefore he ordered that certain of those captured indians, natives of this country, be set to making _landan_, [38] a food eaten in that river. for this purpose he ordered a great quantity of palm-trees, of the sort that produces the said landan, to be cut; and they began to work it and to make the said landan, and it is being made for the above-named purpose. he ordered me, the present notary, also to set down the above in the proceedings; and he affixed his signature. i, the present notary, attest the same. witnesses, lope de catalinaga, pedro de eseguera, and many other soldiers. likewise i certify that it takes four days to make the said landan. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on the thirty-first day of the month of march of the said year, sibandao, a chief of this village, said to be a cousin of the petty king limasancay, with sinago, siligan, a chief of this said village, and many other timagua indians, appeared before the said captain and in the presence of me, the present notary, and of witnesses. they told the said captain through the interpreter laquian, that they wished to become allies of the castilians. they were received by the captain with great display of affection. he regaled them, embraced them, and showed them in every way kind treatment. through the said interpreter he told them of the advantage that would accrue to them from becoming allies and vassals of king don ffelipe, our sovereign, and how they would be protected and favored. he told and informed them that they were deceived by their idols and that they should believe in one all-powerful god, who created heaven and earth--three persons but one sole and true god--in whom we all believe; and they were very attentive to this. he told them that, as allies, the governor of these islands would send them priests to instruct them in the catholic faith. he told them also, through the said interpreter, that he was sorry that the said limasancay had fled and was absent; for his grace came, not to rob or injure them, but to secure their alliance and peace and to teach them the said catholic faith. such were the orders of the said governor. he requested them urgently to go to tell this to the king. they replied that they did not dare, for the said limasancay was evilly inclined; but if his father were alive they would go. they were unable to pay any tribute in gold or wax now, as their indians had fled; but they would give some food from their stores, equivalent to forty tributes. then the above-named chiefs departed, promising to bring this food within three days. witnesses, pedro brizeño de eseguera, tome de la ysla, and ensign melchor de torres. _gabriel de rivera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on the second day of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious gabriel de ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and people who came to pacify this river and that of jolo by order of the governor of these islands, said that, whereas the majority of the spaniards of this fleet have told him that many spaniards and indian rowers of this fleet are daily becoming sick, and that he should provide the necessary remedy therefor, in order to avoid the danger that might ensue, as his grace knows the nature of the land and its unhealthfulness: therefore he ordered sergeant lope de catalinaga, accompanied by the present notary, to go to see and visit the said sick both spaniards and indians. he ordered us to give him full information regarding it and to make attestation regarding the sick, so that it might be evident that his grace has had and has exercised the requisite care and diligence in everything. this he ordered and affixed his signature thereto. _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet thereupon the said sergeant, lope de catalinaga, and i, the present notary, went to the fragata of the said captain, where we visited, and saw, in two beds, francisco gomez and bartolome ruiz, both soldiers, and in another ensign diego de arteaga. they complained of fever, and their appearance bore out this statement. we found also in the flagship, six indian moros, rowers, who were sick; and their appearance showed it. as witnesses to all the above were melchor de medrano and juanes de yraçabal. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet thereupon the said sergeant lope de catalinaga and i, the present notary, went to the vessel commanded by juan rodriguez de norvega. there we saw in one bed the said juan rodriguez de norvega, and in another pedro de brito. both of them complained of sickness--the said juan rodriguez of a very bad abscess in the leg, and the said pedro de brito of a violent fever; and their appearance confirmed their complaints. we saw also in the said vessel juan de leon, a soldier and anton martin, a sailor sick with chills and fever, as was evident from their appearance. further in this same vessel, diego de anaya, a soldier, is sick with fever, as is evident. in the same vessel are nine sick indians, from among the rowers. witnesses of this were juan de avila and goncalo ruiz, a soldier. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then the said sergeant lope de catalinaga and i, the present notary, went to the ship commanded by francisco velasquez. there were the said francisco velazquez and miguel nuñez in one bed. they complained of sickness, and their appearance proved it. ten indian rowers were sick in this vessel, as their appearance proved. witnesses to this were juan lopez, melchor de medrano. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then we went immediately to the virey commanded by san juan de çavala. we found there sick the said san juan de çavala and gonzalo de villanueva, as their appearance proved. eight indian rowers are sick in this vessel. witnesses, bernabe cortes and miguel godines. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then we went to the virey commanded by francisco rodriguez de salamanca. we found sick there the said francisco rodriguez de salamanca and miguel romero, as was very evident from their appearance. there are three indian rowers sick on this vessel. witnesses, bernabe cortes and miguel godines. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then we went immediately to the viroco commanded by alonso pimentel. there the said pimentel, juan ortuño de oñate, and diego carrion appeared to be sick, and such was evident from their appearance. eleven indian rowers are sick in this vessel. to this were witnesses, diego nuñez and tomas dato. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then we went immediately to the vessel in command of tome de la ysla. there were ten indian rowers sick there, and their appearance proved it. in this vessel miguel rodriguez has been sick more than one week. witnesses, marcos quenta [?] and pedro de arana. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then we went immediately to the vessel used to carry provisions from the flagship. there are four indian rowers sick in it, besides pedro lopez, a spaniard, and their appearance proved it. witnesses, domingo de santurcio and francisco quenta [?]. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet then we went immediately to the fragata commanded by the said sergeant, lope de catalinaga. in it appeared to be sick eight indian rowers, and their aspect proved it. witnesses, domingo de santurcio and francisco quenta [?]. _lope de catalinaga_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the village of mindanao, on the second day of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said captain, in the presence of me, the present notary, and of witnesses, asked dato bahandil, chief of the village of silangan, how many people there are in all this river, and in the lake and coast of this island; and the names of the villages, and the number of inhabitants in each one. the above bahandil, through the said interpreters laquian and miguel godines, made the following declaration. in his own village, silangan, there are about two hundred indians, counting slaves and timaguas; in the village of sinurey, two hundred; in the village of caracan, one hundred; in catituan, one hundred and fifty; vindanao, seven hundred; vitala, one hundred and thirty; vinuruan, four hundred; luçon, one hundred and sixty; tanpacan, one thousand; atalayan, seventy; burruan, two hundred; balabaca, seventy; caburundan, one hundred; macapan, eighty; corocoan, one hundred and forty; buayen, eight hundred; tuoca, one hundred; balete, one thousand; batunan, one hundred; baluaquen, one hundred; ybalen, one hundred and eighty; tolendin, six hundred; salunbun, one hundred; quibaca, two hundred; cacaren, two hundred and fifty; matinguaguanen, four hundred; cabacan, one hundred and eighty; bagaygaran, one hundred and forty. total, seven thousand nine hundred and fifty. the said dato bahandil declared that all the above villages were on the said river, swamps, and lake of this province of mindanao. he said that a river called ytilurey flowed into this lake, [39] which comes from the mountains of butuan and caragan, and it has places where gold is washed. when he was asked how much gold each person could wash daily, he said that he had not seen it, but he had heard that they got sometimes one-half a tae, and from that down to six, four, or two maes. this river contains six thousand men, and near by is another branch of the river called dumanen with about seven hundred indians. from the said river of esirey is another branch called sula with about one thousand indians living at its confluence with the large river which flows into the lake. there is a settlement called megatan, under a chief cacopi, with two thousand men. it is near the junction of the three branches, which form a cross. this lake is about one-half league wide. in summer it dries up and is then full of sedges. in the rainy season it is quite full of water. from this river of mindanao to the tingues [mountains], whence flows the said river of tirurey, it is a twenty days' journey up the lake. he was asked how many people the coast of this said river of mindanao contained. he said that a day's journey along the shore of this river by which we came is a province called tabungao. it has about three thousand indians, who harvest a great quantity of rice. they live inland a distance of four leagues. farther on and adjacent to this province is another settlement, called the province of picon. it has one thousand five hundred indians, who are well supplied with food. along the coast two days' journey eastward, is a settlement called bilan. it is a river with gold mines. he says that along the entire river dwell ten thousand ytingues [mountaineers] indians who are not settled, and that they are at peace with a village at the mouth of the river, called canipaan. with all others they are at war. the people are very rich. all the rest of the coast is settled by lutaos. [40] the chief food of the river of mindanao is landan, which is made from certain palm-trees very abundant in that land, called buri. after soaking this substance they make from it a sort of flour which is their food. for this reason they do not sow much rice although they have rice-fields. the rice harvest is in october and november. they have exceedingly large palm-groves and abundance of cocoanuts both green and dry; also many swine, which are as large as those in castilla. the bar is covered with three to four brazas of water, or four at full tide. upon entering there is a good depth of water all the way to the lake, a distance of eighteen leagues. this is the deposition of the said dato bahandil, and what he has seen hitherto. the captain signed it; and francisco gomez, lope de catalinaga, and many other soldiers were witnesses. _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said river of mindanao, on the second day of the month of april of the said year, an indian said to be a native of the village of dato bahandil of this river, appeared before the said captain gabriel de ribera, and before me, the present notary, and witnesses. through the interpreter laquian, he said that his name was simangary and that he was one of the messengers despatched in accordance with the captain's orders by the said dato bahandil, with the reward given him, in order to confer and treat with limasancay and his people, as is contained in the above record. in regard to this, he deposed that he went in a baroto with four indians to the village of tanpacan, where he found dato sibatala, to whom he related the object of his journey. the said dato sibatala told him that he did not care to be the ally of the castilians, even should they burn the natives' houses and cut down their palm-trees. he told him also not to go farther for the purpose of talking with the said limasancay; for, if he knew that simangary was coming from the lord of the castilians, he would behead him. upon this he returned to notify the captain. the latter ordered it set down in the records and signed it. witnesses, joan lopez, francisco velazquez, and many other soldiers. _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on this said day, month, and year, the said siligan, a chief, appeared before the said captain, and brought as tribute, to apply on what he was to give, five tributes of rice, two bundles of tortoise-shell; three dishes, and two _medriñaque_ robes, one green and the other white. this same day dato bahandil brought to apply on the tributes to be given by him, sixty _chicubetillos_ of landan, five hogs, and six fowls. the captain took it all, and ordered the food to be apportioned among the fleet. witnesses, alonso pimentel, francisco gomez, francisco velazquez. _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on this said day, the second of april, of the said year, the said captain, after receiving the answer brought by the man who went to talk with limasancay, ordered pedro brizeño de oseguera, in the presence of many indians of this river who have made peace, to embark in the virey commanded by francisco rodriguez de salamanca in order to go to the channel to look for food for the fleet. to exchange therefor, he was given dishes, gold, and _tacley_. he was to inform the said indians through the interpreters that his grace was sending the above vessel and the spaniards who accompanied him to the town of çubu for men to settle in this village, and for food. he ordered it to be set down in the records. witnesses, lope de catalinaga, juan lopez de queto, and others. _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on the second day of the said month of april of the said year, simagao, an indian chief of this settlement of mindanao, who claimed to be a relative of the petty king limasancay, together with many other timaguas and native indians, appeared before the said captain and in the presence of me, the notary, and of witnesses. through the said interpreter, laquian, he said that he wished to become the ally of the castilians. the captain regaled him and treated him hospitably. he told them what, advantage they would derive in becoming vassals of his majesty, informing him, as he had hitherto told all the others, that he would be very glad to see the said limasancay. he told them that if the said limasancay would come, he would not be required to pay tribute for this year. he asked simagao what they would give as a token of recognition. they answered that they had no gold, but would give provisions, such as they had, to the value of fourteen tributes. thereupon the said captain showed them all hospitality and affection. witnesses were alonso pimentel, tome de la ysla, and other soldiers. _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the said village of mindanao, on this said second day of april of this year, the said simagao, chief of this river, appeared before the said captain, and before me, the notary, and witnesses. the captain, asked him why--since he was an ally of the spaniards and was a chief, and saw that so kind treatment was accorded to all who made peace and placed themselves under the protection of his majesty, as had been done to himself and the others--he did not talk to the other chiefs who had not come to do the same. the said simagao answered, through the said interpreter silaquian, that he had talked to another chief named silitula, who had answered that he did not care for peace, as he had no gold for tribute. he had told him that we desired gold. the said captain told him, through the said interpreter, that he did not come to levy tribute beyond what the chief himself should choose to give as a token of putting himself under the protection of king don ffelipe, our sovereign. this he did to all his allies. thereupon the said chief went away. witnesses, ensign melchor de torres, juan lopez, and francisco velazquez. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the village of mindanao, on the fourth day of the said month of april, of the said year, taganchina, a chief, who claimed to be from catituan, a town of this river, came, and appeared before the said captain and me, the present notary, and witnesses. through miguel godines, the interpreter, he said that he wished to become the ally of the castilians and to enroll himself under the protection of his majesty--himself and his indians, both timaguas and slaves. many indians from his village came with him. the said captain received him very kindly and informed him of the great gain that would accrue to him in becoming his majesty's vassal, telling him among other things of the [catholic] faith, of which he had told the others. he listened with attention and said that he would assemble his people and give what he could in recognition and tribute. the said captain told him to give what he pleased. he tried to induce him to confer with limasancay to persuade the latter to make peace, discussing in detail all that he had told the other chiefs. these indians went away, promising to return tomorrow. witnesses, juan lopez de queto, tome de la ysla, and others. _gabriel de ribera_ _miguel godinez_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the village of mindanao, on the sixth day of the month of april of the said year, sibahandil, chief of the village of silangay; simangao, of this village of mindanao; simaganchina, of catiman; and sibandao, chief of this village, appeared before the captain and me, the notary, and witnesses, the said bahandil gave an account of the tribute he had promised--two hundred _yrcuvitillos_ of landan, each of them about one ganta; [41] and ten swine, large and small. the said sibandao brought two hogs, and twenty tributes in rice, and medriñaque cloth, and two dishes from china, as tribute; for he gave nothing else. the said sibangao gave four tributes in rice, each tribute of one _chicuvite_. the said mahanchina gave twelve tributes in dishes as above mentioned. they said, through the said interpreter, that their reason for not coming before and not bringing tribute more fully was because of the great poverty that they were undergoing--since all the natives were in revolt and were suffering severely from famine, as they were all unwilling to come for peace. they asked pardon for their inability to do more. if they were at their own homes, they would pay more. the captain ordered it put down thus in the records. witnesses, francisco velazquez, ensign melchor de torres, juan lopez de queto. _grabiel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the village of mindanao, on the sixth day of the month of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious gabriel de ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and men sent to pacify this island and that of jolo by the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general of these islands for his majesty, made the following declaration. inasmuch as his grace has remained twenty-four days in this river and has done all that is declared in the records above, during all of which time he has striven to make peace and alliance with the petty king limasancay and his chiefs, exercising for this purpose the utmost possible care, committing no injury--although indeed he has had much excuse therefor; and has contrived to have messengers sent to the said limasancay, in order to confer with him, but the latter refused to talk, nor does anyone care to take a message to him, for they assert that they would be beheaded; and, besides, since limasancay prevents his chiefs from coming to make peace; and although some chiefs have come to make peace and enroll themselves under his majesty's protection (as, for instance, the chiefs of silangay of this village of mindanao and of catituan), they do not pay us the tribute promised; and some of those who come bring two or three tributes of articles of little value, or of no importance, which is an ill way of amusing us, and of no advantage; and having seen the great need and lack of food suffered by the entire fleet, because of the long voyage and severe storms that they have experienced; and because of the many sick--each day both spaniards and indian rowers falling ill, because of the unhealthful climate of the land, and the lack of all food, except rice--and very little of that, on many days having only one ration a day, to all the people, both bisayans and moros; and considering the long voyage ahead of them, and the amount of work that must still be done in order to obey his lordship's commands; and having no certain assurance of provisions--as this island is so short of them; and although his grace sent pedro de oseguera with gold and articles of barter six days ago to search for food, still he is not sure that he has found it: therefore he said that he ordered, and he did order, all the vessels of this fleet to prepare to cross the bar, in order to make the voyage. his grace ordered that a copy of a letter written in the moro tongue, to the said limasancay be placed in these records, so that it might be manifest. he signed the above. witnesses, francisco velazquez, tome de la ysla, and lope de catalinaga _gabriel de ribera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in fulfilment of the above order of the said captain, i, the present notary, caused to be made and did make, a copy of the letter written by order of the said captain to limasancay, which was first written in a rough draft, so that the essentials of the said letter might therein be set down. it was written in the moro language by the interpreter laquian, an indian moro, who can write in the said tongue. in order that the said laquian might write the said letter, it was explained to him by miguel godines, spanish interpreter. its tenor is as follows: to limasancay, the panguilan who is lord over this river and the environs of mindanao: i came to this river by order of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general of the islands of luçon, the pintados, and the other islands, which he governs and rules for king don ffelipe, our sovereign, king of castilla (whom may god preserve during many years). he ordered me to come to treat with you for the alliance that your father sulatan so earnestly desired with the castilians; to enroll you under the protection of the said king, our sovereign; and to warn you of the great error under which you and all the natives of this island are living because you do not know your creator--who is three persons yet the one and only true god who created all men, the heavens, and the earth--so that, believing on him, you might merit the enjoyment of the heaven that he created for those who believe and serve him. at the entrance of this river i met umapas, a slave of yours, who told me that he was going with a letter and message from you to the said governor, wherein you say that you wish to be his ally. in acknowledgment, you were sending two daggers and two cakes of wax. i ordered him to return to you, in order to tell you that i was coming for the purposes above; and that you should not flee or have any fear, for i was not coming, nor had i commission, to molest you in any way. but the said umapas answered that he did not dare go upon this embassy for you would behead him. likewise i sent to you one day prior to this two of your slaves (whom i seized on the sea in a ship), that they might advise you of my coming and that you should have no fear. you refused however to observe this; and not only have you fled and revolted, but you have caused the entire district and its chiefs to revolt. they desire to have peace with the castilians and to be under the protection of the said king, our sovereign. but you have counseled them evilly; for, like a stripling, you do not know the blessings and advantages which you are losing, and which would be yours if you became the ally of the castilians and placed yourself under the control of the said governor, both for your own and your land's tranquillity, and for your soul's salvation. now this is the twenty-fourth day of this my stay in this river, without having injured you in any way, although i had good warrant therefor, and during which time i ascended the river of balete in search of you, and then returned to this your village. thence i sent messengers to tell you the above, none of whom have returned with a reply from you or have dared to talk with you. now i am going to the island of jolo to confer with its chief. i request you urgently to consider well what i have said for it concerns you much. i shall await your reply at cavite and shall be able to receive it within twelve days. may god give you grace to come to his knowledge. your friend, _gabriel de ribera_ by order of the captain: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet this said letter in the above form written in the moro speech and signed by the said captain before me, the said notary and before witnesses, was given and delivered on this day, the sixth of april of this year, to sibandao, an indian chief of this town, so that he might give it to the said limasancay. sibandao, through the said interpreter, offered to take it and deliver it to limasancay. in order that it might appear in the records, this copy was inserted. the said captain and the said interpreter signed it. witnesses were francisco velazquez, lope de catalina, and juan lopez de queto. _gabriel de ribera_ _miguel godines_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet this is a well and faithfully executed copy of a commission given to lope de catalinaga by the illustrious captain, gabriel de ribera, who comes to pacify these islands of mindanao and jolo, by order of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, of his majesty's council and governor and captain-general of these islands. its tenor is as follows: i, grabiel de ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and people who come to pacify the islands of jolo and bindanao, at the order of the very illustrious governor and captain-general for his majesty of these islands: inasmuch as the instructions of the said governor ordered me to send some one from the town of santísimo nombre de jesus to pacify the river and tingues [mountains] of butuan; and considering how much we may shorten the long voyage by going from this district of cavite instead of from the said town, and that we have here ships and rowers suitable for this undertaking--therefore in the name of his majesty i entrust the said expedition to sergeant lope de catalinaga. i order him to go as leader for the said pacification with fifteen soldiers besides himself. i order him to go with the said soldiers to the said river and tingues of butuan to pacify the said people in the tingues. he shall try to render them obedient to his majesty, making the best possible terms of peace by means of interpreters whom he is taking. from the natives of the said tingues, when they are pacified, he shall have power to collect such tribute as in all fairness can be collected from them. as he has the matter in hand, he shall do what is most convenient in this. having collected the tribute, he shall keep one-half of it very carefully, as it belongs to his majesty. the other half, according to his lordship's orders, shall be divided among his soldiers, according to custom. everything that shall be done upon this expedition shall be attested by notary; and i authorize him to appoint one, before whom shall be transacted all the proceedings necessary, so that an account may be rendered of everything. i order all his soldiers to regard, consider, and obey him as their leader, and observe his orders, under such penalties as he may inflict. given in cavite on the fourteenth of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. _gabriel de ribera_ by order of the captain: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet collated with the original: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the port of cavite, on the fourteenth of april, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, after his arrival at this port, the illustrious gabriel de ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and people who came to pacify the islands of mindanao and jolo, by order of the very illustrious governor of these islands, saw in this port three vessels manned with joloans. these vessels contained about fifty persons from the said island of jolo. the said captain summoned them to his presence, and through the said interpreters, laquian and miguel godines, asked them who they were. they replied that, when the captain was going to the river of mindanao, he had sent a boholan indian to notify them to collect the tribute, as the said captain would come for it on his return. therefore they, as soon as they heard this, went thither to confer with the said captain. the said captain asked them why they had left their village, and [had not] collected their tribute, since he had sent to tell them that they should have it ready; whereupon they all answered with one voice that the chief named rasea had gone to borney, four months ago, with a galliot and four vireys full of people, to the number of about three hundred. these had gone with the said chief to settle in borney. those left were about two hundred men, who were all reduced to despair through the great famine which they are suffering and have suffered since esteban rodriguez was in their village, and because of the damage inflicted upon them by the said esteban rodriguez. the said esteban rodriguez had told them that they would not be assessed tribute for two years. for this reason the people had gone to look for food in other islands. they had collected fifty-seven tributes, which they brought, with the request that his grace would not go to the said village of jolo because of the severe famine there; if he did, they must all abandon it. the said captain asked them if they had caught the elephants as the said captain esteban rodriguez had ordered and which they had promised to his lordship. they said they knew nothing of this and that if elephants had been promised, it was by raja yloi; but he had gone to borney and it was impossible for them to catch any alive. the said captain went outside secretly, and informed himself, through the said interpreters, from the boholan who had been sent, and from the people of this port of cavite, regarding the famine from which the said indians asserted they were suffering. these declared that it was very well known and true, and was current talk on this coast, that the said raja ylo had gone to borney with the people above mentioned; and that, in the opinion of the people who came from the island of jolo, there will be much famine in the future. they are a poor people and in need of food. all of them begged among the ships of the fleet, and in the spanish tongue, that, for the love of god, _humay_ be given them for they are hungry. it was seen that they gave their weapons and clothes in exchange for rice. thereupon the captain ordered the tributes brought by them, as they said, to be placed before him. they brought some robes, daggers, dishes, and articles of slight value and price, and cloth of their land, but no gold or silver. when the said captain saw how slight was the tribute and that it was in almost worthless articles, and as he had heard that there was a large field-piece in the village of jolo, taken from the lost galley, he said that, since they did not have the tribute collected and were so pressed by dire need, he would have pity and not take the tribute, on condition that they would give the said piece. they said they would all assemble and discuss this, and they asked the said captain to await them there until they returned to jolo. his grace told them that this would trouble him considerably because of his great lack of food; but that he would send pedro de oseguera in a fragata to bring back the said piece, and to ascertain whether they had told him the truth. thereupon that very night he ordered the said pedro de oseguera to get ready and embark with ten soldiers in the said fragata. he was to go to the said island of jolo and examine the people and their settlement and ascertain their need of food. he was to take note of everything, charging his men to act cautiously, and was not to land or molest the natives. the said pedro de oseguera left that night to execute this commission, in order to take back the tributes that the said natives had brought, and took them. witnesses, francisco velazquez, juan davila, melchor de torres, and many other soldiers. before me: _gabriel de ribera_ _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the port of cavite, on the nineteenth day of the month of april of the said year, pagalugan and other chiefs and timaguas of the island of taguima [basilan] appeared before the said captain in the presence of me, the notary, and of witnesses. they said that they brought to his grace, in recognition of tribute (for they knew the fleet needed food), twenty fowls, twenty pieces of colored medriñaque, three hogs, and one _chivanta_ of wax in four pieces. they said that they had paid their tribute to juan lopez de aguirre in civet-cats, fowls, swine, goats, and cloth. they came also to find out to whom they must pay the tribute hereafter, and how much they must pay. the captain asked how many people they were and how they could pay their tribute. through the said interpreters they replied that they could pay their tribute in wax, civet-cats, tortoise-shell, and colored cloth. with the tinguianes [mountaineers] they number about one thousand men more or less. upon this day the captain, seeing the fleet's need of food and the slight prospects for getting any, ordered all the said vessels of this fleet to return to the town of santísimo nombre de jesus. witnesses, melchor de torres, francisco gomes, and others. before me: _gabriel de ribera_ _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the port called dapitan, on the twenty-third day of the month of april of the said year, pedro de osegura, whom his grace had sent to the island of jolo, as above recorded, and who arrived at this port today with the men and fragata that he had taken, appeared before the said captain, and in the presence of me, the notary, and of witnesses. he said that, in fulfilment of his grace's orders, he had gone to the said island of jolo. he anchored at the mouth of the river there, for four days. as soon as he arrived he summoned the chiefs. they came, and through the said interpreter laquian he learned from them that raja ylo, with the indians of the island--three hundred men, and their women-with his wives, children, slaves, and all his possessions, had gone to settle in borney. he [oseguera] tried also to learn who had remained, whether they had a famine, as reported. he was told that not more than one hundred and forty indians remained and that, they were suffering a most severe famine. he ordered them to bring the piece that was said to be inland. in three hours they brought one to him, and he brought it hither in his fragata. it seems to be of about twelve or thirteen quintals' weight. thinking that they were lying in regard to the people and their poverty, he insisted upon asking them for the tribute, telling them that everyone who becomes his majesty's vassal, pays that recognition, as a return for his majesty's expenses in his fleets. they showed so great poverty, and were so little able to give anything, that, although he had the chiefs on his vessel and sent them to notify all the indians of the land that they must bring tribute in three days, not forty indians came with tribute--and that was in dishes, cloth, and articles of but little worth. the chiefs told him to go ashore and see for himself that there were no more people. consequently he bargained with an indian, a timagua of the said island (the one who had owned the said cannon), as he learned that the indian had traded for it with others; and gave back to them the fifty-seven tributes given them by the captain. then he returned to the fleet. this was his declaration, and he affixed his signature thereto. witnesses, juan davila and francisco gomez. _gabriel de ribera_ _pedro brizeno de oseguera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet thereupon, upon this said day, pedro de oseguera declared before the said captain that the said indians of jolo had given, in token of tribute, forty-three tributes, consisting of two tacs of gold, nineteen pieces of colored medriñaque, and eight tributes in dishes, a total of forty-three--besides the fifty-seven that were taken on account for the piece. the full total is one hundred, and he delivered them to the the captain. witnesses, the above-named persons. _gabriel de ribera_ _pedro brizeno de oseguera_ before me: _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the town of santísimo nombre de jesus, on the eighth day of the month of may, of the said year, the said captain said that, inasmuch as his lordship, the governor of these islands, ordered in the instructions given him for the said expedition that one-half of the tributes be given to his grace's soldiers and the other half to his majesty; and having seen the small amount collected and its little value, and the great lack in this town of food for this fleet: therefore he ordered that all the tributes of cloth and gold be delivered over and divided among the four ships commanded by francisco velazquez, tome de la ysla, juan rodriguez de norvega, and alonso pimentel, respectively. he ordered that it be inspected in order to make a note thereof. there were forty-four pieces of colored medriñaque and forty maes of gold. therefore each ship received eleven pieces of cloth and ten maes of gold, which was delivered to the above officers, and they gave receipts for it. witnesses were [juan lopez de] queto, francisco del castillo [ms. illegible]. the captain affixed his signature. _gabriel de ribera_ _benito de mendiola_, notary of the fleet in the city of manila on the tenth day of the month of june, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these islands of the west, after examining these records, ordered that i, the said notary, make two copies of them all, signed and attested, so that they may have authority. i was ordered to give and deliver them to him, to be sent wherever was most fitting for his majesty's service. in each one of them he said that he would sanction them, and he did thus sanction by his authority and judicial decree, so that they may be valid and have credibility in court or out of court. he affixed thereto his signature. _doctor francisco de sande_ and i, alonso beltran, notary of his royal majesty and of the government of the filipinas islands of the west, was present at the above proceeding. i had him affix his signature and affixed my own in testimony of truth. _alonso beltran_, his majesty's notary _[endorsed at beginning_: "testimony and proceedings in regard to the expeditions to burney, jolo, and mindanao which were made during the past year (seventy-eight) and this one (seventy-nine) by command of the very illustrious doctor francisco de sande, governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands of the west. these papers are forwarded for his majesty and his royal council of the indies."] appointments to vacancies in manila cathedral the king. [42] to our governor of the filipinas islands. when we heard that there were not sufficient tithes for the support of four prebendaries in the cathedral church which is to be erected in those islands, we ordered you in our decree of the thirteenth day of july of the past year 1579, to give them from our treasury a competent stipend, which was to be in proportion to the amount yielded by the said tithes. now the said bishop has reported that, in case the said prebends or other benefices which were to be established in the said church become vacant, it would be necessary to defer the appointment of other persons thereto until orders could be despatched from here; and thus the said church would remain without the divine service. in view of this inconvenience, he petitions us to give orders that, whenever dignities, canonries, and other benefices of the said church become vacant, they shall immediately be filled by other worthy persons, with the same stipends as those received by their predecessors; or to order what else is our pleasure. with the approval of our council of the indies, we favor this; and therefore order you that, whenever the said dignities, canonries, and other benefices of the cathedral church in those islands shall become vacant, you fill them with competent persons of the required rank, who shall serve in the place of those through whom the vacancy occurs, at the same stipend as that received by their predecessors, until we make our appointments. _i, the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de eraso_ letter from ronquillo de penalosa to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: this city has begged me to inform your majesty about three things solicited by the citizens. may your majesty command accordingly by a royal decree addressed to me, in order that i may inform them if these things are fitting for the service of your majesty. first, that your majesty may have me informed whether it is convenient that this city be the capital of this government. at present it is the largest city, has the largest population, and is the best governed in this kingdom. it is well situated, so that from it the governor may easily reach the settlements in these islands. although the place is unhealthful, it would nevertheless for the present be convenient that this city be the capital of this government and the headquarters of the governor. as to whether the repartimientos of the indians should be made permanent, i will say that at present such a course would be by no means beneficial to your royal service, as it would cause the soldiers to lose the hope of being rewarded for their services. those who are now here would not serve and no others would come to this land. touching the granting of estates to this city, there is exceeding need of them, as this city has none belonging to it by which any necessary works may be carried out. nevertheless i do not know whence the land can be taken without causing much damage. the vacant repartimientos are very necessary to reward the many persons who have served, and who complain with reason that the royal estate is always increasing, and yet it has many debts. may your majesty provide for everything according to your pleasure. may our lord guard your royal catholic majesty, and increase your majesty's kingdoms, as we your servants desire. manila, july seventeenth, of the year 1581. catholic royal majesty, your majesty's most humble servant, who kisses the royal hands and feet, _don goncillo rronquillo de penalosa_ [_endorsed:_ "seen. an answer is unnecessary."] ordinance restricting departure from the islands at the city of manila, in the filipinas, islands of the west, on the second day of the month of march of the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two, the most illustrious don goncalo ronquillo de peñalosa, governor and captain-general for his majesty of these said islands, said that, inasmuch as he had been informed that about three years ago fray pedro de alfaro, custodian of the descalced religious of the order of st. francis, had left these islands secretly, taking with him other religious, and that he went without order or license therefor from his majesty or the governor, to the kingdom of china, where he now is; [43] and inasmuch as fray pablo de jesus, a custodian, and other religious did the same thing a few days ago, causing thereby much scandal and talk in this commonwealth: in order to correct the aforesaid as is very necessary and to inform your majesty thereof, he declared that he was ordering (and he did so order) that it be publicly proclaimed in this city that no person of any quality or condition whatsoever should dare to leave this said city or any other places where said religious may be, accompanied by any persons whatsoever, by land or sea, or in any other manner whatsoever, except with express permission from the governor and captain-general of these islands. this shall be under penalty of incurring confiscation of all property by the exchequer of his majesty, and proclamation as a traitor and rebel against the royal crown. moreover, proceedings will be instituted against such person with all due severity. thus he provided; and, under the said penalties, no one shall dare to give such, persons ships or conveyance by which they may leave, without said permission. given _ut supra_: _don goncalo ronquillo de penalosa_ by command of his lordship: _alonso beltran_ letter from gonzalo ronquillo de penalosa to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: in another letter of greater length, i have informed your majesty regarding the affairs of this land, and have requested some things desirable therefor. what is now presented is as follows: on the twenty-fourth of the past month, there came to this port a ship of about one hundred and twenty toneladas. it was sent by your viceroy of nueva españa, but it contained no reënforcements, nor has he yet despatched them. this country cannot make progress if a year passes without reënforcements, since it depends upon colonists for its settlement and growth. moreover, the commerce cannot be increased by sending, from year to year, a ship so small that after the departure of two ships (and one of them more than four hundred toneladas) this year, half of the goods remain in this city for lack of a ship. moreover, this settlement is not provided with a doctor or apothecary, who are greatly needed on account of the insalubrious nature of this country. there was a scarcity of everything except provisions; this fact the royal audiencia [of mexico] sent against me, with only false accounts and petty information obtained from the followers of doctor francisco de sande, my predecessor--whose residencia i had taken, and, as a result thereof, had deprived him of all royal office. nevertheless, he was received in that royal audiencia as auditor; and, as a consequence, persons with grievances may well lose hope of obtaining justice. it is just that complaints against me as subjecting him to indignities, be heard, and that justice be done in that tribunal; but i also believe that your majesty will be pleased to guard the dignity of an office as important as mine, and the servant in whom your majesty has placed so much confidence. i say this because from mexico they meddle with my government--giving me orders as to the corregidors whom i am to keep, and addressing private individuals in regard to the supplies, directing them to keep watch over that matter. this gives much occasion for those who are here to lose respect for me. the most serious thing is, that no matter how small the affair may be, they do not listen to me, or to my side of the story. they impose grave penalties upon me and threaten that i will be obliged to defray the expenses of the judge. i send some copies of the commands to your majesty so that the royal council may consider and provide what is most fitting for your royal service. moreover, i have heard news in regard to captain graviel de ribera, who was the attorney of this city; he was one of doctor sande's chief enemies, and most accused him in his residencia, as will appear by his own deposition therein. on the way from here to mexico, he became an ally and confederate of the said doctor sande; and together, with false reports and some witnesses who were tools of the said doctor, they preferred many charges against me in that royal audiencia. with these charges the said grabiel de ribera went to españa, without a hearing having been accorded to me or to anyone in my behalf. it is just to believe that in that supreme tribunal, in the presence of your majesty, injustice will be done to no one--least of all to me, who have served and am now serving your majesty with so great integrity and solicitude, and who have had so long an experience. i am sure that your majesty will first give me a hearing, and afterwards command that amends be made for my wrongs, by punishing those who have tried to stain my honor and my good reputation in life and character. this i beseech your majesty to do, in consideration of my services. i have great need of an educated assistant, as there is much to be done here in the business of war and government, as well as a great amount of work that must be done in affairs of justice, both civil and criminal. the trouble here is that the people are of such a nature that, at the same time when justice is done to one, an enemy is made of another person. i beseech your majesty to command such provision to be made as shall be fitting for the royal service. the sub-lieutenant francisco de dueñas, who, as i have explained in another letter, was sent as envoy to maluco, came to this city on the twenty-second current. he brought very good returns, which have given us all great satisfaction, as your majesty will see by the letters of the chief captain and other private persons, which i am sending through your viceroy of nueva españa. there is also remitted an account of the voyage and its events. that fortified place is now open for your majesty's advantage; [44] and although its chief captain sent me no request for aid, i know that it is necessary to send the same, as well as to pacify the king of terrenate. it is very important to understand how desirable it is for that stronghold to prosper, as it is of the greatest advantage for all nueva españa. consequently, i have been exceedingly troubled by the non-arrival of reënforcements from nueva españa during the past two years. a large number of troops i have assigned to several settlements, as i have already written at greater length. in the shortest time possible i will send aid to maluco; and from time to time i shall advise what is done in this respect. your majesty has already been informed how the english pirate [45] set out for maluco and the xabas [java]. in maluco he formed a friendship with the king of terrenate, to whom he promised to return in a short time with more forces. consequently, i have considered how much more reason there is to believe that they cannot return by the strait of magallanes--since i know that that strait is well guarded, and because, since they have gone through it, both piru and nueva españa are warned; they could gain nothing in the expedition, and it would certainly be lost. no one but the pirate himself knows the route which he took and the channel which he followed to maluco; and therefore no efforts were made to check him. if maluco should be considered in england as of great value, and as a stronghold which can be taken and held with a few men, then they would feel bound to place a large force in it. your majesty should do much for its defense. these considerations impress me so strongly that, if i were supplied with more troops and artillery, i could by no means imagine a more necessary task. i will do what i can, however, in your royal service, although it is not under my charge. in my opinion, the spices should be sent from maluco to panama, a voyage very safe and not too long. in this way the ships which conduct it to panama may touch at nueva españa and leave there the amount necessary for that kingdom, and in panama, what is needed for piru, the kingdom of tierra firme and the new kingdom of granada. from the port of panama, where the ships coming from maluco anchor, it is but five or six leagues' journey by land to the river of chagre. from there to españa is nothing but water, and consequently the said spices can be conveyed thereby very easily and at little cost. this i think is the shortest, safest, and least expensive method. your majesty will order what is most fitting for your service. the artillery, which your majesty orders me to send to the viceroy of peru, i am preparing with promptness. nevertheless, that which your majesty has here at present is necessary for this stronghold, and for the other islands, where i have distributed a number of cannon for their greater security and prosperity. i send the relation of the islands and their villages, and of their inhabitants and industries, which was forwarded to me to send you. i would send a longer account if more time had elapsed since the receipt of your majesty's royal decree, which arrived the twenty-fifth of the past month. no papers whatever of fray martin de rada [46] were left in this country; nor have i been able to discover any, although most diligent search has been made. among the other orders brought by this ship was one directing that a considerable sum of money be paid to doctor francisco de sande. he says that this is due to him as salary; and for the payment of this is designated the greater part of the villages which belong to the royal crown of your majesty. the fleets are maintained thereby, as well as other expenses of your majesty here. this order is received with regret and sorrow, and the royal officials have sent a petition to this effect; and i too beseech your majesty to declare if it be your royal pleasure that this man support himself at the expense of the royal service. may it be provided that we be not constrained thus in similar things. in the ship that just arrived from nueva españa, there came eighteen descalced friars, a class of people who do much good in this land, on account of their mode of life and their poverty. nevertheless, they come so eager to pass on to china that it would not be right to keep them here. accordingly, in order to console them, i am now giving permission to the commissary who accompanied them, and to four other religious, both to go to macau [macao] to visit the house which they have there, and to pass to the bordering kingdom of cochinchin. news is had that the king of the latter country asks for ministers to teach him our holy faith. i hope to god that benefit may be derived therefrom, for the salvation of those souls. i have also improved the opportunity of the commissary's departure to send by him to the portuguese of macau the news of the certainty of the late coronation of your majesty. [47] therefore i expect that that stronghold will be as peaceful as that of maluco. through your viceroy of nueva españa i am sending a copy of the residencia of the doctor sande, as that sent a year ago was lost with the ship to which it was entrusted. much pleasure was caused in the land by the arrival of the bishop, [48] and i received him as well as i could. on account of the austerity of his disposition and his wish to dominate, people do not like him; and he has caused much discontent among both ecclesiastics and laymen. his christianity and zeal is worthy, and he will undoubtedly prove to be true. as your majesty is better informed, you may provide accordingly. may our lord guard your royal catholic majesty and increase your kingdoms, as we your majesty's vassals desire. manila, june 15, in the year 1582. royal catholic majesty, the most humble servant of your majesty, who kisses the royal feet and hands. _don gonzalo rronquillo de penalosa_ bibliographical data most of the documents in this volume are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the original mss. (from copies of which our translations are made) are there preserved in two patronatos, as follows: (a) "simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas, vistos en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." to this belong sande's report of 1576, his letters of july 29, 1578 and may 30, 1579, peñalosa's letter, and the two documents of 1582. (b) "simancas-filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las yslas filipinas; años 1566 á 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2|24." from this patronato we obtain sande's report of 1577 (in ramo 40), and the record of his expedition to borneo (no. 48). the former lacks a signature, and may be a duplicate copy, sent (as already explained) by another vessel to ensure the arrival of at least one copy in spain, the signature being perhaps forgotten through some clerical oversight; but its date and composition show it to be sande's report. the bull erecting the diocese of manila is taken from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, xxxiv, pp. 72-79. the grant of indulgences is obtained from fray francisco de santa inés's _crónica de la provincia de san gregorio magno_ (manila, 1892), pp. 215, 216. the two royal decrees are translated from copies of the originals, which are found in the "cedulario indico" in the archivo histórico nacional at madrid; their pressmarks are: for the decree of 1879, "tomo 31, f° 132b, n° 135;" for that of 1580, "tomo 31, f° 193b, n° 184." the "cedulario" contains forty mss. volumes of these decrees, with a calendar index of twenty-four volumes. notes [1] the spanish phrase here is _armas enastadas_, literally, "weapons fastened to handles." see cuts of chinese battle-axes (from specimens in musée d' artillerie, paris) in auguste demmin's _arms and armor_ (london, 1877), p. 442. [2] the day of st. andrew falls on november 30, according to the church calendars. [3] this narrative is given in juan gonzales de mendoza's _hist. china,_ part ii, book i, ch. ix-xxix. [4] marco polo, the noted venetian traveler, was born about 1256, and died in his native city in 1323. his father and uncle were also travelers; they went to tartary in 1255, returning to europe in 1269, as envoys from the noted kublai khan. two years later, they returned to the court of that ruler, accompanied by the young marco; and they remained in the service of the mongol emperor until 1292, when they returned to venice. marco's account of his travels and observations was written as early as 1307. a latin version of it was published in antwerp, about 1485; and one in italian at venice, in 1496. many other editions and translations of it have since been issued--perhaps the most notable being that by g. pauthier (paris, 1865). see this editor's account of polo and of his work, in hoefer's _nouvelle biographie générale_, t. xxxix, art. polo; pauthier shows that this work must have been originally written in french. kublai khan at that time had his capital at pekín, not at kingszé. [5] the great wall of china was constructed during the reign of hoangti, the second emperor of the tsin dynasty (about 244 to 210 b.c.); it was built to protect the chinese land from the invasions of the tartar hordes on the west and north, among whom were those later known as huns. [6] the oil extracted from sesame (_sesamum indicum_); it is used by the natives for the hair, and in medicine. [7] chichimecos (meaning "braves") was a term applied to all the wild tribes of mexico; it was also used specially to designate the hunting and pastoral tribes in the northern provinces of the present country of mexico--who, according to humboldt (_new spain_, black's trans., london, 1811, i, p. 133), came to that country about 1170. see also g.p. winship's _coronado expedition_ (washington, 1896), p. 524. [8] a malayan tribe, living in the provinces of abra and ilocos, in luzón. see sawyer's account of them, in his _inhabitants of philippines_ (n.y., 1900), pp. 275-280. [9] the residencia is a spanish institution, dating as far back as the fourteenth century, although its beginnings may be traced to the visigothic codes. it required a judge or a governor, at the end of a term of office, to reside for a certain time (usually thirty or fifty days) at the chief place where he had exercised his functions. during that time, complaints of his conduct might be made by any person aggrieved, before an official appointed for that purpose. the residencia was a prominent feature of spanish colonial administration. see helps's _spanish conquest in america_, iii, ch. iii, for an account of this institution. [10] "in fortification, a work of extraordinary height, overlooking the surrounding parts as a horseman overlooks foot-soldiers." (webster's _dictionary_.) [11] this decree may be found in _recopilación de leyes indias_, lib. iv, tit. iii, ley xix. it seems to have been a general regulation, applied to any colonial possession as need might arise. [12] crawfurd says, in his _dictionary of the indian islands_ (london, 1856), p. 144: "in the language of the bugis, whose country produces gold, we find a native word, _ulawang_, and this is again the case in the languages of the tagalas of the philippines, where we have the indigenous name _balituk_; while in the language of the volcanic bisaya islands we find the word _bulawang_, most probably a corruption of the bugis word." [13] there is some mistake in this calculation; for the chinese tael is equivalent to 1.1334 ounces, and the spanish onza to 1.0161 ounces, in english or u.s. avoirdupois. the mace is one-tenth of the tael. 8 onzas = 1 marco; 2 marcos = 1 libra = 1.016097 u.s. pounds. the equivalent of one libra, then, would be nearly 12 taels and 2 mace. by _texuela_ is apparently meant the sheet gold previously mentioned. [14] in new spain, the hot and fertile regions along the coast, having an elevation of seldom more than 1,000 feet, are called _tierras calientes_ ("regions of heat"). on the declivity of the cordilleras, at an elevation of 4,000 to 5,000 feet, there reigns perpetually a soft spring temperature, which never varies more than 10° fahr. the natives give to this region the name of _tierras templadas_ ("temperate country"), in which the mean heat of the whole year is about 70° fahr. the plains elevated more than 7,000 feet above the sea level are called _tierras frías_ ("cold regions"), where the mean temperature is under 62° fahr. see humboldt's _new spain_ (black's trans.), i, pp. 64-67. the name tierra firme was applied not only to the northern part of the south american continent, but to a definite region which extended from the middle of the gulf of darien to cape gracias á dios. it was at first called darien, and castilla del oro. [15] span., _de no aver pies ni cabeza_, "as he had neither feet nor head." [16] cauchi is a phonetic form of kuchi, the malay appellation of the region known in recent years as cochin-china, now a part of french indo-china. camboja is a better form of the name usually written cambodia, also a part of french indo-china; sian is but a variant of siam. patani and pahang are malayan states on the eastern side of the malay peninsula. jabas is a corruption of jawa (now commonly written java), the name of the principal nation inhabiting the island--the most civilized and moral of the malayan peoples. samatra is only a variant of sumatra--the largest island, next to borneo, of the malayan archipelago. achin (or achen) and mânangkabo (manancabo) are states in the island of sumatra; and batachina evidently means "land of the bataks," a tribe of cannibals dwelling near achin. see crawfurd's _dictionary_ for valuable information regarding all these regions. [17] the three great military orders then vested in the crown of spain--those of santiago, alcántara, and calatrava. [18] the order of friars minors (_fratres minores_), better known as franciscans, was founded (1208) by st. francis of assisi. [19] _mestizo_: the offspring of a white man and an indian woman, or of an indian man and a white woman--of course, almost entirely the former. see interesting notes on this subject by retana, in his _zúñiga_, ii, pp. 525*, 526*. [20] herrera says (_descripción de las indias_, cap. 26), that: "the west indies [_indias del poniente_] comprise all the islands and mainland [_tierra firme_] beyond the line of demarcation of castilla and leon, as far as the western bounds of that said demarcation, the line whereof passes around the other side of the world, through the city of malacca." this is conformable with the law of february 22, 1632 (_recop. leyes indias_, lib. i, tit. xiv, ley xxxiii), which locates japan and the philippine islands in the west indies; it also corresponds with the constitution (_onerosa_) of clement viii, issued december 12, 1600, to be found in section 4, wherein the philippines are located, it seems, in the west indies, or what are considered as such. however, what really is the dividing line has not yet been decided.--_rev. t.c. middleton_, o.s.a. [21] the missionaries who effected the conversion [of the malaysian tribes] were not, for the most part, genuine arabs, but the mixed descendants of arab and persian traders from the persian and arabian gulfs--parties who, by their intimate acquaintance with the manners and languages of the islanders, were far more effectual instruments. the earliest recorded conversion was that of the people of achin in sumatra (a.d. 1206). the malays of malacca adopted mahometanism in 1276; the javanese, in 1478; the inhabitants of the moluccas, about the middle of the fifteenth century. this doctrine has been received by all the more civilized peoples of the indian archipelago. see crawfurd's _dictionary_, pp. 236, 237, 284. [22] throughout this document, the attestations and other legal procedures of notaries are enclosed within parentheses. [23] the name _fragata_ (from which is derived the english word "frigate") is here used to designate merely a light sailing-vessel which could navigate among the islands. [24] evidently one of the so-called "hand cannon," which were often used at this period, both by cavalry and by infantry--portable fire-arms, loaded sometimes at the breech and sometimes by a movable chamber. see illustrations and descriptions of these weapons in demmin's _arms and armor_ (black's trans.), pp. 59-74, 485, 511-517. [25] the arms of portugal, consisting of five scutcheons, in memory of the five wounds of christ. [26] one of the numerous appellations of small cannon. [27] the _banca_ was a sort of canoe made from a hollowed tree-trunk (like the american "dug-out"), sometimes provided with outriggers, to prevent it from upsetting, and sometimes with a roof of bamboo. the _barangay_ is the most primitive and most characteristic boat in the philippines; it is described as a sharp and slender craft, pointed at both ends, and put together with wooden nails and pegs. it is this boat which has given name to the primitive groups of the social organization; see bourne's mention of these, _vol_. i of this series, p. 56.--_editors_.] "the people were divided or grouped into families, known as _barangayes_ (the name of a small ship or vessel), thus preserving the remembrance of the conveyance by which their forefathers reached the islands. as the various families came hither, each in its own barangay--all, during the voyage, being under the command of a _cabeza_ (a head captain, or pilot)--the land was partitioned among them, so much for each family; while all continued, on the land, subject to the cabezas who had directed them on the sea. these in time were known as _datós_, or _maguinoos_. see the _crónica_ of francisco de santa inés (manila, 1892), i, p. 57; noceda and sanlucar's _vocabulario tagala_ (3rd ed., manila, 1860); diego bergaño's _vocabulario pampanga_ (manila, 1860); and andres carro's _vocabulario iloco-español_ (manila, 1888)."--_rev. t. c. middleton_, o.s.a. [28] meaning some plant used as an antidote for poison. [29] apparently a phonetic variant of _pangeran_ (a javanese word adopted in borneo), meaning "prince." [30] in this connection may be cited rajah james brooke's statement, as given by captain henry keppel in his _expedition to borneo_ (american edition, new york, 1846), p. 305: "the most detestable part of this traffic is seriff houseman ["a half-bred arab" pirate in borneo] selling, in cold blood, such of these slaves as are borneans, to pangeran usop, of bruni, for 100 rupees for each slave, and pangeran usop re-selling each for 200 rupees to their relations in bruni." [31] apparently a sort of "dug-out," used mainly as a lighter, for unloading larger vessels. [32] _pulo_ (incorrectly made _polo_ in the text) is a term used throughout the malayan archipelago referring to a small island or islet; this name means, then, "the small island celemin." [33] the habit of chewing _buyo_ is common through the malaysian archipelago. it is prepared by wrapping a leaf of the betel (_piper betel_) around a piece of the bonga-nut (the product of a palm, _areca catechu_) and a small piece of lime. it is thought to stimulate the nerves, especially in the digestion of food; and is a notable feature on ceremonious and social occasions. [34] fine east indian muslin. [35] probably referring to the island now known as boeton or butung, lying southeast of celebes. [36] evidently the old port in mindanao so called. [37] probably referring to the island now known as boeton or buntung, lying s.e. of celebes. [38] reference is here made to the starchy food procured from the sago-palm, called by the natives _burí (corypha umbraculifera)_. this tree gives name to the island of burias, where it grows abundantly. by tapping the tree, as is done with the american maple, the sweet sap (called by the natives _tuba_ or "water-honey") is obtained, from which are made a syrup and a dark sugar; also the natives manufacture from it wine and brandy. the young shoots or buds are edible, as is the entire inner part or pith of the tree. this pith is placed in troughs, wherein it is soaked in water, which washes out certain bitter substances; it is then pounded, which causes the starchy grains to separate from the tissues of the pith. these grains are collected and dried, and made into a flour called sago (or sagú), which furnishes a nutritious and healthful food; in the islands where this tree abounds, the sago takes the place of rice. the leaves of the sago-palm are used as a covering for houses, sails for vessels, and many other purposes. see delgado's _hist. de filipinas_ (manila, 1892--but written in 1753-54), pp. 660-662, for a long and detailed description of this tree and its uses; also blanco's _flora de filipinas_, p. 160, and _u.s. philippine gazetteer,_ p. 74. [39] the lagoon of liguasan, the waters of which are discharged into those of the pulangui river at its "great bend," thus forming the rio grande. the pulangui rises in the northern part of the island, about half-way between the present towns of cagayan and butúan. the tirurey or ytilurey river of our text apparently indicates a southern tributary of the rio grande, flowing from mt. tiruray. [40] a tribe inhabiting the western part of mindanao, but mainly located on other islands--basilan, sulu, piragua, and others; they were mahometan malays. [41] the ganta contains 3 litros, a little more than 1/3 of a peck (u.s.). [42] at the top of the sheet is written, on the original ms., "guadalupe, march 26, 1580," which apparently indicates that the decree was sent to new spain, and promulgated by the viceroy there. [43] "a fleet on which were some franciscan missionaries being at sevilla in 1576, ready to sail for the solomon islands, felipe ii obtained permission from pope gregory xiii that they should be sent to evangelize the philippine islands--where they arrived on june 24, 1577. they were received in manila with enthusiastic demonstrations of joy, and soon founded a religious province, which they named san gregorio magno ["st. gregory the great"--named in honor of pope gregory i (a.d. 590-604)]. the marshal, don gabriel de rivera, built for them the convent of san francisco in that same year, 1577."--_algue_ (_archipiélago filipino_, i, p. 250). on june 24, 1577, fifteen religious of st. francis arrived at manila, under the orders of fray pedro de alfaro, the father custodian of the province. on june 15, 1579, alfaro left luzon (secretly, as our text declares, because sande refused to permit him to go), to establish a mission in china; he was accompanied by the friars juan bautista, sebastian de san francisco, and agustin de tordesillas. the last-named wrote a detailed account of their journey and their experiences in china up to november 15 of that year; this relation is published in mendoca's _hist. china,_ part ii, book ii. [44] maluco, the portuguese post on ternate, was taken over by spain with other colonial possessions of portugal, when felipe ii seized the government of the latter country (september, 1580), after the death of its king, the cardinal henrique. this union lasted during sixty years. the possession of the moluccas of course gave to spain the control of the spice trade. [45] apparently a reference to the visit of sir francis drake to ternate, in november, 1578. a full account of this visit, the friendly reception of the english by the malay ruler, and the expulsion of the portuguese from the island, may be found in francis fletcher's _world encompassed by sir francis drake_ (hakluyt soc. pubs. no. xvii, london, 1854), pp. 137-148. [46] rada had died at sea, in june, 1578. [47] felipe ii was crowned at lisbon in april, 1581. [48] the first bishop of manila, and of the philippines, domingo de salazar (a dominican) arrived at manila in march, 1581. with him came fray christoval de salvatierra, of his own order; twenty augustinians, and eight franciscans; and two jesuit priests, antonio sedeño and alonso sánchez, with the lay brother nicolas gallardo. see juan de la concepcion's _hist. phil_., ii, pp. 44, 45. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century volume vii, 1588-1591 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume vii preface ... 9 documents of 1588 relation of the philipinas islands. domingo de salazar, and others; manila, 1586-88 ... 29 letter to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; manila, june 26 ... 52 letter to felipe ii. domingo de salazar; manila, june 27 ... 64 documents of 1589 excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of india. manuel de sousa coutinho; goa, april 3 ... 79 letter to felipe ii. santiago de vera; manila, june 13 ... 83 conspiracy against the spaniards. santiago de vera, and others; manila, may-july ... 95 letter to felipe ii. [gaspar] de ayala; manila, july 15 ... 112 decree regarding commerce. felipe ii; san lorenzo, august 9 ... 137 instructions to gomez perez dasmariñas. felipe ii; san lorenzo, august 9 ... 141 customs of the tagalogs (two relations). juan de plasencia, o.s.f.; manila, october 21 ... 173 documents of 1590 letter from portugal to felipe ii. [lisboa?] ... 199 decree ordering a grant to salazar. felipe ii; madrid, april 12 ... 205 letter from members of the suppressed audiencia to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; manila, june 20 ... 208 the chinese and the parián at manila. domingo de salazar; manila, june 24 ... 212 two letters to felipe ii. domingo de salazar; manila, june 24 ... 239 decree regulating commerce. felipe ii; san lorenzo, july 23 ... 262 the collection of tributes in the filipinas islands. domingo de salazar, and others; manila, 1591 ... 265 bibliographical data ... 319 illustrations autograph signature of doctor santiago de vera; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 61 autograph signature of juan de plasencia, o.s.f.; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 187 preface important events and changes occur during the four years included in the scope of this volume. the audiencia is suppressed, and in its place is sent a royal governor; the instructions given to him embody many of the reforms demanded by the people through their envoy sánchez. extensive and dangerous conspiracies among the natives against the spaniards are discovered, and severely punished. trade between nueva españa and china is beginning, and seems to menace the welfare of the philippine colony. a large immigration of chinese to the islands has set in, and is already seriously affecting economic interests there. the city of manila, recently destroyed by fire, is being rebuilt, this time mainly with brick and stone. as usual, there is much friction between the ecclesiastical and secular authorities, largely concerning the collection of tributes from the indians; the most prominent figure in these contentions is the aged but fiery bishop, salazar. shortly after the jesuit sánchez had gone to spain as envoy of the philippine colonists, a document was prepared (december 31, 1586), by order of the manila cabildo, to be sent to him for use at the spanish court. as this was lost on the "santa ana," and as bishop salazar regards the supply of missionaries in the islands as very inadequate, he applies (june 3, 1588) to the cabildo for another copy of such part of this document as relates to the religious needs of the natives. this he sends (june 25) to the royal council of the indias, with considerable additions regarding certain islands not mentioned in the cabildo's memorial. this document gives much interesting information, not only on religious matters, but on the social and economic conditions of both spaniards and natives in the islands. in each island or province are enumerated the population, both native and spanish; the number of spanish troops, also of encomiendas and tributarios; the number of convents and their inmates; the religious and ecclesiastics, not only those resident, but those needed among the natives; the officials employed by the government; the chinese immigrants and their occupations; the articles for sale in the public market; and the imports and exports at manila. the writer relates many things of interest regarding the natural resources and products of the country, the mode of life of both spaniards and natives, the means of defense possessed by the colony, the indians who are not as yet under spanish rule. all this affords a valuable and curiously interesting picture of the colony and its life; but salazar, in presenting it, is mainly concerned with the great need of more religious instruction for the natives, and earnestly entreats the king to send more friars and ecclesiastics for the purpose. a letter from santiago de vera to the king (dated june 26, 1588) gives his report for the past year. he recounts the exploits of the english adventurer candish against spanish commerce. hereafter the ships which carry goods from the philippines will be armed with cannon and other means of defense. vera asks for more artillery with which to defend the islands, which are menaced by great dangers in their present weak condition. he has built some galleys, but would prefer some light ships for navigation among the islands. the new fort at manila is described; it will, when completed, be sufficient defense for the city. the governor also enumerates the artillery which he has, and asks that more be provided by the home government. he has punished the royal officials for engaging in trade. vera advises that the sale of certain public offices be deferred for some years, until the colony shall be more prosperous. on the next day (june 27) salazar writes to the king. he defends himself against the royal reprimand for his dissensions with the audiencia. further information is given regarding the capture of spanish ships by candish. the resulting losses of citizens in the islands are very great, and still more serious is the loss of spanish prestige in the archipelago. in mindanao, moslem missionaries are conducting an extensive propaganda. the bishop complains that in his diocese the churches, as well as their furniture, are often so wretched and inadequate that they are a disgrace to religion, and are "not fit to be entered by horses." this arises from the penuriousness or the poverty of the encomenderos; nothing can be expected from the natives, who are "so harassed and afflicted with public and private undertakings that they are not able to take breath." the bishop regards the calamities that have befallen the spaniards as punishments inflicted on them by god for their evil treatment of the indians. he recommends that many religious be sent to the islands, who will be protectors of the natives; also that a governor be sent who is not ruled by selfish or family interests. salazar complains of the harshness and severity shown by the viceroy of nueva españa, especially as the latter will not allow certain dominican friars to go to the philippines; and as he has injured the commerce of the islands by his restrictive measures--especially by selling the vessel "saint martin" to a mexican merchant to be used in the chinese trade. the wreck of that ship at sea he regards as a punishment from heaven. he urges that trade from mexico to china be stopped, and that the viceroy of nueva españa be ordered to send aid to the philippines, especially of troops and military supplies, and not to meddle with the decisions of the audiencia there regarding customs duties, etc. salazar objects to the presence of so many chinamen in the islands. an extract from a letter of the viceroy of india to the king (april 3, 1589) complains that some of his officers have violated the prohibition of intercourse with china and the philippines. he has sent officials to macao to quell disturbances there, and order has been given that all castilians there shall be sent away. he is greatly opposed to the trade which has begun between mexico and china, and thinks that rigorous measures should be taken against it. vera writes (july 13) to the king imploring reenforcements and supplies for the islands. three spaniards, among them a franciscan friar, have been treacherously slain by the borneans. this proves to be the outcome of a general conspiracy among the filipinos, borneans, and other peoples to attack and drive out the spaniards. the plotters are detected and severely punished. certain public offices have been sold, account for which is rendered by the governor. he is endeavoring to secure a small fleet of trading ships, but is obliged to ask aid for this from the royal treasury. not only ships, but sailors and carpenters are needed, who should be paid in the same way. more artillery is needed, also to be furnished by royal aid. the chinese trade is continually increasing. the city of manila is being fast rebuilt, and in stone. but the land is unhealthful and the soldiers die fast, so that the islands have few men for their defense; and again the king is earnestly entreated to order that men and supplies be sent at once from nueva españa. the new fort has been injured by earthquakes, but vera is building it more strongly. he complains that the friars have neglected his commands to learn the chinese language and instruct the chinese who live on the islands. the dominicans alone have entered this field; they have achieved great results, and have now among the chinese "a village of christians." many more would be converted, if it were not for the bishop's order that the long hair of the converts should be cut off; accordingly the king orders that a conference of religious and learned persons be held, who shall take suitable action in regard to this and other matters concerning the conversion of the chinese. vera complains of the arrogance, obstinacy, and high temper of the bishop, and asks that the king restrain him. there is no physician in manila, and one is urgently needed in the royal hospital. this document is followed by the notarial record of proceedings in the trial of various indians for conspiracy, which is mentioned in vera's letter. the punishments inflicted upon them are specified: in each case, appeal was made to the audiencia, which in some cases modified the penalty, but otherwise affirmed the former decision. gaspar de ayala, royal fiscal in the islands, makes his report to the king (july 15). he advises that ships for the royal service be built in the islands; also that the gold used as currency there be exchanged in nueva españa for spanish coin--both of which measures will be of profit to the royal treasury. he renders account of the recent sale of offices in the islands, and gives advice regarding this method of aiding the royal exchequer. certain encomiendas becoming vacant, ayala, as fiscal, undertakes to secure them for the crown; in this he has difficulties with the governor, who also is trying to make trouble for ayala with the soldiers. the latter asks to be relieved from his post in the philippines, and sent to some other. the chinese trade is meager this year, owing to war and pestilence in china; and there are rumors that it is being diverted to peru or nueva españa. if this be true, the philippine colony will be ruined. a second plot against the spaniards has been revealed, this time in cebú; but the leaders have been captured. the indians of cagayán have also revolted, and troops have been sent against them. ayala adds, "i am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not disaffected." the spanish colony is in great danger, and imperatively needs reenforcements to save it from destruction. the galleys at manila, now useless, should be replaced by light sailing-vessels. a further levy of tribute has been made on the indians for the new fortress at manila: this is an oppressive burden for them. ayala relates at length the dissensions between the bishop and the secular authorities; the king is implored to settle the question at issue. the bishop has also offended the augustinians, by sending dominican friars into their field among the chinese residents: the king is asked to send more friars, to instruct the natives. the manila hospital for indians has no income save of alms: ayala recommends that the franciscans in charge be allowed to sell a certain amount of pepper in nueva españa. the members of the audiencia, and the magistrates and officials appointed during the current year are enumerated by name. a fierce tempest has occurred at manila, causing great damage, and destroying all the vessels in the harbor except one small one. the expedition sent to cagayán has returned without accomplishing anything except the destruction of the crops belonging to the hostile indians, which will only irritate them and incite them to revenge. a royal decree (dated august 9, 1589) orders the newly appointed governor of the philippines, gomez perez dasmariñas, to repeal the import duties levied at manila on provisions and military supplies, also to suppress the retail trade conducted there by the chinese. as a result of sanchez's embassy to spain, the king and his counselors decide to institute many reforms in the philippines, and to send thither a royal governor in place of the audiencia. for this dignity is selected gomez perez dasmariñas, and the king's instructions to him (dated august 9, 1589) embody the changes to be made in the government and life of the colony. the cathedral at manila is to be built, for which purpose the king appropriates the sum of twelve thousand ducados. similar aid is to be granted to the two hospitals at manila. more religious are to be sent to the islands. the rate of tribute from the indians shall be increased from eight reals to ten; this increase shall be used for tithes and the support of troops in the islands; and the encomenderos must support religious instruction among the natives, and pay tithes. a grant of money for six years is made to the city of manila; but the king declines to abolish the customs duties--setting aside their proceeds, however, for the payment of the soldiers stationed in the islands--except those on food and military supplies. appointments and encomiendas must be given to old citizens, or to soldiers who have done actual service; and a list of persons who are to be rewarded for their services is furnished to the new governor. workmen are to be paid at manila, not, as heretofore, at mexico. trade with mexico is restricted to the inhabitants of the philippines. the question whether the chinese and other foreign merchants are to be allowed to sell goods at retail at the ports is left to the discretion of dasmariñas. only christian chinese may remain in the islands. agricultural colonists shall be sent thither from spain, for whom various provisions are made; and it is expected that from them the indians will learn the spanish methods of farming. cattle and horses are to be sent to the islands; and the farmers sent out shall be ordered to tame and breed the wild buffaloes found there. agriculture shall be encouraged in all ways. a convent for girls should be established, and its inmates provided with husbands; and indian women should be enabled to marry poor spaniards. encomiendas must be granted with great care, and must be provided with adequate religious instruction. dasmariñas is advised to settle lawsuits amicably out of court, when possible. in disaffected encomiendas, only part of the tributes should be collected. suitable instruction for the natives must be provided, and those who are dispersed should be gathered into settlements where they can be taught the christian faith. the king appoints bishop salazar the official protector of the indians; and the governor is instructed to cultivate friendly relations with him. a force of four hundred paid soldiers shall be maintained in the islands, and various provisions are made for their discipline and welfare. the minimum age for military service is fixed at fifteen years, and the enlistment of mestizos is discouraged. the city of manila shall be fortified and garrisoned; and the governor is instructed to be on his guard against various enemies, "chiefly of the lutheran english pirates who infest those coasts," and to build forts and galleys for the defense of the islands. he is expected to continue the conquests begun there by the spaniards, but only in accordance with instructions furnished him. he must do all in his power to pacify the indians in the disaffected provinces. in attempting any military expedition, the governor must consult with the most learned and experienced men of the community; he may contract with captains or encomenderos for the exploration or pacification of hitherto unsubdued regions. provision is made for the instruction of the natives; and extortion and oppression of the natives in collecting the tributes must be checked. all indians enslaved by the spaniards shall be immediately set free. all lawsuits concerning the indians shall be settled as promptly and simply as possible. religious persons sent to the islands must remain there, except by permission of the authorities. of especial value are two relations (1589) by the franciscan missionary juan de plasencia, on the customs of the tagalogs. he describes their social organization, which was originally patriarchal; and rights of property, which are partly individual and partly communistic. there are three classes among the people--nobles, commoners and slaves. the status and rights of each are carefully defined, and the causes and kinds of slavery. a somewhat elaborate system of regulations concerning inheritances is described, also the status of children by adoption, which usage is widely prevalent among the tagalogs. marriage, dowries, and divorce are fully treated. in the second of these relations plasencia describes their modes of burial and worship, and the religious beliefs and superstitions current among that people. they have no buildings set aside as temples, although they sometimes celebrate, in a temporary edifice, a sort of worship. their chief idol is badhala, but they also worship the sun and the moon, and various minor divinities. they believe in omens, and practice divination. a detailed account is given of the various classes of priests, sorcerers, witches, etc., in which the natives believed; also of the burial rites of both tagalogs and negritos. a letter to the king from portugal (written early in 1590) gives him information which he had requested from portuguese officials in india, regarding the character and results of the trade between the spanish colonies and those established by the portuguese in india and the eastern archipelago, and china. the continuance of this trade would, they think, ruin the prosperity of the settlements in india, and greatly injure the commerce of spain, and deplete that country and her colonies of their coin. at salazar's petition, he receives from the king (april 12, 1590) a grant of money toward the payment of debts incurred by him in procuring the rebuilding of manila in stone. on june 20 of the same year, the members of the audiencia, suppressed by order of the king and replaced by dasmariñas, notify the king that they have surrendered their posts, and ask him for various favors. bishop salazar writes to the king (june 24) a special communication regarding the chinese (or sangleys) at manila. he apologizes for having formerly given, under a mistake as to their character, a wrong impression of that people; and relates various instances of their humane treatment of foreigners in their land. he blames the portuguese for having spread in china false reports about the spaniards, and thinks that by this means the devil is trying to hinder the entrance of the gospel into that land. the bishop urges that no hostile demonstration be made against the chinese; for they are most favorably inclined to the christian religion, and many conversions may be made among them. most of salazar's letter is devoted to the chinese residents of manila, and their quarters there, which is called the parián. he narrates the gradual increase of the chinese immigration to the islands, their relations with the spaniards, the establishment of the parián, and his efforts for their conversion. these last are ineffectual until the coming of the dominican friars in 1587; they assume the charge of converting the chinese, and build their convent next the parián, which brings the friars into constant and friendly relations with the chinese. an interesting description of the parián and its inhabitants is given; all trades are represented therein, and the people carry on the manufactures to which they were accustomed in china, but with a better finish, which they have learned to use from the spaniards. salazar makes the enthusiastic statement that "the parián has so adorned the city [manila] that i do not hesitate to affirm to your majesty that no other known city in españa, or in these regions, possesses anything so well worth seeing as this; for in it can be found the whole trade of china, with all kinds of goods and curious things which come from that country." especially interesting are the economic effects of their residence there; "the handicrafts pursued by spaniards have all died out, because people all buy their clothes and shoes from the sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in spanish fashion, and make everything at very low cost." salazar admires their cleverness and dexterity in all kinds of handiwork especially as they have learned, in less than ten years, both painting and sculpture; "i think that nothing more perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the child jesus which i have seen." the churches are thus being furnished with images. a book-binder from mexico had come to manila, and his trade has been quickly taken from him by his chinese apprentice, who has set up his own bindery, and excels his master. many other instances of the cleverness, ability, and industry of the chinese are related; and the city is almost entirely dependent on them for its food supplies. not the least of the benefits received from them by the city is their work as stone-masons, and makers of bricks and lime; they are so industrious, and work so cheaply, that manila is rapidly being rebuilt with substantial and elegant houses, churches, and convents, of stone and brick. the day's wage of a chinaman is one real (equal to five cents of american money). so many chinese are coming to manila that another parián is being built to accommodate them. nearly seven thousand of them reside there, and in the vicinity of manila, and four dominican friars labor among them. salazar reports the condition and progress of the missions conducted by that order in the islands. those who minister to the chinese are securing some converts, but many who are otherwise inclined to the christian faith are unwilling thus to exile themselves from their own land. after due deliberation, the dominicans conclude to open a mission in china, and in that case to relax the rule compelling converts to cut off their hair and foresake their native land. this purpose they are enabled to accomplish, after encountering many difficulties, through the aid of some chinese christians in manila; and two friars are sent to china, miguel de benavides and juan castro. the dominicans have also built a hospital for the chinese; it is supported by alms, partly contributed by "sangley" infidels; and its physician is a converted chinese who devotes himself to its service. this institution has won much renown and commendation in china. salazar asks that the king grant it some aid, and that he confirm a reward given by the governor to the two christian chinese who aided the mission to china. another letter from salazar bearing the same date (june 24) recounts many things concerning affairs in the islands. he protests against the royal orders to increase the rate of tribute paid by the indians, saying that the king has been misinformed regarding their ability to pay. he makes comments on the several royal decrees which have come in this year's mail. one commands that the conquerors make restitution for the damages inflicted by them upon the natives; but they or their heirs are tardy in paying the amounts levied for this purpose, and meanwhile the indians live in great poverty and want. the bishop's heart and conscience are harassed not only by this, but by the inability of the spaniards to pay the full amount which is due the indians as restitution; he therefore asks the king to settle this matter by remitting part of the amounts thus required. salazar defends himself for having encouraged the indian slaves (who had been freed by royal decree) to leave their spanish masters; and for obliging the chinese converts to cut off their hair. he also explains, as being greatly exaggerated, the accusations brought against his clergy of engaging in traffic; and promises to do all in his power to check them. one of the decrees settles the question of precedence between him and the audiencia; but, as that tribunal has been suppressed, it is now useless. salazar takes this opportunity to defend himself against the aspersions cast upon him in this matter, and in regard to certain legal proceedings wherein the audiencia had claimed that he defied its authority. he declares that he always complied with its decisions or commands except in a few cases, which he explains in detail; and complains that the audiencia has at various times usurped his jurisdiction, of which he relates instances. in still another letter (of the same date) the bishop thanks his sovereign for recent kindness shown him, and for decrees favorable to the philippine colony. the money which the king ordered to be given for building the cathedral at manila has not yet been paid, as the royal treasury there is so poor. salazar comments on certain recent decrees by the king: that the friars should not leave the islands without permission from the authorities; that tithes be remitted for twenty years to new settlers in the islands; and that the processes of justice be simplified, and pecuniary fines abrogated. the bishop reiterates his complaint against the cruelty and injustice with which the spaniards collect the tributes from the natives, and the dearth of religious instruction for the latter; he feels responsible for this instruction, yet cannot provide it for lack of religious teachers. if more priests can be sent, great results can be achieved. the spiritual destitution of that region is so great that "of the ten divisions of this bishopric, eight have no instruction; and some provinces have been paying tribute to your majesty for more than twenty years, but without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be tormented by the tribute, and afterward to go to hell." if religious teachers are supplied, it will be comparatively easy to complete the pacification of the indians who are now hostile; then the royal treasury will receive, from the increase in the tributes, far more than it would now expend in sending out the missionaries. the bishop asks that, as he is now appointed by the king the protector of the indians, he may have also funds for the expenses and assistants necessary for this office; also that the same protection may be extended toward the chinese, who need it even more than the indians. a royal decree (july 23, 1590) orders that the trade with china shall be confined for six years to the inhabitants of the islands. next follows a long document, a collection of papers (bearing various dates in 1591) relating to the collection of tributes in the islands. the first is a memorandum of the resources and needs of the hospital at manila; the former are so small, and the latter so great, that the institution is badly crippled. a short letter by bishop salazar (dated january 12) classifies the encomiendas according to the amount of religious instruction given therein, and lays down the conditions which ought to govern the collection of tributes. he declares that the encomendero has not fulfilled his obligations to the indians under him by merely reserving a fourth of the tributes for building churches; and advises that the small encomiendas be combined to form larger ones. this letter is followed by twenty-five "conclusions" (dated january 18) relating to this subject, which express the opinions of bishop and clergy on the collection of tributes from the indians. these define the purposes for which this tax should be collected, the restrictions under which collections shall be permitted, and the respective duties in this matter of the encomenderos, ministers of religion, and governors, they declare that restitution should be made for all tribute unjustly collected from the natives--which includes all that is taken from pagans who have not been instructed, or from any indian by force. another letter by the bishop (dated january 25) accompanies this document. he states that he does not desire to forbid the encomenderos from personally collecting the tributes. he advises that the amount of such collections should be reduced, and that the spaniards should not be too heavily mulcted for the restitutions which should be made to the indians. the governor replies to these communications, expressing much interest in the indians and desire to lighten their burdens. the collections should be uniform in rate everywhere, and of moderate amount. certain requirements should be made from the encomenderos, especially in regard to the administration of justice; but they must be enabled to retain their holdings. the governor wishes to adopt some temporary regulations which shall be in force until the king can provide suitable measures. on february 15 the city officials and the encomenderos present a petition to the governor. they complain of the pressure exerted upon them by the clergy and the friars to prevent the collection of the tributes; and entreat the governor to interpose his authority, and to secure a royal mandate, in order that they may collect the tributes without ecclesiastical interference, or else to permit them to return to spain. salazar answers (february 8) the previous letter of dasmariñas; this reply, and the opinions furnished by the religious orders, we synopsize in our text, as being somewhat too verbose for the edification of our readers. salazar answers the objections made to his earlier statements, and assures the governor that the encomenderos can live on one-third of the tributes, that there is no danger of their abandoning their holdings, and that the chief obstacle to the conversion of the pagans is the cruelty of the spaniards. he urges the governor to reform the abuses practiced by them, and to do justice to the poor indians; and says that the clergy will cooperate with him in this. the heads of the religious orders (except the dominicans) send written opinions on this subject to the governor; and the jesuits discuss certain measures proposed by the bishop, with some of which they disagree. the remainder of the document on tributes will be presented in _vol_. viii. _the editors_ september, 1903. documents of 1588 relation of the philipinas islands. domingo de salazar, and others; 1586-88. letter to felipe ii. santiago de vera; june 26. letter to felipe ii. domingo de salazar; june 27. _sources_: the first of these documents is obtained from _cartas de indias_, pp. 637-652; the others, from the original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first document is translated by james a. robertson; the others, by josé m. and clara m. asensio. relation of the philipinas islands most potent sir: i, the bishop of the philipinas, declare that to your highness [1] it is evident and well-known that the greater number of the natives in these islands are yet to be converted, and that many of those who are converted are without instruction, because they have no one to give it; and because, even in the districts where there are ministers, they are so few, and the natives so numerous, that they cannot give the latter sufficient instruction. i have, moreover, been informed that in a letter which the cabildo of this city of manilla wrote to your highness last year there was a section in which they gave your highness information of the districts and localities in these islands where instruction is provided, and of those where it is not, and of the number of ministers who are necessary to furnish instruction to the natives therein. this letter, with all the others which went in the said year on the ship "sancta ana," was lost. for the relief of your royal conscience and my own, and for the welfare of the said natives, it is best that an order be given that those natives who are converted shall be supplied with ministers to instruct and maintain them in the christian faith; for it is well known that, as soon as ministers fail them, they return to their rites and idolatries--in some districts, because they have lacked ministers for many years; and, in others quite near here, because those religious who had them in charge have abandoned them. this is well known to your highness, through the information that has been given your highness many times from this audiencia. i am ready to furnish you sufficient information in this regard, if your highness be so inclined. it is necessary also that ministers be furnished to the natives yet unconverted, that they may teach them and look after their conversion, since all of these indians are under the dominion of your highness, and pay tribute, as if they were christians and received instruction. unless ministers come hither from españa, it is impossible to make good these deficiencies, or to supply the great lack of instruction. in order that this matter may be manifest to your highness, and that you may be pleased to command that a remedy be provided, according to the great necessity for instruction in these islands, i ask, and, in order that the said need may be more certainly evident to your highness, it is fitting, that the [above-mentioned] section of the said letter be sent to your royal hands. i beg and supplicate your highness that you order the notary of the cabildo of this said city to draw up from the book of the cabildo one, two, or more copies of the said section, publicly and duly authenticated, in order to approach therewith your royal person--for which, etc. _the bishop of the philippinas_ (in manilla, on the third day of the month of june in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight. the honorable president and auditors of the royal audiencia of these philipinas islands being in public session, this petition was read; and after examination by the said members of the audiencia, they declared that the request of the bishop should be granted. _juan de la paraya_) (in fulfilment of the above order, i, simon lopez, notary of the king, our lord, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city of manilla, [2] have caused to be made, from the books and papers of the cabildo which are in my possession, a copy of the relation which is mentioned in the present memoir. it is as follows:) _relation of the natives now inhabiting these western islands--those who are pacified, and from whom tribute is collected, both those who are under control of his majesty and those allotted to encomenderos; also of the religious, and the instruction given by them, among the natives; of the number of spanish inhabitants, both in this city of manila and in the settlements outside of it; and of the ministers of religion who are needed here_. _manilla_ this city of manilla was founded in the island of luzon, which is very fertile and populous. outside of it, within the circuit of five leagues, are settled seven thousand five hundred indians; four thousand of these belong to his majesty, and the rest, three thousand five hundred, are allotted to four encomenderos. there are eight augustinian friars, in four residences, and in another house are two franciscans, one of whom is a lay brother, all of the rest being priests. in order that sufficient instruction be furnished the indians, five more religious are needed. this city has eighty citizens. it contains the cathedral and the bishop's house, and the ecclesiastical dignitaries--the latter consisting of an arch-deacon, a schoolmaster, two canons, thirteen clerics who are priests, and a few candidates for holy orders. the monastery of st. augustine, which usually has seven or eight religious, four priests, and three brothers and candidates for holy orders. the monastery of st. francis, which usually has four priests, and eleven or twelve other professed members and novices. of the society of jesus, the father superior, with two other fathers and two brothers. a royal hospital for spaniards, and another (in the franciscan monastery) for the indians. there are, ordinarily, two hundred soldiers in this city, quartered among the citizens and in the houses of the indians near them. these soldiers are very poor, and are sustained by alms, as are likewise the inmates of the monasteries and hospitals--although four hundred pesos are given every year from the treasury, besides two hundred fanégas of rice, for the support of four augustinian religious; and the royal hospital possesses an encomienda worth six or seven hundred pesos. fifty spaniards in the city have married spanish women; and some of the others, native indian women. there are fifteen spanish widows; also eight or ten girls who are marriageable, and some others who are very young. the president and three auditors, one fiscal, one alguaçil-mayor, two secretaries--one for the audiencia, and the other for the government--one bailiff, one keeper of the antechamber, two reporters, one proctor of the exchequer, four attorneys and as many interpreters, [3] four commissioners of examination, two alguaçils of the court, one prison warden, the officials of the royal audiencia, an officer to serve executions for the same, and one notary. the governing body of the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, an alguaçil-mayor, twelve regidors, bailiffs, six notaries public, two attorneys, a depositary-general, a chancellor, and registrar, a superintendent of his majesty's works, two city watchmen, and one for vagabonds. there are thirty captains, only four of whom have companies in this city. all the above is confined to the said eighty citizens of this city, leaving out of account the churches, hospitals, and monasteries. inside this city is the silk-market of the sangley merchants, [4] with shops to the number of one hundred and fifty, in which there are usually about six hundred sangleys--besides a hundred others who live on the other side of the river opposite this city; these are married, and many of them are christians. in addition to these there are more than three hundred others--fishermen, gardeners, hunters, weavers, brickmakers, lime-burners, carpenters, and iron-workers--who live outside the silk market, and without the city, upon the shores of the sea and river. within the silk market are many tailors, cobblers, bakers, carpenters, candle-makers, confectioners, apothecaries, painters, silversmiths, and those engaged in other occupations. every day there is held a public market of articles of food, such as fowls, swine, ducks, game-birds, wild hogs, buffaloes, fish, bread, and other provisions, and garden-produce, and firewood; there are also many commodities from china which are sold through the streets. twenty merchantmen generally sail hither each year from china, each one carrying at least a hundred men, who trade from november until may--in those vessels coming hither, living here, and departing to their own country, during these seven months. they bring hither two hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise, only ten thousand pesos being in food supplies--such as flour, sugar, biscuits, butter, oranges, walnuts, chestnuts, pineapples, figs, plums, pomegranates, pears, and other fruits, salt pork, and hams--and in such abundance that the city and its environs are supported thereby during the whole year, and the fleets and trading-vessels are provisioned therefrom; they bring also many horses and cows, with which their land is well supplied. for two years, merchantmen have come hither laden with goods from japon, macaon, cian [siam], and other places, in order to trade in this city. the people of those countries are consequently becoming desirous of our friendship and trade, and many of the inhabitants of those nations are being converted. they carry to their own countries, from this land, gold, wax, cotton, dye-woods, and small shells, which latter pass for money in their country, being used besides for many things, whereby they are held in much esteem. they bring hither silks--figured satins, black and colored damasks, brocades and other fabrics--which are now very commonly seen, a great quantity of white and black cotton cloth, and the above-mentioned articles of food. outside of this city and the above-mentioned villages lying within five leagues of it, there are seven well-populated provinces in this same island of luzon--namely, panpanga, pangasinan, ylocos, cagayan, camarines, la laguna, and bonbon y balayan. these include three spanish settlements--namely, camarines, ylocos, and cagayan, and have the following number of tributarios [i.e., indians paying tribute] and encomiendas. _the province of panpanga_ the province of panpanga has twenty-two thousand tributarios, of whom seven thousand belong to his majesty, and fifteen thousand are apportioned among eleven encomiendas. there are eight houses of the religious of st. augustine, and one house of st. francis, in which are sixteen augustinian priests and one franciscan. in another house is a dominican, who is a coadjutor of the bishop. all together, there are eighteen priests. in order that sufficient instruction be given in this province, twenty-six more priests are needed; because, at the very least, a thousand tributarios means four thousand people, who require two religious--and in this ratio throughout the islands, where, it is believed, there will be a great increase of people and of their instruction. this province has an alcalde-mayor, and needs two corregidors. this province is fifteen leagues in circuit, and is situated, at the very most, a like distance from this city. between this province and that of pangasinan, which is adjacent to it, there are three thousand indians apportioned between two encomiendas; they are çanbales, and many of them are pacified. living at a distance of twenty-five or thirty leagues from this city are more than three thousand others of this same race--brave mountaineers--still to be pacified; and we have not the wherewithal to send twenty soldiers for that purpose. this entire population is without instruction. it needs six ministers. _the province of pangassinan_ the province of pangassinan has five thousand tributarios, pacified, but without instruction. it is forty leagues' distance from this city, by either land or sea. his majesty possesses one thousand five hundred of its tributarios, and the rest are held by five encomenderos. it has one alcalde-mayor. ten religious are necessary. _the province of ylocos_ five leagues beyond pangasinan, by either land or sea, begins the province of ylocos, which is inhabited for forty leagues inland. it has twenty-seven thousand tributarios. of these the king has six thousand, and twenty-one thousand are in fourteen encomiendas. there are three augustinian religious in two houses or districts, and two ecclesiastics in two others. fifty others are needed. there is a considerable population of mountaineers who recognize no master. this province has an alcalde-mayor, and the [spanish] population of a small town. _the province of cagayan_ the province of cagayan has many rivers and bayous. on its principal river, by name taxo, the city of nueva segovia has been founded, being situated two leagues inland. this city has forty citizens who are encomenderos. it has one augustinian monastery, containing two priests; one alcalde-mayor, two alcaldes-in-ordinary, one alguaçil-mayor, and six regidors, who constitute the cabildo; and a royal hospital, which has for its income the tribute-money collected here for his majesty. there is a fort with seven large pieces of artillery, and an equal number of small pieces--such as small culverins and falcons--a number of muskets and arquebuses, pikes, and coats-of-mail, which constitute the weapons and armor used in this land. for its maintenance this fort has assigned to it the tribute from one village, which amounts to about one hundred pesos. it has its own governor. the forty citizens of this city maintain in addition forty soldiers, who help to pacify, conquer, and collect the tribute of the encomiendas. ten of these citizens are married, the remainder single. twenty-six thousand indians, of whom seven thousand are pacified and pay tribute, are apportioned to thirty-three of these citizens--some along the principal river taxo, and the remainder in the districts near the same. along this river and in its neighborhood his majesty has one thousand seven hundred tributarios, of whom a thousand are pacified and pay their tribute. this river taxo is very broad and deep, and large vessels can ascend it even to the city. it has an excellent bay. it rises fifty leagues inland, and is inhabited along its entire course by the above-mentioned people. its water is excellent, and the whole land is quite fertile and healthful, and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, and palm-wine; and there is much hunting of buffaloes, deer, wild hogs, and birds. a great amount of wax, cotton, and gold is collected in this district, in which articles the natives pay their tribute. two leagues opposite the bar of the river taxo is the dense population of the babuyanes islands. one island is an encomienda under the control of his majesty, and is said to contain one thousand men. the tribute has not been collected, because the inhabitants, it is said, are not pacified. the eight other islands are distributed among the seven [other] citizens [of nueva segovia]. they number three thousand men, more rather than less from all of whom their masters collect three hundred tributes. all of these islands are distant three or four leagues from one another. sixty priests would be needed for the care of these thirty thousand indians, counting two priests to each thousand tributarios. at the present time, sixteen priests are needed for those who are pacified, as we have said. these priests are very important for the pacification and permanent settlement of the natives, and for [the spiritual needs of] the soldiers. this province of cagayan lies seventy leagues from the mainland of china and the coast cities of that country. seventy ministers are necessary, who, with the help and protection of the soldiers, will gather the inhabitants together and pacify them all, and seek out the rest of the people--who, as we are informed, exist in great number as far as cagayan. _the province of la laguna_ the province of la laguna ["the lake"], commences at the lake--which is the body of water above this city of manilla where the river of this city rises, as well as others in the mountain hard by--six leagues from this city. [5] it is about twenty leagues in circuit, and in this territory, inhabited by eleven thousand indian tributarios, there are twelve religious houses--ten of franciscans, with fifteen priests and nine brothers; one of augustinians, with three priests; and, in the other house, one ecclesiastic. two thousand seven hundred of the inhabitants are his majesty's, and two thousand four hundred [6] are distributed among eight encomenderos. of all the provinces in these islands, this one has the most instruction. it needs three more priests. it has one alcalde-mayor, and should have besides one corregidor. near the coast of the bay of this city is the province of bonbon y balayan. _the province of bonbon y balayan_ the province of bonbon contains the people of the lake, who amount to four thousand men, belonging to the mariscal. [7] it comprises the villages of batangas, galbandayun, calilaya, and the lowlands of balayan, which amount in all to nine thousand tributarios. his majesty has one thousand two hundred of them, and five encomenderos seven thousand eight hundred. there are four religious houses--two of augustinians, in bonbon and batangas; and the other two of franciscans, in balayan and dayun. these houses contain four augustinian priests, and three franciscan priests and two brothers. ten more ministers are necessary. _province of camarines_ the province of camarines lies fifty leagues from this city. in it is located the city of caçeres, with thirty citizens, who have generally thirty soldiers quartered among them. twenty of these citizens are married, six of them to native women. the city has its own cabildo and governing body; also a church with one vicar, one franciscan monastery with two priests and two brothers besides, and one alcalde-mayor. it could have three more corregidorships. this province has twenty thousand tributarios, of whom two thousand five hundred are his majesty's, and seventeen thousand five hundred are distributed among twenty encomiendas. there are ten franciscan houses in this province, besides the convent of the city, with eleven priests and eight brothers in all. there are two more ecclesiastics in two districts, not counting the curate of the city. twenty more priests are necessary. the faith has had an excellent opening in this province of camarines, and the preaching of the gospel has shed its rays far and wide therein. the natives are especially inclined to the sacrament of penitence; and it is a thing to marvel at, to see the churches continually filled, especially during lent, with people asking confession. the people of this province are simple and well disposed. their country is delightful in its location, being healthful and very beautiful. the chase yields many wild hogs, deer, and buffaloes; and there are many birds, such as hens, ducks of many varieties, the smaller birds, and many others. there is a river where fish abound in great plenty, especially swordfish, and many black shellfish, the latter being gathered at the river. there is much fine scenery in this province, and it contains many springs and rivers of fresh, clear water, on account of which there is always abundance of excellent water in this province. near the boundaries of the province are two volcanoes of great size and remarkable beauty--one of fire, and the other of water. [8] according to the report of the natives who have climbed up to the volcano of water, there are many royal eagles there, besides much white honey and wax, and fruits of various kinds. the entire population of this province is in encomiendas, separated two or three leagues, or even a less distance, from one another; and all these encomiendas are contained within thirty leagues. besides this island of luzon, there are many other inhabited islands, situated close to it, within a circuit of one hundred leagues. there are two more spanish colonies--one the city of nonbre de jesus, in çebu; and the other the town of arevalo, [9] in oton. _concerning cubu_ the city of cubu has thirty citizens, among whom are quartered twenty soldiers. these citizens are all encomenderos, and all married to either spanish or indian women. their encomiendas are located among the neighboring islands, there being thirty-two encomiendas with eighteen thousand tributarios. here his majesty possesses some few little hamlets, in which but little tribute is collected, and the natives of the city--who by special privilege pay no tribute, because from the very first they received the spaniards in a friendly manner, furnishing the camp with provisions, and showing themselves loyal on many occasions. this city has a church, with one vicar; and one augustinian monastery, containing three or four religious. in all those encomiendas there is no other instruction. three more priests are necessary. this city has a municipal council and alcaldes; and has a fortress provided with three or four large pieces of artillery, and some small ones, such as falcons and small culverins; and having its own governor. this fort is located opposite burney, the malucos and mindanaos, and other infidel islands and kingdoms. this city has one alcalde-mayor. _the town of arevalo_ the town of arevalo is situated on the island of oton [or panay], and has twenty citizens; they are encomenderos, and have thirty soldiers quartered among them. the town has a municipal council, alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one alcalde-mayor. in the islands near this settlement there are twenty-two thousand tributarios; three thousand of these are his majesty's, and nineteen thousand are distributed among eighteen encomiendas. there is one church and one vicar, and one monastery with two augustinians. outside of the town, in certain of the encomiendas, are four more houses of the same order. the five houses contain ten priests. three or four more are needed. all of these islands, as well as those of the settlement of çubu, abound in flesh of wild hogs and birds; and in all the above-mentioned places many fowls and swine are raised. tribute is paid in gold, cloth, wax, cotton thread, rice, and fowls, at a valuation based on the peso of tipuzque. in addition to these islands and settlements, there are other islands, namely, marinduque, luban, mindoro, elen, calamianes, with two thousand five hundred tributarios, besides a much greater number still unpacified. none of them has any instruction, except mindoro, where his majesty has five hundred indians who are instructed. one ecclesiastic in the islands of calamianes collects the tribute, in the name of his majesty, from two hundred more. we hear of many more who are still unpacified. the rest are in two encomiendas. six ecclesiastics are necessary. _summary of the above relation_ according to what is set forth in this relation, it is therefore evident that there are one hundred and forty-six thousand, seven hundred pacified tributarios in this island of luzon and the other islands of this government. of this number his majesty has twenty-eight thousand seven hundred. the religious number fifty-four augustinian priests, and thirty-eight descalced franciscan friars--all these for this city and the instruction of the natives--with an additional number of some ten ecclesiastics, in curacies and vicariates outside of this city, as has been related. one hundred and ninety more priests are necessary for the instruction of the said natives, which number will furnish sufficient instruction, counting for each thousand tributarios two religious--priests, friars, or ecclesiastics. these thousand tributarios amount to somewhat less than four thousand people. it is quite certain that with adequate instruction, such as is indicated in the foregoing, many people, not yet pacified, will become so, and the number of tributarios in the above-named provinces would be increased to two hundred thousand. for we have heard that in the province of cagayan there are many more people besides those apportioned in encomiendas, as also in the islands of [ca]lamianes, mindoro, luban, and elin, as well as in many other islands included in the colonies of oton and çebu. in all of these the christian instruction and conversion would be extended through the territories and provinces adjoining them, and the inhabitants would be rendered obedient to his majesty without the necessity of arms and war; whereby god, our lord, would be much pleased and these kingdoms greatly extended. the fathers of the society, comprising but three priests and two brothers, reside in this city, where by means of their teaching they produce the greatest results. they are studying and learning the language of the natives and of the chinese, in order to work among them when more of their society come hither--a pressing necessity, for which your majesty should provide. (this relation, in its present sum and substance, was made by the cabildo of this city, in order that it might be sent to father alonso sanchez, general agent for this city and these islands at his majesty's court. made on the last of december, one thousand five hundred and eighty-six. this copy was made and transcribed, corrected, and collated with another copy in my possession, among the papers of the cabildo in manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of june, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, francisco de zarate and alonso maldonado being witnesses. therefore, in testimony of the above, i, simon lopez, notary of the king, our master, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city of manila, do affix hereunto my seal. in testimony of the truth: _simon lopez_, notary of the cabildo) [the following matter is added by salazar:] in addition to the towns named in this relation, i feel in duty bound to give your majesty some general information concerning certain islands which are named in it without making particular mention of them; and concerning others which are not mentioned at all, which are very important, and have a large population. the town of arevalo, of which mention is made above, was founded in the island of panay, which is one of the best islands of this archipelago. this island is one hundred leagues in circuit, and is well populated. the augustinian friars had charge of it when the relation was written; but they abandoned it about six months ago, on account of having an insufficient number of friars for their houses. next to this island, at a league's distance, is the island of ymaras, which is apportioned among encomenderos. it is about twenty leagues in circumference, and has six hundred tributarios. instruction has never been furnished it, although some augustinian friars have visited it at times. next this island of ymaras, at three leagues' distance toward the south, is situated the island called negros. it is much larger than panay, but not so densely populated. it had two augustinian monasteries, but they were abandoned more than five years ago, and the baptized christians were left without instruction. the island is without instruction now, and the baptized christians have returned to their idolatries. the island of bantayan is small and densely populated. it has more than eight hundred tributarios, most of them christians. the augustinians who had them in charge have abandoned them also, and they are now without instruction. this island is twenty leagues from zubu. _the island of leyte_ the island of leyte is thirty leagues south of cubu. it is one of the most excellent islands of this bishopric, and produces much food. it has sixteen or eighteen encomenderos, and fifteen or sixteen thousand tributarios. it has never had, and has not now, any instruction. _island of bohol_ the island of bohol, situated near çubu, is small and populated. it has about six hundred tributarios. the island of mindanao is larger than that of luzon, although it is believed to be not so well populated. much of it is apportioned among spaniards, and some of the natives pay tribute. for three years, the preachers of mahoma have come into the regions hereabout, coming from burney to terrenate. we have heard that there are some moros from méca among them. the law of mahoma is preached publicly at the very river of mindanao, and mosques have been built and are being built. and it is to the shame of christianity there that it does not hasten to drive these preachers from that region, since the inhabitants are vassals of your majesty, and have rendered your majesty obedience for a long time. the galleons sailing from india to maluco know that island, and obtain water and provisions there. fifty leagues from this island of mindanao lies the island of jolo, which has been given over to encomenderos these many years. it is an island where many pearls are found, and where elephants are reared. the inhabitants have a king of their own, who is a relative of the monarch of terrenate. neither in this island nor in that of mindanao is there much christian teaching; nor can there ever be, unless the people are pacified. the island of ybabao, situated between this island of luzon and that of cubu, is quite large, but does not contain many inhabitants. it has a few encomenderos, is not yet entirely pacified, and has never had any instruction. the island of catanduanes is excellent and well populated; it lies next to camarines. there are four encomiendas on it; it contains about three thousand tributarios, who up to the present time have never had any christian teaching. the island of marinduque, lying about three leagues from this island, is divided into encomiendas. it has about eight hundred tributarios, who have never been instructed in the faith. from this island to the strait called espiritu sancto, many small islands are scatered--namely, masbate, capul, burias, banton, conblon, simara, sibuyan, the island of tablas, and many others--of which, because of their small size and scanty population, no mention is made, although all are apportioned into encomiendas and tribute is collected in them every year. they have no christian teaching, nor hope of any. eighteen or twenty leagues west of the island of panay, is located an exceeding fine and well-populated island, called cuyo; it is very low and small. together with seven small islands near by, it contains one thousand two hundred tributarios. its inhabitants are rich, and the principal men live very well. the people of burney have intercourse with this island, and we suspect that they preach here the law of mahoma, although not so publicly as in mindanao. many goats, pheasants, and fowls of larger size than those of this region, are reared in this island. its encomendero goes thither each year in the months of february and march for the purpose of collecting his tributes, and, this done, returns to his home in the island of panay. no other communication is held with this island. it has no instruction now, and has never had any. lying between the islands of mindoro and burney are a number of islands called the calamianes. they are scantily populated, and are under his majesty's control. great quantities of wax are collected therein. their inhabitants pay tribute also to the people of burney, because the spaniards do not trouble themselves about them further than to collect the tribute, leaving them to whomsoever may come from burney to rob them. they have never had any christian teaching, nor is there hope of any speedily, because they are few in number and widely scattered. the island of mindoro is situated twenty-five leagues southwest of this city. from the nearest coast of this island [luzón] the distance to mindoro is about six leagues. this island of mindoro is sixty leagues in circumference. it contains more than five thousand families, of whom two thousand pay tribute and are pacified. the remainder, for lack of men to subdue them, neglect to pay their tribute. augustinian and franciscan friars have been in this district, but all have abandoned it. there is at present one ecclesiastic there, who has the care of about one thousand christianized tributarios. all of the remainder of the inhabitants are infidels, and without instruction. next to the island of mindoro, and in the direction of this city, lies the small island of luban, with about five hundred tributarios. its inhabitants are well disposed, and have asked me many times for christian teaching; but, for lack of ministers to send to them, they cannot have it. this is the most trustworthy relation that your majesty can have, in order that your majesty may see clearly the great need for ministers who shall labor for the conversion of these infidels, and for the preservation of those who have already received the faith, but are falling back into their idolatrous practices, because they have been abandoned by those who baptized them. many of the islands named in this relation i have visited personally, and concerning the others i have been informed by those familiar with them; and, although it is not possible to know the exact truth, i have tried to ascertain it as nearly as i could. all of these islands are included in your majesty's kingdom; all pay tribute, and in sufficient quantities to entitle them to receive instruction. since your majesty has in your dominions so many and so excellent religious and ecclesiastics, who, if your majesty give the order, will prepare to come hither, may your majesty feel so strongly the ills of this land and its lack of religious workers, that you will order to come hither as many as are needed for the salvation of the great number of souls who are perishing here for want of religious teaching. your majesty should understand that, when we speak of such an island or town having so many tributarios, we mean married men, or two single men who make one whole tribute; so that when there are one thousand tributarios, it follows that there must be two thousand persons. and it will happen most frequently that the number will reach three or four thousand, counting one or two children to each household. from the foregoing your majesty will realize clearly the countless number of souls under your majesty's charge, and who are waiting for your majesty to provide them with ministers of religion, in order that they may be drawn out of their present darkness, and placed on the pathway of salvation. at manila, june twenty-fifth, 1585 [sic; should be 1588]. letter from vera to felipe ii sire: in the past year of 87, i sent your majesty an account of the condition of this land, by the usual route, and also one by way of india. as the voyage is so uncertain and dangerous, another duplicate is sent herewith; and i beg your majesty to have it examined, as it is important for your service. on the twenty-seventh of february of this year, i had news from the pintados islands that, on the seventh of the said month, at one of the islands about eighty leagues south of luçon, an english ship had been seen. with their small boat they had seized a spanish sailor who was coasting along carelessly in a small bark. he did not flee from the enemy, as he took them to be spaniards and friends; for it is unusual for ships from england to come here. next day the english learned that a galleon of your majesty was being built in the shipyard of caigoan on the island of panay. an attempt was made to land troops for the purpose, as is supposed, of burning it; but it was defended by some carpenters and calkers who were working thereon. by this it may be inferred that the enemy carried but a small force. after this resistance, the enemy went to mindanao, leaving on an islet in their course the mariner whom they had taken prisoner. [10] from him i ascertained the fresh destruction planned for this country. he says that several spaniards, who were his fellow-prisoners on the english ship, told him that your majesty's galleon "santa ana" had been captured near california, a country on the mainland which is continuous with nueva españa. the galleon left this port in june of the past year, 87; and as no other ships but ours have ever been sighted on this voyage, which is through so remote regions, they have always sailed with little or no artillery, and with as little fear from corsairs as if they were on the river of sevilla. thus the english easily captured the galleon, plundered and burned it, and hanged a canon of our church. the other persons were sent in a small boat to land, where it is believed that some of them have died of starvation and hardships. from this galleon there was plundered a thousand marcos of registered gold, and there must have been as large a sum unregistered; twenty-two and one-half arrobas of musk, an abundance of civet, and many pearls, and the richest of silks and brocades. at this capture, the enemy took with them [from the "santa ana"] several skilful mariners and a pilot, to guide them to these islands. the captive mariner knew these men, and in conversation with them he learned what i have related. this ship left england with two others, and plundered sixteen ships off the coast of piru. one of the three was lost; the remaining two captured the said galleon "santa ana," and came to these islands. they were separated in a storm, and only this one arrived. it brought about fifty men, most of them pilots. this mariner noticed that this vessel carried twenty-five pieces of bronze, and cast-iron artillery, and much ammunition. the ship is small, of about one hundred and fifty toneladas, staunch and well fitted. there is no doubt that they have plundered more than a million [pesos'] worth of gold, pearls, musk, civet, and rich merchandise, which all belonged in nueva españa. the spaniards there would have been diligent in pursuing this corsair; but, as i received information so late, and the enemy only reconnoitered here, without remaining at any place, to inform them would have done no good. i sent word to maluco, whither it seems the enemy directed his course, to the captain-general and to the sea-captains who might be there with their galleons; also to the petty kings friendly to your majesty, and to the fort at ambueno--where, it is understood, this corsair is going to spend the winter and repair his ship. captain francisco is at an island of that archipelago called jula, near either macasar or japara. i advised the sending of a message to him, and the exercise of diligence, as they have greater facility for obtaining news there on account of the many ships which are usually near at hand. and i advised them to follow the englishman and ascertain where he was going to winter; for it was impossible to return immediately to his own country, because the weather began to be contrary. it would be necessary to pass out through sunda and other straits, of which the portuguese are warned; and there it would be easy to await him and cut off his passage, as they hold him so closely. this account was given by a sailor--a native of this land--who was seized in the galleon, and carried away by the englishman. he escaped at the mouth of the channel of these islands, and i have kept him here with me. his declarations accompany this letter. the first time when this galleon "sancta ana" sailed from here, i sent by her some artillery removed from your majesty's forts, in order to provide greater security. in nueva españa the artillery was taken out, and the ship returned without it. i thought that if i sent more on the ships, and it were taken out over there, the forts here would be in need, while the ships would gain nothing. understanding that there was no danger from corsairs on the voyage, i sent the ships, as usual, without artillery. now that i have seen the need for artillery, and the risk that they run, if it is not carried, i am sending two ships this year, each with four heavy pieces of artillery, two falcon guns, and arquebuses and other arms carried by the sailors and passengers. i am collecting what metal i can find and making thereof some pieces of ordnance with which to fill the place of those sent from the said forts. the merchants are paying your majesty the value of the artillery, arms, and ammunition carried by one of the ships, and i have loaned the price of those of the other. they will pay this also in the coming year, and the ships will sail armed at the account and cost of the merchants. i beseech your majesty to command the viceroy of nueva españa to have the artillery and arms returned by the same ships; and that the pieces carried by the "sancta ana" be returned to these forts, which greatly need them. in another letter i have written to your majesty about the general fire in this city. the powder and military supplies were burned and the artillery destroyed. although i have had the pieces recast, using the metal which was left, there are only twenty-five heavy pieces and several lighter ones. this is but little artillery for the needs of this land, for defense and the expeditions that are made. some copper mines have been discovered but although at first they seemed to be very rich, on commencing to work them, it was found that the labor was expensive and there was but little metal. everything necessary could be brought from macan, if your majesty were pleased to have money sent from your royal treasury of mexico for this purpose. i have already written to your majesty of the necessity that, for the preservation of this land, the viceroy of nueva españa send annual reenforcements of troops, arms, and ammunition. as this has not been done for three years, the majority of the troops have died, and there are now so few here, that if reenforcements are not supplied according to the requests of the governor and officers of the royal exchequer, great risk will be run, and what your majesty has gained and preserved at cost of such labors and expenses will be irretrievably lost. i especially beg your majesty to order such provision to be made that so propitious a beginning be not lost, and the door closed which has been opened by your majesty for the conversion of so large and powerful kingdoms with untold riches and innumerable inhabitants. according to your majesty's commands i had some galleys made in these islands, and i have three at this port. they are of little use, because of the lack of men skilled in managing and sailing with lateen sails, and the scarcity of rowers. i have tried to keep up its crew by hiring men; but the natives are so despicable a people that they are of little use for this purpose, nor do they have sufficient strength for rowing. on hearing the report of an arquebus they throw themselves on the ground, and do not rise even at the lash. i have selected three hundred chinese, who are stronger, and who, if allowed liberty to quit the work, and exemption from tribute, will bind themselves to serve on the galleys. but although earnest endeavors have been made to teach them, they row very badly, and have as little energy as the natives of these islands have. they row in their own country with a sort of oar which they call _lios lios_. by means of these the galley moves very slowly, and therefore they may be of some benefit among these islands. better results would be obtained, however, if instead of these galleys there were small ships of from sixty to a hundred toneladas with which it is easier to navigate here. i inform your majesty thereof in order that provision may be made according to the royal pleasure. as i have advised your majesty, i have, in anticipation of future contingencies, commenced a good stone fort in this city, which will be entirely completed within a year. i have levied taxes therefor upon the citizens and encomenderos; the indian tributarios have each paid one real, while one per cent has been collected for two years on the coin brought from nueva españa. i am sending to your majesty the sketch and model of this fort; it is the strongest which has been built in the yndias, although it is not of modern style. it was necessary to build it according to the condition of the country; it is round in shape, high, and covered over so as to be more capacious. the climate is so hot, the sun so fierce and the rains so heavy, that if the soldiers who must defend the place were not under cover they would perish from the heat, as would likewise those who should undertake to erect the fort. the stone for the most of the rampart is so suitable in quality that, wherever a ball strikes, the wall remains unhurt, nor is any other injury inflicted. there is no fear that an attack by a battery can do as much damage as if the stone were hard and resisting. the balls cannot be fired so as to strike, without great difficulty, as the fort is on the shore and the country is perfectly level. within there is fresh running water in abundance; and in addition to that, wherever one digs, excellent drinking water is found. it is impossible to undermine the fort, because there is water around it, at a distance of one or two varas, or even less in some places. the city is surrounded by water--the sea on one side; on another the moat, which extends to the river; and, on still another side, the river itself. thus the city is on an island; and, with the other bulwarks and the wooden fort, which i have had repaired, this city is well defended, provided we had sufficient troops and ammunition. i received your majesty's letter on the twenty-second of may of this year; and, by a royal decree of the first of december of the year 86, your majesty orders me to act in accordance with my best judgment, as your majesty had understood that the auditors of this audiencia according to the present regulations, cannot visit the country out of their turn. i will fulfil your majesty's commands and will render an account of all transactions. by another royal decree of the nineteenth of august of said year, your majesty orders that, if it should appear necessary to me, certain offices of notaries and magistrates in these islands should be sold, under the condition that the persons who should be the highest bidders should obtain confirmation of their title within three years. these offices are of very little profit, and of none at all in some places, as the land has been settled so recently, and there are few inhabitants and little business therein. as it is continually becoming more populous and well established, it would be more advantageous to postpone the sale of these offices for some years, until they shall be worth more. i will make the necessary investigations, as your majesty commands me, and will advise your majesty of the prices offered. if i find that for any of them i can obtain its value in the future i will have it auctioned. in the meantime i will make endeavors to have them sold for a price that can be profitable to your majesty's royal exchequer. by another decree of the twenty-seventh of august of said year, your majesty orders me to give my opinion of the arms that are in the fort of the city of manila, and those that are needed. in three forts which your majesty has here, there are twenty-four heavy pieces, two small ones, and some culverins, as will be seen below. in the stone fort there are three swivel-guns, located in the three casemates, of about twenty quintals' weight. on the first floor over the rampart, there are seven heavy pieces, extra thick and strong at the breech. two are of about forty quintals' weight, three varas in length and carry a ball of cast iron weighing sixteen libras. two others are of wrought iron, of sixty quintals' weight, three and two-thirds varas in length, and carry a ball of cast iron weighing fifteen libras. one cannon is of fifty-five quintals' weight, four and one-third varas in length, and carries a ball of cast iron weighing fourteen libras; one culverin, five and one-half varas in length, weighs one hundred and one quintals one arroba, and carries a cast iron ball weighing seventeen libras; another piece of thirty-five quintals' weight, three varas in length, carries a cast iron ball weighing twelve libras. the fort at the point has one cannon weighing twenty-five quintals; three small cannon [_sacres_], weighing twenty-two; and a half-sacre weighing thirteen--the last, with its apparatus, being four varas in length. the cavalier of the beach has a piece, extra thick and strong at the breech, of forty quintals' weight which carries a ball weighing fifteen libras; and one half-sacre, of thirteen quintals' weight. at the river there is a large swivel-gun with cross-bars, weighing thirty quintals; one cannon weighing twenty-six quintals, one sacre weighing twenty-two quintals, four half-sacres weighing thirteen or fourteen quintals, and two _esmeriles_ [a small piece of ordnance] weighing four or five quintals. for the stone fort to be provided with artillery according to its plan and embrasures, it is necessary to have twenty-five pieces, three of them heavy, and twelve sacres and half-sacres. the cavalier of the beach needs five pieces, two of them heavy, and three sacres. that at the point of the sea and the river needs six pieces--some sacres, and two swivel-guns. for the service of the ships and galleys there are needed four cannon, six swivel-guns, six sacres, six half-sacres, and some small culverins. thus sixty pieces in all are necessary to provide the city well with artillery for defense, as well as for the galleys and ships of the fleet, and for the succor and pacification of all these islands. there are only twenty-four needed, for there are now thirty-six. in the shipyard there are now four sacres of twenty-two quintals' weight, two of which have been cast, and the other two are about to be cast. this class of arms is the best and most important for this land these and the swivel-guns. this artillery could be provided, and much more be made, for other of your majesty's strongholds in these islands and the yndias, should your majesty be pleased to have six or eight thousand pesos sent annually from mexico so that the metal could be bought at macao in china, as it is very plentiful and cheap there. according to the commission of your majesty, i have proceeded against the royal officials in regard to their traffic and trade in merchandise. by the convictions of guilt which have resulted from the investigations and process of law, i have condemned the guilty to pay fines to the exchequer. there seems to have been no traffic with funds in the royal exchequer; or, if there were any, no damage or injury to it has resulted. i am sending the testimony of the sentences and proceedings to your majesty's royal council, where your majesty will order their examination, if such is your pleasure. may god guard the catholic person of your majesty. manila, june twenty-sixth, of the year 1588. the licentiate _santiago de vera_ [_endorsed_: "examined, with the other letter."] letter from domingo de salazar to felipe ii sire: in a letter which your majesty had written to me from madrid, on the eleventh of january of the year 87, i see the reprimand which your majesty gives me, on account of information that you had received that, on certain occasions which had arisen, i had had controversies with the royal audiencia here; also that this has finally resulted in scandal and comment in the town, and that there was fault on both sides. i receive this reprimand as from my king and lord, but, although it comes from him, it is very serious and is sufficient to cause much pain; nevertheless, i have not allowed myself to feel hurt, since your majesty judges according to the information that you have received. he who so informed your majesty that i was made to appear guilty will give account to god for his good or bad intention, since for my own satisfaction the testimony of my conscience is all-sufficient. it is well-known in the city, and outside of it, that if i had not entered as mediator neither the president and auditors, nor the auditors alone, would have had peace. it would not have been possible for me to establish peace if there had not been friendly relations between them and me. since they were pacified through my intercession, peace has lasted until now; and in order that this peace be lasting, and that there be no occasion for violating it, i humbly beseech your majesty to be pleased to command the president and auditors not to interfere with me in affairs which concern my privileges--since my life is a very open one, a fact known to all. they have no cause for complaint because i sat down in my own church on the gospel side; for, besides my being the father and pastor of this state, and having in charge the souls of the auditors, it is a very usual thing for bishops and archbishops to seat themselves in that very place in the presence of viceroys and presidents, without that act exciting any surprise. for the sake of peace, i have overlooked the matter, and have not again taken my seat in that place, hoping that your majesty would send commands concerning this and what ought to be done, since it is not right that i should leave to my successors the disputes and controversies with the audiencia whereby results so much harm to the commonwealth. it is of no less importance that the prelates be as much respected by the people as are the audiencias. the latter make themselves feared by the power which they hold; but if the prelates are not favored by those who govern, they are speedily despised by the people. since your majesty sees how important this matter is, may it be your majesty's pleasure not to leave us in controversies, but to order that each shall do his duty without prejudice to the other. the hardships and calamities sent by god to this land make me greatly fear that we who live here have seriously offended him. for i have been here eight years, and not one year have i seen pass without the happening of great calamities--loss of ships; death of the animals which maintained us; hurricanes, called here _baguios_, which tear up the trees by the roots and overthrow the houses completely, or leave them so that they cannot be inhabited; and the general fire of the year 83, of which your majesty has been informed. both before and since that time, this city has been burned three or four times; and now, as the last straw, the ship "santa ana," which left this city last year, the richest ship to leave these islands, fell into the hands of the lutherans. with that loss, and also that of the ship "sant juan" the year before, which likewise was laden with goods from this country, some of the citizens of these islands are totally ruined, and others have suffered so heavy losses that it will be long ere, with much difficulty, they regain their former state. it is very evident, and can be denied by no one, that the loss of that particular ship was ordained by god; for, three days before it reached the coast [of california], another ship--from macao, bound for mexico--passed the same place and was not sighted by the lutherans. when news was received in piru of the coming of this pirate, the viceroy sent in pursuit of them a good fleet, with many soldiers and ammunition sufficient to engage an equal or greater number. when they came to the port of acapulco, supplies were needed; and they requested these from the purveyor who had them in your majesty's warehouses. he was unwilling to give them; and they even say that an order was given to detain some pack-teams which brought biscuits, so that the captain of the fleet from peru could not take them. thus they say that, as it was not desired to supply them with provisions, and because doctor palacios [11] became dictatorial in regard to several points, they returned to piru; while the lutheran remained free to attack and capture, as he did. so great was our misfortune that, at the time when the two captains were debating as to who should take command, the pirate was near puerto de la navidad, which is not very far from acapulco, repairing his ships. had they attacked him, it would have been impossible for him to escape; but god chose to blind our men, so that we might be punished by this pirate. the punishment of god did not stop here; for, having set fire to the ship "santa ana," they left it half burnt, set sail, and came to these islands. with more than human courage, they passed through the midst of them with a ship of one hundred toneladas, where the natives venture with trembling in very light boats; but this infidel dared not only to come into our midst, but to collect tributes from your majesty's vassals. a spaniard was captured, and after having told him what they wished him to say to us, they put him ashore. what they said was in boast that they had left the coasts of peru and nueva españa utterly ruined; and that they had robbed and burned the ship "santa ana," and hanged a canon who was on his way from this city to mexico. in testimony of his prowess and our misfortune he displayed the silks, brocades, and cloths of gold which he had seized as plunder. not content with this, he went away threatening us that he is to return soon to drive us all hence, and to destroy the nest that we have made here--meaning thereby the stone fortress built here. the grief that afflicts me is not because this barbarian infidel has robbed us of the ship "santa ana," and destroyed thereby the property of almost all the citizens; but because an english youth of about twenty-two years, with a wretched little vessel of a hundred toneladas and forty or fifty companions, should dare to come to my own place of residence, defy us, and boast of the damage that he had wrought. as your majesty has here an army of captains, who, as i understand, are certainly as many as the companions of the lutheran, he went from our midst laughing, without anyone molesting or troubling him; neither has he felt that the spaniards are in this land to any purpose. in this matter, i do not care to blame anyone, because i understand that the governor did his duty--although i was always of the opinion that the pirate should be pursued and that the result thereof would not be so bad as some say. the belief here, however, is that god is chastising us for our sins, and is making us the laughing-stock of other nations, who have all hitherto stood in such fear of us. i must explain to your majesty two other points bearing on this subject, although it detains me somewhat, as i consider that i do thereby a very great service. the first is the failure of the expedition to maluco. we all had been certain that with fewer men and less equipment than there actually were, the king of terrenate could be subdued; but, quite to the contrary, our men came back as if fleeing from an unknown foe. the indians of this archipelago, who feared us, now laugh; and, together with those of terrenate, threaten us. the second point is that in the island of mindanao, which is subject to your majesty, and for many years has paid you tribute, the law of mahoma has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat more than three years, by preachers from burney and terrenate who have come there--some of them even, it is believed, having come from meca. they have erected and are now building mosques, and the boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are taught the alcoran. i was promptly informed of this, and urged the president to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that pestilential fire should not spread in these islands. i could not persuade them to go, and thus the hatred of christianity is there; and we are striving no more to remedy this than if the matter did not concern us. such are the calamities and miseries to which we have come, and the punishments which god inflicts upon us. the reason for it, he only knows; but, as i infer and fear, it is because we have ill acquitted ourselves in this land, where it is so needful that we be upright and furnish good examples. i have written to your majesty on this point at other times; and i think that either my letters are not read, or what i say is not credited. i assure your majesty that i have never written anything which is not true, and free from all outward influence, or self-interest, or human considerations; but i have only done my duty. the temporal affairs of this land are in the condition which i have related to your majesty; and i consider that there will never be improvement, since cupidity is increasing so immeasurably that neither the punishments of god nor the threats of men are effectual to produce any moderation, nor do the manifold outrages cease to be felt. the spiritual state, which is my concern, is in the sorriest condition, because there is no more respect for the things of god than if we were not christians. i refer to the indians and their instruction; and because entering on this subject is like embarking on a bottomless sea, i have determined to send to your majesty a relation of the islands and towns of this bishopric which are without instruction, in order that your majesty's conscience may be relieved by commanding that the remedy be applied. therefore i shall now proceed with the said relation. the cause of ruin in these islands--which is very menacing, although it is not declared in españa--is that both the villages of your majesty and those of encomenderos are places where the curacy is so ill-supplied with chalices and ornaments that it is a shame to see them. many of the churches are so indecent that when i visited them, from pure shame i was obliged to command that they be torn down; they were not fit to be entered by horses. there are two principal causes for this: the first is that the encomenderos are penurious and allow little for the proper ornamentation of the church; and the second, that some or the majority of the encomiendas are so small that they do not suffice to support their encomenderos, who thus cannot attend to matters of divine worship. consequently, the natives come to regard the things of god as of little worth, and have little esteem for our faith and the christian religion, seeing that we who profess to be christians pay so little attention to them. moreover, the natives of these islands are so harassed and afflicted with public and private undertakings, that they are not able to take breath; nor do they have time to observe the instruction, and hold it of so little account that when they lack for anything, it must be in the instruction and not in temporal affairs. i cannot picture to your majesty, nor declare what i feel in my heart about this matter. moreover, i am very sure that all the chastisements given us by god, the hardships, misfortunes, and calamities sent us, all are because of evil treatment of the indians and the little heed taken for the principal reason for our coming--that is, their conversion and protection. the remedy therefor is not that your majesty send decrees and orders charging good treatment of the indians, as in the letters which have already been received here; but that a number of the best religious be sent. they can deal with these natives, and defend them from the labors imposed by the spaniards, and from the outrages that they inflict upon them. again, it is of even more importance that, if your majesty, as is rumored here, is to send hither a governor or president, he be a man free from all human interests, whose head could not be turned by the great gains in this country. he should not be married, nor should he bring with him relatives or followers for whom to provide. for under any one of the aforesaid conditions it is impossible to avoid the destruction of this country, beyond the power of your majesty to remedy it. i have written this to your majesty several times before, and now i repeat it, since it is the most necessary thing for the betterment of this land, which would be surely destroyed by its lack. of the viceroy of nueva españa, so many things are said in this country, that if but one-tenth of them were true, it is impossible for your majesty to know them and fail to correct them. this is another of the heavy afflictions that god has sent upon this land, for even the severity which has been shown by him to those who go from here is alone sufficient to make this land desolate. no consideration is given to the fact that the citizens and soldiers thereof serve your majesty with the same hardships and loyalty with which other men have served their king. nevertheless, there is no lack of persons to inform your majesty thereof, since the loss of temporal things is always felt more than the spiritual. i leave it to be described by those who have felt the hurt, since it does not concern me in any way, except the regret that i feel for the damage done to my neighbors; for my enterprises and traffic are to remedy the needs of the poor, and to defend and help the natives of these islands, who have much need thereof. the complaint that i make of the viceroy of nueva españa is that he has not allowed more than fifteen dominican friars to come here, although your majesty sent to mexico forty of them. this is the greatest damage that the viceroy could do to this country, as there is exceeding need of ministers of religion, such as come now. if the fifteen were five hundred, the evils of the country would be corrected, and the conscience of your majesty quite at ease. it is such men that your majesty should order to come here, and you should refuse to permit those to come who will do more harm than good. likewise your majesty should order the generals of the orders of st. francis and st. augustine to send hither visitors, who are most necessary. those of st. augustine are to be preferred, however, as the friars of st. francis are more retired from the world. i wrote to your majesty, via malaca, of what had happened with the religious in regard to the observance of the royal decrees treating of the instruction of the indians by the religious. as the licentiate ayala, fiscal of the royal audiencia here, sent the records concerning the subject, i shall but mention and not refer to them at length. at other times i have written to your majesty explaining the impossibility of a bishop being able to govern all the bishopric which i have now. for this island of luçon it is necessary to have two or even three bishops--that is to say, i humbly beseech your majesty to be pleased to provide for the pintados islands a bishop with his seat in the city of çubu. by the relation which i am sending, your majesty will see that two bishops are not sufficient. i declare to your majesty that in that case the royal conscience would not be at ease nor would mine; and i dare not leave it unsaid, for fear of my peace of mind. as i have said before, i had determined to write nothing whatever in detail concerning the damages that the viceroy of nueva españa had done to these kingdoms. it seems to me that your majesty will have had advices thereof, and will have ordered a means of correction. moreover, as many are interested and have grievances, there will be no lack of a person to advise your majesty thereof. nevertheless, i have since thought that i neglect my duty in failing to send a testimonial to your majesty which was forwarded to this city from lope de palacios, captain of the ship "sant martin," which went to china. he sent to this city, asking that he be granted permission to leave macao, because he feared that they were about to kill him in order to gain possession of his property. i am the only person who can send this memorial to your majesty, as lope de palacios sent it to this city with much secrecy, and in the same manner was it given to me. i discussed the matter with the president, saying that we should send for the captain as if the idea were our own and he had not requested it--employing so great secrecy, so that the portuguese who were here would not learn of it; for the same lope de palacios had declared that he would be certainly put to death if they knew that he was trying to come here. nevertheless, the request to send for him was in vain, and i was moved to forward this testimonial to your majesty. it states therein the great harm done by the viceroy in sending the ship "san martin" to macao. as the same person who went to learn the damage gives testimony thereof, no witness more worthy of credit can be entered in the cause. i am also writing to the viceroy of nueva españa in regard to the injuries which he wrought on these kingdoms by despatching the ship "san martin" to china--although god supplied the remedy, by the loss of the same ship. i tell him that if that ship had been sent to this city a more prosperous voyage would have been made than the investors could have expected, for so many chinese merchants came this year to this city, that the merchandise was worth nothing; and if the ship "san martin" had come here a satisfactory and cheap cargo could have been obtained, perhaps even in greater quantity than at macao. instead of damaging this city, those persons would have been enriched, who on account of greed were unable to see the damage done to all of us. thus god has punished them all, by depriving them of that profit the desire for which had blinded them to their duty. they also say that the ship "sant ana" was sold for thirty thousand pesos and ordered to make a voyage to macao. these proceedings also were put to confusion by god, through means which have cost us dearly, namely the loss, of that vessel. it can be said that if it had been at macao somewhat less damage would have been done to these islands than in the burning of the ship by the englishman. as i wrote to your majesty, via malaca, for ships to go from mexico to macao is to destroy both those kingdoms and these, since the chinese raise the prices of their merchandise to such an extent that portuguese and castilians cannot live. may your majesty be pleased to order the viceroy to hold these lands in somewhat higher estimation, since your majesty considers them (and justly so) worthy of constant attention. ever since the viceroy came to mexico, he has not sent to this country any troops (except exiles or criminals), or ammunition, or the customary supplies for this camp, as wine, flour, and other articles; he has so reduced everything that there is great privation here, and very little profit to your majesty. your majesty's governor and royal audiencia in these islands look well to the service of your majesty and the good of this country. will your majesty be pleased to order the viceroy of nueva españa, present or future, not to disturb or change what may be decided by them? not only in the customs duties, but in the price fixed for each tonelada, and in the mode of registration. according to our information, the viceroy has changed everything, greatly increasing the taxes imposed here. the labors of the citizens in the service of your majesty in these islands should be sufficient without still more severe requirements from nueva españa. during the past year there was great confusion, which still continues, about the goods which were brought to this city by your majesty's ships. the citizens claim that they ought to be preferred to the merchants; and the merchants complain that, on account of the cargoes of the citizens, their merchandise remained here. i understand that on this point offenses' against god have been committed, and still more serious damage may be done--some persons being ruined, as they have no space in the cargoes for their property--unless it is checked by your majesty commanding what order must be followed in this affair. it is of exceeding importance for the quiet and content of this city. there are so many chinese that come to this land that the islands are full of them. thereby follows much damage to the natives, as the chinese are a very vicious people, from intercourse with whom no good but much harm can be gained. i have tried to have the governors remedy the matter by commanding that all the chinese be collected in this city. i see no improvement, however; and it is of much importance that this be corrected, for the temporal and spiritual good of these lands. will your majesty be pleased to order that this be remedied by severe measures. may our lord guard your majesty many years for the good of us who can do but little. at manila, june 27, 1588. _the bishop of the filipinas_ documents of 1589 excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of india. [manuel de sousa coutinho]; april 3. letter to felipe ii. santiago de vera; july 13. conspiracy against the spaniards. santiago de vera, and others; may-july. letter to felipe ii. [gaspar] de ayala; july 15. decree regarding commerce. felipe ii; august 9. instructions to dasmariñas. felipe ii; august 9. customs of the tagalogs (two relations). juan de plasencia, o.s.f.: october 21. _sources_: all but the fifth and the last of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias. the decree of august 9 is taken from the "cedulario indico" in the archivo historico nacional, madrid; and plasencia's accounts of the tagalogs, from santa inés's crónica, ii, pp. 592-603. _translations_: the first of these documents is translated by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the second and fourth are by josé m. and clara m. asensio; the third and fifth, by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university; the sixth, by james a. robertson; the seventh, by frederic w. morrison, of harvard university. excerpt of a letter from the viceroy of india one of the things that have seemed most surprising in don juan de gama is the following. when decrees were published by order of the viceroy; don duarte, [12] in your majesty's name, prohibiting navigation to china and luçoens [luzón], which he [juan de gama] as captain-general should have executed, he did the contrary. jheronimo pereira, captain of the expedition to japon, had already done likewise; thus those in authority, who were under obligation to execute your majesty's laws and commands, were the first to break them, to the great scandal of all. therefore, as soon as possible, i ordered a remedy for such disorders. for this purpose i appointed certain chief magistrates, who excused themselves, either through fear of don juan or dread of the sea. things came to such a pass that, it was necessary to send by schooner, outside the monsoon season, the licentiate ruy machado who came from the kingdom this year, and who had been appointed to that auditorship; his adjutant was ynacio nuñez de mancelos, the captain of the said vessel. the latter had a few soldiers, and is also to remain as captain of the city, since an order for the voyage will not have arrived from india. i think that these two vessels will suffice in every respect for this matter, both to extend the voyage for don juan, and to quiet various disturbances arising in the country, on account of the navigation from nueva españa. i also hope that everything will turn out well, and that your majesty will bestow upon him great favor and honor for this service alone. among the despatches brought by the auditor is a decree ordering, the embarcation for india and luçoens of all castilians, both religious and secular, so that only the original portuguese citizens shall remain in machao. that will do away with any further occasion for vessels to go there from nueva españa. from this last has resulted great injury to your majesty's vassals in these regions, to the royal exchequer, and religion itself. peradventure the castilians were the cause of again closing the door to the preaching of the gospel, being moved by indiscreet eagerness or too much solicitude. they are so unrestrained in this particular, that, by trading in china without your majesty's permission, they are the first who broke your decrees, under pretense of religion itself. no easier remedy can be applied than preventing them from entering this trade, which your majesty should have for the advantage of your own service. we might describe here the great inconveniences and hindrances to your majesty from a longer continuance of this navigation. but since this letter will, be despatched by land, and the viceroy don duarte has described these matters so fully, i refrain from doing so here. i say only that, even if there were no other reason than not opening the way to the english and other nations to resort to those regions (as they did last year and this) that alone would be sufficient reason to stop this intercourse entirely. the englishman don thomas, who came to these regions lately, has caused us much anxiety here. for this reason the people of india are very confident that your majesty will order assistance in this case and apply the fitting remedy, for the common good of these states and that of your service. don thomas, the englishman, sailed from england with three ships in the year 87. entering the straits of magallanes, he sailed to the south seas. having made some prizes of large and small vessels, he loaded two of his own vessels and sent them to that kingdom [england] by the same route. nearing the philipinas, he took his course to java, and entered the port of balambuao in java itself. at that time two portuguese were at that port, who came immediately to the ship thinking it was from india. the englishman received them well, and gave them some church ornaments and other valuable articles, together with a letter for the bishop of malaca and another for the captain, the substance of which was, that he had come to explore those regions. from the questions asked these men by the auditor of malaca, it was ascertained that the purpose of their coming was none other than trade, exploration, and prizes. he asked particularly about achen, the straits of meca and malaca, and their fortifications. it is thought that this englishman came especially to explore the channels of bale, whence these men said that he would sail in march of this year to the island of sant lorenzo, from which place he would lay his course to the island of santa helena, following the course taken by the portuguese vessels. pray god he come not hither again, as an example for the daring of others--although the interest they have in doing so is so great, that i fear this navigation cannot be stopped without much trouble, and the prohibition of navigation by castilians and portuguese to nueva españa. a blockade will be established again, so that foreign nations will not undertake this navigation. on this account alone, it seems to me that this navigation should always be rigorously prohibited. letter from santiago de vera to felipe ii sire: this past year of eighty-eight i gave an account to your majesty of the condition of this land. as the voyage is so full of sea-perils and danger from corsairs, and it is difficult for the despatches to reach the hands of your majesty, the duplicate of that letter accompanies this. therein is declared the extreme need of the islands for reënforcements of troops and necessary supplies for the camp, and other things, of which i gave an account to your majesty. they are most important to the royal service and the preservation of this land. i beseech your majesty to have provision made with all possible expedition. a small ship leaving this port for the city of malaca carried two descalced religious of the order of st. francis. as the king of burney was at peace with us, they stopped at the port of mohala which is two leagues from burney. they visited the king, to whom they gave my letters, and were well received by him. he commanded houses to be given them and everything necessary to assure their sustenance. one night many people of that kingdom attacked them, among whom, it is said, there were a brother and other kinsmen of the king. they killed three spaniards, among them one of the religious, and robbed them of all their possessions. from those who escaped i learned that the assaulting party were people well known in burney, and that the spoils were sold publicly in that city. some articles were seen in the possession of the king's kinsmen. i learned that some chiefs of these islands had intrigued with that people to secure their aid; and that they had plotted together to do this, and had agreed to bring burney and the kings of jolo and of mindanao, and many other foreigners against this city, in order to rob and kill us. as there was a japanese ship here, they conferred with the captain, and with people who came from that land, all japanese, proposing that the latter should aid them with what they had, and with supplies and everything necessary, and thus deliver to them this land, in accordance with the plan and arrangements previously agreed upon. so well did they keep this secret, during fifteen months while they were awaiting a favorable opportunity, that they were not even suspected by myself, or the religious, or any other person. to accomplish their design, they despatched the chiefs of these islands to burney, and to the other kingdoms three chiefs of their number. they wrote to japon, so that, at the appointed time, all would come; and all were given orders as to what they were to do. i made secret investigations, and found out that all the aforesaid was true; and in a short time i had in my hands the guilty ones who were in these islands, and also those who had gone away after the death of the people, so that none remained uncaptured. without any disturbance whatever, i beheaded seven of the authors of the rebellion, sons, nephews, and grandsons of the lords of this land. others not so culpable i punished by exile to nueva españa and by other penalties, so that it now seems that this disturbance is quelled. after that, in the province of cubu and in that called the pintados, the chiefs held a conference, and plotted to kill the spaniards. the majority of those who took part in this have been imprisoned, and proceedings are being instituted against them. i think that this will cause us but little trouble. this boldness is caused by the natives noticing the fewness of spanish troops in the islands and the few reënforcements sent from nueva españa. it is necessary that your majesty should order that there be less negligence in this respect. by a royal decree your majesty commands me to sell the magistracies of this city and four offices of notaries-public therein; also those of the provinces of oton, cebu, camarines, ylocos, cagayan, panpanga, and bonbon. as the land is so newly settled, and the offices of so little profit, i wrote to your majesty that, in my opinion, it was not time to dispose of them, and that they would bring but little if offered at auction; but that, if anyone would buy them at a reasonable price, i would sell them. this i did, and in order to enhance their value at the sale, i announced that the offices could be renounced and sold by paying to your majesty the third part of the price they were worth. as the offices of notary have been sold, will your majesty be pleased to provide that this condition be observed; or, if not, that the price be returned to them and the offices be sold without this condition--as the perquisites and influence of these offices are held in such esteem in this land, that they have risen to very good prices. the bids for the first of the magistracies that were commanded to be sold closed at one thousand two hundred and fifty-one pesos; and for the second, third, fourth, and fifth, at two thousand eight hundred. the four offices of notary-public of this city brought two thousand eight hundred and eighty pesos, at seven hundred and twenty pesos each. that of the province of panpanga brought one thousand; of oton, one thousand six hundred and twenty; that of the city and province of cubu, five hundred and sixty; of ylocos, three hundred pesos; and that of bombon, two hundred and sixty-two pesos. the other magistracies and offices of notary-public which were offered at auction did not bring so high a price, as the stubbornness and competitions which had caused the offices to rise so in value had ceased. for this reason the remaining magistracies and offices of notary-public have not been sold. i shall give an account to your majesty, later, of whatever is done with regard to them, and the sum they bring will be placed in the royal treasury as soon as it is collected. [_marginal note_: "write to the governor that, in what refers to the offices of regidor, it is not expedient that there be the condition permitting them to renounce the offices. the sales must be made in the usual way. as regards the notarial offices, what has been done is approved."] on this route to nueva españa your majesty has four ships, and the new one that has just been finished, and which makes the voyage this year. of these, the viceroy of nueva españa sold the ship "san martin," to make the voyage to macan, where it was wrecked and burned by the chinese. another was taken by the english corsair, as i reported to your majesty; and but now when another, in the port of this city, was ready to make the voyage, so great a hurricane burst on this and many other spanish and chinese ships that only a small boat was left unwrecked. of the two remaining, only one is available; the other cannot be used, as it is so old. understanding the great need there was of ships, i had a large galleon of six hundred toneladas, which had been built in the pintados islands, placed in the shipyards of your majesty, for the above-named route. god willing, it may sail in the year ninety-one. i have given orders for private persons to make two other ships of less tonnage. one is already finished, and both will be able to sail next year. it is most important that there be for this navigation plenty of ships, both for the emergencies of war which may arise, and for the preservation of these islands, which are supported by trade. if, as i have suggested several times before, your majesty were pleased to have about ten thousand pesos sent annually from nueva españa, two ships of good capacity can be launched very easily, without harassing the natives in any way--and with this help, at even less than a third of the cost elsewhere. otherwise, there is no way to bring it about. your majesty will signify your royal pleasure in this. [_marginal note_: "write to the governor to proceed with and carry out this plan, and to give orders for private persons to build ships."] for the ships sailing between these islands and nueva españa, and to other places which may be found, sailors are much needed, to navigate them and to remain here to look after them; also carpenters and calkers who must reside here to repair them. they should be paid in nueva españa as this treasury is too poor. as the money for their wages must be sent, sometimes it is not brought, and at other times it is lost, thereby causing the sailors to die of starvation. therefore the sailors serve half-heartedly, and desert; and there is great negligence in the despatch of the fleets. the only remedy for both these evils is from the exchequer of your majesty. if it is to be spent therefor, it would be best for your majesty to have the amount of the freight-charges on the property sent from these islands in the said ships granted annually to this royal treasury up to the sum of three thousand pesos. thus the needs here will be met without taking from the treasury of mexico. [_marginal note_: "a decree in accordance herewith. meanwhile order shall not be given that the ships of this line shall sail at his majesty's cost."] i have already reported to your majesty the removal from these forts of a quantity of artillery, for the security of the two ships which i despatched to nueva españa last year, eighty-eight. that carried by one of the ships is paid for by the merchants, as well as the powder, arms, and ammunition; and that on the other was at your majesty's expense. part of the money received i sent to the kingdom of china in order to buy what metal could be obtained. thence they brought me one hundred and twenty-five picos [13] (about five arrobas) of copper, at thirteen pesos and eight rreals. with this artillery is being cast; to take the place of the pieces carried by the ships, i had others cast from the metal which i had here. the results are very good. bronze is so cheap in china, and so easy to transport and cast in this country, that, if your majesty will have money sent hither from nueva españa for this purpose, artillery could be provided in this country both for nueva españa and piru. will your majesty signify the royal pleasure in this. [_marginal note_: "write to the viceroy of nueva españa that this seems expedient, and that he may send money to the governor, in order that some artillery may be made there, both for nueva españa and peru. advice as to what is needed must be given to the viceroy of peru."] the trade with the chinese is continually increasing in these islands. about four thousand men of that land are here as a general rule, including merchants and workmen. these become citizens and settle in the alcaiceria [silk-market] of this city. in the surrounding villages there are also a large number of chinese. their houses are being rapidly built of stone, according to the spanish custom. they are very strong, large and imposing in appearance. in two or three years, god willing, all the buildings will be erected, as also the cathedral church, the monasteries, and other churches. they are being built very substantially and some are already finished. the materials are so good and the workmen, both chinese and natives, so numerous, that everyone is encouraged to build the houses in this manner. but it is a melancholy fact (for it all is like an empty purse, or an inn without a guest) that the land is unhealthful, and there are no doctors or medicines; and so there is great lack of troops, and of men for the usual work of guard and sentinel-duty, and for expeditions to carry succor to the settlements and to pacify the uprisings of the indians. the soldiers are constantly dying and passing away, in such number that i fear there will be no troops to defend the city from any of the many enemies by whom we are surrounded. for the remedy thereof, will your majesty be pleased to have the viceroy of nueva españa send the troops, arms, and ammunition which may be requested by the governor of these islands, and also the medicines and supplies necessary for the camp. it has been three years since we have had any kind of aid whatever, and consequently we are in extreme necessity. i beseech your majesty, if you wish these islands to be preserved, that you will expressly command the said viceroy to send reënforcements annually to this camp, of two hundred men, with powder and ammunition; medicines, and other supplies for the hospitals; and whatever the governor may advise is necessary. i can assure your majesty that if this succor fail, everything else will fail also, and everything gained by your majesty at so great and excessive expenses, in order to start on the way to heaven so many millions of souls who had been dominated by the devil, will be lost. thus will be closed the door of this new world which has been opened by your majesty. [_marginal note_: "write to the governor that he continue the building. to don luis de velasco, that he observe this command, and aid the settlements."] the fort which, as i had written to your majesty, was being built, was shaken, when about completed, in three places by great earthquakes. it opened in one place more than a finger's breadth, although less in the others. to assure its safety and construct it in the modern style, although it was quite sufficiently strong before, i am constructing cavaliers which are to serve as buttresses for it. the principal part, that toward the sea, is finished; the other parts are commenced, and, god helping, will soon be completed. these will make it so capacious and strong that it can withstand any attack. i am sending the model, report, and account herewith to your majesty. _[marginal note_: "let it be brought."] since coming to this country, i have insisted that the religious should try to learn the chinese language, in order to convert and teach the chinese in this land, who are ordinarily about as many as i before stated. as it is so difficult and the religious are so busily engaged with the natives of the islands, they have not done this. when the dominicans came here, i entrusted to them the instruction of the chinese, and supplied them with interpreters to teach them the language. i bade them build a church and dwelling in the alcaiceria (called the parian); and at the point of tondo, where the chinese live and carry on their trade. two of the religious have been so apt that one of them already understands and speaks that language well, and the other will know it in a short time. they are preaching and teaching and have converted many people, having now a village of christians. this year, on holy thursday they held a procession in honor of the blood of christ, wherein they displayed much devotion. i hope in our lord that, as this people so clearly and firmly understand what they learn, and as they have no particular worship, in a short time they will all be converted. it is certain that if their long hair were not cut off when they are baptized (according to the bishop's commands), there would already have been a general conversion in this land, and they would have received baptism. i gave account thereof to your majesty, and await your orders. [_marginal note_: "write to the provincial acknowledging this, and to the bishop "in regard to cutting off the hair of the chinese. this is not expedient, as their conversion is thereby retarded. moreover, they do not dare to return to their own country where they could teach and convert others. this custom of the chinese, wearing their hair long, is more usual in other parts of the yndias, as he knows; and hitherto this has not been considered unseemly. let the bishop call together the superiors of the orders, and other learned and zealous persons. they shall confer and give commands for what is expedient in regard to suitable measures for the conversion of the chinese. he shall send advices thereof, and of the difficulties in the way, and shall provide for both."] the bishop of these islands, as i have at other times written to your majesty, does not countenance appeals made by force, and the decrees of the audiencia; and when he is so inclined, he refuses to comply therewith. we have therefore been put to much annoyance and constraint in enforcing exile and other penalties, particularly in regard to the defense of the royal jurisdiction. this latter has not been done because the land is new, and to avoid offending the natives. he becomes very angry at times, with little or no occasion, so that he often disagrees with the audiencia, in the pulpit and out of it, and causes others to do the same--notwithstanding what your majesty has commanded, and the reprimands that he has received. although there have been serious difficulties, i do not discuss them, in order not to weary your majesty with a longer account. i beseech your majesty to supply the remedy which you think suitable, and to order the bishop not to publish, without reason, as he has done, causes of the holy office against the audiencia and fiscal. although we must always do justice, and the fiscal must act as plaintiff, there is caused much scandal and many hindrances to the authority of your majesty's audiencia, by trying to disgrace and intimidate the judges by threats of the inquisition. although your majesty has ordered this camp and the royal hospitals to be provided with medicines and other necessities, as there is no doctor the soldiers are only treated by unskilled surgeons who attempt to cure them. for this reason many people die, and i beseech your majesty, as it so important to your service, to order the viceroy of nueva españa to send a good physician with an adequate salary at the cost of your royal estate. the city has no money with which to pay him, nor do the soldiers, since even the richest of them has not enough for his own support. _[marginal note_: "write to the viceroy of nueva españa to send a doctor and a surgeon to treat these people and give advice thereof."] at the shipyard of these islands your majesty's chief shipbuilder and superintendent of work was master miguel de palacio. he died and his place was filled by master marco, a good builder of all kinds of ships. he died also; and although i understand there is another now in charge of the galleon which is being built in the pintados, he is old and cannot all alone attend to the work, to the repairing of the ships of the line, and the building of others. there is great need of another good officer. i beseech your majesty to order that, if possible, men be sent for this from the kingdoms of nueva españa. [_marginal note: "idem."_] in the relation written by the audiencia are other matters, of which i give no account here, since they are there mentioned; your majesty will please order that these be examined. may god preserve the catholic person of your majesty. at manila, july 13 of the year 1589. the doctor _santiago de vera_ [_endorsed_: "provision is made for the within; let the governor be informed."] conspiracy against the spaniards _testimony in certain investigations made by doctor santiago de vera, president of the philipinas_ in the city of manila, on the twentieth of may in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. doctor santiago de vera, of the council of the king, our lord, and his governor and captain-general in these philipinas islands, stated that inasmuch as it is proper and necessary to inform the king our sovereign of the compact and conspiracy which the indian chiefs and natives of these islands and the vicinity of manila had plotted against the service of god, our lord, and against his majesty, and of the inquiry and investigations made thus far in order to ascertain and verify the facts, and the status of the case: he therefore would order, and he did order, estevan de marquina, notary-public of manila--before whom most of the trial has been conducted, of which an account has already been given three times to the royal audiencia--to draw up an attested record of the said trial in a summary and relation, or such documents as shall be necessary, in order to send them to the royal council of the indias this present year. he also ordered him to inform his majesty of what is occurring, and of what has been done about the matter. this was what doctor santiago de vera declared, ordered, and signed. by order of his lordship: _thomas perez_ in fulfilment of the command and decree of doctor santiago de vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal audiencia, i, estevan de marquina, notary-public for the king our sovereign, of the number [authorized] in the city of manila, testify that a trial and criminal process has been conducted and is still pending before the said governor and captain-general. the parties are the royal department of justice of the one part, and certain indian chiefs, natives of the villages of tondo, misilo, bulacan, and other villages in the neighborhood of manila, of the other part. the cause of this contention seems to be that on the twenty-sixth of october of last year, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, doctor santiago de vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal audiencia, learned that the following persons: don agustin de legaspi, one of the chiefs of this land; martin panga, governor of the village of tondo, and his first cousin; magat salamat, the son of the old lord of this land; and other chiefs, had not long ago sent a present of weapons and other articles to the king of burney, and that they were quite intent upon holding meetings and their usual drunken feasts, swearing to keep secret whatever they discussed. he also learned that they had sold and were selling their landed property. in order to ascertain what the condition of affairs is, the governor made an inquiry and many witnesses were summoned. from this inquiry and other investigations and inquests made in the course of the trials, it appears that the said don agustin de legaspi and magat salamat had sent a quantity of shields, arquebuses, and other weapons to xapon and to the petty king of burney, who has thus been enabled to put himself on a war-footing. they warned these powers to fortify themselves in their strongholds, because the spaniards intended to go there. they added that the said don agustin would notify them in person of what was taking place; and that, for this purpose, he would ask permission to set out on his commercial enterprises. likewise we learned that the people of the kingdom of burney were thinking of manning a fleet for the purpose of attacking the spaniards; and that they had killed a franciscan friar and other spaniards while on their way to malaca from manila with messages and despatches for the king, our sovereign. it appears that on the fourth of november of the said year, when the inquiry had not gone further than this, captain pedro sarmiento arrived in this city from the calamianes, which are islands near burney; and brought the news and information that he had left behind in the said calamianes three indian chiefs of tondo, namely, magat salamat, don agustin manuguit, son of don phelipe salalila, and don joan banal, brother-in-law of the said magat. through don antonio surabao, his servant and chief of his encomienda, he had learned that these men were going as ambassadors to the petty king of burney, in order to induce him to send a fleet to attack the spaniards, and to join the chiefs of jolo, and sumaelob, chief of cuyo, who had already come to terms and offered to help them with two thousand men. they had persuaded the said don antonio surabao to accompany them and carry out their plans; but the latter while on the one hand he promised to help them, in order not to arouse their suspicion, on the other hand unfolded the plan to captain sarmiento. he added, moreover, that amarlangagui, chief of baibai, who was within the jurisdiction of manila and held the office of master-of-artillery, had told him, while in this city, that all the chiefs of this neighborhood had plotted and conspired with the borneans to rebel against the service of the king our sovereign, and to kill the spaniards of this city, while they were off their guard. the plan was that when the fleet of burney reached the port of cavite, and the spaniards trustfully called these chiefs to their aid, they would all immediately enter the houses of the spaniards with their men, fortify themselves in them and thus take possession of them one by one. if the spaniards took refuge in the fortress, indian soldiers would follow them; and, being two to one, they would surely kill the spaniards. maluco offered an example of this; for with but few people they had taken so large a fortress from the portuguese. to this end the people of burney were building seven galleys and other warships, and were getting ready ammunition and war-material. thus it is affirmed by the said don antonio surabao himself, who says that, under the pledge of friendship and secrecy, he was made acquainted with all this, and was persuaded to join the said conspiracy. upon this, with the governor's approval, soldiers and attendants were immediately despatched with his orders to arrest the said chiefs, and to bring them to this city as quickly as possible. from the inquiry and secret investigations which were taken up anew, it appears that last year, five hundred and eighty-seven, when captain don joan gayo and many japanese with merchandise arrived at this city in a ship from xapon, don agustin de legaspi became very friendly to him, inviting him many times to eat and drink at his house which is on the other side of the river of this city. the agreement and stipulation which he made with don joan gayo through the japanese interpreter, dionisio fernandez, and in the presence of the said magat salamat, don agustin manuguit, don phelipe salalila, his father, and don geronimo bassi, don agustin de legaspi's brother, was, that the said captain should come to this city with soldiers from xapon, and enter it under pretext of peace and commerce, bringing in his ship flags for the use of the spaniards, so that the latter should think his intentions peaceful. it was also agreed that the chiefs of the neighborhood would help them to kill the spaniards, and would supply the provisions and everything necessary. the said don agustin de legaspi was to set out to meet them; and, in order that they might recognize one another, he would carry some of the weapons which the said captain had given him. after they had conquered the spaniards, they would make him [don agustin] king of the land, and collect the tribute from the natives, which would be divided between don agustin and the japanese. they swore this after their fashion, by anointing their necks with a broken egg. don agustin de legaspi discussed and arranged the whole plan with amaghicon, an indian chief of navotas, warned him to keep the secret, and gave him some of the weapons which the japanese had given him, in order that they might recognize one another. according to the declarations of dionisio fernandez, the japanese interpreter, don phelipe salalila, don geronimo basi, magat salamat, and other witnesses who were present at the said meetings and compacts, and as it appears also from the trial and investigations, it seems that when don martin panga, under the charge of adultery, don agustin de legaspi, for accounts demanded of him at the time when he was governor of tondo, don gabriel tuambaçan, don francisco acta, his son, and pitongatan were taken to the prison of this court, each and every one of them swore, after their fashion, to help one another with their persons and property in all matters--be it concerning the liberty of their slaves, or in any other difficulty. likewise it appears that after they left the said prison, the said don martin panga was exiled from the village of tondo for a certain period, and went to live in the village of tambobo, not far from this city. there he and don agustin de legaspi invited the other leaders to come together for a secret meeting. under pretext of visiting said don martin panga, a meeting was held in the said village by don phelipe salalila, don agustin manuguit; magat salamat, chief of tondo; don pedro bolingui, chief of pandaca; don geronimo basi and don grabiel tuam basar, don agustin's brothers; don luis amanicalao and calao his son; the brothers don dionisio capolo and don phelipe salonga; don phelipe amarlangagui, chief of catangalan; don francisco acta and amaghicon; with other indian timaguas, servants, and allies of his. for three days they met, and drank after their fashion. during this time they resolved to act in harmony and with one mind in everything. if their slaves demanded liberty, they were to help one another against them; for already they were not regarded or obeyed as before. they possessed neither slaves nor gold, and found themselves poor and cast down, ready to go to prison any day. their sorrow was very keen because their wives were being taken away from them, and given to others to whom, they claimed, they had been first married. for all these reasons they were very sad, and they discussed and plotted, and took oath, according to their custom, that if an enemy came to manila to attack the spaniards, they would unanimously and with one mind aid the enemy against the spaniards. thus they would once more become masters, as they had been before, and exercise the old tyranny over the common people--who now were much favored by the spaniards, being promoted to superior places by them. the said don agustin de legaspi proposed to them the plan and compact which he had made with the said japanese don joan payo [gayo]; and the other chiefs declared that they were ready to help him and to accede to his wishes. after this, it appears that in the month of february, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, when we heard of the english pirate who passed through these islands and plundered the ship "santana," the said chiefs made preparations, thinking he would come to this city, to carry out their plan. a few days afterward, don estevan taes, chief of bulacan, came to the village of tondo where they were. he conferred with don martin panga; and they decided that since the englishman had not come, and the compact made at the meeting of tambobo had not been carried out, they should call another meeting to discuss what had been planned at the former one. to this end, he offered to notify and call together all the chiefs from his village as far as tondo, while don martin panga was to summon the other chiefs as far as cavite. to this end, the said don martin panga said that he would carry a letter to the governors of malolos and guiguinto, and tell them to hasten to the meeting; and that, when they were assembled, he could communicate to them the bad or the good which he kept within his breast. after don esteban tael [_sic_] had told him to leave the matter in his hands, don martin panga declared, in the presence of pitongatan, that he and don agustin had planned to call together the men of la laguna and comitan; and that, when the people were all gathered, they would discuss the means of regaining the freedom and lordship which their fathers had enjoyed before them; and, with all the people collected at tondo, would attack manila, as arranged with balaya, chief of vangos, and with the natives of batan. it seems that the said meeting did not take place, on account of various occupations which detained the said chiefs. moreover it appears that about the same time, when certain indian chiefs of panpanga came to manila on business connected with their province, on passing through the village of tondo, don agustin panga summoned them; and he, together with don agustin de legaspi, sagat malagat, and amanicalao, talked with them, and inquired after the business that took them to manila. the chiefs answered that they came to entreat the governor to command the cessation of the lawsuits concerning slaves in panpanga, until they could gather in the harvest. don martin said that this was very good, and that they also wished to make the same entreaty and to bring their slaves to court; but that to attain this it would be best to assemble and choose a leader from among them, whom they should swear to obey in everything as a king, in order that none should act alone. the chiefs of panpanga said that they had [no] war with the spaniards, to cause them to plot against the latter, and that they had a good king. thus they did not consent to what was asked from them by the aforesaid chiefs, and proceeded to manila in order to transact their business. in manila they were again invited to go to tondo, to take food with the plotters; but the panpanga chiefs refused. on the same day a meeting was held in tondo by don agustin de legaspi and don martin panga; don luis balaya, chief of bangos; agustin lea and alonso digma, his nephews; don phelipe salalila and don agustin manuguit, his son; don luis amanicalao, and calao, his son; don grabiel tuambacar, don francisco acta, don phelipe salonga, and other natives who rendered service. while they were thus assembled, they all resolved and agreed, amid the usual drinking, that the abovementioned magat should go to the calamianes and from that place notify the borneans to come to manila to attack the spaniards; and the chiefs would wait for them here, and would take care to receive and help them. in fulfilment of this, the said chief magat salamat went to the calamianes, which are near the kingdom of burney, taking with him the chiefs don agustin manuguit and don joan banal. thence he went to the island of cuyo, where it seems that he discussed the matter with sumaelob, chief of the said island, and persuaded him to come with the borneans to plunder manila. at that time he was arrested for this trial, was brought to this city, and openly confessed that what has been said actually occurred. the said inquiries and investigations made in reference to the trial of the aforesaid persons were examined by the governor and captain-general; and he gave orders to arrest those who appeared guilty, in the various regions and provinces in which they were to be found, and on different days, letting no one of the guilty ones escape. the men were arrested and their confessions were taken down separately. at the proper time and place they were each charged with the crime which resulted against each of them; and a copy of the charge was given to them and to their attorneys on their behalf. their cases were received on trial in a certain order and for a certain period, so as to give them, during that period, an opportunity of clearing themselves from the charge. the time expired, and the trial was definitely closed. the governor and captain-general reviewed the trial, and on different days pronounced a final sentence against each one of them, according to their guilt. the sentence is in substance as follows: don agustin de legaspi and don martin panga, as leaders and chiefs, and being convicted by witnesses, were condemned to be dragged and hanged; their heads were to be cut off and exposed on the gibbet in iron cages, as an example and warning against the said crime. all their goods were to be confiscated and set apart, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. the above-mentioned appealed from the aforesaid sentence to the royal audiencia of these islands; but after having examined the trial, the audiencia confirmed the aforesaid sentence, and returned the case to the governor and captain-general in order that justice might be done. the death-punishment was to cut their heads off and to expose them on the gibbet in iron cages. the sites of their houses were to be plowed and sown with salt. all their property, after the judicial expenses had been defrayed, should be set aside for the royal treasury. this sentence was executed upon the abovementioned persons as here stated. dionisio fernandez, japanese interpreter in the negotiations with xapon, having confessed and having been convicted, was condemned to be hanged and to lose his property, half of it to be set aside for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. he appealed from this sentence to the royal audiencia; but this court, after it had examined the trial, returned it to the governor and captain-general, in order that justice might be done. the sentence was executed upon him as here stated. don pedro balinguit, chief of the village of pandaca, was sentenced to six years of prescribed exile in nueva españa, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold [14] for the treasury of the king our sovereign, and for judicial expenses. the fiscal and he appealed to his majesty's chamber--i mean to the royal audiencia--and this court returned the case to the captain-general, so that justice might be done. this man is about to sail in these ships for his place of exile. pitongatan, chief of the village of tondo, was sentenced to exile in nueva españa for eight years. his property was to be equally divided between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia; and this court on a second examination sentenced him to exile in such place as the governor should choose, for two years--one prescribed and the other unconditioned--and to pay costs only. don phelipe salonga, chief of the village of polo, was sentenced to exile in nueva españa for six years. half of his property was to be set aside for the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and half for judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done. don phelipe amarlangagui, chief of catangalan, was sentenced to exile from his village for six years, to a place prescribed. his property was to be divided equally between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that the exile was to be for four years. daulat, chief of the village of castilla, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this district for four years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that of the four years of exile two were to be prescribed and two unconditioned. don joan basi, chief and former governor of the village of tagui, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction [15] for four years. half of his property was set aside for the treasury of his majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia, whence the case was remitted to the captain-general, with the exception that the whole penalty should consist only of two years of prescribed exile. dionisio capolo, chief of candava, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for eight years, and was condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold, half of which was to be set aside for the treasury of his majesty, and half for judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia, which, after having examined the report of the trial, remitted it to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done--save that the whole penalty was to consist of four years of prescribed exile, and the payment of twelve taes of orejeras gold. the sentence was executed. don francisco acta, chief of tondo, was sentenced to four years of prescribed exile. half of his goods and property was to be divided between the treasury of his majesty and judicial expenses. he and the fiscal appealed to the court of his majesty; but the case was remitted to the captain-general in order that justice might be done--save that the whole penalty was to consist of four years' prescribed exile, and nothing more. don luis amanicalao was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for six years. his goods were to be divided between the treasury of his majesty and the judicial expenses. he and the attorney appealed to the royal audiencia, but the case was likewise remitted to the captain-general in order that justice might be done--only that the exile was to be reduced to three years. the sentence was executed. don grabiel tuambacar, chief of tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold--half for the treasury of his majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. he appealed to the royal audiencia, as did the fiscal also; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that he might execute justice upon him--except that the penalty was to be only four years' exile. calao, chief of tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years. half of his goods were to be applied as in other cases. he and the fiscal appealed to the royal audiencia, whence the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that he might execute justice--except that the only penalty was four years' exile. omaghicon, chief of navotas, was sentenced to prescribed exile in nueva españa for six years, and was condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, half of it to be set aside for the treasury of his majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. this money was to be paid within a month, under pain of hanging. the fiscal of his majesty and the culprit appealed to the royal audiencia; there the sentence was revoked, and the guilty man was condemned to die, and to lose half of his goods, the latter to be applied as specified above. thus he was condemned on a new trial, and put to death; and inquiries are being made about his goods. don geronimo bassi was sentenced to exile in nueva españa for ten years. his property was to be divided between the treasury of his majesty and the judicial expenses. he and the fiscal of his majesty appealed to the royal audiencia--which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal treasury. the sentence was executed. don phelipe salalila, chief of misilo, was exiled to nueva españa for twelve years, and condemned to pay seventy taes of gold _de orejeras_, of which half was to be set aside for the treasury of his majesty and half for judicial expenses. he was to pay the money within twenty days under pain of death. he and the attorney of his majesty appealed to the royal audiencia--which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the treasury of his majesty. the sentence was executed upon him. don esteban taes, chief of bulacan, was sentenced to prescribed exile in nueva españa for eight years, and condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, for the treasury of his majesty and for judicial expenses. the money was to be paid within thirty days under pain of death. he and the fiscal of the king appealed to the royal audiencia--which, on an examination and new trial, revoked the sentence, and condemned him to death and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal exchequer and the treasury of his majesty. the sentence was executed. magat salamat was condemned to death. his goods were to be employed for the erection of the new fortress of this city. he appealed to the royal audiencia; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that justice might be done--except that the goods were to be set aside for the treasury. the sentence was executed. don agustin manuguit was sentenced to exile in nueva españa for six years, and condemned to pay twenty taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the new fortress. failing to pay this sum, the term of his exile would be doubled. he agreed to pay it, and the sentence was executed. don luis balaya, chief of bangos, was sentenced to exile from his village for two years, one prescribed and the other unconditioned. he was also condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the fortress, to which he agreed. alonso lea was acquitted on the trial. amarlangagui, chief of the village of tondo, was exiled from this jurisdiction for four years, two prescribed and two unconditioned. he was also condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold toward the said building of the fortress. he agreed to this, and the sentence was executed. don joan banal, chief of tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for six years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the said fortress. he agreed to this, and paid the money. in the case of amaghicon, indian chief of the island of cuyo, sentence is yet to be passed by the governor; for the man was brought hither only a short time ago, as he lived very far from this city. the said sentences, as specified, were executed upon the above-named persons. those who were exiled to nueva españa are about to sail in the ships which are to be despatched this year to that country. as for the goods [confiscated], most of the men have paid their fines; but in case of those who have failed to do this, the alcaldes-mayor have been ordered to make investigations about them. they are already doing so, as appears from the said trial and process, to which i refer. and, in order that the whole matter may be evident, i give by the said command the present record, in manila, on the thirteenth day of july in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. i affix my seal, in testimony of the truth. _esteban de marquina_, notary-public. we, the notaries who have here signed our names, [16] certify and attest that esteban de marquina, from whom proceeds this authenticated record, is indeed a notary-public, of the number authorized in this city, as is stated herein, and is now exercising his office; and that the deeds, attestations, and records which have been and are transacted in his presence have been and are thoroughly certified and authenticated, both within court and without. done at manila, on the thirteenth day of july in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. letter from gaspar de ayala to felipe ii sire: last year i gave your majesty a detailed account of the events that had hitherto occurred in these islands; of what has since happened i will give account in this letter. as soon as the ships left for nueva españa, we set about building a ship of seven hundred toneladas at the cost of your majesty's royal exchequer. as purveyor thereof was appointed captain don juan ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of the province of pintados. the ship is being built in that district, and paid for out of the tributes which your majesty has from that province; and this city provided some articles which were lacking there. the purveyor writes that he can make the voyage this coming year. this ship will be the fourth of your majesty's vessels on that route [to nueva españa]. i understand that two of them will be of no use for this next year, as they will have to be laid aside. thus it will be necessary, that the navigation on that route may not cease, that ships be built continually. although the mariscal grabiel de rribera and captain juan pablo de carrion are each building a ship, they will not be able to support them, and will be obliged to sell them at the port of acapulco on the first voyage, for the piru trade. although they could be bought in these islands on the account of your majesty's royal exchequer, it seems to me better that your majesty should save the profits that will be made after their construction; since they can easily be built at much less cost than if they were bought after they are built. the accounts of your royal exchequer have been audited this year, and are being sent with everything clearly expressed. the entire accounts are set forth and the data in detail, each class by itself. because the gold was very cheap this year, on account of the great lack of coin, some uneasiness was felt for your royal exchequer. its income has not reached the value of last year, although your majesty's gold has been more valuable than that of private persons, because it had to be distributed in various payments. if it were possible for your majesty's royal treasury to keep the gold and sell it at the coming of the ships, there would be considerable profit. however, as the gold is being constantly needed, and there is nothing else with which to meet the salaries and other necessary obligations, it is, when there is a lack of coin, distributed at the common value--although, as i have said before, a somewhat higher value is given to your majesty's gold. if, as i have written in other letters, your majesty would be pleased to command forty or fifty thousand pesos to be brought every year from nueva españa to the royal treasury of these islands, returning thence the value thereof in gold, it would give the greatest relief to this treasury and profit to your royal exchequer; for twenty-five thousand pesos in gold, at the price at which it is given in tribute by the indians, would amount to fifty thousand in nueva españa. this could be done very easily, if your majesty would assume the risk of the transportation of the money and the return of the gold. as a result, your royal treasury could in a short time be free from obligations, and could aid in the maintenance of this kingdom. [_marginal note_: "abstract this clause, and send it to the viceroy of nueva españa."] by virtue of your royal decree received by your governor in the past year, concerning the sale of the magistracies and offices of notary, by order of your said governor the following offices were sold, in the usual manner of selling your royal property: four public notaryships in this city, at eight hundred pesos each; the notarial office of panpanga, at one thousand pesos; that of the province of pintados, at one thousand seven hundred pesos; that of cebu, at six hundred; that of bombon, at three hundred; that of ylocos, at three hundred; that of camarines is set at six hundred, and has not been adjudged to a bidder. these offices were sold with some inducements, in order that there should be more bidding. of ten magistracies which were placed at auction, five were sold--the first at one thousand four hundred pesos, the second at nine hundred, the third at a thousand, the fourth at one thousand two hundred, and the fifth at nine hundred and ten. the others are left to be auctioned upon the arrival of the ship from nueva españa. to increase the value of the offices sold, there were also admitted some bonuses, after payment of which, i understand, the offices will clear fifteen thousand pesos more or less. that the magistracies might have more value to meet the present necessities, your said governor commanded that they be sold with the condition that the owners thereof could renounce them by depositing in your royal treasury the third of the value, as is done with the offices of clerks. should your majesty confirm this, it will be of much profit to your royal exchequer. besides the notarial offices which your royal decree ordered to be sold, no mention was made of those of la laguna, of the coast and tondo, of bulacan, of the cabildo of this city, and that of pangasinan, which are all large jurisdictions and have notaries appointed by themselves. moreover, there may thus be sold the office of notary of the alcaiceria [silk-market] of the chinese, where there is a separate judge; and that of the mines and registries, with the inspection of the chinese ships, in the form provided by your governor, and used by thomas perez. if this last office were sold with the others, we could find a person who would give therefor five thousand pesos; and should your governor provide the office of al-ferez-mayor and that of depositary-general, it would come to six thousand pesos. i understand that if your majesty should command these offices to be sold by open vote in the cabildo, there would be found many purchasers. when alonso veltran, your notary of the court of this audiencia, departed for nueva españa, he sold his office, by official permission, to alonso de torres, an honored merchant, for four thousand five hundred pesos. the third thereof was placed in your royal treasury of which he made royal exhibition in the audiencia, and asked to be admitted to the possession and exercise of said office. when your governor examined the records, he said that the cognizance of that cause was not for the audiencia, but for the governor, because the general decree providing for the sale of offices for nueva españa came addressed to the viceroy. consequently, the audiencia referred to the governor the cognizance and decision of this matter; and he declared that the said alonso de torres was not entitled to admission. although the latter appealed, he did not dare continue the case, in order, as he said, to avoid misfortune. for this reason, your royal treasury lost one thousand five hundred pesos. to remedy this, and to increase your royal exchequer, it is most important for your majesty to command that the said general decree directed to the viceroy of nueva españa in the year eighty-one, [17] which treats of the sale and renunciation of offices, be observed in these islands. its fulfilment should be enforced by your president and auditors; and, when a vacancy occurs in any office, the said office should be sold, in order that your royal treasury may have some relief. if it is not thus commanded, the governors will exercise the privilege of providing offices. last year i reported to your majesty that, because of the death of doña ana de palacios, there had been left vacant an encomienda owned by her in camarines. petition had been made to your governor that it be placed to the account of your royal crown, in virtue of your majesty's royal decree; and that twelve thousand pesos of income should be paid to this royal audiencia. but because captain joan maldonado presented another decree in which your majesty commands that there be given him two thousand pesos of income from unallotted indians, on account of his many services and extreme poverty, part of the said encomienda was given him; while to your royal crown there was assigned the other part, amounting to eleven hundred indians, more or less. moreover, at the end of december of the past year, eighty-eight, the encomienda owned by don luis de sagajosa at ylocos was left vacant by his death. i petitioned your governor to place it to the account of your royal crown, in compliance with the said royal decree. he declared that it could not be allotted to the crown, but that it would remain vacant, and the income would be assigned to your royal treasury as royal property, until your majesty should command otherwise. less than seven hundred indians of this encomienda were apportioned to your royal crown, in order that the income therefrom should be enjoyed by the hospital. appeal from this was made to the audiencia, and the case was continued. the result thereof was that another decree was issued by your majesty to the augustinian friars, in which your majesty granted them a gift and alms of ten thousand ducats, payable within ten years in unassigned indians. in consideration of their poverty, i consented that from the income of this encomienda there should be given them three hundred pesos every year, until your decree should be fulfilled. then a revision of the decree was issued, ordering that the said encomienda be allotted to your royal crown; but that from the income thereof there should be given to the hospital six hundred pesos for eight years, and to the convent of san agustin three hundred pesos every year until your decree should be fulfilled. after the payment of that nine hundred pesos, the grants for religious instruction, and the costs of the collection, i understand that there will remain clear for your royal treasury the sum of one thousand four hundred pesos, besides the nine hundred of the hospital and convent after their dues are satisfied. the audiencia placed this encomienda to the account of your royal crown; for, although your governor was ordered twice to do so, according to the ordinances of first consideration and revision, he would not comply. he was ordered to give a writ, in order that the officials of your royal exchequer could hold it as title. later, on account of the death of captain villanueva, two encomiendas were left vacant--one called malgandon, and the other near this city--which were worth two thousand pesos of income. as soon as he died, without notice thereof having been given to me, on the first day of last may before daybreak, your governor assigned the said encomiendas--that of malgandon to cristoval de axqueta; and the other to don luis enrriques, who abandoned another encomienda which he held, of as much and more income, but somewhat farther away from this city. at the same time the encomienda that he had abandoned was assigned, half to each of two other soldiers. on the following day i heard the news, and i presented myself in the audiencia in order to appeal, and to take exception to whatever possession should be taken. i appealed from whatever writ of possession might be provided; and i ordered that a copy of this appeal be handed to the parties. cristoval de axqueta kept himself hidden, in order that notice might not be served on him; and four or five days after my appeal the possession which i had opposed was given him by an alcalde-mayor of pangasinan. the other litigants did not take possession; and, the case being concluded, a writ was issued, by which all were protected in their possession. the decision in respect to the ownership was submitted to your royal council of the indias, i having appealed from the writ. the case has been concluded and considered, and the decision has not been reached; of that i shall later send a report to your majesty. for these reasons your governor is inciting the soldiers and telling them that i am depriving them of means of sustenance, and various other things, in order to set them against me, and make himself popular with them, while disparaging me. consequently, some of them bear me ill-will. your said governor, although he knows that he cannot take indians from your royal crown, has assigned some of them three or four times; and i have had them taken away by process of law. he satisfied himself by telling the soldiers that he had given them a means of support, but that i had taken it away. as i took exception to his acts, and caused several encomiendas to be revoked which had been given by him, he says that he is not the governor, but i am. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to command your governor to refrain from such indignities to me, as the diligence which i exercise and the actions at law which i cause are for your royal service, the increase of the royal exchequer, and the fulfilment of my conscience and obligation. as i am hated in this country for doing my duty, would your majesty be pleased to favor me by granting me leave to depart, and giving me a charge elsewhere where i may serve better and more satisfactorily, and where no one will complain of me. when your majesty receives this, i shall have served in this office of fiscal almost seven years. should your majesty not be disposed to grant me this favor i shall continue in my service here until i die. still later, at the death of doña maria de miranda, two encomiendas were left vacant, both worth a thousand pesos of income. they were given to don fernando de villafaña, by virtue of your royal decree, in which it is commanded that your governor should give him an encomienda of indians. he has served in these islands about ten years, and for his good service and poverty but little has been given him. on this account, and as your majesty had commanded that he be given an encomienda of indians, i took no exception, as in the other cases. this year there came from china eleven or twelve vessels with but little merchandise, because, as they say, there have been many wars and a severe plague. it has been reported that a ship from panama or piru, prepared to lay out a large sum of money, has arrived at macan, which is on the river of canton. as i have stated in previous communications, if it is permitted to carry on trade between piru or nueva españa and china, this country will be depopulated and ruined. the principal means of support here is the merchandise from china, and the profit which results from sending those goods to be sold in nueva españa. this would be completely done away with, should ships go from that country or piru to china; for it is evident that, if these ships bought the merchandise needed, there would be no market or sale for the goods brought from these islands. neither would the chinese come here with their ships to sell the goods, or at least not in so large numbers; and besides the general loss to this land, there would be lost the customs duties of import and export. at my petition, in view of the fact that a large part of the gold paid as tribute had not been declared, and the fifth taken, it was decreed that within a fortnight after the collection of tribute, the gold should be declared, and the registers of collection displayed, before the officials of your royal exchequer, under penalty of losing the third part of the tribute for that year. the aforesaid was proclaimed and notification was given to the encomenderos of this city, and the decrees therefor were sent to the alcaldes-mayor. nevertheless, there is laxity in the declarations; and it would be of great benefit for your majesty to order the officers of your royal exchequer to exercise great care in this, and to see that the disobedient suffer the penalties. [_marginal note_: "bring the decrees in this case."] last year a fragata was despatched from this city to maluco. therein were two descalced friars, who were going to that court on business connected with their order; and they carried with them a packet of letters from this audiencia and your governor. this fragata anchored in a port of the island of borney, called el paso; and the natives attacked them, after having given assurance of safety so that they would land. they killed one of the friars, and all the men except three or four spaniards; and burned the fragata, after having robbed it. those who escaped say that this attack had been made by order of the king of burney, and that a spanish soldier who had gone there had been persuaded to turn renegade. they pay him a stipend for making plans for stone fortifications, and making weapons and powder. your governor despatched a ship, sending a messenger to ask for this soldier; but the reply has not yet come. many people were of the opinion that, if soldiers had been in these islands in any great number, a fleet should be sent to attack the said king--both for the reason already given, and because he was a tributario to your majesty, and has refused to pay tribute. but with the few troops in these islands, no expedition can be made, nor do we who are in manila feel at all secure, with the forces that we have in this kingdom. there are many enemies and but few spaniards, and the latter are dying in great numbers every day. also, for lack of troops, punishment has not been meted out for the insolence which, as i reported to your majesty last year, had been perpetrated by the king of mindanao. in the past few days the indians of cibu have revolted, and have killed the encomenderos who were collecting the tribute, and other soldiers. they seized the women, and detained them for a long time, until the alcalde-mayor of that island, with a number of friendly indians and fifty or sixty spaniards, attacked and chastised them. some were killed in the encounter, and those most guilty were hanged. thereupon the said alcalde-mayor wrote that that island was pacified. it lies more than one hundred and fifty leagues from this city. later, on the seventh of last june, there came further advices from the said alcalde-mayor, to the effect that the natives of said islands, with other neighboring peoples, had conspired to burn the city, and kill all the spaniards who might be there; and that several of the principal authors of the plot have been captured, and steps are being taken to arrest the others. your governor sent him instructions as to what he should do. four or five months ago two soldiers came from the city of segovia, located in the province of cagayan. they were sent by the alcalde-mayor of that province, bringing word that the province was all in rebellion and that the indians had killed many spaniards. the natives were so bold and daring that they entered into the city to murder and rob. he begged for reënforcements of troops and ammunition, or that province would be depopulated. it is the most important of these islands as it is the nearest to japon and is within fifty leagues of the coast of china. reënforcements were sent by the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, with four or five ships and fifty soldiers, besides what supplies and ammunition they could take. we have received news of their arrival only. the outcome of the expedition i will relate when it is over. captain martin de barrios was also slain by the indians while he was collecting the tribute from his encomienda, together with other soldiers; and i am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not disaffected. when there is any uprising they communicate with one another, make allies, and send messengers to keep up relations. this is because the indians know that there is but a small force of spaniards, and that they are separated from one another, and that their punishments are not inflicted as they formerly were, under a military régime, but by a judicial order. the past year we were informed that the indian chiefs of this district had met together at different times to discuss rebellion against your royal service, and the death of all the spaniards in these islands, and the mastery of this land which was enjoyed by their forefathers. at the time when this happened there was in this city a japanese captain, who had come here ostensibly for trading and carrying on commerce. the natives made arrangements with him to come to their aid with ships and soldiers. they were to give him part of the land, and would send messengers to the king of borney and other principal indians of other provinces, in order that they might come to their assistance. they swore very solemnly according to their custom to keep and fulfil the agreement. they chose a king, captains, and officers of war; and weapons were made in secret. on the discovery of their treachery and plots, the principal chiefs were arrested; seven or eight of them were hanged and beheaded, and their property confiscated. many others were exiled, some from their villages, and others to nueva españa who sail in this ship. by this punishment it seems as if the people have become somewhat cowed. may god aid us, and free us from so many dangers to which we are exposed. this land will be lost and ruined if your majesty does not expressly order a goodly number of soldiers to be sent here, and that something be paid to the men for their support. it is pitiful to see them die of hunger, and if they are not paid no soldiers will care to come here, to be in captivity; and we are dying off very fast. your majesty should not permit such a thing; for, although this land is of much cost and no profit, it is a foothold and stepping-stone by which to enter the realms of great china. for this it is very important to learn that language, and for some religious of the orders of st. augustine and st. dominic to teach the chinese in that tongue, since in that wise they will become fond of our religion. may god bring this to pass, later. it would tend greatly to the preservation of the soldiers, should your majesty order your viceroy of nueva españa to send a doctor to these islands, although he should be given a salary from your royal treasury of nueva españa. for lack of a physician and of someone who knows how to cure sickness, many of the people die--especially the soldiers and sailors, who have few comforts. your majesty's galleys in this city are useless, and serve for nothing whatever. it will be more profitable and less costly to have a couple of small ships and another couple of armed fragatas. this can be done if your majesty will order them to be built, and the galleys to be broken up. the fort, which is being built of stone, has been fractured in some places, from the great weight. they say that it is caused by the small amount of cement used, and because it is near the water and built in a round shape. it seemed as if it could be made secure by building three buttresses with three cavaliers; and this work is now being done. if the cavaliers had been built at first, much money could have been saved; but, as there are no engineers here, they have done the best they could--although several captains say that they had given warning at the beginning of the work. for this there has been collected a little more than four thousand pesos from certain duties which used to be paid to your majesty on the money brought from nueva españa. later, collections were made from the indians of the land, on each being levied one real--thus raising another twelve thousand pesos, more or less. now another tax of one real has been levied on the indians, who are oppressed by it; but as your royal treasury is so poor, everything must be borne. in last year's letter i advised you that at my petition, taxes were levied on the indians in their suits, according to the tariff of spain, charging the spaniards triple the amount. finding that the clerks could not support themselves on so small fees, and at risk of levying too much, it was ordered that the fees be doubled, and it was so done. captain esteban rodriguez de figueroa, son-in-law of the licentiate melchior davalos, your auditor, killed his wife and nephew, the own son of his brother, saying that they had committed adultery. this he proved by some indian women of his house, although he did not find them in the act. i conducted the trial, and, after review thereof, condemned him to six years of exile, and a fine of five thousand pesos for your royal court, the expenses of justice, and other things. this year a japanese ship came to this port with many supplies and arms. there must have been more than five hundred arquebuses and as many of their kind of swords, and some battle-axes. as the conspiracy of the indians had taken place when the said ship arrived, it was believed that it came for the execution of that plot. on entering the port, this ship was boarded, and all its cargo was sequestered and the crew imprisoned. it was learned that they were going to sell the weapons in cian, and they were released from custody, on condition that they would sell the goods here. this they did, and this country has consequently been supplied with weapons. as your royal treasury is usually in need and lack of money, it happened at the beginning of february of this year that, on petition of the prebendaries and curas of the cathedral, the bishop of these islands commanded the royal officials, under pain of excommunication, to pay them the stipends assigned them from your royal treasury--amounting to one thousand five hundred pesos annually, for four prebendaries. according to my information your said officials owed them nothing whatever, in accordance with the agreement made with them in the month of july of the year eighty-seven--namely, that from that day they were to be paid their entire current salary; and of that due them they were to be paid little by little, as your royal treasury was so over-burdened. at this notification they replied to the bishop that he could not be judge of that case, as it was a secular one and they were laymen. of necessity, they appealed to the audiencia; and the bishop ordered that they be declared excommunicated. this was publicly done, and their names written on the public list, on a saturday evening. after the audiencia saw what difficulties would follow on the excommunication of your royal officials, and after it had examined the proceedings in the report made to the judge, it passed an ordinance, asking and requiring the bishop to absolve and reinstate the officials until the documents could be examined in the council-room. to this he gave a certain reply, and after considering this, with the documents, another decree was made, in which it was declared to the bishop that he was not the judge of the cause, which the audiencia ordered to be retained under its own jurisdiction. as i was not present at this decision it was ordered that i be notified, and that i should appear in the suit in defense of your royal jurisdiction. therefore, on the monday next following, i presented before the said bishop a petition requesting that he absolve the persons excommunicated, and declare himself not to have jurisdiction over that cause. to establish the fact that the recognition thereof did not belong to him, i stated in the first argument of my petition that it could not pertain to him as the royal officials were mere laymen, and not subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but to the royal. i alleged further reasons that the cause was secular and temporal. among other things, the bishop replied to the petition that he was not satisfied with a proposition that i had offered, in reference to the holy office of the inquisition. this caused exceeding disturbance and scandal in this city, because the bishop was not content with saying what he did in reply to my petition; but to every person who entered his house he said that i had been guilty of a heresy, and unlettered persons who heard this gave it credit. moreover, as there is here a commissary of the inquisition, he called together many friars and certified this proposition, separating it from the petition and paying no attention to my purpose therein, or to the circumstances under which i made it. i am sending a report of all the proceedings, in order that your majesty may provide for the future, as to whether the bishop is to be the judge, and have entrance and privilege to cause the salaries to be paid from your royal treasury, which your majesty in kindness and mercy had ordered to be assigned to the prebendaries and curates. the bishop, for the sake of peace, after he had kept your royal officials excommunicated many days, refusing to obey or fulfil the ordinances of your royal audiencia, issued a decree in which he gave up the decision of the cause to his holiness and to your majesty. he protested that he would proceed with the case when he saw fit. although i stated in petition that the bishop had not complied with the ordinances of the audiencia, and that thereby he had incurred the penalties provided--which i begged to have executed--everything was passed over, and it was not deemed proper to exact the penalties. in this wise, whenever any dispute over jurisdiction occurs, the bishop displays like obstinacy, as he has done in other cases which are being added to the principal one. if a penalty should once be imposed that would hurt him, he would obey and comply with the ordinances of the audiencia. but he says publicly that nothing can be done which will restrain him, and this is what he desires. because of this case the prebendaries and bishop abandoned the cathedral church and did not enter it, or celebrate the divine offices therein from the fourth of february until the twenty-second of march--when, as it was holy week, they returned. during this time only the cura came to the church, to say mass; and thereby great complaint, scandal, and discontent were caused among all the people. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to order this case to be summarily settled. the bishop declares that he will use the right, which he claims to own, when he sees fit to do so; and it should be decided if it is right to suffer this thing. also, because i as fiscal attend to the defense of your royal jurisdiction, should the bishop have license to declare in writing that i had made a proposition touching the holy inquisition? it was not only this, but that the statement went from one pulpit to another, by his command, that to say that the bishop was not judge of that cause was a heresy. these and other words of which the audiencia will give information caused no little scandal in this city. likewise he refuses to obey the ordinances of the audiencia, making light of and disputing over them, for which he may be restrained and condemned in temporal matters. it is quite common for controversies to arise between your governor and the bishop as to which of them is to assign the salary to be given to the ecclesiastics who administer instruction, both in the encomiendas of your royal crown and in those of private individuals. since the salaries in the encomiendas of the crown are paid from your royal exchequer, it is but just that your governor assign them, or at least that they do so jointly. in this way your royal patronage will be better guarded, and it will be known for whom the bishop is providing. i beg your majesty to be pleased to have suitable orders given in this matter, and that it be done shortly, for every day more and more difficulties arise. a case has been considered in the audiencia, between the bishop and the order of st. augustine, as to whether the said order and the religious thereof are to administer instruction to the chinese living in the village of tondo. ever since the settlement of this town, they have had a convent there, ministering to the natives in their own language. they say that they have also instructed the chinese, who understand what they say. the bishop placed in this town friars of his own order, the dominican, so that they could minister to the chinese in a chapel there. the augustinians complained, saying that by a brief of his holiness, and a royal decree which they presented, two monasteries of different orders should not be situated in the same town, or in its vicinity. the audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that within thirty days the bishop should appoint ministers of one order, to administer instruction to the natives and the chinese. as this ordinance concerned a matter already adjudicated, the bishop asked for a declaration of their position; and it was thereupon declared that by that ordinance the dominicans were not excluded from the administration of instruction to the chinese. an appeal was then made on the part of the order of st. augustine; and they said that some of their religious would in a short time know the chinese language. they were commanded by ordinance to observe the past decree, until your majesty should have been consulted and should provide otherwise. afterward, when the augustinians saw that they were not by the said ordinances excluded from administering instruction to the chinese, they commenced to undertake this work. the bishop, as he desired a religious of the said order who was said to know the chinese language to preach to the chinese on the afternoon of st john's day, went to the town of tondo, which is opposite this city, on the other side of the river. he had trouble with the augustinian friars, and the abovementioned religious would not consent to preach. thereby was caused much severe comment and scandal, both among the natives and chinese, and among the spaniards. the augustinian friars complain that the bishop, being a dominican, favors his own order and persecutes them; and that before the coming of the dominicans to these islands they did not have this persecution, but peace and concord. there is great need of religious to administer instruction to the natives, since of the few who were here a large number have died, this year and last. there are many places without instruction, and in still others there are ecclesiastics who do not know the language, from which it results that the natives cannot be well instructed. it is of much importance for the welfare and pacification of this land that religious should come here, because in those places where they are now stationed the indians live more peaceably and with less license. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to give orders for their prompt despatch, since their coming is so necessary for the service of god and the good of souls. they should be of the three orders already here. in this city there are two hospitals, one for spaniards and the other for the natives. that of the natives is under the charge of a franciscan friar, [18] who cares for them and ministers to them with much charity. it seems as if god supports them as by a miracle; for there are usually more than a hundred patients, sick with all kinds of diseases, and they are maintained by alms, as they have no other income. it would be very injurious if the franciscan friars should abandon it; and thus it will be expedient for your majesty to order that they hold and administer it, as has been done hitherto. moreover, license should be given for said hospital to send four toneladas of pepper as cargo on the ships which sail every year from these islands to nueva españa. there should be levied on them neither duties in these islands, nor freight charges at acapulco; for with this privilege, which would little affect your majesty's interests, they can further the work, and support themselves. those who are serving your majesty in this royal audiencia are: the doctor santiago de vera, your president; the licentiate melchior davalos, the licentiate pedro de rrojas, and the licentiate don antonio de rribera, your auditors. the first two suffer from many ailments and infirmities. there are also myself, a secretary, a reporter, three attorneys, and interpreters and other officials of the audiencia. the persons who have been provided with offices this year are the following: don fernando de villafaña, alcalde-mayor of la laguna, with a salary of three hundred pesos, the amount usually given to other alcaldes-mayor; pedro manrique, alcalde-mayor at pangansinan, who has served your majesty nine years, in these islands; cristoval de leon, chief magistrate at calompite, an elderly man, long in the land, and with wife and children; gaspar de ysla, chief magistrate at lubao, one of the early colonists, and married; captain gomez de machuca, alcalde-mayor of camarines, who has served ten years in this country, and married here; bartolome pacheco, alcalde-mayor of bulacan, who has seen six years' service in this land; captain don alonso maldonado, alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the chinese, who has served here six years; clemente hurtado de monrreal, alcalde-mayor of the coast of this city, who has seen six years' service here; lorenço lopez de abiste, alcalde-mayor of the island of çubu, who has served here six years; captain don diego de alcaraso, who was appointed by your governor as warden of the old fort, at the death of captain juan maldonado, who used to hold it, and draws a salary of three hundred pesos; juan de bustamante, who was appointed by your governor as inspector to the indians, and is now inspecting in the province of ylocos; don gaspar de vera, son of your governor, who was appointed as general of the sea; and joan, cantero, alcalde-mayor of calompite, who has served seventeen years in this land. on the twenty-ninth of june returned the messenger sent by your governor to the kingdom of burney to ask the king to deliver to him the soldier who had turned renegade, as i have said above. although the king made some excuses for his acts, he nevertheless refused to deliver the renegade. on the same day there was an unusually severe tempest of wind and water in this city. the natives say that they never saw such a one. the sea and the river madre rose until they joined and reached the fort. much damage was done in the houses; and worse still, two ships which were here loading a cargo for nueva españa--one belonging to your majesty, and the other to the mariscal grabiel de rivera--were driven on the coast by the force of this tempest, and it is understood that they cannot be repaired. even should one of them be repaired, it cannot make the voyage this year. in all the port not one ship or fragata escaped, except one small boat, which was taken to send advices to nueva españa of the condition of this land, which is most unpropitious. by this calamity, so injurious to the community, the people have become greatly disheartened. moreover, as i write this clause, we have had thus far no news of ships from nueva españa, although this is the seventh of july. the entire support of this land depends on the coming and going of the ships; and if they are not here by may or the middle of june, by delaying longer they run great risk of being lost, and with them the welfare and support of this land. sailing from the port of acapulco at the beginning of march, they would arrive here in good time and without risk from storms. as this is of so much importance, i beseech your majesty to be pleased to order your viceroy of nueva españa to exercise the utmost diligence in the early despatch of the ships which are to come to this land, in order that they may accomplish the purpose of the voyage. on the first of july, arrived the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, who had gone to chastise the indians of the province of cagayan, who as i have said before, were at war. although he had gone out with sixty soldiers and more than eight hundred friendly indians, he did nothing whatever except to cut down their palm-trees and destroy their crops. he says that the indians themselves burned their villages and went to the mountains. it is known, however, that he left that province in a worse state of war than before, and when the indians see our men turn back and leave them they regain courage. we spaniards are very few in number, and are surrounded by enemies on every side. if we are not relieved in time by the despatch of reënforcements, it will be impossible to apply a remedy when it is wanted. as i have already said, we are but few, and the troops die very quickly. when the indians see an opportunity to crush us, they are not likely to let it slip. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to order your viceroy that, when your governor sends to ask troops and ammunition, or other necessaries, he should send them; and also that he should send some money, because on account of the many extraordinary occasions for expense which every day arise, your royal treasury is usually much embarrassed and in debt. sometimes, for lack of money, important things are left undone. on sunday, the ninth of this month, i was in the cathedral, where were gathered all the people and the orders, as there was to be a solemn procession and sermon. the deacon came out to sprinkle the holy water, and went directly to the choir and sprinkled it on the bishop and all the persons who were in the choir. it is the custom to give it first to the audiencia. when the deacon came back from the choir, your president and auditors told him that if the bishop would not cause precedence to be observed for the audiencia, they would go to hear service elsewhere. when the bishop learned this, he left the church immediately, and sent orders to the preacher not to preach; and we were left without a sermon, to the great scandal of the people gathered there. there is nothing else at present. only i pray that our lord may preserve your majesty many years in perfect health, and with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, in his holy service. at manila, july 15, 1589. the licentiate _ayala_. royal decree regarding commerce the king: to gomez perez dasmariñas, [19] knight of the order of santiago, and appointed by me governor and captain-general of the phelipinas islands. as soon as father alonso sanchez, a religious of the society of jesus, came here, ordered and empowered by all the estates of the islands to discuss certain matters regarding the service of our lord, and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of those islands, i ordered certain members of my councils to come together to hear him. this they did, and a thorough examination was made of certain memorials which that religious had been ordered to present. [20] after they had consulted with me upon certain points of the said memorials, i decided, with the approval of the above-mentioned councilors to whom the matter was delegated, upon the following instructions which are given to you. i order you to fulfil your duties, in every respect, with the consideration, care, and diligence which i expect from you. the father has also entreated me, in behalf of the said city, to order that no persons entering the ports of the said islands from without shall be made to pay duties--whether they be chinese, portuguese, japanese, siamese, borneans, or any other people whatsoever, especially when they bring provisions, ammunition, and raw material for these articles. these taxes are a grievance to the chinese, and trade is hindered, and there are other resultant disadvantages, as the said father alonso sanchez has informed me at length; accordingly i have held and do now hold it best that for the present no more of the said duties be levied upon provisions and ammunitions. therefore you will not permit any duty to be levied until otherwise ordered and decreed. another advisable measure discussed was that no chinese or foreign ships could sell at retail the goods which they carried to the islands, as is done now; nor could the inhabitants buy the goods, openly or in secret, under severe penalties. the purchase of the said goods was to be discussed by the council, and as many and so qualified persons as the business demanded were to be appointed. these persons alone should buy in a lot all the merchandise brought by the ships, and then distribute it fairly among the citizens, spanish, the chinese, and the indians, at the same price at which it should be appraised. the matter was discussed and examined by the members of the said council, and it has seemed best to send you the decision reached in this affair, as i now do. i order you, keeping this in mind, to give the orders which you may think acceptable to me. you will keep me informed of your proceedings, and will not permit or allow any person to go to the ships except the ones appointed to do so by a special order. you will endeavor to give products of the islands in exchange for the said merchandise, so as to avoid, if possible, the introduction of so much coin into foreign kingdoms as has been customary. besides the good results which will follow from carrying out the provisions of the preceding clause, we may expect another of no less importance; and that is, that by enforcing the regulations, not only will you rid yourself of the chinese retailers, who conceal and sell their merchandise, but there will be also avoided many other losses, expenses, and scarcity, and the secret sins and witchcraft which they teach. their shops, which are necessary for the sale at retail, could, in the course of the year, be given up to spaniards, so that they might remain in their possession and bring them profit. such a course would also bring together a larger number of citizens. you might permit the chinese christians and other old inhabitants to remain, who do not come and go, and are not retailers in the true sense of the word; but who work as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, and in other labors for food production. considering the importance of this affair, you are warned not to permit or allow the presence of infidels and retailers in the said islands; and to prevent their coming together in so large numbers as to give rise to difficulties. all this you will carry out with the care and diligence which i am confident lies in your character and prudence, and the zeal which you will show where my service is concerned. san lorenzo, august 9, 1589. instructions to gomez perez dasmarinas the king: to gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of santiago, whom i have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands. upon the arrival of father alonso sanchez, a religious of the society of jesus, who came, by order and authorization of all estates of the said islands, to confer about certain matters pertaining to the service of our lord and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of the islands, [21] i convened certain members of my councils in order that they might hear him. after they had done so, and had examined in great detail certain memorials that the father presented, in accordance with his orders, and had consulted with me in regard to all the points of the said memorials, i resolved, with the advice of the aforesaid my counselors, to whom i committed the matter, upon what will follow here, which will serve as your instructions. i order you to observe and fulfil them to the letter, with the consideration, care, and diligence that i expect from your person. 2. infinite thanks should be given our lord, and i hereby offer them to him, for the great mercy that he has been pleased to show me, in that, during the period while i, by his mercy and will, rule as king, and through me as the instrument, those so remote islands have been discovered; and that at present, as i have heard, more than two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants enjoy in those islands evangelical instruction, besides the great inclination which is manifest to spread the knowledge of our holy catholic faith throughout the other islands with which all that great archipelago is sown and inhabited for the space of more than nine hundred leguas of latitude, and more than five hundred of longitude. this does not include the vast kingdoms of the mainland--china, cochina, conchinchina, champa, canvoja, siam, patan, joor [johore], and others--notwithstanding that i wish and desire that a pathway to them be opened. in order that this end be attained, it is necessary that for the present, and until our lord so dispose and direct it, the conservation of what has been pacified and conquered, by so great labor and at so vast expense to my exchequer, be looked after carefully. i charge you straitly to see to this, taking note of the condition of affairs, what is advisable for their continuous improvement and settlement, and giving them a sound foundation, so that among so many enemies, not only may they be preserved, but continue to increase daily. 3. first: the above-mentioned father, alonso sanchez, has reported that the cathedral of those islands, located in the said city of manila, has no building, ornaments, or other adornments pertaining to the service of divine worship; or income, or alms for its aid, or in order to provide it with sacristans, verger, or other necessary assistants; and that being, as is the case, in the gaze of so many idolatrous enemies and mahometans, both natives and foreigners who meet there--especially the chinese, who have observed this condition--it is very annoying that they should see it served so inadequately and covered with wood and thatch--poor, dilapidated, and without provision. and because it is very just, and in accord with my will and desire, that the above-mentioned church be built and served with all possible propriety, you shall, as soon as you arrive at the said islands, especially further the building and construction of the said church. you shall apportion for this purpose the sum of twelve thousand ducados, in three parts--to wit, one from my royal exchequer, another from the encomenderos, and the third from the indians, as is done in nueva españa. the said twelve thousand ducados shall be spent upon the said building within four years, spending three thousand each year. and in order that it may be better done and be commenced immediately, i have ordered two thousand ducados paid, in anticipation, on the account of my third, from my royal treasury of the said nueva españa. as you pass there, you will ask them to send this amount. 4. i have been told that there are two hospitals in the said city of manila--one for spaniards, and the other for indians--and that both of them suffer extreme need; for to that of the spaniards resort many soldiers, sailors, and other poor folk, who become ill through certain exertions in my service, and those common to that country; while that of the indians is sustained by themselves, by means of their fruits, work, and tributes. all those who are treated in the latter hospital fall sick in the same manner as the others, and in the foundation and preservation of the settlements. both classes die in discomfort, through having no building in which to be protected from the ravages of the climate, and through the lack of beds, food, medicines, nurses, and other necessities. it would be advisable to send these supplies from the said nueva spaña, together with some blankets. this is, as you see, a work of the greatest charity, and it is especially desirable to assist with great care in the consolation and treatment of the sick. and besides that, you shall have diligence to examine the hospital built there, and ascertain what care is taken of the sick. from the first repartimientos that may become vacant in the said island, you shall apply to the principal hospital sufficient for an income of five thousand pesos annually; and to that of the indians, five hundred ducados annually, granted from the increase of the tributes of the indians (which shall be collected in the manner set down in the sixth section of these instructions), so that both may enjoy the said income as long as may be my pleasure. from these amounts the necessary buildings shall be constructed, and other things provided, so that both may be properly conducted. in order that this may be commenced immediately, i have granted four hundred ducados to the principal hospital, and two hundred to that of the indians, to be paid from my royal treasury of the said nueva spaña, as you will see by the decree that will be given you. 5. the said father alonso sanchez also reported that the need of ministers of instruction in the said islands is so great that many indians die without baptism; that because of the same need, the conquest and conversion of other islands are neglected; and that it would be advisable to send religious from the orders established there, with instructions to remain there and not go elsewhere. already permission has been granted and the needful care taken, so that some religious may go there, and others will be provided as soon as possible. all of them shall be notified to resolve upon staying in the said philipinas islands, and not to go to any other place without the express permission of the bishop and of yourself. therefore i charge you that, whenever any religious shall offer themselves to you to leave the said islands, you shall confer with the said bishop, and shall consider and discuss the matter; but you shall grant the said permission only after thorough consideration. 6. another section of the above-mentioned memorials indicates how instruction may be provided, not only where there is none, but also where there is some, although inadequate; that it would be advisable to increase the tributes and clear up the appraisements of the tributes, for they are at present in a very confused and dangerous condition, because of many scruples and injuries connected with them; and that, as each indian's tribute has hitherto generally been collected in pesos of eight reals apiece, it should reasonably be raised to the value of ten castilian reals to each of the said pesos--provided that the indian may not be forced to pay it in any designated article, but only in money, if he have it, or shall choose to give it, or in some other article produced by him, or in goods acquired in trade, according to their valuation at the time of payment. because, after discussing this point, it is believed that each peso may be increased by two reals to make up the ten, as is petitioned, therefore you shall order that this increase be paid into my royal treasury, and that half a real be used to pay the obligations of the tithes, and the other one and one-half reals be used for the pay of the soldiers stationed in the said islands, and for other things pertaining thereto; and that the encomenderos be obliged to pay, from the eight reals remaining, for the necessary instruction, and their share of the building of the church, during the time of its construction, in accordance with the foregoing. the said indians shall reserve the choice to pay the tributes in money or in products, in whichever one they wish. 7. another section of the said memorials also petitions that in order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable, the encomenderos be ordered to pay the tithes, according to the use and custom in mexico; for, inasmuch as the commonwealth previously had neither church, bishop, curates, nor settled rule, the tithes have not been paid. this is a just order, and as such you shall enforce it, providing that the said tithes due be paid from the products of their farms and their animals. 8. on the part of the said city of manila, i have been petitioned to have it granted some public property, in order that it may attend to the affairs of peace, war, government, and other matters pertaining to its conservation and defense, and for suits that may arise--granting it for this purpose some indians, or something from the duties on chinese merchandise, or on the storehouses or shops where they trade. after advising with my counselors, i have determined to bestow upon the said city for six years, for its public property, one-half of the fines and pecuniary penalties paid into my treasury, and the incomes from the said storehouses; with the obligation that, each three years, the account of money thus obtained be sent, as well as a statement of what is expended. you shall take care to procure the advancement of the said city in this, to watch in what manner this grant is used, and to order that the said account and statement be sent at the proper time. 9. i have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that neither in the said city nor in any other part of the other islands shall be paid the three per cent duty [22] imposed by don gonzalo ronquillo, as the country is very new and needy, and the inhabitants have to assist in many other things. although i would be very glad to relieve them, still expenses are so heavy, that i must aid myself by whatever is available. therefore it will be advisable to collect the said three per cent. you shall give orders to this effect; and that the amount that is collected from these duties on merchandise be placed in my treasury on a separate account, and it shall be used for paying the soldiers stationed there; and that of the rest that is collected this duty be discontinued for the present. [23] 10. i have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that none of those who resort from foreign parts to the ports of the said islands--as chinese, portuguese, japanese, cianese, burneyes, or any others--pay duty, especially on food, ammunition, and materials for ammunition. because of this, much annoyance is caused--as, for instance to the chinese--and the steady course of trade is hindered, and other troubles follow. after receiving detailed information from the said father alonso sanchez, i have considered and still consider it advisable that, for the present, the collection of the said duties on provisions and ammunition be repealed; and therefore you shall not allow them to be levied until i order and provide otherwise. 11. i was also petitioned by the said islands to order that, inasmuch as none of the merchandise from sevilla to mexico pays any duties on the first sale, it be not paid on the merchandise sent from those islands to the port of acapulco, or other places. so little is collected in said port of acapulco, namely, twelve pesos per tonelada of freight on the goods of the inhabitants--the duty imposed by don gonçalo ronquillo--and because likewise the proceeds of this duty are needed to pay the said soldiers, you shall order that it be collected for the present for the above purpose. 12. one of the things most conducive to the good government of the state and the happiness of the members and parts composing it, is the equitable administration of distributive justice. accordingly, i command that the offices at your disposal and the advantageous posts of the country be given to men who merit them by their services and capacity, in such manner that the offices be filled by old citizens, who have lived in the country at least three years, and are citizens of it; and the encomiendas to soldiers who shall have lived there in actual military duty and service. among them you should always give the preference to those who are most deserving; including, with the other circumstances of greater and better services in the country, their length of residence there. they must not be sons, brothers, relatives, servants, or friends of yours; for--besides that you are advised that you are not to grant encomiendas of indians or provide offices to such men; and, with this end in view, a sufficient salary is given you to enable you to help them--it is not right for men who are but new arrivals, and have done no work, to enjoy the fruit of another's toil. if rewards are bestowed justly, all will serve willingly in the hope of attaining reward. therefore it is my will that you observe this order; and, that it may be thus inviolable, i declare that, now and henceforth, your said sons, brothers, servants, and friends shall be incapable of holding the said encomiendas or offices. and because certain persons, who already hold encomiendas in the said islands, and with these easily [can satisfy] whatever needs they may have, are begging for further reward, you are advised not to grant them any more until many others--who, as i have been informed have been there for so long a time and are deserving, and have toiled in the conquest and maintenance of the country, to a much greater extent than those who are petitioning anew; but who have not been rewarded, and therefore are poor, irritated, and querulous--shall be provided and rewarded with encomiendas and other posts and means of gain. you shall take especial care to reward those whose names follow: 13. diego ronquillo, former governor and captain-general of those islands, who, i am told, exercised the said offices excellently and to the complete satisfaction of the country. don rodrigo ronquillo de peñalosa, son of the governor don gonçalo ronquillo. captain antonio rodriguez chacon. captain agustin de arceo. captain don gonçalo vallesteras saavedra. captain diego del castillo. captain don juan ronquillo del castillo. captain caravallo. captain rodrigo alvarez. captain gomez de machuca. hernando muñoz de poyatos, regidor of manila. ensign juan de medrano. miguel rodriguez. ensign antonio guerrero. charavia, an old and good soldier. gaspar ruiz de morales. aguilar, likewise an excellent soldier. villalobos. bartholome rodriguez. sargeant cantero. gaspar de ysla. ensign christoval de azcueta. geronimo de cuellar. luis nuñez hernandez. [14]. others, who are said not to have been there so long, but who are men of worth and account, are as follows: don francisco de porras y guevara. joan de alcega. don luis de velasco. don fernando de villafañe. christoval gueral. joan verdugo, who has lost his right arm in my service. joan diaz guerrero. blas garcia. joan de cuellar. gaspar de mena. diego de çarate, who is returning with you, and who, i have been told, has usually been a commander, and has put down a rebellion, and has served faithfully. 15. you shall provide for and reward all of the above according to age, merits, and individual qualifications; and shall give them preference over all others who do not possess the above qualifications, in the distribution of encomiendas, posts of government and war, and other means for the advancement of the country. 16. i charge and order you to observe the same plan in all that pertains to the commissions and sources of profit, on land or on sea--especially in the choice of masters and officers of vessels. for besides observing, in regard to them, that they must have rendered service and deserve the appointment, the others will be encouraged, it will attract hither those who have gone away, and the country will be settled and increased. 17. i have been petitioned also, in behalf of the said city, that all those who have worked, or have held appointments for wages or pay, in the said islands be paid their wages there--as for instance, sailors, carpenters, smiths, and all others who live there, and they must live there permanently; and that the money for this purpose be paid from the said royal treasury of mexico--in order that the country may become more thickly settled, and other good results follow. in regard to this, since there will be a treasury there, from which it may be paid, you shall be careful to order that those who labor be reimbursed fully for their services; and, if there is insufficient money to meet the obligations, you and my royal officials shall advise my officials of the said nueva españa thereof, where an order will be given to furnish that portion which appears, by sufficient testimony and report, to be needful. 18. in place of the third office of my royal treasury--namely, the office of factor, which i ordered to be suppressed--they petition for a ship-purveyor, in order that the vessels may leave better equipped and more promptly; for the other two officials are so busy that they cannot attend to it. as it would be advisable to place this in charge of the factor whom i am having appointed, you shall have care to see that he attends to it, as far as may be necessary, so that there may be no grievance or lack in this matter. 19. in regard to the trade of the said islands, on which their growth likewise depends, the said father alonso sanchez relates that the large consignments of money sent there by wealthy people of mexico, who do not quit their homes, is one of the things which has ruined the country; for great injuries result from it. the first is that all chinese goods are bought by wholesale and are becoming dearer, so that the poor and common people of the said islands cannot buy them, or must buy them at extremely high rates. the second is that, as the said consignments are many and large, and the vessels few in number--being at times, and in fact generally, not more than one; and, by this one being quite laden and filled with goods for mexicans, there is no space left for the citizens and common people to embark their goods. they have petitioned me that, as a remedy for the above wrongs, i forbid the sending of consignments of money from mexico, or the maintenance of agents or companies in the said islands for any person of nueva españa; that only the inhabitants of the islands be allowed to buy and export domestic and foreign goods to the said nueva españa; and that, if anyone else wishes to trade and traffic, it must be on consideration of his becoming a citizen and residing there for at least ten years, and of not trading with the property of another, under penalty of its confiscation, besides that of his other personal effects. since, by this method, some goods would still be sent to mexico, the money now taken by the chinese would not be withdrawn from the country, and goods would be bought more cheaply and in exchange for products of the islands. now, because i am desirous of the advancement of the said islands, and the best interests of their inhabitants, i have therefore granted them by one of my decrees [24] that, for the space of six years, only the said inhabitants may trade in china and in the said nueva españa. you shall observe the said decree, and shall not allow anything to be done in any wise contrary to its tenor. 20. the question was also discussed whether it would not be better to prohibit chinese or other foreign vessels from selling at retail the merchandise that they bring to the said islands (as is done now), and the inhabitants of the country from buying those goods, in public or private, under heavy penalties; and to provide that, for the purchase of the said merchandise in bulk, as many and as capable persons as the matter requires be there deputed and appointed, so that they, and they alone, may buy in mass all the goods brought in the vessels, and afterward divide them among the spanish, chinese, and indian inhabitants, with just and fair distribution, at the same prices which they paid for them. after discussion and conference by the members of the said assembly, it was decided to refer the entire matter to you, as i hereby do. i order you, since you will have the matter in hand, to ordain therein what you deem best. you shall advise me of what you do, and shall not permit or allow any person to go to the vessels except those assigned for that purpose, in the order that shall be prescribed. you shall see that their said merchandise is exchanged for other products of the islands, so that the taking of so much coin as is now carried to foreign kingdoms may be avoided. 21. in addition to the good effects, that, it is said, will result from the execution of what is ordered in the above section, it is presupposed that another, no less important, will follow--namely, that, through the operations of the aforesaid, the chinese hucksters who lurk there and hawk their goods, will not stay there. moreover, other very heavy expenses and increase in prices, and the secret sins and sorceries which they teach, would be avoided; while their shops, which are necessary for retail trade, in the course of the year could be given to spaniards, so that the profits could remain among the spaniards, and there would be an opportunity for more persons to acquire citizenship. the chinese christians and other old citizens who are not transients, or who are not expressly hucksters, but workmen--such as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, or those engaged in other food trades--might be permitted to remain there. inasmuch as this is a matter of importance, you are advised not to permit or allow any infidel hucksters in the said islands; or so many to become residents there that they may give rise to any trouble. 22. should you consider it advisable to permit and allow the inhabitants of the said islands to go to japon, macan, or other kingdoms, or settlements, whether of portuguese or heathen, in order that those countries may admit our commerce, you may do so--first taking especial care that no trouble arises therefrom, and that it is attended with no danger. 23. you shall cause the fifty settlers and fifty farmers whom you are to take with you to assemble, and go with you, according to the order contained in my decree that treats of this. in order to incline them to make the voyage, you shall give them the rewards and privileges which i have granted to them, which you shall maintain to the utmost. you shall take especial care that they attend to their settlement and farming; and that for the space of fifteen years, they and the indians who aid and accompany them in their farming are not to be compelled to go to war, or to engage in any other personal service, such as manning the vessels, building, or any other services which may hinder or fatigue them. and since it is fair that, if these rewards and accommodations are given them, they, on their part, engage only in the work for which they go; and since peaceful men who are not forced from their trade and mode of living, apply themselves better, you shall see to it that those who enlist and are taken be married farmers, of humble estate and quiet disposition. from each one of them you shall take accredited bonds, to the amount that seems advisable to you, that for the period of six years they will not change to any other occupation or means of gain, or do anything else beyond the thing for which they enlisted, under the penalties which you may impose, and which you shall inflict. 24. you shall see that the chiefs and timagua indians have just contracts and shares with the farmers, so that they may conceive a liking for and learn farming as practiced here; and so that the spaniards may have those who can supply them with people and other necessities. you shall see that these indians are intelligent and know how to keep their contracts with the farmers, especially if they are peaceful, as above stated. 25. the said islands, as i am told, need stallions, mares, cows, and other domestic animals. in order that they may be bred there in numbers, i am writing to the viceroy of nueva españa to send to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty-four cows, and two bulls. you shall ask him for these as you pass there, and shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage; and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from china and japon. you shall order those farmers who are about to go to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so that with all these animals there may be a sufficiency to carry on the farming, and for other needful services. 26. it was also petitioned in behalf of the said islands that, now and henceforth, the encomiendas be given under the obligation and condition that the encomendero shall work a patch of ground, and assist the farmers and indians, so that they also may work and cultivate the soil. you shall strive to begin this, and shall give lands and homesteads, farms and horses, for breeding and farming, to the settlers and farmers, without any prejudice to the indians. 27. upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall find out how and where, and with what endowment, a convent of secluded girls may be established, so that both those who go from here, and those born there may stay in it, and live respectably and well instructed, and go out therefrom to be married and bear children. by this method and by the naturalization of persons in the land, its population will increase continually. you shall endeavor to find some good plan or method for doing this without encroaching on my royal treasury, or so that it may be relieved as much as possible. you shall advise me of it on the first opportunity, as well as of the method that can be employed in endowing the said poor girls; and how and from what source other smaller dowries may be established, in order that the indian women may marry poor spanish soldiers and sailors. 28. in regard to what is petitioned by the said islands about appointing citizens of the islands to the posts therein, and not selling the offices, as former governors have tried to do, you shall look to it carefully, and favor and reward the citizens. 29. further, it was proposed also that, as far as the natural fitness of the land and the settlements of the indians permitted, it would be advisable to order that encomiendas of not less than eight hundred or one thousand indians be granted, for there are tithes for the instruction, and the other expenses of maintenance, which small encomiendas cannot bear; and that those who have but few indians be allowed to transfer or sell them at their pleasure to other and neighboring encomenderos, so that, by this union, the encomiendas may be larger, and may be able to meet the above expenses. inasmuch as all matters pertaining to the sale of encomiendas have been enacted with great care, and it is not fitting to violate these enactments, you shall not permit this request. but you shall see to it carefully that the repartimientos have enough for instruction, and for the maintenance of the encomenderos. you shall endeavor to establish the indians in settlements, which shall have adequate instruction. this you shall attend to with the most rigorous care and attention. 30. among the things most wasteful of property, and which embarrass, and may cause harm in, a country so new, because of the animosity and quarrels resulting therefrom, are the suits and controversies engendered among the citizens, and among the indians themselves. although it is my will that complete justice be observed in each case, i charge you that, in so far as may be possible, and can be rightly done, you settle the differences and suits which arise, without having recourse to the technicalities of the law or proceeding by the ordinary methods, or condemning to pecuniary fines; but observing throughout the provisions of the decrees that shall be given you. and in order that all may enjoy the blessings which must ensue from so mild a government, and may live in ease and contentment, and without any perturbation in the great undertakings that, god helping, will be accomplished, i am writing in like tenor to the bishop of the said islands in regard to what touches their ecclesiastical service. you shall give him my letter, which shall be delivered to you, and you shall charge him straitly in my name. 31. i have been informed that there has been and is poor system, and worse observance and fulfilment of the ordinances, in the collection of the tributes of the disaffected or never-pacified encomiendas; and that it would be advisable to command that the ordinances be kept, and that, since such encomiendas ought not to be abandoned, at least the entire tributes should not be collected, but only a small portion of them, as a token of recognition. for since the indians of the said encomiendas receive no spiritual or temporal benefit from their encomenderos, it is not right that they pay the tributes--especially as soldiers are sent annually to make the collection. this latter renders impossible the pacification of the country; and hence a large portion of the said islands are in revolt, and we must subdue burney, maluco, mindanao, and other neighboring islands and mainlands. this matter demands much reform as you may plan. therefore i charge you to ordain for this purpose what you may deem best, after consulting with the bishop; and that you carry your resolution into prompt and rigorous execution, in order that so great and injurious annoyances may cease. 32. as i have been informed, there is but little instruction in the said islands, and much difficulty in providing it, which is greatly increased by the natural conditions of the country, since it all consists of islands. most of them, too, are so small that they do not have a population of more than three to five hundred indians, and some even of less than one or two hundred. it is also prevented by the long and dangerous navigation, the heat, the rains, and the poor roads of the country. it is not right that even all of these, or the many other greater hindrances and difficulties should turn aside the accomplishment of what is so important. therefore i order and charge you straitly that, immediately upon your arrival in the said islands, you shall note very particularly how this instruction can be furnished. after ascertaining the opinion of the bishop, with whom you shall meet and whom you shall charge, in my name, to aid in this matter with his person, as i expect from him--since, in truth, this matter is one for him to procure and bring about, by reason of his office--you shall enact what you consider advisable, so that all parts of the islands may have sufficient instruction. this shall be done with kind and gentle methods, in accordance with the will of the chiefs; and all the indians who are dispersed shall be established in settlements, in order that account of them can be taken. you shall have the greatest care possible in procuring the accomplishment of what is ordained and enacted, since without that all the work will be lost. 33. since i desire the welfare and conservation of the said indians, and their protection and defense, and as i think that the said bishop can procure this better than anyone else, i am writing to him, and charging him with their protection. i am quite sure that he will be very glad to undertake this, inasmuch as it pertains to the service of our lord and the relief of his conscience. and in order that everything may be done better and more smoothly, you shall maintain the best of relations throughout with the said bishop; and on your part, you shall have the greatest care to protect the said indians and to aid them. 34. i have been informed that, because the soldiers who are stationed in the said islands receive no pay, nor have any other remuneration, they obey orders very unwillingly, and are discontented, since they endure the greatest poverty and affliction; that they are all spiritless, sick, necessitous, and compelled to become servants. many die from their discontent, hunger, lack of comfort, and less provision for their sicknesses; and others escape by claiming to be married, sick, or bound to religion. as a consequence, the country has fallen into disrepute, and men of the requisite valor and quality do not go there, but only a very few poor, unarmed, and worthless men. if any of these do have weapons, they pawn or sell them for clothes and food. their needs constrain them to commit injuries upon the natives, so that the latter are irritated. it is said that not only is there no increase in what has been conquered, but that even that pacification is becoming more doubtful each day; that domestic and neighboring enemies are being aroused; and that all of this would be remedied by giving pay to the said soldiers, who should be regularly and promptly paid. inasmuch as it is my will that this be done, it was decided, after having considered how many soldiers it is necessary and advisable to maintain usually in the said islands, that there be four hundred soldiers; and that each one receive a monthly wage of six pesos, the captains thirty-five, the ensigns twenty, the sergeants ten, and the corporals seven. also that the sum of one thousand pesos additional pay be distributed annually and proportionally among all of the companies, each person not to receive more than ten pesos each year; and that this additional pay be given according to the order and manner set forth in the decree that will be handed you. you shall order that the said soldiers be regularly paid, and see that they are satisfied, armed, and well disciplined; that the said number of four hundred soldiers be not lessened; and that they be divided into what companies you deem fitting. when you shall appoint the said captains, officers, or soldiers to any encomienda or other post, you shall not permit them to draw their pay any longer; and while they receive pay they cannot trade or traffic, for their solicitude in that pursuit necessarily occupies their minds and distracts them from their proper object and the practice of war. for the same reason, likewise, you shall not grant the said pay to any soldier who acts as servant to another person, whoever he may be. whenever any repartimientos of indians become vacant in the said islands, you shall apportion some of the indians to my crown, as an aid toward the said pay. 35. in respect to the said captains, officers, and soldiers, you shall observe, and cause to be observed, their privilege of exemption from arrest for debt contracted while they were in the service; or the seizure of their weapons, horses, or other things needful and proper to military service, in satisfaction therefor. 36. whenever you shall send any captain with men on any commission or business that arises, you shall order him also to maintain his privileges, in whatever pertains to the usual exercise of the power and authority requisite to command, direct, and punish his inferiors; as well as all the other things peculiar to the service, and which are conceded to and exercised by officers. 37. it is my will that you have a body-guard of twelve halberdiers, who shall be paid the same sum as the soldiers. the said halberdiers shall have a leader or captain, who shall receive pay of fifteen pesos monthly. although their principal service shall be to act as a body-guard, and this is determined and ordained by that which pertains to the authority and dignity of your position, you shall take note that they also must go to war upon any occasion that arises. 38. inasmuch as i have been informed that many of the soldiers, who are sent to the said islands from nueva españa, are mere lads, mestizos, and a few indians, and unarmed; and that a portion of them are pages and servants of the captains or other persons, who under the title and name of soldier draw their pay but neither they nor their masters are soldiers: you shall allow none of them to be enrolled as soldiers unless they are more than fifteen years old; and accept no page or servant of any person, while he serves as such, as above stated. you shall receive only those mestizos who are worthy, but shall not open a gateway for this in general. i charge and recommend you to pay especial attention to this. 39. immediately upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall give orders to enclose the city of manila with stone, along that portion where it is necessary and advisable, and on the other sides by water. you shall construct a fort in the place assigned and deemed best there. you shall erect a tower at the junction and point made by the river and sea. all this shall be very thoroughly done, and with most careful planning and consideration; and shall be done at the least possible expense to my treasury--since, as you know, the buildings can be constructed there with great ease and cheapness. 40. you shall assign what garrison you judge advisable to the said fort and tower, so that the country may be defended, and that they may check the designs and hopes of the enemy, and the fear of revolts and risings. 41. although you ought to live in great vigilance and the continual caution demanded for the conservation of a country so new, distant, and surrounded by enemies, you must beware chiefly of five classes of them. first, of the natives of the land, who are numerous, and but partially settled and established in the faith. second, of four or five thousand chinese indians who live there, and go back and forth in their tradings. third, of the japanese who usually go thither. fourth, of the natives of maluco and borney, who are aroused, and already display themselves boldly and openly. fifth and chiefly, of the lutheran english pirates who infest those coasts. in order to check their incursions, and present a superior force and defense to them all, you shall construct another fort in yllocos or cagayan, to oppose the japanese and chinese robbers; a second in cebu, to oppose the borneans and malucos; a third in panpanga, to oppose the çambales. all shall be located in places where they may be effectual, and shall be carefully planned and substantially built by good engineers. the cost will be very little, because of the great abundance of materials, and because almost all of the indians are workmen. you are to see that each fort has an adequate and desirable garrison. 42. besides these forts and presidios, it is presupposed that a moderate-sized fleet of a few galleys or fragatas would be necessary, to cruise along the coasts in order to protect them, and to prevent the thefts and injuries wont to be committed along them by the japanese, especially in the districts of cagayan and ylocos. they seize the chinese vessels that bring food and merchandise to the said islands, whereby great loss is suffered, and commerce and plenty checked. this fleet would also serve to prevent the chinese, when they are returning to their own country, from going among the said islands and committing depredations on the natives of them, and as a countercheck to other chinese or bornean pirates, as well as against all other undertakings, and troubles with foreigners. this appears advisable to me, and desirable. therefore, as soon as you shall arrive at the said island, you shall construct six or eight galleys. you shall note what doctor sande, my former governor of those islands, and father alonso sanchez say--namely, that it will cost but from one hundred and fifty ducados upward; and that there are, moreover, the necessary accommodations. you shall order these vessels to be well equipped, strengthened, and provisioned, so that they may be effectual. you shall give me an itemized account of the cost of the said galleys and facilities for building them. 43. it is advisable to set about the construction of the said forts and galleys as quickly as possible, in order to avoid the troubles and harm that might ensue if the spaniards, upon the occasion of any danger from enemies, were compelled to retire inland among the indians, who are all irritated and offended because of the ill-treatment that they have received; and i charge you straitly with this. 44. upon your arrival at those islands, and when the situation is actually before you, you shall investigate the new method and circumstances with which the new entrances and pacifications are and can be justifiably made, as well as the few soldiers, slight cost, and the great ease and profit with which they can be made, because of the country being divided into many islands, and there being many petty rulers. these fall out among themselves on slight occasion, and make treaties with the spaniards, and hence are kept in order with but little assistance. since the petition made there in regard to the pay and the number of soldiers has been granted--and you are to maintain the soldiers in good discipline, and keep them quiet, and punctually paid--you shall make the said entrances and pacifications with great circumspection and just cause, in which you shall observe the rules of the instructions, which shall be furnished to you, regarding new discoveries. 45. it is said that there is great need of such pacification in the said islands, especially in the very districts where the spaniards live and travel, for all of the natives are in revolt and unsubdued, because of the lack of soldiers, and of the injuries and annoyances inflicted upon the natives by what soldiers are there. moreover, as we are informed from there, many provinces of the island of luçon either have never been subdued, or, if subdued, have revolted--as, for instance, those of cagayan, pangasinan, payasondan, çambales, balente, and others, which are situated among the pacified provinces quite near and round about manila; all the provinces, therefore, are in confusion and disorder. upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall ordain in this whatever is advisable. you shall proceed in this as shall seem expedient, commencing as shall be right, and be attentive to the remedy for these evils, with very special care and assistance, since evil may happen to what is distant, if one's own house is left in suspicion and unsubdued. besides there is the great obligation to endeavor to instruct the many people converted already, who are under my royal protection. these, because of their lack of the requisite peace and quiet, live in great hardship and danger; for those who are in revolt and unpacified harass them daily, kill and assault them, and burn their crops. because of this, and because they also kill many spaniards, not only is there no increase in what has been gained, but each day that is becoming less. everything demands and requires so prompt a remedy, which is thus committed to you. 46. beyond and beside the said provinces which are here and there disaffected among the spaniards and the indians already converted, are others, which although not so near, owing to their remoteness and the nature of their inhabitants, still cannot be called new discoveries, because they have been visited and known already. these are babuyanes, the island of hermosa, the island of cavallos ["horses"], lequios, the island of ayncio, javas, burney, paca, guancalanyanes, mindanao, siao [siam], maluco, and many others. because it has been reported that they are falling into a worse condition daily, and having been advised that their welfare and the safety of the spaniards demand their pacification, and that delay might render it difficult, you shall ascertain the manner and method with which the said pacification and subjection can be best and most quickly brought about, and you shall execute it, as seems best to you. 47. since it seems advisable that you, from whom i expect so much, should have authority and power to make all the said entrances and pacifications at the cost of my royal estate, in respect to which if you were constrained to await a reply from here, in a land so distant, important occasions and opportunities might be lost, i have resolved to give you authorization for this. accordingly i grant it to you, and order the officials of my royal estate of the said islands that, in all matters under your control, they shall honor and pay all the orders that you present to them for the said purpose. but you shall observe that you are to use the said authority only in the most important matters which shall arise, after consulting about matters of law with the ecclesiastics and the lawyers, and those of action with the captains and men of experience and conscience, and taking account of all other necessary conditions, so that the expense may be no greater than can be avoided, and profitable. 48. in order that you may accomplish them better and avoid expense, i authorize you to covenant and bargain with captains, encomenderos, and any others, in respect to the said entrances and pacifications, they to make them wholly or partly at their own cost, as seems advisable to you; and to give them title, for a limited time, as governors of the islands or provinces that they explore or pacify, and as captains and masters-of-camp, providing you do not give them title as adelantado or mariscal. you shall advise me of it, when anyone undertakes this, reporting the services, capacity, and merits of such person. the said covenant and agreement which you shall make may be kept in force until i approve them, because time will be saved thus--but with the condition of sending them to me, so that i may confirm them. you shall bind the parties to the agreement, upon the arrival of the said confirmations, to some brief period, such as you may assign for it. 49. i have been told that, although a few of the encomenderos of the said islands, who fear god and their consciences, are trying to establish ministers of religious instruction in their encomiendas, others are not doing this, and refuse to do it as they are obliged, and as is advisable, notwithstanding that there are plenty of the said ministers; that there are encomiendas which have been paying tribute peacefully for fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five years, without the indians of them ever having seen a minister or heard a word of christian instruction; and that also many other encomiendas pay tribute by pure force of soldiers and arquebuses, who rebel and revolt because of the oppression and severity with which they are treated, without knowing the reason why they should pay it, since they have no instruction. since, besides the obligation to procure the welfare of those souls, their conversion, instruction, and teaching, which should be the chief constraining force; and since even for temporal affairs, for the peace and tranquillity of the country, so that those pacified should not revolt, and so that those in revolt should be subdued, the best method is that of instruction--for which the common treatment, mildness, upright life, and counsels of the religious and ministers of the gospel incline and regulate their minds: therefore i charge you that, after consulting with the bishop you shall, in my name, provide what is advisable in this, so that the necessary instruction may be furnished, that my conscience, and his, and your own may be relieved. 50. i have also been informed that, in collecting the tributes from the indians, there has been in the past, and is at present, great disorder, because the former governors of the said islands have done things very confusedly and haphazardly. because the tribute of each indian is of the value of eight reals, paid in what the indian might possess, some persons take advantage of certain words of the said assessments, and of the articles in which tributes are designated--such as cotton cloth, rice, and other products of the country--to cause the said lawlessness. this disorder has consisted in each one collecting whatever he wished, to the great offense and injury of the said indians; for when gold is abundant, their encomenderos demand coin from the indians; and when coin is abundant and gold scarce, they demand gold, although the said indians have to search for and buy it. in short, they always demand their tributes in those things which are scarce, by reason of which, for the tribute worth eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, according to the value of those things that are demanded. they cause the indians to seek them and bring them from other parts, to their great vexation and affliction. it is advisable to check this lawlessness and excess. therefore i charge you to ordain that, in the payment of the said tributes, the order referred to in section six of these instructions shall be observed. that section treats of the indians being allowed to pay their tributes in coin, gold, or products, as they may choose. 51. another section of the said memorial also pointed out that, although certain spaniards of tender conscience have freed their slaves, native to the said islands, in fulfilment of the provision of my decrees, many others have retained them, and do not allow them to have houses of their own, or to live on their own land under the ordinary instruction. it is advisable to remedy this also; and i therefore commit it to you, and order you that, immediately upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall set at liberty all those indians held as slaves by the spaniards. 52. i am informed that the said indians have suffered many grievances and burdens from all the ministers of justice, because the latter have incited many suits, not only of cases after the country was discovered, but of others that had happened in its pagan days, among both the living and their forefathers, and both civil and criminal cases. these are not summary, but have all the terms, demands, preliminary hearings, and reviews, which can be found in any chancilleria of these kingdoms. in these the indians have wasted and continue to waste their possessions. although in section twenty-nine of these instructions, it treats of what you and the bishop have to do or provide as a remedy for these vexations of suits by spaniards and indians, once more i charge you and recommend you to strive to have the suits finished and decided promptly and summarily. you must take note that this will be one of the matters in which i shall consider myself most faithfully and fully served by you. 53. in regard to the confusion existing, past and present, in the religious leaving the said islands for the mainland of china and other places, without permission of the governor or bishop--asserting that, through their all-sufficient power, those who hinder them shall be excommunicated--the advisable course has also been pointed out in time past--namely, that the religious should go there with the resolution to settle in the said philipinas islands, and not go elsewhere without your permission and that of the said bishop. this must be construed in respect to the religious who shall have been assigned to make a settlement and to live there, and not with those who have license from me to pass farther and to go to other regions; for when this is given or permitted to them, it is after much consideration. 54. it has been said that, for the remedy of past confusion and wrongs, which have resulted from people going from the said islands to china and other districts without order or permission, it would be advisable to ordain, under severe penalties, that no secular spaniard may leave them for any place or on any business, or supply a fragata, provisions, or any other assistance to any of the said religious, without my special order, or your permission and that of the said bishop. inasmuch as this fits in with the provision of the above section, the same provision there is to be noted by you, so that likewise you may know what pertains to this, and doing that you shall understand it thoroughly. you shall attend to all of the above with the care and close attention that i expect from your character and prudence, and from your earnest zeal in affairs touching my service. san lorenço, august nine, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_ countersigned by the council. customs of the tagalogs (_two relations by juan de plasencia, o.s.f._) after receiving your lordship's letter, i wished to reply immediately; but i postponed my answer in order that i might first thoroughly inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid discussing the conflicting reports of the indians, who are wont to tell what suits their purpose. therefore, to this end, i collected indians from different districts--old men, and those of most capacity, all known to me; and from them i have obtained the simple truth, after weeding out much foolishness, in regard to their government, administration of justice, inheritances, slaves, and dowries. [25] it is as follows: _customs of the tagalogs_ this people always had chiefs, called by them _datos_, who governed them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. the subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished. these chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. this tribal gathering is called in tagalo a _barangay_. it was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the malay nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called--as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters--became a _dato_. and so, even at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and children, relations and slaves. there were many of these barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another. they were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship. the chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays. in addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. the nobles were the free-born whom they call _maharlica_. they did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. the chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. if he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it. the same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. the lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. no one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. the lands on the _tingues_, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. there are some villages (as, for example, pila de la laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. the reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. but now, since the advent of the spaniards, it is not so divided. the chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. at these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village. the commoners are called _aliping namamahay_. they are married, and serve their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. they accompanied him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. they live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. the children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (_sa guiguilir_) nor can either parents or children be sold. if they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands. the slaves are called _aliping sa guiguilir_. they serve their master in his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. the master grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. for these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. that is the lot of captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields. those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot. if any person among those who were made slaves (_sa guiguilir_)--through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise--happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus a _namamahay_, or what we call a commoner. the price of this ransom was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they might agree, he became wholly free. an amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. after having divided all the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle. the difference between the _aliping namamahay_ and the _aliping sa guiguilir_, should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. the indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the _aliping namamahay_, making use of them as they would of the _aliping sa guiguilir_, as servants in their households, which is illegal, and if the _aliping namamahay_ should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an _aliping_ as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made as to whether he is _aliping namamahay_ or _atiping sa guiguilir_. he is at once considered an _alipin_, without further declaration. in this way he becomes a _sa guiguilir_, and is even sold. consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his _alipin_, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the document that they give him. in these three classes, those who are _maharlicas_ on both the father's and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as i shall soon explain. if these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. in such a case half of the child was free--namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. if he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. if a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free, provided he were not her husband. if two persons married, of whom one was a _maharlica_ and the other a slave, whether _namamahay_ or _sa guiguilir_, the children were divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. in this manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. if there should not be more than one child he was half free and half slave. the only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or female. those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either namamahay or sa guiguilir. if there were an odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half slave. i have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. of these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. however, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village. the maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. this fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which he entered. this applied equally to men and women, except that when one married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two barangays. this arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case--because, if the dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. this is the kind of dato that they now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. there is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted. investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those of his barangay. if any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. if the controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. in this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others. they had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class. they condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty. as for the witches, they killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some recompense to the injured person. all other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. this was done in the following way: half the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master. the master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the fine. if the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. in this way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be met. this last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. if the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid--not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as aliping namamahay. if the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent him. in this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay. in what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as i have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. the debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father the children pay the debt. not doing so, double the amount must be paid. this system should and can be reformed. as for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally, except in the case where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel. when the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole property to be divided. but any other thing that should have been given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. if one had had children by two or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. if a man had a child by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something--a tael or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. if besides his legitimate children, he had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. such children did not inherit equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. for example, if there were two children, the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the _inaasava_ one part. when there were no children by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or _inaasava_, the latter inherited all. if he had a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. if there were no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated. in the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the inheritance. his share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. if there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. but if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. it should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. by the punishment of the father the child was fittingly made legitimate. adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was paid for their adoption. for example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died, the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. but if this child should die first, his children do not inherit from the second father, for the arrangement stops at that point. this is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected as a child. on this account this manner of adoption common among them is considered lawful. dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. if the latter are living, they enjoy the use of it. at their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate, equally among the children, except in case the father should care to bestow something additional upon the daughter. if the wife, at the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry--which, in such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. it should be noticed that unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to their parents. in the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. when the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. if he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other responsible relatives. i have also seen another practice in two villages. in one case, upon the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had died. in the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. i have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry i learned that when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it. in the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more complexity. there is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. the fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or her parents. in this case the dowry which the parents had received was returned and nothing more. but if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design to separate the children. the above is what i have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed among these natives in all this laguna and the tingues, and among the entire tagalo race. the old men say that a dato who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked. others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. i am sending the account in this clear and concise form because i had received no orders to pursue the work further. whatever may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in their opinions are indeed pitiable. may our lord bestow upon your lordship his grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that i could receive. nagcarlán, october 21, 1589. _fray juan de plasencia_ [26] _relation of the worship of the tagalogs, their gods, and their burials and superstitions_ in all the villages, or in other parts of the filipinas islands, there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. it is true that they have the name _simbahan_, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called _pandot_, or "worship," they celebrated it in the large house of a chief. there they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called _sibi_, to protect the people from the wet when it rained. they so constructed the house that it might contain many people--dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. on the posts of the house they set small lamps, called _sorihile_; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. they also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. during this time the whole barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call _nagaanitos_. the house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple. among their many idols there was one called. badhala, whom they especially worshiped. the title seems to signify "all powerful," or "maker of all things." they also worshiped the sun, which, on account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. they worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the spaniards and other nations know the planets--with the one exception of the morning star, which they called tala. they knew, too, the "seven little goats" [the pleiades]--as we call them--and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they call mapolon; and balatic, which is our greater bear. they possessed many idols called _lic-ha_, which were images with different shapes; and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. they had another idol called dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. the idols called lacapati and idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. they paid reverence to water-lizards called by them _buaya_, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. they were even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank. they were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. for example, if they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called _tigmamanuguin_ which was singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey--especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. this song had two different forms: in the one case it was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey. they also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasion should offer. these natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. the winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time--the latter term designating winter in those regions, where there is no cold, snow, or ice. it seems, however, that now since they have become christians, the seasons are not quite the same, for at christmas it gets somewhat cooler. the years, since the advent of the spaniards, have been determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper names, and they have been divided into weeks. their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. this was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called _catolonan_. the participants made responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. in some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without having sight of him. the devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance--he being the cause of it--that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. in some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. this, however, happened but rarely. the objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. they performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos--which is a small fruit [27] wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions--as well as fried food and fruits. all the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being "offered," as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also. the reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. if this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days. in the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and drink. at the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. the old men said that they did this in order that the girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them widows in their youth. the distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: the first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a woman. this office was an honorable one among the natives, and was held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands. the second they called _mangagauay_, or witches, who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. these priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable of causing death. in this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. this office was general throughout the land. the third they called _manyisalat_, which is the same as magagauay. these priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the latter. if the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. this office was also general throughout the land. the fourth was called _mancocolam_, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or oftener each month. this fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. this office was general. the fifth was called _hocloban_, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the mangagauay. without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they chose. but if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. this was in catanduanes, an island off the upper part of luzon. the sixth was called _silagan_, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. this, like the preceding, was in the island of catanduanes. let no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a spanish notary, who was buried in calilaya by father fray juan de mérida. the seventh was called _magtatangal_, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. in such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body--remaining, as before, alive. this seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused them so to believe. this occurred in catanduanes. the eighth they called _osuang_, which is equivalent to "sorcerer;" they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. this was among the visayas islands; among the tagalos these did not exist. the ninth was another class of witches called _mangagayoma_. they made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. thus did they deceive the people, although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends. the tenth was known as _sonat_, which is equivalent to "preacher." it was his office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. it was not lawful for the functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. this office was general throughout the islands. the eleventh, _pangatahojan_, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. this office was general in all the islands. the twelfth, _bayoguin_, signified a "cotquean," a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman. their manner of burying the dead was as follows: the deceased was buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. in place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos--male and female of each species being together--as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. it was the slave's care to see that they were fed. if the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. in course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. this grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. this was a custom of the tagalos. the aetas, [28] or negrillos [negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different. they dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. then they went in pursuit of some indian, whom they killed in retribution for the negrillo who had died. to this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some one of them procured the death of the innocent one. these infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called _maca_, just as if we should say "paradise," or, in other words, "village of rest." they say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. they said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called _casanaan_, which was "a place of anguish;" they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there dwelt only bathala, "the maker of all things," who governed from above. there were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as i have said, casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called _sitan_. all the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been stated: _catolonan; sonat_ (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him); _mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan_. [29] there were also ghosts, which they called _vibit_; and phantoms, which they called _tigbalaang_. they had another deception--namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. this was called _patianac_. may the honor and glory be god our lord's, that among all the tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it. documents of 1590 letter from portugal to felipe ii. [unsigned and undated.] decree ordering a grant to salazar. felipe ii; april 12. letter from members of the suppressed audiencia to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; june 20. the chinese and the parián at manila. domingo de salazar; june 24. two letters to felipe ii. domingo de salazar; june 24. decree regarding commerce in the philippines. felipe ii; july 23. _sources_: these documents are obtained from the original mss. in the archivo general dé indias, sevilla--except the fourth, which is taken from retana's _archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iii, pp. 47-80. _translations_: the first document is translated by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the second, third, and sixth, by james a. robertson; the fourth, by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university; the fifth, by isaac j. cox, of the university of pennsylvania, and by josé m. and clara m. asensio. letter from portugal to felipe ii after the king, our lord, succeeded to the crown of portugal, there began to open a new commerce between the philipinas islands and the western yndias belonging to the domain of castilla and china, maluco, amboino, banda, and other parts of the portuguese conquest. as soon as this was known in the eastern yndias, the viceroys and governors thereof were continually writing to his majesty, that from this new commerce many heavy injuries were sustained by his majesty's service, in regard to the preservation and support of that state of eastern yndia, and the quiet of its inhabitants. his majesty after reading their letters and going over truthful reports of the great injury that the continuation of this new trade might cause, both to the crown of castilla and to that of portugal, resolved to prohibit anyone from going from the western yndias to china, maluco, amboino, and banda, and other places belonging to the crown of portugal; or from the eastern to the western yndias. decrees for this prohibition, signed by his majesty and by the portuguese ministers, were passed and sent to yndia, where they were published and ordered to be observed under heavy penalties. the same was to be done by the ministers of the crown of castilla and certain memoranda of it were to be given. we do not know whether this has been done yet. because they have again written and continue to write from yndia that the said decrees prohibiting the said commerce are not being observed by the castilians, and because they everywhere encourage it and increase to a great extent the evils that result therefrom, which might be very serious indeed, and difficult to remedy, and involve the total destruction and loss of those states: his majesty ordered, for the more thorough understanding of these details, that they should make this report of the existing causes for not continuing this commerce, and even for prohibiting it. these reasons are as follows: the state of eastern yndia is very large, and its cities and garrisons very distant and remote from one another, and situated in the territories of kings and princes of great power. on this account they are maintained by regular soldiery and very powerful fleets, of large and small galleys and galleons. all the portuguese resident in those places, and other christian vassals of his majesty, easily bear the excessive expense. the latter is made up by the income from those cities and strongholds. this income, although it exceeds a million, is not sufficient to obviate its being always pledged. some aid in money is sent from portugal. this income from yndia consists principally in imposts from the said cities, which are paid for entries and clearances. the entire amount of these imposts is raised on merchandise from china, maluco, amboino, banda, and other regions of the south; for the taxes that are raised on merchandise coming from the northern districts are of so much less importance, and the merchandise likewise, that they cannot be compared with those of the south. the principal commerce that the portuguese have to live upon, is that from china and other southern districts, because the other traffic is contracted for by his majesty's treasury and belongs to it. the better and more valuable trade through the southern districts belongs to the crown. from all this it may be inferred that if we continue this commerce with china and other southern regions by way of the western yndias, the income from the customs duties, on which yndia is supported, will necessarily be lost. nor will there be money or forces with which many large fleets may be organized by his majesty for its preservation and defense, or with which to pay the soldiery stationed there, or to bear all the other state expenses incurred by the public government, or those incurred by his majesty for the ecclesiastical estate in those places the conquest of which was granted to him by the apostolic bulls. the rest of these reasons which concern his majesty's service, the profit and loss of his treasury, and what is expedient for common good of the inhabitants of that state, should be considered in this case with the greatest care. for the inhabitants of yndia have no other resources to live upon except trade and commerce; and of these the principal is the trade with china and other places to which reference has been made. on this account, they feel very strongly the seizure of this commerce by the castilians, saying that they and their fathers and forefathers conquered it for the royal crown with their blood and lives. there are and were on this subject practices and complaints of base character, principally in the city of goa, the capital of that state. and even if all the above (in respect to what concerns portugal and the preservation and quiet of yndia) were not of so great moment and consideration for his majesty's service, so great are the injuries to the crown of castilla which result from this new commerce that only for that (both for reasons of state and finance) it should be strictly prohibited. for if navigation is permitted from the western indias to china, all the money and coin in the kingdom will flow thither and none will go to hespaña, because china is so large and has so much to exchange and sell that, however much coin is sent, that country will absorb it all. the indias will come to have no need of hespaña, because all the products obtained from this country can be obtained from china in much greater abundance and more cheaply, except wines and olives, which can be very easily introduced in the yndias. they might also do without them, because they are not very necessary or requisite. so they would care for trade with hespaña only on that account, especially since they may get them from china itself through the portuguese traders. of how much consequence and importance this is in state matters, it is unnecessary to point out, because it may be well understood. it is, moreover, understood that the indians have wine of their own. and above all, when chinese merchandise is in the western indias and money is flowing toward china, trade and commerce with hespaña will necessarily fall off, together with the income of the custom house at sevilla, while money will be scarce there and throughout españa. let it be further noted that among the sworn promises which his majesty made to the kingdom of portugal, there is one clause (the copy of which accompanies this) in which it is said that traffic with yndia, guinea, and other regions belonging to the kingdom of portugal, both discovered and to be discovered, will not be wrested from them or any innovation made in present conditions; and the officials who are to go out for the said commerce and on the ships for that purpose shall be portuguese. according to this clause, no alteration can be made in the commerce with china, maluco, amboino, banda, and other parts of the eastern yndias. the castilians shall not go there, nor shall the portuguese go from here to the castilian yndias. [30] the lord cardinal archduke, [31] to whom his majesty has entrusted the government of portugal, seeing and considering all these dangers, wrote many times to his majesty that it would be greatly to his interest to prohibit this commerce; and besides what he says in many of his letters, in one letter of december 23, of last year, 89, he wrote as follows: "in this despatch is sent a report of all that has been written to your majesty by the viceroy don duarte, and by the governor miguel de sosa, and other persons, affirming that it is of no use to your majesty, and unsafe for the state of yndia, to continue the commerce which has begun to be opened from the indias of the castilian crown to china; and what your majesty has had written in regard to it--in order that your majesty may have it examined. according to the information which i possess in this matter, i advise your majesty to order, under heavy penalties, that no one shall further this commerce from the said districts to china, nor from china the other way, because it is known that if there is no remedy applied, we will lose the customs receipts of the state of yndia, and the trade of the merchants. it seems to me that the lack of confidence and the suspicion which the ships and embarkations of the castilians cause in the chinese are of even greater consequence. the latter is referred to in the letter which the city of nombre de dios wrote to your majesty, on this matter." hereunto is added the copy of one clause from a letter by the governor of yndia (which was received a few days ago, having come by land) that what he says in regard to this matter, and the way in which this commerce is looked upon there, may be known. he concludes by explaining how well it suits his majesty's service, and how advantageous it is to both castilla and portugal, to prohibit this commerce in such a way that all the ports shall be closed to it. + [_instructions_: "on the new commerce of the western yndias, with china. his majesty orders that this shall be examined in the council of the indias. the council shall then advise him of their opinion, so that his majesty can determine what measures must be taken, before the sailing of the ships. pardo, march 3, 1590."] [32] decree ordering a grant to salazar sire: from information received _de officio_ in the royal audiencia of the city of manila, of the philipinas islands, and from the opinion of the said audiencia, it has been evident that, upon the arrival of the bishop [salazar] in the islands, all the houses were built of wood and bamboo, and thatched with straw. as he saw that they were burned frequently, and especially in the year eighty-three, when, in but one fire, the city was nearly all destroyed including, with the property of the citizens, the cathedral church, monastery, hospital, fort, supplies, and artillery; seeing also the constant danger from fire and from the natives of whom there was great fear, the said bishop exerted himself to aid the citizens and soldiers with three thousand pesos of his own and others' money, dividing this sum among all of them, in order that they might rebuild their houses. by this means he relieved their extreme necessity, and afterward endeavored to persuade the governor and city to have the buildings constructed of stone and roofed with tile; and although everyone placed decided obstacles in the way, he set about this himself, and put great effort into it, even to the seeking and opening of quarries, and procuring the making of mortar and roof-tiles. through his diligence, the result was obtained and great increase followed therefrom to the said city, for he built houses with the utmost toil and expense. thereupon many of the citizens began to do the same, and the city has been made safe and fortified. now, a fort, hospital, church, and monasteries are being built--all of stone. in addition to the above, when he went to those islands, he took altar-pieces, ornaments, and other articles of value for the service of divine worship; and afterward he bought there some buildings for the church, at an expense of eight hundred ducados. as, for both this and the bishopric, there is nothing left of the five hundred thousand maravedis paid him yearly from your majesty's royal exchequer--which sum, even, has not been paid because there is no money there--he is deeply in debt and in need. he beseeches your majesty that, attentive to his great labors in the service of our lord and of your majesty, and for the good of that state, your majesty will bestow upon him a sum equal to what he has spent, in order that he may pay his debts; and that he be given an order for it on the royal treasury of mexico. the said audiencia, in its opinion cited above, declares that his debts amount to six or seven thousand pesos; that his request seems to them very just; and that any concession made to him will be a great aid to the bishop. after deliberation in the council, it is our opinion that, in consideration of the above, a concession of three thousand pesos, the equivalent of three thousand six hundred ducados, might be made the said bishop, as an aid in paying his debts: this sum to be given him once from the tributes of unassigned indians in those islands, or from those that shall first become vacant. your majesty will act herein as suits your pleasure. madrid, april xii, 1590. + [_endorsed_: "council of the indias. april 12, 1590. that the bishop of the philippinas be granted three thousand six hundred ducados in unassigned tributes of those islands, as an aid in paying the debts that he has contracted in the service of our lord, and of your majesty, and the welfare of that state." "the opinion of the council is approved, although the former concessions and assignments would be preferable; for i suspect that in such favors irregularities are wont to occur in the payment to the loss of the collectors." "a warrant [for that sum] has been drawn up, in accordance with his majesty's commands."] [33] letter from members of the suppressed audiencia to felipe ii sire: all vessels sailing to nueva españa, since the audiencia was established here, have taken advices to your majesty of everything that has appeared fitting to your royal service. the orders of your royal decrees and the ordinances of the royal council have been observed with all care. whenever any trouble has arisen in the execution of these decrees and ordinances, advice thereof has been given in the letters from this royal audiencia, as your majesty may see, should you wish information thereof. with the arrival of gomez perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these islands, the president, auditors, and fiscal of this audiencia ceased to exercise their duties, and the trials of cases pending in that body were suspended, so that, in accordance with the orders of the royal decrees despatched in regard to this matter, they might be concluded in the royal chancilleria of mexico. doctor sanctiago de vera, former president of this audiencia, intended to go to nueva españa this year to assume his post as auditor in the royal audiencia of mexico, to which your majesty appointed him. just as he was about to embark, he was forced to remain here in these islands this year, because of a certain very severe sickness of his wife, from which she nearly died. he will sail next year. licentiate pedro de rojas remains in these islands in the capacity of lieutenant-governor and counselor in government and military matters, in accordance with his letters-patent. although this country proves very unfavorable to his health, so that he remains here at evident risk of life--because of a disease from which many die, and which has brought him twice or thrice to the verge of death--yet he thinks it his duty to continue his service to your majesty here, and to remain at his post, notwithstanding all the danger. we beg your majesty kindly to appoint him to another post elsewhere, where his health may be preserved, for he has always suffered here from weakness and ill-health. not only would this prove to be an assurance of his life; his services, which are so acceptable and well-known, are such that he merits this favor from your majesty. inasmuch as he was auditor of this audiencia, and the oldest member of it, because of the death of the licentiate abalos, he should not be permitted to remain now as lieutenant-governor; for he is a person of whom your majesty can make use in the government, and in any post whatever of great importance and trust. the licentiate don antonio de rivera, auditor of this royal audiencia, and the licentiate ayala, [34] its fiscal, remain here without office. they were detained here one year in order to be present in this city during the four months of their residencia. they are very much disheartened over this, for they do not know to what post your majesty will appoint them. they have served in their respective posts in these islands during their whole term with care, integrity, and disinterestedness, that [_ms. illegible_] and they are suffering from so great necessity and are five thousand leagues distant from those kingdoms, burdened with large families and households. they are grieving greatly over the prospect of so long, dangerous, and costly a voyage. we entreat your majesty, since it is so just that rewards and promotions be given to your servants who have served you faithfully, and which your majesty has ever been wont to bestow so generously, that you do not permit them to remain unrewarded, and that you have their salaries paid them from the time when their offices became vacant; for their services merit this, as well as the eagerness with which they have always exerted themselves, devoting all their energies to the sole service of god and your majesty. they have ceased to exercise their duties in-these posts--the best and chiefest of the kingdom--not through any demerit, but through the suppression of the audiencia. we trust that your majesty will look favorably upon them and upon your other servants who have served you in this royal audiencia; and that you will reward them and promote them as we desire. may god preserve the catholic person of your majesty. manila, june 20, 1590. the doctor _santiago devera_ the licentiate _pedro de rojas_ the licentiate _don antonio de ribera maldonado_ [_endorsed_: "filipinas; to his majesty, 1590. the audiencia, june 20. seen, and no answer is necessary. make a memorandum regarding this auditor and fiscal."] the chinese, and the parian at manila sire: as chinese matters are so worthy of being known, i have thought best to give your majesty an account of them in a special letter, although all i say will be but little in comparison with the facts. before i undertake to relate what god through his mercy has chosen to unfold to us concerning the affairs of that kingdom which were so hidden to us, i must, in order to ease my conscience, and die without this scruple, undo an error into which i had fallen for a while. under that error i wrote to your majesty as i felt then; and, although what i wrote was true, according to the information received, i have learned since that the contrary is the fact. as soon as i began to see the error, i wrote to your majesty; but it was not done with the necessary effectiveness, for i was not yet completely undeceived. now that i am, it would be a very serious matter if i did not try to undo the deception. as at that time i wrote to your majesty what i felt, under an erroneous impression, i shall write what i feel, now that i am fully undeceived; for one ought always to present the entire and naked truth, with no confusing elements, to all men, and much more to your majesty. before reaching these islands, i heard that no foreigner could without danger of death set foot in the kingdom of china unless he received special permission from those having that kingdom in charge; and that the native who took a foreigner into the land without permission would be executed, and the foreigner sent to prison for life. when i reached these islands, i first interviewed some portuguese who came here, and i heard them declare and affirm the same thing which i had heard before. since i had that impression at my coming, i easily believed what the portuguese told me, and persuaded myself that it was true that no foreigner could enter china without risk of losing his life. for a long time i have had the conversion of that kingdom at heart, and with that thought i came to these islands. one of the reasons which made me accept this bishopric was the fact that these islands were very near china, and that many chinese had come to live here. being grieved over the thought that by not allowing foreigners to set foot in that land the preaching of the gospel there might be hindered, i drew up a report signed by many portuguese witnesses from macan and yndia who were here. in this report, which i sent to your majesty, i gave evidence that the rulers of china, who are styled "mandarins," allowed no one to enter the kingdom without their permission; and that for this purpose they kept large fleets to guard the coast, and to kill or arrest all who land there. relying upon the information given me by the portuguese, i wrote to your majesty, asserting that it would be justifiable for your majesty to send your fleet to that kingdom, and in case the preachers were denied entrance, to open a way by force, and make the chinese receive them--it being understood that this opposition was from the mandarins alone, and that the common people offered no resistance and would receive them well. while all those in the islands, including myself, held this view, it pleased our lord to reveal this deception and to deliver us from this error. it so happened that a ship left these islands for mexico, and reached the coast of china in distress. at first the crew were somewhat ill-treated by the soldiers who guard the coast, because the latter had taken them for thieves or spies; but as soon as they were brought before the mandarin governor and it was learned that they had set out from the lugones, as they call these islands, the governor treated them well, gave orders to return what the soldiers had taken from them, and punished those who had taken it. they sent the spaniards in peace to macan, whence they came to this city. the captain of the ship is living here at the present day, as well as two augustinians who were on board; and they have told me all that happened to them. from this time i began to be undeceived, and to understand that the kingdom of china was not so inaccessible as the portuguese had represented it. then i wrote to your majesty the aforesaid letter, asserting that the ill-report concerning the mandarins of china was rather an invention of the portuguese than a true report. later on, my belief in this truth was confirmed by certain persons, both religious and laymen, who have gone to china from these islands. when these persons arrived there the chinese arrested them, in order to find out whence they came and what they were seeking; and when it was learned who they were, they were allowed to return in peace and were even given supplies for the journey. while writing this, i have met two franciscan friars who tell me that, as soon as they reached china, they were arrested and taken, handcuffed, before the mandarin. when he learned who they were he gave orders to set them free, and to provide for their support until they could return here. what fully confirms me as to the truth of all this is the report which i received of the kind reception given in the province of chincheo to a ship which the viceroy then governing nueba españa sent to macan, and whose captain was lope de palacios, the brother of the auditor palacios, auditor of mexico. this ship was driven to chincheo under stress of weather, and there everyone in her was well received, when the inhabitants of chincheo learned that they were coming to trade in china. they persuaded them to go no farther, saying that they would give them a cargo there for their ship; but god, who had chosen to punish those who by that means sought to destroy this land against the wish of your majesty, blinded them, so that they would not take the most salutary advice that could have been given them. the three dominican religious who were on board the ship were well received and lovingly treated by the mandarin of that province. he took them to the city and lodged them in his own house, giving them an apartment where they could celebrate mass. this they did with as much quiet and safety as if they had been at your court. the mandarin kept them with him for one week, after which he allowed them to go to their ship and proceed to macan. i had this relation from the very religious who were there. at present i am entertaining at my house a man who came from mexico in that ship, and who, being an eyewitness, has told me of all the occurrence; but, since this account and other events which occurred were reported to your majesty two years ago, and i am sure that the report reached its destination, i shall not detain you with a more detailed account of those matters. i have said all this in order to correct the wrong opinion held about the rulers of china; and although it is true that they are cautious and suspicious, prudently seeking to protect their nation against the entrance of foreigners who might harm and disturb the land, still, without any question, what has been said against them is a false accusation; for until now we know of no person whom they have killed for setting foot in their land, nor do we know of any one whom they have thrown into prison for life, as the portuguese reported. if any of the spaniards who went to that land received ill-treatment at the hands of the chinese, it was due to the evil reports of us which the portuguese spread among them, warning them to beware of castilians as a people addicted to stealing and seizing foreign kingdoms; and who, as they had become masters of nueva españa, peru, and the philipinas, would strive likewise to obtain china. the people of that kingdom, being the most cautious people in the world, believed quite readily what the portuguese told them of us; and in consequence they ill-treated the castilians who went there. what i say here is a well ascertained fact, known by people who have seen themselves in great danger of being killed in china, just because the portuguese had pointed them out to the chinese as spies. one of the franciscan religious whom i mentioned above has affirmed to me that he himself had heard it said that the portuguese had reported them as spies, and that for this reason they had been handcuffed. were i not sure that this was so, i would not dare to affirm it to your majesty, for these are serious matters which do not speak well for the portuguese. although it is not to be believed that all of them say these things of us, still it needs only a few of them to speak such words in order to persuade the chinese; and those few have caused no little harm, for, had not god provided a remedy, they would have greatly hindered the gospel from ever entering that kingdom. however, since the chinese have experienced the contrary of what had been told them, and the chinese or sangleys (which mean the same thing) who go there from here tell them of the fairness with which we treat them here, and of the freedom that they enjoy among us, they have regained confidence, and are not offended at seeing us there, as is proved by those two ships which were driven on their shores. doctor sanctiago de vera told me last year that he intended to make arrangements with the mandarins of chincheo by which they might give us an island not far from that coast where the castilians might settle and establish their commerce; he added that this plan met with no great opposition on the part of the sangleys. but this was not carried out, and i do not know who was the cause of the failure. to corroborate the fact that the mandarins do not keep the gates of that kingdom so tightly closed as the portuguese affirmed, something else has occurred quite recently which shows it clearly. when the portuguese expelled all the castilian religious from macan and ordered them to go to yndia, and not to return here, two friars fled secretly to the city of canton, and thence they went to chincheo by land, covering a distance of about one hundred leagues, without receiving any harm whatever; on the contrary, they were well treated, and the mardarin of chincheo sent them back to this city in one of his own ships. the captain who brought them has visited me several times, and i have thanked him. at present these religious are in this city, and have spoken to me of what occurred to them on the journey from macan to chincheo, and of the presents which the captain who brought them here from chincheo gave them. from all the aforesaid we infer that what has been reported of the refusal of the chinese kingdom, and of its rulers, to permit entrance to foreigners has been invention and slander by the portuguese, who did this for their own private interests, fearing that their commerce with the chinese would cease if the castilians gained an entrance there. we who live here have attributed this slander to that cause--or, more properly speaking, it has been the cunning of the devil, who has tried in this way to hinder the results which we hope to obtain by introducing the gospel into that great kingdom, in such manner as jesus christ, our lord, commanded his disciples and apostles to preach it throughout the whole world, not trusting in their own strength, or in human wisdom or power, but only in the power of god. for he, when it pleases him, smoothes out all difficulties which may arise; and if at times he allows his ministers to suffer, it is for their best good, in order that the perfection and power of god may shine forth with more brilliancy. therefore, i say that if once i thought it possible to make war on china because of the false report given me of the hindrance and obstacles offered by the rulers of that kingdom to the preaching of the gospel, by not allowing those who could preach it to enter the land, now that i know the truth, i declare that one of the worst offenses which could be committed against god, and the greatest possible obstacle and opposition to the spread of the gospel, would be to go to china with the mailed hand, or to use any sort of violence. for we have had at no time, nor do we have, any cause, right, or reason to enter that kingdom by force of arms; for it is evident that we have not told them, nor do they know, our intention. on the contrary they take us for people whose only aim is to usurp foreign kingdoms; and, since they think thus, it is well for them to guard against us. in order to correct the wrong opinion which they entertain of us, we should not go there with large fleets and armies equipped, because the only result would be to vex and offend the greatest and best kingdom in the world; but if we go there in the way that god commands and desires, and at the time appointed by his divine majesty (for we men cannot know), we shall make one of the largest conversions ever seen since the time of the primitive church. this is what the devil tries to hinder by spreading abroad the notion that the only way by which china can be entered is by force of arms. the truth is, that until now no people has been discovered so ready to receive the gospel as this, or of whom can be entertained such hope of great results by going to preach the gospel as our lord jesus christ commanded; and if any one, be he even an angel from heaven, were of a different opinion, may your majesty consider him an agent of the devil, who tries to convince people that the gospel of jesus christ is to be preached with zeal and not with knowledge, with violence and force of arms, like the alcoran of mahoma. this is a principle which may god remove from the minds of all christian princes, and from all men who are well acquainted with the law of god and evangelical truth. i am confident that, when your majesty learns the truth, you will not allow anything to be done contrary to the will of god. now i shall speak of the sangleys, of whom there would be much to say had i not in the past given to your majesty an account of many things concerning them. therefore i shall be brief, in order not to make this account longer than is necessary. when i arrived in this land, i found that in a village called tondo--which is not far from this city, there being a river between--lived many sangleys; of whom some were christians, but the larger part infidels. in this city were also some shops kept by sangleys, who lived here in order to sell the goods which they kept here from year to year. these sangleys were scattered among the spaniards, with no specific place assigned to them, until don gongalo ronquillo allotted them a place to live in, and to be used as a silk-market (which is called here _parián_), of four large buildings. here, many shops were opened, commerce increased, and more sangleys came to this city. anxious for the conversion of this people, i soon cast my eyes upon them, and took precautions that they be well treated, for in that way they would become attached to our religion--as i was aware that this was your majesty's desire. considering that, wherever spaniards are to be found, there will always be some unruly ones, who, forgetting the good example which they ought to give these infidels, ill-treat them at times, i began on this account to protect and to assist the chinese, reproaching those who maltreated them. i took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their goods. in this there has been very much abuse in this city by those who were under obligation to furnish a remedy for it. for this reason the sangleys began to have much love for me, for they are the most grateful people i have ever seen. gradually commerce has so increased, and so many are the sangley ships which come to this city laden with goods--as all kinds of linen, and silks; ammunition; food supplies, as wheat, flour, sugar; and many kinds of fruit (although i have not seen the fruits common in spaña)--and the city has been so embellished, that were it not for the fires and the calamities visited upon her by land and by sea, she would be the most prosperous and rich city of your majesty's domains. as i have written to your majesty in other letters, this city has the best possible location for both its temporal and spiritual welfare, and for all its interests, that could be desired. for on the east, although quite distant, yet not so far as to hinder a man from coming hither, with favorable voyage, lie nueba españa and perú; to the north, about three hundred leagues, are the large islands of japón; on the northwest lies the great and vast kingdom of china, which is so near this island that, starting early in the morning with reasonable weather, one would sight china on the next day; on the west lie conchinchina, the kingdoms of sián and patany, malaca, the great kingdom of dacheu (the ancient trapobana), and the two xavas [javas], the greater and the smaller; [35] and on the south lie the islands of maluco and burney. from all these regions people come to trade in this city; and from here we can go to them, for they are near. as to spiritual advantages, if we had preachers of the gospel to send thither, these regions all stand open to us, and we could gain good results from it, because franciscan religious have gone to some of these places and have been well received, although on account of many wars and the lack of interpreters they were forced to return. it is not so certain that they would be received in china as they are elsewhere; but up to this time no one of those who went thither has been killed or thrown into prison. when i came, all the sangleys were almost forgotten, and relegated to a corner. no thought was taken for their conversion, because no one knew their language or undertook to learn it on account of its great difficulty; and because the religious who lived here were too busy with the natives of these islands. although the augustinian religious had charge of the sangleys of tondo, they did not minister to or instruct them in their own language, but in that of the natives of this land; thus the sangley christians living here, were christians only in name, knowing no more of christianity than if they had never accepted it. i was much grieved that a nation of such renown should lack priests to teach and instruct them in their own language. this led me to make arrangements with don goncalo ronquillo for a special location to be assigned to them for their own use, and priests were to be given them who should learn their language and teach them in it. when this had been all arranged, and a priest had been appointed, the whole thing was undone through obstacles which arose at that time. then i appealed to all religious orders to appoint some one of their religious to learn the language and take charge of the sangleys. although all of them showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it, yet no one succeeded; and the sangleys found themselves with no one to instruct them and take up their conversion with the necessary earnestness, until, in the year eighty-seven, god brought to these islands the religious of st. dominic. their coming was for the welfare of the sangleys, as the result proved, and as i shall relate further on. god soon showed us that the religious had come by his will, to take charge of the sangleys. this city, being built on a narrow site with the sea on one side and a river on the other, was all occupied, and there seemed to be no place where the dominicans could settle; but there was soon discovered a site of which no one had thought until then, and which now is the best in the city. the site adjoins the parian of the sangleys, and that gave the religious of that order occasion to begin to hold intercourse with them, and for the religious and sangleys to become mutually attached to one another. for, whenever the sangleys come and go from the parián, they pass by the church of sancto domingo, and, being a very inquisitive people, they often stop and watch what is taking place there. when the confraternities of the rosary and of the oaths, which are founded in that house, hold their processions, a great many sangleys come out to watch them. they live so near the monastery that in the night they hear the religious sing matins, and are not a little edified by it; for they also have their own form of religion, and there are among them religious men who lead a very austere life and claim to live in profound meditation. when it shall please god to enlighten them, christianity will undoubtedly profit much by this characteristic. i said above that the monastery of sancto domingo stands close by the parián of the sangleys, which is built in a marshy place on the border of this city between its northern and southern sides. the sangleys were transferred thither by diego ronquillo, during his governorship, because the parián which don gonzalo ronquillo had built was destroyed by fire. at first it seemed absurd to think that human habitations were to be built in that marsh, but the sangleys, who are very industrious, and a most ingenious people, managed it so well that, in a place seemingly uninhabitable, they have built a parián resembling the other, although much larger and higher. according to them it suits them better than the other, because on the firm ground where the four rows of buildings are located they have built their houses and the streets leading through the parián, a separate street for each row of buildings. there are long passages and the buildings are quadrangular in shape. this parián was also destroyed by fire on account of the houses being built of reeds; but through the diligence of the president and governor, doctor vera, much better houses were built, and covered with tiles for protection against fire. this parián has so adorned the city that i do not hesitate to affirm to your majesty that no other known city in españa or in these regions possesses anything so well worth seeing as this; for in it can be found the whole trade of china, with all kinds of goods and curious things which come from that country. these articles have already begun to be manufactured here, as quickly and with better finish than in china; and this is due to the intercourse between chinese and spaniards, which has enabled the former to perfect themselves in things which they were not wont to produce in china. in this parián are to be found workmen of all trades and handicrafts of a nation, and many of them in each occupation. they make much prettier articles than are made in españa, and sometimes so cheap that i am ashamed to mention it. if we castilians were as cautious as the portuguese in trading with them, these articles would be much cheaper, and the chinese would still gain by it. for goods are sold at a very low cost in china; and, no matter how little profit they make there, when these objects are sold here they yield large profits. but no restraint can be put upon the castilians, nor can they be regulated--the consequence of which is that everything is going to ruin; for the sangleys, who were not born as fools, begin to understand the spaniards' disposition, and to take advantage of their lack of prudence, thus becoming richer than they would did the latter observe moderation. this parián is provided with doctors and apothecaries, who post in their shops placards printed in their own language announcing what they have to sell. there are also many eating-houses where the sangleys and the natives take their meals; and i have been told that these are frequented even by spaniards. the handicrafts pursued by spaniards have all died out, because people buy their clothes and shoes from the sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in spanish fashion, and make everything at a very low cost. although the silversmiths do not know how to enamel (for enamel is not used in china), in other respects they produce marvelous work in gold and silver. they are so skilful and clever that, as soon as they see any object made by a spanish workman, they reproduce it with exactness. what arouses my wonder most is, that when i arrived no sangley knew how to paint anything; but now they have so perfected themselves in this art that they have produced marvelous work with both the brush and the chisel, and i think that nothing more perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the child jesus which i have seen. this opinion is affirmed by all who have seen them. the churches are beginning to be furnished with the images which the sangleys make, and which we greatly lacked before; and considering the ability displayed by these people in reproducing the images which come from españa, i believe that soon we shall not even miss those made in flandes. what i say of the painters applies also to embroiderers, who are already producing excellent embroidered works, and are continually improving in that art. what has pleased all of us here has been the arrival of a book-binder from mexico. he brought books with him, set up a bindery, and hired a sangley who had offered his services to him. the sangley secretly, and without his master noticing it, watched how the latter bound books, and lo, in less than [_blank space in retana_] he left the house, saying that he wished to serve him no longer, and set up a similar shop. i assure your majesty that he became so excellent a workman that his master has been forced to give up the business, because the sangley has drawn all the trade. his work is so good that there is no need of the spanish tradesman. at the time i am writing, i have in my hand a latin version of nabarro bound by him; and, in my judgment, it could not be better bound, even in sevilla. there are many gardeners among the sangleys, who, in places which seemed totally unproductive, are raising many good vegetables of the kinds that grow in españa and in mexico. they keep the market here as well supplied as that of madrid or salamanca. they make chairs, bridles, and stirrups of so good a quality and so cheaply that some merchants wish to load a cargo of these articles for mexico. many bakers make bread with the wheat and fine flour which they bring from china, and sell it in the market-place and along the streets. this has much benefited the city, for they make good bread and sell it at low cost; and although this land possesses much rice, many now use bread who did not do so before. they are so accommodating that when one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit and mark it on a tally. it happens that many soldiers get food this way all through the year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all the bread they need. this has been a great help for the poor of this city, for had they not found this refuge they would suffer want. the sangleys sell meat of animals raised in this country, as swine, deer, and carabaos (a kind of italian buffalo, whose flesh is equal to beef). they also sell many fowls and eggs; and if they did not sell them we all would suffer want. they are so intent upon making a livelihood that even split wood is sold in the parián. the city finds most of its sustenance in the fish which these sangleys sell; they catch so much of it every day that the surplus is left in the streets, and they sell it at so low a cost that for one real one can buy a sufficient quantity of fish to supply dinner and supper for one of the leading houses in the city. in the remaining space within the four fronts of the parián is a large pond, which receives water from the sea through an estuary. in the middle of the pond is an islet, where the sangleys who commit crimes receive their punishment, so as to be seen by all. the pond beautifies the parián and proves to be of great advantage, because many ships sail into it through the aforesaid estuary at high tide, and bring to the parián all the supplies, which are distributed thence all over the city. among the benefits which this city receives from the intercourse with the sangleys, by no means the least important is that, while in españa stone-masonry is so expensive and difficult to produce, here, through the diligence and industry of the sangleys, we are able to build fine houses of hewn stone at a low cost; and in so short a time that in one year a man has been able to complete a house, all ready for habitation. it is wonderful to see with what rapidity many sumptuous houses, churches, monasteries, hospitals, and a fort are being built. the sangleys also made very good bricks and roof-tiles at low cost. at first, lime was made with stone as in españa; but now the sangleys are using a kind of pebble, called "white corals," which they find on this coast; and also shells of large oysters, of which there is a large quantity. at the beginning this lime did not seem to be of good quality; but the kind produced ever since has been so good that no other kind of lime is being employed in this city. it came to be sold at so low a price that for my house as well as for others we bought a cahiz [36] of lime for four reals, and one thousand bricks for eight--although this is not the fixed price, for it fluctuates according to the money which comes from mexico. the sangleys know how to take advantage of the right time; they sell their goods dearer when they know that there is money to buy them, but they never raise the price so as to make it unreasonable. they agree to bring all the lime, bricks, and tiles to the house of the purchaser, thus saving him a great deal of labor. it is of great advantage also to have the sangleys construct the building; they agree on so much per braza, including the cutting of stones and the carrying of the sand. if they are given the lime, they will furnish all the rest, and will thus deliver the house or work without any trouble to the owner. the day's wage of a sangley, when he does not work by the job, is one real, and he provides his own food. the sangleys are hard workers and very greedy for money. the number of those who have come to this city is so large that another large parián is being built by the side of the above-mentioned one, resembling it in shape. many sangleys have built their houses in it, and it would be filled with people by this time had not the bricks of mexico failed us last year through the marquis de villa-manrrique--who, according to report, prevented the shipment of the bricks to us, thus causing no little injury and loss to this city and to the sangleys. he shall give an account to your majesty, and a more exact one to god, of the injuries and loss that he has caused to this land. had not your majesty set matters right by sending a successor to him, [37] and so good a one as you did send, he would have brought ruin upon this land; and, even so, he leaves it sufficiently harassed and afflicted. the sangleys who live in this parián number ordinarily between three and four thousand, not counting the two thousand and more who come and go in ships. these, together with those residing in tondo, and the fishermen and gardeners who live in this neighborhood, number, according to the dominican fathers who have them in charge, from six to seven thousand souls. four religious of that order are engaged in their conversion and instruction. i have mentioned many small matters here, and it does not seem very considerate to write so long a letter to one who is so occupied in affairs of moment as your majesty is; but my great zeal deserves forgiveness. for, considering how far distant these regions are, and how extraordinary are these people--of whom we have known so little hitherto, on account of the opposition shown by the portuguese to our gaining any knowledge of them--it seemed right for me to send your majesty a relation and more specific news concerning the matter, so that your majesty may know what exists and occurs here in his realms, and may enjoy through experience what was denied to his predecessors to hear even through report. had i not already given your majesty news of many other things which occur here, i would not dare to omit them now, even if i might be considered prolix. this was the condition and disposition of the sangleys in temporal matters, when the dominican religious came to these islands in may, eighty-seven. i have already sent to your majesty an account of what took place from the time of their arrival until the following year. i reported the singular change which had taken place among the sangleys after the dominican religious took charge of them, and the results which began to be obtained among them; and that they willingly began to accept christianity, in which they have persevered until now. i will not here reiterate that, although there are many things worthy of being known, and for which many thanks are due to god, who shows how wonderful is his power when it pleases him. what is left for me to relate, is the departure of the dominican religious for china; and, although we do not know how it has fared with them, as they set out so recently, still the beginnings give us reason to hope that with the help of our lord, they will be very successful. of the dominican religious who came to these islands, four are engaged in ministering to the sangleys. two of these four officiate in the church of sant gabriel, which, together with the house where the religious live, stands close to the parián. another church with its house is on the promontory of bay-bay, near tondo--which a river divides, separating it from manila. two of the four have learned the language of the sangleys so well, and one of these two how to write also (which is the most difficult part of the language), that the sangleys wonder at their knowledge. the opportunity which the infidels of both towns had to hear the sermons preached by the fathers to the christians, made them acquainted with many matters relating to our faith, and some of them desired to be baptized. but when they saw that, by becoming christians, they would not be allowed to return to their own country, on account of the danger which the faith encounters in a country where the people are all idolaters, they said that our religion was too severe, since in embracing it one has to forsake his native country, and to deprive himself of father, mother, wife, children, and relatives. the arguments that they set forth were such that it seemed as if they wished to persuade us to baptize them without cutting off their hair, and without forbidding them to return to their own country. we saw that it was not advisable to do as they desired, and left matters as they stood. the sangleys themselves told us to send fathers to their country to preach to them, saying that there they would become converted without so much risk as here. after due consideration of the matter, the dominican fathers and myself decided that it was necessary to go to china; for, if god permitted the religious to remain in that land, we could baptize the sangleys here without cutting off their hair, or preventing them from returning to their country to rejoice in their children, wives, and property. the sangleys were much pleased at this decision; but there were differences of opinion regarding the manner in which the religious should go. the president thought that it would be best for them to go in a fragata accompanied by spaniards: but the chinese said that the friars should go alone, and not in the company of spaniards; thus many arguments were presented on both sides. two or three times i saw our endeavors thwarted, because the devil was laboring with all his might to prevent them. a fragata had already been bought, the captain and the men who were to take the friars over had been chosen, and almost everything was ready for their setting sail, when the plan was defeated i know not whence or how. my disappointment and the great sadness which i felt in seeing the defeat of an expedition which i so much desired, and for whose fulfilment had not sufficed his holiness's permission and the special ordinance from your majesty, made me think that this was the will of god; thus i was forced to abandon the attempt. but god, whose plans do not depend upon the advice of men, arranged matters better than i could have hoped, for he moved the hearts of the sangley christians, don francisco zanco, a christian and the governor of the sangleys, and don tomás syguán. the latter i baptized about two years ago, without cutting his hair, for i thought that god was to accomplish some great work through him, as well as through the other--who, being one of the oldest christians in this island, also wore his hair long. when these two saw that the spaniards were not going to china, and that the friars remained here because there was no one to take them over, they went to fray juan cobo, one of the two friars acquainted thoroughly with the language, and who has charge of, the sangleys of the parián, and manifested to him their grief at seeing how little they were trusted. they said that since the fathers remained here because no spaniards went to china, they who were christians and natives of that land would take them over in more safety; they added that there should be no hesitation to accept their company, for they would lose their own lives before any harm should befall the religious. this we understood as an inspiration of the holy spirit, because until then we had never heard that a sangley would dare to take any spaniards to china; accordingly, we decided to send the friars with the chinese. when this was announced in the parián, all the friendly sangleys, of whom there are many among the infidels, were much pleased. one of the sangley christians had not taken a mouthful of food for two days, through grief at seeing us abandon the expedition; but when he heard that it was going to be made, and how it was going to be carried out, his joy knew no bounds, and he declared that it was just as he had hoped, and that it was the necessary method to pursue. i called two sangley infidels--who, although without the faith, are endowed with all the qualities of good men, and who, i hope, through god's blessing will soon become christians--and asked them what was their opinion concerning the expedition. they answered that they were very glad to see the way in which the religious were going; for, if they went with spaniards, all would be lost. thus we decided upon the departure, sending at present no more than two religious: fray miguel de benavides, [38] who was the first to learn the language of the sangleys; and father juan de castro, who came as vicar of the religious, and who was made provincial here. we preferred these two, as one is well acquainted with the language, and the other is much loved and esteemed by the sangleys on account of his venerable gray locks and blessed old age; and we know that in that land old people are much respected and revered. as our lord sent his disciples, so went these fathers, stripped of all human support, and carrying nothing with them except their own persons, their breviaries, and bibles, for in this manner, and not with encompassing soldiers, should the gospel be preached. i give many thanks to god that this expedition, so much desired by me, started under the best auspices which could be desired; for it is being undertaken by special permission of the pope and by a decree of your majesty, and with the consent of the governor, of myself, and of the auditors of this audiencia. this enterprise has caused great happiness to all the religious orders, and to all the inhabitants of this city; and many demonstrations of rejoicing on the part of all the sangleys. may it please the divine majesty that the end be as we all desire. another event occurred at the time of the expedition, which gave us a great deal of pleasure, and kindled in us the hope that god was really about to open the gates of that great kingdom. the aforesaid captain who brought the two franciscan friars to this city received a letter, which they call _chapa_, for the president, in which the latter is entreated to do justice to the captain who brought the letter, so that he might collect some money which was due him in this city; in the letter, he anxiously entreats the two great fathers juan and miguel, who know the language, to help the captain, for they are known in that country to favor the sangleys. their names occur twice in that chapa, the first letters of the two names being written in red ink, which is considered a mark of veneration among the chinese. a sangley woman who lives in chincheo wrote a letter to fray juan cobo, thanking him for having helped her husband in a matter of business. these were the first indications by which we knew that this expedition was starting under the guidance of god. so on tuesday, the twenty-second of may, of this year ninety, i went to the church of the parián, and said mass there; after which the two sangleys who had offered their services went through a ceremony worthy of notice. they knelt down before the altar where i said mass, and remained there for the space of two _credos_, speaking to one another in their own language and holding each other's hands; after that they embraced one another, and i learned afterwards that they had sworn to each other friendship and fidelity. from that place the fathers went to embark, and i went with them, accompanied by many sangleys. on account of a contrary wind, the ship in which they were going could not set sail; and there were sent, to tow it out, four champans, which are the small boats of the sangley ships. they gladly pulled it out to sea, for more than a league, where we left them under god's protection, and returned to the city. the captains of two sangley ships who are about to follow in the same course have asked me for letters for the religious, promising me to place them in their own hands, and i shall not fail to write to them. in conclusion, i must announce to your majesty that a hospital has been built by the dominican friars who have charge of the sangleys of the parián, which is close by their house. the hospital takes care of sick sangleys and subsists on no other income than what the fathers gather as charity, and what the sangley infidels contribute towards it. this fact has been so rumored in china, that the whole country feels very kindly towards the fathers, knowing of the friendly reception given to their countrymen here. about a year ago a prominent sangley was converted. he was a doctor and an herbalist; but, forsaking all other worldly interests, he has offered and devoted himself to the service of the hospital. he cures the sick, bestowing upon them much love and charity, and prescribing for them his purges and medicines. in short, it was god who led him thither for the welfare of that hospital, and, to make the fame thereof more widely spread throughout china. therefore i humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to order that this hospital be endowed, so that the sick may be cared for. moreover, if your majesty attend to this personally, that fact will be very well received in china and will be of more benefit than the presents which your majesty ordered to be sent to the king. doctor vera, who is now president, on seeing the good will with which those two sangley christians, don francisco canco and don tomás siguán, offered their services for taking the fathers to china, exempted them, in the name of your majesty, from paying taxes for the use of a ship for six years. i entreat your majesty to be pleased to confirm this grant, and to extend it for life; for they certainly performed a great deed, and one considered of much importance by all the inhabitants of this city, both spaniards and sangleys. they deserve this favor from your majesty, even if we should not gain the desired result, because they for their part have offered what they could. fray juan cobo, the dominican religious--who, as i have said before, knows the language of the sangleys and their writing, and who is most esteemed by them--is sending to your majesty a book, one of a number brought to him from china. this intercourse which is taking root between them and ourselves is not a bad beginning for the object we have in view. the book is in chinese writing on one half of the leaf, and castilian on the other, the two corresponding to each other. it is a work worthy of your majesty, and may it be received as such, not because of its worth, but because it is so rare a work, never seen before in the parián, or outside of china. according to my judgment, it contains things worthy of consideration, by which is seen the force of the human reason; since without the light of the faith those things approach so near to those taught us by the christian religion. from this your majesty will see how much in error is the person who pretends that in kingdoms like that of china, where such things are taught, we should enter by force of arms to preach to them our faith. it is clear that with a people like this, the force of reason has more power than that of arms. may our lord direct this affair according to his will; and may he be pleased that within the days of your majesty we may see these kingdoms converted to the faith, and that your majesty may enjoy this reputation first on earth and then in heaven. amen. manila, june 24, 1590. _fray domingo_, bishop of the philipinas. two letters from domingo de salazar to felipe ii sire: five decrees of your majesty came to me this year of ninety in the ship "santiago," which arrived at this port on the last of may. they are all dated at madrid, four on the twenty-third of june of the year eighty-seven, and the fifth on the eighteenth of february of eighty-eight. after perusing the contents of the said decrees, i can truly not restrain my surprise that there can be men in the world who dare to say and declare things which are not certainly proved to be the truth, much less to give such information to their king. to report to one's sovereign the contrary of what happens, or to affirm what one is not certain is the truth, is a most grave offense, worthy of all punishment and chastisement. such persons may properly be called destroyers of their countries, because, in not giving information in accordance with the principles of truth, they fail to remedy the evils and provide the good which is necessary for the preservation of the land. as this commonwealth is so far away from your majesty, it has to be governed, not by what your majesty sees and knows, but by the information received by him regarding it. this must be according to the good or bad intention of the informer. consequently, this commonwealth is subjected to many hardships and misfortunes, by the fault not of your majesty--with whose most holy zeal and desire for the welfare of this land we are well acquainted--but of us here who send information. there are but few of us who, oblivious of our own interests and pretensions, now fix our eyes on the common good alone, and seek only this; but the most of us seek only our own interests, our informations and reports are shaped by these, as appears by the increase of the tributes which your majesty commands to be made. as this is discussed, however, in another letter, i will go to no greater length than to say that, if your majesty were present here, no orders would be given to increase the tributes of these miserable people, but rather they would pay less. but he who informed your majesty that more tribute can be paid has already accounted or will account to god also. i am affected in part by these hardships and dangers, as it is now two years since your majesty wrote me a reprimand, as if i were the man to blame for the dissensions of the audiencia. god knows, as do all in this community, that if i had not made peace, the dissensions between the president and auditors would have lasted until today. the same i say of the five decrees which i received this year. among them are several which show that he who informed your majesty did so in an account entirely malicious and totally contrary to the truth. others show that, although the informer told something of the truth, he did so in an entirely different manner from the way in which things happened, concealing what he ought to say, and affirming what he should not. this will appear by my reply to each decree--not as an excuse for myself, as i consider myself to be very rightly judged elsewhere; but in order to satisfy your majesty, as i shall proceed to relate. beginning with the first decree, which treats of the confessions of the conquerors, they being constrained to make restitution _in solidum_, i say that i have never done anything in this bishopric which leaves me so vexed and conscience-stricken, as that i dealt so mildly with those who came to this country nominally as conquerors, but actually as destroyers. according to the true and sound doctrine of st. thomas, and of all right-feeling men, they are all bound to pay _in solidum_ for the damage which they have done. i, with more than necessary boldness, have planned so that no one has been asked to pay more than he himself has confessed that he owed; but that is nothing in comparison with the innumerable injuries which have been committed in this country. four years have passed since i gave this order obliging them to pay one hundred pesos, and then another two hundred pesos, the largest amount not exceeding five hundred pesos. there were very few persons taxed for the larger sum, and they were captains or leaders of expeditions. they have put me off from one year to another and even yet they have not paid me, always alleging poverty. i have found it necessary to take from the little that i have to pay some of these obligations, on account of the needs of the indians, and because the spaniards had not the wherewithal to pay them. when i considered the hardships suffered by spaniards in this land, and that it will utterly ruin them, if the matter with which we have to deal be treated severely by the theologians, i dared, on this account, to do what no one else would have done. there is no lack of religious who, since their arrival here, condemn my action, and say that i am obliged to constrain the conquerors still further, or to pay the compensation myself. i assure your majesty that these scruples have constrained me, and do so today, to such an extent that this is the principal thing among other matters of considerable import of which i have to give an account to his holiness and to your majesty. there is no doubt whatever that he who does the damage is obliged to make restitution; and all the more when the injured persons are living as they, or their children and heirs, do in these islands. from investigations which i have had made regarding those persons who inflicted the injuries, i am assured that the sums collected as restitution do not amount to the hundredth part of the valuation of the damages. as my age makes it impossible for me to go to spain, and since your majesty, as a most christian prince, so earnestly desires and strives for the welfare of these natives, i shall send herewith a memorandum of what i have done in this case, and of what each of the conquerors has paid, and of the injuries committed--although it would be impossible to relate them all. i do this so that your majesty may be pleased to grant to me and to all this land mercy and grace, when my actions are considered there; and, if it should be necessary, to procure the approbation of his holiness to compromise the matter by releasing them from the remainder of the restitutions, as full restitution is impossible. to attempt to do more would be only to harass them, with no other result than burdening their consciences. thus i will be freed from these intolerable scruples and continuous vexations in which i am placed. your majesty seems to hold me guilty for having encouraged the slaves to leave the spaniards. i do not know how blame can be placed on me therefor, since the indians held as slaves by the spaniards (who were unwilling to let them go) have been declared free by your majesty. it was evident that the former could not be absolved, any more than if they had stolen property; and your majesty knows that, in the jurisdiction of the conscience, there is not the liberty that there is in external matters. your majesty may pardon a life, or remit the penalty of the law to him whom he may consider meet; but the tribunal of conscience is not free to pardon anyone, or to absolve persons from any sin, except when they act as they ought. confession being thus rigorous, even greater laxity was permitted than should have been. your majesty must believe that i am trying to do everything possible here, so as not to exceed my duty, and i never take such action without first consulting with such persons of learning and conscience as are here. in the second decree, your majesty orders that when the sangleys wish to be baptized, their hair shall not be cut off. he who reported this to your majesty deceived you, for there are not only a hundred houses occupied by sangleys who remain here for negotiations with their merchandise, but more than [_blank space in ms_.] who live in the alcaiceria of this city, called parián, and more than [_blank space in ms_.] [39] in all the neighborhood. it is certain that in both places there are at the very least more than [_blank space in ms_.]. since the religious of st. dominic came to this country, more than two hundred have been baptized, and every day many more are receiving baptism. but inasmuch as what concerns the sangleys, and the great compassion with which god has dealt with them and with us, will go in a separate letter, in order not to increase the length of this, your majesty will read therein matters that will prove how well you are served, and you will give abundant thanks to god. he who reported this to your majesty must have some zeal, but not with knowledge; for i consider all the conditions, desire the conversion of these chinese, and obtain it, better than he who wrote to your majesty. i would not decide to have their hair cut off, if it were not so necessary that not to do so would be to endanger greatly the faith and the persons with whom i deal. these affairs are of such a nature that no matter what opinion were given, i could not do anything else, even though i should wish to do so. because i considered it fitting to baptize two of them without cutting off their hair, i thereby did myself much harm; your majesty may thus see how contrary to actual facts are the things written you from here, and that the death-penalty is not suffered for cutting off their hair, as was written to your majesty; for after the dominican fathers learned the language we discovered vast secrets of that land, which were formerly well hidden. the third decree states that there are many ecclesiastics in this bishopric who trade and carry on traffic, to the great scandal of and bad example to both spaniards and indians. he who wrote your majesty told the truth in part, since two ecclesiastics from nueva españa furnished this bad example, although i did what i could to prevent them. nevertheless, god punished them more severely than i did; for all the property of one was taken away by the englishman, [40] and the other died here, and lost what he had sent to nueva españa. those ecclesiastics who are under my government, however, have not exceeded their duty in this respect as much as your majesty has been informed. moreover, they are not so many as has been said in spain, for there are not more than five who are stationed among the indians, and these are so poor that they do not even have enough to eat. more than one and one-half years before this decree came, i had taken measures to correct the excess which might result, having ordered that no ecclesiastic should carry on traffic. this appears by the ordinances which i had made concerning this. that your majesty may order them to be considered and amended, i enclose them with this letter. in the future this order will be more rigorously observed, according to your majesty's command. in the fourth decree, your majesty says that the president of this audiencia wrote that when he came to this land, he agreed with me as to the order [of precedence] to be followed when the audiencia and i should encounter each other in public. he further says that, disregarding this arrangement, i sat in the place which did not belong to me, and turned my back on the audiencia. i would be very glad to meet the president before your majesty, and hear his reason for daring to inform your majesty in such a manner. it is very certain that no such agreement was ever made between him and me, except that, when there was to be a procession in the church, the president should go with the auditors, and i with my clergy; for he claimed the right hand, and i did not have it to take. thus we came to this agreement. the place, however, was not discussed, nor was there any excuse for doing so, as it is well known that the audiencia is always seated on the gospel side in the body of the chapel; and, although the bishop is usually in the choir, he may, when he wishes to do so, sit on the gospel side, above the steps. wherever i have been, this has been the practice; and i sent an account thereof, with the testimony of an eye-witness, to the council of the indias. your majesty provides and commands by this decree that i shall take the place belonging to me. this order means that i take the same place which i took then, as that is the proper place belonging to a bishop, without giving any cause whatever for the audiencia to feel injured, as the places are very distinct from each other. although the vexation ceased, because of the suppression of the audiencia, the injury done me by the president, in writing to your majesty, has not yet come to an end. i ought not to fail to reply to what is so unjustly imputed to me. he who informed your majesty of the matter contained in the fifth decree, namely, that when appeal is made to the royal audiencia in cases of fuerça, [41] i do not allow the notaries to give an account thereof; and that i seize the writs and records of proceedings, so that they cannot be issued, the audiencia having requested me in vain to do otherwise--whoever, i say, gave this account to your majesty did me greater injury than any of the others. for not only is this not so, but i even urge the notary to give a report; and i am so far from [what has been said] to the contrary, that i assure your majesty that i much regretted the suppression of the audiencia. for i was very glad that, whenever i denied anything on appeal, the audiencia examined my reasons therefor; and, whatever was determined there, my conscience was freed and at rest. moreover, i always accepted, without making any objection, the decisions of the audiencia; for i would consider it a grievous offense to deny your majesty's right to make the final decision in cases of fuerça, and would not presume to contradict it in any manner whatsoever. if he who made that report based it on two cases which came up--one when they erased my name from the prayer at the mass of the audiencia, and substituted their own names; the other when, in an investigation, they claimed the right to examine the proceedings which had been conducted in secret--in these two cases i confess that i refused to give up the records. i did so in one instance because there were therein very secret matters touching the office of the inquisition, of which i was then in charge. when they commanded that report of this case be given, i said that it would be furnished in so far as concerned the chaplain of the said audiencia. this was what they had asked, and claimed the right to try this case. nevertheless, they would accept nothing but the entire proceedings; but with this i could not comply, for it would have been impossible to do so without very grave damage to my office. after considering my reasons therefor, the audiencia insisted no more in the case. the other case concerned the general investigation which i had made of the prebendaries and clergy--two of whom appealed against the sentence which i imposed, stipulating that the tenor thereof be observed as is expressly commanded by the council of trent. they had recourse to the audiencia; and when an order was given for the record of the case to be presented, i replied that there were secret matters touching the honor of the clergy, which i could not show, but that i would show that part referring to the two ecclesiastics; as they wished their offenses to be known. nevertheless, it was not right to exhibit the guilt of the others, as they did not feel that their sentences were unjust. there were many arguments over this point, and all the theologians of this land said that i was right. to avoid scandal i openly consented that the two ecclesiastics should appeal to the archbishop. [42] both then and now i have felt much aggrieved by the injustice done me by the audiencia. i have sent a complaint thereof to your majesty, and do not know why the testimony i sent has not yet arrived there. i had then and still have reason for complaining that the audiencia usurped my jurisdiction and discussed proceedings which properly belong to me, but in which they have forestalled me. a citizen of this city left a piece of land whereon was built a hospital and church for the poor. although this was ecclesiastical property, they deprived me of judgment in this case, and retained it in their own body. at another time, the indians had dared to take a friar from his convent, and they dragged him to the place where i was. i commenced to try the case, and gave a verdict against the indians, as it was doubly sacrilegious to take the friar from his convent, and to place hands on an ecclesiastic. this case came to the audiencia by way of appeal, and it still remains there, with the records. a beneficed priest, who was performing the duties of his office, was refused its dues by the encomendero, and came to me for justice. after i had ordered the encomendero to make the payment, he appealed to the audiencia, and they retained the suit there, claiming that the property given to beneficiaries in this land is secular. as i am poor, and have little power, these injuries and similar ones have not been heard of in spain. i have suffered them and have kept silence, in order to avoid scandal; but for having resisted in but two cases, in which i was obliged to defend the right of my jurisdiction, in order to comply with the duties of my office, they made a damaging report of me to your majesty. they say that i would not permit a report to be made, and took the records of the suit from the notary, so that they could not be dealt with. in order that your majesty may see the difference between what i here declare (which is the actual truth), and what they wrote to your majesty, accusing me of resisting _in toto_ the commands of the audiencia in regard to the cases of fuerça (which was glaringly false testimony against me), i have decided--although everything touching the audiencia is now settled, since your majesty has commanded it to be suppressed--to answer the account which they gave your majesty about the places and the cases of fuerça. although i am sure that my cause has been justified before god and those men who know what has happened, i do it to satisfy your majesty, to whom i owe all obedience and subjection as to my king and lord. i am even bound to explain my conduct; because, by the grace of god, your majesty has no one in this kingdom who serves you with greater love and zeal. i claim no payment nor temporal interest whatever, because this i neither desire nor demand; but i do only my duty, and that i do with all my might. i could send your majesty good and sufficient proofs of everything which i have said here; for i certify, in all truth, that everyone to whom i have shown these decrees has crossed himself in surprise that there should be a person or persons who would dare to make such malicious reports to your majesty. it suffices me to say that, if credit be not given me, not much time will pass before this truth will be revealed, beyond all possibility of hiding. may our lord guard the royal person of your majesty, and preserve you many years. at manila, the twenty-fourth of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas. [_endorsed_: "to the king our lord, in his royal council of the indias. filipinas. 1590. the bishop; june 24." "received and read, june 19, of the year 1591. it is unnecessary to respond thereto."] sire: the letter which your majesty ordered to be written to me from san lorenço el real [i.e., the escorial], on the seventeenth of august of eighty-nine, i received by the hand of the secretary of the governor, gomes perez dasmarinas, in the village of tabuco, outside of this city, on the first of june of this year ninety. and for one so beset with afflictions, labors, and difficulties as i am, the favor which your majesty therein shows me was no little comfort; for i have been freed by it from the pains of conscience, which i continually bore in my soul, at seeing the course of affairs in this land. i held myself obliged by conscience to go in person to inform your majesty of these matters, as it appeared to me that my letters were accomplishing little, in accord with my hope that your majesty would at once amend what you knew stood in need of betterment. and this thought gave me more anxiety because, as at other times i have written your majesty, among the calamities and misfortunes under which this land suffers, none the least is that your majesty must get information of them through the very men who have destroyed this land, and who work for their private interests rather than for the common good. as the reports are made by such persons, your majesty can well see the result. therefore this land has come to its present misery; and the new governor will have no small task if he maintains it, and saves it from ruin, and it is even now all but lost. i am emboldened to say this because hitherto there have been made to your majesty many perverse reports; and by this ship we have received the decrees, by which it clearly appears that false reports were given your majesty, because of the provisions made in these decrees, as i shall explain elsewhere. the greater part of the religious and other principal persons of this land were of the same opinion as i, maintaining that i was in duty bound to go in person and give your majesty an account of affairs here, because they see that everything here is going to ruin; and that this common expedient was of greater importance than the harm that might be done by my absence. but thanks be to god, in whose hands are the hearts of kings, and who put into the heart of your majesty what is provided, ordained, and commanded by this letter for the weal and betterment of all this land. if this be executed as your majesty has ordered, the country may be helped; but hitherto there has been so much sloth and carelessness in executing what your majesty provides and orders for the good of this land, that thus it has come to its present extremity. i trust in our lord that this state of affairs will not continue, but that the principal aim of the governor and of all the rest will be to procure the good of these natives whom we have so afflicted. this whole country has been well satisfied at your majesty's suppression of the audiencia, for without doubt it was a greater burden than a country so feeble and poor could bear; although i was always of the opinion that, if it were paid from mexico, the audiencia would work no harm here. but what your majesty orders and commands is expedient for all of us; and so we hold it a great favor, especially as your majesty sends in place of the audiencia, as governor, gomez perez dasmarinas--who, from the good example which he has furnished and the zeal which he has disclosed in the service of your majesty and the good of these realms, has given universal satisfaction, and the hope that he will improve the condition of the land, and give it the orderly condition which it was losing. may the divine majesty preserve in him these excellent intentions, and give him strength and grace to execute them; because as the heart of man is so hard to understand, and of itself so variable, and this land is so exposed, it is not strange that we fear some alteration, having seen it in others who also gave excellent examples. but if the governor who has now come to us shall persevere in what he has begun (as i hope in god he will persevere), your majesty has sent us the man whom we need. when doctor santiago de vera came by command of your majesty to establish the audiencia in this country, he set up for himself a seat of honor in the church, as the viceroys do. the adelantado, miguel lopez de legaspi, did not establish one, nor did the governors who afterward succeeded him. gomez perez, who is now governor, did not wish to set one up; for in this and in all other things he has shown himself very moderate. but it seemed to me that he should not fail to establish it, and thus at my importunity, and that of other persons, he has done so. because your majesty has already honored him in other respects, favoring him with a guard of halberdiers, and as people from all the kingdoms of the infidels by whom we are surrounded resort to this city, and as these barbarians respect their superiors as gods, it did not appear to me to be right that the person who represented your majesty should discontinue the dignity which was required to represent you. and in order that your majesty in the future may be pleased to provide this land with a governor who shall be capable and worthy to use his authority, i beg your majesty to approve this and send him the order to continue and make permanent the practice. the twelve thousand ducats which your majesty has ordered to be paid in three installments for the work on this church, were necessary enough, although i fear that they are to avail as little as the rest; because, although your majesty has so often commanded it, and we on our part have exercised the greatest possible diligence, it has not been possible to draw out from the royal treasury what was due from it for the said work; and so it has come to a standstill, or so little is done that it never advances. it really is a pity to see a cathedral church, in a city containing so great a concourse of heathen, where divine offices are celebrated in a church of straw, in which, on the coming of a storm, no one can remain. your majesty will see what the condition of the rest of the churches must be. it certainly is a pity to see the little care there is in this matter, and the scandal occasioned to the heathen and the recent converts by the little veneration that we who have so long been christians bestow upon the temples in which we worship our god, for really many of them are not fit to serve as stables. i have given your majesty an account of this before now. the two thousand ducats which your majesty ordered paid from the treasury of mexico for this work were not brought, because the governor could not bring the securities that were necessary to obtain that sum there, because of his hurried departure. moreover, it should be understood that it will be very difficult to collect the portions to be paid by indians and encomenderos, because of their want and poverty. and for this reason we do not dare to press them much, deeming it better that the work should be done slowly than to harass one who is unable to do more; and it has been the treasury of your majesty which has aided us least. your majesty's command that the religious should not depart from the bishopric without license of your majesty, or that of the governor and myself, is a very just thing, and therefore it will be carried out; because it also seems fitting to me not to let the religious depart from here, where they are so few and so many are needed. before this ship arrived the president and i had despatched two dominican religious to chincheo, which is the province of china nearest to this land, and the place whence all the sangleys who come here to trade set forth. in this departure there was a punctual observance of what your majesty commands in this clause of your letter, although we had not then received it. and owing to the fact that before we determined to send them, and at the time when we sent them, there occurred many notable things from which your majesty should receive much satisfaction, i thought it better, in order not to make this letter so long, to place them by themselves in another, which will accompany this one, in order to give your majesty a more detailed account of things so worthy to be heard. with regard to what your majesty orders concerning the remission of tithes for twenty years to those who now come to settle and who may come in the future, i would to god that the spaniards were inclined to cultivate the land and to gather the fruits from it, rather than that we should ever afflict the natives by tithes. but your majesty should know that when a man comes to this country, even if he were a beggar in spain, here he seeks to be a gentleman, and is not willing to work, but desires to have all serve him; and so no one will give himself to labor, but undertakes trafficking in merchandise, and for this reason military and all other kinds of training have been forgotten. from this fact not a little damage will come to this land, if the governor does not regulate this. in the letter which the cabildo of the church wrote to your majesty a much longer account is given of this. to proceed informally [_de plano_], without insisting on legal technicalities [_sin llegar a tela de juicio_], and not to impose pecuniary punishments in the suits which occur in these regions, is a most holy and necessary practice. i desire greatly that in the tribunals of your majesty this be observed; in mine i have so provided, and this practice has been observed and henceforth will be observed with greater rigor. he who informed your majesty of the disorderly manner in which have been collected the tributes of the encomiendas which are not fully pacified, and how poorly the ordinances of your majesty have been observed, spoke the truth in this matter. the excess in this has been so great that it has been the cause of all the riots and the revolt of the indians, and of the deaths which have occurred among the spaniards. i have given your majesty news of this, grieving for the evils which have sprung from it. for the indians of this province, in those places where the name of god has never entered, nor that of your majesty, must feel resentful where they have seen neither ministers of instruction nor of justice; but only see that each year a dozen of soldiers with arquebuses come to their houses to take their property away from them, and the food upon which they live, although their all is little enough. these collectors afflict, maltreat, and torment them, and so leave them, until they return another year to do the same. what else can these natives think of us, but that we are tyrants, and that we come only to make our gain out of their property and their persons? and this will be very difficult to remedy, so distant from the rest are some of the encomiendas, with water between, and so little fear of god have those who make the collections. it may be that with the arrival of the new governor there will be much improvement in this; although if he does not bear an order from your majesty to change some measures which up to the present have been in force, i have no hope of betterment. in the next to the last clause of this letter your majesty says that to remedy the present lack of instruction is my own special obligation, which i confess; and i have so appreciated this that, seeing the great present need of instruction and the little help which i can offer, i am so disturbed and so filled with anxiety that, if i were able to leave the bishopric, i would try to flee from it. but if, inasmuch as your majesty declares to me my obligation, and puts in my charge what is lacking, you should give me, together with it, authority to right affairs, your majesty would be relieved of responsibility, and i of anxiety, other than to make progress in learning my obligations. if i do not have authority and power to remedy this, i must live all my life in anxiety and perturbation of spirit, because every year i see them collect tribute from a race that is never given to understand why it is collected; nor is there any hope that they may be able to have instruction, because of the great difficulty there is in giving it to them. knowing that this is the legitimate title which we have in seeking tribute, your majesty may see what peace of conscience he can have who has all these souls in his charge, both those who collect and those of whom collection is taken. to relieve me from the anguish in which i live, the only means of removing all difficulties is for your majesty to send us a great number of religious of the four orders already established here--without giving ear to those who speak of a matter about which, in my opinion, they have no means of judging here. they say that some have tried to persuade your majesty, with no other spirit than that of the devil (who wishes to hinder so much good), that we have all the religious that are necessary. in addition to the thirty-seven augustinians now here, more than three hundred others are needed; and even these will not be enough. yet, with this number great results would be accomplished. the first is that your majesty would be fulfilling the obligation which you have toward these nations, in giving them instruction. they need this, because of the ten divisions of this bishopric eight have no instruction; and some provinces have been paying tribute to your majesty for more than twenty years, but without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be tormented by the tribute and afterward to go to hell. second, all the indians who are to be pacified will then be found, because experience has already shown us that to think of finding the indians with a force of soldiers is rather to lose them, and never to pacify them; while with religious they all become obedient with great good will. and, when they are pacified and converted, much larger tributes can be exacted, and the increase of revenue in the treasury of your majesty from their tributes would be greater than the amount spent in sending them religious; while the conscience of your majesty would be free from the greatest weight which, in my judgment, it has in this land, because tributes are collected from indians who have never rendered obedience, and do not, as i have said above, know why they are paying it. in the last clause your majesty orders me to charge myself with the protection of the indians of this bishopric. i receive this charge as a special favor; because, as it was, i was burdened with the same responsibility, and with this commission i shall have, as your majesty says, more authority in order to render aid. and this provision was so necessary because, without it, i was able to do almost nothing to succor the indians. and with this i think i shall be able to serve your majesty more, and to advance the cause of those who shall come with the charge of bishop, although the one joined to the other is of very great consequence. the indians who have learned of it are very glad, since the obligation which is due them from the spaniards is of no concern to the latter. and as it is from the hand of your majesty, this office, then, is of greater importance for the relief of the conscience of your majesty and the preservation of the natives, than any other one of all that are provided for afterward by the governor. i have not the wherewithal for the expenses which occur; for there must necessarily be a notary, interpreter, and lawyer, and persons who with my authorization shall be present to plead the suits--which will not be a few, and cannot be carried through without spending money--since i am not able, nor is it right that i should be on hand to present the petition, or to plead the causes and business of so much weight and authority. to take this task of being my agent, some honest man, however honorable his station, should be glad to do it. it is necessary that he be a person of great credit and of resolute mind, that he may not fear to defend the indians, although at the risk of injury from those who harm them, and this seldom fails to come to pass, as the disputes are often with those who are very powerful. it will also be necessary to send persons from this city through all the bishopric to investigate the injuries that the indians suffer. before they go to do this, i shall have notice of what is happening; and this is to be done at the cost of your majesty's treasury, in order not to give occasion for the robbery of the indians, if they should have to pay them. all this is necessary in order that i should be able to perform well this office, and relieve the conscience of your majesty and my own; because many are the wrongs which the indians receive in this bishopric from your encomenderos, the alcaldes-mayor, and the tax-receivers; and, the farther away they are, the greater the wrongs and the more difficult the remedy. i humbly beseech your majesty to be pleased to command provision to be made as i here request, because otherwise my protection will be only nominal and ineffectual. i have already discussed this with the governor, and i understand that he will make provision in some of these things, because the necessity is very urgent; and for the remainder we wait what your majesty is pleased to command. the friendly intercourse which your majesty commands me to observe with the governor, your majesty may be assured will not be lacking on my part; and i understand that without doubt there will be as little lack on the part of the governor, because in the little intercourse that i have had with him i have conceived very great hopes of him. and i believe that god inspired your majesty to send him to us--although, as i have known him only a little while, i am not able to express more than what i hope. because there is no mention made of the sangleys in the clause of the letter in which your majesty commands me to take charge of the protection of these natives, the governor has considered--and this is his opinion--that because we were not there named, neither i nor my agent could answer for them, as for the natives. may your majesty be pleased to command what is to be done in this case, because the sangleys have so much more need of protection than the natives. in the meanwhile, according to the wish of the governor, i shall not cease to aid in whatever may concern them, just as if i had been appointed to look after them by your majesty; and my agent will do the same, in those matters which belong to him as such. may our lord preserve the royal person of your majesty for many years. at manila, the twenty-fourth of june, 1590. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas. [_endorsed_: "filipinas. to his majesty; 1590. the bishop; twenty-fourth of june." "received and read on june 19, 1591; and answer sent him that it had been received, and that what he advised had been approved and should be continued."] royal decree regulating commerce in the philippines don phelippe, by the grace of god, king of castilla, leon, aragon, the two sicilies, jherusalem, portugal, mallorca, sevilla, cerdeña, cordova, corçega, murçia, jaem, the algarves, algezira, gibraltar, the islands of canaria, the eastern and western yndias, and the islands and mainland of the ocean sea; archduke of austria; duke of borgoña, bravante, and milan; count of habspurg, flandes, tirol, and barzelona; seignior of vizcaya and molino, etc. inasmuch as i have been informed [43] by the city of manila in the philippinas islands that the great consignments of money sent by the wealthy from nueva españa, for investment in chinese merchandise and that of other countries, have caused ruin to that country; and that the factors and others taking part in the said trade buy the goods at wholesale prices, and raise the price of all the merchandise, so that the poor and common people of the said islands cannot buy them, or buy them at very high rates; and furthermore that, because of the number and size of the said consignments of goods, and the vessels being few in number (indeed, sometimes and usually but one, and then quite filled up and laden with the said merchandise for mexicans), no space is left for the citizens and common people [of the philippines] to send their merchandise: therefore, as they have implored me, as a remedy for the said annoyances, to provide and order that no consignments of money be sent from the said nueva españa to the said islands, and that they be not allowed to have factors or companies there, but that the citizens of the said islands alone be allowed to buy and export to the said nueva españa domestic and foreign products; and that, if anyone else should wish to trade and traffic there, he should be compelled to become a citizen of the islands, and reside there for at least ten years, or as might be my pleasure; and because my will is to concede favor to the said islands, in order that their condition may continue to improve, and the inhabitants thereof to be advantaged--i grant that, for the present, they alone, and no others--whether of nueva españa, or any other part of the indias--may trade in china, and export, take, or sell to the said nueva españa the merchandise and articles thus traded for in both the kingdoms and mainland of china, and in the said islands, for the time and space of six years, first commencing from the date of the departure of the first vessel with a cargo of merchandise for the said nueva españa. i prohibit and forbid all other persons whomsoever, of whatever rank and preeminence, from trading in the said islands and in china for the space of the said six years, reckoned as above stated, under penalty of confiscation of the merchandise that they have traded for therein. i order that this my provision be promulgated in the city of mexico, and that my royal officials there enter it in their books. those of the said islands shall do likewise, and they shall endorse on the back of this said provision the date upon which it took effect, by the departure from port of the first vessel with the said merchandise. they shall send me a separate attestation of the same, so that i may know when the said six years are to be in force. and neither one nor the other shall do anything contrary to this order. [_blank spaces for place, day, and month_] one thousand five hundred and ninety. so that for the period of six years only, the citizens and inhabitants of the philippinas islands and none others, whether in nueva españa or other places, may trade and traffic in china. [44] [accompanying this decree is a separate paper reading as follows: "÷ by the crown of castilla. provision allowing the people of manila to trade in china. his majesty omitted to sign this decree, because he wishes your lordship to summon pedro barbosa and pedro alvarez pereira, and to ascertain from them what is written on the subject from india from don christoval de mora to pedro alvarez. this latter will show your lordship all the papers that he has bearing upon this matter; and after you shall have examined them, you shall advise his majesty of your opinion. sant lorenzo, july 23, 1590." without other signature than a rubrica or flourish.] the collection of tributes in the filipinas islands 1591 _source_: this document is obtained from copies of the original mss., in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translation_: it is synopsized, and partially translated, by emma helen blair; the remaining translation is by frederic w. morrison, of harvard university, and norman f. hall. the collection of tributes in the filipinas islands memorandum of the resources of the hospital of manila and its needs the royal hospital for the spaniards possesses about one hundred taes of gold in the encomienda of darandum in ylocos, which was assigned to the said hospital by doctor sande. dc pesos it possesses, further, six hundred pesos, which were granted to it by the president from the encomienda which fell vacant because of the death of don luis de sahajosa, in ylocos. dc pesos it possesses one thousand five hundred fanegas of rice, and one thousand seven hundred fowls, assigned by the president from the tributes of caruya and lubao, which belong to his majesty. dlxx pesos it possesses what your lordship assigned it in the encomienda of bondoy moron, which, it is thought, will amount to more than eight hundred or nine hundred pesos. iu pesos --------------- iiu.dcclxx pesos with the above, the said hospital cannot even support the expenses incurred for food and for services rendered by the indians. it likewise needs a doctor, medicine, nurses, and other services, as well as exceptional delicacies, bed clothes, and tents. indeed half the money is expended in the anointings and sweatings which are applied throughout the year. there is also needed a chaplain, who is usually attached to the said hospital, to administer the sacraments to the sick. the building of the said hospital does not suffice for its needs. it contains but one hall, where all classes of sick people are packed together, to their own detriment. another infirmary is greatly needed for patients who suffer from buboes, and for anointings and sweatings; there are many sick with this disease, since this country is well suited to produce it. the said hospital also needs a room for the convalescents, for lack of which many relapses are wont to occur. we also need quarters for sick women, for many poor creatures do not recover because they have no money, and no place where they can go. likewise, the said hospital is in need of a kitchen, utensils, and quarters for its servants, all of which things are needful therein for the suitable outfit and service of the said hospital. the captain _cuenca_, as director of the hospital. discussion and conclusions of the bishop concerning the matter of tributes _jesus_ inasmuch as i understand that some of the encomenderos, and especially those from camarines, have gone, or desire to go, to ask permission of your lordship to collect from their encomiendas, in which they never have, nor do they at present, maintain religious instruction, i have deemed it best to send to your lordship a brief statement of what i and the theologians of this bishopric feel concerning the collections in the aforesaid encomiendas, in order that your lordship may understand how and in what way they are to be licensed to make these collections. [45] although the king, our lord, has unburdened his royal conscience by entrusting it to your lordship and to myself, i see no reason why we should weigh down our own souls and consciences with what others are to eat and expend. the encomiendas existing in these islands are, in general, divided into two classes; for some of them have had and do still have religious instruction, and others have never had it in the past, nor do they enjoy it at present. the encomiendas which do not possess instruction are themselves divided into two classes: the first consists of those which have not had, and now have not, any religious instruction, nor have they ever received from their encomenderos spiritual or temporal benefits; on the contrary, their present condition is such that it would seem the spaniards had never gone thither to do aught else than to reduce and conquer them in order to exact tributes. we may even say that the encomiendas are in worse condition than if the spaniards had never come, for, with the harsh treatment and oppression that they have received at our hands, they are at present further from receiving the law of god than if they had never known us. the second class consists of the encomiendas which, although they have not been instructed, have received from their encomenderos, or by means of them, some temporal advantages which tend toward spiritual benefits, which prepare them so that they may be instructed, and that one may live among them in security. in the first division are included the encomiendas of calamianes, which at present belong to captain sarmyento; the islands of cuyo, which belong to captain juan pablo de carrion; the encomiendas which are in the islands of mindanao and jolo, and on the coast opposite, mindoro and elin; the encomiendas called zambales, which extend from maribeles to pangasinan; in ylocos, the valley of dinglas, and the encomiendas which extend from ylagua to cagayan, and all those of cagayan; and those which extend along the farther coast from cagayan to mavban; and, finally, all those other islands of like character, which i do not at present remember. in all the aforementioned places, it has been hitherto impossible to collect the tributes, and it will likewise be impossible in the future, should they continue to maintain their present attitude; but whatever has thus far been collected from them we are under obligations to restore. in the other division are included all the remaining encomiendas of the pintados, with the exception of a few in panay where there is religious instruction. in the above division are included the islands of leite, negros, babao, balon, and bohol; and, in the island of panay, the encomienda of captain pedro sarmiento; the encomienda of axuy, which belongs to his majesty and to francisco de rribera; the tingues [hills] of the river of araud which belong to his majesty and to captain juan pablo de carrion and two or three other encomenderos; the islands of marinduque and masbate, and all the others which extend thence to the mouth of the channel; in camarines, the islands of catanduanes and lagunay, and those along the coast and many others which are in this condition. in all the aforesaid places it may be considered a general rule that religious teaching did not, and does not exist--or at least has existed for so short a time that it is practically the same as if it had never existed. moreover, from all the aforesaid places and from others like them, since they have been in such condition that one could travel through them in security (and, if ministers should come, their inhabitants could be instructed), it has been possible to collect a certain amount of tribute, for aid, and support, and expenses. not all, or even half, of the tributes, however, could be collected; if the encomiendas are rather large, only the third part is obtained, and if they are small, only half. moreover, whatever collections were made from these encomiendas could not be made until they had been prepared as aforesaid. inasmuch as this matter is a most difficult one, on account of the danger incurred in collecting from the indians what they do not owe, and when they are not willing that it should be collected, and of depriving the encomenderos of what is due them in case they have fulfilled their obligations toward the indians, this shall be the rule regarding such action as has been taken hitherto by the confessors, namely, that an encomendero who has simply made collections among the indians, without having done them any temporal or spiritual good, shall not be entitled to collect any tributes; if, however, through his endeavors, or by trading with them, they are so well-inclined that he can go about safely among them, and they themselves can be instructed when they have ministers, the encomenderos shall be entitled to collect from them the portion which we have named above. in order that from this time forth, the king in the royal encomiendas, and the encomenderos in theirs, may, as has been stated, collect the third part or the half, the following conditions must be observed: first: that the encomenderos shall endeavor, with the utmost diligence and care, to establish sufficient religious instruction in their encomiendas. in case they are unable to do so, they shall write to his majesty, requesting him to provide the necessary number of ministers to teach the indians; and they shall ask this so earnestly and effectively that his majesty will feel himself under obligation to send ministers. they shall likewise offer, if it be necessary, to pay a part of the expenses which his majesty shall incur in sending the ministers. second: in case ministers cannot at once be found to instruct the natives, orders shall meanwhile be given as to how the encomenderos are to reside in their lands. this should not be done in the manner which has been hitherto practiced, when some of the encomenderos hoping thus to reduce their expenses go to live in their encomiendas (indeed, i know not if there are any who act otherwise), and there employ the indians in the service of themselves, their families, and their houses, taking away their possessions at the lowest price, and treating them as if they were their slaves. they care nothing for instructing the natives, or setting them a good example, or preparing them to receive baptism; on the contrary they exasperate the indians with their harsh treatment, and cause them to abhor the law of god. such encomenderos as these should not reside in their encomiendas: the governor ought to forbid them even to visit those places, and should himself appoint such person or persons as would fulfil toward the indians the obligations which rest upon encomenderos. third: in the encomiendas of the king, and in those of the encomenderos who, for the aforesaid reasons, ought not reside in their encomiendas, such persons shall be appointed, with the approbation of the bishop (to whom his majesty has entrusted this care, and which of right falls to him), as shall fulfil those obligations toward the aforesaid natives which are incumbent upon encomenderos, conformably to the law of god and to what his majesty has provided and commanded in his laws and ordinances--in order that in this manner the indians may be pacified and appeased; and so prepared that, when they shall have ministers, they can receive instruction from them. under these conditions and limitations, the king in his encomiendas, and the encomenderos in theirs, may collect from the said encomiendas something from their current products, for help, maintenance, and expenses. that would be a third part of the tributes, if the encomiendas are large and the religious teaching sufficient therein; but if the encomiendas are small it would be half, as has already been stated. among the encomiendas which maintain religious instruction (although none, or very few, have enough of it), there are some whose inhabitants, although including some christians, are for the most part infidels, and so ill-disposed and so unfavorably situated that it is impossible for them to receive the instruction, since there are not enough ministers in the said encomiendas. even though instruction exists therein, no tribute, or at least very little, ought to be exacted of the infidels until they have ministers to teach them, and the encomendero influences them to give consent, so that they can be taught. in this class of encomiendas are included the tingues of silanga, pasi, tabuco, and maragondon; those of pangasinan, and others in ylocos; and the rest in the island of panay. these encomiendas are among those which have religious instruction: the others have already been enumerated. the encomenderos of these islands have fallen into an error, based upon a misunderstanding of a decree of the king, in which he commands that a fourth part of the tributes from the encomiendas shall be set aside in order to construct churches and to provide for divine worship. they imagine that by virtue of this decree those encomiendas which have never had religious teaching may collect the entire tribute, after setting aside a fourth part of it. moreover, but a small number have set aside this fourth part, and they have done it very seldom. it is an unbearable deception for the encomenderos to hold this view, for this decree does not refer to the encomiendas which, as we have said, are deprived of religious teaching. as for the latter, not only can the king not give them license to collect their tributes, but, even were he here, he himself could not collect them. the aforesaid decree, moreover, treats not of these, but of the encomiendas whose inhabitants are already christian. it is with regard to these that the king commands that a fourth part of the tributes be appropriated for the construction of churches; and that in place of the tithes which they, as christians, owe to the ministers for their maintenance, a certain part of the tributes be appropriated in such wise as may be here decided. afterward, i shall satisfactorily prove that it never entered the king's mind that the encomenderos would, by renouncing the fourth part of the tributes, fulfil their obligations toward their encomiendas. the above is a summary of the contents of the opinion which i am preparing, wherein may be found a more extensive treatment of what i have here set down. in that document your lordship will find complete proofs of what is contained in this summary, accompanied by arguments so cogent and convincing that there is neither room nor possibility for doubt in this matter. two other points are to be found in the clauses furnished to me by the secretary, juan de cuellar, drawn from the instructions which the king, our lord, gave to your lordship for the good government of this land. in one of them there is a discussion of the two reals which his majesty ordered to be added to the tributes hitherto collected. it also contains the views of the theologians of this bishopric, and my own, concerning this increase. your lordship will find them all in the document which, as i said above, i am preparing. inasmuch as the execution of that clause is not immediately pressing, it has not seemed to me necessary to discuss it here. the other clause deals with the means to be employed in establishing religious instruction in the small encomiendas and districts where the said instruction does not exist. concerning this we shall have but little to say at present, not because the affair is free from very great difficulties, in undertaking to accomplish his majesty's orders as contained in the aforesaid clause; but because there is no present occasion for anxiety regarding the establishment of this instruction, inasmuch as there are no ministers to undertake the work. i will only say that, if his majesty does not decree that the small encomiendas be made into a few large ones, it will be most difficult (and indeed almost impossible) to establish therein religious instruction. in conformity with this, your lordship will see how you are to give permission to the encomenderos who do not maintain instruction, so that they may collect from their encomiendas, if your lordship wishes to make secure your own encomienda [46] which i, by this statement, have enabled you to do. may jesus christ, our lord, bestow upon your lordship the light of his grace, so that in all matters you may be enabled to accomplish his holy will, and secure the welfare and protection of these natives, which they so sorely need. from our house, on the twelfth of january of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas. summary of the decision reached by the bishop of these philipinas islands, and the other theologians of this bishopric, concerning the collection of the tributes therein _jesus_ the first conclusion: from the encomiendas which have not had and do not have religious instruction, and have never received from the encomenderos any other benefit or advantage, either spiritual or temporal, than the collection of the tributes, then being left in their former condition (and such are most of the encomiendas in this bishopric), the tributes should not be exacted. but in case they have already been exacted, or shall be in the future, and the encomenderos shall have done no more good therein than they have thus far, those who have made these collections shall be compelled to make restitution therefor to the natives of the said encomiendas. this same obligation also binds those who, being obliged by their office, and having the power to prevent this evil, shall give license, or consent, or permission, that these collections be made. second conclusion: in the encomiendas which, although they may not have had or at present have religious instruction (or so little, and for so short a space of time, that no result can be observed), have been pacified through the earnest endeavors and good works of the encomendero, and whose inhabitants are so subdued as to permit of travel and residence among them, and favorably disposed to receive instruction in case there should be anyone to impart it to them; the encomenderos shall be allowed to collect a certain portion of the tributes--as, for example, the third part, if the encomiendas are of average size (for, if they are large, it is a great deal to collect the third part), and one half, if they are small--by which we understand a population of three hundred indians, or a less number. the tributes thus collected are granted as aid for the encomendero's maintenance, and for the expenses of said pacification. third conclusion: all that was collected from the indians before they were thus rendered willing to pay must be restored to them by those who made such collection, or by those who permitted it, as is stated in the preceding clause. fourth conclusion: all the rest of the said half or third part which has been or shall hereafter be levied upon the indians, before they shall have received sufficient religious instruction, must be restored by those who have made or permitted to be made the aforesaid collections. fifth conclusion: from the encomiendas which have received sufficient religious instruction and whose inhabitants are all, or for the most part, christians; or when those who are not christians have voluntarily held back from conversion--all of the tributes may be collected, provided that care be ever taken that the infidels be persuaded and not compelled or forced to make these payments: indeed, as much concern should be had for them as for the others. let it be understood that the said infidels do not refuse or be adverse to becoming christians; for in this case the tributes may not be exacted from them--or, at least, not all, and even then with their consent. sixth conclusion: in the encomiendas where there are infidels who, through lack of adequate religious instruction, have not received baptism, taxes should not in the past nor shall they at present be collected in full, but according to the manner set down in the second clause. seventh conclusion: although all the inhabitants may be christians, if their religious instruction has been insufficient the encomenderos are obliged to deduct from the tributes all that should be expended for a sufficient number of ministers to impart the necessary instruction. eighth conclusion: in order that an encomienda may be said to possess sufficient and adequate religious instruction, the minister should not be burdened with the care of more souls than he can properly instruct and direct in spiritual matters, so that he can give to all those who are infidels suitable instruction in christian doctrine--not merely so that they know it by rote, but also so that they may understand (so far as they are capable of this) the signification of the words, and the mysteries contained therein. thus, too, he will be able to make each and every one of them understand all that is necessary for them to believe, and know, and do, in order to be good christians. all this should be done before baptism is conferred upon them; and like efforts should be made that no one shall die without the sacrament. when the minister undertakes to baptize them, he must see that they know well what it is, and are prepared for it, and understand what they are receiving--namely, that they are dead to their past life, and are commencing a new one, and from that time forth are new men. as the inhabitants of many of these islands have received baptism without the aforesaid solicitude and preparation, many sacrileges have been committed; and, as a result, many and great misfortunes have ensued, which we can now clearly discern, and yet but poorly remedy. in order that the indians, after their conversion, may have adequate religious teaching, and be taught and instructed and guided in the conduct of their souls, a minister should not have the care of more indians than he can know, visit, and minister to in such wise that all may understand and comprehend the doctrine. then, if anyone is sick, the minister can know of it, and visit and console him in his sickness; and if the sick man be poor, the minister can give him what he may need, or shall find someone to do so, so that the sick man may not die without confession or extreme unction. to the living who are prepared for it, he can administer the eucharist, and can persuade everyone to prepare himself so that he can receive communion, and can labor with all earnestness in making known the great benefits which are contained in the most blessed sacrament, and how much is lost by those who do not partake thereof, and the obligation of all christians to receive it. the minister can thus also personally care for the burial of the dead; and, in short, fulfil with solicitude and concern all the demands and obligations of his office as a priest, and in the care of souls. it is because the ministers in the indias are burdened with so many souls, that we observe so little christianity there, that so many die without the sacraments, and there are so many infidels to be converted. ninth conclusion: as soon as the indians shall have become christians the encomendero may with good conscience exact from them the tributes which are imposed and regulated by his majesty or by persons commissioned by him; and the indians are bound by conscience and justice to pay them, if they have adequate religious instruction and the encomendero fulfils the obligations imposed upon him by his acceptance of the encomienda. tenth conclusion: the encomenderos are under obligation to observe, exactly and faithfully, the instructions given them, that they may not transgress these in regard to the kind of tributes to be paid, or to the age or condition of those who must pay them--under pain of mortal sin, and of making restitution for what they shall have exacted in violation of law or beyond the amount assessed. the damages moreover, which are sustained by the natives in compelling them to pay tributes which they are not bound to pay, and the expenses incurred in making the collections, should be at the cost of the encomenderos and not that of the indians. eleventh conclusion: it is grievous inhumanity and a sort of cruel tyranny to seize the chiefs and keep them prisoners until they pay the tribute of those who fail to do so; and it is a much greater wrong to afflict and torture them while in durance. he who shall make collections in this manner, or permit them to be thus made, is, aside from the mortal sin which he commits, bound to restore to the chiefs the tributes thus exacted from them; and would be most fittingly punished by being deprived of the encomienda of which, through his own wrong-doing, he has made himself unworthy. twelfth conclusion: although the encomiendas are given to the encomenderos in return for their services to the king, our lord, the principal aim and object of his majesty in giving them has not been, nor can it be, only that the indians should pay tribute and render service to the encomenderos; but, on the contrary, that in return for the tributes which are paid them, the encomendero shall be obliged to provide the indians with ministers to instruct and care for them, to defend and protect them, to see that they are not ill-treated, and to answer for them in all necessary matters. it therefore follows that the encomiendas are and should be instituted rather for the good of the indians than for that of the encomenderos; and that the encomenderos cannot be termed, nor are they, the lords of the indians, but their attorneys, tutors, and protectors. thirteenth conclusion: the tributes which the king, our lord, has imposed upon the indians are not, nor can, nor should they be, all for his majesty or for the encomenderos--to whom he allots them in order that from this fund may be taken all that is necessary to support the ministers of religious instruction, and for the embellishment of the churches and divine worship. fourteenth conclusion: the encomenderos who, to avoid or lessen expense, neglect to employ in their encomiendas all the ministers needed to accomplish and fulfil what has been set down in the eighth conclusion are in mortal sin, and cannot be absolved. moreover, it is not enough to say that their encomiendas already have ministers; they must employ as many of these as are necessary to fulfil all the duties there enumerated, according to the number of souls contained in their encomiendas. and the said encomenderos are responsible for all the injuries and evils referred to in the said conclusion, if through their fault there are not ministers to do what should be done. the minister or ministers, moreover, are responsible if, when they have in their care so many indians that they cannot properly minister to them, they shall be unwilling to receive or to look for other ministers to help them. fifteenth conclusion: the number of ministers required for each community cannot be readily determined, since there are not in all the encomiendas the same conditions existing; in some, the people live closer together than in others; and where they are more scattered, or more difficult of access, more ministers will be needed than when they live nearer one another. when they are thus near, and well disposed, five hundred indians are a sufficient number for one conscientious minister to take in charge; and when we shall have an abundant number of ministers, they should be stationed in each encomienda, in that ratio. sixteenth conclusion: if through lack of ministers enough cannot be placed in each encomienda to give adequate instruction, such as can be obtained at the time should be employed, and the encomenderos shall remain under obligation to deduct from the tributes what has been stated in the seventh conclusion. seventeenth conclusion: all that the indians have expended in erecting churches and houses for the ministers, and in their maintenance, through the unwillingness of the encomenderos to pay therefor, the latter are obliged to make good--the entire amount expended, for the maintenance of the ministers; and of that expended for churches and houses, their share. eighteenth conclusion: in order that, from this time forth, the encomenderos who do not maintain religious instruction may collect from their encomiendas the portion which is stated in the second conclusion, the following conditions shall be observed: (1) they shall endeavor, most assiduously and earnestly, to establish religious instruction in their encomiendas, that such establishment shall not be delayed; or, if it be not made, so that the lack cannot be imputed to their negligence and indifference. and, inasmuch as we have not here the requisite number of ministers, the encomenderos shall inform his majesty how great is the lack, and supplicate him promptly to send ministers hither--offering, if it shall be necessary, to pay a part of the expenses to be incurred in sending them hither. (2) the encomenderos shall endeavor, personally or through the medium of persons skilled and competent, in whom may be placed entire confidence that they will deal with the indians as god requires and the king commands, to defend the indians and protect them against the injuries inflicted upon them. they shall strive to influence them, by good works and example, to accept the law of god, most carefully preparing them so that, when they have ministers of the christian doctrine, they can be instructed. they shall not act as do some encomenderos (and most of them are of this sort) who visit their encomiendas not for the good of the indians, but for their own profit; and who, through their presence, work more injury to the indians by the many grievances which they occasion, and the bad example that they set, than the latter are advantaged in being thus pacified. nineteenth conclusion: it has been a very great error on the part of the encomenderos in these islands who do not maintain religious instruction to think that because they contribute a fourth part of the tributes they may collect and keep for themselves the remainder. this is based upon their misinterpretation of a decree of the king which states the portion which is to be appropriated from the tributes for the erection of churches and the support of the ministers (although this decree has already been annulled by others). this decree did not apply to the encomiendas which we here mention; for if the king himself cannot levy tributes, he could ill permit others to do so, excepting the encomiendas which we discussed in the ninth conclusion. twentieth conclusion: what has been already said in the preceding conclusions concerning the encomenderos likewise applies to the encomiendas which belong to the royal crown; for the king is under even greater obligation than are the encomenderos to provide his indians with religious teaching; and to the same extent as they, he is bound to make restitution of all that has been unjustly collected. it follows from this that the officials of the royal exchequer, who are charged with the collection, of the tributes for the king, are obliged in conscience to observe and fulfil all that is stated in the preceding conclusions, and to make restitution of all the tributes, or such part of them as has been or shall be collected contrary to the tenor of the said conclusions. this obligation is all the greater for the governor than for the officials of the royal exchequer; since he, by reason of his office, is bound to care for all the natives of these islands, and not to permit them to be wronged, and to require satisfaction from anyone who may wrong them. twenty-first conclusion: former governors were under obligation, as are those who rule both now and hereafter, to observe and fulfil, in the repartimientos which they assign or shall assign, the provisions contained in section 144 of the royal ordinances drawn up in segovia in the year 73, the tenor of which is as follows: "when the country has been pacified, and its rulers and inhabitants have been reduced to obedience to us, the governor shall, with their consent, direct the partition of the lands among the colonists so that each of them shall be responsible for the indians of his repartimiento, defend and protect them, and provide a minister who shall teach them to live in civilized ways, and shall do for them all else that encomenderos are bound to do for the indians of their repartimientos." in the following section: "the indians who shall be reduced to our obedience and allotted to the conquerors shall be persuaded, in recognition of universal seigniory and jurisdiction which we hold over the indians, to assist us by the payment of a moderate tribute, from the fruits of the soil. it is our will that the tributes thus paid us be collected by the spaniards to whom encomiendas shall be given, for which reason they fulfil the duties to which they are bound." what his majesty commands in these two sections of the said ordinances conforms to both natural and divine law, both of which would be violated if even the king should contravene these ordinances. from this the governors will recognize the obligations under which they are to heed the attitude of the indians whom they must allot in encomiendas, in order not to work against a law as just and necessary as this is. twenty-second conclusion: if in any case the governor allot an encomienda whose inhabitants shall not be in the frame of mind which the aforesaid law requires (a condition which must needs be very rare, and the result of causes so forcible that the king, upon consultation, would consider them of sufficient weight), in order that the governor may not be under obligation to make restitution of what shall be collected therefrom, he is bound to order such encomendero not to collect the tributes until he has, by his earnest endeavors and just treatment, brought the indians to that disposition which, in the aforesaid two sections, his majesty requires. in case the encomendero shall collect the tributes beforehand, the governor shall command him to make restitution; and if, for lack of such orders, the indians shall suffer any wrong, the governor shall be responsible. twenty-third conclusion: the religious who are in the indias are not under obligation to go to spain to obtain other religious; and if they could avoid it they would do wrong in going on account of the great deficiency of ministers caused by such departures. but as the need of ministers is so great, and as they are not sent hither from spain, those who go thither to procure them should be well rewarded for the great hardships that they undergo in bringing religious. his majesty, moreover, and the members of his royal council are under obligation to send back at once, and with suitable provision, those who in their service to god and the king, and for the welfare of these souls, have suffered such hardships. twenty-fourth conclusion: the king our lord and his royal council of the indias are bound to send to these islands so many ministers that they can give adequate instruction to all the natives therein, even if our religious do not go or send for others. twenty-fifth conclusion: his majesty is bound to give orders and to make all possible efforts for the conversion of the infidels--not only those who recognize him and pay tribute, but those who are not under his sway and do not recognize him as their lord--so that they may all come into the knowledge of god and enter the bosom of the church. nor should this be accomplished in the manner hitherto employed employed--namely, by the perversion of all law, divine and human; by murders, robberies, captivities, conflagrations, and the depopulation of villages, estates, and houses. these wrongs are inflicted and perpetrated by those who, under pretext and in the name of preaching the gospel, entered the indias, and have thus profaned the sacred name of god and made the holy gospel odious; and it is by them that our holy religion has been dishonored. but now that his majesty knows what excesses have been committed in these islands, he should order that henceforth they shall cease, and that in the promulgation of the holy gospel the instructions and rules be observed which our lord jesus christ ordained, and which his holy evangelical law directs and commands, and which the holy apostles and the apostolic men who came after them practiced and observed until our wretched times. since the spaniards entered the indias, their excessive cupidity has devised new methods of preaching the gospel such as our lord jesus christ never ordained, or his holy apostles knew; they are not permitted by the law of nature, nor do they agree with reason. i shall send the proofs of these conclusions to your lordship as soon as my occupations give me opportunity and leisure to prove them. at manila, on the eighteenth of january, 1591. _the bishop of the filipinas_ letter from the bishop of the philipinas to the governor _jesus_ in the document which i sent to your lordship the other day was contained the substance of the opinion which i and other theologians of this bishopric hold concerning the collection [of tributes] from the encomiendas in these islands. i then stated that all the matter outlined therein would be sent later to your lordship, proved in detail by convincing arguments. this, however, i have not been able to do, nor will it be possible as long as i must remain in this city; for day and night i am beset by necessary business. for this reason, i would be glad to be able to leave the city for a few days in order that i might conclude this matter--to which, since it is to be brought before his majesty and his royal council, persons who are to consider it with care, it would seem but right that i should also give most careful attention. and yet the truth of all that i say is so manifest that i would be put to little trouble if i were compelled to prove it; but considerable time would be necessary to put it in order. having sent the aforesaid opinion to your lordship, i ceased to concern myself about the matter, for it seemed to me that the document contained (although in outline) all that the truth required, and all that i had to say thereon. accordingly, what remains for me to set down will not be an addition to the aforesaid, but merely an effort to explain it further, and to prove by arguments and authority what has already been stated in brief. the dean informed me this morning that your lordship was awaiting my opinion, and had suspended action until i should send it. i told him that, as far as i was concerned, i had already given it--that is to say, i had told your lordship how i, as well as the other theologians, and right-thinking persons of this bishopric, felt in this matter. it is true, i did not send, as soon as i might, what remained to be said; but that, after all, matters but little for the truth of the affair. as i stated in the opinion which your lordship has in your possession, all that i might afterward say is contained therein. however, in order that your lordship may have a clearer statement of what i sent in that document, and of all else that i have to say, it has seemed expedient to send to your lordship another paper, which accompanies this letter; therein are contained twenty-five conclusions, in which there is a summary of all that may be said in relation to the encomenderos of these islands, concerning both the collection of the tributes, and the obligations of the encomenderos towards the indians of their encomiendas. further, i have stated therein the duties of the governors in respect to their treatment of the indians and the collection of tributes. i thought it best to state those conclusions in the same order as before, since i shall place them in that order in proving them. i fully realize that for those who are accustomed to collect tributes with no other care for the indians of their encomiendas than to obtain their money and then leave them to bear their afflictions, those conclusions must of necessity appear very severe; but, although the truth always hurts those whom it chastises, it should not on that account be suppressed--for, as st. gregory says, one should not be hindered by any obstacle whatever from uttering the truth. the difficulty of this affair, moreover, does not consist in knowing what the truth is (for that is perfectly evident); but in the fact that unrighteous custom favors the powerful, and is hostile to those who, although they can do little, are unwilling to submit to what those who are in power choose to command. but the weak have given thanks to god, who has moved the heart of our most christian king to order that a remedy be applied to so many and so great disorders and excesses, which up to the present time have been so contrary to natural law, and proved so great an impediment to religion and evangelical preaching, and so harmful and prejudicial to the inhabitants of these islands. indeed, if we should hear, as god does, the complaints and outcries which continually arise in the hearts of these people, we would clearly see how much more cause there is for comforting them than for favoring those who have inflicted upon them such injury. and yet, if we but consider this carefully, we shall see that the spaniards have done themselves still greater harm, since they have deprived the indians merely of their property, but have incurred the condemnation of their own souls. i, my lord, do not wish, nor do i pretend, that the encomenderos should die of hunger, or that your lordship should lack the means to fulfil your obligations; but i do maintain that we should have such care for what is right for the spaniards as not to sicken more souls, or cause the gospel to be received in this land not gladly, but by force, and in such wise that it will not avail those who receive it. the king, our lord, need only decree that this matter be left to the conscience of those who govern here; for his majesty cannot examine it with his own eyes, and, consequently, the entire burden falls upon your lordship and upon those of us who have to decide what shall be done. this affair is not one of so little risk as not to require a most careful consideration; for to deprive the spaniards of the right of collecting the tributes from their encomiendas, when they might just as well do so, is to deprive them of their very property, and give them permission to collect from those who do not owe tribute, and to free them from obligation to the indians. thus the entire responsibility would fall upon those who might express their opinion; consequently, it has been necessary, as i have already said, to consider the matter most carefully. this i have done by consulting persons who know and thoroughly understand the point at issue; and by comparing therewith what i have seen and know from experience, and from my knowledge of the law. such are the contents of the conclusions which i herewith send your lordship. i trust that you will be pleased to read them and will expect from me no other opinion than the one therein contained; for i have, and shall have, no other, and there is not a right-minded person in the bishopric who dares maintain the contrary. two points should be especially noted among those which i here set down. the one concerns the second conclusion wherein i make the following statement: from the small encomiendas may be collected half of the tributes even where there is no instruction, if the encomendero fulfils his duties; and from those of average size a third part of the same. although there is, in strictness, no reason why one-half should be collected from the small encomiendas and only a third part from the others, yet after careful consideration, it has seemed to us both equitable and reasonable that, in a very small encomienda, the encomendero should collect from each inhabitant somewhat more for his maintenance than if the inhabitants were numerous and thus could provide, even when a less sum was levied, better support for the encomendero. the other matter for consideration relates to the statements in the third and fourth conclusions concerning the restitution of what has thus far been taken from the natives. in this matter some moderation should be displayed, in view of the present needy condition of the encomenderos. this subject, however, will be discussed later, and the best possible arrangement will be made for assuring the peace of consciences, which we who are here strive to do. it is, too, no small grace to your lordship, that this matter should be considered in your time. i can assure your lordship that there has been much criticism concerning what past governors have permitted, and i do not know how in the end they are to fare with god; for a governor, from the very character of his office, is under obligation to prevent, within his jurisdiction, evils which can be remedied. god will know how to call to account those who have permitted these abuses, and will free your lordship from these difficulties before they have entangled you. your lordship indeed owes much gratitude to god, for, whether or not the encomenderos make any collection, nothing will be cast into your purse without your experiencing much scruple at not having remedied the evil. god knows the scruples and anguish which the past has caused my soul, for, although it seems that i could have done no more than to raise my voice in opposition, and write to his majesty, i am not sure that this will avail me with god, who is wont to dispose of such matters quite otherwise than we imagine; therefore, by giving my views upon this question, and by expressing to your lordship my sentiments. i feel myself exonerated in the sight of god and of men. let your lordship reflect what it is meet to do, for my opinion has been already given. may god, our lord, so enlighten your lordship that in all things you may do what is right. amen. from this, your lordship's house, today, friday, the twenty-fifth of january, 1591. _the bishop of the filipinas_ the governor's reply assuming it to be his majesty's will that, in the encomiendas where, for lack of ministers, instruction is not given, some tribute shall be collected, if only in recognition of services rendered, it seems but fitting that enough should be collected to sustain the encomendero--or, if he should abandon the encomienda, some person who should continue, in his stead, intercourse and relations with the indians, so influencing and directing them that, when they are given instruction, they may receive it willingly; and settling the minds of the indians, so that we can deal with them and travel among them. such persons or encomenderos are accessory to the gospel, and should be supported, as ministers are, by the tributes of the indians--who, if deprived of their presence and left without this intercourse, will doubtless become intractable, and a country which is at present secure and orderly will require a fresh pacification. accordingly i say that if your lordship should order the encomendero to appropriate, for his own maintenance and for necessary expenses (which are so great, and the encomiendas so small), [three--m.] [47] fourths of the tributes, and if the remaining fourth should [be used--m.] for the erection of a church, for ornaments, and other accessories of religious instruction; or, if this fourth part should be remitted to the indians (although, in reality, if they think that by not becoming christians less will be exacted from them, they will never become christians or admit fathers into their territory; and it is certainly better for the indians to have this fourth part held as a deposit for the three years, since at the end of that time [they can add--m.] to it a tribute, and assist in paying the expenses of erecting the church and the costs of other accessories of instruction and other necessary expenses which may arise); and if the above should be asked from them in advance, and as a whole--i maintain, that all this could not be exacted without great injury to the indians. this tribute should be collected with much gentleness toward the indians, without the presence of soldiers and firearms, and without entering their houses. one house should, however, be set apart for the purpose of making these collections, where the indians, summoned in friendly terms, may come voluntarily to pay their tributes; and no other force or pressure should be imposed upon them. moreover, of the increase of two reals in the tributes, only one (and no more) should be exacted, and the aforesaid collection of the three-fourths should be general in all the encomiendas. there are no grounds for making a discrimination between the indian of the large encomienda and the indian of the small one; and if it is right to collect in the one, the same procedure holds good in the other, for the same thing applies to [four--m.] as to forty, which in this case would mean not to change the present and past condition of things, or the universal practice throughout all the indias, by interfering with his majesty's decree. we should consider how little there is in this country besides the tributes, for the support of the encomendero or such person who has to represent him; and that, if the indians should cease to pay the tributes, all would go to destruction; and even were religious instruction to exist, there would be no system for applying it. this instruction, moreover, is not at present in the hands of the encomenderos, for they have asked me, as i believe they have your lordship, to make provision for the same, offering the necessary salary and expenses. accordingly, since this charge is not in their hands, the above means might be justly employed; so that the districts which are disaffected might, with such intercourse, be prepared to receive the gospel in due time. this plan can be followed temporarily, until information concerning it shall reach his majesty--who, i assure your lordship, will straightway adjust the matter by providing these islands, as well as those most distant and as yet unpacified, with sufficient religious instruction; and by determining what share of the cost shall fall to the encomenderos according to the detailed information and report which shall be sent hence to him, together with your lordship's statement. thus all will come to enjoy the fruits of the gospel, which is our principal end and object with these peoples. in return, they are to offer this moderate tribute, which is to facilitate their conversion, to which end everything is directed; and to prepare them for it by this means, without which there would be no way for endeavoring to interest anyone, even if the tribute should amount to many millions. but, with this justification, it can be levied. the encomenderos shall maintain their residence, and, as your lordship justly suggests, shall provide a good example and fair treatment toward the indians of their encomiendas. and, in order that the latter may receive (as your lordship says) some recompense in return, orders shall be given that all the encomiendas, however remote they may be, shall be provided with some administration of justice, with orders to the alcaldes-mayor in whose district these encomiendas chance to be to visit, at stated periods of the year, the indians thereof. the officials shall then settle the disputes and redress the grievances of the indians, bringing them by kind acts into intercourse and friendship with us. where the present number of alcaldes-mayor is not large enough, others shall be sent, in order that thus may be facilitated our intercourse and influence among them. under this pretext of administration of justice and of defense, at least a sufficient maintenance may be derived. let your lordship take this matter into careful consideration. for my own part, cogent reasons oblige me to believe that, if this plan be not carried out, the encomenderos much of necessity abandon their encomiendas, as has [_illegible in ms._] and no one will be found willing to burden himself with this charge and enter into relations with the indians, in return for so small a stipend. even if there were such persons, we could not place in them the confidence that we now have in the encomenderos, in whose virtue and christian spirit his majesty's conscience remains at rest. this would not be so secure in the care of substitutes, who replace persons who have abandoned their holdings, for lack [_illegible in ms._] without much fear of being obliged to give a bad account of either themselves or the indians; and, consequently, instead of introducing our holy faith among them, would only irritate the natives by oppression and ill-treatment. this being so, if the encomenderos should abandon their offices, and no capable persons could be found in their stead, the rule of the spaniards would come to an end in this land; for, as they possess here nothing beyond the encomiendas as a source of profit and a recompense for their services, if they should be deprived of these i fear that they all would depart from the country and it would be depopulated. in such a case, let your lordship consider which of the two evils is the less, and which should be preferred: namely, that matters should remain in their present and past condition until his majesty, after thorough information, make suitable provision; or that, in order to remedy this insignificant evil, we should run the risk of ruining and depopulating all the islands. i, my lord, have not the slightest inclination to go to hell merely because the encomendero collects one or two thousand. after all, whatever your lordship may consent to, and whatever we resolve to do, must be carried out, and i must order it to be executed, with the utmost promptness; for i understand this to be a matter which concerns the welfare of my conscience, wherein his majesty unburdens his. but at present, i am thinking only of the difficulties involved in the execution of this act, which must be so hard for the encomenderos. when, in the establishment and accomplishment of a thing which in itself may be holy and good, there exist such obstacles that by means of them the whole is exposed to risk and danger, and the principal [_illegible in ms._], as your lordship may discern in the case of the religious fathers, who, because they attempted to place the indians in charge of justice, desired them to give up all, and thus there was constraint. yet they had charity and love for them, for otherwise all would be lost. the same injury will be inflicted on the encomendero, if we oblige him to relinquish the tribute, and give him no other means of support. this the king can do, by the decree which is expected. it is certain that the very success of the affair admits of no other outcome than this. for, assuming that his majesty, to unburden his own conscience, should commit to your lordship and to myself the conduct and decision of what should be done in this matter, and should order me to execute what we both might determine, and agree upon, provided your lordship should decide that what you have set down in your opinion and in your conclusions, ought in conscience to be done; and if i should find that, although such action is just and right according to law, yet in attempting to carry it out it would be in no wise proper to run the risk of ruining these islands--in this case your lordship and i do not hold the same opinions, and we should report this to his majesty. in the meantime matters will remain as they now are; and, if resolutions must be adopted, it is much better that we should propose them conjointly to his majesty, with complete harmony and satisfaction on our part, in order that he may give such orders as shall seem best to him. in the meantime we should not undertake [_illegible in ms._] all the more because, considering the affair in its beginnings, the commission and order of his majesty--which instruct me to see that your lordship consider what should and can be done in this matter; and also to execute the resolutions made by our joint agreement, with all the punctuality which is required therein--clearly express the will and determination of his majesty, who mentions only the encomiendas which are at present disaffected, or have never been pacified. it is only concerning these latter, that doubts may be entertained as to the question of collecting the tributes, either in whole or in part (by way of recognition, as is stated in your opinion). these encomiendas are not reached by religious teaching, or by the administration of justice, or by other advantages; and, consequently, are the ones concerning which, as i have said, doubts are entertained. as for those encomiendas which may possess any of the aforesaid benefits, such as religious teaching, the administration of justice, intercourse, and other advantageous relations, there is no occasion for any dispute concerning them; nor should the management of these (as far as our present knowledge goes) be committed to your lordship. it is, therefore, needless to include them in the general rule; but in dealing with the encomiendas which are disaffected, and in those not yet pacified, only a part of the tribute should be collected, for the unburdening of his majesty's and our own consciences. your lordship's, etc. the petition presented to the governor by the city and the encomenderos on the fifteenth of february, 1591 we, the corporation and magistrates of the city of manila, for ourselves, and in the name of all these filipinas islands, and of their encomenderos, settlers, and discoverers, do declare the following: as is well known, many of us came here twenty-seven years ago, when these islands were discovered, and have spent years in the propagation of our holy catholic faith, the defense of the preaching of the gospel, and the service of the king, our lord. on account of this devotion we abandoned our fatherland, and forgot our parents, brothers, and relatives, and the comforts which each one of us possessed; and after having endured the great dangers of a long and hitherto unknown voyage, we settled in a land where we have shed our blood, and suffered the fearful miseries of hunger, thirst, exposure, and many other hardships, so great that they have cost the lives of the many thousands of men who are known to have come to these islands--not to mention all those valiant soldiers who serve his majesty throughout his realm. at the conclusion of so many toils and misfortunes--after we had made this discovery, and had pacified and brought under the royal crown the many vassals who today are to be found throughout these islands, and had brought to the bosom of our faith the great number of souls who have already received baptism--his majesty and the governors in his name have rewarded us by allotting to us a certain number of natives. but these grants are under such limitations and the tributes are so moderate that the most prosperous among us (and there are but few) are living in straitened circumstances, and the others do not receive the half of what is necessary for their sustenance; many of these have no recompense. although our possessions are so scanty, we have been content therewith, inasmuch as we consider them as being a reward which we have won with our blood and so great labors; for we are thereby encouraged to serve our lord and his majesty--enjoying, as we do, these tributes and encomiendas in tranquil and peaceable possession of them, after they have been assigned to us. the king, our lord, also is profited by those who hold positions in the service of his royal crown; for they, with the tributes, assist in the great expenses which his royal patrimony incurs for the churches, religious orders, and ministers of the evangelical teaching, and for the supplies necessary for their maintenance. in this state of affairs it seems that on the part of the bishop of these islands and some of the religious thereof--not only generally, in sermons and in the pulpit, but privately, in the confessional--obstacles and difficulties are imposed upon our consciences by maintaining that we cannot exact the [_illegible in ms._] his majesty those which he exacts, and that we are going straight to hell [_illegible in ms._] and that we are under obligation to make restitution for them. for this reason they refuse us the sacraments of absolution and communion; and, finally, they so obstruct us in the collection of this slender means of livelihood that we, and in fact the whole colony, are continually disconsolate and afflicted, and our consciences disturbed and ill at ease. we know not what plan we are to pursue in making these collections; for if we submit to the constraint which the aforesaid bishop and a portion of the religious would impose upon us, the necessary result will be that we cannot support ourselves, or even live; and his majesty will be unable to meet the costs and expenses necessary for the preservation of the land--although our aim now as always, is to live and die in the service of his majesty like faithful and loyal vassals. we therefore entreat and supplicate your lordship--inasmuch as the royal presence is so distant, and his authority is delegated to you in order to preserve us in peace and justice--to decree, in the name of his majesty, as the person from whose hand we possess these encomiendas, that orders and explicit statements be given us as to what extent and in what manner we are to collect the aforesaid tributes, in order that with definite knowledge and freedom from misunderstanding, and without this present trouble and confusion, we may collect them by virtue of the order which your lordship may give us to make such collections. and so likewise do we entreat your lordship to command that his majesty be informed as promptly as possible of what your lordship shall order and decree, so that he may confirm and approve it, and determine what plan shall be pursued in this matter; and so that we may know and abide by it, and thus be delivered from these scruples and anxieties. in case the above should not be done as we petition, we would be deprived of part of the little that we possess; and, if compelled to make our collections in conformity with the ideas of the bishop and some of the religious, we shall not be able to support ourselves. we therefore entreat your lordship, inasmuch as we do not depart from or fail in what we owe to the service of his majesty as his loyal vassals, to give us permission to depart for spain, where we may serve his majesty in what he shall command us to do, and where he may favor us in proportion to the quality of the services of each one of us; thus we shall receive grace and justice, which is what we request. _francisco mereado dandrade_ _pedro davalos y vargas_ _juan de moron_ _diego de castillo_ _juan pacheco maldonado_ _don francisco de poca y pendara_ _hernan gomez de cespedes_ _don luis enriques de guzman_ _antonio de canedo_ _alonso garrido de salcedo_ [the remaining documents on tributes are presented partly in full, partly in synopsis, because of the repetitions and diffuseness which are frequent therein. such parts as are thus synopsized will appear in brackets.] letter from salazar to the governor [replying (february 8) to the governor's letter, the bishop makes various suggestions. he considers that the responsibility for deciding questions connected with the tribute rests upon himself and the governor, and that it is unnecessary and undesirable to refer them to the king in ordinary cases.] this has been done for the welfare of these natives, or, to speak more exactly, in order that our holy faith may be received in these realms. on account of the many and glaring instances of lawlessness and disorder, this result is not yet accomplished in the greater part of these islands; and even those who have accepted the faith have received from it very little benefit. [salazar urges the governor to meet this responsibility, and with him to determine the amount and methods of collection of the tributes. he remonstrates with the latter against his intention of collecting the whole or most of the tributes from the pagan indians. salazar says:] you state that the encomenderos will not desire the encomiendas, since they will obtain from them so little advantage, but will abandon their holdings; that the indians will become unmanageable, and it will be necessary to pacify them anew, in order to have them instructed; and (which would be still worse) when the encomenderos can not be supported it will be necessary to abandon the country, and the faith will be ruined. this is certainly a very great difficulty, and would be the greatest which could befall us. but god, who has established here the faith, will not permit it to be so easily destroyed. accordingly i maintain, first, that what is assigned to the encomenderos is not too small to support adequately any one of them whatsoever--not with the opulence and abundance that they desire, but as the extreme poverty and wretchedness of the indians allows, and as the little that they have accomplished and are doing requires. for, if the encomienda be of good size, the encomendero can support himself very comfortably with the third part of the tribute, if it is expended in the same encomienda, where goods are held at lower prices; and if the encomienda be small, he may, by way of equity--although by the letter of the law he should take no more than does he who owns a large one--be allowed to collect the half of the tribute, since it would seem that he could not support himself with less. if they must have more, the encomenderos are not of so poor standing as not to have other relations and dealings by which they can increase their property and help to meet their expenses, in order that all the burden may not be laid upon the indians; since even what they collect from the latter according to law they are not entitled to, until they pay the indians what is due them. [salazar goes on to say that there is no danger that the encomiendas will be abandoned under this plan; and that the arrangement which he proposes is for only such time as is necessary to provide adequate religious instruction for the natives. then the full amount of tribute may be collected, and the encomenderos will enjoy all their revenues. most of them will shirk their obligations to the indians, as they have done in the past, unless they are compelled to meet them; and salazar thinks that they will be more ready to provide religious instruction if they are restricted from collecting the tributes until they shall have done so.] he who plants a vine expects to wait until it can mature its fruit; it is only with the indians that the encomenderos will not wait until they are prepared to yield fruit, but are ready at once to cut their throats to make them yield it. and since they have thus far collected so many tributes from the indians without justification for exacting them, it will be right that henceforth they should labor with them, without collecting from them the taxes so harshly, waiting until the indians are prepared for having to pay the tribute; and the real preparation for this is to strive that they shall have instruction. ... for this they deserve some reward, such as the concession made to them in the second conclusion, which seems sufficient return for the little value of all that will be done for the indians until they receive instruction. in order that your lordship may be fully convinced that, even if further limitations should be imposed on the encomenderos, they need not for that abandon their holdings, your lordship should remember that, after coming here, you reduced the salaries of some alcaldes-mayor, and took away those of some deputies; and yet they did not cease on that account to discharge their duties cheerfully, for they can with good conscience take whatever your lordship shall assign to them. why, then, should we fear that the encomenderos will leave their encomiendas, even if they are ordered to collect no more than the third part of the tributes?... former governors, as well as your lordship, have allotted encomiendas, imposing upon them an annual charge, for a limited period, for the benefit of the hospital or of some individual. these were most willingly accepted, the owners knowing that when the annual pension expired the encomiendas remained to them, which they might freely enjoy. it is certain, too, that what the encomenderos collected while the pension lasted was not equal to the third part. why, then, will not the encomenderos endure this pension for so short a time, in order afterward to enjoy the encomiendas freely and with consciences at ease? for they can do that now. [the bishop declares that the conversion of the pagan indians will not be hindered by his plan. not the least hindrance to the conversion of these islands is the harshness with which the tributes are collected from the indians.] it is certain that when the faith is preached to the indians on the plan and with the gentleness which our lord ordained, attended with kind treatment and good examples, in accordance with the requirements of god's law, the infidels will never consider whether or not they have to pay tribute. for if they once reach a real understanding of what it means to be converted to god, and of the benefit which they receive from it, and the evils from which they are set free, not only will they not heed whether or not they are paying tribute, but they will, if necessary, surrender their goods and estates, in order not to remain without baptism. we need not vex ourselves to secure the baptism of infidels who avoid baptism in order not to pay tribute; since it is not such whom god chooses, or whom the church needs. the greatest difficulty for the sangleys who sought baptism has been the command to cut off their hair. it is certain that on this account many have failed to become christians, whereat i have been exceedingly grieved. not that i have not always wished, and still desire, that all of that nation might be converted, and i have exerted myself to that end with all my strength; but when i see one of them hesitate as to cutting off his hair, it seems to me that he has not come for baptism in the right spirit, and for that reason i do not admit him to baptism. those, however, in whose hearts god has moved, and who truly understand what they are receiving (and there are many such), are not disturbed because their hair is cut, or because they are forever abandoning their native land. on the contrary, these persons have broken all ties, and submitted to every requirement, that they might not remain without baptism. it is true that we have baptized some of that nation without requiring them to cut off their hair, through our reasonable consideration toward them; but we have never consented that anyone of them should be baptized until he had made up his mind to allow his hair to be cut: and then he did not know that we intended to baptize him without removing his hair. from the above it may be inferred that the payment of little, or much, or none of the tribute is not in itself a reason for the infidels to avoid baptism; they do so because we oppose so many obstacles to the preaching of the gospel, and set so bad an example, and because it is so preached that they do not understand it. [salazar protests against the notion entertained by the encomenderos that "all their festivities and superfluous expenses should be at the expense of the wretched indians, when they themselves do not fulfil their obligations toward the latter." other persons can support themselves without an encomienda; so those who possess such aid can certainly do something outside of it to meet their expenses. the method of collecting the tributes hitherto has been little more than slavery for the natives; the bishop pleads in eloquent terms that the governor will reform this abuse, and consider the subject from the standpoint of the indians as well as from that of the spaniards.] in order that they may endure their hardships cheerfully, it is well that they should understand the change among the spaniards which has occurred since the coming of your lordship; for their burdens have been lightened by the reduction of the tributes from the former amount; and the spaniards have done what they did not previously--that is, to treat the natives well, and to converse with them in a friendly manner. this, without doubt, will greatly incline them toward our holy christian religion; and then the indians cannot make this a matter of complaint against the spaniards, but will keep silence and yield to whatever commands are given them. [the spaniards have might on their side, and terrorize the weaker natives; but the right only should be considered, and is mainly on the side of the indians. the conquerors have brought forward many specious arguments to justify their oppression, which for a time deceived even the bishop, who expresses his regret and remorse for his own mistakes; but his long experience has opened his eyes, and he espouses the cause of the oppressed indians, urging the governor to consider their needs, without allowing the spaniards to influence him in favor of their selfish and unjust practices. salazar complains that the orders of both the king and the governors have been systematically violated or ignored; that no one has been punished for infractions of law save the poor indians, who often have been justified in these actions.] but even this has not availed them to escape punishment in their persons and property. yet thus far there is no instance known when an encontendero or collector has been punished for even the grossest acts of injustice and injury which they have inflicted upon the indians. and this is the christian spirit and the justice with which we have thus far treated this unfortunate people--we, who came hither to bestow upon them a knowledge of god! notwithstanding all that, we demand that they shall not dare to move, or to open their lips in complaint. but we have a righteous god, who hears them, and in his own time will bestow upon each man according to his deserts. [the audiencia had enacted laws favorable to the indians, which the governor should enforce. for this purpose, it is useless to depend upon the alcaldes-mayor, since most of them care only for their own interests and profit.] on this account the president undertook to reduce the number of the alcaldes-mayor, and to increase the salaries of those who were left, in order to remove from them the temptation to plunder. he also wished to abolish entirely the office of deputy, as he had already begun to do; this would have been no little benefit to the country. [the country will only be injured by attempting to increase the number of officials; they aid in the oppression of the indians, and care nothing for the bishop's efforts to oppose them. if the condition of affairs in luzon is so bad, what must it be in mindanao, or xolo, or other remote districts? the indians can not come to the governor with their grievances, and are helpless in the power of their oppressors.] [salazar briefly state the opinions given by the religious persons whom he has consulted regarding some of the chief points at issue. most of them decide that the third part of the tributes will be enough for any encomendero, no matter how small his holding may be. as for the restitution of tributes unjustly collected, they all conclude that to require the return of all the goods thus acquired by the spaniards would be too severe a penalty for the latter; but that hereafter no encomendero should be allowed to collect tributes from indians unless he shall provide them with religious instruction, and if he shall so collect, he shall be compelled to restore to them the goods thus unjustly obtained. the governor is urgently entreated to investigate the manner in which the encomenderos are dealing with the indians; to adopt and enforce the orders recommended by the clergy; and to permit no spaniard to make collections of tributes unless he fulfil all obligations due from him to the natives. the same course should be pursued in the encomiendas belonging to the royal crown. if the governor will follow this course, the clergy will cooperate with him by refusing absolution to all who disobey.] from our house, february 8, 1591. _fray domingo_, bishop of the philipinas. opinions of the religious [at the request of the governor, the members of the various religious orders furnish him with their opinions regarding the collection of tributes. the augustinians thus conclude, in brief: the natives who enjoy the benefits of spanish protection, the administration of justice, and religious instruction, should pay the entire amount assessed on them as tribute; for it is but just that they should bear the expenses of these benefits. it was spain to whom the holy see allotted the work of converting the pagans of the indias; and, although she has in doing so inflicted many injuries on the natives, she has also conferred upon them many benefits in converting and civilizing them. if she should abandon the islands great evils would result. even tyrannical treatment does not justify vassals in refusing obedience to their rulers--in support of which position many citations are made from the bible and from historical precedents. the spanish rulers are accordingly entitled to collect the moderate tribute which they have imposed on the indians, if they protect and instruct the latter--the condition on which their right to tribute is based; but all should pay alike, infidels as well as christians, when they receive alike those benefits. as for the indians who have not been provided with instruction and the protection of law, no tribute should in any case be demanded from them and whatever has been thus far collected ought to be restored to them in full, as having been unjustly and unrighteously exacted. in the encomiendas which, although once pacified, have since rebelled, a small amount of tribute should be collected, not to maintain the encomendero, but to meet the expenses of restoring order and obedience therein. in other cases, where the encomendero fulfils his obligations in other respects, but fails to provide religious instruction for the natives through lack of ministers, he is entitled to collect only part of the tribute designated--that is, what remains after deducting the amount due for the support of ministers (estimated in proportion to the number of the people), and for the erection and maintenance of churches. in short, the natives should pay only for such benefits as they actually receive. the amount to be paid should be based on the amount expended by the government and the encomenderos in providing those benefits.] in these islands the number of five hundred indians (and in some places even a smaller number) has been assigned to each minister as sufficient for his charge; and to each minister of religion has been given a hundred pesos and a hundred fanégas of rice, all which is worth at least one hundred and twenty-five pesos; this is the fourth part of the five hundred pesos which the five hundred indians are worth to the encomendero. it is then a fair rate of taxation, and usually the most exact, to deduct, when religious instruction is lacking, the fourth part of the tribute. [if the encomienda is governed with justice, its holder may in reason collect the other three-fourths. the fathers remonstrate against the proposal to allow the holder of a small encomienda to collect more than he may who has a large one, as unjust and dangerous. if the fourth part is to be withheld from the encomendero, they think that it should be at once returned to the natives from whom it was taken. they recommend that the governor give orders that the administration of justice be everywhere established in the encomiendas, and then three-fourths of the tributes may be collected. for this, however, they advise the appointment of deputies directly by the governor, to inspect the encomiendas regularly--a duty which will not be satisfactorily performed by the present alcaldes-mayor, or by deputies whom they would appoint; and these persons should be given adequate salaries, to obviate the possibility of their defrauding the natives. the paper is signed by the augustinian provincial, juan de valderrama, and eleven others of the order.] [the franciscans base their opinion upon the right of the king of spain to impose tribute, as derived from the commission given to that country by the holy see for the evangelization of the indians; but this right exists only where the gospel is actually preached. they partially agree with the augustinians, but hold a radically different view as to the amount of collections to be made when the encomendero does not or cannot provide religious instruction, but does protect and defend the natives, and set them a good example. for these services, as tending to prepare the indians for receiving the true faith, he may be entitled to collect one-third of the tributes; but considered simply as temporal benefits, they do not give him any right to do so. even the administration of justice to the indians confers upon him no right in itself; it does so only as it may aid in or support the preaching of the gospel. this opinion is signed by fray pedro baptista and three of his brethren.] [the jesuits regard both religious instruction and the administration of justice as just ground for the imposition and collection of tributes. when the spaniards take possession of any land without providing these benefits, they are only "establishing divisions of territory between the crowns of castilla and portugal," which has nothing to do with levying tributes on the natives of such region. in encomiendas where instruction is not given through lack of ministers, only such part of the tribute may be collected as belongs to the administration of justice; and the part which would be used for the support of religion must be returned to the natives. the fathers cite, in support of their opinion, various learned theologians. they would permit the encomendero who protects his indians, but is unable to maintain religious teaching, to collect means for the support of himself and family--for which purpose they would allow him three-fourths of the tributes. the other fourth should be returned to the indians; and, in districts where there is not and will not soon be religious instruction, this should be done without telling them the reason for such action; otherwise, they will not wish to become christians. they urge that definite and prompt action be taken in regard to this matter. their opinion is signed by antonio sedeño and two other fathers, and is dated february 20.] [the jesuits also send to the bishop a long and learned discussion of the question, answering some of the twenty-five "conclusions" which were adopted by the bishop and clergy (_ante_, p. 276 ff.). their position is the same as that already stated to the governor; but they make a more detailed and full statement of their opinions on certain points mentioned by the bishop. they think that, in encomiendas where both religion and justice are administered, the infidels as well as the christians should pay tribute; for they also are vassals of the king, and receive from him those benefits, and they alone are to blame if they do not profit by the instruction placed before them. where justice is administered, without instruction, the tributes should be collected, after deducting the amount needed for the support of religion.] the fundamental reason why your lordship and we cannot agree in this matter is, that your lordship measures it by standards of sustenance, and we by those of income and just and due tributes; for since there are so many christians here, there is no doubt that the king holds these lands by just title, nor can he in conscience abandon them. [in regard to making restitution to the indians for tributes unjustly collected, the jesuits would exempt from this the governors and royal officials; but it should be required from the encomenderos. if in these matters, however, the bishop and governor do not agree with them, the fathers will support the position taken by those authorities. they desire that the latter shall make definite decision on such points as can be settled, without unnecessary delay. they oppose the bishop's desire to permit the collection of a larger part of the tributes from small encomiendas than from large ones, because this would be not only unjust, but a dangerous precedent and a source of intolerable confusion and uncertainty. the tributes should be considered not as the means of support for the encomendero, but as the right and revenue of the king--a consideration which must shape all conclusions reached upon this subject. the indians are not bound to support the encomendero; that is due him for his services to the king, who gives him the encomienda for this purpose, and for means to carry out the obligations of the king to the indians. if from this some encomenderos grow rich, that concerns only the king; it is well that he should have in his colonies powerful men, "who are the bone and sinew of commonwealths." besides, the labors and responsibilities of these men increase in proportion to the size of their encomiendas; accordingly, they should be duly recompensed. the services rendered to the natives by the king and the encomenderos are enumerated; even those which are secular help to maintain religious instruction, and are also more costly than that; they should then be well recompensed. the restitution to be made by the encomenderos is a matter to be decided by the secular rather than the religious authorities; and such restitution need be only one-fourth of previous collections. a curious piece of information is here furnished: "it is known that a priest's district, even if it is not very large, yields him eight hundred to one thousand pesos; and besides this he has fees for burials, marriages, etc. there are reports, and even numerous complaints, from both secular and religious sources, that for lack of means to pay the fees, many persons do not marry, but live in concubinage." the jesuits think that this fee-system is wrong, and that the priest should be content with his stipend, at least among the poor, whether indians or spaniards; this applies both to regular clergy and to friars. the bishop is urged to remedy this abuse.] [this is followed by another paper, which discusses minutely, from the standpoint of the logician and theologian, the question of collecting tribute from infidels who are not provided with religious instruction; it contains abundant citations from the scriptures and from ecclesiastical writers. as it simply elaborates the opinions they have already stated, we do not here present it.] (_to be concluded_.) bibliographical data _relation of 1586-88_.--the text of this document is obtained from _cartas de indias_, pp. 637-652; but the location of the original ms. is not indicated by the editor of that work. _decree of august 9, 1589_.--this is obtained from the "cedulario indico" in the archivo historico nacional, madrid; its pressmark is: "tomo 7, fº 301, nº 449." _customs of the tagalogs_.--this is one of the appendices to santa inés's _crónica_; see vol. ii, pp. 592-603. _the chinese and the parián_.--this is translated from retana's _archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iii, pp. 47-80. all the remaining documents presented in this volume, are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla, and are translated either from the originals or from transcripts thereof; the pressmark of each is indicated as follows: 1. _letter by vera_ (1588).--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas, vistas en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." 2. _letter by salazar_ (1588).--"simancas-eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años de 1579 á 1599; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 3. _letter by viceroy of india_.--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de esta audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 4. _letter by vera_ (1589).--the same as no. 3. 5. _conspiracy against the spaniards_.--the same as no. 3. 6. _letter by ayala_.--the same as no. 3. 7. _instructions to dasmariñas_.--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años 1568 á 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11, lib. i, fol. 171b-195a, part 2." 8. _letter from portugal_.--the same as no. 3. 9. _grant to salazar_.--"simancas-audiencia de filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes á dha audiencia desde el año 1586 á 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1." 10. _letter by audiencia_.--the same as no. 3. 11. _letter by salazar_ (1590).--the same as no. 2. 12. _decree of july 23_, 1590.--the same as no. 3. 13. _collection of tributes_ (1591).--the same as no. 2. notes [1] this document is published in _cartas de indias_ (pp. 637-652), under the title, "letter of petition from the bishop of manila to the president of the council of the indias, giving information of the religious condition and needs of the filipinas islands; december, 1585." this date is incorrect, as shown by the internal evidence of the document itself, and probably arises from some error in the transcription from the original; the cabildo's letter was dated dec. 31, 1586, and the bishop's on june 25, 1588 (incorrectly printed 1585 in _cartas de indias_). the allusions in this letter indicate that it was addressed to the king, rather than to the president of the council. [2] span., _ynsigne é siempre leal ciudad de manilla_; see the royal decree conferring this title, in _vol_. iii, pp. 250, 251. [3] span., _naguatatos_, originally a mexican word. [4] the alcaicería (silk-market) for the chinese, where their trade was exclusively carried on, was at first located on the pasig river, opposite manila, and was established by peñalosa (1581?). in 1583 it was brought within the city (_vol_. v, p. 237) by his temporary successor, diego ronquillo, and was generally styled "the parián." an interesting description of it is given by salazar in a document, dated 1590, which appears in the present volume, _post_. the parián was long the property of the city; it was destroyed under governor basco y vargas (1778-87), to make room for other edifices, but was rebuilt by him in another location; it was finally destroyed in 1860. see buzeta and bravo's _diccionario_, ii, p. 229; and _los chinos en filipinas_ (manila, 1886). [5] lake bombón, or taal (_vol_. iii, p. 82). [6] we here follow the text as given in _cartas de indias (dos mill)_; but this number, if all the indians in this province were allotted, and the number of those in the royal encomienda is correctly given, should be seven thousand four hundred. [7] in 1579 gabriel de ribera, who had been one of legazpi's officers, was sent to conquer mindanao--an undertaking, however, which was unsuccessful. later, he explored the coasts of borneo and patan, and was afterward sent by peñalosa to spain, to render an account of the conquests thus far made in the indian archipelago. as a reward for ribera's services, felipe ii conferred upon him the title of mariscal de bonbon; it is he who is referred to in our text. [8] according to _u.s. philippine gazetteer_ (pp. 9, 10, 286), there are now in the province of ambos camarines no active volcanoes, although its mountains form a volcanic chain. the peaks of labo, colasi, isarog, and iriga are extinct volcanoes, their height ranging from 4,000 to 6,450 feet. [9] this town was founded by peñalosa (_vol_. v, p. 26), and named for his native town, arevalo in castilla. the former is located a few miles west of iloilo. [10] see candish's own account of this affair in hakluyt's _voyages_ (goldsmid ed.). xvi, pp. 43-45. [11] "the licentiate palacios, alcalde of court in the audiencia of mexico, who in 1581 made official visits to the ports of guatulco and acapulco, where he had charge of the construction of ships intended for the philippine archipelago." (_cartas de indias_, p. 820.) [12] the portuguese admiral don duarte de meneses--who had been present in the negotiations between legazpi and pereira in 1569 (_vol_. ii, pp. 295, 298, 310)--was viceroy of india from november, 1584 until his death, may 15, 1588. he was succeeded in that office by manuel de sousa coutinho, the writer of this letter. see linschoten's _voyage_ (hakluyt society's trans., london, 1885), pp. 174, 200-203. [13] the following table of chinese weights is given in clarke's _weights, measures, and money_ (n.y., 1888): 10 mace = 1 tael; 16 taels = 1 catty or kan; 2 catties = 1 yin; 50 yin = 1 pecul or tam. the catty = 1 1/3 lbs., or 604.8 grammes. hence the pecul = 133 1/3 lbs. the shik is a weight of 160 lbs. in china almost everything is sold by weight. [14] _orejeras_ was the name of a fine grade of gold used by the malays; see _vol_. iii, p. 224, and iv, p. 99. exile thus inflicted was of two kinds. the spanish phrase here is _seis años de destierro precisos_--the last word meaning that the culprit's residence was prescribed in a certain place. in the other form of exile, read, for _precisos, voluntarios_ ("at will"), which may be translated "unconditioned"--that is, he might choose his place of residence. [15] span., _corte_; a now obsolete use of the word, to signify a district of five leagues around the court. it will be remembered that sande, in 1577, fixed the boundaries of the city of manila within this limit. (see _vol_. iv, p. 107.) [16] as the names of these notaries do not appear on the ms. from which our transcript was made, it was probably one of the duplicate despatches sent to spain, rather than the first and original document. [17] apparently a reference to the law found in _recop. leyes indias_ (ed. 1841), lib. viii, tit. xx, ley i, which enumerates the offices that may be sold in the indias. cf. ley i, tit. xxi, which relates to the renunciation of such offices after purchase. [18] this was a lay brother, juan clemente, who came with the first franciscan mission. (1577). he devoted himself to the care of the sick among the natives, and was in charge of a hospital for them (founded by himself) for many years. for an account of this charity, see santa inés's _crónica_, i, pp. 379-392. [19] gómez pérez dasmariñas was corregidor of murcia and cartagena in spain when (in 1589) he was appointed governor of the philippine islands. arriving there in may, 1590, he at once began the task of providing suitable fortifications for manila, and a body of paid troops in place of the irregular and unpaid soldiers who had hitherto been the only dependence of the spanish colony. in october, 1593, he formed a naval expedition to recover the fortress at ternate; but on the way thither he was treacherously slain, with nearly all the spaniards in his galley, by the chinese rowers thereon. see morga's account of him in _sucesos_, cap. v, or in stanley's translation (hakluyt society's publications, no. 39), pp. 32-39; also la concepcion's _hist. de philipinas_, ii, pp. 177-213. [20] the proceedings of sanchez at the spanish court, and the decisions of the government regarding the philippine colony, are fully recounted by la concepción in his _hist. de philipinas_, ii, pp. 103-148. sanchez did not return to the philippines, being assigned by the general of his order to various duties in spain; his death occurred not long afterward. [21] for account of sanchez's embassy, and of his instructions, see the "memorial" adopted by the junta of 1586, with accompanying documents, in _vol_. vi. [22] regarding the rates thus levied, see _vol_. v, pp. 29, 30. [23] this last sentence is literally translated from the ms which we follow; but there is evidently a defect or error in the text--probably arising from some mistake made by the first copyist, as the ms. is not the first original, but a copy made apparently by some government clerk. [24] for the text of this decree, see p. 137, _ante_. [25] with this document cf., throughout, the "relation" by miguel de loarca, in _vol_. v of this series. [26] juan de plasencia, who entered the franciscan order in early youth, came to the philippine islands as one of the first missionaries of that order, in 1577. he was distinguished, in his labors among the natives, for gathering the converts into reductions (villages in which they dwelt apart from the heathen, and under the special care of the missionaries), for establishing numerous primary schools, for his linguistic abilities--being one of the first to form a grammar and vocabulary of the tagal language--and for the ethnological researches embodied in the memoir which is presented in our text. he died at lilio, in the province of la laguna, in 1590. see account of his life in santa inés's _crónica_, i, pp. 512-522; and of his writings, _id_., ii, pp. 590, 591. [27] the betel-nut; see _vol_. iv, p. 222. [28] the aetas, or negritos, were the primitive inhabitants of the philippine islands; but their origin is not certainly known. it is perhaps most probable that they came from papua or new guinea. for various opinions on this point, see zúñiga's _estadismo_ (retana's ed.), i, pp. 422-429; delgado's _historia general_, part i, lib. iii, cap. i; and _report_ of u.s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, pp. 333-335. invasions of the islands by indonesian tribes, of superior strength and culture, drove the negritos into the forest and mountain regions of the islands where they dwelt; they still remain there, in a state of barbarism, but in gradually decreasing numbers. see the _report_ above cited (pp. 347-351), for habitat and physical characteristics of this race. [29] for much curious and interesting information regarding these superstitions, beliefs in demons, etc., see blumentritt's "_diccionario mitológico_," in retana's _archivo_, ii, pp. 345-454. [30] this paragraph is a quite literal translation of the clause therein mentioned; the latter (in portuguese) is at the end of the original ms. of this document. [31] this was the cardinal archduke albert of austria, nephew of felipe ii, who in 1583 appointed albert viceroy of portugal. in that post he remained until 1594, when he was removed to the archiepiscopal see of toledo. [32] the above instructions were intended doubtless for this document. they occupy a separate sheet in the collection of documents, but their position warrants this inference. [33] the first sentence is the official endorsement by the council; the second, evidently that of the king; and the third, that of the council's secretary. [34] the collection of documents of which the above forms a part contains a letter from the licentiate ayala to the king, under date of june 25, 1590. as in so many letters from royal officials, ayala narrates his devotion to the king's service, and especially in the philippines, whither he had been ordered suddenly from the canaries, his previous post. he begs for a position in mexico, and means to return to that country. the king orders that one-half his salary be given him. [35] at that time, java was supposed to contain two islands; the western part, inhabited by the people of sunda, was thought to be separated by a river from the other, forming an entire island. trapobana is a misprint for taprobana, the ancient name of sumatra; and dacheu, for achen (achin). [36] the cahiz is equal to twelve fanégas, or nearly nineteen and one-fifth bushels. [37] villamanrique was removed from his post in 1589, and in his stead as viceroy of nueva españa was appointed luis de velasco, conde de santiago, a son of the second viceroy; he reached mexico on jan. 25, 1590. "the country made steady progress in every branch of industry during velasco's rule; political, commercial, and social conditions were improved, and prosperity prevailed." (bancroft, _hist. mexico_, ii, p. 766.) he held the office until 1595, when he was appointed viceroy of peru. [38] miguel de benavides was born about 1550, and came to the philippines as one of the first dominican missionaries (1587). soon after his return from china, he sailed (1591) for spain, where he acted as procurator of his province. early in 1598, he returned to the philippines as bishop of nueva segovia; but the archbishop santibañez dying in that same year (aug. 14), he was succeeded by benavides. under his administration was begun the college of santo tomás at manila. he died there july 26, 1605. [39] regarding the numbers of chinese residents at manila, see salazar's own statement in his account of the parián (p. 230 _ante_.) [40] the english pirate candish, who plundered the "santa ana." [41] _fuerça_: as here used, indicates violence to law, done by ecclesiastical judges; _see_ note 46, in _vol_. v, p. 292. [42] reference is here made to the archbishop of mexico, who had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the philippines until the archbishopric was created there. at the time when salazar's letter was written, the see of mexico had no incumbent, the diocese being governed by the dean and chapter. [43] the ms. from which this document was translated is evidently a copy of a decree prepared in answer to the request of the citizens of the philippines (see the "memorial" of the general junta, in _vol_. vi, p. 166 ff.). [44] on the back, this document is signed by members of the royal council of the indias. [45] this statement by the bishop, and the twenty-five "conclusions" which follow it are, in the original document from which we copy, misplaced in order of time; we therefore restore them to their proper place, as indicated by their respective dates. [46] apparently a metaphorical use of the word, a religious _double entendre_. [47] the original ms. is in places torn or illegible; and matter enclosed in brackets, with the translator's initial, gives his conjectural readings of lacunæ. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxv, 1635-36 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxv preface 9 documents of 1635 laws regarding navigation and commerce, 1611-35. felipe iii and felipe iv; 1611-35 23 royal decrees, 1633-35. felipe iv; madrid, 1633-35 38 memorial to the king, in the year 1635. juan grao y monfalcon; madrid, september 6 48 manila treasury accounts, 1630-35. gerónimo de ----, and francisco antonio manzelo; august 18, 1638 74 letter of consolation to the jesuits of pintados. juan de bueras, s.j.; manila, february 1 87 letter to felipe iv. andres del sacramento, o.s.f.; nueva caceres, june 2 95 letter from the franciscan commissary-general of the indias. francisco de ocaña, o.s.f.; madrid, june 28 98 opinion of council and royal decree concerning request of manila jesuits for alms. felipe iv, and others; madrid, july 10 100 letter to felipe iv. pedro de arce; manila, october 17 104 documents of 1636 discussion regarding portuguese trade at manila. joseph de navada alvarado, and others; 1632-36 111 decree extending the tenure of encomiendas. felipe iv; madrid, february 1 145 military services of filipinos. juan grau y monfalcon; [madrid], june 13 148 conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities, 1635-36. casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; from his _conquistas de las islas filipinas_ (published at valladolid, 1890, but written early in eighteenth century) 151 letter from a citizen of manila to an absent friend. [unsigned; fabian de santillan y gavilanes?]; manila, june 15 201 request for jesuit missionaries. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; cavile, june 19 297 letter from the bishop of nueva caceres to felipe iv. francisco de zamudio, o.s.a.; manila, june 20 301 list of prominent ecclesiastics in manila and the islands. hernando de guerrero, archbishop of manila; 1636 305 bibliographical data 321 illustrations map of portion of philippine islands and other eastern islands; photographic facsimile of original portuguese ms. map of 1635, by pedro berthelot, in the british museum 56, 57 view of chinese junks; photographic facsimile of engraving in _recueil des voiages comp. indes orient_. pais-bas (amsterdam, 1725) iii, p. 285; from copy in the library of wisconsin historical society 116 plan of the "island of manila;" drawn by a portuguese artist, _ca._ 1635; photographic facsimile of the original ms. map in british museum 133 autograph signature of sebastian de corcuera; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 299 preface the scope of the present volume (1635-36) is mainly commercial and financial matters on the one hand, and ecclesiastical affairs on the other. the paternalistic tendencies of the spanish government are obvious in the former direction, with various restrictions on trade, and annoying imposts on all classes of people. the portuguese of macao are accused of ruining the chinese trade with the islands, absorbing it to their own profit and the injury of the spaniards. in ecclesiastical circles, the topic of prime interest is the controversy between governor corcuera and archbishop guerrero, ending in the latter's exile to mariveles island; it is an important episode in the continual struggle between church and state for supremacy, and as such rightly demands large space and attention in this series. in this and several other documents may be noticed the steadily increasing influence and power of the jesuit order in the philippines at that period. from _recopilación de leyes de las indias_ (lib. ix, tit. xxxxv) are compiled a series of laws relating to navigation and commerce, dated from 1611 to 1635--in continuation of those already given in vol. xvii of this series. married men going from nueva españa must take their wives also, or provide for them while absent. convents shall not allow chinese merchandise to be concealed in their houses. royal officials who may sail in any fleet sent from spain to the philippines are forbidden to carry any merchandise thither on their private accounts. flour for government use in the islands shall be provided there, and not be brought from nueva españa. the lading on the trading ships to that country must be allotted more equitably, and for the general welfare of the philippine colonists. disabled or incapable seamen must not be taken on these ships; provision is made for the protection and safety of the indian deck-hands thereon; and only persons of rank are allowed to carry more than one slave each. trade between mexico and peru is again forbidden; and private persons in the philippines are not permitted to send ships, soldiers, or seamen to the mainland or other regions outside the islands. the valuation of merchandise taken to nueva españa from filipinas shall be made at mexico, according to certain regulations. the officers of the trading ships shall be paid for four months only, each voyage; and the ships must leave acapulco by december, and reach the islands by march. extortion from the sailors by the royal officials at acapulco is strictly forbidden. the official appointed to inspect the chinese ships at manila must be chosen, not by the governor alone, but by him and the audiencia jointly. the shipment of money from new mexico to filipinas in excess of the amount allowed is forbidden under heavy penalties. the governors of filipinas must keep the shipyards well equipped and provided. the ships that sail thence to nueva españa must depart in june; and careful account must be taken, by special officials, of all goods in the cargoes, and of all that the vessels carry on the return trip. a group of royal decrees and orders occurs during the years 1633-35, concerning various interests of the philippines. the viceroy of nueva españa is ordered (september 30, 1633) to see that the seamen needed in the islands be well treated at acapulco, and allowed to invest some money in the mexican trade. the governor of the philippines is warned (march 10, 1634) to see that the lading of vessels in that trade be equitably allotted to the citizens. the viceroy is directed, at the same time, to send more reënforcements of men to the islands. the moneys granted to the city for its fortifications have been diverted to the general fund; the governor is notified (september 9, 1634) to correct this, and, two months later, to prevent the portuguese of macao from trading in the islands. again (february 16, 1635) he is directed to prevent people from leaving the philippines, and religious from going to japan; and at the same time is despatched a reply to the audiencia regarding some matters of which they had informed the king. the governor is ordered (november 5, 1635) to see that the garrisons in ternate are regularly changed. juan grau y monfalcón, procurator-general for the philippines at the spanish court, memorializes the king (1635) regarding the importance of those islands to spain, which country should preserve her domain there, not only for the service of god and the spread of the catholic faith, but for the increase of the royal revenues. the writer gives a summary of the chinese population in the islands, and the extent of their trade; the number of indians paying tribute, and their products. the spaniards of manila are greatly impoverished by their losses in conflagrations and shipwrecks, and need royal aid. if it be not given them, manila will be lost to the dutch, whose increasing power and wealth in the orient is described. especially do they request the abolition of the additional duty of two per cent on goods exported to nueva españa, which they are unable to pay. the history of this tax is outlined, and numerous reasons for its abolition are adduced. the inhabitants of manila no longer make large profits in their trade with nueva españa; nor are the expenses of that trade such a burden as formerly on the royal treasury. the same results are really obtained from the tax levied on the chinese goods that are carried to manila, and this additional tax is too heavy a burden on the people. the royal duties alone amount to twenty-seven per cent on their investments of capital, and the costs and expenses to even a greater sum. too much pressure of this sort will cause the people of manila to abandon entirely a profitless trade; in that case the customs duties would cease, and the islands would fall into the hands of the dutch. the misfortunes and losses of manila by fires and shipwrecks must also be taken into account, as well as the loyalty with which they serve the crown--always ready to risk their lives and property for it, and often loaning money to the treasury in its needs. the royal fiscal makes reply to this document, advising the royal council to give this matter very careful attention, and to consider not only the need of the inhabitants but the low condition of the royal finances; he recommends mild measures. the procurator thereupon urges, in brief, some of his former arguments (also citing precedents) for the discontinuance of the two per cent duty. an interesting compilation from the accounts of the royal treasury at manila shows the total receipts in each of its different funds for the five years ending january 1, 1635, each year separately. a letter of consolation to the jesuits of pintados who have suffered so much from the moro pirates is sent out (february 1, 1635) by the provincial of the order, juan de bueras. andrés del sacramento, a franciscan friar at nueva cáceres, complains to the king (june 2, 1635) of interference in the affairs of that order by certain brethren of the observantine branch, who have by their schemes obtained control of the filipinas province; and asks that the king assign the province to one or the other branch, allowing no one else to enter it. about the same time, a high franciscan official at madrid writes, probably to one of the king's councilors, promising to investigate and punish certain lawless acts by manila friars of his order. the jesuits of manila having asked for a grant from the royal treasury to rebuild their residence there, the matter is discussed in the royal council, and a decree issued (july 10, 1635) ordering the governor of the philippines to investigate the need for such appropriation, and to report it, with other information, to the king. pedro de arce, who has been ruler _ad interim_ of the archdiocese of manila, notifies the king (october 17, 1635) of his return to his own bishopric of cebú; and of his entrusting to the jesuits the spiritual care of the natives of mindanao, where the spanish fortress of zamboanga has been recently established. he asks the king to confirm this, and to send them more missionaries of their order. in 1632 a memorial is presented before the municipal council of manila by one of its regidors, representing the injuries and losses arising from the trade which has been commenced there by the portuguese of macao. it seems that they have absorbed the trade formerly carried on by the chinese with manila, and have so increased the prices of goods that the citizens cannot make a profit on the goods that they send to nueva españa. navada presents seventeen considerations and arguments regarding this condition of affairs. he states that in earlier years the authorities of manila forbade the portuguese to come to manila, for the same reasons that are now so urgent; that investments of capital are now seldom made by citizens of the philippines, for lack of returns thereon; and that the royal revenues are defrauded by the enormous losses in the proceeds from the customs duties on the goods brought by the portuguese, as compared with those realized on the goods of the sangley traders. the portuguese are making enormous profits, and this is ruining the citizens of the islands; moreover, they buy their goods from the chinese at sufficient prices to satisfy the latter, and they misrepresent the condition and actions of the spaniards, so that the chinese are prevented from coming to manila. the portuguese will make no fair agreement as to prices, and some of them remain in manila to sell their left-over goods; and these even ship goods to nueva españa in the royal ships, with the connivance of certain citizens--all of which defrauds the spaniards, and violates the royal decrees. moreover, the portuguese bring from china only silks, for the sake of the great profits thereon; while cotton cloth and other articles needed by the poor (which formerly were supplied by the sangleys) are now scarce and high-priced. the portuguese should be forbidden to carry on the china trade; this would quickly restore its conduct by the chinese themselves, and funds to the royal treasury from the increase in customs duties. manila is the only market for this trade, and can easily hold it. the portuguese have even carried their insolence so far as to attack the chinese trading ships (for which the audiencia has neglected to render justice to the chinese); they also ill-treat spaniards who go to trade at macao, and deal dishonestly with those who let them sell goods on commission. if the portuguese are forbidden to trade in manila, the chinese will again come to trade; the citizens will enjoy good profits on their investments, and incomes from their possessions in the parián. this memorial by navada is discussed by the city council, who unanimously decide to adopt his recommendations and to place the matter before the governor and the citizens. the spanish government favor (1634-36) depriving the portuguese of the manila trade, and decrees are sent to the islands empowering the governor and other officials to do what seems best in the case. to these papers are added a letter to the king by juan grau y monfalcón, urging that the decree of 1593 be reissued, forbidding any spanish vassals to buy goods in china, these to be carried to manila by the chinese at their own risk. he submits, with his letter, tables showing the comparative amounts of duties collected at manila on the goods brought by the chinese and the portuguese respectively; also a copy of the aforesaid decree of 1593. a royal decree of february 1, 1636, prolongs the tenure of encomiendas for another generation, in certain of the spanish colonies, in consideration of contributions by the holders to the royal treasury; and various directions are given for procedure therein. the procurator monfalcón, in a letter to the king (june 13, 1636), commends the military services of the filipinos, and asks for some tokens of royal appreciation of their loyalty. an account of conflicts between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in 1635-36 is taken from the _conquistas_ of the augustinian writer fray casimiro diaz. with this main subject he interpolates other matters from the general annals of that time. among these is a relation of the piratical raids of the moros into leyte and panay in 1634; the invaders kill a jesuit priest. in june of the following year arrives the new governor, sebastián hurtado de corcuera. at the same time, archbishop guerrero begins his rule over the churches of the islands; and controversies at once arise between him and the governor over the royal patronage and other church affairs. among these is an attempt to divide the dominican province into two, which is favored by corcuera. this arouses bitter controversies, which involve both ecclesiastics and laymen and many conflicting interests. a case occurs in manila in which a criminal's right of sanctuary in a church is involved; this leads to various complications between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, involving also the religious orders--the jesuits siding with the governor, the other orders with the archbishop. the successive events and acts in this controversy are quite fully related, the writer, as would naturally be expected, placing most of the blame upon the governor. a truce is made between the parties (january, 1636), but it soon falls apart and the quarrels begin anew; they go to such lengths that finally (in may of that year) the archbishop is sent into exile on mariveles island, in manila bay. the cathedral cabildo take charge _ad interim_ of the archdiocese. within a month, however, the archbishop is released, and permitted to return to the charge of his diocese, but on humiliating conditions. diaz notes that ever after this episode governor corcuera was followed by losses, troubles, and afflictions; that many of his relatives and partisans came to untimely ends; that the archiepiscopal palace of that time was utterly destroyed in subsequent earthquakes; and that after the persecution of the archbishop the sardines in manila bay almost wholly disappeared. even after the prelate's restoration, other controversies arise, which embitter his few remaining years; and he narrowly escapes capture by the moro pirates. another account of the contentions of the governor with the archbishop and the orders is that given in a "letter written by a citizen of manila to an absent friend" (june 15, 1636); it is obtained from one of the jesuit documents preserved at madrid. the events of that controversy are narrated from a different standpoint than diaz's--defending the governor and the jesuits, and blaming the friars for having caused most of the trouble. the writer makes his account more valuable by presenting various documents and letters concerned in the affair; and describes many occurrences that do not appear in other accounts. this letter is also avowedly despatched to refute certain statements made by the dominicans in their version of the controversy of 1635-36. it is evidently written by some friend of the jesuits who was a lawyer--possibly by fabian de santillan, whom they appointed judge-conservator against the bishop. in it is a curiously lifelike and interesting picture of the dissensions that then involved all circles of manila officialdom, both civil and religious; and of certain aspects of human nature which are highly interesting, even if not always edifying. governor corcuera writes to felipe iv (june 19, 1636), commending the jesuits and their work in the islands, and asking that more of them be sent thither, in preference to those of other orders. the bishop of nueva cáceres also writes by the same mail, commending corcuera and complaining of the hostility displayed by the orders against the governor, and of their ambition and arrogance. the bishop (himself an augustinian) arraigns all the friar orders except his own, in scathing terms, saying of these religious: "they live without god, without king, and without law, ... as they please, and there is no further law than their own wills." "they say openly in their missions that they are kings and popes." zamudio accuses them of being "notorious traders," of domineering over both the indians and the alcaldes-mayor, and of infringing upon the royal patronage; and claims that the conduct of the franciscans in camarines is such that he cannot remain there in his own diocese. he ascribes the late troubles with the archbishop mainly to the mischievous influence of the friars, and explains his restoration to his see as "the act of a christian gentleman" on corcuera's part. the friars in zamudio's diocese have refused to let him make a visitation among them, although he obtained from the governor a guard of soldiers to protect him. he recommends that the friars be deprived of their missions, and replaced by secular priests. the archbishop of manila furnishes (1636) a list of the persons composing the ecclesiastical cabildo of the manila cathedral; and another, of ecclesiastics outside that body from whom might well be supplied any positions in the cabildo which his majesty might be pleased to declare vacant. in each case the archbishop mentions various particulars of the man's age, family, qualifications for office, etc., and of his career thus far in the church. according to the archbishop, some of those now in the cabildo are quite unworthy or incompetent for such positions. _the editors_ april, 1905. documents of 1635 laws regarding navigation and commerce, 1611-35. felipe iii and felipe iv; 1611-35. royal decrees, 1633-35. felipe iv; 1633-35. memorial to the king, in the year 1635. juan grao y monfalcon; september 6. manila treasury accounts, 1630-35. geronimo de ----, and francisco antonio manzelo; august 13, 1638. letter of consolation to the jesuits of pintados. juan de bueras, s.j.; february 1. letter to felipe iv. andres del sacramento, o.s.f.; june 2. letter from the franciscan commissary-general of the indias. francisco de ocaña, o.s.f.; june 28. opinion of council and royal decree concerning request of manila jesuits for alms. felipe iv, and others; july 10. letter to felipe iv. pedro de arce; october 17. _sources_: the first of these documents is taken from the _recopilación de leyes de indias_, lib. ix, tit. xxxxv; the second, from the "cedulario indico" in the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the third, from a ms. in the biblioteca nacional, madrid; the fourth, sixth, and seventh, from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the fifth, from a ms. in the academia real de la historia, madrid; and the last two, from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_. _translations_: all these documents are translated by james a. robertson. laws regarding navigation and commerce [the first installment of these laws is given in vol. xvii, pp. 27-50. the laws in the present installment date from 1611 to 1635. the method of treatment is the same as in the laws of the above volume.] law xxx the viceroy of nueva españa shall not allow any married man to pass thence to filipinas unless he take his wife with him, or unless he have permission to leave the country for a limited time, after giving bonds that he will return within the time set; and provided he leave his wife what is necessary for her support. in no other way [shall he be allowed to go]. [felipe iii--guadarrama, november 12. 1611.] law xxxiii many religious and laymen come to these kingdoms from the filipinas islands by way of eastern india, abandoning their ministries and employments. we order the governor and captain-general to be very careful about applying the remedy, and that he give notice of this to the bishops and to the superiors of the orders in what pertains to them; and the said governor shall maintain especial watch over the laymen so that they may not go by that route. [felipe iii--valladolid, november 4, 1612.] law lxxii we charge the regular prelates that they watch very carefully and give strict commands in all the convents and houses of their orders, that under no consideration shall chinese merchandise be concealed or hidden therein; and any violation of this rule shall be punished. [felipe iii--valladolid, august 20, 1615.] law xlvi our fiscal of the royal audiencia of manila shall take part in the allotment of the toneladas that are allowed to be distributed; and it shall be done with his consent and in his presence. in the same way he shall be present at the transaction of business in our royal treasury. nothing shall be attended to unless he be present, and he shall endeavor to avoid the losses and injuries that may arise in the aforesaid [his absence]. [felipe iii--mérida, may 4, 1619.] law xxxvii if any foreigners are engaged in the filipinas islands in the occupation of sailors, or if they come to nueva españa in the ships, in the line of that trade-route, they shall not be molested, nor shall they be obliged to make agreements. if any trouble result from this, we order the viceroy of nueva españa and the governor of filipinas to advise us thereof in our council of the indias, so that suitable measures may be taken. [felipe iii--santaren, october 13, 1619.] law vii it may be necessary and advisable to send a fleet from these kingdoms to the filipinas islands by the cape of buena esperanza or the straits of magallanes and san vicente. those who shall sail to serve us may happen to carry in the fleet investments of merchandise, wines, oils, and other things, and with that object undertake that voyage, and be the cause of delay or loss to the fleet by their making a pretext of difficulties, from which might result great inconveniences. in order that such may be prevented, we order that when any such fleet shall be sent, no person, of whatever rank or condition he be, shall lade or allow to be laded in it any of the aforesaid goods, under penalty of losing his life and of the confiscation of his property. if such a thing happens [_i.e._, that a fleet be despatched], this law shall be proclaimed in the port whence the said fleet sails, so that it may be obeyed and observed. [felipe iii--madrid, december 12, 1619.] law viii in the fleets that shall sail from these kingdoms to filipinas in order to succor them, or for matters of our service, married pilots may embark, even though they leave their wives in these kingdoms. and because when they shall have reached the said islands, they will wish to return to their families, and it is right that no obstructions be placed in their way, and in that of others, we order the governors to allow them to return and perform their voyage, and to give them the necessary despatches. [felipe iii--madrid, december 12, 1619.] law xxvi there is sufficient flour in the filipinas for the supplies that are provided there on our account. inasmuch as that taken from nueva españa is not so good, we order that provision of this product be not made from nueva españa, in consideration of the fact that it is advisable to benefit our royal treasury as far as possible. [felipe iii--madrid, may 23, 1620.] law xlv in the permission conceded to the inhabitants of filipinas of the lading-space in the ships that sail to nueva españa, it is ordered that this be distributed according to their rank and wealth. notwithstanding, the governors do not make the allotment in accordance with this order. sometimes they give it, under pretext of gratuities, to officers on half-pay, thus obliging the inhabitants to buy space at excessive prices. sometimes they allot many toneladas for charitable purposes, in order that these may be sold, and the price [obtained for them] be used therefor, to the prejudice of the general welfare; this results from causing them to be sold to those who will pay the best price for them, and merchants who have companies in méjico buying them--to whom a great part of the merchandise generally belongs, to the prejudice of the citizens to whom is conceded the permission by which favor is shown them. we order and command the governors to observe the ordinance; and if they violate it, it will be placed as a clause in their residencia. [felipe iii--madrid, may 23, 1620.] law xix the ships which shall be built for the trade between filipinas and nueva españa shall have and shall without fail carry their hearths under the forecastle, and in no other part. in no case shall they be carried above deck. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1620.] law xlix the accommodations distributed to the officers in the ships of filipinas shall be moderate, and shall conform to the capacity of the ships. the governor shall assign to each one the space which he may occupy and fill, and he shall not exceed it. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1620.] law li in the enrollments of seamen which are made in filipinas, it occurs that a ship admits and carries sixty sailors, not thirty of whom are of use, and in time of need there is no one to work; and there is signal danger in so long and difficult a voyage. we order the governor and captain-general always to provide and order that the sailors and common seamen be effective. if our officials do not comply with this, it shall be placed as a clause in their residencias. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1620.] law liii the indian deck-hands on the ships of filipinas shall all be from that coast; and shall be clothed, in order to protect themselves from the cold of the voyage. our fiscal of the audiencia of manila shall enroll, and take a memorandum of, the indian deckhands who shall be embarked. on the return from the voyage, he shall take account from the ship's officers of the payments and treatment that shall have been given the indians. if any of them shall have died from the causes above mentioned, complaint shall be lodged against the guilty, until they are punished as a warning and example; and it shall be a charge in their residencia against the said officers, who must be obliged to give account of those indians. if any indian die from sickness or accident, a report must be made of it in the same vessel, as soon as it happens; and if they do not do that, and the indian dies, they shall be considered as confessed criminals, guilty of the crime. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1620.] law lv inasmuch as many slaves are usually carried in the ships from filipinas, who consume the provisions, we order and command that no passenger or sailor shall take more than one slave, except persons of rank, and that for good cause, and with careful restriction. and inasmuch as the duties are paid in acapulco on those who are sold there, because of the inconvenience of paying them in manila, we order that the president and auditors of our royal audiencia of filipinas provide that it be so observed and executed. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1620.] law lvii we order that our royal audiencia of manila rate the amount of what the mates on the ships shall exact in the port of acapulco for the guard of boxes, barrels, and other articles of merchandise. if this be exceeded, claims may be made against them in their residencias at the end of their voyages. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1620.] law lxxvii some ships sail from the ports of callao and guayaquil to nicaragua and guatemala, under pretext of going for pitch and other things, and then often go from there to the port of acapulco to lade chinese cloth, in return for a great sum of silver which they carry, practicing many efforts and frauds. we order that under no consideration may any ships or other vessels from the said ports or provinces of perú go to that of acapulco; and that the viceroys shall order and take what measures may be necessary so that this be obeyed and observed. they shall impose what penalties they choose; and they shall execute those penalties on the transgressors in a severe and exemplary manner. [felipe iv--san lorenzo, october 20, 1621.] law xxxviii we order and command the governors of filipinas not to permit private persons of those islands to despatch ships to macan, malaca, siam, camboja, and other parts of that archipelago, or to take seamen or soldiers in them; for it is advisable to have ships and a fleet ready for the defense of manila, which can be defended or garrisoned in no other way; and they shall attend to the correction of this as a thing so important, and shall give such orders as are most expedient. [felipe iv--madrid, december 31, 1622.] law lxiii by reason of haste in the despatch [of the ships], the clerks of the register are usually left, through forgetfulness, with some registers which have been made of the merchandise; and, as the registers do not appear, the judges condemn the goods as confiscated. we order the viceroy and auditors of our royal audiencia of méjico that, when this happens, they shall enact justice [1] so that the parties' right to collect it shall remain free. [felipe iv--madrid, october 9, 1623.] law xxii the governors and captains-general of the filipinas islands and maluco, and our other judges and justices, shall observe and shall cause to be observed all the privileges, immunities, and exemptions of the artillerymen on that route and commerce, and of those who live at the ports, forts, and fortifications, which for that reason belong to them, in respect to the trade of the indias from these kingdoms to those islands, in accordance with título 22 of this book. [2] [felipe iv--madrid, december 6, 1624.] law lxxix we permit the viceroys, auditors, governors, royal officials, and government agents who shall have been appointed, and who have to go by way of the south sea from nueva españa to petú, and from there to nueva españa, to take their property registered, if they swear that it is their own and not another's under penalty of incurring confiscation [of the same]. [felipe iv--madrid (?), october 5, 1626.] law lxii we declare and order that the valuation of merchandise taken to nueva españa from filipinas shall be made in méjico by an accountant of the bureau of accounts, an officer of our royal treasury of the said city, and one of the members of the consulate of the said city. the viceroy shall appoint them every year, one fortnight before the said valuations are to be made, and he shall have special care in the making such appointment. in case that there shall be any discord between the three said persons, the viceroy shall appoint another accountant and royal official other than the first, so that these may meet with them. that measure which has two votes shall be adopted, even though they be but two who are in complete harmony. and if they should not be in harmony, and should be two to two of different opinions, they shall have recourse to the viceroy; and the decision of that side with which he shall agree shall be put into execution, without reply or contradiction. [3] [felipe iv--madrid, june 4, 1627.] law lxvii we order all the judges and justices before whom chinese cloth shall be denounced as being contraband, not to condemn it as confiscated; but to send it to these kingdoms in a separate account directed to the president and official judges of the house of trade of sevilla, so that it may be sent from there to the treasurer of our council of the indias. thus shall it be done on all the occasions that arise. [4] [felipe iii--madrid, april 18, 1617; felipe iv--madrid, march 3, 1629.] law l the commander and officers whom the governor of filipinas appoints for the ships sailing to nueva españa, shall not be aided with pay for more than four months, both in méjico and filipinas. at the termination of the trip, their accounts shall be balanced, and the remainder for the time while they shall have served, and no more, shall be paid them. [felipe iv--madrid, december 14, 1630.] law xiii our fiscal of the audiencia of filipinas shall, according to the settled custom, be present at the inspection of ships which is made in the port of manila, on those ships which come from nueva españa and other parts; and he shall denounce those which carry more than what is permitted. the judges who shall try the cause shall apply the merchandise denounced to our royal exchequer, and shall punish the guilty rigorously. [felipe iii--madrid, may 4, 1619; felipe iv--madrid, march 25, 1633.] law lxxiii in the court trials regarding the seizures of smuggled goods from china which shall be seized in perú, what shall pertain to the denouncers--namely, their third part--shall be paid to them immediately in money, provided it does not pass or exceed that ordered by laws of título 17, libro 8, which treat of seizures of smuggled goods, irregularities, and confiscations; and provided that the money be not taken from our royal treasury under any consideration, but from expenses of justice or fines forfeited to the treasury, or from the proceeds from merchandise or other articles which generally come with those that are contraband and outside the register, which are not from china, or of those prohibited to be sold or traded in perú. we charge the viceroys to advise us on all occasions, with specification, of these denunciations, and of the part given to the denouncer, and in what quantity and kind, making us a clear and distinct relation. [felipe iv--madrid, march 31, 1633.] law xxxi it was ordered that the ships that go from nueva españa to filipinas must sail from the port of acapulco by the end of march, without extending even a day into april. and inasmuch as we are informed that that is inconvenient, we order that the ships be prepared with all that is necessary by december, so that at the end of that month, they may leave the said port of acapulco, so that they may be able to arrive at the said islands, at the latest, some time in march. it is our will that this be executed inviolably, and it will be made a charge of omission in the residencia of the viceroys of nueva españa; and, if they do not so do, we shall consider ourselves disserved. [felipe iv--madrid, august 26, 1633.] law xxv we order the viceroys of nueva españa to give the necessary orders, and to take suitable precautions, that the provision which is made annually for the departure of the ships which sail from the port of acapulco to filipinas be made there very seasonably, so that the ships may not be detained, or those who are to embark suffer because of the short time allowed for departure or the inadequate provision of food. [felipe iv--madrid, september 30, 1633.] law lxi inasmuch as it has come to our notice that the agents and officials of our royal treasury at the port of acapulco maltreat the sailors and others who come from the filipinas islands, and cause them much trouble and vexation, by obliging them to give up what they carry, obtained through so long and arduous a voyage: we order the viceroys of nueva españa to have the matter examined, and the guilty punished. they shall establish what remedy seems to them most effective, so that like offenses may be avoided. [felipe iv--madrid, september 30, 1633.] law iii it is usual for the governor and captain-general of filipinas to appoint a person for the inspection of the chinese ships when they come with their merchandise to the city of manila. that person is usually one of his household, and from it follow certain injuries, and no one dares to demand satisfaction. we order the said governor and the royal audiencia of manila to meet to discuss this matter, and to choose a suitable person for this office. they shall endeavor to select one fitted for this task, and acceptable to the natives and foreigners. they shall take in this regard the measures which are expedient, and shall always advise us through our council of the indias of the person whom they shall elect, and of all else necessary for the good of that community. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, august 25, 1620; felipe iv--madrid, november 10, 1634.] law xiv we order that money from nueva españa shall not be sent to filipinas in excess of what is permitted; and all that is found en route from acapulco without a written permit, beyond the apportionment made of the five hundred thousand pesos permitted, shall be confiscated and applied to our treasury and exchequer. the driver who shall carry such money shall incur the confiscation of his beasts of burden and slaves, and a fine of two thousand castilian ducados, applied in the same way [as the above], and the stewards in charge of the illegal funds shall be punished with ten years' service in terrenate. [felipe iv--madrid, january 30, 1635.] law xliii the governors of filipinas appoint commander, admiral, and officers for the ships which sail to nueva españa; and in case of the death or absence of these, they make appointments of other persons, in accordance with the usual procedure. and inasmuch as it is advisable to do this, we order our viceroys of nueva españa to observe and cause to be observed what is ordained in this regard, and the custom which has always been observed, without making any innovation. [felipe iv--madrid, february 5, 1635.] law xxxvi we charge and order the governors of filipinas to be very careful to see that the shipyards do not lack lumber for the repair of ships, rigging, war-stores, and food; and that they provide throughout a sufficient supply of these articles and of all else necessary, with careful precaution. [felipe iv--madrid, february 21, 1635.] [although the final dates of the two following laws are later than 1635, they are here included in order to keep the laws of this título together.] law xxxii the ships which are to be despatched and to sail from the filipinas islands for nueva españa shall depart in the month of june; for there is great danger of their having to put back or of being wrecked if they sail later. we order the governor and captain-general of those islands to have it observed and executed accordingly. but this must be after holding a council of persons experienced in that navigation--so that, having heard and weighed their opinions, the most advisable measures may be enacted. [felipe iv--madrid, december 31, 1622; january 27, 1631; february 14, 1660.] law xli the overseer and accountant of these voyages shall have everything in charge, and they shall set down and keep in their books an account of what is laden in merchandise, and what is carried on the return trip of the ships. they shall be chosen from persons who are well approved, who have given satisfaction, and are trustworthy, and they shall be given the proper and sufficient salary, which shall not exceed two thousand ducados apiece for the voyage; for they shall not lade any quantity of merchandise, under penalty of the fines imposed by law 48 of this título. [5] we order that they sail going and coming, one in the flagship and the other in the almiranta, alternating in all the voyages. the governor shall give them the instructions which they are to observe during the voyage. their residencia must be taken as soon as the voyage is finished, as is done with the other officers of that fleet, before they can sail on another voyage. [felipe iii--madrid, may 23, 1620; cárlos ii (in this _recopilación_).] royal decrees, 1633-35 the king. to the marqués de cerralvo, my relative, member of my council of war, my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of those provinces of nueva españa, and president of my royal treasury therein; or the person or persons to whose charge the government of them may be entrusted: the king my sovereign and father (whom may holy paradise keep!) ordered to be issued, and did issue, a decree (which is found at folio 163 verso, of this same volume, number 144). [6] and now don juan grau monfalcon, procurator-general of the city of manila of the filipinas islands, has related to me that, as is well known, there is great need of sailors and seamen in the navigation of the said filipinas islands, and that, for the islands to obtain these men it is advisable that good treatment and [an opportunity for] passage be given to them in the seaports; and that they be granted some means of gain, so that they might, by reason of that self-interest, be encouraged and induced to serve in the voyages--shielding them from the annoyances inflicted upon them by the officials at the said ports. he has petitioned me that i be pleased so to order, and that their chests be not opened; that permission be granted them so that each seaman may carry up to seven thousand pesos of investments in that voyage, in which is to be included the quantity which they have hitherto been permitted to carry; and that the castellan and my other employees at the port of acapulco shall cause them neither vexations nor injuries. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, i have considered it fitting to issue the present, by which i order you to observe and fulfil, and to cause to be observed and fulfilled, the decree herein incorporated, _in toto_ and exactly as is therein contained, and that you do not violate it or pass beyond its tenor and form. [7] in its fulfilment, you shall give what orders may be necessary, so that care may be taken of those men at the port of acapulco and so that all proper facilities and despatch may be accorded them. madrid, september 30, 1633. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don francisco ruiz de contreras_ the king. to my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein. don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that i ordered, by a decree of may 23, 1620, that the cargo of the ships be distributed to the inhabitants with all fairness; but that, contrary to the orders therein contained the governors have introduced the custom of giving a part of the cargoes to the sailors and seamen, and to the soldiers, hospitals, works of charity, clerics, and their own servants, as also to the auditors, fiscals, and officials of my royal treasury, whereby the favor that had been shown the inhabitants has been diminished. he also states that don juan niño de tavora tried to make the said allotment, although it belonged to the city; and that the people most needy, and those to whom there are greater obligations, did not enjoy the benefit of this favor. he petitioned me to be pleased to order that those decrees which have been given be observed, since that city has served me, and always serves me with the love and zeal which has been experienced--and lately, notwithstanding the losses that they suffered in the flagship which sank in that port, they gave me an offering of four thousand ducados; and that, whenever that allotment be made, it be with the consent of my governor and the approval of the city. by that means the complaints and dissatisfaction among them will be avoided. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, i have deemed it best to order and command you, as i do order and command you, to observe and fulfil, and cause to be observed and fulfilled, the things that are ordered by virtue of decrees, and the orders that have been given, since you see how just it is to give entire satisfaction to the parties [concerned]; and that your measures be such that those allotments be made with all equity and justice, preventing the quarrels and complaints that might arise on that account if the contrary were permitted. madrid, march 10, 1634. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ the king. to marqués de cerralvo, my relative, member of my council of war, governor and captain-general of the provinces of nueva españa, and president of my royal audiencia therein: don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of the city of manila, has informed me that there is great need of sailors and soldiers in those islands, and that they need at least 2,200 soldiers for the defense of those islands--600 being assigned to the city; in the fort and redoubt, 100; in the fort of cavite, another 100; in the galleys, a like number; in cibu and caragua, 200; in the island of hermosa and cagayan, 400; and in terrenate, 600. there can be no security without them, and although some reënforcements are sent from nueva españa, as these are so few those needs are not remedied. it is also necessary that the ships that sail from acapulco to the said islands leave at the latest by the twenty-fifth of march, because of the troubles that result if the contrary be done. he petitioned me to order you to make the reënforcements to the fullest extent possible, and to send annually at least four hundred soldiers, eight hundred and fifty sailors and the artillerymen that you can send, since the conservation of the islands depends on them. the matter having been examined in my council of war of the yndias, i have considered it fitting to give the present, by which i charge and order you to fulfil in both matters the commands of my decrees in this regard. madrid, march 10, 1634. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia resident therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be: don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that that said city has been granted, for its fortification, the proceeds of the income from the monopoly on playing-cards and other articles, and that the money that has been received from those sources was always paid into the fortification fund; but that, in violation of that, don juan niño de tabora, my former governor of those islands, ordered that the said sums be placed in my royal treasury, as was done. on that account, the money that is so necessary for the different works, the repairs, and fortifications that arise daily, is lacking. he says that the city having petitioned the governor to have the sums that belonged to the said fund returned, he refused to comply; but on the contrary ordered that the city furnish, from its communal property, all that was thus placed in my royal treasury. he petitioned me to be pleased to have my royal decree issued ordering that no room be given for such innovation, that the city and its council might spend and distribute their communal funds freely, as they have always done, since that pertains to the city; and that the kinds of income that have been customary in the past be placed therein and in no other fund. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, i have considered it fitting to give the present, by which i order you to cause to be observed and fulfilled exactly the orders that were given and commanded in this regard before the said don juan niño de tavora made this innovation. madrid, september 9, 1634. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the filipinas islands: don juan gran y monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has reported to me that the portuguese nation who are living in eastern yndia have attempted trade and commerce with those islands, to the detriment of the sangleys who go to sell their merchandise at that city; and that that intercourse was already established, contrary to the orders and decrees that have been given, to the very great damage and prejudice of my royal treasury and the good government of the islands. he petitioned me to be pleased to have a speedy and efficacious remedy applied to so grave a matter and one of so great importance. all the papers that were presented in regard to this matter, together with what my fiscal declared and alleged therein, having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, i have considered it fitting to send you a copy of them so that you may examine them; and, should the relation made therein appear to you to be correct, you shall immediately apply the remedy for this injury. by another decree, [8] i order my fiscal of my audiencia there to take up that case, and to plead all that he shall deem advisable for the advantage and increase of my royal treasury, and the observance of the orders and decrees that have been issued, since that pertains to him by reason of his office. you shall continue to advise me of all steps that you shall take, and of what you shall do in the future, in this matter. madrid, november 10, 1634. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, whom i have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: a letter which was written to me under date of the former year 633, by don juan cerezo de salamanca, my governor _ad interim_ of the said islands, on a matter of government, has been received by my royal council of the yndias, and answer is given in this present letter. he says that the relationship with japon has been destroyed because the dutch have angered that king by their accustomed trickery, under pretext of the religious who have preached--by reason of which, fearful of new conquests, all his oldtime friendship has been converted in those parts into hatred, and he makes use of severe methods with the catholics--and that many of the said religious who have gone to that kingdom have acted with some imprudence, causing more trouble than gain. for the remedy of that, he considers it advisable to charge the provincials not to grant such licenses. notwithstanding that that has been commanded on other occasions, as you will understand by the decrees that have been issued, it has seemed best to me to advise you of it, so that you may pay heed to this matter, and so that you may take such measures as are most advisable for my service and the conservation of those islands. he also advises us that there is a lack of people in those islands, and that their inhabitants are decreasing in number by reason of the unhealthful climate; and that it would be important to provide a remedy for that, because of the need for it. i charge you to avoid, as far as possible, the giving of passports for granting passage from the islands. the viceroy of nueva españa is ordered to have a care in this, and to send more people than is his regular custom. madrid, february 16, 1635. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ the king. to the auditors of my royal audiencia of the filipinas islands: the letter which you wrote me under date of august 8 of the former year 1633 has been received and examined in my royal council of the yndias, and answer is made to you in this present letter. the reformation that you have made in the licenses that were given by the government for rice-wine stills, in which so great a quantity of rice was consumed, is well advised for the present, as it is beneficial to the common welfare; and if you shall encounter any difficulties in regard to this in the future, you shall advise me of them. you say that when that audiencia was governing because of the death of don alonso faxardo de tenza, they began to introduce the inspection of the prisons of the parián and of tondo, on the saturday of each week, as they are very near that city. afterward in the time of the other governors, that custom was dropped, as they thought that it deprived them of some of their gubernatorial powers. as it is advisable that more attention be given to the alcaldes-mayor, and that certain annoyances to the prisoners be avoided, the said visits were continued, as they were so advisable to the service of god our lord and to my own. i charge you to continue them for the present, if there is no disadvantage to prevent it. the efforts that you have made in regard to the building of a galleon that is being constructed, in the province of camarines, have met my approval. as for the encomenderos who may have recourse to that audiencia beyond the limits of its commission, whose encomiendas were declared vacant by the visitor, as they had failed to secure their confirmations within the specified time, justice will be done to the parties when they come to ask for what is necessary for them. in regard to the allotment of the lading-space in the ships, that you made to the inhabitants of that city, in accordance with the agreement that was made for that purpose, it is approved. madrid, february 16, 1635. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: i have been informed that the reënforcements for terrenate are the matters that give most anxiety to those who serve me in that government, and that these are made at great risk and at great expense to my treasury; that that of the former year 1632 had gone there in very creditable manner, because it was carried by a fortified ship, which could act defensively and offensively against the dutch; that on account of the information received that the enemy was preparing to await with greater forces the ship that was to sail in the year 633, the reënforcements were prepared in two war galleons; that, in the future, the attempt would be made to send all the reënforcements with two entire infantry companies, so that two other companies could return thence--by which method [the garrison of] that presidio will be changed every three years, and all the companies of the army will share the work equally; and that it was advisable for my service that i order you to do this with exactness, since trouble arises by sending parts of companies, as only the favored ones leave that presidio, and by exchanging entire companies all will enjoy the privilege of all the aforesaid. accordingly, i have thought best to order and command you, as i do order and command you, to see to it that remnants of companies are not sent to terrenate; but that entire companies go, in the form and manner herein contained, so that entire companies of those who are exchanged may return. you shall advise me of whatever you shall enact in this matter. madrid, november 5, 1635. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ memorial to the king by juan grao y monfalcon in the year 1635 _the procurator-general of the city of manila and the philipinas islands, to his majesty. he considers the reasons why it is advisable to pay careful attention to the preservation of those islands; and entreats his majesty to have the collection of the two per cent duty recently imposed on merchandise shipped for the commerce of nueva españa discontinued._ sire: don juan grao y monfalcon, procurator-general for the distinguished and loyal city of manila, the metropolis and capital of the filipinas islands, declares that the preservation and protection of these islands are of the utmost consideration and importance, and deserve the most careful attention, on account of the great advantages and profits which they afford--to say nothing of the principal consideration, namely, the service of god, and the propagation of religion and the catholic faith. in the aforesaid city and in the other islands that faith is established, and will steadily become stronger, increasing and spreading not only among those but other and neighboring islands. this is especially true in great china and japon, which from continual intercourse and friendly relations with the said filipinas islands may--if the christian faith is preserved and permanently maintained in the latter, and as deeply rooted and as pure and constant as at present--look, in the said matter of religion, for felicitous and great results. the same [may be said] for what concerns the service of your majesty, and the profitable and advantageous increase of the royal estate, since even the profits which your majesty at present enjoys and possesses in the said city and the other islands are many, and of great importance. for in one village alone, which they call parián, an arquebus-shot from the said city [of manila], more than twenty thousand chinese indians called sangleys, and in the other islands over ten thousand more, have all come from great china and japon for their own private affairs and interests. it is they who build up and maintain the greater part of the traffic and commerce of the islands. from that result the trade with nueva españa, and the ships which sail thither annually, laden with many different kinds of merchandise (carried [to manila] and bartered by the said sangleys)--such as much gold (wrought, and in sheets); diamonds, rubies, and other gems, besides a great quantity of pearls; many silk textiles of all colors--taffetas, damasks, satins, silk grograms, and velvets--and raw silk; a quantity of white and black cotton cloth; amber, civet, musk, and storax. thence arises annually great gain to the royal treasury, on account of the many considerable duties which are paid and collected--both when the ships leave the said city of manila, and their islands and ports, and in that of acapulco; and later, when they enter nueva españa and the city of mexico. there, when the ships leave for the said filipinas, the duties are doubled, as well as in the said port of acapulco, by those duties anew incurred and paid, the [trade of the] said sangleys being a great part in this receipt [_adquisicion_]. of no less consideration is the tribute which the sangleys pay to the royal treasury for their license, and right of entrance and residence in the said village of the parián, and in the other islands where they reside. since the said sangleys number thirty [thousand], they pay in most years an annual sum of two hundred and seventy thousand reals of eight (which means nine reals of eight for each license), which are placed in the royal treasury. in the islands of pintados and other islands which belong to the said filipinas, there are one hundred and fourteen thousand two hundred and seventeen indians, all paying tribute to the royal treasury. their conservation is very necessary, as they are no longer wild and are excellent workmen, and for that reason are people of utility and profit for any occasion that may arise--especially as there are also many gold mines in the said islands, whence is obtained a quantity of gold. there are also other fruits of the land in great abundance, especially wax, cotton, large cattle, swine, fowls, rice, and civet, besides other innumerable products and means of gain. all of this tells and publishes the great importance of the said city and its islands, and of their preservation; and the many incomparable wrongs which would follow if the said city, the capital of the others, were to become depopulated, ruined, or destroyed. it is very near to that, because of the great and continual misfortunes and disasters which the inhabitants of it have suffered and are suffering, caused by fires that have destroyed almost the entire city and the property of the said inhabitants, and the shipwreck and loss of many different vessels, which have been miserably wrecked during the usual voyage from the said city to nueva españa, with the destruction of the goods and wealth of the said inhabitants which are carried in the ships. the effects from so many and so large losses last and will last always; for those losses have ruined and impoverished the inhabitants to a degree very different from what one can imagine and explain. consequently, if the generosity, magnificence, and powerful hand of your majesty do not protect it, one can and must fear the very certain ruin and destruction of the said city and of the other islands, which are under its government and protection. from that [ruin] will follow great and intolerable disadvantages and losses to the disservice of the royal crown, the loss of that land and community, and (what is most reprehensible) that of religion and the catholic faith. although this is so deeply rooted in the said city and in the other islands, it would be lost, if the dutch gained possession of manila, as they have done of many neighboring islands and forts: namely, the island of motiel; that of maquien, where the dutch have two forts, named talagora and mosaquia; the island of ambueno, where the above-mentioned people are fortified with considerable artillery and a dutch population; that of xacadra, where the said dutchmen have their capital and where a captain-general and an audiencia composed of four auditors reside, and a settlement and population of one thousand dutch inhabitants; the islands of xaba major and minor, and that of mindanao. in some of those islands they have established their factories, where they collect what they pillage, and [carry on] their trade with the chinese and other nations. they gather in the said islands (whose products consist of cloves, pepper, and nutmeg) an exceedingly great quantity [of this produce], for which three ships are annually despatched to olanda, laden with more than three thousand five hundred and fifty valas [_i.e., bares_ = bahars] of cloves (each vale [_sic_] containing four hundred and sixty libras), with a great quantity of pepper, and of the said nutmeg and its mace; also silks, cinnamon, and other products. hence they are extremely well fortified in the said islands, as well as in others, as they have an understanding with the surrounding kings. for the king of daquen gives them eighty thousand ducados annually in order to have them protect his country, and so that his vassals may go and navigate safely in those straits on their trade and traffic with the islands surrounding his kingdom. all of that obliges the said city of manila and its other islands to be more watchful and to maintain larger forces and supplies. for were there neglect in this, the power and invasion of the said dutch, who have so frequented and learned the said straits (of which they have so thoroughly taken possession and with so many forces, as above narrated), could be feared. although the said city and its inhabitants have been and are always very careful and vigilant (as is very well known); defending, at the cost of their lives and goods, the land from the incessant bombardments, surprises, and attacks of the said dutch, with the forced obligation of very generally keeping their arms in readiness all the time; enduring a servile life full of annoyance and danger, although they could leave it, and it would be better and more worth living if it were less grievous, and free from so many dangers and difficulties: nevertheless they endure them, in consideration of the service of your majesty, and in continuation of the many services which they have rendered in the defense and preservation of that country; and hoping that the greatness and liberality of your majesty will protect and relieve them, so that they may accomplish their purpose better. particularly do they ask that you order to be repealed the collection of the two per cent, the imposition of which was ordered by a decree of the former year six hundred and four on the merchandise exported from the said islands to the said nueva españa, in addition to the three per cent paid on them by the merchants of the said city--which heard and received notice of the said royal decree in the year of six hundred and seven, while don rodrigo de vibero was governor. at that time the decree was not made effective or fulfilled, as the difficulty and great disadvantages that accompany it were recognized. consequently, it remained in that condition until the year six hundred and eleven, when the collection of the said duty was again charged to governor don juan de sirva [_i.e.,_ silva]. he, trying to carry out its provisions, recognized the same difficulties, for the many reasons advanced by the city, which were so just and relevant that they obliged him to call a treasury council. having there discussed and conferred upon those reasons, and it having been seen that they were so urgent and necessary that they strictly prevented and ought to prevent the execution of the said royal decree of 604, he suspended it for the time being, giving your majesty notice [thereof]. the decree remained in this condition until the year six hundred and twenty-five, in which the royal officials again discussed the matter of the collection of the said two per cent, during the government of don fernando de silva. he, recognizing the same obstacles, and that those obstacles were much greater then because of the worse condition and the notable change and damage to which the affairs of the said city had come--the property, traffic, and means of gain of its inhabitants--with a great reduction and difference from that which they had in the said year of six hundred and seven, concurred with what had been provided by his predecessor, the said don juan de silva, and ordered that no innovation be made in it. the same was done by the governor who succeeded him, don juan niño de tabora. thus, the said governors, as each confronted the matter, always came to see very plainly the said difficulties, which at present are not only of the above-mentioned character, but are impossible to overcome because of the condition of affairs, the poverty of the inhabitants, and the great decrease and diminution of the trade and commerce of former times. that is given more prominence by the efforts of the visitor, licentiate don francisco de rojas, who made strenuous efforts to have the collection of the two per cent carried out. nevertheless, he saw with his own eyes the said disadvantages that resulted from the said collection. one of them was the resolution of the inhabitants not to export their goods and merchandise; nor could they do so, because of the great losses, both past and present, which they have encountered. this is the greatest damage that can happen to the royal treasury; for if the export and commerce ceases, not only will the said two per cent be lacking, but also the old three per cent which has always been paid, as well as the other three per cent which was lately imposed upon the merchandise which the chinese indians bring to the said city and the filipinas islands. accordingly, if the commerce of the islands with nueva españa fails, it is certain and infallible that that of the said chinese, which forms the whole export to nueva españa, will also fail. therefore, the said visitor, notwithstanding the great desire which he showed of putting the said collection into execution, did not dare to do it; but considered it better to suspend it, and report to your majesty. although he tried to have it collected as a voluntary service for the future, the citizens, seeing their great lack of wealth, could not conform to that measure, although for that time only they gave a subsidy of four thousand pesos, on condition that it should not serve as a precedent for the future, and that there should be no further talk of the said collection [of the said two per cent] until, after your majesty had examined it, a suitable decision should be adopted. they petition your majesty to be pleased to consider the very necessary and urgent causes and reasons why the said collection of the said two per cent should not be carried on, but that its execution be abrogated, which are as follows: first, that the motive and cause declared in the said decree of six hundred and four for the said imposition, was the declaration that there was suffering because of the great profits of those who were trading and trafficking in the filipinas commerce. it was said that the profits were one hundred per cent, and at times two hundred. although the said sangleys, antecedent to the said year of six hundred and four, brought the merchandise from china to the said city, and sold it at prices so low that when taken and sold in nueva españa it allowed a very great profit: still that ceased many years ago, from the said year of six hundred and four, when the dutch enemy and pirates began to continue in and infest those islands with many different plunderings of the merchandise that the chinese ships brought to the said city of manila. on that account the said trade has gone on diminishing from day to day, very fast and steadily, to the pass to which the said dutch have brought it by their pursuit and pillaging of the said chinese ships. from that has resulted the ruin of the said commerce, and for the same reason the profits of it [have declined] to so great a degree that scarcely can one now buy one pico of silk for the price that he formerly paid for two and one-half picos. this has been the reason why, since the merchandise of the chinese was lacking to the inhabitants for their investments, they have had to buy the goods from the portuguese of macan, at prices so high and excessive that they make no considerable profit in nueva españa. consequently, the profits that the inhabitants of manila formerly had have come to be made by the said portuguese of macan. thus the reason and motive for the said royal decree has entirely and surely disappeared; and this same fact ought to do away with its ruling. the second reason also is founded on the expense and cost that had to be incurred for the security and defense of the trading ships from the said islands to nueva españa, with the fifty soldiers, military captain, and other officers; that the said ships had to be of a certain tonnage; and that for this reason of the said expenses and costs, the said decree ordered the imposition of the said two per cent in order that it should be unnecessary to have recourse to the royal treasury. it ordered the proceeds therefrom to be deposited in a separate fund and account, for the said expenses which had to be incurred with the said ships and their crews. that reason likewise has had no effect, for the said expenses have not been made, nor are they made; nor do the said military captain, soldiers, or other officers sail in the said ships. neither are the said ships--those that there are--of the said burden and tonnage, but smaller. therefore the said expenses and costs cease, upon which the said decree is grounded; accordingly, that which is ruled and ordered by it ceases, for the reason stated, and, indeed, should cease. third, because by the former year of six hundred and eleven, the said governor, don juan de silva, seeing the unsatisfactory method and arrangements existing for the collection of the said two per cent, tried to supply it--and did so--by the method that he thought least harmful, and of greater profit to the royal treasury--namely, to impose in its stead another duty of three per cent on the merchandise brought by the chinese to sell in the said city of manila. but, although the said imposition is ostensibly on the said chinese, it comes, in fact, to be imposed on the inhabitants of manila themselves; for the latter, being the purchasers, necessarily have to pay more, the chinese sellers taking into consideration the new charge and imposition which has been levied on them. consequently, the said two per cent has come to have actual effect and with greater profit by the said three per cent substituted in its place, which fact the said governor, don juan de silva, had in mind. if the decree were again to be carried out, it would mean a double imposition for the above-mentioned damages and obstacles, and there would be no possibility of executing it. fourth, because the royal duties which the inhabitants pay on the said investments that they make, are very great; for on every thousand pesos of principal that they invest the duties in the said city and in nueva españa amount to two hundred and seventy pesos and more, while the cost and expense incidental to the said investments amount to two hundred and eighty pesos more. consequently, the said royal duties alone for each one thousand pesos invested inevitably amount, as is well known, to five hundred and fifty pesos. therefore, within four years, setting aside the said costs and expenses, the said inhabitants come to pay more than the said one thousand pesos of capital for the said royal duties. the same thing happens in the same proportion when larger sums are invested. the fifth springs directly from the preceding reason; for since the said duties and said costs and expenses are so great, and the profits so slight and uncertain, as above stated, the said inhabitants cannot continue the said trade and commerce of filipinas with nueva españa; for to do that would be a poor management and administration of their possessions, carrying them over seas at so many risks, and in danger of catastrophes such as generally happen, which are daily becoming greater; while there is no profit, or so little that, with the said two per cent, the profits will be of little or no consideration, for which they will not expose their goods and capital to so great a risk. sixth, because, if the said collection and enforcement of the said two per cent were to be insisted upon, it would be a foregone conclusion that the inhabitants would abandon the said trade and commerce, and would not make the said investments, for the reasons stated above. that has proved to be so on the occasions on which the said collection has been discussed with some warmth--and especially when the said visitor, licentiate don francisco de rojas, tried to effect it, when the said inhabitants were firm and were resolved not to appraise, register, or lade anything in the ships, which were all ready to sail to nueva españa. thereupon the said visitor thought it advisable and necessary to repeal the said enforcement. although the inhabitants, on that occasion, because of the great pressure exerted and the advantageous reasons put forward by the visitor, offered to aid with a gift of four thousand pesos, it was with the said condition that it was to be for only that one time, and with the said condition that nothing was to be said of the said collection. seventh, the great damage and injury that would assuredly follow to the royal treasury if the said commerce were abandoned; for since the said three per cent that is first collected as a customs duty, and the other three per cent imposed anew in the said year of six hundred and eleven, amount and are worth a very great sum and number of pesos annually to the royal treasury, that sum will not increase with the imposition of the said two per cent, but, on the contrary, both the one and the other duty will be lost; or at least they will be reduced to a very great loss, damage, and diminution of the royal treasury, and the reason therefor is very clear and evident. for in every year, and in that of the imposition of the two per cent of which we are treating, the duty amounted to about four thousand; and to that amount now, without the imposition of the said two per cent, all the inhabitants of the said city, both rich and poor, trade and traffic. by that means are caused the said customs duties not only at departure from the said city of manila, but at entrance into the said city of mexico, and on their returns afterward, from the investments, and on the kinds of merchandise that are sent back by the same ports and places to be traded at the said city of manila. for since the number of those who traffic is large, the said duties which are caused and paid are also large. but if the said two per cent be put in force, although it may be stated that some of the said inhabitants will continue to trade, they would be very few; and the trade would be reduced to those who are richest and those with most capital, who are not many. but among all the others who are not rich, money and capital would fail, and they would refuse to [trade] and could not risk their little capital without gain or profit, as they will have no profit with the said two per cent. and it would not be right or expedient, for the sake of the said new imposition (since the reasons and motives for it are lacking, as above stated), to place the income and value of the said customs duties in danger and peril, as it is so great and considerable, or to risk that of the other three per cent of the said year 611--the one dependent on and inseparable from the other; for, beyond all doubt, both would fail if the said commerce failed or diminished. the said danger can be regarded as certain, both for the abandonment of the said commerce and of the colony of those islands; and that would allow the dutch, who are so powerful in the surrounding islands, as above stated, to gain an entrance in them, for the lack of troops caused by the said imposition. that is a matter which your majesty should have examined with great attention, because of the many precedents that have been seen in like cases in these kingdoms [_i.e._, of españa] with the great injury and loss to the royal treasury which could not be restored later--as happened in the increase [of the tax] on playing cards, one real more than the usual tax being imposed. that income, being valued at that said time at from forty-four to forty-five million maravedis annually in the three districts of castilla, toledo, and andalucia, dropped to twenty-two millions because of the new imposition, thereby losing a like sum annually. and, although the damage was afterward seen, and the attempt was made to correct it by repealing the said new imposition, and reducing the tax to the old amount, the amendment did not follow; for because of the frauds and cheats caused by the said income in its first condition, it never returned to that condition, and remained with the annual loss and decrease of fourteen million maravedis from what it had at the time of the said new imposition. the same thing happened in the thirty per cent which was imposed on the trade of foreign merchants while the court was in valladolid. the result of that was that the foreign merchants abandoned the commerce, and looked for new methods, applying themselves to gaining a foothold in the eastern indias. the said imposition was thus the reason for the many important lands and ports of which the foreigners have gained possession and which they hold, which we have lost for the said reason. both these instances are very certain, well-known, public, and notorious. the eighth reason, a very urgent and cogent one, is that since the year six hundred and seven, when the said commerce was in a much better condition, and the said dutch had not begun to make their raids, or all the great damages that they have inflicted on the said islands and those near by, and on the said sangleys and chinese--nevertheless, the said governors, don rodrigo de vivero, don juan de silva, and don juan niño de tabora (who succeeded him), seeing the difficulties involved in the said imposition, did not consider it advisable, nor did they dare, to put it into force. much less could it be done today, after the lapse of almost thirty years, at a time when the inhabitants are suffering from so great distress and necessity, caused by the many losses, as above stated, of many ships--some of which have sunk, while others have of necessity sought port on the coasts of japon and other districts where so great riches were lost without its being possible to secure them, or for anything to be saved; and by the fires which they have suffered, on one occasion the greater part of the city, as well as the possessions of the inhabitants being burned. a few years ago our flagship "nuestra señora de la vida" [_i.e._, "our lady of life"] was wrecked on the island of verde [9] while en route to nueva españa, with the possessions and capital of the aforesaid citizens. in the former year of thirty-one, the ship "sancta maria magdalena" went to the bottom in the port of cabite with all the goods and cloth aboard it. although the cargo was taken out, it was after it had been in the water more than one and one-half months. consequently the damage to the owners was great and notable; and on that account all the capital was ruined, the trade limited, and the goods destroyed--so much so that if the said two per cent be put in force, it will have the above defects, and the said trade will be ruined. the ninth reason is of great importance, and consists in the many great services that have been performed for your majesty by the said city of manila, and those which its inhabitants are performing every day; for when occasion demands--as it does often, when there is a lack of regular infantry, because it has gone away or been employed in something else--the inhabitants enter the guard, as that city is surrounded by so many heathen; and they have always hastened with all the loyalty and love possible to serve on any expedition that has offered against the dutch and other nations, with their persons and possessions, and are the first to take arms. another thing is of great consideration, namely, that in the great necessities that arise in the royal treasury, which has not the wherewithal to take care of them, the said inhabitants have aided it; and they aid it very often with very considerable sums, depositing therein from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos, without receiving any interest. that money is retained in the said royal treasury, and the owners are not repaid for more than two years. the loss of interest on so great a sum for so long a period constitutes a great service, for merchants and men of business. they only think of the great desire that they have always had, and have, for the service of your majesty; and that is so great that many poor inhabitants, not having any capital to allow them to make loans to the royal treasury as the other inhabitants do, beg for a loan in order to be enabled to attend to your majesty's royal service. in the assessments continually levied upon them by the governor, consisting of jars [of oil or wine], rice, and other things necessary for the relief of terrenate and the island of hermosa, the said inhabitants contribute very eagerly and willingly; and on the voyages made by the galleys, if slaves are needed (as often happens), they give their own. with the same willingness did they make the gift of the said four thousand pesos in the year 632. since all above stated is so, and since the inhabitants are perpetually and continually serving your majesty with their persons, lives, and possessions, and by the intolerable burden of always bearing arms; and since all that is related in this memorial is evident from the investigations made at the citation of the fiscal, and by what the governors and the orders write: therefore it is just for your majesty to honor and reward the inhabitants, since their services are so worthy of reward and remuneration; and since the said imposition of the said two per cent would be only an affliction and punishment, to have its enforcement discontinued, so that there may be no further question of it--which, as can be understood by the reasons above stated, has been and is the royal intention and purpose of your majesty. for during the so many years that its execution has been suspended, your majesty having been informed by the letters of the governors and royal officials of the difficulty of its observance, it has been abandoned and repealed in order to avoid so many and so great dangers as above stated, and injuries to the said inhabitants and residents of those islands--an intent quite in accord with the first decree of the said year six hundred and four, in which, although it was ordered to impose the said two per cent, it commanded that this was to be done with the greatest mildness possible. consequently, as this mildness was not and could not be exercised, the imposition occasioning only great troubles and difficulties, the decree itself intimates, as if by express statements, that the said collection was impracticable. thus the request of the said city and its inhabitants, and of the said islands, is that your majesty be pleased to have it so declared and ordered, not only for the future, but also for the past; since the said royal decree has not been put in force, nor has it been advisable at any time, for either the future or the past. the impossibility [of enforcing the decree] is even greater [at this time], because of the many years that have passed, and the many persons against whom it might be attempted, who have died; so that to undertake it would mean nothing else than a beginning of lawsuits, and the disquiet and revolution of all the inhabitants of the said city, or of most of them--for those who have trafficked here from the said year of six hundred and seven are many, and most of them have died, without leaving any property from which to collect the arrears of duty--in case that that effort is made. by that [concession] the inhabitants will receive an especial favor, as is hoped from the greatness of your majesty. madrid, september 6, 1635. _reply of the fiscal_ the fiscal declares that he has examined the documents sent with this memorial, and the other papers and letters from the audiencia, the visitor, and the superiors of the orders; that the decision [of this question] demands close attention, and all that the council is wont to exercise for its sure action, for the great necessity of its inhabitants which the city represents, confronts us. we must consider not only the impracticability of enforcing the impost, but no less his majesty's lack of means (caused by the wars and necessary occasions for expense that have limited the royal incomes), which constrains him so that he can do no more--a course which, as so christian and pious a king, he would avoid, if it were possible. having considered everything, what the visitor writes has much force with the fiscal, and persuades him that it is expedient and necessary to consult with his majesty regarding this letter--so that, having examined its contents, and that, besides, which the council shall advise, he may be pleased to order what may be most to the welfare of his vassals, in whose conservation consists his best service; and approving the mild method pointed out by the visitor (of which he availed himself, in order that the trade might not cease, with the obvious danger of greater loss), he concurs in everything, and thus petitions. madrid, september six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. don juan grao y monfalcon, procurator-general of the distinguished and loyal city of manila, metropolis and capital of the filipinas islands, in answer to what was said and alleged by his majesty's fiscal to the memorial and arguments which he has presented, in order that the effort for the collection of the two per cent may cease and be abandoned, declares that your majesty, in heeding the arguments that he has presented in another memorial, does not give up nor is he excluded from what is alleged on the other side. on the contrary he expressly recognizes (a fact that cannot be denied) the justification and urgent reasons that are necessary and unavoidable, which strenuously oblige to what the said city has entreated. in the name of the city, he accepts what is said and alleged in its favor by the said fiscal. but inasmuch as the fiscal mentions his approbation of the method which the visitor approves--and of which he availed himself, so that the said trade might not cease, which, he says with good reason, would be of greater loss--and says that with the said method everything would turn out well, he excludes the condition that it will not provide for everything, but only for the effort to enforce the said duty of two per cent. the difficulty would remain present, and the reasons and arguments of the said city be as if they were not; and it and its commerce would be left without any remedy, or means to preserve itself. nor is there nor can there be considered any difference of opinion in the necessity that is mentioned of the royal treasury; for, although this necessity is great, the contention of the said city concerns not necessity, but the limits of impossibility. consequently, [the interests of] the city ought to prevail and be preferred. this conclusion was reached by experience, on the occasion of the former year 632, when the said visitor tried to put the said duty in force, in which he found himself confounded; for he beheld the cessation of commerce, and the resolve made by the said inhabitants that they would not export or risk their wealth, without receiving any profit--by which it resulted that the despatch of the ships which were being sent to nueva españa was delayed, the cause of which was the said visitor, because of the said collection that he was trying to enforce. the governors of those islands--of whom there have been many, very prudent and clear-headed, and eminent in their zeal for the service of your majesty--never came to such a determination, in all these years. and the strength and resistance of the obstacles that they found, and which they were considering in person, compelled them to consult with your majesty, as they always have done--regarding that as much more proper than to execute [a decree] and risk the condition of those islands, and considering the matter with mature judgment and prudent deliberation. consequently, they never reached the said decision that the said visitor attempted. and although the latter tried to remedy it, by proposing the means (that he alleges as a counterbalance) of the payment of four thousand pesos, by way of gift and gracious service, that gift was not perpetual, as appears on the contrary, and as is given to understand; but it was only for that time, and until the decision of your majesty should be made. that is well verified by the fact of what afterward occurred; for in the following year the said visitor--recognizing that the gift of the four thousand pesos had been limited, and for once only, and that by virtue of that the said inhabitants were not bound to anything--attempted to make again, through some of the regidors, the same suspension that he had already made of the execution of the said duty, until your majesty determined with what they should serve, with some gift, even though it should be only a small sum. that which was finally assigned was from one to two thousand pesos, the visitor again with this new occasion placing the despatch of the said ships in peril, causing by the least delay more loss than the said profit. therefore the royal audiencia, in order to proceed with more certainty, called a council of the bishop who was governor of that archbishopric, the archbishop, and the superiors of the orders. all of them agreed and concurred that the despatch ought to be made in the manner in which it had always been done, without allowing any innovation. consequently all, and on all occasions, have always recognized the impossibility, and the new damages and obstacles that would result from the said enforcement. in consideration of the above, he petitions and entreats your majesty that you be, nevertheless, pleased to provide and order the discontinuance of the collection of the said two per cent, according to his petition. thereby he will receive an especial favor, as that city and kingdom hopes from his majesty's greatness and royal hand. manila treasury accounts, 1630-35 _relation of the receipts of the treasury of manila from january seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty, until january six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, a period of five years_ common gold [pesos] [tomins] [granos] the balance found in the said treasury on the said day, january seven, 1630, amounted to [10] 11,561 8 6 the total from the fines of the exchequer [11] from the said day until march six, 1631, amounted to 2,073 6 1 that from the [unspent?] balances of war funds [_alcances de guerra_] for the said time amounted to 20,317 5 0 that of the army fund for the said time amounted to 15,797 1 5 that from the licenses of indians [_sic_; _sc._ chinese] for the said time 87,606 4 0 that from loans made to the treasury for the said time amounted to 71,057 7 0 that from mesada taxes [12] for the said time amounted to 917 1 11 that from import and export duties for the said time amounted to 33,448 7 0 that from offices sold for the said time amounted to 29,458 3 0 that from expenses of justice for the said time amounted to 75 0 0 that from royal situados for the said time amounted to 4,124 2 4 that from condemnations for the building of houses during the said time amounted to 374 5 4 that from fiestas for the said time amounted to 281 3 0 that from the tenths of gold for the said time amounted to 48 3 0 that from transportation of passengers [on the royal ships?] for the said time amounted to 300 0 0 that from the proceeds for war from the cattle tithes for the said time amounted to 120 3 0 that from the silver and reals received from nueva españa during the said time amounted to 278,115 6 0 that from court expenses for the said time amounted to 100 0 0 --------------------- during the said time the receipts of the said treasury amounted to 555,775 3 0 _account from april 20, 1631, to january six, 1632_ the total from condemnations (in court) for fines of the exchequer for the said time amounted to 1,611 6 0 that from import and export duties amounted to 35,650 1 2 that from loans made to the treasury amounted to 16,600 7 5 that from royal situados from the encomiendas of private persons amounted to 3,708 6 8 that from the balances of accounts amounted to 18,430 3 0 that from extraordinary sources amounted to 6,115 1 0 that from mesada taxes amounted to 112 4 9 that from _resultas_ amounted to 456 3 5 that from tenths of gold amounted to 23 7 8 that from expenses of justice amounted to 8 6 0 that from [the fund for?] expenses of courts [13] amounted to 287 4 0 that from licenses to heathen chinese amounted to 116,697 4 0 that from offices sold amounted to 646 4 0 that from silver and reals sent from nueva españa amounted to. 203,915 0 0 that from passenger transportation amounted to 50 0 0 that from deposits amounted to 2,000 0 0 that from [unspent balance of fund for?] ship-building and forts amounted to 8 0 0 that from the vacant encomiendas amounted to 36 4 0 that from restitutions amounted to. 38 0 0 that which was placed in the treasury at the order of the visitor amounted to 6,117 0 0 that collected from what is owing [to the treasury] amounted to 62,473 3 10 --------------------- the receipts of the treasury for the said time amounted to 475,889 1 2 _account from january seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two, to january six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three_ the total amount of the balance struck on january 7, 1632, amounted to two thousand one hundred and eighty-seven pesos, four tomins, and four pieces of gold and three rings [14] 2,187 4 0 that from balances of accounts amounted to 26,458 4 0 that from fines of the exchequer amounted to 2,984 3 2 that from the fifths of gold amounted to 99 5 6 that from royal situados amounted to 2,150 4 0 that from the expenses of justice amounted to 75 1 0 that from loans made to the treasury amounted to 64,453 4 0 that from import and export duties amounted to 36,603 2 0 that from the mesada taxes amounted to 835 0 8 that from _resultas_ amounted to 2,114 5 6 that from vacancies in encomiendas amounted to 66 7 8 that from deposits amounted to 1,858 0 0 that from offices sold amounted to 3,800 0 0 that from extraordinary sources amounted to 30,046 3 3 that sent from nueva españa amounted to 232,569 4 0 the receipts for account of the visit amounted to 7,013 6 1 that from passenger transportation amounted to 250 0 0 the receipts from the proceeds of condemnations to be remitted to the council amounted to 3,060 4 0 that from the chinese licenses amounted to 105,898 0 10 that from cattle tithes amounted to 300 0 0 that from the fifths of silver amounted to 285 2 4 that from [fund for?] the expenses of the courts of the parián 60 4 0 that from [fund for?] the expenses of the courts of the audiencia amounted to seventy-five pesos 75 0 0 that collected from what is owing [to the treasury] amounted to 97,663 2 3 --------------------- the receipts of the said treasury for the said time amounted to 622,484 5 1 _account from january 7, 1633, to january 6, 1634_ the total amount of the balance struck on the said day, january seven, 1633, amounted to four thousand seven hundred and ninety-two pesos, three tomins, and four pieces of gold and three rings [15] 4,792 3 0 that from balances of accounts amounted to 14,299 1 2 that from the mesada taxes amounted to 258 2 11 that from extraordinary sources amounted to 2,226 5 7 that from import and export duties amounted to 46,897 6 1 the receipts from the visit amounted to 13,770 6 0 that from chinese licenses amounted to 51,396 2 0 that from loans amounted to 109,260 0 0 that from fines of the exchequer amounted to 1,918 0 0 that from expenses of justice amounted to 120 0 0 that from royal situados amounted to 1,385 5 6 that from offices sold amounted to 14,850 0 0 that from the fifth of gold amounted to 300 2 7 that from vacant encomiendas [_vacantes_] amounted to 41 1 6 that from passenger transportation amounted to 950 0 0 that from tributes amounted to 9 3 0 that from the half-annats amounted to 4,961 5 2 that from the silver sent from nueva españa amounted to 277,326 1 1 that from _resultas_ amounted to 1,056 5 5 that from [fund for?] courts and expenses of the royal audiencia amounted to 135 0 0 that from deposits amounted to 600 0 0 that from cattle tithes amounted to 386 6 9 --------------------- the receipts of the said treasury for the said time amounted to 546,873 0 5 _account from january 7, 1634, to january 6, 1635_ the total of the balance struck on the said day, january seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, amounted to seventy-three thousand two hundred and thirty-one pesos, seven tomins, and ten granos, and [4 pieces] of gold, and 3 rings [16] 73,231 7 10 the total of the half-annats amounted to 16,393 0 1 that from balances of accounts amounted to 31,311 2 11 that from royal situados amounted to 1,688 5 6 that from fines of the exchequer amounted to 1,945 2 5 that from _resultas_ amounted to 11,557 6 3 that from cattle tithes 211 0 0 that from import and export duties amounted to 28,170 4 11 that from heathen chinese licenses 162,941 7 5 that from extraordinary sources amounted to 33,097 3 9 that from the fifth of gold amounted to 325 7 4 that from deposits amounted to [17] 6,375 1 0 that from offices sold amounted to 11,400 0 0 that from [fund for?] the expenses of the courts amounted to 50 0 0 that from expenses of justice amounted to 36 1 6 that from condemnations collected to remit to this council amounted to 444 0 0 that from passenger transportation amounted to 650 0 0 that from proceeds of the visita amounted to 3,417 4 0 that from restitutions amounted to 1,003 0 0 that from the money sent from nueva españa amounted to 308,396 2 0 that from loans amounted to 11,000 0 0 that from the proceeds for the fortification of manila amounted to 6,000 0 0 that from the tenths of gold amounted to 296 6 0 --------------------- the total receipts of the said treasury for the said time amounted to 715,849 6 11 given in [_word illegible in ms._] august eighteen, 1638. _don geronimo de_ [_word illegible in ms._] _francisco antonio manzelo_ letter of consolation to the jesuits of pintados to my beloved fathers and brothers of the islands and residences of the pintados. pax christi, etc.: great has been the grief that has been caused to us who have been in these missions of the tagals, by severe hardships that your reverences have suffered and are suffering in those islands of pintados, because of the madness and ferocity of so cruel enemies. for who would not be afflicted at hearing of the hatred and hostility of the barbarians against christ our lord, which they have displayed against his sacred images, which they have outraged and broken to pieces, and his temples, which they have burned and destroyed? who would not be struck with pity on seeing the beloved flock of the sheep of christ our lord, and his faithful ones with their pastors and ministers, robbed, dispersed, and pursued even into the fastnesses of the mountains, imprisoned, captured, and killed?--and the shepherds, with especial ignominy and cruelty, as we see in [the case of] our most beloved father, juan del carpio, who is happy, fortunate, and chosen, since he has purchased the eternal crown by the shedding of his blood. [18] who would not have compassion at hearing of the fatigues, surprises, necessities, and dangers, of those of your reverences who are still alive--a life that resembles a continual death rather than life? but this tender compassion must cause pain in us because of the evils, and encouragement and joy because of the blessings, which follow from them--truly one and the other feeling; for who can refrain from weeping at the sight of an offended god, at his holy name blasphemed, his worship violated, his faithful ones captive, and his priests killed? but who will not be consoled with that holiness of the great doctor of the church, st. augustine, whom god our lord permitted [to be visited by] evils in order that he might derive greater blessings therefrom--such as are these greater blessings from so many present evils? such are the [_word illegible_] acts born from the fervid hearts of my most beloved fathers, so that they have offered themselves to their creator and lord in so virulent dangers, not as they might wish, but as a most perfect holocaust, without any fear, placing everything in his hands--health, honor, blood, and life, for the greater glory of his majesty, and the welfare of souls. peradventure these are not blessings that enrich those who possess them, but they give courage, fervor, and glory to our province and society of jesus, which has such sons and so valorous soldiers, the imitators of their society of jesus, their blood shed to deliver their spiritual children and that which pertains to the divine and christian worship--which blessings will he not bring to our islands and fields of christendom, and to our society of jesus in those islands? for as says the most illustrious tertullian in his _apologetica adversus gentis_, chapter 49: _semen est sanguis christianorum._ [19] and a christianity wet with such blood will doubtless give a most abundant harvest. and what encouragement will it give to the sons of the society in europa! and what desires will they have to come where they may have opportunity to shed their blood also for the honor of their creator! blood shed by the hands of barbarian mahometans instigated by their casique [20]--especially against the priests, the preachers of our holy faith, as we learned from one who escaped from them; and with so remarkable tokens of special hate against religion, that they tore to pieces the very body of the father, so that the head was the largest part of it. however much they may claim that in order that there should be no planting [of christianity?] they did not spare his life, their actions show that they took life away from him in hatred of christ our lord, and of his holy religion, which the father was preaching and extending. and even if the mahometans did not have that intention and hate against christ and his holy faith, which this shows that they have, not only is the death inflicted and suffered in this manner a true martyrdom, but also in more general terms christ our lord said through st. mark in the 8th chapter: _qui perdiderit animam suam propter me, et evangelium, salvam faciet_. [21] on those words is founded every form of true martyrdom, which embraces that of the innocents, and those who gave their lives to serve those sick with the plague, and for any virtue whatever; and thus say the saints. st. augustine pondering these words in his sermon 100 (_de diversis_) section 2, [22] makes a strenuous effort for martyrdom, in the occasion of dying, in these words: "_qui perdiderit," inquit, "propter me." tota caussa ibi est. "qui perdiderit," non quomodocumque, non qualibet caussa, sed "propter me." ylli enim yn prophecia yam dixerant martires, "propter te mortificamur tota die." propterea martiremnon facit pena, sed caussa_. and if this is christ our lord, and one loses his life either in order not to offend him--for example, by denying his faith, or losing his chastity, or by lying, etc.--or in order to serve him--for example, by preaching his holy gospel, or by practicing the doctrine of succoring one's neighbors with the spiritual or corporal works of charity--even if the tyrant does not deprive him of life as a mark of hatred against the faith, assuredly he gains the crown, _salvam faciet eam_. accordingly, he who dies in the mountains when fleeing from persecution, or by means of wild beasts or robbers, or who is drowned in the sea, says st. cyprian in his epistle number 56, _ad tibaitanos_, is and must be called a martyr, for his death is [suffered] for christ. thence can one well see what we feel in the present case, and in the occasions that we have in hand. i will quote his words here, for they are a consolation for all those who are liable to lose their lives, in the sea or in the mountains, because of the preaching of the holy gospel and the persecution of the enemies of the gospel. _si fugientem in solitudine ac montibus latro oppresserit, fera invaserit, fames aut sitis aut frigus afflixerit, vel per maria præcipiti navigatione properantem tempestas ac procella submerserit spectat militem suum christus ubicunque pugnantem, et persecutionis causa pro nominis sui honore morienti præmium reddit quod daturum se in resurectione promisit. nec minor est martyrii gloria non publica et [non] inter multos perisse cum pereundi causa sit propter christum perire. sufficit ad testimoniam martyrii fui [sc. fuisse] testis ille qui probat martyres et coronat._ [23] this is sufficient for a letter, although other testimonials of the saints could be adduced, which show that the institution of martyrdom made by christ our lord was not the narrow thing of which certain scholastics speak. father teofilo raynaudo [24] of our society, in the book that he published, _de martyrio per pestem_, in the year 1630, proves in a very learned and wise manner that those who die through the exercise of the works of charity with the sufferers of the pest are really and truly, and can be called, martyrs. and clearly it is not less to give one's life than to exercise spiritual works of charity, for one's neighbors. hence we ought to endure in this particular, for christ our lord, _in bonitate et liberalitate_, [25] and since for other lesser works--as leaving father and mother, or positions, etc., for him--christ our lord chose to give as a reward so much in this life, and afterward eternal life, as he said through st. mark, in the 10th chapter: _centies tantum in tempore hoc et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam_. [26] the most heroic and lofty work was necessarily the giving of one's life for the same cause; and that loss will not give, to him who serves, another reward here, but the reward of eternal life is reserved for the world to come, and with a special diadem. then may we be consoled, my fathers, in our missions and voyages, if we lose our lives therein in the service of christ for the preaching of his holy gospel; since according to his royal promise he always maintains it assured, and brighter is the crown. i do not say this in order that we should publish our martyrs, or that we should so talk with those outside (for it is better for us to limit ourselves in that direction), but for our consolation and assurance, i am persuaded that after this pilgrimage we shall recognize that glory in some or many of the fathers of this province who have preceded us--as in the case of the fortunate father juan dominico bilançio, who died a captive of the mahometan [king of] jolo, the harsh treatment and sufferings of his captivity being the cause of his death; and father juan de las missas, [who perished] at the hands of the hostile camucones; besides other fathers. i regard it as superfluous to expatiate further on this, or to attempt to spur on those who are running so gloriously. therefore i conclude with the words, which the glorious bishop and martyr, st. cyprian, wrote in a similar case in his epistle number 81, to sergius rogatianus and his companions: _saluto vos fratres charissimi [ac beatissimi] optans ipsse quoque conspectu vestro frui, si me ad vos pervenire loci condicio permiteret. quid enim mihi optacius et lecius pocet [i.e., posset] accidere, quam nunc vovis inhærere? ... sed quoniam qui [sc. huic] lætiçie interesse facultas non datur has pro me ad aures et [ad] oculos vestros vicarias literas mito, quibus glatulor pariter, et eshortor, ut yn comfessione selestis glorie fortes et estabiles perseberetis et ingressi viam dominice dignacionis ad acipiendam coronam espirituali virtute pergatis_. [27] manila, february 1, 1635. _juan de bueras_ letter to felipe iv from father andres del sacramento sire: since i have passed thirty years in this province of the discalced franciscans of san gregorio of filipinas, and, since i am a father of this province, i regard it as my obligation to advise your majesty of its present condition; so that, since you are the one who sends the ministers at the cost of your royal treasury, you might apply the corrective that necessity demands. it is a fact that, although the said province has been established by the discalced religious, and always maintained in its first perfection by the religious sent it by the discalced provinces of españa, among those who come some observantines are generally found, under pretext of going to japon--who, although they change the habit, do not change their inclination to their own observance. this mingling [of the two branches] is the cause of very great disquiet, because of the opposition that is sucked in there in the milk, as is apparent to your majesty from many instances. although the observantines are so few that they do not number twenty, they make use of their favor with the commissaries-general, who generally appoint them as commissaries of visitation. in parts so remote and deprived of recourse [to superiors], they hold their will as law whenever they choose. for that reason we have always feared that the observantines would deprive the discalced religious of this province; and that has been done by an observantine commissary-visitor, who removed all the definitors and a great number of votes, by absolute authority and without sufficient cause. he did it for the sole purpose of succeeding in that design, which he accomplished; hence this province and its definitors are at present in the power of the observantines. since the fathers commissaries-general are observantines, they naturally favor their own party. from that circumstance, serious and long-drawn-out litigation is promised, which your majesty can prevent by ordering strictly that one or the other branch do not come. the discalced religious, as i said, established this province. they have furnished many martyrs to the church, and have toiled in the ministry with poverty, humility, and good example among spaniards and indians, as they relate and as your majesty can inform yourself. you will also be informed of the manner in which the observantine fathers administer in megico; and you can select which [branch] you may please, and order that those religious who do not possess a testimonial from the discalced or from the observantine provincials (according to which branch your majesty selects) shall not embark at cadiz. in case that observantines are not to come, it is very necessary also to order strictly your viceroy of mexico not to allow those who should not possess the said testimonials to embark at acapulco; for, since the commissary-general is in mexico, he will exert great activity in this respect in order to carry farther what has been commenced. for that purpose they are at present sending an observantine religious. i beg your majesty not to consider this as a matter of little moment, for on this one remedy alone depends the preservation of this province on its first foundation, the peace of the religious, the proper administration of the indians, and the prevention of most serious scandals born from the said opposition and intermixture, of which this whole kingdom is witness. in this letter it is seen that no favor or protection is requested from your majesty for either myself or anyone else; but i only inform you, as our sovereign lord, so that you may remedy the injury that results from the aforesaid to the consciences of your vassals and in the administration of the indians. notwithstanding this, i beseech your majesty, if you will be so pleased, to keep my name secret from the father commissary-general and the observantines; for if they learn it, they will give me considerable trouble here. may heaven prosper your life with the most fortunate successes, as we your majesty's most humble vassals and chaplains desire. [nueva] caceres, in the province of camarines, june 2, 1635. your majesty's humble chaplain, _fray andres del sacramento_, father of this province of san gregorio. [_endorsed_: "june 16, 638. collect what may have been written on this matter, and bring it; and have the father commissary-general report whether observantines go among the discalced fathers who are asked for. a report was asked from the commissary-general on the sixteenth of said month."] letter from the franciscan commissary-general of the indias i have received two documents from your grace, in regard to various matters, and i shall answer them in two others, so that your grace may be pleased to read them to the gentlemen of that royal council. in regard to one, i say that since the winter when i had certain advices from the province of san gregorio of the filipinas, and of which i informed the council, i have had no further news. that news was certain complaints of the provincial and definitors against the commissary who deprived them of certain things which he found in his visit, although he exceeded [his authority] in it. that case went to the commissary of nueva españa. according to what the discalced provincial of the filipinas wrote me, who went to follow up the case, penalties were imposed upon the said commissary. another was sent from the discalced province of san diego, so that another chapter might be celebrated, and that province appeased. i hope in our lord that it will be appeased and satisfied; but if not, i have written for them to send me all the documents and all decisions that shall have been rendered. letters were also written to me then, and i was advised of the great injuries that the governor was causing to the religious. i neglected to inform his majesty and that royal council of this, as i considered it certain that, as it had been so public, the matter would have been communicated from there; and that, after having been weighed by those gentlemen, they would despatch orders to reform it. concerning the lawless act and the audacity of the friars in protecting and aiding the cleric don pedro monroy, and their public censure of the governor, the audiencia, and others in their sermons, with scandal, for which i feel due regret, although the things that occur there publicly, and the events that happen there, have been very extraordinary, yet the words of their sermons must be according to the statement of the holy council of trent: _que sint examinata et casta, eloquia ad edificationem_ [28]--words used by our father st. francis, in his rules for preachers. if they are not so, then the word of god will not have the effect on its hearers that it had before the disturbance and scandal--a matter that has always seemed very wrong to me, and deserving blame and condemnation. that will happen on this occasion, for which, in due time, i shall send commission for an investigation and the punishment of the guilty; and [an account of] what shall be done shall be sent, so that i may present it to that royal council, and it may be seen whether satisfaction has been made; for where that has not been done, i shall endeavor to secure it, as i strive to do in all things that arise. this is my response to the first document sent by your grace. given in this convent of st. francis, in madrid, june twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. _fray francisco de ocaña_, commissary-general of the indias. opinion of council and royal decree regarding the request of the jesuits of manila for alms for their residence sire: by a decree of june first of the former year six hundred and twenty-five, your majesty granted a concession to the residence of the society of jesus of the city of manila, in the philipinas islands, of one thousand ducados in each of ten years, in unassigned indians, or those who should first become such in the said islands, under the same terms with which your majesty granted concession to the convent of the order of st. augustine in the islands for their buildings. the procurator-general of the said residence has now represented that, after the work was commenced, the church fell to the ground one night--leaving the house in ruins, and in so great danger that they were obliged immediately to borrow a temple for divine worship. for their building, and in order that they might be expeditious in it, and to build part of a house where the religious could be sheltered, it was necessary to raise a large sum of money by an assessment, which has rendered them very needy. it is the seminary for all the religious of the said society who leave these kingdoms for the cultivation of the holy gospel in those provinces, where they equip themselves and learn the languages of the natives, in order to go out to teach them. it has a school where reading, writing, and latin are taught, and the arts and theology, to spaniards and natives; and six congregations--namely, of priests, laymen, students, indians, and blacks--with great spiritual increase. it is the refuge for all the gospel ministers who fall sick, and who go thither for treatment, as there are no physicians in any other part. there they are treated, entertained, and supported with great charity, until they can return to continue their ministries. there are entertained all those who go by way of eastern yndia, when they go to japon, china, maluco, and other places. the said residence is very cramped, both in its house and its church, because of the great crowds that go there continually. for the relief of that condition, the order begs your majesty that--considering the aforesaid, and that your majesty has twice granted to the convent of st. augustine in the said islands a bounty of twenty thousand ducados for their building--you will also give the said residence as an alms another ten thousand ducados, so that it may continue the said building, paying it to them in the tributes of indians who may be unassigned. the matter having been examined in the council, together with the letter which the royal audiencia of the said islands wrote to your majesty, july twenty-nine, six hundred and thirty--in which is mentioned the great necessity for a church which the religious of the residence experience because of the fall of theirs, and the evident danger in which they live, and the great results that they obtain in those parts--the count of castillo, presiding officer of the said council, fernando de villaseñor, the count of umanes, and don bartolomé morquecho were of the opinion that, in order to take a resolution in this matter, it is advisable that the governor, the audiencia, and the archbishop of the said islands report on the condition of the work on the said residence, what is yet to be built, how much it will cost, and whether the said society of jesus has funds with which to build it. licentiate don lorenzo ramirez de prado, juan prado, juan de solorzano, and don juan de palafox think that, if your majesty be so pleased, you can do them the favor of continuing to the said residence the sum as above stated which was given them (of one thousand ducados in each year, for ten years) for two years more--one thousand ducados in each of them to be paid from the said tributes of unassigned indians, so that they may continue the said work. this should be with the qualification that the governor of the said islands see whether there is any other kind of property from which to pay those two thousand ducados, so that it may not be taken from the treasury of your majesty, or from the said encomiendas of indians--in order that the latter may remain free, with which to reward the soldiers who serve your majesty in those districts with great toil and danger. those two years of extension shall run from the day on which the ten years of the said grant are concluded, and in each one of those two years they shall not enjoy more than one thousand ducados. will your majesty order what is your royal pleasure. madrid, [_blank_] of [_blank_], six hundred and thirty-five. [the king, having seen the above opinions of his council, despatched a decree to the president and auditors of the manila audiencia, which recites in identical terms throughout the matter preceding the opinion in the first paragraph above, and then continues:] the matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, together with the letter which you wrote me on july twenty-nine, six hundred and thirty, and they having conferred with me in respect to the many years during which i made the said concession to the said residence, and our ignorance at present of what had been done with that money, or into what it has been converted, and what still lacks to be built; and as it is in tributes of unassigned indians, which are to be used as a reward for the soldiers who serve me in those islands with so great toil and danger, without there being any other thing with which to reward them: i command you, in order that our decision in this matter may be made with the knowledge that is advisable, to inform me on the first opportunity that offers of the condition of the work on the said residence, what is still to be built, and how much it will cost; and whether the said society of jesus has enough funds with which to build it, without our continuing the said concession and alms, as i have so many alms to grant, and things so greatly needing attention, on which account it is needful to retrench as much as possible. you shall send me the said report, together with your opinion, through the said my council of the yndias, so that, after they have examined it, the most advisable measures may be taken. given in madrid, july ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel ocaña y alarcon_ signed by the gentlemen of the council. letter from pedro de arce to felipe iv although my age is now so advanced, and i was very contented in my bishopric of the city of santisimo nombre de jhesus (which is commonly called cebú), i was forced to leave my quiet because of the death of the archbishop of manila, don fray garcia serrano, which happened more than six years ago, in order to come to govern this archbishopric of manila during the period of its vacancy, as such was ordered by his holiness paul v, in a bull which he gave at the petition of your majesty's father (whom may holy paradise keep!), providing that the senior bishop of philipinas should come to govern the church at manila for three vacancies in this metropolitan see. thus the lot fell to me to come; and the urgency with which the governor and the audiencia begged me to come gave me no room for excuses, or to represent my indispositions and advanced age. during the time while i have been in this government, there has been great peace and harmony between the ecclesiastical and civil powers; and we have always endeavored to promote the cause of our lord and the service of your majesty, as we all are bound to do. i have not left the government until now, when the bulls of this archbishopric came for don fray hernando guerrero; for, although he had a decree from your majesty, the bulls, as i say, had not arrived, and i was governing by a bull of his holiness, with a decree from your majesty. having consulted in regard to it with erudite men, theologians and jurists, as to whether i could give up the government of the archbishopric to don fray hernando guerrero, all counseled me in the negative, and charged my conscience. finally, the lord has been pleased to relieve me of that charge, and to leave me the old responsibility of my own failures; and, accordingly, i am returning thither with much pleasure and happiness, to finish my days among my people, aiding them in whatever i can; for they have suffered considerably during these years from the enemy from mindanao and jolo, who are very powerful, and who make extensive raids with their fleets--burning villages, firing churches, destroying images, and capturing many indians. especially last year did those enemies display themselves most insolently; whereupon governor don juan cerezo salamanca was obliged to apply the only remedy which we believed there to be--namely, to construct a fort at samboanga, in the land of mindanao, which might serve as a check to both enemies. that fort was commenced when don sebastian hurtado de corcuera arrived to govern these islands. hearing of the advisability of that work, he determined to forward it, for its benefit is great, and its cost to the royal treasury but slight; and even thus it is hoped that it will be of great advantage in a few years, for those enemies will be obliged to pay tribute to your majesty--and, in fact, whole villages have already begun to enter your majesty's obedience. i hope that they will also enter the obedience of our majesty [_i.e.,_ of god]. for that purpose, i have given and entrusted the spiritual affairs of those islands to the fathers of the society, so that by their excellent method of procedure and their gentleness they may continue to attract and convert the natives, who are very numerous. already have they set their hands to the labor, although the number of subjects that they have is few; because those of this order come but very seldom, and they have much to which to attend, and every day they have more. for i, for only the time during which i governed the archbishopric of manila, have, in consideration of the welfare of the indians and the devotion and efficient method of administration which those of the society preserve among them in all parts, entrusted them with new posts. both in the island of negros and in that of mindoro, besides the old christians, they have three or four thousand heathen to whom to attend; and they are already baptizing these, in addition to the said heathen of mindanao, who number many thousands. consequently, i petition your majesty for two things: one that your majesty be pleased to confirm them in the said mission of mindanao, for the bishops have entrusted it to them alone for many years (as did i also), through expectation of great results in the conversion, by means of the said fathers of the society of jesus; the other, that your majesty send a goodly reënforcement of the subjects of that order, so that they may attend to everything. i think a good reënforcement would be about forty, if most of them are priests, who can immediately begin to instruct. may our lord preserve the royal person of your majesty, as all kingdoms need, and as i, the least of your majesty's chaplains, beg in my sacrifices and prayers. manila, october seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. _fray pedro,_ bishop of santisimo nombre de jhesus. documents of 1636 discussion regarding portuguese trade at manila. joseph de navada alvarado, and others; 1632-36, decree extending the tenure of encomiendas. felipe iv; february 1. military services of filipinos. juan grau y monfalcon; june 13. conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities, 1635-36. casimiro diaz, o.s.a. letter from a citizen of manila to an absent friend. [unsigned; fabian de santillan y gavilanes?]; june 15. request for jesuit missionaries. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; june 19. letter from the bishop of nueva caceres to felipe iv. francisco de zamudio, o.s.a.; june 20. list of prominent ecclesiastics in manila and the islands. hernando de guerrero, archbishop of manila; 1636. _sources_: all but three of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the second is from the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the fourth, from diaz's _conquistas de las islas filipinas;_ the fifth, from a ms. in the academia real de la historia, madrid. _translations_: all but one of these documents are translated by james a. robertson; the last is by robert w. haight. discussion regarding portuguese trade at manila _copy of seventeen articles which joseph de navada alvarado, regidor of the distinguished and loyal city of manila, proposed to the municipal council [ayuntamiento] of that city, in which he represents the injuries and troubles which follow and have been experienced from the portuguese of macan continuing the trade which they have begun to introduce in that city [of manila]. these articles were presented to don juan niño de tavora, and afterward to don juan cerezo de salamanca, governor of those islands--who, having examined them, wrote his opinion to his majesty, and how advisable it was to suppress the trade of macan with the said city of manila, as is apparent by the said letter._ captain joseph de navada alvarado, regidor of this city of manila, represented in this city council that, as was public and well known, from the year six hundred and nineteen until the present of thirty-two, the portuguese inhabitants of macan have come to this city in various vessels, without fail in all the years above mentioned, laden with chinese merchandise, in order to sell it here; and that, with their said coming, it seems that they have obtained possession of this trade, which is so strictly prohibited by various royal decrees. on account of that trade they have waxed rich, while the inhabitants of this community now find themselves in their so wretched present condition, by the great sales which have been generally made to them; and because with the said trade that which the sangleys had by coming yearly to this said city, with the greatest abundance of goods, has ceased. it appears that necessity has always obliged them to have to buy from the said portuguese. notwithstanding that the prices have usually been very high, the profit which the inhabitants of this said city have made in nueva españa has been very slight; and at times it has been little more than the prime cost of the goods here, besides the heavy expenses and duties which they carry, both in these islands and in the said nueva españa. for that reason, he feels that it is very advisable for the preservation of the said inhabitants and of this community that the said trade of the portuguese cease, and that they be ordered not to come to this city; for this is permitted by the royal will, under the penalties expressed in the said decrees in which he orders it, to which we refer, since there are so many and so fundamental reasons as the following. the first, that the said portuguese of macan having tried in years past to open this trade, and having come to this city with merchandise to sell it there, this city council, seeing the damage that might grow from it (which is the damage bewailed today), opposed the said coming, and made various decisions in regard to demanding that the royal will be observed, and that the portuguese be ordered not to return to this city. and in fact they did not come for the time being, or for many years after, until the said year of six hundred and nineteen--[since] when, not encountering the resistance which had been formerly made, they have continued the said trade, as aforesaid. the second, for proof of the aforesaid, is that, as is notorious, the amounts of capital [invested by] the inhabitants of these islands were very great in the first years of the coming of the said ships from macan; but with the high prices which the portuguese have always set upon their merchandise, and (as aforesaid) because the citizens have bought from them more by force than willingly, by reason of the lack of the goods which the chinese brought formerly, for that reason the said investments of capital have stopped, and are so greatly diminished as has been, and is seen in general; because the gains have been very slight compared with the profits that have been made in nueva españa, considering the high prices that they demand here, as has been previously stated. the third point which ought to be considered is, that the customs duties on the merchandise brought by the chinese to this city were worth to his majesty from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos annually; while those on the merchandise of the ships which have come from macan have not been worth more than twenty thousand pesos in any one year, and it is considered as certain that some years the duties have not exceeded twelve thousand. in regard to this truth, as a point so worthy of consideration--and of which this city council ought to take so much notice, as it is the body whom the increase of the royal revenues to their possible extent concerns so fully--we refer to what shall appear from the amounts of the said duties which the sangleys now for twenty years have put into the royal treasury, and to those which the portuguese have put in from the year six hundred and nineteen, the goods which they have generally brought being valued at about one million and a half, defrauding to a greater sum the said import and export duties so rightfully due his majesty. the fourth matter that must be considered for the greater proof of the aforesaid statement is, the quickness of the voyage from the said city of macan to this of manila, since it can be made in twelve days or a fortnight (or in one week, as has already happened), and the short time that they spend in this city selling their goods. those were causes which could ensure the success of the contract which the citizens of this city have offered to make with them, several years--namely, to give them forty per cent clear profit upon the first cost which they [_i.e._, the portuguese] had invested. but as the portuguese have always beheld themselves powerful and masters of the said trade, they have always refused to accept it--from which one can infer the great gains which they have made and are making in the trade, since, in short, more than sixty per cent [profit] has now to be given for everything. that is a hardship which sufficiently accounts for the present condition of the inhabitants of this city who are afflicted with the many troubles which attend them by reason of the said diminution of their wealth; and for the total ruin of others, who see themselves dispossessed of what they had. for that reason they make no further investments, because they have not the wherewithal. fifth, it ought to be considered how long and dangerous is the voyage from these islands to the said nueva españa, and the heavy costs and expenses caused by the investments; while the returns for what is sent from here are not received even if good fortune attend them, except at the end of two years, and sometimes more. sixth, that with the coming of the said portuguese and ships from the city of macan to this of manila, the commerce and trade which the sangley merchants of china usually carried on every year with this city has ceased, because of the keen intelligence which the portuguese have employed in preventing it. that they have succeeded in doing, entirely by means of a very astute plan which they have followed, by taking to the annual fairs which are usually held at canton so many thousands of pesos to invest and to bring to this city, as, in short, has already been said. in that way the chinese sell them all that they want, at a profit of twenty-five or thirty per cent. that arrangement is so agreeable to the sangleys, with the said profit in their own land and without trouble, that they have ceased to come to this city as they did formerly, risking the capital which they brought hither. this has been aided greatly by the portuguese persuading the said sangleys that the wealth of the inhabitants of this city is very nigh gone, and to so great an extent that they cannot find an outlet even for all the goods which they bring; and that, for that reason, they give trust for the greater part of it--a thing that has never happened, nor been done, for they have always received money, and the value for everything that they have sold. to that is added also that the said portuguese have been wont to frighten the said sangley traders by telling them of the danger that they will experience in their coming because of the dutch pirates and the fleets of bancons [29] with which some of the chinese nation themselves go about committing depredations along those coasts. at the same time they have represented to the chinese the heavy dues that they pay here, and the injuries that are inflicted upon them in this city, notwithstanding that they have [not] known that the chinese have any complaint of this. all is with the purpose of turning them from any design that they have had of coming to this city with merchandise; for they fear that if the chinese did so it would result in impairing their trade [30] and discrediting that which the said portuguese hold so firmly. the seventh is in regard to the chinese merchants who refuse to sell their goods in canton to the said portuguese of macan, saying that they prefer to bring them at their own cost and risk to this city in their champans to sell them to the inhabitants of this city, and to enjoy in their entirety the profits and gain which they can thereby get. in order to dissuade these men from that purpose and resolve which they have had, the said portuguese have offered (as many chinese merchants who have come to this city this present year have said) for the sake of peace to bring the goods of the said sangleys to this city at their own account and risk in order to sell them here--as they could do, if they should carry them--making a contract, by which for their administration [of this business] they were to get five per cent. that has been seen now for two years, during which they brought in this way more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos on account of sangley merchants of canton. they also take the funds of the chinese to make a return at so much per cent, and bring it to this city, so that the sangleys may not come here with the said goods. that is a well known fact, and has been learned from some of the portuguese of macan themselves. the said portuguese make those efforts in order to have the monopoly for themselves of the merchandise brought to this city from the kingdom of china, and so that all might pass through their hands; since, in whatever form the aforesaid goods are brought, the portuguese prove to be so interested, and, for the same reason, as has already been stated, the inhabitants of this city come to be so despoiled of their wealth. no less [injury] is possible, except that, if the said trade is not suppressed, they will finish by losing the little that they have within very few years. the eighth. in regard to the aforesaid, we must consider that the said portuguese of macan have always refused to agree by way of _pancada_ on a general price, although the said pancada is so usual among them in all parts where they buy and sell. during one of the last few years, having agreed to the said pancada, and in order to begin it having appointed a person both on their part and on that of this city, when the prices were set those of macan refused to accept them, as they were not so high as they wished. for always with the consideration of having a port to leeward (which is that some of the said portuguese remain in this city to sell their goods which they have left over, in which no opposition has been shown them, either, although it is so much to the prejudice of the common welfare of this city), they become obstinate in whatever they desire--those who spend the winter making a monopoly of their merchandise that is left over, selling it at very high prices to the inhabitants who need it, and selling some to the sangleys of the parián. the latter afterward retail such merchandise to all manner of persons, doing that in the course of the year with some gain. the ninth point, and one which ought to be carefully considered, is, that besides some of the portuguese remaining in this city who come from the city of macan with the said merchandise, with the intent and for the causes stated in the above article, they accomplish their ends in another way, no less injurious to this community--namely, that some of them have sent a very heavy export of their merchandise in the ships despatched to nueva españa, although that is so stringently prohibited by decrees and orders of his majesty. taking advantage of the said opportunity, they sent it by the hands and under the names of persons of this city, who have protected and are protecting them. although this city, on account of the notice given to it of this conduct, has made all possible efforts to prevent so harmful a proceeding--having even requested and received letters of excommunication, which have been read and published in the churches--yet it has not been learned that these have been sufficient to prevent it. this is verified by the unlading of the flagship "santa maria magdalena," which was despatched from the port of cavite in these islands in the first part of august of the past year, six hundred and thirty-one, for nueva españa, but whose voyage did not take place, because of the disaster that happened. through that mishap it became known what the portuguese of macan had embarked in it, as can be related by captain andres lopez de azaldiqui, depositary-general of this court, who was present at the discharge of cargo with a commission from this city council. the tenth is, that what the ships bring from macan is only silks, in bundles and in fabrics. if they have brought any cotton cloth needed by the poor, each piece of cloth has been sold at three or three and one-half pesos. the same price is received for one cate of sewing thread, and a dish of average quality sells for one real; and notwithstanding that they bring but little of this for the supply of this community, they have always sold the said articles at the prices quoted, because of reducing the cargo of the said ships to the said silks and stuffs, on account of the profits arising from such freights. the ships give little or no place for the lading of cotton cloth and other wares needed so badly by the poor, because of their volume and of the little profit made from such cargoes. such things are also needed by those who are not poor; and even a single ship of those usually brought by the sangleys from china to this city fills the land with the said common goods, which are so necessary, as can be understood; and the poor are supplied with these by the convenience of their prices, which are very low. they are still lower when a number of ships come, as was formerly the case. that is verified by the few which have come with the said goods for some years past, so that these articles have been valued at prices so low as the fourth part, and less, of the prices at which they have been sold by the said portuguese, as has been stated. the eleventh is, that it would not have been any trouble for the chinese to come to engage in this trade with a quantity of goods--as they did before the portuguese represented to them the dangers of enemies or the other things aforesaid--if the trade of macan had been suppressed. for the greed of gain, which they are so well known to possess, would have conquered everything, and they would come here; since an outlet for the merchandise in which they trade in china must be sought beneath the water. if the chinese can know for only one year that no ships have come from macan to this city, it is certain that they will come, and that beyond all doubt. also the reëstablishment of the trade of the said chinese will be effected; and, since there will be great abundance in the goods which they trade, the customs duties will amount to the sums which i have already stated. consequently, there will be a stop put to the loans, so numerous and usual, that we are wont to require every year from the inhabitants in order to supply the needs of the royal treasury; or at least the loans will not be so large, since the said duties will be able to supply much. the twelfth is that, as is well known, in the merchandise brought by the portuguese from the city of macan to this of manila, there are no articles that can, with known reason, have an outlet with profits or even without profits, in any other part, because of this--namely, that what they take to japon is only raw silk, which they call of the first value, and the cream of that of china, whose products they bring here. no other thing is used in japon; and the skins which they also carry, besides being in small quantity, are but little used by the japanese, according to their customs; so that all the rest which the inhabitants of macan buy is for conveyance to this city. if they do not come here with it, then, it is certain that they will not buy it. consequently, the chinese will come with it, for it is their trade, and they have to procure an outlet and profit for their merchandise. the thirteenth is that the efforts exerted by the said portuguese of macan in preventing the commerce of the chinese have been by as many roads of state as they have been able to attempt. this came to such a pass that a ship returning from this city to that of macan, whence it had come with merchandise, with some portuguese aboard it, while coasting along the ilocan shore some two years ago, sighted two ships of the sangleys, which were coming from china laden with merchandise to this city. the said ship from macan attacked them while passing, and chased them, the while discharging its artillery, with the intention of pillaging and sinking them, and preventing their coming here. by the strenuous efforts that they made, the chinese escaped from their hands, although they received great damage from the artillery. through the delay that they suffered in these perils, their arrival here was postponed, and having entered the bay during a terrible storm, one ship was wrecked in the neighborhood of parañaque, and the other in sight of the walls [of manila]. consequently, the sangleys lost their goods, and were in danger of losing their lives. as soon as they entered this city they gave notice of that injury, and this city council having seen the reason of it, voted that an investigation should be made of the aforesaid affair, and that it be done by licentiate nicolas antonio de omaña, as he was alcalde-in-ordinary of the city. he began to make an investigation, but ceased because the governor said that it belonged to the jurisdiction of the war department. thereupon the sangleys--seeing that they would not obtain the justice which they desired in respect to the said investigation; and that the said portuguese returned to this city, because they did not continue their voyage, on account of the wreck of the said ship in which they were going along the said coast of ilocos--had recourse to the royal audiencia of these islands, where they filed a complaint against the portuguese who was leader of the said ship, and the others. from the papers which were drawn up, it resulted that the said audiencia ordered the said portuguese who was commander of the said ship to be arrested. that was done, and the latter was a prisoner for many days in the houses of the city council, until at the end of some time he was freed, without any one knowing in what condition the said case remained. the fourteenth is, the long experience that we have of the injuries that have been committed on the castilians who have gone from this city to the said city of macan in the portuguese ships, with some money which they have taken to invest and with which to pay their passage and the freight on their investments. having reached the said city of macan they are arrested, and the said money is sequestered. some who have escaped this harsh treatment have taken refuge in churches, and have at last embarked, fortunate to be at liberty with their money, in order to return to this city. having gone through those kingdoms and experienced the delay of the long time during which they have been suffering this molestation, and the others who, as aforesaid, have escaped it by availing themselves of the said churches, these have employed their capital in buying the merchandise of the portuguese of that city--and always at so high prices that, from one hand to another, the portuguese gain twenty-five or thirty per cent with our people. for no lesser rate was open to the latter, in order to redeem themselves from the injury inflicted on them, of little or no liberty; while the portuguese have so much freedom in this said city, as has been and is seen, as i have already stated. consequently, what our people have brought from that city has always been too dear, by reason of the aforesaid profit which the said portuguese have made of it. they, not content with this, have (as is well known also), whenever opportunity has arisen to send any ship of his majesty from this city to bring back at his royal account military supplies for the provision of the royal magazines, refused to let these be bought by the hands of those who have the matter in charge, but [insist that it be] by those of inhabitants of macan. thus they make use of what goods they have, and sell them at the prices which they choose. that has always resulted in great loss to the royal treasury, which is sufficiently notorious, because it has been said openly by all who have gone from here for that purpose. such comment has not been less, even though many citizens of this city are so patiently enduring such injustice; for, these having delivered their goods to the said portuguese that they might take them hence to the said city of macan and invest them, and bring them back or send them the proceeds, the portuguese have kept the goods, and have not thus far made any return to our people. for that reason those who sent the goods have been completely ruined by such great losses, which in their total amount to a very large sum. with that, and with all the profits and gains aforesaid, those of macan are today known to be very powerful, and to have great wealth--although they had no considerable wealth in the said year of six hundred and nineteen, when they began to come here to avail themselves of the said trade. the fifteenth is, that if the trade of the said portuguese ceases, there can be no doubt that the sangleys will come in their ships from china, laden with merchandise, in order to sell it in this city. and even should this not be to the number of those who formerly came, nor with so great an amount of goods during these first years, yet with the few that do come with valuable goods, and with those which can come from the island of hermosa, and the wax which is obtained in these islands, there will be enough goods to complete the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos which his majesty allows the inhabitants of this archipelago to trade with the said nueva españa--and even to exceed that amount, in general, according to the scarcity of wealth that they have today. the great investments which are made today through the hands of agents who are here--who have the money of certain citizens of mexico in large quantities, many thousands of pesos, with which they disturb the trade and commerce of our citizens--will be prevented. for, as these men who have the agencies enjoy an interest of ten per cent of what they thus invest by their own authority (even though it be bought very dear), they will not consider the removal of obstacles in the prices of the merchandise--making them exceptions to the general loss of all this community; for the portuguese have continued their sales at the same prices, without its having been possible to apply the corrective which so great an injury demands. if that loss cease, our citizens alone will enjoy the said investments, complying therein with his majesty's will, and will make them at favorable prices, whereby considerable profit will accrue to them. for this they will share the merchandise which will come, both from china and from the island of hermosa and other places, in accordance with their means. from it will also result another advantage with the coming of the said vessels from china, to the citizens who have possessions in the parián, who will thus have someone to occupy those possessions. the limited time during which the said sangleys are wont to remain here will be worth more to those citizens than the rent and payment for their property which they now usually obtain for all the year. with that income the tax which they ought to pay for the arable land in the said possessions, at the [current] values of this city, will not be so long delayed, and will be paid with greater ease, promptness, and willingness than is done now; for, as is well known to this city council, about eight thousand pesos are owing to the said public property for the said reason, according to the accounts that have been rendered by juan de arguelles and juan lopez de andoin. the sixteenth is for an argument that, if the trade of the portuguese of macan cease, the said [chinese] will have to conduct the trade as they did before in the said merchandise, because they will have no other outlet for it, except in this city. this is proved because in the revolts of the sangleys here, in the first part of october of the former year six hundred and two [_sic_], more than twenty thousand sangleys having been killed and their possessions ruined--of which advices were taken to china by more than ten of their ships which escaped and carried the news--nevertheless, by may of the year following the same ships came to this city, in the number and with the amounts of goods with which they had come in the years preceding. they continued that in the following years, as if the aforesaid punishment had been a benefit to them. they did that for the reason above mentioned, of not having any other outlet for the said merchandise in which they traded. the seventeenth is that, as is well known, as soon as the portuguese of macan knew of the post which we took in the island of hermosa, they tried to obstruct that trade, by sending a religious of their nation to one of the commercial ports of china, in order that he might direct those chinese not to take any merchandise to the said island. they have persisted and are still persisting in those efforts. in regard to all the above, as a matter so important, and on which depends the conservation of this community, and so that the citizens of it may retrieve their losses, he petitions that discussion be held, and that this proposition be set down in the record-book; that a decision be reached, and a vote taken in regard to all that ought to be petitioned; and that the royal decrees which treat of all the said matter be observed. having read and understood it _de verbo ad verbum_, it was voted that the said proposition be enrolled in the record-book of this cabildo, and that it should be discussed and voted upon. that having been done, in consideration of the fact that the arguments which it contains are so notorious and so well known in this city and by its inhabitants, manila unanimously and as one man has resolved to inform his lordship, the governor, of the said proposition; that for its accomplishment all the steps that shall seem to be advisable shall be taken, by writing, until the said effect is obtained--with the consent and advice of the counselor of this city; that the procurator-general of the city attend to all the above, and that they appoint as commissaries those deputed to inform the governor. thereupon, captain diego diaz, regidor of this city, voted, and said that his opinion is that this affair is one of great importance; and that it seems right to discuss and treat of it with the inhabitants of the community, who are the ones interested. this is his vote and opinion. the governor is requested to be pleased to give permission for the holding of an open cabildo, so that those interested, as they are the ones whom it concerns so greatly, may declare therein the resolution that ought to be taken in this matter. for if the suspension of the coming of the goods from macan were to happen in any other way, and at the same time those of china should not come, the people would generally complain; and in order that they may not do that, let them be participants in the resolution that shall be taken. in such condition was this vote, and all signed it. _copy of a section of a letter written to his majesty, august 14, 1633, by the governor of filipinas_ the trade of great china also has declined, inasmuch as the portuguese of macan have become masters of it, as they are so near; and as they are admitted here, contrary to all good government, they retail the products which the said chinese formerly brought direct. that causes a great scarcity in these provinces, all of which results in our loss, and in the gain of china, because of the great advance in price over the [former] cheapness--[an excess], moreover, which they carry to their own land. the relief that i believe can be had, although some privation may be felt in the beginning, is that your majesty prohibit the trade of macan with manila, and decree that portuguese be not admitted into this government. besides having the above result, your majesty's duties will increase; and the commerce of china with the island of hermosa can be established by this route, and become of importance to your majesty, although up to the present it has been only an expense. [_decree of the council_: "collect the papers treating of this matter and the chart of the island of hermosa; and together with this section take it all to the fiscal, and bring it to the council with what he shall say. november 25, 1634."] [_note_: "the fiscal declares that he regards it as very unadvisable to make any innovation for the present, and that the trade now possessed by the portuguese should be not prohibited; for, since the said trade is permitted to the sangleys and other foreign nations, who are not vassals of his majesty, it is not right to prohibit it to the portuguese; and because if the said trade is prohibited to the portuguese, the dutch and other rebels to this crown might seize that site and the trade. moreover, the advantages which the governor represents as the consequence are not sure but contingent; and the increase which he mentions might not happen, and could not afterward be made up if the portuguese abandoned that site and that trade ceased. madrid, december 6, 1635."] [_endorsed:_ "in regard to the affairs of the island of hermosa and the portuguese. refer it to the fiscal. april 15, 636." "let account be given so that those decrees may be carried out which were given in order that foreigners might not trade or traffic in the filipinas islands--taking note that the portuguese are included among foreigners, and that the chinese and sangleys can trade and traffic as hitherto. in regard to the expulsion thence of the portuguese who are not living there by the express license of his majesty, he shall expel them, unless the governor and audiencia consider that it is not advisable; of which it may be necessary to present information to the council."] _copies of the decrees which were despatched to the governor and audiencia of filipinas, and the fiscal and royal officials of them, in regard to the trade which the portuguese of macan have introduced into manila._ the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the philipinas islands: don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that the portuguese people who live in eastern india have attempted to trade and traffic with those islands, thus hindering the sangleys from going to sell their merchandise in that city; and that this intercourse was already established, in violation of the orders and decrees issued, to the very great damage and prejudice of my royal revenues and the good government of the islands. he petitioned me to be pleased to have a speedy and effective remedy applied in a matter of so great importance and weight. my royal council of the indias having examined all the papers which were presented in this matter, together with what my fiscal said and alleged regarding it, i have considered it fitting to send you a copy of them, so that you may see them. if the report that has been made of this seems to you correct, you shall immediately attend to the remedy for this damage; and i order my fiscal of that my royal audiencia, by another decree, to prosecute that case and to plead whatever he judges suitable for the advantage and increase of my royal treasury, and the observance of the orders and decrees issued, since that pertains to him by reason of his office. of all that you shall enact and that you shall continue to do in this matter, you shall advise me. given in madrid, november ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ [a decree of the same date and of like tenor, addressed to the fiscal of the manila audiencia, juan de quesada vitado y mendoça, follows, in which he is ordered to prosecute the case. a decree of the same date is also addressed to the royal officials; which, after the same general statement at the beginning, continues: "and although i order that audiencia by another of my decrees of equal date with this to attend to the remedy of this damage, and the fiscal to plead in prosecution what he sees to be necessary, i have thought it best to advise you of it, so that after you have understood it, if you are sure that there is fraud in the collection and administration of my royal duties, you also shall plead what you consider to be advisable, since you see what is your obligation by virtue of your office. and of what you shall hear, and what shall be done, you shall keep me advised."] sire: don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of the noble and loyal city of manila, metropolis and capital of the philipinas islands, declares that the past year he represented to your majesty the great damages and injuries which the inhabitants of that city are experiencing from the portuguese of macan having introduced the custom of going to buy their merchandise at the fair of canton in china, and bringing the same to the city of manila to retail it--where they make a monopoly of it, without the inhabitants [of manila] being able to make any profit, such as they had before when the chinese came to the said city to sell their merchandise. the latter, besides selling the merchandise for very suitable prices, gave credit for them until they came back again. without spending money, the inhabitants then were benefited, and sent the said merchandise to nueva españa, and made very great profits on it. all this has ceased with the coming of the portuguese, who not only give no credit, but sell the merchandise for excessive prices. if they do not receive the pay that they wish for the goods, they send them to mexico at their own account. as they are settled in manila, they keep the merchandise from one year to another. the sangleys did not do that; for, in order to be able to return, they sold the goods at very suitable prices, or gave credit for them, by which the inhabitants made considerable profits. as that profit has ceased, they are becoming very poor, and have no capital, and there is no help for it. what they gained the portuguese now gain; and the latter withdraw thrice as much money from manila as the sangleys did. the latter exchanged a great part of their merchandise for products of the country, which the portuguese do not do, but take away the money in bars and reals. and although they allege in their favor, in order to continue the trade, that they are vassals of his majesty, and that it is right for them to trade and traffic in manila as in castilla and in other parts of españa, the fact is excluded that the inhabitants of that city have conquered those islands and shed their blood in that conquest, and always have arms in their hands for their defense. it is right that they alone should have this advantage (as your majesty orders by the many decrees which have been despatched in regard to this), and not the portuguese, who have and have always had places to trade and traffic in portuguese india, japon, china, and many other parts. it is not right to snatch the bread from the hands of the inhabitants of manila, who have no other trade or means of gain save that in the merchandise of china. if relief is not given in this very quickly, all the commerce of that city will be destroyed, and it is now so fallen for this reason. besides, it is prohibited to the inhabitants of those islands by decrees, and in particular by one of the year 593, to go to the canton fair or to china, as the portuguese go to buy. it is also prohibited by many decrees for any portuguese, notwithstanding that they are vassals of your majesty, to trade or traffic in the provinces of the indias without special permission. this same thing must be observed in manila, just as it is observed in nueva españa and piru. certain reasons that were presented having been examined in the royal council of the indias, it was ordered by a decree despatched november ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, to send all the papers which were presented in behalf of that city to the governor and audiencia of manila; and commission was given to them so that, after examination of the documents by the fiscal and the royal officials (to whom a decree of like tenor was sent), they might apply in this matter such remedy as they deemed most advisable, and as a matter so important for the preservation of those islands demands. king don felipe second, having considered and foreseen the many difficulties [involved in decreeing] that no one of his vassals go to china to buy merchandise from the chinese, ordered the said decree to be despatched january eleven, of the said year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three (a copy of which is here presented), by which he ordered gomez perez dasmariñas, governor of manila, not to allow any inhabitants of those islands to go to china to buy merchandise from the chinese; but to have the latter come to that city to sell them, at their own risk. that decree was enforced until the year one thousand six hundred and six; but it is now violated because the portuguese have crossed over, contrary to the order of the said decree. they go to china, which is the act prohibited in the decree; and not only do they cause that damage, but they also deprive the inhabitants [of manila] of the benefit which they had of receiving on credit the merchandise from the chinese who go to that city. further, they bought the goods at very low prices, since, in accordance with the terms of the said decree, the governor and the city set the prices for the merchandise, which was a thing of great importance. and in order that the chinese might return to manila, and the inhabitants enjoy the profits and accommodations of former times, and the terms of the said decree of 593 might be obeyed, in which all the trouble that happens now was anticipated; and for confirmation of the above statement, and so that your majesty may see that not only do the inhabitants of that city suffer damage because the portuguese go to it with chinese merchandise, but that your majesty also loses vast sums of which the royal duties are defrauded: will you be pleased to order the certification which the writer presents, from the accountant of the official visit to be examined. from this, it is apparent that during the last thirteen years while the sangleys had the trade in that city--from the year one thousand six hundred and six until that of one thousand six hundred and eighteen--they paid in duties to your majesty, 574,627 pesos and six tomins; and that in another thirteen years while the said portuguese of macan have had the said trade, they have paid only 90,041 pesos. figuring one period against the other, the royal treasury has had a shortage of 483,986 pesos and four tomins, a considerable quantity in only thirteen years. and, in order that this truth may be apparent to your majesty, the writer presents the said certification of the annual amounts of the said duties, for both the thirteen years of the portuguese and the thirteen of the chinese. [he also invites] consideration of the fact that the purpose of the said royal decree of 593 is subverted and violated by the commerce which the portuguese of macan carry on in china in order to take the merchandise by way of retail to the said city of manila; for the said purpose declared in the said royal decree is that the said merchandise of china shall enter into the said manila through the hands of the said chinese, and at their own account and risk, as the said decree says, without any other persons being authorized to meddle in it at all, or any merchants save the said chinese. thus the said violation is manifest, since the said portuguese are the ones who carry and deliver the merchandise in the said city, by means of the said commerce which they have in china. without that it would be impossible to take them to manila, or to violate the said royal decree. since they are not deserving of greater favor or benefit than the inhabitants of the said city--in whom concur so many merits and services, as is well known, and to whom the said commerce is denied by the said decree of 593--nor is there any cause or reason why the said portuguese, who can not urge the said services, and who only think of the said retailing of goods and of their own interest and greed, should be permitted to trade; he petitions and beseeches your majesty to be pleased to have a second decree of like tenor to that of the year 593 issued, so that it may be observed and obeyed exactly, as is stated therein. in it also should be included the case above mentioned, or it should be ordered anew that the said portuguese shall not conduct or continue the said commerce in the said city--at least making it an offense to carry to manila the said merchandise for which they trade in china, imposing therefor heavy penalties of confiscation, and others more severe in case of violation. by this the royal treasury will receive great benefit and increase, and avoid the so considerable injury and loss that has been set forth; and the said city and its inhabitants will receive an especial favor and grace, as is hoped from the greatness and the royal authority of your majesty. further, he besought your majesty to have filed with this memorial the letters which were in the secretary's office, written by the governor and audiencia in regard to what is represented in the memorial; so that after the whole has been examined, the decision most fitting to the service of your majesty and the preservation of those islands may be made. and that the great troubles that follow from the aforesaid may be seen, he petitions that an examination he ordered to be made of the memorial of seventeen articles which was presented by jusepe de naveda, regidor of that city. _decree of our sovereign king don felipe second, by which it is prohibited that any one go to china to buy merchandise from the chinese; but the latter must go to the city of manila to carry them, and sell them at their own cost and risk_--_in which decree are to be included the portuguese of macan._ the king. to gomez perez dasmariñas, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and any other person who shall hereafter serve in the said office: know that i have been informed that many persons of those islands are going to macan and other ports of china to trade and traffic with the chinese for the profit that results from it. from that result higher prices for the merchandise, and other notable inconveniences. and as it is fitting that a remedy be applied in this matter, i have determined to prohibit and to order--as i do by this present prohibit, forbid, and order--that no person, now and henceforth, shall trade or traffic in any part of china; nor shall any merchandise, on account of the merchants of the said islands, be carried or permitted to be carried from that kingdom to the islands, unless the chinese themselves, at their own account and risk, shall carry it to the said islands, and sell it therein by wholesale. for this, you, together with the city council of the city of manila, shall appoint each two or three persons whom you shall consider most suitable to value and appraise the said merchandise. they shall take it at wholesale from the chinese, paying them the amount for the goods; and afterward it shall be divided among all the citizens and natives of the islands at that price, in accordance with their wealth, so that all may share the profit which results from this trade. you shall order that the said persons thus appointed keep a book, in which shall be entered the amount of money which is invested each time, and the price at which each kind of merchandise is appraised; among what persons it is divided; and the quantity that falls to each one's share. and i charge you straitly to have especial care to ascertain in what manner the persons deputed for that purpose exercise that commission. you shall not permit those who have held it one year to be chosen for it the following year. you shall send me a relation of all the aforesaid, signed by them, and another to the viceroy of nueva españa. and i order you, and also all other justices and judges, to observe and obey, and cause to be observed and obeyed, and executed to the letter, the contents of this our decree; for thus it is fitting for my service. given in madrid, january eleven, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. i the king by order of the king our sovereign. juan de ybarra [_endorsed_: "december 19, 635. have these papers collected; bring what is provided." "have all these papers taken to the fiscal. in the council, january 16, 636." "the fiscal asks that this decree be brought authorized by the secretary, so that he may answer and petition what he shall believe to be expedient. madrid, january 19, 1636." "the fiscal says that the decree of which a reissue is requested does not touch upon the case for which it is now requested; and that he considers as a rigorous measure that what is therein permitted to the chinese should not be permitted to the portuguese, who are his majesty's vassals--they having occupied that port of macan, as he understands, after the said decree was issued. madrid, january 22, 1636."] _customs duties collected at manila on chinese merchandise_ in thirteen years while the sangleys had control of the trade of chinese merchandise--namely, from that of 1606 to that of 1618--they paid in duties to his majesty, according to the certification of the accountant for the official visit, 574,627 pesos, 6 tomins. in another thirteen years while the portuguese of macan have controlled the said trade, they have paid only 90,641 pesos, 2 tomins. consequently, comparing the one time with the other, there is, as he has informed his majesty, a shortage of 483,986 pesos, 4 tomins, in his royal treasury. this account is presented in detail in the following manner: year of 1606 32,113 pesos, 3 tomins, 3 granos. year of 1607 and 1608 75,462 pesos, 0 tomins, 4 granos. year of 1609 and 1610 131,341 pesos, 4 tomins, 0 granos. year of 1611 26,053 pesos, 0 tomins, 7 granos. year of 1612 95,639 pesos, 2 tomins, 8 granos. year of 1613 69,427 pesos, 7 tomins, 0 granos. year of 1614 36,105 pesos, 2 tomins, 6 granos. year of 1615 41,558 pesos, 1 tomin, 1 grano. year of 1616 23,377 pesos, 0 tomins, 0 granos. year of 1617 37,179 pesos, 5 tomins, 5 granos. year of 1618 5,770 pesos, 0 tomins, 0 granos. ------ - - 574,627 pesos, 6 tomins, 10 granos. duties which the portuguese of macan have paid on the merchandise of china in the thirteen years from that of 1619 to that of 1631, according to the same certification; and also those which the chinese ships that have come in those same years have paid. macan years china pesos tomins granos pesos tomins granos 1,172 6 3 1619 11,148 0 0 8,903 0 0 1620 27,797 0 0 9,653 5 0 1621 6,692 6 11 7,370 0 0 1622 8,040 0 0 4,238 3 5 1623 1,759 3 9 5,444 0 0 1624 2,998 6 0 6,917 0 0 1625 10,894 0 0 10,248 0 0 1626 22,580 0 0 9,092 3 8 1627 20,385 0 0 3,036 0 0 1628 2,943 0 0 641 0 0 1629 3,957 0 0 11,645 0 0 1630 6,287 0 0 7,480 0 0 1631 18,344 0 0 ----- - - ------ - - 90,641 2 4 143,826 6 8 decree extending the tenure of encomiendas the king. to don albaro de quiñones, knight of the order of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the province of guatemala, and president of my royal audiencia resident therein, or the person or persons in charge of its government: as you have understood, the repartimientos and encomiendas of indians which the kings my forbears and i have been accustomed to grant to various persons in that country, in consideration of their services, have been for two generations. inasmuch as my intention has always been, and is, to show favor to those who serve, equal to their deserts, and especially to the pacifiers and settlers of those provinces, and considering the special importunities that many persons make, that the repartimento or encomienda which they hold may be prolonged for one more generation, they representing to me not only their own causes, but the advantages therein for the indians, and their good treatment and education: with the consent and advice of the members of my royal council of the indias, after they had consulted with me, i have determined to show favor generally to all those who hold the repartimientos and encomiendas of indians in those provinces, by prolonging them for another generation, in addition to the generations for which they now hold them, provided that they immediately, for this reason, contribute to my funds--those who shall possess encomiendas for a second generation, with the value of the first three years; and those who shall enjoy them in the third generation with the value of two years--so that that may be an aid to the heavy expenses that my royal treasury incurs in defense of these and those kingdoms, and of the increase and conservation of our holy catholic faith. [it shall be] provided that this prolongation be not extended, nor be understood to extend, to those who should hold encomiendas of which the value exceeds eight hundred ducados and more; for such encomiendas must be kept to reward worthy persons, in the manner that has been followed hitherto. in order that this may be executed as is desired, i have thought best to order you and to charge you--as i do--that as soon as you receive this my decree you publish it in that city of santiago, and in all the others of your government, so that all persons who shall desire the said prolongation of their repartimientos or encomiendas may come before you within one year, counted from the day of the said publication. those who thus come before you within the said time you shall admit to the said agreement, under the above obligations. having made the contract, you shall give them the necessary despatches, so that they may enjoy these for the third generation; and these shall be thus continued to them with the repartimientos which they possess, or shall be continued to those who shall duly succeed to them, according to the law of succession. they shall be obliged to have obtained within four years my confirmation of the same. those who shall come after the said year has expired you shall in no case admit. with those with whom you shall make a contract, you shall try to regulate the value of the repartimientos and encomiendas, with the advice of the fiscal of that audiencia and the royal officials of their district, enacting for that purpose the measures that you shall deem advisable; paying heed to the consolidations which must be made of the pensions that they pay at present. with those who shall possess their repartimientos and encomiendas without any stipulation for the consolidation, you shall contract in the same manner and form, with the obligation to come to obtain the confirmation. you shall proceed in both cases with the like care that the business be regulated and transacted so that my royal treasury be paid, exactly and promptly, what belongs to it because of this. the sum resulting from this you shall send me at the first opportunity in a separate fund, and shall not put it with the rest of my revenues--sending it directed to my president and official judges of the house of trade at sevilla. you shall make a special report of what proceeds from each contract, and of those who wish to make contracts in regard to the encomiendas which they possess in those kingdoms; and those who enjoy those encomiendas while living in these kingdoms shall come to make these contracts in the said my council of the indias, where they will be admitted without any time limit being set. madrid, february 1, 1636. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon_ _idem_, to the [governor] of yucatan, philipinas, and venezuela. military services of filipinos sire: don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of the philipinas islands, desirous of your majesty's service and the welfare and conservation of those islands, and that the indians who are under your majesty's protection and pay you homage be preserved therein, represents that the indian natives of the provinces of pampanga, camarinas, and tagalos have served and are serving your majesty with great love and fidelity, since the time of the conquest of those islands. not one of those indians has ever been found in rebellion, or has wrought any treachery, or deserted to the enemy. those indians, mingled with spaniards, serve as soldiers in war, and have proved excellent therein. especially are the pampangos valiant soldiers, who have performed and are daily performing valiant exploits at the side of the spanish. they were at the taking of terrenate; and, whenever occasion offers, they with other companies come to guard the city of manila. they also serve as rowers and pioneers in expeditions by the fleets. on all occasions that offer, they serve your majesty with their persons and possessions. the natives of the province of tagalos do the same. they, together with those of the province of camarinas, serve both in war and in the building of galleons and galleys with great friendship and goodwill. in order that those indians, especially the pampangos and tagáls, may be encouraged to continue your majesty's royal service, he represents that it would be very advisable for your majesty to be pleased to command that letters be sent to them, expressing your great appreciation of their conduct; as well as to the governor of manila, ordering him to observe and cause to be observed _in toto_ the decrees that were ordered to be despatched in their favor by their majesties the kings don phelipe second and third. if it should be deemed advisable, since they are serving in the military and are so valiant soldiers, in order to encourage them for the future [the writer suggests that you] honor them with military offices and charges; for if the natives of the said provinces see that your majesty is mindful of them, and honors them through your royal decrees, they will be encouraged to continue your royal service with greater fervor. in case that it should appear expedient to despatch the said decrees, they could be sent to the alcaldes-mayor of the said three provinces of pampanga, tagalos, and camarinas, and they should be ordered to assemble the leading indians of those provinces, and have your majesty's royal decrees read to them. besides the many advantages that may accrue from your majesty honoring the natives of these three provinces, may follow another very great one--namely, that the other indians of the other provinces, who do not serve with so much friendship and promptness as they (on the contrary, many of them rebel daily and go over to the enemy), on seeing that your majesty honors them by your royal decrees, and that the governors appoint them to offices and duties, will be encouraged to serve and to merit a like reward from your majesty. all of the above he represents, so that your majesty may take what measures may be deemed most fitting for your royal service. [_endorsed_: "don juan grau, procurator-general of the philipinas islands. june 13, 636. have the governor notified to be very careful for the indians of these three provinces; and to encourage them greatly. order him to summon their leaders so that they may always continue in his majesty's service. have a relation made to the effect that we have heard that they serve well, and of their fidelity. this being so, let him execute the aforesaid; and let nothing which is here proposed be said that may annoy the military officers."] conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities, 1635-36 _second book of the second part of the conquests of the filipinas islands, and chronicle of the religious of our father, st. augustine_ [_translation of title-page_: "conquests of the filipinas islands: the temporal by the arms of our catholic sovereigns of españa, and the spiritual by the religious of the order of st. augustine; and the foundation and progress of the province of santísimo nombre de jesús of the same order. part second: compiled by the use of the materials which the very reverend father fray gaspar de san agustín, [31] author of the first part, collected, by father fray casimiro diaz, [32] native of toledo, of the order of our father st. augustine, chronicler of this province of santísimo nombre de jesús, procurator-general, and twice secretary and definitor of the same. with the necessary licenses. valladolid [33] ... 1890."] chapter xv _the raid of the mindanao pirates into leyte. election of father fray juan ramirez as provincial. arrival of the governor, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, and the religious who came in his company._ that year of 1634 was so quiet and so barren of events worthy of remembrance that i shall not dwell long upon it; for there is nothing of which i have heard to detain me, unless it be the raid of the mindanao enemy into the island of leyte, and the depredations that they committed there with the license permitted to them in seeing that there was no attempt made in manila to check them. on sunday, december 3, 1634, the mindanaos arrived with eighteen galleys at the village of ogmuc, leaving behind in that of baybay the rest of the vessels which they brought in their fleet. fifty of our indians went out to resist them, but being unable to fight so many, they gradually retired to a little fort, possessed by the village. they thought that they would be able to resist the pirates there, being encouraged by their minister, father juan del carpio, of the society of jesus; and they did so for some time, until the moros, knowing that the church was higher than the fort, entered it and our men could not reach them with their shots. they planted three pieces in a convenient place at the church, in order to do great damage to those in the fort; and firing without cessation, they did not allow our men to fire a shot through its loopholes and windows. others of the enemy hastened by another side to gather bundles of thatch by uncovering the roofs of the houses; and by fastening together what wood and bamboo they could gather, and pushing this contrivance toward the fort, they set it afire. the fire burned a quantity of rice and abacá (which is the hemp of this country), and many men were choked by the smoke. the besieged, seeing that the fire had caught the timber-work [of the fort], and that they were being inevitably killed without any chance to defend themselves, displayed a signal for surrender and in fact did so. they were all captured; and a great contest arose among the enemy as to who should have father carpio as his captive. in this contention they had recourse to the mindanao captain, and he ordered that the father be killed. that they did very gladly, and beheaded him and carried his head back to present it as a spoil to their king, cachil corralat. the latter had charged them not to leave alive any religious or spaniard, for so had he vowed to their false prophet mahomet in an illness that he had had. they took the others captive, and sacked and burned all the village. from that place they sailed out and committed the same destruction in the villages of soyor, binñangán, cabalián, canamucán, and baybay. but they were so stoutly resisted in the village of inibañgán in [the island of] bohol, and in dapitán, that they retired but little the gainers; for those indians are very valiant, and very different in valor from the other villages which the mindanaos sacked. the camucones also--a people from islands subject to borney, cruel and barbarous, and mahometan by religion, although there are pagans in some islands--made their raids into the island of panay, chiefly on the villages of bataán, domayan, and mahanlur, and in those of aclán and bahay, where they captured many of our indians, and burned the churches of the visitas. the visitas are usually deserted, and have no houses to defend them; and those camucones are very cowardly and very different from the joloans and mindanaos, who are valiant, and much more so the latter named. the camucones entered by the river and bar of batán, which is salt water, where a very grievous jest happened to two or three of their craft. the river of batán has another river a short distance above the village road, which ends in a very wide and spacious sea, which they call "tinagongdagat," or "hidden sea," in which the inhabitants enjoy excellent fishing. with the ebb of the tide that spacious sea is left almost dry, and then many kinds of shellfish are caught, such as oysters and crabs. the camucones entered that sea, with the intention of lying in wait for some capture, but when they least expected it they found their craft on dry ground. an indian who was gathering the aforesaid shellfish saw them; and, recognizing them to be piratical enemies by the style of their craft, went to the village and gave warning of them. many of the inhabitants of batán assembled, and, well armed, attacked the camucones very courageously. they made a great slaughter of the pirates, and captured many of them and burned their craft. some of the camucones escaped through the mangrove plantations and swampy ground. they were captured next day, with the exception of those who had the luck to rejoin the boats of their companions--who repenting of their carelessness, returned to their lands, and did not return to try their fortune in those regions for many years. those camucones enemies, entering that island of panay in the same district between bataán and aclán, in 1672, captured the alcalde-mayor of panay, captain don josé de san miguel. he defended himself against them until he was killed, and immediately when that was known they beheaded him, and took his head and skin to their land as a trophy. better fortune was experienced by the notary, pedro de villarús, who was in another boat; for, having seen the camucones, he had his boat beached, and, taking to the mangrove swamps, saved his life after great danger. this he attributed to a miracle of the apostle st. peter, to whom he was very devoted, and to whom he made a great feast as a thank-offering. the piteous death of that alcalde-mayor, don josé de san miguel, could be attributed to the punishment of god, as he had been a cruel persecutor of the regular ministers; so much so that in the time during which he governed that province (which by the divine permission was short), they suffered a great persecution. but god knows the truth; and it is not permitted, nor do i wish, to interpret the events of his holy will and providence. but it has not seemed proper to me to omit a circumstance which i positively know concerning that ill-starred youth; namely, that after his death, there was found among his papers a letter from his father, don basilio de san miguel (who is said to have been much given to astrology and soothsaying), who told and ordered him not to receive an office of justice under any circumstance, for the first that he should obtain threatened him with a very great disaster. i know that fact absolutely; for the rest, concerning the infallibility and even possibility of like judgments, i declare that i am ready to obey the command of our holy mother the church, in the constitution of his holiness sixtus v which begins, _cæli et terræ creator_. father fray gerónimo de medrano finished his triennium, notable both for his pacific and prudent government, and by the two martyrs of christ who ennobled this province during his triennium. in the chapter celebrated in the convent of manila, april 28, 1635--over which father master fray alonso de carvajal presided, by virtue of the letters of our father-general--father fray juan ramirez, [34] a religious of great prudence, learning, and devotion, was elected, to the content of the whole province. the definitors elected were father fray estacio ortiz, the father master fray teófilo mascarós, [35] fray cristóbal de miranda, and fray andrés berdugo. [36] the visitors were father fray diego martinez [37] and fray juan gallegos. they enacted regulations very useful for the good government of the province, and provided ministers for the ministries of it, both priors and vicars, as at that time it contained many distinguished members of the order. two galleons arrived at cavite on st. john's day, which were returning from nueva españa with the reënforcements for these islands. the flagship of those vessels was called "nuestra señora de la concepción" [_i.e.,_ "our lady of the conception"], and the almiranta "san luis." they brought the new governor and a company of religious of our order, and also some of st. dominic, among them father fray diego collado. [38] on july twenty-seven father fray diego de ordás [39] entered the convent of manila with his mission, which was composed of twenty-five religious, who have been very useful to this province. that same year came also governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, and member of the council of war in the states of flandes, where he had served many years with great credit, being one of the most renowned captains in the siege of breda. he had afterward been master-of-camp of the port of callao in perú, and captain-general of the cavalry of that kingdom, and lastly governor of panamá. he brought a great reënforcement of soldiers, many of them from perú, as he made his voyage to acapulco from that kingdom. he was a gentleman of great valor, and one prone to undertake rash enterprises. however he did not have much good fortune in the outcome of these, either in war or in politics, for all had a disastrous end. the reason of this is hidden, with the divine plans; but, as the reader will see in the events that i shall soon write, it will appear that the beginnings of his government, fatal for these islands, could not have less unfortunate progress, the effects lasting until the present time. don sebastián hurtado de corcuera took possession of this government on june 25 of the above year. his majesty had promoted don hernando guerrero to this archbishopric of manila; and the latter, upon the arrival of the decree of presentation in the year 1632, asked the cabildo on may 25 to put him in possession of his government. but inasmuch as the decree which was required for it was lacking, the cabildo refused to receive him in possession until the arrival of the bulls and pallium. consequently, he remained in manila without governing, until, in the above year [_i.e.,_ 1635], came an official statement that the bulls and pallium were already attended to in the roman court; and he thereupon insisted once more that he be admitted to the government of the church. there were various difficulties raised by the cabildo in receiving him; for in that ship there came only a statement from an apostolic notary, without approval. in regard to this matter long opinions were uttered by each side, which were finally settled by admitting señor guerrero after he swore to present himself with the bulls and pallium within a year. in accordance with this, possession was given to him on june 25, 1635. don fray hernando de guerrero began to govern this church at the same time that don sebastián de corcuera these islands: at the beginning there were abundant indications of what would happen at the end; for the new governor showed himself so greatly bent on increasing his own jurisdiction that it was necessary to act with severity, and not to allow him to make precedents by which certain notions (already beginning to be apparent when he was governor of panamá) which he had in mind should be established. that gentleman was at once very prudent, very harsh and austere, very tenacious in his resolutions, and wedded to his own notions--which is the occasion for the greatest errors in princes; for by not yielding, in matters that self-love adopts as certain, they allow themselves to be carried over any precipice. this passion was greatly predominant in that gentleman and was the cloud that obscured other talents, worthy of esteem, that adorned him. immediately occasions of dispute arose between the two, not because guerrero tried to meddle with the civil government, but because the governor was trying to govern both estates, by giving unfair interpretations to several matters called by the name of "royal patronage;" these are delicate to handle, and the attention with which they ought to be treated is not bestowed on them. don fray hernando greatly regretted the unavoidable occasions that arose, and feared that by the precedent of the first disputes all those which might afterward arise would be regulated; and accordingly, he tried not to weaken at the beginning, which is the time when one must pay heed in order to avoid consequences. the first occasion when the governor contrived to introduce himself into the ecclesiastical government more than was his right, was in trying to aid father fray diego collado of the order of preachers in the division which the latter was attempting to make of the province of santo rosario, under the title of "congregation of san pablo," dividing the province into two parts. for that purpose the father had brought a company of religious, who were called "barbados," because they wore long beards, and were destined for the new province which he was going to found under the title of "congregation," for the conversion of japón and china. for this purpose the said father fray diego collado had obtained the bulls necessary for it in roma; but seeing that he would not be given license for it in the royal and supreme council of the indias, on account of the difficulties that were apparent to the eyes of the least prudent, he did not present them there, being content with having don sebastián hurtado de corcuera on his side, with whom he had come to these islands in the aforesaid company. that was a very dangerous and critical time for the province of santo rosario, which was exposed to many disturbances by the division that they were trying to make of it; and the best convents near manila were to be taken away from it for the new congregation. in that pretension the aid of the governor was freely used, and it was necessary for the archbishop to oppose him, the province of santo rosario having had recourse to the latter. thereupon the dispute was openly declared, because the governor tried to carry to completion the undertaking that had been begun. the said division would without doubt have been carried into effect had it not been opposed by the archbishop and by don fray diego de aduarte, a dominican, and bishop of nueva segovia. that was the beginning of the sharpest controversies that have been seen in the indias between the two jurisdictions--ecclesiastical and civil; and from it originated the disturbances which scandalized the world, causing lamentable effects which are experienced even until the present time. not only laymen, whom worldly considerations cause to follow the side of power in these islands, conspired on the side of the governor, but also certain ecclesiastical persons, whose advancement depended on the will of the civil government. these latter, being domestic enemies, were the greatest spur in the hostilities that had been begun. they would have been ended by the care that the archbishop was taking, had the unyielding disposition of don sebastián de corcuera, in what had been begun, allowed him to be less insolvent in what he was attempting. for if on such occasions something is not yielded on both sides, the fire that has been started will continue to increase until any check will be entirely impossible--as was experienced on this occasion; for instead of being extinguished, it became more furious with what happened afterward, as we shall see in the following chapter. chapter xvi _relation of the disputes and strife between the archbishop and the governor, don sebastián hurtado de corcuera._ the strife, being greatly inflamed by the events above mentioned, became entangled with one of the most memorable disputes that have occurred in the islands--a necessary occasion for the sharpest encounter between the two jurisdictions, and one from which don fray hernando guerrero could not excuse himself, as it concerned the most sacred part of the ecclesiastical immunity. that was a matter in which the archbishop could not neglect to sally out with all his might, in order to comply with the obligation of a true prelate. the case was as follows: there was an artilleryman in manila, named francisco de nava, who had a female slave with whom he had illicit communication, as came to the ears of the archbishop. the archbishop ordered him to remove from himself this occasion [for sin] by selling the slave-girl to another person; and had the latter placed, for that purpose, in the house of a lady who was related to doña maría de francia, who became fond of her and arranged to buy her from the artilleryman. the latter was so beside himself over the loss of the said slave that he refused to sell her at any price, saying that he wished, on the contrary, to marry her. but doña maría de francia so arranged matters that the slave was sold, and came into her possession with very slight effort. the artilleryman, grieved and regretful for what had happened, almost became mad, and, it having been given out that he was mad, certain violence was shown him; and on one occasion he had received a sound beating at the house of doña maría de francia, because he had gone there to request that they should give him the slave, as he had resolved to make her his wife. aggrieved and rendered desperate in this way, he saw the girl pass one day in a carriage with doña maría de francia. going to her he asked her whether she knew him, who was her master. the slave answered him with some independence, whereupon he, blind with anger, drew his dagger in the middle of the street and killed her by stabbing her, before anyone could prevent it. all the people, both those in the carriage and those in the street, ran tumultuously [after him]; but the artilleryman escaped them all, and took refuge in the church of our convent in manila. the governor heard of what had happened, and ordered don pedro de corcuera, his nephew (who was then sargento-mayor of the camp), to take the artilleryman from the church, saying that he could not avail himself of the sanctuary of the church, as he had committed a treacherous act--although it was only a homicide, and the settlement of this question did not concern the governor. however, his action arose mainly from the anger that he felt that what had happened was in the presence of his nephew, don pedro de corcuera--who, also being angered at what concerned his wife, made use of his commission with less prudence than he ought to exercise in executing such orders from his superiors. he caused the church and convent to be surrounded; and, going inside, examined everything, not excepting even the sacristy; and it is even said that he declared that, if he found the artilleryman there, he would take him out a prisoner. but not having been able to find him then, don pedro left the church and convent surrounded by a double guard. the governor added to that that he would not allow the religious to enter or leave, until he had hold of the refugee. the latter was finally found, and taken from the sacristy, and surrendered to the commander of artillery, in order that he might proceed with the trial as his competent judge; and he, either carried away by flattery, or in obedience to the commands of the governor, proceeded so hastily that in a very short time he condemned the artilleryman to death. the archbishop's provisor, don pedro monroy, bore himself on this occasion with the prudence that was fitting, and proceeded against the commander of artillery, requesting him to deliver his prisoner and return him to the church. having been informed that the commander of artillery was a mere instrument, and that all his actions were according to the impulses of the governor, he sent three lay priests to the palace to intimate to the latter that the judge should deliver the refugee to him. the priests entered, without anyone hindering them; and finding that the governor had already retired, as it was then an advanced hour of the night, they started to withdraw in order to return next morning; but the soldiers of the guard would not permit them to leave, saying that such was the order of the governor. the sentence against the artilleryman having been given--which it is said that the governor sent ready made out to the judge, to sign--they proceeded to execute it, notwithstanding that the provisor proceeded to threaten censures, and to impose an interdict [40] and suspension from religious functions [_cessatio de divinis_]. the governor ordered a gallows to be erected in front of the very church of st. augustine, and the criminal was hanged thereon--to the contempt of the ecclesiastical immunity, for the [proper] place assigned for such punishments was very distant from there. the governor, seeing that the sentence was already executed, and that he had now obtained the chief object of his desire, wrote to the archbishop, requesting him to have the censures removed and the interdict raised, and the churches opened on the day of the nativity of our lady. the archbishop, recognizing the duplicity of the governor, refused to answer that letter without first consulting the orders; and, after consulting with some of them, decided that he would not raise the interdict, since there was less inconvenience in having it imposed [even] on so festive a day, than there would be in his yielding on an occasion so inimical to the ecclesiastical immunity. however, the requests of the recollect fathers of our father st. augustine, who had charge of the advocacy of the nativity, had so much influence that the archbishop ordered the interdict to be removed, and it was done. the commander of artillery was condemned to some pecuniary fines, from which he appealed to the judge of appeals, who was the bishop of camarines. the ecclesiastical judge refusing to admit the appeal, he threatened the royal aid of fuerza; and this question having been examined in the royal audiencia (which at that time consisted of but the governor and only one auditor, don marcos zapata), it was declared in his favor, and the appeal went to the bishop of camarines. the latter--namely, don francisco zamudio, of the order of our father st. augustine, and a son of the province of méjico--declared the commander of artillery to be free from the sentence given by the ecclesiastical judge. the trial of the commander of artillery had its second hearing. on that account there did not fail to result certain charges against the governor, such as his having ordered the secular priests to be detained in the guard-house; his declaration that he could not be excommunicated by anyone except the pope; and that if an order were given to him to arrest the pontiff, he would arrest him, and even drag him along by one foot (which he was proved to have said by several persons). the governor freed himself from all these charges by excuses in a manifesto which he published; but as it is not a part of my duty to examine their adequacy, i shall not do so. i shall refer the reader to the reply made to him by a learned ecclesiastic of the university of méjico; [41] for there is no liberty in filipinas to enable any one to complain, or to speak his mind against what the government manipulates. the governor ordered the provisor, don pedro monroy, to go to the island of hermosa to serve in the post of chief chaplain, endeavoring by this means to revenge himself--as if he were able to give the former the collation and the spiritual jurisdiction necessary. the provisor resisted him, and informed the archbishop thereof. the governor also wrote a letter to the latter, ordering him to appoint another provisor in place of don pedro monroy, both because he had been assigned to the island of hermosa and such was advisable for his majesty's service (the mask under which the passions of those who ought to fulfil their duties with justice are generally cloaked), and because the office of provisor could not be exercised by him in contradiction of a royal decree which ordered that the provisor should not be one who had not been graduated and who did not have the learning necessary (although the learning of don pedro was sufficient, and the holy council [of trent?] and the sacred canons do not fix conditions for such an office). the archbishop convened the orders for the solution of this matter. having written to father luis pedrosa, rector of the society, to attend the meeting, the said father rector excused himself; and, although summoned the requisite number of times, he refused to attend. consequently, the archbishop promulgated an act, in which he deprived the fathers of the society of the privilege of preaching throughout the archbishopric, of the titles of synodal examiners, and of active and passive right of assembly with the secular priests and the orders both in public acts and in other functions, in consideration of the fact that they refused to concur in the defense of the rights of the ecclesiastical estate. on the following day, tuesday, october 9, 1635, the archbishop sent a letter to the governor, requesting him to accept the excuse given by the provisor, so that he might not go to serve in the post of chaplain at the island of hermosa; for he had need of him [_i.e._, the provisor]. the governor should know that it was beyond the power of secular judges to appoint ecclesiastical vicars and to confer spiritual jurisdiction. consequently, he petitioned the governor in his own name, that of the bishop of cebu, and those of the orders, to refrain from such appointment; and counseled him that he should consult with learned persons who feared god, since there were so many in the body of secular priests and in the orders, in such determinations. the religious of the society, angered at the act of the archbishop, after various demands and replies on both sides (which i shall not set down here, as it is not my intention to stir up so delicate matters--in which it must be believed that each one would strive according to the dictates of his conscience, for one cannot imagine the opposite of either side, rather believing that the common enemy was preparing his weapons in order to occasion the misfortunes that followed afterward), appointed the schoolmaster, don fabián de santillán y gabilanes, judge-conservator (because they declared that they were prevented from the exercise of their privileges). he accepted the appointment, and immediately erected a tribunal against the archbishop, issuing acts against him and fulminating censures in case he should again oppose the proceedings that had been commenced. who could now look for less lamentable issues than those that were seen in these islands from so wretched beginnings, as are those that we have seen even to our days? the archbishop was very much grieved over this determination, for he saw arrayed against himself, on one side, the tyrannical governor (for don sebastián hurtado de corcuera was domineering), and on the other an order so great as the society. notwithstanding he determined to present himself in the royal audiencia by way of [pleading] fuerza, although he recognized the little that he could accomplish by that means. but he was unwilling to incur the fault of having failed to take this precaution, as was determined by the orders of these islands--who firmly and steadfastly assisted the archbishop, aiding him to maintain the ecclesiastical immunity, which was running so great danger. the archbishop presented himself in the royal audiencia, where his arguments were examined in two meetings; and a disagreement [in the audiencia] having resulted, the fiscal, who was the third, undertook to discuss the question. he declared against the archbishop, saying that the judge-conservator had used no fuerza. the latter continued to urge his censures against the archbishop, who, destitute of all aid, determined to surrender and withdraw the acts. he first made a protest before diego de rueda, royal notary and a familiar of the holy office, in regard to the fuerza that the governor and the judge-conservator were employing against him. when the governor learned of the protest that the archbishop had made, he had the notary, diego de rueda, arrested, through the agency of the judge-conservator, and locked him up in the castle of santiago, after having taken from him his deposition as to the contents of the protest--for the governor had been informed that it was a defamatory libel against him. the notary declared that the protest of the archbishop contained no special clause that was prejudicial to anyone, but that it was directed only to the defense of his rights. after the arrest of the notary, the judge-conservator fulminated new censures against the archbishop, ordering him to annul the protest. the archbishop treated those censures as invalid, for the judge-conservator's jurisdiction did not extend to the trial of that question. he further replied that the said protest no longer remained in his possession, as it had been given to father fray diego collado to keep. he contented himself with this reply, being unwilling again to attempt the remedy of having recourse to the audiencia by a plea of fuerza, whence he knew that he would issue ill-despatched. the archbishop retired to the convent of st. francis, where the governor went to see him, pretending that he wished to serve as intermediary between the archbishop and the judge-conservator, although it was clear that all the actions of the latter were regulated according to the governor's intentions, and were executed by his aid. at the end of his visit he asked the archbishop to give him the protest, pledging his word that he only desired to burn it, without reading it or showing it to any one. the archbishop recognized the purpose of his pretense, and reaffirmed the first reply that he had given the judge-conservator. in order to free himself for the time being from the importunities of the governor, it was necessary to give him some hope that he would make the efforts possible to get hold of the protest and send it to him. in a letter that he sent afterward to the governor, he wrote the following: "after your lordship showed me the kindness to come to console and favor me, the most diligent efforts possible were made in order to have the protest returned to me. but it is hammering on cold iron. what more can i do? had my purpose been not to show it, i could have said that i had torn it up, or have alleged some other pretext, and would not have indicated the person to whom i gave it to keep, as i knew that there was an order to sequester my goods. since it is impossible, sir, and it is not my fault, i do not accept the excuse which your lordship gives me in your letter, in order to free yourself from showing me further kindness, and from making the effort to settle this matter as a governor and friend. therefore, i petition your lordship, since this matter rests with you, and is to be settled by you alone, and since you are all-powerful in this matter, that your lordship do as you are able to do for one who has recourse to your protection; for i wish to remain in your lordship's protection, only bound to serve you as long as i live. may god preserve the life of your lordship for long years. from this convent of st. francis, november 24, 1635. _fray hernando, archbishop._" that prelate wrote the letter with this humility and gentleness; but it was insufficient to cause the so ingenuous confession of the archbishop to be believed, although it was the truth. on the other side, father fray francisco de herrera, of the order of preachers, commissary of the holy office, made a demand, asking that the notary, diego de rueda, as one of his household, be given up to him. for that purpose he fulminated censures against the judge-conservator, demanding from him the prisoner, and ordering him to make no further search for the protest, as that was outside his jurisdiction. he was obeyed, and order was given to deliver the prisoner to him; but the governor refused to deliver him up. consequently, the father commissary of the holy office sent two religious of st. dominic to notify the governor by another act, similar to that sent to the judge. the governor not only did not obey it, but arrested the two religious and sent them to cavite with an adjutant, and had them placed in the convent of san telmo of their order. afterward, when the governor found himself at variance with the tribunal of the holy office, he began to work more clearly in the opposition that he had commenced, repeating many times that proposition of his which speaks of the ecclesiastical estate: "in order to curb the spirit of the obstinate and arrogant mule, take away its fodder." that was an impious comparison, and unworthy of a gentleman who was so good a christian and so devout, and of whom some pens so well affected to him write so much, that already they pass on (as is generally said) to ennoble his actions, gilding his errors with the excellent gold of vigor and rhetoric. some of them, however, refrain almost entirely from discussing this contention, which gave the dutch of batavia much matter for blasphemous talk. don pedro de monroy had retired outside the walls of the city, as he had already left the office of provisor. the governor ordered that he be not allowed to enter the gates of the city. consequently, when he deemed it advisable to enter manila to see the archbishop, he had to disguise himself in the habit of st. francis; and went to enter through the gate of santo domingo, with a religious who accompanied him. the commander recognized him, and, together with the rest of the soldiers, surrounded him and tried to take him to the governor, as they had an order for it. they would have accomplished this, had not some religious of the convent of st. dominic come up, who, although maltreated by the soldiers, removed don pedro monroy from that danger, and placed him in their convent. matters daily continued to grow worse, for the governor neglected no occasion, nor left any rock unturned in order to annoy the archbishop--now taking as his instrument the judge-conservator (who was continuing to accumulate acts against the archbishop), now arousing new causes for controversy. however, he was impelled in all this by the suggestion of a third party, and of late by don andrés arias xirón, who was the secular priest most opposed to the archbishop--both in having prevented the archbishopric from being given to him, as we have already related, and because he was the close friend and helper of the conservator, don fabián santillán. another and still more recent cause was, that in the visitation that the archbishop was then making in the chapel of nuestra señora de guía, where the said don andrés was acting as cura--in which the natives had deposed various charges against him; and on account of their verbal process, as it appeared that he had threatened them, the archbishop had ordered him by an act to leave his benefice within four and twenty hours, and to remain six leguas from it. don andrés arias xirón did not obey that order, and remained in manila, where he had recourse to the royal audiencia by a plea of fuerza, which was decided [to be such] by the only auditor, don marcos zapata, who was not ignorant of the rules of the council of trent which forbid appeals in a trial arising from the visitation. on account of that decision of fuerza, the archbishop declared the auditor zapata to be excommunicated; consequently, that official was also ready to work against the archbishop. all greatly blame that magistrate, because don sebastián de corcuera found an aid and support in him. one would believe that the holy spirit talks with the governors and auditors of filipinas more than with others, although these words and warnings are declared in the chapter of wisdom: _discite judices finium terræ, prebete aures vos, qui continetis multitudines, et placetis vobis in turbis nationum; quoniam data est a domino potestas vobis, el virtus ab altissimo, qui interrogabit opera vestra, et cogitationes scrutabitur, quoniam cum essetis ministri regni illius, non recte judicastis, nec custodistis legem justitiæ, neque secundum voluntatem dei ambulastis._ [42] of such ministers and counselors, the holy king said that they who were confounded and ashamed should remove themselves far from him: _avertantur statim erubescentes, qui dicunt mihi, "euge, euge!"_ (psalm lxix). but he must have chosen on this occasion that the passion of the governor should regard the flattery of that magistrate as to his favor, in order to excuse his own conduct. it may be that his error was for lack of his understanding and not of his will; and to judge of that pertains to the supreme tribunal. at that time the order of the society having considered the disturbances which the judge-conservator had occasioned, full of repentance at having been the origin of troubles of so disagreeable publicity, in the attempt to check them for the sake of the future made the judge-conservator renounce his commission, and be absolved by the archbishop. this the latter did on january twenty-eighth, 1636. the governor pretended that he had been the mediator of that agreement. the archbishop nodded acquiescence and pretended to believe it, in order not to lose that occasion for peace. the governor went to the archiepiscopal house, and took the archbishop to the church in his own carriage, and there knelt down on his knees, begging pardon from him. the good prelate gave him pardon very willingly, thinking that that was to be the end of all those past troubles. but the common enemy did not so permit, for he very soon relit the fire which had only been hidden under the ashes of those courteous exteriors. chapter xvii _of the lamentable ending of the disputes between the governor and the archbishop; and how the latter was exiled to mariveles._ within a short time, the old wounds were reopened, and the archbishop was given new causes for anger in which it was impossible for him to employ dissimulation, as they were all concerning the administration of his office. the governor deprived the order of st. francis of the administration and chaplaincy of the royal hospital of manila, which they had administered with great care, charity, and zeal; and appointed a lay administrator and a secular chaplain. the archbishop felt that greatly, and declined to give the new chaplain permission to administer the sacraments, on account of legitimate reasons which he had for this step. the latter had recourse to the audiencia by plea of fuerza; and the auditor, don marcos zapata, immediately declared that it had been committed. the archbishop protested, knowing by what had happened in the past the prejudice that the said auditor felt, and because one auditor with only the fiscal could not constitute so sovereign a tribunal. for the fiscal had not the royal appointment, but had only been appointed by the governor _ad interim_; for the plurality of votes which attest a correct decision and authorize the best opinion, according to the divine sentence _salus autem ubi multa consilia_ (proverbs, ch. 5), were lacking. this has been experienced on various occasions, on which only one auditor has been left in manila, an arbiter following rather the dictates of his will than that of his understanding, which has the truth as its object. at that same time, don francisco de valdés having resigned the post of archdean, to which he had been presented by don juan cerezo de salamanca, the governor appointed don andrés arias xirón to it on the eighteenth of april, and presented him to the archbishop, so that the latter might give him the collation. the prudent prelate grieved sorely over an occasion that could only with great difficulty terminate satisfactorily, as the said don andrés was then prohibited from being promoted to any dignity, because of the visitation in which he had been proclaimed as a criminal by many heavy charges, which demanded a rigorous sentence and deprivation of the benefice that he held; and it was impossible to give him the collation for so lofty a dignity according to the holy canons and council. the archbishop refused to commit a like act of injustice, whereupon don andrés arias xirón, aggrieved, interposed the appeal from fuerza, which the auditor zapata did not fail to declare against the archbishop. he did this, and despatched a royal decree for it, which the archbishop refused to obey. the governor was very angry at not succeeding with his attempt, and because the archbishop had not given the canonical collation to don andrés arias xirón. that strife increasing in violence by means of the interlocutors, don andrés and the auditor, the declared enemies of the archbishop, assemblies and meetings were held in order to exile the archbishop from the kingdom, because he did not obey the royal decrees. in conclusion, they issued a decree for his exile, and notified the archbishop of it may 9, 1636. the archbishop called a meeting of the orders, in order to consult them and get their advice in so urgent a case. all were of the opinion that the archbishop ought not to yield, since what they were trying to compel him to do was manifestly unjust. they exhorted him to be constant in defending the ecclesiastical immunity, and the observance of the holy canons; for that, in case he were exiled, he was suffering for defending his church as a good shepherd, and it was enough to acquire the aureola of a martyr. upon this the archbishop took the resolution to suffer for his church, with a valor and constancy worthy of wonder. the party of the governor having learned this, and that the archbishop would not yield his right, the governor determined to execute what had been decided by what he called the royal audiencia. the evening of that same day, friday, may 9, the governor summoned the auditor zapata and the fiscal to a meeting. after the meeting they sent the chief constable of that court with orders to execute the banishment of the archbishop. he was given such aid of soldiers as the governor deemed sufficient. the latter also sent other squads to the cathedral church, so that they might take their station in the sacristy of the most holy sacrament, so that it might not be taken out or destroyed. that order went forth and immediately the city learned of the impious imprisonment that was about to be executed on their shepherd. it caused great excitement and grief to all, and a great scandal among the natives of these islands, even among the pagans and mahometans who frequent the islands for commerce; and not many wished to concur in so unjust a determination. the orders hastened to the archiepiscopal houses, where they found the archbishop with the warnings that they were about to arrest him, clad in his pontifical robes. he, also knowing that the most holy sacrament was being guarded in the cathedral, sent father fray juan de piña, guardian of st. francis, to his convent for the most holy sacrament. on that occasion it was placed in a lunette; and it was brought with all the propriety possible, accompanied by many religious carrying candles. when it had been brought, the father guardian placed it in the hands of the archbishop. he, bathed in tears, received it; and, with noteworthy courage, seated himself to await the agents of the execution. he sent his notaries to notify the governor and the auditor, don marcos zapata, of censures; but the notaries, finding them assembled with the fiscal in the hall of meeting, had more respect for the human majesty, whom they represented there in assembly, than the chief constable and his helpers had for the supreme majesty of majesties, christ our lord, whose sacrament was in the hands of the archbishop. therefore the ecclesiastical notaries notified them at the doors. while doing this at one of the doors, it is said that the governor ordered a soldier to extinguish the lights by which they were reading, by waving his hat, which was done. at that same time the chief constable and his helpers were in the archiepiscopal house, where the archbishop was found in the manner above described, surrounded and accompanied by all the orders except that of the society of jesus. the chief constable sent to advise the governor of the condition in which he had found the archbishop, whereupon the governor sent him orders that he should cause the religious to retire to their convents; and that, when the archbishop grew tired of holding the most holy sacrament, he was to arrest him with the soldiers whom he had with him. that was intimated to the religious and lay priests who were about the archbishop; but they refused to obey it, fearing lest they incur the wrath of god if they abandoned the prince of the church on such an occasion. thus by common consent they remained to aid their afflicted prelate; relieving him at times by easing him of the weight of the lunette, by placing their hands on those of the tired old man, whose eyes were turned into two fountains of tears when he reflected on the acts of desecration that they were practicing on the supreme lord. the governor was so far from mitigating his anger in what he had commenced, that, in place of repenting and returning to himself, he took horse, although it was the middle of the night, and went to the archiepiscopal house; and, seated at the door, sent his orders to the executors of the commission. the first order was for them to eject forcibly all the priests who were with the archbishop, the adjutants striking the soldiers with the flat of their swords and giving them heavy blows because they did not execute their orders. thereupon the religious, seeing that the poor soldiers were forced to do what they did not wish, allowed themselves to be seized and carried outside. the soldiers humbly begged their pardon, protesting that they were under orders. the governor's purpose was to wait until the archbishop, destitute of all human consolation, should surrender on account of his advanced age and his lack of nourishment, his watching and continual annoyance, and should relinquish the most holy sacrament, so that they could then seize him and make him enter the boat. that report circulated among the orders, and accordingly they all came in a body with lighted candles to attend to the recovery of the most holy sacrament. but the governor had already seized the entrances of the streets by means of soldiers, in order that they might not pass, and they accordingly returned to their convents. the city and the magistracy sent their commissaries to the archbishop, begging him to avoid compromising himself, which was equivalent to telling him to allow himself to be arrested and exiled. for, as these islands are one body which has only one head, it is the latter which attracts all wills to his own; for fear (which is very powerful here), or self-interest, has more place here than anywhere else in the world. the afflicted shepherd seeing that "this was his hour of darkness," and that the frightened sheep had abandoned him, ordered the interdict to be raised--the grieving bells publishing the feeling that many did not give vent to and others could not show, in order not to incur the anger of the passionate governor. the governor ordered the soldiers to disperse the religious by force, even if they had to take them into custody. the soldiers carried out the order with the violence necessary for so unjust a sentence, being instigated by the sword-blows and strokes of the adjutants. that having been seen by the priests, they pitied them so keenly that they preferred to have that punishment executed on them than on the poor soldiers. some religious were seated beside the archbishop to see whether they would be allowed to aid him; but so many were the pushes and prods given them by the soldiers, that not only did they tear them away, but they fell down with the holy monstrance breaking the lunette in which was the holy host. this ought to be written with tears of blood. the father guardian of st. francis and a secular priest hastened to put a strap about the archbishop's neck and to fasten the lunette to him, so that he could support it, for his powers were now failing him. at that juncture, order was given to a soldier named juan de santa ana (whom i knew, and who told me that event many times), to draw away the hand of the archbishop. he, assisted by a living faith, answered boldly that he would kill himself before he would commit such an act of sacrilege. then drawing his sword, and placing the point in his breast, he fell upon it. by the permission of divine providence, the sword doubled up in such a manner when the soldier fell upon it, that he was not wounded at all. that incident caused great surprise to all the bystanders; but the governor was so little moved by it that he ordered the soldier to be arrested, when he ought to have rewarded his heroic determination. at one o'clock at night, the archbishop was so greatly weakened and tired out from thirst, that he begged to be given a little water. they sent to consult with the governor as to what they were to do. the governor ordered that they should not allow it to be given him, explaining that the denial of the temporalities was understood not to allow water to be given him for his thirst, and that to do otherwise would be not to execute the royal law--as if so sovereign dispositions extended to such impieties. advice was given to the convents, threatening the suspension of religious functions, in order that they should not forestall by celebrating the offices of the following day. the archiepiscopal hall was cleared of the religious who were assisting the archbishop, the soldiers having already driven them away by blows. the soldiers stationed themselves with firearms in hand, and thus did they remain all the night without giving any nourishment to the archbishop, except what a pious franciscan religious could give him by applying to his lips a wet cloth, under pretext of tightening the strap with which the most holy sacrament was fastened to the afflicted prelate's breast. and he did not receive any other nourishment for a day and a half, until they took him to the island of mariveles. saturday, the second [_sic; sc._ tenth] of may dawned, the most fatal day that these islands have seen. on that day the archbishop was so defeated that, seeing that he could make no further resistance for lack of strength, he ordered the most holy sacrament to be returned to the church with all possible reverence, and, bathed in tears, he laid aside the pontifical robe. immediately he was seized by an adjutant and fifty soldiers with firearms. they led him from the archiepiscopal palace on foot, at five in the morning, and without other following than the troops who executed the tragedy. they did not need so great preparation for an old man of sixty, worn out by so much fatigue, hunger, and thirst. they took him on foot through those streets boasting of their victory, the fearful inhabitants thrusting their heads out of the most hidden windows, frightened by the despotic governor, to whom any commiseration that should be shown to the poor archbishop was regarded as a detestable crime. the soldiers took the archbishop to the gate on the river, called santo domingo, where the prelate, complying with the precept of christ, shook off the dust from his shoes; and, bathed in tender tears, he threw five little stones at the ingrate walls of manila. it was noted that one of them touched the leg of don pedro de corcuera (sargento-mayor of the camp, and chief of that impious execution), where later in the war with joló he received a ball, from which he died. they put the archbishop aboard a champan of a ship-captain called marcos cameros, who would not allow one single mouthful of food to be placed on board. setting sail, they carried the archbishop to the island of mariveles, which is situated in the middle of the mouth of the bay. there they disembarked the exiled shepherd, for whose lodging they had provided a wretched little room, where he suffered many discomforts, too long to relate; for it has not been my intention to enlarge upon this lamentable tragedy, in the narration of which i have omitted many circumstances which aggravate the execution [of his banishment]. for it is my intention not to exaggerate, but only to relate succinctly what happened; and, although eye-witnesses of everything are not lacking today, to guide myself by the most truthful relations, and chiefly by those which are found in a book containing sketches of the archbishops, which is kept in the cathedral church of manila. [43] the purpose of the governor and his followers having been obtained, as we have seen, they persuaded the ecclesiastical cabildo to take charge of the government, interpreting the archbishop's exile as a vacant see, thus opening the door to other disturbances, no less serious, which originated from this intrusion--in the very sight of the archbishop who was [still] within his diocese, and who had left a provisor in manila, doctor don francisco fernandez de ledo. for his forcible banishment and the deprivation of his secular revenues did not extend to his spiritual jurisdiction, which originated from the roman pontiff. in case that the church had suffered a vacancy by the death of the archbishop, then the bishop of cebú, don pedro de arce, was to enter its government; for it belonged to him by virtue of the bull and royal decree mentioned in another place. the archbishop had already appointed the father master, fray francisco de paula, of the order of preachers, to govern the archbishopric in the first place, and two others in the second, and hence they could not allege the condition of affairs that the law points out in the chapter _si episcopus: de supplenda negligencia prælatorum_, in case sixth. that happened afterward in manila, in the exile of archbishop don fray felipe pardo, [44] of the order of preachers, who had appointed to his place of governor during his absence don fray ginés de barrientos, bishop of troya; the cabildo refused to admit him, but [declared] that it was a case of a vacant see, and took charge of the government--which cost the dean, master don miguel ortiz de covarrubias, and all the prebendaries, very dear. the cabildo took charge of the government at the governor's command, and appointed don fray francisco zamudio, bishop-elect of camarines (who had come to manila to negotiate concerning his bishopric), as provisor-general. he received the appointment under protest of _ad interim_ until the bishop of cebú should be advised, for the vacancy pertained to him in case that one were proclaimed. he absolved the governor, the auditor zapata, and the others included in the excommunications of the archbishop, on the twentieth of may. it is said that when the cabildo were obliged to take charge of the government by the governor and auditor, they entered their protests; but the archbishop was greatly grieved over it when he heard of it, which with the many other sorrows [that he endured] made it remarkable that his life did not come to an end, since he was so aged and had borne so many hardships. chapter xviii _return of archbishop don fray hernando guerrero from his exile in mariveles; and the end of the relation commenced._ stripped of all consolation, the archbishop, don hernando guerrero, remained twenty-six days in the island of mariveles, where he endured perforce privations, both because of his advanced age, and because of the dreariness of the island--which is very great, as it is nearly deserted, and contains only some few indian huts. those indians have charge of scouting those seas, and of advising manila of what they discover, by the greater or less number of fires which they light--in the manner that the persians were wont to do, who gave advice by means of those fires, which they called _angaros_, as is mentioned by bardayo in the first chapter of his _argenis_. the climate [of mariveles] is very unhealthful, and the location is not a pleasant one as the island is shut in on all sides by thick forests, and because of the continual beating of the sea. there lived the venerable shepherd, meditating on the ingratitude of his sheep, venting his feeling in gentle sighs, and relieving his afflicted breast with tears. thus was he found by four prebendaries of the manila cabildo who went to console him, and to propose to him certain matters in behalf of the governor, which we shall detail later. the church at manila remained during that time as a flock without a shepherd. all was confusion and disorder. the new provisor, the bishop of camarines, had readily raised the interdicts and the suspension of religious functions. he ordered the bells to be chimed for the feast on saturday, the eve of the festival of the holy ghost. the prelates of the orders, with the exception of him of the society, thought that the provisor who had been intruded could not legitimately raise the interdict and the other censures. for no mention of this is made in the chapter _alma mater: de sententia excomunic._ in 6; and having held a conference in regard to this matter, with the university of santo tomás, which always maintained a firm attitude in defense of the immunity of the church, they determined to close their churches, and to observe the orders imposed by their legitimate prelate. they did so until after the feast of pentecost was over. the audiencia summoned them to act in accordance with the cathedral, but they paid no attention to it until they had despatched a suitable person to the archbishop. the latter, fearful lest greater disturbances should originate, gave heed, as a true father, and sent an order for them to raise the interdict; and they did so on may 20. the orders and the two universities held various meetings and consultations with the governor, when they saw that the troubles which had originated from the archbishop's exile were increasing, because of the acts of jurisdiction enacted by the provisor who had been intruded, invalid procedures in the administration of the sacraments, and scandals which had been occasioned to these new fields of christendom. this last was not the point least worthy of consideration, since that precedent did more damage than was realized, both in the new fields of christendom, and in the report of this matter among the foreign nations who surround these islands on all sides, for they note our actions carefully. they rendered various signed opinions for this; and they also drew up another, counseling the archbishop to yield certain things in order to avoid greater troubles which were indispensably necessary to restore the peace of that church, which was exposed to greater disturbances; and that, to assure his right, he should make a protest regarding it. they despatched the aforesaid prebendaries with this commission, who, on their arrival, laid the determination of the cabildo, orders, and universities before the archbishop, as well as the decision of the audiencia in regard to the recalling him from exile, if the archbishop would concede three points, to wit: "that he would consider as lawful, and confirm, all the acts of jurisdiction performed by the bishop of camarines. that he would place in possession of their posts don andrés arias xirón as archdean, and also the chaplain of the royal hospital. that he would not proceed in any ecclesiastical trial pertaining to the archiepiscopal government, without the advice of the counselor who would be assigned to him." the archbishop resented greatly the proposition of such points to him, and preferred to remain in exile, where he had greater quiet than in manila; but considering the decision and advice of so erudite persons, which were sufficient to discharge his conscience, he agreed to all the points proposed--first having made a protest that he was doing this to relieve himself from molestation, and to obtain the peace of his church and repose for the consciences of his sheep, until the decision of the matter should come from the royal and supreme council of the indias, in whom it inhered. the governor and audiencia determined to restore don fray hernando guerrero to his church, and on june 6, 1636, they withdrew him from the island of mariveles. he entered manila amid the great rejoicing of all, who could not look enough at their beloved shepherd; and commenced to govern his church. but it was not with the peace that he ought to have had, for new contentions and new causes for anger arose daily with the governor, who was ever despotic in his actions. [45] the archdean don andrés arias xirón took possession of his prebend, but god did not permit that he who had been the origin of so many disasters should obtain much; for in a short time he sickened with dropsy and other bad complications, and died in the flower of his age. the greatest evil was that he died impenitent, refusing to be absolved from the excommunication and censures by which he was bound, although the archbishop, as a pious shepherd, sent a priest to his house to persuade him to be absolved. the soldiers who took the archbishop into exile all died within two years, by quick and sudden deaths. the auditor zapata died suddenly, being found dead in his bed, although he had retired in perfect health. the governor lost his nephew, don pedro de corcuera, whom he loved dearly; and another nephew, named don juan de corcuera, perished while going as commander of the ship "nuestra señora de la concepción," which was dashed to pieces in the islands of the ladrones (today the marianas), where many people were lost, and where the governor lost a great quantity of riches, which his greed (which was great) had amassed during his term. at this same time, don pedro de francia, brother-in-law of don pedro [de] corcuera, died; and so that no branch of that house might be left, god took to himself don pedro de francia, son of don pedro corcuera and doña maria de francia. the same year the governor received news of the death of his brother, don iñigo hurtado de corcuera. his entire government was fatal and unfortunate; and later, in his residencia for it, he suffered many troubles, for he was kept prisoner for five years in a castle, and all his property was confiscated. misfortune followed him into all parts, for having returned to españa, where he was corregidor of córdoba, they tried to kill him, and he got out of it by the skin of his teeth. finally, when he was governor of the canarias, it is said that he died suddenly. i write here only the results; i shall not consider what so many disasters together demonstrate. i leave the generally-known things which these islands still bewail, since the universal knowledge of them frees me from it; and in the following chapter, another and better pen [will take it up.] [46] but it does not seem to me fitting to neglect to mention in this place a testimony of what, it seems, divine justice must have executed; so that we may conjecture from it how great an offense to the divine majesty was the scandalous manner in which the exile of archbishop don hernando guerrero was carried out; so that we may know that if he displayed his temporal punishment in regard to what was pardonable and not guilty, how great will be the punishment which his divine majesty will mete out in his just tribunal to those men who were the cause and instrument of so sacrilegious and scandalous a desecration, unless they first hastened to atone for it by works of true penitence, in order to be deserving of his infinite mercy. the many and horrifying earthquakes from which the city of manila has suffered from its beginning until the present, have resulted in almost its destruction and depopulation--especially in those of 1645 and 1658, as we shall see later. but in the midst of these ruins, the houses which suffered most always preserved the principal walls, some even the first floor, and others more--although these were stripped of their covering, and, as it were, the skulls and shapeless skeleton which indicate the robust symmetry of that building's corpse. only in the area and place where this lamentable tragedy occurred (namely, the archiepiscopal palace of that time) has there remained not only no wall, nor a vestige of its building, but not even the foundations. neither were any stones found there, which tell that there was a house of human habitation. there is seen naught but an open space, which forms a square for some splendid houses owned now by sargento-mayor don domingo bermudez, alcalde-in-ordinary, who inherited it from his father-in-law, don francisco de moya y torres, chief constable of the holy office of the inquisition. whenever i pass by that place, this memorial of the divine punishment presents itself to me. the sardines were once as ordinary a food in manila as in coruña; but from the time of that lamentable exile, they have so abandoned those waters that one can catch them but seldom, and then it is a matter for surprise. and (in order to publish more fully that that [exile] was the cause), whenever any consecrated archbishop or bishop arrives at manila, on those days some sardines are caught, and then they retire to continue their interdict. [47] pens have not been wanting to undertake as their employment the defense of don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, chiefly those from one order--to which he was very devoted until, as is said, they came to regard him as a saint. but they do their duty as thankful [for favors received], although it was not necessary for them to do so much that they should declare themselves his admirers. the worst is that in the year of 1683, manila again relapsed into this scandalous sin with the exile and banishment of don fray felipe pardo, of the order of preachers. but i shall relate, in its proper place, the disastrous end that all those who were guilty in that affair suffered. the common enemy of the human race was not content with the lamentable tragedies of which he made the filipinas islands the sad theater; on the contrary, fearful that the peace which all desired might be established between the governor and the archbishop, he commenced to arouse new contentions. although they did not result in scandalous outbreaks, they were sufficient to make the archbishop, don hernando guerrero, live in the midst of continual warfare, the matters of controversy threatening to assume very quickly an evil aspect. not the least important of these was that which even until the present has not ceased to result in disastrous effects--namely, the founding of the royal chapel for the military forces of manila, which was founded by don sebastián hurtado de corcuera. thus did he separate from the parochial right of the cura of the spaniards all the soldiers, who constitute the majority of the people in these islands, and especially in the city of manila. for that purpose he created twelve collegiates in the college of san josé (which is in charge of the fathers of the society of jesús), with the title of royal chaplains; they were clad in blue cloaks, with sleeves of violet velvet, on which were wrought the royal arms; and for their support [was given] the encomienda of calamianes. taking two reals from the pay of each soldier every month, which is a very considerable sum, he applied five hundred pesos of it as a means of sustenance for the chief chaplain, and sums at the rate of two hundred pesos for the other chaplains. it has a chief sacristan who looks after its adornment, and its administration is in charge of either the master-of-camp or the sargento-mayor. the soldiers are buried there, and they pay well for it when they die. it has the advocacy of our lady of the annunciation, and there they celebrate other feasts during the year, by vote of the camp of manila--such as, chiefly, the advocacy of the immaculate conception and the most holy sacrament, besides others which the governors add for their devotion. there is a sermon in this chapel during lent on wednesday and friday mornings; to which the governor and royal audiencia go. that caused very great detriment to the right of the cura of the spaniards, because of the division which it made of the soldiers; and it became necessary for the archbishop to sally out in defense of that point. as the governor was so desirous of the said foundation, there were debates of great heat on both sides; for the archbishop was unwilling to grant permission for that foundation, which would cause so much harm to the parochial right. but, recognizing that the break would only widen, he agreed to concede the permission under certain limitations and obligations which he was able to impose, reserving the determination for his holiness. afterward, there being some difficulties in that permission, because it was opposed by the curas of the cathedral, as they said that the chief chaplains abused the permission, extending their functions more than was their right, they begged a declaration of that permission from archbishop don hernando guerrero. he gave it with the privilege that is observed today, and it is attested by the records which exist in the ecclesiastical archives, under date of january 5, 1640. the archbishop tried to appoint a collector of the contributions for masses during that year of 1636; for one was lacking in the cathedral, from which arose certain troubles. the cabildo resisted him, refused to obey the act for the appointment of one, and denied that the archbishop had authority and jurisdiction for it. as an argument that he did not possess it, they declared that he had not presented the confirmation of his holiness and the pallium, and the year in which he had taken oath to present it had passed. that caused the archbishop considerable anxiety, for the cabildo presented itself in the [audiencia] session with a plea of fuerza, and the matter was declared against the archbishop. various opinions were given in this matter by the universities and by erudite persons; and consequently, that suit lasted a long time, until, at the arrival of the ships from nueva españa, the pallium and the bulls of confirmation came to the archbishop. new disturbances were feared, in case the contrary should happen, and the method adopted for adjusting this matter was that the archbishop jointly with the cabildo should appoint the collector of the contributions for the masses, and that is still observed in the cathedral of manila. the archbishop had scarcely gotten out of that matter when he found himself involved in another of no less importance; for the governor, don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, wished to appoint a governor to the bishopric of camarines, because of the death of its bishop, don fray francisco zamudio. that thrust gave the archbishop considerable anxiety, as he had experienced fully the despotic disposition of the governor. but he could do no less than oppose it, as it was a matter which concerned the ecclesiastical authority and the spiritual jurisdiction; and the archbishops have always made the appointment in the vacancies that have occurred in these islands, as it pertains to them by their right as metropolitans. the governor threw himself with all his might into what he had commenced, and gave the bishop to understand that that occasion for dispute would end worse than the past; and he continued to arrange matters in so high-handed a way, that the archbishop feared what the governor threatened. but god permitted that that controversy be settled by the interposition of zealous and influential persons, who mollified the governor; and it was settled that the archbishop should name three subjects, so that the governor might appoint one of them. for that purpose the archbishop called meetings of learned men, and, having made a protest, appointed in the first place doctor hernando paez guerrero; in the second, master don juan de velez, who died bishop-elect of cebú; and in the third, licentiate manuel reaelo [_sic; sc._ rafaelo] macedo. the same thing happened afterward through the death of bishop don fray diego de aduarte, of the order of preachers, a man of singular virtue, the bishop of nueva segovia. in his government, canon alonso de vargas entered to govern, with the same form of choice as the first. that form of appointing governors for the vacancies of the bishops was usurped many years in these islands--although there has been sufficient opposition from the bishops at such an innovation and corruption--until the provision suitable to so essential a matter was made in the royal and supreme council of the indias, and in our own times a decree was received from the queen mother, that the archbishops alone should appoint rulers for the bishoprics, but the cabildo of manila [should do this] when the see is vacant. during all the time while archbishop don fray hernando guerrero governed the church of manila, he was exercising echoes of the etymology of his name in the contentions that he had with governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera; [48] and had there not been a prelate in the church of manila so zealous and vigilant in matters of ecclesiastical immunity, it would have been involved in other and greater difficulties. the archbishop commenced the visitation of his diocese as soon as he became free from the late storms; and he continued it through all the benefices of his clergy, until he reached the island of mindoro. there he found himself in another danger, no less than those which he had experienced on land; for he was attacked by six hostile galliots of the mindanao enemy, which bore down upon the boat in which he was, near naohan. had not that boat been staunch and swift, the enemy would have captured and killed him--as is the usual custom of those mahometan pirates, the enemy of our holy faith. it defended itself with the men aboard it, until it arrived at the land of bacoo, where they had scarcely time to land and get into a place of safety; when, as the boat had remained in the sand, the pirates seized it, and captured many of the followers of the archbishop. they pillaged all the cargo aboard the boat, even the ornaments and the pontifical robe, all which was of much value. that blow caused great sorrow to that good prelate, for the mindanaos killed most of the men whom they captured, and it was only after many difficulties that a few could be ransomed. the bishop became very ill with a serious sickness, from sorrow and his past troubles. [49] letter written by a citizen of manila to an absent friend i will try to give your grace an accurate account of the changes that have occurred this year, and of the anxiety and unrest of this community, so that your grace may have an adequate conception of the matter, and may judge it on its merits, since you have no reason to distrust him who relates it--a thing which would cast doubt on the relation itself. such has actually been the case with a relation written by the order of st. dominic, which has been sent from this city to that of zebu and other parts, whose author shows manifest prejudice and but little accuracy in what he relates. laying aside then, all partiality, and as one who has been a witness of everything, although i had no part in it, i shall relate to your grace all that has happened. an artilleryman, named francisco de nava, seems to have been maintaining illicit relations with a slave-girl whom he owned, named maria. that gave rise to troubles, and the artilleryman was placed in the house of brother guerrero; and finally the slave-girl was taken away from him, and the archbishop, don fray hernando guerrero, had her sold. the artilleryman was very angry and vexed at that, and his love drew him so powerfully that he said that he wished to marry the slave-girl. she answered that she preferred to be the slave of another than his wife. for that reason, when the slave was very unguardedly following the coach of her mistress on sunday, august nineteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, that man, with deliberate purpose and overconfident, stealthily approached her in the principal street, near the cemetery of sant agustín; and, embracing her from behind, asked her whether she knew him. she answered in the affirmative, and he treacherously stabbed and killed her. he sought refuge in the convent of st. augustine, where neither the sargento-mayor nor the master-of-camp, who surrounded the convent with soldiers, could find him. at a hazard, they prevented any religious from going out--an abuse contingent on the military, which cannot be checked by a captain-general. accordingly, the order of st. dominic did the governor an injury in their relation, by declaring that he had incurred excommunication on that account, since he had no share in it, but only ordered the soldiers not to allow the treacherous homicide to leave the church. a few days after that, when the matter had cooled down somewhat, an adjutant of the camp, one don juan de frias, because of the reward that was offered, entered the convent at midday, where he found and seized the artilleryman. the cause was referred to the commander of artillery (for the artilleryman was under his command), in order that he might try it in the first instance; and he condemned the artilleryman to death. the latter appealed to his captain-general and the auditor-general of war. the cause was returned, as the appeal was considered out of order, for the captain-general was convinced of the treachery and treason of [the artilleryman]; whereupon the commander of artillery tried to execute the sentence of death. the archbishop of this church of manila excommunicated the commander of artillery; and his provisor, one don pedro de monrroy, had two notifications served on the governor, although there was no reason for his so doing. once the notification was made after ten o'clock at night, when the governor had already retired. two clerics entered for that purpose through the midst of the body-guard. as the governor was already asleep, and his servants had retired, and the doors of their chambers were locked, they could not serve their notification at all; accordingly, they turned to go. trying to depart by passing through the body-guard, by the way that they had entered, he who was stationed at the door would not suffer it--in accordance with a general order received many days previously to the effect that, although they should allow entrance into his house at night, they should not allow anyone to leave; as he judged such an order expedient for the proper government of his household. consequently, the clerics who had entered could not leave; for, when they went back to the governor, they found him shut in his room and asleep, and when they returned to the guardroom, the soldiers were minded to observe their orders without any distinction of persons. hence the clerics had to stay all night and until dawn on the stairway and in the corridors of the palace. on that account, certain persons also took opportunity to say, and not with any good intention, that the governor had incurred excommunication--although he was so far from that, and this was so accidental a case that it could not have been foreseen in the order that was issued so many days previously. the relation of the fathers of st. dominic charges that accident to the governor, unjustly and with prejudice. during the execution of the sentence on the night of thursday, september six, an interdict was imposed and the cessation of divine services ordered. the sentence was executed, and the artilleryman was hanged on the same spot where he had killed the slave-girl. the provisor was so carried away by passion that he tried to make (and it is even said that he did make) a report that they hanged the culprit in a sacred place--although the street was public, and [the hanging occurred] at the same place where the artilleryman had committed the homicide. your grace can see the so great want of logic [in this matter]; for if that were a sacred place, then the crime had been committed in it, and the artilleryman could not avail himself of the church as he was trying to do. the governor wrote to the archbishop in terms of the greatest courtesy, requesting him to throw open the churches, and not to deprive this community of mass and consolation on a day of so great importance as was the nativity of our lady, which came on the following saturday; for, since the execution was already over, there was no remedy for the matter. the archbishop called a meeting of the religious of all the orders, who thought by that means to avenge themselves for the injuries which they imagined that they had received from the governor--those of st. dominic, because he had divided the parián treasury; those of st. francis, because he had regulated the hospital expenses, which they were incurring to the so great detriment of the royal estate; and those of st. augustine, because he had deprived them of some sangley shops in tondo--and for other private feelings of resentment. they carried the torch into that meeting, making the encounter between the governor and the archbishop a political matter; consequently, they expressed the opinion that the censures should not be raised under any circumstances. a religious of st. dominic said that they ought to last for five hundred years, while another added "even to the end of the world." very indecorous was their speech regarding the person of the governor, for they did not stop to consider that he represents the royal person by reason of his office. only one franciscan father, named fray bartolome bermudez, and the two of the society who were present--namely, the reverend fathers luis de pedrasa and father lorenço goreto," [50] master in the morning classes [51]--were of the opinion that the censures should be raised. they even showed clearly that justice had been rightly exercised, since the treacherous murder had been committed so openly. therefore, and because of other defects in what had been enacted, they proved that the censures did not bind the commander of artillery, or any one else. on this account the other religious gave much [opportunity for] merit to those of the society, by uttering insulting words against them. from that time, they conceived so great an aversion for the fathers of the society, that it was the beginning of the disturbances that afterward arose. the governor again requested the archbishop, for the second and third time, to raise the interdict and the cessation of divine service. but the latter was so far from complying, that he refused to answer the papers, and so the matter stood. but afterward, when we least expected it, in order to please the recollects and allow them to celebrate their festival of st. nicholas, the archbishop lifted the censures and absolved the commander of artillery, _ad cautelam_ [52]. for the latter did not consider himself as excommunicated, nor even did learned men regard him as such. that was very apparent then, for, when he had appealed to the bishop of camarines, the sentence was in his favor; and the bishop absolved him from the pecuniary fines which the archbishop had imposed. thereupon that tempest was laid, the principal cause of which was the provisor, don pedro de monroy; while those who increased its fury were the religious of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine. on that account, in order to prevent similar troubles that might arise in the future, the governor undertook to execute a royal decree, by the terms of which the said provisor had been proclaimed, in the time of governor don alonso fajardo, as banished from the kingdoms. the temporalities had been taken from him, as is clear from the authentic royal decree which was despatched for that purpose. your grace will notice the lack of accuracy in the other relation, since its author declares therein that that royal decree had been repealed, while in truth it was in full vigor and force. that is so true that there is no unprejudiced man in this city who does not know it. this year, as i have heard reported, the original of that decree has been sent to his majesty. the archbishop held various meetings with the religious, and they agreed to defend the said provisor to the death, as they said, if necessary. the governor, in order to remedy these troubles in so small a community, desisted from his purpose, and tried to conduct the matter along smoother channels. he offered the said provisor the chaplaincy-in-chief and vicariate of the island of hermosa, in a letter of the following tenor: "it is necessary for his majesty's service that your grace go to serve in the island of hermosa as chaplain-in-chief, and vicar of those presidios. [you will receive] three hundred pesos salary per year, the altar fees, and the fees from the confraternity of the soldiers, which has been lately instituted; and, with these and the pay, you will be able to live well. thus will certain irreparable disadvantages, that might ensue if you do not accept this service for his majesty, be avoided. and inasmuch as i have received letters from the said island of hermosa this morning, in which the governor begs me to send him such a person very speedily, your grace will make the decision to depart, so that this same champan may return to cagayan, whence it and one other are to take fifty native soldiers, so that the two may go together. may our lord preserve your grace, as he is able. the palace; october eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. _don sebastian hurtado de corcuera_" although the governor does not state the motive in this letter, his motive was to remove the occasion for disputes; and also because the commandant of the island of hermosa, francisco hernandez, wrote him a letter, part of which is as follows: "there is a religious in this island called fray lucas garcia, [53] of the order of preachers. he is judge-provisor; and i have so many debates with him at present, and he is so crazy to govern, that he is hurling many shafts at me, without heeding that i am serving him to my utmost in everything, and that i am endeavoring to aid him in all that arises. he is much given to suits and questions, even going so far as to prevent the ringing of the animas [54] at night or the singing of the _alabado_ hymn. it may be that in regard to the most holy sacrament and the pure conception of our lady the virgin mary, who was conceived without the taint of original sin, he does not wish that any mention be made of the virgin, to say that she is immaculate. lastly, sir, this matter demands a remedy, by the archbishop sending a cura as judge-provisor. that is very necessary, so that we may be able to go on and live as god orders. if this blessed religious be removed from his charge, he will change his habits, and we shall be left in peace and quiet--which, as i see, it would be very difficult to obtain in any other way. can your lordship believe that, if he had any reasonable ground [for his conduct], i would not ascertain it, in order to give account of the matter to your lordship, or that still less would i allow dissensions so vexatious to exist? i am very sorry to inform your lordship of this, but i cannot do otherwise; for it is not right that this religious should place these forts in the condition in which he left cagayan. for with authority as judge-provisor, while my predecessor was exercising the duties of this government, he did his utmost to usurp the royal jurisdiction--arresting and punishing soldiers and other persons without asking the royal aid, or fulfilling his obligation and his majesty's command. will your lordship be pleased to relieve this condition as the occasion demands, by sending a secular cura as judge-provisor with the suitable despatches, so that this blessed religious may not offer him any trouble. the island of hermosa, october 13, 1635. _francisco hernandez_" the provisor, don pedro de monrroy, answered the governor's letter as follows: "in response to the honor which your lordship does me in your letter by ordering me to make a decision, i say, sir, that i have but little health, as can be seen in my face; consequently, i do not dare to embark. besides i am occupied with the duties of the offices which i am, at my prelate's behest, exercising at present. if i were quite well, i would ask my prelate for permission to go anywhere in order to give pleasure to your lordship. may our lord preserve your life for many years. manila, october eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. your lordship's chaplain, _licentiate don pedro de monrroy_" the archbishop raised a great disturbance on account of this, declaring that the governor was a violator of the ecclesiastical immunity. he immediately summoned the two bishops of zebu and nueva segovia (who were here) and the orders and the clerics to a meeting, by a letter of the following tenor. but, before mentioning the letter, i wish to recount to your grace certain actions of the governor, which, as the relation of the dominicans asserts, obliged the archbishop to assemble the bishops and orders, and others; but which (as i suspected) happened after the meeting, so that your grace may see how they are stirred up, and engaged on the side of evil. the first was, that the governor's guard detained several priests by force one whole night, without allowing them to leave the palace. it has been seen above already that this happened by accident, and without the governor's order. 2d, that he gave orders at the [city] gates for the soldiers not to allow any ecclesiastics to leave. the justification for that was, that it was rumored that several ecclesiastics were trying to take flight, and to carry with them a number of soldiers and sailors who were in the pay of his majesty. that did in fact happen, for two religious, one secular, and more than thirty soldiers and seamen who had just been paid more than three thousand pesos from the royal treasury, deserted. [third], that he did not allow the religious to enter or leave their convent. it has been already seen above that the occasion for the surrounding of the convent of st. augustine was in order to prevent the escape of the treacherous fugitive. consequently, all else that happened was the over-zeal of the soldiers, who take military orders very literally. [fourth], that he tried to exile the provisor, don pedro de monrroy, by virtue of an old royal decree, the execution of which had been repealed. it is outside of all truth to say that it was repealed; for it is certain and appears that it had full force and vigor, as i have said above. [fifth], that he was persuaded that no one could excommunicate him but the supreme pontiff. this opinion is not so improbable, as i have heard discussed by men who know more than i. but burguillos, [55] a learned man of the order of st. francis, holds and supports it valiantly; and at the least the governor, by his membership in the habit of alcantara, enjoys by a bull of leo x the privileges and immunities of the cistercian religious; [56] and, by another bull of alexander iii, the privileges of the knights of santiago, who can be excommunicated only by the supreme pontiff or by his legate _a latere_. [57] as for saying that the governor can exile from these islands any of his majesty's vassals whom he wishes to, i do not know that it is said in so harsh terms. what i do know is that the royal patronage gives him authority, in punishing the seculars and ecclesiastics, to remove them when they undertake to meddle with what does not concern them. [in regard to the charge] that he prevents the soldiers from becoming religious, no such thing enters his mind. his order is that, before the soldiers embrace a religious life, they shall inform him of it, so that their accounts may first be examined, to ascertain whether they owe anything to the king, in order that it may be paid before they become religious [58]--as was ruled by sixtus v in his bull. here in manila there is another thing which further justifies this action of the governor, namely, that many soldiers embrace a religious life with the sole intention of getting rid of their duties as soldiers; and then after a few months as novitiate, many vagabonds go out. in order to avoid that annoyance, it is well to have it appear and to have it noted in their accounts that they became religious, so that, if they leave that life, they may be compelled to serve the king. if this is not so, let the authors of the other relation tell [of any one] who has asked permission to become a religious who, if he is not indebted to the king, has not obtained his desires. [resuming my narrative], the formal letter, then, which the archbishop wrote to the father rector of the society, luis de pedrasa, is as follows: "the governor has today written a letter to the provisor, in which he says that it is fitting for the service of his majesty for him to go to the island of hermosa, to serve as chaplain-in-chief and vicar of those presidios--and this without any opportunity being afforded the provisor to ask my consent. it appears to me, father rector, that this is a very grave matter; and it seems best to call a council of the bishops and of all the orders, so that, we may decide that two of those at the meeting shall proceed to ascertain the authority possessed by the governor _in spiritualibus_ [_i.e.,_ "in spiritual matters"], in order that we may not continue day after day with these letters and these mandates. since i advise you of the point which is to be discussed in the meeting, i beg your paternity to do me the favor to be present at it, and to bring with you the father confessor of the governor and two father readers tomorrow morning, tuesday, at eight o'clock; for thus is it advisable for the service of our lord and of his church, and that of his majesty king don phelipe. your paternities are bound to follow the footsteps of the other and mendicant orders in matters so justifiable and for the common welfare; and i am confident that i shall receive your support. may our lord preserve your paternity for many years. from the [archiepiscopal] house, today, monday, october, 1635. _fray hernando_, archbishop." the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray diego duarte, excused himself by saying that that measure calculated not to quiet but rather to disturb the citizens. the clergy excused themselves--one for illness, another for ill-health, a third because he could not attend, and a fourth because he did not wish to attend; and so no one went. your grace should note here the malice of the other relation; for although the bishop of nueva segovia and the ecclesiastical cabildo had excused themselves, that relation makes no mention except of the dean--saying that he could not attend, because of sickness--and of the fathers of the society, in order to stigmatize their motives and to make them more odious. although it is true that the latter excused themselves, they did so by a courteous letter, which was written for that purpose by their rector; and in order that your grace may read it, and know exactly its contents, since from it originated the disputes that followed, i place it here. "most illustrious sir: "it appears that the more the society endeavors to serve your most illustrious [lordship], and your provisor, in striving for the peace of the community, and harmony and friendly relations between the ecclesiastical and secular leaders, in the same proportion do some (i know not whether with so good intention)--making, as is said, a poison from the antidote--endeavor to injure that peace. hence i am unable to see what benefit our attendance can be, or what lack there will be if we fail to offer our opinion; since whatever we say will be received in the manner that the so pious efforts that have been made during these last few days have been received. therefore, i beg your excellency, with due humility and respect, to be pleased to excuse us on this occasion, for the love of god our lord; for other occasions on which we can serve your excellency will not be wanting. may our lord preserve and augment your person as we all, your chaplains, and i the least of them, desire. _luis de pedraza_" some at the council read this letter, and the archbishop and religious were very angry at the absence of the members of the society from the meeting. they paid no attention to the fact that the clergy and the bishop of nueva segovia were also absent. they couched their lances against only those of the society; and the first thing done in the said meeting was to enact an act and resolution so harsh that it seems best not to mention it at all, but to copy it word for word, so that your grace may judge what may be your pleasure, and whether it was only to express some resentment, as the other relation declares, or to disclose their passion by not telling the hatred that they felt. the act is as follows: "in the city of manila, on the ninth of october, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, his excellency the archbishop of manila, and at his summons, the most reverend bishop of zebu, and the prelates of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, and the recollect fathers of the last order, and the readers of all of the said orders, having assembled in the archiepiscopal palace, it was resolved that, inasmuch as the fathers of the society of jesus had been summoned to the said assembly, this and another time, by his excellency, in order to communicate matters to them touching the service of god and of his church, which his excellency wished to execute with the advice of all for their better result; and since both times when they were summoned they excused themselves and in fact did not attend the said meeting, by which one can see that they separate themselves from the cause of the church, and that they leave her deserted and abandoned in whatever pertains to them: therefore it was resolved in the said meeting, that from any one who separates from his mother in her greatest trials and necessities, his brothers, the children of the church, ought to separate themselves--namely, by not attending the functions of common interest that shall be held or celebrated in the convents and church of the society of jesus, such as are feasts, contests in debate and other things similar to these; and by not inviting them to those which are celebrated either in the cathedral church and parochial churches of this city, or in any other churches whatsoever, whether subject to his excellency or to the prelates of the said orders. also, from this time henceforth, his excellency deprives them of the sermons [assigned to them] on the list of the said cathedral, and of all other sermons that they have or can have throughout his archbishopric, so that they can preach in none of the churches subject to his excellency. his excellency also resolved that no cleric of his archbishopric, of whatever rank or degree he be, either by himself or in the name of the communities which he represents, may or ought to go to the said functions celebrated in the convents or churches of the said society. his excellency also deprived them of the title of synodal examiners in all his archbishopric. the said archbishop promised that he would observe all the above until a decision should be made by another assembly of like character with this. and thus his most illustrious lordship affixed his signature with the rest who attended the meeting, [59] on the said day, month, and year. _fray hernando_, archbishop. _fray pedro_, bishop of santisimo nombre de jesus. _fray domingo gonsalez_ fray geronimo del spiritu santo fray juan de montemayor fray gaspar de santa maria [60] fray francisco de herrera fray alonso de san joan fray joseph de santa maria fray antonio gonsalez fray vicente argente fray alonso de carvajal fray sebastian de oquendo fray diego de ochoa fray pedro de santo thomas fray miguel de san juan [61] by order of his excellency, the archbishop, my lord, _bachelor joan fulgencio_, notary." but it is to be noted that although the above act is signed by so many, some of them afterward stated that they had been misled. for the order of st. augustine afterward renewed through its definitors its former friendship with the society, saying that those who had signed had no authority to do so; and the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arçe, retracted it as a mistake, as your grace will see by the enclosed document that he drew up. "in consideration of a council called by archbishop don fray hernando guerrero, on the ninth of this month of october--at which i was present, together with certain religious of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and the caked and discalced religious of st. augustine--and of a paper that was drawn up against the society of jesus, in which the archbishop deprived them of the sermons [assigned to them] in the lists of the cathedral and of other secular churches subject to the said archbishop, as well as the other things that the said document contains because the fathers of the said society of jesus did not attend the said council: i signed the said paper at the meeting, on account of the relation that was made then in the absence of the said fathers of the society. but afterward, having been informed of the truth, and that the fathers had very just reasons for not attending such meeting, i declare for the discharge of my conscience, that my opinion given then is null and void, and that the action taken in the said document is not just. on the contrary, i think that the said fathers of the society are worthy of praise and reward for their great devotion, holy doctrine, and excellent method of procedure--of which it is not proper to deprive the faithful, by taking from them the fruit that is received from their sermons and admirable instruction everywhere. in order that this my sentiment and opinion may be apparent for all time, i affixed my name to this present document in manila, october eighteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. fray pedro, bishop of santissimo de jesus. his most reverend lordship signed in my presence and i witness thereto, and know him. _juan soriano_, notary-public." following the decree enacted by the archbishop, another point was discussed in the assembly, which concerned the attempt of the governor to have don pedro de monrroy go to the island of hermosa as its chaplain. in this regard they resolved to offer effective opposition; and the archbishop, at the advice of the assembly, wrote the following letter to the governor: "i have read the letter written by your lordship to my provisor, and his answer, and the resolution of your lordship to send him to the island of hermosa. as i desire peace and harmony with your lordship, i entreat you to receive his excuse, since it, and my need of his person, are well known. besides this, i ask your lordship to note that the appointment of a vicar, or the granting of ecclesiastical authority and jurisdiction, or the administration of sacraments, is the prerogative of the ecclesiastical prelates, and not of the civil government. therefore, i request your lordship to refrain from making similar appointments in this regard. i write all the above to your lordship by the advice of the bishop of zibu and of the orders, so that your lordship may see that i am not moved by passion, but by reason and justice; and that i do not trust to my own opinion, but to that of many. i entreat your lordship to form another like opinion in making your decisions, and with persons who are free to speak their minds to your lordship. may our lord preserve your lordship and prosper you in his holy service. today, tuesday, october nine, six hundred and thirty-five. _fray hernando_, archbishop." the governor answered the above letter of the archbishop as follows: "i do not think that your lordship desires peace and harmony as you say, since you order me to receive the excuse of don pedro de monrroy in what i ask from him, which is fitting to the service of his majesty. i am doing it with all peace, without desiring war, and without seeking war with anyone. many can supply your lordship's need of his person, who are better intentioned and more learned, in accordance with his majesty's orders in his royal decree. on the contrary, your lordship has rather too much of don pedro de monrroy than too little, for the quiet, harmony, and good government of your church. i am not ignorant that the approval of ecclesiastical persons is reserved to the prelates in order that they may administer the sacraments; but the appointing of them belongs to the government by virtue of the royal patrimony, just as his majesty appointed your lordship bishop and archbishop, and as his holiness approved and confirmed it. consequently, i cannot, even though your lordship orders it, abstain from appointing curas and vicars, choosing from three whom your lordship ought to nominate, the person whom i shall consider most suitable. in the case of canons and dignidades of this holy church, governors of vacant bishoprics, and chaplains, superior and subordinate, of the soldiers, presidios, and galleons of his majesty, i need no nomination by your lordship, although they need your approval. if your lordship writes me thus 'at the advice of the bishop of zebu and of the orders, so that i may see that your lordship is not moved by passion, but by reason and justice,' i am moved by passion in ordering that all who came to these islands at the king's cost or in his galleons, and who are his vassals, whatever be their rank and degree, shall serve him. and when i say that this is fitting for his royal service, only his majesty can call me to account for it. i value the advice given me by your lordship that, when i make decisions, i take counsel with persons who are free to speak their mind to me. when i take counsel for the better service of god and the king, i look for the most learned men of good reputation, and many disinterested persons, so that they may not confuse me with so many different opinions. to them i do not declare my intention or determination, as is the general custom, until all have spoken; and then i conform to the opinion of those which i deem best. may your lordship understand this truth, and that i fear god more than the king and his vassals. may his divine majesty preserve your lordship for many happy years. the palace; october nine, six hundred and thirty-five. _don sebastian hurtado de corcuera_" the archbishop and the orders seeing that the members of the society were not disturbed (which seems to have been their intention, to judge by the resolution of the assembly), the archbishop sent a notary, a few days afterward, to notify the superiors of the society of an act, which i shall place here together with the reply of the father rector, luis de pedraza. "we, don fray hernando guerrero, by the grace of god and the holy apostolic see archbishop of these philipinas islands, member of his majesty's council, etc. inasmuch as we ordered for just reasons that moved us thereto, in harmony with the rules of the holy council of trent (in chapter four, _de reformatione,_ session twenty-four), that the religious fathers of the society of jesus be notified--the father-provincial, joan de bueras, the rector, luis de pedraza, and the other superiors of the said order who live in this city--not to preach outside of their convents in any part of all this archbishopric, or in camps, or guardhouses, by any manner of talk or preaching, or in any other manner: that order they shall observe to the letter, under penalty of major excommunication, _late sentencie, ipso facto incurenda una protina canonica monitione premisa_, [62] and a fine of four thousand castilian ducados for the holy crusade, to which we hold them immediately condemned if they do the contrary. given in our archiepiscopal palace, in the city of manila, october twenty-six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. _fray hernando_, archbishop. by order of his lordship: _diego bernal_ "at the residence of the society of jesus in manila, on the twenty-ninth day of the month of november [_sc_., october], one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, i read and announced the act contained in the other part [of this document], exactly as is therein contained, to the father rector, luis de pedraza, in the presence of the witness diego de rueda, royal clerk, and the fathers pedro de prado, procurator-general, and gregorio bellin. in their presence, he desired me to give him an attested copy of the act, as a protection of his right, and they were witnesses of the entire proceeding. i attest this. _juan de la cueva moran_, notary-public. "then immediately the said father luis de pedraza required me once, twice, and thrice, to set down the reply which will be declared, notwithstanding that the notification is set down. and, inasmuch as i am constrained by the said requisitions, i give it; and it is of the following tenor: 'that in all things that were not a violation of their privileges, they were prompt to obey, since they were under that obligation; but if any demand were in violation of those privileges, then they would make use of the means afforded them by the law for their defense and which his holiness granted them. he affixed his signature, in the presence of the above witnesses. _luis de pedraza_ before me. _joan de la cueva moran_, notary-public.'" the fathers of the society thought that act was a manifest injury to their order and privileges, for three reasons. first, because they were deprived of preaching to all persons, with no exception, without there being other cause therefor than those which your grace may infer from the document. second, by commanding them with excommunication and pecuniary fines, a thing which is manifestly a violation of the immunity of the regulars. third, because they were prohibited from giving instruction in the camps and guardhouses, which is a violation of a _clementina_, [63] as i am told, and to which no contrary decision has been rendered by the holy council of trent. the fathers of the society attempted to maintain peace by all possible ways, but they were unsuccessful; and they could find no route to that end. the past governor, don juan cerezo [salamanca] who was desirous of settling the matter, undertook to secure that end by writing to the archbishop the following letter: "our friendship, and the respect with which i always view the affairs of your lordship, and my obligations, constrain me to represent affectionately to your lordship, on the present occasion, the great danger that is being incurred in maintaining the provisor in his office, in hatred of him who represents to us the royal person, so that your lordship may consider in time the scandalous end that is threatened. and although your lordship will doubtless proceed, i must warn you through my experience of european affairs, heedfully, that the reasons that operate in this small presidio, which is surrounded by barbarians and hostile nations, have no place in populous cities. the governors base their defense on the public peace, in the attainment of which the prelates [should] always aid, without trying to examine the governor's intention, or throwing obstacles in his path under pretext of ecclesiastical immunity; and although peace is composed of both estates, and it is the business of both to secure and maintain it, its prerogative belongs only to the royal jurisdiction. "in order to repair these troubles, so that we can hope for great harmony in the future, i consider it as the only remedy, and the one most fitting for the authority of your lordship, for don pedro de monrroy to display his nobility of character, and resign himself of his own free will to the will of don sebastian, thus valuing his favor more than the comforts which he is now enjoying. if he so act, i am sure that it will open a free door for greater promotions [for him], and for the consolation of this community. your lordship, as a father, ought to pay attention to this without permitting the matter to be carried to a compulsory settlement, of which i have certain proofs. this opinion seemed good to father fray domingo gonsalez--although, after having conferred with your lordship, he replied to me that he does not find any secular who can fill the vacancy of the said don pedro de monrroy. but i remember to have seen that your lordship was inclined to the canon don pedro de quesada. i have here been addressing your lordship with tenderness and love; and you may believe that any action contrary to this would be held as a great disservice by his majesty--especially, as it is understood that the points of [ecclesiastical] government are reduced to assemblies of theologians, your lordship being their counselor. may god our lord preserve your lordship. from my residence. _don juan çerezo [de salamanca]_" don juan de cerezo was not content with this letter, but, being constrained by his excellent desires, wrote another letter of the following tenor: "as no beginning has been made in procuring the desired peace, i shall charge myself to treat of it, as it concerns so deeply the licentiate, don pedro de monrroy, to whom i remain a true friend; and at the pace at which the matter is being matured it must be that some little devil has been unchained, and that he is defrauding all the gains. but, nevertheless, as all this cause is for the service of our lord, i am confident that your lordship and all the orders will favor it. i am awaiting joyful news this afternoon, in order to be able to commence openly to be the mediator of harmony which, it is represented to me, this community will hereafter enjoy. and should that harmony unfortunately be not attained, i rely, in everything, upon this assembly. at least will your lordship be pleased to give such direction to it, by your great prudence, that these matters may not be further disturbed. may god preserve your lordship, as he is able, and as i desire. from my residence, october 12, 1635. _don juan çerezo salamanca_" the dean of this holy church, don miguel garçetas, also did on his part what he could to stay this storm; and he with three other dignidades went about among the four orders, to talk to their superiors in order that they might aid with their advice, so that the affair of don pedro de monrroy might be directed to the satisfaction of the governor, since he had so good an intention; and, at the same time, so that they might annul the resolution taken against the society in the meeting above mentioned. each one in private promised mountains of gold. they met with the archbishop; and the bishop of nueva segovia and some seculars having attended that meeting, they were not allowed to take part in it, because others thought that they were on the side of the society, and that they were inclined to support the governor's decision. in that assembly not only did its members not revoke the resolution, as each one had promised, but they confirmed it and refused to give satisfaction to the governor in regard to don pedro de monrroy. immediately the obstinacy and stubbornness of the participants in the meeting was learned; and those who had tried to act as angels of peace felt it keenly, especially don juan cerezo. as he had exerted himself most in striving for peace, his grief at seeing that his good desire had not been obtained was greatest. therefore he wrote the following letter to the archbishop: "by your lordship's letter i have learned the opinions of the religious who attended the meeting of last night. of the purpose that animates them and their hearts, may god judge. with this outcome i retire from these matters, and my only desire is that they come out right. i meddled in the affair because i thought it expedient and desirable to procure, by honorable means, the restoration of your lordship's liberty of the ordinary jurisdiction. that was injured and enslaved, the moment when it was subject to the hindrance of not being able to alter anything without a fresh intervention of the orders, and of being obliged to temporize with them so much as your lordship indicates; for the person and dignity of the archbishop of manila are of great importance, and his feelings of anger should be of less duration, so that he should not be compelled to chide the quarrels of others with his crozier. "i petition your lordship to keep this in mind, for i say it through my love as a son of your lordship, as a corrective for the present and a warning for the future; and the greatest happiness exists when the two heads of the state are in harmony. may god direct it, as he is able, and preserve your lordship, as i desire. from my residence, october 19, 1635. _don juan çerezo [salamanca]_" the fathers of the society, seeing that the peace measures had been useless, and that the doors to any suitable settlement were tightly closed on them on the part of the archbishop and the religious who were their opponents; and that two days afterward they had notified the rector of the society of the first act, they had notified the minister of santa cruz of another (that place being a mission of the society), in order that he should not instruct certain indians, a right which the preceding prelate had given to the society. [64] it was rumored that the archbishop was trying to deprive them of the confessional. daily new troubles were feared, and the fathers of the society were compelled to appoint a judge-conservator; and one was in fact appointed on the second of november, 1635. this was don fabian de santillan y cavilanes, schoolmaster of this holy metropolitan church. he was not serving _ad interim_, as the other relation declares, but held that office in regular appointment, and had held it for several years. he was the son of a treasurer of the royal exchequer. alonso baesa del rio was assigned as his notary, a notary-public and a man of vast experience and skill in papers. the judge-conservator ordered the archbishop, under penalty of major excommunication and a fine of four thousand ducados for the holy crusade, to repeal the acts passed against the society, as they were manifestly injurious. before he was notified of this act, the secretary read to him his appointment as judge-conservator made on behalf of the society. this is apparent by the identical acts, which i have seen. i advise your grace of this so that you may have accurate information on this point; for it is stated and restated often, in the other relation, that the archbishop was not notified legally before they notified him of the act of the judge-conservator. he was notified, for it is certain that the first document read to him by the secretary was the appointment as judge-conservator, as above stated. later, the same secretary read to him the bull for judge-conservators, and that of gregory xiii, in which he concedes authority to the fathers of the society to preach anywhere. the secretary entering the archbishop's hall with the documents, the latter asked him what he had, and he answered that they were the bulls. "but why?" added the archbishop; and fray antonio gonsalez, who was in his company, said: "he has been tired, for we have already seen them in the collection of bulls." if this is so, i am surprised that the hostile relation states that the act of the judge-conservator was null and void, as he did not first exhibit the briefs (of which no notice was taken) to the archbishop. the latter's procurators also were not bashful, and were so bold as to allege the same in public session of the audiencia. but they were convinced by the secretary that he read the acts, whereupon an auditor declared: "we must pay heed to this, and not to the new falsehoods that they bring." next day the archbishop presented himself with a plea of fuerza, during prison inspection, before the auditor don alvaro de mesa y lugo _[sic; sc._ zapata?]; and as there was no other auditor, he issued the usual order. on tuesday, the sixth of the same month, recourse was had to the royal audiencia, on behalf of both the archbishop and the society, to examine the records. the royal audiencia, seeing that the order issued during the prison inspection was not sufficient, but defective, issued another and new one, and nothing further was discussed in that meeting of the audiencia. next day, wednesday, november seven, the records were brought. the archbishop was represented by the father prior of st. augustine, fray juan de montemayor, and the father reader, fray diego de ochoa, of the same order; the father definitor of the recollects, fray pedro barreto; the father guardian of st. francis, fray juan de pina; and bachelor fulgencio de ribera, a secular, and the deacon and servant of the archbishop. the society was represented by father diego de bobadilla, [65] and father lorenco goreto, masters of theology. the latter, before all else, declared that they had no quarrel with the holy orders, and that in consequence the fathers had nothing to do there. but the others replied that they had been authorized by the archbishop. the royal audiencia ordered the authorization to be read. it made mention only of the father reader, fray diego de ochoa, father fray pedro barreto, and the bachelor fulgencio de ribera. thereupon, they ordered from the room the father prior of st. augustine, and the father guardian of st. francis, who went out somewhat shamefacedly. the secretary read the records, but was interrupted at every step by the reader fray diego de ochoa, which resulted in some animosity. after the reading, the president asked the representatives of the archbishop whether they had anything to state. the bachelor fulgencio de ribera took the floor, and said in few words that the judge-conservator was not legitimately appointed, for there were no manifest injuries in the case. then the president invited the two religious who had remained [to speak]. they said that those of the society should state their case first, and accordingly the latter were given the floor--father diego de bobadilla first, and then father lorenço goreto. they proved in the judgment of those of us who were present (and it so seemed to me, although not much is obtained from these things) that the acts which i have mentioned are manifest injuries; and that, consequently, the judge-conservator was legally appointed. in order that your grace may understand more of what was declared, i am sending you a summary of the allegation made by the fathers of the society, which one of them communicated to me, and i enclose it herewith. hence i shall not go into greater detail here, by mentioning what i have heard erudite men say in reply to certain arguments by which the other relation tries to prove that the enactments of the judge-conservator were null and void. i shall only say a word, if i remember it, on three or four points which the relation heaps together, but which are of small moment. it declares that the judge exceeded his authority in not giving the archbishop more than one hour's time-limit in which to read the bulls and to withdraw the act, while in reality twenty-four hours were granted him; and when the secretary, alonso baesa del rio, went to notify the archbishop of the act, to his offer that he could easily obtain more time from the judge, answer was made by diego bernal, who was the secretary of the archbishop, that they had time enough, and that no more was necessary, as they had read the bulls often enough. the point was not in this, but in the fact that the judge-conservator could not command the archbishop to withdraw the act that he had made against the society. by that one may see the calumny in alleging that the time was insufficient to withdraw the act. the relation states that it was a dispute over jurisdiction, and that consequently, according to the ruling of the council of trent, judge-arbitrators were to be appointed. that is an error; for there was no contest over jurisdiction, but only that the judge-conservator, as the delegate of the supreme pontiff, ordered the archbishop to withdraw an act manifestly injurious to the society. the relation declares that the bulls were authorized by the same judge-conservator and his secretary. that is true, but how did that cause any nullification? for the judge did not feign briefs, or say that the one that he presented was the original one, but that it was a faithful copy of the original, which the society had showed him. therein he obeyed the behests of the supreme pontiff, in order that such copies might have legality and authority. when the fathers of the society had finished their statement, the president told the father reader fray diego de ochoa, and the father definitor fray pedro barreto, to make what further statements they had to make. but they, changing color, and being uneasy, answered clearly and frankly that they had nothing more to say, as they had not come prepared for it. i confess to your grace that we who were present were put to the blush at seeing so shameful a thing; and we asked, since they had not come prepared, why they had come and why they had received the archbishop's authorization. they requested that audience be granted them the next day, and, although that is contrary to common practice, it was conceded to them, so that they could at no time say that they had not presented their side of the matter, and that they were without defense. that was so clear and manifest a victory for the fathers of the society, and before the tribunal, the officials, and the great crowd which was present, that i am surprised how those of the other side dared to utter a word. they returned to the conflict on the following thursday; and other religious besides the two above mentioned and the secular, were summoned. those who came newly were father fray antonio gonsalez, vicar-provincial of st. dominic; fray diego collado, of the same order; and father fray pedro de herrera, of st. augustine: on entering the audiencia, they presented their authority without being requested to do so--fearing to encounter any such jest as had happened to the others the day previous, for lack of authority. the father reader fray diego de ochoa spoke first in this audiencia, in a loud voice and with many exclamations, and casting opprobrium on the person of the judge-conservator. then the father definitor fray pedro barreto spoke. he read a short paper that he had written, saying that he had not been able to commit it to memory. he was followed by father fray antonio gonsalez, who alleged a very trifling defect in the bull. after him fray diego collado spoke. he said that he was the confessor of the president of castilla when the bishop of cordoba had a similar suit with the orders in españa. father fray pedro de herrera gave his opinion last. all of them together consumed more than one and one-half hours. the fathers of the society answered, father diego de bobadilla first, and then father lorenso goreto. such was their reply that, to all of us who were present, it seemed that they had proved their case, and it is sure that they showed the act to be a manifest injury: first, because they had been ordered not to preach outside of their churches, under pain of excommunication and pecuniary fines; second, because the archbishop, through his anger toward only one of the society, had forbidden all of them in his archbishopric to preach. the controversy then hinged on [the question] whether the prelate may prohibit some of the society, for just causes (which he said that he had, but did not express), from preaching in camps and guardhouses. the friars said that he could, and their whole argument consisted of what the council [of trent] says, according to what they alleged--making fuerza out of those words, _contradicente episcopo_ [_i.e._, "the bishop opposing"], and giving as explanation that the prelate may by his own authority oppose and forbid the regulars to preach, even in their own churches. thence they inferred that the archbishop had not laid on the fathers of the society all that he could. those of the society answered this at length, and showed by several books which they brought to the audiencia that that phrase _contradicente episcopo_, ought not to be understood in that manner, but according to a certain clementina which, if i am not mistaken, is that of _de sepulturis_, and begins with _dudum_. as this was the point of all their controversy, i refer you to the statement that is enclosed herewith. but i am unable to conjecture why the other relation wastes so much paper, and becomes wearisome, by bringing in so many statements to prove that the religious may not preach in the churches of others without the permission of their owners, since the society never claimed anything else, nor were their statements intended to prove it. and believe me, your grace, on this second day no less glory fell to the society than on the first. i have related this point so extensively, as some prejudiced persons have stated that the adherents of the archbishop silenced the fathers of the society. the gentlemen of the royal audiencia remained in the hall, and on voting on the point of fuerza they were divided. thereupon, his majesty's fiscal was appointed, as that pertains to him by law. his vote, it appears, was cast in favor of the fathers of the society. consequently, it was declared that the judge-conservator had not used fuerza toward the archbishop, and that he should proceed with his commission. some persons were not lacking who tried to suspend the proceedings and declare them null and void, because the archbishop's representatives were not notified that it was because the auditors' opinions were discordant that his majesty's fiscal had been appointed judge. they did not take note that this matter of making notifications and summons is an act of superiority and jurisdiction; and that, as the royal audiencia does not hold that in ecclesiastical matters, it does not employ such acts, and only declares whether the ecclesiastical judge practices fuerza or no--and this not as judge of the ecclesiastical estate, but as a political governor who desires peace in his country. the other and contradictory relation also tries to prove the proceedings null because, before the royal audiencia declared that the judge-conservator was not committing fuerza, the procurators of the archbishop drew up a petition which they presented to the president, in which they challenged the auditor zapata. but he who regards this as nullification, proves that he is but little accustomed to the manner of procedure of the audiencia; for in the first place the petition was not presented in time, and second, it was not signed by a lawyer--an essential lack, as that is contrary to his majesty's orders for what is to be done in such cases of challenging a judge, and especially so superior a judge as an auditor. as the judge-conservator was declared by the audiencia to be legal, he proceeded, constraining the archbishop with censures so that he should furnish an official statement of the acts issued against the society. he did so, sending the original act already mentioned, the original [record of the] meeting that he held with the religious, and the act that was issued ordering the fathers of the society not to minister to the indians of santa cruz. within a few days the matter was well on the way to a conclusion and settlement, when it was discovered that the archbishop and some of the said three orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, had held a meeting, and under color of a protest had issued a defamatory libel, in which they linked the same judge-conservator, the society of jesus, the governor, and the royal audiencia, because these had declared against their will. this document was a matter of common talk and notoriety, not only because it was declared by many of the townspeople, who had heard it from those who had been present at the meeting (and as there were so many of them it could not be kept secret); but also, as soon as it was requested, the archbishop told the father rector, luis de pedrasa, that he would not give up such a paper, even if he were deprived of the archbishopric; and father fray pedro de herrera, his procurator, said that they would not give it even if they were hanged. the father provincial of st. francis asked adjutant juan de vega mexia, why he demanded such a paper, for it was not well for the society, or their judge-conservator, or the governor, or the royal audiencia to see it. this tone increased the reports of the townspeople, and the constant rumor that that protest was a defamatory libel and contained grievous things about many persons. it was authenticated by a royal clerk named diego de rueda, who is also a familiar of the holy office. the judge-conservator arrested him, and took his confession, in which, although he did not tell openly all that the protest contained, he made known sufficient of it so that one could get light on the matter. the judge-conservator petitioned the governor for the aid of the civil arm, and on friday, november 16, arrested the clerk by its help. the commissary of the holy office, fray francisco de herrera, of the order of st. dominic, came out to demand his familiar from the judge-conservator. the judge answered that he had already taken his statement; that, although he had arrested him so that he might declare more, the man was no longer necessary to him; and that it did not concern him, and they should demand the familiar from the governor, who had him. the father commissary answered that the reply of the judge was not satisfactory, and that his familiar should be handed over to him. the judge answered that in writing, as follows: "in the city of manila, november twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. don fabian de santillan y gavilanes, schoolmaster of the holy cathedral church of this said city, apostolic judge-conservator of the order of the society of jesus, etc., declared that [he makes this declaration] inasmuch as the reverend father preacher fray francisco de herrera, of the order of st. dominic, commissary of the holy inquisition in these islands, sent him an oral message by the accountant, alonso baesa del rio, notary-public and apostolic notary of this tribunal, yesterday, thursday, between six and seven in the morning, asking to have diego de rueda sent to him (as he said that he had arrested him), for a certain declaration that he had need of making before the said father commissary. to that message the said judge-conservator also responded orally, saying that although he had arrested the said diego de rueda, because of what pertained to his office as judge-conservator, it was two days since he had finished with him, and that the said diego de rueda was no longer held prisoner at his account. therefore, he should go to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands, to ask for him. nevertheless, after his declaration that he was not holding the said diego de rueda a prisoner, the said father commissary, by an act that he issued today, ordered the said judge-conservator, under penalties and censures, to deliver the said diego de rueda within two hours, and he was notified of it at the hour of nine in the morning. the judge-conservator made the same answer in writing that he had given orally to the said apostolic notary, and more fully (although the said [oral] reply was sufficient). at the hour of ten in the morning he wrote a letter to the said father commissary, sending it by adjutant juan de vega mexia, in which he offered to the commissary to draw up a document requiring, exhorting, and notifying the said governor and captain-general of these islands that, in what pertained to this court of the said apostolic judge conservator, inasmuch as the latter had no longer anything to do with the said diego de rueda, the governor should set him free and send him to the said father commissary. the latter answered in writing through the said adjutant, juan de vega mexia, that the said governor declared that it was not his lordship, but the said judge-conservator, who had arrested the said diego de rueda. and after the said reply, and for greater satisfaction, and so that his obedience, as an obedient son of the church to the mandates of the holy inquisition may be recognized, the judge-conservator thereupon petitions and supplicates--and in a necessary case, requires, exhorts, and charges--don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands, in what pertains to this court of the said apostolic judge-conservator, inasmuch as the latter no longer has anything to do with the said diego de rueda, to free that man and send him to the father commissary, as the latter has ordered and commanded the said apostolic judge-conservator, under penalties and censures. thus did he enact, and affixed his signature. the schoolmaster, _don fabian de santillan y gavilanes_ by his order: _alonso baeza del rrio_, notary-public and apostolic notary." after receiving this reply, the father commissary left the judge, and requested the governor to give him his familiar. his lordship answered him that the said familiar had transgressed in the exercise of his office by having authenticated, as a royal notary, a defamatory libel; and that the punishment for that devolved upon the royal jurisdiction, according to the agreement in the new compilation [of laws]. the governor sent diego de rueda under arrest to the fort of cabite, whereupon the father commissary had the governor notified of the following act through a youthful friar called fray ignacio muñoz, and another who accompanied him: "in the city of manila, on the twenty-sixth of the month of november, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the reverend father fray francisco de herrera, commissary of the holy office in these islands, declared that he is at present engaged in a cause pertaining to the tribunal of the inquisition, in regard to a protest which is reported to be a defamatory libel against the holy order of the society of jesus, and other persons occupying places of dignity. the principal witness in it is alférez diego de rueda; and, for lack of him, the service and execution of the holy office in investigating this cause is suspended and prevented. inasmuch as the pontiff pius fifth, and other pontiffs order in very strict terms that the causes of the inquisition take precedence over all others, and that all causes cease and be superseded until the holy office concludes its business: therefore the said commissary ordered (and he did so order) governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, who says in his letters that he has arrested the said diego de rueda for having become an apostolic notary when he was a royal notary, for the purpose of authenticating the protest that is said to be a libel--an offense which by being committed in connection with this cause, belongs by law to the inquisition, and to no other tribunal, as it is in regard to what is said to be a defamatory libel against the said order and persons; and gives him a time-limit of thirty hours within which to present diego de rueda at the holy office, under penalty of major excommunication and a fine of five thousand ducados for the expenses of this tribunal. and, under the same penalties, he orders the said governor not to make any further effort to demand or inquire about the said protest, since if it is, as is asserted, a defamatory libel, it belongs to no other judge, but only to the holy office; and the governor shall not molest the said prisoner until the holy office has entirely concluded its cause. and he thus decreed in this act, which he ordered and signed. _fray francisco de herrera_ before me: _fray ignacio muñoz_, notary." the friar commenced to read his act, and, at the commencement of the reading, the governor asked the friar to hand it to him. seeing that this was the beginning of disturbances in the community, he ordered an adjutant to conduct those friars courteously to their convent at the port of cabite, and charge their superior to retain them there and look after them well; and that they should not disturb the peace of the community for him, nor talk with the freedom and levity that they had displayed to him. the fathers of st. dominic took occasion from that to utter innumerable evil reports about the governor, so that there was no place where they did not murmur aloud about him. father fray sebastian de oquendo of the order of st. dominic, in especial, went one morning to the auditor-general of war, manuel suarez, with a bull which he declared had been promulgated by pius v; and having read it, he declared that the governor was excommunicated for preventing the exercise of the inquisition's authority (although the governor declared that he did not prevent it but that he was maintaining, as he ought, the royal jurisdiction); that he was deposed, that he was not governor, and could not act as such; and that the senior auditor should immediately assume the government, and arrest don sebastian and place him in a fort. the auditor-general referred all the above to the governor; and, as a confirmation of this and other rumors that were current through the city, the same fathers of st. dominic brought a friar from cabite, named fray francisco pinelo, [66] a man of talent and eloquent in the pulpit, in order that he might preach on the second sunday of advent, december 9, 1635. he did in fact preach [on that day], and before beginning his sermon, he said that he had called and invited the people to read a bull that he declared was given by pius v, and was translated from latin into romance, in which his holiness regards those who prevent the exercise of the holy inquisition's authority as infamous, and incapable of holding offices and dignities, and as _ipso facto_ deposed from them. the said father asserted all the above with such tones and manner, and at such a time, that it was clearly seen that he meant it for the governor; and that he was scoffing at him as an infamous person, and as one deposed from the government of these islands, because he had sent to cabite the two friars who had been sent to him. he began his sermon after that, and it was throughout a satire on the society, on the judge-conservator, and on the governor and the royal audiencia. he said of the fathers of the society that they were the cats of the church, and a damnable and corruptible milk, who were trying by their deceits to influence other religious not to go to japon. he added that such as they were members that had been lopped off from the church; and that by their shrewdness and political methods they were insinuating themselves into everything. of the judge-conservator he said that one would believe him a canon of london rather than of the cathedral of manila; that the jesuits had made him a pope or popelet, and that through him they had undertaken to give them [i.e., the other orders] pap; [67] that he was a gambler, and that he had lost some thousands of pesos, which i know is not the case. of the governor, the preacher said that he was a pilate, and even much worse; since pilate had refused to intervene in the death of christ, while the governor was trying to take part in the controversies with the archbishop; he also compared him to herod. he talked very venomously about an auditor, and, although he did not name him, it was just as if he had done so, for one could plainly infer of whom he was speaking. he characterized him as unjust and vicious, and all without other foundation than his having declared that the judge-conservator was legal, contrary to what the fathers of st. dominic claimed. the muttering and commotion among the audience were very marked. it is a fact that many of us think that the preacher had no other aim or motive than to disturb and rouse the crowd so that there should be an uprising, as there had been in nueva españa. and as i have already begun this matter of sermons, and so that i may not afterward interrupt the thread of my discourse, i shall say somewhat here to your grace of the many disorders that have happened in this direction. on the day of st. lucy, december 13, in the convent of the recollects of st. augustine, father fray andres del spiritu santo preached. i was present, and his whole sermon was a satire against the judge-conservator, the fathers of the society, and the governor. he said many evil things of them, all of which i do not remember in detail, except that he said, by mistake, of the fathers of the society that they were hippocrates; and then, immediately correcting himself, that they were hypocrites and arrogant fellows, and that it was the society not of jesus, but of the devil. he characterized the judge-conservator as a vicious fellow. the same father preached on the afternoon of palm sunday, in his convent. he said of the governor that he was not setting [a good] example in having founded the royal chapel in the palace, where he hears preaching, because he does not go out to their churches to hear these things. he said also that the governor was obstinate because he did not humiliate himself before the archbishop, as it was holy week and the season of the jubilee. the worthy father did not consider in the midst of his zeal what the governor has done for the archbishop, and how he has aided him. he added that the governor did not understand the law of the christians, as he had said (according to the preacher's statement) that he could not be excommunicated. that scandalized the hearers, and was the motive for many of the city to declare (as i hear) that these sermons kindled the fire that raged, and were the cause of these revolutions. on sunday, the third day of lent, february 24, 1636, at the publication of the ordinary edict, the whole city gathered in the cathedral, where i was present. the father guardian of st. francis, fray juan de piña, preached. he mentioned in the pulpit a balance that the accountant juan bautista de zubiaga had brought forward against the fathers of st. francis (who have had charge of the royal hospitals), of more than thirty thousand pesos. inasmuch as soldiers without weapons have not been received in the hospital for many years, and a great number of men have died in it, and there is no account of what has been done with those arms, they amount, when appraised at low prices, to over thirty thousand pesos. the preacher declared that he had reason to make a greater charge and declare a larger balance against the king of españa. the charge was that fray francisco ximenez conquered oran; and that one of their friars, named zumarraga, [68] pacified nueva españa. thus a great part of his sermon was taken up in indecorously contending and taking issue with the king of españa. on the wednesday following, february 27, the same preacher delivering a sermon in the same cathedral church, returned to the same balance, and treated the said computer of accounts, juan bautista de cubiaga, with great contumely. he called him a gascon devil, disguised as a viscayan or navarrese, who getting a smattering of accounts, gave out that he was an accountant, in order to come to give him a beating. and this he said amid the laughter and commotion of the audience. on one friday in lent, the fifteenth of march, i was present at the convent of st. augustine; fray diego de ochoa of the same order came out to preach. at the beginning, he read a notice which said that father lorenso goreto would preach on the following tuesday at the church of the society of jesus, on the good thief. [69] he added that that feast of the thief was very suitable for the society, characterizing its members as thieves. later in the course of his sermon, he brought in the balance which, as i have told your grace, the accountant juan bautista de zubiaga presented against the franciscan fathers concerning the hospitals. he declared it to be an inquisition case, and that, if that holy tribunal did not take cognizance of it, he himself would seize him. this he said with loud words and a menacing aspect. and, so that your grace may have a good laugh, i will tell you his argument for saying that it was an inquisition case--namely, that the pontiff had seen in dreams st. francis and st. dominic with their shoulders holding up the church of san giovanni in laterano, which was about to fall--a sign that their sons must keep the church of god upright by means of their glorious labors, as if for that reason no one of the said orders could do anything wrong. besides the fact that your grace will see that this vision is not of the divine attestation--although it pertains to christian piety to believe it, as so many others--i would never finish if i should try to tell your grace the disorder that has reigned in the pulpits all this year. i only tell, in general, what occurred this past lent, and even since advent. i and many others have gone through curiosity to hear the preachers of st. dominic, st. francis, and the recollects of st. augustine. most of the sermons have consisted of satires against the governor, the audiencia, the judge-conservator, and the fathers of the society of jesus; and in utterances so extravagant that they caused a great scandal, and in things ridiculous and unworthy of the pulpit. the latter they made a professor's chair for the avenging of their passions, instead of one for teaching the doctrine of christ. your grace can see what fruit the audience would get from it. returning to our narrative, the fathers of st. dominic were not content with saying the above-mentioned things in and out of the pulpits, but they incited a petition to the dean of this holy church, don miguel garçetas, who, as the archbishop was excommunicated by the judge-conservator, was exercising the office of provisor and vicar-general in it; they asked him to declare the governor to be excommunicated. for i cannot tell your grace the fear which seized the religious orders in this matter, that they must place the governor on the excommunicated list; and how many actions that he had committed for which, as they said, he had incurred excommunication--so much so, that in a paper that appeared afterward, there was mention of twenty-five excommunications that he had, in their opinion, incurred; and i do not know whether there are any more in the law. with that petition they presented a paper proving that the governor was excommunicated, and speaking indecorously of him, saying that he was a mean and foolish gentleman. the dean, who is a discreet man and aged, was quite far from assenting to the request made of him, as he saw that they were uneasy and their disturbance was superfluous. the judge-conservator afflicted the archbishop with new censures and penalties to get him to hand over the protest, but the latter would agree to do so under no considerations. he declared that he had given it some few days before to fray diego collado of the order of st. dominic, and that he could not get it back from him. the archbishop did not consider himself as excommunicated, although he had been declared as such. neither did the religious consider him as such, but persuaded him that he could say mass, and he did so. the religious went in and out of his archiepiscopal palace as before, holding meetings and causing trouble in the community. therefore, measures were taken to establish some sentinels at the archbishop's door, so that so many religious might not enter to disturb him; but the fathers of the society interceded with good results, so that the sentinels should be removed. that was done immediately. the archbishop left his house on the twelfth of november and retired to [the convent of] st. francis. on the eighteenth, the four provincials of the said four orders went to consult the governor. he told them not to overturn the community as they were doing. all the efforts possible were made and various means were taken to get hold of the protest, since it was fundamental to the conclusion of the peace which was desired. the archbishop wrote the following letter to the governor from the convent of st. francis: "sir: "since your lordship did me the kindness to come to console me and show me favor, i have made the most strenuous efforts in the world to have the protest returned to me; but it is hammering on cold iron. what can i do? for if my intent had been not to show it, i could say that i had torn it up, or could have alleged some other pretext; and i would not have mentioned the person to whom i gave it to keep, as i knew that there was an order to sequestrate his [70] property. since, sir, it is impossible, and it is not my fault, i do not accept the excuse that your lordship gives me in your letter, in order to free yourself from showing me favor and undertaking to act, settle this affair as governor and friend. therefore, i petition your lordship, [71] as you can do for one who avails himself of your protection; for i desire ever to remain in your lordship's favor, and only bound to serve you all the days of my life. may our lord preserve your lordship's life for long years. from this convent of st. francis, november 24, 1635. _fray hernando_, archbishop." the governor responded as follows to the above letter: "most thoroughly do i believe what your lordship says in your letter in regard to the efforts made to get hold of the protest, and that your lordship does not have it. but it is an exasperating and serious thing that father collado, or whoever else has it, should display this tenacious obstinacy; and that so many efforts, so many mediators, and so much argument are not sufficient to get it. it is certain, sir, that so great obstinacy in a subordinate ought not to be overlooked; for it is hindering good men so that we cannot go farther in this matter, until we have subdued that disobedience, which is unworthy of so religious a person--especially since i have given my word to burn it in the presence of your lordship, without letting any person see it except diego de rueda, so that he may acknowledge before witnesses whether it is the paper which he wrote or authenticated. all these considerations, and many others which occur to me, almost render it impossible for me to serve your lordship. on the other hand, your lordship's present need of my service constrains me more; and as don sebastian de corcuera, i am doing more, i judge, in charging myself with these affairs than i would do in concluding them had i all the authority that your lordship mentions. now, sir, that i may move in the matter with more security, it will be necessary, since there is no other remedy, to compel diego de rueda to declare to me, and attest as a notary, the contents of the protest; and in order to cause him to do so, even though he resist, i shall have to make use of the means, however harsh, that i shall find available. may god direct the matter, and may he guide me in all things so that i may be successful in serving your lordship. given at the palace, this day, sunday. _don sebastian hurtado de corcuera_" in order to bring about that settlement, the governor went, november 20, to see the archbishop, whom he consoled; and he offered to do all in his power in favor of his lordship. the next day the same governor called a meeting of the gentlemen of the royal audiencia, his majesty's fiscal, and all the learned jurists in manila. they agreed that this matter could not be settled so long as the protest did not make its appearance. in accordance with that decision, the governor wrote the following letter to the archbishop: "from the time when i went last evening to pay my respects to your lordship, i have thought of nothing else excepting how i might manage to serve you. with that purpose, i had the four advocates of the royal audiencia summoned, and others--ecclesiastics, jurists, and theologians. on meeting them, i set before them my great desire for peace and for the quiet and comfort of your lordship. i had them read the letters that your lordship wrote me, the efforts that had been commenced, and the papers given me yesterday by the father readers of st. augustine. after discussing them, little credit was given to the statement of father fray pedro de herrera and to the mandate of father fray antonio gonsalez; for both of them are accomplices. moreover, it was not well for them that the people should see them meddling in a matter that is so unrighteous and one so unbecoming to their profession. [i told those who were assembled] that, accordingly, they should protect these papers, so that neither the mandate of father fray antonio should bind father fray diego collado or any other of his religious, or the statement of the said father fray pedro de herrera have any effect. for it was considered also that the latter had been issued nine days after the incident [of rueda's arrest] had occurred; and more especially was noted the obstinacy of father fray diego collado in refusing to return to your lordship the paper or protest that had been made. for these reasons all unanimously, without one dissenting voice, were of the opinion that your lordship should make new and more strenuous efforts to secure and surrender the said protest on account of the difficulties that so evidently result from secreting it. and since, sir, it contains nothing that can tarnish the reputation of the order of the society, or that can be of importance to any other, i would judge it impossible that there can be any agreement, or that the cause can be concluded to the pleasure and satisfaction of your lordship, except by handing over the said paper--with the promise that i hereby give, as a gentleman, that if it be handed over to me, i shall only allow the notary to see the signature, so that he may attest that it is the document that he authenticated; and then immediately, in the presence of him who hands it to me, or in the pretence of your lordship (for which purpose i shall go to your residence), i shall burn it so that nothing of it can remain. it has also seemed best for me to ask the judge-conservator to grant your lordship four or six days more than the time-limit that he has assigned; and i shall do that immediately, so that your lordship may have more time to see that that religious may not ruin the whole affair, and that he may hand over the paper. and in case that he always prove obstinate, i shall immediately refrain from meddling in this matter, either for or against your lordship. i beg you to pardon me for having made this resolution, in accordance with the opinion of so many erudite and well-intentioned men. and, even had they not given it, i would have made it of my own accord, after hearing what the sargento-mayor has just told me of the religious of st. dominic, who have broken into the guardhouse at one of the gates of the wall, defying the soldiers stationed there, and forcibly bringing inside don pedro monrroy--contrary to the order that i had given that he was not to be allowed to enter, since he is not provisor, and has nothing to do inside the walls. and if these disorderly acts are committed while i am seeking means and methods of doing your lordship a service, by which i may aid you in paying the condemnations that have been ordered, i am freed from the obligation of having anything to do with these matters, either pro or con. on the contrary i shall inform the king our sovereign of the efforts made on my part; and all the community will have understood them and will know that your lordship, taking counsel of the three orders, neither desires nor tries to secure peace. i beg your lordship's pardon for speaking so boldly, and rest assured that there is not, nor will there be, more than i have said here. may god preserve your lordship for happy years. given at the palace, november 21, 1635. _don sebastian hurtado de corcuera_" since the above letter makes mention of the forcing of the guardhouse, i shall narrate to your grace what occurred. don pedro de monrroy, since he was not provisor, left the city. the governor, fearing that if he returned hither, the matter would be more unsettled than ever, left orders at the city gates that don pedro should not be allowed to enter, should he make the attempt. but on november 21--on the same day and at the same hour when the governor was with the archbishop in the convent of st. francis, trying to settle the matter--the said don pedro monrroy, clad as a franciscan friar, with another franciscan friar as companion, attempted to enter by a gate near the convent of st. dominic, at the time of the ave marias. a great number of religious went out of the convent to receive him. the commandant at the gate, one alférez don francisco de ribera, recognized him; he seized him, and called out to his soldiers to take their arms, and prevent don pedro's entrance. but there were so many friars of st. dominic, who charged down and defended him by fighting with their fists, that the soldiers could not use their weapons or prevent his entrance. consequently, forcing the guardhouse, they took him into the city. the governor felt just anger at this. he ordered the commandant and soldiers to be arrested, and he was about to garrote the commandant and punish the soldiers for not having obeyed his order. they exculpated themselves quite sufficiently in the report that they made of having done their utmost, but that the fury of the religious gave them no time to do any more. the governor in great anger wrote to the father vicar-provincial of st. dominic, fray antonio gonsalez, regarding the matter; and the latter responded very coolly that his religious had not done such a thing, and that he had proof and information to the contrary. the father vicar added that don pedro de monrroy had entered the city in obedience to the summons of the inquisition. for your grace must suppose that as the friars saw the matter was ending ill, and as their passion against the fathers of the society was so great, they endeavored by all means to make it a case of inquisition against them. therefore, on november 19, the father commissary sent for a copy of the act of the judge-conservator, in which the latter ordered the archbishop to produce the protest or defamatory libel, under penalty of suspension; that act was affixed to the archbishop's door, as he was not at home, and as he could not be found to notify him. father fray francisco de paula [72] acted as notary on this occasion. he ordered a writing-desk to be placed in the street, and, with great pomp and clatter, had the said act removed, and copied it on the writing-desk. next morning the father commissary sent another friar, named fray ignacio muñoz, [73] to act as notary to summon the judge, don fabian de santillan; he did it in so clamorous a manner, and at such a time, that people thought he was trying to place some stain on the said judge. the latter, in order to purge himself from it, asked the father commissary for an official statement stating that he had not been summoned for any crime, but only to be told that the trial of the said protest did not pertain to him. at nine o'clock in the morning of the twenty-third of the same month of november, two lay brothers of the same order of st. dominic, also in the capacity of notaries, went to the judge-conservator, who was at [the convent of] the society, to notify him that he must surrender diego de rueda. and because the doorkeeper of the society told them to wait a moment, they began to cry aloud and to attest by witnesses that they were being prevented from attending to the affairs of the inquisition. on the twenty-sixth of the same month, another notification was made to the same judge, asking for diego de rueda, and ordering that he be sent to demand the protest. many other notifications were served on him through the agency of fray antonio espexo [74] of the same order. from this your grace will observe that they had a different notary for each day; this is a matter on which i may reflect much, and i even imagine that the inquisitors of mexico would not be pleased with so great a variety of notaries for one commissary--some being lay brothers and others ordained priests, some youths and others of greater age--and usually but little restrained. to show that, i will only tell your grace of one thing that one of those notaries, fray ignaçio de muñoz, said, when going one day to a garden with another friar of his order, fray pedro de ledo, [75] and with the collegiates of santo thomas: "i shall not stop until i see all the theatins [_i.e._, jesuits] put to the knife." what a fine disposition is that, your grace, and what a good inclination in a notary of so holy, upright, and dispassionate a tribunal as is that of the holy inquisition! finally, the father commissary asked the judge-conservator to surrender to him an information that he had brought against don pedro de monrroy, because he had said that lutero and calvino [_i.e._, luther and calvin] and other heretics had not done so much harm to the church of god as had the fathers of the society. the judge gave him the original, but kept a copy, which the father commissary also sent to get from him. the judge refused to give it to him, saying that he could not give it up, and that it was necessary to adduce in the cause; and that although it pertained to the father commissary, as far as it was a mischievous statement, yet it pertained to the judge himself, so far as if was an injury against the society, of whom he was the conservator. the father commissary notified him, besides, that he himself would send to demand the protest or defamatory libel, since, being such, it pertained to the inquisition to try it. the judge answered him that it did not pertain exclusively to the inquisition, and that he had begun to try that cause, as it concerned the principal cause. the father commissary served many different notifications on the judge, in which it could be plainly seen that he was trying to embarrass the affair, so that if should not proceed further. accordingly, the judge notified the commissary, or rather, father fray francisco de herrera, not to lay obstacles in the path of his apostolic jurisdiction, and to cause him no hindrance in it. in order to conclude this part of the matter, i shall cite here the answer given by the judge-conservator to an act by the father commissary; it is as follows: "i, don fabian de santillan y gavilanes, schoolmaster of the holy cathedral church of this city, apostolic judge-conservator for the observance and immunity of the privileges, rights, and actions, of the order of the society of jesus, etc., declare that, having examined the reply of the reverend father fray francisco de herrera, commissary of the holy office of the inquisition, given to the act issued by myself on the twenty-eighth of the present month and year, he says therein that he is not trying and never has tried to disturb the peace, or anything that the said judge-conservator could do in its defense; but only to take cognizance of what pertains to the holy office of the inquisition in order to fulfil his obligation (to which pertains all that of which he has been notified), and to obtain the papers regarding the said causes, according to the terms of the briefs of the supreme pontiffs, so that no paper shall remain in possession of any judge, notary, or any other person; and that the said judge-conservator has no brief to oppose to this, nor can he have such. as for the chief order in the said my act, it is not that the said reverend father commissary should not disturb the peace, nor do all that which he may do in defense of it, but that he restrain himself from hindering and disturbing, in any manner, the exercise of my apostolic jurisdiction, which i am actually exercising; and, especially, that he do not ask for papers which do not pertain to him, but to my court and to the cause that i have in hand. such are the papers that the said reverend father commissary asks from me; for the originals of those which belong to the cause of don pedro de monrroy i have delivered without waiting to have them asked from me, as i have mentioned in the said my act--only because in a certain manner they may belong to the said tribunal of the holy inquisition. but they belong principally to my court, and to the cause that i have in hand; for the words spoken by the said don pedro de monrroy are especially injurious and insulting to the said society of jesus and its religious. it is necessary for this reason that an authenticated copy of the papers which i delivered to the said reverend father commissary remain in the records of this cause, in order that i may not fail in my duty and jurisdiction, and that i may give a good account to his holiness of the affairs under my charge. as for the assertion that the briefs of the supreme pontiffs order that the said tribunal of the holy office shall obtain all the papers (both original and copies) touching the causes that pertain to the holy office, and that no paper remain in possession of any judge, notary, or any other person--that is understood, as is apparent from the said briefs, to mean the causes which belong strictly to the said tribunal of the holy office, and to no other court. likewise, those which are asked from me belong--inasmuch as they contain injurious and insulting words against the said society, whose apostolic judge-conservator i am--peculiarly and chiefly to my court; and if i handed them over i would be greatly delinquent in the obligations of my office, and i would cease to be a judge-conservator of the said society of jesus. neither can i be ordered to refrain from requesting the protest or paper that i am asking from the archbishop of manila, don fray hernando guerrero; for it contains affronts and insults uttered recently against the said society of jesus, and against my jurisdiction, and the acts that i have pronounced. and supposing that it could also pertain to the said tribunal of the holy office to try the defamatory libels against religious persons, it has not hitherto been understood that the exclusive trial of such causes has pertained to it. and since this cause is at least _mixtifori_; [76] and since i am actually trying this cause as apostolic judge-conservator, and consequently, with exclusive apostolic authority, without anyone having the power to take it from my hands, except his holiness (whose delegate i am, and to whom only i am immediately subject); and since, for all this [authority], it is unnecessary for me to produce any other brief except the apostolic authority and jurisdiction of judge-conservator which i hold and which i am exercising; and since with less justification can the said reverend father commissary restrain me from asking the said paper or protest from the said archbishop, and make me leave it to the said reverend father commissary--first, because he has a part in this affair, as he was present and signed the first act of the said archbishop against the said society of jesus on the ninth of october of this present year, together with certain religious of his order, whose signatures i have in my possession (that act having been the foundation and origin of all the insults received by the said society of jesus, and the reason whereby they were incited to appoint me their judge-conservator); and second, because, the said archbishop having made the said protest or defamatory libel, the said reverend father commissary cannot lawfully demand it, for the said archbishop is not his subordinate, while i, forsooth, can ask it as being his legitimate apostolic judge, and moreover i can constrain him with fines and censures against his obstinacy and disobedience to the apostolic mandates; hence the said reverend father commissary's command that i leave to him the demand for the said protest or defamatory libel, and that i refrain from asking for it, means that i should allow him to exceed the authority of his commission, and that i refrain from fulfilling mine: therefore i order the said reverend father commissary to observe and obey the act of which he was notified yesterday, the twenty-eighth, exactly as is therein contained, without exceeding it in any point, under the penalties and censures therein contained, to which i regard him as immediately liable in their fullest measure if he does the contrary. by this act, i decree and order, and affix my signature. if the said father commissary should not appear so that this notification may be served by the notary who shall make it, the latter shall serve it at the doors of the college of santo thomas, where the said father commissary is rector and where he lives; and the notary shall affix a copy of this act to the doors so that he may consider it as completely a damage and injury as if the notification were made and read to him in person. and the notary shall establish this act by an attestation. given in manila, november twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. the schoolmaster, _don fabian santillan y gavilanes_ by his order: _diego de aldave_, apostolic notary." "in the city of manila, on the twenty-ninth of november, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, about half-past eleven in the morning, more or less, i, the present notary, read and announced the act on this folio to the reverend father fray francisco de herrera, of the order of st. dominic, and commissary of the tribunal of the holy inquisition of these islands, in his own person, exactly according to its contents. having heard it, he said that it was impossible to notify him of the said act on the said day, as it was a holy day; and that i should accordingly return on the first workday, when he would answer in due form and at greater length. in accordance with my orders in the said act, i affixed a copy of it, signed by the hand of the said judge, and authenticated by me the present notary, to the gates of the college of santo thomas, where the said reverend father commissary lives, in the presence of fathers fray sebastian de oquendo and fray andres gomez de espexo and other persons. witnesses present were juan ortiz de sossa, benito de cañeda, francisco correa, and juan garcia de nava, soldiers of the company of captain pedro de la mata. i attest it. _diego de aldave_, apostolic notary" at this juncture all the community was thrown into an uproar by certain religious, who showed the hate that they had toward the society--to such an extent, that on the day of the presentation, november 21 (which is the chief day of the holy misericordia of this city, which the orders always attend), not any of them went except those of the society. the others refused to meet with them although they had been invited--a matter that scandalized us not a little. as often as possible, the same religious uttered innumerable evil and infamous things against the fathers of the society, which the latter passed by, silencing their suffering. the orders discussed innumerable innovations, all apparently in order to make confusion. as it pertains to the governor to preserve peace, he one day (namely, november 27) had the superiors of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, st. augustine, and the recollects, summoned to the royal audiencia. he summoned also the father commissary of the holy office, but he refused to attend, and sent no excuse. the others attended. they were told in the royal audiencia that they must quiet their friars, so that they might not continue to stir up the community. the governor ordered their superiors to banish from the city those who were ringleaders in this--namely, fray francisco de paula, and fray sebastian de oquenda, of the order of st. dominic; and two others of the order of st. augustine. the superiors would, however, under no considerations obey. on the contrary, on st. andrew's day, the thirtieth of november, while celebrating the feast of the apostle, who is the patron saint of this city, in [the church of] santa potenciana, the master don juan de ledo ascended the pulpit to preach. a notice was given to him [to read] which stated that father fray francisco de paula would preach on the following sunday in his convent of st. dominic. that was a very ill-considered act, since it was equal to giving the governor and the royal audiencia a slap in the face, not paying any attention to what they had ordered in his majesty's name--all of which the governor prudently overlooked, in order to avoid other annoyances. at this time the despatch of the galleons which were to take the reënforcements to maluco was being discussed. the religious enticed a pilot, named francisco domingues, who had been honored and favored by the governor by being made captain of infantry, and who had been appointed pilot of the flagship, to flee with some of them by way of yndia. the governor learned of it, and was obliged to arrest the said pilot, and to order at the city gates that two religious of the order of st. dominic, namely, fray francisco pinelo and fray diego collado--who were the ones who had planned that escape--should not be allowed to pass through them. then that order also began to say that the governor was incurring a thousand excommunications, not stopping to consider that he who has charge of this city and these islands is bound to preserve them and watch over them, and to give the proper military orders that he considers necessary; and that he could not prevent that loss, except by not allowing those religious to leave the walls. by another method, other religious stirred up a goodly number of sailors, and as many soldiers; and they, having already received money for the journey to maluco in the galleons which were about to sail, fled in a champan by way of yndia. there was in this affair a cleric named don francisco montero, who had been expelled from the priesthood, and who was a restless man. he carried papers and authority from the archbishop. there was also a french recollect friar, named fray nicolas de tolentino, who was angered at his order because they did not elect him provincial in accordance with his claims. a friar of st. dominic went also. it was said that he was going on to españa with grievous complaints against the governor, the royal audiencia, and the fathers of the society. but much greater can be the complaints of the governor of him because he had committed so unreasonable an act, and one so much to the disservice of his majesty, in taking away the men who were to aid his royal service in the royal fleet. the judge-conservator weighed down the archbishop with censures, to make him give up the protest or libel. he had declared him excommunicated and suspended; but the archbishop refused to surrender the protest, while the judge-conservator did not cease to demand it. while matters were in this condition, at the petition of the fathers of the society the governor took hold of affairs, in order to settle them. he called a council of four lawyers--the best in manila--among whom was his majesty's fiscal. the father provincial and the father rector of the society were at the meeting, and also the judge-conservator. the lawyers read the opinion which they had studied over for several days; and all agreed that the judge-conservator could remove the suspension that he had imposed on the archbishop, in order to obtain from him the said protest or libel, as they said that the said suspension was comminatory. for the same reason, they declared that the pecuniary fines could be moderated or completely withdrawn. the fathers of the society, although they were the offended parties, took the part of the archbishop and supported the opinion of the lawyers; they made every effort that the archbishop might come well out of the affair, and they managed so well that i promise your grace that the settlement of this matter is wholly due to them. the judge-conservator only was somewhat harsh, and would agree to none of all this; for he thought that it could not be done, according to the counsel that he had received from some learned men. but the governor had the prudence and wisdom to smooth over all difficulties, and finally, the archbishop was absolved, january 28, 636, from the censures and penalties. the governor went in person to his house for him and took him in his carriage to the cathedral, giving him the right-hand side, notwithstanding the ruling of the royal decree that orders that he shall not give it. he took him as far as the choir, where, seating the archbishop in his chair, and bending his knee to him, he kissed his hand, which he had already done in the archbishop's house. the governor paid from his own pocket more than one thousand pesos, in costs and expenses of the suit. great was the happiness at the conclusion of these suits, and all the orders assembled. father juan antonio sana, of the society of jesus, preached at the feast of the dedication of the church, celebrated that day in the cathedral. the archbishop was full of expressions of thanks for what had been done for him, but that happiness was of little duration. for as the archbishop had at his side and at his ear certain religious who, it is to be believed, did not desire peace, but, on the contrary, did their utmost so that it might not exist between the leaders of the community, and were taking the archbishop as a means to oppose the governor, and, as it were, to avenge themselves on the latter for injuries that they thought that they had received from him; from that so many were the angry feelings that arose, that they led to the last rupture; but, before going on to relate that, i shall relate some matters of less moment that happened. a few years ago, a surgeon came to this country, named francisco garçia, who had been exiled by the viceroy of nueva españa for certain libels and crimes; and he was ordered to come to these islands, to serve at the will of the governor. the latter having need of him to go with the galleons which, i have already said, were to go to maluco with the reënforcements, he was fitted out for the expedition. but he took refuge in [the convent of] st. dominic, alleging that he was a familiar of the holy office. from that occurrence also arose a thousand lies against the governor, declaring that he tried to take the surgeon from his retreat--as if the church can be of any avail to a soldier, so that he need not go to serve in the post where his captain orders him. and if the fact that he was a familiar of the holy office (which was not proved), did not avail him in mexico, in the opinion of the inquisitors, to exempt him from coming here under condemnation, it is a token that those gentlemen did not wish that plea to be of any use to him in filipinas so that the sentence should not be executed upon him. however, a few days after he had taken refuge, the said francisco garçia came to a better resolution, and, leaving the church, delivered himself to the governor. the latter received him kindly, and told him that he need not go in the said galleons. but a few months after, as the hospital of the port of cabite had been put in order, so that the soldiers and sailors might have a place of retreat in their illnesses, francisco garçia was detailed as the physician of that hospital, with a salary of one peso per day--which was not a bad stipend. but, that he might not obey his orders, the archbishop ordained the said francisco garçia on tuesday, april 20, with the tonsure and with minor orders; and he, garbed in very reverend fashion as a cleric, began to walk through the city in sight of the governor--to whom those orders meant to give a slap in the face, although he passed it by. in truth, sir, i cannot see that they could be of any use, since, for one to enjoy the clerical privilege, it is necessary that one be already ordained when the crime is committed; but without that, then it matters but little whether he is ordained, according to what i have read in some authors. your grace will ask, then, why the archbishop ordained him and did not think of that. i answer that even as he ordained him, he ordained a few years ago, a portuguese physician who was living in this city, who went to the city of macan, one licentiate pereira. i have heard that he was twice married in portugal, and that one wife was a widow. such a one as this did the archbishop ordain in pampanga, _extra tempora_ [77] in the three days of a feast, proceeding from the two degrees that he lacked, namely, those of subdeacon and priest. according to the account that i have heard given by learned men, there were more than twelve irregularities, all of which the archbishop passed by, without its being proved that there should be any dispensation, or without considering that there can be no dispensation here in this case--a matter that was considered by many men, both the learned and the ignorant. the governor thought that there was a great waste of the royal revenue, which was not carefully spent, in the royal spanish hospital of this city of manila, and that the sick were not well cared for. in order to remedy both these evils, the governor conceived the idea of appointing a chaplain in the said hospital, and of ordering the fathers of st. francis, who had it in charge, to leave it. although the franciscans objected, they finally left the hospital; for there was no royal decree ordering that the hospital should be given into the care of those religious--since, although the governor asked for such a decree, it was never shown to him. many of the religious of the same order, zealous for its welfare, wrote to the governor that it was advisable for their own order that the friars be withdrawn from the hospital. what machinations did they not begin to set in motion because of this deed! what councils did they not hold with the archbishop! what excommunications did they not heap on the governor! the newly-appointed chaplain went to the archbishop to get leave to administer the sacraments in the said hospital, but the archbishop steadily refused to give it; nor without that would he consider examining the chaplain, as the latter wished. the archbishop said that, if there had to be a chaplain, he must be appointed through an open competition--although there is a decree of his majesty against this, ruling that the choice of chaplains pertains to the governor alone, and that the person chosen shall go afterward to the ordinary, so that the latter may give him a license to administer the sacraments. there was more in this than the key of the most holy sacrament at that hospital. the archbishop interposed, and had the said chaplain ordered, under penalty of major excommunication, not to administer the sacraments or say mass in the said hospital, so that the hospital remained many days without succor. the governor sent his majesty's fiscal to bring the archbishop to reason, but he could not do it. and although the royal audiencia, whither recourse was had on the plea of fuerza, declared that he had committed that offense, not for that would the archbishop soften or change his mind. at that time a general visitation of the clergy was ordered, and it is wonderful to see along what rough lines the archbishop conducted it, and what harsh methods he took, so that the remedy was worse than the disease; he placed the clerics in irons among the negroes and vile people, and that not for serious causes. that was a thing that tended to produce contempt for the priestly estate; and its effect was that all the clergy, as a body, became thoroughly disgusted, and viewed their prelate and shepherd not as a father, but as a severe judge, who treated them very harshly in his language--behavior which they greatly resented. i will relate to your grace one instance of this. i attended the cathedral of this city on holy thursday, march 20. i saw on the platform (where the oils had been blessed that morning) that the said archbishop was clad in his pontifical robes, and that he had been given the towel for the washing of the feet. the twelve clerics whose feet he was to wash were already barefoot, the gospel had been said, everything was ready, and there were many people before him. it happened that, because some indian singers and some one of the clergy were absent, the archbishop began to scold, saying that it was a most shameless act for anyone to be absent from the cathedral during that ceremony. then he began to disrobe himself in great wrath and fury, also removing his pontifical ornaments in his anger, and throwing on one side his miter (which fell to the ground), and his towel to the other side. thus did he continue to lay aside the rest, and with all haste he went to his own house--leaving the priests barefooted, and without washing their feet; and all those present, thunderstruck and amazed, and even scandalized at the sight of so great fury and wrath in a prelate, and during a ceremony that demanded so great humility. but to return to our governor; there was no action, however insignificant it may have been, that they did not for it cast calumny on him. the archbishop and religious drew up a paper with twenty-one questions, which the archbishop put to the superiors of the religious, in the form of cases of conscience. the questions were prepared with such skill that, with the reply that would be given to them, they would present weapons against the governor. they proceeded to set down on a paper whatever he did, even in matters of the political government, in order to write to his majesty. that paper certainly twisted the truth, in many of its statements; and it contained more than sixty or seventy sections. one of the religious who were concerned in it gave it to the governor. just consider, your grace, what a tax on his patience this would be, and how it would wound him! furthermore, the paper ended with twenty-five excommunications which the governor was said to have incurred. everything was quite ready for the greatest kind of a rupture. the archbishop went to visit la hermita, a district where master don andres arias xiron was cura. it was well known that the archbishop had a prejudice against him, on account of various matters that had occurred between the two, chiefly because don andres was an intimate friend of the judge-conservator, don fabian santillan. his lordship was very harsh with the affairs of the said don andres xiron; and on saturday, april 26, after the ave marias, he ordered him to be notified of an act by which the archbishop commanded that within fourteen hours he be taken before a fiscal at a village outside manila, called calompite. don andres tried to answer that act, but they would not allow him to do so; nor would they give him a copy of the act, which he requested. he claimed that the notification was null and void, because it was made at night; but no attention was paid to that. seeing that the whole affair was being conducted with violence, very early on the morning of sunday, april 22, he presented a petition, appealing from the said act and claiming the royal aid against fuerza, for which he made representations in the royal audiencia. the latter declared on the following monday that the archbishop had employed fuerza against the said don andres xiron; and notified the said archbishop of that declaration. on tuesday, the twenty-fourth of the same month, at three in the afternoon, the archbishop notified licentiate marcos de zapata y galves--the only auditor of this royal audiencia, because of the death of the others--that he should consider himself as publicly excommunicated, because he had meddled in ecclesiastical affairs; and notices to that effect were placed on the churches. upon receiving that notification of excommunication, the auditor marcos zapata de galves made a spirited reply; he alleged the invalid points in the act (which were many), and finally, for greater advantage, appealed to and threatened the royal aid against fuerza. the master don andres arias xiron, inasmuch as he had hidden, was not found, in order to be notified of another excommunication; but he was placed on the lists as publicly excommunicated. on the following wednesday, april 30, the governor, the auditor marcos zapata, his majesty's fiscal, and three advocates of the royal audiencia--namely, doctor luis arias de mora, licentiate nicolas antonio de omaña, and the auditor manuel suarez--met in the royal audiencia. the auditor marcos zapata set forth the manifest violence shown him by the archbishop. the lawyers were sworn so that they might serve as judges, and they so acted. the auditor marcos zapata leaving the hall, they judged that fuerza was employed against him. without doubt it was so, for the auditor marcos zapata had not sinned further than in admitting don andres xiron into the royal audiencia on his appeal from fuerza. if that were a sin, so also was it to admit the said archbishop, when, in his suit with the judge-conservator, he appeared before the royal audiencia with a plea of fuerza. and if don andres xiron incurred excommunication for having thus presented himself, the archbishop likewise incurred it when he appeared there. but no consideration was given to this, and the point of fuerza is a stale one in españa, and consequently it was not discussed. the archbishop was notified of a royal provision issued by don phelipe, by which he was ordered to absolve the auditor marcos zapata. the archbishop obeyed it, and that afternoon he sent master juan velez to absolve him. that was done _ad cautelam_; for in truth he did not consider himself as excommunicated, nor did the learned jurists so consider him. not only was the master don andres xiron not absolved, but new acts were passed against him and new penalties imposed on him. all this was to prevent his presentation, that the governor had made, for the post of archdeacon of this metropolitan church, because of the resignation of the said post by don francisco de baldes. the archbishop refused to accept the said master don andres xiron, as he asserted that he was his mortal enemy, and for that purpose he threw out all the rest [of the governor's nominations]. he had the prebendaries of the cathedral notified not to accept don andres, under penalty of excommunication, and notified don francisco de baldes to assist in the choir as before, since he was the archdeacon--telling him that his resignation had been invalid, as it had been made through the governor and not through the ordinary, before whom the resignation of any ecclesiastical benefice must be made; but the good man did not heed the archbishop and those who were aiding him. although it is true, and a matter that has been settled by law, that the resignation from an ecclesiastical benefice in which the incumbent has been canonically installed must be presented only through the ordinary, yet don francisco de baldes did not hold the post of archdeacon _in titulum_, but only in charge, and until his majesty should appoint another. therefore, the resignation from it was governed by the same rule as the resignation from other chaplaincies of the king, who was the one to appoint other incumbents to them. it is not necessary that those who hold these should make their resignation before the ordinary; and this, it seems, is the practice. for the same object of preventing that presentation, the archbishop exiled don andres xiron, and announced that he was excommunicated. but his majesty likewise orders in a royal decree that, when the governors should present any persons as prebendaries, the archbishops should accept them, unless they had some objection to offer to them; but that if any exception were made, then such were not to be accepted--with the proviso that the exception must be proved, and, if it should not be proved, then they must pay damages to the one presented. therefore, the archbishop came forward for this purpose, and entered several exceptions before the royal audiencia against the said master don andres xiron. the latter manfully repelled these accusations, and purged himself from them all; for at the outset, in reply to a formal accusation with evidence that he had caused a miscarriage, some years before, by ordering a pregnant indian woman to be whipped, the said master don andres xiron came forward with another report made by the same judge, in which the witnesses who had sworn against him retracted their oaths, and declared that they had been induced by others to swear; whereupon the judge declared him free from that calumny. further, on the part of the archbishop, they accused the master don andres xiron of an act of simony; but he gave the lie to that, as salt dissolves in water, by means of authentic documents and reports. they opposed him with other things of less account, but these were not proved, nor was there any witness of them, nor were the accusations completed; they could, therefore, prove of no harm to him, and he did not have to clear himself. consequently, the royal audiencia declared that the archbishop had not proved his exceptions to the master don andres xiron, who must be admitted into the archdeaconate, according to the royal patronage. but the archbishop refused to admit him. hence the royal audiencia despatched a royal decree, issued by don phelipe, ordering that don andres be admitted, under penalty of [losing] the temporalities and of banishment from the kingdoms. the archbishop was tied to what the religious who sided with him incited him to, as will be seen from the following letter which he wrote to the master don joan de toledo, his provisor, who counseled him to obey the royal decree, as that was advisable in order to avoid trouble; and that, if he did not obey, without doubt his exile from the kingdoms would be an assured fact. the letter is as follows: "all that those gentlemen have enacted is in violation of the royal patronage, and contrary to [the precepts of] god and justice; and, although it comes in the name of the king, i am not under obligations to obey it, since men so governed by passion have made it. it is less harmful that i go into exile, and that i suffer, than that so evil a priest enter the cathedral contrary to the will of his majesty--who, even for but one of the exceptions that i have made, is unwilling that the canonical institution be given to him. it is a piece of nonsense to assert that the cabildo must take charge of the government, for i am not excommunicated or suspended. already i have appointed governors for the archbishop, and i pray your grace not to give me any counsel in such things, for i do not wish it. it will seem an admirable thing, in roma and in madrid, that an archbishop should be exiled in behalf of don andres arias xiron, who is a person of great importance in this community. if i shall go, i shall leave the city, so that they shall come to seek me; and they must not think that i shall do through fear what is wrong. rather will i die twenty deaths. such is my resolve, and i shall not change it. accordingly, your grace may advise them to prepare immediately a ship in which to embark me. i shall not fail to have persons who will go with me, and god will defend so just a cause and will not permit so great evils and tyrannies, for these acts have no other name. perhaps god is permitting this in order that some one or some persons may pay for their evil acts--which god allows, but not forever. all the community will judge whether those actions are justified, and they will write to his majesty; since those actions stand out so clearly. may our lord preserve your grace many years. from la hermita, friday, may 9, 1636. _fray hernando_, archbishop. "in regard to your grace saying that the king, as sovereign, is able to give the prebends to whom he likes, even to natives, your grace could not have reflected when you wrote that; since his majesty, being so christian and catholic, is not one to waste the ecclesiastical property, for the purpose of giving it to unworthy men. and you, your grace, do not you venture to write such words, for they are ill-sounding. i shall not go without forbidding the saying of mass, and without hurling a curse, in the name of god and of the church, on the circumstances and persons who have caused my exile." as the archbishop refused to obey the royal decrees, the royal audiencia had him notified by an act on the morning of may 9, at nine o'clock, that the temporalities were taken from him, and that he was declared an exile from these kingdoms. then began the trouble. the archbishop summoned the religious of all the orders, and notified the father rector of the society to go to a meeting with the rest of the religious. the latter excused himself, for reasons that your grace will see in the following letter written to the archbishop: "most illustrious sir: "licentiate don bartolome de cañedo, coming from outside, has just now notified me, at half-past six o'clock, to go to a meeting which your most illustrious lordship is holding with the religious of our fathers st. dominic, st. francis, and st. nicholas [_i.e._, the recollects], who drew up against the society of jesus the paper and resolution that your lordship knows of, and which has not as yet been revoked--as we understand ought to have been done before the matter went so far as closing the doors of the church on us, as happened in cabite. consequently, so long as the said paper remains in force and is not revoked, your lordship can well understand that we are legitimately excused from such meetings, although never from serving your most illustrious lordship very willingly and lovingly." the resolution made in the meeting with the religious was, that under no circumstances would the archbishop obey the royal decrees, besides other disorderly things, which continued to happen, and which i shall relate in their order. in the afternoon of that same friday, the archbishop sent the monstrance with the most holy sacrament to the convent of st. francis, whence it was carried irreverently in his sleeve by a friar, and taken to the house of the archbishop. the latter, at nightfall, sent two clerics who had taken the minor orders, to excommunicate the governor and auditor marcos zapata; the latter, together with his majesty's fiscal, were assembled in the tribunal of the royal audiencia. seeing things in so great confusion, they ordered the clerical notaries to enter. the latter, upon reaching the tribunal, with wisdom and prudence did not dare to give notice of anything. in order not to lose any time, which was fast fleeting, they went first to the doors of the auditor marcos zapata, and commenced to read the excommunication by the light of a torch. but a soldier, who happened to be passing along the street, gave the torch a flick with his hat, and extinguished it. they were unable to proceed with the reading, and accordingly went to give an account of events to the archbishop, who was at home with the most holy sacrament and a great number of religious of all the orders--except those of the society, who were not summoned and who did not go. the archbishop ordered the said excommunication against the governor and auditor marcos zapata to be read at the door of the master-of-camp, don lorenzo olaso. they were read, and great bills were posted on the church doors, which read as follows: "don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and the senior auditor, marcos zapata de galves, will be considered publicly excommunicated, because they prevent the exercise of ecclesiastical justice and the general visitation that is being made by his excellency don fray hernando guerrero, archbishop of these islands. no person shall dare to remove or destroy this paper, under penalty of major excommunication, _late sententie, ipso facto incurrendo una protina canónica monitione premissa_, and a fine of one thousand castilian ducados for the holy crusade, for those who violate the commands herein contained, which penalties they shall be regarded as having forthwith incurred. given in manila, on the ninth day of the month of may, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. _fray hernando_, archbishop. before me: _francisco de la roca_, notary." i am told that an act was issued by the archbishop for the purpose of announcing to the said master-of-camp that he was not to obey the governor, as the latter was publicly excommunicated. but i have been unable to assure myself of the truth of that statement, and consequently, i do not mention it, except with the doubt that surrounds it. but, if it were a fact, let your grace consider whether that were an act of mutiny or no. the governor had sent a company of soldiers under command of an adjutant of the camp, and the chief constable of the audiencia, captain bartolome tenorio, with orders to execute the royal decrees and to expel the archbishop from these kingdoms. the latter was clad in his surplice, stole, and cope, and was holding the most holy sacrament in his hands. he was surrounded by the said religious and by a number of seculars. the chief constable disliked that execution exceedingly, but he was ordered to carry it out under severe penalties, as it pertained to his duty. but, since the archbishop had the most holy sacrament in his hands, he could not do so; accordingly, the governor ordered it to be done when he should lay the sacrament aside. three times did he send to order the religious, in his majesty's name, to leave that place, and not to cause that disturbance and scandal, but they refused to obey. hence the soldiers took them away by main force--first requesting them with great courtesy to go away of their own free will; and, if not, to give them leave to obey the orders of their superior officers. but the religious asserted that they would not obey, and that, if they were garroted by the soldiers, they would be martyrs. the said chief constable declared that, if he did not obey his orders, he would lose his head, and several thousand ducados which had been imposed upon him as a penalty. a religious replied to him: "if your grace should die for this matter, we of all the orders will give you our signed statement that you have died as a martyr." the father guardian of st. francis, fray juan de piña, showed himself to be a great prater--now crying out about the most holy sacrament, now threatening the soldiers with the wrath of god, now exhorting the archbishop to stand firm; and it is even asserted that the said father, appearing at the balcony, commenced to call loudly to the inhabitants to come to the aid of their archbishop. that appears probable to me, since a religious of st. dominic, after the confusion was over, remarked to a resident of manila, as if chiding him, that the citizens of manila were worthless, since they had not hastened on that occasion to the aid of their archbishop. the inhabitants answered as follows: "father, we are faithful vassals to the king, and not traitors." there was a religious who went to the archbishop and told him to be steadfast, saying that, since the governor was excommunicated, most of the infantry would declare in the archbishop's favor. while the soldiers were busied in clearing the hall from the religious, it was seen that the whole convent of st. francis was coming in a close procession with lighted candles in their hands. the soldiers went to meet them, and prevented them from passing farther, but forced them to return to their convent. thus can your grace see that all the actions of those fathers at that time were for the purpose of creating confusion and stirring up the people. the city seeing that the disturbance was increasing, assembled at that time in the cabildo houses, and sent commissaries to consult with the archbishop on the part of the city, and to protest against the disturbances and mischief. the commissaries were the castellan, don fernando de ayala, and general don joan claudio, and i think that there were two others. bearing before them the maces of the city, they talked with the archbishop, who was clad in his pontifical robes, and held the most holy sacrament in his hands. but they got nothing out of the archbishop; and taking, by way of testimony, the protest that had been made to him, they retired. now at that time, namely, at the hour of ten at night, the interdict having been rung at the cathedral, and all the orders, without any exception, having followed it, and ringing the interdict (as they were obliged to do, in order to follow the metropolitan church), the uproar caused the governor some anxiety. he went out with an escort of soldiers, and gave orders that no one be allowed to go to the house of the archbishop, in order that there might be no greater concourse of the people. the soldiers began to remove the religious and seculars who surrounded the archbishop, by violence, for they refused to go willingly. on going to take away a secular who had hold of the lunette of the monstrance, the most holy sacrament fell to the ground, causing a great scandal. the father guardian of st. francis began to call out, and beat himself and fell to the ground. with that the infantry, scandalized, began to be more gentle. there was one soldier who drew his sword, and turned it on himself, crying: "it is finished." although he did not kill himself, he was grievously wounded. thus wounded, they took him away for treatment, and at the same time arrested him as a rioter. some praised that soldier's act, but i think that the devil would have laid hold of him as of judas, had he died. that affair had occupied all of friday until twelve o'clock; and all that time the bells were ringing the interdict, and the city was in a great uproar and confusion, which was caused by the religious. their purpose seems to have been no other than to arouse the people; and beyond all doubt they would have succeeded in it, had not the fidelity of this city been so great, the infantry so numerous, and the military discipline so strict. saturday, may 10, was already dawning; and, at one o'clock at night, the archbishop ordered a suspension of divine services, of which all the orders and the other churches were warned. thereupon the bells stopped ringing, and the inhabitants were allowed to snatch a little sleep. by this time most of the people had been driven from the hall where the archbishop was, some of those who accompanied him leaving him, for he remained steadfast with the most holy sacrament. but now, tired out and overcome, it dropped from his hands; although he again took it whenever he saw any soldier entering; until in the morning, a franciscan friar came and put about his neck a reliquary with a bead of st. joanna, as if the most holy sacrament--the lunette of which they fastened with a ribbon to his neck, after removing it from the base of the monstrance--were not more efficacious. but as that could not endure, at last the archbishop grew tired and laid aside the most holy sacrament. they returned it to the convent of st. francis, whence it had been taken, with the same irreverence. the archbishop divested himself of the stole and cope, whereupon the infantry took him outside the city, and embarked him in a champan which was prepared at a port called st. dominic. with an escort of an adjutant and twelve soldiers, he was taken to the island of mariveles, opposite and in sight of this city, so that they might await the order there, and prepare a ship and the necessary supplies to convey him outside these kingdoms. the ecclesiastical cabildo assumed the powers of the government, and assembled, and authorized the bishop of camarines, don fray francisco de zamudio, to act as provisor until the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arze, should be notified, to whom the government of this archbishopric belongs by a bull of paul v. however, it was learned that he did not care to come to assume the government because of his ill health and age; in such case, the government would pertain legitimately to the said bishop of camarines. he absolved the governor and the auditor zapata from the censures _ad cautelam_, for there were innumerable invalidities in the censures, as they did not observe the citations and legal terms. he raised the interdict and the suspension of church services; and at twelve o'clock at night, at the end of saturday and the beginning of the sunday of the [feast of the] holy ghost, the cathedral bells were chimed. all the other bells of the orders followed suit; and in the morning the churches were opened, and the divine offices celebrated. thus passed the three days of the feast, while fray antonio gonsalez preached in his convent of st. dominic, uttering a thousand choice things against the governor. the governor had appointed fray francisco de paula of the order of st. dominic, a father of st. augustine, and a recollect father as governors of the archbishopric. father fray francisco de paula, who had been named in the first place, went to the dean, don miguel garsetas, and other prebendaries of the cabildo, with his paper, in order to have them admit him as governor. but they did not do so, and it appears that they were right; for it is a common judgment of theologians and those versed in canonical law that no mendicant religious can be a provisor or governor of a bishopric; and there is an express prohibition in law to the friars minor of st. francis. after the feast of the holy ghost, on the following wednesday, may 14, it appears that the three orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and the recollects, determined to observe the interdict and the suspension of divine services. consequently, they did not open their churches; and, although they opened them later, the altars were draped in mourning, and they did not say mass. on the contrary, they gave out that it was a mortal sin to hear it, for the interdict and the prohibition to say mass could not be raised. these were observed so strictly that the religious did not ring their bells at the ave marias or at the animas, as usual, as if that were a prohibited action. that shows that it was not devotion but fear, as the other portuguese said. [78] but i ask those fathers, if it could not be removed, why did they ring their bells at midnight on saturday, and why, during the three days of the feast of the holy ghost, the doors of their churches were open while they said mass, and celebrated the other divine offices? for to say that that feast is privileged by law, like corpus christi day, was correctly stated when there is only an interdict, but not when there is a suspension of mass--as is the common opinion of the doctors and the general practice. thus that is demonstrated; besides which, if the cathedral and the other secular churches have lifted the interdict and the suspension of divine services, the religious were obliged to follow the action of the mother-church, according to a clementina that has been cited to me. thus the fathers of st. augustine and those of the society acted very prudently, in concurring with the cathedral. the royal audiencia, seeing the schism, and that some of the orders were observing the interdict and suspension of mass, while others did not observe them, called a meeting, on the afternoon of may 14, of the superiors of the orders. they charged the superiors not to disturb the community, and that all should conform to the mother-church, according to their obligations, in harmony with the said clementina. but there was nothing that they heeded less than this; and hence proceeded with their interdict and suspension of mass. the most amusing thing was that they did as they pleased, observing it when they chose to, and not observing it when it did not suit them. on the afternoon of the eve of st. bernardine, the fathers of st. francis rang their bells; and on the morning of the following day they celebrated solemn mass and had a sermon. a trustworthy person assured me that during that period one of the dominican fathers went daily to say mass at the house of an influential woman, very devoted to him, one doña constanza, or that they admitted her into their church to hear it. but perhaps those fathers had a privilege of observing the interdict and suspension from mass _ad libitum_, and toward what persons they pleased; for at that same time, they condemned to sin and cast into hell the other fathers who said mass. but that your grace may not be surprised that that difference should exist between distinct orders, you must know that there was a difference of opinion among those of the same order of st. dominic. for father fray diego collado, superior and vicar-general of the new congregation of san pablo--who by the aid of the secular arm had already taken possession of the convents assigned him by his general, namely, those of the parián, binondoc, the hospital, and cabite--drew up for his general a document which proved that the orders ought to conform to the mother-church and raise the interdict and the suspension from mass, as the mother-church had raised them. he sent that paper to the fathers of his order at manila, telling them that, so that they should not imagine that he was trying to oppose and contradict them in everything, he was conforming with them for two or three days, and was keeping the interdict and suspension from mass; but that now he was thinking of doing so no longer, but of conforming with the cathedral. hence from that moment he ordered the bells to be chimed in all his convents, and the divine offices celebrated. however, finally, at noon of tuesday, may 20, the three orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and the recollects rang their bells most joyously; for until then they had observed the interdict and suspension from mass. some of them being asked why they rang their bells, replied that the archbishop sent them permission from the island of maribeles, where he was detained, to raise the interdict and the suspension from mass. surely, sir, i do not understand this, nor do i understand those fathers, nor do i know what they are desiring and attempting in affairs of this sort. the archbishop remained in the said island of maribeles with the adjutant and soldiers above mentioned, awaiting his despatch. three prebendaries of the cathedral--namely, the precentor, don gregorio ruiz descalona, the canon, don juan de ledo, and the canon, don pedro de quesada--asked permission of the governor to take him some refreshment, and to go to visit him in his trouble. the permission that they asked was given them, and they went. while they were there, the prior of the indian village of maribeles, a recollect friar, arrived. with him occurred the quarrel that your grace will gather from the following letter written from the island of maribeles to the governor by the adjutant, don diego de herrera. "sir: "the prior of maribeles made great efforts to come to this island to see the archbishop; but i did not allow him to come until your lordship sent the order by the prebendaries. notwithstanding the order sent by your lordship, had i known the intent of that religious, i would not have allowed him to come. he came here at eight o'clock on tuesday evening. the first thing that he did was to ask the infantry why they subjected themselves to the mandates of a man, and did not obey the mandates of god. i was angered, and told him not to talk like that, and that the members of his order are commanded, under penalty of obedience, to perform certain duties; and that we in our turn are like religious, and are under penalty of our life and of [being denounced as] traitors. the prior said that, if the religious were garroted, his holiness would publish them as martyrs. then he began to cry out to the archbishop not to subject himself to anyone, for if he submitted now, he would be ordered on the following day to put his head in the stocks. then the precentor and the others took part in the discussion, and began to treat him as he deserved. they summoned me to tell the archbishop not to be guided by what that father told him, and that i might cause his lordship to see how ill he was advised, and that submission was not damaging to his lordship (for the decree was issued in the name of the king, our sovereign), and the troubles that he could cause. your lordship will not care to know more, than that the prebendaries brought a letter from a religious of st. dominic for the archbishop. it said that he should refrain from executing the [governor's] mandate, and that all would follow him, even should not a single order be left in that city. the precentor opened it, and on seeing its contents tore it to pieces. he will relate everything to your lordship. the reason that these gentlemen have not gone to that city is that, in the first order given me by your lordship, i am ordered not to allow the archbishop to write to the government; and in this letter that these gentlemen brought me, your lordship does not order me to allow him to write, but that i allow them to talk and communicate to him as much as they wish. consequently, i have done that. the archbishop gave two powers of attorney begging that the execution of the royal decrees that have been issued against him be suspended in the royal audiencia, saying that he is ready to obey and observe them. these were given to the precentor, to don pedro de quesada, to father fray francisco de paula, and to the recollect definitor, as your lordship will see when they are presented. there is nothing else to write your lordship, except that may god preserve your lordship long years in more important stations. from this island, today, wednesday, may 14, 1636. your lordship's most humble servant, _don diego de herrera_" the said prebendaries consoled the archbishop, whom they found repentant over his disobedience of the royal decrees. accordingly, he granted them authority to present themselves in the royal audiencia, to make in his name declaration to the effect that he would obey the royal decrees, and to ask that they should not proceed farther in exiling him from these kingdoms. the prebendaries came to manila, and petitioned in the royal audiencia in the said archbishop's name, he offering to obey the royal decrees. a copy of the petition was given to his majesty's fiscal, and his answer was that the archbishop could be brought back to the kingdoms by the one who had exiled him from them. wednesday, may 21, the governor called a meeting of lawyers; and, according to what i have been told, most of them delivered as their opinion that the archbishop, although exiled, could still remain governor of the archbishopric, but no mendicant religious could act thus, as they were prohibited by law. and since there was no one left but religious, it was as if he had not left them; and the cabildo and the bishop of camarines, to whom the cabildo gave their votes, were governing legally. other matters were discussed in that meeting, of which i shall take no notice. monday, the twenty-fifth of the same month of may, the archbishop's agents brought forward another petition, urging his restoration more forcibly, and offering to obey the royal decrees--especially by admitting don andres arias xiron to the arch deaconship and to the chaplaincy of the royal hospital for its administration, which had been the cause of the suits and quarrels. the royal audiencia received his promise, and ordered him to return to his archbishopric. then the royal audiencia having reported to the governor, who was in cabite, the governor replied, congratulating them on their decision. accordingly, he signed, very willingly and gladly, the decree which the audiencia had despatched for that restoration. the decree was sent to the island of maribeles, where the archbishop was; and at the same time an order was given to the adjutant and soldiers to bring the archbishop back to manila. they did so, and he entered his archiepiscopal house on the morning of friday, june 6. there he was visited by all the orders, and many other people, and great happiness reigned at seeing the end of those suits. may god grant that the peace last. may he preserve your grace, as this your true friend and servant [79] desires. manila, june 15, 1636. request for jesuit missionaries sire: the order of the society of jesus is serving your majesty with great love, without ever refusing to do what is asked from them in your royal name--not only as chaplains for the galleons, but for the forts, the missions, and whatever else is entrusted to them. they do not object when it is necessary to decrease their stipends somewhat; for they are vassals in both good and ill treatment. they do not receive members in these islands, for those who are of excellent ability are very rare; and, as your majesty knows, they readily dismiss those who do not walk on the highway and heed the royal law. [80] for this reason your majesty's governor is relieved in his conscience, whenever he asks for any member of that order, to occupy him in your royal service; for the governor has no need of investigating or inquiring into the qualifications of the religious given him, for the superior has considered them thoroughly, and they know the intention to change them when advisable. this relief for the governor is not enjoyed with all [the orders]. consequently, i petition your majesty, in all humility and reverence, to be pleased to have these islands furnished with subjects of this order from españa, to the number that your majesty can send from it, and fewer from the other orders. your majesty will be served, and god our lord also. i assure your majesty, as a good vassal, that neither prepossession nor prejudice influences me to make this report, but the belief that i am thereby discharging the obligations of my conscience. may our lord preserve the catholic person of your majesty in its greatness, as is needful to christendom. cavite, june 19, 1636. your majesty's vassal kisses your feet, _sebastian hurtado de corcuera_ letter from the bishop of nueva caceres to felipe iv sire: we vassals and servants of your majesty, who behold ourselves so far from your presence and in so remote districts in these filipinas islands, are ever desirous of knowing of your majesty's health, which may god our lord give you for many years; and in much greater troubles we declare with the holy king josias: _cum ignoremus quid agne debeamus hoc solum residum havemus ut oculos nostros dirigamus_, etc. this remedy alone is left us, namely, to turn our eyes toward your majesty, as to our natural lord and sovereign; indeed there is great need that your majesty apply with your powerful hand that remedy that is necessary in the affairs in these islands that are happening with the archbishop of this city of manila, and the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and the recollects of st. augustine. they, irritated because don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, who is now governing these islands, has restrained them and limited their excesses, have united with the said archbishop, and have endeavored to impair his [_i.e._, the governor's] christian actions directed to the service of god our lord and of your majesty, and the increase of your royal treasury. they preach in the pulpit things unworthy of that place, trying to seduce the citizens, both in that place and in their houses, irritating them and making them restless, and disturbing the peace and quiet of the community. they cause innumerable scandals, by reporting which i might enlarge this letter to great details. in fact, sire, they are trying to make themselves masters of the spiritual and temporal. in all the provinces of these islands they live so absolute masters of all things that they do not recognize your majesty. for they say openly in their missions that they are kings and popes. they hold the indians so subject, and have such control of the wills of the alcaldes-mayor in their districts that the latter neither administer justice nor can do more than the religious wish. and if, perchance, they exceed that, the religious impeach them, and try to discredit them. they live without god, without king, and without law. for them there are neither bulls of his holiness nor decrees of your majesty, nor council of trent or of mexico; nor do they recognize any bishop; for, even in regard to the administration of sacraments, they say that the bishop is not their prelate. without his consent they confess and marry, although they are not curas. in short, they live as they please, and there is no further law than their own wills. they are more notorious traders than those who are traders by profession. their only efforts are to increase their convents, taking away from the bishops the benefices and patrimonies which your majesty has given them. in such condition do they keep these islands that i have considered it advisable to come to this city and to leave my bishopric of caçeres. i am resolved not to return to it, while there should be any discalced recollect franciscan friars, for their life is not that of religious. those sheep are at my account; and i can but poorly instruct them, if whatever i build for them in one part is destroyed for them in another. they [_i.e._, the friars] are a mischief-making folk; and although i know that don fray hernando guerrero does not possess the talent that he ought to have for the position which he occupies, i consider it beyond doubt that if the friars had not perverted him by their ambition and haughtiness, he would not have committed so many blunders, nor would he have given cause that through them the royal audiencia of your majesty would pronounce him an exile from your kingdoms, banishing him for some days to an island six leguas from manila. but as the governor has learned that his sin was one of ignorance, and that he was carried away so greatly by the prejudices of the orders, who have advised him to what has not been for his good, the governor has contrived to have the said royal audiencia, in the exercise of kindness and clemency, return the archbishop to his church--as, in fact, has been done. it was the act of a christian gentleman; for not only has he not paid any attention to the annoyances that they have caused him, but, just as if he had received many acts of kindness from the said archbishop, he has given him prudent counsels, directed to his peace and to the service of god and of your majesty. i fear lest they will prove of no use to him, for the religious are disturbing and disquieting him. in order to visit the friars of my bishopric, which the religious there would not permit, it was needful to seek the aid of your majesty from your governor. he gave me a dozen soldiers with a corporal, so that they might guard my person; and yet the friars refused to let me visit them _de moribus et vita_ [81]--saying that they knew of no royal decrees, bulls of his holiness, or decrees of councils, that treat of the matter, and they shut the doors of the churches against me. let your majesty judge whether i have courage to return to my bishopric, among such people. they have tried to kill me, and god does not oblige me to go there, since i know what they will do, and that such a course would place me in danger. so many lawless acts in men who say that they profess religion are worthy of correction. this is hoped from your majesty as soon as possible; for, if it be delayed long, i doubt whether these islands can be saved. for there is no measure that the governor enacts for your majesty's service that they do not resist and oppose _in toto_. the most effective method that i find for cutting roots that produce so evil fruit is to deprive the religious of their missions, and send virtuous seculars to serve these in their stead. may god put his hand to the work, so that so many disorders may be driven out. may he preserve your majesty in your greatness for the many years that christendom needs. manila, june 20, 1636. your majesty's humble chaplain and servant, who kisses your hands, _fray francisco_, bishop of cazeres. [82] list of prominent ecclesiastics in manila and the islands _memorial on the state of the ecclesiastical cabildo of this cathedral of manila, and the dignities which are subject to his majesty's appointment; and the persons who are serving them in the meantime by appointment of the governor, and their qualifications, origin, and ages._ the dean is named don miguel garsetas. he is a native of toledo, and came to these islands more than thirty-eight years ago. he is not a graduate. he was given the deanery, to serve _ad interim_ after the death of licentiate francisco gomez arellano, and your majesty favored him with a confirmation thereof. he is more than sixty years of age. the archdeaconry was held from your majesty by don alonso garcia de leon; and at his death the governor gave it to juan mre to serve it _ad interim_. on the death of this said person it was given to don francisco valdes, who likewise served it _ad interim_. he is a secular ecclesiastic. he placed his resignation in the hands of governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera because--i would rather not admit it--of a very serious simony; as it has now been well established that master don andres arias giron, claimant of the said archdeaconry, promised the said don francisco de valdes five hundred pesos of income to make the said resignation, as he did. thereupon the said governor gave the appointment as archdeacon to the said don andres arias giron, on account of the latter's illegal negotiations and gifts--on which account i came to be exiled from the kingdom, and fined two thousand ducados, because i would not give the collation inside of an hour. he was excommunicated and posted on the bulletin, [83] as a result of his visitation which i conducted; and there were many very ugly accusations to prove against him, which had been brought up in court. he has now admitted that he is not archdeacon, because the collation was given him by a judge thrust into that office, for i had left my vicar-general and two ecclesiastical governors whom i had appointed. he sent, while on his deathbed, asking me to give him the collation for the said archdeaconry; but i did not do so because it is not expedient, according to the opinion of learned men. from this it follows that the stipend from the royal treasury ought not to be paid him; and, if it is collected, your majesty may command that it be returned from his property to the royal treasury. the office of precentor was held for your majesty by an honored secular ecclesiastic named santiago de castro, who died a number of years ago. since that time it has been served _ad interim_ by four others, with appointments from the governors. he who serves it at present (likewise _ad interim) _is named master don gregorio ruiz de escalona, who came to this country with his father (who was your majesty's treasurer) as a boy, and studied in these islands, graduating as a master of arts. he is a good student, and is thirty-two years of age. the office of school-master was, on the death of the man who held it, given by your majesty to a secular ecclesiastic, don alonso de campos, who was in nueva españa and had lived many years in these islands. although authority was sent for the members of the cabildo to take possession for him, they would not give it to him because in the foundation of the church it was decreed that candidates for these dignities must be graduates. although the said don alonso de campos procured a decree from your majesty dispensing with the said act of foundation for this time, the cabildo would not receive him even then, although he sent a second power of attorney. they accepted a man who is filling the office by appointment from the governor of these islands, who is named don fabian de santillan. not only is he not graduated, but he is ignorant and lawless; and for his excesses while a canon _ad interim,_ he was excommunicated, and kept out of the cabildo for four months. although he has no qualifications for the dignity, and is serving merely _ad interim_, contrary to the fundamental rule of the church, he was accepted as judge-conservator by the fathers of the society, and proceeded in the manner of which i have advised your majesty. he is a creole of this country, and his ancestors came to serve governor don francisco tello, formerly of these islands. he is only present in the choir on rare occasions; and he it is who causes all the hard feelings, misunderstandings, and quarrels in the cabildo, losing the respect of all its members, as well as mine. he is about thirty-four years old, more or less. the treasurership was held for your majesty by thomas de guimarano, and on his death the governor gave it to don juan de achoteguy olaso, as a favor, for he is an uncle of the master-of-camp. he is serving _ad interim_, contrary to the fundamental rule of the church; for he is not only not graduated, but hardly knows latin, and has no ability which would make him capable of being a dignitary, or even for being a member of the cabildo. he came from españa with his nephew, the master-of-camp. he must be about thirty-four years of age, more or less. the first canonry is held for your majesty by juan de miranda salazar, through the death of don juan valentin. he has served in the church more than thirteen years, and is a very good singer. he is not a graduate, although he knows latin and has studied, having been for some years steward of the cathedral; and he has acquitted himself very well. he is a native of nueva españa, and came to this country as a boy. he is about fifty years old. the second canonry, on the death of the man who held it, was given by your majesty's favor to don francisco de valdes, who would not accept it, as he was serving _ad interim_ in the dignity of archdeacon, which he held for some years. he is the secular ecclesiastic who resigned the said archdeaconry to the governor, as i have said above, for the reasons mentioned. this canonry is being served by him _ad interim_ through nomination by the former governor, don juan cerezo, who came to govern _ad interim_. he is not a graduate, although he knows latin, and is an honored and exemplary ecclesiastic. he was this year made steward of this cathedral, and is acting satisfactorily. he is fifty-six years old. the third canonry was held for your majesty by doctor juan mre briseño, and on account of his death two or three have served it _ad interim_. at present it is being served likewise in the same manner, through appointment by don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, by bachelor don pedro de quesada, son of the auditor quesada, who died in mexico. he came to this city with his brother don juan de quesada, fiscal of your majesty. he is a canonical lawyer, and for this reason i have appointed him as our provisor and vicar-general. he is about thirty-two years of age. the fourth canonry, which was served by thomas de guimarano, and was left vacant when your majesty favored him with the treasurership, was last year discontinued, in accordance with what your majesty ordered me by his royal decree. the first racion that your majesty has confirmed and granted arrived last year for master don gregorio ruiz de escalona. he did not use it, as he is serving the precentorship _ad interim_, as i have said above. the said racion is being served _ad interim_ by pablo rodriguez, a fine singer, who has served in this church many years, and is of great service here. he is a portuguese, and is about sixty years old. the second entire racion your majesty had granted to juan de miranda salazar, and it became vacant when he was promoted to the canonry, as i have said above. at present it is being served _ad interim_ by bachelor diego de gastetu, who came from nueva españa in search of his father (who is in this city, and is a regidor here). he has studied here, and is about twenty-nine years of age. the first media-racion has never been filled by your majesty, and the governors have made appointments to it. it has been held by many different persons, and at present is served _ad interim_ by bachelor luis de la calle, who is ordained as reader on the gospel side [_del evangelio_]. he was born in this city, of an honorable family, and graduated as a bachelor of arts. he is a virtuous and exemplary youth, and serves punctually in the cathedral. he is twenty-three years of age. the second media-racion has been served by many persons, with the governors' appointments, and at present is served _ad interim_ by pedro flanio, who came to this country as a soldier, studied in the college of the society, and is already a priest and bachelor of arts. he is about thirty-five years of age. _fray hernando_, archbishop of manila. _memorial on the honored and able ecclesiastics in these islands, furnished in case your majesty should be pleased to have removed from the cathedral those who are serving ad interim contrary to its fundamental rule, and who have not qualifications, so that your majesty may name others in their places._ licentiate don pedro de monrroy, a learned man and an exemplary gentleman, is known to be from badajoz. in the time of my predecessor he was provisor and vicar-general, and commissary of the crusade for four years, acquitting himself very well. during my time he has been provisor and vicar-general one year, and would have been that still if governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera had not disturbed him; for there is no one of more ability, or longer in service, or more fit for the said office, and for any dignity of the cathedral whatsoever. doctor juan ochoa de arriola is a very learned ecclesiastic, and an excellent preacher. in his graduation as doctor, he made very evident his great competency and ability. he obtained the curacy of the port of cavite (which is one of the best hereabout) in a competitive examination, in which he was opposed by very learned men and masters. he might honor the cathedral with his person and learning, if your majesty would grant him the favor. master don juan fernandez de ledo is a learned man and a good preacher. he served the canonry _ad interim_ in the cathedral, and it was taken from him last year because the one which he was serving happened to be the one which was suppressed. last year he was provisor and vicar-general, and deserves that your majesty should honor him with a place in the cathedral. master juan de velez is a learned man and a very good preacher. he is at present proprietary curate of the cathedral, which place he obtained in competition. master francisco martinez de paz is a learned, virtuous, and exemplary man, and knows the language of the tagal natives of this province. he lately obtained the living of lobo and galban in competition, as he is a good minister. master pablo de avalos is a learned and exemplary man. he last year obtained in competition the benefice of santo thomas, which is an allotment of tagal indians, as he knows their language very well. licentiate don juan de los cobos is a learned and exemplary man, who has been six years governor of the bishopric of nueva caceres, _sede vacante_, where he acquitted himself well, and is today chaplain of the royal college of santa potenciana. licentiate manuel rabelo is a learned man, and is a very good preacher in spanish and in three native languages, each different from the other. he has the benefice of the district of tabuco, as he is as well acquainted with the tagal language as are the indians themselves; and he is loved by them, because he treats them with gentleness. licentiate juan de arguijo plata has long been versed in canon law, and had experience in this country; he has been for many years the fiscal-promoter of this archbishopric, and has been so often before. bachelor amaro diaz is a very virtuous and exemplary ecclesiastic, well liked by all, and trustworthy in any office. bachelor diego donoso, chaplain of this royal audiencia, is a learned man and well liked. licentiate don bartolome de cañedo is master crossbearer. master josef cabral is a learned man, a preacher, and well versed in the tagal language. he has the benefice of the district of balayan, which he obtained in competition. he is much liked by the indians, as he treats them with love and gentleness. _fray hernando_, archbishop of manila. _the year 1636. memorial of the dignities and other prebends of the cabildo of this cathedral of manila; and of those which are confirmed in order to be served ad interim._ the dean is named don miguel garzetas. he came to these islands thirty-eight years ago, and is more than sixty-six years old. he is a graduate in no branch of learning. he is a good ecclesiastic, and is present in the choir whenever his health permits. he has your majesty's confirmation for the said dignity. at present he has enjoyed it ten years, more or less. the archdeacon is named master don andres arias giron. he has been the stone of offense in this city, through his empty pretensions, trusting to the fact that he has thirty thousand pesos, which he acquired--quite unscrupulously, as is publicly known--in profits from indians where he held benefices. he is a creole of this country, thirty-four years of age. although he has the title of master of arts, it was given to him more through his schemes than for his learning. he has been an evil example with his licentious mode of life, for he is of kin with the biscayans, who have the most power in this country. about two months ago the governor gave him the appointment of archdeacon, although the dignity was not vacant. they exiled me from the kingdom and condemned me to two thousand ducados fine, because i would not give the collation, he being at the time excommunicated. it was given to him by an unauthorized judge, while i was exiled and had left governors for the archbishopric. i am certain that the master of the schools, who is investigating it for the cabildo, will inform your majesty of this in a very distorted way; for he is a great friend to the said don andres giron, and gave him entertainment and presents when he exercised the duties of judge-conservator, and they did not leave each other's side. he cannot enjoy the income which your majesty gives him from your royal treasury with a good conscience, for i have not given him canonical investiture; nor can it be given or confirmed, conformably to clause seven of the royal act of patronage; for he is guilty of many grave misdeeds, which will be presented in the royal council. rather, he is deserving of punishment; for he brought this commonwealth to the verge of ruin, as will appear from the relations and other information. the precentor is named master don gregorio ruiz de escalona. he is a learned and exemplary man, a son of your majesty's treasurer, juan ruiz de escalona, who died, and brother of the treasurer who now fills the place, don baltasar de escalona. he is thirty-three years of age, and came from españa while a boy, with his parents. he has served in this cathedral for ten years as a medio-racionero, an entire canon, and master of school. at present he has been precentor for about a year and a half, all the time _ad interim_, until this year the confirmation of the prebend which he held arrived. he is a good preacher and has ability; and your majesty should favor him with some of the dignities for his virtue, learning, and exemplary life. the schoolmaster is named don fabian de santillan. he is a creole of this country, and is thirty-six years of age, more or less. while he was chaplain to don juan niño de tavora, formerly governor of these islands, a canonry became vacant and was given to him. he has studied no branch of learning, except latin; and if he knew that well it would not be so bad. while he was a canon he was suspended from the cabildo for four months, on account of his licentious life and evil example. he has lost the respect of the dignitaries on every hand, for his arrogance. he was given the said dignity a year and a half ago, by the intercession of licentiate marcos zapata de galvez, the auditor, as the latter was under obligation to his relatives and sisters--contrary to the fundamental rule of the church, which commands that they should be graduated. he exercised the office of judge-conservator, in which he insulted me, and posted me on the corners as excommunicated within twenty-four hours. he had not been recognized as judge, nor presented papers for it, as will appear from the information which was sent in regard to this. the treasurer is named don juan de achotequi y olaso. he is the uncle of the master-of-camp, and is ignorant and of little ability. he was given the said dignity contrary to the fundamental rule of the church, which commands that he should be a graduate. he came from españa about ten years ago, and is about thirty-six years of age. he merits no dignity. he has no confirmation from your majesty, having enjoyed the place three years, and having been first canon. the first canon, who has served longest in the church, is named juan de miranda salazar, who came from mexico while he was a boy. he has studied nothing but latin. he was a prebendary several years, and for nine years has been a canon. this year he received the confirmation of your majesty. he is a very good singer, and exemplary of life; he has been many years steward of the cathedral, and has attended to this very well. as having served so long in the said church, he deserves that your majesty should favor him. he is forty-four years old. the second canon is named don pedro de quesada. he is a graduate in canon and civil law. he came from mexico with his brother doctor don juan de quesada, who was fiscal of the audiencia about seven years ago. he is about thirty-four years of age, more or less, and has served the said canonry more than six years. he is a learned man, and might be favored with some dignity. he has no confirmation. the third canon is named pedro de rivera. he is more than sixty years old. don juan cereço, who came as governor _ad interim_, brought him with him as his chaplain, and when he was done with that office, gave him the canonry. he has not had it confirmed, as he has not enjoyed it much more than two years. he signs himself "bachelor," although this is a misrepresentation. the fourth canon is named master don juan fernandez de ledo. he came when a boy from nueva españa, and is a learned man and a good preacher. at present he is exercising the duties of provisor; and his father, doctor don juan fernandez de ledo, holds the office of fiscal in the royal audiencia _ad interim_, owing to the death of the proprietor. he is thirty years old, and was given the canonry a little more than a year and a half ago. it is not confirmed. the first racionero is named pablo rodriguez. he is a portuguese, and has been many years in this city. he is a very good singer, and serves very well in the choir. he is about seventy years old, and has enjoyed the racion more than seventeen years, without its being confirmed. the second racionero is named diego de veas [_sic_]. he came to this country as a soldier, about nine years ago, and is about twenty-eight years of age. he is a bachelor of arts, and was given the racion about a year ago by an exchange which he made with the man who held it. the first medio-racionero is named pedro flanio. he came as a sailor to this country fourteen years ago, and is about thirty-four years of age. he is a bachelor of arts, and has held the media-racion for a little more than two years. it is not confirmed. the second medio-racionero is named luis de la calle. he is a creole of this country, and is ordained as reader on the epistle side. he is graduated a bachelor of arts, and is a virtuous and exemplary youth. he exchanged with the person who held this media-racion, for a chaplaincy. he is twenty-two years of age, and has served a little more than two months. _memorial of the deserving and honored ecclesiastics in this city, besides those mentioned by the cabildo, so that your majesty may be informed in regard to them and can favor them. they are as follows:_ licentiate don pedro de monroy, a lawyer, was provisor and sub-delegate of the crusade for four years, in the time of our predecessor, don fray miguel garcia. when i entered into the government last year, as he was the most worthy i gave him the office of provisor and vicar-general--which he was obliged to leave because of governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera; for that gentleman was anxious for it, and we had a great many disputes over it. he ordered that don pedro should not be allowed to go in or come out through the gates of the city; and the judge-conservator made some accusations against him which obliged him to conceal himself and retire, later, to the convent of the dominicans, entering disguised, in the habit of a franciscan. he is a very exemplary clergyman, of good life. my predecessor informed your majesty of his abilities and excellent conduct. it would greatly please me if your majesty would order by a royal decree that he be restored to the office of provisor and vicar-general, which [he holds] by my consecration (which is the only one adequate for the said office), and as there is no one else who can fill his place in these islands. i do not dare to do this, for the governor would oppose it, and we would have many disputes; and don pedro has suffered many hardships for defending the immunity of the church. this city contains another grave and learned ecclesiastic, who is called licentiate don francisco montero saavedra, who has been visitor for several bishoprics, and cura of the cathedral of cebu. i sent him to goa in the month of december past with two other religious, in his own boat, in order to give an account to his holiness and to your majesty of the grievances and affronts which have been offered me by the judge-conservator who was appointed by the fathers of the society. he must have already arrived at your court, and deserves that your majesty should favor him for his great ability, and for the trouble which he has taken in returning [to europe] for the affairs of the church. the third is named master juan de veles, who is curate of this cathedral of manila. he is a learned man and a good preacher, and exemplary in his mode of life. for two years he has been judge of wills and chaplaincies. he sent his papers approved. the fourth is named licentiate don juan de los cobos. he has been governor of the archbishopric of nueva caceres for ten years, and has acquitted himself well in what was entrusted to him. at present he has just finished visiting the districts of the clergy in this archbishopric. the fifth is named bachelor amaro diaz, who is a very virtuous ecclesiastic, of so exemplary and moral life that no one is more so; and he can be trusted in any matter whatever. the sixth is named gabriel de muxica buitran. he is an ecclesiastic who has been here long, and is rather aged. he is very exemplary, learned in archives, and very retiring. the seventh is named don pedro enriquez de artosa. he is a gentleman, and has attended lectures in arts and theology. he is an exemplary ecclesiastic, and is well liked in this city on account of his character. the eighth is named don bartolome de cañedo. he is the son of one of the conquerors who served your majesty many years in these islands. he is a prominent and estimable man and has attended lectures in arts and theology. he is at present my crossbearer [in processions]. the ninth is named licentiate manuel rabelo. he has been long in this country, and is a learned man and a good preacher. on account of his qualifications he has obtained the best benefices which have been assigned; and at present has the district of tabuco, twelve leguas from this city. the tenth is named don diego de velasco. he has studied arts and theology, and is the nephew of the most deserving, exemplary, and honored ecclesiastic that we have had in this cathedral--who was provisor for a number of years, and schoolmaster, and distributed all his property among pious works. he was named don miguel de velazco. _fray hernando_, archbishop of manila. bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss.--except no. 2, which is printed--in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _manila treasury accounts_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1629 á 1640; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." 2. _letter from andres del sacramento_.--the same as no. 1. 3. _letter from commissary-general_.--the same as no. 1. 4. _discussion regarding portuguese trade_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1635 á 1642; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 41." 5. _military services of filipinos_.--the same as no. 4. 6. _request for jesuit missionaries_.--the same as no. 1, save the dates, "1629 á 1637." 7. _letter from zamudio_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganes de manila; años 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." 8. _list of ecclesiastics_.--"simancas--[eclesiastico?]; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de manila; años 1579 á 1690; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." the following documents are taken from the "cedulario indico" in the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 9. _royal decrees_, 1633-35.--"tomo 39, fols. 209, 196b, 197b, 201b, 203b, 213b, 214, 217b." 10. _tenure of encomiendas_.--"tomo 32, fol. 276b." the following documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid: 11. _letter of consolation_.--"papeles de los jesuitas, tomo 84, no. 20." 12. _letter from a citizen of manila_.--the same as no. 11, except "no. 42." the following document is obtained from a ms. in the biblioteca nacional, madrid: 13. _memorial by monfalcon_.--"tomo de papeles varios, impresos y mss. relativos á indias; aa--47." the following document is taken from _recopilación de leyes de indias_: 14. _laws regarding navigation and commerce_.--in lib. ix, tit. xxxxv. the following documents are taken from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_: 15. _opinion of council and decree_.--vol. iii, pp. 755, 756. 16. _letter from pedro de arce_.--the same as no. 15, but pp. 796, 797. the following document is taken from diaz's _conquistas de las islas filipinas_: 17. _conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities_.--in pp. 323-343. notes [1] a note to this law in the _recopilación_ says that the prohibition of reciprocal commerce between perú and nueva españa for natural products, and with various limitations, was raised by a decree of january 20, 1774. [2] título xxii is entitled: "of the captain-general of artillery, the artillerymen-in-chief, and others of the war and trading fleets; the artillery, arms, and ammunition." it consists of forty-eight laws. [3] the above law refers to lib. viii, tit. xvi, ley xvii, which reads as follows: "we order that the valuation of chinese merchandise be made in nueva españa, in the same way as the merchandise which is sent from these kingdoms, observing in it the ordinances that have been established. after it has been made, it shall be remitted to the bureau of accounts of méjico, so that it may make the account, and give certifications of what must be collected, and from what persons." the law is dated madrid, december 6, 1624. [4] see vol. xvii. p. 34, law lxxi. [5] see _vol. xvii_, pp. 39, 40. [6] the parenthetical clause is evidently the work of one of the clerks who copied the decrees in the "cedulario indico." the decree mentioned, whose general tenor can easily be seen from the present decree, is not given, probably owing to an oversight of the transcriber, too late to rectify. [7] the decree whose location is above given. [8] also contained in the "cedulario indico," immediately following the decree here presented, to which it is very similar in tenor. [9] an island off the south coast of batangas, luzón, midway in the channel between that island and mindoro. [10] the manuscript has a sideor sub-heading at the right that reads "pieces of gold," and in the margin at this point is the figure 10. [11] spanish, _el cargo de penas de camara_. _cargo_, as thus used, refers to the amount charged on the books of the accountant, and especially to the general balance struck; in a general sense, _cargo_ and _data_, in the old spanish system of accounting, corresponded to "debit" and "credit" in modern bookkeeping. the difference between these (_alcance_), in an individual account, would be nearly the same as our term "balance of account." the old spanish methods of accounting were somewhat different from the modern, and based on more complicated procedure; and it is difficult to find modern equivalents for various words and phrases used therein--especially for some which designate the duties of accountants, and for others which are no longer in actual use. the whole accounting and auditing system was very elaborate and characteristically suspicious. there were, in every case, two men working together; and, if one of them was absent, some different work must be assigned to the other for that day, by the bureau of accounts. there were three classes of employees in this work, in the spanish colonies: the _contadores de cuentas_ (who apparently were of higher rank than the others), _contadores de resultas_, and _ordenadores de pago_. the second of these terms is no longer used in accounting, and no satisfactory explanation of its commercial use is given in lexicons. the _ordenadores de pagos_ (an office abolished at intervals) might correspond to our disbursing officers, save that they did not, i think, actually handle the money; hence, their functions rather correspond to a part of the duties of our auditors. it may be that the term _cuentas_ is used in the accounting system to define accounts in general, items of any and all sorts owed to the state; and _resultas_, as referring to the accounts kept of money paid out, on one or another account, by the public treasury--its balances (_alcances_) being, therefore, the sums remaining over and above the amounts spent. this would give us a system of accountants for the items owing to the state--in other words, for its incomes; and another system of accountants for the expenditures of the government. in such case, _resultas_ might also designate the balances reverting to the credit of the state--that is, the unspent balances of various funds; this meaning would harmonize with the related functions of the _contadores de resultas_ and the _ordenadores de pagos_, who supplied each other's places. these are suggestions rather than definitive statements, for which latter is needed expert knowledge of the old spanish accounting system. the _recopilación de leyes de indias_ contains much information on these points; see especially lib. viii, tit. i, ii, xxix; lib. ix, tit. viii.--_james a. leroy._ [12] _mesada_: a month's pay or salary. the _derecho de mesada_ was a tax of that amount levied (like the half-annat on civil offices) on ecclesiastical benefices and preferments which had been granted by the popes to the crown of spain as part of its royal patronage of religion. laws regarding this tax may be found in _recopilación de leyes de indias_, lib. i, tit. xvii; the first of these is dated 1629. see also _teatro de la legislación universal de españa y indias_ (madrid, 1791-97). the mesada was to be collected on the basis of the receipts from each preferment during the five years preceding the new incumbent's entry upon his office.--_james a. leroy_. [13] _estrados_: literally, "platforms;" the platform on which stood the royal throne, or the seat of the judge, afterward came to mean the court itself. perhaps the manila treasury received from mexico a sum for the proper maintenance of the dignity of the tribunals, for the hangings, furnishing, platforms, etc. this might also refer to the platforms and carpets and hangings provided in the cathedral for certain royal officials.--_james a. leroy._ [14] in the margin at this point occurs: "4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings." [15] in the margin at this point occurs: "4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings." [16] in the margin at this point occurs: "4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings." [17] in the margin at this point occurs: "88 taes, 1 real of gold." [18] this raid spread fear and alarm throughout the visayas; and the religious, especially the jesuits, urged the governor (then cerezo de salamanca) to provide some defense against the pirates. accordingly he ordered (although in the face of much opposition) the establishment of a fort and garrison at zamboanga, mindanao; and to aid in the expenses of this enterprise, a contribution of a ganta of rice from each tribute in the visayas. (combés says that this measure originated with the jesuit bueras.) this contribution was afterward extended to all the provinces, and was known as "the zamboanga donation." the fort at zamboanga (begun june 23, 1635) was planned by the jesuit melchor de vera, and built under his direction. see accounts given by combés (_hist. mindanao_, col. 213-224), murillo velarde (_hist. philipinas_, fols. 76b-78a), and montero y vidal (_hist. filipinas_, pp. 190-192). [19] "the seed is the blood of christians." [20] a corruption of _kasis_ (vol. xvi, p. 134), or _kázi_, an appellation of mahometan preachers. [21] part of the thirty-fifth verse. the quotation should end with _eam_. the english is: "and whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the gospel, shall save it." [22] translated: "_he that shall lose (his life)_, he says, _for my sake._ there is the whole cause. _he that shall lose_, not in any way whatsoever, not for any reason that you like; but: _for my sake_. in prophecy those other martyrs already said: _for thy sake we are killed all the day long_ (ps. xliii, 22). not therefore is it the punishment, that makes a martyr, but the cause." this is found in st. augustine's sermon _in natali martyrium_ ("on the festival of martyrs"), cap. ii, sec. 2; it is sermon 331, ed. migne, paris, 1841 and 1845--in older codices, "sermon 100 _de diversis_."--_t. c. middleton_, o.s.a. [23] translated: "if a robber should assault, or a wild beast attack, or hunger or thirst or cold afflict, one fleeing in the desert and mountains, or a storm or hurricane drown one making haste through the seas in precipitate navigation, christ beholds in him his soldier, wherever he may be fighting; and he gives the reward to him who dies persecuted for the name of his honor, which he promised that he would give at the resurrection. nor less is the glory of martyrdom, in having perished not in public, nor in the midst of a multitude, when the cause for which he dies is to lose his life for the sake of christ. for the witnessing of martyrdom, it is enough that he was witness who approves and crowns the martyrs." [24] théophile raynaud was born november 15, 1587, at sospello, in the county of nice, and entered the society of jesus november 21, 1602. he taught grammar and the humanities at avignon, philosophy for six years and theology for ten at lyons, where he was also prefect of studies for two years. he lived for some years at grenoble, chambéry, and rome, and passed the last thirteen years of his life at lyons, where he died october 31, 1633. he was a most voluminous writer, but his style was poor. some of his works have been printed, while others exist only in manuscript. he had planned to print them all together, but death hindered the project. the book referred to in the text is _de martyrio per pestem ad martyrium improprium, et proprium vulgare comparato, disqvisitio theologica, theophili raynavdi societatis iesu theologi_ .... (lvgdvni, sumpt. iacobi cardon, m.dcxxx.) see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [25] "in goodness and liberality." [26] a portion of st. mark x, 30. the latin of the entire passage is: _qui non accipiat centies tantum, nunc in tempore hoc: domos, et fratres, et sorores, et matres, et filios, et agros, cum persecutionibus, et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam_. the english of the douay version is: "who shall not receive an hundred times as much, now in this time; houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with persecutions, and in the world to come life everlasting." [27] translated: "i greet you, well-beloved and blessed brethren, yearning also myself for the joy of seeing you, if only the conditions of place would allow me to reach you. for what could be more to my wish and my joy than to be with you now? ... but because no opportunity now offers for this happiness of being present myself to your eyes and ears, i am sending this letter instead; whereby i equally felicitate and exhort you to stand strong and firm in your confession of the heavenly glory: and, having entered upon the way that the lord has honored, to go forward in spiritual strength to receive the crown." this is the "letter of st. cyprian to sergius and rogatianus, and other confessors in the lord"--no. vi in tauchnitz ed. (lipsiæ, 1838).--_t.c. middleton, o.s.a._ [28] "let them be of a considered and chaste eloquence, that they may be a cause for edification." [29] _bancon_: "a boat with three oars to the side, which is used in china."--_dic. nacional ... de la lengua española_ (madrid, 1878). [30] the language of this sentence is somewhat obscure and elliptical, but would seem to indicate that the portuguese fear the diminution of their trade in china with its natives, and the loss of their prestige in the carrying trade outside that country. [31] gaspar de san agustín, the author of the first part of the augustinian history of the philippines (madrid, 1698), was one of the most prominent augustinians who have ever been in the islands. he was born in madrid in 1650, and professed in the convent of san felipe el real in 1667. on going to the islands he ministered at lipa (1689-1692), parañaque (1693, 1708, and 1719), pásig (1695 and 1716), malate (1698 and 1714), tambobong (1702 and 1707), tondo (1699, 1701, and 1710); and exercised the duties of procurator-general (1677 and 1686), provincial secretary (1686), definitor (1689 and 1711), visitor (1701), and commissary of the holy office. he died after a long and painful sickness, which deprived him of his sight, at the convent of san pablo at manila, in 1724. he was a graceful poet, and, besides his history and the materials for the present work, he left various writings, among them his famous _compendio de la arte de la lengua tagala_ (manila, 1703). his letter on the nature of the indians will be published later in this series. his history is said to be the most interesting of those on the philippines. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 134-136. [32] casimiro diaz was a native of toledo, being born in 1693. he took his vows in the convent of san felipe el real in 1710, and after his arrival at the philippines completed his literary studies. he was stationed in the missions at magalang (1717), mexico (1728), aráyat (1734), betis (1735), minalin (1737), and candaba (1740). he was procurator-general (1719), provincial secretary (1722), definitor (1725), presiding officer of the chapter (1731), qualifier of the holy office, chronicler of the augustinian province in the islands, reader (1744), and conventual preacher. his death occurred in manila in 1746, and he left behind many writings. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 222-224. [33] the editor of diaz's work is fray tirso lópez, who is still living at the colegio de filipinos in valladolid. he was born at cornombre, may 25, 1838, and took the augustinian habit at valladolid in 1855. he spent the years 1864-1866 in the philippines, while most of the rest of his life has been passed at the above college, where he has filled various duties. he has several times refused an appointment as bishop, and is well known in certain circles as a writer, being a correspondent of the royal academy of history at madrid. the editors of the present series are under many obligations to him for his kindly interest and aid. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 525-527. [34] juan ramírez was a native of la mancha; and, after going to the philippines, was one of those who contributed most efficiently to the pacification of the zambales in 1618, and in 1639 fought in the front rank against the chinese insurgents in manila. he was missionary in lipa in 1621, in taal in 1623, in bay in 1626, in taal for the second time in 1630; and definitor in 1632, and provincial in 1635, dying in 1641. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 91. [35] teófilo mascarós was born in valencia, and professed in the province of aragon, and became doctor and master of sacred theology in the university of orihuela, and prior of the convent of mallorca. upon his arrival in the islands, he became missionary in malate in 1626 and 1629, in pásig in 1632, in hagonoy in 1638 and 1641; and was also prior of bay and manila, and definitor in 1635. he died while prior and missionary of the village of bay (june 26, 1644). see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 101. [36] andrés verdugo was a native of la mancha, and professed in the province of castilla where he became reader of philosophy. having been destined for the tagál provinces, after having read theology and the canons in the convent of san pablo at manila, he became a missionary in the villages of tambobong (1629), of san pablo de los montes (1630, 1638 and 1650), of bulacan and pásig (1641), of taguig (1644), and of bay (1656). being elected prior in 1647, he resigned that office, and continued his ministry until 1653, when he was elected provincial. he died in bay in 1656. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 99, 100. [37] fray diego martinez was born in la mancha, and professed in the province of castilla in 1613. he was minister of barbarán in 1626, of passi in 1629 and 1632, of mambúsao in 1635 and 1639, of oton in 1641, of dumalag in 1644, of batan in 1648, of dumangas in 1650, and of panay in 1651 and 1653. his death occurred probably about the year 1656. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 99. [38] diego collado, o.p., was a native of miajadas, in estremadura, and took his vows in the convent of salamanca july 29, 1605. he labored for some years in cagayán, and in 1619 was sent to japan, where he became vicar-provincial. recalled thence in 1622, he was sent to spain as procurator, where he worked zealously for the order. in 1635 he returned to the islands with twenty-four religious, when he caused great disturbances in the province. being at last abandoned by corcuera, his schemes came to naught; and he was sent to cagayán, where he remained until 1641, when he set out for manila in order to return to spain at the king's command, but was drowned at cabicungan. he continued the history of japan written by orfanell, and printed it in 1632 at madrid; and he also compiled and published a japanese dictionary in 1631 at rome. see _reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 338, 339. [39] diego de ordax was born in león in 1598, and professed in the convent of burgos in 1618. in 1626 he was missionary in laglag, became subprior of manila in 1629, prior of santo niño de cebú in 1630, and commissary-procurator in the court of spain in 1632. he returned to the islands in 1635, and in 1637 was appointed prior of cebú for the second time and afterward definitor and missionary of oton (1638), prior of manila (1644 and 1656), and provincial (1647 and 1659). see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 103. [40] this interdict was imposed by only the local ecclesiastical authorities; but the period in which it occurred renders desirable and interesting a mention of the controversy (then fresh in men's minds) between paul v and the republic of venice, in which the papal interdict on a state or commonwealth was deprived (1606) of its power as a weapon of the papal authority. a full account of this episode, in which the chief figure was the celebrated fra paolo sarpi, is given by andrew d. white in his "fra paolo sarpi," in _atlantic monthly_, xciii (1904), pp. 45-54, 225-233. cf. ranke's _lives of the popes_ (foster's translation, london), ii, pp. 110-130, and iii, 123, 124; and alzog's _universal church history_ (pabisch and byrne's translation, cincinnati, 1878), iii, pp. 365, 366. [41] the university of mexico was founded in 1551 (some make it earlier), its endowment being begun with property left for that purpose by mendoza, the first viceroy, and afterward increased by royal grants and private bequests. in the troublous times of the nineteenth century, the national university languished, and finally perished. [42] this quotation includes a portion of the second verse and all of the third, fourth, and fifth verses of the sixth chapter of the apocryphal book of wisdom, and is as follows in english: "... learn, ye that are judges of the ends of the earth. give ear, you that rule the people, and that please yourselves in multitudes of nations; for power is given you by the lord, and strength by the most high, who will examine your works, and search out your thoughts; because being ministers of his kingdom, you have not judged rightly, nor kept the law of justice, nor walked according to the will of god." [43] cf. la concepción's account of these controversies (_hist. de philipinas_, v, pp. 254-290). he says that corcuera arrived in the islands at the height of the discussion in manila over the maintenance of a fortified post at zamboanga in mindanao; that he was on intimate terms with the jesuits, who were anxious for the benefit of their missions to have zamboanga occupied; and that their influence led corcuera to support that measure. la concepción blames the jesuits throughout the controversy with the archbishop; and his account is more detailed than diaz's. see also accounts by murillo velarde (_hist. de philipinas_, fol. 86-89), and montero y vidal (_hist. filipinas_, pp. 192-197). [44] the exile of archbishop felipe pardo occurred march 13, 1683, and his restoration to his see, november 15, 1684. the matter aroused considerable controversy which extended over a number of years. the controversy was most bitter, and the manuscripts concerning it pro and con aggregate some tons, and are scattered in various archives. the episode will be noticed in its place in this series. [45] murillo velarde says (fol. 89, verso) that this occurred in 1637. colin does not mention the controversy between the archbishop and governor; and most of the friar chroniclers omit it. [46] the following chapter consists of a short extract from book 1, chap. i, p. 4, of baltasar de santa cruz's _historia_, which is followed by a heavy and would-be learned discussion filled with classical allusions, by an auditor, licentiate salvador gomez de espinosa, of which tirso lópez, the spanish editor, says that it might have been omitted without any loss to diaz's _history_. [47] this decrease and almost total disappearance of the sardines from the bay of manila from those times, is easily explained without the necessity of considering it a miracle, by the great movement of coastwise trading vessels, which have come into those waters, from which as is known, several species of fish flee.--_fray tirso lópez._ [48] _guerrero_ means "warrior." [49] he died on july 1, 1641, aged seventy-five years. la concepción cites (_hist. de philipinas,_ v, pp. 301-303) the book of memoirs preserved in the manila cathedral (mentioned by diaz, _ante_. near the end of chap, xvii), for various particulars regarding archbishop guerrero's life and character. [50] lorenzo goreto was born at ferrara, november 1, 1592, and entered his novitiate at rome, december 8, 1608. he went to the philippines (1622), and labored in the visayan missions, where he died june 17, 1638. murillo velarde says that he was master of theology in manila, and that he was a very learned man. see his _hist. philipinas,_ fol. 102 verso-103; and sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. luis de pedraza was a native of baeza, spain, and entered the jesuit order in the province of andalusia. he was a prominent laborer in the visayan missions, and held important posts in the college of manila. later, he went to mindanao, and died at zamboanga, october 22, 1639. (murillo velarde, _hist. philipinas,_ fol. 107.) [51] _maestro de prima: prima_ was the name applied to the first three hours of the day, the term being extended to universities and studies, indicating the lessons that came during that period, or the professor who gave his lectures during that period. [52] _i.e._, "as a precautionary measure." [53] lucas garcía, who belonged to the mission of 1615, performed missionary duties in cagayan, and was also vicar of fotol, of maquilá, and jointly rector of santo tomas, and procurator-general. he was later vicar of gattoron, of fotol, of tocolana, and of lallo-c, and also served in the province of cagayan for a number of years. he was also definitor several times, and vicar-provincial in cagayan. in 1633 and 1635 he was vicar-provincial in formosa, being also vicar of nuestra señora del rosario, at tanchui. after thirty-six years' labor in the indias, he died at lallo-c about 1651. see _reseña biográfica,_ i, p. 349. [54] the ringing of bells at a certain hour (usually sunset), which admonishes the faithful to pray for the souls in purgatory. the _alabado_ meant a hymn sung in praise of the sacrament when it was placed within the tabernacle. [55] the only burguillos mentioned by huerta is pedro, a lay brother connected with the japanese missions, who died at manila in 1615--apparently therefore, not the one mentioned in our text. [56] the cistercian order was founded by st. robert, the son of a gentleman of champagne, who had taken the benedictine habit, at cistercium (the modern citeaux) in 1098, and professed the rule of st. benedict. the rule was very austere, but despite various reforms, it gradually became relaxed and approached the observance of other orders. the trappists are an offshoot of this order. see addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, pp. 186-188. [57] an ambassador (generally a cardinal or bishop) sent by the pope to a foreign prince, with full powers. [58] the following royal decree on this subject was issued in 1637: "inasmuch as i have been informed that many soldiers and sailors who are in my service in the filipinas islands are becoming, and have become, religious, while indebted in large sums of maravedis to my royal treasury for pay which has been advanced to them; and that, after having been for some years in the orders, they leave them and wander about as vagabonds with the utmost freedom, and refuse to reënter my service: desiring to apply a corrective to such delinquencies, and the matter having been conferred over in my royal council of the yndias, i have considered it fitting to issue the present. by it i request my very reverend archbishop in christ, the father of the metropolitan church of the city of manila, and charge the venerable and devout fathers-provincial and other superiors of all the orders in the territory of his archbishopric, to note that they are to inform my governor of the said islands whenever such cases shall occur to the prejudice of my treasury, and that the culprits be punished as is fitting. no one may take the vows of religion without first satisfying the amount that he shall thus owe. in order that the contents of this my decree may be well known to all, i order my governor and captain-general of the said filipinas islands to publish it in all the necessary places, and to send a copy of it to the provincials of the orders throughout the said islands, in order that they may give to its fulfilment the earnest attention to which they are obliged; for such is my will. madrid, december 23, 1637." the copy of this decree existing in the archivo general de indias at sevilla--with pressmark, "audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de dicha audiencia; años 1635 á 1672; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 2, lib. 4"--bears the following endorsement in the margin: "in order that no soldier or sailor in the filipinas islands who may be indebted to the royal treasury may take the vows of religion without first satisfying the amount of his debt." [59] _dominicans_.--domingo gonzalez came to the islands in 1602; for several years he was an instructor in theology in the cathedral of manila, and afterward spent five years as a missionary in cagayan. returning then to manila, he was rector of the college of santo tomás, provincial of his order (chosen in 1633, and again in _1644_), and commissary-general of the inquisition for sixteen years. he died november 5, 1647, at manila, at the age of seventy-three. francisco de herrera came with the mission of 1598. he filled numerous important offices in the order--among them, those of provincial (1629-33), rector of santo tomás, and commissary-general of the inquisition. he died at manila, august 9, 1644. antonio gonzalez accompanied the mission of 1632, and at first was an instructor in santo tomás; but early in 1636 he went to japan, where he suffered martyrdom, september 24, 1637. sebastian oquendo also began his labors in the philippines as instructor at the college in manila; he afterward held various offices in the convent there, but died at méjico in 1651. (all these notices are obtained from _reseña biográfica,_ vol. i.) _augustinians_.--juan de montemayor came to manila in 1613. he held important posts in the order, and was minister in several indian villages; and died at manila in 1638. alonso carbajal arrived at the islands in 1618. among the posts of honor which he held was that of provincial (1644), and more than once he declined a bishopric offered to him. he also spent several years in missionary labors, among the pampangans and visayans, and died therein (1654). diego de ochoa had just come (1635) to the filipinas mission; he ministered in several villages in luzón, and died in 1648. (these notices are obtained from pérez's _catálogo_.) _franciscans_.--gerónimo del espiritu santo came to manila in 1633, and in the following year became vicar-provincial. he accompanied the sisters of st. clare to macao (1634), who founded there a convent of their order. from january, 1635, to june, 1637, fray gerónimo was minister-provincial; he then retired to sampaloc, and in 1638 departed for mexico. the ship was wrecked on the marianas, and this priest, refusing to save his life while he could console the dying, perished with the rest, september 21, 1638. jose de santa maria began his labors in the philippines as early as 1621, and seems to have been a missionary among the indians from 1626 to 1637. he was minister provincial during the first half of 1638; and died at manila in 1645. vicente argent arrived at manila in 1630. in alternating periods of his life he was a missionary among the indians, and an official of his order at manila; from january, 1643, to january, 1646, he was minister provincial. in 1656 he sailed for mexico, but died at sea, before reaching acapulco. (these notices are obtained from huerta's _estado_.) [60] another copy of this episcopal decree (found in one of corcuera's letters dated june 30, 1636) gives the name as here, but adds, "(i mean santa monica)"--an error of corcuera's transcriber. [61] these last two names, with fray gaspar de santa maria and fray alonso de san joan above, are apparently those of recollect priests; but there is no available information regarding them. [62] _i.e.,_ "by the very act, immediately incurring canonical censure, already imposed." [63] a reference to the canons of clement v, which are contained in the collection called _clementinas_, published by john xxii. [64] reference is here made to a long and vexatious controversy over the spiritual jurisdiction of santa cruz and quiapo, between the jesuits and the diocesan authorities; it was settled in favor of the society, but not until 1678. see murillo velarde's account of this dispute, in his _historia_, fol. 89 verso-91. cf. colin's _labor evangélica_ (ed. 1663), p. 813; and la concepción's _hist. philipinas,_ pp. 281, 286. santa cruz is on the shore of the pasig river opposite manila; above it lies quiapo, and below it binondo (an island formed by two bayous from the pasig). as previous documents have often mentioned, binondo was inhabited chiefly by the chinese, as also was santa cruz. [65] diego de bobadilla was born at madrid, september 19, 1590; and at the age of sixteen entered the jesuit order. he came to the philippines in 1615, and spent fifteen years as an instructor in the jesuit college at manila, and five years as its rector. in 1637 he went to rome as procurator for his order, and returned in 1643 with a band of forty-two missionaries. again he became rector of the college, and in 1646 was elected provincial. while making an official visitation of the mindanao missions, he died at carigara, february 26, 1648. see murillo velarde's sketch of his life, _hist. philipinas,_ fol. 159, 160. [66] francisco pinelo, who had been prior of the dominican convent at tabora, portugal, came to the philippines in 1632, where for some time he was vicar of san telmo at cavite. afterward he went to europe on business of the order--part of which was to secure the dissolution of the congregation of st. paul, formed by fray diego collado, in 1636, with the dominicans who came then with corcuera (who were called _barbones_; see diaz's account _ante_, p. 161). pinelo remained in spain, dying in the convent at segovia, january 23, 1643. see _reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 391, 420. [67] there is an evident play on words in this passage. the original reads: "_que le auian hecho papa ó papilla y que con el les auian querido dar papillas_." "_papilla_" is the diminutive of "_papa_"--meaning "pope," or "pap"; and the phrase _dar papilla_ is used to mean "deceiving by insidious caresses." [68] referring to juan de zumárraga, guardian of the franciscan convent at abrojo, mexico; who was appointed (december 12, 1527) the first bishop of the new diocese of mexico, and protector of the indians. he filled these offices ably, although his energy and zeal made him numerous enemies. he was made archbishop when the diocese of mexico was raised to an archdiocese (by papal bull of july 8, 1547); but on account of his great age he declined the honor, and died (june 3, 1548) a few days after those documents arrived, being eighty years old. a cloud upon his memory is the ruthless and vandalic destruction, under his direction, of the aztec images, manuscripts, and other records, both public and private, for which his agents made close search, not only in the city of mexico but in all the larger cities and towns--a cruel and irreparable loss to scholars and historians. see bancroft's _history of mexico,_ ii, pp. 297-300, 556-559. [69] apparently alluding to the penitent thief who was crucified with christ. [70] _secuestrarle_, in ms.; but compare the same letter in diaz's narration, _ante_, where the word is _secuestrarme_ ("sequester my" property). [71] a line is omitted here by transcriber; see diaz's copy, as above. [72] francisco de paula, a native of segovia, arrived at manila in 1618, where he ministered to the chinese, and afterward gave instruction in the college of santo tomás for sixteen years. he filled numerous important posts--among them that of provincial (twice), and commissary-general of the inquisition; and not long before his death he had been appointed bishop of nueva cáçeres. he died at manila, april 5, 1664, at the age of sixty-seven. [73] the only friar of this name who is mentioned in _reseña biográfica_ came to the islands with the mission of 1635; "he returned at once to españa, summoned by his majesty to take charge of the chair of mathematics at the court, with a stipend of one thousand ducados a year." [74] antonio gomez de espejo was born in manila, in 1604; and made his profession in the dominican order, at the age of twenty-one. he ministered in various indian villages in luzón; and in 1678 died, at lallo-c. [75] pedro fernandez de ledo, a native of mexico, made his profession as a dominican friar in 1625, at the age of seventeen. he was one of the faculty at santo tomás until 1651, when he was chosen prior, and afterward provincial. ledo died at manila, october 15, 1662; soon afterward, his appointment to a bishopric was received there. [76] applied to a crime that may be tried either in ecclesiastical or secular courts. [77] dispensation for receiving orders outside the time specified by the church. [78] perhaps some allusion to a well-known proverb or saying. [79] there is no direct clue to the authorship of this document; but it was evidently written by a lawyer, and one who sided with the jesuits and the governor. it is possible that this was fabian de santillan, appointed by that order as judge-conservator; it would be very natural for him, from prudential motives, to mention himself in the third person in the letter, knowing that it would almost certainly be read by others than his correspondent. [80] there is here a play on words, the text reading, _que no andan por el camino rl_ y derecho. _derecho_ has a now obsolete meaning, "road," or "path." [81] that is, to inspect their morals and mode of life. [82] fray francisco zamudio, an augustinian by profession, was a native of mechoacán, mexico. little information about him is available; but pérez says that zamudio was in manila in 1594, and died in 1636--an event which, according to delgado (_hist. de filipinas_, p. 178), occurred in 1639. diaz's mention of it, however (pp. 197-198, _ante_), would imply that the earlier date was the correct one. pérez does not mention the fact that zamudio became a bishop. [83] spanish, _tablilla_: a list of persons excommunicated, exhibited in churches. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xi, 1599-1602 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xi preface 9 documents of 1599 ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila (_concluded_). francisco tello, and others; manila, june, 1598-july, 1599 21 the hospital for indians at manila. domingo de santiago and antonio valerio; manila, july 3 82 letters from the royal fiscal to the king. hieronimo de salazar y salcedo; manila, july 21 86 letter from the king of borneo to governor tello. soltan adil sula; [june?] translated july 27 120 letters to the king. francisco tello; manila, july 14 and august 7 123 letters to tello. felipe iii; denia, august 16 129 documents of 1600 the pacification of mindanao. [unsigned and undated; 1600?] 135 oliver van noordt's attack on luzón. francisco tello, and others; manila, october-december 140 documents of 1601 report to the governor, on the battle with the dutch. antonio de morga; manila, january 5. 173 annual letters from the philippine islands. francisco vaez, s.j.; [manila?], june 10. 191 letter to felipe iii. diego garcia, s.j.; manila, july 8. 223 letter from the fiscal to felipe iii. hieronimo de salazar y salcedo; manila, july 16. 228 complaint of the cabildo of manila against morga. gonzalo ronquillo de vallesteros, and others; manila, july 20. 235 letter to felipe iii. antonio de morga; manila, july 30. 251 grant to jesuit school in cebú. council of indias; valladolid, december 11. 257 documents of 1602 instructions to pedro de acuña. felipe iii; zamora, february 16. 263 two royal decrees. felipe iii; zamora, february 16. 289 pintados menaced by mindanao pirates. juan juarez gallinato, and others; off mindanao, may 29-june 4. 292 letters to felipe iii. l. p. dasmariñas, and others; manila, june 8-july 10. 302 bibliographical data. 317 illustrations title-page of _de rebus iaponicis_, compiled by john hay, s j. (antverpiæ, m. dc. v); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of congress. 187 title-page of _relatione breve_, by diego de torres (milano, mdciii); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of harvard university. 189 preface during the three years or more covered in this volume (1599-1602), the most notable occurrence is the coming to the archipelago (in 1600) of the fleet commanded by the dutch adventurer oliver van noordt, bent on plunder and the damage of the spanish settlements there: but he is defeated and driven away, although with heavy loss to the spaniards. this event, with the quarrels which it arouses in manila, and fears of like danger in the future, disturb the colony for several years. the people, both spaniards and indians, are also in constant dread of the moro pirates, who ravage the coasts of the pintados (visayas) islands, encouraged to commit these depredations by the late withdrawal of spanish troops from mindanao. in the face of all these difficulties, the government is also embarrassed by the poverty of the local treasury; its funds are wasted by unnecessary expenses and salaries, and lessened by frauds in the customs duties, and by other violations of the laws regarding trade. there are too many officials, both secular and religious; and the former are often incompetent or corrupt. the indians are demoralized by having learned the use of the white men's money; their native industries are neglected, which causes scarcity and high prices of goods and supplies. new impulse and wider scope are given to the missions conducted by the jesuits, who begin the task of gathering the scattered indian converts into mission villages, thus more easily to civilize and christianize the natives. a new governor for the islands is appointed, pedro de acuña. in this volume is completed the document begun in _vol_. x, "ordinances of the audiencia enacted in 1598-99;" here are presented those for the first half of the year 1599. the alcaldes-mayor must, in collecting the taxes, observe the royal tariffs. to remedy the exorbitant charges for fees in the inferior courts, all suits appealed to the audiencia must be accompanied by a sworn statement of the fees thus paid. the bonds accepted in law-suits must be more reliable. auditors are given special powers in expediting the cases of persons imprisoned. interpreters are not allowed to trade with the natives, except in the presence of a magistrate. the accounts of guardians of minors shall be examined by the probate judge. attorneys are restricted in bringing new suits between indians. goods sold at auction for the benefit of the royal treasury must be knocked down to the highest bidder, and for cash only. lawyers are ordered to follow the customs of the natives, where these are involved in lawsuits. collection of tributes shall not be made by the alcaldes-mayor; and appointments for the post of collector must be approved by the audiencia. various acts prescribe the duties of officials of the audiencia, and its procedures in certain cases; also limits of action by attorneys. the officials of the audiencia shall give bonds each year. cases involving twenty pesos or less shall not be brought to trial. directions are given for the trial of suits between indians. the alguazils-mayor must make the rounds of the city at night. all accounts due to or from the royal treasury shall be closed up and balanced within the next four months. officials of the audiencia shall not go outside of the city without permission. certain punishments are prescribed for the chinese inhabitants--for vicious practices, for making or clipping coin, and for buying stolen goods from indians. all natives residing in manila who have not some employment are ordered to leave the city at three days' notice. the duties of the late alvaro çambrano, deceased, are to be assumed by others of the auditors. provision is made for due inspection, appraisal, and sale of merchandise brought from china. all indians belonging to the royal encomiendas must pay their tributes, even when they reside in manila. the sum of three hundred pesos is appropriated to furnish and adorn the chapel of the audiencia. the chinese are forbidden to have godchildren, a practice which has led to many evils; and the christians are ordered to follow the occupations which they had exercised before their conversion. officials whose terms of office expire must furnish residencia before receiving any further appointment. on july 3, 1599, one of the franciscans in charge of the hospital for the indians at manila writes to the king, asking further grants of aid for its work. the governor and bishop are directed by the king to advise him as to the needs of the hospital. a letter from the royal fiscal to the king (july 21) displays the needs of the royal exchequer in the islands, and suggests means for supplying these. he complains of the burden imposed on the colony by the support of an archbishop and three bishops. much is wasted in salaries, for useless or nominal services. salazar y salzedo advises that the offices and their salaries be both reduced. especial loss and injury to the royal income arises from the frauds and violations of law which are practiced in the mexican trade. the payment of tributes by the indians in money is demoralizing them; they no longer pursue their former usual labors, and their products are now scarce and high-priced. they ought to be compelled to work, at agriculture, stock-raising, and mining. the treasury needs more money, and more indians should be assigned to the crown. encomiendas are fraudulently assigned by the governors. the erection of wooden churches in the encomiendas is another source of useless expense; these should be built of stone or brick. certain offices should be taken from their present incumbents, and conferred on men of character and standing. the fiscal complains of lax management of the treasury by its officials, and calls for an investigation; and the same with the cabildo of manila. other charges where public moneys are involved should be inspected by the crown, and the waste of those funds should be checked. even all these reforms will not provide all the funds for necessary expenses; the fiscal therefore proposes that the crown monopolize the trade in spices and raw silk, which would bring immense profits to the royal treasury. another letter from the fiscal to the king, of the same date, makes recommendations as to certain affairs of government. he urges that the auditors should make regular official inspection of the administration of justice throughout the islands. he complains that the profits of trade are absorbed by the officials and their dependents, leaving the citizens poor. offices and other sources of profit must not be bestowed on those dependents, but on the citizens; and the officers of the ships that carry goods to nueva españa should not be appointed there, but in the islands. the ships should be more strictly inspected. the ruler of borneo sends (june. 1599) to governor tello a gift, accompanied by a letter in which he expresses firm friendship for the spaniards. in a letter dated july 14, tello complains that morga is hostile to him, and even writes anonymous letters against the governor; the latter defends himself against these attacks. on august 7 he reports to the king the arrival of english ships at maluco, and his intention of sending reenforcements to the spanish fort there, and to that in cebu. he is asking aid from the viceroy of nueva españa, and is trying to manufacture more artillery at manila. two letters from felipe iii to tello are dated august 16, 1599. the king commends his proceedings in certain matters, and orders the viceroy of nueva españa to send hereafter only useful colonists to the philippines. he also desires tello to advise him whether the duties on chinese goods can be increased. a brief account of the pacification of mindanao (1600?) furnishes some additional information as to events there, up to 1600. the troops have been withdrawn from this island, owing to an alarm of danger from english pirates; but these prove to be peaceable dutch merchants. in october of that year, certain foreign vessels (thought to be english) enter the bay of albay, and antonio de morga is ordered by the audiencia to fortify the port of cavite and pursue the enemy. instructions for this latter proceeding are furnished to him by the governor (december 10). he in turn gives instructions to his admiral, joan de alcega. then follows an account not only of the battle between the spanish and the dutch fleets, but also of van noordt's entire voyage to the philippines. the battle ends, on the whole, disastrously for van noordt. among the plunder found on the dutch ships is a commission granted to esaias de lende as a privateer against the spaniards in the indias. suit being brought against the admiral alcega for deserting the flagship in the battle with van noordt, morga presents therein his version of the affair (january 5, 1601)--throwing the blame for the loss of the flagship on alcega's disobedience to the orders previously given him by morga. francisco vaez reports (june 10, 1601) to the general of the jesuit order the status of jesuit missions in the islands. he relates the deaths of certain priests and brethren while engaged in the performance of their duties, and proceeds to a detailed report of each mission station. the jesuit church at manila has been ruined by earthquakes. the fathers of the college there are accomplishing much good by their labors, especially among those in prison, the soldiers, and the children. several instances of the devotion and piety of converts are related. the losses and calamities which have befallen the people have made them more inclined to religion. the sodalities introduced among the natives arouse their devotion and enthusiasm. at antipolo a hospital has been begun, as well as a school for boys. at cebú also a school has been opened; and the labors of the jesuits are highly acceptable to the people, and commended by the bishop. many indians are being converted by them. connected with the residence at cebú is that of bohol. here father valerio ledesma has persuaded the savages to leave the mountains and settle near the river, under the care of the missionaries; they have built a church, and are fast becoming converted. other missionaries in bohol report many hundreds of baptisms. various miraculous cures of illness are related. good news comes from samar also; nearly four thousand have been baptized, nearly all adults. in dulac a boys' school has been established, and many conversions have occurred. at alangala there are three indian chapels. vaez asks for more missionaries in this so promising field. a few days later (july 8) the official visitor of the jesuit missions, diego garcia, writes to felipe iii. he recommends that seminaries for the instruction of heathen boys be stablished as a means for hastening the conversion of the natives; and that the indians be gathered into settlements. garcia asks that the jesuit college at manila be authorized to graduate students from its classes; and closes by recommending to the king's favor morga and other officials. the fiscal, salazar y salcedo, declares (july 16, 1601) that tello is shielding morga, and despatches to the king a full report of the investigation which he has made of the conflict with the dutch. a memorial to the king is sent (july 20, 1601) by the cabildo of manila, making various complaints in regard to the conduct of doctor de morga. the order given by him and tello for the abandonment of mindanao has caused the natives of that region to commit piracies in the islands under spanish rule. morga has obtained official positions for his relatives and friends, contrary to the royal ordinances. one of these men, being utterly incompetent, has failed to drive back the mindanao pirates, who have consequently inflicted much damage. through various machinations, morga succeeded in depriving ronquillo of the command of the fleet, in the battle with van noordt; but in the conflict he showed himself incompetent to command the troops, and a coward at the approach of danger; and, in consequence, his flagship was wrecked, with the loss of many spaniards and of valuable military supplies. moreover, the enemy being allowed to escape, the islands are more exposed to future attacks from them. the writers of this letter are sending documents to prove their charges; they also accuse morga of writing anonymous letters. a letter from morga to the king (july 30) relates his services in the naval battle, and the unfaithfulness of joan de alcega to his trust in that and other instances. morga asks to be relieved from his post in the philippines, and sent to some other country. on december 11, 1601, the jesuit school at cebu is aided by a royal grant for the erection of buildings. governor tello is superseded by pedro de acuña, and the latter is provided with instructions (february 16, 1602) by the king. he must consult with the viceroy of nueva españa regarding the measures to be taken for the settlement of the islands; and the viceroy has been ordered to aid the governor therein. acuña is directed to look after the defense of the coasts, and the maintenance of a garrison in mindanao. he must do what he can to dispense with offices and salaries which are superfluous, for which the king makes various recommendations. the frauds which have been committed in the shipment of goods to nueva españa, and in the payment of duties thereon, must be stopped. irregularities and frauds in the assignment of encomiendas must also cease. these and various other matters are discussed by the king, in pursuance of the recommendations made by the royal fiscal in july, 1599. official inspection of affairs in the islands must be made by the auditors; and the royal officials must put a stop to the importation from america of money for investment in the china trade. the cathedral at manila must be completed, and the hospitals aided; and nuns will be sent for santa potenciana. the jesuit seminary for indian boys should be cared for; and acuña is to ascertain its condition and needs. he must investigate the question of abolishing the parian, and see that religious teachers are provided for the natives of the ladrones islands. agriculture must be encouraged in the philippines. two royal decrees (dated february 16) command the viceroy of nueva españa to send to the philippines more colonists, who shall be persons of good character; and two nuns, to take charge of the seminary of santa potenciana at manila. captain gallinato sends to the governor at manila (june 4, 1602) warning of a large plundering expedition which is about to sail from mindanao to ravage the pintados islands. the joloans are also hostile, and ready to attack the spaniards; and the natives of terrenate are aiding the mindanaos. luis de dasmariñas writes to felipe iii (june 8, 1602), urging that the spaniards reconquer the fortress of maluco, to protect the philippines from attack by "those demons of english and dutch heretics." doctor de morga again informs the king (june 30) of his services in the conflict with van noordt, and in still another letter (july 8) of the attacks which his enemies are making upon him in regard to that affair. the augustinian officials at manila notify the king (july 4) of the election of pedro arce as provincial of their order in the islands; and explain their refusal to receive a visitor recently sent to the islands from nueva españa. a letter from the fiscal details (july 10) the measures taken to compel payment by governor tello of the debts owed by him in sevilla; he has property in nueva españa, but none in the islands. _the editors_ december, 1903. documents of 1599 ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila (_concluded_.) francisco tello, and others; january-july, 1599. the hospital for indians at manila. domingo de santiago and antonio valerio; july 3. letters from the royal fiscal to the king. hieronimo de salazar y salcedo; july 21. letter from the king of borneo to governor tello. soltan adil sula; [june?] translated july 27. letters to the king. francisco tello; july 14 and august 7. letters to tello. felipe iii; august 16. _sources_: all these documents save one are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the second of the king's letters (august 16) is from the "cedulario indico" in the archivo histórico nacional, madrid. _translations_: the first of these documents is translated by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the second, by emma helen blair; the third, and part of the sixth, by robert w. haight; the fourth, by james a. robertson; the fifth, by norman f. hall, of harvard university, and josé m. and clara m. asensio; the first letter in the sixth, by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university. ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila (_concluded_) _an act ordering the alcaldes-mayor and their officials to observe the royal tariff._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas, in the collection of taxes by the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands, and by their notaries and officials, there is great excess and disorder, from failing to observe his majesty's royal tariffs, whence arise many difficulties and obstacles to the service of god our lord, and of his majesty: therefore, to remedy these evils, they ordered, and they did so order, that all the alcaldes-mayor, both now and henceforth, in all of the provinces of these said islands, shall observe and cause to be observed the royal tariff of his majesty and his royal audiencia; and, in conformity with it, shall levy and cause to be levied the taxes to them appertaining, as also shall their notaries and officials--levying on the natives a third less than on the spaniards, according to the declaration thereof in the said tariff; and that each one of them shall have a copy of this tariff. they shall neither use nor levy the said taxes by any other tariffs, under penalty of a fine of one hundred pesos for the treasury of his majesty and the expenses of justice. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez de almazan_ the licentiate _zambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _proclamation_: in the city of manila, on the twenty-second of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, who signed their names to the above act, declared and proclaimed it in public session. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that there shall be no suits without the filing of a sworn memorandum of the fees that the parties have paid._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia, court, and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that certain persons--not only spaniards, but indians and sangleys--who bring suits in this royal audiencia and outside of it, in the provincial and ordinary tribunals, complain of the large sums that are charged by the courts, in great excess of what they are ordered to charge by the royal tariffs; and that the notaries of the said tribunals, contrary to orders, send the appealed suits to this royal audiencia, without placing at the end of them the fees they have paid; therefore, in order to remedy the aforesaid evil, and to put an end to complaints of similar acts of injustice, they ordered, and they did so order, both the officials of this royal audiencia and the others in the provincial and the ordinary tribunals, and those outside of this city, now and henceforth, not to bring or send any suit to be reviewed in the court of this royal audiencia, unaccompanied by a memorandum, signed and sworn to by the parties to the suit, of what they have spent thereon, and to what persons they have given the money; and not to bring any suit for revision in any other manner, under penalty of a fine, for each time when they shall disobey this order, of ten pesos for his majesty's treasury, to be equally divided between the treasury and the court--to which, from that moment, they are considered as condemned. by this act they so provided and ordered, and they signed the same. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _alvaro zambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _proclamation_: in the city of manila, on the twenty-second day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands, who signed their names to the above act, declared and proclaimed it in public session. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the clerk of court who receives the bonds of suitors shall accept only reliable bonds, and at his own risk; and that his residencia in regard to the said office shall be taken._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas in the suits that are brought and considered in this royal audiencia it is sometimes necessary to order the parties to give bonds, which are accepted by the clerk of court of this royal audiencia, without his knowing whether they are good or not: therefore as some trouble and annoyance might result from this, and it is expedient to avoid this, and, where bonds are concerned, to require the residencia, they ordered, and they did so order, that now and henceforth the said clerk, in all suits in which bonds are ordered to be given, shall accept only honest, reliable, and valuable bonds, under the penalty of having them charged to his own account and risk if they are not so. he shall give reliable bonds therefor, and shall likewise undergo the residencia of his said office; and shall pay whatever is adjudged and decided against him, and any public demands which shall be lodged against him, as he is obliged to do by law. thus it was provided, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _albaro cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _proclamation_: in the city of manila, on the twenty-second day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands, who signed their names to the above act, declared and proclaimed it in public session. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the auditors who regularly review the charges against prisoners may make what decisions shall be necessary in the suits of prisoners por sala, until their sentences shall be pronounced._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas, in despatching suits of the prisoners in the royal prison of this court, there might be some delay on account of there being many persons imprisoned _por sala_ who are never released during the review of cases made, from which they receive great harm by protracting their release: therefore, the president and auditors agreed, and they did so resolve, that, now and henceforth, when they shall review the cases in the royal prison of this court, on the saturdays appointed therefor, they may release those who were arrested _por sala_, if arrested therein by alcaldes of the court; and that, likewise, they may issue the acts which shall seem fitting to them concerning the regulation of criminal cases, until they are definitely concluded by sentence, so that the cases of the said prisoners may be despatched with the greater celerity. by this act they so ordered, provided, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _alvaro cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _proclamation_: in the city of manila, on the twenty-second day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these islands, who signed their names to the above act, declared and proclaimed it in public session. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the interpreters shall not trade or traffic with the natives._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that the interpreters, as a result of their occupation as interpreters, and being for the most part friendly to the natives, seek and attempt to acquire, with trinkets and other illegal means, jewels, slaves, and other things, at lower prices than they are valued by the said natives: therefore, in order to put a stop to the aforesaid evil by applying a remedy for it, they resolved, ordered, and decreed, that now and henceforth, no interpreter shall buy from the said natives any jewels, slaves, or other valuables, except in the presence of the magistrate, under penalty of confiscation of what shall have been bought by the interpreter violating this law, half of which is immediately to be applied to his majesty's treasury, and the other half to the expenses of justice; and furthermore, he shall not be allowed to exercise the said office any longer. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ in the city of manila, on the twenty-second day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands, who signed their names to the above act, declared and proclaimed it in public session. diego de mercado and juan garcia, interpreters, were present and were notified. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the probate judge shall examine the accounts of guardians of minors in this court._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas in this court there are many minors--encomenderos, and others--whose property and effects are in charge of guardians and curators; and because the said property might be spent and dissipated without these guardians being able afterward to give an account thereof to their said minors, which would result to the great harm and prejudice of the latter: therefore, to remedy the aforesaid, they resolved, and they did so resolve and decree, that the common probate judge, now or hereafter, in these islands be empowered to examine, not only in trust but on the party's petition, the accounts of all the guardianships and curatorships of minors in this court, and of the administration and conservation of the same; and he may proceed against those of whom he may be suspicious, or who administer and manage dishonestly, or waste, the goods and effects of the said minors; and may make in the case all the inquiries suitable and necessary, until he shall hand down a definite decision in such cases--for which, and for everything annexed to and pertaining to it, they gave him the requisite power and authority, in the sufficiency required by law. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that no one shall keep on his hat or sit down, while the auditor is taking his deposition._ in the city of manila, in the philipinas islands, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the said islands declared that, whereas certain persons have been imprisoned in the royal prison of this court, for criminal cases, who, when their depositions were being taken, sat down and remained with their heads covered, which is in disrespect of royal justice; and as it is fitting to apply a remedy to the aforesaid, now and henceforth, therefore, they ordered, and they did so order, that each and every one, of whatever rank and condition, who may be imprisoned on criminal charges, shall, when his deposition is being taken before any auditor of this royal audiencia, stand and bare his head, until such time as his deposition is ended. and, in order that this may come to the knowledge of everyone, it shall be made known to the commissioners and attorneys of this royal audiencia, who shall give notice of the provisions of this act to such persons, whenever occasion shall arise, so that it may be observed. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that no attorney shall enter a petition in a new suit between indians, without first communicating it to the auditor for that week._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas in this royal audiencia there are brought and considered suits and causes for small amounts among the natives of these islands, in which they incur heavy costs, whereby they receive great injury and vexation: therefore, they ordered, and they did so order, that no prosecuting attorney of this royal audiencia shall bring therein a new suit or petition for an indian, without first and foremost bringing it before this royal audiencia, or before the auditor for the week, in order that the latter may determine whether the suit be a proper one--under a penalty of a fine of six pesos of common gold, immediately upon the conviction of anyone who may disobey this decree; one-third to go to the receiver of fines, another third to the royal hospital, and the other third to the poor in the prison. by this act they so declared ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the royal officials, in the sale of gold and other goods, from the royal exchequer, see that it be done for cash, and not auctioned to creditors of the exchequer, in order that the latter may receive their money_. in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas on account of his majesty's royal exchequer of these islands being, as it now is, embarrassed with many debts, it cannot succeed in paying its creditors what it thus owes them--which results from the fact that some of the said creditors, in order to have their accounts paid to them, present themselves at the royal auctions which are held for the sale of gold, cotton cloth, and other goods collected from the tributes pertaining to the royal crown, and bid on such articles, at higher prices than would be given if they were paying in cash, in order to receive what the royal exchequer owes them; and that if such things as this were allowed to continue, the said royal exchequer would not be able to meet certain necessary matters which continually occur in the service of the king, our sovereign, and of which consideration should be taken: therefore, they declared that they ordered, and they did so order, the official judges of the royal exchequer of the king our sovereign in these islands, that now and henceforth, in the auctions and sales which may be made of any royal property, it shall be made over to the person or persons who bid the highest, being knocked down to them and paid for immediately. they shall admit or receive in no other way any other bid which may be made by the said creditors. by this act they so declared and ordered, and signed the same. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the advocates and attorneys of this royal audiencia shall follow the customs of the natives._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas in suits brought by natives of these islands, wherein they consider in this royal audiencia questions of slavery, divisions of inheritances, slaves, marriage-dowries, and other things, it is fitting that the advocates and attorneys of this royal audiencia follow the customs of the said natives, observed formerly and now in the said suits: therefore, in order that they may be observed as his majesty orders, and that to that end they may keep a copy in their possession, in order that they may know and observe them, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said advocates and attorneys in all suits at present pending in this royal audiencia, as in those which shall be brought and continued henceforth, touching the said natives, shall approve and adhere to the said customs which the indians were thus accustomed to follow and do follow; and they shall take a copy of the said customs which are set down in the books [1] of the royal audiencia resident in these islands. they ordered that all the aforesaid persons should be notified of this act, in order that they may observe and execute it, under penalty of the loss to the parties; and, besides that, their consciences were charged with it, and it was declared that they would be judged guilty for any laxity or neglect which should thus occur. by this act it was so decreed, and they ordered it to be registered. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _albaro cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act declaring that no use shall be made of the tariff made by this royal audiencia._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has been provided and ordered that the court clerk and other officials of the audiencia and ordinary courts shall collect their fees in conformity with the tariff of the royal audiencia of the city of mexico in nueva españa: therefore, they ordered, and they did so order, that this be observed and executed exactly as the king, our sovereign, commands; and that the said officials may not use the tariff which the audiencia made concerning the said fees, which is to be withdrawn. no one of the persons herein mentioned shall collect fees in conformity with it, under the penalties imposed upon those who collect excessive fees. this act shall be made known to all the officials whom it concerns. so they declared, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the alcaldes-mayor shall not make collections, nor shall they be given to the official judges; and that the collectors appointed must be approved by this royal audiencia._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas, on account of the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands collecting, personally or by their agents, the tributes from the natives in their jurisdiction who pertain to the royal crown, by commission granted therefor by the officials of the royal exchequer, there have resulted many injuries and inconveniences, both to the said natives and the said royal exchequer: therefore, because it is necessary to avoid the said injuries, and apply a remedy to the aforesaid evil, they ordered, and they did so order, that the officials of the royal exchequer of the king our sovereign should be notified, so that in no way or manner, now and henceforth, shall they grant the collections, directly or indirectly, to the said alcaldes-mayor, nor shall the latter have any part of that which is granted to the collectors. therefore, the said collectors shall take oath in due legal form, that they will make the said collection, taking it for themselves alone, without granting any part to the said alcaldes-mayor. the latter shall not collect the tribute under penalty of deprivation of their offices. the said collectors shall deliver in kind to the royal exchequer the tributes that they shall collect from the said natives, unless the said officials shall order otherwise, for the augmentation of the royal exchequer. and in order that the collectors sent may be fit and proper persons, it is ordered that those appointed to the office by the said royal officials shall present themselves before this royal audiencia, in order that they may be there approved. the said royal officials shall cause this to be done, under a penalty of a third part of their salary for that year, which must be paid immediately upon conviction of disobedience to this decree. the said collectors shall be vested with the authority of justice. by this act it was so declared, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _albaro de cambrano_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the attorney for minors shall not bring a suit, without first communicating it to the judge for minors._ in the city of manila, on the seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas in this court there are many minors, whose goods and property are in the charge of their guardians, who might spend and dissipate the said goods beyond the use and profit of the said minors, which would be to their great injury: therefore, because by the attorney and defender of the said minors entering any suits and petitions with regard to the aforesaid minors without giving notice thereof, or communicating with the judge for minors, many inconveniences may result, as a remedy for this, they resolved and ordered that the said attorney for minors shall bring no suit for a minor against his guardian, without first communicating it to the judge who sits or shall sit for minors, that the latter may order what he deems advisable. by this act it was so ordered, ordained, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that all the officials, both of this royal audiencia and the ordinary courts, shall be present at the review of charges against prisoners._ in the city of manila, on the seventh day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, declared that, whereas by the absence of the alcaldes-in-ordinary of this city, and of the clerk, reporter, alguazils-mayor, attorneys, commissioners, notaries-public, and other officials, not only of this royal audiencia but of the lower court of this city, from the review of charges against prisoners, many prisoners are not at liberty--from which it follows that they are vexed and annoyed by long imprisonments and other great injuries and inconveniences; besides the fact that, in many suits, they are unable to administer and provide justice on account of not being present at the said review: therefore, because it is advisable to institute a reform in this matter, they ordered, and they did so order, that now and henceforth, every week on the days set apart for the review of prison charges, the said alcaldes-in-ordinary, the alguazils-mayor of the court and the city, the clerk and reporter of this royal audiencia, the attorneys and commissioners thereof, the solicitors of the royal offices, the native interpreters, and the notaries-public, bailiffs, alguazils, and other officials of this royal audiencia and the ordinary court, shall be present at the said review with all punctuality--except the reporter of this royal audiencia, who is not obliged to be present at the said review, unless he has no suit to attend to--under a penalty of a fine of one peso for every offense, for each one of the aforesaid officials, as soon as they declared him convicted and did convict him. they ordered that the receiver of fines of this royal audiencia shall observe the aforesaid most carefully for the proper execution and fulfilment of this act--which, in order that no one may pretend ignorance of it, shall be made known to all the persons whom it concerns. by this act it was so provided, ordered, and affirmed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro cambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the royal official judges in the fulfilment of their duties shall observe the instructions, decrees, and ordinances of his majesty._ in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas by the ordinances, decrees, and instructions of his majesty, orders have been given to the official judges of the royal exchequer of these islands, regarding their obligations in the exercise and discharge of their duties, and, because it is fitting that his majesty's orders in those decrees be observed and fulfilled, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said royal officials should be notified that in the exercise of their offices they should observe the said royal ordinances, decrees, and instructions of the king our sovereign, who has given them, as they are held, exercised, and observed, and as they must be exercised and observed, by the royal official judges of the city of mexico in nueva españa, especially section seventeen of the said royal ordinance. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act ordering the commissioners to be present at all sessions of the audiencia._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the filipinas islands declared that, whereas, although by the royal ordinances the commissioners of this royal audiencia are obliged to be present at the assemblies, they are not there; and thus many cases that come up, both civil and criminal, are delayed in settlement, so that considerable harm and annoyance result to the parties concerned; and furthermore, that official and fiscal cases are delayed, because the said commissioners to all appearances do not employ therein the necessary diligence: therefore, to remedy this condition of affairs, they decreed and ordered that, now and henceforth, all the said commissioners, unless they have legitimate occupation or obstacle, shall be present without fail in the hall at all the sessions of the audiencia with the greatest punctuality, so that in all matters there may be the prompt action which is desirable, under penalty of a fine of one peso from him who shall disobey this decree, the fine to be applied immediately upon condemnation, in this manner--six reals to the poor in the prisons, and two for the bailiff who has to execute the decree. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that orders shall be given regarding the sworn memoranda of the collector of fines._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas pedro fernandez de sanctofimia, attorney in the cases of the audiencia, is appointed by this royal audiencia to collect its fines, and ordered to assess the fines imposed upon its officials and other persons who do not observe the royal ordinances, and all other ordinances, decrees, and provisions, to the amount that must be levied for each fine--for, by not executing the penalties thereof daily, there are many oversights and no little remissness in the fulfilment of each one's obligations: therefore, in order that the requisite system be observed in everything, they decreed that, by giving the said pedro fernandez de sanctofimia the present sworn memorandum of fines to be imposed upon everyone, he shall immediately receive his orders thereby regarding what he is commanded to levy for each fine. the latter he shall do immediately, as the said memorandum shall indicate, without any investigation or mandate preceding. the orders that he shall so give shall be executed by the bailiff or alguazil of this royal audiencia, whenever they shall be issued. whatever the latter shall collect he shall deliver to the said collector of fines, who shall take charge of it, and enter it carefully in a book, that he may give strict and clear account of each fine collected. and they charged each other's consciences with the fulfilment of all the above. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing the making of a book in which shall be entered the decrees sent and to be sent by his majesty to these islands, in order that they may be observed and executed._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, by his royal ordinances, ordains and orders a book to be made, in which to inscribe the decrees that he has sent, and shall send, to these islands, and that it contain an account of their execution: therefore, they thereupon ordered, and they did so order, the said book to be made, and entrusted it to the clerk of the court. he shall inscribe therein all the decrees that the king our sovereign has sent and will send to these islands, so that henceforth a detailed account of their observation and execution shall be kept, as his majesty orders. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _that interlocutory decisions shall be concluded at one demand from each party._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas his majesty ordains and commands by one of the royal ordinances for this royal audiencia, that interlocutory decisions shall be concluded, in trial and review, at one demand from each of the parties, and that the clerk of court receive [no] other demands: therefore, in order that the aforesaid be exactly executed, they ordained and decreed that the attorneys of this royal audiencia shall conclude the said interlocutory decisions in trial and review, at one demand from each party, without giving or presenting more demands, with the warning that any others presented shall not be admitted. the clerk of court is warned in the present that he shall not receive them under penalty of a fine of two pesos, to be employed as it shall seem proper, and delivered into the charge of the collector of fines of this royal audiencia, upon whom the execution of the above shall be most carefully charged. and they ordered it to be proclaimed, and especially to the said attorneys. so they provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act providing that no proceedings shall be conducted in suits between indians, without a decree from this royal audiencia._ on the twenty-first of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, declared that, whereas, in one of his royal ordinances, the king, our sovereign, commands the aforesaid president and auditors that, in suits and civil and criminal cases between indians, the usual proceedings shall not be conducted or issued, except in cases decreed and ordered by an act of this royal audiencia: therefore, in order that the aforesaid shall be exactly fulfilled, they ordained and decreed that it should be communicated to the said attorneys of this royal audiencia, that when, in the name of any natives, they shall bring suits against other natives, before bringing these suits they shall notify this royal audiencia--in order that, if thought best, they may be docketed, and if not, that the cost and expense may be avoided. those which shall be prosecuted shall be docketed by formal decree of this royal audiencia, and in no other manner. they must strive to be brief and precise in everything. the notaries both of this royal audiencia and the other jurisdictions thereof are ordered, in the collection of fees from said natives, to employ great moderation, and to despatch their business promptly, in order that all his majesty's orders and decrees may be observed and fulfilled. moreover, they commanded that the aforesaid notaries be notified of this act. so they provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the attorneys shall go, within three days, to the office of the clerk of court, to settle suits that are concluded._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas, on account of the non-appearance of the attorneys of this royal audiencia at the office of the clerk of court for this royal audiencia, to settle and otherwise regulate suits and cases which are concluded, in order that they may be reviewed and decided, there is great delay in their revision and decision, so that the interested parties are subjected to great harm and annoyance: therefore, to remedy this, they ordered, and they did so order, that all the attorneys of this royal audiencia shall be notified that, whenever the said suits are concluded, wherever they shall be brought, within the three days first following they shall appear at the office of the above-mentioned clerk of court, and there settle and dispose of them, so that there shall be nothing wanting, and that they may have the necessary despatch--being warned that, if they do not thus come within the said term, the said clerk can settle the said processes, and send them to the reporter for him to review them in court. and if, by the said attorneys' negligence, the parties suffer any harm, the said attorneys shall pay them for it in their persons and goods. by this act they so declared, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the notaries shall not collect their fees entirely from each of the parties, but that each one shall pay the part he owes._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that both the notaries and the reporter [_relator_] [2] of this royal audiencia and of the other jurisdictions of this court, collect fees for the trial of suits and other acts thereof in entirety from each of the parties at whose petition they may take action, saying that they should pay them entirely: therefore, because the aforesaid proceeding is to the great harm and damage of the parties, to make them thus pay what they do not owe, and since the aforesaid evil should be remedied, they ordered, and they did so order, now and henceforth, that the said notaries and reporter, or either of them, shall not collect in any way, or in any case, the fees owed by one of the said parties from the others, but that each one shall pay what he owes. on account of not paying the total fees, the party who would wish his suit to be tried, shall not have it delayed; but, as soon as he has paid his share, his suit shall be despatched with all celerity. and they declared that they charged, and they did so charge, their consciences with this; and furthermore, that whoever shall disobey this decree shall be convicted and sentenced to pay a fine four times as great as the sum thus exacted, for his majesty's treasury, in addition to the fines which those who exact excessive fees incur. by this act they so declared, ordered, and decreed; and that this act shall apply to any person whom it concerns. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the attorneys shall not speak in suits wherein they shall not have been authorized to do so._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas the attorneys of this royal audiencia often take it upon themselves to speak and make allegations in suits in which they have no authority, and in which they have not appeared as parties to the said case, certain nullifications can be created--for which reason the said case may be brought again, and the parties thereto subjected to considerable injury and expense: therefore, to obviate the said injuries and other inconveniences of reconsideration, they ordered, and they did so order, that, now and henceforth, neither the said attorneys nor any one of them shall take it upon himself to speak, nor shall they speak in any suit or case, unless authorized therefor by the party in whose favor they shall speak, or unless he has proved himself to be a party to the suit--under penalty that he who shall disobey this decree shall incur a fine of four pesos of common gold, as soon as he shall be judged guilty thereof; three of them to be given to the royal hospital for spaniards, and one to the bailiff in charge thereof. and under the said penalty, the clerk of court is ordered not to give any one of the said attorneys any suits or petitions, unless empowered thereto by the parties concerned. by this act they so ordered, declared, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the evidence that the clerk of court cannot take be entrusted by commission of this royal audiencia, and assigned by the members thereof, to the notarial commissioner of examinations._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas, conformably to the royal ordinances, all the evidences in suits and cases pending in this royal audiencia, are committed to the clerk of court; and whereas, on account of the volume of business incumbent upon his said office, he cannot receive them all, and commits them to the notaries: therefore, because the aforesaid taking of evidence cannot be done unless authorized by this royal audiencia, under the direction of its members, they ordered, and they did so order, that in regard to evidence which the said clerk of court cannot take immediately in interrogatories and petitions, by virtue of which such evidence must be taken, an act be passed by which his duty may be committed by this royal audiencia and assigned by its members to a commissioner of examinations, the latter to receive and examine the said evidence, and to take the oaths of witnesses thereto. the said commissioner shall give a receipt to the parties for the fees which he shall collect from them for said evidence, and at the foot of the evidence he shall in like manner sign his name. the clerk of court shall not receive any fees for such evidence; and under no circumstances whatever shall the said evidence be taken in any other way, except as herein stated, under penalty that evidence given in any other way shall be null and void; and the commissioner receiving it shall incur a penalty of one hundred pesos of common gold, as soon as he shall have been judged guilty, the fine to be applied in equal parts to the royal treasury and court-rooms of this royal audiencia. by this act they so declared, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the officials of this royal audiencia shall give bonds at the beginning of every year, and that likewise, they shall give them for the time during which they have already held office._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas, in order to conform to the decrees and provisions of his majesty, and to be just with the parties entering suits, the officials of this royal audiencia are under obligation to give bonds that they will undergo residencia for the right exercise and discharge of their duties, at the beginning of each year: therefore, because hitherto they have not given bonds for the time while they have exercised their said offices, and because they should give them, both for the aforesaid time and for the future, they resolved and ordered that the commissioners of examination, attorneys, assessor of taxes, collector of fines, deputies of the alguazil-mayor, and the prison warden of this court, shall each one of them, within fifteen days after being notified of this act, give safe and reliable bonds, before the undersigned clerk of court, that they will undergo residencia for the use and exercise of their offices, and pay everything which may be adjudged against them in the matter, and also in the suits which may be instituted against them. they are also warned that after the said term of office has expired, they shall exercise the said offices no longer, which shall be immediately declared vacant, and other persons appointed thereto. likewise, within the said term and under the said penalty, they shall give bonds for all the time during which they have already exercised the said offices in the royal audiencia, for which they have not given them. in the future, they shall be notified and ordered to renew the said bonds at the beginning of every year, under the said penalty. by this act they so provided, enacted, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that cases of twenty pesos or less shall not be brought to trial; and that the notary shall not take a larger fee than one-half peso from each party._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas so many suits involving twenty pesos or less are wont to be begun, and as much time is consumed therein as if they were affairs of greater magnitude, whence there results to the parties concerned great harm and damage by reason of the great cost and expense wasted therein, beside the long and tedious delays in the collection of their debts: therefore, to remedy that, they agreed and ordered that, now and henceforth, no trial shall be made of cases amounting to twenty pesos or less, unless they are briefly and summarily disposed of; and that the notary before whom they are brought shall not take for his fee more than four reals only from each party, even if they make many investigations in the matter--under penalty that all that they take above that sum they shall return to the parties concerned, together with four times as much for his majesty's treasury. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed; and the notaries whom its fulfilment concerns shall be notified. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act concerning the order that the alcaldes-mayor are to follow in trying indian suits._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of these philipinas islands declared that, whereas his majesty has ordered, in his royal decrees and ordinances, that the suits of the indians shall be treated summarily, and that processes issued within the limit of the law shall not be so conducted that the said indians waste their substance by incurring too heavy costs: therefore, in order that the royal will of the king our sovereign might be exactly fulfilled, they resolved and ordered that the alcaldes-in-ordinary and the alcaldes-mayor and other magistrates and notaries, in suits of the indians, shall observe their instructions and the following articles. first, when any indian--whether man or woman--shall enter suit for liberty, or any other matter, against another indian without giving a _traslado_, [3] the said magistrate shall order the indian sued to appear before him and take oath as to the truth of the demands of the plaintiff. if he shall confess it, justice shall be done by settling the case; and if he deny it, the case shall be reserved for evidence within a short time, with obligation for publication and conclusion. the said magistrates shall order that, as soon as both parties name their witnesses, the latter shall be brought into court, and an oath taken from them to tell the truth, and they shall cause them to tell by word of mouth what they know. after they have thus testified, the substance of their depositions shall be recorded, in this form: "so and so of such an age, capable or incapable as a witness, said so and so under oath;" and the same shall be done with the other witnesses in the same order. the evidences of both parties being taken, and the time-limit having expired, a just finding shall be determined. if either of the parties appeal, the alcaldes-mayor shall hear them in the court of appeals; and the witnesses named by either party shall be subpoenaed, and shall give their evidence in the same form as set forth above, the case being admitted to trial within a short time, with obligation for publication and conclusion--at the expiration of which the process shall be sent to this royal audiencia to be settled, the original parties being summoned for all trials, the time and place being appointed by the court. second. _item_: if the suit be a criminal suit, the complaint and charge shall be received. if there is guilt, the person shall be arrested, and the prisoner's declaration taken. the charge shall be formulated against him, and the case admitted to trial within a short period, with obligation for publication and conclusion; and within the probatory limit the testimonies given in the preliminary process shall be verified, other new ones received, if there be any, and the defendant's plea taken. the time having expired, the case shall be decided. if any of the parties shall appeal, the original process shall be sent to the audiencia; because in this way the said natives will avoid heavy expense and cost, and the cases will be more quickly decided. in criminal cases, no other form of process shall be used than that which is appointed for civil cases. third. _item_: if the suit be to the amount of three pesos, or less, the judgment shall be so summary that only the substance of the whole matter is to be written, together with the decision, in a report. the original shall be retained by the notary, and if either of the parties shall desire an authenticated copy, it shall be given them as a safeguard of their rights. and in suits for the said amount, only one real, and no more, may be collected between judge and notary. fourth. _item_: that if the judge shall attest the testimonies in any civil or criminal suit by flourishes and signatures that he may make, he cannot collect any fees; since there are none due him except for the acts that he shall draw up and sign. fifth. in order that the said instructions be exactly observed and fulfilled, they declared that they order, and they did so order, the alcaldes-in-ordinary and the notaries-public to be informed thereof, and testimony thereof to be sent to all the alcaldes-mayor, whose consciences they declared they charged, and they did so charge, with the fulfilment thereof. furthermore, in the residencias which shall be taken from them, he who shall not have fulfilled this decree, or caused it to be fulfilled, shall be punished and with great rigor. so they provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the alguazils-mayor and their deputies shall make the rounds every night._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that neither do the alguazils-mayor of this court and city, nor their deputies, make their rounds throughout the city, as they are under obligation to do--as a result of which, murders, robberies, and other lawless acts and crimes occur daily, to the great injury of the citizens: therefore, to remedy this state of affairs and provide this community with the necessary guard and order, they ordered, and they did so order, the said alguazils-mayor and their deputies to be notified that they must make their rounds during the night, as they are under obligation to do in this city, without fail, under penalty of a fine of ten pesos of common gold--to be applied, as soon as anyone shall be condemned for disobeying this decree, in equal shares to the two royal hospitals of this city--for the spaniards and for the natives--in addition to the loss and interest to any parties which may result and occur. by this act, they so provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that there shall be in the courtroom, a list of the charges fixed by the royal tariff, and that each notary shall keep one in his house._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, in his royal ordinances, decrees and orders that a list of the charges fixed by the royal tariff be placed in the court-room, and that likewise each notary whom it shall concern shall keep a copy in his house, for its better observation and execution: therefore, in order that the aforesaid may be exactly fulfilled, they ordered, and they did so order, a complete copy of the said royal tariff to be made by this royal audiencia. it shall be set forth in a list, and placed in the court-room; and all the notaries and persons mentioned therein, and those whom it may concern, shall make a copy, and keep the same in their houses and affixed to a tablet in some public place, where it may be seen by those transacting business. this they shall do and fulfil within one week after this act shall have been made known to them, under penalty of a fine of six pesos of common gold; and anyone incurring this penalty shall pay this sum immediately--half of which shall be set aside for the poor in the prisons, and the other half for the spanish hospital in this city--beside incurring and undergoing the penalties contained in the said royal ordinances. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that within four months the royal officials shall close up the accounts held by the royal treasury._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that in the royal accountancy of the king our sovereign there are, at this very day, many accounts to be balanced and closed of individuals who owe the royal treasury a large sum of gold pesos, and others to whom money is due--whence has resulted, and results, the lack therein of the system and management which should be observed in the said royal exchequer: therefore, in order that on this account no losses may result, and that the matter may receive its due consideration, they ordered, and they did so order, that the official judges of the royal treasury of the king our sovereign, in these islands, within the four months first following the day on which they shall have been notified of this act, shall balance and close each and every account that the royal treasury holds with any individuals of these islands. they are warned that whoever shall not so fulfil and execute his orders, after the expiration of said time, will be charged with everything, and ordered to pay all accounts not balanced and liquidated. by this act they so declared, ordered and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that all the officials of the royal audiencia shall take copies of the royal ordinances._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas, in one of the royal ordinances, it is ordered that all the officials of this royal audiencia, and other persons whom they concern, shall keep in their possession a copy of the said ordinances; therefore they ordered, and they did so order, that within thirty days after the publication of this act, each of the said officials shall take a copy of the said royal ordinances and keep it in his possession; and each one, so far as he is concerned, shall observe and execute them, as his majesty orders therein, under the penalties therein contained--under the penalty that if, after the expiration of said time, the said copy has not been made, they shall be immediately convicted and fined in the sum of six pesos of common gold, the latter being applied to the court-rooms of this royal audiencia. by this act they so declared, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that no alcalde-in-ordinary, notary, commissioner, attorney, or any other official of this royal audiencia, or of the ordinary court, shall go outside this city without license._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the alcaldes-in-ordinary of this city, notaries, commissioners, attorneys, and other officials, both of this royal audiencia and of the ordinary court, whenever they see fit, leave the city without license--whence results much harm to the litigants, on account of the delay and unsatisfactory conduct of their business, beside many other inconveniences resulting therefrom: therefore, to remedy this evil, they decreed and ordered that, now and henceforth, no alcalde-in-ordinary, commissioner, attorney, notary-public, or other official of this royal audiencia or of the ordinary court, shall go anywhere outside of this city, without the express permission of this royal audiencia, under a penalty of a fine of six pesos of common gold, in which sum anyone adjudged guilty of the contrary shall be immediately fined--one-half for the poor in the prison, and the other half for the poor in the spanish hospital--beside the loss and interest which may result to the parties concerned on account of the delay in justice. by this act they so proclaimed, ordered and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _ordinances and laws for the sangleys._ we, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands. whereas it has been learned by experience in this city that the sangleys residing in the islands and their neighborhood have had and maintain among them a custom of practicing, and they do practice an abominable sin against nature, not only with the chinese, but with the moro and indian boys of these islands, by which god, our lord, is greatly disserved; and, whereas, the said chinese have had and have the habit and custom of bringing from china, or making in this city, money of base metal, and they pare and clip the royal money, to the great fraud and injury of the royal exchequer; and although they have seen that some are punished for this, they have not taken warning; and whereas, the said sangleys, who are infidels, ally themselves with the christian indian women, and have lawless carnal intercourse with them; and whereas, besides the aforesaid crimes, the said sangleys are wont to buy from slaves and indians golden jewels, trinkets, clothes, and other articles which are stolen: therefore, to supply a remedy for all that, and in order that such crimes and disorders shall cease, now and henceforth, we command the following orders to be observed in everything. _laws._--first, we ordain and command that none of the said chinese sangleys, or any other persons whatsoever, shall commit or practice the said abominable sin against nature, or try to commit it. whoever shall do so shall incur the penalty of being burned alive by fire, beside having all his goods confiscated to the treasury of his majesty. _item_: we ordain and command that none of the said sangleys shall dare to make or coin any sort of silver or gold money, or of any other metal, nor shall they clip or scrape money already made, or make use of it, under the penalties contained in the above ordinance. _item_: we ordain and command that none of the aforesaid shall cohabit or have carnal intercourse with any [spanish?] woman or christian indian woman, under the penalty that, in such case, he shall incur a punishment of two hundred lashes and ten years in the galleys, as criminals sentenced to row, without pay, and of the confiscation of one-half his property, to be applied as above stated. further, we ordain and command, that none of the said sangleys, for any reason or consideration, shall buy from negro slaves or freemen, indians or mulattoes, any gold jewels, trinkets, garments, or any other articles which they sell; but when the said sangleys go to them, they shall arrest them and take them before the magistrate, under penalty that whoever shall disobey this decree shall fall under and incur the penalties incurred by robbers, and said penalties will be rigorously executed on their persons and goods. and in order that the aforesaid shall be observed and executed without remission of penalty, and so that no one may pretend ignorance, we order that these ordinances shall be publicly proclaimed in the public square, in all other public places of this city, in the sangley parian, and in the village of tondo, in order that everyone may know of them; and in each one of the said places a copy of them, written in the chinese language, shall be posted. no person shall dare to remove the said placards, under penalty of two hundred lashes. we order all the alcaldes-mayor of the environs of this city to have them published and made known to the natives. we request and charge all the religious to give instructions to the said indians, and cause them to understand these laws and ordinances, and the penalties attached thereto. given in the city of manila, on the twenty-sixth of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ by order of the royal audiencia: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _that the official judges shall not grant collections to any collectors who have not rendered an account and payment of collections that have been in their charge._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-seventh of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that the official judges of the royal exchequer of the king our sovereign, in these said islands, grant commissions to certain collectors to make collections from the encomiendas that pertain to his majesty's royal crown, who, by virtue thereof, make the collections; and that it often happens that, without their rendering any account and payment of them, the said officials again grant them commissions to make the collections, to the great harm and prejudice of the royal exchequer, from which many difficulties may result: therefore, in order to correct the aforesaid evil, they ordered, and they did so order, that the official judges, now and henceforth, shall under no consideration grant commissions to any collectors to make any collections for the royal exchequer and crown, without their having rendered account and payment of former collections entrusted to them--under penalty of paying out of their own pockets what such collectors shall appear to owe the royal estate, as soon as such is evident, besides undergoing and incurring a fine of two hundred pesos of common gold (this fine to be applied to the royal treasury of the king our sovereign), to which sum, from that moment, they declared that they condemned, and they did so condemn, any one who should disobey this decree. by this act it was so provided, ordered, and affirmed. _don francisco tello_ the other honorable auditors signed the above. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the clerk of court shall bring to the first meeting a minute of the fiscal suits._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-eighth of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas in the archives of the office of the present clerk of court, many fiscal suits are pending, as well as others which have been concluded, in which his majesty's royal office is interested; but, not knowing which ones are concluded, the others are not concluded and finished: therefore, in order that those that are concluded may be known and settled, they ordered, and they did so order, me, the undersigned clerk of court, to bring a copy and minutes of those that are concluded, and [of the suits now pending,] to the next session which shall be held, in order that they may examine them and provide what is most advisable therein. by this act it was so provided, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that a book be made in which to enter the fines applied to the poor of the prison and other pious works, and to the courts, and the manner of their distribution._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-eighth of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the aforesaid audiencia imposes certain fines of small amounts, some of which are applied to the poor of the prison, and others to the courts and other pious works: therefore, because it is advisable that there should be an account and report of these moneys, and of their source and the manner of their distribution, they ordered, and they did so order, a book to be made in which to enter the said penalties, applied as aforesaid, with the day, month, and year, in what cases they are imposed, and likewise a report of how they are expended and distributed; and this shall be done with all clearness, so that the aforesaid may be evident for all time. this act is to be placed at the beginning of said book. so they provided, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing the collection of all the debts which are in any way owed to the royal treasury of the king our sovereign._ in the city of manila, on the thirtieth of january, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president, and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salzedo, fiscal of this royal audiencia for his majesty, has made them a report, declaring that the royal treasury of the king our sovereign, in these islands, cannot succeed in paying many of its debts, on account of failure to collect many that have been due it for some time past; and has besought and supplicated them to order that the royal official judges shall, within twenty days, exert all possible diligence to collect everything that is due the said royal treasury for any reason whatever: therefore, in order to provide a remedy for the aforesaid difficulty, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said official judges should be notified that, within the two months next following the date on which this act shall be made known to them, they shall collect all the debts that are in any manner owed to the royal treasury, from all and any persons whatsoever, and from their goods, exerting therein all necessary diligence. they are to proceed with the necessary rigor to do this effectively, being warned that if they do not collect the said debts, to be liquidated within the said period, all that shall remain uncollected they will be obliged to pay out of their own property. for the debts which shall not have been liquidated, they shall observe and execute the act of this royal audiencia, which has been made known to them, under the penalty thereof. by this act they so provided, ordered, and decreed. [no signature.] _an act decreeing that it shall be proclaimed in this city, in the public places thereof, that within three days all natives residing therein, not servants or otherwise employed, shall leave this city._ in the city of manila, on the eleventh of february, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salzedo, his majesty's fiscal in this royal audiencia, protector of the natives of these said islands, has made a report to the effect that there are many natives who are vagabonds in this city, as a result of which they fall into various vices dangerous to this community; and that rice and other provisions have become high-priced and scarce; and as a remedy, he has requested and petitioned the aforesaid president and auditors to provide in this regard what is most advisable: therefore, they declared that they ordered, and they did so order, that, within three days from the date of this act, it shall be proclaimed to all and whatever natives are and reside in this city, who are not employed as servants to the spaniards, or in some known occupation, that they must leave the city and return to their own villages, to remain and live therein. nor shall any other, now and henceforth, remain in this city, under penalty, to anyone who shall disobey this decree--for the first time, of one hundred lashes; and for the second offense, one year of service at the oar in his majesty's galleys, without pay--on whom they declared that, as soon as they condemned them (and they did so condemn them), the said penalty shall be executed without leniency. in order that it may come to the notice of all the said natives, and that no one may pretend ignorance, this act shall be proclaimed in the tagal language, in this city, in the public places thereof, and in the hamlet of tondo, and testimony shall be taken thereof. thus they declared, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act concerning the order which the alcaldes-in-ordinary and the alguazil-mayor of this court must observe in their seats._ in the city of manila, on the fifth of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas some dissensions and difficulties have occurred between the alcaldes-in-ordinary of this city and the alguazil-mayor of the court of this royal audiencia, in the churches and public places where they have met, in regard to the seats and places which each shall occupy, and their precedence--so that it has resulted in their coming to blows, to the great scandal and indecorum of their offices, and particularly in contempt of this said royal audiencia: therefore it is necessary in this matter to provide some regulation to be kept and observed in like cases by the aforesaid officials, so that the said disturbances shall cease. in order that the said alcaldes-in-ordinary of this city shall keep their known seats and places, and that they may be separate from the said alguazil-mayor and from the ministers of this said royal audiencia, they declared that they ought to order, and they did so order, that, when the alguazil-mayor of this court shall be present in any of the churches of this city, without the president, auditors, and fiscal, or any others whom he might join, he shall not take any seat or bench belonging to the alcaldes-in-ordinary or regidors (nor shall any other individuals occupy them, or sit in them, or intrude themselves among them in any part or place that shall be given them), but shall place and keep his chair and seat in some distinct and fitting place, as does the president, the audiencia, or any of the members thereof. likewise, in the processions and parades through the streets, funerals, betrothals, passage of retinues, and other like occasions on which the towns-people gather, the said alguazil-mayor of the court, finding himself alone, without any of the aforesaid persons whom he might accompany, shall refrain from going in company with them [the alcaldes] in any manner--whether invited, or of his own accord; whether the city's alcaldes go as a municipal body, or as individuals to such functions; or whether they are not present at them. meantime the question is being considered and consulted as to what is to be done and observed in all the above matters, and what it is advisable to do in the future, and whether this royal audiencia should make any further provision. all the above shall be observed and fulfilled by the said alguazil-mayor of the court, and the alcaldes-in-ordinary of this city, without their having any wrangling or differences, or any scandal--being warned that, if they do so, proceedings will be instituted against the guilty persons who violate the order; and they shall be punished to the full extent of the law. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the taxing officer of this royal audiencia shall be notified to fix the costs in the suits, either personally, or by some other intelligent person whom he shall name for this purpose._ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas it has come to their notice that the taxing officer of this royal audiencia does not fix the costs in the suits that are brought there: therefore, because it is advisable that the above officer fulfil the obligation of his office, as his majesty ordains and commands, and that the inconveniences which arise from this be avoided, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said taxing officer should be notified that, now and henceforth, in whatever processes shall be brought for consideration in this royal audiencia, whether definitive or under any plea whatever, the costs shall be fixed by him (thus complying with the tenor of the royal ordinance treating of this matter), either personally, or by some other intelligent person whom he shall designate for the said purpose, and shall appoint in his place, who shall be a person fit for the said service. they ordered the clerk of court of this royal audiencia to be present at those suits which shall be brought for consideration in the manner above mentioned, before the said taxing officer, in order that he may fix the costs therein; and, regarding the aforesaid, they charged one another's consciences. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that doctor antonio de morga shall take the residencia, for the months of january and february, of the deputy regidors, within the limit of ten days._ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas, for the past months of january and february of the present year, up to the present time, no residencia for the use and exercise of their offices has been taken of the deputy regidors of this city, it is fitting and necessary that it be taken immediately: therefore they appointed, and they did so appoint, doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, for a term of ten days, to take the said residencia for the said months of the said appointed regidors, who have filled their said offices, proceeding therein as the king our sovereign decrees and commands in his royal ordinance. for this they granted him the authority and commission as fully as is required by law. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_. _an act decreeing that doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, shall audit the accounts of the city for the past year, 1598._ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth day of the month of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the auditing of the accounts of this city for the past year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, was committed to the licentiate albaro çambrano, late auditor of this royal audiencia (whom may god keep in his holy glory!), and because by his end and death the auditing, continuation, and balancing of the accounts, as his majesty orders and commands in his royal ordinance, have been neglected: therefore, they appointed, and they did so appoint, in place of the said licentiate alvaro çambrano, doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, to audit the said accounts, and to continue and finish them according to the order given to the said licentiate albaro çambrano--for which, they granted, and they did so grant, him authority and commission as fully as is required by law. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that, on account of the end and death of the licentiate albaro çambrano (whom may god keep!), the licentiate tellez almaçan is to continue, close, and complete the accounts of the royal exchequer._ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the licentiate albaro çambrano, late auditor of this royal audiencia (whom may god have in his holy glory!), to whom was assigned the auditing of the accounts of his majesty's royal exchequer--which are at present being audited by the royal judicial officials--is now dead and passed from this present life: therefore, in order that on this account the auditing may not be delayed and fail of prosecution, as is fitting, and as the king our sovereign commands in his royal ordinance, in place of the licentiate albaro çambrano they appointed, and they did so appoint, the licentiate tellez de almaçan, auditor of this royal audiencia, to continue, close, and finish the said auditing, according to the commission given to the said licentiate albaro çambrano, for which they gave him commission in legal form. by this act, they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the city shall give information regarding its place of seating in the cathedral of this city._ in the city of manila, on the sixteenth of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, in order to assign to the cabildo, magistracy, and administration of this city the place of seating that it must keep in the cathedral: in order to ascertain the custom hitherto followed in the aforesaid matter, and in order to provide what is necessary concerning it, they ordered, and they did so order, the said cabildo, magistracy, and administration of this city to give an account of the part and place in which it has been regularly seated in the cathedral of this city--both in the time when the royal audiencia formerly resided in these islands, and after his majesty ordered it to be suppressed--in order that, upon examination, the necessary provisions may be made. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act concerning the royal magazines._ in the city of manila, on the eighteenth of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands, having examined the opinion of the official judges of the royal exchequer of these islands, on the question of building magazines in which to store the merchandise coming from china to this city, and having investigated other matters connected with the aforesaid, and further matter which is contained in the decree of the king our sovereign, ordering that this said audiencia attend to the matter: they declared (in conformity with the opinion of joan de bustamante, accountant of the royal exchequer) that at present, and until experience further shows what it is most advisable to enact in this matter, the said chinese merchandise shall be registered and appraised on the same vessels on which it was brought, as has been done hitherto. in order that there may be good accounts and reports, and less opportunity for fraud in the royal customs, they ordered that the official judges of his majesty in these islands, as soon as each ship enters this harbor and anchors therein, shall go out to inspect it, registering and appraising all the merchandise and other things in the cargo. they shall exert diligence in the matter and make their inspection with the punctuality advisable, so that the said merchandise, or any part of it, may not be discharged or concealed. in order that this may be enforced more effectually, the necessary guards shall be placed on the said ships and in the bay, who are to be trustworthy persons, to the satisfaction of the said president and auditors of this royal audiencia, by whom they shall be approved and appointed, the said official judges shall have, as a reward for their occupation and labors, one third part of the confiscations which are levied upon any merchandise found and seized because it had been hidden on the said ships, or withdrawn from them without registration or appraisal. they shall also be charged that they shall not allow or consent that, while the said merchandise is on the said ships, either the royal officials or their assistants, or any other person--spanish, sangley, or native--shall take, buy, or transport the said merchandise in large or small quantities, for cash or on credit; but that the merchants thereof, who brought the merchandise from china on the said ship, after making registry and appraisal, may take them ashore freely and where they will, without any obstacle or hindrance from anyone--with the warning that, if any one of them do not so observe and fulfil this act, he shall be proceeded against with the full rigor of the law. they ordered that a commission, in due form, be given to the said guards, both in order that they may wield the authority of justice, and that there be no other guards but those who are so nominated by this royal audiencia; those hitherto acting as guards shall exercise the said duty no longer, under the penalties incurred by those who so act without power or commission in the matter. this act shall be made known to his majesty's officials, and the chief clerk of mines, and the regidors, for those who are at present guards; and it shall be added to the other acts and investigations made by virtue of the said royal decree of his majesty. by this act, they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that tribute be collected for the king, our sovereign, from all the indians found settled and dwelling in this city and within its bounds, who belong to his majesty's encomiendas._ in the city of manila, on the twenty-second of march, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands examined the petition of the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salzedo, fiscal for his majesty in this royal audiencia, that the collectors of the royal tributes of the king our sovereign, in this city and its environs, may collect tribute from all the indians who are found therein, notwithstanding any obstacle or excuses whatever which may be offered by the said indians, or by any encomenderos. considering that for many years the indians have dwelt and resided in this city, and that their tribute belongs and pertains to his majesty, they declared that they ordered, and they did so order, that the collectors of the royal tribute shall collect their tributes from all the indians found settled and dwelling in this city and within its bounds, who belong to the encomiendas of his majesty. the said indians shall not pay other encomenderos, nor shall such encomenderos collect any tribute from them, under penalty of returning to the said indians what they shall have collected from them. in order that the provisions of this act be observed, enforced, and executed, they ordered it to be publicly proclaimed in this city and its limits, in both the tagal and the castilian languages. they committed the execution and enforcement of it to the official judges of the king our sovereign in these islands. the aforesaid president and auditors also ordered that, if any persons claim to have any right contrary to the matter herein contained, they are to appear before this royal audiencia, to petition before it for whatever is fitting in their case. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the alguazils, as soon as they arrest delinquents, shall give notice thereof to one of the auditors and to the commissioners, who shall formulate their cases and bring them to the office of the clerk of court._ in the city of manila, on the third of april, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas it is continually happening that the alguazils of this court arrest delinquents whose cases the notaries and commissioners undertake, and, without giving notice to the aforesaid president and auditors, or taking such cases to the office of the present secretary, they allow them to remain in their possession, and the said prisoners to remain in jail, without any note or account of their imprisonment, whence result vexations to the said prisoners, and the said alguazils and commissioners do not fulfil the obligation which rests upon them: therefore, to find a remedy for this and other annoyances which may result from it, they ordered, and they did so order, that now and henceforth, as soon as the said alguazils shall arrest any delinquent, they shall give notice thereof to one of the above-mentioned persons, in order that he may take the fitting action in regard to the said imprisonment. any commissioner who shall undertake the cause of said prisoner or prisoners shall immediately take it to the office of the present clerk of court, so that in this manner there may be the necessary system. whatever one or the other may do shall be despatched with all promptness and punctuality, and no favor--under penalty of a fine of six pesos for anyone who shall disobey this decree, to be given the poor in the prison. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the royal officials shall give doctor antonio de morga three hundred pesos from treasury fines, for ornaments and other things necessary for the chapel._ in the city of manila, on the tenth of may, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands, being in session, declared that, whereas the chapel of this royal audiencia is in great want and need of many things that are very necessary and indispensable, for its vestments, decoration, and furniture; and whereas, through lack of money, the said needs have not as yet been supplied: therefore, to make provision for them, they ordered, and they did so order, that the official judges of the royal exchequer of the king our sovereign, in these islands, shall, from any treasury fines in their charge, immediately give and deliver to doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, three hundred pesos of common gold, which he shall expend in providing the said chapel with the things most necessary for it, systematically and carefully. they ordered that he be given a warrant for the said purpose, in due form. by this act, they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that secretaries of this court and government may be attended by slaves with swords._ in the city of manila, on the thirteenth of may, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas, in conformity with the decrees and ordinances given by his majesty for his royal chancillería of nueva españa, residing in the city of mexico, and for other audiencias throughout the yndias, he orders that secretaries of the court and the government shall have, as a retinue and guard, slaves with swords, conformably to the dignity and gravity of their office: therefore, in order that the same be done in this court, in regard to the secretaries of this court and government, and in order to preserve the preeminence and exemptions which they may and should enjoy here, they ordered, and they did so order, that, now and henceforth, the said secretaries of this court and government may freely bring into this court, as their retinue, the said slaves with swords, according to the usual custom in the said royal chancillería of the city of mexico, and other chancillerías of the yndias, without the interposition--by any person, of whatever estate, quality, or rank--of any hindrance or impediment whatever, under the penalties provided by law. thus they voted, and ordered it to be recorded as an act, and signed it in my presence. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the sangleys shall not be allowed to have godchildren, on account of the injury which may result therefrom._ in the city of manila, on the seventeenth of may, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal chancillería of these philipinas islands, having examined the information which was referred to this royal audiencia by estevan de marquina, alcalde-mayor of the village of tondo and its presidio, regarding the custom which the christian sangleys of that jurisdiction have among themselves, of receiving and having a great number of godchildren, both christian and infidel, in order to have them ready for any emergency that may arise, and to employ them as false witnesses--to which they lend themselves with great facility, and at little cost--and for other evil purposes and intents, exchanging with them favors and assistance in their affairs; and whereas, on account of these and other causes which have come to light, and as is quite evident from the said information, that district is ruined and divided into factions, and that it would be advisable, for its reform, to suppress this custom of having godchildren, and that they should not continue it, under severe penalties: therefore, they declared that they ordered, and they did so order, that, now and henceforth, the sangleys of these islands shall in no manner have or avail themselves of the said godchildren; nor use their names, nor those of any others, in order to have them for their partisans or accomplices in any kind of transaction which might occur, as they have been wont to do hitherto; nor shall they regard them as such, or receive others in their place; and they shall give up immediately all those that they had. the others who are infidels shall do the same, so that there shall remain no remembrance of the said intercourse--under penalty that any sangley, of any rank whatever, who shall be known to have continued it and to have the said godchildren or godparents, shall be condemned to row in the galleys for four years, in a place prescribed, without pay, as soon as they are adjudged guilty thereof. the said alcalde-mayor of tondo and its presidio, and all other magistrates whatever, are ordered to take especial care in the fulfilment and execution of this act. they shall cause it to be published, in order that all persons may know of it, and none plead ignorance--for which purpose an order shall be given in due form, and this act inserted therein. thus they voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the christian sangleys, and all those who may become christians in the future, shall practice and exercise the occupations that they had before they became christians._ in the city of manila, on the seventeenth of may, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia, court, and chancillería of the philipinas islands, having examined this information which was remitted to this royal audiencia by estevan de marquina, alcalde-mayor of the village of tondo and its presidio, concerning the advisability and importance that the christian sangleys living in the said village of tondo, and in the other villages of its jurisdiction, and those who become christians in the future, shall not abandon the occupations which they had before they became christians, as they have been accustomed to do, but shall continue to exercise and practice them in the same manner as before--for, by thus abandoning their occupations, that people are unoccupied and slothful, and spend their time in games and vicious amusements, whence result the harm and trouble which may be considered: they declared that, in order to remedy that state of affairs, they ought to order, and they did so order, that, now and henceforth, the said sangleys shall practice and exercise the occupations which they had practiced and exercised before they became christians, and shall, under no consideration, abandon them--this being understood to apply to those becoming christians in the future, and to those who have been christians for six years previous to the present--under penalty that whoever disobeys this decree shall be sentenced to row in the galleys for four years, in a place prescribed, without pay, to which they declared that they delivered them, and they did so deliver them, immediately as condemned persons. they declared that they ordered, and they did so order, the alcalde-mayor of tondo and of the parian, and other magistrates of this city and of these islands, to take great care in the execution and fulfilment of the aforesaid, under penalty of being punished. thus they voted, ordered, and decreed. they ordered that the said magistrates, each in his own jurisdiction, should make the necessary inquiries, in order to ascertain who are the sangleys that come under the provisions of this act, and the occupations which they follow. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that no alcaldes-mayor or other magistrates shall leave their jurisdictions without undergoing residencia; and that those who shall not have done so, or given a report of the convictions and fines and tenths of gold which shall have been in their charge, shall not be appointed._ in the city of manila, on the fifteenth of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that they have been informed that it is customary to appoint as alcaldes-mayor, and to other offices of justice, some persons who have not undergone residencia for offices that they have held before, or who have not rendered account of the treasury fines and expenses of justice and war which have been in their charge; also that other persons come to this city after their terms of office have expired, without waiting to furnish the said residencias, or being present at them, as is required--whence it results that his majesty's royal exchequer is defrauded, since it does not have the income of the said fines and tenths of gold. on the other hand, the said residencias not being taken, as is required, nor the public claims before them paid to their owners, and many other annoyances resulting, of some importance: therefore, since it is advisable to remedy the aforesaid condition, they ordered, and they did so order, now and henceforth, the decree according to the laws of these realms, providing that no persons who have held other offices be appointed to offices of the justiciary, until they have furnished residencia of those that they previously held, which shall have been examined and passed upon; and that such persons shall have deposited, first and foremost, in his majesty's royal treasury, all the fines and condemnations which shall have been in their charge, with tenths of gold and other things of which they must give account, together with the payment of these and of any other sums which they shall have been sentenced to pay in their residencias. in order that they may furnish these, they must be present in person, during the time prescribed by law, without leaving their jurisdictions--being warned that if any person absent himself from the jurisdiction where he holds office, without first furnishing residencia, it will not be received or heard by the prosecutor, and he will be compelled to return to furnish it in his own person. in order that the provisions of this act may be strictly enforced, they ordered that his majesty's fiscal register the letters-patent which shall have been given to the said offices of justice; so that whatever is ordained by the said royal laws, and provided by this act, he may claim when the officials shall be appointed, and the necessary residencias be taken. likewise there is to be delivered to the government secretary of these islands a copy of this act, so that in the patents of those who shall be appointed the fulfilment of what is herein contained shall be formally inserted as a clause, and his majesty's said fiscal shall register the said patents. they cannot continue to exercise their offices without first making the said investigation, exactly observing the provisions of this said act; and the accountant of the royal exchequer shall likewise register it; so that whoever shall not have given an account of the said fines, tenths of gold, and other matters which shall have been in his charge, shall not take his office. by this act, they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ in the city of manila, on the thirteenth of july, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, i, pedro hurtado desquibel, clerk of court for the royal audiencia, chancillería, and court of these philipinas islands, certify and attest that, from the eighth of june, of the past year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, to the present day, the date of this testimony, the president and auditors of this said royal audiencia, have from time to time agreed upon and enacted the acts [4] which are herein copied, for good government, both officially and at the petition of his majesty's fiscal, as in them and each one of them is declared. the copies are true and exact, and, in order that it may be evident that it is by order of the aforesaid, i gave the present copy--the witnesses to its transcription, correction, and revision being pedro muñoz de herrera, joan de harana, and alonso de saavedra, citizens of this city. in witness of which, i have affixed my seal in witness of the truth. _pedro hurtado desquibel_ [_endorsed_: "filipinas, 1599." "acts for the good government of those islands."] the hospital for indians at manila may jesus, our salvation, dwell in the soul of your royal majesty. although i am but wretched dust and ashes, i make bold to write this letter since i am, in company with two other religious of the order of our seraphic father st. francis, appointed to minister in this royal hospital of your royal majesty (which is called the hospital of sancta ana) for the natives; in it all the natives of all these islands are cared for, and it is situated in this city of manila. favors were granted to this hospital by our most catholic king and sovereign, never sufficiently to be praised, your royal majesty's father, don phelipe (whom may god keep in his heaven!); he allowed it one thousand five hundred fanegas of rice, one thousand five hundred fowls, two hundred pieces of cloth from ylocos, five hundred ducados in money, and four toneladas of freight--this last being worth, one year with another, four hundred pesos. with this income (and we have no other), usually as many as two hundred poor persons are supported and cared for in this hospital; besides these, there are three or four religious who care for the sick and administer the sacraments, and a considerable number of other people who are in the service of the hospital. so small is the income, sacred majesty, and so many are the poor who come for help, that often we suffer great hardships; for it is the glory of this hospital not only to belong to your majesty, but also not to turn away any one who comes to it to be treated. for this reason we religious who are in this hospital, as servants of the poor who are cared for in it, entreat your royal majesty with the utmost humility that you will grant us aid so that we can treat these poor people with somewhat more convenience; and we especially entreat your royal majesty that you will favor us by commanding that the said four toneladas of freight be continued to us, as we are accustomed to ship the goods free of customs duties or any other dues, whether in this city of manila or in nueva españa, or in any other parts of your majesty's realms where your ships enter. in this your royal majesty will render a great service to god our lord; and may he preserve for us your royal majesty, with increase of his holy grace, and life and prosperity, as your loyal servants desire. at manila, july 3, 1599. your royal majesty's humble servant, _domingo de santiago_. [_endorsed_: "manila; to his majesty; domingo de santiago, for the hospital of santa ana at manilla. referred by his majesty, who directs that the archbishop and governor shall send information regarding the treatment of the sick in this hospital, and whether its income is sufficient for its needs. they shall also ascertain how its funds are disbursed, and if the accounts are audited; and if anything is lacking that is absolutely necessary, let them advise what and how much should be provided, in their opinion."] catholic and royal majesty: antonio valerio, steward of the royal hospital which the discalced religious of our seraphic father st. francis founded in the city of manila, with royal expenditures and some alms, for the cure and healing of all these natives of all these philipinas islands which belong to your royal majesty. i declare that although in this hospital we, three religious and myself, serve for the love of god our lord--by our services saving the salaries of physician, surgeon, apothecary, and other officers; and i performing the duties of steward, and the said religious treating, as they do, all the sick, besides administering the sacraments--the work of this hospital is continually increasing to such an extent, by its aiding so many sick persons, and from so many places, that although the gifts which your royal majesty has made to this your hospital are great, they are not sufficient to meet the necessary expenses to which the said hospital is liable. for the usual number of those who are cared for in it ranges from one hundred and sixty to two hundred poor persons; besides, most of the poor people of this city are provided from this hospital with ointments and medicines for their ailments. on account of these expenses the hospital is unable to accomplish many works which should be done--for instance, a house for the workmen and servants, the improvement of the vegetable-garden, and other things necessary for the treatment of the sick. for these reasons i entreat and supplicate your royal majesty, with the utmost humility, on my own part and on that of the said poor who are treated in the hospital, that you will do us the favor of adding some further charity to the grants which you have made to this hospital, for the supply of the many wants which arise every day and are increasing. still further, i entreat and supplicate your royal majesty that the favor which the catholic and royal majesty, don phelipe our lord, the father of your royal majesty (whom may god our lord keep in his heaven!), granted to us, by commanding that we be allowed to send four toneladas of freight in his royal ships, be also continued to us free from customs duties and any other dues which pertain to your royal majesty, whether in this city of manila or in nueva españa, or in any other part of your realms. moreover, since the minister of this hospital is always a father who is a priest, who will administer the sacraments not only to the sick who come to the said hospital for treatment, but to all the people who serve therein or who reside on the stock-farm which belongs to the hospital, as well as to many other people in all this city and in the islands who usually come to this hospital for confession; and besides this, your majesty pays from his royal treasury the archbishop, qura, and canons of the cathedral of manila for their labors in ministering to the indians, in all matters for which the tithes are not sufficient--i entreat your royal majesty to command your royal officials in this city of manila that they recompense the said archbishop, cura, and canons in such manner that they shall not enter the stock-farm of the said hospital to collect tithes and firstfruits, since hitherto they have never entered there. and in all things i entreat the royal majesty of your royal majesty, etc. letters from the royal fiscal to the king sire: after having given an account to your majesty, in so far as concerns my office of fiscal of this royal audiencia of these philipinas islands, of the affairs of justice, by another letter which accompanies this, it seemed best to me to give one concerning those things which touch the royal exchequer, in the following manner. 1. the royal exchequer of your majesty in these islands is not sufficient by a large sum to supply the salaries and expenses which are here paid out and incurred. for before the royal audiencia came here, the archbishop and bishops drew from mexico fifteen, twenty, and some years thirty thousand pesos apiece; but, even with all this, all those who had to draw money from the royal treasury were complaining and irregularly paid. many works were neglected, and necessary expenses were abandoned. with the new stipends and salaries of an archbishop, three bishops, four auditors, and a fiscal, which amount to twenty-four thousand pesos, we must cut down much more. all that sum, which is the salary of powerful people, must be maintained; and therefore we must suffer wretched service, and abandon, as has been done, works and affairs in which there should be no lack. for some remedy and alleviation of this difficulty, i will point out some expedients which, in my opinion--as one who understands the present state of affairs, and has some knowledge of the country--your majesty, if you are so pleased, can use, employing such of them as appear to be most expedient. 2. i find no basis on which people could rest their opinion that there should be in these islands the said archbishop and bishops; for the population of them all does not exceed six hundred spanish citizens, and the one bishop who was in this city was sufficient. one is sufficient for all matters which might arise of which the prelates take cognizance, or which are necessary, for they are very few and unimportant; and those who appeal to the metropolitan go to mexico and return in one year. the three provinces in which were lately erected the three bishoprics are so near this city that one can come from them in ten or twelve days; and in the one which has the largest settlement of spaniards there are not more than a hundred citizens, or even so many--namely, in zubu. the other two, which are camarines and cagayan, do not amount, each one, to seventy spaniards. in each one there is a curate, who administers the sacraments to the spaniards; and convents of friars, who administer them to the indians who live in the said villages and their neighborhood. if the prelate who is chosen in manila is a religious of proved integrity, and industrious, he can very well attend to these matters easily, and without overwork. whatever has been said or may be said to your majesty to the contrary, either arises from ignorance of the matter or from private designs, and does not aim at expediency. [_in the margin_: "there is nothing to answer."] 3. by a decree of your majesty which came in the past year, ninety-eight, the governor of these islands was commanded to discontinue a number of false musters which were being paid, and additions to the expenses of the royal treasury. without mentioning the decree, he pronounced an edict in which he commanded the officials of the royal exchequer of your majesty to erase them from the royal books, and pay them no more. afterward, with different pretexts and by various means other salaries and additional expenses were incurred, which it had never been customary to pay--as, for instance, paying salaries to the captains, alferez, and other officers of war for the citizens in the villages. the governor appointed, as alferez of the captain of the town of arevalo, don juan fajardo; and designated as his salary that of the post of musketeer, for which he served in the said post of alferez. having appealed it before the audiencia, after examination and review there, he was commanded to pay the said salary for the time while he had served in the post of alferez. captain francisco rrodriguez, as he was of the troops from zubu, when he was alcalde-mayor there was ordered by the said governor to give a hundred pesos of additional cost. he appealed from this, and his case is pending in the audiencia. although these things appear of little importance, so far as events hitherto are concerned, they may be very important for the future; for, as they are said to be confirmed by the audiencia the governors will take it as a precedent, in order to be able to make the same move with the other captains and alferezes. the expenses of the royal treasury will thus suffer a large increase, and in matters which never have been done nor are now necessary. it would be well, if your majesty were so pleased, to command that all the wages, salary, and additional expenses which have been given in the said manner be returned to the royal treasury by the person who ordered them, and that henceforward none should by any means be granted; and, if it be expedient to give any, your majesty should be informed and a royal order for that purpose awaited. 4. in some provinces where there was one alcalde-mayor only, they have been so multiplied that now there are three, and each one with a deputy--all with salaries from the royal exchequer. to some of them the governors give, beside the salary, additional expenses, amounting to a hundred pesos; because such alcaldes-mayor are captains of the citizens, in the manner explained in the clause before this. likewise some of the said alcaldes-mayor have spanish alguazils, although not with salaries, and although there are royal decrees directing the governor to check this, and not allow offices to increase. it would be fitting for your majesty to command, if you so please, that these alcaldes-mayor be reduced to the following: in the province of laguna, one alcalde-mayor with three hundred pesos of salary, which is the ordinary amount. on the opposite coast of mauban, one corregidor; this is the district next to the said laguna. he should have two hundred pesos of salary. in the province of camarines, another alcalde-mayor, with the same salary of three hundred pesos. another alcalde-mayor, who has recently been appointed in the said province for the island of catanduanes, should be removed; and the said alcalde-mayor of camarines should care for that, as he used to do. in the province of cagayan, another alcalde-mayor, with the same salary. in that of ylocos, another alcalde-mayor, with the same salary. in pangasinan, another alcalde-mayor, with the said salary. in the province of panpanga, another alcalde-mayor, with the proper salary, who should administer the jurisdiction of the district of bulacan, which borders upon it; all this was formerly under one alcalde. the one who was lately added in bulacan should be removed. in the village of tondo and the bay of this city of manila (all of which is the suburbs and outskirts of the city), the governors keep another alcalde-mayor and lieutenant, although the whole of it is within the five leagues which, by your majesty's grace, this city of manila has as a jurisdiction--whose alcaldes-in-ordinary used to administer justice in all the districts of the said alcaldía-mayor of tondo. now they have no more than within the walls of the city, although they are vested with authority and can make arrests outside. it would be well, if such be your majesty's pleasure, to discontinue this alcaldía-mayor of tondo, and let it be served by the two alcaldes-in-ordinary from this city of manila, each one six months of the year, while the other one is present in this city. in this way, with the provincial judge, there will be quite sufficient people to administer justice in the civil cases; and in the criminal cases there are the auditors and the said alcalde-in-ordinary. in this way the salary of the alcalde-mayor of tondo will be saved, which is now paid from the royal treasury; and this city will consider it as a singular grace and favor. so likewise will the indians, for they will be better treated and less annoyed by this form of government; because the man who is appointed to the said alcaldía must make his living from it, and on that account must do things which are illegal--but, as he is usually a retainer of the governor, the latter shields him in the matter. this will cease with the alcaldes-in-ordinary, for they perform their duties without any selfish considerations, being always men of honor and rich, who do not seek the offices through greed for money. in the province of zubu there used to be only one alcalde-mayor; but about two years ago another was added in the islands of leyte, çamar, and babao, which are close to zubu. it was done to the great displeasure of the citizens of santisimo nombre de jesus, which was the first city founded and settled in these islands; for the said three islands were under the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor resident in the said city, and with the other one they would be greatly annoyed and molested, since most of the citizens who reside in the said city are encomenderos in the said islands of leyte, çamar, and babao. the alcalde-mayor of these islands takes them from the said city and enters suits against them. he takes them to the said islands as prisoners; and, as they have their property there, and must needs go there every year for the collection of tributes from their encomiendas, they cannot refuse to go; and thus the said alcalde-mayor molests them as encomenderos, and he of çubu, on the other hand, as citizens. as this is so, if your majesty be pleased, the said alcalde-mayor of the said three islands might be removed, and they put under the jurisdiction of the said island of çubu, whose alcalde-mayor could very well serve all of them. on the river of butuan, which is on the confines of this island of zubu and close to the island of mindanao, is another corregidor, with a salary of two hundred pesos. in the island of calamianes is another corregidor, with the ordinary salary. in the district of oton is an alcalde-mayor, with a salary of three hundred pesos. in panay is a corregidor, with two hundred pesos salary. all the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors besides those mentioned should be done away with; and no alcalde-mayor or corregidor should have a deputy except when he is absent, and such deputy should not be given a salary. [_in the margin_: "if there is any reform to be made, have the new governor act therein, and advise us of his action. _idem. idem. idem_ in this matter."] 5. one of the things in which, i have understood, the royal exchequer of your majesty has been the most defrauded and the citizens of these islands the most aggrieved, is in the freighting and despatching of vessels which go from here to nueva españa with merchandise; for the governors have, for some years past, assigned to this duty various special friends and confidants of themselves, and even at times their own servants. the said persons lade in the ships their own property, and even that of their relatives and friends--and likewise, it is said, of any person who will pay them for it. this transaction and negotiation is of great profit for them, and a great fraud upon the royal exchequer; for all the merchandise which they lade in this way, outside of the amount allotted, goes without paying your majesty the royal duties, and is not a part of the cloth which is assigned to the citizens in the general allotment which is made to them. as a remedy for this, it will be well that in the future, when the allotment of the cloth is made, there should be present and superintend it, besides the governor and the other persons who are appointed, an auditor and royal official in rotation, each year, commencing with those longest here. as soon as the said allotment shall be finished, the royal official shall take a copy of it, and the persons to whom allotment is made of the said cloth shall come with their invoices, to bale it and pay the royal duty in the presence of the royal officials, who should give warrants for it. one or two of the officials should be present at the port of cavite, which is the landing-place of ships, two leagues from this city; and there should be also present on the ship, during its lading, the freighters who are ordinarily appointed, and an auditor, so that no cloth will be allowed to be laded except it be that contained in the said allotment. that which is thus authorized shall be vouched for by warrants from the said royal officials that the duties are paid. so great has been the irregularity in this matter that, by having it checked by these strict methods, there would probably be a great gain to the royal treasury. [_in the margin_: "write to the new governor about the information given in this letter, and the complaints that are made; and have him remedy this evil, appointing for this persons who are of satisfactory record, and taking care that all this be done with justice--and, if it seem best to him, being sometimes present in person at the inspection."] 6. from the payment of tributes by the indians in the usual currency there have resulted and still result many inconveniences, losses, injuries, and diminutions to the royal exchequer; for formerly they paid the eight reals of tribute each year in kind, which they gathered on their lands. a short time ago they were given the alternative of paying it in coin if they wished; and since then they have ceased to cultivate the land, make linen fabrics, raise fowls and cattle, or obtain gold from the mines and rivers, with which articles they used to pay the said tribute. a great part of those articles usually remained with them, because they had all the year for trading and labor, by which the country was supplied with many provisions at a low cost, and clothing of various kinds of linen, with which they were dressed. the encomenderos sailed with these things to nueva españa; and it was not necessary to pay the chinese what was brought thence in return, and have them carry it off to their country, as they now do, in exchange for the said cloths which they sell. there was a great quantity of gold which was also taken to nueva españa, and from that your majesty was paid the tenths, which amounted each year to six or eight thousand pesos--not counting another larger quantity which was paid by the tributaries of the encomiendas which are under the royal crown. by reason of the said indians not paying in kind, so little gold has come to be mined, that in the past year, ninety-eight, from tributes and tenths even, the amount which was collected on your majesty's account was not a thousand pesos. from this there follows another inconvenience, in that, as the natives of these islands are inclined to laziness and to the vices attendant upon that, since they can easily pay the tribute for one year with ten reals in coin, they seek and pay it, and dress themselves with two or three pieces of cloth, which cost somewhat more. as they find these for sale by the chinese, they themselves do not manufacture them. it would be expedient, in order that these inconveniences may cease, as well as others which may be seen to result from this matter, that henceforth these indians should be compelled to agricultural labors and the raising of cattle, according to the conditions of the provinces where they live, and to taking gold from the mines and rivers. if this were put in force, a great deal would be gained by it; for there is a large quantity in the said mines, rivers, and placers. in this way a great part of the trade with the chinese would cease, and the returns from what was carried to and sold in nueva españa, from both gold and cloth, would remain in this country, and would not be taken away to china, as it now is. the said indians would be compelled to this, in such manner that, with the practice and profit which they would get from it, in a few years they and their descendants would do it of their own will, without compulsion. the principal thing to be done in order to start the indians to do this is, to have them pay the tribute in the kind which they raise and harvest. [_in the margin_: "with this report write to the new governor to call together the audiencia, the ecclesiastical prelates who are present in manila, and the superiors of the religious orders; and have him communicate with those who could not conveniently go there, getting their opinion in writing; and have all of them confer as to what is expedient and ought to be done in this matter--taking into consideration the fact that the indians should not be annoyed or aggrieved; and that their object should be the cultivation of crops and other things which the land bears; and that for this purpose the tribute should be paid in kind, and the valuation should be as equitable as possible. whatever they may resolve in regard to this matter, the governor shall cause to be executed, and advise us as to what he does, seeing to it that the indians labor and are not idle."] 7. with the reestablishment of the said royal audiencia, the expenses of the royal treasury have been increased by more than sixteen thousand five hundred pesos in the salaries of four auditors and one fiscal. wherefore it would be well, were your majesty so pleased, to command that the encomiendas or repartimientos of indians which may in the future be vacated, up to the amount of ten thousand pesos, be placed under the royal crown, as an aid to the payment of the said salaries; and that, until these are so placed, the governors shall not be able to assign any person an encomienda or repartimiento of indians. [_in the margin_: "have the governor and audiencia send an information in this matter, and the archbishop a separate one."] 8. i have understood that the governors have been accustomed to assign encomiendas in this country in a manner to suit their own purposes. thus, if any person possesses an encomienda which ends with his life, they add a reserve in such wise that they make the encomiendas hereditary and perpetual for their relatives, so that they may resign them, and allow the governor to assign them to whomsoever they will. on the other hand, they have an agreement with the governor that he shall assign it to the person designated by the one who resigns it. that this matter may be the better understood, i shall relate a case in which it happened. a certain captain, juan maldonado borrocal, one of the conquerors of these islands, holding a repartimiento as an encomienda, went from here to the court in spain; and there married a widow, and returned with her to these islands. he died, and conformably to the law of succession, the wife succeeded to the encomienda. the latter had a son by her former husband, and as, on her death, the said encomiendas would remain vacant, she resigned them, and the governor assigned them anew to the son, who was a boy. neither he nor his father had served in these islands. it is easy to imagine how this pleased the old soldiers who had shed their blood on the said encomiendas to conquer them, and some were eager for that repartimiento. accordingly it is easy to see how much remedy there was left, when the governor granted the said encomiendas contrary to what your majesty has ordered. to correct this, it would be fitting that your majesty order that such resignation should not be made in any manner; and that in such cases the governor cannot assign any repartimiento of indians. [_in the margin_: "have the decrees which are despatched for the settlement of these matters duplicated, also those that direct that appointments cannot be made by resignation and renunciation of the said encomiendas; order that these be exactly observed and complied with; and let it be again ordered that encomiendas which have been resigned shall not be filled by the governor, but that he shall advise his majesty, who may order according to his pleasure in the matter. if he appoints to them, they shall be null and declared void; and the fiscal shall advise concerning them."] 9. in the building of churches on the encomiendas of these islands your royal treasury is subjected to excessive expenses by their being made, as they are, of wood. your majesty pays, for those which stand on the encomiendas belonging to your royal crown, two-thirds of the cost--one-third as encomendero, and another as king and lord. in those possessed by private citizens you pay one-third as king. as woods in this country decay very easily, they rot within five or six years, and it is necessary to build the said churches over again. besides, it often happens that when they are finished they are soon burned down. it would be well for the said churches henceforth to be built of stone or brick; for, with little more than what it costs to build them of wood, they can be built of stone or brick and will last for many years. [_in the margin_: "let the audiencia investigate this."] 10. the custom has been introduced of supplying wine for the celebration of the mass to the priests of all the orders--not only to those which are in the encomiendas of the royal crown, but to those in private ones. as i understand it, your majesty is under no obligation to furnish it, except to those who minister in the four convents of manila, and to the curates of spaniards and indians there, and to those who are in your majesty's missions; and the encomenderos are obliged to furnish them with the said wine on their own encomiendas. your majesty will order the action in this matter which is most fitting to your royal service. [_in the margin_: "write to the governor to order that the secular clergy, and those who give instruction in private encomiendas, are not to be given wine on his majesty's account for the celebration of mass."] 11. during the time of the last royal audiencia, several offices of regidor were sold; but of those who bought them at that time two only have come here. governor gomez perez, by virtue of a clause of his instructions, appointed, above those which had been bought, enough to amount in all to twelve regidors, from the worthiest men of this city. some of them left in his time, and others in the time of his son, and finally in that of governor don francisco tello; others the latter removed. thereupon he appointed to several of the said offices unsatisfactory persons, for his own interests. some of these despise the said offices. as it is understood that these appointments were not by honorable means, it would be well if these offices were sold--not by auction, but putting upon them a moderate price, and having them given, with the supervision and approval of the audiencia, to the men of most merit and best character. there should not be more than eight regidors; for, with the other persons who, by reason of their offices, have votes in the cabildo--namely, the three royal officials, the two wardens of the fortresses, and the alguacil-mayor of the city--there are fourteen votes, which, in a place of three hundred citizens, is a sufficient number. as those appointed understand that they must pay money for the appointments and gifts, in this way they will be given to suitable persons; and this should always be done, so long as they are appointed here, and are not free to attend to their duties as they should--because the governors have had the power to take their offices away without cause, whenever it might appear best to them. the most just way would be to sell them, and use the proceeds to aid the royal treasury in its needs. [_in the margin_: "have this sent to the new governor, so that the regidors who were appointed wrongly, or are not proper persons, may be removed; and let others be appointed (such as possess the qualifications and capacity), up to the number of eight in all. let him advise us of his action."] 12. after governor gomez perez dasmariñas came, there was offered from the royal exchequer of your majesty to the accountant andres cauchela (who was proprietary), and to captain gomez de machuca--who, on the death of juan baptista rroman, treasurer and factor, was appointed to the said offices by the said gomez perez--to these two was assigned the making of a report on all matters which concerned the treasury, to bring before the said governor. it is understand that there were some matters needing correction, for those same officials have written this. this also appears probable from the manner in which the person who was appointed for that office by the said governor conducted himself. he signed the account without seeing or examining the reports, or even noticing whether the charges were made, and if everything had been collected that should be, nor that which concerned the merchandise and the royal warehouses. nor did he afterward audit any account. for this reason, and because he grew rich during the time while the said offices were held, it would be well to inspect them, and again take charge of said accounts of money, and audit those of merchandise which still remain to be examined. if your majesty be so pleased, a warrant might be sent to make the said investigation from the time when licentiate geronimo erbez del corral took the account. it could be entrusted to one of the auditors of this royal audiencia; but the fact must be considered that doctor antonio de morga is a great friend of captain gomez de machuca, who was factor and treasurer, and who would have to be investigated by him. likewise it would be expedient to send a warrant for an accountant to audit and revise the accounts. [_in the margin_: "a person shall be named by the lord president of the audiencia to investigate these officials; and the governor shall name, with the consent of the investigator, an accountant to examine the accounts."] 13. your majesty commanded by a decree that the office of treasurer of the royal exchequer of these islands be abolished, as it entails no duties whatever, and the two offices of factor and accountant are sufficient; accordingly, the duties of the treasurer were performed by the factor. on account of the death of juan baptista rroman, who exercised these offices, your majesty again appointed to the said office of treasurer captain hernando davila. so far as i know, your majesty was not made aware that a command had been issued to abolish it, since no mention of that is made in the commission of captain hernando davila. the office is a superfluous one, and, as i say, has no duties; for everything which has to be done here pertains to the offices of factor and accountant. it would be well, if your majesty is so pleased, to command that when this office of treasurer shall become vacant, in whatever manner, no other person shall be appointed to it; but that it shall be merged with that of the factor, as was formerly done. in this way the royal treasury will be relieved from paying two thousand pesos, which the said treasurer draws as a salary. [_in the margin_: "let the new governor inform us concerning this."] governor gomez perez dasmariñas established a monopoly on cards, so that the proceeds therefrom could be used to fortify this city; and the cabildo of the city collected that, along with the rest of its property, and expended it in other matters, and not in that for which it was imposed. accordingly, in this tax, as well as in the administration of the said monopoly, there have been interests of great importance for those who had the power in this community, as will be evident when it is inspected and investigated. for three years past nothing of importance has been done on the wall, although there were many places which needed repairing and finishing, which would be a great detriment and danger in time of war. it would likewise be well to send a warrant to make investigations and audit accounts, concerning both the said monopoly and the other properties of the city. [_in the margin_: "let the person who is charged with the residencia of the governor be entrusted with that of the cabildo, and see that that is taken and an account of everything. he shall give an account to the governor of all which results from this, and of the amount of this impost, so that it may be converted to the use for which it was imposed."] 15. by an ordinance of this royal audiencia the president and two auditors thereof are commanded to audit, at the beginning of each year, the accounts of the royal officials, and to finish them in two months, with the additional amount, for expenses, of twenty-five thousand maravedis for each auditor. in the time of the former royal audiencia this was done; and they named an accountant each year, to whom they gave fifty thousand maravedis beside. since that time, what has happened is as follows: governor gomez perez dasmariñas, at the beginning of the year ninety-five, without an order from your majesty, created an accountant-in-ordinary of accounts for this purpose, with a salary of five hundred pesos, and a secretary with two hundred and fifty pesos, for which they were to secure the approval of your majesty--which they have not done in the past. the accounts were audited in two months--or at the most, in three. accordingly it is not necessary, for so small an account as we have here, to incur a thousand pesos of expense each year to audit them. it could be done for a hundred thousand maravedis, as was formerly done. your majesty will command in this as is most fitting for the royal service. [_in the margin_: "send this to the new governor, that he may examine into and adjust the matter as appears best to him, and advise us of what action he takes."] 16 the office of secretary of the cabildo has been given by the governors to whom they thought best. in this way they learn what goes on in the cabildo, which is a great evil. it would be better to have this sold; and accordingly, he who held it--being a proprietor, and one who could not be removed during good behavior--would be free to remain silent. [_in the margin_: "let the governor and audiencia investigate this."] 17. the office of secretary of the registries has been held by the secretaries of the governors. as a result of this, claims for justice have been relinquished in several grievances of great importance, to the loss both of the chinese who come to trade here, and of the citizens of the city. it would be well to sell this office, under condition that he who buys it cannot be the secretary or in any wise the servant of the governor at that time acting. as rroque espino de caceres, who is serving it at present, has begged for your majesty's confirmation, and is a person worthy of it, as appears from the informations made in this royal audiencia, in its opinion this favor might be extended to him, as he seeks it, with the said condition, and with that of a moderate price for the royal treasury. [_in the margin_: "tell the new governor that it is not expedient that this office should be held by a secretary or servant of the governor, or a subordinate of the auditors and ministers of the audiencia; and that from worthy persons there he shall appoint three, in whom he believes is found the necessary ability for this office, so that his majesty may select the one who may seem best to him. in the meantime let him appoint as best he can, and without inconvenience."] 18. in the island of zubu there is a notary-public who bought the office from your majesty. the cabildo there have written to me that there is need of still another, and that accordingly it might be sold. therefore, if your majesty pleases, you might order another notaryship sold in said island of zubu. [_in the margin_: "have the governor and audiencia send an information regarding this, and what offices have been sold in those islands, at what price, and to what persons."] 19. the city of nueva segovia, of the province of cagayan, the chief city of that bishopric, has no notary-public named by your majesty, but only one appointed by the governor, for the cases which there arise. this is a great inconvenience, as wills and other writings cannot be sworn to before him, from which results damage to the citizens. it would be well, if your majesty were so pleased, to sell a notary-public's office there. 20. the office of depositary-general of this city of manila, on account of the governors having appointed to it persons who were their confidants, is embarrassed with some difficulties, which would cease if the office were sold, and the royal treasury would be benefited. your majesty will command whatever is most expedient for your royal service. [_in the margin_: "let the governor and audiencia inform us whether it is well to sell the office, and who can be found for it; and, in case that it is not well to sell it, what persons there are of character, worth, and conscience which fit them to take the commission for it. let the royal officials also give information."] 21. about four years ago the preaching of the bulls was commenced here, and the governor appoint a treasurer for them; and it is also said that there came a decree from your majesty directing that the account be audited every year by a royal official, and that the proceeds from them be remitted. thus far, no royal official has taken the said accounts; and i have been informed that in sending the proceed thereof there has not been much punctuality, and that the money has been employed in uses and investments for certain private persons. for the correction of all this, it would be well that from now on an auditor should audit the said accounts of the said treasurer, and cause the balance which is found to be placed in the royal treasury, charging it as a separate account to the royal officials; then, in the first ships which leave, it may be sent to nueva españa, invested in merchandise, whereby it will be doubled, with no more risk than if it were taken in coin. the latter is never taken because what has to be sent is invested, and turned into money in mexico, and amounts to twice as much. the profit which can be made in this way might better be, for so good a work as that for which the alms of the said bulls is applied. [_in the margin_: "let a copy of this clause be given to señor the licentiate valtodano, to be examined in the council for the crusade."] 22. since, even if your majesty should be pleased to command everything done as above, it will still be necessary to bring money from mexico for the costs, expenses, and salaries incurred in these islands; and as it is not well that, in order to cover them, it should be necessary for your majesty to employ more property than they amount to, it has seemed best to me to seek some other methods for this--which, if they should appear expedient for the service of your majesty, and can be carried out with no scruples of conscience, will not only render unnecessary the bringing of money from outside these islands, but even will make it possible to aid other great expenses which your majesty has. the means which i have found are the following. your majesty pays a stipend to all the citizens and inhabitants of the fortified town which you hold in the island of tidore, which is one of the malucas islands. in order to make these payments, aid is sent every year from yndia by a galleon; and a quantity of cloth is brought from the royal customs treasury at goa. with this the said citizens are all given their "quarters," as they call them. [5] this cloth is disposed of among the natives, who trade provisions for it. it is a law of yndia and of maluco that no person can lade or take away cloves from those islands in any manner, unless it be for your majesty, under penalty of loss of the ship and rigging; from which the profit resulting to the royal exchequer amounts to a third of what is laded, so great is the freight charge. certain portuguese came to these islands in their own ships. they take away a quantity of cloves and sell it to merchants, who in turn sell it to chinese and other persons, who secretly ship it to nueva españa--whence it is taken to the provinces of peru, the new realm of granada, tierra firme, guatimala, and other regions. from this there result three losses to the royal exchequer. in the first place, since the cloves are carried from the malucas by the hand of a third party, your majesty loses the third due on embarcation. in the second place, it is laded here for nueva españa secretly, and without paying the duties or freight charges. in the third place, when it has arrived at nueva españa, peru, and other regions, that which is brought from the realms of castilla loses its value. all this expense which your majesty suffers in providing for that fortress, and these losses, could be remedied as follows. your majesty has in the island of panay, one of these filipinas, which borders on the malucas islands, a number of tributary indians who pay the larger part of their tribute in cleaned rice. after their harvest they have a great deal of rice wine, which is made in these islands, and these are the provisions necessary for the malucas. if, conformably to what has been said, there were built on your majesty's account two patages in the island of panay--such as are commonly built in the said island by the encomenderos, to sell to the said portuguese in these islands, and which cost about five hundred pesos--two thousand fanegas of cleaned rice, and six hundred jars [_tinajas_] of wine could be loaded in them. the rice would be collected for your majesty from your royal tributes, at two reals and six maravedis. each tinaja of wine, with cask and all, is valued at four reals, on board. likewise two hundred pesos of fine sangley earthenware is sufficient, which is to be used as follows. these two patages must, while going to maluco, of necessity take water at the port of la caldera, and the earthenware is to be left in the spanish camp which is there, so that with it they may buy from the natives five hundred quintals of cinnamon, taking care to dry it. in the meantime the two patages resume their voyage, having left this earthenware, and continue with the rice and wine to the fortress of the said malucas. they will deliver to the warden there half of it, to pay those expenses or quarters to the citizens. with the other half they will buy four hundred _baxes_ of cloves, making two thousand four hundred quintals, at six quintals to the bax; [6] this would be brought on your majesty's account to these islands. then they are obliged to go back to the said port of la caldera, where they will take on the cinnamon bought with the earthenware; and all will be brought to the port of cavite, to be embarked on the ships which your majesty sends on the voyage from here to nueva españa. when they have arrived there, the royal officials at the port of acapulco will send a third of the said cloves and cinnamon to mexico, and two-thirds to piru and its provinces. if sold at retail, it would be worth three hundred pesos a quintal; going to private persons, in quantity, it is usually worth two hundred pesos; consequently, in this way there would be a great profit gained. i am ready to say that it would be worth to your majesty almost as much as all the income from the customs of all portuguese yndia. for this purpose your majesty will have to keep a factor in the said island of panay, to collect tributes, despatch the ships to la caldera and maluco, and receive them there; and to correspond with the royal officials in this city so that they may embark all this spice for nueva españa, and with the factor who must be at acapulco, so that he may make the distribution. this transaction is so profitable that several of the governors who have been in these islands have taken the trouble to send an armed galley merely to make this purchase of cinnamon at the port of la caldera, until in the time of doctor santiago de vera this trade was abandoned. being aware of the profit in it, guido de lavezaris (who governed these islands on the death of the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi) prohibited trading and trafficking in spices in these islands for any person except the officials of your majesty, who were to receive, buy, and lade the spices for mexico, all on the account of your royal exchequer; this was done. in consequence of this, he likewise forbade that any island or any province whatsoever where there were cloves, cinnamon, or other spices should be assigned in encomiendas. accordingly, from that time on, the transportation of spices by private persons to nueva españa was cut off. all this with the lapse of time, and the interest of certain persons, has been neglected, so that, it is understood, a great quantity of spice is taken to nueva españa every year. 23. the other expedient which occurs to me is that the income from silk to the kingdom of granada is registered as seventy-two millions, with the condition that no twisted or loose silk can be taken to the yndias, which does not come from the said kingdom--although, indeed, to fill up this quantity, there is sometimes added silk from the kingdom of murcia and andalucia; but it passes through the custom-house of granada, pays its duties, and is sealed there. in order that there may be no fraud in this, there is in sevilla an administrator and a commissioned judge, who is ordinarily one of the alcaldes of the criminal court of the royal audiencia. from the kingdom of china a quantity of crude silk is brought in bundles to these islands, and is taken to nueva españa, where it is woven into fabrics, and part of it is dyed. this silk is usually worth in this city a hundred and fifty pesos, although at present it sells at two hundred and forty pesos a pico. from the transportation of this silk the royal exchequer suffers the following losses. in the first place, the silks brought from castilla, whether woven or loose, are worth less; and accordingly the royal duties do not amount to so much. in the second place, there are not so many silks brought as would come if these were lacking. although these pay duties, there is a loss in this, as duties are not so great as those from castilla pay. crude silk is neither necessary nor useful for ordinary maintenance or support; and accordingly it seems best that your majesty should, if such be your pleasure, obviate these losses which are occurring, and obtain satisfaction for them in some way and meet the great expenses which you have here. your majesty should leave liberty, as you always have done, for your vassals to trade in all merchandise with china in all kinds of goods; but should have monopolized and forbidden this trade in crude silk, commanding that no ship which comes from china shall neglect to bring five picos of crude silk, which is a very small quantity. they should be paid a reasonable price for it. in this way there would be the profit which they make in bringing it from china here, whence it is sent to mexico; and, sold at retail, there will be the profit on it of four hundred per cent. there come usually from china to this city thirty ships and some years fifty, so that the profit on this would be large; and there would remain to the citizens of these islands a great deal of merchandise with which to trade, without their missing these goods. there would be enough to cover all the expenses, salaries, and other things which are necessary in these islands, and must be paid from the royal treasury--which, with all the money that is sent from mexico, has not enough money to cover all the very important expenses affecting the proper guard, protection, and defense of these islands. this is all that occurs to me at present to say concerning matters relating to the royal exchequer, for its welfare. i shall continue always to watch for what is most fitting for the royal service of your majesty, and shall attempt to further it; and such is always my desire. may god protect your majesty many years, with a greater increase of kingdoms and seigniories, according to the needs of christendom. in the city of manila, which is in the island of luzon, the principal one of the filipinas islands. july 21, 1599. the licentiate _hieronimo de salazar y salcedo_ sire: since i have given to your majesty an account of the affairs of the administration of justice and of the royal exchequer of these philipinas islands by two other letters which accompany this, i will here discuss affairs of government. the thing which seems to me most necessary to do for the good government of these islands--and especially for correcting the great excesses which are wont to be committed by some of the religious who have indian missions in their charge; and by the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, deputies, and other magistrates, and the encomenderos of indian repartimientos--is that, at least every two years, an auditor of the royal audiencia of these islands, commencing with the oldest of them, should make a visitation over all the country in his jurisdiction, as is provided by the ordinances thereof, and in the form which i wrote to your majesty in july of the past year, ninety-eight. although the auditors oppose this, it is to avoid the great labor, expense, and danger to health, by sea and enemies, which they must undergo and pass through. accordingly, if your majesty pleases, a reasonable allowance for their expenses might be made, and soldiers given them to accompany and guard them, with good vessels, at the expense of the royal exchequer, if the cost should not be covered by the penalties inflicted during the visitation. your majesty will be pleased to order in this what is most expedient. [_in the margin_: "write to the governor to have this visitation carried out in the pacified country, and where there is no obstacle, conformably to the ordinance. and have him see to it that they do not send soldiers with the auditor, and that he does not take people who would be oppressive to the indians; and let him take care that this visitation be effectual--for which purpose let him command to be built, and furnished to the auditor, a vessel of suitable size, to go outside of the island of luzon, at his majesty's expense. as to the reimbursement which ought to be made beside what is conceded to them by the ordinance, and the decrees of his majesty, let him inform us of his opinion." "have sent a duplicate of the last decree despatched in regard to this visitation."] the main object of your majesty's royal decrees, provisions, and orders given to your governors of these islands, is the prosperity of the citizens thereof; for in that way they become established and settled and the islands populated. the governors have not always attended to this as they should, for they have regarded this, which is their principal obligation, as accessory and dependent upon their private interests in order that they may become rich with what the citizens are to gain, as is already well known. and so little is the profit, and so poor the subsistence, of those who live here, and so much is their living interfered with by the governors, and the relatives and dependents whom they bring with them, that, as a result, so little is left for the citizens that they cannot in twenty years make the profit and gain which is acquired in a few years by some of those whom the said governors bring with them. this has often been experienced. for the remedy of this i suggest the following things. the lading of the ships which go to nueva españa, the allotment of space in them, and other matters touching this, should be conducted according to, and after the manner directed by, clause five of the letter which accompanies this, regarding matters which concern the royal exchequer. no cloth should be laded except that which goes according to the allotment; nor should the governor have any authority therein, because, as the superintendents of lading are persons appointed by him and in his confidence, with letters and orders which he gives, much other cloth is laded after the allotment is made. for the most part this belongs to persons who are underlings, kinsmen, or creatures of the governor, and must necessarily occupy space belonging to the cloth of the citizen, who is thus obliged to give up his cargo. what i describe is the ordinary way that things go. [_in the margin_: "this is provided for in the same clause; and let the governor be charged particularly with the remedy of this."] in the appointment of offices and means of gain, both of justice and of war, and other offices in the country, the said governors should observe what your majesty has ordered in so many commands and royal decrees--namely, that "they shall be given only to citizens; and if he appoints to them his creatures or kinsmen, or those of the auditors or fiscal, or of their wives, the royal audiencia shall check him without any reserve or hesitancy. the fiscal thereof shall oppose him, and take all possible measures to this end." this should be charged upon the consciences of all; and the government notary should be ordered to put upon all commissions of offices of justice or war, or of encomiendas of indians, or of any other positions of profit whatsoever, which are to be received, the reason therefor, so that the said fiscal may know and understand whether there is any objection to giving the said commission. if any such objection is made, let it remain with the commission, and dispose of it by appealing from the governor to the royal audiencia, where the question will be decided on examination and review. in the meantime the said title shall not be assumed, for there are many people in these islands whom we are bound to remunerate merely for their own services and those of their fathers, because they are poor and needy, and what we have to give is so little that, even if it were divided among the citizens, many of them would have to remain unprovided for. [_in the margin_: "tell the governor that in this matter he must observe exactly what is ordered by decrees and provisions; and, according to his instructions, shall prefer the most deserving and those longest in the country."] by order of your majesty, the viceroy of nueva españa appoints the general, admiral, captains, masters, and other officers of the ships which are despatched from here to that province with merchanise, at the time when the said ships return thence. the persons so appointed bring so large a quantity of money unregistered in the ships as, it may be readily seen, they can do, with the power attached to their offices, since they are the servants and underlings of the said viceroy; accordingly, when they have arrived here they invest their money, and lade the goods in the said ships, although they are prohibited from doing so. this is another opportunity, almost equal to that of the governors who come. that this may be used by the said citizens, it would be fitting that the said general, admiral, masters, and officers of the ships be appointed here, in the sessions of the audiencia, by vote of the president and auditors; and that those appointed should be citizens of this city of manila, or of some of the other towns of these islands. the salaries which hitherto have been given to the said general and admiral in nueva españa should be diminished. with the little which is given here to those who are appointed, and from the profits which they will make, there will result no little benefit; since every year, in the ships which are to go, there would be five or six men, and they would return with a profit large enough to maintain themselves, and face the enemy. the ships would be better administered and governed, by persons who understand that better, through the continual practice which they have in these islands in maritime and military affairs; for at times persons come in the said offices who have no experience whatever in the one branch or the other, which is ordinarily the cause of much loss. [_in the margin_: "place the decree with the letters of the governor and audiencia."] the troops of war which are raised in nueva españa to be taken to these islands would best be taken by the captains who levied them to the port of acapulco, one of the captains being commissioned for this, with some moderate addition for expenses. in the said port they should hand them over to the general of those ships, and the said captain should not come to these islands. in this way would be obviated the damage which is done by their bringing cargoes, and the cost of their coming and returning, which are not necessary for so few troops as come. when the troops arrive here they should be allotted among the companies of infantry of this camp. [_in the margin_: "conformably to this, let the viceroy be ordered to do so."] there is great carelessness in appointing artillerymen for the said ships, for a ship which carries one piece of artillery has had six artillerymen appointed, whereas one ordinary gunner would be sufficient. if your majesty be pleased, it would be well to command that for each piece of artillery no more than one artilleryman should be appointed; because, besides their cost to the royal exchequer, they are likewise a damage to this community, on account of the quantity of money which they bring and carry back invested to nueva españa. [_in the margin_: "have a letter written to the viceroy together with this report, that, if this be so, it appears excessive, and he shall correct it."] in the ships which come from nueva españa a great deal of money is brought which is not registered. beside not paying in acapulco the duties of two and a half per cent, which are due to your majesty, there results to this commonwealth a great deal of damage; for this money belongs for the most part to merchants and citizens of piru and mexico. although in the sale which is made of the said ships, when they arrive at the port of cavite, investigation is made--as i did this year, when i asked permission from the audiencia to go to the inspection of the ships which came--and although i went there, only a very small quantity of this money was found, on account of the great care which was taken to hide it. at times, it even belongs to the most powerful people here; consequently those who are bringing it are very bold, and it is necessary to inspect the vessels before they arrive at the said port. it would be expedient for your majesty to command that the fiscal of the said audiencia should always be present at the making of this inspection, so that he can take all measures which appear to him suitable for that purpose, and can make the inspection before the ships arrive at the port, wherever he may wish. all the coin or silver bullion which is seized for registry should be applied for the royal treasury, some moderate portion being given to the person who denounces the culprit, so that there may be persons to do this. [_in the margin_: "write to the governor that it is understood that this practice has become established, and let him try to prevent and correct it. let the fiscal accompany the royal officials in the inspection of those ships, at the point which may appear most convenient to them, and let all which is discovered without registration, and contrary to the decree, be rigorously confiscated; and let them give to the informer such part as may seem best to the audiencia."] at present nothing else occurs of which your majesty should be advised in matters concerning the government. i shall continually look out for what is most expedient for it, and will advise you of what should be done. may god protect your majesty, according to his power, with a larger increase of kingdoms and seigniories, according to the needs of christendom. manila, july 21, 1599. the licentiate _hieronimo de salazar y salzedo_ [_endorsed:_ "examined and answered."] letter from the king of borneo to governor tello the contents of this letter, written this year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, by the king of burney to his highness don francisco tello, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands for the king our sovereign, and president of the royal audiencia and chancillería resident therein, and translated by a good and exact interpreter, are as follows. soltan adil lula: letter of friendship sent by the king of burney to don francisco tello, captain-general of the fortress of the city of manila, because of the information i have received that he governs that city exceedingly well, not only for the service of god, but furnishing justice to the regions about, with protection to the poor--whereat i have rejoiced greatly, and all the nobles and natives of my kingdom have done the same. i received the letter that your lordship sent me through hernando, don francisco tael, and don joan solit. it gave me much happiness, for i understood thoroughly the message conveyed by it to me from your lordship. i am exceedingly rejoiced in heart and mind, for i desire fast friendship with the captain-general of manila. therefore, i request that, when my vassals go to manila, you will give them kind treatment; and i shall do the same when men from manila come to my country. this is in token of friendship, and if this is always observed, i shall be very glad, and likewise if you will have pity on the burneys. i received two burneys, whom the spaniards had captured; they arrived at my court. and, inasmuch as your lordship orders me, in your letter that i receive, to send any sangleys that i might have here to manila, i am now sending two who were captured by the camutones; one is named bonzhuan and the other adali. i am sending them to your lordship as a token of lasting friendship with the burneys. furthermore, i am sending five taes of camphor, of burney weight, and three large burney mats. and that your highness may not jest at my present, know that i am sending you a [_word uncertain in ms_.] the above translation was made by constantino xuarez and miguel yaat, a native of burney. they declared it to have been thoroughly and exactly made, without any change of sense. they signed the same before me, estevan de marquina, alcalde-mayor of tondo and its district, for the king our sovereign. july twenty-seven of the said year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. [7] _estevan de marquina_ + _constantyno xuarez_ [_miguel yaat_] [_endorsed_: "original letter written by the king of burney to don francisco tello, governor of the phelippinas, translated from the burney tongue into castilian."] letters from francisco tello to the king sire: i have striven for your majesty's service in this government to the extent of my ability, and i have done my duty with much care and diligence. i have punished certain individuals, as it seemed proper to do; and hence it has resulted that i have rivals--as have all of us who have governed, and are engaged in your majesty's service in the indias. although in all things i have always been favorable to doctor morga--who was my lieutenant-general, and who is now auditor of this royal audiencia--i have been informed by many persons that he has spoken ill of my proceedings, and has even opened the way for others to write evil of me to your majesty. i have never paid any attention to this, since i felt that my actions proved my innocence; nor have i ever thought it necessary to write to your majesty about this matter, although some things seemed to affect my honor; for, having been bred in honor, i thought that in the end the truth must come to light, and could not be obscured, [_ms. worn_] the royal service could not be hindered here. [but now i feel] [8] myself compelled to speak of this, because a letter was written [to] the auditor, tellez almacan, in september of last year, which was a slanderous libel, without signature; and i have another which was written this year, at the port, to the auditor don antonio maldonado, in the name of a friar. the handwriting of it must be doctor morga's, although it is disguised, [for so it was considered] by the auditor almaçan, who is writing to your majesty about this, as also is the fiscal of this audiencia. i beg your majesty to commission whomsoever your majesty deems best, to investigate this matter, for it is not just that this evil act be passed by in silence. i assure your majesty that i have seriously tried, and am still trying, not to be offended by their insults in this land; and that in the audiencia, not only have i kept, and still maintain, great harmony, but i am also trying to harmonize the auditors and the fiscal; for now they are not in accord, and many [of them] have disputes and all [come to me,] and i reconcile them. in order that your majesty may know the manner in which i have served you, and my method of procedure in this government, and in order that it may be seen that [_ms. worn_] whatever may have been reported, or shall be reported, to your majesty in another way, i have wished to make, before this same doctor morga, the report that i am sending to your majesty, from the most honorable people of this land, in order that you may understand better my zeal for your majesty's royal service, and the good of this realm. may our lord preserve the catholic person of your majesty, as is befitting. manila, july 14, 99. _don francisco tello_ [_endorsed:_ "governor don francisco tello, july 14. let this be kept until that which is mentioned here arrives, and then let it be presented."] sire: i wrote your majesty by the ships sailing from here to nueva españa this year, about the news i had from malaca concerning the english ships which had come to sunda, and had made a settlement and fortification there; and that i was awaiting a more detailed account of the enemy's designs from the commandant of malaca, and everything else relating to the subject. [9] advices have now come from the commandant of maluco that two english ships had arrived there, and had formed an alliance with terrenate, as your majesty will be informed in greater detail by the copies of his letters which i enclose, and also those of the king of tidore and the people of that stronghold, requesting in strong terms that i send them aid. [10] i then called a council of war to consider the disposition of the affairs of these islands, and what was to be done therefor--since affairs are in the condition which i have described to your majesty in other letters. as there are but few and badly-armed troops, and so few supplies with which we could send help, it was unanimously agreed to give no aid whatever to maluco, but to undertake the no small task of preserving this land. notwithstanding, i am thinking of sending reenforcements of supplies, powder, ammunition, and other military supplies such as can be given, also a dozen musketeers. as that land belongs to your majesty, it is but just that your majesty's servants and vassals should make all possible efforts to aid it. i assure your majesty that if you are not pleased to provide this realm with a goodly number of well-armed troops and with money from nueva españa, according to the demands made by him who shall be governor--who, since this fort is placed in his keeping, can well be entrusted with twenty thousand pesos more, in control of the officials of your majesty's royal exchequer--we may find ourselves hard pressed. i fulfil my duty by giving account thereof to your majesty, and by defending this land as occasion may arise therefor. in whatever i find to do, here or elsewhere, i shall strive to serve your majesty well; but if on account of my little strength, i should be somewhat remiss, i beg your majesty to understand that i could do no more. at the news of the english, it was urgently necessary to aid cebu. but as we did not have it to send, and the presidio of la caldera, [11] with its eighty spanish soldiers (who go more than a legua by water), [12] was in danger; and since the english and terrenatans are confederated, they may attack the fort, and if the water is cut off from them the spaniards are lost--i have resolved, with the approval of the council of war, immediately to withdraw those troops with their artillery; and that they, after burning their fort, shall go to cebu. when it shall appear to me that a favorable opportunity occurs, they can return to la caldera, from which, according to orders, it is necessary that punishment be inflicted on the king of jolo for the crimes, and the murders of spaniards committed in this land. i am writing to the viceroy of nueva españa the information i have received of the hostile ships; i am asking for reenforcements, [13] and that the ships which return next year must sail very cautiously, as perchance the enemy might be awaiting them at the mouth of the channel, or outside of it. moreover, he should send the duties and freight-charges that are paid at acapulco from the chinese merchandise. your majesty has ordered that this money be returned to us, but it has never been done. if it were sent to this royal treasury, this kingdom would not suffer its present necessity and danger. for some time past i have exercised great care and diligence in the founding of artillery, [14] and it is being more carefully done. four out of five medium-sized pieces, which were being founded, have resulted well, and i am very well pleased. the said founding is being continued by native indians, and i have a quantity of metals for said work in the royal warehouses of your majesty. may god our lord preserve the royal catholic person of your majesty. manila, august 7, 1599. _don francisco tello_ letters from felipe iii to tello the king: to don francisco tello, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein established. your letter of june 23 of last year, 98, has been received. i understand by it that quiet and peace has been restored in mindanao, and that you were examining the papers brought by the master-of-camp, to see whether any of the subdued people were to be punished or not. keep me informed of what you shall do in that respect. you speak also of other insurrections among the canbales indians in panpanga, who were already pacified; and of your intention of taking to that city [manila] an indian who has been the chief of those people, in order to remove him to a location where his presence would be less dangerous. this is well; do what is needed and keep me informed of the proceedings. we have considered what you say of your caution and forethought concerning the fears which japan is wont to cause; also your behavior, friendship, and correspondence with certain chiefs of that country, whom you have entertained. it is well to continue these efforts, and to give us notice of what takes place. what you say about retiring two companies is commendable; nevertheless, if you think best in the future to increase one of them, do so, and make the necessary provisions. keep me informed of the measures that you shall take. i am writing to the viceroy of nueva españa, that i have assisted you with what is necessary, and shall ask him to see that the people whom he sends to those islands be useful and carry weapons. he shall take care to punish the captains for their excesses. you shall do the same in what concerns you. in regard to the needs of the soldiers, which you attribute to their not having, and the impossibility of providing them with, encomiendas for a long time; and as it concerns the temporary employments which you give them instead of the servants, and even these employments are not sufficient for all--you shall observe the instructions, laws, and ordinances which you possess. you shall see that the distribution of what is available be made among worthy men who have served in that land. as to the remedy which you propose in the marriage of elderly women, and encomenderas of the land, you shall introduce no innovation. but you shall enable marriages freely to take their proper course. at denia, august 16, 1599. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_ the king: to my governor and captain-general of the philippinas islands, and the president and auditors of my royal audiencia thereof. i have understood that the chinese indians who trade in that country bring thither each year eight hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise, and often more than a million; and that in the ten days which they spend in that country they make more than a hundred per cent, and that in the last year, ninety-eight, it was said that they secured two hundred per cent. since in their own country they pay increased duties, and since so great profit comes to them from the merchandise which they bring to those islands, while they pay me no more than three per cent in duties, which is the amount formerly imposed by governor don gonzalo ronquillo, it would be just that they should pay the said duties proportionately to the profits; and accordingly these might be increased by at least another three per cent. as i wish to be informed more minutely concerning what is expedient in this matter, and whether an increase of the said duties would or could result in any inconvenience whatsoever, and for what reason; and, in case that there is no objection, to what extent the duty can be increased--i command you to send a report thereof, with your opinion. done at denia, on the sixteenth of august, of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. _i the king_ countersigned by _juan de ybarra_. signed by the council. i [the king:] to the archbishop of manila. [_endorsed:_ "to the governor and audiencia of the philippinas; let them give information concerning the report that the duties can be raised on the merchandise from china."] documents of 1600 the pacification of mindanao. [unsigned and undated; 1600?] oliver van noordt's attack on luzón. francisco tello, and others; october-december. _source_: these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first document is translated by robert w. haight; in the second, the commission to morga is translated by james a. robertson; the instructions to him and to alcega, by jose m. and clara m. asensio; the account of the battle, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university, and james a. robertson. the pacification of mindanao _concerning the pacification of the island of mindanao; in the year 1600_ in the relation of the last year you will have learned how occurred the death, in the pacification of the island of mindanao, of estevan rodriguez de figueroa, who offered to carry out this pacification under the conditions which he stipulated with gomez perez dasmariñas, formerly governor of these islands--copies of which were sent to his majesty, and to master-of-camp juan de lajara, formerly of the said expedition, who succeeded to his place when the camp was abandoned, and came to manila. don francisco tello, governor and captain-general of the said philipinas islands, who at that time had taken possession of the government was considering how to aid and stimulate the said pacification at the expense of the heirs of estevan rodriguez, and with the agreement of the captains and persons who were long resident and experienced in war in the said islands. don juan ronquillo was appointed commander of the galleys, to prosecute the said pacification; and in the meantime, in order to be present and continue the expedition, captain torivio de miranda was sent forward to encourage and animate the troops, under orders to keep them in his charge; and in case the post should be abandoned, and a retreat made to manila, he should detain the troops and return to mindanao. the said captain toribio de miranda having arrived at the island of la caldera, which lies forty leagues from the river of mindanao, there found the whole camp, which was returning from the said islands. conformably to the orders which he had, he turned back and fortified the site where they had first been, which was on the river, four leagues from the forts of the enemy. juan ronquillo, having been despatched to mindanao, had taken the camp in his charge, and begun to achieve some success. he achieved a victory in the battle which he fought with the terrenatans, who had entered with eight hundred men to give aid to the people of mindanao. before these successes, he had written a letter in disparagement of that country (a copy of which was sent to his majesty)--on account of which, in a council of war which had been held, the general don juan ronquillo had been ordered to make a last effort against the mindanaos, doing them all possible damage. he was then to come to the island of la caldera, and there build a fort, to be garrisoned with a hundred spanish soldiers, with artillery, arms, and munitions; and leave them there as a check upon terrenate and mindanao, in charge of a good soldier, one of the captains of the camp, and with the rest return to manila. although don juan ronquillo received this order, after having won considerable victories, he again wrote that he would not abandon that place, even if such were the order, because it would not be expedient to retire from the camp and comply with what had been ordered, when he was leaving the island of mindanao already pacified--the chiefs, with whom he had used gentle means, that they might all be more contented, having again rendered submission to his majesty; and likewise as the king of jolo again rendered obedience and submission. confiding in this, captain cristoval villagra, whom don juan ronquillo had appointed commander of the garrison of la caldera, had sent thirty soldiers to the island of jolo for supplies. they found at this time in jolo a mindanao chief--an uncle of the king of mindanao, and a brother-in-law of the king of jolo--who had been driven out of mindanao because he was rebellious. he treacherously killed thirteen spanish soldiers. when news of this was brought, juan pacho was sent to take the troops of la caldera in charge; and, when it should seem best to him, to try to inflict punishment on the king of jolo. having gone out to inflict the said punishment with six hundred spaniards, the enemy unfortunately killed the said juan pacho and twenty-nine spaniards, the rest of them retiring without any success. this news having come to the governor, he sent in place of juan pacho captain toribio de miranda, a person in whom he had entire confidence, with an order not to attempt any punishment until he had force enough for it. after this captain toribio de miranda arrived at la caldera on the twenty-sixth of august in ninety-nine. when the garrison was given into his charge he put the defensive works in order; and with the arms which he brought, and those which he found in the fort, he armed all the troops, amounting to a hundred and fourteen soldiers. as directed by an order of the governor, he sent a chief of the pintados to mindanao with letters to the chiefs of the island, in which he informed them that they would be protected, favored, and upheld in justice, as vassals of his majesty, and that with this object a garrison had been placed in la caldera; and that to aid in maintaining it, and in covering the expenses which they had caused in the war by their disobedience, the largest possible quantity of tributes would be collected for his majesty, and that he would send for them shortly--which had not been done earlier because the mindanaos had been so spent and afflicted. having arrived on the second of september at the river of mindanao, and delivered his despatch, this chief was well received, and found the people in the settled state in which general don juan ronquillo had left them. adiamora, the main chief of mindanao, in the name of them all, sent him back on the fifteenth of the said month, offering to give to his majesty all the tribute which they could collect. at this time--news from the chief captain of malaca having reached the governor, to the effect that in the sunda, [15] a hundred and fifty leagues from that port, there had been seen a number of english ships, whose designs were not known; and, a little later, word from the commander of the fort of maluco that there were at terrenate, within the port, two english ships with four hundred men and fifty pieces of artillery--a council of war was held as to what was best to do. the said council decided to withdraw the garrison from la caldera to zibu, so that the enemy should not take that place; and, if they should attempt to do damage to that province, they would find it in a state of defense. accordingly an order was sent to captain toribio de miranda to withdraw with the troops, arms, artillery, and munitions, dismantling the fort; he was also told that he could return shortly to the island with more troops and arms, in order to assist in its defense. on the ninth of september captain toribio de miranda arrived at zibu, with all the troops, artillery, arms, and munitions; and at the same time general don juan tello arrived at zibu with a hundred men, who came as reënforcement from the city of manila. having spent six months there and commenced to build a fort of stone, the governor, as they had no more news of the english referred to, sent an order to the said don juan to come to the city of manila--which he did with the hundred men, leaving the province of zibu in a prosperous condition, with the troops which are usually kept there, and those of the garrison of la caldera, which in all amount to two hundred and fifty spaniards. after all this, in june of 1600 the governor received news, by way of malaca, that the ships which had passed to the south sea belonged to dutch merchants, who had come to load with spices in the maluco islands. having transacted their business, they had returned to their own country by way of yndia, without doing any damage to the islands of the west; it therefore seems that we are safe, notwithstanding the news received of those enemies. oliver van noordt's attack on luzon _commission to antonio de morga_ in the city of manila, on the thirty-first of october of the year one thousand six hundred, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands having assembled, the president announced to the said auditors that news had been received that, on the sixteenth of the current month and year, two foreign ships had anchored in the bay of albay, outside the mouth of the channel of these islands; whereupon he sent by land captains pedro de arceo, cobarrubias, and christoval de axqueta with seventy soldiers--arquebusiers and musketeers--to the place where said ships were stationed, in order to make the defense and resistance that occasion and opportunity might offer. he also ordered several ships to be equipped and prepared at the port of cavite, so that they could attack the said vessels. at this juncture of affairs, it was now reported that, on the twenty-fourth of the current month and year, the said ships had weighed anchor, left the said bay of albay, entered the channel of capul, and anchored at the island of capul, where they still were. the enemy's intention, according to the president, is to advance upon this city. accordingly, whatever may happen, both in order to resist him, and to prevent among these islands the possible effects to them and the vessels about to come from castilla, it is very advisable and necessary to go, with all haste, in pursuit of said enemy, and to assure the safety of the vessels and the port of cavite. as has been gathered from recent discussions held in the presence of the said president and auditors, with certain captains and men of experience, it is necessary to equip the deep-draught vessels quickly, and what light vessels can be prepared, so that they may attack the enemy. now in order that the aforesaid preparations may be effected and executed with all diligence and precision by all, it is advisable for the said president and auditors--the latter acting jointly with the said president--to attend personally to this matter, on account of its importance; for thus will the despatch be effected more quickly, and with the necessary equipment. the president requested that, attentive to the aforesaid, they decide and determine the course advisable to pursue in this matter. after having considered the above proposition, the said president and auditors resolved that doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this audiencia, should go immediately to the port of cavite and take charge of the despatch and preparation of the vessels about to go to attack the said enemy, and to place the said port in a state of defense. for this purpose he shall request the necessary means, which shall be given him as may be provided and ordained. the licentiate tellez almazan, also an auditor of this audiencia, shall remain in this city to attend to what is necessary for its defense, and for the provision of the said port of cavite. the president declares that the commandant at either place shall also assist and aid in such work as may be necessary, and as occasion may demand, so that by this means all possible diligence, together with the requisite haste, may be observed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ before me: _pedro hurtado de esquivel_ in the city of manila, on the thirteenth of january in the year one thousand six hundred and one, i, pedro hurtado de esquivel, clerk of court for the king our sovereign, in his royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands, at the request and order of doctor antonio de morga, of the council of the king our sovereign, and his auditor in this said royal audiencia, had this copy drawn from its original, which is in the book of the government of his royal audiencia. it is a true and faithful copy, and agrees with the original thereof, witnesses to its copying, correction, and comparison, being pedro muñoz de herrera, joan de arana, and miguel de talledo, citizens of manila. in testimony thereof, i affix my seal, in witness of the truth. _pedro hurtado desquivel_, clerk of court. [_endorsed_: "testimony of the resolution of the audiencia of the filipinas in respect to the entrance of the dutch corsair among the islands."] _instructions given by the governor to doctor antonio de morga_ the course of action to be pursued by doctor antonio de morga, auditor of the royal audiencia of these filipinas islands, and captain-general of the fleet about to go in pursuit of the english [_sic_] enemy, is as follows. first: inasmuch as news has been received that the english enemy, against whom this expedition is directed, is stationed in the harbor of marayuma, and inasmuch as he might take flight without awaiting attack, should he, by any chance, hear of our fleet, it is ordered that our fleet, with the least possible delay, shall start in pursuit of the enemy, in order to engage and fight him, until, with our lord's help, he is killed or sunk. _item_: the engagement with the enemy must be conducted with all diligence and care, whether in firing or in boarding his ships--whichever may be possible, in accordance with the best and readiest opportunity permitted by the weather. should the enemy take flight on sighting our fleet, he must be pursued, until the object sought is accomplished. _item_: should the enemy have left this coast when the fleet is despatched against him, and should information be received that he has gone to any other of these islands, then the fleet shall seek and pursue him, until he is captured or sunk. should the enemy have left these islands, he shall be pursued as far as possible, in accordance with his [morga's] judgment, in order that the end desired may be attained. _item_: inasmuch as the master-of-camp and the captains present at a council of war, held on the second of this current month and year, declared that, in their opinion, if no exact information as to the course and route taken by the enemy should be received, said fleet should follow the coast of ilocos toward the strait of zincapura, where it is thought the enemy must pass, in order to make his voyage. yet, notwithstanding the said council of war, the said general, in the event of receiving no information as to the enemy's course, shall pursue what course he considers most advisable, as he is the one in direct charge of the matter, and as weather and occasion allow, endeavoring to attain the end desired--namely, the pursuit and destruction of the enemy. _item_: should the fleet encounter any enemies whatsoever, pirates or others, who may be among the islands, or who shall have left them after committing depredations among them--whether english or japanese, terrenatans or mindanaos, or from any other nation--they must be attacked and punished, in order that some good result may be attained in this case also, should opportunity arise. _item_: after the capture of the enemy, as it is hoped, god our lord willing, the fleet will return with as many of the enemy as are still living, and the captured ships. _item_: the booty found in said ships shall be divided among those who gain the victory, as is customary on similar occasions. _item_: the greatest care must be taken that the crews of the fleet are peaceable and well disciplined, in regard to which the regulations followed on similar occasions shall be applied. _item_: good management must be exercised in regard to the supplies and ammunition carried; and they must be consumed sparingly, especially if the fleet leaves these islands. _item_: if perchance the fleet shall have engaged the enemy, or pursued him outside these islands, it must return to the islands as soon as possible after the desired end has been attained. should the weather not permit the return voyage until the coming of the monsoon, then he [morga] shall endeavor to preserve, provide, and equip the fleet with all needful things, at his majesty's expense, in order that his voyage may be made with the greatest promptness and security possible. given in the city of manila, on the tenth of december, one thousand six hundred. [16] _don francisco tello_ by order of the governor and captain-general, _gaspar de azevo_ _instructions given by doctor antonio de morga to captain joan de alcega_ the order to be pursued by captain joan de alcega, admiral of this fleet of the king our sovereign, in the course of this voyage and expedition, is as follows. [1.] first: inasmuch as the end for which this fleet has been prepared is for the search and pursuit of the english [_sic_] ships, which have come but lately among these islands, and, as we are informed, are near this place; and as in conformity with the instructions of the governor and captain-general of these islands, the said enemy must be pursued and followed with all care and diligence wherever found, and must be engaged, and captured or sunk: therefore it is necessary that the said almiranta [17] proceed very cautiously, and be ready with sailors, soldiers, and artillery, in order, on their part, to accomplish the said purpose, when opportunity offers. [2.] further, the said almiranta shall follow the flagship to leeward, unless it be rendered necessary for progress, or because of the enemy, to beat to windward. it shall have a care that the other smaller vessels of the fleet do not fall behind or deviate from the course--this to be without prejudice to their navigation and voyage, and their accompanying the flagship, which is the most important thing. [3.] _item_: should opportunity be offered to engage the enemy, the almiranta shall endeavor to engage him at the same moment as the flagship or alone, in case that flagship is to leeward, or so situated that it cannot do the same so quickly; for the flagship will endeavor to come to its aid in whatever happens, with all haste and speed possible. 4. _item_: upon overtaking the two ships of the enemy, efforts shall be made to grapple and board their flagship, where their force is carried. this same effort shall be made by the flagship of this fleet; but in case the flagship of the enemy cannot be overtaken, and their almiranta is in such a condition that something may be done with it, it shall be attempted. 5. _item_: should our fleet attack the enemy and grapple, both ships--the almiranta and the flagship--shall endeavor to grapple on the same side. but if that cannot be done, care shall be taken that our artillery and arquebuses are not turned on our own ships and men. in this the greatest possible care and precaution shall be observed. 6. _item_: upon grappling the enemy, efforts shall be made to make him fast to our ship and to lower his sails, so that he may not become separated from us. before boarding with troops, the nettings and deck of the enemy shall be rendered safe by clearing and raking them, in order that there may be as little risk as possible to our men. 7. in the course of this voyage in pursuit of the enemy, not a musket or arquebus shall be fired, nor a powder-box touched, until after his discovery. neither shall any artillery be fired, for an effort must be made to find the enemy at anchor, and to see that he have no knowledge of the fleet that is pursuing him. 8. should the almiranta be in any urgent need that requires aid, a shot shall be fired in the direction of the flagship, as a signal for help. the same will be done by the flagship in case it encounters a like necessity. 9. _item_: should the flagship display a flag in the shrouds, it will be a signal-call for a council of war, or other matters of importance, for which the admiral shall come to the flagship in whatever boat may be most convenient. 10. _item_: one of the two caracoas that accompany the fleet shall keep as close to the almiranta as possible, in order to act as tender to it and supply its necessities. 11. _item_: the greatest possible care and caution shall be taken in the use of the ammunition and supplies, in order that this voyage may be prolonged. 12. _item_: all these vessels must endeavor to keep together. but if one of the vessels should become separated from the others, by storm or by any other necessity, no direction for the exact route to be followed is given, as the design or course of the enemy is unknown. it is observed only that all the vessels are under obligation to seek for and pursue the enemy until they shall drive him, if nothing more shall be possible, from these islands, and leave the islands safe and free from the said enemy. but the best thing for the ship to do that becomes separated, as said above, will be to find out the course taken by the enemy, and to pursue that same course until it shall rejoin the fleet. 13. _item_: inasmuch as the governor and captain-general of these islands has given captain joan tello y aguirre, who is aboard the said almiranta, command as captain of infantry of what men i may assign him, i do hereby assign to him the infantry troops aboard said ship for the time that said expedition shall endure and last. the said admiral shall deliver these men to said captain joan tello y aguirre, in order that, as their captain, he may have charge of them, and punish and discipline them. all the above plan must be kept and observed now and henceforth throughout the course of this voyage. i give these instructions to the said admiral and other persons whom they may concern, in conformity with the command that i hold from the said governor and captain-general of these islands. in testimony thereof, i affixed my signature aboard the flagship, off the island of mariveles, wednesday, december thirteen, one thousand six hundred. [18] _doctor antonio de morga_ _account of the battle between morga and van noordt_ the license and daring of these heretical enemies of our holy religion and faith are so well known to all, that no one can relate satisfactorily the misfortunes that they have brought upon us, the destructions and deaths that they have caused among us, and the rich booty that they have carried away--which god in his righteous judgment permitted. as they behold themselves so favored by fortune, their greed is increasing continually, and they are continuing to prosecute their designs, as was the case when francisco draque [19] passed the strait of magellan and coasted along chile and piru, where he seized the vessel "san joan" of anzona, with a large consignment of silver, in the year 1579. again in the year 1587, they passed the straits under the english general don tomas canbler. [20] within sight of the californias they seized and sacked the vessel "sanctana," which was sailing from these islands to nueva españa with a large cargo of silk and gold. having easily made this seizure, they returned home, displaying innumerable banners, streamers, and pennons; and it is even affirmed that their sails were of damask. their countrymen, upon seeing them return so rich and prosperous in so short a time, were so enthusiastic as to launch a similar undertaking. among those who resolved to make a voyage to these parts was oliver daudtnord [21] a native of nostradama [amsterdam], one of the islands of olanda and xelanda [holland and zeeland]. being persuaded and informed by the boatswain who sailed on the vessel that seized the ship "sanctana"--to whom he gave title as captain and chief pilot--and being attracted to privateering, he asked permission of mauricio, count of nasao, and prince of orange, [22] in whose dominions the above islands are located, to equip four ships. he received permission, whereupon he collected as many men and as much of supplies and artillery as he deemed necessary. he placed forty of the total of two hundred and sixty men aboard two of the ships, which sailed from the port of nostradama--while the other two sailed from the port of rrotadama [rotterdam]--on the eleventh or twelfth of august, in the year 1598. they laid their course toward the straits of magellanes; and while skirting the coast of brasil, the portuguese there hoisted a flag of peace. this being seen by the english and irish, twelve of them went ashore in the shallop, where the portuguese, who numbered perhaps ten or twelve, received them with pleasant countenances, and invited them to dine. but while at dinner the portuguese murdered all the irishmen, among them the chief pilot, upon whom the others relied because of his familiarity with the said course and voyage. thereupon the enemy, furious at the manner in which they had been treated, landed forty or fifty arquebusiers in order to avenge the injury that they had received. the portuguese, in anticipation of this, intrenched themselves very strongly, so that the enemy was unable to enter their fort, but was, on the contrary, forced to retire to his boats with a loss of six men. they set sail and laid their course for the strait [of magellan], where they arrived a year and seven months from the time when they sailed from their own country. when they arrived there they encountered many storms and head-winds, and sickness to such an extent that they were obliged to transfer the men still remaining on one ship to the other three. then they sunk this vessel, and with the three vessels pursued their course, followed continually by storms which never left them. they sighted a vessel, which upon investigation turned out to be english. by it they were informed that another squadron of four vessels had sailed from yngalaterra [england], and that this vessel, being unable to carry so much sail as the others, had been left to its fate, and knew naught more of the others. the dutch ships continued their course and sailed ahead, so that within a few days they lost sight of this vessel. they passed through the strait, where they lost four or five months. after this it happened that the general fell out with his admiral, whom he charged with negligence of his orders. the admiral was tried, the charges sustained, and traitorous misdeeds proved against him; therefore he was abandoned on a desert island near the coast of chile. [23] then the general appointed as admiral one of the most valiant and experienced soldiers of his band. he reached the coast of chile, where he made a few captures, although of no especial importance. the first was a fragata, [24] which was seized near the island of sancta maria domingo de rramos in the year 1600. they were informed by this vessel that two ships had gone to arica for the king's silver; but they were warned that there were war-vessels at callao. this fragata, they say, was carrying three consignments of gold; but our men, upon seeing that they were lost, threw it overboard. the enemy seized the pilot, who was a portuguese, and took the fragata along with them, together with two negroes who were aboard of her. the latter told them that the pilot had had all the gold thrown overboard, whereupon they ordered the pilot to be cast into the sea alive. they captured at santiago on the same coast another vessel laden with tallow and cordovan leather [morocco]. considering that it was worth little to them, they burned it, and its crew escaped by swimming, except a few spaniards and natives who perished in the water. the enemy seeing that they were acquiring small profit in that neighborhood, decided to go up along the coast of nueva españa, and wait at the entrance of the californias for the annual vessels from these islands--the very purpose and object for which they had resolved upon their navigation, as is evident from the aforesaid. however they abandoned that purpose, upon being told by the negroes whom they had brought with them that don luis de velazco, viceroy of piru, had left lima in person for the port of callao to superintend the preparation of a large fleet, as he had been informed that pirates had passed and were along the coast. the enemy, fearful of this, and recalling the fact that, five years previously, arricharse de aquines, [25] an englishman, was defeated and captured by our men, after the greater part of his force was killed, decided to abandon their voyage to the californias, and to head for these islands, with the intention of awaiting at the ladrones the shipments of silver from nueva españa to manila. with the said intent, they put to sea, but after sailing for several days, they encountered a storm, which brought them all nearly to the verge of destruction. one very dark and stormy night they lost sight of the almiranta, and never saw it again. seeing himself without this vessel, the general chose as almiranta the fly-boat which he had remaining. this was a vessel of perhaps fifty toneladas burden, called "la concordia," under command of a captain called esias delende. then they resumed their course, with the same intention of capturing our silver, but, if unable to do more, to proceed to maluco to barter for cloves, for which purpose they carried mirrors, knives, basins, and other small wares. they reached the ladrones islands--our lord thus permitting--four or five days after our vessels had passed. they were detained there for several days, where, upon seeing their plans frustrated, they burned the fragata that they had brought from piru. thereupon they set sail and made the principal channel of these islands, eighty or ninety leguas from this city of manila, where they stopped--either for iron, or, as our people here said, because of a need of provisions; or, as i believe, and as they themselves asserted, purposely. in short, instead of going by way of capul, the right and necessary path for the voyage they were making, they entered a small bay called albay, on the camarines coast, where they anchored as if they were in their own harbors, and with as little fear and mistrust, as was clearly seen later on. they were hospitably received in this district, for our people supplied them with abundance of rice, with which to satisfy their need. they paid well for it, in order to relieve their necessity--they could not, had they wished, pay for more--for the purpose of assuring the natives that they had not come to harm them. they told the natives that they were vassals of the king don phelipe, our sovereign, in whose service and by whose permission they were coming. as is proved by those selfsame papers, the general showed the natives some counterfeit decrees, with which they ought to be satisfied. a messenger was sent to manila to give information of the vessels that had arrived there. the news reached here on the nineteenth of october, when captain xiron reported that he was in the camarines, and that he had boarded the general's ship, which was coming well-supplied with munitions, arms, and artillery. he gave information also concerning the number of men who, in his opinion, were carried by the two vessels--about ninety men, of whom some were sick; and of his dealings with them, and that they claimed to be vassals of the king our sovereign. as soon as news of the enemy reached this city, don francisco tello, governor of these islands, sent soldiers as scouts along the camarines coast, with orders to hide all the provisions, as he was unaware of the generous supply that the enemy had. it is quite true, as the english themselves said, that they could have had as much as they wanted, by paying for it. captain pedro de arseo and captain christobal de arseo etaminchaca, both of the infantry, were also ordered to go with a command of men along the coast to form ambushes, should the enemy land. but this was all to no purpose, for the enemy, in little more than a month, came out of the bay and sailed away on one course or another--which seemed quite impossible to the people here, because they were confident that the enemy could not get out of the bay in which they lay. but it finally turned out quite to the contrary; for, as i say, they departed and laid their course to capul, until they cast anchor in a harbor, where they are said to have cleaned the ships and sent men ashore to burn a small native village. one of the english was left behind there among the indians, who seized and brought him to this city. they took his deposition, in which he told some of the things related above. toward the last of november, one of the negroes, named salvador, who had escaped by swimming one night near capul, arrived here. he reported that the enemy were directing their course toward maluco, and that meanwhile they were trying to discover if there were any plunder among these islands. he said that the capture of the enemy would be greatly facilitated by attacking them with a fleet; and his advice was not bad. all this time the enemy were coming nearer, until they anchored in the port of el frayle, near mariveles, where they lay very much at ease and without any fear, watching for the vessels coming to this city. they captured a fragata, which they sank. they took a quantity of flour from a japanese vessel that was on its way here. in order to quiet the japanese, they gave them a sword, and a few trinkets of no particular value. they captured a chinese champan, by which they were informed that the chinese vessels would arrive within a few months, laden with silks and merchandise of great value. this news pleased the enemy so highly that they did not propose to leave until they should seize some of the chinese. from this place they wrote a letter to don francisco tello, in which they declared that the indians there had stolen a number of fowls from them, that his lordship should order the indians to make them good, and that they were coming to pay their respects to him. it may be seen by this how little they feared the governor. while these things were taking place, the governor had three ships fitted out--one from the city of cebu, to act as flagship; another, a galizabra, still in the shipyard--which was launched a few days before the departure--called "san bartolome," to act as almiranta; and a portuguese patache [26] which had come from malaca--with artillery, men, and munitions sufficient to overbalance the greater strength of the enemy. doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, was appointed captain-general of this fleet, an appointment which highly displeased the old captains, because in their opinion they should have been considered. they thought it unjust that the auditors should take part in the affair, especially because it left only one auditor in the audiencia. in the end, however, neither these nor other reasons sufficed to prevent his appointment. the general appointed as admiral captain joan de alzega, a very courageous soldier, of considerable reputation and credit, a biscayan by birth. many noble and wealthy people assisted in serving his majesty in this expedition, in all about three hundred men, counting the paid soldiers, the seamen, and others. they embarked very gallantly, with the resolution and intention of attempting not only that undertaking, but another of greater weight and difficulty. the general was impatient for the fleet to depart, and accordingly set sail on tuesday, the twelfth of december. the flagship and almiranta left, without waiting for the portuguese vessel, or allotting it sufficient crew or munitions, taking advantage of a tide which was discovered at the time of their departure, which was favorable to them. accordingly they began their voyage. as they left the bay, beyond the river of canas, three leguas from the harbor, the shallop which was carried on the stern of the almiranta went to the bottom, and drowned two seamen who were in it. they continued their voyage, and that night cast anchor at mariveles, where they lay the rest of the night. in the morning they were informed by the alferez albarran, who was stationed on that island as sentinel, that the enemy were anchored at azebu, five or six leagues from there. upon receiving this news, on that same day (st. lucy's) our men began to spread the _pavesades_, [27] and ballasted the flagship a trifle more. they were all in the highest of spirits, and so eager were they to come to close quarters with the enemy, that every hour's delay seemed a hundred years to them. at midnight, or a little later, on st. lucy's day, the flagship weighed anchor without notifying its almiranta. the latter, seeing the flagship make sail, followed. without waiting for the small portuguese vessel, they followed the course of the enemy, and at dawn the next day, which was the fourteenth of the said month, they discovered them. they investigated and ascertained beyond all doubt that it was the enemy. their only fear was lest the latter might escape from them. our men thought that if but once the enemy were grappled, they could overcome ten vessels. however, in a little while they were made to see the difference between fighting in imagination and actually using their hands in real earnest. in short, as above stated, our flagship was leading the advance; and when the enemy saw it, he ordered his almiranta to weigh anchor and reconnoiter. the order was obeyed, and although the almiranta put out to sea but a little distance, it recognized them as armed vessels, which was reported to the general. the latter ordered the almiranta to keep a sharp lookout and to run close-hauled; and, if it was apparent that the two vessels were approaching to attack them, to return to his assistance. but his intent was to see if he could not in any way separate their force, because he said that, ship for ship, his force was the abler. since our flagship was drawing nearer and outstripping the almiranta, it was overtaking the enemy, who put to sea with his flagship and waited close-hauled. he fired a shot, which carried away part of the tops and the main halyard on our flagship. ours returned the fire, but struck the water. when they almost touched our ship, the enemy fired another shot, which destroyed a pump and killed two or three indians. thereupon our men crowded on all sail, and attacked with the greatest determination that was ever seen--for, as they say, they were going with all sails set. our ship grappled with its opponent, so that our men could board easily. with the vessels in this condition, shots were fired on both sides. about twelve of our men leaped aboard the enemy's ship. the enemy retreated to the bow, where they intrenched themselves, and made loopholes, through which they fired their muskets--although, being fearful lest our almiranta should come up to grapple with them, they did but little damage, before they were compelled to strike their own colors and hoist ours in their place. at this moment our almiranta came up with the intention of boarding on the other side. thereupon our men who were aboard the enemy's ship cried out: "victory! victory! for the king of españa! pass on ahead! do not fire and kill us, for the ship has surrendered already." however, the admiral, joan de alezega, caused two pieces to be fired and a discharge of his musketry and arquebuses upon the enemy. it is understood that with one piece of this broadside, he did the enemy considerable injury, as was proved. as soon as the admiral understood that our men were advising him to pass on, and that the enemy's almiranta was fleeing under a press of canvas, he bore away in pursuit of it. the enemy's flagship, seeing that our almiranta had departed, began to serve their artillery more rapidly, and their musketry from the bow, so that they inflicted considerable loss upon those of our men who boarded their ship with only shields on their arms, and their swords. in this way they would have defeated the enemy if they had attacked with fifty men in a body. instead of taking such good counsel, they boarded in parties of threes, while the enemy continued to wound and kill them. even this lack of system and concord did not stop here, but it is understood that the enemy pierced our flagship with a ball at the water-line. our men, flushed with the exultation of the victory they had won at first, and confused by much shouting, did not hasten to repair the damage; for they were people who did not like to be ordered, and their general could do nothing with them, as they were all captains and men of distinction. on account of this, and as the ship was so occupied by the sailors' berths, they could not, or did not, notice the shot which our ship received. when they did perceive it by the rising of the water to the second deck, they all became frightened; and, instead of boarding the enemy's ship, with the thought that if they were losing a ship, they were gaining one, they began to devise means of escape. accordingly some leaped into the enemy's small boat without orders from the general, whereby a few escaped, while others had recourse to our own small boat. thus eight or ten of them contrived to escape, without waiting for anything else. a little before this, they addressed the general, antonio de morga, saying: "escape, your grace, for the ship is sinking." he answered that it was not suitable to his reputation to leave his ship and not die with all the others, from which answer it was understood that, in case the ship went down, he was confident of his own strength and dexterity. the rest of our men--it may be seen what sort of men they were--seeing that the vessel was settling little by little, and that the enemy did not cease to serve their guns, huddled together in fright as they saw their ship filling with water--a state of affairs which would make others undertake not only the exploit of boarding the ship and mastering it, but even more difficult enterprises. in short, by the just judgments of god, which our sinful countrymen so well deserved, he disturbed their minds and deserted them, so that they would make no effort, excepting a few--of whom i shall make particular mention below, because they deserve it. there was one who, in order that he might take them with him, ordered a gold chain and other jewels brought to him. seeing things in this condition and the danger so evident, a father of the society, by name father santiago, took a crucifix in his hands, and commenced to call out to the christian spaniards: "where is that courage of yours? see, this is the cause of god! die, die like good soldiers of jesus christ! if you do not care to be food for fishes, consider that the lesser of the two evils which threaten us is to board that ship of the enemy, for if we are losing one ship, we are gaining another." after this exhortation, several men hastened to board their enemy's ship. those who did not do it were prevented by two reasons: first, because they saw a fire breaking out on the enemy's ship, caused by some charges of powder which they set off purposely to terrify our men, and make them believe that they were about to blow up the ship; the second, because our pilot told them that, although the ship was so full of water up to the second deck, all hands could be saved even if the ship were lost, as the distance from there to the island of fortuna was little more than one-half legua, and, if they would cast loose from the enemy and crowd on sail, their purpose would be just as well effected. the idea of escaping with their lives seemed very attractive to all, and accordingly this plan was immediately put into execution. they began to cut the cables and to cast loose from the enemy. in a few moments our ship started off in such a way that they saw the dead bodies of drowned men floating about between decks. the general, upon seeing this, began to strip off his clothing, at the persuasion of a private servant of his named josepe denaveda, who gave him a mattress of [_ms. worn_] on which the two naked men threw themselves into the sea. many others did likewise, though only a few reached shore. our ship gave a lurch and foundered, carrying down with it all those whom fear of their inability to swim prevented from taking to the water--some of whom were armed--so that the majority of the men were carried down with the ship. many who were very good swimmers were dragged to the bottom by the force of the suction. all our men who were still on the surface tried by all the means in their power to save their lives. it was the unhappy fate of some of them to reach the enemy's ship itself where those heretics hastened to receive them with pikes, and speared them with great cruelty. among those they wounded captain gomez de molina with a lance; however he continued to swim thus wounded, until he reached the shore, where he died from loss of blood, at the water's edge. in this way many died, and those who escaped took shelter on the island of fortuna, eighteen leguas from the city, until some vessels might pass by. at this moment the small portuguese ship, seeing the outcome, laid its course to malaca, because it had arrived only at that moment. our ship had grappled with the enemy for six hours, from eight in the morning until two in the afternoon, when the former foundered. admiral joan de alcaga, who was chasing the enemy's almiranta, overtook it, and after he had fired two or three volleys of his artillery, musketry, and arquebuses, he grappled it on its stern-quarter on the starboard side. our men immediately boarded the enemy, the said admiral being among the first. the enemy defended themselves well, serving their artillery and thrice setting a fire purposely with some powder cartridges, but our men hastened to put out the fire with buckets of water. the enemy seeing the strength of their assailants and how unfortunately the action was turning out, because the best of them were killed, honorably surrendered. admiral joan de alcaga agreed, and so they were captured with nineteen men alive. on our side only one man was killed by a gun-shot, one joan baptista de mondragon, a nephew of the precentor in the cathedral at manila. another from the canarias was drowned while trying to jump from one ship to the other. some were seriously wounded; the captain and master of our almiranta, joan lopez de serra, was shot through the thigh, and a certain calderon was shot through one side of his shoulder and part of his arm. there were others wounded, but none seriously. some booty was found on the vessel, two pipes of oil and two of wine, a number of basins, candlesticks, and brass mortars, iron in plates and bars, and some other small wares of little value. they captured twelve pieces of artillery--eight heavy and excellent pieces of cast iron, and four small ones. among other things captured, was found a small iron coffer which was kept in the after-cabin, and in which the admiral carried the papers and commissions which the prince of orange had given him when he appointed him captain of that ship. one was in his own tongue and the other in ours, which is the one copied at the end of this relation. one or two charts were found, which they brought for piru; these the holy inquisition has in its possession. then admiral joan de alcega ordered a few sailors to be transferred to the ship surrendered by the enemy, and set them to making repairs in order to take it into manila; for its main mast and rigging were lost, and our men in boarding left nothing standing by which they could navigate. they took it to an island near by, called luban, while there, our men sighted a dismantled ship which seemed to be coming toward them, which they took to be the enemy's flagship, which was already ours, and that it was being sent, like their own, to be repaired. their expectation was not unfounded, for they had seen our men in it and heard them shouting, "victory!" so that it seemed to them that nothing else could be possible. but in actual truth it was the enemy, who was coming, upon seeing his almiranta, to see if he could assist it. but when the enemy saw the two ships close together, and heard no noise of guns, he tacked about, and hitherto nothing has been known of his whereabouts. it is believed that his flagship was badly injured and battered, since it did not wait, although victorious by having sent our flagship to the bottom. however, we may give credit to some who said that when they were in the water, they saw the crew of the enemy casting lances at our men who were swimming, whom they could overtake. our almiranta, after its recent success, set sail to return to manila, where they thought that our flagship was calmly lying at anchor. they arrived at mariveles and there they heard of the misfortune our people had suffered. the admiral sent a messenger to the governor of this city to procure his orders, and to tell him that he was waiting there. he was ordered to follow instantly and pursue the enemy as far as malaca, or wherever else he might hear that he was. immediately he received another order to cruise among those islands--when, if he should not find the enemy, he was to return. this he did after sending the survivors of the enemy to this city. the admiral himself came later to the city, and the governor ordered him to be arrested, but afterward set him at liberty. i do not know what justification there was for either act. after all this, the governor, with perfect justice, notwithstanding the word that admiral joan de alcega had pledged to them, ordered all the prisoners to be garroted. [28] this sentence was fulfilled and executed upon thirteen of them because the rest were boys. the latter, who are not young children, are divided among the monasteries, with i know not what end in view. twelve [of those executed] died good catholics and converts, and with many tears, so that the religious were obliged to administer the most holy sacrament of the eucharist to them. the confraternity of la sancta misericordia buried them with great charity. the only one who refused conversion was the english admiral [lambert biezman], the most stubborn fellow [29] and the most obstinate heretic i have ever seen in my life. according to the reports received, a total of one hundred and thirty-seven men were killed or drowned. _copy of the commission which was found in the iron box_ (this is a faithful and exact copy of a letter and patent, written lengthwise on white parchment in large letters, and illuminated with letters of gold. the first line is covered with a pendent seal of red wax, the size of a consecrated wafer. this document appears to have been issued by mauricio de nashau, who styles himself "prince of orange," as commission for the captain or second in command of a certain armed fleet, and is countersigned by j. melander; its tenor is as follows. [30]) mauricio, prince of orange; count of nasau, catzenelleboghen, and bietz; marquis of veer and flissinge; governor, captain-general, and admiral of the united provinces of flandes, etc.: to all who see or hear these presents, our affectionate greeting, etc. whereas, in order to contract friendship with certain foreign nations and kingdoms, and for many other considerations, we have seen fit to send a goodly number of vessels, in good order and well equipped, to the coasts of asia, africa, and america, and the islands of eastern yndia, to make treaties and carry on trade with the subjects and inhabitants thereof; and because we have been informed that the spanish and the portuguese are hostile to the subjects of these provinces, and obstruct their navigation and commerce in those parts, contrary to all natural right of all cities and nations; we have found it necessary to entrust, to certain valiant and experienced captains, the task of executing this our intention. being well-informed of the fidelity and experience of esaias de lende, we have appointed him captain of the ship named "la concordia," of about fifty toneladas register, with very detailed and explicit orders to go to the said islands, to resist and make war on, and to harm and injure as far as possible, all the said spanish and portuguese, and any others who attempt to obstruct them in their duties, and in the performance of everything which shall be further commanded by their admiral and captain-general, olivier van noordt. that he may execute this, his commission and charge, with greater facility and readiness, we have ordered that he shall raise as many men as he shall deem necessary, and as shall be entrusted to him by the said admiral. we strictly order these men to obey and respect the said captain, and to obey all his orders to them in the name of the said admiral. in everything else he shall do all that a good and faithful captain is bound and obliged to do--always excepting that neither he nor any of his men shall dare to do any harm or injury to the subjects of his imperial majesty, or those of the kings of francia, anglatierra, escocia, denemarqua, suedia, and polonia, or of the princes of the empire, [31] or of any other rulers who are friends of these provinces, or inclined to the true christian religion. therefore we request and require all the said kings and princes, and all other states, and all persons whom the said esaias de lende shall encounter; and we also give express orders to all admirals, vice-admirals, colonels, captains, and other military men on sea or land, and others who are under the government of these provinces and owe them obedience--to recognize him as captain of the said ship, and to allow him, with the said ship and crew, not only to go and trade wherever he shall please, but also to assist him, and extend him all favor, aid, and succor, from which we shall receive great and especial favor and satisfaction. we will render favors to them on like occasions, and our people will perform for them the services for which they are under obligation. given at la haya [the hague], on the twelfth of may in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight. _maurici de nashau_ by order of his excellency: _j. melander_ [this is followed by a certificate (dated february 6, 1601) of the accuracy of the copy, with the statement that the original had been delivered to the royal notary for copying by doctor antonio de morga.] documents of 1601 report to the governor, on the battle with the dutch. antonio de morga, january 5. annual letters from the philippine islands. francisco vaez, s.j.; june 10. letter to felipe iii. diego garcia, s.j.; july 8. letter from the fiscal to felipe iii. hieronimo de salazar y salcedo; july 16. complaint of the cabildo of manila against morga. gonzalo ronquillo de vallesteros, and others; july 20. letter to felipe iii. antonio de morga; july 30. grant to jesuit school in cebú. council of indias; december 11. _sources_: all these documents save one are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the second is taken from john hay's compilation _de rebus iaponicis, indicis, et pervanis_ (antverpiæ, m. dc. v.), pp. 950-968, from the copy in the library of congress. _translations_: the first and fourth of these documents are translated by norman f. hall, of harvard university; the second, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the third, fifth, and sixth, by robert w. haight; the seventh, by james a. robertson. morga's report to the governor on the battle with the dutch _copy of a petition of dr. antonio de morga to the governor, in which he gives an account of all that happened in the expedition against the dutch corsair, presented as soon as he returned from it._ this is a copy well and faithfully made from a petition which it seems was presented by dr. antonio de morga, auditor of the royal audiencia of these islands, to don francisco tello, knight of the order of santiago, who is governor and captain-general of these islands. this is in connection with a suit brought by order of the said governor against joan de alcega, admiral of the royal fleet which went against the dutch enemy which was sailing among these islands. the said auditor was commander-in-chief of this fleet, and the admiral was the said joan de alcega, who deserted the royal flagship in time of battle. it runs as follows: i, dr. antonio de morga, auditor of the royal audiencia and chancilleria of these philipinas islands, say that in the month of october just passed, in the year one thousand six hundred, there came to these islands for the purpose of robbery one oliver de nor, corsair and a heretic, and a native of the states of flandes, with two men-of-war well provided with men, artillery, and munitions. one of the two ships was large and strong, and was the flagship; the other, smaller and of less importance and strength, was the admiral's ship. with these he had entered the south sea through the strait of magallanes, and skirted the coast of chile; and then came and anchored outside the entrance to these islands, in the bay of alvay. after making inquiries about affairs in these islands, and finding that there was no fleet, and no arrangement by which one that could molest him could be created, he passed by capul and proceeded on his way until he reached the mouth of the bay of this city of manila. there he made some captures and committed some robberies on vessels which entered, and he was hoping to commit greater ones on the ships which are expected this year, both from china and from nueva españa, with the money belonging to these islands. on this account your lordship, together with the royal audiencia, by a decree in due form dated the last day of the aforesaid month of october, commanded me to go to the port of cavite and to place it and keep it in a state of defense; and likewise to finish some vessels which had been begun there in the dockyard, and to prepare and put in order those which could be used quickly for a fleet to go out and resist and punish the enemy. by working personally day and night, without having anything given to me for it, i put all this into operation with the greatest diligence and care, in thirty-two days. when i came to this city to give your lordship an account of the good condition of the fleet--in order that it might be immediately arranged who was to go out in it, and the soldiers and seamen who were to embark--considering the fact that the corsair still remained near this bay, your lordship, influenced by urgent causes and reasons, ordered and commanded me in writing, in the name of our lord the king, to set out with the volunteers of this city, who were placed at my disposal for this expedition. it was understood that i was to conduct this expedition, and, with another body composed of hired soldiers from this district, was to go out as quickly as possible in search of the enemy, and was to fight with him until i overcame him or sent him to the bottom. there were many other conditions which are contained more fully in the letter of instructions which your lordship gave me, signed and sealed, to which i refer. in fulfilment of this, and only for the service of god and of our lord the king (which service your lordship commended to me so strongly), leaving my house and quiet life, leaving my wife and nine children, i obeyed your lordship's command. at my own cost, without having anything supplied from the royal treasury either to myself or to the volunteers who were with me, and who formed the larger part of all the body, i embarked on the fleet on the twelfth day of the month of december of the aforesaid year, taking as flagship the vessel "san diego," which is of about two hundred tons burden; and in its convoy the ship "san bartolome" as admiral's ship, of the same burden, in command of the captain joan de alçega, admiral of the fleet, and other small vessels for the service of the fleet. that same day i set sail from the port of cavite in search of the enemy; and on the following thursday, the fourteenth of december, i came in sight of him. both ships of his fleet were anchored near the mouth of the bay at the point of balagtigui, with his boats at the stern. the flagship of the enemy, from behind, was very easily seen to be a strong vessel, but the admiral's ship was not. when he discovered the two ships of the royal fleet and saw that we were keeping together, in order jointly to board and attack his flagship, he weighed anchor; and, after sending the said admiral's ship out to sea under all sail, in order to divide us, thinking that one of our ships would go after it, he with his flagship luffed toward our vessels, in order to get to windward of us, which he was not able to accomplish. on the contrary, when i discovered the number and excellence of his artillery, with which he began to cannonade me, i saw that success must consist in coming hand to hand with him as soon as possible, with both of our vessels, according to the arrangement which i had made on the day before, the thirteenth of december, when i had given orders and instructions to that effect in writing to the said admiral. so with my flagship i boarded the corsair's flagship, and grappled with it side to side, on the port quarter of the enemy, in the expectation that my admiral would do the same on the other side, as he was perfectly able to do. at the first volley from the artillery and arquebuses i swept the deck of the enemy, unrigged his main and mizzen masts, sent his yards and shrouds into the sea, burned his sails, and won and took into my power the flag at the topmast, the standard and flag at the stern, and the others which the ship bore. then i sent on board of him a band of men with arms and a banner of infantry, who captured the poop and the cabin and took the shallop or long-boat which it had at the stern. all the enemy retired below the harpings and coverings at the bow. seeing from there that my admiral was already coming upon them, and that they could not defend themselves, they sent to ask protection for their lives, and to say that they would surrender; and i granted their request, in order to end the battle with the least possible loss and with the greatest safety. at this time the admiral's ship of my fleet ought to have boarded the enemy as i had done, according to his duty, and to the order which he had from me; and, without orders from me, ought not to have passed by, and still less to have gone in pursuit of, the opposing admiral's ship which was going out to sea. these orders, for many reasons, i could not be expected to give him, especially at that time, until the flagship had completely surrendered and a guard had been placed over it and over the people on it, which would be impossible with my ship alone. nevertheless our admiral aforesaid, for some reasons of his own which he had, passed by, and with all sail started to pursue and overtake the admiral's ship of the corsair. when the enemy on the flagship saw this, and that they were alone, and that, on account of the superiority of his ship and artillery, he might hope to defend himself, he turned a deaf ear to the terms which i sent him; and he not only did not surrender, but he put himself on the defensive, and fought with me with all the fury of his artillery and of his musketry, from both sides of the ship, and with fire contrivances, with which he was well supplied. the battle lasted six hours, with both ships lashed side to side, but in all this time my admiral aforesaid did not leave his course, or return to succor or help me. on the contrary he began, in our sight, to fight with the admiral's ship of the enemy, which he had overtaken, and he easily captured it because it was a very small ship, with about twenty-two men, including boys and the sick; and after it had surrendered he remained there, instead of returning to help me in time of battle. the enemy killed ten or twelve spaniards of my men, and some indians of the service, and on his side most of his men died; so that, being still so hard pressed, he himself set fire to his ship of his own accord, at the stern, where our men were on the poop with the banner. the fire so increased there that we feared that both ships were going to be consumed. furthermore, my flagship, which was not a strong one, having been made especially for the merchant trade, sprang a leak at the bow with the force of the artillery which had been fired in this long combat; and it made water so fast that nothing could be done, because we had no pumps, as they had been knocked to pieces by one of the enemy's shot. on this account, by the advice and counsel of the chief pilot and of the seamen who understood the situation, i was asked to loosen myself from the enemy and to go to save my ship (or at least the artillery and men on it) at the island of fortun, which was to leeward of us a legua and a half away, and which they said we could reach quickly. when i saw the opinion of the aforesaid men and the danger which my ship was in, both from the fire on the enemy and from the risk of sinking, i followed the advice; and, having withdrawn the men and the banner that i had on the poop-castle of the corsair's ship, which was left, as i have said, so broken and disabled, i started for the aforesaid island of fortun to make repairs; but the water which the ship was taking in increased so that all at once the ship sank. when the enemy saw himself alone, with the few men that he had, he hastily began to put out the fire on his ship; and with the foresail, which he had had up all the time, he took flight toward the island of luban, where he has not appeared since that day, nor in any other of the adjacent islands. from this and from the fact that he was so broken and so stripped of men and without any long-boat, it may be inferred that he went to the bottom. some indications of this have been seen since in the shape of yards and sails, and bodies of the enemy's men, so that we may presume that it is so. when the flagship of the fleet on which i was went to the bottom, there was no shallop or boat to saye the men, because the boats had been taken by some sailors and soldiers, who to escape the danger, had gone with them to the aforesaid island of fortun. consequently when the ship sank i was left in the water, and saved myself at the end of four hours by swimming with great exertion to the island of fortun, which was a legua and a half away, against many waves and a high wind. the same thing was done by two hundred other persons, including spaniards and slaves, but the rest drowned and perished, with what was left in the ship. then i made haste to take all the people from that island, because it was without inhabitants and without water, and i started them on the way to this city. after that i went along the coast to get information about the enemy which had fled, and in search of the admiral's ship and of the captured vessel; but i could not find them, nor could i in the islands of that district, although i searched among them in light vessels, for they had departed thence. at last, having heard that they were near mariveles, i came to claim them, but did not enter them because your lordship wrote to me, at just that time, to come to this city on other business in the service of his majesty. thus that expedition ended. it is true that the desired end was accomplished--namely, to destroy the aforesaid corsair so that he should not be able to do the damage which he was doing in this sea, and to conquer him, which was done. nevertheless it could have been accomplished fully without the loss which there was, if my orders had been followed in the aforesaid fleet, and if there had not been other transgressions and irregularities--which i should have proceeded against and executed justice upon if i had had opportunity to return to the aforesaid fleet, as i tried to do. since on my part this is all ended, it remains for your lordship, as captain-general of this realm, to take action in this cause--not only to execute whatever may be just in the matter, but also in order to give an account to our lord the king of what has happened. i have had this in mind in giving to your lordship so faithful and exact an account of the case, and of the aforesaid irregularities, of which the ones that need particular attention are the following. first. when the fleet was on the point of setting out from the port of cavite, although it was already scantily equipped with seamen and artillerymen (which was a matter of the greatest importance), the majority of those who had been provided and supplied absented themselves and fled from the aforesaid fleet at the time of setting out, so that they could not be reached; and the fleet had to go without them, which was the cause of a great deal of suffering and loss. it can be determined who were guilty of this through the lists of allowances and apportionment which are in the possession of the factor of the royal treasury, and through the register which the accountant afterwards made of both fleets at mariveles. _item_: although your lordship, at my request, had some seamen sought out in this city, and had them sent to me with the sergeant pedro lopez to mariveles (where the fleet was anchored) on wednesday, december thirteenth, and although the aforesaid men arrived on wednesday, they refused to go on the expedition because they were men of wealth and property; and they did not go to the fleet that night, but went to the settlement on the island. there they remained until the fleet had gone in pursuit of the enemy in the early morning, when they left the village and returned to this city. third. the sangley nation of this city offered themselves, with three ships, according to their custom, to go in the service and convoy of the aforesaid fleet. they were armed and set out after it from cavite for that purpose, but when they reached the station at mariveles, where the fleet was anchored, they left it; and it was necessary to send to them and order that on the following day they should join the fleet and follow it without moving off, under pain of their lives. not only did they not comply with this, but on the following day, when they saw the battle, they remained more than three leguas behind, looking at it; and although they could have been of great assistance, when they saw my flagship founder, they returned toward the bay, ringing bells and beating drums, as is their custom. fourth. the aforesaid captain joan de alcega, admiral of the fleet, did not obey the orders and instructions which on the day before the battle i gave to him in writing, signed with my name, according to which both ships, flagship and admiral's ship, were to board and fight with the enemy's flagship, because it was a strong vessel. nevertheless, though he had seen me board, he passed by without having an order from me to do so, and still less having any order to follow and to fight with the opposing admiral's ship, and thus abandon me. if he had done as he was under obligation to do, the flagship would have been made to surrender completely without the loss of one of our men; and we could have captured for his majesty a beautiful ship and twenty-six pieces of artillery, and many other things of price and value for all, and my flagship would not have been lost, and the people of worth who died in it would not have perished. after that, it would have been a sure and easy thing to capture the admiral's ship, which was a small boat, of no strength. your lordship should send promptly to the admiral to write the instructions which i gave him originally in mariveles on the thirteenth of december by the hand of the captain joan tello y aguirre, who came for them--signed with my name, without any erasures or changes whatever--because through them the above matter will be verified, without any fraud or deceit. fifth. after my flagship had foundered, the enemy in his, as broken as it was, took to flight with only the foresail up, and passed within sight of the admiral's ship of my convoy, and although the admiral was aware of my loss, and that that was the enemy's ship, and made sail after her, he did not try to follow her; and so he let her go, although he could easily have overtaken her, as she bore only the foresail, and could have captured her, as she was so broken and without men. most of us who were on the island of fortun saw this from there; and the captive flamenco admiral will say the same thing, as well as those who came in our admiral's ship and remained in it. _item_: although our admiral's ship ought to have come in search of its flagship, which it saw sinking in the sea from its companion ship--or at least in aid of its men who had escaped to the island of fortun, which was near, in order to rescue us from that island, uninhabited and without water, where we were in evident risk of our lives--yet he did not do it. on the contrary, he went away with all speed, and returned to the mainland to the station of mareyuma; consequently we could not find him, and he could not receive orders from me, his commander, concerning what he was to do in such matters as following the aforesaid enemy (in which a great opportunity was lost), as well as in other things in the service of his majesty which ought to have been done. seventh and last. although the aforesaid admiral ought not to have allowed out of his convoy the vessel which he had captured and taken from the enemy, so that it might not be lost again on account of his having put very few men on it, he left it; and, under pretense that he was sending it to be repaired, he ordered it to the island of luban with other intentions--where on the same day, near night-time, there appeared the flagship of the enemy, which, if it had seen this ship, could have seized and taken it easily, because it was without defense. then, without having been repaired, it left luban and returned to the aforesaid admiral's ship at mareyuma. of all this your lordship is sufficiently informed through the reports which have been sent to your lordship about the aforesaid event, and through the investigations made by the alcalde-mayor of the province of balayan, in whose territory and under whose jurisdiction the event took place. your lordship will also be informed by the searchings and investigations which your lordship ought to make concerning the aforesaid case and every particular of it, personally and very soon, before the guilty ones pervert them so that the truth may not be understood. they have been preparing for this, holding investigations before themselves in the admiral's ship, about their own affairs and business; but opportunity ought not to be given for these, nor any attention paid to them, for they are void and fraudulent, and malicious. i ask and pray your lordship to do and perform in this matter, since it is of such quality and importance, whatever may be proper in the service of god and of his majesty, so that those may be punished who are guilty in a matter of such harm and loss, and that our lord the king and the gentlemen of his council of the indias may be informed faithfully of all that has happened and of what has been done--since, as far as i am concerned in this matter, as there no longer remains to me any authority or jurisdiction of commander in the fleet, i have done my duty. for this i have, etc., and ask it for testimony. _doctor antonio de morga_ in manila, on the fifth of the month of january in the year one thousand six hundred and one, before the governor and captain-general of these islands, don francisco tello, appeared the doctor antonio de morga, and presented this petition; and when his lordship had seen it, he ordered it to be joined with the investigation which the alcalde-mayor of balayan made, in order that the other proper verifications may be made according to what is provided, and that whatever is just may be done. _tello_ before me: _gaspar de azebo_ this copy was made, as has been said, from the aforesaid original petition, which is in the aforesaid suit of petition and mandate by the aforesaid auditor, and is exact and correct. in the city of manila, on the twentieth of the month of november in the year one thousand six hundred and two; the witnesses being: joan p[ablo?] monfredo, and gregorio del castillo, and josephe de naveda alvarado. in testimony of truth, i have affixed my seal. _joan paez de sotomayor_, royal notary. we, the notaries who sign here, certify and give our word that joan paez de sotomayor, by whom this testimony is signed and sealed, is a royal notary, as he signs himself, and commissioner of the royal audiencia of these islands; and, as such, complete faith and credit has been given and is given to all acts and writings which have passed and do pass before him, in court and out of it. and, to certify to this, we give these presents in manila on the twentieth of november in the year one thousand six hundred and two. i have affixed my seal, in witness of truth. _francisco de valencia_, notary-public. i have affixed my seal, in testimony of truth. _jhoan francisco aparicio_, notary-public. annual letters from the philippine islands _from father francisco vaez, [32] june 10, 1601, to reverend father claudio aquaviva, general of the society of jesus._ amid all the calamities and miseries which it has pleased the lord to inflict on these islands, the chief has been the loss of some ships which were wrecked, including among others the flagship and the ship of the second in command. they set sail from this coast during the last year, 1600, for nueva españa, being laden with a large amount of treasure and merchandise; and by them the records of this province and the letters from japan for your paternity were sent. but, after sailing for eight months, these ships encountered a violent contrary wind, and, having on board a great number of sailors, were gradually driven back by sickness, hunger, and the fury of the waves, which swept the men from the very decks of the ships to be drowned in the waters. the vessels struck on rocks and were wrecked, a few men only being rescued, like the servants of job, from the immediate danger, to announce the destruction--which, being increased by one misfortune and mishap in war after another, heaped sorrow upon us. on one of these ships, called the "san geronimo," was father pedro lopez de parra, a professed religious of our society--who, as we trust, after this long voyage (or rather that longer one of thirty-seven years in religion), has entered the gate of eternal life, laden with a rich treasure of good works. he taught philosophy and theology in nueva españa, having been one of the first members of the society formerly sent thither; he trained our ministers with fruitful results. although we have heard nothing certain with regard to the details of his death, yet, as he took great delight in the duty of hearing confessions and helping souls, it is likely that with great devotion he aided all in that extremity of danger. [33] in another disaster we have lost another priest and a brother, if loss be the proper name to give to the death of those who have been slain for the gain of souls, and while aiding their brethren in a just war against heretic pirates. these were hollanders and zeelanders who were driven to the philippine islands in the year 1600, and came to get booty on the sea called the northern ocean, or "mar del norte" (for they had already made spoil of a portuguese ship), and, after passing the strait of magellan, had, in that southerly ocean called "mar del sur," done likewise with a small vessel from peru. their leading vessels, the flagship and the almiranta, took a station six leagues from manila, where the spanish, japanese, and chinese ships had to unload their cargoes, and to which all the smacks and other small boats that left the city had to hold their course. against these ships of the enemy there were sent out from manila two ships provided with three hundred of the best soldiers of these islands, together with many bombards and other equipments of war. in the chief ships were father diego de santiago and brother bartolomeo calvo, at the request of the general, antonio de morga, auditor of the royal audiencia, and of other officers of rank, who were accustomed to confess to the said father. now when the father had exerted himself to receive the confessions of the soldiery, and had exhorted them to fight bravely, on the fourteenth of december they came in sight of the enemy; and the flagship spread its sails and bore down so swiftly on the other flagship that the passage from one to the other was easy. in the conflict our men tore away the enemy's flags and carried them back to their own ship, shouting, "victory!" with joyful voices. just then our ship, having taken in a great quantity of water from all sides, was by the permission of god suddenly swallowed in the waves with all the sailors, except a few who by the help of a skiff captured from the dutch, or by swimming, made their way to land. the general was one who threw himself into the water with two flags of the enemy's. then the almiranta, having encountered the enemy's almiranta, captured it, and carried it away to manila, where punishment was inflicted on all the sailors. among the number of those on our side who were slain or drowned, a hundred and fifty-nine in all, father diego was drowned. he had heard, as it appeared, the confessions of all; and as he was making the effort to throw himself clear into the sea, he was called back by the voice of a captain desiring to make his confession. while he was hearing the confession he was drowned, with the brother and the rest. the father was in the twenty-ninth year of his age, and had lived fifteen years in the society. the brother, his companion, was of the same age, and had lived in the society seven years; he had entered it in these regions. he was a man endowed with every virtue, being especially noteworthy for his obedience, to which he was always greatly inclined. of the brethren there has also died martin sanchez, a native of these islands, who was for a decade a member of the society, and who left a glorious example in life and death. there remain in this vice-province thirty priests and twenty-nine brethren (of whom two are scholastics and four novices)--those nine being included whom your paternity has sent hither with father gregorio lopez, in whom this vice-province assuredly receives a great assistance. as it is of later birth, more scantily supplied with workers, and further from rome, it is likewise poorer; and, as the younger daughter, ought to be the dearer and more precious to your paternity. college of manila there live in this college (the leading one [34] in this vice-province) seventeen of ours--seven priests and ten brethren. all of them, by the favor of divine providence, have by their example and labor brought in a rich harvest from the spiritual tilling of this city. this has been added to on account of the war and the earthquake, the loss of the ships, and other calamities; and we have learned by experience that piety grows more rapidly in adverse than in prosperous fortune. the earthquake has made us hesitate to go on with the completion of the college buildings, for we are compelled first to repair what has already fallen or is on the verge of ruin. last year we wrote that on the twenty-first of june the main part of the nave of the church had fallen; but in this year of 1601, on the sixteenth of january, the other part corresponding to it was overthrown, and the rest so shaken that it had to be leveled with the ground. we regard it as a great blessing that these buildings fell without injuring anyone, although the first of the earthquakes came while the people were in the church at mass, the other when it was least expected. the people of manila have accordingly been warned by ours of the daily peril of life on earth, and have begun to lift up their hearts to heaven, and to pray for its care and protection. by a happy lot it has been obtained for them by the patronage and advocacy of st. polycarp, [35] bishop and martyr, the disciple of st. john the evangelist; and in his honor they have begun to celebrate an annual feast with a solemn procession. the beginning of another pious work has been made this year with marked results. this is the practice of scourging, not as hitherto on three days in lent, but every friday throughout the year, in our church. there is a great concourse of people at that time to hear the fiftieth psalm, _miserere_, by the melancholy harmony of which they are most moved to devotion and to doing penance. not infrequently the royal auditors and the governor himself have been present, as well as other leading men. those in prison also have been aided by the reception of sacramental confessions and by pious exhortations; and--a thing that has edified the people not a little--the necessary food was for some days carried all the way to the prisons on our shoulders. from children, too, the food of christian doctrine has not been withheld on sundays; and with the children arranged in the form of a procession we went out during lent to the military barracks, where after delivering sermons we reaped fruit not to be ashamed of. the congregation of scholastics begun this year has made the best of progress. every month, according to the rules, they make their confession to the priest, and partake of the divine food. on feast-days they spend the afternoons in listening to spiritual reading and in commemorating the examples of the saints. the solemn feasts of the blessed virgin they celebrate with the greatest fervor and joy. on one of these they go with their cloaks cast off, each with a silver ewer and basin in his hands, and carry food to the prisons, marching in the finest order and system; and with great readiness and humility they serve the unhappy men. they are believed to have taken their manner of procedure, in all respects, from the congregation at rome. the privileges of the sodality, also, have so much attracted laymen that it has been necessary to divide them into two orders. as for the adult men and householders who look forward to spending sundays and feast-days to advantage in the sodality, the father-visitor has made a beginning, by delivering to them familiar exhortations, and narratives of pious examples taken from the lives of the saints; and we have every reason to hope that the undertaking will succeed to the greater glory of god, with the most noble of advantages to the city. even now there are some who, having heard one or another sermon, have entered upon more holy and profitable ways of living than they followed before. a beginning was also made this year in selecting some saint's name by lot (a custom introduced in some towns); and there has been a great concourse of people. one man was plunged into the sea along with many others in the naval battle with the dutch already spoken of; but because he invoked the name of his patron, st. nicanor, who had fallen to his lot that month, he was rescued from that danger in which the others were swallowed up; and by swimming a whole league at last got to shore, to his own great wonder. the number of those confessing and communicating this year has surpassed that of any previous year, for upon their old devotion has been heaped up new, kindled by the torches of calamity. the quarrels of many have also been brought to an end. in lent, moreover, their zeal for all piety flamed forth in the confession of many evils, and in doing penance for them with daily scourgings, and other exercises of devotion. the chastity of a certain woman was assailed by some of the wicked, with entreaties and the bestowal of gifts; but by the weapons of more frequent communion and confession she repulsed the attacks of the enemy. yet even then the enemy was not made entirely to desist. one day, after the holy communion, which she had devoutly taken in our church, she was walking in a lonely place; and there he came up to her, and with his dagger at her bosom, he threatened her with death unless she consented to wickedness. but she answered with firmness that she preferred death to offending god. then with blows and words of insult she vanquished the beastly desires of her adversary, barely escaping with her honor. another, giving up all thought of god and of his own salvation, had spent many years in dreadful sin, and especially in a disgraceful lust, which was so deeply rooted and fixed in his innermost heart that he regarded our priest, who strove to lead him away from this vile manner of life, as only less than a fool. so completely had he plunged himself into the filth of these pollutions of his soul that, like a sow in a wallow, he seemed to take pleasure in nothing else. yet at last this obstinate man yielded to argument and persuasion, and not only gave up visiting his harlot, but tore all lust from his heart by the roots as completely as if he had had no knowledge of it; for by a general confession of the lapses of his past life he so corrected his morals that all those who knew him before were amazed at the sudden change in his life. when the dutch pirates of whom we have spoken were condemned to death in manila by the judges, the governor thought it well to entrust them to several religious, as they might perhaps abjure their errors and be reconciled to holy church. it pleased the divine goodness to restore all, to the number of thirteen, except the admiral, who as an obstinate heretic was hanged and cast into the sea. the others with so great sorrow for their crimes subjected themselves to the obedience of the holy roman church that it seemed good to the religious fathers to admit them to the holy communion. of five commended to our society i can affirm that they greatly edified all, for they made a confession of the sins of all their life and approached the holy communion with many tears, having previously made public profession of the roman catholic faith and abjured their heresies, being prepared to live and die in the said faith. two days later, with rosaries around their necks they were led forth to the place of execution in great joy of mind that they could atone for their sins by death. our order has been no less occupied with the indians in these regions than with others--partly because there is a greater number of them gathered in this town of manila than anywhere else, partly because they feel a greater good-will toward the members of the society than toward any others. they never lack some one of ours to aid their confessions; and they would need old priests the year round, if there were so many who understood the language, to hear the confessions of all. they greatly affect the holy communion, and report wonderful fruit from it. every week, on saturday, very many hasten to perform their discipline with the others; and more would come if the city gates which separate the indians from the spaniards were not closed at nightfall. indeed many do not fear to creep through the little hole in the gates in order not to neglect that salutary penance. they hasten, too, on the sabbath to hear the sacrament of the mass of the blessed virgin, and in lent to hear sermons, and that in such numbers that, although our church is of considerable size, they fill it completely. and when it was overthrown by the earthquake, they all hastened together, down to the very children, to give their help in carrying stones away. it was a delightful sight to see them swarming like ants upon the rubbish and the wall--men and women, young and old, powdered with dust and lime, carrying baskets on their shoulders and vying with each other in carrying off the ruins so as to clear the space. the girls' sodality, recently introduced among the natives, has marvelously roused all the others. sometimes they have fed the poor with such liberality that much was left for the prisoners and other needy persons. after the meal was over, they poured water for the hands of the poor persons, and kissed them; and then the poor persons fell on their knees and prayed god for their benefactors. at another place these same indian members of sodalities went to the indian hospital and there gave their aid to the sick by making their beds and digging up the ground for them--a thing worthy of special admiration in this race, for they abhor visiting hospitals. the sodality members, although poor, offer the usual alms to the church and to those who are in need. they are given to hearing sermons and to fasting, being content for whole weeks with bread and water. they are glad to go to our churches for confession and spiritual instruction, and obtain great spiritual benefit and edification. a certain christian woman who was for a long time held in slavery to the infidels in the islands of mindanao and borneo, which are given to the faith of mahomet, could not be torn from the true belief, or be persuaded to the worship of idols, although she visited many of their places. an indian man, who along with some others had made his confession that he might receive the holy communion, declares that he had kept silent as to the circumstances of some sins; and that in a vision he saw a beautiful child offering to him the holy eucharist. but when he answered that he was a great sinner, the child replied: "thou are indeed not worthy of the communion, for in thy confession thou hast hidden such and such a circumstance." therefore when he awoke he hurried to our church, revealed the vision to one of the fathers, and desired to repeat his confession. another had so accustomed himself to the scourging of his body that one day when he was required to march with a troop of soldiers, he withdrew from it in the night, in order that he might not omit this holy exercise. when the officer of the infantry, going his rounds at night, secretly perceived this, he thought the man was meditating some mischief, and silently followed him. at last he saw him enter the cemetery of a church, and after pouring forth prayers to god, beat his back severely. when the scourging was finished, the officer approached; and when he recognized this indian, he was even more edified. and when he asked him where he was from, he answered that he came from the city of manila, and said that he was in the habit of confessing to ours. the captain, marveling that a tyro in the christian religion should take such care of his soul's health, gave him some money and told him to go back home, that he might not be perverted by the habits of the soldiery. a priest with a brother as his companion was sent off as on a mission to some seilan villages, which, being without parish priests, needed instruction. when they reached there the plague was raging; and the father and brother freely assisted them, not only by the administration of the sacraments of confession and the communion, but by that of food, which was prepared in our church. on another mission performed by the rector of the college and another priest, there was a mighty fruit of their labors reaped in hearing confessions, in reconciling enemies, and in recalling the perverse to a better life. twenty adults were initiated by the sacrament of baptism, having been imbued with the christian faith by a certain blind man. he, though deprived of the use of his eyes, yet took such care of his catechumens that if a single one out of any number, however great, was missing, he regularly informed the father. we think the more of this from the fact that he who formerly was numbered among the catalons--that is, petty priests of idols--now since his conversion has become a teacher of christian doctrine. residence of antipolo [36] in this residence are ordinarily maintained three priests, to care for the harvest of three thousand christians. more than five hundred have been baptized this year. we have tested the great devotion of this people, and their rare sense of piety in frequenting the sacraments, in offering prayers, and in undergoing discipline and performing other good and edifying works; and, finally, there has been wrought in them all a great change in conduct. the father-visitor has laid the foundation of a hospital, which is of great importance. on the day when the roof was finished the father-visitor led them in serving the poor who were gathered there, by pouring water on their hands, and then kissing their hands on his bended knees, which example was followed by all the chief men there present. and thus the custom has been established that four members of the confraternity established for this purpose bring them their food every day. the same thing is done by the women for the sick of their sex. a beginning has been made of a school for boys, in which they may be educated from their earliest years in all virtue and good morals, according to the laws of christ, so far as these are open to their capacity. this is a thing not merely necessary for their receiving the true doctrine, but also easy and delightful. they are all fed with rice sent by their parents, and by other contributions. their occupations are learning to read and to form their letters, and to do such other things as are appropriate to childish years. the custom has everywhere been introduced of singing throughout the year, in honor of the virgin mother of god, the anthem _salve regina_; and on saturdays in lent of performing the discipline in church. so when some indians were bathing in the river, as is the custom in hot countries, and heard the bell give the call for _salve_ and the discipline, they put on their clothes and set out. only one remained, and laughing at his companions said in their language: "_acoi ouian_!"--that is, "bring back something for me," which is their expression of ridicule. when the others had gone away, he who was alone was attacked and killed by a crocodile--a fierce animal of these regions, which is very fond of human flesh--and that before they could render him any assistance, spiritual or temporal. this event was indeed the occasion of no little wonder, for this beast is very voracious, and swallows men whole, or piece by piece, or at least tears off hand or foot; but this man he left whole and untorn, which the indians attribute to the virtue of the _salve_ that they sang and the discipline that they performed. residence of zebu this residence is in the province called pintados, in which the greater part of ours have lived and are working for the salvation of the indians, although ordinarily not more than three priests and four brothers labor there. the situation is extremely convenient, because all the other residences carry on their work from it as a center. the ministry of the society is exercised with great profit to the city. a boys' school has been opened, and the latin language is taught. last year the most reverend bishop, the officials, and other leading men, in letters sent to his catholic majesty, made a full statement of the great spiritual harvest with which ours in these regions exercise their ministry, among both spaniards and indians; and they also earnestly entreated that he would be pleased to render that residence permanent by some annual provision, in order that they might be able to continue to enjoy the labors of our fathers. the excellent bishop walked on foot, although a man sixty years old, throughout the whole of his diocese; [37] and, turning aside into our houses, he there dwelt with us in such humility and familiarity that he seemed to be one of our members. after he had finished the visitation of the diocese, he was accustomed to say that he had greatly admired the modesty and piety of the women in it; for in gossip and conversation their reputation had long been very much to the contrary. he added that he had seen nothing like it in all nueva españa. turning to our fathers, he declared that they ought to be contented with their lot, because they had undertaken the duty of disseminating the word of god in those regions; for in his opinion they were spending their lives in a part of the world which was the best of all, and the best beloved by god, and that from which they would be able to obtain the most ample fruit for their labor. in our churches we began this year the practice of the discipline, with a great number of penitents and great devotion from the people. we also delivered sermons, with the christian catechism, to the garrison, with extraordinary results. a certain father added that a sick indian had lost the faculty of speech before he had confessed, so that he could not receive an exhortation to a pious death. accordingly, he urged him to attempt at least to pronounce the name of jesus. the sick man obeyed, and uttered it obscurely so that he could scarcely be heard. the father continued to urge him to speak more distinctly. finally with a moderate effort he uttered it with the greatest distinctness, made a complete confession, and on the following day left his bed well. father miguel gomez [38] was sent to a tribe at a considerable distance. at first he gave all his attention to learning the names of those who had not yet been washed in the holy waters of baptism; and there were brought to him sixty, besides some others who are known as visaians. and to all these, after he had sufficiently demonstrated the vanity of idols and the truth of the christian belief, he imparted baptism, with so great a degree of consolation to them all, although they were old men, that they all marveled. but before dawn, behold some others, men and women of very great age, who had hidden by the gate of our house that they might be initiated by means of the same sacrament. accordingly sixty, along with six children, were initiated; and in this number was included the chief of the place, a man already more than sixty years old. residence of bohol this residence is subject to the preceding one, that of zebu. the harvest reaped in it your paternity will learn from the letter of father valerio ledesma [39] herewith enclosed. he says: "in accordance with the direction of your reverence i visited the island of bohol and gave my first attention to collecting the people, who were scattered everywhere, into one place. to many i suggested means of peace, and proposed efficacious remedies; and at last i succeeded in getting a thousand men, the greater part of whom had been trained in the use of arms, to leave their mountains, from which it had been impossible to draw them before, and to assemble at one spot. we also attempted to attract a number of barbarian inhabitants of the mountains, who had never looked upon any mortals before they saw our fathers, making use of all of the offices of humanity and of the allurements suitable to their nature, and we succeeded. we assigned them a settlement near the river, where they have now built a church, to which they flock on sundays. we have baptized one hundred and twenty of their children, or even more. the adults have not only laid aside all of their fierceness, but pray for baptism with the greatest ardor, singing chants, and night and day recite the christian faith. "on the day sacred to st. anne, to whom the church was dedicated, the conversion of a certain old chief, on whom they all look as a father, made a beginning for the conversion of the rest. he on bended knees begged me with the most humble prayers that i would bathe him in the sacred fount. his example greatly confirmed in their purpose those who were ready for baptism, and excited others to desire it; so that one after another, to the number of more than one hundred, came as suppliants for baptism. in visaia i baptized eighty-nine adults at one time, and a few days later ninety-four--partly children, partly adults; and on another day all the rest of the natives. leaving here i crossed a mountain; and the lord obtained as spiritual gain twenty-nine children, with faces like those of angels; and with the cleansing water we sprinkled them in the name of the holy trinity, along with three adults whom i had taken with me that they might hear the sacrifice of the mass, and might by word and example be more accurately instructed in the christian faith. after we had gone some distance thence, we came to a hamlet in which the natives had built a convenient church in preparation for our arrival, extending over a space of ten cubits. here we began to spread our net, or rather the net of christ, and caught in it all the fish that were there; for all the leading men and women, with old and young, great and small, cast themselves at the feet of christ jesus, recognizing him as the true god and ardently pleading to be joined to him in faith through the mystery of baptism. and here i began to recognize the favor which god had shown me, in calling me forth from españa in these days; for this single instance was enough reason to call me forth. on the very first occasion when we baptized, we plunged a hundred persons in the sacred fount; on the second, all the rest without exception. "when i was once explaining to a fierce and barbarous fellow the great glory of paradise and the dire pains of hell, he answered, just as if he had been possessed by a demon, that he had rather go to hell than to paradise; and, as he was one of the chiefs in that region, he carried a great many with him to the same decision of a perverse mind. but i did not hesitate to attack the foolish fellow again and again, and i insisted upon the horror and the eternity of the torments with great vehemence of language; but he answered that he certainly ought to go, after this life, there, where his parents and the rest of his ancestors had departed, rather than anywhere else. then i responded that he had better just try the force of fire; but he, with hands as hard as his heart, did not hesitate to snatch up some burning coals from the hearth. however, a few days later, his mind divinely changed, he ran out into the fields and meadows, and, calling all his tribesmen together, he urged them to accept the christian sacraments, with such zeal that he had no equal among the visaians." in another letter sent to the father-visitor from the same place, the same father valerio writes that another father had written to him that in the islands lobo and dita he had sprinkled four hundred persons, chiefly infants, with the most holy waters. thus within the interval of three months more than a thousand had been initiated by the same sacraments, and numberless others are left burning with the same desire. therefore the members of our order declare that the time is come for the salvation of that island, and eagerly wait for workers. but your paternity will learn of a more glorious fruit from these missions in bohol from the letters of father gabriel sanchez and father cristofero ximenez, [40] who have been assigned to that mission. [41] in letters written in the month of october, father gabriel writes as follows: "our lord has singularly blessed our attempts and labors. for after the flocks of the heathen were gathered in one place they were converted to god with such earnestness, so completely without pretense, that i can say nothing else than that god their maker and redeemer has desired by some peculiar favor in their calling to add them to his flock--inasmuch as within two months two thousand mortals have yielded themselves to the laws and customs of christ, by accepting baptism. and it is my opinion that, if some fathers are ready, the whole of them will accept the yoke of christ. it is beyond the power of language to tell with what spiritual joy i am affected when i see men who are almost savages of the forests hastening down from the mountains to supplicate the benefits of baptism. nay, the very children, like to angels, taught by i know not whom, now repeat the christian faith. indeed, a few days ago one came to me not ignorant of his catechism, whom i had not seen for ten years, and with great earnestness begged me not to refuse to baptize him. the catalons, or priests of the idols, also come, and show by so many proofs that they desire baptism with all their hearts, that it is necessary to satisfy their desires. truly, my father, i abound in delight, i rejoice, i exult; nor is there anything in this world set before me than to serve our lord god with all my heart, and to desire that all should be turned to the worship of his divine majesty. on sunday, in church and elsewhere, there were counted seven hundred persons. if your reverence were to see at sunset a hundred mountain boys and girls who have been newly added to christ marching in procession along the bank of the river, praising god in harmony and chanting all together the christian faith, he could not help dissolving in tears of joy. a few days ago in dita five hundred were purified with holy baptism. thus in the whole region of bohol we may now easily count three thousand christians. at the beginning there were only eight hundred; now, by the accession of a new blessing of god, twice thirteen hundred have been added in baptism." with regard to another brief mission undertaken by a priest, the same father writes as follows: "god adorns and enriches this tobigon [42] people with so many heavenly gifts that i do not dare depart hence, and break the thread of our most happy progress. the church is filled with people morning and evening; no one is anxious about food, although they may not have it, or may have to bring it from a distance. all their care is to be christians, and to be initiated in baptism. in these fifteen days in which we have instructed them in the rudiments of the christian faith, there have been baptized more than two hundred and fifty adults. there remain forty catechumens, for the rest will be baptized after our return. "an old man, a chief who is held in high honor, and who has hitherto been obstinate, has at last told me that he is ready to bow his head to baptism. he is all white-haired and decrepit, so that he can scarcely combine word with word. since he is unable to come to church, i am compelled to go to his house. i will baptize him, with another man of advanced age, as early as possible. it seems to me no small evidence that they have been predestinated, that both of them have waited so long, and that they now begin to glow with so great a desire for baptism." with regard to another mission, father gabriel sanchez writes that the archdeacon of zebu, who holds a benefice in tana, went to the island of bohol, twelve leagues distant, to ask our superior for a father skilled in the language, to preach the gospel to his tribe. father gabriel was sent, and in one month heard four hundred confessions, and offered to many the sacred body of the lord. he also baptized eighty small children and some larger ones. the custom was there introduced of having boys march in procession in the public streets, and chant the christian belief. the same thing has been done in the church, so greatly to the delight of the people that even the chiefs of the tribe think it small honor to them if they are not sometimes examined in the same belief. the indian wife of a local governor was bedridden, and one night began to suffer so intensely that she was entirely deprived of the power of speech. a father of the society was called, who found her entirely speechless. and since she had not confessed her sins, although she tried to do so, the father began to recite the holy gospel, and to sprinkle her with holy water; and when this was done she collected her strength and, after pronouncing the name of jesus, said, "have mercy upon me!" then, in the presence of many, she desired to confess; and after less than a quarter of an hour she arose from her bed, so well and whole that the father would not listen to her, but directed her to come to church on the following day to make her confession, which she did. the same thing happened to the same father in the case of two other sick persons, whom by the recitation of the gospel and by the sprinkling of holy water he restored to sense and health, so that they were able to confess their sins. further, on two different days having gone to two children near to death, and deprived of the power of speech, with the same antidote of the gospel and of holy water, he restored both to their former health, so that one of them went so far as to jump suddenly out of his bed and return to his boyish sports. the same priest also went, for the sake of hearing confession, to a man who lived a league and a half from the town, whose body was so weakened and torn by sickness that he could not bear to be touched or to be turned from one side to the other. when his confession had been heard and the gospel had been recited, the father went away on saturday of that week. on the following sunday, when the father asked how the sick man was, he was told that he had been restored to health, and had gone out to an island in order to get by hunting what was necessary for his food. one night, while the daughters of one of the chiefs were chanting the heads of the christian law, they looked up from a sort of portico and saw a crucifix in the sky, with a kind of crown on the head, rough but beautiful, and with the whole body and breast plainly visible. it shone like the sun, and went up to heaven until it reached the sphere of the moon; as soon as it had reached that it vanished. the sight of this vision caused the spectators as much joy as its disappearance did sorrow. the father commanded that the whole thing be recounted in church, in the presence of many, by those very persons who had seen it; although, as that tribe is very simple and modest, they showed great fear and shame in telling the story. afterwards it was learned that the same crucifix had appeared in another place two leagues away. this vision ought to be recognized as of greater value because it befell persons of exceeding virtue, who are persevering in their pristine habits of holy living. residence of samar since the inhabitants of this island are scattered along an extended coast-line of the sea, it was necessary to send six of the fathers for the greater part of last year to cultivate it, with the results which might be expected from such missions. we learned from the letters of ours that the people of this island who live along the coast have begun to offer their names in order to receive the christian religion, and that all the chiefs have already been purified by holy baptism. the duty of visiting fourteen places rests upon this residence. in this year three thousand six hundred and eighty persons, for the most part adults, have been joined to the spouse of christ through the holy waters of baptism. in one tiny island, which had not been visited for two years, two of ours who had been sent thither on mission were received by the whole tribe with such delight that, all the way from the beach of the sea to the church of the place, they adorned all the roads with green branches; and then they were led to the church by a procession of boys and girls singing the christian teaching with joyous voices. and when ours asked to have placed on the lists the names of those who desired to receive baptism, they answered that there was no need of a list, that they all wished to become christians. the old men--who are generally more perverse than the rest, and are unwilling to learn the christian teaching--brought forward no other ground for the baptism which they so much desired than that their old age promised them no long life. thus all by the divine grace were made children of god, and inheritors of eternal life. the news that these had thus been added to christ soon moved other islands also to desire our fathers. on one of these islands, within fifteen days one hundred and sixty adults and five children forsook the dark wilderness of infidelity for the light of the gospel. among them was one old woman one hundred and thirty years of age--blind, deaf, incapable of motion; for, wherever she was carried, there she remained like an unmoving stone. afterward in other places there were baptized five hundred adults and two infants. when they returned on a second mission, after an interval of three months, eight hundred and thirty-seven were baptized, and from the most of these their concubines were taken away. besides this, in other places many were plunged into the same waters, the total number reaching three thousand six hundred and eighty. residence of dulac the most ample fruit has resulted from the christian teaching among the people of dulac, [43] given by the seven men of our society. the foundations of a boys' school have been laid. in it thirty are imbued with good morals and solid virtues, and give their aid to ours in explaining the catechism to the more ignorant people and those of the lower order, and that with happy results; for whenever ours go where these pupils have exerted their diligence, they find all the people well prepared to receive baptism. to the old christians and some of the more intelligent adults familiar sermons are delivered on the life of christ and those of the saints, and on the manner of profitably receiving communion, and notable results are evident. on account of these pious exercises and the uprightness of life shown by these converts, the christian religion is ordinarily held in such high esteem that few remain who do not desire to be initiated into it by baptism. in advent and at the feast of the nativity we baptized more than seven hundred persons. we have baptized in all, from last year to the present date, two thousand and twenty, or more. to this residence are annexed, besides other charges, the care of two great and populous districts, which give surest proof of their virtue by clean morals and by obedience. we are informed by letters that, at the feast of the nativity, in one of them eight hundred infidels pledged themselves to the christian faith; and that the believers do not yield to españa in frequenting the sacraments of confession and communion. there was found in one little village an old man leading the life practically of a hermit; and when our father asked him about his manner of life, he answered so wisely that the father was greatly surprised. among other things he said that though his bodily life was passed on earth, yet his soul lived in heaven. he had no dreams at night except about the other life, and he was accustomed to see the blessed surrounded with great splendor, and one among them who excelled them all. and when the father gave him a picture of the last judgment to look at, in which was expressed the glory of paradise, he asked him if his dreams agreed with this picture of the blessed life. the wonderful old man answered: "should i see nothing but this, my father? much more! much more!" the father was amazed to find such a treasure of spiritual riches laid up in this man; for he afterward said that his meditation and the occupation of his mind would be of nothing else than of jesus and mary, until he had exchanged this life for the eternal one. two of ours, happening to enter a wretched rustic hut, found a man more than eighty years old lying upon some reeds. he was deprived of all his senses and his whole body was so worn out that the skin scarcely adhered to his bones--a living image of death. our fathers pitied the man, and prayed to god for him that he would not deny his compassion to this most pitiable of men. soon after, the dying man revived, and with great joy received baptism. as soon as he had received it he was again deprived of his senses, and, gently calling on the names of jesus and mary, he rendered up his soul to god. information was brought that there was a man lying grievously ill in the most distant part of the district. although we were not a little deterred from the journey by the darkness of night and the great number of serpents, as well as by the necessity of crossing a river full of crocodiles; yet we did not regard all these things as of so much consequence as the value of a single soul redeemed by the blood of jesus christ. one of the fathers, therefore, went thither, and with a medicine healed the sick man in the name of jesus. on the father's return, something more extraordinary happened to him. he came upon a sick woman, who, although she did not seem to be dangerously ill, yet departed to the better life as soon as she had received baptism. as two of ours were making their way over a sandy soil at noon, under the dreadful heat of the burning sun, being without any food or drink, they laid this their affliction before the lord god; and behold! suddenly, at this most unusual time, there was a man sitting on the ground, who showed himself most kind and courteous. he ungrudgingly offered to the hungry and thirsty men fresh fruit from his basket. when they accepted it readily, he not only took great pleasure in that, but also urged them, with a certain strange earnestness, to feed upon it as if it were their own. strengthened with this little meal they went on, which they could hardly have done otherwise, and offered great thanks to god that he had come to their assistance in their extremity. afterward, when they had considered all the circumstances of the fact, and of the place in which the man was found with the fruit, and had reflected that no indian was in the habit of going on a journey alone in the heat of the day, and again that, although they were unknown to him, he had shared the fruit with them so kindly and generously, they came directly to the conclusion that he was an angel of god. at least it was a proof of the singular providence of god; and it is well worthy of belief, that god in this manner had been willing to show his bounty to them, inasmuch as the said two fathers had exercised their ministry with great spiritual fruit in that place from which they had set out on that day. residence of alangala in this residence four priests and three brethren give their energy to cultivating the vineyard of the lord. they go afoot through the rivers, the pools, and the marshes, the water often reaching to their navels, and the sun burning above them. but since their labor is wrought through the love of god, he, in his unmeasured kindness, never deprives them of his solace in the utmost perils. they write that, from the end of last year up to the present time, more than fourteen hundred have received the sacred washing of regeneration. they give diligent attention to the divine offices, which are celebrated in this residence with greater magnificence than elsewhere, on account of the convenience of three indian chapels, which far surpass the spanish. they follow the practice of singing _salve regina_, in honor of our lady the virgin; and, throughout lent, of singing the psalm _miserere_ to accompany the discipline. several missions have been established in various places, with manifold increase of baptisms and other spiritual fruits. i will give an account of some. while a father was living in one little district, an indian, crippled in both hands and feet, made his way straight to the father by boat, and that alone, to the astonishment of all--god and his guardian angel doubtless impelling the boat. he begged the father for baptism, and declared that the author of his request had been a certain spaniard who had told him that all those who did not accept the christian law would be carried off to hell. the greatest results have been obtained from the schools, for the pupils have each of them become teachers in the paternal homes of all the domestics; and by the good example of their lives they incite others to accept the true doctrine. a boy, a cantor in church, being solicited by a spaniard to perpetrate a foul deed, answered: "sir, i know well by what remedy you should drive away that temptation of yours. let us recite together a rosary in honor of the blessed virgin mary, and instantly all these wicked thoughts will vanish in smoke." thus by the newly converted christian he was instructed who ought rightly to have been the teacher and master of others. in the island leita there were counted last year above five hundred and twenty-nine thousand souls; and they have the instruction of our priests only, who are six in number. by their hands the most holy waters of baptism have, in the course of a year, in this and other islands, been sprinkled upon at least ten thousand nine hundred heads. and this, in brief, is the harvest of this vice-province. * * * * * it only remains that your paternity should cast your eyes upon this new and tiny plant, separated from rome by so great an interval of distance and situated in the most remote parts of the world, as it has also obtained the last place in the government of the society; and that you should show to it all kindness and favor by sending to it some laborers with these words from the eighteenth chapter of isaiah: _ite, angeli veloces, ad gentem conuulsam et dilaceratam, ad populum terribilem, post quem non est alius._ [44] thus they may bring unto these places of darkness some light by their preaching of the gospel, and all may bend the knee before the true god, the maker of the world, and adore and revere him. these treasures the india of the philippines offers to your paternity, and it is confident that by the divine grace and your blessing it will offer greater ones. finally, may our lord protect and preserve the health of your paternity for many years, to the advantage of the whole church and the increase of the society. your paternity's son and servant in christ, _francisco vaez_ letter from diego garcia to felipe iii sire: in the year ninety-nine i came to these islands, by order of my general, to console and visit in his name the fathers and brothers of our society who reside in them. we were much pleased to see how much has been done for the service of our lord and your majesty, and the good of the indians. the society of jesus has in its charge a good part of the islands called the pintados, where the holy gospel had never been preached. in the period of four years, eleven or twelve thousand have been converted and baptized. matters are now in such course that in a short time, with the divine grace, there will be more than forty thousand baptized. as the priests who are occupied in this conversion are not more than thirteen, [45] the results, if there were many more, would also have been incomparably greater. for the honor of god, i beseech your majesty to be pleased to command that workers be sent, as it is a great shame that, when the season for the harvest is upon us, it should be lost through lack of reapers. _[in the margin of the preceding paragraph_: already provided for."] the indians of these pintados islands have by nature good dispositions and abilities. i have learned by experience with some few, who were brought up in our houses, from the time when they were children, that if there were several seminaries where the education of the youth might be carefully attended to, taking them out of the power of their heathen parents, while still children (for the latter would give them up willingly), inside of a few years there would be a very prosperous christian community in the sight of god and men. in my opinion there is no more effective means to establish the faith firmly among these barbarians than this. your majesty would do a great service to our lord by ordering that a seminary for these people should be established. i believe that the money which has been collected from the fourths, where there is no instruction, might well be employed in this work. in all conscience, it ought to be spent for the spiritual good of those indians, as your majesty directed by your royal decree. and none will do so well as this, which is the seed for all the rest. i have learned that, in the royal buildings at manila, fourteen or fifteen thousand pesos are spent which are obtained from these fourths. from these and some other funds which lie in the treasury and are every day accumulating, several of the said seminaries might be well established. [_in the margin of the preceding paragraph:_ "have the papers brought which relate to this."] it is a great disadvantage for conversions to our holy faith, and for the civilization of these same indians, for them to be dispersed like wild beasts among the mountains. it would be a great relief for the burden on the royal conscience of your majesty, if your ministers should execute the order given by your majesty to reduce this people to settlements. as they now are, the labor of the ministers is immense, and the results are small; and they are unable to establish christianity and civilization as they should. [46] [_in the margin of the previous paragraph:_ "write to don pedro de acuña that with the help of these fathers, with all possible gentleness, and at the least cost, he shall see to it that the indians be thus reduced; and if there be any great difficulty or disadvantage therein, let him advise us of it."] the indians have many grievances against the corregidors and encomenderos. with fewer or none of these judges there would be more justice; and if the encomenderos or collectors of tributes were not present in villages, the indians would be better guarded. [_in the margin of this paragraph_: "let don pedro de acuña send information."] the students in this country receive no reward for their studies, and accordingly tire of them and leave them at the most important time. it would be well if your majesty would give permission for us to graduate them from our courses of study, which are the first that were established in this country. in this way the sons of the country will be encouraged; and the cost of bringing masters from españa, and maintaining them with a perpetual salary, will be saved to the royal treasury. in great part there will also be saved the expense of bringing ministers from europe, since they will be trained in this country--where they are used to the climate, and know the language of the natives. although at present we cannot found so organized a university, at least they can be graduated in arts and theology, which are the sciences lectured upon in our society. [_in the margin of this paragraph_: "provided for in the duplicate of this."] there are many persons in these islands who have toiled in the service of your majesty, and your majesty would direct his favor well if he extended it, among others, to doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, who is a man of good parts and fitted for any matter pertaining to the service of your majesty. likewise the licentiate don antonio de ribera, auditor of this royal audiencia, has done a great deal in saving a galleon in which was carried the entire wealth and support of this country. captain hernando de avila, treasurer of the royal exchequer of your majesty, is filling that office as a faithful servant. captain christoval ascueta menchaca has served many years and is worthy of reward. [_in the margin_: "on the memorandum of the exchequer."] throughout our entire order, especial care is taken in all matters respecting your majesty, and we shall still continue this, beseeching our lord to protect your majesty many years for us, as he may see is fitting for the welfare of his church and of the kingdoms of your majesty. manila, july 8, 1601. _diego garcia_, visitor of the society of jesus. letter from the fiscal to felipe iii sire: i, the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salcedo, fiscal for your majesty in the royal audiencia and chancilleria of the philipinas islands, say that, as it has been heard in the islands that your majesty has done them the favor of appointing don pedro de acuña as governor and captain-general, and president of the royal audiencia, this has greatly pleased and satisfied them, on account of the good reputation which he has of being an excellent soldier, and not at all self-seeking. therefore his arrival is desired, because it is very necessary for all and [_illegible in ms._] for the matters of war, in which many mistakes have been made up to the present time--which i will not mention, however, since the remedy is so soon expected with the arrival of don pedro de acuña. if this had occurred a year ago, it is certain that a great misfortune would have been avoided which these islands suffered, and which was as follows. on the sixteenth of october of the year 1600 just past, there entered the little bay of aluay, which is in these islands, near the entrance to them, two vessels, which, from some people who went on board of them, were found to belong to strangers. after having robbed some vessels they came toward the port of cavite, which is two leguas from this city, and is the place where vessels anchor. it was decided that some ships should be fitted out in the aforesaid port--namely, a ship built in the island of cebu, called the "sant diego," which belonged to some private persons; a galicabra called the "sant bartolome," which belongs to your majesty; a galley of twenty benches, also belonging to your majesty; and a pataje belonging to some portuguese from malaca, who were in the port. [47] it seemed to don francisco tello, governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal audiencia, and to the doctor antonio de morga and the licentiate cristoval tellez de almacan, auditors therein, that it would be well, in order that the ships might be got ready in the best way and as quickly as possible, for the aforesaid dr. antonio de morga to go to cavite for that purpose, and so he went there early in november. later, desiring to go as commander-in-chief of the expedition, he asked for that office from the president, who proposed it to the licentiate cristoval tellez de almacan, desiring him to secure it through a session of the audiencia, but the latter opposed it. i afterward spoke to him of the lack there was of auditors, and of some other matters, and suggested to him to write about this and let each one give his opinion. yet, although the said president agreed to do so, he did not, but secretly gave the title of commander-in-chief of the fleet to the said dr. antonio de morga, although your majesty had here don juan ronquillo, who was receiving a salary as commander-in-chief of the galleys, and who was a veteran soldier, together with many others who have well approved themselves on the occasions for service which have arisen. the doctor, fearing that the president might change his mind, made haste to leave the port; and, although he could have had the galeota fitted out, he did not do so. it was understood that the reason given was that don juan ronquillo said that it should not go out because he was commander-in-chief of the galleys for your majesty, and that the right to go in the galeota could not be taken from him. likewise, although he could have taken the pataje from malaca, for which he had received some supplies and artillery at your majesty's expense, he did not wait for it; and some say that friends of the doctor said that he ought not to take the pataje, because the portuguese on it said that he should not, although the victory would have been to their account. so on the twelfth of december he set out from cavite for the port of mariveles, which is seven leguas distant, and there [_ms. illegible_] the flagship which was the ship "sant diego;" and on the following day, the thirteenth, at eleven or twelve o'clock of a very black night, he left the port of mariveles, without informing his admiral's ship, which was the galicabra, and in which sailed as admiral the captain juan de alcega. however, after the flagship had been gone more than an hour, the other ship saw it by accident, and went after it. at daybreak our flagship recognized that of the enemy, which, together with its admiral's ship, was between the islands of anacebu and fortun. on account of the roughness of the weather, they were unable to unite; so the enemy's flagship kept up into the wind to wait for ours, which gained the windward of it and closed with it under full sail, while the admiral's ship of the enemy took to flight. meanwhile the two flagships were fighting. for each man of the enemy our ship had four spaniards--not to mention the indians and negroes, who helped very much--and a great deal of artillery, powder, and munitions and instruments of war; and they destroyed the enemy to such an extent that as many of our men as wished to do so entered it and took the banners and standards and other things belonging to the enemy, without having anyone appear on it, for they had retired to the bow. at this point our admiral's ship arrived, and with its artillery and arquebuses did some damage to the dutch flagship; and our men on it, especially alonso de mansilla, the sargento-mayor's adjutant, called aloud, telling the others not to do them any damage, but to pass on to the admiral's ship of the enemy, because their flagship had already surrendered to your majesty; whereupon our admiral's ship went in pursuit of the dutch admiral's ship, which was more than two leguas away. the two flagships remained thus over three hours more, besides the two during which they had already been together. the enemy did not fight, and on our ship there was no one to order or govern, or command anyone to pass to the other ship. then it was said that our ship was going to the bottom, and so loudly that the enemy heard it and took courage again. in our ship there was no one to command what was to be done, so that it did go to the bottom. there escaped on mattresses and on shields, and by swimming, dr. antonio de morga and [_illegible in ms._] other persons; but more than as many spaniards again were lost, and more than a hundred indians and negroes. the best artillery that there was in these islands, which had been taken from the fortresses for this purpose, was also utterly lost, besides all that the vessel carried, which was a great deal. that same day the admiral, juan de alcega, captured the dutch admiral's ship, and sent its men to this city. then it was that they were found to be dutch. they called themselves vassals of mauricio, prince of orange and count of nasau; and they bore a patent, a copy of which is subjoined. the president thought it well to send after the enemy's flagship, and for this purpose he ordered that our admiral's ship should go, with admiral juan de alcega as commander; and that the dutch vessel should go as admiral's ship, with captain juan tello de aguirre as admiral, who had had the position over the infantry in our admiral's ship. they went where they were ordered, but did not find a trace of the dutch flagship. the commander of this was oliver van noordt, and in command of the admiral's ship was lanverto viesman. they were heretics who, with other ships, had set out from the port of nostradamus [_i.e._, amsterdam] in olanda, on the twelfth of september in the year 98; and had come by the canaria islands and by brasil, through the strait of magallanes and along the coast of chile, to these islands. as i thought from the beginning, as soon as i knew of the loss of our flagship, that they would try to conceal it from your majesty, i made an investigation about it, a copy of which is subjoined. [48] from this it can be seen who was to blame; and whatever is written to your majesty contrary to this, or to what is contained in the report on the investigation, is not to be relied upon. the president has made an investigation in this matter, trying to shield himself and the guilty ones; and it has been carried on in such a way that it is known that no witness has dared to tell the truth. on this account i presented a petition to the president, asking that he refrain from trying the case, because the witnesses did not speak freely for fear of the power of the guilty, and because i intended to ask your majesty to appoint a judge who could try the case, since the president could not do so. i also asked that a copy might be given to me of all that had been written about this matter, in order that i might give it to your majesty and ask for what might be proper. this was denied me by the president, and i appealed to the royal audiencia, but for lack of auditors, of whom there was only the licentiate tellez de almazan, no action was taken. if a judge were to be appointed, there would be none who would dare to declare against the will of the guilty. although the licentiate don antonio de rivera maldonado has come since, it has been impossible for me to take up this matter, because i have been ill now for more than forty days. so i beg your majesty to order that this report be examined, and that whatever is proper may be done. our lord keep the catholic and royal person of your majesty, with a greater increase of realms and power. from manila, which is in the philipinas islands, on the sixteenth of july of the year 1601. _hieronimo de salazar y salcedo_ complaint of the cabildo of manila against morga sire: the most faithful city of manila in the philipinas islands humbly informs your majesty that for some years past this city and realm have suffered, and are at present suffering, so many hardships and misfortunes, both in wars and in the loss of wealth and prestige, that it has been very close to entire ruin. this has arisen and arises not from unavoidable accidents which ordinarily happen in states and communities, but from those which the persons in charge of the government and who reside there could avoid, but do not prepare for; and they are notoriously due to the fault and misgovernment of the persons to whom your majesty has entrusted the administration of these islands--partly on account of their scant energy and vigilance, but most of all through what has resulted from their not being willing to fulfil the orders, instructions, and royal decrees which your majesty had previously issued for the attainment of your objects and for particular ends; these they have directly violated. since such conditions require a remedy, and as this must depend upon the royal will of your majesty, who are not informed of the actual truth concerning events which have occurred here, these states must remain without relief on your majesty's part, and with the said danger of our ruin. owing to the general obligation which rests upon us as vassals of your majesty, and that which in conscience especially obliges us as regidors of this city, which is the capital of all these islands, the following account has been written. in the first place, a matter whence many other losses have resulted is this. your majesty having ordered the conquest of the kingdom of mindanao to be entrusted to captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, conformably to the edict or ordinance which treats of the conquest of newly-discovered countries and settlements in the yndias, and this order having been despatched to the said captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, governor don louis das mariñas arrived here in the year 96. when the former reached mindanao with his expedition, he (and he alone) was killed by the natives of that island on the unfortunate day of st. mark of the same year. when don francisco tello arrived in the following june of the said year and took this government, he immediately undertook to send a person to conduct the said conquest of mindanao. as all the troops were there which had been taken by the said captain estevan rodriguez, and as don joan ronquillo (your majesty's commander of the galleys and of naval affairs in these islands) had gone there with another detachment of troops, and had remained in the said islands until march of the year 98--where, during all this time, he won many victories over the enemy, and latterly one against the king of terrenate (who was sending his fleet to aid the said island), wherein he routed and captured the vessels and killed their commander, who was an uncle of the said king of terrenate--at this the natives of the said island of mindanao, who until that time had defended themselves, began negotiations for surrender, and for rendering submission to your majesty; a part of them did so, and paid tribute to your majesty. the said don francisco tello, with the approval of doctor antonio de morga, without considering the state in which this matter lay, or reflecting upon the injuries which might result from issuing such orders as they did (as may be seen later by what will be written further on), sent the said don joan rronquillo an order to dismantle the fortifications of the said island, without leaving any fortified station, and to tear down the forts which your majesty held there. although he saw the great loss which would result from this, yet, as there was a clause in the said order directing him to do this without any reply, under penalty of being held contumacious and liable to punishment, he left the said island and came to this city with the fleet and troops which he had there, in the month of april of the year 98. the said don francisco tello and the said doctor morga, seeing the great error which they had committed, attempted to exonerate themselves before the said don joan rronquillo should arrive in this city. they arrested him, charging him with having taken away the protection of the said island of mindanao, without their having sent him any strict order which would oblige him to do it. in order to give color to this--as they were aware that, in the voyage which the said don joan rronquillo made while returning, his ship was partly wrecked, and they supposed that the said order which they had sent him had been lost, they intrigued with the government notary, and had him produce in the prosecution against the said don joan the order which had been given to dismantle the fortresses of mindanao, omitting therefrom those words which made it obligatory for him to do so--namely, that he should do so under penalty of being contumacious and liable to punishment. in this way they were released from responsibility for their act, and the said don joan ronquillo was inculpated without excuse, since in so serious an affair he, being on the spot, should not have done so for a simple command. the case having been continued, and he having presented the original order which they thought had been lost, and having given other explanations, he was even by them acquitted of that charge. all this appears sufficiently by the record of the case, which remains in these islands. your majesty having been made aware of the abandonment of the said islands during the last year, there arrived here your royal decree directing the investigation and punishment of whomsoever was responsible. as they were to blame in the affair, as can be seen by this relation, they remained silent, and have taken no action. from the abandonment of what was already gained, through the said order, it has followed that the indians who are natives of the said islands of ufanos, which the spaniards had left, considering that this was due to fear, assembled, with others from other neighboring kingdoms, to come to work havoc in the lands of your majesty. accordingly, in the past year of 1600 they came with a fleet of many vessels to the pintados provinces, which are subject to your majesty; and in the region known as bantayan they burned the village and the church, killed many, and took captive more than eight hundred persons. thence they came to the river of panay, an encomienda assigned to the royal crown, and killed a great many more, taking six hundred more prisoners from the said encomiendas. they burned the church and the image of our lady which was in it, which a few days before that had for a considerable time miraculously sweated out many drops of water, as if in premonition of the impending event. they drank out of the chalice in their feasts, scoffing at the consecration of it, after the fashion of mahometan people, whereby the natives and spaniards of those regions were greatly afflicted and terrorized, as may be imagined. as has already been said, the reason for the coming of these indians to inflict the said damage was the command to take away your majesty's camp from the said land of mindanao. but the cause for their having wrought those injuries after they arrived was, as was said at the beginning, that the order and decree of your majesty was not obeyed. for your majesty had in this camp four captains of infantry with the four hundred soldiers which your majesty had commanded to be left there as a garrison, and the said captains were satisfactory persons; and it was ordered that there should be no more than the said four captains there, as any more would be superfluous, since there were so few soldiers. doctor antonio de morga, auditor of this royal audiencia, has reached such arrogance and restlessness of mind, caused by his having wrought so many injuries to this afflicted commonwealth through the power and authority which he has, both in general and in particular, to many citizens thereof; but, with his customary facility for speaking ill to some one's prejudice, he escapes, without anyone daring to speak of the matter. in the little time which he had spent in this country, he found himself rich and powerful through his trading and commerce. accordingly he commenced to procure taking away the employments and offices from soldiers and men of war whom your majesty has here, and appropriated them to himself and his relations. thus, contrary to the said limitation of number, and in violation of what your majesty commands by your ordinances and decrees--namely, that offices of profit shall not be given to the auditors, or to their kindred, servants, or dependents--governor don francisco tello appointed, as alcalde-mayor of the island of mindoro, a certain pedro cotelo de morales, a first cousin of the wife of the said doctor morga, who came with the latter to these islands; and passed by, in giving it, many of the conquerors and poor settlers. but the said doctor morga would not accept this, saying that he would have no appointment for him unless it was a paid captaincy. the man was a mere youth, and in all his life had never fired an arquebus, and was not skilled or experienced in war. on the contrary, he had led a very evil life, which cannot be fittingly described to your majesty, and so is left unsaid. accordingly, to give some color to what he desired to do, and in order that he might not appear to be exceeding the said number of four captains, the said governor appointed this man captain of infantry, so that he could go out of this city to the said pintados provinces, where they were in fear that the said enemies were going. he was assigned the regular salary for a captain, and in like manner the other officers of his company were established with pay; and they likewise were men of the same way of life and the same amount of experience in war as the said pedro cotelo. he went with the troops to the city of santisimo nombre de jhesus, which is in the said provinces of the pintados, thus leaving in this city of manila the four regular captains of infantry, who had some knowledge of the affair, in idleness and without any troops; for among all four of the companies there did not remain a hundred soldiers fit for service. as he was in the said city at the time when the said enemies came, and received word that they were in the said village of bantayan, the alcalde-mayor and commander of the troops of war, who was in the said city, despatched the said pedro cotelo de morales with ships and troops against them. although the journey from the place where he was to that where the enemies were situated was two days long, he took four to it. if he had arrived at the time when he might have done so, he would have found the enemy drawn up on the land, and would have burned their fleet and taken away their prizes. when he arrived, sailing on from that place, he again heard the noise of the engines of war which they had with them, near some islands; and some of the soldiers, even, climbing up the masts of the ships, saw those of the enemy. but he would not go against them either, alleging various excuses--as your majesty may have seen more at length by the information which accompanies this. besides this, the said pedro cotelo morales, having arrived with his fleet at the town of arevalo, a settlement of spaniards, the commander and alcalde-mayor there resident gave him more ships and troops, and ordered him in a council of war (in which pedro cotelo himself took part) to go and seek the enemy; and, if he did not find him in an island near there, to come back immediately to the said town of arevalo on account of the fear lest the enemy should escape thither. the said pedro cotelo, taking no heed of the said order, as one who held the post of alcalde should, and in order to flee the battle, did not observe this command, and went into another region without coming back to the said town. in the meantime the enemy came there and landed, and the town was almost ruined. they killed the alcalde-mayor and commander of the troops, and then withdrew. if the said pedro cotelo had come back as had been ordered by the said council of war, he would have found them fighting there with their ships in the bays and rivers, in such wise that not a man or a ship could escape. in this way the enemy left with the two prizes mentioned. and this year we have even now information that they are coming back with increased forces; and in the preparation which has been already made or is now under way, more than fifty thousand pesos have been spent from the exchequer of your majesty and furnished by private persons, to say nothing of the losses which the pirates will inflict when they return. the said doctor morga has been to blame for all this; because, contrary to the orders of your majesty, he succeeded in having his relative placed in an office which he did not deserve, and for which he was not competent. concerning this last affair, a copy of the proceedings of the council of war was sent to your majesty, in which was the above-mentioned order to the said cotelo. in order that it may be more thoroughly proved, they sent to the said town of arevalo to have the matter investigated; but the magistrate there, for fear of the said doctor morga, would take no action. the said doctor morga, continuing his bold acts, was not content with having been responsible for the losses to property. two dutch ships having arrived in the past year of six hundred, in these islands, and having come in the month of november to the mouth of the bay of this city, while they were beating about in the bay, ships were put in readiness to go out against them. the said don joan ronquillo, commander of the naval forces of your majesty, having gone to the port of cavite for this purpose, the said doctor morga commenced his machinations, and claimed that he should go as commander of the said expedition. to give this some foundation and color, when the said don joan ronquillo had come to this city to seek various supplies for the said expedition, he was arrested; and on the next day following the said doctor morga went to the port of cavite, saying that he had best be present in person to encourage the despatching of the fleet. in fact, through scheming and plotting, and by the authority of his office, he succeeded in taking the said expedition away from the said don joan rronquillo, and having it given to himself. he wrote letters, the originals of which are extant, to the governor of these islands, asking him that, even if don joan rronquillo should petition for judgment against him, he in no wise respond or have to do with him until the despatch of the vessels should be completed, so that the latter might not appeal to the audiencia and obtain a decree which would hinder the said doctor morga in the expedition. when three ships were armed and fitted with artillery to go out against the enemy's fleet, he went with the two vessels, which were the flagship and almiranta, to the island of mariveles, eight leagues from the point of cavite and five leagues from where the enemy were--without awaiting the other third ship which lay at cavite, and belonged to several portuguese, which arrived at the said island of marbeles the same night when doctor morga sailed away. having sighted the enemy on thursday morning, without waiting for captain joan de alcega, who was in the other ship, as admiral, or taking advice as to what should be done, he was confident of the victory on account of the report which had been made concerning the few troops which the enemy carried, and the large number that he himself had on board with him. consequently the flukes of the anchors were put upon the side of the ship; and having come up with and grappled the enemy at the sixth hour, the latter, seeing the force which the flagship had, gave up, and put himself with all his men under cover, without firing a single arquebus for more than an hour by the clock. some of the soldiers and sailors from our ship, having entered theirs without orders (for the said doctor was not able to give the order), and having found the deck of the enemy's ship without men and all the troops withdrawn--the banners being captured, and cast over to our ships--when the enemy saw how little care was given to the taking possession, since the troops were coming aboard without orders or any plan, they began to recover their courage somewhat, and commenced to defend themselves. when they had killed one or two of ours, as the latter had no one to command or direct them--because the said doctor, as soon as they came in to close quarters with the enemy, had thrown himself down behind the capstan of the ship with a number of mattresses--the troops became so demoralized that no one was able to accomplish anything. although some of them went up to the said doctor and told him to board the ship, or to send troops on board of it with an order, he would not do so, as he was so overcome by fright and lacking in courage. likewise, when they came to tell him that the ship was taking in much water through the gun-ports, because, when the fleeing troops left the side where they were grappled, and passed to the other side without fighting, the said ship careened and the water entered--although he was told of this several times, that he might remedy it, it was the same in this matter as the rest. accordingly so much water was entering the ship that it was in danger. a father of the society of jesus, bearing a crucifix in his hand, told him that since the ship was in danger he should go over with the men to that of the enemy; since as they were so near together, and there was no resistance, it would be like passing from one dwelling to another. he would not do it, but on the contrary threw the mattresses with which he had fortified the capstan into the water, in order to go to a small islet which lay near and escape, as he did. the enemy rushed upon all the troops, who threw themselves into the water, and the killed and drowned amounted to more than one hundred and twenty spaniards of the most distinguished and important people of these islands, without counting more than a hundred negroes and natives beside. such was the manner of the surrender of the said ship of the enemy as soon as it was grappled. when the said captain, joan de alcega, arrived with his almiranta on the other beam of the enemy, giving him a volley of artillery and musketry, and when he finally undertook to board the enemy's ship, the spaniards who were on the inside under its deck (among them being the adjutant of the sargento-mayor), told them not to fire, or they would kill the spaniards; and to go ahead and follow the enemy's almiranta, which had taken to flight, as the flagship was already in your majesty's hands, and there was nothing to do there. accordingly the said admiral went after the other ship, and, coming up with it three or four leagues away, caused its surrender and brought the enemies who remained alive to this city, where justice was meted to them. the ship, with very good artillery, lies in this port. besides the said loss, there was much artillery which the said doctor morga was taking in the said ship, and supplies of war, as he had taken what lay in the forts of this city, leaving them destitute of supplies, and the royal storehouses almost without powder; for he took six hundred barrels of it on the said flagship. owing to the lack of men--so great that hardly anyone appeared on the streets--and that of the said artillery and arms of various kinds, this city was in such danger of ruin as never before, if some of the many enemies who surround it had attacked it with even a small force. likewise the opportunity for the capture of the said flagship of the enemy was lost, in which was stored all which they had captured since leaving olanda, and twenty pieces of artillery which they brought, many stores, and eight hundred muskets--all of which they were carrying, according to the declaration of the enemies who were in our power. for this country, where there is such a want of that kind of articles, and so many occasions continually arising in which they are necessary, it would have been of great importance and value; but the enemy is taking them away to buy with them cloves and pepper, and other drugs from these regions, as they are at present doing. for we have certain news that they went to the maluco islands, where they are anchored, and will leave the enemy there--who are most warlike, and who are most continually making war upon us--strengthened with arms like ours, whereby they will become skilful in their use; and from that will follow many difficulties, as may be imagined. likewise there results another very great injury to these regions, because, the said ship of the enemy having escaped, they carry with them an excellent knowledge of these regions and of the sailing-routes; for day by day they record in writing their bearings, and the courses by which they have navigated. there is a society which has been formed in olanda and other states, for the destruction of these regions, according to the account which all the enemies who were captured alive agreed in. five great galleons for this purpose were being built here, so that if any of those ships should come from there the spaniards might sally out with more force. we are sending your majesty a copy of an information in this matter which was secured by your majesty's fiscal with great secrecy, before the licentiate almacan, auditor of this royal audiencia. there is likewise a testimonial concerning the arms, military stores, artillery, and troops taken by the said doctor morga, in his flagship against that of the enemy; of the troops, not more than fifty-six people in all came back. there is another to the effect that on the morning of the day when the enemy were discovered the commander sent to the admiral fourteen of the twenty-seven that he had. there are some documents, drawn up at the petition of the said doctor morga, concerning the artillery and other articles which he caused to be given to the third ship that he was to take with him. on account of his not waiting for this two hours, and not being willing to assign it men, the misfortune came about by which, as he confesses in his petition, two hundred persons escaped; whereas it is known that the dead of the spaniards alone amounted to more than a hundred and twenty, so that, according to this, he took five or six men with him for every enemy. he has drawn up a number of informations which, considering the dignity and power of his office, may obscure this truth and give some color to his case, as he is confident that it has done--and as he has likewise done in other matters, as he has used such bold and excessive measures ever since his arrival in this country. in this manner he has reached such a point that he petitioned for justice because he, as commander, had to divide the prize which he took in the enemy's captured ship, and maintained that a great part of it belonged to him. afterward, by another petition he says that, as a vassal and servant of your majesty, he relinquishes the part which falls to him and gives it to your majesty, so that a share of what was taken may be given to him. a copy of these petitions is being sent, which makes this evident. there is also sent a copy of the commission as commander which the said doctor morga bore, and an edict which he drew up and enacted, by which the governor ordered him to go as commander. we do not undertake to explain to your majesty any of the matter therein contained, since in these papers may be plainly seen what audacity he shows in trying to make it understood that he is a warrior, and that at other times, by your majesty's order, he has had similar matters in charge; and from those very papers may be learned his conduct in many other matters in this country, against many people, without his taking into consideration in the least what was owing to them. the majority of the people through all this city have been hurt and injured, from the time when he came to this country, by the procedures of the said doctor morga, both in his actions and words against them, and in letters which he has written treacherously regarding the circumstances of various people, signing false names to them, and disguising his handwriting. afterward he showed copies of these to other persons, in order to give the impression that he was not the author of them. at present, since this affair, the ill-feeling has grown with all these people, and become much greater, because most of the soldiers whom he took (serving at their own expense) went under threat and against their will; and as the relatives of our citizens died on this occasion, and their death was notoriously due to the fault and mismanagement of the said doctor, it could not fail to arouse resentment against him. in the same way the said doctor has been opposed to them, so that all the men who went in the almiranta are desirous of maintaining that they conquered, and not he; consequently what with the ill-feeling of the said doctor against some of them, and of others against him, there are very few people in these islands who are not concerned. accordingly he is odious and suspected in his office by all men; and no lawsuit is brought up in which he is not accused, as is now happening in several cases. the general ill-feeling here is no less owing to the fact that, whereas there are so many soldiers here who have come to these regions with no declared object except to serve your majesty, and have done so since their arrival here, with good success, the said doctor morga should bring this about under the claim and pretext that there were no persons in these islands to whom such a matter could be entrusted; and that by this means the spaniards had lost a victory so obviously theirs that it would without doubt have been gained if it had been entrusted to the least famous soldier here. we humbly beseech your majesty in consideration of all these matters pertaining to the said doctor, that a remedy may be applied to them, as is usually done by your majesty, owing to your holy zeal and righteous justice. may our lord protect your majesty as we, your majesty's vassals, desire. manila, july 20, 1601. _don gonzalo ronquillo de vallesteros_ _francisco de las missas_ _francisco mercado dandrade_ _hernando da_ [_illegible in ms._] _bernardino de avila_ _diego melendez florez_ by command of the city of manila: _luys de contreras_, clerk of the cabildo. letter from morga to felipe iii sire: during the month of march of the past year, 1600, there passed through the strait of magallanes into the south sea a squadron of armed ships from holland, belonging to count mauricio, having as commander oliver de el nort, and as admiral lamberto biezman, with a patent and instructions in flemish and castilian to make war with fire and sword upon the castilians and portuguese whom they might meet in these parts. after they had made a few captures of little importance on the coast of piru, the commander's ship and admiral's ship, together with their long-boats, came to these islands, where they came out of the channel on the sixteenth of november of the said year. governor don francisco tello found himself unprovided with any kind of fleet to resist them by sea; for he had no galleys and no other kind of ship with which to carry on offensive warfare, because a galizabra which had been commenced the year before in the shipyard of cavite had been abandoned, and its build changed to that of a merchant ship. as he feared that the enemy would come down to the said port, and burn the few ships which were on the voyage from nueva españa, in order to secure himself from the seaside at all points he commanded don juan ronquillo de castillo (who was drawing his salary as commander of galleys when there were none) immediately to go to the said port, and put it in a state of defense, and build a fleet with which to go out against the pirate. he went to the port, which is two leagues from this city, and on the third day returned to the city without having undertaken to do anything, or shown any disposition to do so. he interposed difficulties, and asked for so many things which he said were necessary, and which were not at hand, that he made the thing out impossible; and not only was the governor disgusted with him for it, but don juan allowed himself to say things which obliged the governor to arrest him, as he did. the pirate continued his voyage in the direction of the bay of this city, and the president and governor, seeing himself hard pressed, communicated with the audiencia and sought its aid. the latter, desiring to make the greatest effort possible, decided that i should go to cavite and put the port in a state of defense and likewise secure a fleet. i opposed no difficulties or excuses to this, nor did i seek any rewards or aids for the expense, nor any impossible things. on the contrary, that same day i went to the port and fortified it so adequately that it was in a good state of defense--so that, although the enemy came into the mouth of the bay, they dared not enter or carry out their designs, on account of the knowledge that they had of my preparation. at the same time i finished the galizabra and launched it; and i fitted out another vessel, belonging to private persons, which lay there. i armed both of them and set sail in thirty days with a number of volunteer troops, men of quality, who were resolved to accompany me on the service of your majesty on such an occasion (all at their own cost), as the enemy was well established at the mouth of the bay, waiting for the ships of the chinese and the vessels from nueva españa with the silver, in order to capture them. when the governor saw the state in which i had put things, and at so little cost to your majesty's exchequer, and that the troops with which the expedition must be made would not do so, or even go in the fleet if i did not go as its leader, and realized the great importance of promptness, he ordered me in the name of your majesty to make the expedition immediately. he told me that in no other wise on this occasion could i serve your majesty. i obeyed, and made ready to go where i was ordered, without seeking any pay of profit. i spent more than four thousand pesos of my scanty property to procure the necessaries for the expedition, some reenforcements, an outfit of arms, and other things. i risked my person, honor, property, and the support of ten children whom god has given me, and a good wife, solely for the service of god and your majesty; for it is certain that no other interest or profit could take me from my house, where i was in quiet and safety, since i never sought or asked for this thing. this resolution was distasteful to the said don juan ronquillo de el castillo and his retainers--chief of whom are the factor, francisco de las missas [49] and the licentiate tellez almaçan, auditor of this audiencia. these men quite openly proposed to the governor to give don juan the expedition, as he was the commander of the galleys; and other things to this purpose, which satisfied the governor but little. it seemed best to him not to change the design if i should desire it, or at least should not be burdened by it. i sailed with the two armed ships in quest of the pirate, from the port of cabite, on the twelfth of december. on thursday, the fourteenth of the same month, i came to close quarters with him, and the battle resulted as your majesty will learn more at length by the relation which accompanies this. i took as admiral, by the appointment of the governor, a certain captain juan de alcega, a citizen of this city, and a partisan of the said don juan ronquillo; he is for this reason a great friend of the said licentiate tellez almaçan, the auditor, and likewise because at the time when he came to this city the latter was hospitable and kind to him, and has always continued so. he is a man skilful in war with the indians, as it is practiced here; but is of an irritable temperament, and desirous of having his own way on occasion, without obeying his superiors, of which there has been proof enough. when i had fully recognized the enemy and knew that he was carrying all his force on the flagship, i ordered the admiral in writing on the day before the battle, what particularly must be done--namely, that with both our ships we must engage the said flagship of the pirates. accordingly as soon as i discovered the enemy the next day, i kept the almiranta near me, and grappled with the enemy and moored to him. when the admiral arrived and should have done the same, he shoved the tiller aside and, without my order, contrary to the command which i had given him, went after the almiranta of the pirate, which was sailing away; thus he left me unprotected and alone, for which reason my commander's ship fared as recounted in the relation. for this disobedience, and others of which he was guilty and of great importance, immediately upon our entrance into the city the governor arrested the said captain juan de alcega, and is proceeding against him. through the favor of the said auditor and his party, and various measures which they have taken--especially with the licentiate salazar, fiscal of this audiencia, who is openly of the said party--they have shielded him in this case in such manner as might be expected of a person who is so near losing his office, and to whom it is so important not to make more enemies for his residencia. accordingly thus far there has been nothing done in the case, and i have no hope that anything will be accomplished by the present proceedings. this captain joan de alcega was freighter of the ship "santo thomas" [50] in the year 99, which left here for nueva españa in company with two other vessels from this city. in the loading of this ship, so great was the dishonesty and deceit on his part that it is understood that your majesty's exchequer was defrauded of more than a hundred thousand pesos. the governor, in order to wash his hands of this wrongdoing, began suit against them and condemned them to heavy fines and penalties, as he must have informed your majesty. the case came on appeal to this audiencia. on account of the said friendship and partiality, the fiscal hushed up this case, as he has others, without discussion upon it, and with no reparation to your majesty or to this commonwealth. in this manner juan de alcega not only remained unpunished but, aided by the said persons with several letters, informations and documents, which they had secretly made and composed, they are attempting to underrate my good service and seek for him the reward. i have not wished to set down in a boastful way anything more than the naked truth, which your majesty now has before your eyes. i most humbly beseech your majesty to be pleased to look upon my good intentions and labors with the clemency and benevolence which they deserve, extending to me the favor which is due, in such wise that they shall not remain without the recompense which the servants of your majesty receive on similar occasions. and the chief of these should be to order me withdrawn from this exile, to a place where i can spend the rest of my life in greater peace in the service of your majesty, and start my children upon the same path. god protect the royal catholic person of your majesty for many long years. manila, june 30, 1601. _don antonio de morga_ grant to jesuit school in cebu sire: hernando de espinosa, procurator of the society of jesus in the yndias, in the name of the residence [51] of this order in the city of santisimo nombre de jesus of the philipinas islands, has represented that, because of the great need of persons to administer the sacraments to spaniards, indians, and sangleys residing in and about that city, and to preach to them the holy gospel, the provincial of the said society, with the permission of the governor, founded the said residence six years ago. it is productive of much good, for, besides the preaching to the spaniards, natives, and sangleys, and hearing their confessions, the other sacraments are administered to them; and there is a school where reading and writing are taught and latin studied, which is of great gain and benefit to the community. the religious who are there are in great poverty; for they have no income, nor do they receive any alms from the people. the said procurator entreats from you a very moderate consideration, on account of their poverty. this being evident to the said governor, he ordered that to them be given annually, for such period as should seem fitting to him, two hundred pesos and two hundred fanegas of rice, as an alms, from the treasury of the fourths from the encomiendas that are without instruction. with this it is, however, impossible to support the said residence. it has need of repairs on its house, and, on account of its narrow quarters, of erecting new buildings; and because it has no alms, in lands or chaplaincies, [52] for the mass or any other of the purposes referred to, it is in great want, as is evident by the investigations made in the royal audiencia of the said islands, which were examined in the council. he entreats that your majesty, in consideration of the aforesaid, will order that the said two hundred pesos and two hundred fanegas of rice--which were granted to it, as stated, by the said governor from the treasury of the fourths--be set aside for it from the royal treasury, as the other fund is not a permanent one. he further asks that you will bestow upon it from the royal treasury one thousand pesos of income for its support, and three thousand, to be paid once, for repairs and buildings for the said residence; since your majesty is wont to favor the other parts of the yndias for this purpose, as there is no other recourse for aid. after examining this matter in the council, our opinion is that, if your majesty be so pleased, one thousand pesos of eight reals each, might be given once to that residence from the royal treasury of the philipinas, as an aid in building its houses; and that, besides, information concerning it should be obtained from the governor and the archbishop. valladolid, december 11, 1601. [_endorsed:_ "council of the indias; december 11, 1601. in regard to the aid and alms that should be bestowed upon the residence of the society in the city of santisimo nombre de jesus, of the philippinas." "so let it be."] documents of 1602 instructions to pedro de acuña. felipe iii; february 16. two royal decrees. felipe iii; february 16. pintados menaced by mindanao pirates. juan juarez gallinato, and others; may 29-june 4. letters to felipe iii. l. p. dasmariñas, and others; june 8-july 10. _source_: all these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first document is translated by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university; the second, and part of the fourth, by robert w. haight; the third, and part of the fourth, by norman f. hall, of harvard university; the first letter in the fourth, by josé m. and clara m. asensio. instructions to pedro de acuna the king: to don pedro de acuña, whom i have appointed my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my audiencia therein. my royal council of the indias having examined some letters from the said islands, i have resolved upon the following. since the philipinas islands are so far away and distant, surrounded by so many great kingdoms of infidels, the entry and intercourse which the chinese and japanese enjoy in manila, and their friendly relation with the natives, give us reason to fear that the former, allying themselves with the natives, may attempt some disturbance, as they are inclined to do. considering the fact that the greatest security and strength of the land lies in the spanish settlement, and i have heard that not only does it not increase but is not even maintained in its previous condition--because, although the viceroys of nueva españa are ordered to send reenforcements of men every year to the islands, many people die from the bad climatic conditions of the land, others are scattered in military expeditions, others must be permitted to return (either because they have left families in their own country, or because they cause injury to the commonwealth), and others go there with no idea of remaining and have refused to become citizens: considering all this, and seeing that it is a matter requiring much attention, i charge and command you, in case this despatch shall reach you in nueva españa, to consult the viceroy concerning all that may pertain to the improvement of these conditions; or, in case you receive it in the philipinas, to do the same by writing, and to make the arrangements and give the orders which you think best for the settlement of the said islands, striving to draw the expenses from my exchequer with the necessary moderation. i shall now write again to the said viceroy, telling him to take care to provide the islands with useful people, and permanent settlers; and, in order that such persons may settle there, and remain in the islands, he shall favor them, and see that the orders concerning the trade between the said islands and nueva españa be carried out with exactness and rigor in order to attain the end and purpose for which we allow this commerce--namely, the preservation and prosperity of the islands, and the welfare of their citizens and inhabitants. you yourself must attend to this with much care, striving for the settlement of the said islands, and their safety and tranquillity, and for the instruction and conversion of the indian natives. governor don francisco tello wrote to me last year, ninety-nine, about the precautions that he had taken in the punishment of some japanese pirates who had repaired to that coast and after whom he had sent vessels by different routes; and about the inquiries that he had likewise made among the crews of some merchant ships which had put into manila at that time, suspecting that they and the pirates were all of the same sort. since it is necessary to take notice and be careful of this, i charge and command you to be always very vigilant in foreseeing the troubles which may require your attention and which may arise in the said islands, even if it be under pretext of trade by foreigners. you will give a hospitable reception to friends, and maintain amicable relations with them, keeping the ports and frontiers of the said islands in the necessary security, and taking special care that the expenses to be met by my royal exchequer in the precautions to be taken, the manning of vessels for searching out and punishing pirates, and the rest, be no more than are absolutely necessary--since you see the many things which need attention; and, above all, the limited resources of these islands. when you informed me that in order to punish the pirates who resort to the coast of the philipinas islands, it would be well to arm and man some galleys, i granted you by my letter bearing the date of april 8 of this year, that if you saw that the galleys could be of service and usefulness you might cause them to be built and manned. but through a letter of july 12 in the said year, 1599, the said don francisco tello informs me that since the galleys are not suited for those seas--as they had learned by experience, on account of the swift current and their inability to enter a bay while pursuing the enemy--and on account of the difficulties which the religious oppose to his collecting rowers, and as those whom they get possess little skill, he had decided to build four galizabras; these were already being built, and when well armed and equipped would, with three galliots, constitute a sufficient force for the clearing and pacification of those seas. it is therefore desirable that you carefully note all these matters, and after you have examined and considered them thoroughly, you will see whether or not it will be advisable to keep the said galizabras and galliots in case they are built and manned. you will give the necessary care to the security of that coast and land, keeping me informed of what is being done and of the coast which the said galizabras or vessels appointed for that purpose will guard. the said don francisco tello says in the same letter that the province of mindanao was already pacified; but that some of the native chiefs had given no pledge, and matters had not been thoroughly set in order, and therefore it was necessary to keep there a garrison of two hundred soldiers. he adds that, as the country is poor and has few sources of wealth, he thought that the indians would be unable to pay tribute; but it was necessary to assure the safety and accessibility of that post, because that was the landing-place where the terrenatan landed on his plundering expeditions against the pintados, as he did in the year 95. the said governor, as he had so few men and so little military strength, decided to place a hundred soldiers in la caldera, which is near [the river of] mindanao, in order to assure safety for that place and to hold in check him of terrenate. you will thoroughly inform yourself of the state of affairs, and make the necessary provision for them, taking special care to hold what is already pacified and to have the gospel preached everywhere. as for the tribute to be imposed upon the indians you will do what may seem necessary, consulting the prelates and observing my orders; you will see that those who have been pacified and are subjected to me be safe, and receive no injury or molestation from enemies. you will inform me of all that is being done. the fiscal of the audiencia of the said islands has written me that since the indians do not pay the eight reals tribute in kind, as they were wont to do, but it has been left to their choice instead, many difficulties have been and are being experienced, detrimental to the newly-pacified indians, to my exchequer, and to the commonwealth; because, when they gave the produce of the land in payment of the tribute, they cultivated and gathered it, and, besides paying the tribute, there was left to them a large quantity of produce, which they kept for their trade and crafts. the result was that the community was well provided with abundance of supplies, at little cost, and with cloth of various fabrics, with which they clothed themselves. the encomenderos shipped these articles to nueva españa, and the returns therefrom remained in the islands instead of being taken away by the chinese, as is done now; for the stuffs are being bought from the chinese, and the indians of the islands no longer manufacture them. much gold was also taken to nueva españa, from which the tenth was paid to me to the yearly amount of six or eight thousand pesos, not to mention the larger amount which was paid for the tributes of the encomiendas which are assigned to my crown; but since the tribute is not paid in kind, hardly any gold is mined now. another trouble that results from this is, that the indians, who are naturally prone to idleness, easily earn enough with which to pay the tribute and buy stuffs from the chinese with which to clothe themselves, and so do not manufacture these. in order to remove these difficulties, it would be expedient to impose upon the said indians the occupations and work for which they and the provinces where they live are fit and suitable, with the raising of cattle; they should also be forced to extract gold from the mines and rivers, for, if this were done, much gold could be obtained from the mines, rivers, and placers. thus the chinese trade would cease in a large degree, and the returns from the gold and cloths which might be carried to nueva españa would remain in the land; and that, with the gain which would thus result to the indians, would make them well inclined to such work, and cause them to do it willingly. the main point to be settled in order that the indians may be influenced to undertake it is, to make them pay the tribute in kind. and since much attention and thoughtful consideration should be given to what is here pointed out, not only for the welfare of the indians but for that of the commonwealth--since if the land itself could provide and supply produce and merchandise, that would be more advantageous than to procure them from outside; and the gold and silver which is now taken away to foreign and pagan kingdoms would remain in the land itself--i charge and command you that, as soon as you reach the said islands, you call together my royal audiencia there; the honored prelates who shall be in manila, and the superiors of the religious orders--informing of this matter, by letter, those who cannot easily go thither--and confer and deliberate with them on all that is expedient and necessary to be done. in this conference you shall keep in mind the welfare and preservation of the indians and of the country, and see that the said natives be neither molested nor wronged--striving for this object, that there may be crops and other products of the country; and that, for this purpose, the indians shall pay the tribute in kind. you will observe the necessary system in taxing them, and will execute whatever decision is reached about the matter; moreover you will inform me of what is being done, and will always be careful to see that the indians work in some occupation or other and be not idle, since idleness is the chief cause of their ruin. my governor of those islands was ordered to abolish many false musters and extra expenses which were granted out of my treasury; but i have heard that, although he reduced or abolished some of the said musters, other stipends and extra expenses have since been given which had not been usually paid--namely, to captains, alferezes, and other military officers whom the said governor appointed over the people of the towns. i have also heard that many alcaldes-mayor and other officials have been added and their salary increased, so that where there was only one alcalde-mayor, there are now three, each having a deputy, and all drawing salaries from my treasury. i have learned that the said officials could be reduced in the following way: in the province of la laguna, one alcalde-mayor, with a salary of three hundred pesos; in the district of mauban, [53] on the opposite coast [of luzon], one corregidor, with a salary of two hundred pesos; in the province of camarines, another alcalde-mayor, with a salary of three hundred pesos, abolishing the office recently established; in the province of cágallan, one alcalde-mayor; in pangasinan, one alcalde-mayor; in the province of ylocos, one alcalde-mayor with the same salary, who could administer the jurisdiction of the district of bulacan, thus dispensing with the alcalde-mayor lately appointed for that place; we can also dispense with the alcalde-mayor of the town of ytondo and of the coast of the city of manila, all being districts and suburbs of that city, leaving them under the jurisdiction of the alcaldes-in-ordinary of the city of manila, as in former times, so that one alcalde might administer justice in the suburbs during six months of the year, and the other serve in the city. it would also be expedient to dispense with the alcalde-mayor lately appointed for the islands of leite, zamar, and babao, which may remain in charge of the alcalde-mayor of zubu, as they were before; for the natives are troubled by both of these, and it is not desirable to have there more than the alcalde-mayor of zubu. moreover, one corregidor with a salary of two hundred pesos would suffice for the river of butuan; in the island of calamianes, one corregidor is enough, drawing the same salary; in the district of oton one alcalde-mayor, with a salary of three hundred pesos; in panay, one corregidor, with two hundred pesos salary. let no alcalde-mayor or corregidor have a deputy except in his absence, and then without a salary. i charge and command you that, when you arrive at the said islands, you thoroughly investigate all the aforesaid matters, and secure information thereon; and ascertain what offices, salaries, and extra expenses have been added, and the reason and justification for doing so. you will correct and reform what there is to remedy and reform, so that, by taking the necessary precaution in everything, whether it be in the administration of justice or other matters, you will prevent as much as possible any waste of my funds; for you see how necessary this is, on account of the many expenses and works which must be supported by the treasury. i have also heard that one of the things by which my exchequer is most defrauded, and the inhabitants of the islands most wronged, is to be found in the lading and despatch of the ships for nueva españa with merchandise; for the governors, for several years, have appointed to that duty various personal dependents and friends, who have succeeded through illicit means in lading the ships with their own goods and even those of their relatives, friends, and others; and all the cloth which is shipped beyond the general apportionment goes without paying the duties. to remedy this it would be expedient that hereafter the allotment of freight be made in the presence and with the supervision of the governor and other persons appointed for it--an auditor and a royal official, appointed each year in turn, beginning with the oldest ones; and that immediately after the said apportionment the royal official make a copy of it. the persons to whom the said cloth is allotted should go with their inventories in order to value the goods and pay the duties in the presence of my officials, who would give in return a permit for lading. one or two of the officials should be present in the port of cavite, the place where the ships are laded. likewise the lading of the ships ought to be witnessed by the freighters who are usually appointed, and by an auditor, in order to prevent the lading of goods not included in the apportionment and for which no permit was given by the said officials, as an acknowledgment that the duty was paid. since it is not right to allow opportunity for the irregularities and fraud which are reported to have occurred, and of which the citizens have complained, i charge and command you to restore order and to employ the remedy which most fits the occasion, appointing for the allotment of the merchandise and the lading of the ships persons in whom great confidence can be placed. you will see that all this be done according to equity, by being yourself present at times, if that seem best, and you will take the necessary measures that my royal rights be in no manner defrauded. i have heard that the ordinances are disregarded in assigning encomiendas of indians, and that some persons who are enjoying encomiendas for life relinquish these, in order that they may be bestowed on others whom they choose, and influence the governors to assign the encomiendas to those persons. since through many decrees of the emperor and king, my sovereign, it is decreed and ordained that no such relinquishment and renunciation of indians be made, and that encomiendas of this sort may not be allotted, i command you to observe and strictly carry out what is ordered by the instructions sent to the governors your predecessors, regarding the equitable manner in which the indians of those islands must be allotted to the persons who are most deserving, and have rendered most service therein. again i order and command you not to confer relinquished encomiendas, or assign them again, without notifying me of it, so that i may order what seems best to me. in case you shall have disposed of such encomiendas, i order that such allotment be null and of no effect. i have been informed that it has become the custom in these islands to grant at the cost of my treasury the wine for the celebration of mass to the priests of the orders--not only to those in the encomiendas allotted to my crown, but to those in private encomiendas; and that there is no obligation to grant this aid to the doctrinas in private encomiendas. i therefore command you to give orders that no wine for the celebration of the mass be granted on the account of my treasury to the secular priests, or to those who give instruction in private encomiendas, for it is the duty of the encomenderos to provide the wine. orders were given that for just reasons, and for the welfare and preservation of that commonwealth, the governors your predecessors were to name and appoint a certain number of regidors from trustworthy men; but i have been told that the said governors have, through bribes and other means, appointed to these offices certain persons who have not the requisite and desirable qualifications therefor. i therefore charge and command you to make a thorough investigation of the matter, and to remove the regidors whom you find to have been appointed through questionable means, or who are unfit for the office. you will replace them with men possessing the necessary character and ability. let there be only eight regidors, which seems to be a sufficient number for a city of that population. you will inform me of the men whom you appoint, and of their qualities. by a clause of the ordinance establishing the audiencia there, it is provided that its president and two auditors at the beginning of every year audit the accounts of the officials of my royal exchequer, and settle them in the course of two months, for this allowing each auditor twenty-five thousand maravedís. this was done also in the time of the previous audiencia, and an accountant was appointed who received another fifty thousand maravedis. i have learned that afterward governor gomez perez dasmarinas, without any orders, created for that purpose a position of accountant-in-ordinary, with a salary of five hundred pesos, and a secretary with two hundred and fifty pesos. this could have have been avoided by pursuing the former method, with no other expense than the said hundred thousand maravedis. it has seemed best to me to refer this matter to you, as i do, in order that you may examine it and apply such remedy as you think best. you will inform me of the steps you take in the matter. i understand that the office of clerk of the regimiento in manila has been filled by the secretaries of the governors, and that on this account justice is no longer sought for certain injuries inflicted not only on the chinese but on the citizens. i also learn that it would be best to sell this office to a person who is not a servant or a relative of the governors. since it is not befitting that this office should be filled by any secretary or follower of yours, or of an auditor or an official of the audiencia, you will not allow any such appointment. you will nominate three from deserving men of those islands, who in your estimation possess the necessary qualifications for the office, and will send me their names, in order that i may elect the one who seems best to me. in the meantime you will make arrangements for the suitable performance of the duties of that office, and so that no difficulties will arise. with this i shall order to be sent you copies of two clauses of a letter, in which are proposed two expedients which may benefit my exchequer in recompense for the expenses which are incurred by it in those islands. one of these relates to the cloves which could be obtained from the malucas, carrying thither the produce of the island of panay in exchange; and then bringing the said cloves to nueva españa on my account. the other proposal suggests that a monopoly be established in the raw silk brought from china--allowing each ship to carry only a certain quantity of it, and that to be carried to nueva españa on my account and not for any other, as you will understand more fully from the said clauses of a letter, which i have thought best to send you. thus after you have discussed the matter with my royal audiencia, and heard the opinion of my royal officials and of such persons of experience and intelligence as you think best, you can ascertain what can be done in the matter, the benefit and advantage which may result from the said measures, and the difficulty or facility which they offer. you will send me a detailed account of all, with your opinion. i have understood that, by way of remedy for the illegal acts committed by the magistrates, and the wrongs which the indians suffer, it would be of great importance to have the official inspection of affairs in those islands--which according to the ordinances constituting the audiencia there, and to my orders, the auditors ought to make in turn. the latter have refused to do so, on acount of the expenses and danger which they incur. since it is necessary that the said inspection be made, i charge and command you to cause it to be made in the land which has been pacified, and where there is no obstacle; and that in this inspection the auditor who is selected in turn, conformably to the said ordinances, be accompanied by no soldiers or other people who might prove to be burdensome or injurious to the indians. you will endeavor to make the said inspection bring about the good results for which it is intended; and will give the auditor to whose lot it falls a vessel of fair size with which to sail from those islands of luzon to the others, at the expense of my treasury. as for the additional pay or gratuity which should be allowed to the said auditors beyond their salary, and beyond what is granted them by the ordinances and decrees, you will send me a report, with your opinion. i have heard that the said islands contain many poor and needy persons, to whom on account of their services and those of their fathers a remuneration is due out of the profits of the land and appointments to offices; but that as these sources of revenue are so few, and the governors confer them on their relatives, servants, and followers, as i have heard they have done, the others have remained without anything. it is not just that there should be opportunity for such appointments; therefore i order you to observe and fulfil in this matter exactly what is enjoined by the decrees, provisions, and instructions sent to the governors, preferring the most deserving and the older inhabitants of the land, who have best and most served the country without having been yet rewarded. i have been informed that the ships which go to those islands from nueva españa carry each year, without a merchandise register, a large quantity of money from that country and pirú--which is not found on reaching the port, on account of the care with which they hide it; and that it was necessary to make investigations and inspect the said ships before their reaching port. since i understand that there is some foundation in this, and that many irregularities occur in this respect, i charge and command you to prevent and correct this evil in a fitting manner; and to see that the fiscal shall go with the officials of my exchequer to inspect those ships, at such place as they find convenient. let the penalty be rigorously enforced in connection with what is found and discovered to be brought without register and against orders, adjudging to the informer the share which may seem to be best to my royal audiencia of those islands. since i have learned that the office of treasurer of my exchequer in those islands has very little work attached to it, since its duties consist mainly in those of factor and accountant; and that therefore there is no need of the said treasurer, and that office could be fused with that of factor and the latter could act as treasurer, as was done before--i command you to send me a report of what would be expedient in this matter; also, of the duties of the said treasurer, and if, as it has been said, dispensing with the office, the factor and the accountant could take sufficient care of the administration of my exchequer. i have learned that the governors, your predecessors, have often interfered in the affairs pertaining to the administration of my exchequer, which is entrusted to its officials; and that, contrary to the orders given them, they have not allowed the said officials suitable freedom in the exercise of their offices. since in matters of this nature it is right to keep in mind the necessary security of my exchequer, i order you to observe and cause others to observe the ordinances and decrees which were issued in regard to this. you will maintain friendly relations with the officials of my exchequer in everything, and will give them the favor and aid necessary in the exercise of their offices, so that they may fulfil their charge and see that nothing is lacking to my service, and to the security, accounts, and order of my exchequer. the accountant and the treasurer of my exchequer have written to me that my storehouses in the city of manila have been in charge of the factor, who placed over them a man with the title of "lieutenant of shipping," whose duty was to keep an account of the receipt and distribution of what came under his supervision, thus relieving the work of the factor. a few years ago, on account of an information sent against the factor, it was ordained that each of the said officials should have his own key, and a person at the said storehouses in order to have all transactions pass through three hands, and that two hundred pesos a year should be paid to each person. they complained of this, saying that they were unable to furnish a man for this on account of their small salaries, which they needed entirely for their own support; and they besought me to free them from this obligation. since i desire to be informed of the facts and occurrences therein; and how and under whose charge, and on whose account, the said storehouses have been usually kept; and the reason for ordering each of the said officials to have his own key to the said storehouses; and whether they are more secure for that precaution; and what sort of persons are placed there by the said officials and at what salaries--i command you that, after having examined the orders that have been given, and obtained thorough information of what is expedient to do, you send me an account of it, together with your opinion about the matter. although, as there are so excellent judges and officials in the audiencia of manila, it is reasonable to believe that justice is administered therein, i have learned that in certain cases there has been laxity, and especially in two--namely, when melchor ramirez de alarcon, being intoxicated in the said city of manila, and being reprimanded by his son-in-law, pedro munez, gave the latter a blow with his fist, receiving in return nine dagger-thrusts, of which he died; and when, in the city of cazeres, captain pedro cid killed joan martin morcillo in a duel. in spite of the gravity of these cases, the delinquents were not sent to prison, but were set free on paying a fine of eight hundred pesos each--a procedure which caused censure and discontent among the people. since it is right that similar cases be not left unpunished, i charge and command you that, as soon as you reach the islands, you demand and copy, without declaring your purpose, the record of the proceedings in regard to the said two murders, and examine it in company with the licentiate don antonio de rivera, auditor of the audiencia; and with the consent of the fiscal; and, if you find sufficient cause for action, you will have the culprits seized, and will make all the investigations and efforts necessary for ascertaining the truth. if it seem to you that the administration of justice requires it, you will send the prisoners under arrest to nueva españa, together with the records of their cases, and will inform me of what has been done and of the investigation made. you will always take great care that justice be done and administered in every case, and that crimes which merit punishment receive it, so that disorders may be repressed and justice exist and be feared, and that it shall not set a bad example or occasion lawless conduct in the land. i have learned that many of the decrees and orders issued for those islands are not being executed, and that there is laxity in this respect, especially as concerns the ordinances about the equity with which the positions of profit in that country should be apportioned, and those persons who have not yet been remunerated should be rewarded. when my fiscal demanded the observance of the decrees, and especially in the case where the governor appointed captain cerban gutierrez de cespedes to the office of alcalde-mayor while he possessed an encomienda of indians worth fifteen hundred ducados, and the fiscal asked that the said captain be not allowed to exercise the office until the completion of the trial, the audiencia postponed its final decision, and meanwhile the said cerban gutierrez continued to exercise the office, and finished his term before the case was settled. i have thought best to refer this case to you, as i do, because in similar cases you will take suitable measures to prevent difficulties of this sort. it is especially necessary to observe and minutely fulfil the ordinances concerning the distribution of the profits of the country and the grant of rewards to persons who have not received them. i charge and command you to examine the copy of a letter which i send you with the present, and which was written to me from those islands on matters concerning the sangleys of the parian, and on what ought to be provided and remedied in the islands. you will inform me of all matters and advices contained in the said letter. meanwhile you will provide and ordain whatever may seem necessary for the spread of the christian faith, and for the cessation of the troubles already mentioned and others which may be expected, anticipating everything as is most convenient. i send you, besides, a copy of what has been written to me from those islands concerning the precautions which should be taken in matters of war and defense of the land. that letter also gives information that the governors without any other reason but their own private aims and interests, are wont to abolish the companies of infantry and other offices of war, on account of which complaints arise. it also states that they have been accustomed to appoint captains of the number in the city of manila, who are entirely useless, and that we could dispense with the appointing those captains and granting their commissions, as well as those of captains-general and masters-of-camp which the governors have hitherto granted. you will examine all the references made to the above-mentioned matters, and what pertains to the garrisons and defense of the forts and fortified towns. you will take the necessary precautions in these things, in order that no loss or trouble may result from them; and will not fill the said offices of captains-general and masters-of-camp--except that, when they shall become vacant, you will appoint men to serve in these offices until the appointments are made by me; and in the appointments of the captains you shall consider very carefully the persons, and the need that there is of them. i am writing to the provincials of the religious orders the letters which go with this, regarding the kind treatment of the indians; and, that the indians must not be molested by the religious who give them instruction. you will give them these letters and will take special care to see how my commands are fulfilled, and that those natives shall not receive injury from anyone. you will have great care taken in teaching and instructing them in our holy catholic faith. the said don francisco tello writes me that the work on the cathedral of manila has been stopped for lack of means to carry it on; but that it would not take much money to build a tower and a sacristy, which would complete the church. although he said that he would aid the work by various grants and imposts, and that, if any balances should result from the auditing of accounts which he had ordered to be made in the funds which he had set aside for that work, he would have them collected for that purpose, i charge and order you to take special care in helping and furthering the work on the said church as much as you can, so that it may be promptly completed. you will notify me in what manner this shall be done. the said don francisco tello writes to me that the two hospitals of the city of manila, for spaniards and indians respectively, are in good and prosperous condition, and that he has taken possession in my name of that for the indians. he adds that the accounts of the latter have been audited by his order, and that those of the spanish hospital were audited every year. this meets my approval; and i charge you always to be attentive to the preservation and prosperity of the said hospitals, and to notify me of the result when the accounts are audited. don francisco tello also informed me of the good condition in which remained the seminary of santa potenciana in the city of manila, where some young girls and other women were sheltered; and that all were living in great retirement and offering a good example. he added that many of them desired to remain in that seclusion, and that the viceroy of nueva españa, whom he had asked to send two nuns for the said monastery, had replied that no one of them dared to go. since i shall write to the viceroy about this matter, you will make the necessary efforts that the said religious may go there; for this will be of great importance in fully establishing the said monastery and in completing the training of the nuns who have been sheltered there. you will aid and heartily favor this work as being so desirable for the service of god. the said don francisco writes me that when the king my lord (may he rest in glory) charged the governors your predecessors to found a seminary where the children of the native chiefs of these islands could be taught and receive instruction in the ways of civilization, don luis perez dasmariñas, governor of the islands, made a contract with the religious of the society of jesus for the foundation of the said seminary, and assigned to it a perpetual income of a thousand pesos yearly. to begin the work, he immediately gave them six hundred pesos and for the income he set aside a fund in the treasury of the fourths; but as the income was uncertain, on account of the needy circumstances of the said treasury, and the amount of money given to commence the work was small, and it was of great importance that the work be begun, the said don francisco entreated me to be responsible for this income, and thus make it perpetual. he also asked me to give him permission to assign the said seminary a repartimiento of a thousand indians, the first one that should be vacant. since i desire to receive a report from you on the whole matter, i command you to send me one, notifying me, with your opinion, of any other means, besides the indians, by which aid can be given to the said seminary, and in what condition its endowment is. don francisco tello informs me that in the parian of the sangleys of manila--which was founded only for some of them to live in, and those to be workmen, in such number as to be sufficient for the service of the commonwealth--houses have been gradually built; and that by this time there are more than three hundred of them, and three thousand sangleys who do nothing but eat up the provisions and enhance the price of commodities in the land. he adds that this could be remedied only by abolishing the parian altogether, and letting the sangleys sell their merchandise in the streets or in their ships as they were accustomed to do when there was no parian. this would bring the commonwealth a gain of more than one hundred thousand pesos a year, and would give more security to the land; for, having no houses of their own, the sangleys would frequent that country less, and would endeavor to sell their goods as soon as they reached the islands; they would also sell at a moderate price, and there would be no hucksters. he ends by saying that he was considering the necessary steps to take in this regard. since this is a matter whose importance and consideration ought not to be overlooked, i charge and order you to examine and discuss the question with the audiencia and the prelates; and to inform me of your opinions, decisions, and agreements before taking any decisive action or making any changes--taking care in the meantime, as i have already charged you, to see that all be done prudently and for the security of the land. the said don francisco tello notified me that he had erected buildings for the cabildo, and had placed thereon the coat-of-arms which was granted to the city of manila. this is well done; and, if my royal coat-of-arms is not placed on the said house of the cabildo, you will cause this to be done, placing it above the coat-of-arms of the city. the said don francisco tello writes that because he did not carry with him the instructions which were given to him, he did not execute what he was therein ordered to do when passing by the ladrones islands--namely, that he was to provide for the religious instruction of those indians, leaving there such persons as he should select. he said that, with the consent of the audiencia, he wrote to the viceroy of nueva españa, requesting him to fulfil that command by ordering the officers of the ships which were to sail for those islands last year, sixteen hundred, to leave there two religious, with ten soldiers for their guard. he added that this work would prove of great service to god, as those islands were thickly settled with indians who were docile, and inclined to receive instruction; and that, if religious should enter that region, there is reason to expect that they would convert many of the natives. and because this means no less than the salvation of so many souls, i charge and order you that, if the viceroy has not fulfilled the above order, you yourself shall do so, in accordance with the orders regarding it which were given to the said don francisco in his instructions. you will notify me of what is being done in this matter. the instructions order don francisco tello to carry to those islands from mexico a certain number of farmers to cultivate the land, who should be associated with the natives, and teach them agriculture. this he did not then do, because the instructions did not reach him there. i wrote, however, to the viceroy of nueva españa to send them at the first opportunity; but, if he has not done so, you will endeavor to have the said farmers conveyed to the islands, because they are so necessary to make that land productive. you will also make diligent efforts to introduce there, and carry over from nueva españa, mares and horses of good blood for breeding purposes, since this is of great importance for the service of the people. the copy of a portion of a letter which accompanies this, which was written to me by the said don francisco tello, will show you how he wished to enter the kingdom of siam; and how he despatched captain juan de mendoza on an embassy to the king of that country, requesting him to consent that four monks should go there, of the order of st. domini, of which order the king had already a friar with him. you will inform me how the matter stands, and report the answer which the king will have given you. you will notify me of it, and will encourage, so far as you can, the conversion of those infidels and the preaching of the gospel to them. the said don francisco tello writes that, although it has been decreed that the indians shall not be condemned to pay money fines, it would be advisable to make them, although with due moderation, pay some fines in money, because on account of their disobedience and natural disposition they feel more the punishment of paying one real than that of a hundred lashes; the result is that we do not gain the expected result--namely, to have them engaged in cultivating the fields and raising fowls, cattle and other articles for the general need and welfare. since i desire to learn from you the facts, and what takes place in regard to the aforesaid matter, and what measures are expedient in regard to punishing them for their crimes and offenses by money fines, and whether this causes or may cause some difficulties, i order you, after having examined the question thoroughly and discussed it with the audiencia, archbishops, and ecclesiastical cabildo, to let me know the result and the opinion of all. i have heard that the buildings which have been erected for the audiencia and for the president's residence are in great need of a hall in which the president and the auditors might hold their meetings; for it is not convenient for them to meet in a hall of the president's house, where the desirable secrecy cannot be observed because their discussions can easily be overheard. therefore it would be expedient to build the said hall beyond the hall of the audiencia, and next to it, on the side where the clock is. as it is so important that the said meetings be held in a suitable hall, and that great secrecy be maintained in regard to the affairs transacted by them, it has seemed good to me to notify you of this, and to charge you as i do, that with the advice of the audiencia you erect such building in suitable style; so that the above-mentioned difficulties may cease, and occur no longer on account of the authority and secrecy which should prevail in the said meetings. i have learned that governor don francisco tello, your predecessor, went to the audiencia and attended its meetings and visitations, in unbefitting garments; and that at times he went half-dressed, without sword or jacket. since in positions of that sort, in places and regions so remote, it is necessary to exercise the authority and propriety due to those offices, i charge you to be very careful in that respect, and always to attend meetings and courts with the garb and decorum which befit the occasion. the fiscal of the audiencia of the said islands, to whom is entrusted the protection of the indians, has informed me that, as their lawsuits are many and involve much work, with the audiencia's permission he appointed a solicitor, with a salary of two hundred pesos, and an interpreter with a salary of eighty pesos, at the expense of the encomenderos. i charge you that, as soon as you reach the islands, you discuss this matter with the audiencia; and, if it be necessary to retain the said solicitor and interpreter, to see that their salaries be paid, and that they be trustworthy men and competent to fill those offices. you will always take special care to see that the indians be relieved from burdens, and protected and favored in all permissible ways, and that their affairs be promptly settled, endeavoring to avoid lawsuits whenever possible. at zamora, on the sixteenth day of february in the year one thousand six hundred and two. i, the king countersigned by juan de ybarra two royal decrees colonists for the islands the king: to the conde de monterrey, my kinsman, and viceroy, governor and captain-general of nueva spaña, or to the person or persons in whose charge the government thereof may be: the kingdoms of infidels and enemies of our holy catholic faith, with which the philipinas islands are surrounded, being so numerous and so great, the most advisable thing for its safety and defense is to settle it with spaniards. that colony, i am informed, is not only not being augmented, but is not even being preserved in its present state; for the people who are sent to those islands are few compared with the number of those who die from the unhealthful climate of the country, and those who are dispersed in expeditions, and because most of those who go to the said islands do not intend to abide there, and accordingly return with their wealth. it is considered expedient to give such persons permission to return, so that others may be willing to go to the islands; and it is necessary to give others such permission, either because they are married in españa, or because they are peruvians, a people who are injurious to the community. consequently there is always a lack of people, and those who remain there are the poorest. as it is expedient to attend with great care to the settlement of the said islands and their conservation, i charge and command you to provide for and send thither useful people, and to see to it that settlers of good character go thither. in order that this may be done, and that they may live and remain there, you will see to the careful and rigorous execution of the orders already given concerning the trade of the philipinas with your country of nueva españa, and that the object be attained for which it is permitted--that is, that it be directed to the settlement and conservation of the said islands and applied to the benefit and advantage of the citizens--taking care that nothing be done which shall transgress any order which has been given in the matter, or which may be so given in the future, and with great care favoring the interests of the said islands. in this you will please me. given at zamora, on the sixteenth of february, in the year one thousand six hundred and two. _i, the king_ countersigned by _joan de ybarra_ signed by the council. [_endorsed:_ "to the viceroy of nueva spaña, concerning the settlement of the philipinas islands, and directing him to send useful people there."] nuns for santa potenciana the king: to the conde de monterrey, my kinsman, and viceroy, governor and captain-general of nueva spaña, or to the person or persons in whose charge the government thereof may be: don francisco tello, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, has informed me of the prosperous condition of the seminary of sancta potenciana at manila, where girls are sheltered, and of the retirement and the exemplary lives which they lead, and that many of them intend to remain in the said seminary. i wrote to you to send them, from nueva spaña, two religious women for the said seminary, but you answered to the effect that none of them dared to go. as this is of great importance, and should be carried out, for the establishment of that seminary and the settlement there of professed nuns, and that its inmates may be thoroughly trained in piety, i charge and command that you that, in any event, you make arrangements to send there the said two religious women from one of the convents of your country, and that they shall be persons of approved character--and this on account of the great service which this will be for our lord; and you shall advise me of what is done in the matter. given at camora, on the sixteenth of february, in the year one thousand six hundred and two. _i, the king_ countersigned by _joan de ybarra_ signed by the council. [_endorsed:_ "to the viceroy of nueva spaña, directing him to send thence to the philipinas certain religious for the establishment of a seminary."] pintados menaced by mindanao pirates _testimony which captain gallinato sent to the governor of the filipinas concerning the help which the king of terrenate is giving to the mindanaos._ on the sea, off the tinguis ["hills"] of la caldera, on the twenty-ninth day of the month of may in the year one thousand six hundred and two. the purveyor-general, juan juarez gallinato. whereas ensign antonio de alarcon, commander of the patrona, [54] took with his galley from a vessel of lutaos an indian of san buangan [_i.e._, zamboanga,] who is supposed to be a spy, i command, in order to learn the truth and the design of the enemy, that his confession be taken; and so i order it and sign my name. _juan juarez gallinato_ by his order: _rafael de sarria_, notary _deposition_. then on the day, month, and year aforesaid, the purveyor-general caused to appear before him the said lutao, who was questioned by the interpreter pedro navarro, encomendero of canamucan and baibay. he was asked what his name was, of what place he was a native, and if he were a slave or a timagua; and he replied that his name was saliot, that he was a native of sanbuangan, which is near la caldera, and that he was a timagua. this was his answer. when asked for what purpose he was coming yesterday when he was taken, and who sent him, he said that he was sent by a chief named bato, a native of the witness's village, who told the witness to take fowls and wax and fish, and go to the place where the fleet was, or was coming, and find out who was in it, what sort of ships there were, where it was going, what people it carried, and how many ships; and the witness came to do what the aforesaid chief had ordered, and was captured. this was his answer. he was asked what ships there were in the river of mindanao, armed to set out; and where they were going, who was going as commander of them, and what fighting men there were. he said that there were a hundred ships in the aforesaid river of mindanao, large and small, intending to go out to plunder pintados and cebu, and oton, and all the regions that they could; and that for commander there goes silonga, with raxamora and buysan. he said that a large number of men were going on the war-vessels, because they take a hundred men from each village; and he said that within ten days they would set out from the river for pintados. this was his answer. when asked if the mindanaos knew that the spanish fleet was going to help pintados, or what they understood about it, he said that a son of liguana, called ssapay, with gumapas and nasa, were sent from mindanao as spies in order to know what the spaniards were doing, and where they were; and that they told where the spanish fleet was, and what it was doing. he said that the lutaos who came with him yesterday had returned to give news of the coming of the fleet. this was his answer. he was asked whether liguana, chief of taguima, had planned to go to pintados with the enemy's fleet. he said that he had, and that likewise his sons were going with him, and all the chiefs of his country; and thirty-five vessels were going from sanbuangan, tragima, and basilanban. this he said to be the truth, according to the obligation of his oath, which he had taken after his custom. he said that he was about twenty years old; and he did not sign this paper, but the interpreter signed it. _juan juarez gallinato pedro navarro_ before me: _rafael de sarria_, notary _official act_. on the sea, off the mainland of dapitan, on the thirtieth day of the month of may in the year one thousand six hundred and two. the purveyor-general, juan juarez gallinato. whereas ensign pedro de carrion, while scouting among the little islands opposite the kingdom of xolo in the last few days, captured a lutao in a [_ms. defective_] and was fleeing; it is proper, in order to know the design of the inhabitants of the aforesaid kingdom, that his deposition be taken; and thus i command it and sign my name. _juan juarez gallinato pedro navarro_ by his command: _rafael de sarria_, notary _deposition_. on the aforesaid day, month, and year, the aforesaid purveyor-general ordered to appear before him the aforesaid indian, in order to take his deposition, through the interpreter pedro navarro, encomendero of baibay. the following questions were asked of him. after he had taken the oath according to his custom, and after he had promised to tell the truth, he was asked what his name was, where he lived, what his occupation was, and if he was a slave or a timagua. he said that he was called onarano; that he was a lutao of the village of lumian, which is near xolo; that his occupation was always to fight; and that he was a timague. this was his answer. when asked if it was true that the son of diguana, called sapaz, [55] was with the natives of jolo on the morning on which they attacked the spanish quarters, and if diguana knew of the attack, he said that he did not know; nor had he heard it said, because the witness was not in that affray, for he had gone away to fight at that time. this was his answer. he was asked if it was true that the king of xolo sent to mindanao to seek help against the spaniards. he said that it was, and that a chief of the aforesaid kingdom, called diaga, went in a ship to seek it on behalf of the king; but that it was not known what reply he brought back. this was his answer. he was asked if it was true that the mindanao enemy was preparing a great fleet to come against the provinces of pintados and against the spaniards. the witness said that he had heard from other natives of the kingdom of xolo that, as long as the spaniards remained in the aforesaid kingdom, all the natives of mindanao would go with a large fleet to pintados, to plunder it. this was his answer. he was asked other questions in regard to the matter, but he said that he did not know anything more than what he had already declared; and this he affirmed. he did not sign this paper, but the aforesaid pedro navarro signed it. he declared that he was more than fifty years old. _juan juarez gallinato pedro navarro_ before me: _rafael de sarria_, notary _official act_. in the port of biara, which is on the mainland of dapitan and mindanao, on the thirty-first day of the month of may in the year one thousand six hundred and two. the purveyor-general, juan juarez gallinato. whereas captain benito gomez descobara y esquivel captured on a little island (or rather on the sea-coast) an indian, a native of sanbuangan, who is supposed to be a spy; i command, in order to learn if he is one, and to ascertain about the enemy's fleet, that his confession be taken; and thus i order it and sign my name. _juan juarez gallinato_ by his command: _rafael de sarria_, notary _deposition_. thereupon, immediately, on the day, month, and year aforesaid, the said purveyor-general caused to appear before him the aforesaid indian, in order to receive his confession, through agustin de sepulbeda--who swore in due form to fulfil the office of interpreter well and faithfully, and administered an oath to the indian according to the latter's custom. he promised to tell the truth, and the following questions were asked of him. he was asked his name, where he lived, his occupation, his age, and whether he was slave or free; and he replied that his name was panran, that he was a native of the town of linpapa (which is near rabos), that he was a slave of sumanpie, chief of the said village of linpapa, and that he was about twenty years old. this was his answer. he was asked what ships had gathered and from what nations, and also where they were and for what purpose. he said that from maluco there had come fifty vessels--terrenatans, sangils, and togolandans [56]--which were brought by buisan, who is master-of-camp to the one whom they call captain lant. the rest which are going from mindanao consisted of forty large caracoas and twenty carangailes and bireyes, with one caracoa and two bireyes from sanbuangan and tagima. all these had agreed that, if the spaniards were in jolo, they should fall upon them; and that, if they were not there, they should go to plunder in pintados, cebu and oton. this was his answer. he was asked where it was said that they were to go. he said that those who were returning from oton had agreed to pass through some little islands which are opposite quipit; and that those going to cebu were to go from similon, which is opposite dapitan; and that they were to return that way. this was his answer. when he was asked how he knew this that he had said, he replied that it was generally known and reported among the chiefs of sanbuangan and among the lutaos. he was asked what agreement liguana had made with the chiefs of tagima and sanbuangan, and what he said to them against the spaniards. he replied that the aforesaid liguana had ordered the chiefs and the lutaos to be assembled together, and in readiness, along with the mindanaos, against the spaniards. this was his answer. he was asked how many days it would be before the fleet would set out for pintados; and he replied that the fleet was ready in mindanao, and that he had heard that it was to start shortly, within ten days, and that five of these had passed. this was his answer. he was asked other questions in regard to the matter, and he replied that what he had said was the truth; and he affirmed this and ratified it. he did not sign this, but agustin de sepulbeda signed it. _juan juarez gallinato_ _agustin de sepulbeda_ before me: _rafael de sarria_, notary _official act_. on the sea, near dapitan, on the fourth day of the month of june in the year one thousand six hundred and two. the captain and sargento-mayor, juan juarez gallinato, purveyor-general and head of the provinces of pintados for his majesty. whereas it has come to his notice that yesterday, monday, the third of this month, captain garcia gutierres guerrero and ensign domingo martir and diego mendez went in a caracoa to the river of sioco to get water; and that, while they were doing so, there came to them an indian, the chief of the said river, who told them that it was he who had given notice to the captains about the enemy's fleet, in order to warn the spaniards: now therefore, in order to ascertain whether this is so or not, i command that the depositions of the aforesaid men be taken; and i order it, and sign my name. _juan juarez gallinato_ by his command: _rafael de sarria_, notary _deposition._ thereupon, on the day, month, and year aforesaid, the said purveyor-general caused to appear before him the said captain garcia gutierrez guerrero, in order to receive his deposition. he took oath in due form of law, and promised to tell the truth; and, when questioned in accordance with the above order, the witness declared that he had gone to the bank of the river of sioco, where some indians who pay tribute to him live; and that when he had arrived there the witness caused an arquebus to be fired, at the noise of which there came up an indian, the chief of that river, called tumarahoc. the said chief came to where the witness was, and told him that he had told the indians of dapitan--those who took fowls to the jolo army for the commander--that they should warn the spaniards that in the river of mindanao a great fleet was being prepared, with many men, which they said was to go to jolo and pintados; and the aforesaid indian likewise told the witness that he would be on the watch, and that he would warn the dapitans if the fleet should set out, and where it was going; and he said that he would also tell the witness. this he declared to be the truth, under the oath which he had taken; and he affirmed and ratified it, and signed it, and declared that he was about forty years old. _garcia guerrero_ _juan juarez gallinato_ before me: _rafael de sarria_, notary _deposition_. then, on the day, month, and year aforesaid, the said purveyor-general caused to appear before him ensign domingo martin, in order to take his testimony. he took oath in due form of law, and promised to tell the truth. when questioned in accordance with the above order, the witness said that he went in company with captain guerrero to the bank of the river of sioco to get water; and that when they arrived there they fired an arquebus-shot from the witness's caracoa, and that, after they had fired it, there came to the aforesaid bank an indian, the chief of the river, who was a friend of the spaniards and paid tribute to the aforesaid captain guerrero. when he reached the caracoa, he told the witness and captain guerrero that he had told the dapitan indians (who had gone to jolo with fowls for the commander), that they should warn the spaniards that a large number of ships were being gathered in the river of mindanao; and that a very great number of men was to depart in them to go against the spaniards in jolo and to plunder pintados. the said chief also said that he had told the said indians that if they did not warn the said spaniards he would have them beaten with sticks; and that he would be on the watch, and that he would warn the dapitan chiefs and captain guerrero of what happened. this he declared to be the truth, under the oath which he had already taken; and he affirmed and ratified it, and signed it; and he said that he was about twenty-eight years old. _domingo martin_ _juan juarez gallinato_ before me: _rafael de sarria_, notary these agree with the originals, which are in the possession of the purveyor-general, who signed here with his name; and it is exact and accurate. and to the fact that it was accurately copied, corrected, and made to agree, were witnesses: ensign juan rodriguez de santa, and the royal ensign pedro mendez de sotomayor, and francisco hernandez. done in dapitan, on the fourth day of the month of june in the year one thousand six hundred and two. _juan juarez gallinato_ in testimony of which, i have affixed my name and the customary rubrics. _rafael de sarria_, notary letters to felipe iii sire: don pedro de acuña, [57] to whom your majesty granted the favor of sending him to govern this land, arrived here with a very considerable reenforcement of troops. this and his arrival are so important and timely that i think there must follow many results beneficial to the service of god and of your majesty, as also the correction of important matters--which have greatly needed it, as i have informed your majesty at greater length in a report and letter that treats of this matter, and of the great and urgent necessity for your majesty to command that the town and fort of maluco be occupied as promptly as possible. from this will result the greatest advantages, and great danger to this land will be averted; and thus may be repaired the many losses and destructive raids which this country may suffer, which may result from the inroad of those demons of english and dutch heretics, with their intentions and desires. we should have aid, and means of communication, and strongholds in these regions, and especially in this one of maluco, which is the most important, dangerous, and near to these islands, and whose people are unfriendly. our enemies, the xoloan and mindanaos, avail themselves of it, and are succored therefrom, and with this aid have inflicted many damages, which they will continue to do, if they are not checked. great cost and expense must be incurred in these islands, merely to preserve and defend them; and there are great hindrances and difficulties in the way of their growth. by gaining this fort the door is closed to notable evils and troubles, and benefits of the utmost importance, both spiritual and temporal, through which god our lord and your majesty will be well served, the christian faith and the extension of the gospel will be assured and increased in these regions; and the crown and royal possessions of your majesty, and the reputation of españa, well maintained and accredited, as is not the case now. other important undertakings and expeditions which may hereafter be made will be facilitated; for that place is the capital, and has most reputation; and it rules as subjects and tributaries many surrounding peoples, who may be easily reduced after the conquest of this stronghold, and after those who so greatly fear and respect us have been vanquished and chastised. moreover, expenses for supplies and garrisons which must be maintained, and which are necessary until this is accomplished, will be saved; and a large amount of property and income will be left for other expenses and affairs in the service of your majesty. in short, until this is once for all assured and established, a certain amount of damage must be expected, and will inevitably result; and it is very evident that for the aforesaid reasons it is necessary sooner or later to undertake this expedition for the preservation and security of these regions. it is also better not to postpone it, and not to wait until that place has greater fortification, strength, and defense, thereby rendering its conquest more difficult and costly. i conclude, sire, by saying that as god and your majesty have sent don pedro de acuña to this government, and he has inclination and desire for military service, and for the faithful fulfilling his performance of what pertains to his office and to the service of your majesty, (as has been observed), and besides has experience and the qualifications suitable and necessary for this undertaking, may your majesty not defer it, or wait for another governor to perform this most important service. the opportunity of having a person so well fitted for such a contingency (which is by no means unimportant) is not to be lost. to say this and what else pertains to this matter, sire, i am constrained only by the duty which i owe to the service of god and his church, and to your majesty and your crown, and to the general welfare of these most important regions. if this were not so, nothing in this matter would concern or could influence me; for it has cost me most dear and was so disastrous to me that i lost by it my father and a great amount of property, and met other losses to which i shall not refer. for this reason, i desired to prosecute this expedition after the death of my father; but i could not do so, on account of the great fear and dread of hostile chinese and japanese. as a man, sire, i can but desire the accomplishment of that thing which my father and i had tried to achieve and had almost succeeded in doing. but may our lord not permit that this or any other enterprise should be abandoned, for lack of desire and effort to secure a result so desirable for the said objects; and may it come through the hand and means which god shall choose, and by which he shall be served. may his divine majesty guard your majesty as he can, and as we all desire and need. at manila, june 8, in the year 1602. _luis perez dasmariñas_ [_endorsed_: "april 27, 1604. to the conde de lemos. suitable provision has already been made; at valladolid, [58] may 14, 1605."] sire: as i was in doubt whether the letter which i wrote last year regarding the matter in this was received by your majesty, i give an account of the same matter in this letter. toward the close of the previous year, 1600, there entered into these islands, by way of the strait of magallanes, oliver de nort, a hollander, with two ships of war belonging to count mauriçio. he took prizes and caused damage, until he established himself at the mouth of the bay of this city, intending to await the merchant ships from china, and the galleon "santo thomas" from nueva españa, with the silver for two years belonging to the business men of this kingdom. as military affairs were at that time little cared for in these islands, and there was no sort of preparation, the royal audiencia of your majesty, at the petition of the president, don francisco tello, was obliged to take measures to provide aid in so urgent a necessity, with all possible haste and efficiency. for this end i was commissioned to go immediately to the port of cabite, and place and keep it in a state of defense; and to arm several ships, with which to meet the pirate and divert him from his intention. accordingly, i did so to the best of my ability, and put two ships of moderate size in readiness in a short time, there being no others. the president ordered me again in your majesty's name, and in writing--as he considered that by no other authority, in view of the state of affairs, could the expedition be made--to go out with this fleet in my charge, against the enemy, and fight until i should destroy him. in compliance with this i sought him, and encountered him outside the bay of this city. we engaged the enemy in a long and obstinate battle, which occurred between the two fleets on december 14. the outcome is related in the certified account by the president and governor, which accompanies this, by which your majesty will be informed of the punishment which was inflicted upon this enemy, and how our aim was attained as we had wished, and likewise of the dangers and hardships which i encountered and underwent on this occasion. in this i should be content if i had, for my only reward, succeeded in serving your majesty; for this aim alone drew me from my home at so much danger to my honor, life, and children. i humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to pardon whatever fault there may have been, in consideration of my good intention and desire to obey, and to succeed in what i was commanded to do. god protect the catholic person of your majesty. at manila, june 30, 1602. _doctor antonio de morga_ sire: although the obligation to advise your majesty of the state of this your province, of the order of our father st. augustine, is always binding, yet for many new reasons it is especially binding this year; for at the recent meeting cf the chapter here, by acclamation, and without voting, father fray pedro arze (concerning whom your majesty must already have a report), was elected provincial, with the consent of all. from this we hope that, with the favor of god and your majesty, he will be successful in his government, since its commencement is so propitious. the letter and mandate which your majesty sent last year serves him as a guide for the correction of what stands in need of remedy, and the severity necessary to prevent disobedience; accordingly, the province is enjoying the greatest peace and quiet that it has ever had. in the meantime there came this year fray pedro sossa, with a commission as visitor, sent by fray christoval de la cruz from nueva españa, in virtue of several messages which he bears from the father-general, alejandro genense. we did not receive him, not because we did not desire a visitation--which, on the contrary, we do desire, and humbly seek from your majesty, for the justification of this province--but because he did not come by order of your majesty, and for other reasons which the audiencia of these islands examined; and because some other and further messages which he bore from the father vicar-general fulvio relating to us appeared suspicious. in what concerns this matter, we refer your majesty to the said audiencia, which, we believe, will advise your majesty with due fidelity. your majesty has therein two very faithful vassals and servants, namely, doctor antonio de morga and the licentiate tellez almazan--both the fathers of children, excellent judges, poor, and deserving of whatever favor your majesty may extend to them; and especially of being removed from this country, which is poor and of scant resources, and where they cannot provide for the fortunes of their children. in this way we consider that your majesty would do a great service to god. the bearer of this is the father definitor, fray diego cerravi, [59] who came to these regions from castilla about eight years ago, and has served your majesty and the order here very advantageously. he is a learned and virtuous religious, who speaks the truth; accordingly your majesty may credit what he says. he is a man of so many good qualities that, to tell your majesty in a word, he leaves us at his departure lonely, sad, and disconsolate at losing him--although we are consoled by our confidence in the favor and grace which your majesty will show this province and to him in its name, by ordering that aid be given to him in the business which he has in his charge; and especially that he may bring us friars from the province of castilla, who are here much approved for their virtue and learning. and we are confident that your majesty will favor us in all matters as our protector, patron, and only defender; we trust no less that our lord will protect for us the royal person of your majesty, according to the needs of your kingdoms and seigniories, and of us, your ministers and chaplains. we beseech, etc. from this your majesty's convent of the order of our father saint augustine. in the city of manila, on the fourth of july in the year one thousand six hundred and two. _fray pedro arce_, provincial _fray agustin de tapia_, definitor _fray bernave de villalovos_, definitor _fray diego cerrabe_, definitor _fray pedro de salzedo_, definitor [_endorsed with the following order_: "join this with the letter from the audiencia, and bring them in on january 28, 1604."] sire: since the last year, 601, an account has been given to your majesty of the expedition which i conducted at the close of the previous year, 1600, by order of the governor and president, don francisco de tello, against olibert de norte, a corsair from holland who entered among these islands, taking prizes with two ships of war; and of the outcome of the expedition, by which the said corsair was punished and harassed. francisco de las missas, factor and overseer of your majesty's exchequer in these islands, whom i inspected a short time ago ... [under a] [60] special commission from your majesty, and passed sentence upon him ... penalties and restitutions as will appear by the report of the inspection which i have sent to your ... [majesty] by three routes. he has been so hostile ... that he displays his jealousy of me in all matters [in so far as] he can. accordingly, on account of this--as well as to cover his fault at the time of the despatch of the fleet which i took, by sending me unsupplied with sailors and other things necessary, which it was his duty to furnish--among other measures which he has taken since the past year, one has been under color and appearance of proceeding from the licentiate salazar de salzedo, fiscal of this audiencia (whom, for private reasons, he holds quite in his power). the said factor induced the fiscal, in the affair of his investigation, to draw up a secret information with suborned witnesses--sailors and others, who are at his call--by which it is intimated that he furnished me well, and that the commander's ship was lost through my fault, imputing to me by the statements of these men other and illegal actions, in order to disparage my faithful service; by this may be seen the malice and passion of those concerned in this affair. that document was sent to your majesty and the ministers before whom this matter is considered. in like manner captain joan de alcega (his intimate friend, and likewise a partisan of the said fiscal and factor), whom i took as admiral, in order to cover up his own guilt--for which he was arrested by the president and governor, and is being proceeded against officially because, at the beginning of the fight, he left the commander's ship unsustained, contrary to the order which he had from me in writing; and on account of other illegal acts, and because he took a part of the benefits of the success which resulted--he also, driven by the same heat of passion, has taken secret measures and procured documents with which to inform your majesty in a sinister way to my prejudice. since it is just that in all matters your majesty should be informed of the truth, i send certain documents which are not drawn in secret, nor cunningly, nor maliciously, whereby the truth will appear--especially the information which was drawn by the alcalde-mayor of the province of valayan (on whose coast and in whose district the ship was lost), the very next day, and obtained from the men who were saved from the wreck. by this may be seen what passed in this region, and the guilt of the said factor, and that of the admiral, as has been pointed out. beside this, in the ships which leave here this year goes a religious of the order of st. augustine, fray francisco de valdes by name, who was sent, in company with fray diego de cerrabi, by his order to the court of your majesty on the business of the order. this religious can inform your majesty of all which occurred on the said expedition, as his order sent him on it to confess and administer the sacraments; and he was present during the fight on the commander's ship, and saved himself by swimming. as a trustworthy and disinterested person, he will tell the truth, without being influenced by personal considerations. i humbly beg your majesty that, with this understanding, your majesty may be pleased to command that opportunity be not given for distortion of facts in such a way, by persons so jealous and so suspicious, who are moved alone by anger and passion to avenge themselves and procure satisfaction from the ministers who, for the service of your majesty, have administered (as they still do) justice in your behalf; and that you will command that the illegality which appears to have been committed in this be punished, as is most fitting for the service of your majesty. god protect the catholic person of your majesty. manila, july 8, 1602. _doctor antonio de morga_ sire: i, the licentiate gerónimo de salazar y salcedo, your fiscal in the royal chancilleria of the philipinas islands, say that on the sixteenth of january of the year one thousand six hundred your majesty was pleased to command that a royal commission be given to don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of these islands, empowering him, when he should reach them, to cause the royal officials to give him a report of what they have collected from don francisco tello, his predecessor, toward the sixteen millions [of maravedis?] which were still due from the balance which was incurred by him at the time when he was treasurer of the sevilla house of trade; and also to cause that whatever remained to be paid should be collected from the said don francisco tello and from his property. in the course of the execution of this commission by the said don pedro de acuña, the royal officials certified that the said don francisco tello had paid them twenty-seven thousand two hundred pesos of common gold, which should be twenty-eight thousand one hundred and eighty-four pesos, according to your command by a royal decree dated in san lorenco, on the thirteenth of september in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. the said officials decided that the eight thousand pesos which were lost in the year one thousand six hundred in the ship "santa margarita" should be for your majesty's account--because, since the debt was contracted in the sevilla house of trade, the payment should be there; and the said don francisco tello must run the risk as far as that. they also decided that what was ordered in the aforesaid royal decree of the thirteenth of september, ninety-five, was that each year three thousand ducados should be deducted from the salary of don francisco tello, which were to be sent each year; and, as he failed to pay in the years ninety-six, ninety-seven, and ninety-eight, for the rest of the time it came about that eight thousand pesos were sent each year. it was thus that the aforesaid eight thousand pesos were lost which were going in the said ship "santa margarita;" whereas, if the aforesaid royal decree had been followed and three thousand ducados sent, no more than that sum would have been lost. the governor gave me authority to follow up the matter, and i asked from him an order of execution for the whole sum, with the assurance that i would receive on account whatever seemed lawfully to have been paid; it was given to me on the person and goods of the aforesaid don francisco tello, but property was not found to the value of four hundred pesos. he opposed the execution, saying that he had paid in sevilla with the income of his family estate, together with what he had paid here, all the balance that was due. i replied to this that this did not appear, from the aforesaid royal decree of january, one thousand six hundred, and that a forced sale would have to be made for the amount that was therein ordered--not taking account of the payments that had been made here until they should arrive at sevilla, as the official judges of these islands have decided--and that what was lost must be at the risk of the said don francisco tello. this was proper, since at the time when the said royal officials gave the said money to the masters of the ships to be delivered to the treasury of mexico, the aforesaid don francisco tello, by the authority of his position, gave orders that the said masters should give him the money; and he invested it in merchandise, which, if it had arrived in mexico, would have gained a great deal. it was right that, since he was to have the profit, he should bear what risk there was--which was greater than if he had allowed the royal officials to send the money as it suited them. since each year a great quantity of money is sent from the treasury of mexico to the one here, they would have given orders that, instead of sending the money from here, it should be deducted from what was to be sent from mexico, in order that that quantity might be sent to sevilla. in this way the risk of going and coming would have been avoided; and, even if there had not been any opportunity for this, they might have sent the said money in gold--which is a less risk, because it is of less bulk and weight than reals--and thirty per cent would have been gained in mexico. both sides brought evidence, but that for the opposition was of no importance; so the governor gave judgment according to the opinion of the licentiate luis ortis de padilla, reporter of the aforesaid royal chancilleria, ordering that his property be sold to the highest bidder, in order to recover the amount for which the execution had been granted--deducting from it all which the royal officials certify to have been paid here, and also, eight thousand pesos for what he says he has paid in sevilla. i consented to the judgment as far as concerned what was favorable, and i appealed from what was in opposition, to what i had asked to have received as evidence. the opposing side has denied this, and made a declaration of nullity against the aforesaid royal decree of the year six hundred, saying that, according to it, it was ordered that the accountants of the royal council of the indias should make a record of this matter, which they did not do; so that everything that was done by its authority is void. thus the suit remains in this position. seeing that i did not find any property of the said don francisco tello with which to fulfil the aforesaid commission, and hearing that he had some property which he kept secret, i asked for and received letters of excommunication and censure against those who might know of property belonging to the said don francisco tello, in order that they should make it known. they opposed this, and tried to delay it as much as possible; but nevertheless it was ordered that the three letters should be given. they appealed from this, and menaced me with the aid of fuerza [61]--with the result that until the sixth of this month the last letter could not be read, so that the examination of the depositions that were taken has been delayed. according to them, it appears that he has no property of any account in these islands, but that what he has is in nueva españa; and whatever i have been able to hear of i give notice to the viceroy of that country to attach, because the ships are about to sail, and the governor is in cavite, and i cannot get a warrant for it. god keep the catholic person of your majesty, according to his power. from manila, on the tenth of july of the year 1602. the licentiate _hieronimo de salazar y salzedo_ [_endorsed_: "examined on the second of july, 1604. let it be put with another from the royal officials of philipinas, of july 18, 1603."] bibliographical data all documents in this volume save two are obtained from the original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; and their pressmarks therein are indicated as follows: 1. _ordinances of the audiencia_ (concluded).--see _vol_. x, no. 15. 2. _hospital for indians._--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas seculares, vistos en el consejo; años 1595 á 1606; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 35." 3. _letters from the fiscal, 1599._--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1583 á 1600; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 4. _letter from king of borneo._--the same as no. 3, save that the dates read, "1583 á 1599." 5. _letters from telia._--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." 6. _letters from felipe iii._--the first one: "simancas-filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á [1606]; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." (the second: in "cedulario indico" of archivo historico nacional, madrid, "tomo 38, fº. 131.6, nº. 101.") 7. _pacification of mindanao._--the same as no. 6, first part. 8. _van noordt's attack._--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19;" but on the last of the papers in this group the dates read, "1600 á 1606." 9. _morga's report of battle._--the same as no. 8. 10. _letter from garcia._--"simancas-secular; cartas y espedientes de personas eclesiasticas vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1608; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 42." 11. _letter from the fiscal, 1601._--the same as no. 8. 12. _complaint of cabildo._--the same as no. 2. 13. _letter from morga._--the same as no. 6, first part. 14. _grant to jesuit school._--"simancas-audiencia de filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes á dha audiencia desde el año 1586 á 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1." 15. _instructions to acuña._--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." 16. _royal decrees, 1602._--the same as no. 15. 17. _pintados menaced._--the same as no. 8. 18. _letters to felipe iii._--the first, second, and fifth, the same as no. 8; the third, the same as no. 10, save that the heading reads, "simancas-eclesiastico;" the fourth, the same as no. 6, first part. _annual letters from the philippine islands, 1601._--this document is obtained from a compilation of missionary letters by john hay, s.j., entitled _de rebus iaponicis indicis, et pervanis_ (antverpiæ, m. dc. v), pp. 950-968. our translation is made from a copy of this book in the library of congress. notes [1] evidently a reference to the memoir of fray juan plasencia upon the customs of the tagal natives (_vol_. vii. pp. 173-196), which was long used as a guide by spanish magistrates and officials in their dealings with the indians. [2] a counsellor-at-law appointed by the supreme court to make the briefs of the causes to be tried; he reads them before the court, after they have been first examined and approved by the parties concerned. [3] the reference or act of delivering written judicial proceedings to the other party, in order that, on examination of them, he may prepare the answer. [4] inserted among these decrees is a copy of the account written by fray juan de plasencia, o.s.f., of the customs of the tagal indians--a document presented in vol. vii of this series; also (unsigned and undated, but probably by the same writer) a paper entitled, "remarks on the customs which the natives of pampanga formerly observed in their lawsuits." [5] _cuarteles_: referring to the cost of quartering soldiers on the citizens. [6] so in the official transcript from the original ms.; but apparently an error for _bar--i.e., bahar_, which is an arabic weight, computed in the moluccas at about five hundred and ninety pounds (crawfurd's _dictionary_, p. 103). [7] the spanish translation of this letter is written on the back of the letter itself. [8] the words in brackets throughout this letter are conjectural readings. [9] _marginal note, apparently made to facilitate reference_: "that at the end of july, 1599, information was received through letters from the captains of the forces at malaca and maluco that at sunda and terrenate were a number of english ships, whose designs were not known; that help was asked for maluco, but the request was not granted, it being impossible for this kingdom of the phelippinas to do more; and that it is necessary that we be provided with troops, arms, and money from nueva españa, of all of which advices have been given the viceroy." [10] the letters here mentioned are found at the end of this document; they are all written in portuguese. they are not presented here, as all that is essential in them is contained in tello's letter. [11] _marginal note_: "that the troops and artillery are to retire from the fort of la caldera, and proceed to cebu, as they are needed there; and the fort is burned." [12] spanish, _que van por el agua mas de una legua_; apparently some word or phrase is missing. montero y vidal (_hist. de la piratería_, i, p. 144) says that the fort of la caldera was two and one-half kilometers (a little more than one and one-half miles) from zamboanga. [13] _marginal note_: "that information regarding the english has been given to the viceroy of nueva españa, in order that he may send reënforcements." [14] _marginal note_: "that the work of casting artillery is being continued." [15] the strait of sunda, which separates java from sumatra. [16] this is followed by notarial attestations regarding the drawing and collation of the above copy of instructions from the original, at the order of pedro de acuña and antonio de morga, in 1602, and the certification as to the qualifications of the government notary, also dated in 1602. [17] the ship ranking second in a fleet. [18] preceding this document, which is a copy and not the original, is a notarial declaration attesting that the present copy was made from the original by order of antonio de morga, for use in a suit brought by him against his admiral, joan de alcega, for deserting the flagship during the battle, which caused the loss of the flagship. at the close of the instructions is the notarial attestation of joan paez de sotomayor as to the correctness of the copy, under witness of geronimo xuarez and joan de aldave, and bearing date of august 27, 1602; and the further attestation by three notaries that paez de sotomayor is entitled to act as notary. [19] francis drake; see mention of this voyage in _vol_. iv, p. 313. [20] thomas candish; see _vol_. vii, p. 52. [21] oliver van noordt; he was a native of utrecht, and led this expedition in behalf of a commercial company which had been formed in 1598 by certain citizens of the united provinces. although the main object of their enterprise was trade, the commission issued to esaias de lende (q.v., _post_) shows that the dutch government gladly seized this opportunity to attack spanish possessions in the orient. see the detailed account of van noordt's voyage in _recueil des voiages ... des indes orientales_ (amsterdam, mdccxxv), ii. pp. 1-117. [22] maurice of nassau, born in 1567, succeeded his father as governor of the united provinces in 1584, and was for forty years the leader of the dutch cause; but he did not become prince of orange until the death of his elder brother in 1618. maurice died in 1625. [23] this was jacob claasz; he was sentenced to be set ashore and abandoned at the strait of magellan. a little bread and wine was given him, and it was expected that "he would die of hunger in a few days, or else be captured and eaten by the savages" (_rec. des voiages_, ii, p. 30). the same record says that peter de lint was promoted to claasz's post. [24] this vessel was named "el buen jesus." [25] a corrupt phonetic rendering of the name of sir richard hawkins, son of the noted english freebooter sir john hawkins. the reference in the text is to the fight between richard hawkins and the spanish admiral beltran de castro, off the coast of peru, june 20-22, 1594; after a long and desperate contest, the english were forced to surrender. hawkins was taken a prisoner to spain, but afterward sent back to england; he died soon after 1620. see his work, _observations ... in his voyage into the south sea_ (london, 1622; reprinted by hakluyt society, 1847, and again in 1877), 99. 182-225. [26] as is shown by another document in the same legajo, this patache was named "san xacinto;" it came from malaca some time before the battle with the dutch, and with news that they had been seen in those waters; it was commanded by estevan rodriguez de paez. an embargo was laid upon this vessel, in order to secure it for use against the dutch; but this was removed on november 22, 1600. the decree releasing the vessel was one of the documents used in a lawsuit brought by paez in regard to the freight charges for the merchandise carried by the patache. [27] screens of canvas, spread along the sides of a vessel to prevent an enemy from seeing what is done on the deck. [28] since the independence of the united provinces was not recognized by spain until 1609, these dutch prisoners might have been executed as rebels against their former lord the king of spain--an argument doubtless emphasized by the tenor of de lende's commission, which follows this account of the battle. [29] spanish, _le mas perro_--literally, "the most of a dog." [30] this descriptive paragraph is found in another copy of de lende's commission, preserved in the same legajo with the original of the document just presented. we use this second copy, partly for the sake of this description, partly because it is more exact in the spelling of proper names. the estates belonging to the house of orange were nassau, catzenellenbogen, vianden, dietz, veer, and vlissingue (anglicized to flushing). [31] alluding to the holy roman empire, which, founded by charlemagne in the year 800, was long the temporal arm of the ecclesiastical power in europe. carlos i of spain was its head, under the title of charles v, during his reign as king of spain. the holy roman empire came to an end in august, 1806, with the resignation of its head, francis ii of austria. [32] francisco vaez was born at segovia in 1543, and received into the jesuit order in 1566. after his ordination he was sent to mexico, where he filled various responsible offices, among them that of provincial. he died at mexico, july 14, 1619. sommervogel does not mention his presence in the philippine islands. the letter by vaez is translated from the latin version published by john hay (1546-1607--a jesuit of scotch birth, noted for his disputes with protestants), under the title _de rebus iaponicis, indicis_, etc., as seen in the title-page herewith reproduced (antverpiæ, m. dc. v). but the letter had already been printed, two years earlier, in the _relatione breve_ of diego de torres, s.j. (milano, mdciii), the title-page of which is also given here. torres held various high official positions in his order in peru, paraguay, and other south american countries; and sommervogel says (_bibliotheque comp. jésus_, viii, col. 132): "father torres, having been sent to rome as procurator of his province, profited by his sojourn in rome to have his relation printed; it is dated at rome, february 25, 1603." it is not certain whether either of these versions is the original production of vaez; but as he was a spaniard, and writing to the general of his order, it seems probable that he wrote in latin, and that the latin version which we follow is vaez's own composition, rather than the italian--which latter may have been torres's translation from the latin original, to suit better his own account written in italian. the latin title-page reads thus in english: "recent letters on affairs in japan, india, and peru; collected in one volume by john hay, a scot, of dalgatty, of the society of jesus. antwerp; from the printing-house of martin nutius, at the sign of the two storks; in the year 1605." the italian title-page is thus translated: "a brief relation by father diego de torres, of the society of jesus, procurator of the province of peru, regarding the fruit which is being gathered among the indians of that realm; for the consolation of the religious of that society in europe. at the end is added the annual letter from the philippine islands for 1600. at milan; by the heirs of the late pacifico pontio, and giovanni battista piccaglia, partners; 1603. by permission of the superiors." [33] pedro lopez de la parra was a native of salamanca; entering the jesuit order, he completed his studies and was ordained at mexico--where for some years he was both an instructor and preacher, being regarded as an unusually eloquent orator. desiring to be a missionary in the philippines, he came to the islands, but found that he could not master the language of the natives; discouraged by this, and finding that no other employment was available, he obtained permission from the visitor garcia to return to mexico; and on the voyage perished by shipwreck, as here related. (la concepción, _hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 391, 392.) [34] the word _collegium_, as used here, means rather "residence" than "college;" but we retain the latter rendering because the jesuits were then actually conducting an educational institution at manila, in which they gave instruction to the spaniards and to some natives. this was the college of san josé, for which provision had been made as early as 1585; but for various reasons it was not opened until 1600. its first rector was pedro chirino; among its first students (thirteen in all) were pedro tello, a nephew of the governor, and antonio de morga, a son of the auditor. see la concepción's detailed account, in _hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 403-409. [35] la concepción states (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 386-387) that st. polycarp was chosen by lot, in a solemn and public assembly as the especial patron of the city of manila, for its protection against earthquakes, as santa potenciana was its patron in hurricanes and tempests. [36] antipolo is a town lying about thirteen miles east of manila, near the northwest corner of laguna de bay. [37] la concepción gives (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 409-412) an interesting account of the labors of this bishop, fray pedro de agurto, during the year 1600. assembling the clergy and friars of his diocese, he proposed to them various measures, especially intended to facilitate the instruction and conversion of the natives. the catechism of the church had been already translated into the visayan speech; but this version was now entrusted to a committee of six (equally divided between the jesuits, augustinians, and regular clergy) for revision. this assembly resolved to attempt the suppression of polygamy among the heathen indians subject to the spaniards, and to check the easy divorces prevalent among them. agurto undertook a visitation in leyte and samar, but could not complete it on account of those islands being invaded by pirates from mindanao. [38] miguel gomez entered the jesuit order at alcalá in 1582; after his ordination was sent to the philippines; during his stay there was for some time an instructor in the college at manila; and died there december 28, 1622. [39] ledesma was born in 1556, and became a novice in the jesuit order at the age of sixteen. in 1596 he came to the philippines, where he filled high positions in his order--rector at zebu, rector at manila, and provincial of the islands. he died at manila, may 15, 1639. [40] christoval ximenes was born in 1573, and entered the jesuit order in 1588. coming to the philippines in 1596, he spent thirty-two years in the visayan missions; he died at alangatang, in leyte, december 3, 1628. he was noted as a linguist, and composed various works, religious or poetical, in the visayan tongue; one of these was a translation of bellarmino's _doctrina christiana_ (manila, 1610). gabriel sanchez is not mentioned by sommervogel. [41] see la concepción's account of the work of the jesuits in bohol (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 356-362). gabriel sanchez and juan de torres were the first of their missionaries there. the boholans did not, like the other natives of those islands, practice polygamy; thus their conversion was greatly facilitated. the fathers gathered many of the natives into a reduction; and they healed many sick persons with holy water. among their converts was catunao, a chief one hundred and twenty years old, who had guided legazpi to cebú. [42] apparently the same as the present tubigon, a considerable town on the western coast of bohol. [43] dúlag is a town on the eastern coast of leyte; and alangalang (named in the last section of this letter) is in the northern part of that island, some twenty miles up the cabayong river. [44] "go ye, swift angels, to a people wrenched up and torn, a fearful people, after whom is none other." [45] in ms., _treze_ (thirteen)--apparently an error in transcription (probably arising from almost illegible writing in the original), since vaez, in the document preceding this, makes the number of jesuit priests in the islands to be thirty (_treinta_). [46] la concepción relates (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 380-382) the labors accomplished in less than a year by garcia as visitor. collecting over one thousand pesos of contributions, he restored the jesuit church at manila, which had been ruined by earthquakes; and appointed pedro chirino as rector of the college. he reorganized the missions of the society, and their administration, and presented a more liberal interpretation of the rule and constitution of the order. he visited the various missions; and the missionaries who had been stationed in different villages were gathered by garcia into a few central residences, from which they made journeys to carry on their labors. la concepción writes in a critical tone, regarding garcia as an innovator, and as doing more harm than good by some of his too radical measures. sommervogel does not mention diego garcia. [47] for interesting accounts, descriptive and historical, of early ships, see article by admiral george h. preble on "ships of the sixteenth century," and similar papers on those of the next three centuries, in _the united service_, november, 1883-june, 1884. see also edward shippen's account of galleys and the life of the galley-slaves ("galleys of the sixteenth century"), in the same periodical, september, 1884. on galleons, cf. note in _the spanish war_, 1585-87 (published by navy records society; london, 1898), pp. 337-341. [48] the document here referred to (dated january 15-june 12, 1601), and another recording a similar investigation made by morga (july 6-9, 1602), are in the sevilla archives, bearing the same pressmark as the fiscal's letter in our text. both are too long and unimportant to be here presented. [49] on june 13, 1597, felipe ii issued a commission to antonio de morga to investigate charges of peculation which had been made against this man, as factor of the royal exchequer in the philippines. [50] see la concepción's account of the loss of this ship (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 428-435). [51] spanish, _colegio_; see note 32, _ante_. [52] a fund, the interest of which is required by the spanish laws for the support of an ecclesiastic. [53] mauban is a town and anchorage in the northeast corner of tayabas province, luzón; it lies on the pacific coast of the island, and southeast from manila. [54] in a squadron, the galley next in rank to the flagship or _capitana_. [55] these names appear thus in the text; but they evidently refer to the same persons who are previously mentioned as liguana and ssapay. [56] sangir (or sanguir) is a small island midway between mindanao and celebes; tagolanda is another one, south of sangir, about fifty miles northeast of celebes. [57] at the beginning of this letter is a brief summary of its contents. [58] in 1601 the capital of spain was removed from madrid to valladolid; but this measure proved so disastrous that felipe iii found it necessary to return to madrid in 1606. [59] diego cerrabe entered the augustinian order at burgos in 1584. he came to the philippines in 1595, and after various official services there, and two years' ministry at pasig, he went to spain with messages from his chapter at manila; apparently he did not return to the islands. (pérez's _catálogo_, p. 47.) [60] the ms. is worn or mutilated at the places marked by leaders; the words in brackets are the translator's conjectural readings. [61] see definition of fuerza in _vol_. v, p. 292. the reference here indicates that tello or his friends, in order to oppose the fiscal's proceedings, secured the interference of some ecclesiastical judge, who thus committed fuerza. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xlii, 1670-1700 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xlii preface 9 miscellaneous documents, 1670-1700 the camacho ecclesiastical controversy. [andres gonzalez, o.p.] and others; 1697-1700 25 the augustinians in the philippines, 1670-1694. casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; manila, 1718. [from his conquistas.] 117 bibliographical data 313 illustrations chart of manila bay; photographic facsimile from valentyn's oud en nieuw oost-indien (dordrecht and amsterdam, 1724), i, p. 152; from copy in library of wisconsin historical society 147 map of eastern islands; photographic facsimile of map in coronelli's atlante veneto (venetia, 1696), ii, part 2, p. 122; from original copy in bibliothèque nationale, paris 181 view of strait of manila; photographic facsimile from recueil des voiages comp. indes orientales (amsterdam, 1725), iv, p. 512; from copy in library of wisconsin historical society 227 preface the tone of this volume is mainly ecclesiastical, although many sidelights on the civil government and social life are incidentally shown. all the intense bitterness that generally accompanies contests between the regulars and seculars is seen in the camacho controversy, in which the former recognize that they are fighting for life and existence in the philippines, and hence spare no effort to gain their ends. as will be seen later this fight between regulars and seculars is quieted only for the moment, to break out with greater force under archbishop santa justa y rufina; while in our own day, the friar memorial of 1898 (never presented), resorts to the same threat of the regulars to resign their curacies. this struggle, as well as the history of the augustinian order in the latter part of the seventeenth century (which occupies the greater part of the volume), forms a rich commentary on the life of the times, and one can reconstruct easily the manila of that period, and recognize the hopes and fears of its various classes. the noted ecclesiastical controversy between archbishop camacho and the religious orders, which began with the arrival of that prelate in the islands (1697), was hardly second in bitterness and importance to that between his predecessor pardo with the secular government. as in the latter case, we furnish accounts of this episode by persons actually concerned therein; but all these are written by members of the orders, who therefore are opposed to camacho, no defense of his side being at present available. the first of these (unsigned) is apparently the usual record of events by the manila jesuits. soon after camacho's arrival, the regulars appeal to him for aid in a dispute which they have with the secular government regarding their lands; but he makes such aid conditional on their submitting to episcopal visitation in those curacies which they serve as parish priests. they refuse to do so, and appeal from the archbishop to the papal delegate; then a controversy ensues between the two prelates over the exemptions claimed by the regulars, each wielding the thunderbolts of the church--censures, fines, and excommunications--against the other, a warfare imitated by some of the ecclesiastical rank and file with their fists and stones as weapons, all to the scandal of the commonwealth. finally the governor interposes, and the affair is settled for the time, the two prelates absolving each other in turn. the audiencia compel the religious orders to pay tithes for the support of the church, from the incomes of their large estates. this account is followed by a letter (june 2, 1698) from the delegate above mentioned to the pope, giving a detailed report of his proceedings in the affair, and complaining that the archbishop has defied his authority as delegate, and therefore that of the supreme pontiff himself. the writer, fray andres gonzalez, advises that new safeguards be given to the office of delegate in the islands. in attempting to enforce his visitation of the regulars who act as curas, camacho makes such official visits in some of the indian villages near manila, and issues decrees affecting such parishes; two specimens of these are given. after censuring the prevalent ignorance of christian doctrine among the native parishioners, the archbishop strictly charges the ministers who are over them to give their people regular and thorough instruction in the faith; to exact no fees for confession and penance; to keep the registers of births, marriages and deaths, and records of fees received thereat, more carefully; to make no distinction between rich and poor in certain functions; and to keep an itemized record of the church incomes and expenditures. annexed thereto is a copy of the revised tariff of fees which may be demanded by the curas, singers, and sacristans for their respective functions. in 1700, the five religious orders in the philippines present to the king, through their representatives at madrid, a statement of their controversy with archbishop camacho over his attempt to subject the regular curas to episcopal visitation; and they make formal renunciation of the mission curacies which they hold in the islands, declaring that they cannot longer hold these under camacho and the irksome restrictions which he is attempting to impose upon the regular curas. their reasons for this procedure are stated at length. they did not choose service as curas for their calling and profession, yet they are willing to fill those positions so long as they can do so under the supervision of their own provincials; but subjection to the archbishop so changes their estate in life that they cannot endure the additional burdens and danger thus imposed. moreover, justice requires that they should, as parish priests, share the privileges and advantages allowed to the secular priests, which is not the case. the subjection which camacho claims would destroy the rightful liberty of the religious orders, and render them dependent on the wills of the archbishop and governor. in case a regular cura shall commit immoral acts, a conflict of authority will necessarily arise between his provincial and the ecclesiastical authorities; and the difficulties that ensue therefrom react to the oppression and vexation of the entire colony. moreover, such controversies can seldom be settled by the home government, on account of the great distance of the philippines from spain. in such case of transgression by a religious another difficulty arises, that the necessity of referring the case to the public authorities causes undue disgrace to both the offender and his order. the regulars are better qualified to save souls than are the secular priests, but if they are subjected to the ordinary it will be much harder for them--the authority of their provincials over them being thus weakened--to observe their priestly vows with due strictness; also, some would thus be encouraged to undue self-will, to worldliness, and to intrigues for securing worldly advantages--especially by the perpetual tenure of ecclesiastical benefices. these arguments are supported, too, by both history and experience. the orders then refute certain arguments advanced by the archbishop. their pious labors for the benefit of souls, in all ranks and conditions of men, are recounted; and many of these, especially in manila, would never be accomplished if they depended on the secular priests. the conduct of camacho in opposing the papal delegate, and in refusing to give the orders copies of his decrees concerning them, is censured, his own arguments being dexterously turned against him--as is the case also with his complaints to the court that his authority, functions, and usefulness are restricted by the fact that the regular curas are not subjected to him; and his request to be permitted to resign his see and return to europe. the writers support their position by reference to what the orders have accomplished in the islands, and by the exemptions and privileges granted to them by the holy see. in view of all these things, the orders make formal renunciation of their mission curacies--especially as the remoteness of the islands gives them little prospect of relief from spain in these difficulties; and even if royal decrees are sent to the islands, the archbishop is likely to refuse obedience to them. they make complaint of various acts of the bishop against them, especially of the reprimand given them by the audiencia through his influence, and his disregard of the immunity of their property. the orders are working in filipinas in entire harmony and amity, but this does not suit the archbishop; and they feel that they cannot hope for peace or safety so long as they act as curas there with camacho as archbishop. a decree by carlos ii (may 20, 1700) approves the proceedings of the archbishop, promises royal aid in adjusting his difficulties with the orders, and authorizes him to reform and correct the religious when necessary. the history of the augustinian order in filipinas in the latter part of the seventeenth century is recounted by casimiro diaz of that order, in book iv of his conquistas (much of which has already appeared in our series, and which is here concluded); this final part contains an unusual amount of secular history, for which reason we omit but little of diaz's narrative. beginning with 1671, he gives an account of each augustinian provincial chapter-session, and the officers elected therein, up to 1689; and relates various matters concerning his order and religious interests generally, with which he interweaves the secular annals of that time. the troublous times which the philippine colony has experienced since the days of corcuera are turned into peace under manuel de león (1669-76). he extends the commerce of the islands to china, india, and java, and thus enables the citizens of manila to attain unusual wealth and prosperity. he sends jesuit missionaries to siao, but they are afterward seized by the dutch, who conquer that island. unfortunately, the governor interferes with the election of officers in the augustinian chapter-session of 1671, and prevents the election of the father who is desired by the chapter as provincial. in this year the new cathedral edifice of manila is dedicated. reports are circulated of a coming attack on the city by chinese corsairs; due precautions are taken, but no enemy appears. a french bishop who stops at manila on his way to china is detained by the authorities and finally sent to spain; his representations there cause the issue of royal decrees which prove troublesome and annoying to philippine ecclesiastics, and afterward the ordination of indian natives as priests--a practice which diaz disapproves. a controversy arises between archbishop lópez and jerónimo de herrera, chaplain of the royal military chapel; this and other troubles, with his old age, cause the death of the archbishop (april, 1674). the chapter-session of 1674 marks the cessation of various troubles within the order, occurring within the provincialate of fray jerónimo de leon, and the beginning of a great increase in the observance of the rules of the order. josé duque is elected provincial at this time; he sends a procurator to europe for more missionaries, a band of whom arrive in 1679. diaz enlarges on the prosperity of manila during this period; caused by its foreign trade, especially that with china and india; pleasure and luxury prevail in that city, and fortunes are spent therein. he describes the people and industries of the coromandel coast and the madras settlements of the english and the portuguese; in the former, entire religious toleration prevails, and christians, jews, mahometans and heathens live together in entire harmony. in 1676 occurs the death of governor manuel de león, from excessive obesity; he leaves all his property for charitable purposes. the election of provincial in 1677 falls on fray juan de jeréz; in that year also the dominican fray felipe pardo becomes archbishop of manila, and auditor coloma, the acting governor, dies; he is succeeded by auditor mansilla. the majority of carlos ii of spain is celebrated at manila with magnificent fiestas, december 4-7, 1677. at the close of these gayeties occurs a severe earthquake, which inflicts much damage--fortunately, with very little loss of life. in 1678 comes the new governor, juan de vargas hurtado. his government begins well, but after a time he tires of its burdens, and falls under the sway of a relative, francisco guerrero, who is crafty and selfish, and gains an influence over the governor which enables him to turn everything to his own advantage, and to be "the power behind the throne;" afterward, in time of need, he escapes to nueva españa, and leaves vargas to bear the penalties for both of them. during vargas's term of office the rich trade with india and other foreign lands is well maintained, and the prosperity and wealth of manila are greatly increased. in 1679 arrive two bands of new missionaries, who are jesuits and augustinians; they come (especially the latter) in good time, since the members of the order are so few that they cannot fill the ministries allotted to them--which is the condition of the other orders, and even of the secular clergy. in this galleon comes a political prisoner, fernando de valenzuela, the disgraced favorite of queen mariana of spain, who is exiled to the philippines for ten years. the government of vargas is successful, and the prosperity of manila continues. an embassy comes from the ruler of borneo to ask for the establishment of commerce between that island and manila, and to adjust some disputes over the relations between the spaniards and borneans. the augustinians prosper during jeréz's term as provincial. just before the chapter-session of 1680 convenes, some of the friars who were born in the indias lay claim to the offices in the order, and attempt to enforce this pretension by legal proceedings; the archbishop decides against them, and they are punished for their rebellion. fray diego de jesús is elected provincial. a bishop for the diocese of cebú arrives this year, the only consecrated bishop whom the islands have had for several years; this prelate confers holy orders on many who had been waiting for that privilege, and reconciles several persons with the governor--which official has by this time become highly unpopular with the citizens, on account of his greed for gain and his harsh and disagreeable behavior. charges against him are sent to madrid, which later cause his removal from office. in november, 1680, a wonderful comet appears, which in the superstitious belief of that time, causes much evil. an envoy is sent from manila to make arrangements with the portuguese of macao for the regulation of commerce and "the entrance of spanish missionaries into china by that door." with this envoy come to manila (in 1681) some clerics to receive ordination; returning to macao, with some jesuits, the vessel is lost and never heard from. in this year arrive at manila two assistant bishops, three royal auditors, and a large reënforcement of spanish troops. the galleon which sails this year for acapulco is driven back to the islands by contrary winds, thus causing great loss to the citizens. (in each year diaz relates the departure or arrival of the galleons, failure in which is a calamity for manila.) the provincialate of fray diego de jesús is tranquil, and great progress is made by the religious in his care; his personal character and piety are eulogized by our historian. in 1683 fray josé duque is elected in his place, for a second term. some of the brethren go to china as missionaries; they encounter much annoyance from the requirement there made that they must be subject to the apostolic vicars of rome. this subjection, however, is afterward greatly modified and lessened by decrees secured (1688) by the procurator of the province at rome, fray álvaro de benavente. in 1683 an envoy from siam comes to manila, partly to secure permission for the prime minister of that country to settle in manila: this favorite, who was a greek, intrigues with the french to surrender siam to them, but the enterprise fails, and the greek loses his wealth and his life. the envoy (an augustinian friar named sousa) encounters shipwreck on another journey, and spends the rest of his life as a hermit in siam. the portuguese governor of timor and solor on his way thither halts at manila, ill; governor vargas gives him hospitality and medical treatment, and some spaniards as an escort; but ontuñez finds on reaching his islands that a usurper is holding them with armed men, and is obliged to return to manila. in that city, during the exile of the archbishop (account of which has been here omitted, to avoid repetition), the ecclesiastical cabildo punish his chief supporters with banishment. in 1684 governor curuzelaegui comes to the islands, and with him juan de zalaeta to take the residencias of vargas and his favorite guerrero; but the latter escapes from the islands in time to avoid this ordeal. a large band of augustinian religious also arrive. the new governor restores the banished archbishop to his see. in 1685 a terrible epidemic of smallpox ravages not only the islands but china and india, and millions of people die from it; then follows a cruel famine, and still more deaths. at this time begins the decline of manila's commerce with nueva españa, partly because more european goods are being sent thither, partly through the heavy taxes and imposts levied on the galleons. the bishop of nueva segovia dies, and that diocese remains sede vacante until 1704. in the augustinian chapter of 1686 juan de jeréz is again chosen provincial; he dies within two years, being worn out by overwork in the visitation of all the houses of his order in the islands. fray alvaro de benavente is sent to rome as procurator of the province. the galleon for acapulco does not sail this year, for, on the report of pirates cruising around the embocadero, it is equipped as a war-vessel to attack them and drive them away; but it does not find them, and returns to manila. in this year of 1686 occurs an abortive insurrection among the chinese in the parián; it is undertaken by sangleys who are fugitive criminals from china, but the ringleaders are put to death, and quiet ensues. diaz enlarges upon the injurious effects on the spanish colony of allowing its business and industries to fall into the hands of the chinese. they are unscrupulous in their dealings with spaniards; they become christians through mercenary motives; and they undermine the faith of the christian filipinos. they should not be allowed to live among the natives. in this same year occur excessive rains, which ruin the crops and cause great scarcity and suffering; and for two years no galleons can sail to acapulco. a large part of the chinese settlement near manila is consumed by fire (march 28, 1688); and the people are harassed by a fearful plague of locusts, many earthquakes, and a fatal epidemic of influenza. diaz relates the way in which the persons most prominent in the pardo controversy ended their lives. an expedition is sent to chastise the murderous attacks made by the zambals and negritos; this is partly accomplished, but the troops are attacked by influenza and so weakened that they are compelled to return to manila. the audiencia having been broken up by the death or the exile of the auditors, a new audiencia arrives in 1688; also a special commissioner to investigate the proceedings of vargas and other officials. vargas is exiled to the provinces, and afterward sent to spain, but dies on the voyage thither; diaz characterizes his official character. the exiled favorite valenzuela is set at liberty, but is accidentally killed at mexico. while attending to the despatch of the acapulco galleon, governor curucelaegui dies (april 27, 1689); he is praised by diaz as an excellent ruler. in the chapter of 1689 fray francisco de zamora is elected provincial. auditor abella acts as governor ad interim, with much prudence and ability. archbishop pardo dies in 1689; the cabildo rule the diocese in his place for a time, but afterward cede this authority to barrientos, bishop of troya. this leads to much dissension and trouble for a time, barrientos claiming supreme authority; but he is induced to yield this claim, and peace is restored. in 1690 arrives a new governor, fausto cruzat y góngora. with him come a band of augustinian religious, in charge of fray alvaro de benavente; his adventures and the concessions that he obtains are recounted. brief sketches are given of the twenty-seven missionaries who come this year. diaz closes his work with some account of cruzat's government. he is an upright and honorable man, but very harsh and severe in collecting the sums due to the government, directing "all his efforts to the increase of the royal revenues." he has a new galleon built, the largest ever made; but on its first voyage it is wrecked on the coast of lubán--a terrible loss to the islands, since it was laden with more and richer merchandise than usual. another galleon is also lost at sea (1693). a patache is sent from acapulco, and on its return trip (1694) encounters an "isle of birds," where the crew secure enough provisions and water to complete their voyage to acapulco. cruzat's wife dies in this same year; diaz pays high tribute to this lady's beauty, goodness, and virtue, which render her beloved by all the people. the editors august, 1906. miscellaneous documents, 1670-1700 the camacho ecclesiastical controversy. [andres gonzalez, o.p.], and others; 1697-1700. the augustinians in the philippines, 1670-1694. casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; 1718. [from his conquistas.] sources: the first of these documents is composed of several parts--the first, second, fourth, and fifth of which are obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 107-115, 119-133, v, pp. 231-296, and iv, pp. 201-206, respectively; and the third from a contemporary ms. belonging to edward e. ayer. the second document is from diaz's conquistas (manila, 1890), pp. 440-444, 689-817; from a copy in the possession of james a. robertson. translations: these are by emma helen blair. the camacho ecclesiastical controversy, 1697-1700 news from filipinas since july, 1697 with the arrival of his illustrious lordship the archbishop, doctor don diego camacho y avila, [1] were renewed the former claims for the subjection of the regulars to the visitation. he commenced at tondo and binondo, mission villages of the fathers of st. dominic and st. augustine, in which places he caused edicts to be read, and appointed secular priests as curas. they broke open the doors of the said two churches with axes; and on seeing this the provincials, all agreeing, presented their renunciation [of those mission fields], and ordered all their subordinates to withdraw from the doctrinas of these districts, tagalos, pampanga, laguna, and balayan. when it was so quickly seen that they were coming into retirement at manila, [the ecclesiastical authorities] were obliged to desist from their purpose, after [having caused the religious] many annoyances. claim was made to the [right of] visitation of the hospitals of san gabriel and san lazaro, and the royal hospital. the franciscans and the dominicans concealed the keys, and the bishop had to desist, as greatly vexed as before. auditor don juan de sierra, in virtue of his commission for the adjustment of lands royal and unassigned, [2] cited the regulars to appear before him. he insisted on legal proceedings; but they, fortifying themselves with the censures of the bull de la cena, [3] decrees 15 and 17, declined his jurisdiction. the judge proceeded to seize the possessions of the regulars; and they had recourse to the bishop, in order that he should declare that the auditor had incurred censure--asking him to defend the immunity of the said property of the regulars. his illustrious lordship replied that first the regulars must submit to his visitation; they would not do this, and therefore, when they repeated their request, his illustrious lordship declared that the secular judge was not committing fuerza. in virtue of the decree of gregory xiii, [issued] at the instance of felipe ii, relative to appeals from the indians, [4] the regulars appealed to the delegate of camarines, who sent letters to the archbishop requiring the latter to send him the documents [in the case], with [threats of] censures, and of deprivation ab ingresu eclesiæ [i.e., "of entrance into the church"]. seeing that these orders were not obeyed, the regulars again appealed to the delegate, don fray andres gonzalez, who came in person. he demanded aid from the governor, and, meeting delays, proceeded to make the necessary notifications; then, not being able to obtain from the archbishop the acts from which appeal had been taken, the delegate posted him as having incurred excommunication, and added the threat that he would impose an interdict. at the same time, the archbishop officiated publicly, and published the delegate as excommunicate. but, seeing that various scandals ensued, and that contests, not only with their hands but with stones and weapons, occurred between some clerics and regulars--some attempting to protect, and others to tear down, the writings and censures posted on the [church] doors by the delegate--the governor and other persons finally interposed, and an agreement was reached by the parties. the two prelates absolved each other ad invicem [i.e., in turn], in the presence of the governor; and, as auditor sierra desisted from his proceedings, the two prelates and the regulars continued to maintain harmony among themselves. in this condition, therefore, affairs remained; and, without proceeding to new acts or investigations, each party sent to españa an account of what had been thus far done, in order to await the decision and sentence from the other side [of the world]. this was the attitude of the delegate and the superiors of the regulars; the archbishop, nevertheless, continued to bring suits against some regulars, whom he censured as agitators. investigations in these cases were made, penalties of censure being imposed on the witnesses to secure their secrecy. the fact of this proceeding was, however, guessed; and the regulars, aided by the delegate, brought forward counter-information of their innocence. but as the case was not one for appeal, and did not belong to the delegate, it did not admit any recourse to him; so the delegate only caused his notary to give an official statement of this [attempt at] recourse, in order that the regulars might repair with it to españa and roma, and the generals of their orders, to relate these occurrences and the innocence of the religious--and, not least, to complain of the opposition and hindrances which had been employed here by the tribunals, both ecclesiastical and secular, against his use and exercise of the power delegated to him. even before the arrival of the said delegate, various other investigations had been secretly made in the archiepiscopal court--not only against the regulars at large (de vita et moribus [i.e., "in regard to their lives and morals"], and as to their trading and trafficking, etc.), but against certain individual religious. in these cases, the provincials had, according to their rights, demanded from the archbishop that he refrain from further proceedings and surrender to them the documents therein, since the said provincials were the legitimate superiors and judges of those religious; but this received scant attention. it had also previously occurred that the father minister of the hospital of san gabriel (who is a dominican) refused to allow the episcopal visitation, and the [arch]bishop had declared him incontinent, and posted him as excommunicate, without paying any attention to the appeal which that father immediately made. the said father minister amended his conduct, in time; but his name was left on the list of excommunicates until, upon the arrival of the delegate, the matter was settled and the censure laid on him was raised. upon the origin of so many storms in so short a space as eight months there was much gossip, with a variety [of opinions]. some attributed the trouble to the influence of the bishop of la puebla, [5] in whose palace the archbishop was a guest for several months; others to the promise that the latter had given, on leaving nueva españa, to various personages with whom he was intimate in la puebla and mexico, that he was coming to reduce the regulars of these islands to submission or else destroy them. others blamed the bishop of la puebla; for he had warned the archbishop, in order to render him firm, of the disparity of what had been accomplished there by don juan de palafox--who met less resistance there because most of the regulars in nueva españa were natives of that country, while in filipinas nearly all of them were born in other countries. others (and these were the majority) blamed the senior auditor, don geronimo barredo, because with little gratitude for the many thousands [of pesos obtained from the orders] as loans and gifts (although he had been so greatly benefited thereby), he had repaid the regulars by abandoning [them] to the two recently-arrived auditors, don francisco guerruela and don josé pabon. on the one hand, the audiencia being inclined to the opposing side, the regulars were deprived of the recourse which they, as vassals, ought to have in the royal tribunal; and on the other, it was reported that the said senior auditor made exceedingly frequent visits, at unseasonable hours, to the archbishop's palace, which were returned by that prelate at the auditor's house. as the gossip ran, the auditor directed all the acts and proceedings of the archbishop's court. still others, reflecting upon the governor and the limits of his term of office, regarded him as timorous, considering that, since the [commission to take the governor's] residencia [6] had come to the said senior auditor in the year 97, the fear of the governor was occasioned by the apprehension that the auditor might do him some harm in his residencia. some others (but only a few) attributed these many disturbances to the cousin of his illustrious lordship, named don juan camacho, for the sake of his own advantage; and on this account, knowing his disposition, people said that master-of-camp don francisco guerrero de ardila had made strenuous efforts, and had even offered to his illustrious lordship in mexico considerable sums of money, to procure that, by sending this cousin [7] to badajoz, his lordship should not come to these islands with a companion who could not render his government peaceable. nor must i pass over in silence the fact that on the sixteenth day of may the royal audiencia cited to appear in its hall all the five provincials, to whom--without the courteous observances and respectful address which his majesty himself observes in his decrees--the audiencia gave a severe reprimand, throwing on them the blame for the late disturbances, and treating them as violators of the peace. the most remarkable thing about this censure was, that it proceeded from the lips of that very senior auditor who, in especial, was regarded as the entire source of the disturbances; and, without permitting the provincials to speak, they were, with the same lack of respect, dismissed by this same official--who some day will have to give an account, before the tribunal of truth, of all these unjust acts. by the end of the said month, under the compulsion of the threat made against the provincials, by the first, second, and third royal decrees, of banishment and [privation of their] secular incomes, the old-time writ of execution regarding the tithes was enforced, and the religious were obliged to obey. no hearing was given to their repeated protests, or the petitions interposed for the royal council; nor to their allegations of their rights of prescription in these islands, of their apostolic privileges, of the fact that nearly all who minister here are regulars, and that they have come to these islands not at his majesty's expense only, but with the greater part of those expenses paid by the religious themselves. the regulars petitioned for, and took measures to push, a demand upon the royal treasury for more than 300,000 pesos, the amount spent by the religious since the conquest; and another, for another 300,000, the amount which was due to them on account of stipends as religious teachers, which the government had failed to allow them for a period of more than a century--declaring that if these accounts were paid, they would pay the tithes which were claimed from them; but no hearing was given them. in hatred to the regulars, the tenants on their estates were compelled to pay tithes, the amount of these being deducted from the value of the rent-money. letter from andres gonzalez to the pope most holy father: after kissing with due submission the feet of your holiness (whom may god preserve, for the prosperous government of his church), in fulfilment of the obligations of my office as pastor i set forth to your holiness a very serious controversy in regard to jurisdiction, which at this time has arisen between me and the very reverend archbishop of this city of manila in these filipinas islands, doctor don diego camacho y avila. i do so in order that your holiness, as the person who is most interested in the peace and tranquillity of this church, may apply suitable remedy, and fix an end and limit to this controversy--the origin and course of which i will relate as briefly as possible, in all matters referring to the authentic copy of the acts which i send you with this. to licentiate don juan de sierra osorio, former auditor of this royal audiencia, and at present judge of criminal cases in the audiencia of mejico, was subdelegated the cognizance and settlement of [questions relating to] the lands and possessions which, by sale or gift, have been alienated from the royal patrimony and dominion of our catholic king and sovereign. in a proclamation which he issued he cited and summoned, with the rest of the holders of the said lands and possessions, the holy religious orders of these islands, ordering them to present, within the limit of one year, the titles, documents, and credentials which they hold for these lands--with the warning that if these papers were not presented by the end of that period the lands would be reunited to the crown. the superiors of the said religious orders, mindful of the immunity and exemption of their persons and worldly possessions, did not present their documents at the said time; therefore the said auditor actually proceeded to appropriate the said property. the said superiors had recourse to the said very reverend archbishop, asking him to forbid to the said auditor the cognizance of the said cause, and to protect the said property as being ecclesiastical. the said very reverend archbishop took up the matter, and, having drawn up acts, by his definitive sentence (which is found in the said authentic copy) refused ecclesiastical immunity to the said property. the said superiors appealed twice from the said sentence to me, as being the delegate of your holiness in cases of appeal from this archbishopric, in virtue of a brief by his holiness gregory xiii--issued at the instance of our catholic king felipe ii (whom may god keep). he denied them both these appeals; and, in order to place some limit to these proceedings, they presented themselves before me, with only the authentic official statement of this denial of the said appeals, in course of appeal from that sentence. having admitted this appeal, in order to proceed to the trial of it i addressed to the said very reverend archbishop, from my episcopal see and city of nueva caceres, a compulsatory act in which, as the delegate of your holiness with apostolic authority, i commanded him to order his secretary (before whom the said cause took place) within twenty-four hours to send me his original acts, or else to begin the copying of them and send it to me when completed. considering the great distance which lies between this city of nueva caceres and that of manila, the danger and expense of the journeys, the delay of the suit, and the injury to the party therein, i laid these commands on the said very reverend archbishop under the penalty of suspension from the priestly office, latæ sententiæ, and warned him of heavier and still heavier censures and penalties in case of his opposition and contumacy. he was notified of this act on the twentieth day of last march, by a religious of the society of jesus, to whom i gave commission for this office; for i had learned that no secular priest would dare to make this notification. the said very reverend archbishop, having heard the [reading of the] act, replied that the said father could not perform judicial acts in his archdiocese without presenting a warrant from his notary; and, even supposing that the father could thus act, he appealed from the said command--for which he implored the royal aid against fuerza, and demanded that an official statement be given him, and that meanwhile no detriment be caused him. when the statement was refused to him he again appealed, and threatened [to procure] royal aid against this fuerza; and this alone he gave as his reply, before the said notary--without giving any reason for his appeal, or reducing it to writing, or arguing it in the superior court [8] in legal form, or asking for apostolic letters, up to the present time. nevertheless, he then had, and for twenty-three days had kept, the acts in his archives, as appears from a sworn statement by lerma, the secretary of the royal audiencia, which is sent with the documents. on that same day (march 20) and the following, he caused to be published and posted on the doors of the churches in this city two edicts against my authority as delegate--in which, with penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, he commanded (in the first edict) that no one, whether secular or regular, in his churches should permit the reading, publication, or posting of any edicts, or of any other kind of letters or bills whatsoever, except those of his provisor, or of the tribunals of the holy inquisition and the crusade--as if my tribunal, jurisdiction, and authority, which is that of the supreme head of the church, and resides in me, were inferior to those of the said provisor and the said tribunals. in the second edict, increasing the penalty of major excommunication with the reservation to himself [of absolution], he commanded that no one in his archiepiscopal territory should exercise any jurisdiction--whether ordinary, delegate, or subdelegate--even if it were from your holiness, unless the originals of the bulls or despatches that he carried be first presented to his lordship, in order that he might give them the license and fulfilment which by right they should have. but he does not consider that my bull and brief is, and has been for more than 140 [9] years since the foundation of the bishoprics of these islands, current and put into practice in them, as also has been its free and independent exercise in this archiepiscopal territory. and i have exercised this freedom, on the only two occasions which have been presented to me--the first time, while the very reverend archbishop don fray felipe pardo was alive, and the second in the year 91--with the knowledge and approbation of the cabildo close by, sede vacante, both which are proved by authentic documents. these i do not send at this time, as they are in my archives in the city of nueva caceres, which is distant from this city of manila sixty leguas; but i promise to send them at the first opportunity, which will be next year. notwithstanding all this, the said very reverend archbishop published the said two edicts, endeavoring to impede and embarrass, by all possible measures, means, and ways, the said my jurisdiction as delegate, and to subordinate it to his own, in order that i should not exercise or avail myself of it, either in person or through intermediate persons. on account of this, the superiors of the said religious orders found themselves obliged to resort again to me; and they entreated me to come in person to this city of manila, to defend my jurisdiction, and with it the ecclesiastical immunity of their property. i did so, notwithstanding my advanced age [10] and the painful infirmities that i suffer, since both these causes are so important a part of my responsibility and obligation. i came to this city on the twelfth day of the past month, may, and with my secretary went to a house on the river where the said very reverend archbishop was residing. after a short conversation, i begged him to be pleased to listen peaceably to an act of which i had come, as delegate of his holiness, to notify him. i told him that this business should not be conducted more castrorum [i.e., in hostile manner], but that we should listen to each other, and each should state his rights. he agreed to this, and my secretary read the said act, which contains three points. in the first, i declared the said very reverend archbishop to be disobedient, rebellious, and contumacious, considering that he had not obeyed as he should the said my compulsory act, sent to him from the city of nueva caceres; likewise, i declared that he had incurred the penalty of suspension from the priestly office latæ sententiæ, under which i had commanded him to order his secretary within twenty-four hours to surrender the acts for which i had asked, or to make an authentic copy of them. and because he had exercised the said priestly office on holy thursday, consecrating the sacred oils; and on holy saturday, in conferring the higher orders of the ministry; [11] and likewise on other days, in saying mass while he was under suspension: i declared that he was under censure as irregular. in the second part of the said act, i again commanded him, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, and of a fine of two thousand pesos to be applied according to law, to order his secretary within six days to deliver up the papers as aforesaid, or make an authentic copy of them. and in the third part, under penalty of being considered rebellious and contumacious, in order to place him under greater obligation, i prohibited to him in the interim the cognizance of this cause and legal proceeding therein. after the said very reverend archbishop had heard the act, he appealed from it, in writing, and on the following day brought this appeal into court. i did not on this account defer the declaration of the said censures, since the appeal was frivolous and useless; and i yielded in the matter of the copy of the documents only for the reason that he alleged, that the originals of these were in the audiencia. after he had interposed the said appeal, he immediately ordered his secretary to notify me of an act by himself, in which he commanded me, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, and a fine of 4,000 pesos, to depart instantly and without delay from this archdiocese, to go to reside in my own bishopric, and not to meddle with his jurisdiction. to this i replied that i had received this notification, and asked him to give me a copy of the said document, solely for the purpose of showing in what consisted his illegal and unwarranted act; and i took leave of him and returned to my house. on the following day, the thirteenth of the said month of may, the said very reverend archbishop sent his secretary to notify me of another act, in which also he again commanded me, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, and of another 4,000 pesos, to depart within two days from the archdiocese. to this i replied that i had come [to manila] on account of the appeal [made to me]; that i was a delegate of your holiness, and moreover superior to the said very reverend archbishop, and as such i did not listen to his acts or censures. on the next day, the fourteenth of the said month of may, he sent to me notification of another act; and as i refused to listen to it, for the same reason as before, about two o'clock in the afternoon he posted on the doors of the churches, and in other public places, notices in which he declared me, to the great scandal of all this community, to be publicly excommunicated. on the said thirteenth day of may, in the morning, immediately after i had been notified of the second act of the said very reverend archbishop, i sent my secretary to his house on the river to notify him of another act of mine, in which i commanded him, under penalty of major excommunication and another 2,000 pesos, to withdraw within twenty-four hours the said edicts which on the twentieth and twenty-first days of march he had ordered posted and published against my apostolic authority as delegate; and, besides, to withdraw the two acts in which, with the said penalties of major excommunication and 8,000 pesos, he had commanded me to depart from the archdiocese. the said my secretary was told by the servants that he was not at home; and i, as this seemed to me only an excuse, and not the truth, went in person to the said house. they told me that he had, that very morning, gone back to manila. i came to the city after him, and remained at his house, waiting for him, until twelve o'clock; and seeing that he had not come by that time (although he came in afterward), i went away, leaving a message for him, that he might expect me in the afternoon. i returned a little before sunset, but did not find him at home this time. my secretary began to read the said act in the main room of the archbishop's house; but such disorderly yelling and clamorous talk was raised by his servants that my secretary could not make himself heard. i therefore determined to wait for him, and finally he came--making loud complaints that i was injuring the respect and observance due to his house, person, and dignity. i replied that his illustrious lordship had showed greater incivilities to me; and that he could and ought to do [what i had done], if i had gone about all day, avoiding him [huyendo el cuerpo]. in conclusion, we agreed that my secretary should go again, alone, to notify him of the act; but, when he went to the house, his illustrious lordship refused to give him entrance. as i was now weary of so much artfulness and craft, unworthy of such a station and dignity, i put aside this act, and despatched another of like tenor. in this, i summoned him, from that hour, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, and its publication, to withdraw within half an hour the said two acts and two edicts. notification of this act was made by a dominican religious, my notary, in the archbishop's hall, in the presence of many persons, because the said very reverend archbishop had refused to listen to it. when the said half-hour had expired, a little while after this was told to me i declared and posted him also as publicly excommunicated. on the fifteenth of the said month of may, i ordered that he be notified, and he was notified in his archiepiscopal hall, of another act, in which i repeated the command contained in the preceding one--and, still more, that he should take down the notices posted against me, under penalty of a general interdict throughout his archiepiscopal diocese, latæ sententiæ, giving him a limit of twenty-four hours' time; and, in case of his opposition and contumacy, i would proceed to the cessation of all divine worship. but, as i reflected that it was very near the feast of corpus christi, and that all the religious orders of this city and a great number of secular priests, who were on my side, would not take part in the said festival and in the procession, in order not to have communication in sacris with the said very reverend archbishop; and on account of the commiseration which i felt for this commonwealth; and finally, because the governor and captain-general of these islands, and some of the auditors of this royal audiencia interfered in the matter, with the stipulations which i will send with the acts: i absolved the said very reverend archbishop from the excommunication and suspension which he had incurred; and he did the same, without my consent, absolving me from his excommunication. i dispensed him from the censure that he had incurred as irregular, and, finally, i suspended the declaration of the interdict. the whole matter was then left as it was, for the time being, until information of all could be given to your holiness, in order that you may take suitable measures in this case. these are as follows: that the archbishop (or the cabildo, sede vacante) who at the time shall officiate and rule in this archbishopric of manila shall not hinder, restrain, or limit the delegate of your holiness; that, likewise, he who shall be at the time delegate shall, in cases of appeal to be taken from the said archbishopric, have the free use and exercise of his apostolic authority as delegate in this archiepiscopal territory; and that he shall not need, in order to enter the said territory or to perform judicial acts in it, whether in person or through intermediate persons appointed by him, any license, consent, or approbation from the said archbishop or from the cabildo, sede vacante. [these things should be done] in order that thus the like controversies may be avoided in the future. and i entreat your holiness to be pleased and to deign to command that consideration be given to a legal opinion by the reverend father master fray juan de paz, of the order of preachers, which i send with this; for it may be of service for the point at issue, and for your rights. i also inform your holiness that from the day when the said very reverend archbishop set foot in these islands--that is, from last september to the present time--this entire commonwealth has been a perplexing labyrinth of contentions and acts of violence which he has performed against the holy religious orders of these islands. for his disposition and nature is very hasty, quarrelsome, and bold; and he is, finally, a man who does not care for or defend the ecclesiastical immunity--as appears from the authentic copy of the acts which i send. may god our lord grant him better judgment; and may he guard and prosper your holiness, as i entreat in my sacrifices and prayers, and as the universal church has need. manila, june 2 of the year 1698. [andres gonzalez, of the order of preachers]. [this letter is followed by the following memoranda, apparently notes by ventura del arco of other letters found in the jesuit papers in the academia real de la historia:] on the fourth day of june in the same year of 1698 the bishop of nueva caceres, don fray andres gonzalez, addressed to the king an explanation similar to the preceding one which is addressed to his holiness. on the eleventh of june in the same year, he sent to his holiness another account, in the same form; and on the twenty-first of june of the same year he wrote another to his holiness, and another to the king. the provincials of st. dominic and st. augustine, and those of the jesuits and recollects in manila drew up [to send] to his majesty the king a statement, dated june 25, 1698, complaining of the defenseless condition in which they found themselves against the proceedings of the archbishop, who neither heeded nor allowed their appeal; and they requested that the council examine the documents which they sent for that purpose, relating to various suits against their religious orders--which continued or were renewed, in spite of the agreement made with the delegate of his holiness, the bishop of camarines. for this purpose they sent a copy of the documents. [on pp. 207, 208 of the same volume is the following abstract:] in a letter dated june 9, 1700 the jesuit luis de morales wrote from manla to father antonio jaramillo, procurator-general at madrid, that in the year 1698 the bishop of troya and auditor don juan de sierra died, on the voyage from manila to acapulco. the governor not only showed little favor to the missions in the marianas islands, but in the year 98 he did not send a patache there with succor; in 99 he sent the vessel late, and it was driven by storms first to china and then to manila, with damage to its cargo; and he had ordered that the ship from acapulco should not touch at those islands. the governor had claimed that the conciliar seminary [12] should be placed next to the college of san jose, to which the superior of the society had answered that there was no room for it. all the provincials [of the religious orders] had been commanded to present to the archbishop all their bulls and privileges for granting dispensation in case of impediments to marriage, for the purpose of ascertaining whether these were perpetual or temporary; they presented the documents extra-judicially. it seems that the viceroy of mexico, conde montezuma, [13] had undertaken that the regulars who were going to filipinas should first take an oath of obedience to the bishops, [when the said regulars should act as curas] in the indian villages; in which case, he [i.e., morales] said, it was preferable to abandon the missions. the bishop of cebu, don fray miguel bayot, [14] had commanded that no layman should possess a slave girl eleven years old or upward; and that if such slave were not liberated he declared her free--in regard to which some persons had complained [to the] alcalde. preamble of the decree [15] which it has been commanded to place in the books of san pedro tunasan. in the village of san juan de calamba in the province of bay, on the sixteenth day of the month of november in the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-eight: i, licentiate don francisco sanctos de oliveros, secretary in matters [secretario del govierno y gracia] of this archbishopric, and a racionero of the holy metropolitan church of manila, in obedience to the decree of his most illustrious lordship below mentioned, do certify and attest that his most illustrious lordship, having come to make the visitation of this district of tabuco, issued the decree of the following tenor: decree: in the village of calambo in the province of bay, on the sixteenth day of the month of november in the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-eight, the most illustrious lord doctor don diego camacho y avila, archbishop of manila and metropolitan of these philippinas islands, and ruler of the suffragan bishopric of nueva segovia, now vacant, and member of the council of his royal majesty and my master, having come here in conformity to the regulations of the holy [church] councils (and especially of the holy general council of trent), and for the enforcement thereof, to visit this district of tabuco and the places connected with it (which are the two villages of san pedro tunasan), and its churches, ministers, and parishioners, has observed in them a great deal of ignorance of the christian doctrine, even of the doctrines most essential for salvation--through the agency of licentiate don juan melendez, a priest whom his most illustrious lordship the archbishop, my master, has brought with him as his assistant for the sole purpose of giving examinations and instruction in the tagálog language (in which the said licentiate is very expert) to the indians of both sexes, to the old people as well as to the children, of the villages and districts through which his most illustrious lordship will be passing. this duty he has performed and fulfilled in the presence of a great many people, assembled in the above-mentioned churches of san pedro tunasan and biñan. after the questions which he has asked regarding the principal mysteries of the faith, and the explanation which he has made of each separately--some in the morning, and some in the afternoon, according to the opportunity afforded him by the time--he has preached to them, and continues to preach, exhorting them to the love of the virtues and to horror for sins. he also gives to all individual instruction, and an accurate knowledge of the mysteries of the holy sacrifice of mass, and of the virtues and graces which it communicates, as also of those which are required in order to resist the temptations of the devil; and how to secure, with great ease and confidence, the divine aid, by fulfilling and observing the precepts of the decalogue, and the ordinances of our holy mother church in the holy sacrament of confirmation, which his most illustrious lordship has solemnly conferred and is conferring. therefore he said that he must command, and he did command, the master licentiate don manuel de leon, cura in his own right of the village of tabuco; and his coadjutor bachelor nicolas godiño, who administers the holy sacraments in the village of biñan; and father miguel de salas, a religious of the society of jesus, who likewise administers the holy sacraments in the village and estate of san pedro tunasan, which is part of the territory and a visita of the cura of the said village of tabuco; and the curas and ministers who shall hereafter officiate in the said villages, and in that of sancto thomas (which is being administered ad interim by the said master licentiate don manuel de leon): that on all the prescribed feast-days--especially on sundays, on which all the parishioners assemble in their churches to hear the holy sacrifice of mass--they shall question the people, and explain to them the christian doctrine, conformably and pursuant to the tagálog catechism which is accepted and approved in this archbishopric; and that in no form or manner, and for no cause or pretext, shall they omit this on any of the above-mentioned days, especially sundays. they shall make the explanations of the christian doctrine to their parishioners before saying mass (which all must hear)--not employing the fiscal or any other person for the performance of this duty, but doing it themselves--explaining certain mysteries of the faith on some sundays, and others at other times; in everything accommodating their speech to the limited capacity of their parishioners, in order that these may be more readily instructed, and sooner become capable of receiving all the mysteries of our holy faith. moreover, considering the great abuses which his most illustrious lordship has known from actual observation, and of which he has been informed with all certitude and proof, and the still worse losses, both temporal and spiritual, which have resulted to the persons of the unhappy indians, with very great injury to their consciences and almost certain peril to the salvation of their souls, his most illustrious lordship must command, and he did command, that the above-mentioned persons who are now the curas and ministers of the said villages, and those who shall officiate in them hereafter, shall not oblige their parishioners, for any cause or pretext, either personally or by any agent, to offer them anything for the administration of the holy sacrament of penance, especially throughout the season of lent, in which the indians ordinarily make their confessions in order to comply with the precept of the church. and the said persons who now are, or shall hereafter be, curas of the said districts shall observe and fulfil all the above commands, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, ipso facto incurrenda, and of legal proceedings against their persons and goods with the fullest rigor of justice, in future visitations. and his most illustrious lordship, employing his pastoral kindness and clemency, and desiring to secure the salvation of his flock and the service of god our lord, and the greater honor and glory of his divine majesty, granted and did grant forty days of indulgence to all the parishioners of the said villages; who, with devotion and desire to profit thereby, attend the explanation of the christian doctrine in their parish churches. and in order that this may be made known to all the people, his most illustrious lordship commanded and did command that the above persons who now are, and those who hereafter shall be, curas of the said districts shall make publication of the grant of the said forty days of indulgence, on every sunday of the month, before or after the explanation of the christian doctrine, always making known to their parishioners the great riches and strength contained therein, so that they may obtain and enjoy the indulgence with profitable results--in regard to which his most illustrious lordship lays strict charge upon their consciences. and considering that the visitas of the villages of san pedro tunasan and biñan pertain to the cura of the said village of tabuco, his most illustrious lordship commanded and did command that the master licentiate don manuel de leon, proprietary cura of that village, cause this decree to be observed by his coadjutor, bachelor nicolas godiño, in the said church and village of biñan; and by father miguel de salas, the present minister of the village of san pedro tunasan--sending each a copy, signed with his name, of this decree by his illustrious lordship, which will be left, certified and authorized, in the book of burials, baptisms, and marriages of the said village of tabuco. this being done, the said ministers, bachelor nicolas godiño and father miguel de salas, will also make in the books in their charge a certified copy of the decree--which is to be sent immediately, with autograph signature copied at the foot of the letter--so that it may be made known to all persons who hereafter shall be ministers and curas of the said districts, san pedro tunasan, biñan, and sancto thomas. and by this decree, accordingly, the above is ordained and commanded, and it is signed by his most illustrious lordship the archbishop, my master, as i attest. diego, archbishop of manila. before me: francisco sanctos de oliveros, secretary. the above, a copy from the original decree issued by his most illustrious lordship the archbishop, my master, which is one of the acts of the visitation of the village of tabuco--which are in my charge, and to which i refer--is a faithful, accurate, and truthful copy, corrected and compared. the witnesses to the copying, correction, and comparison were licentiate don diego martin de la sierra and bachelor ignacio gregorio manasay, a cleric in minor orders; and this document is signed in this village of calamba, on the said day and month and year. in attestation of its correctness, i sign it: francisco sanctos de oliveros, secretary. licentiate don manuel de leon [another decree, dated december 7, 1698, concerns the curacy of balayan, with its visitas the village of nazugbu and the ranch of lian; the curate there was bachelor don juan de llamas, with proprietary appointment. after a preamble like that of the former decree, this one continues thus, relative to the registers of the parish:] he declared that he must command, and he did command, that the practice be continued, as hitherto, of the separation and division [of the records] in three different books: one for recording the baptisms and confirmations only, another for the marriages and nuptial benedictions, [16] and a third for the deaths; and that in no case should these be recorded in one book only; and that in the book of baptisms the names of the parents and the sponsors of the person baptized must always be set down, and whether he were a legitimate child; and note must be made of a child of unknown parents, or of the church. [17] at the same time, they must never fail to set down in the margin the names of those who are baptized, and of the villages to which they belong, so that it may be easier to search for and find them. in no case shall men be allowed to stand as sponsors [saquen de pila] for women, or women for men, on account of the grave difficulties which have been experienced from this cause, especially among indians. moreover, in the records of weddings and burials must be set down the fees of the minister, so that in future visits it may be easy to compute the eighths [18] which belong to the churches, in consideration of having a new tariff to which their fees must conform. with this, in the said records must be noted in the margin the names of both deceased and married persons; and in every instance it must be explained whether the deceased person received the sacraments at the hour of death, and, if he did not receive them, the reasons therefor. likewise, in the records of marriages not only must the names of the contracting parties be set down, and those of their parents, and those of their former consorts, if the parties are widowed; but also those of the witnesses who made affidavits in the investigations which always ought to precede a marriage--whether these be verbal, in the case of ordinary indians; or in writing, when practice [in that art] enables this to be done. thus, if at any time [a legal] impediment should remain, those persons can be found and punished as perjurers. also it must be specified whether the three publications of the banns [19] preceded, which the law ordains. moreover, in the ministries of this province of balayan his most illustrious lordship has found another abuse introduced therein, that the curas and ministers of the indian villages are accustomed to keep, for baptisms and burials, two crosses assigned for this use--one of wood, and the other of silver. the wooden one they take out for common baptisms and burials, and those of poor persons; and that of silver for the baptisms and burials of the rich--as if both crosses ought not to have the same value, veneration, and efficacy for the object to which they are directed; or as if the silver cross, on account of being of richer material, ought to be esteemed more highly than that of wood, on which died christ our redeemer (a thing which is disgraceful to be said or thought among christians). therefore his most illustrious lordship, mindful of uprooting thoroughly this almost superstitious abuse, commanded and did command the persons who now are, or who shall hereafter be, curas in all the districts of this archbishopric that in no case and on no pretext shall they practice such a distinction; nor are they allowed to require or ask any fee on account of carrying the silver cross, whether at baptisms or burials: under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, ipso facto incurrenda; and at any time when information is lodged of violation of this decree, proceedings will be instituted against the disobedient person with the fullest rigor of justice, without any excuse being allowed to shield him. [here follow the same commands and penalties as in the preceding decree, relative to the proper instruction of the people in christian doctrine, and the prohibition of fees to the cura for the administration of the sacrament of penance. the decree continues:] moreover, inasmuch as it is commanded, by a general decree of visitation, now obeyed and practiced by all the secular curas of this archbishopric, in fulfilment of a royal decree by his majesty (whom may god keep), that the viaticum shall be carried to sick indians in their own houses, and that they shall on no account be carried from their houses to the churches to receive it: therefore his most illustrious lordship commanded and did command that the said decree shall be observed, fulfilled, and executed in this curacy of balayan, and in its visita of nazugbu and lian. and, for its proper fulfilment, it is commanded that a reliquary be made of silver or gold, in order that when on any occasion there shall not be mode or form of the customary external pomp, the viaticum may be carried therein, as is commanded, to the sick; and warning is given that, on receiving notice of any violation of this decree, proceedings will be instituted against the disobedient person against whom there shall be legal cause. all the above, contained and expressed in the present decree, his most illustrious lordship commanded, and did command, must be observed, fulfilled, and executed by bachelor don juan de llamas, proprietary cura of this district of balayan, and he must cause it to be observed, fulfilled, and executed by him who shall in the said cura's place administer the holy sacraments in the villages of nazugbu and lian; and of his punctual obedience the said curate shall notify his most illustrious lordship, at the first opportunity that shall occur, so that, in case what is here commanded shall not be duly and effectually carried out, his most illustrious lordship may decide and ordain what may be expedient. moreover, notwithstanding his most illustrious lordship has been informed of the exterior adornment of the church of the said villages of nazugbu and lian, yet, inasmuch as the books of receipts and expenses of the said church have not been shown, and are not clear, his most illustrious lordship therefore commanded and did command that in that church shall be kept a book, in the first half of which shall be set down the following, beginning at the first page, with all the items clear, separate, and distinct, and with mention of the day, month, and year: the eighths of the fees for marriages and burials which shall be received from this time forward; and the legacies, and donations for pious works, which are made to the said church. then, beginning at the middle of the book, must be set down in the second half of it, with the same details, the expenditures which shall be made for the church, in order that thus no confusion may arise, and that the accounts may be promptly settled in the future visit. by this act, therefore, his most illustrious lordship decreed and commanded the above, and signed this paper, which i certify. diego, archbishop of manila. before me: francisco sanctos de oliveros, secretary. [here follow certificates, written in the registers of burials and marriages respectively, that they have been duly inspected, and referring to the decree itself, which is written in the register of baptisms.] tariff we, doctor don diego camacho y avila, by the grace of god and of the holy apostolic see, metropolitan archbishop of these philippinas islands, and ruler of the suffragan bishopric of nueva segovia, now vacant, and member of the council of his royal majesty. desiring to fulfil the obligations of our ministry and pastoral office, and that by the government which is in our charge, especially in the administration of the holy sacraments, god our lord may be followed and the faithful edified; and that every one of our curas and ministers who instruct the natives--not only in this city, but those of the other parishes outside its walls--and their sacristans, shall observe the integrity which is fitting in demanding the fees which shall belong to them on account of the functions of their ministries and offices, relieving their consciences as we do ours; and having examined the tariffs which our predecessors have fixed, and seeing the condition of these islands, we have decided to issue anew our mandate regarding the said statutes and tariffs; and we ordain that from this time forth, in demanding the said fees, the following order shall be observed: baptisms: for the baptisms the cura shall demand the candle or candles which those who can give them may furnish, not obliging them to pay a fee [capillo], or to give an offering of money or other things; but, if they voluntarily give any free offering, [20] the cura is authorized to take it. marriages: for publishing the banns, the fiscal shall ask for each one real, and he may not demand anything because the parties do not rise to their feet at the time when the banns are published. as for the natives and morenos [21] who marry without receiving the nuptial benedictions, and shall come to the church or to the cura's house, he shall not ask anything from them; but if the cura shall go, or send, or give permission for the marriage to be solemnized at their own homes, or in some other place, he shall ask three tostones for the effort and time spent in going to marry them in a place to which he is not obliged to go. if the cura shall go to their house, or to some other place where he is not under obligation to go, in order to marry any japanese or sangley, he shall ask two pesos, and, if it shall be outside of the parish, he shall ask three pesos. nuptial benedictions: he [i.e., the cura] shall ask thirteen reals from the dowry; [22] but if the parties are poor, they may commute this for four reals--and [the same] if the woman is a widow and has no dowry, provided she received the nuptial benedictions from the church in the first marriage; but if she did not [thus] receive them, and have a dowry [she shall pay thirteen]. if several persons receive the benedictions at one mass, the cura shall ask from those who are blessed a peso from every one of them; and he shall be under obligation to say as many masses as there were persons blessed, during the following days, for their intention, because this [obligation to say mass] for two, or three, or more married pairs who receive the benedictions cannot be fulfilled by one mass. burials: for burials of children, with prayers read, when the cura goes to the house for this purpose he shall ask one peso and four tomins; but if the corpse is carried to the door of the church he shall ask only one peso. for every burial of children with prayers chanted, when the cura goes to the house for this purpose he shall ask only three pesos; and if the corpse be received with prayers chanted at the door of the church [23]--whether it be an indian chief, a timagua, a sangley, a japanese, or a free negro, whom his friends desire to be interred with pomp and escort--and the cura shall go for the corpse to the house, he shall ask ten pesos; but if he shall receive it at the door of the church, and prayers be chanted, he shall ask two pesos. for every burial accompanied with prayers, of an indian chief, a timagua, a sangley, a japanese, or a free negro, if the cura goes for it to the house he shall ask one peso and four tomins; and if he receives it at the door of the church he shall ask one peso. if the deceased were a slave to spaniards, the cura shall ask one peso for his fee, and exactly six reals as a voluntary offering [limosna] for a mass; but if he were a slave to an indian, the cura shall ask six reals as a fee, and four reals for the said offering. we charge it upon the consciences of the curas to say these masses for the slaves, and thus acquit our own conscience. for the cope which the cura may wear at burials he may receive one peso as an offering; but he shall not wear the cope when the parties do not ask for it. and for the halts [24] the cura, if he shall have chanted the prayers, shall ask a toston for each one, if the relatives of the deceased ask for them; but in no other way shall he obtain these fees. item, for the mass sung on the day of the funeral, or funeral honors with responses, the cura may ask two and one-half pesos; and for chanting the office for the dead, two pesos and two reals. and for the novenary masses [25] which are said, with a response in each one, on account of the burial of the deceased, the cura may receive for each one a peso as offering; and the wax candles which remain at the end of the novenary for the burial belong to the cura. for masses provided for by will [missas de testamento], the cura may receive six reals each, and for those which are ordered to be said outside of the testamentary provision four reals each, as offerings. the curas must not consent to accept the candles that are carried by the persons who accompany the funeral, unless these persons leave the candles of their own accord, and present them as an offering; and if they do not thus give them up, the curas shall not ask anything from them. to each one of those who may assist the cura at any burial shall be given, if he is in holy orders, six reals and a candle; if he is not yet ordained, four reals and a candle. for any peal of the bells [repique] at the burials of children, or the tolling of the passing bell [doble], the cura shall ask four reals for the eighths [de octava], for the sacristy or the church. fees of the sacristans: for aiding at nuptial masses and the benediction, [26] the sacristan shall ask for each two reals. the sacristan may ask for carrying the processional cross with its veil, [27] for any burial, ten reals; and if afterward solemn mass be sung, he shall ask eighteen reals for the burial, and a peso for assisting at the mass; and if the cross be placed on the grave on the day of the funeral, he shall ask a peso. for the small cross carried, without its casing, and made of silver, he shall ask six reals; and for the ordinary cross of wood he shall ask two; and, if the deceased were the slave of an indian, he shall ask one real. for burning incense at the funerals, when the parties ask for it, the sacristan shall ask two reals; and at the solemn masses he shall ask another two reals. for assisting at each anniversary mass founded in this church, which the cura says, the sacristan shall ask one peso. the sacristan is under obligation to assist the cura in the administration of the holy sacraments, and in the other matters pertaining to the ministry, as being his assistant; and if he fail in rendering such aid he shall ask only the half [of the usual fees], and the other half the cura shall divide between the person who shall assist in the sacristan's place and the church fund for its sacristy. either the sacristan or in his place some person not yet ordained, is under obligation to carry the cross at burials. singers: when the entire choir shall be summoned to any burial, they shall ask ten pesos for attending it; and if all the said choir assist at mass and the office for the dead [vigilia], they shall ask another ten pesos. when the [individual] singers shall go on call to any funeral, no more of them shall go than those who are asked for by the parties; and each singer shall ask one real. this is understood when they go not as a full choir, but in a group of three; and they shall not oblige the parties to give them candles, but may take these when the parties choose to give them. if only three singers assist at mass and the office for the dead, they shall ask three pesos for the mass, but not for the office. we command that all these tariffs and statutes shall be observed and fulfilled to the letter by the said our curas for natives, in this city and in the rest of the parishes that are outside its walls, and by their sacristans, without transgressing them in any way--under penalty of four times the amount involved, incurred for every infraction, and of being punished in accordance with the law. and no other person, whatever his rank may be, shall dare to transgress these our mandates, under penalty of legal proceedings against him, under the penalties due to those who are disobedient. we command that the curas shall keep these said tariffs displayed and posted in some public place, where they can be read and understood by all persons. and that this may be evident for all time, we command to be issued and we do issue the present, signed with our name, and countersigned by our secretary, as undersigned. in our archiepiscopal palace at manila, on the fifth day of the month of november in the year one thousand, six hundred and ninety-eight. diego, archbishop of manila. by command of his most illustrious lordship the archbishop, my master: francisco sanctos de oliveros, secretary. [here follow several notarial attestations.] memorial by the religious orders the lecturer fray jaime mimbela, of the order of preachers, and definitor-general of the province of santo rosario; fray juan antonio de san agustin, an augustinian recollect; and antonio xaramillo, of the society of jesus--procurators-general of their provinces of filipinas and holding powers of attorney for the holy orders of st. dominic, st. francis, st. augustine, the society of jesus, and the recollect augustinians who live in the said islands for the conversion of the infidels and the maintenance [in the faith] of those who are already converted therein--conforming to the new orders from their provincials which they have received (dated february 13 of the past year 1699), in regard to what has thus far been alleged and represented, make the following declaration: [sire:] the reverend archbishop, doctor don diego camacho y avila, having arrived at manila in the month of september in the past year of 97, undertook, in officio officiando [i.e., "in fulfilling the functions of his office"], to visit the regulars who exercise the duties of parish priests, desiring that they do so by title of law, [28] subject to his jurisdiction. the said holy religious orders, having declined, on repeated occasions, to take upon themselves such a burden, making this known to the said reverend archbishop with all submission, were resolved to abandon all the indian villages and districts [assigned to them], rather than to administer them in that manner. [they asked him], in order to preserve the tranquillity which had existed in those islands, that at least he would desist from his intention until the pope and your majesty, being informed of the matter, should decide it: and represented to him that, taking everything into account, irreparable losses of souls would ensue from his persevering in his undertaking if the religious orders, in consequence of his violent acts, should retire [from the curacies]--since there were not secular priests to take the place of the religious in preaching and the administration of the sacraments, but it was not possible for the said reverend archbishop to yield to [even] these so serious representations, nor was he willing to wait for the decisions of [even] those so preëminent; on the contrary, he actually began the visitation. when the religious answered that now they were not parish priests, since they had resigned the indian villages into the hands of their provincials, who had notified your vice-patron of it, the reverend archbishop took away two churches from the orders of st. dominic and st. augustine; and soon the commonwealth found itself in a storm, with confusion and affliction such as had never before been experienced in those islands. for within a week fifty religious who had acted as curas had retired to manila, and orders had been given for the retirement of the others--which they would actually have done, if the courage of the reverend archbishop himself had not been taught by this experience, so costly and unnecessary, the truth of what had been often before represented to him, with so much humility and entreaty, by the religious. from that time, troubles continued to crowd together until in all those islands the catholic faith, as concerns god, and the vassalage of the indians to your majesty, were at the point of destruction; for in that country all the villages are inhabited by indians alone, nor is there in them any spaniard except the religious who is their minister--except here and there a village where resides some secular priest and the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces. thus, the villages without the religious minister remain as dead, for divine worship and for vassalage, as the body without a soul is dead for vital functions. this truth being so well known--as also is this other, that in the religious provinces of those islands there have been and are now many religious of distinguished virtues and learning, and very zealous for the salvation of souls--affairs have arrived at such a state, as is known by the said letters of february, 699, that the regulars refuse not only to be ordinaries [parrocos de justicia] and subject to the jurisdiction of the reverend archbishop, but also to act in that capacity in the manner which has been hitherto in vogue. they ask your majesty, with the utmost possible reverence, to be pleased to regard them as exonerated from the responsibility which they hitherto have held of ministering as parish priests to the indians, and to take measures that other persons may look after the indians in the manner which the reverend archbishop desires; and that the religious for whom there is no room in the few convents and colleges which the religious orders possess in those islands may return to their own provinces--in accordance with what your majesty commands, in one of his laws, for the consolation of the distressed religious in those kingdoms. and since actions so grave in themselves and in their consequences as are these--the refusal of the regulars to be parish priests subject to the jurisdiction of the reverend archbishop, and their renunciation before your majesty of the assignment of the territories allotted to them for ministrations--appear not to have originated only from disinclination, but to have sprung from [their claim to] liberty alone, their representatives set forth to your majesty in this document the reasons and very weighty arguments by which they are constrained to act in both those proceedings. they also offer to present another, more copious, in which will be related in sequence and order all the occurrences and the exceedingly grievous injuries which the religious orders have suffered and still sustain, occasioned by the visitation of the curas. [it will also recount] the lands that they possess; the tithes [29] that the reverend archbishop has established; the testimonies and appeals that he has denied; the arrests that he has attempted; the banishments that he has urged [upon the audiencia]; the very sharp reprimand that on account of him was given by your audiencia to all the provincials together, with other religious of high standing, without permitting them to open their lips--and all with a method of procedure so unlike that which the pope, your majesty, and your supreme council employ on occasions like these, even in cases when there is certainty of guilt; and finally, the investigations which he makes to obtain information against them which he can use to carry out his purposes, and disturb them at madrid and roma, in this imposing [threats of] excommunication on the witnesses in order that everything may remain a secret, and the reputation of the religious orders be left more exposed to attack. the reasons, then, which influence the religious not to be parish priests by title in filipinas, subject to the jurisdiction of the reverend archbishop, are the following: first, because it is unquestionable, and cannot be in any way denied, that the office of parish priest, even with such exemption from [the jurisdiction of] the ordinary, is entirely accessory, and, besides, a heavy additional burden, to the religious estate--not only to that of monks, but even to that of the mendicant regulars; for, in order that they may minister in the said office, it has been necessary to obtain a pontifical dispensation or arrangement, which is founded on important reasons. and this [is a fact], if we consider only what the religious state demands of its followers, as is made plain by the general exemption and the teaching of holy men. if this mode of administering [the curacies] be changed, and the regular who is a parish priest must remain, in what concerns that office, under the jurisdiction of the ordinary, subject to his correction and visitation, and in the other matters subject to the superior of his religious order, it would be a change and condition of affairs so remarkable that, in regard to his estate and his profession of life, the religious would change his nature--for he would be like one cleft in twain, if subject in some cases to one superior and in others to another, the two of differing ecclesiastical rank; and the consequences would be perilous, as will be considered later. in view, then, of a change which would so seriously affect their estate, all the regulars of filipinas declare that, just as one's state of life is chosen so as to lead to salvation only when it is chosen through the influence and vocation of god, who calls and inclines one to it, and that one's choice goes astray when it is made through other motives, so, when after choice has been made of the state and profession of life some other circumstance arises which not only oppresses that state, but changes its very nature--with new responsibilities, new obligations, new superiors, and new modes of government full of dangers and difficulties--and, above all, the rule which he professes, no one can safely add to his mode of life a condition so unusual, if god do not incline and call him to it. the religious of filipinas declare that they have no such vocation or inclination for being parish priests by title, subject to the ordinary; and that without it they cannot expose themselves to so many dangers, with evident risk of being ruined thereby. they say that neither when they entered the religious life nor when they made their confession did they read among the obligations to which they submitted that of being parish priests, and much less that of being such by title, and subject to the ordinaries; on the other hand, they understood that the apostolic see had exempted them from it. they assert also that on going from europa to the filipinas they knew that the regulars never had ministered to the indians, nor were they then doing so, as being dependent upon the ordinaries, but with pontifical jurisdiction, remaining in all matters subject to the visitation and correction of their provincials; therefore they must necessarily censure and refuse now this new administration and attempted subjection, which they did not profess and to which god did not call them. nor do the precedents [brought forward] from america militate against this argument when it is said that there is but one and the same rule, and one and the same form of government, in essentials, for the religious order or orders whose sons find themselves in america and in filipinas; for those who are in those islands say, with all esteem and reverence, that there are some things more suitable to be admired than imitated, and that, while they admire the courage [of those in america], they confess that they do not possess courage to imitate them in this matter. they add that, if in america and filipinas a religious order is one and the same, likewise throughout the world the faith and the church of jesus christ is one and the same; and nevertheless, if a catholic, simply because he had chosen an estate of life, should exhort all others to embrace the same, it would not be judicious counsel, or in conformity to the spirit of god; for that spirit inspires, influences, and calls whomsoever he will, choosing some for an occupation, and dissuading others from that same employ. and thus it is evident, likewise, that in the one religious order some have a vocation for going from europa to the indias, and others have not. then why cannot the same occur in regard to being or not being parish priests subject to the ordinary? the reverend archbishop of manila himself has given and still gives to the religious orders of filipinas a very striking and conclusive example in this regard: for before he left españa he knew very well in what way the regulars acted as curas in those islands, but he neither renounced the archbishopric in españa, nor gave up going to the islands. he knew also that the being united as a spouse to the church of manila is not an accessory matter, but is wholly essential to the state of being its archbishop; and that other prelates have gone thither without attempting what he claims. nevertheless, he has asked in the royal audiencia permission to return to españa; and now he writes resigning the archbishopric, and asking that he may be allowed to come here to live and die in retreat in a cell. if it is because the religious who are parish priests are not subject to his jurisdiction that he offers this resignation--by which he abandons all that belongs to his position, and the state of life that he chose--how much greater reason the religious will have to imitate him, since even when they give up the curacies they remain wholly in the estate of religious which they professed. if he makes this renunciation in order to avoid controversies, and aspires to live and die in a cell, much more natural is this desire of the religious to live and die peacefully therein, without obliging themselves to endure those controversies; for they do not accept under compulsion a new estate to which god does not call them. likewise, [they decline] if, in order to adopt such a model of life, their rule must be the pleasure of the archbishop, and not the inspiration of god. as little is this first argument overcome by [the assertion] that the civil law provides that the regular who is a parish priest is immediately subject, in what pertains to that office, to the visitation and correction of the ordinary. for, laying aside the fact that such a law can be abrogated by the supreme pontiff--as actually was done by pius v after the holy council of trent, and afterward confirmed by urban viii; and this very procedure is supported by various declarations of the most eminent cardinals--when there is a lack of secular priests (as is the case in filipinas, where for eight hundred parishes, the approximate number of those in existence, there are hardly sixty seculars in number, and still fewer who have abilities for giving instruction and learning languages): laying all this aside, the religious assert that the civil law which commands such subjection must be understood in the case that the religious who are administering curacies, without being subordinate to the ordinary, desire to continue thus, being parish priests; but it does not order that they be compelled by violence and force to enter that relation. and if a secular cleric, to whom with canonical and rigorous institution is given a perpetual curacy, can, notwithstanding this, renounce such curacy, nor on that account be disqualified by the law as long as he lives in immediate subjection to one superior only, who is his bishop: how or for what reason can the reverend archbishop of manila claim that the religious cannot peaceably make the same renunciation, in order to avoid the risk of having so many superiors? as the religious hold the indian villages not as proprietaries, but removable ad nutum, other persons could, for no better reason than their own wishes, deprive the religious of those ministries, even though the latter live therein with the sanctity of their holy founders; and is it possible that, when only the will of another person is sufficient to prevent them from being curas, the divine inspiration and their own self-reproach will not be sufficient for them? the second reason that the religious in filipinas have for refusing to be parish priests by title, subject to the ordinary, is that no exact idea of this virtue of justice has been formed in considering the method in which efforts have been made to constrain the religious by it. for either they are or they are not capable of being really parish priests, like the secular clerics. if they are, they do not accept the parish under any obligation of justice; and even when this is conferred on them with canonical institution, they nevertheless do not remain ordinaries, as are the secular clerics; for in the latter, in order to secure a proprietary benefice, the only points considered are the ability to serve as cura, the obligation of law [justicia] to which they submit, and the canonical collation with which they are inducted into the parish. including all this in the said supposition, the religious cannot well understand why, after all that, they do not remain proprietary parish priests. as little do they understand how the said ability, obligation of law, and canonical institution can make a secular priest a perpetual cura--so that if his conduct does not render him unworthy the curacy cannot be taken from him, either by ordinary or vice-patron alone, or by both together; while a religious who enters the curacy with the same formalities is not competent for the same perpetuity, but only for such tenure, even in his own territory, that even if he conduct himself as a saint the ordinary and vice-patron can, if agreed, deprive him of his benefice and give it to another; that is, even after that obligation and solemnity he is a parish priest removable ad nutum. the religious also consider that although the virtue of justice is one for all, and alike for all, and the efficacy of canonical institution is also one for persons who are qualified for the same office, to the secular cleric with the onerous duty of parish priest is given all that can favor him; but to the religious, while the entire burden is laid upon him, all his energy is checked on account of not giving him all which can relieve that burden. this is all placed upon the religious, for his responsibility for the feeding of his sheep confines him to a district in such a way that his own provincial cannot, by his own agency alone, change his district without first resorting to the ordinary and the vice-patron, to secure their consent. in this way there is a notable decrease of obedience, and the regular observance of the rule which he professed is greatly disturbed; and many, continual, and insupportable annoyances are heaped upon the provincials. the religious loses in great part the privilege of his exemption; he remains subject, in so far as he is a cura, to investigations, complaints, visitations, and penalties from the ordinary; and with all these burdens he has not the comfort of being secure in his parish, even if his conduct do not render him unworthy of it, because he does not hold it in perpetuity, as the secular does. he is not master of the emoluments which the curacy yields, nor are they in justice due to him as to the secular, unless he pretends that he is dispensed from the essential vow of poverty. then, if the religious is capable of being a parish priest, and that by title of law, as is the secular, who has given to justice and to canonical collation such efficacy as with them to furnish to the secular what is honorable [30] and favorable, yet has so divided it as to impart to the regular what is detestable, while yet denying him what may console him? [even] if it be granted that the regular is not competent, on account of his estate, for being a proprietary parish priest, why is it so strictly required of him to enter the curacy with the same formalities and ceremony as those with which the clerics enter? such incompetency will be the best justification for the repugnance which the religious feel for being curas in the manner which the archbishop insists on. the third reason is, that if the convents and colleges which the religious maintain in manila be broken up, it can be said with truth that there are no other houses of religious community [in the colony]; for although there are seven other houses besides--in cavite, cebu, oton, and yloilo--divided among the religious orders of st. dominic, st. augustine, the society of jesus, and the recollects, yet these convents and colleges are so small that in each of them there are only two or three residents. all the rest of the said provinces is composed of indian villages, [each] served by one minister only; and these are such as can be gathered from their respective bishoprics, the cathedrals of which neither have nor are capable of having dignities, canonries, and other prebends. this being admitted, if the ministers in indian villages remain subject to the ordinary, as the provinces are composed almost wholly of such ministers alone, and for their removal would then be necessary the agreement of the ordinary and the vice-patron, some provinces would come to be dependent, in the name of religious government and in the exercise of secular government, on the wills of those two persons, to whom the religious did not in their profession promise obedience or subjection. then if either of the two, whether the bishop or the governor, were displeased with any religious order, or with any minister--and especially if it were the governor, whose power in those islands cannot be explained, except by their remoteness--in such case they could on very specious pretexts either maintain or remove the minister against the will of his provincial; and even they could, if necessary, threaten the latter with either censures or banishment, to make that religious order conform to their authority. how fruitful a source this may be of perdition and total ruin for the religious orders, all can recognize; but only those who have had experience in those islands can fully comprehend it. the fourth reason: for we have already taken for granted their subjection and canonical institution. if a religious who is a minister commit a transgression, and his offense apparently belongs on the one side to morals and life, and on the other to the office of cura, the poor minister remains in the condition of those goods which we call mostrencos, on account of their belonging to the first person who takes possession of them--and even in a much worse condition, on account of the controversies which must naturally ensue. for if the provincial begins legal proceedings in the matter, and afterward information of it is given to the reverend archbishop, the latter issues a decree--and, if it be necessary, a censure--commanding the said provincial to revoke all of his proceedings, surrender the case to him, and abandon it; that is to say, the right of judicature belongs to him alone. the provincial appeals to the judge-delegate of his holiness, who, in order to obtain full information about the case, commands the reverend archbishop, with the threat of censure, to desist from the cause, and surrender the documents. if the latter do not obey, the affair may reach the point where two ecclesiastical prelates mutually excommunicate each other, and [the colony] is menaced with an interdict and the cessation of divine worship. this is not discussing an imaginary thing, but is relating that which has just occurred in manila in a like case--where, in order to prevent the regulars from withdrawing from their curacies, [the archbishop] imposed on the provincials the penalties of excommunication and a fine of 2,000 pesos; and conversely, the reverend archbishop and the delegate of his holiness likewise excommunicated each other. the commonwealth was disquieted by these occurrences, not knowing where these things would end if the interdict which the delegate threatened were carried out, since he was followed by the religious orders; for nearly all the laymen lean on the orders--making their confessions to the religious, receiving instruction from their teaching and example, and with their counsels calming the scruples of their consciences. in consequence, it would necessarily follow that in case of an interdict and cessation of divine services the entire archdiocese would be left in most lamentable condition; and without doubt this would have occurred, if it had not been for the kindly nature of the delegate and the urgent importunities to desist from this purpose that were addressed to him by the religious. for, since at the cost of innumerable martyrdoms and other hardships they had established the faith in those islands, they sought to avert the danger that it would be impaired, even though this should be at the cost of contempt for themselves. it must be added to all the above that if these contentions and troubles which are suffered in those islands could be promptly ended without going outside of them, toleration in enduring them would be less difficult. but this is not so; but these troubles leave behind them their consequences, and chains that are very long and heavy, which are only fit to drag along those who choose to become slaves to the curacies in filipinas. for in such cases letters are written by the governor, the archbishop, the audiencia, and the religious orders to madrid, and by some of these to roma also; and terrible controversies take shape, with public scandal in both courts. the parties are in every way exhausted, and the judges are harassed until the [royal] decree in the case is provided: first, because such decree is provided for regions so remote, and after it is issued arrives there [so late], that those evils are throwing out many roots, and these produce anew other discords and evils worse than the first. and since it is a fact that, although according to the divine oracles, it is not fitting either for the bishop to be contentious, or for the minister of souls to preach the gospel in any other way than that of peace, the religious orders, in place of experiencing in filipinas, as it were, peace with the fruit of tranquillity, do not find this at the present time; but they are burning in a glowing forge, which only throws out sparks of discord and dissension. the religious orders, sire, had already made peace among themselves, and are at this day maintaining and always will maintain it; for they trust in god that it will be so, and the bitter experience of past years has pointed this out as a great blessing. thus, when the reverend archbishop arrived here all was quiet and peaceful, but within little more than two months after his arrival there was nothing but unrest and disorder--and this because the religious had told him, with all courtesy and humility, that they would sooner give up the ministries of instruction than hold them in the manner that he desired. herein, which side proceeded most comformably to reason? the religious who peaceably leave the curacies, in order to avoid disputes; or the reverend archbishop who causes these contentions, and who sends to madrid and roma in order to obtain that the regulars shall be by force and violence parish priests subject to his own jurisdiction? in view, then, of disadvantages so serious, what religious is there, devoted to his profession, who will consent to be a parish priest in filipinas? who will leave his province in europa, the retirement and peace of his community, to go, with the perils of two ocean voyages, in search of controversies so wearisome and noisy over a calling which he did not profess? herein the religious of filipinas admit that they have taken warning by what has occurred in america, that they ought to learn a lesson from it and be cautious about having another head. the fifth reason: if a regular who is a parish priest transgresses, and on account of secret faults becomes unworthy of continuing in his ministry, yet if he remains in it his salvation may incur a very special peril. the provincial has secret knowledge of the case. here justice demands two things: one, the punishment of the fault; the other, that the delinquent shall not be rendered infamous. charity, (and even justice itself) demands also that the provincial shall, because of his office, remove his subordinate from that risk. if this regular who acts as parish priest were administering his functions without canonical institution or subjection to the ordinary, as is done in the filipinas islands, the provincial could with the greatest ease settle the whole matter, and justice and charity be satisfied, without disgrace to the delinquent and without a stigma on the religious order. but when the regular who is a parish priest is subject to the ordinary, the provincial cannot remove him by his own authority alone; and it is necessary for him to resort to that very ordinary and to the vice-patron, and that the two agree on the removal of the offender. and, in such case, what has the provincial to say to them? if it be answered that by keeping the case entirely secret the provincial becomes a sharer in the guilt of his subordinate, he and the superiors of the religious orders declare, with all submission and humility, that they refuse to put in practice such a form of theology. can the ordinary acting alone, can the governor, the father, and the master, each alone, punish and correct the fault--of a priest, of a citizen or a soldier, of children, of servants--without the least injury to the culprit's honor; and a provincial, who can in innumerable ways do the same with any subordinate of his, be obliged to leave the offender in disgrace with the heads of the community, ecclesiastical and secular? the religious orders would sooner remove [from the islands], to transplant themselves to europa, than submit to so heavy a burden. if it be said that the provincial need not state the offense, but in general terms assert only that he has cause for removing the cura, even that would not avoid the difficulty: first, because the authorities may think that the provincial says so, in order to carry a point for a custom of long standing. second, even though the cause for removing him is not a fault, it will be readily said [that it was one]; and if the person himself does not make further explanation, in such case the result will be that the fault will be made public by his silence. and finally, one's honor is a very delicate thing, and is usually much injured by rumors and suspicions alone. and since god renders the religious exempt from the secular judges, and the apostolic see from the ordinaries, the regulars represent that, as they have not professed to be curas, they do not feel courage to fill that office with so many risks and burdens. the sixth reason: the object for which the religious are in the curacies is the salvation of souls; and there is no room for doubt that for such a purpose the religious will be all the more fit and competent an instrument the more he shall unite with the office of cura the regular observance. this greater union, it is certain, lies in the method of being curas which has hitherto prevailed, and not in that which the archbishop is attempting; for with subjection to him the cura does not depend so much on the regular superior, nor can the latter freely command him as before, and thus the obedience [of the religious] is greatly diminished and injured, without which no one deserves the name of religious. [also the observance of] poverty is at great risk; for since the cura ministers through the obligation of justice and canonical institution, and this is not given to him by the religious order but by the ordinary, some of the curas might argue that since the order permits this to them, it also permits them to be masters, in whole or in part, of all the emoluments; and that with entire freedom, without subjection to or permission from their superiors, they can spend or dispose of these revenues as they please. this is a danger which is most prolific of innumerable others, and in all lines. their chastity also is much less secure, because it is attacked by solitude, by the license which this occasions, by the natural compliance of the indians, and by that almost perpetual tenure which in many ministries in america is experienced through the obligation of justice and canonical institution under which they are administered; and on account of the difficulty which thus arises in securing removals, sensuality does not find that remedy of flight which st. paul lays down so prompt and easy as it would be if the parish priest depended only on his provincial. and, finally, the religious do not, by assuming the habit as such, strip themselves of the passions of men. there might be one or more for whom the subjection and mode of life in a religious community becomes wearisome; and such men, knowing that a cura cannot be removed from the mission parish without the agreement of the ordinary and the vice-patron, undertake to gain the good-will of those authorities by letters and other means, and for the same object to win the friendship of officials and dependents, so that these may exert influence in order to preserve them in the curacies. and thus gradually they become rooted in their liking for a life that is solitary and independent, and will reach a state in which they give up the mission parish with grief, because they hold it through love for the conveniences of life, and more as very secular men of the world than as religious or as ministers to souls. in that case the religious orders could say that they had lost fervent sons, and the ordinaries that they had not made zealous curates. all this is avoided when the regulars serve as parish priests in the same manner as they do now in the filipinas; for they are wholly dependent on their superiors, and cannot dispose of anything without their permission. if it be expedient for them to go to some other place, there is no difficulty in changing their residence; and as they have not that security of perpetual tenure, their only care is for their ministries, the door being closed to unworthy measures and claims. hence it follows that this mode of holding curacies is more in accordance with the three vows and the other statutes that aim at the perfection that is proper for the regulars, and consequently at the salvation of the souls [31] for whom they care. the seventh and last reason--omitting others, either because they are included in those already mentioned, or because they may readily be deduced from those--is supported by authority. let the histories of the indias be read, and the laymen and ecclesiastics who have written about them; all agree in raising very serious doubts whether the regulars should be parish priests or not, and much more whether they should be so with title. [these writers] noted many decisions, in which entire provinces--composed of religious who were influential, experienced, learned, and zealous--resolved in their chapter-meetings that the mission curacies should be given up; many [opinions by] generals of those same orders, who approved that proceeding; and others, by various distinguished men, who expostulated against the acceptance of such an encumbrance by their religious order. [they have also noted] faults which they contemplated with tears--interminable discords, which banished all tranquillity and peace; and innumerable other damages, which, even the secular writers on the indias admit, have made the regulars tremble. if he who sees from [a safe place on] land a fierce hurricane on the sea, and that in it are wrecked galleons of great size--some of the men on board being drowned, others crying for help, and those who by swimming have emerged on the shore taking warning [from this misfortune], and causing great fear in those who hear them--trembles at [the thought of] venturing upon the sea: what marvel is it that the regulars of filipinas, who have not thus far been inducted into this new form of parish tenure which the archbishop is attempting [to establish], seeing as if from the solid land so much tempest and shipwreck which are occasioned by that form, and which the histories, like accurate charts, place before them, tremble, and refuse to embark on that sea? when the witnesses are so truthful, and the experiences so injurious, it would be a mistake of the utmost importance not to believe them, or to expect that [in] trouble one may remedy it by regret, or not to avoid it beforehand by prudent measures. with these reasons, three arguments of which the reverend archbishop entertains a high opinion lose their force. one is, to argue [thus] in this dilemma: either the regulars who are parish priests conduct themselves well and fulfil their obligations as such, or they do not. if this last, it is not right that it be permitted, nor that there be any failure to reform with the visitation which he is trying to enforce. if in all respects they fulfil their obligations, what matters it if he visits them, approves their proceedings, and praises them in his report to the king? and with this mode of argument he casts suspicion on the regulars, as if they had faults or failings as parish priests to conceal. answer is made, first: that the religious who are curas conduct themselves well in their ministries, and strive so far as their powers extend, for the salvation of their parishioners; and that what holds them back from being parish priests subject to the reverend archbishop is not the fear caused by [the question of] behavior, but dread of the inconveniences and dangers above recounted, which it is not easy to explain. answer is made, second: that in manila and cavite--which is distant two leguas from this city, and where only the secular priests are curas--the reverend archbishop has precedents very effectual for ascertaining the consequences of the way in which the religious behave in their curacies. for in those two places, where they have no obligations as curas, they are the ones who carry the burden of the day and of the summer's heat; they alone (or almost alone) are the ones who administer throughout the year the sacraments of penance and communion--to spaniards, indians (tagálogs, pampangos, and visayans), mestizos, cafres, and other peoples who resort thither; they alone keep laborers set aside for this task; they alone preach frequently. it is they who carry on missions; they who dispense the divine word and explain the christian doctrine in the guard-rooms of the soldiers and [among those stationed] at the gates of the city; they to whom the slaves from the foundry resort; [they who minister to] the prisoners in the jail, and the poor in the hospitals, and the seminaries of la misericordia and sancta potenciana. it is they who in their churches have separate sermons for the spaniards, for negroes, and for indians; it is they who are almost continually going forth, by day and by night, to the sick and the dying, whatever the weather may be. then who can imagine that where the religious, without being curas, have the inclination and zeal to aid the secular curas and the reverend archbishop themselves, relieving so greatly the burden of their obligations, they will neglect their duties in the villages, where the souls have been entrusted to their care alone? answer is made, third: that just as the reverend archbishop by his arguments strives at madrid and roma to subject the regulars to his visitation in what concerns them as parish priests, he may also plan to subject them in all that concerns morals and life. "for if they behave ill, it is not right to permit such conduct; and if their conduct is exemplary, what matter is it if he visits them, and approves them, in order to report on them with praises?" the reply which the reverend archbishop will make to this argument can with more reason be applied as the reply and solution to his own. the religious orders add that, even though the praises of the reverend archbishop are and always will be worthy of the utmost appreciation, yet they set a much greater value on following the counsel of the apostle about each man abiding in his own calling [32]--which was not to be curas--than to be curas and obtain those praises with the risk of the troubles that have been considered. nor is it right, by the same mode of argument as that of the reverend archbishop, that the religious orders should not further make evident the importance of their justice and of their labors. this prelate greatly resented that the reverend bishop, the delegate and judge of his holiness for cases of appeals, should go to manila and exercise his functions, issuing various acts; and the said reverend archbishop also took steps to have the delegate depart immediately from his archbishopric, and said (and wrote to europa) that the religious orders were trying to keep the delegate there as their judge-conservator. it is here where his own argument presses: either the procedure of the reverend archbishop was just, or it was not. if it were just, what did it matter that he had before him a judge with authority from the pope, and must deliver to this judge the documents which he demanded, so that as a judge so superior he might confirm them, and make a report on them with commendations? if the archbishop's conduct were not just, as little just was it that he should go beyond his obligation, in order to obstruct rightful jurisdiction. the reverend archbishop also refused to the religious orders all the copies of documents and the attested statements which they asked from him in regard to the visitation which he planned and began, but from which he desisted. if what the reverend archbishop did and decreed was just, what mattered it that he should command the said copies and statements to be given to parties so eminent and worthy of respect as were five religious provinces? if it were not just, why were these decrees made and executed? another argument of which the reverend archbishop avails himself is, to say that if the regulars who are parish priests do not submit to his visitation and jurisdiction, he will finally be a [mere] bishop de anillo. [33] answer is made, first, that even if this were the case (which, however, it is not), the reverend archbishop would not have any reason to complain in this particular, as, according to the law, no wrong is done to him who, before entering on any negotiation, acquaints himself with it and determines it beforehand. [34] for while he was yet in españa he knew that the regulars in filipinas were not parish priests by title, nor subject as such to the ordinary; and if with this knowledge he decided to go to manila in order to be its metropolitan archbishop he ought to take for granted what has been proved by experience, and not wonder that the regulars, convinced by so effective arguments, are, constrained by these, giving up the native curacies, in order not to be ministers of instruction at so much risk. nor will any one grant that reason countenances the reverend archbishop more in trying to secure the extension of his authority than it does the religious in maintaining themselves as much as possible in what they had professed. answer is made, second: that, not by commission but by his own proper jurisdiction, the reverend archbishop can administer confirmations throughout his archbishopric; act as judge of all matrimonial cases among the indians, and those affecting the rest of his flock, in the same manner and the same cases as he could if secular priests were the curas over them; and ordain priests and consecrate oils--with many other things. the exemption of the regulars does not hinder these, nor can a bishop who is only titular exercise these functions merely through his own choice; and thus the reverend archbishop does not come to be such a prelate. and, finally, according to christian maxims the religious ought to measure the choice of a new form of life, not by the question whether the reverend archbishop has or has not more or less under his jurisdiction, but by other and loftier principles, which concern salvation and the means [to attain it], which they have already chosen, by rule and vows, in order to attain with these that final end. and the religious of filipinas declare that if his reverence the archbishop refuses to live [in those islands] and be their prelate, because he has not all the authority that he desires, they refuse the said form of [serving as] parish priests, in order to avoid the controversies and perils here stated, so as to live in the quiet of their profession and by means of it to secure more peaceably their eternal salvation. if the reverend archbishop shall urge the precedents of some religious orders in america in regard to the said matter, the religious orders of filipinas state further, besides what is said above, that those who gave up the mission villages in america furnish a more effective example than do those who remained in those posts subject to the ordinary. they also add that for this case more to the purpose are the precedents of all the reverend archbishops and bishops of filipinas--of no one of whom it is known, it should be said, that he was an archbishop or bishop de anillo. many of them were entirely satisfied at seeing the good work that was wrought in their flocks by the religious orders, and thanked them and greatly honored them; and even though some few of them desired what the present reverend archbishop is attempting to secure, yet on hearing the arguments of the regulars the prelates contented themselves with informing the council--without that body changing the former mode, or the prelates breaking forth in violence as has been seen in this present time. then, even if the reverend archbishop is somewhat influenced by precedents of certain religious orders in america, it seems as if he ought to be convinced by those of his predecessors and the others who were suffragan bishops in those islands. the third argument is, that as the regulars who are parish priests are not under his jurisdiction, he cannot feed his sheep as it behooves him to do, or give account of them to god, with due certainty; accordingly he claims that the regulars of filipinas should be compelled not to leave their flocks, and should be forced under his jurisdiction. answer is made, first, that the reverend archbishop can, whenever it shall please him, apply himself to an inspection of the indian villages, even those that are furthest from manila, and view the aspect of his flock--who will be greatly edified to see that an archbishop undergoes the inconveniences of small boats, and traverses dangerous tracts of sea and land, for their spiritual good, as the provincials do. then if he will have taken the trouble to learn some languages, as the religious have done, in order to dispense to them the divine word, to hear their confessions, give them communion, and the sacrament of confirmation, and the rest that they require: then he can obtain information about the religious and the spiritual state of the villages, give such commands to the indians as he shall please, and confer with the ministers on all that concerns the salvation of souls; and not only can he, but he has the right to do so. it cannot be doubted that this would be a rich nourishment [to his flock], and that these actions of an archbishop are compatible with his not having jurisdiction over the regulars; and it would be a great pity if all this, which is so proper for a prelate, should fail simply because the regular in his curacy remains with the exemption which the apostolic see has granted to him. in view of these actions which he can perform, the reverend archbishop will attach less importance to his not visiting judicially the regular who is a parish priest because the latter remains outside of his jurisdiction; but it may well be believed that the regular keeps the sacrament, the holy oils, and the baptismal font in decent condition; that there are registers of baptisms, burials, and marriages; that the christian doctrine is explained to all the people together, and to the children separately, as also to the larger boys and girls, and all at different times; that not only in times of sickness and of danger of death, but in health and safety, the sacraments are administered to those who ask for them; and that other things are done which are proper for the ministers who are curas. these functions, as they have a public interest in themselves for the whole village, are known throughout it; and even if any detail should be neglected, the reverend archbishop may well believe that neither the provincial nor the other responsible officials of the provinces who are designated to watch, make decisions, punish, or reward, for the general good, will wish to be censured for it. the reverend archbishop does not doubt that in the church of god the holy religious orders form a very numerous assembly, and that their sons, every one, are the sheep of the supreme shepherd, the pope, who has exempted them from the [jurisdiction of the] ordinaries, unburdening his own conscience, and trusting to the vigilance of the generals, and other superiors--to whom, as to the guardians of souls, he has handed over those of the individuals [who form] the rest [of the order]. it has not occurred to any one that on account of this exemption the popes cannot feed the universal flock, or appear with safety before the tribunal of god; and experience has shown the extraordinary benefits which have resulted from it to the church and to the religious orders themselves. why, then, where the vicars of christ are secure, will not an archbishop be so too? on account of merely the expectation of a great harvest in the indias many popes conferred on the regulars the authority to be parish priests, with complete independence from the ordinaries, rendering null and void whatever the latter might do in opposition to this privilege. no one has said that by this the supreme pontiffs placed the ordinaries in danger of rendering their accounts to god unsatisfactorily, or hindered them from feeding and edifying their flocks; and the result itself has given testimony, with the great success of the propagation of the gospel, how successful has been that method of having the regulars as curas, seeing that the hope of a harvest has now grown to be its actual possession, and realms so extensive have been conquered. and therefore the reverend archbishop of manila might have had confidence in commands so sovereign--especially in that of pius v, whose brief is now in full force in filipinas, as on the first day when it was issued; and even the motive therefor, since there is so great a deficiency of secular priests that, if the regulars should be lacking, the faith would perish in islands so widespread, and the people would be as much heathens and idolaters as before. answer is made, second: that the generals, the provincials, and the main body of the provinces say the same in regard to the religious who have professed their rule, that the latter are sheep also of the flocks that god has placed in their charge, so long as the government remains in their hands; and whatever care and attention the reverend archbishop of manila may give to his sheep the indians, the regular prelates will give to their subordinates in regard to the same account which they will have to render for these to god. but with a very important difference: for the indians who are not converted are under the most serious obligations to join the assembly of those who are already converted, and for this object can be forced to hear the divine word; and those who have heard and believed it [can be obliged] not to forsake what they believed, or depart from the bosom of the church, for it is not possible to be saved in any other manner. and when for the attainment of two objects so great as these there are no secular priests, and there are only religious, who have attained those ends and are still doing so while they are exempt curas, it would seem to be also the greatest obligation of the ordinary to reconcile himself with such curas, in order not to deprive the church or defraud the blood of christ of so much fruit. the religious cannot be forced in the manner which has been stated to be curas subject to the ordinary, for besides the estate of the christian they have already professed that of the religious order; and therein, without this force and violence, it is quite compatible that the religious should be thoroughly subject and obedient to their orders, and under their visitation and correction, and at the same time as parish priests through charity only, as temporary curas [interinos], and as assistants and coadjutors of the ordinaries, may render them great service, minister to the indians, attract others who are infidels who thus may receive ministrations, and approve themselves to all--just as if they were parish priests by title, without the risks and difficulties that have been considered. for the reverend archbishop, then, to ask now--when without any force all this great and well-known benefit to the church in filipinas may be restored--that the religious be threatened and compelled not to leave those islands, and accept in them another and new calling, so full of peril, and that other religious shall go thither from europa to the same life--and all in order that he may have greater authority--this is a great deal to ask, and is not at all in his favor before the tribunal of god. who shall give account to his divine majesty of the spiritual detriment that must ensue to fifty parishes, abandoned for [even] a week--without mass, without instruction, and without sacraments for little ones and adults, for the sick and the dying? over and over, before the affair reached this point, the religious set forth all these injurious effects, and protested against them to the reverend archbishop; and that they were not under obligation [to do this], to the peril and [even] ruin of their own souls, and that of their profession, [which was] to attend to the souls of others. nevertheless, the reverend archbishop pursued his undertaking, and the religious retired [from their curacies]; the former was done merely to have [his own] will, the latter through necessity based on all that has been stated. whose part, then, will it be to render account of such a result, and to fear to do so? it is certain that, according to the apostle, power and jurisdiction is not for destruction but for edification. the reverend archbishop is not ignorant of the necessity for baptism; nevertheless, no adult can be forced to receive it. the profession of a religious is null, if any notable force intervened to bring it about; and marriage is of no validity if a person wholly free were in like manner compelled to marry. for these estates demand liberty, and, no less, inspiration from god; and there is nothing of this where there is only force and violence, for then the estate which was to be a means for salvation is converted by such compulsion into a snare and destruction. for one who is not a parish priest by title to become one is a change of no less importance than for a bachelor to marry, or a layman to become a religious; and for the reverend archbishop to claim that, where others are free, the religious should be forced into a mode of life full of risk, and for an object which can be secured without that compulsion, is to extend his claims further than perhaps he is aware, and to accumulate more material for the account that he so greatly fears. for one thing, [his idea] that, even supposing that the regulars are willing to be curas, they can be forced into subjection, and this would be more tolerable; and, for another, that if they do not choose, for all the reasons here stated, to be curas, ecclesiastical and secular authorities may use violence to make them enter the office of curas by title--and this is very far from what holy writ, the general councils, and the holy fathers teach, upon which there is ample material for volumes. the religious orders are greatly surprised that the reverend archbishop, occupied with zealous cares for feeding his sheep, and by holy fear regarding his account to god, should break out with acts of violence against the religious only--and not do so in order that secular priests should go from europa or from nueva españa to be parish priests in filipinas; and that his majesty may give to the said seculars, for their travels and voyages, the aid that he grants for the same purpose to the religious. if they should constrain the reverend archbishop to state why he does not ask or seek this for the seculars, the world would know what the religious orders have accomplished and merited in the filipinas, and what they are still doing; and it would also know that, although in the words of christ the laborer is worthy of wages and recompense, in place of any new remuneration to the said religious orders the reverend archbishop is attempting by his claims to introduce them into a labyrinth of entanglements, discords, and dissensions. granted, now, the fundamental reasons why the regulars have refused to be parish priests subject to the ordinary, and [preferred] to leave the mission villages rather than serve them in such a manner, the greatest affliction of the religious orders in filipinas goes further. their provincials, in the last conference which they held (as they notify us by letters of february in the past year of 699), resolved that these petitioners should, as their attorneys and in the names of them all, offer before your council of the indias an absolute renunciation of the allotment of all the territories which your majesty gave to them in order that they might, with pontifical jurisdiction, serve therein as parish priests. the religious are influenced to this action, first: because, even though your majesty command that no change be made in this regard in the filipinas, the religious orders do not now entertain a substantial hope that entire obedience would be rendered to this law for peace, without which it is intolerable to remain in those islands. the reason for this fear and lack of confidence is, that this very thing was commanded by your majesty in a decree issued at madrid, on november 27, 1687 (which is in the [book of] ordinances, at folios 8 and 9), and the reverend archbishop did the opposite of what was ordained therein, in the sight of your governor and audiencia. if such was the heed and observance given to a decree for making no change, even when the reverend archbishop was not at variance with the religious orders, what can they expect when he is now so exasperated against them? this argument gains more force when attention is paid to the immense distance [from españa] of those islands, where this is a current saying, or almost a proverb, among those who are in power, "let them write to madrid and roma whatever fairy-tale they please at the time; no one will be disturbed by it while the letters are on the way, or while the decision is being made and until the ordinances arrive." and therefore it results that although the reverend archbishop arrived at manila in the year 97, it is now the year 700 when the clamors and disturbances which with his arrival were experienced [in the islands] find an echo in your council of the indias--troubles which still are endured, because it is necessary to wait a considerable time for the arrival at the islands themselves of your royal provisions. and when the decree already mentioned of the year 87, and another previous one of the same tenor by the queen-mother our sovereign (who is now with god), were not obeyed, there is little or no ground for the religious to hope that other decrees of that sort will be obeyed. in both cases, the mission curacies were resigned, and in this last one much more has been suffered; and as it is not well that these occurrences and disputes be repeated, and as it is intolerable to live in controversies for the sake of curacies, to any one who is not wedded to them, the religious orders intend, by the said resignation, to make an end, once for all, of all this contention. the second reason: in filipinas today the religious orders see themselves dragged along and reduced to a most abject condition, in which their ministers can, according to the divine oracles and the teaching of holy men, gain little esteem or fruit while they exercise these under so much reproach. if the edict of visitation which the reverend archbishop commanded to be posted in the village of tondo (a mission village which is in charge of the order of st. augustine) be read, among innumerable other questions will be found these: "whether the minister in charge goes without the ecclesiastical garb, or without suitable clothing? whether he goes without cutting his beard? whether by day or by night he carries weapons, or is indecently clothed?" if attention is given to the manner in which the archbishop took away the two mission villages of tondo and binondo [from the orders], it was done by forcibly breaking open the doors of those two churches, and surrounding them with soldiers and secular officials, who carried with them fetters, as if they went to arrest criminals or highwaymen. similarly, on account of a fit of anger which he felt because two of these petitioners had embarked to come to seek redress from the council, the reverend archbishop demanded and obtained a vessel, in which both ecclesiastical and secular officials set out to arrest the said religious. but as they could not reach the religious, as the ship had gained so much headway, the archbishop summoned the portuguese captain of another ship, and commanded him, under penalty of major excommunication and a pecuniary fine, to secure the arrest of the said two religious at batavia; and told him that if it should be necessary, he must demand aid from the governor there, who is a dutch heretic--although afterward, it is said, the archbishop advised him not to do so. consider the manner in which the religious had to apply to his tribunal; in no case would he accept a document save through the hand of the ecclesiastical procurator of his secular court. on one occasion he allowed so short a time-limit that the holy religious orders were forced to go between twelve and one o'clock at night, knocking at the doors of several procurators, because one had excused himself on account of the stormy weather--and all this when there was no need of or risk in delay; and the reverend archbishop thus gave ground for even the laymen to say that he was abusing his authority in order to annoy the religious. and it is no wonder that laymen say this when the reverend archbishop himself writes (as it were, praising himself) that the regulars are almost exhausted and beside themselves at seeing how in so short a time he has, if not conquered them all, at least broken their courage to a great extent. but the religious orders desire for this prelate in the remembrance of posterity more praiseworthy sayings than this one which calls them exhausted by such means. the reverend archbishop also writes to individuals who can have no voice in these matters, either of justice or government, in such manner that the religious find themselves compared to soldiers on horseback, and characterized as disobedient to both pontifical and royal laws; and of so bad lives and morals that, he says, if he had to make informatory reports regarding them there would not be enough paper in all china. if he writes thus to europa, how will he talk there [in the islands] with his servants, intimate friends, and acquaintances? notice should be taken of the reprimand which through the influence of the reverend archbishop was given to the religious orders by your royal court of manila, composed of four officials who are young men; it is perhaps the most angry and contemptuous which has been offered to religious in a catholic tribunal. in regard to the decrees which were issued regarding this particular, by the bishop the delegate of his holiness, it appears that by a royal decree the five provincials, the rectors of the colleges of santo tomas and san jose, and two other religious, all grave persons, were summoned; and, having made them enter the hall, where your ministers were seated on their platforms, licentiate don geronimo barredo began to speak, as being the senior auditor; he talked to them, using vos, and impersonal terms that were very rude, although the royal sovereignty of your majesty deigns to honor the provincials with the title of "very devout and venerable fathers." he called them disturbers of the peace--as it were, the causes and authors of the disquieted condition of the commonwealth; he blamed them for aiding the reverend bishop the delegate of his holiness, and for some of their subordinates performing the service of notaries to him. he threatened them, saying that even though they were exempt, yet your ministers could, with the administrative power which they hold from your majesty, banish the religious from the islands. when he had ended his censure, he said, "get out!" [despejad]. the provincial of st. augustine, with all courtesy and submission, asked from his highness permission to say a word, but the said don geronimo barredo refused it, repeating the words, "get out!" again the provincial urged, with all humility, that they hear him; and the reply of that same auditor was to ring his little bell, saying in a loud voice, "get out! get out!" accordingly they made the religious go away, full of embarrassment, and without any further consolation than that of patience. such, sire, was the civility with which that royal court treated all that assembly of religious, among them superiors so eminent, ignominy being offered to them where they should have encountered the honor which your majesty, by a special law for the indias, charges upon your officials and presidents, in order that the religious may thereby be encouraged to labor for the propagation of the faith. in order to stir up the community, a royal audiencia takes action in appeals in obvious cases of which the church, by law, disposes. to furnish notaries to a delegate of the pope (which was the same as to furnish them to the supreme pontiff) in those islands--when, as the secular priests were intimidated by the public decrees of the reverend archbishop, there was not one who would aid the delegate--this was an unseemly act of the religious orders, and cause why catholic officials should reprimand them! and, finally, the hearing which justice does not deny to the worst criminals, was entirely barred to five holy religious orders, the anger of striplings foaming over on those so venerable gray hairs. your governor knew very well the unsuitableness of this action, and, either not liking the matter, or pretending to be ignorant of it, he was not present at that session; and with this sort of connivance the reverend archbishop succeeded with his designs, and the audiencia with theirs, the religious orders paying for it all. then if all that is mentioned in this second reason ends in the depreciation and public ridicule of the religious orders, left defenseless and wounded by the heads of the commonwealth, what idea will be formed of them by the indians, mestizos, mulattoes, cafres, and even those spaniards who have little sense? such people mould their opinion not by what they reason out, but by what they see; and when their eyes record so much contempt for the ministers of religion, the consequence is a low estimate of their teaching. on this account the religious offer their resignation of the mission villages, so that they may with better results care for others. the third reason: although the immunity of their property which the religious possess is a sacred thing, the reverend archbishop regards it in such a light, on account of their not having been subjected to his visitation, that they dread in the future greater losses and difficulties. the regulars had applied to the said reverend archbishop to forbid licentiate don juan de sierra, your auditor, from having judicial cognizance in regard to the lands of the religious orders, and from molesting them about this matter so much as he was doing--without any necessity, as he was merely a lay judge. that prelate issued a first and a second inhibitory letter, and, as the said don juan did not conform to them, the regulars again applied to the reverend archbishop to defend them. the latter had already explained his intentions with the religious orders, in order that the religious who were parish priests might allow themselves to be visited; and therefore he stated that, before his issuing the third command regarding their application, the religious orders must first answer whether or not they would submit to the said visitation. they replied, in the most peaceable manner, sometimes verbally, sometimes in writing, that they were resolved to give up the mission curacies rather than serve them in that manner; and they actually offered their resignations of those offices. so much did the reverend archbishop resent this that the lands belonging to the religious orders, which thus far were privileged, on account of being ecclesiastical property, thereafter were not exempt. those which on account of their immunity had deserved two inhibitory letters now deserved a decree revoking the said letters, the property remaining lay and profane, and subject to the secular jurisdiction. the religious were in the said decree canonized as rebels, contumacious, disobedient to the church and to the reverend archbishop, and unworthy of his clemency. in this declaration the reverend archbishop excepted the lands of the nuns of santa clara, and those of the colleges of santo tomas and san jose--the former, because they belonged to a convent of the utmost poverty; and the latter on account of the benefit to the public which their teaching caused. from this it may be inferred, sire, that the immunity and exemption of property which the religious possess must be, in the apprehension of the reverend archbishop, a quality removable ad nutum of his will and pleasure, but not permanent, [as it should be] according to the direction of the apostolic see. it will follow that while this question is pending whether or not the religious will be parish priests by title, some of those very holdings possess sufficient spirituality of character for [the issue of] two inhibitory letters to the secular judge; and that when the religious refuse this mode of life that spiritual character becomes, by a sudden metamorphosis, profane secularity. it will follow that the crime of rebellion, disobedience to the church, and ill-desert of kindness is incurred by the religious orders for not assuming a state and profession of life to which god does not call them, simply because the reverend archbishop desires that it be chosen. it will follow that to renounce the curacies is not to recognize the jurisdiction of the reverend archbishop, and accordingly this is not to recognize that of the pope or the authority of your majesty, since he offers to resign his archbishopric. it will follow that, although your majesty had made the assignment of the territories which with pontifical jurisdiction the religious administer and have thus far administered, for them to offer before your vice-patron their resignation of the said curacies--solely for the purpose that he who there represents your royal person may be acquainted with the fact of their renunciation of the said assignment--is, in the thought of the reverend archbishop, to grant spiritual jurisdiction to the secular governor, and consequently for the said religious to become heretics in many and important points. and since the lands of the nuns of santa clara retain their immunity and are ranked as spiritual goods, on account of the extreme poverty of those servants of god, does the reverend archbishop regard that only as a physical lack of riches on their part, and no more? or as evangelical poverty which springs from the vow, institute, and profession of the life which they have chosen for christ, and which the apostolic see has approved? if the former, the religious frankly state that it is very alien to the ecclesiastical rules, by which the exemption and immunity ought to be measured. otherwise, innumerable poor people, of those who are commonly called beggars [35] through the streets, would secure, on account of being equally destitute of goods with the said nuns of santa clara, or perhaps even more so, ecclesiastical exemption from secular judges for their furniture and petty possessions. if the reverend archbishop answers, "the second," the religious also say, with entire confidence: "what authority is that of this prelate, that he should decide in an official utterance that there is evangelical poverty in the convent of santa clara, and not in the other mendicant religious orders? and that the lands of the said convent of santa clara enjoy exemption on account of their evangelical poverty and religious institute, while it may not be enjoyed for the same reason by the lands of the other religious orders, which are so distinguished, and are approved by the church?" lastly, it follows that the instruction in grammar, philosophy, and theology in the colleges of santo tomas and san jose renders their lands spiritual property, and exempts them from the secular judge. yet the preaching of the word of god, the instruction in christian doctrine, the administration of the sacraments of penance and communion, the consolation [of the faithful] with the mass, the visiting of the sick and dying, the ministrations in jails and hospitals, in order that no one may die without the sacraments: these and other spiritual works, which the holy religious orders of the city of manila habitually perform with all classes of people, are not sufficient [in the archbishop's opinion] to exempt their lands from being profane. if then, sire, the reverend archbishop has thus conducted himself, in matters so delicate and of the highest importance, simply because the regulars excused themselves from being parish priests subject to his visitation, what may not be feared hereafter? what privileges, exemptions, or decrees will be sufficient, so that he may not explain them as he pleases, and continually open new doors to dissensions? if with such ease he pronounces sentence on the regulars as rebellious, contumacious, and disobedient to the church, what difficulty will he find in treating them as such--sometimes alone, and sometimes resorting to the royal court for the sake of more forcible demonstrations of his displeasure? the fourth reason: your majesty, in dealing with the religious in your laws of the indias, has two especial statutes which not only show your desire for peace and your catholic piety, but most strictly command that efforts be made to secure union and concord among the religious orders, on account of the many and admirable results which ensue therefrom. this union and concord had been established by all the religious orders of filipinas, and its fruits applauded, long before the reverend archbishop arrived in manila; and by it those islands were made a paradise for what pertains to the religious orders. the reverend archbishop was the only one who was not pleased with this concord; and therefore he characterizes it in his letters as a conventicle, [36] and of evil tendency and inconsiderate. [37] he not only resented it, but displayed and made known his resentment; he tried to disparage it, through a third person; he had the idea, and repeated it many times, that there was a league against himself; and it is for this reason that he secretly obtained information against it, imposing the penalty of excommunication on the witnesses to maintain secrecy. so far can go the desire of commanding and judging the religious, and grief at not accomplishing it. in so lamentable a condition [are affairs there], when the religious desire not only to see themselves free from the charge of the mission villages, but, if it be possible, away from those islands, and far from a prelate who feels so annoyed at the union and brotherhood of the religious orders--a union dictated by the natural light of reason, prescribed in their general chapters, inculcated by the generals of the orders as being their supreme heads, ordained by your majesty, suggested by the vicars of christ, promulgated in the sacred writings, and bequeathed as in his last will by christ himself to his disciples; and they without it would not have reaped a harvest in the world, nor would he have retained them as his missionaries. the religious admit that the great horror of this prelate at their concord and union gives them much cause for serious reflection; and that when this concord is so persecuted on account of the mission curacies, there is no safer way to maintain it than to separate themselves from those curacies. the fifth and last reason: by letters of february in the year 699 it is learned that the reverend archbishop has been sending information not only against the said concord [of the orders], but against even the reverend bishop, the delegate of his holiness--and all with [the threat of] excommunication in order to maintain secrecy. if a bishop and delegate of the pope is not secure, how will a religious who is a parish priest be so? it seems as if the reverend archbishop now falls back from lands to persons, regarding those holdings as property merely profane, and the religious as persons without any privilege. at the outset he claimed that the regulars, as parish priests, must be subject to his investigations and visitation; and now, extending his claims further, he invents against them, as religious, a new visitation, made up from secret inquiries by dint of censures. how is it possible now not only to have but even to imagine peace in the filipinas? if the religious orders do not defend themselves, he endangers their reputation in the places where he will send the said information--and all the more if those reports go forth authorized by the secretary and notary who attest the official documents of the archbishop; for the notary, according to popular report, is a relative of his, or passes as such; and the secretary is his cousin-german. and it appears from the acts (on folio 3) that the notary-public, master joaquin ramirez, testified that on november 27 of 697 he had given a paper with a letter from the archbishop to fray jose del rosario, provincial of the augustinian recollects--not casually, but delivered into the said provincial's own hands--when the fact is, that this provincial had died four years before, as is well-known in manila, and as is evident from the registers of deaths in that province, and will also be here. such were his impetuosity and his mode of procedure, without instructing the notary, or the latter knowing, of whom he was talking, and confounding times and persons, and the living with the dead. and if by such testimonies a man is introduced in the documents as alive, when in reality he was dead, what wonder will it be if, for the greater disparagement of the regulars, the virtues are introduced as dead among them which are alive in them? but if the religious, invaded in so many ways, look after their defense, how will they be to blame in this? and if, in order to defend themselves, they so dispose matters that they can have recourse and appeal to the delegate, and if the latter ordain something and the reverend archbishop will not conform to it, and on both sides censures are launched forth--as occurred in the case of the lands--who will have been the mover of all this [trouble]? for the religious to abandon their reputation wholly is not safe; to defend themselves there occasions inconvenience; to let the matter take its course, notwithstanding this behavior of the reverend archbishop, is an intolerable yoke; and for the regulars to be curas subject to him all that is here alleged will not permit. these are the afflictions that are now being suffered in filipinas. the religious there are summoned to be mocked; those here, aware of what is going on, are reluctant [to take their places]. and since the whole matter takes its rise from the curacies and mission villages, and the foregoing decrees are rendered null, and our expectations from others in the future are dashed: for these reasons and the others here adduced, and insisting upon the said order from the provincials to renounce the mission curacies, the petitioners, prostrate at the royal feet of your majesty, ask in the name of the said five provinces that you will be pleased to consider them as free and exonerated from the charge which hitherto they have held in serving as parish priests the mission villages that they hold in filipinas; and for this purpose they renounce absolutely the allotment of territories which your majesty had committed to them, in order that others may from this time forth administer them, with secure peace and stable tranquillity, which they expect from your majesty's magnificence. [38] royal decree, may 20, 1700 the king. to my reverend father in christ, doctor don diego camacho y avila, archbishop of the metropolitan church of manila in the filipinas islands, and member of my council: in letters of january 19 and february 20, 1698, you report your arrival in those islands, and what you are doing to quell the hatred and enmities which exist among your subjects, reclaiming them to a new life by the measures which you are applying, and obtaining the peace and tranquillity which you were desiring. you also wrote that you had undertaken to continue work on the church building there, and had gone to visit the secular clergy, in which you had met no hindrance; and that in endeavoring to make the visitations in the mission churches served by regulars--according to the regulations of the council of trent, the apostolic letters, and the royal decrees--you were influencing the religious by gentle methods to accept such visitation, for this purpose drawing up a manifesto, but that these methods were not sufficient to induce them to do so voluntarily. for this reason, in fulfilment of the obligations of your office you had published an edict for carrying out this visitation, and had actually gone to put it into execution in the mission stations of regulars at tondo, binondoc, santa cruz, dilao, and parián, since you were denied diocesan jurisdiction over the ministers who serve in these places--while at the same time, in those of tondo and binondoc (which are served by religious of st. dominic and st. augustine) those ministers were abandoning their churches, consuming [39] the holy sacrament, and carrying away with them the holy oils and ornaments. consequently you found it necessary to place secular priests ad interim in those villages, from which it resulted that the religious orders went to offer their renunciation of those missions before my governor, without going to you; and in this condition of affairs it seemed best to the audiencia to furnish aid so that the religious orders should not abandon these missions, and that their renunciation of them should not be accepted. but this was not sufficient to prevent the religious from withdrawing from those missions, for which reason you found yourself compelled to retire to your own church, and to desist from these visitations, removing the temporary ministers whom you had appointed, and lifting the censures and penalties which you had imposed, without prejudice to your dignity and jurisdiction. and finally you recount the very harmful results which must follow from the form and method of administration which prevails in these mission stations, and the illegal acts which are committed by the ministers in charge of them, of which you send a summary, stating how impossible you find it to remedy this condition of affairs, on account of the reasons which you point out, and asking that the necessary measures be taken, and that you be assured of it, so that you can visit as you should that archbishopric, in fulfilment of your ministry as its pastor. this matter has been considered in my council of the indias, with the attested copies sent by you of the documents therein, with the representations made in your name and in those of the religious orders who reside in those islands and hold mission posts there. having fully informed myself on both sides, and given the subject special consideration, i have resolved to approve, and herewith do approve, all that you have accomplished in this affair, and especially your course in having ceased from further action therein until you could report it to me and await the measures which may be applied to the difficulty, assuring you of my full gratitude for your very judicious proceedings and the good management which you have showed in the conduct of this important affair. your procedure with the superiors of the religious orders is very suitable to your prudence, and quite in accordance with the opinion that i have of your zeal and great discretion; and the special service which you have rendered to me is strongly commended to my remembrance, that i may bear it in mind and favor and honor you on all occasions that shall arise. and in view of the grave considerations that are involved in this matter, and of your request that the regulations and provisions of the sacred canons, councils, and apostolic constitutions, and the laws of the indias be put into execution, in order that the diocesans may, as you say, visit the regulars who hold office as curas, in matters which pertain to the care of souls, i am undertaking with all the attention of my catholic and pious zeal to furnish the remedies that are most suitable and effectual for this object, and for preventing any disturbances which may arise in the future, leaving settled and established the right of prescription, both canonical and legal. and as concerns what is contained in the summary which you have drawn up of the illegal acts of the religious who serve the missions, except in the question of visitation you shall always have authority to receive information, and to demand from the superiors of the orders that they reform and correct the religious. and if when they are admonished the first and the second time they do not thus act, i command that you carry out the said reform with your jurisdiction as ordinary. for the better success of this, i decree, by despatches sent this day to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia there, that they assist you with their aid on all occasions when you shall demand it and shall need it. of this you are [herewith] notified, and you shall inform me of your action in this matter, and of any further occurrences. at aranjuez, may 20 in the year 1700. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don manuel de àperregui [six rubrics are added at the foot of this document, which appear to be those of the members of the council.] the augustinians in the philippines, 1670-94 [the remainder of diaz's conquistas--comprising the fourth hook of that work, as found in pp. 689-817--is here presented, partly in full translation, partly in synopsis. numerous extracts have already been made from this book, notably as regards the pardo controversy and some insurrections among the natives; these will of course be omitted here.] chapter i [diaz mentions the calamitous times experienced in the islands during the rule of most of the governors from corcuera to salcedo, which at last are succeeded, in the plan of providence, by peace and comfort.] the peacemaker [iris] whom divine providence seems to have selected for this general benefit was governor don manuel de león y sarabia; for his taking possession of his government was the shifting of the scenes in this melancholy theater, the calming of the tempests, and the succession of rest after fatigue, and peace after war. the former lines of commerce were renewed, and other and new ones opened up--such as that of the coast of malabar and santo tomé, called the coromandel coast; and those of suratte, macán and batavia. all these improvements were facilitated by the wholesome purposes and the kindly disposition of don manuel de león, and especially by his great disinterestedness; this last would, if it had not been accompanied by the rest, have failed of success, as did the lofty and incomparable [disinterestedness] of don diego fajardo, since it was obscured by his coldness and excessive severity--which, although accompanied by justice, was, being excessive, known as injustice. as soon as the new governor commenced his fortunate rule, he sent to macán general don juan enrique de losada, accompanied by father francisco mecinas, [40] of the society of jesus, in order to further the interests of that commerce, and to endeavor to open up the richer trade of cantón. this was accomplished by the said envoys with so much ability that in the following year the chinese began to come [to manila], with barks from macán and somas from cantón, with great wealth of silks, damasks, and other stuffs. trade was opened with ningpú, a port of the province of che-kian in the empire of china, where is cultivated the greater part of the silk which supplies the world, a commodity which greatly advanced the commerce of nueva españa. the governor maintained courteous intercourse with sipuán, the son of kuesing, and from this originated the frequent visits of so many champans from china and somas (which are larger champans) from cantón, which every year engage in the commerce with manila; for in some years are counted thirty barks, and nearly as many from other regions, which supply merchandise to manila, and contribute to the royal revenues great sums with their customs duties. [41] the flagship "buen socorro," which had made the voyage to nueva españa in charge of general diego de arévalo, had a fortunate arrival at the islands--although not at the port of cavite, but at that of palapag in the province of leyte, outside of the embocadero. it brought an auditor, licentiate don fernando escaño, a native of ecija; he was a great jurisconsult, as is evident from the learned books which he had printed in españa--de testamento imperfecto, and the history of the order of st. john of malta, which he wrote in the latin language, by order of his most serene highness don juan of austria, grand prior of castilla and león. he came with his wife, doña leonor de córdoba, a native of sevilla, and four [six] children: don fernando, who was a captain, and lived but a few years; don juan de escaño, an alférez who reached the age of fifty years, an unmarried man, very virtuous, and an example for laymen; don josé and don manuel, afterward religious of st. dominic; don alonso, who was an augustinian religious, and at his death a minister in pampanga; and a daughter, doña maría, who married the sargento-mayor don francisco de moya y torres, alguazil-mayor of the holy office of the inquisition. the auditor's wife was a professed member of our tertiary order; and all of them were people of great virtue. with appointment as bishop of nueva segovia came the dean of manila, master don josé millán de poblete, a priest of much virtue and discretion, and nephew of the archbishop doctor don miguel millán de poblete, of honored memory. the vigorous age at which this dignity came to him (for he was not yet fifty) did not enable him to enjoy it [long]; for he lived very few years in the government of that church, not long enough to reach his consecration--with general regret in these islands at having lost a grand prelate, heir to the many virtues of his uncle.... auditor don fernando de escaño began to fill his office with great rectitude and disinterestedness, for he was a learned man, and stood in fear of god, which is the true wisdom. but, influenced by his desires for good, yet lacking in judgment and experience, he proceeded to enter the labyrinth of trying to reform more than what is in need of reform--being counseled by persons who aimed only at gaining by calumny what they could not prove in law. from this he undertook to follow the opinions of auditor don salvador gómez de espinosa, of whom we have already written, and to subscribe to his manifestoes, as the parenético; and without further investigation than the depositions of persons who were prejudiced against the clergy and the religious orders, he made attacks on them in letters written to his majesty. afterward, he recognized that the evidence did not agree with what had been told him; and he came to repentance when the shot was already fired and much damage done thereby. these false notions, and others like them, as well as his considering the little or nothing that can be accomplished in these islands by the ministers of his majesty, who never goes beyond what the governors desire, wore him out in a few years; and he died as the excellent christian that he was, and so indifferent to worldly advantages that he had not money enough for his burial, and was buried in our convent at manila. all his family inherited his virtue, and were the only children of an auditor who came out so well, for all strove to grow in virtue to the standard of their honored father; they were therefore highly esteemed, and their lives came to a holy end. don juan de escaño, who attained the rank of general, was an example of virtue in manila, and died with the reputation of unbroken chastity [con opinion de virgen]; and his property, which was large and justly gained, he left, well invested as it was, for the building and maintenance of the beaterio of santa catalina de sena [i.e., st. catherine of sienna], of the tertiary order of st. dominic in manila, in which foundation he had much share and influence. about this time came to manila the prince of siao, [42] son of the king don ventura pinto de morales, to ask the governor for religious of the society of jesus to instruct the natives of his little kingdom, where there were many christians--although the majority of that people were infected with the errors of the cursed mahoma. these islands are in five and one-half degrees of latitude north, and one hundred and forty-nine degrees of longitude from the meridian of tenerife; the seas about them are difficult of navigation, on account of being in the midst of a large and widespread bank [placer] of shoals which lie on all sides. they share the reputation of maluco, not only for the warlike nature of their inhabitants, but for many spice-bearing trees, of clove and nutmeg; but in other means of support that country is very poor. this prince was received by the governor with much honor; he gave him the use of his own coach, and lodged him at the college of san josé, in charge of the religious of the society; and he took much pains to forward the business of the prince, since it was for so holy a purpose, the propagation of our holy faith. the prince returned to his own country, with the satisfactory result which he could desire; with him went four religious of the society of jesus--father juan de miedes, [43] a native of alcalá de henares; father jerónimo cebreros, a native of acapulco; and fathers esquibel [44] and español--all well fitted for so holy a ministry. the governor gave him twenty spaniards and some pampangos, to serve as an escort for the religious; and for their commander captain andrés serrano--a veteran soldier, who had just finished a term as alcalde-mayor of panay (a province in our spiritual charge)--as he was a very devout christian and well suited for that occupation, so much to the service of god. these religious remained a long time in the islands of siao, increasing that christian church; but the enemy of mankind, who resented their driving him out after he had so long possessed the souls of those unfortunate people, influenced the dutch heretics of nueva batavia, in the island of jacatra, to destroy them by a secular persecution. for, as they are lords of all the islands where grows the clove of the spice-trade, in maluco--amboyno, tidore, ternate, montiel, and many others--and this is the commerce which has returned most profits to their company they have always endeavored that this aromatic merchandise be not transported by any other hands than their own, in order to assure their gains. they knew that some spaniards had settled in the islands of siao, and that by them was carried away the clove product of that region, and that it might eventually diminish their own commerce. for that astute nation has so perseveringly maintained that the dutch alone shall be absolute masters of the cloves and cinnamon; and so skilfully do they manage these commodities that in any year when there is an abundant product of cloves they burn such quantity of it as they consider superfluous, according to the computation that they have made of that crop (which is sufficient for the supply of the whole world), in order that their price may not be lowered, and that the commodity may not fall in value by becoming common and abundant. so great is the wisdom of these children of the world, in which they greatly exceed the children of the light. they manned two ships with three hundred men-at-arms; and when our people in siao were least on their guard the dutch arrived, and landed their men, which the spaniards were unable to prevent, as they were so inferior in numbers. [45] the dutch committed no other hostility than to carry away as prisoners the religious of the society, and andrés serrano and his soldiers--together with their standard, which our men could neither hide nor destroy--all of whom they conveyed to batavia. but before they left the islands of siao they rooted out and cut down all the cinnamon trees that grew there, until no roots or other trace of them were left--all which they did quite at their leisure, without any one saying a word to them. andrés serrano died in batavia of grief, although the dutch treated him and his soldiers well, as also the fathers. the religious afterward came to manila, some in the time of this governor, and others during the term of his successor, don juan de vargas hurtado. all the triennial during which our provincial father fray dionisio suárez ruled was very propitious for this province--not only because he was a religious very observant, kind, and lovable, but because this province possessed so many members of virtue and learning that they restored it to its first luster. the ministries in the doctrinas were well served, by one or two religious, according to their needs. the erection of many new convents was begun, some having been ruined by the earthquakes, and others torn down by military orders, when we were threatened with the coming of kuesing pompoan; but there was so much to restore that it kept us busy for more than three succeeding trienniums. our provincial applied himself closely to the repairs on the magnificent convent at manila, which greatly needed them, on the plan which he had made in the preceding triennium, when he was prior of that house; [and he accomplished] so much that to the diligence and zeal of that devout religious may be attributed its preservation. while he was engaged in these occupations, the time came for him to finish the task of his government, so peaceful and prosperous, and for holding another chapter-session--to the great regret of all, for it seemed as if they divined that it would result less happily; but never did they expect that it would be so calamitous as it proved to be. for, just as the condition of the commonwealth had experienced its change from calamities and miseries to peace and happiness, so this our province changed from tranquillity to sudden fear. tempus pacis, tempus belli. [46] and the most remarkable thing is that, just as the governor don manuel de león was the main cause of the peace and prosperity of manila, so this same excellent gentleman was the prime cause of many troubles and disturbances, which occurred not only at the time of this chapter but throughout the triennium. i do not throw all the blame on him, because he was a great governor, very pious and of sincere intentions; but all disturbance has another cause, and the vulgar and common spanish adage is very true which says: "he who is burning the woods is he who comes out of them." [47] no sensible person will admire seeing among religious the activity of flesh and blood and the passion of ambition, which they cannot leave behind in the world when they take refuge in the asylum of the cloister. [48]... the fourth definitor, fray francisco de medina basco, who was associate and secretary of the provincial fray dionisio suárez, had displayed so much ability and good intention in administering his office--for he was an angel of peace, following the advice of our holy constitutions--that all desired that he should succeed to the office of him to whom he had been so capable an associate. this was desired by the provincial most of all; for, as he was of so peaceable a disposition, he wished to leave the province in the hands of one who could maintain it in the tranquillity which it was enjoying. but the malign father of discord was not pleased at seeing the great peace and concord which this province had enjoyed for so many years; he therefore strove with his arts to disturb and disunite it. the time for holding the chapter-session arrived apparently as peaceful as usual; and so the religious who were its members assembled, quite unconscious of what was to occur. the chapter was convened on april 23, 1671, in the convent of san pablo at manila; and its president was father fray bernardino márquez, by commission from our very reverend father the general of all the order of our father st. augustine, master fray pedro lafranconio, a native of ancona; and the other affairs which precede the election were transacted that afternoon with great peace and concord. but on saturday, the day for the election of provincial, governor don manuel de león sent to notify them that he would be present at the election, and sent over his official chair. this caused great uneasiness, for they recognized that this was an effort to prevent the election of the father definitor fray francisco de medina basco, on which thirty-one of the voting fathers were agreed. the father president of the chapter was one of the eight who were opposed to this election, and these were favored by the governor--which in these islands means, to have whatever one may desire. accordingly, the first thing that he did that afternoon was to make charges in virtue of which he deprived father fray francisco de medina basco of the right to vote or to be elected [voz activa y pasiva], and commanded him to leave the chapter-meeting--which he did with great humility and resignation, saying only those words of jonah, si propter me orta est haec tempestas, projicite me in mare, [49] and went to his convent of tongdo. on the following day the governor came to the convent, accompanied by the senior auditor, don francisco de coloma, sargento-mayor don juan de robles, and captain don pedro de tortesa, with their [military] company, as if it were to invest a fort of enemies. the religious were astonished at seeing such a military display, but with much decorum and gravity they proceeded with the transactions of the chapter; and at the first ballot father fray francisco de medina basco was elected by thirty-one votes, and the remaining eight fathers voted for father fray juan caballero [50]--a religious who had come to this province two years before, as i have already stated, and whose merits deserved such a mark of esteem. the governor would not allow them to sing the te deum laudamus, and the president declared that he would not confirm the election, on account of its being inhibited by the suit which father francisco had brought when licentiate don juan de rosales was counselor; and one heard only protests on both sides, although the voters recognized that they would be overpowered by the side which the governor supported. the latter went out from the hall, leaving the capitulars within under the guard of the soldiers, so that these should prevent the fathers from going out of the room until they should elect another provincial who should not be father fray francisco de medina basco; for father fray juan caballero was not canonically elected, for lack of one more than half of the ballots of the voters. all that day, until evening, they remained shut up in the chapter-hall, experiencing great harshness; for the guards would not allow even a pitcher of water to be given to them, a cruelty very unlike the kindly nature of don manuel de león. the provisor and vicar-general of the vacant see, doctor don francisco pizarro orellana, came out in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity, which had been violated by that compulsion; and it resulted in the religious being allowed to go to their cells, weak from hunger and thirst. but the governor ordered that two soldiers should be stationed at the door of each cell, so that the fathers could not leave their cells or communicate with one another. in these disturbances passed that saturday until sunset, the limit peremptorily allotted by our holy constitutions within which the chapter can proceed to the election of a prior provincial; and, when that time was spent, the authority for such election devolved upon our very reverend general [of the order]. but as this adjustment of the limit was made by violence, this prescription of the limit was, in a case so irregular as this, invalid. what i can assert, on the best information, is the great patience and humility which all the fathers of the chapter displayed in these tribulations, enduring great privations in this imprisonment, which lasted through saturday and sunday. finally, recognizing that their strength was very inferior to that which was opposing them, and that further effort was only to struggle against the current of a freshet, they, acting on the advice of the said provisor, again assembled in the chapter-room on the following monday, and made a new choice, that of father fray jerónimo de león--a native of mexico, a son of the convent of manila, quite advanced in years; he was an excellent minister in the province of tagalos, and formerly prior of the convent of bulacán, and was much beloved by all for his devout religious spirit and peaceable conduct. they appointed as definitors master fray josé de mendoza, father fray isidoro rodríguez, father fray luis de montufar, and father fray juan bautista bover; and for visitors father fray carlos bautista and father fray josé duque. [51] as for father fray francisco de medina basco, they appointed him prior of the convent at cebú and vicar-provincial of that island, which he accepted with much resignation and humility. the tempest in the chapter ceased, and the province again enjoyed its former tranquillity for some time. father fray francisco de medina basco lived but a short time in cebú, for while officiating there human weakness, resulting from melancholy and grief at what had occurred, prostrated him with a long illness; this time he knew how to improve to good purpose, seeking the welfare of his soul. his confessor, director, and teacher was the bishop of cebú, don fray juan lópez, a prelate of great wisdom and virtue, who took such personal interest in the spiritual welfare of this afflicted religious that he spent most of his time with him, until in his care the sick man gave up his soul to the lord, with great consolation to the holy bishop and to all who were present at his death. [the proceedings of] this chapter went to rome, to our very reverend father general; he confirmed father fray francisco de medina basco as provincial, and annulled the second election, that of father fray jerónimo de león, commanding the chapter to guard their prerogatives; otherwise, it would have been a legitimate election, on account of his having conducted himself as merely passive in his election, and it appeared that he had not taken part in the tumults of the chapter-session.... chapter ii [chapter ii opens with an account of the rebellion in otón, already told in vol. xxxix.] in september of 1671 was celebrated in manila the festival of the dedication of the cathedral, which the holy archbishop don miguel millán de poblete had not been able to attain; but this was done by his nephew the dean, don josé millán de poblete, the bishop-elect, of nueva segovia. a solemn feast of one week was solemnized, beginning with the day of the nativity of our lady, and there were other demonstrations of public rejoicing; for don manuel de leon's term of office produced many of these diversions, through the agency of his secretary, don josé sánchez de castellar--who had a very brilliant and versatile mind, and a flowery imagination; he had a great propensity for poetry, music, and studies in language, and was very liberal, so that he did not hesitate on account of the expenses which such festivities demand for their brilliant display. on one of the nights of this celebration occurred at the port of cavite the destruction by fire, without its being possible to prevent it, of the galleon "nuestra señora de la concepción," one of the largest and finest which had been built in these islands; it had served, with prosperous voyages, on the trade-route to nueva españa. in the year 1672 also the commonwealth of manila experienced a great calamity; the galleon "san telmo," which had sailed for nueva españa in charge of general antonio nieto, had to return to cavite--a misfortune which was keenly felt. but very soon afterward the galleon "san antonio" was launched, in order to make a voyage under the command of general don juan durán, nephew of the general pedro durán de monforte, who has been so often named [in these pages]. the general remained in nueva españa with his wife, doña maría jiménez, widow of doctor don diego de corbera, his majesty's fiscal, who died in lubán in the year 1668. about this time arrived a patache from macán, in which came a nobleman belonging to the order of christ, named don n. de tábora, who came as an envoy from that city on affairs belonging to the commerce of both cities. this knight was very hospitably received, and made a brilliant figure on all festal occasions (which were many), displaying his liberality and magnificence; and he added much to the credit of his nation, although it does not need the reputation of individuals. among so many gayeties and rejoicings the fear of wars was not lacking; for news had come that the son of kuesing, named kinsie or sipoan, intended, following his father's example, to fall upon the filipinas. but this was false, for he was of a very different opinion--harassed by the tartars and cornered in hermosa island; lacking followers and champans for so extensive an undertaking; and, besides, very inferior to his father kuesing in courage and military training. notwithstanding that all this was well known in manila, these reports came so plausibly fabricated that don manuel de león thought that he ought not to neglect or leave in uncertainty a matter which could occasion us irreparable injury; he therefore decided that it was less of an evil to seem credulous and over-cautious than to fail in his duties as commander through heedlessness and lack of foresight. he endeavored to take all precautions for such a contingency, warning the pampangan and cagayan peoples (who are the most warlike ones) to be ready in due time. he regulated the manila garrison, which needed much reformation; and appointed experienced leaders. he commanded the armed fleets of the pintados to be made ready; those of panay and ogton were taken by captain don jose de san miguel to be united with those of cebú and caraga, and all together formed a fleet of more than a hundred joangas--which, if occasion arose, would be under the command of don fernando de bobadilla. all this armada arrived at manila at a time when it was quite certainly known that kinsie was not undertaking any such attacks, and was quite destitute of forces to do so. and as i shall not have occasion to speak of him again, i consider it excusable to relate here the condition in which he found his affairs after the death of his father kuesing. [here follows a long account of this matter, which has no further relevance to our subject, and is therefore omitted.] in the ship which came in the year 1672 arrived doctor diego calderón y serrano, a native of granada--a student in the collegiate school [52] of master rodrigo at sevilla, and professor of canon law [53] at the university there--who came as auditor of the royal audiencia of manila; he entered that body to fill the office of fiscal, which is customary for the most recent auditor to do, when there is no proprietary fiscal. he was married to doña catalina ansaldo, a very honorable and virtuous woman, who died soon after her arrival. he was one of the excellent, and even of the best, official judges that manila has had--very conscientious, with much fear of god, and very disinterested, which is a great virtue in one who is a judge; and therefore he always remained poor, contenting himself with the income which he received from the royal treasury (which is three thousand pesos), and even from that he gave much in alms. he lived until the year 1688, and had a very pious death; he humbled himself to ask absolution from the censures which he, with his associates, had incurred in the banishment and exile of the archbishop don fray felipe pardo, who refused it to the others--as we shall see in the proper place, if by god's favor we reach the discussion of those times! chapter iii [most of chapter iii is devoted to the coming to manila of a french bishop, françois de palu, titular bishop of heliopolis and vicar-apostolic for china, accompanied by several other frenchmen, both priests and laymen; he is one of three envoys sent to promote the missions in siam, camboja, and other provinces, and in china, and to endeavor to reopen those of japan. they make their headquarters at ayudia, the siamese capital, but their efforts to convert the siamese fail, on account of the obstinacy with which they hold to their false religion and idol-worship--in which they surpass all other nations, whether heathen or mahometan, "for it is not known that any siamese has abandoned his idolatry and professed the law of christ." moreover, the frenchmen get into a controversy with the portuguese ecclesiastics of malacca, who claim all the above-named regions as being under their spiritual jurisdiction, since they are still classed as missions, not having a formal ecclesiastical hierarchy, as do the churches of manila, america, and goa. palu's coming to manila stirs up much commotion in official circles. it is reported that he had set out for china, and was driven back by unfavorable weather to this port; and the audiencia consider that it will not answer to allow him to go to that country, as, having been sent by authority of alexander vii and the propaganda, his entrance into china on such a mission would be an infringement of the royal patronage, since a large part of china is included in the demarcation of castilla laid out by alexander vi; and ecclesiastical appointments and jurisdiction therein belong to the jealously-guarded prerogatives of the spanish crown. the royal officials at manila therefore detain palu, lodging him at the jesuit college, where he is very hospitably entertained. when the acapulco galleon is ready to sail, these french ecclesiastics are all placed aboard it and sent to nueva españa, and thence to madrid. there palu is well received, and has "much communication with the conde de medellín, the president of the supreme council of indias, an able minister and a man of great virtue."] the bishop filled him with strange notions, basing his information on the little which he could have comprehended of the mode of government of these islands, and their religious conditions; for his retirement in the college of the society of jesus was for a short time, and his knowledge came not from ocular experience, but only from information by secular persons who visited him--who must have been only corrupt alcaldes-mayor who were trying to get rid of the gospel ministers, with whom those officials could not be on very good terms since the ministers had restrained them in their illegal and oppressive acts; this [conflict with the officials] is the greatest hardship that is experienced in the ministries. the president, desiring to do what was right, listened attentively to the information furnished by so reverend a person, not considering that the prejudice of a person from a nation so opposed to us, and who had not found at manila what he was expecting, rendered his account unreliable. from these reports ensued many royal decrees, which came [to manila] years afterward, with mandates which were very difficult to carry out; because, as all the peoples [here] are different, they need different laws and rules. from this also originated the ordination of indians as priests, of which there had been no previous example [here]--a wise precaution against the inconveniences which the portuguese had experienced in eastern india from ordaining canerines [54] under the pressure of necessity. this is a usage which even the dutch heretics abominate, saying that it is one of the three causes through which india has been ruined. and as in filipinas that necessity does not exist, because of the admirable arrangements which the catholic monarchs of españa have made for sending, at the cost of their royal exchequer, religious from their kingdoms as missionaries, there was no need of resorting to the extreme measure of ordaining the indians as priests--as the portuguese of india had done, and as now do the bishops sent out on the part of the congregation of propaganda fide in their missions of eastern india; and the latter do so because of their urgent necessity, since the said holy congregation has not the funds for the support of european priests. on the contrary, the few whom they have in china, tunquín, and other regions are supported by the alms which the citizens of manila send them--except the bishops and priests of siam, who have more means of support from fixed incomes in france. this is a subject on which there is much to be said on both sides; but this is not the place for it, nor do i feel under obligation to continue it. i suppose that many indians will be more worthy than are many europeans to attain so high a dignity; but since the former usually do not enter the priesthood through the gate of a vocation, and only strive to attain it for the sake of advantage to themselves and their relatives, the danger is evident that the result will seldom be satisfactory. they cite the example of the primitive church, which made bishops and ordained priests among the recently converted--like st. paul in ephesus and athens, and in other parts of greece, and the holy apostles for all the world; but there is a great difference [between that case and this], in the needs of those times and the nobility of those nations. these and many other changes resulted from the information given in madrid by the bishop don francisco palu, who went to roma, where also his information caused changes. i suppose that the intentions of this holy prelate were good; but he was lacking in experience. his representations also affected the governor manuel de león and the auditors; for, although the royal council of the indias approved the caution with which they had acted in this so delicate matter, at roma the result was very different. for his holiness clement x excommunicated them, and declared that they had incurred the censures of the bull in cæna domini, by a brief which, printed and authorized in roma and paris in the year 1675, was sent to manila from china and siam. [here follows a sketch of palu's further career, his death, and some matters relating to the chinese missions.] this year the galleon "san telmo," which was going to nueva españa, in command of general antonio nieto, was driven back to port, which caused great losses in the property of the citizens of manila. not less were the troubles which the archbishop of manila, don fray juan lópez, encountered from the time when he began to govern his church. he was a prelate of great virtue and learning, and of a pacific nature, disinclined to quarrels and discords; but as he was very firm in the defense of his jurisdiction and dignity, he greatly regretted that occasion should arise for disturbing the peace which he so loved. during his time, there were many occasions for recourse to the royal audiencia, and controversies over jurisdiction; but that which most exercised the patience of this great prelate was the audacious conduct of master don jerónimo de herrera y figueroa, who filled the post of chief chaplain of the royal chapel of the incarnation; this was founded by governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, for the cemetery of manila, for the burial of his soldiers, as we stated in its place. the said chief chaplain attempted to arrogate to himself the privileges and exemptions which the army chaplains enjoy when they are actually in the field; and thus he sought to be exempted from obedience to the archbishop and from his jurisdiction, although he was only the chaplain of a chapel in a presidio. he had on his side the favor of the governor, don manuel de león--which in filipinas is to have the lawsuit already gained and all one's efforts successful. made confident and daring by this, he opposed his prelate, not only refusing to obey him, but even being so insolent as to post the archbishop as excommunicate, to the scandal of all the heathen peoples who resort to manila; and these abominable disputes lasted a long time. a long manifesto was written and printed in favor of don jerónimo de herrera by licentiate don juan de rosales, an advocate in the royal audiencia, proceeding on the false assumption of the privileges and exemptions of the chaplains who go with the armies in their campaigns; and reply to him was made, with very superior arguments, by the cura of the spaniards in manila, bachelor don josé de carrión. but, although the archbishop had justice on his side, the opposite side had a hold on the governor, and thus they did not care much for the lack of equity. this controversy was so bitter that the judges would not decide it, on account of the strained relations between them; and so it was necessary to refer the case to españa, to the royal and supreme council of indias. they, as unprejudiced judges, rendered sentence in favor of the archbishop; but when this decision arrived he was already dead. then the chaplains of the said royal chapel learned that they were not exempt from the jurisdiction of the ordinary, as the army chaplains are exempt for other and reasonable causes. these and other troubles, together with those of old age, hastened the death of the archbishop, don fray juan lópez; this was as holy as his life, and occurred in april of the year 1674. he was buried in the convent of santo domingo, among his brethren. he was a native of martín muñoz de las posadas, and came to this province of santo rosario in the year 1647. he taught theology in the convent of santo tomás in manila, and went to españa and roma as procurator of the province, returning as consecrated bishop of cebú in the year 1666. in 1672 he began to govern the archbishopric of manila, with great reputation as a vigilant pastor, although that church enjoyed only two years of his prudent government. the regret for his loss was increased by the fact that a general vacancy in the office of consecrated bishop ensued in all the islands; this lasted until the year 1680, when the bishop of cebú, don fray diego de aguilar arrived here--great affliction being caused in all that long period, by the lack of any one to confer holy orders on men who might assist the ministers who gave instruction. many, both clerics and regulars, were obliged to journey to the kingdom of siam, where they were ordained by don luis de lanoy faces, bishop of metelopolis and vicar-apostolic of that kingdom; and others went to nueva españa to be ordained, for even the city of macán was without a bishop. don fray payo de ribera, [55] the archbishop and viceroy of mexico, was careful to send them the holy oils every year; he belonged to the order of our father st. augustine, and was a prelate worthy of eternal remembrance on account of his great virtues--on which he placed the seal by renouncing the bishopric of cuenca and retiring to the convent of our lady of el risco. he died there, with a great reputation for sanctity, being an example for prelates and for very austere religious. chapter iv the triennial of our father fray jerónimo de león passed with some disturbances, which did not fail to cause considerable disquiet in the minds of the religious, and disturb the peace of the order. the reason was, that after the first year of his term, he began to doubt whether he was lawfully elected, as it seemed to him that the real provincial was father fray francisco de medina basco; and indeed this was the case, as affirmed by our very reverend father general, fray nicolas de oliva, of sienna. father fray francisco de medina basco had met a holy death in zebú; and therefore our father fray dionisio suárez, as provincial of the preceding chapter, began to govern [the province] as rector-provincial. then fray jerónimo de león had recourse to the royal audiencia [56] on a plea of fuerza, alleging this spoliation. and inasmuch as such proceeding acts as a stay, since it is a principle in law that spoliatus debet ante omnia restitui, omni alio casu postposito, [57] they ordered that the government be restored to fray jerónimo, and that the question of title should be acted on later. but as judicial procedure is so slow, and of such bounds that they usually make a lawsuit eternal, our father fray dionisio suárez was not inclined to secure his right at the cost of so much vexation; and therefore the triennial was completed in great peace; for father fray jerónimo de león was a religious very affable and worthy of being loved, and he deserved that his election should not be hampered by so notable a defect. the time arrived for holding the session of the provincial chapter--the time in which the troubles which so many difficulties had caused to this province were to cease, and when not only the former peace and concord were to return, but great gains were to be secured in religious observance; for from the time of this chapter-meeting this province began to grow more strict, and to grow in all that conduces to its greater splendor, every chapter-session increasing in strictness of observance, to the greater glory of our regular institute. such are usually the benefits that arise from the judicious choice of a good superior, who undertakes to fulfil the obligations of his office. the chapter was convened in the convent of manila on april 14, 1674; its president was the father definitor fray luis de montuyar, on account of the deaths of the two senior definitors, master fray josé de mendoza and fray isidro rodríguez. by general agreement the election for provincial fell on our father fray josé duque, commissary of the holy office. he was a native of oropesa, and was fifty-six years old; a son of the convent of san felipe at madrid, and a very near relative of the glorious saint teresa de jesús; and an able minister in the province of pampanga, besides having much to do with its pacification in the disturbances in that province which we have already related. he came over to this province of filipinas in the year 1645, and always had the reputation of being a religious of very strict observance, with great ability as a ruler; and this province found him to be such during an experience of many years in his four terms of office therein--three as provincial, and one as rector-provincial--being always reverenced as the father of it. as definitors were elected fathers fray enrique de castro, fray josé gutiérrez, fray bernardino márquez, and fray bartolomé de la torre; and as visitors fathers fray antonio de villela and the reader fray josé rubio. ordinances and regulations very suitable for the good government of the province were enacted, not many in number but useful and judicious. at that period, this province was found very deficient in religious, on account of the many vacancies caused by death; on this account the ministries lacked the service which their extent and the arduous nature of some rendered necessary. accordingly, as soon as the chapter-session adjourned the first care to which the new provincial devoted himself was to choose a well-qualified religious who might go as procurator to the two courts of roma and madrid, where the discords of the troubled chapter of the year 1671 had made a strong impression. for this purpose a private chapter-session was assembled, and therein a very judicious choice was made for this position, that of father fray juan garcía--a native of las encartaciones, and a minister in the province of ilocos. the necessary despatches were given to him, and he embarked in the same year for nueva españa, in the galleon "san telmo;" it was commanded by general tomás de endaya, a most successful man in these islands, where he died as his majesty's master-of-camp for them, in the year 1745. this religious had a prosperous voyage, and arrived at nueva españa and roma; he successfully fulfilled his commission in all respects, and afterward returned to this province with a mission of religious, in the year 1679, so long was he detained in the negotiations at roma and madrid. through the peaceful rule of don manuel de león, in which term all was prosperous and fortunate, the filipinas islands began to take breath after the troubles of so many preceding years; and in a short time they were gathering new strength and vigor. don manuel de león was a man of very good intentions, and had the excellent virtue of being very disinterested--which is very important in these regions, where the vice opposite to that has temptations so ready to make one fall headlong into the abyss of greed, which causes so many wrecks, as the root of all evils. trading vessels came frequently from china, of which country the tartars had gained entire possession; the chinese, therefore, having laid aside their defensive arms, strove to accommodate themselves to the times, being anxious to repair the losses caused by war with the gains from trading--which is more adapted to their disposition than is war, mars giving place to mercury. the chinese trade is the mainstay of the maintenance of filipinas, by means of the silver which comes from nueva españa, which is the blood that gives life to this land; for from china come the stuffs necessary for clothing, from the shirt in their delicate fabrics to the needle and thread. thence comes the fine earthenware which is, with reason, so celebrated throughout the world as choice and inimitable, because the material and clay of which it is made are found in no other place. thence come drugs, and very rich coloring stuffs--especially vermilion, which is the best in the world. finally, one cannot imagine any exquisite article for the equipment of a house which does not come from china, both cheap and excellent--especially the wares that come from japón, with which country the chinese have free commerce, just as it is totally prohibited to us. in some of the years of that fortunate governor thirty champans would land at manila, and many from the province of cantón, where is the city of macán, a portuguese colony--which is so rich in silks that it has enough of that noble commodity to supply nearly all of the whole world; it is conveyed in ships belonging to the dutch, english, french, and portuguese, and that which is carried to manila and thence to nueva españa is the smallest part of it. the great city of cantón (or kuang-tung, as they call it) is far greater than the great cairo or babilonia of egypt, for those who are most moderate in estimating its population allow it four millions of inhabitants; but although it is so great it is not the largest city in the extensive empire of china, for that of nanking has eight millions, according to father martino martínez in his chinese atlas. [58] it is very commonly said in manila that the city of cantón has sixty thousand silk-looms, on which are made various fabrics of cloth and damask; and thus in one month enough is woven to lade many ships. by this some idea can be formed of the other industries of that city--or rather, that little world. commerce was also opened with the portuguese of macán, a trade which had been quite forgotten with the disturbances in china; and from that time it has continued, in varying degree, until this day. this trade, moreover, had been prohibited since the year 1640, on account of the wars with portugal; but through the negotiations carried on at the court of madrid by don fray álvaro de benavente, when he was procurator of this province--asserting that this was the best and safest means for the entrance into china for the missionaries who were going to filipinas--the trade with macán was opened and authorized, as was accordingly published in manila by a royal decree; and it was made known to the portuguese at macán by another from their king, don pedro ii. the pretext which was given for opening this commerce was the entrance of the missionaries into china, and its results have been various, according to what the portuguese have found expedient for their own interests, on account of the pretensions which they make to the [ecclesiastical] patronage of china--in accordance with the line of demarcation [between the dominions] of the two crowns, by the celebrated bull of alexander vi, a question which is not yet decided by a competent judge; and therefore our missionaries enter china when the portuguese choose to let them do so. but the latter come every year to manila with one or two shiploads of goods, which is the most profitable trade that they have, on account of its nearness and of their securing in barter the silver that is so esteemed by the chinese. but as the portuguese are so courtly and liberal a people, and inclined to boast of the obligations of nobility, some portuguese gentlemen usually return quite destitute of funds--as occurred this year to juan tabora, a cavalier of the order of christ. he spent the wealth which he brought here, which was much, in elegant gallantries and in bull-fights; for he arrived here at a time when these and other sports were very frequent in manila--not only on account of the prosperity and peace which were experienced during the entire term of office of don manuel de león, but through the jovial disposition of his favorite and secretary, don josé castellar, who was a very witty and courtly man, and very fond of such pastimes. in these he spent whatever he was able to acquire, and when he came to die he was so poor that he was buried, through charity, in a chapel of st. roque in the village of mambong, belonging to the doctrina of malolos in the province of bulacán, which is in our charge. not only was the commerce with china, cantón, and macán set free in the time of the fortunate governor don manuel de león, but another was begun--indeed, almost discovered--which was very large and profitable, which has greatly increased the wealth of the citizens of manila. this is the trade and traffic of the coast of coromandel or malabar [59] in eastern india. this is the coast which extends from the mouths of the river ganges, at the beginning of the large kingdom of bengal, as far as the cape of comorin; it is inhabited by malabars, a people very shrewd and intelligent, and fond of work, and so crafty that when it is worth their while they deceive [even] the chinese, who excel in the ability to cheat. the malabar and bengal people are unsurpassed in the art of spinning and weaving cotton cloth; for they weave pieces more delicate than the finest cambrics and dutch linens, and gauzes so fine that when they are spread upon a table, the thread can hardly be discerned, it is so thin and delicate. but that in which they most excel, and have been alone and inimitable, is in their very fine cotton cloth dyed exquisitely with the finest colors; and this has another quality most excellent and admirable, which is that the more it is washed, the finer and more lustrous the colors appear, and they never are washed out or become dull. without doubt these so rare colors are those which job mentions in the twenty-eighth chapter, when making comparisons with wisdom, he says: non conferetur tinctis indiæ coloribus. [60] on this coast of coromandel the english, dutch, french, and danes maintain their factories, and possess an extensive commerce in cotton cloth, which is consumed throughout europa--and much more in the regions of the north, because cotton is so good for protecting them [from the cold]. but the largest settlement, and the one most frequented for commerce, is that which the english have, named madrastapán, or fort st. george; [61] it is peopled with innumerable dwellers of all nationalities, not only those of india but europeans. this is greatly favored by the policy that is in use in this great town, very different from that which obtains in inglaterra, which is to permit the exercise not only of the apostolic roman catholic faith, but of all the heathen doctrines and ceremonies; and thus the catholics have their churches, and so do the schismatic armenians, with schismatic basilian monks. [62] the heretics have their meeting-houses, [63] according to their sects; the moors [i.e., mahometans] their mosques, and the heathen their pagodas; nor even is their synagogue denied to the jews; and all live peaceably, exercising the occupations of trade, as harmoniously as if they all had but one faith and religion. about two leguas distant is the city of santo tomé, a noted colony of the portuguese, which in former times enjoyed [the distinction of] being the emporium of all eastern india; and the cause of its destruction was its enormous wealth and the lack of harmony among the portuguese, a people who are naturally inclined to disagree. on a lofty height near the city there is an ancient church, in which is venerated an image of our lady, which is said to have been painted by st. luke and deposited in that place (called meliapor) by the apostle st. thomas, who preached to the malabars our holy faith and suffered martyrdom in this place--where is guarded a stone cross near which he was put to death; and the lance with which they pierced him, stained with his holy blood, is displayed, with other memorials of this glorious apostle. [diaz here mentions the great probability, fortified by citations from juan de barros, that the remains of the apostle repose there.] [64] this commerce with the coast of coromandel had remained quite neglected by the spaniards of filipinas--who never had maintained any other trade and commerce than that with china, japón, and macán--until this year of 1674. then a citizen of manila, a catalan, named juan ventura sarra, a courageous man, having first made with a fragata which he owned a voyage to the kingdom of siam, from which he gained some wealth, extended his navigation to this coast of malabar, where he left trade established; and in the following year don luis de matienzo went thither, with much silver, and gained enough profit to persuade the citizens of manila to engage in this traffic. the principal commodity which is brought from the coromandel coast is certain webs of cotton, many of them forty varas long, which they call "elephants," which are highly valued in nueva españa; accordingly, it is this merchandise which is chiefly shipped to those regions. the governor placed on the stocks the frame of the galleon "santa rosa," the work of that accredited master of this important and useful art, juan bautista nicolá; and it came from them one of the finest and largest galleons that had been built in the port of cavite and made very successful voyages, sometimes being driven back to port. the governor commanded juan canosa raguses, a very able builder of vessels with lateen sails, to build two galleys; these proved to be very suitable and swift, and rendered much service in driving away the camucones, very crafty and troublesome pirates, who almost every year infest the pintados islands, plundering and taking captive. this is a barbarous people, cruel, and cowardly; indeed, they could not be the one without being also the other. they inhabit a chain of small islands, which extends from paragua to borney; some of them are mahometans, and others heathen. but they [all] cause much damage to the bisayan islands, which they ravage without opposition--going so far as to carry away, in the year 1672, the alcalde-mayor don josé de san miguel, as we have related in another place. they have a great advantage in the exceeding swiftness of their vessels, which enables them to find their defense in flight. their confidence and boldness reached such a height that they even dared to infest the coasts of the island of manila. the provincial of that time (of whom this chapter treats), fray josé duque, while on his way to visit the islands of pintados, came very near being made a captive, with his companion fray alvaro de benavente; for they were attacked by a squadron of these pirates near the island of marinduque, where they would have been a prey to their cruelty if they had not been protected by divine kindness, through the valor of captain francisco ponce--a veteran soldier, who killed the captain and another of the pirates--and also the coming of a high wind, which gave wings to the champan to place itself in safety. at this time, in the year 1675, governor don manuel de león was in great danger of dying, on account of having placed himself under medical treatment, without being actually sick, solely for the sake of improving his health--a proof that it might have cost him his life. don manuel was a corpulent man, and had grown so fleshy that he was almost unable to move about without aid, at which he grieved much because he could not attend to many functions which belonged to the obligations of his office. in view of this hindrance and his desires, juan ventura sarra (whom i have already mentioned in the voyages to siam and the coast of coromandel) bound himself to cure don manuel and remove from him that great encumbrance [of flesh]--confident because he was a very expert surgeon, and the governor a man of great courage and reared in and accustomed to the perils of war. the governor accordingly accepted this treatment; and the skilful surgeon opened his abdomen in many places and removed from him many lumps of fat, and then sewed up and treated the wounds. in a few weeks the governor became well, and his flesh was much reduced, to the wonder of those who saw how the surgeon cut the flesh from his body, and the courage which the governor displayed--and what caused most dread [of the result] was his being an aged man, but little less than seventy years old. the king of león, don sancho i, was cured about the year 920 of a similar infirmity of excessive obesity, by the physicians of the moorish king of córdoba, abderramen; but their treatment was not so harsh and sanguinary. it is certain that juan ventura sarra was a great surgeon, and showed that he was such not only with this governor, but also in the year 1682 with his successor, master-of-camp don juan vargas hurtado. there was no hope for don juan's life, on account of a large abscess in the hip, which was not understood to be such by the physicians; but juan ventura knew what it was, and opened the abscess with a large lancet which he made from a dagger, more than a tercia [65] long, since the cavity was very deep. in this operation he showed his skill as much as don juan de vargas displayed his great bravery and endurance, which aroused admiration. although the cure of don manuel de león was so marvelous, he did not, since that inordinate obesity was now a disease and a corruption of nature, long enjoy the agility and lightness of body that the medical treatment had obtained for him; and so he gradually fell back into that unusual infirmity, and again found himself, as before, without the use of his limbs. he had many wounds in his body, which he had received in more than fifty years of military life in flandes, alemania, and galicia, where he had taken part in battles more celebrated than were known in those times [i.e., of which diaz was writing]. he had been so courageous in not fearing dangers that they called don manuel de león "ironhead." among these he had one deep wound, which must have been imperfectly or only apparently healed; and this in course of time, and with the pressure on it that would be caused by the increase of flesh, opened, a great flow of blood issuing from it. this occurred so inopportunely that he was present in the church of santo domingo, clothed in mourning garb, assisting in the funeral rites for doña maría cuéllar, wife of auditor don francisco de coloma. [66] his blood flowed very copiously, but those near him could not see it on account of the mourning garments, and because the chair and cushion were of black, until he began to swoon, and sank into the chair. they carried him in their arms to his coach, and thence he was conveyed to his palace, where all the care due to the cure of such a personage as he was furnished. the above-mentioned juan ventura sarra treated him, applying all means which the art of surgery imparts to those who are so skilful as was juan ventura, who within four months brought him to what seemed a state of convalescence. but as his age was so great, and could not give much aid to the medicine (which only assists nature), don manuel could never regain sound health. the physicians ordered him to go to one of the houses that stand by the river opposite manila, where he spent a long time--until, on the night of april 8, 1676, they found him dead in his bed, although he had retired without any indications of such danger. they found a power of attorney authorizing the father provincial of st. dominic, master fray diego de san román, to make a will in his name, and directions that he be interred in the royal chapel of the incarnation belonging to the soldiers of manila, where he lies in a little chapel which stands on the gospel side. he was one of the best governors who has ruled these filipinas islands, very disinterested, pious, affable, and clement; and his death was therefore regretted by all classes. the estate that he left was the only property belonging to a governor that was put to good use, [67] the religious who acted as administrator applying it to pious works which the governor had named to him--such as the holy bureau of la misericordia, so that for years many orphan girls were given in marriage by means of that part [of the governor's donation] which belonged to their dowries, until, with the successive wrecks of the two galleons "santo cristo de burgos" and "san josé," in the years 1693 and 1695, the principal of that great endowment was entirely consumed. he also left directions to found a well-endowed chaplaincy in his native place--paredes de nava, in the district of campos--and many other good works, worthy of his piety. on account of his death the senior auditor, don francisco de coloma, took charge of the government, in company with auditors don francisco de mansilla and don diego calderón y serrano for civil affairs--for already had come the decision, in the controversy between the two auditors, by the royal and supreme council of the indias in favor of don francisco de coloma, although his government lasted but a short time, on account of his death. during the time while they governed, however, they were very well agreed. the new governor despatched the ship "santa rosa" (which had just been completed) for nueva españa, in charge of general don francisco de teja, a navarrese gentleman; and it had a very prosperous voyage, as we shall see in due time. chapter v all the triennial during which our father fray josé duque ruled was a very prosperous time for this province, on account of the great improvement which was accomplished by his assiduity in reforming it, with both zeal and discretion; for he was as respected as beloved by all. the religious greatly regretted that the end of his term of office was approaching, and to see themselves deprived of so excellent a prelate, who had so built up the edifice of strict observance of our rules, and had much better regulated the administration of the mission villages and ministries in our charge--his excellent management making up for the great deficiency of laborers which existed, which made it necessary, in many respects, to burden each minister with the work of two. not his least care was that he had found the common property of not only the province but the convent of manila greatly diminished, and everything reduced to the utmost necessity of restoration; for this is usually the greatest hindrance and impediment to the superiors in promoting with energy the regular observance, which requires many means for its preservation. but all was supplied by the diligence of that discreet prelate, making easier the removal of the most serious hindrances. the time came for holding the provincial chapter, which assembled on may 8 in the year 1677, and, according to custom, in the convent of manila. it was presided over--by commission of our very reverend father general, master fray nicolás de oliva, of sienna--by the father reader fray miguel rubio; and the election for provincial fell, by the general consent of all the voting fathers, and with the approval of all who were outside of the order, on our father fray juan de jeréz, a religious excelling in virtue. he was a native of baños in extremadura, bishopric of plasencia--a place belonging to the duke de béjar and the marqués de montemayor--and was a son of the convent of valladolid and fifty years of age. he had been for many years master of novices in the convents of salamanca and burgos, which is a sufficient proof of his religious devotion and virtue. he left españa for these islands in the year 1669, and had been a minister in pampanga; and in this chapter he cast his first vote as visitor of the province. [68] as definitors were elected the fathers fray pedro de mesa, fray juan labao, fray francisco de albear, and fray pedro canales; and as visitors the fathers fray domingo de san miguel and fray juan guedeja. they enacted statutes very useful for the government of the province, and for the stricter observance of our religious estate, many of which were reproduced in various following chapters, having been found by experience to be well-chosen and advantageous. the acting governor despatched the galleon "san telmo" for nueva españa, in charge of general don tomás de endaya, a regidor of the city of manila; and it encountered so many storms before doubling the point of santiago that fears were entertained that it would not have time to make the voyage before the vendavals. but the bravery of the commander and of his pilot, leandro cuello, over-came great difficulties, and they succeeded in reaching their destination. the galleon "santa rosa," which had sailed for nueva españa the year before, had also experienced storms, from the time when it reached the embocadero of san bernardino. for this reason sargento-mayor alfonso fernández pacheco came to manila, bringing the despatches from his majesty and information of the ship's arrival on the thirtieth of august. this galleon brought the news that don carlos ii had begun, at the age of fifteen years, to rule the monarchy of españa in person, freed from the guardianship of the queen-mother, doña mariana of austria; and commands were issued that his royal name and seal be used in the despatches, and that royal fiestas proper to so important an event be celebrated--which took place afterward, in the month of december, as we shall soon relate. [at this time] came the despatches for the presentation made by his majesty for the archbishopric of manila, of the person of the very reverend father master fray felipe pardo, of the order of preachers; he accepted this dignity, and began to govern his church, the ecclesiastical cabildo yielding up the government to him. this appointment found him at the time engaged in the duties of commissary of the holy office of the inquisition; his place therein was taken by father fray juan de los angeles, a man who was worthy of such a name on account of his virtue and mild disposition. also came the presentation of the reverend father fray andrés gonzález for bishop of nueva cáceres or camarines; he also accepted, and was consecrated, and ruled that church creditably, as he was a devoted religious, and very charitable; and he left behind him, when he died, a great reputation for sanctity. on september 27, the acting governor, auditor don francisco coloma y maceda, died at the age of sixty years, from an intestinal hemorrhage; he was an official of much integrity and uprightness, and was buried in the convent of santo domingo with his wife, doña maría de cuellar. the government was assumed by auditor don francisco de mansilla, a native of ceniceros in rioja, who was no less upright than his predecessor. his term of office was short, because a proprietary governor came in the following year; but even in the short time while his rule lasted he showed that he deserved that it should continue during his life, on account of the very peaceable and equitable manner in which he exercised his office. the first thing which he did was to look for all those who had been opposed to him in the year 1668, when he was exiled to iloylo by don juan manuel bonifaz; and he honored all of them, more than some deserved, displaying a generous spirit, and that of a christian ruler, which aroused the admiration of those who saw his prudence and moderation. these islands were much grieved that he must so soon have a successor, for the people loved and reverenced him. he was of corpulent figure and venerable aspect; and his hair (which was scanty) and his mustache (which was large) were white as snow--all which conciliated respect. two years afterward, promotion came to him, the post of alcalde for criminal cases in [the audiencia of] méjico; but he died at the height of the voyage. [69] he had two sons: don felipe mansilla, a knight of the order of santiago, who lives in méjico; and father antonio mansilla, of the society of jesus, in these islands. the city and municipality of manila having determined to celebrate the festivities due to the great rejoicing which was caused in the spanish domains by the assumption of sovereignty over them by their king don carlos ii, decided that these should be actually held in december, from the fourth to the seventh day of that month. this was done with great pomp and brilliancy. in the morning three sermons were preached: one by the dean of the cathedral, master don miguel ortíz de covarrubias; another by father fray álvaro de benavente of the order of our father st. augustine (the secretary of our province, and often named in this history; he died in china, as bishop of ascalon and vicar apostolic of kiengsi); and the third by the reverend father jerónimo de ortega, of the society of jesus. for the afternoons there were various bull-fights and comedies. on the last day, december 7, after the bull-fights and comedies, there were demonstrations of rejoicing; and for a climax to the festivities there was, at six o'clock in the afternoon, a beautiful and splendid masquerade, with magnificent costumes, and parades of servants in costly liveries. the most distinguished citizens of manila went therein, two by two, representing the realms of the monarchy of españa, with shields and mottoes proper for each kingdom; those who came last were the two alcaldes-in-ordinary of manila, general francisco rayo doria and sargento-mayor don francisco de moya, representing the kingdoms of castilla and león. they rode in pairs on handsomely-caparisoned horses, to the destination which was prepared for this purpose with palisades, and with so much splendor from wax tapers that the night had no cause to envy the brighter day. with this brilliant and elegant masquerade these royal festivities came to an end, the city remaining in the quiet and silence proper to that hour, which was about seven at night. quite ignorant were all those who had celebrated and enjoyed this gay festival of the sad and melancholy catastrophe which was to follow on this so joyous scene; all were forgetful of the uncertainty of the pleasures of this world, which suddenly shifts its scenes, passing from gayety to mourning. hardly had the people time to shelter themselves in their houses--some fatigued with the exercises of the masquerade, and others sad that the royal festivities had come to an end--when at half-past seven in the evening the earth began to tremble with horrible vibrations, changing their recent gayety into fear, horror, and lamentable perplexity. this first earthquake lasted a long time, so that it was feared that the last and fatal day for the sad city of manila had arrived. the continuous and unequal vibrations of the ground; the frightful cracking of timbers; the [falling of] tiles from the roofs, and of stones which, loosened from the walls, came to the ground, raising great clouds of dust: all these made a most gloomy night, the image of death. some hastened to seek confessors, and not finding them soon, published aloud their own sins. this first motion of the earth ceased, which people affirm to have been more violent than that of august 20, 1658, but it did not last so long; if it had been equal in duration to that one, it would have caused a large amount of havoc in the city of manila. it was worth much to the city that the earthquake found it greatly improved over former times in regard to the height of its buildings; for now they were reduced to more humble stature, and without the projections which would cause its greatest destruction, as has been experienced in previous earthquakes. the use of the harigues or wooden pillars on which the heavy timber-work of the roofs leans and rests was recognized to be a sure protection and defense from such disasters; and therefore, although the earthquake demolished many buildings, breaking open the solid mass of masonry, they did not suffer entire ruin by being thrown down to the ground. some few were destroyed through being old and in bad condition; but only one or two persons perished, and they of little account in the world. the kind-hearted governor went out with many followers to visit the [military] posts of the city, and aid, if he could, those who were in need; and the same was done by the alcaldes-in-ordinary and the regidors, accompanied by many citizens. the religious orders were well occupied in the ministries of their profession--some preaching from tables placed in the streets, others hastening to hear the confessions of those who asked for this sacrament, that is, of all. while all these were occupied in exercises so holy and pious, the trembling of the earth was again repeated many times; but, through the divine kindness, these vibrations were much slighter, continually diminishing--so that it seemed as if the divine anger were gradually being appeased, just as men were continually showing themselves more penitent. all that night until daybreak the earthquake shocks continued; for there were so many of them that one man counted forty, although to me it seemed as if there were many more. many came out [from this calamity] crippled and lame; but all recognized that it was a miracle that the city had not been utterly destroyed with so repeated shocks. later, it was ascertained that some chasms and air-vents in the earth had opened, and which is surely the cause of these disturbances. one chasm opened in the bounds of the village of bauang, in the province of balayán; and another in the mountains of gapang, in pampanga. those who arrived here after navigating the seas of these islands recounted the horrible perils in which they had found themselves, tossed by great billows and almost submerged in the swell which was caused in the sea by the earthquake; the sea even rose until, in many places, it swept over the land, occasioning great damage. with this slight mention i will close the sad account of the melancholy termination of these royal festivities. the master-of-camp of these islands died, don agustín de cepeda y carracedo; he was a native of talavera de la reina, a relative of the glorious saint teresa de jesús, and more than eighty years of age. he was one of the most valiant soldiers who has belonged to these regions, and with that reputation he has been mentioned in this history in the greatest military exploits of his time, and in the government of zamboanga and ternate; and, what is his greatest glory, he was an excellent christian, devout and charitable, and died with strong indications that he had been very earnestly such. for acting master-of-camp the governor appointed general alonso lópez, a soldier of long standing, and also very aged; and therefore he did not long serve in that office. governor don francisco de mansilla despatched the galleon for nueva españa, appointing as its commander his son, don felipe de mansilla y prado, a young man of much courage and ability, who at the time was serving in the post of sargento-mayor of the manila army, which is the second, in the esteem of military men, after that of master-of-camp. as sargento-mayor of the galleon he appointed juan ventura sarra (the catalan so famous for his successful surgical operations), on account of his being a man of much valor, and experienced in military service in flandes and cataluña. this galleon made a very prosperous voyage, both going and returning, as we shall see in the following chapter. about the end of july in this year of 1678 came news that the galleon "san telmo" had sighted these islands; it was under the command of general don tomás de endaya, and had sailed for the port of acapulco in the preceding year. it brought the proprietary governor, master-of-camp don juan de vargas hurtado, a knight of the order of santiago; he was a native of toledo, and nephew of the venerable mother jerónima de la asunción, foundress of the convent of santa clara in manila--whose admirable life has been written by the father reader fray antonio de leytona, [70] of the observantine order of st. francis; and the investigations preliminary to her beatification have been begun. this knight had served many years in flandes, cataluña, and extremadura, always with great commendation for his valor, which was as great as his nobility. he came with his wife, doña isabel de ardila, a native of badajoz; and brought in his company her uncle, a captain of cuirassiers, don francisco guerrero y ardila--a man of lofty stature, who, like another saul, surpassed by the head and shoulders the tallest man in the manila garrison--who showed that he possessed great valor. the new governor brought with him a numerous and brilliant retinue, and those who afterward attained most note were: his secretary, miguel sánchez villanueva y tejada, a man of great virtue, who came with his wife and three children, and afterward, having lost his wife, was ordained as a priest, and lived a long time an example for ecclesiastics, as before he had been one for laymen; captains don juan gallardo, don pedro oriosolo, don jacinto lobán, don tomás martínez de trillanes, don diego vivien, don felipe ceballos, don josé armijo, don francisco fabra, don antonio de tabora, don juan castel, don juan de tricaldir, don manuel alvarado; and others, all of whom served long in these islands. as fiscal for his majesty came licentiate don diego de viga, a native of bejar; he was afterward an auditor for many years, and was a very upright and disinterested official. the governor also brought some reenforcements of troops. the appointment of commandant of the castle of santiago came to general fernando de bobadilla, who afterward was master-of-camp. on the day of our lady's nativity don juan de vargas entered manila, being received with great festivities; there were two ingenious triumphal arches, which were erected by the religious orders of our father st. augustine and the society, because both had their houses on the principal street through which the procession would pass. don juan began to govern with much prudence and desire to do well; he was very punctual in fulfilling his duties, and never failed in his daily attendance on the sessions of the audiencia (in which some governors had displayed much negligence); and therefore in his time the court business was despatched more promptly, for he found many suits unsettled and delayed. this is an insuperable difficulty in these islands, where the lawsuits are eternal and constitute a perpetual source of income for court reporters, secretaries, and commissioners [71]--who, with the slow steps of judicial procedure, are continually plundering the litigants, until, impoverished or exhausted, they give up the suit, which is incorporated into a great mass of documents, which they call "proceedings in lawsuits" [autos] in the archives of the court. don juan de vargas was more fit for a soldier than for a governor; and gradually he looked with distaste on the duties of so arduous a post, and turned his attention to the means for securing his own advantage. the uncle of his wife, don francisco guerrero de ardila, became so much the master of don juan that, by his craftiness and great ability, he came to be the arbiter of the government. accordingly, it was he who was governor, and he was the drayman who guided don juan de vargas, while the latter, like a wagon, was carrying the weight of the government. yet later don francisco guerrero left him alone, and went to nueva españa, at so important a juncture that he met in the embocadero the succeeding governor, don gabriel crucelaegui, and don juan de vargas in the residencia was laden with his own transgressions and those of others, as we shall see in due time. he had a great advantage for thus making himself arbiter of everything, in having more affability and more shrewdness than the governor, who was naturally harsh and unamiable and easily fretted. accordingly, every one set on foot his claims with more confidence by the hand of the uncle, who, as all knew, was the fly-wheel for the movements of the government; and thus in a short time he secured following and applause, [although] without the formal marks of respect which belong to the dignity of a ruler; and he came to direct the entire government, with authority and without opposition. the authority of don francisco guerrero was greatly increased because the governor had made him master-of-camp, because of the death of alonso lópez, who died within a short time [after his appointment], at an advanced age; this increased don francisco's authority, and strengthened his influence over the governor. the servants [of the governor] made more effort to secure their own advantage than that of their master, and therefore don juan de vargas found himself alone in everything that was not to the profit of the uncle and his familiars. he appointed as castellan and governor of cavite don juan gallardo; this is the most influential and profitable position that the governors of filipinas have at their disposal--although at the present time his majesty fills this office from madrid; and in this way it was held more than twenty-eight years by sargento-mayor don francisco de atienza y bañes, who died while holding the post of master-of-camp, in the year 1718. another servant, don francisco fabra, he appointed chief guard of the parián, an office which affords great opportunities and facilities for securing the best goods; and thus in this occupation he was, so to speak, the governor's agent, for which employ he had much ability. don juan de vargas, during his entire term of office, maintained trade and commerce with foreign nations, as those of the coromandel coast, bengal, and surrate--which is the greatest emporium of eastern india and of all the kingdoms subject to the emperor the great mogor [i.e., mogul], a monarch more powerful than the great turk, and without doubt more wealthy. from this emporium of surrate almost every year come one or two ships of great burden, like those that are called "ships of the line," laden with many and varied wares of eastern india. within the last few years these traders are mahometans, although before they were heathens; this is because they were obliged to accept the cursed doctrine of mahoma by the former great mogor, payxa ali ramasticán--who, trained up in his early years (when he was a fugitive from his family) by the house of meca, was the cause of the total perdition of so many souls; for it is easier to convert to our holy faith a thousand heathens than one mahometan. trade and commerce were also very freely carried on with the portuguese of macán, and through their agency in nueva batavia in the island of jacatra, the capital of the rich factories which the dutch possess throughout india--where of the former portuguese dominion only their language is left, since with that they trade and traffic; for they have been deprived of the fortified posts, which promised some advantage and profit, leaving to them only goa (for the interment of portuguese), and some posts to the north, such as chaud, dama, diu, and bassain. only one who has seen it, as i have, can describe the great extent of every kind of trade which manila enjoyed in the time of don juan de vargas de hurtado; and in that time, therefore, great fortunes were accumulated, and the city was adorned with magnificent edifices--the old ones being rebuilt, and new ones being erected, thus repairing the late havoc and destruction. chapter vi [this is occupied with an account of the attempt made by the augustinian fray juan de rivera to go to the forbidden mission-field of japan; it proved unsuccessful, and he was obliged to return to manila.] chapter vii on the day of the apostle james news came to manila [in 1679] of the safe arrival of the galleon "san telmo" at these islands, and of its being outside of the embocadero; this news was brought, with the royal mails, by sargento-mayor juan ventura sarra. in this galleon came two large and well-selected mission bands of religious; one was composed of thirty-one from our order, conducted by father fray juan de garcía, who had been sent for this purpose in the year 1674. the other mission was composed of religious belonging to the society of jesus, who were brought by father francisco salgado, [72] a religious of great learning and virtue. this mission [of ours] arrived at the most opportune time that could be imagined, for our province found itself in extreme necessity, on account of the scarcity of religious; for in ten years it had not received even the smallest reenforcement with which to replace them in the extensive and numerous ministries in its charge. so great was this lack that our province was already taking measures to give up some of those ministries; but all the religious orders and the secular clergy were suffering from the same need as was our province, on account of not having a consecrated bishop who might confer the holy orders. the ship "san telmo" could not enter the embocadero of san bernardino, for it was hindered by the vendavals; and therefore it made port, after many hardships, in palapag, in the province of leyte--a very safe harbor, but outside of the embocadero, and more than a hundred and twenty leguas distant from manila. the religious of the mission came hither through the provinces of camarines and laguna de bay; the roads were bad, for it was the rainy season, but the hardships of their journey were alleviated by the charitable hospitality which was given to them by the religious of st. francis--who, heirs of that saint's seraphic love, vied with each other, on such occasions, in showing themselves true sons of so holy a father. they arrived at manila, where they were received by the community as sons beloved by their affectionate mother, who was so eagerly expecting them; and on september 18--the day of the father of the poor, st. thomas of villanova--a private meeting of the definitors was held, and they were received by this province as her sons. in this private session father fray juan garcía declared under oath, in verbo sacerdotis, that, having kissed the feet of our most holy father innocent xi on september 20, 1677, among other favors which his holiness had granted him the latter had told him that by his apostolic authority he made good all the defects which might have occurred in the elections of this province, from its foundation until the said day. his holiness granted him several jubilees for certain convents, and eleven thousand ordinary indulgences, in the new form which his holiness has promulgated; and gave him two notable relics, a bone of st. venturino the martyr [73]--the first for the hospice at méjico, and the other for the convent of san pablo at manila. father fray juan garcía also obtained from his holiness, on petition by this province, a bull in which he granted that all the procurators who may go to rome and bring hither missions of religious shall enjoy the same exemptions which those possess who have been provincials (who are called absolutos); this was accepted [by the council of indias], and father fray juan garcía was the first who enjoyed this privilege, all his life. but he, as the devout religious that he was, would not allow the religious to address him as "our father," as is the custom with the provincials, both active and retired; and, retiring to the province of ilocos, where he was minister, he devoted himself to leading an exemplary life, abandoning himself entirely to meditation, mortification, and prayer until his death, and leaving behind a noble example as a sincere religious. [the rest of this chapter is occupied with the coming (in the "san telmo") to manila of fernando de valenzuela, the disgraced favorite of the queen-mother, and a sketch of his career in spain. the last paragraph reads thus:] don juan de vargas, learning of his arrival, and that he was already coming by land through the province of camarines, sent to escort him general don francisco enriquez de losada and captain alfonso de castillo; they conveyed him to the port of cavite and the fortress of san felipe. in that place a house was built for him, of timber, according to his taste and plan, with all possible conveniences; and there he lived--at the beginning, with much strictness, watched by sentinels, and receiving few visits; but afterward with more freedom, and visited by everyone, but always in the presence of captain juan de herrera, the warden's deputy. in this seclusion don fernando made use of his great mental ability, employing for his recreation the many talents which he possessed, especially in music and poetry; for in both these arts he had no equal in españa. with the news which came by way of the coast of the death of don juan of austria, the severities which, while he lived, had been employed toward don ferdinand were mitigated; and the prisoner enjoyed so much diversion and company that in these regions he could not have had more. every month he was allowed a thousand pesos from the royal treasury, which was sufficient for his support and comforts, and for the expenses of the amusements which his cleverness and ingenuity devised for his recreation. i have taken more time than i should in this narration (which might pass for a mere ornament of my proper task), because this gentleman was much devoted to us--although he had received from us and from the society of jesus (to whom he acknowledged his obligations) much assistance in his seclusion and in certain difficulties which he had experienced. the rest of his fortunes i will relate in the proper place, when we reach the termination of the ten years of his retirement, his return to nueva españa, and finally his death. the author of the additions to father juan de mariana's historie general de españa, [74] at the end of the second volume, speaks very sharply and indignantly of this gentleman, and as he might speak of a wicked highwayman or of a cruel nero. he certainly was wrong, for don fernando de valenzuela was very zealous in the service of his king, and his power and influence in the government were very beneficial to the monarchy, as after his fall was recognized by all, even his greatest enemies. but flattery [75] must have mended the pen for him, so that in this matter he might show himself very prejudiced. let the name of that writer be his apology, for it was don so-and-so. [fulano] malo. the posthumous fame of don fernando de valenzuela, however, will not be obscured by his errors. chapter viii the government of don juan de vargas hurtado proceeded with prosperous results, on account of the favorable seasons and the great abundance of the crops which were experienced in the years 1679 and 1680; and through the success and extent of the commerce which was maintained with china and the coromandel coast, surrate, and other ports of oriental india and the kingdoms of the great mogor--which formerly were more than fifteen in number, and furnished much income to the royal treasury with the customs duties [derecho de a nojarifazgo]. not only from the coromandel coast--on which the manila trade had founded populous settlements, as portonovo and cololu--but from the city of goa came ships almost every year, commerce little known [to manila] before, and very remote. the governor devoted much attention to the sessions of the audiencia and the obligations of his office, and thus the legal business which devolved upon that court was expedited, through the uprightness and integrity of the auditors, don francisco mansilla, don diego calderón, and don diego de viga; the last named filled the office of fiscal acceptably to all. about this time there came to the general a solemn embassy from the principal ruler of borney, whom those people revere as an emperor. this is the largest island of all asia, and, according to the best cosmographers, has as great an area as all españa and the kingdom of portugal. it is thinly populated, as its surface is very mountainous; and therefore it is only on the shores of the sea and a few leguas inland that there are settlements of civilized people, if that name can be given to those barbarous nations. borney has much wax, and in its seas are pearl-fisheries; it abounds in amber, camphor, and gold; and in its mountains are found large elephants, although smaller than those of siám. its inhabitants are partly mahometans, partly heathens; but in color and disposition they resemble the natives of filipinas, who say that they had their origin in these islands of borney [and] the coast of malayo. the ambassador was received with more ostentation than his person seemed to merit. although he was corpulent and robust, he and all his retinue (which was not a small one) came barefooted and half-naked; he wore a broad bahaque, which tired him more than it covered him, and some wore a loose jacket, short and without a shirt (which is not known among these peoples); but all were well armed with lances and crises--which are swords as short as daggers, with which they are well able to defend themselves or attack, for usually they have these weapons dipped in poison. he made his entry [into the city] with great pomp, in the coach and with the halberdiers of the governor, and accompanied by the sargento-mayor of the garrison, don josé de robles; and the governor received him under a canopy, as being he who represented the royal person. the ambassador's credentials came in the malayan language, written in arabic characters; these were interpreted by the borneans themselves, and by a ternatan named pedro machado. the object of the embassy, they said, was to establish trade and commerce on both sides, and to adjust some disputes over the limits of the island of paragua and in regard to some hostile acts which had been committed in the lands of borney by alcalde-mayor don josé de somonte, in vengeance for the injuries which the camucones had inflicted in our islands. everything was settled to the satisfaction of both parties, and the ambassador returned well content and handsomely entertained, with a valuable present for his king in return for another (and very ordinary) one which he had brought. in the following year, the governor sent in turn an ambassador, general don juan de morales valenzuela, a man of gallant nature and tall stature, with a very goodly escort of spaniards. he was very hospitably received by the king of borney, in a large pavilion of bamboo and nipa, which was erected for this solemn function; and the king allowed himself to be seen by all his vassals, a favor which, they say, is very rare in that royalty. don juan de morales returned very successful, the king ceding to the spaniards dominion over all the island of paragua, and making satisfaction for the ravages by the camucones; and since then we have remained very good friends [with the borneans]. all the three years' term of our father provincial fray juan de jeréz was very peaceable, our order and the observance of our rules nourishing in this province, which continually increased in prosperity through the opportune measures which this judicious and devout prelate employed; for certainly he was one of the most observant superiors it had had, and it made great advancement in every way during the time of his government. at last the time for the chapter-session arrived, and when the voting fathers from the four provinces were assembling, with great peace and harmony, suddenly a storm arose, which they feared would occasion the destruction of peace within the order, and produce divisions and contentions very difficult to adjust; and from which might originate great losses to the religious and their ministries. the trouble was this: some of the religious who were born in nueva españa, and others born in these islands, where they had assumed the habit of our order, attempted to renew the old controversy over the alternate elections [76]--which arose in the year 1637, as we have related in book ii, chapter 26--incited to this by having found a copy of the first bull of gregory xv, and the royal decree for its passage by the supreme council of the indias, attested by don diego núñez crespo, at that time court secretary of the royal audiencia. with this slight foundation, without heeding that the matter had already been decided by apostolic authority--by the legate of his holiness, that is, the archbishop of manila who was then in office--according to the bull of his holiness urban viii, issued "at castel gandolfo, diocese of albano, may 18, 1634" (of which they probably were not aware), [they made this claim]. they had on their side many citizens of manila, and employed as their leader doctor don josé cervantes altamirano, a cleric in minor orders--who afterward was married, and at his death was alcalde-mayor of the parián of the sangleys, and chief clerk of the cabildo and municipality of manila; he had a very keen mind, and with that he would, if he had been master and disciple of himself, have made a great jurisconsult. they appointed as judge-executor master jerónimo fernández caravallo, cura of the village of quiapo, a priest of little ability and easily influenced. this man accepted the commission with much pleasure, believing that it would bring him honor and profit; and he therefore set up his tribunal, and appointed as his secretary bachelor martín díaz, cura of the natives and morenos in manila. at once he sent this man to notify the provincial, fray juan de jeréz, of the said bull of gregory xv; but the provincial would not accept the notification, not recognizing master caravallo as a judge until he should establish his right as such before a competent tribunal, and because this proceeding found him unprepared, and with little knowledge of this controversy, because neither official documents nor information about it were found in the archives of the province. investigations were made, and the original documents were found in the archiepiscopal tribunal; and an authentic transcript of these was found in a writing-desk which stood in the cell of the provincials, of which the key could not be found, and it served only as an ornament. in the said desk was also found the above-mentioned bull of urban viii, with which and the acts issued in the year 1657 the procurator-general (who was the writer of this history) presented himself before his lordship don fray felipe pardo of the order of preachers, the archbishop-elect and ruler of this archbishopric, as being the legate appointed by his holiness urban viii to render decision and sentence in this question. he looked at the bull and declared himself judge, and as such examined the documents, with the assistance of his counselor the father presentado fray raimundo verart of the same order, a doctor in both branches of law from the university of lérida. they found that this controversy was already authoritatively decided, [77] and with the lapse of forty-three years had become established as a matter of law; that there was not the least room for the claim made by the fathers of the indias; and that the province possessed the same right as before of making its choice [of officers] freely, without respect of persons. upon the litigant religious--who had taken refuge in, and by order of the royal audiencia were committed to, the college of the society of jesus and the convent of san francisco--was imposed perpetual silence; and with censures they were commanded to return to their convents, and to follow what obedience should direct to them. they did so, and there was no farther discussion of this matter; for in the following chapter-meeting attention was given to consoling them. those who made amends for all were the judge-executor, master jerónimo caravallo, and bachelor martín díaz, whom the archbishop punished with pecuniary fines for not having first appeared before him with their commission, and for having erected a tribunal without his permission. but intercession was made for them on the part of our province, and their fines were diminished. information of the affair was given to our very reverend father general, fray domingo valvasorio, of milan, who commanded that the religious who had been the movers of this innovation (which might so greatly have disturbed the peace of this province) be punished; and again imposed silence regarding the claim to alternation; but the whole matter was adjusted, for at the end the order, like a mother, must regard them as her sons. the time for the chapter-session arrived, which was may 11, 1680, at the convent in manila; its president, by commission from our father general already named, was our father fray josé duque; and father fray diego de jesús, prior of the convent of pasig, was elected provincial, to the satisfaction of all, by the unanimous vote of all the fathers in the chapter. he was a zealous religious, very observant, and enamored of poverty; and had great learning, prudence, and discretion. he was fifty-eight years of age, a native of pejar in extremadura, and a son of the convent at salamanca--where, and in that of san felipe at madrid, he had been for many years master of the novices. he came to this province in the year 1669, as has already been said, influenced [to come] at so great an age by scruples at having excused himself in the year 1660 from coming as commissary for the mission which reached this province in the year of 1663, by the appointment given to him by our very reverend father general master fray pablo luquino, who was then visiting the provinces of españa. the definitors appointed were fathers fray juan ponce, fray carlos bautista, fray pedro martínez, and fray álvaro de benavente. father fray josé camello and the father reader fray juan martínez were present as visitors from the previous triennium; and for the present one were appointed father fray juan guedeja and the father reader fray miguel rubio. as procurator for going to españa was appointed father fray manuel de la cruz, a native of toledo, and a son of the convent of badaya; and they elected him definitor of this province for the next general chapter to be held, and agreed upon [78] the choice of a discreet for the said general chapter. [79] this choice was so judicious that to it is due the conservation and advancement of this province, for he fulfilled so carefully the obligation of his commission that he conducted to nueva españa three mission bands--the largest and most distinguished that this province has gained, for in all they contained over fifty religious--the first in the year 1684, the second in 1699 and 1700, and the third in 1712. [80] he himself remained in mexico, where he died with the reputation of great virtue, at the age of seventy-four years, in 1712. it was decided in this chapter to ask our very reverend father general to extinguish the votes of the discreet of the convent at manila, and those of the priors of the convents of hagonoy and san pablo de los montes in the provinces of tagalos, mexico in pampanga, narvacán in ilocos, and dumarao in the province of panay--on account of the usual scarcity of religious, and the deficiency which might be caused, by their absence while at the chapter, in ilocos and bisayas, provinces which are so remote. the other arrangements and ordinances which were made in this chapter publish its great zeal for promoting the regular observance, and the nourishing condition of that observance in this province. governor don juan de vargas despatched for nueva españa the galleon "san antonio," under command of general don francisco enríquez de losada, then accountant of the royal exchequer; and in this galleon went the father procurator fray manuel losada, and in his company father fray miguel de negrea--a son of the convent of san felipe, and native of that city [i.e., madrid]; he was going back to his own province, and died on the voyage, in the high northern latitude. the voyage was a very distressing one, on account of the severe tempests which suddenly came upon them; and many of those on board died, not only seamen but passengers. a better voyage was that of the galleon "santa rosa," which had sailed the preceding year by the same route from nueva españa, in charge of general antonio nieto; for on the morning of the day of st. john the baptist it entered the bay of manila, to the great joy of those who were watching it, and anchored at the port of cavite--a good fortune which seldom has been enjoyed in these islands since the banishment of don fray hernando guerrero, in the year 1635, as we have with sadness related. in this galleon came don fray diego de aguilar, of the order of preachers, a native of rioseco, as consecrated bishop of zebú; for several years he had been detained in nueva españa. he brought in his company father fray manuel de olivares, of the same order, who afterward was provincial of the province of méjico; his nephew, captain don juan de urías; and other spaniards. his arrival occasioned great rejoicing, on account of these islands having remained so many years destitute of a consecrated bishop, and many clerics and regulars were waiting to receive holy orders. in this galleon arrived three religious belonging to the mission of father fray juan garcía; they were choristers, and had been left in nueva españa, to be ordained as priests, and their names are as follows: father fray francisco castrillón, a native of madrid, and son of the convent of san felipe; he was twenty-four years old, and had spent nine in the order. he was a minister in tagalos until the year 1690, when he returned to méjico, where he died soon afterward. father fray dionisio navarro, a native of leganés, and a son of the same convent of san felipe; he was twenty-four years old, and had spent seven in the order. he was a good preacher, and well versed in the dialects of the province of tagalos. he went to españa and returned hither, and died in the convent of manila from a long and painful infirmity, on november 2, 1714. father fray antonio gutiérrez, a native of medina sidonia, and a son of the province of andalucía. for only a short time he was a minister in tagalos, because he soon fell ill with a contraction of the tendons [tullimiento], which lasted until his death; this occurred at manila, in the year 1693. the arrival of this bishop of zebú served as a great spiritual consolation for these islands; for he repeatedly performed pontifical functions, conferring holy orders on a great number of religious and clerics. he interceded with the governor, in order to reconcile with him those who had taken refuge in the churches through fear of some oppression from the absolute power of the governor--which can not be compared with any other power in the universe; and the worst is, that no means can be thought of for moderating and tempering it within the bounds of reason, because the distance of five thousand leguas which lies between the royal court of madrid and filipinas cannot be diminished. the swiftest post, therefore, requires three years, and most of them four; and if it happens that the galleon is obliged to put back to port, the mail is delayed to five or six years. at the end of so protracted a term as this, the most peremptory royal rescript is exposed to the danger of being withheld by the governor, according to his pleasure. the lord bishop with his intercession withdrew from asylum in the house of the society of jesus the secretary of don juan de vargas, captain miguel sánchez de villanueva y tejada, and restored him to favor with his master--although soon afterward the governor removed him from his service, making him alcalde-mayor of laguna de bay. about this time the convent of angat in the mountains of the province of bulacán was received, with the title of our mother st. monica, and father fray juan de morelos was appointed its prior. it was composed of the visitas of the convent of quingua--tabuquillo, abarungco, catalonan, guinapusan, and santa lucía--which, on account of being very distant from quingua, were administered with much difficulty; and therefore the ministry of angat was founded, more than three leguas distant from [the convent of] sandago at quingua. it has ordinarily two hundred and fifty tributes, with a church and convent of wood. the district is very healthful and pleasant, because the land is fertilized by a river of the best water that is known in these islands; it is the river celebrated by the name of quingua, the waters of which, compared with many others, have been found to weigh less. this mission is bounded on every side by very fertile meadows, on which abundant harvests of excellent tobacco are gathered; for this reason it is thickly settled with people who cultivate this plant, which is so esteemed throughout the world, and which now has made its way to the chief personages therein. this district has forests, although they are scattered, of heavy and valuable timber; for they are very dense, and so extensive that they join those of balete and san mateo, at a distance of more than eight leguas. in the district of this ministry the religious of st. john of god possess a fine ranch stocked with cattle and horses, which is the most that they have for the support of their convent and hospital at manila, where they aid the sick poor with their usual charity. the convent of angat has no vote in the chapter-meetings, and therefore is counted in the number of the vicariates of this province. although the citizens of manila are not easy to please, no matter how good their governors are, it appears that in the time of which we write they had much reason to be discontented with the government of don juan de vargas hurtado; for not only did he devote himself excessively to his own personal interests, to the detriment of the commonwealth, but he was of a harsh and unpleasant nature, and gave sharp answers. besides this he spoke in a treble voice, and people heard him with difficulty. he kept every one angered at his harsh behavior, and disgusted by his being engrossed with, the pursuit of gain. this was recognized in the lading of the galleons, which is the net of the merchants; and in this year [of 1680] the galleon "san antonio" was in danger of not making the voyage, on account of its being so overloaded by his henchman don juan gallardo, the castellan of cavite--not only with his own goods, but with those of his master the governor--that its commander, don tomás de endaya, was compelled to unload the vessel and return to lade it anew, accommodating the entire cargo to the vessel's capacity. on account of these and other well-known animosities against the governor and his retainers, the citizens this year determined to inform his majesty against him; and they did so, the auditors and the city uniting for this purpose and making charges against him. they sent letters, with great caution, in this galleon; and these papers caused his removal in the year 1684. about october of this year the governor sent to macán general antonio nieto, in order to settle some disputes relative to commerce; he accomplished this with much discretion, his excellent procedure reflecting credit on the castilian nation. he also, with great charity, relieved many cases of necessity, which in the said city are very numerous; but this was done without injuring one iota of the portuguese tenacity and pride, in which that people exceed all others in europa. chapter ix [this chapter describes a remarkable comet which was visible in the islands from the middle of november, 1680, to february 14, 1681; and relates at much length the condition of the chinese empire at that time, and the founding of augustinian missions therein. of this matter, we retain only the description of the comet and its course.] the frightful comet [was] so large that it extended, like a very wide belt, from one side of the horizon to the other, with but little difference [in its breadth], causing in the darkness of the night nearly as much light as the moon in her quadrature. the course of this comet was, like those of the planets, a rapid one from east to west, so that every day it disappeared and was hidden. the other movement was a retrograde one, so that it moved from west to east three or four degrees, and sometimes more than five, each day, at times less. this movement lasted from november 20 until february 14, 1681, in which time it passed through the signs of virgo, libra, scorpio, sagittarius, capricornus, aquarius, pisces, and aries--passing the equator from the south, from the handle of libra and ophiuchus [serpentario]. it crossed the ecliptic and southern solstice, and through the constellation antinous to the tail of the dolphin, to the tail of the little horse [i.e., equellus], and the breast of pegasus, and thence to the head of andromeda; and it passed over the equator at 310° from the point of aries. its magnitude was frightful, for its circumference and head [i.e., of the coma and nucleus] was two thousand one hundred and four leguas; and its magnitude was equal to that of mercury, which is nineteen times larger than the earth. its tail reached, on january 8, an extent of seventy-five degrees, which at its distance made 1,437,919 leguas. it was a celestial comet, and not elemental; [81] and according to its parallax it was in the celestial quarter distant from us 1,150 semidiameters or halves of the line which we regard as crossing the center [82]--which, according to the measurement of father josé zaragoza, a distinguished mathematician of the society of jesus, are 1,153,000 leguas, which was its apogee. its movement was 7,458 times as swift as the velocity of a cannon-ball weighing twelve libras, which, according to those who are curious, travels in each minute, or sixtieth part of an hour, two-thirds of a legua. this comet was visible throughout the world, giving rise to much discussion over its effects, which in truth were generally very evil. on the second of january it passed the parallel of our zenith. these observations were made by father eusebius kino, [83] a german, of the society of jesus--a mathematician of the university of ingolstad, a missionary in california--while he was in méjico; and he printed them, with a dedication to our lady of guadalupe. chapter x general antonio nieto returned from macán, leaving the affairs of the commerce with these islands regulated, as well as the entrance of missionaries into china by that door--although it never has been assured, because the portuguese allege that such entrance is opposed to the right of patronage of their king, with other absurdities which only excite a smile; for it is a fact that many of the more southern provinces of china fall within the demarcation of castilla, in proof of which not much mathematics is needed. moreover, the portuguese do not hold a palmo of conquered land on which they have erected churches, or founded bishoprics, with the right of patronage; for in that very city of macán the emperor of china possesses as much authority as in cantón, and they pay him customs, duties and other royal tributes. and within that same city, while general antonio nieto was there, an incident occurred which would cause shame [even] to a nation less catholic than the portuguese, whom no other people outdo in that respect. in that city the chinese make their idolatrous processions, and commit other abominations, as they do in every other part of their lands. it happened that in one of these processions, at that time, they carried an idol, a figure of a beautiful woman with a child in her arms, whom they call sanpuerstsa; this is the idol to which they pay most devotion, for they call her "mother of mercy." this confirms what is told by the traditions in china, which declare that our holy faith was preached in that country; and that when it was forgotten some images of saints remained which were made idols. captain nicolás pérez looked closely at the idols, and asked a chinaman in the procession what image that was; and the chinaman replied, "here, like st. mary at manila." nicolás pérez, hearing this, raised his hand, and gave the chinaman a heavy blow in the face. the procession was thrown into confusion, and the chinese and the whole city disturbed; the aggressor was seized; and it cost nicolás pérez and general nieto many pesos and much effort to leave the chinese satisfied, and the portuguese free from their fear that their city and all their royal patronage would be destroyed. when antonio nieto returned to manila, he was accompanied by three clerics, who came to be ordained as priests, as at that time they had no bishop in macán. one was antonio melo, the son of a rich portuguese of much repute in macán named basco barbosa; and the others were people of the country, that is, mestizos of portuguese and chinese blood. they were ordained by the bishop of zebú, don fray diego de aguilar; and soon afterward they returned to macán in a patache belonging to that city, accompanied by two priests of the society of jesus, mathematicians, who had come in the year 1679 with father francisco salgado, assigned by their general to the mission of china. this vessel sailed about october, which is the time of the monsoon that is unfavorable to this voyage; and no information whatever has been received about it, or how or where it was lost, although great efforts have been made for this by the citizens of macán. [here follows an account of a punitive expedition against the zambals, which we have already given; see vol. xxxviii, pp. 226-228.] the galleon "san antonio," which had sailed in the previous year in charge of general don francisco enrique de losada, reached acapulco, although it encountered heavy gales in the high latitudes, and returned prosperously to these islands. it had not the good-fortune to come in as far as the point of cavite (a piece of luck which seldom occurs), on account of the vendavals having set in steadily; and therefore it made port in solsogón. in this galleon came the following persons: the father master don fray ginés barrientos, of the order of preachers, and preacher to his majesty, consecrated as bishop of troya, to be assistant for the archbishopric of manila. he was a son of the convent of peña de francia, and native of a place in sayago called barroco pardo; he was a very learned scholastic, a great preacher, and a very observant religious. the father master don fray juan durán, of the order of mercy, and a native of lima; he came as consecrated bishop of sinopolis, and assistant to the bishop of zebú; he was very learned, and of very handsome figure and lofty stature. the entreaties of his majesty had obtained from his holiness these two auxiliary bishops, with two thousand pesos of income from his royal treasury, and with the right of future succession to assume the government of the vacant sees as they might occur. they brought the bulls and pallium for the archbishop don fray felipe pardo, who in virtue of these was consecrated on october 28; this was performed by the bishop of zebú, don fray diego de aguilar and the bishop of troya, with the assistance of the dean, master don miguel ortiz de covarrubias, who carried the mitre. presentation came as bishop of nueva segovia to doctor don francisco pizarro de orellana, the archdeacon of manila, and a native of that city; [the see was vacant] by the death of master don lucas de arqueros de robles, a native of vigan in ilocos; and a son of lorenzo arqueros, so renowned in the revolt of the zambals and in their destructive raid into ilocos. [the said archdeacon] was a priest of lofty virtue, the fame of which had secured for him this dignity--which he did not enjoy, as he lived but a short time, and died before the bulls for his consecration arrived. [others also] arrived: doctor don cristobal herrera grimaldos, a native of méjico--who was a professor in the university there, and dean of the faculty of law, and had been counselor of the archbishop of méjico, the viceroy of nueva españa, don fray payo de rivera, of the order of our father st. augustine--who came as auditor of this royal audiencia of manila. doctor don pedro sebastian de bolívar y mena, a native of méjico--a son of licentiate don juan de bolívar y cruz, a former auditor of manila [sic] and clementina [84] professor--also an auditor of this royal audiencia. also doctor don lorenzo esteban de la fuente alanis, a native of murcia--a professor in granada and sevilla, and competitor for positions in salamanca--as fiscal of the audiencia. all were able lawyers, and the fiscal not only surpassed the rest, but was very skilful in music; and he excelled all who had been here in the rare art of playing well the guitar [vihuela], [85] an instrument handled by many, but understood only by him. besides these came licentiate don miguel de lanama altamirano, an advocate of this royal audiencia; he was a married man, as also were the auditors, and they brought their wives with them. don miguel was a lawyer of much ability, and held important positions in his profession. an appointment came for don francisco montemayor y mansilla as alcalde for criminal cases in méjico; he sailed for that country in the second year, with his son, don felipe mansilla prado, and died on the voyage. his son is still living--a knight of the order of santiago--as also is father antonio mansilla, of the society of jesus. the bishop of troya was accompanied by father fray alonso garcía, a native of tamanes in sayago, a religious of the order of our father st. augustine, who had been left in mexico, belonging to the mission of the year 1679; he was a son of the convent at ciudad rodrigo, and was twenty-five years old; he was a minister in tagalos, and died in the convent at bulacán, in the year 1704. [with him was] also father fray josé de andrada, a portuguese, a native of lisboa, and a son of the congregation of eastern india. having spent several years in this province, and desiring to be adopted into it, but not being able to secure that privilege for lack of the consent and permission of his majesty and of our very reverend general, he went by land to roma and madrid--going to surrate, and thence to alepo and venecia--and obtained a warrant from our father general, and a decree from his majesty, ordaining that he be received into this province, but with a clause which stated that this should not be regarded as a precedent. this religious was an excellent minister in the province of ilocos, where he died at an advanced age in the year 1705. he deserves that record be made of him, since his adoption into this province cost him so many peregrinations and hardships; for to obtain it he made the entire circuit of the terraqueous globe. this galleon brought one of the best and most copious reënforcements of soldiers that had been received here; for they numbered more than three hundred europeans, and came from nueva españa, without the stigma of being convicts or men taken from the jails. [86] this accession was very timely for filling up the military forces in manila, which was accomplished by removing many colored men and replacing them by spaniards; for in this don juan de vargas took great pains, showing himself an able soldier. thus in the time of no governor since don sebastián hurtado de corcuera was the garrison of manila in so fine a condition as in that of don juan de vargas. the baton of master-of-camp was given to general don fernando de bobadilla (who was castellan of santiago), in place of don francisco de ardilla [sic], who held it ad interim. the scene began to change with the coming of so many bishops and of auditors and lawyers--an event which, it seems, tended rather to augment the forces so that the shock of battle might be more violent and fierce for both sides, the winds again returning for the fearful commotions which were to disturb the peace and tranquillity which the commonwealth of manila had enjoyed. for although the government of don juan de vargas did not prove to be what the citizens of manila desired, on account of his natural harshness and his excessive devotion to his own private interests, nevertheless, as he did not rob any one of anything, and was only a hindrance to the merchants gaining the profits of the trade more to their own satisfaction; and as, on the other hand, the islands were in a nourishing condition, the commerce with china and india was very firmly established, and wealth was not diminishing, there was [something] for all if their desires were not excessive, and for the governor more than all together. but, as covetousness is the root of all evils, ... from this resulted the greatest troubles and calamities. time had passed agreeably for the people with some festivities that were celebrated at the dedication of the church of santa potenciana, on may 19, which were very diverting and ingenious. there were poetical competitions, which were arranged for that celebration by the cleverness of don josé de castellar, who had been the secretary of governor don manuel de león--at whose posthumous expense had been rebuilt that church and royal seminary. in these exercises the geniuses that are in filipinas showed that in that remotest corner of the world is hidden much that could shine in the principal courts of europa; for the poems that were presented therein, both latin and castilian, might have been a credit to the leading universities. and certainly there was verified the saying and opinion of some critics who assert that filipinas is composed of quintessences, [87] for many of these are found there, not only of good but of evil; and therefore in the pulpits as well as in theology (both scholastic and moral) there never lack stars of the first magnitude; and in all the rest "a hair is cut in the air," [88] as the common saying goes. the first misfortune which was felt was the return to port of the galleon "santa rosa," in command of general tomás de endaya; it is these losses which are most deeply felt, since all are interested in the prosperous voyages of the galleons; and it is one of the greatest troubles of these islands, if not the worst, that all are dependent on two bits of wood, [89] and those entrusted to the fickleness of the sea--the one that goes [to acapulco], and the other that is expected. the sad news of its return came late in december, about christmas, and caused general sorrow. the year 1682 began with the melancholy feeling which was inspired by seeing that we were deprived for that year of having a galleon from nueva españa, which is the artery that communicates the blood and the life for the preservation of these isolated islands--that is, the silver which, like a lodestone, attracts the most remote nations to the commerce and trade; and by the lack of the silver [which comes] with the galleon commercial transactions are greatly retarded. now, it seems, the two camps had made ready their opposing forces for one of the most sanguinary battles which for many generations had been waged in these islands; and its consequences lasted many years, and its echo was a scandal to the universe. the auditors began the duties of their office with great care and attention, for they were all very erudite men, who had filled chairs in the universities of españa; but, as the true wisdom is the fear of god, when this is lacking all human knowledge is useless.... in the indias a great source of disputes is the desire which some ministers have for extending the royal privileges [regalias], expecting through this channel greater advancement--as if kings, and especially those who are so catholic and pious as are ours of españa, would be willing to do anything else than to render to god that which is god's, content with what is rendered to them, which is cæsar's. the great privileges of the royal patronage are not opposed to the integrity of the episcopal dignity and ecclesiastical hierarchy; rather, they are in accord with each other, and both use their powers to promote the greater prosperity of the faith.... and, since the greatest privileges of the patronage of the indias are pontifical concessions, how can they be used against the power of him who concedes them, who necessarily must be relatively greater?... therefore, there neither is nor can be wrong in such privileges, which are founded in justice and right, and there is no opposition between those which are pontifical and those which are royal, as there is not and cannot be any between the virtues. the fault is in those who interpret these privileges as they do the laws, for they say that they give their mind to them, as if they no longer had any mind, and were now mente captas. [90]... excellent and learned officials were all the auditors who at that time were members of the audiencia of manila; but, to judge by results, self-will greatly blinded their good understandings, and therefore occurred to them the lot of those whom our father st. augustine mentions (treatise 4 on [the gospel of] john): temporalia perdere timuerunt, et vitam æternam non cogitaverunt; ac sic utrumque amisserunt. [91] the infinite mercy of god probably did not permit that, although all met very painful and some very sudden deaths--except doctor don diego calderón y serrano, who died as a good christian, who did not choose to entrust the safety of his soul to opinions. but at the least we saw them lose temporal prosperity, when they were confidently expecting even more. [here follows (pp. 751-766) diaz's account of the pardo controversy, which we omit, since it has been sufficiently used for annotation of other documents relating to that subject, for which see vol. xxxix, pp. 149-275.] chapter xiii during all the three years' term of the provincial fray diego de jesús this province enjoyed great tranquillity, and made great progress in strict observance, and in care and watchfulness in the mission villages in our charge. all regarded the provincial as a mirror, and seeing him they corrected their own negligence, on account of the great virtues that shone in him. his poverty and disregard of earthly things was of heroic degree. of many of his surpassing virtues i can be a witness, for i had much to do with him during this triennium, on account of having duties near his person. it cost much urging to make him lay aside a habit, very old and worn, which he had used many years; and to induce him to change a hat which was so old that it appeared unsuitable and ludicrous. on many occasions he had no water even in his cell; and when he needed it, for visitors or for himself, he asked for it from others. [92] so close was his attendance in the choir that it seemed as if he had no other occupation. he never handled money during his term as provincial, to which i can testify, since i was his depositary and almoner (for he possessed the virtue of charity in a very high degree). he was frequent in prayer, and so severely did he mortify the flesh that after death there were found on him the marks of the cilices [93] of copper, even to the soles of his feet; a little before he died, these had been taken from him by father fray josé de orense, of the order of st. francis, a religious of great ardor, to whom fray diego had communicated his own. although i have not reached the time at which his holy death occurred, i am not willing to pass over in silence what happened on that occasion to this noble religious fray josé de orense. the death of our father fray diego de jesús was hastened by his infirmities, and by his age, which was seventy-four years. they rang the bell for giving him the holy sacraments, and at the same time father fray josé de orense came in at the convent door. they told him that his dear friend was in danger of death, and he replied with a serene face that he already knew this, and had come to the convent on that account; for the two had agreed that, whoever should die first, the other would assist him at death. the wonderful thing is, that the brethren had not informed fray josé of it, nor had there been time for that. he remained with our father fray diego until the latter expired in his arms. our father had completed his term as provincial, to the great regret of all, and then retired to a cell, which, during the thirteen years while he lived, he did not leave except for the choir-services; nor did he go outside [the convent] except with the body of religious. in no chapter-meeting which followed would he vote, although he was past provincial; and in order to carry this out better he endeavored to secure that his brother, fray buenaventura de béjar, should obtain the function of voting. if in the year 1686 he presided in the chapter-meeting, it was by commission of our very reverend father general, and because some persons had magnified it as a charge on his conscience that it was important for him to accept that post; and therefore he did so, although with evident reluctance. they desired to elect him provincial for six years before [his death], but they never were able to attain this. the chapter-session was held in the convent at manila on may 8, 1683; and it was presided over by father fray juan ponce, the first definitor for the past triennium, as we had not a special appointment for that duty from our very reverend father, the general of the whole order. the election for provincial fell on our father fray josé duque, for the second time, with the unanimous consent of all the voting fathers and the general satisfaction of the whole province--who knew from long experience his great talent for governing, and his great devoutness and prudence; on account of these qualifications he was afterward commissary of the holy office. as definitors were elected our father fray juan de jérez, the father reader fray juan bautista bover, and fathers fray alonso de escos and fray francisco de zamora. the visitors for the past triennium were present, the father reader fray miguel rubio and father fray juan guedeja; and the new visitors appointed for this triennium were fathers fray josé de la cruz and fray alonso de arnillas. the mandates and statutes of this chapter-session, although not many, were exceedingly useful for the proper government of the province. strong recommendations were made that they should send to the mission of china religious who might aid fathers fray álvaro de benavente and fray juan de rivera; and for this holy employ, after a few months, the father reader fray miguel rubio offered himself, and, renouncing the office of prior of the convent of cebú and the responsibility of vicar-provincial for that island, he embarked for china; and afterward he was followed by fathers fray josé gil and fray francisco patiño, who rendered excellent service for several years in those missions--although finally they withdrew on account of impaired health, and returned to these islands. when the father reader fray miguel rubio arrived at cantón, it was but a short time after the entrance into china, by way of hermosa island, of the bishop of heliopolis, don francisco palú, on a journey from roma; he resided in the city of moyang, from which place he sent to the regulars who were ministers notifications of the decrees of the holy congregation of the propaganda upon the subjection of the regulars to the apostolic vicars. this occasioned great disquiet, and hindered the preaching of the gospel; and from it originated bitter controversies, which began in that time, and are not ended up to the present; may it please god to bring them to an end in future days. nevertheless, at the visit to roma of father fray alvaro de benavente some relief was given by the decree which he obtained from the holy congregation of the propaganda, which suspended the subjection, and left only the visitation of the vicars-apostolic and some other and lesser duties of obedience, in other matters leaving the regulars subject to their own regular superiors--which is the same as to leave them subject to two masters. but this is impossible, by the saying of christ our lord, according to chap. xvii of st. luke: nemo potest duobus dominis servire [94]--which is what was attempted in filipinas by the archbishop don diego camacho y avila. [95] bishop palú, who styled himself vicar apostolic for the entire empire of china, sent to cantón a notification of the bull of his holiness clement x and the subjection of the regulars, to a french priest named filibert leblanc--who is still living, a very old man, and is vicar apostolic of a province. his coming occasioned much grief to the fathers of st. francis, and to father fray miguel rubio, who made such answer as at that time seemed expedient. the bishop of heliopolis lived but a short time in china, dying in the city of moyang. this year the governor despatched to nueva españa two galleons, with a considerable interval between, thus providing a remedy against the returns to port which had been experienced in preceding years; for it was very possible that, in case one ship were driven back, the other could make its voyage--which had been known to occur many times, since they could not keep together in that dangerous navigation, and might follow very different courses; and one will suffer from a storm, and the tempest not reach the region where the other vessel is sailing. accordingly, he sent the galleon "santa rosa" as flagship, in charge of general antonio nieto; and as almiranta the galleon "san telmo," under his follower admiral don francisco fabra, a very sagacious and active man. these two galleons made a prosperous voyage and reached the port of acapulco, where general antonio nieto remained as castellan of the castle there (until his majesty should give him a proprietary appointment), because he who held this office was dead, and the viceroy of nueva españa, marqués de laguna and conde de paredes de nava, [96] appointed ad interim general antonio nieto. [this resulted] to the great improvement of that fort, for he strengthened and repaired it, and provided it with military supplies, in which it was very deficient--most of this at his own cost, because he had a generous disposition. governor don juan de vargas also placed on the stocks, at the port of cavite, a galleon to which he gave the name "santo niño jesús de cebú," one of the largest ships ever built in these islands; its builder was juan sánchez, a man well skilled in the art of such construction, on account of having practiced it many years in yucatán. so much diligence was used in constructing the ship that it made a voyage to acapulco in the year 1684, as we shall relate in its place. in this year of 1683 there came to don juan de vargas an envoy extraordinary from the king of siám, and from his barcalón (or prime minister in all the kingdom), who was a greek and very catholic, named constantius falcón. the envoy was a religious of the order of our father st. augustine, a native of lisboa, named fray estebán sousa; [he was formerly] a lecturer on theology in the convent of évora, and had been rector at goa and visitor for macán, and was a religious of great learning and greater virtue. it seems that one of the things solicited by the barcalón constantius falcón was, to retire to manila with his family and all his wealth, which was great, on account of his being the royal favorite and having great influence with the king of siám--who, although a barbarian and very superstitious, as are all that people, had a very amiable disposition and much esteem for europeans. sargento-mayor don francisco de moya, with whom constantius was on very intimate terms, dissuaded him from this purpose; and certainly the arguments which he brought forward were reasonable, based on the extreme and incredible power of the governors of manila, which is very unfriendly to the possessor of much wealth, as has been confirmed by experience. i could set down here many instances of this which have occurred in my own time; but i omit this, as being a matter that is both delicate and offensive. it would have been very prudent on the part of constantius to have retired from siám; for within a few years the king died, and his successor was not so kind and well-intentioned. this king inflicted on constantius a most cruel death, and appropriated his enormous wealth, which, according to report, was counted by millions. it is true that constantius was very guilty, for he had formed an alliance with the french, and was planning to surrender to them the kingdom of siám; and for this purpose he had corresponded with the king of france, who sent many frenchmen for this enterprise--which ended very badly, and cost most of them their lives; and the missionary bishops suffered very great privations. the intention of constantius was a good one; it was, to establish the catholic faith in siám, for which he had built some churches. for the adornment of these, he sent [orders] through the said don francisco de moya for many chalices, monstrances, and vessels of silver covered with gold, to be wrought in nueva españa; on account of his death, these were sold in manila, and now they are in many churches of these islands. only his wife escaped--a japanese woman, a very good christian--and a son of his, who went to francia, where the most christian king conferred honors on him, and gave him an income and the title of count. father fray estebán de sousa, having concluded the business which he had to transact in manila, returned to siám; and the king of that country sent him as his ambassador to the king of portugal, accompanied by two siamese nobles [mandarines] who carried a rich present. with them he went to goa, where the viceroy of india sent him on his way to lisboa with the best ship that he had. but when they arrived at the cape of good hope the ship was dashed to pieces, at the place which is called "the false cape," and most of its people perished, including one of the siamese nobles. father fray estebán and another religious of ours--a portuguese named fray josé de gracia, who had spent several years in filipinas--with a very few others, saved their lives. they traveled by land more than forty leguas, through those desert shores of africa, where they encountered only lions of fearful size; they saved themselves from the lions at night by surrounding themselves with fires, on account of the antipathy which those fierce beasts have for fire. they ate some herbs of the field, and, weakened by hunger and fatigue, they fell dead along the way; more than forty portuguese perished, among them two religious of the society of jesus, for they were old men and unable to travel so far, or to suffer such privations. after many days, having endured incredible sufferings, they reached a city which the dutch have at the cape of good hope, called santa elena; they were received there with much kindness, and the dutch treated them very well, and relieved their many necessities. father fray estebán returned to goa, and by order of his provincial went back to siám, where in the bandel [97] of the portuguese he made a hermitage; and there, allowing his beard to grow, he devoted himself wholly to prayer and mortification, being an example for all the europeans in that kingdom. he had his grave always open, in which he often placed himself, and there meditated on the end of the glories of this world. in the year 1698 he returned to manila, in order to procure a bell for his hermitage and some other articles for its adornment, and to collect some alms. in the following year he went back to siám, to continue that mode of life, [which he did] until the year 1709, when they found him dead in his hermitage, on his knees; they buried him in the grave which he had always kept open. the spirit of this religious was approved in manila by men consummate in virtue--especially by fathers fray francisco de la concepción and fray josé orense, franciscans, who were very spiritual men, and well qualified to decide on souls truly mystical. he practiced great mortification in his food, for he never ate flesh or fish, but only fruits (and those without any additional relish), roasted sweet potatoes and bananas, and a little boiled rice. in a vessel from the coromandel coast came juan antúnez de portugal, a knight of the order of christ, and a son of the celebrated portuguese jurist domingo de antúnez de portugal (of the same order), who wrote the very learned book, de regalibus. he came with an appointment from his king as governor of the islands of timor and solor, and, having fallen dangerously ill at malaca, he feared, as a good catholic, to die among those calvinistic heretics; and therefore embarked in a coasting vessel which was coming to manila with merchandise. he was received by governor don juan de vargas with the hospitality which his person and noble rank merited, and medical treatment was provided for him with great care. as soon as he became well and was ready to continue his voyage to timor, the governor sent him, well provided, in a very good vessel belonging to some portuguese traders, and gave him some spaniards to accompany him. the islands of timor and solor are the last of which we have knowledge toward the south beyond the island of jacatra, where the dutch have founded the city of nueva batavia, the capital of all the colonies and factories that they possess in eastern india from the cape of good hope, which are numerous and rich. the islands of timor and solor abound with gold, and in them alone grows the sandalwood, a very fragrant and esteemed wood, and a great article of trade for china--although the transportation of it is very unbecoming for christians, because it is the incense and timiama which the chinese use most in the sacrifices to their idols; and therefore the portuguese have found by experience that wealth gained by this wretched traffic never is profitable. these islands are under the portuguese dominion and are relics of its ancient colonies, although they are but little subject to it on account of being more than twelve hundred leguas from goa. at that time the rule over them had been usurped by a dutch mestizo (although he feigned to be a catholic), named antonio de ornay, a very sagacious man and an able politician, who governed them more as a king than as a vassal (as he said he was) of the king of portugal--whom he recognized so far as it seemed good to him, and made contributions to his revenues with part of the great and almost incredible riches which it was said he possessed, especially in gold; but most of his wealth was hidden and buried in the ground. the king of portugal and the viceroy of india, knowing that they could do no more, allowed him to remain in that power, and sent him [the insignia of] the order of christ, and other titles of honor. it seems that the cabinet at lisboa were displeased at the limited power that the portuguese crown possessed in timor, and decided to send juan antúnez to replace antonio de ornay, but armed and escorted only by the royal warrant, which is more than enough for portuguese loyalty. juan antúnez arrived at the principal port of timor, and found it in hostile array and garrisoned by soldiers of all nations, sent by antonio de ornay, who already had information (by way of batavia) of his new successor; these soldiers had orders from him not to allow juan antúnez or any other person to land from the vessel, and not to accept from him any despatch or letter. the new governor spent many days there, waiting to see if he could at least write a letter to antonio de ornay; but seeing that he had no remedy except to return to manila, he did so, with much difficulty and lack of provisions. from manila he set out for india, where he was afterward governor of mozambique and other places in africa. antonio de ornay remained absolute master of timor and solor, until he died suddenly, of old age; and without the assistance of a priest, because the influence [aires] of the neighboring batavia had so weakened his scruples. at his death was present a citizen of macán, antonio de vasconcelos, of the same order of christ, who told us in these islands that all the wealth of antonio de ornay, a great quantity of gold, had been lost; for, as he had buried all his treasures and died suddenly, they remained for the court of pluto, the imaginary god of riches and also of hell. about the end of the year, auditor doctor don cristóbal herrera grimaldos died, aged more than seventy years. the cause of his death--which came rapidly, in an illness of a few weeks--was that a running sore that he had in his right arm became cancerous. it is said that it was this arm that he stretched out to seize the archbishop when he ordered [the soldiers] to carry out the prelate in the chair on which he was sitting; such is the story, but it is not confirmed.... what is certainly known is, that he made no effort to secure absolution from the excommunication. he publicly received the holy viaticum, which was administered to him by the dean, don miguel ortiz de covarrubias; and they buried him in the church of the society of jesus at manila. afterward the archbishop, having returned from his exile (as we shall soon relate), by sentence and demand from his attorney-general ordered that the auditor's body be disinterred; but this proved ineffectual, because it was alleged that the body had been buried in a general sepulchre, in which were the bones of others of the faithful, and those of the auditor could not be recognized. at this, the ecclesiastical officials desisted from their attempt; but there was no other declaration to the contrary. while the archbishop was enduring his exile in lingayén--or, to speak more correctly, his imprisonment, since he had not the liberty that exiled persons enjoy--in manila the tempest continued against the religious of st. dominic, who, as being his brethren in the order, had great share in his troubles. the usurping provisor, dean don miguel de covarrubias, and the cabildo, successful in maintaining the vacant see [sede vacante], arrested and harassed all those who, as it seemed to them, did not agree with their opinion. and as it seemed to them that all the force in this opposition came from the religious of st. dominic--especially from the provincial, fray antonio calderón; father fray cristóbal pedroche, commissary of the holy office and vicar-provincial; father fray bartolomé marrón, rector of the college of santo tomás; and the two lecturers in theology, father fray juan ibáñez and fray francisco de vargas--they demanded aid from the governor, don juan de vargas, to banish those religious. the governor issued a royal decree, signed only with his own name, directing the provincial to send the five religious above mentioned to the village of lalo, the capital of the bishopric of nueva segovia, distant a hundred leguas from manila, on the pretext that some of them were preaching, and others teaching, erroneous doctrines in the community. the said provincial replied to this that if the errors consisted in saying that the cabildo and their provisor had usurped the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and that the persons who had banished the archbishop and arrested the ecclesiastics deserved the censures [of the church], it was himself who had most influence [in forming that opinion in them], and who with most firmness maintained it; and that as his subordinates were not to blame in the matter, since they obeyed the commands laid on them, he could not fulfil the orders given by the royal decree. the said master-of-camp issued a second decree in the same form as the first, repeating its commands, and ordering that the provincial with the five religious be brought to this capital. to the end that this order might be executed, he gave commission to licentiate don diego antonio de viga, auditor of that audiencia--who, accompanied by several companies of arquebusiers and other soldiers under the command of the said governor, went to the convent of san domingo; and, leaving it surrounded with many of the soldiers, with others he entered it to make known the said royal decree. he actually notified the provincial and fray cristóbal pedroche, commissary of the holy office and vicar-provincial of manila; and the soldiers looked through the entire convent in search for the rector, fray bartolomé marron. not finding him, they went on to the college of santo tomás, and, after making the same efforts to find the said rector, but in vain, notified the two professors of the same decree. they made substantially the same reply as the provincial--all of them saying that they could not voluntarily leave their offices and province; but that they were ready to endure any violence for the sake of god and his cause. the news of this was sent to the said master-of-camp don juan de vargas, and he was told how in the convent and the college all the doors and offices had been opened to the soldiers, without resistance; he gave orders that the soldiers should remain round about the convent and college, and should not permit the entrance of any provision of food or water for the religious until the six should be surrendered, and should go alone to the places designated in the said royal decree. this blockade, with this rigor, lasted four days, and on the last day, which was the day next following corpus [christi], the same auditor went to the convent; and, having made various protestations and requisitions, ordered the usurping provisor (who was present) to remove those religious. after some questions and replies the provisor commanded the soldiers to carry in chairs, in their arms, to the place of embarkation of the provincial and his vicar-provincial; this was actually done, carrying them until they placed the religious in the vessel which had been made ready for this purpose. this having been accomplished at the convent, they went to the college of santo tomás, and the same thing was done to the two professors of theology; and, all being placed together in the same vessel, they were conveyed to the port of cavite. from that place the two professors were transported in another vessel to the island of mariveles; and the provincial and vicar-provincial were detained there until the time for the sailing of the ship for nueva españa, in which they were embarked. the said provincial reached the kingdom of españa, where he died a few months after his arrival. at the same time, by order of the said master-of-camp, doctor don diego calderón went to the convent of the parián (which is the village of the heathen chinese), with the same display of arms and soldiers, in quest of the said vicar-provincial, and searched the entire convent--where he could not be found, since he was, as has been stated, in the convent of manila, in company with the provincial. with the same commission captain don luis de morales camacho, alcalde-in-ordinary, went with armed soldiers to a ranch named biñán, distant eight leguas from manila, and belonging to the said college, to seize the rector, thinking that they would find him there; and general antonio vásquez went, with the same accompaniment of soldiers, to the convent of abucay, a ministry for the indians, distant eight leguas from manila by sea, to look for fray raimundo verart; but, as they could not find those two religious, they could not in their case put into execution the [sentence for their] removal from the islands. strenuous efforts were made in manila to look for the father rector, fray bartolomé marron, but they could not find him; for he was safely hidden in the house of a person who was strongly attached to the order; so they desisted from their search for him. chapter xiv the two galleons which had sailed for nueva españa in the preceding year arrived safely at filipinas [1684], although they did not make port at cavite, but at solsogon, within the embocadero. the flagship "santa rosa," which had gone out in charge of antonio nieto (who had remained as warden of the castle at capulco), brought back as its commander don juan de zalaeta, a native of vizcaya, and a knight of the order of santiago. he had spent many years in these islands, and had been a soldier in ternate; and, having returned to [nueva?] españa, had held several honorable offices--as, being alcalde-mayor of hicayán and puebla de los angeles, and warden of acapulco. in this galleon came the governor who was to succeed don juan de vargas; this was the admiral of galleons, don gabriel de curucelaegui y arriola, a knight of the order of santiago, and a member of the "twenty-four" of sevilla and of the supreme council of war. he had been commander of the windward fleet, [98] and had held other responsible positions on sea and land; and he was a vizcayan, a native of elgoibar. don juan de zalaeta carried the commission for taking the residencia of don juan de vargas, and other warrants; but the most important person among those whose residencias he must take was the master-of-camp don francisco guerrero de ardila, uncle of don juan de vargas's wife. it was this man who had enjoyed the profits of the office of government, and this year he was returning to españa as commander of the galleon "santo niño." that vessel met within the embocadero the galleon "santa rosa," and, learning that in the latter had come a successor to don juan de vargas, he hoisted the anchors without waiting for further information, whether opportune or not [con tiempo ó sin él], and sailed into the sea outside; and he was not ill-advised in this step, since in the residencia he would have been the chief personage. when don juan de zalaeta learned that the best of the hunt had escaped from him, he was much grieved that he could not catch him; although it would have grieved don francisco guerrero more if they had seized him. that gentleman knew how to enjoy the advantages of filipinas quite alone, and to go away laughing at the citizens and every one else; but don juan de vargas remained behind, in custody, to make amends for his own faults and those of others. in company with the above-mentioned governor came very distinguished officers, all vizcayans; there were don josé de escorta, don pedro uriósolo, don francisco alvarez, don bernardo de endaya (who carried the despatches from his majesty), don pedro de avendaño, don matías de mugórtegui, don francisco de león y leal, don juan bautista curucelaegui, don andrés de mirafuentes, don josé de herrera, don manuel gonzález, don lorenzo mesala, don francisco carsiga (who died a priest), don josé arriola, don martín martínez de tejada, and don lucas vais; all of them were generals and sargentos-mayor, whom we know as captains, and rendered much service and honor to these islands. in this galleon came don mateo lucas de urquiza; also captain lorenzo lázaro, a noted pilot; captain don francisco cortés, boatswain; and for ship's storekeeper juan de aramburu, a brave vizcayan who served in many important exploits. in the almiranta "san telmo," in which returned the admiral don francisco manuel de fabra, came a numerous and excellent mission of religious of our father st. augustine; it was sent by father fray manuel de la cruz, who left these islands in the year 1680; he himself had been left in our hospice of santo tomás de villanueva, outside the city of méjico. this galleon "san telmo" was in great danger of not being able to return hither, for, having set sail several days after the flagship, on leaving the port the rudder-irons broke, and the ship was almost unmanageable--a defect very difficult to repair in that place, on account of the scarcity of artisans at acapulco. if it had not been for the diligence and energy of the warden antonio nieto, who sent to a great distance to get workmen, and made the repairs at his own cost and with his personal attention, this loss would have been irremediable; but his zeal and good judgment enabled the ship to pursue its voyage with but a few days' loss of time, and to succeed in making port at these islands. on the eve of st. bartholomew's day, august 23, in the afternoon, the distinguished mission of our religious entered manila; in numbers it was the largest that had entered this province, [99] and in quality unequaled. this province received them with great tokens of rejoicing; and the land welcomed them with an earthquake, and not a slight one, which occurred that night. on august 29 the private session of the definitory was held, to draw up the formal statement of receiving and incorporating them [into the province]. on the day following the entry of our religious into manila, that is, the day of st. bartholomew, the new governor, don miguel de curucelaegui y arriola, made his entry into the city; this was done with great pomp, and two triumphal arches were erected for him, by the college of the society of jesus and our convent, with very ingenious emblematic allusions in latin and castilian verse, and very expressive laudations. at this entry occurred a disaster which might have served to the heathen as a bad omen. hardly had the governor entered through the puerta real, which they call puerta de bagumbayan, when a balcony that was on the side within the city wall above the said gate gave way, and fell, with great injury to those who were within it; so that many were left cripples, and among these a recollect religious named fray luis. the fiscal of the royal audiencia, doctor don estebán de la fuente alanis, escaped the danger, the falling balcony striking his horse's tail; and captain don francisco de arcocha, the equerry of the new governor, was hurt. but, although many were injured, the life of no person was endangered. the religious of this mission brought with them an image for devotion, a painting of the holy christ of burgos, touched up to accord with the original. this was received in manila with great solemnity, in a procession, the new governor taking part therein on account of being much given to that devotion, and with him the most distinguished persons in the city. the image was deposited in the main chapel, with an altar and retable which were very suitable for it, until the conde de lizárraga, don martín de ursua y arismendi, provided that which the image has at the present time. the governor went to mass every friday, and there was a large attendance of citizens of manila--i know not whether out of complaisance with him; for at the death of don gabriel de curucelaegui, who was buried at the foot of the aforesaid altar, at the same time was buried with him the devotion of the citizens of manila. the same occurred in the government of the said conde de lizárraga, who again revived this devotion; for it was likewise buried with him, in the same place. so much influence has the example of the governors in these islands, and so great is their power, that even devotion seems to need their aid. the religious also brought a brief from his holiness innocent xi for the erection of a confraternity of the holy christ of burgos; this undertaking was carried out, and its first director [100] was this devout governor. in his time it had a large membership, but today it has very few confriers; but they are most devout and sincere when they are least influenced by vain and worldly considerations, and most please the lord when they are anxious to please not princes--men in whom there is no real prosperity--but the king of kings, who always repays them in money of infinite value. much did the catholic governor grieve over entering upon his office without the benediction of the archbishop, and at finding the people of the city as a flock without a shepherd, their consciences loaded with scruples over matters of so much importance, and all of them perplexed and entangled in these dissensions; and therefore he resolved, with firm purpose and heroic determination, to cause the archbishop to be restored to his church. the opposition which he encountered among the auditors in his efforts to secure this cannot be expressed; but he firmly maintained his resolution, even to the extent of saying that he would restore the archbishop, even if it should cost him his head. he consulted the religious orders, asking them to give him their opinions, on the basis of law, both civil and canonical. i have not seen what the other corporations replied, which i suppose must have been what the governor desired; but i know well that the order of st. augustine adduced many and very substantial arguments in favor of the restitution of the archbishop to his church, and this with many citations from the authors on whom the auditors had taken their stand--who, as the royal council of the indias afterward declared, were greatly at error in their method, according to what the royal laws ordain in case it should be necessary to enforce the penalty of banishment against any prelate. the same error was committed by the capitulars of the ecclesiastical cabildo in declaring and proclaiming a vacant see, through their misunderstanding of the chapter si episcopus, "de supplenda negligentia prælatorum," in vi [101]--an error which afterward cost them all so dear, especially the dean, don miguel ortiz de cóbarrubias. the governor, don gabriel de curucelaegui, determined to restore the archbishop to manila, sent to lingayén as his agent for accomplishing this, general don tomás de endaya; and the city of manila sent a regidor, sargento-mayor don gonzalo de samaniego, and some citizens. with them went the past provincial of santo domingo, fray baltasar de santa cruz, commissary of the holy office, and many others, with an escort of soldiers. on november 16 the archbishop came back from his exile, to the general rejoicing of the entire city, which had been so long a time afflicted by the absence of its pastor and prelate. the artillery was fired [as a salute], from the castle, and from the wall adjoining the gate of santo domingo, by which the archbishop made his entrance; and after he had visited the church he went to the palace, to see his liberator, the catholic governor--who said that, in case his proceeding should displease his majesty and the royal and supreme council of the indias, he would regard it as a great glory to have a punishment, even were it capital, imposed upon him. this may be believed of him, as he was a man of a great soul, although small in body; major in exiguo regnavit corpore virtus. [102] what we saw in him was, that he was one of the best governors that these islands have had--affable, pious, magnanimous, and in the highest degree disinterested, and with this very liberal. and therefore he was wont to say that he had come to filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. this he said with truth, because in españa and the indias he had possessed much wealth, gained in the many voyages that he had made in command of the fleet and galleons to perú and nueva españa, which had been consumed by his ostentation and liberality. we may therefore regard it as a punishment of god upon these islands that he removed him from us in the fifth year of his term of government--in which time he was severe with those only to whom he could not in justice be kind--unless it were that divine justice chose him for the punishment of those who had deserved it before his time. [103] don gabriel de curucelaegui began his government with great acceptability and satisfaction to all, and taking the measures necessary for the maintenance of these islands. the year of 1685 was a hard one on account of the general epidemic of smallpox which raged, not only in these islands but in all the kingdoms of china and eastern india--especially on the coromandel coast, where many millions of malabàrs died. in filipinas the ravages of the epidemic were great, principally among the infants; but the place where, it is affirmed, the pest caused incredible loss was in the mountains of manila where the insurgent blacks [i.e., negritos] dwell, so many dying that those mountain districts were left almost uninhabited. but it was not only among them that the disease wrought such destruction, but also among the deer and wild swine, of which there is an innumerable multitude in these mountains, even after they have contributed with their flesh to the support of so great a number of blacks. the reason why so many die with this contagion is, first, their weak physique; and second, the custom that they have of abandoning those who are attacked by the disease, on account of which they die much sooner--and, what is worse, in their heathen blindness. in china many millions of people died, so that there was no one to cultivate the fields; from this resulted great famine and mortality, after the epidemic of smallpox. chapter xv the first vessel that the governor despatched for nueva españa was the galleon "santa rosa;" and he appointed as its commander don francisco zorrilla, a native of granada; as its chief pilot, admiral don lorenzo lazcano; and as sargento-mayor, don bernardo de endaya. the voyage of this galleon caused great damage to the citizens of manila, on account of the difficulty in disposing of their property caused by the poor market [104] that they found at the port of acapulco, because a fleet of many vessels, laden with merchandise, had arrived at vera cruz. from the time of this voyage, the shipments which were sent from these islands to the commerce of nueva españa began to decrease--not only on account of the above-mentioned fleets, but through the numerous imposts and contributions which were levied on the galleons of filipinas, which continually increased; [105] consequently, seldom was a voyage made from which the citizens obtained any profits beyond their principal from the goods which they shipped. during the time which the archbishop spent in his exile at lingayén occurred the death of the bishop of nueva segovia--doctor don francisco pizarro de orellana, a native of manila--at the village of vigan, the capital of the province of ilocos, a few months after his consecration. he was very learned, and greatly beloved for his very affable manners and his angelic gentleness. he had been for many years provisor and archdeacon, and commissary of the holy crusade; [106] he was therefore greatly esteemed by all, and his loss was keenly felt. his death caused a long vacancy in the said church [of nueva segovia], which lasted until the year 1704, when his successor arrived; this was master don fray diego gorospe é irala, of the order of preachers, a native of puebla de los angeles. this prelate made strenuous endeavors to establish the visitation of the regulars in charge of missions, and gave much occasion for patience to the religious of st. dominic and st. augustine as long as he lived, which was until may 20, 1715. on account of the death of don francisco pizarro, the cabildo of manila named for governor of that bishopric don diego de navas, who had been expelled from the society of jesus, a man of impetuous disposition; this was one of the charges afterward made by the archbishop against the cabildo. that prelate, after he was restored to his church, sent his assistant the bishop of troya, don fray ginés de barrientos, to rule that bishopric. [here follows an account of pardo's dealings with the ecclesiastical cabildo and other persons who had been excommunicated on account of their share in his banishment, which is here omitted, as having been sufficiently recounted in "the pardo controversy," vol. xxxix, q.v.] this year the galleon "santo niño" arrived from acapulco, and master-of-camp don francisco guerrero remained behind in nueva españa, thus escaping from the numerous lawsuits of the residencia, with all of which don juan de vargas was laden. it would have been of great assistance to him to have had the aforesaid don francisco at his side, since the latter was very crafty and sagacious, and not so easily perplexed in matters that concerned him as was don juan de vargas; for the governors in that country need to be very liberal in the residencia, and to have much patience and courage. as commander [of the galleon] in place of don francisco guerrero came general antonio nieto, because a proprietary appointee had succeeded him in the castle of acapulco. there also came in his company three religious, sent by father fray manuel de la cruz--two who had remained [in nueva españa] sick from the last mission; and the other because he had enlisted for this province, a son of mechoacán. [the next two paragraphs relate to the residencia of vargas; part of this has already been used for annotations in the account of that trial in vol. xxxix, q.v.] chapter xvi the peace and pious tranquillity which this province enjoyed throughout the three years' government of our father fray josé duque was like that which it had enjoyed during the three years of his former term, and was what this province had expected from him on account of the knowledge and experience which all had of his piety, great discretion, and sagacity in making way through the greatest difficulties. accordingly, they bade farewell to his paternal government with much regret, and determined to reëlect him for a third term--which they did afterward at the proper time, opportunity being afforded for this by the long span of his life and the robust constitution with which he was endowed, which were astonishing. the time arrived which our constitutions assign for holding the provincial chapter, and it assembled in the convent of manila; over it presided, with letters from our very reverend father general fray antonio paccino, our father fray diego de jesús. our father fray juan de jérez was elected provincial for the second time, with great satisfaction to all; and as definitors were chosen the fathers fray luis diaz, fray juan garcía, fray felipe de jaurigue, and fray diego de alday. the visitors of the past triennium were present, fray josé de la cruz and fray alonso de arniellos; and as visitors for this triennium were appointed father fray ignacio de rearcado and the father reader fray francisco de ugarte. very judicious ordinances were enacted for the proper government of the province, and for the maintenance of the strict regular observance which in those times flourished therein--in which the new provincial had taken a prominent part in his first triennium (which was from 1677 to 1680), and in the past one, in which he had been prior of [the convent in] manila. the provincial began to govern with so much zeal and industry that it would be tedious for me to tell how much he accomplished in one year only--the least being that he had visited all the provinces, even to those of ilocos and bisayas, without omitting in one point his exercises of prayer and mortification. of this i can give reliable testimony, as one who was his secretary and companion during the twenty-two months while he governed, his death being caused by the great labors of this visitation, in which with holy zeal and activity he performed incredible labors in promoting the religious observance, and in securing the cleansing and adornment of the altars and the ornaments, in which he was exceedingly careful and assiduous. he suffered much from the continual harassment of the scruples which tormented him, so much that it caused one grief to see the so heavy cross which the lord placed on the shoulders of this his creature, which he bore with great fortitude and courage.... among the excellent arrangements made by this chapter was the chief one, which was that father fray álvaro de benavente should go to españa as procurator; he had a few months before returned from china, where he left our missions very well established in the kingdom of cantón, with houses at xaoquinfú and nanhiunfú, and two others in other places of less note. at the same time he was appointed definitor for the general chapter which was to meet in roma, to which father fray alvaro was very desirous of going on account of the affairs of the missions conducted by the regulars in china, from whom he carried letters and authority to act in regard to the remission of the oath of subjection to the apostolic vicars. they gave him the necessary despatches, and he determined to make the voyage by way of the cape of good hope, because that year there was no galleon going to nueva españa, the cause of which will be told later. he embarked for batavia on a portuguese vessel, and as his companion was assigned the brother fray juan verganzo, who had come with the mission of the year 1684. he arrived at batavia, where he encountered great difficulties in making the voyage to amsterdam; but all these were overcome by a dutchman, a calvinist preacher named teodoro zas--a very benevolent and courteous man, and very fond of doing good to others; this caused grief in those who knew him, at seeing him misled by the false doctrines of calvin, when he was so eminent in the moral virtues. father fray alvaro carried with him the first part of this history, which after a long time came from the press, although only as far as the year 1616--while i had given it to him complete up to the year 1647--because at that time this province had not funds at madrid sufficient to print it all. that first division of the history was printed at the said court in the year 1698, by manuel ruiz de murga; and it was dedicated to her ladyship the duquesa de aveiro, although it was my intention that it be dedicated to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme council of the indias. the rest of the said first part remained laid aside and forgotten in the convent of san felipe at madrid, until i determined to write it again and complete it, by means of the rough drafts that had remained here. [107] about april of 1687, father fray alvaro sailed from batavia in [one of the] galleons of the company of holanda, and after many and fearful tempests it reached the cape of good hope, where the dutch made a halt of two months at the great colony and settlement which that nation maintain there for this purpose; it is a very populous city, and well supplied with all that is necessary to human life, for it possesses a very healthful climate, at the latitude of 36° [on the side] of the tropic of capricorn. in this city they have a large hospital for treating the sick, with very skilful physicians and surgeons, and with all the comfort that could be found in any other part of the world. among the magnificent and delightful things which are in that city is a garden, the largest that is known, which, according to report, is only second to the earthly paradise. it is many leguas in circumference, and is divided, like the world, into four parts. in the part called europa, there are trees of all the fruits that grow in our europa; in that called asia, all those from asia; and the same in those of africa and america. this garden has a river, opened by hand-labor, which waters all the four divisions; and for its cultivation many dutch gardeners and more than two thousand cafres are kept there. in this place is produced very rich wine, which they call "cape wine;" for the climate is the same as in andalucía and extremadura, although in the opposite zone [trópico], and is different only in having summer at christmas and winter at st. john's day. [108] father fray alvaro left this pleasant town and pursued his voyage to holanda, and landed at roterdán, the native place of desiderius erasmus; [109] and thence he went to amsterdam, where he remained some time. there he made inquiries to ascertain whether he could print the history that he carried in that great city, on account of the beautiful work done by its famous printers; but he gave up this intention, on account of the numerous errors which they made, being ignorant of our language. thence he embarked for bilbao, where he and his companion resumed wearing their habits, which they had laid aside in order to go on shore at batavia. the rest of the tedious peregrinations of father fray alvaro will be related, if we can reach the time when he returned [to manila] with a mission in the year 1690, when we shall observe his entrance into madrid and his voyage to roma, and his negotiations at that court in behalf of the regulars of the china missions. for these missions the chapter designated the father reader fray juan de aguilar, who remained in them several years, and afterward retired on account of failing health; but the chapter sent in his place father fray juan gómez, who continued there until his death. afterward a large reënforcement of religious was sent to china for the aforesaid missions, which have increased and become very large; and they would have prospered much more, if they had not been so hindered by the claim of subjection to the vicars-apostolic, who made so strenuous efforts to introduce it. the governor, don gabriel curucelaegui, had determined to send this year [1686] to nueva españa the galleon "santo niño," in charge of general lucas mateo de urquiza; but his efforts to despatch it were ineffectual, because information was received that seven vessels of corsairs or pirates were sailing outside of the embocadero, and it was feared that their principal intention was to seize the galleon "san telmo," which was expected on the return trip from nueva españa. two fragatas of theirs had been in the babuyanes islands, between cagayán and hermosa island, and had slain two religious of [the order of] st. dominic; these were father fray jacinto de samper, a native of caspe, an able minister to the chinese in the parián, and father fray josé seijas, a nephew of the archbishop of méjico, don francisco seijas, both of them being religious of great virtue. [110] moreover, the pirates had committed other acts of hostility in cagayán and ilocos. the governor determined to suspend the voyage of the galleon for nueva españa, and gave orders to equip it for war--cutting in it many portholes, in order to furnish it with more than a hundred pieces of artillery of large calibre (all of bronze); and placing aboard it a thousand soldiers, spaniards, pampangos, merdicas, malays, and zambal indian bowmen. in its company went two pataches, which had just come for trade with the coromandel coast, well armed and furnished with soldiers; and for commander of this enterprise the governor appointed don tomás de endaya, with the title of deputy captain-general. to his valor could be entrusted any undertaking, however perilous it might be; for he was valiant, and had great skill in navigation, and had gone three times to españa as commander [of the galleons]. this splendid armada set out, small in number [of ships], but having great strength. having escorted through the embocadero and secured the galleon "san telmo" (which reached these islands safely), the armada reconnoitered all the places where the piratical enemy might be, but did not find them, but learned that there had been no more than the two vessels which had been in babuyanes. thereupon the armada returned to cavite, without accomplishing anything more than the great expenses which the royal treasury had incurred, and having weakened the great strength of the galleon "santo niño," with the numerous portholes which had been cut in it for mounting the artillery; for it was necessary for this purpose to cut through the ribs of the ship's sides, in the preservation of which consisted its greatest strength. the two pataches proceeded in search of the pirates to the locality of the babuyanes; and the commander, don tomás de endaya, went with a strong force of men by land to the province of ilocos to look for them--where, it was said, the said corsairs had arrived, although the news did not prove to be accurate. he went as far as the capital town of vigan, where his encomienda was; and after having spent some time there, not receiving information of the enemy, he returned to manila. he left there established a village of the blacks from the mountains, called santo tomás, between tarlac and magalan, headed by a notable chief of theirs named don juan valiga. a few months after don tomás de endaya had arrived at manila, he succeeded in the office of master-of-camp to don fernando de bobadilla (who held it by proprietary appointment from his majesty), who died about this time. the latter was a great soldier, and the governor of zamboanga, and is often named in the history; he was a native of sevilla, and a son of one of the "twenty-four" of that city. the ships that went by sea, after having searched many ports where they thought to find the corsairs, and having no further news of them, returned to manila without having accomplished anything remarkable. don tomás de endaya was confirmed in the post of master-of-camp, and held it twenty-eight years; and then he died from old age. in this year of 1686, about june, occurred the revolt of the sangleys of the parián of manila, which i related in book ii, chapter 21, as i did not suppose that i would reach these times with the thread of the narrative; and therefore i do not repeat it [here], as it was written with sufficient fulness, and the curious reader can find it in the place i have cited. [this citation is incorrect, in the arrangement of the chapters as given in fray lopez's edition of diaz; the number of the chapter should be xxxiv. diaz's account, as there given (pp. 440, 441), we transfer to this place, adding his comments on the question of allowing the chinese to reside at manila; it is as follows:] while these islands were governed by the admiral of the galleons, don gabriel de curucelaegui y arriola, of the order of santiago and one of the "twenty-four" of sevilla, in the year 1686 [misprinted 1636] there occurred a tumult in the parián which it was feared would become a general uprising [--which was planned,] according to the investigations afterward made. in the said market there were many recently-arrived sangleys, of so bad reputation that the sangley merchants themselves had no confidence in these men, and said that they were disguised thieves and highwaymen who had come from china that year, having fled from a mandarin who was a very severe judge, whom the emperor had sent from the court to drive out so mischievous a sort of folk from the province of fo-kien, which at that time was infested by criminals of that sort. the said mandarin had executed his commission with such severity that those who were put to death numbered more than sixty thousand--which in china is a small number, because that country abounds in robbers--and for this reason many had made their escape to manila and other regions, fleeing from the harshness of that judge. these people did all the harm that they could, robbing inside the parián the chinese themselves, when they could not rob outsiders. about this time there came out of the public prison at manila a sangley named tingco, who had been imprisoned for the unnatural crime, and had been there so long that in prison he had learned to read and write our language, and had come to be a sufficiently competent scrivener to write petitions and other papers for the rest of the prisoners, for he was very clever and had a keen mind. he went about [the prison] freely, as being a prisoner of so long standing, and aided the jailer greatly by acting as guard to the other prisoners; and he supported himself very comfortably on what he gained by his pen. finally, after many years of confinement he succeeded in gaining his full liberty; and, as he had a restless disposition and evil inclinations, he associated himself with other chinese criminals, of those who were fugitives from the province of fo-kien, and they lived on what they could plunder from other sangleys and from the indians and spaniards. as they regarded this occupation of petty thieving as too disagreeable, and it could not extricate them from their wretchedly poor condition, they planned to assemble together three hundred of these vagabonds, and to undertake some exploit which should better their fortunes so that they could return to china free from danger. it seems certain that this resolve was talked about with the multitude of the parián who were least supplied with funds, and these were on the watch to aid the bold attempt of those promoters if the result had corresponded to their plans; and what is most surprising is the secrecy with which they kept these from the rich sangleys--who not only would not have entered into the plot, but would have revealed it for their own safety; for they were going to lose much and gain little, and with very evident risk. the day and hour of the conspiracy having been settled--a day in the month of august, at daylight--they assembled in a disorderly crowd, armed with such weapons as they could procure by stealth, their leader being one who had newly come, that same year, from china. in a mob, and without order, they attacked the house of the alguacil-mayor, pedro de ortega; and they killed him and another spaniard, named nicolás de ballena. with this beginning they went to the house of the alcalde-mayor of the parián, captain don diego vivién, and entered it to do the same to him; but, having heard the noise, he escaped without clothing, and reached a safe place in the little fort which defends the entrance to the great bridge, where there is always a garrison of soldiers. the insurgents entered his house, and their greed satisfied itself on what they found nearest to their hands, although they had not the luck to find three thousand pesos in silver which the alcalde possessed. while they halted for this pillage there was time to bring up soldiers and other armed men, and they easily arrested many of the sangleys, although most of them escaped; and the rest of the parián remained tranquil. it was made known that this conspiracy was plotted in the bakery of manila, and [it was said] that they intended to place pounded glass in the bread, in order to kill the spaniards. this was not positively ascertained, but the management of that business was taken from the chinese--to which, however, they afterward returned, at the urgent request of our people. this was because, during the time while the sangleys did not carry on this trade, they were replaced by spaniards who in their own country had been bakers, but in manila they did not succeed in doing anything to advantage; the sangleys therefore again took charge of the bakery, after they had been asked by many to furnish the supply of bread, of which great quantities are consumed in manila. the sangley tingco was captured, and in company with ten others was hanged and quartered; and the bodies were placed along the river of manila and the estuary of tondo, as far as point tañón in tambobong. the conversion of those who were heathens (as were most of them) was secured, and for this conversion labored earnestly father fray álvaro de benavente, an augustinian, and father josé de irigoyen of the society of jesus, both of whom knew the dialects of the provinces from which the criminals came; and for those of fo-kien the fathers of st. dominic [ministered]. news came that many of the insurgents had taken refuge at pasay, and general don tomás de endaya went out against them with soldiers and merdicas (who are very brave malay indians); they came back with eleven heads of those whom they could kill, and the disturbance was quieted, nor has any other occurred up to the present time. in this danger manila maintains her existence, clinging to it as the means of her preservation even though she grieves over what is the cause of her greatest decline. the shrewdness of the chinese in business dealings and their skill in carrying on the mechanical trades turn us from these callings so entirely that spaniards who in their own country practiced them here consider it foolish to do so; accordingly they allow the chinese to conduct and manage the crafts, believing that the latter are serving us when they are most imposing upon us. and as the chinese recognize this weakness of ours, and see that it is without remedy, on account of the spanish vanity, they treat us with contempt in their acts, although with great submission in their words. whatever they make is defective and does not wear well, in order that they may have more work to do. the unnecessary expense that manila suffers on account of the frauds that they practice in the trades of baker, candle-maker, and silversmith is very great; we recognize this, and endure it through necessity, and the matter is not set right, through reluctance to apply the remedy. many persons understand the injury which the chinese cause here, but much more numerous are those who defend them, since this peril is dear to those who regard it as an advantage [to have the chinese here.] in the year 1678 there reached our hands a very judicious opinion, printed at madrid by a devout person who had had experience in dealing with that nation, and was well aware of their acts of guile. it was presented before the royal and supreme council of the indias, its president being the conde de medellín; and when the arguments adduced therein made a very strong impression, another pamphlet appeared in print at the same court, against the former one and in favor of the sangleys; this delayed the decision, so that it seems as if they have in all quarters those who defend them. and so we go on, enduring this incurable disease--although today the number of the sangleys is less than ever; for it is supposed that the number does not reach the six thousand whom the royal decrees allow, and judging by the poverty to which the commonwealth of manila is steadily being reduced, each year there will be fewer chinese here through the lack of profits; for that is the craving which draws them from their own country. i am aware that i have expatiated on a matter which seems to be an affair of state, rather than of history, although history, as a teacher of truth and a witness of the times, should include all events. i much regret that i cannot enlarge my account by saying something of the much which i could tell about the great indifference with which the sangleys who are baptized attend to their obligations as christians; most of them do so for worldly objects, such as being married and living as lords of the country; but this subject is one for tears rather than for the pen. many lamentations have been made by many jeremiahs zealous for the honor of god; but no results have followed beyond the reward which will be given to them in glory for this so holy labor. a very learned apologue is kept in the ecclesiastical archives, written by the reverend father fray alberto collares of the order of preachers, at the request of the archbishop of manila, doctor don miguel millán de poblete, which causes horror to those who read it; and the worst is, that it tells but little, according to the opinion of other religious of the said order, who, as ministers to the parián mission, know the chinese best. and still more is this occasion for censure to some of the religious of that order who have been in china, and know how much superior the christians of that empire are to these; and therefore they take great care to prevent those who come from china (who are few) from holding intercourse with the christians of the parián, in order that these may not corrupt them. thus do they look upon the matter; and when in our convent at manila was lodged don fray gregorio lópez, a basilitan [111] bishop of the order of preachers, a chinese by nationality--who was a phoenix among that people, on account of his virtue and sanctity--he prevented from going to the parián, whenever he could, two good chinese christians whom he brought hither in his company. many (and most) persons are greatly deceived in imagining that the sangleys who live among the indian natives outside of manila do no harm to the faith, saying that the chinese are more atheists than idolaters, and that they only seek worldly advantages. but this is not always the rule, for some teach sects and doctrines that are very evil, as experience shows. in the year 1706, father fray antolín de alzaga, one of the apostolic missionaries whom we have in the remote mountains of the province of pampanga, converting and instructing the warlike peoples called italones, ituriés, and abacas--whose wonderful conversions present notable material to him whose duty it is to write the history of those times--this apostolic missionary came to manila, making light of the hardships of [travel by] those roads so long and rough, in order to ask the governor, don domingo de zabalburu, to take measures for banishing from these mountains two infidel sangleys, who with greed for the trade in wax had penetrated even those unexplored hills, where they taught false dogmas and perverse opinions, such as palingenesis, or transmigration of souls--a dogma which pythagoras taught, and which was propagated much among heathen peoples. at the present time it is accepted by all nations of asia, and in china and japon with the greatest tenacity; they believe that when a man dies his soul goes to animate another body, either rational or brute, according to the deserts of him who is dead, and for either punishment or reward; and thus they allot an infinite succession of transmigrations. this diabolical dogma was taught by these sangleys to the italon indians, with other evil doctrines, such as polygamy (which permits a man to have many wives), idolatry, and others which ensue from it. that accursed doctrine spread rapidly among those simple mountaineers, so much so that it became necessary to have recourse to the said governor--who, being so zealous for the increase of the christian faith, sent to the alcalde-mayor of pampanga a very urgent command to expel from those missions the two sangleys, and to be very careful to prevent the entrance of others therein; and this order was carried out, to the great tranquillity of the new christian church. experience has shown the same thing in other villages where sangleys have fixed abodes. i will not delay longer over a matter on which there is an endless amount to be said, since i have sufficiently exceeded the limits of my obligation; and i refer to many persons who have officially discussed these matters, although they have obtained no results from their earnest efforts. the natives regard them with contempt, having no further inclination toward them than that of self-interest; consequently, neither affection nor fear draws either toward the other. and ordinarily selfishness courts the sangleys, while aversion urges the natives to make complaints against them--except that the bond of matrimony is a check on the women; for, as is usually the case, if a native leads a bad life, he is on the watch for the acts of the sangleys, in order to make the evil-doing of another serve as an excuse for greater freedom in his own wrong mode of life. accordingly, they are in more danger from testimony arising from the malice of the accusers than from facts brought forward in zeal for their correction--as is seen by the few complaints or accusations that are decided against them, and how still more rarely do these bring them to punishment. nor can this be attributed to the negligence of the judges, for they are delighted to receive the lawsuits of the sangleys, our covetousness selling to them even justice very dear; and when harshness finds an object, it makes their punishments (since their wealth offers so much to avarice), although less bloody, more keenly felt, since in the estimation of the sangley money is his very heart's blood. the precedents set by the sovereign kings don fernando the catholic and don felipe ii are examples of their piety, and of their successful policy in separating from their catholic vassals those who are perfidious, who if mingled with the others might pervert them, through the passion which the indians and moros have for propagating their [false] sects--a danger much to be feared among the simple people of the villages and the common herd. no doubt, intercourse with these infidels is very necessary, on account of the merchandise which they furnish to us from their kingdom; but this could, in my opinion, be accomplished without danger to us--for one thing, by permitting to remain in these islands [only the] six thousand sangleys, as his majesty decrees; and for another, by not permitting them to trade in the provinces, or to live in the villages mingled with the indians. but they should be kept in subjection, as joshua kept down the gaboanites, and as now roma, florencia, venecia, and orán hold the jews in subjection, and our people in ternate kept the moros in his majesty's galleys, the rabble of that sort. it is an obvious disadvantage to live subjected to such peoples, because the law of subjection, the adulation offered to rulers, and ambition to secure their favor are powerful to subject religion to their pleasure, as has been found by experience in all the countries where this misfortune has been suffered--such as mesopotamia, both the arabias, egipto, and africa, and that one which was the supporter of religion, constantinopla, with all of grecia. and for the same reason heresy has so prevailed and lorded it in inglaterra, irlanda, dinamarca, suecia, sajonia,[i.e., saxony], the palatinate, and many other provinces and free cities--the most fatal poison that attacks the faith being the sovereignty of infidel princes, their grandeur and power being the sure ruin of religion. i consider that i have used more space than is required by my obligations, in treating of so pernicious a nation, which is allowed here in greater number than our needs demand--i know not whether through our fault or our misfortune--and maintained in the subjection which experience has shown [to be necessary] at times when too great confidence has relaxed the rein of caution. [here we resume the regular narrative of this period by diaz, at p. 786:] this revolt caused great anxiety to the governor, don gabriel curucelaegui, on account of the many champans which had come that year from china; but in the course of time the danger disappeared. among the great hardships which in this year were suffered in manila, one was that the rains were heavier than any known to living men. not only were they very heavy, but they lasted many months, and were the cause of many fields and crops being ruined, which caused a great scarcity of provisions; and, as it was impossible to work the salt-beds, the price of salt rose so high that it came to be worth twelve pesos for half a fanega, although its ordinary price was two or three reals--and some years even less, depending on the [height of the] water and on the heat of the sun, on which conditions this so necessary industry depends. the most memorable event of this year, and one which may be counted among the most important which have occurred in these islands since their conquest, is the imprisonment of the auditors, don diego antonio de viga and don pedro sebastián de bolivar, by the governor. it is an event to cause astonishment--and more, as it came so soon after the imprisonment and exile of the archbishop, don fray felipe pardo--at seeing in so short a time doctor don cristóbal de herrera grimaldos dead, and two auditors deprived forever of their togas (since never again could they put these on), and their families ruined and almost destroyed. it is not my intention to interpret the inscrutable secrets of divine justice, but only to set down the times and occasions in which so notable events occurred. [diaz's account of the imprisonment and deaths of the auditors is here omitted, as it has already been sufficiently related in vol. xxxix.] chapter xvii the governor, seeing the audiencia broken up (since it consisted of only one individual, the auditor don diego calderón), named two associates to assist the auditor in despatching the business of this supreme tribunal; these were licentiate don josé de herrera, an advocate of the royal audiencia, and the doctor and captain whom i have already mentioned, don josé de cervantes altamirano; and they issued royal decrees, doctor don esteban de la fuente filling his office of fiscal. they alleged that there had been a precedent for this in the time of governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, when there was no other auditor than don marcos zapata, by whose aid was carried out the banishment and imprisonment of don fray fernando guerrero--and this proceeding had been an example to be repeated in these times. afterward, on account of the sickness and death of don diego calderón, the governor continued to form an audiencia with the two associates, which the royal council of the indias condemned. under this kind of government two years passed by, until, in the year 1688, a new audiencia arrived, as we shall soon see. the year 1687 was no less grievous than the preceding one, for various misfortunes followed each other, which were generally felt by all the citizens, in order that they might share in the punishment merited by their offenses, since always proves true the proverb, delirant reges, semper plectuntur achivi. [112] the first was the failure of the galleon from nueva españa, for it could not come that year because none had been despatched [from manila] the year before; this was because of the armada sent against the pirates, which only served to cause great expenses to the royal treasury, the wreck of the galleon "santo niño," and the failure of the galleon in this and the following years--which, as we have often said, is the life of the poor colony of manila and of all these filipinas islands. the governor, having determined to send to nueva españa the galleon "santo niño," ordered that it be repaired as well as it could be; but even then it was not very strong, because most of its strength had been taken from it by the windows which had been opened in it for the artillery. but there was no other ship to depend upon, for the construction of the "santo cristo de burgos," which they had placed on the stocks, was only begun. the governor appointed as its commander lucas mateo urquina, who sailed for nueva españa with but slight hope on the part of those who understood the situation for the success of the voyage. the worst was, that their fears were realized; for the galleon not being able to endure the fierce storms that attacked it in high latitudes, it was compelled to put back to port. this it did, about the month of november, causing great affliction to all; for it came only to aggravate the sufferings that were already experienced through the failure to receive a galleon that year. at night of holy thursday, march 28, at the time when in the village of binondo arrangements were being made for the procession which the mestizo sangleys make on the occasion of the "holy burial," (which is one of the most brilliant and magnificent of the processions that are made in holy week), one of the greatest disasters that have ever been seen in these islands occurred. fire caught in the first house on the point of land which is called punta de la estacada, and the crowd of people who had made ready for this devout function were unable to extinguish the fire; and the devouring flames made such havoc that they destroyed the great number of houses that stood in all the territory of the said estacada, baybay, and tondo, finally consuming the entire barrio of bancusay, in which this so widespread settlement [of sangleys] finds its limit. it was no small good-fortune that the fire passed by the other side of the river, where lies the great town of binondoc, tondo, santa cruz, and quiapo--which, as contiguous villages, together constitute one body--for [if the fire had reached them] the loss would have been irreparable; for many splendid houses of wealthy spaniards and mestizos would have been consumed, and those of many portuguese and armenian traders who live in those places as being more convenient [for their business]. there were no deaths of persons from the flames; but great was the loss of the many people who saw their poor houses and property disappear. the gates of manila were opened, and the governor, in person hastened to give aid, with a great number of people, who could check the fire so that it should not cross over to the other part of binondoc and tondo. what was more, he prevented the robberies which in such emergencies are committed by some soldiers and wicked people, who on such occasions are worse than the fire, as has been found by experience at various times; for in times of drouth fires are very frequent in the suburbs of manila, most of them being occasioned by fire set by these soulless incendiaries, who find their profit in such destruction. to this local calamity at la estacada succeeded another affliction, which was general through the greater part of these islands; this was a plague of locusts, one of the worst which has been seen in them, for the locusts were so many that in dense and opaque clouds they darkened the sun, and covered the ground on which they settled. these insects ravaged the grain-fields, and left the meadows scorched; and even the trees and canebrakes they stripped of the green leaves. these locusts were so voracious that they not only laid waste every kind of herbage and verdure, but they entered the houses, and gnawed and pierced with holes every kind of cloth; and those who flapped sheets and coverlets at the locusts to drive them away--as is usually done at other times in the invasions of this pest, with some effect--on this occasion found that the only result was to ruin those articles, for the locusts ate them, and destroyed them with their poisonous jaws. thereupon the people began to feel the loss which ensued from this calamity, in the great scarcity and want of provisions--so great that a cabán of rice (which is half a fanega) came to be worth two pesos and a half, and in some places three pesos. (nor has the poverty been less which is being experienced while i am writing this, on account of the great plague of locusts which occurred in the past year of 1717 and the present one.) and it can be said that the poor died in great numbers, not so much because the rice (which is the general food of the regions) cost so much, as through their lack of forethought, and of money with which to buy rice; and because there was so excessive a number of beggars--some through necessity, and others through laziness and dislike for work--that it was impossible to relieve them; for when there is but little to give it is not possible to divide it so that all shall be sufficiently cared for. to these great troubles was added another; that in that year occurred many earthquakes, which although they did not cause the total destruction of buildings, left many houses and churches damaged. in the province of cagayán, in the bishopric of nueva segovia, heavier shocks were experienced, for in the mountainous districts of that province chasms and vent-holes were opened, a phenomenon which usually results from such tremblings of the earth. from this it may be proved that a cause of these tremblings and earthquakes is the air which is shut in within the caverns of the globe, drawn into them through the crevices and openings which the heat causes in the soil, which afterward are closed by the rains; a great volume of air being thus gathered, it becomes rarefied, and, increasing in quantity or volume, it seeks an outlet, directing its force toward its center and causing so terrible a commotion. but the safe and useful way of maintaining ourselves faithful in the fulfilment of our obligations is to regard these earthquakes as tokens of the wrath of god against our transgressions, qui respicit terram et facit eam tremere (psalm ciii, v. 32). not long before these events, the death occurred in cagayán of the auditor licentiate don diego antonio de viga, a prisoner and exile in that province. [here diaz relates the circumstances of the deaths of viga and other persons who had been concerned in the pardo controversy, which have already been mentioned in previous documents. he cites a letter from pardo to curucelaegui, dated december 2, 1687, to show that viga died impenitent; he was buried in the cathedral of lalo, and pardo connects with this circumstance the calamities which soon afterward afflicted the islands. he orders the remains of viga to be disinterred and removed from the cathedral; diaz thinks that this was done, but is not quite certain. he positively asserts, however, that viga was a very upright official, and wholly disinterested; and thinks that he perhaps went too far in upholding the royal privileges, through misunderstanding their scope. doña josefa bolivar also dies impenitent, and pardo sends bachelor don juan de cazorla to investigate the matter, to know whether she may be buried in consecrated ground; he has her buried "in the plaza of the said village of oriong." her husband meets "a better end;" he is reconciled to the church, and dies after having "devoted himself to exercises of austere penance, fasts and scourgings and other mortifications." auditor calderón dies at manila in like exemplary manner (july 18, 1687); "this auditor was a very upright and disinterested official, a good christian, pious, and much given to good works, and therefore was beloved by the entire community." master jerónimo de herrera is sentenced by the archbishop (march 16, 1687) to be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices and offices, and is sent to spain, but dies during the voyage. at this time, barrientos, the bishop of troya, is absent on official duties in the bishopric of nueva segovia. he had "issued a decree of excommunication against the alcaldes-mayor of cagayán, ilocos, and pangasinán, prohibiting to them trade and traffic in those provinces, in virtue of the oath which those officials take in the royal audiencia when they go to exercise their offices. this excommunication was the cause of many lawsuits, for captain don francisco de alzaga voitia, alcalde-mayor of pangasinán, defended them all, and appeared before the royal audiencia with a plea of fuerza, complaining that the bishop of troya was usurping the royal jurisdiction by taking cognizance of the oath taken in that court.... on this question royal decrees were issued, and the controversy lasted a long time, but the excommunication then laid has remained until this day; and the alcaldes-mayor continue with their trade and traffic as before, without the least scruple." returning to manila, barrientos declines the bishopric of nueva segovia, to which he is entitled as pardo's assistant; the archbishop therefore despatches to take charge of that diocese doctor nicolás de la vega caballero, then cura of cavite.] this province assumed charge of the ministry in the territory of mariquina and jesús de la peña, which in times past was a dependency of the mission station of pasig. it had been administered by the religious of the society, by commission of don fray pedro arce, bishop of cebú and ruler of the archbishopric of manila, and by approval of governor don juan niño de tabora, since the year 1630; and now it was restored to the ministry of pasig by sentence of the archbishop, may 16, 1687, and this province added to that territory the convent of san mateo--establishing the headquarters and residence of the minister at mariquina, whose titular saint is our lady of protection; its first minister was father fray simón martínez. the aforesaid archbishop also added to the said village of pasig the mission village of san andrés apóstol de cainta, also administered by the said religious of the society, by decree of march 16, 1688--with the approbation, not only of this, but of the separation of mariquina, by the vice-patron, governor don gabriel de curucelaegui. its first minister was father fray josé del valle, and it was preserved as a separate convent with the title of vicariate. [113] we held these ministries, with great labor and inconvenience, until the year 1696, when there arrived a royal decree that they should again be administered by the fathers of the society of jesus, and we therefore surrendered them to those fathers. in order to show further our good-will and friendly relations with so holy a religious order, we exchanged the ministry of san mateo for that of binangonan--called "binangonan of the dogs," to distinguish it from the other town of the same name, which is on the opposite coast [of the island]; it has for its titular st. ursula and the eleven thousand virgins her companions, in a church in laguna de bay. this was accomplished by the aid of the consent and approbation of the governor, don fausto cruzat y góngora. this village of binangonan is very small, and had been at first administered by the religious of st. francis, who had exchanged it for the ministry of baras, which also belonged to the religious of the society; and because it was so poor a living a visita was added to it from the ministry of pasig, which is called angono--its patron saint being st. clement, pope and martyr--of a few tribute-payers. to this ministry were added fifty pesos more for its support, but it is so forlorn a one that even with all these aids the minister suffers a great lack of means for his support; and therefore on many occasions there has been talk of abandoning this charge, for it is not good for any other profit, either spiritual or temporal--not only on account of its poverty, but because of the intractable disposition of its people. on february 19 of this year of 1688, our then father provincial, fray juan de jeréz, died in the convent of manila; his illness was caused by the great hardships of his visitation of the entire province, and the eagerness with which he undertook to perform this task in one year, while it was a task for two years, especially since he was sixty-two years old, and had many attacks of illness. at last he ended the visitation, but it put an end to him. he was one of the most exact in fulfilling obligations of all the religious who have been in this province, and great was his zeal for the religious observance. his solicitude and care for adornment in the things belonging to the divine worship was continual, using his utmost endeavors that the altars and ornaments should be the best that were possible, and spending on them all that he could obtain. the first indication of his [approaching] death was that he was freed from the scruples of conscience which had been throughout his life a continual torment; but at that time the lord, who had given him these scruples in order to exercise his soul, imperavit ventis et mari, et facta est tranquillitas (matthew viii, v. 26). his death was deeply regretted by all; for this province loved him as a father, and the people venerated him as a saint. in consequence of his death, the government was assumed by our father fray josé duque, as being next to the provincial, with the title of rector-provincial; for in this province could not be observed the same rule as in those of españa, where our very reverend father general makes appointments for the vacancies caused by the deaths of provincials, until the time appointed for convening the provincial chapter. among the troubles and calamities of this year a very great one was that occasioned by a pestilential epidemic of influenza, which had begun in the preceding year and continued in this year of 1688, with great ravages. many died of this disease, especially children and old persons; and by this year the epidemic had so increased that many grain-fields could not be cultivated, for lack of people to do the work. this caused a great lack of provisions in this and the following years, just as the locusts had occasioned like loss in the preceding year. so prevalent was the disease that in the province of pampanga, where i was serving in the village of guagua, as secretary and assistant of the rector-provincial, the indians were not seen in the streets, on account of most of them being prostrated by the cruel influenza, and the rest of them caring for the sick ones. accordingly the deputies and officials of the confraternities went through the streets with jars of [cooked] rice, and went up into the houses and provided those who were in need with food; for most of the people were without it, and others could not cook it and had no one who was able to do so. these influenzas are very frequent in this country, but that in this year was the worst that the old men have seen; and since then, up to the present time, no other like it has been known. the governor, don gabriel de curucelaegui, desired to put a stop to the outrages which were being committed by the rebellious blacks of the mountains and the zambals of the playa honda and the uninhabited places of the puntalón (a route in the province of pangasinán)--killing many travelers and cutting off their heads (which is the greatest trophy and desire of those people), and daring to approach the villages near tarlac--magalan, telban, and malunguey. the governor therefore prepared to make a vigorous invasion, not only with spaniards, but with pampangos, friendly zambals, and merdicas from maluco; and he appointed as their leader sargento-mayor martín de león, and gave him [for officers], as being men experienced in that sort of war, captain alonso martín franco and captain bartolomé prieto; the master-of-camp of the merdicas, cachil-duco, the prince of tidori; and sargento-mayor pedro machado. he sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor of cagayán and pangasinán that they, with the best troops that they had, should scout through the mountains from north to south, so that they might go on until they should meet martín de león and his companions, up to a locality and settlement of blacks that is called culianán. both parties carried out this plan, although with great difficulty, on account of those forests being very dense; they killed many insurgent blacks and zambals; but before joining their troops they found themselves obliged to retreat, because the epidemic of pestilential influenza made great havoc among them, and many died from that disease. but the injury which our people could not inflict upon the enemy was wrought on them by the pest of the influenza, which caused as great ravages among them as the smallpox had made in previous years. martín de león, alonso martín franco, and bartolomé prieto came to guagua in very bad condition; from there they sent word to the governor, who commanded them to withdraw [from the enterprise]. chapter xviii the conde de mondova, [114] viceroy of nueva españa, seeing that for two successive years there had been no galleons from filipinas, [influenced] not only by the order which the royal council has given for such emergencies, but by finding that he was responsible for the despatch of the investigating judge and the new royal audiencia who were on their way to these islands to replace and depose the auditors (whom either death or exile had already deposed), ordered that a peruvian patache be made ready which was then at acapulco, the owner of which was felipe vertis, a citizen of callao. the viceroy appointed as its commander the then admiral of the windward fleet, antonio de astina, a native of san sebastián; and for seamen the best who were found in the said armada. in this patache embarked the following persons: the investigating judge, who was licentiate don francisco campos valdivia, then alcalde de casa y corte [115] of madrid, and royal deputy provincial notary at the said court. the new auditors, of whom the senior was licentiate don alonso abellafuertes, a knight of the order of alcántara, a native of oviedo, who had recently finished his term as corregidor of the city of burgos; [the others were] licentiate don juan de sierra y osorio, a knight of the order of calatrava, an asturian, and doctor don lorenzo de acina y havalría, a native of sevilla--who is still living as a religious and priest, a professed of the fourth vow in the society of jesus, who is an example of virtue and truly exemplary. the auditor second in seniority, licentiate don juan de ozaeta y oro, a native of lima, failed to embark on this occasion, on account of being married and having a large family, but did so in the following year. as fiscal for his majesty came licentiate don jerónimo de barredo valdés, also an asturian. all these four auditors carried appointments as criminal auditors for méjico at the expiration of six years which they were to spend in filipinas, exercising the functions of auditor; and this went into force afterward with auditors alonso de abellafuertes and don juan de ozaeta, who, after the six years, went to mexico. don juan de sierra also returned, having completed his term as auditor, and died at acapulco, where he found letters promoting him to be auditor at granada; for it must have been of some service to him to be a nephew of don lope de sierra, a member of the supreme council of the indias. with the new auditors also embarked very distinguished persons of their kindred and households, such as don manuel de argüelles, an asturian, who is still alive, and a general; don juan infanzón, and don francisco giménez de valerio; the owner of the patache, felipe de vertis; and others. on this occasion also came father fray juan de alarcón, a native of valladolid and a son of the [augustinian] house there; he had been left in nueva españa, and was now very old. he retired to this province (for which he had enlisted in 1679), and served only a few years on account of poor health; and, while he was procurator-general, died in the convent of manila, in the year 1695. this patache made its voyage very prosperously, and passed the embocadero without any difficulty, reaching the port of cavite, where it remained until mateo de urquiza sailed with the galleon "santo christo de burgos" for nueva españa. this privilege of entering the port of cavite is, it seems, enjoyed as their own by all the pataches which come from acapulco, which are not built in these islands; as it were, they are free from the sin which they contract in the acts of oppression and tyranny which are committed, not only in the cutting of the timber for them, but in their construction; and, either for this or for other and hidden causes, hardly a galleon built in these islands succeeds in making the entrance of the port of cavite. the auditors on reaching manila took possession of their offices in the hall of the audiencia, which they found empty of their predecessors--some being dead, and another in banishment--and the only one they found living was the fiscal, don esteban de la fuente alanis. the investigating judge likewise found the greater part of his commission accomplished, which was the deposition of the auditors. he sent for don pedro bolivar, who was a prisoner in cagayán, in the fort of tuao; but he died while on the way, at one of the first villages of the province of ilocos; god gave him a very good end, in return for the many excellent traits that he displayed in his life, such as being very courteous and very charitable to the poor. to governor don gabriel de curucelaegui came very favorable decrees from his majesty--who thanked him for what he had done in the restitution of the archbishop, in which his majesty considered himself well served. to the archbishop came others, also very favorable, which i do not insert here, in order to avoid being tedious, and because that is not in my obligation; and i only repeat here a letter or bull which his holiness pope innocent xi sent to the archbishop, since that is a very unusual favor, and because he was a pontiff so greatly to be venerated by posterity, on account of his great sanctity of life. [the letter is given in both latin and spanish; it simply expresses the approval of the pope for pardo's course, and encouragement to persevere if he shall encounter other like trials.] the news of what had been done in the banishment and confinement of the archbishop produced great disturbance in the royal mind of his majesty and in his ministers of the supreme council of the indias, as may be imagined from the punishment which by their orders was inflicted on don juan de vargas and on the auditors and the other persons inculpated therein. it is not denied by this atonement and punishment that many cases can occur in which it may be lawful to banish bishops and ecclesiastical superiors; and this matter is treated at length [lato modo] and very judiciously by many writers--don cristóbal crespi de valduura, vice-chancellor of aragon, in his learned observaciones, obs. iii, illat. iii, no. 19; solórzano, de jure indico, tom. ii, lib. iii, chap. 29, no. 71; salgado, de regia potestate, part i, chap. 2, no. 276; and others. but this is executed by legitimate procedure, and with much circumspection and moderation, without touching or impeding the exercise of the episcopal power (the opposite seems to be an anglican dogma, and one of marsilius de padua), as was done with don fray felipe pardo--confining his person in the village of lingayén, and suspending his spiritual jurisdiction; commanding the cabildo to exercise the right of sede vacante; and not accepting the appointment which the archbishop had made of the bishop of troya to govern in his absence--because this does not concern the temporal revenues, which the prelates who incur the penalty of banishment lose. what causes no little wonder is, that all the auditors were very learned, and they four, with the fiscal, had held chairs in [the universities of] méjico, sevilla, and granada; but when one lacks the fear of god, which is the beginning of wisdom, one cannot gain real success in matters in which his will prevails over his judgment. how useful it would be to the governors and auditors of filipinas to have these words written as a reminder in the hall where they transact business, the words of the holy ghost in chapter vi, no. 3 of wisdom. [116] the first step made by the investigating judge was to imprison in his own house the fiscal, doctor don estebán de la fuente alanis, and to bring charges against him, in accordance with the orders that he carried from the royal council of the indias; he did the same with the other auditors, [although they were] dead, through their executors. he proceeded with the residencia of don juan de vargas, which had been delayed by the challenging of the associate judges; and he sent governor don juan de vargas hurtado into exile in the village of lingayén, where the archbishop had been, and he was taken away by an escort of soldiers, under the command of sargento-mayor martínez león. he went hither as excommunicated, and unable to have any intercourse with any person save those allowed by law. upon his arrival at the said village, he built in it a house of bamboo and nipa, where he lived a long time in company with his spirited wife, doña isabel de ardila, enduring much loneliness and lack of respect, until they recalled him, after two years, in order to send him to españa; and he died during this first voyage [i.e., on the pacific ocean]. this gentleman was truly unfortunate, for although he had not been a bad governor, his lack of courtesy and his harsh disposition gained for him many enemies. the time of his rule was very prosperous, and the ample commerce with the neighboring kingdoms engaged many persons and brought great gains. he was very diligent in keeping the manila garrison strengthened with capable soldiers, and took much pains to have the men well fed and clothed, and military discipline strictly maintained--and in this he was surpassed only by don sebastián hurtado de corcuera. his covetousness was not so great as appearances indicated, and with it he did not injure the commonwealth, for those times furnished [profit] for all. he was very punctual in fulfilling the duties of a christian governor, and also in attending, almost without missing a day, all the sessions of the audiencia and royal court; and therefore the lawsuits were not so interminable as we find them at the present time. in his time came a royal decree that investigation should be made of the lawfulness of the slavery in which any were held, and that those persons whose condition of servitude was not well grounded should be set free. this action seems somewhat harsh; for so many persons of different nationality were liberated that both the spaniards and the natives were left destitute of servants, and the city and the villages were full of beggars--and, what is worse, of thieves and incendiaries. this dispossession would have caused the utmost distress if general cristóbal romero, the castellan of santiago, had not resolved to write to the king our sovereign about it, with arguments so forcible that a royal decree came directing that the execution of the other be suspended. the new fiscal of his majesty, don jerónimo barredo y valdés, a young man of suitable age [for this lady?] married the widow of auditor don cristóbal grimaldos, doña maría manuela carrillo y barrientos--a woman in whom, although great was her beauty, virtue was still greater, and she furnished an excellent example in the time of her widowhood, suffering continually the siege and attacks made against her chastity by influential persons. but god recompensed her by giving her a numerous offspring and long life, both in these islands and in the city of méjico--from which place no news has come of her death, but we have heard that she has remained the widow of don jerónimo barredo, who was many years the senior auditor of this royal audiencia. the investigating judge, don francisco campos de valdivia, brought [an order for] the liberation of the marqués de villasierra, don fernando de valuenzuela, because the term of ten years since his removal from the monastery of the escorial was now completed. the judge went in person to cavite, to notify him of the order and set him at liberty, as he did. the marqués left the port of cavite and came to manila, but he took up his residence in a country-house which our manila convent possesses, on a sugar-plantation called pasay. this house is on the sea-shore, in a very convenient location for trips back and forth from manila; and one can easily enjoy visits there, as it is only one legua distant from the city. here the marqués lived during all the time while he had to wait and make preparations for his journey, in order to sail in the first galleon which should return to nueva españa; for such was the command given to him, until his majesty should decide whether or not he should go to españa. he embarked in this year of 1689 and arrived at méjico, where he found as viceroy the conde de galves, [117] who, as the son of the duke de infantado, in whose service don fernando de valuenzuela had begun his career of fortune, received him very hospitably, as lords are wont to receive persons who have a claim upon such considerations. it seems as if the patient endurance of this gentleman had conquered the influences of fortune, so various and inconstant in his rise and fall; for it was said with good ground that he would be viceroy of nueva españa; but his death closed the term of his life, which was an astonishing one, and an example for the study of admonitions. his death was occasioned by the kick of a horse, and on the ninth day a fever attacked him from which he died in a few days. he had previously fulfilled all the obligations of a christian, and ordered that his body be deposited in the hospice of this province, outside the walls of méjico, where it remained until the marquesa his wife sent orders to convey it for burial to the city of talavera. [diaz here inserts a latin epitaph on this cavalier, written by some person in filipinas.] the investigating judge with his notary managed so well that in ten months he had completed all the commissions which he brought with him; for he was a man of great activity and energy, and very skilful in judicial practice. he brought to an end the residencia of don juan de vargas, which was much entangled, and had overstepped the peremptory limits of such judgments. he also tried those who were accomplices in the imprisonment of master-of-camp don diego de salcedo, of whom now few remained alive, and those were the least guilty; but these paid for all the rest, which usually is the purse from which [such acts] are paid. he was not as scrupulous as other ministers, and as he ought to be, although he affected to be very upright and just; and neither he nor his notary went back with empty hands, as was proved at acapulco by some chests of his which were searched, notwithstanding the protests that he made that these were the documents belonging to his commission. in them were found very valuable goods, and very few documents; these would certainly aid him to pass his old age in the honorable post which was given to him as soon as he arrived at court, that of member of the treasury council, which he enjoyed for several years. the archbishop brought to an end the suits which he had begun against the principal members of the [cathedral] chapter, of whom only one had remained alive, the dean, don miguel ortiz de covarrubias; for the archdeacon, don francisco deza, had died in an epidemic of influenza, and soon afterward don francisco gutiérrez briceño died suddenly in the village of betis. accordingly the dean, as head of the chapter and vicar-general, and the one who had been leader in the arrests of master juan gonzález, the father provincial fray antonio calderón, and the father professors fray juan ibáñez and fray francisco de vargas, on account of these and other occurrences made amends for all the chapter-members, and ended by going to madrid. there he secured permission to return to méjico, his native country, with half the income of a dean (which is very small), and with this spent the few years of life that remained to him, dying as a good priest. while governor don gabriel de curucelaegui was most occupied in making ready the galleon in which were to return the investigating judge, don fernando de valuenzuela, fiscal don estebán de la fuente alanis and the admiral of the windward fleet, don antonio de astina, with many other persons who were going to embark--such as the dean and father fray raimundo verart, who was going as the archbishop's attorney--while busily engaged in these preparations he was assailed by death, by means of a painful suppression of urine, which in a few days ended his life, after he had received all the holy sacraments. he died at ten o'clock at night, on april 27, of this year 1689, at the age of more than sixty years. they buried him in our church at manila, at the foot of the altar of the holy christ of burgos, to whom he had been very devoted, and had gone punctually every friday to hear his mass sung. with him were buried also the devotion and concourse to this sacred image, until they were revived twenty years later, during the term of government of the conde de lizárraga, don martín de ursua y arismendi; this is the usual condition of devotions in these islands, for they do not last long, and have their seasons, and these are not wont to be very long. the death of this governor was much regretted by every one; he was worthy of being counted among the best whom these islands have had, because in him were united the highest qualities which are required to constitute an accomplished governor. he was very pacific, and so plain in his manners that he was censured for not maintaining his authority; he was very charitable, and magnanimous of heart, although small in body. he had the noble quality of being exceedingly disinterested, and of placing little value on riches--which in these regions, where covetousness has so many opportunities to tempt and conquer, is the greatest virtue; and it is such even throughout the world, since it is almost a miracle.... these islands did not keep him long, it may be because they did not deserve him.... for in these regions there is little regret for governors who are not good, and little esteem for those who are not bad; but he who rules can never find himself free from malcontents, because it is not his function to please every one. but, since goodness is better recognized after it is lost, the governor's death caused much regret. he left as his executor master-of-camp don tomás de endaya, and so small was his estate which they found that there was not even enough for the expenses of his burial or for the mourning garb of his servants. on account of his death, the military government was assumed by the senior auditor, licentiate don alonso de abella fuertes, knight of the order of alcántara; and together with the royal audiencia [he governed] also in civil affairs, as is decreed by royal commands. during the time while don alonso de abella governed, which was sixteen months (for it was that length of time before don fausto cruzat y góngora arrived), this commonwealth enjoyed great peace and tranquillity. if there were any dissensions in the ecclesiastical state, he took no part in them; and if it had not been for his great forethought those differences would have been greater, as will be related in the proper place. with the death of the governor, and the excellent intentions of the temporary ruler, the affairs of don juan de zalaeta assumed another shape. he had suffered great hardships and privations in his imprisonment and banishment, and all his property, even to his clothing, had been sold at auction; for before his departure from these islands the authorities had taken his residencia for the time when he was alcalde-mayor of calamianes, and some charges against him resulted. the acting governor ordered that he be released from prison, and that both he and don miguel de lezama should come to manila, where their causes were settled with less harshness. don juan de zalaeta returned to españa, thoroughly warned by the bad outcome of the residencia of don juan de vargas, which he had so eagerly desired, imagining that it would be of great honor and profit to him. he reached madrid very poor, and ill provided with supplies, and died there suddenly.... chapter xix during the fourteen months which remained in the term of office of our father provincial fray juan de jérez after his death, the province was governed by the experienced prelate our father fray josé duque--so successfully and peaceably, and with so much tranquillity in the order, that he was able to moderate the great sorrow which all felt at the loss of the deceased provincial. in this peaceful condition the time came for holding the chapter-session which took place in the convent at manila, on april 30 of this year of 1689; father fray luis díaz presided therein, as the eldest definitor of the preceding chapter. there was not much discussion among the fathers in their effort to find a person whom they might elect as provincial, because for a long time all had fixed their attention on father fray francisco de zamora, who was then prior of the convent at manila. he was a native of medina del campo, and a son of the convent at valladolid, who had come to this province in the year 1669; a religious of great prudence, and unusual ability for governing; and for many years they had only delayed electing him until he should reach the age of forty years, since that is the time fixed in our constitutions. they found that he lacked six months of that age, which, as he alleged, exempted him from election for so heavy a burden; but having investigated the matter, and basing their action on many previous precedents which had occurred not only in this province but in others, in which there had been dispensations [from the rule], the father who presided granted one in this case, as he was vicar-general, and father fray francisco was elected provincial on the said date, april 30. the definitors who were elected were fathers fray julián zapata, fray juan de san nicolás, fray gaspar de san agustín, and fray simón martínez. the visitors for the preceding triennium were present, fathers fray ignacio de mercado and the reader fray francisco de ugarte; and as new visitors were appointed father fray eusebio de porras and the father reader fray josé lópez. ordinances were enacted that were very useful for the better government of the province, and for the administration of the missions in our charge; this is the greatest responsibility of the chapters, because the system in this province is so different from that in the european provinces, which needs very different corporate laws for the preservation of each, and for enabling the individuals therein to fulfil the obligations of the religious without failing in those of parish priest--which in this province is the function of all its members, while in perú and nueva españa it is the occupation of but few. the governor ad interim, don alonso de abella fuertes, began to govern with so much prudence and ability that it seemed as if he had the benefit of long experience, although he had hardly known a few months of such responsibility. the principal cause of this was the concord in which he lived with all, as well as the aid which he received from his associates, doctor don lorenzo de acina and don juan de sierra, who vied with each other in cooperating with their colleague in discharging the duties of his office. it is in this direction that the ad interim governments of auditors in these islands are weak and fail of success; for, peevish because the precedence of seniority is not theirs, they try to obscure the credit of him who wields the rod of authority, and often show themselves as his worst enemies, and thus aristocratic rule is converted into democratic confusion. his first care was the despatch of the galleon "santo niño" to nueva españa, in charge of general don antonio de astina; for as this commander had left the office of admiral of the windward fleet (for which he had a proprietary appointment from his majesty the king), it was not just that a personage of so great merits should return as passenger--for the patache "san fernando," in which he had come, was not fit for the return trip of so severe a navigation; and it had been laid aside, not only on this account, but because its owner, felipe vertis, had died suddenly. the investigating judge, the alcalde of court don francisco campos de valdivia, embarked with his notary; all the commissions which he carried from the supreme council having been concluded, he carried [the documents concerning] them with him, as also the copious evidence in the residencia of don juan de vargas--who remained for an indefinite time in banishment in the village of lingayén, suffering the hardships and miseries of being an excommunicate, denounced as such on the church-doors, and with no consolation save his own courage and that of his wife, doña isabel de ardila. don juan de zalaeta embarked, under the obligation of presenting himself at madrid with the proceedings in his case. the dean, don miguel ortiz, was bound on the same errand; and father fray raimundo verart went aboard with powers of attorney from the archbishop, in whose favor he printed a long and learned manifesto. the galleon had a very prosperous voyage, duly arriving at acapulco; and on the return trip it brought us the new proprietary governor. in this year of 1689, came the end of the long and troubled life of the archbishop, don fray felipe pardo, who was sixty-eight years old, an age attained by few persons in these regions; and these years were rendered more painful by the many troubles and annoyances that had resisted his courage--which was very great, [although] in a small body. for many months he had been well prepared for this inevitable and impending event, as the devout religious that he was; and from his archiepiscopal palace he watched over and promoted the rigorous observance of the province of the holy rosary of the order of preachers. a benjamin of the great patriarch st. dominic, [118] he came to this province in the year 1647, after having taught arts and theology in the famous college of san gregorio at valladolid; and he was therefore regarded as the greatest theological professor who had been in these islands. he was provincial during two quadrenniums, and prior of manila for two more; and he was commissary of the holy office when the appointment as archbishop reached him. we have already seen his constancy in defending the episcopal authority. his charity was great, for he spent whatever was left from his income (which did not exceed five thousand pesos), in aiding the poor; and with it he assisted the missionaries of tungkin. a nephew of his came to visit him, but he would not consent that the governor should give this man any office or position, and made him go back with very little outfit. his death would have been considered, in another man, sudden and unexpected; for he was found dead at midnight on the day of st. sylvester, ending [his life] with the year, so that it could be said, et dies pleni inveniuntur in eis (ps. xii, v. 10). but this great prelate awaited the end of his days with full preparation, and had just given orders for the making of a red pontifical vestment in which he was to be buried; his body, embalmed, was deposited in the church of santo domingo at manila. the see being declared vacant, the cabildo assumed its government; and they could have ruled with great peace if they themselves had not hunted up discord where they had thought to find greater peace. the vacant see was ruled by master juan gonzález de guzmán, who was now dean on account of the absence of don miguel ortiz, and at the same time was provisor and vicar-general of the cabildo; and as it seemed to them that it would be expedient, for the greater authority of the diocese, to cede the government to the bishop of troya, don fray ginés barrientos, they named him as its head. from this ensued great dissensions, for the bishop-governor thought that he was superior to the cabildo, and that they had transferred their authority to him, leaving themselves entirely stripped of it; this is contrary to all the teachings of the sacred canons, which in one precept of law declare: privilegio, quod habes propter me, non potes uti contra me; and the established principle which states: propter quod unumquodque tale, illud magis. [119] they tried to persuade him, by very learned manifestoes, that the cabildo alone could have constituted him its vicar-general, with authority removable at the pleasure of the same cabildo; and that they could therefore revoke the appointment which they had conferred upon him, whenever they pleased. but the bishop of troya resolved not to yield, but to act as superior to and independent of the cabildo. there were bitter disputes, proceeding from both sides, so much so that, in order to avoid greater scandals, two members of the cabildo--the dean, master juan gonzález de guzmán, and the cantor, don estebán de olmedo gabaldón, a native of campo de crítana in la mancha--took refuge in our convent of san pablo at manila, from which the bishop of troya would have taken them, if the prudent governor, don alonso de abella fuertes, had not refused to give him the aid which he asked for that exploit. the bishop of troya was very learned, a great theologian and preacher, but in this matter he erred as a man, for it seemed to him that the rank and consecration of a bishop rendered him superior on that occasion to the authority which the cabildo possessed by law in the vacant see. among many other manifestoes which were published in defense of the cabildo, one came out which was very well grounded, the motto or inscription of which, as being ingenious and apropos, is worthy of being noted here; it said, non licet tibi habere uxorem fratris tui philippi (mark vi, v. 18), [120] alluding to the name of the deceased archbishop, and to their both belonging to the same order. but the bishop of troya, notwithstanding he was so learned and so holy, was very hard to dissuade from his opinion, although on the present occasion he had every one against him; and although he withdrew his claims, on account of the urgent representations made by the acting governor and the other auditors and all the religious orders, he yielded through constraint and not from conviction. the cabildo continued its government, with much peace, during the vacancy of the see. during this interval the year 1690 came in, and the acting governor despatched the galleon "nuestra señora del rosario" to nueva españa, in command of general don josé madrazo; and in it embarked master-of-camp don juan de vargas. in order to do this he had left his place of banishment at lingayén, after having suffered great hardships; and the end of these was to die on this voyage, in the higher latitude. [this occurred] at a place which people call doña maría de la jara, of considerable note on account of the many deaths which have occurred in that place; for among those who have died there are four proprietary governors, and some acting governors, and some auditors, and the above-mentioned bishop of troya. accordingly this place is the dread of those who sail in that navigation, and especially for persons of so high degree; for the poor seamen go and come past it with greater security. after this galleon had been despatched, news came about june of the landing of the galleon "santo niño," which in the preceding year had sailed for acapulco, in charge of don antonio de astina; in it came, as its commander, don juan de garaycoechea--a navarrese, from the valley of baztán--who was married in manila, and had spent several years in nueva españa. in the galleon came the new governor, don fausto cruzat [y] góngora, a knight of the order of santiago; he was a navarrese, a native of pamplona, of the illustrious lineage of cruzat--well known in that kingdom, since from it have proceeded men so distinguished as don martín de redín y cruzat, grand master of malta; and his brother don tiburcio de redín, well known for his courage and still more for his virtue, for, having entered the capuchin order, he merited that his biography should be printed with the title, the spanish capuchin, as an example for his successors. an illustrious shoot from this house of cruzat is also the glorious st. francis javier, the apostle of india. this gentleman brought his wife, doña beatriz de aróstegui y aguirre, a native of cádiz, a matron of great beauty and still greater virtue; three sons, don martín, don fausto, and don juan; and two daughters, doña ignacia and doña teresa. he also brought a sister, named doña teresa de aróstegui, who afterward married the aforesaid don juan de garaycoechea, then a knight of the order of santiago, who later died in méjico. don fausto had been waiting in that city three years, until the term allowed to don gabriel de curucelaegui in the government here should be completed; and he would have waited much longer if don gabriel's death had not dispensed him from a longer detention, for with him was begun the practice of sending successors who may be on the watch for the governor's [term of] life--i know not whether it be to wish him well. much could be said of this, and of the great difficulties which can result from such a precaution--such as the sale of offices, as has been done for many years; but it is not my obligation to give an opinion on matters of state, but to relate facts without contesting the laws. governor don fausto brought here many persons of good family: don juan lingurín, a man of great virtue, who died in manila with the reputation of being a great servant of god; for he was greatly addicted to meditation, prayer, and mortification. sargento-mayor don fernando iglesias montañés, his secretary, who afterward married doña maría morante, who came in the suite of the governor's wife. don juan de rivas, a native of galicia, and a general in the army; he married another lady of doña beatriz's household, named doña juana de aragón. captain don miguel de salazar, of toledo, who was grievously slain in the year 1709. don angel liaño, captain don frutos delgado, don pedro de subirá, don francisco valdés, don josé de veroluca, and many others. [among these were] general don pedro de lucena and captain don lucas de lucena, brothers, who are still living; captain don josé de luzarrondo, a navarrese; captain de iriarte, who afterward returned to españa; and master don juan aguilar, the governor's chaplain, who had spent some time in these islands, being one of the household of the bishop of sinopolis, don fray juan durán, assistant of the bishop of cebú. in this galleon came captain don patricio de aguila--an irishman, brother of the pilot guillermo de aguila--and captain pedro quijada, both married; and other officers who are still living, with an excellent reenforcement of men for the manila garrison. what is most important for our history is, that a numerous and choice mission of religious for this province came, in charge of father fray álvaro de benavente, who in 1686 had been sent [to europa] for this purpose, and made his voyage by way of batavia and holanda, as we have briefly related. that navigation was very difficult, because when the dutch ships with which he was going approached the english channel they learned that at its entrance was a french fleet. for this reason they changed their route, doubling cape clare, a promontory of ireland; and they went as far as 63° of [north] latitude, so that they could sail around the northern extremity of scotland, and therefore they suffered great cold and hardship. as soon as father fray álvaro de benavente arrived at bilbao with his companion fray juan verganzo, he set out on his journey to the court, where he presented his despatches, and explained the reasons why he had made his voyage by way of batavia; for this route was strictly prohibited by his majesty, and might cause much hindrance to the procurators. having secured the approval of the duke de medinaceli and the lords of the royal council of the indias, he departed for the roman court, to ask for the relaxation of the oaths which the missionaries in china were commanded to take, of obedience to the apostolic vicars sent out by the holy congregation of the propaganda. [diaz relates with some detail the progress and success of this embassy by benavente, because the question at issue therein has an important place in the controversy over the line of demarcation between the domains of spain and portugal in the east; but we omit this part, as it is unimportant for our narrative.] [father fray álvaro] also had to obtain from our very reverend general fray fulgencio travalloni various statutes and corporate laws for the government of this province; and these were [in the form of] fifty-eight decrees, given in the convent of san martín at sena [i.e., sienna], on may 28, 1688, [while the father general was engaged] in the general visitation of italia; father fray álvaro brought them in printed form, with a roman imprint. but with the course of time it was found by experience that these laws were unduly rigorous, and not very satisfactory for the government of this province; and it was continually asking for dispensations from them, until our father general fray adeodato nuzzi, of altimira, sent orders that this province should change and correct them as it should find expedient; and this was done in the intermediate chapter of the year 1710. father fray álvaro brought many favors and jubilees from his holiness for many convents of this province, and a bull to the effect that the religious who, knowing any language of the provinces under our charge, should explain [the christian doctrine] in the convent of manila for a period of eight years should bear the title of "master," with the exemptions belonging to that dignity, and that he might exercise a perpetual vote in the provincial chapters; but up to the present time there has been no religious who has devoted himself to that occupation, or attracted much importance to this so unusual concession. for the missionaries in china he gained the subsidy and stipend which his majesty gives to the missionaries of the other religious orders, that is, a hundred pesos to each one for a year's support. he obtained a royal decree that the trade and commerce with the portuguese of macán, which until that time had been forbidden and full of risk, should be free; and this dispensation was obtained only by the information given by father fray álvaro de benavente that this was the safest door by which the missionaries could gain entrance into china. but the portuguese, although they enjoy greatly to their profit the commerce of manila, which is the chief means of their preservation, carry out very poorly the arrangement, as regards giving passage to the missionaries; for not only do they not give them entrance, but they inflict many annoyances on the religious, as they did with this very father fray álvaro, in both his first and his second visit to china. what keeps them in this attitude is the incorrectly understood patronage of their king of portugal; for they can claim the same things in mogol, persia, turquia and constantinopla, and in the empire of trapisonda, as included in the hemisphere of their demarcation. father fray álvaro returned to españa with a commission of vicar-general (which had been granted to him very fully by our own reverend father general); and he busied himself in calling together the religious who were to come in the mission [to filipinas]. since he had passed through the province of aragón on his return from roma, some religious offered themselves to him there, not only from aragón but from valencia; and there some others who afterward were enlisted by father fray pedro cerro--to whom father fray álvaro had delegated his own powers, since father fray pedro was a religious who was very friendly to this province, and zealous for the good of souls. before father fray álvaro reached manila with his religious, governor don fausto cruzat y góngora made his entry into the city; this was done on st. james's day, in the afternoon. two magnificent and very beautiful triumphal arches were erected for him, with large emblematic representations and ingenious allegories. one was made at the cost and by the care of the society of jesus; and the other by the care of our augustinian fathers, at the place where the governor would pass our convent of san pablo, with the idea of the history of janus--with ingenious latin inscriptions and epigrams, explained in castilian eight-line stanzas; and to these were added, in all these places, praises [of the governor]. this was the last reception of this sort that was given to the governors, its disuse being begun with the next governor, don domingo de zabalburu--who, as he came wearing mourning for the death of our king don carlos ii, would not allow this festal mode of reception. chapter xx on the third day after the solemn entry of the governor, the religious of the mission here by father fray álvaro de benavente made their entrance into the convent of manila; and on july 28 a private session of the definitory was held in order to admit and adopt them into this province. the following is a list of them: 1. father fray diego bañales, a native of coruña, and a son of the convent at santiago; aged forty years, and twenty-three in the order; a preacher and confessor. he came as confessor to the governor's wife; was prior of guadalupe, a definitor, and president of the chapter; and died at manila, on january 29, 1706. 2. the father reader fray carlos terrazas, a son of the house at valencia, thirty-two years old and having professed sixteen years before; he was minister in the pintados or bisayas provinces, and of very great virtue; he died in the convent of dumarao, on october 18, 1694. 3. the father reader fray nicolás bernet, a native of the town of epila, and son of the convent at zaragoza; twenty-seven years old, and a professed for ten years; he was prior of cebú; and died at manila, on may 1, 1701. 4. the father preacher fray josé de ribera, a native of madrid, and son of the convent of san felipe; forty years of age, and twenty-three in the order; was minister in the provinces of tagalos; and died at pasig on may 21, 1706. 5. the father preacher fray gelasio giménez, a son of the convent at valencia; twenty-seven years of age, and ten and a half in the order; was minister in the province of ilocos; and died there on august 12, 1694. 6. the father reader fray josé carbonel, son of the convent at valencia, and master of the students therein; twenty-five years old, and nine in the order; was minister in the province of ilocos; and died at the village of candong, on march 19, 1711. 7. the father preacher fray martín fuentes, a son of the convent at zaragoza; twenty-seven years old, and nine years and four months in the order; has been a minister in the province of pampanga, and a definitor; and is still [121] living, a minister in bisayas, and examiner of literature for the holy office. 8. the father preacher fray nicolás servent, a native of valencia, son of the house at alcoy; aged twenty-eight years, and ten in the order. he is still living, a minister in the province of pampanga, the prior of macabebe. 9. the father preacher fray josé de aranda, a native of estella, and son of the convent at zaragoza; aged thirty-one years, and five in the order; was minister in the provinces of tagalos; and died at manila, on october 11, 1698. 10. the father reader fray blas díaz, son of the convent at zaragoza; aged twenty-three years, and seven and a half in the order; he was minister in the provinces of tagalos, and returned to españa. 11. the father preacher fray pedro beltrán, a native of valencia, and son of the house at alcira; aged thirty-two years, and six in the order; he is now living, a minister in the provinces of bisayas. 12. father fray pedro baldo, son of the convent at valencia; aged twenty-six years, and nine in the order; was minister in bisayas, where he died on april 27, 1716, while prior of the convent at dumarao. 13. the father preacher fray juan barruelo, a native of candelario, in the bishopric of plasencia, and son of the convent at salamanca; aged twenty-four years, and six in the order; was minister in china for several years, and at the present time is definitor and prior of the convent of apalit in pampanga. 14. the brother chorister fray tomás ortiz, a native of dueñas, and son of the convent at valladolid; aged twenty-two years, and three in the order; was minister in china eighteen years, and vicar-provincial of that mission; afterward he was prior of the convent at manila, and still lives, the present provincial of this province. 15. the brother chorister fray diego megía, a native of madrid, and son of the convent of san felipe; twenty-one years of age, and three and a half in the order; was minister in the provinces of tagalos, where he died as prior of the convent of tanauan, on october 4, 1699. 16. the brother chorister fray josé ruiz, son of the convent at burgos, and native of that city; aged twenty-two years; is minister of the province of ilocos, and has been visitor of this province. 17. the brother [chorister?] fray josé de echebel, son of the convent at zaragoza; aged twenty-two years, and six in the order; was a minister in bisayas; and died about march, 1706. 18. the brother chorister fray facundo trepat, a native of caspe, son of the convent at zaragoza; aged twenty years, and three and a half in the order; has been definitor, and is now a minister in the provinces of bisayas. 19. the brother chorister fray josé bosquet, a native of valencia, and son of the house at epila; twenty years of age, and two in the order; is a minister in the provinces of bisayas, and now definitor of this province. 20. the brother chorister fray guillermo sebastián, a son of the house at vinaroz; aged nineteen years, and two and a half in the order; was a minister in the province of ilocos, and died as prior of bantay, on december 13, 1698. 21. the brother chorister fray eugenio costales, a son of the convent of sevilla; aged twenty-one years, and three in the order; is now a minister in the province of ilocos. 22. the brother novice fray juan hidalgo lópez, a native of extremadura; aged twenty-eight years; is a minister in the province of pampanga. 23. the brother novice fray juan núñez, a native of medina del campo; aged twenty-three years; was a minister in china for many years; and at present is a minister in the province of ilocos, and its vicar-provincial. 24. the brother novice fray fernando ricote, a native of asturias; aged twenty-eight years; was a minister in bisayas; and died at cebú in the year 1698. 25. the brother novice fray isidro lópez, a native of madrid; aged seventeen years; was a minister in the provinces of pampanga and tagalos; and died while he was visitor, and prior of guiguinto, on february 21, 1716. 26. the lay brother fray francisco de sevilla, a son of the convent at játiva; aged thirty-one years, and five in the order; he was eminent in virtue, prayer, and mortification, and rendered much service to the convent of manila, where he met a pious death on march 31, 1711. 27. the lay brother fray nicolás codura, a son of the convent at epila; aged thirty years, and seven in the order; he lives in the convent at manila, where he has rendered good service, and still does so. all these religious have been very useful to this province in its ministries and instruction, and in the missions of china--the progress of which from their foundation will be set down separately and all together, by way of recapitulation, [122] ending this history with this chapter. for if i were to continue it further it would be necessary to speak of the living, and [personal] considerations might render the truth liable to suspicion; and although truth is the essential form and the soul of history it cannot become the instructor of the times, or be a [reliable] witness about them, when suspicion can challenge it. i will, however, record in this chapter some of the acts of don fausto in his government [123]--which, although they were just, were rendered intolerable by the violence and harshness with which they were executed; for the body politic of the manila colony is not fit for so strong cathartic remedies, since its weakness can only endure anodynes and emollients. this gentleman commenced the course of his government with great integrity and rectitude, and very clean hands--grand qualities from which to expect a good government, although not well liked by all. all his desire, assiduity, and effort were directed to the increase of the royal revenues; and this he kept up to the end of his government, with such extreme application that what appeared to the governor justice seemed [to the people] cruelty. but here justice used only the edges of the sword, without weighing with the balances that she held in the other hand the difficulties of time and occasion. don gabriel de curucelaegui had not pushed this matter very far before troubles which gave him greater anxiety diverted his mind from this occupation. in a short time don fausto acquired great comprehension of the conduct of government and of all the measures which could increase the royal revenues; and he found that a very considerable amount was due to the exchequer, not only from the living but from the dead, from the collections of the royal tributes and from other sources. don fausto applied himself to the collection, with excessive rigor, of what the citizens of manila owed to the royal treasury, without considering that most of the debtors were bankrupt, and almost destitute through lack of means; others were now dead, and search was made for their heirs and executors, in order to compel them to satisfy these claims. [124] while these investigations were being made, the prisons and fortifications were filled with debtors, more fit to ask alms than to pay their debts; others took refuge in the churches, where they remained a long time without being able to look for means of support. in every direction there were seizures and auctions, exactions and investigations. by this assiduity don fausto placed much silver in the royal treasury; but his majesty does not choose to flay thus his vassals, but rather, as a good shepherd, to shear off the wool without cutting away the skin in which it has its roots. this inflexibility in collecting the debts owed to the royal exchequer, and his great eagerness to increase it, have caused great expenses, some superfluous and others necessary; and these traits in don fausto continued throughout the period of his government--which was the longest that has occurred in these islands, since it reached eleven years. [125] considering that in these islands there is no equipment of iron-works for making anchors, and that the dutch of batavia, as they are so ingenious, have abundance of all that pertains to navigation, he sent don pedro de ariosolo with title of ambassador, accompanied by some spaniards--don martín de tejada, don josé pestaño de cueva, don juan de tejada, and others, among the prominent citizens of manila. these envoys were very well received in batavia, and so well did they succeed in their errand that they brought back many and excellent anchors, which were used for many years. this transaction was repeated afterward by governor don domingo de zabalburu, who sent for the same purpose general miguel martínez, don gregorio escalante, don juan de san pedro, and others, whose errand was as successful as that of the former envoys, through the good management and great liberality of the ambassador. such endeavors have not always had the desired effect; for in the past year of 1717 the present governor, mariscal don fernando bustillo bustamente y rueda, sent general don fernando de angulo as ambassador to batavia to procure some anchors, but he returned without them. the first galleon that don fausto despatched for nueva españa was the "santo cristo de burgos," in charge of general don francisco de arcocha, his pilot being lazcano; the voyage was a prosperous one, and the galleon returned in the following year of 1692, in charge of the captain of mounted cuirassiers don bernardo de bayo, who was sent by the viceroy conde de galves, who took away that office from don francisco de arcocha. it is said that the cause of this change was resentment on the part of the said conde because he had in the year 1689 sent don gabriel de arnedo y escudero, a gentleman of his household, as commander of the galleon--because the commander who had come with the ship, lucas mateo de urquiza, had remained at acapulco sick (not being willing to follow the second route, which don pedro de ariosolo was taking)--and don gabriel de arnedo y escudero had returned in the said galleon "santo cristo" as a passenger and not as a commander (although he died on the way); and, annoyed at this, the viceroy had taken the office from don francisco de arcocha and given it to don bernardo de bayo. it would have been better if the galleon had not come at all, for it was wrecked on the return trip, as we shall see later. with don gabriel de arnedo came the auditor licentiate don juan de ozaeta y oro, a native of lima, with his wife and children, who the preceding year had not been able to embark on account of the lack of accommodations in the patache "san fernando," in which came the investigating judge and the three auditors. licentiate don juan de ozaeta was highly esteemed for his learning, and for having been an official of great integrity and uprightness. he completed his six years' term as auditor of filipinas, and embarked for méjico, where he was for many years alcalde of criminal cases for that city, with the same reputation for integrity and rectitude. the new auditors brought orders from his majesty that two of them should go first to visit the provinces [126] of these islands, and draw up an enumeration of the royal tributes, their two associates remaining [at manila] to serve in the royal audiencia. for this task two auditors set out--don alonso de abella fuertes to visit the provinces of cagayán, ilocos, and pampanga; and don juan de sierra to visit those of cebú, ogtón, and panay, although he visited only the last two. after don alonso fuertes had returned from his commission, licentiate don juan de ozaeta went to visit the provinces of tagalos, and made the enumeration of the tributes. don fausto placed on the stocks the largest galleon that had ever been built; for it was three codos longer than the largest that had been built in the world. this enterprise was carried on by master-of-camp don tomás de endaya, who by application had become very skilful in this art, and he was therefore the superintendent of this construction; which was completed in less than nine months, to the astonishment of everyone--although with some cause for scandal, since the men worked on it even on the most important feast-days, not stopping even on holy thursday. he gave it the name of "san josé," and appointed don josé madrazo its commander; and it was launched very successfully. it sailed from this headland of cavite on the day of sts. peter and paul in 1694; [127] and on july 3, in the night, it was dashed to pieces on the coast of lubán, and more than four hundred persons were drowned. it was reckoned that if the men had not worked on the feast-days the vessel would have been completed more slowly, and would have sailed many days later, and the furious hurricane that was the cause of its wreck would not have caught it on the sea, with the deaths of so many persons and the loss of the great amount of merchandise that it carried; for it is considered certain that no larger or richer galleon had plowed the waters of the sea, for the wealth that it carried was incredible. while this loss was so great, one of the most grievous losses that these islands have suffered, it was made worse by the non-arrival of the galleon that was expected that year, the "santo cristo de burgos," in charge of general don bernardo ignacio del bayo--who, as we have said, was sent by the viceroy conde de galves in the year of 1691, and returned in the same ship the following year; and it put back to the port of solsogón, after having endured great tempests. it remained at solsogón in order to continue its voyage the year of 1693, as it did; but it not only failed to reach port, but was wrecked, without our gaining the least knowledge of the place where that occurred. there were some suspicions that it was destroyed by fire (a danger for which there is on the sea no help), for at one of the marianas islands were found fragments of burned wood, which were sent [here] by the governor of filipinas, don josé madrazo, and were recognized to be of woods that are found in these islands only. careful search was made for many years along the coasts of south america, and in other regions; but not the least news of this ship has been received. among the persons who were lost in this galleon was a religious who was most highly esteemed by this province for his great virtue and learning; this was the father reader fray francisco de ugarte, a vizcayan, a native of marquina, who came as superior of the mission which reached this province in the year 1684; he had been sent in this galleon to españa, as procurator of the province, to ask for a new reënforcement of missionaries. much could be said of the great virtue of this religious, of his frequent prayer and mortification, his poverty, his extraordinary humility and affability--which i omit, in order not to seem too partial to him, or expose myself to the censure which i have seen incurred by many historians among the regulars, who have indulged in so excessive praises of this sort that they expose themselves to the charge of being too partial, because the persons eulogized are of their own houses. by these so calamitous events the islands were reduced to a miserable condition, on account of the loss of two good galleons and of so much wealth, belonging to so many that one might say it was the wealth of all [the citizens of manila]. there was a little alleviation of our affliction that year, but it was so little that it could hardly be regarded as succor--that before the great galleon left cavite a small patache entered that port which the viceroy of nueva españa had sent with some slight assistance, in charge of don andrés de arriola, a sevillan gentleman of great courage and renown. he returned to nueva españa in a small vessel which was purchased for 6,000 pesos from a portuguese merchant named juan de abreu; it was so small that the authorities ordered, under heavy penalties, that no citizen should send in this vessel anything except letters, a rule which was enforced most rigorously. this patache made a very prosperous voyage; for, having passed the marianas islands, which is the most difficult part of this navigation, and finding that their provisions were nearly gone, and that it was almost impossible to pursue their voyage, divine providence aided them by revealing to them an unknown island, not set down on any navigation chart. they found it uninhabited by men, but abounding in certain birds, large and heavy, and little inclined to fly, and so easy to catch that the men gave them the name of "fool birds" [128] either because of their stupidity, or as being the same as those birds which are found in brasil and some islands of india which the portuguese call dodos, which is the same as tontos [i.e., "stupid"]. the flesh of these birds is very good, and so, by killing many of them and drying their flesh in the wind, the sailors made a very good provision of food. they also found very good water and firewood, so that they were able to continue their voyage to acapulco. what they most regretted was, that they could not fix the latitude and situation of this island, for lack of seeing the sun; and thus the island became again unknown, and inaccessible for another like emergency. [if its location were known], it would be a great assistance in making easier this arduous and severe navigation from filipinas to acapulco. don andrés de arriola was afterward a knight of the order of santiago, commander of the windward fleet, and governor of vera cruz and of pançacola, where he rendered great services to his majesty king don felipe v--his great courage enabling him to furnish large supplies of silver [to the king], despite the perils of the sea and the enemies of the crown, in the time when the armed fleets of inglaterra and holanda were infesting the seas and obstructing the commerce with america. among the losses which governor don fausto experienced in the time of his government, the greatest in his estimation was the death of his spouse doña beatriz de aróstegui, in 1694; he loved her dearly, an affection deserved by her beauty, the many children that she had borne him, her great virtues, and sweet disposition--for which all the people loved her as the rainbow of peace, as she greatly moderated the choleric disposition of her husband. she died, this rachel in beauty and leah in fruitfulness, in the second year of the government of don fausto. [129] she was given a burial with honors in our church at manila, and in the following year her remains were transferred to a beautiful chapel in the chancel, erected and adorned for this purpose. [this chapel contains the sculptured figure of the lady, with some latin inscriptions, which are here omitted.] well was this monument merited by a matron so virtuous, loved and reverenced by all for her great virtues; and her death was all the more regretted on account of her youth. the funeral honors which were solemnized for her were the most splendid ever seen in these islands (and it would be difficult to equal them in any other country, even with great expenditures); for the great abundance in these islands of wax and of the other materials for pomp which can increase the magnificence of functions of this kind, render them very easy. but this abuse is at present greatly moderated, as a result of the recent royal decree which was published that these vain parades be diminished. bibliographical data the sources of the documents in this volume are as follows: 1. camacho ecclesiastical controversy.--from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 107-115, and 119-133; a contemporaneous ms., belonging to edward e. ayer; ventura del arco mss., v, pp. 231-296, and iv, pp. 201-206. 2. augustinians in the philippines.--from casimiro diaz's conquistas (manila, 1890), pp. 440-444, and 689-817; from a copy in the possession of james a. robertson. notes [1] at the end of this document appear the following memoranda relative to the archbishop's voyage to the islands: "archbishop camacho embarked at acapulco for manila on march 30, 1697. the lading of the ship was made in great haste, because there was in acapulco a fearful pestilence. several died from this pest on the ship, within a few days--among whom were the fiscal of his majesty, and a jesuit and a dominican. on the 19th of july they encountered a terrible storm, from which they escaped only through the intercession of st. francisco javier, a jesuit, casting into the water an order of the saint in which he promised that they should have no [cause for] fear. on july 24, at three o'clock in the afternoon, they anchored in the port of palapag, where they suffered from a baguio. on the eighth day of september, the archbishop made his public entry into manila." [2] spanish, realengos; "applied to the villages which are not held by seigniors or by the religious orders, and to lands belonging to the state" (barcia). auditor sierra held a commission from the court for legalizing the ownership of lands in filipinas; and in the fulfilment of this charge he demanded from the friars the documents which justified their right to the magnificent estates of which they called themselves the owners." (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, p. 385.) [3] this bull was a papal sentence of excommunication formerly published against heretics every holy (or maundy) thursday; for ages it was publicly read on that day, otherwise known as the feria quinta in coena domini; hence its common title, as given in the text. the latest form which this bull assumed was given to it by urban viii in 1627; it is entitled, pastoralis romani pontificis vigilantia, and is divided into twenty sections or decrees. of these, no. 15 censures such as usurp jurisdiction; it was, then, issued in the interests of liberty in court trials. no. 17 censures those who usurp church revenues, incomes, and the like; and it thus upheld the rights of ownership. this bull is no longer used; its periodical publication was discontinued after 1773, and it was suppressed by pius ix (october 12, 1869), in force of his constitution, apostolicæ sedis, issued on that date.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [4] the decree here mentioned is dated may 15, 1572, and begins, exposcit debitum pastoralis officii. in it provision is made for "appeals from the west indias, and the islands of the ocean sea, subject to the king of spain." it orders that appeals be carried, first, from the bishop to the metropolitan; second, from the metropolitan to the next neighboring ordinary--that thus justice might be secured without delay or so heavy expense. philip ii had petitioned to this effect, that cases might be decided by two courts, and no appeal be admitted therefrom; hence the bull of gregory to the king. in this case, the appeal was from the metropolitan to the bishop of camarines--who probably had been commissioned by the pope to act as delegate from an early period in his episcopal career, since he himself mentions (post) his having acted in that capacity in the time of archbishop pardo. in case of the nearest see being vacant, the official who acted as its head would be delegate for the time being, i.e. would be a vice-ordinary. also, as those islands were too remote for sending thither delegates from europe, except in extraordinary cases, the metropolitan of manila might send a delegate to camarines. the authority possessed by the delegate in appeal cases (as results from the bull of gregory) would be definitive and final; he might overrule and even supersede the metropolitan, as being the judge in final appeal.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [5] probably manuel fernandez de santa cruz, as he was bishop of puebla in 1696 (bancroft's mexico, iii, p. 256). [6] cruzat y gongora's term of office was lengthened by the failure of his successor to go to the islands. this was domingo zabalburu de echevarri, who was appointed september 18, 1694, but did not reach manila until 1701. [7] spanish, sobrino, which may be applied not only to a brother's or sister's child, but to that of a cousin-german. [8] spanish, ni mejorarla [apelacion]; a legal phrase, meaning "to support the appeal before the superior court, after having appealed before it, by setting forth the injury that is experienced from any act issued by the lower court" (barcia). [9] so in ventura del arco's transcription; but it would seem to be an error for 120--perhaps a copyist's conjecture of an illegible character--since it apparently refers to gregory xiii's decree of 1572 (ante, p. 27). [10] he was almost seventy years old, according to concepción (hist. de philipinas, viii, p. 229). [11] in the latin church the ecclesiastical orders are those of bishops, priests, deacons, sub-deacons, acolytes, exorcists, readers, and ostiarii, or doorkeepers. many theologians reckon the number at seven, regarding the episcopate as merely the extension of the priesthood (addis and arnold, p. 621). [12] spanish, seminario conciliar; "the house assigned for the education of the young men who devote themselves to the ecclesiastical career" (barcia). [13] josé sarmiento valladares, conde de montezuma, was the successor, in the viceroyalty of nueva españa, of gaspar de la cerda, conde de galve (whose term of office was november 20, 1688 to may, 1696). valladares obtained his title by his marriage with gerónima maría, a lineal descendant of the mexican emperor, and third countess of montezuma. he took possession of the office on december 18, 1696, and held it until november 4, 1701. he was an able and efficient governor, and did much to repress crime, improve social conditions, aid the indians in times of distress, and render the city of mexico more strongly fortified. (bancroft, mexico, iii, pp. 222, 259, 264, 265.) [14] miguel bayót was a discalced franciscan, an aragonese, who came to the philippines in 1669; he was employed in ministries to the indians, and was long at the head of the hospice of the order in mexico city. in 1695 he was appointed bishop of cebú, when he was 52 years old, being then in mexico, and took possession of his office in september, 1696; he died there on august 28, 1700. when he died, only the sum of five reals was found in his possession. (san antonio, chronicas, i, p. 212.) [15] the first page of this ms. is occupied by official attestations showing that on january 22, 1699, officially certified copies of these decrees by the archbishop were demanded by antonio de borja, procurator-general of the jesuit province, from one of the alcaldes of manila, antonio basarte, who ordered these copies to be made. [16] spanish, casamientos y velaciones; the former the general term for marriages, the latter also used thus, but referring especially to the nuptial mass or nuptial benedictions (which, however, were and are given only at mass). the parties might be married outside of mass--as if it were a private marriage, or if they were too poor to pay for the mass--and then did not receive the benedictions. but if at mass, they were velados--a term recalling an ancient ceremony when both parties were veiled at the marriage; i.e., the priest threw a veil over their heads. thus moroni in his diccionario, who also states that "this custom is still in vogue in some places" (in his own day, about thirty years ago). la velacion was another term for the marriage ceremony at mass, and was part of the ceremony. every woman (of good standing) is entitled to church marriage--with nuptial mass and benediction--but once only: this may be on the occasion of a second or third marriage, provided the former marriages were outside of mass; but if the first marriage were with the nuptial mass, she is barred from enjoying this privilege at subsequent marriages. these are the casamientos; the nuptial mass, or marriage accompanied by it, the velacion.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [17] hijo de la iglesia; a term applied to a foundling or abandoned infant; cf., the italian appellation, "a child of the madonna." [18] spanish, octavas. none of the standard dictionaries give a meaning to cover this use of octavas. dominguez's diccionario (supplement) states that the word is a term in roman law, designating an ancient form of tribute consisting of one part in eight. probably it was carried over into ecclesiastical law, and here means that the cura was expected to pay one-eighth of his fees into the church fund. [19] spanish, canonicas monitoriales. in law books, banns (in latin) are styled proclamationes monitoriæ.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [20] spanish, limosna. the fees (derechos) of the cura were determined, fixed sums, as in the tariff lists, nor could he change them. the limosna--a free offering, and wholly optional with the parties for whom he officiated--was over and above the tariff charge. the cura could do with this offering what he wished--if he chose, spending it in alms; but it was given to him personally, and was for his own use. cf. the gratificación voluntaria in the following list of fees to be paid the parish priest in cuba, taken from the manual de la isla de cuba, by josé garcia y arboleya (2nd ed., havana, 1859), pp. 316, 317: for baptism: a voluntary offering [gratificación voluntaria], the minimum of which is 6 reals for the cura and 2 for the acolyte $ 1. for burial: of free adult 7.50 of free child 6.50 of slave adult 5.50 of slave child 5. for prayers--responso with cope, sacristan, and processional cross [cruz alta], at the house of the deceased 7. for prayers, with cope, at the burial 4. for office (of three lections) 5. for mass chanted (body present) 6. for each halt [posa] 12.50 for processional cross at the grave (without cross, .50) 2. for each censer .50 for each attendant in surplice 1. for remaining till end [of interment] 1.50 for four [church] bells [tolled] 2. for three [church] bells [tolled] 1.50 for two [church] bells [tolled] 1. for low mass [without chant] 1. for a fiesta [feast-day celebration] with vespers and mass chanted 12. for a fiesta with procession 14. for votive mass chanted 6.50 for marriage 7.25 for cura at the house [of the parties] 4. for foreigners 25. to 30. for record of baptism 1. --rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [21] the term morenos, as has appeared from former documents, was applied generally to persons of swarthy complexion--mulattoes, some negroes, and malabar natives, indiscriminately. [22] spanish, arraz (arras); a very old term, of hebrew origin; hence the latin law term of arrha, i.e., anticipated payment of part. arras also means "thirteen pieces of money given to the bride by the bridegroom;" this or similar dowry was required by a very old and very rigorous law.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. barcia gives arras the general meaning of "that which is given as a pledge or token of any agreement. it was extended also to the marriage contract. also, the thirteen pieces of money which in weddings serve for the formality of that function, passing from the hands of the bridegroom to those of the bride. in law, the amount which the man promises to the woman on account of his marriage to her; it cannot exceed, according to law, the tenth part of his possessions." he defines arrha (french, arrhes) as "a pledge or token given to secure and confirm a contract." [23] the context would seem to require here the amount of the fee for burial of a child; this has apparently been omitted in the ms. by a clerical error. the general appearance of the ms., and various memoranda on the back, suggest the probability that this was one of the copies furnished to the jesuit borja. [24] spanish, possas. at funerals, prayers were read at different points on the way to the cemetery; for instance, at the church door, midway on the route, and at the cemetery gate--if not oftener. of course the procession halted while prayers were being read or chanted; so for each halt (posa) a fee was due.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [25] spanish, missas de nouenario; the novenary is a nine days' condolence for the deceased. the same term is also applied to a nine days' devotion offered to some saint. [26] spanish, el velo; literally, the "veil," or the "veiling;" evidently referring to the old-time usage of placing a veil over the married pair (see note 16, ante), as a part of the ceremonies at the nuptial mass. i am told by one of our fathers here at villanova, who lived in spain years ago, that at marriages in that country the bride wears the usual wedding-veil, and continues to wear it in public for one week after the marriage; it is white, sometimes plain, sometimes adorned with ribbons or flowers of various colors.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [27] spanish, cruz alta con su manga. the processional cross was carried on a staff, as used in the united states in processions; at funerals the crucifix was covered with black, this funeral trapping (manga) covering or veiling the cross as a sign of grief. sometimes the sacristan bore only a small cross, without staff; this depended wholly on his fee. in all catholic churches in the united states, we use the crucifixes covered in holy week; but we do not veil crosses at funerals.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [28] spanish, por titulo de justicia. parroco de justicia, so frequently used in this document, is the spanish rendering of the technical latin phrase, parochus de jure--words which show that the cura had a right to his office, had been instituted according to the canons, and was canonically and legally in office. it is practically the same as the english phrase "by right and title." other equivalents are: "by title of law," "by right," and "ordinary." the parish priest, whether secular or regular, was an official of the church.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [29] see account of the allotment of diocesan titles in vol. i, p. 244, note 188. baluffi, there cited, adds: "relative to the two ninths that were given to the king, the first bishop of mechoacan [in mexico], mons. vasco de quiroga, when organizing his cathedral [clergy] in 1554, speaking of the two shares of the tithes that were given to the king, remarked that they were thus awarded to his most serene majesty in token of his lordship (superioritalis) and right of patronage." [30] in text, oneroso, but evidently a transcriber's error for onrroso. [31] in the text, projimos, "neighbors"--in allusion to the scriptural injunction, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," a duty strictly inculcated in the training of candidates for ordination, especially in the jesuit order. [32] alluding to paul's precept in i corinthians, vii, v. 20. [33] that is, a non-resident or merely titular prelate; see vol. xviii, p. 339, note 101. [34] the whole sentence, divested of technicalities, simply means that one must "look before he leaps;" or that, when one has his eyes open, he is supposed to have used them; or that the bishop, should he be merely titular, would have no one to blame but himself, and should be the last to complain.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [35] spanish, pordioseros; that is, those who ask alms "for god's sake." [36] spanish, conciliabulo; like english "conventicle," used to designate an unauthorized or illegal assembly. [37] spanish, mal sonante y temeraria--literally, "of evil sound and reckless." this is part of a legal phrase, taken from latin forms used by the roman courts when characterizing books, teachings, statements, etc., of unorthodox or schismatic bearing.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [38] this memorial seems to have been written by the dominican fray raimundo berart (see reseña biográfica, ii, p. 203); and it was printed by fray mimbela. [39] spanish, consumiendo; "the reception or eating by the priest of the body and blood of christ, in the elements of bread and wine" (dominguez). [40] francisco de mesina was born in messina, sicily, in 1614; at the age of fifteen he became a jesuit novice, and in 1643 came to the philippines. he acted as minister at the college of manila during one year, and then went to camboja with a spanish expedition who built a ship there, ministering to the spaniards, and to the natives of the country. for two years he was rector of silang, and more than twenty years minister to the chinese at santa cruz, near manila, becoming very proficient in their language. he was three years provincial, and was sent to macan and camboja by the governor "on affairs of the royal service;" and he died at santa cruz, october 12, 1682. (murillo velarde, hist. philipinas, fol. 354.) [41] spanish, almojarifazgo: export and import duties, as our modern officials would call them. this tax was first collected by the moors in the cities and coasts of andalucía, and afterward--in the times of st. fernando, according to various authors--came to be introduced among the christians; and they, on accepting or establishing this impost, adopted the name by which the arabs designated it.--fray tirso lópez (editor of diaz). [42] don francísco xavier, in the year 1670 (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 300). [43] francisco miedes was a native of madrid, born about 1621; he entered the jesuit order about 1643, and in 1643 came to the islands. during the first year he was an instructor at the college of manila; the rest of his life was spent in the missions of ternate and siao. he compiled grammars and vocabularies of the dialects spoken in those islands, and performed his missionary labors with great self-sacrifice and devotion, suffering much from poverty and lack of the usual comforts of life. the hardships of this career, and his frequent austerities, broke down his strength, and he finally died at iloilo, on june 21, 1674. (murillo velarde, ut supra, fol. 352 b, 353.) gerónimo cebreros was born in mexico on may 30, 1626, and at the age of twenty-three entered the jesuit novitiate, and four years later came to the islands. he was a missionary in ternate and siao, and for six years the superior of those missions; afterward he labored among the spaniards and tagals in luzón, and died on august 15, 1713. (ut supra, fol. 400 b.) [44] diaz does not give the christian name of this missionary, but murillo velarde says (ut supra, fol. 300 b), that it was juan de esquivel; this name, however, is not again mentioned by that author. on fol. 284 he gives the following account of diego de esquivel (of whom juan may have been a brother): "on the sixth of june, 1665, died at manila father diego de esquivel, at the age of forty-two years, after seventeen years as a member of the society; he was a native of the said city, and it was there that he entered the society, in the year 1648. he finished his studies there, and, having been ordained as a priest, was sent to ternate--where he learned perfectly the language of the natives, of which he wrote a grammar and a vocabulary. thence he went to tydore, and afterward to siao, where the natives were living more as barbarians than as christians; and he suffered greatly in that island, on account of the poverty of the country. he had his heart set on planting the faith and good morals among that people, by means of preaching, the good example of his life as a religious, and the charity with which he ministered to all; and he gained thereby the great affection of the people of siao. this was known by don sabiniano manrique de lara, and therefore after the death of don bentura, the king of that island (who left a young son), the governor commissioned father esquivel with the government of that kingdom, as it was under the royal protection, to the great satisfaction of the chiefs of its villages; and the superiors [of the order] gave him permission, in so far as it was in accordance with the sacred canons, to act as counselor of the said kingdom. this caused the preservation in our holy faith of the many and glorious missions which this province has in the orient--which are the island and kingdom of siao, and the provinces of manados or cauripa (which are in the great island of celebes, or macazar), with other islands and missions, which he frequently visited, by which he gained many souls to god. he was sent to ternate as rector, but, moved by affectionate desire for the salvation of his siaos, he left a father as vice-rector of the college [at ternate], and returned to siao. at this time, orders were given to withdraw the garrison from ternate, and father esquivel returned to manila, and many of those natives accompanied him--in order not to lose the faith, nobly abandoning their native land. they settled in maragondong, la estacada, and other places, with the name of mardicas, and i knew in maragondong some of them who had been born in ternate. through the hardships of this voyage father esquivel contracted an illness, which lasted during the remainder of his life. he spent some time as minister at barás, where his sickness became worse; they carried him to manila, where he died with great peace and resignation." manuel español was born in aren, may 11, 1639, and entered the jesuit order on november 21, 1656. seven years later he came to the philippine islands. he was minister at the college of manila two years, and afterward labored in the missions of siao and ternate for many years. he died in manila, on march 10, 1684. (murillo velarde, ut supra, fol. 356.) [45] murillo velarde says (ut supra, fol. 302): "on the first of november, 1677, the dutch seized siao, called thither by don geronimo daras, a rival and enemy of the king don francisco (who was a good catholic, and a friend of the spaniards); they went to conquer it, and left as governor of the island robert paagbrugue. they carried away to malayo the fathers who were ministering there. they cut down the clove trees, and established several small forts with some artillery; and left there about two hundred men, with a preacher, who instructed the natives in regard to their errors. at first some of the siaos resisted; but now they are most obstinate heretics, and very bitter enemies of the catholic religion--as i found in some who strayed to manila in those days; although some were finally converted, and i baptized a boy of fourteen years who learned the [christian] doctrine readily." [46] i.e., "a time of peace, a time of war." [47] spanish, del monte sale, quien al monte quema, "indicating that the losses we suffer usually proceed from persons allied to us, or who live near us" (dominguez). [48] here, as in several other places in our text, we omit various pious reflections and citations from scripture or the fathers of the church, simply through the pressure of valuable historical matter upon our limited space. [49] i.e., "if for my sake this tempest has arisen, cast me into the sea," paraphrasing rather than quoting the prophet's words (jonah, i, v. 12). [50] juan caballero was born in córdoba in 1629, and made his profession in the augustinian order at sevilla (by a typographical error in pérez's catálogo, in 1637; probably, 1657). he came to manila in the mission of 1669; three years later, was elected prior of cebú, and in 1674 prior of manila, where he died in 1685. [51] biographical notices of these friars, and of others mentioned by diaz in like connection, may be found in pérez's catálogo. [52] spanish, colegial del mayor. a colegio mayor is defined by dominguez as "a community of youths, laymen of distinguished families, who devote themselves to various studies, living in a certain seclusion, and under a collegiate rector, whom they appoint, usually each year." [53] spanish, catedratico de decreto. the decreto was the book compiled by gratianus which forms the first part of the canon law. [54] "more properly konkanis; the modern division of north canara is part of the territory properly known as the konkan, and the old portuguese called the natives of their territory, both those of goa and the north (properly the konkanis), and also those to the southward, indiscriminately canarins." "the canarins (who are heathen), are of two sorts, for such as are engaged in trade and other honorable callings are held in much greater respect than those who engage in fishing, or practice mechanical crafts." canarin is the portuguese form of the name applied to the natives of the coast, and interior north of malabar, as far as and including goa district; another form of the name is karnatic, although it is now applied to the tamil country on the eastern side of the indian peninsula.--see voyage of pyrard de laval (hakluyt society publications, london, 1887-88) and notes by gray and bell, i, pp. 375-376, ii, pp. 35, 405-406. [55] payo enriquez de rivera was a native of sevilla, and son of the duke de alcalá, viceroy of naples. in 1628 he made profession in the augustinian order, and after obtaining his degrees in theology and philosophy held various important offices in spain. in 1657 he was presented to the see of guatemala, and ten years later to that of michoacan; soon afterward he was made archbishop of mexico, which office he assumed in june 1668. the viceroyalty of mexico becoming vacant by the death of pedro nuño colon, duke de veraguas, a few days after taking possession of that government (december, 1673), he was immediately succeeded, by a royal order anticipating this event, by fray payo de rivera, who ruled nueva españa for seven years. rivera was distinguished by his ability as a ruler, not only in matters ecclesiastical, but in civil and military affairs--to all of which he attended with zeal and prudence; and he was beloved by the people. in july, 1681, he set out for spain, where he had two important appointments from the government; but he declined these, and retired to the convent of santa maría del risco. he died on april 8, 1684, honored in both life and death by the government and by his people. (bancroft's mexico, iii, pp. 182-187.) [56] our constitutions inhibit such procedure, the applying to courts outside the order. for us, appeals lie only to the pontiff, who, being the common father of the faithful, is not considered an outsider.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [57] i.e., "the party dispossessed must first of all be restored, any other proceeding being deferred." [58] referring to a work by the jesuit writer martin martini (1614-61), who for many years was a prominent missionary in china. this was his novus atlas sinensis (vienna, 1655), which formed part 10 of the great atlas published by joannis blaeu at amsterdam (1656). diaz hispanicizes martini's name, and rather curiously uses the italian word atlante for "atlas" instead of the spanish atlas. [59] more strictly the name coromandel is applied to the eastern coast of india north of cape comorin, and malabar to the western coast. [60] i.e., "it shall not be compared with the dyed colors of india" (job, xxviii, v. 16). [61] see plan of madras, and maps of coromandel coast, in bellin's atlas maritime, iii, fol. 37-39. [62] the basilian order was founded by st. basil, bishop of cæsarea in cappadocia. his rule became so popular in the east as to supplant all others; and at this day it alone is recognized and followed by the monks of the greek church. this order also made its way into southern italy, poland, hungary, and russia. nearly all the convents of basilian nuns (founded by st. macrina, sister of basil), like those of the monks, have embraced the eastern schism. (addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, citing hélyot's ordres monastiques.) [63] spanish, crescas, a word not given in the lexicons, but evidently, from the context, to be thus rendered. [64] see linschoten's account of this story of st. thomas's preaching in india, and a. c. burnell's notes thereon, in voyage of linschoten (hakluyt society publications, london, 1885), i, pp. 83-89. burnell says that this story is unknown to the natives of india, and evidently originated in syria. the inscription on the alleged tomb of st. thomas near madras is now known to be nestorian, of about the ninth century a. d. [65] tercia: the third part of a vara (33.38+ inches), therefore a little more than 11 inches; generally used as a measure of length. [66] concepción's account of this occurrence (hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 258, 259) contains an explanation somewhat remarkable for a period when sanitary science had made little progress, even in europe. "governor don manuel de leon was sick from excessive corpulency; and don juan de sarra treated him by making cruel cuts in the flesh of his body. he attended, when these incisions were not yet quite healed, the funeral of doña maria del cuellar, the deceased wife of auditor don francisco coloma; and in the church the vapors which exhale from buried corpses--which, experience proves, cost those so dear, who enter the church with sores or wounds, as these are poisoned and corrupted by those vapors--had the effect on the governor of opening his wounds, and bringing on a hemorrhage which exhausted him, [and he died. april 11, 1667]." [67] salazar relates the disposition of the governor's estate (hist. sant. rosario, pp. 114, 115), saying that, besides the provincial, fray balthasar de santa cruz and general marcos quintero ramos were named by león as his executors; referring to the prohibition (see his p. 43) of such administration to the dominican friars, he adds: "the said fathers could not refuse to accept this onerous charge as executors, not only on account of what our order owed to the deceased, but because of other circumstances which stood in the way and concerned the peace of the community." he states that fray san roman's death (less than a year after the governor's) did not prevent the administration of león's estate and the disposal of his property, which santa cruz carried out, the handling of the money being left entirely to quintero. the governor's fortune amounted to 250,000 pesos, of which the dominican order appropriated nothing to itself, the money being almost entirely spent in pious foundations and charitable works. to the misericordia was given 50,000 pesos, part of which was set aside for the dowries of orphan girls; to león's native place, 33,000 pesos to found chaplaincies, for the benefit of his soul; 12,000 to rebuild the hospital of san lazaro at manila, and a like sum for rebuilding the seminary of santa potenciana; and the remainder was spent in various works of piety and charity, for the benefit of the community. [68] every province was entitled to choose four definitors and two visitors. in chapters the voting list is published prior to the elections; it contains the name of every person entitled to vote therein, with the position entitling him to vote.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [69] spanish, altura; here meaning the most northern part of the ship's course, as the ships sailing from manila took a route far northward to avail themselves of the trade-winds. [70] this should be antonio de letona; his book is entitled perfecta religiosa (puebla, mexico, 1662). see our vol. xxxvi, p. 189. [71] in text, rectores; but, as there is no meaning of that word that properly applies here, we conjecture it to be a typographical error for receptores. [72] francisco salgado was a native of galicia, born april 2, 1629. in 1648 he entered the jesuit order, and in 1662, came to the philippines. for several years he was teacher in the college of manila; and afterward rector at silang. he went to europe (about 1675?), and returned in 1679 with a mission band; he was rector of the manila college and twice provincial. he died at manila on july 14, 1689. (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 357.) [73] the ms. does not state what the other relic was, nor is it easy to ascertain; for the english in the latter part of the eighteenth century profaned the church of san agustín at manila, and took from it all the relics, in order to avail themselves of the silver of the reliquaries, and of the gold in which many of them were set.--fray tirso lópez. [74] juan de mariana (1536-1624) was one of the most noted writers among the spanish jesuits. the work here referred to is that which he published originally in latin, historiæ de rebus hispaniæ libri xxv (toleti, 1592), which carried the history of the spanish monarchy down to 1516. his own spanish version of this work, enlarged and corrected, appeared at toledo, 1601. other writers continued this history to 1649 and 1669; and the last of these was extended to 1678 by felix lucio de espinosa y malo (madrid, 1678). this work has had many editions, translations, and criticisms--for which see sommervogel's bibliothèque comp. de jesus. one of mariana's works, de rege et regis institutione (toleti, 1599), was censured by the parliament of paris and publicly burned by the executioner in 1610; and the french court asked the spanish government to suppress it, which request was refused. [75] that is, the writer's desire to flatter some influential persons who were enemies of valenzuela. [76] the alternation [alternativa] of the elections consisted in this, that during one triennium the offices were held by natives of spain, and during the next one by those born in the indias.--fray tirso lópez. [77] spanish, pasado en authoridad de cosa juzgada (equivalent to the latin res adjudicata). [78] spanish, se comprometió. with us elections sometimes go by compromissum; that is, where no result is secured as usual by close ballot the chapter designate a committee to nominate some person, usually with the pledge that the chapter will afterward elect him, and thus ratify the committee's choice.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [79] among the voters at provincial and general chapters are two classes especially designated by provinces or convents to represent the entire community; these are the definitors and the discreets (vol. xxxiv, p. 419). the conventual discreet is chosen for the provincial chapter, and is elected by all the voters of a house in chapter assembled. the discreet-general is chosen for the general chapter, by the provincial chapter. at the general chapter every province is entitled to representation by three voters--the provincial, the definitor, and the discreet. at provincial chapter every large house, or convent, is entitled similarly to representation by two voters, the priors and the discreet (there is no definitor for a house).--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [80] there must be some error in the text--probably made in the transcriptions of diaz's manuscript for publication--for pérez says (catálogo, p. 140) that these missions contained 160 religious. the father here named is mentioned a little below as manuel losada, which name (although it does not appear in pérez) was probably his baptismal and family name, the other being that assumed by him on entering the order. [81] no elemental; that is, it was not nebulous--as our astronomers at this time say, arrogating to themselves this discovery, which evidently was not unknown to those of earlier times.--fray tirso lópez. [82] roughly estimating from the date here given, it seems probable that the line here mentioned refers to the diameter of the earth. although that diameter had not been exactly measured at that time, a long step toward this had been taken by picard of france, who in 1671 made the first really valuable measure of the arc of a meridian, a measure which isaac newton used in verifying his idea of gravitation. the ambiguous manner in which the line is mentioned by the writer (supposedly kino, as cited by diaz) was probably due to cautious dread lest ecclesiastical penalties be visited on the too definite statement of scientific discoveries; for at that time mexico was dominated by the inquisition, by which tribunal the great galileo had been imprisoned less than fifty years before kino made these observations. the course of this comet can easily be verified, after making due allowance for the precession of the equinoxes, on any map of the constellations. information for this note is furnished by albert s. flint, astronomer of washburn observatory, university of wisconsin. [83] eusebius kino (or chino) was a noted mathematician and explorer. born near trent in 1644, he entered the jesuit order at the age of twenty-one, and in 1678 came to america. he soon devoted himself to the california missions, and explored and mapped a large extent of country in mexico and lower california. he died at magdalena, march 15, 1711. [84] one of the collections of canon law is called "clementinas" (see vol. xxv, p. 226): they were compiled out of the canons of the council of vienne (1316) and some of his own constitutions. (addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 106.) the father of bolivar had apparently held the clementina chair of canon law in a university. [85] the vihuela (or viguela) was the ancient form of the guitar, or something between it and the violin. it is mentioned as in use, in a poem of the fourteenth century. there were vihuelas de penoia and vihuelas de arco--the former played with a plectrum, the latter with a bow. later, the vihuela merged entirely into the guitar. (h. e. watts, in note on his edition of don quixote [london, 1895], iv, p. 85.) [86] "much difficulty was found in raising the required force for the philippine islands. many of the soldiers dreading the climate would desert before reaching acapulco, and new schemes had to be devised for raising recruits. thus in 1677 all criminals willing to enlist were pardoned, and 125 pesos a year given them as pay. still, only a small number could be induced to accept this offer." (bancroft, mexico, iii, p. 185.) [87] spanish, quintas esencias (english, "quintessences"); referring to the notion in alchemy of a fifth or last and highest essence or power in a natural body. [88] spanish, se parte un pelo en el aire; an idiomatic expression (also written cortar or hender un cabello), signifying the possession of great penetration, keenness, dexterity; quick perception, much perspicacity. cf. the common phrases, "to fish for things in the air," "to catch them while flying," etc. (dominguez). the saying perhaps originated in the ability of a good swordsman to cut a hair in two instantly with his sword. [89] spanish, dos palos; meaning the two wooden ships used for the acapulco trade, which was the sole support of the colony. [90] that is, "mindless, or silly, or without sense;" a neat and keen play on words. the meaning evidently is, that knowledge of law does not consist in mere remembrance of law terms, but in discerning their force and power.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [91] "they feared to lose temporal goods, and did not reflect on the life eternal; and thus they lost both." [92] this form of bodily mortification can be understood only by those who live in hot countries. in europa it is no mortification at all, and there is no religious who does not practice it, as being a precept of the rules, which command that neither food nor drink be taken outside of fixed hours. but in intertropical countries, with the suffocating heat and the continual perspiration it is a necessity to drink water and quench one's thirst with great frequency; and on this account the superiors have to grant dispensations from some prescribed usages that are, if not impossible, exceedingly difficult to fulfil in those countries. as a compensation, there are other forms of mortification which in cold countries are difficult to practice, such as sleeping on the ground, which in the regions that are mentioned above do not merit even the name of mortification.--fray tirso lópez. [93] spanish, cilicios: a term originally derived from the name cilicia, from which country was brought in ancient times a cloth woven of hair, called therefore cilicium; applied to a belt or girdle of haircloth, or of metallic wires woven together, often with projecting points of metal, worn next to the skin by way of mortifying the flesh. [94] "no one can serve two masters;" in verse 13 of the sixteenth (not seventeenth, as in our text) chapter of luke's gospel. [95] although difficulties arise in obeying two superiors, it is not impossible, and much less when the respective jurisdiction of each is over different activities--as occurs in the missions and villages directed by religious, in which the superior of the order is responsible for his subordinates conducting themselves as they should in their private lives, and the vicar or bishop watches to see that they are punctual in the discharge of their ministry as missionaries or parish priests. in such cases the gospel text, which speaks of those who command opposite things, does not properly apply.--fray tirso lópez. [96] tomás antonio de la cerda, conde de paredes and marqués de la laguna, succeeded archbishop rivera as viceroy of nueva españa on november 30, 1680; he held this office six years. during this time the shores of nueva españa were continually harassed by pirates and buccaneers--the most notable event being their capture and sack of vera cruz in may, 1683. [97] this word cannot be found in the spanish lexicons, and is probably a siamese word, since on old maps of siam are numerous place-names which begin with the syllable ban. bandel may be a place-name, but more probably designates the trading-post occupied by the portuguese. [98] the windward fleet (armada de barlovento) was maintained to protect spanish commerce in the atlantic between spain and america. in 1689 it was composed of six ships of the line and a frigate. (bancroft's mexico, iii, p. 224.) [99] pérez's catálogo enumerates forty-five in this mission band. among them was a priest, diego higinio, who for many years ministered to the lepers in bisayas. [100] spanish, hermano mayor, that is, the brother at the head of the association. [101] the reference is to a passage in canon law, in the corpus juris, which runs thus: si episcopus à paganis aut schismaticis capiatur, non archiepiscopus, sed capitulum ... ministrare debebit:... the full citation is: si episcopus, "de supplenda negligentia prælatorum," lib. i, cap. iii, in sexto. the sextus, or sixth book, from which the above is taken, is entitled, sexti decretalium liber, of pope boniface viii; and is described in addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 106.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [102] i.e., "courage holds greater sway in a small body." [103] that is, who had deserved it before his coming, but thus far had managed to escape punishment. [104] spanish, mala feria, "a bad fair;" referring to the annual gathering of buyers at acapulco on the arrival of the manila galleon. [105] "so closely did the government guard against possible independence of the colonists in trade that ships' companies were prohibited from purchasing goods of the country, and factors and traders on the fleets were not allowed to remain longer than three years in america. no foreigner could trade with the colonies, nor was one permitted to enter a port without special license. in fact the prices of both imports and exports of new spain, with the exception of the precious metals, were under the arbitrary control of the merchants of seville, and later of cádiz. what further increased the drainage of wealth from america was the decadence of manufacturing industries in spain, owing to the immense influx into the peninsula of precious metals. the riches poured into the mother country made labor almost unnecessary; hence a general decline in all kinds of industry, and spain had to resort to foreign markets, not only to supply home consumption but also the demands of her colonies. merchandise thus procured could only be exported to the american settlements at rates increased by additional duties and merchants' profits." besides the commercial restrictions imposed on the colonies by the home government, other influences depressed trade--forced loans to the king, debased coinage, interference by the church, arbitrary action by civil authorities, contraband trade, the ravages of war, and the depredations of corsairs. "in time of war commerce with the mother country was reduced to the lowest ebb; european goods were poured into the spanish colonies by neutrals, and the contraband trade was almost openly carried on." (bancroft's mexico, iii, pp. 628-630.) [106] regarding the bulls of the crusade (for which see vol. xxviii, pp. 113-115), the following information is furnished by rev. dr. william a. jones, o.s.a., president of the college of san agustín, havana: "so far as i know, there was no special decree suppressing the privileges of the bula cruzada. as i understand it from those who are well informed, the original privileges contained in the bula cruzada were exclusively bestowed upon spanish subjects, and as a consequence, followed the spanish flag. the moment the sovereignty of spain ceased over this island [cuba], so ceased also the meaning of the bula cruzada for these rebels to the old dynasty. but some cubans continued to adopt the privileges of the latin american council which had recently been held in rome (about five years ago), in virtue of which the privileges regarding fasts and abstinence are almost identical with the old bula; those privileges were afterward confirmed, and we follow the rules of the council. as for the philippines, i infer that the bula ceased there as soon as the spanish sovereignty ended." an augustinian father who has recently come to villanova from the philippines states that in those islands they have dispensations for fasts and abstinence, the same as before the revolution; but he could not state the precise date of those dispensations.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. a decree of leo xiii, april 22, 1899, grants the cuban bishops authority for ten years to grant dispensations from fasting and abstinence. [107] diaz's statement throws an interesting light on the preparation and publication of the conquistas of fray gaspar de san agustín, which is the work here referred to. at the beginning are various approbations, licenses, etc. the dedication, very flowery and somewhat perfunctory, is made to doña maría de guadalupe, duquesa de avero (with many other titles), as "the learned minerva, not only of our españa but of the new worlds;" it is signed by fray manuel de la cruz, but is undated. the first approbation is signed by fray diego de jesús and other augustinian officials, at manila, september 2, 1686; and the license for its publication is signed by the provincial of the order, juan de jérez, four days later. the commissary of the inquisition at manila, fray baltasar de santa cruz, o.p., approves it on november 28 following; and the archbishop of manila, phelipe pardo, licenses the publication, on december 2. nothing was done toward printing it until 1697; for the next document is the approbation of the work, furnished by alonso sandin, o.p., who has examined it in obedience to the command of alonso portillo de cardos, vicar-general of the archdiocese of toledo; this is dated at madrid, august 8, 1697. nine days later, portillo issues the license for printing the book. next follows the approbation of fray diego florez, past provincial of the augustinian province of castilla, dated at madrid, september 5. then follow a list of "erratas," thirteen in number, signed by martin de ascarza, "corrector-general for his majesty," dated may 5, 1698; and a certificate (dated may 10) that the price at which the said book may be sold has been fixed by decree of the royal council at eight maravedis for each printed sheet (pliego). a note at the foot of this page states that the book contains 146 pliegos, including unnumbered pages. nothing is said in any of these documents of diaz's connection with the work. [108] the first dutch settlement at the present site of cape town was made in 1652; it grew very slowly for a long time, for at the end of that century it contained only some eighty private houses. in 1658 negro slaves were carried thither, and later the dutch sent to cape town javanese criminals who had been sentenced at batavia to penal servitude, and political prisoners of rank from india, some of whom preferred to remain there for life. with these elements of population and the aboriginal hottentots arose innumerable mixtures of blood, and the utmost diversity of color and features among the inhabitants. the castle of good hope (still standing) was built in 1666-74, as a defense for the colony; and in 1672 a formal purchase of land was made from the hottentots by the east india company. the great garden of the company was partly converted into a nursery for foreign plants and trees by simon van der stel, commander of the colony from 1680 to 1699. see theal's south africa (new york and london, 1894), pp. 20-57. in 1688-90 nearly 200 huguenot refugees from france arrived at the cape, and formed settlements near cape town. see worsfold's south africa (london, 1895), p. 15. [109] desiderius erasmus was born at rotterdam october 28, 1467. when a boy, he was sent to a convent; and in 1492 was ordained a priest, at utrecht. he afterward devoted himself to the study of the classics and of divinity, and to literary work; he resided successively in paris, england, and basle. his colloquies offended zealous catholics, by attacking the superstitions and abuses in the church; but he was not a supporter of luther. erasmus died on july 12, 1536. [110] they took father samper to the island of paragua, and abandoned him there. when this event was learned in manila, they sent for him; but on the way he fell into the hands of the camucon pirates, who took his life.--fray tirso lópez. [111] basilitano obviously refers to some suppressed or extinct see in pagandom, and fray lópez would now be styled a "titular bishop." the word cannot be found in the lexicons or gazetteers of classical, mediæval, and early christian geographical terms; and it is evidently an adjective of local meaning.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [112] see the epodes of horatius, i, 2, l. 14; at first referring to the greeks before troy, but afterward becoming a general proverb--"whatever errors the great may commit, the people must atone for." [113] father fray joaquín martínez de zúñiga, in his historia de filipinas (pp. 384 et seq.), relates the foundation of the curacy of mariquina, its separation from that of pasig, and the means by which this was effected, as also the incorporation [that is, again with pasig] which is here mentioned, and their final separation. and as his account differs considerably from that of father diaz, and we lack the data for deciding which of them is correct, we refer the reader to that work that he may examine, compare, and decide. father diaz, however, may have remained silent on the vexed questions to which that establishment gave rise, through consideration of prudence and of respect to the living; and in that case there is no contradiction, but justifiable omissions.--fray tirso lópez. the jesuit account of this controversy is presented by murillo velarde in hist. de philipinas, fol. 344 b, 345. [114] melchor portocarrero, lasso de la vega, conde de monclove (misprinted in our text mondova), succeeded the marqués de la laguna as viceroy of mexico, on november 30, 1686; his administration lasted nearly two years, and he was an upright and vigilant ruler. he failed, however, to protect the indian natives from cruel oppressions by the spaniards. he was commonly known as brazo de la plata, or "silver arm," on account of wearing a false arm, his own having been lost in battle. (bancroft, mexico, iii, p. 221.) [115] "an antiquated term, signifying a togated judge, one of those who in the court composed what was called "the tribunal of alcaldes," who, together, constituted the fifth tribunal of the famous council of castilla. these alcaldes no longer exist, nor does the tribunal which they formed; because an audiencia has been established at madrid, according to a decree of january 20, 1834." (dominguez.) [116] reference is here made to the book of wisdom, which is found in the douay bible next after solomon's "canticle of canticles" ("song of songs," in the protestant bible); it does not, however, occur in the vulgate. the passage here cited (in latin, in diaz's text) reads thus in the douay (english) version: "learn, ye that are judges of the ends of the earth. give ear, you that rule the people, and that please yourselves in multitudes of nations. for power is given you by the lord, and strength by the most high, who will examine your works, and search out your thoughts: because being ministers of his kingdom, you have not judged rightly, nor kept the law of justice, nor walked according to the will of god. horribly and speedily will he appear to you: for a most severe judgment shall be for them that bear rule." these words are found in verses 2-6 of chapter vi. [117] gaspar de la cerda sandoval silva y mendoza, conde de galve, assumed the office of viceroy of nueva españa on november 20, 1688. the coasts were infested with corsairs up to 1692, but galve's preparations to exterminate them seem to have frightened them away. in 1690 and 1695 he sent expeditions against the french in santo domingo; in 1689, one to search for la salle's texas colony; and in 1693-94, to establish the town of pensacola, florida. at his own request, he was relieved from the office of viceroy, which he left february 27, 1696. he then returned to spain, where he died soon afterward. [118] perhaps referring to the fact that pardo was but fifteen years old when he entered the dominican order, and to his high rank as a theologian and a prelate. [119] the first of these citations reads in english: "the privilege that you enjoy through my favor you may not employ to my distress." the second is a school axiom, derived from aristotle, to be encountered in higher philosophy and metaphysics; it may be found in glossaries or expositions of terms used by schoolmen, but its explanation therein is usually somewhat prolix and even obscure. it may be translated thus: "whenever any thing (or cause) is of such or such a character (or kind), it possesses that characteristic in higher degree than that which derives therefrom (i.e., than its effect or result)."--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [120] this doctrine of the manila cabildo and of the author might at that time be quite current; but since then, by the concordat of 1851, and especially by the bull of his holiness pius ix, the roman pontiff, issued on august 28, 1873, the church has sanctioned the opposite opinion.--fray tirso lópez. [121] it should be remembered that this part of the conquistas was written in 1718.--fray tirso lópez. [122] this recapitulation or resumé of the labors of our missionaries in china was either not written by father diaz, or he wrote it in a separate book which we do not possess.--fray tirso lópez. [123] one of the most important acts of this governor was the publication (october 1, 1696) of a revision of the "ordinances of good government" which corcuera had enacted in 1642; some account of these will be given in a later volume. [124] "he devoted himself to the recovery of the immense sums which were due to the king from the citizens of manila; and with these he rebuilt the governor's palace, added to it the halls for the royal audiencia, and in the lower story offices for the bureau of accounts, established the jail for the court, and began the royal storehouses. by various expedients he contrived the saving of thousands of pesos to the royal treasury, sums which now are deducted from the situado--although this was partly done by greatly curtailing the pay of both officers and soldiers, for which he deserves little praise. to the royal treasury of mexico he saved more than five hundred thousand pesos which it was owing to that of philipinas in situados." (zúñiga's historia, p. 394.) [125] the sentence pronounced in the residencia of governor cruzat y gongora (published june 6, 1602) is given in full in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 209-234. some forty charges were made against him; some were sustained, making him liable to judgments of about 31,000 pesos; others were referred to the home government; but on the majority he was acquitted. [126] in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 235-244, is a summary of a long document, a "vindication of the official acts performed in the visitation of camarines by licentiate don francisco gueruela, member of his majesty's council and alcalde of court in the royal audiencia of these islands, and visitor for the audiencia in that province in the past year, 1702." the summary reads as follows: it is divided into three parts: the first contains, besides the preface, a brief summary of all the edicts which were published in those villages, and which are being brought out by his order. the second comprises a more than succinct relation of the false charges which the said visitation had encountered, and edicts about which with christian impiety they had dissembled to him. the third is reduced to a brief legal demonstration of the authority which the visitor possesses to institute summary legal proceedings against the religious who are in charge of doctrinas, without danger from the bull in cæna or any other censure whatever. in the preface--which is crammed with citations from the holy fathers, the scriptures, and [various other] writers--the zealous [flamante] auditor gueruela says that he spent a month in obtaining information about the condition of the villages in the province of camarines, before he began the visitation; and in that time, through the investigations which he made, he learned that the evils which the religious teachers cause to the indians were deeply rooted, and required an effective remedy. he says that as he was uncertain by what means to carry out his purposes, he undertook first, to induce the religious, through persuasion and careful consideration, to agree to a reform of the abuses with which they were oppressing the indians; but that, as they paid no attention to this, he had no other recourse than to carry out the visitation, in spite of his fear that the religious in the doctrinas would oppose him, and that they might as a last resort renounce their charges and entirely abandon the villages, which was or would be a misfortune demanding very careful consideration. but [he felt] that justice and right had greater power [than these considerations], in order to liberate from slavery the 30,000 souls of that province, whose ruin was being brought about by the sixteen religious who were administering those villages, who were receiving more than 19,000 pesos. part first (in which is contained the summary of all the edicts published in the visitation, and the attestation of them separately.) 1. that the natives shall not contribute to the curas of the doctrinas any food supplies without pay for the value of these. 2. that they shall not perform any labor or personal services for the said religious without pay. 3. that the same be understood for the plain sewing, the spinning, and the embroidery for the churches and the sacristies, for the inside garments of the religious and their servants. 4. that the young girls [dalagas] shall not sweep the churches and their courts; and that, in their place, twenty young men [baguntaos] and the boys in the schools shall assist. 5. the said girls shall not pound rice as a repartimiento for the religious, or for their treasurers or agents [sindicos o fiscales]; nor shall they go to the convent for the unthreshed rice [palay], nor deliver that which has been cleaned. all this shall be in the charge of the gobernadorcillos, their constables, and other officials, who shall transport the said produce, see that the rice is pounded, and deliver it, to the satisfaction of the religious. 6. food, wax, candles, etc., shall not be collected from the natives under any pretext of usage, custom, or devotion; nor shall they be obliged to [render] personal services without pay. 7. they shall not be domestics, cooks, mananguetes, fishermen, gardeners, or [act in] other personal employ for the religious, without pay. 8. each entire tribute shall pay three reals a year as a contribution to the festivities of the monument [on holy thursday], the sanctorum [i.e., a tax paid by the natives above sixteen years, to the church], and the pintacasi; and four gantas of palay rice besides, for the defunctorum [i.e., masses for the dead?]. 9. at the feast of st. francis the natives shall not work without pay, or at their own cost, in the palas-palas [i.e., cutting of?] bamboo frames and bejucos, except when they fail to pay the real for the pintacasi. [this word is defined in noceda and sanlucar's tagal vocabulario, "to aid another in seedtime, gratuitously."] 10. the support or pacaen of the religious shall not be contributed gratis in the large villages; and in the small ones the obligations which the indians may have formed shall be fulfilled; but if they have not done so, as they have no obligations they shall not contribute without pay. 11. there shall be no fiscals appointed in the villages by the religious, but only guardians, without rods; nor shall there be constables; and they shall not be authorized to arrest, flog, or punish the natives. 12. the father ministers have no temporal jurisdiction over their parishioners; and as little have they ecclesiastical jurisdiction, except in the tribunal of conscience, and for admonishing and instructing the people, administering the sacraments, saying mass, and teaching the [christian] doctrine, etc. 13. for the same reason the civil government of the villages is not in their keeping; nor shall the [local] authorities ask permission from the religious to execute the orders of their alcaldes-mayor, or to entertain travelers and furnish them what they need for its just value. 14. the wills, contracts, and obligations of the indians which shall hereafter be made, must be sent to the record-office of the alcalde-mayor, without registering them in the convents. 15. the religious in charge of doctrinas have no authority to arrest, flog, or punish the natives, either in person or through intervening agencies; and the indians, both men and women, must not allow themselves to be arrested or flogged by the religious. if this is done by order of the syndics and fiscals, let them defend themselves against the judges in what way they can. 16. nothing shall be collected from the natives for burials, baptisms, and marriages. then follow comments on these regulations, and in vindication of them--exceedingly prolix on account of being full of citations, some timely and others the opposite. he states therein that for the service of the parish churches he ordered that the following should render assistance: four servants for the parochial house; one doorkeeper for each convent; and people enough to carry the hammocks and litters [talabones] when the minister shall go forth to administer the sacraments. two sacristans; and the acolytes and the singers for the services in the churches. twenty young men [baguntaos], to sweep the churches and their courts every week or every day. two laundresses, for keeping clean the cloths and vestments in the sacristies. all the young girls [dalagas], but outside of the convents, to embroider and sew all the articles of cloth that are necessary for divine worship. a guardian who shall notify the religious of matters pertaining to their obligations. a syndic, who shall attend to collecting what belongs to them. [he says] that the oppressions which are caused by the service which was compulsory in furnishing the dalagas consisted in the following: under the pretext of needlework and embroidery, the religious compelled the dalagas to be in continual attendance in the houses of the syndics and mistresses, where they not only sewed and embroidered the articles for the sacristy, but also the inner garments of the religious and the outer garments of their servants. besides, they must do whatever was commanded them by the mistresses themselves, and their fiscals and syndics, and the fields of all these were sown with grain, without pay, by the wretched dalagas. at the same time, assessments were levied annually in each village for [church] ornaments; and this sum, in the village of caramuan alone, amounted to 800 pesos the year before. it must be considered that, besides these things, the villages were burdened by the maintenance (at their own cost) of two or three pavilions [camarines; for temporary churches], for extra supplies of timber of all sizes, and also limestone, for the repairs and adornment of the churches. after presenting various considerations, he proceeds to refute the false charges which the franciscan religious published against him, who said that he had treated them as if they were criminals; that he had falsified the edicts, varying them from the original process; and that all the declarations of the witnesses were false, as also the remonstrances of the villages. [127] in the text, misprinted 1684. occasional typographical errors are found in the printed edition of diaz, which we correct in our text. [128] spanish, pájaros bobos; evidently referring to the bird commonly known as "booby" (vol. xvii, p. 130). [129] governor cruzat y gongora died at sea, on the voyage from manila to acapulco, on november 5, 1702; and his youngest daughter on december 12 of the same year. (ventura del arco mss., iv, p. 245.) the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxvi, 1649-1666 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxxvi preface 9 documents of 1649-1658 royal funeral rites at manila. [unsigned;] manila, 1649. 23 royal aid for jesuits asked by manila cabildo. matheo de arceo, and others; manila, june 20, 1652. 44 condition of the philippines in 1652. magino sola, s. j.; september 16, 1652. 49 jesuit missions in 1655. miguel solana, s. j.; san pedro, june 30, 1655. 53 letter from the archbishop of manila to felipe iv. miguel de poblete; manila, july 30, 1656. 63 two jesuit memorials, regarding religious in the moluccas, and the inquisition. francisco vello, s. j.; [madrid, 1658]. 68 jesuit protest against the dominican university. miguel solana, s. j.; [1658?]. 74 description of the philipinas islands. [ygnacio de paz; mexico, ca. 1658]. 87 documents of 1660-1666 recollect missions, 1646-60. luis de jesús and diego de santa theresa, o.s.a., (recollect); [compiled from their works]. 109 description of filipinas islands. bartholomé de letona, o.s.f.; la puebla, mexico, 1662. 189 events in manila, 1662-63. [unsigned; july, 1663?]. 218 letter to francisco yzquierdo. diego de salcedo; manila, july 16, 1664. 261 why the friars are not subjected to episcopal visitation. [unsigned and undated; 1666?]. 264 appendix: judicial conditions in the philippines in 1842 279 bibliographical data 307 illustrations map of philippine and ladrone islands; photographic facsimile of map by sansón d'abbeville ([paris?], 1652); from copy in bibliothèque nationale, paris. facing p. 50 map of cavite, with proposed fortifications, by the engineer juan de somovilla tejada; photographic facsimile from original ms. (dated 1663) in archivo general de indias, sevilla. 93 chart of the island of luzón, with some of the smaller islands, drawn by a dutch artist, ca. 1650; photographic facsimile of original ms. map in the british museum. 191 birds-eye view of bay of cavite, showing towns, fortifications, etc., by the engineer richard carr (in employ of the dutch), captured in madrid; photographic facsimile from original ms. (dated 1663), in archivo general de indias, sevilla. 215 preface the present volume, covering the years 1649-66, is mainly ecclesiastical in scope. an appendix, showing the judicial state of the islands in 1842, is added. a number of the documents are from jesuit sources, or treat of the affairs of that order. among these are an account of the jesuit missions in the islands, and their protest against the erection of the dominican college at manila into a university. the archdiocese of manila strives to gain more authority, both in the outlying islands of the eastern archipelago and over the administration of parishes by the regular orders; and effort is made to strengthen the power of the tribunal of the inquisition at manila. the question of episcopal visitation of the regular curas is already vital, and the later conflicts over this question are plainly foreshadowed, and even begun. the history of the recollect missions for the above period shows their prosperous condition until the time when so many of their laborers die that the work is partially crippled. as for secular affairs, the most important is the chinese revolt, of 1662; this and other disturbances greatly hinder and injure the prosperity of the islands. reverting to the separate documents: a curious pamphlet (manila, 1649) describes the funeral ceremonies recently solemnized in that city in honor of the deceased crown prince of spain, baltasar carlos. solemn and magnificent rites are celebrated, both civil and religious; and a funeral pyre, or chapelle ardente, is erected in the royal military chapel, the splendors of which are minutely described. the manila cabildo send a letter (june 20, 1652) to the king, praising the work of the jesuits in the philippines, and urging the king to send thither more men of that order. their services as confessors, preachers, missionaries, and peacemakers are recounted, and their poverty is urged; they are sending an envoy to spain, to ask for royal aid, a request supported by the cabildo. the jesuit magino sola represents, in a memorial (september 15, 1652) to governor manrique de lara, the needs of the philippine islands. the greatest of these is men and arms; and with these must be provided money to pay the soldiers. sola enumerates the many misfortunes which have reduced the islands to poverty, and urges that the aid sent from mexico be greatly increased. an account of the jesuit missions in the islands in 1655 is furnished by miguel solana, by command of governor manrique de lara. he enumerates the villages administered by jesuits, with the names of the priests in charge. to this we append a similar report, made the year before, enumerating the missions in mindanao and the population of each. the archbishop of manila, miguel poblete, writes to the king (july 30, 1656), making some suggestions regarding diocesan affairs: that the bishopric of camarines be discontinued, and its prelate assigned to the moro and heathen peoples farther south; and that ministers be sent from manila to outlying islands for their spiritual aid, as thus far these have been dependent on goa. poblete asks whether he shall ordain portuguese priests who come to him for this office; on this point the royal council ask for further information. two memorials presented (1658) by the jesuits to the king ask that a tribunal of the inquisition be established at manila, and that the religious jurisdiction of ternate be vested in the archbishop of manila. a memorial to the king is presented (1658?) by miguel solana, procurator-general at madrid for the jesuits of filipinas, protesting against the erection of santo tomás college at manila into a university, claiming that this will interfere with the rights already granted to the jesuit college of san ignacio there. solana accuses the dominicans of trickery and bribery in having obtained privileges for santo tomás; and maintains that the rights of his order have been legally granted and authenticated, while the claims of the dominicans are mere assertions. nevertheless, the latter are scheming to secure new letters and bulls granting their pretensions; solana adduces various arguments to show that they should not be allowed the privileges of a university in santo tomás, and that such a foundation should rather be made in san ignacio, which "will be subject in all things to the behest and commands of your majesty and your council." the king is asked to examine certain documents in the case, which show that the students of santo tomás are obliged to swear allegiance to the doctrines taught by aquinas, and are not allowed to teach other branches than philosophy and theology; moreover, that college has "no teachers who are acquainted with the first principles" of medicine and law; and the curious statement is made that there is no graduate physician in the philippine islands, since one could not obtain a living, and the sick are treated by chinese. there is no need and no room there for a regular university, and the burden of its support should not be imposed on the treasury; but, if one be founded, it should be in san ignacio. from a document of 1658 relating to the inquisition we extract a description of the philippines, written in mexico from data furnished by the jesuit magino sola. it outlines very briefly the government of manila, civil and ecclesiastical; mentions the convents, hospitals, and other public institutions there; and enumerates the villages of that archbishopric, with mention of the missions conducted therein by the several orders. similar information is given about the towns and villages of the suffragan bishoprics; and the location, extent, government, and missions of the principal islands in the archipelago, including the moluccas. at the end is a statement regarding the number of commissaries of the inquisition who are needed in the islands. the recollect historian luis de jesús relates in his historia (madrid, 1681) the holy life and death (1646) of isabel, a native beata of mindanao; and the foundation in 1647, in the city of mexico, of a hospice for the shelter and accommodation of the recollects who pass through that city on their way to filipinas. the history of the discalced augustinians for the decade 1651-60 is found in the historia of fray diego de santa theresa (barcelona, 1743), a continuation of the work begun by andrés de san nicolas and luis de jesús; such part as relates to the philippines is here presented (partly in synopsis). it begins with the troubles of 1647 in the recollect mission at tándag, in mindanao, when its convent was destroyed by the military authorities, as dangerous to the fort at that place in case the convent were occupied by an invading enemy. accusations against the recollect missionary there are sent to the king, who warns the provincial of that order to see that his religious aid the civil government in keeping the natives pacified. santa theresa here prints letters from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities at manila, praising in high terms the recollect missionaries in the islands and their great services in all directions, and asking royal aid for them in their great poverty. the life of fray pedro de san joseph is sketched. in the village of linao, mindanao, a revolt occurs (1651) among the natives, which is related in detail; it arises from an order issued by governor faxardo requisitioning from each of the islands a number of native carpenters for the government service at manila. a manobo chief, named dabáo, fans the flame of discontent among the converted natives of linao, and by a stratagem brings conspirators into the fort, who kill nearly all the spaniards. troops are sent to that region who punish severely even the natives who surrender; and the people, although overawed, are filled with resentment. the recollect missionaries do much to aid the natives, overlooking the fact that the latter had killed one of those fathers; and one of them, "padre capitan," secures an order from the audiencia liberating all the indians who had been enslaved in consequence of the above revolt. this is followed by a sketch of fray santa maría's life; he was slain by the insurgents in that same year. the writer recounts the difficulties met by the recollect province of filipinas, and the coming to manila (1652) of a body of recollect missionaries. the lives of many of these are sketched. considerable space is devoted to the subjection of religious to the episcopal visitation, when they act as parish priests. santa theresa describes the plan on which the missions have always been administered in the philippines by the various orders, and their relations to the diocesan authorities. his account is a brief for the orders in their controversy with the bishops over this question of visitation, and presents the main points in its history; he writes it for the purpose of refuting the slanders that have been current in europe regarding the attitude of the orders toward the diocesans, and discusses at length the arguments against the episcopal visitation of the regulars in parishes. these are advanced in behalf of all the orders in general, and then the writer adduces special reasons, which concern the recollects in this matter. he enumerates the villages administered by that order in different islands, and the spiritual conquests made by his brethren; in their missions the number of christians has been steadily increasing, and the hostile heathen element much reduced. santa theresa relates the dangers and sufferings experienced by the recollects in their missions, which lie on the very frontier toward the moro pirates; many of these devoted missionaries have even lost their lives in the moro raids. have not these religious, then, deserved the exemption from episcopal supervision that was granted to the religious in nueva españa? moreover, the missions need more laborers than can be supported by their incomes (the royal grant from the tributes), and the order itself must maintain these additional men. it will become necessary for the order to abandon the missions if these are to be placed under diocesan control; nor, in such case, can it do more than sustain its leading convents in the islands. finally, the writer presents sketches of some illustrious recollects who have labored in the philippines. in a rare pamphlet by the franciscan bartholomé de letona--bound in with his perfecta religiosa (la puebla, mexico, 1662)--occurs an enthusiastic description of the philippines, which we here present (in translation and synopsis). he describes the voyage thither, the location and distribution of the islands; the various provinces of luzón; the climate, people, and products; the city of manila, which letona describes as the most cosmopolitan in the world; and the chinese parián. letona relates the downfall of venegas (the favorite of fajardo), and the achievements of manrique de lara; enumerates and describes the various churches, colleges and seminaries, convents and hospitals of manila; and gives a sketch of each of the various religious orders there, with special attention, of course, to his own, the franciscan. one of the jesuit documents preserved in the academia real de la historia, at madrid, relates in detail the embassy sent to manila by the noted chinese leader kue-sing (1662) to demand that the spaniards submit to his power and pay him tribute. this demand being angrily refused by the spaniards, the chinese in manila, fearing evil to themselves, and hearing of their intended expulsion from the islands, undertake to flee from the parián and other neighboring settlements, blindly endeavoring to save their lives. the jesuit missionary at santa cruz hastens to the governor, to secure pardon for these poor fugitives; and other priests second his efforts. meanwhile, the other sangleys in the parián are so terrified that many are drowned in trying to swim across the river, others commit suicide, and most of those who remain flee to the hills. the spaniards in manila, in fear of an attack by the chinese, are ready to slay them all; and a repetition of the horrors of the chinese insurrection in 1639 is averted only by the prudence and good sense of governor manrique de lara, who, with mingled sternness and humanity, calms the fear of the chinese and the anger of the spaniards. granting protection to all who return to manila by a certain day, he allows a specified number to remain there for the aid and service of the spaniards, and obliges the rest to return at once to china. the fugitives who do not come back to manila are hunted down and slain by the spanish troops, aided by the natives. the two chief leaders of the sangleys in their flight are executed in public, and those who remain in manila are kept in the parián under heavy guards of indian troops; afterward these chinese are set at forced labor on the fortifications of manila and cavite, thus taking a great part of that burden from the shoulders of the natives. the same ambassador sent by kue-sing returns to manila in april, 1663, this time with news of that corsair's death, and a request from his successor for an amicable arrangement between them and the maintenance of their trade. our writer gives an interesting sketch of kue-sing's career, especially of his conquest of formosa (1660-61), the first occasion when chinese had defeated a european nation in war. the death of this formidable enemy relieves the fears of the manila colony; and the authorities decide to allow a moderate number of chinese to reside in the islands, since their services are so necessary to the spaniards. governor salcedo sends to a friend (july 16, 1664) some account of the affairs of the colony at his arrival in the islands--the treasury almost empty, the soldiers unpaid, commerce paralyzed, and the natives "irritated by cruel punishments." he takes vigorous measures, at once, to improve the condition of the colony. an unsigned document (1666?) gives the reasons why the civil authorities have not executed the royal decrees subjecting the philippine friars in charge of parishes to the episcopal visitation. apparently written by a friar, it gives the reasons why the missions must be administered by the religious orders rather than by secular priests, and why the friars ask that they be not placed under the episcopal authority. they allege that there are still many heathen and mahometans to be converted, throughout the islands; that the missions are full of hardship; that the courage and strict observance of the religious would grow lax under diocesan supervision; and that the most able of them would not consent to such subjection. difficulties, also, must necessarily arise in the attempt of a religious to obey his superiors when these are both religious and ecclesiastical, and from interference by the civil authorities. all sorts of scandals and irregularities are liable to spring from these causes, affecting not only the missionaries but the natives, as well as the many heathen peoples who surround manila. the present volume is terminated by a short appendix taken from sinibaldo de mas, showing the condition of the judiciary of the philippines in 1842. justice is administered by the royal audiencia, by the alcaldes, and by the gobernadorcillos, the last being filipinos. the action of the alcalde-mayor is very limited and dependent on the audiencia. mas draws a vivid picture of some of the alcaldes which shows that the system is honeycombed with graft. the great evil arises from the fact that alcaldes are allowed to trade, and hence business absorbs all their energies for the six years of their office, for during that time they must become rich. as one does not need to be a lawyer to become an alcalde, those posts generally being assigned to military officers, the incumbent of such post needs an adviser. this results in great delay, and often justice is completely subverted. by advancing money at usurious rates the alcalde bleeds those who borrow from him, and in fact such unfortunate people can almost never get square with the world again. the gobernadorcillos in turn lash the alcaldes, for they are necessary to the latter, and good terms must be maintained with them. for the general legal business the alcalde depends on his clerk, a native, who runs things to suit himself, and in his turn makes his office an occasion for graft. the parish priests who formerly had so great influence in the villages have now been ordered by the governors to cease meddling with secular matters, and some of them even are in collusion with the alcalde, whom they endeavor to aid in order that they may gain their own ends. notwithstanding the alcaldes are few who are not often fined during their term. the government is most to blame for this state of affairs for its course implies that the alcaldes are expected to be rogues. crime has increased greatly of late years. punishments are too light, and many criminals even get off scotfree. this produces only bad results. the officials are slow to arrest because the criminal will soon be released as a general rule, and will always take vengeance if possible. although he argues that the death sentence ought to be abolished as an unnecessary cruelty, mas urges that the lash be not spared, for a good beating will correct more faults than anything else. the jail only acts as an allurement for the majority of filipinos, for it is generally better than their own houses. the laws in force in the islands are a confused mass, consisting of the leyes de indias, royal decrees and orders, the decrees and edicts of the governors, a portion of the laws of the siete partidas, parts of roman law, etc. mas advocates strenuously the prohibition of trade granted to alcaldes and an extension of their term of office. one common native language, could such be established, would be very useful. there should be a commission after the manner of that in british india, to advise revision in the existing laws. the editors march, 1906. documents of 1649-1658 royal funeral rites at manila. [unsigned;] 1649. royal aid for jesuits asked by manila cabildo. matheo de arceo, and others; june 20, 1652. condition of the philippines in 1652. magino sola, s.j.; september 15, 1652. jesuit missions in 1655. miguel solana, s.j.; june 30, 1655. letter from the archbishop of manila. miguel de poblete; july 30, 1656. two jesuit memorials. francisco vello, s.j.; [1658]. jesuit protest against the dominican university. miguel solana, s.j.; [1658?]. description of the philipinas islands. [ygnacio de paz; ca. 1658] sources: the first of these documents is taken from retana's archivo, ii, pp. 105-158; the second and sixth, from pastells's edition of colin's labor evangélica, iii, pp. 786, 787, and 804, 805; the third and fourth, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), ii, pp. 385-389. the following are obtained from original mss. in archives as follows: the fifth, in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the seventh, in the academia real de la historia, madrid; the eighth, in the archivo general, simancas. translations: the fifth document is translated by robert w. haight; the seventh, by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.; the remainder, by james a. robertson. royal funeral rites at manila funeral ceremonies and the royal pyre of honor erected by piety and consecrated by the grief of the very distinguished and ever loyal city of manila, in memory of the most serene prince of españa, don balthassar carlos (may he dwell in glory). by license of the ordinary and of the government. [printed] at manila, by simon pinpin, in the year 1649. [this document is presented in translation and synopsis, because of the light it throws on the religio-social life of manila in the middle of the seventeenth century. it is preceded by the license to print given (june 5, 1649), for the archbishop by doctor don juan fernandez de ledo, precentor of manila cathedral, judge-provisor, official and vicar-general of the archbishopric; by that of the government, given (may 27, 1649), on recommendation of joseph de la anunciacion, prior of the recollect convent in manila; and by a letter (dated manila, december 15, 1648, and signed by lucas de porras, gabriel gomez del castillo, and diego morales) addressed to the governor diego faxardo y chacon, which amounts to a dedicatory epistle. the relation begins with the grief that comes to the city of manila with the announcement of the sudden death (at the age of seventeen) of the prince balthasar carlos, heir to the throne and son of felipe iv and isabel of bourbon, who had died but a short time before. the document continues:] the first rumors of this so sad event reached this city in the middle of december, 1647, by means of the dutch, who were harassing these islands at that time with a large fleet of twelve galleons, which sailed from nueva batavia with the intention of capturing this stronghold. but they, after having experienced the valor and boldness of our spaniards in the severe and obstinate combat in the port of cabite, of which a full relation has been written in former years, [1] attempted to terrify the hearts and take away the courage of those whom they had not been able to resist by hostilities, by sending a letter to don diego faxardo, knight of the order of santiago, member of the war council, and president, governor, and captain-general of these islands; and with it part of a gazette printed in the flemish characters and language, which contained a copy of a letter from his majesty to the marqués de leganés, in which was mentioned the heavy grief of his royal heart because of the sudden death of his son and heir, don balthassar carlos. the minds of so loyal vassals were alarmed, and their hearts chilled, on hearing so sad news; and those who had not given way before the violent attack of cannon-balls yielded to the tenderness of grief, and to the sighs of sorrow; and they bore in their faces the effects of their dismay and the marks of their pain, as if the prince were seen dead in each one.... there was no doubt of the truth of that news, for its arrival with the superscription of misfortune gave it the credit of truth. but neither the condition in which we found ourselves, with arms in our hands, nor prudence allowed us to proceed with public demonstrations and funeral ceremonies until we received a letter from his majesty, and with the letter the order, direction, and prudent management which so serious a matter demanded. [the royal announcement arrived in july, 1648; and by his decree the king ordered the demonstrations of sorrow to be made on the same scale as if intended for his own person.] in conformity with that decree, and in order that they might obey it, the auditors called a meeting, and resolved to publish the mourning, and to prepare the things necessary for the splendid celebration of the funeral ceremonies. at the same time they elected as the manager of that solemn function the fiscal auditor, don sebastian cavallero de medina, who was as vigilant and punctual in the affairs of his office as attentive to the service of both majesties--guaranteeing by the completeness of his arrangements the entire success which so serious a matter demanded. as his assistants in carrying out that commission were named the treasurer, lucas de porras ontiberos, alcalde-in-ordinary, and captains gabriel gomez del castillo and don diego morales, regidors. at a suitable time, the mourning rites were heralded, in fulfilment of the above resolution; and all the provinces were notified to make the same demonstrations, so that the external conduct of so faithful vassals should correspond to the sorrow which palpitated in their hearts and saddened their breasts. scarcely was the word given before the obedient people changed the precious and fine appearance of their attire with somber mourning garments; and this whole community became a theater of grief--each one showing the loyalty which was as much evinced by his grief as it was wondered at by the barbarous nations who trade in these islands, when they saw in so remote a part of the world so extreme piety, so intense love, and so faithful allegiance to their king, that distance does not make it lukewarm, or absence weaken the affection that these deserving vassals have ever had for their catholic kings. the day set for their expressions of condolence arrived, monday, november 9, 648; for the direction of the ceremonies, admiral don andres de azcueta and captain don pedro diaz de mendoza were appointed managers. the halls of the audiencia and royal assembly were made ready with the funereal adornments and other preparations significant of so melancholy an occasion. at two in the afternoon the bells of all the churches began to ring, in so sad and doleful tones that they filled the air with sorrow, and the hearts of those who heard their plaints with bitterness and grief, learning from the very bronze to grieve for so considerable a loss. at that same time all the religious communities assembled, with their crosses, priests, deacons, and subdeacons, clad in their vestments, in the royal chapel of the garrison. that temple, although small in size, has all the characteristics of a great one in its beauty, elegance, and arrangement. there, architecture was employed to the best effect, and genius was alert in erecting a royal tomb and mausoleum proportionate to the grandeur and sovereign rank of the person; and one not at all inferior to the one erected during the funeral rites and pageant of our lady the queen, [2] by the direction and advice of doctor don diego afan de ribera, auditor of this royal audiencia, and auditor elect of that of the new kingdom of granada. the royal assembly entrusted the arrangements of that solemnity to him. each community in succession chanted its responsary, with different choirs of musicians, so well trained that they could vie with those of europa. while that pious action was going on, the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos were assembling, as well as the tribunal of the royal official judges, the superiors of the orders, the rectors of the two colleges--san joseph, which is in charge of the fathers of the society of jesus; and san thomas, which is ruled by the fathers of st. dominic--and the members of the bureau of the santa misericordia (as was determined and arranged two days previously, the place of each being assigned) in the hall of the royal audiencia. there the managers assigned them their position, observing toward each one the order of his seniority and precedence. they left that place in the same order, to express their condolences to don diego faxardo, governor and captain-general of these islands, who stood in the hall of the royal assembly. he was covered with mourning, which well manifested his grief and represented very vividly in his majestic appearance the royal person--in whose name he received the condolences for the death of the royal son and heir, don balthassar carlos, the prince of españa. first entered the royal audiencia, in company with their official, as grave in the pomp of their mourning as adequate in the demonstrations of their grief. don antonio de castro, senior auditor and auditor-elect of mexico, spoke in the name of all, expressing in brief and impressive sentences the universal grief of all the community and the special grief of that royal audiencia. his lordship listened to him attentively, and answered him gravely and concisely, with words suitable to the subject, thanking him in the name of his majesty for the demonstrations of grief which servants so loyal were making on an occasion so consecrated to sorrow. having finished their oration, the royal audiencia gave place successively to the ecclesiastical cabildo, the secular cabildo, the tribunal of the royal official judges, the superiors of the orders, the colleges, and the bureau of the santa misericordia--each one taking its proper place as regards precedence. all of them observed the courtesies and punctilious forms due to the decorum and seriousness of that function. after these had signified by the gravity of their words, and by the seriousness and sadness of their countenances, the heavy weight of the sorrow which oppressed their hearts for a loss so worthy of immortal lament, and after his lordship had answered with equally apposite speech what good judgment dictated and sorrow forced out, that act of mourning came to an end. it was no less dignified than refined; and no accompaniment or ceremony was lacking in the decorum of that action--the daughter of the affection with which so faithful vassals serve their king and sovereign. that parade was followed by another of no less gravity, namely the accompaniment of the royal crown to the chapel of the royal camp for the solemnity of vespers and the funeral oration which was prepared [for this occasion]. for that purpose, after the condolences the members of the royal audiencia returned to the hall of the royal assembly, where the august crown reposed with all authority and propriety, signifying, in the somber mourning with which it was covered, a sorrowing majesty and a monarchy grief-stricken at beholding itself without the head from whose glorious temples it had fallen--cecidit corona capitis nostri. [3] his lordship handed the crown to general don pedro mendiola y carmona, entrusting to his hands the honor of so great a majesty, and thus crowning the great services which the latter had rendered to his king in the lofty posts that he has occupied in these islands. this was the opening act of the parade, which commenced at the palace, encircled the entire plaza of arms under the galleries, and ended at the royal chapel--the theater, as we have already remarked, destined for the magnificence of that funeral celebration. that act was arranged by the care and foresight of the royal assembly, and carried out by means of the managers with so great brilliancy, gravity, and propriety that it corresponded in all things with the majesty of the [dead] person. the orphan boys of the college of san juan de letran--who number more than one hundred and fifty, and are reared at the expense of his majesty, in charge of the fathers of st. dominic--marched first of all, two by two (the universal order that was observed in that act by all the tribunals and communities) holding their candles of pure white wax, which were distributed, that day and the following, with magnificence and liberality by this illustrious city. the alguaçils followed, and then the ministers of justice, the attorneys, the judges' secretaries, the notaries, public and royal, with their gowns and cloaks trailing behind. next to them came the confraternities with their pennants and banners, and after these the parishes from the suburbs of this city, with their crosses, and their curas clad in black cloaks. next in the line was the college of santo thomas, and following it that of san joseph, with their badges [becas] turned back at the collar as a sign and token of grief. then followed the bureau of the santa misericordia (which is composed of the most noble persons of this city) all clad in their black surtouts and hats, with heads covered, bearing their small bells, and the standard with their insignia in front. the holy families also marched: the brethren of st. john of god, the recollects of st. augustine, the society of jesus, the hermits of st. augustine, the seraphic family of st. francis, and that of the preachers. these were not so splendid by reason of the candles which they carried in their hands as by the gravity and modesty of their manner, showing in the seriousness and composure of their faces the religious sorrow and pious grief that oppressed their hearts. the ecclesiastical cabildo followed with their black choir-cloaks, with the skirts extended and their heads covered; and altogether with so grave and majestic a demeanor that they commanded the eyes and also the applause of all the people. the city [cabildo] followed, together with the tribunal of the royal official judges, bearing their maces and insignia. they were accompanied by the nobility of the city with flowing black mourning cloaks, and with heads covered; but very apparent was the grief and manifest the sadness which their love and good-will towards their unfortunate prince brought to their faces. the royal standard of the city was carried by captain gabriel gomez del castillo, assisted by the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, who carried it between them, as authorizing the action. the royal audiencia with their president, the governor of these islands, crowned all that grave and religious concourse with all the splendors of authority. they were followed by the government and court secretaries, and by the gentlemen and pages of the palace, clad in all display of grandeur in funeral garb, thus manifesting in somber grays the sharpness and depth of the wound which they had received by the sudden death of the most serene and very august prince, don balthassar carlos, the clear and resplendent light of the spanish monarchy, at whose taking away all the world was darkened. between the city cabildo and the royal audiencia was carried the cæsarean crown, with two kings-at-arms, on a cushion of rich cloth, with the gravity and decorum which is due to the head [that it adorns], to which all the people who were present that day rendered humble veneration. so sad a spectacle was made by all that splendid parade, that never was more bitter grief represented, never was majesty seen more afflicted, never was sorrow seen more at its height. all the plaza de armas was occupied, while that brilliant procession was going round it, by the royal regiment of the spanish troops, the governor of which is sargento-mayor manuel estacio venegas. it consisted of four hundred and eighty-six infantrymen formed in a body with four fronts, each of which was commanded by two captains and one alférez. the regiment marched to take position in five lines, with fifty artillerymen in the rear with their campaign linstocks. they all maintained so great order and discipline that the military art was seen in practice in all its splendor--a glorious proof of the diligence of their commandant and the loyalty and devotion of so valiant soldiers; for notwithstanding the excessive heat of the sun they remained immovable on that and the following day, their zeal and love for their king, which burn most brightly in their hearts, being preponderant in them. the parade having passed, all the soldiers fell in behind, captained by the sargento-mayor himself, the commandant of the regiment. they entered by one door of the royal chapel and went out by the other, with drums muffled and banners trailing, and the soldiers carrying their arquebuses under the arm with the butt-ends reversed, with an order so regular and so in keeping with military rules that that action deserved the acclamation and even the admiration of all. the father chaplain-in-chief of the regiment, namely, the presentado father fray joseph fayol, of the order of nuestra señora de la merced, was present, as were also all the royal chaplains, at the door of the royal chapel, with cross and wax tapers [ciriales] held aloft while the procession was entering. after they had entered, the royal crown was placed on its royal catafalque--or rather a funeral pyre of fire, crowned with candles as is the firmament with stars, where the brilliant and the majestic glowed in competition. i leave the description of that for the crown of this historical compilation. those in the procession took possession of and even filled all the seats which were provided for the tribunals and the communities, distributing themselves therein according to the same order of their seniority. with this began the vespers for the dead, which was in charge of the chaplain-in-chief, assisted by the royal chaplains, with all the requisites of solemnity and pomp, accompanied by the piety, devotion, and silence of so grave an assembly who were present, at the verge of tears. they paid with fervent suffrages the debt of their love and the obligations of their loyalty to the prince, their deceased sovereign, whose obsequies they were performing; and they refreshed their memories with his heroic virtues, and his brilliant deeds in the tender and flowery years of his age--gifts that assured us that he was glorious and triumphant in the court of heaven. the complement of the solemn splendor of that day was the reverend father, fray vicente argenta, of the seraphic order, and past provincial of this province of san gregorio. he, occupying the pulpit, took up the space of an hour with a funeral panegyric, where his eloquence had an opportunity to exercise itself in all its colors, and in a beautiful variety of erudition, both divine and human. he roamed through the spacious and extensive field of the virtues of our most serene prince, with so impressive discourse adjusted to the gravity and meaning of the subject, that he softened the hearts of the people and even drew tears from their eyes, the faithful witnesses of their grief. that solemn function ended with a responsary; and then the procession was again formed, in the same manner and method, until they left his lordship at the palace. after having performed the due courtesies, the gentlemen of the royal audiencia, and of the cabildos, tribunals, and religious communities bade one another farewell, and returned to their houses, for the night had set in. the following day, tuesday, november 10, before sunrise, the care and anxiety of the sacred families were awake, and all went to the royal chapel with different choirs of musicians. there, at the various altars assigned to them, they sang first each their mass, and afterward the responsary in front of the royal catafalque. the mingling of so many voices with the dead silence and serene quiet of the night made an indistinct harmony and a confusion of echoes pleasant and agreeable to the listeners, awakening at the same time in their hearts tender affection and loving grief, which they consecrated to the glorious memory of the prince whose obsequies were being celebrated. after having performed this pious action they went to the palace, where they waited until all who had taken part in the parade of the preceding day had assembled. the parade was arranged and directed at the appointed hour, with the same order and brilliant display as on the preceding day, and took the same course until they entered the chapel of the royal camp. there having filled the seats, and the order and arrangements of the day before having been observed, the office for the dead was commenced, and then the mass was sung. doctor juan de ucles, the venerable dean of the holy church, officiated, accompanied with all solemnity and pomp, at an altar which was erected near the center of the catafalque in front of the urn. he was clad in his vestments, with precious ornaments; and on that day the music was better than ever before, the musicians outdoing themselves in heightening its beauties, and with the consonance and harmony of their voices rendering it suitable to the majesty and high dignity of him who filled their thoughts at that moment. the reverend father francisco colin, outgoing provincial and present rector of the college of the society of jesus, and qualifier of the holy office, sealed the glory of that day. he mounted the pulpit, where he preached a sermon so well suited to the subject in its eloquence, the depth of its arguments, the gravity and maturity of its discourse, the profundity and erudition of its fundamental proofs, and the solidity and thoroughness of its learning, that he arrested the attention and even the admiration of those present. not less learnedly did he instruct them than he melted them to affection and sorrow, quickening in them all, with his intellectual vigor and his well-known pulpit eloquence, grief at having lost a life so filled with virtues and so crowned with merits. some responsaries followed the sermon, and with that ended the funeral ceremonies for our prince, whose memory will live immortal in our hearts. during those two days was shown the devotion and loyalty of vassals ever attentive to the service of their catholic monarch, in recognition of the rewards that they receive from his august hand. the same parade was formed once more; and, leaving his lordship at the palace, they bade one another farewell, and returned to their houses. the sumptuous and royal mausoleum, which was erected by the piety of this noble community, occupies the last place in this brief relation. in the description of it, one finds his eloquence fail and he is dismayed, and he can find no excellence in his art that is proportionate to the measure of its grandeur and majesty. the said alcaldes-in-ordinary and two regidors assisted the fiscal auditor as managers in the construction of that catafalque. they urged forward the work, and attended to what was done by the best workmen and those who were most skilled in the matter. beyond doubt they saw fulfilled the object of their vigilance, in the applause and admiration of all. it was a work that seemed born of nature rather than a contrived invention of art. in it gravity was surpassed, richness gleamed forth, majesty was displayed, and method excelled; and its brilliancy was dazzling, with so beautiful an arrangement and display of lights, without proving an obstacle by their number or the lights paling, that grandeur was never seen to greater advantage or majesty more resplendent. its ground space and arch occupied all the space of the principal chapel, until it met the very ceiling of the temple; and had the capacity of the place allowed more, the execution of so extensive a contrivance would not have been confined to so narrow limits. the height of the socle was six feet, and it was thirty-nine feet wide. in the center of it arose the catafalque, which was octagonal in form. it was composed of two structures made after the best ideas of architecture. the first structure was composed of sixteen columns, with foundations on a like number of bases and pedestals crowned with beautiful and curiously wrought capitals. on top of them arose the entablatures with their friezes, architraves, fluted mouldings, and pediment of the arch crowned with balusters--all regulated to the requirements of art without detracting one jot from the idea [that they expressed]. that structure ended in a cupola, [4] which well supplied the place of the sky, when it was seen reflecting the lights, and bathed in splendor. the cornices, mouldings, representations of fruit, mouldings above, and brackets, were of a bronze color, so cunningly done that they appeared rather the work of nature than the imitation of art. the pedestals and capitals, touched with beaten gold, heightened the fiction of the bronze which the brush and hand of the artist feigned and imitated. the shafts of the columns, with their pedestals, friezes and architraves were so vivid an imitation of jasper that one would believe them to have been cut from that mineral; or that they had stolen the confused variety of its colors, so that one's sight was mistaken in it. their beauty was heightened by the brilliancy of silver work or broken crystals with which they were wreathed. in the center of that structure shone forth majestically the urn, which was placed under a canopy of solid silver covered with a rich violet cloth of gold, with two cushions of the same material, and and her of white cloth of gold, on which reposed the royal crown. on its pedestal was seen a stanza of ten verses, as follows: "esta fatal urna encierra this fatal urn encloses a fallîda vna magestad: ayer dead majesty, but yestreen temida deidad, oy breve a reverenced deity, now a mere montón de tierra. heap of earth. little gains he, and much he errs, who, poco alcança, y mucho hierra cautious, does not note the quien prevenido, no advierte mutability of his lot; for lo inconstante de su suerte; fate does not exempt the pues no reserva la parca al successor of a monarch from sucessor de un monarca del the tribute of death." [5] tributo de la muerte." at the four corners of the urn, outside the circumference of the catafalque, were seen four kings-at-arms, of beautiful appearance with their headpieces pulled down and gold maces on their shoulders, with which one hand was occupied, while with the other they held up the escutcheon of the royal arms embroidered with gold. the royal arms were also stamped upon their breasts on their black corselets, girdled with a beautiful variety of bands and edgings of gold. in the niches of the first columns, which formed the front and faced the urn, upon their fretted pedestals and spattered with gold rose the figures of grammar and rhetoric with their emblems--so excellent in their workmanship and lifelike in attitude that, although mute, the excellence of their sculpture and make-up instructed [the beholder]. i do not describe the grace of their shapes, the beauty of their features, the easy flow of the hair, the undulations of the drapery, spangled with bits of glass, and the other accompaniments of beautiful ornaments and fantasies of art, in order not to weary [my readers] with prolixities. they were significant of the excellent progress which the prince made in both of those branches of study, and an illustrious trophy of his early genius and marvelous intellect. grammar had the following attached to the placard of her pedestal: "la primera, que dictò al "the first to dictate to prince principe balthassar preceptos balthassar the rules of de declinar, y de construir, declension and construction was fuy yo. i. at death he declined in his last lesson; for it is a sure a la muerte declinó en su conclusion that in the art of postera licion, porque es dying the construction of cierta conclusion; que en living ends in declension." el arte del morir, la construccion del vivir acaba en declinacion." not less pithily and elegantly did rhetoric explain her thought in another stanza, of ten verses, as follows: "yo enseñé lo figurado, y lo "i taught the figures and terso del estilo al principe, polish of style to the aquiem el hilo cortò de la prince, whose thread of life vida, el hado fate cut short. but now already lies he disfigured mas ya está desfigurado en in that dark tomb. look at aquesta tumba oscura: mirale him, robbed of his beauty; sin hermosura; y desde tus and, from thy tender years, tiernos años, rhetoricos learn in that figure desengaños aprende en esta rhetorical errors." figura." the second structure was built upon the first, and it was no less grave and majestic. there symmetry and proportion vied with beauty and variety of colors, which the brush usurped from nature. it was composed of twelve columns, made in imitation of jasper, with their pedestals, architraves, and flying cornices; and these were closed above with a cupola, adorned with spirals and volutes, which happily completed the work. in the space between the columns of the facade or front, and occupying their own pedestals, were set majestic and pleasing figures of arithmetic and geometry, with their emblems. these statues faced each other, and corresponded to grammar and rhetoric who were in the first structure--in both their location and altitude, and in the proportions and excellence of their sculpture. it was a glorious blazon for our prince, who, although of so tender years, was able, having cast aside sloth and childish amusements, to give himself up to the exercise of branches of learning so useful, thus preparing for success in the monarchical government of his kingdoms. arithmetic had an inscription on the placard of her pedestal, which read as follows: "a guarismo reducida la cuenta "reduced to a cipher is de balthassar, no vino mas que the account of balthassar, a sumar diez y siete años de who at last added up but vida. seventeen years of life. the entry was concluded, and concluyóse la partida, y la the account having been cuenta rematada se hallò la ended, death was found to muerte pagada: porque se be paid. for he so balanced ajustó de suerte, en la vida his accounts with death in con la muerte, que no quedó life that he did not remain a dever nada." at all indebted." geometry had a corresponding placard on her base, which read as follows: "balthassar con mi medida el "balthassar estimated the orbe entero midio: y no whole world with my measure, contento passó a medir la and, not content, he passed eterno vida. to measure eternal life. it is better to be able to la indistancia conocida, measure the unknown distance que ay del vivir al morir; between life and death es mejor saber medir lo (which must endure eternally) que eterno a de durar con with the rule of good works regla del bien obrar, con and the compass of good compas del bien vivir." living." the space between the columns of this structure was occupied by the prince (or rather, our sovereign)--the glorious shoot from the austrian trunk, and the beautiful flower which was the most brilliant ornament of the august lily of francia--who, because he had no room in the entire sphere of his extensive monarchy, mounted gloriously, by means of the wings of his brilliant and heroic virtues, to rule in the heavens. his statue was so well conceived, and so commensurate with the beauty of the architecture, that one would think it had a soul, for it gave soul to the entire work. not only did it take possession of the eyes but also of the hearts [of the people] who rendered humble adoration to the image of their prince. the prince was armed, with breastplate and shoulder-piece embroidered with beautiful edgings of gold, and his clothing was elegant and showy. in his right hand he held an imperial and cæsarean crown. in his left hand was another and royal crown, indicating him as sworn prince of the kingdoms of españa and of the empire of the indias. on the base of the image was an inscription which read as follows: "iurado principe fui; y rey, "i was the sworn prince, and y emperador fuera: mas ay would have been king and que la parca fiera, embidia emperor, had it not been that tuvo de mi! hiriome cruel, y savage fate was envious of me. perdi el ser rey, y cruelly did she wound me, and emperador: mas orto imperio i lost the kingship and the mejor por el perdido he empire. but i have gained ganado: porque crece el another and better empire embidiado, quanto la embidia instead of the one that i lost; es mayor." for greater does the envied one become when the envy is greater." by way of a finial, there was displayed on the ball at the center of the cupola a proud and spirited figure of monarchy--armed gracefully but heavily with breastplate, shoulder-plate, greaves, cuisses, gorgets, and bracelets; and wearing skirts of bronze color edged with gold. her head was encased in a morion surmounted by waving plumes and beautiful crests. over her breast was a rich sash that hung loosely with airy grace and splendor. she was clad in a military cloak, flowing in beautiful lines, and ornamented here and there with embroidery in silver. in her right hand she gracefully held a general's baton subduing with it by the jaw a rampant lion of wonderful fierceness. with the left hand she clasped an escutcheon of the royal arms, bound about with many spirals of gold edging and beautiful ornaments. massed about her feet were various military instruments, and at her side were the standards and devices of her glorious triumphs. all that variety composed a collection of beauties which was the crown of the entire work. two finely carved pyramids arose gloriously at the two extremes of the socle, which they confronted. they were as high as the catafalque, and were painted in various colors, and spangled with bits of crystal, and on them were many rows of candle-sockets. there were, besides, other triumphal obelisks which were erected upon the cupola, and garlanded the upper structure, which accompanied monarchy as glorious monuments. many escutcheons of the royal arms and of the city were seen hanging at regular intervals--some of them embroidered and others in bas-relief, and all with much ornamentation of ribbons and resplendent in colors. the brilliant display of candles, (more than one thousand two hundred in number), enhanced all this splendor. most of the lights were candles of two, three, four, five, or six libras, and were placed in their silver candlesticks, sockets, and holders. besides, there were a great number of codales, [6] which were made for that purpose and filled the entire space of the plinth. the funeral poems and eulogies with which all the royal chapel was crowned were a glorious acquittance of the muses, in the happy death of their illustrious pupil. some of these will be given in conclusion, and with them will end [the account of] what was done at the funeral ceremonies which this noble and loyal city of manila performed for its august prince. the public demonstrations corresponded, not to the devotion with which so loyal vassals serve their catholic sovereigns, but to the condition in which this community finds itself at present, worn out with so many calamities, oppressed by so many misfortunes, and even bloodless and exhausted by the so continual invasions of enemies; had not the divine hand been so favorable on its side, it would not now have any shoulders to support so heavy a burden. may our catholic and invincible monarch accept these slight indications of the desire, and the proofs of the affection, which all this community offers as the obligation of its loyalty and in token of its grief, consecrated to the happy memories of their prince, in this public manifestation; if not suited to the grandeur of his person, it is to the generosity of his royal breast and august blood. may heaven extend his life for the glory and increase of this monarchy, as we his humble and obedient vassals desire. [7] [then follow the poems and eulogies above mentioned, which are written partly in latin and partly in spanish.] royal aid for jesuits asked by manila cabildo sire: this city of manila has informed your majesty on other occasions how the order of the society of jesus, which came to these islands many years ago with an ardent and apostolic zeal for the greater service of our lord and that of your majesty, has been employed in the conversion of souls; and that it has made and makes use of various means extraordinarily and especially efficacious to allure souls to the true knowledge of the matters of our holy catholic faith, as experience has proved and proves daily. their modest prudence and their admirable example of life and morals have verily aided in that--qualities which, resplendent in them, as is right, our lord has permitted to shine out with great profit in the missions that they have in charge in these remote islands, besides the great edification that they cause in this city by their holy and excellent instruction. we say the same in this letter, and, in particular, that the said order, recognizing its extremely great need of religious, has determined to send at the present time father diego patiño [8] as their procurator-general--a religious of excellent abilities and learning, and of long experience in everything relating to these islands, as he has served your majesty here for thirty years--in order that he might petition your majesty to be pleased to grant him permission to bring as many religious as he can; for the said need is today greater than what it was when father diego de bobadilla came with the forty men that he brought. for, since that time, sixty-one religious have died here, and some of them of but moderate age, as the land and its means of livelihood in general are so poor. the said order uses them as sparingly as is demanded by the poverty that the land suffers at this time. they are also placed under great restrictions by the continual hardships and dangers of their missions, as they are so separated in various islands--some of moros and others of infidels--and by the stormy seas and awful currents. in that said number of sixty-one who have died, are nine priests who have gloriously given and sacrificed their lives to our lord at the hands of the infidels. attested official reports regarding three of these have been given before the ordinary of the city of santísimo nombre de jesus, while those of the remaining six are being considered. for that reason the posts of the province are suffering the said need of the workers who are necessary; for the college of this city has one-half of the number of priests that it had formerly, in order that they might attend to the so numerous duties that they exercise--the school for children; chairs of grammar, arts, and theology; and as preachers and confessors, because of the great frequency with which people of all nations go to their college for the administration of the holy sacraments of confession and communion throughout the year, and especially during lent. this is something which does not receive due consideration; and with the few religious that they have, they are necessarily very hard-worked, for they have to go out day and night to confess the sick; to minister in the hospitals, prisons, and girls' schools; and to the ordinary preaching in the guardhouses--from which abundant fruit has been seen. the colleges of the city of santísimo nombre de jesus and of the port of yloylo, which formerly had five or six priests, do not now have two apiece, so that it is impossible to attend to the many duties that there present themselves. many of their indian missions which formerly rendered two religious indispensable, have now but one. in the great island of mindanao, nearly one-half of the civilized villages are without a minister, and consequently many people die without the sacraments. it is necessary for one minister to attend to one, two, three, or four villages which are very distant from one another, when each village needs its own priests. they do not hesitate, for all that, to go in the fleets when opportunity offers, in the capacity of chaplains, and in the shipyards where galleons are built. in those duties they have performed well-known and special services to our lord and to your majesty. by the industry of the said religious, and by the toil and hardships which can be understood, they have aided the arms of your majesty; and the kings of jolo and mindanao, who were the ones who had rebelled and were destroying the islands with their plunderings, were reduced to peace, and today are increasing their friendship. the greatest foundation for that friendship is the example furnished by the said religious in their lands, and in the region where they have their missions, such as the mild and fitting treatment that they employ, according to their custom, having hopes [thereby] to gain the natives for god; for they listen without any reluctance to the matters of our holy catholic faith from the mouths of the fathers, and learn from them very willingly. the poverty of the houses of the said society is as great as that which the inhabitants suffer, who are the fount whence originates all the support of this order and all the others. for since they are so poor, they cannot aid with the generosity that they might wish this and the other orders, the colleges, hospitals, prisoners, and brotherhoods. for that reason it was necessary to beg alms from door to door for more than five years, in order that they might maintain the college of this city and the few fathers in it; and the reason why they have ceased to beg is not because the need is not the same and greater, but because it is recognized that the citizens cannot continue their aid. for that reason the said father procurator-general of the said order is going [to españa], as others have gone, as he can expect no more aid here. consequently, it will be necessary to make heavy loans there, if your majesty do not please to order that he be assisted in that royal court, and in sevilla and mexico, with your usual liberality. this city humbly petitions your majesty to be mindful of the said great need of ministers and the great fruit that they obtain for our lord and your majesty, whose royal catholic person may the divine majesty preserve, as is necessary to christendom. manila, june twenty, one thousand six hundred and fifty-two. [9] matheo de arceo jeronimo de fuentes cortés nicolas fernandez paredes cristobal velazquez gabriel gomez del castillo pedro de morales pedro de almonte juan de somonte a. de verastegui francisco lopez montenegro albaro de castillo condition of the philippines in 1652 summary of the memorial of the jesuit magino sola [10] to don sabiniano manrique de lara, governor of the filipinas islands, explaining the needs of the islands. in this memorial magino sola shows that the conquest cannot be sustained, or extended to the points that are indispensable, without arms and soldiers. that the conquest may be carried on, it is necessary that the pay of the soldiers be met, as well as the other obligations of the islands, which have been quite disregarded for several years. especial attention should be given to the evangelical ministers, who ought to be helped by the military. the scarcity and misery has been the cause of serious disturbances. the father says: "the reason why the chinese in filipinas rose in revolt was only because of the lack of the ordinary supplies for the soldiers, so that the soldiers violently seized their food and clothing from the houses and parián of the chinese. the merchants could not pay the chinese for the goods that they had bought from them for the want of the same succor. [11] the reason why the natives in some provinces have risen in insurrection and killed their ministers and the spaniards was only because, the ordinary supplies being lacking, the spaniards could not satisfy the natives for the food and goods that they had given on credit, nor pay them for their work. "the reason why the governor of those islands found himself obliged to seize the money of their citizens and that of this city [i.e., mexico], with so great loss to trade, was only for the reënforcement of the presidios, and to avoid troubles which follow from not paying the soldiers. let one consider in how many years either the relief for those islands has been lacking altogether, or has been sent in so small quantity that it neither supplies the need, nor gives any hope of paying the amount owed. that is the origin and beginning, if i do not deceive myself, of all the many troubles and misfortunes that were and are suffered by the inhabitants of those islands, since the year 1637, when the trade began to dwindle because of the harshness at acapulco in the visitation of licentiate don pedro de quiroga y moya--troubles predicted, without doubt, by the ashes that rained down throughout those islands in the year 1633, which was followed by a general famine. in the year 1636, no ships came from those islands. in the year 38, the 'concepcion' was wrecked in the ladrones. in the year 39, the two ships which were being sent back from this kingdom were lost on the coast of cagayan, and the sangleys rose in revolt. in the year 1640, the volcanoes burst open and some villages were entirely engulfed; and many other damages resulted. it would appear that heaven itself was announcing new troubles and was sounding to arms against those islands. for throughout that archipelago one could hear distinctly aërial combats with artillery, and skirmishes with musketry. "in the year 1644, occurred the so terrible earthquake which destroyed and overthrew two-thirds of the temples and buildings of manila, and buried many persons among their ruins. in the year 46, the ship which was returning from this kingdom to those islands was wrecked. in that year and in that of 47 no ships could come here, for the dutch held those seas, and they were committing great depredations and robberies in those islands. in the year 49, the ship 'encarnacion' ran aground while returning, and was lost with all the cargo aboard it, while some of the people lost their lives. there was no ship in the year 1650, for that which was coming had to put back into port. 'nuestra señora de guia' was almost wrecked among the islands when returning, with great loss and damage on the goods carried. no help was sent to those islands in the year 51-52. let so many misfortunes be considered, and whether so many losses demand extraordinary reënforcements. let one consider what must be the present gloomy conditions in those islands since the reënforcements have failed there for so many years. let one consider whether an extraordinary and all-surpassing reënforcement is now rightly due and demanded, and according to the command of his majesty. for, as appears by his decrees, he ordered in past years, on hearing of some of the above-mentioned troubles, that those islands be reënforced, even though the usual money and treasure should not be sent to españa for that purpose." the father continues to speak of the sacrifices made by the citizens of manila because of the wars with the dutch, not only giving money to the royal treasury, but also military service in the plaza de armas and manning the galleys with their slaves. in the time of corcuera, money was taken from the charitable fund of the misericordia for the maintenance of the infantry; and the gratings and balconies, and even the bells, served for the making of nails and artillery. therefore, the father states the necessity to the islands of a governor who should have as his chief aim the relief of the soldiers, and of the other classes who received assistance from the state. this relation is dated september 15, 1652. jesuit missions in 1655 father fray miguel solana [12] of the society of jesus, provincial of this province of filipinas, in fulfilment of the royal decree, of which he was notified by order of your excellency, commanding him to give accurate information of the religious whom the society has engaged in work in the missions of the indians and of the villages which are in their charge, declares that all the villages and missions that they administer are located in the archbishopric of manila and the bishopric of the city of dulce nombre de jesus, where there are sixty-seven priests, distributed as follows: there are seventeen in the archbishopric of the city of manila. there are four priests in the city of manila, who are interpreters, and are at the expense of his majesty, so that they may attend to the ministry to the indians who go thither from all parts, as that place is the capital of the islands. they also minister to the mulattoes and those of other races. at present those priests are fathers antonio juan sana, jose pimentel, juan bautista suredo, francisco manuel. in the village of san miguel, which is inhabited by tagálog indians, is father magino sola. in the village of santa cruz, which, is inhabited by christian chinese, mestizos, free negroes, and tagálogs, are two priests, namely, fathers francisco ferrer and ambrosio de la cruz. the village of san pedro, where indians, chinese, and mestizos who work in the surrounding country congregate, has father francisco colin. in the residence of antipolo, where there are other villages--namely, antipolo, taytay, and baras, with four visitas in the mountains--there have always been three priests. at present there are two, namely, fathers luis espinelli and ygnacio zapata. in the residence of silang reside three priests, namely, fathers ygnacio del monte, diego de sanabria, and juan de esquerra. they have charge of three villages, namely, silang, yndan, and maragondon, and their visitas. in cavite, the port of manila, and in cavite el viejo, fathers andres de ledesma and juan lopez attend to all the people of every class. there are two fathers in four settlements of the island of marinduque, namely, fathers luis pimentel and juan de espinosa. bishopric of cebu, or of santisimo nombre de jesus in various islands of the bishopric of cebu there are fifty priests of the society of jesus, in the following residences and villages. in the city of cebu itself are two fathers, who attend to the village of mandaui and to the many indians in the said city [of cebu]. they are fathers domingo esquerra and francisco combés. there are four fathers in the island of bohol--namely, luis aguayo, pedro de auñon, bartolome sanchez, and francisco de la peña--who attend to all the villages of the said island, five in number, called loboc, baclayon, panglao, ynabangan, and malabohoc, and their visitas. island of leyte the society has two residences in this island. the first is that of carigara, where there are six priests, namely, juan de avila, juan de la rea, pedro carlos cristobal de lara, andres vallejo, and antonio de abarca. they instruct twelve villages, namely, carigara, leyte, jaro, barugo, alangalan, ocmug, baybay, cabalian, sogor, ynonangan, panaon, and luca. those villages are scattered through a space of sixty leguas. the second residence in the same island is that of dagami. its villages number ten, namely, dagami, malaguicay, tainbuco, dulag, bito, abuyo, palo, basey, guinan, and balanguigan. they are in charge of six fathers, namely, carlos de lemos, diego de las cuevas, francisco luzon, laudencio horta, juan de la calle, and jose de leon. island of samar and ybabao the society has two residences in this island, which is a very large one. one is located on the coast on the side toward españa, and the other on the opposite coast. the former is called the residence of samar, and the alcalde-mayor of this jurisdiction lives there. it is composed of six villages, namely, catbalogan, calbigan, paranas, bangahun, ybatan, and capul; and other smaller villages have been reduced to these. the ministry of that residence is in charge of four priests, namely, fathers melchor de los reyes, baltasar de portiçela, ygnacio de alçina, and matias de montemayor. the second residence is that of palapag. the villages in its mission number ten, namely, palapag, catubig, burabur, catalman, bonbon, biri, bacor, tubig, sulat, and borongan. they are visited--with great difficulty, because of the roughness of the seas--by six priests, namely, fathers bartolome besco, simon baptista, diego flores, cosme pilares, pedro de espinar, and jose luque. oton one father looks after the fort of spanish infantry owned by his majesty. another priest attends to the village of yloilo, which is composed of indians and sangleys. those priests are fathers pedro de montes and juan de contreras. however, his majesty gives a stipend to only one. island of negros in four villages, namely, ylog, the capital of the corregidor of the island of negros, canancalan, suay, and ygsiu, with two other visitas in the mountains, there are two fathers, namely, esteban jaime and francisco deza. mindanao his majesty possesses two forts in this great island, that of yligan and that of samboangan, to which two priests of the society attend. father ygnacio navarro attends to that of yligan, and father nicolas cani to that of samboangan. there are also two residences in the said island. the one lying toward the north is that of dapitan. the villages in its district are inhabited by subanos. there are fourteen churches, besides the one of the natives in the village of yligan. they are cayaguan, delanun, bayug, dapitan, lairaya, dipolo, dicayo, duhinug, piao, licay, manucal, ponot, silingan, quipit, besides some others of less renown. they are in charge of four priests, namely, fathers jose sanchez, carlos de valencia, francisco angel, and bernardino de alison. the second residence is that of samboangan. it extends from the border of dapitan to sibuguy, the boundary of king corralat, which is a distance of about fifty leguas. there are seventeen villages along that coast, which are as follows: siocon, siraney, cauit, sibuco, bocot, malandi, la caldera, baluajan, masluc, manicaan, ducunney, coroan, bitali, tungauan, sanguito, boloan, and bacalan. besides the above there are three [sic] villages of lutaos near the fort of samboanga, namely, bagumbaya, buayabuaya. in addition to these, that residence includes the island of basilan, and also the island of joló and the island of pangotaran, and other islands where many christians live. five priests are divided among all those places, and sail in the fleet of samboangan, and they are paid at his majesty's expense. those priests are father pedro tellez, father francisco lado, father francisco de victoria, father juan andres palavicino, and father juan montiel. terrenate and siao three priests are busied in these missions, by order of the government. they are father vicente choua, father francisco miedes, and father diego de esquivel, and they are paid at his majesty's expense. another one is needed to go and come thence, in order that the said priests may be sustained. the above sixty-seven priests are actual instructors and missionaries. besides them, there are eleven students in the college of the society, who are studying the language and becoming suitable ministers to supply the place of those who shall die. there are also five masters, who teach not only the members of the society, but also laymen. to their teaching are indebted the majority of the beneficed clergy, secular priests, in the islands, besides many others who have entered the orders. they also have charge of missions. other priests in the said province who are occupied in the care of the spaniards are not named in this paper, because they are not maintained at his majesty's expense. these are also used to fill the vacant places of those who are lacking in the said missions either from sickness or death; for no priest is permitted to work therein who does not know one of the languages of the indians who are in our care, so that all may be instructors. in order that this may be given credit, i have affixed my signature in this village of san pedro, june 30, 1655. the mindanao missions the island of mindanao [13] is the largest of these filipinas islands, next to that of manila. a great portion of it is yet to be subdued. in that part which is conquered, the society has charge of the jurisdictions of iligan and zamboanga. the latter is the chief presidio of the spaniards, where a college is in the first years of foundation, which has a rector and five priests who work in it. the villages that it instructs are as follows: the village of the natives and lútaos [14] of the same zamboanga, who number 800 families. in place of paying tribute, they serve as rowers in our fleets, which are quite usually cruising about in defense of our coasts and to harass the enemy. the island of basilan opposite the presidio of zamboanga and two leguas distant, has about 1,000 families--who, attracted by the industry, affection, and care of the mission fathers are most ready to show themselves for the christian instruction, but few appear at the time of collecting the tribute. the christian kindness of the spaniards, which attends rather to the welfare of the souls than to personal interest, is tolerant with those people, as they are not yet entirely tamed and subdued, and because of the danger of losing everything if they are hard pressed. that happens not only in the island of basilan, but also in all the other places of that jurisdiction of zamboanga, in the land of mindanao. those places are: la caldera, a port so named, two leguas from zamboanga toward the east, with about 200 families; bocot, 250 families; piacan and siraney, 100 families; siocon, 300 families; maslo, 100 families; namican, 30 families; data, 25 families; coroan, 20 families; bitales, 40 families; fingan, 100 families; tupila, 100 families; sanguinto, 100 families. all those places are at the southern part of zamboanga, and contain in all 3,251 families. the islands of pangotaran and ubian are also included in that jurisdiction, which are two days' journey from zamboanga; and their inhabitants, now almost all christianized, pay some kind of tribute when the fleets pass there. the islands of tapul and balonaquis, whose natives are yet heathen. there are many islets about basilan which serve as a shelter for indian fugitives, many of whom are christians, who on occasions come to the fathers for the sacraments, and come at the persuasion of the fathers to serve in the fleets. the island of jolo also belongs to the same jurisdiction of zamboanga. it has many christians, who remained there when the spanish presidio was withdrawn. the father ministers go at times to visit them, and endeavor to attract them in order to administer the holy sacraments to them. all of the people in these various places reduced to families will be a little more or less than as follows: in pangotaran and ubian, 200; in tapul and balonaquis, 150; in the islets of basilan, 200; in jolo, with its islets, 500--all together amounting to 1,000. the jurisdiction of iligan, with its residence of dapitan this jurisdiction runs along the eastern coast of the island, and its territory extends for a distance of about sixty leguas. that district includes the people of the subanos, who are one of the most numerous in the island, and one of the most ready to receive the evangelical doctrine, as they are heathen and not mahometans, as are the mindanaos. the village of iligan, which is the capital of the jurisdiction, where the alcalde-mayor and the infantry captain of the presidio live, has about 100 tributes along the coast. the district further inland, in another village called baloy, has about 200 families, although only 30 make their appearance for the tribute. another village called lavayan, which is located on the other side of iligan and the bay of panguil, has 50 tributes, although there are [actually] twice as many more. then comes dapitan, which is our center for residence and instruction, as it is one of the most ancient christian villages in these islands. its inhabitants went of their own accord to meet the first spaniards who went out for the conquest, and guided and served them in that conquest; and they have always remained faithful in their friendship, for which reason they have been exempted from paying tribute. there are about 200 families there, while another village in the interior at the head of the same river has about 250. the villages located along the coast toward zamboanga are dipoloc, with 300 families duino, 600; manucan, 100; tubao, 100; sindangan 500; mucas, 200; quipit, 300--in all 2,750 families this is the number estimated to be in this residence. five priests generally aid in their instruction. [15] letter from the archbishop of manila to felipe iv sire: when we became established in these islands, and they were divided up into bishoprics, the division was not made with due regard to convenience, and as the distance between the several parts required. this was due either to a lack of information, or to the fact that the conversion [of the heathen] had not yet been accomplished, nor had various islands, inhabited by numerous souls, yet been discovered; but these are now for the most part brought to our holy catholic faith, or are shortly to be so, as we hope. to this must be added the lack of gospel laborers in regions which are distant more than a hundred leguas in the sea; as are the litaos of zamboanga, the mindanaos, the xoloans, the borneans, and other nations, to which no bishopric extends or can extend, nor is there any prelate to care for those souls. such a condition demands a remedy, and it appears to me best to present the matter to your majesty, beseeching you to be pleased to apply the remedy which is fitting, by providing a prelate and bishop to govern the church for so many souls. the most effective measure, it appears to me, is to discontinue the bishopric of camarines, and have the bishop put over the said nations--considering that the former is the smallest bishopric, and borders on this archbishopric of manila; and that the administration of the sacraments of confirmation, and the visitations, could be attended to by land journeys [from here]. in this way these souls will be provided with their needed nourishment, and many will receive [spiritual] aid who today are neglected, or who have hardly any ministers. it has seemed best to me to present this matter to your majesty, that you may command what shall seem best. [in the margin: "let the decision on the printed memorial, number 47, 48, and 53, be executed."] in the year 654 i gave an account to your majesty of all the kingdoms and islands in the neighborhood of these. in some of them your majesty has garrisons and government, as in that of terrenate; others are governed by their own native kings; and in all there are an infinite number of christians. but all of them are lacking in ecclesiastical jurisdiction and spiritual administration, because priests have to come to them from goa; and on account of the want that they have suffered, they find themselves in need of ministers. considering the fact that i am the nearest metropolitan in these islands, it seemed best to me to make known these facts to your majesty, so that, if it be your pleasure, you may provide assistance from this archbishopric--as is provided for the countries of camboxa, tunquin, macazar, sian, which are all governed by their native kings and are inhabited by an infinite number of baptized persons, who are afforded salvation in the same manner and way as was done in the year 654 in the islands of terrenate, where the power of your majesty is established. your governor, don sabiniano manrrique de lara, withdrew the curacy which was established at malaca, as it seemed expedient for the service of your majesty; and at that time he sent ministers to maintain that christian community until your majesty should determine otherwise, or his holiness should make provision [through me], as the metropolitan nearest at hand, for the saving of these souls. [in the margin: "the same as in the preceding clause."] i also relate to your majesty how, through the lack of bishops which prevails in the kingdoms near these islands (whose ecclesiastical government has been administered by the archbishopric of goa), several portuguese candidates, both secular priests and religious, have come to this city from macam and other regions, to be ordained. as a vassal of your majesty, i decided not to ordain them without special advice from your majesty; i, therefore, informed your governor of this, and have ordained none of them. that i may execute in this and in everything else the will of your majesty, i beg you to be pleased to command me what i must do. may god protect your catholic and royal person, granting greater kingdoms and seigniories. manila, july 30, 1656. [in the margin: "this question was found in another letter from the archbishop. have the fiscal examine it at once, and have it brought with everything to the council." "the fiscal, having examined this clause of the letter, says that the council might be pleased to command that the archbishop give information as to the manner in which those mentioned in this clause came to be ordained--whether with or without dismissory letters, and from whom they bring them--so that with this he may make such request as is suitable. madrid, march 2, 660."] miguel, archbishop of manila. [endorsed: "manila, july 30, 656. to his majesty. the archbishop informs us concerning various subjects, which are noted on the margin, namely: the great number of christians who are in those islands, and the few laborers; much besides bishops and ministers is needed for their government and instruction; and he proposes other matters which should be decided." "june 6, 659. memorial, number 47, 48, and 53." "session of the council of march 4, 1660. let his majesty be advised that the council have considered what the archbishop of manila writes in the last clause of this letter of july 30, 1656, in regard to his refusing to ordain the religious and secular priests who come to his archbishopric from the portuguese who are in the territory of the archbishopric of goa, on account of the state in which portugal is; and, besides, what the fiscal answered on this point, after he had seen the letter--namely, that the archbishop should be asked to give information in regard to the manner in which these men came to be ordained, whether with or without dismissory letters, and from whom they bring them, so that the proper request may be made. although orders to this effect have been issued, it has seemed best to the council to render account to your majesty of what this information contains, on account of the bearing which it has generally upon the affairs of portugal; so that, in so far as this knowledge is important to him, such consultation may be held as shall appear most expedient." "let the council take immediate action on this, so that their decision may go with the fleet." don juan gonzales don pedro de galbez don miguel de luna dated on the same day.] two jesuit memorials, regarding religious in the moluccas, and the inquisition sire: i, francisco vello of the society of jesus, procurator-general of the province of filipinas, who am at present in this court, deem it advisable for the service of your majesty to make the following statements: the governor of filipinas, for certain reasons and motives that he had, withdrew from the terrenate forts the rector of a house of the society of jesus which the province of cochin in eastern india had there from the beginning of those conquests, and placed there instead religious belonging to my province of filipinas. the said rector acted as commissary of the inquisition for the tribunal of goa, as long as he was there; but when he was withdrawn those forts were left without any commissary. i gave testimony regarding that to the inquisitor-general, so that he on his part might procure from your majesty the appointment for those forts of a minister--a matter so important for the purity of our holy faith--since your majesty strives, as your chief glory, to preserve it in all the kingdoms and provinces of your monarchy; and it is most necessary in them, as they are in the midst of many sectaries, and, as those people are very warlike, they are more ready to receive errors. everything relating to the inquisition of the filipinas is carried to the tribunal of mexico, with great hardships to the persons, expense to the treasury, and the risk of losing everything--sometimes years being spent in questions and answers, and the enemy capturing (as happened at various times) not only the records but the criminals as well. and when affairs are settled, whether the criminals are punished or freed, they are left about two thousand five hundred leguas from their home and abode, and sometimes it is impossible for them to return. one would think that, since it was considered an inconvenience for the vassals of the canarias (who are distant only two hundred odd leguas from hespaña) to go to sevilla, and a tribunal was established there for their alleviation, there is not less but much [more] reason in the filipinas for your majesty to be pleased to order that a tribunal be erected in the city of manila, as was done in the canarias. moreover, supposing that goa return later to the allegiance of your majesty, it is as difficult to take criminals and records from the forts of terrenate to that place as to mexico; and, in proportion to the dangers of the sea, much greater. at present, even if the road from terrenate to goa were short and easy, it is not right to take the faithful vassals of your majesty to be punished by rebels, and by secret decrees, in districts so distant from one another. and if they are not taken--as they have not been taken for many years, during which acts have been fulminated--evildoers remain without punishment, and the one evil is as bad as the other. all that will be avoided by establishing a new tribunal in manila. by that erection no new expense will be added to the royal treasury other than that of the inquisitor, and the amount given him will be proportioned to the income of the country, and can be obtained by assigning a certain number of indian tributes to the royal treasury for that purpose; and he can afterward be advanced to bishop and archbishop, with greater experience than those have who go from other regions. the other officials do not receive a salary. i trust in god, and the piety of your majesty, that provision will be made for this in the manner most to our lord's glory and the welfare of your vassals, etc. francisco vello [16] sire: i, francisco vello, procurator-general of the society of jesus for the province of filipinas, declare that, on account of the information that i have had from those islands and from all parts of the orient, i have deemed it necessary to represent to your majesty that, when the forts of terrenate were restored from the possession of the dutch in the year six hundred and four, the temporal government of those forts (which was before under eastern yndia), was administered by filipinas, while the ecclesiastical and spiritual was left to the said yndia, as it belonged to the bishopric of malaca, and the inquisition to the tribunal of goa, and a house of my order to the province of cochin or malabar (which is one and the same thing)--your majesty paying both the expenses of the military and the salaries of the ecclesiastical persons from your royal treasury of manila. because of the troubles that don sebastian hurtado de corcuera recognized while governor, after the insurrection of portugal and their conquests, he had the religious withdrawn--leaving only the vicar, because of the jurisdiction--which could not be administered by secular officials, but by those to whom it belongs. after don diego faxardo assumed that government, he again introduced portuguese religious there, and withdrew those of my province. [that plan was pursued] until don saviniano manrrique de lara assumed the same government, who, on account of information from the warden of those forts, again withdrew the religious from yndia, and likewise the vicar--entrusting to my provincial that administration and house, at the advice of the archbishop of manila. that charge was immediately accepted, in order to serve your majesty; and it has been thus far fulfilled. although those presidios and the king of tidore (who is a christian) and the people of those districts have persons to administer the holy sacraments to them, their ministers have no jurisdiction, as it has to emanate from the ordinary of malaca. in the same way there is no commissary of the inquisition, as the tribunal of goa thus far has jurisdiction there. malaca, to which the said forts belonged, has been occupied by the dutch since the year six hundred and forty-one; and our holy roman faith is no longer exercised there, nor has there been left any city or village of that bishopric which could obtain that see. also is there no hope of the restoration of what has been lost, according to the trend of the times. because of that loss the jurisdiction of terrenate had to be transferred either to the bishopric of cochin--which is the nearest one, being distant thence six hundred leguas--or to the metropolitan of goa, which is seven hundred leguas from malaca, while the first one is one thousand three hundred leguas and the second one thousand four hundred from terrenate. consequently, on account of the long navigation, they cannot be furnished with supplies from there, as their proper administration requires. for that same reason they were not visited for more than twenty years by any ordinary or ecclesiastical superior, as is commanded by the councils. besides the above difficulty there is another one, namely, that no people sail from yndia to the moluccas except the dutch, as the latter have gained possession of those islands and of their drug trade, which they defend from all, most especially the portuguese of yndia. consequently, it seems to be necessary that the spiritual affairs of those forts be placed in charge of the archbishop of manila (although they are nearer to the bishopric of zebú), because of the ships which continue to carry reënforcements, with a voyage of three hundred leguas or a little more or less. no other object is intended in this than the welfare of those christians; and your majesty will obtain no other advantage than that of maintaining our roman faith in its purity in that most remote district of the world, among so warlike nations as are the japanese, chinese and tartars, tunquinese, cochin-chinese, cambojans, siamese, joloans, and others who almost surround it. for that alone so great a sum of money is spent as is known, not only in those forts but in all those islands. it has been proved to be very agreeable to god because of the extent to which the holy gospel has spread among them, for they are the best fields of christian effort of all the conquests of the monarchy. it is well seen that he favors it in the continual victories that your majesty's arms have had in those regions on sea and land, although it is so distant a member of the body of this monarchy. may god prosper this monarchy well with fortunate victories for the welfare and increase of our holy religion. [17] francisco vello jesuit protest against the dominican university memorial of miguel solana, jesuit, petitioning the king not to allow the dominican friars to carry out their purpose of founding a university in manila. sire: miguel solana of the society of jesus, and procurator-general of the province of the philippine islands, makes the following declaration, namely: that he has been shown a memorial presented by the father master fray mateo vermudez, [18] procurator-general of the college of santo tomas in the city of manila, wherein for reasons therein set forth he asks that the ambassador at rome be authorized in writing to petition his holiness to erect a university of general studies, and to incorporate and establish it in his college as above--so that, should there hereafter be founded separate schools and general [studies], the said university is to be transferred to them, in which may be taught three other branches of learning--namely, canon law, civil law, and medicine, as more fully set forth in the said memorial, the meaning whereof to be taken for granted. your majesty will be pleased to order that the same be stricken from the judicial acts, and furthermore, that no other petition of similar import be admitted, with the declaration to the opposing party that, inasmuch as the matter has already been decided [cosa juzgada] in favor of the college of san ignacio, which the society conducts in the said city, they are barred from further relief. all which i petition for, for reasons to be more fully described hereafter, whereon i found the necessary petitions and prayers, which, as is evident and appears, will be acknowledged throughout the whole line of reasoning and the acts of the suit that has been entered by the said college, as well as from the allegations and claims deduced therein. the claim of the college of santo tomas, in brief, is the establishment of a university in order to nullify the right and privileges of the society and of the said college of san ignacio, whereon the audiencia of manila has acted and delivered judgment--which acts, on being brought before the council on appeal, were ended definitively in the trial and review of the said suit. the case, therefore, is finished and closed, and for no reason can or should it be reopened, either in whole or part. wherefore it results that the claim now introduced is faulty with no other purpose than to burden the said society with new suits and expenses; as the case, as stated, has been decided and closed, and the reopening of it barred, as being a matter already determined. the said memorial therefore should not be admitted, nor a hearing granted to the claim advanced therein, which should be refused further consideration. and to the end that his plea be drawn up according to the requirements of law, and for the better confutation of the reasons advanced in the said memorial, he [i.e., solana] maintains that what was petitioned for and obtained by the opponents in the warrant (which was secured through the aid of money) was the establishment of a university like those at avila and pamplona. but in order to avoid raising the question of temporal privileges with the necessary expenses therefor, as well as because the paper to be sent to rome had to be of similar tenor, it was trickily drawn up, and the petition for a university made to read as for one like lima and mexico, whereof the reasons advanced in the said suit were set forth in full form, whence it follows that it is not entitled to any further consideration; especially so, since the concession made by his holiness was according to the tenor of the clear and truthful petition that had been presented to him, without taking into consideration the ulterior meaning that through deceit and malice had been introduced into the report and the subsequent decree thereon. nor should so important a defect be glozed over with the assertion that the said paper bore the signatures of the president and the members of your council (whereof there is no evidence) while the very contrary is evident in the acts. [let it be noted] that considerable time has passed, while, moreover, the proceedings have taken for granted the certainty that those acts should have in similar matters--besides the facts that, in the endeavor to secure a bull, the accompanying statement was vague in that no mention was made therein of the authority possessed by the society of conferring degrees by perpetual and lawful right; and that in the council acknowledgment was made (with full cognizance of the case and of whatever was proposed in the said memorial and papers), that they were in favor of the college of san ignacio and its degrees and students, and not of those of santo tomas. moreover, the bulls and apostolic privileges that have been enjoyed by the society are in legal and recognized form, and have been admitted and certified to in all the audiencias and tribunals of the indias, as is notorious; they were passed by the council, and were presented in the suit, and acknowledged as being of value; while what was advanced by the said father procurator whereon were issued the decisions and writs of the audiencia of manila and the council, was held as gratuitously asserted and without foundation. as early as the year 26, the said bulls were presented to the president, governor, and captain-general, at that time don juan niño de tabora--from which the subreption latent in the bull which they obtained is inferrible, for in the form wherein it was granted, they would not have secured it if his holiness had had the evidence of the right and [fact of] possession on the part of the said society. nevertheless, the said father procurator-general seeks and claims to have all the defects therein corrected through the issuance of new letters and bulls, in order that the said society may thereby be deprived and despoiled of its said just privileges and legal titles. in virtue of these it is toiling to the great benefit and advantage, both spiritual and temporal, of the vassals of your majesty who are resident in those regions and provinces, and who again and again have sought to have the society upheld in its said right, the same having been duly acknowledged and certified, of which there cannot be the slightest doubt. in order to make plain the baselessness of the arguments that are raised against the said bulls, it suffices to say that they have been presented in legal, authentic, and unchallengeable shape, whereof the evidence is wholly undeniable; and have been recognized as such by the council, by which they have been accepted with all needed circumstances and requirements--so that, had any further scrutiny been needed therein, the same would not have been neglected, nor, [in such case], would the audiencias of the indias have allowed them to be cited. moreover in the suit now pending in the council, between the college of the society and that of santo tomas in sequence of the one conducted before the royal audiencia resident in that city [of manila], the fiscal of santa fé [in mexico?] required that those bulls should be recognized and fulfilled; and although opposition thereto was offered on the part of the college of sante tomas, the acts of the trial and the review show that a writ of execution was issued empowering the society to make full and complete use of the same by conferring degrees, as it had been doing, the college of santo tomas being enjoined therefrom. in consideration of this it is not right to grant the father procurator a hearing. besides, in that suit many other arguments and reasons were brought forward in favor of the society. wherefore, if this had not already been decided, finished, and closed, as is the case, a petition would be presented to have all the acts relative to the same brought together, or that a report should be drawn up of the proceedings in the trial. with this concurs the fact, as said, that they were passed by the council, of which a cedula to that effect has been presented. moreover in the said suit before the audiencia of manila, the cedula of november 25 of [the year 16] 45 having been offered in opposition thereto, full recognition was had of this article; and in the trial and review of the case the claim was refused consideration, since the truthfulness and promptness wherewith the society was and is proceeding was in evidence--as also was its right use of the said bulls and its conferral of degrees, of which recognition and discussion was made before all parties in this said suit. besides, to assert that the powers to confer degrees were revoked by pius v and sixtus v is contrary to established fact, inasmuch as, so far as relates, appertains, and belongs to its privileges and bulls, these not only were not withdrawn from the society, but rather were confirmed most amply, with the grant besides of new favors and graces. wherefore, as regards this plea all question is ended, while the revocation to which he refers concerns other parties, and other intents and purposes, which do not belong to or affect this suit relative to the firm and unalterable right of the society of jesus. the said father procurator-general, then, should know what is so notorious that even in rome, where the society has its principal university, it has been conferring degrees on its students without any opposition whatever, which would not be the case were the bulls in any way detective. but this [claim] is wholly gratuitous and censurable, as the said decrees of execution were issued by the audiencias and councils; nor should it be offered in opposition on the part of the college of santo tomas; nor should an attempt be made to reopen what has been resolved and decided legally with such full knowledge of the case. and the report which he files is also opposed to established fact, in his statement that the city [of manila] petitioned for the foundation of a university in the said college; for no such paper was written, nor has one been discovered, to the best of our knowledge. nay, the evidence on the contrary goes to show that a special petition was drawn up in both the general and the particular interest of that community wherein the said society is established and the use and exercise of its said bulls maintained. for this reason, when the audiencia ordered the trial to be held, the citizens displayed so much regret for this disturbance of the society, that the cabildo and magistracy felt obliged to repair to the governor and most urgently petition him to interpose his authority to have the suit remanded to the council. they asked that no change [in regard to the college] be made, and that he would petition your majesty on their behalf not to sanction the finding of the said act; or, in event of this being done, to extend the same grace also to the society of jesus, in opposition to whose growth it was not right or within reason (with due respect) to have the question decided through the expenditure of money, and that the petty amount of two thousand pesos. because of the harm to the public welfare and the service of your majesty, besides other cogent reasons, any similar proposal should be regarded with disfavor and refused a hearing. moreover, it [i.e., the jesuit college] was sought for and granted on the fiat of the conde de castrillo, through whose agency this grant was secured, and confirmed by the council. this they secured and obtained fully and sufficiently, and their warrants have been put into effect; whence it results that (even though the intent [of these] had not prevailed and been put into execution, as it has been; even though the res judicata bars further action, as it does) no recourse is open to them [i.e., the dominicans], nor means that can be of use for introducing the said claim, nor ground for complaint--especially since in virtue of the bull they enjoy many and valuable prerogatives which were not contained in the temporal privileges which they exercised in former times. then the archbishop gave them their degrees, which were recognized only in the indias, while now these are recognized everywhere, being conferred by the rector of the college, which has other officials, insignia, and preëminences of special import. nor do they [i.e., the dominicans] refrain from nor content themselves with disparaging in every way the degrees and students of the society of jesus, whom they deprive and despoil of their just titles and rights. such is the reason wherefore your majesty should not give them a hearing were the subject one entitled to a hearing; such the reason wherefore the council, although wrongly the contrary is maintained, has not declared the college of santo tomas to be a university--since what it did do, as is evident in the acts, was to order and declare that both colleges use their bulls. thus the opposing party is deprived of nothing; nay, especially since, as is stated in the petition and prayer drawn up for that purpose, it was in order to obtain such powers as are held by the universities of avila and pamplona. they should not now seek, because of the illegal act of the secretary, to have those powers extended and enlarged to those [possessed by the colleges] of lima and mexico, even though his holiness had not reduced them to the form, limits, and branches of knowledge, referred to in the said bull--to whose tenor and decision one must submit without therefore giving undue significance to the word academia used therein. for, without now raising any question as to the effects thereof, the burden of this treatise simply states that whether a college be a university or not depends on the will of him who is empowered to grant it after inquiry into the fundamental grounds of the matter. in the said lawsuit, the truth was established; accordingly it is neither expedient nor fitting to discuss new points, as whether the term academia, or that of university, or something else be used. besides, as already stated, the city of manila did not petition for a university as alleged by the opposite party. the petitioner to that effect in the paper referred to was the said college itself, which secured the grant with limitations as in the decree. wherefore, even if the said bull had not been secured, there would have been no cause for complaint, inasmuch as they paid the said two thousand pesos with your majesty's consent; nor could a new petition at any time be presented, one already having been granted, even though they had not obtained the bull. but without calling in question the matter which is already settled, or his other representations which he insists on and firmly maintains--without appearance, however, of abandoning his claim in case of its rejection--the point that now may be discussed relative to a regular university and general studies is as follows: has the college of santo tomas the needed requisites therefor? or are there new conditions by which their claim can be supported, and which would deprive your majesty of all ground [for refusing it], although you do not support it? in case a new foundation should be deemed advisable, this more suitably should be established in the said college of san ignacio, for the reasons to be gathered from the acts of the said trial, from the reports that have been made in favor of the society, and from the excellent progress which, as is proved by experience, has resulted from their learning and teaching in those islands, with the general applause and approval of their inhabitants and citizens. all this [the writer] again brings forward in the interest of this plea; and he represents that the college of san ignacio is one founded by your majesty, and the earliest, and is older than that of santo tomas; he also asserts its precedence and other prerogatives adjudged to it in the said trial. its teaching staff has been, as it will continue to be, adorned with the needed endowments and learning; and that the society will, as is usual in such cases, carefully teach and train youth follows from its statutes; and the results of its labors in this direction are well known. for its teachers it has never demanded any fees, nor have they any other reward than the luster which is derived from the learning and uprightness of the scholars. they need no royal endowment for their support and maintenance, nor will they ever apply for one. from the revenues enjoyed by the college and the favor shown by your majesty from the beginning of their earliest establishments they will maintain themselves and be gladly occupied in the fulfilment of this duty. your majesty will be their only patron and will give them such statutes as he shall please for their better government. moreover, without having the royal exchequer put to the slightest expense, application will be made to his holiness for bulls whereby this institution may win greater renown; while it will be subject in all things to the behest and commands of your majesty and your council, as ever has been the notable course of the society of jesus in those regions, in order that you may clearly see and understand its mode of procedure and how consistent are its actions. as a favor from your majesty, it prays with the utmost earnestness and respect that you will be pleased to command that the papers and reports bearing on this matter in the secretary's office be examined and compared--not only those from the present governor, but those from his predecessor; and especially what the latter wrote in the year 49, on the occasion of his referring [to the council] this lawsuit. therein will appear the arguments in opposition to the college of santo tomas, and the decisions thereon--among others, the fact that its graduates and students have to take oath that they will uphold the teachings of saint thomas [of aquino]. as a matter of fact, in the renowned universities of the world an oath is taken to defend whatever the consensus of christian piety has decreed--as during these days was sworn to amid public demonstrations and applause, in the presence of your majesty--relative to the mystery of the conception of the most holy virgin our lady. [19] besides this, by express enactments of law they are forbidden under censures to read and teach other faculties and sciences than those of philosophy and theology. it is therefore unbecoming and in conflict with the said enactments, as well as incompatible with their institute and profession, which forbid them to conduct public universities in the form now claimed. it, moreover, is in manifest prejudice to the right conferred by bulls and privileges on the society of jesus, as well as to what has been decreed in its favor with so much toil and expense. and, besides, it may be remarked that the establishment of a university, with courses of medicine, and canon and civil law, in the convent of santo domingo would be an improper and absurd proceeding, as they have no teachers who are acquainted with the first principles of these sciences, in default of which there could be but poor instruction, whereas the law requires that the teachers thereof be very learned, besides being endowed with singular talents and qualifications. as the matter is well and generally known, it may be observed that in the philippines and the city of manila, where the only persons who treat the sick are chinese, there is no graduate physician; for no one wishes to go thither from mexico, as he would be unable to get a living. as regards canon and civil law, graduates therein might go thither every year, if only they could obtain a living and find scholars to whom they might lecture and give instruction. but the city of manila is so small and confined that--as is evident from the paper here presented with the necessary formalities from don sebastian hurtado de corquera--it numbers no more than two hundred and seventy citizens. behold then, your majesty, under what conditions and in what sort of a place it is sought to establish a regular university of sciences and arts, with chancellor, rector, secretary, beadle, and other officials and teachers who make up its stall--for whose support would be needed twelve thousand ducados of income, no matter how moderate the salaries; whereas, if a portion of this were applied in increasing the number of settlers, with a consequent saving of burdens on the royal exchequer, this would redound to the greater benefit and service of your majesty. with consideration of the same and whatever besides in fact or law may be of moment, the writer prays and beseeches your majesty to order the said memorial to be rejected, and allow no other of similar import to be received--with the addition of the declaration, if needed, that the case has already been settled, and the claim is not entitled to a hearing. in conclusion, without prejudice, however, to his plea nor with abandonment of the same, he [i.e., solana] prays that, should a university be established, it be founded in the college of san ignacio of the said society; and on each and every matter relating thereto he files all the petitions needed therefor, wherein he will receive favor with justice, etc. [20] description of the philipinas islands [21] although it appears by the information above that in regard to the philipinas islands (which belong to the district of the inquisition of mexico) it has not been possible to arrange the itinerary, because of the great distance thither from this kingdom; and that the inquisitor visitor, doctor don pedro de medina rico, charged its execution by letter to the father-definitor, fray diego de jesus maria, discalced religious of st. augustine, and calificador of the holy office, as he had labored more than twenty years in the said islands--the said letter being sent in duplicate in the two ships that left this kingdom in this present year of one thousand six hundred and fifty-eight--yet, because the said visitor has heard of the great knowledge of those regions that is possessed by father maxino sola, a religious of the society of jesus (who is at present in the city of mexico, and about to go to the kingdoms of castilla as procurator-general of the province of philipinas), in order that the said itinerary might be arranged with greater despatch, and so that in the interim until the coming of the person who shall settle things in those islands, there may be such relation as we are able to have in this book (which must be sent at the first opportunity to the most illustrious and most reverend inquisitor-general and the members of the council of the general holy inquisition), his lordship ordered me, ygnaçio de paz, that, continuing the work, i should set down the information given by the said father maxino sola. and, in obedience to that order, that relation which i have been able to procure with the exercise of all care and minuteness, is as follows. archbishopric of manila the city of manila, from which the said archbishopric (as well as all the island) takes its name, occupies the same site as did the largest settlement of the natives of this island when they were heathen, who called it by the same name. it was conquered and happily united to the spanish crown on may nineteen, one thousand five hundred and seventy-one (the same year of the establishment of the tribunal of the holy office of the inquisition in mexico) by the valiant miguel lopez de legazpi, native [of guipúzcoa: blank space in ms.], and a former citizen of the said city of mexico, whom his majesty honored with the title of adelantado of the said islands. the city lies in fourteen degrees of north latitude. the governor lives there, who is the captain-general and president of the royal audiencia which resides in that city, and consists of four auditors who are also alcaldes of the court, a fiscal, and the chief constable of the court. their archbishop and the ecclesiastical cabildo live there, the latter consisting of the accustomed dignitaries--three canons (for one of the four canonries there was suppressed by his majesty), two racioneros, two medio-racioneros, one secular cura, who has charge of the spaniards, and another who has charge of the natives and mulattoes. they are building at the cost of his majesty a temple for a cathedral, as that which they had before fell in the ruin caused throughout those islands by the earthquakes in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-four [sic; sc. five]. there is a royal chapel in the plaza de armas for the funerals and ministry of the soldiers, and it has a chief chaplain and six secular chaplains, all at his majesty's expense. there is a commissary of the tribunal of the holy office, counselors, calificadors, a chief constable, and other employes. the said commissary is necessary in the said city, and he will suffice for all the jurisdiction of the archbishopric of manila, with the exception of the port of cavitte. because of the vessels that anchor at the said city from foreign kingdoms, and because it is not easy to cross the bay during certain months of the year, it is advisable for that city to have its own commissary, as will be related later in the proper place. there is also need of the chief constable, four familiars, and two notaries. [there is] a house of the misericordia with its temple and two seculars as chaplains, where marriages are provided [for girls]. there is another house, called santta pottençiana, with its chapel and secular chaplain, where the wives of those who travel and leave the islands in his majesty's service are sheltered. there is a royal hospital for the treatment of spaniards, with its chapel and secular chaplain. the convents of religious in the said city of manila, in regard to the seniority of their establishment there, are as follows: the calced religious of st. augustine; the discalced of st. francisco, of the advocacy of st. james; those of the society of jesus; those of st. dominic; and the discalced of st. augustine--all with convents and churches of excellent architecture. in addition, the fathers of the society of jesus have a seminary with some twenty fellowships under the advocacy of st. joseph, with a university from which students are graduated in all the faculties. the religious of st. dominic have another seminary, with not so many fellowships, under the advocacy of st. thomas, where they also graduate students in all the faculties. in both, lectures are given in grammar, philosophy, and theology. there is a convent with religious women of st. clare, who are in charge of the religious of st. francis; a hospital of the misericordia for poor people and slaves of the spaniards, the administration of which is in charge of the religious of st. john of god, whose convent is located at the port of cavite. there is a cabildo and magistracy, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, a chief constable, regidors, and a clerk of cabildo; and an accountancy of results, with its accountant and officials. there are also three royal officials, with their employes. there are about sixty spanish citizens, not counting those who occupy military posts. the latter amount usually to about four hundred men. there are many servants, of various nations, amounting to more than four thousand men and women. hamlets falling in the circumference of the city of manila outside and near the walls of the city lies the parish of santiago where one beneficed secular has charge of all the spaniards who live outside the said walls. the village of san antonio is also near the walls, and is in charge of a beneficed secular. the village of quiapo, which lies on the other side of the river, is administered by the said beneficed secular. the village called la hermita, in whose temple is the venerated image of nuestra señora de guia, is two musket-shots away from the walls of manila, and is administered by a beneficed secular. the village called parián, the alcaicería where the chinese merchants and workmen live--most of that people being infidels, and few of them christian--are in charge of religious of st. dominic. this place is close to the walls. there is a small village next the walls called san juan, which is in charge of the discalced religious of st. augustine. another village, somewhat farther from the walls than the said san juan, and called malatte, is in charge of the calced augustinian fathers. another very near village, called dilao, is where some japanese christians live, separated from the natives; and their administration, as well as that of the natives, is in charge of religious of st. francis. there is another small village contiguous to that of dilao, called san miguel, which has a house of retreat for the japanese women who are exiled from their country because they follow our holy faith. they, as well as the natives of the said village, are in charge of religious of the society of jesus. all of the said villages, so far as the secular affairs are concerned, belong to the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of tondo, who lives in the village of that name on the other side of the river. that village is densely populated with natives and chinese mestizos who are in charge of calced religious of st. augustine. still nearer the river is the village of milongo [sic; sc. binondo] which is almost wholly composed of chinese mestizos. it is in charge of religious of st. dominic. the religious of st. dominic administer and care for a chinese hospital which is located on the bank of the said river. on the same shore of the river is a village named santa cruz, composed of married christian chinese, who are in charge of religious of the society of jesus. up-stream toward the lake are various villages. one is called san sebastian, and is in charge of discalced augustinians. another is called santa ana and is administered by religious of st. francis. another, called san pedro, is in charge of religious of the society of jesus. another, called guadalupe, is in charge of calced augustinians. another, called pasic, is in charge of calced augustinian religious. the village of san matheo is in charge of religious of the society of jesus. the village of taitai is in charge of the said religious of the society. the village of antipolo is in charge of the same religious of the society of jesus. the village of san palo [i.e., sampaloc] is in charge of religious of st. francis. coasting along from the city of manila to the port of cavite, where the ships that sail from this kingdom anchor, and across the said river, is the village of parañaca, which is in charge of the calced augustinian religious. port of cabitte the port of cabitte is six or seven leguas distant from manila by land, and three by sea, and the seamen live there with a spanish garrison; they have their castellan, who is also the chief justice. there is a secular cura who ministers with the help of his assistant and sacristan. there is a college of the society of jesus; a convent of st. francis, another of st. dominic, and another of discalced augustinians, as well as a hospital in charge of the religious of st. john of god. the cura of that port also has charge of the natives living about the walls, who are almost all workmen who work at the building of galleons. the same cura also has charge of the small villages which are located on the other side of the port. another called cabitte el viexo [i.e., old cavite] is in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. at a distance of four or five leguas about this port are located some cattle-ranches and some farmlands belonging to the citizens of manila, which are in charge of a secular cura. in the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of tondo, which is the place nearest to the city of manila besides the aforesaid villages (which all belong to him, except the port of cabitte), is the village of tegui, close to the lake. it is in charge of calced augustinian religious. in the interior are located the villages of silan and ymdan which are in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. up-stream and next to the jurisdiction of tondo begins the jurisdiction of the lake of bari [sic; sc. bay] which lies east of manila; this jurisdiction lies along the shore of the said lake. the chief village is called barii (whence the name of the said lake) and it is in charge of calced augustinian religious. the village of san pablo, distant six leguas inland, is in charge of the same calced augustinian religious. there is a hospital located on the bank of the said lake, which is in charge of religious of st. francis. these religious have charge of most of the villages of that jurisdiction with the exception of that of binan and its subordinate villages. coasting along manila bay, one comes first to the island of maribeles, a small jurisdiction in charge of a spaniard, who is corregidor and serves also as sentinel. its villages are in charge of discalced augustinian religious, with the exception of that of maragondon and its subordinate villages, which are in charge of religious of the society of jesus. leaving the bay, and pursuing the same voyage made by the ships that go to nueva españa, on the left and some fourteen leguas from cavitte is the jurisdiction of balayan or bombon, located on a small lake which bears that name. it has an alcalde-mayor; most of its villages are in charge of seculars, and the others, of calced religious of st. augustine. opposite the said jurisdiction and to the right, lie the islands of mindoro and luban, which are in charge of secular priests. they have an alcalde-mayor, to whom belongs also the island of marinduque, which is in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. traveling along the other side of the land of manila, [22] one encounters the jurisdiction of bulacan, which is but small, and is administered by religious of the calced augustinians--as also is the jurisdiction of panpanga, which is large and fertile, and contains many large villages. fourteen or fifteen leguas past the island of mindoro to the southwest, are the islands called calamianes, which number about seventeen. they are small and most of them now subdued; and they lie between the island of mindoro and that called paragua, which is the third of the said philipinas islands in size. [23] a small portion of the latter island is subject to the spaniards; it is one hundred and fifty leguas in circumference, and its greatest latitude is nineteen degrees. in the islands called calamianes is located an alcalde-mayor with a small presidio, as it lies opposite the camucones enemy. the administration of all those islands, and of that called cuio, is in charge of discalced augustinian religious. bishopric of cagayan or nueva segovia the city where the seat of the bishopric is located is called nueva segovia. it has a spanish presidio and its fort, whose castellan is the alcalde-mayor of that jurisdiction. it is in charge of one secular cura. the religious of st. dominic have a convent in the said city. the jurisdiction is about eighty leguas long and forty wide. all the province of cagayan is in charge of religious of st. dominic except the village and port of viga, which is in charge of a secular cura. next to that province on the side toward the archbishopric of manila, lies the province called ylocos. it is very fertile and abounds in gold and cotton, and is densely populated. it has an alcalde-mayor, and all its administration is in charge of calced augustinian religious. the province called pangasinan is next to the said province of ylocos. it is densely populated, fertile, and abounds in gold. the religious of st. dominic have charge of it, with the exception of some small villages on the seacoast, which are in charge of discalced augustinian religious. all those three provinces together with the islands called babullanes belong to the said bishopric of cagaian. they lie north of manila. there are many people yet to be converted, some of them being rebels who have taken to the mountains, while there are others who pay their tributes although they are not christians. bishopric of camarines or nueva cazeres in the part opposite the bishopric of cagayan lies the bishopric called camarines or nueva cazeres. its city, called [nueva] cazeres, is the seat of the bishopric and has a secular cura and a convent of religious of st. francis which has a hospital. all that province of camarines, and another one called paracale is in charge of religious of st. francis; and they are in the jurisdiction of one alcalde-mayor. the province called calilaya or taiabas, which has another alcalde-mayor, is also in the charge of religious of st. francis, except the villages called bondo which are in charge of seculars. the said jurisdiction has another province called canttanduanes, which has its own corregidor; and some small islands a short distance from the mainland. those islands, which are called burias, masbate, and tican, are in charge of seculars. the islands of romblon and bantton, which belong to that jurisdiction of canttanduanes, are in charge of religious of the discalced augustinians. those two bishoprics of nueva segovia and nueva cazeres are located in the island of manila. that island is about two hundred leguas or so long and runs from the east to the north, from about thirteen and one-half degrees [of latitude] to about nineteen or a trifle less. in the east it has a width of about one day's journey from one sea to the other, or a trifle more; and in the north is thirty or forty leguas wide. the total circumference of the island is about four hundred leguas. bishopric of sebu or nombre de jesus the see of that bishopric is located in the city called sebu, as it took that name from that of the whole island; the spaniards gave it the name of nombre de jesus. it was so called from the image of the child jesus which was found by the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpe in the indian settlement in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-five. it appears that that image was left in that island in the year one thousand five hundred and twenty-one, when hernando de magallanes (who died there) arrived at that place. only one secular cura lives there, for although dignitaries, consisting of a dean and the others, have been assigned to sebu, they are so only in name; and those dignities are enjoyed by the seculars who have charge of the places nearest to the said city of sebu. in that city is located a convent of calced augustinian religious, which was the first convent to be founded in the said philipinas islands. there is a college of the society of jesus, and a convent of discalced augustinian religious. as far as the secular power is concerned, there is an excellent stone fort with a spanish presidio, which is governed by an alcalde-mayor who generally bears the title of "lieutenant of the captain-general." there is a cabildo and magistracy, with alcaldes-in-ordinary and regidors. that island is somewhat prolonged for fifteen or twenty leguas, and is eight leguas wide. it has a circumference of eighty or ninety leguas, and extends northeast and southwest in ten degrees of latitude. [24] the city has a parián or alcaicería of chinese who are in charge of a beneficed secular. about it are some natives who are in charge of calced and discalced augustinian religious. the nearest island to the above island is that called bohol, which runs north and south for some fifteen leguas, with a width of eight or ten leguas and a circumference of forty. it is all in charge of religious of the society of jesus. as regards secular affairs, it belongs to the jurisdiction of sebu. next the said island of bohol lies that called leite. it also extends north and south, and has a length of some thirty leguas, and a width in some parts of only three leguas, while its circumference is about ninety or one hundred leguas. it is also in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. next the said island of leite lies that called samar or ybabao, the last of the philipinas. its coast is bathed by the mexican sea, and it makes a strait with the land of manila which is called san bernardino. by that strait enter and leave the ships of the nueva españa line. it lies between thirteen and one-half degrees and eleven degrees south latitude, in which latitude it extends for the space of two and one-half degrees. it is also in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. that island and that of leite have one alcalde-mayor. north of the island of sebu lies the island of negros, which extends between nine and ten and one-half degrees, and has some hundred leguas of circumference. it is almost all in charge of religious of the society of jesus, except one mission which the discalced augustinian religious have there. northeast of the same island of sebu lies the island called bantallan with four other islets, all of which are in charge of one secular. lower down and near manila is the island called panai, which is very fertile and densely populated. it is some hundred leguas in circumference, and runs east and west, and north and south in ten degrees of latitude. the city of arebalo or oton is located in that island, and an alcalde-mayor lives there--who is also the purveyor for the fleets of those islands, and of mindanao and its presidios. the cura of the town is a secular; but the spaniards of the presidio are in charge of religious of the society of jesus; they have a college in the said city, and also have charge of the district called hilo hilo. the balance of the said island of panai has an alcalde-mayor, and is in charge of calced augustinian religious. there are two other districts in the said jurisdiction which are in charge of seculars. all the above islands belong to the bishopric of sebu, as do also the great island of mindanao, with jolo, and their adjacent islands. the island of mindanao is the largest of all the philipinas islands, next to that of manila. in its largest part that island extends from five and one-half degrees northeastward to nine degrees--a distance of some seventy leguas. its two headlands, which are called san augustin and that of la caldera, bound a coast which runs east and west for some hundred and ten leguas. that island has at the port located about its middle, called sanbuangan, an excellent spanish presidio with a stone fort which is well equipped with artillery. that fort has its governor and castellan, who is also governor and castellan of the islands of jolo, baçilan, and some other smaller islands. the administration of all the islands called mindanao, jolo, and the others, both spaniards and natives, is in charge of religious of the society of jesus. from the cape of san augustin northeastward in that island is the jurisdiction called caraga and buttuan, which has its own alcalde-mayor. its administration is in charge of discalced augustinian fathers. along the coast toward the vendaval [i.e., southwest], on that same island is the jurisdiction of yligan, the principal part of which lies on a lake of the same name. it is in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. the district called dappitan in that same island is in charge of fathers of the society of jesus. terrenate the islands called terrenate or the clove islands are located for the most part under the equinoctial line toward the east; and are three hundred leguas distant from malaca in india, and slightly less from manila, toward the southeast. the islands are five in number, extend north and south, and are quite near one another. the largest, from which the others take their name, is that of terrenate. [25] two leguas from it is that of tidore, and then comes mutiel. the fourth is called maquien and the fifth bachan. all of them lie opposite the land called battachina. those islands of terrenate have various spanish presidios, the principal one of which is in the same island of terrenate where the governor lives; he is the governor of all the other presidios. the dutch have a settlement in that island with a good fort, all for the sake of the profit [that they obtain from the] cloves and nutmeg. the number of christians there is small, although there were many in the time of the glorious apostle of yndia, st. francis xavier. it has always been administered by religious of the society of jesus, as well as the natives of the island of siau, who are the most affectioned to our holy faith. the spaniards of terrenate are in charge of a secular cura belonging to the jurisdiction of the bishopric of cochin in oriental yndia; for the administration of those islands has always been in charge of that bishopric and province of cochin, although the ministers of the society of jesus have been appointed since the time of the revolt of portugal by the superior of the said society in the province of philipinas. the stipends of the cura and of the other evangelical workers are paid from the royal treasury of manila, as are also the salaries of the governor and the presidios. in the island of terrenate is a house of the society of jesus, whence they go out to administer the other islands and presidios. it has also a royal hospital which is in charge of the discalced religious of st. francis. the cura of that island and presidio was withdrawn to manila when portugal rebelled, and the archbishop chose a cura from his archbishopric; but it was a question whether he had any jurisdiction for it, so that the appointment of cura passed again in due course to the proprietary cura of the jurisdiction and bishopric of cochin, which is in actual charge of the said presidio [and will remain thus] until the determination and commands of the king our sovereign are known. the commissaries that seem necessary in the said islands, and in the places where such office will be desirable, are the following. 1. in the city of manila, with the jurisdiction of all the archbishopric except the port of cavitte. on account of the vessels that anchor in the latter place from foreign kingdoms, and because during some months in the year it is not easy to cross the bay, it is advisable for that port to have its own commissary. 2. in the said city of manila, the said employes who are mentioned in its description. 3. in the fort of sanboangan in the island of mindanao, and the islands subordinate to it. 4. in the city of sebu, whose commissary can serve for all the islands called pinttados. 5. in the town of arebalo or oton; the same person may be commissary of its jurisdiction and of that of panai and the island of negros. 6. in the presidio of yligan and caraga. 7. there could also be one in the islands of calamianes and the islands subordinate to them. 8. another commissary in the jurisdiction of cagaian, ylocos, and pangasinan. 9. another in the forts of terrenate. this is most necessary, as the spaniards of the said forts are among dutch and moros, and so far from the city of manila. documents of 1660-1666 recollect missions, 1646-60. luis de jesús and diego de santa theresa, o.s.a. (recollect); [compiled from their works]. description of filipinas islands. bartholomé de letona, o.s.f.; 1662. events in manila, 1662-63. [unsigned; july, 1663?]. letter to francisco yzquierdo. diego de salcedo; july 16, 1664. why the friars are not subjected to episcopal visitation. [unsigned and undated; 1666?]. sources: the first of these documents is taken from the historia general de los religiosos descalzos ... de san agustin: part ii, by luis de jesús (madrid, 1681), from a copy in the library of edward e. ayer, chicago; and part iii, by diego de santa theresa (barcelona, 1743), from a copy in the library of congress. the second is from a pamphlet bound in with a copy (in the possession of antonio graiño y martinez, madrid) of letona's perfecta religiosa (puebla, mexico, 1662), a rare work. the remainder are from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), ii, pp. 401-483. translations: the first and fifth of these are translated by james a. robertson; the remainder, by emma helen blair. recollect missions, 1646-60 [26] chapter sixth the venerable sister isabel, a beata, dies holily in the faith in the province of butuan only section: (year 1646) one of our beatas, named isabel, passed to the better life this year in the village of butuan of filipinas. we know nothing else about her except that she was converted to the faith by the preaching of ours when they entered that province. the lord illumined her so that she should leave the darkness of their idolatries, and she was baptized and given the name of isabel. she produced great fruit in a short time, for the hand of god is not restricted to time limit. seeing her so useful in the mysteries of the catholic religion, our religious sent her to become a coadjutor and the spiritual mother of many souls, whom she reduced to the faith and catechized thus gaining them for the church. she was sent to the villages where the devil was waging his fiercest war and deceiving by his tricks, so that she might oppose herself to him by her exemplary life and the gentleness of her instruction. she established her school in a house in the village to which the young girls resorted. with wonderful eloquence she made them understand that the path of their vain superstitions would lead them astray, and explained the rudiments and principles of the christian doctrine. at her set hours she went to the church daily, and the people gathering, she instructed the stupid ones, confirmed the converted, and enlightened the ignorant--and that with so much grace and gentleness of words that she seized the hearts of her hearers. to this she joined a modesty and bearing sweetly grave, by which she made great gain among those barbarians. since so copious results were experienced through the agency of isabel, both in the reformation of morals and in the many who were converted from their blind paganism, the fathers sent her to preach in the streets and open places where the people gathered to hear her--some through curiosity, and others carried away by her wonderful grace in speaking. by that means many souls were captured and entreated baptism, for she was a zealous worker and an apostolic coadjutor in that flock of the lord. she also entered the houses of the obstinate ones who did not go to hear her in the streets. there, with mild discourses and full of charity, she softened their hearts and inclined them to receive the faith. after some years of employment in that kind of apostolic life her husband died. upon being freed from the conjugal yoke she desired to subject her neck to that of religion. father fray jacinto de san fulgencio, at that time vicar-provincial of that province, gave her our habit of mantelata or beata. she recognized, as she was very intelligent and experienced in the road to perfection, that her obligations to make herself useful were stricter, that she must live a better life and employ the talent which she had received from god for the benefit of her neighbor, and she did so. one cannot easily imagine the diligence with which she sought souls; the means that she contrived to draw them from the darkness of heathendom. what paths did she not take! what hardships did she not suffer! she went from one part to another discussing with the spirit and strength, not of a weak woman, but of a strong man. the lord whose cause she was advancing aided her; for the solicitation of souls for god is a service much to his satisfaction. she finally saw all that province of butuan converted to the faith of jesus christ, for which she very joyfully gave thanks. she retired then to give herself to divine contemplation, for she thought that she ought to get ready to leave the world as she had devoted so much time to the welfare of her neighbor. she sought instruction from sister clara calimán (whose life we have written above), and imitated her in her penitences, her fastings, and her mode of life, so that she became an example of virtues. for long hours did isabel pray devoutly; she visited the sick; she served them; she exhorted them to repentance for their sins and to bear their sorrows with patience. she devoted herself so entirely to those works of charity that it seemed best to our fathers (who governed that district) not to allow her respite from them, and that she could [not] live wholly for herself. they built a hospital for the poor and sent her to care for them. she sought the needy, whom she often carried on her shoulders, so great was her charity. she cared for their souls, causing the sacraments to be administered to them; and for their bodies, applying to them the needful medicines. she solicited presents and alms, and she had set hours for going out to beg for the sick poor. she did all that with a cheerful and calm countenance, which indicated the love of god which burned in her breast. her hour came during those occupations and she fell grievously ill. she knew that god was summoning her and begged for the sacraments of the catholic church; and, having received them with joy, she surrendered her soul to her lord--leaving, with sorrow for her loss, sure pledges that she has eternal rest. chapter seventh a hospice is established in the city of mexico for the accommodation of the religious who go to the filipinas. only section: (year 1647) as the province of san nicolàs de tolentino had been founded in the filipinas islands by our religious, and since they had many missions in various districts to which to attend--not only converting infidels, but comforting and sustaining those converted--they thought that it would be necessary for them to send repeated missions of religious and to conduct them from españa to those districts. the usual route is by way of mexico, a most famous city; and since our recollects had no house there where the religious could await in comfort the opportunity to embark for the said islands, they determined to take a house or hospice in which they could live and where those who fell sick from the long and troublesome journey could be treated. the order petitioned it from the king our sovereign, felipe fourth, who, exercising his wonted charity, issued his royal decree in this year of 1647 for the founding of the said hospice; and it was actually founded. it does not belong to this history to relate the conditions that were then accepted; we have only thought it best to give this notice of it here. [the remainder of this book does not concern philippine affairs]. [the following is translated and condensed from diego de santa theresa's historia general de los religiosos descalzos, being vol. iii in the general history of the recollect order.] [27] decade seventh--book first chapter i treats of the fifth intermediary chapter; and of some events in the province of philipinas. [the first section treats of the fifth intermediary chapter of the order, which was held at madrid, may 27, 1651]. § ii the convent of tándag, in the province of carágha of the philipinas islands, is demolished 232. tándag is located in the island of mindanáo, and is the capital of the district of the jurisdiction of carágha, where the alcalde-mayor resides. in regard to ecclesiastical affairs, it belongs to the bishopric of zibú. our convent which is found in that settlement has charge of three thousand souls, scattered in the said capital and in five annexed villages called visitas. how much glory that convent has gained for god may be inferred from the repeated triumphs which its most zealous ministers obtained, thanks to his grace; and the words of our most reverend and illustrious don fray pedro de san-tiago, bishop of solsona and lerida, in the relation of the voyage made by our discalced religious to the indias are sufficient. "there was," he says, "a powerful indian, called inúc, the lord of marieta, who, waging war on the spaniards and peaceable indians, killed many of them in various engagements while he captured more than two thousand. the very reverend father fray juan de la madre de dios left tándag, without other army or arms than his virtues. he went to meet inúc and, by the force of the divine word, he alone conquered inúc, who was accompanied by squadrons; the religious conquered the soldier, the lamb the lion, and forced him to lay aside his arms and reduce himself to the obedience of the king our sovereign, and to be baptized with all his family." thus did he give in that one action, peace to the country, a multitude of souls to heaven, and an exceeding great number of vassals to the spanish monarch. 233. the seasons continued to pass interwoven with various incidents, now prosperous, now adverse; although as the world is a vale of tears, it gave its pleasures with a close hand and its sorrows with prodigal liberality--especially in the years 46 and 47 when the dutch, having become the ruler of the seas, forced or compelled all vessels to take refuge in the ports. the commerce of the sangleys or chinese fell off almost entirely; and according to the common opinion, the dutch were so victorious that their invasions, painted with those rhetorical colors that fear is wont to give, filled all the islands with terror. don diego faxardo, knight of the habit of san-tiago, was then governor and captain-general of philipinas, and also president of that royal audiencia. he was most vigilant in defending those wretched villages from the powerful invasions of the enemy, who, by the specious pretext that they were going to set them free, induced the chiefs to [join] a general conspiracy. don diego tried to ascertain the forces of the enemy with accuracy; he ordered the ports to be reconnoitered and the presidios to be fortified. he solicited truthful reports in order to obtain advice upon the best way to decide. 234. there was at that time an alcalde-mayor in the fortress of tándag whose name is omitted for a special reason. the venerable father fray pedro de san joseph roxas, a religious of eminent qualities and excellent virtues, was prior of that convent. he, having concluded that the minister ought, as a teacher, to attend to the indians in regard to instruction, and as a father, to watch over their protection, on seeing his parishioners persecuted with unjust vexations thought himself obliged to oppose the illegal acts of the alcalde. father fray pedro saw the people of tándag and its visitas oppressed with insupportable burdens. he saw them suffering so great sadness that their weeping did not dare to mount from the heart to the eyes, nor could the bosom trust its respiration to the lips. the father noted that, in proportion as they were sacrificed to the greed of another, just so much did they grow lukewarm in living according to the catholic maxims. since there was no one to speak for the indians if that zealous minister became dumb, he resolved to defeat them efficaciously in order to make so great wrong cease, even if it were at his own risk. he asked humbly, exhorted fervently, and insisted in and out of season in proportion to the cause; but seeing his petitions unheeded in tándag, he placed them in a tribunal where they would receive attention. 235. the alcalde-mayor, resenting the father's demands, took occasion to send his reports to don diego faxardo; accordingly he said that that fortress of carágha was in a state of vigorous defense, although it had a dangerous neighbor in the convent, for that was a very strong work and dominated the fortress. consequently, he thought that it was a necessary precaution to destroy it. thereupon the governor called a meeting of auditors, judges, and officials of the royal treasury; and on the nineteenth of december, 1647, they despatched a general order to all the alcaldes-mayor commanding that the stone churches and convents built along the sea shore be demolished. the reason given was that if the dutch succeeded in capturing them in their invasions, they would find in them forts enabling them to continue their raids with greater persistency. already the said captain had been withdrawn from tándag and don juan garcia appointed in his place when that order from the royal audiencia was received. he called a meeting of captains juan de sabáta and don marcos de resines, also summoning sargento-mayor don andrés curto and the same alcalde-mayor who had been at tándag--of whom he did not yet even know that he had given the said report. they recognized that the church could be burned and pulled down in less than six hours, in case the dutch came; for its walls were built of the weakest kind of stone and the roof of nipa, which is as combustible as straw. on the other hand, they saw the indian natives somewhat sad and feared that they would take to the mountains in flight in order not to be forced to work at a new building. therefore they resolved, by common consent, to suspend the execution [of the order] until those reasons could be represented in the royal audiencia, and the most advisable measures taken for the service of both majesties. 236. don diego faxardo and the royal assembly saw that those reports were contrary; for the first said that it was very important to demolish the convent and church, as it was a very strong work; and that, since it was within musket-shot and dominated the redoubt, the dutch could demolish it in twenty-four hours with only two ten-libra cannon: while the second report set forth the fear of the revolt and flight of the indians, alleging that the convent and church, although built of stone, would serve as no obstacle. but, notwithstanding that contradiction, a new decree was despatched ordering the demolition of the church and convent of tándag. that was done immediately amid great sorrow, although with great conformity of the religious and indians to so peremptory decrees. since malice thus triumphed, vengeance was satisfied, and a religious order so worthy was slighted; and although its members had more than enough reasons for anger, they never permitted it to pass their lips, and only employed their rhetoric in restraining the natives so that they would not take to the mountains. § iii philipo fourth is informed that fray pedro de san joseph resisted the demolition of the convent strongly, and that he was the cause of the insurrection of the indians in the village. 237. nothing else was thought of in the philipinas islands than their defense from the fear occasioned by the dutch with their fleets. that holy province was engaged in the reparation of the ruins of their demolished church, and the zeal of those evangelical ministers was working with the same ardor, for they were wont not to become lukewarm [even] with the repeated strokes of the most heavy troubles. in may, 1651, it was learned at the court in madrid, that the royal mind of his catholic majesty had been informed of what will be explained in more vivid colors in the following letter, which the venerable father-provincial of philipinas received in the year 53. "venerable and devout father-provincial of the augustinian recollects of the philipinas islands: it has been learned in my royal council of the indias from letters of the royal audiencia resident in the city of manila that, in virtue of a resolution taken by the council of war and treasury of those islands, certain strong churches in the islands were ordered to be demolished, such as those of abucáy, marindúque, and carágha, so that they might not be seized by the enemy, as those edifices were a notorious menace and peril to the islands after the dutch attacked cavite. it was learned that, although the church of carágha was demolished, it was done after the greatest opposition from the religious of your order who are settled in those missions. he who instructed the indians there threatened that the indians would revolt, as happened later. for the village rose in revolt, and the indians took to the mountains--thereby occasioning the many and serious troubles that demand consideration. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, it has been deemed best to warn you how severely those proceedings by the religious of that order have been censured--so that, being warned thereof, you may correct them and try to improve them, in order that the religious may restrain themselves in the future and not give occasion to the natives to become restless. for they are under so great obligation to do the contrary, and they ought to have taken active part in calming the indians and restraining them if they believed that they were attempting to make any movement; since the care and watchfulness of the officials cannot suffice if the religious of the missions fail to aid them with the natives. i trust that you will be attentive to correct this matter from now on; for besides the fact that it is so in harmony with your obligation and with the example that the religious ought to give to others in respect to their rules, i shall consider myself as well served by you. madrid, may 27, 1651. i the king" 238. it cannot be denied that the terms of that royal letter could serve the most austere man for no small exercise [in mortification]; and more on that occasion when that holy province was laboring in the service of his catholic majesty, so much to the satisfaction of his ministers that many praises of our discalced religious were published.... we confess that the king alleges that he received that notice through letters from the royal audiencia, a tribunal of so great circumspection that it would not undertake to inform its monarch without sure knowledge. but we declare that the secretary of the king our sovereign might have been mistaken in the midst of so great a rush of business, in representing as a report of that most upright assembly that which proceeds from private subjects only. in order that the good opinion in which our augustinian recollects were held by the cabildo, city, and royal audiencia may be thoroughly evident, i shall insert here their letters of april 29 and 30, 1648, those dates being somewhat later than the notice which was received in manila of this entire affair. 239. the letter of the royal audiencia runs as follows--"sire: your majesty was pleased, at the instance of the discalced religious of st. augustine, to order this royal audiencia to report on the justification for the continuation which they ask of the alms of 250 pesos and 250 fanegas of rice for the support of four religious who administer to the indians in this convent of manila. we know the excellent manner in which they attend to their ministry, and their poverty--which obliges them to beg weekly alms, for the incomes of some of the chaplaincies were lost in the earthquake. they are very strictly observed in their ministries and hasten to serve his majesty on occasions when we encounter enemies, by sea and land, where some have been killed or captured. consequently they are today very short of laborers. these are causes which demand that your majesty, with your accustomed liberality, should be pleased to continue the said alms and allow the recollects to bring religious hither. may god preserve, etc. april 30, 1648." 240. i find the letter of the most illustrious cabildo to be couched in these terms--"sire: as this see is vacant, it is incumbent upon us in obedience to your royal decree to assure your majesty that the augustinian recollect religious attend to their ministry punctually. the poverty that they suffer is great, for they are obliged to beg alms from door to door as they lost the incomes of some of their chaplaincies in the earthquake and their convent was ruined. they are very observant in their rules, and in their administrations to the natives in the missions in their charge. as those missions are among the most unconquerable and fierce people in these districts, many of the religious have been killed and captured. consequently, they suffer from a great lack of laborers; but they have not for that failed in the service of your majesty on the occasions that have arisen by sea and land--all, motives that should impel your majesty with your royal liberality to be pleased to continue the said alms, and to concede them a goodly number of religious for these islands. may god preserve, etc. manila, april 29, 1648." 241. that of the city of manila speaks of the recollects in the following manner--"sire: this city of manila has informed your majesty on various occasions of the great importance in these islands of the order of discalced recollects of st. augustine; of the apostolic men in that order; of the great results that they obtain by the preaching of the holy gospel; of the singular example that they have always furnished, and do now, with their strict and religious life and their so exact mode of observing their rules; and of the so considerable effects that have through their agency been attained in the service of our lord and that of your majesty, with the aid of your royal arms, in the great number of infidels whom they have converted to our holy catholic faith, and how they have been brought to render to your majesty the due vassalage and tribute, which they have generally paid, and are paying, annually. [we have also told your majesty] that they have engaged in all this with the spiritual affection that belongs to their profession, with singular care--both in the conservation of what they have attained and in their continual desire, notwithstanding the many discomforts that they suffer, to carry on their work, steadily converting new souls to the service of our lord and to the obedience of your majesty. [we have also reported] the great peace and quiet which they preserve among themselves so that they have always been and are, one of the most acceptable and well-received orders in these islands--although they are the poorest, as all their missions are in districts very distant from this city, and among the most warlike people that are in all the provinces of these islands, as they are recently conquered; and the danger in which, for that reason, the lives of those fathers are. indeed, some have already risked life, at times, when those people who appeared to be peaceful have rebelled; and others have gloriously [met death] at the hands of those who were not pacified, when the holy gospel was preached to them--besides many others who have suffered martyrdom in the kingdom of japon, enriching with noble acts the church of god and the crown of your majesty. [we have reported] that no fleet has gone out in which those fathers do not sail for the consolation of the infantry, and that, in the emergencies that have arisen, they have fought like valiant soldiers; and that they accommodate themselves to everything with the angelic spirit that is theirs, when it is to the service of our lord and that of your majesty. at the present we inform you of the extreme poverty that the convent of san nicolás of this city is suffering; for with the earthquake which happened on november 30 of the former year 1645, their entire church fell, so that today they are living in great discomfort in cells of straw which have been built in the garden. the sick are the ones who suffer the greatest inconveniences; and they generally have sick people, since the religious of the missions in their charge come, when ill, to this convent to be treated. consequently, this city is constrained to petition your majesty, with all due humility, to be pleased to order that 250 pesos and 250 fanegas of rice be annually contributed to them on the account of the royal treasury of your majesty--which amount was given them as a stipend for four ordained religious (although there are always more)--as well as 150 pesos for medicines. [we ask for] the continuation of the extension conceded by the decree of may 3, 1643, without any time-limit being set; for the great affection with which our lord and your majesty are thereby served merits it. this city petitions your majesty to be pleased to grant the said order license to send as many religious as you may please from those kingdoms to these islands, in consideration of the remarkable necessity for religious in their so distant missions--where, because of the poor nourishment from the food which they use for the sustenance of human life (treating themselves like actual beggars), with the great abstinence which they observe, and where no discomforts of sun or rain keep them back (for they go through dense forests and over inaccessible mountains in order to reduce to our holy catholic faith the thousands of souls in those districts who have no knowledge of it), many have perished in that work; for in this year alone such number more than twelve. to some of them no companions have come for this vineyard of the lord, and the increase of the royal estate and crown of your majesty--whose catholic person may the divine majesty preserve, as is needed in christendom. manila, april 30, 1648." 242. these letters--which are authentic, and preserved in our general archives--are those written in the year 1648 by the city, the cabildo, and the royal audiencia. the order to demolish tándag was given in the year 47, and it was apparent to them that the fear of the [indians'] insurrection and flight with the other motives for suspending the execution proceeded only from that junta of the captains, and that there was no resistance on the part of the minister. further, it was clearly proved in the year 55 that that information was not written by the royal audiencia (nor could it be, since that is a fount whence the truth flows with so great purity); but that the secretary was mistaken in thus ascribing to so upright a tribunal what was only signed by an inferior, who desired to dazzle by giving the first news which generally arrives very much garbled. [section iv is a vindication of the recollects in regard to the demolition of the convent and church of tándag. juan garcia, alcalde-mayor and captain of the fort of that place at the time of the demolition, declares (july 29, 1654) that "he proceeded with the razing of the building without the religious losing their composure, or threatening that their natives would revolt; and that neither before nor after was there any insurrection or disquiet in tándag or throughout its districts; neither did the natives desert and flee to the mountains; neither did he see or know of any such thing while he was alcalde-mayor, or during the many months after that while he resided in the said village." the following section treats of the life of father fray pedro de san joseph (whose family name was roxas) prior of tándag in the time of the above troubles. he was born in manila (where he took the recollect habit) april 21, 1621. he achieved distinction in the study of moral and mystic theology. at the completion of his studies he was sent to various villages to preach, proving himself a successful preacher. in 1635 he was sent to the island of romblon, where he worked with good results in spite of the hostile attempts of the moros in that district. at the completion of his term of service at romblon he was sent to tándag, where he had to contend against the spaniards themselves, on account of their excesses toward the natives. after the demolition of his convent and church he returned to manila, arriving there on may 26, 1650. that same year he was sent to taytáy in calamianes, although he desired to remain in retreat in manila. his death occurred in the following year at manila, to which place he went as his last illness came on.] § vi the insurrection in the village of lináo 257. it has been stated above that when the dutch enemy came in the year 48 to bombard cavite, they had treated with certain indian chiefs, saying that they would return with a larger fleet in the year 49. they gave the indians to understand that they only would treat them as their friends and not in the domineering manner of the spaniards, who (as the dutch said) treat them as slaves; and therefore they hoped to find the indians prepared, so that, having become well-inclined toward the dutch power, they might be able to free themselves from so heavy a bondage. that proposition continued to spread from one to another; it was agreeable to them all because of the liberty that it seemed to promise, although it was offensive to many because it incited the natives to seditious movements. at that time don diego faxardo, governor of manila, despatched a decree ordering a certain number of carpenters with their wives and children to go to that city from each one of the islands. the effects produced by that mandate were especially fatal for the village of palápac in the island of hibábao. for they refused to obey the governor, killed their minister, a zealous father of the society, took their possessions to the mountains, and commenced to gather to their following a great number of rebels. 258. that decree caused a great disturbance in the island of mindanáo, for of its five divisions scarcely one is reduced to obedience; therefore those who live unsubdued in the mountains only wait for such opportunities in order to foment disturbances and restlessness. many of the natives hid their property in the province of carágha, and proved so unquiet that although the butuans were the most trustworthy indians, the father prior, fray miguel de santo thomás, had to work hard to restrain them. those of lináo descended to the last vileness, and it is presumed that the same would have happened in the district of tándag if the alcalde-mayor, bernabé de la plaza, had not concealed the decree. that was afterward approved by the auditors in manila, as they had experienced that that decree had been a seed-bed for many troubles. all that disquiet continued to operate with the manifest disturbance of the public peace, even at the news alone of the above-mentioned decree. even the hint of it succeeded in lináo where the insurrection took place in the following manner. 259. there are certain wild indians in the mountains of butuán, located in the province of carágha, called manóbos. [28] they have kinky hair, oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and live by the hunt. they have no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them; their clothing covers only the shame of their bodies; and they sleep where night overtakes them. finally, they are infidels, and belie in everything, by the way in which they live, that small portion that nature gives them as rational beings. among so great a rabble, but one village is known where some people are seen far from human intercourse. they are a race much inclined to war, which they are almost always waging against the indians of the seacoast. there lived dabáo, [29] who had become as it were a petty king, without other right than that of his great strength, or other jurisdiction than that of his great cunning. his wickedness was much bruited about, and he made use of subtle deceits by which he committed almost innumerable murders. he was often pursued by spanish soldiers, but he knew quite well how to elude them by his cunning. for on one occasion, in order to avoid the danger, he went to the house of an evangelical minister saying that he wished baptism, and that the minister should defend him, as it would be the motive for many conversions; but he only made use of that trick to save his life. father fray agustin de santa maria--a very affable religious, and one who labored hard to attract the infidels--was prior of the convent of santa clara de monte falco of lináo, a place forty leguas up-stream from butuán. he visited dabáo, and won him over so well by presents and gifts to intercourse with the spaniards, that he spent nearly all the day in the convent and entrusted father fray agustin with the education of one of his sons--being quite eager in that in order to work out the treachery that he had planned. 260. dabáo went by night to the houses of the chief christians. he laid before them the harsh decree of the governor, the offers that the dutch had made, and especially the attaining of freedom to keep up their old religion. since they were not well rooted in our holy faith, those discussions were very agreeable to them. that faithless indian was so contagious a cancer that he infected the greater part of the village with his poison. therefore, almost all of them assenting to his plan, the day was set on which he resolved to kill the spaniards and the minister. he warned the people to be ready with their arms to aid him. he had previously held a meeting with his manóbos, in which they decided that if the provincial sent a visitor and did not come personally to make the visitation, it would be a clear sign that the dutch were infesting those coasts. when they learned with certainty that the father-provincial, fray bernardo de san laurencio, had not gone out for the visitation, but that he was sending the father ex-provincial, fray juan de san antonio, as visitor, they were confirmed [in the belief] that the hostile fleet was coming, and began immediately to stir up the country. 261. the father visitor had already reached the convent of butuán, and dabáo sent his manóbo indians to the river humáyan with obsequious appearances of readiness to receive him, but with the peremptory order to kill him. god so arranged that the father visitor, fray juan de san antonio, should pass to the convent of cagayáng without stopping to visit that of lináo. he left a letter for the father prior of lináo which he sent by juan de guevara, one of the soldiers who was later killed in the fray. that soldier met the manóbos who were waiting at the river; they asked him for the father visitor, and he told them simply that he had left butuán. they, without asking whether the father were to pass that way, returned to their village to inform their leader of the matter. thus did god save the life of his minister for the second time, thereby allowing one to see even in so slight occurrences the height of his providence. 262. at that time some hostile indians began to harass the peaceful indians, from whom they took a quantity of their rice and maize. dabáo offered to make a raid in order to check so insolent boldness with that punishment, and he assured them that he would immediately return with the heads of some men, from which result their accomplices would take warning. he selected, then, eight robust and muscular indians, whose hands he bound behind their backs, but by an artifice so cunning that they could untie themselves whenever occasion demanded. thus did he bring as captives those who were really trojan horses; for, concealing their arms, they showed only many obsequious acts of submission. the captain ordered them to be taken to the fort where the father prior, fray agustin de santa maria, was already waiting; and when the order was given that the feigned captives should be set in the stocks, at that juncture dabáo drew a weapon which he had concealed, and broke the captain's head. the indians untied their bonds, the rebels came with lances from the village, and a hotly-contested battle took place in which almost all our men lost their lives. only the religious and four spanish soldiers and a corporal were left alive. it did not occur to them, in the midst of so great confusion, to take other counsel than to drop down from the wall. we shall leave the father prior, fray agustin, for the present, and speak only of the soldiers who opened up a road with their invincible valor by means of their arms, in order to take refuge in the convent. but finding it already occupied by the insurgents, who had gone ahead to despoil it, they fought there like spaniards, hurling themselves sword in hand on the mass of the rebels. however, they were unable to save the post, for the convent and the church were blazing in all parts. thereupon it was necessary for them to hurl themselves upon a new danger in order to return to the redoubt, where they arrived safely at the cost of many wounds, although they found the fort dismantled. thence they sent the indians in flight to the mountains by firing their arquebuses at them. 263. only the family of one pious woman remained in the village, who (although sparingly) gave them food every day. but that charity could not last long, for necessity forced that family to take refuge with the insurgents, thus leaving the spaniards destitute of all human consolation. they, seeing themselves wounded and without food, made a small boat of bamboo, dangerous at any time, and embarked in it in order to go to butuán by way of the river, after they had dismantled the fort and spiked the artillery. in order that the so evident risk of that voyage might be more increased, their opponents pursued them with swift caracoas, from which firing many arrows they multiplied the wounds of the soldiers. the spaniards, seeing that they could not defend themselves, entered the village of hóot where the people had not yet risen. there they met an indian called pálan, who was going to lináo for his daughter, so that she might not be lost amid the confusion of that so barbarous race. he took compassion on those afflicted soldiers, and, availing himself of fifteen indians who were with him, accommodated them in his bark and took them to our convent of butuán. they arrived there twenty days after the insurrection at lináo, so used up and crippled that they were already in the last extremity. § vii relation of the punishment of the rebels and their restoration to their villages 264. as soon as father fray miguel de santo thomás, prior of our convent of butuán, learned what was passing in lináo, he sent a messenger to tándag and to the royal audiencia of manila; for promptness is generally the most efficacious means in such cases. afterward the afflicted spaniards arrived at his convent, and he received them with great love, accommodated them in cells, set up beds for them, and gave them medicines--assisting them with the compassion of a father, to their consolation, and with extreme charity aiding in their entertainment. one of those soldiers, who was named juan gonzalez, had broken a leg, his body was full of wounds and a poisoned arrow had pierced his loins. when he was treated, he was so lifeless that all thought that he had expired. the father prior was not a little afflicted at that, for the man had not yet been confessed, as the father had been assisting the others. in that extremity the father applied to him a picture of st. nicholas of tolentino, and at its contact the dying man returned to his senses, confessed very slowly, and received the other sacraments with fervor; and had even twenty-four hours left in which to bewail the carelessness of his life, as he did. all held that event as a miracle worked by st. nicholas, for whom the sick man and the religious had great devotion. 265. that fatal news having reached the city of manila, a general revolt was feared as in the former year of 1631, when our churches were burned, our convents pillaged, our sacred images profaned, and our ministers seized and killed. in consideration of that, governor don diego faxardo sent captain gregorio dicastillo to tándag with a small band of spanish infantry to join bernabé de la plaza, alcalde-mayor and captain of that fort, so that they might try all means to reduce the insurgents. they went to butuán where they established their military headquarters. a general pardon was published with the warning that those who did not submit would bring upon themselves the full rigor of the war. but many of the indians who presented themselves were hanged, and there were very few of those who descended the mountains to surrender who were not made slaves. the very persons who were under greatest obligation to fulfil the word that they had given in the name of their king broke that word. 266. our whole convent of lináo was consumed by fire, except two chalices and some vestments from the sacristy, which three indians were able to carry out. they presented themselves with it, thinking that they would thereby secure their freedom; but they were immediately thrown under the heavy yoke of slavery. with such acts of injustice, although the rebels were subdued by that expedition, their hearts were more obstinate than ever. the city of manila and its environs were full of slaves. the butuán chiefs who were the mirror of fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been lost. some heedless individuals blame the superior officials with what their inferiors have done, and the excesses and abuses of others are considered to be done by the influence of the superiors. but the uprightness and honesty of the royal audiencia of manila can be seen in what they did. for after two years of imprisonment of one of the indians whom that expedition prosecuted, his property was confiscated. another was tortured and condemned to death by decapitation. another was reduced to extreme poverty. all were persuaded that the heavy hand was entering there. finally the governor committed the examination of the causes to licentiate manuel suarez de olivéra, auditor-general of war and assessor of the governor of manila. he declared in favor of the indian slaves, and freed them all. the wretched indians were overjoyed at the decree, but they were troubled because they had no one to solicit their freedom for them by attending to the necessary expenses of the court; consequently, they regarded the day of their redemption as a thing impossible to attain. they did not dare to ask the aid of the recollect fathers, as they thought that the latter were angry at them, as they had murdered a religious in that insurrection. but since the recollect fathers regarded that as [the vicissitude of] fortune, they took the part of the indians and did considerable in their defense. 267. father fray agustin de san pedro was secretary of that province, who was known by the name of padre capitan because of his military feats which will be explained in part in recording his life. he had illumined those indians with the light of the gospel, for which they held him in great affection. therefore, he made a list of the slaves who were in manila, and its environs, giving the name and surname of each, and the village where he lived. in the list he included many others who were not contained in the processes. he presented that list to the governor and asked him to order the slaves to be set at liberty. such a writ was despatched very promptly, and the father went with the notary through all the houses in order to place the order in execution. that was a work that caused him great fatigue, and produced violent contentions. for since those who had paid their money for slaves were deprived of them, scarcely did he arrive at a house where some insult was not heard. the expenses were increased, but he obtained his purpose; for he secured all the slaves, and the [recollect] order took care of them, providing them with all the necessities of life until they were taken to their own native places. a religious accompanied them, as it was considered necessary to have a person to defend them in case that any one attempted to injure them. 268. that race is not so rude that it cannot be conquered by kind acts. therefore, those indians talked over among themselves what the recollect fathers had done for them without remembering that the indians had killed a religious. as they did not remain in their villages, the notice of our method of procedure spread to the most hidden recesses of the mountains. in the year 1650 father fray joseph de la anunciacion was elected provincial; and at the beginning of the following year, while making his first visit to the province of carágha, he arrived at butuán where he learned that the indians were having some trouble with the soldiers. but they were very mild in telling them of the recollect fathers. he became encouraged at that, and having placed his confidence in god, directed himself to the village of lináo. he entered the mountains, talked with the indian chiefs, and exhorted them to become peaceful and return to the vassalage of his majesty. he obtained that in a very few days, and left that region in the utmost peace. 269. at this point we must reflect upon what was insinuated above. i said that the king our sovereign wrote to the father provincial of philipinas ordering him to see to it that his religious did not rouse up the indians, since they ought, on the contrary, to take part in calming their minds. his royal letter is dated may 27, 1651, and in regard to it i mentioned that at the same time when his majesty ordered it, he was obeyed in the village of lináo, and with that statement is already given the proof. i add to this that on the tenth of july of the above-mentioned year, while the father provincial, fray joseph de la anunciacion, was in manila, he wrote to our father vicar-general informing him of the visit to carágha. among other things (which do not concern the matter) he wrote the following, which is very suitable for our purpose: "i made the first visit to the province amid remarkable sufferings and contrary winds, and thus spent about one year there. but i considered that labor as well spent because of the fruit that was obtained from it; for god was pleased by my assistance to reclaim more than six hundred tributes in lináo, who had revolted and were disturbed, without greater cost than one decapitation and some punishments of little importance. all was left as quiet as it had been before, and it has been increased by some tributes. the only thing that especially troubled me was, that i could leave no more than one religious in each mission, while some missions were such that two were not sufficient. these are so separated from one another that the distance is at least twenty leguas. that distance must be made over troublesome seas, for the winds are not always favorable, so that one can only occasionally favor or console the other. it is a mercy of god that zeal for the conversion of souls has penetrated all, so that they put away their own welfare, relief, and consolation for those of others." 270. that section proves, first, the care of the superiors in aiding to pacify the indians; secondly, that, to maintain them in peace, one cannot accomplish so much by the severity of punishment as by the mildness and gentleness of love; thirdly, the vast amount of hardship that those poor ministers suffer. i must only add now that some who had but little fear of god, seeing that the indians in tándag had become quiet through the efforts of father fray pedro de san joseph roxas, ascribed the sedition of lináo to father fray agustin de santa maria. no investigation was made in order to give the lie to the enormity of that falsehood, for he was purified from that accusation by the blood from his veins, and because heaven itself gave some more than ordinary testimonies of his innocence. i am going to mention them by compiling a treatise on his life. [section viii treats of the life of father fray augustin de santa maria. he was born in macan of portuguese parents, and entered the recollect order. after being ordained as a priest, he was sent to carágha to learn the language of the natives, where he labored diligently. some years later he was sent to lináo, where he was killed by the insurgents, may 16, 1651. his body, after being treated with indignities by the natives, was finally buried by a pious native woman. the section and chapter close with the recitation of several miraculous occurrences.] chapter ii life of the venerable father fray francisco de la resurreccion; and other events that happened in the year 1651. [section vi is the only part of this chapter referring to the philippines.] § vi the eleventh mission goes from españa to the philipinas islands 328.... our holy province of philipinas was burning with the most ardent desire to enlighten the wretched indians with the rays of the faith; but it found itself opposed by contrary winds; these blowing forcibly against the four corners of the house (as happened there with job), god proved it in patience. the church and a great portion of the convent of the city of manila had been ruined by earthquakes, and the religious had no other habitation left than some wretched cells, or rather huts, that they had set up in the garden. governor don diego faxardo had ordered the convent of tándag to be demolished. the insurrection of that village (which thus far has not succeeded) was said to have been caused by our religious. the village of lináo had been withdrawn from its subjection to españa, and the venerable father fray agustin de santa maria had been killed by lance-thrusts. the triennium of our father fray juan de san antonio was passing; and during that time some missionaries had been seized and made captives--among them fathers fray martin de san nicolás, fray miguel de la concepcion (a native of guadix, or as others assert, of granada), and brother fray joseph de la madre de dios, a native of méxico. the jolo moros practiced the greatest cruelties on those men; they also pillaged and burned the convents of cúyo, romblón, and marivélez. the chinese occasioned a great fire in the convent of san sebastian de calumpán, and the dutch another in the convent of cigayán. all those unfortunate events kept that holy province harassed to the utmost; but their fervor did not cool one whit. on the contrary, the fire of their zeal always mounted high and blazed more brightly the more they were oppressed by misfortunes, as it was a flame that never knew other paths. 329. in the year 1646 was celebrated the intermediary chapter of that holy province, during the provincialate of our father fray juan de san antonio. in it the venerable father fray jacinto de san fulgencio was chosen to come to españa and attend, as one of the voting fathers, the seventh general chapter which was to be celebrated in the city of valladolid in the year 48; and especially, so that he might enlist evangelical soldiers who should go to work in the spiritual conquest of the indians--for, since so many religious had been captured, there was a lack of them. the said father fray jacinto could not embark that same year, because of the great disturbances caused on the sea by the dutch, as already remarked. consequently, he did not reach the city and court of madrid until march, 1649, after the chapter had already been held. in that chapter, our venerable father fray pedro manuel de san agustin was elected vicar-general of all the congregation. 330. the said our father vicar-general was outside the court visiting the provinces, when the father commissary arrived. accordingly, the latter wrote to him, petitioning him to advise the convents of his coming so that the religious might in that way learn of the opportunity presented to them to go to employ their talents in the new world. our father vicar-general attended to that with the so holy zeal that he was known to possess. his pastoral letter was filled with the flames of divine love; for he inspired the souls of the religious in such a manner that, in a few days, he had the signatures of more than fifty of them. at that same time his reverence received a paper from the convent of san carlos de turin (which belongs to our recollect congregation in italia) in which father fray celestino de san christoval, lecturer in theology, father fray bruno de san guillermo, and father fray archangel de santa maria petitioned him very urgently to admit them in that mission, binding themselves to get the permissions of their prelates. but, praising their good intention, our father vicar-general refused to admit them on the ground of the royal decree that forbids the passing [to the philippines] of foreigners. 331. while all the above was happening, the father-commissary, fray jacinto de san fulgencio, delivered to his majesty the letters of the royal audiencia, the city, and the most illustrious cabildo of manila, which were given above for another purpose. he obtained a royal decree to take back eighteen religious. the king our sovereign gave him three hundred and sixty-two thousand three hundred and ninety-two maravedís for the journey, beside what his majesty had assigned for the maintenance and transportation of the missionaries in cadiz, vera-cruz, mexico, and acapulco. his majesty also continued the alms for the four ministers of the convent of manila, and the medicines; ordering also that four thousand pesos be given them in mexico for the repair of the said convent, which had suffered almost total ruin in the earthquake of the year 45. in addition to that, the father-commissary petitioned that the father-procurator at roma urgently request permission to send evangelical ministers to japon, china, siám, and other near-by kingdoms, showing in all his great zeal for the conversion of souls. 332. the eighteen missionaries whom the king hail conceded to the father-commissary for that so distant harvest in the philipinas islands gathered to him in a few days. he also took six more religious at the cost of that holy province, in its name contracting many new obligations, in order not to fail in the cultivation of the vineyard of the lord. of those who had volunteered, those who appeared to be most intelligent and zealous were chosen; and the procurator tried to get them to sevilla as soon as possible, where they arrived on february 20, 1651. they finally embarked, and celebrated their spiritual exercises on shipboard just as if they were in the retirement and quiet of their own convents. they preached many afternoons; persuaded the sailors to be present at the prayer of the rosary daily, exhorted them never to let the sun go down on their sins, since they had the sacrament of penitence so near at hand; and were very urgent in teaching them all the christian doctrine. god granted them the consolation of experiencing considerable fruit by that means; for morals were considerably reformed, and oaths and blasphemies were banished, so that the ship was like a religious house. the religious gave many thanks to god, because at their exhortation he conquered the obstinacy of a moro who begged them to wash him with the holy waters of baptism. the moro received those waters with great fervor, and died shortly after, leaving all in the great hope that he attained glory. 333. for twenty days they suffered violent and contrary winds, but god delivered them from that peril and from other very serious dangers. he preserved them also from an epidemic that was raging in the port of vera-cruz--a disease called vomito prieto, [30] from whose malignancy the greater part of those who had embarked died, although only one of our religious perished. they reached mexico all worn out, and remained in that city until march 10, 1652. finally they reembarked in the port of acapulco, whence they had a fortunate passage to the philipinas islands. they arrived there so opportunely that the fathers were discussing the abandonment of some of the missions because of their so great need of ministers. consequently, they gave many thanks to the divine majesty for those religious who arrived at so suitable a season. [chapter iii consists of accounts of the lives of various recollect fathers. those who labored in the philippines are the following. miguel de santa maria was a native of cadiz and a son of rodrigo lopez de almansa. he professed in the manila convent june 26, 1618, at the age of 28. later he became prior of the caraga mission, and founded the convent of tándag. in 1624 he was elected procuratol-general of the philippine province. he attempted in 1629 and 1630 to go to japan; but in the first year the vessel was wrecked, and in the second the governor forbade the journey. he was sent finally to the mission at cuyo, but the troubles with the moros compelled him to flee. reaching manila, he refused the offer of the secretaryship to the visitor-general, and the remainder of his life was spent in that city, his death occurring in the year 1644 or 1651. gaspar de santa monica was a native of the city of orihuela, in valencia, his family name being padrós. he took the habit in the convent at valencia, november 1, 1613. he joined the mission organized by andrés del espíritu santo, and arrived at manila in 1622. the following year he was appointed prior of the convent of marivelez; and in 1624, when the first provincial chapter of the order was held in the philippines, he was elected prior of the convent of cuyo, where he suffered many hardships. he became secretary to andrés del espíritu santo upon the election of the latter to the provincialate in 1626; but, falling ill, he was unable to perform the duties of that office and was made prior of the convent of calumpán, in 1627. in 1629 he was one of the religious shipwrecked in the endeavor to reach japan surreptitiously. he became definitor of the province in 1632, and in 1638 prior of the convent at lináo. on the completion of that office in 1642 it does not appear that he filled other posts. he died in the city of manila in 1651.] [chapter iv treats in great part of the life of pedro de la madre de dios. he was born at salamanca in 1580, and his family name was lopez. he took the habit in the convent at valladolid, in 1605. somewhere between the years 1612-1614 he was sent as vicar-provincial to the philippines, with the brief for the separation of the recollects from the regular augustinians, conceded by the pope. after the expiration of that office in 1615 he spent the time until 1623 in work among the novices and as prior of the convents of manila and cavite. july 1623 to february 1624, he acted again as vicar-provincial. in the latter year he was chosen procurator to spain, and the representative of the philippines to the general chapter of the order to be held in 1627. sailing from manila in 1625, the remainder of his life was spent in spain in various employments and in retirement. his death occurred between the years 1649-1652. section vi of this chapter treats of the recollect convent of san juan de bagumbaya (for whose early history given in summary here, see vol. xxi). in 1642, the governor sebastian hurtado de corcuera ordered all the buildings in the village of bagumbaya to be torn down for fear of the dutch, among them the convent. despite the endeavor of the religious to save their convent, it was demolished and a new fort begun there. the order had refused the 4,000 pesos offered them by the governor, saying that their possessions were worth more than 50,000. this action of the governor was made part of the charges in the residencia, and he was condemned to pay the order 25,000 pesos, and the ground-plots were restored to them. thereupon the fort was demolished, and a new convent and church erected. section vii details the placing of the holy image of the christ of humility and patience (santo cristo de humildad y paciencia) in the recollect convent at manila in the year 1652.] [chapter v contains treatises on the lives of the following recollect missionaries in the philippines. diego de santa ana was a native of zaragoza (his secular name being ribas), and was born in 1599. he professed in the convent of that city, july 26, 1616. volunteering for the philippine missions in 1620, he arrived at manila in 1622. that same year he was sent to the islands of calamianes, in company with francisco de san nicolás, where he labored amid great difficulties for the conversion of the rude people inhabiting those islands. in 1626 he was sent to the village of caviscaíl in paragua, where he labored for a year; then he was appointed prior of the convent of linacapán, the most dangerous mission of the calamianes, which was infested by the hostile moros. he was in the district of butuan in 1629 when the insurrection of caraga broke out, where he was in considerable danger of losing his life. he remained in caraga for several years after the insurrection was put down; but asked leave to return to the calamianes missions. in 1652 he suffered extreme hardships while hiding in the mountains from the joloans, who had made one of their numerous raids in the village of dináy in the island of paragua. some assert that he died in the manila hospital, while others say that he met his death in the mountains about dináy. lorenzo de san facundo was born in calaceyte in aragón (his family name being valls) and professed in the convent of zaragoza, july 8, 1618, at the age of 36. he went to the philippines in 1621. there he became prior of the convent of marivelez, and afterward of binalgában in the province of panay, of masíngloc in the province of zambales, and lastly of bacoág where he suffered various hardships and captivity. he especially obtained good results by his preaching in the island of cuyo, and in siargáo in the province of caraga. he was afterward president of the chapter, definitor of the province, and procurator to spain with a vote in the general chapter (although he was unable to arrive in spain in time for the chapter). in company with juan de san joseph, he was taken by corcuera on his jolo campaign to look after the caraga natives in his army. the two religious penetrated the mountains alone in an endeavor (partially successful) to reduce the joloans to peace. he died in 1652, after a long and deep-seated infirmity. antonio de la madre de dios, son of fernando romero pizarro of truxillo, professed in the madrid convent, september 24, 1615. he went to the philippines in 1621. he was sent to the island hermosa, where he remained until that island was abandoned by the spaniards. on returning to the islands he was employed in various missions, dying in 1652 from fever contracted while nursing a secular priest. juan de san joseph was a native of granada, and took the recollect habit in manila. being sent to the missions of the calamianes he proved very successful in the snaring of souls. he was captured in 1632 by the joloans, and was a captive among them for more than two years. after his service in the jolo campaign he returned to manila, and finally died in the mission of the island of romblon. diego de san juan evangelista, son of pedro de olíte, was a native of zaragoza and took the habit in the convent of manteria in zaragoza, april 3, 1606. shortly after, he deserted the order; but afterward returned to it. he left for the philippine mission in the year 1622, where he became an eloquent preacher. he served as chaplain in two fleets, missionary in the calamianes, and prior of cavite and manila. death came to him in the convent of bagumbaya in 1652. antonio de san agustin was a native of manila (being born about 1592), where he professed. in 1634 he obtained permission to go to the japanese mission, but the chinese who had been hired to take them failed to fulfil their contract. in the great chinese revolt of 1639 he acted as minister to the zambal archers in the spanish army. he served in various capacities, among them being the office of definitor. his death occurred in 1652.] [chapter vii treats of the lives of onofre de la madre de dios and augustin de san pedro, the famous "padre capitan." the first was the son of joseph boquét, and was born in perpiñán in 1584, and professed in the convent of zaragoza, march 16, 1606. joining the philippine mission, he reached those islands in 1620, where he was immediately sent to the new missions in the south of the archipelago, with the appointment of prior of cebú. in 1624 he was elected first provincial of the order in the philippines, serving in that office for two years, during which time he visited his province at the risk of capture from both dutch and moros. after the expiration of his term he asked and obtained permission to go to the calamianes, and worked faithfully in the island of culión, where he mastered the language. in 1627 he was sent to spain as procurator, but did not return thence, as he was elected provincial of the province of aragón. his death occurred in the convent of calatayud in spain, in 1638 (reported wrongly to have occurred at barcelona in 1653, as he was confused with another religious of the same name). "padre capitan," the son of miguel rodriguez, was born in berganza, portugal, and professed in valladolid, in 1619. arriving at the philippines in 1623, he was speedily sent to the caraga missions, where he labored for the rest of his life in the conversion of its natives, and in defending them from the inroads of the moros. he was many times prior of butuán, cagayáng, lináo, tándag, and romblón. in mindanao he personally baptized more than 10,000 adults. his death occurred in 1653, and he left behind a name long revered among the natives because of his prowess. the seventh section of this chapter is an answer to father combes of the jesuit society (who had tried to belittle the efforts of the recollects in mindanao), in which the good work that the recollects have accomplished is shown.] book second of the seventh decade chapter ii the attempt is made in philipinas to subject the religious who are parish priests to the visitation of the bishops. § i relation of the practice that has always been followed in the spiritual administration of the islands; and what happened when the attempt was made to change it. year 1656 [in 1654 the first mutterings of the storm caused by the visitation of the regulars by the bishops break in the philippines. the dates of the arrival of the various orders are given; and the narrative continues:] 719.... those holy orders, each one doing its share, declared pitiless war against paganism, and achieved signal victories in that war, destroying the idols of belial and planting solidly the health-giving sign of the cross; so that whatever is conquered in the islands is due to their fervent zeal. for they planted the faith, and watered that land with blood so that it might produce fruit abundantly; and god was the cause of so wonderful an increase. the system that they have always followed in the spiritual administration of the missions and villages which they have formed at the cost of their sweat is the same as that observed in américa in the beginning by various apostolic privileges. in the provincial chapters held by each order, they appoint as superiors of the houses established in the villages of indians who are already converted, those religious who are fit to exercise the office of cura by their learning, their morals, and other qualities. the same is also done in regard to the residences of the active missions, where those thus appointed continue the preaching to and conversion of the heathen, with very perceptible progress. both the former and the latter exercise the ministries to which they are destined, without need of other approbation than that of the definitors--who entrust to these heads of houses the administration of the sacraments and the spiritual cultivation of those souls, in the respective territory where the convent is located, a superior being elected for each convent. this is done independently of the bishops. likewise the definitors of each order in their meetings appoint various of the most learned and experienced men, to whom is entrusted and delegated the faculty of giving dispensation in regard to the obstacles of marriage, and the exercise of other favors and privileges contained in the pontifical briefs. those powers are never exercised if the diocesans are intra duas dietas, [31] without their permission and approbation; and always this is done [only] in cases of evident necessity. 720. the provincials visit their provinces annually; and the said religious not only in what concerns their profession and regular observance, but also in what relates to their activities as curas. the diocesan prelates appoint their outside vicars for those territories which are in charge of the orders. they almost always avail themselves of those same religious for that, because of the great lack of secular priests. the religious submit to the visitation of the diocesan in matters touching the erection of chaplaincies, charitable works, the inspection of wills, and confraternities that are not exempt. they resist only what includes the violation of their privileges granted by the supreme pontiffs to the said holy orders for the purpose of the propagation of the faith in regions so distant. such privileges, although not used in other parts of the indias, ought to be maintained in philipinas, for reasons that will be stated below. this is what has been observed from the discovery of the said islands until the present time; and the contrary has not been ordered by the king as patron, by the royal council of the indias, or by the apostolic see, although they have had full knowledge of the cause. this method has been practiced, both before and since the council of trent; and there has been no change in it--not even since the year 1652, when special provision regarding it was made for nueva españa and perú; and it was ordered that the missionary religious of those provinces should receive collation and canonical institution from the ordinaries of those countries, in order to continue their exercise as curas; and that consequently they must submit to the visitation and correction of the bishops in officio officiando et quoad curam animarum. [32] but however thoroughly that was placed in execution in those kingdoms, it could not be carried out in the philipinas islands; for there even the reasons which influenced the exemption of the regulars are in force. 721. it is true that the bishops have always made the strongest efforts to subject the parish priests who are religious to their jurisdiction; but they have never been able to succeed in it, for the religious are unwilling to accept the charge with that burden. the first bishop of manila and of all the islands, don fray domingo de salazar, tried to establish that subjection. the observantine augustinian fathers and the franciscans made use of the means which prudence dictated, in order to quiet their scrupulous consciences. seeing that nothing [else] was sufficient, they resigned their missions before the governor, as vice-patron, protesting that they would care for the conversion of the heathen, but that they could not keep the parochial administration of those who were converted, without the enjoyment of all their privileges. therefore, his excellency was forced to desist from his attempt, as he had no seculars to whom to entrust that administration. in 1654, the attempt was made to establish in philipinas the practice recently adopted in the kingdoms of perú and nueva españa by petition of the fiscal of the royal audiencia. that body ordered that plan to be carried out, by a decree of october 22; and since the chapters of the two provinces of the order, the calced and discalced, were to be held in april of 55, that decree was communicated to them, with the warning that if they were not obedient they would be deprived of their missions, and the missionaries of the emoluments which had been assigned them for their suitable support. all the orders opposed that change, following logical methods in their defense, and averse to seeing the necessity of abandoning their missions. but at last, as there was no other way, the venerable fathers-provincial were reduced to handing over to the governor and bishops all the ministries in their charge, so that, as the former was the vice-patron and the latter were the ordinaries, they might appoint whomever they wished to the curacies. 722. that resignation was handed to the fiscal, and in view of it, in order that the most suitable provision might be made, with full knowledge, he asked that writs be made out--first, to show how many secular clergy were in the four bishoprics; second, so that the officials of the royal treasury might attest the amount of the stipends paid to the religious employed in the missions, and third, so that the provincials might send the names of their subordinates employed in the missions. that was ordered by a decree of may 10 in the said year 1655. it resulted that, in all, 254 religious were occupied in 252 missions; that the royal treasury only paid stipends corresponding to 141 missionaries; and that there were only 59 suitable secular priests in all the islands. the fiscal, seeing that according to the report the procedure that had been taken could not be maintained, in order to obviate the inconveniences that would ensue to the natives and inhabitants of those dominions if the religious were withdrawn from the villages, petitioned on january 4, 1656, that without innovation the orders be maintained in the missions, until it should be proved that there was a sufficient supply of secular priests to take care of them; and that they be assisted with the usual emoluments. he asked and charged the reverend fathers-provincial to look after the spiritual administration with their accustomed zeal. the royal audiencia having so ordered in toto by an act of february 17, the holy orders returned very willingly to apply their shoulders to the work. those acts were sent to the royal council of the indias. the cause having been discussed there, in view of the reports of the governor (which were throughout favorable to the orders), and of the manifestos presented by the orders in justification of their rights, the documents were approved on october 23, 1666, and the result was to make no innovation in what had been decided, and it does not appear that any other decree was enacted against the observance and practice that the religious have always maintained in those islands. therefore the archbishop, having claimed that the appointments for the missions devolved on him by the form of canonical collation in cases where his majesty did not make use of the privilege which belonged to him as patron; and endeavoring by that means to deprive the orders of the right which they possess of making those appointments without the intervention of his excellency: the royal council by a decree of september 26, 1687, ordered that the matter be continued in the form in which it had been administered until then, and that no change be permitted. 723. shortly after the archbishop of manila, don diego camacho, making use of the most powerful means, attempted to subject the religious to his approbation, visitation, and correction in officio officiando. for that purpose he had recourse to his holiness, to whom in the year 1697, he represented that there were many religious in the islands employed in more than seven hundred parishes, who had refused and were refusing to receive the visitation and correction of the diocesans; and he asked that they be compelled to receive such visitation. upon seeing that, his holiness clement xi decided (january 30, 1705) that the right of visiting the parochial regulars belonged to the said archbishop and other bishops; but he made no mention of the other points which had been referred to him, and which were also under dispute. this appears from the brief despatched in this regard. this brief having been presented in the council of the indias, it appears that it was confirmed on april 22 of the same year. the said archbishop ordered it to be executed (october 26, 1707) with the most strenuous efforts; but he encountered in this such dissensions and disturbances that it is considered advisable to omit the relation thereof. it was necessary to resign the ministries once more, the superiors [of the orders] protesting that they would never agree to such a subjection, and that the archbishop could make appointments to the curacies as he wished. by that means his excellency was so balked that, the cause having been fully proved, the evidence received, and the proofs adduced by both parties, the petition introduced by the orders was allowed on march 30, 1708; and it was ordered that the necessary official statements be given them. the authority of the governor was interposed extra-judicially, and he ordered that the religious should occupy the abandoned curacies, and that there should be no change. the archbishop himself, who had put forward that claim, was obliged to confess that he could not put it into practice. 724. it was sufficiently clear by that alone that the holy orders have more than enough reason for the independence from the bishops that they enjoy in their parochial ministry. for if they did not have in their primitive being the causes and motives for the apostolic privileges which exempted them, even from that of the ordinaries, it would not have been possible for them to maintain themselves so long with that prerogative which could not subsist in the kingdoms of américa. but, since there are some persons who, as their understanding is on a par with their bodily senses, register events on the surface only without going within for the reasons (from which the report has been originated and spread through europa, that the orders of philipinas have seized all the authority without other reason than because they wish it so), i am compelled to vindicate them from so atrocious a calumny by making known some of the reasons why they have made (as they still do) so strong a resistance to this subjection. i shall first discuss all the orders in common, and then our reformed branch in particular. but i give warning that i do not intend to transform my history into formal charges. adequate apologetic writings, founded on law, have been scattered through those holy families to demonstrate the exemption that attends them. quite recently, in the former year 1734, a formal statement was presented in the royal council by twenty-three graduates of the famous university of salamanca (confirmed by eight who are not regulars) in which their testimonies agree in affirming that the religious act according to the dictates of conscience in administering the curacies without subjecting themselves to the bishops. some add that they are bound in conscience to resist this subjection, as it is an imposition on the regular religious. therefore, i shall treat that matter simply as an historian, taking for granted the right which, according to various apostolic privileges, supports them in not subjecting themselves to the bishops; and, in case the latter attempt this, in abandoning the ministries. § ii some of the arguments that support the orders in philipinas in not submitting to the visitation of the ordinaries in regard to the ministries. 725. that various supreme pontiffs, especially st. pius v, conceded to the regulars of the indias the privilege of obtaining their ministries with complete independence from the bishops, no one is so bold as to deny. the motive for that concession was the lack of secular priests in those countries. consequently, the question (or doubt) as to whether that indult is or is not to be observed is not one of law, but one of pure fact. its solution depends on ascertaining whether there are in those regions a sufficient number of clergy suitable to serve their parishes and exercise the care of souls. for, in case there are, it is not denied that that duty belongs to the seculars; for it is the peculiar duty of the religious to devote themselves to god in the retirement of their cloisters. if, on this hypothesis, the regulars should desire or be permitted to take charge of the said spiritual administration, they ought to submit to the bishops in officio officiando for then the cause of that indult would not exist. the fact of the exemption having ceased for the great part in the kingdoms of nueva españa and perú, did not arise from the said privileges having been revoked (for they are not, especially that of st. pius v) but only and necessarily because the impelling cause for conceding such exemption did not actually exist. for, in those kingdoms, the number of secular ecclesiastics increased so greatly that enough of them were found to administer the holy sacraments to their inhabitants. since the motive has ceased, the privilege cannot endure. now then, i suppose that there are more than two millions of people in the philipinas islands who confess the name of christ, through the influence of the fervent zeal of the religious. in the year 1655, as was stated in the preceding paragraph, for two hundred and fifty-two missions in charge of the orders there were only fifty-nine secular priests. in 1705, when that subjection was attempted so earnestly by archbishop don diego camacho, the parishes were extended by his deposition to the number of more than seven hundred. for those parishes, according to the certification of the secretary of that prelate, only sixty-seven secular priests were found in his diocese; and of those only ten were suitable for administering the missions, as the rest were occupied in the duties of necessary residence. at present, the number of seculars is not much greater nor will it ever be--partly because those of europa do not have any inducement to go to those islands, and partly because, since the spaniards there are so few, there cannot be many persons sprung from these kingdoms who rise to the priesthood; further, because the indians are generally unfit for that holy ministry. in view of all the above, who does not see that the orders avail themselves of their right in resisting the burden of the visitation which the bishops are trying to impose on them? 726. nor does it avail the opposition that pope clement xi determined and declared, at the petition of the said archbishop, on january 30, 1705, "that the right of visiting the regulars in what concerns the care of souls and the administration of the holy sacraments belongs to the archbishop of manila and the other bishops of the philipinas islands." for besides the defects of misrepresentation and surreptitious measures [obrepcion y subrepcion] which were then made manifest, contained in that brief, the said pontifical declaration, whether it be conceived as a law, as an order, or as a sentence, cannot fail to be appealed from. this is what the orders did, appealing to his holiness, alleging before the archbishop who put the brief into execution the motives which, according to law, they rightfully had for resisting that visitation. in order to establish the truth that the religious had many arguments in their favor, it is not necessary to adduce other proof than what results from the fact that the said archbishop, who was the person most interested, desisted from the execution of the brief. other diocesans of the islands who, notwithstanding the above-cited brief, have tolerated and tolerate the exemption of the orders for no other reason than the actual scarcity of secular priests, have authorized that procedure. therefore, they practically admit that the indult of st. pius remains in force, and that the mandate of clement xi is impossible whenever the religious abandon the curacies. 727. besides, the same fact that the said metropolitan did not put into execution the above-cited brief of clement xi as its nature and authority demanded, gave one to understand either that it was notoriously surreptitious, or especially grievous and productive of some scandal, or of irreparable injury to the catholic religion; for only through such motives can the mandates of the pope be suspended. if the first be correct, it is an implied or virtual declaration that the said order is null and void; therefore, the regulars can legally proceed with the administration of the missions without subjecting themselves to the ordinaries, making use of their former privileges. if the second or third--his illustrious lordship having offered in that same act in which he provided for the suspension of the brief, to inform the pope of the predominant reasons that determined him to supersede the said brief--in the meantime, until the said information shall reach him, and the effect that is produced by it on his holiness's mind shall be made known to the religious, the fact that they avail themselves of their privileges in the administration of the parishes cannot be imputed to them as guilt. the reason for that is, that they cannot believe that that prelate will neglect to inform his holiness of the motives why he did not proceed with the execution [of the brief]. the fact that the roman court has not made any new provision in regard to that matter shows that, just as in virtue of the allegations of the regulars the said archbishop found it necessary not to carry his pretension farther, so likewise the supreme pontiff has tacitly approved and has left the religious with the exemption that they enjoyed before the above-mentioned brief. therefore, in regard to either law, they will safely be able to proceed with the administration of the churches in their charge without the intervention of the bishops. 728. much less can the said brief of clement xi stand in regard to the decree that "the regulars cannot resign from the missions or parishes under penalty of censures, loss of benefices, and other arbitrary penalties." for this clause alone is sufficient to persuade one that the representations that were made to obtain that decision from the pope were not ruled by truth. for had his holiness well understood all the circumstances, how could he have issued an order from which would follow the inference of injuries terrible and irremediable to the holy orders? if those religious, in so far as they are curas, were to become subject to the bishops, they would not hold their curacies as a reward after serving his majesty so much, but would regard their position as lower than that of those who remain free from responsibility in their communities. for the latter have no other obligation than to obey their superior or his two subordinates, so that there can never be any contrariety in the orders or any doubt for the religious of what he is to do; while the former, after all their anxiety, have to study very carefully over obeying their legitimate superiors and in keeping the bishops content (which, as will be said, would both be impossible things), whence must originate many disturbances and much restlessness. and if it is intolerable that he who serves his king with faithfulness be not rewarded, the order would be inverted on this occasion; for after so much labor they could only succeed in multiplying subjections, and be less free in their ministries. the orders would receive as their reward the abolition of the exemption which the holy see conceded to them as a recompense for the noble fruits which they have gathered in the universal church by their virtue and holiness--preserving it fresh and beautiful by watering it with the blood of so many martyrs, by which they made it illustrious; and increasing it with new worlds, provinces, and millions of children whom they have subjected to it, of which the histories are full. they will be obliged to place in the curacies those who solicit them the most urgently, importuning by means from which the more retiring and the more worthy shrink. they will expose their religious to danger even after they have well fulfilled the obligations of their ministries, in case that they are not to the liking of the ordinary--besides many other annoyances which will inevitably come upon the regulars. and if the orders have no other means to avoid that and the rest which will be stated below than to resign their missions, how could the benign pontiff oblige them to stay therein if he knew those circumstances fully? 729. it cannot be denied that the office of parish priest even with the exemption from the ordinary is altogether accessory, and a heavy responsibility superadded to the religious estate. for in order that they might administer in the said form, an apostolic dispensation has been necessary which is founded on grave reasons--and that with attention to only what the religious estate demands from him who has entered it, according to what is taught by common law and the doctrine of the saints. if that method of administering with exemption from the ordinary is changed, and the regular who has charge of a parish should as such become subject to the correction and visitation of the ordinary, and in other respects to the heads of his order, it is certain that it would be an innovation so great that they would be quite changed in their respect for public opinion, and in their mode of life; and the religious would be like a man cleft in two, those in some houses being subject to one superior and those in others to another, all of different hierarchies, and with the dangerous consequences that will be stated. will the piety of the pope bind the religious to so great a cross? 730. let us suppose (as is feasible) that the bishop were to become displeased with any order, or with any missionary. in such case he could maintain or remove the missionary against the will of his provincial by very specious pretexts. if necessary, he could even threaten the latter with censures, in order to make him submit to his authority. how fecund a source of perdition and total ruin that would be for the orders, any one can conceive; but only those who have experience in those islands could perfectly comprehend it. let the regulars of américa tell how they have to tolerate it through compulsion. if a religious is found lacking, and the offense has the appearance on one side of belonging to morals and life and on the other to the office of cura, the poor missionary is left in the sane position as those goods which the law styles mostrencos [i.e., goods which have no known owner], and shall belong to the first one who seizes them; and even he is in much worse condition, because of the contests that must necessarily ensue. for, if the provincial commences to form a process and it comes afterward to the notice of the ordinary, the latter will issue an act--and, if it should be necessary, a censure--ordering the said provincial to quash the entire process, to deliver it to him, and to desist from the cause by saying that he alone has the power to try it. the provincial appeals to the judge delegated by his holiness and he, as he has entire jurisdiction of the case, commands the ordinary with the warning of censure to leave the cause alone and deliver up the acts. the latter not obeying, the matter may be carried to such an extreme that two ecclesiastical prelates excommunicate each other, and threaten each other with interdict and the cessation of divine service. this is not fancy, for that has happened in like case in manila. that is the greatest danger since, because of the great distance, redress moves with very dilatory steps. but in the meanwhile the suits concerning the religious are proceeding from tribunal to tribunal, contrary to the clearly expressed privileges of his exemption. 731. but let us suppose that the regular parish priest is unworthy to persevere in his mission because of secret sins, and that, even if he remain in it, he may run some risk of his salvation. the provincial learns of the matter secretly. in such a case, justice requires two things--one, the punishment of the guilty person; and the other, that the delinquent shall not lose his reputation by the declaration of his fault. charity urges him to remove his subordinate from danger. if that regular administers without canonical institution and subjection to the ordinary, everything will be settled very easily, and justice and charity will be satisfied without any infamy to the criminal or any dishonor to the order. but if he is subject to the ordinary, the provincial cannot remove him by his own authority; but he must have recourse to the ordinary himself, and to the vice-patron, and then those two agree on the removal. in that case, what can the provincial say to them? if he should say that he will impart to them in all secrecy the [nature of the] crime of his subject, that means is harsh and less safe. the ordinary and the governor, as the father and the master, may correct and punish the faults of their inferiors without the least wound to their honor; and must a provincial do so by dis-accrediting his subordinate with the heads of the community? if it is decided that the superior do not tell the kind of crime, but that he asseverate in general terms that there is cause to remove the religious from that place, the trouble is not avoided. first, they may think that he speaks thus in order to go ahead with his oldtime custom; second, because even though the cause of removing him be not a fault, it can easily be alleged to be one, and the fact that he does not offer more explanation in that case comes to be the same as manifesting its gravity by his silence. finally, honor is very delicate and is lessened by rumor and suspicion. since god made the religious exempt from the secular judges, and the apostolic see exempted them from the ordinaries, the religious, when they have not professed as curas, will find themselves without courage to assume that charge with so many dangers and burdens. and will the apostolic see force them to that? 732. the fact that common law decides that the regular parish priest, as such, is subject to the visit of the ordinary furnishes no argument against my statement. for, leaving aside the fact that the supreme pontiff may abolish such a law--as in fact was done by pius v, after the holy council of trent, while urban viii confirmed this action afterward; and various statements of the most eminent cardinals favor this when there is a lack of secular priests as happens in the philipinas--it is answered that common law which orders such subjection is only in point when they wish to persevere in being parish priests; but does not order that they be so under compulsion. if a secular priest to whom the curacy has been given permanently by canonical institution can resign it, and the law does not therefor disqualify him, why cannot the regulars make that same resignation in order not to live with the risks from having so many superiors? the regulars are not curas for justice, but for charity, and they have taken charge of the missions for lack of other ministers. they do not administer them through right of proprietorship, but are removable at will. consequently, they can be deprived of those missions even though they live like saints. is it possible that when the will of another is sufficient to remove them from their curacies, their own volition will not suffice with the knowledge of the dangers which will follow from such a charge? further, is the regular incapable of being a proper parish priest, or is he not? if he is, why, if the secular cura is perpetual--so that, if he does not become unworthy, neither the ordinary nor the vice-patron can remove him--will not the regular also remain a cura, supposing the incumbrance of collation and canonical institution? why does that institution give all favorable things to the secular and deprive the regular of all relief? it imposes upon the regular the duty of feeding the sheep. it binds him to the territory, so that the provincial cannot remove him without the consent of the vice-patron and of the ordinary. he loses in great measure the privilege of the exemption, and with those duties does not have the comfort of being secure in his curacy, for he does not hold it for life. neither is he master of the emoluments which the parish yields, unless it be imagined that he be dispensed from his vow of poverty. consequently, he only gets the burdens by reason of the collation, and nothing to his advantage. if it be said that he is not capable of being a parish priest, why the pledge in this new form of administration? 733. those who are striving for the subjection of the regulars as parish priests generally oppose the fact that that form of administration has been introduced into américa, and that therefore it might serve as an example for the philipinas islands. but that argument is not convincing, and contains many remarkable disparities. first, because there are plenty of secular priests in peru and nueva españa; therefore the bishops rightly compelled the religious either to abandon the administration of the parishes, or to submit to the visitation. for the motive of the privilege of st. pius v was lacking, not by any revocation that he made of it, but because its force had ceased, its object not being realized. second, because no one will say that the orders of américa were obliged to remain in the charge of souls, with the insupportable burden of the visitations. on the contrary, they agreed to it willingly in order not to abandon the parishes. the fact that they consented to it there is no proof that they have to do the same in philipinas. third, because the experience of what happened in mexico and perú in regard to the diminution of strict observance by the regulars, which originated beyond doubt from that subjection, ought to open the eyes of the superiors of orders in philipinas to prevent such harm in their houses. this is not to cast blame on those who are now enjoying the curacies in this manner in the said kingdoms; we ought to consider them all as very excellent religious. but it is an undoubted fact that, with the practice by which the missions are maintained, in a manner almost perpetual, the provincials not being able to dispose of their subordinates with complete liberty, that oldtime strict observance which was planted in those provinces at their first erection has been greatly obscured. human nature is easily inclined to what promotes liberty; and as st. bernard teaches, the same ones who love retirement because of their austere training in the rigors of the order from childhood, when they come to taste the life that is not so well regulated, desire, procure, and solicit it. nothing of that has been seen hitherto in philipinas, where, however much they have the parishes in charge, the holy orders flourish in the most strict observance--for no other reason than that, if a religious sins, the remedy is quite near at hand since it is administered solely by the head of the order. 734. fourth, because there are things more to be wondered at than to be followed. although the religious orders are alike, we see that, while the church is also one and the same, one person elects one condition which the other does not adopt. from the same order some go to the indias, and others do not go. then why cannot the same thing happen in regard to being parish priests subject to the ordinary? let the histories of the indias be read. all of them consider earnestly whether the religious are to be curas of souls, and much more whether they are to be curas of justice. resolutions of entire provinces will be found on the question whether they should abandon the missions; generals and illustrious men of the same orders will be found who approved it; and the reader will find bitter complaints for having admitted such a burden, recognizing it as the seminary of interminable discords. for, if those on the mainland, seeing a furious hurricane on the sea which is dashing the ships to pieces and endangering the lives of those who are sailing, fear to embark, how much should the regulars in philipinas take warning from the new practice in américa? how can one wonder that they follow the example of those who abandoned the missions joyfully, rather than of those who now live sorrowfully because they adopted the new method? the fact is, that no one can take it ill that each one procures what he thinks best so long as he uses means that are not unlawful in order to get it. this is what the religious are doing in the present case, taking care that no detriment follows to their estate and profession. for, before the souls of others, one ought to watch over his own. let it not be (as says st. paul) that we, preaching to others, behold ourselves in the irreparable danger of becoming reprobates. 735. fifth, because the provinces of philipinas are not, nor can they be, like those of américa, but are as distinct as they are separate. the latter include, besides the ministries, many community convents where there are plenty of religious, who greatly exceed the parish priests in number. the former have but one convent apiece in manila, which enjoys an adequate community as do the convents of europa. the other houses are located in the villages of the indians where those who have charge of the spiritual administration live, and there is no more community at times than the head of the house alone; and at the most he has one or two associates, if they are considered necessary for the exercise of the duties of the mission. since that is true, an undeniable inconvenience will follow, namely: if they are subjected to the visitation and correction of the bishops all can call themselves not regulars--those outside, because they are parish priests; and those of manila, because they have to go to take the places of the others in case of absence, sickness, or death. they cannot be excused from that by either the actual definitors of the outgoing provincials, and all to have to be employed if there is a lack of ministers. since the provinces are composed of them almost entirely, and the consent of the ordinary and the vice-patron would be necessary for their removal, there would be some provinces which would have the name of religious government and in reality would be under the secular government, dependent on those two wills, to which they would make no vow of obedience. it is a fact that it would be a real change which those religious would have to endure, from free and unhindered evangelical ministers to seculars bound in justice to the care of souls. can it be considered ill that they resist so great a transformation, and leave the missions if they find no other way? 736. sixth, and last, because in américa the practice of presenting three religious for each mission in the form ordered by the king can be easily observed, as there are many religious. but that presentation is mortally impossible in philipinas because of the great scarcity of religious. for although the orders make the most painstaking efforts to get them from españa, they succeed in this with difficulty. for lack of workers, they are often obliged to entrust the administration of many villages to one person, and sometimes to abandon districts in toto. then how can three be presented for each ministry when there is scarcely one for each mission? besides, since there are so many languages, there is no order which does not minister in four or five languages; and although all of them apply themselves to the study of the languages, few attain them so perfectly that they can explain entirely the height of the mysteries of our holy faith; and since there are so many missions, what order can present three times the number of ministers who will worthily serve the missions? let us suppose a case also where there would be a sufficient number of capable religious. on that account there would be no assurance of better results; for of the three who would be presented, it is possible that the least capable would be chosen, as there would be no accurate information of his being less competent. that would be known better within his own order, where by continual intercourse it is learned who is most suitable for the ministry. besides that, there might be a religious whom it would be proper to retire because of his demerits, but by virtue of the fact that the prelates have to present three religious for each mission, they are obliged to include him in the presentation for the sole purpose of completing the number. who will prevent a froward one from slandering the electors, discrediting the worthy, and gaining the favor of friends and relatives by putting forth all his efforts to attain the desired liberty in order to escape from the observance and the cloister? oh, beginning so full of troubles! if one had to describe all the troubles, it would be necessary to use much paper. let the above suffice, so that it may be recognized that the reason why the holy orders resist subjection to the bishops is not so much for the sake of preserving their authority, as because they see the grave dangers that must ensue for them. finally, they exercise their right in that, of which no one can complain, for they are doing wrong to no one. § iii continuation of the matter of the preceding section, with especial bearing on our discalced recollect branch. 737. the reasons thus far advanced touch all the orders in common. let us now pass on to speak of our own in particular. there is no doubt that st. pius v conceded the above-mentioned exemption to the regulars because they were employed in the conversion of the indians, and so that they might proceed in their apostolic missions. that reason is clearly expressed in the bull; consequently, whenever it is found to exist, the orders ought to be maintained in the possession of that grace so long as it is not annulled by express revocation. hence it is that, until the present, the bishops have not attempted to subject the missionaries who are laboring to allure the heathen to our holy faith and withdraw them from the darkness of their infidelity; for in order to effect those ends they acknowledge in its force the privilege of st. pius v. i agree then that all the missions held by our holy reformed branch in the said islands ought to be considered as active missions, where the religious, although as parish priests they minister spiritually to those already converted, exercise also the arduous employ of missionaries, as the villages are surrounded by infidels, whose conversion they secure by the most diligent efforts. therefore, the parishes of our jurisdiction ought to be considered not as villages of converts [doctrinas] already formed, where the only care is to administer the holy sacraments, but as new conquests where the flock of christ is continually increased by apostolic attempts. 738. there are at present one hundred and five villages (besides those called active missions, which do not enter into this account) at present in the charge of our holy discalced branch, and they lie in more than twenty islands. in the principal island of luzón, where the city of manila is located, the order administers fifteen villages; in that of mindanao, the second in size, thirty-four; in that of parágua and others of the calamianes, twelve; in that of mindóro, twenty-four; in that of romblón and its outlying islands, eleven; and in that of masbáte and its intermediate islands, nine. it is seldom that one of those villages has no infidel inhabitants; and the religious are kept quite busy in converting them. for beginning with the island of luzón and the mountains of zambáles, the villages of marivélez, cabcáben, móron, and bagác are surrounded by blacks who are there called "de monte" [i.e., "of the mountain"] [33] who are being constantly converted to our holy faith, for they are of a very peaceful disposition. súbic is a new conquest, where various indians are settling who wander about and are forgotten by the christianity of those districts. the settlements that follow from that point to bolináo are so near to the black zambals and aetas that, when the latter revolt, one cannot go there without running great risk of his life. but when peace makes them tractable, some souls are obtained for god. the villages of uguit and babáyan, which have recently been founded in this century with the converted blacks and wild indians, [zimarrónes] clearly attest that fact. in mindanao the territory conquered by our religious, namely, the district of cagayáng and the province of carágha, ought to be considered as the rose among the thorns, oppressed by moros, mindanáos, and malanáos, and by infidel tagabalóyes and manóbos. of those peoples, the former keep the evangelical ministers in continual fear, because of their persecutions; the latter keep us in a perpetual mission for converting them to our holy catholic faith. as proof of the great and continual advance of christianity there, it suffices to state that at the end of the last century the tributes which those who have been subdued paid to the king did not equal the expenses occasioned to the royal treasury by the maintenance of the said province; in the year 1720, the expenses and collections were equal; but now the royal income exceeds the expenses necessary for conservation. [34] since the expenses have not decreased--for there is always the same number of infantry forces in the presidios of tándag, catél, and lináo, to which all the expense is reduced--it is inferred that the royal tributes have increased, and consequently the number of christians. 739. there are so many heathen in the islands of calamiánes, especially in the island of parágua, that at least one hundred heathens will be found for each christian. in the island of mindóro only the coasts are conquered, and heathen fill all the interior of the island. the same success as i said was obtained in the province of carágha has also been secured in the above two provinces; although a very notable decrease of christianity has taken place in them because of the invasions of the moros of which i shall speak later. the island of zibuyán, whose mountains are peopled by infidels--who, as they are exceedingly obstinate in regard to conversion, give us considerable anxiety, although some converts are obtained among them--is located in the romblón district. the island of mæstre de campo, formerly peopled by indians who were almost all apostates from religion, has now in great part embraced the faith through the efforts of the religious, who scarcely ten years ago founded a new village peopled by families of the said indians. it is not many years since the wild indians [zimarrónes] were feared in the island of masbáte but these are now so few, through the persuasions of the religious, that one can cross the island without danger. the villages have increased greatly with the people who have been reduced to a christian life and civilization. the village of camasóso is a new colony peopled by that before indomitable people; and the same has happened in the island of burías. now then, i ask, since this is so (and it is a fact, and one that can be proved whenever necessary), in what are these ministries or curacies different from those in nueva españa and perú, when st. pius v conceded the exemption of the regulars? what difference is there between those missions or parishes and those founded in the philipinas islands when they began to be subject to the crown of españa? there appears to be no difference. if the privilege conceded to the religious in américa with those circumstances was considered justifiable, and was also observed in the said islands at the beginning, our discalced religious will proceed quite conformably with right in resisting any change with all their strength, as long as their individual parish priests are also, as stated, engaged as missionaries. 740. more force is given to this argument if one considers that, even in carrying on missions in infidel lands, our religious could not suffer greater hardships than those which they endure in the said ministries. that it may be seen that this is not imagination, i shall give a rough outline of what happened recently from the year 1720 until the present. i shall do it as briefly as possible, for those regrettable tragedies will occasion great extension to this history in due time. it is well known that our villages are the most exposed to the invasions of the moros; consequently, they always serve as the theater of war and as the object of disasters. in the said year, then, they attacked the province of calamiánes with a powerful fleet. landing on the island of linacapán they burned the village, convent, and church; outraged the sacred images; and killed with lance-thrusts the venerable father, fray manuel de jesus maria, a native of lupiana in alcarria--while another religious who was there was able to escape miraculously, at the cost of incredible hardships that he suffered, by hiding in the mountain. in the year 1721 they did the same thing in the village and island of la-agutáya, [35] and in manàol, which is located in the island of mindóro. the evangelical ministers fled thence in a small boat and thus saved their lives, although after very prolonged hardships; and from there they took refuge in the mountains, in order to endure, without other relief than that of god, the discomforts that one can imagine. in the year 1722 the moros landed on the island of cúyo, and although they could not take the redoubt, for the indians (captained by our religious) defended it bravely, one can imagine what the latter suffered in a siege so immeasurably prolonged. in the year 23, the moros bordering on the province of carágha besieged the presidio of catél. father fray benito de san joseph, son of casál de cáceres in estremadura, who, as its minister, undertook to attend to its defense, was left so exhausted from the fatigues of war in which no relief came, that after the retreat of the moros, he lived but little longer; for he gave up his soul to god amid the plaudits of victory. almost at the same time, in the island of camiguín, the religious were compelled to hide in the mountains, where they were besieged by many fears. in parágua, they killed father fray juan de la purificacion (a native of atéa in the kingdom of aragon) with an insidious poison. the invasions of the said mahometans were continual until the year 30 through calamiánes and other districts; for, although they were not seen in large fleets, a great number of pirates were never lacking, and they caused those persecuted ministers repeated troubles. but in the above-mentioned year they had the boldness to assault the presidio of taytáy [36] with such swiftness and fury that two of the three religious who were there succeeded by great good luck, and without any preparation, in retiring afoot to the mountains; while the other, only saving the chalices and ciborium, retired to the redoubt where he suffered the hardships of the siege. 741. in the year 31 they attacked the village of culión; in 32, that of linacapán and all the villages of parágua, where they committed innumerable acts of cruelty. in 33 they ruined the village of calatán; and father fray antonio de santa ana (whose death i shall relate later), had no other opportunity than to flee to the mountain afoot and naked as he was in his bed, so that one can imagine what he suffered. in the year 34 they destroyed the villages of malampáyan, dumarán, and linacapan. father fray domingo de san agustin, a native of aldeguela near teruel, while escaping to the mountain remained for five days in a cellar with the water up to his waist without eating anything else than herbs. as a consequence of that and other hardships that he suffered on various occasions, various illnesses came upon him which finally ended his life, he refusing to turn his back on the evangelical enterprises, although he could have done so. father fray juan de la virgen de moncayo (a native of añon in aragon) retiring first to the redoubt of taytáy and then to the mountains, as he had done at other times, became so ill that he surrendered his soul, though always fighting, in the island of mindóro. the moros went to that island also in the above-mentioned year and attacked several villages, and the religious remained in the mountains for a long time; this caused father fray joseph de san agustin (a son of azarét, in the said kingdom of aragon) to contract his last illness, and he retired to manila, where he ended the miseries of this life in order to pass to life eternal. in the year 35 they became masters of the villages of parágua, whose christian faith is little less than lost. in the year 36 they again besieged the presidio of taytáy; and although it was possible to defend it at the cost of miracles, in one of the assaults a bullet took away the life of father fray antonio de santa ana, a native of gandia in the kingdom of valencia. in the years 37 and 38 the moros, already masters of the sea, filled calamiánes and mindóro with horror. in the year 39 they had so closed the passage from the said islands to manila that for more than six months nothing could be heard from the religious living in those fields of christendom. in the year 40 they went to the coast of mindóro opposite luzón, where they inhumanly killed father fray leon de san joseph (a son of peraléda in castilla) and captured another religious who was going as missionary to mindanáo; and it was a miracle that they did not capture all those who were returning from the chapter-meeting. in that same period, although i do not know definitely the year, they also landed at hingoóg, a village of the province of carágha; in the island of camiguín, which belongs to the alcaldeship of zibú; and on the coast of zambáles at the boundaries of the village of cabangán. the inference from the above is that the missionary religious had to hide in the caverns of the mountains in all districts; to look for their sheep in the deserts; go without food, or live on herbs of the field; to suffer the inclemencies of the weather, which is a martyrdom in philipinas; and always to flee from one part to another without other relief by sea or land than fears and fatigues. what is lacking, then, to those ministers of the evangelical doctrine to enable them to say that they are toiling in apostolic missions? now, did those who began the conquest of américa or those of philipinas endure the more grievous and continual persecutions? therefore, if those were worthy of receiving the exemption, because they were employed at the cost of their lives in the promulgation of the faith, no change ought to be introduced in these missions. 742. the procedure of our religious in resisting the subjection of the ordinaries is justified even more by that which causes the anxiety of the ministers, if one considers the fact (on which their resistance is founded) that the proper administration of those souls is morally impossible. for that we must assume that the king assigns one missionary to each five hundred tributes or families. but our districts, especially those of the islands of luzón, calamiánes, and mindóro, although each does not exceed three hundred tributes; need each one or two religious in order that they may be looked after as is necessary for the preaching and for the [spiritual] food of the holy sacraments. this arises from the fact that each mission is extended over a distance of twenty or thirty leguas, without its being possible to make any other arrangement. for although the reduction into large settlements has been attempted, for the more suitable spiritual administration it has been impossible to attain that. on the contrary, whenever it has been attempted, christianity has decreased. in the islands of mindanáo, romblón, and masbáte, the missions have more people, for they contain from six to eight hundred tributes. but, for the same reason, each one needs three or four religious; and even that number must be on the road continually in order to fulfil their obligations as parish priests. hence it results (the stipends not being received in proportion to the number of the religious but in proportion to the tributes), that they have to maintain three and sometimes four religious with what the king assigns for one minister. it is endured with the greatest kind of poverty, and they even lack the necessities for the maintenance of life. 743. i suppose also that, when once the new form of administration would be established according to the subjection that is claimed, it would follow that each ministry would have a prior appointed in the chapters, and a cura assigned by the ordinary with canonical institution. for this is the observance in américa, in order to save the freedom of the elections in what concerns the regular superiors, and in order to prevent the religious who are curas from being free from the vow of obedience. of these, the parish priest cares for the administration, the prior looks after matters pertaining to the regular estate but cannot assist in what pertains to the instruction [doctrina], for generally he does not know the language. the former has increased expenses with the visit of the bishop and other matters relating thereto; and the latter, with the journeys to the chapter and the visitation of the provincial; and all these expenses must be paid by the stipends of the mission, for there is no other source of income. consequently, it is inferred that it would be necessary in this case, to reduce the ministries to a new form and assign one single cura to each five hundred tributes. it would be doing well if the product of those tributes sufficed for the maintenance of the two religious, prior and parish priest, with the other unavoidable and necessary expenses. but if at present two priests scarcely suffice to administer two hundred families well in our villages, how could a single one look after five hundred families? then, if (and this could be proved with exactness) the children or neophytes begged the bread of the teaching of the faith, there would be no one to attend to that need. therefore, our holy reformed branch foreseeing so formidable and unavoidable consequences do very well in abandoning the missions. for there is no reason why they should load injuries upon themselves which cannot be corrected afterward, and of which their prelates must render account to god. 744. let us conclude this matter by stating one other motive for the justification of our religious in resisting exercise as parish priests, when one tries to subject them to the visitation and correction of the bishops. it is a constant fact that the christianity of the philipinas islands cannot maintain itself unless numerous missions be continually taken thither from europa. for there are few sons of spaniards there (to whom only the habit can be given), and of those few the smallest number are inclined to the religious estate. i state then, that in case of the said subjection it would be impracticable to take missionaries there, especially those of our holy discalced branch. consequently, the administration of the missions could not be cared for, as is already seen, when affairs are going to the prejudice of the catholic faith. in order to prove the aforesaid, we must take it for granted that each religious causes an expense of practically one thousand pesos from the time he leaves his convent in españa until he sets foot in manila--about one-half of which is paid from the royal treasury, while the remainder is supplied by the order. to realize that sum, which amounts to huge figures, the ministries contribute with some voluntary offerings, and the province applies all its incomes and alms. compare this now with that alleged in the preceding number, and it will be seen that in the said case it would not be possible for the missionary religious to attend to that necessity. for, even at present, they have to live like beggars in order that they may assist, taking from their necessary support what they give, so that they may support that expense. on the other hand, the province would not be able to employ its incomes in this either, for it would have to use them in establishing solidly the convents which are not ministries, there are five of these, namely: in manila, in bagumbáya, in cavíte, in san sebastian, and the convent of la concepcion in zibú. of that number only the first has a community at present, for the others can scarcely support two religious apiece. but in the said case it would be indispensable, so that the province might maintain itself as such, to place communities in the convents and to apply to them the incomes that it possesses; and on that account it could not attend to the expenses of the missions. 745. but let us suppose that some funds existed for those expenses. the trouble remains that the religious of españa would not consent to go to the islands, if they were informed that they had to be curas, and submit to the bishop in what they have not professed. thus has experience shown by what has happened to our province, because no religious went from these kingdoms from the year 1692 until that of 1710, during which time archbishop camacho was attempting to bring about the subjection. that is a precedent which induces the strong suspicion that no one could be found who would voluntarily submit to correction by a strange prelate, and at times be accused and denounced in a foreign jurisdiction as he had only promised obedience to his own superiors. grant that some would be allured, but those would be the least capable who would be incited by the perverse desire for greater freedom. as a rule, when a mission for those islands is now proclaimed, those who volunteer in their desire for the conversion of souls are so many that one may choose laborers of excellent qualifications; for their zeal for the propagation of the gospel and for the spiritual health of those poor indians impels them. but were that subjection inaugurated, what timorous religious after that would leave his cell (a safe port whither to escape during storms) only to serve in the employ of cura? that is, any change is accompanied by a very great alteration; and he who attempts to introduce it must be responsible for all the consequences, in order to prevent and forestall them. nor is it prudent not to oppose oneself to the foregoing, when one foresees the sequel of conclusions so fatal. therefore, our holy order opposes itself to the innovation of this subjection, for it considers the inevitable injuries that must result. in view of that and many other losses, it acts most holily in abandoning the missions, in order that they may remain in the full charge of the bishops. [chapter iii deals with the life of certain recollect religious, of whom the following labored in the philippines. jacinto de san fulgencio, the son of vicente francisco claramonte, was born in cocentayna, and was received in the convent of valencia january 17, 1614. he joined the mission to the philippines which was organized in 1619; and on his arrival at manila began to study the languages, becoming fluent in the tagálog, zambal, bisayan, and calamian. in 1622 he was sent with juan de san nicolás to caraga, where he worked to good effect. later, accompanied by one religious and some converts, he ascended the river for fifty leguas to lináo, where his labors were crowned successfully. he was appointed prior of the convent of san joseph in butuan in 1624, where he continued his work, with the evident approbation of heaven. in 1626 he became prior of bacoag, and later was the first prior of iguaquét. he was the first to preach to the caragas, among whom he remained for ten years, during which time he erected six convents. in butuan he worked for four years, where he converted three thousand people and erected three convents. in 1635 he went to the island of negros, where he converted six thousand indians; and the same year was appointed prior of tándag, where he brought order out of chaos. in 1638 he was elected definitor, and in 1640 became prior for the second time of tándag, and vicar-provincial of caraga. he was elected procurator to spain in 1646, and definitor with vote in the general chapter in that country, which he reached in march 1649. his mission which he took from spain reached manila in 1652 and consisted of twenty-one religious. in the next chapter he was again elected procurator, but he died at manila in 1656. he had served as chaplain for the spanish fleets, and as ambassador to the natives, in addition to his mission work proper.] [section ii of chapter v contains an account of the life of salvador del espiritu santo, who had formerly been an augustinian of the observant branch, but who joined the recollects. he went to manila in 1634 with the desire to go to japan, learning some little of that language for that purpose. after much entreaty he obtained permission from the provincial of the order to go to japan in 1635, but he was unable to effect his purpose. he served as prior in the cavite convent, was twice superior of the convent of san juan bautista in bagnumbáya, prior of the manila convent, twice definitor; twice visitor of calamianes and mindoro. he was elected procurator in place of jacinto de san fulgencio, and after various setbacks arrived in mexico in 1657, where he died in december of that same year.] [chapter vi deals with the life of andrés del espiritu santo. that valiant worker was born in valladolid in january 1585, his father being hernando tanégo. he made his vows in the convent of portillo in 1601, and joining the first philippine mission arrived at the islands in 1606. there he was sent immediately to the zambales coast, where he founded the village of masinloc, from which as a center he carried on his work. in 1609 he was elected vicar-provincial, which office he kept until 1612. he was elected vicar-provincial for the second time in 1615; and on the completion of that office in 1618, being elected procurator, he went to spain for new missionaries, of whom he obtained a fine band, returning to manila in 1622. the following year he was elected vicar-provincial for the third time, and in 1624 first definitor. the highest office of the province, namely, that of provincial, came to him in 1626 and at the end of his provincialate he asked permission to go to japan, but in vain; he therefore continued the work among the philippine missions until 1632, when he was again elected provincial. in 1635 he was again definitor, and at the expiration of that office he was appointed prior of the manila convent; thence he retired to the cavite convent where he worked with the most vigorous men, although worn out by his excessive toil. he finally retired to the manila convent, where he died at the end of 1657 or the beginning of 1658, at the age of 78.] [chapter viii records the death, in 1659, of nicolás de la madre de dios, who had labored in cagayán, where he had accomplished most in quieting an insurrection that had broken out under a native heathen priest called salúr.] [chapter x contains a bull promulgated by alexander vii, dated august 5, 1660, confirming a decree of the congregation propaganda fide of june 28, 1660 (inserted in the bull) forbidding recollect religious who had been sent to the philippines from turning aside on the way or unnecessarily delaying their journey. the penalty imposed by the decree is that such fugitives are to be deprived of all active and passive vote, and can never hold any dignity or honorary charge in the order. that same year of 1660, a mission left spain for the islands but did not arrive there until 1664.] description of filipinas islands [after a prolonged address to fray diego zapata, a high official of the franciscan order and of the inquisition, fray letona proceeds with a description of the philippines in numbered sections. no. 1 states that it is written for zapata's information; no. 2, that the voyage from acapulco to manila is more than 2,500 leguas in length. the course of the ships in that voyage is given in no. 3. such parts of this description as are useful for our purpose are here presented in full; other parts are omitted, in each case stating the nature of such matter.] 3. acapulco, in mexico, which is the eastern port for the south sea and for navigations from nueva españa to filipinas, is in sixteen and one-half degrees of latitude. if in voyaging from acapulco to filipinas the ships sail in a straight line from the rising toward the setting sun, from east to west, without change of latitude, they will arrive at baler, [37] a village in the northern part of the further coast of manila island, which is in the same latitude as acapulco. but usually, as soon as they set sail from acapulco, they descend to the eleventh or the tenth parallel in order to find the winds with which they can navigate; then they again go northward and follow their former course to a point five hundred leguas from manila, and one hundred from the ladrones islands--among which they pass, in a latitude of fifteen degrees. thence they sail again to lower latitudes, descending to barely thirteen and one-half degrees--on which line is the embocadero of san bernardino, one hundred leguas from manila. thence the voyage is made between that same island of manila--which extends as far as the embocadero, and remains on the right hand--and other islands which lie on the left, to the port of cabite which is two leguas from manila. ordinarily this voyage is made in three months, although the return trip is usually much longer--sometimes requiring more than seven months; while in this year, sixty-two, it lasted eight months. distribution of these islands 4. although they are innumerable, hardly more than forty of the inhabited filipinas islands are subject to the monarchy of españa. the first and chief of these, and the head of all, is that of luzon. it is large, being almost three hundred and fifty leguas in circumference; and has more than twenty bays and ports where ships of all sizes can anchor. it is the frontier [of the islands] toward great china, which is a hundred leguas distant from manila. the island lies between thirteen and one-half and nineteen degrees of latitude, and it has the form of a square with two narrow arms--one of which extends from south to north, the other from west to east. 5. in that which points northward lie, on its western coast, four distinct conquered provinces. the first and nearest of these on the bay of manila (and belonging to the archbishopric of that name), and in latitude 15°, is pampanga; it is very populous, and abounds in rice and other products of the soil; and it contains some gold-placers. its natives have the reputation of being the best and bravest, and most faithful to the royal crown [of all in the island]; they have a language of their own. on the western outskirts of this province among its mountains, and within the archbishopric of manila are some negrillos; they are heathen, and natives of the country (which is yet to be conquered) that is called zambales. they are very barbarous, resembling the chichimecos of nueva españa who eat human flesh. 6. next at 16° latitude and on the western coast [of luzon], follows pamgasinam; it belongs to the bishopric of cagayan, and is rich in gold and other products of the soil. the natives have a language of their own. 7. ylocos is a province of the same bishopric, and lies next [to pamgasinam] on the same coast; it also abounds in the same products and is very populous. the natives have their own language. its latitude is 17°. in the year 1661, these two provinces rebelled; they were conquered and pacified with extraordinary valor and skill, by general francisco de esteybar with three hundred soldiers. he punished thirty persons with death and five hundred with slavery. 8. cagayan is the last province in this arm of the island, and the most northern, lying in 18° to 19° latitude. it contains many indians who are good soldiers. here is the city of nueva segobia, which has few spanish residents. it has a bishop and cathedral; an alcalde-mayor, and a garrison of spanish soldiers. this province yields the same products [as the others], and has a distinct language. almost opposite this province, to the northeast (that is, between north and east) is xapon, a noted empire. it is distant three hundred leguas, and this voyage is made in sight of land, that of various islands. 9. this arm of land is almost a hundred leguas long and fifty or sixty wide; on its eastern coast the province of baler is conquered and pacified. the region midland of all these five provinces is called ytui, and is peopled by heathen indians, not yet subdued. on the south lies pampanga; northward, cagayan; to the east, baler; to the west, ylocos and pangasinan. all these provinces have their alcaldes-mayor. the ports on the eastern coast are mentioned below in section 91. 10. in the eastern arm of this island of luzon there are two provinces; both abound in rice and other products, and are very populous; and each one has its own distinct language. the first is tagalos, which begins at the city of manila, and belongs wholly to that archbishopric. it contains the environs of the city; and the lake of bay (a freshwater lake, of many leguas in circumference), and extends along the coasts of this arm, both northern and southern, more than fifty leguas in a direct line, southeast and northeast--that is, from manila to silangan, which is an island very near to that of luzon. there ends the archbishopric [of manila]; also the tagal province (which is divided into six or eight districts of alcalde-mayor and corregidor) and the tagal language. 11. the second and last province of this eastern arm is camarines, which has a different language, and belongs to another bishopric. it begins at the village of paracali, which is on the northern coast and has some rich gold mines. it is distant from manila sixty leguas, and extends almost forty eastward, as far as the extremity of this island. here is the city of nueva caceres, where there is a bishopric and a cathedral, and an alcalde-mayor; the spanish population is very small, but there are many indians, as also in the entire province. inland from these two provinces there are some çimarron indians, who are not yet conquered. this arm [of land] is almost a hundred leguas long, and ten to twenty wide; its northern ports are mentioned below in section 91. 12. at the center where these two arms of land meet, in the middle and on the shores of a beautiful bay--closed in from the sea; thirty leguas in circumference, and eight wide; and everywhere clear, soundable, and safe--at the mouth and on the banks of the great river of bay [i.e., pasig river] (which, having flowed four leguas from its own lake, empties into this sea) is built the distinguished city of manila, the capital and court of filipinas. it is, for its size, the richest in the world; a special account of it will soon be given. entrance into this bay is furnished by a passage on its western side, four leguas in width. in the middle of this passage, eight leguas from manila and opposite this city, is an islet called maribelez; it is inhabited, and is two leguas in circuit in 14 1/2° latitude. it serves as a watch-tower to look for foreign ships, which can be seen fifteen leguas at sea. 13. the "modern geographer," which was printed at amsterdam in four large volumes in latin and castilian, containing the geographical maps of the world, does not present a map of these islands, although it gives a special one of the molucas or ternate islands which are adjacent to the filipinas. for lack of facilities, i do not insert here a map of these islands, which i have drawn by hand, with the greatest exactness, from my personal knowledge. in place thereof, i will write a description so clear that any geographer can reduce it to a map; and for greater clearness the above-mentioned island of maribelez will be the center of this description--which is divided into four parts or voyages: to the east, southeast, south, and north, respectively. 14-28. [these paragraphs contain data for the map that letona would have made--the location, latitude, size, and names of islands, with distances and direction by compass. we note a few points of interest which contain new information. in mindoro is "el baradero, a celebrated bay and a very safe harbor." with the island of burias "ends the archbishopric of manila; the next lands [i.e., banton] belong to the bishopric of zebu." in catanduanes reside a beneficed curate and a corregidor. "the interior of mindanao is still unsubdued; its natives are heathen in the eastern part, and mahometan pirates in the west. they have been reduced to his majesty's obedience and to the church, and among them are four garrisons of spaniards--one in the east, at tandag; two in the north, at bacilan and malanao; and another in the west, at samboanga. in this island some cinnamon is collected." "sanguil, or calonga, is a small island under a petty king--who is a catholic christian--named don juan buntuan. at his request, i sent thither in the year 1651 with my credentials and instructions father fray joseph de truxillo, a deserving son of our father st. francis in this convent of la puebla; ... who, with his excellent example, preaching, and instruction--aided by his companion father fray mateo rodriguez, a man of his own spirit--established and renewed the faith, built a church, and converted and baptized many infidels, both children and adults." "macazar is an island yet to be conquered; its people are mahometans and heathen, and are very numerous. it is 180 leguas in circuit; in its eastern part it has a powerful mahometan king, who has at his capital factories from europa and assia; and he has the utmost devotion and reverence for the king our sovereign." the four islands of bolinao form the boundary of the archbishopric of manila; from these extends the bishopric of cagayan. the following islands are depopulated (some of them being mentioned in earlier accounts as having inhabitants): ticao, san bernardino, maesse de campo, cimara, panaon, and capones (fifteen leguas from maribeles); islets near luban, panay, bantayan, mindoro, and cuyo; and islets between leyte and cebú.] climate, population, and products 29. the climate of these islands is, for sensible people, for the most part reasonably healthful and temperate. on the coasts it is hot; in the mountains it is cool, pleasant, and refreshing. there is no certain knowledge of the time or source of their settlement. the nearest mainland is great china, the eastern end of assia (one of the first which were inhabited after the general deluge). on the west of china is the gulf and kingdom of bengal, from which (through the strait of sincapura) it seems very probable that the first settlers of these islands came, [38] to judge from the similarity in their color, customs, and language. they are of average size, light-colored, and have well-shaped features and much intelligence. they live in high wooden houses, and support themselves by tilling the soil, fishing, and other industries. at the time of this writing, there are more than 600,000 christians here, vassals of the king our sovereign; and the catholic piety of his majesty maintains them in the holy faith, although they are 5,000 leguas from his court, at the cost of immense expenditures from his royal treasury. it appears from the books of the royal accountancies that his majesty has, in only twenty years, expended more than 300,000 ducados in sending religious to filipinas--from which it will be seen that incalculable treasure has been spent for this purpose during only the ninety-eight years since the islands were discovered. 30. their products are: rice in great abundance, which is the wheat of that country and the usual food of its people, serving as their bread. everywhere, whether in mountains or plains, there is abundant growth of cocoanut palms. these nuts are as large as average-sized melons, and almost of the same shape; the shell is hard, and contains a sweet liquid which makes a palatable beverage, and a meat which is a delicious food. this is the most useful plant in the world; for not only are food and drink, and wine and oil, obtained from it, but innumerable other things--comprising all that is necessary to human life, for the dwellings, food, and clothing of man. there are plantations of these trees, as in españa there are vineyards--although the former are at less cost and labor. in these islands there is abundance of salt, fowls, and cattle, besides swine, deer, and buffaloes; there are also several kinds of beans, and other vegetables. with these foods not only do the people support themselves, but the fleets and garrisons, and the ships that make long sea-voyages are furnished with provisions. on all the coasts, and in all the rivers and lakes, excellent fish are caught in abundance; and in the mountains the people gather much honey and wax. in the gardens, they raise a great deal of delicious fruit, and much garden-stuff. oranges and bananas not only grow in abundance, but are of the best quality in the world. in some of the islands nutmeg, pepper, cloves, and cinnamon are found. the country is everywhere fertile, and green and pleasant all the year round; and in some places wheat is sown and harvested. 31. in these islands grows much cotton, from which the people make ylocan blankets, lampotes, white cloth, medriñaques, material for hose, and other useful fabrics. in many (indeed in most) islands are found amber and civet, and gold mines--these especially in the mountain ranges of pangasinam and paracali, and in pampanga; consequently; there is hardly an indian who does not possess chains and other articles of gold. besides these products (which are peculiar to the country), others are brought to manila from great china, xapon, and numberless other kingdoms and islands of this archipelago--wheat, iron, copper, some quicksilver, tin, and lead; cinnamon (from zeilan), pepper, cloves, nutmeg, musk, and incense; silks (both raw and woven), and linens; chinese earthenware, ivory, and ebony; diamonds, rubies, and other precious stones; valuable woods; and many uncommon and delicious fruits. in manila, gunpowder is manufactured, and excellent artillery and bells are cast; and various articles are exquisitely wrought in filigree of gold and silver. all things necessary to human life [are found there] and even articles of superfluity, ostentation, pomp, and luxury. the city of manila 32. this city was conquered and founded by its first governor on may 19, the day of st. potenciana the virgin, in the year 1571. it was built on a site naturally strong on the shore of the sea, and at the mouth of a great river--which flows four leguas from the lake of bay, and here loses itself [in the sea]--on a strip of land formed between the sea and the river. thus half of the city, that on the north and west, is surrounded by water; and the other half, toward the east and south, by land and a ditch. it is entirely surrounded, almost in a circular form, by a rampart wall of stone; this is high and strong and so thick that in some parts it is more than three varas wide, and one can walk on top of it everywhere. it extends three-quarters of a legua, and is adorned and furnished with battlements and merlons in modern style; with towers, cavaliers, and hankers at intervals; and with two castles and some bulwarks. it is furnished with excellent artillery, and a force of six hundred (sometimes more) spanish soldiers--with their master-of-camp, sargento-mayor, captains, wardens, and other military officers. there are five gates and several posterns. 33. the streets of the city are beautifully laid out, and level, like those of mexico and puebla. the main plaza is large, rectangular, and well proportioned. its eastern side is occupied by the cathedral; the southern, by the government building, which is a splendid palace--large, handsome, and very spacious; it was built by a merchant, the favorite [39] of a governor, for his own use. the northern side of the plaza (opposite the palace) contains the cabildo's house, the jail, and other buildings that belong to private persons (which also occupy the western side). 34. the houses in the city, before the earthquakes of the years 45 and 58, numbered six hundred (many of which must be by this time rebuilt), most of them of hewn stone with handsome iron balconies and rows of windows, and built in costly style. in them resided various gentlemen and nobles, and two hundred citizens who were merchants (who themselves form a commonwealth); there were also soldiers, royal officials, prebends, and other citizens. much of its material grandeur and beauty was destroyed by the earthquakes above mentioned, but it lost not the essential greatness which it has and always has had as a court and an illustrious commonwealth. in the villages of bagunbaya and others of its suburbs there are probably six hundred houses more--not counting those of the parian, which number many more than those of the city and suburbs together. along the river are a great many country houses for recreation--some very costly, and all very convenient and pleasant, with gardens, orchards, and baths. 35. it is the capital of all these islands, with its governor, who is the captain-general, and president of the royal chancilleria, which is composed of four auditors and one fiscal who have cognizance of cases both civil and criminal; then there are the other employes of the royal audiencia, and the royal officials with their tribunal. the jurisdiction [of this audiencia] is the most extensive in the spanish monarchy; for it extends to all territories that are discovered and pacified in that great archipelago (the largest in the world)--extending more than four hundred leguas in a straight line, and more than a thousand in circumference--and to all yet to be discovered and pacified, an immense region. the city has twelve perpetual regidors, who on the first of january in every year elect two alcaldes-in-ordinary; these have jurisdiction throughout the district of the municipality, which has a radius of five leguas. 36. on the eastern side of the city, but outside of it and in front of its walls, at the distance of a musket-shot is a silk-market which they call parian. usually 15,000 chinese live there; they are sangleys, natives of great china, and all merchants or artisans. they possess, allotted among themselves by streets and squares, shops containing all the kinds of merchandise and all the trades that are necessary in a community. the place is very orderly and well arranged, and a great convenience to the citizens. it is [an indication of] their greatness that although they are so few, they have so many workmen and servants assigned to their service. the sangleys live in wooden houses; they have a governor of their own nation, and a spanish alcalde-mayor and the other officers of justice, with a notary; also a jail. they have a parish church, where the sacraments, the divine word, and burial are administered to the 4,000 christians among these sangleys; the rest of them are heathen. 37. accordingly the commerce of this city is extensive, rich, and unusually profitable; for it is carried on by all these chinese and their ships, with those of all the islands above mentioned and of tunquin, cochinchina, camboja, and sian--four separate kingdoms, which lie opposite these islands on the continent of great china--and of the gulfs and the numberless kingdoms of eastern india, persia, bengala, and ceilan, when there are no wars; and of the empire and kingdoms of xapon. the diversity of the peoples, therefore, who are seen in manila and its environs is the greatest in the world; for these include men from all kingdoms and nations--españa, francia, ingalaterra, italia, flandes, alemania, dinamarca, sueçia, polonia, moscobia; people from all the indias, both eastern and western; and turks, greeks, moros, persians, tartars, chinese, japanese, africans, and asiatics. and hardly is there in the four quarters of the world a kingdom, province, or nation which has not representatives here, on account of the voyages that are made hither from all directions--east, west, north, and south. 38-58. [these sections are devoted to brief biographical notices of the governors of the islands--information already presented in our vol. xvii. letona says (no. 58) of diego fajardo's government:] in the year 51, the governor withdrew his favor from his petted favorite, whom, after confiscating his goods (which were many), he imprisoned in the castle of santiago--in the same quarters where (at his own instance, as people say) the five years' captivity of governor corcuera was accomplished. then faxardo opened his eyes, so that he could recognize the serious troubles which result from the favorite's having great power in the government. "for," fajardo said, "he did not regard the vassals of the king with the affection that he ought; nor did he attend to their welfare, but to his own advantage and profit." imitating him, the subordinate officials, he said, "committed acts of violence in the provinces that they governed, harassing them with various oppressions, and failing to administer justice to the poor--levying on them repartimientos of many products that were not necessary, and at exorbitant prices; and, although the commodity might be had in another district for half the price, the natives must not buy it there, but only from the agent of the magistrate, who would not allow any one else to traffic or trade in all the province. from these practices," said this gentleman, "arise irreparable injuries to the poor vassals, and to his majesty's alcabalas [i.e., excise taxes]. nor have those vassals any redress, since the door is closed to them by the favor shown to the minion." for this same reason, he gave no office of justice to a relative or servant of his own, judging that no aggrieved person would dare to utter a complaint on account of his fear lest the governor would take ill a suit against his relative or servant. these and other very just opinions were expressed by this governor during the last year of his rule. 59. [of manrique de lara, letona says:] "he governed for ten years, a longer term than that of any predecessor of his. many of these he surpassed not only in the period of service, but in his care and efficiency--personally assisting in the despatch of the armed fleets (although this had to be done at a distance of twenty leguas from manila), and attending to the shipbuilding and the timber-cutting; crossing seas, rivers, and mountains, and overcoming great dangers and hardships, in order to serve the commonwealth and his majesty, and that the royal revenues might be spent with due faithfulness, and without oppressing his majesty's poor vassals. he opened up the commerce of the kingdoms of tunquin and cochinchina, and extended that of great china; and he brought to terms the king of tidore. he repressed the invasions of the mindanaos, xoloans, and camucones through the instrumentality of andres de zuloeta, a valiant captain--who was sargento-mayor of manila, admiral, and commander of the fleet that carries supplies to ternate. in the year of 61 there were disturbances in pampanga, the finest province in this government, and inhabited by a people who are valiant and very skilful in the use of arms. this governor with courage and tact went to pampanga, and pacified the province without shedding blood, thus acquiring a great reputation. he subdued also the provinces of pangasinan and ilocos, which had rebelled, he punished some with death, and others with slavery, bestowing on the rest a general pardon. this campaign increased the reputation of the catholic arms throughout that archipelago, a renown that is still maintained." the ecclesiastical estate 60. in april of the year 1565, there was founded in zebu (afterward being transferred to manila) the church and ecclesiastical community of these islands; and its ordinary jurisdiction was allotted to the superiors of the order of st. augustine, who were the founders and apostles of this kingdom; they held that dignity up to the year of 77, in which it passed to the fathers of the order of our father st. francis. it remained in their keeping until the year 82, in which don fray domingo de salazar--a dominican, the first bishop of all the filipinas--with a bull from his holiness pope gregory xiii founded the cathedral of manila, dedicating it to the most immaculate conception of the virgin. it was established with five dignitaries, four canonries, and four other prebends; they are appointed by his majesty, or ad interim by the governor. the cathedral has a good choir of singers, also chaplains and many able clerics, and two curas and two sacristans. it is the only parish church of the city, although outside in the suburbs there are two others--that of santiago, and that of san antonio--administered by learned and exemplary clergymen. 61. within the city, on the plaza de armas and opposite the castle of santiago, is the royal chapel founded by governor corcuera. it is a magnificent church (containing the most holy sacrament), and is richly adorned with altars, reredos, pulpit, and sacristy ornaments of silver, with a monstrance of pure gold which is worth 11,000 ducados. it has a choir, an organ, and a famous chorus of singers; also chaplains, sacristans, and other ministers, who serve it with much propriety and pomp. these clergymen are independent of the parish church, and go through the public streets, wearing their copes and carrying the cross aloft, to the royal hospital for the bodies of dead soldiers, which they solemnly convey to the royal chapel for interment. 62. in the midst of the city is the misericordia's seminary for orphan girls with its church dedicated to the presentation of the virgin, which was founded in the year 1594. it is of beautiful architecture, handsomely adorned, and served by clerics with the utmost care and propriety. since the year 1653, this church has served for a cathedral. it is in charge of the brotherhood and congregation of the holy misericordia, which is directed by a manager and twelve deputies with the same rules as that of lisboa; its mission is to aid the poor. in the best part of the city is another seminary for the shelter of girls, with its church of santa potenciana, served by a cleric. there are two hospitals--the royal, for the soldiers; and that of the misericordia, for the other poor. there are two others in the environs--one of san juan de dios for the spaniards; and another for the indians in dilao. there is also a noted sanctuary, that of nuestra señora de guia, besides the two parish churches above mentioned; and the convents and colleges, which will be enumerated below. 63. most of the clerics of this archbishopric are learned men, excellent preachers and distinguished in all branches of study, on account of the opportunity which this city affords in two universities--in which they employ their abilities, emulating and rivaling one another in letters. they administer many benefices and curacies in the islands of luzon, luban, mindoro, and others--besides the above-mentioned curacies and chaplaincies, both within and without manila. 64-84. [these sections are occupied with biographical notices of the archbishops and bishops in the various dioceses, which we here omit, intending to present data of this sort in a later volume.] religious orders in filipinas 85. the order of st. augustine entered the islands in the year 565; its first superior, and first prelate of all the islands was fray andres de urdaneta--a vascongado, [40] and a son of the convent and province of mexico; he was the apostle who unfurled the gospel banner, and he planted the faith in the island of zebu and others. they have in manila a notable convent, with fifty religious--counting novices, students, and men of mature years; it was founded in the year 71. it is the head of eighty other parish convents, most of them having costly buildings; and in all these the sacraments are most watchfully administered to more than two hundred thousand christians. they are located on the river and in the environs of manila; along the lake of bay, and in its mountains; throughout pampanga, and in pangasinan and ilocos; and in the islands of pintados, whose vicar-provincial is the prior of zebu. in all times this order has possessed illustrious men of distinguished virtue, and martyrs in xapon, and zealous ministers of the gospel. next followed the order of our father st. francis, which is left for the end. 86. the society of jesus entered manila in the year 1582, in which was founded their college of la concepcion, which is one of the most costly and magnificent buildings of this city. its first superior was father antonio zedeño. it is a university, where instruction is given in reading, writing, and accounts; and in grammar, rhetoric, the arts, theology, and literature--with the earnestness, thoroughness, and care which is customary in the [colleges of the] society. its rector confers the degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor, with very rigorous courses of lectures, examinations, and literary theses, as in salamanca and mexico. near, this great college the society has another, that of san joseph, with lay students; they wear tawny mantles and red bands. in cabite, zebu, and mindanao the society has also colleges, which are most useful for the education of the youth and of the entire commonwealth. its fathers are in charge of many conversions and parish ministries about manila, and in the islands of marinduc, ybabao, panay, negros island, bohol, leyte, imaras, and mindanao--all belonging to the bishopric of zebu--and in others; all these are administered with admirable exactness, courage, thoroughness, and zeal. in all the languages spoken therein, grammars and vocabularies have been prepared. the society has, and always has had, some very learned writers, and other members distinguished in all branches of knowledge; and it has many martyrs, not only in xapon but in mindanao. this province is one of the most illustrious, and most worthy of imitation, belonging to the society, and in it is evident much austerity and excellence. 87. the order of st. dominic entered manila in the same year of 82; but its first convent was founded in the year 87, and its first superior was father fray juan de castro, provincial of chiapa. that convent had a magnificent building; but in the earthquake of 645, and in those of 51 and 52, their church was ruined. it was rebuilt with greater splendor and thoroughness than the old one; the author of this work (at that time prior) being the illustrious master don fray francisco de la trinidad y arrieta, most worthy bishop of santa marta in peru, and the first bishop who was a son of this convent. without having any fixed income, this convent supports more than thirty religious. it is the head of a province, the most religious one in the entire order. in the environs of manila these fathers have the parishes of the parian and of binondoc; a hospital, and a church at san juan de letran; and batan in pampanga. they have many indian missions in the provinces of pangasinan and cagayan. in xapon and china this order has had many and resplendent martyrs; and it now has in china some gospel ministers. in manila it has a notable college, that of santo tomas, which is a university. there with great ability are taught grammar, the arts, and theology, and both higher and lower degrees are conferred. it has lay students, who wear green mantles and red bands. they train many able men there, of whom many have been martyrs in xapon. the order has had and has some writers, who have by their erudition ennobled this new church. the commissary of the holy office in manila always belongs to this province. 88. the discalced fathers of st. augustine entered manila in the year 606, at which time they built a large convent, that of san nicolas. it is the head of a very religious province which contains eleven other convents. four are in the archbishopric--san juan, san sebastian, cabite, and bolinao; and seven in that of zebu--romblon, paragua, zebu, siargao, bacilan, tangda, and catel. there are three in the province of caraga in the island of mindanao (where they have had four martyrs). all their convents are of very strict observance, and devoted to an apostolical administration of the sacraments. they have had some martyrs in xapon, and always have members who are well versed in all branches of learning. their first superior was father fray juan de san geronimo, who directed twelve others, his companions, the founders and apostles of this province. 89. the order of our father st. francis entered filipinas in the year 1577, when fifteen religious arrived at manila, all apostolic men. of these, six came from the province of san joseph, two from that of santiago, one from la concepcion, another from mechoacan, and five from the province of santo evangelio in mexico. the superior of all was father fray pedro de alfaro, of the province of santiago (incorporated into that of san joseph). on the second of august in the same year was founded the convent of manila, with the title of santa maria de los angeles; their first guardian was father fray pedro de ayera, a man in every respect remarkable. he was provincial of mechoacan, and bishop-elect; and he was provisor and ecclesiastical judge of filipinas. this convent usually has more than thirty religious--novices, students, and graduates; and it is the head of a very religious province of discalced, who have more than fifty convents (which will soon be enumerated), in which they religiously administer the sacraments to one hundred and thirty thousand christians. 90. this province during the first fourteen years was a custodia, subject to the province of san joseph; and it was governed by four custodians, up to the year 1591. it was then erected into a province, and its first provincial elected; this was father fray de jesus, a catalan from the province of san joseph, a most accomplished religious. from then until this year of 662 there have been twenty-three provincials. this province has the following convents, most of which have very substantial buildings of hewn stone, and handsome churches well adorned with altars, reredoses, and ornaments, with much silver--and with singers, organs, and other musical instruments, and ecclesiastical jewels. 91. cabite, two leguas from manila, is the chief port of filipinas; it is safe, and very convenient for all the ships of that region. with soldiers, pilots, and mariners, it numbers one hundred and fifty spanish citizens; there are also many indians, and it has a ward of mahometan lascars, and another of chinese. it has a parochial church, with secular priests, a hospital, and convents; that of san francisco is the second of this [franciscan] province, the third being that of ternate. the rest of the convents are in mission parishes, each one with a religious or two teachers. there are six in the environs of manila--dilao, santa ana, sampaloc, polo, bocaui, and meycahuayan. there are ten [sic] along the lake of bay--moron, tanay, pililla, mabitac, siniloan, pangil, paete, lumban, santa cruz, pila, and baños. there are seven in the mountains or tingues of that lake--nacarlan, lilio, mahayhai, cabinti, luchan, tayabas, and sadiaya. on the seacoast between east and north are six--baler, casiguran, binangonan, mauban (or lampon), atimonan, and silanga (an island), where end the archbishopric and the use of the tagálog language. the same coast extends through the province and bishopric of camarines; and journeying by way of the eastern point to the southern coast, there are twenty convents--paracali, indan, daet, ligmanan, quipayo, naga (which is caceres), bula, iriga, libon, polanguin, oas, camarines, albay, tabaco, malinao, bacon, casiguran, nabua, quipia, and bolosan. for just reasons, i omit the administration of ilocos, panay, and other districts. in great china the order now has father fray antonio de santa maria, a man who is great in learning and in the religious life; with another companion, a learned preacher, he aids in the propagation of the gospel in that great empire. 92. this province is the only one of these indias that has six of its sons as holy canonized protomartyrs in xapon--besides twenty-seven other martyrs here and in other islands. this province has also gained great distinction by having in manila the convent of santa clara, and in it mother geronima with many others who have inherited much of her spirit. 93-94. [in these sections letona enumerates some of the holy franciscans who have been canonized from the indias.] events in manila, 1662-63 relation of the events in the city of manila from the embassy sent by cotsen, [41] captain-general of the coasts of china and king of hermosa island, with father fray victorio ricio his ambassador, in the year 1662, until the second embassy, which his son sent with the same father, and which was despatched on july 11, 1663. on the fifth of may the ambassador of cot-sen made his entry; this was father fray victorio riccio, [42] a florentine, a religious of the order of preachers. he was attired in the garb of a mandarin's rank, which the barbarian had conferred on him to equip him for this embassy. little pomp was displayed in his reception, for the unfriendly nature of his errand was already known. don sabiniano manrrique de lara received the letter which he brought; it was full of arrogance, ostentatiously boasting of cot-sen's power, and declaring that his champans were many thousands in number and his perfect soldiers hundreds of thousands; (it is a fact that those champans, counting large and small, amount to 15,000, as is known by eyewitnesses); and, in virtue of this pompous and noisy declaration, he demanded that these islands should pay him tribute, threatening us with the example of the dutch. [43] the insolence of this demand angered all the spaniards, and our resolute attitude filled the sangleys with anxiety; for, as it could not be imagined that a less generous one [would be taken], they feared the injuries that would be caused by the war, and that they would be the first to suffer from these. the governor, as pious as prudent, commanded that in the church of the society of jesus the blessed sacrament should remain exposed, in order that the archbishop, the three auditors, the superiors of the religious orders, and the military chiefs might assemble in a devout public supplication; and ordered that, at about the same time, a council should be summoned (in order to give the sangleys less cause for blame), where cot-sen's letter should be read and such decision made as in the opinion of the council ought to be adopted. in regard to the principal point in the letter, there was little discussion; for, as the spanish blood was coursing impetuously in the heart of every man there, all gave angry reply to cot-sen's demand, showing the courage and resolution that was to be expected from their noble blood, and feeling shame that [even in] imagination [he] could dare to cast so black a stigma on the spanish name. resolved to die a thousand times rather than consent to such humiliation, and regarding war as certain, as being our honorable decision, the members of the council discussed the question of drawing off beforehand the unwholesome humor from the body of this commonwealth by expelling the sangleys--who in an emergency would dangerously divide our attention and our forces. most of the speakers were in favor of driving away all the infidels, leaving only the christians, who would in part render to the community the many services in which the men of that nation are employed for its benefit; and, since the christian sangleys were few, it would be easy to secure ourselves from them. moreover, we could, profiting by our experience of their procedure, easily get rid of them if that should be expedient for our defense in such an emergency. the council came to the conclusion that the merchants should be allowed to carry their property with them, and return [to china] in peace with their merchandise--not only because they had come here in confidence and on the security afforded by the peace, but because this generous conduct of ours would pacify their resolute attitude, and cot-sen would feel more anxiety at seeing how little importance we attached to increasing his forces with the men whom we were sending away, and at our contempt for his resources in not appropriating the property of his people. as this sudden change might cause some disturbances when it should be put into execution, the publication of the council's decision was delayed until as many of the cavalry horses as possible could be conveyed to the stock-farms; for, after the military authorities had seized the roads promptly with their troops, they could check any rash attempt, and the infidels could be peaceably sent to the ships as had been decreed. it was resolved by unanimous vote to withdraw the garrisons from ternate, zamboangan, calamianes, and yligan, since everything was at risk in the principal fort [i.e., manila], which had not more than six hundred soldiers--and of these hardly two hundred were in condition to endure the hardships of a campaign or of service on the walls. [44] these conferences, and the activities that necessarily followed from them were perfectly known by the sangleys (whose fear kept them very attentive to everything), and the lack of secrecy in the members of the council gave them exact knowledge [of its proceedings]; consequently, they were fully assured of a war and of their own danger. this fear was increased by the haste with which the citizens who had wealth in their possession undertook to hide it away. their desperation was completed by the interpretation which the common people gave to everything--irresponsible soldiers, with mestizos, mulattoes, and blacks, telling the sangleys that they were to have their heads cut off, as if they were men already sentenced to death; and inflicting on them many injuries and uttering a thousand insults. such circumstances as these concurring in the insurrection of the year 1603 necessarily caused it, as doctor morga observes; and on this occasion their fear of the like proceedings led them to a similar desperation. they heard that the twenty-fifth day of may was to be that of their destruction, because the cavalry troops were to arrive on the day before. some of them--the most worthless class, as butchers and vegetable-sellers--began to talk of extricating themselves from he danger; but those in the parián displayed no courage for any measures, for, as their interests are so involved in peace, they never have incurred the hazard of war except under compulsion. on the night of the twenty-fourth, the governor received information from the castellan of cavite that the parián was to revolt on the next day; but on that very night it was quite evident that their determination was not to revolt, but to flee as best they could from the death which they regarded as certain. for on that night all the talisays [45] (which are the fishermen's boats) departed in flight; and although general don francisco de figueroa talked to the sangleys, endeavoring to calm their minds, it was not possible to remove their fear. they excused themselves by saying that they knew that on the next day all their heads would be cut off. they said that in planning the insurrection it had been agreed that they would not separate; but they had formed an organization to be prepared, their shops made secure, and such weapons provided as they could find for this purpose. on the next day, may 25, his lordship being anxious at this went out with only four captains to stroll through the parián, to learn their intentions by observing what arrangements they had made. he found them all very peaceable, and their shops open; they were furnishing supplies therein, and most of them were eating breakfast. in various places they entreated him very submissively to protect them, because the blacks threatened them, saying that they were to be slain. his lordship reassured them, and offered to send a force of soldiers who should protect and defend them from the insolent acts of the blacks. in order to obtain further security, his lordship ordered that the [sangley] ship-captains be summoned and that a bell be rung to assemble them, in order to provide for the guard and defense of the parián. when they saw the captains enter the city, they regarded the arguments of their fear as confirmed; and the entire parián turned out to watch what was done, all being doubtful of their own courage. finally, thirty sangleys from those who were uneasy, seeing the last captain enter, ran toward the gate to detain him and laid hands upon him when he was near the portcullis--either to obtain by this service means to ingratiate themselves with cot-sen, or to secure a person who at all events could direct them. the men stationed at the gate, who saw the haste with which they approached, seized their arms and shot down some of the sangleys. the guard on the walls suspected them of greater designs; and from the bulwark of san gabriel sargento-mayor martin sanchez, without the order that he should have had for this, fired two cannon. at the noise of the shots the people in the parián, who were in suspense waiting to see how this tragedy would end, without further delay raised an outcry; and having heard that all manila was coming to attack them flung themselves into the river--those who could, in bancas; most of them held up by some piece of bamboo. others, more alarmed, took to swimming, and as they were confused by fear, went down the current, and many of them were drowned. the multitude of bancas hurried to a champan which was about to depart, which lay outside the bar with only two soldiers to guard it; and the sangleys going aboard it hoisted sail. the [rest of the] crowd crossed to santa cruz where they halted; they talked with the father minister of that village (who was minister to the chinese), father francisco mesina, and gave him an account of their flight, saying that they feared that our people intended to cut off their heads. the father calmed them and offered to obtain for them pardon from his lordship, for which purpose he immediately set out. the merchants and peaceable people in the parián, some 1,500 in number, remained in their houses--in hiding, so that it seemed as if there was not a soul in the parián--awaiting their doom. considering that in the hills they would not better their condition, but that this with excessive hardships would only delay their end, many fore-stalled death by inflicting it upon themselves--some by hanging, and others by plunging into the river. without delay his lordship went to the gate, most fortunately for the sangleys and with great benefit to the community, as the result showed; for if he had not been present at the gate, the fear of being besieged which all felt, would have led them to engage in hostilities with the parián and use their arms, compelling the governor to give them his entire attention. but his lordship in so difficult a crisis which demanded prompt and resolute action, took counsel with past experiences and present necessities, his keen and quick mind attentive to everything. knowing well that this disturbance was caused by fear, he was unwilling to make it greater in the outcome without dissuading [the sangleys from revolt] by acts of clemency--since an encounter with the parián must of necessity make both [parties among the sangleys] declared enemies, and desperation would render them terrible as had been experienced in former insurrections. moreover, our people would be obliged to use time and people when both were scanty for the emergency that we were expecting of further conflict; since the guards necessary for fortifying the city were inadequate, on account of our pursuing the rest of the fugitives. accordingly, the governor prudently preferred to leave them uncertain and in expectancy rather than in declared and resolute attitude, since in the former condition they were easy to subdue, which in the other case would involve a great expenditure of military supplies--which would of necessity be greatly impaired when, for a long siege, all abundance is moderation. [for economy is needed:] of provisions, when there are no funds in the treasury, and no harvest in the villages with which to supply the city with food; and of men, when there are not enough to man the walls--to say nothing of the severity of fighting and of the inclemencies of the weather with their exposure to the rains. his lordship left the sangleys reassured, and the rage of the spaniards checked; he retired to the storehouses from which he immediately despatched a champan with a strong force of men in pursuit of the one that the sangleys had stolen, and furnished all the military posts with abundance of supplies. it was past one o'clock when he returned to the palace; and before he took any rest or sat down at his table, he appointed general francisco de esteibar as chief master-of-camp, to act if occasion should arise for a military campaign, and that there might be, either for that purpose or for affairs in the city, an officer to take his own place when absent. while the governor was at the warehouses the first embassy sent by the sangleys found him; it came by father francisco mesina, who said that those who had crossed over to santa cruz were in the greatest uncertainty, and would return to their obedience if he would pardon them. during the time which the father spent in this mission the scoundrels who had approached the gate, and in the first onslaught had killed two spaniards, finished crossing the river; these fled in confusion by way of the parián, and completed the terrorization of the other sangleys, most of whom therefore went out to sagar and others to meysilo. father mesina returned with pardon for them and found it necessary to pursue them. he continued his endeavors by means of the father mandarin, [46] giving him a paper written in the chinese language [to assure them] of entire safety. although the latter set out with it, he did not reach the sangleys, and father francisco mesina sent his despatch by a messenger whom he encountered, placing it in the hands of a boy who carried it; for lack of a horse, he himself remained at meyhaligue. fathers nicolas cani and bartolome vesco, who mounted on good horses had been pushing ahead since noon, went as far as san francisco del monte where they encountered some troops. they fell in with the soldiers and talked with them about bringing in the sangleys; it was finally decided that father francisco mesina should go ahead, and that the matter should be settled with him. while the religious were making these efforts, his lordship took all suitable measures by way of preparation for any event. he sent for master-of-camp don juan macapapal, who in the disturbances in pampanga had proved his constancy and devotion in his majesty's service, and ordered him to bring three hundred picked bowmen, the best in his villages; and he commanded that two hundred veteran soldiers be selected from the villages of pampanga. from two o'clock were continually arriving the cavalry which the governor had ordered to be brought from the ranches [47] in order to relieve the sangleys of the parián from their fears; for the coming of these horsemen would guide the fugitives from the mountains in their decision. his lordship charged the religious orders to send some fathers in order that they might assist the spaniards, and by their authority check the insolent acts of those who might try to harm the sangleys, in order that the latter might not be further upset by their misfortunes. this was a prudent decision; for, even with all this foresight, it was almost impossible to defend the sangleys from the robberies which were attempted by negroes and base fellows at the risk of frustrating his lordship's pious efforts. among these were not lacking some persons from whom more might be expected, who--some in person, and some by means of their servants--furnished their own houses very well [from the spoils of the sangleys]. that afternoon, his lordship walked through the parián; the sangleys came to their doors, and kneeling before him with faces like those of dead men entreated mercy from him. his lordship consoled them, telling them that they had no cause to fear; that his anger was not directed against them, and that he was their father; that only the foolish ones who would not submit would find him severe, while those who were discreet and peaceable would experience his great clemency. from the time when the disturbance began until it was entirely quieted, his lordship had much to do in defending his prudent decision against the many spaniards who desired to break entirely with the sangleys and make an end of them--not considering that such proceedings would ruin the colony, all the more as, since we had to prepare for the war that we regarded as certain, we needed more of the sangleys' industry for the many labors required for defending and fortifying the walls, erecting temporary defenses, and harnessing so many horses; for it is they who bear the burdens of the community in all its crafts, notably in those that are most necessary. the debate became hotter when, at nightfall, our people found the body of fray josé de madrid, [48] a dominican whom the seditious sangleys had slain in that morning's outbreak in order to crush the rest by the horror of that crime--making the other sangleys think that after so atrocious a deed there remained for them no hope of pardon, and no other means of saving their lives than to follow [the dictates of] their desperation. there is no doubt that if this murder had been known in the morning, it would have injured the interests of the sangleys; and that between the scruples of prudence and justice [on the one hand], and the boldness of the counsels given by all the rest of the military men [on the other], the piety of so just a vengeance would have strongly prevailed. but the corpse was quickly buried--either by the father's assailants, repentant; or by the peaceable sangleys, in fear--and, detected either by the odor or by the signs made by some servants who, hidden in the convent of the parián, witnessed the occurrence, the body was found that night. the news, which quickly ran through the parián, filled all with horror and caused some of the sangleys to flee from that quarter. accordingly, by morning affairs assumed a worse aspect, and the more influential personages and the military leaders became less friendly to the sangleys. all directed their efforts to persuading his lordship to have the heads of all the sangleys cut off, commencing at the parián and conducting a campaign in pursuit of the rest of the fugitives. his lordship, seeing that they had allotted the sangleys but a short respite, that they had the day before left the settlement of matters with father francisco mesina and that more time than this was necessary for securing the proper degree of order, resolved to hasten the negotiations for peace and to go to see the father with the sangleys in company with a sangley named raimundo, an agent of cot-sen in this city. at this time so many lies were current against the behavior of the sangleys, and these were so well received by those who desired to destroy them--persons who were actuated more by avarice and selfishness than by interest in the welfare of the community--that they caused hesitation among even the most cautious and prudent. on one hand they said that a battalion of sangleys had entered the village of tondo (which is distant a cannon-shot from the city) and had already set fire to the church. again, the fugitives had retreated upon sagar, and had fitted up many forges in order to make weapons, and were working these eagerly day and night. but his lordship--who was well informed regarding the available forces, and knew that he could send hardly one hundred strong men into the field out of the six hundred whom he had in the city, and how important it was to reserve his entire strength for the greater danger; and who very correctly judged that inconsiderate desires for an assault [on the parián] had fabricated these inventions, and that the more discreet gave credit to these tales in order to oppose his own steadfast determination--instantly went in person to satisfy himself regarding this story about tondo. finding that it was imaginary, he realized how little credence should be given to novelties brought from afar when some one had dared to concoct such things under his very eyes; and he therefore allowed the peace negotiations to proceed by the agencies which had commenced them. there is no doubt that the successful outcome of this affair is due solely to the prudent management of the governor; and that, if he had allowed himself to be dragged along by the opinions which prevailed in popular estimation, an insurrection would have been contrived that would have fatigued the soldiery in a campaign of many months, and caused much destruction in the villages; for the insurrections that we keep in mind in these islands included no more [favoring] circumstances [than did this one], nor did this lack anything except the actual assault. but his lordship knew how evil advisers are the individuals concerned in this matter, in which one seldom finds a person who is not interested in the ruin of the sangley--some on account of the loot [that they may obtain]; the rest, because there are few persons who do not hold property of the sangleys in trust, or else owe for much merchandise which they have bought on credit. many have become depositaries for their acquaintances, who, fearing the removal of their property to other hands, give it to their intimate friends to keep; and by slaying the sangleys all render account with payment. accordingly, in the insurrection of 1639 it was found by experience that those in whom the sangleys placed most confidence were the first and most importunate voters for their ruin. in this decision it is only the king who hazards his treasure, and his governor who risks a point of honor; for finally the very persons who, through either self-interest or greed, advised the assault [on the sangleys] cast on the governor the blame of the insurrection, as happened to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera. the very persons who, censuring him as a coward and representing to him instances of boldness forced [by desperation] on the part of the sangleys as causes for employing armed force against them, afterward, when at their importunities he had kindled the fire, declared that by this act he had caused the revolt, compelling the innocent and peaceable to become enemies against their own will. here this class of persons was protected, and the way left open for [the return of] the others; for with the burning of the parián these would have been enemies, and all would have despaired of reconciliation. this was seen by the response made to father francisco mesina the first time when he went to confer with them about their submission; they said, "to whom shall we turn if the parián is burned now?" but when he assured them that the affair had not reached that stage, they were astonished and readily discussed submission--as those who had gone away, fleeing from our arms which they supposed to be declared against them; and the haste of their flight had not given them leisure to ascertain our decision, as they regarded their own imaginations as facts. in their mode of action they plainly showed their intentions--that they were not rebels, but terrified fugitives; nor did they injure either life or property, whether of spaniards or of natives. nor did they avail themselves of the privilege which the necessity of supporting life gave them, to use the rice, for they used what they needed of the food which the sangley farm-hands had in their houses; while in the insurrections attested as such they did not leave a village without burning it, or property that was not pillaged in all this province of tondo--sparing not even what was holy, profaning the churches and the sacred images. in consequence of his agreement with the sangley fugitives, father francisco mesina set out again on the twenty-sixth of the month in company with the sangley raimundo; and at night he reached sagar in the fields of which the sangleys were encamped. many of them (mostly christians) hastened toward the father bewailing their misery and asking permission to go down to the parián. so great was their anxiety that, on that very night, they undertook to carry out this plan. how important was the preservation of the dove-cote, in order that these doves might not complete their flight to the mountains and might easily recover their domesticated tranquillity! the father delayed their journey until morning, and on the next day, the twenty-seventh, sent to manila four hundred of them whom he found most inclined to go and who showed least distrust in the company of father nicolas cani, so that he could assure their safety from any misfortune. on the same day he went with father bartolome besco and the sangley raimundo to the place where the fugitives were encamped. on the way he encountered some companies of seamen from the champans and other riff-raff, who were ignorant of the agreement for the submission of their fellows; and these would not allow the fathers to pass. but when this was known at their camp two of their leading men went down to the father and told him that they all would follow his advice; but that raimundo was not a suitable person for settling the matter with them, because many of the sangleys were suspicious of him on account of his long residence among us. they told the father to bring two of their ship-captains, so that this business might be concluded with them. the father retired to san juan del monte, in order to say mass there the next day, the twenty-eighth (which was the feast of pentecost), and sent word to his lordship of what the sangleys demanded. in accordance with this his lordship on the twenty-eighth summoned the ship-captains, and after he had conferred with them they went back to the father and told him that it was not necessary that he should fatigue himself by going to the [sangley] camp, since all the fugitives had already agreed to come down. they only asked that the ships might go to nabotas, from which place all the sangleys who had to embark for china would sail; and that the father would, for this purpose, go there in company with the regimental master-of-camp, domingo de ugarte, who was very acceptable to them and well known for his kindness to them. on the thirtieth they came down with this reply; and on the thirty-first the father went back with it to confer with his lordship. the latter was ill pleased with the stipulation of embarking at navotas on account of the lack of confidence that they displayed; but the father set out to bring them over to whatever his lordship should ordain, as he finally decided it--departing on the first of june accompanied by master-of-camp domingo de ugarte and three ship-captains. they arrived that night at the village of taytay, the nearest village to the place that the sangleys had occupied; and that very night they despatched the ship-captains fully instructed. on the next day, june 2, the captains came down with the reply and decision of all the sangleys--that they would come down to the parián from which they would embark in the champans which were ready to depart; while the christians would come down to the villages of santa cruz and binondo, or as his lordship should command. this they carried out in the time which they asked, which was two days. their resolution was much aided by the one which his lordship had taken ever since may 26, when he ordered that one of the champans should be made ready for the voyage, promising its captain beforehand a thousand sangleys, whom he must without fail transport. he commanded one of the three champans that were at cavite to come to manila; this was to open the door wide in the face of their mistrust, and it showed that his intention was only to make the country safe and not to avenge on them (as they had believed) the insolence of cot-sen. the fugitives thereupon came down in all haste and especially on the day that had been set, june 4; yet notwithstanding this, so great was the anxiety to feed on the wretched sangleys that [some people attempted to] persuade his lordship that the whole arrangement was a sham; that all the sangleys were still in the field, and that they only came down from their camp on this pretext, in order to search for what they needed and to carry away the few who remained in the parián. his lordship, giving another day of vigilance, apparently yielded to the importunate outcries of the many who clamored for the punishment of the sangleys--who had committed no crime except their terrified flight; and ordered the soldiers to be made ready in order that he might freely select the troops who were to go out for the campaign. the bowmen of master-of-camp don juan macapagal had already arrived, also the 200 pampango veteran soldiers in charge of master-of-camp don francisco lacsamana. he [i.e., his lordship] commanded them to be mustered on june 6; and when all were expecting [that he would select] a strong battalion of spaniards, pampangos, mardicas, [49] japanese, and creoles, he left them all mocked and humiliated who had attributed to cowardice the forbearance dictated by his prudence. he set aside only the regiment of pampangos, arquebusiers and bowmen; and committed the exploit to the pampango master-of-camp, don francisco lacsamana--leaving in the lurch those who attached so much importance to the enterprise, and who attributed his delay to fear. unaffected by considerations of mere policy, his lordship moved in accordance with right and the light of truth which belongs to those free from prejudice; he had carefully considered the enterprise and saw that but little [poisonous] humor remained to be corrected. he therefore chose to make it evident that his delay was not for the sake of temporizing but to show clemency; and that, able to resist no longer, he was using rigor against those who in so many days had not availed themselves of his clemency. and, to show how great was his courage and how superior he regarded his forces, he did not vouchsafe to send out spaniards but entrusted the issue to the pampangos. this was information which by one act, his discretion gained with great results. he made trial of the fidelity of the pampangos, whose commotions and recent punishments had left their fidelity uncertain; and he put them on their honor with this so honorable commission, to act then with valor and afterward with constancy. it would make them hated by the sangleys, to oblige them to become enemies; and would give cot-sen to understand how little importance the governor attached to the latter's men, since he was attacking them with natives alone. he could ascertain thus what was the disposition of the pampangos, and how much courage they had for resisting that pirate; for himself, the injury which the islands had experienced in so many disturbances of the natives gave him some confidence. he gave them their orders--that they should march to the camp of the sangleys without doing harm to any peaceable sangleys whom they might encounter on the way, who should be going to the city; and when they should arrive there, giving the troops a rest, they should make the assault on the next day cutting off the heads of all [whom they should find there]. at the same time his lordship despatched orders to the alcaldes-mayor of bay and bulacan--through whose provinces the sangleys would necessarily have to disperse after they were routed--to go out with three hundred bowmen from each province to occupy the roads against them; so that wherever they should seek a route to safety they should meet destruction. the pampangos left the city before noon; his lordship anticipating all possible events three hours later commanded two companies of horsemen to make ready, who should set out at daybreak for the [sangley] camp--in order that if the pampangos met bad luck they might have sufficient protection, and could thus recover their courage and renew the attack in full assurance of victory. the pampangos encountered on the way many bands of sangleys, who were coming to the parián, and allowed these to pass them without any harm. about five o'clock in the afternoon they came in sight of the camp; and, in order not to divide the merit of the exploit with the spaniards--who, as they knew, were to go thither at daylight--they would not wait until the daylight watch as they had planned. without taking any rest and unarmed they closed with the sangleys who numbered some 1,500 men; and in two assaults they routed the enemy without any loss save a captain of their nation who fell dead, and some soldiers who were wounded. the sangleys left in their camp more than sixty dead men, and all their provisions and baggage remained in the possession of the pampangos; the latter did not follow in pursuit, partly as the hour was now very late, partly that they might satiate themselves with the booty. but on the morning of june 7 the cavalry appeared, who, learning of the defeat, pursued the fugitives until they entered a region that was rocky and overgrown with thickets, where most of them perished--some from hunger, and many from the cruelty of the negrillos of the mountains. then, as the alcaldes-mayor of bay and bulacan attacked them with their troops, hardly a sangley could escape who did not perish either at their hands or those of the negrillos. up to the twenty-fourth of june the troops, both cavalry and infantry, remained in active service--partly to put an end to the remaining fugitives, partly to keep the retirade occupied in case of any disturbance in manila, since it was a place near that point to which the sangleys resorted on such occasions. after that date the troops gradually withdrew, his lordship showing great kindness and many favors to the pampangos. to those who had shared in this exploit he granted exemption from paying tributes; and, honoring them by the confidence which he had in their fidelity, he gave up to them on the twenty-sixth the guard-room in the palace--with which they left service well content and full of courage for greater enterprises. afterward, the regiments from pangasinan and ylocos entered manila, brought by general don felipe de ugalde. after they had been mustered in manila, so that the sangleys could see the force that had been provided against cot-sen, they were ordered to return to their own country so that they could attend to the cultivation of their grainfields; for, as they were nearest to us, they could easily be summoned for an emergency. the same orders were given to the pampangos and to the men from the provinces of bay and bulacan; also that they should keep the picked and trained men separate, so that these might be found ready without confusion or disturbance at the first warning. the cavalry, a suitable number for 600 horses, were finally assembled by general don francisco de figueroa whom his lordship had honored with this command. they were divided into six companies each containing twenty-five spaniards, the remainder being cowherds, negroes, and mulattoes--men very suitable for this service as being dextrous and inured to hardship. they were mustered in the city and along the beach in sight of the champans; and were at once divided among the posts that were most suitable--two companies in cavite, and the rest in the environs of tondo. all the sangleys in the provinces of this mainland [of luzón] who had not taken refuge in the parián in time were decapitated. those who thus took refuge were confined to the point of cavite or to the parián of the city, so that we might keep them within range of our guns, and where they would be of advantage for whatever had to be done for the fortification of both posts and the protection of the shore. his lordship commanded that lists be made of [the sangleys engaged in the different] crafts, reserving as many of these as were deemed sufficient for the needs of the city and service; and he ordered that of all the rest as many as space could be found for should be shipped [to china], compelling the captains to transport them. there was one champan which took aboard 1,300 of them; they were so crowded together that they could hardly sit down; but in this the captain had no small profit, for they exacted from each one ten pesos as passage-money. when the champans were ready to weigh anchor, his lordship was informed that the two chief leaders of the people who had fled to the mountains had come down in the last bands. these two were infidels; one was the contractor for the slaughterhouses, named barba, and the other a shopkeeper named [blank space in ms.]; and by the help of some of their followers they had been hidden, so that they could go away in the first champans. we had certain information that these men were among the people on shipboard, but all the efforts of the officials were frustrated by the dissimulation of the sangleys until his lordship resorted to direct measures, and, summoning the ship-captains, commanded them to find and surrender those two men, saying that if they did not he would order their heads to be cut off. all were terrified and within a few hours they dragged out the two culprits by the neck--one from the champan on which he had embarked; the other from a hut in which he had hidden himself. on the following day they were executed between the parián and the city in sight of the sangleys. they had ruled tyrannically, and with their deaths our fear passed away, having inflicted due punishment with so little bloodshed. the champans departed one after another; and on the day when the last three--those of the ambassador and two others which he carried in his convoy--were to set sail, which was june 10, his lordship ordered that the chimes should be rung as a token of rejoicing over false news of the ships from nueva españa (which he caused to be published), artfully brought in by an advice-boat. this was done in order that the ambassador and the sangleys, persuaded that we had received succor of men and money, might with this belief aid in repressing the fierceness of the barbarian, artfully supplying what was lacking in our reputation for strength. but god, who directs the hearts of rulers, made the bells ring for true news, bringing to port on that very day the patache which came from nueva españa, july 13, when people were becoming discouraged by the delay of the second advice-boat. his lordship gave orders to collect in the parián all the remaining sangleys under penalty of death to any who should leave it; and although in a few days he gave them more space, it did not extend beyond the range of the artillery. with the same severity he compelled them to sleep within the parián; and as the regiment from cagayan came unexpectedly--a warlike people, who, as they belong to a province so remote, cannot wait for news of the necessity, but can only forestall it--he lodged these near the parián in full readiness for any disturbance. the regiments of caragas, cebuans, and boholans arrived; the caragas were sent to the point of cavite, and the rest were quartered in la estacada, [50] the cagayans proceeding to santa cruz. with these forces the river was thoroughly occupied from the bar to the upper reaches, and its passage was closed to the sangleys. the same plan was observed with the cavalry, the two companies at cavite being quartered in the fields there and the rest in binondo and meyhaligue. the sangleys were thus more thoroughly imprisoned than if they were in the jail. from the first day [of the commotion] his lordship directed all his efforts to supplying the city with provisions, and succeeded in bringing in 120,000 cabans of rice with meat, fish, and vegetables. now with greater energy he attended to its fortification, personally overcoming the difficulties: in [procuring] the lime--which were great, for the rains had begun and the lime was brought so far (from bulacan and bacolor)--and in the construction itself, for eleven defenses were begun in different places. his lordship gave personal attention to those which were most important--eating his meals and despatching business on the beach in a straw hut that was built for him, so light that it was carried on men's shoulders from one place to another as the importance of the work required; and was watchful on every side, not only on account of the ardor which caused him to give his aid, but also for the sake of his example. he was the first and most steadfast in the work of conveying earth and stones for earth-works and masonry; and his example was followed by the citizens with the men in their service. besides this fatigue he was overburdened with the minor cares of the work, sending in all directions for the lime, and himself allotting it as if he had no other matters to attend to. in order that the dissensions among the military leaders might not delay the execution of his plans, he suppressed the office of chief master-of-camp and sargento-mayor--which had been created to divide his cares, and when necessary, to supply his place when absent, since he must render aid in all quarters--and took upon himself all those cares, in order that those who were working should find no obstacle that would delay them. thus he finished in a short time and with less than 6,000 pesos of expense, works which would have consumed half a million [pesos] and caused ten years of hardships to the provinces--availing himself of the opportunity to attain his endeavor, and arranging that the sangleys should be exchanged in shifts, 300 together in these. the [various native] peoples [were exchanged] by companies in the same manner as were the spaniards; and the people of the neighboring villages with longer time for resting their relays, so that they might not be hindered from attending to their grain-fields. and in this there was much latitude in the execution of orders, the neglects and omissions which are so usual to the sloth of those peoples being overlooked--although the way in which the people were treated, their willingness, and their consideration of its importance, all facilitated so difficult an enterprise as the repair of the castle, which toward the river was threatening to fall. a fausse-braye [51] was applied to it, which commenced at a cupola and ended at the bar, with a very handsome platform; and five redoubts were erected which ran from that point toward the sea as far as the bulwark at the foundry (which defends the gate on the land side), as the wall was there very weak and its defenses were far apart and not very convenient. from this bulwark to the gate was built a covert-way, and in front of it a ravelin, from which again ran the covert-way until it connected with the bulwark of dilao, and met the estuary which crosses from malosa the land as far as the moat. at the gate of santo domingo another redoubt was erected, and another at the postern of the almacenes [i.e., magazines], so that these shook hands with the cupola at the river. at the gate of the parián a spacious ravelin was made with its covert-way toward the bridge over the river, cutting the land between the inner and outer ditches, and leaving a passage sunken around the ditches for a movable bridge. the wall was strengthened toward the river and bagumbayan by its fausse-braye. a fine bridge was built on the estuary of santa cruz, so that the cavalry and troops could reconnoiter unhindered the other side of the river, as well as sagar and antipolo. [52] at the same time, public prayers were offered. the augustinian religious began this with the opportunity afforded by the fiesta of the canonization of st. thomas of villanova. they were followed by the fathers of the society of jesus with the triumphal reception of the bodies of sts. martial and jucundus and the relics of other martyrs, which were deposited in the cathedral, and were carried in a grand procession to the church of the society; the governor, the audiencia, the cabildos, and the citizens, with the regiment of soldiers (who fired a salute) took part in this. the governor paid the expenses of an octave festival in the cathedral in honor of the archangel st. michael on the fourteenth of january; it began with a procession which marched through the calle de palacio, past the house of the misericordia, the convent of san agustin, and the college of the society; thence it turned toward the recollects by way of the convent of san francisco to that of santo domingo; and by the college of santo tomas returned to the cathedral. the said prayers were continued until lent. in the midst of these pious exercises the ambassador from china found us: this was the same religious as before, fray victorio riccio. to the salute which he fired his lordship commanded answer to be made with ball, as one who, having been challenged, awaited the envoy on a war footing; and despatched to the shore the sargento-mayor of the garrison to tell him that, on account of the hostilities which he had announced in the name of cot-sen, we had expected him to come as an enemy and were prepared to receive him with the sternness that is customary in war, and that he must inform the governor of the nature of the despatches that he carried. the ambassador answered that he came in peace; and by the news which he at once related it was learned that, only a few days after his lordship had placed his forces under the powerful protection of the holy archangel, cot-sen had died. that ruler was ready in all the strength given by ships, men, and provisions to deliberate according to the news that he should receive from here upon the measures that would have to be taken, when the first sangleys [from manila] arrived. they, driven by fear and urged on by desperation, scorning the cannon-shots that were fired from the castle, seized a royal champan which was ready to sail; and those sangleys who had left [the pasig river] in the talisays, for whom there was no room, seized other champans in the channels of mariveles. these fugitives regarded as already executed that of which their fear persuaded them; and they told the corsair that the governor had commanded that all the sangleys should be slain, not only the traders but those who were living in this city. at this he was kindled to such anger that he immediately undertook to sally forth for vengeance without heeding the obstacles that he would now meet in the expedition from unfavorable weather. it seemed to the chinese that with only half of their fleet, even though the other half should perish, they could carry abundant force for the enterprise. upon this disturbance of his mind came the rebellion of his son whom he had commanded to be slain; [53] and the mandarins of his city, vi-cheo, [fuh-chau, or foo-chow] protected the son, having resolved to defend him. with these anxieties cot-sen was walking one afternoon through the fort on hermosa island which he had gained from the dutch. his mind began to be disturbed by visions, which he said appeared to him, of thousands of men who placed themselves before him, all headless and clamoring for vengeance on the cruelty and injustice which had been wreaked on them; accordingly, terrified at this vision (or else a lifelike presentation by his imagination) he took refuge in his house and flung himself on his bed, consumed by a fierce and burning fever. this caused him to die on the fifth day, fiercely scratching his face and biting his hands--without any further last will than to charge his intimate friends with the death of his son, or more repentance for his cruelty than to continue it by the orders that he gave for them to kill various persons; thus god interrupted by his death many cruel punishments. moreover, some mandarins were pacified who were resentful because the alcaldes of pangasinan and cagayan had seized some goods from their agents; and the father ambassador made satisfactory answers to the complaints made on account of the incorrect reports of the fugitives. the chinese therefore solicited peace, and the continuance of the trade. this was a piece of good-fortune so timely that it enabled us to send this year a ship to nueva españa for the usual aid, the building of this ship having been stopped for lack of iron; for, since the iron which came in three ships from china had been bought on his majesty's account, it became necessary to beg iron from the religious orders and the citizens and to tear out the few iron gratings which such emergencies as these had left in the city. this necessarily made evident to that [chinese] nation how greatly we depend on them for our means of support. the ambassador, fray victorio riccio, finally came hither on april 8 with news of the peace; it had been concluded so much to our favor that no further conditions were imposed beyond the restitution of the property which had remained here placed in the hands of private citizens, and that which the alcaldes-mayor had withheld in cagayan and pangasinan. thus the country was quieted, and all its people were freed from the affliction which the haughty and cruel kingdom of china had caused us by its threats. the people who followed this corsair amounted to over a million of men of war alone. the champans (which are their ships), large and small, numbered 15,000 and many of them carried forty pieces of artillery. so arrogant was the corsair with his power, that he aspired to gain the kingdom from the tartar king (who is also ruler of great china) and be crowned at nanquin, assured that, as fortune showed herself friendly to him, the entire empire would follow him as the man who maintained the authority of it all--not only as he was captain-general for the dead king but because he had been confirmed in this office by the king now living, who is called ens-lec. [54] he also intended to maintain the superstitions, dress, rites, and customs of his ancestors--especially the garments and [mode of wearing] the hair, to which the chinese are excessively attached. this purpose had caused them to endure his cruelty, which had been so great that more than three millions of men had died for his satisfaction alone. this fierce captain would have succeeded in that enterprise, if he had not been drawn off from it to gain the neighboring cities, nine in number (the smallest one containing 200,000 souls), thus giving the tartar king time for better preparation. nevertheless, he had the courage to invest nanquin, the court city of great china, which is defended by three walls two leguas distant from one another, the circuit of the first being thirty leguas. [55] he gained the first wall and brought affairs to such a crisis that the king, fearing his fierce determination, talked of fleeing from his court of pequin. the mandarins warned him that by such a course he would lose the entire kingdom; for the inhabitants of the city, dispirited by such tokens of weakness, would instantly surrender in order not to experience the corsair's ferocity. they said that this victory would give him so much reputation that he would easily subdue the entire kingdom; that it was most important to make all the rest of their power effective, withdrawing all the troops from other strongholds to increase the royal forces with a multitude of veterans and well-disciplined soldiers. the king did so and attacked the enemy with 400,000 horsemen; and as cot-sen on account of having left his islands had no cavalry worth mention, he was compelled to yield to a power so formidable. with the loss of 80,000 men and most of his champans, he left the river on which the court city stands, and returned to his own town, vi-chen. but this blow left him so little inclined to profit by experience and his strength so little diminished that, when the entire chinese force pursued him in a fleet of many ships, he went out to meet them at a legua's distance from his principal island, [56] and fought with them the greatest battle that those seas have ever seen. cot-sen sent most of their champans to the bottom, and captured many; few escaped, and those were damaged. this filled that country with such fear that their precautions [against him] wrought more destruction than his cruelty could have accomplished; for these obliged the king of china to depopulate the extensive coasts of his entire kingdom, a strip of land six leguas wide embracing cities of 100,000 or 200,000 inhabitants, in order that they might not be the prey of the conqueror. [57] this was a measure tending to the latter's prosperity; for all those many people, finding themselves without land or settled mode of life, crowded into the corsair's service to spend their lives and to maintain themselves on the abundant booty offered to them by his power as absolute master of the seas. the intention of this barbarian [cot-sen] was to become the master of china, profiting by the hatred of the chinese to the tartars, and on the present occasion by the fact of the king's death. but as cot-sen needed land whereon to maintain so many people, he was minded to conquer hermosa and these islands. accordingly, he landed [on hermosa] first in april, 1660, with 100,000 men, a hundred cannon for batteries, and a still larger number of field-pieces; the cannons carried balls of forty to fifty libras. at first the dutch scoffed at their forces, calling them "men of the paypay"--that is, "of the fan," which all of that nation use, as if they were women. confident in the impregnable nature of their fortress (into which they gathered the feeble garrison of the island), and in the large and splendid force of men which defended it, more than two thousand in number, although they had nineteen ships, they did not take these out of the river when they could; and the sangleys attacked them on the sea to great advantage overcoming the dutch with their champans, and inflicting much injury on them--for these champans are lighter vessels [than those of the dutch], and their people are very skilful in the management of artillery. the dutch at once sallied out with 300 men to prevent them from occupying the islet in the mosamboy entrance, [58] on which the chinese expected to plant their battery; but the multitude charged upon the dutch and cut off the heads of all, except one or two who escaped by swimming. this humbled the pride of the dutch and dispirited their men. as soon as the chinese landed their men they attacked the eminence, where the dutch had a fort called chiacam garrisoned with sixty soldiers; but it surrendered on the third day, and the chinese used the dutchmen for handling the artillery, assigning them to various stations. in the harbor they burned three ships and boarded one; and such was the fear that filled the hearts of the timid of falling into the hands of so bloody and savage an enemy, that twelve dutch fugitives with other people went to him [as those who surrendered] with five brigantines which the [dutch] fort had employed for many purposes. the chinese began their enterprise with as much fury as if they had lacked time for the attacks of their batteries; but in their assurance and the manner of their encampment they acted as if time were of no importance, since it was the chief enemy of the besieged. palmo by palmo they steadily gained the [surrounding] country, carrying with them branches, and baskets [of earth], until they established themselves near the fortifications of the dutch; and during the ten months while the siege lasted they did not cease firing all their artillery, night or day. in another direction an innumerable throng of laborers were continually at work cultivating the soil, as if they were already its owners; and before the fort surrendered, the chinese were already enjoying the produce of their farming. for the proud corsair went [to hermosa] so confident in his strength that among the 500 champans which he took with him for this enterprise many went loaded with plows, seeds, and the other things used in cultivating land with innumerable workmen who were set aside for this service alone. consequently, while he fought he peopled and cultivated the island without any one being able to prevent him; and, as he is so rich, he carried a great quantity of cloth, in order to attract the poor natives and bring them over to his side, in which he has succeeded. only one other engagement was a success for the dutch, who undertook, when the chinese first encamped, to bombard them with all their cannon at once; and, having thus demolished their huts and fortifications, the dutch made a bold sortie, spiked six of the enemy's cannon, cut to pieces the garrison, 3,000 in number, and were carrying away nineteen pieces of artillery to the fort. but another sangley officer hurried up with his regiment and attacked the dutch with such fury that they were obliged to leave the captured cannon behind, and in disorder, take refuge within the fort. with the twelve dutchmen they put the fortifications in better shape, and their bombardment began to be more effective. finally they demolished the redoubt with all the fortifications outside, and approached the fort so closely that the men on the walls talked with those in the enemy's camp. they demolished the second height of the wall, which had no terreplein; the governor of the place was killed by a cannon-ball; and every day the enemy came up to the walls to drink the health of the dutchmen and display other soldierly civilities. they had now demolished all of the wall that rose above the terreplein, and talked of making a general assault. the dutch began to be disheartened by the death of the governor and the loss of so many soldiers; and when they saw the preparations for the assault they talked of negotiating fur surrender, in order that they might not be left exposed to the enemy's cruelty--since for that arrogant tyrant it was the same to slay five or six thousand men as one. he therefore at once replaced twice the number in a post [which had lost its defenders], as he was so near to his island of vicheu where he kept the main body of his followers, from which they were continually coming and going; and for every one who died a thousand fresh men came to his camp. they now set out to engage the dutch with six hundred scaling-ladders, fourteen of their men being allotted to each ladder; but the besieged hung out a white flag, and came out to propose terms of surrender. this was granted with the condition that only the property of private persons should be removed, and that they must surrender intact the property of the [east india] company, which was done. it is computed according to the company's books, that with the military supplies and the artillery of the fort, [this capture] had a value of five millions--an amount which will not cause surprise to any one who knows that this place was the magazine for the two richest traffics in the orient, those of china and japon. the artillery found there [by the chinese] included 150 pieces; the firearms, 4,000; and there were provisions and military supplies for years. the slain in this war, for the entire period, were: of the dutch, 630; of the chinese, 10,000 men. the vanquished left the fort on the day of the purification of our lady, six hundred in number, and embarked in nine ships which had remained in the harbor. in short, this [i.e., the chinese] people is the most ingenious in the world; and when they see any contrivance in practice they employ it with more facility than do the europeans. accordingly, they are not now inferior in the military art, and in their method of warfare they excel the entire world. no soldier is hindered by providing his food; every five men have their own cook. all are divided into tens, and every ten have their own flag, and on it are written the names of its soldiers. these tens are gathered into companies and regiments with such concert and such ease in governing them that europeans who have seen it are astonished. consider the anxiety that must be caused by a nation so ingenious, so hardy, so practiced in the military art, so numerous, so haughty and cruel, in a city where all the forts together could not call to arms 2,000 spaniards--and these of so many colors that not two hundred pure spaniards could be picked out from them--and occupying so much space that for its suitable garrison it needs 6,000 soldiers. from this may be inferred the joy that was felt throughout the city [at his death] and the so special kindness of god in putting an end to this tyrant in the prime of his life--for he was only thirty-nine years old, and had spent his time in continued military practice from the year 1644 until that of 1662, when he conquered hermosa island. he was always favored by fortune, and there was no undertaking in which he did not succeed except the siege of nanquin--which would be considered foolish temerity by any one who will consider the strength and greatness of that city--an enterprise in which he had to entomb or submerge in blood his fortune and his acquired glories; yet it weakened him so little that he quickly restored the losses, victorious over the entire naval force of china. at the beginning of june his lordship gave permission to all the [native] tribes to return home; they went away well satisfied and loaded with praises. he gave the chinese more freedom, permitting them to remove to the villages adjoining the city, and releasing them from serving on the ships [de las faginas] on account of the great labors which they had performed before his lordship's eyes in completing, with so much readiness and with so little expenditure of time and money, [public] works which [otherwise] could not have been finished in ten years of hard labor, with half a million pesos, and the exhaustion of the weak natives of the neighboring provinces. his lordship summoned a council, in which by his command were read the letters from the mandarins who were directors and guardians of cot-sen's estate, written by order of his son, in which was discussed the stipulation which they made a condition of peace--the restitution of the property which their agents had left here in trust, and other merchandise which the alcaldes-mayor of ylocos and cagayan had withheld. in accordance with the [decision of the] first council, this one ordered that such restitution be made. therein was also discussed the question whether the sangleys should be permitted to live in the islands; this was done by a few ecclesiastics (only three in number), who opposed such permission; they had attempted, both in the pulpit and in private conversation, to persuade the rest to their opinion. all of the council agreed with only one dissenting voice, that the sangleys ought to be allowed to remain here up to the number which the decrees of his majesty regarding this matter have prescribed--that is, 6,000 men--provided that they be not allowed to spread into other provinces, nor go beyond the villages included in the jurisdiction of tondo (which is in the territory of this city) conformably to the royal ordinances which have fixed these limits. all recognized our need of that [chinese] nation, in the lack and scarcity of all things to which we see ourselves now reduced--all because the number of the sangleys has been diminished, since the natives have neither energy nor strength to support the burdens that the chinese carry; and much more on account of our dependence upon their trade, for everything. for not only does everything necessary for life come to us from china--as wheat, cloth, and earthenware--but it is the sangleys who carry on all the crafts, and who with their traffic maintain the fortunes of the citizens (without those other products of vineyards and olive-groves that are furnished in the industries carried on in nueva españa) from the merchandise of china, having secured in their hands the entire commerce of these islands, since that of yndia and japon failed. his lordship, having handsomely entertained the ambassador, dismissed him, with letters for the prince and the mandarins; and we here remain in peace, affairs settled as they were before, and the fear [removed] that an enemy so powerful and at our very gates must occasion us. letter from governor salcedo to francisco yzquierdo summary of this letter, written from manila, dated july 16, 1664, giving information regarding the condition of the islands at his arrival, and the measures that he had taken. he states therein that he set sail from the port of acapulco on march 25, 1663; and after a prosperous voyage they sighted the cape of espiritusanto. there a vendaval storm came against them, so violent that it carried them to cape engaño; and on july 8 he landed, made the ship secure, unladed all the money sent for the situado, and made arrangements for its transportation to manila. the governor was gladly received there, and took possession of the government and the authority of captain-general, on september 8, 1663. he found the islands in most wretched condition--the spaniards as yet hardly reassured after the insurrections of the years 61 and 62, and the natives irritated by cruel punishments. the royal treasury was so exhausted that it contained no more than 35,000 pesos; the magazines were destitute of provisions, ammunition, and other supplies for the relief of the fortified posts and the soldiers. a few months before, the soldiers had received part of their pay--each one who had eight pesos of wages being paid one peso, and others receiving only a ration of rice and meat. but the governor found the officials of all classes still unpaid; and he had no ship to send to nueva españa, because the vessel sent thither by his predecessor had put back to port. the commerce [of the islands] with all the neighboring countries was paralyzed, and the said commerce must again be revived, for without it manila could not exist. he states that he had ordered timber to be cut for repairing the ship that would go to nueva españa, and for the construction of the forty galleys that were needed for the defense of the islands from the moro pirates that infested them--who were still more daring since the abandonment of our forts on account of our fear of the chinese cotseng. the governor ordered that wheat shall be sowed, since this is so necessary to the manufacture of sea-biscuit for the ships, and in order not to depend upon foreigners for the supply of this article. for the same reasons, he caused an engineer (whom he had carried to the islands at his own expense) to make examination of the iron mines; this reconnaissance had given satisfactory results, for the engineer had begun to work the mines with so good success that he had taken out nearly 600 arrobas [of iron], and was continuing to operate the mines. in another (but undated) letter on the same subject, he mentions the improvements that he had had to make in the walls of manila; and says that he had ordered four forts to be built in the interior of luzon, in order to push forward the conquest of the infidel peoples. he also repeats much of what he had said in the preceding letter. [59] why the friars are not subjected to episcopal visitation the reasons that the governor and the royal audiencia of the filipinas islands apparently might have had for suspending the execution of the royal decrees, which were repeatedly ordered to be observed in favor of the right of the royal patronage, from the year 1624 to that of 1656 [sic] have been as follows. [60] first, the consideration of the zealous observance of [their rules by] all the orders in those islands; the zeal with which they busy themselves in their ministries; the new conversions that are made daily in certain portions of the islands; and because if the religious are forced to that subjection [to the diocesan authorities] they will surely fall into laxity, and consequently, will lose the zeal that they today exercise, as experience shows in the orders throughout america that have entered that subjection. second, because of the few seculars that there have always been in the islands to take charge of those missions; for when these were most numerous here was in the years 24, 28, and 34, for then the city of manila had 400 citizens, and cebu, oton, nueva segovia, and arevalo had nearly 200 more. now the representative citizens throughout the islands do not number 60. then if in that time, when the islands contained most spaniards, there were no secular priests, how can there be any today when there are not 60 citizens in all the islands, while the number of priests is steadily growing less in america, where the spanish settlements are large and populous and are continually increasing? so great is the lack of the secular clergy that they cannot even take care of the missions in their charge. for there is no district belonging to the seculars, especially outside of the island of manila, that does not need two or three priests; for most of the villages of their jurisdiction are 10, 20, or 30 leguas distant from the chief mission station--from which, as they find themselves alone, they do not go out to visit their districts as a rule, except once a year. consequently many must necessarily die without the sacraments, and even the children without baptism, because of the laziness of the indians and the little esteem in which they hold the faith because of the lack of instruction. even the ministers themselves run the risk of dying without confession, and there are not few examples of that in those islands. that occurs because they can do no more, and have no priests who can aid them in their ministries. in order to have these, they must maintain them at their own cost, in order to meet the obligations of their consciences. but the regulars in all their districts which consist of many villages (they have three or four priests in each district), are ever traveling unceasingly by sea and land, visiting their villages. consequently the villages instructed by the religious are frequent in their use of the holy sacraments, because of their good opinion of our holy catholic faith, and their stricter observance of it. the ministries of those islands need at least 400 priests who are religious; for i assume that there must not be only one to a district, as are the seculars in regions so extensive as these, but three or four, and sometimes more, and that is a matter involving a question of conscience, because of their ministries and their own souls; for there is a district belonging to the seculars where a priest does not arrive for a whole year, and if one reaches some parts, it is only by chance. for the above reasons i believe that the governor and the royal audiencia of manila, as those who have the matter in hand, in the past year of 1665 suspended the execution of the said decrees, giving a time-limit of four years to the order of st. dominic to present the said reasons to his majesty and his royal council of the yndias. for it is to be believed that if they found it advisable for the royal service (as they are so attentive to it) to carry out the exact royal orders in the matter, they would not have delayed the execution of the orders for four years, nor have allowed any more replies. the reasons that the regulars have for petitioning his majesty to be pleased not to change the method that they have followed for the space of one hundred years in their administration of the indians in the islands, are as follows: first, because the indians are not yet well rooted in the faith, and there are still a great number of heathen and moros to be newly converted--for the sacred order of st. dominic has many heathen in the provinces of cagayan, pangasinan, and ytui. the order of st. augustine has still many heathen among the yglotes (who belong to the province of ylocos) and in the island of panay. the society of jesus has all the island of mindanao, those of jolo, and the islands adjacent to them, which are for the most part inhabited by moros and to a less extent by christians and heathens. they have abandoned the maluccas, where they have labored for so many years; and at present they administer only the island of siao which is all christian. the recollect augustinians administer the negrillos of masinlo and many of the caragas bordering upon the mindanaos. the order of st. francis is not lacking in aetas (who are still heathen) in their districts of la laguna and the mountains there to be converted. second, because the missions of the filipinas are suitable for him who is looking for hardship and not ease. how is it possible for missions in the islands of old infested by infidel pirates, and [now] having new conversions of moros and heathen, not to be full of hardship? for as a rule, those missions outside the island of manila are visited by sea by their ministers; and that brings them no little trouble besides the constant danger of being killed by the moros. third, because the regulars in those islands now and those who have always been there have almost all come from españa, and have gone to them, not for the purpose of any temporal advantage, but with the design of reducing infidels to the bosom of the church. most of them are desirous of going thence to japon, as the reduction of that empire as well as a portion of that of china belongs to the crown of castilla. since, then, the missions and doctrinas of those islands are so apostolic, and the zeal of the regulars in going there is expended only in the direction of promulgating the gospel among heathen, one can easily infer how necessary it is that the regulars be maintained there in the strict observance and spirit with which they left españa. they fear, and with great reason, that if that subjection be accepted the regulars in those islands will relax, as has been experienced in the provinces where the orders have bowed to that subjection, paying heed perchance rather to not leaving the comforts of the fatherland than to the observance of their rules. but since the religious in the filipinas islands are not rooted in their fatherlands, but on the contrary regard themselves as exiled therefrom, it is impossible for them to return thither. subject there to hardships and sickness (for the climate of filipinas is less favorable and healthful to europeans), they will not have the difficulty in quitting their ministries that has been experienced in america--where, in order not to leave their ministries, they have become subject, thus losing their positions; and they will not be willing that the most religious and those most zealous for their rules should at least keep away from the missions and ministries of the indians through the imposition of that burden, and that no others should be found. consequently, with that subjection they desire again to journey to parts so remote; so that in such case, in those provinces which are today so religious, their courage would grow less and that not without danger to those ministries, which by their very nature demand zealous persons and those of a very superior virtue. for it is sufficient to consider that, if serious men of learning and virtue subject themselves to the ordinary in order to minister in a doctrina, it may happen that they will be punished for a slight omission or neglect, perhaps one that they could not avoid--such as not being able to arrive in time to hear the confession of a dying person or to give him the holy oil; or to baptize a new-born infant. it is possible that this fear alone would make some refuse the ministries of the islands with such a risk. for although the ordinary cannot punish them as religious, he can punish them as curas; and in such a case it is difficult to proceed between cura and religious. in the first place the religious's definitorio may assign him also to a house with a vote, all of which have ministries in the filipinas; and an ambitious man may by the exercise of skill, and by influence, intercessions, and presents deprive him of the place, and perhaps may impute to him faults and defects that he does not possess in order to attain his purpose better and to justify his action. that can not fail to be a cause for sorrow, and more so to one who has no foundation in the islands, but who is rather disgusted at being there; and it will be a sufficient cause for him to retire from his ministries and even to attempt to return to españa. and even though the superiors may order the religious to live in their missions with that subjection, it may be that they cannot obtain it by entreaty from them, and that the religious will excuse themselves by saying with st. paul: unusquisque enim in ea vocatione qua vocatus est permanet. [61] they may also say that they wish to persevere in the vocation to which they were called by god, and that they did not enter religion to recognize two superiors, one a regular and the other a secular, but rather one of their own profession--by whom they would willingly allow themselves to be visited, censured, and punished; but not by two distinct in profession. for if there are two superiors who are unequal in profession, it is quite possible that they will be at variance in the matters of orders and obedience; and that such subordinate may be in doubt without the power to help it lest obedience to one be an offense to the other. consequently, placed between two extremes, he will come to obey the more powerful and to disobey his regular superior, who is the one from whom he can fear less. and one might doubt whether the superior could impose on those who should be thus firm in their purpose the precept of obedience, so that they should subject themselves as curas to an ordinary and to tho choice of a governor. and if for the above reasons those who are zealous for their rules should be lacking in the provinces and ministries, the men who are less religious would become the mainstay of the provinces and would administer the missions--men whom neither ambition nor their slight attachment to the observance calls away [from the order]. consequently, such men coming in time to rule the provinces and to possess the ministries in those islands, the end will be that there will be no religion, observance, or examples in them to invite the indians, but only scandals by which they will stumble; for, as a foolish people, they embrace what they see rather than what they hear. besides the above, the orders fear lest the governors and the ordinaries will make use of that subjection to harass them, especially if by any accident some collision should occur between them and the authorities. for if the governor had the selection of the [religious of the] villages in his control, who could prevent him from removing or appointing whomever he wished, or choosing those whom he considered better for his own purposes and even molesting the good? for since all the houses with votes in those islands except the convents of manila are doctrinas, he could place in them the men satisfactory to himself; and these would not fail him in the following provincial chapters in accepting from his hand a provincial who would be most advantageous to him, or most inclined to agree with him. consequently, he would become absolute master of the monastic government of the orders. if the ordinaries wished to molest those religious whom they did not like, who could prevent them from fulminating penalties for the slightest causes? and this especially where the witnesses are indians who would swear against their missionaries at any threat or for any profit, whatever the ministers or the visitors of the bishops wished. it is well seen that all those troubles, so possible, would cease if the governors would govern according to the pious zeal and most christian intention of his majesty, and the ordinaries according to the obligation of their estate. but, nevertheless, in parts so distant and remote from the heart of the monarchy, not all the governors and ordinaries work in harmony. for even the good and those regarded as such in españa are wont to become changed in the yndias, and to act very differently from what was expected of them; for power and opportunity generally change the purposes and disorder the expectations of those who are by nature covetous, revengeful, or subject to other passions. what may not [therefore] be feared? on account of all those things the fears of the orders are not ill founded. would that experience did not testify to all these possibilities. since even without that subjection the governors and ordinaries are wont to give the regulars causes for merit for very slight causes, what would it be if they held the regulars as subjects and had absolute power to be able to punish them as criminals and to depose them as guilty? if the regular superior should decide that he ought in conscience to remove any occasion for scandal, or one who was a discredit to his profession, in the case of any of his subjects; and it should be necessary for that reason to remove him from his mission: in such case, if he went to the governor to impart his purpose as he is obliged to do by the right of the royal patronage, the governor having heard the reasons would have a copy of the charges given to the party; and the suit having been brought to trial the defense might even manage with crafty pleas to frustrate the zeal of the superior. in such cases (which are quite ordinary where the said subjection to bishops and viceroys is allowed) the superior will come out disaccredited and justly angry, and the accused triumphant; for his evil conscience and the zeal of his prelate will put him on his guard, and he will be forewarned of each attack. how many scandals will follow from this, and how many discords, edicts, and enmities! how many expenses in money, and how much bribing of witnesses and intercessors! both of servants and friends of the governors, who are usually benefited by religious of that sort. they are generally aided as much by cunning as by what they spend in order to succeed in their designs, without considering that they are trampling upon all the three essential vows of the estate which they profess--namely, poverty, obedience, and chastity. therefore, if the desires of his majesty are that the regulars shall live in accordance with their own laws; that the natives of the indias be well instructed; and that they be not molested by the officials of the two estates: the remedy for that is to leave the regulars to their observance without obliging them to become more subject than they have been hitherto. if this is either not advisable or cannot be done, it would be better for the orders that the secular clergy should administer those missions. for how is it possible that such missionaries should not be covetous if they are inclined to that vice as an efficacious means to maintain themselves in their posts, to attain others that are larger and more wealthy, to defend themselves from the zeal of their prelates? such will have the power of loading the indians with pecuniary fines and of doubling the fees; and even perhaps there will not lack some who will avail themselves of trade and commerce to attain that end. the subjection will result only in advantage to the governors and ordinaries, in trouble to the indians (for the latter furnish the wealth of such ministers) and disservice to his majesty; since it means the ruin of religious discipline. the indians being harassed and the governors and ordinaries being interested parties, all contrary to his majesty's holy intent, the indians will come to have disinclination instead of love to affairs of the faith and religion. and i dare affirm that christians thus instructed will be christians rather by force than in their hearts. in no part of the yndias can one more intelligently expect that the regulars will be strict of observance than in the filipinas islands; for all their missions, even those in the suburbs of manila, are surrounded by heathen and moros--chinese, japanese, mindanaos, joloans, and borneans, and people of almost all the other kingdoms of the orient whose conversion is so anxiously desired. for if those heathen and moro nations, who have before their eyes the conduct of the christians, come to observe it as not at all in accord with right, not only among the secular clergy but among the regulars--who are by their profession teachers of the law and are bound to furnish a good example as the rule of their observance--what would they think, or what notion would they form of it? it is learned from some mandarins of great china who were converted to our holy faith because they saw in all the ministers of it for many years a conformity of morals that was regulated to natural law, that they prudently conclude therefrom that the law which taught such actions could not be other than true. if the chinese and japanese who live in those islands should see the evangelical ministers acting against all natural dictates, they would come to a contrary conclusion, for they have no greater arguments for belief than those which come through their eyes. the regulars of the filipinas islands have well understood how just it is that the right of his majesty's royal patronage be observed therein according to his orders. therefore, they do not petition for exemption from the choice by the governors and the collations by the ordinaries under any other title than that of a favor from the greatness of his majesty, if perchance their merits have deserved it. for, as is well known, there are no missions more distant throughout the monarchy nor more seas to pass nor seas so endangered by the enemies of the faith--which can be affirmed by those who administer outside the suburbs of manila and their environs, who continually bear death or captivity before their eyes. if his majesty has been pleased to give privileges to the citizens of those islands with the honorable title of hidalgos and nobles--the munificence of his majesty supplying what birth denied to many, a privilege not conceded to any others of the yndias--as a reward for having been willing to become citizens in regions so remote from their fatherland without any other service, in order that by such kindness others might be encouraged to do the same, not less do the regulars merit some special privilege and reward from your majesty, and the welfare of the souls of the natives. this is the chief object of your majesty in conserving the filipinas islands and all that conduces to this is only a means--namely, that it is inhabited by spaniards and garrisoned with soldiers, and the expenses which are incurred in all this. therefore if his majesty exercises so great munificence in order that the means may not fail so that the end may be attained, in order that it may be more completely and perfectly executed, the regulars may hope for greater favor from the piety of their king. and if laymen are rewarded for the services that they have rendered in those islands with military honors and with great encomiendas of indians, one can trust that the services rendered to his majesty by all the orders during a hundred years in the islands will merit some recompense in immunity (even though it be not due for their services) from his gratitude and liberal hand, as they hope from the grandeur of their king and sovereign. appendix: judicial condition of the philippines in 1842 source: this is from sinibaldo de mas's informe de las islas filipinas, ii, no. 12. translation: this is by james alexander robertson. appendix: judicial condition of the philippines in 1842 [in addition to the following account by mas, the student desirous of pursuing the subject will find much data in the various guias de filipinas. some statistics are also presented by montero y vidal (archipielago filipino, pp. 194-203) for the years 1883-1884. much of value and interest will also be found in the various reports of the philippine commission, and in the numerous pamphlets issued by the united states government.] justice is administered by means of an audiencia, which has the title of royal, and resides in manila, being composed of one regent, and five judges; by means of alcaldes-mayor who govern the provinces; and by the gobernadorcillo whom each village has and who is equivalent to our alcalde de monterilla. [62] the latter proceeds in criminal cases to the formation of a verbal process, and tries civil causes up to the value of two tailes of gold or 44 pesos fuertes. the royal audiencia is a court without appeal in filipinas. the alcaldes-mayor cannot terminate by their own action civil questions that have to do with a sum of greater value than 100 pesos fuertes, or impose any corporal punishment without the approval of the audiencia, and then only imprisonment for one week. but they are judges of the first instance for every kind of litigious or criminal cases. in order that one may obtain the post of alcalde-mayor, it is not necessary that he should have studied law. hence, the greater part of the heads of the provinces are laymen in that respect. generally those posts are given to military men. consequently, this is the origin that for every process which is prosecuted in a lawsuit or cause, the alcalde has to have recourse to an assessor, in order to obtain the opinion of that one on which to base his action. but since the advocates reside in manila, the records have to make at times many trips from the province to the capital. from this results the inconvenience of delay, the liability of theft, or the destruction of the mail. for, in the many rivers that must be crossed, the papers become so wet that they are useless (as happened with several letters of a post which was received in the chief city of a province when i was there, the envelopes of which it was impossible for us to read), and the malicious extraction in order to obscure the course of justice. the defect of this system can only be understood if one reflect that the various provinces of the colony are not situated on a continent, but in various islands, and that by reason of the periodic winds and the hurricanes which prevail in this region, the capital very often finds itself without news of some provinces for two or three months, and of that of marianas for whole years. it appears that what we have said ought to be sufficient to show the necessity of radical reforms in this department, but, unfortunately, there are other more grave reasons for such reform. the alcaldes-mayor are permitted to engage in business. [63] the author of les estrits des lois [64] said many years ago that the worst of governments is the commercial government; and surely, for those who have studied the science of government, all comment on this point is superfluous. the alcalde who is permitted to engage in business naturally tries, if possible, to monopolize it by all means in his power. this vice of the system leads some greedy men to the greatest excesses, which later are attributed to all alcaldes in general. upon my arrival at manila, i asked a very respectable spaniard who had been in the country for many years about what happens in the provinces. he replied to me: "you know that the alcaldeships are reported to be worth 40,000 or 50,000 duros, and he who seeks one of those posts very earnestly has no other object or hope than to acquire a capital in the six years for which the government confers them. before going to his province, he borrows 8,000 or 10,000 duros from one of the charitable funds at such and such a per cent. besides, he has to pay an interest to those who act as bondsmen for him, both to the government for the royal treasury, and to the charitable funds which supply him with money. when he arrives at his province he acts according to conditions ruling in that province, for not all provinces are alike in their productions and circumstances. he generally establishes a supply store, and, consequently, from that moment, any other storekeeper is his rival and enemy. if such storekeeper has a creditor whom he tries to hurry up and goes to the alcalde, he gets no protection. if any theft happens to him the same thing more or less occurs; for, although the alcalde orders efforts made to ascertain the thief, far from taking those measures earnestly, he is secretly glad of the losses of his rivals, and it has even been asserted that there are cases in which the alcalde himself has been the instigator of the crime. who is your enemy? that of your trade. but does the alcalde himself sell the goods? sometimes he sells and measures them, at other times he keeps an agent in the store; the most usual thing is, if he is married, for his wife to take charge of the expense, especially of those goods of any value. but his greatest gain consists in making advances of money at the time of the sowing, the period when the indians need it and try to get it at any cost, for their negligence and their vices do not allow them to foresee such a case and be prepared for it. for example: a farmer signs a paper for the alcalde which obliges him to deliver at harvest time ten measures of sugar, which are worth at least two and one-half duros, and he himself receives only one and one-half, consequently, by that operation alone of advancing money, the alcalde-mayor sometimes gains 40 per cent. but what generally happens is that the indian is so short sighted and is so indifferent to the future that he signs any burdensome obligation provided he gets some money, and he only takes account of what they give him without thinking of what they are going to get from him. for example, the alcalde gives him 60 duros as an advance for forty measures of sugar at the harvest time. the harvest is bad and he can only give 20. in such case the reckoning is after the following fashion: 'the sugar has been sold for 4 duros, and hence 20 measures will amount to 80 duros. you cannot pay them to me, consequently they can just as well remain as an advance for the coming year at one and one-half.' in consequence of that the farmer signs a paper by which he enters under obligation to deliver 53 measures at the next harvest. harvest time comes, and if it is bad, he only presents, say, 13. therefore, 40 measures at 4 duros amount to 160 duros of debt, and at one and one-half make 108 measures for the following year. in this way the man keeps on adding more and more until all his goods are at the disposal of the alcalde. besides, there are innumerable other vexations to which he must subject himself. for instance: he has to deliver to the alcalde 100 cabans of rice; when he presents them the alcalde measures them out with a larger measure than that used in the market. hence, in reality, the alcalde exacts from him more than he is bound to pay. the same thing happens with indigo. for, a discussion arises as to whether the indigo is, or is not, very damp, and some libras must be taken off for waste; or, whether it is of poorer quality than the indian promised, and so on." "but surely it must needs be that it is fitting to take money advanced, since there is one who seeks it, and it is worth more for a farmer to cultivate his land in this way than that he leave it without cultivation for lack of the necessary capital. in regard to the tyrannies which the alcalde tries to commit, it seems to me that they might be avoided by the countryman borrowing the money from a private person who is not in position to annoy him." "that is all very well thought out, but i will tell you what happens. the indian borrows money very easily, but it is very difficult to get him to pay it, and he generally avoids doing so, if possible. if a private person lends him money and does not collect it when due, he has to go to the alcalde in order that the latter may force payment. the latter either does so coldly, or pays no attention to the whole matter, since his intention is that such private persons take warning and never again lend to anyone; for, it is evident, that if many come to speculate in this kind of business, the alcalde will soon be shut out, or at least will have to submit himself to the general rules. consequently, the result is that capitalists draw back from him, saying, and very rightly, that it is only fitting for the alcaldes who possess the means to cause themselves to be paid when a debt is due. the alcalde, then, remains master of the field, and monopolizes this department at his pleasure, for he who needs funds has to go to him, for there are very few who enjoy enough credit to get them elsewhere. many other advantages also favor the alcalde. the parish priests aid him, and many times take charge of the division of the money of the alcalde in their villages, for they know that that is the sure means of keeping on good terms with him, and obtaining the measures which depend on his will in the matters of their villages. the gobernadorcillos and officials of justice are other instruments of which the alcalde makes use to apportion and collect his funds." "why is it that these do not occupy themselves rather in their affairs than in those of the alcalde?" "the alcalde can always, whenever he wishes, make trouble for the gobernadorcillo by making him go to the chief village with innumerable pretexts, and by various other methods which it would take a long time to enumerate, and which it is very easy to conceive. besides, it is important for the alcalde to keep the gobernadorcillo satisfied. suppose now, that a road has to be built, or a bamboo bridge, or any other work for which the people of the village who have to do it, according to their obligation called polos and services, are summoned. as some of them are busy in their fields or other business, they wish to be free from such a burden, and they give the gobernadorcillo two or three reals and he excuses them on the ground of sickness. a party of troops or a spaniard passes by and asks for some beast of burden, or an aid in food. that is also an occasion for the gobernadorcillo to get even with those whom he dislikes and obtain part of his demands; for some give him presents in order that he may not give the beasts of burden, while others do not receive the pay for that food. during the days of tiangui or village fairs, such and such a sum is exacted for each post in the market place. in general there are some men of service called bantayanes who are a kind of sentinel placed at the entrances of villages. many of them also pay to be excused from that burden when their turn comes or when they are told that it comes. in general he has ten or twelve men called honos, manbaras, etc., given to him, who are exempt from polos and services, and they serve the ayuntamiento to send papers, conduct prisoners, etc., and the gobernadorcillo gives them permission so that they may cultivate their lands, by collecting from them a contribution." "but it seems to me that the gobernadorcillo will have to give account, if not for all, at least for many of the taxes that you have mentioned." "it ought to be so, and in fact, some enter into the communal treasury, but they are the fewest and those connected with the legal matters, for of the others there is nothing to be said. for example: i have seen an order enclosing a fine as a punishment on the gobernadorcillo for some fault or misdeed that he had committed. he assembles the cabezas de barangai; the whole sum is apportioned among the people of the village. the amount of the fine is collected and the gobernadorcillo has still something left for his maintenance and revelling." "why do they not complain to the alcalde?" "because, sir, of just what i told you. the alcalde needs the gobernadorcillo so that he may use him in his business, and for all such things he is a very far-sighted man. besides, the alcalde who tries to investigate those snares of the tribunals (ayuntamientos) will lose his senses without deriving any benefit from it. he does not know the language. as interpreter he has the clerk, who is an indian, and the entangler-in-chief, and almost always in accord with the indian magnates." "if the clerk is a bad man, will he not be hated?" "i do not say that he is beloved, but some fear him, and others are his accomplices. since the alcalde is, in reality, a business man, he naturally takes more interest in his business than in that of other people, and leaves all court matters in charge of the clerk, who comes to be the arbiter in that matter, and here is where the latter reaps his harvest. one of the members of the tribunal (ayuntamiento) steals, or causes to be stolen from some man his buffalo. the man finds out where it is; he complains to the gobernadorcillo; they begin to take measures; at last the animal is returned to him, but if it is worth five duros, they make him pay ten duros in expenses so that the man either considers his beast as lost and the thieves keep it, or the latter get from him twice as much as it is worth. hence, if i were to tell all that passes in this wise, my story would be very long. one of the things which they are accustomed to do is to let the prisoners go out of the prison for several days without the government knowing it. i have seen that done this very year of 1841 in the province of---, in regard to some prisoners whom the alcalde-mayor believed to be in prison; but they were working on the estate of the clerk, and one of those prisoners had committed very serious crimes." "but why do not the curas remedy all that? i have heard it said that they are really the ones who govern the villages." "in reality, when the curas take that matter upon themselves, those abuses are remedied, at least in great measure, for they know the language well, and every one in their village knows the truth, if the cura wishes to ascertain it. that is what happened in former times. and also at that time the communal funds were deposited in the convent, and [thus] many tricks and tyrannies were avoided. but for some years the governors who have come from españa have desired that the parish priests should keep to their houses and say mass and preach and not meddle with the temporal government; without taking heed that in a whole province there is no other spaniard who governs than the alcalde-mayor himself, who generally comes from europa and goes without reflection to take his charge without any knowledge whatever of the country or knowing even a single word of its language. consequently, many religious, in order to avoid trouble, see and keep still, and allow everything to take what course god wills. this is one of the chief causes of the disorders of the villages, and of the increase of crime." "now tell me, do the alcaldes make all the wealth that they are accustomed to acquire with the kind of trade which you have explained to me?" "they have many means of hunting [buscar] for that is the technical expression used in this country, but those means vary according to circumstances. in some provinces great efforts are made to obtain posts as gobernadorcillos and officials of justice, and that department generally is worth a good sum annually. those are things which the clerk or secretary manages. in the province of--while don--was alcalde-mayor, that gentleman was in collusion with the manager of the wine monopoly and they practiced the following. the harvesters came with their wine, but they were told that it was impossible to receive it. there was a conflict within themselves, for they had to return to their village. then they were told that if they wished to deposit the wine they would put it in certain jars which had been provided in the storehouse, by paying such and such a rent until the administration could introduce it. the harvesters, who needed the money, thereupon sold the wine to the agents of the alcalde, at any price at all in order to return to their homes. finally, as he who had come to be an alcalde, has had no other object than to acquire wealth, every matter which does not contribute to that object, such as the making of a bridge, or a road, the prosecution of evil doers, or any occupation purely of government or justice, distracts and troubles him. on the contrary every means of attaining his end appears to him fitting and good. this method of thought is a little more or less in the minds of all; and thus you observe that no one says here, not even excluding the religious, who are those who know the country best, 'i have such or such reasons for gaining this suit,' but, 'i have so many thousand pesos to gain the suit.' but to tell the truth, it is not to be wondered at that the alcaldes-mayor work without much scruple. in the space of six years they have to pay their passage from and to españa; to satisfy the high interest on the money which they have borrowed; to acquit themselves of the amount which their alcaldeship has often cost them; and besides they make their fortunes. not more or less is done in turquia." in the same way as this good man talked, the majority talk. the faults and vices of some are attributed and laid to all. it is certain that this system is fatal, for governors of such sort must be essentially interested in turning down the attempt of private speculators, and to frighten away instead the attraction of capital. that has, as a natural consequence, the increased interest on money which so endangers production, and, consequently, exportation and the encouragement of the islands. but not less fatal is the opinion that the authorities of manila themselves are fed on such abuses. complaints are continually presented against the alcalde, at times very captious and filled with falsehood and absurdity. the audiencia and office of the captain-general receive those complaints kindly and very easily dictate measures humiliating for the alcalde, and impose fines on him, of which a copy is given to the complaining parties. rarely is it that one leaves his alcaldeship without having paid many fines. the filipinos make the greatest ado, as is natural, over those triumphs against authority, but authority loses decorum and moral force. all this comes from the bad system established, for, since the governor from the moment that he becomes a merchant, must be a bad governor and a usurer and tyrant, the government of manila is predisposed against his acts, and declares itself the protector of the filipinos. in this way one evil is remedied by a worse. the supreme authority instead of supporting and sustaining the subordinate government punishes and degrades it. illusion, respect, and fear vanish. it is believed that that severity against those who rule is advantageous in making our yoke loved, and that the natives will say, "the government is kind for it punishes the alcaldes," while it would be better for them to say, "the government is kind because it gives us good alcaldes." shortly after my arrival in the islands, being at the feast of cavite, distant four hours from the capital, i wished to go thither on horseback, but all who heard of it dissuaded me from the idea, asserting that i was about to commit a rash act. another time when i was coming from laguna, on passing through montinlupa, the manager of the estate of that name was so greatly alarmed that he wished to accompany me with his servants until we came near the city, and in fact i learned soon that i was running a great danger on that road, and that shortly before a spanish sergeant had been murdered on it. then i was very much surprised to find that it was dangerous to go near the capital without an escort, but later i have been much more surprised to see that in provinces distant from the capital a complete security is enjoyed. in order to show the condition of the criminality of the island we shall present the following data drawn from the clerk's office of the audiencia. criminal causes sentenced in the audiencia of filipinas between the years 1831-1837 [not inclusive] years causes 1832 75 1833 83 1834 43 1835 102 1836 108 411 report of the criminal causes sentenced between the years 1836-1842 [not inclusive] crimes =====+=======+======+========+=======+=====+=======+=======+======+====== |rebell-| |robbery | |mobs |false|immor|wounds|total years|ion or |murder|theft |incen|and | hood | ality | and |no. of | con| |and im|diarism|lam| and | and |rough |causes |spiracy| |position| |poons|perjury|scandal|usage | -----+-------+------+--------+-------+-----+-------+-------+------+-----1837 | | 43 | 54 | 2 | | 2 | 8 | 5 | 114 1838 | | 108 | 145 | 6 | 4 | 7 | 52 | 60 | 382 1839 | | 74 | 149 | 1 | 5 | 2 | 45 | 41 | 317 1840 | 2 | 83 | 106 | 5 | 1 | 3 | 41 | 54 | 295 1841 | | 131 | 216 | 12 | 6 | 5 | 66 | 67 | 499 -----+-------+------+--------+-------+-----+-------+-------+------+----- | 2 | 439 | 670 | 26 | 16 | 19 | 212 | 227 | 1609 =====+=======+======+========+=======+=====+=======+=======+======+====== penalties ==========+=======+==============+================+=========== | | | deprivation of | [years] | death | imprisonment | office and | total no. | | | other | of | | | correctives | sentences ----------+-------+--------------+----------------+---------- [1837] | 6 | 99 | 17 | 122 1838] | 6 | 140 | 169 | 313 1839] | 6 | 192 | 46 | 244 1840] | 7 | 131 | 19 | 157 [1841] | 3 | 173 | 77 | 253 ----------+-------+--------------+----------------+---------- | 28 | 735 | 328 | 1089 ==========+=======+==============+================+=========== total number of causes sentenced in the first five years 411 idem 1607 increasing the latter 1196 [here follows a report in tabular form showing the number of causes in each province for the years 1840 and 1841. this table is compiled at least in part from the guide of manila for the year 1840; the population of each province being taken therefrom. thirty-three provinces are enumerated. the total number of causes for 1840 was 295, and for 1841, 499.] the first thing which arrests the attention in these reports is the increase of crime. the fiscal, whom i questioned in regard to this matter, told me that now many causes are elevated to process which were before finished in the interior courts, and that during these latter years many old causes had been sentenced. this may be true, but in regard to the accumulation of back cases that have been sentenced, i believe that that can only be understood from the year 1838, or even from that of 1839, because of the lack of judges in which the court found itself in 1837. no matter how it is considered, the increase is palpable, for the causes alone for murder of last year amount to more than all those of any of the years of the first five years, and it is incredible that at that time they neglected to try people for homicide, although they did dissimulate in regard to lesser crimes. the second thing which arrests the attention is the tendency to theft, since the greater part of the homicides have been committed by robbers, and further one sees a great multitude of causes for theft. for among those two kinds of crime are found two-thirds of all kinds of criminality. this is a matter well worthy of reflection in a country where the means of existence can be procured so readily. the third [thing that arrests the attention] is the mildness of the sentences. in the last five years, when there were 439 homicides, only 28 have ascended the scaffold, one-third of those tried have been set at liberty, and 328 condemned to light punishment. one would not believe that those treated with so great mercy are (at least always) criminals for insignificant faults. a man of the village of narbakan was tried in the year 1840 for having begotten children twice by his daughter, the second time that having been done by means of assaulting her with a dagger. the attorney asked for ten years of imprisonment, but the audiencia did not impose any penalty and did not even condemn him to the costs, nor did it take the measure in honor of public morality of causing them to separate, but allowed them to live together as they are still doing. at the beginning of the same year, 1840, mariano san gerónimo, a servant from youth to a spanish tailor called garcia, stole one hundred pesos fuertes from his master, and another hundred from captain castejon, adjutant of the captain-general of the islands, who was living in his house; by extracting them from the trunks of each one. that of the captain-general he opened with the key which the latter's own assistant gave him. the greater part of the money was delivered to that assistant, his accomplice; the rest was lost at play. this deed served the defender of san geronimo, don agustin ruiz de santayana, to petition his acquittal, alleging in his favor the incapacity and irreflection which that individual had shown with the said thief. both the criminal and his accomplice confessed, and no obstacle was presented to substantiate this verbal process. however, it lasted for more than one year. they troubled the master garcia so much with notifications and accounts of the maintenance of the prisoner that at last he refused to have anything more to do with the matter, and abandoned the charge. the alcalde-in-ordinary sentenced san gerónimo to six months' imprisonment. when the audiencia examined that clause, march 31, 1841, it ordered the prisoner to be liberated. in inglaterra, that violator of his own daughter, and the domestic thief would have been given the death sentence on the gallows. this impunity for crimes is, to my understanding, very fatal, not only because of the encouragement which it gives on that account to criminality, but also because of the fear which gobernadorcillos and alcaldes have in arresting the guilty, for they know that they will be soon liberated and will soon take vengeance on them by robbing them, cutting down their trees, and burning their places of business. an employe of estimable qualities in the department of taxes told me that once grown tired in a certain province of seeing that no one dared to arrest a thief who had terrified the entire village, he himself took the trouble to waylay and seize him in the very operation of committing a theft. he had him bound, and sent him to the alcalde with the general complaint. in a few weeks he saw him again in the village and had to reckon with him. i have been in the estate of buena-vista in the outskirts of which live very many robbers. however, they do not steal there, but they go to do that in other places, bringing there afterward horses, buffaloes, and whatever they can lay their hands on. the manager does not dare to wage war against them or to denounce their thefts, although he knows them. one night when i was there at twelve o'clock, appeared a cavalry troop sent from the neighboring province of pampanga by alcalde urbina and commanded by lieutenant lao. with them they brought several persons who had been robbed, and took them before the official. he had a list of many whom he was to arrest. it had already been given to the justice of the village. we amounted to four or five spaniards in that place. one of those who live there came within a few minutes to tell us secretly that those who were to do the arresting had already advised those who were to be arrested so that they might get out of the way, and so that no one could be caught. that person and the manager were silent in order not to compromise themselves, and i did the same, because the evil was already done, and in order not to abuse the confidence which they had in me. in fact, the officer and his men, and the guides, went away without having arrested a single one. a fortnight after another official, named dayot, who knows the language of the country well, returned. warned by what had happened the first time, he went directly to the houses where his guides took him; and, consequently, he seized some of them. later he came to the estate and asked us for a very notorious fellow who was said to be absent. we assured him that we had seen that man less than an hour before. i advised dayot to have the soldiers put aside their arms and uniforms, and send them dressed like the natives together with the guides, and if they surprised anyone to take him to the barracks; since, to imagine that the justice would aid him to arrest the criminals was to imagine something that could not be. in fact, he did that, and within three days he marched away taking five or six prisoners with him. a great state of consternation reigned throughout that district, which was good evidence of the moral condition of the inhabitants. in a few months i asked and learned that they were back already and in quiet possession of their homes. one day i was talking in manila to the regent of the audiencia, don matías de mier, about that system of impunity which i had observed in the islands. that gentleman remarked to me: "it is not possible to take severe measures here, señor mas, for it is necessary to govern here with mildness." i praise and esteem most sincerely the benevolent ideas and the good heart of señor mier, but it seems to me that his words might be answered somewhat by those of jeremias bentham: [65] "how many praises are wasted on mercy! it has been repeated, time and time again, that that is the first virtue of a sovereign. surely if crime consists only in an offense to one's self-love, if it is no more than a satire which is directed against him or his favorites, the moderation of the prince is meritorious. the pardon which he grants is a triumph obtained over himself! but when one treats of a crime against society, the pardon is not an act of clemency, it is a downright prevarication.... every criminal who escapes justice threatens the public safety and innocence is not protected by being exposed to become the victim of a new crime. when a criminal is absolved all the crimes that he can perpetuate are committed by his hands." in no army are there so many executions as in that in which slight faults are disregarded. how many charges can be laid to the door of the one who carried away by a poorly understood charity, contributes to the increase, in any society, of assault, theft, assassination, tears, and executions. "every pardon granted to a criminal," says filangieri, [66] "is a crime committed against humanity." i cannot conceive how there is anyone who can imagine that the exercise of kindness to evil doers is useful or agreeable to the good. i believe, on the contrary, that those are lamented by the people who are unsafe in their houses while they are paying contributions to the government which is obliged to protect them. [other reflections of a similar nature follow.] the tribunal might declare that it works in accordance with the spirit of the leyes de indias, but be that as it may, it is, in my opinion, certain that with this system of tolerating everything from the natives, and of punishing and degrading the subordinate authorities, the audiencia of manila is losing the islands. so far am i removed from being a bloodthirsty individual that i would like to see the death sentence removed from our criminal code. it would be useless to repeat in support of my opinion the ideas expressed by many celebrated socialists in regard to the abolition of capital punishment, but i will make one observation only, which i have read in no author. the criminal ought always to inspire public scorn and horror, but from the instant in which he is seen on the scaffold, the aversion of people becomes calm, and he is converted into an unfortunate fellow and an object of compassion. this impression does not seem proper to me. further, restricting myself to filipinas i shall say that since the penalties are imposed so that fear of them may keep others from committing the crimes, the death penalty does not cause in that country the same effect as in others, for its natives have a distinct physical organization from us, and their instinct of life is much less strong than that of the europeans. consequently, outside of cases in which one treats of questions vital for the colony, i believe that the death penalty is a useless cruelty. to mark those criminals well, and to use them in public works, or in agriculture, would be much more advantageous, and would better conserve the real object to which laws should tend, namely, the common good. one of the things which contributes to the increase of crime is the prohibition in which the chiefs of the provinces find themselves from applying corporal punishment, without the approval of the audiencia. for if a cause were to be made for the theft of buffaloes, horses, etc., it would be an interminable matter. to put the filipino in jail is to move him to a better dwelling than his own. then he is given his food there, which, however little and poor it be, will never be less than that to which he is accustomed daily. he does not work; on the contrary he lies stretched out all day, and that is his happiness. besides, he finds in the same dwelling other fellow-countrymen with whom to converse and to chew buyo. consequently, in the country, the idea of going to prison is very far from the impression that it gives in españa where men are always animated by the spirit of activity and love to society. it has happened many times and i have seen it, that prisoners escape to attend a feast or go on a pilgrimage, and as soon as that is over they return to present themselves. i am of the opinion that the prison ought alone to be used as a means of detention, and that for light punishments, the lash should be applied. the idea of beating a man is repugnant to many philanthropic persons, for they say that such punishment is for beasts. however, for certain people who do not know what self esteem and honor mean, material punishments are necessary. how can one infuse fear and aversion to crime in one who despises that powerful stimulus for well doing? who will tell us? this question is still disputed in cultured europa and the civilized english have not dared to banish the rod from their military code. the first thing which is seen in the hut of any filipino is the rattan for bringing up their children, and whoever has been in the country for some years thinks that all the provinces would be most tranquil and free from highwaymen if less papers were written and more beatings given. there are over 80 advocates in filipinas. the majority have studied in manila in the same manner as they did a century ago in españa. it might be said that they belong to the casuist school. the preparation for any lawsuit is consequential and the superfluous writs innumerable, as our system has always been to open all the doors to the innocence of the natives; and many of the advocates are of that same class or are chinese mestizos. the language which they use is often indecorous, bold, lacking in purity and idiom, and even in grammatical construction. the audiencia endures it as it is the old style custom, for in times past there were few advocates capable of explaining themselves better. the filipinos believe that composed and moderate writs can have no effect at court, and they are only contented with those which are full of invective, reticence, interrogation, and exclamation. since the alcaldes of the first instance are laymen, they have to appoint an assessor and very often when one party sees that his suit is badly prepared, he challenges the assessor even three times. it is an abusive matter, and to the prejudice of justice, for in case of challenge of the assessor, that ought to be done at the moment that he is notified of his appointment, and not after seeing that which is not favorable to him, and that judgment is near. the leyes de indias, compiled in 1754, and all the previous decrees and royal orders before that time still rule in filipinas, in addition to the decrees and edicts of the governor-general. of all this there is nothing, or very little, printed. the advocates generally know the laws in force by tradition and hear-say, but when they need any of the laws they have to look for it in the house of some friend, or, if not that, in the secretary's office of the government, whence very frequently it has disappeared, or in the office of the fiscal, or that of the intendant; because some orders are communicated by grace and justice, and others by the treasury or by other ministries. he who has no relatives or is new in the country is ignorant of the rules in force, or has not the means of acquiring them. besides so far as they are not overthrown by the leyes de indias the laws of the siete partidas have as much force as do the latest recopilación, [67] roman law, royal and old law, and, in fact, all the confused mass of the spanish codes. consequently, it is a vast sea in which are found abundantly the resources necessary to mix up matters and stultify the course of justice. in english india, a book is printed annually of all the orders which have been communicated to the tribunals and governors. this forms a collection which is entitled the regulations, which is now being translated into the language of the natives by order of the government. there are orders and even articles of the ordinances of good government to specify the price of food. these schedules are very often, as is evident, the cause of the disappearance of things, and, as they are not found in the market it is necessary to petition the gobernadorcillo to provide food which he is obliged to furnish at the price named in this schedule; and at times where there are many spaniards and soldiers, that amounts to hundreds of fowls, eggs, etc., which the village must supply monthly and even daily. this is not only an odious task, but also the reason for infamous vexations on the part of the cabezas de barangai, for the unhappy cailianes are those who have to furnish it all without even collecting a thing. it must be well known that cheapness in articles proceeds only from collecting those articles and this proceeds only from abundance, and abundance only from freedom in the market; and the assigning of a low price to any article by schedule is the most direct method of restricting its production and heightening its price. after all that we have set forth, one can well say that the department of the administration of justice is what needs the most prompt and speedy reform. from that, then, it is obvious that all the alcaldes-mayor ought to be jurisconsults. the custom of allowing governors to trade is not suitable for the age in which we live, surely, although there are some who do not abuse their position, and today there are some who can be presented as models of honor and nobility, especially don juan castilla who governs in samar, and don francisco gutierrez de los rios in laguna. not only is the latter free from the avarice and other faults which are so common to other alcaldes, and does not make use of the permission to trade, but also recognizes the defects of the present administration, and declaims in the bosom of his friends against them, since he is imbued with the sane principles of justice and political economy. but in such matters one must not reckon on virtue but always with human nature. one day happening to question one of the most judicious and kind persons whom i have known in the islands, how alcalde peñaranda had happened to lose his money, he answered me: "he gave it to an agent to use, he to share in the profits, and then paid no attention to it for three years after. he gave up his time very greatly to the building of bridges and roads, and while he was busy in such bits of foolishness, the other made the most of his time and consumed it all." another person, of whose philanthropy and gentlemanliness i have positive proofs, told me that if he obtained the government of a province, he would assemble all the influential men and make them an offer to renounce all trade provided that they gave him a certain annual sum. i replied to him that that was an impracticable project and stated my reasons. "then," replied he, "i would harass everyone who engaged in trade until he ceased it, or left the province, and it would be all the worse for him." such are the evils of a bad system. one becomes accustomed to the idea that a government post offers the opportunity of making money and nothing else. the moment that one has obtained office, he believes that he has a right to make money, without considering the means to any extent; while he who is careless of his own interests and busies himself in the progress of the province, like señor peñaranda, is ridiculed and called a fool. many believe that to prohibit the alcaldes from trading would be useless, because they would do it by all means through a second person. there might be some fraud, but there is no doubt but that the evil would be remedied, if not wholly, in great measure, especially if any contract in regard to business interests signed by the alcaldes in filipinas be declared null and void; for it is very difficult to find in the country persons to whom to hand over a capital and be sure of their good faith, and it is not easy to take them with him from españa. and even leaving aside these disadvantages, it will always result from the prohibition that the agent of the alcalde will have to manage his money with great secrecy and as if it were his own, in which case there would be no trouble. the government of india was a few years ago entirely commercial, but since the commerce was prohibited, none of its dependents engage in it. those who have savings deposit them in one of the banks or in one of the good commercial houses there at four or five per cent, or indeed they buy public stock or speculate with them. alcaldeships in my opinion ought to be divided into three classes and given to individuals, all of them advocates, who would form a body of civil employes. when an alcaldeship of the first class fell vacant, it would be given to the senior advocate in charge of those of the second class, and so on. the regulation that alcaldes were to remain in the country only six years was founded certainly on the fear that they might acquire a dangerous influence over the country. to the degree that the precaution is not unfounded, the term is very short for so long a distance, for among other obstacles it contains the one that when a chief is beginning to know the country he has to leave it. fifteen or twenty years would be a more fitting time. in english india all the civil and military employes know the language of the country. that extreme, however advantageous it be, and is, in fact could be brought about here only with difficulty. it would have been easy if one of the dialects of the islands had been established from the beginning as the language of the government and of the courts; for a visayan learns tagálog very quickly, and any other idiom of the country, and the same thing is true of the other natives. [if that had been done] all would at this moment show well or poorly the dominant language, just as in cataluña, valencia, the baleares islands, and the basque provinces, castilian is known. but this is not a matter which can be remedied in a brief time. consequently, if an alcalde who is beginning to administer justice in cagayan has to go immediately to cebú, he will surely arrive there without knowing the language, although he had given himself to the study of it from the very beginning. but if this is an evil, this evil is now being endured, for the alcaldes arrive from españa, and since they know that they have to return in six years, they do not take the least trouble to learn the language, and they leave the government in this regard just as when they entered it. in the capital and its suburbs, justice is administered by means of two lay alcaldes, who are appointed annually by the ayuntamiento from the citizens of the city. when the appointees are men of wealth, they resign, for this charge alone occasions them ill-humor and serious occupations which distract them from their business. those who accept or desire it, can have no other stimulus than that of vile interest, tolerating prohibited games, etc. it is, then, necessary to appoint two lawyers with suitable pay to be judges of first instance. everyone knows what the leyes de indias are, the epoch in which they were made, and the distinct regions for which they were dictated. it is, then, indispensable and peremptory to make the civil codes of legal processes, of criminal instruction, and of commerce especially for the country. in india there is a commission of the government composed of four votes and a president, charged with making and revising the laws of india. for the same purpose, in my opinion, three persons who had studied or should study the country would be sufficient here. in such case i would be of the opinion that they be not allowed to do their work together, but that each one work alone and present his results. another commission ought to be appointed immediately (there would be no harm in those same men forming it) to examine the codes and present a résumé of the points in which they differed essentially. these would be few and in regard to them the government could take the best resolution. bibliographical data the following document is obtained from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. letter from the archbishop of manila.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de arzobispo de manila; años 1579 á 1697; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." the following document is obtained from a ms. in the real academia de la historia, madrid: 2. jesuit protest.--"papeles de los jesuitas, to. 4o., no. 259." the following document is obtained from a ms. in the archivo general, simancas: 3. paz's description of philipinas.--"consejo de inquisicion, libro 786." (we present such part of this document as relates to the philippines.) the following are taken from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library): 4. condition of philippines, 1652.--tomo ii, pp. 385-390. 5. jesuit missions, 1655.--tomo ii, pp. 391-399. 6. events in manila, 1662-63.--tomo ii, pp. 421-480. 7. letter from salcedo.--tomo ii, pp. 481-483. 8. friars and episcopal visitation.--tomo ii, pp. 401-419. the following is obtained from retana's archivo: 9. royal funeral rites.--tomo ii, pp. 105-158. the following are taken from pastells's edition of colin's labor evangélica: 10. aid asked for jesuits.--tomo iii, pp. 786, 787. 11. two jesuit memorials.--tomo iii, pp. 804, 805. the following is taken from historia general de los religiosos descalzos ... de san agustin: 12. recollect missions, 1646-60.--part ii, by luis de jesús (madrid, 1681), pp. 371-373, from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago; and part iii, by diego de santa theresa (barcelona, 1743) pp. 134-558, from a copy in the library of congress--using only such matter as relates to the philippines. the following is obtained from an old pamphlet not usually included in philippine bibliographies: 13. description of filipinas, 1662.--from a pamphlet published at puebla, mexico, in 1662; it is bound in with letona's perfecta religiosa (puebla, 1662, a rare work), in the copy possessed by antonio graiño y martinez, madrid. the following is obtained from sinibaldo de mas's informe de las islas filipinas: 14. administracion de justicia (1842).--vol. ii, no. 12. notes [1] evidently a reference to the "relation" of father fayol, q.v., vol. xxxv, pp. 212-275. [2] this was the mother of the dead prince baltasar cárlos--isabel (or elizabeth) of france, daughter of henri iv; she died october 6, 1644. [3] i.e., "the crown of our head has fallen." [4] spanish, una media naranja, literally, "a half orange." [5] the original verses are given for this and following stanzas, because of the plays on words which cannot be perfectly rendered in english. [6] codal: a short thick wax candle, one cubit in length. [7] upon the occasion of the death of the late pope leo xiii, a rich catafalque was erected in the great cathedral of sevilla, between the choir and the high altar, and services were conducted somewhat in the same manner as here described. [8] diego patiño was born june 1, 1598, at tarancon, in the diocese of cuenca, and entered his novitiate march 22, 1613. after teaching grammar he went to the philippines in 1622. he had charge of missions in catubig, malanao, iligan, and dapitan; was afterwards associate to the provincial, rector of catbologan and manila, and provincial of the philippines; and was finally sent to rome as procurator. he was versed in the various dialects of the bisayan islands. see sommervogel's bibliothèque, and post, note 9. [9] the archbishop of manila, miguel poblete, wrote to the king in like terms under date of july 8, 1654, as did also the bishop of nueva cáceres, under date of december 15, 1654. when father diego patiño reached mexico, he obtained permission from the viceroy there (june 26, 1656) to go to madrid and rome. patiño died of suffocation from hernia, in tenerife at the convent of the dominicans, july 26, 1657, and was succeeded in his office by brother francisco bello, who presented his licenses, authorizations, and memoranda to the council, september 30, 1659 [sic. in pastells, but probably 1658.] recruits finally reached the jesuits in 1662. the above document is only one of many written by various persons, detailing the need of the jesuit missions and petitioning aid. see pastells's colin, iii, pp. 787-790, where some of these letters are given with press-marks. [10] magino sola was born at girona, april 22, 1605, and was admitted into the society of jesus, august 15, 1624. he went to the philippines, where he labored among the natives for three years, was procurator of his province for four years, minister at manila for three years, rector of silang, and after 1659 procurator for the philippines in spain. he died at cadiz, october 31, 1664. sommervogel mentions two letters written by him. [11] a note of ventura del arco, the transcriber and synopsizer of this document, says: "it is not exact to say that this was the cause of the insurrection of the sangleys either in 1639 or in 1603." [12] miguel solana was born in castilla, june 1, 1594; at the age of eighteen he entered the jesuit order, and ten years later (1622) came to the philippines. during twenty years he ministered to both the spaniards and the natives, and later was (twice) provincial, and procurator-general at madrid. he died at san miguel, december 21, 1669. cf. this document with "jesuit missions in 1656" (vol. xxviii of this series, pp. 78-103), both being written by royal command. [13] this information is obtained by montero y vidal from a report made in 1654 by the jesuits, at the order of the colonial government; it is probably one of the local reports used by solana in compiling the preceding account. [14] murillo velarde says of the lutaos (hist. de philipinas, fol. 73b): "they are capable and alert, and remind me of the gypsies in españa." [15] montero y vidal adds: "it is seen, then, that the christian population in charge of the jesuits in mindanao and adjacent regions was at that time 50,000 souls. the discalced augustinians, who had gone to aid the jesuits in 1621 in extending their jurisdictions of butuan and caraga, had 20,000 more or so in charge. as the entire population of the island was, according to father colin, calculated at that time at 150,000, it follows that more than two-fifths had embraced christianity and were obedient to spanish authority." [16] before embracing a religious life, brother francisco bello (or vello) had been a fine business man and merchant, and had a thorough knowledge of the orient. see pastells's colin, iii, p. 806. [17] considerable legislation took place in regard to these two memorials. they were submitted to sebastian hurtado de corcuera, who indited his reply from santander, november 22, 1658, in which he corroborated the statements of vello, and advises that the suggestions in both be followed. they were also submitted to one licentiate antonio de león pinedo, because of his knowledge of such matters, who answered under date of madrid, january 10, 1659, advising that the forts of terrenate be annexed to the spiritual jurisdiction of the philippines. the fiscal, reporting on the matter at madrid, february 11, 1659, also favors the establishment of a tribunal of the inquisition at manila and the merging of the terrenate forts in the archbishopric of manila. on march 11, 1659, the council resolved that the viceroy and audiencia of nueva españa report pro and con on the founding of a tribunal of the inquisition in manila, after conferring with the inquisitor of mexico; also that the governor and archbishop of the philippines report on the means of supporting a tribunal of the inquisition without royal expense. a royal decree of april 24, 1659, directed to the governor and audiencia of the philippines, orders them to report pro and con on the separation of the terrenate forts from the bishopric of malacca and their addition to the archbishopric of manila. another decree of like date addressed to the viceroy and audiencia of nueva españa orders a report on the establishment of a tribunal in manila. although the memorials are without date, it is probable that they were presented to the royal council in the latter part of 1658; for bello succeeded patiño as procurator-general at tenerife, july 26, 1657. see the original documents presented by pastells (colin, iii, pp. 806-810). [18] mateo bermudez was one of the dominican mission that arrived in the islands in 1626. he ministered in formosa, and in the parián of manila; and was afterward procurator at madrid and rome, and visitador to the american provinces. in 1658 he returned to mexico, remaining there until his death (1673), at the age of eighty. [19] in the ms. this latter clause is separated from the preceding one, but obviously refers to it. the argument of solana is: the dominican school requires the teachings of st. thomas, "the angelical doctor," to be maintained. but st. thomas opposed the belief and doctrine of the immaculate conception of the blessed virgin mary. in solana's day the dogma of the immaculate conception had not yet been defined by the church; it then was a moot question. but in that day the belief in and teaching of the immaculate conception was common, though not (as said) of duty--dominicans only, one may say, holding to the contrary. the pupils, then, of santo tomas had to swear to uphold what was not common belief, although it was not then heretical.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [20] many passages in this document are very involved and elliptical, and in some places the sense is not at all clear. the translation is necessarily somewhat free, at times, in wording; but it is believed that the author's meaning is, as a rule, accurately rendered.--rev. t. c. middleton, o. s. a. [21] this description of the philippines appears in a manuscript book of an itinerary of the district of the inquisition of mexico, made by the order of the bishop of plasencia, diego de arce reynoso, a member of his majesty's council and inquisitor-general of his kingdoms and seigniories, and given to pedro de medina rico, visitor of the inquisition of the city of mexico and its districts. the philippines have place in this itinerary, as they were under the inquisition of mexico. this general visit or itinerary was to include a general review of all things affecting the inquisition, its establishments and employees. [22] that is, along the bay shore in the other direction--northward from the city of manila. [23] this is a misstatement, for the three islands of samar, negros, and panay are larger than paragua, the areas of the four islands in square miles being respectively, 5,031, 4,881, 4,611, and 4,027. see census of philippine islands, ii, p. 30. [24] the island of cebú has an area of 1,762 square miles; bohol, 1,441; 2,722; 5,031; samar, 5,031; negros, 4,881; bantayan (the bantallan of the text), 47; panai, 4,611; mindanao, 36,292. see census of philippine islands, ii, p. 30. [25] bachian, not ternate, is the largest of the moluccas, its area being 800 square geographical miles, while that of ternate is only 11.5. see crawfurd's dictionary. [26] the following two sections are taken from the historia de los religiosos descalzos (madrid, 1681) of luis de jesús, pp. 371-373. [27] the title-page of this book, translated, reads as follows: "general history of the discalced religious of the order of the hermits of the great father and doctor of the church, st. augustine, of the congregation of españa and of the indias. volume third: which was written by the very reverend father fray diego de santa theresa, pensioned lecturer, ex-definitor, and chronicler-general of the said congregation; arranged and enlarged by father fray pedro de san francisco de assis, pensioned lecturer, calificador of the holy office, definitor of the holy province of aragon, and chronicler-general. dedicated to nuestra señora del pilar [i.e., "our lady of the pillar"] of zaragoza. containing apologetic additions to the first volume in defense of the discalced augustinians, in answer to what was written against them by the father master fray alonso de villerino; and one decade, namely, from the year 1651 to that of 1660. with license. in barcelona; at the press of the heirs of juan pablo and maria martí, under the management of mauro martí, in the year 1743." the heading of the dedication is as follows: "to the sovereign queen of heaven and earth, on her throne of the pillar in zaragoza" and it is followed by a long and curious letter of dedication. we translate and condense from a copy owned by the library of congress, which bears the following inscription: [this book] belongs to the library of the convent of the discalced augustinian fathers of valladolid. fray tomas de san josé, librarian." [28] manobos: this name is applied to several pagan malay tribes in northern and eastern mindanao, the word meaning "man"--just as many other savage tubes in all parts of the world designate themselves as "men" ("the men," par excellence); but santa theresa's description of them does not accord with that of dr. barrows. (see census of philippine islands, i, pp. 461, 462.) [29] the same name as dávao, that of the province occupying the southeastern part of mindanao. [30] i.e. "black vomit;" a reference to the yellow fever, which is still prevalent today in that region. [31] i.e., "within two days' journey." [32] i.e., "when officiating in his duties, and as far as it relates to the care of souls." [33] the negritos (who have been frequently mentioned in previous volumes of this series), or aetas, form part of the eastern division of the pygmy race of blacks. in the philippines, the negritos are tound mainly in luzón and panay, and in northeastern mindanao; in smaller numbers they also inhabit districts in palawan and negros, and in some small islands besides. as in our text, they are, in luzón, often mentioned in connection with the zambals--who "were the most indolent and backward of the malayan peoples," and "who, in the days before the arrival of the europeans, were in such close contact with the negritos as to impose on them their language, and they have done it so thoroughly that no trace of an original negrito dialect remains." see w. a. reed's study of the "negritos of zambales," vol. ii, part i of ethnological survey publications (manila, 1904); it contains valuable information, based on actual field-work among those people, regarding their habitat, physical features, dress, industrial and social life, amusements, superstitions, etc., with numerous illustrations. [34] apparently this comparison of financial statements was inserted by fray pedro de san francisco de assis, the editor of santa theresa's work. [35] agutaya is the principal island of the northern cuyos group, and contains a town of the same name. [36] there are several places of this name in the islands; the reference in the text is probably taytay, the chief town of northern palawan. [37] baler is capital of the subprovince of príncipe, in luzón; its latitude is 15° 40' 6" north. [38] the following statement by dr. david p. barrows--who is chief of the bureau of non-christian tribes, manila, and is probably our best authority on this subject--presents the latest view regarding the origin of the filipinos, adopted after much patient and enthusiastic research in that field by him and other american ethnologists. it may be found in the recently-published census of the philippine islands, i, pp. 411-417. "ethnologically, no less than geographically, the philippines belong to the malay archipelago. with the exception of the aboriginal dwarf blacks, the negritos, who are still found inhabiting the forests in a great number of localities, all the tribes of the islands, whether christian, mohammedan, or pagan, are, in my belief, derived from the malayan race. we probably have in these tribes two types which represent an earlier and a later wave of immigration; but all came from the south, all speak languages belonging to one common stock, and all are closely related in physical type and qualities of mind. as representative of the first migratory movement may be named the igorot, the mountain head-hunter of northern luzón; and of the latter almost any of the present christian or mohammedan tribes. the migratory period of this latter type, which constitutes the great bulk of the present population of the islands, is almost covered by the early historical accounts of the exploration and settlement of the far east. "four hundred years ago, when the portuguese discoverers and conquerors reached southeastern asia, they found the long peninsula in which the continent ends, and the islands stretching south and east in this greatest and most famous of archipelagoes, inhabited by a race which called itself malayu. on the island of java this race had some ten centuries before been conquered by brahmin hindus from india, whose great monuments and temples still exist in the ruins of boro budor. through the influence and power of the hindus the malay culture made a considerable advance, and a sanskrit element, amounting in some cases to twenty per cent of the words, entered the malayan languages. how far the hindu actually extended his conquests and settlements is a most interesting study, but can hardly yet be settled. he may have colonized the shores of manila bay and the coast of luzón, where the names of numerous ancient places show a sanskrit origin. the sanskrit element is most pronounced in the tagálog and moro tongues. (pardo de tavera, el sanscrito en la lengua tagala.) "following the hindus into the malay archipelago came the arabs. they came first as voyagers and merchants, and here as always the arab was a proselyter, and his faith spread rapidly. long before the portuguese arrival islamism had succeeded brahminism and the arab had supplanted the hindu.... mohammedanism gradually made its way until, on the arrival of the europeans, its frontiers were almost the same as those of the malay race itself. "the people who carried this faith, and who still rank as the type of the race, were the seafaring population, living in boats as well us on the shore, who control the islands of the straits between sumatra, the malay peninsula, and borneo. these people received from the portuguese the name of cellates, a corruption of orang salat (sea folk). under the influence of mohammedanism this race, which seems to have originated in sumatra, improved in culture, formed many settlements and principalities, and because of their seagoing habits, their enjoyment of trade, and their lust for piracy, carried their name (malayu), their language, and their adopted mohammedan religion throughout the malay archipelago. probably as early as 1300 these adventurers established a colony on northwest borneo, opposite the island of labuan, which colony received the name of brunei, from which has been derived the name of the whole island, borneo. the island was already inhabited by malayan tribes of more primitive culture, of which the dyak is the best known. from this settlement of borneo the mohammedanized malay extended his influence and his settlements to the sulu archipelago, to mindanao, to mindoro, and to manila bay." the people of sulúan, whom magellan encountered near sámar, "were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present great visayan people are in the main descended. many things incline me to believe that these natives had come, in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of mindanao from the sulu archipelago.... to the present day the physical type and the language, persisting unchanged in spite of changes of culture, closely relate the visayan to the moro. in addition to these arrivals from the archipelago of sulu there was probably a more primitive malayan population, whom the later arrivals already had more or less in subjection, as the moros even now control the pagans on the mainland of mindanao.... thus we may infer that at the time of the discovery there were on these central islands of the archipelago, a primitive, tattooed malayan people, related on the one hand to the still primitive and pagan tribes of the philippines, and on the other hand to the wild head-hunting tribes of borneo; and in addition intruding and dominating later arrivals, who were the seafaring malays." interesting in this connection is the following remark on the negritos by taw sein ko, in his "origin of the burmese race," published in the magazine buddhism, (rangoon, burma), in march, 1904: "there remains the question as to the autochthonous races which were displaced by the burmese, talaings, shans, chins, and karens in burma. before the advent of these nations, the negrito race appears to have occupied southeastern asia, including burma. remnants of it are still found in the andaman islands, philippines, borneo, and malaya." [39] apparently a reference to manuel estacio venegas, a favorite of fajardo's, whose downfall letona relates in sect. 59. [40] vascongado: a term applied to the people or products of the spanish provinces of alava, guipúzcoa, and vizcaya (or biscay). [41] a phonetic rendering of one of the numerous names of a noted chinese corsair--generally known as kue-sing or ko-xinga; la concepción also gives, as his original chinese name, tching-tching-cong, and coseng and punpuan (in diaz, cogsin and pompóan) as other appellations. he also says that kue-sing (the name meaning "adopted son of a king") was adopted by the emperor congun, who had no sons. the accounts of various writers do not agree regarding the early history of this adventurer; but that given by our text is apparently corroborated by other accounts of kue-sing's achievements and exploits during his later years. detailed relations of his career, and of his attempt upon the philippines, may be found in diaz's conquistas, pp. 461, 551-555, 616-637; santa cruz's hist. de filipinas, pp. 271-278, etc.; murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 270b-275; la concepción's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 345 (sc. 355)-359, and vii, pp. 38-56; ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, iii, pp. 12-17, 29-41, 47-67, 78-98; montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 313-322, 329. ferrando calls kue-sing the "attila of the east." [42] vittorio ricci (spanish riccio) was a relative of the noted jesuit, mateo ricci. he made profession as a dominican in 1635, and was a student and afterward a teacher in the dominican college at rome. meeting there (1643) the noted fray j. b. morales, ricci decided to return with him to the east, and arrived at manila in 1648. there he ministered to the chinese for seven years, when he was sent to the china mission. he was much favored by the noted kue-sing (or ko-xinga), who obliged him to become his ambassador to manila (1662). returning to china, ricci found that kue-sing was dead, and persuaded the latter's officers that it was to their interest to maintain peace and commerce with the spaniards--for which purpose they sent him again to manila, as here narrated. in 1664 a persecution arose in china, and the missionaries were summoned to peking. fearing to obey, as he had been on kue-sing's side, ricci fled to formosa, and afterward (march, 1666) returned to manila--where he was imprisoned for some time. afterward he held various important offices in his order, and aided in the compilation of santa cruz's continuation of aduarte's history. he died at the parián, february 17, 1685. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 461-464. [43] the letter of kue-sing, and the governor's reply, may be found in diaz's conquistas, pp. 625, 626, 629-631; and murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 271, 274. [44] the order to abandon zamboanga arrived there on june 19, 1662; but this was not accomplished until april, 1663. the commandant of this fort at that time was fernando de bobadilla. paquian bactial, king of joló, as soon as he heard of the proposed abandonment, plotted to kill all the spaniards in zamboanga, and make it his own capital; he asked corralat to aid in this enterprise, but the latter refused to break his peace with the spaniards. royal decrees at various times ordered that fort to be again occupied; but this was not done until 1718, under the rule of governor bustamente. (see murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 275, 276.) [45] probably thus named from the tree called talisay (terminalia catappa), as perhaps constructed from its wood. its bark is used for dyeing; and its seeds are edible, resembling almonds. see blanco's flora (ed. 1845), p. 264; and official handbook of philippines, pp. 309, 356. [46] referring to the dominican riccio, who with the title of mandarin had brought kue-sing's message. [47] "from the cattle-herds on the ranches, and other men who were skilful in managing horses, he formed a cavalry troop of 400 men, in command of don francisco de figueroa" (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 273). [48] josé de madrid, a native of cebú, was a student and later a teacher, in the college of santo tomás at manila, having entered the dominican order in 1646. he went to china, but, fearing to lose his life, returned to manila, only to die, as here related, at the hands of the chinese (may 25, 1662). [49] these were malays who had accompanied the spaniards from ternate, where they formed a village, their name meaning "free people" (pastells's ed. of colin's labor evangélica, iii, pp. 266, 812). la concepción (hist. de philipinas, vii, p. 102) says: "under this name [i.e., mardicas, or merdicas] are included natives of ternate, tidore, and siao; of manados, cauripa, celebes, and macasar. they were allotted a dwelling-place at marigondon, on the great bay of manila ... and theirs is the island of corregidor, from which they give warning of the ships that they descry, by signal-fires." he says that they speak three languages--spanish, tagálog, and their own dialect; and "regard themselves as the spiritual sons of st. francis xavier, to whom they are singularly devoted--a feeling inspired by their forefathers, who had known him and witnessed his marvelous works." ferrando says (hist. pp. dominicos, iii, p. 94) that these people have preserved their own dialect, usages, and customs; and up to recent times had not intermarried with the filipinos of neighboring villages. [50] la estacada (literally "the stockade") was on the same side of the pasig river as binondoc, but separated from that village by the little estuary which leads to the village of tondo. see muñoz's map of manila and its suburbs (1671) in pastells's edition of colin's labor evangélica, iii, p. 824; this map will be reproduced in the present series. [51] spanish falsabraga: "a parapet constructed at a lower elevation than the main parapet, and between the parapet and the edge of the ditch. it was used only in permanent fortification, and has long been obsolete;" see wilhelm's military dictionary (phila., 1881), p. 158. [52] cf. with this description the fortifications indicated on muñoz's map, mentioned ante, p. 243, note 50. in order to prevent the enemy from fortifying large buildings outside the walls, "orders were issued to demolish the churches of santiago, bagumbaya, hermita, malate, parañaque, dilao, san lazaro, the parian, and santa cruz--besides various country houses which the spaniards own in those environs." (murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 272.) [53] this son was called kin-sié, also known as tching king-may and sipuan; la concepción says (vii, p. 55) that he, "who had been reared in the study, among books, did nothing to cultivate the country which his father had acquired with so many dangers and fatigues, and the troops therefore became, in his service, lax and cowardly." [54] the references in this document to the rulers of china can hardly be satisfactorily identified; the various names given to the same person, the conflicting claims of various usurpers or temporary rulers, and the struggle between the dying ming dynasty and the manchu conquerors, cause great confusion and uncertainty in the history of that period. the actual ruler of china was then the manchu chuntche (1646-61); he was succeeded by his second son, kanghi. [55] nanking was, under some early chinese dynasties, the capital of the empire. this name signifies merely "southern court;" the proper appellation of the city is kianningfu. odoric of pordenoñe, who visited it near the year 1325, says that its walls had a circuit of forty miles, and in it were three hundred and sixty stone bridges, the finest in the world (yule's cathay, i, pp. 120, 121). [56] this was hia-mun, or emuy (known by the english as amoy); it lies off the province of fuh-kien, at the mouth of the lung-kiang ("dragon") river. on it lies the city of amoy, a large and important commercial port; it has one of the best harbors on the coast. (williams's middle kingdom, i, pp. 114, 115.) [57] diaz relates this (conquistas, p. 619) in greater detail. "the tartar [i.e., chuntche], seeing himself reduced to so great straits ... resolved to command that all the [inhabited places on the] maritime coasts should be laid waste and dismantled, for a distance of three or four leguas inland, throughout the more than eight hundred leguas of coasts which that empire possesses. this, to the great injury of the empire, left demolished and razed to the ground innumerable settlements and cities, enough to compose several kingdoms. this was the greatest conflagration and havoc that the world has seen, ... and only populous china could be the fit theater for such a tragedy, and only the cruel barbarity of the tartars [could make them the] inventors and executors of such destruction. the upheaval which the execution of this so unexampled cruelty caused cannot be described; the loss of property is incalculable; and human thought cannot conceive the horror produced by the sight of so many thousands of towns and cities burning. at last this general conflagration was completed, the fire lasting many days--the clouds of smoke reaching as far as hia-muen, more than twenty leguas, and the sun not being visible in all that broad expanse. stations were established at suitable distances for easily rendering aid, well garrisoned with soldiers; and watch-towers were erected a legua apart, to keep a lookout over the sea-coasts. a public proclamation forbade any person to pass the bounds assigned, four leguas distant from the seashore. with these precautions, if kue-sing's ships landed there, a great number of soldiers were quickly assembled to dispute his entrance into the country--thus keeping within bounds kue-sing, who now did not encounter sleeping men." [58] referring to the bay whereon was situated the chief settlement and fort of the dutch in formosa, that of tai-wan, in the southwestern part of the island. [59] apparently referring to the usual despatch of several copies of a letter, to ensure its safe receipt. the form of this summary would indicate that it is made by ventura del arco; and it is followed by a tracing of salcedo's autograph. [60] either this date or the date 1665 (see post, p. 266) is doubtless a transcriber's error. [61] i corinthians, vii, 20. [62] alcalde de monterilla: an ironical and descriptive qualification of petty judges (dominguez's diccionario). [63] as appears from a note by mas, the alcaldes paid a certain sum for the privilege of trading. their salaries in 1840 were variously for the sums of 300, 600, and 1,000 (one instance) pesos. the trading privilege cost from 40 to 300 pesos. [64] this is the famous philosophical treatise on political science, which was published by charles de secondat, baron de la brède de montesquieu, in 1748, and was the product of twenty years' work. [65] jeremy bentham, the english jurist and philosopher who lived in the years 1748-1832. [66] probably referring to la scienza della legislazione of gaetano filangieri, the italian jurist, who lived 1752-88. he was influenced somewhat by montesquieu. [67] i.e., of the leyes de indias. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxix, 1683-1690 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxxix preface 9 miscellaneous documents, 1683-1690 dampier in the philippines (concluded). william dampier; london, 1697 21 petition for dominican missionaries. francisco de villalva; [madrid, 1687?] 122 events in filipinas, 1686-88. [unsigned and undated.] 131 the pardo controversy. juan sanchez, and others; manila, 1683-89 149 official visitation by valdivia. [unsigned; manila, 1689-90.] 276 bibliographical data 303 illustrations view of the city of manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in dampier's nouveau voyage autour du monde (french trans., amsterdam, 1698) between pp. 434 and 435; from copy in library of congress 89 map of the philippine islands; photographic facsimile from pierrè du val's la géographie universelle, "isles philippines" (paris, 1682), between pp. 306 and 307; from copy of original map in bibliothèque nationale, paris 129 autograph signature of pedro murillo velarde, s.j.; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 195 preface the present volume, which covers the period 1683-90, is mainly devoted to an account of the controversy between archbishop pardo and the religious orders on one side, and the secular government on the other--a conflict of which such events as the disputes between salazar and dasmariñas (1591) and guerrero and corcuera (1635-36) were but preliminary skirmishes. in this case the archbishop gains the ascendency, being reënforced by one of the governors. dampier's account of his sojourn in the islands is here concluded from the preceding volume. he finds the mindanaos friendly to the english, but distrustful of the dutch and spaniards. they are ingenious and clever in metal-work, and with very primitive tools and appliances make excellent utensils and ship-repairs; another industry of theirs is shipbuilding. the english ship remains about a week on the southern shore of mindanao, to wait for favorable weather, and then proceeds to the rio grande of mindanao, where it arrives july 18. the natives there are anxious to secure trade with the english merchants, and dampier regrets that his companions did not resolve to give up freebooting for spice-island trade, especially as they were so well fitted, by experience and training, for establishing a trading-post, and had an excellent equipment for that purpose. the english officers maintain friendly intercourse with the natives, which enables them to see much of malay life and customs. some of the english sailors desert here, some are poisoned by the natives, and most of the crew become drunken and disaffected. the captain neglects to discipline them, and finally the crew sail away with their ship and leave him (january 14, 1687), with thirty-six of his men, at mindanao. they halt at guimarás island to "scrub" their ship and lay in water; then (february 10) sail northward past panay. at mindoro they encounter some indians, from whom they gain information as to the commerce of manila, which they intend to attack and pillage. on february 23, the english begin their piratical acts in the philippines by capturing a spanish bark, near the coast of luzón. after describing that island, he relates how some of the english sailors left at mindanao find their way to manila. the men on dampier's vessel, not finding the chinese vessels that they expected to seize, decide to wait on the coast of cambodia and siam until the time when the acapulco galleon is expected. having cruised along the mainland until july 29, they direct their course to the batanes islands, north of luzón, arriving there august 6; they trade with the natives, clean the ship, and lay in provisions, intending to go afterward to harry the manila commerce. but a fierce storm arises (september 25), driving them about for a week, and disheartening the men; and finally (october 3) they sail from the northern end of luzón past the eastern coast of that island and leyte, until they reach sarangani, where they halt to repair their ship. departing thence november 2, they go to australia, and dampier soon afterward leaves the ship--spending the next four years in the malasian islands, and, after numerous and varied adventures, arriving in england in september, 1691. francisco de villalva, procurator for the dominicans at madrid, petitions for royal aid in sending forty missionaries of that order to the philippines. some unknown jesuit furnishes a "diary of events from june, 1686 to june, 1687." these include the arrivals and departures of ships from the port of cavite; the deaths of prominent persons; the dissensions between the jesuits and the archbishop, and between the religious orders; the conflicts between governor and audiencia, and their relations with the archbishop; attacks by pirates; and other news-items, of miscellaneous character. a similar record (whether by the same hand is uncertain) continues through 1688. a notable event in the history of the islands was the controversy (1681-89) between archbishop pardo and the secular authorities. hundreds of documents and printed books are extant concerning this dispute, but our limited space will not allow us to reproduce many of these; it seems most useful for our purpose to give an outline of the main events during that time, as told by some of those who took part therein, both secular and religious, and representing different sides of the controversy. these contemporary documents are reënforced with abundant citations from the chroniclers of the religious orders--the augustinian diaz, the jesuit murillo velarde, the dominican salazar, and the recollect concepción; these are found in the annotations accompanying our text. the first account is that written by juan sánchez, secretary of the audiencia, dated june 15, 1683; he relates the difficulties which arose between the secular and the religious authorities during the three years preceding that date--that controversy having begun in 1680, with the complaint of the cura of vigan against the acting head of the diocese of nueva segovia, that the latter does not reside at the seat of that bishopric, and interferes with the above cura. the audiencia undertakes to settle the affair, and the archbishop insists that it belongs to his jurisdiction. his cathedral chapter are offended at certain proceedings of his, and jealous of the influence acquired over him by fray raimundo berart, a friar of the dominican order (to which pardo also belongs). the new bishop of nueva segovia also claims that the vigan case belongs to his jurisdiction, not the archbishop's. several other cases occur in which pardo acts in an arbitrary manner, among them his seizure of a shipment of goods for the jesuits, and his excommunication of a jesuit for declining to render him an accounting in a certain executorship entrusted to the latter--ortega alleging that this affair, as purely secular, pertains to the audiencia alone. the audiencia endeavor to restrain pardo, but in vain; and the strained relations between them quickly grow into open hostilities. the situation is complicated by various antagonistic elements, which may be briefly summarized thus: the archbishop's arbitrary conduct toward his own clerics and other persons, and his strenuous insistence on his ecclesiastical prerogatives; the undue influence over him obtained by his dominican brethren; the jealousies between the various religious orders; and, still more fundamental, the unceasing conflict between ecclesiastical and secular authority--the latter embodied mainly in the audiencia, as the governors often ranged themselves against that tribunal, under the pressure of ecclesiastical influence. to these may be added the remoteness of the colony from spain, and its smallness, which renders the limits within which these human forces are at work more narrow and circumscribed, and therefore intensifies their action. after a long conflict between pardo and the audiencia, in which their weapons are used freely on both sides--decrees, appeals, protests, censures, and legal technicalities of every sort, civil and canonical--that tribunal decides (october 1, 1682) to banish the archbishop, a sentence which is not executed until may 1, 1683. he is then seized by the officials of the audiencia, and deported to lingayén, a village in cagayán. his assistant bishop, barrientos, demands the right to act in pardo's place; but his claim is set aside in favor of the cathedral chapter, or cabildo--which declares the see vacant in consequence of pardo's exile. another dominican, francisco de villalba, is banished to nueva españa for seditious preaching; and others are sent to cagayán. the narration of events in manila is continued in another document, from july, 1684, to june, 1685; this account is unsigned, but it suggests the hand of the preceding writer, sánchez. on august 24 of the former year occurs the formal entrance into the city of the new governor, curuzelaegui. this change of administration gives opportunity for the return of the banished dominicans, and an agitation for the restoration of pardo to his see, which is quickly accomplished. soon he lays an iron hand on all persons who had formerly opposed him. excommunications are imposed on ex-governor vargas, the auditors, and other persons concerned in the archbishop's banishment; and the members of the cathedral chapter are suspended, and their official acts during his absence are annulled. they are not absolved until near the end of lent (1685), and this is done in public, and very harshly, with great humiliation to the penitents. at the urgent remonstrances and entreaties of curuzelaegui, pardo finally consents to absolve the ex-governor, vargas; but he loads this concession with conditions so grievous and humiliating that vargas is unwilling to accept them. another unsigned document relates the "occurrences during the government of cruzalaegui," of which a part, relating to the pardo controversy only, is placed here with others on that subject; it covers only the first year, 1684-85. this writer also sympathizes with the auditors; his account is given mainly as an index of popular feeling on one side of the controversy. a letter from auditor bolivar to his agent at madrid (june 15, 1685) presents an interesting view of the affair from the inside, and of the intrigues which kept manila in a ferment during most of pardo's term of office. bolivar dares not write to the council of the indias, lest his letters be seized; he therefore directs his agent to take certain measures in his behalf, "for one cannot trust in friars." he recounts the proceedings in the residencia of vargas, in which there are many false witnesses. he thinks that the spaniards of manila are more fickle than any others, and regards that colony as "a little edition of hell." he is eager to get away from the islands, and urges his friend to secure for him permission to do so, and to make arrangements so that he may not be needlessly detained in the islands. a letter from the jesuit pimentel (february 8, 1686) relates the scheming by which pardo's return from exile was facilitated. another unsigned paper contains "news since the year 1688;" the writer claims that his intention is "only that the truth may be known." this account is mainly occupied with the fate of the auditors and other officials who had incurred pardo's wrath by taking part in his banishment. they are subjected to imprisonment, privation, and exile; a reign of terror prevails in manila; and the governor is in close alliance with the archbishop, so that there "is no recourse, except to god." the writer mentions several things in condemnation of the governor's personal character, and regards him as unscrupulous and tyrannical. finally, the dominican account of this controversy is related by vicénte de salazar, one of the official historians of that order, in his biography of pardo. in 1677 that prelate enters upon the vacant see of manila; he finds many ecclesiastical abuses and social scandals, and much official corruption. undertaking to correct these, he incurs the enmity of many persons, and the ecclesiastical tribunal is filled with cases. for nearly three years the relations of the archbishop with the governor and audiencia remain friendly; but finally (1680) certain ecclesiastics under censure have recourse to the audiencia against the archbishop's authority, and this soon leads to hostilities between the religious and secular branches of the government. next the cathedral chapter become insubordinate to pardo, their proper head, and they too appeal to the audiencia; and a long legal war ensues, in which the weapons are official acts on both sides. at last (in 1682) the audiencia decree pardo's banishment from his see, but hold this measure in suspense for a time. he irritates the jesuits, by proceeding against one of their number who is acting as executor for an estate, and seizes goods belonging to that order which are brought by the acapulco galleon; and soon the archbishop encounters complaints and clamors from all sides. the decree of banishment is enforced, and pardo is arrested (march 31, 1683) and deported to the village of lingayén, in the province of pangasinán. the cabildo assume the government of the archbishopric, ignoring pardo's appointment of barrientos to that office; and many of pardo's supporters are banished or otherwise chastised. a new governor coming to the islands, the archbishop is reinstated in his see (november 16, 1685) and the case is afterward decided by the courts of rome and madrid in his favor. he finds much to do in restoring his church to its former condition, and defending the ecclesiastical rights and privileges--an undertaking which keeps him engaged in conflicts, but cannot abate his zeal and constancy. in the outcome he is vindicated, even god taking vengeance on the enemies of the archbishop, whose saintly qualities are extolled by salazar. pardo dies on december 31, 1689. a royal official comes to the islands (1688) to bring suit against the auditors who had banished the archbishop; but he finds that all of them are dead, except bolivar, and even he dies while on his way to manila. accounts (ca. 1690) of valdivia's proceedings are given by a dominican and a jesuit respectively (as appears from internal evidence). he reconciles the jesuits and the dominicans in manila; sends vargas, sentenced in residencia to pay 100,000 pesos, to pangasinán; and sides with the archbishop in everything. this encourages pardo to continue taking vengeance on his enemies; and he and valdivia chastise whomsoever they will, in highly arbitrary fashion--the visitor aiding pardo in many cases, and in others inflicting penalties on citizens of manila in connection with purely secular affairs. vargas is sent into exile, the archbishop refusing to the last to absolve him, notwithstanding the commands of the audiencia. the second letter, written from nueva españa (probably 1691), apparently by a jesuit, relates briefly the proceedings of valdivia in the islands. the writer sends a warning to combat the influences that will be exerted at court to secure the see for barrientos; and asserts that valdivia has appropriated to himself great wealth (part of which has been seized) obtained from the manila proceedings. the governor died in april, 1690. the editors may, 1906. miscellaneous documents, 1683-1690 dampier in the philippines (concluded). william dampier; 1697. petition for dominican missionaries. francisco de villalva; [1687?]. events in filipinas, 1686-88. [unsigned and undated.] the pardo controversy. juan sanchez, and others; 1683-89. official visitation by valdivia. [unsigned; 1689-90.] sources: the first document is concluded from vol. xxxviii, q.v. the second is obtained from a rare pamphlet in the british museum; the third and fifth, from the ventura del arco mss., iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732; and 589-596, 641-673; the fourth, mainly from the same volume, with additions from retana's archivo, i, no. iv, and salazar's hist. sant. rosario, pp. 490-513. translations: all save the first document are translated by emma helen blair. dampier in the philippines (concluded) chap. xii of the inhabitants, and civil state of the isle of mindanao. the mindanayans, hilanoones, sologues, and alfoorees. of the mindanayans, properly so called; their manners and habits. the habits and manners of their women. a comical custom at mindanao. their houses, their diet, and washings. the languages spoken there, and transactions with the spaniards. their fear of the dutch, and seeming desire of the english. their handy-crafts, and peculiar sort of smiths bellows. their shipping, commodities, and trade. the mindanao and manila tobacco. a sort of leprosie there, and other distempers. their marriages. the sultan of mindanao, his poverty, power, family, &c. the proes or boats here. raja laut the general, brother of the sultan, and his family. their way of fighting. their religion. raja laut's devotion. a clock or drum in their mosques. of their circumcision, and the solemnity then used. of other their religious observations and superstitions. their abhorrence of swines flesh, &c. this island is not subject to one prince, neither is the language one and the same; but the people are much alike, in colour, strength, and stature. they are all or most of them of one religion, which is mahometanism, and their customs and manner of living are alike. the mindanao people, more particularly so called, are the greatest nation in the island, and trading by sea with other nations, they are therefore the more civil. i shall say but little of the rest, being less known to me, but so much as hath come to my knowledge, take as follows. there are besides the mindanayans, the hilanoones, (as they call them) or the mountaneers, the sologues and alfoores. [1] the hilanoones live in the heart of the country: they have little or no commerce by sea, yet they have proe's that row with 12 or 14 oars apiece. they enjoy the benefit of the gold mines; and with their gold buy forreign commodities of the mindanao people. they have also plenty of bees-wax, which they exchange for other commodities. the sologues inhabit the n.w. end of the island. [2] they are the least nation of all; they trade to manila in proes, and to some of the neighboring islands, but have no commerce with the mindanao people. the alfoores are the same with the mindanayans, and were formerly under the subjection of the sultan of mindanao, but were divided among the sultan's children, and have of late had a sultan of their own; but having by marriage contracted an alliance with the sultan of mindanao, this has occasioned that prince to claim them again as his subjects; and he made war with them a little after we went away, as i afterwards understood. the mindanayans properly so called, are men of mean statures; small limbs, straight bodies, and little heads. their faces are oval, their foreheads flat, with black small eyes, short low noses, pretty large mouths; their lips thin and red, their teeth black, yet very sound, their hair black and straight, the colour of their skin tawney, but inclining to a brighter yellow than some other indians, especially the women. they have a custom to wear their thumb-nails very long, especially that on their left thumb, for they do never cut it but scrape it often. they are indued with good natural wits, are ingenious, nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy and thievish, and will not work except forced by hunger. this laziness is natural to most indians; but these people's lazinesz seems rather to proceed not so much from their natural inclinations, as from the severity of their prince of whom they stand in awe: for he dealing with them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this damps their industry, so they never strive to have any thing but from hand to mouth. they are generally proud, and walk very stately. they are civil enough to strangers, and will easily be acquainted with them, and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable to their enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequently poisoning secretly those that have affronted them. they wear but few cloaths; their heads are circled with a short turban, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the head, and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. they wear frocks and breeches, but no stockings nor shooes. the women are fairer than the men; and their hair is black and long; which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their poles. they are more round visaged than the men, and generally well featured; only their noses are very small, and so low between their eyes, that in some of the female children the rising that should be between the eyes is scarce discernable; neither is their any sensible rising in their foreheads. at a distance they appear very well; but being nigh, these impediments are very obvious. they have very small limbs. they wear but two garments; a frock, and a sort of petticoat; the petticoat is only a piece of cloth, sewed both ends together; but it is made two foot too big for their wastes, so that they may wear either end uppermost; that part that comes up to their wastes, because it is so much too big, they gather it in their hands, and twist it till it fits close to their wastes, tucking in the twisted part between their waste and the edge of the petticoat, which keeps it close. the frock fits loose about them, and reaches down a little below the waste. the sleeves are a great deal longer than their arms, and so small at the end, that their hands will scarce go through. being on, the sleeve fits in folds about the wrist, wherein they take great pride. the better sort of people have their garments made of long cloth; but the ordinary sort wear cloth made of plantain-tree, which they call saggen; [3] by which name they call the plantain. they have neither stocking or shooe, and the women have very small feet. the women are very desirous of the company of strangers, especially white men; and doubtless would be very familiar, if the custom of the country did not debar them from that freedom, which seems coveted by them. yet from the highest to the lowest they are allowed liberty to converse with, or treat strangers in the sight of their husbands. there is a kind of begging custom at mindanao, that i have not met elsewhere with in all my travels; and which i believe is owing to the little trade they have; which is thus: when strangers arrive here, the mindanao men will come aboard, and invite them to their houses, and inquire who has a comrade, (which word i believe they have from the spaniards) or a pagally, and who has not. a comrade is a familiar male-friend; a pagally [4] is an innocent platonick friend of the other sex. all strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of this acquaintance and familiarity, which must be first purchased with a small present, and afterwards confirmed with some gift or other to continue the acquaintance: and as often as the stranger goes ashore, he is welcome to his comrade or pagally's house, where he may be entertained for his money, to eat, drink, or sleep, and complimented, as often as he comes ashore, with tobacco and betel-nut, which is all the entertainment he must expect gratis. the richest mens wives are allow'd the freedom to converse with her pagally in publick, and may give or receive presents from him. even the sultans and the generals wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of their cages when a stranger passeth by, and demand of him if he wants a pagally: and to invite him to their friendship, will send a present of tobacco and betel-nut to him by their servants. the chiefest city on this island is called by the same name of mindanao. it is seated on the south side of the island, in lat. 7 d. 20 m. n. on the banks of a small river, about two mile from the sea. the manner of building is somewhat strange: yet generally used in this part of the east-indies. their house are all built on posts, about 14, 16, 18, or 20 foot high. these posts are bigger or less, according to the intended magnificence of the superstructure. they have but one floor, but many partitions or rooms, and a ladder or stairs to go up out of the streets. the roof is large, and covered with palmeto or palm-leaves. so there is a clear passage like a piazza (but a filthy one) under the house. some of the poorer people that keep ducks or hens, have a fence made round the posts of their houses, with a door to go in and out; and this under-room serves for no other use. some use this place for the common draught of their houses, but building mostly close by the river in all parts of the indies, they make the river receive all the filth of their house; and at the time of the land-floods, all is washed very clean. the sultan's house is much bigger than any of the rest. it stands on about 180 great posts or trees, a great deal higher than the common building, with great broad stairs made to go up. in the first room he hath about 20 iron guns, all saker and minion, placed on field-carriages. the general, and other great men have some guns also in their houses. about 20 paces from the sultan's house there is a small low house, built purposely for the reception of ambassadors or merchant strangers. this also stands on posts, but the floor is not raised above three or four foot above the ground, and is neatly matted purposely for the sultan and his council to sit on; for they use no chairs, but sit cross-legg'd like taylors on the floor. the common food at mindanao is rice, or sago, and a small fish or two. the better sort eat buffalo, or fowls ill drest, and abundance of rice with it. they use no spoons to eat their rice, but every man takes a handful out of the platter, and by wetting his hand in water, that it may not stick to his hand, squeezes it into a lump, as hard as possibly he can make it, and then crams it into his mouth. they all strive to make these lumps as big as their mouths can receive them; and seem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in the biggest lump; so that sometimes they almost choke themselves. they always wash after meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean; for which reason they spend abundance of water in their houses. this water, with the washing of their dishes, and what other filth they make, they pour down near their fire-place: for their chambers are not boarded, but floored with split bamboes, like lathe, so that the water presently falls underneath their dwelling rooms, where it breeds maggots, and makes a prodigious stink. besides this filthiness, the sick people ease themselves, and make water in their chambers; there being a small hole made purposely in the floor, to let it drop through. but healthy sound people commonly ease themselves, and make water in the river. for that reason you shall always see abundance of people, of both sexes in the river, from morning till night; some easing themselves, others washing their bodies or cloaths. if they come into the river purposely to wash their cloaths, they strip and stand naked till they have done; then put them on, and march out again: both men and women take great delight in swimming, and washing themselves, being bred to it from their infancy. i do believe it is very wholsom to wash mornings and evenings in these hot countries, at least three or four days in the week: for i did use my self to it when i lived afterwards at ben-cooly, and found it very refreshing and comfortable. it is very good for those that have fluxes to wash and stand in the rivers mornings and evenings. i speak it experimentally; for i was brought very low with that distemper at achin; but by washing constantly mornings and evenings i found great benefit, and was quickly cured by it. in the city of mindanao they speak two languages indifferently: their own mindanao language, and the malaya; but in other parts or the island they speak only their proper language, having little commerce abroad. they have schools, and instruct the children to read and write, and bring them up in the mahometan religion. therefore many of the words, especially their prayers, are in arabick; and many of the words of civility the same as in turkey; and especially when they meet in the morning, or take leave of each other, they express themselves in that language. many of the old people, both men and women, can speak spanish, for the spaniards were formerly settled among them, and had several forts on this island; and then they sent two friers to the city, to convert the sultan of mindanao and his people. at that time these people began to learn spanish, and the spaniards incroached on them and endeavoured to bring them into subjection; and probably before this time had brought them all under their yoak, if they themselves had not been drawn off from this island to manila, to resist the chinese, who threatened to invade them there. when the spaniards were gone, the old sultan of mindanao, father to the present, in whose time it was, razed and demolished their forts, brought away their guns, and sent away the friers; and since that time will not suffer the spaniards to settle on the islands. they are now most afraid of the dutch, being sensible how they have inslaved many of the neighboring islands. for that reason they have a long time desired the english to settle among them, and have offered them any convenient place to build a fort in, as the general himself told us; giving this reason, that they do not find the english so incroaching as the dutch or spanish. the dutch are no less jealous of their admitting the english, for they are sensible what detriment it would be to them if the english should settle here. there are but few tradesmen at the city of mindanao. the chiefest trades are goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and carpenters. there are but two or three goldsmiths; these will work in gold or silver, and make any thing that you desire: but they have no shop furnished with ware ready made for sale. here are several blacksmiths who work very well, considering the tools that they work with. their bellows are much different from ours. they are made of a wooden cylinder, the trunk of a tree, about three foot long, bored hollow like a pump, and set upright on the ground, on which the fire it self is made. near the lower end there is a small hole, in the side of the trunk next the fire, made to receive a pipe, through which the wind is driven to the fire by a great bunch of fine feathers fastened to one end of the stick, which closing up the inside of the cylinder, drives the air out of the cylinder through the pipe: two of these trunks or cylinders are placed so nigh together, that a man standing between them may work them both at once alternately, one with each hand. they have neither vice nor anvil, but a great hard stone or a piece of an old gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making both common utensils and iron-works about ships to admiration. they work altogether with charcoal. every man almost is a carpenter, for they can work with the ax and adds. their ax is but small, and so made that they can take it out of the helve, and by turning it make an adds of it. they have no saws; but when they make plank, they split the tree in two, and make a plank of each part, plaining it with the ax and adds. this requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time; but they work cheap, and the goodness of the plank thus hewed, which hath its grain preserv'd entire, makes amends for their cost and pains. they build good and serviceable ships or barks for the sea, some for trade, others for pleasure; and some ships of war. their trading vessels they send chiefly to manila. thither they transport bees-wax, which, i think, is the only commodity, besides gold that they vend there. the inhabitants of the city of mindanao get a great deal of bees-wax themselves: but the greatest quantity they purchase is of the mountaneers, from whom they also get the gold which they send to manila; and with these they buy their calicoes, muslins, and china silk. they send sometimes their barks to borneo and other islands; but what they transport thither, or import from thence, i know not. the dutch come hither in sloops from ternate and tidore, and buy rice, bees-wax, and tobacco: for there is a great deal of tobacco grown on this island, more than in any island or country in the east-indies, that i know of, manila only excepted. it is an excellent sort of tobacco; but these people have not the art of managing this trade to their best advantage, as the spaniards have at manila. i do believe the seeds were first brought hither from manila by the spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from america: the difference between the mindanao and manila tobacco is, that the mindanao tobacco is of a darker colour; and the leaf larger and grosser than the manila tobacco, being propagated or planted in a fatter soil. the manila tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an indifferent size, not strong, but pleasant to smoak. the spaniards at manila are very curious about this tobacco, having a peculiar way of making it up neatly in the leaf. for they take two little sticks, each about a foot long, and flat, and placing the stalks of the tobacco leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two sticks, they bind them hard together, so that the leaves hang dangling down. one of these bundles is sold for a rial at fort st. george: but you may have 10 or 12 pound of tobacco at mindanao for a rial: and the tobacco is as good, or rather better than the manila tobacco, but they have not that vent for it as the spaniards have. the mindanao people are much troubled with a sort of leprosie, the same as we observed at guam. this distemper runs with a dry scurf all over their bodies, and causeth great itching in those that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raiseth the outer skin in small whitish flakes, like the scales of little fish, when they are raised on end with a knife. this makes their skin extraordinary rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots in several parts of their body. i judge such have had it, but are cured; for their skins were smooth, and i did not perceive them to scrub themselves: yet i have learnt from their own mouths that these spots were from this distemper. whether they use any means to cure themselves, or whether it goes away of it self, i know not: but i did not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never refrain any company for it; none of our people caught it of them, for we were afraid of it, and kept off. they are sometimes troubled with the small pox, but their ordinary distempers are fevers, agues, fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their guts. the country affords a great many drugs and medicinal herbs, whose virtues are not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the sick. the mindanao men have many wives: but what ceremonies are used when they marry i know not. there is commonly a great feast made by the bridegroom to entertain his friends, and the most part of the night is spent in mirth. the sultan is absolute in his power over all his subjects. he is but a poor prince; for as i mentioned before, they have but little trade, and therefore cannot be rich. if the sultan understands that any man has money, if it be but 20 dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so much money, pretending urgent occasions for it; and they dare not deny him. sometimes he will send to sell one thing or another that he hath to dispose of, to such whom he knows to have money, and they must buy it, and give him his price; and if afterwards he hath occasion for the same thing, he must have it if he sends for it. he is but a little man, between 50 or 60 years old, and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by those about him. [5] he has a queen, and keeps about 29 women, or wives more, in whose company he spends most of his time. he has one daughter by his sultaness or queen, and a great many sons and daughters by the rest. these walk about the streets, and would be always begging things of us; but it is reported that the young princess is kept in a room, and never stirs out, and that she did never see any man but her father and raja laut her uncle, being then about fourteen years old. when the sultan visits his friends, he is carried in a small couch on four mens shoulders, with eight or ten armed men to guard him; but he never goes far this way; for the country is very woody, and they have but little paths, which render it the less commodious. when he takes his pleasure by water, he carries some of his wives along with him. the proes that are built for this purpose, are large enough to entertain 50 or 60 persons or more. the hull is neatly built, with a round head and stern, and over the hull there is a small slight house built with bamboes; the sides are made up with split bamboes, about four foot high, with little windows in them of the same, to open and shut at their pleasure. the roof is almost flat, neatly thatched with palmeto leaves. this house is divided into two or three small partitions or chambers, one particularly for himself. this is neatly matted underneath, and round the sides; and there is a carpet and pillows for him to sleep on. the second room is for his women, much like the former. the third is for the servants, who tend them with tobacco and betel-nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. the fore and after-parts of the vessel are for the marriners to sit and row. besides this, they have outlayers, such as those i described at guam; only the boats and outlayers here are larger. these boats are more round, like the half-moon almost; and the bamboes or outlayers that reach from the boat are also crooked. besides, the boat is not flat on one side here, as at guam; but hath a belly and outlayers on each side: and whereas at guam there is a little boat fasten'd to the outlayers, that lies in the water; the beams or bamboes here are fasten'd traverse-wise to the outlayers on each side, and touch not the water like boats, but 1, 3 or 4 foot above the water, and serve for the barge men to sit and row and paddle on; the inside of the vessel, except only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments for the passengers. there run a-cross the outlayers two tire of beams for the padlers to sit on, on each side the vessel. the lower tire of these beams is not above a foot from the water: so that upon any the least reeling of the vessel, the beams are dipt in the water, and the men that sit are wet up to their waste: their feet seldom escaping the water. and thus as all our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without. the sultan hath a brother called raja laut, a brave man. he is the second man in the kingdom. all strangers that come hither to trade must make their address to him, for all sea affairs belong to him. he licenceth strangers to import or export any commodity, and 'tis by his permission that the natives themselves are suffered to trade: nay the very fishermen must [t]ake a permit from him: so that there is no man can come into the river or go out but by his leave. he is two or three years younger than the sultan, and a little man like him. he has eight women, by some of whom he hath issue. he hath only one son, about twelve or fourteen years old, who was circumcised while we were there. his eldest son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was still in great heaviness. if he had lived a little longer he should have married the young princess, but whether this second son must have her i know not, for i did never hear any discourse about it. raja laut is a very sharp man; he speaks and writes spanish, which he learned in his youth. he has by often conversing with strangers, got a great sight into the customs of other nations, and by spanish books has some knowledge of europe. he is general of the mindanayans, and is accounted an expert soldier and a very stout man; and the women in their dances, sing many songs in his praise. the sultan of mindanao sometimes makes war with his neighbors the mountaneers or alfoores. their weapons are swords, lances and some hand-cressets. the cresset [6] is a small thing like a baggonet, which they always wear in war or peace, at work or play, from the greatest of them to the poorest, or the meanest persons. they do never meet each other so as to have a pitcht battle, but they build small works or forts of timber, wherein they plant little guns, and lie in sight of each other 2 or 3 months, skirmishing every day in small parties, and sometimes surprizing a brestwork; and whatever side is like to be worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they sell their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given, but the conqueror cuts and hacks his enemies to pieces. the religion of these people is mahometanism, friday is their sabbath; but i did never see any difference that they make between this day and any other day, only the sultan himself goes then to the mosque twice. raja laut never goes to the mosque, but prays at certain hours, eight or ten times in a day; where-ever he is, he is very punctual to his canonical hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore, on purpose to pray. for no business nor company hinders him from this duty. whether he is at home or abroad, in a house or in the field, he leaves all his company, and goes about 100 yards off, and there kneels down to his devotion. he first kisses the ground, then prays aloud, and divers times in his prayers he kisses the ground, and does the same when he leaves off. his servants, and his wives and children talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is very serious. the meaner sort of people have little devotion: i did never see any of them at their prayers, or go into a mosque. in the sultan's mosque there is a great drum with but one head called a gong; which is instead of a clock. this gong is beaten at 12 a clock, at 3, 6, and 9; a man being appointed for that service. he has a stick as big as a man's arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than a man's fist, made with cotton, bound fast with small cords: with this he strikes the gong as hard as he can, about 20 strokes; beginning to strike leisurely the first 5 or 6 strokes; then he strikes faster, and at last strikes as fast as he can; and then he strikes again slower and slower so many strokes: thus he rises and falls three times, and then leaves off till three hours after. this is done night and day. they circumcise the males at 11 or 12 years of age, or older; and many are circumcised at once. this ceremony is performed with a great deal of solemnity. there had been no circumcision for some years before our being here; and then there was one for raja laut's son. they chuse to have a general circumcision when the sultan, or general, or some other great person hath a son fit to be circumcised; for with him a great many more are circumcised. there is notice given about 8 or 10 days before for all men to appear in arms, and great preparation is made against the solemn day. in the morning before the boys are circumcised, presents are sent to the father of the child, that keeps the feast; which, as i said before, is either the sultan, or some great person: and about 10 or 11 a clock the mahometan priest does his office. he takes hold of the fore-skin with two sticks, and with a pair of scissors snips it off. after this most of the men, both in city and country being in arms before the house, begin to act as if they were ingaged with an enemy, having such arms as i described. only one acts at a time, the rest make a great ring of 2 or 300 yards round about him. he that is to exercise comes into the ring with a great shriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetches two or three large stately strides, and falls to work. he holds his broad sword in one hand, and his lance in the other, and traverses his ground, leaping from one side of the ring to the other; and in a menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the enemy, whom his fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but air to oppose him. then he stamps and shakes his head, and grinning with his teeth, makes many ruful faces. then he throws his lance, and nimbly snatches out his cresset, with which he hacks and hews the air like a mad-man, often shrieking. at last, being almost tired with motion, he flies to the middle of the ring, where he seems to have his enemy at his mercy, and with two or three blows cuts on the ground as if he was cutting off his enemy's head. by this time he is all of a sweat, and withdraws triumphantly out of the ring, and presently another enters with the like shrieks and gesture. thus they continue combating their imaginary enemy all the rest of the day: towards the conclusion of which the richest men act, and at last the general, and then the sultan concludes this ceremony: he and the general with some other great men, are in armor, but the rest have none. after this the sultan returns home, accompanied with abundance of people who wait on him there till they are dismist. but at the time when we were there, there was an after-game to be played; for the general's son being then circumcised, the sultan intended to give him a second visit in the night, so they all waited to attend him thither. the general also provided to meet him in the best manner, and therefore desired captain swan with his men to attend him. accordingly captain swan ordered us to get our guns, and wait at the general's house till further orders. so about 40 of us waited till eight a clock in the evening. when the general with captain swan, and about 1000 men, went to meet the sultan, with abundance of torches that made it as light as day. the manner of the march was thus: first of all there was a pageant, and upon it two dancing women gorgeously apparelled, with coronets on their heads, full of glittering spangles, and pendants of the same, hanging down over their breast and shoulders. these are women bred up purposely for dancing: their feet and legs are but little imployed, except sometimes to turn round very gently; but their hands, arms, head and body are in continual motion, especially their arms, which they turn and twist so strangely, that you would think them to be made without bones. besides the two dancing women, there were two old women in the pageant, holding each a lighted torch in their hands, close by the two dancing women, by which light the glittering spangles appeared very gloriously. this pageant was carried by six lusty men: then came six or seven torches, lighting the general and captain swan, who marched side by side next, and we that attended captain swan followed close after, marching in order six and six abreast, with each man his gun on his shoulder, and torches on each side. after us came twelve of the general's men with old spanish match-locks, marching four in a row. after them about forty lances, and behind them as many with great swords, marching all in order. after them came abundance only with cressets by their sides, who marched up close without any order. when we came near the sultan's house, the sultan and his men met us, and we wheel'd off to let them pass. the sultan had three pageants [that] went before him: in the first pageant were four of his sons, who were about 10 or 11 years old. they had gotten abundance of small stones, which they roguishly threw about on the people's heads. in the next were four young maidens, nieces to the sultan, being his sisters daughters; and in the 3d, there were three of the sultan's children, not above six years old. the sultan himself followed next, being carried in his couch, which was not like your indian palankins, but open, and very little and ordinary. a multitude of people came after, without any order: but as soon as he was past by, the general, and captain swan, and all our men, closed in just behind the sultan, and so all marched together to the general's house. we came thither between 10 and 11 a clock, where the biggest part of the company were immediately dismist; but the sultan and his children, and his nieces, and some other persons of quality, entred the general's house. they were met at the head of the stairs by the general's women, who with a great deal of respect conducted them into the house. captain swan, and we that were with him followed after. it was not long before the general caused his dancing women to enter the room, and divert the company with that pastime. i had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocal musick here, by what i could learn, except only a row of a kind of bells without clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasing gradually from about three to ten pound weight. these were set in a row on a table in the general's house, where for seven or eight days together before the circumcision day, they were struck each with a little stick, for the biggest part of the day making a great noise, and they ceased that morning. so these dancing women sung themselves, and danced to their own musick. after this the general's women, and the sultan's sons, and his nieces danced. two of the sultan's nieces were about 18 or 19 years old, the other two were three or four years younger. these young ladies were very richly drest, with loose garments of silk, and small coronets on their heads. they were much fairer than any women that i did ever see there, and very well featured; and their noses, tho' but small, yet higher than the other womens, and very well proportioned. when the ladies had very well diverted themselves and the company with dancing, the general caused us to fire some sky-rockets, that were made by his and captain swan's order, purposely for this nights solemnity; and after that the sultan and his retinue went away with a few attendants, and we all broke up, and thus ended this days solemnity: but the boys being sore with their amputation, went straddling for a fortnight after. they are not, as i said before, very curious or strict in observing any days, or times of particular devotions, except it be ramdam [i.e., ramadan] time, as we call it. the ramdam time was then in august, as i take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. in this time they fast all day and about seven a clock in the evening, they spend near an hour in prayer. towards the latter end of their prayer, they loudly invoke their prophet, for about a quarter of an hour, both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if they intended to fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of them. after their prayer is ended, they spend some time in feasting before they take their repose. thus they do every day for a whole month at least; for sometimes 'tis two or three days longer before the ramdam ends: for it begins at the new moon, and lasts till they see the next new moon, which sometimes in thick hazy weather is not till three or four days after the change, as it happen'd while i was at achin, where they continued the ramdam till the new moon's appearance. the next day after they have seen the new moon, the guns are all discharged about noon, and then the time ends. a main part of their religion consists in washing often, to keep themselves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to cleanse themselves again. they also take great care to keep themselves from being polluted, by tasting or touching any thing that is accounted unclean; therefore swines flesh is very abominable to them; nay, any one that hath either tasted of swines flesh, or touched those creatures, is not permitted to come into their houses in many days after, and there is nothing will scare them more than a swine. yet there are wild hogs in the islands, and those so plentiful, that they will come in troops out of the woods in the night into the very city, and come under their houses, to romage up and down the filth that they find there. the natives therefore would even desire to lie in wait for the hogs, to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shooting them and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited their houses afterwards. and now i am on this subject, i cannot omit a story concerning the general. he once desired to have a pair of shoes made after the english fashion, tho' he did very seldom wear any: so one [of] our men made him a pair, which the general liked very well. afterwards some body told him, that the thread wherewith the shoes were sowed, were pointed with hogs-bristles. this put him into a great passion; so he sent the shoes to the man that made them, and sent him withal more leather to make another pair, with threads pointed with some other hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleased. chap. xiii their coasting along the isle of mindanao, from a bay on the east-side to another, at the s.e. end. tornadoes and boisterous weather. the s.e. coast, and its savannah and plenty of deer. they coast along the south-side to the river of mindanao city, and anchor there. the sultan's brother and son come aboard them, and invite them to settle there. of the feasibleness and probable advantage of such a settlement, from the neighboring gold and spice islands. of the best way to mindanao by the south sea and terra australis; and of an accidental discovery there by captain davis, and a probability of a greater. the capacity they were in to settle here. the mindanayans measure their ship. captain swan's present to the sultan: his reception of it, and audience given to captain swan, with raja laut, the sultans brother's entertainment of him. the contents of two english letters shewn them by the sultan of mindanao. of the commodities, and the punishments there. the general's caution how to demean themselves: at his persuasion they lay up their ships in the river. the mindanaians caresses. the great rains and floods at the city. the mindanaians have chinese accomptants. how their women dance. a story of one john thacker. their bark eaten up, and their ship endangered by the worm. of the worms here and elsewhere. of captain swan. raja laut, the general's deceitfulness. hunting wild kine. the prodigality of some of the english. captain swan treats with a young indian of a spice-island. a hunting voyage with the general. his punishing a servant of his. of his wives and women. a sort of strong rice-drink. the general's foul dealing and exactions. captain swan's uneasiness and indiscreet management. his men mutiny. of a snake twisting about on their necks. the main part of the crew go away with the ship, leaving captain swan and some of his men: several others poisoned there. having in the two last chapters given some account of the natural, civil, and religious state of mindanao, i shall now go on with the prosecution of our affairs during our stay there. 'twas in a bay on the n. east-side of the island that we came to an anchor, as hath been said. we lay in this bay but one night, and part of the next day. yet there we got speech with some of the natives, who by signs made us to understand, that the city mindanao was on the west-side of the island. we endeavored to persuade one of them, to go with us to be our pilot, but he would not: therefore in the afternoon we loosed from hence, steering again to the south east, having the wind at s.w. when we came to the s.e. end of the island mindanao, we saw two small islands [7] about three leagues distant from it. we might have passed between them and the main island, as we learnt since, but not knowing them, nor what dangers we might encounter there, we chose rather to sail to the eastward of them. but meeting very strong westerly winds, we got nothing forward in many days. in this time we first saw the islands meangis, [8] which are about 16 leagues distant from the mindanao, bearing s.e. i shall have occasion to speak more of them hereafter. the 4th day of july we got into a deep bay, four leagues n.w. from the two small islands before mentioned. but the night before, in a violent tornado, our bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away, which put us in some pain for fear she was overset, as we had like to have been our selves. we anchored on the south west side of the bay, in fifteen fathom water, about a cables length from the shore. here we were forced to shelter our selves from the violence of the weather, which was so boisterous with rains, and tornadoes, and a strong westerly wind, that we were very glad to find this place to anchor in, being the only shelter on this side from the west winds. this bay is not above two mile wide at the mouth, but farther in it is three leagues wide, and seven fathom deep, running in n.n.w. there is a good depth of water about four or five leagues in, but rocky foul ground for about two leagues in, from the mouth on both sides of the bay, except only in that place where we lay. about three leagues in from the mouth, on the eastern side, there are fair sandy bays, and very good anchoring in four, five, and six fathom. the land on the east side is high, mountainous, and woody, yet very well watered with small brooks, and there is one river large enough for canoes to enter. on the west side of the bay, the land is of a mean height with a large savannah, bordering on the sea, and stretching from the mouth of the bay, a great way to the westward. this savannah abounds with long grass, and it is plentifully stock'd with deer. the adjacent woods are a covert for them in the heat of the day: but mornings and evenings they feed in the open plains, as thick as in our parks in england. i never saw any where such plenty of wild deer, tho' i have met with them in several parts of america, both in the north and south seas. the deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested, for there are no inhabitants on that side of the bay. we visited this savannah every morning, and killed as many deer as we pleased, sometimes 16 or 18 in a day; and we did eat nothing but venison all the time we staid here. we saw a great many plantations by the sides of the mountains, on the east side of the bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes to learn of the inhabitants whereabouts the city was, that we might not over-sail it in the night; but they fled from us. we lay here till the 12th day before the winds abated of their fury, and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the westward. in the morning we had a land wind at north. at 11 a clock the sea breeze came at west, just in our teeth, but it being fair weather, we kept on our way, turning and taking the advantage of the land breezes by night, and the sea breezes by day. being now past the s.e. part of the island, we coasted down on the south side, and we saw abundance of canoas a fishing, and now and then a small village. neither were these inhabitants afraid of us (as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not understand them, nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned the word mindanao, they would point towards it. the 18th day of july we arrived before the river of mindanao; the mouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. n. and is laid in 231 d. 12 m. longitude west, from the lizard in england [9]. we anchored right against the river in 15 fathom water, clear hard sand; about 2 miles from the shore, and 3 or 4 miles from a small island, that lay without us to the southward. we fired 7 or 9 guns, i remember not well which, and were answered again with 3 from the shore; for which we gave one again. immediately after our coming to an anchor raja laut, and one of the sultan's sons came off in a canoa, being rowed with 10 oars, and demanded in spanish what we were? and from whence we came? mr. smith (he who was taken prisoner at leon in mexico) answered in the same language, that we were english, and that we had been a great while out of england. they told us that we were welcome, and asked us a great many questions about england; especially concerning our east india merchants; and whether we were sent by them to settle a factory here? mr. smith told them that we came hither only to buy provision. they seemed a little discontented when they understood that we were not come to settle among them: for they had heard of our arrival on the east-side of the island a great while before, and entertained hopes that we were sent purposely out of england hither to settle a trade with them; which it would seem they are very desirous of. for capt. goodlud had been here not long before to treat with them about it; and when he went away told them (as they said) that in a short time they might expect an ambassador from england, to make a full bargain with them. indeed upon mature thoughts, i should think we could not have done better, than to have complied with the desire they seemed to have of our settling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. for as thereby we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction, than by the other loose roving way of life; so it might probably have proved of publick benefit to our nation, and been a means of introducing an english settlement and trade, not only here, but through several of the spice-islands, which lie in its neighborhood. for the islands meangis, which i mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, lye within twenty leagues of mindanao. these are three small islands that abound with gold and cloves, if i may credit my author prince jeoly, [10] who was born on one of them, and was at that time a slave in the city of mindanao. he might have been purchased by us of his master for a small matter, as he was afte[r]wards by mr. moody, (who came hither to trade, and laded a ship with clove-bark) and by transporting him home to his own country, we might have gotten a trade there. but of prince jeoly i shall speak more hereafter. these islands are as yet probably unknown to the dutch, who as i said before, indeavor to ingross all the spice into their own hands. there was another opportunity offered us here of settling on another spice-island that was very well inhabited: for the inhabitants fearing the dutch, and understanding that the english were settling at mindanao, their sultan sent his nephew to mindanao while we were there to invite us thither: captain swan conferr'd with him about it divers times, and i do believe he had some inclination to accept the offer; and i am sure most of the men were for it: but this never came to a head, for want of a true understanding between captain swan and his men, as may be declared hereafter. beside the benefit that might accrue from this trade with meangis, and other the spice islands, the philippine islands themselves, by a little care and industry, might have afforded us a very beneficial trade, and all these trades might have been managed from mindanao, by settling there first. for that island lyeth very convenient for trading either to the spice-islands, or to the rest of the philippine islands: since as its soil is much of the same nature with either of them, so it lies as it were in the center of the gold and spice trade in these parts; the islands north of mindanao abounding most in gold, and those south of meangis in spice. as the island mindanao lies very convenient for trade, so considering its distance, the way thither may not be over-long and tiresome. the course that i would choose should be to set out of england about the latter end of august, and to pass round terra del fuego, and so stretching over towards new holland, coast it along that shore till i came near to mindanao; or first i would coast down near the american shore, as far as i found convenient, and then direct my course accordingly for the island. by this i should avoid coming near any of the dutch settlements, and be sure to meet always with a constant brisk easterly trade wind, after i was once past terra del fuego. whereas in passing about the cape of good hope, after you are shot over the east-indian ocean, and are come to the islands, you must pass through the streights of malacca or sundy, or else some other streights east from java, where you will be sure to meet with country [i.e., contrary] -winds, go on which side of the equator you please; and this would require ordinarily 7 or 8 months for the voyage, but the other i should hope to perform in 6 or 7 at most. in your return from thence also you must observe the same rule as the spaniards do in going from manila to acapulco; [11] only as they run towards the north-pole for variable winds, so you must run to the southward, till you meet with a wind that will carry you over to terra del fuego. there are places enough to touch at for refreshment, either going or coming. you may touch going thither on either side of terra patagonica, or, if you please, at the gallapagoes islands, [12] where there is refreshment enough; and returning you may probably touch somewhere on new holland, and so make some profitable discovery in these places without going out of your way. and to speak my thoughts freely, i believe 'tis owing to the neglect of this easie way that all that vast tract of terra australis which bounds the south sea is yet undiscovered: those that cross that sea seeming to design some business on the peruvian or mexican coast, and so leaving that at a distance. to confirm which, i shall add what captain davis [13] told me lately, that after his departure from us at the haven of ria lexa [14] (as is mentioned in the 8th chap.) he went after several traverses, to the gallapagoes and that standing thus southward for wind, to bring him about terra del fuego, in the lat. of 27 south, about 500 leagues from copayapo, [15] on the coast of chili, he saw a small sandy island just by him; and that they saw to the westward of it a long tract of pretty high land, tending away toward the north west out of sight. this might probably be the coast of terra australis incognita. but to return to mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in, of settling our selves at mindanao, although we were not sent out of any such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or better, considering all circumstances, than if we had. for there was scarce any useful trade, but some or other of us understood it. we had sawyers, carpenters, joyners, brickmakers, bricklayers, shoemakers, taylors, &c. we only wanted a good smith for great work; which we might have had at mindanao. we were very well provided with iron, lead, and all sorts of tools, as saws, axes, hammers, &c. we had powder and shot enough, and very good small arms. if we had designed to build a fort, we could have spared 8 or 10 guns out of our ship, and men enough to have managed it, and any affair of trade beside. we had also a great advantage above raw men that are sent out of england into these places, who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly and formally, to compass any considerable design, which experience better teaches than any rules whatsoever; besides the danger of their lives in so great and sudden a change of air: whereas we were all inured to hot climates, hardened by many fatigues, and, in general, daring men, and such as would not be easily baffled. to add one thing more, our men were almost tired, and began to desire a quietus est; and therefore they would gladly have seated themselves any where. we had a good ship too, and enough of us (beside what might have been spared to manage our new settlement) to bring the news with the effects to the owners in england: for captain swan had already 5000 l. in gold, which he and his merchants received for goods sold mostly to captain harris [16] and his men: which if he had laid but part of it out in spice, as probably he might have done, would have satisfy'd the merchants to their hearts content. so much by way of digression. to proceed therefore with our first reception at mindanao, raja laut and his nephew sat still in their canoa, and would not come aboard us; because, as they said, they had no orders for it from the sultan. after about half an hour's discourse, they took their leaves, first inviting captain swan ashore, and promising him to assist him in getting provision; which they said at present was scarce, but in three or four month's time the rice would be gathered in, and then he might have as much as he pleased: and that in the mean time he might secure his ship in some convenient place, for fear of the westerly winds, which they said would be very violent at the latter end of this month, and all the next, as we found them. we did not know the quality of these two persons till after they were gone; else we should have fir'd some guns at their departure: when they were gone, a certain officer under the sultan came aboard and measured our ship. a custom derived from the chinese, who always measure the length and breadth, and the depth of the hold of all ships that come to load there; by which means they know how much each ship will carry. but for what reason this custom is used either by the chinese, or mindanao men, i could never learn; unless the mindanaians design by this means to improve their skill in shipping, against they have a trade. captain swan, considering that the season of the year would oblige us to spend some time at this island, thought it convenient to make what interest he could with the sultan; who might afterwards either obstruct, or advance his designs. he therefore immediately provided a present to send ashore to the sultan, viz. 3 yards of scarlet cloth, 3 yards of broad gold lace, a turkish scimiter and a pair of pistols: and to raja laut he sent 3 yards of scarlet cloth, and 3 yards of silver lace. this present was carried by mr. henry more in the evening. he was first conducted to raja laut's house; where he remained till report thereof was made to the sultan, who immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him. about nine a clock at night, a messenger came from the sultan to bring the present away. then mr. more was conducted all the way with torches and armed men, till he came to the house where the sultan was. the sultan with eight or ten men of his council were seated on carpets, waiting his coming. the present that mr. more brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly accepted by the sultan, who caused mr. more to sit down by them, and asked a great many questions of him. the discourse was in spanish by an interpreter. this conference lasted about an hour, and then he was dismist, and returned again to raja laut's house. there was a supper provided for him, and the boats crew; after which he returned aboard. the next day the sultan sent for capt. swan: he immediately went ashore with a flag flying in the boats head, and two trumpets sounding all the way. when he came ashore, he was met at his landing by two principal officers, guarded along with soldiers, and abundance of people gazing to see him. the sultan waited for him in his chamber of audience, where captain swan was treated with tobacco and betel, which was all his entertainment. the sultan sent for two english letters for captain swan to read, purposely to let him know, that our east-india merchants did design to settle here, and that they had already sent a ship hither. one of these letters was sent to the sultan from england, by the east-india merchants. the chiefest things contained in it, as i remember, for i saw it afterwards in the secretaries hand, who was very proud to shew it to us, was to desire some privileges, in order to the building of a fort there. this letter was written in a very fair hand; and between each line, there was a gold line drawn. the other letter was left by captain goodlud, directed to any english men who should happen to come thither. this related wholly to trade, giving an account, at what rate he had agreed with them for goods of the island, and how european goods should be sold to them; with an account of their weight and measures, and their difference from ours. the rate agreed on for mindanao gold, was 14 spanish dollars, (which is a current coin all over india) the english ounce, and 18 dollars the mindanao ounce. but for bees-wax and clove-bark, i do not remember the rate neither do i well remember the rates of europe commodities; but i think the rate of iron was not above four dollars a hundred. captain goodlud's letter concluded thus, trust none of them, for they are all thieves, but tace is latin for a candle. we understood afterwards that captain goodlud was robb'd of some goods by one of the general's men, and that he that robb'd him was fled into the mountains, and could not be found while captain goodlud was here. but the fellow returning back to the city some time after our arrival here, raja laut brought him bound to captain swan, and told him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased; but captain swan excused himself; and said it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. however, the general raja laut, would not pardon him, but punished him according to their own custom, which i did never see but at this time. he was stript stark naked in the morning at sunrising, and bound to a post, so that he could not stir hand nor foot, but as he was mov'd; and was placed with his face eastward against the sun. in the afternoon they turned his face toward the west, that the sun might still be in his face; and thus he stood all day, parcht in the sun (which shines here excessively hot) and tormented with the moskitos or gnats: after this the general would have kill'd him, if captain swan had consented to it. i did never see any put to death; but i believe they are barbarous enough in it: the general told us himself that he put two men to death in a town where some of us were with him; but i heard not the manner of it. their common way of punishing is to strip them in this manner, and place them in the sun; but sometimes they lay them flat on their backs on the sand, which is very hot; where they remain a whole day in the scorching sun, with the moskito's biting them all the time. this action of the general in offering captain swan the punishment of the thief, caus'd captain swan afterwards to make him the same offer of his men, when any had offended the mindanao men: but the general left such offenders to be punished by captain swan, as he thought convenient. so that for the least offence captain swan punished his men, and that in the sight of the mindanaians; and i think sometimes only for revenge; as he did once punish his chief mate mr. teat, he that came captain of the bark to mindanao. indeed at that time captain swan had his men as much under command as if he had been in a king's ship; and had he known how to use his authority, he might have led them to any settlement, and have brought them to assist him in any design he had pleased. captain swan being dismist from the sultan, with abundance of civility, after about two hours discourse with him, went thence to raja laut's house. raja laut had then some difference with the sultan, and therefore he was not present at the sultan's reception of our captain, but waited his return, and treated him and all his men with boiled rice and fowls. he then told captain swan again, and urged it to him, that it would be best to get his ship into the river as soon as he could, because of the usual tempestuous weather at this time of the year; and that he should want no assistance to further him in any thing. he told him also, that as we must of necessity stay here some time, so our men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn his men to be careful to give no afront to the natives; who, he said, were very revengeful. that their customs being different from ours, he feared that captain swan's men might some time or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning, to prevent it: that his house should always be open to receive him or any of his men, and that he knowing our customs, would never be offended at any thing. after a great deal of such discourse he dismist the captain and his company, who took their leave and came aboard. captain swan having seen the two letters, did not doubt but that the english did design to settle a factory here: therefore he did not much scruple the honesty of these people, but immediately ordered us to get the ship into the river. the river upon which the city of mindanao stands is but small, and hath not above 10 or 11 foot water on the bar at a spring-tide: therefore we lightened our ship, and the spring coming on, we with much ado got her into the river, being assisted by 50 or 60 mindanaian fishermen, who liv'd at the mouth of the river; raja laut himself being aboard our ship to direct them. we carried her about a quarter of a mile up, within the mouth of the river, and there moored her, head and stern in a hole, where we always rode afloat. after this the citizens of mindanao came frequently aboard, to invite our men to their houses, and to offer us pagallies. 'twas a long time since any of us had received such friendship, and therefore we were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in a very short time most of our men got a comrade or two, and as many pagallies; especially such of us as had good cloths, and store of gold, as many had, who were of the number of those, that accompanied captain harris over the isthmus of darien, the rest of us being poor enough. nay, the very poorest and meanest of us could hardly pass the streets, but we were even hal'd by force into their houses, to be treated by them; altho' their treats were but mean, viz. tobacco, or betel-nut, or a little sweet spiced water. yet their seeming sincerity, simplicity, and the manner of bestowing these gifts, made them very acceptable. when we came to their houses, they would always be praising the english, as declaring that the english and mindanaians were all one. this they exprest by putting their two fore-fingers close together, and saying, that the english and mindanaians were samo, samo, [17] that is, all one. then they would draw their fore-fingers half a foot asunder, and say the dutch and they were bugeto, which signifies so, that they were at such distance in point of friendship: and for the spaniards, they would make a greater representation of distance than for the dutch: fearing these, but having felt, and smarted from the spaniards, who had once almost brought them under. captain swan did seldom go into any house at first, but into raja laut's. there he dined commonly every day; and as many of his men as were ashore, and had no money to entertain themselves, resorted thither about 12 a clock, where they had rice enough boiled and well drest, and some scraps of fowls, or bits of buffaloe, drest very nastily. captain swan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded all the time that he was at dinner. after dinner raja laut would sit and discourse with him most part of the afternoon. it was now that ramdam time, therefore the general excused himself, that he could not entertain our captain with dances, and other pastimes, as he intended to do when this solemn time was past; besides, it was the very height of the wet season, and therefore not so proper for pastimes. we had now very tempestuous weather, and excessive rains, which so swell'd the river, that it overflowed its banks; so that we had much ado to keep our ship safe: for every now and then we should have a great tree come floating down the river, and sometimes lodge against our bows, to the endangering the breaking our cables, and either the driving us in, over the banks, or carrying us out to sea; both which would have been very dangerous to us, especially being without ballast. the city is about a mile long (of no great breadth) winding with the banks of the river on the right hand going up, tho' it hath many houses on the other side too. but at this time it seemed to stand as in a pond, and there was no passing from one house to another but in canoas. this tempestuous rainy weather happened the latter end of july, and lasted most part of august. when the bad weather was a little asswaged, captain swan hired a house to put our sails and goods in, while we careen'd our ship. we had a great deal of iron and lead, which was brought ashore into this house. of these commodities captain swan sold to the sultan or general, eight or ten tuns, at the rates agreed on by captain goodlud to be paid in rice. the mindanaians are no good accomptants; therefore the chinese that live here, do cast up their accompts for them. after this captain swan bought timber-trees of the general, and set some of our men to saw them into planks, to sheath the ship's bottom. he had two whip-saws on board, which he brought out of england, and four or five men that knew the use of them, for they had been sawyers in jamaica. when the ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a little, the general, to oblige captain swan, entertained him every night with dances. the dancing women that are purposely bred up to it, and make it their trade, i have already described. but beside them, all the women in general are much addicted to dancing. they dance 40 or 50 at once; and that standing all round in a ring, joined hand in hand, and singing and keeping time. but they never budge out of their places, nor make any motion till the chorus is sung; then all at once they throw out one leg, and bawl out aloud; and sometimes they only clap their hands when the chorus is sung. captain swan, to retaliate the general's favours, sent for his violins, and some that could dance english dances; wherewith the general was very well pleased. they commonly spent the biggest part of the night in these sort of pastimes. among the rest of our men that did use to dance thus before the general, there was one john thacker, who was a seaman bred, and could neither write nor read; but had formerly learnt to dance in the musick-houses about wapping: this man came into the south seas with captain harris, and getting with him a good quantity of gold, and being a pretty good husband of his share, had still had some left, besides what he laid out in a very good suit of cloaths. the general supposed by his garb and his dancing, that he had been of noble extraction; and to be satisfy'd of his quality, asked of our men, if he did not guess aright of him? the man of whom the general asked this question told him, he was much in the right; and that most of our ship's company were of the like extraction; especially all those that had fine cloaths; and that they came aboard only to see the world, having money enough to bear their expences where-ever they came; but that for the rest, those that had but mean clothes, they were only common seamen. after this, the general shew'd a great deal of respect to all that had good clothes, but especially to john thacker, till captain swan came to know the business, and marr'd all; undeceiving the general, and drubbing the noble-man: for he was so much incensed against john thacker, that he could never indure him afterwards; tho' the poor fellow knew nothing of the matter. about the middle of november we began to work on our ship's bottom, which we found very much eaten with the worm: for this is a horrid place for worms. we did not know this till after we had been in the river a month; and then we found our canoas bottoms eaten like honey-combs; our bark, which was a single bottom, was eaten thro'; so that she could not swim. but our ship was sheathed, and the worm came no farther than the hair between the sheathing plank, and the main plank. we did not mistrust the general's knavery till now: for when he came down to our ship, and found us ripping off the sheathing plank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his head, and seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a ship with two bottoms before. we were told that in this place, where we now lay, a dutch ship was eaten up in two months time, and the general had all her guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had ours: which i do believe was the main reason that made him so forward in assisting us to get our ship into the river, for when we went out again we had no assistance from him. we had no worms till we came to this place: for when we careen'd at the marias, the worm had not touch'd us; nor at guam, for there we scrubb'd; nor after we came to the island mindanao; for at the s.e. end of the island we heel'd and scrubb'd also. the mindanaians are so sensible of their destructive insects, that whenever they come from sea, they immediately hale their ship into a dry dock, and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry till they are ready to get to sea again. the canoas or proes they hale up dry, and never suffer them to be long in the water. it is reported that those worms which get into a ships bottom in the salt water, will die in the fresh water; and that the fresh water worms will die in salt water: but in brackish water both sorts will increase prodigiously. now this place where we lay was sometimes brackish water, yet commonly fresh; but what sort of worm this was i know not. some men are of opinion, that these worms breed in the plank; but i am perswaded they breed in the sea: for i have seen millions of them swimming in the water, particularly in the bay of panama; for there captain davis, captain swan and my self, and most of our men, did take notice of them divers times, which was the reason of our cleaning so often while we were there: and these were the largest worms that i did ever see. i have also seen them in virginia, and in the bay of campeachy; in the latter of which places the worms eat prodigiously. they are always in bays, creeks, mouths of rivers, and such places as are near the shore; being never found far out at sea, that i could ever learn: yet a ship will bring them lodg'd in its plank for a great way. having thus ript off all our worm-eaten plank, and clapt on new, by the beginning of december 1686, our ships bottom was sheathed and tallowed, and the 10th day went over the bar, and took aboard the iron and lead that we could not sell, and began to fill our water, and fetch aboard rice for our voyage: but c. swan remain'd ashore still, and was not yet determin'd when to sail, or whither. but i am well assured that he did never intend to cruise about manila, as his crew designed; for i did once ask him, and he told me, that what he had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being at liberty, he would never more engage in any such design: for, said he, there is no prince on earth is able to wipe off the stain of such actions. what other designs he had i know not, for he was commonly very cross; yet he did never propose doing any thing else, but only ordered the provision to be got aboard in order to sail; and i am confident if he had made a motion to go to any english factory, most of his men would have consented to it, tho' probably some would have still opposed it. how ever, his authority might soon have over-sway'd those that were refractory; for it was very strange to see the awe that these men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and daring of his men. yet when we had brought the ship out into the road, they were not altogether so submissive, as while it lay in the river, tho' even then it was that he punished captain teat. i was at that time a hunting with the general for beef, which he had a long time promised us. but now i saw that there was no credit to be given to his word; for i was a week out with him and saw but four cows, which were so wild, that we did not get one. there were five or six more of our company with me; these who were young men, and had dalilahs there, which made them fond of the place, all agreed with the general to tell captain swan, that there were beeves enough, only they were wild. but i told him the truth, and advised him not to be too credulous of the general's promises. he seemed to be very angry, and stormed behind the general's back, but in his presence was very mute, being a man of small courage. it was about the 20th day of december when we returned from hunting, and the general designed to go again to another place to hunt for beef; but he stayed till after christmas-day, because some of us designed to go with him; and captain swan had desired all his men to be aboard that day, that we might keep it solemnly together: and accordingly he sent aboard a buffaloe the day before, that we might have a good dinner. so the 25th day about 10 a clock, captain swan came aboard, and all his men who were ashore: for you must understand that near a third of our men lived constantly ashore, with their comrades and pagallies, and some with women servants, whom they hired of their masters for concubines. some of our men also had houses, which they hired or bought, for houses are very cheap, for five or six dollars. for many of them having more money than they knew what to do with, eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending it very lavishly, their prodigality making the people impose upon them, to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought, and to the endangering the like impositions upon such englishmen as may come here hereafter. for the mindanaians knew how to get our squires gold from them (for we had no silver,) and when our men wanted silver, they would change now and then an ounce of gold, and could get for it no more than 10 or 11 dollars for a mindanao ounce, which they would not part with again under 18 dollars. yet this, and the great prices the mindanaians set on their goods, were not the only way to lessen their stocks; for their pagallies and comrades would often be begging somewhat of them, and our men were generous enough, and would bestow half an ounce of gold at a time, in a ring for their pagallies, or in a silver wrist-band, or hoop to come about their arms, in hopes to get a nights lodging with them. when we were all aboard on christmas-day, captain swan and his two merchants; i did expect that captain swan would have made some proposals, or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went ashore again, without speaking any thing of his mind. yet even then i do think that he was driving on a design, of going to one of the spice islands, to load with spice; for the young man before mentioned, who i said was sent by his unkle, the sultan of a spice island near ternate, to invite the english to their island, came aboard at this time, and after some private discourse with captain swan, they both went ashore together. this young man did not care that the mindanaians should be privy to what he said. i have heard captain swan say that he offered to load his ship with spice, provided he would build a small fort, and leave some men to secure the island from the dutch; but i am since informed, that the dutch have now got possession of the island. the next day after christmas the general went away again, and five or six englishmen with him, of whom i was one, under pretence of going a hunting; and we all went together by water in his proe, together with his women and servants, to the hunting place. the general always carried his wives and children, his money and goods with him: so we all imbarked in the morning, and arrived there before night. i have already described the fashion of their proes, and the rooms made in them. we were entertained in the general's room or cabbin. our voyage was not so far, but that we reached our port before night. at this time one of the general's servants had offended, and was punished in this manner: he was bound fast flat on his belly, on a bamboe belonging to the proe, which was so near the water, that by the vessel's motion, it frequently delved under water, and the man along with it; and sometimes when hoisted up, he had scarce time to blow before he would be carried under water again. when we had rowed about two leagues, we entered a pretty large deep river, and rowed up a league further, the water salt all the way. there was a pretty large village, the houses built after the country fashion. we landed at this place, where there was a house made ready immediately for us. the general and his women lay at one end of the house, and we at the other end, and in the evening all the women in the village danced before the general. while he staid here, the general with his men went out every morning betimes, and did not return till four or five a clock in the afternoon, and he would often complement us, by telling us what good trust and confidence he had in us, saying that he left his women and goods under our protection, and that he thought them as secure with us six, (for we had all our arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his own men to guard them. yet for all this great confidence, he always left one of his principal men, for fear some of us should be too familiar with his women. they did never stir out of their own room when the general was at home, but as soon as he was gone out, they would presently come into our room, and sit with us all day, and ask a thousand questions of us concerning our english women, and our customs. you may imagine that before this time, some of us had attained so much of their language as to understand them, and give them answers to their demands. i remember that one day they asked how many wives the king of england had? we told them but one, and that our english laws did not allow of any more. they said it was a strange custom, that a man should be confined to one woman; some of them said it was a very bad law, but others again said it was a good law; so there was a great dispute among them about it. but one of the general's women said positively, that our law was better than theirs, and made them all silent by the reason which she gave for it. this was the war queen, as we called her, for she did always accompany the general whenever he was called out to engage his enemies, but the rest did not. by this familiarity among the women, and by often discoursing [with] them, we came to be acquainted with their customs and priviledges. the general lies with his wives by turns; but she by whom he had the first son, has a double portion of his company: for when it comes to her turn, she has him two nights, whereas the rest have him but one. she with whom he is to lye at night, seems to have a particular respect shewn her by the rest all the precedent day; and for a mark of distinction, wears a striped silk handkerchief about her neck, by which we knew who was queen that day. we lay here about five or six days, but did never in all that time see the least sign of any beef, which was the business we came about; neither were we suffered to go out with the general to see the wild kine, but we wanted for nothing else: however, this did not please us, and we often importuned him to let go out among the cattle. at last he told us, that he had provided a jar of rice-drink to be merry with us, and after that we should go with him. this rice-drink is made of rice boiled and put into a jar, where it remains a long time steeping in water. i know not the manner of making it, but it is very strong pleasant drink. the evening when the general designed to be merry, he caused a jar of this drink to be brought into our room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his men; so they took turns till they were all as drunk as swine, before they suffered us to drink. after they had enough, then we drank, and they drank no more, for they will not drink after us. the general leapt about our room a little while; but having his load soon went to sleep. the next day we went out with the general into the savannah, where we had near 100 men making of a large pen to drive the cattle into. for that is the manner of their hunting, having no dogs. but i saw not above 8 or 10 cows, and those as wild as deer so that we got none this day: yet the next day some of his men brought in 3 heifers, which they kill'd in the savannah. with these we returned aboard, they being all that we got there. captain swan was much vext at the generals actions; for he promised to supply us with as much beef as we should want, but now either could not, or would not make good his promise. besides, he failed to perform his promise in a bargain of rice, that we were to have for the iron which he sold him, but he put us off still from time to time, and would not come to any account. neither were these all his tricks; for a little before his son was circumcised, (of which i spake in the foregoing chapter) he pretended a great streight for money, to defray the charges of that day; and therefore desired captain swan to lend him about 20 ounces of gold; for he knew that captain swan had a considerable quantity of gold in his possession, which the general thought was his own, but indeed [he] had none but what belonged to the merchants. however he lent it the general, but when he came to an account with captain swan, he told him, that it was usual at such solemn times to make presents, and that he received it as a gift. he also demanded payment for the victuals that our captain and his men did eat at his house. these things startled captain swan, yet how to help himself he knew not. but all this, with other inward troubles, lay hard on our captain's spirits, and put him very much out of humour; for his own company also were pressing him every day to be gone, because, now was the heighth of the easterly monsoon, the only wind to carry us farther into the indies. about this time some of our men, who were weary and tired with wandring, ran away into the country and absconded, they being assisted, as was generally believed, by raja laut. there were others also, who fearing we should not go to an english port, bought a canoa, and designed to go in her to borneo: for not long before a mindanao vessel came from thence, and brought a letter directed to the chief of the english factory at mindanao. this letter the general would have captain swan have opened, but he thought it might come from some of the east-india merchants whose affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefore did not open it. i since met captain bowry [18] at achin, and telling him this story, he said that he sent that letter, supposing that the english were settled there at mindanao, and by this letter we also thought that there was an english factory at borneo: so here was a mistake on both sides. but this canoa, wherewith some of them thought to go to borneo, captain swan took from them, and threatned the undertakers very hardly. however, this did not so far discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their designs taking air, they were again frustrated by captain swan. the whole crew were at this time under a general disaffection, and full of very different projects; and all for want of action. the main division was between those that had money and those that had none. there was a great difference in the humours of these; for they that had money liv'd ashore, and did not care for leaving mindanao; whilst those that were poor liv'd aboard, and urg'd capt. swan to go to sea. these began to be unruly as well as dissatisfy'd, and sent ashore the merchants iron to sell for rack and honey, to make punch, wherewith they grew drunk and quarelsome: which disorderly actions deterr'd me from going aboard; for i did ever abhor drunkenness, which now our men that were aboard abandon'd themselves wholly to. yet these disorders might have been crusht, if capt. swan had used his authority to suppress them: but he with his merchants living always ashore, there was no command; and therefore every man did what he pleased and encouraged each other in his villanies. now mr. harthop, who was one of captain swan's merchants, did very much importune him to settle his resolutions, and declare his mind to his men; which at last he consented to do. therefore he gave warning to all his men to come aboard the 13th day of january, 1687. we did all earnestly expect to hear what captain swan would propose, and therefore were very willing to go aboard. but unluckily for him, two days before this meeting was to be, captain swan sent aboard his gunner, to fetch something ashore out of his cabbin. the gunner rummaging to find what he was sent for, among other things took out the captain's journal from america to the island guam, and laid [it] down by him. this journal was taken up by one john read, a bristol man, whom i have mentioned in my 4th chapter. he was a pretty ingenious young man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. he was also accounted a good artist, and kept a journal, and was now prompted by his curiosity, to peep into captain swan's journal, to see how it agreed with his own; a thing very usual among seamen that keep journals, when they have an opportunity, and especially young men, who have no great experience. at the first opening of the book, he lights on a place in which captain swan had inveighed bitterly against most of his men, especially against another john reed a jamaica man. this was such stuff as he did not seek after: but hitting so pat on this subject, his curiosity led him to pry farther; and therefore while the gunner was busie, he convey'd the book away, to look over it at his leisure. the gunner having dispatch'd his business, lock'd up the cabbin-door, not missing the book, and went ashore. then john reed shewed it to his namesake, and to the rest that were aboard, who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work upon it. therefore looking on what was written in this journal to be matter sufficient for them to accomplish their ends, captain teat, who as i said before, had been abused by captain swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be revenged for his injuries, and aggravated the matter to the height; perswading the men to turn out captain swan from being commander, in hopes to have commanded the ship himself. as for the sea-men they were easily perswaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this long and tedious voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home, and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. it was only want of being busied in some action that made them so uneasie; therefore they consented to what teat proposed, and immediately all that were aboard bound themselves by oath to turn captain swan out, and to conceal this design from those that were ashore, until the ship was under sail; which would have been presently, if the surgeon or his mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they thought it no prudence to go to sea without a surgeon: therefore the next morning they sent ashore one john cookworthy, to hasten off either the surgeon or his mate, by pretending that one of the men in the night broke his leg by falling into the hold. the surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next day with the captain, and would not come before: but sent his mate, herman coppinger. this man sometime before this, was sleeping at his pegallies, and a snake twisted himself about his neck; but afterwards went away without hurting him. in this country it is usual to have the snakes come into the houses, and into the ships too; for we had several come aboard our ship when we lay in the river. but to proceed, herman coppinger provided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed for captain swan and all his men to meet aboard, i went aboard with him, neither of us mistrusted what was designing by those aboard, till we came thither. then we found it was only a trick to get the surgeon off; for now, having obtained their desires, the canoa was sent ashore again immediately, to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but not to tell the reason, lest captain swan should come to hear of it. the 13th day in the morning they weighed, and fired a gun: capt. swan immediately sent aboard mr. nelly, who was now his chief mate, to see what the matter was: to him they told all their grievances, and shewed him the journal. he perswaded them to stay till the next day, for an answer from captain swan and the merchants. so they came to an anchor again, and the next morning mr. harthop came aboard: he perswaded them to be reconciled again, or at least to stay and get more rice: but they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he was aboard. yet at mr. harthop's perswasion they promised to stay till 2 a clock in the afternoon for captain swan, and the rest of the men, if they would come aboard; but they suffered no man to go ashore, except one william williams that had a wooden leg, and another that was a sawyer. if capt. swan had yet come aboard, he might have dash'd all their designs; but he neither came himself, as a captain of any prudence and courage would have done, nor sent till the time was expired. so we left captain swan and about 36 men ashore in the city, and 6 or 8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the most of which died by poison. the natives are very expert at poisoning, and do it upon small occasions: nor did our men want for giving offence, through their general rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with their women, even before their faces. some of their poisons are slow and lingering; for we had some now aboard who were poison'd there; but died not till some months after. chap. xiv they depart from the river of mindanao. of the time lost or gain'd in sailing round the world: with a caution to seamen, about the allowance they are to take for difference of the suns declination. the south coast of mindanao. chambongo town an harbour with its neighbouring keys. green turtle. ruins of a spanish fort. the westermost point of mindanao. two proes of the sologues laden from manila. an isle to the west of sebo. walking canes. isle of batts, very large; and numerous turtles and manatee. a dangerous shoal. they sail by panay belonging to the spaniards, and others of the philippine islands. isle of mindora. two barks taken. a further account of the isle luconia, and the city and harbour of manila. they go off pulo condore to lye there. the shoals of pracel, &c. pulo condore. the tar-tree. the mango. grape-tree. the wild or bastard nutmeg. their animals. of the migration of the turtle from place to place. of the commodious situation of pulo condore; its water and its cochinchinese inhabitants. of the malayan tongue. the custom of prostituting their women in these countries, and in guinea. the idolatry here, at tunquin, and among the chinese seamen, and of a procession at fort st. george. they refit their ship. two of them dye of poyson they took at mindanao. they take in water, and a pilot for the bay of siam. puly uby; and point of cambodia. two cambodian vessels. isles in the bay of siam. the tight vessels and seamen of the kingdom of champa. storms. a chinese jonk from palimbam in sumatra. they come again to pulo condore. a bloody fray with a malayan vessel. the surgeon's and the author's desires of leaving their crew. the 14th day of january, 1687, at 3 of the clock in the afternoon we sailed from the river of mindanao, designing to cruise before manila. [19] [during their stay at mindanao the english first notice the change of time due to their having journeyed westward. there and in other places they find the people reckoning a full day ahead of themselves, due to the fact that the portuguese had journeyed thither to the eastward. the computation at the ladrones is the same as their own. "but how the reckoning was at manila, and the rest of the spanish colonies in the philippine islands, i know not; whether they keep it as they brought it, or corrected it by the accounts of the natives, and of the portuguese, dutch and english, coming the contrary way from europe."] we had the wind at n.n.e. fair clear weather, and a brisk gale. we coasted to the westward, on the south-side of the island of mindanao, keeping within 4 or 5 leagues of the shore. the land from hence tends away w. by s. it is of a good height by the sea, and very woody, and in the country we saw high hills. the next day we were abrest of chambongo [i.e., zamboanga]; a town in this island, and 30 leagues from the river of mindanao. here is said to be a good harbour, and a great settlement, with plenty of beef and buffaloe. it is reported that the spaniards were formerly fortified here also: there are two shoals lie off this place, 2 or 3 leagues from the shoar. from thence the land is more low and even; yet there are some hills in the country. about 6 leagues before we came to the west-end of the island mindanao, we fell in with a great many small low islands or keys, and about two or three leagues to the southward of these keys, there is a long island stretching n.e. and s.w. about 12 leagues. [20] this island is low by the sea on the north-side, and has a ridge of hills in the middle, running from one end to the other. between this isle and the small keys, there is a good large channel: among the keys also there is a good depth of water, and a violent tide; but on what point of the compass it flows, i know not, nor how much it riseth and falls. the 17th day we anchored on the east-side of all these keys, in 8 fathom water, clean sand. here are plenty of green turtle, whose flesh is as sweet as any in the west indies: but they are very shy. a little to the westward of these keys, on the island mindanao, we saw abundance of coco-nut trees: therefore we sent our canoa ashore, thinking to find inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any; but great tracts of hogs, and great cattle; and close by the sea there were ruins of an old fort. the walls thereof were of a good heighth, built with stone and lime; and by the workmanship seem'd to be spanish. from this place the land trends w.n.w. and it is of an indifferent heighth by the sea. it runs on this point of the compass 4 or 5 leagues, and then the land trends away n.n.w. 5 or 6 leagues farther, making with many bluff points. we weigh'd again the 14th day, and went thro' between the keys; but met such uncertain tides, that we were forced to anchor again. the 22d day we got about the westermost point of all mindanao, and stood to the northward, plying under the shore, and having the wind at n.n.e. a fresh gale. as we sailed along further, we found the land to trend n.n.e. on this part of the island the land is high by the sea, with full bluff points, and very woody. there are some small sandy bays, which afford streams of fresh water. here we met with two prows [i.e., praus] belonging to the sologues, one of the mindanaian nations before mentioned. they came from manila laden with silks and calicoes. we kept on this western part of the island steering northerly, till we came abrest of some other of the philippine islands, that lay to the northward of us; then steered away towards them; but still keeping on the west-side of them, and we had the winds at n.n.e. the 3d of february we anchored in a good bay on the west side of the island, in lat. 9 d. 55 min. where we had 13 fathom-water, good soft oaze. this island hath no name that we could find in any book, out lieth on the west side of the island sebo. [21] it is about 8 or 10 leagues long, mountainous and woody. at this place captain read, who was the same captain swan had so much railed against in his journal, and was now made captain in his room (as captain teat was made master, and mr. henry more quarter-master) ordered the carpenters to cut down our quarter-deck, to make the ship snug, and the fitter for sailing. when that was done, we heeled her, scrubbed her bottom, and tallowed it. then we fill'd all our water, for here is a delicate small run of water. the land was pretty low in this bay, the mould black and fat, and the trees of several kinds, very thick and tall. in some places we found plenty of canes, [22] such as we use in england for walking-canes. these were short-jointed, not above two foot and a half, or two foot ten inches the longest, and most of them not above two foot. they run along on the ground like a vine; or taking hold of the trees, they climb up to their very tops. they are 15 or 20 fathom long, and much of a bigness from the root, till within 5 or 6 fathom of the end. they are of a pale green colour, cloathed over with a coat of short thick hairy substance, of a dun colour; but it comes off by only drawing the cane through your hand. we did cut many of them, and they proved very tough heavy canes. we saw no houses, nor sign of inhabitants; but while we lay here, there was a canoa with 6 men came into this bay; but whither they were bound, or from whence they came, i know not. they were indians, and we could not understand them. in the middle of this bay, about a mile from the shore, there is a small low woody island, not above a mile in circumference; our ship rode about a mile from it. this island was the habitation of an incredible number of great batts, with bodies as big as ducks, or large fowl, and with vast wings: for i saw at mindanao one of this sort, and i judge that the wings stretcht out in length, could not be less assunder than 7 or 8 foot from tip to tip; for it was much more than any of us could fathom with our arms extended to the utmost. the wings are for substance like those of other batts, of a dun or mouse colour. the skin or leather of them hath ribs running along it, and draws up in 3 or 4 folds; and at the joints of those ribs and the extremities of the wings, there are sharp and crooked claws, by which they may hang on any thing. [a further description of the great bats and their habits follows.] at this isle also we found plenty of turtle and manatee, but no fish. we stay'd here till the 10th of february, 1687, and then having compleated our business, we sailed hence with the wind at north. but going out we struck on a rock, where we lay two hours: it was very smooth water, and the tide of flood, or else we should have lost our ship. we struck off a great piece of our rudder, which was all the damage that we received, but we more narrowly mist losing our ships this time, than in any other in the whole voyage. this is a very dangerous shoal, because it does not break, unless probably it may appear in foul weather. it lies about two mile to the westward, without the small batt island. here we found the tide of flood setting to the southward, and the ebb to the northward. after we were past this shoal, we coasted along by the rest of the philippine islands, keeping on the west-side of them. some of them appeared to be very mountainous dry land. we saw many fires in the night as we passed by panay, a great island settled by spaniards, and by the fires up and down it seems to be well settled by them; for this is a spanish custom, whereby they give notice of any danger or the like from sea; and 'tis probable they had seen our ship the day before. this is an unfrequented coast, and 'tis rare to have any ship seen there. we touched not at panay, nor any where else; tho' we saw a great many small islands to the westward of us, and some shoals, but none of them laid down in our draughts. the 18th day of feb. we anchored at the n.w. end of the island mindora, [23] in 10 fathom-water, about 3 quarters of a mile from the shore. mindora is a large island; the middle of it lying in lat. 13. about 40 leagues long, stretching n.w. and s.e. it is high and mountainous, and not very woody. at this place where we anchored the land was neither very high nor low. there was a small brook of water, and the land by the sea was very woody, and the trees high and tall, but a league or two farther in, the woods are very thin and small. here we saw great tracks of hogs and beef, and we saw some of each, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none. while we were here, there was a canoa with 4 indians came from manila. they were very shy of us a while: but at last, hearing us speak spanish, they came to us, and told us, that they were going to a fryer that liv'd at an indian village towards the s.e. end of the island. they told us also, that the harbour of manila is seldom or never without 20 or 30 sail of vessels, most chinese, some portugueze, and some few the spaniards have of their own. they said, that when they had done their business with the fryer they would return to manila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 days time. we told them, that we came for a trade with the spaniards at manila, and should be glad if they would carry a letter to some merchant there, which they promised to do. but this was only a pretence of ours, to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their shipping, strength, and the like, under colour of seeking a trade; for our business was to pillage. now if we had really designed to have traded there, this was as fair an opportunity as men could have desired: for these men could have brought us to the frier that they were going to, and a small present to him would have engaged him to do any kindness in the way of trade: for the spanish governors do not allow of it, and we must trade by stealth. the 21st day we went from hence with the wind at e.n.e. a small gale. the 23d day in the morning we were fair by the s.e. end of the island luconia, the place that had been so long desired by us. we presently saw a sail coming from the northward, and making after her we took her in 2 hours time. she was a spanish bark, that came from a place called pangasanam, a small town on the n. end of luconia, as they told us; probably the same with pagassinay, which lies on a bay at the n. w. side of the island. she was bound to manila but had no goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away. the 23d. we took another spanish vessel that came from the same place of the other. she was laden with rice and cotton-cloth, and bound for manila also. these goods were purposely for the acapulco ship: the rice was for the men to live on while they lay there, and in their return: and the cotton-cloth was to make sail. the master of this prize was boatswain of the acapulco ship which escaped us at guam, and was now at manila. it was this man that gave us the relation of what strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of the accident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10th chapter. we took these two vessels within 7 or 8 leagues of manila. luconia i have spoken of already: but i shall now add this further account of it. it is a great island, taking up between 6 and 7 degrees of lat. in length, and its breadth near the middle is about 60 leagues; but the ends are narrow. the north end lies in about 19 d. north lat. and the s. end in about 12 d. 30 m. this great island hath abundance of small keys or islands lying about it; especially at the north-end. the south-side fronts towards the rest of the philippine islands: of these that are its nearest neighbours, mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the sea or streight that parts it and the other islands from luconia: being called the streights of mindora. the body of the island luconia is composed of many spacious plain savannahs, and large mountains. the north-end seems to be more plain and even, i mean freer from hills, than the south-end: but the land is all along of a good heighth. it does not appear so flourishing and green as some of the other islands in this range; especially that of st. john, mindanao, batt island, &c. yet in some places it is very woody. some of the mountains of this island afford gold, and the savannahs are well stockt with herds of cattle, especially buaffaloes[sic]. these cattle are in great plenty all over the east-indies; and therefore 'tis very probable that there were many of these here even before the spaniards come hither. but now there are now also plenty of other cattle, as i have been told, as bullocks, horses, sheep, goats, hogs, &c. brought hither by the spaniards. it is pretty well inhabited with indians, most of them, if not all, under the spaniards, who now are masters of it. the native indians do live together in towns; and they have priests among them to instruct them in the spanish religion. manila the chief, or perhaps the only city, lies at the foot of a ridge of high hills, facing upon a spacious harbour near the s.w. point of the island, in about the lat. of 14 d. north. it is environ'd with a high strong wall, and very well fortify'd with forts and breast-works. the houses are large, strongly built, and covered with pan-tile. the streets are large and pretty regular; with a parade in the midst, after the spanish fashion. there are a great many fair buildings, beside churches and other religious houses; of which there are not a few. the harbour is so large, that some hundreds of ships may ride here: and is never without many, both of their own and strangers. i have already given you an account of the two ships going and coming between this place and acapulco. besides them, they have some small vessels of their own; and they do not allow the portuguese to trade here, but the chinese are the chiefest merchants, and they drive the greatest trade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 jonks in the harbour at a time, and a great many merchants constantly residing in the city, beside shop-keepers, and handy-crafts-men in abundance. small vessels run up near the town, but the acapulco. ships and others of greater burthen, lye a league short of it, where there is a strong fort also, and store-houses to put goods in. i had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time, from mr. coppinger our surgeon, for he made a voyage hither from porto nova, a town on the coast of coromandel; in a portuguese ship, as i think. here he found 10 or 12 of captain swan's men; some of those that we left at mindanao. for after we came from thence, they brought a proe there, by the instigation of an irish man, who went by the name of john fitz-gerald, a person that spoke spanish very well; and so in this their proe they came hither. they had been here but 18 months when mr. coppinger arrived here, and mr. fitz-gerald had in this time gotten a spanish mustesa woman to wife, and a good dowry with her. he then professed physick and surgery, and was highly esteemed among the spaniards for his supposed knowledge in those arts: for being always troubled with sore shins while he was with us, he kept some plaisters and salves by him; and with these he set up upon his bare natural stock of knowledge, and his experience in kibes. but then he had a very great stock of confidence withal, to help out the other, and being an irish roman catholick, and having the spanish language he had a great advantage of all his consorts; and he alone lived well there of them all. we were not within sight of this town, but i was shewn the hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft of them as we lay off at sea; which i have caused to be engraven among a few others that i took my self:.... [the season for successful operations near manila having passed, the mutineers decide to go to some islands near the cambodian shore to wait until about may, the time for the acapulco galleon, choosing those islands as they were somewhat retired. the prisoners are set ashore on the island of luzon, and that island is left february 26. on march 14 anchor is cast on pulo (or island) condore, the largest and only inhabited one of those islands which lie in north latitude 8° 40'. a short description of the islands, their products, fauna, and inhabitants (who are cochinchinese) and some of their customs follows. at this island the ship is careened and refitted. there also "2 of our men died, who were poison'd at mindanao, they told us of it when they found themselves poison'd, and had linger'd ever since. they were opened by our doctor, according to their own request before they died, and their livers were black, light and dry, like pieces of cork." after filling the water-butts anchor is weighed (april 21) and the course taken to pulo ubi near siam, reaching that island april 23. from that date until may 13 they cruise about the bay of siam where they are becalmed. may 24 they anchor again at pulo condore, together with a chinese vessel laden with pepper from sumatra; from its men they learn that the "english were settled in the island sumatra, at a place called sillabar; and the first knowledge we had that the english had any settlement on sumatra was from these." [24] an attempt there to investigate a malayan vessel ends fatally for a number of the english; for the malays, thinking them to be pirates, set upon the boarding party, and kill a number of them. at that island also the surgeon, herman coppinger, attempts to escape, but is taken back to the ship. dampier is only deterred from making the same attempt because he desires a more convenient opportunity. "for neither he nor i, when we were last on board at mindanao, had any knowledge of the plot that was laid to leave captain swan, and run away with the ship; and being sufficiently weary of this mad crew, we were willing to give them the slip at any place from whence we might hope to get a passage to an english factory."] chap. xv they leave pulo condore, designing for manila, but are driven off from thence, and from the isle of prata, by the winds, and brought upon the coast of china. isle of st. john, on the coast of the province of canton; its soil and productions, china hogs, &c. the inhabitants; and of the tartars forcing the chinese to cut off their hair. their habits, and the little feet of their women. china-ware china-roots, tea, &c. a village at st. john's island, and of their husbandry of their rice. a story of a chinese pagoda, or idol-temple, and image. of the china jonks, and their rigging. they leave st. john's and the coast of china. a most outragious storm. corpus sant, a light, or meteor appearing in storms. the piscadores, or fishers islands near formosa: a tartarian garrison, and chinese town on one of these islands. they anchor in the harbour near the tartars garrison, and treat with the governour. of amoy in the province of fokieu, and macao a chinese and portuguese town near canton in china. the habits of a tartarian officer and his retinue. their presents, excellent beef. samciu, a sort of chinese arack, and hocciu a kind of chinese mum, and the jars it is bottled in. of the isle of formosa, and the five islands; to which they give the names of orange, monmouth, grafton, bashee, and goat-islands, in general, the bashee-islands. a digression concerning the different depths of the sea near high or low lands. the soil, &c. as before. the soil, fruits and animals of these islands. the inhabitants and their cloathing. rings of a yellow metal like gold. their houses built on remarkable precipices. their boats and employments. their food, of goat skins, entrails, &c. parcht locusts. bashee, or sugar-cane drink. of their language and original, launces and buffaloe coats. no idols, nor civil form of government. a young man buried alive by them; supposed to be for theft. their wives and children, and husbandry. their manners, entertainments, and traffick. of the ships first entercourse with these people, and bartering with them. their course among the islands; their stay there, and provision to depart. they are driven off by a violent storm, and return. the natives kindness to 6 of them left behind. the crew discouraged by those storms, quit their design of cruising off manila for the acapulco ship; and 'tis resolved to fetch a compass to cape comorin, and so for the red-sea. [the first part of this chapter, as is seen by the above list of contents, relates to china and islands near the chinese coast. most of the second half of the chapter relates to the bashee or batanes islands and is as follows.] we stayed here [i.e., at the piscador islands near china] till the 29th day [of july, 1687], and then sailed from hence with the wind at s.w. and pretty fair weather. we now directed our course for some islands we had chosen to go to, that lye between formosa and luconia. they are laid down in our plots without any name, only with a figure of 5, denoting the number of them. it was supposed by us, that these islands had no inhabitants, because they had not any name by our hydrographers. therefore we thought to lye there secure, and be pretty near the island luconia, which we did still intend to visit. in going to them we sailed by the south west end of formosa, leaving it on our larboard-side. this is a large island; the south-end is in lat. 21 d. 20 m. and the north-end in 25 d. 10 m. north lat. the longitude of this island is laid down 142 d. 5 m. to 143 d. 16 m. reckoning east from the pike of tenariffe, so that 'tis but narrow; and the tropick of cancer crosses it. it is a high and woody island, and was formerly well inhabited by the chinese, and was then frequently visited by english merchants, there being a very good harbour to secure their ships. but since the tartars have conquered china, they have spoiled the harbour, (as i have been informed) to hinder the chinese that were then in rebellion, from fortifying themselves there; and ordered the foreign merchants to come and trade on the main. the sixth day of august we arrived at the five islands that we were bound to, and anchored on the east-side of the northermost island, in 15 fathom, a cable's length from the shore. here, contrary to our expectation, we found abundance of inhabitants in sight; for there were 3 large towns all within a league of the sea; and another larger town than any of the three, and the backside of a small hill close by also, as we found afterwards. these islands lie in lat. 20 d. 20 m. north lat. by my observation, for i took it there, and i find their longitude according to our drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. these islands having no particular names in the drafts, some or other of us made use of the seamens priviledge, to give them what names we pleased. three of the islands were pretty large; the westermost is the biggest. this the dutchmen who were among us called the prince of orange's island, in honour of his present majesty. it is about 7 or 8 leagues long, and about two leagues wide; and it lies almost n. and s. the other two great islands are about 4 or 5 leagues to the eastward of this. the northermost of them, where we first anchored, i called the duke of grafton's isle, as soon as we landed on it; having married my w[i]fe out of his dutchess's family, and leaving her at arlington-house, at my going abroad. this isle is about 4 leagues long, and one league and a half wide, stretching north and south. the other great island our seamen called the duke of monmouth's island. this is about a league to the southward of grafton isle. it is about 3 leagues long, and a league wide, lying as the other. between monmouth and the south end of orange island, there are two small islands of a roundish form, lying east and west. the eastermost island of the two, our men unanimously called bashee island, [25] from a liquor which we drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an anchor at it. the other, which is the smallest of all, we called goat island, from the great number of goats there; and to the northward of them all, are two high rocks. orange island, which is the biggest of them all, is not inhabited. it is high land, flat and even on the top, with steep cliffs against the sea; for which reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on all the rest. [some general remarks on high and low lands and anchorages nearby follow, in which the author states almost as an axiom that good anchorages are found near low lands, while high rocky lands have poor anchorages.] but to return from this digression, to speak of the rest of these islands. monmouth and grafton isles are very hilly, with many of those steep inhabited precipi[c]es on them, that i shall describe particularly. the two small islands are flat and even; only the bashee island hath one steep scraggy hill, but goat island is all flat and very even. the mold of these islands in the valley, is blackish in some places, but in most red. the hills are very rocky: the valleys are well watered with brooks of fresh water, which run into the sea in many different places. the soil is indifferent fruitful, especially in the valleys; producing pretty great plenty of trees (tho' not very big) and thick grass. the sides of the mountains have also short grass; and some of the mountains have mines within them, or the natives told us, that the yellow metal they shewed us, (as i shall speak more particularly) came from these mountains; for when they held it up they would point towards them. the fruit of the islands are a few plantains, bonanoes, pineapples, pumkins, sugar-canes, &c. and there might be more if the natives would, for the ground seems fertile enough. here are great plenty of potatoes, and yames, which is the common food for the natives, for bread-kind: for those few plantains they have, are only used as fruit. they have some cotton growing here of the small plants. here are plenty of goats, and abundance of hogs; but few fowls, either wild or tame. for this i have always observed in my travels, both in the east and west indies, that in those places where there is plenty of grain, that is, of rice in one, and maiz in the other, there are also found great abundance of fowls; but on the contrary, few fowls in those countries where the inhabitants feed on fruits and roots only. the few wild fowls that are here, are parakites, and some other small birds. their tame fowl are only a few cocks and hens. monmouth and grafton islands are very thick inhabited; and bashee island hath one town on it. the natives of these islands are short squat people; they are generally round visaged, with low foreheads, and thick eye-brows; their eyes of a hazle colour, and small, yet bigger than the chinese; short low noses, and their lip and mouths middle proportioned. their teeth are white; their hair is black, and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it will just cover their ears, and so it is cut round very even. their skins are of a very dark copper colour. they wear no hat, cap, nor turban, nor any thing to keep off the sun. the men for the biggest part have only a small clout to cover their nakedness; some of them have jackets made of plantain-leaves, which were as rough as any bear's-skin: i never saw such rugged things. the women have a short petticoat made of cotton, which comes a little below their knees. it is a thick sort of stubborn cloth, which they make themselves of their cotton. both men and women do wear large ear-rings, made of that yellow metal before mentioned. whether it were gold or no i cannot positively say: i took it to be so; it was heavy, and of the colour of our paler gold. i would fain have brought away some to have satisfied my curiosity; but i had nothing where with to buy any. captain read bought two of these rings with some iron, of which the people are very greedy; and he would have bought more, thinking he was come to a very fair market, but that the paleness of the metal made him and the crew distrust its being right gold. for my part, i should have ventured on the purchase of some, but having no property in the iron, of which we had great store on board, sent from england, by the merchants along with captain swan, i durst not barter it away. these rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time makes them fade, and turn to a pale yellow. then they make a soft paste of red earth, and smearing it over their rings, they cast them into a quick fire, where they remain till they be red hot; then they take them out and cool them in water, and rub off the paste; and they look again of a glorious colour and lustre. these people make but small low houses. the sides which are made of small posts, watled with boughs, are not above 4 foot and a half high: the ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. they have a fire-place at one end of their houses, and boards placed on the ground to lye on. they inhabit together in small villages built on the sides and tops of rocky hills, 3 or 4 rows of houses one above another, and on such steep precipices, that they go up to the first row with a wooden ladder, and so with a ladder still from every story up to that above it, there being no way to ascend. the plain on the first precipice may be so wide, as to have room both for a row of houses that stand all along on the edge or brink of it, and a very narrow street running along before their doors, between the row of houses and the foot of the next precipice; the plain of which is in a manner level to the tops of the houses below, and so for the rest. the common ladder to each row or street comes up at a narrow passage left purposely about the middle of it; and the street being bounded with a precipice also at each end, 'tis but drawing up the ladder, if they be assaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing up as against a perpendicular wall: and that they may not be assaulted from above, they take care to build on the side of such a hill, whose backside hangs over the sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicular precipice, altogether inaccessible. these precipices are natural; for the rocks seem too hard to work on; nor is there any sign that art hath been employed about them. on bashee island there is one such, and built upon, with its back next the sea. grafton and monmouth isles are very thick set with these hills and towns; and the natives, whether for fear of pirates, or foreign enemies, or factions among their own clans, care not for building but in these fastnesses; which i take to be the reason that orange isle, though the largest, and as fertile as any, yet being level, and exposed, hath no inhabitants. i never saw the like precipices and towns. these towns are pretty ingenious also in building boats. their small boats are much like our deal yalls, but not so big; and they are built with very narrow plank, pinn'd with wooden pins, and some nails. they have also some pretty large boats, which will carry 40 or 50 men. these they row with 12 or 14 oars of a side. they are built much like the small ones, and they row doubled banked; that is, two men setting on one bench, but one rowing on one side, the other on the other side of the boat. they understand the use of iron, and work it themselves. their bellows are like those at mindanao. the common imployment for the men is fishing; but i did never see them catch much: whether it is more plenty at other times of the year i know not. the women do manage their plantations. i did never see them kill any of their goats or hogs for themselves, yet they would beg the panches of the goats that they themselves did sell to us: and if any of our surly seamen did heave them into the sea, they would take them up again, and the skins of the goats also. they would not meddle with hog-guts, if our men threw away any beside what they made chitterlings and sausages of. the goat-skins these people would carry ashore, and making a fire they would singe oft all the hair, and afterwards let the skin lie and pearch on the coals, till they thought it eatable; and then they would knaw it, and tear it to pieces with their teeth, and at last swallow it. the paunches of the goats would make them an excellent dish; they drest it in this manner. they would turn out all the chopt grass and crudities found in the maw into their pots, and set it over the fire, and stir it about often: this would smoak and puff, and heave up as it was boyling; wind breaking out of the ferment, and making a very savory stink. while this was doing, if they had any fish, as commonly they had 2 or 3 small fish, these they would make very clean (as hating nastiness belike) and cut the flesh from the bone, and then mince the flesh as small as possibly they could, and when that in the pot was well boiled, they would take it up, and strewing a little salt into it, they would eat it, mixt with their raw minced flesh. the dung in the maw would look like so much boil'd herbs minc'd very small; and they took up their mess with their fingers, as the moors do their pilaw, [26] using no spoons. they had another dish made of a sort of locusts, whose bodies were about an inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one's little finger; with large thin wings, and long and small legs. at this time of the year these creatures came in great swarms to devour their potato-leaves, and other herbs; and the natives would go out with small nets, and take a quart at one sweep. when they had enough, they would carry them home, and parch them over the fire in an earthen pan; and then their wings and legs would fall off, and their heads and backs would turn red like boil'd shrimps, being before brownish. their bodies being full, would eat very moist, their heads would crackle, in one's teeth. i did eat once of this dish, and liked it well enough; but their other dish my stomach would not take. their common drink is water; as it is of all other indians: beside which they make a sort of drink with the juice of the sugar-cane, which they boil, and put some small black sort of berries among it. when it is well boiled, they put it into great jars, and let it stand 3 or 4 days and work. then it settles and becomes clear, and is presently fit to drink. this is an excellent liquor, and very much like english beer, both in colour and taste. it is very strong, and i do believe very wholesome: for our men, who drunk briskly of it all day for several weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick after it. the natives brought a vast deal of it every day to those aboard and ashore: for some of our men were ashore at work on bashee island; which island they gave that name to from their drinking this liquor there; that being the name which the natives call'd this liquor by: and as they sold it to our men very cheap, so they did not spare to drink it as freely. and indeed from the plenty of this liquor, and their plentiful use of it, our men call'd all these islands, the bashee islands. what language these people do speak i know not: for it had no affinity in sound to the chinese, which is spoke much through the teeth; nor yet to the malayan language. they called the metal that their ear-rings were made of bullawan, which is the mindana word for gold; therefore probably they may be related to the philippine indians; for that is the general name for gold among all those indians. i could not learn from whence they have their iron; but it is most likely they go in their great boats to the north end of luconia, and trade with the indians of that island for it. neither did i see any thing beside iron, and pieces of buffaloes hides, which i could judge that they bought of strangers: their cloaths were of their own growth and manufacture. these men had wooden lances, and a few lances headed with iron; which are all the weapons that they have. their armour is a piece of buffaloe-hide, shaped like our carters frocks, being without sleeves, and sowed both sides together, with holes for the head and the arms to come forth. this buff-coat reaches down to their knees: it is close about their shoulders, but below it is 3 foot wide, and as thick as a board. i could never perceive them to worship any thing, neither had they any idols; neither did they seem to observe any one day more than other. i could never perceive that one man was of greater power than another; but they seemed to be all equal; only every man ruling his own house, and the children respecting and honouring their parents. yet 'tis probable that they have some law, or custom, by which they are govern'd; for while we lay here we saw a young man buried alive in the earth; and 'twas for theft, as far as we could understand from them. there was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of people came to the place to take their last farewell of him: among the rest, there was one woman who made great lamentation, and took off the condemn'd person's ear-rings. we supposed her to be his mother. after he had taken his leave of her and some others, he was put into the pit, and covered over with earth he did not struggle, but yielded very quietly to his punishment; and they cramm'd the earth close upon him, and stifled him. they have but one wife, with whom they live and agree very well; and their children live very obediently under them. the boys go out a fishing with their fathers; and the girls live at home with their mothers: and when the girls are grown pretty strong, they send them to their plantations, to dig yames and potatoes; of which they bring home on their heads every day enough to serve the whole family; for they have no rice nor maize. their plantations are in the valleys, at a good distance from their houses; where every man has a certain spot of land, which is properly his own. this he manageth himself for his own use; and provides enough, that he may not be beholding to his neighbour. notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their dish of goats maw, they are in their persons a very neat cleanly people, both men and women: and they are withal the quietest and civilest people that i did ever meet with. i could never perceive them to be angry with one another. i have admired to see 20 or 30 boats aboard our ship at a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occasion; no noise nor appearance of distaste: and although sometimes cross accidents would happen, which might have set other men together by the ears, yet they were not moved by them. sometimes they will also drink freely, and warm themselves with their drink; yet neither then could i ever perceive them out of humour. they are not only thus civil among themselves, but very obliging and kind to strangers; nor were their children rude to us, as is usual. indeed the women, when we came to their houses, would modestly beg any rags, or small pieces of cloth, to swaddle their young ones in, holding out their children to us; and begging is usual among all these wild nations. yet neither did they beg so importunely as in other places; nor did the men ever beg any thing at all. neither, except once at the first time we came to an anchor (as i shall relate) did they steal any thing; but dealt justly, and with great sincerity with us; and made us very welcome to their houses with bashee drink. if they had none of this liquor themselves, they would buy a jar of drink of their neighbours, and sit down with us: for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their gold for some jars of bashee. and indeed among wild indians, as these seem to be, i wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual; nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard stranger's ships with so little caution: yet their own small trading may have brought them to this. at these entertainments they and their family, wife and children drank out of small callabashes; and when by themselves, they drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them, they would always drink to one of us. they have no sort of coin; but they have small crumbs of the metal before described, which they bind up very safe in plantain leaves, or the like. this metal they exchange for what they want, giving a small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 grains, for a jar of drink, that would hold 5 or 6 gallons. they have no scales, but give it by guess. thus much in general. to proceed therefore with our affairs, i have said before, that we anchored here the 6th day of august. while we were furling our sails, there came near 100 boats of the natives aboard, with 3 or 4 men in each; so that our deck was full of men. we were at first afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small arms on our poop, and kept 3 or 4 men as centinels, with guns in their hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. but they were pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old iron that they found on our deck, and they also took out our pump-bolts, and linch-pins out of the carriages of our guns, before we perceived them. at last, one of our men perceived one of them very busie getting out one of our linch pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out, and all the rest presently leaped overboard, some into their boats, others into the sea; and they all made away for the shore. but when we perceived their fright, we made much of him that was in hold, who stood trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a small piece of iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and swam to his consorts; who hovered about our ship to see the issue. then we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a commerce with them. some of the boats came aboard again, and they were always very honest and civil afterward. we presently after this sent a canoa ashore, to see their manner of living, and what provision they had: the canao's crew were made very welcome with bashee drink, and saw abundance of hogs, some of which they bought, and returned aboard. after this the natives brought aboard both hogs and goats to us in their own boats; and every day we should have 15 or 20 hogs and goats in boats aboard by our side. these we bought for a small matter; we could buy a good fat goat for an old iron hoop, and a hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound of iron. their drink also they brought off in jars, which we bought for old nails, spikes, and leaden bullets. besides the fore-mentioned commodities, they brought aboard great quantities of yams and potatoes; which we purchased for nails, spikes, or bullets. it was one man's work to be all day cutting out bars of iron into small pieces with a cold chisel: and these were for the great purchases of hogs and goats, which they would not sell for nails, as their drinks and roots. we never let them know what store we have, that they may value it the more. every morning, as soon as it was light, they would thus come aboard with their commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. we did commonly furnish our selves with as many goats and roots as served us all the day; and their hogs we bought in large quantities, as we thought convenient; for we salted them. their hogs were very sweet; but i never saw so many meazled ones. we filled all our water at a curious brook close by us in grafton's isle, where we first anchored. we stayed there about three or four days, before we went to other islands. we sailed to the southward, passing on the east-side of grafton island, and then passed thro' between that and monmouth island; but we found no anchoring till we came to the north end of monmouth island, and there we stopt during one tide. the tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a short chopping sea. its course among these islands is s. by e. and n. by w. the flood sets to the north, and ebb to the south, and it riseth and falleth 8 foot. when we went from hence, we coasted about 2 leagues to the southward, on the west side of monmouth island; and finding no anchor-ground, we stood over to the bashee island, and came to an anchor on the north east part of it, against a small sandy bay, in 7 fathom clean hard sand, and about a quarter of a mile from the shore. here is a pretty wide channel between these two islands, and anchoring all over it. the depth of water is 2, 14, and 16 fathom. we presently built a tent ashore, to mend our sails in, and stay'd all the rest of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of august till the 26th day of september. in which time we mended our sails, and scrubb'd our ships bottom very well; and every day some of us went to their towns, and were kindly entertained by them. their boats also came aboard with their merchandize to sell, and lay aboard all day; and if we did not take it off their hands one day, they would bring the same again the next. we had yet the winds at s.w. and s.s.w. mostly fair weather. in october we did expect the winds to shift to the n.e. and therefore we provided to sail (as soon as the eastern monsoon was settled) to cruize off at manila. accordingly we provided a stock of provision. we salted 70 or 80 good fat hogs, and bought yams and potatoes good store to eat at sea. about the 24th day of september, the winds shifted about to the east, and from thence to the n.e. fine fair weather. the 25th it came at n. and began to grow fresh, and the sky began to be clouded; and the wind freshened on us. at 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce storm. we were then riding with our best bower [27] a head and though our yards and top-mast were down, yet we drove. this obliged us to let go our sheet-anchor, veering out a good scope of cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 a clock the next day. then the wind came on so fierce, that she drove again, with both anchors a-head. the wind was now at n. by w. and we kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well for us that there were no islands, rocks, or sands in our way, for if there had, we must have been driven upon them. we used our utmost endeavours to stop here, being loath to go to sea, because we had six of our men ashore, who could not get off now. at last we were driven off into deep water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer: therefore we hove in our sheet cable, and got up our sheet anchor, and cut away our best bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would have gone near to have foundred us) and so put to sea. we had very violent weather the night ensuing, with very hard rain, and we were forced to scud with our bare poles till 3 a clock in the morning. then the wind slacken'd, and we brought our ship to, under a mizen, and lay with our head to the westward. the 27th day the wind abated much, but it rained very hard all day, and the night ensuing. the 28th day the wind came about to the n.e. and it cleared up, and blew a hard gale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the eastward, thence to the s.e. then to the south, and at last settled at s.w. and then we had a moderate gale and fair weather. it was the 29th day when the wind came to the s.w. then we made all the sail we could for the island again. the 30th day we had the wind at west, and saw the islands; but could not get in before night. therefore we stood off to the southward till two a clock in the morning; then we tackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st day of october, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven. then our six men were brought aboard by the natives, to whom we gave 3 whole bars of iron, for their kindness and civility, which was an extraordinary to them. mr. robert hall was one of the men that was left ashore. i shall speak more of him hereafter. he and the rest of them told me, that after the ship was out of sight, the natives began to be more kind to them than they had been before, and persuaded them to cut their hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of them if they would do it, a young woman to wife, and a small hatchet, and other iron utensils, fit for a planter, in dowry; and withal shewed them a piece of land for them to manage. they were courted thus by several of the town where they then were: but they took up their head quarters at the house of him with whom they first went ashore. when the ship appeared in sight again, then they importuned them for some iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even above their ear-rings. we might have bought all their ear-rings, or other gold they had, with our iron-bars, had we been assured of its goodness; and yet when it was touch'd and compar'd with other gold, we could not discern any difference, tho' it look'd so pale in the lump; but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement. this last storm put our men quite out of heart: for although it was not altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the coast of china, which was still fresh in memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and frighted them from their design of cruising before manila, fearing another storm there. now every man wisht himself at home, as they had done an hundred times before: but captain read, and captain teat the master, persuaded them to go toward cape comorin, and then they would tell them more of their minds, intending doubtless to cruize in the red sea; and they easily prevailed with the crew. the eastern monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been to go through the streights of malacca; but captain teat said it was dangerous, by reason of many islands and shoals there, with which none of us were acquainted. therefore he thought it best to go round on the east-side of all the philippine islands, and so keeping south toward the spice islands, to pass out into the east-indian ocean about the island timor. this seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether for sholes; but not for meeting with english or dutch ships, which was their greatest fear. i was well enough satisfied, knowing that the farther we went, the more knowledge and experience i should get, which was the main thing that i regarded; and should also have the more variety of places to attempt an escape from them, being fully resolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip. chap. xvi they depart from the bashee islands, and passing by some others, and the n. end of luconia. st. john's isle, and other of the philippines. they stop at the two isles near mindanao; where they re-fit their ship, and make a pump after the spanish fashion. by the young prince of the spice island they have news of captain swan, and his men, left at mindanao: the author proposes to the crew to return to him; but in vain; the story of his murder at mindanao. the clove-islands. ternate. tidore, &c. the island celebes, and dutch town of macasser. they coast along the east side of celebes, and between it and other islands and sholes, with great difficulty. shy turtle. vast cockles. a wild vine of great virtue for sores. great trees; one excessively big. beacons instead of buoys on the sholes. a spout: a description of them, with a story of one. uncertain tornadoes. turtle. the island bouton, and its chief town and harbour callasusung. the inhabitants visits given and receiv'd by the sultan. his device in the flag of his proe: his guards, habit, and children. their commerce. their different esteem (as they pretend) of the english and dutch. maritime indians sell others for slaves. their reception in the town. a boy with 4 rows of teeth. parakites. crockadores, a sort of white parrots. they pass among other inhabited islands, omba, pentare, timore, &c. sholes. new holland: laid down too much northward. its soil, and dragon-trees. the poor winking inhabitants: their feathers, habit, food, arms, &c. the way of fetching fire out of wood. the inhabitants on the islands. their habitations, unfitness for labour, &c. the great tides here. they design for the island cocos, and cape comorin. the third day of october 1687, we sailed from these islands, standing to the southward; intending to sail through among the spice islands. we had fair weather, and the wind at west. we first steer'd s.s.w. and passed close by certain small islands that lye just by the north-end of the island luconia. [28] we left them all on the west of us, and past on the east-side of it, and the rest of the philippine islands, coasting to the southward. the n. east-end of the island luconia appears to be good champion land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many leagues; only it has some pretty high hills standing upright by themselves in these plains; but no ridges of hills, or chains of mountains joyning one to another. the land on this side seems to be most savannah, or pasture: the s.e. part is more mountainous and woody. leaving the island luconia, and with it our golden projects, we sailed on to the southward, passing on the east-side of the rest of the philippine islands. these appear to be more mountainous, and less woody, till we came in sight of the island st. john; the first of that name i mentioned: the other i spake of on the coast of china. this i have already described to be a very woody island. here the wind coming southerly, forced us to keep farther from the islands. the 14 day of october we came close by a small low woody island, that lieth east from the s.e. end of mindanao, distant from it about 20 leagues. i do not find it set down in any sea-chart. the 15th day we had the wind at n.e. and we steered west for the island mindanao, and arrived at the s.e. end again in the 16th day. there we went in and anchored between two small islands, which lie in about 5 d. 10 m. north lat. i mentioned them when we first came on this coast. here we found a fine small cove, on the n.w. end of the easternmost island [i.e., sarangani], fit to careen in, or hale ashore; so we went in there, and presently unrigg'd our ship, and provided to hale our ship ashore, to clean her bottom. these islands are about 3 or 4 leagues from the island mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 leagues in circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. the mold is black and deep; and there are two small brooks of fresh water. they are both plentifully stored with great high trees; therefore our carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for our use; for here they made a new boltsprit, which we did set here also, our old one being very faulty. they made a new fore-yard too, and a fore-top-mast: and our pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, they did cut a tree to make a pump. they first squared it, then sawed it in the middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. the two hollow sides were made big enough to contain a pump-box in the midst of them both, when they were joined together; and it required their utmost skill to close them exactly to the making a tight cylinder for the pump-box; being unaccustomed to such work. we learnt this way of pump-making from the spaniards; who make their pumps that they use in their ships in the south-seas after this manner; and i am confident that there are no better hand-pumps in the world than they have. while we lay here, the young prince that i mentioned in the 13th chapter, came aboard. he understanding that we were bound farther to the southward, desired us to transport him and his men to his own island. he shewed it to us in our draft, and told us the name of it; which we put down in our draft, for it was not named there; but i quite forgot to put it into my journal. this man told us, that not above six days before this, he saw captain swan, and several of his men that we left there, and named the names of some of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were at the city of mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with raja laut, fighting under him in his wars against his enemies the alfoores; and that most of them fought with undaunted courage; for which they were highly honoured and esteemed, as well by the sultan, as by the general raja laut; that now capt. swan intended to go with his men to fort st. george, and that in order thereto, he had proffered forty ounces of gold for a ship; but the owner and he were not yet agreed; and that he feared that the sultan would not let him go away till the wars were ended. all this the prince told us in the malayan tongue, which many of us had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us again in 3 days time, and so long captain read promised to stay for him (for we had now almost finished our business) and he seemed very glad of the opportunity of going with us. after this i endeavoured to perswade our men, to return with the ship to the river of mindanao, and offer their service again to captain swan. i took an opportunity when they were filling of water, there being then half the ships company ashore; and i found all these very willing to do it. i desired them to say nothing, till i had tried the minds of the other half, which i intended to do the next day; it being their turn to fill water then; but one of these men, who seemed most forward to invite back captain swan, told captain read and captain teat of the project, and they presently disswaded the men from any such designs. yet fearing the worst, they made all possible haste to be gone. i have since been informed, that captain swan and his men stayed there a great while afterward; and that many of the men got passage from thence in dutch sloops to ternate, particularly mr. rofy, and mr. nelly. there they remained a great while, and at last got to batavia (where the dutch took their journals from them) and so to europe; and that some of captain swan's men died at mindanao; of which number mr. harthrope, and mr. smith, captain swan's merchants were two. at last captain swan and his surgeon going in a small canoa aboard of a dutch ship then in the road, in order to get passage to europe, were overset by the natives at the mouth of the river; who waited their coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them; where they both were kill'd in the water. this was done by the general's order, as some think, to get his gold, which he did immediately seize on. others say, it was because the general's house was burnt a little before, and captain swan was suspected to be the author of it; and others say, that it was captain swan's threats occasioned his own ruin; for he would often say passionately, that he had been abused by the general, and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also, that now he was well acquainted with their rivers, and knew how to come in at any time; that he also knew their manner of fighting, and the weakness of their country; and therefore he would go away, and get a band of men to assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and take all that they had, and their country too. when the general had been informed of these discourses, he would say, what, is captain swan made of iron, and able to resist a whole kingdom? or does he think that we are afraid of him, that he speaks thus? yet did he never touch him, till now the mindanayans kill'd him. it is very probable there might be somewhat of truth in all this; for the captain was passionate, and the general greedy of gold. but whatever was the occasion, so he was killed, as several have assured me, and his gold seized on, and all his things; and his journal also from england, as far as cape corrientes on the coast of mexico. this journal was afterwards sent away from thence by mr. moody (who was there both a little before and a little after the murder) and he sent it to england by mr. goddard, chief mate of the defence. but to our purpose: seeing i could not persuade them to go to captain swan again, i had a great desire to have had the prince's company: but captain read was afraid to let his fickle crew lie long. that very day that the prince had promised to return to us, which was november 2, 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course south-west, and having the wind at n.w. [the course of the ship after leaving mindanao may be seen from the heading to this chapter. of australia (or new holland, as it was then called) dampier says: "new holland is a very large tract of land. it is not yet determined whether it is an island or a main continent; but i am certain that it joyns neither to asia, africa, nor america."] [from australia (chap. xvii) the adventurers sail along until they reach nicobar island, where dampier and two others receive permission to remain, together with four malays and a portuguese; and have various adventures with the natives of that island. finally leaving there (chap. xviii), they go to sumatra, where the small band is decimated by the death of one malay and the portuguese. the two englishmen go to the english factory. leaving the island, dampier sets out as boatswain of an english ship for nicobar, but returns to achin. thence he makes various voyages (in 1688 and 1689) in eastern waters, and finally becomes gunner at the english factory at bencouli (1690); but, that post proving uncongenial, he deserts and takes passage for england (january 2, 1691). the journey to the dutch colony at the cape of good hope (chap. xix--misnumbered xx) witnesses a slight engagement between the french, with whom hostilities have broken out, and the dutch and english; and the mysterious death of many of the sailors on the english vessel, from the bad water, dampier thinks. england is finally reached (chap. xx), and the author's long voyage is over, september 16, 1691.] petition for dominican missionaries fray francisco de villalva of the order of preachers, and procurator-general (in virtue of powers which he presents) of the province of santo rosario, which the said order has in the filipinas islands, declares: that, as is well known, the religious of his order in the said islands have converted to the catholic faith, and now have in their charge, the provinces of cagayan, pangasinan, mandayas, part of tagalos, zambales, and the island of babuyanes--in which territory there is diversity of languages, and a great number of convents provided with ministers for the instruction of the indian natives; from this labor always has been and still is gathered the spiritual harvest which is well known. moreover, those fathers have made extensive conquests in various parts of those kingdoms, founding many churches--as they actually are maintaining public worship at this very time in the vast empire of great china. there they are suffering immense hardships and persecutions, shedding their blood in the violent acts committed by tyranny, in order to plant there the christian faith and religion; for this cause, and in its defense, seventy-eight religious have given their lives as martyrs in that province, leaving the church made illustrious by this triumph. and besides this, they have in the city of manila their principal convent, which continually maintains the practices of hearing confessions, preaching, and giving consolation in the sicknesses and trials of the citizens, with great comfort to all. they have also the college of santo tomàs, in which are taught grammar, the arts, and scholastic and moral theology, to the benefit of all that community and the entire archipelago. they support students holding fellowships, usually twenty-four to thirty, without receiving any stipend: and have thus sent out, as they are still doing, graduates of much learning, for the dignities and curacies of those islands. they have also another college, that of san juan de letran, with more than a hundred orphan boys, the sons of poor soldiers who have died in the service of your majesty--giving them all that is necessary for their support, and instructing them in reading, writing, religious conduct, and virtue; while those boys who are not inclined to study are aided in obtaining positions as soldiers, artillerists, mariners, and in other occupations in which they are employed to the service of your majesty. another enterprise is also at the expense and charge of the said religious order and province--the parian, which is the silk-market of the chinese; it is close to the walls of manila, and from five to six thousand chinamen usually reside in it. for the christians preaching in their own language is furnished every feast-day in their own church, and there is continual preaching to the heathen through the streets; with this labor they have made a great many conversions, and gained an enormous number of souls. for this same nation those fathers maintain a hospital, in which, with the good example of those religious, and their instruction and continual assistance in the sicknesses of the chinese, they have gained so great a harvest that from its foundation (which was in the former year of 1588) to the present year of 1677, [29] seldom has a patient died without receiving the water of holy baptism. this religious order also have at san juan del monte a sanctuary which is the object of devotion of all that colony; and at the port of cavite, three leguas distant from manila--where the galleons and other vessels of smaller size are built--they have the convent of san thelmo, the religious of which assist the soldiers, mariners, and sailors with their preaching and instruction, so that all of them may live christian and orderly lives. this religious province administers the functions entrusted to it without any worldly advantage, receiving neither imposts nor fees for burials, marriages, feast-days, or sermons--its religious being supported only by the stipend which your majesty assigns to the ministers in the mission villages; and from this amount they spend much and distribute [alms] among the poor and needy indians of their districts. nor is there in any convent of the said province any fixed income; nor has the province ever accepted deposits or valuable articles, or permitted its individual religious to keep these things in their cells, or anything except a breviary and the holy bible, for the preaching of the holy gospel. their clothing is of coarse, rough frieze without, and their inner garments of what your majesty (whom may god guard) grants them as alms. all this is evident by the publicity of the facts, and by official information which on various occasions has been sent to the glorious catholic sovereigns, your majesty's predecessors, and to their royal and supreme council of the indias by the governor and royal audiencia of the islands, and the cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, of the said city of manila. in consideration of these things, and of the fact that so numerous christian communities are persevering in the catholic faith, and that these are spreading with the new conversions, his majesty who is now in glory, moved by the fervent zeal which he always had for the good of souls, continued to send to the said islands religious of the order of st. dominic, in order that by their apostolic lives and doctrine they might teach and preach the holy gospel. and finally, in the past year of 1668 her highness the queen-regent, the mother of your majesty, was pleased to grant permission that some of those religious should go thither at the cost of the royal treasury; in accordance with this thirty-three religious went to those islands, thirty priests and three lay brethren. [30] but, although that permission and the number of missionaries were enough for one shipment, they do not suffice for the succor of so many souls as that province has in its charge, and for the new conversions which continually present themselves. moreover, with the long voyage, the unaccustomed climates, the continual toil, and the austerity which is observed by this province--which follows the primitive rule of its order--the number of its members must necessarily diminish. this has actually been the case, since from the time when permission was given for the last shipload of religious, which was nine years ago, a greater number have died than those who went to the islands in that band, as was evident from the last reports which the said province sent [to españa], and which the petitioner will exhibit, if necessary. and today, counting in the sick, crippled, and old men, there are not ninety priests in the said province; and even though there were many more, since more are actually necessary it is highly expedient that other and fresh religious should go thither, that they may be rendering themselves capable in the languages and ministries, so that ready and intelligent laborers may never be lacking for the instruction and teaching of the natives, and for the new conversions, which our sovereigns the catholic kings of españa have so earnestly striven to maintain and increase, sending religious every four or six years, and sometimes every two years; without the ministries being less than they are now, nor do fewer die now than then. in order to provide those who should go, and to find the number for whom your majesty shall be pleased to grant permission, to obtain information about them, to examine into their virtue and learning, and to secure a judicious choice, the petitioner needs about a year, in which time he can go personally to the convents of the three provinces of españa; for the importance of so delicate a matter will not permit that it be entrusted to letters alone. accordingly, he should have at least the time until st. john's day next, or when the first fleet shall be equipped; otherwise he cannot sail from españa and make a voyage to filipinas with religious. to reach those islands, two years are usually required, and at the very least more than one year; and by that time eleven or twelve years will have passed since the last permission [of that sort]. in that protracted course of time, there must necessarily have occurred many deaths among the laborers who work in that vineyard--of whose labor and conversion of souls god has made watch-towers for our sovereigns the catholic kings of españa, and for their royal and supreme council of the indias, upon whom is laid this heavy weight of obligation--in fulfilling which they have always made every exertion, giving permissions, orders, means, and aid to the ministers who have gone thither to cultivate that field. therefore the said province, and the said fray francisco de villalva in its name, have recourse to the kindness and fervent zeal of your majesty, with which you have always striven for the preservation and propagation of the catholic faith; and prostrate at your royal feet he entreats that your majesty will be pleased to take pity on so many souls and the conversions for which the religious of st. dominic are caring and in which they are laboring in the said filipinas islands. they ask that you will grant to the said province forty religious, [31] and a suitable number of lay brethren; and to the petitioner permission to conduct them thither in his company, and the necessary supplies for him and them, so that on the first opportunity when there is a fleet they may embark for their voyage. in this, god our lord will regard himself as well served; and that poor and remote province will be anew constrained, in return for this favor and grace, to continue its prayers and sacrifices for the life and health of your majesty, and for the welfare and increase of your entire monarchy. events in filipinas, 1686-88 diary of new events in filipinas, from june, 1686 to june in 87 on june 11, 1686, the galleon "santo niño" discovered, twenty-two leguas from the island of san juan, a new island, larger than any of those discovered in marianas; it is named san bernabé, because it was discovered on the day of that saint. on july 11 the bells were rung in manila for the arrival of the galleon "santa rosa." on the twelfth they hanged five sangleys, who were found guilty in the mutiny. on the fourteenth news came that all the people who were in the lancha that lost its course in marianas had safely reached port in cagayan. on the eighteenth the courier [32] arrived with the mail. on the nineteenth the auditor don diego calderon died. on the second of august, licentiate don rafael tome, a student in san josé, died. on the twenty-seventh, the sloop for marianas sailed from cavite; and fathers diego de zarzosa and jacinto garcia, [33] and brother melchor de los reyes, embarked in it. on the twenty-sixth, our mail reached manila. on the twenty-eighth, that from roma was opened, and no [provision for our] government was found. at the beginning of september, the augustinians brought suit against us before the archbishop, regarding the administration of mariquina. on the sixth of october, father jose lopez died in palapag. on the twelfth the father provincial, francisco salgado, [34] and the father rector, luis pimentel, [35] were notified of the judicial decision by the archbishop--who, declaring himself to be a competent judge, notwithstanding [our] challenge of his cognizance, although he had approved our licenses and our administration of the sacraments, revoked the said licenses, and decreed that no one of the society should minister in mariquina, [36] and that the ministry there should devolve upon the augustinians. on the same day, the twelfth of october, it was decided in a provincial council that the paths of government should be opened. the first was entered by father geronimo de ortega, and the second by father juan andres de palavicino; but, on account of the death of both these, father luis pimentel--at the time, rector of the college of san ignacio--began to govern. on the thirteenth of october, the armada entered the port of cavite. on the fifteenth, father antonio jaramillo [37] began to officiate as rector of the college of manila. on the eighteenth of october, a decree was made known to the provisor, who had gone to mariquina and pasig, forbidding any official whatever of the archbishopric from taking action in matters pertaining to the lawsuit of mariquina. on the twenty-first, a decree was made known to the archbishop strictly charging him that he must refrain from taking action in the lawsuit of mariquina, and that he must exhibit the records. on the eighteenth of december, the archbishop was notified and charged not to disturb us in the mariquina affair. on the nineteenth, a similar charge was laid upon the prior of pasig; and another, on the twentieth, on the prior-general of the augustinians. on the same day, the twentieth of december, the archbishop sent a denunciation of excommunication, with the curse of god--father, son, and holy spirit--and his own, and that of the apostles peter and paul, to the governor and to auditor bolivar, in order that they should not interfere in the mariquina affair. year of 1687 on the twenty-first of january, 1687, general don juan de zalaeta was arrested by order of the governor, and thrust into the sulphur dungeon [calabozo de azufre]. item, they also arrested licentiate don miguel de lozama, and conveyed him, wearing two pairs of fetters, to the fort of san gabriel. the goods of both were seized, and several of their clerks arrested. on the twenty-second, doña ynes, the wife of the said don miguel, sent a petition to the said governor, who answered that the judge of the suit was don francisco velasco, alcalde-in-ordinary. doña ynes came before the royal audiencia, and that body passed an act providing that the said alcalde should, after taking the confession of the accused, present the documents within twenty-four hours. the governor, having seen this decree, issued another, prohibiting further action by the royal audiencia, and ordering the alcalde to prosecute the case without surrendering the documents. at night the governor summoned the auditors and fiscal to a conference, and made an address to them--from which resulted, as was noticed, great fear in the auditors, who almost decided to forsake the audiencia, and take refuge in sanctuary. on the seventh of february, they arrested the auditor don diego de viga, put him on a vessel, and conveyed him to the island of mariveles. at the same time they made the most careful search, in order to seize the auditor don pedro de bolivar; but by that time he had fled to sanctuary. on the fourteenth of february, they took from his house, where she had remained with guards, doña josefa moran de la cueva, the wife of the auditor don pedro de bolivar, and carried her into banishment at abucay. on the sixteenth, they also seized doña ynes, sister of the said doña josefa, and wife of licentiate don miguel de lezama, and carried her to the same place, abucay. on the twenty-sixth of february, the college of the society of jesus was surrounded [by soldiers], to remove thence the person of the auditor don pedro de bolivar; and not finding him, the men remained on guard, both within and without the college, for the space of nine days. in that time they searched the house eleven times--four of these with violence, wrenching the locks from doors, and breaking open tables; but they did not find the said don pedro. at the end of the nine days, he showed himself, of his own accord, and they arrested him and took him to mariveles; several days before they had removed from the said island the auditor don diego de viga, and transferred him to that of lucban. just about this time a new audiencia was formed, which was thus arranged: the governor was its president; the royal fiscal became an auditor, captain don jose cervantes was judge of audiencia, and captain juan de agulo attorney-general. on the fourth of march--the day on which [the college of] the society was first searched with violence--the english pirate captured a sloop of the king's, which was coming from pangasinan laden with three thousand cabans of cleaned rice. item, he also captured a champan belonging to the alcalde of pangasinan, which came laden with rice and other products. [38] on the same day, the fourth of march, the archbishop sent to mariquina to investigate whether father diego de ayala was officiating as cura; the latter prevented the notary from doing so, and, when other people went to make the said investigation, he told them that they need not take that trouble--that he was acting as cura in virtue of the bull of st. pius v and of his assignment [to that parish] by the [royal] patron. on the fifth of march there was preaching in the royal chapel by a recollect friar, against whom the governor issued a royal decree very sharply rebuking him, which he caused to be read to all the religious orders. a few days later, the archbishop sent an act to the prior of pasig, ordering him to officiate as cura to the people of cainta. [39] about christmas, the royal magazines in panay were burned, and in them some six thousand cabans of rice. on the first of march, saturday, the augustinians set fire to the cottage on the ranch which the college of the society of jesus at yloilo owns in suaraga. on the following saturday, march 8, fire visited the augustinians, destroying a visita, a church and convent, and more than forty houses in the village. item, and the following saturday, march 15, the church and house were burned in the village of dumangas, without their being able to save their valuables, or to prevent the burning of the pious offerings [colectas] of cebu, which had been stored [in that convent]; and, besides this, more than two thousand cabans of rice. on the sixteenth of march, passion sunday, while father diego de ayala was saying mass in the village, the church was entered by armed men, with bachelor teodoro de aldana, the notary of the archbishop; the prior of pasig, with two laymen; and other people. after mass was ended, they read to the indians an act by the archbishop, which commanded them, under penalty of flogging and the galleys, to appear within three days before the prior of pasig, resorting to the latter for religious ministrations, and to repeat the sacraments. on the seventeenth of march, the father procurator, antonio de borja, [40] presented a petition to the governor that he, as vice-patron, should take measures regarding the violent spoliation which the archbishop had inflicted on the society. the governor referred the petition to the royal fiscal, as being his lordship's counselor, but the said fiscal excused himself. then it was referred to doctor cervantes, to fray francisco de santa ynes, and to many other persons, both ecclesiastics and laymen, but all excused themselves; and in these proceedings much time passed, so that it was the end of may before anything was accomplished. on the nineteenth of march, in the afternoon, the secretary came to deliver in behalf of the royal court a verbal message to the father procurator [sic] antonio jaramillo, advising him of the oversight of the preacher, who that morning in the sermon--at which the governor and the king's fiscal were present--had omitted to use the phrase, "very potent sir." the same message was sent to the superiors of the other religious orders, because, several days before, the prior of st. augustine and another religious, a dominican, had fallen into the same offense, when preaching in the royal chapel. on the twenty-seventh of march, holy thursday, the monument [41] of the tagálogs in the church of santo domingo was burned. on the twenty-eighth, good friday, there was a fire in binondo and part of tondo; and one thousand two hundred and sixty houses were destroyed--two hundred and fifty-eight in the village of tondo, and one thousand and two in that of binondo. thirteen persons were burned to death, and many others escaped only with serious injuries. the fire caught three times in the church of binondo, but the indians of san miguel and dilao put it out. on the twelfth of april the archbishop demanded aid from the governor, and with it arrested the cantor don geronimo de herrera, and placed him in the fort of santiago. soon afterward, the governor caused the arrest of don juan de cordoba and one carcano, respectively procurator and receptor in the royal audiencia; and afterward, on the twentieth of april, of blas de armenta, secretary of the court, and of captain diego de vargas and others. on the twenty-second of april father ferragut died in the college. on the eighteenth of april, domingo diaz came to give the father rector, antonio jaramillo, a copy of a petition by the augustinians; the father rector, before he knew that the said domingo diaz had come, had made, in scriptis [i.e., in writing], his protest of incompetency of the judge, and of challenge and appeal. on the twenty-third of april, the father procurator, antonio de borja, sent to the archbishop a document in which was set forth in due form the said protest, challenge, and appeal. he also presented to the governor a petition that he would give proper attention to the disturbance which the society had suffered, and the injury inflicted on the royal patronage. on the twenty-eighth of april, domingo diaz came again to give father borja a copy of another petition from the augustinians, who said that the challenge and appeal which he had interposed were of no force. on the fourth of may, they brought captain mateo perea under arrest from the lake [of bay], and left him in his own house with guards. on the sixth of may, domingo diaz came to make known to father borja an act of the archbishop--who declaring that there was no occasion for the challenge and appeal interposed, commanded that the parties should make their complaint; and that within six days the documents for the sentence should be brought to his illustrious lordship. on the tenth of may, father antonio borja presented before the royal audiencia a plea of fuerza, in order that he might make known the injury which the archbishop had done to the society and the royal patronage. on the fourteenth of may, domingo diaz came to summon for the sentence of the archbishop the father rector, pedro de oriol, [42] who replied that he did not regard himself as summoned, or acknowledge his illustrious lordship as a competent judge. on the same day, the fourteenth, licentiate don antonio roberto was brought a prisoner from marinduque; and they placed him in the provisor's house, with a pair of very heavy fetters. on the fifteenth of may, the father rector, pedro de oriol, presented a petition to the governor, asking him to issue a juridical testimony of his recourse [to the audiencia] with a plea of fuerza; and that notification be sent to the archbishop that his illustrious lordship must not take any further action until the royal court should decide what must be done. on the seventeenth of may, domingo diaz came to make known the sentence of the archbishop, which declared that the augustinians were the lawful parish priests of mariquina, and that the sacraments administered by the fathers of the society since october 12, 1686, had no force. the reply to all was, [that such proceeding was] null, and contrary to law. on the nineteenth of may, father borja came before the royal court a second time with a plea of fuerza. on the twentieth of may, the royal court resolved to issue a royal decree to the archbishop, commanding him to deliver up the documents in the mariquina lawsuit. on the twenty-third of may, they arrested the dean, don miguel ortiz de cobarrubias, by order of the archbishop; they placed him in the provisor's house, and seized his goods. at the end of may, they carried the two auditors, and soon afterward don juan de zalaeta and don miguel de lezama, to cagayan, as exiles; and they were placed one in each of the four garrisons that are maintained in the said province. on the third of june, a notary came from the archbishop with a petition from the augustinians, who were asking his illustrious lordship to confirm the sentence that he had pronounced. father borja made a reply, more than two sheets in length. on the fifth of june, a royal decree was made known to the archbishop that he must exhibit the documents in the mariquina lawsuit, and his illustrious lordship said that he would reply and would send the papers--which were in regard to the value of the sacraments. on the eighth of june the archbishop held a consultation with the royal audiencia, asking its aid to arrest and punish fathers diego de ayala and pedro cano. [43] up to today, june 24, the archbishop has not exhibited the documents in the mariquina lawsuit. news of this year of 1688 and part of the last one, with an appendix of other points 1. the ship "santo niño" which sailed from cavite last year, 1687, put back to the port of bagatao, to the grief of everyone--not only on account of the deterioration of property and the very considerable damages, but also this greatly delayed the remedy which is needed by the public calamities and the oppression under which this colony lies. the ship's return to port is attributed to the excessive lading which it carried, to careless arrangements and lack of proper outfit, and to the undue timidity of those who had charge of the vessel. 2. the recollect fathers made a raid through the lands of silang, which they call alipaopao, oyaye, malinta, etc.; and, trying to adjudge them to the ranch of sarmiento, which they had recently bought through the agency of general endaya, they committed unheard-of atrocities in the houses and grain-fields of the indians--burning and ravaging them as furiously and horribly as if an army of camucones had raided them. the indians lost, as appears from a juridical statement that was drawn up, more than three thousand pesos. 3. a dominican friar in cagayan refused to absolve a spaniard at the hour of death, in spite of all his entreaties for absolution. although the friar had begun to hear his confession, the dying man could not proceed with it, being stopped by the nausea which comes at death, and he therefore died without absolution. i do not know all the circumstances in this case. 4. another friar in the same province refused to absolve auditor don diego de viga, unless he would first express i know not what protestations and detestations. the auditor replied that, for what concerned the banishment of the archbishop, his conscience had not given him any uneasiness, because he had understood that he acted in regard to it in accordance with the laws and decrees of our king a sovereign so catholic as is that of españa; and that in affairs in which he had felt scruples, and had proceeded according to human judgment, there was nothing for which to employ the friar's zeal, and still less occasion for his trying to have him make those detestations and protestations. nevertheless, the friar persisted [se estuvó en sus trece] in refusing to absolve him; and don diego, embracing the holy christ and uttering fervent acts of contrition, said that he appealed to the mercy of god, and thus he died. he was buried in consecrated ground, although afterward, it is reported, the archbishop sent orders that his bones should be disinterred, and removed from consecrated ground. 5. doña josefa de la cerda, the wife of auditor bolivar, died [44] in her exile, from anxiety and grief and despair. she asked for a confessor from the society, which was not granted to her. the dominican friar who served as parish priest in the village where she was an exile refused to absolve her unless she would comply with certain conditions, with which those fathers are wont to fetter and hinder souls. she was not minded to comply with these, or to make her confession to a religious of that order; and while a franciscan who had been granted to her was on his way, she died. they spread the report that she had died impenitent, and buried her on the seashore. 6. the archbishop, since he came back from his exile, has not ceased to wage war on this city. he demanded aid for arresting the religious of the seraphic father st. francis, who preached in favor of the royal patronage; item, for arresting those who were ministering in mariquina, the fathers of the society; item, for seizing father cano; and all these acts proceed from the fury and partiality of father verart. 7. the bishop of sinopolis died, and orders were given that he be buried in [the church of] the society of jesus. this the archbishop and his friars took so ill that the latter refused to go to his funeral and burial, to the surprise and scandal of the whole city; and the archbishop prevented the cabildo from paying the last honors to the bishop in the church of the said order, declaring that it was polluted by [containing] the remains of señor grimaldos, who in the opinion of the said fathers died excommunicate. 8. the archbishop forcibly took from the fathers of the society the administration of the village of cainta and jesus de la peña, and gave it to the augustinian fathers--thus revenging himself on those of the society, whom he regarded as enemies; and for this cause he commanded them to tear down their buildings at jesus de la peña, to the foundations--the governor aiding him in this atrocious act, contrary to the laws and privileges of the royal patronage. appendix 1. the goods which the governor shipped as contraband, of which the accountant made a written statement, are two hundred and thirty-five packages. 2. the vessels which endaya has built, with the authority that he possesses, are two pataches and a champan. 3. the amount which the governor received from the marques de la laguna, at santa rosa, was one hundred thousand pesos. 4. what the governor did with blas rodriguez [45] on account of the quantity of gold taels which he gave him. 5. of the dominican friar who went to look at the bulls of don fernando, that he might enter as a franciscan. 6. how not even this gentleman has escaped from the anger of the archbishop and verart. 7. of the inundation in cagayan; of the locusts, famine, earthquakes, and drouths; of disturbances, etc. [46] 8. of the rosary entirely made of silver coins, [47] one hundred and fifty thousand in number, which, it is said, the blessed dominican fathers gave to the governor. 9. of the imprisonment of roberto; and why and how the provisor went, with great clatter of weapons and constables, to arrest a brother of the society. 10. how father pedroche, who had been banished from these islands, escaped from acapulco, and came back dressed as a recollect. 11. of the dominican friar who killed another in cagayan. [48] the pardo controversy brief relation of events in the city of manila, in the filipinas islands the fiscal of the royal audiencia of these islands, licentiate don diego viga, received two letters and an official report, with many depositions of witnesses, which were sent to him by the alcalde-mayor of the province of ilocos. [49] these letters and documents were to the effect that by the continued residence of bachelor sebastian arqueros de robles, ecclesiastical head of the bishopric of nueva segovia, in the village of vigan (which is the capital of the said province of ilocos)--under the pretext of ministering ad interim to the natives of the village of bangues, [50] which had for many years remained vacant--the natives were becoming uneasy and disturbed. this was hindering in the exercise of their duties not only the officers of justice, but also licentiate diego de espinosa marañón, the proprietary beneficed cura of the said village of vigan, with whom the said acting bishop had notorious disputes. [according to the aforesaid documents], all the trouble arose from the fact that the said ecclesiastical ruler maintained his brothers and relatives in the said village, who with his authority and presence there were causing notable injuries and annoyances; and a decree was asked from the royal audiencia, providing that the said acting bishop should nominate in the usual form persons for presentation to the benefice of bangues, and that he should change his residence to the capital of his diocese, [51] and should not live at the village of vigan, except during the period which is allowed to the ecclesiastical visitors by the holy council. this royal decree was accordingly issued, and the said acting bishop replied that his residence in the village of vigan was by the order and command of the archbishop, and that he had no way in which to fulfil the decree; and he presented the warrant and order which he held for the said residence, and some informal certificates by a few religious. this royal audiencia, considering the disturbances and troubles which might result from issuing the second royal decree, ordered that it be temporarily suspended; and that meanwhile the president, governor, and captain-general should discuss and confer with the archbishop as to measures for securing peace, and those most expedient for a good example to the community. this verbal reply [52] which the said archbishop gave to the said governor gave occasion for the issue of a royal decree that the said archbishop should command the ecclesiastical ruler of nueva segovia to go to reside at the capital of his bishopric; but the latter would not obey, excusing himself with various pretexts. the said archbishop and his attorney-general [promotor fiscal] repeatedly urged that he be furnished with certified copies of the acts in virtue of which the royal decrees had been issued; and in the last petition, presented by the said attorney-general, he inserted the following clause: "in order that his majesty may apply the needed corrective, and remove the violence and oppression experienced by the ecclesiastical jurisdiction; for, if one of its ministers attempts to administer justice to a subordinate, the culprit finds shelter in the royal audiencia--not only to free himself from ecclesiastical justice, but also that they may begin legal proceedings against, and even exile, his superior and judge, who rightly desires and strives to punish him. and all the above was made evident by the aforesaid acts; and it has come to our knowledge through trustworthy persons that, in the petitions which were presented for the issuance of the said decrees, the respect due to the archbishop and to his high office was forgotten; and that, in the investigations which were made for this purpose, inquiries were directed into the hidden faults of ecclesiastical persons, and attempt had been made to punish them with the first of the said decrees, without punishing the chief authors [of those evil acts], who were laymen. moreover, decrees had been issued only against the ecclesiastical judge on account of their own hidden faults, or those of other persons, intimidating him therewith in order that he should not administer justice in future; and a satisfactory account ought to be given to the said archbishop of the reasons which had influenced this royal audiencia to issue the decrees. after [the publication of] the royal and canonical decrees, the archbishop had a right to command the clerk of the court to give him the said copy; but for the sake of the quiet and comfort of this community, he had commanded him first to request the acts from this royal audiencia, making the proper and necessary requisitions therefor, and asking that the said secretary of the audiencia be ordered and commanded to give him the said copy." as it was evident that the motives which existed for the despatch of the first royal decree were still further justified by such writings, the second was issued, which the said archbishop obeyed no better; on the contrary he said, in the reply that he made to this second royal decree, that he entreated the royal audiencia to give little hope for aid to the ecclesiastics. [53] the royal audiencia, influenced by the report made to it by the fiscal, and considering the disrespectful and indecorous character of the attorney-general's communication, and that it was entirely directed against the reputation and equitable procedure of the supreme tribunal and its ministers, issued a royal decree that the archbishop should punish his attorney-general, and should be warned how much he had derogated from his own dignity by having allowed such lack of respect. to this the archbishop replied that the attorney-general did not deserve punishment, because the petition had been presented by his own order and mandate. at this time the ecclesiastical cabildo presented themselves in recourse to the royal audiencia, with a paper signed by their dean, [54] the dignitaries, the canons, and the other prebends, imploring the royal aid against the archbishop on account of the acts of fuerza and violence which were suffered by the cabildo, its members, and all the clergy. [55] they declared that the worst of these were due to the fact that the said archbishop had at his side a religious of the order of st. dominic, named fray raymundo verart; [56] that the archbishop had retained him, ever since he came from spain, under the title of counselor [asesor] and director; that he had gained such influence that he directed all the actions of the said archbishop; and that his decisions were so extraordinary that he kept all minds in a state of notable disquiet--to such a degree that he even refused recourse from the acts of fuerza, endeavoring to render the jurisdiction of the archbishop absolute, and to exclude his majesty (as represented in the audiencia) from his highest prerogative, that of aid to his oppressed ecclesiastical vassals. they represented that the archbishop acted as an advocate in the very suits in which he was judge; that he lived outside the city, in a hospital of sangleys [57] which is in charge of the religious of st. dominic, from which resulted injury and delay in the despatch of business; that he could think of nothing but his friars, and behaved as one of them--for on the day of election of provincial he had rendered obedience to the father who was elected, and in the procession he walked in the fifth rank--regarding himself as first of all a friar, although he was archbishop-elect; and that he treated the cabildo and its members ill, showing aversion to them. with this petition for relief the dean and cabildo presented a mass of records in proof of their argument, asking that decrees be issued: one for the archbishop, that he should remove from his side the said fray raymundo; [58] and another for the father provincial of st. dominic, that he should send the said religious to the remote parts of the missions in charge of his order, agreeably to the purpose and vocation for which he had come to these islands at the cost of the royal exchequer. in this matter both first and second decrees were issued for the said archbishop and the father provincial of st. dominic, neither of whom was willing to render obedience, the archbishop returning some very uncivil answers. [59] finally, the latter took exception to doctor don diego calderon, assigning as the cause of this proceeding his remarks about the ecclesiastical jurisdiction; he also challenged don diego antonio de viga [the fiscal] for the mode of expression which he had used in his writings. by this expedient the proceedings of the audiencia were suspended, for lack of judges--for at that time it contained only the two gentlemen, don francisco de montemayor and don diego calderon--until doctors don christoval de grimaldo and don pedro sebastian de bolivar y mena, the recently-arrived [auditors], [60] could examine the question of the said challenge. at the petition of doctor don estevan lorenzo de la fuente y alanis, who also had just arrived, they declared that there was no cause for it; and without doubt it would result thus, since the challenge was not sworn to, or presented, in accordance with the regulations of the royal laws. they likewise commanded that the said archbishop be requested and charged to maintain in all things friendly relations with the [royal] ministers, not only in writing to them but in speech. when he was notified of this royal decree, he gave a very sharp answer, and concluded by saying that his own behavior would be governed in accordance with the actions of the ministers, as he thus tells them in all his replies. this royal audiencia, considering his insolent replies and disobedience to the royal decrees, and the scandals thus caused, and that the whole arose from the influence of father raymundo verart, determined, for the more thorough justification and proof of the whole matter; that an investigation should be made by the auditor don pedro de bolivar, with regard to the injuries and other pernicious consequences which were being caused to the public welfare, and which gave occasion to the complaint of the ecclesiastical cabildo about the assistance rendered to the archbishop by the said father fray raymundo verart--[all the more] as his illustrious lordship had, before the said father came to these islands, conducted himself in entire harmony and most friendly intercourse with the royal audiencia, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the other courts. the affair being in this condition, the said father provincial, fray baltasar de santa cruz, was summoned before the royal [court in] session, where they related to him the pernicious consequences to the public welfare which were accruing from the said assistance [of father verart], and were steadily increasing on account of his acts of disobedience. the said provincial was admonished to the fulfilment and execution of what was charged upon him in the said two royal decrees, making him responsible for all the difficulties that might result; but he resisted them at every point, repeating his [former] replies. this bold attitude caused the audiencia, on even more justifiable grounds, to despatch a third decree, which the said father provincial, fray baltasar de santa cruz, persisted in disobeying. in the midst of these proceedings, another decree against the said archbishop was claimed and demanded by bachelor diego de espinosa marañón, saying that his lordship had denied the just appeal that he had made from an act which entailed [on him] an irreparable hardship; and a royal decree was issued for him that the said archbishop must grant the said appeal; or, even if he were not obliged to grant it, his acts must be sent [to the audiencia], in order to know whether he committed fuerza in denying the appeal. [61] the said archbishop did not obey this decree; before this, he had not, at the outset, consented to let a receptor of this royal audiencia enter to make known to him one of its acts; and the matter was not followed up (although in this recourse they went so far as to despatch the second decree), for bachelor diego de espinosa marañón desisted from it, at the instance of certain persons. to the above-mentioned changes and indispensable acts of assistance granted by this royal audiencia, is added that which was secured by the illustrious bishop-elect of nueva segovia, doctor don francisco pizarro de orellana, who came before the royal audiencia, saying that the archbishop had, in the credentials which he had given to the bishop, reserved for his own cognizance the case of bachelor diego de espinosa marañón--although this was a trial in the first instance, and the said bachelor was under the bishop's parochial care and was cura of the benefice of vigan, one of the parishes belonging to his bishopric. the said bishop requested a royal decree that the papers should be furnished to him by the said archbishop in the customary form, and that the said cases should be referred to him. in this affair they went so far as to issue the fourth royal decree; but the said archbishop did not obey one of them. [62] the same resistance was encountered by four other royal decrees issued against the said archbishop, at the demand, and appeal from fuerza, interposed by master don geronimo de herrera y figueroa, cantor of this holy cathedral church. he was a prisoner of the said archbishop in the college of santo tomás of this city, an indictment having been brought against him, charging him with being guilty of disrespect for the archiepiscopal dignity, and having at the session of the cabildo concurred in their demand for relief, [63] of which mention has been made--that the said archbishop should remove from his side fray raymundo verart, and the rest that is stated above. the said master don geronimo had alleged that the said archbishop was not competent to act as judge, of which exception he had notified the prelate; but the latter without settling this question--which, as pre-judicial, [64] ought to have been summarily decided--proceeded in the case. even if he were a competent judge, he ought to proceed with the adjunct judges, [65] as ordained by the holy council of trent; but, [not] heeding these considerations, the said archbishop proceeded with fuerza and violence, which he wreaked on don geronimo's person. this case was decidedly within the cognizance of this royal audiencia, and to its organization and civil jurisdiction belongs the removal of the fuerza with which the prelate had oppressed don geronimo. upon this ground they issued the said four decrees, to attain their object, in order that the said archbishop should send them the acts, so that it might be ascertained whether or not he had committed fuerza, or else should send these with his notary; but he refused to obey the decrees. the royal audiencia, striving, in whatever pertained to its side, to avoid inflicting the chastisement which his actions demanded, in order to see whether their tolerance would constrain him to lay aside his arbitrary proceedings, had suspended, with the clause "for the present," the execution of the penalties of banishment which he was declared to have incurred. [66] this suspension had been attributed to negligence of the audiencia--at which all the people were quite disconsolate; afterward it was known that the court had not acted without very deliberate resolution, which had been influenced no little by the zealous efforts of the governor; when all were hoping for a change in the sentiments of the archbishop, the courage of the auditors was still further strengthened. for the order of the society [of jesus] presented an executory decree, issued by the royal and supreme council of indias, in regard to the precedence of the college of san joseph over that of santo tomas, which is in charge of the dominican religious--in which matter the society has encountered much opposition from that order; they have even gone so far as to break out in threats, which the society has seen carried out. but immediately the ecclesiastical attorney-general, with license from the archbishop (who had made legal complaint), demanded in the royal audiencia aid and the proper documents against the decree, [67] in order that the commander of the capitana "santa rosa"--which had just put back through stress of weather, and had not yet reached the port--might be furnished with a warrant for the seizure of the bales [of merchandise] which, he said, were coming in the said ship on the account of the society of jesus. at the same time the reverend father francisco salgado, provincial of the said order of the society, came before the said royal audiencia with a plea of appeal, on account of which the said archbishop instituted suit against that father's order, opposing the numerous privileges and bulls of exemption which aid it. while these actions were pending, and before anything had been decided in them, the said father provincial made representations that, notwithstanding the said questions were still (as i have said) unsettled, he was informed that a notary of the said archbishop had gone to the said ship on various matters of business, thus showing lack of respect to this royal audiencia. he urged that documents should be issued, in order that no further proceedings be taken in this matter, and that the commander of the ship should not permit [the seizure of goods] until the points at issue were settled. but, although these decrees were issued, they produced no result; for, as is evident from competent testimony, the agents of the archbishop went to the said ship, on the day following that on which the attorney-general had demanded aid, and, without presenting any warrant to the commander, had undertaken and proceeded to make seizures and deposits of bales. [68] this affair was not finally decided, because it was known outside of court that the archbishop had relinquished his claims therein. [69] in this royal audiencia a suit was pending for a long time between captain don pedro de sarmiento y leoz, as husband of doña michaela de lisarralde [70]--daughter of don juan de lisarralde, and great-granddaughter of doña maria de roa, deceased, who had been executrix for the said don juan de lisarralde, and guardian of the said doña michaela--against father geronimo de ortega of the society of jesus (who had been executor [71] for bachelor nicolás cordero, and is executor for the said doña maria de roa), over the guardianship and inheritance which belonged to the said doña michaela, and the account which had been demanded for all the above affairs. the said father, in conformity with the acts which had been made known to him in this regard, presented the accounts in the royal audiencia, after the appointment, acceptance, and oath-taking of auditors therefor. this suit, as stated, lasted a long time, [72] and in it came up revised acts of the said royal audiencia ordering that all who were interested in the said executorships should prefer their claims in the said royal audiencia. the affair being in this condition, the said captain don pedro sarmiento--urged on by licentiate nicolàs de la vega caraballo, [73] an ally of the archbishop--demanded before the said archbishop that the said father ortega should be commanded, under penalty of censure, to furnish him the said accounts. this command was laid upon him by repeated acts; nevertheless, the said father refused [the ecclesiastical] jurisdiction, since he had [the case] in a competent tribunal, pending judgment, and the said accounts had been presented--in proof of which he presented sworn statements to the said archbishop. nevertheless, the latter persisted in ordering the said father to give him the said accounts--even going so far as to denounce him as excommunicated. the ground for this action was, that in the ecclesiastical court demand had been made by the said don pedro for the surrender of the bequest [74] to the said archdeacon cordero. father ortega made appeal in the proper quarter from this censure, but the archbishop refused to allow the said appeal; from this arose the recourse to royal aid from the act of fuerza in having denied to the father the said appeal and attempted to compel him to what he had no right to do--the surrender of the said accounts, which had already been presented in the said royal audiencia. [75] on that account, and because of the very nature of the case, it was wholly within the cognizance of the royal audiencia, and concerned laymen. for this reason, the usual royal decree was issued, in order that the notary should come to make report. this being made known to the archbishop, he made a very prolix reply, taking the ground, in very disrespectful language, that the appeal was not legitimate, and that he was not obliged to send the documents; but saying that, upon the necessary declarations, and with the stipulation that the acts should not pass into the possession of any official of the audiencia, but must remain in the hands of his own notary, he would give orders that the latter should go to make the report, whenever the audiencia should command it, but he must refuse to absolve the said father. the audiencia, in order to avoid new occasions for controversy with this prelate, overlooked his imposing upon it a condition, and one which was so unusual. domingo diaz [76] having made the report, and noted in the course of it two false assertions--which he discovered while inspecting the acts, having read them through--the said notary went away, carrying them with him, without waiting for the opinion and decision of the said royal audiencia on them to be affirmed. that tribunal declared the said suit, [77] and the cognizance of it, as it concerned laymen, to be altogether secular--as were also questions of guardianship, inheritance, the charge of property, dowries, and other matters of that nature; and that, by virtue of this, all [episcopal] acts regarding these questions be suspended in this royal audiencia. as for the pious legacies contained in the said testaments, the archbishop was declared to have committed fuerza in not granting to father ortega the appeal which he had interposed before the delegate of his holiness; and the audiencia resolved that, in consequence of all the above facts, the prelate should absolve the said father, and immediately remove his name from the list of excommunicated persons, and that a royal decree [to this effect] be issued in his behalf. when this was made known to the archbishop, he gave an extremely insolent and uncivil reply, opposing the authority of this royal audiencia, the royal jurisdiction, the governor, and the auditors. he refused to send the acts [to the audiencia], or to absolve the said father, and declared in plain terms that he would persist in this opposition, and that the audiencia might therefore inflict whatever violence they chose on him and his dignity. another instance: sargento-mayor don juan gallardo--who was chief magistrate, castellan, and commander of the seamen and sailors, in the port of cavite (the most important port in these islands, and its command one of the highest military posts)--had a prisoner, an artillerist named lorenço magno. [78] the said archbishop sent him a letter of requisition, demanding that don juan hand over to him the said prisoner and the suit that had been brought against him; or that he should declare under oath whether or not that suit was in his hands. in this letter of requisition the archbishop did not state the cause for which his illustrious lordship said he had accused the aforesaid [prisoner, which was] bigamy. the said castellan, moreover, noticed in it certain imperative expressions and the archbishop addressed him as vos [i.e., "you"], [79] in the manner which is customary in the royal decrees. the said castellan sent the prisoner to the archbishop, who issued another letter of requisition, in the same form as the preceding, at the petition of francisca ignacia, wife of the said lorenço magno--against whom, it was declared, he was carrying on a suit for divorce--demanding that immediately, without any delay, under penalty of excommunication and a fine of five hundred pesos, the said castellan should within three hours deliver to the notary a certified statement of the suit which he had instituted against the said lorenço magno. the castellan came before the royal audiencia with his deposition regarding these two letters of requisition, demanding that the said archbishop be requested and charged to observe, in the communications that he might send to the judicial officers of his majesty, the forms ordained by law, treating the magistrates with the courtesy due to their position. these acts having been considered in the audiencia, a royal decree was despatched requiring that the said archbishop must, in the requisitions which he might send to the royal magistrates, treat them with due politeness, conforming to the forms of law and usage--not using imperative terms, or the word vos. when the archbishop was notified of this royal decree, he gave an answer full of uncivil, improper, and disrespectful expressions against the royal jurisdiction, the governor, and the auditors. the latter had issued an act that doctor don joseph zervantes and master nicolas de la vega caravallo should not meddle with the profession of advocate, into which they had thrust themselves--from which resulted consequences pernicious to the public welfare, since they had not taken the courses of study in the school of law. when notified of the act, they replied that the archbishop had already ordered them not to plead in secular tribunals, and the said caravallo added that he was the only one who could issue such commands. on the following day the archbishop issued an act in opposition to that of the audiencia, commanding that no petitions should be accepted in his court that were not signed by the said doctor zervantes and master caravallo. the fiscal, when all the replies had been shown to him, demanded that, without giving opportunity for any further acts of disobedience or disrespect, they should execute upon the person of the reverend archbishop the penalties which he had been declared to have incurred--banishment, and the loss of his secular revenue [temporalidades]; and that, for this purpose, the clause "for the present," contained in the act of october 1 in the past year of 82, be revoked and erased, and the act put into execution on may 1 of the said year [i.e., 1683]. these acts having been considered by the royal audiencia with the attention and mature deliberation which so grave a matter demanded, it was decided that sentence of banishment should be executed on the archbishop, and that he should be sent to the village of lingayen, in the province of pangasinan, a village of christian indians in charge of the dominican religious. this charge was committed to doctor don christòval grimaldo de herrera and sargento-mayor juan de veristain, alcalde-in-ordinary, who fulfilled it with the utmost discretion, quietness, and moderation; [80] and the archbishop was embarked in a barcoluengo, in which the forethought of the governor had provided all his kitchen equipment, with everything else that was necessary for his support and the needs of the voyage. [81] the royal audiencia had proceeded very cautiously, for, foreseeing the tumults or disturbances that are wont to arise on such occasions, and endeavoring to avoid whatever could serve as an incentive thereto, they recognized that the ringing of the bells in making any demonstrations might act as such incentive; and they asked the governor to command that guards be posted in the bell-tower of the church, and in the house of master juan gonçalez de guzman, the provisor, so that the latter could not order any demonstration to be made while the sentence of banishment was being executed. on the same day when this was done, the royal audiencia sent a decree to the cabildo, ordering that they should conduct themselves in all respects amicably with the royal audiencia and the other royal officials, not allowing any acts of violence to be inflicted on the vassals of his majesty, or hindering them from appealing to the audiencia in cases of fuerza. the cabildo were also warned not to accept any documents of appointment from the ruler of the archbishopric, or allow him to exercise jurisdiction, until the person appointed should present himself before the royal court, where he must take the customary oath. to this decree the cabildo rendered obedience; and, the very illustrious master don fray ximenez barrientos, bishop of troya and assistant bishop of these islands, having presented himself before the cabildo with the appointment of ruler [of the archdiocese]--which the archbishop had conferred upon him on the twenty-seventh of march, when the said archbishop was already declared an exile--he was referred by the cabildo to the audiencia. being present there, his appointment was, in consequence of the demand made by the fiscal that license should not be granted to him, suspended in that court, for weighty reasons there presented, and it was referred to the council, in order that his majesty might decide according to his pleasure; and [it was declared that] in the interim the cabildo should govern the archdiocese. [82] and here it occurs to me to remark, parenthetically, that, although the secrets and the justifiable motives of the audiencia are inscrutable, we may regard it as probable that their principal reason for this action was their knowledge of the fact that this bishop, a few days after arriving in this city, had preached in the convent of santo domingo, on the day of the naval battle, [83] and the entire tendency of his sermon was to disparage the royal jurisdiction and rebuke those who would appeal to it. he said that this entire city was a university of vices, although of that he could have had no experience; and it was he who had exerted most influence on the actions of the archbishop, over and over again strengthening him in acts of disobedience [to the secular government]. the cabildo, since the audiencia had not accepted the said bishop as ecclesiastical ruler, declared that the see was vacant by interpretation [of that act]; and the bishop of troya replied that they could not have sent him better news, as he did not desire to take charge of other men's flocks. thereupon he immediately went back to the convent of san juan del monte, outside the walls of this city; [84] and on the following day a dominican religious set out to stir up the other religious orders (except the society), that after sunset prayers they should ring the bells for an interdict. this was done by [the convent of] santo domingo. [85] [he also told them] that master juan gonzalez de guzmàn, provisor of the said archbishop, would post as excommunicated the dean, master don miguel ortiz de cobarrubias, whom the cabildo had appointed ecclesiastical ruler. at this, the dean asked the governor for the aid of some infantry, to go to the convent of santo domingo, to which the said master had retreated, to remove him thence. this was granted; but, on going to the said convent, they encountered much opposition to their entrance, on the part of the religious. the dean was so insolently treated by them that he was obliged, in order to prevent greater troubles, to return and inform the governor and the royal audiencia, then in session. that court issued a royal decree to notify the superiors of the religious orders that in publishing an interdict [86] they must follow the metropolitan church [matriz]; and thus was prevented a great scandal, disturbance, and popular commotion in this city--in which, since the said sentence of banishment was carried out, the utmost peace has been experienced, nor has there occurred the slightest disturbance. i must not omit, since it is a part of this account, the following information: on epiphany [dia de reyes; in 1682] while the royal audiencia were present in the holy cathedral church, a sermon was preached there by father fray francisco de villalva, a dominican religious, whose language was insolent in the highest degree. he spoke openly and expressly against the governor, the auditors, and the ecclesiastical cabildo (which he pointed out as the source of disturbances in the community), saying to the archbishop: "let not your illustrious lordship concern himself with the secular revenues; look to god [for maintenance]." he tried to disparage the royal jurisdiction, and rebuked appeals to the audiencia--saying so much that he gave cause for that tribunal to send by its chaplain a message to the archbishop, asking him to order the preacher to cease. his illustrious lordship replied that the preacher was doing his duty, and the latter, in the face of these demonstrations, went on with the sermon even to the end. afterward, by order of the court, the auditor don pedro de bolivar put the said father on a ship, to be taken to the province of cadbalogan--in which he must remain until the opportunity should arrive, by the departure of a ship [from manila], for him to embark for madrid, whither the acts were to be sent. this was carried out, and, although the ship was driven back to port, he is now going on board the capitana. [87] may god conduct these affairs for our good, and preserve your grace [88] for many years. manila, june 15, 1683. juan sanchez a curious relation of events in the city of manila since the arrival of the ships in the year 1684. on the ninth of july the bells were rung for the [arrival of the] ship "santa rosa," with certain news that it was opposite baco, and had brought the new governor, admiral don gabriel de curucelaegui y arriola--who, on account of the fury of the storms, would not be able to make his entrance into this city until august 24. [on that occasion] he was received with loud applause, triumphal arches, and laudatory speeches. on that day occurred some memorable events. at five o'clock in the morning there was a severe earthquake, although it caused but little damage to the city. in the afternoon, while his lordship, before entering through the puerta real, was taking the customary oath in order that the keys might be delivered to him, the horse of his majesty's fiscal became unruly, and attacked those who were near him with kicks and bites. he who came out worst from this was the secretary whom his lordship brought over; he was injured in one leg by some kicks, from the effects of which he suffered for several days. [89] when the governor had entered the city, and when he was about two pike-lengths from the gate, the balcony above it, which was full of people, fell; some were killed, others crippled or maimed, and others bruised. among them were friars and lay-brothers, negroes and whites. with these events, the common people began to indulge in much gossip. when don gabriel had taken possession of his government, his first act was to retire captain mateo lopez perea, and to make captain miguel sanchez government secretary, quite contrary to their wishes. the second was to appoint as chief chaplain of the royal chapel the canon master don pablo de aduna, as a reward for having always withdrawn himself from the cabildo, without choosing to acknowledge it as ecclesiastical ruler. the third (and the source of many others) was to bring back our troubles, so that the whole pancake [tortilla] was turned bottom upwards--even going so far as to revoke the sentence of banishment on the archbishop, and bring him to manila. this, as those say who understand the matter, is the most extraordinary thing that has occurred anywhere in the spanish domain; for he was exiled for disobeying sixteen royal decrees and i have given an account to his majesty of these sixteen points of disobedience, or [rather] this disobedience of sixteen points. the preambles of these points, or their history, required much time and no little paper; but they will be summarized as briefly as possible. after the exile of the archbishop, the actions, conversations, and sermons of the dominican fathers were so wild and extravagant, against the members of the audiencia, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the theatins [i.e., the jesuits], that their mildest act was to call all of the latter pharisees or heretics, and utter other jests of that sort, even from the pulpit. consequently the royal audiencia felt obliged to advise its president, then don juan de vargas, that he should apply a corrective to these acts. this was a royal decree, requesting and charging the [dominican] provincial to send to the port of cavite the friars bartolome marron, [90] raimundo verart, and p. pedroche, [91] and to make them ready, at the cost of the order, for [the journey to] españa; and to send to cagayan the two lecturers in theology, fray juan de santo domingo [92] and fray francisco de vargas, [93] and not allow them to leave that province without a special order from the government. the provincial answered that those religious had not done any of the things that were alleged of them except by his order, and that therefore the blame, if there were any, was his and not theirs; and that all of them were ready to die for the faith. again he was requested and charged as before, the provincial [94] also being summoned to go to españa, to give account of his acts. these orders were resisted, whereupon the convent was surrounded with infantry. as the provincial and fray pedroche refused to go out afoot, the soldiers took them from the convent, carrying them with the utmost propriety and respect, by order of the provisor, who was summoned for this function. they went away, father pedroche hurling excommunications, from which escaped only the alcalde-in-ordinary pimentel, who conveyed them to cavite, because he had given them excellent bread and pastries. at this, not only the dominican fathers and their friends took to flight, but quintero [95] and his barangay--especially when they saw some embarked for españa, and others for cagayan. then, the news of the change in government having come, was begun the fabrication of a scheme or plot, well covered up, as follows: they fully persuaded the governor that this [96] one was a schismatic--as it were, another inglaterra in the time of henry viii; and, to forward their schemes--as he had, before all the religious orders, recognized the cabildo as ecclesiastical ruler--they persuaded the father provincial of st. augustine, father josé duque, to render, and command all his friars to render, obedience to the bishop of troya [97]--who had been nominated as head of the diocese by the archbishop, but whose appointment the royal audiencia had suspended. the father provincial did so, in a circular letter sent to all the friars of his order, arousing the resentment that might be expected in the ecclesiastical cabildo, and much more in the royal audiencia. as soon as the news of the ship arrived, the troyan wrote and made public a document with this title: "advice to those who come as strangers to these islands, that they may not err in their judgment of things pertaining to the banishment of the archbishop." this paper had no solidity, and answer to it was made in another, in which the former was utterly demolished [98] with sharp arguments. the provincial made another reply, over his signature, of the same quality as the former document, but with not slight attacks on the authority and patronage of our king. on the same day when the governor entered the city [i.e., august 24] in the afternoon, on that morning came into manila fray bartolome marron (who went about secretly), and fathers juan de santo domingo and juan de vargas, who were the lecturers exiled to cagayan; the latter went publicly through the city, scorning the royal authority by which they were exiled. immediately began the intrigue--which, according to report, came already planned from mejico. the governor questioned the religious orders, requesting and charging them to answer the points that go with this letter, which were set forth by the bishop of troya. the fathers of st. francis in their paper declared themselves for the king our sovereign, and approved what had been done by the royal court. the augustinian fathers said, "viva troya!" [99] with a document full of depositions--some made by so evil a brain as that of fray raimundo verart (but signed by the father provincial duque); some by two stray (that is, recently arrived) lecturers, one of whom confessed that he had never heard of the works of solorzano; and the last who signed the paper was fray gaspar de san agustin, the procurator-general, who on account of being learned in grammar, thought that, as versed in the art of nebrija [100] (who was an auditor), it was the same to know how to conjugate past tenses as to comprehend futures. [101] the recollect fathers followed their brethren, but with so few depositions that i judge the number did not reach the plural of the greeks. [102] this paper was much commended, and it is something which i admired, knowing that it was the work of their provincial, fray ysidro; and when it was seen it was recognized as his by the style and manner of expression--the stamp of the pulpit, which is that [vocation] for which god has given him grace. the theatins evaded a reply, recognizing the game (or rather flame) [juego, o fuego] that was being started; but they say that in their apology they explained this omission, and expressed their opinions with no little care--saying that they were ignorant of what had passed in the sessions of the royal court; and that, as it was to be inferred that the royal audiencia had informed his majesty of everything, they could not pass judgment on those acts. these papers, or collections of papers, were going about, when the troyan plunged in medias res and decided the question. one sunday morning at five o'clock, he went with his notary caraballo, and fiscals, and an escort of soldiers, and entered all the churches (except the cathedral), where he published himself as ecclesiastical ruler, and commanded that they should not recognize the cabildo as such. to this [he added] the penalty of major excommunication and of being considered schismatics, if they did not go to render obedience within three days; and he left posted in all the churches copies of his act. [103] this was an action so extraordinary that, if this were a town of the common people, a riot would have occurred. all the members of the ecclesiastical cabildo repaired to the governor, who received them with scant welcome, and without giving them the title of "lordship," [señoría] which is their due when they appear officially as the cabildo. he told the dean to tell his story; and when the latter replied that that cabildo was not going to tell stories, the governor again told him to go on with his story. they told him in few words what had occurred, and what had just been done; but when they again told him that the bishop of troya had taken with him an escort of soldiers, he said that he had no knowledge of such a thing. in conclusion, they stated that by three royal decrees they had been charged with the government [of the see]; and that he should give them another decree, commanding them to surrender it to the bishop of troya, or that he should approve the bishop's appointment, and immediately they would surrender the government to him; and with that they went away. immediately the governor held a session (or rather sessions) of the audiencia, which lasted three days; and at the end of that time "the mountain brought forth," [104] by a majority of votes. it resulted that, at ten o'clock at night, there was a peal of bells, as if for a ship from castilla; and the members of the cabildo, escorted by many personages, went to render obedience to the troyan. he informed them that he could not absolve them unless they would swear obedience to the archbishop, which they must also render to his provisor, juan gonzalez, on their knees, asking his pardon for the injuries that they had done him, and making amends for the losses that he had suffered. when they resisted, laymen came in among them and undertook to surround them (as they did); and after they fell on their knees they placed their hands on the missal, and, as good men who stood in fear of god, they were granted absolution, but ad reincidentiam, until the archbishop should decree what would be most expedient. on another day the troyan was received in the cathedral, with military display, the long ringing of the bells, etc. the governor, who had already decided to restore the archbishop to his see [105]--but without showing the least indication of rehabilitating the royal jurisdiction, and establishing obedience to what had been commanded--despatched general don tomas de andaya and sargento-mayor don gonzales samaniego [106] for his illustrious lordship; they were accompanied by the dominican father fray baltasar de santa cruz. his illustrious lordship came here, and was received with military display, a salvo of artillery, etc. he entered the city clad in his pontifical robes, and went to the palace of the governor, who was awaiting him; [107] they remained a short time in conversation, the governor straitly charging him [to maintain] peace. then he went to his own house, where he found the superiors of the religious orders, who also had gathered in the cathedral with many other religious to welcome him. he remained two days within manila, and, without visiting the superiors, or returning their visit to him, he contented himself with calling on generals tejada, andaya, and quintero; and he crossed, near san gabriel, to the house of don francisco de atienza, who is sargento-mayor of the army. everyone promised himself an octavian peace; but in ten or twelve days war made its appearance, and the more experienced were continually in dread. on the twenty-eighth of november, the eve of the feast of the table of the blessed sacrament, notification was sent to the cabildo, the superiors of the religious orders, and all the curas and missionaries within and without the walls, that no one should admit into any of their churches the auditors, don juan de vargas hurtado, and many other persons, both citizens and military officers, [108] as having incurred the penalties in the bull de la cena. at this the entire community felt as the pious reader can understand, recognizing that the royal authority had been trampled under foot and outraged--and the more so, that some persons who promptly came to him for absolution were required to swear upon the holy gospels that they would never aid in the banishment, exile, or imprisonment of an ecclesiastic, even though this be ordered by the king himself, in person. thereupon, they frankly declared that they would not take such an oath, and returned to their homes, scandalized at such a reply. those who most resented this stroke were the auditors, especially as, on the following day, when their platform was already placed in the cathedral, and all had resolved to go there, the archbishop sent them a message that they should suspend their attendance there for a time, until these affairs were adjusted. thereupon, coram omni populo [i.e., "in the presence of all the people"] who had gathered to see what was going on, the platform was removed [from the cathedral]. the auditors keenly resented this; but since they are to blame in having done what they could not be forced to do, let them pay the penalty. the governor astonished at a thing so unexpected, again questioned the religious orders, in the strictest manner, on various points; the principal of these was in regard to the royal ministers [comision], whether or not they had incurred censure by having acted according to the laws of his majesty--which was the same as inquiring whether the said laws were just or unjust. the augustinians and recollects evaded answering this. the franciscans were doubtful; but, learning that the jesuits had answered and publicly declared that now was the time to stand by our king and give blood and life for him, and that they all would do so in what was not contrary to the law of god, the fathers of st. francis were also encouraged, and they came to the same resolution. the theatins gave notice of their decision to the governor; but they told him that sometimes it was necessary to make the occasion and whet the blade; and, since now they were drawing the sword, they would strike a sure blow and draw blood. considering the feelings of the audiencia, and its embarrassed condition, they sent one of their fathers even to its hall of assembly, to make known their resolution to the auditors; those gentlemen were much relieved, and thanked the jesuits for their courtesy. this was made known throughout the city, and the people expected that this document would be circulated; but it seems that the threat alone was as effectual as the stroke could have been. for, at the instance of the governor, his illustrious lordship went to the royal court on the sixth day of december, on which was celebrated the fiesta of st. francis javier; and, as the result of his visit, the session was closed and all [the auditors] went to the fiesta, to the great joy of the entire city. we do not know what occurred in the session of the audiencia; [109] only one [writer] mentions that its members were absolved, and others state, more explicitly, that the absolution was only given in the archbishop's mind, and explained by himself with a sort of benediction. it seems that, as a result, they put an end to the lawsuits; but, when the water stopped falling, it rained pebbles. on saturday, december 10, the ecclesiastical cabildo, which had governed the see, was notified of all these matters, and that it must be regarded as suspended and under censure [110] for having accepted the government. at the same time, edicts were posted making null all the confessions made to the members of the cabildo or to those persons to whom they had given license [to hear confessions], and all other things that had been effected by their authority--as marriages, [the bestowal of] chaplaincies and curacies, etc. [111] these edicts commanded that, under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, all [persons concerned] should present themselves within six days, with the documents and other papers [in the case]; [112] thereupon many men who were dissatisfied with their wives, and women tired of their husbands, tried to find other spouses who were more congenial. the scruples of people regarding their confessions may well be imagined; and this, too, when lent was past. but the most astute (although harsh) measure was the command, under the same penalty, that no one should speak, assert, or teach anything contrary to the tenor of the said edict. the dominican fathers, moreover, even said in the pulpits, when exultant tanquam victores capta preda, [113] that there is no person in these islands, except the dominican religious, who has the ability or learning to make a decision in a case of morals. thus the poor prebends are suspended; nor have they any recourse, since the royal audiencia is now disarmed. the archbishop proceeded to welcome them with much kindness, telling them that now they came to his illustrious lordship, because they had recourse in no other direction--words which have aroused much comment, as being insulting to the king and inimical to his royal patronage; and he added, that they deserved to be degraded from office and handed over to the secular power. above all, he tried to deprive them of their prebends, and to thrust into the cathedral that dealer in fireworks, caraballo, and others of that stamp. the worst is, that he declares that they cannot be dispensed from their irregular administration [of the see]--nor can appeal be taken to the delegate of his holiness, or to any other--by any bishop of these islands, since all four are dominicans and follow the lead of the archbishop; and all the four cities and bishoprics of these islands are entirely unsettled with lawsuits and excommunications at every step. no attention is paid to the officials of his majesty, the more discreet of whom acquiesce. it is necessary to apply a very exemplary corrective; for they [i.e., the ecclesiastical authorities] have gone to such an extreme that to issue royal decrees to them is the same as to throw caps at the tarasca. [114] they act with contempt for the royal authority, which even the most remote barbarians fear and reverence. on the first of december was published the residencia of don juan de vargas hurtado; and a fortnight later the city challenged the judge of residencia, by saying that it was conducted with fraud, as the said judge was bribed. the challenge was admitted, and he named for his associate señor calderon; as the latter declined, he named señor de viga, and then señor bolivar, both of whom did the same. the judge continued to nominate other persons, and all excused themselves. [115] as a result, it seems, don juan de vargas was anchored to his island [116] for several years. he himself has caused this, since he has not the dexterity to apply a curb of silver with the royal arms to captain quintanilla, the scrivener of the residencia--who still endeavors to urge it on, although he does not lead the plot. a second embassy came from borney; and general don juan de morales is going with the title of ambassador, to establish peace at once. [117] they say a theatin will accompany him, to pave the way for introducing the faith into that kingdom. the commander [of the galleon] for castilla is don francisco zorrilla; the sargento-mayor, don bernardo de andaya; the chief pilot, lazcano. [here is the list of] alcaldes-mayor: of tondo, don pedro lozano; of pampanga, samaniego; of bulacan, armijo; of bay, don antonio de ortega; of balayan, don juan antonio de tabara; of tayabas, captain conde; of albay, captain ariola; of pangasinan, arcega; of ylocos, the former sargento-mayor of cavite; of calamianes, don alonso de leon; of mindoro, prada; of panay, don agustin crespo; of the island of negros, captain adriano; of caraga, captain blas rodriguez. for accountant of his majesty, juan del pozo y gatica; for castellan of cavite, don alonso de aponte; for sargento-mayor of that port, francisco sanchez. considerable is being done on the galleon in sorsogon, where the "santelmo" was wrecked; they say that general don tomas de andaya will go there for its construction, with title of lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief for mariveles; he is in high favor with the governor. the bishop of sinopolis is coming from cebu, his patience quite exhausted with the follies and impertinences of don diego de aguilar, who has worn out that unfortunate community with his extravagant actions, all originating in his insatiable greed. the ecclesiastical ruler of cagayan is the bishop of troya. on the twenty-third of december the members of the cabildo came again to cast themselves at the feet of the archbishop; and, after a long harangue of misereres and entreaties, he replied to them by asking if they were not ashamed to show their faces, and other things of the like sort, in the tone of a tercerilla, [118] and then left them. it may well be imagined with what joy they must have celebrated the christmas feasts. the evil genius of the archbishop at present is fray juan ybañez, otherwise named de san domingo; he is the lecturer that was exiled to cagayan. he has made strenuous efforts to deprive the members of the chapter of their prebends--regarding which the archbishop had three times sent advice to the governor; the latter replied, to the third of these communications, that the archbishop should say no more on this point, because he would not do what he asked. it is a great pity that this gentleman should have meddled by recalling the archbishop from banishment, since that act has been the source of the disturbances in this unhappy community, troubles which will exist for many years; for it cannot be doubted that he has in other respects conducted the government well, and with unwearying efforts--especially in what concerns the increase of the royal revenues. but he is thoroughly repentant for his error, at seeing his hopes of peace frustrated, which was the purpose in his decision. 1685 the prebendaries remained suspended until the fourth sunday in lent [i.e., march 25], when the [censure for] irregular government was removed from them; but for this purpose a conference was first summoned by the archbishop. it included the bishop of sinopolis, the superiors and masters of the religious orders--and with them crowded in all the swarm of doctors and masters of santo tomas, to the no little annoyance of the bishop and the religious orders. in this conference the question was asked whether the members of the cabildo were worthy of being absolved for their irregular acts. all answered in the affirmative, except little master caraballo; and he said that his illustrious lordship could not grant the dispensation, as these were cases that concerned the faith, specifying his declaration in the document which was drawn up. the dominican fathers gave the same opinion; but the bishop of sinopolis replied to them, saying that if this were a matter contrary to the faith, as they seemed to imagine, they could not discuss it, since that pertained to another tribunal; it was finally decided that the absolution should be given to the prebendaries. when we were all expecting that this would be done, as it ought to be, within the body of the ecclesiastical cabildo, the fourth sunday of lent having arrived, the archbishop commanded that there should be no preaching in any of the churches of this city, or in those without the walls; and that all the people should repair to the cathedral in the afternoon. he commanded that two seats should be made ready there--one outside the church, in order that the countless multitude who were present might enjoy this so edifying act; and the other at the great altar itself. the altar and the cibary were covered with a canopy. at ten in the morning, he declared the members of the cabildo to be excommunicated; and, the facts being as i have already stated above, they were now absolved ad reincidentiam, by the bishop of troya; such relapse [reincidencia] had not occurred in any instance, and therefore the declaration of the canons was without cause, and only directed at a very scandalous paper on the absolution--which was performed with great ostentation, in the following manner. at four in the afternoon, the archbishop being seated on the chair which stood outside the holy church, assisted by his provisor, juan gonzalez, and a racionero, the prebends went to him, and, while they knelt there, a judicial record was read to them of all the offenses committed--that is, all the enactments made--by them while governing the archbishopric; and, while they were there before the public in that embarrassing condition, [en calzas y en jubon] [119] the names of all those who supported the cabildo, and recognized that body as the ecclesiastical ruler, were read. he even published the theatins, on account of an opinion that they gave to the cabildo at the latter's request, on the question whether the cabildo could release on bail the cantor herrera from prison--since he did not appear, nor could his case be prosecuted, nor was there hope that he would appear soon, for it was more than a year and a half that he had spent in prison; the theatins decided this query in the affirmative, saying that the cabildo not only could, but ought to, release him. those who signed the paper were the past provincials, javier riquelme, former rector of san josé, and tomas de andrade, [120] rector of the great college and of their university; fathers alejo lopez [121] and jaime vestart, at present masters in theology; ysidro clarete [122] and pedro lope. [123] although the matter was so plain, and the paper was signed by so many fathers, the archbishop annulled that act, as if he were the supreme pontiff of the church. this is a matter at which the theatins have smiled much, but with a smile that but conceals their annoyance. [124] the members of the chapter expressed their detestation of all that they had done, and took oath upon the holy gospels that they would not again commit such crimes, besides many other oaths that they took, which were required from them--oaths very offensive to the king our sovereign. finally, they were absolved as if they were heretics--the harshness of the archbishop reaching such a pitch that he wished to flog them, and already held in his hand the rattan for doing this; but, after many entreaties from their relatives, he refrained from carrying out this threat. this inquisitional act being finished, the archbishop entered the church with them, and, seated on his chair while they stood, he delivered a speech in which he treated them, and the religious orders that recognized them as ecclesiastical rulers, as if they were heretics--although the dominican fathers, who also had thus recognized them, escaped from this. those who were most offended were the theatins; and although they are now silent, one may be sure that they are gathering up their stones. thus ended this act, which grieved the hearts of all; and on the following day the archbishop commanded that they should go to the convent of santo domingo to sing a mass, as a thanksgiving for such absurd performances. it was sung by the treasurer valencia, assisted by his illustrious lordship; and the sermon was by the father vicar-general, fray bartolome marron--who, carried away by his fervent spirit, emptied his sack of foolish ideas. among other things, he declared (besides making many threats) that the order of st. dominic was the sister of the clergy, and in proof of this alleged that his convent was ruled by the cathedral clock (although this was a matter generally known, and of no great importance). don juan de vargas was excommunicated, and interdicted from entering the church, but he was not posted as such. the archbishop would not allow them to go to say mass in his house, without heeding the wretched health of his wife, or his having so large a family--and he suffered the more hardship, as he remained in his house on the island. [125] besides, when he went out of his house he took with him, as always, his trumpeter; this the archbishop could not endure, for it sounded ill to the dominicans. accordingly, they notified him of an act that he should not be accompanied with trumpets, because he was scandalizing those who were weak in the faith--although it was a fact that such scandal was not presented before either the weak or the great. with this, vargas undertook recourse to the royal audiencia; and, the document being drawn up, he sent it to the governor, with the request that it be considered in the session of that court. his lordship withheld it, desiring to settle once for all with the archbishop that he should recall the excommunication or interdict; but, this settlement being somewhat delayed, his lordship returned the petition to don juan, with the message that he must have patience for a few days, while he would make every effort (as he did) to secure a settlement; but that, if he should not accomplish it in that time, don juan should avail himself of his right. during the four days, various arguments and letters passed between his lordship and the archbishop; and at the end of that time the latter, urged by the diligent efforts of the governor, consented to yield, but in the wrong direction; for he threatened don juan de vargas with being posted as publicly excommunicated, to the great annoyance of his lordship. don juan de vargas did not resort a second time to the royal tribunal; but instead he went to the archbishop and demanded absolution. the prelate commanded him to go to father marron and father verart, and ask their pardon, and to do what they should order him to do. he did so, and they commanded him to go to the provisor on the same errand; and the latter sent him to little caraballo, the dealer in fireworks. all this he fulfilled, even to signing a letter for the king, in which he retracted all that he had written against the dominicans; in one word, he signed what they placed before him, already written. we all supposed that he would be quickly absolved, and he himself demanded this; but answer was made to him that his illustrious lordship would notify him of it, and of the time and manner thereof. all this was to give time for the return from cagayan of the bishop of troya, so that don juan should ask his pardon and compensate him for the injuries which that prelate judged don juan had inflicted on him. he came from cagayan about holy week, and that time passed without any mention of absolution, until, on holy saturday, the archbishop going to give the easter salutations to the governor, the latter addressed him very fittingly--telling him that it seemed very wrong that at a time when christ our lord suffered for men, and not only pardoned but even excused those who were tormenting him, his lordship, who stood in the place of christ, was incriminating don juan de vargas, and refusing to pardon him even after he had obeyed, in so edifying a manner, all the commands that had been laid upon him, although those commands were unjust, and ought not to be obeyed. this was the substance of the discourse, which lasted more than an hour; and they discussed therein the question of the absolution, with the warmth which will be related. the archbishop summoned an assembly, by means of the document which i send you with this, full of contemptuous remarks about the royal authority--as the paper itself shows, without further explanation. the good old man is obliged to decide with the troyan and his friars what he has to do, and then seek the support of the religious orders. for this conference a letter was written to the bishop of sinopolis, and the latter told the fireworks secretary his poor opinion of such conferences; that if he must do what was there determined by the friars, and if this was to be like the former conference--so many black-gowns [negritos] crowding in, and, when one asked a question, its stirring up fifteen hundred other things--it was best to cease having such assemblies. the bishop remained at home, but sent his written opinion that the archbishop ought to absolve don juan de vargas, and that privately. the franciscans and theatins did not attend the conference, nor did they send their opinions--excusing themselves by letter, with various pretexts, which did not taste like honey to him. the archbishop wrote to the guardian of st. francis an ill-tempered letter, threatening him with vengeance; but the guardian was not asleep, nor did he forget the rule of "interrogation and reply," etc. at the said conference were present the troyan, the augustinian and recollect provincials, and the two dominicans marron and verart, the axletrees of the other cart; these last and the troyan said that poor vargas could not be absolved. father duque, the augustinian provincial, declared that he could and ought to be absolved, and that privately, saying: "as for the offences of vargas, either they are or are not committed against the faith; if they are against the faith, as is being assumed, they do not belong to your illustrious lordship or to us, and it is not allowable to discuss them here." verart sprang to his feet like a flash, and began to argue with the recollect. in such debates the entire afternoon went by, without their reaching any decision. at the end of a week the sentence was uttered, and vargas was notified that for four months he must do what follows: during the first month, he must go on every feast-day to divine worship in the cathedral, clad in the sackcloth robe of a penitent, and with a halter round his neck; and in this guise, he must listen in public to mass. the second month, he must do the same at the convent of san domingo; the third month, at san gabriel; and the fourth, at binondo--and this, when it had been decided in the conference that he should be "absolved privately," which are the formal terms of the sentence! when he was notified of this, he appealed from that decree to the court where this matter legally belonged; [126] but as all the bishops were dominicans, where could he go where they would not confirm his sentence? accordingly, vargas came before the royal audiencia, asking a laymen's decree. [127] his petition was considered in the session of that court, and [afterward] shown to the fiscal of his majesty, who [at the time] was absent, inspecting a chinese ship. in this state (which is not one of innocence) the affair remains at the time of this writing; but if it shall be decided before the ship sails [for acapulco] i will write further. i only omitted to state that the first sentence of the archbishop was, that vargas might choose between the punishment above described and the following one (which is not to be talked about): he should erect in the plaza, at his own expense, a scaffold or stage, and then give notice that it was there; and the archbishop would go to absolve him thereon. vargas must go thither naked from the girdle upward, wearing yellow hose, and carrying a green candle; and on the stage he would be flogged. and in truth he deserved the lash, since, by not sending to españa, as the royal audiencia decided, the two friars who made war on him, he finds himself today in so great affliction, which also occasions the royal authority to be insulted as never before has been seen in all the [spanish] realm. at this same time poor don juan de vargas finds himself in the fray of his residencia. [128] for this investigation the governor named, as associates of the judge, his majesty's accountant, captain don juan del pozo gattica, and sargento-mayor lucas mateo de urquiza. the secret inquiry ended a week ago, but they have not made known the findings therein, which are said to be favorable. only the dominican fathers, in whom he trusted for this emergency, have aided him by contributing [a document of] fifty-three sections, regarding his entire life and character--many of these concerning the zambals of playahonda, whom he had assigned to the dominicans; [129] and the first section goes to show that he "lacked the chief qualifications of a knight"--the way in which they speak of him. the city, through its attorney, made fifty-six charges against him; and among these they demanded from him damages for the losses that this community had suffered from the return to port of the ship or galleon "santa rosa"--because instead of ballast they placed in it wax, and for fifteen hundred other articles that were included in the lading of the ship. as soon as the secret inquiry was ended, admiral faura was arrested in the fort, and sargento-mayor gallardo at the entrance of the bastion; and all their goods were seized--but not much of their property was found; if there had been, it would have showed that they were fools, and certainly they are not of that sort. all agree that six hundred thousand pesos would not suffice don juan de vargas for what they demand from him. [130] in camarines there are great controversies between the bishop and the franciscans, whose commissary, fray ysidro de la madre de dios, made very sarcastic [saladas] remarks to the bishop who, it seems, does not relish so much salt. the former acted so that the bishop demanded from the royal audiencia that they should send that friar to españa. it is to be noticed that this good religious is so devout that his friars, on account of his modest behavior, call him "the theatin" [i.e., "the jesuit"]; but seeing himself accused on such a ground, he was furiously angry, going so far as to tell the bishop that everything was going to destruction since bishops so ignorant as his illustrious lordship were appointed, etc. the royal audiencia made no answer to the bishop's demand, except in general terms; for that religious has a well-established reputation, and it is acknowledged that he has cause [for what he says]. by a loyal decree the bishop of troya was notified that he must raise the censures that he had laid upon the alcaldes-mayor, the collectors [of tribute], and the rest of the officers of justice throughout the bishopric of cagayan. up to the time of this writing, he has not replied; if he shall do so, i will add a note of it. the royal court soon responded to the petition by don juan de vargas, by a royal decree which was sent to the archbishop, to the effect that he should absolve vargas ad reincidentiam, and send them the acts. it was doubted whether the governor would sign it, because he disliked lawsuits and controversies, and because this was to decide the point at issue; but he signed it. the secretary of the court went to make the decree known, and the good old man took the document for the ceremony of kissing it and placing it on his head--but, placing it in his breast, told the secretary that he needed time to reply to it; that those gentlemen [of the audiencia] took their time for planning these decrees, and expected that he would reply in haste; and that he must send him stamped paper for a reply. the secretary replied that he had orders not to leave the royal decree with the bishop, and that his illustrious lordship could answer that he heard it, and afterward reply by means of a long letter whatever he chose; but the latter was obstinate, [131] and refused to give back the decree, and told him to wait for his answer. since this will be actually made by fray marron and fray verart, it will make much trouble. in fine, he has, however, already explained extra-judicially his intention--which is, that even if they cut off his head he will not lower a shred of sail; and if he posts the governor and auditors on the list of excommunicated persons, it will be [not only] what can be demanded, but what they deserve. it is expected that the contest will be renewed, [132] and affairs point to nothing less. the archbishop has now replied to the decree, and his answer was to send a bunch, or olla podrida, [133] of papers which he calls "acts." regarding the absolution, he says therein that he cannot absolve don juan de vargas, since it is a matter which concerns the inquisition. the audiencia held a session on the first of the month, regarding the archbishop's reply; their conclusion has not been made public. a military council was held to deliberate upon the reëstablishment of [a fort at] zamboanga, and all voted that this should be accomplished. the city was informed of this, as a command of his majesty, in order that the citizens might aid the enterprise; but they were of a contrary opinion, for reasons which it is said, are frivolous. the truth is, according to report, that they do not like to be exiled [there]. the governor demanded the opinion of the theatins, which they gave in accordance with that of the military council, very energetically demolishing the reasons adduced by the city. the whole matter, it seems, is going before the royal council. manila, june 8, 1685. occurrences during the term of government of cruzalaegui 1. with the publication in manila of the coming of admiral don gabriel de cruzalaegui in the ship "santa rosa," to govern these islands, was revealed the obligation which he brought from mejico to restore the archbishop. 2. before the said governor arrived, the bishop of troya published a document with the title, "advice to those who come newly to these islands, that they may not err in judgment regarding the banishment of the archbishop." in this writing there were propositions opposed to the audiencia, the cabildo, and the royal decisions. 3. reply was made to this by an anonymous writer, against whom fray raimundo verart came out with drawn sword, issuing a manifesto that was full of assertions hostile to the royal jurisdiction and to the cabildo. 4. the governor entered manila on august 24, 1684. there was an earthquake on that day, an unusual occurrence for that time; and soon after he had passed through the puerta real the balcony fell, and with it more than one hundred persons--of whom many were injured, some died, and others were crippled. 5. the governor soon manifested the partiality that he felt for the dominicans, intriguing with fray francisco de vargas and fray juan de ybañez, who had been sent out of the city by the royal audiencia, but had returned to it before the entry of the said governor; he did the same with verart and marron, who had been banished, but left their hiding-places and appeared [in the city] when he entered it. 6. under cover of the favor which the governor showed to the dominicans, they made impudent speeches in the pulpits against the royal audiencia and the cabildo; and they refused to join them in public functions, regarding them as excommunicated. for the same reason, they would not go to the procession for the publication of the bull, even when they were commanded to do so by the commissary of the crusade. 7. the cabildo rendered account to the governor, in a very learned document, of their government during the absence of the archbishop; the audiencia also made him a very suitable report of what they had done. but the governor paid no attention to either of the two reports, in order to carry his own point, the restitution of the archbishop. 8. the governor endeavored to influence the auditors at his will, doing them some favors and making some approaches to them, which they, faithful to their king, resisted. not being able to subdue them by this method, he arranged that a demand be contrived by means of don tomas de endaya and don francisco de atienza (both of them regidors and belonging to his faction), that the city should sign a letter of advice to the governor, in which they should represent to him the difficulties arising from the banishment of the archbishop, and the uneasiness of the people occasioned by their uncertainty as to what would be done in regard to the government of the cabildo, etc.; and request his lordship to adopt such measures as should be most opportune to put an end to their anxiety. those of the governor's following signed this paper very readily; those who follow the truth, reluctantly; and there was one who refused to sign. 9. the governor consulted the religious orders upon this point, and upon the excommunications which the dominicans were [word blotted in ms.]. the society of jesus excused themselves from responding to such a consultation, because they observed the malicious design with which it was asked. the franciscans at first excused themselves, but afterward answered in favor of the cabildo. the augustinians were ready to suit the pleasure of the governor, on account of being very intimate with the dominicans; and the same was done by the recollects, who follow the augustinians in everything. 10. with the said opinions, obtained by pressure, the governor ordered that the bishop of troya should begin to rule the archbishopric, under the protection of the governor. this he did, one sunday, which they fixed, october 22; and he was styled governor of the archbishopric, and personally went about posting in the churches certain edicts in which he summoned the entire cabildo to appear before the ecclesiastical court within the next three days, under penalty of being regarded as publicly excommunicated, to give satisfaction for having arrogated to themselves the government; and on the same day he took away juan gonzalez, who was a prisoner in his own house, and carried him to [the convent of] san agustín; and to the persons whom he found there he intimated that they would have this man as provisor. 11. this so violent mode of proceeding caused much disquiet in the community; and if the cabildo, desiring to maintain the peace which the bishop of troya and his friars were disturbing, had not yielded, some tumult among the people would have resulted, so great was their excitement. 12. the ecclesiastical cabildo repaired to the governor in regard to this case, and were coldly received by him. a session of the royal audiencia was held; the fiscal set forth the right of the cabildo, and justified their government; but notwithstanding this the governor declared himself for the bishop of troya, and displayed the [written] opinions mentioned above, with which he confirmed the former pretension of restoring the archbishop. 13. during the four days while the sessions of the audiencia lasted, there were long debates in the palace, and much confusion among the people. the governor talked loudly, and expressed opinions that the cabildo must not govern. the fiscal stripped off his robe, indignant that the royal patronage was not respected. during those days, no receptor or court secretary was allowed to enter the session, so that no testimony of the proceedings should be taken. the dominican friars [went] in crowds to the palace. marcos quintero, who is entirely for them, had offered to the governor, it is said, to pay whatever fine he might impose for this. 14. [the bishop of] troya governed the archbishopric in the interval before the archbishop was restored to his see. endaya went on this errand with a royal decree, obtained by the utmost violence, and given very reluctantly by the auditors, who were afraid, because the governor intimidated them by the language he used. he received the archbishop with [salvos of] artillery and muster of the troops. 15. the archbishop, instigated by his friars, began to take his revenge on november 22 of the same year. he sent notifications to the ecclesiastical cabildo, the religious orders, etc., of an act ordering that they should not admit into their churches the master-of-camp don juan de vargas hurtado, or the auditors, or many other persons and military officers who had a share in his banishment, or in the deportation of the dominican provincial and other friars. 16. the cabildo wrote to the archbishop to inquire whether entrance to the church should be denied to the auditors if they came in a body as the audiencia, as they go on communion days [dias de tabla]; and he replied that this should be done, in whatever manner they might go to church. in consequence of this, the audiencia did not attend at two communion feasts; these were the commemoration of the blessed sacrament in the cathedral, and the day of st. andrew the apostle. 17. the governor showed a desire to settle with the bishop his relations with the audiencia; and he arranged that on the sixth of december all the auditors should be present together in the palace, and that the archbishop should come to meet them, as if by chance, and talk with them, and thus have a sort of absolution conferred--a mummery [mogiganga] by which they could attend that day the feast of st. javier, which was celebrated at the church of the society of jesus. 18. all those proscribed in the archbishop's act went to ask for absolution; and he commanded them to take oath that they would not obey the ministers of the king in matters pertaining to ecclesiastical persons. for others, the formula of the oath was, that they must swear to observe the sacred canons. this proceeding caused great disquiet in the minds of the citizens. 19. some disturbances led to others. on the ninth of december notification was served on the dean and four dignitaries of the cabildo, with a canon, that they must be regarded as under censure as irregular, for having assumed the government of the church, and for having arrested juan gonzalez and don pablo de aduna. 20. the cabildo found itself entirely defenseless against the manifest anger of the archbishop, without power to appeal either to [the ecclesiastical court of] camarines--since its bishop, the head of that court, was of the dominican faction--or to [the court of] cagayan, since troya was there; or to the audiencia, since recourse to that body was prohibited, and the governor did not wish to interfere with the archbishop. 21. on the same day, the ninth of december, an edict of the archbishop was posted in which were annulled the sacraments of penance administered by the said prebends, and the licenses which they had given for hearing confessions, preaching, etc.; item, the marriages solemnized without the permission of his provisor, juan gonzalez--and they rained down censures, excommunications, and threats by the thousand, according to the fury of father verart, who directed all these. by another edict, dated january 8, all the legal causes and suits which had been tried before the cabildo and its provisor were declared null and void. 22. the said measures produced innumerable perplexities. soon afterward, the archbishop attempted to deprive the said prebends of their appointments; and to this end he held a conference with the governor, proposing most unworthy persons in the place of those prebends. this proposal was considered in the session of the audiencia, and censured as irregular and out of order; and it went no further. 23. the archbishop issued an act against the trumpet of don juan de vargas, commanding that he conduct himself as an excommunicated person. soon afterward (on february 10, 1685), he posted don juan on all the church doors as publicly excommunicated. the latter had recourse to the royal aid, and wrote an excellent document in his defense; but the governor did nothing for him, and only commanded him to obey the archbishop and be reconciled with him. 24. seeing himself deprived of recourse, the poor gentleman did all that he could to procure a reconciliation with the archbishop and the dominican friars. he was commanded to beg the pardon of all the aggrieved parties, even from the most inferior lay brethren; and he did this, at the cost of many rebuffs. after this, the archbishop obliged him to swear, declare, and attest that when he sent the archbishop in a vessel to his exile he had sent him away without supplies of everything necessary, although this was manifestly false, for provision was made as if for a royal person. even when he had done what was demanded from him, the archbishop would not even take his name from the list of excommunicates, such was his hatred for don juan. ab ira et odio et mala voluntate monachi dominici libera nos, domine. [134] 25. the archbishop claimed that the senior auditor, doctor don diego calderon, should [not] be absolved from the censures which, the archbishop informed him, he had incurred because of the demand which he made, when he was fiscal, against bishop palú, [135] who landed in these islands, with whom the dominicans had secret dealings. calderon replied to the archbishop, setting forth the reasons which induced him to act as he did with palú; and for the time the archbishop desisted from his intentions. 26. the prebends endured this persecution with incredible patience. again the governor wrote a letter, [endeavoring] to mediate in the question of granting a dispensation [to the cabildo] for their irregular government, and engaged the bishop of sinopolis as his agent. ybañez went to the dean to tell him that all would be settled according to his satisfaction, but this was nothing but a falsehood and invention; for the dispensation [136] was conferred with the utmost ignominy for the cabildo and prebends, for the greater glory and triumph of the dominicans, the managers of this scene-shifting. 27. they obliged the prebends to make certain declarations, which were fraudulent and misleading, so that it was difficult not to blunder in the replies, which were directed by father verart, the mainspring of all these plots. they made the prebends take an oath; the latter consented to this, and submitted to everything, in order to extricate themselves from so much annoyance and to be free from enemies so powerful and so persistent. 28. the archbishop commanded the prebends to make a statement of detestation [of their errors], in which were contained things prejudicial and inimical to the royal jurisdiction and prerogatives; and others, complimenting the archbishop and his friars and various private persons. on the same day a conference had been held in which it was asked whether the said prebends were worthy of being dispensed; it was decided that they were, because those who were following the current with the archbishop were very influential, but those who were more judicious and learned thought that there was no reason why the said dispensation was necessary. [137] 29. on the following day the archbishop again declared the members of the cabildo to be excommunicated, alleging that although the bishop of troya had absolved them, he had done so only ad reincidentiam, for such time as the bishop should choose. in the said act he also commanded that in the afternoon of the same day they should go to the cathedral to receive absolution and dispensation; and on the next day they must all go to the church of santo domingo, to make amends to the friars for imagined injuries. 30. the function of the absolution and dispensation was celebrated with the greatest publicity, and in a very marked, offensive, and injurious manner. an enormous number of the lower class of people were called in, from the neighboring villages--and especially from binondoc, which is a village in charge of the dominicans; for that purpose, the sermons which would occur that afternoon in some churches were suppressed, so that all the people could go to see a performance that would so exalt the dominican fathers. 31. the prebends went to the church, ignorant of the measures taken for exposing them to ignominy. they found two tribunals erected, one at the church door, and the other inside, at the great altar; and there was an enormous concourse of people. of the religious orders, the dominicans were there in great numbers; from the colleges, only the members of santo thomas [tomistas]. the archbishop occupied his judgment-seat at the door of the church, and at either side were his beloved juan gonzalez and aduna. he called the prebends and made them kneel before him in order to be absolved, as if they were heretics. he handled a ferule while the miserere lasted, although he did not, on account of the entreaties of those who were present, strike the capitulars with it. then he went inside the church, and after performing other ceremonies, took his seat on the second platform, where he made an address, in which he gave many and sharp stabs to those who favored the cause of the cabildo; and after that the performance came to an end, with much gossiping among the people, who regarded these actions as revengeful. 32. the archbishop prepared a feast in order to regale the prebends, quite contrary to his usual manner and harsh temper; the prebends attended it unwillingly, seeing that they had been treated like boys, and that this banquet was only a device to shut their mouths. he made them elect another secretary for that same cabildo's corporation, and afterward inflicted punishment on him who was secretary while they governed; this was a poor cleric, whom he declared excommunicated and suspended, [138] and seized his little property, for having acted officially in the proceedings brought against don juan gonzalez by the dean as provisor. 33. troya returned from cagayan, where he had gone, on the pretext of administering confirmations, during the time of these transactions. there he deprived of their curacies, and loaded with censures, licentiate diego de las navas and bachelor diego de espinosa marañon; and having sent them to manila, he placed friars in their stead. afterward he imposed excommunications on the alcaldes-mayor and collectors of tribute who might buy and sell goods with the indians of those provinces. 34. don juan de vargas, after his name had been on the list of excommunicates two months, and he had been interdicted for four months from entrance into the churches, solicited absolution, by a petition to the archbishop; the latter sent it to troya, so that he might poison it. troya pushed don juan farther toward ruin, and--paying no attention to the reasons which the said master-of-camp vargas brought forward as having influenced him to banish the archbishop, in behalf of the prerogatives of the king our sovereign--he made answer furiously, that don juan must be absolved with publicity; and, although the governor advised him, the bishop paid no heed to this. 35. at lent in 1685, the archbishop suspended three fathers of the society, to whom the cabildo while it governed had given permission to preach and hear confessions; he did this not only because of the aversion which he had taken for the cabildo, but on account of the enmity which he had always felt toward the society. the governor compelled two foreign ships to pay very exorbitant imposts, at which they were greatly dissatisfied. 36. don juan de vargas was not ready for absolution. the archbishop called together the theologians, to tell him whether the absolution should be given privately; this was decided in the affirmative by the majority of votes, but the dominicans opposed it. the archbishop, in order to defeat the resolution, decreed that vargas must first perform the following penance: during an entire month, he must be present in the cathedral, from morning until high mass, clothed in sackcloth and in the garb of a penitent, with a halter round his neck; and for another month he must, in the same manner, attend the church of santo domingo; another, the hospital of san gabriel; and another, the church of binondoc. then, the said penance being accomplished, he would be absolved by domingo diaz, a mestizo of infamous character. the said don juan de vargas appealed, but the appeal was not allowed him, and he remains in the same condition up to the present time. paragraphs of a letter written from manila, june 15, 1685, by auditor don pedro sebastian de bolivar y mena to his agent at madrid, don diego ortiz de valdes. in this ship came as governor of these islands don gabriel de curuzalegui y arriola, a knight of excellent abilities, very disinterested, and intent on the service of his majesty--whose royal revenues from the department of customs, which were so impaired, have been enormously increased, of which he will, i doubt not, send statements to the council. the trouble is, that this place is so corrupt that, even though a very good man comes here, with the best intentions, people make him fail in his duty. even if i had not had a letter from you for the purpose, he would show indignation against me. for, having spoken to the governor at various times, and asked if you had hinted anything about me, either personally or through don tomas, he has replied that such was not the case; but this did not happen to don diego de viga, for he carried the recommendations of don tomas, and therefore has a place in [the governor's] affection--although he shows all kindness to me also, and i endeavor to serve him as far as i can reasonably. as soon as this knight arrived, he made strenuous efforts to secure the restoration of the archbishop to his see--for which he made a proposition, or offered his opinion, to the royal court, finding occasion for this in one which the secular cabildo had offered on the same subject. and, although, in the private conferences which he held with each one of us upon this matter, it was represented to him that such a solution [of the difficulty] was impossible--since account of it had been rendered to his majesty, and the acts therein referred to him; and also since the circumstances and facts which had given cause for the archbishop's banishment still existed; and that no restitution had been or would be made to the royal jurisdiction for the injury that he had done it, nor had he offered any betterment in the future--he nevertheless insisted that it must be done. and as here there is no [opportunity for any] will, save that of a governor, since he is absolute, we all had to acquiesce, under compulsion and pressure, in the restitution of the archbishop--and not only that, but also in accepting the bishop of troya as governor ad interim until his illustrious lordship came back. as soon as the latter arrived, he began to unsheathe the sword, against all the human race; for he declared that all three of us auditors had incurred the excommunications imposed by the bull of cena [domini; i.e., the lord's supper] and by the canon, commanding that we should not be admitted into the churches. this we reported to the governor, and reminded him of the inconveniences which, as we had represented to him, would follow from such restitution; and he, while acknowledging this, talked of availing himself of extrajudicial measures to hinder those that were judicial; consequently we were interdicted from the church for several days. at the end of that time, he sent to summon me, on an occasion when i was alone in the audiencia, and told me that he had the matter settled; that the act [of excommunication] should be recalled--with only [the stipulation] that the archbishop should go to the palace at a time when we all were there together with his lordship; and that, the archbishop entering with him, we should kiss his hand, and everything would remain settled. i informed my associates of this, and all agreed to it, provided that the word "absolution" should not be used, because if it were, all of us would leave the room; moreover, we supposed that don juan de vargas would be included in this act, for, as he had concurred with us, as our president, it would be very proper that he should do the same as we. i gave this reply to the governor, and he told me that as for what concerned don juan de vargas, he had already arranged it, and that for this he was responsible. in accordance with this [agreement], we assembled at the palace. the archbishop came, and we went forward to receive him, making the obeisance due to the prelate; with that, the prohibition was recalled, and we remained free to enter the churches. but it was continued with don juan; and to this day his name remains on the list of excommunicated persons. it is intended, as i understand, that his absolution shall be made in public, with all the ancient ceremonial forms. he published an act declaring that all persons who had directed the cabildo during his absence were under censure as irregular; and annulling the marriages celebrated, the licenses given to confessors, and the confessions that had been made to them, and whatever else had been done during the time of his banishment. the prebends were regarded as irregular for more than three months; at the end of that time he erected a stage at the main doors of the holy cathedral church, and thereon publicly absolved them--having previously published an edict that at the said function should assemble all the indians, sangleys, mestizos, and negroes of the neighboring villages, which occasioned astonishing disturbances. all affairs thus remain as they were, and these vassals are without any recourse, since they dare not interpose that plea before the audiencia, as it is so powerless to exercise its functions; consequently, to state the case in few words, the archbishop does whatever suits his whim, without there being any one to restrain him. these proceedings keep me in the utmost anxiety, as i fear that so unreasonable an act as this restitution will be very ill received in the council, which will lose respect for the authorities here, as the matter was pending in that body. accordingly, and on account of what may be carried to españa, i give you this information, so that you may, if opportunity offers, make it known, as i dare not write to the council about it, for my letters may not be sent forward--as happened to don juan de vargas, while of the letters that were written against him copies were sent to the council. if this should occur [now], it would result in ruining us all. notwithstanding these difficulties, i am on very good terms with the archbishop, so much so that in any event, whatever i may do, they will stand up in my favor; and they have even gone so far as to tell me that they are writing this year to his majesty, assuring him of my excellent mode of procedure, and how incorrect was the information to the contrary. your grace will inquire at the secretary's office, and let me know whether this is really so; for one cannot trust in friars, and, in order that they may not imagine that i distrust them, i have not asked them for the letter, in order to send [a copy of it to you]. the viceroy of nueva españa having appointed, in accordance with the permission given him by the council, don juan de zalaeta, the castellan of acapulco, as judge of residencia for don juan de vargas, he came here and presented all his credentials in the royal court--where, without any contention, it was ordered that they be put into force and carried out. among the despatches came a royal decree forbidding this royal audiencia from taking cognizance of anything belonging to the said residencia; but, this being granted, twelve days after its publication the said judge was challenged by the city on account of the entire case. as he had not been declared to be judge for that, but only an associate, the city hastened to the audiencia in order that this court might declare the said judge to be thus challenged. among other reasons that the city alleged for this proceeding was the statement that in the port of acapulco, the viceroy having commissioned the said judge to seize the bales and merchandise which were going in the ships on account of the said don juan de vargas and his servants and friends, the judge had not carried out the said seizure, on account of fifty thousand pesos which they had given him. although it is certain that the reasons adduced were very forcible, the audiencia, recognizing the force of the inhibitory decree, declared that they could not intermeddle by giving a decision on the said challenge; and that the governor should appoint associates [adjuntos] for him, in order that they might continue the said residencia with the said judge; and that the original documents connected with the said challenge should be sent to the council. although the residencia was prosecuted, the charges [against vargas] have not yet been published. it seems to me that it is being settled very conformably to justice, although the proceedings cannot fail to show many defects on account of the judge's inexperience; for he is not a learned man, and here the lawyers are very few, and the conduct of [such] a case is exceedingly difficult. as soon as the city brought forward in the court the challenge against the judge, don juan de vargas challenged all three of us auditors; and in the course of the proceedings i introduced a document acknowledging myself as challenged; [i did this] not only on account of what don juan de vargas had done for me, but because it was a brother-in-law of mine who was under residencia, and his advocate also bore that relation to me. they must have had good reasons for not regarding me as challenged, and so i had to vote. i give you information of all this, in order that if any reparation be proposed there, it may be in this; for i judge that the points and articles of this residencia will cause the utmost embarrassment in the council, and that it will be necessary to command that it be taken again. i give thanks to our lord that it has not reached me; for it would cause me the utmost injury and perplexity--partly on account of his wrong acts, partly because those who had written unpleasant letters to the council now turn tail, and explain nothing. this, it may be, is attributed to the judge, who is not to blame--for here there are only false witnesses, now on one side and now on the other; and you will confirm this information by what goes there, which you will not fail to know. for it seems to me that in all the lands discovered [by spaniards] there is no country like this, or where its inhabitants are so inconstant. accordingly, i assert that here neither friendship nor enmity is permanent; for if now, for example, some persons are my enemies, and on that account my actions are pointed out in the council, when [the news of] my vindication--through this or that accident--comes from there we become reconciled, and eat, as they say, from one plate; and the same on the other side. it is useless, therefore, to take notice of anything in this little edition of hell [abreviado infierno]. i have no other request or greater desire than to leave this place; and although (for since i arrived in these islands i have written to you at every opportunity) i have sufficiently wearied you regarding this, i cannot cease continuing [my efforts to go away]--without urging any fixed and assigned place, or where or how it shall be accomplished. for every day, don diego, i find myself more disconsolate, and i would by this time be desperate if i could not trust in the good opinion that i have of you; and therefore, hoping for your protection and stationed at your feet, i entreat you with the utmost earnestness [for a change in my position], without heeding whether or not it be a promotion. for me the best promotion will be to go away, wherever it may be; and if it cannot be accomplished in this way, [please] endeavor to secure for me permission, for such time as may seem proper to the council, to pass over to nueva españa, in accordance with what i wrote last year, as there was no room for either of these expedients to secure my departure. i send a special power of attorney for you to make in my name surrender and renunciation of this post, for the causes and reasons which i will allege in the council, either personally or by my attorney; i do not do so now, on account of the damage and risk which thus may be occasioned to me because i do not desire a post in which there is so much corruption as there is in this. and more, i would almost rather go to get a living by some petition or commission than to be auditor of filipinas; and this, don diego, is the truth. here there is no liberty for anything; there is no authority, no respect, and, above all, not an atom of profit. then, what is such a post good for? it is only fit for ruining honor and reputation, and for this it is notorious. in case i shall get away from here by any of the aforesaid ways, you will ask that a judge of residencia may be appointed for me, so that he may take it before i shall go; for i do not wish to leave behind these sorrapas. you will previously challenge don diego de viga and don esteban de la fuente y alanis; for these two gentlemen, each in his own way, are very malicious, and have very little affection for colleagues. i know them well, by experience of what they have done to other persons; and i do not wish that they do the same to me. it is also necessary to obtain for me a royal decree, so that i may not be hindered by the governor or any one else, that all the persons in my household, and those who came with me to these islands, may return in my company; and that i may be assigned a small room for storage of my provisions for the voyage. for here it is not the same as in the north, [139] where there are general accommodations for the passengers; but each one furnishes his own provisions; and, unless a place is assigned in which these may go, the transportation charges cost more than one thousand pesos; but, as those who ship bales pay for them at the rate of twelve and fifteen pesos, they have many advantages [over the rest]. don pedro sebastian de volibar y mena extract from a letter written by father luis pimentel to father manuel rodriguez, procurator-general of indias, from manila, february 8, 1686. don juan de vargas was excommunicated and placed on the public list by archbishop pardo; he thereupon came before the audiencia. that court demanded that the archbishop show them his acts, which he did not do. a royal decree was sent to him; he replied that he could not send the act that he had issued against don juan de vargas, since he had to send it to a superior tribunal--that is, to the tribunal of the inquisition. the auditors sent him a second decree; he replied that he was encumbered with affairs of more importance than those of don juan de vargas, and could not make [formal] answer. they sent a third one, commanding him to send such answer; he replied that the doings of don juan de vargas were public and manifest, so that it was not necessary to enact anything against him, and accordingly he had no documents to send them. the secretary of the audiencia notified him of the fourth decree, and had orders to read it to the archbishop, but not to give it to him, because the three former decrees had remained in his hands without his making any answer. the secretary was told, however, that if the archbishop should demand a certified copy, he should give him one and bring back the royal decree; but the archbishop declared that if the decree were not surrendered to him he would not answer it. as he did not render obedience to the four decrees, his majesty commanded, by his royal decrees, that the archbishop should be declared banished from the kingdoms. the governor went to talk with him, to start him, as they say on the road; and it is said that he found him obstinate. now follows the fiction that they made arrangements, in order that the governor might not consider himself obliged to undo what had been done, [140] by recalling the sentence of banishment, and bringing the archbishop to manila. they ordered that all the estates of this community should go to entreat the governor that the archbishop should not be exiled; and the same persons went on this errand who [afterward] bemired themselves in causing the archbishop to return to manila. these men went about talking and declaiming to everyone in the community about the great difficulties, both spiritual and temporal, which must follow from [the banishment]; but in reality all these were fantastical, since there would be no further difficulties than those which the governor chose--as there were none when the archbishop was banished the previous time; [141] for one would hardly believe how great is the hatred that most persons feel toward the archbishop and his officials, and to the dominican friars. the order of st. francis was remiss in making this request, but an auditor brought them to terms, as well as the members of the cabildos, both ecclesiastical and secular. the most difficult thing was to subdue the jesuits. a bishop who was a great friend of ours charged himself with this task, and easily persuaded the vice-provincial and the consultors; but i always have been of opinion that we ought to pursue an even course--for i immediately saw the trick, and that he was setting a trap for us, as actually happened. finally the vice-provincial and another father went, because i excused myself from going in company with the other orders. with them went don fray juan duran, a religious of the order of mercy and bishop of sinopolis; it was he who in the name of all the orders made the address, setting forth the serious difficulties that must ensue in spiritual and temporal affairs. this petition being ended, the snare began; the governor told them to draw up a paper in which they were to set forth the causes that led them to make the request, and that all the orders should sign it--which converted the petition into advice, and he did the same with the other estates, even with the military leaders. the [preparation of the] paper which the orders were to sign was entrusted to one of the bemired ones, the provincial of the augustinian recollects; but what he wrote was so unsatisfactory that even the bishop of sinopolis--who was active in carrying on this affair for the governor, on account of being his intimate friend--did not like it; and the bishop himself therefore drew up the paper, which was signed by all the orders except the society. ours preferred to make its own answer, separately; we did so, and i send [a copy of it] with this. news since the year 1688 1. it is asked that the contents of this document may be read attentively; the writer asserts that it is not his intention that corporal injury shall come to the guilty, but only that the truth may be known and these many evils be set forth. 2. early in january of the said year, very secret conferences were held in the palace, in which bobadilla, atienza, and cervantes took part--all opposed to the auditors, to zalaeta and lezama, and to don juan de vargas. they began to favor the designs of the archbishop, and the governor to act despotically, according to the dictation of verart. 3. the result of the said conferences was the imprisonment of zalaeta and lezama, on the twenty-second of january. their property was sequestered, and with great cruelty their papers were seized; and they were very closely confined in the fort. he [142] asked for a confessor from the society, but the governor would not grant this, only consenting that he might confess to one of three fathers whom he designated; these were juan gonzalez, don esteban olmedo--adherents of himself and the dominicans--and doctor atienza, brother of the atienza already named. 4. toledo denounced don juan zalaeta, saying that he gave him a pasquinade so that he could publish it, which was of the following tenor: the governor was seated on a chair, with his favorites endaya and verart at his side; at his feet lay the king, his head cut off, and his hands disjointed. this picture explains the state of affairs, which is expressed by the verses that appear below. [143] 5. the cause of lezama's imprisonment was a paper which they attributed to him, although it was not known with certainty that he had written it; and both tribunals proceeded against him--the government with imprisonment and sequestration, the archbishop with censures; the two powers agreed very well. 6. guards were placed in the house of lezama, from which resulted some extravagant remarks by doña josefa, the wife of bolivar; and these set in motion what will be hereafter related. the wife of lezama presented a document to the governor, asking for what reason her husband had been imprisoned; he sent the paper to an alcalde-in-ordinary. the said wife had recourse to the audiencia, who commanded the said alcalde to deliver up the documents under penalty of five hundred pesos, but he resorted to the governor, who forbade him to obey, and imposed a penalty of two thousand pesos if he should surrender the documents. 7. on the same day the governor summoned the auditors to a session and conference, and with language of anger and rage informed them that the alcalde was proceeding by his orders in the said imprisonments, and ever, that they were involved in the same charges. at this they were struck with great fear, with good reason dreading the governor's outrageous manner of proceeding; and to this fear that some calamity would happen to them also were added the reports that were current of the dungeons that were being prepared, of various persons whom he was arresting and examining, etc. 8. the auditors, now terrorized, secretly retired one night to the college of the society of jesus, and carried with them the fiscal, in order to consult as to the measures of which they should avail themselves to secure their persons from the tyranny of the governor, and whether they should remain in the said college in order to administer justice from that place, etc. they could not reach a decision in the matter, and with the same secrecy they returned to their houses; and afterward the fiscal sold them. 9. the reasons for the governor's hatred against don diego de viga were: his having proposed that the ship which served for the armada should make a voyage in the year 1686, which was contrary to the governor's purposes; and his proposal in the audiencia that a consultation should be held with the governor in regard to a packet of letters from the king which were said to have arrived, in which there were decisions of the utmost importance--which letters, it is supposed, the governor tried to hold back and conceal. 10. he entertained ill-will against bolivar for having replied with independence and decision to an act of which he was notified on the part of the bishop, in which he threatened the auditor with fearful excommunications and pecuniary fine, because the said auditor protected the interests of the royal patronage in the suit which the augustinians brought against the society in regard to the village of jesus de la peña, and challenged the jurisdiction of the said archbishop in this case. 11. the governor [144] set spies on the steps and actions of the auditors, and seized a bit of paper, without signature, which bolivar was sending to viga, in which he informed the latter that they could not trust the fiscal, who had that very day taken dinner with the governor; and that he presumed the fiscal had betrayed them, disclosing their consultation above mentioned. 12. the governor conjured from this bit of paper many mysteries; he arrested the page who carried it, and commanded that the fiscal be summoned. he planned the exile of the auditors, with the seizure of their property and papers--in all of which meddled cervantes, who was an enemy of the royal audiencia, and known as such; and now was elevated to be the favorite of the governor by the favor of the dominicans, in order to be judge in the most important lawsuits of this commonwealth. 13. on february 7 of the said year, the day following the above incident, they seized don diego de viga, and conveyed him to mariveles, a village in charge of the dominicans, where he stayed in a mean hut. from that place he went to lucban, a village belonging to the same friars, where he remained in close confinement and lacking the necessary comforts; they allowed him not even an indian servant who had remained with him. all this severity was practiced on him, notwithstanding that (as was notorious) the said auditor was so burdened with sickness and infirmities that in the judgment of intelligent persons he could not hold out three months in lucban. the commandant shamefully treated a brother of the society, who accidentally passed through that place, because he gave the said auditor a little linen and some paper, which the prisoner entreated for the love of god--which it is said, was taken from him and sent to the governor; and that sacrilegious man even had the brother sent there a prisoner and in fetters. 14. on the same day and the following one, they searched for bolivar in various houses; for, when he learned what was being plotted against them, he had concealed himself. they surrounded his house, with a large force of soldiers; and because doña josefa and her sister spoke some saucy words, in regard to certain questions that were asked them, they were banished with much severity, and conveyed to the village of abucay, a village in charge of the dominicans. [145] doña josefa was sent first, and afterward her sister doña ynes, on account of the latter being very ill when they carried away her sister. 15. the governor learned that don pedro bolivar was in the college of the society of jesus, and availed himself of his good friend the archbishop to remove the auditor from sanctuary. the archbishop readily assented to whatever he demanded; indeed, he has left no stone unturned to injure the society of jesus. they surrounded the college of the society with a great number of soldiers, within and without, who caused the religious incredible vexations and troubles during the nine days while this blockade lasted. the [archbishop's] provisor was on hand to incite the soldiers and make mischief; and he notified the rector of an act by the archbishop requiring him to surrender bolivar. 16. the city and all the religious orders, except that of st. dominic, showed great resentment at this performance and felt exceedingly scandalized. the governor, as obstinate as pharaoh, said that he would not remove the blockade from the society's house until bolivar should make his appearance, if it lasted a year; and that he intended to destroy the auditor. the latter, seeing the constraint and uneasiness of the religious, and the obstinacy of the governor and the archbishop, gave himself up of his own accord; and they took him away from sanctuary in great haste, and carried him to the municipal building; and afterward, near midnight, he was sent by boat to mariveles, with the same harshness which they had showed to auditor viga. 17. the convenient pretext and imaginary reasons which they gave for these seizures were that those auditors intended to depose the governor, and hand over his office to general zalaeta. it was proved that this plan would not suit the actual condition of affairs, even in the judgment of a man of mediocre ability, much less in that of the auditors; and even if such a thing were intended, they would find it impossible to secure the means for its execution, since all the military leaders were of the governor's faction and opposed to the auditors. 18. crafty actions, intrigues, seizures, and severities were employed with persons of various stations, in order to give some semblance of proof to the above fantastic idea; and they terrorized many persons to make them relate, if possible, what suited their purpose, and no more. some they tortured; others were left without food for two or three days, and one they deprived of drink for seventeen days. most of the persons thus examined had little courage, and were sons of fear, so they found it easy to tell lies; and if they were under compulsion they would say that judas and mahoma were in heaven. 19. the governor soon found himself embarrassed by the lack of an audiencia; he therefore formed one in his own way, which was thoroughly accommodated to his opinions. it was composed thus: a fiscal so terrified and possessed by fear that, if he were commanded to flog an image of christ, apparently he would not hesitate to do so; one cervantes, as coadjutor to the fiscal, a young fellow of malicious disposition and perverse inclinations, who not many years before had been condemned to death; one angulo, in everything a man after cervantes's own heart--young and of little understanding; and of so little ability that neither when he was a receptor of the audiencia, nor now when filling the office of attorney-general [promotor-fiscal], did he know what to do, etc. 20. among the papers of zalaeta was found one which was imputed to the cantor herrera, in which he spoke ill of endaya; and on this account the archbishop demanded aid from the governor, seized herrera, [146] and placed him in the fort--treating him with ignominy unusual for [a member of] the cabildo, placing him under the guard of secular officials, and treating him like a highwayman. yet the said archbishop had previously favored him, and regarded lightly other offenses of his--for no other reason than because herrera had, to please the archbishop and his friars, drawn up documents expressing in positive terms, detestation of appeals to the royal audiencia. 21. with these scandals and harsh measures, the city experienced profound affliction; the minds of the people were appalled, and they were so shut in by fears and terrors that no one considered himself safe even in his own house. no one opened his lips, seeing the two powers of the commonwealth thus jumbled together, and that in the greatest calamities there was no recourse except to god. the inhabitants could not communicate with one another, without criticism; nor was it even lawful to breathe, since rigorous scrutiny was made of the most trifling acts. 22. great were the calamities which at this time came unexpectedly upon this commonwealth--epidemics, famines, vessels returning to port, [attacks by] enemies, losses of vessels. the governor the more pretended that his conduct was influenced by an imaginary conspiracy; for on the night of holy thursday, when he went to visit the stations [of the cross], a multitude of soldiers went with him as escort, besides his usual guard, and he was accompanied by the personages who were in league with him. 23. royal decrees were despatched against the preachers who zealously proclaimed from the pulpits the arbitrary and malicious character of the recent acts, and the dominicans alone had the privilege to utter whatever absurdities they pleased in the pulpits. there is no counterpart to the satire against the society which a [father from] santo tomas preached one day. 24. recourse to the royal audiencia was entirely barred, as was seen in the case of don juan de vargas, who thus far had been posted on the list of excommunicates, and all persons who held intercourse with him threatened with punishment. tardiness and delay followed him until the fourth decree [was issued] in regard to his absolution, and it had no result--as little carried out as was the king's decree which he issued in regard to the banishment of the archbishop. 25. in cagayan fray raimundo de rosa killed fray juan zambrano, his vicar and superior; but the archbishop has not made any demonstration [of displeasure], although he has so often done so in the more venial offenses of the clerics. the order of st. dominic has honored the dominicans who were most rebellious against the king with the best offices in the provincial chapter; and those of their following, like aduna, gonzalez, carballo, cervantes, and others, are now in high favor, although they are hostile to the prerogatives of his majesty. 26. no authentic statement of the evil deeds of these years can be sent to the court; for the scriveners are intimidated and will not give official statements of anything of what occurs, except what may be in favor of the governor and the archbishop. item, [this] is written in much distrust and fear, on account of the numerous spies who go about prying into and noting everything that is done. one notary is in prison on account of a statement that he drew up; and another is in exile. 27. the governor causes many scandals in the matter of chastity, not sparing any woman, whatever may be her rank or condition; and he keeps some worthless women who serve as procuresses for conveying to him those whose society will give him most pleasure. in this scandal the zeal of neither the archbishop nor his friars is active. 28. the governor will hinder the voyage of the ship to nueva españa, on account of the fabulous ships which, it is reported, have been seen, according to the statement of an indian, although there is no confirmation of such news. the great amount that was spent in the despatch of the armada, as the capitana of which the ship "santo niño" sailed, without having the desired result; the malicious purpose with which the said despatch was conducted, on account of his having had information by way of yndia which caused this government to hasten. 29. as the archbishop would not absolve don juan de vargas, the audiencia again decided to banish him; but the governor kept the royal decree signed and sealed, without being willing that it be put into execution. instead, he joined with the bishop of sinopolis to convoke the religious orders, planning that they demand that he be not banished. an inquiry was made among his partisans, who swore that they knew nothing of it, and had not imagined it. 30. the archbishop prevented the confirmation of three prebends which his majesty had presented--to don francisco gutierrez briceno, bachelor domingo de valencia, and doctor pedro de silva; the first-named for cantor, the second for schoolmaster, the third for treasurer. he refused to give them canonical installation, because they are not among his admirers; and the last two are graduates from the university of the society of jesus. 31. the augustinians, in alliance with the archbishop and his friars, brought suit against the society in regard to the administration of jesus de la peña, or mariquina. the numerous disputes [dares et tomares] which have occurred in this lawsuit, and the great eagerness with which the archbishop has tried to favor the augustinians; and finally, against all the right that the society had to such ministry--by royal decree, by permission from señor arce, and by permit of the vice-patron, etc.--he has despoiled them of it with violence, and by the aid which the governor allowed him for tearing down and demolishing the church of the said fathers; and he has adjudged it to the augustinians, because the hatred and aversion which he has to the said order [of the jesuits] is implacable. 32. the archbishop mortified the religious of st. francis; on account of regarding them as favorable to the royal patronage, he forbade them [to celebrate] the feast of the tears of that saint, and he has not granted them many permissions which they asked from him. he deprived them of the celebration of the feast of the conception in the jail; and finally, on the day of st. stephen the protomartyr, he gave them his congratulations on that feast by causing to be read an edict against them, in which he suspended their licenses to hear confessions and preach. all this caused great uneasiness in the minds of the people, and gave just cause for the murmur against the said archbishop that he had, by the measures here related, undertaken to revenge himself on all those persons who, as he fancied, had taken part in his exile, or had in any way approved it. 33. they attempt to absolve auditor calderon in the hour of death in what he replied, and what the dominicans did, and how the governor pretended not to notice it. it seems as if the governor had come to the islands for nothing else than to encourage the dominicans in their rebellious acts, to trample on the laws, to abolish recourse to the royal audiencia, to sow dissension, to be a tyrant, to disturb the peace, and to enable the archbishop to secure whatever he wishes, even though he imposes so grievous a captivity on the commonwealth. [147] felipe pardo as archbishop [the dominican side of this controversy is related by salazar, one of the official historians of that order, in his hist. sant. rosario, pp. 490-513 (chapters xviii-xxi); as this account is long, it is presented here partly in full translation, partly in synopsis.] on the fourth day of august in the year 1677, dedicated to our glorious patriarch st. dominic, a royal decree was received in manila in which our catholic monarch don carlos ii appointed for archbishop of manila father fray felipe pardo--who that year had completed his second provincialate and now was filling the post of commissary of the holy office. in the latter office he had given, before this second provincialate, such proofs of good judgment that report of his abilities had reached madrid; and these alone, without any other backing, had procured for him so high a dignity. the choice of him [as bishop] was received in this community with universal acclamation and applause, on account of the esteem that was merited by his abilities, accredited by the experience that all had of his success and discretion in government--not only in the two provincialates which he had obtained, but also, as i have indicated, in the commissariat of the inquisition; all therefore confidently expected in him a prelate discreet and accomplished in all respects. our father fray felipe pardo alone, distrustful of his suitability for that office--either on account of his sixty-seven years of age, or in view of the difficulty of the task--was greatly perplexed about accepting it. indeed, it was necessary at the end of two months, to make requisition on him, in accordance with the rules established by the councils regarding immediate acceptance by those thus appointed, under penalty of the appointment being annulled, and the see being again declared vacant. [he finally accepts (november 11 of that year) the dignity of archbishop, and by special decree of the king enters on his duties before being consecrated (which occurs on october 28, 1681), "the first archbishop who has governed this archbishopric without being consecrated, and the first who has been consecrated in these islands." having spent thirty years in that country, he has much knowledge of it and of its moral and social conditions, and much experience in ecclesiastical government. "he was very learned in theology, whether speculative or practical, moral or scholastic; and very expert in the despatch of business." he is aided in his duties by fray raymundo berart, very learned in canon and civil law, who has left great opportunities of advancement in españa "to come to this poor province, to serve in the ministry of souls--as he actually learned the tagal language, and spent some time in ministering to the indians in the district of batan."] the church of this archbishopric was in great need of reform, being full of pernicious abuses, which had been introduced by vicious practices, shielded by permitted usage; so that now these alleged right of possession, and that which was public and practiced by many was regarded as lawful and allowable. false oaths were regarded, not heeding this despite to the holy name of god, as a matter of kindness, in exchange for not injuring another person by the denunciation of his sins; and the oath which the judges take not to engage in trade was regularly broken, without there being any one who had scruples in doing so. the friendships and intimacies between the two sexes were so prevalent that the excessive familiarity which was causing so many scandals was already no occasion for them [i.e., in public opinion]. executorships were hereditary, despoiling minors of their property, and never rendering accounts [of those trusts]. trading had found its way among the ecclesiastics, notwithstanding the ordinance [constitucion] of clement ix recently published in these islands; and at like pace all the vices gained sway, without the least scruple or reparation, since established practice and custom had now rendered those vices tolerated. [to remedy these evils, the archbishop vigorously devotes his energies, notwithstanding his age.] the first action with which his illustrious lordship began to carry out this plan in the government of his archbishopric was, to reconcile his cabildo with the royal audiencia in a certain controversy between them. this was, whether they should give the gospel to be kissed, not only by the auditor who then provisionally held the government of these islands (he was don francisco mansilla), but also by his associate, doctor don diego calderon. as soon as the archbishop began to rule, he settled this dispute with great sagacity, and much to the satisfaction of both sides. afterward another strife arose between the ecclesiastical estate and the royal officials, because, at the time of paying the former their stipends, these were curtailed on account of the exemption from the mesada which had been conceded by his holiness to our catholic king; and, the amount of what the ecclesiastics ought to contribute on account of this privilege not being liquidated, the official royal judges had acted illegally in the collection of the said mesada, making themselves judges in their own cause by explaining the bull of his holiness without consenting to show it to the interested parties, although the latter had several times demanded this. but our archbishop, recognizing that what the royal officials were collecting was excessive, and that it belonged to his office and dignity to explain the doubts that might arise in the text of the apostolic bulls, compelled the royal official judges, by dint of monitory decrees and censures, to display that privilege; and when it was seen, it was found that they had collected more than they should for several years past. all this he made them restore, with considerable advantage to the ecclesiastics, who were extremely grateful for the zealous activity of his illustrious lordship. in almost all the indias were being celebrated the masses which they call "masses for christmas," [148] mingling with them certain abuses which contaminated these masses with practices that were superstitious, and contrary to the holy rites of the church. these were tolerated under the cloak of devotion, and, although to some they appeared mischievous, they did not dare to rebuke these rites in public lest they excite against themselves the pious feelings of the common people, and as this matter was one of those which belong to the zeal and foresight of the ecclesiastical superiors. finally the holy congregation of rites, in consequence of the representations made by zealous persons, on january 16 in the year 1677 declared the said "masses for christmas" to be not only opposed to the rubrics, but also cause for scandals, and of superstitious nature, on account of certain ballads that were interwoven with them, and other like abuses. this decree of the congregation arrived in these islands in the year eighty; acting in conformity thereto, the archbishop prohibited the said masses in his archbishopric. they were no longer celebrated while his illustrious lordship lived, although afterward they were again established, but with some abatement--i know not whether it was so everywhere--of the abuses which formerly were customary. he also prohibited under severe penalties the practice of bringing sick persons to the church to receive holy communion by way of viaticum--a custom introduced into these islands from the infancy of their christian faith. it had never been entirely uprooted, although ordinances against it had been issued by various zealous prelates in their decrees, and by our catholic monarchs in their royal cedulas--commanding that the holy viaticum should be carried to the houses of the sick, even though they were poor and of low estate, as are the natives of these islands. and because the previous ordinances of the king our sovereign on this subject had not had the desired effect, his majesty again repeated his commands in a royal decree of july 28, 1681, in which he charged our archbishop to banish this abuse, the custom of carrying the sick to the church to receive the holy viaticum, on account of the difficulties which might follow from it. in accordance with this, our archbishop promulgated an edict throughout his diocese, dated september 5, 1682, commanding that all the parish priests should carry the viaticum to the sick, without permitting them to be brought to the church; and although he received from the parish priests entreaties and arguments on this point, his illustrious lordship did not listen to them, but courageously proceeded in his holy undertaking. besides those exceedingly just measures, at the instance of the royal audiencia of these islands his illustrious lordship promulgated an edict--which was affixed to the doors of the churches, with penalty of major excommunication--that all executors of wills must within two months present before his tribunal the said wills, which had not been inspected for fourteen years past; and so numerous were those that were presented--not to mention others dating back to forgotten times, which were not yet accomplished--that they gave him work sufficient for several years. he issued other edicts and monitory decrees in regard to the denunciation of various crimes, and so many of these were continually disclosed that soon the ecclesiastical tribunal was tilled with cases, and the numerous officials in its employ could not make room for the legal proceedings therein. very scandalous lives were revealed, and criminal suits were begun; but these could not be prosecuted on account of appeals and subterfuges which caused delay. he who attempts to correct abuses and scandals finds it necessary to equip himself with courage to meet the hostilities which he will encounter; for abuses which have already become inveterate, and scandals favored by indulgence, cannot be overcome without strenuous efforts and repeated conflicts. such was the case of a certain prebend whom the predecessor of his illustrious lordship had tried to correct, but had never been able to do so on account of the support that the delinquent received from a certain potent personage; accordingly the archbishop's zeal contented itself with giving information of the whole matter to the king our sovereign--who issued on this matter a royal decree commanding the said archbishop to correct the scandalous acts of that prebend, without fear or regard for any power. as this royal decree arrived at manila when the said archbishop was already dead, the king our sovereign despatched another decree to our archbishop-elect, don fray felipe pardo, very earnestly recommending to him the correction of the transgressions of the said prebend. [149] notwithstanding the activity of our archbishop, he could not end the proceedings in this case for eight years, on account of the evasions of the culprit, and the protection that he found in the officials of the royal audiencia, who at every step forbade our archbishop to take any further steps in the prosecution of the suits, thus preventing his holy zeal from successfully checking abuses and scandals. this was made more plainly evident in the suit regarding another ecclesiastic, the cura of bigan, against whom the provisor appointed by his illustrious lordship (since the government of that bishopric pertained to him) began to institute proceedings in a criminal suit, in consequence of various denunciations and accusations. as the culprit was on intimate terms with one of the auditors, the latter managed the affair so dexterously that he caused the issue of a royal decree in which the royal audiencia commanded the archbishop to remove thence [i.e., from vigan] the said provisor and oblige him to reside in the city of lalo all to the end that he should not proceed in the suit. this measure was ineffectual, on account of the reply and representations made by the archbishop; the provisor therefore proceeded in his suit. the delinquent, finding himself in a tight place, fled from bigan and came to manila; and, when he was arrested by the archbishop for this flight, he demanded to be released on bail--which his illustrious lordship granted, by an act in which he designated the city as the prisoner's bounds until his suit should be ended. the culprit consented to this, thanking his illustrious lordship for this concession, and therewith submitting to his tribunal. affairs being in this condition, there came [in 1680], with proprietary appointment as bishop-elect of nueva segovia, a prebend of this holy church, who was an intimate friend of the culprit; the latter, availing himself of this opportunity, undertook to shake off the yoke of his illustrious lordship's authority with an appeal to the new bishop-elect--who, desiring to shelter the other, demanded from the archbishop the acts [which he had issued]. as his illustrious lordship did not choose to furnish these--as this suit was firmly established, by the consent of the delinquent himself, in his metropolitan tribunal--the new bishop had recourse to the royal audiencia, asking them to command the archbishop to deliver the acts. in virtue of the representation made by the new bishop, a royal decree was despatched to señor pardo, in which he was commanded to deliver the said acts to the bishop of nueva segovia; his illustrious lordship answered this by saying that the suit proceedings therein were already established in his own tribunal by the delinquent having accepted certain acts, and the law, therefore, afforded no occasion for removing this suit and the proceedings therein from the tribunal of the metropolitan, and restoring it to the culprit's ordinary judge. his illustrious lordship well knew that all these were frivolous measures of delay, so that the case might not reach the point of sentence, and the scandals should be left without restraint, accordingly, although the second and the third royal decrees on this matter were served upon him, he never consented to yield his rights, or to acquiesce in the illegal commands laid upon him. for this cause the officials of the royal audiencia issued a fourth royal ordinance and decree, condemning our archbishop to exile; this sentence was not executed at the time, but with occasion of the new emergencies which afterward arose, it was enforced with severity in the following year. now that the archbishop was on bad terms with the royal audiencia, it was easy for the subordinates of his illustrious lordship to have recourse to this supreme tribunal in order to challenge the jurisdiction or appeal from the proceedings of the ecclesiastical judge; and therefore royal decrees were continually emanating, forbidding our archbishop to prosecute suits and proceedings, and commanding him to deliver up the documents regarding them--by which the course of the suits was hindered or delayed. his illustrious lordship answered these requisitions with so much clearness and proof that the officials who issued them often considered themselves vanquished, and did not follow up their efforts; and although they resented what they called rebellion and audacity, they found his opposition so justified by law that they did not dare to condemn him for disobedience, no matter how much they chose to give his conduct this title to outsiders--for these tribunals are not accustomed to hear "no" to what they ordain in the name of the king our sovereign. and knowing that the greater force of the replies and representations of the archbishop depended on the assistance of the consultor, father fray raymundo berart, they strove to separate the latter from his side, in order that his illustrious lordship, destitute of this aid, might be reduced with more blind submission to the decrees and despatches of the royal audiencia; and therefore that court issued a mandate demanding and requiring our archbishop to remove from his side father berart, and another to the same effect, addressed to our provincial, to assign that father to a ministry among the indians. suitable reply was made to both these decrees, without causing any change, for the time, in the aspect of affairs--until, a new occasion and emergency arising, they again insisted upon this point. at the first foundation of manila, only two parishes were formed for the spaniards--one for those who lived within the walls, and another for those who lived outside the city, this latter being located in a place where at that time most of them were wont to live. afterward that site appeared to them unsuitable for the conveniences of human life, and so they went to live in another part of the city, and even on the other side of the river which washes it. consequently, they lived very far from their parish church, and suffered great inconvenience in attending it, because it was necessary for the administration of the sacraments that the parish priest should cross the entire city, or make the circuit of its walls, and finally he had to cross the river. as this often had to be done at night, and at other times with the risk of being drowned through the fury of the winds and waves, it was soon evident how great difficulty there must be in giving prompt aid to the sick--especially as the distance of the parish church was so great that many parishioners lived half a legua from it. on this account the burials also were solemnized with extreme inconvenience, and without the processional order which is the custom of the church. besides this, it caused great confusion that the spaniard who was owner of the house should belong to the said parish, and the servants, whether indians or negroes, to that of the territory in which they happened to be. the spaniards also were ashamed of having a parish church so poor and in so wretched a condition, for it was only a shelter of bamboos covered with nipa. for these reasons the parishioners had at various times asked that they might be joined to the parishes in which they lived; and now, on the occasion of a controversy which arose between the said cura and another parish priest over the question, to which of them belonged [the interment of] a deceased person, the spaniards publicly appeared before the ordinary, asking that he would assign the parish churches according to the territories, in accordance with the custom throughout the church. when this request was considered by his illustrious lordship, he gave information of it, and a copy of the petition, to the vice-patron, to whom this matter pertained by law. the governor showed this to the fiscal of his majesty, who approved the desired change; and with this decision the governor decreed that the parishes should be divided according to the territories. he gave commission for this to his illustrious lordship, who divided and allotted the parishes in the suburbs of manila, with the system and order which are observed to this day declaring that to each parish church belonged all the persons who dwelt in its territory, whether spaniards, indians, or negroes. notwithstanding that this arrangement was in every way so judicious, and had been made by the order of the vice-patron, with the approval and advice of the auditor fiscal, the former cura of the spaniards considered it an injury and injustice, casting the blame for it all on his illustrious lordship; and, making common cause with the clergy, he continued to disturb and disquiet their minds, until finally the cabildo arrogated to itself authority, interposing a letter to his illustrious lordship that was very offensive to his dignity, complaining of the severity of his government, in terms that libeled his uprightness, and other expressions that were very unbecoming and inappropriate to the dignity of a cabildo. accordingly, for the sake of their reputation, his illustrious lordship was not willing to make the document public, and he only showed it privately to the governor of these islands--who was deeply irritated at what they had done, and promised all his protection to the archbishop for correcting his prebends. the archbishop did not choose to avail himself of this aid, because he intended to bring them back to sober judgment by means of kindness and gentle treatment. he therefore replied to his cabildo with another pastoral letter, couched in affectionate terms, and full of learning and paternal affection in which he gently admonished them to recognize and correct their error. again they wrote to his illustrious lordship, in more submissive tone, although it was apparently only to pay him compliments; for almost on the same day they appeared before the royal audiencia with another document, making complaint against their prelate of injuries, and saying that although they had represented these to his illustrious lordship, he had not answered them to the point. the effect of this petition was, that the royal audiencia issued new commands, not only to the archbishop but to the father provincial of this province, that father fray raymundo berart (of whom the cabildo bitterly complained) must leave his association with his illustrious lordship, and depart to the ministries among the indians; this was carried out (at the instance of the father himself), in order to wreak the wrath of those who were in power. on this occasion the royal audiencia also ordered that a secret investigation be made of the lives and conduct of our religious, commencing with the archbishop; and, although a beginning was made in the fabrication of this information, the plan soon fell through on account of another and public report which was made, by command of the archbishop, in favor of the religious--in which their reputation was so well vindicated by testimony that those who undertook to blacken it through the secret inquiry were left confounded and abashed. all these occurrences that we have mentioned were preludes and omens of some outbreak; for the minds of the people were disquieted, and jealousy of the archbishop was plainly evident on the part, not only of the clergy, but of the secular government. they were eager for some fresh opportunity to arise for them to take extreme measures at once against the archbishop, or at least against the religious of this province. this soon occurred, in a sermon that was preached in the cathedral by a certain religious, [150] in which he explained moral principles that were pertinent to the disorders then prevailing. the auditors, who were present, began to resent this; and one of them urged the governor to send a message to his illustrious lordship, asking him to order the preacher to leave the pulpit. the governor did so, in fact: but he himself assumed authority to do this, before his illustrious lordship's answer came, and ordered the preacher to stop his sermon, and proceed with mass--an act extremely injurious to the dignity of the archbishop, that in his own church, and before his eyes, the governor (a secular official, too) should interfere to give commands to the ministers of the church. but his illustrious lordship was obliged to overlook this, in order not to cause greater disturbances or expose his episcopal dignity to the insults of those who had already, it appears, pronounced judgments in defiance of the courts of the church, and were only awaiting an opportunity to assail his jurisdiction and dignity. his illustrious lordship did not choose to afford this to them, at that time, although zeal stimulated him to defend the honor of the mitre; for affairs were now in such condition that he would [by doing so] cause more injury than benefit. notwithstanding the tolerance and patience of the archbishop, on the second day after the sermon sentence was passed in the royal audiencia, in accordance with the representations made by the ecclesiastical cabildo, against the preacher, condemning him to imprisonment and to banishment from these islands. this was carried out on the following day; villalba was arrested in his convent of binondoc and conveyed through the public streets, being finally placed on board a vessel, in which he was sent to a remote island until the time should come for embarking him for nueva españa. this was accomplished in due time, with great injury and hardship to that religious, and not less grief to the archbishop at seeing such dreadful disorders, and even his zeal powerless to remedy them; for these disturbances had now reached such a point, and his subordinates had now become so hard-hearted and rebellious, that they had already lost their dread of [committing] sacrilegious acts, and did not fear to lay violent hands on the persons of ecclesiastics and religious. accordingly, foreseeing from these acts of violence that which might result to his own person if some new occasion should arise, his prudence caused him to prepare beforehand for what might occur in such an emergency, by an act which he drew up with the utmost secrecy, dated on the twenty-second of the same month of january in the year 1682. by this act he appointed, for any such occasion, as governor of the archbishopric the illustrious don fray gines barrientos, bishop of troya and his own assistant; and made other arrangements--which were mild and reasonable, and worthy of his apostolic zeal, piety, and gentleness--that would tend to quiet the disturbances which would arise from any such act of violence, and to favor absolution from the censures which would necessarily be incurred by persons who should commit such acts of irreverence. all this was laid away and kept with great secrecy until the following year, in which occurred the imprisonment of the archbishop. these melancholy events did not daunt the fervent courage of his illustrious lordship; rather, with apostolic valor and zeal he proceeded in the correction of evil deeds, notwithstanding that he had reliable information that his case was already concluded in the royal audiencia and sentence of banishment pronounced against him. he was continually menaced with the execution of this sentence, at every new difficulty which might arise--in this being like the great pastor jesus christ, who, the nearer he foresaw his arrest, so much the more freely rebuked vices. it is true that our archbishop in order to give place to wrath and avoid hostilities, judiciously dissimulated in some points which concerned his person or his privileges--for many were the incivilities shown to him at every turn by the members of his cabildo, who disregarded the customary forms of politeness toward him; and again, at critical moments in the controversies which arose between the governor and the archbishop, the latter tried to yield what was his right, or to overlook the lack of courtesy. but when offenses against god, or attacks on his church or his episcopal dignity, came in his way, his apostolic zeal did not allow him to overlook these--the more, as he was needed by the aggrieved party on account of points of justice intervening at the time. and of such character were the events which occurred in the course of this year, and were the final incentive to the acts of violence committed against his illustrious lordship--his zealous attempt to restrain certain ecclesiastics from carrying on trade and traffic, to which they were greatly addicted and devoted, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, especially of a recent ordinance by clement ix which prohibited the said commerce to ecclesiastics; and likewise his having endeavored to compel an executor to render an account of the estate which he had in his charge. these were the chief motives for the arrest and banishment of our archbishop; for, the same persons [i.e., the jesuits] being concerned in both of those incidents, they again disturbed people's minds, and stirred them up anew against his illustrious lordship. past disputes seemed lulled, and affairs had been smoothed over and adjusted, although anger against the firmness and activity of his illustrious lordship remained alive; and now the unusual character of these incidents revived again the old complaints--those who were parties in this affair uniting with those who were angry at what had previously occurred. all joined in clamors against the archbishop, treating him as turbulent, seditious, prejudiced, contumacious, and the like; and from various speeches and conversations this opinion steadily grew--all regarding as already certain and evident what originated only in their mistaken prejudices, and with this basis easily reaching a conclusion (as occurred with the majesty of christ)--that it was necessary to remove his illustrious lordship from their midst, in order to quiet the anxieties and disturbances which had grieved all the estates of the commonwealth. so in the execution of this their undertaking they did not observe the method and plan which is prescribed in the laws for cases of so great importance--for there was now no disobedience or contumacy to a second or third royal decree, or interference with the royal patronage, or other like causes or motives which could justify so audacious an act. and solely at hearing the reply of his illustrious lordship to two royal decrees, which at the very same time were communicated to him in regard to different matters--each one of these being the first one which was issued, in both cases--all the officials of the royal audiencia were so irritated that immediately they proceeded to decree that the sentence of banishment and [loss of] secular revenues, [temporalidades] which had been pronounced against his illustrious lordship in the preceding year, must be executed. but the controversy of that year was now ended, and the parties now reconciled, and therefore the cause of this action was not past but present disputes. these were: that his illustrious lordship had refused to absolve a contumacious executor whose name he had posted as excommunicate; and that he had replied to the royal decrees with apostolic freedom and liberty--in both these acts displaying his constancy, and zeal for maintaining his jurisdiction unimpaired. [on march 29, 1683, the audiencia decree that the sentence of banishment be carried out, but it is suspended for two days, that the necessary preparations may be made secretly, in order to avoid disturbances like those connected with archbishop guerrero's banishment. pardo is arrested at midnight, by a large body of officials and soldiers, and immediately deported to pangasinán, [151] "where the alcalde of that province had strict orders to detain his illustrious lordship there, without allowing him to leave the provincial capital, or to perform any act of jurisdiction [152] or authority pertaining to his episcopal dignity, or to correspond by letter with manila." on the same day, various persons are arrested as officials or near friends of the archbishop. the provisor takes refuge in the dominican convent, which is at once surrounded by soldiers, an auditor threatening to demolish it with artillery; at this, the provisor surrenders himself to the assailants, but "with certain precautions and securities," and is kept under guard in his own house. guards are also placed "at the bell-towers of certain churches, so that the bells might not be rung for an interdict. all the household furniture and personal property [espolio] of the archbishop was confiscated, and placed in the royal magazines--scrutiny being first made of the most private papers of his illustrious lordship, without finding in them anything by which his enemies could calumniate him."] the bishop of troya, don fray gines barrientos, who had been appointed governor of the archbishopric by his illustrious lordship for this emergency, when he learned of the arrest of the archbishop immediately presented to the cabildo the document appointing him; but that body appealed to the royal audiencia, and, with either their expressed or their tacit approval, took possession of the government of the archbishopric. they declared that the banishment of the archbishop must be construed as the vacation of his see, although their action might better be called a spiritual adultery--for, while the spouse of this church was still living, the cabildo intruded their presence in order to abuse her; and, although in reality they were but sons and subjects, they had the audacity to occupy their father's marriage-bed. at the head of this action was the dean, who with dexterity and artifice lured on the rest to consent to this monstrous deed; and because one, a racionero, would not consent, they thrust him out of the chapter-room. government by the cabildo having been declared, it was an easy thing for this same dean to cause them to appoint him as provisor; and in virtue of this fantastical jurisdiction he went on undoing what had been done, and making blunders--liberating all those who had been imprisoned by the [ecclesiastical] tribunal, [153] giving permission to all the clerics to hear confessions, absolving ad cautelam the excommunicated (especially the executor [i.e., ortega] who had been publicly posted), and promulgating an octavian peace, like that of which the prophet says, dicunt, "pax, pax," et non erat pax. [154] among this confusion of affairs, the perplexity that existed in the consciences of men was very noticeable: for some, endeavoring to flatter those who were in power, gave their approval to all that these had done, saying that they had not incurred any censure, and that the jurisdiction of the cabildo was valid; but others, with more pious judgment, regarded the said jurisdiction as either fanciful or monstrous, and therefore felt scruples regarding all their transactions--and not least in regard to intercourse with those persons who had taken part in the arrest of the archbishop and other ecclesiastics. this was the feeling of our religious, and therefore they endeavored to refrain from intercourse with [those] secular persons, that they might not incur danger from having communication with excommunicated persons. [155] this withdrawal being resented by the parties concerned, they began to calumniate us as inciters of sedition, saying that with our scruples we disturbed the peace which the cabildo and their dean had striven to introduce in this community. in consequence of this, the father provincial was notified, in the following year, of a decree by the royal audiencia in which he was charged and commanded to banish three religious, the most prominent in his province, to the kingdom of nueva españa; and to send to the province of cagayán two others, who were lecturers in theology--all because the audiencia had concluded that the said religious, as being the most learned and serious, would persuade the rest to their own opinion. the father provincial replied to this that the said religious were not at all to blame, since he had ordered them to withdraw from intercourse with those who were excommunicated; [156] then they pronounced against him also sentence of banishment, which was executed with great severity on the father provincial and his associate, accompanied by the acts of violence which are mentioned in the first book. [157] ... the archbishop was very contented in that place of his banishment, but so poor and needy in temporal revenues that for his ordinary support he was confined to what was given him for food by the religious who was minister in that village; he therefore resided in the convent, like any private brother in the order, and practiced the duties of [a member of] the community as if he were a subordinate of the vicar of that house. but outside of food and clothing he had nothing even for almsgiving; and therefore in the letter that i have mentioned--written to a lay friend, a citizen of this city of manila--his illustrious lordship asks that, for the love of god, his friend will send him some rosaries, medals, and like articles, so that he can make some return for the little presents which the indians give him. and by way of acknowledgment for the hospitality which they had showed him in the convent of lingayen, he left in it his sole possession, a piece of the wood of the holy cross--which he valued highly because it had been sent to him by the supreme pontiff when the latter issued the bulls for his appointment to this see. in this exile our archbishop remained during a period of about twenty months, until at last a new opportunity arose, by which he was restored to his see by the royal audiencia. in the year 1684 a new governor came to these islands, and as soon as he entered upon his office he began, as an unprejudiced party, to recognize the blind way in which action had been taken in these proceedings, and the injuries and bad consequences which might be feared if affairs continued in this state, especially as the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the cabildo was losing repute [estando en opiniones]. for the remedy of so many evils, he made arrangements with the ministers of the royal audiencia that the archbishop should be restored to his see; and this was actually carried out, by decree of that royal tribunal, in which the ministers of the royal audiencia admit that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been snatched from the archbishop--as if this could be thus taken away, and especially by lay and secular officials! notwithstanding that the decree for the restitution of the archbishop had gone out from the royal audiencia, it took much persuasion to make him acquiesce in returning to his see. one reason was, that he was not willing to return until his holiness and the council should decide his cause; the other, that he saw the affairs of his church in such a condition that it was almost impossible to set them right. but finally, at the entreaties of good men, and as persons very influential in this colony had gone to bring back his illustrious lordship, he made the decision to return to manila, where he was received with universal rejoicing and applause.... the holy pastor went about, looking up his flock, and when he saw it so injured and despoiled by the abuses, errors, and evil consequences which had been occasioned by the usurping jurisdiction of the cabildo--and, above all, by the censures in which so many were involved, affecting the liberty of their consciences, with disregard for our holy mother the church--he undertook to procure the reconciliation of the accused persons, inducing them first to acknowledge their errors. first of all, through the intercession of the new governor absolution was given in private to the auditors (who had been active in his arrest and in those of other ecclesiastical persons), they humbling themselves to ask for absolution with certain demonstrations of reverence. the members of his cabildo he absolved in public, with all the customary preparations and ceremonies; and the same thing was done with other persons, laymen, who had been concerned in the said arrests--especially with the preceding governor [i.e., vargas] the principal author of these acts of violence, who, being now a private person, was not on the same footing as the auditors, who were royal ministers and were actually governing this commonwealth. there was much to overcome in this point, in order that the said governor should humble himself; for he attempted by various means and pretexts to exempt himself from the jurisdiction of the archbishop--until, finding all paths barred, he was obliged to subject himself to that prelate's correction, and to make the necessary declarations in acknowledgement and detestation of his errors. but at the time of imposing on him public penance he showed that his repentance was feigned; for he never was willing to accept that penance, or to submit to the commands of his illustrious lordship. on this account he had much to suffer--although the pain that he had inflicted on the holy archbishop was incomparably greater than this--seeing how rebellious was his heart, and how little regard he paid to the censures. the decision in the archbishop's cause from the courts of roma and madrid could not arrive here as soon as it was desired; for those of the party opposed to his illustrious lordship had managed so well that they seized all the mails in which anything was going that was favorable to the archbishop, and they only sent to those courts whatever would contribute to his injury. accordingly, the good name of that holy prelate suffered greatly, and he was regarded as restless, seditious, and disobedient to the royal ministers. but as there was no allegation made on the side of his illustrious lordship, and as the sentence that would be just could not be pronounced without hearing both sides, the council were unwilling to settle so important a matter until all the documents that were in favor of the archbishop should arrive there. and in view of the allegations made on each side, although (it is said) the royal council had uttered the sentence against his illustrious lordship, the king our sovereign obliged them to revoke it, because at roma the sentence was of contrary tenor, and his holiness earnestly charged him to protect the cause of the church, and to reflect very carefully on all the events which had occurred in this case. in consequence of these admonitions from his holiness, it is said, our most catholic king carlos ii summoned the president of the council of the indias, and gave him a severe and sharp rebuke for having declared sentence against the archbishop--saying, among other things: "how you have deceived me!" at which the said president was so grieved that (according to report) he died on the third day after. thereupon these matters were again considered in the council, with more deliberation; and revoking the previous sentence, declared that all the irregular measures enacted by this royal audiencia were arbitrary and illegal; they also removed from office all the auditors, for having been concerned in this proceeding [i.e., against the archbishop]. in the same manner, the supreme pontiff declared that all those who had taken any part in the arrest and banishment of his illustrious lordship, and of the other ecclesiastics were publicly excommunicated; and he made the archbishop his deputy judge, in order to absolve them and reconcile them to the church, after they should render such satisfaction as, in the judgment of his illustrious lordship, was necessary. and to our archbishop he despatched an apostolic letter, praising his fortitude in defending the ecclesiastical immunity, exhorting him to continue with the same courage in any future difficulties that he might encounter; and to follow his own good example, acting with the same constancy that he had previously displayed. [here follows the latin text of the brief; before it arrives, pardo has a fresh opportunity to follow its injunctions.] notwithstanding that all the affairs of this commonwealth were for the time in peace, a new difficulty and occasion arose for the archbishop to display his constancy in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity; and, without fearing the threats of a new banishment, he showed himself steadfast and brave in defending the privileges of his jurisdiction--so much so, that the royal audiencia again passed sentence, of banishment anew, against his illustrious lordship. they would have carried this into execution, if it had not been for the intercession of both cabildos (the ecclesiastical and the secular) and the holy religious orders who all fell at the governor's feet, entreating him not to take such a step, which would cause so great injury to this commonwealth; with this the rigorous intention of his lordship was moderated, and this new blow was not inflicted. not for this did the valor of his illustrious lordship grow weak: rather, in new emergencies (and many of these arose) he bore himself with invincible courage; nor could his constancy be overcome, either by regard for meritorious persons, or by dangers, perils, or threats. for he had a heart and courage of steel (as may be gathered from his letters written to the governor regarding various affairs) for defending the rights of the church--in these letters showing fortitude like that of a st. ambrose, of a st. john chrysostom, and of other like holy prelates. the holy archbishop was gentle as a lamb; and all those who knew him affirm that he was merciful and affable; but in matters touching the honor of god and the immunities and rights of his church he was transformed into a spirited lion, nor did he ever swerve from his course or accept any [personal] advantage. and it seems that god approved his apostolic zeal and the justness of his cause, by coming to its defense with the exemplary punishments which he inflicted on the enemies of the holy archbishop; so that, before the final settlement of these disputes arrived from roma and madrid, he made evident to the world his innocence, and the injustice of those who persecuted him--taking just vengeance upon them by their miserable and violent deaths, and other like calamities. these are not repeated here, since they are already related at length in the eighteenth [158] chapter of the preceding book; and god, almost by a miracle, preserved the life of the holy archbishop so that he might before his death see his cause concluded in his favor. thus, if before all the world--or, to speak more correctly, all hell--had conspired against him, at the last he was able to see in his own day the union, in his favor and defense, of the apostolic see on one hand, and the king our sovereign with his royal council on the other; and, besides, the supreme judge of mortal men taking just vengeance on his enemies, by which the ministers of the secular government were warned not to insult again the dignity of the holy archbishop. and, although various collisions were not lacking, they did not reach violence and hostilities; for every one feared him, and regarded him as a holy man whom god assisted and favored. no other judgment is merited by the exemplary virtues of his illustrious lordship; for even those most blind and obstinate in their prejudices were obliged to confess that the archbishop was a saintly man--as was said by the auditor who went to arrest him, as has been previously stated. the holy archbishop was much given to prayer and meditation, and inclined to silence; he was modest and sedate in his actions; and he was very watchful in whatever he did that all should be ordered by the divine law--continually keeping in mind the account that he must render to god of his ministry, a consideration which frequently shines out through his letters and other documents pertaining to the affairs of his high office. and this was the most potent stimulus which constrained him to act with so much firmness in the affairs pertaining to his ministry, as is noticeable in the letters which he wrote thereon to the governor, and are found in the authentic relation of his acts. in eating he was always very sparing, not only that he might observe religious abstinence, but because the delicate condition of his stomach could not endure the least excess. the holy archbishop lived in extreme poverty, behaving like the poorest religious in regard to his table, clothing, bed, and everything else. the province supplied his clothing, of rough, coarse frieze; and when a garment was torn he himself mended it with his own hands, as the members of his household have often seen. he employed the income of his see in doing good to the poor, in aiding the missions of his diocese, and in the adornment and repair of the churches. in the university of santo thomas he endowed a chair of canonical law, on account of the need in his church for training in this knowledge--to the end that the ecclesiastics of this archbishop might in future be better instructed in a subject so important for the management of the business in the ecclesiastical court; but this foundation was not enough to be effective, on account of unexpected accidents in the country. [159] at last god chose to reward his labors, and his zeal in defense of the church; and thus, the previous storms calmed, god took him, triumphant over impiety and injustice, from this life to that which is eternal, with a holy and enviable death. this occurred on the last day of december in the year 1689, when he was seventy-eight years of age, most of these employed in the service of god our lord. [160] he was given honorable burial at the steps of the clergy-house of our church of santo domingo at manila: and at his funeral were present the royal audiencia and the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, all the religious orders, and the rest of this community, all bitterly sorrowing for the loss of such a pastor and prelate. although his government at first ran counter to many who were discontented, as he seemed to them excessive in his rectitude, yet finally--his cause justified, and the truth declared by so many tribunals; and his blameless and holy life being seen [by all]--they hailed him unanimously as a holy prelate, and an example worthy of imitation. and even those who formerly regarded his rule as grievous now felt the lack of such a father, and were grieved that they had not treated him with more respect, their prejudice not having allowed them to know his virtue and holiness. the cabildo was left with the government of the cabildo, and transferred it to the bishop of troya, don fray gines barrientos, a member of our own order--not only to show their affection for the deceased archbishop, but to make some amends for the resistance which in past times they had made to his rule, when, at the time of the banishment and exile of the archbishop, he had left the bishop with appointment as his governor. thus the cabildo made acknowledgment of their past errors, for now were lacking in their number the two prebends who had been the principal authors of that resistance, and of all the incivilities shown to his illustrious lordship; and these two seditious persons being removed, the rest professed filial reverence to the mitre and to his episcopal dignity. official visitation by valdivia an account of the occurrences in manila on the occasion of the arrival of the [royal] visitor, don francisco campos de valdivia. the said gentleman arrived in this city, [161] and on the same day he arrested the fiscal, don esteban de la puente y alanis, seizing his goods. he did the same with the notaries who had aided [the proceedings] against the church, and with the military leaders--beginning with don juan de vargas, whom he left with guards in his own house. he made inquiries into many facts which had gone forth on the part of the archbishop, and many lies on the part of the audiencia; many false statements in the acts, and many other things by which people in manila have been undeceived regarding the just acts of the archbishop--who is lauded by that visitor as upright, just, and holy; and who told all who entered his house what was going on. he sent for the auditor bolivar, the only one of the four who was yet alive, who had been for another reason banished to cagayan; he was very repentant, according to report, and was absolved with his solemn declarations--which were published, by command of the archbishop, in all the pulpits of manila--expressing detestation of all his actions against the church, in detail, up to his neglect to give aid for seizing the two hundred or more bales belonging to the society. he came with the intention of dying, if it were necessary, in professing what he had detested; but in ylocos he died suddenly and without the sacraments, while still near pangasinan. of his property and of that of viga, little or nothing has appeared. the archbishop, seeing that all that he had done had pleased the council at madrid and that at roma, proceeded to lay aside his scruples, by imposing and declaring an interdict against the church of the society, because the body of auditor grimaldos [162] reposed therein; and it was kept closed from the eve of st. ignatius's day for the space of two months, until the conclusion of the lawsuit which the widow of the said grimaldos undertook to defend. they went to bring out the bones for sentence, and these were so intermingled with others--they say, it was done purposely or by artifice--that, in order not to deprive of asylum those of the just, the bones of grimaldos were left in the church. it was blessed by the provisor with much solemnity, and the doors were opened with a peal of bells and the universal joy. seeing this obstacle removed, on account of which that order were not entering that church, the catholic visitor spoke in reconciliation of the two orders. at the first movement for peace, our order [i.e., the dominican] declared that we desired it; and an agreement was reached, all the society repairing to our convent on the octave of the naval feast. our provincial preached, the archbishop and the audiencia being present, and, i think, all manila; for never was seen such a crowd of people. in a few days, i think in that same week, the feast of st. ignatius was celebrated at the house of the society; it had not been done [at the proper time], since on the eve of that day the church of the society was placed under interdict. they had the same large attendance; father cani [163] preached, delivering a very spiritual and appropriate sermon. the archbishop, seeing that god was on his side, concluded to give a public atonement to the church. in the courtyard of our church was erected a stage, on which sat his illustrious lordship and his cabildo; one day at twelve o'clock he laid an interdict throughout the city, and on the following day were present all the culprits who had concurred in violating the sacred persons and places--in a body, without swords. they were absolved, with scourges [varillas] and miserere, and afterward his illustrious lordship restored them to the church. then the next day a procession was formed, accompanied by our lady of the rosary. for the morrow there was a sermon, at which the governor and the city were present; and in the afternoon, for the procession, all the audiencia, and the archbishop, etc. the visitor sent don juan de vargas to pangasinan, as excommunicated, since he had refused to submit to the sentence of his illustrious lordship; he is still there, and will remain there. he is not going to españa, as he has not paid the amount to which he was sentenced, which the visitor imposed upon him on account of the residencia, in either silver or jewels; nor has he provided securities for it. as for what concerns the residencia, the sum will be about one hundred thousand pesos; in this decision the judge has, in the opinion of all, proceeded most mercifully. the king's fiscal has been banished to the island of mariveles until the ship sails. the dean, don miguel ortiz de cobarrubias, was involved in the libels that were current last year, and in other matters against the archbishop, in contravention of what he had decreed--as he said under oath when they absolved him; accordingly he was arrested, and came out of prison deprived of all ecclesiastical benefice. our fray raimundo bertist [i.e., berart] also is going to españa. the schoolmaster, don francisco briçeno, was also deprived of all benefice on account of his talk, and sentenced to perpetual seclusion in a convent, from which he will not emerge unless he takes the vows; they say that he is going into [the convent of] san agustin. very recently occurred the fall of another member of the usurping cabildo, who in my opinion was the worst of them; but he has escaped, through his crafty devices. this is don josé de nava y albiz, a racionero. they discovered that some sessions of the cabildo had been held without informing the new dean and canons, in opposition to his illustrious lordship; also they found a libel against the archbishop and our religious order. the treasurer valencia is also entangled in this matter. i do not know how the affair will end; they will find themselves in bad health if god preserves the archbishop. of the four dignitaries who came with the visitor, the two auditors and the fiscal ranged themselves on the side of the governor, don juan de vargas; and when excommunication was laid on those who should have intercourse with him, these persons went in and out, entirely disregarding this, and causing great scandal. on this account the visitor challenged them in a suit which the party of vargas carried to the audiencia; and for the same reason the archbishop kept challenging them in regard to ecclesiastical affairs. the fiscal married the widow of the auditor grimaldos. the other of those auditors--who is the senior, and who is now governing--has much fear of god; and he is all the more discreet and experienced for having been judge in burgos. among other calamities which this community has suffered, not the least is the death of the governor, don gabriel de curuzalegui, who died april 27; for the political government depends on so many heads that, as there is little concord among them and they are young men, much trouble is feared. in this year, toward the end of january, god sent us an epidemic of influenza, very malignant, from which many children and old persons died throughout the islands. the prominent persons who have died in this city are: don francisco beza, archdeacon of the cathedral; gallardo, who died suddenly in prison; master don pablo de aduna, don francisco de ocampo, and others. the governor died poor, and with many debts--a proof of his upright conduct. all feel that these islands have not had [in that post] a man who was more disinterested, or who took better care of the royal exchequer and the credit of the church. god repaid him for this, since our king sent him several letters of thanks for what he had accomplished--especially for having brought back the archbishop to his see, and secured the removal of that monster, the usurping government of the cabildo. the supreme pontiff wrote letters to the archbishop, thanking him for what he had done and suffered, and encouraging him for what was before him--saying that he himself is imitating him, and using very affectionate terms. relation of events in filipinas arising from the coming of a visitor while all these islands were in the disconsolate and afflicted condition of which an account was given last year, at the beginning of july arrived the patache that was despatched from nueva españa to bring the usual aid. it had a quick voyage, and in this vessel came an entire audiencia, and a visitor. [164] the latter, disembarking at bagatao, set out for this city with the utmost speed, in a fragata belonging to the alcalde-mayor of leyte; and left orders in the patache that no one should go ashore or write letters. he arrived at manila very quickly, and, landing at cavite--where he was received with a salvo of artillery--he went to the fort only. having spent three-quarters of an hour with don fernando, without going anywhere else, he continued his journey to this city, where he arrived at two o'clock, and was received with a salvo. he entered the coach of the governor, and going from the fort of santiago (by the postern gate of which he made his entry), he reached the palace. on the plaza a body of troops had been formed in order, who received him with a general salute of arquebus-shots. he spent about an hour with the governor, at the time making known to him only the commissions which he bore; meanwhile, the faces of various persons expressed their wonder, for it began to be rumored that whatever the archbishop and governor had done received the visitor's entire approval. this statement was very soon confirmed; for the said visitor, leaving the palace, asked for some soldiers, and, riding in the coach, went first to the house of the former governor, don juan de vargas, but did not find him at home because he was outside the city, in his country house, by order of the governor. leaving some guards there, and sending orders to don juan to come within the city, the visitor went to the house of don pedro de bolivar; and when he asked for him and for his goods, he was told that don pedro was banished, and confined in the fort at cagayan, and his goods had been confiscated and sold at public auction, by order of the governor. the visitor proceeded thence to the house of don diego de calderon, and asking for him and for his goods, he was answered that don diego was dead, and they did not know of any goods. he left that place and went to the house of don diego de viga, where he made the same inquiry and answer was made that he had died in exile and prison in cagayan, and his goods also had been sold and confiscated by the governor. he finally proceeded to the house of the king's fiscal, don esteban de la fuente alanis, whom he found at home in great fear and perturbation. immediately the visitor told him that he might regard the house as his prison, and withdrawing him to an apartment, he seized all don esteban's goods; by this time the afternoon was ended. on the following day, don juan de vargas, having returned to the city, was promptly visited; and after a polite visit, he was told that he must remain a prisoner in his own house, without leaving it, under a penalty of one thousand ducados. on this day, it was published that all acts by the royal council in favor of the archbishop, the governor, and the dominicans were approved; that the auditors were suspended; that the ex-governor was fined two thousand pesos; that all were summoned to nueva españa--where they must await their sentence, in the place that had been selected, twenty leguas distant from mejico; and, until a ship was ready, they were all banished from manila to the same places where the archbishop and the other dominican religious had been confined. they all were stupefied with fear, at hearing a decision so unexpected; and those of the [archbishop's] following and partners were full of satisfaction and triumph. fear increased, and no one felt any security in so fierce a storm, thinking that the said visitor was in the place of the governor and the dominicans. with this it was expected that affairs would be in worse confusion than before, and that the truth of events would be disguised and covered as those personages might choose, with the fraudulent statements made in the earlier accounts. the said visitor began his investigation, and for it demanded that the court notaries should immediately surrender to him the original documents of all the past disputes between the audiencia and archbishop, appeals [on the ground] of fuerza, and other causes; of these he furnished a list. then, in a few days, taking the declaration of the said fiscal of the king, the visitor brought charges against him, and commanded that he should go into banishment on the island of mariveles, and from that place should answer the charges. in the intervening time while his cause was being prepared, a chaplain said mass in his house; and the archbishop despatched a letter threatening to place him on the public list of the excommunicated, unless he first drew up and signed the same expressions of detestation that don pedro de bolivar had made, commanding that no priest should be allowed to say mass for him; and thus was repaid his good services to his illustrious lordship during the entire term of the governor don gabriel. at the beginning, don esteban resisted; but seeing that he had no human recourse, and that, when he demanded counsel from the visitor, that person gave him to understand that he must do it, he had to yield under compulsion, and do what was commanded him. another strong reason why he consented to do it was, that he might not go to his destination as an excommunicate; he went thither absolved, leaving the said act of detestation dated and signed, to the pleasure and satisfaction of the archbishop. so frequent were now the visits of the reverend verart, and so close was his intimacy with the visitor, that he did not leave the latter's house by day or even by night--so that it was soon rumored that the said father verart was the one who acted and took the management in the inquiries, investigations, and charges which were made in regard to those who were included therein by the worthy visitor. this has been made more certain by time, not only by information and occurrences which have come to our knowledge, but by seeing how ignorant and unlearned the said visitor was; and if verart did not draw up the allegations and other documents, many will doubt that the visitor could succeed in doing anything to advantage. we shall see how the whole affair will turn out, and how thoroughly investigated the truth as to affairs in these islands will go to the council. the governor, the archbishop, the visitor, and the dominicans [will figure] tied together by pairs, and fray raimundo verart as the leader [corifeo] of the dance. when the patache reached the port, and the auditors this city, various mails from his majesty were opened, and it was found that the remedy was worse than the disease itself; since the dominicans and the archbishop, like headlong furies, began a fierce tempest of vengeance against all those who were not of their faction and at their disposal, without heeding or fearing any one who might restrain them in whatever they might attempt. accordingly, they made the first attack, or rather continued the old persecution, against the fathers of the society (using a pretext, in order to close our church for a long time), the archbishop declaring that it had been profaned, meaning that in it was interred [the body of] don cristobal grimaldos--who, he said, had died an excommunicate by having incurred that penalty in the archbishop's banishment--although it was five years since he had died, and only now for the first time did his illustrious lordship begin to have scruples, which he could not lay aside. in order to conceal better his revengeful spirit against the society, he waited until the day of most publicity and greatest attendance [at our church], which was the day of our great patriarch st. ignatius; choosing this day, he waited until the hour of nine, when the church was full of people, including all the religious communities of this city, and only the arrival of the royal audiencia was awaited to begin high mass for the saint. for that time and hour, then, his illustrious lordship reserved his scruples; and, sending two notaries, they published and posted on the church door his edict, declaring the church of the society of jesus to be polluted--declaring under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ, that no faithful christian should attend divine worship in the said church. all the people, therefore, were obliged to go out, and the doors were locked for two months and two days, from july 31 to october 2; and, although doña manuela barrientos, formerly the wife of the said señor grimaldos, came out in our defense--proving not only by the confessors who assisted him, but by the testimony of other witnesses, that he had died with all the sacraments and with great contrition--nothing of this was sufficient to prevent the archbishop from pronouncing notices that he had died impenitent and excommunicate. he therefore commanded that the bones should be exhumed, for which purpose the provisor, juan gonzalez, went one afternoon, october 2, with other officials and some negroes with spades, and opened the tomb; but, finding many bones, and among them three skulls, they had to leave these in their place, as they could not distinguish which were those of the auditor grimaldos. on the following day the said provisor came to bless our church, and the gates were again opened, to the great joy and consolation of the people. at this time, when the archbishop was engaged in disinterring the bones of the said auditor grimaldos, the visitor--who had been declared investigating judge for special suits and commissions only--was going about in another direction, making his secret inquiries about past affairs. in everything he proceeded greatly in favor of the archbishop, governor, and dominicans, but with general complaints from all the witnesses, who said that the examiner had come not to ascertain the truth, but to confirm the fraudulent and malicious reports of the archbishop and the friars--for, as soon as they said anything against the latter, they were immediately checked, and what was set down in the document was moderated; but if it was anything in favor of them, the examiner heard it at much length, and employed his rhetoric to dilate upon it very extensively. he very soon gave orders that captain lerma (who took the place of armenta, the secretary of the audiencia, who was banished to pangasinan) and sargento-mayor juan sanchez (who was secretary of that court in the time of the controversies between the audiencia and the archbishop) should enter the fort as prisoners. every day his friendship and intercourse with the governor grew more and more intimate, so much so that not a night passed when he did not inform the governor of all that he had accomplished that day, praising himself for having gained control of everything [de hechar todo a su barda]. this was seen by what occurred in the country; and he took away life from whomever he chose, as easily as if he had been a governor. it being necessary for his investigation that auditor bolivar should come to this city, the examiner demanded that he be brought from cagayan, where he was at the time; and the latter while coming, in good health, upon entering the province of pangasinan from that of ylocos fell dead, from [drinking] one cup of chocolate, without obtaining the sacraments. this rumor of poisoning was so widely spread in all this region that the governor, notwithstanding all his efforts, could not stop the mouths of all; accordingly the worthy examiner was full of fear and dread lest they should do as much more to him, and did all that the governor, archbishop, and dominicans desired--if before with some concealment, from that day with entire publicity--calling the archbishop a saintly old man. the residencia of the ex-governor was published, and in the course of it and of other investigations (all which were proceeding at the same time) the goods of most of the prominent citizens of manila were seized and detained--some having incurred blame in certain charges of the residencia, and others because they had been commanded by the [former] royal audiencia and its governor and captain-general, under grave penalties in the decrees, to find and seize the dominican religious. consequently the people were in great perplexity, not knowing what was to be done; for it went ill with them if they obeyed the king, and still worse if they did not obey. they showed the [former] orders and decrees, but nothing availed them; consequently all went out after several days of imprisonment (in which time died sargento-mayor don juan gallardo), mulcted in amounts of three hundred, four hundred, and even five hundred pesos [each]. at the beginning of the month of october, the examiner took greatly to heart the establishment of peace between the dominican fathers and those of the society, in which negotiation the governor and the archbishop were active, since now the latter found no longer the means for annoying us. the affair was very diligently conducted, but always with the claim of advantages for the other side. the worthy man was quite deceived, having been told that the dominican fathers had only broken off their former intercourse with our church inasmuch as it had been polluted from the time when auditor grimaldos was interred in it; but this was a great lie, and quite notorious, since, a year before the said auditor died, since the controversy over the arms, [165] they had ceased intercourse [with us]. notwithstanding all this, they always directed their efforts to the end that the society should yield; and, the octave of the naval feast falling on the very day of st. francis de borgia, we had to delay until the octave the feast and sermon for the saint, and went in a body to the church. great rejoicing was displayed in the city; much artillery was fired; the [dominican] provincial marron preached; the archbishop, governor, and audiencia were present. all this was repeated on the day of the octave of st. francis borgia, when father cani preached; and from that day the dominican fathers and their archbishop have displayed, at least externally, their former friendliness. a little while afterward, on the day of st. peter [of] alcantara, [166] occurred the most fearful earthquake that ever, according to report, was known in these islands, the shocks being repeated at various times. the father rector went to the archbishop to ask his permission to offer the act of contrition, but he refused to allow it--saying that he had thought of something else that was better, which was, to carry the virgin of the rosary through the streets, all reciting the rosary aloud. moreover, in order to make peace with god and placate his just anger, he commanded one day that a general interdict be rung, publishing as excommunicated all those who had in any manner been concerned in the banishment of his illustrious lordship and the other dominican religious, and all the officers who had taken part in the blockade of the convent of santo domingo. afterward, having erected a scaffold or stage in the courtyard of his convent, he published the absolution--for which they went past him one by one to be absolved, without sword or hat. in this were ranked all the military and officials of manila--all solemnly swearing never again to take action or render obedience for such occasions, even though the king should command them to. all those who were absent were likewise absolved, don juan de vargas being excepted, nominatim. this function was ended by the promise that with this god would be placated, and the earth rendered quiet--although his divine majesty, for [the ends of] his lofty judgments, continued the incessant tremblings of the earth. it seems that with this the tragedies were ended, all [the culprits] absolved, and the earth blessed; but his illustrious lordship and the friars, recalling to mind the former preposterous attempt to change all the [members of the] cabildo and arrange it according to their own humor and taste, and seeing themselves masters of the field, without any one remaining who could resist them, undertook to put that scheme into execution, bringing against all the prebends such suits as they pleased. commencing with the dean, after a long imprisonment they passed sentence on him that he should be deprived of his dignity and should go to españa; and, being meanwhile suspended from office, he should remain in manila. then they put in his place, and made dean, the provisor juan gonzalez--a person of the qualifications that we all know. soon they attacked in the rear the good old archdeacon, doctor francisco deza, and brought against him a very infamous complaint, entirely unworthy of his exemplary life and gray hairs, in order to deprive him of his prebend. god chose, rather, to take him to himself; but on the day when he died they seized all his goods, and placed in the prebend the cura of quiapo, caraballo--a visayan by birth, and a notorious [167] mestizo. by way of courtesy, they passed then to the schoolmaster, don francisco gutierrez; and, not finding any worse fault than the report that he had spoken ill of his prelate, it was enough for their purpose. after a long imprisonment, his sentence was pronounced--the loss of his prebend, and perpetual seclusion in a religious order, which he might choose; accordingly, he entered the convent of san agustin. thus they had a position into which to thrust a student from santo tomas, named altamirano--of whom, when i say that he is a nephew of cervantes, there is nothing more to be added. another prebend, a racionero, named don jose de nava, they got into their clutches a little while ago--because it is known that he wrote to his majesty the excellent qualifications of those whom his illustrious lordship was placing in the cabildo, which are admirable and undoubted--and seized all his goods. they are keeping him in fetters, in a place where he does not even know whether it is day or night, without [allowing him to] communicate with a soul. that they might more effectually form the entire cabildo from their own faction, and to suit themselves, his illustrious lordship posted edicts regarding the two canonries, the doctoral and the magistral, saying that his majesty commands that these prebends shall be given by competition in this cathedral, as in the others. those who competed for them were the japanese naito, the little visayan caraballo, the mulatto rocha, and altamirano; and although doctor don jose de atienza entered the competition, and gave his competitive discourse in public, and preached on short notice to the admiration of his hearers, no one in the city doubts that he will not succeed in obtaining anything, as he is not of their faction and was graduated by the society. he felt so certain of this that he said so in his sermon. for they will strive to form the entire cabildo of their own men and from their following, so that, even if the archbishop dies, the dominican fathers will not cease to rule, which is the object at which they aim. thus far the canonries have not been conferred; it seems that they are waiting until the ship shall sail, so that they may send word [to españa that the matter remains] in doubt; but no one has any doubt that two will surely enter upon these prebends, and that atienza has no chance at all. that clique are proceeding, in regard to everything, in a reckless and very insolent manner, and without any caution, for there is no one who can resist them; and therefore they have rendered themselves formidable in this country, and the arbitrators of all matters. it is hoped that the storm will not be so severe now, with the entrance of the royal audiencia upon the government--on account of the very unexpected and sudden death of the governor, don gabriel de curuzelaegui, the abettor of all these doings. this occurred in the month of april last, and was caused by a retention of urine, which ended his life in three days. at that time, governor, archbishop, investigating judge, and dominicans were preparing a farrago of documents to mislead the council and to further their own reckless proceedings; they even notified the ex-governor, don juan de vargas, that he must go into exile to pangasinan, to which place he had banished the archbishop. he made an urgent plea for his absolution, in view of his majesty's decree which ordered the archbishop to absolve him, but the latter would not listen to it. on the day when they carried him into exile, he entered the house of the archbishop, and, ascending the stairs on his knees until he reached the prelate's feet, don juan begged him, with tears in his eyes, to absolve him; but the archbishop, with a heart like a tiger's, refused to hear him, and answered him only with harsh words. he told don juan that he must submit to the penance imposed, which required him to wear the sackcloth robe, the halter round his neck, the yellow breeches, etc., going through the churches, as he had been commanded to do; and that, if he did not consent to this, he must go to lingayen without absolution. thence he repaired to the royal audiencia, who issued a royal decree to the archbishop that he must absolve don juan; but immediately the governor and archbishop joined hands to avert this pressure, and drew up an iniquitous accusation against the auditors, containing many falsehoods and charges. among other things, they brought forward evidence that the auditors had illicit relations with doña isabel, the wife of don juan de vargas, and this by several witnesses. it may be imagined what sort of a country this is, and how much credit is due to the accusations that are made here--and to the witnesses in manila, who swear to anything that suits a governor. this done, the archbishop replied to the royal decree by challenging the auditors, for the causes which he proved against them. this answer was made a very short time before the governor's death; it was sent to him sealed, and afterward was found with the above accusation--which as some declared, was for the purpose of ruining this audiencia as he had destroyed the other. in this condition are affairs at present. father fray raimundo verart, the instigator of so many disturbances, is going there [i.e., to españa], summoned by his majesty. may it please god that now the misfortunes of this unhappy land may cease. information from filipinas and nueva españa with the arrival of the galleon from filipinas in this nueva españa has been unladen a raft [flota] of news, which other pens, less awkward than mine, will relate; i can only tell what i have known. in the year 1687 the examiner [pesquisidor]--as the chinese say, the fisherman [pescador]--don francisco campos y valdivia arrived at manila; according to the reports, it would seem that he went there to encourage anew and continue the malignant acts of the archbishop and the dominicans, and to pillage the wealth of that community and finally squeeze out of it the little blood that it has. he immediately joined hands with governor curuzealegui, the archbishop, and the dominicans; he selected as his adviser, director, and counselor the dominican fray raimundo verart, the source of so many disturbances; and--without heeding that his majesty, on account of the latter's turbulent disposition, had commanded that the said religious should proceed to the court [at madrid]--he immediately took possession of the said religious, who was with him at all hours of day and night, in his house. [he did so] in order that the religious should prepare for him the documents, acts, and inquiries for which he was commissioned, on account of the illiterate manner in which the fisherman usually drew them up. from this may be interred what documents he will carry to the court, with a hand so malicious and bold--but with the safety of the father confessor's broad shoulders, and the cunning tendencies of the chief, of vast piety. there are more than three hundred thousand pesos, in jewels and commodities, that he has carried away, well guarded; and he is full of confidence of new rewards. i do not doubt that the chief distributor will enjoy a very pleasant time, knowing that the jesuits remain humbled, trampled down, and without recourse--they, to whom on so many grounds he ought to show himself at least indifferent. he discharged his fury against the governor, don juan de vargas, and, without allowing him to defend himself--since hardly had don juan chosen a lawyer or notary when he awoke in exile--he banished him to a distant place, and among dominicans. and, to soften this humiliation, the archbishop denied him the absolution that he sought (going up to the prelate's house on his knees), without paying any attention to the strict injunction of his majesty, or urging the visitor to secure its fulfilment; and demanding an order to carry don juan to mexico, notwithstanding the securities [that he had given] for his residencia. he was left in the hands of the dominicans and the archbishop, in order that the latter might satiate himself more at leisure with don juan's sorrows. the visitor turned his attention to the auditors, whom he found already exiled by the governor; and, two of them having died a little while before, he sent for the auditor bolivar. it is reported that the governor, fearing this man, gave orders that they should put him to death on the route. [168] what is certain is, that as he finished drinking a cup of chocolate, he fell dead, and his finger-nails and lips made known the poison; and it is noted that in the following year, about the same time, the said governor died very suddenly, and in melancholy circumstances--according to rumor and letters, like a beast. the last of the officials, the fiscal alanis, the visitor brought with him to nueva españa, after having confiscated all his goods and inflicted on him a thousand annoyances--as also the dean, don miguel ortiz. with him came the dominican verart, in order that with his assistance the visitor might continue the management of his documents. about this time began the fury of the archbishop and the dominicans against the society. [the remains of] auditor grimaldos having reposed five years in the sepulcher of the college at manila, the archbishop was pricked by scruples on the day of st. ignatius; and, when the church was full, and the governor and the audiencia were expected for the fiesta, a notary came in, publishing the declaration that the church was polluted--that the auditor grimaldos had died impenitent, and that everyone should go out of the church, under penalty of excommunication. the church remained closed until the second day of october. on that day the provisor went and opened the sepulcher, and, seeing therein three corpses, among which he could not distinguish the one that he sought, he proceeded to bless what he called the "contaminated" church. the examiner [i.e., campos y valdivia], playing the rôle of a reconciler, obliged the fathers of the society to go to attend a feast-day of the dominicans, and the latter to be present at another in the society's house. afterward the archbishop arranged the cabildo to suit himself, without accepting or noticing the prebends who came appointed by his majesty, and replaced all of them from his own college of santo tomas; and among these were men most unworthy [of such posts], mestizos who were half negro. his principal object is, that if he should die the cabildo may appoint the bishop of troya as ruler [of the diocese], in order that the disturbances may not cease; and very strung recommendations are going for the court, to appoint in that church the said bishop of troya, in order that he may more vigorously continue the disputes and lawsuits, which do not cease. meanwhile, at court let not efforts cease to persuade that this religious order is not suited for sees [mitras] so remote--as the father confessor sets forth, and that boldly. in every dominican there is a bishop, a governor, and an absolute monarch; nor will he acknowledge himself to be a vassal--as is shown by a fiscal reply that comes from filipinas and will go to the court, in the terms of which is recognized the intention of that prelate [i.e., barrientos]. in the course of the investigation the visitor did not spare the [belongings required by] decency for the governor's wife, doña isabel de ardila, taking away from her at public auction even the bed and the jewels that she used, and from her husband even the sword that he carried at his belt. the annoyances inflicted upon the citizens are innumerable; and in order that the jewels and other valuables which he obtained from the seizures of goods should not be sold at a low price, at auctions, he caused them to be knocked down to himself, but in the names of other persons, and he is becoming, therefore, enormously wealthy. nor was the archbishop idle at this time. he proceeded to give rules to the new audiencia as to the manner in which it was to conduct itself, declaring that recourse to it in cases of fuerza and banishment was faulty; and a little later, when urged to absolve governor vargas, he replied that he challenged the new auditors for cause, since he considered them all to be in love with the governor's wife. consequently, it would be necessary that another audiencia should come, or that, to check lawsuits, they delegate the authority to him--which they refused, since the ecclesiastics are vassals. in this so tangled web of mischiefs occasioned by his cause, died very suddenly governor don gabriel de curuzaelegui; so many pecuniary obligations of his were made public that they seem incredible, even to those who do not know the opportunities for profit of that governmental post. he left the administration of his estate to the man who had been the mainstay of his government, don tomas de andaya--a native of andaya in france, [169] however much he has tried to persuade people that he was born in viscaya. on december 19, 1689, the ship "santo niño" cast anchor in acapulco, and in it came the dean of manila, don miguel ortiz de cobarrubias; the fiscal, don lorenzo de alanis; the dominican father fray raimundo verart; and the examiner, don francisco campos y valdivia. the last-named was detained in the said port, continuing some investigations with which he was charged--especially that concerning the registration [of the galleon's cargo] for the year 1684; and in regard to the seizure in the same year of the property of governor don juan de vargas, in which he supposed there had been some formal act of the royal officials, with information from the viceroy, marques de la laguna--investigations all upon uncertain matters, little praised by his subordinates, or acceptable to them. on occasion of receiving a declaration, the examiner compelled general antonio de aztina to surrender his authority, at the same time appointing, de plenitudine potestatis [i.e., "in the fulness of his power"], as commander captain oriosola--who enjoyed this new favor no long time; for the viceroy, conde de galvez, being informed of this, immediately gave the appointment of commander to don juan de garaicochea. on the fourteenth of january, 1690, his investigations being concluded, the examiner left acapulco, and sent ahead by the fast carriers as many as twenty loads of his own equipage, with a servant, and verbal orders that the guards should give them free passage. information of this exemption reached the custom-house of this city, and its special judge, don juan jose de ciga y linage, stationed officers on the route for safety. the examiner set out, by easy stages, because he was conveying a woman who had lately become a mother--one of his two maidservants, with whom he traveled, whom he had secretly married while in the bay, a little before landing at vera cruz; and the said lady died, a few days after leaving acapulco, and was buried in the town of cuernavaca. the said freight and equipage arrived at mexico, and, notwithstanding the orders of the examiner, the following articles were unloaded in the custom-house: twenty-one chests, four boxes, two escritoires, three boxes, one screen, four china jars [tibores], [170] one trunk of clothes, and four civet-cats. permission was given that the animals be sent to the house of don geronimo de chacon, to whom the above goods came directed; but the rest was kept [at the custom-house], the packages being opened, and a list of the goods being made. the said examiner being asked for a load that had gone astray on the journey, he replied, desiring to shield himself and another person, that it did not belong to him, and he knew nothing about it. the cause of this search was, it seems, that secret warning had been given [to the customs officers] of perfumes, fine stuffs, and other goods improper for [the possession of] an examiner. on the fifteenth of february, 1690, after various protests and threatening statements that the said boxes contained only his clothing, and especially that three contained only the private papers and documents of his visitation and commission, as he resisted surrendering the keys the locks were broken of the said three boxes; and in them was found not one paper. the contents of these, as in the boxes above mentioned, were as follows: three ornamental boxes and two writing-desks of lacquered wood, perfume-caskets, trays, combs, fans, porcelain cups, and curious articles of japanned ware. besides these, there were forty cases of fans; item, eighty-six bundles of untwisted silk, and several libras more of spun silk; item, two hundred and seventy-five pieces of stuffs--satin, lampotes, ribbed silk, chinese silk, velvets, and other wares from canton; item, one hundred and fifty-eight onzas of musk; item, three hundred and forty-four pairs of silk hose. they are sure that he is bringing many more packets in the names of commander aztina and captain oriosola, the source of these being the fines--which, they say, he regulated more by the wealth than by the faults of the citizens of manila, levying the fines in merchandise at low prices, by a third hand, that of the said commander. it is currently reported that the bales which he is bringing on his own account, under the names of other persons, exceed one hundred and fifty in number. it is certain that in the custom-house were opened two lots of goods [shipped] in the name of the said commander--one of forty bales of various commodities, and another of thirty bales of canton silk stuffs, both without invoices; also packets, which show little care and arrangement. this almost entirely confirms the suspicions entertained, all the more as it is well known that the said commander has no wealth, and even hardly enough to eat. but as the merchants of china are here--who have come, like many of the citizens of mejico, frightened by the extortions imposed in manila--it is difficult to declare the [contents of the] said packets while the examiner remains in these kingdoms. bibliographical data the sources of the documents in the present volume are thus indicated: 1. dampier in the philippines.--this document is here concluded from vol. xxxviii, q.v. 2. petition for missionaries.--a printed pamphlet in the british museum, found in a volume of mss. and pamphlets, of which this constitutes fol. 710-711; pressmark, "13,992; plut. cxci.d." 3. events in filipinas.--from ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732. 4. the pardo controversy.--the matter in this document is obtained from retana's archivo, i, no. iv; ventura del arco mss., iii, pp. 29-56, 523-571, 621-624, 695-726; and salazar's hist. sant. rosario, pp. 490-513. 5. visitation by valdivia.--from ventura del arco mss., iii, pp. 589-596, 641-673. notes [1] the mindanayans are the mindanaos or maguindanaos, the hilanoones are the ilanos; the sologues cannot well be identified. "alfoores" is a corruption of the portuguese "alforas," which is derived from the arabic "al" and the preposition "fora" without. the term was applied by the portuguese to all natives beyond their authority, and hence to the wild tribes of the interior. see crawfurd's dictionary, p. 10. [2] apparently referring, if one may trust to dampier's points of compass, to the region about dapitan, as the indians of that quarter were among the first subdued by the spaniards in mindanao. [3] the tagálog word for "banana" is "saguing," which is thus almost identical with the mindanaon term as reported phonetically by dampier. [4] cf. dyak pangan ("kinsman, comrade, or fellow"), also panggal ("pillow"), and panggan ("bedstead"); see ling roth's natives of sarawak, ii, p. xxvii. see porter's primer and vocabulary of moro dialect (washington, 1903) p. 65, where the moro phrase for "sweetheart" is given as babay ("woman") a magan pangaluman. [5] corralat had two sons, tiroley and uadin, but they died young (see retana's edition of combés's hist. mindanao, col. 738, 739). the "sultan" mentioned by dampier is probably the curay who in 1701 fought a sort of duel with the sultan of joló, in which both were killed. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, viii, pp. 301, 302.) [6] apparently referring to the weapon known as kris, which dampier would liken to a bayonet. [7] sarangani and balut islands; the large bay beyond is sarangani. [8] the meangis islands are a group in the malaysian archipelago, in about latitude 5° north, ninety miles southeast of mindanao. the chief island is nanusa. [9] the lizard point, the southernmost point of england, located in cornwall. [10] this native was taken to england finally by dampier, he having obtained a half-interest in him, and was there exhibited. he died at oxford. see dampier's voyage, pp. 511, 513-517. [11] dampier describes the acapulco ships and their route as follows (chapter ix): "the ships that trade hither are only three, two that constantly go once a year between this [i.e., acapulco] and manila and luconia, one of the philippine islands, and one ship more every year to and from lima. this from lima commonly arrives a little before christmas; she brings them quick-silver, cacao, and pieces of eight. here she stays till the manila ships arrive, and then takes in a cargo of spices, silks, callicoes, and muslins, and other east-india commodities, for the use of peru, and then returns to lima. this is but a small vessel of 20 guns, but the two manila ships are each said to be above 1000 tun. these make their voyages alternately, so that one or other of them is always at the manila's. when either of them sets out from acapulco, it is at the latter end of march, or the beginning of april; she always touches to refresh at guam, one of the ladrone islands, in about 60 days space after she sets out. there she stays but two or three days, and then prosecutes her voyage to manila, where she commonly arrives some time in june. by that time the other is ready to sail from thence, laden with east-india commodities. she stretcheth away to the north as far as 36, or sometimes into 40 degrees of north lat. before she gets a wind to stand over to the american shoar. she falls in first with the coast of california, and then coasts along the shoar to the south again, and never misses a wind to bring her away from thence quite to acapulco. when she gets the length of cape st. lucas, which is the southernmost point of california, she stretcheth over to cape corientes, which is in about the 20th degree of north lat. from thence she coasts along till she comes to sallagua, and there she sets ashoar passengers that are bound to the city of mexico. from thence she makes her best way, coasting still along shoar, till she arrives at acapulco, which is commonly about christmas, never more than 8 or 10 days before or after. upon the return of this ship to manila, the other which stayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to acapulco. sir john narborough therefore was imposed on by the spaniards, who told him that there were 8 sail, or more, that used this trade." [12] the galapagos (or "islands of the tortoise") belong to the government of ecuador, and are located seven hundred and thirty miles west of that country in the pacific. they consist of six principal and seven smaller islands. the largest is albemarle. they are all volcanic. of them dampier says (chapter v): "the gallapagos islands are a great number of uninhabited islands, lying under, and on both sides of the equator. the eastermost of them are about 110 leagues from the main. they are laid down in the longitude of 181, reaching to the westward as far as 176, therefore their longitude from england westward is about 68 degrees. but i believe our hydrographers do not place them far enough to the westward. the spaniards who first discovered them, and in whose draught alone they are laid down, report them to be a great number, stretching north-west from the line, as far as 5 degrees n. but we saw not above 14 or 15. they are some of them 7 or 8 leagues long and 3 or 4 broad. they are of a good heighth, most of them flat or even on the top; 4 or 5 of the eastermost are rocky, barren and hilly, producing neither tree, herb, nor grass, but a few dildo-trees, except by the sea side." [13] captain davis was one of the privateers with whom dampier had sailed the spanish main. when captains davis and swan parted company at realejo, dampier went with the latter in order to become acquainted with the northern part of mexico, in whose waters captain swan designed to sail. [14] the town of realejo or realexo, a seaport town of nicaragua situated on realejo bay of the pacific ocean, and twenty miles from the city of león, whose seaport it is. [15] the town of copiapó or porto copiapó, a small seaport of chili, in the province of atacama, on copiapó bay. [16] captain harris was commander of one of the privateer ships sailing in spanish-american waters. when captains swan and davis parted company he accompanied the latter. see dampier's voyage, p. 224. [17] pigafetta in his relation of the first circumnavigation (vol. xxxiv, p. 86) notes the word used by the inhabitants of the moluccas for "one and the same thing" as "siama siama." [18] a ship captain whom dampier (see chapter xviii) met at achin on the island of sumatra. dampier and two of his companions started for nicobar with him, but rough weather forced them to abandon the voyage. he importuned dampier to make a voyage with him to persia, but the latter declined, preferring to go to tonquin with captain welden. [19] captain philip carteret, commander of the royal british sloop "swallow," in his account of his circumnavigation (1766-69) devotes his eighth chapter to "some account of the coast of mindanao, and the islands near it, in which several mistakes of dampier are corrected." see this account in collection of voyages (printed for richard phillips, london, 1809), iii, pp. 352-361. [20] referring to the basilan group, ten miles from the mindanao coast; the largest island is basilan, which has an area of four hundred and seventy-eight square miles, and there are forty-four dependent islands (fifty-seven, according to u. s. gazetteer). (see census of philippines, i, p. 283.) [21] probably the small island of guimaras, which lies between negros and panay, and which is approximately as described by dampier. sebo is, of course, cebú; but dampier evidently means negros island. the bay was igan. [22] dampier here describes the bejuco, or rattan. [23] the name mindoro is by some writers derived from mina de oro, as it was supposed to be rich in gold. in the document showing that the spaniards took formal possession of it (for reference to which see our vol. iii, p. 105, note 32), it is called luzon le menor ("luzón the less;" cf. p. 74). "this island was formerly called mainit, and the spaniards gave it the name of mindoro, on account of a village called minolo, which lay between puerto de galeras and the harbor of ylog." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, viii, p. 8.) [24] from 1603 the english, as well as the dutch, had a factory at bantam for the purchase of pepper, which they maintained for eighty years. in 1683 the dutch sent a considerable force from batavia and expelled the english from bantam; the latter, after being baffled at achin, made a settlement at bencoolen (1685), where they built fort york. this site proved insalubrious, and in 1714 its successor, fort marlborough, was erected, away from the river. in 1824, bencoolen and the factories dependent on it were given over to the dutch, in exchange for malacca and some factories in india. (crawfurd's dict. ind. islands, p. 48). sellebar was a village not far east from bencoolen. [25] the bashee or bachi islands form the northern cluster of the northern group of islands, called batanes, which lie north of luzón. they are the most northern of all the american possessions in the orient, and are separated from formosa by the strait of bachi. the islands composing the cluster are mabudis, misanga, siayan, tanan, and y'ami (all inhabited), the last being the most northern. the batanes are composed in all of ten named islands and forty unnamed islets and rocks, the southern cluster including bachi rocks; batán, the central and most important island of the group; déquez; diamis rocks; diego; ibayat (or isbayat), the largest of these islands; ibugos; north; and sabtán. the name of bachi is sometimes extended to the entire group, and it is probable that dampier's five islands, or at least some of them, were among the southern cluster; for déquez island is also called goat; ibayat, orange; and ibugos, bachi. the group is separated on the south from the babuyanes by the balingtán channel. the larger islands bear indications of a late volcanic origin; the smaller islands are generally low, and rest upon foundations of coral. in this group are a number of good harbors; but communication between the islands is difficult because of the strong currents in the channels and the scarcity of anchorages. the exports of the islands consist of lard, cocoanut oil, hogs, horses, goats, and some valuable woods. the soil is fertile, especially of batán, and many vegetables are produced. some of the products of the united states can be successfully raised. the chief industry is the raising of cattle, hogs, goats, and horses, the last being of superior quality and in demand. a catechism of the dialect spoken in the batanes was published by a friar in 1834, an examination of which has led dr. pardo de tavera to the conclusion that the aboriginal tongue differed considerably from the other filipino dialects, as it contains the sound "tsch" and a nasal sound like the french "en." it is probable, however, that the present population of the batanes, as well as of the babuyanes, is composed very largely of ibánag from the cagayán valley (luzón), introduced there as colonists by the dominican friars. this population is christian. the earlier population must have borne considerable resemblance to the natives of formosa. see gazetteer of philippine islands, and census of the philippines, i, pp. 264, 448. [26] pillau or pilau, a turkish dish consisting of boiled rice and mutton fat. [27] an anchor carried at the bow of a ship. [28] the babuyanes islands. salazar relates (hist. sant. rosario, pp. 361-369) in detail a raid made by an english pirate (august, 1685) on the islands of babuyanes, bari, and camiguin, then in charge of dominican missionaries. they plundered the village of babuyanes and its church; and this raid caused the deaths of two of the missionaries there. [29] so in the text; probably a typographical error, since villalba did not leave the philippines until 1683, and remained in nueva españa until at least 1686 (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 79-80). it is probable that this document was written at least as late as 1687, for confirmation of which see villalba's own statement, post, that the mission band for which he was asking would go about eleven or twelve years after the last concession of this sort had been made; the mission before this one had reached manila in august, 1679. [30] in the dominican mission of 1671 came thirty-five religious (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 101-194). [31] the mission which came to the islands in 1694 contained forty-three religious, besides four others who remained in nueva españa. (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 363-457.) [32] spanish, gentilhombre: an obsolete word, meaning a person sent to the king with important despatches (velázquez's dictionary, appleton's ed.). [33] jacinto garcia was born in castellar, november 6, 1654, and at the age of twenty-one entered the jesuit order. four years later he joined the philippine mission, he was procurator of the manila college for three years, and superior in marinduque for the same time. he died at manila, may 1, 1710. (murillo velarde, fol. 397 b.) [34] fiancisco salgado was born in galacia, april 2, 1629, and at the age of nineteen became a jesuit novice. in 1662 he went to the philippines. he spent several years as a teacher, and afterwards as vice-rector, in the college of st. joseph, and later was rector of silang. he went to europe (about 1674?) as procurator for his order, and returned in 1679 with a band of missionaries; later, he was rector of the manila college, and provincial (1683). his death occurred at manila, july 14, 1689. (murillo velarde, fol. 357.) [35] luis pimentel was born in portillo, on may 30, 1612. in 1632 he entered the jesuit order, and eleven years later joined the philippine mission. he was a teacher in the college at manila for two years, and afterward was at the head of various jesuit residences. he was sent to europe as procurator (about 1656?), and came back in 1666 with a band of missionaries; and afterward was three times rector of st. joseph college, and three times provincial (1670, 1675, 1687). he died at san miguel on july 5, 1689. (murillo velarde, fol. 356 b.) [36] on account of a ranch which the college of san ignacio at manila possesses in the land of meybonga, not far from the said city--its name being jesus de la peña, or mariquina--the society began to administer the sacraments, establishing the mission village of mariquina, or jesus de la peña, by authority from don fray pedro de arce, bishop of zebù and apostolic ruler of the archbishopric of manila, on april 16, 1630; this was confirmed by the vice-patron, don juan niño de tabora, governor of these islands, on april 22, 1630. the said village was cared for by the minister stationed in santa cruz, or by a father sent by the rector of the college of manila, who was the director of the said village; for this no stipend was asked from his majesty, because the minister was not permanently established there, and therefore the said college maintained him, without suspending, for lack of a stipend, the ministry in the said village. in the year 1675, the society was confirmed in this administration by a royal decree, dated july 26, on account of the society's right to the said parish having been disputed by the religious of st. augustine, from november, 1669. in 1681, the number of parishioners having increased, it was judged necessary to station a permanent minister there, for the better administration of the sacraments, and to build a house and a larger church; and, as it was thus necessary to incur larger expenses, the society asked, in 1685, that to this minister be given the stipend which his majesty assigns to the parish priests, in accordance with the number of tributes. the fiscal of his majesty replied that in view of what the society was accomplishing there, a suitable stipend should be given. in the year 1686, the religious of st. augustine claimed that that indian village belonged to them, as an annex to the ministry of pasig. the archbishop issued an act, on october 11, 1686, in which, while admitting as valid the sacraments administered by the society, he took from all its religious permission to minister in jesus de la peña; and on march 10, 1687, he declared that the lawful parish priest of the mission of jesus de la peña was the prior of pasig, a religious of st. augustine. in this spoliation concurred also, through complaisance, the governor don gabriel curuzelaegui, who on march 23 of the said year decreed that don juan pimentel, alcalde of tondo, should begin proceedings against the society in the mission of jesus de la peña, as the king commanded; and that he should assist the provisor in tearing down our church--which he did, commanding the indians to demolish that temple. "what obedience! the monster of the indias, an unnatural birth of remoteness, of power, and of prejudice." (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 345 b.) [37] antonio mateo xaramillo was born at zafra february 23, 1648, and became a jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. he was sent to the marianas islands in 1678, and spent sixteen years in missionary labors. while rector at manila he was sent to spain as procurator; and he died at ocaña, on december 30, 1707. (sommervogel, bibliothèque comp. jésus, viii, col. 1321.) [38] the english pirate here alluded to was probably the ship on which dampier voyaged to the philippines, as that vessel was, at the time here mentioned, cruising off the coast of luzón (see his own account of this, ante, p. 91). the name of captain swan's vessel in which dampier sailed was the "cygnet." that ship separated from captain davis in the "batchelor's delight" in realejo harbor, august 27, 1685. see lionel wafer's voyage and description of isthmus of america (london, 1699), p. 189. [39] "soon after the beginning of the spiritual conquest of tagalos, the society undertook the administration of cainta, a village close to mariquina. because the rectitude of its minister, father miguel pareja, restrained some indian chiefs, so that they should not use for themselves the property of the community, to the injury of the rest, they, seeing the excellent opportunity afforded to them by the ecclesiastical tribunal, endeavored to avail themselves of it, instigated by one who should, on account of his character and his obligations, have restrained them. they are an insolent people, and a seditious person (who is never lacking) can easily disturb the minds of the crowd. they hastened to complain to the archbishop of his ministers, and he, without hearing the society, despoiled it of that administration, on march 16, 1688, and bestowed it on the religious of st. augustine. the archbishop demanded aid from the governor in order to arrest father diego de ayala and father pedro cano, on complaints either frivolous or false, without having made any specific charges against them, or notifying their superiors." (murillo velarde, fol. 345.) "from the first conquest cainta was a visita of taytay, the ministry of both villages being the very same, until, its population increasing--indians, and creoles or morenos (thus they designate the black negroes [negros atezados])--it seemed expedient to give cainta its own minister." (murillo velarde, fol. 406b.) [40] antonio de borja was born at valencia in 1644, and at the age of twenty-seven went to the philippine missions. he acted as rector of various jesuit colleges, and died at manila on january 27, 1711. (sommervogel.) he is only mentioned incidentally by murillo velarde (fol. 383), as being an envoy to the kings of mindanao and joló. [41] "an altar raised in churches on holy thursday to resemble a sepulchre" (velázquez). [42] pedro de oriol was born at urgel in cataluña, august 15, 1639; at the age of nineteen he entered the jesuit novitiate, and in 1663 joined the philippine mission. "he was two years rector of bohol, three of zebu, and two of yloylo; seven years vice-provincial, and twice filled that office for pintados; was two years rector of cavite, and one year vice-rector of the college of manila, where also he was minister; and, being chosen provincial, would not accept that office." he died september 27, 1705. (murillo velarde, fol. 389 b-393.) [43] pedro cano was born in the archbishopric of toledo, on february 22, 1649. in 1670 he entered the jesuit order at sevilla, in order to join the province of filipinas, where he arrived in the following year. he was procurator of the college, and of the province. being appointed procurator for madrid and rome, he died while on the voyage thither, near acapulco, december 18. 1692. (murillo velarde, fol. 369.) [44] on september 28, 1687 (diaz, p. 788). [45] this man held the office of sargento-mayor, and had been (before 1683) alcalde-mayor of cagayán. [46] in 1687 "there was an increase in the calamities of the country, which suffered great scarcity of provisions on account of the grain-fields having been ruined by the heavy and constant rains which fell--which injured the salt springs even more, so that a half-fanega of salt, which usually is worth two or three reals, reached the price of twelve pesos. in la estacada there was a great conflagration on good friday, in the night, which destroyed many houses. in the following year the scarcity of food was increased by a plague of locusts, which swept away all [vegetation]; and a caban of rice came to be worth twenty and twenty-four reals. but what caused the most suffering was the havoc made by the catarrh, in the year 1687-88; it was a sort of epidemic sickness, which killed many persons, especially children and the aged; and so many were sick that they could hardly cultivate the fields, or do other things necessary for human life." (murillo velarde, fol. 345 b, 346.) [47] spanish patacones; "a silver coin weighing one onza, and current in batavia, brazil, and turkey." (dominguez). [48] these seem to be memoranda intended by the writer of this document to be expanded and written out in detail. [49] diaz says (p. 752) that the alcalde-mayor of ilocos was a personal friend of the cura marañón; and that banguet had remained vacant so long because it was a very poor living, and had an unwholesome climate. arqueros de robles was probably a son of the lorenzo arqueros so noted in the native insurrections of 1660-61. [50] in the ventura del arco mss. (iii, pp. 29, 30) this name appears as benguet; and in diaz's conquistas (p. 752) as banguet and banget. the modern form is bangued. [51] this was at first nueva segovia (in cagayán), which has always given name to the diocese; the episcopal seat was removed (before pardo's time) to lal-lo, not far from nueva segovia, and later to vigan, which is still the capital of that diocese. [52] thus in retana's print, and in the copy of this document in ventura del arco mss.; it apparently indicates an omission in the original print. the hiatus is supplied by diaz (p. 752), who says that pardo informed the auditors, unofficially, that the decree of the audiencia sent to arqueros ought to have been addressed to himself, as being the ruler of the vacant see of nueva segovia. he also states that pardo ordered arqueros (who had come to manila to consult him) to set out within a week for ilocos and finish up his business there; but the latter could not obey this order in so short a time. [53] alonzo sandin, procurator-general for the dominicans, wrote a long reply to sanchez's account of the controversy between the audiencia and archbishop pardo; therein he cites the latter's reply, here alluded to, which makes clear this last sentence. pardo asks the audiencia to cease giving his clerics the aid of the royal court, since otherwise he cannot properly control them, or maintain the episcopal authority in due force. [54] the dean then was miguel ortiz de covarrubias; the archdeacon, licentiate francisco deza. [55] diaz states (pp. 754, 755) that the cabildo were angry with the archbishop because he had separated from the curacy of santiago (then held by gregorio diaz de isla) the spaniards who lived in tondo, binondo, santa cruz, and other places so far away that the cura could not properly fulfil his duties toward them, especially to the dying. the archbishop acted thus, however, with the approval of the governor and other officials. [56] raimundo berart was a catalan, and came from the dominican convent at barcelona. he was teaching law in the university of lerida when he resolved to enter the philippine mission; he arrived in 1679, when twenty-eight years old. he was vice-rector (1684-86) and rector (1686-89) of santo tomás; in 1689, it appears that he went to spain, and in 1696 was in mexico. later, he was probably procurator of the philippine province in europe; and he died in atocha, spain, on april 13, 1713. see sketch of his career in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 195-206, where are copied several documents relating to him. [57] several of pardo's decrees were dated "from our palace of san gabriel" (the name of the hospital). [58] a petition to this effect from the cabildo to the archbishop, dated april 10, 1681, is reproduced in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 196-198, followed by pardo's "pastoral letter" in reply. the editor claims that juan gonzalez (afterward provisor of the see) signed the petition under compulsion. [59] diaz states (p. 755) that the archbishop replied that he would send verart to spain as his attorney, which would be sufficient to remove him from manila; he informed the audiencia that verart had not only rendered him great service, but had reformed many abuses in the ecclesiastical courts. the dominican provincial said that the audiencia must show cause for verart's removal, or he could do nothing; for verart had been assigned to the post of associate to the archbishop. [60] these men came in 1681. the last named, fuente y alanis, came as fiscal of the audiencia. [61] diaz states (pp. 752, 753) that marañón came to manila (but without permission to do so), a few days after arqueros, to complain of the latter to the archbishop. the latter demanded an account of arqueros's proceedings in the case; arqueros presented documents which proved, by the complaints of many indians, that marañón deserved punishment. the archbishop therefore sustained arqueros, and ordered marañón's arrest. [62] according to diaz (p. 756), pardo answered that he had reserved marañón's case as being the metropolitan, and because the cura's offenses had been committed in the territory of the archbishopric; moreover, that the parties in this case had accepted his jurisdiction. finally, "to avoid controversies he offered to surrender to the bishop-elect the person of licentiate diego espinosa marañón--which the bishop did not accept; but afterward, without telling the archbishop, he sent marañón to his curacy of vigan, removing him from his prison-bounds of the city [of manila]." [63] diaz says (p. 757) that pardo informed the audiencia that he had not punished herrera for these reasons, but because the latter, in his quarrel with archbishop lópez, had treated that prelate with insolence and even posted him as excommunicate (diaz, p. 705); and when afterward he had been treated with great kindness by pardo, he had conspired with the cabildo against him. [64] i.e., requiring a previous judicial decision before the final sentence (velázquez's dictionary, appleton's ed., 1901). [65] adjuntos: "a body of judges commissioned or appointed jointly to try a cause" (velázquez). pardo claimed that the cabildo of manila was not an exempted one (i.e., from submission to the ordinary), and therefore its members did not enjoy the privilege of the adjunct judges (diaz, p. 757). [66] "and these two suits, of the bishop and the cantor, were the ones which influenced the auditors to [decide upon] his banishment, which was decreed on the first of october [1682]." (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 342 b.) [67] there is an apparent omission here, as the decree previously cited referred to the priority of san josé college over that of santo tomás; the reference here would seem to indicate another decree, in regard to privileges and exemptions allowed to the jesuits in regard to trading. [68] salazar states (hist. sant. rosario, p. 235) that this action was taken because "certain persons were greatly devoted to trading, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, and especially of the recent constitution of clement ix--the said enactment giving the ordinary full authority to proceed against the transgressors, seize their goods and property, and apply these to hospitals and other pious purposes." accordingly, archbishop pardo instituted a secret investigation, conducted by his notary, who threatened major excommunication (by a decree affixed to the ship's mast) for any person who refused to tell what he might know about the aforesaid trading. abundant proof was found, and the goods were seized. it is said that there were one hundred and fifty bales belonging to the jesuits. [69] probably in view of the arguments adduced by concepción (hist. de philipinas, viii, pp. 41-43), showing that the decree of clement ix forbade trade to all ecclesiastics, but did not authorize the ordinary to inflict penalties therefor on the members of the religious orders, that being reserved to their own superiors--the ordinary, in such cases, being empowered only to apply the confiscated goods for pious purposes. [70] murillo velarde and concepción give this name as pizarraldi; and diaz makes it lizarraldi. [71] in the dominican chapter-session of 1673, it was enacted that no religious of that order should become executor of a deceased person's estate, or undertake the charge of his last will. this was to prevent risk of accusations against the friars, so general was the dishonest administration of executorships in manila--so much so that it occasioned no surprise in the minds of the people, although all complained of the grievances thus caused. "there are few fortunes which have not some executorship as the foundation." see salazar's hist. sant. rosario (manila, 1742), p. 43. [72] it had begun in 1672, in the time of archbishop lópez, under whom judgment was rendered in favor of sarmiento; but lópez's death in 1674 prevented the execution of the sentence. various delays ensued, and cordero died, being succeeded by ortega as executor. (salazar, hist. sant. rosario, p. 236.) [73] also written carballo, carvallo, and caballero. [74] spanish dote, usually meaning "dowry;" but as the ecclesiastic cordero was the legatee of doña maria de roa (montero y vidal, i, p. 368), the word evidently means the bequest to him, perhaps for the pious purposes mentioned later in this document. [75] see concepción's account of this affair (hist. de philipinas, viii, pp. 45-50), in considerable detail; he states that he presents it thus in order to vindicate the course of the audiencia, and that pardo in some of his acts exceeded his jurisdiction. [76] diaz was a priest, and secretary of the archbishopric. [77] see accounts of this affair in diaz's conquistas, pp. 758, 759; murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 342 b, 343; concepción, cited supra; salazar's hist. sant. rosario, pp. 236, 237. [78] a mestizo, who, to escape the punishment that awaited him, was denounced (at his own instance) to the archbishop as a bigamist, so that the latter might claim the case within his own jurisdiction, and the prisoner thus escape civil penalties. [79] diaz says (conquistas, p. 760): "where the letter of requisition says, 'for doing otherwise, you will be excommunicated,' the audiencia desired it to say, 'your grace will be excommunicated.'" salazar says (p. 237) that the castellan felt insulted at this, as only the governor and the audiencia had the right to use such terms to him. [80] diaz relates this affair in detail (p. 761), and says that the soldiers broke open the windows and doors of the hospital (where the archbishop then was) to obtain entrance; also that the decree of banishment gave the alternative of the babuyanes islands, or cagayán, or pangasinán as his place of exile. diaz cites (p. 762), this sentence in sanchez's account, as proof that the latter could not have written it, since he took part in the arrest of pardo. [81] according to diaz (p. 762), the governor had given money for the expenses of this voyage, but on reaching mariveles no provisions of any sort could be found; and the archbishop would have had no food if a dominican friar who happened to be there had not quickly gone back to manila to procure supplies for the prelate, and returned at midnight with them to mariveles. diaz says that this friar was not allowed even then to go aboard the vessel in which pardo had embarked, or to exchange any word with him. [82] spanish, vsasse de su derecho--literally, "exercise its right," i.e., to govern the vacant see. [83] diaz calls this (p. 764) "the principal fiesta of the dominicans" in manila. santa cruz (hist. sant. rosario, p. 106) says that every year, when the eight days' fiesta in honor of the virgin of the rosary is celebrated in their convent, the eighth day is devoted to thanksgiving to mary for the victories won by the spaniards over the dutch in 1646 (see our vol. xxxv), which were attributed by the people to her miraculous aid. that fiesta of eight days was apparently instituted in 1637, to celebrate the dissolution of collado's new congregation in filipinas (see santa cruz, ut supra, p. 4; and our vol. xxix, pp. 25-27). [84] "the bishop of troya, knowing well that the true spiritual jurisdiction resided in himself by the appointment of the archbishop, sent a dominican religious to the convents to inform on his part their superiors that he gave, to those confessors whom the said superiors should choose, his own authority and right, so that they could absolve those persons who by command or compulsion had taken part in the arrest of the archbishop from the excommunication which they might have thus incurred--excepting the principal offenders--until he should be restored to liberty and they should perform public penance and give juratory security, as is ordained by the sacred canons." (diaz, conquistas, p. 764.) [85] the interdict was not only an ecclesiastical censure, but a penalty, entailing usually privation of certain sacraments (save in cases of strict necessity), of all the divine offices, and of church burial. all solemnities and public festivals were suspended, except on the five great feasts of christmas, easter, pentecost, the assumption of our lady, and corpus christi. the churches remained closed, the crucifix and statues veiled, the bells and organ mute. this penalty might be general, over the whole city, kingdom, or country; or merely particular, indicted on a named corporation, see, church, or the like; again, it might be either local or personal as to its effects. it might be imposed not only by a pope, but by any competent church prelate, even by a bishop; and could apply to any secular or ecclesiastical ruler (except of course the pope), to a university or college, or to any body of clergy, regular or secular. the earliest mention of a church interdict apparently is ferraris's allusion to one in the fourth century, of which, however, no details are available. in frankish chronicles, interdicts date from the sixth century, the first of these being at rouen, in 588; bishop prætextatus having been murdered, by order of queen fredegonda, while officiating in his own church, the senior suffragan of that province, leudovald of bayeux, after consultation with his fellow-bishops, laid all the churches of rouen under interdict until the assassin of the bishop should be discovered. but prior to the eleventh century general interdicts are but rarely mentioned in church history. it does not appear that there was any ritual for either general or particular interdicts, apart from the usually concomitant sentence of excommunication--which in former ages itself entailed also interdict on the persons or places named in the decree of penalty. the interdict was usually laid under conditions that amendment, reparation, or restitution should atone for the wrong done, at which the interdict would be lifted. according to present church law, bishops are empowered, as delegates of the holy see, to put under interdict particular churches, and the like. see moroni's dizionario (venezia, 1845), xxxvi, p. 49; ferraris's bibliotheca (paris, 1853), article "interdictum;" guerin, les petits bollandistes (paris, 1878), iv, pp. 378-382; and addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, article "interdict."--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [86] diaz states (ut supra) that the archbishop's provisor, juan gonzalez, took refuge in the dominican convent, which was soon surrounded with armed soldiers. at the advice of friends, gonzalez gave himself up, and was kept a close prisoner in his own house--"guards being placed there at his cost; and penalty was imposed of major excommunication and 500 pesos, if he should talk with any person outside." as soon as santo domingo was blockaded, a decree of the audiencia was made known to all the convents that they must not ring the bells for an interdict. to prevent this being done at santo domingo, "they scaled the convent through the hall of the inquisition, which is above the main entrance, and ten soldiers went up to the bell-tower." next day, the friars rang a small bell to call the people to mass, but the guards would not allow any person to enter the church. [87] salazar gives, a detailed account of villalba's imprisonment (hist. sant. rosario, pp. 233, 234), and claims that he was hurried from his convent at binondoc, without cloak or hat, or bed, although he was in poor health; and that, when the ship was compelled to put back to manila, the audiencia would not allow him to remain there, but at once despatched him to the franciscan infirmary at nueva caceres, where he remained until the next galleon sailed for acapulco. [88] this document, as being written by sanchez, the secretary of the audiencia of manila, was probably addressed to the president of the royal council of the indias. sandin (respuesta, fol. 3 b) asserts that this relation by sanchez was printed at the jesuit college in manila, with the date here given; that it had not been published there when the acapulco galleon sailed; but that in mexico city many copies of it were already in circulation before the royal mails reached that city from acapulco. [89] apparently referring to francisco de arcocha; but diaz calls him (p. 775) equerry (caballerizo) of the new governor. [90] bartolomé marrón, a native of asturias, made his profession in the dominican convent at valladolid, july 8, 1667, and came to the philippines in 1671, at the age of twenty-five. having studied two years at santo tomás, he was a lecturer in that college until 1680, and in 1684 was appointed its rector. in 1686 he became provincial, and afterward was in charge of a mission in pangasinan, and of the church in binondoc; and was again (1696-1700) rector of santo tomás. he filled many other important offices in his order, at various times; and finally died in manila, january 22, 1717. see sketch of his life in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 145-155--including an account of a notable lawsuit brought against him, and the regulations made by him for the inmates of dominican convents in and near manila. [91] cristobal pedroche made his profession at toledo, january 22, 1659, and arrived in the philippines in 1667. he spent many years in labors among the chinese, in the parián and san gabriel; and at various times filled high offices in his order--among them, that of provincial. in june, 1684, he was imprisoned at cavite, and afterward sent to mexico; but the viceroy permitted him to return to the philippines. he died at manila on august 20, 1715, at the age of seventy. see sketch of his life in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 82-100--which includes a letter by him (june 20, 1684) on the ecclesiastical disturbances of that time. [92] juan de (ibañez) santo domingo was born (about 1640) near calatayud. his early education was obtained in a dominican convent at zaragoza, and he was afterward a member of the household of bishop palafox y mendoza. later, he entered the dominican convent at ocaña, where he made profession in 1661. at the age of twenty-six he came to the philippines, and spent eighteen years in the missions of pangasinan. after 1686, he lived at manila, being twice provincial (1690 and 1706), and occupying other important posts. he died there january 15, 1726. (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 26-34.) [93] francisco antonio de bargas, a native of madrid, professed in the dominican convent at salamanca, in 1673, at the age of nineteen. six years later, he arrived at the philippines. the first nine years he spent in manila, mainly as a teacher in santo tomás; from 1688 to 1696, he labored in the missions of bataán, and afterward in those of zambales--except 1698-1702, which he spent at manila. he died there, on october 7, 1708. (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 219, 220.) [94] antonio calderon professed in the dominican convent at salamanca (in 1664, erroneously says reseña), and came to the philippines in 1658. he labored in the cagayan missions until 1682, when he was elected provincial. he, with fray pedroche was arrested on june 3, 1684, and sent to mexico. thence he returned to spain, and died at mombeltrán, at the end of december, 1685. [95] alluding to general marcos quintero, a friend of the dominicans, who at his death (1703) appointed fray bartolomé marrón (note 90, ante) executor of his estate. this led to a notable lawsuit, brought against marrón by the heirs of quintero, which was appealed to mexico and even to rome; the proceedings continued for many years, the suit coming to an end only in 1726, nine years after marrón's death. (see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 151-154.) "barangay," as used here, is evidently a bit of slang meaning "gang" or "clique," in modern phrase. [96] from the context, esto here seems to designate the former governor, vargas. [97] gines de barrientos, titular bishop of troya, who was assistant to the archbishop. juan duran, titular bishop of sinopolis, was assistant to the bishop of cebú (then diego de aguilar). andres gonzalez was bishop of nueva caceres (or camarines); and francisco pizarro, of nueva segovia. these were dominicans, save duran, who belonged to the order of our lady of mercy; and pizarro, who in 1681 was a member of the cabildo of manila cathedral. [98] spanish, se le picaba sobradissimamente la retaguardia--literally, "its rearguard was entirely cut to pieces." [99] i.e., "hurrah for [the bishops of] troya!" [100] elio antonio de nebrija (or lebrija) was a celebrated linguist and great latinist, who wrote various works. he was born about the year 1444, and died in 1522. (dominguez, diccionario nacional.) [101] apparently a play on words, mingled with a sarcastic comment on fray gaspar. one may hazard the conjecture that the latter (who was a noted grammarian) is here mentioned in contempt as knowing more of grammar than of current affairs, and being able only to understand events actually completed and past, without the foresight to perceive how these affect the future. [102] i.e., no more than two--referring to the "dual" number in greek declension. [103] a copy of this act may be found in ventura del arco mss., iii, pp. 513-515; it is dated "at our house on the river of manila, october 22, 1684." [104] an allusion to the well-known quotation, parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus (line 139 of the ars poetica of horatius). [105] the decree of the audiencia which ordered the restoration of the archbishop to his see was dated october 24, 1684. he returned to manila on november 16. [106] this man was delegated by the city of manila, being one of its regidors, according to diaz (conquistas, pp. 776, 777). [107] diaz states (conquistas, p. 777) that curuzelaegui declared on this occasion that if the home government should be offended at his restoring the archbishop, he would consider punishment by them for this cause "a great honor, even if it be capital." diaz praises him as "one of the best governors that these islands have had; affable, pious, magnanimous, wholly disinterested, and very liberal. he also said that he had come to filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come to be rich. this he said very truly, for in españa and indias he had possessed much wealth--gained in the many voyages that he had made as commander of the fleet and galleons to perú and nueva españa--which his ostentation and liberality had consumed." [108] diaz gives (ut supra, pp. 778, 779) the list of these: the auditors and governor vargas; the preceding alcalde-mayor of manila (either morales, camacho or pimentel), and that of camarines (juan de verastein); juan sánchez, secretary of the audiencia; juan gallardo, castellan of cavite; sargento-mayor alonso de aponte y andrade, and captains josé de somonte, francisco de urrutia, diego del pozo y gatica, and miguel machuca; admiral pedro de la peña; and captain baltasar de lerma, notary-public. the military officers were readily absolved, as not having been free to act, when ordered to proceed against the ecclesiastics. [109] diaz says (p. 779) that the archbishop at this time "absolved the auditors ad reincidentiam, within the palace, with no other witnesses than the governor, and embraced them and gave them the kiss of peace." [110] spanish, irregular. in this usage irregularidad means, according to dominguez, "a canonical impedimenta for receiving or exercising holy orders, on account of certain natural defects which produce incapacity, or of crimes or illegal acts which are committed." [111] see copy of this edict in ventura del arco mss., iii, pp. 517-521. the statement in our text regarding penalties is inaccurate. the edict required that all confessions made to members of the cabildo be made anew; all persons married by them must appear before the archbishop within three days (or ten days for those without the jurisdiction of the city), under penalty of excommunication for european christians, and for all others fifty lashes and three months in jail; and the same penalties for those on whom the cabildo had conferred holy orders, licenses to preach, chaplaincies, etc. this act was dated november 29, 1684. [112] diaz says (p. 779): "but this caused so many dissensions, and opinions from the theologians, that it was found necessary to issue another act (january 8, 1685) in which the archbishop declared the former act null, and ordered that those [married persons] should again appear in court for the revalidation of their marriages." [113] i.e., "they are exulting, as do the victors when they have seized their prey." [114] "an image of a monstrous serpent which is displayed in front of the procession on corpus christi day--doubtless alluding to the eternal humiliation of the demon, conquered for ever by jesus christ" (dominguez, diccionario nacional). [115] among these were the franciscan provincial, francisco de santa inés, and the augustinian writer casimiro diaz (as the latter states in his conquistas, p. 782). [116] "vargas then alleged his being exempt, as a knight of santiago; but even then the archbishop did not revoke the excommunication, the ex-governor-general of the islands being required to live alone in a solitary house on the islet of the pasig river, without dealings or communication with any person" (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, p. 372). [117] this affair had been initiated by vargas. "the sultan of borneo sent an ambassador, soliciting the establishment of commercial dealings with filipinas. vargas responded with another and distinguished embassy, his agent being don juan morales de valenzuela, who [later] brought about the cession of the island of paragua which that sovereign made in 1705." (montero y vidal, ut supra, p. 364.) [118] a metrical composition which is measured in three verses, of which two form a rhyme (dominguez). [119] spanish, en calxas y en jubon: literally, "in breeches and jacket." [120] tomas de andrade was born in toledo, december 2, 1619, and entered the jesuit order at the age of seventeen. in 1643 he departed for the philippines, where he professed in 1654. he was connected with san josé college some twenty years, twice as rector; acted as provincial during six months; and rector at antipolo and cavite, and minister among the tagals. he died at manila on may 15, 1689. (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 356 b.) [121] alejo lopez was born july 16, 1645, at albalate, spain, and at the age of seventeen became a jesuit novice. four years later, he came to manila, and spent three years in the visayan missions, being afterward connected with the college in manila in various capacities. finally going to europe on business of the order, he died while on the return journey, september 18, 1693 (murillo velarde, fol. 369). [122] isidro clarete was born in 1627, and came to the islands in 1662, where he completed his studies, and became a teacher in the college at manila (murillo velarde, ut supra). [123] pedro lopez a native of malvenda, spain, was born on november 21, 1613. when nineteen years old, he entered the jesuit order, and in 1643 came to the philippines. he spent most of his life in ministering to the tagálog indians, and translated into their language (in which he was remarkably proficient) the roman catechism and other writings. he died at indang on february 13, 1689. (murillo velarde, ut supra, fol. 356 b.) [124] spanish, con la risa del conejo; literally, "with the smile of a rabbit." dominguez describes it as "the apparent smile which comes to some creatures at death, as the rabbit; and, by extension, the phrase is applied to a person who smiles when he has cause for sorrow or resentment." [125] diaz (p. 781) expresses pity for vargas as thus situated, "unable to have conversation or dealings with any one except the officials of his residencia, and mostly through an agent; deserted by every one, for his servants, as being also under residencia, had enough to do in attending each to his own defense. his only consolation was the companionship of his spirited wife, doña isabel de ardila, who inspired him with courage and strength. it is certain that don juan de vargas was not the worst governor of filipinas; but he was unfortunate in his disagreeable and harsh manner," and his friend francisco guerrero, "a very astute and sagacious man," whose aid would have been invaluable, was then in nueva españa, having deserted his patron to save himself. [126] apparently referring to the "ordinary," or usual ecclesiastical court. [127] spanish, auto de legos; a decree issued by a superior tribunal, prohibiting to an ecclesiastical judge the cognizance of a suit that is purely civil, and between laymen, referring it to a competent judge. [128] diaz says (conquistas, pp. 781, 782) that this residencia, taken by juan de zalaeta, was the most bitter and obstinate ever known in the islands, for it lasted four years, and its records occupied twenty large volumes. [129] salazar (hist. sant. rosario, pp. 131-133) gives an account of this assignment. he asserts that the zambals had formerly been under the charge of the recollects, who in more than seventy years had been unable to convert that tribe. in 1676 the natives themselves asked for dominican teachers; some were sent, at which the recollects complained, as an intrusion on their field, and the dominicans withdrew. in 1678 juan de vargas came as governor, and, the zambals again asking for dominicans, the governor induced the recollects to accept mindoro in lieu of zambales, making over the latter to the dominican order. the latter gave up these missions in 1712. (see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 486-504.) concepción (hist. philipinas, viii, pp. 47) declares that the recollects were unwilling to surrender their zambal missions, yielding to the compulsion and threats of the archbishop and the governor; and that the natives themselves were angry at the proposed change, but were pacified by their spanish alcalde-mayor. [130] a loose note in ventura del arco mss. (iii, p. 555), evidently made by that compiler from some writing of 1685, states that the citizens complained of the lack of vessels every year for their trade, and for this blamed his henchmen. two of these, whom he employed in business affairs, were arrested, fabra and gallardo. [131] spanish, dijó tijeratas; literally, "talked scissors." [132] spanish, que vuelvan las nueces al cantaro; literally, "the nuts will roll back into the jar." [133] a dish composed of various kinds of meat and vegetables boiled together--used figuratively for any medley or miscellaneous collection. [134] i.e., "from the anger and hatred and ill-will of a dominican friar, deliver us, o lord." [135] some account of palú's coming to manila will be found in vol. xlii, in diaz's history of the augustinian missions. [136] in the text, deposicion, an obvious error of the transcriber. [137] spanish, sentian no haber materia sobre que cayesse dicha dispensacion. that is, the prebends had not deserved censure, and therefore ought not to need dispensation. [138] this was josé de nava y albis. [139] that is, on the route by the "northern sea," the atlantic ocean. [140] the spanish phrase inverts this order of thought, hacer lo que habia deshecho. [141] referring to the exile of archbishop guerrero in 1636. [142] thus in the text, indicating some omission, probably by the transcriber. [143] the verses do not appear in our text. diaz states (p. 787) that zalaeta gave the pasquinades to captain josé de toledo to distribute among the soldiers; but instead of doing so toledo gave them to endaya, who handed them to the governor. it was afterward proved that the author of the lampoons was the cantor herrera, who was thereupon imprisoned; later, he was sent to the fort of paynauen in the zambal country, where zalaeta had been sent after his arrest for conspiracy. the jesuit father pedro de salazar wrote from (manila) taitay, on the nineteenth [sic] of 1687, to the procurator-general at madrid, luis de morales, that he was warned from manila to be careful of what he wrote, since they feared that there would be an inspection of the letters [in the mails]. he said that since the return of archbishop pardo from banishment many arrests were made: of the auditors, to whom they attributed a pasquinade which had been posted; of negroes and indians, servants and slaves, who were put to the torture, in order that they might say what suited the convenience [of the authorities]; and of ecclesiastics. also, that a pasquinade had been published, in which was represented the king, stretched upon the ground, with the archbishop drawing off his breeches; the governor was stabbing him with a dagger, or else cutting off his head; father verart held him by the legs; and andaya, who was the minion, was helping them. it concluded with the verses: "a catalan and a frenchman, a foolish governor, a pastor who is no pastor- these hold me as you see." finally, the dominican friars have entire sway over the archbishops, and are talking of finding out who are the authors of the papers that were published against them. (ventura del arco mss., iii, pp. 639, 640.) [144] diaz says (p. 787) that the governor himself, concealed in a window of his palace, watched viga's house, and saw bolivar's servant enter it; this man was arrested on leaving the house, and searched, a letter from viga to bolivar being found in his shoe. thereupon the auditors and zalaeta were promptly arrested. [145] diaz says (pp. 786, 788) that doña josefa "ruled her husband more than was desirable," and that "she uttered such contemptuous reproaches against the governor and the archbishop, as she was a very resolute and spirited woman, and extremely haughty and fearless," that the governor felt obliged to send her into banishment. [146] regarding herrera's arrest, see note 63, ante, p. 159. [147] this and several other documents that are unsigned are presented here--accepting them as credible, on account of their evident authenticity--in order to fill out the relation of the pardo controversy with relations made at the time, and by participants in those events. all except the final extract from salazar are obtained from ventura del arco's transcripts from mss. in the collection of jesuit papers that was seized by the spanish government when it expelled that order from spain and her colonies. [148] spanish, missas de aguinaldo means "a christmas or new year's present;" the word is derived, according to echegaray's diccionario general etimológico (madrid, 1887), from the celtic word eguinand, of the above meaning. evidently these masses were made the vehicle for heathen allusions or symbols, if not for actual rites. [149] this was the treasurer (and afterward cantor) of the cathedral, jerónimo de herrera y figueroa. [150] this was the dominican friar francisco villalba. [151] pardo was sent to lingayén, "certainly not to give him the consolation of residing among his brethren of the order, but to keep him under the authority of the notorious don francisco pizarro, bishop of vigan [i.e., of nueva segovia], with whom he had just had an annoying controversy" (reseña biográfica, i, p. 476). [152] "under penalty of 4,000 pesos; on the ground that his spiritual jurisdiction was suspended and barred, by virtue of his banishment" (diaz, conquistas, p. 762). [153] "the dean opened all the prisons of his tribunal, liberating all the prisoners therein--although among these there were several bigamists; and one who was not only a heretic but a leader of heretics. for, among other heresies which he taught, one was that god had a beginning, [a doctrine] which only very learned men understood. another was a prebend whom his illustrious lordship held as a recluse in our college, for heinous and atrocious crimes, whose final end was a sentence of degradation, and delivery to the secular arm; the dean settled this case, without examining the documents in the case (which they did not find), by condemning him to six months of banishment to a country house of recreation." (salazar, hist. sant. rosario, p. 242.) [154] "they say, peace, peace: when there was no peace" (jeremias 6: 14). [155] salazar gives some instances of this (p. 245): in the dominican churches the minister refused to say mass until certain persons who had injured or offended ecclesiastics should go out of the consecrated walls. [156] salazar states (pp. 246-249) that the provincial calderon was making his visitation in cagayán at the time of pardo's banishment; that on his return to manila (september, 1683) he called a council of the most prominent dominicans, and asked their opinions as to pardo's exile, the government by the cabildo, and their own duty toward those concerned in these events; and that, in accordance with their decision, he ordered all his friars to remain in their convents, and hold no intercourse with those persons. [157] salazar here alludes to the relation of all these ecclesiastical affairs in the first part of his history, pp. 224-268. as it is so long and detailed, we have preferred to use here the account which he gives in his biography of pardo; but have preserved, in our annotations, the most important and interesting matter found in the former one. [158] thus in the text, but it should read "forty-eighth." salazar there relates how vargas, "in the same year in which he banished the archbishop," suffered the confiscation at acapulco of all the goods that he had shipped, "with little credit to his reputation and notable expense to his estate;" and, as excommunicated by the church, vargas had much to atone for and to suffer until his death. the auditor grimaldos died, soon after pardo's banishment, "from a painful disease, in which the tongue with which he had spoken so much evil of his illustrious lordship became rotten, and the arm with which he had seized the anointed of the lord was withered." the auditor viga, who went to seize the dominican provincial, calderon, died in exile, in cagayan, without having consented to make his confession. he and his colleague bolivar had been sent there "for a certain sedition which they were plotting" against cruzalaegui. [murillo velarde says (fol. 344) that they were plotting to put zalaeta in the governor's place.] the wife of bolivar "died at orion, impenitent, unwilling to confess; when her husband heard of this, he performed condign penitence for his sins, and publicly professed his detestation of his transgressions, and thus he gained absolution from the censures--but, returning from his exile, he died on the way." calderon "also died very suddenly, although at the hour of death he acknowledged his errors, and, to secure absolution from the censures, made the usual profession of detestation." the fiscal alanis, "the only one who experienced, while living, the punishment from the king our sovereign which deprived of their offices all the members of the royal audiencia, died in mexico in great poverty and humiliation. the same fate befell the usurping dean," miguel ortiz de covarrubias. the cantor figueroa was sentenced to degradation, and to be delivered to the secular powers, "which was afterward commuted, for valid reasons, to perpetual banishment to the marianas islands, where he ended his days in a thousand miseries." the bishop of cagayan died so suddenly that he could not be confessed or absolved. the jesuit ortega died at sea, while en route to madrid to complain of pardo; and although he received the viaticum, his mind was so occupied, first and last, with accusations against the archbishop, that he scandalized all the people in the ship. he died practically an excommunicate, not having rendered his accounts for the executorship to the archbishop, and having been absolved only by "the usurping dean, who had no jurisdiction." "the two soldiers who carried out the father provincial died suddenly," being stabbed to death, one by an infidel chinese, the other on leaving the house of his mistress. a man who wounded the provisor--in trying to murder him; his name was manuel ortafán, and his wife had brought suit against him for divorce, before the ecclesiastical tribunal (diaz, conquistas, p. 766)--was sentenced to a short exile; "but god was not satisfied with that light punishment, and accordingly took upon himself vengeance against that man, afflicting him with leprosy. this made him blind, and he finally reached the utmost poverty, begging alms, with a boy to guide him, before the gates of the convents." the spirit of this account is echoed--rather curiously, for so late a date as 1891--in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 478-480. [159] pardo offered to his dominican province the sum of thirteen thousand pesos, to be used as endowment for three chairs--law, medicine, and pharmacy--and for some scholarships in santo tomás; but the gift was declined, as the province was neither able nor willing to take the responsibility of administering in (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 477, 478.) [160] in the ventura del arco mss. (iii, p. 761) is an extract from a letter by the jesuit pedro cano, dated may 26, 1690, which says: "on december 31, 1689, they found archbishop pardo dead in his bed, sine cruce et sine luce, without any sacrament, through the negligence of the people of his household and his own confidence that he was to live a long time. for some days all his body had been swollen, and he said that, thanks to the lord, he was gaining flesh. in the agonies of death, he called to his servants, who were buried in sleep; no one heard him except don juan de cazorla, a cleric whom the archbishop kept a prisoner under his own apartment, in fetters--who did not dare to go upstairs, lest the archbishop should learn that his fetters were removed at night. the prelate's body, wrapped in a loose gown, was carried to the house where auditor grimaldos died; and from there to santo domingo, where four days later it was buried." [161] he came with commission to bring suit against the auditors who had banished the archbishop. [162] he had died toward the end of the year 1683, aged more than seventy years. [163] nicolas cani was born in 1611, a sardinian by nation; and became a jesuit novice march 27, 1628. in 1653 he entered the philippine missions, and labored in the visayan islands. murillo velarde states (fol. 367 b) that he was unable to learn further particulars as to cani's life and ministries, except vague statements as to his admirable character and some few incidents in which he figured. the date of his death is not recorded, but signatures by him existed that were made in 1671. [164] the letter following this says that the visitor and audiencia reached manila in 1687; montero y vidal says 1688; and diaz's editor, 1689. it seems more probable that 1688 is the correct date, from various allusions made in these letters and by diaz. [165] referring to the dispute between the two universities of san josé and santo tomás; and the placing, by the latter, of the royal arms over its entrance. [166] that is, october 19. this saint was pedro garavito, born at alcántara in 1499; at the age of fifteen he entered the franciscan order, and was ordained in 1524. in 1554 he instituted a reform, exceedingly austere and rigorous, in his order, and erected the first convent for these discalced franciscans at pedroso. other houses adopted this rule, and in 1562 these reformed convents were freed by papal orders from the jurisdiction of the general of the franciscan order. garavito died on october 18 of that same year; he was canonized in 1669 as st. peter of alcántara. (baring-gould's lives of the saints, xii, pp. 487-494.) [167] spanish buen; but obviously used with satirical meaning. [168] when bolivar was arrested, he was sent to "a small fortified post in the province of cagayán, called tuao, where he remained until the investigating judge who came to manila in 1688 ordered him to return [to that city], but he died on the way" (diaz, p. 788). [169] andaye, a fortified town at the mouth of the bidassoa river, which forms part of the boundary between spain and france and empties into the bay of biscay. andaye is directly opposite fontarabia in spain. [170] these jars are still highly valued by the malays; see furness's mention of this, with photographic illustration, in his borneo head-hunters, pp. 125, 126. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century volume viii, 1591-1593 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume viii preface ... 9 documents of 1591 the collection of tributes in the filipinas islands (_concluded_). domingo de salazar, and others; manila, january-march ... 25 liberty of the indians in the philippinas. gregory xiv; rome, april 18 ... 70 articles of contract for the conquest of mindanao. gomez perez dasmariñas and estevan rodriguez de figueroa; manila, may 12 ... 73 ordinance forbidding the indians to wear chinese stuffs. g. p. dasmariñas, and others; manila, april 9-may 20 ... 78 account of the encomiendas in the philipinas islands. [g. p. dasmariñas]; manila, may 31 ... 96 letter to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; manila, june 20 ... 142 the fortification of manila. g. p. dasmariñas; manila, june 20 ... 169 investigations at manila concerning trade with macan. melchor de baeca, and others; manila, may 23-november 19 ... 174 documents of 1592 opinions of the religious communities on the war with the zambales. juan de valderrama, and others; manila, january 19-20 ... 199 letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people of the philippines. clement viii; rome, march 25 ... 234 letter to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; manila, may 31 ... 236 rules for the manila hospital. g. p. dasmariñas; [manila, may 31] ... 245 expedition to tuy. [luis perez dasmariñas]; manila, june 1 ... 250 two letters to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; manila, june 6, 11 ... 252 an embassy from japan. hideyoshi, and others; 1591-92 ... 260 three letters to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; june 20, july 6 ... 268 luzón menaced by japanese. [g. p. dasmariñas; manila, 1592] ... 284 documents of 1593 letter to governor dasmariñas. felipe ii; madrid, january 17 ... 301 two royal decrees. felipe ii; madrid, january 17, and february 11 ... 312 bibliographical data ... 319 illustrations autograph signatures of augustinian officials; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 215 autograph signatures of dominican officials; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 223 autograph signature of antonio sedeño, s. j.; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 227 autograph signature of pedro baptista, o.s.f.; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 231 preface in this volume are recorded the more important events in the history of the philippine colony during the years 1591-92. the dissensions between the secular and the ecclesiastical authorities continue, though the governor asks, in various important public affairs, the advice of the religious orders, and in view of a threatened invasion by the japanese, appeals to the ecclesiastics to cease their opposition to his measures, and aid his efforts to save the colony. dasmariñas does all in his power for its defense and increase; but the unfriendly attitude of the ecclesiastics, the restrictions laid on commerce, the poverty of the public treasury, and the greed of officials and other influential residents, all greatly hinder and embarrass his efforts. a papal decree orders the indian slaves in the islands to be freed. explorations are made in northern luzón, opening up a rich and important region; and the conquest of mindanao is undertaken. the chinese trade continues to call for special measures: the spanish residents of the islands ask for permission from the home government to trade with the portuguese colony of macao; and, in order to encourage the indians to keep up their native industries, they are forbidden to wear chinese stuffs. a revolt of the zambales and negritos of western luzón is quelled, and the surviving insurgents are dispersed or enslaved. the emperor of japan demands from the spaniards of the islands tribute and homage, which excites in their minds apprehensions of coming war. the document of 1591 relating to the collection of tributes in the islands, begun in _vol_. vii, is here concluded. the bishop asks the governor to let him know his decision regarding such collection; the latter replies (february 8) that he cannot make any change in present conditions without further orders from the king; and issues (february 28) a decree regulating the collection of tributes. a dispute between the bishop and the governor ensues, followed by letters (dated march 4-21) interchanged by them, which are an interesting revelation of the relations between the religious and secular authorities, and of the conflicting interests involved therein. the governor repels (march 8) the accusation that he has been the mouthpiece of others; defends the jesuits from any suspicion of unfriendliness toward the bishop; and complains that he is still attacked in the pulpit. in another letter (dated march 19) dasmariñas makes suggestions to the bishop regarding the best means of meeting the religious needs of the indians with the small number of priests who can be thus employed. he denies that he has any partiality for the augustinians over the other orders and makes various explanations regarding his attitude toward the orders. he then urges the bishop to follow his suggestions, and thus to fulfil his obvious and pressing duties--advising salazar not to meddle with the encomenderos, and other matters which do not concern his office. dasmariñas also complains that the bishop does not provide laymen to instruct the natives; that he allows the indians to come to manila too often with their complaints, and that there are irregularities in the appointment of clergymen to benefices. salazar replies (march 21) to this epistle, manifesting little confidence in the promises made by the secular authorities, and calling for their fulfilment. the bishop complains of the wrongs that are being perpetrated, and of the curtailment of his own authority. he claims that he has the right to decide whether a religious order may take possession of a new field. he discusses the governor's suggestions regarding the provision of clergymen for various districts, and explains what he is willing to do. he objects to placing one friar alone in a village, and desires to leave the assignment of the friars' charge to their superiors--citing for this the arrangements already adopted in mexico regarding this matter; he also objects to any interference with his priests by the governor, rebukes the latter for assuming to instruct his bishop in the episcopal duties, and asserts his own rights and privileges. salazar declares that he cannot find suitable laymen to instruct the indians, and that they come to him for help and counsel because the governor treats them so ungraciously. he no longer fills the office of "protector of the indians," for it has brought him only sorrow, and he cannot do for them what he desires. a decree of gregory xiv (dated april 18, 1591) requires restitution to the indians for the losses caused to them in the conquest of the philippines, according to the ability of the individual conquerors; and sets free all indian slaves in the islands. on may 12 of that year are signed articles of contract for the conquest of mindanao, a task which is undertaken by estevan rodriguez de figueroa (the same officer formerly sent thither by sande). he is to establish at least one settlement there; and encomiendas are to be allotted, the most important being reserved for the crown, and one-third of the remainder for the conqueror. certain documents dated between april 9 and may 20, 1591, relate to a municipal ordinance (march 30) forbidding the indians to wear silks or other stuffs from china. dasmariñas institutes an inquiry (april 9) into the results of this on the natives, and the possibility that the decree should be suspended in some cases. ten witnesses, converted indian chiefs, testify that the importation of chinese goods has ruined the native industries, and demoralized the people; and that the ordinance should be enforced. a document unsigned, but prepared by order of the governor (dated may 31, 1591), gives "a detailed account of the encomiendas in the philippinas islands," royal and private, pacified and hostile, with and without instruction; the names of the encomenderos, and the number of the tributarios, religious ministers, and magistrates in each. at the beginning is given a description of the city of manila, with the churches, public buildings, governmental and municipal offices, parián, etc. there are some three thousand chinese in the islands, two-thirds of whom live in the parián, where they have two hundred shops. there are so many friars in manila that some of them might well be sent to districts where ministers are lacking. at the end of the document is a brief summary of the above statistics. the writer concludes that the number of religious teachers ought to be at least doubled, and "even more, for when they arrive here, one-fourth of these will have died"--pathetic commentary on the hardships of a voyage across the pacific. at the end of his first year as governor, dasmariñas writes (june 20, 1591) a report for that period. delay in receiving the royal despatches before leaving spain has prevented him from obtaining the money which he was to expend in building the manila cathedral, and the amount raised for this purpose at manila had been much lessened by poor management; but he has stopped the waste (mainly in large salaries), and is pushing the work as fast as he can. he has aided the hospitals, but they need much more help, for they are crowded with patients on account of the unhealthful climate. he complains that the bishop hinders his attempts to obtain a statement of accounts from the franciscan friars in charge of the hospital for indians; the king thereupon orders that this matter be officially investigated, and that the governor take possession of both hospitals in the name of his majesty. dasmariñas recommends that more ministers of religion be furnished for the indians, and sends an exact statement of the encomiendas and their religious needs (the document preceding this). he places before the king the problem of collecting the tributes, which he has recently been discussing with the clergy and friars; summarizes the position of the latter thereon, and his own arguments with the bishop; and complains that the latter is arrogant and self-willed. another letter of the same date reports his measures for fortifying the city; he imposes a tax of two per cent on all shipments of goods from the islands. the bishop opposes this measure, as do the members of the late audiencia, apparently because it touches their personal interests too closely. in the summer of the same year, the citizens of manila ask that they may be allowed to trade with the inhabitants of macao, the portuguese settlement in china. dasmariñas orders an inquiry to be made into this matter, and has various witnesses examined. this is done according to a detailed interrogatory--the witnesses testifying that the portuguese of macao trade with the philippine islands, with much profit and advantage; that the trade of macao is rapidly increasing in extent and range, and yet does not notably decrease the abundance of goods to be had at that port; that, if the spaniards trade there, it will be much easier to introduce the gospel into china; that hitherto no trading ships have gone from the philippines to india; that trade with macao will enrich the islands; that the portuguese at macao have plundered a ship sent thither by dasmariñas; and that the chinese desire the trade of the spaniards. to this are appended various declarations and decrees which bear upon the question discussed; and, finally, the recommendation of dasmariñas that the king permit trade between the islands and macao. hostilities arising with the zambales of luzón, the governor calls upon the religious orders for their opinion regarding the justice of waging war against these indians. the augustinians make a long and elaborate response; they state three conditions as necessary to make a war righteous--that he who begins it must have authority, just cause, and righteous intention. these are explained in detail, as general precepts, and then applied to the question now before them--all fortified by citations from doctors of law and theology, and from the bible. their conclusion is that war may be justly waged against the zambales. they also lay down the rules which should, _ex jure gentium_, be followed in the conduct of such war; and end by recommending that the zambales, when conquered, should be transplanted to some other district, and remodeled into an agricultural people. this document is presented in full, as a curious and interesting example of the reasoning employed by churchmen of that time in settling questions of public concern, and of the opinions then current regarding the laws of war. the dominicans mention the evil practice of head-hunting among the hostile tribes, and declare that the latter have no right to attack, as they have done, the peaceable tribes; on the contrary these latter have just cause for war on the zambales and negrillos. to them the question is, whether it is, in the circumstances, expedient and necessary for the spaniards to attack these ferocious peoples. the fathers consider this war as justifiable; the enemy should be destroyed, and all who are taken captive should be enslaved for a specified time. the jesuits consider that the first step is to ascertain who are guilty of inciting the outrages which the zambales have committed against both the spaniards and their indian allies--whether all of that people, or only a few; whether their chiefs, or certain lawless individuals. when this shall be known, then the guilty, and they only should be punished. if the tribe as a whole, or their chiefs, are responsible, war against them is justifiable; but it should be waged with all possible mercy and moderation. these fathers also recommend a limited period of enslavement for captives; and that the women and children of the conquered people shall be removed from their country and dispersed elsewhere in small bands--a proceeding from which "they will receive much benefit, both spiritual and corporal." but they protest against mutilation, except for those who shall commit individual crimes. the franciscan guardian renders a short opinion, to the effect that malefactors should be punished, and highways made safe for the indian allies. if war be necessary to accomplish this, then war is justifiable; but therein the innocent should be spared. a letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people of the philippines is sent (march 25, 1592) by clement viii. on may 31, governor dasmariñas writes to the king. he states that he has received no letter from his majesty since he arrived in the islands, and fears that his own to spain may be lost. the islands are generally in a prosperous condition; trade is flourishing, the religious orders are at peace, "and, aside from the bishop, everything is quite as it should be." the cathedral church is complete; the seminary for girls is established, and some of its inmates have been married, and a new house is being erected for its use. the new fort is well under way, and some artillery has been mounted in it. new galleys have been built, which are manned by zambale slaves captured in war. all trading is now done by the royal ships, which is much less expensive and more satisfactory. dasmariñas recommends that private shippers be charged a moderate rate on tonnage. the zambales have been reduced to subjection, their country devastated, and the survivors dispersed in various new settlements. new explorations have been made in the interior of luzón; one, which seemed important, had to be abandoned on account of sickness among the troops; half the spanish soldiers have died. the country is in danger of attack by the japanese, and needs prompt and effective succor; he asks that the troops be sent from castilla, "and not creoles or exiles from mexico." the governor is trying to secure quicksilver, on which the chinese have given him prices. with this letter he sends a set of rules for the hospital. a brief account of the expedition to tuy is furnished (june 1, 1592) by luis perez, son of dasmariñas. he has easily pacified the natives, who are a superior race; and expects to establish a spanish settlement there, another year. the governor writes (june 6) to the king to make certain explanations about his relations with pedro de rojas, his legal counselor. the letter is conceited and self-willed, prejudiced and overbearing. dasmariñas complains that rojas and other late auditors have been greedy of gain in the foreign trade, and have opposed the governor's efforts to raise funds for necessary expenses. the latter has ascertained what their business dealings are, of which he has sent reports to spain. he recommends that rojas be transferred to some other country, preferably not mexico. (an endorsement on the ms. states that rojas has been given an appointment in mexico.) at the end is the "register of merchandise carried in the ship 'sant felippe';" all the consignors are ecclesiastics, or officials of the audiencia. in another letter (june 11) dasmariñas informs the king of a recent embassy sent to him by a king in japan, and sends to him translated copies of the letters which they bring, which demand from the spaniards subjection and tribute, to be rendered to him. in this emergency, they are endeavoring to prepare for possible hostilities and dasmariñas asks that the mexican government be commanded to furnish troops and supplies to the philippines. the letter of the japanese ruler (written in 1591) demands, with much arrogance, that the spaniards render him allegiance and tribute. dasmariñas replies cautiously, alleging that he does not understand the japanese language, and fears that the envoy is making false representations; he accordingly sends an envoy (father juan cobo) to carry this letter, with a present, to the king of japan. another letter to felipe (june 20, 1592) recounts the difficulties which dasmariñas had to encounter upon arriving in the philippines. he is disgusted with the exorbitant claims made by the soldiers for rewards due them for their services. he finds no ships or supplies, and no place where the latter could be kept. he is building storehouses, and collecting what supplies he can find. he has built such fortifications as his means permitted; for this he has levied various duties and contributions. he has incurred the enmity of the bishop and friars. the royal exchequer is empty, but heavily loaded with debts--a legacy from the audiencia. the governor objects to the chinese trade, and thinks that the natives of the islands should be induced to raise and weave their own cotton. he has issued a decree forbidding the chinese traders to remain in the islands; this is violently opposed by the clergy and friars. dasmariñas warns the king that this measure will decrease the royal income. the bishop intends to go to spain, and is trying to make trouble for the governor. another letter of the same date is devoted to an account of his difficulties with the ecclesiastics. he complains of their arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, and of the bishop's headstrong and obstinate disposition, and his interference with the conduct of secular affairs. both he and the friars have so used their power over the indians that the latter "recognize no other king or superior than the father of the doctrina, and are more attentive to his commands than to those of the governor." dasmariñas accuses them of practically enslaving the natives for their own service and benefit; and the bishop of taking for his personal use the money entrusted to him for restitutions to the indians. the clergy "are all better merchants than students of latin." the governor thinks that it will be best to send the bishop to spain. in another letter (july 9), he complains of the evils arising from the unregulated marriages of the widows and minor heirs who have inherited encomiendas, and suggests that he be empowered to control such marriages. two papers unsigned and undated, but evidently emanating from the governor, contain suggestions for precautions to be taken by the spaniards in view of the threatened hostilities by the japanese. these suggestions are submitted to a council of war and to the religious houses, respectively. among the former are the expulsion of japanese and chinese traders from manila; the accumulation of provisions; agreement that no one will, if captured, accept ransom; and establishment of a refuge in the hills near manila for the women, children, and sick. the religious are asked to give their opinion on certain points: whether it would not be well to take from the indians their gold, as a pledge for their good behavior in the event of hostilities; to induce the christianized natives to remove inland to more secure locations, there to produce rice and other supplies; to seize the property of the chinese and place it in the warehouses of the city, and break up the parián; and to oblige the encomenderos to store in the city the provisions which they collect as tributes. another communication from the governor is addressed to the ecclesiastics. he reminds them of their persistent opposition to his measures, but urges them, in view of the common danger that threatens the colony, to unite with him in efforts to repel it and to save the country. a letter from felipe to dasmariñas (january 17, 1593) commends the governor's faithfulness and care in his office, and replies to various suggestions made in his dispatches. dasmariñas is to take possession of the hospitals for the king, restrain the assumption of authority by the bishop, and not allow him to meddle with the payment of salaries to the priests. the religious orders are not to interfere with civil affairs. dasmariñas shall appoint, in place of the bishop, a protector of the indians. all the tributes are to be increased by two reals; and the royal fifth shall be exacted as soon as practicable. the soldiers are not to be allowed to trade, beyond the amount of a few hundred pesos; the governor may, at his discretion, permit some to return to nueva españa. the removal of the chinese traders from manila is left to the governor's judgment. workmen in the islands are to be paid there, from the royal treasury. the duties levied by dasmariñas are approved and continued. with this letter go two decrees; one (dated on the same day) ordains that suits involving one thousand ducados or less may be concluded in the court of the islands, and those for larger sums may be appealed to the audiencia of mexico. the other (dated february 11) restricts the trade with china to the inhabitants of the philippines, and forbids those of the american colonies (except those of nueva españa) to trade, not only with china, but even with the philippines. _the editors_ october, 1903. documents of 1591 the collection of tributes in the filipinas (_concluded_). domingo de salazar, and others; january-march. liberty of the indians in the philippinas. gregory xiv; april 18. articles of contract for the conquest of mindanao. g. p. dasmariñas and estevan rodriguez de figueroa; may 12. ordinance forbidding the indians to wear chinese stuffs. g. p. dasmariñas and others; april 9-may 20. account of the encomiendas in the philippinas islands. [g. p. dasmariñas]; may 31. letter to felipe ii. g. p. dasmariñas; june 20. the fortification of manila. g. p. dasmariñas; june 20. investigations at manila concerning trade with macan. melchor de baeça, and others; may 23-november 19. _sources_: all but two of these documents are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the papal decree is found in hernaez's _colección de bulas_, i, p. 108; the account of encomiendas is taken from retana's _archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iv, pp. 41-111. _translations_: such part of the first document as appears in this volume is translated by norman f. hall; the second is by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a., of villanova college; the third and fifth, by james a. robertson; the fourth, by herman g. a. brauer, of the university of wisconsin; the sixth, by josé m. and clara m. asensio; the seventh, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the eighth, by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university. the collection of tributes in the filipinas islands (_concluded_) letter from the bishop to the governor _jesus_ inasmuch as your lordship wrote to me at san francisco del monte that the encomenderos were urgently seeking from you permission to make collections from their encomiendas, i despatched to you from that place an answer to the letter which your lordship wrote to me after having received my statement and that of the other theologians of the bishopric who think carefully about this matter. i had therein represented to your lordship some of the difficulties which might result from carrying into execution some of the plans proposed in the aforesaid statement. in the reply, i solved these difficulties; and have since been waiting to learn what your lordship has communicated to the encomenderos regarding collections in the encomiendas which are without religious instruction. since i must inform all confessors who are outside the city how they are to deal in the confessional with the aforesaid encomenderos, i pray your lordship to favor me by advising me of your transactions with these encomenderos, so that we may all be of one mind, express ourselves in harmony, and avoid dissensions among ourselves, which are wont to be the cause of many evils. it is necessary that your lordship should inform me promptly; for messages must be sent to some districts remote from here, and, if i do not write at once, i shall be unable to send word to the confessors in time. may god guard your lordship. from this house, on ash wednesday of the year 91. _the bishop_ reply by the governor yesterday i received a letter from your lordship in which you request me to inform you what resolutions and plans i have adopted in the matter of collecting the tributes. i reply that besides the former statements and conclusions which your lordship has written on this subject in such learned fashion, i have read also the last decision and statement thereon which your lordship sent me in reply to my letter to you on this subject. i answer that all this comes as from your most reverend hand, and is most holy and excellent. but on account of those very obstacles which i represented to you, which every day are constraining me more and more, i dare not undertake any innovation, or put into execution a doctrine which will expose all our affairs to such risk. the point on which your lordship and i most differ is concerning the pacified encomiendas which possess justice and religious instruction; and in those also pacified which enjoy justice, but are without religious instruction. the king grants to neither your lordship nor myself authority to deal with these encomiendas, nor in his instructions does his majesty mention or raise any doubt in regard to them; he discusses only those which are disaffected, or were never pacified. consequently, the other encomiendas must remain in their present condition, without making any changes, until such time as his majesty shall make other provisions. i therefore state that my opinion and final decision is that which your lordship may see in this document. i trust that your lordship will strive to conform thereto; if you cannot, please give an account of your opinion of it to his majesty, so that he may declare what action we are to take. in the meantime, i shall order the encomenderos and the collectors to act in accordance with my decision; and i have no more to say on this matter, and shall make no changes. as far as i am concerned, this discussion is closed for the present, and settled until i shall receive further orders from my king; for this decision is what i consider best for his royal service. from the office, february 8, 1591. [salazar writes a short letter (dated feb. 14) to dasmariñas, urging him to adopt the measures proposed by the clergy; but, as it contains no new information, we do not present it here.] order issued by the governor for collection of the tributes i, gomez perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these islas philipinas for the king our lord: inasmuch as i am notified, by the decrees and instructions of his majesty, wherein he commands and charges me to exert myself to check the excesses and lawless acts which are prevalent in the collection of the tributes in the encomiendas belonging to his majesty, as well as those of the other encomenderos, i have looked into this matter; and, with all the care and attention i could give, i have consulted and conferred as to the best order and method that should be employed in the aforesaid collections, in order that god and the king, our lord, may be served. therefore, in order that the indians may not be annoyed or aforesaid excesses--it is fitting that the procedure is not due them, to put an end to the evils and wrongs which have existed in this business, and to check the aforesaid excesses--it is fitting that the procedure which is to be henceforth followed be understood and established. accordingly, by this present i do order and command that in the collection of tributes, not only in the encomiendas of the king but in all others, the following rules and conditions shall be observed: first: in the encomiendas of his majesty as well as in those of private persons, where they have christian instruction and the administration of secular justice for the maintenance of law and order, the entire tribute levied may be collected from the natives; and the encomendero is bound, with that part of the tribute which falls to him, to aid in the support of the minister or ministers of religion who belong to his encomienda. the said tribute shall be collected in its entirety in the aforesaid encomiendas where justice and religious instruction exist, and equally from all the indians therein, whether believers or unbelievers. i also order all encomenderos who are or shall be appointed in the encomiendas, to provide with the utmost punctuality and promptness, each in his own encomienda, that part of the tribute which is due from them for the maintenance of religious teaching, churches, and all other purposes of religion, under penalty of being deprived of their encomiendas; and the collectors, under the penalties hereinafter written, which will be most vigorously executed. _item_: in those encomiendas where justice is administered, but where, through lack of ministers, there is no religious instruction, the tribute shall be collected, reserving that part which would be due to the minister, if they had one--namely, a fourth part of the tax, a little more or less, which part shall be left and freely surrendered to the indians. _item_: in those encomiendas which, on account of their remoteness, have neither justice nor religious instruction, no tribute shall be collected until such time as god shall order the affairs of these islands; and his majesty, informed of their condition, shall make other provisions, in order that he may be better served. _item_: the same is decreed for those encomiendas which are disaffected or have never been pacified. no collection shall be made in this case except from those encomiendas which, having once been pacified, and having rendered obedience to his majesty, shall without any just cause rise in rebellion. from those encomiendas may be taken such part of the tribute as can conveniently be collected, for their preservation and by way of recognition; and whatever small portion his majesty may order, and what the lord bishop cites, may be collected. and since, according to the above, no tribute is to be levied where there is no justice, occasion is offered for many parts of these islands--which, on account of their great distance, are beyond its reach--to become turbulent and rebellious as soon as they realize that they are released from tribute which is now collected from them. most pernicious consequences [would follow (?) _--illegible in ms_.] and many other districts would be disloyal and rebellious; and it would be necessary, when they should have sufficient religious instruction, to go back and win them and [_illegible in ms_.] anew. assiduous efforts shall be made to provide, as quickly as possible, justice in the aforesaid encomiendas. where it is now lacking, i charge the encomenderos to inform me of such districts and territories, with their topography and location; also of the number of those who pay tributes, so that i may appoint accordingly, in each encomienda, an alcalde-mayor, or a deputy, or others, if necessary, who may be suitable persons for such offices. they will have salaries sufficiently large to enable them to administer justice to the natives, protecting and defending them against anyone who would injure them, and maintaining such intercourse and friendship with them as will incline them to receive religious instruction when they shall have it. thus in all the encomiendas which have this justice and preparation, as soon as it is known what benefits are conferred upon the natives by those ministers of justice, in influencing and governing them, as above stated, authority will be given to the encomenderos to collect the three-fourths of the tribute, as i have said. but in the meantime, none of it shall be imposed or levied; and as soon as justice is established, efforts shall also be made, until religious ministers shall come, to employ a layman or laymen of virtuous life and example, in order to instruct the natives, to the best of their ability, in the things of our holy faith; and such persons shall receive some benefice, in accordance with the royal right of presentation. the encomenderos shall fulfil and observe all the aforesaid orders, under penalty of being deprived of their encomiendas. in encomiendas belonging to his majesty, and in those of other and private persons when the encomenderos shall--by order, or through any other lawful impediment--be prevented from making the collections personally, in case these collectors should exceed just bounds they shall be fined five hundred pesos for his majesty's treasury, and half the expenses of any war thus caused. in addition, they shall make good any losses caused by them to the said indians, and shall pay all costs. the aforesaid persons are likewise ordered to make the collections with all possible gentleness and equity, observing the other instructions of his majesty concerning the manner of collecting tributes. the indians shall pay in kind, or in such articles as they prefer to give. i also order that an authorized copy of this my decree be furnished to each and every one of the encomenderos or collectors who shall engage in the aforesaid collections. this decree i order and command to be observed, fulfilled, and executed, under the penalties above stated, for the present and until such time as his majesty, when well informed of the present state of affairs in this land, which has been mentioned above, shall make suitable provisions in these and all other matters, according to his pleasure. upon the first occasion that offers itself there shall be sent on my part and that of the encomenderos of this commonwealth, to his majesty, a detailed and careful account of what is here decreed and ordered, as well as what the lord bishop suggests and advises; so that his majesty, having examined both sides of this question, may make such provisions and so direct our course that god and his majesty may be best served, and all may have the same object. done in manila, on the twenty-eighth of february in the year 1591. letter from the bishop to the governor [evidently as the result of a dispute between these two dignitaries, salazar writes (march 4) a letter to dasmariñas, deprecating any hostility between them, defending his own position, ascribing the differences between them to intermeddlers, and prophesying evil to the country if dasmariñas maintains his present purposes in regard to the tributes. he criticizes the governor's decree in various points--the permission to collect three-fourths of the amount levied; the appointment of more officials (in most of whom the bishop has no confidence); and the importance attached therein to the administration of justice in the encomiendas, as compared with the provision of religious instruction.] since your lordship cares so little for these arguments, know that the reason which induced his majesty to command that in nueva españa there should be no fiscals was, that they wrought injury to the indians; ... and yet he had not so much certainty of the evil deeds committed by the fiscals as he has of those done by the alcaldes-mayor and the deputies. ... among other decrees which, i am told, doctor vera brought when he came here as president of this audiencia, is one commanding him to be very cautious in creating alcaldes-mayor, on account of the injury thus occasioned to the country. ... you say that you do not dare to make changes, lest the encomenderos abandon their encomiendas, or become disaffected; and yet you know that all the inhabitants of these islands, whether or not they possess encomiendas, have been and now are faithful and loyal vassals to their king; and that nothing which could occur, even to the injury of their property or lives, would prevent them from rendering obedience to his majesty's commands. this is one of the things in which the inhabitants of these islands can take most pride, and his majesty should most highly value them, on account of the fidelity with which they have served him, at the cost of their lives and possessions. [the king confers the encomiendas upon certain persons, who thus assume obligations to the indians; that they may fulfil these, he orders them to collect the tributes. accordingly, the alcaldes-mayor do not appear in the king's provisions regarding this matter, and salazar questions the governor's right to appoint them.] neither the king of castilla nor his ministers can exercise, in regard to the indians, more authority than what the church confers upon them; and the church has not over the infidels as much authority as some who think otherwise have given your lordship to understand. ... the church did not grant'lordship over the indians to the kings of castilla with the principal object of establishing justice among them, but did so in order that they should furnish to the natives religious instruction--which always, and in every instance, can and ought to be given them. [no tribute should be imposed upon the indians unless religious instruction is given to them; and to allow them the fourth part of the tax is not to benefit their souls. the bishop insists that the governor is responsible for taking such measures as shall remedy the present abuses, and urges him to accept the plan proposed by the clergy.] if your lordship, after reading what i here state, shall decide to pursue and carry into execution the opinion and resolution which you have communicated to me, i cannot, without violating the obligations of my office, decline to release the consciences of those whom i have in charge. from this your lordship's house, on the fourth of march of the year 1591. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas. letter from the governor to the bishop [two days later (march 6) dasmariñas answers, at considerable length, the letter written by the bishop. he adopts a conciliatory tone, disclaiming any intention to be arbitrary, unfair, or unfriendly. he explains his position in regard to the collection of tributes, saying that the plan laid down in his recent decree is but temporary, awaiting only the provision by the king of a sufficient number of religious teachers. he reminds salazar that encomiendas and tributes were established in the land as soon as the spaniards had obtained a foothold there, when only some half-score priests were to be had. religious instruction is the chief but not the only reason for collecting tributes; and, until it shall be adequately provided, it is but reasonable to collect for the benefit of justice bestowed upon the indians. the tax also is very moderate; "since an indian pays here one peso, while in nueva españa he pays three or four pesos, by way of tribute."] the advantages resulting to the indians are not so small as your lordship thinks. if we had no other example of this, the one which is afforded by the province of pintados would be sufficiently convincing--seeing that, before the spaniards came to these islands, and even after they came, the inhabitants voyaged from one island to another with many boats, assaulting, plundering, and murdering one another, not only in their fleets by sea, but in armed bands on the land. it was only after they had intercourse and communication with the spaniards--although they had no religious instruction, and in most regions no justice--that factions, and raids, and assaults have ceased among them. this is no insignificant gain, to say nothing of many others, which, as i have said, result from the establishment of justice, in their better government, order, and preparation for receiving religious instruction, which is our principal object. dasmariñas admits that religion is more important than justice; but the latter is so much more expensive that it justifies the appropriation of a larger share of the revenues; moreover, the encomendero should be allowed enough for his support, and for that of his family and the soldiers whom he must support (usually eight or ten in number). a parallel case is seen in the relative positions of himself and the bishop; the latter's office is certainly a higher dignity, and of greater importance, yet he receives but two thousand (pesos?), while the governor has twelve thousand; but the latter is thus remunerated because he incurs much greater expense. the governor claims that his instructions command him to consult the bishop only in reference to affairs in the districts which are mutinous, or have never been pacified; and cites the instructions further to show that he is justified in collecting tributes where religious instruction is not given, and that the bishop's privileges in the conduct of affairs are only advisory, not authoritative. moreover, the opinions which the religious orders have furnished to him show that they disagree with the bishop in many important particulars--not to mention that the bishop and the religious superiors signed their approval of his plan in this matter, soon after his arrival. dasmariñas has already compelled the encomenderos to refrain from collecting the fourth part of the tax when they do not provide the indians with religious instruction--a reform which had never been secured until he made it. he advises the bishop to institute another reform by insisting that the encomenderos shall not collect any tributes until they shall have provided for the indians both religion and justice. i do not understand how it can seem to your lordship that to provide the land with justice is to bring about its destruction. your lordship has, indeed, told me that, when the alcalde-mayor is what he should be, he better edifies and preaches than any minister of religion whatever. thus far, i have not found any of these officials who are bad, except those of whom your lordship has made some complaints to me, and whose evil-doing is proved by naught else than the opinion of your lordship. it seems to your lordship that i wish to appoint too large a number of these alcaldes-mayor; but one day your lordship asked me to appoint some of them. since i have come to this land, i have established a new administration of justice in the island of masbate; and good results which have followed, can be stated by the father custodian, who arrived yesterday from that island, and is well acquainted with the excellent result there. hitherto, tribute has been collected there in the absence of every form of religious teaching, or administration of justice; but now, only from their intercourse and relations with the spaniards and from having justice established at once among them, they have already made such progress that they demand a minister, and even the blacks have come down from the interior to settle near us. [the governor reminds the bishop that the progress of religion among the heathen must depend upon the foundation established for that good work by secular government; and that if this be not maintained the land will relapse into barbarism, and the spaniards will be compelled to abandon what they have begun to build in the islands.] your lordship should make some estimate of the damage which would result therefrom to the king our lord and his royal treasury; for according to that his majesty would have to find one hundred and fifty thousand pesos and more with which to make restitution, to say nothing of thirty thousand of income which he would lose; for all the encomiendas are his. these islands would be left without one soldier, and your lordship and the religious would alone remain; but within eight days there would be none of you left. your lordship may be sure of one thing: until i receive express orders from my king to do so, i can make no change whatever in regard to the encomiendas, by reducing or cutting off their income. it is twenty-six years since they were first instituted, and during twelve years your lordship has known that they were in this condition; and yet you have until now maintained silence. [the governor again declares that he will not change his attitude; and that he has no right to interfere between the king and the encomenderos. it is his business to establish justice, and the encomenderos are bound to provide instruction; but they must have the means to do so.] your lordship does not provide religious to minister to the indians, because you have none; but you have never been willing to give these good christian laymen whom i have mentioned permission to go among them meanwhile to do this good work, although the encomenderos have many times asked for them, both since and before i came here. but your lordship replies that you are not willing that any layman should teach them to make the sign of the cross; accordingly nothing is done for them. [the governor justifies some minor provisions of his decree, on a basis practically the same as has already been set forth; and, in his turn, cites various learned theologians. he requests the bishop to prevent the clergy from discussing this subject in their pulpits, as they have often done, which is not fitting to the uses of a house dedicated to god.] letter from salazar to dasmariñas [the bishop replies (march 8) to the foregoing letter, which he accuses of being inspired by others than the governor--presumably by the jesuits, since the name of joseph de acosta rouses salazar to anger; he declares that "the doctrine contained in that book [1] is exceedingly pernicious, and erroneous in regard to the indias," and warns the governor that under their guidance he will infallibly plunge into many errors. the land will go to ruin, and the governor and his advisers will be responsible therefor. he defends himself against what he considers unjust aspersions on his character, and remonstrates against the governor's neglect of his counsels. he promises to put a stop to the preaching by his clergy on public matters. the salary due him is greatly in arrears, which has caused him much privation; but he does not wish to receive it if it shall proceed from unjust collection of the tributes.] letter from dasmariñas to salazar i have received your lordship's letter dated today. when your lordship says that, with the great number of opinions i am trying to weaken yours, i can only reply that my intention certainly has not been such, but to tell your lordship with all plainness and truth the state of the case--which is that i have learned whether this is the general sentiment of the theologians of this bishopric, as your lordship said it was in your conclusions. even if it were so, i could not do more than leave it in the same state in which it was, and report it to his majesty. but, my lord, if i find some other expression of opinion in clinging to the majority, i do not think that i am mistaken in it; and to this end alone i wrote to your lordship--certainly not that you should be troubled by what did not come into my thought. still less would i have you think that i made use of anyone in writing the letter which i sent to your lordship last night, for i certify, upon the life of my son luis, that (although that letter seems to your grace to be a large harvest from my little stock) there is not in it one word by another person, save what suggested itself to me from my own papers and discourses; for all that i wrote there i have told you already at various times, except those quotations from authors and from the council of lima. those i asked to be given to me, from memory, by the person who mentioned them to me as authority for what he stated and thought; and i quoted them there that your lordship might see that i had not made up my mind without foundation. all this i had need of in order to justify myself in your eyes, for it seems to you that i could not reply without the help of assistants; but thus far neither my king nor his advisers have noticed in me such a deficiency as that. on another occasion your lordship told me, in saint agustin, [2] that i had read father acosta, although i have never in my life seen his book; and when your lordship says that his doctrine is very pernicious, i have nothing to reply but that no book is written by any father of the society which is not very carefully looked over and examined and approved by all the members. but before god, and in the name of the holy season [lent] in which we are, i protest to your lordship that all these fathers have not erred toward your lordship in anything except that, at my request, they said what they felt. they are very devoted to you; and if there is in my letter anything worthy of blame, the fault is mine. i say this that your lordship may not lay it upon anyone to whom it does not belong. nor am i so fond of the far-fetched reasonings of others that in order to write a letter i need to use anything but the argument which the subject itself and its accompanying circumstances carry with them. and one occurs to me now, which is that matter of having laymen, for lack of religious ministers, look after and bring together the indians and instruct them in our holy faith. this, i say, is in conformity with the royal right of appointment, where the king expressly orders it; and although your lordship says that it is not to be believed that the king with so much risk should have put into my hands alone so important a business, i am satisfied with myself and i think that his majesty is. for any business which is not of my profession i shall not direct by my own judgment; in this matter, accordingly, i consulted with those whose business it was, and i pray your lordship to tell me if i did wrong in this. your grace says that i am new in the islands, and unlettered; and on the other hand you say that those with whom i have consulted are misleading me and are mistaken. i do not know then what recourse your lordship leaves for me to find it out, if, as you say, i am a new arrival, and not a theologian, and you take away from me the recourse to the experienced and the theologians. now since enough has been written and answered about this, i beg of your lordship not to weary yourself with answering this letter, which is written only not to leave yours without reply. at least do not answer until the treatise is finished which you say you are composing, in which may it please the divine goodness to give your lordship so much light that his majesty, seeing it, may confirm it and approve it as a thing from your hand--with the result that all may be of one opinion in this island, and that all the service of god may be set in order and freed from difficulties, and that these divisions and encounters may cease; for i assure your lordship that in many ways the state is very much scandalized, and that that matter is ill carried out which you said would be improved concerning the pulpits, for this affair was discussed with no little liberty in that place today. may our lord keep your lordship. from the office, march 8, 1591. letter from the governor to the bishop as your lordship was absent from this city, and many things presented themselves to me which were important to the service of god and of his majesty, and needed remedy, it seemed to me that in order to provide for them it would be best for me to represent them to your lordship in this letter; and i beg of you to see to them in order that they may be provided for and adjusted as may be most fitting and may best serve our lord. the preaching of the gospel is the matter in which we serve god most in these regions to which it came so late; and this is the first intention of his holiness and of his majesty, and it is the principal care which your lordship and all of us who have come here must have. yet, although this is so, there is nothing which needs more to be provided for and set right than this, on account of the lack which there is of ministers, whether clergy or religious, to do this work. for although his majesty in his holy zeal has sent so many and continues to send them, there is need of a great many more, considering the many regions which we must reach. so we must not only make all possible efforts to have a sufficient number of ministers come, but must try to find means to distribute in so wide a field the force that we have here, endeavoring with all equality to arrange and stretch the line as much as possible, that there may not be an over-abundance in some parts and a distinct lack in others; but rather we should act as one who has much to cover and but little cloth, who plies the shears with no little prudence, being watchful in marking his outline to see how it can reach here and there. this may cause some inconvenience to the religious themselves, for it comes to this [_illegible in ms_.] since we have not the fulness and abundance that there is in españa. i have already asked this from your lordship at other times, as being one who was under such obligations to set about it, as well for the good of the souls as for the temporal good of the king and of his encomenderos, by selecting and distributing ministers in order that thus religious instruction may be communicated and spread. for this the following [_illegible in ms_.] plans occur to me, if they seem suitable to your lordship. the new settlement of la hermita and malate may be all one administration. paranaque and cavite at least can be another; and, by establishing a house for religious at cavite, paranaque and the tingues ["hills"] may be administered by visit, and also the lowlands of tuley and limbo. in this way there will remain three clergymen who can minister elsewhere, because [_illegible in ms_.] which is a great burden. the augustinian fathers are able to give enough instruction to [meet (?) _ illegible in ms_.] their obligation; and they will accept it and take charge of it without any more alms being given them. i would save up what is given there, in order to bestow it somewhere else; for there are so many places where there is need of it. moreover, two religious could be taken from vatan, because there are four there, and two are sufficient, and there are not enough alms given for more. furthermore, father leon is a very good speaker; and the dean, as he wishes to advance him, can employ him in the ministry. the king's villages in ylocos are for the most part without religious instruction; and the augustinian fathers say that it should be given to some of them because, as they are new christians, they do not confess yet. thus, if the convents were near, a few might remain alone until there should be plenty of ministers; since now all that they can do is to baptize them and prepare them for subsequent confession. it would not be unsuitable that, for the present, while there is no greater supply of ministers, one friar should be alone in a house, since one clergyman is also alone, and is entrusted with the care of a greater number of souls. moreover, father carvajal is a good interpreter and could be of use. i beg of your lordship to insist that the clergymen who are ministers of religious instruction should not come and go so many times to manila--not only on account of the offenses which they commit, of which there always are some (as your lordship might ascertain if you wished to), but also that they may not impose such burdens on the indians. this is as much as concerns the provision of ministers. i propose the augustinian fathers to your lordship because they have a greater number of religious than the other orders have, and not because i have any partiality in regard to the orders, as your lordship suspects. i do not know on what you found your suspicion unless it be on the advantages and benefits which have resulted to these fathers from my protection and favor, as your lordship is accustomed to say, because you will not give any. i will tell you of several things in which, by my interfering and inclining to your side, they have lost what was due them; for in cagayan i took away from them a resident's house which was worth one hundred and fifty pesos of rent to them; in tondo, the lands to which the indians laid claim; and the property in laguio and nuestra señora de guia, which was theirs. when they were saying mass in their house to the indians, with considerable notoriety and scandal to them, and no little affliction to the fathers, they were ejected from the [_illegible in ms._] at my instance; for i asked it, and chose to give them this punishment, in order to palliate their offense. thereupon your lordship [_illegible in ms._] occasioned some disturbance to result. this is what i have done for this order, and the way in which i have favored them, which in truth i might have done in many things most deservedly, and very rightly and justly. but i protest before god that i neither have now nor have had any other consideration or regard in this or in anything else, except a desire that in some way or other so evident an obligation should be fulfilled, and that religious affairs should be settled as they ought, according to the adjustment and amendment which they themselves sought [_illegible in ms._] in accomplishing this, let not your lordship understand that the royal exchequer is to suffer, because [_illegible in ms._] his royal intention is that there shall be no lack in this. accordingly, we shall have recourse in other districts to the clergy whom i mentioned above as being at leisure, who will be occupied with their own support. the plans for this, as i say--taking away here, and replacing there, and distributing and selecting them in order that each one may receive a little--this is all matter for your lordship and for the obligations of your office. it is much more your lordship's duty that you should attend to this business than it is to prevent the king and his encomenderos from enjoying what in justice they ought to, because they do not give you ministers or because they have not them. your lordship can remedy and provide for this only in one of three ways--either as a protector of the indians, or as bishop, or as one who has a special commission for it from his majesty. as protector, what your lordship can do is to bring suits in the courts (and, even then, not in all cases), and be satisfied with the decision; or else perform your own duties in the matter. as bishop, your lordship is concerned with the collections of tribute, in that in confession you should deny absolution to anyone who confesses that he has not fulfilled well the charge of an estate. i do not know whether you, as bishop, can command the confessors that they all should refuse absolution in this or that case, provided the said confessors and your lordship be of the same opinion and doctrine. as for special commission, i do not know if your lordship have one, unless it be in the unruly and unpacified encomiendas. with this supposition there remains to your lordship no other foundation on which to act. neither does his majesty commit it to you, nor do i find how your lordship can be occupied in dealing with [_illegible in ms._] more than to give your opinion on it; and here ends the prerogative which your lordship can claim in this matter. you make strenuous efforts in what does not properly concern you, and fail to remedy what is most necessary and close to your office, which is what i mentioned above about religious instruction. i beg of your lordship that, putting aside human considerations, you order that this be attended to, which the good of these souls demands with [_illegible in ms._] necessity. since in this way there are needs now, there will be at least many more. meanwhile, until ministers are provided more liberally from spain, let them all get along as best they can, and accommodate themselves, establishing houses wherever they wish to, and where no better opportunity is to be expected. god knows that this does not [_illegible in ms._] your lordship, because you interfere with my office. as far as this is concerned, if i could [_illegible in ms_.] with it and my commission, or even give it all to your lordship, and perform my duty, [i would ask (?) _--illegible in ms._] your lordship to do it, if it were not for the obstacle which that would put in the way of the careful guidance and [_illegible in ms._] who manage affairs. neither does your lordship resolve to order that, on account of the great lack of religious ministers which exists, provision may be made in the encomiendas that laymen of good life and example may instruct the indians, bringing them thus to a knowledge of the true god, as well as into friendship and intercourse with us. from this would result at least the favorable disposition which you wish them to have for the time when there may be religious instruction for them, as his majesty orders in his charge regarding presentations. i have proposed this to your lordship on several occasions, but you do not set about it or reply to it. since your lordship [knows(?) _--illegible in ms._] what persons will be fitted for this ministry, i beg you to tell me of some who are suitable; for, as i am new here, am not as well able to [select them(?)--_illegible in ms._] properly; and those whom i brought and know are occupied in other duties and neither [know(?)] the language nor are acquainted with the country. the dependence which the indians have upon your lordship as one to shelter them and to defend them as bishop and father; and, beyond this, as protector, to try and relieve them and to negotiate with the person whom the king shall maintain here concerning all that shall be to their good, and to ward off all that would be grievous to them--all this is very just and proper in your lordship, and very necessary to the indians as poor, wretched beings. although i have always told them to go to you or to the alcaldes-mayor, who would report their suits or troubles to your lordship or to me, i did not, my lord, intend to give them occasion that on pretext of this, or of protection, they should come with every childish trifle to manila from their villages, perhaps very far away. and it is not two or four indians who come, but often a whole village, with their women and children. but whether they come in small or in great numbers, they stay here, spending in petitions more than the thing which they are suing for is worth, while they are needed at home by their sowed fields, their plants, their young cattle, their wives, their children, their houses, and for their services to the community and the church and others. one might come on a business of importance, as i have ordered. now your lordship sees how annoying this is, and how you should wean them from repeating these comings and goings, in which they work their own harm and ruin themselves; and so, except in very important cases, their trouble and our time might be spared by preventing their coming and wasting time with their troublesome affairs. the dignities, prebends, and canonries of your lordship's cathedral you will fill the first time, according to the apostolic privilege which your lordship holds, and then the king begins to present. i am very plain in this, for all i wish is to know what and how many have been filled by you and how many remain to be filled, in order that we may agree on this, as well as on provision for the beneficed curacies and the administration of religious instruction, which are assigned to the clergy. in these his majesty always presents one of two whom you propose, according to his edicts. it will be well to know if the number is full or if there are some places to be filled, and if those which are filled are so with establishment in a parish and canonical installation by your lordship, preceding presentation by his majesty, or if they are, as i have heard of some, only in encomienda, accepted with your lordship's consent; because in this way, by taking away one and placing another [_illegible in ms._], and not in right of possession, the royal right of presentation is defrauded. i do not understand how it is that, when your lordship had ordained father salinas under pretext of [giving him] the benefice of catanduanes, it remained as it was, and he is serving in valayan. i say all this only through desire that your lordship may lose nothing of your rights, and that i may not give a bad account of what i am responsible for to his majesty; and that affairs may be settled with the clearness and certainty which is desirable. i had other things to tell your lordship, but they will wait for a better opportunity in order not to weary you; and if any doubt or difficulty arises between your lordship and me concerning what has been said, there are learned men here who can easily solve it by examining it and discussing it, and by their decision and determination i will abide very willingly. our lord, etc. from this house of your lordship, march 19, 1591. letter from salazar to dasmariñas _jesus_ yesterday afternoon i received a letter from your lordship, and intended to begin a reply immediately; but there are so many occupations crowding upon me that they do not leave me time to take breath; and although i came out here to finish the little treatise which i had promised your lordship, i see that neither here nor there have i opportunity to do anything. i was much pleased with the earnest zeal which your lordship showed in your letter, but you must know that as i am old and have seen so many things, i do not care very much for what i hear, but wait for what may be done; because laying down general rules and instructions for what is to be done is a very easy thing, but very hard to put into practice. who doubts that the preaching of the gospel is the most important thing for which we have come here? but yet i see that this is the least object of solicitude; and, if you do not think so, look at the progress of the natives. i know very well that there is plenty of care about temporal things; and, as long as these present themselves, religious instruction is to cease--or the indians must support it, even if they never understand it so we all say that the gospel is the principal thing, but our works show what it is that we care most about. ordinances, decrees, and provisions which speak in favor of it, we have in plenty; the fulfilment of them will come when there is nothing temporal to be looked after, which will be very late. if your lordship does not think so, ask what is going on in the island of panay. of what do they take most account, of the galleys and ships which are being built there, or of the religious instruction which was to be preached there? because i have seen with what dislike your lordship hears of what is going on there, i have ceased to inform you of it--which i did, hoping that if you understood the situation, you would find means to improve it. letters and messengers from there have told me things which are enough to break one's heart; but now i am hardening it, because i see that it is of no use for me to grieve over them. this i say in reply to the statement in the preface to your lordship's letter, in which you say: "if they would allow me to be bishop, i would maintain better order in my bishopric than there is, and the natives would be much better instructed and not so harassed." but where there are so many to order and so few to obey, he who leads this dance can ill guide it to the place where it ought to go. for this reason many things are going so far astray, and they will go astray as long as he who has care of everything does not have the authority which he ought to have. for how can i arrange for the religious instruction, or take away here or place there, if after i have ordered it someone says that he chooses not to abide by it, but to do what he thinks best? allowing, in general, that in moral matters there is a little improvement, let us come to the particular point which your lordship treats of in your letter. but, before considering it, i wish to warn your lordship that concern for these things, and the arrangement of them, and deciding who is to be here and who is to be there, is my business--not only because it belongs to my office, but because his majesty particularly committed and entrusted it to me, recommending me to do it in communication with your lordship; but the execution of it he leaves to me, as by right is proper. i say this because i have heard that by virtue of some decree or other they are persuading your lordship that religious can establish themselves without my consent in villages where they have never been. in this they are misleading your lordship, and they themselves are mistaken; for that decree on the other side--which notifies the viceroy of nueva españa, which has never been used in this land, and which no governor has ever dared to use--is previous to the council of trent, after which it has no force, because in it the contrary [i.e., to the council's decision] is decreed. so i beg of your lordship, as i am in quiet and peaceful possession, that no house whatsoever be taken in my bishopric for religious without first seeking and obtaining my permission. it was some days ago that i found this out; but because your lordship told me that you did not believe what they said to you, i did not pay any attention to it until i learned, yesterday, that the provincial of san augustin says that, by decrees which they have from the king, they can occupy houses without my permission. this i believe your lordship will not do; and i can not understand how they can do it with any conscience with this understanding, let us come to what you say. the new settlement of la ermita and that of malate can very well be under one religious administration, and it shall be that of the priest whom i have placed there. the same seems to me to be true of cavite and parañaque, of which the priest whom i have there shall have charge. in this way the fathers of san augustin can take away three or four religious who are now in those two places, and put them in other localities where they have great need of these men to fulfil their responsibility. i say this on the one hand, on account of the great satisfaction which i have in these two ministers; and on the other hand, because they are already incumbents of those two districts, and as such are, in equity, under obligations. accordingly, i will not and cannot give them to one who may tell me that he will not receive them except as a favor, and then remain there, even though i should be dissatisfied with him. add to this that i have need of some clergymen near me for the many necessities which arise, which religious cannot supply, and in order to help in the cathedral at times; for there is much need of this, as your lordship has probably seen sometimes, when you have been there. as for what they say, that the fathers of san augustin will take charge of those districts without having more alms given them, i am very sorry on account of this offer of these fathers, because i know that whatever burden is taken from the king's treasury will fall on the indians; and i do not wish this, neither should your lordship wish it. since those fathers have, as i have said, so many districts to provide for, let them take there what they get therefrom. concerning the religious of batan and the others of this bishopric, it seems to me that neither your lordship nor i should interfere with them, for they know what is suitable for the government and preservation of their orders; and they would be great fools not to consider themselves first rather than others, for st. paul knew very well what he was saying when he bade his disciple timothy to take heed to himself first and afterward to teaching. for the apostle knew very well how proper it was for a minister to take heed to himself first rather than others--and this not only for the good of the minister himself, but also for that of those to whom he ministers. now since the apostle said this to a bishop, who is under so great obligations to look after his sheep, how much better might it be said to the friars, who have this duty only through charity. this is the law of charity, _primum mihi secundum tibi_; and this should be observed more among religious than among other ministers who are not included among them--in the first place, because these religious did not choose to take up this ministry as under just obligations to do so, but merely through charity, which looks first to itself and then to its neighbor; in the second place, because a simple-minded minister who is withdrawn from the world, and given to prayer, and a careful observer of his religion, and who will make the indians feel that he lives as a saint, is worth more than twenty who are inattentive to their duties, and who cannot remain an hour in their cells. these virtues and other similar ones, without which a religious can not maintain himself, can ill be acquired by the religious when they go alone and are so separated as you wish. would to god that i might see in every house for indians, not four such as are in batan, but six or eight, and not one, as your lordship says, because i should expect more fruit from these six or eight quiet ones than from eighty heedless ones. for as st. paul said, speaking to the corinthians, _regnum dei non est in sermone sed in virtute_; for chattering is chattering, and teaching through works is the true teaching. there are no people in the world who have so great need of good ministers as have the indians, or who notice as much as they do the life which these ministers lead, and the example which they set them. for one religious to be alone, although he be a st. paul, is unsafe; and so it is proper that in this region we should permit the superiors of each community to govern their religious and arrange for them as it seems best to them; for, since they came to convert these souls, it is to be believed that they will not fail to do so if they can. but they will not, and very rightly, consent to ruin themselves through maintaining the religious instruction; but this is not unfavorable to religious instruction, but rather very favorable to it--since, in the way which i describe, it is to give them ministers who will profit them; and the way which your lordship proposes means to put fire to them which will consume them. of this i have more experience than your lordship or anyone else who is in these islands, because i was a friar forty-six years, and minister more than thirty, and have been bishop twelve; and i know it all and have seen it all, and this is good reason why more reliance should be placed on me than on any other. this same matter was discussed in mexico among all the orders. when they saw that it was ruinous to them to be alone, they determined to establish houses where there should be at least four; and, in order that they might support themselves without being burdensome to the indians, they decreed that the orders of st. dominic and st. augustine might have some estates in the indian villages, by which to support themselves. as it had been ordered by his majesty that they should not hold property in the villages of the indians, i went to españa to see about the matter, and obtained from his majesty the revocation of this decree. as some of the auditors of the council said what your lordship says now, i freed them from that error, and proved to them that it was not expedient that the friars should live otherwise than in a community. i discussed the same thing with his majesty, and it seemed well to him and so it was provided. in confirmation of this, the fathers of st. dominic who came to these islands brought a brief from his holiness, confirmed by the royal council, which orders that in each house there should be at least four religious; and they tell me that in the [_illegible abbreviation in ms._] they praised it greatly and were much edified. in this way, wherever your lordship thinks of making a short cut, you take a longer route. to give to the indians ministers [as you propose?] will be to give them those who would destroy them, or at least who would be of very little profit to them. do not think that i am so careless that i would have waited till now if i had thought that what your lordship says would be expedient; but as i know how important it is for the good of my sheep that those who teach them should live uprightly, i am more pleased to see the religious living together than to see them separated. i am sorry in my heart when i know that some religious is alone in a house, and if i could remedy it i would do so; but i do what i can in not consenting that, through taking too many houses, the friars may be left alone in others. your lordship will do me the great favor and kindness not to treat of any other matter which shall be contrary to this, because i know that it is to destroy the religious and ruin religious instruction. the provincial who shall do this will give me a very bad example; and i shall understand that he cares more about establishing houses than about looking after his friars or religious instruction. on this account the religious and i have had some quarrels, but i know that they have not been right; for my zeal and desire has not been to prevent their having houses, but to prevent their taking so many that they could not support those establishments without harm to themselves and to the indians. when your lordship says that two are sufficient in batan, you show clearly that you are not well informed of what is needed in order that there be religious instruction; for in batan there is need of two more friars in order that it may be well instructed. as to what your lordship says about provision for the encomiendas of ylocos, you have as much care for them as if you forgot those which the king has in panay and in other regions of the pintados, who are all, or most of them, christians. the augustinian fathers, in whose charge these were wont to be, abandoned them; but since they have returned to take charge of the religious instruction of that people, and the obligation which holds them is greater than that of ylocos, let them cease to claim houses there until they have more ministers. as for those who were to be sent to ylocos, where there was no obligation at all, let them be sent to the pintados, where there is so much obligation. with those who are to be taken from malate, laguio, and parañaque, two or three houses might be occupied among the pintados in the king's villages, which have been without religious instruction now for some time. if your lordship carries this out, you will take a great burden from the conscience of the king and from your own, and those fathers will do a thing which they are under great obligations to do; for to claim the charge of ylocos is only a whim of those fathers, and a desire to undertake what they cannot carry on vigorously. if your lordship had consulted with me, i know that i should have given you much safer advice than that which others give you; because there is no one in this country who knows as much as i do about what is fitting, nor is there anyone who would give it to your lordship with so little regard for other considerations as i. what i have said about the religious, that it is not fitting for them to go about alone, does not extend to the priests; because these, by their profession and habit, are not obliged to be together, but each one goes by himself. this has been the usage of the church, and, so far, we have not seen that any bad results have followed; but many indeed have followed from the religious dwelling alone. there is another great evil in what your lordship wishes, and it is that, to station so many religious who are scattered about, each one by himself, is not to establish religious instruction but to permit it to go to ruin; for i have always been of the opinion, and shall be all my life, that a few well instructed are better than many ill instructed. when they are ill instructed they are like an ill-cured wound, which, when we think that it is well, breaks forth again. thus it is with the ill-instructed indians; for when we think that they have profited, we find that they are worse than before they were baptized. this comes from never having sufficient religious instruction, which in this part of the world is most necessary, among these unfortunate people who in but few places have seen one happy day. your lordship also suggests where the priests may be placed. to this i reply that, as we leave it to the superiors to govern their religious, it would be right for your lordship to leave it to me to govern my priests, as i leave it to you to look after your captains and soldiers; for i know what each one of my priests is for, as your lordship knows of your men. your lordship must understand that i am not so careless of the life that the priests lead that i am not on the watch, and they know this well; and if sometimes they come to manila it is with my permission, or on business which cannot be avoided. in this i know that there is more to be remedied elsewhere than in my priests. if the scattering of these ministers in so many regions is, as your lordship suggests, that the king and the encomiendero may collect their taxes, it seems to me that this is not a good means for it; because where there is not sufficient religious instruction, as there is not where there is one minister in an encomienda, neither the king nor the encomenderos can receive as much as your lordship wishes to give them. and i know well from the christian spirit of our king that, if he were informed of the truth which i know and have told you, he would never consent that any money which was so ill gathered should enter his treasury. some day this truth will be known and we shall see who will weep for not having believed it. his majesty understood this very well when, in an article of the letter which he wrote to me, he bade me to try to provide sufficient religious instruction; for his majesty sees clearly that what is actually done is rather to neglect than really to provide the indians with what they need. would to god, as i know that what i say is true, that i might satisfy my conscience by not saying what i am going to pass over in silence, and that i might be in peace; for i desire this more than to see myself in the midst of disputes and hard feeling. but the obligation which i have, to fulfil the duties of my office, does not allow me to keep silent, but i have to speak and say what i feel. i do not understand what your lordship says about the augustinian fathers and do not wish to reply to it until you have explained it to me, because it never entered my thoughts to be sorry that you should favor them, for they deserve it and your lordship should do so. but when your lordship says that since you came here they have lost some of their rights, i do not wish to agree to that, nor do i think that they will say so; but let this wait for another time, for i do not wish to treat of it here. at this point your lordship makes a long digression, trying to give me to understand what my office is and what i can do and what i can not do, and for this your lordship makes distinctions of protector and bishop and commissioner. your lordship need not have taken so much trouble; for, as captain becerra dares to write to me not to take so much trouble to give him light, because he has enough from god, so it would not be very much for me to dare to tell your lordship not to take so much trouble as you have taken in this letter to teach me what my office is and what i may do in conformity with it--because, speaking with the respect which is due to your lordship, you did not come to this bishopric to teach me but to be taught by me. in truth i do not understand what could be your lordship's thought in discussing a matter so foreign to your profession; and it did not seem at all well to me, unless your lordship regards me as so contemptible a person that i am not equal to this. although humility is well in all, and particularly in bishops, it is not humility for the sheep to teach the shepherd; nor would it be considered well in me, and still less so in your lordship, if it were known that i allowed you, who should take rules of right living from me, to give them to me. read, or have read to you, the chapter _si imperator 96 distin_., in which your lordship will see what is the duty of secular princes and what that of bishops, where among other words it says these: "if the emperor is catholic he is a son, not a prelate, of the church; and whatever concerns religion he is to learn, not teach." in what follows in this chapter your lordship will see what is your duty and what is mine; and our lord, through the prophet malachi, says that the lips of the priest held knowledge, and from his mouth the law is to be sought, and not from the governors. since your lordship wished to be master when you should have been pupil, you could not avoid falling into the difficulties into which you have fallen in this letter, as you say that you do not know whether the bishop can order that all the confessors should not absolve in this or that case. it is almost a matter of course that the bishop may reserve cases, when that may seem best to him; and it is an amusing thing that your lordship sets about declaring to me when the confessors are to reserve the cases and when they are not to do so. i am astonished, and marvel at your judgment and prudence in coming to discuss such matters with your bishop, especially when your lordship knows that he has studied a great deal to know this which you can not know, nor would it be proper for you to know it. the cases which i shall reserve shall be reserved, and those who dare to absolve, although they may have other privileges, will commit mortal sin, when the bishop declares the reason why he does it; and many doctors of the highest standing maintain that the absolution is void in such cases. when anyone shall confront me with a concession opposed to this, he must have studied deeply, for many talk about concessions without understanding them. since your lordship meddles so much in things in which you ought not to, do not be astonished if i reply as is suitable, in order that your lordship may be instructed, and that i may satisfy the objections which are brought against me. when your lordship says that you do not know and can not discover how i can be concerned in trying to remedy anything which concerns the encomiendas which are peaceful, except by giving my opinion about the matter, i say that i am not astonished that your lordship does not know, since you are not under obligations to know; but i am astonished that because you yourself do not know, your lordship should think that i do not know, since you cannot but confess that i know much more than your lordship does about the matter in question. that your lordship may be completely undeceived, please know that in order to discuss the collection of tributes and the rest that has to be done in that connection, i have no need of a commission from the king, because i have it from god. this limitation is proper for your lordship, because you have no power but that which the king has given you. i hold mine from god, who gives the bishops all that they need to govern their bishoprics; and so i do not need to have the king tell me what i have to do, but i have to determine what is proper for the unburdening of the royal conscience, and my duty toward your lordship and the others who are under my care; for i know better than any who are here what is proper for relieving the royal conscience in the philipinas. do not consider this as presumption, for it is not, but merely telling the truth; for if we consider the law, i studied it very well many years ago, and as for the facts, i know them better than anyone else, and there is no one who has so much experience as i. your lordship need not tell me that it is not my place to act in this matter, for it is, and it is more fitting for me than for any other to act in it and determine what should be done about it. neither do i need to pay any attention to the fact that there are some who say the opposite, because, beyond the fact that i know that those who say the opposite are wrong and make your lordship err, besides this, i say that when the bishop determines a thing after having taken due care not to be mistaken, it should not be suffered that others, however excellent they may be, should dare to say the opposite, for this is to cause dissensions between the prelate and his flock. whoever shall be the cause of this, it will not go well with him, because in this bishopric there is no other doctor than i, and whatever i say must stand and pass in my tribunal. if i am not what i should be, let them use the remedy which our lord jesus christ left in his church, as st. luke tells in chapter xii. this is to wait for god to remedy the matter, and advise with anyone who, by his authority, can remedy it, and in the meantime to commend it to god. this same remedy laymen have as regards their governors. but in order that they should undertake to remedy it by opposing it, the error of the bishop must be so great that it could not be tolerated without great prejudice to the faith or to customs. but since i have relied on the reasons which i have, and have consulted with those who could give a good opinion about it, and particularly as i am so certain that i am in the right, it would be rash boldness for another to say the opposite, or to dare to preach it. your lordship is very much mistaken when you think that what i say is nothing but the opinion of any other person whatsoever; for now that i have set about determining this and discussing it so purposely, i know that no one who says the opposite can support it. i say this with such liberty because i know what i am saying; and in the defense of it i should think it but little to lose my life. when your lordship tells me that i interfere with what is your business, i consider it as a great offense; for you yourself are a good witness of how little trouble i have given you in this matter, and henceforward i shall give much less. i am not so desirous of ordering that i wish you to share your charge with me, for my own work, which is not small, is enough for me. i do wish to have your lordship know that my discussion of the manner in which the collections are to be made, or from what encomiendas they may be made and from what ones not, is not interfering with your lordship's office, but fulfilling the duty of my own. not that i am to imprison or sentence encomenderos who collect contrary to what i say, for this is your lordship's duty. before the tribunal of conscience i must condemn those to make restitution who collect without having the authority to collect, even if it be with the permission of your lordship; and i must place your lordship under the same obligation because you gave them such permission. this distinction of powers your lordship ought to have known before telling me that i was interfering in what was not my business. in the matter of employing laymen where there are no ministers of religious instruction, your lordship says that i do not make up my mind, although you have already proposed it to me several times. twice your lordship tells me in this letter that you have communicated things to me, but i am astonished that my poor memory does not recall any of them. one of the greatest satisfactions is that your lordship does things all by yourself, without my having anything to do with them, and in truth i hold it as one of the greatest mercies that could come to me; and although his majesty orders the opposite, as many things fail to be done which kings command, so this also shall fail to be done, to my great satisfaction and to yours also, as i think. i have not stationed spaniards in the encomiendas because i do not know whom to place there; and i remember very well having said this to your lordship, but we agreed together that i should decide this matter, as i remember it. there is no reason why i should give your lordship a report on the persons who can be appointed, because it is my business to appoint them, and to determine their salaries--not only by commission from his majesty, but it is also my due on account of my office. but i have not dared, and do not dare, to appoint anyone--not because i do not wish to and have tried to, but because i know that there is no one in whom we can trust without great harm to the indians and very little benefit; because those who could go and be of service to the indians do not wish to, and those who wish to are not suitable. thus your lordship will see how right i was in saying that to appoint many alcaldes-mayor and lieutenants is a greater harm to the indians, and this is not a fancy of mine but a common saying in all the land. it is very amusing to me that your lordship places to my account the coming of so many indians to me that i may favor them, just as if i called them, or were a party to driving them away. it is evident that your lordship knows but little of the indians, since you say this. in order that i may tell you some truths, as your lordship wished to tell me, please know that the indians are much dissatisfied and complain that you receive them very ungraciously and roughly, and thus many do not dare to appear before you. this can but be a great obstacle to what is needed to be done in this country. if my meeting them with a friendly aspect and treating them kindly is the cause of their coming to me, i do not think that i shall mend my ways in this, because i know what they need. as far as being protector is concerned, that obstacle has been removed, for it is some time since i abandoned the office of protector; and by no means would i take it up again, for i do not wish to know more sorrow than i have known, without any other result than to grieve my heart at the sight of it. when his majesty shall learn the reasons which i had for giving it up, i am sure that he will not regard me as undutiful to him in having abandoned it. in conferring the prebends and benefices i abide by the royal rights of presentation in what i am obliged to; but to station a clergyman in a christian indian village [_doctrina_] when there is someone who opposes, is a thing that i have sometimes done, and will do henceforward, because i know that it is proper to do so for the service of god and the good of the sheep which i have in my charge. against this there is no right of patronage; nor would it occur to the king to wish that this should not be done, nor would it occur to me to defraud the royal right of patronage; for i know very well the obligation under which i am to keep it, and i know when anyone acts according or contrary thereto. surely i am surprised that your lordship should meddle in such trifles as to ask from me an account of the title under which father salinas was ordained. if your lordship does not know how he can act, i know; and for that reason i created him a priest; and i know that this was well done, and that it is not fitting to do anything else. i know that your zeal is great, but i also know what st. paul said of others who had zeal, and zeal for god, but he said that that zeal was not according to knowledge. and certainly, when your lordship interferes in the things in which you interfere in this letter, although i say it be with great zeal, you have greatly exceeded your powers, and overstepped the bounds to which they extend. for even if your lordship had known and seen that i transgressed due limits, your lordship had neither license nor authority to treat in so imperious a manner your bishop, whose instruction and advice your lordship is bound to follow, and your lordship should not undertake to constrain your master. the worst thing would be that your lordship should think that what you have said pertains to your duty, because that would be a graver matter; for, if your lordship could stretch your arm so far as that, there would be no need of any bishop in this country, except a titular one, [3] for i do not see what remains to me if your lordship can do all the things which you imply in this letter. but please read the chapter, _si ymperator_, already cited, and you will see how far your powers extend, and what is for me to do. your lordship has plenty to do in your office without extending your authority to mine, and i have plenty to do in mine without treating of what belongs to yours--although, since i have in my charge your lordship's soul, not only as a christian but as governor, i cannot be so careless as not often to be obliged to examine what you are doing and advise you of what you ought to do. this your lordship cannot do with me by virtue of your office, although as friend and lord, as one who desires my good, i shall be pleased to be advised by your lordship of my faults, which i know very well are not few. except in what my office obliges me to, be certain that i shall keep as far from interfering in the matters of your government, or from giving you any trouble, as if i were not living or were not in the country. this has turned out a very long letter, and certainly my occupations did not give me time for so much; but the great amount of matter in your letter which needed to be answered left me nothing else to do. believe me that i am very much opposed to discussing such matter especially when a man has to say something which may seem praise or esteem of himself, which is a thing very unfit for those who try to serve god. but when this is not done arrogantly, or in vanity, but to defend the necessary truth, it is done as st. gregory the pope did against the emperor maurice, and gelasius the pope against the emperor anastasius. even moses and st. paul, although they were so humble, when it was necessary to defend their authority said things of themselves which, said in any other connection, would seem wrong; but, spoken for the purpose for which they said them, were rightly spoken. as i think that what i have said is enough to satisfy your lordship's letter (and, if anything remains to be set right, time will not be lacking in which it can be discussed), for the present let this be sufficient. may our lord give your lordship the light of his grace, that you may follow his holy will in everything. from quiapo, march twenty-first, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _fray domingo_, bishop of the filipinas. liberty if the indians in the philippines gregory xiv, pope: in perpetual remembrance of the affair. since, as we have recently learned, in the first attempts to christianize the indians of the philippine islands, so many dangers of life had to be undergone, on account of the savageness of these indians, that many were constrained to take up arms against those indians, and even to ravage their property; while subsequently, after the conversion of these indians--who, abandoning their worship of false gods, now acknowledge the true god and profess the catholic faith--those who formerly had ravaged their property now wish to make good what they destroyed, but are without the means of so doing: with the desire to provide for the peacefulness of conscience of the said persons, and thus to guard against all dangers and discomforts therein, by these presents, with our authority, we charge and command our venerable brother the bishop of manila to have the above-named persons and the parties to whom restitution is to be made come to an agreement thereon among themselves, with satisfaction to be made to the owners wherever these are known. but where they are not known, then the same compensation is to be made through the bishop in benefit and aid of indians in distress, should they who are bound to restitution be able conveniently so to do; otherwise, if poor themselves, let them make satisfaction whenever they reach a comfortable state of life. moreover, in order that the resolutions determined upon by the said bishop, with religious and learned men assembled together, in benefit of the christians newly converted to the faith, be not infringed by them through mere whim or anyone's individual deed or fancy, we wish and by our apostolic authority decree that whatever orders and commands be passed by the majority of the assembly in the interest of the christian faith or the health of souls, for the good government of indian converts, shall be steadily and invariably observed until further orders or commands by the same assembly.... in fine, we have learned that our very dear son in christ, philip, the catholic king of the spains, has ordered that in view of the many deceits usually practiced therein, no spaniard in the aforesaid philippine islands shall, even by the right of war, whether just or unjust, or of purchase, or any other pretext whatsoever, take or hold or keep slaves or serfs; and yet that in contravention of this edict or command of king philip, some still keep slaves in their service. in order, then, as conformable to reason and equity, that the indians may go to and from their christian doctrinas and their own homes and lands freely and safely, without any fear of slavery, in virtue of holy obedience and under pain of excommunication, we order and command all and singular the persons dwelling in those islands--of no matter what state, degree, condition, rank, and dignity--on the publication of these presents to set wholly free, without any craft and deceit, whatever indian slaves and serfs they may have; nor for the future shall they in any manner, contrary to the edict or command of the said king philip, take or keep captives or slaves. for the rest, as it would be difficult [to send] these present letters to all and singular the aforesaid islands, etc. given at rome, at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, april 18, 1591, the first year of our pontificate. articles of contract for the conquest of mindanao gomez perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands for the king, our sovereign, etc.: his majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and decrees, as the most worthy and important thing in these islands, to strive for the propagation of our holy faith among the natives herein, their conversion to the knowledge of the true god, and their reduction to the obedience of his holy church and of the king, our sovereign; and to this end and object his majesty has given me commission to make the expeditions and pacifications that i think best for the service of god and his own, and likewise to give license and commission for making them. by reason thereof, he also commissions me to make covenants and agreements with explorers and pacifiers who are willing to bind and pledge themselves, at their own cost, to make such expeditions and pacifications. moreover, the island of mindanao is so fertile and well-inhabited, and teeming with indian settlements, wherein to plant the faith, and of so great circumference--namely, three hundred leagues--and distant two hundred leagues from this island of luzon; and is rich in gold mines and placers, and in wax, cinnamon, and other valuable drugs. and although the said island has been seen, discussed, and explored (and even in great part given in repartimiento), no effort has been made to enter and reduce it, nor has it been pacified or furnished with instruction or justice--quite to the contrary being, at the present time, hostile and refusing obedience to his majesty; and no tribute, or very little, is being collected. and the assignment into encomiendas made there has been null and void, as being made contrary to his majesty's ordinances contained in his instructions and articles on "new discoveries," as the land must be first entered and entirely pacified, and its rulers and natives must be reduced to the obedience of his majesty, and given to understand the evangelical instruction. besides the above facts, by delaying the pacification of the said island greater wrongs, to the offense and displeasure of god and of his majesty, are resulting daily; for i am informed that the king of that island has made all who were paying tribute to his majesty tributary to himself by force of arms, and after putting many of them to death while doing it; so that now each indian pays him one tae of gold. i am also told that he destroyed and broke into pieces, with many insults, a cross that he found, when told that it was adored by the christians; and that in mindanao, the capital and residence of the said king, are bornean indians, who teach and preach publicly the false doctrine of mahoma, and have mosques; besides these, there are also people from terrenate--gunners, armorers, and powder-makers, all engaged in their trades--who at divers times have killed many spaniards when the latter were going to collect the tribute (once killing thirteen, and at other times four or five), without our being able to mete out punishment, because of lack of troops. by reason of the facts above recited, and because all of the said wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification; and, when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of borney, jolo, java, and other provinces, will become obedient to his majesty: therefore, in order that the said island may be pacified, subdued, and settled, and the gospel preached to the natives; and that justice may be established among them, and they be taught to live in a civilized manner, and to recognize god and his holy law, i have tried to entrust the said pacification to a person of such character that he may be entrusted with it. now considering that the good qualities requisite for this, and which are demanded by section twenty-seven of "new discoveries," are found in esteban rodriguez de figueroa--that he is rich, powerful, possessed of many friends, popular with the soldiers of this country, and well-acquainted with the land, as being one of the first discoverers--and that he has served his majesty loyally and faithfully, and offers of his own accord to make the said pacification at his own expense; therefore, as i am confident that he will fulfil whatever he covenants and contracts to do in his majesty's service, i have resolved to entrust and charge to him the said pacification, in his majesty's name. and if he, on his part, shall fulfil his offers, which accompany this writ, then i, on my part, will fulfil likewise what i promise, as a reward for the said pacification. therefore, by this present, i empower and authorize said captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, to make the said pacification and settlement of the island of mindanao, and at his own expense, under the following conditions and declarations: as the first condition, the said captain estevan rodriguez binds himself and promises to fulfil and observe as inviolate, first and foremost, the decrees and ordinances of his majesty in the sections of "new discoveries," and in each one of them, separately--of which he will be given an authorized copy, so that he may exercise the equity and good method of proceeding, gently and without violence, which his majesty has commanded to be observed and kept in the said pacification. _item_: that said captain estevan rodriguez binds himself and promises to pacify and colonize the said island of mindanao at his own expense within three years--making one settlement on the river of mindanao, and more if necessary, according to the condition of the land; and to maintain the island, thus pacified and colonized, for one year. _item_: from that time the life-title of governor of said island shall be given to said estevan rodriguez de figueroa, and to one son or heir. and i shall have letters sent to his majesty, entreating him to show him favor by granting him the title of adelantado or of mariscal of the island, as may be his pleasure, in accordance with the orders of his majesty in my instructions. _item_: it is granted in his majesty's name that, when the said pacification and colonization is completed, he may allot the land and island of mindanao into encomiendas as follows: first, the ports and capitals shall be allotted to his majesty's royal crown. having subtracted these, he may, from the remainder, allot one-third part to himself, for the time mentioned in the said sections of "new discoveries," and in whatever part he wishes. the other two-thirds remaining he may allot and apportion among the soldiers enrolled under his banners, and those who take part in the said pacification. the said captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa said that he accepted the above covenant and agreement made as above stated, and promised to abide by its provisions. to this he pledged himself and his property; and both the said governor and captain-general, gomez perez dasmariñas, and the said captain estevan rodriguez signed the agreement (written secretly by the said governor), before me, the undersigned notary, manila, may twelve, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ _estevan rodriguez de figueroa_ before me: _juan de cuellar_ [_endorsed_: "agreement for the conquest of mindanao." "look for the decree mentioned, in order to see that it is provided; and bring it."] ordinance forbidding the indians to wear chinese stuffs gomez perez dasmarinas, governor and captain-general for his majesty in these islands, to you, juan de alcega, alcalde-mayor of the province of pan panga, and of the places pertaining thereto; or to your deputy: be it known unto you that some days ago the city of manila issued an ordinance, which was confirmed by me, forbidding the indian natives of these islands to wear silks or stuffs from china, for many reasons mentioned in the said ordinance. and in order to ascertain whether any benefit or advantage will result to the said indians from the said ordinance and whether certain offenses against god and other abuses will be averted; and whether there are any for whose sake the execution of the same should be suspended: i therefore now, by these presents, ordain and command you that, by reason of the declarations hereinbefore made, you secure information from spanish and indian witnesses, examining the same in accordance with the interrogatory sent herewith; in order that his majesty may be informed of the facts disclosed and asserted, and may issue commands at his good pleasure. given at manila, on the ninth day of april, in the year 1591. _gomez perez dasmarinas_ by order of the governor: _juan de cuellar_ compared with the original: _felipe ramirez_, notary. whereas, the city of manila, on the thirtieth day of march of this year, issued an ordinance forbidding the natives from wearing silks and stuffs from china, for many reasons mentioned in the said ordinance, which are of importance to the general welfare and the good government of these islands; we, the cabildo and government of the city of manila, command that the said ordinance be submitted to the royal council of the indias for confirmation, in order that the said causes, and any others that may exist, may be certified to his majesty. we entreat your lordship to send us information, in accordance with the questions sent you herewith, and that an authorized copy of said information be sent us for transmission to his majesty, with the said ordinance; for which purpose, etc. the witnesses are to be asked if they know whether, when first the spaniards discovered these islands, all the natives wore any other garments than those made in the islands, planting cotton and weaving cloth for their own use, and continuing to do so even for many years after the spaniards had settled in the islands; and whether the one or two ships that came from china each year, brought any cloth or silks to the islands. for these were not sold among the natives; and all that was carried in these ships was earthenware, horns, herbs, _desaumerios_, and other trifles of little importance. also whether, after the spaniards settled here, and the chinese began to increase their trade with them and to bring many ships to these islands laden with cloth, the natives began to wear garments of said cloth from china, discarding their own, which they formerly used; and whether this use has reached such a pass that there is no year when the said natives do not buy and use for their clothing over two hundred thousand robes of cotton and silk, which at the present time are worth as many pesos--and in a few years will, unless this injury [to our trade] is opposed and checked, be worth twice as much. for as the natives are not a people who strive to acquire much property for the purpose of leaving it to their heirs, but spend all they get in food and drink and clothing, and as no one needs more than one or two pieces of cloth a year, they care not whether these garments be cheap or dear, but pay for them whatever is asked; and in this way the price has risen so high, that a piece which at first could be bought for two reals, now sells for ten, and very soon will cost twenty. also whether, for the reasons given in the preceding question, there results what would be a serious loss to these islands, and injury to his majesty--that is, whether it be true that, whereas the chinese formerly, in payment for the clothing they brought, carried away from these islands thirty thousand pesos in money, they now, on account of the recklessness and extravagance of the natives, take away two hundred thousand pesos. this money leaves the realms of his majesty, and is carried to a foreign country, in violation of royal edicts; this would be prevented if the said natives were not to clothe themselves with the said stuffs. also whether the said natives have, since the spaniards have been trading in these islands with the chinese, abandoned the tillage of their lands, as regards not only the cultivation of cotton, but that of rice, wine, and other products of the country; and have given themselves over to vice and idleness, refusing to work. for, as there is money in the country, brought hither by the spaniards, some of it gets into the hands of the natives, in payment for services and in many other ways. and thus the natives, finding the stuffs brought by the chinese ready at hand, and having money to pay for them, have abandoned work and the cultivation of their lands, and become vagabonds, both men and women--courting the favor of the spaniards, and committing and causing numberless offenses against god. for the natives are addicted to theft and licentiousness, and the women are ready to sell their persons; and for these reasons there is, here, more than an intimacy of men and women. also whether the evils and disorders above mentioned would disappear with the observance of the said ordinance. for the natives would then be at work, and there would be an abundance of fruits and provisions in the country, and at very low prices, as there has been hitherto, and thus the country would be supported; and there would not be taken out of the kingdom the large sums of money which the chinese now carry away for the provisions which they bring to sell--such as flour, sugar, lard, and other things. moreover, the natives would dress in their own stuffs, which are better woven and more economical than those from china; and besides making cloth for their own use, they would have some which the spaniards could buy for their trade; and another large quantity of money would remain in the country, which now is taken from it because the said natives do not make the said cloth. another serious evil would cease; the natives would no longer sell raw cotton to the chinese, who take it to their own country and make it into cloth, and then return to sell it to the natives, and with these goods deprive them of their money. most of all, there would be an end to the evils and sins against god above mentioned. also whether the observance of the said ordinance will induce the natives and the chinese to carry on trade as they formerly did, without using money; for if the natives should wish to trade or barter in the islands (which is not forbidden to them), they can and will obtain goods, as they formerly did, in exchange for such articles as _siguey_ (a small white snail), dye-wood, and carabao horns; to this mode of trading the chinese will adapt themselves, and the outflow of money will cease. also whether all these islands, or most of them, are well adapted to the cultivation of cotton, so that, if the natives are set to the task, enough will be produced to supply all the islands with, provisions and clothing; and whether cloth will be made, as good as, or better than, that which comes from china, and a surplus be left for shipment to nueva españa in exchange for necessaries, and a larger surplus of cotton to be used in exchange for chinese wares; and whether as much money will be taken out of the country as is now taken away. let the witnesses tell what they know on these subjects; and whether the facts above stated are notorious or well-known, and matters of public discussion and report. in the village of bacolor, province of panpanga, of the philipinas islands, on the thirteenth day of the month of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, captain juan de alcega, alcalde-mayor of the said province for our lord the king, declared that, inasmuch as the cabildo, magistracy, and government of the city of manila, among other ordinances which they enacted for the welfare and government of that city, and for the benefit of the state, issued one forbidding the natives of these islands to dress in silks or stuffs from china, for the reasons and difficulties mentioned in the said ordinance; and because the enforcement and observance thereof is very just and expedient for these islands, gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the habit of santiago, governor and captain-general of the islands for our lord the king, in his royal name approved and confirmed the same. but as don frai domingo de salazar, bishop of these said islands, in the name of the natives as their protector, has protested against the said ordinance on the ground of its being injurious to the natives, the captain-general, in behalf of the said natives, and in order to ascertain the truth, makes the statements contained in this mandate. and in order to ascertain whether the observance of the said ordinance would put an end to the troubles therein mentioned, or whether a fulfilment of the same would result in the injuries to the said natives which the said bishop, as their protector, mentions, i hereby command that the following investigation be made, and that the witnesses be examined in accordance with the interrogatory submitted by the said cabildo. signed: _juan de alcega_ before me: _felipe roman_, notary. _evidence_ in the village of çubao of the said province, on the fourteenth day of may of the year aforesaid, the said alcalde-mayor, for the purpose of the said investigation, caused to appear before him don nicolas ramos, a chief of the village of cubao and governor of the same--who, being duly sworn according to legal form, with the aid of the interpreter domingo birral, and having promised on the sign of the cross to speak the truth, was questioned in accordance with the purpose of the interrogatory, and deposed as follows: in reply to the first question this witness stated that he knew that before the spaniards came to these islands for their discovery, pacification, and settlement, and that of all the peoples who then were, or have since been, discovered here, all the natives of the islands, so far as this witness is informed--chiefs, timaguas, and slaves, without distinction of rank--wove cotton fabrics, with which they clothed themselves, all from cotton of their own planting. it is true that, as far back as this witness can remember, he thinks that he has never known cotton to have been planted or gathered in this province, or along the river and coast of manila, from the village of cabite to this province; but in all the other tribes except these cotton was planted, large quantities being gathered and sold to the inhabitants of this pampanga, and to those of the river and coast of manila, who gave in exchange the rice which they cultivated, and sometimes gold; and they procured the cotton for the purpose of spinning it and weaving cloth for their own garments. this continued to be the custom for many years after the coming of the spaniards; for, although one or two ships came from china each year at that time, these brought no cloths or silks, but only iron, and earthenware, and _camanguian_. the principal reason why the tagalos of manila and the inhabitants of all this panpanga have never cultivated cotton, is because they do not know how; and because they have never been accustomed to grow anything but rice, on which they chiefly subsist. this was his answer. in reply to the second question this witness stated that since the spaniards have become established in these islands, he has noticed how the chinese have come hither, in larger numbers every year, eight ships at least coming annually from china; and in some years this witness has seen as many as twenty and thirty, all laden with cloths and bolts of silk. and when the natives of these islands and of this province saw all these cloths brought by the chinese, they made less exertion to weave their own; but to avoid even that little work, all the natives began to clothe themselves with the said stuffs from china, discarding entirely their own, which they formerly wore. and so far has this gone at the present day, that all alike--without distinction of chief from timagua, or of timagua from slave--dress in these stuffs, making it impossible to judge of their rank from their dress. in this way a very large quantity of cloth is used--far more, as it seems to this witness, than the number stated in the question; and he is very certain that, if this tendency is not checked and corrected, the price of every one of these stuffs will in a few years be doubled; for now even the cheapest costs not less than a peso. for the natives of these islands do not accumulate wealth, but spend it all in food and clothing; and as none of the natives, however high his rank may be, needs more than two or three pieces of cloth in a year, in order to avoid the labor of weaving them, and so that they can spend their time in idleness, they prefer to buy them from the sangleys, whether they are cheap or dear, paying without hesitation or heed whatever price is asked. the result is that everything is growing much dearer; for a piece of cloth which at first usually cost, on the average, three or four reals, as already stated, now costs ten reals, and, unless this rise is checked, will very soon cost twenty--and this for the reasons mentioned in the question. these matters should be considered, and some corrective be found, to avoid further difficulties. thus did he reply to this question. to the third question he replied that, for the reasons mentioned in the preceding question, considerable damage has been and is suffered, and, unless some check and remedy is applied, will continue to be suffered in these islands, by the spaniards and by the inhabitants of the country, both spaniards and natives, and especially to the injury of his majesty's service; this damage consisting in the fact that while the chinese formerly took away from these islands, in exchange for their merchandise which they bring from their own country, at the most from twenty thousand to thirty thousand pesos in money, at the present day--as all the natives are extravagant enough to buy their clothing, since they can dispense with making it--these merchants take from the country all the money stated in the question, and even more. this money they take out of his majesty's dominions to their own country, whence it never returns. and this might be prevented if the natives were forbidden to buy the said clothing, and would dress in the stuffs which they formerly were accustomed to wear. this was his answer to this question. in reply to the fourth question he stated that, before the coming of the spaniards, all the natives lived in their villages, applying themselves to the sowing of their crops and the care of their vineyards, [4] and to the pressing of wine; others planting cotton, or raising poultry and swine, so that all were at work; moreover, the chiefs were obeyed and respected, and the entire country well provided for. but all this has disappeared since the coming of the spaniards. for since their coming all the indians have given themselves over to vice and vagabondage, wandering from village to village to avoid work, and to indulge their vices--and this because, seeing that the spaniards have plenty of money, they are eager to serve them. finding that they have money, and food and clothing being given to them, or procured by a day's labor, there is nothing to induce them to return to their villages to cultivate the soil, and raise animals, and work, as they formerly did. this state of affairs is already so general in these islands that, when the attempt is made to compel a native to work, he immediately takes to flight, and wanders about, halting only at a place where he is allowed to remain idle. from this have resulted the offenses mentioned in the question, a condition which requires a remedy. such was his reply to this question. to the fifth question he said that all the evils and difficulties and offenses against god, our lord, mentioned in these questions will disappear if the said ordinance is properly executed; for all the natives would work, and the country be well supplied with crops and provisions, and a surplus sufficient for the maintenance of all the natives and spaniards, as before the coming of the sangleys, and the money which the chinese now carry from this country to their own would remain here. indeed, if these traders stopped coming altogether, the islands would not lack supplies; as for clothing, the natives could dress in their own stuffs, which are three times better than those brought from china; and, besides what they make for their own garments, they could make a large quantity for trade with the spaniards; thus would be kept in this country a very large sum of money, and thus all this country would be wealthy and prosperous. this has not been accomplished hitherto because the natives, for the reasons before mentioned, will not weave their stuffs as they used to. and, besides all this, there would be an end of the very great injury caused by the sangley's buying the raw cotton and taking it to his own country, to be there worked into cloth, which again is brought to these islands for sale. best of all, there would be an end of all the evils and offenses which the question mentions, and for which a remedy is most important. thus he replied to this question. to the sixth question he replied that everything said in the questions in regard to the chinese and the trading with them, before the spaniards had come, is true; that so matters were wont to be in these islands. where the natives had not the kinds of goods mentioned in the question, they paid for them in rice and gold, which is very advantageous to the chinese. if they continue to come and seek to trade with the natives, the arrangement described in the question would be very advantageous to both parties; and the chinese would no longer draw from the country the large quantities of money which they have taken away yearly. thus he replied to this question. in reply to the seventh question he declared that he knew that all the tribes who have been discovered in these islands could plant cotton, and that the soil is adapted to that use; but that the natives of these provinces, and of those in which rice is grown, have been and are unwilling to plant cotton, fearing lest they may ruin the cultivation of rice, which is their chief article of food. but this witness is certain that, if they would consent to do so, they could plant cotton, as it is a crop that requires less labor than rice; and if cotton were cultivated at least by the tagalos indians, who are the laziest of all, large quantities of cotton might be gathered. with this they could make cloth of very good quality for their own garments, and even some besides for the use of the spaniards, who wore these garments when they first came to the islands; much also would remain for shipment to nueva españa; and there would still be a large surplus of cotton for exchange against any articles they might desire. all these are facts well and publicly known, and matters of public report. the witness reiterates his statements and abides by them. he does not sign his name, as he cannot write, and appears to be about forty years old. signed by the interpreter, and by the alcalde-mayor _juan de alcega_ _domingo birral_ before me: _felipe roman_, notary public. and after the above the said alcalde-mayor caused to appear before him don juan lisin, an indian chief of the said village of cubao, who received the oath through the said interpreter, was sworn according to the law; and on this oath, being questioned in accordance with the interrogatory, he deposed as follows: in reply to the first question this witness declared that he knew that, at the time when the spaniards discovered and pacified these islands, all the natives thereof--and especially those of this province, as this witness has seen--wore no other garments than those made of the cloths which they then wove, which were very good; nor did they care to use, instead of this, stuffs from other countries. and although one or two ships came from china, these carried no cloth, but only plates, horns, iron, and _camanguian_, which they took in exchange for rice and gold, and for cotton in the boll, where this was grown. and thus he replied to this question. to the second question he said that since the spaniards had settled in the city of manyla, the sangleys--who at various times had formed settlements there--seeing there were spaniards in the country, and that the money they brought was different from that which had been used there before, began to increase their ships, bringing each year a greater number than before. in these they brought to the islands very large quantities of provisions (although there was no need of these in the country), together with many pieces of satin, damask, and taffeta, and other pieces of fine silk, and a large quantity of cotton cloths, white and colored. and so far has this gone that this witness has known as many as twenty ships to come in a single year, and he has known a time when at least eight entered the river of manila alone. for, besides these, many go to the provinces of pintados, which they call pan, cubu, pangansinan, ylocos, and cagayan. and when the natives of all this panpanga and of the rest of these islands--the bisayan as well as the tagalan--saw these large quantities of cloth brought by the sangleys, and that these were so cheap, they were unwilling to weave cloth, as they were wont to do before the spaniards had come and before the sangleys brought cloth to them. to avoid this labor, little as it was, all the natives have taken to buying their stuffs for clothing, and have entirely abandoned their own, which they formerly wore. the result is that in all this province, as this witness knows, no cloths are made; for whenever a garment is needed by a chief, timagua or slave, he straightway goes to manila, where the chinese have their market, and buys it from them. another result of this practice is this: as all the natives--chiefs, timaguas, and slaves alike--dress in these sangley garments, the slave as well as the chief, no one can decide whether they are not all chiefs. a large quantity of the cloth is consumed, and it seems to this witness that the number is even larger than stated in the question, rather than smaller. and if this evil is not resisted and remedied very soon, this number will greatly increase. for as the natives are compelled to buy them from the chinese, every one of the said pieces of cloth, however worthless it may be, costs a peso or a peso and a half. if the matter is allowed to go farther, experience shows that each year the price of clothing will go higher--all the more because the natives of these islands, when they have any money, try to spend that little for food and clothing; and, not valuing the cloth that they already have, they buy what they need--in order not to weave it, as this witness has said--paying whatever is asked for it. even the most prominent and the richest of the natives finds three pieces of cloth enough for an entire year; and these he buys, whether cheap or dear, never hesitating to give whatever is asked for them in barter, rather than to weave them--although that would not be more work than they could easily accomplish. if this be permitted, all goods will, as before stated, grow dearer every day. a piece of cloth which this witness has known to be sold, and himself has bought, in former years for three or four reals, sells today for eight and twelve reals: and it will very soon cost twenty, if no check or remedy be applied. thus he answered this question. to the third question he replied that the evil referred to in the question is as therein specified. last year it was stated to this witness that the sangleys carried away to their country more than three thousand pesos, which he knows leave these dominions. this evil should be corrected; and the remedy would lie in forbidding all the natives of these islands to buy any cloth whatever for their own use, and in requiring them to weave the same, as they formerly were accustomed to do. thus he replied to this question. in answer to the fourth question this witness declared that he knows that, since the spaniards have traded with the chinese in these islands, the natives have begun to desert their villages--some of them leaving their rice-fields, and others the cultivation of their vineyards or the planting of cotton, living in idleness and vagabondage; some have taken service with the spaniards and others with the chinese. all this has resulted in a corruption of their morals; for, being paid in money for their services, and having a livelihood, as stated in the question, they buy their clothes from the sangley, abandoning all labor, being encouraged and favored by the spaniards; and this has led to the offenses against god our lord which are mentioned in the question--which are very numerous, as the natives are so many; and unless a remedy is quickly applied, these crimes will increase more and more each day. thus he replied to this question. in reply to the fifth question this witness declared that he knows that, if the ordinance mentioned in the question is enforced with rigor, the evils and offenses against god, before mentioned, will cease entirely; and, the said ordinance being observed, all the people will work, as they did before the coming of the spaniards. thus the country will be maintained and well provided with all necessaries, and the money which now goes from it will remain here, and the natives will be rich; and besides all this the natives will weave much cloth, and make their garments from it, as it is three times better than that from china. there would also be a large quantity of cloth for sale to the spaniards, and even much which they could use for themselves, as they did before the sangleys began to bring goods hither. thus would another large sum of money remain in the country. of all these advantages there is great need in this country, which has suffered because an ordinance so just and advantageous to the entire country was not framed sooner. there would be an end of another great evil to which the country has hitherto submitted--namely, that the chinaman buys cotton and takes it to his own country. and the other abuses mentioned in the question would also cease. thus did he reply to this question. to the sixth question he said that the proposals therein contained are very just for the natives of these islands, and the chinese, if they continue to come to this country (which will not be necessary), will be glad to barter their goods for the articles mentioned in the question, and will be satisfied; for they traded thus before the coming of the spaniards, and went away well contented. and thus will end the outflow of the money which has been hitherto carried from this country, and will continue to be carried away if no remedy be applied. this was his answer. to the seventh question he replied that all these islands, except this province of panpanga, and that of calonpite and candava, and the river and coast of manila--all the rest, according to statements made to this witness by people who have visited them, are well adapted to the growing of cotton; and if the natives are induced to plant it, a large quantity would be produced, enough to maintain even those who do not cultivate cotton. then much cloth will be made for the use of the natives, better than that which comes from china; and there will be a surplus for shipment to nueva españa in exchange for other things; and there will be a further surplus of cotton for trade with the spaniards and the chinese--although, as already said, it would be no injustice to the chinese to forbid them taking cotton hence to their own country. thus he replied to this question. he reaffirms, upon the oath which he has taken, that all his statements are known to be notoriously true, and are matters of current report; and he signs his name. he seems about thirty years old. _juan de alcega_ _don juan lisin_ _domingo birral_ before me: _felipe roman_, notary. [eight more witnesses are examined; but as they testify to the same purport as the two preceding deponents (and almost in the identical language of these), we omit their testimony. all of them are indian chiefs, from villages near manila; and all are presumably converts, as all bear christian forenames. at the end appear the following affidavits:] this document was prepared and copied from the original which remains in my possession, and was prepared by me at the command of the said alcalde-mayor; and which i declare to have been truly and certainly done in the village of bacolor on the twentieth day of the month of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. witness: pedro garcia de molina. _joan de alcega_ i, phelipe roman, notary of the province of panpanga, in place of rodrigo quadros, notary-public of the same, prepared this document by order of the alcalde-mayor, who here has signed his name. at the end i have hereunto affixed my seal, in witness of the truth. _phelipe roman_, notary. account of the encomiendas in the philipinas islands _a detailed account of the encomiendas in the island of luçón and the other philippinas islands, both those belonging to his majesty and to private individuals, pacified and hostile, with instruction and without it; with the names of the encomenderos, the number of tributarios in each encomienda, the number of ministers of instruction in them, and the number they lack and need; the capitals and the alcaldes mayor established therein, who maintain peace therein, and govern them in peace, justice, and civilization, in their present condition. may the last, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one_. [5] manila the city of manila is located in the island of luzón. it is the capital of all the islands, and the usual residence of the governor and captain-general, his counselor, and his majesty's army. this city has about three hundred citizens. it contains the cathedral and bishop's house, and the prebendaries--to-wit, dean, archdeacon, schoolmaster, treasurer, two canons, seven or eight clerical priests, and some, although few, who are to receive orders. the city has a monastery of augustinian friars, usually with sixteen religious, counting those who are going and coming--eight of the number being priests, and the rest brethren and candidates for orders. there is one dominican convent, with four or five friars; and another convent of the same order, with a sangley hospital, in the parian in the same city, with two religious. there is one franciscan convent, which generally contains four priests and seven or eight brethren, counting the teacher and the novitiates. the society of jesus has also a professed house, with its father superior, three priests, and three brethren. there is a royal hospital for the spaniards, and another for the indians, under charge of two franciscan lay-brethren. the number of paid soldiers is generally about two hundred, besides their officers. there are two chief constables, one city and the other government; two constables; a prison warden; the three judges; the officials of the royal estate--factor, accountant, and treasurer; an executioner; a notary; a probate judge; the municipal body of the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, twelve regidors, and two secretaries--one of finance and war, the other of administration; six notaries-public, and two attorneys; and one constable to attend to vagabonds. there are many calling themselves captain, but only four have companies. this city contains the silk-market of the parian, which is composed of sangley merchants, who have two hundred shops. the parian contains about two thousand sangleys, more or less, with their judge and governor. in addition to these there are somewhat more than one thousand in the city, in tondo, and throughout the islands, engaged in various occupations and trades. inasmuch as this relation treats only of the ministers of instruction here and those necessary, i shall not discuss further details of manila and the islands, in order to come to my purpose. manila and its environs have sufficient instruction, and even more than enough; for the usual alms is given to the religious of the convents, and they are charged to administer the sacraments and to give instruction to the natives there, each convent in its own district. therefore the ecclesiastics occupied in manila and its immediate environs, where there are plenty of ministers, might be sent to other districts where ministers are lacking. _his majesty_--in the city of manila are many indians who are liable to duty, both in service and in other employments, who are continually shifting-so that, out of the three thousand tributarios that there should be, not more than five hundred tributes are collected for his majesty. to administer the sacraments and give christian instruction there is one parish priest for the indians, and they attend mass at the hospital for spaniards. they are under the jurisdiction of manila, in affairs of justice. ... d. _bagunbaya_: _his majesty_--his majesty collects about three hundred whole tributes in the new village of bagunbaya. this means one thousand two hundred souls. the convent of sanct agustín of manila provides instruction for one-third of them, those nearest the city. the other two-thirds attend mass there. they are under the charge of the parish priest of the manila indians--that is, as far as the hermitage of nuestra señora de guía ["our lady of guidance"]. there mass is celebrated for them; while he who says it to the indians of manila says it in the hospital. there are many other churches where they may attend mass, for the parish priest assists at that of the hermitage, as it is a good settlement and outside of the city. these indians are under the jurisdiction of manila. ... ccc. _laguio y malate_: _his majesty_--his majesty collects three hundred tributes, which represent one thousand two hundred souls, in the village of laguio y malate. they are instructed by one augustinian religious, who has a church and house there. they are under the jurisdiction of manila. ... ccc. _longalo y parañaque_: _his majesty_--in the village of longalo y parañaque--two places merged into one--are eight hundred tributes, which are collected by his majesty; counting in those of other small hamlets, they represent, in all, three thousand two hundred souls. they are in charge of one augustinian convent established there, with two religious. these religious visit the other small hamlets. tondo exercises justice therein. ... dccc. _cabite and others_: _his majesty_--in the village of cabite and other neighboring hamlets, his majesty has three hundred and seventy tributes, representing one thousand four hundred and eighty souls. one ecclesiastic residing there has them in charge. he visits in addition some small villages very near by, and the port of cavite, where spanish sailors are wont to be found. ... ccclxx. _maragondon_: _his majesty_--his majesty collects two hundred tributes, which represent eight hundred souls, in the village of maragondón. formerly the ecclesiastic of cavite visited them, being assigned a special salary therefor. but he does not visit them now; and for three years they have been without instruction, through the bishop's negligence. ... cc. _dilao_: _his majesty_--in the village of dilao his majesty collects two hundred whole tributes, representing eight hundred souls, whose instruction is in charge of the convent of sanct francisco of manila. they attend mass at this convent, as it is quite near. ... cc. _tondo_: _his majesty_--the town of tondo, on the other side of the river, opposite manila, is an encomienda of his majesty, and is capital of a district, with its own jurisdiction and an alcalde-mayor. in tondo, nabotas, and tambobo are collected one thousand five hundred whole tributes, which represent six thousand souls. it has one augustinian convent with two ministers, who can give sufficient instruction. ... md. besides that, there is another convent of dominicans, with two religious, who furnish instruction to forty christian sangleys, whose tribute is paid to his majesty. they are under the civil jurisdiction of that town. ... xl. _zapa_: _his majesty; pedrode chaves; a minor son of velazquez_--in the village of capa, an encomienda of his majesty, are collected two hundred tributes. in pandaca, an encomienda of pedro de chaves, are collected one hundred more. in other neighboring small hamlets, on the river above, belonging to the minor son of velazquez, are collected two hundred more. together these amount to four hundred [_sic._]. they are under the charge of one franciscan religious who resides in zapa and visits the other places. ... cccc. _passi_: _thome de la ysla_--the encomienda of passi belongs to thome de la ysla. it has two thousand tributes, under the instruction of one augustinian monastery with two ministers. on the uplands are two thousand more, among the tingues above, who, although friendly, pay no tribute and have no instruction. they could be provided with two more ministers in due time. ... mmmm. _tagui_: _captain vergara_--the encomienda of tagui belongs to captain vergara. he collects there eight hundred tributes. it is provided with adequate instruction by augustinians. ... dccc. thus the encomiendas of manila, its coast, and the opposite shore of toado have nine thousand four hundred and ten whole tributes, which represent thirty thousand six hundred and forty souls, or thereabout. they have thirteen ministers of instruction, without counting that given by the monasteries, as above stated. thus they are amply supplied with instruction, and even more than sufficiently. they are under the judicial and civil jurisdictions of manila and tondo, according to their districts. la pampanga _batan_: _esguerra_--the encomienda of batan, belonging to juan esguerra, has about one thousand tributarios, who represent four thousand souls. there is one dominican convent there, and justice is administered by a deputy. ... m. _bitis y lubao_: _king_--the encomienda of bitis y lubao, which belongs to his majesty, has about five thousand tributes, or twenty thousand souls. it has four augustinian convents. justice is exercised by one alcalde-mayor and his deputy. ... mmmmm. _macabebe_: _pedro de chaves_--the encomienda of macabebe, belonging to pedro de chaves, has about two thousand three hundred tributes, or about nine thousand two hundred souls. it has one augustinian convent. a portion of these indians are instructed, however, by a friar--that portion of them settled in certain new arable lands in araya. justice is administered by the alcalde-mayor of bitis y lubao. ... mmccc. _candava_: _don juan ronquillo; don goncalo vallesteros_--the encomienda of candava, belonging to don juan ronquillo and don goncalo de ballesteros, has about two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. it has one augustinian convent, but a portion of these tributarios are in charge of the religious in the above village of araya. it is in the civil jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of candava. ... mm. _apali_: _minor daughter of santos; juan lopez; cañedo; king_--the encomienda of apali, belonging to a minor daughter of santos, has one hundred and seventy tributes, or six hundred and eighty persons. the encomienda of cabanbangan, belonging to juan lopez de leon, has about three hundred tributes, or one thousand two hundred persons. the encomienda of the village called castilla, belonging to his majesty, has seventy tributes, or two hundred and eighty persons. another village, called capalangan, with seventy more tributes, or two hundred and eighty persons, belongs to antonio de cañedo. all these villages are instructed by one augustinian friar, who lives in the above village of apali. all the above-named villages are near a river. it is in the jurisdiction of candava and calompit. in all, these amount to six hundred and eighty tributes or two thousand seven hundred and twenty souls. ... dclxxx. _calompit_: _juan de morón_ [_sic_]--the encomienda of calompit y agunoy, belonging to juan de morones, has about three thousand two hundred tributes, or twelve thousand eight hundred souls. it has two augustinian convents, and one alcalde-mayor. ... mmmcc. _malolos_: _tirado_--the encomienda of malolos, belonging to tirado, has about nine hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred souls. it has one augustinian convent. justice is administered by the alcalde-mayor of bulacan. ... dcccc. _binto_: _cañedo_--the encomienda of binto, belonging to antonio cañedo, has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. it is in charge of one augustinian religious from the malolos convent, which is close at hand. it is in the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor above, who visits it. ... d. _guinguinto_: _ligero_--the encomienda of guinguinto, belonging to ligero, has about five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. instruction and justice are administered from bulacan. ... d. _caluya_: _king_--the encomienda of caluya, belonging to his majesty, has about seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it is under the charge of the convent of bulacán, and is in the jurisdiction of that town. ... dcc. _bulacan_: _mariscal_--the encomienda of bulacan, belonging to the mariscal [i.e., gabriel de ribera], has about one thousand two hundred tributes, or four thousand eight hundred persons. it has one augustinian convent, and one alcalde-mayor. it is a capital town. ... mcc. _mecabayan_: _minor son of la rea_--the encomienda of mecabayan, which belongs to the minor son of la rea, has about seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it has one franciscan convent. it is in the jurisdiction of bulacan. ... dcc. thus the encomiendas of pampanga have eighteen thousand six hundred and eighty whole tributes, or seventy-four thousand seven hundred and twenty souls, more or less. they have twenty-eight ministers of instruction, by whom, for the present, they are well instructed, and well governed in judicial and civil matters. pangasinan _lingayen_: _king_--the encomienda of lingayen, belonging to his majesty, has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. it has one augustinian convent. the inhabitants are peaceable, and have justice. ... m. _sunguian_: _vexarano_--the encomienda of sunguian, belonging to vexarano, has six hundred tributes, or one thousand [_sic_] four hundred persons. it has justice and is pacified. there is no instruction. it needs one religious. ... dc. _magaldan_: _axqueta_--the encomienda of magaldan belongs to captain christoval de axqueta. it has eight hundred tributes or three thousand two hundred persons. it has both instruction and justice. ... dccc. _labaya_: _king; ximenez; minor son of sandoval_--encomienda of labaya, belonging to his majesty, juan ximenez del pino, and the minor son of alonso hernández de sandoval, has one thousand five hundred tributes, or six thousand persons. it has instruction and justice. ... md. _tugui y bolinao_: _aguilar_--the encomienda of tugui y bolinao, belonging to alonso de aguilar, has two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. not more than one-half are pacified. they have no instruction. the magistrate visits them. they need at least three or four religious. ... mm. thus the encomiendas of pangasinan have about six thousand whole tributes, or about twenty-four thousand souls, who have eight ministers of instruction. they will need five more, which will make in all thirteen. the natives of this province will be sufficiently instructed with that number. ilocos _bigan_--the town of bigan is called villa fernandina. five or six spanish citizens are settled there. it has one parish priest, one alcalde-mayor, and one deputy. _baratao_: _don bernardino_--the encomienda of baratao, belonging to captain don bernardino de sandi, collects tribute from one thousand five hundred men, or six thousand persons. it has one augustinian convent with two religious. it has justice. two more religious are needed. ... md. _purao_: _guiral_--the encomienda of purao, belonging to christóval guiral, has two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. there is one augustinian convent with two religious, and it has justice. it needs two more religious. ... mm. _dumaquaque_: _king; don alonso_--the encomienda of dumaquaque, belonging to his majesty and to don alonso maldonado, has nine hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred persons. it has one monastery with two religious, and justice. ... dcccc. _candon_: _aregue; ribas_--the encomienda of candón, belonging to juan el de aregue and ribas de mendoza, collects nine hundred tributes, which means three thousand six hundred persons. they have justice, but no instruction. two ministers are necessary. ... dcccc. _nabucan_: _the mariscal_--the encomienda of nabucan, belonging to the mariscal gabriel de ribera, collects one thousand four hundred and ninety tributes, which means five thousand nine hundred and sixty persons. it has instruction, one ecclesiastic, and justice. it needs two more ministers. ... mcccc. [_sic_] _napandan_: _hospital_--the encomienda of narandán, belonging to the hospital for spaniards, collects three hundred and ninety tributes, which means one thousand five hundred and sixty persons. it has instruction and justice. there is one minister in it. ... cccxc. _bigan_: _king_--the encomienda of bigan; his majesty collects there eight hundred tributes, which means three thousand two hundred persons. it has one religious who takes care of it, and has justice. ... dccc. _batay y batanguey_: _king_--the encomienda of batay y batanguey; his majesty collects there one thousand tributes, which means four thousand persons. it has no instruction. it is at present visited from bigan. it has justice. two ministers are needed. ... m. _panay_: _don pedro de aguirre_--the encomienda of panay belongs to don pedro de aguirre, a minor. he collects seven hundred tributes, which means two thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice, but no instruction. one minister is necessary. ... dcc. _sinay y cabugao_: _king_--the encomienda of sinay y cabugao, belonging to his majesty, pays one thousand tributes, which means four thousand persons. it has justice, but no instruction. it needs two ministers. ... m. _barao_: _don juan de la peña_--the encomienda of barao belongs to don juan de la peña. he collects there seven hundred tributes, which means two thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice, but no instruction. one minister is needed. ... dcc. _cacabayan_: _king; gaspar perez_--the encomienda of cacabayan, belonging to his majesty and gaspar perez; two thousand one hundred tributes are collected there, which means eight thousand four hundred persons. it has one monastery with three religious, and justice. ... mmc. _boncan_: _hernan gutierrez_--the encomienda of boncan belongs to captain hernan gutierrez. he collects there three hundred and fifty tributes, which means one thousand four hundred souls. it is visited by the fathers from ylagua. it has justice. ... cccl. _ylagua_: _king_--the encomienda of ylagua belongs to his majesty. he collects from it one thousand five hundred tributes, which means six thousand persons. it has three ministers, and justice. ... md. _balleçillo_: _piçarro_--the encomienda of balleçillo belongs to andres piçarro, who collects there one hundred and fifty tributes, which means six hundred persons. it has no instruction, but has justice. it needs one minister. ... cl. _el abra de bigan_: _doña maría ron_--the encomienda of el abra de bigan; doña maría ron collects from it one hundred and fifty tributes, which means six hundred persons. it has no instruction, but has justice. it needs one minister. ... cl. _bacarra_: _captain castillo; hermossa_--the encomienda of bacarra; one thousand tributes are collected in it by captain castillo and andres de hermossa. this means four thousand persons. there are two augustinian priests, and the people have justice. ... m. _dinglas_: _king; maría bermudez_--the encomienda of dinglas belongs to his majesty and maría bermudez. they collect there six hundred tributes, which means two thousand four hundred persons. it has no instruction, but has justice. one religious is necessary for this encomienda. ... dc. thus in the province of ilocos and its jurisdiction, there are seventeen thousand one hundred and thirty whole tributes, or sixty-eight thousand five hundred and twenty persons. it is in charge of twenty ministers of instruction, and needs about eleven other ministers for the districts where they are wanting, in all more than thirty ministers. with this number it would seem that there would be sufficient instruction in the gospel, as there is in peace and justice. cagaian _the city of segovia_--the city of nueva segovia is the capital of cagayan, and its principal port. it has a number of spanish citizens, with an alcalde-mayor, his deputy, and regidors. there is one augustinian convent in charge of the spaniards, with one priest, and his associate, a brother. _cabicunga_: _don sebastian_--the encomienda of cabicunga is assigned to don sebastian ruyz de baeca. it has five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand souls. it has no instruction, but has justice. one minister will be needed there. ... d. _pata_: _vacant_--the encomienda of pata lies vacant. it has two hundred tributes, or eight hundred persons. it has instruction and justice, and is peaceful. the minister of cabicunga could visit it, and it would have sufficient instruction. ... cc. _massi_: _serpa; vacant_--the encomienda of massi, belonging to christoval de serpa, has five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand persons. ... d. on this river of massi is another encomienda, called bangal, with three hundred tributarios, which means one thousand two hundred persons. it lies vacant. they are both pacified and have justice, but no instruction. one religious to reside in massi, and visit bangal, will be sufficient. ... ccc. _tulaque_: _captain castillo; juan de la feria_--the encomienda of tulaque, which belongs to captain castillo and juan de la feria, has one thousand five hundred tributarios, which means six thousand persons. the greater portion is pacified. they have no instruction. two ministers will be necessary for the whole. ... md. _camalayuga_: _king_--the encomienda of camalayuga belongs to his majesty. he collects there five hundred tributes, which means two thousand persons. they are pacified. they have no instruction, but have justice. ... d. _camanaguan_: _king_--the encomienda of camanaguan belongs to his majesty. he collects there three hundred tributes, which means one thousand two hundred persons. likewise tocol, which has one hundred tributes, or four hundred persons. these tributes have been assigned to the repairs of the fortress of the city of segovia. they are pacified and have justice. at present one minister, to reside in camalayuga and visit the other villages, will suffice. ... ccc. _gotot_: _don pedro de espinosa_--the encomienda of gotot belongs to don pedro de espinosa. it has six hundred tributes. one or two of its settlements are pacified. justice is administered there. it has no instruction. one religious will be necessary there. ... dc. _maguin y taviran_: _king_--the encomienda of maguín y tabiran belongs to his majesty. it has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. there is one pacified settlement. justice is administered from cagaian. there is no instruction. one minister for the instruction of these settlements will be necessary. ... d. _sinavanga_: _juan pablo_--the encomienda of sinavanga, belonging to juan pablo de carrion, has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. it is hostile, and has no instruction. two ministers are needed there. ... m. _manacu_: _don sebastian_--the encomienda of manacu, belonging to don sebastian ruyz de baeza, has two hundred tributes, or eight hundred friendly persons. it has justice. the two ministers of manacu are without instruction. the ministers of sinavanga might care for those of manacu, and it would be instructed. ... cc. _dumon_: _sequera_--the encomienda of dumon, belonging to juan de sequera, has eight hundred tributes, which means three thousand two hundred persons. it is hostile. one religious might be stationed there when it is pacified. ... dccc. _talapa y gatara_: _juan vasquez; argonca; alonso martín_--the encomienda of talapa y gatara belongs to juan vasquez and juan de argonca. it has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. they are hostile. one religious might be stationed there, when they are pacified, and who can visit the estuary of talapanga, which has fifty tributes, or two hundred persons, and belongs to alonso martín. it is hostile also.... dl. _lobo_: _don rodrigo ronquillo; diego ronquillo_--the encomienda of lobo, belonging to don rodrigo and diego ronquillo, has four thousand tributes, or sixteen thousand persons. it is all hostile. for its administration and instruction it requires six religious. ... mmmm. _bato and masipin_: _don sebastian; alonso martín_--the encomienda of bato belongs to don sebastian ruyz baeza. it has four hundred tributes, and masipin two hundred tributes, which means two thousand four hundred persons. it is all in rebellion. it might have one religious to minister to both parts. ... dc. _caralanga, yaguan, ygui, tagoran, pagamon_: _francisca de cardenas; alonso vazquez; alonso sanchez; don sebastian_--all the above encomiendas belong to francisca de cardenas, alonso vazquez, alonso sanchez, and don sebastian ruyz de baeza. they have about six hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred persons. all of them are hostile. they might have one religious to administer instruction in them all. ... dc. _nabugan_: _king_--the encomienda of nabugan belongs to his majesty. it has seven hundred tributarios, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it is in rebellion. one minister to instruct them is needed. ... dcc. _gabalatan, gat, tapia, dudulique_: _don sebastian; alonso sanchez; patiño_--these encomiendas of gabalatan, gat, tapia, and dudulique, belong to alonso sanchez, don sebastian, and patiño. they have six hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred persons. they are all hostile. one minister is needed for them, who may live in gabalatan and visit the other villages. ... dc. _tubigarao, tabagar, acuba_: _henao; alonso vázquez_--these encomiendas of tubigarao, tabagar, and acuba, belong to henao and alonso vazquez. they have seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. they are in rebellion. when pacified, one minister might instruct them. he could live in tubigarao and visit the other villages. ... dcc. _batona, sulu, rot, lapugan_: _bartholome de caravajal; enrrique martín_--these encomiendas of batano, sulu, rot, and lapugan, belong to enrrique martín and bartholome de caravajal. they have five hundred and fifty tributes, or two thousand two hundred persons, who are in rebellion. when the rebellion is suppressed, one minister can furnish instruction in all these villages. ... dl. _cimbus_: _caravajal; serna_--the encomienda of cimbus belongs to bartholome caravajal and estevan de la serna. they have one thousand two hundred tributarios, or four thousand eight hundred persons. it is all in a state of rebellion. when pacified, two ministers can attend to the instruction there. ... mcc. _nalaguan_: _juan vázquez_--the encomienda of nalaguan belongs to juan vázquez. it has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. it is hostile. one minister is necessary. ... d. _bololutan_: _caravajal; juan vazquez_--the encomienda of bolo y lulutan, belonging to bartholome caravajal and alonso vázquez, has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. bolo is at peace but lulutan is in rebellion. one religious can administer instruction in both parts. ... d. _bataguan, sugarro_: _alonso sanchez; alonso galindo_--the encomienda of bataguan and sugarro, belonging to alonso sanchez and alonso galindo, has six hundred tributes or two thousand four hundred persons. it is all in rebellion. one religious can administer instruction, and can reside at bataguan and visit sugarra. ... dc. _balissi, moyot, and camiguil_: _serna; alonso sanchez; juan vázquez_--the encomiendas of balissi, belonging to estevan de la serna, moyot, belonging to alonso sanchez, and camiguil, belonging to alonso [_sic_] vazquez, have five hundred and fifty tributes, or two thousand two hundred persons. they are in rebellion. one minister, who could live in balissi and visit the others, could furnish instruction. ... dl. _purrao culit_: _miguel nunez_--the encomienda of purrao culit belongs to miguel nuñez, and has about five hundred tributarios, or two thousand persons. it is in rebellion throughout. one minister could furnish instruction to all the inhabitants. ... d. _taotao_: _alonso martín_--the encomienda of taotao, called otherwise tingues de la paxada, belongs to alonso martín. it has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. it is all in rebellion. one minister might instruct these encomiendas. ... d. _yoguan_: _luis patiño_--the encomienda of yoguan has another village, called togol, and both belong to luys patiño. they have four hundred tributarios, or one thousand six hundred persons. it is all in rebellion. one minister can instruct these villages. ... cccc. _pugao_: _juan rodríguez de mansilla and others_--the valley of pugao, which is in charge of juan rodríguez de manssilla, at the head-waters of the rio grande; we are informed that it has two thousand tributarios. they are in rebellion. when they are pacified, they will require three ministers. this encomienda belongs to others together with manssilla. ... mm. _babuyanes_: _alonso de la serna; francisco castillo_--this encomienda of the babuyanes consists of two islands belonging to estevan [_sic_] de la serna and francisco castillo. from one to the other is a distance of two leagues. it has five hundred tributarios, or two thousand persons. they are all in rebellion. it might have one minister, living at puga and visiting aperri. ... d. _calayan_: _serna_--this island of calayan belongs to estevan de la serna. it has four hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred persons. it is in rebellion. it needs one minister. ... cccc. _camiguin_: _alonso martín_--the island of camiguín belongs to alonso martín. it has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. it is in rebellion. one religious might attend to the instruction there. ... d. we have notice of other islands, although we have not seen them, and they remain yet to be allotted. thus in the province of cagayan and the islands of babuyanes, there are twenty-four thousand whole tributes, or about ninety-six thousand souls. notwithstanding that most of it is in rebellion, a great part of it is being reduced to the royal crown. in all the province there is not a single minister of instruction, and it will need thirty-eight religious, when it is wholly pacified. as to the administration of justice, in the part now pacified or being pacified, the encomienda and government of nueva segovia has it in charge. when all is pacified, more alcaldes-mayor will be needed, and will be provided. la laguna _mirabago_: _juan gutierrez_--the encomienda of mirabago, belonging to juan gutierrez, has six hundred, nay, seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice. the instruction of this encomienda located on the shore of the lake is in charge of the bridge [6] of tabuco. one minister is needed for the tingues. ... dcc. _tabuco_: _don luis enrriquez_--the encomienda of tabuco belongs to don luis enrriquez. it has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. the tingues of this encomienda live very far away, although the ecclesiastic in charge of this encomienda visits them. for this reason they will need one ecclesiastic. ... m. _taitay_: _juan pacheco_--the encomienda of taitay, belonging to juan pacheco, has six hundred tributes. one franciscan friar takes sufficient care of the instruction there. ... dc. _bay_: _juan pacheco maldonado_--the encomienda of bay belongs to captain juan pacheco maldonado. it has two thousand one hundred tributes, or eight thousand four hundred persons. it has two augustinian convents, and justice. it has sufficient instruction. ... mmc. _pila_: _captain mercado; peñalossa_--the encomienda of pila belongs to captain mercado and ensign peñalosa. it has one thousand seven hundred tributes, or six thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice; and two franciscan convents furnish sufficient instruction. ... mdcc. _mahaihai_: _captain ossorio_--the encomienda of mahaihai belongs to captain ossorio. it has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. it has justice, and one franciscan friar. ... d. _lumban_: _king_--the encomienda of lumban belongs' to his majesty. he collects there one thousand seven hundred tributes, which means six thousand eight hundred persons. it has two convents of franciscan friars, and is well instructed. ... mdcc. _tayaval_: _king_--the encomienda of tayaval belongs to his majesty. it has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it is sufficiently instructed. ... dcc. _panguil_: _minor son of velazquez_--the encomienda of panguil, belonging to the minor son of velázquez, has eight hundred tributes, or three thousand two hundred persons. it is instructed by franciscans. ... dccc. _sinaloa_: _brito_--the encomienda of sinaloa belongs to pedro de brito. it has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it is sufficiently instructed, although the tingues live very far away, and cannot come to the convent for mass. one more minister is necessary. ... dcc. _moron_: _hernando deabalos; hospital_--the encomienda of morón belongs to hernando abalos and the royal hospital. they have one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. they have instruction, but in order that all may have it, one more minister is needed. ... m. _nayun_: _king_--the encomienda of nayun, belonging to his majesty, has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. they are sufficiently instructed. ... dcc. thus the province of la laguna, which is the alcalde-mayoralty styled by itself bay, has eleven thousand five hundred whole tributes, or forty-eight thousand four hundred souls. these are well instructed, for with its twenty-seven ministers, if the tingues were gathered in the settlements, and another four ministers were added, it would have sufficient instruction. likewise it is all furnished with adequate justice. vicor and camarines _caceres_: the town of caceres is the capital. it has thirty spanish inhabitants and one franciscan convent with two religious, not counting those who come and go. there is one parish priest with his church, stationed by himself, to whom his majesty gives a stipend of fifty thousand maravedís; and, with the balance given by the citizens, the sum amounts to more than three hundred pesos. there is one alcalde-mayor and his deputy. _milarrit_: _minor son of torres_--the village of mirralit [_sic_], belonging to the minor son of torres; in this encomienda there are five hundred and twenty whole tributes, or two thousand and eighty souls in all. this encomienda is one-quarter of a league from the town up the river. two franciscan religious from the convent of caceres visit it, so that it is sufficiently instructed. the magistrate of caceres administers justice there. ... dxx. _minalava_: _king_--his majesty has control of the encomienda of minalava, in which are six hundred and sixty-eight tributes, or two thousand six hundred and seventy-two souls. the villages of this encomienda are quite close to one another, so that they can hear the bell when it is rung, and assemble in this encomienda. there are two religious of the order of st. francis--one a priest and the other a lay-brother--so that it is furnished with instruction. in addition, these religious visit the following encomienda. ... dclxviii. _ynguinan_: _doña maría de ron_--these two religious visit the encomienda called ynguinan, which has two hundred and six entire tributes, or eight hundred and twenty-four persons. by means of the above mentioned visitation, instruction is furnished. ... ccvi. _linaguan_: _pedro de salazar_--these two religious visit linaguan also. it belongs to pedro de salazar, who has in the said encomienda of niguinan sixty whole tributes. it is one-half league from minalava, its capital. there is another encomienda two or three leagues farther. at present these towns of niguinan and linaguan are not sufficiently instructed by this visitation. however, with the addition of one more minister they will have sufficient. justice is administered in these encomiendas by the alcalde-mayor of caceres, two or three leagues away. ... lx. _nabua_: _king_--his majesty has another encomienda also, nabua by name, numbering one thousand and eighteen whole tributes, or four thousand and seventy-two persons. the villages of this encomienda are near together. they used to have four ministers, for they visit the two following encomiendas. there are in nabua two franciscan friars. ... mxviii. _bula_: _doña maria de ron_--the village of bula belongs to doña maría de ron. it is four leagues from nabua. it has two hundred and six whole tributes, or eight hundred and twenty-four persons. it is visited from nabua. ... ccvi. _bao_: _minor son of sebastian pérez_--these fathers of nabua visit also the encomienda of the minor son of the late sebastian perez, called bao. it has one hundred and seventy-six tributes, or seven hundred and four persons. like nabua, the capital, it used to have four friars, but now has not more than two. these encomiendas are not well administered, but five religious would be sufficient for it. ... clxxvi. _buy_: _sebastián garcía_--likewise these fathers of nabua visited and instructed the encomienda of buy, which belongs to sebastián garcía; but they say they can do so no longer. it is two leagues from nabua, and can receive instruction from no other place. it has three hundred and twelve tributes, or one thousand two hundred and forty-eight persons, who will receive instruction, when nabua, its capital, has the said five ministers. ... cccxii. _guas and libon_: _estevan rodríguez_--captain estevan rodríguez has the encomienda of the villages of guas and libon, with one thousand one hundred and seventy-four whole tributes, or four thousand seven hundred and ninety-six souls. the settlements of these two capitals are near one another, except some located in the mountains six or seven leagues away, where there are many christians. the said encomienda is instructed and visited with difficulty. four religious of the order of st. francis-three priests and one lay brother-live there. they visit the following encomienda. ... mclxxiiii. _polangui_: _pedro de salazar_--between guas and libon, pedro de salazar owns a village named polangui, with six hundred and forty-one tributes, or two thousand five hundred and sixty-four souls. by means of the above-mentioned visitation, they are tolerably well instructed at present; but if more religious can be had, they might have two more, so that there might be two in guas, two in polangui, and two in luyon, which would furnish sufficient instruction. caceres rules it in affairs of justice. ... dcxli. _canaman_: _gregorio sanchez_--gregorio sanchez has canaman as an encomienda, with three hundred and six whole tributes, or one thousand two hundred and twenty-four persons, including adults and children. it receives instruction from two franciscan friars--one a priest, and the other a lay-brother--so that it is well instructed. ... cccvi. _alimanan_: _diego díaz marmolejo_--alimanán, the encomienda of diego díaz marmolejo, lies on the way to canaman. it has six hundred whole tributes, or about two thousand four hundred souls. there are two religious of the order of st. francis in the said encomienda, who furnish sufficient instruction. caceres administers justice therein. ... dc. _magarao_: _pedro de arceo_--the canaman fathers visit likewise the encomienda of magarao, which belongs to captain pedro de arceo. this encomienda has four hundred and fifty whole tributes, or one thousand eight hundred men. the villages of both these encomiendas [canaman and magarao] are quite near one another, being separated by little more than one-half league. these villages are well instructed, with the visitation of the two religious; although, if there were a good supply of priests, they might, in order to be thoroughly instructed, have one more for the administration of the sacraments. they are one league from the city of caceres, from which place they are governed in civil and judicial matters. ... ccccl. _quipayo_: _luys brizeño_--captain luis brizeño has the village of quipayo as an encomienda, with five hundred tributes, or two thousand souls. the villages of this encomienda are quite close together, being separated by only one-half league, or three-quarters at the most. it has two religious, priests of the order of st. francis. it is well instructed and has the following visitation. ... d. _caravanga_: _sebastian garcia_--these two fathers visit the encomienda of caravanga, belonging to estevan [_sic_] garcía. there are three hundred tributes there, or one thousand two hundred persons. by means of the two above-mentioned religious, it is well instructed. caceres governs it in judicial matters. ... ccc. _labo y aguette_: _king_--his majesty owns also another encomienda in this province, called labo y aguetet, having six hundred and forty-eight whole tributes, or two thousand nine hundred and ninety-two persons. the villages of this encomienda are close together, except six villages having seventy tributes, which are up the river, four or five leagues from the capital. one priest furnishes the instruction in this encomienda, namely the canon paz; but he makes the following visits. ... dcxlviii. _batas_: _minor son of hernando de la cruz_--the encomienda of batas, belonging to the minor son of hernando de la cruz, has three hundred whole tributes, or one thousand two hundred persons. the priest of labo instructs it in visits. ... ccc. _tarisey_: _pablo garcía_--pablo garcía owns another encomienda, called tarisey, lying between labo and batas. it has about eighty whole tributes, or three hundred and twenty persons, and is visited from labo. although the said minister of labo is aided by another from paracali who says mass, this latter does not know the language. in respect to the said visitations of batas and tarisey, it seems that, to have sufficient instruction, the said encomienda of labo should have two friars. the alcalde-mayor of caceres administers justice to the natives of these encomiendas. ... lxxx. _paracali_: _andres cauchela_--the accountant cauchela has five hundred and seventy tributes in paracali. this means two thousand two hundred and eighty souls, all sufficiently instructed. dlxx. _mauban_: _king_--in this province at mauban, and on the island of buyun, the island of mandatto and bisayas, his majesty has one thousand two hundred tributes along twenty leagues of coast. it is not instructed and numbers four thousand eight hundred souls. two religious are necessary. ... mcc. _lagunoy_: _brizeño_--captain brizeño has an encomienda in the province of lagunoy, at mapoto, with two hundred whole tributes, or eight hundred souls. it has not instruction, and needs one minister. ... cc. _lagunoy_: _rodrigo arias_--in the same province, ensign rodrigo arias owns an encomienda of seven hundred whole tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it has no instruction. when instruction is furnished to the above encomienda, this one will have it. ... dcc. _lagunoy_: _doña maría ron_--in the same province, doña maría de ron has three hundred whole tributes, or one thousand two hundred souls, without instruction. ... ccc. _lagunoy_: _juan rodríguez lausor_--in addition juan rodríguez de lausor has three hundred whole tributes in the same province. there are one thousand two hundred souls living in fine settlements, near one another. this province and all the said encomiendas are without instruction. they might have four ministers, if there is a sufficient supply, for they are twelve leagues from the city of cáçeres, from which justice is administered to them. ... ccc. _malinao_: _briçeño_--in the province of malinao and cagarei, the said captain brizeño has four hundred whole tributes, or one thousand six hundred souls. they have no instruction, but below will be told how they can have it. ... cccc. _albai_: _brizeño_--the said captain brizeño has another hundred and sixty whole tributes, which means six hundred and forty persons, in the province of albay, without instruction. ... clx. _albai_: _gregorio sánchez; diego de montoro_--gregorio sánchez and diego de montoro have between them one thousand five hundred whole tributes, or six thousand souls, in the same province of albay. the settlements in this province are excellent, and located near together. four or even three ministers might take care of these two provinces of manilao and albay, and instruct the said four encomiendas, which are under the civil jurisdiction of cáçeres. ... md. _camarines_: _pedro de arçeo_--captain pedro de arçeo has the province of camarines as an encomienda. this has eight hundred and eighty tributes, or three thousand five hundred and twenty persons. they are all settled in one village, a condition which was brought about by two franciscan friars who were there, but who left it about three and one-half years ago. therefore they have no instruction. two religious will be necessary at present. ... dccclxxx. _yguey_: _alonso pimentel_--alonso pimentel has an encomienda in yguei, with six hundred and seventy tributes, or two thousand six hundred and eighty souls. two religious are needed there. the encomendero has taught them a great deal, for many of them know their prayers. the alcalde-mayor of cáçeres administers justice there. ... dclxx. _bondo y caporagua_: _alonso lopez_--he owns the encomienda of the bay of bondo y caporagua, with five hundred whole tributes, or two thousand souls. they live on nine rivers along eight leagues of coast, the said rivers having one hundred, or one hundred and thirty or fifty, inhabitants. they might be collected on two of the rivers and be instructed by one priest. the magistrate of camarines visits them. ... d. _bondo_: _manila hospital_--manila hospital owns five hundred and forty more tributes, or two thousand one hundred and sixty souls, in the said province of bondo. it will need one more minister for instruction, for they have none. this encomienda, with the one above, belonging to alonso lópez, will need three. ... dxl. _lumanao in ybalon_: _saavedra_--in the province of ybalon, diego lópez de saavedra owns the encomiendas of lumanao, with four hundred whole tributes, or one thousand six hundred persons. it has no instruction. it and the following will need three ministers, when there is a sufficient supply of them. ... cccc. _ybalon_: _christóval sánchez_--on the said bay of ybalón, christóval sánchez has an encomienda of seven hundred and forty whole tributes, or two thousand nine hundred and sixty souls. they are without instruction, but can have it with the three ministers mentioned in the above encomienda--two here, and one there. the alcalde-mayor of cáçeres visits these encomiendas. ... dccxl. _uban y builan_: _king_--his majesty has seventy tributes along the river of uban y builan. they have no instruction, but can be visited from ybalón. there are two hundred and eighty souls. ... lxx. _coast opposite ybalon_: _pedro de arnedo_--pedro de arnedo has seven hundred and thirty-five whole tributes, or two thousand nine hundred and forty souls, on the coast opposite the said bay of ybalon, in baco y busaigan. this encomienda, extending ten or twelve leagues along the adjacent coast, and occupying five settlements along the seacoast, might be reduced to two settlements, except one river on the strait and mouth of bugaigan. one priest might be established here in this encomienda, and visit the following, as it is small. ... dccxxxv. _capul_: _hernando muñoz_--hernando muñoz de poyatos has three hundred and thirty whole tributes, or one thousand three hundred and twenty souls, in capul, which is situated one league from the strait. it has no instruction, but will be visited from the above encomienda. ... cccxxx. _catanduanes_: _thomás dato; rodrigo sarfate; juan de yepes; antón sánchez_--the island of catanduanes has three thousand tributarios, and more than fully pays its listed tribute. it has more than fifteen thousand souls, and belongs to four encomenderos: thomás dato, rodrigo sarfate, juan de yepes, and antón sánchez. the five scattered settlements might be reduced to two. with four more ministers it could be instructed. cáçeres administers its justice, by visitation from cáçeres. however, it will require a deputy, who should generally live there. ... mmm. thus the province of vicor y camarines, with the island of catanduanes, has twenty-one thousand six hundred and sixty whole tributes, or eighty-six thousand six hundred and forty souls. for its entire instruction it has at present fifteen ministers. according to the allotment of the land, thirty-two more ministers are necessary, so that it may have sufficient instruction. in all it needs fifty-three, if there are sufficient. all the province has justice, which is administered from cáçeres. _masbate_: _moral_--the encomienda of masbate is an island belonging to francisco de moral. it has about four hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred souls. the people are peaceable. it has justice administered from cáçeres. it has no instruction, and needs one minister. ... cccc. _burías_: _captain brizeño_--this encomienda of burías is another island, and belongs to captain brizeño. he collects there four hundred tributes. it has justice, but no instruction, and will need one minister. ... cccc. [zebu] _zebu_--in the island of zebú is the capital city, sanctissimo nombre de jesús, with more than thirty spanish citizens, with its alcalde-mayor and magistracy. it has one ecclesiastic, who acts as vicar of the spaniards. _leite_: _oseguera_--the encomienda of leyte belongs to don pedro de oseguera. he collects there six hundred and twenty-six tributes, which means one thousand and five hundred and four persons. it has justice; and that it may have instruction, needs one minister. ... dcxxvi. _gonpot y cagayán_: _king_--this encomienda of gonpot y cagayán belongs to his majesty. he collects there seventy tributes. it has neither instruction nor justice, but needs them. ... lxx. _butuan_: _doña lucía_--doña lucía de loarca owns the encomienda of the river of butuan. she collects there one thousand two hundred tributes. it has justice, but no instruction. two religious are necessary to take care of it, for it has four thousand and eight hundred persons. ... mcc. _zampojar_: _caravajal_--diego de caravajal collects along this river of sampójar, fifty-eight tributes. they are not well pacified, and have neither instruction nor justice, both of which they need. ... lviii. _caraga_: _juan gutiérrezdel real; francisco de sancta cruz_--juan gutiérrez del real and francisco de sancta cruz collect eight hundred and ninety-two tributes in caraga. this represents three thousand five hundred and sixty-eight persons. they have no instruction, and are not pacified; but when that shall be effected, it will need two ministers. ... dcccxcii. _dulaque_: _francisco rodríguez de avila_--francisco rodríguez de avila collects tribute along the river of dulaque from four hundred and eighty-two tributarios, who represent one thousand nine hundred and twenty-eight persons. it has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... cccclxxxii. _leyte_: _sedeño_--pedro sedeño collects tribute in the island of leyte and along the river of tambolo, from five hundred and sixty-three tributarios, who represent two thousand two hundred and fifty-two souls. it is peaceful, and has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... dlxiii. _carigara_: _juan de truxillo_--juan de truxillo collects tribute along the river of carigara from four hundred and thirty-four tributarios, who represent one thousand seven hundred and thirty-six persons. it has justice, and is peaceful, but has no instruction. it needs one minister. ... ccccxxxiiii. _barugo_: _henao_--alonso de henao collects four hundred and fourteen tributes on the river of barugo. these represent one thousand six hundred and fifty-six persons. it is peaceful, and has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... ccccxiiii. _abuyo_: _reyes_--gaspar de los reyes collects three hundred and four tributes on the river of abuyo and the town of guisan, in ybabao. these represent one thousand two hundred and sixteen persons. it is peaceful and has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... ccciiii. _palo_: _pedro hernandez_--pedro hernandez collects four hundred and ninety tributes from the encomienda of palo. these represent two thousand persons. it is peaceful, with justice, but without instruction, and needs one minister. ... ccccxc. _dulaque_: _sauzedo_--domingo de sauzedo collects from the encomienda of dulaque six hundred and thirteen tributes, which represent two thousand four hundred and fifty-two persons. it is peaceful, and has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... dcxiii. _abuyo ebito_: _ysla_--gaspar de ysla collects four hundred and thirty-five tributes, which represent one thousand seven hundred and forty persons, in abuyo ebito, and zebu. it is peaceful, with justice, but without instruction, and needs one religious. ... ccccxxxv. _hinundanga_: _abila_--francisco de ábila collects five hundred tributes, which means two thousand persons, from the encomienda of hinundanga. it is pacified and has justice, but no instruction. it needs at least one religious to take care of it. ... d. _tilan_: _sepulbeda_--francisco de sepúlbeda collects the tribute of the encomienda of tilan, which has one hundred and forty tributes. he collects unjustly. although it has justice, it has no instruction, and needs it. ... cxl. _baybay and zebu_: _navarro_--pedro navarro collects six hundred and fifteen tributes in baybay and zebú. this means two thousand four hundred and sixty persons. it has no instruction, but has justice. one minister is necessary. ... dcxv. _samay and ybabao_: _juan méndez_--the minor son of juan méndez collects one thousand tributes, which means four thousand persons, in samay and ybabao. it has peace and justice, but no instruction. it needs two ministers. ... m. _tinagon and burí_: _soria; núñez_--pedro de soria collects two hundred and six tributes in tinagón. these represent eight hundred and twenty-four persons. it has justice, but no instruction. this is needed between him and francisco núñez, who collects one hundred and ninety tributes in burí. ... cccvi. _sámar, ybabao_: _molina_--francisco de molina collects in sámar, ybabao, siquión and maripit, four hundred and seventy-seven tributes, which represent one thousand nine hundred and eight persons. it has no instruction, but has justice. it needs one minister. ... cccclxxvii. _candaya_: _françisco martin_--françisco martin collects from gandaya two hundred and fifty-five tributes, which represent one thousand and twenty persons. it has justice, but no instruction, and needs it. ... cclv. _ybabao_: _gonçalo ximénez; juan gutiérrez_--gonçalo ximénez and juan gutiérrez del real collect, in the island of ybabao, eight hundred and sixteen tributes, which represent three thousand two hundred and sixty-four persons. it has peace and justice, but no instruction. it needs, at the least, one minister. ... dcccxvi. _ybabao and zebu_: _carreña_--francisco carreño collects, in ybabao and zebu, three hundred and thirty tributes, which represent one thousand three hundred and twenty persons. it has justice and is pacified, but has no instruction, which it needs. ... cccxxx. _leyte, masbate, and ybabao_: _moral_--francisco moral collects, from leyte, masbate, and ybabao, one thousand one hundred and sixteen tributes, which represent four thousand four hundred and sixty-eight persons. it has justice, and is entirely pacified. it has no instruction, and needs two ministers. ... mcxvi. _bantayan_: _minor son of gamboa_--the minor son of gamboa collects, in bantayan, one thousand six hundred and eighty-three tributes, which represent six thousand seven hundred and thirty-two persons. it has both justice and instruction. ... mdclxxxiii. _tanay_: _ossorio_--ossorio collects, from the river of tanay, one hundred and eighty tributes, which represent seven hundred and twenty persons. it has justice and peace, but no instruction, which it needs. ... clxxx. _tanay_: _juan martín_--juan martín collects, from the river of tanay and the island of negros, five hundred and fifty-seven tributes, which represent two thousand two hundred persons. it has no instruction, but is pacified and has justice. it needs one minister. ... dlvii. _abuyo_: _françisco álbarez_--françisco albarez de toledo collects, along the river of abuyo, vincay, and maya, four hundred and eighty tributes, which represent one thousand nine hundred and twenty persons. it is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction, which is needed. ... cccclxxx. _camote and matan_: _the city_--the city of sanctíssimo nombre de jesus has of its own, in camote and matan, two hundred and eighty-seven tributes, which represent one thousand one hundred and forty-eight persons. they are pacified, and have justice, but no instruction, which is needed. for this and the two following one minister is necessary. ... cclxxx. _mindanao_: _roman_--alonso roman collects in mindanao one hundred tributes, which represent four hundred persons. it is pacified, but has no instruction. it has justice. ... c. _masagua y payta_: _espinosa_--christoval espinosa collects, from the encomienda of masagua y payta, in ybabao, one hundred and thirty-seven tributes, which represent five hundred and forty-eight persons. it is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction, which is needed. ... cxxxvii. thus the tributes of the island of cebu and its jurisdiction amount to fifteen thousand eight hundred and thirty-three whole tributes. this means thirty-five thousand [_sic_] persons, and for these there are but two ministers. twenty-one ministers are necessary to furnish sufficient instruction. as to justice, the entire province is sufficiently governed by one alcalde-mayor and his deputy. panay the town of arevalo is the capital of this island of panay, and contains more than twenty spanish citizens. there is one alcalde-mayor and one corregidor for the river of panay, besides its body of magistrates, and a parish which is in charge of an ecclesiastic. _oton and ymaral_: _doña lucía_--doña lucía de loarca collects, from the village of oton and its tingues, the island of ymaras, and the river of hilo, one thousand six hundred tributes, which represent six thousand four hundred persons. otón has instruction, and one of its two friars visits ymaras and the tingues. there is no instruction in hilo. it needs one more minister. justice is had from arevalo. ... mdcl. _xaro_: _captain arçeo_--captain augustin de arçeo collects, in the encomienda of xaro and its tingues, one thousand three hundred tributes, which represent five thousand two hundred persons. it is cared for by one ecclesiastic, but needs another minister. justice is had from arevalo. ... mccc. _araut_: _king_--his majesty collects, on the river of araut, two thousand tributes, which represent eight thousand persons. it has justice, but no instruction. it needs four ministers. ... mm. _araut_: _captain juan pablo_--captain juan pablo de carrion collects, on the said river of araut, two thousand tributes. it has justice, and two augustinian friars who instruct it. it needs one other minister. ... mm. _araut_: _diego lópez; lope rodríguez_--diego lopez de valdepeñas and the minor son of lope rodriguez collect, on the said river of araut, one thousand six hundred tributes, which represent six thousand four hundred persons. they have justice, but no instruction. they need two ministers. ... mdc. _axuí_: _king; rivera_--his majesty and françisco de rivera collect, from the encomienda of axuí, one thousand two hundred tributes, which represent four thousand eight hundred persons. it is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction. it needs two ministers. ... mcc. _aranguen_: _captain sarmiento_--captain pedro sarmiento collects, along the river of aranguen, three hundred tributes, which represent one thousand two hundred persons. it is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... ccc. _panay_: _king_--his majesty has along the river of panay and its branch, the mayo, eight hundred and fifty tributes, which represent two thousand four hundred [_sic_] persons. they have instruction and justice. ... dcccl. _panay_: _guarnico; lievana_--captain guarnizo and ensign pedro guillén de lievana collect, along the said river, two thousand three hundred tributes, which represent nine thousand two hundred persons. it has justice, and one ecclesiastic who furnishes instruction. it needs at least two more ministers. ... mmccc. _mambusao_: _rivera; morales_--francisco de rivera and gaspar ruyz de morales collect, along the branch river manbusao, one thousand tributes, which represent four thousand persons. it is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction. it needs one minister. ... m. _yguican_: _captain sarmiento_--captain sarmiento collects, along the river of yguisan, ninety tributes, which represent three hundred and forty persons. it has justice. ... xc. _maharlu_: _ángulo_--álbaro de ángulo collects, in maharlu, damayan, the island of tablas, and cabuyan, six hundred tributes, which represent two thousand four hundred persons. it has justice, and is pacified. it has no instruction, and needs one minister. ... dc. _batán_; _miguel rodriguez_--the encomienda of batán belongs to miguel rodriguez. he collects there, at moguín, dunblón, batón, and along the river of hilo, one thousand two hundred tributes, which represent four thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice, and is pacified. it needs at least two ministers. ... mcc. _aclán_: _minor son of antonio flores_--the minor son of antonio flores collects, along the river of aclán, one thousand three hundred tributes, which represent three thousand two hundred persons. it has instruction and justice. ... mccc. _ybahay_: _captain pedro sarmiento_--captain pedro sarmiento collects, in ybahai, potolanbit, buracay, and other islets, and along the large bay and river of la lupa, two thousand tributes, which represent eight thousand persons. all of this territory has justice, but no instruction. it needs four ministers. ... mm. _bugason_: _pedro guillen_--ensign guillen collects, in bugason, two hundred and fifty tributes, which represent one thousand persons. it has instruction and justice. ... ccl. _antique_: _serna_--alonso de la serna collects, from the encomienda of antique, five hundred and fifty tributes, which represent two thousand two hundred persons. it has justice and instruction. ... dl. _amiagao_: _minor son of flores_--the minor son of antonio flores collects, in amiago [_sic_], three hundred tributes, which represent one thousand two hundred persons. it has instruction and justice, and is pacified. ... ccc. _bongol_: _augustín ossorio_--augustín ossorio collects, from the encomienda of bongol, three hundred and fifty tributes, which represent, two thousand four hundred persons. it is visited by a religious, and has justice. ... cccl. _tibagua_: _captain estevan rodríguez_--captain estevan rodríguez de figueroa collects, from the encomienda of tibagua, one thousand two hundred tributes, which represent four thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice and instruction, and is pacified. ... mcc. _caraco_: _pareja_--christóval de parexa collects, from the encomienda of caraco, six hundred tributes, which represent two thousand four hundred persons. it has no instruction, but is pacified. it needs one minister. ... dc. _bago_: _albaro pérez_--albaro pérez collects, along the river of bago, three hundred and fifty tributes, which represent one thousand four hundred persons. it has no instruction. it is pacified and has justice. it needs one minister. ... cccl. _ynavaga_: _herrera_--francisco de herrera collects, along the river cf ynavaga, five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand persons. it has no instruction, but has justice and is pacified. it needs one minister. ... d. _hilo_: _trigo_--hierónimo trigo collects, along the river of hilo, one hundred and fifty tributes, which represent six hundred persons. it has no instruction, but has justice, and is pacified. ... cl. _hilo_: _ysla_--gaspar de ysla collects, along the said river, two hundred tributes, which represent eight hundred persons. it has no instruction, but has justice. one minister might care for this and the above encomienda. ... cc. _hilo_: _mendía_--martín de mendía collects, along the said river, five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand persons. it has no instruction, but has justice, and is pacified. one minister is needed. ... d. _cuyo_: _captain juan pablo_--captain juan pablo collects, in the island of cuyo, one thousand tributes, which represent four thousand persons. it has neither instruction nor justice, and needs two ministers. ... m. thus, in the island of panay and its jurisdiction, are twenty-five thousand eight hundred and ninety tributes, or sixty thousand _[sic]_ souls. it has at present eighteen ministers, and needs twenty-five more, which will make in all thirty-eight _[sic]_ with whom it will be well instructed. in regard to justice, it is quite sufficient throughout the island. _lumbán_: _sauzedo_--the island of lumbán belongs to phelippe de sauzedo, and has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. it is in the jurisdiction of balayán. it has no instruction. it needs one minister to instruct it. ... d. _mindoro_: _sauzedo_-the encomienda of vaco y mindoro belongs to phelippe de sauzedo. it has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons, it is in charge of one religious, and is under the civil jurisdiction of balayán. the opposite coast of this island has neither instruction nor justice. ... dcc. _batangas_: _francisco rodríguez_--the encomienda of batangas belongs to francisco rodríguez. he collects there one thousand four hundred tributes, which represent five thousand six hundred persons. it has sufficient justice and instruction. ... mcccc. _bonbon_: _the mariscal gabriel de ribera_--the encomienda of bonbon belongs to the mariscal gavriel de rybera. he collects there four thousand tributes, which represent sixteen thousand souls. it all has sufficient instruction, and its justice is administered from balayan. ... mmmm. _balayan_: _cauchela_--the encomienda of balayan belongs to the accountant cauchela, and his majesty has there six hundred tributes, which represent two thousand four hundred persons. it has one alcalde-mayor, who is the judicial chief of the district. it has instruction, which is administered by one ecclesiastic. ... dc. [_tuley_]: _king_--the lowlands of tuley belong to his majesty. six hundred whole tributes are collected there, which represent two thousand four hundred souls. it has no instruction, and needs one minister. ... dc. _calamianes_: _sarmiento_--the islands of calamianes belong to captain sarmiento. tribute is levied, although not in all parts--about two thousand five hundred, counting the negrillos. four ministers are needed for the whole encomienda. it has no justice. ... mmd. _calilaya_: _king; torres_--calilaya and marinduque is a corregidor's district by itself. half of the encomienda of calilaya belongs to the king, and the other half to torres. there are one thousand two hundred tributarios, or four thousand eight hundred persons. it has had instruction, and there are many christians. it has justice. one ecclesiastic attends to the instruction. it needs two ministers. ... mcc. _galvan_: _medrano_--the encomienda of galvan belongs to medrano. it has eight hundred tributes, or three thousand and some souls. it has had instruction, but has none now. it is visited from batangas. it has justice, and needs one minister. ... dccc. _mahuban_: _king_--mahuban belongs to his majesty. on this coast of manila he has eight hundred tributes, which represent more than three thousand persons. it has never had instruction, but has justice from calilaya. one minister is needed. ... dccc. _casiguiran_: _francisco garçia_--the encomienda of casiguiran lies on the same coast opposite manila. it belongs to françisco garcía, who collects there five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand persons. half of it is hostile, and more than half has neither justice nor instruction: one minister is needed. ... d. _balete_: _juan martín_--the encomienda of balete belongs to juan martín picon. he collects the half of five hundred tributes, for the other half is hostile and without justice or instruction. the magistrate of calilaya administers justice to one-half of it alone. it needs one minister. ... d. thus calilaya has five thousand five hundred tributes, or twenty-two thousand persons, who have but little instruction. nine ministers are necessary now, so that it may have some instruction. with the nine ministers it will have sufficient instruction; but it has adequate justice. _marinduque_: _poyatos_--the island of marinduque, belonging to captain poyatos, has seven hundred tributarios, or two thousand eight hundred persons. it has justice, and needs one minister so that the people may be instructed. ... dcc. _batan_: _captain esguerra_--the encomienda of batan belongs to captain esguerra, who is his own deputy. this said encomienda has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. it has one monastery, containing four dominican friars. ... m. thus in the city of manila, along its coast and the coast opposite, and in the provinces of pampanga, pangasinan, ylocos, cagayan, la laguna, camarines, masbate, zebu, panay, balayan, and calilaya, which is all of luzon and the other philippinas islands settled, there are one hundred and sixty-six thousand nine hundred and three whole tributes. each tribute includes husband, wife, and excepting the sons, the children. therefore there are six hundred and sixty-seven thousand six hundred and twelve souls in the said provinces, besides the religious of the convents of manila. one hundred and forty ministers--twenty of whom are ecclesiastics, seventy-nine augustinians, nine dominicans, and forty-two franciscans--are divided among the provinces to instruct the natives and administer the holy sacraments. it appears from this relation that there is a lack of ministers through the departures above noted. it shows that one hundred and sixty-one more ministers are needed to furnish adequate instruction. these should be sent very soon, and even a greater number, for when they arrive here, one-fourth of these will have died. his majesty has thirty-one encomiendas in the said provinces. private individuals have two hundred and thirty-six. of these, however, from many of those in cagayan and some in other districts no tribute can be collected, because they are not pacified, while others are quite worthless or of slight importance. the said provinces have twelve alcaldes-mayor, each with his deputy; and, in addition, are three who are their own deputies. in some of these districts it is impossible to go to administer justice, because of their distance from the capitals where the alcaldes-mayor live. this must be carefully looked into and these needs supplied. -----table whole tributes 166,903 souls 667,612 number of religious 140 religious still needed 161 king's encomiendas 31 those of individuals 236 alcaldes-mayor 12 deputies 12 other deputies 3 -----letter from governor dasmarinas to felipe ii sire: last year, a short time after my arrival in these islands, i gave an account to your majesty, by the first vessels leaving here, of my arrival and of the condition in which i found matters. i could not enter into full details, because of the short time between my arrival and the departure of the ships. i venture to declare that never were four and twenty days so occupied, busy as i was in the despatch of the vessels, the new government, and other things that occurred here at that time. now i am somewhat better informed, and i shall give advices of everything with due punctuality, so that your majesty may ordain and decree in accordance with the royal pleasure. i hereby respond more systematically and clearly to some clauses of your majesty's instructions some of which i am sure have not been followed; and, accordingly, some of the affairs in this new land are in the same condition as when it was discovered. your majesty's orders should have been received and observed, which has not been done. [_marginal note_: "he has done well."] 2. as these regions are so remote and far away from the possibility of appeal to your majesty, and from your majesty's favor and protection, the religion and zeal of your majesty are so much the more remarkable. it is sufficient to support the gospel and christian religion in so remote lands and seas, and among such a diversity of idolatrous infidels, at so great cost to the royal estate, and at such risks and losses to your majesty's subjects and vassals. nevertheless, your majesty is interested only in the glorious renown of serving god, from whom i await the beginning of the fulfilment of the great hopes that the arrangement and close position of these islands promise your majesty for the extension of the holy catholic faith through your royal medium. 3. to the first clause of your majesty's instructions i do not have to respond, as it seems to be but a preamble of the orders thereby given me. i can only express to your majesty my desire to serve you faithfully, and to render a good account of my obligation as your majesty's born vassal, and as your servant and creature, to pay that debt with all diligence and zeal. 4. under the second clause your majesty orders me to bring about the maintenance of the pacified district in these islands, and to increase its extent as far as possible. in answer i will say that i am promptly attending to that, as your majesty will see by every clause and subject separately. [_marginal note:_ "it is well."] 5. i am ordered by the third clause to expend, in the construction and erection of the cathedral church of manila, twelve thousand ducats, to be apportioned in three parts--namely, between your majesty, the encomenderos, and the indians; two thousand ducats of your majesty's share to be advanced from the royal treasury of mexico. i could not collect these two thousand ducats from mexico, as the decrees to that effect sent to me at sevilla did not come as they should have done; and therefore the officers of the royal exchequer there would not give me the money. when i came here i found that the work on the church had been going on for three years, and there had been spent on it eight thousand pesos, received from assessments on the three parties--namely, your majesty, the encomenderos, and the indians. there had been poor management of the expenditure of this money, as very large salaries were paid to those engaged on the work. had not some reform been inaugurated, most of the money would have gone for salaries. the building is being carried on as rapidly as possible, although there are other large undertakings hereabout--namely, the fortifications and other public works of the city. the greatest lack felt is that of people; but nevertheless i expect, god willing, that in a month from this date, mass can be said in the cathedral. the two aisles are already covered over, and the chapel will be finished for corpus christi, and the rest by christmas. [_marginal note:_ "thank him for the care he has used, and tell him to continue the same."] 6. in this fourth clause of the instruction, your majesty orders me to provide most carefully for the hospital for the spaniards in this city, and that all due hospitality be observed there. the same is to be done in the hospital for the indians. the hospital for the spaniards is to be endowed with one thousand pesos of income, and that for the indians with five hundred ducats, from the first repartimientos that may be vacant. your majesty gives as alms to the one four hundred ducats, and to the other two hundred, from the royal treasury of mexico, which also was not paid, owing to the same difficulty of my not receiving the proper decree. this hospital is one of the good and necessary pious works of the islands. as there are here no doctors or medicines, conveniences or cleanliness for the cure of spaniards, it is a usual practice and universal remedy for all to go to the hospital whenever ill. thus with all possible care and cleanliness the poor soldiers and other spaniards are attended. the rich go also, as there are no conveniences elsewhere. the rich pay the hospital for treatment and medicines, and some persons even give alms. in fulfilment of your majesty's commands i have already endowed the hospital for the spaniards with the thousand pesos of income, and that for the indians with the five hundred ducats. i have not given the alms because, as i have said, i did not collect it in mexico for lack of orders; for, although in the instruction it stated that a decree would be given me, that was not done. there are usually many sick persons in this hospital, and although there is now an income of two thousand seven hundred pesos, more or less, much more is needed. money is necessary to build a couple of rooms where contagious diseases can be treated. those are the most frequent diseases in this land, on account of the heat and humidity; and for their treatment a comfortable and well-situated apartment is needed. moreover, we need a kitchen and other work-rooms; and salary for a chaplain, to confess and say mass for the sick and administer the sacraments. he would have not a little to do. there should also be salary for a doctor and apothecary, and money sufficient to import medicines in bulk from mexico. if they are bought here there is not sufficient to pay the expenses. hence the present income cannot supply these necessities, unless your majesty grant more, as the income should be four thousand pesos. the blankets which your majesty orders brought from mexico are not needed, as those of this country are sufficient, on account of the heat here, and because our blankets are cheaper. consequently the money which is to be spent for them could be better employed for other necessities. at the hospital for the indians, i have tried to make investigations of some franciscan brethren who are there. it were well that they be called to account; because many things come into their possession, and much money is handled, in the course of administration. nevertheless, they would give no account, saying that that hospital is not under the control of your majesty. the bishop upholds and sustains them in this course, saying that until your majesty endows that house and gives what is needed therefor, your majesty has nothing to do with that or other pious works of this bishopric. they persistently shield themselves with the habit of st. francis, although they are but lay brethren, through the artifice of the bishop. your majesty will accordingly send the despatches which may seem expedient to the royal service, as otherwise this matter cannot be attended to. [_marginal note_: "send this decree, after taking note thereof, so that the sum stated therein shall be paid over in mexico. have this decree framed and sent, even though it has been despatched already. it is well that this be favored and aided as much as possible, because the work is so necessary. give him this decree." "granted. advise his majesty, that another thousand pesos from vacant tributes be applied to this hospital for ten years, for the reasons given. let this notification be given immediately. in regard to the blankets, inasmuch as he says they are unnecessary, direct the viceroy of mexico to exchange these for whatever seems most needed." "take possession of the hospitals for his majesty, as patron of hospitals. have investigations made thereof, and of the accounts of whatever person may have the administration of them. the bishop is to place no obstacle in the way, although, if he wishes to be present, he may attend the investigation. write this decision to the bishop."] 7. in clause 5 your majesty directs that religious be provided for the instruction of the indians; and that they be not permitted to leave the islands, at least not until after due consideration, and with license from the governor and bishop. 8. although your majesty with holy zeal is so careful to furnish ministers for teaching, to evangelize and extend the faith to these natives, as you have always provided and now provide at great cost to the royal exchequer, nevertheless, many more workers are needed. for there are many encomiendas, both those in your majesty's name and those belonging to private persons, some of which have never had a minister, but magistrates only; while others, although they have had ministers, have not had enough of them to give sufficient instruction. thus it is most pitiable that many thousands of souls who have been subdued to your majesty's service for many years, pay their tributes, declare their desire to become christians, and ask for ministry, but for lack thereof are not converted. the encomenderos will be glad to pay their share of the expense for the support of the instruction, which they do not have in their encomiendas on account of the lack of ministers. therefore i send herewith to your majesty an exact account of the districts in this country where ministers are needed. and i beseech your majesty kindly to provide ministers, to give instruction, as this is the principal royal purpose. in case of entrances and of taking possession of lands for your majesty, the lack of instruction is one of the greatest troubles; for it is important to the service of god and of your majesty that there be religious present when said entrances are made and possession is taken by your majesty. they should be there to attend to the instruction, as the principal object, so that everything may be carried on according to the intention and obligation of your majesty--that is, that the conversion of these souls may be brought to pass. it should be taken into consideration that, of those friars who are sent here, some die before reaching their destination and others after their arrival; while others grow infirm, and none are born. [_marginal note_: "friars are sent herewith; and care shall be taken that provisions be made according to the advices received."] 9. besides the cessation of the preaching of the gospel for lack of ministers, as has been stated above, which is the principal danger affecting the spiritual good, there is another question of no little consideration touching temporal welfare. in the present condition of things here, where there is no instruction (even should there be justice) the entire tribute cannot be raised, according to the statement of the theologians of this bishopric. the indians must be left at least the fourth part of the tribute, which is about the sum owed and applied for the expense and support of the instruction. taking into account the large number of tributarios and encomenderos of your majesty, this would amount to a very great sum, which would not be collected for this reason, and your majesty would lose much more in these fourths. there is another inconvenience in the lack of instruction, and that is, that where there is no instruction and the payment of the fourth is excused and less tribute collected, the consequence is very damaging for the other indians; for they say that the christians pay more tribute than do those who are not christians, and consequently no one is willing to be converted. this effect would cease under adequate instruction, as all would become christians and would pay the same tribute, there being no opportunity for the aforesaid practice. moreover, restitution of the amounts collected would be obligatory in the places where there is no teaching. over this subject of payment of tributes i have had various arguments with the bishop, as your majesty will see by the papers which are sent herewith. by them your majesty may understand more accurately all that has passed, and what the bishop and i have written and replied to each other. therefore, as briefly as possible, i shall report it. 10. the bishop founds his opinion on clause 32 of my instructions. this treats of the encomiendas which are disaffected or have never been pacified; and orders that i try to correct the excesses in the collection of the tributes of such encomiendas as are without instruction. from this the bishop formed his opinion, or merely on account of his office of bishop--which, he thinks, makes him master of everything. he commenced his argument by saying that, as the indians had no instruction, nothing could be collected from them, nor from the obstinate infidels living among those who have instruction, and who refuse the faith, even if instructed. he contends that, if anything had been collected, it should be restored. also, that in the encomiendas where there is justice or other temporal benefit which tends to the spiritual, the third part of the tributes in the large encomiendas could be collected, and in small ones, the half thereof. this sum would be for the support of the encomendero, and is even placed under certain conditions imposed by the bishop. he says that from the encomiendas which do not have sufficient instruction no tribute, or at least very little, can be collected; and, even then, it must be under the same obligation to restitution of the sum collected or to be collected by his majesty and encomenderos, as well as certain royal officials, collectors, and others who order, permit, or consent to the same. this in substance is the content of the twenty-five conclusions of the bishop, or the greater part of them. as i said, the bishop at the beginning spoke with me personally in regard to these matters, and then gave his opinion to me in writing in the letters, treatise, and conclusions which i am sending now to your majesty. he preaches thus to the encomenderos from the pulpits. inasmuch as it seems difficult for me--whose duty it is to give orders for the collection of the tributes, and correct the excesses in this regard, in the name of your majesty--to put his theories into practice, i represented to the bishop verbally, at various times, the reasons that i had for making no innovations until after informing your majesty and awaiting your majesty's order and resolution. setting forth many reasons, i tried to persuade him in the letter which accompanies this; i wrote to him explaining that, even in the never-pacified and rebellious encomiendas, your majesty commanded that something be paid, as a token of recognition of authority. if there are justices and other benefits useful to the indians, such as instruction in the faith, teaching them to live decently, and attracting them by kind treatment to receive instruction, when it should be furnished, then all the tribute could be collected except the portion due for instruction. if neglected, the indians would become intractable and all would be lost. if tribute is never exacted from the infidels, they will never become christians. this tribute should be collected with all possible gentleness, avoiding violence and wrongs to the indians. the furnishing of instruction is not delayed by the encomenderos, for they urgently ask for it; but it is not given them because of the lack thereof. it seemed to me that, for the said reasons and others, it is better to make no innovations now; but that an account of everything be given to your majesty so that you may order the necessary provisions. in the meanwhile, collection will be allowed of at least three-quarters of the tributes belonging to the encomenderos. if their support is taken away, these men would leave the land, and everything would be lost. in that case, even if there were instruction there would be no one to receive it; and the indians would have to be conquered anew. in particular some arrangement should be made so that the indians shall receive benefit and profit from us, by introducing justice where none has existed, and continuing commerce, so that they will conceive love and affection for us and will be disposed to receive the faith whenever there may be anyone to teach it. thus, i told the bishop, the least troublesome way was for affairs to remain in the same condition until after your majesty had been consulted. otherwise the land would be lost if the encomenderos should abandon it, which would without doubt come to pass if they could not be supported therefrom. moreover, in accordance with these conclusions of the bishop your majesty would be obliged to make restitution of more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and there would be lost every year more than thirty thousand pesos of income. as for the encomenderos, there was not enough property in the world for restitutions, nor would there be greater cause for pity than that an encomendero who has spent so many years in conquering this land should be deprived of the bread for his sustenance therein. furthermore, in that letter i said to the bishop that, although it is true that your majesty commits to him only the arrangements for the disturbed encomiendas and those unpacified (and these are the only ones in doubt), nevertheless, it was necessary in that case for us to meet, in order to discuss them all and give our opinions regarding them. moreover i told him that, even though his opinion and advice were right and proper, yet, in carrying them out there were inconveniences and difficulties which endangered this land. for that reason i did not agree with him, and was of another opinion. being unable to agree, it was better to advise your majesty and await your consequent commands. as we had already waited so long, we could wait a little longer for the resolutions of your majesty. 11. after several days the bishop replied to this letter by another of great length. he still insisted on the observance of his conclusions, saying that it was unnecessary to await new orders from your majesty, as your majesty had already remitted them to him and to me. he proceeded to interpret the aforesaid clause of the instruction after his own manner. he declares that your majesty commands the payment of a small portion, as token of recognition of authority; and that three-quarters of the tribute is not a small part. he does not take into consideration that your majesty does not treat therein of the encomiendas pacified, and under administration of justice, order, and other benefits, but of those never subdued or rebellious. the difficulties which i encounter in the execution of his projects he passes over with some generalities, as that god will preserve the faith which he has planted here; and that the encomendero will have enough for his support from the share assigned him--namely, the third of the large encomiendas and the half of the smaller. he also claims that the encomenderos will not abandon the encomiendas, as they are not deprived of all, but of only a part of them--and that only for the brief period until your majesty declares what is to be done (and this period will be very brief); and it is to be noted that this declaration will be, beyond doubt, that the encomenderos and your majesty shall not collect the tributes. the time intervening until the declaration comes from your majesty seems to him short. as to leaving things as at present and collecting the tribute without any innovation therein, until after your majesty has been consulted, the time appears to him long; and he thinks that orders and corrections will never cease coming from españa, and that instruction will never be obtained in this manner. he enjoins upon me, the city, and the encomenderos to make every endeavor and use all diligence to supplicate your majesty for said instruction. he declares frankly that if the infidels do not become baptized because they see that tribute is levied after such baptism, it is of no account that such are not converted. he supports himself by the reasons given in his letter, which are characteristic of one who does not have at heart the perpetuity and preservation of this state; and who does not see, in the distant future, the trouble which its loss might cause. he declares, moreover, that even though i should wish to do so i could not correct the excesses of the encomenderos and the injury which they inflict on the indians. for the latter there are punishments, but none for the spaniards. to establish more justice in the land would be to ruin it, as the officials do not do their duty, but rob the indians. at this, the bishop returns to the subject of the restitutions in which he becomes engrossed; and declares that he is finishing a treatise or declaration in respect to them. with this he closes the letter in which he gives his opinion of what i should have done--concluding by advising that, before allowing the encomenderos to collect the tributes, i should investigate or make inquiries about their good or bad treatment of the indians and how they treat, caress, and regale them. as soon as i should ascertain the truth, i should either give or deny the permission according to the results of the investigation. then he makes a clever deduction, namely, that in the same manner he and the other confessors shall not absolve the encomenderos without first having made a detailed investigation and inquiry in respect to their treatment and good disposition toward their tributarios, so that they could grant or deny absolution accordingly. thus he constitutes himself judge, in the exterior court, of encomenderos and their property. 12. while these letters were passing between us, and during several days after--which were wasted in persuading the bishop to make no innovations until after consultation with your majesty; and, although our opinions do not coincide, we should however agree in giving account to your majesty of what was happening--the encomenderos came to me sorely troubled, saying that in the pulpits, sermons, and confessional, they were being greatly harassed and many obstacles were being imposed on the collections in their encomiendas; and that they were being ruined, and were being prohibited now from collecting more than the third or the half of their tributes. they were also constrained to make restitutions of past payments. thus they are so afflicted and ruined that, if this continues, they will have to be allowed to leave their encomiendas and to go to serve your majesty nearer the royal person, where they may gain a livelihood--since after having served so many years with bloodshed and services which deserve merit and obtain it, these scruples are imposed. they ask me in the accompanying petition [7] if your majesty would not issue some order declaring what must be paid. 13. having investigated their grievance and affliction, and seeing that the bishop was reading his conclusions in the pulpit and was quite determined to have his way, and was even giving orders that absolution should not be granted to the encomenderos acting contrary to what he thought proper; inasmuch as the bishop declared in his conclusions and treatise that that was the universal determination and sentiment of all the theologians of this bishopric, i determined to communicate and confer with the superiors and religious of the orders themselves. thus they might thoroughly and conscientiously consider what could and ought to be done in regard to this matter, and ascertain (if it were a fact that all held and thought alike) whether some regulation could be made; and if not, to advise your majesty of everything. i acquainted them, in detailed information, with the reasons for making no innovations until after reporting to your majesty, and for not restricting the poor encomenderos to such an extent. i discovered that three-fourths of the number of theologians and religious were of a different opinion, one quite contrary to that of the bishop. although it is true that the dominicans (of which order he is a member), but not all, hold that his doctrine is good, the franciscans think differently; for, singularly enough, they have another opinion with regard to the payment of the quota and reject the bishop's opinion respecting the infidels. the augustinian fathers, however, who are three times more numerous than the dominicans, and with the augustinians the fathers of the society [of jesus]--these two orders, i say, hold (in entire agreement, _nemine discrepante_) that the encomenderos can, with good conscience, collect the entire tributes from the encomiendas which have instruction, from both the believers and the infidels. where there is justice, but no instruction, they may collect three-fourths of the payment, the remaining fourth being left to the indians, the believer and the infidel paying equal shares. from the encomiendas which have neither instruction nor justice, nor other spiritual or temporal benefits, nothing whatever should be collected; nor from the encomiendas disaffected or unpacified, except in case of those disaffected without cause and through their own fault, which would accordingly pay the part justly collected by way of acknowledgment. all the aforesaid facts your majesty may consider at greater length by means of the opinions which i send. it may be seen how many there are which vary from that of the bishop and his friars, who alone follow him. i saw fit to reply to a note in which he inquired what resolution i thought of taking, and what order must be given to the encomenderos for their collections. i declared therein that if he did not wish to wait until the return of our ships in two or three months, in which the remedy for all would doubtless be sent, i had resolved to give orders to the encomenderos according to a paper which i sent him, wherein my opinion was upheld in every respect and agreed completely with that held by the said fathers. [_marginal note_: "have this opinion brought, so that after consideration the contents of this letter may be replied to from clause nine to this point; also all the papers which are here acknowledged by the governor, and those of which mention is made in the following clauses as far as the twenty-first."] 14. at this juncture, the bishop came to see me in these royal houses of your majesty; and among other discussions in regard to my assertion that the clergy must not have preeminence over me in every respect, as they have done heretofore, he replied that he had directed his clergy that no one, not even your majesty, had any rights here, and other things to this same effect. to this i replied that i would not interfere with his clergy, as far as punishing them is concerned, nor with his jurisdiction; but that the boat-service which they took from the indians without payment, and a thousand other injuries committed by them under the pretext that they are fathers of instruction, ought not to take place; and that he had misunderstood me. it is true that i said he was very peevish; and i begged him to speak plainly for if we could not come to terms this time and disagreed again, i could discuss the subject no longer. while replying to me on this point and others, he rose from his chair at the beginning of the discussion, very wrathful and choleric. several days later, on the fourth of march, he wrote me a letter as long as it was good-humored and free from anger--as may be seen, if your majesty wishes. nevertheless (not to discuss what concerns myself), it contains nothing new, except many arguments by which he still defends his opinion. among other statements, he declares (and rightly) that the encomenderos are so loyal vassals of your majesty that they would not leave their encomiendas nor the country, as if i had denied their fidelity and loyalty in thinking that if they could not be supported by their encomiendas, they would leave them, and, having abandoned them if they could not be supported therefrom, try to seek their fortunes elsewhere. he says also that although a franciscan father is placed in every province, there is not sufficient result to warrant the paying of the tribute; and that neither the king of castilla nor his officials have any greater power in the indias than that given by the church, although the church does not have so much authority as this with the infidels. he still insists that your majesty entrusted to both him and me equally the settlement of this matter; and that bringing justice into the land is like bringing firebrands: [_marginal note_: "answer him with what has been decreed in this."] 15. to this letter i replied by another which your majesty will please to have examined, in which i answered his assertion that without giving instruction to the indians we can collect tribute; for he said that where there is justice, three-fourths of the tribute can be collected, as this is a temporal good which tends to spiritual benefit and which prospers, directs, and administers equally justice, government, and good order. it is not my intention to leave things thus as the bishop points out, until your majesty has been consulted in regard to furnishing or providing other means of instruction, since you have therefor so great care and holy zeal. moreover, the tributes are so moderate here that each indian pays eight reals, whereas in nueva españa he pays twenty-four and thirty-two. for we see that since the spaniards went to the pintados, although without then providing instruction, their communication and example, and the blessing of justice, alone have caused hostilities, and the razing of towns among the natives to cease; as also the wars by land and sea waged among them; this is no small gain. this assertion that the ministry of instruction is more important and noble than that of justice and other good works, i admit; but justice and its ministers, and the other necessary means for the preservation and defense of the indians, are of greater cost and expense than that for instruction--to which is allowed one-fourth, and which is reserved and kept for the indians; thus in respect to the cost of each ministry its stipend must be given, as i prove in my letter by many arguments. as to his saying that your majesty ordered me to remedy, with his help, these excesses in the collection of tributes, i responded that, only as regards the disaffected and never-pacified encomiendas, your majesty orders me to communicate and confer with him, in these words: "i have heard that there has been and is disorder and misappropriation in the collection of the tributes from the disaffected or unpacified encomiendas," etc. therefore your majesty bids us to discuss no others except these, as in the others i shall correct the excesses. the only ones in doubt are those disaffected. it says further that "such encomiendas must not be abandoned; but that at least the entire tribute should not be collected, but only a small part in token of acknowledgment," etc. consequently it is not ordered that they be abandoned, but that something be collected; and even then nothing shall be collected except from those who are in rebellion without cause; your majesty declares further that "since the indians of the said encomiendas receive no temporal or spiritual benefit from their encomenderos, there is no reason why they should pay," etc. it clearly follows from this that, if they receive any temporal benefits--as is that of justice, and others which are proposed--the collections may be made. in continuing, your majesty declares: "this is a matter that requires as effectual a remedy as you can provide; and i therefore charge you to "decide in this what appears to you to accord with the judgment of the bishop." this does not mean to commit the affair to him alone; but, after hearing his opinion, and having examined his discussion and treatment of the matter with me, i am to resolve upon what measures are best for the remedy thereof, and then in the name of your majesty provide and carry out that remedy, and have it observed most punctiliously. further, i told him that two-thirds of the number of religious are of this opinion and sentiment, contrary to that of the bishop; moreover that the bishop himself and all the theologians were lately of one mind in this matter, but that now the bishop alone disagrees; and that i think i make no mistake in being guided by so many learned opinions in a matter which i find to be of service to god and my king. furthermore, i replied to various inquiries that he made of me, such as the remedy which had been brought to bear in these things, and the resulting benefit. my answer is so long, that in order not to be detailed here, i refer your majesty to the aforesaid reply, as well as to the result obtained, which i show there, and to the orders now in force. i see no other remedy than to take the matter as i find it. i see that for lack of justice nothing can be collected, as the indian receives no benefit. i wish to establish justice for administration and government, and for dealings with and good management of the indians, that both your majesty and the encomenderos should receive profit; and that the royal estate should not suffer, nor the encomendero starve, abandon everything, and go away. for your majesty's share alone there would necessarily be more than a hundred and fifty thousand pesos of restitution, not to count thirty thousand pesos of income which would be lost from the present tributes (for all the encomiendas belong to your majesty); and these islands would be left alone without a single soldier, and with only the bishop and the religious, so that within one week there would be neither the one nor the other. i assured him, in fact, that without express order from your majesty i could not curtail or diminish the royal income or alter the encomiendas from their first establishment, which they have had for twenty-six years. i answered him fully in respect to the establishment of justice where there is none, and the great good that would result therefrom. i urged him to appoint laymen of good life and example, who, while there are no religious there, may instruct and bring them up in the holy faith, as your majesty commands in the royal charge regarding presentations--to which the bishop never has given me an answer. i told him that finally, in these two ways, it will be brought about that they will not be left alone and intractable, and thus ready to rebel and rise in two days' time. it were well that these laymen of good life, when religious are lacking, not only be not appointed by the bishop, but that they do not importune the indians. the bishop does not wish others than the religious to do that, and meanwhile it is not done by either. it would doubtless be of some benefit, and the lack of instruction of which your majesty complains would be obviated, if the encomenderos could furnish it. but, if there is no such thing in the land, the encomendero is not to blame--as your majesty declares plainly in my instructions, clause forty-nine, in the following words, "they do not supply it or try to supply it as they are bound to do, and as they should, although there is a sufficient number of the said ministers." therefore, when there is not a good supply, but a lack of ministers, the encomendero is not at fault, and has no reason for not collecting his tribute. should the encomenderos be deprived of this, your majesty, as the party most interested, could not support here a soldier, nor the bishop, nor me, and everything would be lost. i replied to his question as to what action i should order taken; and finally, as authority (with added reasons) for the orders that were being carried out, i cited several authors who were quoted in an opinion that i had from the religious. he was greatly offended thereby as your majesty will see by his reply, and i have just entreated him to wait at least until the ships arrive; and especially as, in a general meeting of the orders which took place soon after my arrival, all agreed, and he with them, in the opinion which i have now applied in my orders; and 1 asked him, inasmuch as he had approved of it then, not to make any innovation now. finally, i begged him at least to refrain from scandalizing the people from the pulpit, defending certain opinions and refuting others very improperly and freely. since the augustinians kept silence, they should not be obliged to answer for themselves. 16. this letter appeared to the bishop so disrespectful and bold that in his reply there are but sharp and heated words against the religious. he says that they err from the beginning, and that they do not know the fundamental principles. he had imagined that the letter was not mine alone, as he believed that i could not by myself have seen the authors cited therein for its authority and doctrine. he says that neither i, nor your majesty, nor the pope has authority to take from the infidels a single real; that it is true that he was of the general opinion before, but that he erred then, and now is in the right (it appears to me, however, that he errs now, and was then in the right.) so firm is he in his opinion that he does not wish to call it opinion, but truth. he declares that if all the orders in this bishopric, and the universities of salamanca and alcalá [8] in addition, should say the contrary, he would not forsake his opinion; and he is very certain that your majesty will oblige me to follow his opinion. he offers a treatise on the subject which he is preparing for the explanation and elucidation of everything, and finally closes by asking me to have the money paid which is owed by the royal treasury. 17. it is unnecessary to report here my reply to his letter; for, besides being brief, inasmuch as i had said all that there was to say in regard to the principal business, i did not care to attempt more than to pacify him, and to reply by means of the fathers, who had caused him to show such indignation, and to beg him not to give rise to scandals and schisms. i advised him to finish his treatise and hoped that god would grant that everything might be settled and composed. 18. after this there was quiet for several days, in which we maintained no correspondence. during this time i gave to the encomenderos (who had begged me to do so in the name of your majesty) the order which was necessary for the collection of their tributes. as your majesty will see by the accompanying document, this order was the most justifiable that could be given and did not depart one jot from my opinions, which i also send in their original form to your majesty. the encomenderos are now somewhat consoled for their former afflictions, and all this land likewise, as will appear by the petition presented to me which i send in the original. this order will be kept in force until your majesty shall order differently. 19. after the lapse of several days, and having ascertained that the service of god and that of your majesty were suffering, as the bishop would not right them, i wrote him the accompanying letter. in it i proposed some means of providing instruction in places where there is none. moreover, as the encomenderos were still uneasy because he denied them absolution, i gave him to understand that, in the diminution of the encomiendas and the reduction and collection of the tributes, he was neither judge nor party, since he could discuss the subject only in one of three ways which i expressed therein; and by no means could he do more than give his opinion, which he had already done. i again have recourse to the laymen of good life, in lack of religious; and beg also that he will not keep engaged here the large number of indians that he is wont to, who come here under the pretext of making complaints, which are a thousand childish and impertinent trifles--thereby losing much more in their absence from their homes and fields. i remind him that the appointments to prebends, canonries, and benefices are reserved to your majesty's royal patronage; and that you should not be defrauded, as you have been, by making the appointments terminable _ad nutum_, and not with complete title, and with due presentation by your majesty, and canonical institution of the bishop. on these things i write a separate letter to your majesty, as also on other matters about which i give advice. i offered to place the unsettled points in the hands of learned persons. 20. this letter so important, weighty, and full of substance that it required a remedy and settlement without any disagreements, he interpreted in such a way that he ended by losing his head, and expressed himself very freely, saying in reply such things that--considering they were not said to me personally, but to a minister of your majesty--i would have been quite justified in checking and correcting the offense once for all. but as i am in a new country, and far away from your majesty, it is better to avoid dispute, publicity, and scandal. indeed, it will be seen by his letter that even the importance of the affairs about which i wrote him did not check him, or settle the matter, and that he cares only for defending his own dignity--thinking that every one must learn, of him, and that he is the only doctor who can teach here; and that he will oblige the encomenderos and me to restore the tributes wrongly exacted. he thinks that, in writing to him, i have exceeded my duty and have treated my bishop with much show of authority and domineering; that i have acted as if i were his master; and that if i can do so much, there is no need in this land for a bishop, but a titular bishop would be enough. he cites me decrees showing the respect which emperors must have for bishops, and refers to some examples and authorities, as if he were preaching to some rebel against the church. it never even entered my imagination to say a word to him which should be lacking in the respect and propriety due to his office, but i wish only to fulfil my duty. 21. i have written all this so fully in order to give an account to your majesty of everything that has passed between the bishop and myself, in the controversy and discussion regarding the collection of tributes. it appears at even greater length by his letters and mine which accompany this, so that your majesty may be sure of the arguments on both sides. my present orders are that the encomenderos shall not collect tribute where there is neither instruction nor justice (although some persons thus will suffer large loss). nevertheless, the majority of them are quiet and consoled, and are observing the order i gave them (which i send to your majesty), until such time as your majesty, as above stated, may be pleased to order something else, and to clear up all these doubts. 22. in regard to the needed instruction and ministers, i am writing a separate letter to your majesty. i am sending a very long and exact account of the encomiendas and encomenderos in these islands of your majesty, both with and without instruction and justice; also of the ministers there are and those who are needed. i beseech your majesty to have them provided, since it is so great a service to god and for the good of these souls, and a means by which so many evils and troubles will cease. may our lord preserve your majesty for many long years as is needed by the christian world. manila, june 20, 1591. the papers referred to in this letter are inside the first sheet. _gomez peres dasmarinas_ [_endorsed_: "manila. to the king, our sovereign. from governor gomez perez dasmarinas, june 20, 1591." "july 16, 1592. make an abstract of the different points." "relation abstracted as ordered." "provided within; let the petition be acted on at once." "everything has been examined and provisions made." "let examination be made of the provisions made in clauses 9 to 21, that came recently with the duplicate of this letter. the other clauses are answered, and despatches sent."] the fortification of manila sire: as there are no funds here belonging to your majesty, and as this city is very poor and has no established source of income to meet the expense involved in carrying on the erection of the wall around it--which is absolutely necessary for its protection and safety because it is quite exposed without it--therefore an effort must be made to find some source of revenue in order that so important an undertaking may not be given over. i have accordingly in your majesty's name granted the merchants' peso [_peso merchante_] on chinese goods for two years. the amount of this is thus far unknown, because it has not hitherto been laid. the most profitable source of income is the monopoly of playing-cards which has been established for the benefit of your majesty's exchequer. i apply the proceeds of this to the wall for the present until your majesty commands otherwise. this amounts in one year to two thousand five hundred, or three thousand pesos. i considered that the whole amount was very small, while it was absolutely necessary to fortify this place, which is entirely open and exposed to every sort of danger. hence, seeing that there was a great quantity of chinese stuffs here this year, and that there were present a number of merchants from peru and mexico who ought to do something for the good of the city--if for no other reason than the damage they do it by raising the price of merchandise with the large amount of money they bring--i decided for this once to levy upon all, upon citizens and inhabitants of this city and these islands as upon all others who were therein, an assessment and contribution of two per cent, upon the cargo and appraisement of everyone, as appears from the decree to this effect, a copy of which i send your majesty. all, citizens and others, were satisfied and were ready to pay the contribution which fell to the share of each, for they plainly saw how just it was to ask it. but, the very moment the bishop and his friars knew of the matter, they called a formal meeting of their theological council and in it considered whether i had authority to levy the assessment, whether i had received orders from your majesty to that effect or not, and whether i had incurred the censures of the bull concerning the lord's supper [_de cena domini_], inasmuch as this was a new impost. they resolved, in fact, that i had no authority to do this, and were even on the point of declaring me excommunicated. the city was so upset and disturbed by them that open scandal almost resulted. i do not now discuss the character of this assessment, for your majesty will see the justification for imposing it. all i have to say is that certainly, in addition to my ordinary difficulties with the bishop, this last trouble is due specially to the president and the auditors, although they know well how necessary and useful the wall is. it was because of the lack of it that the english, when they plundered the ship "sancta ana," were able to get away with their booty so safely. it would have been possible to attack them and to force them to give it up in the island of oton, where they lay at anchor for some days, if it had not been that the president and auditors were unwilling to run the risk of leaving the city when it had no wall. if we had had any, no matter how few the people in it, it would have been safe. but they have not said or done anything to help me. on the contrary, they have joined the bishop in denouncing and attacking this tax because it affects them. they have loaded themselves with cloths and merchandise in such quantity that their share of the tax is likely to amount to something; and this they would be glad to avoid, like the good merchants they are. i at least do not know any other rich people here than the president and auditors; and that is the only reason why they object to the tax, to which they incorrectly give the name of "impost." this it certainly is not, for it is assessed once only and upon men such as the peruvians and mexicans, who are going away, and will not be obliged to pay it again, even if it is demanded. it is a great pity, sire, that the theologians, when they are not invited and ought not to be invited to do so, meddle thus with this matter, as they do with everything else which is decreed; and that they should wish to act in all respects as a superior tribunal. this they do not only in the interior court of conscience, but with outward proceedings in the exterior court by excommunications, declarations, and the taking of measures to stop that which is being done. it is this disturbance and interference for which in other letters i beg your majesty to command a remedy. the ecclesiastical tribunal has certainly possessed itself and gained the mastery of everything here to an extraordinary degree; and this is not consistent with exemplary conduct and life in the clergy. from the bishop down to the humblest of them, they are as good merchants as the most secular and the most skilful tradesmen. it is because the two per cent affects and includes them all, as i have said, that the theological council finds fault with it, declaring that it is not just. it is fortunate that they do not directly affirm it to be unjust; but assert that i err in laying this assessment, which the laws themselves declare shall be laid for expenditures upon defenses and walls. from this it is plain that they desire to be jurists and theologians and governors, and, under pretext of conscience, to embark in and embarrass everything. notwithstanding, i have gone on with this tax; and all who pay it are very well pleased--except, as i say, these long petticoats, who smart under it. i believe it will amount to something, and a statement of its value will be enclosed in this report. the best of all is that, some days before the two per cent was laid, there was a meeting called at my request, and held in the bishop's house before him and me and all the regidors of the city. at this meeting were present all the superiors of all the orders; this matter was discussed, and it was decided that the tax might lawfully be levied, inasmuch as it did not exceed two per cent, and was for the public welfare; while now they have taken to denouncing it. may our lord keep the catholic person of your majesty for many a long year, as christianity requires. manila, june 20, 1591. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ it appears that the duty [i.e. the ordinary duty of three per cent] on the appraisals amounts in this present year to thirteen thousand two hundred and fourteen pesos and six tomins. xiii u. ccxiiii pesos. hence, in proportion to the three per cent duty, the duty now imposed for the building of the wall comes to eight thousand eight hundred and nine pesos and six tomins. viii u. dccc ix pesos. this is without having finished the clearing of the vessels, although there is little left now to be shipped. [_marginal note_: "everything that has been done in regard to the walls is approved; let this impost and the others be continued until the fortification is completed."] investigations at manila concerning trade with macan + most potent lord: the city of manila in the filipinas islands declares that the investigation which it presents to the governor, gomez perez de las marinas, was made at his request and contains its opinion. since this document will show clearly the excellent reasons for, and the great advantage and lack of all harm resulting from, trade between macan and the said islands and, besides the general advantage, that it would be of great importance for the commerce, trade, and conversion of great china--the city beseeches your highness to have the investigation examined; and to favor the said city by ordering that commerce be opened with the inhabitants of macan, in order to enable the inhabitants of the filipinas islands to trade and traffic with them. since this is a matter of so great utility and necessity, as appears from the investigation, may the city receive favor. _romo_ + (the city: the investigation presented to the governor. manila, july 15, the day on which it was presented.) i, melchor de baeça, declare, in the name of the cabildo, magistrates, and regimiento [9] of this city, that the rights of those whom i represent require that a formal report of this inquiry be made, in order to notify the king, our sovereign, concerning the lack of harm and the great profit which would be derived from commerce between macan and these islands; and that, besides the benefit which the portugese receive, this commerce would be of great importance for the conversion of great china and for its trade and commerce with these islands. likewise the king ought to be informed that no ships or merchants have gone or are going to goa or other ports of yndia to trade or traffic, or to take away their [i.e., the portuguese] shares, bargains, and profits; and how they could pursue their business in the said port of macan, and at canton, without there being felt any scarcity, or enhancement of prices; but, on the contrary, a great excess of goods would remain at macao--all that arises from the trade which they are about to begin with goa, chave, and other regions that maintain trade with macan. all this would result in the great increase and prosperity of these islands, from which it appears that the said commerce, which does no harm, should not be hindered. i beseech and beg your lordship to give orders that the said report be accepted, and that the witnesses whom i shall put forward testify according to these questions. your lordship will please make a decision concerning the matter. i offer my plea to that effect. i also beseech your lordship to give orders that that section in the instructions which your lordship received from the king our lord be added to this inquiry, so that i may be able to send word to the said city of macan. i present the claim, etc. [_interrogatory_] _item_: let them testify whether they know that the portuguese inhabiting macan, malaca, and other places in india trade and hold business intercourse with the castilians who inhabit this city and these islands; and whether the said portuguese have derived or are deriving from it much gain, profit, and advantage, without incurring any loss or harm. the witnesses know about this, because they have been in macan, malaca, and other regions of yndia, and have seen it with their own eyes; if it were otherwise, the witnesses would know, and it would not be of less importance, because they have seen it all themselves, as above stated, and are portuguese; etc. 2. _item_: let them testify whether they know that a greater number of ships and much more money than in any previous year have gone to the city of macan from the city of goa and other places in india, to purchase chinese goods. there was and is plenty of cloth and merchandise for all, and no scarcity is produced by the exportation which is made to india; etc. 3. _item_: let them testify whether they know that not only the portuguese meet with no loss, as stated in the previous questions, but that, on the contrary, if the castilians pursued the said commerce more frequently, making the journey to macan a feature of their trade, they could enter great china, for the chinese greatly desire their trade. this would render an immense service to god and to his majesty, because the gospel could be imparted to the chinese from here; etc. 4. _item_: let them testify whether they know that no ships or merchants have gone or are going to yndia to buy and sell, or to check their trade. the witnesses know this, because they have seen and examined it with their own eyes; were it otherwise, they would have known, seen, and heard of the matter. it must have been no less than this, since they continue to come to this city and trade with yndia; etc. 5. _item_: let them testify whether they know that not only the portuguese have gained much, without loss or injury, but that the commerce between this city and that of macan, according to the previous questions, and the entrance into china through trade are of immense advantage for the prosperity and enrichment of these islands, as well as for that of their citizens and inhabitants. in a short time this city and port will be one of the richest which his majesty possesses in the yndias; etc. 6. _item_: let them testify whether they know that in july of last year, ninety, when gomez perez de las marinas, governor and captain-general of these islands, sent a ship to the port of macan with royal money to purchase ammunition for the fortress and fortifications of this city and the islands, promising the captain in command at macan to favor and help him in all his needs, as a vassal of the same king and master, some inhabitants of this city sent by the said ship a quantity of money, in order to purchase goods with it, which was seized by the portuguese of macan who were on board. the ship would not have been sent if it had not been on account of the instructions of his majesty which the said governor possessed. we know for certain in this city that the captain in command seized the said ship and the money, thus bringing loss and ruin to the said citizens. as to what they do not know, let them refer to the said instructions and despatches, which the said governor sent. 7. _item_: let them testify whether they know that the said loss and ruin has been so severe that those citizens who own nothing else are unable to support themselves, or to aid in the service of his majesty when occasions arise, as they have done until now. they are embarrassed with debts and obligations. 8. _item_: let them testify whether they know that the aforesaid is generally known and manifest to all. _melchor de baeça_ this interrogatory was presented to the governor, gomez perez dasmarinas, in the city of manila, on the twenty-third day of may, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, on behalf of the cabildo, magistrates, and regimiento of the city. his lordship examined it and declared that he would order, and he did order, the attorney of the said city to give a report of his declaration before the notary, gaspar de azebo, whom he would entrust--and he did entrust--with the examination of the witnesses. _gaspar de azevo_ _authority given by the cabildo to diego hernandez bitoria, whom they elected attorney-general._ on november [_sic_] nineteen, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, there met and assembled before me in manila, esteban de marquina, public and cabildo notary of this city, and the magistrates and regimiento of the same--namely, captain diego de castillo, alcalde don francisco de poya y guevara, high constable antonio de cariedo, captain joan pacheco, diego hernandez bitoria, and antonio garrido de salzedo. all these regidors met, and unanimously elected and appointed the regidor diego hernandez bitoria attorney-general for them and for this city. they gave him power, as he holds it and justly needs, to draw and present all the claims, petitions, injunctions, evidences, oaths, warrants, and investigations which may be fitting and necessary, and which the said cabildo would, if present, offer, in connection with all the trials and suits, both civil and criminal, which the said city might have concerning its privileges and exemptions; and in whatever process, whether in or out of court, might come before any magistrate and judge of the king our lord. they also gave him power to replace or recall attorneys, and to appoint new ones. they gave him this power, and gave assurance for maintaining it, by signing their names, and by pledging the property and revenues of this city which have been or are to be received. it was signed by diego del castillo, joan pacheco maldonado, antonio de cariedo, don francisco de poya, and diego hernandez bitoria. before me: _estevan de marquina_ therefore i have hereto set my seal in witness of the truth. _esteban de marquina_ [_testimony_] _witness_: _captain poyatos_. on may twenty-seven, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, in the city of manila, melchor de baeca, attorney of this city, presented as witness in the name of the same, captain hernando muñoz de poyatos, a citizen of this city, from whom he took oath, according to law, upon a sign of the cross, under obligation of which he bound himself and promised to tell the truth. after having been questioned according to the interrogatory presented by the said melchor de baeca, he made the following declaration: 1. to the first question, the witness testified that the portuguese of the city of macan trade and hold business communication with the spanish inhabitants of this city and of these islands; that much gain and profit has come and comes to them, and that they have not met, and never will meet any injury for coming to trade in these islands. the witness knows this because he has been in the city of macan, and has seen that matters are as the question declares them to be. and he believes that they will surely continue thus if the inhabitants of malaca and other regions of india will continue to trade in these islands. this is his answer. 2. to the second question, the witness, who, as specified above, has been in the city of macan, testified that, although ships now go from goa, from these islands, and from many other parts in greater number and with much more money to invest in chinese goods than hitherto, there are cloths and merchandise enough for all who go there, and much is left over. this is what the witness answers, because he has found it so in the said city of macan. 3. to the third question, the witness testified that he was convinced that if the spaniards in these islands went to the city of macan to trade and traffic with its inhabitants, a great step would be made toward the possibility of preaching the gospel among the chinese, a thing which would be of great service to god our lord, and to his majesty. he does not know anything about what is asked of him in the rest of the question. this is his answer. 4. to the fourth question, the witness testified that he has lived in these islands more than sixteen years, and that in all this time he has neither seen nor heard that any ship had been despatched from these islands to yndia for trading purposes; had it not been so, the witness would have known of it; nor could it be otherwise, since he has resided in these islands for so many years. this is his answer. 5. to the fifth question, the witness testified that the answer was the same as the one given to the previous question, and that, to his knowledge, if commerce is established between these islands and macan, in a short time this city, its inhabitants, and the islands will be greatly enriched. this is his answer. 6. to the sixth question, the witness testified that governor gomez perez dasmarinas despatched a large ship from these islands to the city of macan, and that it was well known by all that it was sent for the purpose specified in the question. concerning the rest of the question he refers to the decrees and other documents issued by the said governor in reference to the despatching of the said ship. he has heard that the rest of the question is true. this is his answer. 7. to the seventh question, he testified that certain inhabitants of these islands sent money to macan, and that they suffer need because thus far they have not been given the proceeds. this is his answer. 8. to the eighth question, he testified that his answer was the same as the one given to the previous questions, and that it is the truth according to the oath he took. he acknowledged it with his signature, and declared that he was more than thirty-five years old, and competent to be a witness. _fernando muñoz de poyatos_ before me: _gaspar de azevo_ [here follow depositions, in answer to the same questions, from six other witnesses, all agreeing in the main with the facts as presented in the questions and in the deposition of captain poyatos, given above. the other witnesses are: bastian jorge moxar, a portuguese, ensign christobal flores, notary alonso de torres, captain juan de argumedo, captain pedro sarmiento, and joan sordo.] [bastían jorge moxar, besides what is contained in the foregoing, testified that the portuguese feared any spanish trade in the indian country, and that the use of spanish ships in the trade would bring great distress to the portuguese.] [notary alonso de torres alleged that he had bought goods from the portuguese in manila for from sixty to sixty-five per cent above their cost price; and the portuguese captains had told him that they could make twice as much on their investments with a trip to manila as to any other port of the indias, and with a shorter voyage. he was told by his intimate friend francisco sobrino, of goa, that the said sobrino came to manila in eighty-eight with two thousand odd pesos in chinese goods, and left a year later with eleven thousand three hundred pesos. on the ship sent by the governor, certain citizens of manila had placed funds amounting to more than one hundred and twenty thousand pesos, the witness himself entrusting four thousand pesos to the said francisco sobrino, all which money was seized by the governor of macan. he further states that he himself is one of the heaviest losers by this act.] [captain juan de argumedo reported the following conversation:] to the third question the witness testified, as before, that he was in macan, and knows that the portuguese are not injured but greatly benefited. while the witness was speaking with the chief captain of the said city, and the mandarin of the chinese, the latter said: "let the spaniards come here and trade; for the inhabitants of your country do not come to trade with the chinese, as the portuguese do." the witness answered: "we are hindered by the portuguese, who do not wish us to come." thereupon the mandarin became much vexed, and addressing the chief captain of the portuguese, said loudly: "how is this, does not the land which you hold belong to the king of china? the portuguese have nothing to do in the matter;" and then, addressing the witness, through an interpreter who was there, he said: "look you, castilian, from now on come here and carry on your trade, and have nothing to do with the portuguese; for we will give you all you need, as well as a passport." this witness then answered and said: "sir, it would be better to assign the spaniards a small piece of land near canton, upon which to settle." the mandarin, after a little hesitation replied: "if you will come to canton with me, i shall obtain a _chapa_--a passport used there--from the viceroy, and shall see to it that the spaniards make a settlement in good time." as this witness had no order to that effect, and was busy with his own affairs, he did not go to canton, or pursue the matter further. considering what he has seen, he believes that the chinese desire the trade of the spaniards; that, if the latter went there, a place would be given them for a settlement; and, if the trade were once established, he thought it certain that the holy gospel could be communicated to the chinese, whence would follow much good to the service of god and of his majesty. he knows this because it was in the same manner that the gospel was introduced into the realms of xapon by the theatin friars, who went there with the merchants. this is his answer. [captain pedro sarmiento testified that the chinese desire commerce with the spaniards; for when the witness was there, by order of governor guido de lavezaris, the said chinese assigned the spaniards a definite site on the mainland for settlement and a trading-place. joan sordo testified that he believed the chinese would welcome the spaniards, and quoted a sangley as saying to him: "castilians, when will the day come for your entry into china? for these mandarins oppress us so that we long for the day."] _petition of diego hernandez vitoria_ in the city of manila, on the twenty-first day of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, diego hernandez vitoria, a regidor of this city, appeared before me, the notary, and before the undersigned witnesses, in his capacity of attorney-general, and declared that he would give, as he in fact did give, the power which he holds from the cabildo and regidors of this city, to melchor de vaeça, attorney at law; and that he would approve and ratify all the pleas which the said melchor de vaeça might make in this suit in the name of the said city, and as attorney of the same. he signed his name in the presence of the witnesses, hernando diaz, miguel de solarte, and adrian perez. _diego hernandez vitoria_ before me: _gaspar de azevo_ i, diego hernandez vitoria, citizen and regidor of this city and attorney-general of the same, declare that, in order to show by the above investigation the little harm which the portuguese suffer from our going to macan, i need a copy from the government books, of the decrees which pedro brito took to macan. therefore, i beg and beseech your lordship to order that the said copy be given me. i offer this plea. _diego hernandez vitoria_ on the seventeenth of july, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, in the city of manila, the person mentioned in the petition presented it to gomez perez dasmarinas, governor and captain-general for the king, our lord, in these islands; and his lordship ordered that the copy which he asks be given him, attested in the form prescribed. _gaspar de azevo_ in fulfilment of this, i, the said gaspar de azevo, notary-in-chief of the government of the philipinas islands, caused to be made and did make, out of the government books which are in my keeping, a copy of the decrees which pedro de brito took to the city of macan, and whose contents are as follows: [_decrees taken to macan_] gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of sanctiago, member of his majesty's council, and his governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands. at present i am actually practicing and exercising the said office of governor and captain-general, according to the commission of his majesty, which reads as follows: _commission of gomez perez dasmarinas as governor; and other decrees which were taken to macan_. don felipe, by the grace of god, king of castilla, leon, aragón, the two sicilies; jerusalem, portugal, navarra, granada, toledo, valencia, galizia, mallorcas, sevilla, cerdeña, cordoba, córcega, murcia, jaén, the algarbes, algeciras, gibraltar, the islands of canarias, the eastern and western yndias, and the islands and mainland of the ocean sea; archduke of austria; duke of borgoña, bravante, and milan; count of abspurg, flandes, tirol, and varcelona; lord of vizcaya and molina: inasmuch as, from the time when the filipinas islands were discovered in the great chinese archipelago, i have always given much care to the supplying of religious to preach the gospel in those far-away and remote regions, in order that our christian religion might be spread in those islands which our lord through his mercy chose to call to a true knowledge of himself; and in order that a more godly success might be obtained among the natives of the said islands and others of the same archipelago, and of other neighboring lands and provinces surrounding the regions already discovered and pacified; and in order that, through the mild method of instruction, they might attain the end for which they were created, i have continually supplied spaniards to settle those islands, so that with their presence and defense, religion might be established and its ministers protected. moreover, wishing better to regulate affairs and to render them more stable, i gave orders for the establishment of the audiencia and royal chancilleria in the city of manila, of the said filipinas islands. but now--having heard that the said audiencia is a heavy burden to a new and thinly-populated land; and that besides, having few matters to settle, it incurs heavy expenses for the maintenance of ministers and officers--i have decided to order the abolishment of the said audiencia and the resumption of the same form and order of government that existed before the establishment of the audiencia. considering how much and how well you, gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of sanctiago, have served me, and considering the many good qualities united in your person, i hereby elect and appoint you my governor and captain-general of the said filipinas islands, hoping that you will continue to serve me on all occasions with the love and faithfulness which my great trust in you imposes upon your person. in such capacity, it is my will that you enjoy and exercise the said offices in the cases and matters connected with and depending upon them, so long as i desire; and in the manner which the persons who have exercised them hitherto have been accustomed, permitted, or obliged to do; and as other persons who have served and are serving me in similar offices in these islands and provinces of the yndias do, may, or must do. it is my desire that you administer justice for me, both civil and criminal, in all the cities, towns, and places, settled or to be settled; you shall also confer offices of justice, war, and others which exist in the islands. through this decree, or a copy of it, signed by a notary, i order that the civic bodies, courts, regidors, knights, esquires, officers, and good men of all cities, towns, and places of the said filipinas islands, and the officers of my exchequer, and the captains, inspectors, and other persons residing there, whatever be their station, shall--after you, the said gomez perez dasmarinas, have taken the oath with the solemnity required by the occasion, and according to the custom of the cabildo of the city of manila, of the filipinas islands--receive you and look upon you as my governor and captain-general of the said islands, and freely allow you to enjoy and exercise the said offices, and to carry out and execute my justice in the said islands, whether it be through your agency or through the lieutenants of my governor and captain-general. i think it advisable that the offices of corregidor, alguazil, and others which you assign in the said islands shall be declared vacant and removed whenever you consider that my service and the execution of my justice demand it. you are empowered to substitute others in their places; and to hear, dismiss, and decide all the civil and criminal trials and suits which may arise in the said islands and towns; you and your lieutenants are empowered to deprive the said offices of the fees connected with and pertaining to them, and to make any investigation in former suits, and other matters connected with and pertaining to the said offices which you and your lieutenants may consider necessary for my service, the execution of my justice, and the settlement and government of the said islands and communities. in order that you may enjoy and exercise the said offices, and carry out and execute my justice as above stated, all men shall submit to you and give and cause to be given to you all the support and aid which you ask and need from them. all shall respect and obey you, and carry out your orders and those of your lieutenants; and they shall in no wise place or allow to be placed any obstacle or opposition before you, since i hereby accept and consider you as accepted in the capacity of the said offices, and in the enjoyment and exercise of them. i give you power and authority to enjoy and exercise them and to carry out and execute my justice as above stated. in case those persons, or any of them, shall not accept you as holding the said offices, i command whomsoever holds the reins of my justice in the said islands, as soon as you, the said gomez perez dasmarinas, ask for them, to give and yield them up to you, and to exercise their offices no longer--under pain of incurring the punishment incurred by those who exercise royal and public offices without any authority; for i hereby suspend and hold them suspended from the said offices. you, your lieutenants, and other magistrates shall enforce, and cause to be enforced, all fines and punishments which you may inflict, which moneys are to be given and delivered to the officials of my exchequer. whenever you consider it fitting for my service and for the execution of my justice for any of those persons, who are now or may be in future in the said islands, to leave the same and not return thither, but come before me instead, you shall send them in my name, and cause them to depart in accordance with the ordinance to this effect. you shall state to the persons whom you thus send the reasons for your doing so; but, if it seems best to give the information secretly, you shall give it enclosed and sealed, and then you shall send me a similar explanation by another messenger, in order that i may have knowledge of it. you are warned not to send any one in this way unless urged by serious reasons. both parties are to do nothing contrary to this, under pain of losing my favor. given in san lorenzo, august the ninth, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. _i, the king_ i, joan ybarra, secretary of the king our lord, had it written by his order. the licentiate _hernando de vega de fonseca_ registered: _pedro de ledesma_, chancellor. _san joan de sardaneta_ _clause of the instruction_. the king, our lord, sent me, in such capacity, an order through royal decree and instruction, signed by his royal hand, the original of which does not accompany this on account of its being inserted in other important decrees and secret orders relating to his royal service. the order in question reads as follows: "whenever you think best to allow and give permission to the inhabitants of the said islands to go to xapon, macan, and other kingdoms or settlements of the portuguese or the heathens, for the sake of trade, you can do so after having first carefully investigated whether there is any obstacle or danger in the journey." since, for the reason which will be stated below, his majesty's desire corresponds to two other royal decrees which will be shown, we have inserted here a number of original documents which successively read as follows: the king: to don gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, or, in your absence, to the person or persons having charge of the government. according to what i wrote you on the fourth of april of last year, eighty-one, and what you have seen since in the despatches sent by the fleet which left for nueva españa on the thirteenth of june of the said year, you must have heard that, on account of the death of the most serene, powerful, and lofty king, don enrrique, my uncle (may he rest in peace), i succeeded to the kingdoms of portugal; and that their crown is united to that of the other kingdoms which i already possessed. since for this reason all become one and the same people, and you and the portuguese are all my vassals; and since it is right that, for the better support of my service, there be agreement and amicable relations among all, especially in these regions--where, on account of their great distance from here, one must exert himself to remedy the losses which may come from events that occur daily, without awaiting orders from here, on account of difficulties which would be caused by the delay--i command you that on all occasions, whether together or separated from one another, you maintain friendly relations and one mind among yourselves, as i have written, being careful to help, support, and defend one another alike in all needs and with great harmony and friendship, as it is right for you to do. i warn you to act in all things according to that trust i place in you, so that there may be no omission in the affairs committed to you, for this should be your chief and main aim. lisboa, march thirty-one, one thousand five hundred and eighty-two. _i, the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de herasso_ the king: to don gonzalo rronquillo de peñalosa, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands; or, in your absence, the person or persons who may hold the reins of government. you understand, from what i have written you before and what i write now, the causes and reasons why there should be a close and friendly relation between you and your people dwelling in those islands and my viceroy of eastern yndia, and my governor and captain-general of malaca with his portuguese; and how well served i shall be if, since you are all on the same footing, and since you are all my vassals, you deal, communicate, and make friends with one another, and help one another whenever occasion and need shall arise. there was little necessity to remind you of this; yet, seeing that it is so important and so reasonable that things be so, i have decided to recommend the matter to you, assuring you that i shall be much pleased thereby. if at any time my viceroy of yndia, or the governor and captain-general of malaca, should write to you asking to send men to his aid, you will send him the men whom you can spare from those islands, in order that he may be secure; and do so with the precaution that you shall find needful. in either case, you will give orders as one who has the matter at heart, and knows what can and must be done. since i trust in you and your prudence, and allow you to send some troops and captains under similar circumstances, you shall ask the same to obey and carry out whatever he whom they go to help may say and order, either in writing or orally, serving him with the good discipline and obedience to which that nation [the portuguese] are accustomed, in the expeditions and military exploits which may take place. lisboa, on the thirty-first day of march in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two. _i, the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de erasso_ considering the fact that the king, our lord, is pleased to have harmony, friendly relations, commerce, and trade between the inhabitants of these islands and the portuguese nobles inhabiting macan, xapon, and other regions--which things are necessary for the preservation of these his kingdoms, and the welfare and prosperity of his vassals, and the exaltation of our holy catholic religion; and since in fulfilment of this royal desire and offer of friendly intercourse, commerce, trade, and many other things pertaining to his royal service, as i am in need of ammunition for this camp, i am forced to send a person to the city of macan--namely, pedro de brito, a regidor of this city of manila--whom i order to sail from these islands to the said city of macan on the ship "nuestra señora de conception" (or, as it is also called, the "san pedro"), with pedro de solorzano as captain, and antonio diaz delaleres as ship-master. i have given him permission to sail, and if necessary, to let this document serve as a permission for the voyage and the return to this city, observing strictly all my instructions and orders: therefore in the name of the king, our lord, i request and ask in my own name the chief captain of the said city of macan, the officers of the exchequer, and the magistrates and rulers of the city; and whatever governors, captains, judges, and magistrates may reside in the said city in his majesty's name; also nobles, and other persons who live there, and in others of his kingdoms and seigniories--of all these i request that, whenever this is shown, they examine the said royal decrees and obey and observe them. i request them to let the said regidor, pedro de brito, come into port with the said ship and crew, allow them to land, and communicate and trade with the inhabitants and natives in all things that they desire and need, and to offer no obstacle or hindrance; but, on the contrary, to protect and help them for their success, and in the necessary preparations which they will make, as they owe to the service of his majesty. i shall do as much to them whenever a similar request is made of me. in the city of manila, on the third day of july, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. _gomez perez dasmarinas_ by order of the governor: _gaspar de azevo_ this was corrected and compared with the said government book from which it was copied. manila, june twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. the following witnesses were present when it was corrected and compared: miguel de solarte and adrian perez. _gaspar de azevo_ _the governor's opinion_ sire: having examined this investigation which the cabildo, magistracy, and regimiento of this city have made, so that your majesty might favor the inhabitants of manila by granting them commerce with the inhabitants of macan, and considering the little harm which the portuguese would suffer from it, my opinion is that, with your majesty's pleasure, the favor could be granted, for very little trouble will follow from it. moreover, it will benefit this camp, in that we shall be able to get ammunition, supplies, and other things from the city of macan: for, as far as ammunition is concerned, the trade with china is closed, since no chinese would dare to bring it over. _gomez perez dasmarinas_ this copy was made, corrected, and compared with the evidence and other decrees already mentioned, at the request of the attorney of this city of manila, and by order of the said governor, on june twenty-second, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, in manila; and in the presence of the following witnesses, who saw when it was taken, corrected, and compared: miguel de solarte, and adrian perez. therefore, i set my seal to it in witness of truth. _gaspar de azevo_ we, the undersigned notaries, certify and truly testify that gaspar de azevo, whose signet and name are attached to this investigation, is government notary of these islands; and, as such, the instruments drawn before him, or which have heretofore been drawn before him, are to be given full faith and credit in or out of court. port of cavite, june twenty-third, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _alonso esteban de marquina_, notary. _tomas perez_, notary. _miguel de quintanilla_, notary-public. the preceding was deliberated upon in madrid on the twentieth day of july, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two. the licentiate _gonzalez_. [_endorsed at beginning of document_: "the city of manila in the filipinas islands; concerning the possibility of their inhabitants trading with those of macan. _ledesma_, secretary." "eighty-four maravedís were paid for the examination, on july 15, 1529 (_sic; sc._ 1592). the licentiate _gonzalez_." "the possible trade between macan and the inhabitants of manila."] [_endorsed on back of document_: "investigation concerning the question of macan; for domingo de uribe."] documents of 1592 opinions of the religious communities on the war with the zambales. juan de valderrama, and others; january 19-20. letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people of the philippines. clement viii; march 25. letter to felipe ii. g.p. dasmariñas; may 31. rules for the manila hospital. g.p. dasmariñas; [may 31]. expedition to tuy. [luis perez dasmariñas]; june 1. two letters to felipe ii. g.p. dasmariñas; june 6, 11. an embassy from japan. hideyoshi, and others; 1591-92. three letters to felipe ii. g.p. dasmariñas; june 20, july 6. luzón menaced by japanese. [g.p. dasmariñas; 1592?]. _sources_: all these documents are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: in the first document, the opinion of the augustinians is translated by joseph fitzgerald; that of the franciscans, by victoria g. peacock; the remainder, by james a. robertson. the second document is translated by rev. t.c. middleton, o.s.a., villanova college; the third, by josé m. and clara m. asensio. in the eighth document, the first letter is translated by helen e. thomas; the third, by mary f. foster. the remaining documents of this group are translated by james a. robertson. opinions of the religious communities upon waging war with the zambales opinion of the augustinians your lordship orders us to give our judgment whether it be lawful to make war on the zambales, in view of the many injuries that they have been and daily are inflicting upon our people; and, if so be that the war is lawful and righteous, what measures may be taken to attain the end proposed therein, security. in reply to this we say that, according to all the authorities, divines as well as canonists and jurists, three conditions are required in a war to make it a righteous one; and on these we will rest the justification of the war at present under consideration. the first condition is that he who begins the war shall have authority; the second, just cause for making war; and third, righteous intention. the first requires that he who begins the war and by whose order it is waged be a public person, as st augustine declares, _contra faustum manichæum_; cited by gratian (23 qu. i. c. _quid culpatur_): _ordo naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, ut susctpiendi belli authoritas atque consilium penes principes sit_. whence it is clear, as st. thomas says (2a 2æ, q. 40, art. i), [10] that a private person cannot lawfully make war; for, if he is aggrieved, he should resort to his superior for satisfaction; and it is as little within the right of a private individual to collect such a body of men as is requisite to carry on a war. the difficulty is to understand what is meant by "public person" or "prince;" for it is plain that it is not lawful for every prince or judge whatsoever to wage war. the solution of this difficulty, according to st. thomas (_ubi supra_,) and cajetanus (_ibi_ and in _summa, ch. bellum_), and castro (_de justa hæreticorum punitione_ lib. 2, c. 4), is that by "public person" in the present case is understood the one who in his government depends not on another; such are the kings of spain and france, also some free commonwealths, as venice, florence, and ferrara: these have authority, without recourse to another, to wage war. but those princes and states whose government is not sovereign may not levy war without authority from their superior; and so the lords of castilla and the viceroys and governors appointed by our king philippus may not without a warrant make war. what is said applies not when war is waged for defense against enemies, but in other circumstances; for if it is for defense, such war is permitted to any governor or king, as the authors say, because _vim vi repellere licet_; [11] and thus the viceroys and governors of the indias have authority to levy war against disturbers of the peace and quiet of the states of which they are in charge, without necessity of resorting to his majesty for permission. the second condition of righteous war is that the cause for which it is waged shall be a just one, as st. thomas says: "those upon whom war is waged deserve it for the offenses that they have committed, and the grievances that they have inflicted upon the one who makes war on them." thus says st. augustine (lib. 83. _quæstionum super josue_, 9. 10), and gratian quotes him (23, q. 2, c. _dominus noster_): _justa autem bella solent definiri quæ ulciscuntur injurias, si gens vel civitas plectenda est, quod vel vindicare neglexerit quod a suis improbe factum est, vel reddere quod per injuriam ablatum est_. [12] and as this injury and grievance may be of many kinds, so too, many and various are the just causes of war; but we will consider here only those which make for the matter in hand, confirmed by the authority of scripture. the first ground of a righteous war may exist when one is hindered from doing what he may by right do. this is matter of natural and divine law and on this ground julius cæsar, as lucan represents him (lib. 1), made defense of his conduct in waging war against the roman state--viz., that the state had blocked to him, a roman citizen, the route to rome; and so he said, arms in hand, _omnia dat qui justa negat_. [13] on this ground, as st. augustine says (in _quaest. num._ q. 43), [14] the children of israel justly made war on the kings of the amorites (_ut legitimum_, c. 21), for having withstood their passage through their country when they were on their way to the promised land, although the israelites had given assurance that they would do no damage to the lands, the crops, or the vineyards of the amorites. and so says st. augustine (and he is quoted _ubi supra_, last chapter), _notandum est sane quemadmodum justa bella gerebantur a filiis israel contra amoritas: innoxius enim transitus denegabatur qui jure humanæ societatis aequissimo patere debebat_. [15] upon which passage joannes andreas in his gloss well says: _licet enim transire per alienum agrum jus non sit, tamen quia necessarius et innoxius erat iste transitus illi prohibere non debuerunt; item quia via publica erat et nemo prohibetur via publica_. [16] the second ground, as i said, of a righteous war is the self-defense of the prince or of his subjects. this ground also is matter of both natural and divine right; for even as self-defense is a natural right, on which right is founded the rule of _vim vi repellere_, so too in the prince is the defense of his subjects--for the care which the prince has of his subjects is as essential on his part as is the care which each one of them has for himself; hence, if the subjects are aggrieved by their enemies, the prince may justly in their defense make war, and _vim vi repellere_. this is much better than that the individual should himself avenge the wrong; for the individual can lawfully defend himself and his property only _in continente_, as sylvester declares (_bellum_, 2 § 3), but he may not avenge past wrongs, _nec sua repetere_ save by recourse to his judge and superior. [17] whatever goes beyond that is contrary to law and good government and, as cajetan says, is _extra moderamen tutelæ_, [18] it being an essential condition of the right _vim vi repellere_ that it be done _cum moderamine_. but the prince and the state have the same authority with respect to their enemies at whose hands they have suffered injury, which they have with regard to their own subjects; and hence not only may they defend themselves lest either they or their subjects suffer injury, but they may avenge injuries by inflicting punishment, exact satisfaction for damage done, and take the enemies' lives, if so the quiet and safety of their subjects require. under this head come the many wars waged by king david against the philistines, mentioned in the scriptures; as also the war of the machabee captains against the kings antiochus and demetrius. the third cause and ground is rebellion and disobedience of subjects. this was the ground of david's war with sheba, son of bichri, who raised a revolt, as you may read in ii sam. 20; [19] and this is what st. augustine says (_contra faustum manichæum_, i. 22, c. 74): _adversus violentiam resistentium sive deo sive aliquo legitimo imperio jubente gerenda ipsa bella suscipiuntur a bonis ubi eos vel jubere tale aliquid vel in talibus obedire juste ordo ipse constringit_ (in c. _quid culpatur, ubi supra_.) [20] the fourth cause and ground for a righteous war is when there is default of keeping faith or carrying out agreements; for in such case the party who has been wronged may lawfully make war on him who, by not keeping faith, has done him injury. this made joran [jehoram], king of israel, wage war on mesa [mesha], king of moab, for his having failed to keep the agreements and to pay the tribute which he had promised to pay to his suzerain, king ahab; and that this war was just is clear, for that he was assisted therein by the holy and righteous jehoshaphat, king of judah, with the approval of the prophet elisha--who in the name of the lord urged them on to war, and promised them a sure victory--as is seen in ii sam. ch. 3. these four causes and grounds, or any one of them by itself, justify war; and there are other grounds also, but these are the most certain and the most applicable to the matter in hand. the third condition which, as we have said, must be fulfilled to make a war righteous is a right intention on the part of him who wages it; because, failing this, even when the other two conditions concur--to wit, authority and just cause--a faulty intention may render and does render the war unjust. this condition is also laid down by st. augustine (_contra faustum_), and he is quoted by gratian (in c. _quid culpatur_); and as his words are of great weight and define wherein a bad intention consists, it is well to quote them: _quid culpatur in bello? an quid moriuntur quandoque morituri ut dominentur in pace victuri? hoc reprehendisse timidorum est non religiosorum. nocendi cupiditas, ulciscendi crudelitas, impacatus atque implacabilis animus, feritas rebellandi, libido dominandi et si quae sunt similia: haec sunt quae in bellis jure culpantur_. [21] and what must be the right intention of the prince in levying war the same augustine declares in the book _de verbo domini_; and the passage is found in c. _a pud, ubi supra: apud veros dei cultores et ipsa bella peccata non sunt quae non cupiditate aut crudelitate sed pacis studio geruntur ut mali coerceantur et boni subleventur_. [22] peace is the end that is to be sought in war, and so saith aristotle (lib. 10 _ethicorum_): _bellum gerimus ut in pace degamus_. [23] and augustine says the same (_epist. ad bonifacium_): _non quaeritur pax ut bellum exerceatur, sed bellum geritur ut pax acquiratur._ [24] but here it is to be noted that this right intention which is here required is a condition no more essential to a righteous war than to other good works, for in all these it is required, and without it no work is virtuous; and hence it is that if this right intention be wanting in the prince who levies war and in those who urge it, he would sin by wrong intention, but if the other two conditions be fulfilled, he, as soto says, will not be held to make amends for the injuries that may be done in the war. so, too, if a judge orders a robber to be hanged, granted that _ex odio suspendat_, [25] he will not be held to restitution, if on the testimony adduced the man deserved hanging. _reply_ having ascertained the conditions required to make a war just, from them we shall be able clearly to decide whether such is the war against the zambales at present under discussion. to this question we will answer affirmatively: that it is lawful without any scruple whatever, for in it the three conditions meet which are required for a just war, as we have already said. and first, in this war is found the first condition, namely, authority in the one who wages it, for he is _persona publica_, the governor of these isles; and also he has a superior who is our king. but since the cause is self-defense, as will later be proved, he has no need of other permission to defend his state against enemies who molest it, as we have proved. in this war, the third condition, too--we shall speak of the second later--is fulfilled, namely, right intention; for its end is the peace and security of the subjects, disturbed by these their enemies. and this peace it has not been possible to secure by means of our benevolent efforts, although such means have been tried--as appears from our labors to that end last year in sending religious of our order, and persons known to the zambales, to persuade them to desist from wrongdoing and be our friends, granting them a general pardon for the wrongs they had committed against us; and although the zambales promised, and made oath in their fashion, they have defaulted utterly, committing since then many atrocious wrongs against our people, as appears from the reports on that matter which have been drawn up. and, forasmuch as nothing has been gained through kindness, comes now, as a last and drastic remedy, the resolution to win peace and security for the king's subjects by waging war on his enemies; and this is the right intention that is required according to aristotle and st. augustine, as before quoted. but even suppose this intention to be lacking, it is already said and proved above that this condition is not in such sort essential as to oblige to indemnification. it remains that we look into the second condition of just warfare, to wit, that just cause exist for waging it. this condition, in which might be presented greatest difficulty, is the clearest and plainest part of the matter before us; for not only are some of the four causes and grounds pointed out by us, as being any one of them in itself sufficient, but all the just causes are here concurrent. the first condition is fulfilled in that these zambales impede the general traffic by sea and land of those who go to pangasin and ylocos and cagayan. and, albeit the traffic works damage neither to them nor to their lands, but uses a common highway, yet they sally out upon the highways and kill and rob passengers, as appears from the reports. concurs also the second cause; for, although these zambales are not molested by our people, they assault and murder them, not only falling upon them in the highways, as already said, but also seeking them out in the settlements while they are laboring in the fields; so that neither in their fields nor their homes are our people safe--which also is shown in the reports. furthermore, after promising obedience to our king and to the governor on his behalf, they have rebelled and renounced obedience, as we have said; and this is the third of the reasons which, as we said, justify the war. finally, the war is justified by their failure to keep their word and their pledges of friendship; for, as is well known, they have again and again, in the time of previous governors, been reconciled and have promised friendship, and thus have obtained pardon for their acts. and in the year just past this was done with greater formality and more solemn assurances, as appears from the record; but notwithstanding this, breaking the compact of peace, they have since then inflicted other and graver injuries--sallying out as robbers into the public routes by land and by sea, making descents on our settlements and murdering everyone on whom they can lay hands, be they indians or spaniards, seculars or ecclesiastics. indeed, it is well known that last year they murdered a religious of our order, and they were tracking our provincial and two others, his companions; but all these, thanks to their own watchfulness, escaped. from what has been said it stands amply proved that the war to be waged against the zambales is a just one, and, beyond all scruple, as well on the part of him who sets it on foot as of those who take part in it. but it may be that some one will, in opposition to what has been said, cite to us certain law texts to the effect that when a number of persons or a town sins, even if all or most of them are guilty, yet they should be pardoned. in the _decretum_ (dist. 50, c. _ut constitueretur_) st. augustine says, writing to bonifacius: _ubi per graves dissentionum scissuras non hujus aut illius hominis periculum sed populorum plurimorum strages jacet, detrahendum est aliquid severitati ut majoribus sanandis malis charitas syncera subveníat_. [26] and (1 q. 7 c. _quoties_) pope innocent, as cited by gratian, says: _quoties a populis auta turba peccatur, quia in omnes propter multitudinem vindicari non potest inultum solet transire_. [27] much to the same effect is what is said by alexander iii (c. _extra, de clerico excommunicato_), and also by honorius iii (in the last chapter, _de transact._). and the reason for this is that in a multitude or in a town are many innocent persons, and it were a grave injustice to require that they shall suffer the rigorous punishment awarded to the guilty; while it is certain that in a war one suffers as much as the other; and hence, lest the innocent be punished, the guilty should be pardoned. to the objection which cites these testimonies in proof that _parcendum est multitudini_ [28] castro makes apt reply (lib. 2 _de justa haereticorum punitione_ c. 14), that the proposition is true and applies when the multitude or town purposes amendment, and there is fair hope of the same; but if the case is otherwise, and they persist in their evil ways after being admonished, reason says they shall be punished rigorously. the opposite course would only give them occasion to go on and become more hardened in their sin and misdoing, and cause others, after the example of these, to do the same--that appearing to them to be lawful, when they see that it is not punished. and such is the teaching of c. _qui vult, de pænitentia_, 3. 6., attributed to st. augustine: _cum enim tot sunt qui labuntur ut pristinam dignitatem ex authoritate defendant et quasi usum peccandi sibi faciant, rescindenda est spes ista_. [29] then, as these zambales have many times been warned, and have promised and sworn peace and amends, and have totally defaulted, as we have already said, and have taken occasion, from the lenity shown them, to do greater mischiefs with more boldness--mistaking for timidity the kindliness that we have used toward them--it follows that, numerous though they are, we ought no longer to dissemble with them, but must punish them sternly; for the more numerous they are, the more mischief they do. what we have stated in enforcing our thesis affords us occasion for explaining here the mode of procedure in this war, and--assuming it to be a lawful war, as has been sufficiently proved--for inquiring what considerations may be urged by those who carry on the war. and, for the sake of brevity and clearness, we will resolve the matter into a few points, without any arguments, for these points are corollaries of a just war. first: if, to attain what is purposed--to wit, to bring the said zambales under control--it becomes necessary that we burn their crops, their houses, and their other properties, and even kill those who make resistance, even if the presumption be that among them are some who are guiltless--it is lawful to do all this during war, until the final victory is won which is purposed. we say "if necessary," for unless the purpose of all that is done in the war is the final victory, such deeds will be impious and tyrannical. and hence the matter should not be left to the arbitrary will of the soldiers, but should be directed by the order of him who governs them. second: also, if during the war there be lack of subsistence, or of other supplies needed for its prosecution, these may be taken from what the enemy have, even though the owners be guiltless, and this without obligation to restitution--the reason being that _cum licet bellum licet apponere media necessaria ad finem victoria_. [30] third: _ex jure gentium_, during the war, all movables taken from any one of the enemy belong to him who has them, and there is no obligation to restitution: sylvester presbyter (_bellum_, 1 § 10), and cajetan (in _summa_). i say "during the war," because when it is ended _non licet ultra praedari_. [31] fourth: after they are reduced to subjection, those who are most guilty may be condemned to death, as also such others as regard for the security and tranquillity of the land may determine. but it will not be lawful to kill those of them who are found to be guiltless, even though it be feared that they may be mischievous in the future; for no grievance has been suffered at their hands, and means can be found of holding them securely, as we will show presently. those of the inhabitants of a state who are usually deemed guiltless are lads not yet old enough to bear arms; old men incapacitated by age, save in the case that heretofore they have been mischievous; and the women, unless it appear that they too have engaged in war. but it will not suffice to say with soto that they supply provisions for their husbands during the war, for that is a natural right and obligation. all the rest are deemed guilty, failing proof to the contrary; here strict investigation is to be made, lest wrong be done. fifth: _ex jure gentium_, those captured in a just war are held as slaves. paludanus (in 4. d. 15, q. 3) holds that this is not to be understood as applying to christian captives; and such is the truth, and this provision is observed among christian kings. but, as these zambales are not christians, they may be dealt with according to the _jus gentium_, and made slaves. yet, inasmuch as they are a people of small mental capacity, and hence do not realize the seriousness of their crime, they ought not to be treated with the full vigor of law; and therefore it seems to us that it will be enough to make them slaves for a limited time, ten or fifteen years. sixth: the war ended, his lordship the governor may exact from the zambales all the costs of the war, and indemnification for all the losses suffered; and he may, by way of chastisement, levy from them some tribute: for all this is _jus belli_ in the case of a just war, such as is this, as stands proved. seventh: since it is not enough to punish past crime unless a remedy is applied for the future; and since a wide experience has shown that little confidence is to be reposed in the word and the character of this people; and since to leave them in their mountains would be to give them occasion and good opportunity for doing mischief and damage hereafter, as always in the past: it seems to us that inasmuch as these zambales are few and have not in their villages or in their territory any cultivated fields or any fixed settlements, it will be advisable, as security against their returning to their old ways, to transplant them from the mountain region to peopled districts, depriving them of arms, and giving them a village site and lands upon which, with police control and under a government, they may live and cultivate their farms. this we deem the ultimate remedy, and as being necessary for the ends of peace and security at which we aim. finally: it seems to us from the experience we have had in this matter, and from what we have seen, that the expeditions sent against these zambales have been ineffective because this method was not employed. the plan should be carried out chiefly by means of the indians of pampanga and the zambales of pangasinan--people who know the country and its hiding-places and coverts; and who, as being more agile than spaniards, bear more easily the toils of the march over the routes that have to be traversed, owing to the wildness of the region, which, as is well known, is very great. in payment of the costs to these indians, the slaves captured in the war might be apportioned to them; and in virtue of this compact they will not commit the cruelties and murders to be apprehended from them. besides, this will benefit the state; for, having more field-hands, they will plow and cultivate more land. further, as regards the panpangos, they will in this way obtain satisfaction for the many and serious wrongs that they have suffered from the zambales in the way of both murders and robberies. such, with all respect for the better judgment of others, is our opinion regarding the matter proposed to us by your lordship, with command to declare our views. this we do, recommending always moderation and christian charity, which should ever be practiced, and especially in dealing with this people--who, as we have said, do not realize the gravity of their offense; and on whom, therefore, the penalties of the law ought not to be inflicted in all its rigor. and, to signify that this is our judgment, we confirm it with our names. given at san augustin de manila, the nineteenth day of january, 1592. _fray joan de valderrama_, provincial _fray alonzo de castro_, definitor _fray lorenso de leon_, definitor _fray joan de tamayo_, prior _fray antonio serrano_, prior _fray diego gutierrez_ _fray diego muñoz_ _fray diego alvarez_ _fray alonso de montalvan_, superior _fray matthias manrique_ _fray alonso de paz_ [32] [_endorsed_: "opinion of the augustinian fathers regarding the cámbales." "opinion of the augustinian fathers upon waging war against the zambales."] opinion of the dominicans _jesus_ admitting the information received against the negrillos and certain zambales, who commit assaults; and admitting (what is generally known) the murders committed daily, both past and present, and which have not been committed in their just defense or in just revenge for injuries--as is evident because indeed the batanes, panpangos, pangasinanes, and ylocos (and these last are the worst sufferers) were at peace with them, and, since that peace, neither the panpangos nor the others have disturbed them in their villages or on the highways, but, on the contrary, have tried to preserve friendly relations; and admitting (likewise a well-known fact) the custom of this race from the earliest period of killing, whenever possible, spaniards and indians, without any distinction, and without having received any injuries, for the sole purpose of proving their courage by their ability to kill men, collecting heads and hanging them up in their houses, as such proof; _item_, admitting one other certain fundamental, that no incursion has been made into their lands for the sake of provoking them in their common habitation, but that they, on the other hand, invade, from their lands, the royal open highways and the settlements of the peaceful natives, in order to kill those who are living in peace with them, and with all: we render freely an exact opinion. 1. the negrillos and mountain zambales have not, because of their former wars, before the arrival of the spaniards in this land, at present any just title to war against the settled and peaceful people of these islands. this is proved, for, although in those former times force ruled, and injustice held full sway, and meant different things to each individual, and no distinction was made--as, where two persons quarrel with words, and injure each other equally, there is no satisfaction other than to stop, and there is no distinction in the injury--now, after the pacification of the indians in settlements, these wars ceased for many years; for which reason the old animosities do not furnish any just pretext for war to either negrillos or zambales against the ilocos, panpangos, etc. _item_: since those petty wars ceased, the panpangos, etc., and all the others have not incited the negrillos or zambales to war; nor have they done them any injury, either personally or in their lands. therefore the present action of the negrillos and mountain zanbales in committing assaults on the highways and killing as many as they have killed, has no just pretext of war from their neighbors. 2. second, we assert that the batanes, panpangos, pangasinanes, ylocos, and other tribes living near the negrillos and mountain zambales, have a just pretext for war against the negrillos and mountain zanbales--a proof of which is admitted in the fact of the murders, robberies, attacks, and assaults on the highways, made without any just pretext, as we have said in the first conclusion. therefore, on the contrary, the injured ones have a just pretext against them. there appears to be no doubt regarding these two conclusions, for they are most certain according to natural reason and to all law. the whole difficulty is whether the injuries committed, the present harm, and that which with some reason is feared (which will be greater each day)--considering also the condition of the negrillos, and the sort of country in which they live--whether all these together constitute sufficient pretext for an expedient so severe as war; and if fire and sword are necessary. to answer this doubt, we must admit that, with the diversities and natural features of countries, and with the characteristics of the peoples therein, is entwined most intimately the _jus gentium_, as we call it. accordingly, in some lands some things are regarded as established, and classed with the _jus gentium_, but not in others; and some things lawful in certain lands are not so in others. on the contrary, things that would be wrong for some would be lawful and _jus gentium_ for others; while things wrong for others would be lawful and honorable to the first, because of the diversity of countries, customs, and race, whence arises this _jus gentium_. therefore we say that, if in castilla, where neither the land nor people of these islands are known, this case were to be judged on only the things written and proved, nothing more than that these people were assaulters would be decided; and an order would be issued to proceed against them as against assaulters. if these things should happen in sierramorena, no orders would be given to destroy the towns near by; or, if in the pyrenees, for that reason war would not be declared upon the gascons or navarrese. for this would be esteemed a personal offense, and not one committed by the community. but here, where we know the land, the people, and their abominable and long-standing customs, we must esteem it, not a personal, but a communal offense; nor must we presume amendment where ferocity springs from custom, now rendered almost natural instinct, and from the land being unconquerable. therefore it must be presumed that, if they are not punished by force superior to their own, they will grow worse each day; for they consider cruelty honorable, and esteem him most who kills most. therefore, with people of this nature, we apply the saying of aristo--namely, that it is lawful to make war on and kill like wild beasts, those people who live unsettled and wandering like wild beasts. it is quite evident that aristo means people harmful to others; for, even when they live like wild beasts, but are not harmful, war is not on that account lawful. and inasmuch as these arguments extend to the negrillos and zambales, it is our opinion that the war must be judged as just or unjust rather by the condition of the land and people, the injuries that will be inflicted, and the little relief obtained by employing other methods, than by the severity of the injuries received. it is no remedy to guard the roads, as is quite evident, because they do more harm in one night than the soldiers in a week. likewise it is no remedy to guard the villages, for the people are obliged to go to the fields, etc. consequently we say: that, it is justifiable--by methods which will not cause greater annoyance to the regions adjoining the negrillos and zambales--to make war upon the negrillos and zambales, even with fire and sword, whenever the above reasons are evident. we prove this by the above statements, for ferocity is a quality among them now almost a natural instinct; and they place all their honor in killing, without caring for any other object. again, these ills cannot be obviated and prevented, except by destroying them, if it be possible. _item_: because there is no hope that they will make peace and settle down; for their happiness consists in living a nomadic life, without any restraint, and they are a race who never keep any promise. _item_: we say that, because the method of warfare as employed by the castilians is not by means of rough ground, forests, and dense thickets--as witness the war of granada, in which hespaña lost so many men because the rising was in places unknown to the spaniards but known to the moors. it has been seen here many times that the spaniard needs ten or twenty servants to take care of his person, furniture, food, and clothing, alone--from which results more loss than that which the negrillos and zambales can inflict in a lifetime. we think, in the absence of better judgment, that, for a specified time, those captured alive should be handed over to the neighboring districts as captives, or remanded to the galleys. whoever is put to death, let it be by order of the captains, and at the time and place appointed. we render this opinion, as long as this measure does not appear more harmful [_i.e._, than the harm caused by the negrillos and zambales]. if any measure whatever is more harmful, then we shall consider it unlawful, although we are assured that a most justifiable right exists for making war, and for destroying with all the harm possible to them, and less harm to the surrounding people, than is done or can be done by the negrillos and zambales. _item_: we declare that, as the losses of war are accidental, and depend on artifice, seasons, and innumerable other circumstances, it might well happen that what is advanced one time as justifiable may, given a change of conditions at the time of execution, become unjustifiable; for with the change of conditions the argument of justice or injustice is altered. _item_: because the term "zambales," in general, comprehends many people to whom the above arguments do not apply, we say that, under the terms zambales and negrillos, we understand only those who are nomadic, as above stated. as to whom these may be, we refer to the investigations in detail; it is not for us to judge the information given, but to credit it. this we advance as our opinion, and as such we sign it. given in the convent of santo domingo at manila, january 1, 92. _fray juan de castro_ _fray alonso ximenes_ _fray juan de castro_ _fray juan de san pedro martir_ _fray juan cobos_ _fray thomas castellar_ _fray juan garcia_ opinion of the jesuits _jesus_ in regard to our right to make war upon the zambales, the following is our opinion. granting as true the reports of robberies and murders committed by them, past and present, on both castilians and the pacified indians (who are our allies, and christians), then it must be ascertained how these crimes have been committed--whether by all their land in common, or one portion of their province, so that by common consent those of one or many villages or the whole province conspire, and the bravest and strongest go forth to rob and kill; whether its head or chief is of one or of many villages or of the entire province, by whose order certain men go out to commit these depredations; or whether it is not really by common consent, or by the authority of the chiefs, but by crowds of ruffians from one or several villages who commit the said injuries. if this people have a leader, and any go out from the villages or from the province to commit assaults, then this is sufficient cause for war. the same is true, even if they do not go at his order, but if the chiefs allow them to go, and do not punish them; since they have authority and power therefor. if there are no chiefs, then it must be ascertained whether they go out by common consent, to commit assaults, even if all do not go, but only a few. for, if they go by common consent, then war may be made on them all. but war may not be made if they went out as a single band of plunderers, even when they have friends and relatives in the villages, who protect them and supply them with food. it can not be determined that the latter are accomplices; neither can they be punished, nor be dissuaded from doing it, nor even prohibited from giving them food, etc., because of their being, as is usually the case, women and children, while the former are barbarous and cruel men. in such a case, then, it could only be allowable to seek to apprehend the guilty, as well as one might, and to punish them in conformity with their crimes. but nothing may be done to the others. but should it be by common consent, according to the first supposition, without any leader, or if they have chiefs who possess authority superior to the others, so that they may punish them as they deserve, but who do not punish these guilty ones or have them punished by their order, then, in these cases, war is allowable against the villages that shall have taken part in the depredation, or against all the province, or the guilty part; but it must be with the moderation with which our catholic king has ordered, in so christian-like a manner, war to be made, with the least bloodshed and injury possible. those captured shall not be killed, except those who shall have committed individual crimes, who consequently merit death; and the others shall not be reduced to perpetual bondage, but for a limited period only. however, because of the great danger from this tribe, in order to be sure of peace and to render secure our allies who dwell near the zambales, whom we are bound to protect, all the children and women and the others may be taken from their land and divided in various parts in small bands, even when their crimes were perpetrated by but a few ruffians. by this method we receive much benefit and security, and they no harm, but on the contrary much benefit, both spiritual and corporal. but in no case do we think that they may have their ears cut off or be crippled so that they can not take flight--neither women, nor children, nor those who do not commit any individual crime which may merit such punishment; for this is great cruelty and will engender in all a deadly hatred of our nation and law. besides, other and gentler means can be used to prevent them from becoming fugitives--such as dispersing them throughout many widely-separated districts, and providing some one to watch over them. _antonio sedeño_ opinion of the franciscans _jesus_ i have read the papers which your grace sent me, and although, at first reading, the justification of this proceeding was not apparent, i wished, on account of its being so serious a matter, to study at leisure the doctors who have discussed this subject. it is important for me to know if what i have heard is true--that the zambales have, upon various occasions, been molested by the spaniards. to be sure of this point is a matter of much importance, because if we have injured or provoked them, first, by wrongs, or by exacting from them tributes which they did not owe, such action on our part would ill be justified. but, since i am not certain on this point, i first find, according to the account which i have read and examined in the papers which your grace sent me, that they have been persuaded and invited with offers of peace, and pardon for the injuries which have been done; and that for this purpose, the governor, using mild and conciliatory measures, sent religious with the military, to whom the said zambales promised to be peaceable. they made similar promises to former governors, but have kept none of them; on the contrary they have been bolder and more lawless than ever, robbing and killing many persons on sea and on land. for these offenses i consider that all the malefactors should be punished, and that means should be provided to protect the highways for the benefit of the tagalos, panpangos, and ilocos, and of all others who pay tribute--since it is for this purpose, together with the teaching they receive, that they pay their tributes, and have placed themselves under his majesty's protection and favor. if this punishment cannot be accomplished without war, then i consider war justifiable, for the reasons above stated. without doubt the authority of the king is the first condition to be established, observing faithfully in all things the spirit of uprightness and christian moderation--which is justice, charity, and freedom for the innocent, according to the saints, particularly st. augustine and st. thomas, and other doctors of the church--seeking the common weal. since the cause for just war is the injury received, war against them would be unjust, if they are innocent of the charges against them. this is my opinion, in view of the aforesaid report, in the absence of better judgment. issued from this convent of san francisco at manila, january twentieth, 1592. _fray pedro baptista_ [33] letter of congratulation _to the bishop, clergy, and people of the philippines_ venerable brother and beloved son, health and apostolic blessing. the lofty works of divine power, that in the earthly realm take place not by human but by heavenly means, very often are wont to display themselves from the very outset; while matters that through divine wisdom as leader and mistress tend to a spiritual end, the health that is of our souls, in the meanwhile lie unrecognized, or, if unveiled, seem of such trivial import as not to be viewed in their grandeur even by the keenest of minds, until aroused thereto chiefly by the splendor of their results. this, as oftentimes before, has happened now at this very time in the conversion to gospel truth of the new world, of both the indias, and especially of the philippine islands. wherefore we are uplifted in great wonder at the most bountiful results wrought therein secretly by divine wisdom, from the first discovery of those countries. previously we had learned of this, in truth, from the letters of many persons and from report; now however, that the divine goodness has raised our insignificance to the summit of apostolic dignity, we have heard it also from the ambassador, our beloved son alphonsus sanchez, a professed priest of the society of jesus--sent in your name first to sixtus v, pope, of happy memory; then to the following roman pontiffs, our predecessors; and lately to us--from whom, in private conversations which we frequently have held with him, we have learned more in detail ... from conversation, too, with the same alphonsus we have learned of your purposes and deeds in the foundation of churches, the spread of divine worship, the training of natives, the establishment of schools, the practice of useful arts, the appointment of magistrates, the defense of missionaries, the protection of new converts, and, in fine, the permanence of those commonwealths--which as so many members and parts thereof you have brought about through the union of the new world with the old. now, however, in order that you may have some recompense for your love and good-will toward us, and enjoy some reward for your endeavors and toils, by the authority of almighty god and of the holy apostles peter and paul, and by our own, in virtue of these presents, we take you all and singular and all that you have, into our trust and protection, and that of the apostolic see; and we send you through the same alphonsus our apostolic blessing.... given at rome, at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, march 25, 1592, in the first year of our pontificate. letter from gomez perez dasmarinas to the king sire: by two ships which sailed from this port for mexico at the end of june, 1591, i wrote your majesty, advising you of everything here, in duplicate, sending a copy in each ship. afterward, on the eighteenth of october (same year), by a fragata sailing to malaca and eastern india, i wrote later events, and sent the duplicate of the letters. as that route is not considered very safe, i send this, combining both reports, written in fuller detail--fearing least perchance, on account of the many accidents which have taken place on the sea in these years, all the letters have been lost. i cannot help fearing so because, as i write this, a ship has just arrived from mexico, by which i have received no letter from your majesty; nor have i received one since i have been in charge of this government--although, praise be to god, i have had good news of the health of your majesty. for this i return infinite thanks to god, and pray that it may continue, and that he may give your majesty complete success in all the new cares and anxieties which may present themselves. i am confident that his divine majesty will give long life to your majesty, in order that everything may be ordered and arranged according to the needs of christianity. supposing that the duplicates of the letters aforesaid have been received, this letter will be more brief, in order not to repeat herein what has been said elsewhere. it is now necessary to describe in general the state of this land, although this year has been very unfortunate, deaths and sickness being common among both indians and spaniards; and we are also pressed hard and threatened by enemies, as your majesty will learn by a separate letter. as to the general quiet and tranquillity of this state and kingdom, it has never been better; for great progress is being made in the strengthening and adornment of public buildings, both ecclesiastical and state. hitherto the spaniards have not experienced misfortune, but much profit in traffic; and trade [with nueva españa] is being regulated and put in order. the natives are content and happy; the chinese are more fond of trading with the merchandise which they bring from that kingdom. there came this year twenty-eight ships with much merchandise, including very rich goods of silk and other articles. the religious are agreed among themselves, and aside from the bishop, everything is quiet as it should be--except in some few matters, of which i will give an account to your majesty. the encomenderos have more peace of conscience than they have heretofore had, and justice is equitably administered in the districts of the alcaldes and the villages of the indians; and, finally, everything which my poor strength could accomplish has been done for the common tranquillity and good government. as i realize my little worth and ability, i would wish it to be known how much i desire and strive to accomplish in the service of god and your majesty. the cathedral church is completed, thanks be to god; and mass has been celebrated therein since the twenty-first of last march with a large attendance and much devotion, and to the great satisfaction of the people. the seminary for girls, although in its first house, is maintained in seclusion and good order; and there have been several marriages or establishments made from among the inmates. as i have written, that house is so unsuitable that the erection of the new church and house is being pushed forward; it is being built of stone, and will be very substantial and commodious, and will be completed inside of six months. your majesty is patron of this house; and not only on account of the preeminence of the royal patronage and what for this reason is due, but for the good ordering of the house, i desire that there be sent me from españa some rules or laws whereby such houses are ruled and governed. the regulations which i have been able tentatively to ordain here are those accompanying this letter. this house will have four hundred pesos of income. that being built has not hitherto received anything whatever from the royal exchequer of your majesty; for, although i would like to give it, your majesty does not have it here. i am sending also a set of rules for the conduct of the hospital, in order that your majesty may order them amended there. the new fort, which will be called santiago, is now raised from the level of the ground more than two estados; and in one ravelin thereof, which is now finished, eight pieces of artillery have been mounted already, and guard is kept. by the time this reaches you, god willing, the fort will be finished and perfected. all the beach from the fort of santiago to the fort of nuestra señora is occupied by the curtains and traverses--the latter very suitable, two and a half estados in height. it needs nothing but the parapet, which is being built. although that already built was called a fort, it is not one, nor can it be of use; for it is but a large tower, badly cemented, and was falling in four places. it was braced by four buttresses which were called cavaliers, and cost your majesty a large sum, as i have written. everything is now being rebuilt in order to put the fort in good condition. i have launched four galleys, and have for them a gang of free rowers on pay, although they are hard to manage. even that has been accomplished in the face of great difficulties and scruples; for the religious say that i cannot maintain galleys or rowers, or avail myself of indians for that purpose. if they do not serve, it is impossible to maintain galleys here, because there are no other people to row. what i have been able to accomplish is that the indians are to remain on the galleys until your majesty shall advise me of the plan which you are pleased to adopt. i have manned one of the galleys with four hundred çambales, who were captured in war. they were given to me by some captains and soldiers, and i have used them in your majesty's service. they are now on a galley and would to god that i could thus provide everything for the many needs which your majesty has here. as regards the sailing of the ships on the account of your majesty, and not that of private persons, i have already written the weighty reasons, and send herewith a duplicate of the letter in which they are set forth. in fact, when all the expenses are on your majesty's account, this not only causes no loss whatever to your majesty's offices and royal exchequer, but results in great profit to this state from the charges on the tonnage. the cost is but half of what it is when the ships sail at the expense of private persons; and, if your majesty would set the price of the tonnage at the same rate as private persons set it, there would be gained a large sum of money. this is the truth, although in mexico they try to argue and discuss this point for private ends. moreover, in this manner deserving soldiers are utilized and occupied, as your majesty ordains, in these matters of transportation; and the dangers arising from the insufficient number and the vices of those who come from mexico in these vessels are avoided. there are also deceits practiced by private persons, and other reasons which i have already stated. besides, when the ships belong to private persons, their owners will not become citizens of these islands; and, on account of the large amount of money taken away by them, the prices of merchandise are raised, and the land is ruined. i therefore repeat that if your majesty will set a moderate price for the tonnage on the ships, not only will there be no expense for your majesty's exchequer, but there will be gained more than twenty thousand pesos. in accordance therewith will your majesty please signify your will. as i wrote your majesty last year, troops have been sent for the pacification of the çambales, and in their proceedings with the natives the severity and chastisement which they deserved were dispensed with. garrisons were established, and many of the chiefs were subdued; they appeared to act sincerely, and gave evidence of being tractable and living in peace and justice. the troops returned, and thereupon the pacified ones, and those who still remained to be reduced, came down from the mountains to the highways, robbed, murdered, and committed innumerable injuries. therefore i determined to lay a heavier hand upon them, and to bring them to open warfare, if that could be done conscientiously, after consulting with the religious orders, and after i had made inquiries concerning the damages, treacheries, uprisings, and crimes of the cambales, and the reasons and causes therefor. all the religious orders concurred in the opinion that war by fire and sword was justifiable, as is evident by the original opinions which i send herewith to your majesty. in conformity therewith i resolved to strike the blow at once by sending troops with six captains. under each captain was a troop of twenty spanish soldiers and five or six hundred indians--pampangos, who were willing to go to war, and gave much assistance, because of the damages received by them from the cambales. they approached that country, which had never before been entered, by six routes; and although they were troubled by the roughness of the roads and the large brambles, they hid themselves and destroyed all the food and the crops which were either harvested or growing. in that region those whom they killed and took captive amount, men and women, to more than two thousand five hundred; and from the men taken the captains and soldiers gave me about four hundred sambales. i have utilized them for your majesty's service on the galleys, where they are learning to row. many have been reduced by famine, and have formed settlements where they were ordered to do so. as it was the rainy season, and the troops were dying, i commanded them to withdraw, leaving garrisons at convenient points, and well provisioned, in order that they might overrun the country and destroy their rice and grain. i believe that, because of this, these people will not revolt again nor raise any disturbance. on the contrary, i think that in due time they will be pacified thoroughly. the relation of what was done, accompanies this letter. all of cagayan has been as quiet as manila for many days and months. tributes are being collected from the encomiendas that remained to be pacified and subdued. a memorandum of encomiendas and villages explored lately, with an account of the discovery of tuy, accompanies this letter. i enclose, with the duplicate, also the relation of the late exploration of tuy, in which i stated that my son don luis would remain there, in order to make another entrance of not less importance, of which i had a reliable report and account. it happened that, having gone upon this errand, and having arrived with the soldiers that he was taking to the province of ylocos, through which he had to pass, he was taken ill, in the month of october, with attacks of fever. this sickness was very severe, and he came here to be treated; and, although he is doing well, he has not entirely recovered his strength. almost all the soldiers fell sick at the same time, as that district is at that season very unhealthful. captain don alonso de sotomayor died, as well as some of the soldiers there. others were brought to the city sick, and so the expedition had to be abandoned until a more favorable opportunity. on account of these expeditions and pacifications, and because their country is not very healthful (and particularly so this year), both for spaniards and indians, a number of the soldiers have died, so that, from the total of four hundred, i have but two hundred left. and although this fort, in its present condition, can be defended by a much smaller force than formerly, yet without it, there would be no safe position. since españa is at such a distance, when reenforcements arrive half of the former troops will have died. if in any one year (as has happened) there should fail to be a ship from castilla, it is pitiful to see the state of this land. moreover--as i report elsewhere to your majesty, and send papers thereon--for the new danger from hostile japanese, against which i am guarding, i need troops, in order to defend a land so destitute and far away that it cannot expect succor in time of necessity. although i have sent earnest petition therefor to mexico, i think that they will neglect my request, just as they do everything else, unless they see an order from your majesty i beseech your majesty to have compassion for this new plant of the faith of jesus christ, which costs your majesty and your subjects so dearly to establish and preserve. may your majesty grant me grace and send me troops, and let those who come be from those realms of castilla--a matter of moment and importance--and not the creoles or exiles from mexico. i should also be provided with ammunition, arms, and men to cast artillery. an order should be sent to mexico to supply me with money, to meet the needs and contingencies. i trust in our lord, and in the excellent arrangement and plan that this city is assuming, that if there are supplied barely sufficient troops to defend a town of this size, your majesty need not fear all xapon, nor any other more powerful enemy that might attack us. this i discuss at greater length elsewhere; but here i only remind your majesty of the completion of this fort, and the necessity of troops therein, as also of the workmen and their wages for which, in my former letters, i have petitioned your majesty. by a decree which i have received here from your majesty, i am ordered to make inquiries as to whether there is quicksilver here, or if it can be brought from the chinese realms and taken to mexico, and at what price. i will say that i have dealt with these chinese, and they are so distrustful that unless the money is given them beforehand, they will not bring the goods the following year. it is true, nevertheless, that they guarantee the fulfilment of their commission. they ask one hundred ducats for a pico of quicksilver, the equivalent of one hundred and thirty castilian libras. if this price is satisfactory, will your majesty order as suits your royal pleasure; for they can bring from their land whatever quantity is desired. may our lord preserve your majesty for many long years, with increase of better kingdoms and seigniories, as is needed for christendom. at manila, may xxxi, 1592. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ rules for the manila hospital gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands and districts of the west, for the king, our sovereign. inasmuch as it is advisable, for the service of god, to reform certain matters in the royal hospital of this city that require such remedy, and to decide and establish other matters for its better government and service, for the welfare of its poor sick, and for the perpetuity of the said hospital, as it is a work of so great piety and so much needed in this community: therefore, by this present, he ordained and ordered that the following articles be observed and kept to the letter, as permanent rules and regulations. 1. first, because sick persons are received in the said hospital, who are not of the character and station entitling them to admission, many annoyances result; for some of them are wealthy, and others are servants of certain persons from whom they receive pay and wages. by receiving these persons into the hospital, contrary to right, they occupy the places and beds which more properly should belong to his majesty's poor soldiers, the workmen of this colony, and the other poor, for whom hospitals are chiefly established. and, that there may be system in this, and that expense to the hospital may be avoided, and so that the expense incurred be for those persons whose due it is, he ordained and ordered that, now and henceforth, the hours for receiving sick persons shall be from six in the morning until five in the afternoon; and that the head chaplain, or his substitute, and the physician or physicians who may be there, and the steward, surgeon, and nurse of the said hospital be present at the entrance and reception of patients. these he ordered and commanded not to receive any sick except workmen or paid soldiers of this colony, paid sailors, and the sick and needy poor; there is no restriction on the admission of such, whether they are servants of the king or not. in case any sick person is received without the previous order and consultation above-mentioned (unless some of the said hospital officials are lawfully prevented), or if the sick person belongs to the classes who ought not to be received, then he who shall have received him shall incur and bear the penalty of paying all the expenses incurred by the hospital for such sick person. 2. _item_: it is ordained that, when a sick person is received, his name shall be taken down, with the date and hour of his entrance. he shall come confessed, or shall confess immediately; shall declare whether he is married or single, and whether he has father or mother; and an inventory shall be made of the possessions and clothes that he brings to the hospital--so that, when he comes to leave the hospital, his property and that of the said hospital may be known. and if the property should have to be used for the repose of his soul, or left to any other heir, the same consideration and account must be observed. 3. in order that this be observed with rigor and care, a book of accounts shall be kept, wherein shall be entered, by day and hour, the names of the sick who are received, and the exit of those who leave or die, since all the wealth of the hospital consists in allowances and income. 4. likewise, in order that there may be greater neatness and order, there shall be a numbered wardrobe, in which shall be kept the clothes of the hospital, and the clean and reserve clothes, respectively--the blankets being kept in one place, the sheets and the other white clothes in another, and the bandages to be used for wounds and sores in another. great care must be taken in this division; and it is very advisable to keep the clothes and garments of those sick with contagious diseases in a place by themselves. likewise the clothes and garments of those who enter shall be washed and laid aside with memoranda as to the owner of each garment, so that if he recover, it may be returned to him clean and neat; or if he should die and it must be sold, either for the repose of his soul or for the hospital, that it may be in good order and condition. 5. _item_: there shall be two porters who shall serve by the week. they shall take oath not to allow anything to be given to any sick person, except by permission of the doctor. the hospital door shall be locked at seven at night, without fail, and cannot be opened. 6. _item_: there shall be an apothecary shop inside the said hospital, so that medicines can be furnished to the sick more easily and at less cost; and the apothecary shall not give or hand out any medicines except by order of the physician, either on his own account or that of the said hospital. 7. _item_: the head chaplain or another (his substitute) shall always sleep in the hospital, in order to administer the sacraments to the sick. 8. _item_: the nurse shall have two deputies for service, so that watch may be kept in turn through the quarters of the night, and attention given to the service and sudden needs of the sick. for this purpose it is ordered that the chaplain, as above stated, and the nurse, steward, apothecary, and all the servants, shall always sleep in the hospital. 9. _item_: no person connected with the hospital shall keep swine or have other means of gain in the hospital. 10. _item_: a book shall be kept, in which shall be set down the alms given by charitable persons to the hospital, whether in money, clothes, and food, or other things. 11. the food of the sick shall be received and placed under the head of ordinary expense of the hospital; and at mealtimes, the physician shall be present at the distribution of food to the sick, in order to see that his orders are observed; and the steward likewise, if not lawfully prevented. 12. _item_: those who are sick of contagious diseases shall be treated separately, and their service of beds and clothes and their food shall be kept separate from those of the other sick; and much care shall be taken in this. 13. _item_: a book shall be kept wherein to enter the income of the hospital, whether from tributes and annual pensions, or from other sources of income or profit possessed by the hospital. likewise there shall be a book for the entry of alms and legacies bequeathed to the hospital by the dying, as well as those collected and sent to it by charitable persons, in either money or fowls, or anything else, so that the steward in whose care they shall be placed may have them all credited in the said book, and so that there may be a full account of everything. there shall also be another book in which to enter the clothing, beds, ornaments, and other furniture acquired by the hospital; and it shall be kept by the person in whose charge they are. there shall be another book in which to enter the names of the sick, with the day, month, and year of their entrance; and the deaths and the departures, also with the date. likewise there shall be another book of the allowances, wages, and pay spent in the hospital, both of its sick and of its officials, entering therein the tickets of admission of the sick. [_endorsed_: "rules of the manila hospital."] expedition to tuy when we went upon this expedition to tuy, the indians surrendered of their own free will, and no blood was shed, solely through the efforts of two religious who accompanied don luys. then they gave only their tribute of recognition in beads and a trifle of adulterated gold. and so that it might not appear that the tribute was to be collected immediately, they were given one year's respite, within which the spaniards would return to collect it. they bound themselves to pay it. in order not to break faith, we shall not return there until the time limit has expired; and, even then, i shall see to it that when we return they shall not be oppressed in any way, in order to compel them to give the whole tribute. they shall give only what they are willing to, because we have furnished them no instruction; nor have we effected a settlement, as i expected--because of the few people we have, on account of the death of many of them, and because i am deliberating whether i should make a settlement in tuy itself, as it is the capital, or at place thirty or forty leagues from cagayan, up the river, opposite tuy, and midway between cagayan and tuy. this year we shall go thither, and and i hope, with god's help, to found the settlement and attain the success that is desirable. as i had to encounter the zambales, who were attacking me, everything could not be done. the land there is very fertile, and the climate more temperate than this. the indians are robust, intelligent, and energetic. all the houses are large and quite well constructed. the villages contain about five hundred or more inhabitants. two crops of rice are gathered, one being irrigated, and the other allowed to grow by itself. the land contains deer, buffaloes, swine, goats, poultry, anise, ginger, cotton, and many wild fruits. the people display more politeness and good manners than all the others. they have places set apart where they discuss public matters. they say that public affairs must not be discussed in the houses with women. when asked if they had enemies, they answered, "yes, we would have them if we would leave our land to commit depredations. but we are not like you castilians, who rob everywhere." they recognize no king among themselves, nor any other sovereignty than to have a chief in each village, who is over all, and whom all of that one village alone recognize. i trust, god helping, that this plan may be fully carried out this year. sealed at manila, june 1, 1592. two letters from dasmarinas to felipe ii sire: immediately upon my arrival last year, i wrote your majesty what i observed in the disposition of the licentiate pedro de rrojas, my counselor--in the little while in which i could study him--that he was very fond of his own opinion, and of meddling with what did not concern him. this resulted from his office, since he wished to reduce everything pertaining to war and administration to justice. i also stated that he considered his commission and mine as identical, with no distinction between them; and that i thought him moved by and wedded to his opinion. now that by intercourse with him, i know him better, i am able, in accordance with what i owe your majesty's service, again to _[break in the original ms_.] he is indeed so sure and certain of his opinion that it appears to him that with four courses at salamanca [_[break in ms_.] other letters or judicature but his; and that he knows everything, and others nothing. regarding this, he uses very free and disrespectful language, shutting himself up in his resolution, from which there is no drawing him. and hence there happened to me one day with him what your majesty will see by the enclosed investigation, [34] which i send, only that your majesty may know what passed, and the liberty with which he talks and acts. it is not a new thing, since he antagonized and quarreled with president sanctiago de vera, as is evident by the investigation i send thereof; he certainly has very little fondness for peace, and is inclined to disputes and arguments. as the royal audiencia was here so haughty and domineering, he retains that authority and harshness, with which he tries to reduce all others as his vassals. in the matters of justice that he discusses, he is unable to be impartial, but is in many matters very biased. this is because of his trading and trafficking, which the president and all the auditors carried on from the time of their arrival--and with so great avidity, trying to secure it all to themselves, that i find no rich men here beside them. this is the reason why rojas (as i inform your majesty in a separate letter) and the auditors opposed the pancada, [35] in order that the consignments of money sent by them to china for merchandise might not be known--which, at last, have come to light. moreover, as they were unwilling to pay, on the present shipment to españa, the two per cent that i levied as a tax for the wall, they opposed it; and they stirred up on both questions the bishop and friars. i inform your majesty of these things in another letter, and of the manner in which i have cleared up all doubts regarding them, and ascertained the investments of the present year, as appears by the accompanying paper. if the matter of inspection and the residencia held here had fallen to my order and commission, as it fell to that of the viceroy of nueva españa, i would have proved to your majesty the investments of past years. i wish to say but two things, pertaining to your majesty's service, and which i ought to say. one is that the licentiate rrojas, in this country, where he is so busied with these means of gain, is so puffed up with the authority and name of auditor, and with his other abilities, that i believe that he will not serve your majesty so well in this country as in another, where these opportunities are wanting. the other thing is that i do not consider it fitting to the royal service of your majesty to give a man who should have served your majesty in a similar place here, anything in mexico; for as such men go delighted with their interests and gains from trade here, they are fettered and biased by their relations with the trade of this country, which always [_break in ms_.] objects and profits, and not in accord with the common welfare and perpetuity of these islands. in both of these matters your majesty will determine what is most important for your royal service. may our lord preserve and prosper your majesty for many long years, as christendom has need. manila, june vi, 1592. [36] _gomez perez dasmarinas_ [_addressed_: "to the king, our sovereign."] [_endorsed:_ "to his majesty, 1592. gomez perez dasmariñas. june 6." "a place has already been given him as alcalde of mexico, although the matters reported in this letter are not remedied thereby."] [accompanying the letter, and on a separate fold of paper, is the following:] _register of merchandise carried in the ship "sant felippe_" i, juan de cuellar, notary of mines and registers, certify that, in the galeon "sant felippe" now ready to set sail for nueva españa, from the port of cavite, this present year of five hundred and ninety-one, the persons named below are exporting the following bales and boxes of merchandise: bales boxes don frai domingo de salazar, bishop of the philippinas, fifteen bales and thirty-three boxes. xv xxxiii the president santiago de vera, with the others contained in his memorandum, sixty bales and twenty-nine boxes. lx xxix pedro herrandez, for the licentiate rojas, former auditor of the royal audiencia, and present counselor, etc., nineteen bales and four boxes. xix iiii the auditor don antonio de rribera maldonado, fifty-two bales and twenty boxes. lii xx the licentiate ayala, fiscal, twenty-seven bales and seventeen boxes. xxvii xvii the dean of manila cathedral, in the said vessel and in that of juan pablo, thirteen bales and seven boxes. xiii vii estevan gonzales, canon of the said church, five bales and three boxes. v iii the licentiate herver del corral, visitor of the royal audiencia of manila, eighteen bales and one box. xviii i the schoolmaster of the manila cathedral, six bales. vi father cervantes, ecclesiastic, three bales and six boxes. iii vi the beneficiary juan gutierrez, two boxes. ii father rodrigo de morales, ecclesiastic, three bales. iii father crisanto de tamayo, ecclesiastic, two bales. ii benito gutierrez, ecclesiastic, two bales. ii and in order that this might be evident, i give the present, signed with my name and the usual flourishes. given in manila, june four, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _juan de cuellar_, notary of registers. sire: in another letter i have informed your majesty of my fears of japanese enemies. after that letter and packet were closed, and the ships about to leave, it happened that the ambassadors of whom we had advices came here in a ship that made port on the twenty-ninth of may, on the thirty-first, they delivered to me the letter from that king, enclosed in a box of wood one and one-half varas in length and painted white. inside this was another box of the same proportions, excellently painted, varnished, and polished in black, with some medium-sized gilded iron rings and some large cords of red silk. within this box was another one painted in various colors--yellow and gold--with its large iron rings and cords of white and violet silk, both covered with damask. in this third box, wrapped in a stout, wide paper, painted and gilded, was the letter, written with chinese characters in the japanese language, on stout paper, illumined and gilded with great neatness. the letter is even larger than the sealed bulls from rroma, on parchment, and is sealed with two painted seals stamped in red. i am not sending the originals, because you have no one who can translate them there; while they will be needed here, perchance, for what must be done to affirm the embassy, and even for objects and matters of importance that we might be able to discuss, by virtue of these letters, with the king of china. therefore i enclose only one copy of the letter, in accordance with the best and most exact translation that could be made here; and another copy made for me by the emperor himself, by means of an interpreter. although these two copies differ somewhat, they agree in their essential point, namely, the demand for recognition and obedience, made with the arrogance and barbaric haughtiness that your majesty will find in them. they also brought, resting in small boxes, a letter from the king's chamberlain (one of the grandees of that kingdom), another from their captain-general and another from the king of firando; and at other times letters have been written to the governors here. i am also sending the translated copies of these letters, from which your majesty will see the determination and resolution of that king; and that we are not harboring suspicions, but veritably expect him here by october of this year or the beginning of next. i have assembled the orders, as is due to the respect and name of religion--giving them all needed information, and asking them only whether they thought that it was fitting to answer to this tyrant, and in what form. i did the same with the captains and war-officers of these islands--those of the best judgment--in whom i place the greatest confidence. to these i communicated the matter in all its details; and, after discussing it thoroughly with them, and after they had all consulted together, it was decided that this letter of which i am sending your majesty a copy, should be written. the said persons affixed their signatures thereto, in token of approbation; and it is in my possession. my purpose in sending a person to japon, and in answering his letter, is, as your majesty will see plainly, only to divert his attention and put him off, until the repairs and fortifications and the reenforcements that i am expecting are well assured; and to prevent him from being informed by his ambassador of matters here, so quickly as the latter could inform him. i also plan that, by means of the envoy going from here, i may know and be advised of affairs there, by one way or another. therefore, when he comes, we shall know it, and be forewarned. even now this place is in a reasonable state of defense; and i even trust that, god helping, the enemy will find more resistance than his barbarous confidence promises him. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to provide in this what is most advisable for your majesty's service. and for the future--and because it may arrive late for this emergency, as is expected expected--will your majesty ordain that mexico shall furnish what pertains to its part. for, if i ask for troops, they send me twenty men, who die before they arrive here; and none are born here. and if i ask for ammunition, they laugh at me, censure me, and say that i ask impossible things. they retain there the freight money and the duties; and if they should send to this state what is yours, your majesty would have to spend but little from your royal patrimony. and, just as they forget us in everything, i fear that they will do so in this. surely it is advisable to send troops here, and to have this matter attended to, well and continuously, from mexico; for, as long as this state of affairs continues and the fortification goes on, the inhabitants are being punished by greater anxiety; as they cannot see that this is taken as a matter of general course and in earnest, and the fortifications are being continued--which is, i believe, the chief reason why japon is moved to try to obstruct it your majesty will ordain what is most to your service. may our lord preserve your majesty many long years, as christendom requires. manila, june 11, 1592." [37] _gomez perez dasmarinas_ [_endorsed_: "manila. to his majesty. 1592. gomez perez dasmarinas. june 11."] an embassy from japan letter from the king of japan it is more than one thousand years since japon has been governed by one sovereign. during this period the wars and dissensions among the rulers of the country were so many, that it was impossible to send a letter from one part to the other; until now the lord of heaven has willed that the country be united in my time, and that it be reduced to my obedience. in accomplishing this, everything was so favorable to me, that as yet i have lost no battle, but have been victorious in every one for ten years. likewise i have conquered the island of lequio, which was not under my sway, and acoray [korea]; [38] and even from eastern yndia embassies have been sent to me. now i am about to invade great china in order to conquer it, for heaven, and not my forces, has promised it to me. i am much surprised that that country of the island of luzon has not sent me ambassador or messenger, and i was therefore of a mind, on my way to china, to attack manila with my fleet, were it not that faranda, a japanese noble, told me of the good treatment accorded to my vassals, the japanese traders, who go to those islands from here. when i asked him if the ruler there was my friend, he answered and assured me that, if i should send a letter to the governor, he would send me an ambassador. and should he not do it since i am well established in my kingdom, i am so powerful that i have men who can go to conquer any kingdom whatever. although this messenger is a man of low rank, i have accredited him, because of the good account he gives. and also, since i am not sending the troops i thought to send, i shall descend, within two months, from where i am now, to nanguaya, my seaport, where are stationed the forces composing my army; and if an ambassador comes to me there from those islands, and i ascertain that the governor is my friend, i shall lower my banner in token of friendship. if an ambassador is not sent, i shall unfurl my banner [39] and send an army against that country to conquer it with a multitude of men; so that that country will repent at not having sent me an ambassador. in order to become the friend of the spaniards, i am sending this embassy from miaco, in the year 19, [_sic_] from the country of japon, to the country of luçon. [40] [_endorsed_: "copy of the letter from the king of japon."] letter from the chamberlain, tiau kit [41] although we have never before had any correspondence, i am writing this present letter in all courtesy. next year, our great prince, quampec, [42] is going to make war on china; and unless it renders homage to him, together with all the other kingdoms (notwithstanding their distance from here), and pays him tribute, he will send his soldiers to seize their land. on this account, all the neighboring kingdoms have rendered homage to him and obeyed his commands. likewise he was thinking of making war on that rich kingdom of yours; but guantien informed a certain member of the council, who in turn informed quanpec, that war would be unnecessary, if without it tribute were sent, and that this would certainly be done, if you were advised of the intention of the kingdom and court of japon. acting upon this suggestion, i am writing the present letter; let us promptly consult together. i am one of the grandees of the kingdom. therefore your kingdom can sleep secure, and you need have no fear or hesitation; but discuss all secret matters with him whom i send, who is my confidential man. with all due courtesy. the year 19, tienchen, [43] the ninth month and eleventh day. from siaulyuquiu. _the chamberlain_ [_endorsed_: "copy of the chamberlain's letter."] letter from dasmarinas to the ruler of japan gomez perez dasmariñas, [44] knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general in these islands, great archipelago, and districts of the west, for the king, our sovereign, don phelipe the second, king of castilla, leon, aragon, the two sicilies, jerusalem, portugal, navarra, granada, cerdeña, corcega, murçia, jaen, the algarves, aljecira, jibraltar, the eastern and western yndias, and the islands and mainland of the ocean sea; archduke of austria; duke of borgoña, bravante, and milan; count of abspurg, flandes, bretaña, tirol, etc.: to the very exalted and powerful prince and seignior, quamboc, after all due respect, wishes health and perpetual happiness. faranda mango schiro, a japanese vassal of yours, [45] and a christian, arrived in this city, bringing me news of your royal person, at which i rejoiced exceedingly; for, because of your greatness, and the worth and prudence with which the god of heaven has endowed you, i am much affectioned unto you. some days ago faranda gave me a letter, which--although it seemed to be in its form and authority, and even in the gravity and style of its language, a document despatched by so great a prince--yet, since the messenger was below the rank and quality requisite to the royal name of him who sends him, and of the one to whom he is sent, and the importance and greatness of the embassy, i have doubted, on the one score; and on the other, because he is a man so common and poor, and coming in an ordinary merchant vessel, which came hither for the purpose of selling provisions and other articles. because this took so long in coming hither, i have doubted whether these letters were not written by this man himself or by another, for some individual end, so that by this means, he might receive more attention here. furthermore, as i have no accurate interpreters thoroughly acquainted with both the japanese and spanish languages, as has been likewise declared to me by the letter and embassy, i am in doubt also of the true sense and purport of the words of the letter. i think that if the king of japon wished to write me, he might, since he has in his kingdom the fathers of the society of jesus and other spaniards, send me at least a copy of his letter in my own language, through their medium. i can say with truth that i have not even been able to read or understand _in toto_ the letter or embassy presented me by this man; and therefore, that he may not have practiced any fraud or deceit toward your royal person, or toward me, i have thought it best to detain him here, until i could ascertain the truth and will of the king of japon, and what are his commands and wishes. and in that doubt, because of what i owe to even the semblance and appearance of a letter and embassy from you, i have observed this respect and courtesy of writing this reply to the small portion of your letter that i understand, which has been no more than faranda has chosen to interpret for me. since i am sending the father vicar, fray juan cobo, [46] a man of great virtue and goodness, and of the highest estimation in these islands--from whom, because of his prudence and worth, i seek counsel, and to whom i communicate the most important matters--he will express, in my name, the fullest respect due to your exalted rank. for the honor of the embassy, if it is really one, i give you many thanks, [47] assuring you that i am and will remain your friend; and that, in the name of my king and sovereign, the greatest monarch in the world, i shall rejoice at your well-being and grieve over ill-fortune (which may the king of heaven keep from you). let it be taken for granted that i desire your friendship, in the name of my king and sovereign, because of the good reception and hospitality extended by your royal hands to the spaniards, vassals of my king, who have gone to japon and asia by way of eastern yndia and these districts; and because the best treatment possible has been extended here to your vassals and will be extended to them with the same love. my king will consider it a favor to be advised if the message brought to me by this man is true. if it is such, then i shall respond to the friendship due so great a prince, without any lack of my duty and obligation to my king and sovereign, to whom i shall immediately give account of this, in order to ascertain what his orders shall be then. i trust that this matter will result quite to the satisfaction of two so great princes as my king and the king of japon; and that these discussions and conferences in true friendship and alliance may redound to much peace to the universal happiness of the world, and to the glory of omnipotent god, the king of kings. inasmuch as certain presents have been sent me but lately from japon, which are of great value, i would wish to have some rare and valuable products of our españa to send in return; but, since weapons are the articles most esteemed among soldiers, i am sending you with this a dozen of swords and daggers. they are the finest that we have, and you will receive them from me as from a private person who desires your well-being and greatness, with the good will with which they are offered, and as a token of affection. [i send only these, too,] because the bearer of this letter is going only for the purpose of assuring me of what i have stated above, so that we may have the information here that is desired. may our lord preserve your royal person with great prosperity. manila, june xi, 1592 years since the birth of our lord and savior, jesus christ. [_endorsed:_ "copy of the letter, from the king of japon--i mean, to the king."] three letters from governor dasmarinas to felipe ii sire: last year i wrote to your majesty that i had arrived in this city of manila, on the first of june of the year ninety, having been nine months on the way, counting the time i spent in mexico recruiting troops; the total of these was two hundred and seventy soldiers, including those i brought from spain. on my arrival here, i ordered the soldiers whom i had brought, inasmuch as they were drawing pay from your majesty, to mount guard and do sentry duty, posting sentinels at the forts, and excusing those whom i found here, and the townspeople, from acting as sentinels. although i understood that they were very grateful to me, and that they kissed your majesty's hands, for this; and as there was, on other accounts, no reason why they should fail to do their duty; still, some ungrateful rogues counseled the soldiers that they should resist authority, and that they should not perform their guard duty, or carry their muskets--all of which, they said, was only to make trouble for them. besides, they did other things well worthy of punishment. along with this fiction, they instantly bombarded me with memorials and importunities for rewards for services. i assure your majesty truthfully that, even if you had here three hundred encomiendas and a like number of offices, you could not recompense them for their services, which they exaggerate and overestimate beyond what they have actually performed for your majesty. the most deserving of them merits very little, unless it be a reward for having conducted himself with great freedom, and for having destroyed the property committed to his charge. i do not in conscience feel that your majesty is under any obligation in this country, beyond that of rendering justice for past excesses. i could easily give your majesty a detailed account; but, not to be prolix, i shall leave it until the especial thing that demands reform here has been somewhat remedied--and this is in regard to the soldiers of this land. for in their begging for favor they are all in need of reform; for it is through many sicknesses, and through being dependents of the members of the audiencia, and in like manner, that they have been deprived of their gains. likewise, i found here not a ship or a galley, not a libra of iron or of copper, or any powder except what i brought from mexico--forty quintals. not a braza of rope did i find, nor balls for ten pieces of artillery which are here. these are very insufficient for the needs of the place; for four of them are swivel-guns, and another, a large piece, is neither culverin, cannon, nor sacre; nor do any here understand how to manage it, except by chance; there is no account of it, no design, and no name for it. there are no storehouses, with the exception of a shed where there is a little rice; and an enclosure where have been put the wood and remains of three rotted galleys, which were built but never launched. their timbers are all rotted, and the oars of the galleys also. the enclosure contains, as well, a makeshift turret where the little powder that they had was kept, and where i put what i brought; but unfortunately we had a fire, and now it is all gone. in order to collect these necessary supplies from those places where it is not proper to keep them, i resolved to build storehouses, and have constructed four, where we are placing what comes--such as iron (for i confiscate it all), rigging (which is being made, for the sake of having some in reserve), rope, lead, and rice. shovels, pickaxes, and spades are being made, because of the great need for them. ammunition i planned to obtain in the following way: i sent to macan a ship which i found here, and which had been despatched hither from mexico by the marques of villamanrrique (bound for macan, as he said)--after taking from it guarantees to the amount of fifteen thousand pesos that it should make the voyage to macan and return, bringing the ammunition. i sent also a regidor, pedro debrito by name, with a copy of the warrant that your majesty gave me, authorizing me to do this; but up to this time he has not returned. some chinese who have come from there say that the ship has been captured by portuguese, and sent to india. i can scarcely maintain my position for the lack of ammunition, which is great--and greater than ever just at the present time, for twenty-two chinese ships have come, without bringing a libra of copper, of saltpeter, or of powder; and they say that under peril of their lives they had been forced to dispose of them. they say the same of horses and black cattle. as for the affairs of this city, the need of thorough equipment is very great, for it has almost nothing, not even a prison; and that under an audiencia, as your majesty will see by that report. neither are there any fortifications, so i have devoted myself to providing for what is most necessary, namely, safety. i began the walls at the point, where a fort was being built. i have made it with its curtains and traverses, placing the traverses symmetrically as regards one another. it is one and one-half estados from the ground, and the foundation is of the same depth. it is from sixteen to twelve and eight feet wide on top, according to the plan. the creek of the sea stretches up to the fort, in all about one thousand brazas in length; and while it would not do more, it will serve as a very good trench. on account of this fort and wall i have increased the import duty here on all articles from china, such as pepper and other things. likewise, playing-cards were seized in your majesty's name. with this the work was begun, but was about to stop for lack of funds; and, assuming that your majesty does not possess them, and orders me also to fortify this city and be responsible for order in it, it seemed best to me to levy a tax for this purpose on the property of all those from different places who were settled here, and on the inhabitants in general. this i did, charging two per cent, in consideration of the many and great profits. inasmuch as this affected the property of the president, the auditors, the bishop, the clergy, and those in benefices, they immediately held secret meetings and declared that i was incurring the censure of the bull of the lord's supper. as is a very common proceeding for the bishop and the dominican friars, because i will not let them go to españa to seek many things from your majesty "very important to the welfare of these islands," i am now excommunicated; the franciscans are now saying the same thing because i have forbidden them to go to china and japan, and now to españa. so great is the freedom and assurance of these saintly folk that they say they will go whether i will or no; that i am the most ill-tempered man in the world, the most cruel, intolerable, and wicked; and that it is from fear that i will not let them go. in response to this, i say that i beseech your majesty to be pleased to hear them and peruse their letters, and to appoint a person and time, so that the truth may be known; for, if the truth be known, for me and for the vindication of whatever they may say, i am sure that no man in this country can injure me in the least degree. this is the truth, and even though other motives unite with malice and evil intention, i am not concerned a maravedi in my honor or another's honor, or any sign of it. if this be not so, may neither god nor your majesty protect me. what i find here is plenty of debts, which your majesty owes for the services of the poor indians, and for the work and material on the public buildings, all of which the audiencia failed to pay; and for the salaries of chaplain, chancellor, bailiffs, and others, the total of which must amount to more than thirty thousand pesos; and there is nothing here with which to pay them. in order to obviate the discomfort of the soldiers, who are quartered some in one place, some in another, among the inhabitants; and to prevent the quarrels into which they get with the people, i have built for them barracks of stone and brick which are now finished, and which will accommodate four hundred. they are near the official buildings and a small fort which i have made, where they may keep their flags, and where they may be assembled aid at hand, and safe from the misfortune of fire, when there is need of such safety. with your majesty's permission, i must state that i regret the trade of these chinese, for it seems to me injurious. it might be forbidden on the ground of the great sums of money which they take from these islands to foreign countries. the most of the trade is in cotton stuffs--the material for which they take from this country in the first place, and bring it back woven. the natives here could just as well make these, if they chose, of their own cotton, and even better than those which come from china. they could export them to mexico, and could have a trade worth four hundred thousand pesos. this would lead to greater care in producing and cultivating the cotton, because they would not have the sangleys acting as middlemen. the rest that they bring is silks, very poor and sleazy, except some silk which is brought in raw or spun into thread. this last, i fear, exceeds in quantity that brought from the spanish kingdoms; and would interfere with your majesty's royal revenues from the silks of granada, murcia, and valencia, which would be most undesirable. besides this, there is another point deserving no slight consideration--namely, that they (the chinese) come to these islands with freedom to sell their goods, and even settle here, and frequently marry. they do not permit us, however, to go to their country, nor may a spaniard go thither to invest one real--a custom entirely contrary to freedom of trade. therefore, in order to avoid other undesirable results, i have decreed that chinese traders shall not live here under the pretext of being merchants; but that only certain workmen who are mechanics may remain, and that, when their merchandise is sold, they shall return home. the bishop and all the friars say that they cannot thus be deprived of the liberty of coming and settling here, and that no such commands or decrees can in conscience be made for them. from the pulpits they say that the governor is going to hell, because the chinese have their laws, and we cannot dictate to them unless we first govern ourselves according to the laws and customs which we found among the indians of this country, because it was and is theirs. in regard to what i have said concerning the trade of these chinese, i am doubtful on only one point--namely, if this trade be abandoned, your majesty will lose the royal duties which this commerce brings in, on the arrival and departure of the merchants. these must amount to thirty or forty thousand pesos yearly, lacking which, your majesty would have to supply it from your royal treasury in mexico, or elsewhere, in order to maintain the army here, and for other very pressing expenses. i have set all this before your majesty, so that, having considered it on both sides, your majesty may inform me of your will. the bishop is about to go to spain, [48] and is so wrought up over what touches his individual interests, and matters connected with his friars (as are all of the latter), that he declares publicly that if i would not let him go he would betake himself to a desert, in order not to look upon injustices. not the least among these are the many murders of indians, very evil in the way in which they were committed, and worse in their concealment for twelve years past; and the failure to make restitution of great amounts, received but not returned. because i am remedying this, with which neither the bishop nor his clergy concern themselves, the bishop forces them to take this attitude because the name of injustice irritates him. with great eagerness the bishop is making up something to say about me, taking great pains to get information in regard to my life, and trying to bring forward someone who could tell him something to write. about a little amber which i bought a few days ago, for my own use, and at my own expense, he made many inquiries of the man who sold it--namely, whether he had been paid for it, and how; besides other things of which he has managed to get hold. but since i am sure these charges against me will not be believed, his base intention gives me no uneasiness. may our lord guard the catholic person of your majesty for many long years, since christendom has need of you. manila, june 20, 1592. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ sire: by the letters i am writing your majesty through your royal council of the indias, your majesty will learn of all affairs here. it is advisable that your majesty be able to correct and provide as is most fitting to your royal service. although i advise in those letters concerning the conditions of affairs here, and what i think about each one, agreeably to the nature of the events and affairs contained in the letters, i am writing this letter, addressed to your majesty in person, so that it may serve merely as a memorandum and reminder of certain matters that most occupy and busy me. i set them down here in small compass, in order not to fatigue your majesty, since i have already given a detailed account of them by letters, memorials, informations, and reports which i am sending to the council, in which your majesty can ascertain what you may be pleased to know. in this land, as being so new, and where affairs have not as yet the solidity and completeness requisite, are many obstacles and impediments to its good government. one of them, and not the least, is the power, authority, and even tyranny, with which the bishop and religious have insinuated themselves into and domineered over it. nothing is attempted or tried that they are not wont to oppose it; and nothing is ordained or decreed here in which they do not meddle and interfere, without being summoned or consulted. they assert that they must pass their edict of approval or disapproval on everything; so that there are but few or no matters whose execution they do not oppose and obstruct--saying that such and such cannot be done or ordered, under penalty of going to hell; and, in conjunction with the bishop, they immediately excommunicate and terrorize, so that the secular arm and hand of your majesty has not here the strength and freedom that it should have for the execution of affairs. one of the things most needing reform is that, as the bishop, according to his caprice--and often in cases outside of his jurisdiction--excommunicates and proceeds unjustly, doing violence to the law; and as there is no royal audiencia here to remove the excommunications: justice and the despatch of business may suffer greatly, unless your majesty entrusts the governor here with power to try such cases, and to lift and remove the ban, since other recourse is so distant, and so many wrongs might be perpetrated. for it is certain that, both in this and in all other matters, the conduct of the bishop and of the religious with so great power and license is one of the most severe trials of this government; because the bishop has a title as a saint (so that some persons imitate him), and a man of upright life. that i do not take it upon myself either to praise or to censure. i have never seen a man more peculiar or so inconsiderate and obstinate in his opinions, who even does not hesitate to oppose the right of patronage, the jurisdiction, and the royal exchequer of your majesty. all this he judges and discusses as injuriously as the most utter foreigner, and even enemy, would do. i say this with truth, on account of what i owe to your majesty's service; and although i warn him of the harm that he is doing, as it appears to me, and although i am restraining myself in regard to him with the moderation suitable in a land so slippery and uncertain, he is wont to answer with monkish liberty, what the king must do for him; and that, inasmuch as neither pope nor king can do him good or ill, he is not at all concerned. he says that your majesty has no authority here; that to him is due the conquest and conservation of this land; and that he is not bishop for your majesty, but for the pope. what royal patronage he must observe, the pope declares in his bulls, and not he who praying kept to his bed. he talks with the same liberty in his theology and judgments, since in order to prove his opinions, he says that the universities of salamanca and alcala (who do the contrary) are in error, and he right. he declared also that those who should follow the instruction of the theatins here would go to hell; and that the doctrine of father acosta was heretical--beside innumerable other things. and it is quite certain that, since my arrival here, i have had in him a continual opposition and obstacle to whatever is ordered and done. if things are not quite to his taste, he says that he will go into retirement, and abandon everything. and the friars say the same thing--namely, that they will abandon their doctrinas [_i.e._, christian villages] if their power over the indians is taken away. this power is such that the indians recognize no other king or superior than the father of the doctrina, and are more attentive to his commands than to those of the governor. therefore the friars make use of them by the hundreds, as slaves, in their rowing, works, services, and in other ways, without paying them, and whipping them as if they were highwaymen. in whatever pertains to the fathers there is no grief or pity felt for the indians; but as for some service of your majesty, or a public work, in which an indian may be needed, or as for anything ordered from them, the religious are bound to gainsay it, place it on one's conscience, hinder it, or disturb everything. without doubt, if i did not exercise so much caution and moderation, some mutiny or rebellion might arise, in a country so new, at less opportunities than those which the bishop and his friars afford. for they do not content themselves with opposing our proceedings in the tribunal of conscience [_fuero interior_], announcing them as sins or cases against conscience; but also, as soon as they assemble in their councils and enunciate their propositions, in the latter and in their pulpits they declare these acts to be unjust, wrong, and worthy of restitution. thereupon the bishop orders refusal of absolution in confessions, excommunicates, and proceeds in the outer court. [49] thus if it is ordered in accordance with your majesty's commands that the citizens alone discuss [any matters], they say that that is not just, because it must be for the general welfare. and if, by your majesty's command, it is ordered that the chinese merchandise be bought at one price, theology declares that no such thing can be ordered. if it is decreed that the indians, in order that they may cultivate and weave their cotton, since it is so abundant in the country, should not wear silks and chinese stuffs, nothing could be worse. no sooner is the excise, or the merchant's peso, or the two per cent duty imposed for the wall, than it is against conscience and the bull _de cena domini_ ["of the lord's supper"]. if i undertake to appoint magistrates to govern in peace and establish order among the indians, they say that i am setting the land on fire. if i pass any sentence in accordance with the merits of the case, there is murmuring, and [it is said] that such a thing has never been seen in these islands; and therefore there is no man more severe or of more evil disposition than i. they assert also that not a single arquebus-match should be lighted here, or a single soldier be kept; and that the pure gospel must be preached. thus, i behold myself, sire, greatly restricted by these obstacles, and even more by the procedures of the bishop in matters in which he has no jurisdiction, and which do not concern his office--because those that do pertain to him, he has most forgotten. for i assure your majesty as a christian that since my arrival here, although the work on the church was no farther advanced than the raising of the walls a matter of six varas, and enclosing a court, never did he come to me so that we might give orders to have even one brick placed in it. on my faith, he has not been so forgetful of his own house, for he has one so handsome and well-finished, and from money for the restitutions, which was in his possession. from these restitutions he gave pensions to whomsoever he wished, and took such part as he chose for his own house. nor have i known him, as long as i have been here, to consult in regard to placing one minister of instruction where there is none, or to convert one soul; but he has only opposed those who tried to provide instruction and to be of service in this matter. this is because he wished, in all things, to have his clergy preferred, in regard to whom he took sufficient care to importune me for them; although they are all better merchants than students of latin. consequently, in no other way was more time wasted than in listening to his complaints on this score, and regarding the augustinian fathers--to whom he is very hostile, because he wished his dominican friars to have everything good; and in disposing of the misrepresentations and invented tales with which he kept coming to me, we lost much time. in short, the bishop is growing old, as i am informing your majesty in another letter. but it is certain that, unless he himself goes away, i see no other remedy for the obstructions caused by his temper and passion (by which he has embarrassed the course of business and government here), than the very journey which he contemplates--namely, to send him to españa (as i would assuredly do, because he would have made this step necessary for me) in order to tell your majesty that there will be no deficiency in his duties here, for he has not busied himself more in them than to hinder me in mine. may our lord preserve your majesty for many long years, as christendom needs. manila, june 20, 1592. [50] _gomez perez dasmarinas_ [_endorsed:_ "manila. to his majesty. gomez perez dasmarinas. june 20."] sire: in previous letters i have reported to your majesty the irregularities and abuses existing here in the marriage of widows of encomenderos and others who are minors, and i now refer again to the subject. according to the order of your majesty, the widow or child of an encomendero who served in the conquest inherits the encomienda or income. it happens very often that the widow is young, and rich through her succession to the encomienda; and, following bad advice or personal inclination, she makes an unsuitable or improper marriage, giving that rich reward and appointment to some trader or newcomer, without merit or claim for service. thus many honorable and deserving men, who have rendered services to your majesty here, and who might, by this means, be rewarded and established, are deprived of the encomiendas. the same occurs in the case of minors, who by reason of their youth or through bad advice on the part of interested guardians or relatives (who openly sell them in marriage to the highest bidder), contract many misalliances. in addition to these evils, many quarrels and lawsuits ensue from this practice. only yesterday a woman who had but a month ago buried her husband, one of the most honorable captains in these islands, married one of her servants, a man of very short lineage, still fewer years of service, and poor natural endowments. i think that the same thing will happen in the case of four or five rich widows and several minor encomenderos, who are about to be married. all this might be prevented or largely corrected, if the governor here, by order of your majesty, should be empowered to control this matter. without his consent and approval no marriages should be allowed, at least of an encomendera, who owes her position to favor conferred by your majesty upon her father or husband, for services rendered, or to special favor on your majesty's part. it is not right that some trader or transient resident, who has rendered no service, but who has rather been unserviceable to your majesty, should usurp and enjoy these benefits by unjust means. the governor should be instructed not to allow, on any account, marriages to take place with any creditor or servant; but he should have, as his sole object, reward and honor to worthy persons who have served your majesty in the country. god keep your majesty many years in the prosperity of which christendom has need. manila, july 9, 1592. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ luzon menaced by japanese precautions submitted to the war-officials and certain of the cabildo of the city that the citizens reserve their arms and food to as great an extent as possible, and, for possible contingencies, fowls and any other delicacies for the sick. that the vessels coming from xapon be examined carefully to see whether they bring in secret other articles than those which they announce publicly. that twenty vessels--virocos and fragatas--well manned and equipped, be stationed in the river, below the artillery of the fort, in order to be used in carrying food, news, or messages to any point considered advisable; and that the other boats--champans, and all other vessels--not needed there, go up the river, where they can not be attacked by the enemy and used for making entrenchments by them, and in order that the seacoast may be kept clear for fighting and skirmishing. that an immediate general review and muster be made of all the spanish forces for the defense of this city; every one, not only of those who are paid, but of the old inhabitants, to be entered on the list, with his weapons. that a proclamation be made throughout the coast of these islands that no viroco, banca, fragata, or other vessel, leave the islands without permission; for, should they happen to meet the enemy, the latter would have news of affairs here. another proclamation that no citizen or anyone else may remove from this city gold, silver, property, wife, children, or household, or leave it without permission, under penalty of his life, and confiscation of the property thus removed, the latter to be applied to the expenses of war. as we see our fears of the xaponese enemy so confirmed in every direction, and that the german [51] pirates are actually here and committing daily depredations along the coast, it seems that, in order to relieve ourselves from anxiety regarding so many xaponese traders as are in the city, it would be advisable to assign them a settlement or location outside of the city, after first taking away all their weapons; and that they live there and sell their property. likewise, the question of what shall be done with the xaponese servants here should be considered, for there is a great number of them, and they have free entrance into our houses and this city; in this great danger they would be able to set fire to it, or cause other like damage. also, it will be advisable to send word throughout the coasts of mindoro, lunban, valayan, ylocos, and other districts that piratical enemies are about, so that they may be forewarned and that the natives may be protected. that the coast be reconnoitered from parañaque to cavite, to ascertain whether the enemy have disembarked along it, and to discover what location and convenience there is for laying ambushes and keeping the enemy busy. what is said here of our fears of xapon should be understood as well of the chinese, since we have so little confidence in them. that word be sent to gallinato to set a price on rice, and gather as much as possible, on the account of his majesty's tributes there. that four fragatas be fitted up and used for nothing else than to transport rice and food, putting each fragata under command of a thoroughly trustworthy master. that the biscuit brought by the chinese, should be taken, and also one-half the flour brought by this xaponese ship, in order to give it a trial, at a moderate price; and if any well-preserved tunny-fish have been brought, they should be taken, although first it should be ascertained whether they have any yew-tree or other poison in them. _item_: it appears advisable that two careful regidors of this city--in order that they may secure due respect, and act in the name of the city--should go to bring twelve or fourteen thousand fanegas of rice and one thousand five hundred jars of wine, from such district or districts as they may choose, for any necessities that might arise in general--namely, in city, monasteries, and hospitals; since all are sustained by alms, and, in such times, there is no possibility that these can be supplied or provided for them from any place. for this reason it would be advisable to levy an assessment among the citizens of this city; for, although there may be no necessity therefor, it can be sold, and paid to those who should have lent or furnished the said rice and wine, and up to the amount that shall have been lent--so that, in one way or another, having either consumed or sold it, each one shall receive satisfaction for his loan. _item_: it is advisable that, in case anyone of us, from myself and my son first, down even to the least, should be captured while fighting with the enemy, no one shall be ransomed, even though the enemy be willing to surrender him for a very small ransom; and that this be with no exceptions or with no equivocation, so that each one may fight with greater courage and resolution, preferring--though god grant that we come not to blows with the enemy--death rather than capture. _item_: whether it would be advisable that, in the tingues and mountainous districts near manila, forts and strongholds be established, to which, if possible, there be a safe path from this city, and an entrance and exit therefrom to that place. then, when occasion should arise, the women, children, old people, sick, and other non-combatants might be placed there; for, if they remained in the city, they would hinder us and cause us to starve, while there they will have more comfort and refreshment. precautions submitted to the religious in all present and future affairs, the chief remedy is to invoke god, endeavoring to placate him by sacrifice and prayer, and beseeching him to protect us by his powerful right hand. this duty devolves by special right upon the religious. our duty is to threaten and strive to correct him who offends god. admitting that we expect outside enemies--and we have them among us, because of our little assurance that the natives, if they see themselves safe, will not rise and attack us, on which point will he discussed, in its proper place, whether it will not be advisable to collect the arquebuses given them during the war with the çambales--the immediate question is whether it would be advisable to take some security from them, such as, for instance, the gold that they wear, and of which they should be possessed, so that, if they did not prove an aid to us, they should not prove harmful. also, whether this gold should be deposited with the fathers who instruct them, so that the natives would understand that this action is taken only for security, and with no other intent; and whether this gold should be brought to manila by the said fathers of the doctrina, and deposited in the fortress--that being the most secure place. also it should be considered whether this taking their gold seems a harsh measure, and whether others easier and milder offer themselves--as the exemption of certain chiefs from tribute, and otherwise making much of them. but this race is so barbarous and ungrateful that, if they understand our necessity, and discover any weakness or fear in us, the majority of them will rebel against us, and we shall be compelled rather to deal with them as with enemies. therefore, whatever our exigency, we must deal with them with the same courage, superiority, and firmness as in our most prosperous time itself; and we must assure them that our orders and requests are solely for their good, and by no necessity of ours. it appears to be advisable to order them that each chief send one of his sons with his gold, in order to watch it, and to prove that the rightful owner accompanies it. likewise: whether it will be advisable to have a quantity of rice, swine, fowls, and other food stored in certain parts of the mountains and tingues; for were the places where these are chiefly produced near this city, or in places easy of access to the enemy--and since it is supposed that they would come in force--in such case, it would not be difficult for them to seize this food and appropriate it to their own use, or burn it, for we could not have sufficient forces to divide them, or withdraw them from the defense of this city. and in this connection it is observed that it would be advisable to have the cattle-pastures -which are the support of this state, and the first thing that the enemy look for--established inland (as there is sufficient pasturage in all parts), with some guard. and since, if the enemy came, and we were actually confronted with the danger, it would be necessary for the indians who have their villages and houses on the seacoast, or along the rivers or estuaries, where the enemy could penetrate easily, to retire inland to live, it seems that it would be advisable for the fathers of the doctrinas to have the natives warned and persuaded immediately to move to more retired and secure places; and that they should commence their sowing, since there are many virgin and unoccupied lands. should such an event [the coming of an enemy] occur, then this would be already done; and if not, then they would lose nothing in harvesting their rice; for it would be necessary to abandon their hamlets and comforts, if the enemy did come. furthermore, as these indians are traders, as is known, and trade in rice and other products with this community, since they bring it from otton, camarines, ylocos, and other places, this trade and provision would, if the enemy came, have to cease; and if these indians remained among us and near their present abodes, they would consume our food, and we both would starve. in order to supply food, there is no better remedy than to commence to sow in distant and secure places, so that the natives may be safe, prepared, and forewarned, and that there may be abundance of provisions; since, by withdrawing from each varangay ten men, or the number that may be deemed sufficient, these fields and new settlements may be commenced. likewise should be considered whether it would be advisable to store the property of all the sangleys in the stone warehouses of this city, where the goods might be kept safe, while the sangleys could go outside of the city to build their houses, because of the great danger, lest by some fire-contrivance they should burn that parian and a great part of the city. this is to be understood as proposed only if occasion should arise for us to take such measures. likewise, it will be advisable to have the houses or churches which now are thatched with straw or nipa roofed with tiles; or else they might be destroyed, because of the manifest danger of being set afire with great facility upon any occasion. whether the encomenderos, because of these common necessities, should be allowed to collect from each tributario the value of two reals in rice and one real in one laying hen, or two chicks (male or female), or one cock, and the rice at its value among them. also whether the encomendero should not store it in the city, in the house that he is actually living in; and whether, since the hen is obtained from the indian as the tribute for one real, neither the hen, the male or female chicks, nor the cock--whichever the indian gives in tribute, the matter being left to his choice--can be valued, sold, or bought for more than one real. communication from the governor to the ecclesiastics _relation of the proposition made by gomez perez dasmariñas, knight of the order of santiago, and governor and captain-general in these islands, for the king, our sovereign, to the fathers provincial of the orders, and to other superiors, religious, and ecclesiastics at the meeting that he held with them; and the response of the said fathers._ [52] since my arrival in this kingdom, whose government and defense the king, our sovereign, was pleased to entrust to me--certainly a trust greatly disproportionate to my poor strength--i have ever watched over its conservation and perpetuation, as being a new land, in the midst of infidel and idolatrous enemies; and i have even peopled the greater part of it with them; and those so far away have a remedy and aid from their hardships and dangers. in this, god has willed, by his mercy, to plant his faith among and to enlighten those natives, by preaching to them, through his ministers, his holy law, with a zeal so fervid. and this is very different from other provinces in these regions, where there is likewise a christian faith, and the name of church of the faithful; but their people are so remiss that they content themselves with furthering only their trading and commerce, caring only for their own individual aims and interests, and peradventure, to no little renunciation of the name of christian, and causing it to be despised (as in goa, malaca, macan, maluco, and other parts)--who, satisfied with their own individual interests and business, do not, as here, regard the propagation of the holy gospel as their principal purpose. the maintenance of this is costing so many deaths of blessed fathers religious, who, in the planting of this vine in the lord, completed so much toil and affliction with their lives, and who, in the conversion of souls, were laboring and overcoming ail manner of danger and fatigue; so much blood and lives of so many honorable spaniards, who have so happily ended their days in the furthering and building of this new church; and lastly, the vast amount of wealth and royal patrimony which his majesty has expended, and is expending daily, in the prosecution of so glorious an object. this is none other than the exaltation of the catholic faith, although it costs so much, as is known, that every year he expends money from his own house, while the temporal gain derived here is so small, and the expense and cost so great and excessive that, unless he lift up his eyes and behold the eternal reward which will result from this, he would have abandoned it already--and as, i believe, no other monarch whatever would have been so zealous for the honor of god, and the catholic name, that he would not have abandoned it. therefore we must consider prudently, and fear lest (may god preserve him to us for many years!) he might die, and be succeeded by one who, because of nearer cares and labors, will grow tired, and not take any care of the affairs of this state. therefore, it is advisable that, should this happen, he [a successor] take and find it in such condition that, with the divine favor, it might, in its own strength, furnish its own defense from the injuries inflicted by weather and enemies; and, planning out its duty in the most secure manner, take courage, so far as it might, to construct a solid and durable fort. and although this care and vigilance have always been mine, and i have been especially attentive, from the time of my arrival, to look after the repair and fortification of this city, as being the head and court of this kingdom, and where, in whatever attack and emergency, the heart and principal strength of the defense of this kingdom must be located; and for this and for the conservation and perpetuation of this state, i am setting in force many activities and provisions that i have ordained and made in anticipation, which are to be seen and considered, conforming to and governing myself in this by the express orders given me by his majesty--who for it points out to me, and advises me especially of certain hostile nations, with whom i must proceed carefully and cautiously; nevertheless, in the preparation and repairs of this city, the defense of the coasts and seas, in order to resist the enemies that might invade them, i would have displayed greater zeal and energy (both in these and in other provisions), had not the fathers, superiors of the orders, and other religious, in all or nearly all of them, opposed me by raising scruples, both in private conversations and in their pulpits and sermons, contradicting my authority and raising up obstacles. for indeed, in the building of the wall and fort of this city, the scruples that they have urged against me are well known--namely, that this country had no need of the defenses; that the indian, to whom the country belongs, does not request them; and that the whole thing results in labor and oppression for the indians. if galleys are built and equipped--even when by order of his majesty, and for the defense of these seas and rivers, it has been said with accusations that for so poor a land this is a very heavy burden; and that these and other preparations cannot be made, except in a known extremity, and a manifest and evident danger. they have urged the same obstacle against me in equipping the galleys with seamen from among the indians; and say that, in good conscience, this cannot be done; that although such natives otherwise may be the perpetual slaves of their chiefs, while here they are seamen for but three years, at the end of which they are freed, this is not sufficient to justify it, as the work is different, greater, and against natural right. they have even said that, if there is no other means to have galleys, there should be none, or that the king find the method, since, by virtue of the tribute that he levies, the defense of the land belongs to him. if order is given to gather the rice and other foods--so necessary a preparation in case of any adverse event--or that tackle, lines, and other supplies be made (for which the indians are well paid for their work thereon), neither can this be done, because the indians are deprived of food, and it is a great affliction. in short, there is contradiction and opposition to everything, and moreover, called by a name so serious as charge of conscience and salvation or condemnation of the soul. this, at the very least, however necessary may be the things ordained, renders lukewarm and greatly disheartens him who ordains them, and continues to warn him; so that it has happened to me that, by finding myself confused and with my hands almost tied by so many outcries in the pulpits, so many declarations, and so many acclamations and persuasions, i have been temporizing. and, little by little, this has increased, with that which the troubles and dangers were demanding in the procuring of repairs and remedies, until now when it is evident--by reason of the information that i have received of xaponese enemies, which can have only a sure and certain foundation--that there will be no need of announcing to them, in the manifest danger that threatens, the arousing and quickening of the great and ardent desire that i have always had, that i might succeed in seeing this state in some condition of perfection, and in such repair and defense that it may await, with courage and confidence (after the protection of god), any attack whatever from surrounding enemies, who are known here--until, with the lapse of time, and god opening his hand more generously, and the city growing stronger with its power and forts, it may, not contenting itself with only conserving that conquered in the name of god and of its king, extend and enlarge itself, ever acquiring greater dominion and authority. for this purpose, there is no surer means than by repairs and preparations to have foreseen the danger and extremity to which we might come, before such danger comes to let fall its blow--since, if we await it until that time, the enemy will give us no opportunity to take counsel or protect ourselves, much less to make and prepare things, that, necessarily, to be of use, should have been made and prepared much beforehand; for the sword is worn many days in the belt, to but one that it proves its worth by its aid. it would not suffice for me then, when the enemy tried to kill me in the fort, to have my sword at home. nor is it a discreet state which, when expecting enemies, waits until they are actually seen, before providing a fort, walls, artillery, galleys, arms, and other preparations _[aparatos]_, which for that very reason are called preparations: because they have to be made ready beforehand _[aparejados]_ many days, and even years. accordingly, not only should the arms be ready, but the soldiers experienced in and accustomed to them; the galley not only finished, but the rower skilful at the oar; the food collected; and even the money, which is the sinew of war, ready and assigned for the expenses of war--in order that the enemy, who spies on all our actions, may see how well prepared and equipped we are, and be restrained and intimidated. for many times battles are fought as much by means of reputation as with forces, and since the future danger, when it is assured, must be held as present, in order to anticipate it and prepare for it, let us take counsel on the danger expected as if we had it already at the doors of our houses. and with the same diligence, let us set ourselves to the preparation, as if we actually saw the enemy on that sea. i would wish to be judged as too forearmed and assured, than, by negligence, over-confidence, and lack of diligence to lose one palmo of land, or one iota of reputation. this proposition, then, fathers and sirs, i have petitioned and prayed from your paternities and graces, that we might assemble here, since we all have equal share in the common safety, to discuss it; and so that, in the provisions and preparations that must be made, i may take action in everything with an easy conscience, which is the part pertaining to your paternities; so that, with light and clearness on this point, i may prepare in time for the imminent danger that threatens. for if we waited until the extreme point of necessity was reached, innumerable difficulties would ensue, since what gradually, and in space of time, can be done easily, and with few people, who are well paid, must then be done at one stroke, with an infinite number of conscripted and unpaid people, and with intolerable confusion and hardship, besides many other annoyances, which are a great hindrance and obstacle to both soul and body, and to defense from the enemy, but which are avoided, if preparation be made beforehand. [_endorsed on the front leaf_: "for the religious."] documents of 1593 letter to governor dasmariñas. felipe ii; january 17. two royal decrees. felipe ii; january 17 and february 11. _sources_: both of these documents are obtained from the original mss. in the archivo general de indias. _translations_: these are made by james a. robertson. letter from the king to gomez perez dasmarinas the king: to gomez perez das marinas, my governor and captain-general of the philippinas islands. i have received the letters that you wrote me by the last fleet from nueba españa. you have done well to advise me so minutely of the condition in which you found affairs in those islands, and how ill their government was being carried on. you shall continue on all occasions to do this, acting in the islands according to your obligation, and in conformity with the hope and satisfaction that i have had, and have, in you. you have done very well in having observed so punctually, as you say, what was ordered you in the instructions that i had given you. you shall do likewise with the other matters in your instructions. i was very glad to hear how far advanced work was on the cathedral church of that city. i was pleased to see the care and promptness with which you have attended to what i ordered you in regard to this. i consider this as a service from you, and charge you that, if there be anything lacking to finish the work, you shall see that it is done as quickly as possible. although you have been sent in duplicate the decrees that you carried, they are now being sent again, without considering that fact, to the officials of mexico, so that they may, upon the first opportunity, provide you with the supplies mentioned. you have done very well in applying the one thousand pesos of income to the hospital for spaniards, and the five hundred to that for the indians, as i ordered you in your instructions. i charge you that you aid and protect them to the best of your ability, since the work is so charitable. since you say that the blankets that i ordered sent from mexico for the said hospitals are not needed, as you have there all you want, and at a cheaper price, and that the money spent on them might be better spent on other indispensable necessities of the said hospitals, you shall advise the viceroy, don luis de velasco, so that he may convert the money for them into what you consider most needful. you advise me that you wished to audit the accounts of certain brothers of the habit of st. francis, who have charge of the hospital for the indians, but that they refused to show the accounts, and asserted that i had nothing to do with it; and that, until i should endow that house and satisfy its needs, i could have nothing to do with it, nor in the other charitable works of that bishopric. you say that the bishop had abetted that, and that he had sided with and aided the brothers. and although you ought, notwithstanding his reply, to continue your investigations, which have not yet been made, you shall, as soon as you receive this letter, take possession of the said hospital, and of any others in the said islands, in my name, as patron of them--for such i am by right and by apostolic bull. likewise you shall call to account all who shall have had charge of the incomes, alms, and other matters pertaining to them. i am writing to the bishop not to hinder you in this; and that, if he desire, he may be present at the said settlement of accounts. since the bishop has gone to excess in placing so many fiscals and officials in that city and in the other towns of that island, and in arresting and whipping indians, to the very great prejudice of my jurisdiction, he certainly must restrain himself. now and henceforth you shall see that the said bishop does not meddle or concern himself with more than pertains to him by right, and that he observe the regulations imposed by the laws of my kingdoms. i have noted what you say in regard to the artifices and plans of the bishop, so that my patronage might not be exercised; and that he appoints the incumbents of benefices removable _ad nutum_, and temporarily, not in actual ownership and by institution, in order to be able to remove them and appoint others; and the excommunications with which he annoys the officials of my royal estate, and the encomenderos, if they do not furnish the salaries of those ecclesiastics whom he appoints without notifying you. inasmuch as these things are prohibited with especial distinctness, and the said patronage belongs to me throughout all the states of the yndias, you shall have it observed. the bishop shall not meddle with the matter of the salaries, but you yourself shall pay to those who shall give instruction what is due them according to the ordinance. as i have understood the opposition offered by the religious, and the difficulties that they placed in the way of executing the ordinance which prohibited buying the chinese merchandise--except through persons assigned for it and at a moderate price set by them, who should buy at wholesale, and afterward distribute the merchandise--i am writing the enclosed letters to the provincials of the orders, ordering them not to offer any opposition in such matters. you shall deliver them to the provincials, and shall act according to your orders. you have acted excellently in ordaining that no suits regarding actions committed and past before the establishment of the audiencia shall be admitted, since, as you very truly observe, this meant opening the door to many difficulties, and giving opportunity to the people to become entangled in embarrassments and troubles. therefore, you shall continue with the execution of this plan, and shall endeavor always to prevent suits and quarrels, which are so prejudicial and harmful in lands so remote, as is easily understood. in regard to what you say of the embassy and present that you think should be sent to the king of china, in order to conciliate him to my service, and to open the door, by this way, for the preaching of the gospel in those districts, i am considering the matter, and shall advise you of what is resolved upon. all that you say concerning the need of religious is borne in mind. therefore as many as possible will always be sent. at the present time, a number of them are going, in especial thirty descalced religious of the order of st. francis. care and diligence will be exercised, in the future, to provide those who, as you shall advise us, are needed. it is very advisable and necessary for the indians to have a protector and defender, as is the case in piru and nueba spaña. and since, as you say, the bishop, to whom i had entrusted it, is unable to attend to the affairs, acts, and judicial procedures which require personal attention, you, as governor, shall appoint the said defender and protector, to whom you shall assign a suitable salary. this salary shall be paid from the tributes of the indians, distributed proportionally among those assigned to my crown and those allotted to private individuals, without at all infringing for this purpose upon my moneys that proceed from other sources. notwithstanding this, you are to understand that the bishop is not to be deprived of the general superintendence of the protection of the said indians. you report that, upon your arrival at those islands, you found that the indians of sirean, yllocos, and cagayan were paying ten reals, and had been doing so since the tribute was imposed, because, as they were more wealthy, heavier tribute was imposed on them than on the others. you say that you are in doubt, because your instructions state that the tribute of eight reals is to be increased and raised to ten, whether you are to understand that all the tributes are to be raised two reals; for if so, then those who formerly paid ten must now pay twelve, just as those who were paying eight now pay ten. inasmuch as the intention was that all the tributes should be raised two reals, you shall order that those indians who were paying ten reals shall pay twelve, now and henceforth. you shall adjust this with the mildest possible means. respecting the duties that are to be paid on the gold dug in those islands--about which you say there has been a dispute, since the former fiscal of the audiencia there claimed that it should be the fifth, while the city contradicted him, and petitioned that it be but the tenth--you shall endeavor, conveniently and mildly, now and henceforth to introduce the fifth, since it is the right that pertains to me. if you shall encounter in this great difficulties and annoyances, you shall leave the matter in its present shape. you shall advise me of the condition of the country and the mines, and the annual amount of the said fifth, based on the present value of the tenth, so that after examination in my royal council of the yndias, the most advisable measures may be enacted. you say also that, inasmuch as you found don bernardino de sande very poor, you were unable to collect from him the proceeds of the encomienda of baratao, in accordance with the writ issued by my royal council of the yndias. in consideration of this, and because he had served well, you say that you left him in possession of the encomienda, providing that he annually put one-third of the income arising from it into my treasury. also, that you have allotted the other villages that he occupies in la laguna of that city to don juan ronquillo and don gonzalo ronquillo de ballesteros in equal portions, as a reward for their services; and that likewise you have appointed captain gomez de machuca (who is a very meritorious person) to the post of treasurer, with a salary of five hundred pesos, until the owner of the office should arrive. all of the above is well done. likewise you say that one section of your instructions orders that while the soldiers draw pay they may not trade, as such a thing would distract them from their military duty; and that although this is right, you think that they might be permitted to invest two or three hundred pesos, because of their great poverty and as an aid to its alleviation. this would not embarrass them, and you would not allow it to distract them. in consideration of this, i endorse what you say. therefore you may tolerate this in them to the above amount. you wrote me from mexico what you repeat in your latest letters--that, in order to be able to ensure respectable soldiers going to those islands, it would be advisable to permit the soldiers who go there to return to nueva spaña, or wherever their wives or business interests were, after several years' service, or if necessary business arose, or if they were, as some are, married; for, as it is seen that they are not permitted to leave those islands, none but mestizos and people of little account go there. after discussing this matter, it was determined to refer it to you, as i do now, in order that you may act as you may consider most advisable; but so that there may be no lack of the people necessary in that country. the suit that you mention between the bishop and the encomenderos in regard to the tithes, has not yet arrived here. as soon as it comes, it will be examined, and necessary steps will be taken. inasmuch as you report that there are certain sangley shops in the parian, whose rent is given to their governor; and that it is not advisable that those sangleys remain there, because they are not christians; but that some settlement outside the city should be assigned them, and the rent for their shops applied to that city as public property, while another kind of remuneration be given to the said judge of the sangleys: i refer to you everything pertaining to this matter, so that, after consulting with the licentiate rojas and the municipal government of that city, you may provide for it in such manner that the said sangleys receive no injury or dissatisfaction. under the present cover i enclose to you a second decree, ordering that my officials of those islands should pay their wages to the sailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and other workmen; and that, if my treasury there should prove insufficient for this, they send to nueba spaña for the deficit. under other covers i am writing to the viceroy to have this carefully obeyed. notwithstanding that the provision mentioned in your instructions, ordering that none but inhabitants of those islands engage in trade, was not delivered or afterward sent to you, you shall observe the contents of that section of the said instructions which treats of this. the effort which you report having made with the city, that a convent of nuns be founded in the church of sant andres (the erection of which has begun), which is discussed in section twenty-seven of your instructions, is well, and you shall continue it. you will know my wishes in regard to the sale of the offices from the despatches that have been sent to you, and you shall observe them. the bulls of crusades and composition, which you say might be applied in those islands, were sent to you; and my royal council of the crusade is writing in regard to it. in remunerating and providing for the deserving, you shall continue to observe the instructions and orders given you. in regard to what you say about the entrances and new discoveries, and their great necessity in order that the soldiers may be maintained, and their extreme poverty alleviated, this is not the principal end that must be observed, but that of the service of god, and the welfare of the indians. inasmuch as you have the matter in hand, you shall consider what will be most advisable, and you shall accordingly ordain in it what you consider fitting, in accordance with the nature and condition of the country, and the people that you shall have. you have done very well in applying the proceeds of the merchant's peso on the chinese merchandise, and the monopoly of playing-cards, to the wall of that city; and because you have made, for the same purpose, a two per cent assessment and contribution on the citizens and on the peruvian and mexican merchandise traded in that land. and although you report that this two per cent assessment has been made for only one time, you shall continue the collection of this duty, and that on the playing-cards, and the merchant's peso, until the said fortification is finished. you shall be very careful to favor the cathedral and hospitals. you shall advise me of what alms can be given, and to what amount, since you report their, necessity as so great. i note what you say in regard to the change of lieutenant-governor that you advise, or my giving you permission to appoint another. in the meantime, until what is deemed advisable is provided in regard to this (which is now being discussed) you shall endeavor to maintain pleasant relations; and shall proceed as is most desirable to the service of god and to mine, and to the welfare of the land. what pertains to the navigation from those islands will be determined as soon as possible--namely, whether it shall be at my account, or at that of private individuals, and you shall be advised of the resolution taken. in either case, you shall send information, now and henceforth, upon all occasions, to my royal council of the indias, of all vessels leaving there, and of their registers, with itemized cargo--as, so much in gold, and so much in merchandise, with the declaration of the different kinds. you say that you have experienced difficulties and opposition on the part of the encomenderos in establishing the increase of two reals on the tribute of each indian; and that notwithstanding that they afterward agreed to it, yet they petitioned that they be allowed to collect their tributes in the usual way. as this does not seem to you advisable, but you desire that they collect with mildness, you shall ordain thus, and it will receive endorsement. in undertaking the construction of the galleys, you shall advise me of its progress, and of their cost, and for what purpose they can best be used. i am ordering joan de ledesma to send you, with this, signed copies of the decrees prohibiting peru and guatemala from trading in those islands and in china. in accordance with these decrees, you shall regard as confiscated everything that may be traded in violation of those orders. it is not advisable to make any innovation in regard to the permission which you request--namely, power to despatch vessels to peru and other points; but you should observe the decree. the other points of your letters are being discussed, and an answer will be sent to you upon the first occasion. madrid, january 17, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _joan de ybarra_. countersigned by the council. [_in the margin, at the beginning of this document_: "reply to gomez perez das marinas, governor and captain-general of the philippinas islands."] two royal decrees lawsuits in the philippine islands don phelipe, etc. when i ordered the suppression of my royal audiencia and chancilleria resident in the city of manila of the filipinas islands, and established there a governor and lieutenant-governor (the latter of whom is a lawyer), to take care of matters of justice, one of my decrees was ordered to be promulgated, in which was declared the order to be followed in the hearing of suits and causes that might arise in the said islands. this is of the following tenor: "don phelipe, by the grace of god, king of castilla [his other titles follow]. inasmuch as, for certain reasons advantageous to my service, i have resolved to order the suppression of my royal audiencia, at present established in the philipinas islands, and have appointed as my governor and captain-general of them gomez perez dasmarinas, knight of the order of santiago, and you, the licentiate pedro de rojas (at present my auditor in my said royal audiencia), as his lieutenant-governor and counselor, to determine matters of justice; and inasmuch as, the said audiencia not having existence, it is advisable that for the peace and tranquillity of the said islands and the citizens and inhabitants thereof, and the good administration of justice therein, you should understand the system that you are to observe and follow in the hearing and determination of the suits, which were moved and were pending in the said audiencia, or that will be moved hereafter: i declare, desire, and will that in all cases you shall hear, sentence, determine, and execute in the following form and manner. all the suits that were pending in the said audiencia, and were not concluded on trial, you shall resume in the condition in which they were left, and they shall be prosecuted before you. you shall pass sentence upon them; and if appeal is made by the parties, or either one of them, from your decisions, you shall submit the appeal to the president and auditors of my royal audencia residing in the city of mexico, in nueba españa. you shall likewise refer to my said audiencia of mexico the suits that may have received sentence on trial in the said audiencia, if appeal has been made from the sentence, so that the cases may be prosecuted before it, and sentenced in review. and if any suits were sentenced in review in the said audiencia of the said philipinas islands, and the execution of the sentences is demanded, then you are authorized to have them executed, as well as the sentences given on trial in the said audiencia in suits pending therein, and on which no appeal was made, and if the said sentences on trial were passed in a case where judgment was rendered. likewise i declare, and it is my will, that you may hear and try the suits regarding indians which shall be moved in the said islands henceforth, and those which might come before you on appeal from the corregidors that are and were in the said islands. in hearing the said suits regarding indians, you shall observe the royal decree and edict given at malinas, and the declarations that were made regarding it. in this and in all the abovementioned cases, as well as in all other suits and causes that the said gomez perez dasmarinas can and ought to try, as being governor and captain-general, and you, the said licentiate pedro de roxas, as his counselor and lieutenant-governor, for the determination of the said suits and matters of justice, you shall observe the laws and ordinances of these kingdoms, and the instructions, provisions, and decrees, given by the emperor and king, my sovereign (may he rest in peace), and by me, and those that shall be given. and for authorization to perform and fulfil all that is above mentioned, and any portion and part of it, and all else annexed and pertaining to it, i grant you as complete and sufficient power as is required and as is needed. i order the presidents and auditors of my royal audiencias of the said nueba españa, and all the councils, magistrates, regidors, knights, esquires, officials, and good men of all cities, towns, and hamlets of nueba españa and of the said islands, to keep and observe this my decree in every point, according to the tenor of what is contained and declared therein; and that, for its fulfilment, they give and cause to be given to you the help and assistance that you request and that is necessary. and i order my said presidents and auditors of my said royal audiencia of mejico to hear the said suits that shall be sent there, in accordance with the above order; and that they give sentence and conclusion to them in accordance with the law and ordinances of these kingdoms, and with the said ordinances, provisions, and decrees; and none of you shall violate them. given at san lorenzo, august twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. _i the king_ i, secretary of the king, our sovereign, had this written by his order. _juan de ybarra_" i have been informed recently that, because of the great distance of those islands from the city of mexico (to whose audiencia must be sent appeals in the said causes), many, especially the poor, refuse to prosecute their suits; for in some of them the costs amount to more than the principal, besides the annoyance of the delay. this serves as a cause for grief and annoyance, from which the wealthy profit to the injury of most of that community. as i desire the relief of this state of things, i order, with the concurrence of my royal council of the indias, for the present that henceforth all suits for the value of one thousand ducados or less be concluded in the courts of the said philipinas islands. if appeal be made from the sentences given at the first instance, and substantiated in the second, in conformity with law, the case shall be regarded as closed with the sentence imposed by the said lieutenant-governor in the second instance, and no appeal can be taken from it. in suits and causes for more than one thousand pesos [_sic_], appeal may be made to my said royal audiencia of mexico, in accordance with the tenor of the decree inserted above. in order that this may be public and manifest, i order this my decree to be published in the said city of manila. given at madrid, january seventeen, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. _i the king_ countersigned by juan bazquez, and signed by the council. [_in the margin_: "in order that suits and causes of one thousand ducados and less may be concluded in the court of the philipinas islands; and, if the amount be in excess of the above sum, they may be appealed to the royal audiencia of mexico."] restrictions on commerce the king: inasmuch as, whenever we have promulgated ordinances prohibiting trade between the western yndias and china, and regulating that of the philipinas, i have been informed that there has been neglect in the execution thereof; and that, as the merchants and other persons in the northern sea who trade in these our kingdoms of castilla, and in the yndias, have suffered so many losses during past years, and those engaged in the profits of the chinese trade have gained so much, the latter has increased greatly, while the commerce of these my said kingdoms has declined, on which account both these kingdoms and my royal income have received great damage: therefore, since it is so important that the commerce of these my said kingdoms and of the yndias be preserved and increased, and that there be quite usual communication and trade between them, i have, with the concurrence of my royal council of the yndias, determined to prohibit by new orders--as by this present i do pruhibit, forbid, and order--in the future, in any manner and under any circumstances whatever, any vessel from sailing from the provinces of peru, tierra firme, guatimala, nueva españa, or any other part of our western yndias, to china, for trade or traffic or for any other purpose. neither can they go to the philipinas islands, except those from nueva españa, which are permitted to go by another decree of this same date. we have ordained that, should this be done, such vessel will be regarded as confiscated, with all its money, merchandise, and other cargo. one third part of all of this shall be applied to our exchequer, a second third to him who shall give information thereof, and the other third to the judge who shall pass sentence. and further, we forbid that any merchandise brought to the said nueva españa from the philipinas islands be transferred to the said provinces of piru and tierra firme, even when the duties imposed on such merchandise have been paid. for our purpose and will is that nothing from china and the philipinas islands be used in the said provinces of piru and tierra firme, except what may be there at present, and for which we allow them four years, to be determined from the date on which this our decree shall be promulgated. for this purpose every person shall register what he has at present before the justice of the city, town, or hamlet, where he lives, or of which he is a citizen. henceforth whatever of the aforesaid merchandise shall be taken to the above-named provinces, or whatever shall be found in the possession of any person whatsoever, outside of the said register, or after the conclusion of the above time-limit, we order that it be confiscated also, and divided and shared as above stated. but we permit them to bring to these kingdoms, anything of the above-named articles that they may have had hitherto, within the limit of the said four years. i order my viceroys of piru and nueva españa, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas, the presidents and auditors of my royal audiencias of the yndias, and all other magistrates therein, that they observe and fulfil this our decree, strictly, inviolably, and punctually; and that they execute the penalties contained herein without any remission or dispensation whatever, as is thus my will, and as is fitting for my service. they shall promulgate it in all places where this shall be necessary and desirable, so that all may have notice of it, and none may plead ignorance. given in madrid, february eleven, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three. [53] _i the king_ bibliographical data the papal decree of 1591 is taken from hernaez's _coleccion de bulas_, i, p. 108; the account of encomiendas, from retana's _archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iv, pp. 41-111; the letter by clement viii, from hernaez, ii, p. 357. all the remaining documents of this volume are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla, being translated from the original mss. or from transcriptions thereof; the pressmarks are as follows: 1. _collection of tributes_ (1591)--see bibliographical data for _vol_. vii. 2. _conquest of mindanao_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cabildo secular de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1640; est 67, caj. 6, leg. 27." 3. _ordinance regarding chinese stuffs_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." 4. _letter by dasmariñas_ (1591).--the same as no. 3. 5. _fortification of manila_--the same as no. 3. 6. _investigations at manila_--"simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las yslas filipinas; años 1582 a 1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|29." 7. _opinions of the religious orders_.--"simancas--secular; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 8. _letters from dasmariñas_ (1592); also all the remaining documents of that year.--the same as no. 7. 9. _letter from felipe ii_ (1593).--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio y partes: reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años de 1568 á 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11." 10. _two royal decrees_.--(1) is a part of no. 9; (2) the same as no. 6. notes [1] referring to the _historia natural y moral de las indias_ (sevilla, 1590) of joseph de acosta (1540-1600), a noted jesuit writer. markham's translation of this interesting work forms nos. 60 and 61 of the hakluyt society's publications (london, 1880). [2] evidently a reference to the convent of the augustinians. [3] spanish _obispo de anillo_, literally, "bishop with a ring;" the same as a bishop _in partibus infidelium_. this means a titular bishop of the roman catholic church whose territory is occupied by infidels, so that he cannot reside there. [4] spanish _viñas_; here used metaphorically, since the natives then obtained their wine from the palm-tree, and from rice, etc. see _vol_. iii, p. 202; iv, p. 67; and v, p. 169. cf. u.s. philippine commission's _report_ (1900), iii, pp. 264-266. [5] the allusion to this document which appears in section 8 of dasmariñas's letter to the king of june 20, 1591, which immediately follows this, shows that it was prepared by his order, to accompany the letter. [6] spanish _puente_, in retana's text; apparently an error for some other word referring to the priest at tabuco. [7] evidently referring to the petition which appears in _vol_. vii, p. 301. [8] the university of salamanca was founded in the twelfth or thirteenth century. the city of salamanca, although it contains beautiful churches, owes its fame chiefly to the university. the studies were divided into the greater schools, or university proper, and the lesser schools, or colleges. in 1569 it had the following chairs: canonical law, ten; theology, seven; medicine, seven; logic and philosophy, eleven; astronomy, one; music, one; hebrew and chaldean, two; greek, four; rhetoric and grammar, seventeen. it was among the very first universities to teach the sciences. the university of alcalá was founded by cardinal cisneros, july 26, 1508, under the name of colegio mayor de san ildefonso. it was removed to madrid in 1836. the building occupied by the university combined in itself several forms of architecture, not adhering to any one. [9] _regimiento_: the body of regidors, who never exceeded twelve, forming a part of the municipal council, or _ayuntamiento_, in every capital of a jurisdiction. see bouvier's _law dictionary_ (rawle's rev. ed., boston, 1897), p. 860. [10] the quotation from st. augustine is cited in gratian's "decretum," in _corpus juris canonici_; it reads thus, in english: "the natural order, fitted to promote peace among mortals, demands that the power to wage war, and the direction of it, rest in the sovereign." the other citation is from st. thomas aquinas's _summa theologica_, part ii, div. ii, qu. 40, art. i.--_joseph fitzgerald_. [11] "one may repel force with force." [12] "just wars are defined to be those which avenge wrongs; if a nation or a state is to be punished either for neglect to punish the evil deeds of their people, or to make restitution of what has been taken wrongfully." [13] "he concedes all who refuses what is just." [14] this reference is to st. augustine's "questions on (the book of) numbers." the citation _ut legitimum_ is to a chapter in gratian's _decretum_, of which these are the opening words.--_joseph fitzgerald_. [15] "it is to be observed in what manner just wars were waged by the children of israel against the amorites; for inoffensive transit was denied to them, although by the most equitable laws of human fellowship it should be open." [16] "though it be not lawful to cross over the lands of others, still, as this transit was necessary and harmless, they [the amorites] ought not to have forbidden it--and, further, because it was a public route, and no one is forbidden to use a public route." [17] _in continente_, "on the spot;" that is, at the actual time of the assault or other wrong. _nec sua repetere_, "nor recover his own" (by force or violence is implied). silvester is cited in the _theologia moralis_ of alphonso maria de liguori.--_joseph fitzgerald_. [18] "beyond the due limits of [lawful self-]defense." [19] "the spanish writer cites "ii kings." but the books designated "i and ii kings" in the septuagint, the vulgate, and the catholic canon are called in the english bible "i and ii samuel."--_joseph fitzgerald_. [20] "whether at command of god or that of some legitimate ruler, wars are undertaken even by good men, to be waged against the violence of rebels, when civil order itself justly constrains them either to command such action or to obey [_i.e._, to serve in the army]." _quid culpatur_ is the opening of a chapter in gratian's _decretum_, a section of the canon law, and serves as the title of the chapter.--_joseph fitzgerald_. [21] "what is condemned in war? is it that men who at some time must die, die in war? it is for cowards to fault this, not religious men. the desire to do injury, the cruelty of revenge, unappeased and implacable hate, the wild passions of rebellion, lust of power and the like--such are the things which are justly condemned in wars." [22] "with god's true worshipers even wars are not sinful if they are waged, not through greed or with cruelty, but for the sake of peace, that the wicked may be repressed and the good sustained." [23] "we wage war that we may live in peace." [24] "peace is not sought that war may be waged, but war is waged that peace may be won." [25] "he hangs him out of hatred." [26] "when from dissensions and factions results, not peril to this one or that, but slaughter of whole populations, then severity must be relaxed somewhat, that sweet charity may intervene for the healing of those greater ills." [27] "whenever evil is done by whole populations or by a multitude, then, because it is not possible to punish them all, on account of their great number, the matter usually passes by unpunished." [28] "the multitude should be spared." [29] "for when there are so many who fall that they defend their former iniquity by authority, and who make, as it were, a business of sinning, that hope itself must be cut off." [30] "as war is lawful, it is lawful to use the means needful to attain the end, which is victory." [31] "plunder is no longer allowable." [32] juan de valderrama was the head of the augustinian missionaries sent to the philippines in 1582. he had much executive ability, and, besides conducting one or more churches in the villages near manila, held successively important posts in his order (prior provincial, from 1590). he died in 1618. alonso de castro came to the islands in 1577, and was missionary in several villages, both tagalo and bisayan, as he had mastered both languages. gifted as a theologian and orator, he was designated by felipe ii as bishop of nueva cáceres, but died (1597) before he could exercise that office. lorenso de león came in 1582, and held many high positions in his order there. in 1606 he returned to mexico, where he died in 1623. juan vega tamayo who arrived in the same year, remained until his death (in 1603), most of his time being occupied in official duties at manila. of antonio serrano it is only known that he occupied various official positions in the manila convent from 1590 to 1596. diego gutierrez was a missionary in luzon from 1578 until his death in 1613. diego muñoz came in 1578, and was professor of theology in the manila convent, missionary to the chinese at tondo in 1581, the first commissary of the inquisition in the islands (see his instructions, _vol_. v, pp. 256-273), and prior provincial from 1587. he died at manila in 1594. diego alvarez was in the islands from 1578 until his death (1601) mainly engaged in official duties. alonso de montalban came in 1590, and died in 1604. matías manrique came in 1586, and died in 1593. alonso paz is known to have been in luzon during 1591-93. the above information is obtained from perez's _catálogo_. [33] this was doubtless st. pedro bautista blazquez y blazquez villacastin, born june 29, 1542, of a noble spanish family. he made his religious profession in the franciscan order, in 1567. after some time spent in mexico, he came to the philippines, where his first task was the instruction of tagals in music. in 1586 he was chosen as custodian of the franciscan communities there, which office he held until 1591; he was then appointed guardian of the manila convent. he was very active in mission work in the islands, and founded several convents and villages. in 1593 he was sent by governor dasmariñas as ambassador to japan; was afterward placed in charge of the franciscan missions in japan; and founded a hospital for lepers and a convent in the city of miaco. on february 5, 1597, father bautista with five of his brethren, and a number of japanese converts, were martyred at nagasaki. he was beatified in 1627, and canonized by pius ix in 1862. see gomez platero's _catálogo biográfico_ (manila, 1880); and santa inés's _crónica_, i, pp. 452-466. [34] the document here mentioned is an official report of certain conversations between dasmariñas and rojas; it is not presented here, because it is of little importance or interest. [35] contract for disposing of goods by wholesale. [36] an extensive synopsis made by some government clerk is written on the back of this letter. [37] an extensive synopsis of the letter was made by one of the government clerks. [38] the conquest of korea was not accomplished until 1592, although the preceding year had been spent in vigorous preparations for the campaign. hideyoshi evidently made this statement in boastful anticipation of success. his design was to conquer, at one blow, both korea and china. [39] the device of hideyoshi was a bundle of gourds. [40] as explained in the letter of gomez perez dasmariñas, of june 11, 1592. (_q.v._ p. 256, _ante_), two copies of the translation of this letter into spanish were sent to spain. the above, which is the second in the document we follow, bears title "the same letter translated by the ambassador, through an interpreter." the other copy was the one made by order of the governor in manila. as the governor states in his letter, they are alike in essentials. the first letter is dated "the year nineteen of tienche, in the ninth month, and on the nineteenth day of the month. the quanpec of the kingdom of japon." see another version (in spanish) of the second letter, with still other variations, in santa inés's _crónica_, ii, pp. 545-547; the editor of that work states that the date of the letter--which, however, is there given as "the 13th year of tenjo, 11th month"--corresponds to the year 1591. [41] this letter, as found in the archives, is written on a separate sheet and is inserted in the fold of the following letter. [42] "a corruption of kuwambaku, the japanese designation of a regent appointed by the mikado. the holder of this office at the time here referred to was hideyoshi, one of the most notable rulers of japan. born in 1536, he entered the army when a youth, and rapidly rose to its head. he was appointed regent in 1586, but in 1591 abdicated in favor of his adopted son, hidetsugu--retaining, however, actual authority until his death in 1598. this embassy to the spaniards in the philippines was but one evidence of hideyoshi's insatiate arrogance and ambition; for he planned to subjugate china and all the other countries within his reach. for the history of his reign, see j.j. rein's _japan_ (london, 1884), pp. 277-294; david murray's _story of japan_ (n.y., 1894), pp. 184, 190-226; and w.e. griffis's _mikado's empire_ (5th ed., n.y., 1887), pp. 236-243. [43] the japanese calendar was based upon the lunar year; and the years were divided into cycles of sixty years each. besides this division, there is another and more arbitrary one, into periods between important historical events, which divisions are named from a list of chinese words specially set aside for this purpose. the name used in this document, tienchen, is that of one of these historical periods; it is written "tensho" by griffis, and its dates given as 1573-92. see rein's _japan_, pp. 434-437; and griffis's _mikado's empire_, pp. 623-626. the place from which the letter was written was probably the town of shiuri, the chief port of the riu kiu (or loo choo) islands, known to the spaniards as lequios. see basil hall's "bibliography of luchu," in _transactions_ of asiatic society of japan, xxiv, pp. 1-11. [44] a different version of this letter is given by santa inés, ii, pp. 547-549. [45] la concepcion states (_historia_, ii, pp. 217, 218) that faranda had come to manila in 1591, and, having carefully observed the condition and defenses of that city, returned to japan and informed faxevedono (hideyoshi) that he could easily conquer the spanish colony in the philippines. [46] juan cobo was a prominent member of the dominican order in manila. he accomplished his errand as envoy to japan, but on the return voyage was shipwrecked, presumably on the coast of formosa; it is supposed that any who might survive the wreck were slain by the natives. see la conception's _historia_, ii, pp. 223-229. [47] span., _yo beso vras reales manos_, "i kiss your royal hands." [48] salazar embarked for spain in this year of 1592, and after his arrival there obtained from the king various favors, and a considerable gratuity for the adornment of the manila cathedral. the king determined to relieve salazar's burdens by erecting new dioceses in the islands, and creating him archbishop. while preparations for this were being made, the aged bishop died at madrid, dec 4, 1594. see la concepción's _hist. de philipinas_, ii, pp. 192-194; also biographical sketch in _cartas de indias_, pp. 837, 838, where are mentioned his writings (one of which was printed). [49] a court of canon and civil laws, in opposition to the inner court, or tribunal of conscience. (see vol. vi, p. 260, note 51.) [50] a synopsis by a government clerk is written on the back of this letter. [51] the writer apparently confuses the dutch with germans. [52] the reply here mentioned is not preserved with this document. [53] on february 9, 1594, garcia hurtado de mendoça, marques of cañete, and viceroy of peru, ordered this decree to be delivered to the royal officials of ciudad de los reyes, who in turn ordered it to be promulgated in due form by the herald. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century volume x, 1597-1599 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume x preface ... 9 documents of 1597 letter to felipe ii. antonio de morga; manila, june 30 ... 25 administration of the hospital at manila. l.p. dasmariñas; manila, july 20 ... 28 letters to felipe ii. francisco tello; manila, april 29-august 12 ... 41 documents of 1598 letter to antonio de morga. juan de ronquillo; tanpaca, january 4 ... 53 report, of conditions in the philippines. antonio de morga; manila, june 8 ... 75 recommendations as to reforms needed in the islands. [unsigned and undated; 1598?] ... 103 reception of the royal seal at manila. francisco tello, and others; manila, june 8 ... 132 letters from the archbishop of manila to felipe ii. ygnacio de santibañez; manila, june 24 and 26 ... 141 letters from the bishop of nueva segovia to felipe ii. miguel de benavides; manila, june 30 and july 5 ... 161 letters to felipe ii. francisco tello; manila, june 17-july 9 ... 168 report of the audiencia on the conduct of tello. antonio de morga, and others; manila, july 15 ... 183 documents of 1599 letter to the archbishop of manila. felipe iii; valencia, march 1 ... 189 letter from the bishop of nueva segovia to the king. miguel de benavides; tulac, may 17 ... 190 letter to joan de ibarra. miguel de benavides; afulu, may 22 ... 198 missions of the religious orders. geronimo de alearas; manila, june 28 ... 204 military affairs in the islands. francisco tello, and others; manila, july 12 ... 207 letter to the king. francisco tello; manila, july 12 ... 245 ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila: francisco tello, and others; manila, june, 1598-july, 1599 ... 293 _(to be concluded.)_ bibliographical data ... 317 illustrations autograph signature of ignacio de santibáñez, first archbishop of manila; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 159 autograph signature of francisco tello; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 177 preface the present volume covers the years 1597-99, and is mainly occupied with the details of the philippine colony's internal affairs and development mindanao has been conquered, but proves to be an unprofitable possession, except that the spanish garrison there serves as a check on the piratical moros, who otherwise would harry the pintados islands. japanese pirates have menaced luzón, and the chinese immigration needs frequent restriction. in the colony there is much corruption in official circles and inaction and inefficiency in the military. the new governor relates his efforts to improve the condition of the city and administer the affairs of the islands; but he is accused, especially by the ecclesiastics, of immorality and tyrannical behavior, and of general unfitness for his office. the indians are oppressed in various ways; and some mutinies among them have been suppressed. formal submission to the spanish crown is required from the indians; but this proves difficult to enforce. they need more missionaries, who are to be sent. the usual discords between the secular and ecclesiastical authorities still exist; and the relations between manila and mexico are none too cordial. complaint is made of the trade recently begun with the chinese at canton. a letter from antonio de morga (june 30, 1597) notifies the king that the treasure-ship "san felipe" has been wrecked on the coast of japan, and her cargo seized by the emperor of that country; this is a heavy blow to the philippine colony. franciscan missionaries have been crucified in japan. morga approves the reëstablishment of the audiencia in the islands. luis perez dasmariñas recommends (july 20, 1597) that the royal hospital at manila should be placed under the joint care of the franciscans and the order of la misericordia. he reports that the religious are reluctant to do this, but that the confraternity approve of the plan--except that they are unwilling to assume a financial responsibility in a work which is, on their part, one of charity only. a group of short letters from tello to the king (april 29-august 12, 1597) relates various matters of interest. the conquest of mindanao has been practically effected. the numbers and power of the chinese in the islands have been greatly reduced. a rising of the zambales has been quelled. insubordinate spaniards have been punished; "on new year's day, i had the entire city council arrested for an act of disobedience to me." tello is improving the city, and is striving to secure a good water-supply. he has imprisoned dasmariñas, for failure to equip the lost treasure-ship properly. the japanese talk of seizing formosa, but the spaniards are planning to forestall them in this. the chinese who slew some spaniards en route to mindanao have been punished with death. it is reported that the spanish fort of maluco has been seized by the natives. the natives of mindanao have rebelled (august, 1597), and reënforcements have been sent thither to end the the chinese, whom he views with some suspicion. the japanese trade requires regulation, especially that in deerskins, which threatens to destroy the game. the sale of provisions especially should be under government supervision. sumptuary laws and the prevention of gambling are required. negroes should be kept out. building houses with wood should be prevented. the streets need repairs. the officials take much advantage of their position, and especially favor their dependents unduly. military commissions are given by favoritism. soldiers are ill disciplined, ill paid, ill lodged, demoralized, and in bad health. military stores are badly cared for; the very arquebuses in the armory are rotting, and there is no preparation for emergencies. the ordinary magistrates pillage the treasury, are oppressive, indolent, and corrupt, and take advantage of their position to traffic; they are not sharply looked after. the encomenderos are extortionate and fraudulent, take law into their own hands, and fail to provide religious instruction for the indians. the royal exchequer and treasury is negligently and wastefully managed, and insufficiently regulated. there are many sinecures, and not a little fraud in offices. in the voyages to and from mexico, many frauds and illegal acts are committed by the officers of the vessels. an interesting complement to morga's report--all the more so because it is apparently written by an ecclesiastic--is found in a document unsigned and undated (but probably of 1598) which enumerates the reforms needed in the islands. the writer advises that the usual inspection of encomenderos and officials be made by the prelates of the church, rather than, as hitherto, by laymen appointed by the governor. he urges that fewer offices be provided, and that each should have more extensive jurisdiction. the present system is a heavy and increasing burden on the wretched indians, who are in danger of perishing; and causes much unnecessary waste to the royal exchequer. the city should establish a storehouse, where rice and other supplies should be kept in store for times of need. thus the natives would not be harassed, often at most unseasonable times, to supply provisions for the spaniards; both peoples can be aided in times of famine, and prices can be better regulated. more care should be used in selecting men to collect the tributes from the indians; and their appointment, as well as that of the lay protector of the indians, should be approved by the archbishop. the indians who are engaged in various labors for the spaniards are often kept waiting a long time for their pay, or even cheated out of it; when such pay is due them, it should be sent to them promptly and safely. rewards should be given to deserving soldiers; and the troops should no longer be recruited with exiles and criminals. the troops should be paid more liberally and punctually; and one meal a day should be given to the poor spaniards, whether soldiers or not. the soldiers, moreover, should be paid from the time of their arrival; for, as it is, they must serve long without pay, which causes great suffering and immorality among them. half of the advance pay now given them in mexico should be held back until their arrival at cavite. the desirability of aiding needy spaniards is again urged, and this charity should be placed in charge of the confraternity of la misericordia. the seminary of sancta potenciana is well conducted, and a most important work; it should be further aided, and now needs that some order of professed nuns be represented in it. again the writer urges that the vessels plying between the islands and nueva españa be commanded by inhabitants of the philippines, in order to correct the abuses now prevalent. upon the arrival of the ships from nueva españa, bringing the members of the reestablished audiencia, the royal seal, which represents the authority and person of the king, is received by the governor (june 8, 1598) with great solemnity and pomp, and deposited in the royal building; the official record of this proceeding, with the oaths taken by the new governor, is here presented. the new archbishop of manila writes to the king (june 24, 1598) complaining of the neglected and impoverished condition of his see, and the little interest or attention given to religion by the laity therein. he denounces the governor as avaricious, corrupt, vicious, and tyrannical. the archbishop asks that a new governor be appointed, who shall have no selfish aims in accepting the post, preferably an ecclesiastic. some check must be placed on the immigration of chinese, who are ruining the country and demoralizing the natives. the inquisition should be reëstablished in manila. in another letter (dated july 26) santibañez explains to the king his attitude in regard to the marriage of one of his relatives, and complains that the governor has, in consequence of this affair, slandered and persecuted him. the archbishop again denounces tello's vices, and asks that he himself be permitted to return to spain, as he cannot remain with tello in that land. fray miguel de benavides, bishop of nueva segovia, sends to the king (june 30, 1598) a complaint against the conduct of the new governor, francisco tello: the latter has contracted an unlawful marriage, and is also very licentious; he has seized the property of a citizen; and he is cowardly, extravagant and reckless, even wasting the public stores for his own uses. benavides asks that luis dasmariñas be appointed governor in tello's place. a postscript to this letter (dated july 5) complains of the wrongs done to the chinese by the spanish officials, and for details refers the king to fray diego de soria, who is going to spain. tello sends the king a report on military matters (june 17, 1598). in mindanao, ronquillo had been successful, but retired (pursuant to orders afterward canceled), and is to be tried. in cagayan the revolt has been extinguished, and its leader killed; and the spanish encomendero whose oppression had had most to do with causing the revolt has died in prison, while awaiting trial. relations with japan are still uncertain, although luis de navarrete's reception as ambassador had on the whole been favorable. some new economies are being practiced in the military establishment. an impregnable citadel has been formed within the city, but there is a lack of weapons; and there is great negligence in nueva españa in providing serviceable and well-equipped soldiers. another letter (dated june 19) complains that the reënforcements sent from nueva españa are ragged, penniless, and unarmed, largely on account of the rascality and greed of their captains. the viceroy of that country illegally permits mexicans to bring money to the islands, to the great detriment of the inhabitants. the old soldiers who have obtained encomiendas receive but little income therefrom, because so many of the indians are revolting; these men need aid, which the king is asked to grant. the governor claims that he is annoyed by defamatory libels, and asks that the offenders be punished. he objects to the reckless marriages of rich widows, and proposes to the king a plan for correcting this evil. the royal treasury is greatly straitened, and for its relief tello asks permission to levy additional duties on the chinese merchants. in a third letter (july 9) tello reports the number of religious in the islands, belonging to the various orders, and the number still needed. the council of the indias orders that suitable measures be taken to increase the number of missionaries in the islands, and to send out such as are fitted to do this work. the audiencia complains to felipe ii (july 15, 1598) of tello for various improprieties of conduct and irregularities of procedure; but above all for failure to recognize that, by the establishment of the audiencia, the extent of his own jurisdiction is diminished. a letter from felipe iii--who has succeeded his father on the spanish throne--to the archbishop of manila (march, 1599) refers to the latter certain complaints sent from manila regarding some augustinian teaching friars. bishop benavides writes (may 17, 1599) to the king, informing him of the death of the new archbishop, and complaining of the acts of the governor and audiencia in sending a ship to trade with china--from which all kinds of evils, spiritual and temporal, would result to macao and the philippines. benavides writes to the king's secretary (may 22, 1599) urging that a new governor be appointed for the islands; and he recommends for that post several persons. he asks that no ships be allowed to go from the philippines to china, as that will ruin the portuguese who trade there. he complains of the undue power exercised by the bishops over the religious orders; and that he receives so little salary that he cannot live decently on it. a brief statement of the religious houses established in luzón up to june 28, 1599, is made by gerónimo de alcaraz, secretary of the cathedral chapter of manila. a long report on military affairs was sent (july 12, 1599) by tello to the king. he urges that annual supplies of men and arms be sent to the philippines from nueva españa, adducing many important reasons for this. the spanish colony is surrounded by many and powerful heathen countries, who are hostile to the christian faith. the insalubrious climate and various military expeditions are continually causing losses of men. artillery and skilled workmen are greatly needed; and the fortifications need repair. the government of nueva españa has given little attention to the needs of the philippine colony. japanese pirates have menaced luzón, and the chinese are suspected of plots against the spaniards. light sailing-vessels are being built for defense of the coast, since galleys cannot be used to advantage. mindanao is pacified, but no tribute has yet been paid, and the country is poor. a rebellion in cagayan has been put down, and the leaders executed; so that region is now pacified and secure. dasmariñas's expedition to camboja has proved a failure, and he is stranded on the chinese coast, in great need; but tello is unable to send him aid, and advises him to return to manila. aid for the poor soldiers is urgently needed and requested. this letter is accompanied by a report of the conquest of mindanao and of affairs there, and other papers. mindanao is a source of little profit; but it is necessary to keep that island in subjection, in order to protect the pintados natives. another paper gives a history of affairs in camboja, the relations of the philippine colony with that country, and the failure of dasmariñas's expedition thither. at the end of the document are depositions (dated in 1593, and apparently copied from the official records of the colony) to show that the conquest of champa is justifiable, as its king is a pirate and tyrant, and a man of evil life, and robs and kills christians on the high seas. in another letter of the same date (july 12) tello makes a general report of affairs in the islands. in matters of religion, there is need for more ministers of the gospel. two bishops have arrived in the islands, and are in charge of their dioceses. the hospitals have been aided; that for the spaniards has been placed in charge of the confraternity of la misericordia, and that for the natives is under the king's authority. the seminary for girls (santa potenciana) is in good condition, and doing excellent work. it should be under the charge of professed nuns, and its income ought to be increased; the king is asked to provide for these matters. the jesuits have begun the foundation of a seminary for the indians, in which they are to learn the spanish language and civilized ways of living; the king is asked to aid this also. measures are being taken to enforce the royal decree that formal submission and homage must now be rendered to the king by the conquered indians; but tello finds some difficulties in this. the bulls concerning the crusades are being preached, and tello expects to extend this to the indians. one of the auditors has died, and his place is filled. tello has been obliged to check the assumption of secular authority by the ecclesiastics. the chinese should be driven out of manila, and the parián abolished. a building of stone has been erected for the audiencia; tello asks for a grant of money to continue this work, and mentions other public buildings which he has erected or improved. religious instruction should be commenced in the ladrones islands; and the viceroy of nueva españa has been asked to send missionaries thither. the latter functionary has neglected several matters which are necessary to the prosperity of the philippine colony, and has been arbitrary and overbearing in his treatment of it. especial complaint is made that he has evaded the law which restricts the chinese trade to citizens of the philippine colony, by granting licenses for trade to peruvians, who have taken from the islands the best of the chinese trade, which is their main support. a port at canton has been opened to the spaniards for trade; and efforts are being made to improve this opportunity. trade with siam has also begun. tello asks that the citizens of cebú be allowed to trade occasionally with peru; and that officers of vessels to nueva españa be not appointed there, but in the islands. he recommends that the indians should be punished by moderate pecuniary-fines, rather than by flogging. various papers are appended to this letter by tello. one is a memorandum of the number of converts and missionaries in the islands. another is an inventory of the resources and income of the hospital for natives, and a statement of its expenses for part of the current year. the instructions given to the alcaldes-mayor and to the religious for securing the formal submission of the indians to the authority of the spanish king, and the measures taken for this purpose in la laguna, are given in detail. the ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila during the year june, 1598, to july, 1599 (the part in this volume ends with december, 1598) throw much light on social and economic conditions at that time. certain chinese prisoners remain too long in jail for non-payment of debts, thus causing much useless expense; their services will hereafter be sold for the payment of their debts. notaries must be present at the inspection of prisons. prisoners shall no longer be permitted to leave the jail at their pleasure. all huckstering is forbidden, under heavy penalties. no person whatever may leave the islands without the governor's permission, under heavy penalties. the prisons must be regularly visited by the auditors, so that justice shall be promptly and duly administered. the indians shall be encouraged and obliged to raise poultry. provision is made for the aid of certain slaves in pampanga. another act makes regulations for the supply of provisions in the city of manila. buffalo meat shall be provided by contract with indian hunters. the natives and sangleys shall be obliged to raise fowls and swine. the indians must carry their provisions to the city for sale; and for meat, fowls, and some other articles the prices are fixed by the authorities. the natives about manila protest against being compelled to furnish supplies to the city; and the audiencia therefore enacts that this responsibility shall be divided among the various districts, each being assigned a period of two or three months therefor. residencias of regidors shall be taken every two months. various reports are to be sent to the king and his council. the remainder of the ordinances contained in this document will be presented in _vol_. xi. _the editors_ december, 1903. documents of 1597 letter to felipe ii. antonio de morga; june 30. administration of the hospital at manila. l.p. dasmariñas; july 20. letters to felipe ii. francisco tello; april 29-august 12. _source_: all these documents are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first two documents are translated by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the third, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university, except the second letter, which is by consuelo a. davidson. letter from antonio de morga to felipe ii sire: at the end of april of the current year i sent your majesty an account of the state of affairs in these islands, a duplicate whereof is enclosed. i have only to add that some days after i returned to this city, the ship "san felipe" which left this city in july, 96, was carried by several storms to the coast of japan, entered the port of hurando, and was lost there; and the emperor of that country, taycosama, covetous of the treasure with which it was laden, took it all. the men of the ship and the passengers have come in other vessels. at the same time the said tyrant caused to be crucified in nangasaqui six barefoot friars of the order of st. francis, of the number of those who were there from these islands [1]. he has also crucified eighteen native japanese christians of their following. fuller accounts of the matter will be sent your majesty by the reports thereon to be written by the governor. so far as i can learn, the said king of japan is a proud and covetous barbarian, who does not keep his word or observe the peace that he promises. as for the portuguese present in those islands, they desire to see us ousted from there, and have done us no kindness in the affair of the said ship. the religious had as little assistance in what was done to them; and a little before had received great injuries from the religious of the society who were there and from their bishop, whose purpose was to cause them to abandon that kingdom, as has been done--leaving the members of the society alone in this work of conversion, as they are, much to their satisfaction. yet the barefoot friars and their following met death with great fervor for the faith and the defense thereof, and god has since worked many marvels and miracles by means of their bodies. therefore we of this country have reason to be consoled and happy to have produced in it such fruit for heaven and such honor for christianity. the loss of this ship was a very great one. she was worth a million and a half--a mighty loss for so small a country; hence it is more needy than ever and more wretched, and your majesty will have pity on it. herewith i send your majesty again the despatches which it has been possible to copy, in the short time allowed, from those sent last year in the "san phelipe." they dealt with the residencias and other local affairs which it seemed essential for your majesty to know, because of their importance. i do not lack those who are ill-disposed toward me because i pay attention as i ought to your majesty's service; but i care not, for truth must prevail. in the coming year there will be sent at the first opportunity other official documents pertaining to the same residencia in which i have been pleading, and which has been undertaken for these islands. it is said that your majesty intends to command the reestablishment of the royal audiencia which used to be in these islands, which, according to the disposition of affairs in it, will be the most necessary of all things. i accordingly repeat my assurances to your majesty that on my conscience there never was so great a necessity thereof as now; and i declare that it will be well received by all. i am here very ready to serve your majesty in all things in which my personal service is required; for i have come hither five thousand leguas; but if my departure hence is desirable, and if your majesty is pleased to command it, i shall regard it as a very great kindness. above all may your majesty's royal will be fulfilled. may your royal person be preserved for many years, as the whole of christendom, and as we your servants, have need. manila, june 30, 1597. _doctor antonio de morga_ [_in the margin_: "let everything referring to the miracles be collected, and a summary thereof be made in the most authentic manner."] administration of the royal hospital at manila sire: i have desired that the royal hospital of this city should be served and administered with more charity, better order and a more perfect system than hitherto; for i am told and i know how much the poor thereof suffer, and of how much importance for the correction of this and of many other evils is their good comfort, assistance, and healing, spiritual and temporal--all which the hospital has in charge; and how essential it is that it should be administered by persons who are servants of god, self-denying and free from self-interest, charitable and zealous for his service and for the good of their neighbors. hence i desire that the order of st. francis, because it seems to me suitable on account of its self-denial, barefootedness, and freedom from self-interest, may unite with the confraternity of la misericordia [2] in the charge of the hospital. i suggest that they place there four friars--two priests and two laymen; for this can be done without interfering with the conversion of the natives, and will be a thing of great service to god and your majesty, the good of the poor and of this state, and the good order, service, and system of the said hospital. it will also remedy many of the inconveniences that may arise, and of the deficiencies from which the hospital suffers, from the want of such persons in charge of it. for these reasons i have asked that this order, associated with the confraternity of la misericordia, may attend to this matter, and may take under its care the government and administration of the hospital. therefore i have set forth and enclosed separately some of the reasons for this, and the advantages which i see in this course and in joining the hospital for the slaves, which the confraternity of la misericordia has founded, with the royal hospital. the plan involves establishing separate quarters in the said royal hospital, that there may be a definite place for the slaves, and that slaves and spaniards may not be mingled. in these quarters there may be a separate ward or room for needy spanish women, mestizas, and the like, in such a way that they may be kept in separation and distinct from the slaves. there is a great need of this ward for women, for there is no place to put them in the royal hospital, and hence they are not received there. by joining the royal hospital with the hospital of the confraternity of la misericordia a place may be provided--which will be of great importance, help, and benefit to the necessities of poor and needy women who have not wherewithal to care for themselves in their sicknesses. it must be no little that they suffer in these regions for lack thereof, and because of their poverty; for even in health there is no little to be undergone, and many are the evils and misfortunes which may result from the lack of this provision. the provincial and order of st. francis having discussed and considered this matter hesitate about it because the distance between the hospital and their monastery makes it inconvenient to keep religious in the former; but as for me, my judgment is that, as they have religious who have to go even further away in the work of instruction, they can keep them here; and that there is no lack of religious who know the language, for the work of conversion. hence, although there will be some inconveniences, they will not be serious and important; and it seems best to overlook them, and to take account of the advantages hoped for from this work and to be expected of it, which are not few, or of small value and importance. the deputies and confraternity of la misericordia were inclined to accept the suggestion, and to undertake the administration of the royal hospital jointly with that of the slaves' hospital; and the same guardian of the order of st. francis, before the adoption of the resolution above mentioned, approved it. in conference with the deputies with regard to the effect of it, he hesitated on one or two points. one of special importance was the question whether the expense was to be in common, and whether the expense for the slaves was to be paid out of the income of the hospital, and that for the spaniards, in consequence, out of the alms of the confraternity of la misericordia. although he made some doubt and scruple to me personally as to paying for the slaves, to whom his superiors owed the duty of support (although god knows how it was incurred) out of the funds destined for the poor spaniards, yet on the whole he said, with my approval, that in the interim before your majesty should be advised of the whole matter, everything should be paid for by accounts kept separately for the royal hospital and by consequence for that of the slaves likewise--as used to be done and as is done still; so that they are not connected, though the connection is desired because of the known advantages of it. but the greatest obstacle to the execution of this plan is the fear and mistrust put forward to requiring the confraternity and deputies of la misericordia to render accounts, exposing them to disturbance, and perhaps to expense and loss for matters their connection with which is voluntary--being assumed for charity and the service of god, and not for duty, pay, or advantage. this objection, however, was met by the consideration that the expense with its account had to pass before so many persons of honor, standing, and financial stability that there was not much ground for hesitation; since just as one superintendent or administrator paid and gave accounts, so the deputies can do the same as well or better, being more in number, and of no less financial standing, and making their expenditures with the system and general agreement which are to be desired. with all, i could not bring them to make the venture. but if this risk and obligation were absent, they would do it; this i know from some who were desirous of undertaking this work. i give your majesty an account of this matter, because of the importance that it may have for the service of god and your majesty, the good of the poor, and the advantage of a work of such public necessity and importance in these regions. if your majesty should be pleased to command that the confraternity of la misericordia should take charge of the administration of the royal hospital, as aforesaid, it will be necessary to come to a statement of the system to be observed in making payments for the royal hospital and that of the confraternity of la misericordia, by deciding whether they are to be kept separate or no. it will also be necessary, in the way in which your majesty shall be most pleased and profited, to deal with the mistrust about the accounts, which is what causes most hesitation. submitting myself to your royal pleasure, and suggesting as i ought what occurs to me in the matter, i propose, sire, that payments be made only as passing through the hands of a single administrator and superintendent. in this way he will be able to give account of the expenditure. let the manner, order, and direction of the same be in accordance with the judgment of the deputies of la misericordia; and let the superintendent give his account of expenditures made under the direction of the deputies. on such conditions the confraternity will take charge of the work; for it will not hand in accounts and will be called upon for no business except of charity, trust, and good administration, while the superintendent will hand in the accounts for the said confraternity. thus the whole, if your majesty please, will be in one; and on other conditions the confraternity will not undertake it. at least i regard it as a matter of the highest importance and advantage that your majesty give commands that the archbishop and the order of st. francis place four religious--two priests and two laymen--in the said hospital; and that, in case this order cannot undertake it, the society of jesus do so, for, being persons of great charity and good government in all things, it will be of great advantage for them to have this in their charge; so that in this way it seems that many great evils would be remedied, and many great advantages result. our lord keep your majesty many long years, as his divine majesty has power, and as we all desire and have need. manila, july 20, 1597. _luis perez dasmariñas_ [_endorsed:_ "let the president and auditors and the archbishop state what they think best to be done in the case; and in the meantime let them give such orders as they think best for the good conduct of the hospital."] considering and reflecting that the royal hospital of this city is one of the most important and considerable establishments in this country and these islands, it is very essential to the same, for the best advantage and comfort of the poor, and for the good order and system of the administration of the hospital, that it should be under the charge of persons who are influenced by the love of god and by zeal for his service and for the welfare and advantage of his poor, and by no payment or temporal interest. since all the other hospitals of this city have this advantage, it is a pity that it should be lacking in this one alone, which is of so much importance; and that although it has so good an income and other advantages, it should not surpass the others; and that there should be cause that many refuse to go to it to be cared for, and prefer to go elsewhere. that is proof of either carelessness and disorder, or of necessity; and, although there is some of the latter, yet i believe that it must be mainly the former. likewise it spends and requires on its part certain salaries and expenses for persons who serve in the said hospital. great injury is done to the service of god our lord and of his majesty the king, if such an institution is managed extravagantly, ineffectively, or unsystematically. at the same time other hospitals are well managed, because of being in the hands of persons who are members of religious orders and servants of our lord; who being free and bare from personal interest, exert themselves for the good of the poor, merely for his love and service, and with charity and zeal for the good of their neighbors. this is what is done in the hospital for the natives and in that for the sangleys, which are now well established, having their incomes and accounts separate. on this account, and because they are in charge of persons who are servants of god and have the qualities aforesaid, they are better served than when they were otherwise managed, and better than is that for the spaniards, for lack of persons to administer and serve it through love and charity toward god and their neighbor, as has been said. hence, considering this, and because i know that it will be of great convenience and advantage to the service of god our lord, and of his royal majesty; the good, profit, and relief of many poor, and of the wretched and needy; and the common benefit, welfare, and service of this state--therefore i am of the opinion and belief that it may be very advantageous and extremely useful, and may conduce to the improvement, good management, and systematic conduct of the royal hospital that the hospital of the confraternity of la misericordia should be joined with it. the resulting advantages will be recapitulated; and the causes and reasons on which i rely, and which i find for this, are the following. the first reason is that this is a work of so great service to the divine majesty of god, and the royal majesty; to the state a very great advantage, profit, and benefit; to the poor, the advantage, attendance, and healing of their maladies and miseries, bodily as well as spiritual. conspicuous among the advantages is the service to god done by caring for his poor, whether spanish or not, which latter are a forgotten and wretched people--although some of their masters, for charity and the love and service of god, provide and afford them their support, their good, their care, and their salvation, spiritual and temporal. the royal majesty will be much advantaged, because by the charity, good order, and system that will exist, several salaries for persons employed in the said hospital may be dispensed with, and there will be more profit and increase of the revenue; while for the support of the poor there will be a larger fund, in addition to the fact that they will be better cared for and served. the result will be that health will more abound, and that perhaps mortality will be lessened, together with these great sicknesses--a great service to god and his royal majesty, and the state; for his majesty will have more soldiers, by which he will reap a profit, and in this case a great one, because of the great cost and expense of sending and bringing them here. the state will also have a larger population, more citizens and men to defend it, in addition to the great private and ordinary benefit received by the people thereof, in saving much expense on their property incurred for the care of their servants and slaves, as well as trouble, care, and responsibility, by their being cared for in the said hospital bodily and spiritually. then the importance of this for the souls and bodies, not only of the spaniards but those of the slaves, may easily be seen and understood. for the former, the spaniards, fail not to have and to suffer great and special need in their illnesses and deaths, of someone to minister to them, or at the least to aid and comfort them therein; while the latter, the slaves, as a people cast off and the greater part of them ordinarily belonging to the royal crown, and of so different races--some or many of them yet to be converted, or imperfectly instructed and entered in the christian faith--still more require that there should be someone who in the love of god, and with zeal for the good of their souls, should aid them and secure their welfare and health, spiritual and temporal, in the one case as in the other. further, the reward, merit, and crown befitting the service done to god our lord by this, and to the royal majesty, and the good to this state and these islands, will not be small; since the result and the advantages which will arise from it are so great and so special, important, and universal; and this is a cause for applying the compassion and christian charity in this state to the glory and service of god, to the welfare, relief, and consolation, perhaps the salvation, of his creatures and the poor thereof; and to the edification and confusion of the great numbers of barbarians, heathens, and infidels whom we have as witnesses about us looking at us, and who will see nothing that can move and edify them like such works of true charity, performed without worldly payment and profit. it will also result from this that the confraternity of la misericordia, which is of such importance, and which succors, aids, and relieves so many general and public necessities, would ordinarily be supported in this state and would be more continuous, and that charity and compassion would be more exercised, as has been said. the hospital would be more frequented and more fully occupied, and the poor better provided and served; and all this would result because of the good order, careful accounting, and system which would exist, on account of putting the control in the hands of persons of such security, gravity, and commendable zeal as the deputies of the said confraternity. this will also be a cause that for the love and service of god our lord, as also for their own characters and persons, and their own interest in their own property (namely, their slaves), more people will visit the hospital, and aid it with greater care and liberality, and less hesitation; for one month brings the chance upon one, another upon another, and in this order it comes to all. this will be occasion and cause that the devout women, and those of the greatest influence, after seeing the work and perceiving that it is under the care of religious who are servants of god, and under that of their husbands, and that it is for the good of their slaves, will please and desire to see them, and to visit the hospital, and take the poor some dainties; and from the visits made to some of them will result the good, the comfort, and the consolation of the rest. further, as for the order, good accounting, and systematic management of the expenditure, and the care of the estate of the said hospital, it can be carried on by no hand with more clearness and security than by persons of so great honor and so high standing, persons who are required to be such, and who are themselves cognizant of and acquainted with all that is done. thus the defects, if any there are, will be more known and observed; and if they arise from need the hospital will finally have more, and those from among the best in the state, who will be active in their efforts to supply and provide what is lacking. the service of the hospital, which is of so great importance to the health and comfort of the sick, will be better and more punctual, and not so expensive, being attended to by persons undertaking it for charity, and not for gain. besides all that is said and referred to above, there will be avoided in the aforesaid way many sinful speeches and murmurs, inasmuch as the business will be in the hands of persons of such charity, poverty, holy zeal, and high standing; and thus with reason there will be more occasion for glory and praise to god for this work than for murmurs and condemnation. in short, this undertaking may afford to the divine majesty of god our lord, service and glory; to the royal majesty, great service and profit; to the state, great and general good, and advantages; to these nations and tribes who are looking on at us, confusion and edification; to the poor, service, aid, and comfort in their wretchednesses and sicknesses, and care and healing for their bodies, and above all for their souls; and to those who have in their charge the service, administration, and superintendence, a great crown and reward. therefore, since this project is good for all and in all, and since this work encloses within itself so many great and important effects, it is right that it should be favored, and that your piety should be supported in it. for the religious who will be occupied there, will be well occupied and employed, preaching with their works true charity and humility, and at the same time striving and aiding in the saving and healing of the souls, both of spaniards and of others, who shall be ministered to and cared for there; and, since so great advantages may result from this, it is right that it should be done, and that your piety should be supported in encouraging and beginning a work of such importance, and from which so great advantages are hoped for and may result, as has been said. and assuredly it is highly desirable that the royal hospital should be in the care of this order or of the society, that it may be served and administered as is proper, and that it may enjoy the advantages which the other hospitals enjoy, and the good administration which they have, as well that for the natives as that for the sangleys, as has been said. it is also a great good, glory, and service to our lord, and a cause of great satisfaction and consolation that the results obtained from them are great; and there will be great enthusiasm from this day forward because they are in charge of persons who are servants of god, free from personal interests, who for god, his love and service, give their efforts to this work. of this advantage it is right that this royal hospital should have the fruit, because it is not the least important, and that it should not suffer, and remain as it is. _luis perez dasmariñas_ letters from francisco tello to felipe ii sire: last year, as soon as i arrived in these islands, i wrote to your majesty what had taken place, taking into account the short time that i had spent here. i was afterward told that the people of terrenate were coming to these your majesty's islands to inflict injuries upon your subjects and vassals, and that the natives of mindanao were helping them in this. the conquest of mindanao being in charge of the heirs of the late esteban rrodriguez de figueroa, who was killed there, i insisted on their continuing that pacification, giving them men at your cost, and appointing, as general and leader, don juan ronquillo, supplying them with what they needed from your majesty's storehouses, the supply being ample. all was charged to the estate of esteban rrodriguez and is now being collected. i sent to mindanao captain toribio de miranda, so that, until the arrival of the troops, he might encourage and look after the spaniards, who had fortified themselves there after the death of esteban rrodriguez. captain toribio de miranda, setting out with this order of mine, met the soldiery who had deserted that position, on account of the coming of captain juan de lajara. the latter i hold under arrest. he is to be tried for having abandoned his post without orders from the governor of these islands. toribio de miranda having met these men, showed them my orders which he was carrying, and made them return. then of the men whom i had sent from here, some arrived with captain diego de chabez, with assistance in the shape of supplies. encouraged by this, many returned to mindanao with the others and fortified themselves again, although in a better position than before. after this, general don juan ronquillo left oton with the rest of his force, which numbered perhaps one hundred and fifty men in all. at the present moment i am quite satisfied that, after his arrival, a large part of that land will be peacefully opened up. i have no good reports from that land in regard to abundance of provisions or gold (which is the only thing to encourage those who make these conquests), nor as large a tribute as there was said to be. in the prosecution of this business the necessary demands of your majesty's service will be considered. when i came to the government i found that the sangleys had been given a free hand, and jurisdiction in the administration and cabildo. considering the troubles that might result, and the large numbers of sangleys here (somewhat over ten thousand), i took away and withdrew their power in the administration--leaving, however, a governor among them, as was formerly the custom. i have expelled from this land a large number of the sangleys who were here, and i shall soon order many others to go, leaving only three or four thousand men, who are necessary for the service of the land. about two months ago the parian of the sangleys was burned, together with a large amount of property. i assisted that night in taking care of the property of a few, which was saved. the fire did not touch this city, although the parian is contiguous to it. all this was well done, and i permitted them to rebuild their parian, but one hundred paces farther from the city than it was before. we are having a good deal of trouble from the license taken by some religious in this land. they have a practice of excommunicating the governor by virtue of the apostolic briefs in their possession. having no authority here to annul their unlawful acts, we can have no liberty to carry on your majesty's service as it should be done. therefore i humbly beg your majesty to consider and order what is most necessary for your majesty's service. many events have taken place in these days. one of them was the rising of the zambales natives, and the murder of two alcaldes-mayor--one a short time before i came, and the other after my arrival. therefore i appointed captain julian de cuenca alcalde-mayor of panpanga, to go to punish them--which is a difficult matter, because these zambales are in hiding in rugged mountain ranges. however, he wrote me that he had beheaded twenty of them, and that he continues to hunt them down; so that after such a punishment they will be sufficiently frightened for him to make the effort to induce them to leave the sierra for a settlement where they may be instructed. although i commenced to govern with mildness, because it seemed to me the best way to get along with the spaniards here, yet when i came to know them and see the license that they take, i found it necessary to punish several captains and regidors. on new year's day, i had the entire city council arrested for an act of disobedience to me, which occurred during the election of alcaldes. in all that has been done i have followed judicial forms and taken records, so that, whenever it is necessary, your majesty may order their examination. when i arrived, i found your majesty's royal affairs in confusion, owing to the carelessness and neglect of former governors. i have ordered that, in building, stone shall be substituted for wood which has hitherto been used. fines and the expenses of justice will be attended to. i also ordered the construction of cabildo buildings in stone, where there had been none before. the whole city has been enriched by stone buildings, and since my arrival more than one hundred and fifty houses have been erected. i am trying to have water conducted into the city, as it is needed by the citizens and by the troops stationed here by your majesty. many have died on account of the poor water. don luys dasmariñas, when he was governor here, appointed captain juan xuarez gallinato sargento-mayor of the force to go to the assistance of the king of canboja, who they said was besieged by his enemy the king of çian. when they arrived there they met a rough reception from a part of the people of canboja, and from some sangleys who are settled there and engage in trade. the spanish came to blows with some of these sangleys and killed some of them. there was lost, according to their story, a large amount of property belonging to the sangleys, which they had placed aboard sampans at the time of the fight. i am examining the papers which captain juan xuarez gallinato brought. he has already returned from his expedition, and justice will be meted out in the case. may our lord preserve your majesty for many years for the need of christendom, etc. manila, april twenty-nine, 1597. _don francisco tello_ sire: from the vessel "san phelipe," lost in the sea of japan, some letters addressed to your majesty reached my hands, which i enclose herewith. i have imprisoned don luis perez dasmariñas, because he failed to fit out and repair thoroughly the said vessel; and, for the same reasons, i have imprisoned also general matias delandecho. an investigation of this matter is being made in the case of each, and justice shall be done. copies of all proceedings in connection with this investigation will be sent to your majesty. i beg to thank your majesty for your kindness to this kingdom and especially to myself, in creating here a royal audiencia, a tribunal very much needed by this government; and although so far i have not received from your majesty any letter or decree to that effect, i have heard the news through the auditor don antonio maldonado and others, who have communicated it to me. doctor antonio de morga, lieutenant-general of this kingdom, serves your majesty here with zeal and assiduity; and because he enforces the law, he has made enemies--since, as i have previously written to your majesty, there are honest people here willing to serve your majesty; but there exist others unruly and ill disposed, who are exceedingly dangerous to the country. i am punishing a few of these, and am investigating the previous records of others; it shall be done throughout. may our lord preserve your majesty as is needful for the good of christendom. manila, june 15, 1597. _don francisco tello_ sire: every day events are taking place of which i shall advise your majesty. a grave dominican friar [3] lately arrived here from japon, who went on the ship "san felipe" which was lost there. he acquainted me with the affairs of that kingdom, and gave me a memorandum which will accompany this. i asked him to sign it, and i now send it to your majesty, so that you may order to be considered and decreed in this matter whatever you think best for your majesty's royal service. later advices have arrived from japon to the effect that the japanese are considering the occupation of the island of hermosa [formosa] which lies near these islands, and serves as a connecting point between china and these islands. i am considering what is best to do in this case, because, although i am of the opinion that we should seize it first, the council of war opposed me; urging that we have few men for such an enterprise. i have appointed, as general of the coast, captain don juan çamudio, a trusty and serviceable person. i am also fitting out ships with which to navigate among all these islands, wherever it is necessary. i have sent money and men to cagayan to fortify your majesty's fort there. if the men and assistance which i have asked from nueva spaña are sent to me, i shall not fear all the power of japon; because, although there are few troops here, they are all excellent and well-drilled. your majesty may be certain that your vassals here will maintain what we hold, even to the death, with sword in hand, doing our duty in your majesty's service. may our lord preserve your royal person, as christendom has need and your vassals desire. manila, june 19, 1597. _don francisco tello_ as matters of importance arise in this government, it becomes necessary to give your majesty an account of such affairs. yesterday we held a council of war to consider a petition presented to us by don luys perez dasmariñas, relative to an expedition to the island of hermosa, and we passed resolutions which your majesty may examine, if you be pleased to do so, by means of the report which will accompany this. although i ordered with resolution what was to be done, i shall keep the sounding-lead in my hand until reënforcements and money arrive from mexico; for without men nothing can be done. i have sent to the viceroy for five hundred men. while the detachment of thirty soldiers under an ensign, ordered to the assistance of mindanao, was on its way thither, aboard a sangley ship, the sangleys (who numbered more than forty) mutinied, and killed twenty-five soldiers and some women, and the rest jumped overboard. captain gregorio de bargas, who was sailing in that region with my orders, upon hearing of the matter, attacked and captured the ship, and killed forty soldiers. nine who were left alive were brought to me two days ago. today they were executed, with great publicity, before the eyes of their nation and others who are in this city. yesterday there arrived from malaca some of the soldiers who were with sargento-mayor gallinato on the expedition to canboja. they say that they had the news there that malucos and terrenatans had banded together, captured your majesty's fort and annihilated the portuguese detachment stationed there. i am making an investigation to see what foundation this report has. the result i shall try to send on these ships. these soldiers also say that they were told that there were four english ships off maluco; and that it was thought that they had joined terrenate and maluco to undertake this enterprise. i am guarding the frontiers, because as there are few men here and the fort is in manila, they were in need of reënforcements. in everything i shall continue to do all that is necessary for your majesty's royal service, and i shall inform you of everything that happens, after the departure of these vessels, by the despatch-boat, which will be in readiness to be sent out if necessary. they say that the news from mindanao is quite plainly for your majesty's advantage. although i have heard nothing by letter from the governor there, several indians who have come from there one by one corroborate this news. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person to the benefit of christendom. manila, june 22, 1597. _don francisco tello_ sire: this ship of discovery under joan batista justiniano, which is about to go to nueva spaña, has just returned, on account of lack of cables, and will sail again in the morning. some further details concerning what i have already written to your majesty are as follows. we have just heard from mindanao that the war has been renewed with the indians, because they have failed to observe the stipulations of the treaty. so we have again sent assistance in men, munitions, supplies, and other things. i have ordered general don joan ronquillo to prosecute the war, and, after having demolished the enemy's fort, to build a good one in its place, leaving it well supplied with artillery, and fortified; and to leave a captain with one hundred arquebusiers, and mobilize the remainder of the troops, amounting to about two hundred men. if the japanese should come, as is thought probable, he will take position on one of the frontiers, especially that of cagayan. in other places, i have appointed, as justices, captains who were old soldiers, and i have given them soldiery. what little sail-cloth is to be had here, is all well prepared for any occasion. i am having artillery cast, and powder and other necessary things provided, in all haste. although i am almost out of lead and iron, i shall try to have one of your majesty's small vessels, which now lie here, go to china, where there is a great abundance of such things, in order to buy some, and return so quickly that we shall not be embarrassed by the scarcity. i am having some galliots and light vessels built to patrol all these coasts, because their defense is quite important if we are attacked by the japanese. when i became governor of these islands, i found them full of sangleys. i have expelled more than eight thousand of them, and i am gathering the others, who are scattered, into manila, in order that those who are not needed may return to their own country, for they teach the natives very evil customs. in everything i shall always try to further the service of god and your majesty, as i was ordered to do, and is my duty. may our lord preserve your majesty's catholic person as is needful. manila, august twelve, 1597. _don francisco tello_ documents of 1598 letter to antonio de morga. juan de ronquillo; january 4. report of conditions in the philippines. antonio de morga; june 8. recommendations as to reforms needed in the islands. [unsigned and undated; 1598?] reception of the royal seal at manila. francisco tello, and others; june 8. letters from the archbishop of manila to felipe ii. ygnacio de santibañez; june 24 and 26. letters from the bishop of nueva segovia to felipe ii. miguel de benavides; june 30 and july 5. letters to felipe ii. francisco tello; june 17-july 9. report of the audiencia on the conduct of tello. antonio de morga, and others; july 15. _source_: all these documents are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first, fourth, fifth, and most of the sixth, are translated by robert w. haight; the second, by rachel king; the third, and part of the sixth and seventh, by james a. robertson; most of the seventh, by josé m. and clara m. asensio; the eighth, by helen e. thomas. letter from juan ronquillo to antonio de morga in my last letter, which i sent you by captain luys de villafaña, who left this island on the first of august, i described the need that we were in, and the investigations on account of the failure of the arms to arrive. although he was wrecked on the way, i have understood that the papers reached there, having been wet, but in such shape as to be legible. thus far i have seen no answer, either to this despatch, or to those sent on the thirteenth of may and the first of july, from the lord governor, or from your grace. it leaves me quite undecided and uncertain as to what i am to do. while the aid awaited was being sent on, our need was becoming more pressing, to such an extent that i even abandoned the work, dropped the pacification, and ran the whole fleet aground, so that all the men could busy themselves with gathering landan for food. it seemed to me more important not to abandon the foothold that we had gained in the country, than to get more land, and risk losing it all. further, it was impossible to provide the men from so few rations; and with so small provision and less support, and large appetites, it looked to me as if they would be forced to leave. i finally resolved to tell them not to be impatient to turn their prows about, or to hope for manila; for here we should live or die. thereupon i embarked the next day and went up the river to cut landan; [4] for i felt myself fortunate if i could get plenty of this even. we passed several days in this way, and when it appeared to me that the men were settled, and less anxious about the proposed movement, i had a few vessels launched; and in them i sent two captains with fifty men to the villages of lumaguan, who is the most friendly to us, that they might be fed there, and together with the natives reconnoiter some of the enemies' villages in the neighborhood. when they were setting out against the latter one night, they attacked the very friends who were guiding them, and killed several. they had thought that they were being deceived, and betrayed to the enemy. the mistake made much trouble, and it would have been worse if they had not taken the utmost pains to remedy it, giving satisfaction to the injured, making them presents, and giving them whatever they had with them. as they were truly friendly to us, this sufficed to put them on the former footing, as they have since demonstrated in all earnestness. so i persevered in the undertaking, changing, however, the leader whom i had sent; and it pleased god that this expedition should be the beginning of so much good fortune as we have had since then, for back from the fort of buyahen, on a large lagoon, were found a number of the hostile villages, with excellent fields of rice, although it was not the season to harvest it. i ordered them to take the stronghold of a chief named dato minduc, which was close to buyahen. its site was such that the natives themselves say that, unless men were to come down from heaven to take it, it would be impossible to do so. we captured it with all the artillery in it, a number of men being lost on their side, and none on ours. after this the enemies began to lose spirit, and the friendly natives to take heart, and to hold us in greater esteem. this was on the twenty-ninth of august. on the very next day i brought the men down to the fort, and encouraged them all, and bade them be of good hope that the work would soon be done; and i cheered them to it, and straightway followed up the undertaking, without giving the men's ardor a chance to cool. i got aboard ship, and made my way along the coast. on the eighteenth of september, i entered a river called picon, in a well-peopled country, there being, besides the natives, a large number of the enemy, who had been scattered abroad, and had joined them. at daybreak we arrived at the first village, close to the sea. it was one of the finest places i have seen, with excellent houses, and a very elaborate mosque; there was a good supply of swine, fowls, goats, and fruit. the enemy made a stand, but at the first encounter we overpowered them, and killed or captured more than two hundred persons; the troops stopped for food, and then i had the village burned. i would have liked to attack another village, which lay a day's march inland, and which has two thousand houses. i left it, because i could have done nothing at that time; for the fugitives from the first village had warned them, and they had all gone to the mountains. this stroke had terrorized the whole coast, and not a vessel appeared over its whole extent; for, as there were indians in many places, they had all received news of it without delay. i could remain no longer, nor pass on to other encounters which i might have had there, on account of the crops which i had discovered at buyahen, which were urgently demanding my presence for the harvest, before their owners should gather them. accordingly i came back to the fort, whence, in less than four days, i again sent the same captains who had been there before, for the crops, with eighty soldiers and all the boats, besides five hundred friendly indians, to gather the harvest, and to take another fort in the same neighborhood, of which the indians informed them. on the twenty-second of october they attacked it, and took it with all the artillery, killing more than a hundred and seventy of them, besides taking a number captive. i did not come out so cheaply as the last time; for it was an extremely strong place, having, besides the usual defenses, inventions of which a barbarous people are incapable. furthermore, they had fastened on the very curtains some large spars bent like a bow, so that when anyone attacked it, by cutting one end loose from the inside a hundred men would be thrown down--namely, all who were climbing upon the rampart platform. it was intrenched at intervals in such wise that it was necessary to win it step by step, and from below, if one undertook to take it by storm. there were a great many pikemen to receive the stormers, and they felt so safe that they put their women and goods on the inside to guard them better. thus they lost everything, and the booty was very rich, although the indians obtained the most--more than did the soldiers, of whom eighteen came out wounded (including the two captains, guerrero and grabiel gonzalez), most being wounded by bullets and arrows. they had fortified this fort strongly; and since they had lost it first, having considered it so long as a last hope for their safety, they thought of nothing more after losing it but being left in peace in the one which they at present hold; for already they have hardly a hand's breadth of land left, and there they are fortifying themselves as much as possible. this will not succeed, for without my going there they will come to ask peace from me--in a few days i hope, because the grain is growing up all over. in this way the whole country becomes ours and the crops are left ready to be gathered. they lie so near to buyahen that the sentinel bells can be heard from one place to the other. they are retreating and there is no one who can go ahead. they are sending chiefs from a distance to conduct us peaceably, who wish to become our friends and pay tribute. on the first of november i arrived anew at the mouth of this river on the site of mindanao, where the fort which belonged to the spaniards when they took the country was burned. there was a fleet there of more than sixty ships and we did not know what people they carried; but, believing that it was those whom we were awaiting from those islands, i was glad that they had arrived in so good time, and sent some of the friendly indians to reconnoiter them. they said that they were terrenatans. i immediately sent captain grabiel gonzalez to make certain who it was, and on the way he met a caracoa which was on sentinel duty. some arquebus-shots were exchanged, and without any injury he came back with the information. there were at this time in the whole camp, provisions for not more than nine days; and the munitions were so far spent that, having no matches, the soldiers were going about with fire-brands in their hands--for the few matches and balls which they had, had been taken by the troops who were outside harvesting the grain. we had to consider that as soon as we sent to call them back we were lost; for if the rice were not cut we should have nothing to live on. likewise, on the other hand, i saw the great injury which i should suffer if the enemy should fortify themselves where they were working. it would cost me a great deal to dislodge them, and besides there was the risk which was run of losing the communication with your city; for we had to enter boldly into the enemy's country, as one of the boats of the friendly indians from zanboanga had done. finally, as the evil of the want of food was most pressing, and as without food we could neither go back nor forward, i resolved to reënforce the pass of vutil, so that the enemy could not pass that way and join with the people of buyahen. the troops who were acting as porters kept the pass, and immediately, at the same time, i sent the people who were above down to the sea, ordering captain juan pacho, who was at their head, not to come back without bringing in first all the rice which he had harvested and cut, as aforesaid. i got a galley ready with a good deal of trouble, for there was not even bonote [5] to calk it, and i had to go in person among the houses of the indians to find some. i launched it, and fitted it with guns and new rigging to make it ready; for i was resolved that if the enemy fled i should follow them even as far as their own country. when the men got back i embarked, on thursday morning, which i reckon to be the third of november. by noon i had come in sight of the enemy, where i anchored, and we exchanged cannon-shots. seeing that he had a larger force than i had understood, i immediately sent an order to captain guerrero who was in butil, that he should come down to the river of vitara to the sea, with a galliot, and enter the mouth of this river of mindanao and come within sight of the enemy, and exchange cannon-shots on his arrival. he did so, arriving at noon on friday. on the way he met an outpost of the enemy, and killed a few indians who were with them, with a cannon-shot. when he arrived at cannon-shot distance from the fort he anchored, and commenced to fire. the enemy replied so well that at the first shot they hit the galliot, and it was only by good fortune that it did not go to the bottom. with the second they killed a soldier. with such exercise the day was passed. saturday morning, lumaguan having arrived with some troops that were expected, i ordered captain guerrero to land immediately with twenty-five soldiers and join me, leaving the rest and the captain of the galliot in it, with orders that, when the troops began the investment, the galliot should come up close to the mouth of a lake which was close to the fort. accordingly, when these troops came i landed ninety men with captains juan pacho, guerrero, ruy gomes, grabiel gonzalez, and altra. i circled about the fort with the galley, fighting with a good deal of skirmishing, and the galliot doing the same on the other side, so that we had the fort between us. on my side the troops landed not a hundred paces from the fort, on which, on the side toward the aforesaid lake, they had already closed in, and which they had reached as well as on our side, where a very large cavalier was under construction, although they had not yet finished the enclosure. the enemy were so brave that although, by keeping their fleet within the lake, they might have gone away two nights before without losing anything, not only would they not do so, but they even ran the whole fleet on land, excepting one ship, using that as a bridge to pass from the cavalier to the fort. that very night they cried out to us, telling captain don juan pacho to have a care and not come to fight them, "because we are all terrenatans, and you are castilians and tanpacans." although they might have been safe in their fort, and not have lost it unless they sold themselves very dearly, most of them went out into the open country to reconnoiter and there commenced to fight with the land troops. these acted so courageously and so quickly that the enemy had no time to prepare before they had come upon them in front; and when they wished to go back to the fort they could not do so at all, for the artillery of my galley, which was moored quite near, cut off their road with _lenternas_ [grenades?] and balls. our men kept coming forward without giving way in any part, gained the cavalier, and by the bridge that the enemy had provided passed on to the fort, and won it with all the artillery, altogether in less than an hour. they took the whole fleet, of which we were in much need, and ten pieces of fairly good artillery and more than fifty arquebuses, although most of these were thrown away by the friendly indians. there were killed there on this occasion more than eighty moros, among them the commander of their forces, who was an uncle of the king of terrenate, and was named cachil baba, together with other cachils [6] and chiefs. of those who fled many were wounded, most of whom died, as was afterward seen, in the marshes and mountains. one band of more than fifty moros--some being wounded, among these a cachil--made an attempt to pass to the other side of the river, thinking that from there they might escape; but, as the river is broad and the current swift, they were all drowned. every day we are finding more and more who have died from wounds and hunger, and those who have survived are gathering in small bands and going back to their country. they found some boats to take their goods across at the cape of san agustin, and carry this good news to their king--whom perchance the gain will dispose to continue. this reënforcement was brought by buysan, brother of sali and uncle of raxa mura, who went to get him and wished him to attack the sargento-mayor, at the time when they cut off his leg. the king of terrenate yielded to him respectfully, as your grace may see by the letter of the chief captain of maluco, a copy of which is sent with this, in which he informs me of what had happened. the troops who came were the most noble and gallant in all terrenate, and the commander was an old man of more than sixty years, white-haired, with mustaches more than a span long. he was a very venerable person, and so valiant that, after being brought down with an arquebus-shot, so that he could not move, he raised his campilan in the air, calling out to his troops to fight until death. they came well supplied with women and goods, and the materials for making powder. they brought gilded field-beds to sleep on, with cushions of silk and chairs to sit upon, and richly worked cloths for their use. there was so much with this and other things that the booty must have been worth six thousand ducats; and though, as always, the soldiers took the lesser part, yet even thus some of them are a little better off. i am well aware that i was very fortunate on that occasion, and if our lord was pleased to grant me success, still fortune will change and the enemy will have it. not only will that which remains to me here be lost, but even the pintados islands have been in great danger, having run the risk each year of being harried by these enemies. but though i knew that god was helping us in a time of such need, yet i had almost lost hope of success. on the other hand, finding myself puzzled and almost desperate at seeing that at the end of six months there had come no reply from the lord governor, nor in any way any intimation of his will or determination, and that it almost seemed as if he were forgetting us, as if we were a lost people without hope, i resolved to do what i did as one who was destitute of aid, and who must live by his own hands. the success was such that i may be pardoned. when i took the site of buyaen i was so nearly out of supplies that there was not a cannon-ball left for me to use; and on this so important occasion, as i with reason believe it to be--and i may say that since the philipinas were discovered there was never a better one in them--i had no others than what, by my own diligence, i gathered from some fishermen's cast-nets, and well they did their duty, since they fished so well on land. when i left that city i told your grace that, even if i found myself in the utmost need, i should not turn my prow back thither; but first should go to the land of the enemy, and my duty should be well done. if i have accomplished this against so many difficulties as your grace may see, i believe there are few men who would not have been moved by the circumstances and the necessity which urged me on. when i was most pressed and the troops most in want--so much so that it would bring pity to the heart of anyone who saw it, no matter how hardened he was; for their shirts, shoes, and hose but ill sufficed them, and their food was only a dish of rice with nothing else--even at such a time, i conquered the island; for we may say that it is already conquered, as the larger part pays or gives tribute; and i hope, god willing, that a year from now the whole island will pay us. all this occurred in the midst of the winter, in water waist-deep, with no change of clothing, and the men weary from head to foot. what i think most of is, that i kept the men free from discontent, which seems almost a miracle. and when it was understood that i must depart for lack of supplies, i put in the warehouse eight hundred sestos of rice of forty gantas each; and i supplied almost the whole camp for a month and a half with the crops; the spaniards and indians brought in food enough for another month, and the friendly indians did the same. much more than what was gathered was destroyed and ruined, as it was not the harvest season. on all these occasions soldiers and captains worked so gallantly that i have never before so much regretted being poor, since i cannot provide them with some little part of all that they deserve. the sargento-mayor and captain juan de valencia arrived on the twenty-eighth of the last month in a fragata, in which they had been despatched from that city to butuan. they brought a thousand sestos of rice and some fish, wine, and some clothing which captain guenca gave them in zebu, together with other articles. very luckily they were retarded, as i had also been, so that they did not arrive earlier; for if they had been twenty days earlier the enemy would have taken them without fail. the friendly natives were so alarmed at this that even those from the village of tanpaca, who are near to this fort, withdrew their goods to the tingues, and did not feel safe. they thought that we were dead, and told us to eat, for we must soon kill the terrenatans. it is strange what fear they felt of the latter, incomparably more than of us; although immediately after this victory they said that we were more valiant than the others, and that there was no people like us. when the fight was over we had no place to store the tribute in acknowledgment of sovereignty which the friendly chiefs offered us in token of friendship, paying it in rice, for at the time of the invasion from terrenate, silonga had not threatened them, or made them abandon their good purpose. immediately upon my arrival i sent to get it, and to prepare them, and to tell them that they might be certain that they would always be under his majesty's dominion, and likewise to collect the acknowledgment. on this mission the captains, juan pacho, guerrero, and grabiel gonzalez were sent with eighty soldiers; and six days ago they informed me that the natives were very firm in their friendship, and that they were busy harvesting the rice which they were to pay. lumaguan and his people were doing the same thing, being obliged to pay seven hundred sestos of clean rice. in order to collect this, all the men had to pass on to the great lake [_i.e.,_ lanao] for which this island is famous; and as the fame of our works had spread throughout the whole island, two chiefs had already come down from the lake to say that they did not wish to fight with the spaniards, but to be their friends and pay them tribute. thus i hope, through god, that inside of twenty days the whole country will be settled; and while sending down the people already mentioned, i myself shall go out in person and go along the coast of the lake and of the cape of san agustin. four days ago there came to me word from another chief who wished to be friendly, that the terrenatans are leaving this road and passing on; for there was not one of them who did not drop his arms and flee. i shall go as far as la canela, subduing all the country up to that point. this will not detain me long, as i shall follow down the coast and on the way meet the fleet, which was to be despatched from those islands. as it was already so belated when i arrived, it would have been in danger if i had not come to its rescue, and might not have arrived here. i have also kept merchant vessels from the islands of jolo and taguima during this whole time. thus far they have been giving help to the enemy, the most important which they have received; but as they were present at the defeat of the terrenatans, they are little disposed to remain with them or favor the people of buyahen. i warned them to be waiting for me at the end of january at la caldera with the tribute, so that i should not go to their country to punish them. if they do not give it, perhaps i shall do so, as it will be the most certain way. as i have had no letter from the lord governor i do not know what he may have ordered concerning the continuation of this establishment; but i can say this for myself, that even if he orders me to desert it in so great need as it is, without giving the least information as to the situation in which i now am, which is very different from what i have hitherto thought it, i should not do so. for if it is not kept up for the good which it may be hoped will result to the country, in order to make up for the damage which it suffered in being laid waste, then it must be done for the consideration that its condition will be like that of all the pintados, which were laid waste unmercifully. and as these affairs are not well understood there, perhaps they thought it sufficient to station here, or at la caldera, fifty soldiers as a garrison in order to keep the country in check. those and as many more will be a breakfast to these natives on the day when they do not see that things move on so effectually as now; and they would have done the same thing to those who would have remained in this fort, when i was told to withdraw the rest of the camp to zebu. in short, i have done this only of my own free will, for good or evil, and without advice--not because i am not given to taking it on all occasions, but because in this country it has always turned out ill, and few are brought into friendship through force. neither do i think of wasting time in besieging buyahen any longer; because, by the means which i have now taken, i shall reduce it to peace with much less difficulty. i am negotiating a marriage between raxa mura and the sister of xlunao, who is the chief of this village of tanpaca. he is willing and anxious for it and has already embarked to come to see me. as he is a boy, although he is respected by all, his uncles sali and silonga would not let him do so. they have hindered him, warning him that he will be hanged. he is importunate in his desire to come, saying that he has no fear of the spaniards, because he has done them no harm; and his father, dimasanca, was their friend and paid them tribute, and why should they do him harm? as his uncles are so much to blame they are keeping him back, thinking that they cannot receive the mercy that raxa mura will, on account of their treacheries; and that, if he came, they would be lost. if they could make sure that they would not lose their heads, they would all be friendly and the island would be pacified. but it is enough that raxa mura should be friendly, wherefore captain juan pacho is under orders to carry on this negotiation through the mother. if this plan of mine is not successful and fails, they must be overcome by want where they now are; for i have them so close pressed and hemmed in that they are not lords of the land a pace from their fort, and they will die of hunger, as neither salt nor fish can enter to them, and their crops have been taken from them on all sides, so they must either die or surrender. and what makes them more reasonable is, that three days ago i took a fort at the place where i have the galliot from vutil. i have closed the river in such wise that there is no way to go up or down it, and i have there a captain with twenty-four soldiers. they were greatly affected by the defeat of terrenate; and as they had put their hope in that they lost it thereby as much as if they had been defeated. sali and silonga called a meeting of all their people and sought their advice as to what to do. all the timaguas and other chiefs told them that there was nothing to do but become the friends of the spaniards and pay them tribute. they answered that they would not pay tribute, but would fight first, and they warned them that they should do so. they all answered that they did not wish to fight with the spaniards, for it was well known that that meant to go to death. the advice that their people gave them was good, but it pleased god that they should choose the worst. if there had not been such a lack of rowers i should have traveled by means of two hands and forced their respect. but i have so few indians, and keep them so busy in all kinds of ways that we should be thankful for what has been done. they must have harvested much rice likewise in other parts, and therefore a considerable amount of that to be sent from there [manila] can be dispensed with. i have something more than four hundred indians, and two hundred and fifteen spaniards, counting soldiers, sailors, and gunners. some of these are crippled and maimed. the war of men continues. although i understand that this will be more costly to me than was the terrenate war, two soldiers only have been lost--one of them having his head carried away by a cannon-shot, and the other one his bowels by an arquebus-shot. i sent asking your grace if you would have those conveyed back to manila who are no longer capable of service. it will be a gracious act to favor their cause. in the last letter which i wrote to your grace i gave an account of the products of this land, so far as they were known up to that time; and now i am doing the same with what has since been observed. in the first place the country is healthful, as has been clearly shown; for if the want, hardships, and privations which the troops have suffered here in mid-winter had occurred in that city, not a man would have lived through it. the climate is incomparably better than that of that island [luzón]; for in the whole year there are not six days of extreme heat, and the evenings, nights, and mornings are usually cool. gold is found in all parts, although not in large quantities, but it must exist where there are traces of it. throughout the whole island there is a great deal of wax and much tortoise-shell. rice is sowed in all parts, and in some places in great quantities. they raise fowl, goats, and swine in all the villages, and wax they do not save. there is a great quantity of wild game, which is excellent, growing larger than in other places. there are a great many nipa and other palms, although more than twenty thousand palm-trees have been destroyed. the people of the tingues are farmers and stock-raisers, and would plant a great deal if directed to do so; accordingly, four hundred or five hundred spaniards could be very bountifully supplied here, and even more. they are in an excellent position for trade, for they are at a very few days' journey from all the islands of maluco, xlatheo [matheo?], borney, and xaba, and they lie on the route of the galleons which ply between yndia, malaca, and maluco, and which anchor at la canela. the only thing to be feared is that the men from these galleons will enter the island, doing damage, and making a bad name for us. it would take a miracle to lose it. the worst thing that i see is that it should be divided into encomiendas, as otherwise the soldiers will work willingly and even without further recompense than what they may happen to get. and accordingly it seems but just that the masters should come and give us support, or that they should leave us, who are well satisfied with it. two or three encomenderos only have sent their attendants; and they might as well not have sent them, because they have not provided them with provisions and supplies, but the king has had to furnish them. if this is all that is necessary, they have done well to stay at home forgetful, and let us fools labor here for them. and it seems to me that there has been sufficient deceit, falsehood, and cunning used with the lord governor with their false excuses. let them come or give up, for otherwise i believe there will be no one to continue the work. let them build ships and boats; since most of them hold encomiendas, from which they can pay for them. of one thing they may be certain, that so long as i am on the island no tributes shall be collected there unless in the meantime there shall be another order from the lord governor; except that i shall have them collected and put in the treasury to cover the expenses of this pacification; for thus far i have knowledge of no assent or approval, and therefore i shall treat it as if left to me. thus far i have founded no settlement; for, although the situation of tanpaca is good and healthful, it is far from the sea, so that it takes a fragata five or six days to come up and go down from here. there is no other site of importance, and from now on until things are more settled it is inexpedient to leave this river; i shall therefore postpone such an enterprise until a better opportunity. more than thirty pieces of artillery, although small ones, have been won from the enemy, and more than five hundred boats have been defeated and captured; and up to the time of the peace more than eight hundred people have died or been taken captive. on the twenty-sixth instant the sargento-mayor came down from exploring the great lake. he found upon it a village of eight hundred people, which immediately surrendered peaceably and paid acknowledgment. there were no more in that neighborhood. and as all the people there pay tribute to these people, they denied having any more than a few tinguianes [_i.e.,_ hill people]. when they were told to notify the villages, they said that they could not, for they were at war with them; that this was the boundary of their nation; and that it would take a large body of troops. it could not all be explored on this occasion, because it would take more time than our troops could afford. it is understood that the people of this district are all farmers, and by nature like the vizayans; they have much cotton and wax. this part of the lake is clear, and has a swift current, owing to the strength of the rivers which flow into it, and which have every reason for being populous. we shall examine it soon; the reason for our not doing so this time was that silonga knew that the chiefs and principal men of his party wished to go over to our side, paying tribute and obedience unto his majesty. seeing himself deserted on all sides without them, and that they were all leaving him, he came out of buyahen with a large number of troops and went to the village of dato mindum; and there he cut off their path and kept them all hedged in. the sargento-mayor and the other captains, considering that since he was so bold as to take up a position where he was without fortification, he must have confidence in the number of his troops, and that for some eight days more or less the victories which god has given us up to now should not be spoiled, therefore put off attacking him till they should have a new order from me. accordingly today, the twenty-ninth of the said month, i am sending captain ruy gomez with forty soldiers more, and three hundred friendly indians and more supplies. he has orders to attack the village. we should lose much if the troops came down the river without attacking silonga; the more he has at stake, the more he will lose. for i know the worth and value of a spaniard, and it is not a good thing to hazard them without a great deal of consideration. i hope, god willing, that if the enemy wait they will be badly beaten; and if they flee to the chiefs who wish to go over to our side, that will increase their wish and confirm them in it. thus far no fragata or other ship has arrived except that of the sargento-mayor which i sent back from here, and even if this had remained in zebu, it might have brought word from the lord governor regarding the prosecution of this business. he comes here with no more knowledge than we have; the only thing of which he leaves us in no doubt is that he comes without the means to pay or succor these poor troops. if this be true, i am much astonished at it; and it appears to me that this is afflicting them too much and will give them an occasion to make trouble and rebel some day, taking one of the galleys and the artillery and going where they list, as has already been done in two cases. in the one case a barangay and four soldiers mutinied and went away, no one knows where. although they took an officer, he had no power to prevent them, for they rose in arms against him. the best that he could do was to have them put him ashore and in this way he came back to this fort. the three soldiers who were posted on the galliot which was at vutil conspired and took the small boat and fled. your grace may see, from the eve of the feast, what sort of feast-day may be expected, especially from troops suffering privation and hunger, who do not leave their arms day or night, working for others and receiving no pay. with so small a ration of rice they are ill sustained for any length of time; for the little meat and fish which was sent was so insignificant and arrived in so damaged a condition that there is not enough for eight days. finally, on this ground of pay they would be justified in mutiny. they are seeking all about for food and clothes, which, if they had received the pay, they would not have lacked; and at the same time they could be commanded and obliged to serve and keep the regulations--which are every day broken, and we cannot punish them. another band attempted flight a few days past, one of whom i hanged--although it weighs on my conscience now that i have done it; for, in a sense, they have excuse enough. since i did not shirk it, i inform you of it now, to relieve my conscience, before god and his majesty. while writing this, word came to me from the captains who are up the river, that from the mountain ridge, from a creek called malago, there had come a chief with several peaceful indians. this is worthy of note, since they have come so late, without waiting for a suggestion, since they have never seen our faces, and since they have come many leguas, dressed in clothes of cotton and of medriñaque, which is a good sign. they say that there are many people in their country. i hope, through god, that soon all will render obedience to his majesty, and that every day will give occasion for the report of more gains. may our lord grant your grace many years, and his protection, as i desire. the fortress of tanpaca, january 4, '98. your grace's humble servant, _don juan ronquillo_ report of conditions in the philippines _by antonio de morga_ what is to be said of the condition of affairs in these philipinas islands is as follows: _instruction and instructors of the indians_ 1. the evil example set by the religious through their vices, indecent behavior, gambling, banquets, and festivities. 2. they trade and make a profit in their districts, from rice, wax, wine, gold, boats, fowls, cloth, and deerskins, to the great detriment of the indians, as well as that of the entire country. 3. they deal openly in merchandise of the above-mentioned articles, as well as in those of china, in the trade with nueva españa. 4. they usurp the royal jurisdiction, hearing, according to the due forms of law, suits among the indians. they have stocks, prisons, and place of detention, where they vex, whip, and otherwise afflict the indians, compelling these to obey the laws they themselves make, rather than those of the king's magistrates. 5. they distress the indians by demanding their services as rowers; and contributions of rice, wine, fowls, and other things, with but slight payment, or even none. 6. they employ many more indians than are necessary, who serve in many capacities without pay. 7. they levy many excessive fees for baptisms, weddings, and funerals, and then neglect to reserve the episcopal tax. 8. they erect large churches, houses, and monasteries for only one friar, or at the most for two. they often remodel and rebuild these edifices at a great expense to the royal treasury, encomenderos, and indians. 9. they put forth strenuous efforts to oblige the indians to bequeath at least a third of their gold and wealth to the monasteries, for which gifts they receive more honor at their death, so that others may be roused to do likewise. those who do not thus give are buried like beasts. 10. in the churches alms-boxes and chests are placed, in which they compel both men and women alike to drop their offering each one singly, diminishing their property. 11. they insist on the continual formation of brotherhoods and erection of shrines, so that these may be endowed and adorned and may receive new alms--the indians understanding no more of the matter than the display and ostentation of the offering. 12. every monastery has, usually, a great many festivities, which are all attended by the friars throughout the whole province. these are accompanied by many indians, for the purpose of bearing their hammocks, rowing for them, and acting in other capacities. thus, year after year, the friars go from one village to another, dragging the indians after them, and causing great expense. 13. the religious levy many contributions on the indians for the expense of their festivities, for triumphal arches, castles, and dances. these entertainments are receptions which they compel the indians to tender, as a welcome, to their provincials and priors, to whom breakfasts and dinners are given also. these festivities occur frequently, and are conducted with much worldly show and expense. 14. they are very careful to exact that all the indian girls, especially the young and most beautiful, appear at the gates of the monastery every day. they converse with them, showing partiality to the handsomest among them. when a new prior arrives or any other person for whom the religious wish to make a special display, these indian girls dress themselves carefully and call to see them. besides this, there are other things which it would be offensive to tell. 15. the superiors commonly send young friars of but little education and no very good example to these curacies. their conduct is such that the indians hate them as enemies. thus the indians profit but little by the instruction, and acquire a distaste for the law of god and his gospel. 16. they generally spend their time disputing with the alcaldes-mayor. especially if the latter do not coincide in all their opinions, they persecute and harass them, until they even compel them to leave the country. 17. they accept and encourage complaints and tales by private persons, even though they may be false and unjust; for this enables them to preach to and reprove the people and also the ministers of justice, so that they themselves may be feared and respected. and they do this with great indecorum and license. 18. by means of special study and persistent effort, they strive to participate in government affairs. they desire to have a hand in everything, and to take part in all matters, through the medium of conscience and theology, by means of which they interpret and pick flaws in his majesty's ordinances. but rarely do they allow his orders to be executed, unless quite to their taste and liking. 19. many of them undeniably have contracts with the factors, encomenderos, and known capitalists in the trade with españa. 20. they are attended by a great following of indian boys, who serve as pages and servants. these are well dressed, wearing liveries and gold chains. they carry their hats for them in the streets, while in the monastery they assist them in the cells. each one, however, has his own special servant. 21. these servants, together with other indians whom they have with them, who are taught to play on the guitar and other instruments, are made to dance, execute lively songs and dances, and to sing profane and immodest tunes. thus they entertain their guests, setting a bad example to the indians, without profiting anyone. 22. when they find themselves gainers in wealth, their principal thought is to try to return to españa with their profits. this disturbs many here, for by divers ways and means they endeavor to obtain permission to carry out their design. 23. the orders send many each year, under the pretext that they are going on business for the order. they do not take into consideration that they are needed here, nor the expense to his majesty in sending them. 24. the more spiritual among them try to go to china, xapon, camboxa, and other kingdoms, in order to preach the gospel, unmindful of their duties here, for which they were brought. this anxiety makes them restless, and they invent journeys and conquests which disturb the rulers and the spaniards. all this gives rise to other objectionable things. 25. they will accept no curacy in any province, unless rich enough to suit them. they abandon the rest, so that there are many islands and provinces whose people ask for baptism but are unable to obtain it, for the lack of persons to administer it as well as to impart instruction and to live with the indians to see that they do not apostatize. 26. many of the religious treat the indians very cruelly, just as if they were slaves or dogs. on failure to please, they are beaten, or subjected to any penalty that presents itself, on the pretext that they were remiss in attention to religious instruction. _ecclesiastical judges and prelates_ 27. they meddle with the royal jurisdiction. hitherto they have not been restrained, for they would immediately pronounce excommunication and offer other insults. 28. in the cases tried by them, they practice notorious coercion, insulting the parties to the case, executing all that they decide and determine, whether right or wrong--and all this without having any education, or having any person to guide them. 29. the religious have attorneys who speak both languages, and interpreters, whom they invest with authority, and from whom the indians suffer innumerable offenses and many grievances. 30. their officials and clerks collect excessive fees and do not keep to the fixed rate. 31. although his majesty had ordered no pecuniary fines to be imposed on the indians for any cause or pretext whatsoever, they are compelled to pay fines of gold and reals, which decrease their property and estate. 32. some of the judges are quite at variance with others, especially in regard to conservators; and they excommunicate one another and the town, with considerable offense and scandal. bulls and briefs have been published, unknown to, and not passed or received by, the council. 33. when complaint is made of the excesses and crimes of any ecclesiastic or religious, their superiors do not punish them. on the contrary, saying that it does not befit the dignity of religion to say that they have committed crimes and that they have received punishment, they let the matter drop. 34. the ecclesiastics and religious quietly take away from and add to the instruction at will, and without the supervision of the governor and the ecclesiastical superior, contrary to his majesty's orders. this occasions many difficulties. they do not allow the bishop to visit their curacies, for fear that the injustice of their action will be discovered. _secular government_ 35. negligence and carelessness exist in making the laws, and more in enforcing them, in regard to matters pertaining to the care and advancement of this kingdom, and its good government--and especially to the royal decrees sent by his majesty, most of which are suspended or not effectively observed. 36. concerning provisions and all other necessities for human existence, each one is a law unto himself, does what he pleases, and sells as he wishes, without any fixed price, measure, or system. hence provisions are growing steadily worse and dearer. the natives and chinese trade, bartering and retailing, which, as above stated, results in the injury and high price of provisions, while the merchandise is adulterated or counterfeited. 37. the thorough efforts which are needed are not made to prevent the natives from becoming vagabonds and idlers; and to make them cease to be peddlers and traders for gain. they must be induced to cultivate the soil, make their cloth, and occupy themselves with their different kinds of work, as they did formerly. then the land was more productive and they were better off. 38. it is necessary rigorously to restrict the chinese from going about as they now do among these islands for trade and profit, without any system, robbing the country, enhancing the value of articles, and imparting many bad habits and sins to the natives. they also explore the ports and harbor entrances, and reconnoiter the country, that they may be able to work some injury when occasion offers. 39. it would be very advantageous forcibly to eject all the sangleys who are scattered throughout the islands--namely, those who are protected by the alcaldes-mayor and the religious--because of the money that they take out of the country, and the injury they cause to it. 40. these sangleys should not be allowed to have parians in certain towns of the islands, where there are but few spaniards. the justices harbor them there for their own profit, and the harvests that they gather from them and their ships, as in manila. this might prove very harmful and injurious, and renders it necessary that, at the very least, the ship coming to trade shall dispose of its cargo as quickly as possible, and return to china with all those who came in it. 41. it is only just that, when the sangleys arrive with their ships, they should observe the proclamations issued which prohibit them from bringing many people. penalties should be exacted, and when the sangleys return they should take as many people as they can, thus relieving the country from the many here who are an injury to it. 42. we must endeavor to have them sell the merchandise brought by them from china freely to any person who wishes to buy; and we must see that no advantage is taken of anyone, either in their ships or on land, under severe penalties intended to prevent such acts--from which arise obvious injustice, and the increase of the price of their wares. 43. an order must be given to the chinese to sail early for these islands, so that, during the month of may, their goods shall be sold, and their ships go on the return voyage. this is the best thing, both for the safety of their voyage, and the prevention of so excessive prices on their goods. 44. we must endeavor to have them bring good merchandise, not defective or spurious. as they are an unscrupulous race, they adulterate the goods, which they would not do if they saw that notice was taken of their action, and that the goods that were not up to the standard were burned. 45. all possible care must be taken to prevent their trusting their goods to spaniards, for without knowing them, the sangleys let them have the goods at an enhanced price, without personal security; and afterward the sangleys tire themselves and us in trying to collect the money, so that credit is lost. 46. action should be taken, so that these sangleys should not be afflicted as at present by any judges, constables, and interpreters--who, by various pretexts and calumnies, cheat and rob them, and perpetrate much fraud, coercion, and bribery. 47. the great number of sangley interpreters must be decreased. these serve for no other purpose than to commit innumerable acts of bribery, corruption, and fraud with the chinese. 48. it would be much better for the chinese who become christians not to dress like spaniards. the latter should resume their accustomed labors so that it might not be necessary for many sangleys to remain in the country to perform the needful service. they should cultivate and till the soil, which they do not do at present, because of which arise many bad results. 49. measures must be taken to enforce his majesty's decree, under severe penalties, so that the royal officials, clerks, and guards who register and appraise the merchandise of the sangleys in their vessels, shall not take the goods for themselves, or pick out the best, or give promissory notes. this is very unjust and oppressive. 50. the chinese captains and merchants should be ordered, under penalty of being imprisoned and fined, to bring saltpeter, iron, and other metals, which they have refused to bring of later years, and of which there is great need. 51. when the sangley ships are about to depart, they are ballasted and loaded with lumber. this should be prohibited, for they fell the trees for this, and in a short time there will be a lack of wood here. 52. all the japanese coming hither in their vessels would better be sent back to xapon. not one should be allowed to settle in this kingdom. 53. those already here should be banished to their own country, for they are of no benefit or utility; but, on the contrary, very harmful. 54. on departing, the japanese are wont to take cargoes of silk and gold, which are merchandise intended for xapon. this should not be allowed until the spaniards have made their purchases, for it increases the price of silk. 55. the japanese and chinese strive to take many deerskins as merchandise from these islands to xapon. they hunt for these, and buy them from the indians and even the religious, who give and sell them. this traffic must be stopped, for it is very injurious to the country, as the animals are killed solely for their skins, and thus the supply of game will become exhausted. 56. the flour, biscuits, and wax brought from xapon are suitable commodities for this country. some persons have already become so keen in their plans to dispose of these goods that they buy them by wholesale, store them, and retail them. this must be prohibited, and an order issued to the effect that this state shall be provided and supplied with them at moderate rates. 57. it does not appear that the alcaldes and regidors of manila use their offices to the good of the state, but each for his own private interests. they must be instructed in their duties, and punished for any negligence. 58. there is no system in regard to the provision of beef, for there is no one who is compelled to provide it. what there is, is not properly cleaned. it is not cut, divided, or weighed with equality and fairness. as the regidors and people in authority are the owners of the cattle, they weigh and sell them as they please, without observing any system. 59. there is likely to be a scarcity of rice, for the city does not make the necessary provision for it. those who have this grain--the encomenderos--hoard it and make a profit from it, selling it to the sangleys at high rates; and thus it becomes dear. the same thing is true of fowls. the rate fixed is not observed, and no one takes any pains to enforce it. 60. fish is the most abundant and most general food supply. the indians do not occupy themselves, as formerly, in fishing, but leave this work to the chinese. these avaricious and interested people have raised the prices, an evil that must be restrained and checked. 61. the fishing is done with salambaos, [7] and with fine-meshed nets; with which they block up the bay and kill the small fish. these nets ought not be employed, and the size of the mesh should be regulated so that the supply of fish will not be exhausted; for already experience has demonstrated that they are not so abundant as formerly. 62. we have gardeners and kitchen-gardens now. although there were none before, yet the price of vegetables has increased beyond any former price. this occurs because of the lack of fixed rates, and because a man is kept on guard in the market-place to prevent robbery by the soldiers and other people. now this man allows whatever price the sangleys may name, which results to his profit; for they pay him for it, while he strives only to keep them satisfied. 63. considerable trouble exists here in regard to the current silver money, because the sangleys generally cut and clip it, and because they cut into many pieces the single reals for the trade in small articles, for which formerly they bartered with rice. this truly serious abuse must be corrected by an ordinance. 64. in both the conduct and dress of men and women, unwarrantable extravagance and license exist. rich and poor, and chiefs and common people alike, all wish to dress in fine garments, have their wives carried in chairs attended by pages, have carpets in the churches, and many other unwarrantable luxuries, from which arise many difficulties. as far as possible this condition of affairs must be remedied. 65. in manila the men are accustomed to gamble for enormous and excessive stakes; whatever of this sort is especially objectionable should be corrected. during the visits and intercourse of the women, their chief diversion is to play cards, and more commonly than is becoming to their station. men are admitted to these games, from which might arise greater evils. this matter requires attention. 66. for very just and necessary considerations, the sangleys have not been allowed to sleep in the city. this measure should still be enforced rigorously. 67. there are a great number of indians, both men and women, in the city of manila, who are vagabonds of evil life, living in the houses of the spaniards. their own houses they use for receiving the goods stolen by their slaves, and for their revelries. the spaniards aid them, and thus waste the provisions. they are retailers and secretly buy up the provisions at wholesale. they commit other sins and do much harm, as is notorious. therefore it is necessary that they be expelled from the city and sent to their villages and parishes, and made to work. 68. the country is becoming filled with black slaves and cafres, [8] brought by the portuguese, and these are the worst that the portuguese have. they do a great deal of damage, transgress the law, and will cause the ruin of this city and country; for they rebel at least every year, seize vessels, and take flight, committing many outrages and thefts. it is contrary to the law to bring these slaves, unless very young, but this law is poorly observed. it is advisable to take the measures necessary in this matter. 69. large fires have occurred in the city of manila, and are constantly occurring. although many of the buildings and houses are of stone, still many are made of wood, or of bamboo thatched with leaves of the nipa palm. it was decreed that all be covered with roof tiles, but this law is not rigorously enforced. it is advisable to have this law observed, both to diminish the danger, and for the well-being of the city. 70. the streets of the city are in poor condition, and are very uneven. during the rainy season, they are almost impassable, and should be repaired. 71. in regard to the public works of the city--the cabildo's hall, the prison, and the slaughter-house--they should be constructed as soon as possible, for their absence causes great hardship. 72. the sangleys are buying gardens, estates, and other country property, which may prove harmful. they are also establishing themselves in these lands, and in the houses of some of the orders, contrary to his majesty's ordinance. the small size of this country may render this more harmful than in other countries. 73. monasteries have occupied several of the streets of the city, and a portion of the space between the fortifications and the houses. this needs investigation. 74. in the offices and places of gain belonging to the country, the men employed should be selected with regard to merit and skill, and for no other reason. especially if they are incapable, or excluded by royal decrees, should they be refused employment. 75. the same with regard to the provision for repartimientos and encomiendas of the indians. 76. the people of the country wish to be maintained in peace and justice. they desire the punishment of all crimes, but object, on account of the newness of the country, to penalties which affect property, in the case of insignificant offenses. 77. it is requisite that, in the treatment of their persons, and especially of those who merit consideration, those who are in authority show the people respect, courtesy, and affability. 78. those in authority must avoid having a great following of servants and retainers; and those that they do have they must pay and recompense from their own pockets, and must not bestow on them the offices or profits of the country. this is a very unjust proceeding, as there is not sufficient even for those who serve, because of the small extent of this country. 79. those in authority must refuse to allow such servants and friends to trade and make contracts, and to buy goods at wholesale and to embark in commercial enterprises; because they exercise much coercion and inflict many wrongs--spreading the report that it is on behalf of those in authority. no one, therefore, dares to institute a suit against them. 80. the said relations, servants, and friends of those in authority ought not to be permitted to become regidors or city officials; for besides being incapable of filling such positions, and having no experience in the ways of this country, they only serve to deprive the others who fill these offices of freedom of action, so that no necessary measures can be enacted in their cabildos, if it is at all against the will of those in authority. 81. his majesty's orders, contained in many decrees, to the effect that none but inhabitants of these islands should engage in trade here, must be put into rigid execution, as well as all else in them concerning the inhabitants, for this is the only salvation for the country. 82. in regard to the weight and cargo in the vessels sailing to nueva españa, it is essential that those in authority protect the citizens, since there is but one august and one harvest. they should strive to allow the citizens to pursue their occupations freely and leisurely, and to have the cargo loaded by those only who can justly do so. 83. just as it is requisite to use restraint sometimes, in order to prevent the troops in this land from going on some enterprises, so likewise expeditions and pacifications must be arranged as a means of employing them; for as idlers they gain nothing, nor does the country receive any profit. at other times it is necessary to allow some to return to españa, for thus others will lose their fear of coming to this country. 84. the hospitals, especially that for the spaniards, ought to be greatly favored, as they are the asylums for all the needy. the same is true of the house of santa potenciana. _affairs of war_ 85. those in authority must not give the companies or other garrisons into the charge of their relatives, friends, or servants, especially if they are mere youths and of but little experience. this is a notorious wrong, since there are so many deserving men who are suffering and dying from hunger. 86. every man in the royal garrison must serve in case of war, and none should be excused because of being a relative, servant, or friend, or for any other reason. there are many who are thus excused. 87. the captains and officers ought to be more painstaking in disciplining and drilling their soldiers, and in knowing what arms they possess, and whether they are in good condition. the men should be well treated, disciplined, and thoroughly under control. they should not gamble away or sell their clothes or arms. 88. when a soldier commits any crime for which he merits punishment, his captain must not hide or palliate the offense, in order to save him from prison or from being punished--as is done quite commonly, to the great injury of all. 89. it is indispensable that the walls and fort should be always kept in repair and garrisoned. 90. the same is true in regard to the artillery, of which there should be a good supply, but of which there is at present a great lack. 91. warships ready for any emergency are needed; but at present we have none. 92. there are but few arms in the armory, and those few are rotten and out of order. this need is notorious; and all classes of weapons, especially muskets and arquebuses, must be made. 93. carrying arms out of the country must be prohibited. this is done quite commonly by the portuguese and by the natives, and is a proceeding which causes great injury. 94. gunners are greatly needed, as we have but few of them, and these few do not understand artillery. 95. the artillery is badly mounted, and left exposed to sun and rain. the caissons and wheels are rotted and of no use. balls and cartridges are all mixed up; besides, none of the other supplies are laid out so that they can be used when occasion (much more a sudden emergency) may require. 96. the gunpowder should always be well refined, and stored in different places, and not in one house, in order to prevent accidents. this should be done with the other ammunition. 97. the soldiers' lodgings at the garrison need rebuilding, as they are inadequate to the needs of the men, who will not then suffer their present necessities. also this will do away with their disorderly conduct in the city by day, and especially that at night. 98. it is extremely necessary to adopt some system with regard to payment, so that the soldiers would not squander it in gambling. a portion should be retained and paid out each day for food and clothing. through this lack of system much suffering has resulted, and many soldiers have died. consequently many are unfit to serve. 99. the soldiers should be kept as busy as possible, for in manila they give themselves up to laziness and vice. when most needed, they are found to be undrilled, and so unfit for their work. especially should they be made to go aboard the vessels as often as possible, for in these islands it is very necessary that they go to sea and know how to fight on the water. in fact, this is generally the kind of fighting to be done here. 100. in the other cities and places of these islands, it is necessary that the magistrates and the officers of war should always be on the alert, ready themselves, and their indians also, for any emergency that should arise. they should have ships that would inspire respect; because enemies or corsairs are apt to attack them, with whom they lose time and reputation by not hurrying to encounter them. 101. expeditions and enterprises for pacification or conquest outside of the islands must be scrutinized very carefully. before going on them, it must be understood and determined that those sent on such expeditions must give account and residencia of their duties and methods of procedure. 102. in respect to crimes committed by the soldiers, when these are slight offenses there is but little to register, or little judicial procedure to be observed; but when they are of greater import, and the penalty therefor is severe, it is just that the case be registered and substantiated so that the proper course of justice may be observed, and so that they may be prosecuted in due form of law. _justice_ 103. as for justice, there has been much negligence in punishing public excesses and faults. many things--and some of them of great importance--have been overlooked or covered up. this has led to other irregularities, such as reckless, continual, and fraudulent gambling, and concubinage. 104. from nueva españa many disreputable men, condemned to the galleys, are brought here, and allowed to disembark and go where they will, dressed and armed like the rest of the people. they are not often tried; and not only do they not pay the penalty for their crimes, but even commit other atrocities and crimes here. 105. the ordinary judges are lax in their duties, are not prompt in finishing the business of the advocates, and in fact, neglect this duty greatly. they do not patrol or visit suspected places, nor watch over the government, supplies, and civil affairs of their districts. 106. the chief aim of the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and assistants, is trade. they buy up by wholesale the products of the land, especially rice and other food supplies, exactly as is said above concerning the religious of certain curacies, and their interpreters and helpers. 107. they try old suits of which they cannot know the details, and stir up many suits and processes among the indians, at great expense to the latter. 108. neither they nor their clerks observe the schedule when levying the fees. in their own behalf they afflict and trouble the indians with outrageous requirements, making them cut wood, serve as rowers, and perform other services. 109. the first thing that they do, on entering their provinces, is to lay hands immediately on all the property of the communities, and to use it for their own advantage. when their offices expire, they seldom return the property to the community. 110. if they collect any fines belonging to the royal treasury, or to expenses of justice, they conceal them, keeping no book or account sufficient to enable such fines to be demanded from them. the same is true of the tenths of gold. 111. it is not advantageous for these alcaldes-mayor and corregidors, or their assistants or friends, to receive the royal collections, for they perpetrate numberless frauds and cheats, both against the royal treasury and against the indians; and there is no remedy for this, as they themselves administer justice. they hold the collections in their possession for a long time, trading with them, and the royal treasury is the loser. 112. they leave their provinces when and how they please, without permission of those in authority; and when others are appointed to their offices, they immediately depart, in order not to have their residencia taken. thus they are not to be found in office, and escape being made to give satisfaction for the injuries that they have committed, and being prosecuted by justice. 113. they are not accustomed to obey the commands and orders sent them by their superiors unless these suit them; for this they must be severely rebuked. 114. hitherto their residencias have been decided and taken with all mildness and little investigation, so that they have lost all fear, and dare to lead lives of carelessness and hypocrisy. therefore it would be advantageous to take their residencias more strictly, so that they should live hereafter with care. 115. they do not watch carefully so that the religious shall not usurp their jurisdiction or meddle in matters that do not pertain to them; they do this in order not to have disputes and quarrels with the religious, lest they themselves should not be allowed to live and buy and sell as they please. this is a detriment to the public service. 116. those in authority ought to refrain from asking or requiring the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, etc., to supply them with provisions, or other things from their provinces, even when they pay for them; for, in the name of those in authority, they do the same for themselves, much more and with greater freedom, and to the greater loss of the country. then they lay the blame on the one who ordered it, thus excusing themselves. 117. many are haughty and disrespectful to the religious and ministers of instruction, always inclined to contend and disagree with them. this is also disgraceful and of little profit for any. severe measures must be adopted in this regard. _encomenderos_ 118. they pay no attention to the schedule in the collection of their tributes, and usually practice frauds to violate it. 119. they collect tribute from minor indians, and from the aged, the lame, the poor, the dead, and the fugitive--their oppressions in this respect being well known. 120. they employ the indians in building houses and large vessels, grinding rice, cutting wood, and carrying it all to their houses and to manila; and then pay them little or nothing for their labor. they use them also for their own work for many days without pay. 121. they themselves administer justice in their village, arresting and whipping their indians during the collection of the tribute, besides committing other notorious acts of violence. 122. they pay but little attention to the instruction of the indians or anything pertaining to it. they pay grudgingly the stipends of their curacies, as well as the money for the building and adornment of churches. in this regard they are at continual variance with the ministers, and the indians are the losers by it. 123. although not authorized to remain in their villages longer than to collect the tribute, they go to and live in them at many other times. this proves a great burden to the indians, because of the annoyances, and the requirements of services and contributions with which they afflict them, and which constitute the only purpose of their going. 124. at other times they send collectors, who are very unworthy and have no compassion on the cause of the indians, whom they afflict and maltreat worse even than do their masters, and do them more harm. in most cases, these collectors are not approved by those in authority, nor do they, bear permission from them. 125. they dispute and quarrel with the magistrates on slight pretexts, and incite their indians not to obey them or listen to their summons. this they do quite commonly, whenever they fail to find the judges unwilling to shield them in whatever they choose to do in their encomiendas. if they act in harmony, it generally means more injury to the wretched indians. _the royal estate_ 126. these encomenderos conceal in great part the amount of the tributes collected by them, and show only partial lists of the collections. usually they retain the amount in their own hands for a long time, before bringing it to the treasury. 127. the most important thing here is the royal treasury, for on it all the people of the islands depend; yet it receives the least care and the poorest management. 128. there is little thought given to ensure its increase, or to prevent its decrease. there has been a great falling off in the matter of tributes, tenths of gold, and other taxes that belong to it. some excellent provisions for its management were ordered in the past, but are neither carried out nor even considered. 129. the royal officials have no statutes for their guidance, beyond some decrees of the governors, which do not cover all the requirements of their offices. 130. the royal books are not kept with the requisite clearness and system. entries are not set down with exactness, or at the right time. the officials commonly use loose memoranda, which may give rise to much loss, although it may not be fraudulent. 131. all the officials do not go over the work. on the contrary, many different matters are put in charge of one alone, such as the collections of the duties and other things, account of which is rendered to the treasury after a long time. in the meantime the treasury is the loser. 132. the officials very often receive royal property at their residences without passing it in to the treasury. they use it to suit themselves. 133. the notary of the exchequer is not present when money is paid to or from the treasury, and it is done without him, contrary to his majesty's commands. this may give opportunity for wrong and fraud. 134. in order to accommodate individual debtors to the treasury, orders and notes are often received on account for the payment, and then they try to realize on them. 135. they have been seen to receive into their houses, from collectors and others who were bringing goods to the treasury, great amounts thereof, which they employ in their own affairs and needs, not depositing them in the treasury for a long time. 136. they have used the royal tributes of rice, wine, gold, and cloth in the same way. 137. the royal warehouses were entirely under the control of the factor for a long time, with less assurance of safety than if they were under the control of all three officials. some time ago, they were put under control of all three, but these have entrusted the keys to three servants or followers. this arrangement, far from increasing the royal estate, is an excuse for them to draw pay from the royal treasury; and it does not satisfactorily fulfil the royal intention--namely, that these officials should carry the keys on their own persons, in order to avoid all damage and loss to the royal stores. 138. there is little interest taken in selling and administrating the goods in the storehouses before they are spoiled, as has been the case with much of their contents. 139. the timely use of rice and other supplies, and the cutting of wood for the ships is not considered. this necessitates greater cost and damage afterwards. 140. in the expenditure for repairing ships and other royal vessels made in cavite, there has been spent much more than appears by master de ribera's statement, which was verified only by his word and oath. this is a very extensive scheme, in which there may have been considerable loss and fraud between the factor and master de ribera, because the expense has been very heavy and is not clearly stated. 141. galleys, vireys, caracoas, fragatas, and other royal vessels have been lost because of inadequate shelter. 142. there are many places in which are employed sailors, gunners, calkers, coopers, and other seafaring men, who are superfluous, unnecessary, and of no service. they create notorious expense and are maintained in these employments on account of being servants, relatives, and friends of those in authority. 143. there are many sinecures and gratuities given by those in authority, which are enjoyed by officials, clerks, officials of the accounts, and royal officials--all without his majesty's orders and contrary to his intention. 144. many soldiers enlisted are excused from service for private reasons. 145. there are many more captains and their officers in the camp than is necessary. these cause a useless expense and waste, and this is a matter requiring reform. 146. many draw salaries as commanders and captains of galleys, when there are no galleys; and some as knights of the city, who do not serve in its defense, and of whom there is no necessity. 147. the governors of the forts of nuestra señora de guia and santiago draw larger salaries than his majesty ordered. 148. the consignments made by the king to his treasury are confused with other payments. 149. but little care is exercised in collecting all the royal dues from the vessels coming from españa, because they are always laden beyond the appraisal. the same is true in regard to freight and the dues on the money coming from españa, more of which always comes than the register shows. 150. the collectors sent to make the collections for the royal treasury and those of the tributes do not usually bring them in promptly; and they perpetrate many frauds and injuries, so that each time the collections are smaller. sometimes it has been observed that they retain the money collected, and that with the knowledge of the officials themselves, because they are favorites of the latter. 151. many times they delay making the final account of the debtors to the royal treasury, and fail to collect the balance of their debts, on account of private considerations. 152. there are many old debts that the treasury owes, the payment of which is unavoidably suspended. to cancel these it will be necessary to send to the treasury of mexico for the deficiency, with the required authorization. 153. likewise, as the salaries and expenses have already accumulated to a considerable sum, we must perforce send, each year, to the said treasury of mexico for the means to pay it all when due. _the navigation to españa_ 154. the giving of positions on the trading ships of the nueva españa route is a great detriment to the country. in the first place this advantage is enjoyed by those who have not served in this land, thus depriving of it those who have served. 155. as persons who have no compassion on the citizens of this country, they busy themselves only for their own interests, and not for the good of the country. 156. many of those in the naval and military service come here who are useless and troublesome. this is a great expense to the king, and all to no purpose. 157. the soldiers come naked, unarmed, and starving, because their captains have only tried to cheat them. 158. the ships return loaded with the investments of the officers of the ships. besides their own goods, they have been entrusted with large commissions and trusts in mexico, which they execute and fulfil to the great deprivation of this country. they receive excessive salaries all the time until their return to españa, which might be dispensed with if they were officials of these islands. 159. after they depart for nueva españa with their vessels, then for greater comfort and the better stowing of their merchandise, they throw overboard the goods of our citizens, without any necessity. this they do without any feeling of compassion for the many whom they ruin. it makes no difference to them, for they are going where they cannot be proceeded against, and where it is impossible to follow them. 160. usually those who come in those positions are relatives and servants of the viceroy of nueva españa. they are mere youths and have no experience in their duties. innumerable frauds and injuries are perpetrated in the despatch of the vessels at acapulco, of which i shall not speak in detail, for that one point alone would require a great deal of paper. manila, june 8, 1598. _don antonio de morga_ recommendations as to reforms needed in the islands _the inspection, as will be related_ it is very necessary and important, sire, that your majesty be pleased not to entrust the inspection of encomenderos, magistrates, and collectors in this country to persons who, after the completion of their commission, must remain and live in the country as subjects--who, on that account, would be forced to proceed timidly and with a view to what might be done by persons who have been punished and feel resentment. nor, after the inspection is finished, should the inspector remain among friends or enemies who have much or little property. neither should he remain with those of whom there is any doubt. they are fortunate if they are such men as are suitable for this task, and if they proceed with rectitude, rigor, and example, and with zeal for the glory of god, the service of your majesty, the welfare of this country, with a christian and disinterested heart. since the above qualities are clearly in accordance with the necessity and condition of affairs, sire, it is very necessary that he who makes the inspection for reform should possess them. on the other hand, since it is very difficult to find such a man among the laymen in this country and region--where the majority of those who live or come here care only for their own plans and individual interests, the increase of their possessions, and other things of much harm (so that many suffer themselves to be led by others), and from which it is advisable that those who exercise so necessary and important a duty be free--i do not know, sire, what remedy can be expected; because the governor is called upon to select fit inspectors from this country. this is something that never will be achieved; and this condition of affairs will be perhaps a cause of greater loss, ruin, and offense, unless your majesty, with your most christian and royal heart, shall be pleased to render this matter safe, and entrust the inspection to the prelates themselves, so that each one will make it every two or three years in his bishopric and district. in fine, sire, considering the pain and grief that they suffer at seeing the great loss and ruin of things, and the wrongs inflicted upon this wretched people; and, on the other hand, their obligation to endeavor to set things right, in case there should be added the authority therefor, should your majesty be pleased to grant the inspection to them--considering all these things, and also their experience of the conditions of the country (which is very important, since they are servants of our lord and fearless men, who will not proceed with the same timidity and cautiousness as others), there is no doubt that they will be able to bring matters into a clearer light, to advise your majesty, and to effect great reforms. at the same time the indians will conduct their suits with greater tranquillity, security, and confidence, and at less cost. this is not much to ask, since your majesty is pleased to entrust special matters and the inspection of a viceroy of nueva españa to a bishop; and the same should be done with those which are of so much greater importance, and concern so greatly the glory and service of god, and of your majesty, the common welfare of these districts (rightly so favored by your majesty), and the alleviation and consolation of their wretched people, whom god has placed under your majesty's royal protection. it is true, however, that as far as this matter of inspection is concerned, i once suggested, among other matters, that it should be entrusted to specially chosen private persons; but, when i wrote to that effect, your majesty had not appointed any bishops or audiencia for this country. therefore it was what seemed perhaps most advisable, considering the condition of affairs, and the employment of the governor and his lieutenant-governor in the government and in matters of importance so that they could not attend to it; and there was no other more advisable method to be discerned. even by this method it has always been very difficult to find men of such qualities as the case demands. however, now that our lord has been pleased that your majesty appoint prelates for this kingdom--a most useful thing for it--it is evidently most advisable that they should have charge of the inspection because of their experience and the great need of a provision for these matters. in very grave cases, they could be accompanied by some auditor, if necessary. and if your majesty should not wish the prelates to make the inspection, at least the inspector should be no other than an auditor, and he should have a good salary with fees at the cost of culprits. this is essential to produce the desired effect. but this last method would cause greater delay and dangerous annoyances to the natives, because of certain reasons and causes vexatious to them; for the auditor could inspect in one year and summer but one province, and in that would not be doing little. the next year he would have to visit another province, and so on, until he had finished the whole country. but if the bishops act as inspectors inasmuch as they have to go through their bishoprics annually, each one in his own district, the inspection would be completed in one year, and very comfortably and conveniently, especially for the indians. this would not be the case, were the inspection made by others. to give the reasons for the aforesaid, as ought to be done, so that your majesty may be pleased to order it, much space would be needed; and there are many evidences and proofs that the present is the worst plan, because of the great offenses and annoyances it has caused, as is well known. and on the other hand this is what proves best how advisable is the latter method, and how necessary are such special expedients, even though they should be extraordinary, since the necessity and wrongs are so. i shall not go into details concerning this lest i go beyond bounds. but i shall only refer to one advantage in addition to the above, in having the bishops act as inspectors--namely, the respect that the governor will have for them, and his abstaining from interfering with them in some measures that may be desirable to adopt. if he were to attempt, by importunity or pressure of any kind, thus to interfere with other inspectors (as he could more easily, inasmuch as they would have to proceed with greater caution and obsequiousness), the result might be very harmful. _that there be fewer offices, and more extensive jurisdictions, and that there be no assistants. it is advisable to read this section thoroughly._ there is much to say why there should be fewer offices, because of the great vexations, offenses, and insults endured by these natives, as many of the offices are not properly exercised. they should be thus exercised; for since they are not, and since the indians look upon those who are given and appointed as magistrates for them, and for their welfare and protection (who by right should be the best men), and behold in these same men so much license, wrong, and evil example, what can they think and believe about the others, and about the law that is preached and taught to them? since they see that it is not kept, but only broken over and over again by us, the very ones who profess it and teach it to them. it is apposite to mention that when one cagayan indian was trying to persuade another indian to become a christian, and was declaring the blessings to be derived from it, the latter answered to his arguments: "bah! the castilians have no better sense than we have; since they act as they do, and do not observe that law; say nothing more about it." or they say: "that law must be only for the fathers." in this way great offenses and things displeasing to god follow, and offense to his law and gospel, so that it is held in odium and seems evil to these natives, just after it has been preached to them with so great moral example and sanctity of life--the true preaching that moves and converts this race. they do not recognize or know that the fault is not in the law, nor can it be attributed to it, but to those who do not observe it, because of their necessities--or rather their baseness, vileness, and greed which they excuse under the name of poverty and lack of support. therefore, a great part of the reformation in this matter--which is so important, and demands reformation, but without having it--will be effected by having fewer offices and larger jurisdictions. this is advisable and necessary for the removal of many great wrongs--offenses against our lord, and harm to the natives. but if the contrary is done, and things continue as at present, more troubles have followed and will continue to follow each day that this reformation is delayed; for it will be, as says the proverb, like rain upon wet ground. following upon the continual oppression, grievances, and other injuries received because of the abuse, greed, and audacity of these wrongdoers, and the trifling punishment inflicted upon those who have perpetrated these misdeeds, and exhausted, as is notorious, the natives, the present injuries, although fewer, will be felt more severely, because of the distress, need, and wretchedness in which things are, and to which they have come. our only hope is in the law and charity of god, and in the will of your majesty constraining them to remedy the above, as well as in the tolerance and mercy of our lord in preserving this country and island by saving therein those whom he has chosen for himself. he has not chosen them for us spaniards, by whose offenses, great greed, and evil examples, so contrary to the good of society and to the gospel, his divine majesty is not pleased; nor does he permit so many offenses for the sake of those who commit them, or to the end that there should be no amendment of them. but even if no attention should be given to anything but worldly gain alone, which we love so much, yet even to keep some of this wretched race, we must see to their way of life, so that they may not perish and die as happened to so great a multitude of people in sancto domingo. it is well to be warned by this example, and to notice how much diminished, reduced, and changed are things here now, and are tending to be, in comparison with their former condition--as is well known to those who have an experience of both past and present conditions. therefore, if the indians are not allowed to take breath, and do not receive some relief, they must necessarily feel the burden more and more each day; for we permit land, though it be arable and fitted to be sown and reaped, to lie fallow, and do not exhaust it year after year. how much more with sentient human beings; for either they will endeavor to be rid of the burden (as, without citing other cases, was attempted but lately in cagayan), or they will perish under it, for it will compass their ruin, and we ourselves shall feel the want of them, as is plainly evident. this has been clearly manifested on the one hand, in the diminution of tributes, the great wretchedness, and the many deaths among the natives in ylocos and other districts; and on the other hand in the scarcity and dearness of that which can least easily be dispensed with, and which is most essential--namely, rice and food supplies. although these advance to outrageous prices from year to year, yet even so the necessary amount cannot be obtained, and there is a deficit both for your majesty's service and for individuals, whether rich or poor; and, in short, for both spaniards and natives. the latter are the ones who can endure the scarcity least, for among them result from it great want, slavery, sickness, and many deaths. since things are come to such a pass, much heed must be given to the importance of reform, and to what may be feared if there is none. therefore, in order that a reform be instituted, two things, sire, are extremely needful: first, the wise appointment and choice of men for the offices--including with this what is by far the most essential point, and the absence of which is most felt, severe punishment for delinquent officials; and second, that the superfluous and unnecessary officials should be dismissed, for thus there will be fewer to plunder and offend these new and tender plants. these evil acts constitute a great hindrance to the increase of this harvest so pleasing to god, and so much sought after by your majesty. the harvest would be greater, were there fewer evil acts and more virtue in these regions. besides, if the offices were few it would be easier to find the needed few with the good qualities requisite for these offices than to find such persons to fill so many offices as there are at present. then too, fewer abuses and injuries, and less ill-feeling among the natives, will result from fewer appointments and selections, because those who cause resentment among the natives will be fewer, particularly in regard to offices and tax assessments, among others; for as a result of the larger jurisdictions, there will be a smaller amount of relationship with the individual indians. also, the governor could furnish and provide honorably for certain men of merit and desert in certain of these offices, increasing their salaries from the extinguished offices, so that they may fulfil their obligations and carry out their orders with greater advantage and profit to themselves, and without harm to the natives. likewise the curtailing of certain salaries will be advantageous to your majesty's treasury, by reducing its standing expenditures and requirements. the present salary of an alcalde-mayor is three hundred pesos, while a deputy receives one hundred pesos. if one hundred pesos were added to the salary of each of the former, these amounts would be sufficient for a moderate ease and competency, and would obviate the temptations of greed to men who are sensible and upright; and it might be easier to appoint and select such men, if there is pay and gratuity, so that those may receive a salary who have served, and not those who came to get office. whoever not satisfied with this, wishes an office, let him change his manner of living and remove the obstacles so that an office may be given him; and if not, then let him attribute the blame to himself. it might even be a means to cause many, by consideration or desire of an office, to moderate and relinquish their excesses if there were a punishment for them, and a reward for well doing; and if offices among the natives were not bestowed upon those who commit excesses, even if they have served, but only to those who live in a christian manner, without offense and harm to the natives. likewise, it is a very pernicious practice to provide offices in a haphazard manner, for services alone, or as a source of gain to those who get them simply by favor, and have no merits or have performed no service. this means giving office to one who has no capacity for its administration, and no judgment of matters. some of them have never learned or been accustomed to do anything but fire an arquebus, and perhaps have habitually lived in great license and poverty. such enter upon their offices unprovided with virtue, but in a state of need and ignorance, and with a greed for becoming rich; and this causes much grief, misery, and trouble. the result is that such a person has to try and hear suits and causes; and many of those which arise among these natives are wont to cause perplexity in their determination and sentence, even to some men of experience and judgment. thus the office is heedlessly vested in one who does not know or understand how to grant, or deprive of, liberty and possessions by his opinion and judgment. and although there is a superior judge to whom appeal may be made, and who may undo errors and wrongs, it is not done, nor can it be done with the same ease. appeal involves expense and trouble, and a long journey to manila that the indians must make to ask for their rights, obliging them to leave their houses and fields--a very troublesome and injurious thing for them. they are often unaware that appeal can be made; or they do not dare to go, or they look for no relief. so all this wrong continues. on account of these reasons and arguments, it is advisable not to bestow posts among the natives as a reward for services alone, upon men who are lacking in the virtue and good example so necessary to all in these regions; and especially to those who should serve as magistrates, and hold offices in this country, where the divine majesty and your majesty can be so well served, in case men fill those offices with some little uprightness and decency of life. in what pertains to and in what i say upon the subject of deputies and to giving them a salary in addition, that is in case it is your majesty's pleasure to have such officers. but it would be better not to do this, for it means two alcaldes-mayor and two notaries in one jurisdiction, since each of those officers has his deputy and other officials, all of whom have to eat, or rather to rob. of a truth, it will be sufficient for the alcalde-mayor alone to be rewarded and to live commodiously in his office, if he does his duty. but if he does not do his duty, and has in addition a deputy and officials, and both have friends, all this is showered down upon the indians, and they pay it, with their sufferings, because they have to supply the sustenance and gain of all. it would be much better for all that, if two hundred pesos are required for the needless deputies, one hundred of this amount should be given to an honest alcalde-mayor, while the other hundred would be saved for your majesty's treasury. above all, the great evils would be done away with which result from having deputies among a harassed and wretched race--and that, too, in so narrow jurisdictions that the alcalde-mayor is able to visit them alone, and go now to one part, and again to another. this would produce greater ease and convenience for the indians for various reasons, which are not here stated in order not to prolong this subject. therefore i conclude it by saying that the dismissal of the deputies, and the reduction of the number of alcaldes-mayor and corregidors, are most necessary for many reasons. there is only one objection that might be considered in this matter, but it is not for the service of god and your majesty to abandon what is of so much import for this country on account of it. that objection is that there would not be so many posts and offices for claimants, and for the governors to provide and supply people with. but as for this, it has been said that for those who have served and merit reward there would be appointments and rewards--and for others too, in the offices left. hence, even if the deputies be dismissed, and the number of offices be reduced, your majesty has not suppressed opportunities or posts for rewards, but exchanged them; so that anyone who ought to receive a deputyship or corregidorship would have a better allowance and reward, and more gain, without so much trouble and loss--even for the very persons who hold them, because for many this reformation is a sentence. what your majesty suppresses by this method and plan is only sins, offenses against the service of god and of your majesty, and great wrongs inflicted on these natives. this is the most christian and royal design of your majesty. whichever is most advisable should be enacted now; namely, that there be or be not rewards, at your majesty's pleasure. _that there should be a city storehouse and granary_ that there should be a city storehouse and granary, wherein should be stored annually thirty or forty thousand fanegas of rice in the hull, so that it may keep longer--which cleaned would amount to half as much--besides a quantity of wine, vinegar, and oil. at the very least, it is advisable to store the rice in this way, in preparation for a siege or the coming of an enemy, or for any expedition that should be undertaken. if these supplies are thus kept in store, the harassing of the natives on such occasions to obtain a supply of provisions will be unnecessary and will be prevented. without this store, the demand might come at a time when the natives might suffer great wrongs and injuries, because such events are irregular, and might occur at a season when the natives have not enough for their own sustenance and for seed. this would cause great wretchedness, and would be the occasion of famine, disease, slavery, or mortality among the natives. besides, the prices are not as a general thing so regulated, upon such an opportunity and occasion, as to do the natives no wrong in that matter also. this provision will be of great advantage, convenience, and saving of time in making expeditions, besides serving generally as a source of food-supply for this community, in any necessity or famine that may arise, and as an aid to the indians, when they are in need. this will be of great aid to them, and they will be profited and edified to find themselves aided and helped in their necessities and famines. this rice must be gathered at harvest time, as it is cheaper at that time, and can be obtained more easily and with less hardship to the natives, if sent in sacks from the districts having the best crops and where it is easiest to obtain it. and every year the rice in storage can be renewed with ease and profit, by selling it and buying other new rice at the season for it. on account of the little public property of the community, and the need in which it was, it has been impossible to do this; but now it has a great deal of public property that has been granted it, and an income with which to do this. the money will be better and more wisely spent on this than on other things not so necessary and advantageous to the common welfare, and to the service of god and of your majesty. _concerning collectors, and a protector of the indians_ it is also very advisable that the collectors of encomiendas be persons approved by the archbishop as protector of the indians, and appointed by the governor. your majesty should order them very straitly to seek and appoint the men best qualified as collectors. if, on the one hand, such men are appointed, and, on the other, are registered and approved by the archbishop, a great and special blessing and the remedy of great wrongs, thefts, and offenses against our lord and the service of your majesty will result. these i shall not specify, lest i be prolix. besides the above, it is very necessary that the lay protector of the natives be also chosen by the archbishop and governor, and that he may not be removed or disqualified from his office except for known remissness and guilt, nor allowed to keep it if he is guilty. he should have a good salary in return for his labors, his attention to the laws, and the necessity that he is under of opposing many influential men. and although the salary is assigned already, it is likewise desirable that he be very much favored in his office by the governor, so that he may petition and procure the good of the indians with greater resolution and freedom. above all, it is advisable that the chief protector be the archbishop, and each bishop in his bishopric. _wages of the natives_ it is also necessary and important for your majesty to order the officials of your treasury to entrust and send the wages of the indians, for any services for your majesty ordered to be performed by them--such as the cutting of wood, the carrying of other things, and personal services performed by the natives, or given by them--to men worthy of confidence and trust. it should be sent to residents of the same districts where the services are ordered to be performed, particularly if the district is somewhat remote and distant. for if the pay is not thus sent, those who did the work suffer, and, as a rule, do not get it. the cause of this is, that those who perform these services generally live at a distance from manila; and by not coming to the city, but waiting until they are paid, without leaving their homes, wives, and fields, they allow themselves to lose it. many come too, but are not paid even then, which is the cause of great harm. loss results also because generally certain persons perform the services, while others conduct the affair here. since they thus remain at home without coming to manila for their pay (as is the quite general practice), and send a chief to collect it for them, before the latter gets it and the pay is turned over to those who performed the service, a long time elapses, and they may even never get it. for sometimes the chiefs keep it, or give it for some pious object, at the instigation or persuasion of the religious, and to gratify the latter at the expense of another's toil and of the poor--who, although they would rather have their pay than give it away, do not dare to complain, as the chiefs, to whom they are very subject, are concerned in the matter. thus in order not to offend them or the father, or for other reasons, it comes to pass that the poor wretches do not enjoy the fruit of their labor. in like manner, it is advisable for your majesty to order straitly that the many who are conscripted for these services, expeditions, and ordinary works, from tondo and the environs of manila, at great cost and expense to them, be paid immediately; for their pay is due them for a long time, and is postponed and delayed for many days, to their great vexation, loss, and annoyance, and even to the extent of being a public offense. _that there should be a reward for old soldiers who have served and have no remuneration, besides others who are of rank, or who have served in other places, or who come to these regions to serve._ there should be something to reward old soldiers who are not remunerated, and are in need, besides the other persons enumerated above, who come here and, because of not having been here so long as others, appear to be excluded from the offices and advantages of the country. there are but few offices, while there are many to fill them, and as many offices as are sought can not be found, although the men appear to merit them. this is one of the very necessary matters in this country, and requires your majesty's attention; or else, inasmuch as it is most important and of great moment, that god and your majesty may be well served in this land, the governor might be empowered to appoint to offices those who should exercise them, as is most fitting. it is a great and necessary advantage for your majesty to provide this in the manner and by the person most pleasing to you. i see very well that a governor must be appointed with liberal authority, not only in this, but in other matters that demand it. but, in this matter of remuneration and gratifications, it has occurred to me, that troubles might ensue if the governor were to distribute rewards and gratifications entirely as seemed best to him, and to whom he wished. hence i say that, although it is advisable and necessary for your majesty to appoint such a person, and very requisite that you should be able to trust that matter to him, besides many others, still in this case, the number of persons to be appointed might be assigned and limited. thus he could not do more than is necessary and advisable, and might appoint only those who merit such advantage and reward by their services and good qualities, and not others in whom he finds any lack of these things, or whom he appoints from other less weighty and just considerations. and as to what quantity and from what fund these rewards and gratifications should be given, i think that they should be given from what is collected in mexico from the duties and freight-charges on ships sailing from this country, which are never returned here. your majesty could command them to be brought here annually for this purpose, without any deficit or abatement; or the half of them, or the equivalent of that which is collected here, for the pay of the soldiers. in order to give these gratifications and rewards, in regard to the amount, i think that eight or ten thousand pesos annually would suffice. but it should be considered that there are many who have served, and that this country is already settled; and that many persons of rank, who have served in other places, are coming to it, or are to continue serving your majesty here, and come for such continuation of service, and for whatever occasions are of great moment, importance, and need. and inasmuch as these opportunities are often postponed or delayed for good reasons, and are not offered immediately; and inasmuch as those who come, and almost all the others of this country, who are not already provided, always desire these opportunities--therefore it is needful and important to have the means with which to remunerate them. for if the contrary is done, many great troubles will follow, so that, finding themselves without occupation, and at the same time without any profit and sustenance, and no place whence to hope for it, they become querulous, low-spirited, and even desperate. from this condition follow many other evils--among which, with many that i do not name, is the one of affirming that to better their condition they must return and leave this country. this causes others to do the same thing, and not to come here, because of what they hear of the country. accordingly this country, being thus defamed, is coming to be regarded as a place of exile and punishment for crimes; and, as to such a land, they are sending here men whom it would be to the good service of god and your majesty to punish there, and never to let them set foot in a land where sanctity, virtue, and good example are so much needed. and so harmful are the many evils here in this new plant and vine of the lord, that thus, sire, it is advisable that there be rewards and gratifications, at the least to the sum above named, and in the form most pleasing to your majesty, or in the following mode. let your majesty order ten posts to be provided, of the value of one hundred and fifty pesos apiece, for men of moderate rank who have served well, and are unmarried; another ten posts, of two hundred pesos apiece, for others who, besides having performed good service, and being deserving men, are in greater need because of being burdened with a wife and children and a household; and another ten posts, with three hundred and fifty pesos apiece, for other men, who have performed greater duties and services. still another ten posts, with three hundred and fifty pesos apiece, should be set aside for men of rank and service, who are not remunerated or employed, and have served, in either these or other regions; and who come hither, as aforesaid, with the desire of continuing in your majesty's service, and who are in need--either by reason of not having provision for so many, or because of the short time that they have spent here. these last complain much, and beg that something be given them, or that they be given employment, for they think that they are deprived of it. therefore i beg that your majesty will command this, as it is of so great importance, and a matter by which god and your majesty will be so well served. thus these men will be kept in hope, and come here willingly, with the resolution to serve upon all occasions that arise; while others will be incited to come to these regions, and to serve in them, by the knowledge of this provision. and if some of these men should go upon expeditions, or be given employment in other greater things, others will take their places and posts. in this way the governor will be able to provide and remunerate those for whom there are no judicial posts to be given. also this plan will do away with annoyance to the governor, and even the danger that, if this plan be not followed, he might be persuaded or incited, by the importunity of claimants, to make appointments differently from what is advisable. it will be well to specify and note that such rewards and gratifications are not to be given only to those who have spent years of service in the country; for some have been engaged for the most part in making collections in the encomiendas and in services that can be paid and rewarded with very little, and perhaps they even deserve punishment rather than reward, for some of their actions. thus the appointments should be given to those of the greatest merit. _that the soldiers' pay be increased, and that it be paid them punctually, three times a year, on the expiration of the time, and without any delay; and that, whether it be increased or not, an order be issued to give, as shall be declared, one meal per day to poor and wretched spaniards and soldiers who are without it. from this follows what shall be declared in regard to it. it is advisable to read this entire section_. it is very desirable and necessary that the pay of the soldiers be increased, for they suffer the utmost poverty and want with their pay of but six pesos; for the country is so expensive and so needy that they can in no manner be fed or clothed as is fitting. this is necessary so that the spirit and honor of the soldiers may be kept constant, and so that they may not be debased and humbled to the low condition of becoming pages to women throughout the year. this fits the name of soldiers of your majesty very ill, and many of them are now thus engaged. this is permitted to them and tolerated because of their poverty; for when it is seen and regarded close at hand, greater compassion and pity are felt for them. another cause for connivance and gentle treatment is the danger that they may commit other greater wrongs in the way of theft and violence, to which need is wont to incline and constrain men--and there is enough of such things. there is also danger of their flight and desertion for fear of punishment; and thus by being punished, the soldiery may be lost, and the forces lessened and made useless. [after making all allowances,] ordinarily there are plenty of them who require punishment, and more than get it, in proportion to the universal need and poverty. because of these things, the raising of the pay is very important, as is also a provision for additions to it, so that the companies may be kept intact and respectable. for, if they have these, then respectable young men who are in this country, and who now are leaving it, will serve gladly. they now come usually on the footing of mercenaries, because of their small means, and finally leave the islands--only those remaining who are worthless and of no account, and even of them but few. in other districts where there is no lack and need of people as here, they ought to consent. _that the one hundred and fifteen pesos given to the soldiers in mexico be reckoned only up to the time of their arrival at the port of cavite, and that thenceforth their ordinary pay be given them_. this is as indispensable and needful as the matter of the pay and means of profit, and even more so; for if this be not done, it will be and serve for nothing else than to waste your majesty's royal estate, without any results for the expense--namely, the colonization, increase, and defense of this country. rather the very opposite in a certain way results; and to say so is no exaggeration, but truth. for they arrive at cavite after a three months' voyage, and without a _blanca_ [9] in a new land, which is much less comfortable than mexico, which they have left. then in the space of nineteen months they receive not one real of pay or remuneration, until after they have served out the one hundred and fifteen pesos. this causes them to suffer such want and wretchedness that i can not tell it. so many evils and wrongs are caused that is a pity and shame to recount them. the result is that their need abases and lowers (or rather forces) many of them to commit thefts and other misdemeanors as bad, and worse, which i shall not name out of the respect due your majesty. they also marry the indian women, so that the latter may supply their necessities; but the indian women themselves do not possess those things. and most usually there is great danger and risk of offenses against god, and of the discrediting of the spanish name and nation. one other great harm follows from the above, and it is of great moment. this is the slight credit and little esteem accorded to the soldiers by these sangleys, japanese, and other peoples--and, consequently or jointly with them, by ourselves--since they behold them naked, ill clad, and worse conducted. the behavior of some, as i have said, is of such a nature that out of respect i shall not name their vices; but their actions and manners are a cause for sorrow. it results and springs from this need that the soldiers are a torment and a vexation to the community; and they become obnoxious to, and are little liked and less esteemed by, the inhabitants; for they are generally seen at the doors of the people begging for aid in their need and poverty. it is a grief to consider and see every one of these things--and the more so, as they are so just. and they are felt much more by those who, with love and zeal for the glory of god, care for and desire his service and that of your majesty, the welfare and increase of these lands, and the reputation of our nation. of a certainty this last is being ruined and lost more and more daily. the remedy for these evils is the increase of the pay, and provision for additions to it; and a decree by your majesty that the one hundred and fifteen pesos be regarded as a gratuity provided until the arrival of the soldiers at cavite. only the half of this sum should be given the soldiers in mexico for their clothes, while the other half should be kept back until their arrival at the said port, without giving them any of it. this will be of much greater utility than giving them all the pay in mexico; for, if all is given them, most of it goes in gambling, and whatever is left is lost and wasted at sea. the captain of the vessel and crew becomes rich by means of the quantities of playing-cards and other schemes to drain the poor wretches of all their money. on this account they are wont to arrive at the port, naked, ragged, and in such a condition that it is a pity, shame, and grievous thing to see them. and if, beside this, they do not receive any pay for many months, let your majesty consider and examine the tendency of such things, so that god and your majesty may be served, this country increased and settled, and our nation esteemed. as things are now the rule is quite to the contrary; and matters are in such a state that respectable and honorable men have no desire to become soldiers, but only mestizos and the scum of the people enlist. in the year ninety-four a great many of these latter came hither. would to god that they had no come in so great numbers, on account of both their poverty and their evil habits. all of this will be checked, or at least greatly remedied, by the course above mentioned, and by keeping back one-half of their pay. with that half, they could clothe themselves very comfortably, because at the time of their arrival, the chinese have come here with their merchandise; and clothing is very cheap then, and to be had at moderate prices. in this way they will be well dressed when they come here, and will be considered, feared, and respected by these barbarians, and even by ourselves. then too, your majesty will have more soldiers; for, although they are not increased in respect to their number, this plan will succeed in taking from them the causes for which they so quickly desert, and their numbers are lessened. these causes are punishments, and in a certain manner, the sickness and wretchedness that they suffer--from which, together with the ordinary hardships and the recklessness of some, many die. it is advisable to bring the arms here on the account of your majesty, and not deliver them in mexico to the soldiers; first that their pay may not be lessened, and second that the soldiers may not lose them on the way. moreover, they will thus be brought from there, and delivered to the men here, in better condition; and there will be more weapons in this country. in conclusion, i assert that it is very desirable that your majesty order your governor and royal officials, under very severe penalties, that this pay assigned by your majesty to the soldiers for the purposes indicated, be strictly and inviolably kept separate in the treasury or in a separate account, and be paid to the soldiers every four months, on the very day when it is due; and that payment be not deferred or delayed for any reason or cause. for, if the requisite system and order be observed in this, there can be no lack of money; but, on the contrary, i think there will be a great superabundance, if it is not spent for other things. will your majesty order that this be not done for any reason whatever--unless, on some occasion, after the third due has been paid to the soldiers, it may be necessary to spend some of the money; but the pay shall be left sure and certain, so that it be not wanting or payment delayed. this would be a great injury, and would cause or create risk of many wrongs, and troubles of great consequence. i say once more, sire, that it is very important and very necessary that your majesty order this strictly under severe penalties, in order that it may be observed and obeyed promptly--without admitting, under any consideration, any excuses fof failure to perform it; for this would be greatly against the service of god and of your majesty, as the cause and occasion of many wrongs, offenses, and evil deeds, as well as of wretchedness. whether the soldiers' pay be raised or not, it would also be a great relief and assistance in many cases of need (which are usual in this community), if your majesty, for the love and service of our lord and that of your majesty, would at least be pleased to institute in the hospital--inasmuch as there is a hospital for soldiers, and the sick poor--or in la misericordia, a separate lodging and quarters for needy well people. those there who have not the means to obtain food, should at least be given one meal a day. by such a course many needy spaniards and soldiers could be aided and relieved in their most pressing necessity, and would not die of hunger, or have to commit thefts or other evil acts, which cause their death and decrease. in this your majesty and this country are heavy losers, on account of both the expense of bringing the soldiers here, and the want and need of soldiers. the above could be done at but little expense, by using for this purpose the said thousand pesos for gratuities that your majesty orders granted annually, inasmuch as the amount of gratuity paid to one person does not exceed ten pesos. this sum is of no moment or great value, if spent in that way, and amounts to nothing at all. but if spent as suggested above, it will be of much more use to many, and those the most necessitous, and, in addition, to the service of god and your majesty. and by adding eight hundred and twenty-five or thirty pesos more, from whatever fund your majesty may be pleased, five pesos can be spent every day in the year on providing a good and substantial meal for about sixty people. in short, this would prove of great relief and assistance, and it can also be done by no means or method with more security, than by your majesty's putting it in charge of the confraternity of la misericordia, if you are pleased so to command. it would be well even to grant a considerable amount; for everything the brotherhood puts hand to is to the great glory and service of god, and of your majesty, and the welfare of all this land. it could attend to this also, which is of great importance. will your majesty command that the plan most in conformity to your inclinations be adopted therein. _in regard to the seminary of sancta potenciana_ the seminary of sancta potenciana is a charity of great service to god our lord, and the welfare of this community, for there are housed many orphaned girls and the poor daughters of those who have served your majesty, and who have died, leaving daughters, and little or nothing for their support and assistance. they can be assisted and reared here, as is being done with many now in it. they live here in all virtue and under good instruction, in great retirement, and engaged in holy and devout exercises. hence it results that the divine majesty of god our lord has daily and continual praises, and your majesty prayers, that are offered to him for your majesty. it only remains for your majesty to protect and favor this charity, both by granting it some reward, as an aid to its support and expense; and by ordering that there be professed nuns in it, as is the desire of this community--and especially that the superior of this seminary be one. for this purpose it would be highly desirable for your majesty to have sent from nueva españa three or four women of the sanctity, virtue, and experience requisite. they are necessary to begin so heroic and important a work, and to increase and further perfect it. by this god will be very well served, your majesty rewarded by his divine majesty, and this community favored, consoled, and increased in spiritual blessings. _that the posts on ships which ply hither be given to men of this country_ it is important to appoint men of this country, well qualified and sufficient for it, to the post of captain and other posts in the ships plying to this country; for being inhabitants of the country, and men who have to return and live in it, they will endeavor to procure its welfare, and will fear to commit the wrong of casting goods overboard, which is so injurious to this community. and especially is this injurious to its poor, who suffer all the greatest hardships and losses, as they cannot send their goods as can others who are more powerful and perhaps less deserving. the latter load their goods in a part of the ship which is safe from these risks; and it usually happens that the rich profit from the good sale that they are wont to have of the goods they send, while the poor are losers, because their goods are not loaded or are cast overboard. if the captain is not a man of much conscience, and only desires his own enrichment, and not the welfare of the country, and again, does not have to live here, but can return; and if he should commit any wrongs for any cause, and for advantage to his own goods, it would be in vain to go to nueva españa to beg satisfaction. if he were an inhabitant of this country, he would fear to do wrong, in that he might not pay the penalty afterward. moreover, as men who do not live in this community have to be given an opportunity of gain if they are to accept these offices, it is better for the inhabitants of this country to make the profit, for they will take the offices very willingly without any salary, for the honor of the office and the advantage to their goods--both in having a place to load them, and in making a profit from them in nueva españa. thus will be saved some salaries for captain, assistants, and other officers; and to give them salaries is more of a means of profit to those who fill the posts than an advantage or necessity, since we have citizens, as has been said, who will accept them without salaries. for these positions to be given in such a way that respectable people may come to this country, it is necessary that these officials remain in service here, instead of coming simply for their own interest and a right to space and cargo on the return voyage, in a country of so much worth, and so advantageous, but so hurtful if there is a lack of respectable people. and in order that the vessels may sail in a proper state of preparation, and so that it may not be necessary to lighten them (as ordinarily happens, to the great loss of the poorest and most needy, as above said), it is especially important that the assessments and charges for lightening be divided proportionally among all the goods carried in the said vessels, [10] so that, the losses thus being general, they will strive to avoid incurring them; and if some goods are more valuable the losses may be shared among all, so that they may be less oppressive and hurtful to the poor. [_on the back is written_: "i entreat your majesty, for the service of our lord, and your own, to be pleased to read this paper and letter throughout; for it is important for the reasons i have adduced, and for many others. will your majesty pardon my boldness and prolixity, which are entirely born of an earnest desire, and of the necessity of bringing forward some considerations and arguments which bear upon these matters. hence i was unable to shorten it, as i wished and ought to have done."] reception of the royal seal at manila this is a good and faithful copy of several instruments drawn in regard to the reception of the royal seal of the royal audiencia and chancillería, which the king our lord has lately commanded to be reëstablished in the city of manila of the philipinas islands; they are set down in the book wherein is recorded the establishment of the said royal audiencia, and their tenor is as follows: in the city of manila of the philipinas islands, on the eighth day of the month of june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, don francisco tello, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands for the king our lord, and president of the audiencia and chancillería which was ordered to be established there, said that immediately upon the arrival of the last ships from nueva españa in this present year, on which came the honorable auditors whom his majesty was sending for the said royal audiencia, the licentiate christoval telles de almazan, one of the said honorable auditors, informed him that he had brought and held in his possession the royal seal of the king our lord, which was given to him by the viceroy of nueva españa for this royal audiencia; and the said auditor directed that an order should be given for the formal reception of it, with the authority and reverence which his majesty directs and commands by his royal instruction and decrees. accordingly his lordship immediately gave notice thereof to the cabildo and regimiento of this city, and the other ministers of justice here, that they might provide and make ready all matters necessary for it. this day was appointed for the said reception, and, as the governor has been advised on behalf of the city that all matters are arranged and ready for the said reception to be immediately made, he commanded and commands that it be put immediately in execution, and that the royal seal of his majesty be placed in the church of san augustin of this city, within a coffer covered with velvet and gold, with the ceremony which is fitting, so that thereafter it may be taken thence to the royal buildings, to whatever place may be appointed and made ready for the said purpose. and for this end shall be called and summoned to the city all the companies of infantry, both paid troops and citizens. accordingly he has declared and ordered it, and signed it with his name. _don francisco tello_ _pedro hurtado desquibel_, clerk of the court. and promptly, without any delay, on the said day, month, and year, the following persons met in the royal building where the said governor and captain-general resides, to wit: doctor antonio de morga, lieutenant-general and auditor of the said royal audiencia; the licentiate christoval telles de almaçan, and the licentiate alvaro rodriguez çambrano, auditors of the said royal audiencia; the licentiate geronimo de salazar salzedo, fiscal of the audiencia; and the cabildo, court of justice, and regimiento of this distinguished and ever loyal city of manila. and these persons all came clothed in silk, and over that their flemish robes of bright red velvet, lined with blue taffeta. and then came a number of the principal persons of this city, encomenderos, and citizens thereof. in the main plaza a squadron of spanish infantry was drawn up by companies, consisting of the citizens of the city. thereafter the said governor and captain-general, and the honorable auditors, and the officials of the city, and other persons came out from the royal buildings and went therefrom on horseback, with much music of clarions, flutes, and other festive instruments. they went through the streets leading to the said royal seal, which were hung and adorned with silks of all kinds, until they arrived at the church of san agustin; and having dismounted they entered. within the larger chapel was a seat of honor covered with bright red velvet, and thereon a cushion of the same, embroidered with gold; and on the cushion a coffer, adorned with red velvet and gold, and locked. all knelt, and having heard a mass, which was said with great solemnity and dignity, the said licentiate christoval telles de almazan said to the said lord governor and captain-general that within the said coffer lay the royal seal, which had been delivered to him by the viceroy of nueva españa to be brought to these islands, as appeared by a testimonial thereof which he presented, together with the key of the said coffer. thereupon the said governor, kneeling upon the ground, as were all the rest, took and opened the said coffer, and drew from it the said royal seal. he commanded me, the undersigned secretary, to read the royal decree and instruction of his majesty, wherein is ordered and directed the formality that shall be observed in receiving the said royal seal. having read this in an intelligible voice, so that it was heard by all, the said lord governor turned to the city officials, and other persons present; and, with the royal seal in his hands, told them that that was the seal of the arms of the king our lord, which represented, his royal person, and which all must respect and obey with due reverence and veneration, as they would their king and rightful lord. having finished this, the said lord governor put the said royal seal into the said coffer, and locked it. he took in his hands the said coffer and carried it out of the said church with all the people and the said cabildo, carrying the said royal seal, which was covered with a pall of bright red velvet with gilded bars; in the middle of it were embroidered the royal arms. at the door of the said church stood a large gelding, well housed with a cloth of embroidered red velvet. on either side was an escutcheon with the royal arms, and upon the saddle rested a cushion; the said governor placed the said coffer thereon, and immediately covered it with a cloth of brocade, and the said horse was covered. the reins were held by captain gomez de machuca, who was appointed chief alguacil of this court; he was covered with the said pall; and before him went the said lord governor and the said honorable auditors, and other principal people and citizens of this colony. behind marched six companies of paid infantry, and many other people. they went to the cathedral church of this city, at the door of which stood the archbishop of these islands, dressed in his pontifical robes, with the whole chapter of the said church and other clergy thereof. when the said royal seal was taken down from the horse the said lord governor and captain-general held it in his hands and carried it, covered with the pall. thus they went in procession to the chief chapel, and above the steps was placed a seat of honor; on this was set a cushion, whereon the said coffer was placed. and when this was done and the customary songs had been sung and ceremonies gone through, the said archbishop chanted certain prayers. again they left the church in the same order, the said archbishop and the rest of the clergy accompanying them to the door. the said lord governor again placed the said coffer, wherein lay the royal seal, upon the said horse; and with the same pomp and ceremony, solemnity and rejoicing, they went to a hall of the royal building, where it was agreed that the royal seal should be placed temporarily, until the royal buildings which are being erected for this royal audiencia are completed. within the said hall were placed various carpets, and it was hung and adorned. a great canopy of red velvet was placed there with the royal arms, and within it another after the same fashion. under the canopy stood a table with its cloth of velvet, and thereon a cushion of the same stuff, all bedecked with gold. the said lord governor placed the said coffer, wherein lay the royal seal, upon the said table, and covered it with the said cloth; and, with the said honorable auditors drawn up at one side, he presented a commission from his majesty by which he was appointed president of the royal audiencia, and which commanded the said honorable auditors to receive him in the said office; this was read by me, the present clerk of the court. and after this was done, the said honorable auditors kissed it, and made obeisance to it, and placed it above their heads as the letter and decree of their king and rightful lord. and they ordered that his lordship, having placed his hand upon his knight's habit, should take the oath which his majesty commands; which, having so placed his hand, he received, as follows: _oath of the lord president_. "your lordship swears by god our lord and upon the holy gospel, as you are a knight, that you will exercise well and faithfully the office of president of this royal audiencia and chancillería, and observe and comply with, and cause to be observed and complied with, the ordinances which his majesty has commanded to be issued, and which have been issued therefor, in all respects and in all ways, without in any way violating them. your lordship also swears that you will keep secret the votes and the books of judgment, and other things which may arise, and will reveal them to no one without the permission and express command of his majesty; and that you will strive for the fulfilment of justice to litigants, and for the welfare and increase of the royal exchequer, and for the good of the natives; and that you will do all other things which ought to be done in so distinguished an office, and as your lordship is bound to do." "i do so swear." "if your lordship shall do thus, may god our lord aid you; but if otherwise, may he require account from you." "amen." when this was done, they left the said hall and sat in the chambers of court; and the governor ordered señor doctor antonio de morga to appear. he presented himself with his commission, which was read by me, the present clerk of court. when this was done, his lordship kissed it and placed it above his head; and he was ordered to take the oath which his majesty directs, which he took in the following manner: _oath of doctor antonio de morga_. "do you swear by god our lord, and upon the holy gospel, that as auditor and judge you will obey the commands which publicly or privately the king our lord may give you, and will observe his royal ordinances, both those which are given by the royal audiencia and chancillería, and those which may be given in the future; and that you will maintain the sovereignty, the territory, and the provinces of the king our lord in every way; and that you will not reveal the secrets of the royal judgments, or others which are to be kept; and that you will avoid in all ways and by all means any losses which might occur to the king our lord; and that likewise you will faithfully expedite and decide the pleas which may come before you in this royal audiencia and out of it, conformably to the laws of these realms; and that you will not leave the path of truth and right either for love, hatred, ill-feeling, fear, gift, promise, or any other cause, nor receive favors or stipends from any grand council or corporation, for any plea which may be brought before you to determine?" he answered, "i do so swear." "if you act thus, may god aid you; but if otherwise may he require account from you." he answered, "amen." when this was done the above-mentioned lieutenant-governor arose, and seated himself in the said halls of court. in the said order the other honorable auditors and the fiscal of his majesty were called, received, and put under oath, and likewise the other officials of the said royal audiencia, each one taking the oath conformably to each of the offices. and when this was finished, in the form above stated, the said lord president gave a general instruction in the presence of all, in which he charged the said honorable auditors to strive for peace and harmony, and the increase of the royal exchequer, and to take care to attend punctually to their duties, and to keep the secrets of this royal audiencia, whereby his majesty would be served. in his name he thanked them, as well as the citizens and others present. he charged them with the respect which is due to the said royal seal, and to the commands of the said royal audiencia; and asked me, the present clerk of court, to give a testimonial thereof. forthwith he commanded the articles establishing the royal audiencia to be read. as they were not new (for some of them had been read), he ordered that this cease; whereupon the said audiencia rose from session for this day. to all which i bear witness. _pedro hurtado desquibel_, clerk of the court. [_attestation_] this copy is certain and truthful, having been corrected and compared with the said book from which it was copied. in order that this may appear, i have made the present copy at the request and command of don francisco tello, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal audiencia here, in the city of manila, on the twenty-eighth of june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, being witnesses _alonso de saavedra_ _pedro muñoz de herrera_ citizens of manila, in witness of the truth whereof i have affixed my seal. _pedro hurtado desquibel_, clerk of the court. [_endorsed_: "testimonial concerning the reception of the seal and the establishment of the royal audiencia."] letters from the archbishop of manila to felipe ii sire: it pleased our lord that three years after the time when i left madrid i should arrive at these islands, where i came at the command of your majesty, with many hardships and so broken in health and strength that i hardly had the vigor to undertake such arduous duties as confront me, which are worthy of much remedy. i shall try to gather up my strength until such time as your majesty can appoint such a person as is fitted for this place. i remember, sire, that at my departure your majesty said you were confident that i would take a load off your royal conscience. surely, sire, if, as i wish, i should find affairs in favorable condition, i would, sparing no labor to myself, strive to serve your majesty so heartily that none of your majesty's servants would have the better of me. but everything here is so run down that many years of life and very strong arms are necessary to put affairs into even a reasonable condition. it is only a month since i came to this city of manila, and so i cannot give your majesty an account in detail of the many things which must be remedied. but there are going to your court father fray diego de soria, a dominican, and a man of much holiness, learning, and very exemplary life, who has had much experience for many years in the affairs of this country, and to whom your majesty should listen; and likewise father fray marcello [11] of the order of our father st. francis, who will give a full account of everything; for it is zeal for the honor of god and the service of your majesty, and the desire for the remedy of these islands, which alone bring them through so many dangers by land and by sea. but all i have been able to learn in this little time is that everything is like a clock out of order, and even in such condition that nothing will go into its right place unless the powerful hand of your majesty be placed upon it. in the first place your majesty has here a cathedral and metropolitan church, and there is not a village church in castilla so ill served, so lacking in ornament as this--to such an extent that although the quality of the ornaments is inferior, there are so few that they have not even the necessary colors for the feast-days, although they are in a place where silks are so cheap, as they are here. [12] thus it is with all the rest, and it seems as if ecclesiastics had never lived in this country. it is served by four secular clergy alone, to whom your majesty orders a salary paid. the rest, although they have the title of canons and canonates, do not serve at all, except in their allotments and curacies. accordingly, even on an apostle's day there is no one in vestments at the altar for the epistle and the gospel, which is highly discreditable. i have asked the governor, conformably with what your majesty charges him in the third clause of his original instructions, to provide for this matter. but either he is unwilling to listen to me, or, if he listens to me, he does not wish to do so. your majesty will know what is fitting, but it would be expedient to add four other salaries to the four which your majesty pays--namely two canonries and two half canonries, the incumbents of which could be vested before the altar for ministration. i must inform your majesty that no one will be found to take them if your majesty does not increase the stipend; for this country is not now, as it used to be, a cheap place to live, but the most expensive in all the indias, on account of the irregularity in its government. everything has been left in the hands of infidel sangleys, who rob the country and sell us things at their own price, without there being any one to check them or keep them in bounds; in return for this, they are able to gratify and keep content those who ought to provide for it. i do not wish to complain of my grievances to your majesty, but to leave them in your royal hands. but, although our house is so small that we have only fourteen persons, it is impossible to live for half a year and provide for the rest, with the salary which your majesty orders to be given to me. your majesty will be informed of this by those who are going there. if your majesty desires that i should go about seeking money as alms, i shall do so, so far as that would not be derogatory to the pontifical dignity among these heathen. again i say then, sire, that your majesty's church is so ill provided, that, in place of edifying the infidels and heathen who are here, it is a cause of scoffing among them. they say that, as they see the monasteries so richly adorned with ornaments that they have chalices of fine gold, their god must be greater than that of the secular clergy and of the friars; and they say other ridiculous things. and nevertheless there is no one to look after it, nor any one who is grieved over it except myself, who cannot remedy it. when i succeeded in discussing it with the governor and the officials of your majesty's royal treasury, they shrugged their shoulders and said that, although your majesty says in the instructions in general terms that this should be remedied, your majesty does not point out how, or with what funds. besides this there is the little interest in spiritual things and christianity among the laity. sire, i wish, that i were in the presence of your majesty to tell you by word of mouth of this matter, which is the most pitiable thing which has ever occurred or ever will occur to so catholic and christian a prince, and one on whom our lord has showered such singular favors as to allow in his day the opening of the gate through these islands, for the bringing of the gospel to realms so great, and so far removed from all that is good. this i say, then, sire, that it is a most pitiable thing that there is not a man in all these philipinas islands--spaniard, or of any other nation--saving some religious, who make their principal aim and intent the conversion of these heathen, or the increase of the christian faith; but they are only moved by their own interests and seek to enrich themselves, and if it happened that the welfare of the natives was an obstacle to this they would not hesitate, if they could, to kill them all in exchange for their own temporal profit. and since this is so, what can your majesty expect will happen if this continues? from this inordinate greed arises the violation of your majesty's decrees and mandates, as everyone is a merchant and trader--and none more so than the governor, who has this year brought ruin upon the country. there comes each year from nueba españa a million in money, contrary to the mandate of your majesty, all of which passes on to the heathen of china. from here, in violation of your majesty's decrees, cargoes are loaded for the peruvians and the merchants of mexico, without leaving room for those of this country--especially the poor, who are unable to secure any interest therein except for a wretched bundle which is allowed them as cargo. if i were to go into the multitude of evils which are connected with this, i should have to proceed _ad infinitum_. there are going to your court those who have themselves experienced them; and one of them even, for having preached with christian zeal, was persecuted by the governor, who was the cause of this and of other great evils. his vices are so many and so low and obscene that if one were to seek faithfully over all españa for a man of most debauched conscience, even the vilest and most vicious, to come to this country and corrupt it with his example, there could not be found one more so than he. a priest told me yesterday--sunday, the twenty-first of june--that it was public talk that no woman had escaped from him with her honor, when he could accomplish her ruin; and that further, through his great and scandalous incontinence, he twice ordered the priest to marry him to his own niece, and used every means with the priest and father soria to secure a dispensation, although the latter showed him how little that measure profited. he has so tyrannized over this colony by his actions that, in order that nothing should be lacking, he has taken away the offices of regidor from honorable men who held them; and put his kinsmen, whom he brougnt with him from españa, into the regimiento, so that information of his evil ways cannot be given to your majesty in the name of the city; nor can they write to ask your majesty that you should send a successor to him. likewise he asked his regimiento, and also me (but may god deliver me from such treason!), to write to your majesty that it was expedient that he should remain in this country, on account of the experience which he has here. nevertheless, if such a letter should go, your majesty would consider it suspicious; because it would be signed by some who would wish to see him undone, only because they do not dare to do otherwise; for he treats them like negro slaves when they swerve a point from his desires. about eight days ago he had called to his house all the honorable people, even to the master-of-camp and all the captains; and when they were before him, standing bareheaded, he treated them worse than he would his cobbler, speaking in these terms: "you don't realize that i can have all your heads cut off, and you think that i don't know that you have written to the king against me." and this language, with the "vosotros," [13] he used for half an hour to the most respectable people in this country. in short, all his conversation and words are those of a vicious and tyrannical heliogabalus. what i say now is nothing to what remains to be said, and which your majesty can learn from those who are going there--who, as good christians, will relate the truth. it would appear best that your majesty should write to nueba españa, so that all the goods may be put on board there which are to be carried this year. your majesty would then see the shameful results which he has caused in this country. he sends therewith one of his servants even, who is called juan de la guardia, and also diego de montoro, a native of this country. and if by chance your majesty's letter should arrive after the property had already been despatched, the said persons should be seized, and obliged to confess the truth. it is possible that in this way, and with the cargo for next year (when he says that he must enrich himself), a large quantity may be taken, to supply the various matters for which your majesty must provide. your majesty may rest assured that during all the time that the governor may be in this post your majesty's conscience cannot be at ease, but that it must be heavily loaded to bear with him. it would be very advisable to appoint a governor, not like the poor men who have been here thus far and who come to enrich themselves, but a man who will enrich the land with holiness and virtue. it should be a man whom your majesty would choose among thousands--one of those who is not attempting to make your majesty appoint him; but, on the contrary, one of those whom, so to speak, your majesty asks. your majesty should not consider whether or not he is a knight or a captain, as there are plenty of experienced captains in the country, who, in case of war, would be better in leading an army than a number who could come from there. if it is possible, he should be a man of education and conscience. i should desire one of these men who would serve your majesty without private interests, for whom, when the man had served your majesty in this charge, you could appoint a church, one of the largest of españa; as this post is most honorable and of greater importance for the spread of the gospel than is the turkish frontier for its defense. on this account a person should be chosen who has no claim to private interests, for the gain which he would secure from the growth of the teaching of the gospel here is large enough. it is not fitting that your majesty should entrust the residencia of the governor here to the audiencia, or to any member thereof; but it should be made by the person who is to succeed him, if he be a person such as i have described. for there are many serious matters for which a christian and impartial judge is necessary, to clear the conscience of your majesty. it would be very important for your majesty to renew the mandate forbidding the governors and auditors to trade, with heavier penalties; for it is not observed, and from its violation there result great inconveniences. but, as it appears that the salaries appointed by your majesty are not sufficient recompense for coming to such distant lands, your majesty might decree that when the governors were such as they should be, and have abstained during their whole term from trade, at the time of their departure your majesty would permit to be given them as large a cargo as they wish, and even an entire ship, so that they might be made prosperous. the auditors might be given, every six years, to each one the liberty of a cargo, so that in this way they would have what is needed to marry their children and maintain their households. for otherwise they are the causes of great losses; and, as they are involved in the same misdeed, they are not urgent in having the mandates and decrees of your majesty complied with. it is a great hindrance to the growth of the faith and morals of the natives that there is a continual communication with the infidel chinese. since they are coming to trade, it would be well that when they finish selling their wares they should leave the country; for from their remaining in these islands result many great inconveniences. in the first place, on account of their greed, they have taken to the cultivation of gardens and other real estate; whence it follows that all the native indians live idle and vicious lives, without anyone urging them to labor. the chinese have risen, by buying and selling and bringing provisions to the community, to be the retailers of supplies. from this it results that this country is so expensive to live in that where a fowl used to be worth half a real, or at the most one real, it is now worth four. formerly a ganta of rice could be obtained for a quartillo or less. now it is worth two reals, or at least one, and the same with other things; and, beside being retailers and hucksters, one chinaman uses more food and wine than do four natives. what is worse than this is, that the crime against nature is as prevalent among them as in sodoma; and they practice it with the natives, both men and women. as the latter are poor wretches and lovers of gain, and the chinese are generous in paying for their pleasures, this calamity is spreading wide without any public manifestation. they tell me that during the last few years the chinese have spread over all the islands. i saw them when i came into the channel. formerly they were only in manilla. if your majesty does not command that this people must absolutely leave the country i fear that god must visit some great punishment upon it. those who govern here deceive in regard to their status. some of them are kept because the fathers of the society say thai they need five hundred to cultivate the gardens which they have here, close by the city. they give each sangley, for the portion of garden which he works, one peso and one fowl each month. others are kept for other reasons; but all the work could be done by the natives if the chinese were driven out, and the idle and vagabond were compelled to work. in another letter i wrote to your majesty of the necessity which obtained in this country of establishing the inquisition, and today the reasons for this are stronger than then, as shown by experience and our inconveniences. thus we have seen, within a few years, that two prisoners who were going to mexico escaped from the ship "sanct philipe." in the ships of last year, of three persons who went thither, two died. a negro who was being taken along as a witness for an accused man of this city died at sea. if it is thought best not to have salaries, the matter can be remedied by appointing two religious or ecclesiastic persons, and one of the auditors of the audiencia--who, as they are advisers, can likewise carry on the suits. these, as they conduct the office of commissary (which is here the same thing as an inquisitor), would be able to hear the cases and would do so as a work of charity, and with zeal for the honor of god, until they could obtain, from the confiscated property, salaries for the inquisitors whom your majesty may appoint. for it is easy to see that there is a great inconvenience in denouncing a person in manilla and being obliged to send his case to mexico, or to come from there with a decision as to whether to arrest him or not; and to confiscate here the property of heirs and send it to the inquisition of nueba españa, with so great a risk of loss. this is all at present that occurs to me to send to your majesty. i fear i have tired your majesty with so prolix and unpleasant a narration. i beg of your majesty to pardon me and accept my wish, which is to succeed in the service of your majesty. if there is a man in the world who has this desire, unmixed with interest, it is myself, who am desirous to be of some use so that your majesty may learn by experience that i am more anxious to be the most insignificant servant of your majesty, merely because your majesty is who you are, than to possess all the treasures of the world. may your majesty enjoy those of heaven after the many years of life which are necessary for his realms. manilla, june 24, 1598. sire, i kiss the feet of your majesty, your humble chaplain, _fray ygnacio_, archbishop of manilla. sire: although i wrote another letter to your majesty in which i give an account of the affairs in this country, i am obliged to write this one to give your majesty an account of my own affairs, which cannot be successful unless regulated by your royal hand, from which i would receive death, if i deserved it, more willingly than life from another. it has come to my knowledge that the governor of these islands is writing to your majesty and complaining of me. as everything which i shall say now is true, i beseech your majesty to give it credit. if your majesty should find that i do not tell the truth to the last word, i charge your majesty to visit upon me a heavy punishment. i brought with me from españa a son of one of my nephews. he is a youth of great virtue and worth, with no manner of vice; and, desiring that he should choose for a wife someone who was his equal in worthiness, while coming on the ship my eyes fell upon a daughter of the licentiate tellez de almansa, an auditor who was coming out to this royal audiencia of your majesty. she is a very honorable and good woman, and as it appeared to me that that was what was fitting for the young man, rather than greater beauty or property, i made known my desire to a doctor of theology, who was traveling in the ship, in company with the said auditor, so that i might know whether her parents were favorable to my intentions. as he told me that they were pleased with it, but that the father reflected that he had no permission from your majesty to marry his children, it appeared to me that, if she were to marry without the knowledge of her father, he would be free from the penalty of the law. i wrote to the said maiden a note, in which i desired to learn her wishes, without there being anything else in it which could offend anyone. i gave her an account of the many good qualities and characteristics of the young man, and addressed her in these words: "and neither do i wish that you should attempt this without the permission and knowledge of your father, because i am not setting about to steal away or ruin the respect which i have for him, and have had all my life." she answered me by writing that she was pleased at the choice that was made of her person, and that it should be considered with her father. i responded with a second note in which i thanked her for her good wishes and said that i would speak with her father. at the same time i summoned the auditor almazan and told him how much i desired that that marriage should be consummated. he told me that he would accept it at once, if he dared dispense with the permission of your majesty. the truth is, that i did not tell him that i had written to his daughter, and accordingly when someone told him, it appears that he resented it somewhat; but when the letters came to his hand, and he saw their terms, which were so unworthy of suspicion, he was appeased. all this came to the knowledge of the governor, after we landed; and, as he does nothing good, he made poison of the whole matter. without seeing a letter or complaint against me, it appeared to him expedient to have a meeting of religious prelates for my case, and he did so accordingly. he called them together in one of our convents, named [san] francisco del monte, [14] where he placed before them the letters without having examined them, and without displaying them; and, with the utmost ill-feeling and evil intention he asked their opinion as to whether it was expedient to write a letter against me to your majesty. the religious took it ill, as they should so bad a speech, and did not answer his proposition, considering that he was so causelessly throwing suspicion upon the purity and integrity of their prelate, who had not even been twenty days in the country. all this came to my knowledge within two hours, and, as the matter was so serious, and so great an injustice had been done, i confess that i was much more exasperated than was fitting; and i uttered against him various harsh remarks--although all were true, and about things which were publicly told. i learned that he is writing to your majesty against me, and i desire that your majesty should not lack a true knowledge of the affair, which is, as i have said; and everything made less or more, your majesty may believe, is not truth. nor could any one, from any word or sign of mine, have understood an offense to god in that, or even a venial sin; and, if anything could be added without the suspicions conceived by his malice, or rather by his evil life and habits, the fault which i was guilty of was becoming too angry. but i assure your majesty that i had more than reason enough--in the first place because he had stained that which is so important for prelates of the church, namely, purity; and, in the second place, because he did this at the time when i had just arrived at my archbishopric, and when i should have entered with great honor and reputation for virtue, especially among infidels. in the third place, he went before all the leaders of the religious orders, when everyone of them was free to conceive what opinion he would of me--and especially certain persons who, as they do not themselves live with becoming regularity, might conceive boldness, and not fear for their own faults because they saw the superior prelate brought before the public as guilty of similar ones. in the fifth [_i.e.,_ fourth] place, because he called together this conventicle while he was pretending to be my friend; for the day before he had been in my house, and talked with me about very serious matters, and at his departure, invited me to his house--for no one who would see what he did, or his dealings with me, would fail to have confidence in him, since he is a knight, and wears the habit of santiago, and is governor for your majesty of so great a realm; and i say that, as i am a frank and truthful man, i would have confidence in him, if he were a man worthy of trust. since he first made advances, by asking me to do for him things which were good, what a wonder it is that so unreasonably he should molest a man. i confess that i acted in a manner unbecoming my position; but let him say what he will, i have said nothing which is not true. many men of sound judgment have wondered what object he could have in this assembly; and they can think of no other unless it was to intimidate me and close my mouth, so that i should not write against him to your majesty any of the infinite amount which might be written. likewise he had the same object in calling together the captains and leading men of this colony, to address them with such insolence as that which i have told your majesty in another letter; for the expression which he used was: "you people [_vosotros_] do not know that i know what you have written to his majesty against me; and that his majesty sent me a command to have your heads cut off." from this your majesty will gather how the government must be conducted here, since the governor is going about seeking, by cunning and deceit, to frighten people that they may not write about his mode of life. i told enough of this in the other letter, and others are writing the same thing; but at present i shall only mention a few things. in the first place your majesty should not inquire into the particular vices of don francisco tello, but should picture to yourself a universal idea of all vices, brought to the utmost degree and placed in a lawyer; this would be tello, who is your majesty's governor in the philippinas. he is not one of those men who accompany a vice by a virtue, and among many vices follow one virtue; but he has not even an indication of a virtue. and that he should not lack the sin of putting his hand upon the altars, he has now begun to commit simonies, and to live excommunicated, selling for money the presentations which he makes to the benefices conformably to your majesty's right of patronage. this is so true that i have this week corrected one which he committed in the convent of san francisco del monte itself. abandoned by the power of god, he paid for the evil which he had done against me with so great a vice. he received four hundred pesos, for the presentation to a prebend, which he presented to me that very day. he has become accustomed to do this, and says that he is going to write to españa that he is going to this said convent, which is a heavenly garden, belonging to descalced fathers of much holiness. although he has a house near there he is not content with it, but comes in and meddles with the convent, and with those who go to see it, for there is nothing which his hand does not profane. on monday afternoon before st. francis' day, this year, he left manilla, saying that he was going to cabite to despatch the ships. at night he left the road with a servant, having placed the horses within some chapels which are being built at the convent of santo domingo; and entered to sleep that night in the house of a married woman, the wife of an honorable man of this city, leaving guards at the door, for thus imprudent is he, although god permits that he is such a coward as not to enter into such evil acts without taking guards, and even sometimes arquebuses, to serve as witnesses of his sins--which are made public, to the scandal of all the people. sire, i do not believe that i can live with this man; if your majesty thinks that it is best for your royal service to keep him in this government, your majesty must take me from this church. i wish nothing else, and even this place i do not merit; nor did i seek it, nor did it ever pass through my head that it was possible that at any time i should have to hold it. but i wish your majesty to command me to return, to die in my cell in peace; for if i remain here i cannot conceal so many and so public offenses against god and against the service of your majesty, without reprehending them with the same publicity as that with which they are committed. i trust through the mercy of god that your majesty will see all this with christian and catholic eyes, and will provide a remedy fitting for the service of god and of your majesty, whom may our lord protect, for the long years which we need. manilla, june 26, 98. sire, i kiss the feet of your majesty, your servant and chaplain, _fray ignacio_, archbishop of manilla. letters from the bishop of nueva segovia to felipe ii sire: with my soul filled with a thousand afflictions, i write this letter to your majesty, awaiting a certain consolation for this unfortunate community; since the man who is the only protector of all catholic countries in the world, as your majesty is, must be the more so of this land which is so thoroughly your own, since it is entirely the establishment and edifice of your majesty. your majesty has a governor here, namely, don francisco tello, who, if a fourth be true of all that is said of him by christian, learned, and prudent men, and those in office in this community, both ecclesiastic and secular, is one of the worst men whom your majesty has in all his estates. one thing i can say, and that is that neither on my way from nueba hespaña here, nor after my arrival, have i heard anything said which would indicate that this man is a good governor; but i have heard and hear every day increasing and innumerable evil acts, evil in the highest degree. during the time since i came here, which is already a considerable period, i have seen nothing good in him which would lead me, on any account or in any manner, to have any consideration for him. if your majesty were pleased to desire to know particular instances, i am certain that there has been and is being sent to the royal council of the indias so much concerning him that the council could easily inform your majesty of matters concerning this wretched man; and i shall only relate two or three things, which everyone knows. the first matter (of which your majesty must certainly have information) is, that this man married a woman between whom and himself there were two obstacles--in the first place, consanguinity; and, in the second place, relation by marriage. in her case there was still another obstacle, in that she had taken the vows in a religious order. although there were so many and so impassable obstacles, they procured a dispensation in this [_ms. torn_] so that don francisco might marry her. [i tell your majesty of this] for love of the common welfare, and so that he might not by his licentiousness destroy this commonwealth, which is enslaved, more so than any other in the world or even than any person, so much are all men subjected to the good or ill will of the governor--not only the principal persons, but all others. and further, don francisco would have it that this should be considered sufficient cause for giving so many dispensations, and in matters so difficult--namely his own unbridled incontinence and lust--rather than put a check to his vileness. god has permitted this blindness so senseless in a man, so that we may see in don francisco that, when god takes his hand from a man, neither his honor, nor his word, nor the fear of god, nor of your majesty, nor the fact that he is placed in so public an office and is the minister of such a king as your majesty, is sufficient to check him. if the chains and bonds of matrimony had detained him, the dispensation and past evil acts might be endured; but according to the report, although these are not matters which i can examine into, he is still continuing in these vile acts of his, as a man without god, law, or king. another instance: an affair characterized by covetousness, wrongs, and injustice, which are being perpetrated before the sight of god and all the world. this is the affair. there is here a vessel which is called "sancta margarita" which belonged to captain stevan rodriguez. this boat he despatched this year to convey cloth and merchandise from this city to mexico. there is a record of what this same ship took last time; and according to the register (which is here and in mexico) the vessel loaded two hundred and fifty to three hundred toneladas; but this year there was not allotted among the citizens of the islands more than a hundred and sixty toneladas. all the rest, up to the said number of two hundred and fifty or three hundred, he has seized upon. this injustice and robbery is terrible, but the circumstance makes it even more remarkable that sin and greed and vices so blind a man that he considers everyone else blind; and thinks that they will not look at this ship and see its size, when it is present here; nor remember that, in this same ship, the same persons with the same merchandise laded ten times as large a cargo; nor does he consider that, at any rate, the registry of this same ship exists. on the day on which i write this, which is the last of june, when the ships should have sailed days ago for mexico, because they might encounter a wind which would make it impossible for them to leave this bay for a long time, and the voyage would be lost, or undertaken when the ships would be wrecked--during this time he is entertaining guests and making feasts and gambling. certainly, sire, considering the injustice and grievance which he is inflicting on the poor subjects and vassals of your majesty, and considering him so taken up with these feasts, there occurs to me the history of nero, when he set fire to rome, and stood rejoicing while the street was burning and being consumed; or, as a learned and pious man said, it seems parallel with the idea which nabuchodonosor carried out when he desired that the people should adore his image, and ordered that thenceforth there should be much music and feasting, so that the people, thus deluded, should not even think of him without at once committing an act of idolatry. just so here all is feasting, so that in this way the people may be prevented from thinking; and that, thus deluded, they should busy themselves with this until the evil record be finished, and the ships depart. how can i tell your majesty of the affairs of war? although we are every moment fearing some movement from japon, this man will not build a single turret to finish the wall. he considers himself safe with a dark retreat which he built to retire to if the enemy should take the city; but if the enemy should take a single house of the city, he is as well fortified there as are the spaniards in their retreat. for, with the cheap labor of chinamen, they have built here so that every house is a fortress. god has granted to this country a spaniard of great genius, good birth, and singular virtue, who came with don luis perez das mariñas. this spaniard cast artillery very ingeniously at this post where i am at present, which is on the river in the middle of manila. during all the time that i have been here i have not seen the governor go to examine this work, or have anything more to do with it than if it were in constantinople. in short, his god is his belly, and his feasts, and the vices and sins consequent upon this. that his drink may be cold he uses from the warehouses of your majesty an endless amount of saltpeter, which is difficult to procure. he expends an immense amount of powder in his feasts. to fulfil my duty to god and his faith, and to your majesty, and the fidelity of a vassal, which i particularly owe, through the obligation placed upon me by being bishop, i say that this man has no good in him; nor is there anything bad lacking, to make him in the highest degree a bad governor. every instant that the remedy is delayed will bring on more surely the wrath of god by delivering us into the hands of japon and other worse enemies or scourges. the only remedy is to appoint here the good don luis perez dasmariñas, a well-known knight, and proved to be just and discreet, with long experience in these lands--and, above all, with great respect for god and his laws and those of your majesty. he is a friend of prayer, and believes in considering his affairs with god. he need not be embarrassed in coming here, nor come loaded down with persons to whom he is bound. and if perchance don luis should not be available--although it certainly appears that he is so, particularly since the coming of the audiencia--for the love of god may your majesty not send us a person who is so boastful of being a knight; but rather a nobleman, a prudent soldier, who will be alone, and neither greedy, nor brought up in the vices of sevilla, nor with the braggarts there. it seems to me that i have said enough of this. manilla, the last of june, 1598. it is said that he is sending great presents, and will try in that way to maintain himself here. _fray miguel_, bishop of nueva segovia. [15] sire: after i had written your majesty my grief at the condition of these islands, a number of chinese, both christians and infidels, came to me, all bewailing the grievous injuries that they suffer daily from your majesty's officials and other spaniards. they delivered to me two letters addressed to your majesty, and written in their characters and language and after their manner; and i had these letters translated into castilian characters. these people have no other protection than the order of our father st. dominic; and, as i am the head of that order here, they have recourse to me for protection, asking that i send the letters to your majesty. i assure your majesty that these wretched people are receiving so many wrongs and injuries, that there are no greater enemies of the immaculate christian law than are many of your majesty's officials here. your majesty has provided, and well, that the possessions of the chinese should not be disturbed or the best of them taken away, inasmucn as this is one way of ruining both spaniards and chinese. but this order is not in the least observed. your majesty will credit me with freedom from any exaggeration in regard to the order of our father st. dominic. at present it is sending one of our principal friars, who is prior here at manila, named fray [diego] de soria. he knows more about these islands and countries than many even of those who remain. he will give you information of everything, if your majesty wishes. manila, july 5, 1598. [_endorsed_: "the bishop of nueva segovia, july 5, 98. received april 6, 600. bid the archbishop and governor to exercise great care in the fair treatment and instruction of these sangleys; and let them see that no injury is done them, so that no harm may result to their settlement."] letters from francisco tello to felipe ii sire: last year i wrote your majesty an account of the state of military affairs. what has happened since then is as follows. the pacification of mindanao was undertaken by general don juan ronquillo, who fought with the enemy and eight hundred terrenatans who came to their assistance. he destroyed and defeated them, killing a number of people. just when the ruler of mindanao had offered to make peace, ronquillo received my order to retire with all his forces to la caldera, as i did not know of the successful engagement. before this he had written to me, after having conquered the enemy, that, on account of this success and the improvement of affairs, he would not, even if he should receive an order from me to do so, retire until affairs were more settled. however, when my order arrived, he was in some difficulties, and therefore left that place and retired to la caldera, which is near. there he built a fort, and before he departed thence, he received my second order to remain at the river of mindanao, the first place taken, and build a fort there. not only did he fail to comply with this order, but he has returned with all the troops except a hundred men, leaving everything there exposed to danger. i reported this to the audiencia, and after they had examined the papers thereof, i resolved to arrest the said don juan, accuse him, and after trying him, convict or acquit him. [16] affairs being in this condition, i sent aid to la caldera, which was very necessary; and i wrote to the army, encouraging them to persevere in the service of your majesty. it is now eight months since the rising in the province of cagayan. the country is in rebellion, but it is true that the encomenderos gave cause for the disturbance by oppressing the natives with tributes, and in other ways. the one who caused most harm in this respect was don rodriguez ronquillo, who died while in prison for this cause. the addition of four reals to the tribute, which was collected last year, also helped to rouse the rebellion. when i considered the serious harm which might result from the uprising in the land, i sent the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, with competent troops, in order that, by means of kind methods, he might reduce them completely to the service of your majesty. i ordered also that the increase in the tribute be suspended; and this has been done and will be continued until your majesty is pleased to order otherwise. i think that, until the affairs of this land are better established, say for six years, these four reals should not be collected; but your majesty will provide according to the royal pleasure. the master-of-camp arrived with his troops at cagayan, and in conformity with my order he pacified that land; and magalate, the leader of the indians, was killed by some soldiers in ambush. [17] this indian had so much ability, authority, and shrewdness that he could have caused much damage if he had lived. the master-of-camp has now returned, and i am examining the papers which he brought with him. although it is thought best to punish some of the subdued indians, it is being done with mercy; for the bishop of cagayan has told me that he holds a certain decree of your majesty, whereby it appears that the war waged against those indians at their conquest was not fully justified. there have also been other uprisings of the çambales blacks [18] in pampanga, but they have all been suppressed by the effective measures which are so necessary in this land. i have succeeded in pacifying an indian by the name of casilian, who is the chief of the çambales; and i am trying to bring him to this city, and to change the site of his settlement, in order that we may have more security. there is always suspicion of xapon, and, according to the advices which i now have, those people desire exceedingly to come here, although it is difficult for them to do so by ship. consequently, i am, and shall be, well prepared for them, with arms in readiness. garrisons are always maintained in that part of the country by which they would approach, namely, in the province of cagayan. i have great hope, god helping, that japon will be subdued. several prominent persons there, with whom i have friendship and communication, have written to me. i have replied to them, and sent them presents, as must be done with these people. the one who is most friendly is the general of coria, named gentio, who is close in the order of succession in the kingdom to the conbaco. [19] he wrote me that, although not a christian himself, he is a friend of christians. having this good-will, he might receive the holy gospel, and i am trying to bring this to pass. this communication is secret, being without the knowledge of the conbaco, who is very much hated in his kingdom, because of his great tyranny. the ambassador don luis de navarrete, whom i sent to the conbaco, arrived there safely with the present which he took with him. the elephant was very well received, and they tell me that on the day when he entered meaco (where the court of japon resides), the concourse of people in the plaza was so great--because they had never seen elephants before--that seven persons were suffocated. when the ambassador had ascended to the hall, the king came out to meet him with thirty kings who were his vassals. my letter, a copy of which was sent to your majesty last year, was then read in public. it was well received, and the king said that he would reply thereto. then he wished to see the present which had been put in twelve boxes. greatly excited and enraged by a picture of myself, which represented me armed and with a cane in my hand, he asked in a loud voice whether this were intended as a threat. he was answered in the negative, but that it was a custom of persons who held high offices to send their portraits as tokens of regard and friendship when embassies were despatched. thereupon he was appeased, and ordered the picture to be placed in a large hall, and directed his wives and children to go to see it. after this the ambassador was invited to dine with him three times, and was finally dismissed with a present of twelve coats of mail, thirty lances, and two horses. the despatch has not yet arrived, but i fear that the ambassador has died, for he was very ill at nangasaque. the information which i give your majesty was gained from a letter of his. [20] in compliance with your majesty's orders, and after investigating the embarrassments of the royal treasury, i have cashiered two companies commanded by two of my relatives, thereby saving expenses to the treasury of more than two thousand pesos a year; but if you consider it best for your majesty's service to extend the reduction somewhat, it shall be done. within this city i have made an impregnable refuge, which is bounded on one side by the sea and on another by the river; while on the land side one thousand armed men can, if sufficiently provisioned, defend it against one hundred thousand. i am uneasy, however, because nueva españa neglects this important post. the troops sent me from that country are useless, and the majority of them are unarmed. the captains deprive the soldiers of their wages, and i have a hundred such complaints. i have sent advices of everything to the conde de monterrey, [21] in order that he may correct this evil, for the reparation thereof belongs to him. your majesty's service will be furthered by giving orders to this effect. i beseech your majesty to order that, for the use of the troops of this camp, eight hundred arquebuses, four hundred muskets, and three hundred coats of mail be brought from spain; for the troops are unarmed and your majesty is put to much useless expense. i should wish never to have been born if, on any occasion, this kingdom could not be defended for your majesty, for lack of arms. i have found here an invention of the sangleys for founding artillery. it is easy of accomplishment, and as there is much metal in the royal warehouses i am having fifty pieces of artillery made, which will take a ball of one to three libras' weight, the size most needed here. after these are finished, i shall not fail to go to china to attack the sangleys. may our lord preserve the royal catholic person of your majesty as is needed by these kingdoms, and as we your vassals desire. manila, june 17, 1598. _don francisco tello_ sire: your majesty's royal instructions despatched in the year ninety-six were received in the month of may of the year ninety-eight. your majesty's commands will be fulfilled with all punctuality, in each and every respect; and the viceroy of nueva españa will be advised of what concerns him, in order that he may also observe your majesty's commands. it is best for the service of your majesty that the viceroy should punctually send the reënforcements supplied to this kingdom, and carefully attend to all other things pertaining thereto. i am very sorry to see the manner in which your majesty's revenues are being wasted, and with so small a result; for the troops are in a wretched condition and without arms, and the captains try rather to rob them of their money than to secure good and serviceable troops. they are striving to deprive this last contingent, who are poor and unprotected, of the greater part of their pay. owing to a misunderstanding, the viceroy also does something unsuitable to your majesty's service--namely, he sends freight on certain ships which are despatched to these regions by private persons. to avoid expense to the royal exchequer, he makes entry thereof, and gives them license to carry a large sum of money. [22] from investing this they secure four times its value in goods; and all this wealth they use, and lade on their ships, and they take away the cream of the trade from those who were born in this country. as a result, this land is poor, harassed, and wretched; and the peruvians and mexicans are rich and powerful, for it is they who are engaged in this traffic. by the methods above described, there can be no obstacle which prevents them from receiving the highest profits. your majesty will command orders to be given in this matter as is most beneficial. the troops of this land, old and deserving soldiers, are in great need, for the encomiendas are in rebellion, and they cannot be pacified in many years. they are very poor, and beset with afflictions; and it grieves me to be unable to assist them. although i have supplied several with temporary positions, i have been careful not to give them to any follower or relative of mine. there are many who are unfortunate, and the thousand pesos which your majesty was pleased to command to be granted every year, with the condition that the additional pay given from it should not exceed ten pesos annually, is not used for that purpose. this is because there is no one to take the money, for it yields but seven reals a month, which can do no more than buy food for one day. the provisions in this land are as dear as those in castilla. if your majesty were pleased to have these thousand pesos and another thousand--which can be obtained from charges laid upon the vacant encomiendas--divided by the governor among twenty or thirty unemployed captains and deserving soldiers, they would then be enabled to buy food; and many very great excesses committed by them in trying to obtain food among the indians would be avoided. as these are caused by their extreme necessity, they are to a certain extent excusable, for no one is willing to be left to die of starvation. this point is worthy of much consideration. i entreat your majesty to have the goodness to examine it and provide what is most needful. although by right of my office i can proceed to punish the captains and soldiers of the land, and do so, there are, mingled with the good men, so many who are vile and vicious that the majority of the men are constantly informing on one another. this vice, as well as that of writing defamatory libels and letters, is very prevalent. this is a state of affairs very unfortunate for this land, and one by which our lord is very ill served; and great and serious misfortunes follow. if your majesty were pleased to charge each of the auditors here, in turn, privately to investigate these cases and give the offenders exemplary punishment, a great part of the present difficulty might be remedied. i assure your majesty, that one of the things which make me most dissatisfied and anxious to leave the country, is the matter above stated. therefore i have petitioned your majesty to grant me favor and license for it, as i hope for it from your royal clemency. many times i have considered and been brought face to face with the great evil that is done in this land by the marriage of elderly widows with whomsoever they may choose. they are old and but ordinary women, as they were those who first came here. their husbands pacified the best encomiendas, and died; and these widows are left with five or six thousand pesos of income. they marry and have married despicably and irregularly, and old soldiers, honorable gentlemen, and noblemen have been defrauded, who by their descent would have inherited and succeeded to these encomiendas. i have thought of a plan suitable to correct this evil, about which i have conferred with grave religious persons--namely, that the childless widow who shall marry after the age of forty years shall hold but a life-interest in the encomienda. will your majesty have this considered and provide accordingly, considering the extreme importance of it. your majesty's treasury is greatly embarrassed, as i have noted in the letter pertaining to the royal finances. it occurs to me to declare here what may be done in this regard, should it appear best to your majesty. the chinese who come here to trade every year bring eight hundred thousand pesos and sometimes more than a million. during the ten days they spend here they gain more than a hundred per cent; and this year, according to the universal opinion, fully two hundred per cent. they find plenty of money and sell as they would in their own land. each outgoing ship pays as anchorage five hundred pesos and the duties that are paid to your majesty are only three per cent, as imposed by don juan rronquillo. if your majesty would increase the duties by another three per cent, it would not hurt them to pay that amount, and your majesty's royal treasury would receive much relief thereby. the goods brought by these heathen chinese are silks of little cost and value, the scum of what they have; and they take back in return gold and silver. i humbly beseech your majesty in respect to this point, as to all my other suggestions, to accept so much as may be best for the royal service, which my zeal but desires to further. may our lord preserve your majesty for many long years, as we your majesty's servants and vassals need. manila, june 19, 1598. _don francisco tello_ sire: the report which by your royal instructions your majesty commands me to send, as to the religious orders in these islands, the number of houses and religious that they contain, and the number needed--whom may your majesty order to be sent, so that there may be sufficient religious instruction in the islands--will accompany this letter. it is sent with the promptness commanded by your majesty, whose catholic and royal person may our lord preserve, as is necessary to christendom, and as we your vassals desire. manila, july 9, 1598. _don francisco tello_ [_endorsed_: "manila. to his majesty, 1598. don francisco tello. july 9."] [_instructions of the council_: "have the superiors of the religious orders of españa notified to send useful religious to the philipinas. let the viceroy of nueva españa be directed by letter that he shall assemble the superiors of those religious orders, shall confer with them in regard to the annual selection and despatch of religious who are fitted to engage in this conversion, and shall direct them in the matter. let a letter be sent to the archbishop of manila asking for definite information as to the houses there, how they are distributed, how many religious are in each one, and how many would be needed in order to provide the necessary instruction; and let him be directed to see that there is no lack, but that the conversion shall continue to increase."] _report of the religious orders in these philippinas islands, of their provinces and houses, and of the religious whom they have and those whom they need from españa,in order that there may be sufficient religious instruction in the islands._ _st. augustine_.--the order of st. augustine, the first order to be founded in these islands, has occupied the provinces of tagalos, pampanga, ylocos, and pintados. it has in them sixty houses, with one hundred and eight priests and preachers, and fifty-three lay-brethren. they must establish more houses, both for the entries into new regions, and the new explorations which are to be made; and for the provision of sufficient instruction. to this end it will be necessary to send annually twenty religious to the order. these should come from nueva españa, where there are many religious. it would be at very much less cost to the royal exchequer to do this, and most sufficient for this country, because they have already made a beginning with the indians. _st. francis_.--the order of st. francis has occupied the province of camarines, where it has forty houses, with one hundred and twenty religious, twenty-three of whom are lay-brethren, and the rest priests, preachers, and confessors. they need fifty religious, both that they may have sufficient instruction, and for the houses that they are to establish. _st. dominic_.--the order of st. dominic occupies the province of cagayan, where it has twelve houses, with seventy-one religious. for the houses which they are to establish in that province, and that the province may have sufficient instruction, they must have twenty priests sent to them annually; for they receive as many lay-brethren in the islands as they need. _the society of jesus_.--the society of jesus, which is the last established, has twelve houses, which lie in the provinces of pintados, and in the islands of camar, leite, and babao. they have in them forty-three religious, of whom twenty-three are priests, preachers, and confessors, and the rest lay-brethren. for the houses that they are to establish, and in mindanao, where these religious will have charge of the pacification, they will need fifty priests at one time, and annual help henceforth; for they are reaping a great harvest in this country. they have two colleges here, one in manila, and the other in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus, where latin is taught to the spaniards, and the christian faith to the natives, who manifest a deep interest. the superiors of these orders are religious of much ability, and among the other members of the orders are many excellent linguists, who are accomplishing much in the conversion of the natives, which continues to increase daily. report of the audiencia on the conduct of tello sire: among other things which seemed advantageous to your majesty's service was for this audiencia to govern in accordance with the instructions and orders your majesty gave us, and to request the president, don francisco tello, to observe them on his part. we have notified him in writing that it is your majesty's will that he shall use the seal of your majesty's arms only to seal the decrees made and issued by the president and auditor of this chancilleria. we have notified him that he is not to use it, as he does, in issuing commissions for civil and military appointments. we have told him that your majesty has granted this privilege, under special decree, to the viceroys alone. but he does not refrain from doing this, as we have reported to your majesty in a special letter of the first of this month. we requested him, also, to wear suitable apparel in the judicial sessions of the audiencia, since hitherto he has come in wearing a short cloak, and a hat with colored plumes. we asked him to wear the same suitable apparel in conducting the deliberations of the audiencia, and in the building and council-room and court of the audiencia. up to this time, when the aforesaid president has held the courts, he has done so outside of the building of the audiencia, and in a chamber of the inn where he ordinarily resides. on these occasions he has not been properly attired, appearing sometimes with a colored cloak and sometimes without any. it is urged upon the president also that when the deliberations are being held, the door shall be bolted, that he shall allow no one to enter, shall keep secret all deliberations, and shall cause to be observed the respect and dignity due to this place where your majesty's person is represented--which he has thus far not done with the requisite propriety and exactness. from this have resulted several disagreeable occurrences. but especially has the president been informed that, since your majesty has resumed the civil and criminal jurisdiction of these islands in the audiencia, so that he [the governor] may be less occupied and more free to attend to matters of state and of war, he should not take charge of imprisonments and suits against the inhabitants and natives of this city. they complain that very often he persecutes them severely for some grudge, or because he does not like them; and that, even when he arrests them, he does not try their cases, and neither condemns nor acquits the accused; nor does he refer the cases to the audiencia, so that they may be tried there, in accordance with the demands of justice therein. of all these cases, he has the right to retain jurisdiction only over the offenses of the soldiers. these he may try directly, as your majesty has granted to him, as being captain-general. we have had some conferences on these points with the aforesaid president, and have used other means to induce him to do right, and not transgress your majesty's will. we have not, however, found him entirely submissive to it, especially as to the requirement to cease proceeding entirely alone in whatever suit he chooses. in this way he has begun to persecute those who are not entirely to his liking, and often with little justification. because it is very important to your majesty's service, and to the welfare of those who live here that this should not go on, we shall continue the necessary precautions, so that without giving occasion on our part for a break or disagreement with the president, he shall be submissive to what your majesty has decreed, as you desire. the important thing is to report to your majesty the state of affairs here, so that you may provide definitely for what is to be done. we state truthfully that we are under obligations to your majesty to interfere in no manner with the exercise of his governing power, and that of waging war--unless, under title and pretext of his office as captain-general, he shall prosecute and harass for his own personal grudges, and for objects which are not for your majesty's service, the inhabitants, and those who are not soldiers, and have committed no offense, since this must not go unremedied. whatever your majesty may be pleased to decree in all this matter, we shall remain without anxiety and in peace; for our only aim is the fulfilling of your majesty's will, and our desire the satisfactory accomplishment of the affairs of your majesty's service. may god keep your majesty. manila, july 15, 1598. doctor _antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _alvaro canbrano_ documents of 1599 letter to the archbishop of manila. felipe iii; march 1. letter from the bishop of nueva segovia to the king. miguel de benavides; may 17. letter to joan de ibarra. miguel de benavides; may 22. missions of the religious orders. geronimo de alcaraz; june 28. military affairs in the islands. francisco tello, and others; july 12. letter to the king. francisco tello; july 12. ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila. francisco tello, and others; june 1598-july, 1599. (_to be concluded_.) _source_: all of these documents arc obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first, third, fourth, and sixth are translated by robert w. haight; the second, by josé m. and clara m, asensio; the fifth and seventh, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university. letter from felipe iii to the archbishop of manila the king: to the very reverend father in christ, the archbishop of the city of manila, of the philipinas islands, a member of my council. as the information of which a copy is sent you with this has been examined in my council of the indias, which inquiry was made by the order of the governor of that archbishopric, concerning certain excesses of the teaching religious of the order of st. augustine in those islands, i have decided to send it to you; so that, in so far as concerns your jurisdiction over the occupations of the priests in the missions, you may correct the excesses mentioned in the said information, and whatever others there may be. you will remedy them in the form which most furthers the service of god our lord, and myself. as to the other matters contained in the said information concerning the said religious--that it is understood that they are in league with the governor of those islands and the provincial of the said order of st. augustine, or he who may be in his place--you will discuss the remedy which is made necessary by events, as well in this particular as in general. accordingly i charge and command you to do this, and to advise me of what you shall have done therein. valencia, on the first of march, of 1599. _i the king_ countersigned by _joan de ybarra_ signed by the council. letter from the bishop of nueva segovia to the king i have no doubt that by other ways your majesty [23] will learn of the affairs of manila. even to seek correction for them i would be unwilling to recall them to mind, were i not obliged to do so by the service of god and the welfare of my afflicted fellow men. with the fidelity which i owe to your majesty, i must proclaim aloud before god and your majesty everything in manila outside of the monasteries, and declare what thing or what person is offensive to god, to your majesty, and to his fellow man. god is severely punishing that city by poverty and losses of property. such is the chastisement in spiritual affairs, that, after so many years had passed without a prelate or father to sympathize with and help the people, the archbishop who came last year fell into a profound melancholy; and when he had been here two months and a half god called him to himself. he was removed from many misfortunes which could not be relieved; and before he had preached a single time, or given one call to his flock, the lord took him. it was said, however, that he died of a poisonous herb which was given him; and they say that his symptoms proved it. whether that is true or not, this land is such that it could be suspected and said that in so short a time they took the life of their prelate. in the temporal government, the death of the good licentiate, alvaro de çambrano, was very unfortunate for the poor and for persons of little influence. he was a pious man and one of noble purposes, and he died of grief, as may be deduced from a letter which he wrote me before his death. there is no doubt that the reason we do not die is because we have not grieved over matters with the charity and good zeal which were his. something has been done by the governor of these islands, don francisco tello, in which the auditors also must have been concerned. a ship was sent from these islands to china, and, as i understand--your majesty will learn the facts by other means--it sailed to a port very near to the town of the portuguese. if god and your majesty provide no remedy, this expedition will be the total destruction of what is held here by the crowns of castilla and portogal, with great offense to the faith, or the destruction of preaching and conversion. it is most difficult of correction, for there are interested in this matter first, the governor; secondly, the auditors; and thirdly, their followers and ministers. i hope, god helping, that all the good works which have been commenced here will not be abandoned for aught but the interest and profit of those who, according to right, should not regard their private welfare, but the common good, and the service of god and their king. in this i do not refer to the present auditors and governor, for i do not know what they have done of good or of bad in this despatch to china, but i speak of what is their custom and what is infallibly done by governors and auditors, unless they are people very much devoted to god's service. there are few if any persons that come who do not destroy this land, by sending much money to china. of this there is no doubt, and every day more light is shed upon the subject. from this vessel sent to china is resulting the total destruction of the portuguese town called macan. its sole support consists of the trade carried on there with the chinese, exporting goods thence to japon and elsewhere. by means of the friendly relations between the portuguese and the chinese, they succeed in buying the stuffs very cheaply, and by the little which is afterward gained in japon and other places, these people are supported. even should we go there, we have not that success in business, that concord among ourselves, or that patience and phlegm, and we seek greater profits. necessarily, we must greatly increase the price of the goods--more especially as the chinese are very shrewd traders; and on seeing our ship there laden with money, and knowing that it could not return empty, they may raise the prices at their pleasure. as the profits of the portuguese are not so great that they can afford to suffer this, they must therefore give up that trade, and abandon that town, which has no other means of support, thus leaving the christian chinese to return to their idolatries and mingle again with the heathen. from this great and evident wrong, follow others even greater; for whatever of christianity there is in japon, and the beginning which your majesty has there is supported solely by the traffic of the portuguese of macan with japon. when macan is lost, japon is destroyed. the other parts of india which have traffic in chinese goods, and in goods which are carried to españa--such as porcelains, silks, and chests--must lose very materially. the royal income of your majesty must be greatly diminished, because all the duties from chinese merchandise are collected in india. then in conveying them to portogal and from thence to castilla you must also lose, for all these affairs are moved by but one wheel, namely, macan. not the slightest doubt can be entertained of the destruction of macan, if ships from the philipinas go to that port or to any other of china, unless it be very far away from macan. even in the latter case, macan must receive serious damage. it will also be necessary for the portuguese to fit out ships and try to capture what vessel or vessels go there from the philipinas. that there will be war between us is not doubtful, but certain. if the portuguese must receive these serious damages, greater injuries must be suffered by the philipinas and the unfortunate castilians who have settled them, sustained them with their blood, maintained in them the faith of jesus christ, and fulfilled their duty to your majesty by means of the continual labors of themselves and their descendants. if this is continued, the governor, the auditors, and their followers will send their property to china, and have the ship brought back full of merchandise for themselves alone; and consequently will supply the cargoes for the ships which sail hence to mexico. thus the poor vassals of your majesty, who have nothing whereby to support themselves or their poor children except in this traffic with mexico, must be left like poor indians, only because the devilish avarice of those persons sent by your majesty to govern and care for this land leads them to take for themselves all the profits thereof. at present--with much honor to your majesty's royal crown and to the spanish nation--the chinese come with their goods to the philipinas, and each spaniard may buy and export goods; although even of this traffic, it is said commonly that there is nothing to be expected except thunderbolts from heaven to punish what is done, if report be true. but at last shame must check these injustices sometime, and not permit them to be done so openly. but if vessels are sent from here to china, the chinese merchants will not come here, nor will goods from china be brought here; and should such goods come, the governor and auditors will export their own goods, depriving of space those to whom all the exportation is granted, according to the just and holy will of your majesty. even were it only for the sake of not seeing the spanish nation so defamed as it must be in china, and hated and scorned in these regions even by the school-children, the governor and auditors should not be willing to enter into a traffic so costly to the honor and reputation of our nation. here we have no large armies to sustain us, nothing but reputation alone, and if they treat us as avaricious persons, there will not be an indian who will not be insolent to the spaniards on account of this, and more in proportion as we are always blinded by avarice. what must be lost by the holy gospel and the christian law is evident; for sailors and soldiers will go hence in the ship--an ungodly people, guilty of sins of the flesh as well as other offenses, who know naught except to commit offenses against those with whom they deal. moreover, the heathen cannot receive a very good example from the wars and enmity which will exist between the castilians and the portuguese. the chinese who come here to manila have some poor examples; but they also receive very good lessons from the religious, and in the churches, the holy ceremonies of the church, and in the life of several very good spaniards, and even of some indians. but when the ship of the governor and auditors, or any others, is sent there, the chinese can have but the examples of soldiers, sailors, and impious people. god knows what the import and export duties and incomes of your majesty would profit and gain by the bringing of goods from china and exporting them to nueva españa, because everything has to pass through the hands of avarice, and of ministers who can do as they please here. i do not know what can have been the reason for sending this ship to china and beginning an enterprise so prejudicial. in a general clause, however, of an instruction to the governor, your majesty ordains that the governor may send to japon, macan, or other pagan countries, also to ports of the heathen and of the portuguese in order to ascertain if they would like trade with us. but china is not mentioned by name in said clause; and the law of justice is that what is not conceded in particular is not understood to be granted in a general statement. the point under discussion was not only not particularly conceded by your majesty, but had been expressly prohibited by a special decree. not only did your majesty ordain that no ship whatever should go from other spanish possessions to china, but it is even decreed that the chinese merchants coming here shall not take back spanish money to china; and that merchandise shall not be exported from china on account of the spaniards, but on account of the chinese themselves. even in the same instruction, in the two clauses immediately preceding the one to which i refer, your majesty commands a thing incompatible with the sending of a vessel to china, which has been undertaken this year. your majesty decrees that all the goods coming from china should be sold at the pancada and that nothing should be bought on private account until after the pancada. the aforesaid decree would be futile if license were then to be given to send money to china, and also ships, to buy there the stuffs and merchandise for the spaniards. it may be that there are those who represent that this has been done for the sake of opening a door to the evangelization of china; but such persons do not have as a profession the preaching of the gospel. the evident truth is what i state. the sole correction for these evils, and for all the misfortunes of this land, is for your majesty to send--besides a holy and learned archbishop, zealous in honoring god, your majesty, and the common welfare--a disinterested and god-fearing governor, such as don luis perez dasmariñas, and, according to my information, don pedro brabo de acuña, who has been governor for some years in cartagena in the indias. but i understand that, at the receipt of these letters and other things, your majesty will have ordered don francisco tello to return [to españa] and another governor will be provided. may god have granted light to your majesty, and continue to give you light always, in order that your majesty may be guided aright in a government so far away from the royal eyes as this, where the governors have so many opportunities to cause the destruction of the poor vassals of your majesty. tulac, may 17, 1599. _fray miguel de benavides_, bishop of nueva segovia. letter from bishop benavides to joan de ibarra may it please our lord that this letter shall find your grace and señora doña catalina and your children enjoying all the grace of god and the health and contentment that i wish them, and which i every day beseech for them in my poor masses and prayers. i cannot write now in regard to the news which should come this year, because i am far from manila, and the ships depart hence for mexico when those from mexico come, and sometimes earlier. i am writing what has occurred here to the council, and as one who knows your grace's zeal, i have no need to urge the necessity here of having a man come as governor who is known to fear god. oh, my lord secretary, if your grace could see some of this, and if i could cause the eyes of those lords to perceive the need of this unfortunate country, and the mighty things which depend on it, for the glory of god and the faith, and for the honor of the crown of castilla! the king cannot settle a matter of such importance in the yndias--and certainly i shall not err in expatiating upon it. there is need here of a man so moderate and disinterested, and so staunch a friend of the general weal--and in a word, so fearful of god and his judgment--as is fitting for the government of the philipinas. but, as i say, by his discretion in matters concerning his majesty, and his zeal for the service of god and the king, there is one who is qualified for it--that is, don luis perez das mariñas; for it is necessary that the governor of this country be even more a preacher of the faith of jesus christ our lord, and of his law, than are the preachers themselves. his life is an example of effort to conciliate to christianity, or to keep at a distance the chinese, japanese, sianese, cambojans, and numberless other nations whom god has placed here. i have heard much good of don pedro bravo de acuña, formerly governor of cartagena; and it seems to me that he, too, would be very fit for this country. gomez perez dasmariñas brought with him a nephew named don fernando de castro, of as good family as was his uncle, or even better. i have often conversed with him, and know much about him that is good. i know that he is a very moderate man, and has much fear of god; and he is well inclined to take advice when occasion arises. these islands and the king's exchequer would also gain much if this man were governor. he likewise has much experience on these lands and seas, as he has been several times commander on the voyage to mexico, and went to china on the occasion of the death of his uncle, gomez perez. i do not care to write concerning don francisco tello, as when this arrives another will already have been appointed, and he will go to his home; may god guide him, and give him good fortune and penitence for his misdeeds. what i write concerning the great evil of having a ship go to china from these islands to trade--at any rate near where the portuguese are, and even in all parts of china--is at present so true that, if this evil be not remedied, these islands must be ruined, and the portuguese will be destroyed. the catholic faith must lose much; and i hold it certain that there will be a war between us and the portuguese, for they have sought to take up arms with less cause than this, or even have taken them up, against the castilians there in macan. in short, they will not allow themselves to be ruined, and that so evidently for merely the interest of the castilians; but it is not for the interest of the castilians, but that of the governor and auditors, and their retainers. the portuguese know well, and so do we all, that this is not the will of the king nor of the council. i write also that it is necessary to correct the freedom, ignorance, and boldness of certain religious. i am still of the opinion which we all had at that time, that the brief which father alonso sanchez secured from gregory xiv, giving the bishop power to make visitations, in person or by any clergyman, of the religious and their mission villages, is certainly a most damaging one. although no doubt some superiors of the religious orders deserve to have this put in execution at times, yet the religious orders are the walls of the church, and it is not well to treat them thus. but likewise it is necessary that the pope establish some order in the irregularity which your grace will see described in my letter for the council. let the bishop keep his place, and the religious theirs; and let this divine work of preaching the gospel be continued, which is our greatest desire. if the captain of infantry tries to take up the duties of the master-of-camp, and the soldier those of the captain or of the general, it will go ill with the war. i am sending the council the letter which i am writing to the pope--first, because i wish that the council should see first what i have to say to the pope, that they should place it before the pope, and that everything may be done by his order. in this way everything will be regular, and, god willing, we shall achieve the desired result. in the second place i have not and do not desire any agent, because through the mercy of god, i solicit nothing for my private interests, but only for the service of god and that of my king. it seems to me sufficient to write what i think, to the council, so that those lords may attend to it, since that is their affair; and they and their consciences will be excellent solicitors for the adjustment of the matters that i write about, and the zeal of your grace will make up for my shortcomings and remedy matters here, for i promise you there are many. concerning myself i may say that i am well, thanks to god. those who manage the royal exchequer have treated me according to my deserts. it is impossible for me to live unless this be remedied, for in this misery which has been decreed for me, they have through a whole year accorded me no more than one third, amounting to six hundred and some odd pesos of eight reals. the expense which i undergo is excessive, although i brought with me only one boy, and at most two persons. i have not even anyone to help me at mass, although in so new and unsettled a country. i am forced to go from one part to another; and, as there are no beasts of burden and everything has to be borne on men's shoulders, even if one is only bringing the articles necessary to say mass, it costs a great deal of money. i am in such a condition that i have not even a chasuble in which to say the ordinary mass. i have even worn shoes with holes, which showed the bare flesh, and perhaps there was nothing with which to buy others. i do not ask for more income; i only ask that the decree of his majesty be obeyed in my behalf--that instruction shall be paid for in the same place with the tributes from that place. i would be satisfied if only that which was ordered to be given me were paid me in my bishopric, from the tributes and the treasury thereof, in the province of ilocos; for that of cagaian has nothing, and there are no established tributes there. for if the money goes to manila, as the governor and auditors and royal officials are there, i too must go there; and it certainly is an indignity to the position of a bishop that they should thus treat him. what is done for a lay priest and a religious is not much to do for a bishop; and as the religious and the secular clergymen are paid where they labor and where the pay is needed, the bishop should also be paid where he labors and where he needs it. beside this, as he is obliged to go there and return, he undergoes during the journey (which is on the king's account) danger from sea and from many enemies on land; and on the return, which is on my account, there are the same dangers and risks to be run, and i must pay money to bring it from a great distance, and through dangerous routes. all this would be obviated if only the said decree of his majesty were observed in my case. but, as they say in castilla, the gallows was made for the unfortunate. there is some more money which the royal officials have not collected from me, which i owed, although they were informed of it by the bulls. they failed to collect from me other money--that which was lent me in españa in the house of trade at sevilla, for my aid and outfit. i say that concerning this i am writing to the council, asking them to remit me this debt, as it is certainly necessary. if those lords should consent to have this favor done me, well and good; if not, patience. although i have equal liking and respect for all the council, as for señor the licentiate molina de medrano, he best knows my heart and my soul, as he has had closer association with me. although i am writing to his grace, yet i do not know whether that letter will be so long; and accordingly i beg your grace to communicate this to him. to señora doña catalina, and to señors don francisco and don christoval, and to doña magdalena, and to that other angelic child whose name i do not recall: may god keep them in life, and grant health to your grace, as i, the affectionate chaplain of all your household, desire. afulu, may 22, 1599. _fray miguel_, bishop of nueba segobia. that letter i wrote to the council, but it was blotted; and accordingly i send a copy of it, and send that to your grace, so that you may show this if perchance the other one should be lost. [_endorsed_: "to joan de ibarra, knight of the habit of calatrava, of the royal council of the indias, and secretary of the king our lord for the indias."] missions of the religious orders i, geronimo de alcaras, secretary of the chapter of this holy metropolitan church of manila, and notary-public of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, give witness and true testimony that, by the books wherein are recorded the decrees and other matters having to do with the government thereof, which are issued in this archbishopric, and which books are in my possession, it appears that on the twenty-first of august of the past year one thousand five hundred and eighty-seven, don fray domingo de salasar, who was the first bishop of these islands, gave permission and license to the religious of the order of st. dominic to found a church and convent in this said city of manila. likewise on the twenty-ninth of august of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety, the said bishop gave the said permission to the religious of the order of st. augustine to establish missions in the tingues of pas, the encomienda of tome de la ysla. [24] on the same day he also gave permission for the villages of araya and pinpin, of the jurisdiction of candava. likewise on the third day of the month of february of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, fray christoval de salvatierra, then director of this archbishopric, gave the said permission to the religious of the order of st. francis to establish a mission in the tingues of cavite, on the encomienda of diego jorge. on the twenty-fifth of september of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six the dean and chapter of this said holy church, _sede vacante_, gave the said permission to the religious of the society of jesus, for the whole of the island of mindanao. on the twelfth of february of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the said dean and chapter gave the said permission to the said religious of the society of jesus for the mission village [_doctrina_] of taytay. on the eighth of may of this present year of ninety-nine, the said dean and chapter gave the said permission to the said religious of the society of jesus for the village of silan in the tingues of cavite, because the religious of st. francis had resigned that mission. although i have examined with particular care the said books, i find in none of them that there has been given thus far permission for more houses than those above mentioned, all of which appears and is evident by the said books to which i refer. that this may be evident, at the command of the said dean and chapter i give this present, dated at manila, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. _geronimo de alcaraz_ the notaries who have below signed their names certify and bear witness, to whomsoever may see the present paper, that jeronimo de alcaras, by whom this report is signed in this other part, is secretary of the chapter, acting as vicar-general, and is master of school and licentiate, and as such entire faith and credit, in and out of court, is given to the reports and other papers which have passed and shall pass before him. that this may be apparent, we have given this present in manila, on the twenty-eighth of june of the year ninety-nine. _francisco de olavide_, notary to his majesty. _francisco de valencia_, notary public. _joan paz dessotomayor_, notary royal. [_endorsed_: "testimony regarding the occasions upon which the ordinary of the filipinas islands has given his permission to the mendicant religious to found churches and instruct the natives of those islands."] military affairs in the islands _that the phelippinas islands are far distant from españa and peru, and in the midst of many enemies; and that they should be annually supplied with men and arms._ [25] i. since these your majesty's islands are very remote and distant from nueva españa and peru, and much farther from castilla, and surrounded by many large kingdoms inhabited by heathen, who are enemies of our holy catholic faith--as, for instance, china, cochinchina, camboxa, sian, xapon, maluco, and many others--to whom the spanish name and valor are odious and hateful, and who watch for any opportunity to compass our injury and destruction, it is important to notice and guard against any danger or suspicion which may threaten us. for, by the entry to manila which the chinese and japanese enjoy for the purposes of trade, and their understandings with the natives, it may be justly suspected that, allied with the natives of the land, with whom they are very friendly, they may attempt some great enterprise. the best defense against that lies in a large force of spanish troops. although your majesty takes such particular care to send assistance every year, this camp not only does not continue to increase, but even is not maintained: first, because the number of men who come is not in proportion to those who die during the year, since the land is [in]salubrious [26] and unhealthy, without reckoning the men wasted in the ... on punitive expeditions, pacifications, and ne[w dis]coveries w[hich o]ffer [themselves]; and further there is a lack of ... since, almost at the same time, occurred the expedition and pacification of mindanao, the punishment and pacification of the presidio of cagaian, the reverse for the troops in çebu, the punishment of and raids among the çambales, the presidio of la caldera, and the expedition to camboxa. also the voyage from nueva españa wastes many men; because leave must necessarily be given to those who are married in españa or to peruvians--who are men very harmful to the commonwealth--besides others who did not come with the intention of living in it, or the desire of becoming citizens, but only to return with their property. in giving them leave, we take into consideration that there is ... of those who leave here rich ... few set their minds upon ... many to come ... voluntarily without any expense to your royal treasury, so that we are always in need of men. those who remain here are exceedingly poor, so i beg your majesty to order the viceroy of nueva españa to attend to this matter with the greatest punctuality. this year only seventy men came here; they were not serviceable men and among them all there were only three arquebuses. one thousand arquebuses, five hundred muskets with powder-horns and small flasks, and five hundred coats-of-mail and as many morions, should be sent to me from españa, at prime cost, to be distributed among the unarmed men; and those left over would be stored in your majesty's armory for future necessity, for at present the soldiers are unprovided with arms. [_in the margin_: "have a letter written to the viceroy of nueva españa, and this relation sent him ... much that he provide with care these ... useful, and endeavor to send settlers ...; and that for this object he perform and execute what is order[ed] in regard to the matter, with exactness and rigor, and aid in every way. send directions to don pedro de acuña to communicate with the viceroy in regard to the despatch there of all that pertains to the service of this matter; and that they prepare what will be advisable, in order to settle that country, taking care that the needful moderation be exercised in incurring expenses for his majesty's exchequer."] _two workmen are asked for to cast artillery, of which there is considerable need._ ii. a couple of artillery founders are very much needed here, because of the artillery cast in the islands--sometimes by indians, and sometimes by chinese--besides the great cost and delay, not even one piece out of four turns out good, although there is plenty of material, which i have caused to be collected with the greatest care. i beg your majesty to send me these masters because there is a great scarcity of artillery for the defense and protection of this country. [_in the margin_: "endeavor to have these two founders sent; have them sought carefully, and ask the captain-general for them."] _that a master-builder is needed to repair defects in the wall and the fortifications._ iii. i beg your majesty to have a master-builder sent me, because the work on the wall of this city did not have the necessary finish and foundation. in some places it has fallen. the fortifications were not built with the plan and in the form necessary for their purpose. [_in the margin_: "have some suitable person found to send."] _that no more assistance is asked from nueva españa than is necessary; that the succor which has been ordered for this colony has been ill attended to; that there are fears of the japonese who came this year, 1599, to plunder these islands; and that a relation of the state of xapon is being sent_. iiii. in a royal decree, your majesty orders me not to ask from here too much assistance of nueva españa, which shall be fulfilled according to your majesty's orders. i assure your majesty that nothing more than what is actually necessary is, or shall be, asked for from here. mexico is not in close accord with us, because, although your majesty has ordered that the customs and freights derived from the chinese trade be sent from that country for the payment and assistance of this colony, it has not yet been done or observed. now besides the men to whom i am pledged in la caldera for the second ... the island of mindanao and a check to ... the enemy in terrenate from coming to ... the pintados, your majesty's vassals ... year japonese have commenced to come ... almost within sight of manila. formerly not more than two or three ships were in the habit of coming, but this year seven piratical vessels appeared, who have done considerable damage; and nine merchant-vessels, who have entered manila within four months. but, as it happened that the pirates came after them, as we suspected that they were not all of the same understanding and alliance, several investigations were made in regard to them, and their commanders arrested, although nothing of importance was found. i sent general don joan ronquillo and captain joan de alcega to attack the enemy with a galley and a galliot; and although they came within sight of them, they did not effect the desired purpose, because their vessels were not suitable, and heavy storms were threatening. i sent captain gaspar perez to ... with some vireys and small ships; he had better luck, for, having met with two of the xaponese ships, he overcame the one which awaited him, and killed the whole crew. he brought one xaponese of this city here alive, who was executed in the sight of the xaponese and chinese. i also sent captain christoval de azqueta with what ships were suitable. the enemy did not wait, but fled. i am quite certain that they will return the coming year with a large number of ships, and a large force of men, on account of the booty which they found aboard a chinese trading-vessel that they seized on the high sea, and some robberies committed on the native indians. with the death of taico samar, the lord of all xapon, the state of some affairs may be changed, but not the government--for this, they say, is well conducted. although i have not declared him who governs an enemy, there is little to hope for in this affair of xapon, because about one hundred thousand men, xaponese soldiers, who were employed in the war with corea, have returned to their own country, who are now idle and poor. some of them may try to invade this land, which is so coveted by them on account of their thirst for gold. i have sent letters to xapon on the two trading-vessels, advising the xaponese of the arrival of the pirates, and requesting their punishment, and the prevention of any ships from leaving xapon without permission. i also asked them not to send more than three xaponese trading-vessels, for they are quite enough to supply this community with flour. a relation of the condition of xapon accompanies this. [_in the margin_: "have the new governor directed to display great care in meeting expenses which are to be disbursed from his majesty's treasury; to prevent any trouble which might arise from the presence and residence of foreigners there, even under the pretense of trading; that a welcome be extended to friends, and harmony with them maintained; and that ports and frontiers have their necessary defenses."] _that on account of suspicions that the chinese are bringing over corsair pilots and seamen, the conduct of the governor of the sangleys in manila was investigated._ v. on account of suspicions which arose a long time ago regarding the chinese, and because the japanese pirates brought chinese pilots and seamen, i made some investigations ... alonso sauyo, governor of the sangleys, but nothing of importance was discovered. . . . [_in the margin_: "no reply to this."] _that, as the galleys are not suitable for these seas, because of the tides, galizabras [27] are being built._ vi. after having considered and discussed in special meeting the fact that galleys are not suitable for these seas--as may be seen by the fact that they are not ships that can stand the heavy tides, or enter the bays in pursuit of the enemy--and because of the difficulties which the religious put in the way of enlisting rowers, and the lack of skill among the latter--it was resolved to build four galizabras, well supplied with artillery and manned with crews. three galliots in addition seems to be a large enough force to sweep this sea and make it safe, so that the chinese merchants can go and come from their country with greater safety. these are being built in all haste. [_in the margin_: "have this entrusted to the new governor, so that he may take the necessary precautions, and advise as to what should be done and the cost of the undertaking."] _that gomez perez had not manned more than three galleys._ vii. although your majesty has been informed that gomez perez had manned more than eight galleys here, the report made to your majesty was false; for all that he did was to arm three or four galleys for that expedition to maluco, and the crew were a few blacks who were brought at that time to him from the punishment and raids among the çambales, and the rest were indian seamen taken by force, at the cost of the encomenderos who accompanied him on the said expedition. the principal galliot he manned with a crew of chinese, who killed him. [_in the margin_: "no reply to this."] _that the island of mindanao is pacified, and a garrison maintained in la caldera, and that report of the condition of the island is sent._ ix. [28] in regard to the pacification of mindanao, the undertaking has hitherto been carried on at the cost of the estate of estevan rodriguez de figueroa; but now a judgment has just been handed down by this royal audiencia against your majesty, providing that it shall be carried on at the cost of your royal treasury, since that expedition was organized with prearrangement by your majesty and complete justification. the present condition of affairs there is that don joan ronquillo left the island, and it is now, in a state of pacification, for the natives acknowledged your majesty's rule. but, because of the disposition of some of the chiefs, there is no security, nor have they come to pay their tribute. it is not in the necessary state of quiet and perfection, because, in order to attain that, it is necessary to maintain a garrison there of two hundred soldiers, whom i have not at the present time. the land produces but little, nor is there any great quantity of gold, although considerable wax and tortoise-shell is found. in some parts the people are poor, and i understand will not be able to pay tribute. in order to insure security for the pintados, it is quite important that that island be safe and secure, so that the natives of terrenate may have no way station there to rob the pintados--who are your majesty's vassals--as was done in the year 95, when one thousand five hundred indians were captured. considering that i lack men and force sufficient for the said purpose, i have posted in la caldera, which is near mindanao, one hundred spaniards, under command of captain toribio de miranda, a good leader, by whom that quiet and blessing can be effected, and terrenate kept in check until, finding myself better supplied with men here, it could be completely quieted. a report of the condition of mindanao will accompany this. [_in the margin_: "have the new governor directed to exercise great care to maintain the pacified regions, and to have the gospel preached, and in the ... in regard to the tributes to make necessary regulations, after consultation with the prelates, and according to his orders; and that he try to keep those who acknowledge his majesty's dominion secure from receiving any injury from their enemies, and forward information of everything that is done."] _that the province of cagaian rebelled, but is now in greater peace and security than at any time heretofore._ x. in the province of cagaian, which is one of the best and most fertile districts of the country, a rising among the indians took place last year (1598) caused by the bad treatment of the encomenderos and collectors, and from the warlike nature of the natives of that province. the place being of so great importance, i sent the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, with one hundred men to restore peace and punish them. he subdued and pacified them. immediately after this, i sent captain diego de chaves as alcalde-mayor to punish the indians who were the instigators of the said rising, and he executed twelve of the headmen. today the province is quiet, peaceful, and tractable by land and sea, so that a single soldier may go through it alone; while formerly it was necessary for ten or a dozen to go in company, and even then there was little security. [_in the margin_: "have ... master-of-camp notified to go upon the first occasion to fill his office."] _that a relation of the expedition to camboxa, and the state of that kingdom, was sent last year (1598), and it is now sent again._ xi. in a letter dated november 15 of last year (1598), which i sent your majesty by way of malaca, i gave your majesty a detailed account of the condition of the kingdom of camboxa with these islands, and the expedition which captain joan joares gallinato made to the country, by order of don luis perez dasmariñas. i also told you that the same don luis went to finish it in person at his own cost, with my concurrence and agreement, and at the advice of the royal audiencia. the relation of the condition of that kingdom i sent to your majesty with a copy of the agreements. don luis having left prematurely, and the winds being quite contrary, he made a harbor, and is now on the coast of china in the harbor of pinal, near canton--crippled, and without ships, arms, or munitions to continue his expedition. the admiral's ship of his fleet was lost on some shoals on the coast of chincheo, and a fine crew of forty-five spaniards were drowned. a galliot, which he also had with him, arrived at cagaian, where the crew received all good provision. repairs were made and the men supplied with what they needed. the vessel set out on its voyage to camboxa, before hearing of the loss of don luis, and nothing else is known of it. don luis is continually sending from there for assistance in ships, men, arms, and munitions, of which there is a great scarcity. although he has endured so many hardships, and hunger, and nakedness, when i consider on my side the straits in which i find myself, and the little assistance that i have had from nueva españa this year for the great dangers which confront us, and the number of affairs which it is necessary to attend to and provide, not only do i not think of sending him any help, but with the consent of the royal audiencia, i advised him to return here so that i could avail myself of the men that he had there, for occasions which are expected in the future. he was not strictly ordered, considering the expense to his own estate, and the hardships which he has endured upon this expedition. when he arrives at camboxa he will see whether the king there is in great need of his person and troops to defend him. after considering the state of affairs there, don luis will do whatever is most necessary for the service of god and your majesty. [29] [_in the margin_: "that everything necessary regarding camboxa is already attended to."] _that, considering that there are poor citizens who have served well, they should be given some support from the royal treasury, setting aside for it, a fund of two thousand pesos, besides one thousand pesos from saleable offices_. xii. considering the distress of the troops here, and how little there is here for their support--and i assure your majesty that this is an expensive land, although in the midst of plenty--and as it was seen that there are not enough encomiendas or offices for everyone, and that some of your deserving citizens, not being rewarded, do not fill them, it was the custom to give them false musters [_plazas muertas_], so that these people secured a living. your majesty has ordered this to be stopped, and this has been done. also further, in regard to your majesty's order to divide one thousand pesos of additional pay among the soldiers, there is no one who will accept anything, on account of its being so small a sum, as ten pesos a year, and i do not dare to exceed your majesty's orders. i should be of the opinion that these thousand pesos and as many more, amounting in all to two thousand a year, should be distributed as a deferred allowance to old and deserving men, who can serve no longer. one thousand pesos is good, and may serve until another greater reward is given them. this may be under the title of pay, up to one hundred pesos, or whatever your majesty may order. may god preserve your majesty's catholic person, as is needful to these kingdoms, and as we your vassals desire. manila, july 12, 1599. _don francisco tello_ [_in the margin_: "have the new governor give information of all this, and meanwhile let everything provided be observed."] relation of mindanao after gomez perez dasmariñas saw that the sect of mahoma was effecting an entrance into the island of mindanao by way of maluco, and that through the proximity and association of the said island with the province of the pintados, this sect was sure to insinuate itself into the said province and others of the philipinas islands, he tried to remedy matters by giving the pacification of the island to captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, of which your majesty has been informed. he approved the said agreements, declaring what should be given to estevan rodriguez de figueroa as a reward for this pacification. the said captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa left these islands in the month of april, in the year five hundred and ninety-five, with thirty-six ships, large and small, well supplied with artillery, and with two hundred and twelve spanish soldiers, and one thousand five hundred indians. on the twentieth of the said month, he arrived at the river of mindanao, where are the largest settlements on the island, and where the king of the island resides. on the twenty-fifth he went ashore, leaving the master-of-camp aboard the vessels with a guard for the security of the fleet. marching in the direction of one of the enemy's forts, they came upon an ambuscade in their path. coming to a hand-to-hand conflict, captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa was wounded in the head by a knife-thrust, and died in two days without regaining consciousness. at this turn of affairs the soldiers, who had disembarked, retired to their ships without avenging his death. the captains and soldiers held a council and appointed as their captain-general, joan de lajara, master-of-camp of the said fleet, who disembarked with his men, and built another fort four leagues below the enemy's fort, where they remained several days without accomplishing anything. finally, in the month of october, the said joan de laxara came to this city, saying that he had left the camp to come to ask for help for the men whom he had left there, for they were in great distress. don francisco tello, governor and captain-general of these islands, thought that the said joan de laxara had done wrong in deserting his camp, when he was able to ask for help by means of letters, or by means of some other person. he imprisoned him for several days, and tried to find some one to take charge of it. finding that the children of estevan rodriguez de figueroa were infants, the eldest being four years old, and that the guardians could not take care of affairs of such importance and trust with the punctuality and readiness necessary, and aware of the danger encountered by the men who remained in mindanao, he called a council of war of the most practiced and experienced captains in the land, to consider their resources. they were of the opinion that the said pacification thus commenced should not be abandoned, that those indians who were acting so shamelessly should be punished, and that the said pacification be prosecuted at the cost of the estate of the said estevan rodriguez, which was pledged for it. with the requisite promptness, the said governor appointed don joan ronquillo, general of the galleys, to finish the said pacification, giving him a sufficient force of men and war-material for the purpose. while he was preparing to make this expedition, captain toribio de miranda was despatched before him, with news of the coming of don joan ronquillo with assistance and a sufficient force to bring the undertaking to an end; and to encourage them by showing them how little hardship they still had to undergo, and that they should by no means stir from their position. although this message was despatched with the greatest celerity, when he arrived at the port of la caldera in the said island, which is forty leagues from the river of mindanao, he met there the whole camp and fleet of mindanao, which was coming to this city, after having burnt their fort. the said captain toribio de miranda, with the orders which he bore, detained them and made them return to the river of mindanao, where don joan ronquillo arrived with his fleet and army after a few days; upon disembarking, he began to bring about some good results. at this time a fleet arrived from the neighboring terrenate to help the mindanaos, who had sent there for assistance. these were eight hundred men under the leadership of an uncle of the king of terrenate, who entered the river of mindanao where the spanish camp was pitched. at a distance of two leagues from it he disembarked and built a fort and cavalier, without being disturbed. when this was discovered by the spaniards, he was attacked by them by land and water at once, on november 15. they besieged the enemy's fort and fleet, and not only the whole fort but the fleet was won, with some artillery and the loss of many men on the enemy's side, without the loss of any spaniards. in this encounter the general of the fleet from terrenate was killed. this victory was a very important one, and with it the whole island of mindanao lost courage and were awed. the island was surrendered peacefully, and is peaceful today. they acknowledged obedience to our sovereign, the king, whereupon the robberies and injuries which the terrenatans were accustomed to commit in the provinces of the pintados, who are your majesty's vassals, have ceased. before these happy results, don juan ronquillo wrote a letter to don francisco tello, governor of the philipinas, in which he told how far this conquest of mindanao extended, and the distress of the camp for lack of supplies, unless he were continually assisted from these islands. for that island is quite lacking in them, and altogether of little profit or substance to his majesty, as it is a poor and wretched land, lacking in everything; and, even when it is pacified, the natives there would not be able to pay tribute, on account of its great sterility. it would likewise be impossible to come to close quarters with the indians, because they never stand their ground, and are able to inflict injury with safety to themselves, shooting arrows from the heights at the spanish camp without any possibility of being attacked in return, because they flee immediately to the mountains. when the said governor, don francisco tello, heard this, he called a council of war of the most practiced and experienced captains in the land; and, having read the letter of the said don joan ronquillo, all were unanimous that, if the island of mindanao was so fruitless and profitless, and the pacification would have to spread so far over it, the said don joan ronquillo should be ordered to have a last fight with the natives of the island, and do them all the harm possible, without endangering the camp; and that, this done, he should strike camp, and go with all his men to the island of la caldera. when he arrived there he was to build a fort, well supplied with artillery and provisions. he was to leave in it a garrison of one hundred men, in charge of a good leader, as a check for terrenate and mindanao. with the rest of his force he was to return to these islands, where, at this time, the province of cagayan was in rebellion, whose people are the most warlike of the island. they had grave suspicions of japon, and need of troops. this order was sent immediately to don joan ronquillo. when he received it, he had had the good fortune above referred to. he ought to have followed up such good luck and fortune, but failed to do so, executing his orders immediately, without at all finishing the task of calming the minds of several chiefs of the island, although he left it pacified, and they had rendered obedience to and recognized his majesty. don joan ronquillo was also ordered to stop on his way back, at the island of jolo, which is twenty leagues from the harbor of la caldera. the king of jolo rendered obedience to his majesty many years ago, and, although jolo is an encomienda, he has paid no more of the tribute than he pleased, having had but little intercourse with spaniards, and the island not having been thoroughly quieted. don joan was to advise the king, and give him to understand the state of affairs in the island of mindanao; and order him, as it was pacified, not to disturb it, warning him that he would be rigorously punished; that since he had done homage so long ago, he should continue it; that the spaniards were settled on the island of la caldera, whence they could quickly come if any quarrels should arise; and that they would maintain them in justice and defend them from their enemies. with this order the said don joan ronquillo, leaving the said island of mindanao in the condition above referred to and striking his camp, arrived, with all his armament, at the island of la caldera, where he built the fort according to orders. having mounted some artillery, and left a garrison of one hundred soldiers, with captain christoval de villagra at the head of his men, well provided with supplies and munitions, he went to jolo, where he gave the king of that island to understand what he was ordered. the king immediately rendered obedience again to his majesty. this done, the said don joan ronquillo, with the rest of his force, came to these islands, where investigations into his conduct were made by the said governor, because he had not entirely tamed the spirit of those chiefs, notwithstanding the orders which were sent him to strike camp, since afterward he had had such good fortune and an opportunity for it, had he remained--one fortnight more being all that was required--and as nothing had been risked, he could have done it. captain christoval de villagra, confident in the submission which the king of jolo had made to his majesty, sent thirty soldiers to the said island to look for supplies. when they arrived there they found there an uncle of the king of mindanao, a brother-in-law of the king of jolo, whom, because he was restless and rebellious, they banished from the said island. he treacherously killed thirteen soldiers; notice of this being brought to the governor, the latter immediately sent as governor of the said fort of la caldera, captain joan pacho, a person practiced and experienced in that land, to inflict punishment upon jolo. as soon as he had arrived at la caldera, he began operations, and left there for the said punitive expedition with sixty spaniards, with whom he engaged the enemy. finding the latter in a high place difficult to ascend; and at the time of the attack being overtaken by a rainstorm, and deceived by some indian spies into the bargain, whom he sent to reconnoiter the enemy--from this combination of circumstances it happened that the said captain joan pacho and nineteen soldiers were killed. the rest retired without securing any advantage or avenging themselves. news of this being brought to the governor, he sent captain toribio de miranda, a good soldier, to take charge of that place, with orders not to make any entry, or inflict any punishment until he was ordered to the contrary. the latter is not permitted to be done until there is a better supply of men and money in the islands, because without these there will be a greater risk, for the king of jolo is assisted by his brother-in-law. when there shall be a better supply of men and money, miranda will be sent expressly to punish all the people of this island, and ravage it, because it is dangerous and of no profit. the island of mindanao is almost three hundred leagues in circumference. it is a land of slight elevation; although of good climate; it is sparsely settled, and its inhabitants very warlike and inclined to arms. their only aim is to rob and kill. there is a scarcity of supplies in some parts, though cinnamon is found in some districts, and a large quantity of wax everywhere. tortoise shells are also found. they weave cloth from medriñaque and some from cotton. all the inhabitants on the coast and the river profess the doctrine of maoma, and those of the uplands are heathens. although it cannot be maintained without assistance, still it is necessary to maintain it, in order to avert the injuries which on the other hand would be received by the islands of the pintados. it would usually be necessary to bring an army for their defense, if the spaniards should abandon the island of mindanao, and the chiefs rebel. [_endorsed:_ "relation of the condition of the island of mindanao, cited in section ix of the letter of july 12, 1599, concerning the war."] the state of the kingdom of camboxa in relation to these phelippinas islands the past year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, don luis de las marinas, governor of these islands, sent captain joan xuarez gallinato with an armed fleet to the assistance of the king of canboja, who had asked him to defend him from the king of sian, who had threatened him; and the former offered to introduce christianity into his kingdom and make friends with the spaniards. when aid arrived at canboxa, it appeared that the king had retired with his children to the kingdom of laos, for fear of the king of sian, who had occupied his kingdom; and that anacaparan, military commander of camboxa, had assembled the greater part of the people of camboxa, who had remained. having met the sianese and recovered the kingdom, he was powerful enough to claim it and become tyrant. some of the spaniards who arrived at canboja beforehand without their commander, on account of a storm which separated them on the way, although they were received with simulated friendship by anacaparan, heard later that he was plotting to kill them. provoked by this and other injuries which a number of chinese, who had gone to the cities of hordemuz and sistor (the chief cities of that kingdom) in five trading-vessels, had inflicted upon them, and for which the tyrant refused to give them any satisfaction and justice, the spaniards, who numbered about forty soldiers, attacked the chinese and anacaparan and his men, a numerous force, in his palace. they made so great havoc among them, that they killed the tyrant king and many of his men, completely crushing them. they took the chinese ships, and without harm or injury retired to their own ships, defending themselves from a much greater number of warlike enemies and elephants who charged them. at this juncture the rest of the spaniards arrived at camboxa with their commander. considering what had just taken place, and that the land was in rebellion and the legitimate king in the country of the laos, he thought that it would be impossible to set foot there on account of the unfavorable condition of affairs. he started to return to these islands; but, as the weather was not suitable for the voyage, he coasted along cochinchina, where he repaired his ships, and sent overland, to the kingdom of the laos, bias ruiz and diego bellosso, well-known to the king of canboxa, to acquaint him with what had taken place in his kingdom, so that he should descend upon it. thereupon he left cochinchina, where he had had some unpleasant encounters with the king and natives, in which, however, he sustained no loss. he reached these islands in september of ninety-six, with the flagship and part of his men. the other ship was crippled by a storm and made port at malaca, and the rest of the men came in the following year from malaca. when blas ruiz and diego bellosso reached the kingdom of the laos, they found that the king of canboxa and his elder son were dead, and that the younger, called prauncar, alone remained, together with his mother and grandmother. this son, in company with blas ruiz and diego bellosso, descended upon canboxa, with an auxiliary force of six thousand laos. they found the country divided by factions, and that a son of the tyrant whom the spaniards had killed had returned to reign over the greater part of it. there were many battles with these enemies of theirs, all of which--by the help of blas ruiz and diego bellosso, and about ten spaniards, from those who had made port at malaca, who joined them--were gained by prauncar. these few spaniards did marvels in the sight of all these heathens, so that prauncar, the legitimate king, has recovered his whole kingdom, except one small province which still remained for him to subject. on account of this, and of the friendship which his father had had with the spaniards, and the assistance which he had just received from them, he wrote to me by an ambassador of his, who came to this city, of the outcome of all these matters, asking me to send religious and spaniards to settle his kingdom, make christians, and build churches, offering every facility for it. at this time don luis dasmariñas, having some knowledge of affairs in camboxa, urged me to give him permission to go with some men at his own cost to begin the conversion of that kingdom, and its settlement by spaniards. this expedition being proper, in my opinion and that of the audiencia, because of its many consequences for the service of god and his majesty--whence the so desired entry to the mainland could be begun, in order that the many heathens there may come to the knowledge of the holy catholic faith, and submission to his majesty--i made an agreement, regarding the expedition, with the said don luis, with the conditions and in the form which is contained in the copy which accompanies this, together with the letters which i am writing to king prauncar. therefore don luis dasmariñas collected an armed fleet, well provided with men, arms, and supplies and other necessaries, and also some religious. he sailed with them from the harbor of this city, in the middle of september of this year. the ambassador, well-satisfied with so strong an expedition, left after him. i hope, our lord willing, that he has already arrived at camboxa, because the voyage is a short one, and that he is about to begin what we so much desire. i made a list of the men in these islands, particularly of the supernumeraries who had come from nueva españa. i found many, who on account of being lazy, and the land being too poor to support them, seemed to me suitable for this expedition, especially as this occupation of theirs from which so much good is expected, was to be made without any cost to his majesty. i shall continue my account. after don luis perez dasmariñas sailed from this city from the port of cavite, with two moderate-sized ships and one fusta, with the said force, well provided with supplies, arms, and munitions, taking with him as admiral, pedro de beistigui, he went by way of bolinao, [30] to catch the tide from there, in order to cross with it to the mainland, above the shoals of aynao [_i.e._, hainan], near camboxa. a few days later, news came to the governor from the alcalde-mayor of nueva segovia in cagayan, that the fusta of don luis's fleet, in charge of captain luis ortiz, had made port there, badly crippled by a heavy storm, which had separated them from the fleet, shortly after the departure from manila. they followed the coast until they came to the bar of the said city of segovia. it was preparing to sail again in search of the said fleet; this they did, after such repairs as were possible within ten days. after that, other news was received from the alcalde-mayor that the admiral's ship of the fleet was also lost in the same storm on one of the babuyanes islands, where the men, artillery, and clothing were saved; that the ship was lost; and that vessels were sent in which the admiral, his crew, and their clothing should be brought to the said city, which was effected. they brought the news that the storm had been very heavy and had lasted five days; and that the flagship, being a more seaworthy vessel, had put to sea and had been seen no more. an order was sent immediately to the alcalde-mayor of cagayan to provide supplies from another ship, and other necessities for the admiral, so that he could pursue his voyage. it was done as soon as possible, with new instructions and orders from the governor to follow the course which don luis gave him in his instructions at the time of his departure; and that if he should arrive at camboxa before his general, he was to execute the orders in his instructions for the undertaking, whereupon he left. some months before don luis perez dasmariñas sailed from the ffilipinas, captain don joan çamudio had sailed in a small but well-fitted vessel for china, to purchase iron, saltpeter, lead, tin, and other very necessary articles for the provision of the camp at manila; because, for three or four years, the chinese have not brought anything of this kind in their vessels. he encountered considerable resistance to his entry into china on the part of the portuguese from macao--who, hearing the news of his arrival, set out to find him, and tried many times to sink or burn his ship, and to show him other evil treatment. it was their intention to prevent the spanish from coming to china or knowing anything about it or its trade; and this they tried to do with the greatest obstinacy and enmity. but affairs were managed so well with the viceroy of canton, called the _tuton_, and especially with the _laytao_, or chief judge of that province, that not only were the portuguese prevented from uttering their previous calumnies against the spaniards--namely, that they were robbers and highwaymen, coming to make war on china, and other things of that sort--but the chinese even assigned and gave to the spaniards a port eight leagues from canton, called pinal; so that, from that time on, the castilians of manila and the philipinas islands, if they wished, could come there freely and securely to trade, and for any other purpose that should arise. they were allowed ingress into the city of canton, and a house was given them there, in which to assemble by night or day. this very much astonished the portuguese, because it was a thing that the chinese had never done for them. don joan çamudio and his men lay in this harbor of pinar with their ship, busy supplying their needs, when they were informed that don luis de las marinas, with the flagship of his fleet, had run before the storm spoken of above, had made the coast of china, and had landed near macao; that the ship was so weakened that it sprang a leak there, and foundered, the crew, artillery, and munitions being saved, with a small part of the clothing that they carried. they also learned that the chinese mandarins there gave the spaniards a kind reception, from whom the latter procured a few vessels with which to get to pinal, where they were informed that don joan and his men were; and that the portuguese of macao not only refused to help them in this matter, but also contrived to subject them to considerable inconvenience and ill-treatment, in order to complete their destruction. after this, don luis himself arrived at pinal with his men and the remains of the shipwreck, by the vessels given them by the chinese, avoiding the portuguese of macao who were the enemies of the castilians. don luis, upon finding himself and his men in the harbor of pinal, in company with don joan de çamudio and his men, made known the particulars of his past loss, but did not lose his courage for continuing his camboxa expedition, thinking that the other two ships of his fleet had gone on. therefore he immediately sent to canton to ask permission of the laytao to buy a ship in which to continue his journey. the portuguese again opposed them, showing greater assiduity and uttering greater fabrications than they had done before with don joan de çamudio--saying that they were corsairs, and that they had followed don joan to join him and make raids on china. but it profited them little, because the laytao of canton ordered don luis and his men to enter the harbor of pinal, where the other castilians were, where they would be given whatever they needed. don luis de las marinas was very much pleased and comforted at this, and continued in his determination, especially in securing a ship which he needed. he could not buy, nor anyone sell him one without the permission of the laytao, on account of strict laws against it. there was an abundance of cloth in this country, with which they immediately provided themselves, besides supplies and munitions. don joan de çamudio accommodated him with some artillery, and other things that he had, of which don luis had need, so that now the only thing lacking was a ship. they brought every influence to bear on the laytao, but the portuguese in canton continually opposed them by every means. at this time, the end of december, ninety-eight, don joan de çamudio, having made haste from china, set sail from pinal, leaving don luis de las marinas and his men settled there, waiting for permission to leave china with their ship, regarding which they still had no definite assurance. in a few days don joan reached the coast of luzon in safety, and entered the harbor of cavite. he brought letters from don luis perez dasmariñas. from them and what don joan said, they were informed of what had happened to don luis and his flagship, and that he was waiting in pinal, until he should secure a ship, so that he could continue the undertaking which he had begun. he requested assistance of arms, munitions, and other things which were lacking at canvoja, to be sent him. the governor was much pleased with this news, which was better than he had hoped, because it was feared lest the fleet of don luis with all his men had been wrecked and drowned in the great storm they had encountered, because nothing had been heard of the flagship for so long a time. he immediately sent the things that don luis requested on a vessel, which was about to sail to the kingdom of sian, in charge of captain joan de mendoza y ganvoa. a little later, in the month of may, some trading-ships came from china to this city of manila, from one of which they received letters from don luis de las marinas and his men, advising them that he had finished his preparations for his voyage and expedition; and that, after the departure of don joan de çamudio from pinar, he had again suffered greater vexations and persecutions from the portuguese of macao, but that the mandarins had silenced the latter, and had even inflicted the lash, regarding the matter as one which concerned the chinese. he said that he would sail some time in march for camboxa. he also mentioned other things they saw in china at that time. in the middle of the month of june last, four soldiers, sent by don luis perez dasmariñas to don francisco tello, governor of the philipinas, came here in a small vessel, bearing advices that don luis was still at pinal in some distress. he had bought a chinese ship at canton which seemed in good condition, in order to continue his voyage to camboxa. having embarked, he was already two days on his way after leaving port, when the ship began to leak in the stern, so that at considerable danger he was obliged to make port again, where he was scarcely able with great risk to arrive, the ship being of no use, he asked the governor to send him assistance in men, arms, and munitions, and also a ship from the islands, in order to prosecute his voyage. the governor, being suspicious of japon, and having few men and arms, wrote to don luis, with the approbation of the royal audiencia, that he was himself in great need of the things requested from him, and at present more than ever. therefore he requested and counseled don luis, that since he found himself so exhausted, and with a so inadequate supply of all things to continue his expedition, and with no prospect of help now or afterward from the philipinas, he would advise him to return to manila and abandon the enterprise, since the voyage had turned out so unfortunately; and that besides that, there was great need of his men in the islands. don luis was not ordered strictly to do this, as he had spent so much money on this expedition. this message is being sent him by captain joan tello, who will leave in about a week for pinar, to continue the good beginning made by don joan de çamudio in the province of canton. i believe that for that very reason of having spent so much, don luis may wish to investigate the state of the kingdom of camboxa. this may be done in such a way that we may attain what we so much desire, namely, the establishment of the holy gospel in that kingdom, which will be of so much importance. may our lord direct this matter. _don francisco tello_ [_endorsed_: "relation of the condition of the kingdom of camboxa, as regards the phelippinas islands, cited in section 11 of the letter on the war, july 12, 1599"] depositions regarding the king of chanpan _testimony_: in the city of manila, on the thirtieth day of the month of september in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, gomez perez dasmariñas, governor and captain-general in these islands for the king our lord, declared before me that he has been informed that the infidel king of chanpa is responsible for many wrongs, assaults, and thefts committed at sea by his men and fleets, and by his orders, upon the persons and property of both christians and pagans, on the route to many trading-places of christians--as, for instance, malaca, macan, goa, xapon, and other places. many of them he has attacked, robbed, and deprived of life and property--causing them to enter his ports under his word and promise of safety; but afterward breaking it, and inflicting great cruelties upon them, to the great offense of god and injury of christendom. in order to give the king our sovereign an account of what is going on, and that he may know the truth, the said governor ordered the following deposition to be made before me. _joan de cuellar_ _testimony_: then, on this said day, an oath was received in due form of law, regarding the aforesaid, from gregorio de vargas. being in the said city, and questioned about the matter, this witness said that, being three leagues more or less beyond the harbor of chanpa, the king of chanpa sent him a message, saying that he was a friend of the portuguese (ten or twelve of whom he named), who were in his country building a junk. he also said that since the weather was very unfit to continue his voyage, he would better enter his port until the weather improved. upon receiving this message, he entered with his junk, but he found that it was all a lie, for the king immediately took him prisoner, and seized his ship, with all its cargo. he found out that the statement regarding the portuguese was all a lie, because there was not one of them there. he also found out that the king had captured many others by this deception, for many christians told him that they were taken the same way. he knows that the king captures ships on the sea, and goes about robbing the neighboring kingdoms, impeding trade, commerce, and free passage, and disturbing the peace on the seas. he likewise compels the portuguese christians to sail on the said ships for the purpose of robbery. he is a pirate and thief, and a pagan who, in accordance with the teachings of his idolatry, has two hundred men killed, in order to bathe in their bile; and those by whom he has himself washed must be virgins. there is also a diabolical custom that, when a chief dies, they burn his body; his wife and his women are also burnt in the same fire. because of this and other abuses and pernicious idolatries, and, above all, by the general injuries which he inflicts upon all travelers, on a route so general and so necessary as that for japon, china, yndia, and many other places, and for çian, patan, and canboja (which is the key to all that region), this witness thinks that it would be a very acceptable service to god to go to attack him and to clear the sea of those tyrannies and robberies, and take from them their land and their harbor, which will be much to his majesty's purpose for great designs. the said witness declares that the king has a great deal of artillery, which he has seen, moreover, with his own eyes. the other things he has heard said by captives. this is all that he knows, and it is true, according to the oath which he swore. his age is thirty-seven. signed, _gregorio de vargas_ before me: _jhoan de cuellar_ _testimony_: then, on this said day, the oath was received, regarding the aforesaid, in due legal form from diego belosso, at present in this city, who swore in the name of god and by the sign of the cross, under which charge he promised to tell the truth. being questioned regarding the matter, this witness said that he knows it must have been ten years ago that a junk belonging to don jhoan de la gama was lost on la barela, which is an island lying near chanpan, where there were many portuguese christians and those of other nations, and a cleric who was going in the said junk from macan to malaca. the said people disembarked, where this same king of chanpan captured them all, distributed them as slaves, and otherwise ill-treated them, even forcing them to carry timber. captain roque de melo sent an embassy to the said king of chanpan, asking him to return the people whom he was holding in captivity for ransom, or in any other way. the king ransomed some, but refused to ransom others, so that more than half of them remained there. he also said that those who went to that country were forced into slavery. this witness knows all of this to be true, because he was at malaca at the time. he also heard it said that the king who was then reigning had ordered the execution of his own father. being in canboja about six years ago, this witness heard that a junk which was on the way to canboja from çian ran aground at chanpan in a storm, where, in like manner, all the portuguese and others who were aboard were captured and robbed of their merchandise; but that their junk was resold to them, and the crew ransomed. this witness also knows that a portuguese, whom the king of canboja, according to his custom, had made a nobleman of his kingdom, was, while aboard a trading-vessel, struck by a storm so that he put in at chanpan, where the king of chanpan ordered his execution, because he knew that he was a nobleman in canboja. the others who were with him he made captives. this deponent, while in canboja, saw some of the portuguese who were captured in don jhoan de la gama's junk, which was lost there. they were deprived of all their toes by order of the said king of chanpan, because they had once escaped, but were caught again. about ten years ago, while this witness was at malaca, he learned that a vessel coming from canboja to malaca, laden with munitions and supplies for the fortress at malaca, went ashore near chanpan, and many christians, who were on the vessel, were captured. the king of jor [johore] being at war with malaca about five years ago, the said king of chanpan sent him aid, and otherwise assisted him considerably; so that with the assistance which the said king of chanpan lent him, they put many portuguese and other christians to death. captain francisco de villegas being at chanpan, with a ship and some men, the king made them embark upon his own ships to rob and plunder with him. they went to canboja, where they captured a large number of people, because when the latter saw bands of portuguese coming, they thought that they were friends. the king is an obstacle to both trade and general commerce, for quite commonly he is wont to coast with his fleet, along cochinchina and canboja, doing considerable damage to the merchants going from canboja and çian to trade, to malaca and other neighboring places--as patan and china, for instance--without sparing anyone whom he meets. the said king of chanpan is guilty every year of murdering many of the people of his own land, to possess himself of their bile, in order to bathe in it. the latter the witness has heard from people who were captives there, and who saw him commit these and many other abominations. he has also heard it said that when any noble or chief dies, the king orders some women to be burnt alive, with terrible cruelty, with the body of the deceased; for, according to their religion, the dead are burnt. lastly it was about a year ago, when gregorio de vargas and his companion blas ruiz escaped from chanpan to canboja; they said that their ship had been stolen from them in chanpan, with all their property aboard it. their captors even ordered no food to be given to them. considering all the above, it is the opinion of this witness, that it will be a great service to god and his majesty, to attack the said king of chanpan, and put a stop to so great abominations and tyrannies as he ordinarily practices, since he is in the path of all the vessels going to those coasts--where he has seized a large quantity of artillery and arms from those lost there. all that he has said, this witness has heard from persons who had been captives there, and he affirms it to be true and the extent of his knowledge, according to the oath which he has sworn. he has no other information. his age is thirty-four. signed, _diego veloso_ before me: _jhoan de cuellar_ _testimony_: on this said day was received an oath in due legal form, concerning the aforesaid, from pantaleon carnero, under which charge he promised to tell the truth, concerning anything asked of him regarding the subject aforementioned. this witness said that, when he was in macan in the former year of ninety-two, he heard it said there by many persons that the king of chanpan robbed sebastian de araujo of a junk which he had built there, and a culverin which he had mounted on it; and that he ordered the murder of two spaniards aboard the junk, and the captivity of the others. he afterward ransomed them for gold and other things which they gave him. he subjected them to great annoyances and ill-treatment, until one night, when they had an opportunity, they fled, without finishing their ship, and left their property behind them. this witness has also heard it said that about ten years ago, he seized a junk, belonging to don juan de gama, who went ashore there in a storm. he captured the crew, and robbed them of all their belongings. another junk from canboja bound for malaca, while captain roque de melo was there, was captured by the said king of chanpan, with all its crew, and the merchandise that they had with them seized. the said rroque de melo sent the king an embassy, asking him to ransom the men whom he had taken prisoners on the said junk. half the crew was ransomed, but the others were kept by the king. this witness has heard it said that some of the prisoners who remained there escaped, but were caught again. the king ordered their toes to be cut off because they had escaped. the said king of chanpan is a very great pirate, and usually goes about with a large fleet, robbing and assaulting all the ships possible, making prisoners of all their crews, along all those coasts, which he can do because he is on the regular route. this witness has heard it said that the said king has a large store of artillery and other arms from the vessels that he has seized. it is the opinion of this witness that, since the damage which the said king of chanpan does every year to the trading-vessels of canboja, çian, patan, china, and other neighboring places, is so great, valuable service would be done to god and the king our sovereign, by attacking and crushing him as so dangerous an enemy, and thus ensure the safety of that route. this witness has also heard it said that the said king of chanpan is so cruel, that every year he orders the death of many of his own people, in order to bathe in the bile of those killed. this has actually been witnessed by many persons who have been captives there, from whom this witness has heard it. everything that he has said he knows to be the truth, according to the oath he has sworn. his age is twenty-two. signed, _pantaleon carnero_ before me: _jhoan de cuellar_ _testimony_: on this said day an oath was received for the further investigation of the aforesaid, from fernan caravallo, at present in this city. he, having sworn in due legal form, promised under this charge to tell the truth regarding everything he knew. when questioned concerning the subject aforementioned, this witness said that he is a citizen of macan, and that there he has heard it said by many persons, sailing on trading-ships from macan to malaca, canboja, china, and other countries, that the king of chanpan is a very great pirate, usually cruising about with a large fleet, assaulting the merchants whom he meets and robbing them of their ships, imprisoning their crews, and stealing their property; and that he does them great violence and injury. about five years or so ago, sebastian de araujo, an inhabitant of macan, sent some men to chanpan to build a junk there. when it was almost finished, the king of chanpan seized it, and imprisoned the said men who were building it. two or three of them were killed; and for those who remained in captivity, the said sebastian de araujo procured ransoms. some fled with the said ship, when opportunity offered. witness has also heard it said that the king has seized many other portuguese ships that have gone ashore there in storms, and others that he deceitfully causes to enter his ports by offering them a safe harbor, but whom he afterward imprisons, robs of their goods, and treats with great cruelty. all the above this witness has heard said by certain persons who have been in captivity there. it seems to this witness that it will be a matter of the greatest importance to attack the said king of chanpan and crush him, because he is in the route of the vessels where he does a great deal of harm, because all the trading-vessels from malaca, canboja, çian, patan, china, and other neighboring countries have to pass by that place. it will be a great service to god our lord, and to his majesty, to remove so great a pirate from the vicinity. everything that this witness has said is the truth, and what he has heard said concerning the things asked him. his information goes no farther. his age is about thirty-seven years or so. signed, _fernan caravallo_ before me: _jhoan de cuellar_ [_endorsed_: "inquiry against the king of chanpa."] letter from governor don francisco tello 1. _this recounts that on all occasions the state of affairs of these islands has been reported, and was not enlarged upon because no instruction had been sent nor has been up to the year 1598, on which account many things pertaining to the service of his majesty, and of importance for this country, have failed to receive attention._ [31] as i have at various times written to your majesty, you ordered me to come here and serve in this country, without giving me the royal instructions of despatches to that end. accordingly many things of importance which your majesty commanded me to attend to were left undone at the time i came. when i arrived in these islands i wrote to your majesty at length of those things which could be managed in spite of the short time i had spent here. these despatches were lost in the ship "san phelipe" which don luis perez dasmarinas despatched in the year 1596, and which was lost in xapon. the next year, 1597, i awaited the royal instruction of your majesty in order to govern my action by it; but neither did that come, until the past year, 1598. i govern my action according to that of gomez perez dasmarinas, my predecessor, and with that i have stumbled through various matters. in the past year, 1597, i wrote at length to your majesty describing the condition of the country and that of japon, together with the state of the expedition to mindanao, and all other things which seemed expedient. i also wrote that i had married doña tomasina, my relative, and the daughter of doctor horosco, president of your royal audiencia of guadalaxara--humbly beseeching your majesty to approve of this, since doña tomasina was not a native of this country; and i had not gone beyond your majesty's intentions, for you gave me permission to bring my wife to this land. as she died on the way i married doña tomasina, whom i brought from mexico. in the past year, 1598, i received the royal instruction of your majesty and other royal decrees which were mentioned therein, at the time when the ships were being despatched. those things which could be done at that time, considering the short time before they left, i attended to then. i have in everything worked for the service of our lord and your majesty, conformably to the pious zeal and spirit with which i am serving you here; and i have carried out those things entrusted in your royal service to my predecessor. 2. _that it is expedient, in order to realize the results of the great expense in these islands, that religious should be sent each year to gather the harvest which should be taken from it; and that an account should be sent of the indians here, both christians and infidels, and a memorandum of the religious._ as the holy intention of your majesty, in the expenses which from your patrimony you incur in this country, is principally the conversion or the heathen here, and the establishment of the holy gospel in place of their idolatries, there is no better means than the teaching of the christian doctrine and the presence of its ministers. that your majesty may have a fuller report of it, i am sending an account stating how many indians are pacified, and acknowledge the royal name of your majesty in these said islands; the number of christians and infidels; and how many are taught and how many to be taught--not only in the encomiendas under your royal crown but in the private ones. accordingly i beg your majesty to be pleased to further this, appointing each year, as usual, religious of exemplary life, so that they may bring with more love and gentleness our holy catholic faith to the indians; for certainly as much as a good minister edifies, finding fault injures. with this goes the memorandum which your majesty ordered me to send, of the religious in these islands and those whom it will be necessary to bring from españa each year. those who are here are assigned as well as was possible, so as to give instruction to all. the mission villages are in some confusion and the orders somewhat mixed with one another. this could not be remedied as it should have been, owing to the untimely death of the archbishop, which occurred on the fourteenth of august of the said year of 1598. 3. _that the bishop of camarines has not come, and that the other two arrived in the year 98, and did not bring bulls for the partition of their bishoprics, and that they are getting along well._ the bishop of the province of camarines [32] did not come, and therefore it is being ecclesiastically governed by the chapter of the cathedral of manila, _sede vacante_, as has been done hitherto. the bishops of the city of nueva segovia and of cebu arrived in these islands in the past year of 1598, as i wrote to your majesty. they did not bring bulls from his holiness nor decrees from your majesty, directing the division of their bishoprics. each one has therefore taken what seemed best to him: he of nueva segovia took the territory beyond the province of pangasinan, and he of cebu took possession of the island of panay, saying that his bishopric included all the province of the pintados. the chapter of this holy metropolitan church, _sede vacante_, held otherwise, and the case was brought before this royal audiencia. its decision left the bishop in possession, to avoid disagreement, until your majesty should command that the partition be definitively made. he is at present in this city celebrating confirmation in the place of the archbishop, and will officiate at the obsequies of the king our lord, of glorious memory. the bishop of nueva segovia is in his church. they are men of holy life and fulfil their duties well. 4. _that to finish the work on the great church entirely, there is needed a tower and sacristy; and that these are not built, for lack of money, which is being raised by various alms and grants._ the work on the great church of this city would have been completed some time ago, but for the lack of money; and, with the tower and new sacristy which are being built, it will be finished in all points. the work is of stone, moderately elaborate; when the means are at hand it will be continued to completion. i manage always to help it with various alms and expedients, and at present i am assigning it two toneladas for the chalices and ornaments, which sell at two hundred pesos. that you may know how the fourteen thousand ducats which your majesty, in your royal instructions, ordered me to assign it, has been spent in it, that sum was given toward the building and ornaments; i have ordered that the accounts be rendered, and when they are settled i shall inform your majesty of their substance. 5. _that, in accordance with a royal decree, inspection has been made of the great church, and it has been found very poor in ornaments; and that two prebends and two half-prebends have been erected._ in accordance with a royal decree of your majesty, directed to the archbishop and myself, your majesty directed us to make a visitation of the church, inspect the ornaments which it has, and give our opinion regarding the dignities and prebendaries which it would be expedient to have there, and with what stipend. the said visitation was made, and we found the church very poor in ornaments; and your majesty is informed that for the time being it would be sufficiently supplied with two prebends and two half-prebends, which we established--the prebends with a stipend of two hundred pesos per year, and the half-prebends with a hundred and fifty. i await your majesty's approval. 6. _that the hospitals are in good condition, and are being helped with alms and grants; and there has been incorporated, in that for the spaniards, the confraternity of la misericordia; and that possession has been taken of that for the natives and the accounts audited, a sworn statement of which goes with this._ your majesty orders me, by a clause in your royal instructions, to provide carefully for the hospitals. in fulfilment of this i have inspected them, and have ordered the auditors to do the same in their turn. they are in very good condition, each one having two apartments of its building finished in stone, with its work-room, stewards, nurses, and two franciscan religious for each, who live in the hospital. at the royal hospital for the spaniards i have incorporated the confraternity of la misericordia, which includes the richest people of this country. it has more than a thousand eight hundred and sixty pesos of income, and i am adding five hundred more for eight years, making in all two thousand three hundred and sixty, besides which they have a farm for raising cattle. the accounts of these funds are kept, for the superintendent, by him who enters in his place each year. the royal hospital for the indians has five hundred pesos of income, two hundred pieces of cloth from ylocos, one thousand five hundred fanegas of rice in the hull, one thousand five hundred fowls (which your majesty presents to them), and a farm for breeding cattle. i am aiding both of them with various alms and grants, and, as i have informed your majesty, i regularly assign to that of the spaniards eight toneladas, which are worth eight hundred pesos each year; and to that of the natives four, which are of proportionate value. i took possession of that of the natives in your majesty's name, according to the royal patronage, and audited the accounts, a sworn statement of which will go with this. 7. _that the seminary for the training of girls is in good condition, and the building finished; but it has little income, and will have to be reduced to a convent of professed nuns, and its income somewhat increased._ the seminary of santa potenciana is in very good condition; for not only has the church been finished for some years, but it has a capacious building entirely of stone, in which some thirty women are leading a religious life. most of these are the maiden daughters of honorable men; others are poor mestizas, and still others have been left there who have husbands or fathers absent on your majesty's service; there are also a few older women. they have a superior who is a woman of quality, and who lives a very exemplary and pious life. all of them intend either to remain there in the service of god, or to leave married, and in a bettered situation--as several have done and are now doing (thanks to the good name which the institution has), which is the holy intention of your majesty. they have a director and a confessor who do not live in the building, as no apartment has been built for them. for two months past the holy sacrament has been administered there. these women, thus secluded, celebrate the divine offices with singing, and with as much veneration and as fittingly as if it were a convent of nuns founded forty years ago. it has four hundred pesos of perpetual income and as much more temporarily from a shop in the parian of the sangleys; but this is not enough to maintain it, and so they are in great need. i contrive to help it with alms and various grants wherewith it may be supported. i have tried to reduce it to a convent of professed nuns and have done my best with the viceroy of nueva españa, to have him send me two religious women, of pious life, from mexico to found it. he answers me that there is no one who dares to go to these islands, on account of the difficulty of the journey and the inconvenience of the ships. i beseech your majesty that--as this work is so important to this commonwealth, and in order to place in a better position here the daughters of honorable men who have not the money to marry them, on account of the depreciation of the encomiendas and property--you may be pleased to order the viceroy to be diligent in coming to our aid by enabling these religious to come; and that you will give to this seminary an income adequate for its maintenance, or give me permission to apply to it some repartimiento of indians. 8. _that captain don luis perez and the fathers of the society are establishing a seminary for the natives; that this had not been done earlier because the income assigned to it has not been furnished; and that the work should be furthered._ don luis perez dasmariñas, according to an order which he had from your majesty, agreed with the fathers of the society of jesus that they should establish a seminary for the natives, where they might be taught civilized ways and instructed in religion; and that he should give them the wherewithal to erect a building, and a thousand pesos of income for its maintenance. to begin the work, he presented to the said society six hundred pesos, and the income was put in the treasury of the fourths. when i arrived here i confirmed these negotiations, according to the royal decree of your majesty in which you gave me the same orders; and likewise the royal audiencia, being petitioned to confirm them, did so. this work has ceased because enough money has not been furnished for it, and because the income is not sufficient, owing to the fact that the said treasury of the fourths is much embarrassed. if it be your majesty's pleasure, it would be well that this holy intention of your majesty be furthered, so that the indians may learn the spanish language in an orderly manner, and in this way be better instructed. for this it will be necessary to give the said society the means to build the said seminary, and the thousand pesos of income each year in perpetuity, from the royal treasury of your majesty, or else a repartimiento of indians, as soon as one becomes vacant--your majesty giving me permission to apply it in such wise that, besides this instruction, education and a living may be given there to a few poor students, who will be learning the language at the same time. when they are ordained they will act as ministers of instruction, and will make it unnecessary for so many ministers to come out here at so great cost to your royal estate. 9. _that measures have been taken for the execution of the royal decree brought by the bishop of nueva segovia in regard to rendering submission; that difficulties have begun to arise in its execution, and that information concerning them is sent_. from the hand of the bishop of nueva segovia i received the royal decree of your majesty in which you ordered me, by the best and most gentle methods possible, to compel the natives of these islands to render submission to your majesty (this ceremony having been neglected at first), so that the tributes which they pay may be collected with more justice. i was ordered to join with the archbishop, bishop, and other prelates, the superiors of the orders, in its execution. i acted accordingly, having the said royal decree read to them, and the intention of your majesty explained, for the greater peace of your royal conscience. havings conferred and consulted in regard to it, the said committee came to a decision regarding the matter, which your majesty will order to be examined by the authorized copy which i am sending. this is what has been done since then, in virtue of their decision. instructions and directions have been sent to the alcaldes-mayor and to the religious in all the provinces, that by the gracious methods which your majesty directs, submission shall be rendered to your majesty. in the province of ylocos, in the diocese of the bishop of nueva segovia, this was very well done; and submission was rendered to your majesty. likewise the whole district of manila, a mission of the augustinian fathers, has rendered submission. la laguna, in charge of the franciscan fathers, has not so easily yielded; for the natives there have asked a year's time in which to answer; and i have left la laguna in this state, until i should give an account of it to your majesty, as you direct me. the same thing will be done in the other provinces which ask delays. thus far i am not informed of what has been done. things have always been as they are now, without there being any scruples; and, when these islands were conquered and subjected, they were placed in obedience to your majesty with just as many requirements as the other parts of the yndias. your majesty has lost here many troops and much money. it is more than thirty-four years during which they have had the true knowledge of god our lord, and of his holy gospel law, by virtue of which your majesty has possessed this country and collected tribute from his vassals--who have received great benefit in being such; for in the time when they were heathens they were subjected to many tyrannies, imposed upon them by the chieftains whose subjects they were, who took from them their wives and property during their lives. now they are secure in all these things, and much benefited in spiritual and temporal goods. they are in no wise oppressed by the collection of the tribute; and if the effect of this royal decree must continue and be in operation as provided therein, there will be many difficulties, such as have already commenced with the seeking of delay. your majesty will hold nothing securely, and for the same reason will have no justification for possessing this land. i am sending your majesty a copy of the instruction and directions which are ordered for the execution of these measures, and one of the answers by the natives of la laguna; so that, seeing these difficulties, your majesty may be pleased to order a review of this affair and a determination of what is most expedient for the service of your majesty. in the meantime i shall put matters into the best state possible. 10. _that two sermons have been preached on the bulls, and that very little alms have resulted; that at present they are considering how to preach to the indians and that no doubt they will succeed, when it will be necessary to send more bulls, according to the memorandum of the treasurer_. before i came to these islands the first preaching of the bulls concerning the holy crusade had commenced; and last year occurred the second, which is now in progress. i have written to your majesty my sentiments in this matter; and now i say again to your majesty that, although the bulls which are preached here and disposed of among the spaniards are very necessary for them, the alms proceeding from this source, allotted to your majesty, are of very little importance, because there are not many people here--for the spaniards do not amount to two thousand, and of these there are very few who are not exceedingly poor. the proceeds of the first preaching, when reckoned up, do not reach two thousand pesos; and that these alms might be of more importance, i have considered how the bulls might be preached to the indians. i have found that in the time of don luis perez many difficulties arose, as it was said that they are a people only partly and newly converted, and that with the bull their present simple mode of life would be ended. for this and other reasons i did not resolve last year to have the crusade preached to the indians. at present i am considering this more seriously, and the preaching will doubtless be begun at the pressing demand which the fiscal has made in your majesty's name, although with a small number of bulls, because few have come from mexico. i wrote to them to send more than usual, and gave an account thereof to the royal council of your majesty for the holy crusade. i am sending a memorial which will go with this, concerning the bulls which are necessary, with their kind and value, both for the spanish people and for the natives, that your majesty may provide according to your pleasure. [33] 11. _establishment of the royal audiencia_. last year i wrote how this royal audiencia was founded, and sent an account of the reception of the royal seal; and how there were in the audiencia three auditors, doctor antonio de morga, the licentiate telles almasan, and the licentiate alvaro çanbrano, the licentiate salasar as fiscal, the licentiate padilla as reporter, and a clerk of court; and how the licentiate don antonio de ribera maldonado, the first auditor, had remained in españa. 12. _death of the licentiate çambrano on the fourteenth of march; and in his place is proposed the name of the licentiate salasar, fiscal of this royal audiencia, and for the office of fiscal the licentiate padilla, reporter._ on the fourteenth of march of 98 the licentiate çambrano died, from an attack of malignant fever. in him your majesty lost a good servant. since his place must be filled, it will be well provided for in the person of the licentiate salasar, your fiscal in this royal audiencia, a person who, besides his broad and deep learning, is worthy of whatever favor your majesty may see fit to grant him; and the office of fiscal will be well filled by the licentiate padilla, reporter of this royal audiencia, who is a man of learning and justice, and is diligent in your majesty's service. 13. _that the auditors remaining are doing well_. the two auditors who remain here are faithful subjects, and attend punctually to the service of your majesty. 14. _that the auditor maldonado has not come from nueva españa_. the licentiate don antonio de rivera maldonado, who was expected this year, did not come. he wrote me that he had not received his instructions. 15. _that the ecclesiastical authority had usurped the royal jurisdiction, and that this was corrected on the arrival of the royal audiencia_. before this royal audiencia was reëstablished, the ecclesiastical authority had usurped the royal jurisdiction; and i was several times excommunicated for defending it by not allowing them to raise their secular revenues, of which i had already given an account to your majesty; and so they were raising them everywhere without my being able to help it. since the coming of the royal audiencia, several acts have been passed for correcting this, which are effective. 16. _that it is expedient to take the parian from the sangleys, as it is injurious to the commonwealth_. don gonzalo ronquillo, during the time of his governorship, founded a parian for the sangleys within the limits of the city, so that of those who come for commerce, a number of artisans of all trades might remain in the country, for the service of the commonwealth. gomez perez dasmarinas, finding it too thickly peopled and with too many houses for the security of the city, removed it outside, to the place where it now stands. its growth has increased to such an extent that more than three hundred houses of wood and cane have been built, and in them are more than three thousand sangleys. this parian is most injurious for this commonwealth, because the people who live in it are of no use except to raise prices in the community, all the provisions being consumed there; and they commit many offenses against god our lord. in it there are many hucksters. there is no way to remedy all this except to be rid of it altogether; for, besides what has been mentioned, it will be a saving to this city of more than a hundred thousand pesos each year, and the country will be more secure. for, having no buildings in which to store the cloth, they will sell it through the streets or in their ships, as they used to do before they had a parian; and, to get away quickly, they will offer it at more moderate prices. i have considered this affair with the royal audiencia; and, having their opinion, you will do in regard to it what is most fitting for the service of your majesty and the maintenance of this country. 17. _that, as there were no royal buildings, some good ones have been built of stone, in which the audiencia meet, and the president and doctor morga reside._ when i arrived in this country the royal buildings were demolished, and there was no place for the audiencia to meet, nor for the residence of your majesty's servant who governs here. i therefore used all my efforts to erect royal buildings which should be substantial, and they have been built, and are at present finished off with hewn stone. there are three suites of apartments: one toward the street, in which the audiencia meets, and where the royal seal is; a second toward the sea, where i live; and the third is situated in the middle, where resides doctor morga, auditor of this royal audiencia. it will be expedient to continue work on this building until it is made large enough for the rest of the auditors and officials of the royal audiencia to live in. i assure your majesty that they suffer inconveniences in coming from their homes to the audiencia and its sessions, in so intemperate a climate; and if they lived together they could attend better to the service of your majesty. to put this work in the state in which it is, ten thousand pesos, which was its cost, were borrowed, as there was no money in the royal treasury, from the funds of the fourths; and i wrote to mexico to send me that amount in order to pay it back. this has not been done, and i beg your majesty to order the viceroy to send that sum of ten thousand pesos, since it was spent in a work so important for the service of your majesty; and to send as much more to continue the work, if that already used be considered well spent. 18. _that houses of stone were built for the cabildo and in them was placed the coat-of-arms which your majesty granted to this city_. i also found this city without houses for the cabildo and that the regidors with great inconvenience and little dignity were going about seeking the houses of citizens for the meeting of the cabildo. at the expense of the city funds i have built some good stone cabildo buildings on the plaza here, and in them is placed the coat-of-arms which your majesty presented to this city. with these and other buildings which have been built during the time i have been here, or are now being erected, this city is much improved in appearance. 19. _that the powder-house being too near and in an unsafe position, a vault was made in the fort of santiago, where it is now kept_. i found the powder-house in an unsafe place, and as it is so necessary to guard and preserve the powder, i ordered a vault of stone to be made in the fort on the point called santiago, where it was put and is now kept with entire safety. 20. _that it is necessary to establish religious instruction in the ladrones; and, as it cannot be sent from here, i have written to the viceroy asking him to order the officers of the ships from nueva españa to leave ministers there_. as the royal instruction which i received had not been brought here when i came to serve your majesty in this government (as i have before explained), what your majesty ordered in one clause of it, that on the passage by the island of ladrones ministers for religious instruction to those indians should be left there--such persons as i might select--has not been executed. accordingly i have considered it with the royal audiencia here; and, together with their opinion, the intention of your majesty was communicated to the viceroy of nueva españa, so that he might carry it out, by ordering the officers of the ships which shall come in the year 600 to leave there a couple of religious and ten soldiers as a guard. but as the ships arrived here from a different direction, and the voyage was a difficult one, the will of your majesty has not been carried out. i believe this will be a work very important for the service of god our lord and your majesty; for in the year 1596 a religious of the order of st. francis, with a sailor, who were passing by the islands of ladrones, disembarked from the almiranta "san pablo" in the boats of the indians of those islands, more than three hundred skiffs having come alongside of the said ship. the indians took them on board and carried them to land where they remained during the period of a year, up to 1597--when, as the ships from nueva españa were again passing on their way to these islands, having as commander don lope de ulloa, the said religious and soldiers [_sic_] arrived alongside the ships in the boats of the indians, and were received on board. when they arrived here, the religious gave an account of what he had seen in the islands of ladrones, saying that there were many islands thickly peopled with indians, who are men of good stature, and strong. they are a tractable and kindly people. they regaled him and his companion, and showed them much respect. the land abounds in fish, rice, and _camotes_. they are heathen; but if the religious would enter there with love and tactfulness they would teach them. i hope in our lord that he and your majesty will be served in bringing those heathen to a true knowledge of god. 21. _that farmers have not been brought from nueva españa for the introduction of agriculture, and that the viceroy should be told to send them._ for the reason mentioned in the preceding clause, i have not been able to get farm-laborers from nueva españa, as your majesty ordered by a clause of his royal instruction, so that the cultivation of the soil might be introduced into this country, by associating the farmers with the natives, so that the latter may be instructed in farming according to our usage. as soon as i understood the will of your majesty, i sent to ask farmers from the viceroy; and he answered that he would send them another year. 22. _that a demand has been made to have the horses and mares brought over, as ordered, and that the viceroy has been remiss in this_. in the same way a demand has been sent to the viceroy regarding the horses and mares which your majesty also ordered brought from mexico; and i wrote to your majesty that this was not done. 23. _that rewards for services have been made in accordance with the order of his majesty in clause 17 of the royal instruction_. in the matter of rewards for services, i have tried to have them given to the most worthy and capable citizens, in accordance with clause 17 of the royal instruction of your majesty (as you may see if you so please by the account which i am sending), not only in the encomiendas in repartimientos of indians but in other offices of importance. although i have done this with all possible care and justice, there are so many claimants, and so little material--and each one expects to be, by right, the most favored--that there must needs be complaints, which is one of the annoyances of this government. 24. _that an account was sent of the spaniards who serve in the islands, giving their names and localities._ with this will go the report which your majesty ordered to be sent concerning the spaniards who serve your majesty in this country, whether with or without encomiendas; and of their characters and ages, and other details about them. 25. _that two new ships have been built, of five hundred and one hundred and fifty toneladas respectively; and that they departed in good condition, and are at present making a voyage_. as there are not enough ships to ply between here and nueva españa i have built two--one of five hundred toneladas, and the other of one hundred and fifty--which were completed; and both are making voyages this year to nueva españa. 26. _that three ships came from nueva españa; and that one of them, which belonged to his majesty, was given to an administrator by the viceroy, and that he sent a decree giving directions to the royal audiencia, under penalty._ three ships came this year from nueva españa, two belonging to private individuals and the other to your majesty. your majesty's ship, called the "santa margarita," was given to joan pardo de losada, as administrator, by the viceroy of nueva españa. since the viceroy did so, he may have had an order therefor from your majesty. the royal audiencia considered the fact that the said joan pardo brought a decree from the viceroy ordering the governor and the royal audiencia, under penalty, not to meddle in the affair which he had decreed; and saying that the penalty would be that supplies would not come as agreed. accordingly the original was retained, in order to give an account thereof to your majesty; but, in so far as regards the execution of his charge, he was not hindered. it seemed best to me to give an account thereof to your majesty, so that in the future you may provide what may be most expedient in the matter. 27. _that the viceroy of nueva españa kept back the money of citizens of those islands to the great damage of this country, the licenses being given to peruvians._ your majesty has ordered that the viceroy of nueva españa should each year give licenses to citizens of this state for five hundred thousand pesos, the money to be brought here in return for their merchandise which they export hence. it happened that this year's sale of the goods that went over last year was profitable; and the said viceroy, although he was under obligation to execute that order, did not do so. he assigned to the citizens only two hundred thousand pesos in licenses, and the balance, making the sum of five hundred thousand, to peruvians, on condition that they should become citizens in these islands for a certain time--thus keeping back from the citizens three hundred thousand pesos, which has brought about disastrous injury. for not only were they prevented from availing themselves of their own property, but the peruvians to whom were given, in their places, the said licenses, being wealthy people, came loaded down with money to be registered--although the fiscal of your royal audiencia and another royal official, who went to inspect the ships, could not find any proof, as the money had all been taken out before they arrived at the fort. when they arrived here, finding much cloth in the possession of the chinese and not considering its price, they spent their money. when the citizens came, as they could not lade the share which had been assigned them, since no money had come therefor, the peruvians freighted the ships; and the profit which, through your majesty's gracious aid, the citizens of these islands should have had, was enjoyed by the peruvians. may your majesty order this to be investigated, and direct in regard to it what may be best for your royal service and for the maintenance of this country. as the licenses to lade their cloth in the ships which are going to mexico--being one of the profits and rewards which we have in this country to give to deserving citizens--is a matter which always gives rise to complaint, no matter how justly the distribution is made, in order to avoid this and to proceed as justly and satisfactorily as is generally possible, i have ordered during the whole time i have spent here that, first of all, the ship should be gauged for its tonnage by persons chosen by the city--men who are intelligent, conscientious, and disinterested, and otherwise competent for the said gauging. the allotment has been and is still made as justly as possible. 28. _that the persons appointed to lade the ships did not keep the order which was given them, breaking it to the injury of citizens, and were arrested_. this year were appointed, to direct the lading of the new ship "santo toma," captain gaspar perez, the alcalde-ordinary, captain juan de arsega, and captain christoval de asqueta, a regidor of this city. they were given the usual order to lade according to a list, beginning first with the men who are most deserving and have been longest in the country. as they did not keep the order which was given them, and laded after their own fashion, i have arrested them. the citizens of this city have brought in complaints of them and many claims have been filed against them. i am receiving testimony thereof, in order to punish them according to their crimes. i have always tried, from the day i entered, to govern as your majesty was pleased to command me, and to protect this commonwealth and the poor in it, even with my own property; and it is well known in these parts that i have done this so far as lay in my power. 29. _that a port called el pinar, has been opened at canton, where spanish ships may go with safety to trade with china, for which there is a chapa [i.e., "passport"]._ by clause 21 of the instruction for my government, your majesty gives permission for certain citizens of this island to trade--if that seem best to me, and with the consent of the royal audiencia--in the neighboring kingdoms where trade and traffic with these islands is permitted. with this basis, and the knowledge that the chinese do not resist the coming of the spaniards as they have hitherto done, and considering the importance of the opening of this port in that country, so that the preaching of the holy gospel might enter there, which is your majesty's desire, i determined last year to give a license to don juan de çamudio to go (in his own vessel, at his own expense) to the province of canton, and establish in the best way possible his enterprise; and to bring certain metals and other articles which we were lacking, for the royal stores of these islands. he made the voyage and carried out this mission. besides this, he opened at canton a port for the spaniards in china, which is called el pinar, although he was greatly opposed by the portuguese of macao; and the spaniards were left there to go to trade in canton--a house being given them inside the city, and a chapa to come back and settle there whenever they might wish to. with this despatch and some merchandise, the said don juan came back to these islands well content. 30. _that a ship is being sent to canton, to follow up the good beginning made there by the spaniards_. this year, in continuation of the beginning which don juan çamudio has made in china, i have agreed with the opinion of the royal audiencia that it was therefore best to send another ship, well equipped with artillery and arms. this vessel will sail very soon, and has for captain joan tello y aguirre; and it will cause no expense to the royal exchequer. i hope in our lord that a way is about to be opened up for what is desired for so great and powerful realms. 31. _that the king of sian, desiring trade for his realms with the spaniards, sent an embassy to them, which was well received; and that he treated joan tello very well, and opened a port at the city of odia_. after my arrival in this government i received a letter from the king of sian, a copy of which will go with this. in it he told me of his desire for commerce and trade with these islands of your majesty. seeing how well disposed this king was, in the year past (1598) i despatched captain joan tello with an embassy for the king in answer to his, indicating great esteem for the friendship which he offers me, and for his desire for the trade of the spaniards in his kingdom. i offered him in the name of your majesty the closest friendship. captain joan tello made the voyage, and, having fulfilled his embassy, made an agreement also that a port should be left open for trade, so that the spaniards could go there and settle freely, and be exempt from taxes. they brought in their ship ivory, benzoin, and stone for the citizens of this city. he came back here with the response of the king of sian, a copy of which will go with this. i have understood, indeed, from captain joan tello that the king of sian has in his house a religious of the order of st. dominic, who was sent from malaca to administer the sacraments to the christians who come there from india on their commercial voyages. seeing what a good opportunity and opening there was to begin preaching the holy gospel in that kingdom, i sent another ship this year, very well supplied, having as captain joan de mendoça, with an embassy to the king beseeching him to consent to have sent from here four religious of the said order, for if they also were with the one who was residing there, it would further much the end which was sought; and asking that he would admit these religious. once settled there, they will succeed in obtaining good results. captain joan de mendoça is now expected, and whatever news he brings on his arrival i shall communicate to your majesty. may god further these affairs, as they are especially for his service and for the advantage of the royal crown of your majesty. 32. _that the city of cebu sent a ship to castilla, in the year 1597, which was lost on the sea_. your majesty having granted the city of cebu authority to despatch a ship to mexico, it did so; and the ship left cebu about two years ago, carrying merchandise both for the citizens of that city and of manila, which was considered best; but, from the time when it left until now, there has been no word of it. it is thought that it was lost, which is no slight matter for this country, coming in addition to the loss of the ship "san phelipe"--with which, and the retention of their money which the citizens of manila have suffered, and other hardships, this commonwealth is hard smitten, as is the courage of its people. if there is any way in which to resuscitate it, it will be for your majesty to give permission for the citizens thereof to despatch a ship of three hundred toneladas to peru every two or three years, with the products of this country; they will not undertake to carry anything more than flagstones, ivory, and other things which are not carried from españa, and this will not cause any loss to the royal customs duties of your majesty. 33. _that it brings much damage upon this colony that the officers on the voyages are appointed by the viceroy of mexico_. i have already advised your majesty of the irreparable injury resulting to this commonwealth from the appointment of the officers of the ships on this voyage by the viceroy of nueva españa; for they come here provided with money on commission, and when they have arrived here they invest it; nor is there any way to prevent them from lading the ships as soon as they have left the port. this they effect by placing their cloth in small vessels six or seven leguas away; and then they take from the ship the cloth belonging to the citizens, and lade their own, from which results great injury to this country. this was done even by don antonio maldonado, son of the licentiate maldonado, auditor of mexico, who unloaded on a beach a great deal of cloth belonging to citizens here. this would not happen if the officers were appointed here; because those appointed would give bonds before they left, and, as they must come back and render an account, they would not commit these evil acts. your majesty will be pleased to order what is most expedient. 34. _that a sworn statement is being sent of the execution and fulfilment of the decrees_. i am sending your majesty a sworn statement of the decrees which have been put into execution, besides those which are being carried out; and the same will be sent next year. 35. _that it is customary on feast-days that the city banner should be brought out, and that the royal audiencia should be present, and the standard-bearer should walk at the left hand of the president; and that this custom was opposed by an auditor_. one of the principal feast-days which is kept in this city is that of the apostle st. andrew, in memory of the victory which was on that day won against the chinese pirate limahon, driving him from the land when he had already hemmed this city in. on that day the city brings out its banner, and goes to vespers and mass at santa potenciana. in the time of the former royal audiencia, they used to go with the pennant to the royal houses with the city officers, and from there the president and auditors set out to the festival; and the president had the standard-bearer at his left hand, and the senior auditor at his right. i am informed that the same thing is done in the city of lima and that of mexico. i have had this custom observed here; but the licentiate almazan, auditor of this royal audiencia, has denied that the standard-bearer or any other person should be stationed with the royal audiencia without special permission from your majesty, whom i beg to be pleased to command in this what shall be done. in the meantime, it will be continued as hitherto. 36. _that public feast-days are celebrated with veneration and dignity_. i assure your majesty that the other public feast-days, such as corpus christi, that of the patrons of the city, and the like, are celebrated with the utmost veneration and dignity in this land, where we are in the sight of so many heathen. 37. _that it is expedient that the indians be punished with some moderate fine of money, and not in rice._ your majesty has ordered that the indians shall not be punished in money fines; but as they all, in their perverseness and evil disposition, are more afraid of the punishment of taking from them a real than of a hundred floggings, the desired results do not follow, and they do not plant, raise animals, and do other things tending to the production of supplies, and to the common good. it would be well for your majesty to give permission for the imposition of moderate fines in money. it is particularly unfitting that the chiefs should be flogged, and in regard to this the royal audiencia has commenced to take some action. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty through many happy years. manila, july 12, 1599. _francisco tello_ _an account of the religious orders which are in these philipinas islands; the provinces, houses, and religious contained in them; and the ministers whom it is necessary that his majesty should have sent, in order that there may be sufficient religious instruction in the islands_. _st. augustine--60 houses; they have 163 religious, and ask for 20 each year_. the order of st. augustine has occupied the provinces of tagalos, pampanga, ylocos, and pintados. being the first established in these regions, they occupy the whole country. they have in the islands sixty houses, which contain from two to three religious each--one hundred and eight being priests, and fifty-three lay brethren. they will have to establish more houses--not only for the newly-entered countries, but that there may be sufficient religious instruction in these islands. for this it is necessary that your majesty send each year twenty religious. these might be brought at a less cost to the royal estate from nueva españa, where there are many of them; and they would do very well, as they are used to instructing indians, and have already come half the way. _st. francis--40 houses; they have 120 religious, and need 50_. the order of st. francis has occupied the province of camarines, and has there forty houses, and one hundred and twenty religious--ninety-seven being preachers and priests, and twenty-three lay brethren. they need fifty religious. _the society of jesus has 12 houses and 43 religious_. the society has twelve houses, and occupies the province of pintados, in leite and ibabao. in them are forty-three religious--twenty-three of these priests, and the rest lay brethren. they will occupy many houses. religious of the society have gone to the pacification of mindanao, where they will administer instruction and establish more houses. they have need of fifty religious. _st. dominic--12 houses; they have 71 religious, and need 50_. the order of st. dominic has occupied the province of cagayan, where there are twelve houses and seventy-one religious. they need fifty religious, in order that there may be sufficient instruction in the province of cagayan, where they must occupy a number of houses. those sent should be priests, because all the lay brethren that are necessary are being received in the islands. in all these four orders there are persons of much learning and many accomplishments, and good linguists who instruct the natives, among whom they have achieved great results. in the houses of the society of jesus there are two colleges--one at manila and the other in the city of santisimo nombre de jhesus--in which religious of very exemplary life teach latin to the spaniards and give instruction to the natives. _copy of a letter written in the past year (1598) concerning the erection of prebends and half-prebends of the cathedral church at manila. cited in clause 7 of the governor's letter of july 12, 1599_. sire: in accordance with what your majesty orders me in his royal instruction, we, the archbishop and myself, made a visitation of the cathedral church, which is greatly lacking in all necessaries, and particularly in chaplains, which is noticeable on feast-days. accordingly it seemed advisable to institute two prebendaries, each with a stipend of two hundred pesos per year; and two half-prebendaries, with a hundred and fifty pesos of stipend each per year--to be paid in the same manner as the other canons. i beg your majesty to have this approved, since it has been done in conformity with your majesty's order to provide whatever was necessary. we are considering from what source the other necessaries can be provided, as, outside of the royal exchequer of your majesty, there is at present no other fund; and the royal treasury is in great need, between the mortality of the natives and the taxations of don luis perez de las marinas; the yearly income has diminished by more than fifteen thousand pesos. we shall try our best to order affairs in the best possible way. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, as we your servants and vassals have need. manila, the twelfth of july, 1598. [_francisco tello_] _statement of the accounts received from the director of the hospital for the natives. cited in clause 8 of the letter of the governor of july 12, 1599._ the accounts which the lord president, governor, and captain-general of these islands, don francisco tello, knight of the habit of santiago, ordered me, the accountant bartolome de rrenteria, to audit from the seventeenth of september of the year ninety-eight, when the said lord president was at the royal hospital for natives of these islands. he inspected and took possession thereof in the name of your majesty; and ordered me, the said accountant, to make in his presence an inventory of the income and property belonging to the said hospital, and i did so, as follows: it was found that the said hospital has, through the bounty of your majesty, five hundred ducats each year, paid from the fund set aside for such purposes by the royal exchequer; one thousand five hundred fanegas of rice in the hull, one thousand five hundred fowls, and two hundred pieces of cloth from ylocos; and a further grant of four toneladas, to be sent each year in the ships of your majesty or others, without duties or freight charges. likewise there was found, as property of the said hospital, a farm for cattle, with a thousand head; ten mares, four colts, and one horse; six men slaves with five married slave women, and three other unmarried women and two unmarried men; and four hundred pesos, in coin. besides this, antonio valerio, steward of the said hospital, has put in charge of me, the said accountant, a quantity of money received from various persons. the said antonio valerio has also rendered an itemized account of the whole thereof, from the first of september of the said year ninety-eight to the end of december of the same, and the expenses in that time amount to five hundred and thirty-seven pesos and one tomin; he likewise rendered another account in this year of ninety-nine, from the first of january to the end of april thereof, and the itemized expense account amounted to seven hundred and fifteen pesos and four tomins, as appears by the book which is in my possession. besides, all necessary provision was made for divine worship in the said hospital. the said hospital has a house of stone, amply adequate, with three halls and apartments, and everything necessary and pertaining thereto. the said steward has no further account to give, because by command of his lordship the accounts are audited every four months, and he will give what is lacking at the end of august of this year. that this matter may be understood, i have given this, at manila, on the second of july in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. _bartolome de rrenteria_ _copy of the instruction given to the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces and to the religious, for the indians to render submission to the king our lord, and the measures taken in la laguna. cited in clause 10 of the governor's letter of july 12, 1599_. the king: to don francisco tello, knight of the habit of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia, which i have ordered reëstablished in the city of manila in the said islands; or to the person or persons in whose charge the government of them may be. fray miguel de venavides of the order of st. dominic, bishop of nueva segovia in those said islands, has given me certain memorials and accounts of affairs, and of measures suitable for their improvement, and for the security of the consciences of the confessors, of the encomenderos and soldiers, and of other persons, particularly in regard to what affects the spiritual good of the indians, and the obligation which rests upon me to further it. as these are matters important to conscience and reduced to two points, i directed that, for the consideration of them, certain theologians, grave and eminent persons, should meet with the president and members of my council of the yndias. what they agreed upon was reported to me, and i now give you its substance and the conclusion which has been reached. the first difficulty was whether the faith must be preached to the heathen by poor preachers, provided only with the support of god according to the gospel, and what has been provided by the ordinances concerning discoveries; or whether the said preachers must enter escorted by soldiers bearing arms. and the question on the second point was, whether tribute should be levied upon the infidels who are not opposed to the preaching of the gospel and are not enemies; nor is there any other just cause for waging war against them, except solely to maintain the spaniards. "supposing that these tributes are imposed and levied primarily with the obligation of giving instruction, and maintaining justice to those who are subjected, they should not be levied on those who are not subjects and have not received the faith." having examined the said ordinances, it appears that what is provided in them is in conformity with the precepts of the gospel and with the justice necessary to the service of our lord, and to the promulgation of his faith in newly-discovered countries. the bishop admits this, merely complaining of the lax execution of the decree, and the great liberty which the captains and soldiers take in interfering with the indians and taking from them their liberty and property. since my will has always been and is that the said ordinances should be observed, and whoever has violated or acted contrary to them in the past has displeased me, i order you that from now on you shall see to it that they be observed and carried out, inviolably. and to this end i have ordered to be sent to you--printed, and on separate sheets--the clauses which treat of the order to be observed in preaching in newly-entered countries, and how the tributes are to be levied; and the care with which, in both matters, you are to proceed--all being directed toward the good and contentment of the indians, and their best condition, preservation, and civilization. and this you shall again cause to be published, adding penalty of death, perpetual banishment, or confiscation of property to any or all transgressors, according to the degree of their guilt. this you will execute inexorably, under penalty that, besides considering you lax in your duty, i shall have you punished with all rigor--and this infallibly, since you know my wish; and in these scrupulous matters the peace of my conscience rests upon your discharge of duty. in order that proper means may be taken in these matters you will meet with the archbishop and the newly-appointed bishops, and the superiors of the orders; and you will consider the measures to be taken to satisfy the injuries inflicted, and whether the tributes collected from the infidels contrary to the said ordinances can conveniently be restored. and if this cannot be done without great difficulty you will advise me thereof; and in the interval while advising me and while i am providing what appears to me to be best, everything shall remain in the same condition, with the peace and propriety with which i hope that you are governing both spiritually and temporally--as i charge you all to do, each in what concerns him. likewise you will confer with the said superiors and religious, and bring it about that they shall undertake to remedy by love all which shall be found to have been done through force and fear; for, according to what the bishop tells me of these indians, they are well disposed (not only in spiritual but in temporal matters), freely to render me submission. done at madrid, on the eighth day of the month of february in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven. _i the king_ by order of the king our lord: _joan de ybarra_ in the city of manila, on the fifth day of the month of august in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the above-contained decree was proclaimed by francisco rodriguez, public crier, in a loud and clear voice, many persons being present, at the regular session of the audiencia. i certify this. _gaspar de acebo_ in the city of manila, on the fourth day of the month of august in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the governor and captain-general of these islands, don francisco tello, in accordance with the royal decree of his majesty, dated at madrid, the eighth of february of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven--which treats of certain difficulties suggested by the bishop of cagayan [34] in the council of the yndias and to the royal person--assembled at the royal buildings the bishops of these islands and the provincials and superiors of the orders thereof, in consultation upon the said decree. the said governor having read to them the said royal decree, and certain ordinances treating of discoveries and pacification, exactly as is contained in the said decree, and they having heard what his majesty orders, and having consulted thereon, a decision was reached in the said meeting as to what the governor and captain-general should command in regard to the ordinances which his majesty sent him, and which were publicly read, as hereinbefore stated, with the heavy penalties which the aforesaid decree provides against transgressors. for the future they understand that our lord's service demands that, by peaceful means of love, all the indians should render voluntary and free submission to his majesty the king of castilla, our lord; and they offered that by themselves and the religious, and the other ministers under their control, all efforts should be made that this might be accomplished in a short time. as regards restitution for the past, it seems best to them that what can be easily effected by pious works and other means should be done; and as for the rest this means would be taken, that the religious should gain over the indians by love and gentleness, and that they should grant the natives freedom from tributes, which were levied in times past, while they were infidels. therefore the following persons have affixed their signatures. _don francisco tello_ _archbishop of manila_ _fray miguel_, bishop of nueva segovia. _fray pedro_, [35] bishop of santisimo nombre de jesus. _fray bernardo de santa catalina_, provincial. _raymundo de prado_, vice-provincial. _fray joan de san pedro martir_ _joan de rivera_ before me: _gaspar de acebo_ this agrees with the original, which remains in my office: _roque loino de caceres_ in the village of lumban, province of la laguna de bay, on the thirteenth day of the month of june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, by command of the alferez gregorio ponce de leon, deputy of the alcalde-mayor of the said provinces for the king our lord, and father fray antonio de nombela, definitor of the order of st. francis in the said islands, and guardian of the said convent and village--before me, notary-public of the said provinces for his majesty, were gathered all the governors, chiefs, headmen, and lords of barangay, and most of the timaguas and common people of all the villages of said provinces, whose names are as here follow. don hernando larogajon, governor; don francisco volor, don phelipe paguilagan, don mateo umanguil, miguel manaycon, simon paniça, phelipe damian, don gaspar culiao, bartolome maconan, bartolome parahan, chiefs and lords, heads of barangay of the village of bay, and several of their timaguas. governor don juan halimao, don diego caya, domingo sati, chiefs and lords of barangay of the village of tableco, and several of their timaguas. lieutenant-governor domingo labaulon, don francisco meglilo, don antonio tobantahel, don joan lagban, miguel bati, headmen and lords of barangay of the village of pila la grande, and other chiefs, with common people, and several of their timaguas. the governor of the village of nacarlandos, marcos brigilon; his lieutenant, lorenço manile; domingo pasdeyaen, lucas mandig, don pablo caranblin, joan manglas, domingo malapas, mateo madhanay, nicolas magpisie, antonio magsibo, fruian lionan, chiefs, headmen, and lords of barangay of the said village, and many other chiefs and timaguas. the governor of the village of mehay, don joan de mendoça; don esteban luvas, don pablo magbres, don diego magpalo, damian paoaviandes, laramas, don antonio dato, diego malapeg, don lucas tunuguli, jusepe vale, chiefs, headmen and lords of barangay, and other chiefs and timaguas of the said village. the governor of the village of saloanij guilinguilin; don juan puhaban; the lieutenant, don francisco caraguen; don francisco bala, don pedro banguig, don diego limetig, don alonso goor, don joan pile, don diego bagnor, don bentura ulay, don christoval rarac, don christoval banguis, don diego daolor, don antonio quilala, don joan ligno, don pedro alimango, don francisco dales, don francisco danga, don luis guinton, venito laquer, marcos abal, chiefs, head men and lords of barangay, and other chiefs, and timaguas and common people of the said village. the lieutenant-governor of the village of panguil, don miguel boag; don andres talamindor, francisco valor, don juan mabaylo, don agustin labrian, don francisco laguin, don pedro pazhan, don andres guilla, don andres ama, don luis lanvan, don lorenço apon, don phelipe panindo, chiefs and lords, heads of barangay, and other chiefs and timaguas of the said village. the governor of the village of paoil, don joan lagary; his lieutenant, don miguel manduga; domingo pansas, sebastian palangan, don joan valoban, don alonso bulanvel, chiefs, lords, and heads of the said barangay, and other chiefs, common people, and timaguas of the said village. the governor of the village of sampablo, don lorenço lansapao; don agustin magapan, joan masquiles, don antonio calapar, luis lapipir, pablo mandol, ventura pilapan, pablo casyl, joan moage, francisco mayas, pablo caylo, chiefs, lords, heads of barangay, and other chiefs, common people, and timaguas of the said village. the lieutenant-governor of the village of santa cruz, joan abalasaval; gaspar tosol, joan bago, chiefs and lords, heads of barangay, and other chiefs, common people, and timaguas of the said village. the governor of the village of pililla, don joan yavi, don luis abalo, don phelipe bognor, don agustin magcanayon, don pedro canayon, miguel togui, antonio mabanta, lorenço lagasia, bernardo sampaga, diego manira, martin cosso, juan tangui, lucas ayog, don luys calyas, clemente lagnig, chiefs and lords, heads of barangay, and other chiefs, common people, and timaguas of the said village. the governor of the village of moran, don francisco laquiao; don luis limetig, don pablo sosil, don francisco baro, chiefs and head men, lords of barangay, and other chiefs, common people, and timaguas of the said village. the governor of the village of lunban, don juan burlon; his lieutenant, don joan alaman; don agustin mamija, don marco ral, don rodrigo pananbo, don phelipe tangui, don ventura marlangaley, don alonso bineg, don alonso posolan, don agustin asum, don alonso tindig, luis aveij, don diego laval, don diego gaddola, gonçalo lima, don francisco pirangaran, don pablo caliox, alonso paraorao, don diego lahacan, don gonçalo magcoli, antonio puragti habanpoli, don juan bambin, chiefs and lords, heads of barangay, and other chiefs, common people, and all the timaguas of the said village and government. don agustin baticio, don marcos manalo, don agustin sandi, pedro cabasao, dionisio magsubey, don tomas bagsit, alonso sancabo, chiefs of barangay of the said province. and all having assembled and come together thus, both the chiefs and the timaguas, with the said franciscan father guardian, fray antonio de nombela, as interpreter, they were given to understand why they had been called together and were assembled. they were told how god our lord had granted them great kindness and grace in keeping them under the evangelical faith, which remains in his holy church, in the apostle st. peter and his successors, who are the pontiffs, bishops, and confessors who in his name administer instruction and point out the way to heaven. our lord had liberated them from the blindness and tyranny in which they were as subjects of the devil--who not only caused the damnation of their immortal souls, which are to be cared for, but likewise harassed their bodies and consumed their lives. what is still more weighty, the most cursed and perverse sect of mahoma had begun, through its followers and disciples, to spread and scatter through some of the islands of this archipelago its pestilent and abominable creed; but the true god was pleased at that time to bring the spanish people into these islands, which was a cure and remedy for the mortal sickness which the said mahometan sect has already commenced to cause in them. besides this, the spaniards had freed them from the tyranny with which their kings and lords were possessing themselves of their wives and goods, which was the greatest injury which could be inflicted upon them. they were also reminded of the great favor that god our lord had granted them in giving them for their king and natural lord the catholic king don phelipe, our sovereign, to maintain them and keep them in peace and justice, with much gentleness and love. our lord might have deferred the conquest of these islands, and it would have been made by other kings who are not so catholic, as a punishment for the idolatry which they practiced; then they would have fallen into greater blindness and sin than before, and they would not have been so rich and well-provided as they are, nor would their property have been so safe. all this is greater advantage than they had in olden days, while they were infidels. all this was declared to the above-named persons, so that, in conformity with his will and pleasure they might render submission to his majesty, and acknowledge him as such king and natural lord; and this, notwithstanding what they may have given by word or deed, for the greater justification of the tributes enjoyed and being enjoyed, which they have given and paid, and henceforth may give and pay, both to his majesty and to his vassals. and this writing is evidence in all times that of their own will and pleasure they have rendered the said submission and acknowledgment to their said king and lord. all the said governors and chiefs, lords of barangay, and their timaguas who are present, having understood through the interpreter the address which has been made to them in the name of his majesty, said together and unanimously--and not only for themselves but for their subjects, descendants, and successors in the dominion and lordship of their barangays--that they recognized and held themselves fortunate in having recognized our lord; and this because he has granted them the favors mentioned, and greater ones, since the king our lord is more catholic and christian than other kings of the world, and under his temporal laws they have lived and are living in great security of life and property, comfort, and peace, and with more liberty than they ever thought to have, since they are free at present from all the tyrannies to which they were subject in the time when they were infidels. therefore, in answer to what was asked them, as it was of so great importance they sought for a delay, as the time is so short, and they had not conferred and communicated with all the chiefs, nor informed those of their villages of the resolution; and so they separated, saying that there would be enough time from now until the departure of the ships in the coming year, one thousand six hundred, and that information about this negotiation could be sent then to his majesty. this they declared, and those who could do so signed their names, also the said father definitor and guardian, and the said lieutenant, as i certify. the witnesses were father fray de ponto, guardian of the convent of mahayhay; father fray tomas de miranda, father fray bartolome ruiz, father fray alonso de santana, fray bernardo de asincion, don francisco bagua, don heronimo aroppora, francisco de nombela, gregorio ponce de leon. before me: _joan de ribera_, notary-public _copy of the letter from the king of camboxa to the governor of manila. cited in clause 27 of the governor's letter of july 12, 1599_. _copy of a letter from the king of sian_.--i received the embassy of your lordship with the greatest pleasure, and for a long time past i have desired to have a firm and true friendship between us. from now on i beg that your lordship will keep this, and this kingdom of mine shall stand by it. and your kingdom and this kingdom shall be friends, and particularly your city of manilha. this shall be my duty and yours for i have always looked to and upon you to keep the firm friendship. the king of portugal alone will take arms in his hands, for in these times there are some troubles arising from the captain of malaca, daroca fiaon. for this i have pledged my word to the renewed friendship, as before. as for the portuguese, whatever your lordship asks or orders shall be done in this country. i am very fond of you, and this leads me to keep for you all those who may wish to live in this my kingdom; i shall permit it, for i shall receive all as i have been seen to receive these, and as captain juan tello said that ... i have received what your lordship sent me; and by the same person i will send a ring to your lordship ... which your lordship will value. at acibi pacos, outside of my city. may 5, 1598. _statement regarding the fulfilment of the decree of his majesty. cited in clause 31 of the governor's letter of july 12, 1599_. i, gaspar de acebo, notary-public of the government of these filipinas islands for the king our lord, certify to those who may see these presents that the governor and captain-general of these islands, don francisco tello, knight of the habit of santiago, in fulfilment of the decrees and instructions of the king our lord, which the aforesaid don francisco holds for the good government of these islands, has been fulfilling and executing them in so far as was expedient and for the service of the king our lord. the decree which arrived here relating to the pancada [_i.e._, purchase in gross] of the merchandise and cloth which come from china, directing that it should be bought by one person, and that six persons should go with it and dispose of the goods in nueva españa for the citizens of these islands--being put into execution by the said governor, was carried to the royal audiencia of these islands in course of appeal by the citizens thereof, in which court the suit is in progress. likewise the said governor, by virtue of his instruction, inspected the cathedral church of this city, conjointly with the archbishop don fray ygnacio (whom may god keep); and in the presence of me, the said secretary, inspected the ornaments of the said church, the plate, and other articles of the service of divine worship. they ordered the treasurer of the said church and the former stewards of the said cathedral to render accounts, so that the property and income of the said church might be known. _item_: by virtue of a royal decree, obtained by the petition of the late bishop of these islands, don fray domingo de salazar, when any canonry or prebend in these islands was vacated, the governor might, as these islands are so remote from the kingdom of españa, present the person who should to him appear fitting for such canonry or prebend. this has been carried out and executed thus far by the said governor. _item_: the royal decree is being carried out and put into operation which directs the establishment of schools in which to teach the natives the spanish language. the said schools are in charge of the fathers of the society of jesus. _item_: by virtue of a decree of the king our lord, dated in madrid the eighth of february of the past year of ninety-seven, in which is directed the order to be followed in bringing the natives of these islands to render submission to the royal crown, and in publishing the ordinances for newly-discovered countries, these were published in this city; and the order to be observed in bringing the natives to render submission was provided for by the archbishop (whom may god keep), don fray ygnacio de santibañez, and the other bishops and provincials of these islands, conjointly with the said governor. they have begun to carry this out in several provinces of these islands. _item_: the said governor has ordered to be fulfilled and executed the clause of the instruction which directs that duties shall not be levied upon the chinese or other nations in the neighborhood of these islands, as they bring provisions and military stores to provide this camp. likewise, in fulfilment of another clause of the instruction, the said governor took possession, in the name of and for the lord our king, of the hospital for natives which is situated in this city, and ordered accounts to be rendered of the property and income of the said hospital. _item_: in accordance with a royal decree which deals with the fact that the chiefs of these islands are being employed in governorships, and directs that they be honored and favored by the magistrates, this has been done and is being done by the said governor, don francisco tello. _item_: in regard to clause twenty-seven of his instructions, by which the said governor is ordered and commanded to reduce the number of encomiendas and villages, and ordains that they be in places convenient for the administration of the holy sacraments to the natives, this is being carried out without harshness, in those regions which are at present prepared for it. _item_: likewise some of the royal decrees and clauses of instruction which were given to the said governor don francisco tello have not been carried out. in these it is ordered and commanded that certain things are to be done for the good government of these islands, conjointly with the archbishop thereof. as the latter died soon after his arrival in this city, they were suspended, without any action or consideration being taken of them, because the said governor was commanded to communicate and act with the said archbishop. in proof of the truth of what is here related, by the request and command of don francisco tello, knight of the habit of santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands, i have given the present, dated in the city of manila, on the fourteenth day of the month of july of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. i have therefore set my seal hereto in witness of the truth. _gaspar de acebo_ we, the notaries-public and royal who sign here, certify and bear witness that gaspar de acebo, by whom this instrument is signed and sealed, is secretary of the government of these islands; and to the instruments and documents which are drawn before him entire faith and credit is given, in and out of court. that this may appear we have given the present in the city of manila, in the filipinas islands, on the fourteenth day of the month of july, of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. _francisco de valencia_, notary-public. _joan paez de sotomayor_, notary royal. _juan estebes_, notary for his majesty. ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila _an act decreeing that the sangleys who are arrested shall pay their creditors within six days, or have their services sold for debt_. in the city of manila, on the thirteenth of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the members of this court, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands, while inspecting the prison, declared that, whereas, both in the royal prison of this court and in that of the jurisdiction of the alcaicería [chinese market] many sangley prisoners are arrested for debts of long standing, who, by not having the means to pay, or for their own purposes, being thus assured of their sustenance, allow themselves to remain in the said prisons, without making any payment: therefore, since it is advisable to remedy this evil, on account of the great expense incurred by the confraternity of la sancta misericordia for the sustenance of the aforesaid prisoners, and in order that the creditors may be paid, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said sangleys imprisoned for debts past due be notified that they must pay their creditors within six days, being warned that, if they do not, their services will be sold to anyone who will give enough to satisfy and pay the creditors, and to the amount of their debt; but if they cannot be sold, or if the creditors wish to take them to the amount of the debt, they shall be delivered to the latter in chains, in order to serve out the amount of the debt. if the said creditors refuse to receive the prisoners, they shall be notified to give them food in the said prisons at their own expense; and, on failure to do so, the prisoners will be set at liberty. thus they voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that notaries, whether public or royal, shall be present at the review of charges against prisoners._ in the city of manila, on the thirteenth of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, while making a general review of the charges against prisoners in the royal prison of this court, ordered, and they did so order, in consideration of the fact that the notaries, both public and royal, were not present at the said review with the records of the suits against the prisoners, for which reason the review was hindered, that the notaries should all be notified, collectively and singly, to be present at such review of charges, with the suits that they shall have, in order to report upon them--under penalty of a fine of four pesos for the first offense, to be given to the poor of the said prison. for the second offense they shall be rigorously punished. thus they voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the prison warden shall maintain a stricter watch over the prisoners_. in the city of manila, on the twentieth of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, on the occasion of a review of charges against prisoners, declared that, whereas it has come to their knowledge that many of the prisoners in the said prison leave it to eat and sleep, and go to their houses and about their business, and that those who are ordered to imprison them fail to do so, so that from the aforesaid there has been, and is, a great deal of disorder, and that the warden thereof does not fulfil and observe his obligations: therefore, as it is advisable to remedy the aforesaid evil, they ordered, and they did so order, that baltasar martin, warden of the said prison, be notified that, now and henceforth, he shall under no consideration permit any prisoner in his charge, during the time of his imprisonment, to leave the said prison for eating, sleeping, or any other matter outside of it. prisoners who are ordered to be imprisoned shall not be released except by order and command of the judges by whose orders they are arrested. the aforesaid warden shall observe the obligations of his office, being warned that, if he shall act contrary thereto, he will be proceeded against with the full rigor of the law; in addition to which, the penalties for not exercising his said office in accordance with his bond and pledge shall be executed against him. thus they voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that there shall be no hucksters_. in the city of manila, on the twenty-fifth of june, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors assembled in this royal audiencia and chancillería declared that, whereas in this said city of manila all sorts of provisions have become very dear, on account of the disorder that has existed, and does exist, through having allowed many sangleys and native indians to go through this city and five leagues round about it, trading and bartering the said provisions--as, for instance, rice, wine, fowls, swine, cows, buffalo, game, eggs, geese, kids, cocoanuts, bananas, pullets, capons, fish, olive-oil, vinegar, and other provisions that are gathered and raised within the five leagues, or are bought from outside from the other provinces, islands, villages, and hamlets--and act as hucksters and retailers of these provisions: therefore, as it is advisable to provide the necessary remedy in this matter, in order that the said disorder be avoided, they ordered, and they did so order, that no person--spaniard, sangley, native, or of any other nation, quality, and rank whatever--shall trade or barter, now and henceforth, in the said provisions, or in any of them, in this said city or within the five leagues of its jurisdiction. no huckster shall buy or retail for his own trade or profit any of the above things, under any condition, under penalty of confiscation of everything thus found in his possession which he has bought or traded for--half to be applied to his majesty's treasury, and the other half to go to the informer or constable who exposes him, or to the judge who gives sentence. besides this, any person who shall be discovered not to have fulfilled this obligation shall, if he be a spaniard, for the first offense be imprisoned twenty days in the common jail; and for the second he shall be banished for six months from this city and the five-league circuit of this court, to a prescribed residence. if he be a sangley or an indian, he shall for the first offense be given one hundred lashes; and for the second shall serve in his majesty's galleys, or at the forge, or in the powder-house, for a period of two years without pay. those who obtain the said provisions by cultivation and labor within a circuit of five leagues, or who bring them from outside this city to sell them therein, may sell and bring them freely, so that it be not to the said hucksters or retailers; and provided that they bring them first to the public square of this city, or up the river in their vessels, in order that the inhabitants and dwellers in this city may be provided with whatever they may need, for the time and space of two natural days. these being passed, whatever they cannot sell they may carry away, and sell in the other towns within the said five leagues. likewise, they ordered that no person shall go by way of the sea or the river or by highways whence come the said provisions, to take or buy them from those who should be bringing them, before the arrival of the latter with them in this city, within the five leagues, under penalty of one hundred lashes; and that the alcaldes-in-ordinary, the regidors, and other officials of this city, and the alcaldes-mayor of tondo and bulacan and their assistants, shall take especial care for the execution and enforcement of this act in their districts, being warned that they will be punished at their residencias, and will be charged therewith; and warning will be given to those who take their residencias that their punishment be executed. thus they voted, ordered, and decreed over their names, and that this act be proclaimed in this city and the suburb of tondo. _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that no one shall embark for the purpose of leaving these islands, without permission_. in the city of manila, on the first of july, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the said islands, being assembled, and considering a petition presented by the licentiate geronimo salazar y salzedo, his majesty's fiscal in the said royal audiencia, declared that, whereas many people who go unpunished by the royal justice for murders and other crimes that they have committed, and others for owing money to the royal exchequer, and for bringing suits against the royal treasurer, and who have other legitimate reasons for not being able to leave this city, absent themselves from it in order not to be punished, or to pay what they owe, and go to nueva españa and other places, favored and assisted by generals, admirals, captains, masters, and other officers and persons of the ships sailing from these islands, whence results much harm and trouble; therefore, in order that the aforesaid evils be remedied, and that this may not be so henceforth, they ordered, and they did so order, that no general, admiral, captain, master, or any other officer or person, on whatever vessel sailing from these islands, for nueva españa or any other places whatever, shall receive, assist, protect, or conceal, in any manner, any person of any rank or condition whatever, so that he may embark on such ship or ships--even though he may go thereon as captain, master, pilot, sailor, or in any other capacity--without securing permission in writing from the governor and captain-general of these islands, drawn up with the necessary conditions, and in the usual form. if it should happen that the said person or persons embark so secretly that they do not allow themselves to be seen by the officers of the said ship on which they are, until it is under sail, as soon as they allow themselves to be seen, the captain of said ship shall be informed thereof, in order that he may make investigation of it, ascertaining and assuring himself how and in what manner, and when and how, they embarked and where; who helped and protected them therein, and who saw them embark; and for what reason they secretly embarked. the said officers shall arrest the person or persons who shall have embarked, together with those who shall have given their favor or assistance. they shall be found guilty in conformity with the aforesaid, and placed in irons, so that at the first port where they arrive, they may be handed over, with a copy of the investigations which shall have been made, to the justice thereof, who shall keep them prisoners. on the first occasion of the sailing of any ship, he shall send them as prisoners to this city under a sufficient guard, to the royal prison of this court, delivering them to the warden thereof, and taking his testimony in the matter, delivering also the original of the said investigation. they shall send a complete and authentic copy of all the above to the fiscal of the said royal audiencia, in order that such persons may be punished as their offenses demand. they ordered unanimously that no person, of whatever rank or condition, for any cause or reason whatever, shall leave this city, to go beyond these islands, or to leave them for nueva españa, or any other places unless he has permission in writing from the said governor, with the necessary conditions. likewise, it shall be understood by the captains, masters, pilots, sailors, and other workmen on any ships whatever, in the manner aforesaid. in order that this act be exactly enforced, it shall be publicly proclaimed in this city and the port of cavite. copies shall be made of it and affixed to the doors of the royal houses, so that it may come to the notice of everyone, and no one may plead ignorance of it, so that one and all may observe it in the manner aforesaid--under penalty of a fine of five hundred pesos of common gold, to be applied to the use of the royal treasury and the interests of the royal exchequer, to which sum they hold them condemned as soon as they disobey this decree, besides the deprivation of their offices. this penalty is to be executed without any favor. thus they decreed, ordered, and ordained. _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ _an act decreeing that one of the auditors shall have charge of reviewing the charges against prisoners every two months_. in the city of manila, on the fifth of august, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, being assembled, declared that, whereas there are many prisoners in the royal prison of this court, whose numbers are constantly increasing, on account of arrests for vagabondage and other criminal charges: therefore, in order that the cases of such prisoners be settled and despatched with all promptness, the charges against them reviewed during the week, and their cases substantiated and decided, and that the order and system requisite to the quick and efficient despatch of their affairs may be observed, they ordered, and they did so order, that now and henceforth, an auditor of this royal audiencia shall, during the months assigned to him, review the charges against prisoners, at such times and in such wise as he may deem proper. the cases of such prisoners as are in the prison must be definitely substantiated and concluded, without any prisoner being able to escape, or any case to go unsettled. he shall then refer them to the court of this royal audiencia, in order that they may be examined and decided therein. in the aforesaid examination, he shall take particular care to follow the established practice, so that there may be suitable method and system, in order to avoid long imprisonments and delays in the cases. to execute the above, full authority and power was delegated in due legal form. they ordered the licentiate christoval tellez de almaçan, auditor of this royal audiencia, to begin his months from today; then, consecutively, the other members of the audiencia. thus they voted, and ordered it to be registered as an act, and signed the same. _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act relating to the breeding of fowls_. in the city of manila, on the second of october, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas in the instructions which have been given to the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands, the latter have been charged and ordered to take particular care that the natives thereof shall raise fowls, in order both to pay their tribute, and to keep the land supplied with necessary food; they are, however, informed that, although the said alcaldes-mayor take particular care in the execution and enforcement of the said instructions, the said natives do not breed the said fowls, because no pecuniary penalties are exacted from them--whence it results that they have none wherewith to pay their tribute; and there is a very considerable lack and scarcity of them in this city, so that they are worth three or four reals apiece, and then scarcely to be found; therefore, to remedy this loss, they ordered, and they did so order, the said alcaldes-mayor, now and henceforth, to reward any of the said natives who raises the number of fowls that is called for by the said instructions. the indians who will not raise them can be and shall be fined one toston, which is to be applied equally to the support of the two hospitals in this city, those for the spaniards and for the natives; but no other fines or costs are to be collected from them. they shall keep a book with an account and a report, in which they shall enter the said condemnations in legal form--wherein they shall take great care and diligence, so that the provisions of this act may be better enforced. in order that the said natives may not pretend ignorance, the said alcaldes-mayor, upon receipt of a copy of this act, authorized by the present notary, shall have it proclaimed in the villages under their jurisdiction, with the number of fowls that must be raised, so that the said penalties may be imposed with more rectitude and justification. by this act, they so voted, ordered, and decreed, and they ordained that this act be inscribed in the book of this royal audiencia. _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act relating to slavery_. in the city of manila, on the second of october, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas they had been informed that in the province of pampanga were many native slaves, divided among many masters--one slave often serving ten masters, more or less--whence resulted great disservice to god our lord, on account of the vexations, troubles, and great injuries received by the said slaves in serving so many masters; and whereas they had ordered benito de mendiola, alcalde-mayor of the said province, to inform himself regarding what should be done in this matter in order to repair such wrongs; and whereas the latter, in a petition, presented before the aforesaid audiencia, has informed them that no satisfactory division of the slaves is made among the heirs, and that on this account they may be appraised at the common value and appraisal, and when they are sold the purchase-price should be divided among the heirs; and, if after being appraised, one of them retains a slave, he should pay the other heirs for their share: therefore, because the said opinion seemed a fair method of procedure, they ordered, and they did so order, the said alcalde-mayor of pampanga, now and henceforth, to take particular care in such cases to observe the said plan--so that such slaves shall not have so many owners, nor endure, or be vexed with, the service of so many masters, whom they cannot serve without considerable trouble. it often happens that they run away from their masters, or are ill-treated and not supplied with food and other things necessary to their life. the said alcalde-mayor shall be advised to execute and enforce the tenor of this act, being warned that, if he shall not do so, vigorous proceedings will be instituted against him. by this act, they so voted, ordered, and decreed, providing that this act be entered in the books of this royal audiencia. _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing a proper regulation of supplies_. in the city of manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of october, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, being assembled, declared that at present there is a great lack of provisions in this city, and that those that are to be had are so high-priced, that there is general suffering. it is thought that, unless this be regulated, the trouble will increase in the future. _buffalo meat_. therefore they ordered that a contract should be made with ten indian arquebusiers, from among those who have permission to hunt, so that what buffaloes they kill shall be brought for public sale at the city slaughter-house; and there shall be there every day the meat of at least one buffalo, which is to be weighed out and distributed to the citizens. _the natives and sangleys must raise fowl and swine. item_: they voted and ordered that, now and henceforth, all the natives of these islands, and the sangley gardeners who reside therein, shall raise fowl and swine, as they are ordered, under penalty of a fine of four reals apiece--three of these to be applied to the use of the hospitals of this city, and one to the alguazil-mayor or judge who executes this decree. to that end, the necessary orders shall be despatched, directed to the magistrates, charging them with the enforcement thereof, and warning them that especial attention will be paid to their observance of them, when their residencias are taken. _that the natives shall bring their provisions for sale to this city_. likewise, they ordered the said alcaldes-mayor and magistrates to be charged and ordered to procure and give orders, each one in his jurisdiction, to the indians to come to this city with fowl, swine, wine, rice, olive-oil, vinegar, and other provisions which they may have, to sell in this city, for the provision thereof. they are to come directed to the president, so that he may have some one commissioned to distribute the provisions without injury to their owners, and at their full value. especial care is to be taken in the execution of this. _that pork shall be sold in the public square at a counter, by weight and assize_. further, they ordered that, neither in this city nor its suburbs, nor in the sangley and native settlements, shall any person offer for sale or sell, a dead hog or parts thereof, in the streets or in their houses, unless it is brought to the square or the parian, or any other place that shall be assigned therefor by the magistrate. there it shall be sold publicly at a counter, by weight and at fixed rates, under penalty of confiscation of whatever is found on sale in any other way--which shall go to the alguazil or judge executing this decree--and twenty lashes applied to the seller. _price at which hens, chickens, and capons shall be bought and sold. item_: in order that the dearness of the price of fowls may cease (for they are the principal sustenance of this land), and because it is just that there shall be a common and general price for all, they ordered that no person--spanish, sangley, native, or other, of any quality, rank, or condition whatever--may sell or cause to be sold in this city, or within a radius of five leagues thereof, hens, capons, and chickens, whether of their own breeding, or of their income, profit, or property, in any way whatsoever, at a higher price than the following: a laying sangley hen, two and one-half reals; a moro hen, two reals; a male chicken, one real; a pullet, one and one-half reals; a sangley capon, three and one-half reals--under this penalty, that whoever shall be found selling at a higher price shall lose the fowls which are thus sold, which shall be divided into three parts, among the hospitals of this city, and the informer or the judge who shall execute this decree. at this price those who have fowls shall be obliged to give them to anyone who would buy. the justices are charged and ordered to take care to have this scale observed and enforced in their jurisdictions, with the utmost strictness. it shall be proclaimed and published therein, that no one may plead ignorance thereof. _that provisions shall be allowed to be sold freely._ further, they ordered that all provisions shall be freely offered, and those who bring them shall sell them at their pleasure and free will: and no person in this city, or its suburbs and settlements, shall dare to take by force, or against their will, from the indians or sangleys, what they bring to sell, or cause them any injury or molestation therein, under penalty of being severely punished. _that those who sell fish and other provisions shall maintain the fixed rates_. they also ordered that those who sell fish and other provisions, shall abide by the fixed rates which are established, under the penalties imposed for the violation of them. this act shall be publicly proclaimed in this city, and in the sangley parian, and in the settlements of tondo, in order that all may know of it. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almazan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act relating to the importation to this city, from the neighboring provinces, of fowls, swine, and eggs, for the ordinary allotment_. in the city of manila, on the seventh day of the month of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería residing in the said city, examined the petition of the protector of the natives of these islands, presented in the name of the inhabitants of tondo and its district, in regard to their ordering that this city of manila should be provided with the fowls and swine necessary for its sustenance, from all the provinces and villages of this neighborhood, allotting among them equitably what each one is obliged to furnish, so that no one be overburdened; but, since all this has been thus done until now, the said village and tributes of his majesty are being depopulated and growing smaller. the said audiencia having likewise seen the want and necessity which has existed, and exists at present, of the said fowls, swine, and eggs, for the sustenance of this city--although, to remedy the difficulty, the said president and auditors have enacted other ordinances and acts--they declared that, in order that the provisions of the said act may be better fulfilled, and with greater ease and convenience, and less vexation to the natives, since the inhabitants of each one of the villages of these environs know what assistance they owe, they [the audiencia] ought to order, and they did so order, that, now and henceforth, the alcaldes-mayor of these environs of manila--namely, those of tondo, pampanga, bulacan, laguna, mindoro, balayan--shall be under the obligation of providing this city from their said districts with the fowls, swine, and eggs necessary for its sustenance, at the time and in the quantity and order following. first, the year shall be apportioned and divided as follows for each alcalde-mayor: that of tondo, the first three months of the year--january, february, and march. that of pampanga, the next three months--april, may, and june. that of bulacan, the next two months--for the inhabitants of bulacan, july and august. that of laguna, the next two months--for the inhabitants of laguna, september and october. that of mindoro and balayan, the next two months--november and december. they are charged and ordered to take particular care to be punctual in entering upon their months without awaiting any other orders, and to send to this city each week, until their term is finished, to the person who shall be nominated and appointed, three hundred laying hens--the fourth or third part of them pullets, at the rate of four small ones or two large ones for one laying fowl--and likewise two thousand eggs, and the number of swine that he may consider proper, and that can be produced. and the said person, as soon as he shall receive them, shall distribute them all in due order and form, to those persons and in the manner ordained and ordered, paying immediately those who brought them, according to the scale imposed by this royal audiencia--advising the natives that during lent, in place of fowls, they must send eggs. in order that this act may be better enforced, and that nothing may arise to obstruct or hinder its fulfilment (inasmuch as it has been ordered, by other acts, that all the natives shall raise the said fowls and swine, under certain penalties), the said alcaldes-mayor are again charged to exert all care in this matter, so that the natives may easily furnish what is assigned to and ordered from them. furthermore, there shall be no sangleys (whether infidels or christians), or native chiefs or timaguas, excused from undertaking the said breeding, and furnishing the said allotment, since it is important for their own welfare, utility, and profit. the said reservation shall be observed in regard to everything else therein contained; and they ordered all the said alcaldes-mayor to issue letters and royal decrees, with this act inserted therein, in order that the provisions herein contained may begin to be observed from the first of january of the coming year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, beginning with tondo and continuing with the other places in the said order. and the said alcaldes-mayor shall be notified that, just as care will be taken to reward them for the care and diligence that they shall exert in its fulfilment, in like manner those who do not observe it will be punished; and orders will be given to take especial account in their residencias of the carelessness or neglect observed by them in this. thus they decreed and ordered, and affixed their signatures. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act ordering the auditor last appointed to audit the accounts of this city for the past year xcviii_. in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, by one of his royal ordinances, ordains and orders the aforesaid, that one auditor of this his royal audiencia shall each year audit the accounts of this city; and that they shall commence with the last elected, and that each year they shall continue with the rest of the auditors in their turn: therefore, in conformity with the said royal ordinance, and in order exactly to enforce its provisions, they ordered, and they did so order, that the licentiate albaro çambrano, auditor of this royal audiencia, beginning the aforesaid, shall immediately audit the said accounts of this city for the past year of ninety-eight, ordering and providing therefor whatever is necessary. to that end, and for any act connected with and concerning it, they gave him power and full commission, as far as is required by law. in future years the other members, in their turn, shall continue to audit the said accounts annually, as is here declared. thus they voted, and ordered it to be registered as an act, and signed the same. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the residencias of the faithful administrators of this city shall be taken every two months._ in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, in one of his royal ordinances, ordains and commands that the said president and auditors shall take a residencia every two months of the faithful administrators of the city in which this his royal audiencia shall reside: therefore, in order that the said royal ordinance may be exactly enforced, and his majesty's royal will observed and enforced in everything, they ordered, and they did so order, that from the first day of january of the coming year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, and thenceforth, the said decree shall take effect. they appointed therefor the licentiate albaro çambrano, auditor of this royal audiencia, to take the said residencia of the said regidors and faithful administrators who have filled the said offices, and to take from them an account of how they employed their time in the past, and up to the said day. this shall be done in due form, and in conformity with the law. and they gave him power and full commission therefor, as far as the law required. in the future, the said residencia shall continue to be taken every two months by the said auditors--the licentiate tellez almaçan, and doctor antonio de morga, each in his turn, and in the aforesaid manner, to succeed the licentiate albaro çambrano. by this act they so provided, ordered, and appointed. _don francisco tello_ _doctor antonio de morga_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _albaro çambrano_ before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ an act decreeing that the auditors shall keep a record of the suits concerning the royal exchequer. in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, in one of his royal ordinances, orders and commands the aforesaid to keep a record of the suits and affairs of the royal exchequer; and that on thursday of each week the senior auditor, his majesty's fiscal, the royal officials, and the notary of the royal treasury shall hold a meeting: therefore, in order that the provisions of the said ordinance may be strictly enforced, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said record be made. and considering that thursdays are days for judicial decisions, and that on this account they cannot attend to the aforesaid matter, the said meetings shall be on tuesday afternoons in the royal offices--at which shall be present doctor antonio de morga, the senior auditor of this royal audiencia, his majesty's fiscal, and the royal judicial officers, together with the notary of the royal treasury, according as the king our sovereign orders and commands in the said ordinance, exercising in everything requisite and necessary care and expedition for the increase and preservation of the said royal exchequer. by this act they so declared, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that an account of the resources of his majesty's exchequer in these islands be sent to the royal council of the indias_. in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign in one of his royal ordinances, orders and commands the aforesaid president and auditors that the official judges of his majesty's exchequer shall send in account to his royal council of the resources of his exchequer in these islands, with their signatures affixed, together with those of the aforesaid president and auditors: therefore, in conformity with the said royal ordinance, and in order that its provisions may be strictly enforced, they ordered, and they did so order, that the said official judges shall be notified to give orders immediately to have a true report made, with entire clearness, and without any reservation, of the resources of his majesty's estate in these islands, and under their charge, and of their disbursements and expenses. as soon as the said report is made, copies in duplicate shall be sent to the king our sovereign, in his royal council of the indias, by the first ships sailing from these islands for nueva españa, in the form that his majesty orders and commands. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that a book shall be prepared in which are registered the citizens of these islands, with their merits and services_. in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, in one of his ordinances, orders and commands the aforesaid president and auditors to prepare a book wherein to register the inhabitants and dwellers in these islands, and inscribe their merits and services, and the rewards and remunerations which have been given them in recompense--a copy of which shall be sent him in his royal council of the indias, so that, when they ask for rewards, they shall be given what they deserve: therefore, in order that the royal will of the king our sovereign be strictly observed, enforced, and fulfilled, they ordered, and they did so order, the said book, for the said purpose, to be made immediately; and when all that his majesty orders and commands in the said royal ordinance is finished and completed, copies shall be made in duplicate and sent on the first ships leaving these islands for nueva españa, to the king our sovereign in his said royal council. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _an act decreeing that the treasurer of the royal exchequer shall collect all the fines that are in any wise imposed by this royal audiencia_. in the city of manila, on the nineteenth of december, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, the president and auditors of the royal audiencia of the philipinas islands declared that, whereas the king our sovereign, in one of his ordinances, orders and commands the said audiencia, that the treasurer of his majesty's royal exchequer in these islands shall collect all the fines that are in any wise imposed by this royal audiencia, which are to be applied both to the use of the royal treasury, and to the courts and other judicial expenses; that the chief alguazil of this court shall have charge of executing them; that whatever the said treasurer collects, he is to present immediately to the officials of the royal exchequer; that the aforesaid officials shall place it in the chest with the three keys; that they shall enter in a book all that they may collect from such fines, placing on one side the fines for the royal treasury, and on the other those of the courts; that the aforesaid officials shall take care that charge of them is given to the said treasurer; that the latter, at the end of each year, shall audit the said fines; and that then a succinct report of them shall be sent to the royal council of the indias, signed with his name and the names of the other officials, together with the certification of the court notary of this royal audiencia, of the fines that shall have been imposed: therefore, in conformity with the said royal ordinance, and in order that its provisions may be strictly enforced, they ordered, and they did so order, that the official judges of his majesty's royal exchequer in these islands be notified to observe and enforce thoroughly the provisions of the said royal ordinance of which mention is here made, _in toto_, without failing in any point, each one in matters concerning him, just as is here declared. nor shall the said fines be expended, under any consideration, otherwise than shall be specified by this royal audiencia, under penalty that whoever shall order them otherwise disbursed shall repay the amount from his own pocket. by this act they so voted, ordered, and decreed. before me: _pedro hurtado desquibel_ _bibliographical data_ all documents in this volume--translated from either the originals or transcriptions thereof--are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated as follows: 1. _letter from morga_, june 30, 1597--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 2. _administration of hospital._--the same as no. 1. 3. _letters from tello_, 1597.--the same as no. 1--except letter of june 22, "simancas-secular; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." 4. _letter from ronquillo_.--the same as no. 1. 5. _report by morga_.--the same as no. 1. 6. _recommendations as to reforms_.--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; año's de 1565 á 1594; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34." 7. _reception of royal seal_.--the same as no. 1--except "años de 1600 á 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." the dates would indicate that this ms. is misplaced in the archives. 8. _letters from the archbishop_, 1598.--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años de 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 9. _letters from benavides_.--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de los obispos sufragáneos de manila; 1598 á 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." 10. _letters from tello_, 1598--the same as no. 3 (june 22). 11. _report of the audiencia_.--the same as no. 1. 12. _letter to the archbishop_.-"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años de 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." 13. _missions of the religious orders_.--"simancas-filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las islas filipinas; años de 1582 á 1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|25." 14. _letters from tello_, 1599.--the same as no. 3 (june 22). 15. _ordinances by the audiencia_. the same as no. 1. notes [1] see morga's account of the martyrdom of the franciscans, in his _sucesos_ (hakluyt soc. trans.), pp. 78-84; and that by santa inés, in his _crónica_, ii, pp. 273-581, 621-644. the latter writer furnishes also biographical sketches of the martyrs (among whom was pedro baptista). they were canonized in 1862. taikô-sama was a name adopted by hideyoshi in 1591, when he made a partial abdication of his power in favor of an adopted son. he died in september, 1598. [2] this confraternity was founded (1594) at manila by a priest named juan fernandez de león, who came to the islands in 1591. the association was planned in imitation of that at lisboa, and included prominent members of all the orders, as well as secular persons. its first presiding officer was luis pérez dasmariñas. in conjunction with the franciscans, the confraternity of la misericordia ("mercy") administered the hospital for many years. see santa inés's _crónica_, ii, pp. 200-215. [3] this was fray martin de león, according to santa inés (_crónica_, ii, p. 270). [4] food prepared from the sago-palm (see _vol_. iv, p. 276). [5] husk of the cocoa-nut (retana's edition of zúñiga's _estadismo_, ii, p. 449*). [6] _ketchil_, a malay word signifying "little, young;" hence a young man of distinction, a son or brother of the molucca princes: in amboina it is the designation of the heir-apparent. marsden's _dictionary_, cited by stanley, in his translation of morga (hakluyt soc. publications), p. 59. [7] the salambao is a raft of reeds or bamboo; on which is erected an apparatus not unlike the mast and yard of a square-rigged ship. to one end of the yard is attached a net which may be raised from and lowered into the water. this contrivance is called by the natives _timba_. see full description of the salambao, and of other native modes of fishing, in zúñiga's _estadismo_ (retana's ed.), i, pp. 199, 200; and illustration of this apparatus in f. jagor's _travels in the philippines_ (london, 1875), p. 47. [8] "the black people or caffares of the land of mozambique, and all the coast of ethiopia and within the land to the cape de bona speranza." ... "the portingales do make a living by buying and selling of them" (linschoten's _voyage_ (hakluyt soc. trans., london, 1885), vol. i, pp. 269, 277). [9] _blanca_: half a maravedi, equivalent to nearly one mill in u.s. money. [10] a law dated 1556 provides that jettisons are to be reckoned as risks in common, and to be distributed among ship, freight-money, and cargo. see _recop. leyes indias_ (ed. 1841), lib. ix, tit. xxxix, ley x. [11] apparently referring to fray marcelo de rivadeneira, one of the franciscans who went to japan with pedro baptista. rivadeneira wrote a book, _historia de las islas del archipiélago_, etc. (barcelona, m.dc.i), which describes the countries of eastern asia, and relates the history of franciscan missions therein. [12] in the archivo general de indias, sevilla, is a document which contains the following statement: "i, captain joan de bustamante, accountant and official judge of the royal exchequer of the filipinas islands, certify that, according to the books, accounts, and papers of the office and records of the said royal exchequer, it is not, since the past year of fifteen hundred and eighty-one, when the cathedral church of this city was founded by don fray domingo de salazar, first bishop of these islands, up to the present year of fifteen hundred and ninety-nine, evident nor apparent that there have been given from the royal exchequer to the said church any bells, images, ornaments, chalices, candelabra, missals, or choir-books for the service thereof; nor has there been paid over for that purpose any coins of gold, as appears by the said books and papers to which i refer. in certification whereof, and that this may be apparent, i have, on the petition of the dean and chapter, _sede vacante_, given these presents in manila on the fifth of july of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine." [13] _vosotros_: the familiar form of the second person plural of the personal pronoun; its use in this case was a mark of contempt for his audience. [14] the convent of san francisco del monte was situated at somewhat more than a league from manila; and an estate was granted to the franciscan order by santiago de vera, for the support of the convent. see santa inés's _crónica_, i, pp. 531-534, for full account of its foundation. [15] this dignitary was fray miguel benavides, of the dominican order; see _vol_. vii, p. 234. [16] morga says of this affair, in his _sucesos_ (hakluyt soc. trans.), p. 62: "ronquillo was set at liberty on showing a private letter from the governor, which he had sent him separately with the first instructions, ordering him in any case to come to manila with all his forces, because he wanted them for other necessities of the islands; and don juan said that on the strength of that letter he had not waited for second instructions." [17] according to morga, this chief was killed by some of his own followers, to gain the reward offered by the spaniards. [18] span., _negros çambales_. it is possible that _y_ was omitted by some error; or it may mean the blacks who lived in the hill-country of the zambales district. the zambales were a malay tribe; but, as we have already seen (_vol_. viii, p. 218), their revolt against the spaniards in 1591-92 was in association with the negritos of that region. as will be remembered, the zambales surviving that revolt were placed in new settlements in other districts. [19] another corruption of kuwambaku, the official appellation of hideyoshi, then ruler of japan (see _vol_. viii, p. 262, and note 42). [20] morga states that navarrete, after sending the letter to tello died at nangasaki. [21] gaspar de zúñiga y acebedo, conde de monterey, was viceroy of nueva españa from september 18, 1595, to september, 1603, when he became viceroy of peru; he died in march, 1606, while in the latter office. [22] this statement is somewhat blindly worded; but tello apparently means that the viceroy, to save expense to the royal treasury, sends government supplies to the philippines on private ships; and, instead of paying the owners freight thereon, he permits them, contrary to the royal decrees, to carry money to the islands for investment, on which they make enormous profits. [23] this letter was addressed to felipe ii; but of course its writer had not then received news of the king's death, which occurred september 13, 1598; he was succeeded by his son, felipe iii (_vol_. 1, p. 353). [24] see list of encomiendas existing in 1591 (_vol_. viii); this encomienda is there named passi. [25] these italic paragraphs are a part of the letter itself. the matter included in brackets and preceded by the words "_in the margin_" is remarks written in spain. [26] the letters or words in brackets are conjectural readings, the original being illegible or worn in many places. when no conjectural reading is given, the break is indicated by leaders. [27] a sort of vessel with lateen-rigged sails, used in the levant trade; the name is of arabic origin. [28] thus in original--apparently a misnumbering of paragraphs. [29] see la concepcion's account of dasmariñas's unfortunate expedition (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 231-277). [30] bolinao is the name of a cape at the northwest extremity of the peninsula of zambales, luzón; also applied to a narrow channel between that cape and the small island of santiago. the submarine cable from hongkong formerly landed here, but now reaches manila direct. [31] the paragraphs in italics which accompany the sections of tello's letter are apparently brief summaries thereof, made by some clerk for the use of the council of the indias. [32] referring to the diocese of nueva cáceres (also known as camarines). it was offered successively to three franciscans, two of whom declined the honor; the third, fray pedro bautista, was already a martyr in japan when the royal decree arrived at manila. the office was finally conferred (1600) upon francisco de ortega, o.s.a. benavides was the first bishop of nueva segovia, and agurto of cebú. [33] a grant of graces, indulgences, and dispensations awarded by the holy see to the faithful of either sex, inhabitants of spain, portugal, their colonies, and the kingdom of naples. the condition requisite for the enjoyment of these favors is the contribution yearly of a small alms for the support of divine worship and maintenance of institutions of beneficence, as hospitals, asylums, and the like. among the privileges granted are absolution from reserved cases, commutation of vows, exemption from abstinence and fasts, and so on. in former ages the alms thus contributed were employed in battles against infidels and heretics. the document empowering the recipient of the above favors to make use of them must be printed on stamped paper, and sealed and signed by the commissary-general apostolic delegated therefor by the holy see. the dispensation must be renewed yearly. moroni--_dizionario_ (venezia, 1840), v, 283-285--states that, from the revenue thus received from the crusade sales annually, the following amounts are turned over to the basilica of sts. peter and paul in the vatican, for its support, viz.: by spain, $12,000; by portugal, $4,000; by brazil, $2,000; by naples, about $700. (see ferraris--_bibliotheca_, art. "bulla cruciatæ.")--_rev. t.c. middleton_, o.s.a. [34] another appellation of the diocese of nueva segovia, which comprised the province of cagayan. [35] this was fray pedro de agurto, bishop of cebú; his official appellation in the text is derived from the name of the capital city of cebú. agurto was a native of mexico; he became a friar in the augustinian order, in which he filled many important posts. he took possession of his diocese of cebú on october 14, 1598, and died at cebú on the tenth anniversary of that day (1608). the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xvi, 1609 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xvi preface sucesos de las islas filipinas (_concluded_). antonio de morga; mexico, 1609. conqvista de las islas malvcas. bartolomé leonardo de argensola; madrid, 1609. bibliographical data appendix: customs of the pampangas in their lawsuits. juan de plasencia, o.s.f.; [1589?] illustrations title-page of _sucesos de las islas filipinas_ (mexici ad indos, 1609), another edition of morga's work; photographic reproduction of the facsimile presented in zaragoza's edition (madrid, 1887); from copy in possession of edward e. ayer, chicago, which is supposed to be the only copy extant of zaragoza's edition. view of corcoa (the vessel known as "caracoa"); photographic facsimile of engraving in john stevens's _collection of voyages and travels_ (london, 1711), i.--in argensola's "discovery and conquest of the molucco and philippine islands," p. 61; from copy in library of wisconsin historical society. autograph signature of antonio de morga; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla. title-page of conqvista de las islas malvcas, by bartolome leonardo de argensola (madrid, 1609); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of harvard university. preface in the present volume is concluded the notable work by morga, _sucesos de las islas filipinas_, which was begun in _vol_. xv. the reader is referred to the preface of that volume for some account of the book, and of the manner in which it is presented in this series. another book notable in the history of the philippines is that of argensola, _conqvista de las islas molvcas_ (madrid, 1609). in presenting here this work, the editors follow the plan which proves to be more or less necessary with many of the printed early histories of the islands--that of translating in full only such parts of the book as relate directly to the philippines, and are of especial value or importance; and furnishing a brief synopsis of all matter omitted, in order that the reader may survey the book as a whole, and understand the relations and connections of the parts that are presented in full with those that are synopsized. this method is rendered necessary by the limitations of this series in regard to space, especially as most of the old histories--as aduarte's, san agustin's, and la concepción's--are exceedingly voluminous; and, moreover, devote much space to the affairs of japan, china, and other countries outside the philippines. all matter of this sort must of course, be omitted; and much of what remains is more useful for annotations, or is relatively unimportant for publication. the editors consider, as do many other persons interested in this series, that it is desirable to present (especially in the early period of the philippine history) the larger part of these documents from the manuscript and hitherto unpublished material largely conserved in foreign archives; and that the needs of students and investigators will thus be better served than by occupying the valuable and limited space of this series with complete translations of books which can be found in large american libraries. the location of all these will be noted, so far as is possible, in the volume devoted to bibliographical information at the end of this series; meanwhile the needs of most readers will be suitably met by the synopses of omitted matter and the free use of such works as those of la concepción and san antonio in annotations. the editors purpose to present a few of these histories, especially in the earlier period, in very full form, so far as they cover philippine history; for these are original sources, from which later writers obtained much of their material. these methods render this series unusually rich in valuable historical material, all carefully selected, and much of it greatly condensed by the excision of extraneous, irrelevant, and unimportant matter. the parts thus omitted and synopsized will be, as heretofore, indicated by enclosing the synopses in brackets. continuing his narrative, morga describes his voyage to mexico, whither he goes (1603) to be a member of the audiencia there. he then relates the events of the chinese uprising in luzón in that year, which has been fully described in previous volumes of this series; and his picturesque although plain narrative casts new light upon that episode. many spaniards in manila are so alarmed by this danger that they remove, with all their households and property, to nueva españa; but one of the ships carrying them is lost at sea, and the other is compelled, after great injury and loss, to return to manila--a serious calamity for the colony there. the governor does his best to fortify the city, and reënforcements and supplies are provided for him from nueva españa. bishop benavides dies (1605). friars from the islands go to japan, but the emperor of that country is offended at their preaching, and advises acuña to restrain them. in the summer of 1605 arrive supplies and men from nueva españa, and acuña proceeds with his preparations for the expedition against the dutch in the moluccas. in the following spring he sets out on this enterprise, conducting it in person; morga describes this naval campaign in detail. ternate is captured by the spaniards without bombardment, and with little loss to themselves. the fugitive king of the island is persuaded to surrender to the spaniards and become a vassal of felipe. several other petty rulers follow his example and promise not to allow the dutch to engage in the clove trade. acuña builds a new fort there, and another in tidore, leaving juan de esquivel as governor of the moluccas, with a garrison and several vessels far their defense, and carrying to manila the king of ternate and many of his nobles, as hostages. during acuña's absence a mutiny occurs among the japanese near manila, which is quelled mainly by the influence of the friars. the governor dies, apparently from poison, soon after his return to manila. the trade of the islands is injured by the restrictions laid upon it by the home government; and the reduction of ternate has not sufficed to restrain the moro pirates. the natives of the moluccas are uneasy and rebellious, especially as they have a prospect of aid from the dutch, who are endeavoring to regain their lost possessions there. morga cites a letter from a spanish officer at la palma, recounting the purpose and outcome of van noordt's expedition to the indian archipelago. the historical part of morga's account ends here; and the final chapter is devoted to a description of the islands and their people, the customs and religious beliefs of the natives, and the condition at that time of the spanish colony and the city of manila. he describes the principal islands of the philippine group, beginning with luzón; the various races of inhabitants--moros, negritos, and visayans: their mode of dress, their occupations and industries, their habits of life; their weapons, their ships and boats; the trees and fruits of the islands; the animals and birds, both wild and tame; the reptiles, fishes, and other creatures; and various plants. among these is the buyo (or betel); the habit of chewing it has become universal among the spaniards, of all classes, and poison is often administered through its medium. various means and methods of poisoning are described, as well as some antidotes therefor. some account is given of the gold mines and pearl fisheries, and of other products of the country which form articles of commerce. morga describes the two great lakes of luzón (bombon and bai), manila and its harbor and approaches, and other principal ports, with some neighboring islands; and gives some account of the visayan people and the larger islands inhabited by them, and of the tides in the archipelago. then follows an interesting and detailed account of the filipino peoples, their language, customs, beliefs, etc. the language used in luzón and other northern islands is different from that of the visayas; but all the natives write, expressing themselves fluently and correctly, and using a simple alphabet which resembles the arabic. their houses, and their mode of life therein, arc fully described; also their government, social organization, and administration of justice. the classes and status of slaves, and the causes of enslavement are recounted. their customs in marriages and dowries, divorces, adoption, and inheritance are described; also in usury, trading, and punishment for crimes. the standard of social purity is described by morga as being very low; yet infamous vices were not indigenous with them, but communicated by foreigners, especially by the chinese. the natives of luzón appear to be superior, both intellectually and morally, to the visayan peoples. their religious beliefs and practices are recounted by morga, who naturally ascribes these to the influence of the devil. he also narrates the entrance of mahometanism into the islands, and how it was checked by the coming of the spaniards. morga next sketches the condition at that time of spanish colonies in the islands. he describes the city of manila in detail, with its fortifications, arsenals, government and municipal buildings, cathedral, and convents; also the seminary of santa potenciana, and the hospitals. there are six hundred houses, mostly built of stone, within the walls, and even more in the suburbs; "and all are the habitations and homes of spaniards." all the people, both men and women, are clad and gorgeously adorned in silks; and nowhere is there greater abundance of food, and of other necessaries of human life, than in manila. morga enumerates the dignitaries, ecclesiastical and civil, who reside in the city; and mentions it as the center and metropolis of the archipelago. he then briefly describes the other spanish settlements in the philippines; and mentions in their turn the various orders and their work there, with the number of laborers in each. he praises their efforts for the conversion, education, and social improvement of the indians. he defines the functions of both the civil and the ecclesiastical authorities, and the policy of the government toward the natives; and describes the application and results in the philippines of the encomienda system imported thither from america. he deprecates the permission given to the indians for paying their tributes in kind or in money, at their option; for it has led to their neglecting their former industries, and thus to the general damage of the country. slavery still exists among them, but the spaniards have been forbidden to enslave the natives. personal services of various sorts are due from the latter, however, to their encomenderos, to the religious, and to the king, for all of which they receive a moderate wage; and all other services for the spaniards are voluntary and paid. close restrictions are laid upon the intercourse of the spaniards with natives. various information is given regarding appointments to office, residencias, elections, town government, and finances; also of the ecclesiastical organization, expenses, and administration, as well as of the incomes of the religious orders. morga recounts the numbers, character, pay, and organization of the military and naval forces in the islands. the bulk of the citizens are merchants and traders, commerce being the chief occupation and support of the spanish colony. manila is a market for all the countries of eastern asia, from japan to borneo. the china trade is restricted to the inhabitants of the philippines; morga describes its nature and extent, and the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the character and methods of the chinese traders. a similar account is given of the trade carried on with the philippines by the japanese, borneans, and other neighboring peoples, and of the shipment to nueva españa of the goods thus procured. this last commerce is "so great and profitable, and easy to control, that the spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other industry," and thus not only they neglect to avail themselves of and develop the natural resources of the country, but the natives are neglecting and forgetting their former industries; and the supply of silver in the country steadily flows out of it and into the hands of infidels. morga enumerates the officials, revenues, and expenditures of the colonial government. as its income is too small for its necessary expenses, the annual deficit is made up from the royal treasury of nueva españa. but this great expense is incurred "only for the christianization and conversion of the natives, for the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of asia." the large extent of the chinese immigration to the islands is disapproved by morga, as unsafe to the spaniards and injurious to the natives. some chinese are needed for the service of the spaniards, for all the trades are carried on by them; but the number of chinese allowed to live in the islands should be restricted to those who are thus needed. morga describes the character, dress, mode of life, and settlements of the chinese near manila; they are cared for in religious matters by the dominican friars. the christian chinese live apart from the heathens, in a settlement of some five hundred people; morga has but a poor opinion of even these converts. some account is also given of the japanese who have settled in manila; morga commends them, and states that they prove to be good christians. he ends his work by a detailed account of the navigation and voyage to and from the philippines. the mexican port of departure for this route has been removed from navidad to acapulco. morga describes the westward voyage; the stop at the ladrone islands, and the traffic of the natives with the ships; and the route thence, and among the philippine islands. the return route to mexico is much more difficult and dangerous; for the winds are varying and not always favorable, and the ship must change its course more frequently, and go far north to secure favoring winds, there encountering cold weather. these severe changes cause much suffering, and even death; and the vessel makes this voyage without once touching land until it reaches acapulco, a period of five or six months. morga also describes the voyage to spain by way of goa and the cape of good hope, which also is long and dangerous. argensola writes a history of "the conquest of the malucas," and begins by describing the islands thus named, their inhabitants, and the customs, mode of dress, and language of the people. he relates the current stories of their origin and of their early intercourse with occidental peoples, mainly through the spice trade. the earlier expeditions of the portuguese to the moluccas arouse the hostility of the natives; and so much difficulty and expense to the government is thus occasioned that his councilors advise felipe ii to abandon the philippines and moluccas, as not worth so much cost. this he refuses to do, on account of the necessity and duty of converting the pagans in those lands--a decision confirmed also by felipe iii. argensola enumerates the various arguments pro and con regarding the retention of the islands by spain, which he justifies for the sake of converting the heathen. the points thus far given are those of the brief synopsis which results from our examination of books i-iv in the _conqvista_, turning to book v, we find a brief outline of the conquest of the philippines by legazpi, their peoples, their chief products, and their fauna. the expedition of peñalosa to conquer ternate is described; it proves a failure, for various causes. the king of spain sends the "invincible armada" against england (1588), desiring to check the inroads of northern heretics against spanish commerce in the orient; but that fleet is defeated, and dispersed. santiago de vera also sends an expedition against ternate, but it also is a failure. one of the princes that island asks for spanish aid to gain its royalty for himself--offering, in return, to become a vassal of spain; but his death prevents any further arrangement of this sort. gomez perez dasmariñas undertakes an expedition for the conquest of the moluccas, of which and of his tragic end a full account is given in book vi, furnishing much interesting information thereon which is not elsewhere to be obtained. dasmariñas drafts rowers from among the filipino natives and the chinese, by force; this causes much resentment among them. he obtains full reports of affairs in the moluccas, and advice regarding the conduct of the campaign, from the jesuits in those islands. dasmariñas sets out on this expedition (october 17, 1594), his own galley being manned by chinese rowers. these, being harshly treated, mutiny, and murder all the spaniards on the galley save two (october 25), a friar and the governor's secretary. the governor's death renders necessary the appointment of a temporary successor to his office; this is his son, luis perez dasmariñas. the murderers return to luzón, with armed vessels, hoping to find the country defenseless and conquer it; but the forces at manila are sufficient to overawe the chinese. at this juncture, langara, king of camboja, asks for aid from the spaniards; and dasmariñas sends for this purpose an expedition under command of gallinato. the spaniards slay the usurper of the cambojan throne; this dignity is offered to gallinato, but he refuses it, and ruiz and velloso replace the rightful heir on the throne. dasmariñas himself undertakes another expedition to camboja, at his own cost; but he is driven by storms to the chinese coast, some of his ships are wrecked, and another is destroyed, with most of its crew, by malays at camboja. these disasters put an end, for the time, to any further attempts against ternate. argensola relates the exploits of figueroa and his successors in subduing the mindanaos, who are aided by the king of ternate, as being in a sense his vassals. felipe ii dies (1598), and for a time the affairs of moluccas are neglected. book vii mainly relates to dutch voyages to the eastern archipelago; the presence of the dutch encourages the ternatans to keep up their resistance to the spaniards and portuguese. governor acuña arrives in the philippines (may, 1602), and for some time is occupied with the internal affairs of the colony and the establishment of amicable relations with the japanese. these matters being settled, he turns his mind toward the conquest of the moluccas; and he coöperates with the expedition under furtado de mendoza, which had been sent for this purpose from india. the combined fleets meet with temporary successes at ternate, but are finally compelled to abandon the undertaking. the home government finally decides that it must be again and effectively prosecuted; and that acuña himself shall conduct another expedition against the moluccas. the royal decree for this (dated june 20 1604) is given in full. argensola relates the great fire in manila and the chinese insurrection, both in 1603; he gives some information thereon which is not found in other accounts. this revolt, although quelled, causes great disturbance of business and industry, and much want and distress, in manila, which had so largely been dependent upon its chinese population. soon afterward reënforcements and supplies are received there from mexico. in february, 1605, a dutch fleet appears in the eastern archipelago, and captures amboina and tidore. portuguese fugitives from tidore inform acuña of the purpose of the dutch to attack the galleons on the mexican route and perhaps other spanish interests; and to drive out the spaniards from that quarter of the world. he immediately sends more men to the garrisons in the pintados, and takes other precautions. the arrival of numerous reënforcements at manila encourages him and checks the insolence of surrounding peoples. the dutch aid the ternatans, while acuña makes vigorous preparations for the expedition to be made against these foes. he sails with over three thousand men, in thirty-six vessels, from iloilo on january 5, 1606. the flagship is wrecked at la caldera; the other vessels mistake their course, and do not reach the moluccas until late in march. they besiege ternate, and finally carry it by assault; the city and fort are pillaged by the soldiers. afterward the king is induced to surrender and acuña makes a treaty with him. the king surrenders his forts and restores all captives; delivers up any dutchmen or spanish renegades who may be in ternate; and gives up the villages of christian natives in adjacent islands. acuña leaves a strong garrison in ternate, and carries the king and other captives to manila. a few weeks after his return, acuña dies--by poison, according to popular rumor. to this volume is appended (apropos of an allusion by morga) an interesting account of the ancient customs observed by the natives of pampanga in the administration of justice. these differed, according to the social status of the parties concerned, and the kind of crime; but, in general, certain fixed amounts were paid as the penalties for most crimes, and in some cases the penalty was life for life. if the culprit could not pay the fine, he was usually sold as a slave. parricide and infanticide were apparently unknown among them. marriages, divorces, inheritances, enslavements, disputes, etc., are all considered in this account, obtained by the franciscan juan de plasencia from the natives. _the editors_ june, 1904. sucesos de las islas filipinas (_concluded_) by dr. antonio de morga. mexico: at the shop of geronymo balli in the year 1609; printed by cornelio adriano cesar. source: the translation is made from the harvard copy of the original printed work. translation: this is made by alfonso de salvio, norman f. hall, and james alexander robertson. events in the filipinas islands. [1] chapter seventh (_concluded_) on the tenth [of july] [2] of the same year, the vessels "espiritu-santo" and "jesus maria" left the port of cabit en route for nueva españa--in the wake of two smaller vessels, which had been despatched a fortnight before--with the filipinas merchandise. don lope de ulloa was their commander, while doctor antonio de morga left those islands in the almiranta, the "santo espiritu," to fill the office of alcalde of the court of mexico. before leaving the bay, both vessels were struck head on by a storm, and went dragging upon the coast, buffeted by the heavy seas and winds, and amid dark and tempestuous weather, from three in the afternoon until morning of the next day, notwithstanding that they were anchored with two heavy cables in the shelter of the land, and their topmasts struck. then they grounded upon the coast, in la pampanga, ten leguas from manila. the storm lasted for three more consecutive days. consequently it was regarded as impossible for those vessels to sail and make their voyage, inasmuch as the season was now well advanced, and the vessels were very large and heavily laden, and were deeply imbedded in the sand. advice was immediately sent overland to manila, whence were brought several chinese ships, cables, and anchors. by dint of the great efforts exerted, both vessels, each singly, were fitted with tackle and cables, which were rigged at the stern. there awaiting the high tide, the ships were drawn, by force of capstan and men, stern first for more than one legua through a bank of sand, upon which they had struck, until they were set afloat, on the twenty-second of july, st. magdelen's day. immediately they set sail again, as the vessels had sustained no injury, nor sprung any leak; and they made their voyage and navigation, under light winds, to the coast of nueva españa. a violent south-southwest gale, accompanied by heavy showers, hail, and cold, struck the ship "espiritu sancto" on the tenth of november, in forty-two degrees, and within sight of land. the wind was blowing obliquely toward the shore, upon which the vessel was almost wrecked several times. the vessel suffered distress and lost its rigging, while the crew was worn out by the voyage and with the cold. the storm lasted until november twenty-second. on the morning of that day, while the ship was in the trough of the waves, and with topmasts shipped, it was struck by a squall of rain and hail, accompanied by great darkness. a thunderbolt, descending the mainmast, struck the vessel amidships. it killed three men besides wounding and maiming eight others; it had entered the hatches, and torn open the mainhatch, with a blaze of light, so that the interior of the ship could be seen. another thunderbolt fell down along the same mast among the entire crew, and stunned sixteen persons, some of whom were speechless and unconscious all that day. it left the vessel by the pump-dale. the next day, the wind veered to north-northeast, whereupon the ship set sail, and went coasting along the land, with sufficient winds until the nineteenth of the month of december, when it made port at acapulco. there were found the two smaller vessels that had sailed first from manila. three days later, general don lope de ulloa entered the same port of acapulco, in the ship "jesus maria." that vessel had sustained the same storms as the ship "espiritu sancto." from the time when the two vessels had separated, on sailing out of the channel of capul, in the filipinas islands, they had not sighted one another again during the entire voyage. in the same year six hundred and three, governor don pedro de acuña sent the ship "sanctiago" from manila to japon, with merchandise. it was ordered to make its voyage to quanto, in order to comply with the desire and wish of daifusama. as news had been already received of the death of fray geronimo de jesus, four of the most important religious of his order in manila--namely, fray diego de bermeo [3] (who had been provincial), fray alonso de la madre de dios, fray luys sotello, [4] and one other associate--sailed on that vessel for the said kingdom. as soon as the ships "jesus maria" and "espiritu sancto" sailed for nueva españa, and the ship "sanctiago" with the religious for japon, there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the coming of the chinese mandarins. for finding themselves unoccupied with other matters, fear of the sangleys became universal, and the suspicions that were current that the sangleys were about to commit some mischievous outbreak. this the archbishop and some religious affirmed and told, publicly and privately. at this time, a considerable number of chinese were living in manila and its environs. some of them were baptized christians living in the settlements of baibai and minondoc, [5] on the other side of the river, opposite the city. most of them were infidels, occupied and living in these same settlements and in the shops of the parián in the city; [they were employed] as merchants and in all other occupations. the majority of them were fishermen, stonecutters, charcoal-burners, porters, masons, and day-laborers. greater security was always felt in regard to the merchants, for they are the better class of people, and those who are most interested, because of their property. so great security was not felt about the others, even though they were christians; because, as they are a poor and covetous people, they would be inclined to any act of meanness. however, it was always thought that it would be difficult for them to cause any commotion, unless a strong fleet came from china, on which they could rely. talk continued to increase daily, and with it suspicion; for some of the chinese themselves, both infidels and christians, in order to prove themselves friends of the spaniards, and clean from all guilt, even told the spaniards that there was to be an insurrection shortly, and other similar things. although the governor always considered these statements as fictions and the exaggerations of that nation, and did not credit them, yet he was not so heedless that he did not act cautiously and watch, although with dissembling, for whatever might happen. he took pains to have the city guarded and the soldiers armed, besides flattering the most prominent of the chinese and the merchants, whom he assured of their lives and property. the natives of la pampanga and other provinces near by were instructed beforehand to supply the city with rice and other provisions, and to come to reënforce it with their persons and arms, should necessity arise. the same was done with some japanese in the city. as all this was done with some publicity, since it could not be done secretly, as so many were concerned, one and all became convinced of the certainty of the danger. many even desired it, in order to see the peace disturbed, and to have the opportunity to seize something. [6] from that time, both in the city and its environs, where the sangleys were living scattered, these people began to persecute the sangleys by word and deed. the natives, japanese and soldiers of the camp took from them their possessions and inflicted on them other ill-treatment, calling them dogs and traitors, and saying that they knew well that they meant to rebel. but they said they would kill all the sangleys first, and that very soon, for the governor was preparing for it. this alone was sufficient to make it necessary for the sangleys to do what they had no intention of doing. [7] some of the most clever and covetous set themselves to rouse the courage of the others, and to make themselves leaders, telling the sangleys that their destruction was sure, according to the determination which they saw in the spaniards, unless they should anticipate the latter, since they [the sangleys] were so numerous, and attack and capture the city. they said that it would not be difficult for them to kill the spaniards, seize their possessions, and become masters of the country, with the aid and reënforcements that would immediately come to them from china, as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have made in the matter should be known. in order to do this when the time came, it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired and strong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite, and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. at least such a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives from the outrages that they were expecting from the spaniards. it was learned that the chief mover in this matter was a christian sangley, an old-time resident in the country, named joan bautista de vera. [8] he was rich and highly esteemed by the spaniards, and feared and respected by the sangleys. he had often been governor of the latter, and had many godchildren and dependents. he had become an excellent spaniard, and was courageous. he himself, exercising duplicity and cunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the spanish during this time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. from there he managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assure himself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men of his race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly had each of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended to be necessary for a certain work that he had to do. these needles he placed, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took them out of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. they began to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance of slightly more than one-half legua from the village of tondo, among some estuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [9] they stored there some rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. the sangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the common people and day-laborers; for those of the parián, and the mechanics, although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remained quiet, guarding their houses and property. the restlessness of the sangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. this, and the advices given to the governor and the spaniards, kept the latter more anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of the matter. the sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, and that delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although the insurrection was planned for st. andrew's day, the last of november, to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. on friday, the third day of the month of october, the eve of st. francis, they collected very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently, by nightfall, there were two thousand men in it. joan bautista de vera--a thief in the rôle of an honest man, since he was the leader and organizer of the treason--went immediately to the city and told the governor that the sangleys had risen, and that they were collecting on the other side of the river. the governor, suspecting the mischief, had him immediately arrested and carefully guarded; and he was afterward executed. then, without tap of drum, the governor ordered the companies, both of the camp and the city, to be notified, and all to hold their arms in readiness. very shortly after nightfall, don luys dasmariñas, who was living near the monastery and church of minondoc, on the other side of the river, came hurriedly to the city to advise the governor that the sangleys had revolted. he asked for twenty soldiers to go to the other side [of the river], where he would guard the said monastery. cristoval de axqueta, sargento-mayor of the camp, went with these men, together with don luys. as the silence of night deepened, the noise made by the sangleys grew louder, for they were continuing to assemble and were sounding horns and other instruments, after their fashion. don luys remained to guard the monastery, with the men brought from manila, where he had placed in shelter many women and children of christian sangleys, with the religious. the sargento-mayor returned immediately to the city, where he told of what was being done. the call to arms was sounded, for the noise and shouts of the sangleys, who had sallied out to set fire to some houses in the country, was so great that it was thought that they were devastating that district. the sangleys burned, first, a stone country-house belonging to captain estevan de marquina. the latter was living there with his wife and children; and none of them escaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but who was hidden in a thicket. [10] thence the sangleys went to the settlement of laguio, [11] situated on the shore of the river, and burned it. they killed several indians of that settlement, and the rest fled to the city. there the gates were already shut and all the people, with arms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready for any emergency, until dawn. the enemy, who now had a greater number of men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with more force. don luys dasmariñas, who was guarding the church and monastery of minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him, and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. these were sent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city, under captains don tomas brabo de acuña (the governor's nephew), joan de alcega, pedro de arzeo, and gaspar perez, by whose counsel and advice don luys was to be guided on this occasion. all was confusion, shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the indians, and the women and children, who were coming thither for safety. although, to make certain of the sangleys of the parián, their merchants had been asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they did not dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would take the city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate the spaniards, and they would all be in danger. consequently they preferred to remain in their parián, in order to join the victorious side. don luys dasmariñas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemy immediately with the reënforcements sent him by the governor, before they should all assemble and present a strong front. he left seventy soldiers in minondoc, in charge of gaspar perez; while with the rest, about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, he went to the village of tondo, in order to fortify himself in the church, a stone building. he arrived there at eleven o'clock in the morning. the chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrived at the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. an hour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which one would gain the monastery. captain gaspar perez came up with the reënforcement of the men left at minondoc. the enemy retired to his fort, with a loss of five hundred men. gaspar perez returned to his post, where pedro de arzeo was also stationed. don luys dasmariñas, exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately to press forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstanding the heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. he sent alferez luys de ybarren to reconnoiter. the latter brought word that the enemy was in great force, and near by. although juan de alcega and others requested don luys to halt and rest his men, and await the governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not to lose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harsh words, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward until they reached a swamp. after leaving the swamp, they came suddenly into a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. the latter, upon seeing the spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides, armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. don luys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, and killed a number of sangleys. but finally, as the latter were in so great force, they cut all the spaniards to pieces, only four of whom escaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to manila. [12] this result was of great importance to the sangleys, both because so many and the best spanish soldiers were killed in this place, and because of the weapons that the sangleys took from them, and which they needed. with these arms they flattered themselves that their object was more certain of accomplishment. next day, october five, the sangleys sent the heads of don luys, don tomas, joan de alcega, and other captains to the parián; and they told the sangleys there that, since the flower of manila had been killed, they should revolt and join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. the confusion and grief of the spaniards in the city was so great that it prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising the diligence demanded by the affair. but the sight of their necessity, and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remain at their posts on the walls, arms in hand. they fortified as strongly as possible the gates of the parián and of dilao, and all that part of the wall where the enemy might make an assault. they mounted a piece of artillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whom were religious of all the orders. upon that day, sunday, the enemy, flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelled by the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. burning and destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, for there was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of the fleet were in the provinces of the pintados. they entered the parián, [13] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back by the arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many sangleys. they went to the church of dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls (which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the same determination. but they experienced the same resistance and loss, which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with great loss to the parián and to dilao. that whole night the spaniards spent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. the enemy passed the night in the parián and at dilao, making carts, mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances, for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates, and setting fire to everything. at dawn of the next day, monday, the sangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reached the wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it with great fury and resolution. the artillery destroyed their machines, and caused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses, that the sangleys were forced to retire again to the parián and to dilao, with heavy loss. joan xuarez gallinato, accompanied by some soldiers and a japanese troop, made a sally from the dilao gate upon the sangleys. they reached the church, when the sangleys turned upon them and threw the japanese into disorder. the latter were the cause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls, whither the sangleys pursued them. at this juncture captain don luys de velasco entered manila. he came from the pintados in a stout caracoa, manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas that sailed in the shelter of the caracoa. they approached the parián and dilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that and the two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon those positions. these vessels set fire to the parián, and burned everything, and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. the sangleys, upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain the end desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost more than four thousand men; to advise china, so that that country would reënforce them; and for their support to divide their men into three divisions in different districts--one among the tingues of passic, the second among those of ayonbon, and the third at la laguna de bay, san pablo, and batangas. on wednesday they abandoned the city completely, and, divided as above stated, marched inland. don luys de velasco, with some soldiers and armed indians who came from all sides to the relief of manila, accompanied by some spaniards who guided them, and the religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuit of them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated the bands bound for the tingues of passic and for ayombon. the majority and main body of the sangleys went to la laguna de bay, the mountains of san pablo, and batangas, where they considered themselves more secure. burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, they fortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. don luys de velasco, with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day a great number of them. on one occasion don luys was so closely engaged with the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of his company, and fortified themselves again in san pablo and batangas, where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrival of reënforcements from china. [14] the governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishing the enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent captain and sargento-mayor cristoval de axqueta menchaca with soldiers to pursue and finish the enemy. this man left with two hundred spaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred japanese, and one thousand five hundred pampanga and tagál indians, [15] on the twentieth of october. he was so expeditious, that with little or no loss of men, he found the sangleys fortified in san pablo and batangas, and, after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. none escaped, except two hundred, who were taken alive to manila for the galleys. the captain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it the war was ended. very few merchants were left in manila, and they had taken the good counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions, among the spaniards in the city. at the beginning of the war there were not seven hundred spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [16] after the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, because of not having sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear, not even at excessive prices. the native indians are very far from exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, and the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth, which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a long time after the conquest of the country. [17] in addition to this, people thought that chinese vessels would not come to the islands with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. above all, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead of the merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack manila, in order to avenge the death of their sangleys. all conspired to sadden the minds of the spaniards. after having sent fray diego de guevara, prior of the monastery of st. augustine in manila, to the court of españa by way of india, with news of this event--but who was unable to reach madrid for three years, because of his various fortunes in india, persia, and italia, through which countries he went--they immediately sent captain marco de la cueva, together with fray luys gandullo of the order of st. dominic, to the city of macao in china, where the portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captain and the council of that city. these letters advised the latter of the revolt of the sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that, if they should hear any rumors of a chinese fleet, they could send word. at the same time letters were taken from the governor to the tutons, aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of canton and chincheo, recounting the outbreak of the chinese, which obliged the spaniards to kill them. upon their arrival at macao, marcos de la cueva and fray luys gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything was quiet--although the chinese had already heard of the insurrection and much of the result, from some sangleys who had fled from manila in champans, upon that occasion. it was immediately learned in chincheo that these spaniards were in macao, whereupon captains guansan sinu and guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with manila, went to look for them. having learned the truth of the event, they took the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. they urged other merchants and vessels of chincheo, who were afraid, to go to manila that year. this was very useful, for through them much of the necessity that the city [of manila] was suffering was supplied. with this result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which marcos de la cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left macao, and sailed to manila, which he reached in may, to the universal joy of the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verified immediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen chinese vessels bearing food and merchandise. in the month of june of this year six hundred and three, [18] two vessels were despatched from manila to nueva españa, under command of don diego de mendoça who had been sent that year by the viceroy, marques de montesclaros, with the usual reënforcements for the islands. the flagship was "nuestra señora de los remedios" and the almiranta "sant antonio." many rich men of manila, warned by the past troubles, took passage in these vessels with their households and property, for nueva españa--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth that has ever left the filipinas. both vessels experienced so severe storms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees, and before having passed japon, that the flagship, without masts and greatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to manila. the almiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. this was one of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the filipinas have suffered since the past ones. during the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, until the sailing of the vessels which were to go to castilla, [19] the governor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it with provisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that the decision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expedition to maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not find him so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. in this he was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp, joan de esquivel, had arrived in mexico with six hundred soldiers from españa. in mexico more men were being enrolled, and a great preparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which the viceroy sent to the governor from nueva españa in march of that year, by order of his majesty, in order that he might go to maluco. all this arrived safely and in due season at manila. shortly after the ships had left manila for nueva españa, and those despatched thence by the viceroy had entered, archbishop don fray miguel de benavides died of a long illness. his body was buried amid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [20] at this same time, don pedro de acuña received three letters, by the ships that continued to come from china that year, with the merchandise and with their principal captains. they were all of the same tenor--when translated into castilian--from the tuton and haytao, and from the inspector-general of the province of chincheo, and were on the matter of the insurrection of the sangleys and their punishment. they were as follows: [this letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition of morga. we have already presented that document in our v0l. xiii, p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. the answer of acuña to this letter will be found in v0l. xiv, in the second document of that volume.] the letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of the second month--which according to our reckoning is march of the twenty-third year of the reign of vandel [_i.e._, wanleh]. the eunuch's [21] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year; and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month. the governor answered these letters through the same messengers, civilly and authoritatively. he gave an explanation of the deed and justified the spaniards, and offered friendship and trade anew with the chinese. he said that their property, which had remained in manila, would be restored to the owners, and that those imprisoned in the galleys would be freed in due season. first, however, he intended to use them for the maluco expedition, which he was undertaking. the entrances into various provinces of japon by the discalced religious of st. francis and those of st. dominic and st. augustine, continued to be made, both in the castilian vessel itself which was despatched that year to the kingdoms of quanto, [22] and in other japanese vessels which came to manila with the silver and flour of the japanese, in order to trade. this was permitted and allowed by daifu, now called cubosama, who that year sent the governor, through one of his servants, certain weapons and presents, in return for others which the governor had sent him. he answered the latter's letter as follows: _letter from daifusama, lord of japon, to governor don pedro de acuña, in the year one thousand six hundred and five._ i received two letters from your lordship, and all the gifts and presents mentioned in the memorandum. among them, when i received them, the wine made from grapes pleased me greatly. during former years, your lordship requested permission for six vessels, and last year for four, and i always granted your request. but, what angers me greatly is that among the four vessels that your lordship requested was that one called "antonio," which made the voyage without my orders. this was a very lawless act, and in contempt of me. can it be, perhaps, that your lordship would send to japon without my permission any vessel that you wished? besides this, your lordship and others have often negotiated about the sects of japon, and requested many things in regard to them. this likewise i cannot concede; for this region is called xincoco [shinkoku], or "dedicated to the idols." these have been honored with the highest adoration from the time of our ancestors until now, and their acts i alone cannot undo or destroy. consequently, it is not at all advisable that your religion be promulgated or preached in japon; and if your lordship wish to preserve friendship with these kingdoms of japon and with me, do what i wish, and never do what is displeasing to me. lastly, many have told me that many wicked and perverse japanese, who go to that kingdom and live there for many years, afterward return to japon. this makes me very angry. consequently, your lordship will, in the future, allow no one of the japanese to come here in the vessels that come from your country. in other matters, your lordship shall act advisedly and prudently, and shall so conduct affairs, that henceforth i may not be angered on account of them. the governor, carrying out his dearest wish, was to make the expedition to terrenate in the malucos, which should be done quickly, before the enemy could gather more strength than he had then; for he had been informed that the dutch, who had seized the island and fortress of amboino, had done the same with that of tidore, whence they had driven the portuguese who had settled therein, and had entered terrenate, where they had established a trading-post for the clove-trade. accordingly, as soon as the despatches in regard to this undertaking arrived from españa, in june of six hundred and five, and the men and supplies from nueva españa, which were brought at the same time by the master-of-camp, joan de esquivel, the governor spent the balance of this year in preparing the ships, men, and provisions that he deemed necessary for the undertaking. leaving behind in manila sufficient force for its defense, he went to the provinces of pintados, where the fleet was collected, in the beginning of the year six hundred and six. by the fifteenth day of the month of march, the governor had thoroughly prepared the fleet--which consisted of five ships, four galleys with poop-lanterns [_galeras de fanal_], three galliots, four champans, three funeas, two english lanchas, two brigantines, one barca chata [23] for the artillery, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. there were one thousand three hundred spaniards, counting regulars, captains and officers, substitutes [_entretenidos_], and volunteers. among them were some portuguese captains and soldiers, under charge of the chief captain of tidore, [24] who was at that island when the dutch seized it. these portuguese came from malaca to serve in the expedition. there were also four hundred indian pioneers--tagáls and pampangos of manila--who went to serve at their own cost, under their own officers, and with their own weapons. there was a quantity of artillery of all kinds, ammunition, tools, and provisions for nine months. [25] don pedro de acuña left the point of hilohilo, which is near the town of arevalo in the island of panai, [on the above day] with all this equipment, and coasting the island of mindanao, made port at la caldera, in order to replenish his water, wood, and other necessaries. the governor embarked in the galley "santiago" and took under his charge the other galleys and oared vessels. the ship "jesus maria" acted as flagship of the other vessels, and was commanded by the master-of-camp, joan de esquivel. captain and sargento-mayor cristoval de azcueta menchaca acted as admiral of the fleet, which, after attending to its necessities at la caldera, left that port. on setting sail, the flagship, which was a heavy vessel, was unable to leave port, and the currents drove it shoreward so that, without the others being able to help it, it grounded. it was wrecked there, but the crew, artillery, and a portion of its ammunition and clothing, were saved. after setting fire to the ship, and taking what nails and bolts they could, so that the mindanaos could not make use of them, the fleet continued its voyage. the galleys coasted along the island of mindanao, and the ships and other deep-draught vessels sailed in the open sea, all making for the port of talangame, in the island of terrenate. the vessels, although experiencing some changes of weather, first sighted the islands of maluco, after they had been reconnoitered by a large dutch ship, well equipped with artillery, which was anchored at terrenate. this vessel fired some heavy artillery at our vessels, and then immediately entered the port, where it fortified itself under shelter of the land, and with its artillery and crew and the people of terrenate. the master-of-camp went with his vessels to the island of tidore, where he was well received by the moro chiefs and cachils; for the king was away, as he had gone to the island of bachan to be married. the master-of-camp found four dutch factors there, who were trading for cloves. he learned from them that the ship at terrenate was from holland, and was one of those which had sailed from amboino and seized tidore, whence it had driven the portuguese, and that it was being laden with cloves. it was awaiting other vessels of its convoy, for they had made friendship and treaties with tidore and terrenate, in order to be protected against the castilians and portuguese. the master-of-camp had the king of tidore summoned immediately, and, while awaiting don pedro de acuña, rested his men and cleaned the ships, and made gabions and other things necessary for the war. don pedro de acuña, through his pilots' fault, had gone thirty leguas to leeward of the island of terrenate toward the island of celebes, otherwise called mateo. recognizing that island, he returned to terrenate, and passing in sight of talangame, discovered the dutch vessel. he tried to reconnoiter it, but after seeing that it was harming his galleys with its artillery, and that the master-of-camp was not there, he proceeded to tidore, where he found the latter, to the great joy of all. there they spent the remainder of the month of march. at this juncture the king of tidore arrived, with twelve well-armed caracoas. he expressed joy at the governor's coming, to whom he complained at length of the tyranny and subjection in which he was kept by sultan zayde, [26] king of terrenate, who was aided by the dutch. he offered to go in person to serve his majesty in the fleet, with six hundred men of tidore. don pedro received him and feasted him. then, without any further delay at tidore, or any more concern about the ship at talangame, he set about the chief purpose for which they had come. on the last of march he started to return to terrenate. on that day he anchored in a harbor between the settlement and the port, as did also the king of tidore with his caracoas. that same night the dutch ship weighed anchor and went to amboino. at dawn of next day, april first, soldiers were landed with some difficulty, with the intention of marching along the shore (which was a very close and narrow stretch) to the fort, in order to plant the artillery, with which to bombard it. as the governor thought that mischief would ensue because of the narrowness and closeness of the pass, he landed a number of pioneers on the high ground, to open another road, so that the remainder of the army might pass, and the enemy be diverted in several directions. by these efforts, he placed his camp under the walls, although a great number of terenatans came from various directions to prevent him. the vanguard of the camp was in charge of joan xuarez gallinato and captains joan de cuevas, don rodrigo de mendoça, pasqual de alarcon, joan de cervantes, captain vergara, and cristoval de villagra, with their companies. the other captains were in the body of the squadron. the rearguard was under command of captain delgado, while the master-of-camp aided in all parts. the army came up within range of the enemy's artillery, which suddenly began to play. the governor came to see how the troops were formed, and, leaving them at their post, returned to the fleet to have the pieces brought out for bombarding, and to obtain refreshment for the soldiers. some high trees intervened between the troops and the wall, in which the enemy had posted some scouts to reconnoiter the field. they were driven down, and our own scouts posted there, who gave advice from above of what was being done in the fort. captain vergara, and after him, don rodrigo de mendoça and alarcon, went to reconnoiter the walls, the bastion of nuestra señora, and the pieces mounted on the ground there, and a low wall of rough stone which extended to the mountain, where there was a bastion in which the wall ended. it was called cachiltulo, and was defended with pieces of artillery and a number of culverins, muskets, arquebuses, and pikes; while many other weapons peculiar to the terenatans were placed along the wall for its defense. having seen and reconnoitered all this, although not with impunity, because the enemy had killed six soldiers with the artillery and wounded alferez joan de la rambla in the knee with a musket-ball, the spaniards returned to the army. a trifle past noon, a lofty site was reconnoitered, in the direction of the bastion of cachiltulo, whence the enemy could be attacked and driven from the wall; and captain cuevas was ordered to occupy it with twenty-five musketeers. having done this, the enemy sent out a crowd of men to prevent him from occupying it. a skirmish ensued, and the moros turned and retreated to their wall. cuevas followed them so closely and persisted so long, that he needed reënforcement. the scouts in the trees gave information of what was being done, whereupon captains don rodrigo de mendoça, alarcon, cervantes, and vergara reënforced him with their light-armed pikemen and halberdiers. they pursued the enemy with so great rapidity and resolution that they entered the walls behind them. however, some of the spaniards were wounded, and captain cervantes was pushed down from the wall and his legs broken, which caused his death. captain don rodrigo de mendoça, pursuing the enemy, who were retiring, ran inside the wall as far as the cavalier of nuestra señora, while vergara ran in the opposite direction along the curtain of the wall to the bastion of cachiltulo, and went on as far as the mountain. by this time the main body of the army had already assaulted the wall. mutually aiding one another, they mounted the wall and entered the place on all sides, although with the loss of some dead and wounded soldiers. the soldiers were stopped by a trench beyond the fort of nuestra señora, for the enemy had retreated to a shed, which was fortified with a considerable number of musketeers and arquebusiers, and four light pieces. they discharged their arquebuses and muskets at the spaniards, and threw cane spears hardened in fire, and _bacacaes_, [27] after their fashion. the spaniards assaulted the shed, whereupon a dutch artilleryman trying to fire a large swivel-gun, with which he would have done great damage, being confused did not succeed, and threw down the linstock, turned, and fled. the enemy did the same after him, and abandoned the shed, fleeing in all directions. those who would do so embarked with the king and some of his wives and the dutch in one caracoa and four _juangas_ [28] which they had armed near the king's fort. captain vergara entered the fort immediately, but found it deserted. don rodrigo de mendoça and villagra pursued the enemy toward the mountain for a long distance, and killed many moros. with this, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the settlement and fort of terrenate was completely gained. the spanish banners and standards were flung from it, without it having been necessary for them to bombard the walls, as they had expected; and the fort was taken at so slight cost to the spaniards. their dead numbered fifteen men, and the wounded twenty more. the whole town was reconnoitered, even its extremity--a small fort, called limataen--which contained two pieces of artillery, and two other pieces near the mosque on the seashore. the loot of the place was of small importance, for already the things of most value, and the women and children, had been removed to the island of moro, whither the king fled and took refuge in a fort that he had there. some products of that land were found, and a great quantity of cloves. in the factory of the dutch were found two thousand ducados, some cloth goods and linens, and many weapons, while in many places were excellent portuguese and dutch artillery, a number of culverins and a quantity of ammunition, of which possession was taken for his majesty. [29] a guard was placed over what was gained, and the place was put in a condition for defense with some pieces taken from the fleet, while the governor ordered and provided whatever else was advisable. cachil amuxa, the king's nephew and the greatest chief of terrenate, came with other cachils to make peace with the governor. he said that he and all the terenatans wished to be vassals of his majesty, and that they would have rendered homage long before, but the king prevented them. the latter as a proud man, and, confident in his own opinion, although he had been advised to surrender the fort to his majesty and render him homage, had steadily refused to do so, having been encouraged and emboldened by the success that he had gained upon other occasions. that was the reason that he found himself in his present wretched condition. he offered to induce the king to leave the fort of moro if given assurance of life. don pedro de acuña received this moro well, and as a portuguese, pablo de lima--one of those whom the dutch had driven from tidore, a man of high standing, and well acquainted with the king--offered to accompany him, the governor despatched them with a written passport as follows: _passport from don pedro de acuña to the king of terrenate_ i, don pedro de acuña, governor, captain-general, and president of the filipinas islands, and general of this army and fleet, declare that, over my signature, i hereby give security of life to the king of terrenate, in order that he may come to talk with me--both to him and those whom he may bring with him--reserving to myself the disposal of all the others as i may see fit. i certify this in his majesty's name. and i order that no person of this fleet molest him or any of his possessions, and that all observe what is herein contained. given in terrenate, april six, one thousand six hundred and six. _don pedro de acuña_ within nine days cachilamuja and pablo de lima returned to terrenate with the king, the prince, his son, [30] and others of his relatives, cachils and sangajes, [31] under the said passport. they placed themselves under the governor's power, and he received them with great affection and respect. he lodged the king and his son in a good house in the settlement, under guard of a company. the king restored the villages of christians that his majesty had possessed in the island of moro, when the fort of terrenate was lost by the portuguese. he placed his person and kingdom in his majesty's power, and surrendered a quantity of muskets and heavy artillery that he had in some forts of the said island. the governor did not despoil him of his kingdom, but on the contrary allowed him to appoint two of his men to govern, whose choice was to be ratified by himself. the king, his son the prince, and their cachils and sangajes swore homage to his majesty. the kings of tidore and bachan, and the sangaje of la bua did the same, and covenanted and promised not to admit either the dutch or other nations into maluco for the clove-trade. they promised, as his majesty's vassals, to go on all occasions to serve him with their persons, men, and ships, whenever summoned by whomever commanded the fort of terrenate; that they would oppose no obstacles to the moros who wished to become christians; that if any wicked christian went to their lands to turn renegade, they would surrender him; and other suitable things. therewith great and small were content and pleased, since they were freed from the tyranny of the king of terrenate. the governor remitted to them the third part of the tributes which they were wont to pay their king, and gave the moros other advantages. then he planned a new and modern fort, in a very conspicuous and suitable location, and began to build it. in order that the old fort might be better defended while the new one was being completed, he reduced it to a less size, by making new cavaliers and bastions, which he finished and furnished with ramparts and stout gates. he commenced another fort in the island of tidore, on a good location near the settlement. after placing in order whatever he judged necessary in terrenate and tidore, and in the other towns and fortresses of maluco, he returned with his fleet to the filipinas. he left the master-of-camp, joan de esquivel, with a garrison of six hundred soldier--five hundred, in five companies, for terrenate--in the fort of terrenate to act as his assistant and as governor of maluco; he also left there one large forge and a number of smiths, sixty-five pioneers, thirty-five stonecutters, two galliots, two well-armed brigantines, and crews of rowers. the other company of soldiers [was to be stationed] in tidore under command of captain alarcon; while ammunition and provisions for one year were left in both forts. in order to be more assured of the [peaceful] condition of the country, he took the king of terrenate from it and carried him to manila, as well as his son the prince, and twenty-four cachils and sangajes, most of them the king's relatives, to whom he showed every honor and good treatment. he explained to them why he took them, and that their return to maluco depended upon the security and tranquillity with which the moros should conduct themselves in their obedience and service to his majesty. [32] the three portuguese galliots returned to malaca, taking with them the dutch who were in maluco and the portuguese captains and soldiers who had come to take part in this expedition. the governor entered manila in triumph with the remainder of the fleet, on the last day of may, six hundred and six. he was received there with acclamations of joy and praise from the city, who gave thanks to god for so happy and prompt result in an undertaking of so great weight and importance. during the governor's absence in maluco, the royal audiencia of the islands governed the filipinas. the audiencia wished to drive a number of japanese from the city, for they were a turbulent people and promised little security for the country. when this was attempted and force employed, the japanese resisted, and the matter came to such a pass that they took arms to oppose it, and it was necessary for the spaniards to take their arms also. the affair assumed definite proportions, and some on either side wished to give battle. however, it was postponed by various means until, through the efforts of certain religious, the japanese were quieted; and afterward as many as possible were embarked in vessels, although they resented it greatly. this was one of the greatest dangers that has threatened manila, for the spaniards were few in number, and the japanese more than one thousand five hundred, and they are a spirited and very mettlesome race. had they come to blows on this occasion, the spaniards would have fared ill. [33] the governor, upon entering manila, took over immediately the affairs of his government, especially the despatching of two vessels about to sail to nueva españa. he was present in person in the port of cabit at the equipment and lading of the ships, and the embarcation of the passengers. he was seized by some indisposition of the stomach which compelled him to return to manila and take to his bed. his pain and vomiting increased so rapidly that, without its being possible to relieve him, he died in great anguish on st. john's day, to the great sorrow and grief of the country. especially did the king of terrenate show and express his grief, for he had always received great honor and kind treatment from the governor. it was suspected that his death had been violent, because of the severity and the symptoms of his illness. the suspicion increased, because the physicians and surgeons, having opened his body, declared, from the signs that they found, that he had been poisoned, which made his death more regrettable. [34] the audiencia buried the governor in the monastery of st. augustine at manila, with the pomp and ostentation due to his person and offices. then, again taking charge of the government, the audiencia despatched the vessels to nueva españa, whence advice was sent to his majesty of the taking of maluco and the death of the governor. the flagship, in which don rodrigo de mendoça was sailing as general and captain, reached nueva españa quickly with this news. the almiranta, notwithstanding that it left the islands at the same time, delayed more than six months. eighty persons who perished from disease were buried in the sea, while many others stricken by the disease died of it upon landing at the port of acapulco. among these was the licentiate don antonio de ribera, auditor of manila, who had been appointed auditor of mexico. at the arrival of these vessels, it was learned that since the death of don pedro de acuña, and the taking over of the government by the audiencia, no change had occurred in the affairs of the islands; but that their commerce was restricted because of the prohibition which forbade sending to the islands more than five hundred thousand pesos each year of the proceeds from the sale of the merchandise in nueva españa. on account of this the people were in need, as this amount appeared little for the many spaniards and for the extent of the trade--by which all classes are sustained, as they have no other resources or capital. also, although the gaining of maluco had been so important for affairs in those islands themselves, and their punishment for the reduction of the other rebels--especially those of mindanao and jolo, from whom the filipinas had received so great injury--the desirable quiet and stability had not been secured. for the mindanaos and the joloans were not yet discontinuing their descents upon the provinces of the pintados in their war-vessels, to seize booty according to their custom--and this will continue until a suitable expedition be sent against them--and maluco affairs were not failing to give joan de esquivel, the master-of-camp, sufficient to do. he was acting as governor there and had but little security from the natives, who, being a mahometan people, and by nature easily persuaded and fickle, are restless, and ready for disturbances and wars. daily and in different parts the natives were being incited and aroused to rebellion; and although the master-of-camp and his captains were endeavoring to punish and pacify them, they could not do what was necessary to quiet so many disturbances as arose. the soldiers were dying, and the food giving out; and the aid sent from manila could not arrive at the time or in so great quantity as was requested, because of the perils of the voyage and the straits of the royal treasury. [35] the coming of vessels to maluco at this time from holanda and zelanda was not less prejudicial to all our interests; for the dutch, having so great interests in the islands, and having established their interests there so firmly, were coming in squadrons by the india route, to recover what they had lost in amboino, terrenate, and other islands. with their countenance, the moros were revolting against the spaniards, who had their hands full with them, and more so with the dutch, for the latter were numerous, and more dangerous enemies than the natives. the dutch interest in these regions is so vast--both in the clove-trade and that of other drugs and spices, and because they think that they will have a gateway there for the subjugation of the whole orient--that, overcoming all the toil and dangers of the voyage, they are continually coming to these islands in greater numbers and with larger fleets. if a very fundamental and timely remedy be not administered in this matter, it will increase to such an extent in a short time that afterward no remedy can be applied. the english and flemish usually make this voyage by way of the strait of magallanes. francisco draque [drake] was the first to make it, and some years later tomas liscander [candish or cavendish], who passed by maluco. lately oliver del nort, a fleming, made the voyage. the spanish fleet fought with his fleet amid the filipinas islands, at the end of the year one thousand six hundred. in this fight, after the capture of his almiranta (which was commanded by lamberto biezman) the flagship, having lost nearly all its crew, and being much disabled, took to flight. and as it afterward left the filipinas, and was seen in sunda and the java channels, so disabled, it seemed impossible for it to navigate, and that it would surely be lost, as was recounted above when treating of this. this pirate, although so crippled, had the good fortune to escape from the spaniards, and, after great troubles and hardships, he returned to amstradam with his ship "mauricio," with only nine men alive, reaching it on the twenty-sixth of august in the year six hundred and one. he wrote the relation and the events of his voyage, and gave plates of the battle and of the ships. this was afterward translated into latin and printed by teodoro de bri, a german, at francfort, in the year six hundred and two. both relations are going the rounds, and the voyage is regarded as a most prodigious feat and one of so great hardships and perils. [36] bartolome perez, a pilot, gave the same news from the island of la palma. he, having come from england by way of holanda, conversed with oliver del nort, and the latter narrated to him his voyage and sufferings, as mentioned by licentiate fernando de la cueva in a letter from the island of la palma, [37] on the last of july, of the year six hundred and four, to marcos de la cueva, his brother, who was a resident of manila, and one of the volunteers who embarked on the spanish flagship which fought with the pirate. this letter is as follows. i answer two of your grace's letters in this: one dated july, six hundred and one, and the other july, six hundred and two. in both of them your grace relates to me the shipwreck that befell you and how you saved yourself by swimming. long before i saw your grace's letters, i had learned of your mishap, whereat i was very anxious and even quite grieved; because of what was reported here, i imagined that your grace had a part in it. consequently, i was singularly overjoyed at the assurance that your grace still possessed life and health. having them, one can conquer other things; and without them human treasure has no value. by way of flandes (whence ships come daily to this island), i learned much, nay, all the event, although not so minutely. for oliver de nort, who was the dutch general, with whom the engagement occurred, arrived safely in holanda, with eight men--and he made nine--and without money. his purpose when he left the rebellious states of holanda and zelanda, with five armed vessels laden with merchandise--which were worth, principal and merchandise, one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand ducados--was to trade and carry on commerce through the strait (and such were his orders), in whatever parts he should be, with friends or enemies. he was not to attack anyone, but only to defend himself and to incline the indians to trade and exchange with him. all the vessels having reached the strait together, three of them became separated there because of storms, and must have been wrecked; for up to the present nothing has been heard of them. having seen himself so abandoned, and that he could not restore his loss by trade, or else because he did not receive a hospitable reception from the inhabitants of piru, he determined to exceed his orders, and make that voyage one of plundering. accordingly he stationed himself at the mouth of the river to await ships. the rest that befell, your grace knows. oliver de nort is a native of the city of roterdam, and he reached it with an anchor of wood. [38] he had no other with which to anchor, nor indeed had he any other left. it is said that this is a very heavy wood of the indias, and he has placed it at the door of his house, as a mark of distinction. he arrived, as i say, with nine men, all told, very much worn out, and as by a miracle. he has printed a book of his voyage, with engravings of his vessels, and many other details of what happened to him, and the hardships that they endured in the fight and throughout the voyage, both to show his own glory and to incite others to similar deeds. a pilot of this island, one bartolome perez, was seized and taken to inglaterra before the peace or truce. he came through holanda, where he conversed at great length with oliver. the latter told him all that had happened to him, which is known to all, and was discussed in this island before that voyage. bartolome perez says that oliver de nort praised the spaniards greatly, and said they were the bravest men he had seen in his life. they had gained the deck of his ship, and all the upper works, when he cried out from below deck to set fire to the powder, whereupon he believes that the spaniards left for fear of being blown up. the dutch then had an opportunity to escape, but so crippled were they that their reaching port seems a miracle. the pilot says that he saw the anchor and the book, and what pertains to the book is stated here. i have recounted this to your grace, because of the statements in your letter, namely, that people considered them as lost, and so that so singular a case may be known there. now the dutch make the voyage more quickly and more safely, going and coming, by way of india, but not touching at its ports or coasts, until they reach the islands of the javas [39]--java major and java minor--and samatra, amboino, and the malucas. since they know the district so well, and have experienced the immense profits ensuing to them therefrom, it will be difficult to drive them from the orient, where they have inflicted so many losses in both spiritual and temporal affairs. ¶ _relation of the filipinas islands and of their natives, antiquity, customs, and government, both during the period of their paganism and after their conquest by the spaniards, and other details._ ¶ _chapter eighth_ the islands of the eastern ocean sea, adjacent to farther asia, belonging to the crown of españa, are generally called, by those who navigate thither by way of the demarcation of castilla and castilla's seas and lands of america, "the western islands;" for from the time that one leaves españa, he sails in the course of the sun from east to west, until he reaches them. for the same reason they are called "eastern islands" by those who sail from west to east by way of portuguese india, each of them circumscribing the world by voyaging in opposite directions, until they meet at these islands, which are numerous and of varying size; they are properly called filipinas, and are subject to the crown of castilla. they lie within the tropic of cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north latitude to the equinoctial line, which cuts the islands of maluco. there are many others on the other side of the line, in the tropic of capricorn, which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude. [40] the ancients affirmed that each and all of them were desert and uninhabitable, [41] but now experience has demonstrated that they deceived themselves; for good climates, many people, and food and other things necessary for human life are found there, besides many mines of rich metals, with precious gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which nature has not stinted. it is impossible to number all the islands--counting larger and smaller--of this vast archipelago. those comprised in the name and government of filipinas, number about forty large islands, besides other smaller ones, all consecutive. the chiefest and best known are luzon, mindoro, tendaya, [42] capul, burias, mazbate, marinduque, leite, camar, ybabao, sebu, panay, bohol, catenduanes, calamianes, mindanao, and others of less renown. the first island conquered and colonized by the spaniards was sebu. [43] from there the conquest was started and continued in all the neighboring islands. those islands are inhabited by people, natives of the same islands, called viçayas; or by another name, pintados--for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattoo their whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they are marked and then throwing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figures becoming indelible. but, as the chief seat of the government, and the principal spanish settlement, was moved to the island of luzon--the largest island, and that one nearest and opposite to great china and japon--i shall treat of it first; for much that will be said of it is similar in the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctive details i shall pass in due time. this island of luzon extends lengthwise, from the point and head where one enters the filipinas islands (by the channel of capul, which lies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the other point in the province of cagayan, called cape bojeador (and located opposite china, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas. in some parts its width is more constricted than in others, especially in the middle of the island, where it is so narrow that it is less than thirty leguas from sea to sea, or from one coast to the other. the whole island is more than four hundred leguas in circumference. the climates of this island are not harmonious; on the contrary, they present a great diversity in its different districts and provinces. the head and beginning of the island, in the region of the channel, is more temperate in the interior, although the coasts are hot. the site of the city of manila is hot, for it is on the coast and is low; but in its vicinity, quite near the city, there are districts and settlements much cooler, where the heat is not oppressive. the same is true of the other head of the island, opposite china, named cagayan. the seasons of the year--winter and summer--are contrary to those in europe; for the rains generally last in all these islands from the month of june until the month of september, and are accompanied by heavy showers, whirlwinds, and storms on sea and land. the summer lasts from october to the end of may, with clear skies and fair winds at sea. however, the winter and rainy season begins earlier in some provinces than in others. [44] in cagayan winter and summer almost coincide with those of españa, and come at the same seasons. the people inhabiting the province of camarines and almost as far as the provinces of manila, in this great island of luzon, both along the coast and in the interior, are natives of this island. they are of medium height, with a complexion like stewed quinces; and both men and women are well-featured. they have very black hair, and thin beards; and are very clever at anything that they undertake, keen and passionate, and of great resolution. all live from their labor and gains in the field, their fishing, and trade, going from island to island by sea, and from province to province by land. the natives of the other provinces of this island as far as cagayan are of the same nature and disposition, except that it has been learned by tradition that those of manila and its vicinity were not natives of this island, but came thither in the past and colonized it; and that they are malay natives, and come from other islands and remote provinces. [45] in various parts of this island of luzon are found a number of natives black in color. both men and women have woolly hair, and their stature is not very great, although they are strong and robust. these people are barbarians, and have but little capacity. they possess no fixed houses or settlements, but wander in bands and hordes through the mountains and rough country, changing from one site to another according to the season. they support themselves in certain clearings, and by planting rice, which they do temporarily, and by means of the game that they bring down with their bows, in the use of which they are very skilful and certain. [46] they live also on honey from the mountains, and roots produced by the ground. they are a barbarous people, in whom one cannot place confidence. they are much given to killing and to attacking the settlements of the other natives, in which they commit many depredations; and there is nothing that can be done to stop them, or to subdue or pacify them, although this is always attempted by fair or foul means, as opportunity and necessity demand. the province of cagayan is inhabited by natives of the same complexion as the others of the island, although they are better built, and more valiant and warlike than the others. they wear their hair long and hanging down the back. they have been in revolt and rebellion twice since the first time when they were pacified; and there has been plenty to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and repacifying them. the apparel and clothing of these natives of luzon before the entrance of the spaniards into the country were generally, for the men, certain short collarless garments of _cangan_, sewed together in the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching slightly below the waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs had some red ones, called _chinanas_. [47] they also wore a strip of colored cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between the legs, so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh; these are called _bahaques_. [48] they go with legs bare, feet unshod, and the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called _potong_ [49] just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples. about their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun wax, [50] and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. on their arms they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call _calombigas_, and which are very large and made in different patterns. some wear strings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blue and white stones, which they esteem highly. [51] they wear around the legs some strings of these stones, and certain cords, covered with black pitch in many foldings, as garters. [52] in a province called zambales, they wear the head shaved from the middle forward. on the skull they have a huge lock of loose hair. [53] the women throughout this island wear small jackets [_sayuelos_] with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all colors, called _varos_. [54] they wear no shifts, but certain white cotton garments which are wrapped about the waist and fall to the feet, while other dyed cloths are wrapped about the body, like kirtles, and are very graceful. the principal women have crimson ones, and some of silk, while others are woven with gold, and adorned with fringe and other ornaments. they wear many gold necklaces about the neck, calumbigas on the wrists, large earrings of wrought gold in the ears, and rings of gold and precious stones. their black hair is done up in a very graceful knot on the head. since the spaniards came to the country many indians do not wear _bahaques_, but wide drawers of the same cloths and materials, and hats on their heads. the chiefs wear braids of wrought gold containing many designs, while many of them wear shoes. the chief women also wear beautiful shoes, many of them having shoes of velvet adorned with gold, and white garments like petticoats. men and women, and especially the chief people, are very clean and neat in their persons and clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. they dress their hair carefully, and regard it as being more ornamental when it is very black. they wash it with water in which has been boiled the bark of a tree called _gogo_. [55] they anoint it with aljonjoli oil, prepared with musk, and other perfumes. all are very careful of their teeth, which from a very early age they file and render even, with stones and iron. [56] they dye them a black color, which is lasting, and which preserves their teeth until they are very old, although it is ugly to look at. [57] they quite generally bathe the entire body in the rivers and creeks, both young and old, without reflecting that it could at any time be injurious to them; [58] for in their baths do they find their best medicines. when an infant is born, they immediately bathe it, and the mother likewise. the women have needlework as their employment and occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds of sewing. they weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in the houses of their husbands and fathers. they pound the rice for eating, [59] and prepare the other food. they raise fowls and swine, and keep the houses, while the men are engaged in the labors of the field, and in their fishing, navigation, and trading. they are not very chaste, either single or married women; while their husbands, fathers, or brothers are not very jealous or anxious about it. both men and women are so selfish and greedy that, if they are paid, they are easily won over. when the husband finds his wife in adultery, he is smoothed and pacified without any trouble--although, since they have known spaniards, some of those who assume to be more enlightened among them have sometimes killed the adulterers. both men and women, especially the chiefs, walk slowly and sedately when upon their visits, and when going through the streets and to the temples; and are accompanied by many slaves, both male and female, with parasols of silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain. the women walk ahead and their female servants and slaves follow them; behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or brothers, with their man-servants and slaves. [60] their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden mortars, and cooked--this is called _morisqueta_, [61] and is the ordinary bread of the whole country--boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of swine, deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call _carabaos_). meat and fish they relish better when it has begun to spoil and when it stinks. [62] they also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet potatoes), beans, _quilites_ [63] and other vegetables; all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples, custard apples, many varieties of oranges, and other varieties of fruits and herbs, with which the country teems. their drink is a wine made from the tops of cocoa and nipa palm, of which there is a great abundance. they are grown and tended like vineyards, although without so much toil and labor. drawing off the tuba, [64] they distil it, using for alembics their own little furnaces and utensils, to a greater or less strength, and it becomes brandy. this is drunk throughout the islands. it is a wine of the clarity of water, but strong and dry. if it be used with moderation, it acts as a medicine for the stomach, and is a protection against humors and all sorts of rheums. mixed with spanish wine, it makes a mild liquor, and one very palatable and healthful. in the assemblies, marriages, and feasts of the natives of these islands, the chief thing consists in drinking this wine, day and night, without ceasing, when the turn of each comes, some singing and others drinking. as a consequence, they generally become intoxicated without this vice being regarded as a dishonor or disgrace. [65] the weapons of this people are, in some provinces, bow and arrows. but those generally used throughout the islands are moderate-sized spears with well-made points; and certain shields of light wood, with their armholes fastened on the inside. these cover them from top to toe, and are called _carasas_ [_kalasag_]. at the waist they carry a dagger four fingers in breadth, the blade pointed, and a third of a vara in length; the hilt is of gold or ivory. the pommel is open and has two cross bars or projections, without any other guard. they are called _bararaos_. they have two cutting edges, and are kept in wooden scabbards, or those of buffalo-horn, admirably wrought. [66] with these they strike with the point, but more generally with the edge. when they go in pursuit of their opponent, they show great dexterity in seizing his hair with one hand, while with the other they cut off his head with one stroke of the bararao, and carry it away. they afterward keep the heads suspended in their houses, where they may be seen; and of these they make a display, in order to be considered as valiant, and avengers of their enemies and of the injuries committed by them. [67] since they have seen the spaniards use their weapons, many of the natives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. before the arrival of the spaniards they had bronze culverins and other pieces of cast iron, with which they defended their forts and settlements, although their powder is not so well refined as that of the spaniards. their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and creeks inland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one log, and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built up on keels. they have vireys and barangays, which are certain quick and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little wooden nails. these are as slender at the stern as at the bow, and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who propel their vessels with _bucçeyes_ or paddles, and with _gaones_ [68] on the outside of the vessel; and they time their rowing to the accompaniment of some who sing in their language refrains by which they understand whether to hasten or retard their rowing. [69] above the rowers is a platform or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the fighting-men stand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen. in accordance with the capacity of the vessels is the number of men on these gangways. from that place they manage the sail, which is square and made of linen, and hoisted on a support or yard made of two thick bamboos, which serves as a mast. when the vessel is large, it also has a foresail of the same form. both yards, with their tackle, can be lowered upon the gangway when the weather is rough. the helmsmen are stationed in the stern to steer. it carries another bamboo framework on the gangway itself; and upon this, when the sun shines hot, or it rains, they stretch an awning made from some mats, woven from palm-leaves. these are very bulky and close, and are called _cayanes_ [70] thus all the ship and its crew are covered and protected. there are also other bamboo frameworks for each side of the vessel, which are so long as the vessel, and securely fastened on. they skim the water, without hindering the rowing, and serve as a counterpoise, so that the ship cannot overturn nor upset, however heavy the sea, or strong the wind against the sail. it may happen that the entire hull of these vessels, which have no decks, may fill with water and remain between wind and water, even until it is destroyed and broken up, without sinking, because of these counterpoises. these vessels have been used commonly throughout the islands since olden times. they have other larger vessels called caracoas, _lapis_, and _tapaques_, which are used to carry their merchandise, and which are very suitable, as they are roomy and draw but little water. they generally drag them ashore every night, at the mouths of rivers and creeks, among which they always navigate without going into the open sea or leaving the shore. all the natives can row and manage these boats. some are so long that they can carry one hundred rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above to fight. the boats commonly used are barangays and vireys, which carry a less crew and fighting force. now they put many of them together with iron nails instead of the wooden pegs and the joints in the planks, while the helms and bows have beaks like castilian boats. [71] the land is well shaded in all parts by trees of different kinds, and fruit-trees which beautify it throughout the year, both along the shore and inland among the plains and mountains. it is very full of large and small rivers, of good fresh water, which flow into the sea. all of them are navigable, and abound in all kinds of fish, which are very pleasant to the taste. for the above reason there is a large supply of lumber, which is cut and sawed, dragged to the rivers, and brought down, by the natives. this lumber is very useful for houses and buildings, and for the construction of small and large vessels. many very straight thick trees, light and pliable, are found, which are used as masts for ships and galleons. consequently, vessels of any size may be fitted with masts from these trees, made of one piece of timber, without its being necessary to splice them or make them of different pieces. for the hulls of the ships, the keels, futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and any other kinds of supports and braces, compass-timbers, transoms, knees small and large, and rudders, all sorts of good timber are easily found; as well as good planking for the sides, decks, and upper-works, from very suitable woods. [72] there are many native fruit-trees, such as the _sanctors_, _mabolos_, tamarinds, _nancas_, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere many oranges, of all kinds--large and small, sweet and sour; citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and palatable bananas. [73] there are many cocoa-palms bearing fruit of pleasant taste--from which is made wine and common oil, which is a very healing remedy for wounds; and other wild palms of the forests--that do not yield cocoa-nuts, but serve as wood, and from whose bark is made bonote, a tow for rigging and cables, and also for calking ships. efforts have been made to plant olives and quinces, and other fruit-trees of españa, but as yet they have had no success, except with pomegranates and grapevines, which bear fruit the second year. these bear abundance of exceedingly good grapes three times a year; and some fig-trees have succeeded. vegetables of every kind grow well and very abundantly, but do not seed, and it is always necessary to bring the seeds from castilla, china, or japon. in the cagayan provinces are found chestnut-trees, which produce fruit. in other districts are found pines and other trees which yield certain very large pine-nuts, with a hard shell and a pleasant taste, which are called piles. [74] there is abundance of cedar which is called _calanta_, a beautiful red wood called _asana_, [75] ebony of various qualities, and many other precious woods for all uses. the meat generally eaten is that of swine, of which there is a great abundance, and it is very palatable and wholesome. beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stock-farms in many different parts of the islands. the cattle are bred from those of china and nueva españa. [76] the chinese cattle are small, and excellent breeders. their horns are very small and twisted, and some cattle can move them. they have a large hump upon the shoulders, and are very manageable beasts. there are plenty of fowls like those of castilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls brought from china. they are very palatable, and make fine capons. some of these fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are pleasant to the taste. [77] many geese are raised, as well as swans, ducks, and tame pigeons brought from china. there is abundance of flesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts porcupines. there are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which are raised in the fields and are very spirited; others are brought tame from china; these are very numerous, and very handsome. these last are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and more palatable than that of cows. goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because of the humidity of the country. these animals sicken and die for that reason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. ewes and rams, although often brought from nueva españa, never multiply. consequently there are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not as yet seemed suitable for them. [78] there were no horses, mares, or asses in the islands, until the spaniards had them brought from china and brought them from nueva españa. asses and mules are very rare, but there are many horses and mares. some farms are being stocked with them, and those born there (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out well, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and are of medium size. those brought from china are small, very strong, good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. some horses of good colors are brought from japon. they have well-shaped bodies, thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which makes them look like draft-horses. their heads are rather large, and their mouths hard. they run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited, and of much mettle. the daily feed of the horses consists throughout the year of green provender, [79] besides rice in the husk, which keeps them very fat. [80] there are many fowls and field birds, and wild birds of wonderful colors and very beautiful. there are no singing birds suitable for keeping in cages, although some calendar larks [_calandrias_] called _fimbaros_, [81] smaller than those of españa, are brought from japon, whose song is most sweet. there are many turtle-doves, ring-doves; other doves with an extremely green plumage, and red feet and beaks; and others that are white with a red spot on the breast, like a pelican. instead of quail, there are certain birds resembling them, but smaller, which are called _povos_ [82] and other smaller birds called mayuelas. [83] there are many wild chickens and cocks, which are very small, and taste like partridge. there are royal, white, and grey herons, flycatchers, and other shore birds, ducks, lavancos, [84] crested cranes, sea-crows, eagles, eagle-owls, and other birds of prey, although none are used for hawking. there are jays and thrushes as in españa, and white storks and cranes. [85] they do not rear peacocks, rabbits, or hares, although they have tried to do so. it is believed that the wild animals in the forests and fields eat and destroy them, namely, the cats, foxes, badgers, and large and small rats, which are very numerous, and other land animals. [86] throughout these islands are found a great number of monkeys, of various sizes, with which at times the trees are covered. there are green and white parrots, but they are stupid in talking; and very small parroquets, of beautiful green and red colors, which talk as little. the forests and settlements have many serpents, of various colors, which are generally larger than those of castilla. some have been seen in the forests of unusual size, and wonderful to behold. [87] the most harmful are certain slender snakes, of less than one vara in length, which dart down upon passersby from the trees (where they generally hang), and sting them; their venom is so powerful that within twenty-four hours the person dies raving. there are many very large scorpions in the rivers and creeks, and a great number of crocodiles, which are very bloodthirsty and cruel. they quite commonly pull from their bancas the natives who go in those boats, and cause many injuries among the horned cattle and the horses of the stock-farms, when they go to drink. and although the people fish for them often and kill them, they are never diminished in number. for that reason, the natives set closely-grated divisions and enclosures in the rivers and creeks of their settlements, where they bathe. there they enter the water to bathe, secure from those monsters, which they fear so greatly that they venerate and adore them, as if they were beings superior to themselves. all their oaths and execrations, and those which are of any weight with them (even among the christians) are, thus expressed: "so may the crocodile kill him!" they call the crocodile _buhaya_ in their language. it has happened when some one has sworn falsely, or when he has broken his word, that then some accident has occurred to him with the crocodile, which god, whom he offends, has so permitted for the sake of the authority and purity of the truth, and the promise of it. [88] the fisheries of sea and rivers are most abundant, and include all kinds of fish; both of fresh and salt water. these are generally used as food throughout the entire country. there are many good sardines, sea-eels, sea-breams (which they call _bacocos_), daces, skates, _bicudas_, _tanguingues_, soles, _plantanos_, [89] _taraquitos_, needle-fish, gilt-heads, and eels; large oysters, mussels, [90] _porçebes_, crawfish, shrimp, sea-spiders, center-fish, and all kinds of cockles, shad, white fish, and in the tajo river of cagayan, [91] during their season, a great number of _bobos_, which come down to spawn at the bar. in the lake of bonbon, a quantity of tunny-fish, not so large as those of españa, but of the same shape, flesh, and taste, are caught. many sea-fish are found in the sea, such as whales, sharks, _caellas_, _marajos_, _bufeos_, and other unknown species of extraordinary forms and size. in the year of five hundred and ninety-six, during a furious storm in the islands, a fish was flung into shallow water on one of the luzon coasts near the province of camarines. it was so huge and misshapen, that although it lay in more than three and one-half braças of water, it could not again get afloat, and died there. the natives said that they had never seen anything like it, nor another shaped like it. its head was of wonderful size and fierce aspect. on its frontal it bore two horns, which pointed toward its back. one of them was taken to manila. it was covered with its skin or hide, but had no hair or scales. it was white, and twenty feet long. where it joined the head it was as thick as the thigh, and gradually tapered proportionally to the tip. it was somewhat curved and not very round; and to all appearances, quite solid. it caused great wonder in all beholders. [92] there is a fresh-water lake in the island of luzon, five leguas from manila, which contains a quantity of fish. many rivers flow into this lake, and it empties into the sea through the river flowing from it to manila. it is called la laguna de bay ["bay lake"]. it is thirty leguas in circumference, and has an uninhabited island in its middle, where game abounds. [93] its shores are lined with many native villages. the natives navigate the lake, and commonly cross it in their skiffs. at times it is quite stormy and dangerous to navigate, when the north winds blow, for these winds make it very boisterous, although it is very deep. twenty leguas from manila, in the province of bonbon, is another lake of the same name [bonbon], not so extensive as the former, but with a great abundance of fish. the natives' method of catching them is by making corrals [94] of bejucos, which are certain slender canes or rushes, solid and very pliant and strong; these are employed for making cables for the natives' boats, as well as other kinds of ropes. they catch the fish inside these corrals, having made the enclosures fast by means of stakes. they also catch the fish in wicker baskets made from the _bejucos_, but most generally with _atarrayas_, [95] _esparaveles_, other small _barrederas_, [96] and with hand lines and hooks. [97] the most usual food of the natives is a fish as small as _pejerreyes_. [98] they dry and cure these fish in the sun and air, and cook them in many styles. they like them better than large fish. it is called _laulau_ among them. [99] instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit, like walnuts, which they call _paos_. [100] some are small, and others larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. they also prepare _charas_ [101] in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetables and greens, which are very appetizing. there is much ginger, and it is eaten green, pickled, and preserved. there are also quantities of _cachumba_ [102] instead of saffron and other condiments. the ordinary dainty throughout these islands, and in many kingdoms of the mainland of those regions, is _buyo_ [betel]. this is made from a tree, [103] whose leaf is shaped like that of the mulberry. the fruit resembles an oak acorn, and is white inside. [104] this fruit, which is called _bonga_, is cut lengthwise in strips, and each strip is put into an envelope or covering made from the leaf. with the _bonga_ is thrown in a powder of quick lime. [105] this compound is placed in the mouth and chewed. it is so strong a mixture, and burns so much, that it induces sleep and intoxication. it burns the mouths of those not used to it, and causes them to smart. the saliva and all the mouth are made as red as blood. it does not taste bad. after having been chewed [106] for a considerable time it is spit out, when it no longer has any juice, which is called çapa [sapá]. they consider very beneficial that quantity of the juice which has gone into the stomach, for strengthening it, and for various diseases. it strengthens and preserves the teeth and gums from all inflammations, decay, and aches. they tell other wonderful effects of it. what has been seen is that the natives and spaniards--laymen and religious, men and women--use it so commonly and generally that mornings and afternoons, at parties and visits, and even alone in their houses, all their refreshments and luxuries consist of buyos served on heavily-gilded and handsomely adorned plates and trays like chocolate in nueva españa. in these poison has been often administered from which the persons eating them have died, and that quite commonly. the natives (especially the chiefs) take whenever they leave their houses, for show and entertainment, their boxes of buyos--which they call _buccetas_ [107]--ready to use, and the leaf, _bonga_, and quick lime, separately. with these handsome boxes, which are made of metal and of other materials, they carry the scissors and other tools for making the buyo with cleanliness and neatness. wherever they may stop, they make and use their buyo. in the pariáns, or bazars, buyos are sold ready made, and the outfit for making them. [108] the natives of these islands quite commonly use as venoms and poisons the herbs of that class found throughout the islands. they are so efficacious and deadly that they produce wonderful effects. there is a lizard, commonly found in the houses, somewhat dark-green in color, one palmo long, and as thick as three fingers, which is called _chacon_. [109] they put this in a joint of bamboo, and cover it up. the slaver of this animal during its imprisonment is gathered. it is an exceedingly strong poison, when introduced as above stated, in the food or drink, in however minute quantities. there are various herbs known and gathered by the natives for the same use. some of them are used dry, and others green; some are to be mixed in food, and others inhaled. some kill by simply touching them with the hands or feet, or by sleeping upon them. the natives are so skilful in making compounds from these substances, that they mix and apply them in such a manner that they take effect at once, or at a set time--long or short, as they wish, even after a year. many persons usually die wretchedly by these means--especially spaniards, who lack foresight, and who are tactless and hated because of the ill-treatment that they inflict upon the natives with whom they deal, either in the collection of their tributes, or in other matters in which they employ them, without there being any remedy for it. there are certain poisonous herbs, with which, when the natives gather them, they carry, all ready, other herbs which act as antidotes. in the island of bohol is one herb of such nature that the natives approach it from windward when they cut it from the shrub on which it grows; for the very air alone that blows over the herb is deadly. nature did not leave this danger without a remedy, for other herbs and roots are found in the same islands, of so great efficacy and virtue that they destroy and correct the poison and mischief of the others, and are used when needed. accordingly, when one knows what poison has been given him, it is not difficult, if recourse be had in time, to cure it, by giving the herb that is antidotal to such poison. at times it has happened that pressure has been put upon the person suspected of having committed the evil to make him bring the antidote, by which it has been remedied. there are also other general antidotes, both for preservation against poison and for mitigating the effects of poison that has been administered. but the most certain and efficacious antidotes are certain small flies or insects, of a violet color, found on certain bushes in the islands of pintados. these are shut up in a clean bamboo joint, and covered over. there they breed and multiply. ground rice is put in with them, and they exist thereon. every week they are visited [110] and the old rice removed and new rice put in, and they are kept alive by this means. if six of these insects are taken in a spoonful of wine or water--for they emit no bad odor, and taste like cress--they produce a wonderful effect. even when people go to banquets or dinners where there is any suspicion, they are wont to take with them these insects, in order to preserve and assure themselves from any danger of poison and venom. all these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines of gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. however, since the advent of the spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited from their ancestors. [111] this is considerable, for he must be poor and wretched who has no gold chains, calombigas [bracelets], and earrings. some placers and mines were worked at paracali in the province of camarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. this commodity is also traded in the ylocos, for at the rear of this province, which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountains which extend as far as cagayan. on the slopes of these mountains, in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom no incursion has been made, who are called ygolotes. these natives possess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. they are wont to dig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. they descend to certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refining or preparation), with the ylocos; there they exchange it for rice, swine, carabaos, cloth, and other things that they need. [112] the ylocos complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium it is distributed throughout the country. although an effort has been made with these ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work them, and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has been learned, for the ygolotes fear that the spaniards will go to seek them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better in the earth than in their houses. [113] there are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands, especially among the pintados, on the botuan river in mindanao, and in sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called taribon. if the industry and efforts of the spaniards were to be converted into the working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one of these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the world. but since they attend to other means of gain rather than to this, as will be told in due time, they do not pay the proper attention to this matter. in some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially in the calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large and exceedingly clear and lustrous. [114] neither is this means of profit utilized. in all parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters, and there are oysters as large as a buckler. from the [shells of the] latter the natives manufacture beautiful articles. there are also very large sea turtles in all the islands. their shells are utilized by the natives, and sold as an article of commerce to the chinese and portuguese, and other nations who go after them and esteem them highly, because of the beautiful things made from them. on the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white snail shells, called _siguei_. the natives gather them and sell them by measure to the siamese, cambodians, pantanes, and other peoples of the mainland. it serves there as money, and those nations trade with it, as they do with cacao-beans in nueva españa. [115] carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with china; and deerskins and dye-wood with japon. the natives make use of everything in trading with those nations and derive much profit therefrom. in this island of luzon, especially in the provinces of manila, panpanga, pangasinan, and ylocos, certain earthenware jars [_tibores_] are found among the natives. they are very old, of a brownish color, and not handsome. some are of medium size, and others are smaller, and they have certain marks and stamps. the natives are unable to give any explanation of where or when they got them, for now they are not brought to the islands or made there. the japanese seek them and esteem them, for they have found that the root of a plant called _cha_ [tea]--which is drunk hot, as a great refreshment and medicine, among the kings and lords of japon--is preserved and keeps only in these tibors. these are so highly valued throughout japon, that they are regarded as the most precious jewels of their closets and household furniture. a tibor is worth a great sum, and the japanese adorn them outside with fine gold beautifully chased, and keep them in brocade cases. some tibors are valued and sold for two thousand taes of eleven reals to the tae, or for less, according to the quality of the tibor. it makes no difference if they are cracked or chipped, for that does not hinder them from holding the tea. the natives of these islands sell them to the japanese for the best price possible, and seek them carefully for this profit. however, few are found now, because of the assiduity with which the natives have applied themselves to that search. [116] at times the natives have found large pieces of ambergris on the coasts. when they discovered that the spaniards value it, they gathered it, and have made profit from it. the past year of six hundred and two, some natives found in the island of sebu a good-sized piece of ambergris, and when their encomendero heard of it, he took it, and traded with them secretly for it, on the account of their tribute. it is said that it weighed a good number of libras. afterward he brought it out and sold it by the ounce at a higher rate. [117] in the province and river of butuan--which is pacified and assigned to spaniards, and is located in the island of mindanao--the natives practice another industry, which is very useful. as they possess many civet cats, although smaller than those of guinea, they make use of the civet and trade it. this they do easily, for, when the moon is in the crescent, they hunt the cats with nets, and capture many of them. then when they have obtained the civet, they loose the cats. they also capture and cage some of them, which are sold in the islands at very low prices. [118] cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. it is spun and sold in the skein to the chinese and other nations, who come to get it. cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and the natives also trade that. other cloths, called medriñaques, are woven from the banana leaf. [119] the islands of babuytanes [120] consist of many small islands lying off the upper coast of the province of cagayan. they are inhabited by natives, whose chief industry consists in going to cagayan, in their tapaques, with swine, fowls, and other food, and ebony spears, for exchange. the islands are not assigned as encomiendas, nor is any tribute collected from them. there are no spaniards among them, as those natives are of less understanding and less civilized [than the others]. accordingly no christians have been made among them, and they have no justices. other islands, called the catenduanes, lie off the other head of the island of luzon, opposite the province of camarines, in fourteen degrees of north latitude, near the strait of espiritu santo. they are islands densely populated with natives of good disposition, who are all assigned to spaniards. they possess instruction and churches, and have an alcalde-mayor who administers justice to them. most of them cultivate the soil, but some are engaged in gold-washing, and in trading between various islands, and with the mainland of luzon, very near those islands. [121] the island of luzon has a bay thirty leguas in circumference on its southern coast, situated about one hundred leguas from the cape of espiritu santo, which is the entrance to the capul channel. its entrance is narrow, and midway contains an island called miraveles [_i.e._, corregidor] lying obliquely across it, which makes the entrance narrow. this island is about two leguas long and one-half legua wide. it is high land and well shaded by its many trees. it contains a native settlement of fifty persons, and there the watchman of the bay has his fixed abode and residence. there are channels at both ends of the island, where one may enter the bay. the one at the south is one-half legua wide, and has a rock in its middle called el fraile ["the friar"]. the one on the north is much narrower, but any ships of any draft whatever can enter and go out by both channels. the entire bay is of good depth, and clean, and has good anchorages in all parts. it is eight leguas from these entrances to the colony of manila and the bar of the river. a large harbor is formed two leguas south of manila, with a point of land that shelters it. that point has a native settlement called cabit, [122] and it gives name to the harbor, which is used as a port for the vessels. it is very capacious and well sheltered from the vendavals--whether the southeast, and southwest, the west, and west-southwest, or the north-northeast and north winds. it has a good anchorage, with a clean and good bottom. there is a good entrance quite near the land, more than one and one-half leguas wide, for the ingress and egress of vessels. all the shores of this bay are well provided with abundant fisheries, of all kinds. they are densely inhabited by natives. above manila there is a province of more than twenty leguas in extent called la pampanga. this province possesses many rivers and creeks that irrigate it. they all flow and empty into the bay. this province contains many settlements of natives, and considerable quantities of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods. [123] the bar of the river of manila, which is in the same bay, near the colony of manila on one side and tondo on the other, is not very deep because of certain sand shoals on it, which change their position at the time of the freshets and obstruct it. consequently, although the water is deep enough for any vessel past the bar, still, unless they are fragatas, vireys, or other small vessels, they cannot pass the bar to enter the river. in respect to galleys, galliots, and the vessels from china, which draw but little water, they must enter empty, and at high tide, and by towing. such vessels anchor in the bay outside the bar, and, for greater security enter the port of cabit. there is another good port called ybalon, [124] twenty leguas from the channel of the same island of luzon, which is sheltered from the vendavals, and has a good entrance and anchorage. there the vessels that enter to escape the vendaval find shelter, and wait until the brisa returns, by which to go to manila, eighty leguas away. on the coasts of pangasinan, ylocos, and cagayan, there are some ports and bars, where ships can enter and remain, such as the harbor of marihuma, [125] the port el frayle ["the friar"], [126] that of bolinao, the bar of pangasinan, that of bigan, the bar of camalayuga, at the mouth of the tajo river (which goes up two leguas to the chief settlement of cagayan)--besides other rivers, bars, harbors, and shelters of less account for smaller vessels throughout the coasts of this island. quite near this large island of luzon, many other islands, large and small, are located; they are inhabited by the same natives as luzon, who have gold placers, sowed fields, and their trading. such are marinduque, tablas island, mazbate, burias, banton, bantonillo, and others of less importance. the nearest of them to manila is the island of mindoro. it is more than eighty leguas long and about two hundred in circumference. it has many settlements of the same natives, and the side lying next the provinces of balayan and calilaya is so near and close to the island of luzon, that it forms a strait which contains powerful currents and races, through which the ships going to and from manila enter and leave. the winds and currents there are very strong. it is about one-half a legua wide. in that part is the chief town of this island of mindoro. it has a port that is called el varadero ["the place for laying up ships"] for large vessels. there are also other anchorages and bars throughout this island for smaller vessels; and many settlements and natives on all the coasts of this island. all of the settlements abound in rice, food, and gold-placers, and all kinds of game and timber. [127] the cape of espiritu santo, which is sighted by ships entering the filipinas islands on the way from nueva españa, is in an island called tendaya, [128] in about thirteen degrees. twenty leguas south after turning this cape of espiritu santo lie the island of viri, and many others which are sighted. through them an entrance opens to the island of sebu by a strait called san juanillo, which is formed by these islands. it is not very good or safe for the larger ships. but toward the north after leaving this course, one reaches the island of capul, which forms a strait and channel of many currents and rough waves, through which the ships enter. before reaching the strait there is a rock, or barren islet, called san bernardino; this strait is formed by the coast of the island of luzon and that of the island of capul. its channel is about one legua long and less wide. on leaving this strait, after having entered by it, three small islets form a triangle. they are called the islands of naranjos ["oranges"], and are lofty and inaccessible with steep rocks. upon them ships are wont to be driven by the powerful currents, even though they try to escape them. these are not inhabited, but the others [capul, viri, etc.] are large islands containing many settlements of natives and all kinds of provisions and food. south of this district lie the islands of biçayas, or, as they are also called, pintados. they are many in number, thickly populated with natives. those of most renown are leite, ybabao, [129] camar [samar], bohol, island of negros, sebu, panay, cuyo, and the calamianes. all the natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured, of a good disposition, and of better nature, and more noble in their actions than the inhabitants of the islands of luzon and its vicinity. they differ from them in their hair, which the men wear cut in a cue, like the ancient style in españa. their bodies are tattooed with many designs, but the face is not touched. [130] they wear large earrings of gold and ivory in their ears, and bracelets of the same; certain scarfs wrapped round the head, very showy, which resemble turbans, and knotted very gracefully and edged with gold. they wear also a loose collarless jacket with tight sleeves, whose skirts reach half way down the leg. these garments are fastened in front and are made of medriñaque and colored silks. they wear no shirts or drawers, but bahaques [_i.e._, breech-clouts] of many wrappings, which cover their privy parts, when they remove their skirts and jackets. the women are good-looking and graceful. they are very neat, and walk slowly. their hair is black, long, and drawn into a knot on the head. their robes are wrapped about the waist and fall downward. these are made of all colors, and they wear collarless jackets of the same material. both men and women go naked and without any coverings, [131] and barefoot, and with many gold chains, earrings, and wrought bracelets. their weapons consist of large knives curved like cutlasses, spears, and caraças [_i.e._, shields]. they employ the same kinds of boats as the inhabitants of luzon. they have the same occupations, products, and means of gain as the inhabitants of all the other islands. these visayans are a race less inclined to agriculture, and are skilful in navigation, and eager for war and raids for pillage and booty, which they call _mangubas_. [132] this means "to go out for plunder." near the principal settlement of the island of sebu, there is a fine port for all manner of vessels. it has a good entrance and furnishes shelter at all times. it has a good bottom and is an excellent anchorage. there are also other ports and bars of less importance and consideration, as in all these islands, for smaller vessels. this island of sebu is an island of more than one hundred leguas in circumference. it has abundance of provisions, and gold mines and placers, and is inhabited by natives. beyond it lie other islands, very pleasant and well populated, especially the island of panay. panay is a large island, more than one hundred leguas in circumference, containing many native settlements. [133] it produces considerable quantities of rice, palm-wine, and all manner of provisions. it has flourishing and wealthy settlements, on what is called the river of panay. the chief one is oton, which has a bar and port for galleys and ships, shipyards for building large ships, and a great amount of timber for their construction. there are many natives, who are masters of all kinds of shipbuilding. near this island lies an islet eight leguas in circumference, which is densely populated by natives who are all carpenters. they are excellent workmen, and practice no other trade or occupation; and, without a single tree of any size on this whole islet, they practice this art with great ability. from there all the islands are furnished with workmen for carpentry. the island is called that of the cagayanes. after the island of sebu follow immediately the island of mindanao, an island of more than three hundred leguas in circumference, and joló, which is small. lower down is the island of borneo, a very large island, more than five hundred leguas in circumference. all of these islands are densely populated, although that of borneo is not subdued. neither is that of mindanao in entirety, but only the river of botuan, dapitan, and the province and coast of caragan. below this island [mindanao], before reaching that of borneo, lie the islands of the calamianes. they are very numerous, and consist of islands of various sizes, which are densely inhabited with natives; they have some supply of provisions and engage in certain kinds of husbandry. however the most usual occupation is that of their navigations from island to island in pursuit of their trading and exchange, and their fisheries; while those who live nearest the island of borneo are wont to go on piratical raids and pillage the natives in other islands. the flowand ebb-tides, and the high and low tides among these islands are so diverse in them that they have no fixed rule, either because of the powerful currents among these islands, or by some other natural secret of the flux and reflux which the moon causes. no definite knowledge has been arrived at in this regard, for although the tides are highest during the opposition of the moon, and are higher in the month of march than throughout the rest of the year, there is so great variation in the daily tides that it causes surprise. some days there are two equal tides between day and night, while other days there is but one. at other times the flow during the day is low, and that of the night greater. they usually have no fixed hour, for it may happen to be high-tide one day at noon, while next day high-tide may be anticipated or postponed many hours. or the tide of one day may be low, and when a smaller one is expected for next day, it may be much greater. the language of all the pintados and biçayas is one and the same, by which they understand one another when talking, or when writing with the letters and characters of their own which they possess. these resemble those of the arabs. the common manner of writing among the natives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark. throughout the islands the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen joints, and lower part is a very thick and solid tree. [134] the language of luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widely from that of the bicayas. [135] the language of the island of luzon is not uniform, for the cagayans have one language and the ylocos another. the zambales have their own particular language, while the pampangos also have one different from the others. the inhabitants of the province of manila, the tagáls, have their own language, which is very rich and copious. by means of it one can express elegantly whatever he wishes, and in many modes and manners. it is not difficult, either to learn or to pronounce. the natives throughout the islands can write excellently with certain characters, almost like the greek or arabic. these characters are fifteen in all. three are vowels, which are used as are our five. the consonants number twelve, and each and all of them combine with certain dots or commas, and so signify whatever one wishes to write, as fluently and easily as is done with our spanish alphabet. the method of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, commencing the lines at the right and running to the left, in the arabic fashion. almost all the natives, both men and women, write in this language. there are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly. this language of the province of manila [_i.e._, the tagál] extends throughout the province of camarines, and other islands not contiguous to luzon. there is but little difference in that spoken in the various districts, except that it is spoken more elegantly in some provinces than in others. [136] the edifices and houses of the natives of all these filipinas islands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements; for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between rivers and creeks. the natives generally gather in districts or settlements where they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa and banana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishing and sailing. a small number inhabit the interior, and are called tinguianes; they also seek sites on rivers and creeks, on which they settle for the same reasons. the houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set upon stakes and _arigues_ [_i.e._, columns] high above the ground. their rooms are small and the roofs low. they are built and tiled with wood and bamboos, [137] and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. each house is separate, and is not built adjoining another. in the lower part are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where their fowls and cattle are reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. one ascends into the houses by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which are made from two bamboos. above are their open _batalanes_ [galleries] used for household duties; the parents and [grown] children live together. there is little adornment and finery in the houses, which are called _bahandin_. [138] besides these houses, which are those of the common people and those of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. they are built upon trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. they are well constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. they are furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much finer and more substantial than the others. they are roofed, however, as are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa. these keep out the water and the sun more than do shingles or tiles, although the danger from fires is greater. the natives do not inhabit the lower part of their houses, because they raise their fowls and cattle there, and because of the damp and heat of the earth, and the many rats, which are enormous and destructive both in the houses and sowed fields; and because, as their houses are generally built on the sea shore, or on the banks of rivers and creeks, the waters bathe the lower parts, and the latter are consequently left open. there were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by the natives themselves. some were more powerful than others, and each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families; and these obeyed and respected the chief. some chiefs had friendship and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. [139] these principalities and lordships were inherited in the male line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. if these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded. their duty was to rule and govern their subjects and followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. what the chiefs received from their followers was to be held by them in great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of their houses. to these duties the natives attended very promptly, whenever summoned by their chief. they also paid the chiefs tribute (which they called _buiz_), in varying quantities, in the crops that they gathered. the descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives, even though they did not inherit the lordship, were held in the same respect and consideration. such were all regarded as nobles, and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others, or the plebeians, who were called _timaguas_. [140] the same right of nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for the men. when any of these chiefs was more courageous than others in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they were chiefs. these latter retained to themselves the lordship and particular government of their own following, which is called _barangai_ among them. they had _datos_ and other special leaders [_mandadores_] who attended to the interests of the barangay. the superiority of these chiefs over those of their barangai was so great that they held the latter as subjects; they treated these well or ill, and disposed of their persons, their children, and their possessions, at will, without any resistance, or rendering account to anyone. for very slight annoyances and for slight occasions, they were wont to kill and wound them, and to enslave them. it has happened that the chiefs have made perpetual slaves of persons who have gone by them, while bathing in the river, or who have raised their eyes to look at them less respectfully and for other similar causes. [141] when some natives had suits or disputes with others over matters of property and interest, or over personal injuries and wrongs received, they appointed old men of the same district, to try them, the parties being present. if they had to present proofs, they brought their witnesses there, and the case was immediately judged according to what was found, according to the usages of their ancestors on like occasions; and that sentence was observed and executed without any further objection or delay. [142] the natives' laws throughout the islands were made in the same manner, and they followed the traditions and customs of their ancestors, without anything being written. some provinces had different customs than others in some respects. however, they agreed in most, and in all the islands generally the same usages were followed. [143] there are three conditions of persons among the natives of these islands, and into which their government is divided: the chiefs, of whom we have already treated; the timaguas, who are equivalent to plebeians; and slaves, those of both chiefs and timaguas. the slaves were of several classes. some were for all kinds of work and slavery, like those which we ourselves hold. such are called _saguiguilires_; [144] they served inside the house, as did likewise the children born of them. there are others who live in their own houses with their families, outside the house of their lord; and come, at the season, to aid him in his sowings and harvests, among his rowers when he embarks, in the construction of his house when it is being built, and to serve in his house when there are guests of distinction. these are bound to come to their lord's house whenever he summons them, and to serve in these offices without any pay or stipend. these slaves are called _namamahays_, [145] and their children and descendants are slaves of the same class. from these slaves--_saguiguilirs_ and _namamahays_--are issue, some of whom are whole slaves, some of whom are half slaves, and still others one-fourth slaves. it happens thus: if either the father or the mother was free, and they had an only child, he was half free and half slave. if they had more than one child, they were divided as follows: the first follows the condition of the father, free or slave; the second that of the mother. if there were an odd number of children, the last was half free and half slave. those who descended from these, if children of a free mother or father, were only one-fourth slaves, because of being children of a free father or mother and of a half-slave. these half slaves or one-fourth slaves, whether saguiguilirs or namamahays, served their masters during every other moon; and in this respect so is such condition slavery. in the same way, it may happen in divisions between heirs that a slave will fall to several, and serves each one for the time that is due him. when the slave is not wholly slave, but half or fourth, he has the right, because of that part that is free, to compel his master to emancipate him for a just price. this price is appraised and regulated for persons according to the quality of their slavery, whether it be saguiguilir or namamahay, half slave or quarter slave. but, if he is wholly slave, the master cannot be compelled to ransom or emancipate him for any price. the usual price of a sanguiguilir slave among the natives is, at most, generally ten taes of good gold, or eighty pesos; if he is namamahay, half of that sum. the others are in the same proportion, taking into consideration the person and his age. no fixed beginning can be assigned as the origin of these kinds of slavery among these natives, because all the slaves are natives of the islands, and not strangers. it is thought that they were made in their wars and quarrels. the most certain knowledge is that the most powerful made the others slaves, and seized them for slight cause or occasion, and many times for loans and usurious contracts which were current among them. the interest, capital, and debt, increased so much with delay that the borrowers became slaves. consequently all these slaveries have violent and unjust beginnings; and most of the suits among the natives are over these, and they occupy the judges in the exterior court with them, and their confessors in that of conscience. [146] these slaves comprise the greatest wealth and capital of the natives of these islands, for they are very useful to them and necessary for the cultivation of their property. they are sold, traded, and exchanged among them, just as any other mercantile article, from one village to another, from one province to another, and likewise from one island to another. therefore, and to avoid so many suits as would occur if these slaveries were examined, and their origin and source ascertained, they are preserved and held as they were formerly. the marriages of these natives, commonly and generally were, and are: chiefs with women chiefs; timaguas with those of that rank; and slaves with those of their own class. but sometimes these classes intermarry with one another. they considered one woman, whom they married, as the legitimate wife and the mistress of the house; and she was styled _ynasaba_. [147] those whom they kept besides her they considered as friends. the children of the first were regarded as legitimate and whole heirs of their parents; the children of the others were not so regarded, and were left something by assignment, but they did not inherit. the dowry was furnished by the man, being given by his parents. the wife furnished nothing for the marriage, until she had inherited it from her parents. the solemnity of the marriage consisted in nothing more than the agreement between the parents and relatives of the contracting parties, the payment of the dowry agreed upon to the father of the bride, [148] and the assembling at the wife's parents' house of all the relatives to eat and drink until they would fall down. at night the man took the woman to his house and into his power, and there she remained. these marriages were annulled and dissolved for slight cause, with the examination and judgment of the relatives of both parties, and of the old men, who acted as mediators in the affairs. at such a time the man took the dowry (which they call _vigadicaya_), [149] unless it happened that they separated through the husband's fault; for then it was not returned to him, and the wife's parents kept it. the property that they had acquired together was divided into halves, and each one disposed of his own. if one made any profits in which the other did not have a share or participate, he acquired it for himself alone. the indians were adopted one by another, in presence of the relatives. the adopted person gave and delivered all his actual possessions to the one who adopted him. thereupon he remained in his house and care, and had a right to inherit with the other children. [150] adulteries were not punishable corporally. if the adulterer paid the aggrieved party the amount adjudged by the old men and agreed upon by them, then the injury was pardoned, and the husband was appeased and retained his honor. he would still live with his wife and there would be no further talk about the matter. in inheritances all the legitimate children inherited equally from their parents whatever property they had acquired. if there were any movable or landed property which they had received from their parents, such went to the nearest relatives and the collateral side of that stock, if there were no legitimate children by an ynasaba. this was the case either with or without a will. in the act of drawing a will, there was no further ceremony than to have written it or to have stated it orally before acquaintances. if any chief was lord of a barangai, then in that case, the eldest son of an ynasaba succeeded him. if he died, the second son succeeded. if there were no sons, then the daughters succeeded in the same order. if there were no legitimate successors, the succession went to the nearest relative belonging to the lineage and relationship of the chief who had been the last possessor of it. if any native who had slave women made concubines of any of them, and such slave woman had children, those children were free, as was the slave. but if she had no children, she remained a slave. [151] these children by a slave woman, and those borne by a married woman, were regarded as illegitimate, and did not succeed to the inheritance with the other children, neither were the parents obliged to leave them anything. even if they were the sons of chiefs, they did not succeed to the nobility or chieftainship of the parents, nor to their privileges, but they remained and were reckoned as plebeians and in the number and rank of the other timaguas. the contracts and negotiations of these natives were generally illegal, each one paying attention to how he might better his own business and interest. loans with interest were very common and much practiced, and the interest incurred was excessive. the debt doubled and increased all the time while payment was delayed, until it stripped the debtor of all his possessions, and he and his children, when all their property was gone, became slaves. [152] their customary method of trading was by bartering one thing for another, such as food, cloth, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fishing-grounds, and palm-trees (both nipa and wild). sometimes a price intervened, which was paid in gold, as agreed upon, or in metal bells brought from china. these bells they regard as precious jewels; they resemble large pans and are very sonorous. [153] they play upon these at their feasts, and carry them to the war in their boats instead of drums and other instruments. there are often delays and terms for certain payments, and bondsmen who intervene and bind themselves, but always with very usurious and excessive profits and interests. crimes were punished by request of the aggrieved parties. especially were thefts punished with greater severity, the robbers being enslaved or sometimes put to death. [154] the same was true of insulting words, especially when spoken to chiefs. they had among themselves many expressions and words which they regarded as the highest insult, when said to men and women. these were pardoned less willingly and with greater difficulty than was personal violence, such as wounding and assaulting. [155] concubinage, rape, and incest, were not regarded at all, unless committed by a timagua on the person of a woman chief. it was a quite ordinary practice for a married man to have lived a long time in concubinage with the sister of his wife. even before having communication with his wife he could have had access for a long time to his mother-in-law, especially if the bride were very young, and until she were of sufficient age. this was done in sight of all the relatives. single men are called _bagontaos_, [156] and girls of marriageable age, _dalagas_. both classes are people of little restraint, and from early childhood they have communication with one another, and mingle with facility and little secrecy, and without this being regarded among the natives as a cause for anger. neither do the parents, brothers, or relatives, show any anger, especially if there is any material interest in it, and but little is sufficient with each and all. as long as these natives lived in their paganism, it was not known that they had fallen into the abominable sin against nature. but after the spaniards had entered their country, through communication with them--and still more, through that with the sangleys, who have come from china, and are much given to that vice--it has been communicated to them somewhat, both to men and to women. in this matter it has been necessary to take action. the natives of the islands of pintados, especially the women, are very vicious and sensual. their perverseness has discovered lascivious methods of communication between men and women; and there is one to which they are accustomed from their youth. the men skilfully make a hole in their virile member near its head, and insert therein a serpent's head, either of metal or ivory, and fasten it with a peg of the same material passed through the hole, so that it cannot become unfastened. with this device, they have communication with their wives, and are unable to withdraw until a long time after copulation. they are very fond of this and receive much pleasure from it, so that, although they shed a quantity of blood, and receive other harm, it is current among them. these devices are called _sagras,_ and there are very few of them, because since they have become christians, strenuous efforts are being made to do away with these, and not consent to their use; and consequently the practice has been checked in great part. [157] herbalists and witches are common among these natives, but are not punished or prohibited among them, so long as they do not cause any special harm. but seldom could that be ascertained or known. there were also men whose business was to ravish and take away virginity from young girls. these girls were taken to such men, and the latter were paid for ravishing them, for the natives considered it a hindrance and impediment if the girls were virgins when they married. in matters of religion, the natives proceeded more barbarously and with greater blindness than in all the rest. for besides being pagans, without any knowledge of the true god, they neither strove to discover him by way of reason, nor had any fixed belief. the devil usually deceived them with a thousand errors and blindnesses. he appeared to them in various horrible and frightful forms, and as fierce animals, so that they feared him and trembled before him. they generally worshiped him, and made images of him in the said forms. these they kept in caves and private houses, where they offered them perfumes and odors, and food and fruit, calling them _anitos_. [158] others worshiped the sun and the moon, and made feasts and drunken revels at the conjunction of those bodies. some worshiped a yellow-colored bird that dwells in their woods, called _batala_. they generally worship and adore the crocodiles when they see them, by kneeling down and clasping their hands, because of the harm that they receive from those reptiles; they believe that by so doing the crocodiles will become appeased and leave them. their oaths, execrations, and promises are all as above mentioned, namely, "may _buhayan_ eat thee, if thou dost not speak truth, or fulfil what thou hast promised," and similar things. there were no temples throughout those islands, nor houses generally used for the worship of idols; but each person possessed and made in his house his own _anitos_, [159] without any fixed rite or ceremony. they had no priests or religious to attend to religious affairs, except certain old men and women called _catalonas_. these were experienced witches and sorcerers, who kept the other people deceived. the latter communicated to these sorcerers their desires and needs, and the catalonas told them innumerable extravagancies and lies. the catalonas uttered prayers and performed other ceremonies to the idols for the sick; and they believed in omens and superstitions, with which the devil inspired them, whereby they declared whether the patient would recover or die. such were their cures and methods, and they used various kinds of divinations for all things. all this was with so little aid, apparatus, or foundation--which god permitted, so that the preaching of the holy gospel should find those of that region better prepared for it, and so that those natives would confess the truth more easily, and it would be less difficult to withdraw them from their darkness, and the errors in which the devil kept them for so many years. they never sacrificed human beings as is done in other kingdoms. they believed that there was a future life where those who had been brave and performed valiant feats would be rewarded; while those who had done evil would be punished. but they did not know how or where this would be. [160] they buried their dead in their own houses, and kept their bodies and bones for a long time in chests. they venerated the skulls of the dead as if they were living and present. their funeral rites did not consist of pomp or assemblages, beyond those of their own house--where, after bewailing the dead, all was changed into feasting and drunken revelry among all the relatives and friends. [161] a few years before the spaniards subdued the island of luzon, certain natives of the island of borneo began to go thither to trade, especially to the settlement of manila and tondo; and the inhabitants of the one island intermarried with those of the other. these borneans are mahometans, and were already introducing their religion among the natives of luzon, and were giving them instructions, ceremonies, and the form of observing their religion, by means of certain _gazizes_ [162] whom they brought with them. already a considerable number, and those the chiefest men, were commencing, although by piecemeal, to become moros, and were being circumcised [163] and taking the names of moros. had the spaniards' coming been delayed longer, that religion would have spread throughout the island, and even through the others, and it would have been difficult to extirpate it. the mercy of god checked it in time; for, because of being in so early stages, it was uprooted from the islands, and they were freed from it, that is, in all that the spaniards have pacified, and that are under the government of the filipinas. that religion has spread and extended very widely in the other islands outside of this government, so that now almost all of their natives are mahometan moros, and are ruled and instructed by their _gaçizes_ and other _morabitos_; [164] these often come to preach to and teach them by way of the strait of ma[la]ca and the red sea, through which they navigate to reach these islands. the arrival of the spaniards in these filipinas islands, since the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, the pacification and conversion that has been made therein, their mode of governing, and the provisions of his majesty during these years for their welfare, have caused innovations in many things, such as are usual to kingdoms and provinces that change their religion and sovereign. the foremost has been that, besides the name of filipinas which all the islands took and received from the beginning of their conquest, they belong to a new kingdom and seigniory to which his majesty, filipo second, our sovereign, gave the name of nuevo reyno de castilla ["new kingdom of castilla"]. by his royal concession, he made the city of manila capital of it, and gave to it as a special favor, among other things, a crowned coat-of-arms which was chosen and assigned by his royal person. this is an escutcheon divided across. in the upper part is a castle on a red field, and in the lower a lion of gold, crowned and rampant, holding a naked sword in its right paw. one-half of the body is in the form of a dolphin upon the waters of the sea, to signify that the spaniards crossed the sea with their arms to conquer this kingdom for the crown of castilla. [165] the city of manila was founded by the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi, first governor of the filipinas, in the island of luzon. it occupies the same site where rajamora had his settlement and fort--as has been related more at length--at the mouth of the river which empties into the bay, on a point between the river and the sea. the whole site was occupied by this new settlement, and legazpi apportioned it to the spaniards in equal building-lots. it was laid out with well-arranged streets and squares, straight and level. a sufficiently large main square [_plaza mayor_] was left, fronting which were erected the cathedral church and municipal buildings. he left another square, that of arms [_plaza de armas_], fronting which was built the fort, as well as the royal buildings. he gave sites for the monasteries, [166] hospital, and chapels which were to be built, as being a city which was to grow and increase continually--as already it has done; for, in the course of the time that has passed, that city has flourished as much as the best of all the cities in those regions. the city is completely surrounded with a stone wall, which is more than two and one-half varas wide, and in places more than three. it has small towers and traverses at intervals. [167] it has a fortress of hewn stone at the point that guards the bar and the river, with a ravelin close to the water, upon which are mounted some large pieces of artillery. this artillery commands the sea and river, while other pieces are mounted farther up to defend the bar, besides some other moderate-sized field-pieces and swivel-guns. these fortifications have their vaults for storing supplies and munitions, and a magazine for the powder, which is well guarded and situated in the inner part; and a copious well of fresh water. there are also quarters for the soldiers and artillerymen, and the house of the commandant [alcayde]. the city has been lately fortified on the land side at the plaza de armas, where it is entered by a strong wall and two salient towers, defended with artillery, which command the wall and gate. this fortress is called santiago, and has a company of thirty soldiers with their officers, and eight artillerymen who guard the gate and entrance by watches--all in charge of a commandant who lives inside, and has the guard and custody of the fort. there is another fortress, also of stone, in the same wall, within culverin range, located at the end [168] of the curtain, which extends along the shore of the bay. it is called nuestra señora de guia, and is a very large round tower. it has its own court, well, and quarters inside, as well as the magazine, and other rooms for work. it has a traverse extending to the beach, on which are mounted a dozen large and moderate-sized pieces, which command the bay and sweep the wall, which extends along the shore to the gate and to the fort of santiago. on the other side the fortress has a large salient tower, mounted with four large pieces, which command the shore ahead in the direction of the chapel of nuestra señora de guia. the gate and entrance is within the city and is guarded by a company of twenty soldiers and their officers, six artillerymen, and one commandant and his lieutenant, who live inside. on the land side, where the wall extends, there is a rampart called sant andres, which mounts six pieces of artillery that command in all directions, and some swivel-guns. farther on is another traverse called san gabriel, opposite the parián of the sangleys, with a like amount of artillery. both have some soldiers and an ordinary guard. the wall has a sufficient height, and is furnished with battlements and turrets, built in the modern style, for its defense. it has a circuit of about one legua, which can be made entirely on top. it has many broad steps of the same hewn stone, at intervals inside. there are three principal city gates on the land side, and many other posterns opening at convenient places on the river and beach, for the service of the city. each and all of them are locked before nightfall by the ordinary patrols. these carry the keys to the guard-room of the royal buildings. in the morning when day comes, the patrols return with the keys and open the city. [169] the royal arsenals front on the plaza de armas. in them are kept and guarded all the supplies of ammunition, food, rigging, iron, copper, lead, artillery, arquebuses, and other things belonging to the royal estate. they have their own officers and workmen, and are placed in charge of the royal officials. near these arsenals is located the powder-house, with its master, workmen, and convicts, where powder is generally ground in thirty mortars, and that which is spoiled is refined. [170] the building for the founding of artillery is located on a suitable site in another part of the city. it has its molds, ovens, and tools, founders, and workmen who work it. [171] the royal buildings are very beautiful and sightly, and contain many rooms. they have many windows opening toward the sea and the plaza de armas. they are all built of stone and have two courts, with upper and lower galleries raised on stout pillars. the governor and president lives inside with his family. there is a hall for the royal audiencia, which is very large and stately; also a separate chapel, a room for the royal seal, [172] and offices for the scriveners of the audiencia, and the government. there are also other apartments for the royal treasury and the administration of the royal officials, while a large porch opens on the street with two principal doors, where the guardroom is located. there is one company of regular arquebusiers, who come in daily with their banners to stand guard. opposite, on the other side of the street, is another edifice for the royal treasury and those in charge of it. [173] the houses of the cabildo, located on the square, are built of stone. they are very sightly and have handsome halls. on the ground floor is the prison, and the court of the alcaldes-in-ordinary. [174] on the same square is situated the cathedral church. it is built of hewn stone, and has three naves, and its main chapel, and choir, with high and low seats. the choir is shut in by railings, and has its organ, missal-stands, and other necessary things. the cathedral has also its sacristan [175] and his apartments and offices. within the city is the monastery of st. augustine. it is very large and has many dormitories, a refectory and kitchens. they are now completing a church, which is one of the most sumptuous in those districts. this convent has generally fifty religious. [176] the monastery of st. dominic is inside the walls. it contains about forty religious. it was built of stone, and was very well constructed. it has a church, house, and all offices. it has lately been rebuilt, and much better; for it was completely destroyed in the burning of the city in the year six hundred and three. the monastery of st. francis is farther on. it is well constructed of stone, and its church is being rebuilt. it contains about forty discalced religious. the residence [_colegio_] of the society of jesus is established near the fortress of nuestra señora de guia. it contains twenty religious of their order, and is an excellent stone house and church. there they study latin, the arts, and cases of conscience. connected with them is a seminary and convictorio [177] for spanish scholars, with their rector. these students wear gowns of tawny-colored frieze with red facings. [178] in another part of the city stands a handsome house, walled in, with its stone church, called san andres and santa potenciana. it is a royal foundation, and a rectoress lives there. it has a revolving entrance and a parlor, and the rectoress has other confidential assistants; and there shelter is given to needy women and girls of the city, in the form of religious retirement. some of the girls leave the house to be married, while others remain there permanently. it has its own house for work, and its choir. his majesty assists them with a portion of their maintenance; the rest is provided by their own industry and property. they have their own steward and their priest, who administers the sacraments to them. [179] in another part is the royal hospital for spaniards, with its physician, apothecary, surgeons, managers, and servants. it and its church are built of stone; and it has its sick rooms and the bed service. in it all the spaniards are treated. it is usually quite full; it is under the royal patronage. his majesty provides the most necessary things for it. three discalced religious of st. francis act there as superintendents, and they prove very advantageous for the corporal and spiritual relief of the sick. it was burned in the conflagration of the former year six hundred and three, and is now being rebuilt. there is another charitable hospital in charge of the confraternity of that name. it was founded in the city of manila by the confraternity of la misericordia of lisboa, and by the other confraternities of india. [180] it has apostolic bulls for works of charity, such as burying the dead, supporting the modest poor, marrying orphans, and relieving many necessities. there the slaves of the city are treated, and lodgings are likewise provided for poor women. next to the monastery of st. francis is located the hospital for natives, [181] which is under royal patronage. it was founded with alms, by a holy lay-brother of st. francis, one fray joan clemente. a great many natives, suffering from all diseases, are treated there with great care and attention. it has a good edifice and workrooms built of stone. the discalced religious of st. francis manage it; and three priests and four lay-brothers, of exemplary life, live there. these are the physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries of the hospital, and are so skilful and useful, that they cause many marvelous cures, both in medicine and in surgery. the streets of the city are compactly built up with houses, mostly of stone, although some are of wood. many are roofed with clay tiling, and others with nipa. they are excellent edifices, lofty and spacious, and have large rooms and many windows, and balconies, with iron gratings, that embellish them. more are daily being built and finished. there are about six hundred houses within the walls, and a greater number, built of wood, in the suburbs; and all are the habitations and homes of spaniards. the streets, squares, and churches are generally filled with people of all classes, especially spaniards--all, both men and women, clad and gorgeously adorned in silks. they wear many ornaments and all kinds of fine clothes, because of the ease with which these are obtained. consequently this is one of the settlements most highly praised, by the foreigners who resort to it, of all in the world, both for the above reason, and for the great provision and abundance of food and other necessaries for human life found there, and sold at moderate prices. manila has two drives for recreation. one is by land, along the point called nuestra señora de guia. it extends for about a legua along the shore, and is very clean and level. thence it passes through a native street and settlement, called bagunbayan, to a chapel, much frequented by the devout, called nuestra señora de guia, and continues for a goodly distance further to a monastery and mission-house of the augustinians, called mahalat. [182] the other drive extends through one of the city gates to a native settlement, called laguio, by which one may go to a chapel of san anton, and to a monastery and mission-house of discalced franciscans, a place of great devotion, near the city, called la candelaria. [183] this city is the capital of the kingdom and the head of the government of all the islands. it is the metropolis of the other cities and settlements of the islands. in it reside the audiencia and chancillería of his majesty, and the governor and captain-general of the islands. [184] manila has a city cabildo with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, twelve perpetual regidors, an alguaçil-mayor [_i.e._, chief constable], a royal standard-bearer, the scrivener of the cabildo, and other officials. the archbishop of the filipinas islands resides in this city. he has his metropolitan church, and all the cathedral dignitaries--canons, racioneros, medias racioneros, [185] chaplains, and sacristans--and a music-choir, who chant to the accompaniment of the organ and of flutes [_ministriles_]. the cathedral is quite ornate and well decorated, and the divine offices are celebrated there with the utmost gravity and ceremony. as suffragans the cathedral has three bishops--namely, in the island of sebu, and in cagayan and camarines. [186] there is a royal treasury with three royal officials--factor, accountant, and treasurer--by whom the royal revenue of all the islands is managed. [187] the vessels sailing annually to nueva españa with the merchandise and investments of all the islands are despatched from the city of manila; and they return thither from nueva españa with the proceeds of this merchandise, and the usual reënforcements. in the city is established the camp of the regular soldiers whom his majesty has had stationed in the islands. several galleys are also stationed at manila with their general and captains, as well as other war-vessels, of deep draft, and smaller ones built like those used by the natives, to attend to the needs of all the islands. the majority of the vessels from china, japon, maluco, borney, sian, malaca, and india, that come to the filipinas with their merchandise and articles of trade, gather in the bay and river of manila. in that city they sell and trade for all the islands and their settlements. in the province [of cagayán] of this same island of luzon was founded the city of segovia, [188] during the term of don gonçalo ronquillo, the third governor. it has two hundred spanish inhabitants who live in wooden houses on the shore of the tajo river, two leguas from the sea and port of camalayuga. there is a stone fort near the city for the defense of it and of the river. this fort mounts some artillery, and has its own commandant. besides the inhabitants, there are generally one hundred regular soldiers, arquebusiers, and their officers. they are all in charge and under command of the alcalde-mayor of the province, who is its military commander. in that city is established a bishop and his church, although at present the latter has no dignitaries or prebendaries. [189] there is a city cabildo consisting of two alcaldes, six regidors, and an alguacil-mayor. the city abounds in all kinds of food and refreshment at very cheap prices. the city of caçeres was founded in the province of camarines of the same island of luzon, during the term of doctor sande, governor of the filipinas. it has about one hundred spanish inhabitants; and has its cabildo, consisting of alcaldes, regidors, and officials. a bishop of that province is established there and has his church, although without dignitaries or prebendaries. a monastery of discalced franciscans is located there. the government and military affairs of that province are under one alcalde-mayor and war-captain, who resides in caçeres. the latter is a place abounding in and furnished with all kinds of provisions, at very low rates. it is founded on the bank of a river, four leguas inland from the sea, and its houses are of wood. the fourth city is that called santisimo nombre de jesus; it is located in the island of sebu, in the province of bicayas or pintados. it was the first spanish settlement and was founded by the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi, the first governor. it is a fine seaport, whose water is very clear and deep, and capable of holding many vessels. the city has an excellent stone fort, which mounts a considerable quantity of artillery, and which has its commandant and officers for the guard and defense of the port and of the city. it is sufficiently garrisoned with regulars, and is under command of the alcalde-mayor, the military commander of the province, who lives in the city. the settlement contains about two hundred spanish inhabitants who live in houses of wood. it has a cabildo, consisting of two alcaldes-in-ordinary, eight regidors, and an alguacil-mayor and his officers. it has a bishop and his church, like those of other cities of these islands, without prebendaries. [190] the city is provided with food by, and is a station for, the ships going from maluco to manila. through his majesty's concession they keep there a deep-draft merchant vessel, which generally leaves its port for nueva españa, laden with the merchandise of the products gathered in those provinces. it has a monastery of augustinian religious and a seminary of the society of jesus. the town of arevalo was founded on the island of oton [panay], during the term of don gonçalo ronquillo. [191] it contains about eighty spanish inhabitants, and is located close to the sea. it has a wooden fort, which mounts some artillery, and a monastery of the order of st. augustine; also a parish church, with its own vicar and secular priest. this church belongs to the diocese of the sebu bishopric. it has a cabildo, consisting of alcaldes, regidors, and other officials. there is one alcalde-mayor and military leader in those provinces. the town is well supplied with all kinds of provisions, sold at very low rates. the settlement of villa fernandina, [192] which was founded in the province of the ilocos on the island of luzon, is settled by spaniards, but very few of them remain there. it has a church, with its own vicar and secular priest. now no mention will be made of it, on account of what has been said. the alcalde-mayor of the province resides there, and the town is situated in the diocese of the cagayan bishopric. from the earliest beginning of the conquest and pacification of the filipinas islands, the preaching of the holy gospel therein and the conversion of the natives to our holy catholic faith were undertaken. the first to set hand to this task were the religious of the order of st. augustine, who went there with the adelantado legazpi in the fleet of discovery, and those of the same order who went afterward to labor in this work, and toiled therein with great fervor and zeal. thus, finding the harvest in good season, they gathered the first fruits of it, and converted and baptized many infidels throughout the said islands. [193] next to them in the fame of this conversion, the discalced religious of the order of st. francis went to the islands by way of nueva españa; then those of the order of st. dominic, and of the society of jesus. [194] lastly, the discalced augustinian recollects went. one and all, after being established in the islands, worked in the conversion and instruction of the natives. consequently they have made--and there are now in all the islands--a great number of baptized natives, besides many others in many parts, who, for want of laborers, have been put off, and are awaiting this blessing and priests to minister to them. hitherto there have been but few missions in charge of secular priests, as not many of these have gone to the islands; and as very few have been ordained there, for lack of students. the order of st. augustine has many missions in the islands of pintados and has established and occupied monasteries and various visitas. [195] in the island of luzon, they have those of the province of ylocos, some in pangasinan, and all those of la pampanga--a large number of monasteries; while in the province of manila and its vicinity they have others, which are flourishing. the order of st. dominic has the missions of the province of cagayan, and others in the province of pangasinan, where are many monasteries and visitas. they also administer others about the city. the order of st. francis has some missions and monasteries about manila, all the province of camarines and the coast opposite, and la laguna de bay. these include many missions. the society of jesus has three large missions in the neighborhood of manila, which have many visitas. in the pintados it has many others on the islands of sebu, leite, ybabao, camar [samar], bohol, and others near by. they have good men, who are solicitous for the conversion of the natives. these four orders have produced many good results in the conversion of these islands, as above stated; and in good sooth the people have taken firm hold of the faith, as they are a people of so good understanding. they have recognized the errors of their paganism and the truths of the christian religion; and they possess good and well-built churches and monasteries of wood with their reredoses and beautiful ornaments, and all the utensils, crosses, candlesticks, and chalices of silver and gold. many devotions are offered, and there are many confraternities. there is assiduity in taking the sacraments and in attendance on the divine services; and the people are careful to entertain and support their religious (to whom they show great obedience and respect) by the many alms that they give them, as well as by those that they give for the suffrages and the burial of their dead, which they provide with all punctuality and liberality. at the same time that the religious undertook to teach the natives the precepts of religion, they labored to instruct them in matters of their own improvement, and established schools for the reading and writing of spanish among the boys. they taught them to serve in the church, to sing the plain-song, and to the accompaniment of the organ; to play the flute, to dance, and to sing; and to play the harp, guitar, and other instruments. in this they show very great adaptability, especially about manila; where there are many fine choirs of chanters and musicians composed of natives, who are skilful and have good voices. there are many dancers, and musicians on the other instruments which solemnize and adorn the feasts of the most holy sacrament, and many other feasts during the year. the native boys present dramas and comedies, both in spanish and in their own language, very charmingly. this is due to the care and interest of the religious, who work tirelessly for the natives' advancement. [196] in these islands there is no native province or settlement which resists conversion or does not desire it. but, as above stated, baptism has been postponed in some districts, for lack of workers to remain with the people, in order that they may not retrograde and return to their idolatries. in this work, the best that is possible is done, for the mission-fields are very large and extensive. in many districts the religious make use, in their visitas, of certain of the natives who are clever and well instructed, so that these may teach the others to pray daily, instruct them in other matters touching religion, and see that they come to mass at the central missions; and in this way they succeed in preserving and maintaining their converts. hitherto, the orders who control these missions in virtue of the _omnimodo_ and other apostolic concessions [197] have attended to the conversion of the natives, administered the sacraments, looked after the spiritual and temporal and ecclesiastical affairs of the natives, and absolved them in cases of difficulty. but now that there are an archbishop and bishops, this is being curtailed, and the management of these affairs is being given to the bishops, as the archbishop's vicars--although not to such an extent, nor has the administration of these natives been placed in their charge, in matters of justice, and under the inspection and superintendence of the bishops, as they have endeavored to obtain. [198] the governor and royal audiencia of manila attend to what it is advisable to provide and direct for the greatest accomplishment and advancement of this conversion, and the administration of the natives and their missions--both by causing the encomenderos to assist the religious and churches, in the encomiendas that they enjoy, with the stipends and necessary expenses of the missions; and by furnishing from the royal revenues what pertains to it, which is no less a sum. [199] they also ordain whatever else is required to be provided and remedied for the said missions and for the advancement of the natives. this also is attended to by the archbishop and the bishops in what pertains to them in their duty and charge as pastors. the holy office of the inquisition, residing in mexico of nueva españa, has its commissaries, servants, and helpers in manila and in the bishoprics of the islands, who attend to matters touching the holy office. they never fail to have plenty to do there because of the entrance of so many strangers into those districts. however, this holy tribunal does not have jurisdiction of the causes pertaining to the natives, as the latter are so recently converted. all these islands are subdued, and are governed from manila by means of alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and lieutenants, each of whom rules and administers justice in his own district and province. appeals from their acts and sentences go to the royal audiencia. the governor and captain-general provides what pertains to government and war. the chiefs, who formerly held the other natives in subjection, now have no power over them in the tyrannical manner of former days. this was not the least benefit received by these natives in having been freed from such servitude. however, it is true that matters touching the slavery of former days have remained on the same footing as before. the king our sovereign has ordered by his decrees that the honors of the chiefs be preserved to them as such; and that the other natives recognize them and assist them with certain of the labors that they used to give when pagans. this is done with the lords and possessors of barangays, and those belonging to such and such a barangay are under that chief's control. when he harvests his rice, they go one day to help him; and the same if he builds a house, or rebuilds one. this chief lord of a barangay collects tribute from his adherents, and takes charge of these collections, to pay them to the encomendero. [200] besides the above, each village has a governor [201] who is elected. he and his constables who are called _vilangos_ [202] comprise the usual magistracy among the natives. the governor hears civil suits where a moderate sum is involved; in appeal, the case goes to the corregidor or alcalde-mayor of the province. these governors are elected annually by the votes of all the married natives of such and such a village. the governor of manila confirms the election, and gives the title of governor to the one elected, and orders him to take the residencia of the outgoing governor. [203] this governor, in addition to the vilangos and scrivener (before whom he makes his acts in writing, in the language of the natives of that province), [204] holds also the chiefs--lords of barangays, and those who are not so--under his rule and government, and, for any special service, such as collections of tributes, and assignments of personal services, as his _datos_ and _mandones_. [205] they do not allow the chiefs to oppress the timaguas or slaves under their control. the same customs observed by these natives in their paganism, are observed by them since they have become christians, in so far as they are not contrary to natural law, especially as to their slavery, successions, inheritances, adoptions, wills, and lawful trading. in their suits, they always allege and prove the custom, and are judged by it, according to royal decrees to that effect. in other causes which do not involve their customs, and in criminal cases, the matter is determined by law as among spaniards. all of these islands and their natives, so far as they were pacified, were apportioned into encomiendas from the beginning. to the royal crown were allotted those which were chief towns and ports, and the dwellers of the cities and towns; and also other special encomiendas and villages in all the provinces, for the necessities and expenses of the royal estate. all the rest was assigned to the conquerors and settlers who have served and labored for the conquest and pacification, and in the war. this matter is in charge of the governor, who takes into consideration the merits and services of the claimants. [206] in like manner the villages that become vacant are assigned. there are many very excellent encomiendas throughout the islands, and they offer many profits, both by the amount of their tributes and by the nature and value of what is paid as tribute. [207] the encomienda lasts, according to the royal laws and decrees, and by the regular order and manner of succession to them, for two lives; but it may be extended to a third life, by permission. after it becomes vacant, it is again assigned and granted anew. the tributes paid to their encomenderos by the natives were assigned by the first governor, miguel lopez de legazpi, in the provinces of vicayas and pintados, and in the islands of luzon and its vicinity; they were equal to the sum of eight reals annually for an entire tribute from each tributario. the natives were to pay it in their products--in gold, cloth, cotton, rice, bells, fowls, and whatever else they possessed or harvested. the fixed price and value of each article was assigned so that, when the tribute was paid in any one of them, or in all of them, it should not exceed the value of the eight reals. so it has continued until now, and the governors have increased the appraisements and values of the products at different times, as they have deemed advisable. the encomenderos have made great profits in collecting in kind, for, after they acquired possession of the products, they sold them at higher prices. by this they increased their incomes and the proceeds of their encomiendas considerably; until a few years ago his majesty, by petition of the religious and the pressure that they brought to bear on him in this matter, ordered for this region that the natives should pay their tribute in whatever they wished--in kind or in money--without being compelled to do otherwise. consequently, when they should have paid their eight reals, they would have fulfilled their obligation. accordingly this rule was initiated; but experience demonstrates that, although it seemed a merciful measure, and one favorable to the natives, it is doing them great injury. for, since they naturally dislike to work, they do not sow, spin, dig gold, rear fowls, or raise other food supplies, as they did before, when they had to pay the tribute in those articles. they easily obtain, without so much work, the peso of money which is the amount of their tribute. consequently it follows that the natives have less capital and wealth, because they do not work; and the country, which was formerly very well provided and well-supplied with all products, is now suffering want and deprivation of them. the owners of the encomiendas, both those of his majesty and those of private persons who possess them, have sustained considerable loss and reduction in the value of the encomiendas. when gomez perez dasmariñas was appointed governor of the filipinas, he brought royal decrees ordering the formation of the camp in manila, with an enrollment of four hundred paid soldiers, with their officers, galleys, and other military supplies, for the defense and security of the country. before that time all the spanish inhabitants had attended to that without any pay. then an increase of two reals to each tributario over the eight reals was ordered. this was to be collected by the encomenderos at the same time when they collected the eight reals of the tribute, and was to be delivered and placed in the royal treasury. there this amount was to be entered on an account separate from that of the other revenue of his majesty, and was to be applied in the following manner: one and one-half reals for the expenses of the said camp and war stores; and the remaining half real for the pay of the prebendaries of the manila church, which his majesty pays from his treasury, until such time as their tithes and incomes suffice for their sustenance. [208] these tributes are collected from all the natives, christians and infidels, in their entirety--except that in those encomiendas without instruction the encomendero does not take the fourth part of the eight reals (which equals two reals) for himself, since that encomienda has no instruction or expenses for it; but he takes them and deposits them in manila, in a fund called "the fourths." [209] the money obtained from this source is applied to and spent in hospitals for the natives, and in other works beneficial to them, at the option of the governor. as fast as the encomiendas are supplied with instruction and religious, the collection of these fourths and their expenditure in these special works cease. some provinces have taken the census of their natives; and according to these the tributes and the assignment of the two reals are collected. in most of the provinces no census has been taken, and the tributes are collected when due by the encomenderos and their collectors, through the chiefs of their encomiendas, by means of the lists and memoranda of former years. from them the names of the deceased and of those who have changed their residence are erased, and the names of those who have grown up, and of those who have recently moved into the encomienda, are added. when any shortage is perceived in the accounts, a new count is requested and made. the natives are free to move from one island to another, and from one province to another, and pay their tribute for that year in which they move and change their residence in the place to which they move; and to move from a christian village that has instruction to another village possessing it. but, on the other hand, they may not move from a place having instruction to one without it, nor in the same village from one barangay to another, nor from one faction to another. in this respect, the necessary precautions are made by the government, and the necessary provisions by the audiencia, so that this system may be kept, and so that all annoyances resulting from the moving of the settled natives of one place to another place may be avoided. neither are the natives allowed to go out of their villages for trade, except by permission of the governor, or of his alcaldes-mayor and justices, or even of the religious, who most often have been embarrassed by this, because of the instruction. this is done so that the natives may not wander about aimlessly when there is no need of it, away from their homes and settlements. those natives who possess slaves pay their tributes for them if the slaves are _saguiguilirs_. if the slaves are _namamahays_ living outside their owners' houses, they pay their own tributes, inasmuch as they possess their own houses and means of gain. the spaniards used to have slaves from these natives, whom they had bought from them, and others whom they obtained in certain expeditions during the conquest and pacification of the islands. this was stopped by a brief of his holiness [210] and by royal decrees. consequently, all of these slaves who were then in the possession of the spanish, and who were natives of these islands, in whatever manner they had been acquired, were freed; and the spaniards were forever prohibited from holding them as slaves, or from capturing them for any reason, or under pretext of war, or in any other manner. the service rendered by these natives is in return for pay and daily wages. the other slaves and captives that the spaniards possess are cafres and blacks brought by the portuguese by way of india, and are held in slavery justifiably, in accordance with the provincial councils and the permissions of the prelates and justices of those districts. the natives of these islands have also their personal services, which they are obliged to render--in some parts more than in others--to the spaniards. these are done in different ways, and are commonly called the _polo_. [211] for, where there are alcaldes-mayor and justices, they assign and distribute certain natives by the week for the service of their houses. they pay these servants a moderate wage, which generally amounts to one-fourth real per day, and rice for their food. the same is done by the religious for the mission, and for their monasteries and churches, and for their works, and for public works. [212] the indians also furnish rice, and food of all kinds, at the prices at which they are valued and sold among the natives. these prices are always very moderate. the datos, vilangos, and fiscals make the division, collect, and take these supplies from the natives; and in the same manner they supply their encomenderos when these go to make the collections. the greatest service rendered by these natives is on occasions of war, when they act as rowers and crews for the vireys and vessels that go on the expeditions, and as pioneers for any service that arises in the course of the war, although their pay and wages are given them. in the same way natives are assigned and apportioned for the king's works, such as the building of ships, the cutting of wood, the trade of making the rigging, [213] the work in the artillery foundry, and the service in the royal [214] magazines; and they are paid their stipend and daily wage. in other things pertaining to the service of the spaniards and their expeditions, works, and any other service, performed by the natives, the service is voluntary, and paid by mutual agreement; [215] for, as hitherto, the spaniards have worked no mines, nor have they given themselves to the gains to be derived from field labors, there is no occasion for employing the natives in anything of that sort. most of the spaniards of the filipinas islands reside in the city of manila, the capital of the kingdom, and where the chief trade and commerce is carried on. some encomenderos live in provinces or districts adjacent to manila, while other spaniards live in the cities of segovia, caçeres, santisimo nombre de jesus (in sebu), and in the town of arevalo, where they are settled, and where most of them have their encomiendas. spaniards may not go to the indian villages, [216] except for the collection of the tributes when they are due; and then only the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and justices. it is not permitted these to remain continually in one settlement of their district, but they must visit as much of it as possible. they must change their residence and place of abode every four months to another chief village and settlement, where all the natives may obtain the benefit of their presence; and so that the natives may receive as slight annoyance as possible in supporting them and in the ordinary service that they render them. [217] the governor makes appointments to all offices. when the term of office expires, the royal aurdiencia orders the residencia of each official to be taken, and his case is decided in accordance therewith; and until the residencia is completed, the incumbent cannot be appointed to any other duty or office. the governor also appoints commandants of forts, companies, and other military officials, in all the cities, towns, and hamlets of the islands. [218] certain offices of regidors and notaries have been sold by royal decree for one life. but the sale of these offices has been superseded, as it is now considered that the price paid for them is of little consideration, while the disadvantage of perpetuating the purchasers in office by this method is greater. elections of alcaldes-in-ordinary for all the spanish towns are held on new year's day by the cabildo and magistracy. the residencias of these alcaldes-in-ordinary and their cabildos are ordered by his majesty to be taken at the same time as that of the governor and captain-general of the islands is taken; and they give account of the administration of the revenues and the estates under their care. however, the governor may take it before this, every year, or whenever he thinks it expedient and cause the balances of their accounts to be collected. with the governor's advice and permission the expenses desired by the towns are made. the city of manila has sufficient public funds for certain years, through the fines imposed by its judges; in its own particular possessions, inside and outside the city; in the reweighing of the merchandise and the rents of all the shops and sites of the sangleys in the parián; and in the monopoly on playing cards. all this was conceded to the city by his majesty, especially for the expenses of its fortification. [219] these revenues are spent for that purpose; for the salaries of its officials, and those of the agents sent to españa; and for the feasts of the city, chief of which are st. potenciana's day, may nineteen, when the spaniards entered and seized the city, and the day of st. andrew, november 30, the date on which the pirate limahon was conquered and driven from the city. on that day the city officials take out the municipal standard, and to the sound of music go to vespers and mass at the church of san andres, where the entire city, with the magistracy and cabildo and the royal audiencia, assemble with all solemnity. the above revenues are also used in receiving the governors at their first arrival in the country, in the kings' marriage feasts, and the births of princes, and in the honors and funeral celebrations for the kings and princes who die. in all the above the greatest possible display is made. the other cities and settlements do not possess as yet so many sources of wealth or revenue, or the occasions on which to spend them--although, as far as possible, they take part in them, in all celebrations of the same kind. the spaniards living in the islands are divided into five classes of people: namely, prelates, religious, and ecclesiastical ministers, both secular and regular; encomenderos, settlers, and conquerors; soldiers, officers, and officials of war (both on land and sea), and those for navigation; merchants, business men, and traders; and his majesty's agents for government, justice, and administration of his royal revenue. the ecclesiastical prelates have already been stated, and are as follows: the archbishop of manila, who resides in the city, as metropolitan, in charge of his cathedral church; he has a salary of four thousand pesos, [220] which is paid from the royal treasury annually. likewise the salaries paid to the holders of the dignidades, [221] canonries, and other prebends, and those performing other services, are paid in the same manner. they are all under royal patronage, and are provided in accordance with the king's orders. the archbishop's office and jurisdiction consists of and extends to all, both the spiritual and temporal, that is ecclesiastic, and to its management. [222] the bishop of the city of santisimo nombre de jesus in sibu, that of segovia in cagayan, and that of caceres in camarines, have the same rights of jurisdiction and enjoy the same privileges in their dioceses, since they are suffragans of the archbishop of manila; appeal from their judgments is made to the latter, and he summons and convokes them to his provincial councils whenever necessary. they receive each an annual salary of five hundred thousand maravedis for their support, which is paid from the royal treasury of manila, besides their offerings and pontifical dues. all together it is quite sufficient for their support, according to the convenience of things and the cheapness of the country. at present the bishops do not possess churches with prebendaries nor is any money set aside for that. [223] the regular prelates are the provincials of the four mendicant orders, namely, st. dominic, st. augustine, st. francis, the society of jesus, and the discalced augustinians. [224] each prelate governs his own order and visits the houses. the orders have nearly all the missions to the natives under their charge, in whatever pertains to the administration of the sacraments and conversion--by favor of, and in accordance with, their privileges and the apostolic bulls, in which until now they have maintained themselves--and in what pertains to judicial matters, as vicars of the bishops, and through appointment and authorization of the latter. the discalced augustinians as yet have no missions, as they have but recently entered the islands. the monasteries are supported by certain special incomes that they possess and have acquired--especially those of the augustinians and those of the society--and by help and concessions granted by his majesty. the dominicans and franciscans do not possess or allow incomes or properties; [225] and for them, as for the other orders, the principal source of revenue is in the alms, offerings, and aid given by the districts where they are established and where they have charge. this help is given by both spaniards and natives, very piously and generously. they are aided also by the stipend given them from the encomiendas for the instruction that they give there. consequently the religious of the orders live well and with the comfort necessary. the first encomenderos, conquerors, and settlers of the islands, and their issue, are honorably supported by the products of their encomiendas, and by certain means of gain and trading interests that they possess, as do the rest of the people. there are a great number of them, each one of whom lives and possesses his house in the city and settlement of spaniards in whose province he has his encomienda. this they do in order not to abandon their encomiendas, and thus they are nearer the latter for their needs and for collections. now but few of the first conquerors who gained the country and went there for its conquest with the adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi remain alive. the soldiers and officers of war and of naval expeditions formerly consisted of all the dwellers and inhabitants of the islands, who rendered military service without any pay or salary. they went on all the expeditions and pacifications that arose, and guarded the forts and presidios, and cities and settlements. this was their principal exercise and occupation. they were rewarded by the governor, who provided them with encomiendas, offices, and profits of the country according to their merits and services. [226] at that time the soldiers of the islands were the best in the indias. they were very skilful and well-disciplined by both land and sea, and were esteemed and respected by all those nations. they gloried in their arms, and in acquitting themselves valiantly. afterward, when gomez perez das mariñas entered upon the government of the filipinas, he founded the regular camp of four hundred soldiers: the arquebusiers, with pay of six pesos per month; the musketeers, with eight pesos; six captains, with annual pay of four hundred and twenty pesos apiece; their alféreces, sergeants, corporals, standard-bearers, and drummers, with pay in proportion to their duties; one master-of-camp, with annual pay of one thousand four hundred pesos; one sargento-mayor with captain's pay; one adjutant of the sargento-mayor and field-captain, with monthly pay of ten pesos; two castellans; commandants of the two fortresses of manila, with four hundred pesos apiece annually; their lieutenants; squads of soldiers and artillerymen; one general of galleys, with annual pay of eight hundred pesos; each galley one captain, with annual pay of three hundred pesos; their boatswains, boatswains' mates, coxswains, alguacils of the galleys, soldiers, artillerymen, master-carpenters, riggers, sailors, conscripts, [227] galley-crews of spanish, sangley, and native convicts, condemned for crimes; and, when there is lack of convicts, good rowers are obtained from the natives for pay, for the period of the expedition and the occasion of the voyage. [228] in the vessels and fleets of large vessels for the nueva españa line, the ships that are sent carry a general, admiral, masters, boatswains, commissaries, stewards, alguacils, sergeants of marine artillery [_condestables_], artillerymen, sailors, pilots and their assistants, common seamen, carpenters, calkers, and coopers, all in his majesty's pay, on the account of nueva españa, from whose royal treasury they are paid. all that is necessary for this navigation is supplied there. their provisions and appointments are made by the viceroy; and this has hitherto pertained to him, even though the ships may have been constructed in the filipinas. they sail thence with their cargo of merchandise for nueva españa, and return thence to the filipinas with the reënforcements of soldiers and supplies, and whatever else is necessary for the camp, besides passengers and religious, and the money proceeding from the investments and merchandise. [229] after the establishment of a regular camp for guard and expeditions, the other inhabitants, dwellers, and residents were enrolled without pay under the banners of six captains of the filipinas, for special occasions requiring the defense of the city. but they were relieved of all other duties pertaining to the troops, unless they should offer of their own accord to go upon any expedition, or volunteer for any special occasion, in order to acquire merits and benefits, so that they may be given encomiendas that become vacant, and offices, and the means of profit of the country. they are not compelled or obliged to do this, unless they are encomenderos. consequently all have given themselves to trading, as there is no other occupation, but they are not unmindful of military service. his majesty prohibits all who are in his pay in the military forces of the islands from engaging in commerce; and orders the governor not to allow this, or permit them to export goods to nueva españa. if the governors would observe that order, it would not be amiss. [230] the merchants and business men form the bulk of the residents of the islands, because of the great amount of merchandise brought there--outside of native products--from china, japon, maluco, malaca, sian, camboja, borneo, and other districts. they invest in this merchandise and export it annually in the vessels that sail to nueva españa, and at times to japon, where great profits are made from raw silk. thence on the return to manila are brought the proceeds, which hitherto have resulted in large and splendid profits. through the very great increase of this trade--which was harmful and prejudicial to the spanish merchants who shipped goods to peru and nueva españa, and to the royal duties collected on the shipments from españa--and through the business men of mexico and peru having become greedy of trade and commerce with the filipinas, by means of their agents and factors, so that the trade with españa was ceasing in great measure, and the merchants were sending to the filipinas for their investments great consignments of silver, which by that means flowed yearly from his majesty's kingdoms, to fall into the possession of infidels: all persons of nueva españa and peru were prohibited from trading and engaging in commerce in the filipinas, and from taking the chinese merchandise to those regions. [231] permission was given to the inhabitants and residents of the filipinas that they alone might trade in the said merchandise, and export it. they are to take these goods themselves, or send them with persons who belong to the islands, so that they may sell them. from the proceeds of the said merchandise, they may not carry to the filipinas more than five hundred thousand pesos each year. [232] a considerable number of _somas_ and junks (which are large vessels) generally come from great china to manila, laden with merchandise. every year thirty or even forty ships are wont to come, and although they do not come together, in the form of a trading and war fleet, still they do come in groups with the monsoon and settled weather, which is generally at the new moon in march. they belong to the provinces of canton, chincheo, and ucheo [fo-kien], and sail from those provinces. they make their voyage to the city of manila in fifteen or twenty days, sell their merchandise, and return in good season, before the vendavals set in--the end of may and a few days of june--in order not to endanger their voyage. these vessels come laden with merchandise, and bring wealthy merchants who own the ships, and servants and factors of other merchants who remain in china. they leave china with the permission and license of the chinese viceroys and mandarins. the merchandise that they generally bring and sell to the spaniards consists of raw silk in bundles, of the fineness of two strands [_dos cabeças_], and other silk of poorer quality; fine untwisted silk, white and of all colors, wound in small skeins; quantities of velvets, some plain, and some embroidered in all sorts of figures, colors, and fashions--others with body of gold, and embroidered with gold; woven stuffs and brocades, of gold and silver upon silk of various colors and patterns; quantities of gold and silver thread in skeins over thread and silk--but the glitter of all the gold and silver is false, and only on paper; damasks, satins, taffetans, _gorvaranes_, _picotes_, [233] and other cloths of all colors, some finer and better than others; a quantity of linen made from grass, called lençesuelo [handkerchief]; [234] and white cotton cloth of different kinds and qualities, for all uses. they also bring musk, benzoin, and ivory; many bed ornaments, hangings, coverlets, and tapestries of embroidered velvet; damask and gorvaran of different shades; tablecloths, cushions, and carpets; horse-trappings of the same stuff, and embroidered with glass beads and seed-pearls; also some pearls and rubies, sapphires and crystal-stones; metal basins, copper kettles, and other copper and cast-iron pots; quantities of all sorts of nails, sheet-iron, tin and lead; saltpetre and gunpowder. they supply the spaniards with wheat flour; preserves made of orange, peach, _scorzonera_, [235] pear, nutmeg, and ginger, and other fruits of china; salt pork and other salt meats; live fowls of good breed, and very fine capons; quantities of green fruit, oranges of all kinds; excellent chestnuts, walnuts, pears, and _chicueyes_ [236] (both green and dried, a delicious fruit); quantities of fine thread of all kinds, needles, and knick-knacks; little boxes and writing-cases; beds, tables, chairs, and gilded benches, painted in many figures and patterns. they bring domestic buffaloes; geese that resemble swans; horses, some mules and asses; even caged birds, some of which talk, while others sing, and they make them play innumerable tricks. the chinese furnish numberless other gewgaws and ornaments of little value and worth, which are esteemed among the spaniards; besides a quantity of fine crockery of all kinds; _canganes_, [237] _sines_, and black and blue robes; _tacley_, which are beads of all kinds; strings of cornelians, and other beads and precious stones of all colors; pepper and other spices; and rarities--which, did i refer to them all, i would never finish, nor have sufficient paper for it. as soon as the ship reaches the mouth of the bay of manila, the watchman stationed at the island of miraveles goes out to it in a light vessel. having examined the ship, he puts a guard of two or three soldiers on it, so that it may anchor upon the bar, near the city, and to see that no one shall disembark from the vessel, or anyone enter it from outside, until the vessel has been inspected. by the signal made with fire by the watchman from the said island, and the advice that he sends in all haste to the city--of what ship it is, whence it has come, what merchandise and people it brings--before the vessel has finished anchoring, the governor and the city generally know all about it. [238] when the vessel has arrived and anchored, the royal officials go to inspect it and the register of the merchandise aboard it. at the same time the valuation of the cargo is made according to law, of what it is worth in manila; for the vessel immediately pays three per cent on everything to his majesty. [239] after the register has been inspected and the valuation made, then the merchandise is immediately unloaded by another official into champans, and taken to the parián, or to other houses and magazines, outside of the city. there the goods are freely sold. no spaniard, sangley, or other person is allowed to go to the ship to buy or trade merchandise, food, or anything else. neither is it allowed, when the merchandise is ashore, to take it from them or buy it with force and violence; but the trade must be free, and the sangleys can do what they like with their property. the ordinary price of the silks (both raw and woven) and the cloths--which form the bulk of the cargo--is settled leisurely, and by persons who understand it, both on the part of the spaniards and that of the sangleys. the purchase price is paid in silver and reals, for the sangleys do not want gold, or any other articles, and will not take other things to china. all the trading must be completed by the end of the month of may, or thereabout, in order that the sangleys may return and the spaniards have the goods ready to lade upon the vessels that go to nueva españa by the end of june. however, the larger dealers and those who have most money usually do their trading after that time, at lower rates, and keep the merchandise until the following year. certain sangleys remain in manila with a portion of their merchandise for the same purpose, when they have not had a good sale for it, in order to go on selling it more leisurely. the sangleys are very skilful and intelligent traders, and of great coolness and moderation, in order to carry on their business better. they are ready to trust and accommodate freely whoever they know treats them fairly, and does not fail in his payments to them when these are due. on the other hand, as they are a people without religion or conscience, and so greedy, they commit innumerable frauds and deceits in their merchandise. the purchaser must watch them very closely, and know them, in order not to be cheated by them. the purchasers, however, acquit themselves by their poor payments and the debts that they incur; and both sides generally keep the judges and audiencia quite busy. some japanese and portuguese merchantmen also come every year from the port of nangasaque in japon, at the end of october with the north winds, and at the end of march. they enter and anchor at manila in the same way. the bulk of their cargo is excellent wheat-flour for the provisioning of manila, and highly prized salt meats. they also bring some fine woven silk goods of mixed colors; beautiful and finely-decorated screens done in oil and gilt; all kinds of cutlery; many suits of armor, spears, catans, and other weapons, all finely wrought; writing-cases, boxes and small cases of wood, japanned and curiously marked; other pretty gewgaws; excellent fresh pears; barrels and casks of good salt tunny; cages of sweet-voiced larks, called _fimbaros_; and other trifles. in this trading, some purchases are also made, without royal duties being collected from those vessels. the bulk of the merchandise is used in the country, but some goods are exported to nueva españa. the price is generally paid in reals, although they are not so greedy for them as the chinese, for there is silver in japon. they generally bring a quantity of it as merchandise in plates, and it is sold at moderate rates. these vessels return to japon at the season of the vendavals, during the months of june and july. they carry from manila their purchases, which are composed of raw chinese silk, gold, deerskin, and brazil-wood for their dyes. they take honey, manufactured wax, palm and castilian wine, civet-cats, large tibors in which to store their tea, glass, cloth, and other curiosities from españa. some portuguese vessels sail to manila annually during the monsoon of the vendavals, from maluco, malaca, and india. they take merchandise consisting of spices--cloves, cinnamon, and pepper; slaves, both blacks and cafres; cotton cloth of all sorts, fine muslins [_caniquies_], linens, gauzes, _rambuties_, and other delicate and precious cloths; amber, and ivory; cloths edged with _pita_, [240] for use as bed-covers; hangings, and rich counterpanes from vengala [bengal], cochin, and other countries; many gilt articles and curiosities; jewels of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, topazes, balas-rubies, and other precious stones, both set and loose; many trinkets and ornaments from india; wine, raisins, and almonds; delicious preserves, and other fruits brought from portugal and prepared in goa; carpets and tapestries from persia and turquia, made of fine silks and wools; beds, writing-cases, parlor-chairs, and other finely-gilded furniture, made in macao; needle-work in colors and in white, of chain-lace and royal point lace, and other fancy-work of great beauty and perfection. purchases of all the above are made in manila, and paid in reals and gold. the vessels return in january with the brisas, which is their favorable monsoon. they carry to maluco provisions of rice and wine, crockery-ware, and other wares needed there; while to malaca they take only the gold or money, besides a few special trinkets and curiosities from españa, and emeralds. the royal duties are not collected from these vessels. a few smaller vessels also sail from borneo, during the vendavals. they belong to the natives of that island, and return during the first part of the brisas. they enter the river of manila and sell their cargoes in their vessels. these consist of fine and well-made palm-mats, a few slaves for the natives, sago--a certain food of theirs prepared from the pith of palms--and tibors; large and small jars, glazed black and very fine, which are of great service and use; and excellent camphor, which is produced on that island. although beautiful diamonds are found on the opposite coast, they are not taken to manila by those vessels, for the portuguese of malaca trade for them on that coast. these articles from borneo are bought more largely by the natives than by the spaniards. the articles taken back by the borneans are provisions of wine and rice, cotton cloth, and other wares of the islands, which are wanting in borneo. very seldom a few vessels sail to manila from sian and camboja. they carry some benzoin, pepper, ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies and sapphires, badly cut and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and the hides, hoofs, and teeth of this animal; and other goods. in return they take the wares found in manila. their coming and return is between the brisas and the vendavals, during the months of april, may, and june. in these classes of merchandise, and in the products of the islands--namely, gold, cotton cloth, mendriñaque, and cakes of white and yellow wax--do the spaniards effect their purchases, investments, and exports for nueva españa. they make these as is most suitable for each person, and lade them on the vessels that are to make the voyage. they value and register these goods, for they pay into the royal treasury of manila, before the voyage, the two per cent royal duties on exports, besides the freight charges of the vessel, which amount to forty castilian ducados [241] per tonelada. this latter is paid at the port of acapulco in nueva españa, into the royal treasury of the said port, in addition to the ten per cent duties for entrance and first sale in nueva españa. [242] inasmuch as the ships which are despatched with the said merchandise are at his majesty's account, and other ships cannot be sent, there is generally too small a place in the cargo for all the purchases. for that reason the governor divides the cargo-room among all the shippers, according to their wealth and merits, after they have been examined by intelligent men, appointed for that purpose. consequently every man knows from his share how much he can export, and only that amount is received in the vessel; and careful and exact account is taken of it. trustworthy persons are appointed who are present at the lading; and space is left for the provisions and passengers that are to go in the vessels. when the ships are laden and ready to sail, they are delivered to the general and the officials who have them in charge. then they start on their voyage at the end of the month of june, with the first vendavals. this trade and commerce is so great and profitable, and easy to control--for it only lasts three months in the year, from the time of the arrival of the ships with their merchandise, until those vessels that go to nueva españa take that merchandise--that the spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other industry. consequently, there is no husbandry or field-labor worthy of consideration. neither do the spaniards work the gold mines or placers, which are numerous. they do not engage in many other industries that they could turn to with great profit, if the chinese trade should fail them. that trade has been very hurtful and prejudicial in this respect, as well as for the occupations and farm industries in which the natives used to engage. now the latter are abandoning and forgetting those labors. besides, there is the great harm and loss resulting from the immense amount of silver that passes annually by this way [of the trade], into the possession of infidels, which can never, by any way, return into the possession of the spaniards. his majesty's agents for the government and justice, and the royal officials for the management of his majesty's revenue, are as follows: first, the governor and captain-general of all the islands, who is at the same time president of the royal audiencia of manila. he has a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas per year for all his offices. [243] he possesses his own body-guard of twelve halberdiers, whose captain receives three hundred pesos per year. the governor alone provides and regulates all that pertains to war and government, with the advice of the auditors of the audiencia in difficult matters. he tries in the first instance the criminal cases of the regular soldiers, and any appeals from his decisions go to the audiencia. [244] the governor appoints many alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, deputies, and other magistrates, throughout the islands and their provinces, for carrying on the government and justice, and for military matters. these appointments are made before a government chief scrivener appointed by his majesty, who helps the governor. the governor likewise takes part with the royal audiencia, as its president, in whatever pertains to its duties. the audiencia consists of four auditors and one fiscal--each of whom receives an annual salary of two thousand pesos de minas [245]--one reporter, one court scrivener, one alguacil-mayor, with his assistants, one governor of the prison of the court, one chancellor, one registrar, two bailiffs, one chaplain and sacristan, one executioner, attorneys, and receivers. the audiencia tries all causes, civil and criminal, taken to it from all the provinces of its district. [246] these include the filipinas islands and the mainland of china, already discovered or to be discovered. the audiencia has the same authority as the chancillerías of valladolid and granada in españa. at the same time, the audiencia provides whatever is advisable for the proper and systematic management of the royal exchequer. his majesty's revenues in the filipinas islands are in charge of and their tribunal consists of three royal officials. they are appointed by his majesty, and consist of a factor, an accountant, and a treasurer. they each receive an annual salary of five hundred and ten thousand maravedis. they have their clerk of mines, and registrars of the royal revenues, and their executive and other officials, all of whom reside in manila. from that city they manage and attend to everything pertaining to the royal revenues throughout the islands. his majesty has a number of encomiendas apportioned to his royal crown throughout the provinces of the filipinas islands. the tributes of those encomiendas are collected for his royal treasury by his royal officials and the collectors engaged for that purpose by the royal officials. from year to year these amount to thirty thousand pesos, after deducting costs and expenses. they collect, from one year to another, eight thousand pesos in tributes from the sangleys--both christians and infidels. [247] they also collect the fifth of all gold dug in the islands. by special concession for a limited period, the tenth is collected instead of the fifth. there is a declaration concerning it, to the effect that the natives shall pay no fifths or other duties on the jewels and gold inherited by them from their ancestors before his majesty owned the country. sufficient measures have been taken for the clear understanding of this concession and its investigation, for that on which the tenth has once been paid, and the steps to be taken in the matter. from one year to another they collect ten thousand pesos from these fifths, for much is concealed. [248] the assignment of two reals from each tributario inures to the royal treasury and is paid into it, for the pay of the soldiers and the stipend of the prebendaries. these are collected from the encomenderos, in proportion to, and on the account of, their tributes, and amount annually to thirty-four thousand pesos. the fines and expenses of justice are committed to the care of the treasurer of the royal revenues, and are kept in the treasury. they amount annually to three thousand pesos. the three per cent duties on the chinese merchandise of the sangley vessels average forty thousand pesos annually. [249] the two per cent duties paid by the spaniards for exporting merchandise to nueva españa amount annually to twenty thousand pesos. on the merchandise and money sent from nueva españa to the filipinas, result eight thousand pesos more. consequently, in these things and in other dues of less importance that belong to the royal treasury, his majesty receives about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, or thereabout, annually in the filipinas. [250] inasmuch as this amount does not suffice for the expenses that are incurred, the royal treasury of nueva españa sends annually to that of the filipinas, in addition to the above revenues, some assistance in money--a greater or less sum, as necessity requires. for his majesty has thus provided for it from the proceeds of the ten per cent duties on the chinese merchandise that are collected at the port of acapulco in nueva españa. this assistance is given into the keeping of the royal officials in manila, and they take charge of it, with the rest of the revenues that they manage and collect. from all this gross sum of his majesty's revenue, the salaries of the governor and royal audiencia are paid, as well as the stipends of prelates and ecclesiastical prebendaries, the salaries of the magistrates, and of the royal officials and their assistants; the pay of all the military officers and regular soldiers; his majesty's share of the stipends for instruction, and the building of churches and their ornaments; the concessions and gratifications that he has allowed to certain monasteries, and private persons; the building of large vessels for the navigation to nueva españa, and of galleys and other vessels for the defense of the islands; expenses for gunpowder and ammunition; the casting of artillery, and its care; the expense arising for expeditions and individual undertakings in the islands, and in their defense; that of navigations to, and negotiations with, the kingdoms in their vicinity, which are quite common and necessary. consequently, since his majesty's revenues in these islands are so limited, and his expenses so great, the royal treasury falls short, and suffers poverty and need. [251] the proceeds from the ten per cent duties and the freight charges of the ships, which are collected at acapulco in nueva españa, on the merchandise sent there from the filipinas, although considerable, are also not always sufficient for the expenses incurred in nueva españa with the ships, soldiers, ammunition, and other supplies sent annually to the filipinas. these expenses are generally greatly in excess of those duties, and the amount is made up from the royal treasury of mexico. consequently, the king our sovereign derives as yet no profit from any revenues of the filipinas, but rather an expenditure, by no means small, from his revenues in nueva españa. he sustains the filipinas only for the christianization and conversion of the natives, and for the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of asia, which are expected through this gateway, at god's good pleasure. every year the audiencia audits the accounts of the royal officials of his majesty's revenues, strikes the balances, and sends the accounts to the tribunal of accounts in mexico. [252] in the city of manila, and in all those spanish settlements of the islands, reside sangleys, who have come from great china, besides the merchants. they have appointed settlements and are engaged in various trades, and go to the islands for their livelihood. some possess their pariáns and shops. some engage in fishing and farming among the natives, throughout the country; and go from one island to another to trade, in large or small champans. [253] the annual vessels from great china bring these sangleys in great numbers, especially to the city of manila, for the sake of the profits that are gained from their fares. as there is a superabundance of population in china, and the wages and profits there are little, they regard as of importance whatever they get in the filipinas. very great annoyances result from this; for, not only can there be little security to the country with so many infidels, but the sangleys are a wicked and vicious race. through intercourse and communication with them, the natives improve little in christianity and morals. and since they come in such numbers and are so great eaters, they raise the price of provisions, and consume them. it is true that the city could not be maintained or preserved without these sangleys; for they are the mechanics in all trades, and are excellent workmen and work for suitable prices. but a less number of them would suffice for this, and would avoid the inconvenience of so many people as are usually in manila when the ships arrive--to say nothing of the many chinese who go about among the islands, under pretext of trading with the natives, and there commit innumerable crimes and offenses. at the least, they explore all the country, the rivers, creeks, and ports, and know them better than the spaniards do; and they will be of great harm and injury in case of any revolt or hostile invasion of the islands. in order to remedy all the above, it was ordered that the vessels should not bring so many people of this kind, under penalties that are executed; that, when the vessels return to china, they take these sangleys back with them; that only a convenient number of merchants remain in manila, in the parián, and the mechanics of all necessary trades; and that these must have written license, under severe penalties. in the execution of this, an auditor of the audiencia is engaged by special commission every year, together with some assistants. on petition of the city cabildo, he usually allows as many sangleys to remain as are necessary for the service of all trades and occupations. the rest are embarked and compelled to return in the vessels going to china, and a great deal of force and violence [254] is necessary to accomplish it. those merchants and artisans who remained in manila before the revolt of the year six hundred and three had settled the parián and its shops. the parián is a large enclosed alcaicería of many streets, at some distance from the city walls. it is near the river, and its location is called san graviel. there they have their own governor, who has his tribunal and prison, and his assistants; these administer justice to them, and watch them day and night, so that they may live in security, and not commit disorders. those who cannot find room in this parián live opposite, on the other side of the river, where tondo is, in two settlements called baybay and minondoc. they are in charge of the alcalde-mayor of tondo, and under the ministry of the religious of st. dominic, who labor for their conversion, and for that purpose have learned the chinese language. the dominicans have two monasteries with the requisite assistants, and a good hospital for the treatment of sangleys. in a district kept separate from the infidels, they have a settlement of baptized sangleys, with their wives, households, and families, numbering five hundred inhabitants; and the religious are continually baptizing others and settling them in that village. but few of them turn out well, for they are a vile and restless race, with many vices and bad customs. their having become christians is not through the desire or wish for salvation, but for the temporal conveniences that they have there, and because some are unable to return to china because of debts incurred and crimes committed there. each and all, both christians and infidels, go unarmed and in their national garb. this consists of long garments with wide sleeves, made of blue cangan (but white for mourning, while the chief men wear them of black and colored silks); wide drawers of the same material; half hose of felt; very broad shoes, according to their fashion, made of blue silk embroidered with braid--with several soles, well-sewed--and of other stuffs. their hair is long and very black, and they take good care of it. they do it up on the head in a high knot, [255] under a very close-fitting hood or coif of horsehair, which reaches to the middle of the forehead. they wear above all a high round cap made of the same horsehair, in different fashions, by which their different occupations, and each man's rank, are distinguished. the christians differ only in that they cut their hair short, and wear hats, as do the spaniards. they are a light-complexioned people and tall of body. they have scant beards, are very stout-limbed, and of great strength. they are excellent workmen, and skilful in all arts and trades. they are phlegmatic, of little courage, treacherous and cruel when opportunity offers, and very covetous. they are heavy eaters of all kinds of meat, fish, and fruits; but they drink sparingly, and then of hot beverages. they have a governor of their own race, a christian, who has his officials and assistants. he hears their cases in affairs of justice, in their domestic and business affairs. appeals from him go to the alcalde-mayor of tondo or of the parián, and from all these to the audiencia, which also gives especial attention to this nation and whatever pertains to it. no sangley can live or own a house outside these settlements of the parián, and of baybay and minondoc. native settlements are not allowed in sangley settlements, or even near them. no sangley can go among the islands, or as much as two leguas from the city, without special permission. much less can he remain in the city at night, after the gates are shut, under penalty of death. there are generally some japanese, both christian and infidel, in manila. these are left by the vessels from japon, although they are not so numerous as the chinese. they have their special settlement and location outside the city, between the sangley parián and the suburb of laguio, near the monastery of la candelaria. there they are directed by discalced religious of st. francis, by means of interpreters whom the fathers keep for that purpose. they are a spirited race, of good disposition, and brave. they wear their own costume, namely, kimonos of colored silks and cotton, reaching half way down the leg, and open in front; wide, short drawers; close-fitting half-boots of leather, [256] and shoes like sandals, with the soles of well-woven straw. they go bare-headed, and shave the top of the head as far back as the crown. their back hair is long, and fastened upon the skull in a graceful knot. they carry their catans, large and small, in the belt. they have scant beards, and are a race of noble bearing and behavior. they employ many ceremonies and courtesies, and attach much importance to honor and social standing. they are resolute in any necessity or danger. those who become christians prove very good, and are very devout and observant in their religion; for only the desire for salvation incites them to adopt our religion, so that there are many christians in japon. accordingly they return freely, and without opposition, to their own country. at most there are about five hundred japanese of this nation in manila, for they do not go to other parts of the islands, and such is their disposition that they return to japon, and do not tarry in the islands; consequently very few of them usually remain in the islands. they are treated very cordially, as they are a race that demand good treatment, and it is advisable to do so for the friendly relations between the islands and japon. [257] few people come from the other nations--sian, camboja, borneo, patan, and other islands--outside our government; and they immediately return in their vessels. consequently, there is nothing special to be said of them, except that care is exercised in receiving and despatching them well, and seeing that they return quickly to their own countries. since i have told, in the short time at my disposal, the characteristics of the filipinas islands, and their customs and practices, it will not be inappropriate to discuss the navigation to them since it is made thither from nueva españa; the return voyage, which is not short, or without great dangers and hardships; and that made in the eastern direction. when the islands were conquered in the year of one thousand five hundred and seventy-four [_sic; sc_. 1564], the spanish fleet sailed under command of the adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi, from puerto de la navidad [258] situated in the south sea, on the coast of nueva españa, in the province and district of xalisco and galicia, where resides the royal audiencia of guadalajara. a few later voyages were made also from the same port, until the point for the sending of these vessels was removed, for better and greater convenience, to the port of acapulco, located farther south on the same coast, in sixteen and one-half degrees of latitude; it is eighty leguas from mexico, and in its district. it is an excellent port, sheltered from all weather; and has a good entrance and good anchorages. its vicinity is advantageous, being better provisioned and more populous than that of la navidad. there a large spanish colony has been established, with its alcalde-mayor, and royal officials who have charge of his majesty's treasury; and these attend to the despatch of the vessels. the vessels that sail to the filipinas, as they are despatched annually on his majesty's account, must necessarily leave in the certain season of the brisas, which begin in the month of november and last until the end of march. this navigation should not be made at any other season, for from june the vendavals blow, and they are contrary to the voyage. as a rule, these ships sail and are despatched at the end of february, or at the latest by the twentieth of march. they sail west toward the islands of las velas, [259] otherwise called the ladrones. the island of guan, one of them, lies in thirteen degrees of latitude. inasmuch as the vessels on leaving acapulco are wont sometimes to encounter calms, they sail south from sixteen and one-half degrees, in which the port is situated, until they strike the brisas, which is generally at ten or eleven degrees. by this route they sail continually before the wind, and without changing the sails, with fresh and fair brisas, and in other moderate weather, for one thousand eight hundred leguas, without sighting any mainland or island. then leaving to the south the barbudos and other islands, and advancing gradually to a latitude of thirteen degrees, they sail until they sight the island of guan; and above it, in fourteen degrees, that of la çarpana [seypan]. this voyage to those ladrones islands lasts generally seventy days. the natives of those islands, who go naked, and are a very robust and barbarous race, go out to sea to meet the ships as soon as they discover them, at a distance of four to six leguas, with many vessels; these are one-masted, and are very slender and light. these vessels have a counterpoise of bamboo to leeward, and their sails are made of palm-leaves and are lateen-sails. two or three men go in each one with oars and paddles. they carry loads of flying-fish, dorados, [260] cocoa-nuts, bananas, sweet potatoes, bamboos full of water, and certain mats; and when they reach the ships, they trade these for iron from the hoops of casks, and bundles of nails, which they use in their industries, and in the building of their ships. since some spaniards and religious have lived among them, because of spanish ships being wrecked or obliged to take refuge there, they come more freely to our ships and enter them. our ships sail between the two islands of guan and çarpana toward the filipinas and the cape of espiritu santo, a distance of three hundred leguas farther on, in the latitude of about thirteen degrees. this distance is made in ten or twelve days with the brisas; but it may happen, if the ships sail somewhat late, that they encounter vendavals, which endanger their navigation, and they enter the islands after great trouble and stormy weather. from the cape of espiritu santo, the ships enter the strait of capul at the islands of mazbate and burias; thence they sail to marinduque and the coast of calilaya, the strait of mindoro, the shoals of tuley, and the mouth of manila bay. thence, they go to the port of cabit. this is a voyage of one hundred leguas from the entrance to the islands and is made in one week. this is the end of the voyage, which is good and generally without storms, if made in the proper time. these vessels now make the return voyage from the filipinas to nueva españa with great difficulty and danger, for the course is a long one and there are many storms and various temperatures. the ships depart, on this account, very well supplied with provisions, and suitably equipped. each one sails alone, hoisting as much sail as possible, and one does not wait for the other, nor do they sight one another during the voyage. they leave the bay and port of cabit at the first setting-in of the vendavals, between the same islands and by the same straits, by the twentieth of june and later. as they set out amid showers, and are among islands, they sail with difficulty until they leave the channel at capul. once in the open sea, they catch the vendaval, and voyage east, making more progress when they reach the latitude of fourteen or fifteen degrees. then the brisa starts. this wind is the ordinary one in the south sea, especially in low latitudes. since it is a head wind, the course is changed, and the bow is pointed betwen the north and east, as much as the wind will allow. with this they reach a higher latitude, and the ship is kept in this course until the vendaval returns. then, by means of it, the ship again takes an eastern course in that latitude where it happens to be, and keeps that direction as long as that wind lasts. when the vendaval dies, the ship takes the best course that the winds allow, by the winds then blowing between north and east. if the wind is so contrary that it is north or northwest, so that the ship cannot take that course, the other course is taken so that they may continue to maintain their voyage without losing time. at four hundred leguas from the islands they sight certain volcanoes and ridges of the islands of ladrones, which run north as far as twenty-four degrees. [261] among these they generally encounter severe storms and whirl-winds. at thirty-four degrees is the cape of sestos, [262] at the northern head of japon, six hundred leguas from the filipinas. they sail among other islands, which are rarely seen, in thirty-eight degrees, encountering the same dangers and storms, and in a cold climate, in the neighborhood of the islands rica de oro ["rich in gold"] and rica de plata ["rich in silver"], which are but seldom seen. [263] after passing them the sea and open expanse of water is immense, and the ship can run free in any weather. this gulf is traversed for many leguas with such winds as are encountered, until a latitude of forty-two degrees is reached, toward the coast of nueva españa. they seek the winds that generally prevail at so high a latitude, which are usually northwest. after a long voyage the coast of nueva españa is sighted, and from cape mendoçino (which lies in forty-two and one-half degrees) the coast extends nine hundred leguas to the port of acapulco, which lies in sixteen and one-half degrees. when the ships near the coast, which they generally sight betwen forty and thirty-six degrees, the cold is very severe, and the people suffer and die. three hundred leguas before reaching land, signs of it are seen, by certain _aguas malas_, [264] as large as the hand, round and violet colored, with a crest in the middle like a lateen sail, which are called _caravelas_ ["caravels"]. this sign lasts until the ship is one hundred leguas from land; and then are discovered certain fish, with half the body in the form of a dog; [265] these frolic with one another near the ship. after these _perrillos_ ["little dogs"] are seen the _porras_ ["knobsticks"], which are certain very long, hollow shoots of a yellow herb with a ball at the top, and which float on the water. at thirty leguas from the coast are seen many great bunches of grass which are carried down to the sea by the great rivers of the country. these grasses are called _balsas_ ["rafts or floats"]. also many perrillos are seen, and, in turn, all the various signs. then the coast is discovered, and it is very high and clear land. without losing sight of land, the ship coasts along it with the northwest, north-northwest, and north winds, which generally prevail on that coast, blowing by day toward the land, and by night toward the sea again. with the decrease of the latitude and the entrance into a warm climate the island of cenizas [ashes] is seen, and afterward that of cedros [cedars]. thence one sails until the cape of san lucas is sighted, which is the entrance of [the gulf of] california. from that one traverses the eighty leguas intervening to the islands of las marias and the cape of corrientes ["currents"], which is on the other side of california in val de vanderas ["valley of banners"], and the provinces of chametla. thence one passes the coast of colima, sacatul, los motines ["the mutinies"], and ciguatanejo, and enters the port of acapulco--without having made a way-station or touched land from the channel of capul in the filipinas throughout the voyage. the voyage usually lasts five months or thereabout, but often six and even more. [266] by way of india, one may sail from the filipinas to españa, by making the voyage to malaca, and thence to cochin and goa, a distance of one thousand two hundred leguas. this voyage must be made with the brisas. from goa one sails by way of india to the cape of buena esperança [good hope], and to the terceras [_i.e._, azores] islands, and thence to portugal and the port of lisboa. this is a very long and dangerous voyage, as is experienced by the portuguese who make it every year. from india they usually send letters and despatches to españa by way of the bermejo ["red"] sea, by means of indians. these send them through arabia to alexandria, and thence by sea to venecia [venice] and thence to españa. a galleon bound for portugal sails and is despatched from the fort of malaca, in certain years, by the open sea, without touching at india or on its coasts. it reaches lisboa much more quickly than do the goa vessels. it generally sails on the fifth of january, and does not leave later than that; nor does it usually anticipate that date. however, not any of these voyages are practiced by the castilians--who are prohibited from making them--except the one made by way of nueva españa, both going and coming, as above described. and although the effort has been made, no better or shorter course has been found by way of the south sea. [267] _laus deo_ conquista de las islas malucas by the licentiate bartolomé leonardo de argensola. madrid; [published] by alonso martin, in the year m.dc.ix. source: this is translated and synopsized from the original printed work, for which purpose have been used the copies belonging to harvard university and to edward e. ayer, of chicago. translation: this document is translated and synopsized by james a. robertson. conquest of the malucas islands. dedicated to king felipe iii, our sovereign. written by licentiate bartolome leonardo de argensola, chaplain of her majesty the empress, and rector of villahermosa. madrid. printed by alonso martin m dc ix. conquest of the malucas islands [the usual licenses and preliminary matter precede argensola's [268] history. the license of the king permitting the author, and no other, to have the book printed and sold for the following ten years, bears date "madrid, january twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and nine." the license and approbation of the ordinary, doctor cetina, dated "madrid, december 30, 1608," certifies that the history contains nothing against the catholic faith. pedro de valencia, royal chronicler, under date of "madrid, january 14, 1609," approves the work as deserving publicity. licentiate murcia de la llana, after comparing a single printed copy with the original manuscript, appends a list of errata, with certification that, with these, the book corresponds to the original. this bears date "madrid, may 4, 1609." pedro zapata del marmol, at "madrid, may seven, one thousand six hundred and nine," appraises the book and orders that it be sold at four maravedis per pliego or fold, thus making the price of the book, since it contains one hundred and six pliegos, twelve reals, sixteen maravedis. in his dedication, dated "madrid, may 4, 1609," argensola requests the king to read his book, as it "contains victories of the church." the author's brother, lupercio leonardo de argensola, secretary of the empress, chief chronicler of the king in aragón, writes a letter "to the readers," in which he meets their arguments or supposed arguments, and defends the title and contents of the book, the method of treatment, the style, and its _raison d'être_. the work contains ten books, the first four of which consist almost entirely of matters extraneous to the philippines, such as maluco matters, the history of pedro sarmiento's expedition through the strait of magellan in search of drake, etc. the last six books contain more philippine matter, and while argensola cannot always be credited with the same reliability as morga, he often supplements the latter. his introduction in the first book reads as follows:] [269] i write of the reduction of the malucas islands to the obedience of felipe iii, king of españa, and the reduction of their kings to their former vassalage, which their predecessors rendered, and which was introduced anew by don pedro de acuña, governor of the filipinas and general of the spanish fleet. that was a victory worthy the foresight of so pious a monarch, of the care of the dignified ministers of his supreme council, and of the valor of our nation: not so greatly because of the rare fertility of those provinces, as because by it was taken from the northern fleets one great compelling motive for sailing our seas, so that they should not infect the purity of the new faith of the asiatic indians, and the inhabitants of our colonies who trade with them, with heresy. the short time in which the undertaking was completed does not detract from its praise; on the contrary, it can, by that very fact, occupy a worthy place among more copious narratives. well do i see the dangers to which i expose myself, but i am also confident that i shall not find a defense wanting. illustrious sculptors or painters are wont to esteem highly the heads, arms, and other members, that are copied perfectly from living bodies, in imitation of which they form all the parts, when they wish to make any figure. those ignorant of art despise that preparation, and only enjoy the statue or picture, which is composed of all its members, and do not examine the imperfections that they may possess. my present relation of the recovery of those kingdoms will be judged by this esteem and by this contempt. for the wise, who know how history is formed, will esteem this part drawn from life. others who read, as they confess, only to pass the time, will value it but little--preferring some highly fabulous monstrosities, or a prolix book, which, under the name of history, contains a marvelous number of people, and their deaths; and which gives events, not as god disposed them, but as they desire them. hence it happens that many things worth knowing remain hidden, for, since they are deferred tor general histories, they are contemporaneously written but meagerly, by those concerned in them; and when their manuscripts are wanted, they are not to be found, or else bind the writer to the laws imposed on him by those who wished to leave that memorial through their self-love or any other passion, and he can make no examination of their truth. consequently to free a success so important as that of ternate, the capital of all maluco, from this danger, i was ordered to write it, during the lifetime of those who engaged in it either actively, or through counsel i am so fully informed of what is needful to write this history, that i hope to supply my want of ability by the truth. of this alone have i deemed it fitting to advise the reader, and not of the advantage that will be derived from a perusal of this relation. for if the reader desire my relation, any advice on my part will be superfluous; and otherwise, even though such advice guide him rightly, it will be impossible to achieve anything thereby. [the first four books treat somewhat briefly of the legendary history and the european discovery of the the malucos; their importance in trade, by reason of their spices, and other resources; their inhabitants; the early portuguese domination and cruelties, and the consequent risings and rebellions of the natives; the civil wars between ternate and tidors; and the accession of felipe ii to the portuguese crown. the following extracts and abstracts are made from various parts of these four books:] the eastern archipelago ... embraces so many islands, that even yet we do not know their exact number. modern writers make five divisions of this archipelago, which are themselves a like number of archipelagos--namely, maluco, moro, papuas, celebes, and amboyno. the name of the first in that language is moloc, and means the same as "capital," for it is the capital of all the adjacent parts; and, according to others, maluco, which signifies in arabic, as par excellence, "the kingdom." it is reduced to five chief islands, all under one meridian, all in sight of one another, and lying within a distance of twenty-five leguas. they lie across the equator, their most northern latitude being one-half degree, and their most southern one degree. they are bounded on the west by the island of xilòlo, called batochina de moro by the portuguese, and alemaera by the malucos. of the many islands round about, which are also called malucas, ... the following are remarkable for the abundance of their spice, namely--beginning at the north-ternate, tydore, motiel, maquien, and bacham. in the time of their former pagans they were called cape, duco, moutil, mara, and seque ... the inhabitants differ from one another, as it were, by the miraculous kindness of nature. the women are light-complexioned and beautiful, while the men have a complexion somewhat darker than a quince. the hair is smooth, and many anoint it with fragrant oils. they have large eyes and long eyelashes, which, with their eyebrows, they wear blackened. their bodies are robust, and they are much given to war, but to all other employment they are slothful. they live long, grow gray early, and are always active, on sea no less than on land. hospitable and kind to guests, they are importunate and insistent in their demands when they become familiar. they are full of self-interest in their dealings, and make use of tricks, frauds, and lies. they are poor, and consequently proud; and, to name many vices in one, they are ungrateful. the chinese occupied all these islands when they subjugated all that orient, then the javanese and malays, and lastly the persians and arabs. these last, by means of commerce, introduced the superstitions of mahomet among the worship of their gods (of whom some families boasted as ancestors). their laws are barbarous. they set no limit to their marriages. the chief wife of the king, called _putriz_ in their language, determines nobility and the right to the succession--to which her children are preferred, even when they are younger than the children of other mothers. not even the slightest theft is pardoned, but adultery is easily excused. at daybreak, those appointed for this duty sound (by law) large timbrels in the streets of the settlements, in order to awaken married people, whom, on account of human propagation, they judge worthy of political care. the majority of crimes are punished by death. in other things they obey the tyranny or will of the conqueror. the headdress of the men consists of colored turkish turbans, with many feathers in them. that of the king, which corresponds to a crown, has the form of a miter in its peak. the remainder of the clothing universally consists of jackets which they call _cheninas_, and trousers of blue, crimson, green, or violet damask. of the same material are their cloaks, which are short and military, and fastened diagonally or knotted on the shoulder, after the fashion of the ancient roman garments, as known to us by the writings, statues, and other traces of those times. the women show off their hair, now letting it hang, and again knotting it upon the head, and placing various kinds of flowers in the bands that hold it; so that, in the adjustment of their headdress, they are not embarrassed by veils, plumage, or feathers. all that variety, even without art, adorns them. they wear bracelets, earrings, and necklaces of diamonds and rubies, and long strings of pearls--ornaments that are not prohibited to the common people; as neither are silks, which are especially worn by the women after the fashion of persians and turks. these are all the wealth of the seas and surrounding lands. men and women betoken in their dress the natural haughtiness of their disposition. the variety of their languages is not little. it may happen that one village cannot understand the language of the next. malay, being most easy to pronounce, is most common. from the variety of languages it is inferred that these islands have been populated by different nations. antiquity, and the art of navigating in those districts, is ascribed to the chinese. others affirm that the malucos are descended from the javanese, who, attracted by the sweetness of the odors wafted by the spices, stopped at maluco. they took a cargo of cloves, which until then were unknown, and, continuing to trade in these, carried them in their vessels to the persian and arabian straits. they went throughout those provinces, carrying also ilks, and chinaware--products of the resources and skill of the chinese. the cloves, by means of the persians and arabs, came to the greeks and romans. several roman emperors tried to conquer the east, in order to find the spice regions, so much did they desire the spice. believing that they all came from china, they gave them chinese names. the spaniards formerly brought the spices with other merchandise from the bermejo [_i.e._, red] or erithrean sea. the kings of egypt once gained possession of the spices, and they reached europe by way of the asiatics. when the romans made egypt one of their provinces, they continued the trade. the genoese, much later, transferring the commerce to theodosia (now cafa) distributed the spices, and there venecia and other trading nations established their agents and factories. they sailed later by way of the caspian sea and trapisonda; but the trade fell with the empire, and the turks carried this merchandise in caravans of camels and dromedaries to barcito, lepo, and damasco, and to various mediterranean ports. [270] the sultans of cayro restored this trade to the bermejo sea, and to alexandria by the nilo [_i.e._, nile] river. the portuguese deprived the sultans of it, after their conquest of the eastern indias, and now they bring the spices by way of the cape of buena esperanza in their fleets; while with those that sail along the coasts of arabia and persia, and to the cape of guardafun, they prohibit drugs being taken to cayro, sinking or capturing the vessel that tries to do so. the sultan's trade was suppressed by this fear and the security that was introduced, and all the spices come on the account of the royal crown to india, with innumerable delays, until they reach lisboa. he who is master of the navigation will be master of this pleasing wealth. [mindanao--which, as appears from an allusion by argensola, was not always considered a portion of the philippines proper--is visited by one of the early portuguese conquerors, captain pinto, being sent there by tristan de atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to provide themselves with the necessities of life." there "he visited the king, by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials were examined, and consultation over his requests was held with the sangages [271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made. pinto sold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded for and bought a cargo of provisions at will." (book ii, pp. 49-50.) the desire for cloves [272] on the part of the portuguese is so strong in the malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although "the clove harvest forms the wealth of the maluco kings," in order to cause them to leave. although the threat is not carried out, wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors. the contests become so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to arguments for abandoning the philippines after felipe ii's accession to the throne. the passages relating to this are as follows:] the apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all those provinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofs of manifest rebellion. in goa, diego lopez de mezquita was already a prisoner in the fortress of benastirim, and under a strong guard, and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from españa to dispose of him and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the ternatans would make use of the great help that could be sent them by the chinese; which could be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussed in castilla were made certain. it was reported that the council of state--having noted that the filipinas not only did not augment the royal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion for fruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficult of conservation--had proposed to king filipo, our sovereign, to abandon them, and withdraw the audiencia and presidios that sustained them. they added to this argument the example of the chinese kings and nations, who also had abandoned those islands--although they are so near and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as a part of their mainland. they said that as españa was governing them, signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes that any betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silver passing thither from nueva españa, both for regular expenses and for merchandise, was immense. for the same reason, and by the same road, that treasure was being sent by the hands of the chinese to the center of those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws, are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from all trade with foreigners. they asserted that the monarchy, scattered and divided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to one whole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability, provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries. these arguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience, a truth manifest to the senses. all other arguments that could be adduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable and full of generous sound, but difficult of execution. it would be more advisable to increase the power of the king in europe, where the forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties that militate against them in outside seas and dominions. each one of these arguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasury that this proposition merited consideration and examination. had god permitted the king to exclude the filipinas from his monarchy, and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize them first, the malucans would have so strengthened the condition of their affairs that it would have been impregnable. this same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, and in the reign of king filipo third, now reigning. he, conforming to his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel so injurious. consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that the filipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that the audiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice could be more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigor of justice the king based the duration and energy of the state. for the same reason, the military force there would be strengthened, and the royal incomes of nueva españa, or those of any other of his kingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures, and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must be applied to the propagation of the gospel. for what, he asked, would the enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the filipinas were deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it, because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other rich islands in assia and america? he said that the entire power of the sovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the church and assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued in the successes of the first preaching. if he had refused to yield one jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grant them liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward the pagans and mahometans, who are the harvest that god has assigned him, in order to enrich the church with those so remote children? by this wise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this glorious aim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human convenience has discussed the abandonment of those states.... this religious motive influenced felipo; but, besides it, those who had experience of those asiatic sources of wealth urged others. the most abundant wealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber, musk, civet, and camphor, from borneo and china; vermilion, coral, quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from cambaya and mengala; rugs, carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from persia; brocades, ivory, rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china, lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from banda; with gold, silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco, [275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, and ornaments. they say that venecia lost all this when the commerce passed to portugal [276] (book ii, pp. 84-86).... [while the war between the portuguese and the natives is at its height, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neither spanish nor portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of venetians, private persons, on its way from manila to china, with various bartered merchandise of those states and of the east" (book ii, p. 89). a native envoy visits felipe ii in lisbon, but fails to accomplish much. the later wars between portuguese and spaniards and natives are characterized by assistance for the latter from english and dutch sources. king felipe "especially to recover témate," turns "his eyes to the convenience afforded by all the filipinas, to a greater extent than india." later he orders by "his royal decree" that "all the governors of the filipinas should be instructed to aid the malucas, and all the indian states of the portuguese crown; for this may be done more conveniently from those islands than from india itself" (book iv, p. 140). argensola recurring again to the proposition of abandoning the philippines and other islands, says:] the reader should also consider, that although avarice is sometimes mixed up in the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and lawless acts are committed by our captains and soldiers, yet such excesses do not make the cause less just. he should consider also that, supposing that his majesty should choose, for excellent state reasons (as we said were proposed), to abandon those districts of asia, as the chinese did, and to narrow the bounds of his monarchy, the cause of the faith would not permit it. our kings are ministers of the faith, and sons of the catholic church, and any war waged for the introduction of the gospel is most important, and of the greatest profit, even though it be to acquire or to gain desert provinces. besides the filipinas have shown how docile are their natives, and how thoroughly they benefit by the example and company of the spaniards--the tokens of the affection with which they have received the faith and aid the religious who are extending the faith and carrying it to china, japon, camboxa, mindanao, the malucas, and the other places where endures idolatry or friendship with the demons (which the former owners of the country left to them when they excluded those places from their dominion), or the fictions of mahomet, which those places afterward admitted. this is the chief reason for conserving those provinces. (book iv, pp. 161, 162.) conquest of the malucas islands book fifth after the luzones or manilas islands--both these being ancient names--had been discovered by magallanes, sebastian cano returned to españa, after the former's death and the successive deaths of his companions, in that venerable ship which--as if significant of its voyage, which contains more of truth than of probability--they called "vitoria." sebastian cano was a mountaineer, from the hamlet of guetaria in the pyrenees mountains, according to mapheo, [277] in his latin history. in his history he devotes much space to the great courage of cano, and his skill in the arts of navigation. he recounts the universal respect and admiration bestowed upon cano, since he was the first in the age of mortals to circumnavigate this globe. and in truth, what estimation can remain to the fabulous argonauts, tiphys and jason, and the other navigators whom the elegance or the daring of grecia extols, when compared to our cano? he was the first witness of the commerce of the seas, and nature opened to his eyes what had been reserved until then for them; and he was allowed to explore it all, and to furnish a beginning in so arduous endeavors for the law that saves and renders eternal. after the death of magallanes, the lusones islands--which ought to have inherited his name, as being his sepulcher, as the strait did because of his passage through it--changed that name for that of filipinas, [278] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-five; although those islands of that eastern archipeago are also called by that name. adelantado miguel de legaspe, who was sent from nueva españa by viceroy don luys de velasco with a spanish fleet, made port in those islands. he conquered first the island of zebu and those in its vicinity, where he remained six years. that region is called by another name, pintados, still preserved by different portions of that coast, because the indians at that time went about naked, and with their bodies adorned and painted [_i.e._, tattooed] in various colors. legaspe left a guard there and went to occupy luzon, one hundred and fifty leguas from zebû. he fought the barbarians, whom, after the surprise of our ships, weapons, and faces had worn off, the same novelty encouraged. legaspe anchored in a bay four leguas wide, which shows an island midway in its entrance, now called marívelez. the bay has a circuit of thirty leguas to the city of manila, and is eight leguas wide from north to east. the inhabitants of that city resisted him with greater courage than the pintados, for they had artillery and a fort. but after the spaniards had taken that, the defenders of it surrendered. this was done quickly, and allowed no time for the inhabitants to unite. thus did legaspe enter manila, a place fortified by nature. at one point of it (which is surrounded by the water of the bay) is a river of considerable volume, whose source is the great lake of vay [bay], five leguas distant. this point, narrow and slender at first, becomes wider immediately, for the seashore turns toward the southwest, and the bank of the river toward the east, so that a very considerable space is left for the city. the city is entirely surrounded with water, except that part between the west and south. legaspe founded the city then with wooden buildings, for wood is produced abundantly in those regions. the roofs of the houses were covered with nipa leaves, which resemble our mace-reed, [279] and which form a sufficient defense against the rains. it is, however, an inflammable material, and is the occasion of the great fires that have happened there so often. luzon is more densely populated than any of the many islands--which are called filipinas in honor of king filipo ii, and which, as is affirmed, number eleven thousand. luzon has a circumference of three hundred and fifty leguas. beyond the bay it runs one hundred leguas to the north, as far as nueva segovia; from the beginning of that province (namely, cape bojador), it runs for thirty leguas east to the promontory of el engaño. thence the coast runs south for eighty leguas, and then with another changed direction for forty leguas to what they call embocadero ["the channel"], that is, the strait opposite the island tandaya, which is distant eighty more leguas from the bay. consequently the island has the shape of a square; it has many harbors, but few capacious ports. manila is in slightly more than fourteen degrees of northern latitude, and in longitude (reckoning from the canarias) one hundred and sixty. the most northern part of luzon lies in nineteen degrees [of latitude]. with the sea between them, the great kingdom of china lies on that side of it, seventy leguas away; while the islands of japon lie to the northeast, at a distance of two hundred and fifty leguas. on the east is the open ocean, and on the south the greatest of the archipelagos of the ocean, which is divided into live archipelagos. these are broken up into so many islands, kingdoms, and provinces, that one would believe that nature did not desire men to ascertain their number. both javas, our malucas, borneo, and nueva guinea are known; on the west, and at a distance of three hundred leguas, malaca, sian, patan, camboxa, cochinchina, and other different provinces on the mainland of asia. the chinese abandoned living in our filipinas, but not its trade; nor did the cultivation or the fertility of the islands for that reason cease. wheat and other necessary grains are produced there in abundance: deer, cattle, buffaloes, goats, and wild boars; and fruits and spices. if there be anything lacking, the chinese from chincheo bring it, such as chinaware and silks. the wine always used and drunk there is made from palms, by cutting off the clusters of fruit that they produce, when green--that fruit is called cocos--from which, after cutting the leaf stalks, they gather the liquor that flows forth, and boil it in jars, until it becomes so strong that it causes intoxication and has the same effects as the strongest spanish wine. of native fruits, there are oranges, lemons, and very sweet citrons; while they have fig and pear-trees introduced from españa. they rear sparrow-hawks, herons [_martinetes_], and royal eagles in great abundance. they have a great many different kinds of parrots, and other birds, large and small. in the rivers and lakes are many horrible caymans or crocodiles; these kill the indians very easily--and especially the children, who go carelessly to their haunts--as well as the cattle when they go to drink. not a few times has it happened that they have seized the cattle by the muzzles and pulled them beneath the water, and drowned them without power to resist, however large the animal may be. then the carcass is dragged ashore and devoured ... indians are found so courageous that, notwithstanding the fierceness of those animals, they kill them with their hands. they cover the left hand and arm with a glove made from buffalo hide, and hold therein a stake or peg, somewhat longer than a tercia, [280] and about as thick as the wrist, and sharpened at both ends. then they enter the river until the water reaches the waist. the crocodile rushes upon the indian with open mouth to devour him. the latter presents to it his protected arm and the hand with the stake, so that the beast may seize it, and runs it into the animal's mouth in such a position that it cannot shut its mouth or make use of its strong teeth to attack its slayer. feeling the pain of the sharp stake the crocodile becomes so docile that it neither resists nor attacks, nor dares move, for the slightest movement causes it pain. thereupon the barbarian, pulling strongly on the stake, wounds the beast repeatedly with a dagger (carried in the right hand) in the throat, until it bleeds to death. then it is drawn ashore with lines and ropes, with the aid of other indians who unite to drag it in; and many are needed, because of the huge bodies of those crocodiles. they resemble lizards, but are furnished with scales so strong that scarce can an arquebus-shot dent them. the only vulnerable spots are the throat and under parts of the legs [_i.e._, where they join the body], where nature has given them a certain sweet odor, which the indians use. besides cattle, all the animals of africa and more are found in those islands--tigers, lions, bears, foxes, monkeys, apes, squirrels--and in some of them are many civet-cats. these last are wont to be hunted extensively, in order to take them to different nations with the other merchandise of china--linens, silks, earthenware, iron, copper, steel, quicksilver, and innumerable other things, which are transported annually from those provinces. religion and government are the same as those of españa; but in those islands that are still unsubdued, foolish idolatry prevails. they attribute immortality to their souls, but they believe that souls wander from one body to another, according to that ridiculous [doctrine of] transmigration invented or declared by pythagoras. trading is much in vogue, and is advanced by the chinese commerce. the filipinos are more courageous than their other neighbors. the spaniards and creoles do not belie their high origin. by order of king filipo an army was formed from all this people, in order to attempt to take the forts of maluco. don gonçalo ronquillo de peñalosa was governor. although he had received beforehand certain information by way of trade and the spies that had gone there, he was not satisfied with them, and sent another soldier to maluco. the latter changed his clothes, and then with that and his aspect, which was not unlike that of the natives, and their language, which he spoke fluently, went to tydore. he found our men very desirous of the enterprise, and the king of that island ready to push it with his forces. he went to ternate with the merchants, and saw the fortresses and the reefs about the ports; and sounded their friendship with the english. he found that the latter landed and traded securely--or rather, as if by right. nor was the multitude of secret christians unknown to him, who would take up arms in due season; nor any of the other things, that, as an experienced spy, it was necessary for him to report. thereupon ronquillo prepared about three hundred spaniards and more than one thousand five hundred filipinos, with ammunition, food, and sailors. with three large vessels and a considerable number of smaller ones, he set sail toward maluco at the proper season. pedro sarmiento was general, an energetic and experienced man, who still lives in manila. he set out courageously and energetically, in order to destroy any of the enemies then sailing those seas. several days previous his majesty had appointed pablo de lima to the charge of ternate, if it were gained; and had allowed his brother, francisco de lima, the concession of two voyages to maluco, in consideration of their services and those of henrique, their father. pablo had married a christian woman, and a devout one, although she was a relative of the king of tydore, who is not a christian. for this reason, and because he possessed in ternate the ancient inheritance to the towns of guita, mofaquia, mofaguita, pauate, pelueri, sansuma, tahane, mayloa, and soma; and in the island of maquien, sabele, talapao, talatoa, mofabouaua, tabalola, tagono, bobaba, and molapa--of the majority of which the ternatan king had dispossessed him, as well as bitua and other towns in tydore, on the pretext of his having abandoned them--he went to manila, where he discussed with the governor the method of facilitating the conquest, on the very eve of its execution. his counsel was favored, and he gave it as it was his own cause. for, in addition to the inheritance that the king of ternate had usurped from him, he expected to get the island of moutil, which had belonged to his ancestors. the expedition was also authorized by the presence of don juan ronquillo, the governor's nephew, who held equal authority by land and sea with sarmiento. if there were anything wanting, it was thought that it would be supplied easily by the valor of the soldiers, together with the shortness of the voyage and the carelessness of the enemy. but the divided command proved an obstacle to that hope. their voyage was not stormy, but neither was it so favorable that they were enabled to anchor exactly at ternate, as was necessary in order to deprive the enemy from using their own vigilance. they went to moutil to anchor, and within sight of the inhabitants of the land, fought with some hostile _janquas_. [281] these were captured, and the christians found within them were set at liberty. as pablo de lima knew the harbors, and as the people of the island did not possess the forces necessary to defend themselves against a fleet, and as it was easily attacked on the sides, it surrendered. the natives came with branches of palms, citron-trees, and gariofylos [_i.e., caryophyllus_], or clove-trees, as tokens of peace, and to beg pardon. they obtained both, and for master, pablo de lima. however the vesting him with that domain proved cf little utility; for a few days after, all the people slipped away, either considering themselves more secure in ternate, or to meet the enemy--who must necessarily carry the war to that island, as happened. sarmiento repaired his vessels on that island [_i.e._, moutil], and without the loss of a single soldier, and flushed by his first victory, went to talangame, passing through the hostile caracoas, which had been fitted up hastily and without order. the fort and the king, in possession of our artillery--especially the rampart, which was enlarged and afterward called cachil tulo, after the king's uncle, who built it--were in readiness long before, and were threatening some great disaster. our men landed on that side, but their landing was opposed by the ternatans. however night put an end to battle, and each side retiring to safety, our men finished landing and mounting their artillery, in the position and manner counseled by pablo de lima, who ever since then has been general of artillery in the fort of tydore. the king of that island wished to join our troops, as was shown by certain actions, and by his promises to alférez dueñas; but he doubted the fortune of the castilians, as if he had not had many experiences of it. now the occasion persuaded him and fidelity bound him, but he still hesitated. the doubt of that king is believed to have hurt the outcome of the affair. sarmiento, after having mounted the artillery and securely fortified himself, and after having taken some captives (from whom he learned the food supply and arms of the besieged), commenced to hem in the enemy, and to bombard them furiously. however he did not scare them, for they answered boldly. it became necessary to seize the high places, from which, as from commanding eminences--which were leveled later--our men harassed the enemy. had they persevered in this, it would have sufficed to end the war. but to such an extent did sickness reign in our camp, that no better medicine was found than that of absence, and deferring this undertaking to another time. the assistance from tydore was of no consequence. they proved lukewarm friends, and all the rest was spiritless. heaven knows the other reasons. there must have been some stronger ones; for, in reality, the camp was raised, and after embarking returned to manila, without having had any greater effect than to increase the confidence of the enemy. then only the english nation disturbed spanish dominion in that orient. consequently king filipo desired not only to forbid it with arms near at hand, but also to furnish an example, by their punishment, to all the northern nations, so that they should not undertake the invasions that we see. a beginning was made in this work in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, as is related in the following discourse. [the beheading of mary stuart, the english confederation with holland, and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada" follow. the narrative continues:] the hollanders or zealanders, confederated with queen isabel [_i.e._, elizabeth of england], being witnesses of that event [_i.e._, the defeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts, in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurp the eastern riches--mines, spices, drugs, and silks--as is seen by their reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recent examples set by the english, and by the more ancient ones left us by colon, alburquerque, magallanes, gama, and cortes, as we shall see later.... after santiago de vera became governor of the filipinas, he was especially ordered to equip a fleet to attack ternate, where the english, from that time forward, were trading with all security. all nations had established factories there, except the javanese and the lascars. more than two thousand five hundred moros from meca were preaching their abominable doctrine. they did not fear portugal; all their fear was caused by the castilians, whom but lately they found pledged to vengeance. the king of ternate knew that sarmiento and ronquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them. when the new preparation was learned in tydore, the rumor was taken to ternate by spies. that king immediately summoned his vassals, especially the islanders of maquien and homero, who, inasmuch as those islands are so densely populated, responded with forty caracoas. the number would have been greater, but the king would not permit that more should be equipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lest they rebel, as the lands were full of christians, and the tributes that he had imposed on them were so excessive. santiago de vera made captain juan morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just as valor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery to the fleet. pablo de lima assisted in both forces. but whether caused by natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they were so disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before they left manila. they set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatest hardships of the sea. but when they considered themselves safe, all the elements were loosed upon the fleet. light and reckoning failed them. the boats were shattered and the most important one sunk, with the loss of all its crew. that was the galleon called "santa helena," which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress, and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus. however they persisted, and the king of bacham assisted them with the men that he had raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies; and, as a baptized christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he had made, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of our faith, and promised the restitution of his soul. [the futile operations of the spaniards at ternate follow. refusing advice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attacking in different places with small detachments. finally the siege is raised, when the enemy is almost starved out. communication with traders from europe is again free to ternate, "especially with their new friends, the english." but internal disputes and ambitions in ternate lead to the following letter to santiago de vera from cachil tulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of ternate:] my brother, cachil babu, former king of ternate, wrote to portugal to the king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine, in return for which he promised to deliver to his majesty the fort of ternate, of which he had been dispossessed. and as his majesty succeeded to the kingdoms of portugal, he answered my brother's letter by cachil naique, his ambassador. but when it arrived, my brother was already dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, as a bastard son had succeeded him, whom the ternatans, with the help of the king of tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to the throne. he refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge. neither would he take my counsel or that of my brother, cachil mandraxa, rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress, as his father had promised the portuguese--not because he could not defend himself from them or from his majesty, but expressly because he had been thus ordered by his father and my brother. it must not be understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but that we of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve his majesty. upon seeing us with this intention he determined to kill my brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by having him stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security and mine. therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless, and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and i and my brothers promised to his majesty, i have determined, now and henceforth, to become the true vassal and servant of his majesty. by this present i bind myself, and i swear by my religion, as i did so swear, and i shall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar antonio ferreyra, to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all my kindred and friends, until his majesty's captain takes possession of it or he who shall hereafter come with the portuguese and castilians, who shall be in his company. [this i shall do] provided that the captain or captains in his majesty's name shall fulfil toward me the signed promise of duarte pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as i gave him another such message. that is to proclaim me king of ternate, as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his majesty; for it belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that i am rendering, and that i hope to render later, to his majesty. therefore, i beseech your lordship for favor, and request you in his majesty's name to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers; and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve his majesty in this may be achieved, and, as i hope, without loss of life--although, as your lordship will have learned, this fortress is well garrisoned. the order and arrangement that these soldiers would better observe will be written to your lordship by the chief captain. given in tydore, where i have come for this purpose, as the father-vicar antonio ferreyra and the auditor antonio de matos will testify, whom, as such persons, i begged to sign for me. may 23. [the letter of the portuguese commander verifies the above letter, and asks for four hundred spanish soldiers, under pretext of sending them "to drive the javanese from those seas, whose friendship the ternatans value more than ours." they at least will keep the english from ternatan ports. fifteen fragatas and one galleon will be enough, and they are to be accompanied by filipino pioneers. he tries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition. vera is anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once. meanwhile cachil tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the chinese and japanese in the philippines renders it impossible to send the expedition to ternate. "each one of these expeditions made inroads on the treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent that it was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them." it is thought that a joint expedition from malaca and manila will accomplish more, and this is made some years later, under andres furtado de mendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows an account. the island of ceylon, its products and fauna are partially described, and some of its connection with the portugese. returning to philippine matters, the narrative continues:] at this time santiago de vera was already dismissed from his governorship of the filipinas. after he had communicated with andres furtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincided with his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and furtado became embroiled with those who did not love him, and santiago de vera was withdrawn from his office. gomez perez de las mariñas, knight of the habit of santiago, succeeded him. he was a man of great reputation, a native of betanços in the kingdom of galicia. he reached filipinas in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. he brought his son don luis with him, a knight of the habit of alcántara. the new governor found manila open to attack, without the form of a city, and without any money with which to improve it. more than two hundred thousand pesos were needed for it. however, by his plans and schemes, he completed the work without public or private loss. he established a monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play, punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealers and the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls of manila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-nine geometric feet [_i.e._, spanish feet], each foot being one tercia. to this he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of the inhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example of their chief. the city had but one fort, and that badly constructed. he built another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the name of santiago, and enclosed the old one. he finished the cathedral, and, from the foundation, the church of santa potenciana, patroness of the island, as a shelter for women. then he started the casting of cannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with large and small artillery. he built galleys for the trade and commerce or merchandise--the subsistence of those lands. and in fulfilment of his promises in españa, he cast his eyes on ternate and all of maluco, on the late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors who had attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishments of its tyrants. he communicated these thoughts orally and by letters with zealous persons, more particularly with marta, [282] a priest of the society of jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experience and instruction had been of great use in those regions. this man gave him information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and for the work. one of the latter was brother gaspar gomez, a spaniard, a lay religious of the same society. among the many conferences that were held upon this matter, i find an exhortation from father antonio marta, in a letter written from tydore. as it is the original, and good for the better understanding, i will place it here, translated from the portuguese.... [the letter above mentioned holds out to dasmariñas the three inducements of service to the king, service to god, and personal ambition, in the proposed molucca expedition. the war will be an arduous one, for "it will be fought not with the ternatans alone, but with all the moros of this archipelago," and the natives are brave and determined. "the people of tydore already say that they do not want spaniards in these regions," and gomez perez will find it prudent to dissemble with them, "so that they will not join the ternatans." father marta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, and assures the governor of the prayers of the religious. this letter, and conferences with one geronymo de azevedo and brother gaspar gomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition. he sent gaspar gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts of the archipelago; and the latter visited ternate, tydore, mindanao, both javas, and other regions as far as malaca. the rest of book five is taken up with a relation of pedro de acuña's services and his appointment to cartagena in nueva españa.] conquest of the malucas islands book sixth meanwhile gomez perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed his purpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food, and men. among other supplies, he built four fine galleys. to man them--as is there reported--he employed a means that was considered severe. he ordered that the number of indians sufficient to equip the galleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of other indian chiefs, and that the spanish encomenderos should pay for these men from their own money. the price assigned for each indian was two taes of gold--each tae being slightly more than one onza--the value formerly general among them for slaves. he promised that the sum spent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterward from the royal exchequer. however, this did not seem any lessening of the severity, for he improperly called those indians slaves; but [among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children, feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters. besides, slaves were then valued higher. to the anger of those who were about to be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged to contribute from their property for expenses--which, in their opinion, were not very necessary--and to offend their tributaries by forcibly seizing them; while they themselves would never collect the price they were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certain thing. the governor gave out that those galleys were to assure the country and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knew absolutely that the emperor of japon was going to attack it with a huge war-fleet. without galleys it could not be defended, and consequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since other rowers were lacking. these slaves were not to be chained in the galley, or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that they themselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whom they already had as fathers and fathers-in-law. these arguments, and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections. but they did not silence report, for already it was known that he had come from españa, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, and backers, to the ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it, unknown authors divulged it. yet some tried to persuade him not to entrust the defense of filipinas to the chinese or sangleys, for no bond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any love for the islands. they bade him remember the recent example of what those people did on an occasion on which they were employed by his predecessor, and to be on his guard against them. he [_i.e._, vera], sending a reënforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort and settlement of cagayàn--which is on the shore of that island of luzon, eighty leguas from the city of manila--inasmuch as he then had no ship in which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity, thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purpose a ship of the chinese, then anchored at that port and about to return to china. he ordered the reënforcement to be embarked on that boat and the chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at its destination, since that was directly on their way. he promised the chinese to recompense and reward them for that service. they offered to do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunning was seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaits it. the chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our spaniards were asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones, the chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they could not defend themselves. they were all beheaded and thrown into the sea. the chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing the booty, sailed for their own country. they only kept with them one wretched spanish woman who accompanied our men. they left her alive, but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the first chinese shore that they reached. she went then to the magistrates there, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people, and of the violence that they had inflicted on her. but although the judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her for her injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice. on the contrary they ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents, and delivered to other supreme judges. on that journey, which was very long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships--until some governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her to the city of macao, where the portuguese reside, and they set her at liberty. through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was in the mouth of all in manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition, they exaggerated it still more. finally, all of the slaves demanded by governor gomez perez had to be supplied, but with injuries and acts of oppression; and with the same injuries and oppression they were all put on the galleys. there they remained some time before sailing, and some of them died, because they were unused to that life. all those slaves proved insufficient to man all the galleys, and the flagship was without rowers. on that account, and in order to complete the work, more severe methods were used than at first. the governor ordered that two hundred and fifty chinese be drafted from those who go to filipinas to trade, in order to man or equip the flagship. each of them was to be paid two pesos monthly from the royal treasury. the governor assured them that they would not be chained, but free, and could have their weapons and serve as soldiers, and would only have to row the galley during calms, if any should occur, and in order to double certain headlands. this decision being communicated to the chinese, they ail refused it as an intolerable burden. but when our governor insisted upon this, in order to carry out his design, the chinese governor assembled his people in order to discuss the matter, and to plan how they might choose two hundred and fifty from among them all; and he threatened that he would take every tenth man by their houses. that threat disturbed them so much, that the next day, all their windows were closed, and the merchants closed their shops; and the community was deprived of the provisions which were supplied to it by them. our governor, upon seeing this, saying that they had mutinied, had about fifty of them seized, the first whom he could find, and put them in the galleys at the oar. thereupon the rest, being cowed, assembled, and made up from among their number all the two hundred and fifty. and inasmuch as no one of them wished to be of that number, they distributed among those who accepted that service twenty thousand pesos, which were given as a present to those chinese who would go on the galley, each one being given eighty pesos, besides the king's pay. with this good aid, chinese were not wanting to consent to act as rowers, although the twenty thousand pesos were spent among them--or, more correctly, among the officers. from those two hundred and fifty chinese, five companies were formed, and five chinese christians appointed as captains. they made their musters and reviews, with pikes and catans--which are but slightly different from cutlasses--and appeared to be happy and contented. amid these occupations brother gaspar gomez came unexpectedly to manila, loaded with information which he referred to the governor in a number of private conferences. he said that the king of ternate was not badly prepared, although his forces were somewhat weakened by his not being in very great harmony with the majority of the chiefs of his kingdom. many were threatening to rebel because of his tyrannies and excessive levies of tribute. now javanese, lascars, and moros from meca no longer resorted to ternate, as they did in the time when captain morones went there during the term of santiago de vera. gaspar gomez gave very detailed information about the two forts of talangame. he found that the king of ternate usually had about three thousand soldiers, one thousand of them arquebusiers; while a considerable number came from the other kingdoms of his crown. they fought with missile weapons, campilans, and shields, and other armor of coats-of-mail and helmets, which portuguese had traded for spice. they had considerable ammunition, all made by themselves from materials taken there by the javanese as payment for cloves. their chief place was the city of ternate, where the king and all his court resided. consequently it was the best guarded, and from that place the others obtained strength, courage, and all reënforcement. gaspar gomez advised that our army attack before dawn, for all assaults made at dawn on that people had always succeeded well. if our fleet could arrive unseen, it would without doubt conquer. but that king had placed spies and sentinels on almost all of his islands, and even in canela, sarrangán, and mindanao. from the fort of amboyno and from the kings of syan [_i.e._, siaó] and tidore, a goodly number of bronze culverins and much other artillery could be brought in their caracoas. the amboynos would send these at command, and they would be sent from syan and tydore as soon as requested; for, besides doing homage to the crown of españa, those kings are hostile to ternate. the supplies necessary to finish the war, even in case the king of tydore should fail them (of whom it might be suspected that he did not wish to see his enemy totally destroyed), were the artillery and craft that were being prepared; and more than one thousand two hundred soldiers, well-armed and equipped with coats-of-mail and helmets, until they should go to the island of banda in order to garrison that island as it needed. there should be a number of light vessels to catch the enemy when fleeing. thus would the war be finished entirely and quickly, and without bloodshed. the infidel ternatans themselves even said and published the same. they confessed that, if a large contingent of soldiers should reach their land, they would universally render homage without fighting. consequently he inferred that secret christians were living in the malucas. the entire conquest of that island of banda was very useful and advantageous, and of slight risk; and its maintenance was of great importance to the inhabitants of amboyno, which belongs to us. gaspar gomez also affirmed that the portuguese were facilitating the enterprise considerably, and recounted the interest and profit that would accrue to his majesty. father antonio marta was also of that opinion, in whom governor gomez perez placed so great faith. brother gaspar gomez to these so full reports and information added such details that he quite set on fire the mind of the governor. at this time the king of camboxa, named landara, sent the governor an embassy through two spanish captains, accompanied by many cambodians, with the requisite authority for prosecuting his cause. that barbarous king took care that his ambassadors should not be natives of his kingdoms, because of the lack of confidence with which his vassals inspired him as to their faithfulness. he chose the ambassadors from different classes, so that a good result might come from the difference of their characters and dispositions. one was a portuguese, diego veloso by name, and the other a castilian, blas ruyz de fernan gonçalez. [284] they presented gomez perez with a fine gift, consisting of a considerable quantity of ivory, benzoin, chinaware, pieces of silks and cottons, and an elephant of a noble disposition, as was learned later by experience. they proposed their embassy, which was, in short, to beg help against the king of syan [_i.e._, siam], who was about to attack the cambodian king with a vast army. the latter in recognition of that aid offered to become a vassal of the king of españa, and a christian. that king was certain that so valorous and courageous a knight as gomez perez would, under no circumstance, refuse a deed in which god would receive so obvious a service, and that would be so advantageous to the crown of españa. the governor accepted the present, and responded to it by another of certain european products, and thanked the king for his confidence in applying to him. however, it was impossible for him to set about that help just then, or divert any portion of those forces that were prepared to punish the king of ternate and recover that kingdom and the rest of maluco, which had rebelled with so great an insult and outrage to the spanish nation. his highness should trust in god our lord, and persevere in his attempt to serve him in the holy and true religion. when the ternate enterprise was over, he would take his force to the relief of camboxa. with these hopes, which were fulfilled by don luys de las mariñas, his son, those ambassadors left. in order to give them truthful satisfaction and a just cause for the delay, it was necessary to publish the true purpose of that fleet, which until then had been kept secret. then the governor determined upon his departure, and tried to take with him as many men as possible. they were enlisted, willingly or by force--those who were requested and those who were compelled, alike. the encomenderos and soldiers caused a prodigal expense in ships, supplies and parades--which, because of the great opportunity furnished for all that in filipinas, exceeded the governor's power and wishes. the governor sent don luys, his son, with all the regulars to the island of cebu, where all the fleet was to be assembled. there he remained six months, awaiting new orders. gomez perez was detained in manila, planning matters of importance. two days before leaving, while a guest and dining at the house of pedro de roxas, his assistant, where he was wont to amuse himself in heavy gaming and merriment, he became so gay--beyond his custom, and contrary to the harshness of his character--that many interpreted it as his last farewell, and an omen of what happened. he recounted in conversation, amid much laughter, that father fray vicente, of the franciscan order, had told him that that enterprise could not succeed; for the army was composed of conscripted men, and especially because the married men were going. the governor left manila october seventeen, with six royal galleys, one galleon, one fusta, one fragatin, and a number of fragatas, caracoas, and vireys--different varieties of craft of the natives of the country. all the vessels, those belonging to his majesty and those of his vassals who offered their persons for his service, totaled one hundred. there were one thousand well-armed spaniards and more than four hundred arquebusiers from the vicinity of manila; and another thousand of those called visaias, people who use lances, shields, and bows and arrows. besides these, there were more than four hundred others, chinese, of those living throughout that island; and of those who come to trade, another goodly number, with pay--the great majority of whom were conscripts rather than volunteers. there was in the galleys a quantity of food for the fleet. the governor appointed his son, don luys perez, as lieutenant of the fleet, and ordered him, as above stated, to assemble it at the island of cebú. he himself embarked in the flagship, a vessel of twenty-eight benches, manned by two hundred and fifty chinese; and eighty spaniards also embarked in it. they reached cabite, whence they sailed on the nineteenth, together with several vessels carrying private persons, who followed the governor at their own expense. they coasted the island of manila, until they reached balajàn; then they separated, for the vessels did not lose sight of shore, while the governor sailed in the open sea. on the twenty-fifth, he came alone to pass the night at the promontory of azufre [285] ["sulphur point"] on the island of manila, opposite that of caça, where the current runs strong and the sea is choppy. as it was during the blowing of the brisa, the galley could not advance. it anchored under shelter of the point, but, through the strength of the current, dragged slightly. in order to return to its shelter, the chinese were kept incessantly at the oar. in fact, they rowed with little energy--either because they were men new to that labor, and forced to the oar by violence; or because they were fatigued, and harassed by those who commanded them. other contrary winds assailed them, which further impeded the voyage. in order to double certain promontories of the land, it was necessary to ply the oars, and to urge on the rowers with the severity and punishment generally used in galleys. they thought that harsh, and contrary to the governor's assurance, when he promised them that they would be treated with affection. but neither the whip nor threats, nor overcoming the currents by dint of the sweat of their limbs, seemed to them so intolerable and injurious as to hear from the governor's mouth harsh and severe words, ordering them to row manfully; for did they not, he would put them in chains, and cut off their hair. such an insult among the chinese is worthy of death, for they place all their honor in their hair. they keep it carefully tended and gaily decked, and esteem it as highly as ladies in europa; and, in dressing it, display their taste and their social standing. they determined to mutiny, in order not to suffer such an insult and disgrace. having appointed for that purpose the following night (namely, the twenty-fifth of october), when the spaniards had lain down tired out upon the benches, and in other places in the hull, the chinese did the same. however, they so cunningly divided themselves that each chinese lay down beside a spaniard, and pretended to sleep. just before the hour of dawn, which they considered the most suitable time and the safest of all, upon seeing the spaniards in their soundest slumber, the chinese, at the sound of a shrill whistle (which was the signal agreed upon among them), all arose at the same moment; and each one with the greatest haste put on a white tunic or shirt, so that, in the midst of the uproar and the darkness, they might recognize one another, and distinguish those to be killed. however, for the greater security of the deed, they also lit a considerable number of wax tapers, which they had concealed in the folds of the white tunics. then they seized their catans, which are sharper and more curved than our cutlasses, and each chinese commenced, without disturbing the silence, to strike his neighboring spaniard; and then, with the increase of their fury, to behead all those who were sleeping. more than sixty had embarked on the flagship, among them the servants of the governor, and others, old soldiers, who in order to oblige and accommodate him were enduring discomfort. they had been gambling all the night; and being tired, and because of the excessive heat, were sleeping naked, some in the midship gangway, others on the benches, while the more favored ones, to whom were given better quarters, slept aft. the governor went into his cabin to sleep. the chinese proceeded to slaughter those who, suspecting nothing, were sleeping; it was done so quickly that when some of those asleep in the stern awakened, the other spaniards were already dead. the guard did not perceive it, and such carelessness could admit of no excuse, for they had been sufficiently warned, and examples had preceded. some waked, but finding themselves wounded and confused, jumped overboard, where most of them were drowned. some--a very few--jumped overboard before being wounded, but they were also drowned, although they were near shore, for they could not reach land because of the strength of the current. twelve escaped, and many dead bodies were found on the beach. the chinese, now grown bolder, seized the pikes that they had hidden under the benches, and with outcries completed their treachery. the governor, who was sleeping below the hatchway, with a lantern or candle, awaked. in order to awaken him, the chinese themselves began purposely to make a greater noise; while they cried out to him and begged him to come out and settle a quarrel among the "castillas," as they call the spaniards. he, either for that reason, or thinking that the galley was dragging as on other occasions, arose in his shirt, opened the hatchway, looked out, and pushed his body half way through it. at that same time, the chinese fell upon him with their cutlasses, and fatally wounded him. they cleft his head, transfixed him with their pikes, and ran him through with more than barbaric ferocity. perceiving that his death was near at hand, he retired, and took the prayer-book of his order, which he always kept with him, and an image of our lady. between those two refuges, which were later found bathed in his blood, he yielded up his life. however he did not die immediately, for they found him later in his bed, tightly holding the image, where he bled to death. about him were the bodies of daniel gomez de leon, his valet, pantaleon de brito, suero diaz, juan de chaves, pedro maseda, juan de san juan, carrion ponce, and francisco castillo--all servants of his--besides the bodies of four very valiant slaves, who merited the same end. the outcome was not learned until dawn, for not one of the chinese dared enter the governor's room that night, fearing lest a portion of the eighty spaniards of the galley had taken refuge there, so cowardly did their guilt make them. the only survivors in the galley were fray francisco montilla, a discalced religious of st. francis, and juan de cuellar, the governor's secretary, who were sleeping below decks--where the chinese, since they are so cowardly, did not dare descend for three days, until after the fury of the first attack had ceased. then they put them ashore on the ylocos coast, on the same island of luzon, so that the natives would let them take water, and because the friar and the secretary had made a certain compact with them, to surrender, if no harm was done them. the chinese, assured that no other longtime christians were alive, commenced to cry out and rejoice loudly at having committed that deed, saying now they had no one to fear. the spaniards, who were in other boats, near the land, although they saw the lights, and indistinctly heard the noise from the flagship, supposed that it was some unexpected work connected with the galley, or something of that sort. when they learned what was happening, after a long interval, from those who escaped by swimming, they could not remedy it and consequently remained quiet. they were but few, and of inadequate force, and their enterprise was ruined. they waited until the morning, and when it dawned they saw that the galley had already set its bastard, [286] and was sailing toward china with the wind astern, and they could not follow it. it made its voyage, as the wind served it, along all the coast of the island, until they cleared luzon, the sangleys continuing to celebrate their victory. [287].... [the secretary and friar, after suffering great tortures of mind from the chinese, who threatened often to kill them, are saved at last, through the superstition of the chinese, and left ashore on the ilocos coast. the chinese show their cowardice in a conflict with the natives on that coast, whither they return later "to sacrifice to the demon" one of their christian filipino prisoners. being unable to reach china, they land at cochinchina, "where the king of tunquin seizes their cargo, and two large pieces of artillery embarked for the expedition to maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels, ornaments, and money. he let the galley drift ashore." the news causes great lamentation in manila. "some of those who hated the governor rejoiced, but their wrath immediately vanished and they wept generally." subsequent events follow:] ... the news having been learned in manila, and no papers of the governor being found, appointing his successor (although it was known that he had a royal decree for this), and believing it had been lost in the galley along with much of his own property, and that of the king and private persons: the city appointed licentiate rojas as governor, and he filled the post for forty days. but the secretary, juan de cuellar, together with fray francisco de montilla, returning in a wretched plight to manila, reported that gomez perez, before leaving, had left the appointment drawn in favor of his son, don luis; and that they would find it in a box in the convent of st. augustine with other papers, in care of fray diego muñoz. rojas had already sent an order to cebu for all the men of the expedition to return, which was obeyed. thereupon don luis, having come, by virtue of the authority delegated by his father, although with certain protests, succeeded to that government, until the arrival of don francisco tello. such was the end of that cavalier, whose achievements, judged by themselves, have worth, and receive worth also by his zeal in performing them. he did not lack political and military virtues, or prudence in both. but he shut his eyes to examples, and, contrary to their teaching, dared promise himself results, so that he became rash and even confident. but christian charity excuses all this. don luis, his kindred, and friends, wished to continue the expedition to maluco, and father antonio fernandez came for that purpose from tydore; but it was not carried out. the fleet was broken up, which was a signal providence for the filipinas islands. for at the beginning of the following year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, a considerable number of chinese vessels, laden with men and arms, but no merchandise as was their wont, came to the islands. the vessels brought seven mandarins, some of the greatest viceroys or governors of their provinces. it was rumored and was proved that when they learned that, as gomez perez had undertaken that expedition (on which he had been accompanied by all the spaniards), they would find the country unarmed, they were of a mind to conquer it or sack it--which would have been very easy for them, had they found it as they expected. the mandarins left their ships twice to visit don luis, attended by a great pomp and retinue. he received them kindly, and gave each mandarin a gold necklace. they told him that they had come by order of their king to get the chinese who were wandering unsettled among those islands without his leave. but this was considered a pretext for the truth, for so many mandarins were unnecessary for it, or so many armed ships and supplies. those chinese were the same as those who killed gomez perez, men from chincheo. accordingly don luis, as against a known offender, sent his own cousin, don fernando de castro, in a vessel to recount their treachery to the chinese king; but the voyage turned out badly, and this effort wholly failed. at this time langara, king of camboxa, requested help earnestly, and asked don luis to keep the promise that his father had made him some time before. consequently, in fulfilment of it, and so that those forces, or some portion of them, should continue in the service of the church, for which they were prepared as a benefit for ternate, he determined to aid that king with them. [a description of camboxa follows, with observations on its religion, wealth, products, industries, and fauna. the account of the first expedition to that country is as follows:] don luis, with zeal to reduce those nations to the bosom of the church, and their wealth and kings to the vassalage of the spanish crown, equipped three vessels. in them he sent captain juan xuarez gallinato--a native of tenerife, one of the canarias islands--with one hundred and twenty spaniards, besides some filipinos. they left cebù, but a terrible storm immediately overtook them, and separated the boats. gallinato, borne by the fury of the winds, put in at maláca, and the other two vessels at camboxa. they ascended the river, where they learned that the king of sian had routed him of camboxa, his neighbor. the latter, with the wretched remnants of his army, fled to the kingdom of the laos, also a neighboring people, but inhuman. while he was begging charity from those most hard-hearted people, the king of sian had introduced as king of camboxa one prauncar, nicknamed "boca tuerta el traydor" [_i.e._, "wry-mouth, the traitor"], brother of the conquered king. this event did not hinder the aid that the spaniards were bringing, under the name of an embassy. they reached the city of chordumulo, eighty leguas' distance from the bar. leaving forty spaniards in the ships, forty others went to visit the place where the king was residing. they immediately made efforts to visit him, but he refused to be seen that day. however, he ordered a good lodging to be given them and had them told that he would grant them audience in three days. but diego veloso and blas ruyz--either by their former knowledge of the country, or actuated by later craftiness, proceeding from their interpretation of that suspicious delay--visiting a beautiful indian woman of the king's house, were secretly told by her that, since she was admitted to and even desired in the affairs of that usurper, she knew that he was intending to have them all killed. in the three days that he had assigned them, as a rest from their journey, he was preparing men, and the manner of executing his purpose. the spaniards thanked her for the warning, not without promises of reward. they were not dismayed at the news of their peril. on the contrary, thanking the indian woman anew for it, they took an heroic although rash decision. they agreed to invest the king's palace that night, and if necessary, to resist a whole army. they set about the accomplishment of that enterprise, disproportionate to human strength. they set fire to the powder magazine. the townspeople ran up to its aid, or to see the damage. amid the confusion, the spaniards entered the palace, and since they knew the royal apartments, they penetrated them, until they encountered the king in person. having cut to pieces the soldiers of his guard, they killed him also with their daggers. he defended himself and cried out, but when his men arrived with help they found that he had bled to death. the rumor of this deed aroused the guard, and then the city, which has more than thirty thousand inhabitants. these seizing their arms, more than fifteen thousand men pursued the spaniards with the arms that fury placed in their hands, and with many armed elephants, which were not unskilled in warfare. our two captains formed their squadron, and continued to retire in excellent order, always fighting, and killing not a few enemies. the battle lasted all night, and until the second day, when they reached the ships with incredible effort. they embarked and left that kingdom full of new dissensions. the second day after, gallinato arrived in his ship. he landed, upon hearing of the event, as he thought that he would not be fulfilling his duty if, when he heard the drums and bells, and saw the streets and port, before filled with traders, but now with squadrons, he did not take help to the spaniards. he gave express orders to his followers to act with all decorum, so that they might relieve the anxiety of the cambodians and reassure them, both by their bearing and in the calmness of their arguments. the chief men of camboxa visited them peacefully, and gallinato treated them very courteously. he might have performed some great exploit, but seeing that he had so few troops for the undertaking, and that affairs had now taken another form and different condition, he determined to withdraw. he opposed the majority of those influential men, who promised him the crown of the kingdom, since they were well inclined to the spaniards and to foreign domination. from this came that flippant report that gallinato was king of camboxa, which was believed by many in españa; and it was represented in the theaters of that country with acclaim and applause. some men well versed in affairs of those provinces were of opinion that if gallinato had embraced the opportunity, he might have seized camboxa and added it to the spanish crown. i have seen letters from velloso and blas ruiz to the audiencia of manila after the event, in which they say the same, and complain of gallinato for reprimanding what they did. but gallinato--whose prudence and valor, which had been proved on the most perilous occasions in that eastern land, and many years before in the wars of flandes, would not allow him to be easily affected by popular applause--showing an honorable aversion to this temptation, sailed away, to return to manila. he took in provisions at cauchinchina. blas ruyz and diego veloso had also landed there before, and went alone overland to the kingdom of the laos, which lies west of cauchinchina, to find the deposed king langara, to restore him to his throne. they found that he was already dead, but that his son was living. upon them telling him that they had killed the usurper, his uncle and enemy, he went immediately to his kingdom with veloso and ruyz, accompanied by ten thousand men, whom the king of the laos gave him, contrary to all expectations. he attacked camboxa, where ruyz and veloso always faithfully accompanied him, both during the war, and afterward in the government. after that the king sent another embassy to filipinas, asking for men to quiet the rebellions in the kingdom; and he and his vassals promised to receive the faith of jesus christ. he also promised a great portion of camboxa to the spaniards, so that they might live off its tributes. this embassy reached manila, just when don luis had left the government and handed it over to don francisco tello, which gave occasion to ternate to establish its tyrannies more firmly. [a short account of pedro de acuña's fortification of cartagena, in the west indies, is given, and the consequent withdrawal, without attack, of the hawkins and drake fleet despatched in 1595 by queen elizabeth. acuña shows in every way the ability of a good commander.] but let us return to assia. the cambodians still hoped to receive aid from the filipinas by their usual promise of conversion and vassalage. don luis de las mariñas accepted the expedition, to make it in person and at his own cost. he left manila with don diego jordan (an italian), don pedro de figueroa, pedro villeatil, and hernando de los rios coronel, spanish captains--the last named at present a priest, and who had also been in the first war of camboxa. a furious tempest struck them in the open sea, which lasted three days, with the usual horrors. the shipwreck was pitiful. two vessels were knocked to pieces, and the sea swallowed up all the men, provisions, and war materials. of all the soldiers and sailors who shipped aboard the almiranta, only five escaped, by swimming to the chinese shore. some soldiers also escaped from the flagship, which was broken by the waves, among whom was captain hernando de los rios. the other vessel reached camboxa almost destroyed, after heavy storms. it found in the camboxa river eight malay junks. the spaniards, seeing that the junks were carrying certain slaves stolen from the king of camboxa, whom they were coming to help, inconsiderately grappled with the malays. the latter, who were carrying many and unusual fire devices, having recourse to these rather than to force and arms, burnt our ship, and then in the fire and smoke killed the majority of the spaniards. blas ruiz and diego veloso were not there at that time; but soon afterward they were besieged in their quarters by the popular fury, and barbarously murdered in the country where they were negotiating with the king. those few spaniards who could escape went to the kingdom of sian, and thence to manila. heaven permitted that this should be the end of all that preparation made to recover ternate and the other malucas. the tyrant there exulted over the news, and attributed the events to his good fortune, interpreting them as an approbation of his cause. then he confederated anew with our enemies. don francisco tello, an andalusian knight, succeeded gomez perez in the government of filipinas. he reached manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. he immediately set himself to learn the condition in which his predecessors had left matters, and to provide aid for the garrisons. for, since the emperor of japon had caused those glorious martyrdoms among the religious of the order of st. francis, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, of which news had so lately been received, it was feared that he was going to menace filipinas. the inhabitants of the islands [_sic_] of mindanao hate our nation as deeply as do the ternatans, and take arms against us in each and every disturbance, as they did in that last one of ternate. consequently estevan rodriguez de figueroa made certain agreements with don francisco tello, by virtue of which he made war on the mindanaos and ternatans at his own expense. [288] estevan rodriguez was so rich that he could undertake that exploit with safety. he lived in arevalo, a town of the island of panàz [_sic_], one of the filipinas. he set out with some galleys, fragatas, and champans, and one ship, with spanish soldiers; and more than one thousand five hundred natives from pintados, as pioneers. he reached the river of mindanao april twenty, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, whereupon the natives of the place (who are especially called mindanaos) on seeing so brave a people, fled along up the river, and abandoned their settlement to the fury of war. the majority of them arrived at the town buyahen, where raxamura, king of the mindanaos, was then living. the latter, because of his youthful age, did not have the government in charge, and everything depended on silonga, an esteemed soldier and captain. our men, proceeding up the river, reached tampacan, five leguas from the above village. prince dinguilibót, uncle of monao, its legitimate lord (also a youth), was governing it. these rulers were, of their own accord, friends to the spaniards and consequently, on seeing their arms, went out peacefully to meet them, and offered them their help. they told the spaniards that the enemy--and they were also hostile to the men of buyahèn--had taken refuge in their fort at that place. estevan rodriguez, having heard the news and having complimented those princes, ordered the fleet to weigh anchor and to continue the pursuit for four leguas, always up stream, to buyahèn. having arrived, he landed his men on st. mark's day. master-of-camp juan de la xara led the men, although they landed with but little order, for they had not fought with the mindanaos, and thought that it would be easy to rout them--as if for that reason, or for any other consideration, one should permit a lack of military discipline. estevan rodriguez tried to correct the confusion by his presence, by landing in person. he went clad in armor so strong, that a charge from an esmeril [289] would not pass through it. only his head was unarmed, but covered with a cap and plumes, while a negro carried his helmet. he was accompanied by five well-armed soldiers. he had not taken more than fifty steps, when an indian named ubal suddenly ran out of some dense tufted thickets, and, attacking him with his campilan, cleft open his head. ubal was the brother of silonga, and owner of the only cow in all that country. he killed it three days previous to this misfortune, and, inviting his friends to the feast, promised to kill the most distinguished person of the spaniards in that war. he fulfilled his word, for estevan rodriguez fell, from his wound, and died three days afterward, without having answered a single word to the questions asked him, although he declared his answers by signs. the five spaniards, on seeing their captain wounded--so suddenly that the murderer appeared and the blow was heard at the same moment--fell upon ubal and cut him to pieces. they informed master-of-camp xara of the general's death, who, stifling his resentment, withdrew his men, and built a fort in the most suitable place, near the river. he founded there his colony, with suitable arrangements, so that our people could settle it. he appointed regidors and ministers of justice, and called it nueva murcia in honor of the murcia of españa, his native region. then he left affairs incomplete, intending to marry the widow of estevan rodriguez, doña ana de oseguera; and reached filipinas in the first part of june. governor don francisco tello, hearing of the event at el embocadero, [290] one hundred leguas from manila, and having been warned of xara's design in coming, arrested him at his arrival, and sent captain toribio de miranda to take charge of the war in mindanao. the latter found the troops withdrawn to the port of la caldera, which is on the same island, but distant thirty-six leguas from the mouth of the river. there they remained until august, when don francisco tello appointed don juan ronquillo in manila as captain; he was also captain of the galleys. he also appointed as captains, to accompany him, pedro arceo, covarrubias and others; as master-of-camp, diego chaves cañizares; as sargento-mayor, garcia guerrero; and as captains of infantry, christoval villagra and cervan gutierrez. don juan arrived with this reënforcement to attack the enemy, and fell upon them so suddenly that, seeing themselves exhausted, they begged help from the king of ternate--whom the mindanaos recognize by certain payments which are the same, or almost the same, as tributes. buizàn, a brother of silonga, went on that embassy to ternate, and negotiated so efficaciously that the ternate king sent seven caracoas with him, six pieces of artillery, two medium-sized pieces, and some falcons, together with six hundred men. these, sailing to the river of mindanao, tried to ascend as far as buyahèn by it. but they found at its mouths great obstructions to pass, because in one branch the largest spanish fort threatened them, and the galleys and other boats; and in the other was a narrow pass, which ran to a point, on which was built a rampart guarded by forty men. from that place to the other side of the river, our men had themselves built a very strong wooden bridge, close to which a galliot plied. the ternatans, seeing so strong a defense on both sides, resolved to fortify themselves on the chief mouth of the river. they built a small fort, and, together with an equal number of mindanao soldiers, shut themselves up in it. this news aroused general ronquillo to dislodge them. he went down to accomplish it with the galleys and other vessels, and one hundred and forty well-armed men. he landed with one hundred and sixteen men, together with captains ruy gomez arellano, garcia guerrero, christoval villagra, and alonso de palma. he met the enemy at a distance of eighty paces on the bank of the river. the ternatans and mindanaos had carefully cleared the front of their fort, but had designedly left a thicket at one side of it, where three hundred ternatans were ambushed, while the rest were inside the fortress. as both parties saw how few of our men were attacking them, they grew ashamed of their fortress and ambush. threatening our men insolently, they showed themselves and advanced upon the spaniards. they found so great opposition from our men that without using any stratagem, or for no other reason beyond natural strength, at the first shock of battle nearly all the ternatans were killed, and the rest fled. our men pursued them until they killed them all. the men of tampaca, who had been neutral until then, in consideration of the dealings of fortune, and seeing that she had declared in our favor, took up arms for us. only seventy-seven ternatans, badly wounded, escaped; and fifty of these were drowned in the river, into which they had thrown themselves in desperation. only three of the twenty-seven survived, and they informed their king of it. the spaniards seized the boats, artillery and spoils of she conquered, and became encouraged to continue the war against infidels. don francisco tello was not neglectful of other similar occurrences. he learned by his spies, and rumor had it, that the emperor of japon was collecting a large army and preparing many boats for it, and large supplies of arms and food. it was also learned that he was securing himself, by treaty, from the chinese, of whom the japanese, because of their natural enmity, live in fear. hence they inferred that he was equipping himself to make war outside his kingdoms. he had negotiated and concluded alliances with the king of ternate, and with other neighbors who were hostile to the spanish crown. from all of those actions there resulted eager conjectures that all that tempest was threatening the filipinas, and particularly their capital, manila. the governor prepared his forces, and under pretext of saluting that barbaric emperor with a present, sent captain alderete to find out the truth. the ambassador left for japon in july. at the same time, don francisco sent the galleon "san felipe" to nueva españa with advice of those rumors. those two vessels, that of alderete and the "san felipe," met in japon, and the natives did not conceive well-disposed intents concerning them. alderete learned thoroughly the forces and designs of the japanese, and his efforts were of use in clearing up the apprehensions prevalent in manila, and preventing unreasonable fears. he brought another splendid present to the governor, and both sides made provision for any possible outcome. the audiencia was again established in manila in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, for king filipo was prudently conferring authority on that province. the auditors--licentiates zambrano, mezcoa, [291] and tellez de almaçan--and fiscal geronymo salazar y salcedo, formed it. [the same year when the audiencia was reëstablished, felipe ii dies at the escorial (september 13, 1598) and is succeeded by his son felipe iii. neglect falls upon molucca affairs:] ... now at this time heaven was hastening the reduction of the malucas, and the punishment of the persecution of the faithful, although the tyrants acted more insolently. but since the enterprise had to be prepared and executed in the filipinas islands, and determined and encouraged in the supreme council of the indias, it was advisable for the president and counselors to display some warmth in the cause--which by unhappy circumstances, as one despaired of, no one enlivened; and the papers of discussion and notices belonging to it were forgotten and heaped together.... [meanwhile the alliance of ternate with the english continues. book vi ends with a tale of occurrences in the household of the king of ternate.] [the greater part of the seventh book is taken up with the translation or condensation from the dutch relation of the first voyage of van nek to the east indies. a critical resume of erasmus's description of holland and its people is given, which allows argensola, as a churchman and good catholic, to inveigh against the heresies and many religions of the dutch. as a consequence of the dutch expedition, the ternatans gain new life in their opposition to the portuguese and spaniards. frequent embassies are sent to manila from the portuguese and natives at tidore, requesting aid for the moluccas--which francisco tello was neglecting, as other matters appeared more important. one embassy, in charge of the brother of the king of tidore, is followed by another in charge of a portuguese, marcos diaz de febra, who presents a letter from the tidore ruler to dr. morga. the embassy is successful, and in 1602 diaz returns to tidore with reënforcements and a promise of an expedition from manila. in the philippines themselves, the chinese are continually congregating in greater numbers, and are rapidly becoming a menace, although the governor is blind to that fact, and claims that they are necessary to the well-being of the community.] conquest of the malucas islands book eighth [molucca affairs are given considerable attention in the administration of governor pedro de acuña. the petitions for aid, sent to the philippines from those islands, continue. tello is removed from the governorship, and acuña sent to take his place. the latter is received in manila (may, 1602) with great rejoicing, as his merits and reputation are well known. tello's death occurs in manila while waiting to give his residencia. acuña enters into affairs with great energy. the narrative continues (p. 270):] ... the new governor was pained at beholding the poverty of the royal chest and treasury, and himself under the obligation of preserving the king's and his own credit. the malucas formed part of this consideration, for their reduction was a considerable part of his duty. but he reassured himself, believing that he might supply the lack of money by energy. he attended to matters personally, as was his custom, both those in manila and those in its vicinity. he built galleys and other boats, which were greatly needed for the defense of the sea, which was then infested by pirates and near-by enemies, especially the mindanaos. he visited then the provinces of pintados, and attended to the needs of those regions. in one of these visits, besides the storms suffered by his little vessel (which carried only three soldiers), another signal danger overtook him. twenty-two english vessels, enriched with the booty that they had seized from the islands of that government, tried to attack and capture him. but for lack of a tide they remained stranded, and could not row. don pedro saw that they threw overboard more than two thousand of their many spanish and islander captives in order to lighten themselves. they also threw overboard a beautiful spanish girl seventeen years old. later, the manila fleet went in pursuit of them, and it was able to capture some of the pirates, and they were punished. but that punishment was much less than their cruelty. [292] don pedro tried to remove the hindrances to the enterprise that he was meditating; but had to delay for some months what he most wished to hasten, in order to despatch joloan and japanese matters. chiquiro, the japanese ambassador, had recently arrived in manila, bearing a present of the products and industries of those kingdoms, and letters; he also had orders to negotiate for friendship with the governor, and commerce between the japanese emperor (by name daifusama) and the filipinas and nueva españa. the proximity of those provinces, the power of the japanese kings, their natural dispositions, and other circumstances which experience showed to be worthy of serious consideration, demanded that that commerce be not refused--although, for the same reasons, the opinion was expressed that it was not advisable. but since that barbarian had once espoused that desire, it was not easy to find a means to settle the matter without causing jealousy or anger. dayfusama requested then that the spaniards trade in quanto, a port of one of his own provinces; that they establish friendship, so that the japanese could go to nueva españa; that the governor send him masters and workmen to build ships for him in japon, in order to continue that navigation. dayfusama insisted upon this, having been persuaded by one of our religious of the order of st. francis, one fray geronymo de jesus, whom the japanese king esteemed greatly. this was a serious matter, and in many ways most damaging to the filipinas. in those islands, the greatest security against those provinces has consisted for many years in the lack of ships and pilots among the japanese, together with their ignorance of the art of navigation. it has been observed by experts that, whenever that insolent barbarian has shown any intention to arm against manila, he has been prevented by this obstacle. consequently to send him workmen and masters to build spanish vessels for him, would be equivalent to providing him weapons against the spaniards themselves; and the navigation of the japanese would be the prelude to the destruction of filipinas and nueva españa, while long voyages by the japanese were inadvisable, and moreover contrary to safety. considering all these reasons, governor don pedro de acuña ordered the ambassador chiquiro to be entertained splendidly. he gave him some presents for his king and for himself, and despatched a vessel with another present--a moderate one, so that it might not argue fear, as it would if he took too much. it sailed together with the ship of dayfusama and his ambassador, both being filled with articles of barter. the letters of don pedro contained long compliments at his pleasure in procuring the establishment of greater friendship. but he said that, although he had received full power from king filipe for things pertaining to the government of filipinas, that part of the king's embassy touching his request for sailors and the building of spanish ships he was unable to decide, until he should inform the viceroy of nueva españa; nor could the viceroy decide it without special orders from his majesty. he promised the japanese king to write about it for him, and to aid the accomplishment of so just a desire. but he warned him that it would be necessary to wait more than three years for the furtherance and resolution of the matter, because of the distance and accidents of so long voyages. it was ordered that the same fray geronymo himself should deliver all this message to dayfusama. geronymo de jesus was written to in secret, instructing and reproving him. he was ordered to tell the japanese monarch that the governor esteemed his good will exhibited toward the commerce and friendship of the spaniards, and his own great desire for them. he was to encourage him to keep the peace, which the governor himself would keep without any infringement. but he was ordered subtly to divert the king's mind from similar desires and propositions, and not to facilitate any of them; for although perhaps there were no hidden deceit in the then reigning monarch, or any interest greater than that of friendship, it might cause great harm in times of a less well-intentioned successor, who might abuse the navigation, and turn it against those who taught it to them. the governor promised to send another ship soon to trade. fray geronymo was to give the king hopes that some spanish masters of spanish boats would sail in it. dayfusama was to be patient, and should consider how offended he would be, if his servants were to open up any new commerce without consulting him, or without his order. with this despatch chiquiro returned to japon in his ship.... [a storm however overtakes him near formosa, and his ship is wrecked and he and his men drowned, the event being learned only long after. "daifusama, being persuaded by fray geronymo, had granted leave for our religion to be preached in his kingdoms, to build our churches, and for all who wished to profess our religion with public authority." accordingly the orders send various missionaries to different districts of japan. "many persuaded don pedro not to send away these religious, but, although those persuasions were well founded, and obstacles put in the way of their departure, it was determined to allow them to go.... these religious did not find in the provinces proof of the desires that had been told them. very few japanese were converted, and fewer were disposed toward it, for the king and tonos [chiefs] ... did not love our religion." don pedro sends the promised ship to japan laden with "dye-wood, deerskins, raw silk, and various other articles." thus japanese demands are met, and the emperor is satisfied with the diplomatic answer returned to him. meanwhile "don pedro's thought bore on the recovery of the malucas." letters pass between him and the portuguese commander andrea furtado de mendoza in regard to the expedition, and aid from the philippines, and the hostilities of the dutch. (the jesuit brother gaspar gomez had been sent by acuña from mexico to spain, to show the necessity and advantages of the expedition; after various delays it was set on foot, and furtado obtained many successes in amboina, where he had some encounters with the dutch. the king of ternate asked help from java and mindanao.)] the season and necessity compelled general furtado to request urgently the help that was being prepared in filipinas. amboino is eighty leguas from those islands. accordingly he sent father andres pereyra, a jesuit, and captain antonio brito fogaço, in may of the year one thousand six hundred and two. they reached cebù july twenty-five. they sailed thence for manila, august six, and entered that city september five. don pedro de acuña rejoiced greatly over their arrival. he asked them--so great was his desire and interest, or rather, his noble rivalry--minutely concerning the expeditions of general furtado. since the latter had referred to them in his letters, they gave an extended relation of them, and executed his embassy, each one fulfilling the office that he professed. don pedro did not delay the sending [of reënforcements.] he assembled the council of war, where it was resolved to send furtado the help that he requested, without delay, although they felt obliged to accommodate themselves to the necessities of the country. following this decision the governor sent a message to the provinces of pintados ordering captain juan xuarez gallinato, chief of them, to provide all necessaries for the expedition, and himself to sail with his best disciplined infantry from cebù to the city of arevalo, the place assigned for assembling the fleet. gallinato did this, and also sent a vessel to otón to lade as much as possible of the supplies. it reached otón october twenty-eight, and the same day don pedro left manila for pintados, in order, by his presence, to inspire greater haste in the despatch of the fleet, which was already almost ready in otón. he arrived there november thirteen. so fiery was his spirit that he assembled the reënforcement and entrusted it to juan xuarez gallinato--without allowing the expeditions from xolo and mindanao to embarrass him, even though he saw the natives of those islands, divided into different bodies among the pintados, pillaging and murdering his majesty's vassals--and appointed him general and commander of that expedition. [furtado, after asking the reënforcement from acuña, goes to the moluccas. some of his men are defeated in a naval engagement with the natives, whereupon furtado builds a fort at the friendly island of machian.] after the fleet, military stores and food had been collected, they were delivered to gallinato by the auditors and fiscal of the audiencia. the supplies consisted of one thousand fanegas of cleaned rice, three hundred head of cattle, two hundred jars of wine, eighty quintals of nails and bolts, forty quintals of powder, three hundred ylocos blankets, seven hundred varas of castilian wool, one hundred sail-needles, and thirty jugs of oil. the men amounted to two hundred soldiers--one hundred and sixty-five arquebusiers and thirty-five musketeers--twenty-two sailors, several pilots, one master, three artillerymen in the "santa potenciana," and twenty common seamen. the monthly expense of all that equipment amounted to twenty-two thousand two hundred and sixty pesos. this having been done on the part of the governor and audiencia, they required father andres pereyra and captain brito to go with the reënforcement--which gallinato had ready, with its colors, and with captains christoval villagrà and juan fernandez de torres. the company of captain don tomas bravo, the governor's nephew, son of don garcia his brother, was left behind; but the captain went, and served bravely on the expedition. the infantry was taken on the ship "sancta potenciana," and on the fragatas "santo anton," "san sebastian," "san buenaventura," and "san francisco." the fleet left the port of yloilo january twenty, one thousand six hundred and three, and reached la caldera in mindanao the twenty-fifth. they remained there until the twenty-eighth, as they had some information concerning those enemies. then they sailed toward maluco, and sighted the island of siao february seven, and at dawn of the next day that of taolân, four leguas from siao. there the fragata "sant anton" was wrecked on a shoal of the island, which gave greater anxiety to the fleet. gallinato made efforts so that the men should not perish. he sent captain villagrà, who saved them, as well as the weapons and the pieces of artillery; the rest was left in the sea. they continued their voyage and sighted the island of ternate february thirteen. on the fourteenth they entered that of tydore, where they heard of andres furtado's arrival. there they rested but little, in order to join him sooner. sailing thence with a good breeze they reached ternate, and made harbor at talangame, one legua from the fortress, on the sixteenth of the same month. the fleets saluted one another with tokens of friendly regard, and the generals did the same.... [the active campaign soon begins, and notwithstanding some few successes in the siege of ternate by furtado and gallinato, sickness, and want of ammunition and provisions, compel the portuguese commander to withdraw before the superior forces and equipment of the ternatans. thereupon gallinato and his men return to the philippines via tidore, while furtado intends going to amboina and perhaps to malaca. about april of this same year the jesuit brother, gaspar gomez, reaches spain, to argue before the council of the indias the necessity of an effective expedition from the philippines. there it is agreed that acuña shall undertake one in person. the following year a letter received from acuña by the council describes the ill-success of furtado's expedition and the necessity for an effective expedition from the philippines, a synopsis of the letter being given by our author.] conquest of the malucas islands book ninth [the action of the council finally secured the king's assent to the molucca expedition, and the following decree was sent to acuña:] ... don pedro de acuña, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein. on september twenty of the past year, six hundred and three, i wrote you by an advice-boat on which gaspar gomez, of the society of jesus, took passage for nueva españa, my resolution in regard to what you wrote me from nueva españa, when you went to take charge of that office, about the ternate expedition. in accordance with that resolution, i have ordered a contingent of five hundred men to be collected in these kingdoms, which are to be conveyed in the trading fleet that sails to nueva españa this year. i wrote to the viceroy to have another five hundred men enlisted so that, at the very least, eight hundred men could be sent you for this enterprise. i have appointed four captains for the contingent from these kingdoms. one of them, namely, admiral juan de esquivel, is to be commander and governor of the said soldiers. i have also appointed six substitutes, practiced and experienced soldiers, so that, in case any of the said captains die, these may take command of the men, and that they may be in charge of the companies to be raised in nueva españa, as i am writing to the viceroy. i have assigned forty ducados per month as pay to the said captains; to admiral juan de esquivel the sum of sixty; and to the substitutes, twenty-five escudos apiece until ahey reach nueva españa. thenceforward the said juan de esquivel, in case i order him to be given the title of master-of-camp, shall enjoy the sum of one hundred and twenty ducados per month; but if he serves with the title of commander and governor of the said soldiers, he shall have sixty. the substitutes shall receive forty; and the soldiers--both those levied in españa and those to be raised in nueva españa--shall have the sum of eight ducados per month. i have ordered the viceroy, in accordance with the above, to send to those islands the necessary money to meet the pay of the soldiers for one year. if they are detained longer in other affairs of my service, he shall also furnish what may be necessary after advice from you. i have thought it best to advise you of the above, in order to charge and order you that, if the pay of the soldiers can be moderated, in respect to what is there paid men of that rank, you may reform the schedule justifiably, advising me thereof, and the viceroy of nueva españa. however, you shall make no alteration in the pay of admiral juan de esquivel, or of the captains, alférezes, or substitutes. i have also ordered the viceroy to provide you with whatever may be necessary, up to the amount of the one hundred and twenty thousand ducados that you have asked for this undertaking; also six pieces of artillery for bombardment, and five hundred quintals of arquebus powder. the men sent from here are armed with muskets and arquebuses. you shall be careful in the distribution of this money, and in all the rest you shall exercise the advisable care, system, and caution. you shall endeavor to attain the end sought, as i confidently expect from you, with the men sent from españa, and those from nueva españa, together with those whom you shall have collected in those islands for the expedition to ternate. if possible, you shall make the expedition in person, as you have offered to do, and shall leave those islands provided as it fitting. in case conditions are such that you cannot go in person, on this expedition, then you shall appoint another man of the experience and qualities requisite for it, who may take entire charge of it; and for this i grant you authority. it is my will that, in case of your death while on the expedition, or through any other cause, or the death of the person whom you may appoint for it, admiral juan de esquivel succeed in it and continue it. all the sea and land forces who shall take part in the said expedition, shall obey him as they would yourself. i declare that, in this event, and in case of your death, and the succession of the said juan de esquivel to the charge of the expedition, he shall be subject and subordinate to my royal audiencia in those islands. the captains in whose charge is the infantry raised in these kingdoms, i have selected as worthy men who have served. accordingly i charge and order you chat you honor and favor them as far as possible, for in that i shall consider myself served. you shall not dismiss them or deprive them of their companies to give these to others, without just cause, unless it be to appoint them to better offices. however, if they should commit crimes you may punish them, as their superior. it is supposed that by the time of the arrival of these soldiers at those islands--and they shall leave nueva españa in the first vessels, after the arrival of the trading fleet there--you will have matters so well in hand that you may begin the expedition immediately. i charge you straitly to do with circumspectness, consideration, and caution what i expect from so gallant a soldier. these men are to be well disciplined and drilled, and everything so ordered that the desired and so important effect may be gained, for you see the risk in this and its expense. you shall endeavor, as i charge you, to have the advisable care and order taken in the efficient distribution and collection of my revenues, and the avoidance of superfluous expense. of the course of events you shall keep me advised on all occasions. after recovering the fort of ternate, you shall place there and on the island the garrison necessary for its safety. i have ordered the viceroy of nueva españa, if he has any opportunity for it, to advise you as soon as the men raised here arrive there [_i.e._, in nueva españa], and that he report clearly to you the contingent enlisted in that country, and that will be raised in any other way, as well as the time that they will leave there, so that you may take the necessary precautions concerning them from those islands. if you consider it advisable for these men to stop anywhere and not to go to manila, you shall so order it, or give any other orders that you deem most advisable, in anything. valladolid. june twenty, one thousand six hundred and four. after the above decree was sent, its dispositions began to be carried out in españa. before this, in the preceding year one thousand six hundred and three, while governor don pedro was occupied in the preparations necessary for this purpose [_i.e._, of the expedition], an accident occurred in filipinas which threatened their loss and other greater misfortunes. in the month of april a fire broke out in manila and burnt the richest part and more than half of the city, and it was impossible to keep the goods from burning which had been discharged from the ships recently arrived from nueva españa which were being kept in the most secure of the houses. two hundred and seventy houses, wood and stone, were burned, and even the monastery of st. dominic (both house and church), the royal spanish hospital, and the magazines; and not a single edifice was left standing in the burned area. fourteen spaniards were burned, among whom was licentiate sanz, canon of the cathedral, together with some indians and negroes. the loss was estimated at one million.... [the incident of the coming of the three chinese mandarins and their pretense of looking for an island of gold is described. this with certain rumors, readily believed, leads to the outbreak of feeling against the chinese or sangleys resident in manila and other parts of the island. that same year (1603), the insurrection by them takes active shape. argensola's account is substantially the same as that of other writers. he traces the insurrection during its rise, and progress, and the retreat of the sangicys, with the consequent slaughters of those people. the following extracts and synopses are made from his account:] at the time when covernor don pedro was attending most closely to the war with maluco, there occurred in manila a circumstance such that it might not only have suspended the war, but extinguished the entire province. a man was residing in manila who had remained there when the great pirate limaon (of whose history popular accounts are current) came against the city. he was formerly an idolater, and, as was reported, served the pirate for a lewd purpose. his name was encàn, and he was a native of semygua in the province of chincheo. he was baptized during santiago de vera's term, and took the latter's surname, being called baptista de vera. he proved sagacious, industrious, and of efficacious energy, by means of which, exercising his trading, he came to possess great wealth and to have influence with the governors of filipinas. through his arrangements the sangleys negotiated with don pedro, asking his consent to finish a parapet of the wall that he was completing, at their own cost; for they, as a portion of the commonwealth, wished to do this service for his majesty. each of them offered four reals for the work. this service and the thanks of the citizens, whom encàn or baptista had bought by benefits, destroyed or decreased the suspicions conceived against their conspiracy. he was respected by the spaniards and loved by the sangleys. he had twice been their governor, and had many adopted sons and dependents.... near the parián was another district inhabited by japanese, a race hostile to the sangleys, with whom they are at constant war in their own country. the governor summoned their headmen, and sounded them by kind methods, as he wished to know how to depend on them on any occasion, and if they would help against the chinese if war came. the japanese, puffed up by the confidence that he placed in them, and elated that time would give them an opportunity to fight against their enemy, answered that they were ready to die with the spaniards. some trouble arose from this wise effort, and as the japanese kept the secret badly, or referred to it with exaggeration, it became public that don pedro was going to kill the sangleys with their help. some of the japanese told them that, so that the sangleys could flee and pay them for the warning. many sangleys tried to take to the mountains, while all were in fear. those who wished to revolt were able to persuade the others to do the same, and to quiet the anxious by promises. in fact, the greater portion of them determined to rebel, and assigned st. francis' day for the beginning of the insurrection, at the hour when the christians would be busied in their churches, in the holy feast. some said that the time assigned for it was during the night, when twenty-five thousand of them would enter the city and behead our men. some indications of it escaped, notwithstanding their secrecy. juan de talavera, parish priest of the hamlet of quiapo, informed the archbishop that an indian woman, with whom a sangley was in love, had revealed to him the plot for st. francis's day.... all these advices and some others were learned immediately by the governor and the royal audiencia. it would be sufficient to see the haste with which the chinese sold everything, even to their shoes, and adjusted their debts--although this was interpreted rather as a design to go away than one of treason. in order to relieve them from fear of the spaniards and japanese, the governor talked to them himself, and had the pledge of safety and the royal faith published anew in all districts. but no effort could quiet them. three days before that of st. francis, more than four hundred anhay merchants remained in the city, because they had been unable to sell their goods. these, upon seeing the others in confusion because of the report that the spaniards and japanese were about to kill them, sent their embassy to don pedro by one chicàn, also an anhay or chincheo.... he came at night, being in fear of the other chinese. he communicated their fears to the governor and their present uncertainty; and stated that they did not know what resolution to take, and consequently came to him for advice and protection. the governor, after hearing him and having completely assured him with his answer, went next day personally to talk to chicàn's companions, and satisfied them with affectionate words, saying that the spanish nation is not accustomed to execute or to consent to such deceits. after this talk they were quieted, but those who had evil intentions were not satisfied.... [at the first outbreak of the insurrection, encàn is sent to reassure and quiet the sangleys. he returns very late "telling don pedro that he had been in danger of being elected their chief, and that they wished to force him to accept it." in the slaughter of don luis dasmariñas and his men which soon follows, over thirty spaniards manage to escape. the japanese aid the spaniards, while the sangleys try to induce all their countrymen of the parian to join them.] the few sangleys in the parián caused the spaniards no less anxiety than the many in the fort, both because they had them for so near neighbors and as they supposed that if these saw our cause declining, they would join their countrymen. besides, it was known that the insurgents had sent to ask those in the parián to join them, and had advised them of the spaniards whom they had killed. this was declared by a sangley, who was caught while crossing the river by swimming, by the sentinel of the river-boats. he, confessing, when put to the torture, that he was a spy, and that he gave and carried messages, was beheaded. on the other side, it was considered that although it would lessen the anxiety to kill all the sangleys or to attempt it, it did not appear a just punishment toward people of whose crime they were uncertain--much more so, since they had come to filipinas to conduct their trading in good faith, and the governor had given them his word for their safety if they were quiet and did not mix in the rebellion.... [it is finally resolved to induce the peaceful sangleys to take refuge in the augustinian convent. however, they refuse to take advantage of the offer, although some put their goods in safety. meanwhile the hostile sangleys attempt to incite them to join their ranks, and on their refusal, turn upon them "and kill more than two hundred." encàn is found concealed in a house for fear of capture, whereupon he confesses his part in the rebellion. the religious take up arms against the insurgents, notable among them being fray antonio flores, an augustinian lay-brother, and formerly a soldier: he is credited with having slain six hundred sangleys in the final slaughter. the chinese, after driving in an attacking party of five hundred men under gallinato, assault the walls of the city, but are finally driven back with great slaughter. their parián is burned, and they begin their retreat, going to san pablo and other districts, pursued by the spaniards and natives, who kill immense crowds of them and disperse the rest. spaniards, japanese, and pampangos are sent out under sargento-mayor azcueta, and the insurrection is crushed with terrible slaughter; "for the japanese and natives are so ferocious that nothing can restrain them." the final result of the last campaign shows that only "slightly more than one hundred [of the sangleys] survived, who were kept alive for the galleys. eight natives and six japanese died on our side in these two battles [_i.e._, the slaughters of the pursuit]. no spaniard was killed, although many were wounded." encàn is "hanged and quartered, his head exposed on the site of the parián, and his goods confiscated; and in the days following, justice gave the same punishment to other guilty chinese." the insurrection costs the lives of more than twenty-three thousand chinese and only five hundred are left for the galleys. "some say that the number of sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality in admitting so many into the country contrary to royal prohibitions might not be seen, the officials concealed or diminished the numbers of those that perished."] don pedro had had some advices of how well affected his majesty was to the enterprise of maluco. awaiting the effects of that decision, he wrote by all the ways possible; and by india, to solicit those who had charge of the matter. relieved from the hindrance caused by the sangleys, he turned his mind to the preparation and equipment of the fleet, for the time when he should be ordered to set out. but the end of this war was the beginning of other needs for manila. mechanical trades were stopped, and there was no work or provisions. prices of food increased with their lack. all supplies had been formerly in great abundance, and were obtained through the sangleys, for the indian natives lack the willingness and the energy for such work. the cultivation of the land, the care of raising fowls, the weaving of cloth, all of which industries they had exercised in their old days of infidelity, they had forgotten. especially was the pariàn or alcayceria wasted by fire and sword. it was once so full of gain and abundance that don pedro wrote to one of his relatives in españa, a short time after his arrival at manila, these following words of it: "this city is remarkable for the size of its buildings, which have surprised me. i shall mention only one, which is the chief one. it has an alcayceria that contains all kinds of silks and gold, and mechanical trades; and for these things there are more than four hundred shops, and generally more than eight thousand men who trade therein. when the trading fleets come from china with their merchandise, which is the present time of the year, there are always more than thirteen or fourteen thousand men. they bring wonderful things, that are not found in europa." besides this, don pedro feared that the chastisement inflicted in the slaughter would discourage the intercourse of the sangleys with us, and that the vessels that were wont to come from china with food would not come. greater and universal was the fear that in place of trading ships, armed vessels would come to avenge the sangleys. don pedro sent the prior of manila, fray diego de guevara, to españa by way of india, with advices of the deed and of his fears. the incidents that befell him on his voyage in india itself, and in persia, turquia, and italia, forced him to delay three years before he could reach the court, where he found other despatches already arrived. at the same time don pedro sent captain marcos de la cueva, together with fray luis gandullo, a dominican, to macao--a city of china, where portuguese reside--with letters for the commandant and council of that city, advising them of the rebellion of the sangleys, and of its result, so that they might advise him by all ways, at any rumor of an armed fleet in china. they took letters also for the tutons, haytaos, and inspectors of the provinces of canton and chincheo, giving account of the transgression of the chinese, and how it obliged the spaniards to inflict so severe a punishment. the ambassadors found the country quiet upon their arrival, although some fugitive sangleys, fleeing from manila in champans, had related the disturbances among them. the arrival of those spanish at macao was learned in chincheo. immediately some of the most wealthy captains who ordinarily go to manila, whose names were guansàn, sinú, and guachuan, went to see them. having understood the truth of the matter, they took upon themselves [the delivery of] the message sent to the mandarins by don pedro, and the mandarins received it by their means. the chincheo merchants determined to return to their trade at filipinas, and left macao in their vessels with our ambassadors, taking a quantity of powder, saltpeter and lead, with which the public magazines were supplied. in the following may, thirteen chinese ships made port at manila, and afterward many others returned thither to continue that commerce. don pedro sent to nueva españa the vessels that had brought the relief for the islands. the flagship foundered and not a person or a plank escaped. he did not cease at this time to store the city with provisions and ammunition, in order to find himself free for the expedition to maluco. at this juncture, master-of-camp juan de esquivel came from mexico with six hundred soldiers, with the report that more men, money, and other preparations of arms, food, and ammunition were being collected in nueva españa, at the order of his majesty; these all arrived at manila in due season. at that time died its great archbishop, don miguel de benavides, to the universal sorrow of the country. the chinese ships that returned for the trade bore letters to the governor in reply to his despatch. three letters of one tenor came from the tuton or viceroy, the haytao, and the inspector-general of the province of chincheo. translated by the interpreters into spanish, they read as follows: [see this letter in _vol_. xiii, pp. 287-291 of this series.] the governor answered these letters by the same messengers, making use of terms of courtesy and authority. [293] he related the rebellion of the sangleys from its inception. he justified the defense of the spaniards, and the punishment inflicted upon the delinquents. he says that no community can govern without punishing those who are evil, any more than by not rewarding the blameless. consequently he does not repent of what was done, as it was to check him who was trying to destroy us. the inspector should consider what he should do, if any similar case happened in china. what he was sorry for was in not having been able to save any of the anhays among the sangley merchants, who perished among the guilty. but it was impossible to prevent that, for the violence of war does not allow some to be killed and others exempted, especially since they were unknown to the soldiers in the heat of war. employing clemency toward those captured alive, he condemned them to row in the galleys, which is the punishment substituted by the castilians for those who merit death. however, if they in china thought that the punishment should be lessened, he would give them liberty. "but it should be noted," says don pedro, "that this might be the cause that, if so serious a crime were unpunished, they would fall into it a second time, a thing that would close all the gates to kindness. the goods of the chinese killed are in deposit. and in order that it may be seen that i am not moved by any other zeal than that of justice, i shall have these immediately delivered to their heirs, or to those to whom they rightfully pertain. i am not moved to any of these things by any consideration other than that of right. to tell me that if i do not free the prisoners, permission will be given, to the relatives in china of those who were killed in the rebellion, to come with a fleet to manila, causes no disturbance in my mind; for i consider the chinese as so sensible a race, that they will not be incited to such things with little foundation and especially since we have; on our side, given them no occasion for it. in case any other resolution is followed, we spaniards are people who know how to defend our rights, religion, and country very well. and do not let the chinese consider themselves lords of all the world, as they give out; for we castilians, who have measured it with palmos, know with exactness the lands of china, where it will be well to know that the king of españa has continual wars with kings as powerful as their own [_i.e.,_ the chinese king], and subdues them and inflicts great troubles upon them. it is no new case, when our enemies imagine that we are defeated, to find us desolating and destroying the confines of their lands, and not ceasing until we have hurled them from their thrones and taken away their scepters. i would be very sorry for a change in trade, but i also believe that the chinese do not wish to lose it, since so great gain accrues from it, and the chinese take to their kingdom so much of our silver, which is never diminished in amount, in exchange for their merchandise, which is composed of poor articles that are soon worn out." the english ships that reached the coast of china, he was determined not to receive, for they are not spaniards, but their enemies, and are pirates. consequently if they came to manila they would be punished. "finally, because we spaniards always justify our causes, and we pride ourselves on the fact that no one in the world can say that we usurp other men's possessions or make war on our friends, all that is herein promised will be fulfilled. and hereafter let those in china understand that we never do anything through fear, or because of the threats of our enemies." don pedro concludes by offering to continue the friendship with the kingdoms of china by new bonds of peace, saying that he would release the prisoners in his galleys in due time, although he first intended to make use of them, as he did, in the expedition of maluco, which would soon be despatched. all this he strictly observed. don pedro received other letters during those same days from the emperor of japon, in which, after thanking him for a present of grape wine--besides other rich presents--that don pedro had sent him, he earnestly requested commerce.... [this letter, of which argensola presents a mere synopsis, is given complete by morga, _q.v. ante_.] in this same year, one thousand six hundred and four, the islands of holanda and zelanda, in pursuance of their custom, assembled a fleet of twelve vessels, large and well equipped, and some smaller ones; and, as if masters of sea and wind, steered their course toward india by the known routes. in a short time they reached the cape of buena esperança. all the captains had gone at other times on that voyage, and the pilots esteemed themselves of no less experience. their general was estevan drage, [294] faithless alike to his church and to his king.... [thence this fleet continues its course along mosambique, india, and neighboring shores, java, sumatra, etc., taking prizes and trading. in february, 1605, they capture amboina, where they receive the submission of the portuguese and allow religious freedom. finally part of the vessels go to the moluccas, where, with the aid of the king of ternate, the fort of tidore is captured--although the portuguese are warned beforehand of their coming by english vessels (for the spanish and english kings were then friends), and the english leave powder and shot for its defense. some portuguese leave the island, "many going to the filipinas, where governor don pedro interviewed them in order to learn the condition of affairs at maluco." the narrative continues:] one of those who escaped from the fort of tydore, and reached the town of arevalo in filipinas, was antonio de silva, a portuguese. besides being a soldier he was a _naguatato_ or interpreter. this man gave a judicial account of the matter and added that the english [_i. e._. dutch] general, while taking him a prisoner from amboino, took a sea-chart, and began to look for mindoro, manila, and cabite. being asked by silva, for what purpose he was looking for them, he learned that the general intended, in case hit undertaking at maluco did not succeed well, to try to capture one of the vessels plying between filipinas and nueva españa. silva replied to him that it was not time for those vessels to sail, either way; for the first [_i. e._, those from nueva españa], arrive about may ten, and the others [_i. e._, those going to nueva españa], sail june ten. notwithstanding, this was the end or desire of the dutchman's navigation; for he determined to get information in mindoro, to depart thence to macàn, to send an ambassador to china, and to avenge the insult offered by don pablos of portugal in those provinces. thence he would lade pepper in patane, then see if he could defeat the chinese ships at the strait of sincapura [_i.e._, singapore] on their way to malaca; and at all events, continue along that same route his return to holanda, laden with wealth. all this did the dutch general communicate to antonio de silva, as to one who would go to holanda with him; for he was a soldier and a skilled interpreter of both languages, and estevan drage made much of him for that reason. certain others who had fought and escaped the slaughter of tydore confirmed this news. don pedro learned it, and grieved over it, as he was so zealous in the service of the church and of his king. he considered sorrowfully when he saw that not even one turret of a fortress was left in maluco to the crown of españa, and how securely a rebel to god and to his legitimate sovereign held them. and because the prosperity of dutch affairs made the dutch powerful and determined, the governor assembled his council of war, and appointed captains antonio freyle, chief of the fleet of pintados, pedro sevil, estevan de alcaçar, and bernardino alfonso to go to the garrisons of the pintados and those of other islands that were in danger, with their infantry companies. he strengthened the ships, and prepared his artillery, as if he were near a victorious enemy who was executing his threats with so great success. antonio de silva showed an original letter from another dutch general, written in the island of borneo to the king of ternate, sent by philipo bissegóp, a ship captain. in it the general expressed his compliments and sent him a present of a number of varas of different fine cloths from holanda, six bales containing vessels of musk, twelve flasks of rose water, six _arrates_ [295] of _amfión_ [296]--a dutch compound used, as above stated, for fighting, which takes away or disturbs the reason--and six barrels of powder. he gave the king an account of the unfortunate voyage, and the obstacles, storms, and dangers that andres furtado had until his arrival at malaca after leaving ternate. he called the king "most serene prince and powerful king of maluco, bandas, amboino," and an infinite number of other islands. he congratulated him on the success attained upon his arrival at maluco. he promised him to go to ternate with the greater forces that he was awaiting from holanda, and garrison the forts, in order to extirpate entirely their common enemy, the king of españa. he encouraged him by this hope to hold out until then. he assured him that he would overrun all those seas from maluco, and would extend his empire to china, without any opposition from the filipinos or japanese. for this purpose he requested the king [of borneo] to renew friendship with mindanao, and to give the king of those islands to understand that he was a friend to the dutch, and consequently to facilitate the ports, commerce, and friendships that were necessary for their voyages. that was what was advisable above all considerations of the state. he said that he should be warned and assured that nothing was attended to with more lukewarmness in españa, than to strive or attempt to preserve the greater part of their provinces, or at least, any form of union. therefore, all the farthest colonies that recognized their crown, ought to esteem highly the delay with which they help and deliberate from españa. for while they are believing, or examining in order to believe, the news of events, affairs are assuming another condition; and hence neither spanish counsels nor arms arrive in time. the greater part of these things had been taught to his highness by experience, and the writer's desire to serve him obliged him to write those things to the king. antonio de sylva added that he knew with certainty that the king of ternate had not neglected to take any of the precautions that the dutchman asked him to take; and that he had even proposed to his men to go to fight far from their islands. although it was never feared that they would be bold enough to do so, on that occasion don pedro was made more anxious by this information, because the city had been left so weakened by the sangley affair. he was trying, moreover, to supply their lack, so that the late evils might not again happen; for it was so necessary to further by another road the trade of filipinas, and to provide for its domestic security, in order to be able to take the field. but time, which is wont both to take away and to give hopes, consoled don pedro in those afflictions, and brought him in a few months from nueva españa some ships of private persons, and afterward, in good season, the ships of the regular trading fleet. they reached manila on st. matthew's eve. in them were the spaniards who left españa for that undertaking, together with more than two hundred others whom the viceroy of nueva españa, the marques de montesclaros, sent to don pedro, together with the other military stores and money, in accordance with the royal decree. some of this came in charge of brother gaspar gomez, who was received with incredible joy. he presented to the governor all his despatches. care was immediately taken to lodge the captains and soldiers, and assign them quickly to their stations, so that all might believe that the only thing intended with them was the safety of the filipinas, which were threatened by the emperor of japon and by the conspiracies of the sangleys. corroboration of this report was sent in various directions that it might increase and be disseminated outside the kingdom, in order not to give information to those whom the spaniards had reason to fear. besides, although the report of that great preparation was useful to the spaniards in opinion and in conjectures, yet the actual strength of the forces with which the country was supplied, besides the reputation of our affairs, acted for defense and security in them all. in japon the knowledge alone that manila was full of infantry and of armed vessels tempered or dispelled the irritation felt by their king because don pedro denied him shipbuilders. the chincheos also refrained from attempting vengeance on an enemy whose victories were followed by so great succor. don pedro considered the whole question, and inferred from every one of these advices that he could absent himself from manila. however the king of ternate, as one overjoyed at having escaped from the spanish yoke, paid little heed to all that was told him from his neighboring kingdoms, for he thought that the spaniards were never to return to their former possessions. the captains of holanda, who rebuilt the burned fortress in tydore, sent him some large bronze cannon, culverins, and a considerable number of muskets; and sent him some engineers from those who came on those ships, so that they might inspect his fortifications and reside in them or in his city. some accepted that abode, and the loose and irreligious liberty of life permitted in that country. there, by reason of the many trading-posts and fleets from the north, they lived as if they were not outside their own countries, since they had intercourse with their kinsmen and friends, or at least with men of their nation. exiled castilians and portuguese reached the port of oton in filipinas daily. among them was pablo de lima, a man of long experience, and now general of artillery in tydore. he added to the news of the recent destruction, the joy with which the dutch disinterred the pieces that he had tried to hide, and how they had sent ashore more arms and forces from their ships. this man was received with great honor because of his worth, and because he was one of those dispossessed, by the king of ternate, of vassals and other property in tydore. for later events, they profited by his warnings and advice. all, by various employments, although with equal desire, took part in the furtherance of the war--in building ships, and collecting provisions, arms, and ammunition. so great was don pedro's vigilance that he was not wanting in the least duty with example and encouragement. consequently, it may be asserted that he carried on the whole enterprise; for he lent a hand in the labors of all. conquest of the malucas islands book tenth in human actions the moral doctrine is hidden; and judicious writers are wont to deduce this from the relation of events, as the fruit of their history. but in writing of the conquest and conservation of barbarous lands (which is founded on navigations and garrisons), what civil precepts of those who establish and compose the political life--however sagacious statecraft may have made them--can we bring to the reader's view? and what can be offered in this matter that the reader could not infer as a necessary consequence, contained in the preceding propositions? since, then, the subject forbids us this role, let us finish it, and redeem the promise by which we bound ourselves at the beginning. don pedro de acuña, now general of the fleet which was assembled in filipinas, attended at the same time to its despatch and to the safety of the province, which he was about to abandon to go personally upon so stubborn an undertaking. some attribute the loss of all the malucas to don pedro's good fortune, so that, time offering him greater material, the victory might be more glorious. he provided very diligently what was needed for the war and for almost all the casualties thereof. the point or promontory of yloilo extends into the sea not far from arevalo in the island of panay. it is spacious enough to serve as a camping-place and suitable for those arms then prepared. there the fleet was assembled. it consisted of five large ships, and six galleys; three galliots, like galizabras, belonging to the crown of portugal--in one of which pedro alvarez de abreo, commandant of the fort of tydore, embarked, while the other two were in charge of juan rodriguez camelo, a commandant sent from malaca by general andres furtado de mendoça, to aid with his prudence and his strength, and to carry to him information of the outcome; one flat galliot for unloading artillery, which carried three hundred baskets of rice; four vessels [297] built for transporting the provisions; two ten-ton champans, carrying one thousand six hundred baskets of clean rice; two english lanchas, in which the portuguese went [to manila] after the loss of the tydore fort; seven fragatas belonging to his majesty, and seven belonging to individuals; and as many other champans--in all thirty-six sail. master-of-camp juan de esquivel took twelve companies of spanish infantry, of which four were levied in andaluzia--namely, his own, that of captain pablo garrucho, that of pedro sevil, that of lucas de vergara gaviria; and six in nueva españa, namely, that of don rodrigo de mendoça (this gentleman is the son of don juan de baeça y castilla and of doña maria de mendoça, and on the latter side grandson to the marques de montesclaros; and left italia to serve his majesty in filipinas, at the request of the viceroy of nueva españa, his kinsman), the company of captain pascual de alarcon pacheco, that of martin de esquivel, that of bernardino alfonso, that of pedro delgado, and that of estevan de alcaçar. the other two, under captains juan guerra de cervantes and christoval de villagrâ, were from the camp of manila and the province of pintados. all of these with their officers amounted to one thousand four hundred and twenty-three spaniards. under master-of-camp don guillermo and captains don francisco palaot, don juan lit, don luys, and don agustin lont were three hundred and forty-four pampanga and tagál indians; while there were also six hundred and twenty men from the same tribes for the naval and military service, and six hundred and forty-nine rowers. the entire fleet, exclusive of the household and following of the general, amounted to three thousand and ninety-five men; they had seventy-five pieces of various kinds of artillery, and all the materials for navigating, disembarking, and fighting, and for bombarding walls. don pedro left the port of yloilo with this armament january five, one thousand six hundred and six, in doubtful weather, but as courageous as ever. he reached the island of mindanao, hostile to the spanish name and allied with the ternatans, and anchored in the port of la caldera to take in water. there the flagship, called "jesus maria," in which master-of-camp esquivel was sailing, began to drag the anchors with which it was moored--an action which the sailors name by the peculiar word _garrar_ [298]--and, in order to save itself, had to set sail. but finding that it could not double a point in this way, it fired two shots as a call for help, just when the rudder struck. the galleys hastened to give it a tow, but some cables were snapped atwain; and their efforts were in vain, for the sea and winds prevented the work. captain villagrà was given charge of the rescue of the men and provisions aboard the flagship. although many possessions of the king and of private persons were lost, by incredible effort he saved the bulk of the provisions and of the clothing, and all the men, artillery, powder, cables, rigging, and sails. in order that the mindanaos might not enjoy the spoils of the shipwreck, he set fire to the hull, after taking out the nails and bolts. they felt this first misfortune because of its very importance, and because the soldiers, a class often given to foolish superstitions, interpreted it in a sinister manner. the general's prudence calmed everything. he ordered the master-of-camp to proceed with the fleet from la caldera to the port of talangame, which, as we have said, is situated in the island of ternate. don pedro accompanied him with his galleys until they got outside the strait of sambuanga, a place dangerous because of its currents and reefs. for that reason they towed the ships, until this danger was past, and because of a calm that overtook them. the fleet took the open sea. the galleys, in order to take in water enough to last until reaching ternate, coasted along gradually; for the men rescued from the submerged flagship were distributed in them and in the other boats, and their weight and peril was greater. the most skilful pilots of those seas managed the galleys, but notwithstanding their care and that of the captains and experienced sailors, they fell off their course and reached the islands of the celebes or of mateo, more than sixty leguas to the leeward of ternate. contrary winds were blowing, and they had to correct their mistake by dint of rowing. in that manner, and with great difficulty, they reached ternate march twenty-six, on easter day. with their observance of that day, so propitious to all creation, they forgot their past dangers, and changed them into joy and hope. [don pedro finds the rest of his fleet at tidore instead of at ternate, as he has expected; but sees at the latter place a dutch ship, which shows fight. however, leaving the ship for the present, acuña sets about the reduction of ternate with his own forces and those of the king of tidore. landing at ternate april first, that fort is approached in two divisions, meeting with no opposition until they arrive near the walls. gallinato's advice as to placing the soldiers is followed, and the ternatan scouts in trees are replaced by those of the besiegers. active operations begin, and after various minor successes the wall is carried by assault, and the old fortress built by the portuguese is captured. on entering the city the soldiers fall to looting.] when the men entered the city, every one gave himself to his fury and to plundering. don pedro had issued a proclamation, conceding that all the enemy captured within those four days should become slaves. the captains halted near the old church of san pablo, which had been fortified by the enemy for this war. there were various opinions as to what course was to be followed. some thought that they should attend to preserving what was gained; others that they should go ahead to gain the chief fortress. captains vergara and villagrà were of the latter opinion; and so great was the exuberance of the soldiers and their desire for danger that one of them, a native of estremadura, of the company of captain sevil--who was an arragonese, and a gallant fighter, who also approved the advice to pass on--seized captain villagrà in his arms, and carried him thus for more than ten paces, exclaiming, "o good captain, attack the enemy, attack him!" and then set him down. thereupon the captain struck him with the flat of his sword, because he had at such a time seized him so impudently. the soldier bowed, and said gracefully and smilingly, "give me another, by god! [_cuerpo de dios_] and attack them!" in fact vergara and villagrà attacked the principal fortress with few men and gained it, and were the first to enter its gates. however they were not the first to go up, for while they were ascending very quickly by the stairs, at the entrance of the hall an old soldier, named barela, a corporal to captain cervantes, hurried past them. he, on entering, took a gilded water-jar, shaped like an urn and very skilfully chased, from a rich side board and salver placed in the hall, saying to the captains, "gentlemen, i take this in token that i entered here with your graces." accordingly he took it, with the consent of all. then the entire palace was given over to the pillage of the soldiers, and exposed to their greed. don pedro tried to restrain them, but was obeyed only near the end of the sack. [the king of ternate and a few of his kinsmen, together with the dutch, escape, the former going to the island of gilolo. the reduction of the lesser forts continues, and some of the king's relatives who are well affected to the spanish, offer to induce the king to surrender. this he does after a formal safe-conduct has been given by acuña. don pedro receives him in a manner befitting his rank, and houses him sumptuously, but at the same time keeps him carefully guarded. several days later a treaty is made with the king.] two days after, the governor ordered master-of-camp gallinato and captain villagrà, together with pablo de lima, to confer with the captive king concerning what agreement it was advisable to make with him in his majesty's name for the security and solidity of matters. they were to persuade him that that was the way to attain merit and oblige our king to make better conditions in his favor. the three came, accompanied by other influential persons, among whom were some augustinian, dominican, and jesuit religious, all of whom served in their ministry praiseworthily. the king did not refuse to capitulate. after some discussion as to what form it should take, through the medium of pablo de lima, and after conceding to the king some things that he requested from the king, our sovereign, they wrote and signed the following agreements: the first thing demanded from king cachil sultan zayde, of ternate, and from the rest imprisoned with his highness who may have any part in it, is that he is to deliver to his majesty king filipo, our sovereign, the forts that he now possesses--namely, those of xilolo, sabubù, gamocanora, tacome, those of maquien, those of sula, and the others. he answers to this that he will deliver to his majesty the forts above declared, and that he will send the prince his son, and cachil amuxa, his cousin, with the person or persons who shall go to take possession of them; and that they shall be delivered up with all the artillery, ammunition, muskets, and arquebuses contained in them. the second. that he shall make restitution of all the captives that he holds, who may be our subjects, whether christians or infidels, from the provinces of pintados and from the other provinces subject to the spaniards in the filipinas islands. he answered that all that are found at present shall be delivered up immediately, and that those who do not appear now shall be delivered up as they shall be found later. the third. that he shall deliver up the dutch in his power. he replied that when he left this fort of ternate, thirteen or fourteen dutchmen with him took to flight, and he thought that they went to the dutch vessel, for he has not seen them. however, if they appear, he will deliver them up immediately. the fourth. he shall deliver up the spanish renegades who were in this fort of ternate. he answered that there was only one there, and that he fled like the others the day the fort was taken, and he does not know where he is, but that he shall be sought and delivered up. the fifth. that he shall also deliver up all the villages in the island of batochina or el moro, which were formerly christian; as well as the islands of marotay, and herrao, which were also christian, with all the artillery and ammunition in them. he answered that he is ready to deliver up everything, as he did with his person. don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, president of the royal audiencia resident therein, and general of this maluco fleet, entrusted these capitulations to general juan xuarez gallinato and captain christoval de villagra. they made them in the form above declared, with the help of pablo de lima, a portuguese native of these islands, who was the interpreter of the [moro] language. the said king affixed his signature, according to his custom. it was done in the fort of ternate april ten, one thousand six hundred and six. the said general and captain, and the said pablo de lima, also signed it. the king signed it in persian characters with graceful curves, and the spaniards simply. this original agreement was brought to españa with the other authentic documents. [possession is formally taken of the newly-subdued and of the reconquered territory in the name of the king of spain; and after consultation it is determined to take the king of ternate to manila, leaving governors appointed to carry on his government. all swear homage to the spanish monarch, and promise not to admit the dutch or other foreigners to their clove trade, and not to prevent missionary work. acuña orders a new fort to be built at tidore, remits a third part of the tribute to be paid by the ternatans, and, after strengthening the fort at terate, leaves juan de esquivel there with six hundred men, boats, ammunition, and supplies, to act as governor of all the moluccas, while he returns to manila with his prisoners. trouble begins immediately, and esquival is kept busy with expeditions to the various islands and forts, while the dutch again begin their machinations; and sickness fights powerfully against the spaniards. at mindanao, a conspiracy to escape is discovered among the prisoners, for mindanao is friendly to the ternatans. the narrative continues:] in all the time that we have described, no news of our victory reached filipinas. from this silence and suspense they argued in those regions, and especially in manila, that don pedro and his fleet had perished, or that he had succeeded so poorly that general sorrow would be caused. never was virtue free from envious ones who pursue it, and such were not wanting to don pedro in manila. but although these were well known [_some words misprinted in text_]--so that popular suspicion makes them the authors of the poison from which it was believed that that great knight died, twenty-two days after his arrival--we ahall suppress their names; since it is unworthy of the author, who has to maintain neutrality (and indifference, in fact) to give strength to a rumor which even yet is based only upon a suspicion. all are now dead, and judged before the tribunal where not one thought passes without examination. these men, then, spread the rumor that don pedro, having assaulted ternate, entered it easily; but that his men became so embarrassed in the midst of their great plundering that the barbarians, having reflected, attacked the spaniards and made them retreat, after killing the majority of them. they said that the general, ashamed of his lack of discipline, did not dare return to manila. when that report reached the indians' ears, it did so great harm that they began to rebel, especially in the provinces of camarines and pintados. the friars who were already attending to their instruction could do nothing with them, for they asked, since the malucans were victorious, why they should remain subject to the spaniards, who did not defend them from the moros. they said that the latter would, with ternate's protection, plunder them daily, and worse thenceforward. they did not stop at mere murmurs, for they began to confer concerning them, and to talk of executing their plans. but all vanished before the truth and the news of it, which preceded the arrival of the conquerors..... [the conquerors are given a triumphant reception, and the captives are cheered with hopes of an early release by a decree from spain, and lodged comfortably. the king of ternate has a letter written to the spanish monarch, in which he entreats his clemency. argensola ends with the reflection that "the malucos being, then, reduced, our ministers and preachers went thither, and the voice of the evangelist began to be heard in the remotest confines of the land."] bibliographical data _sucesos de las islas filipinas_, by antonio de morga.--see bibliographical data in _vol_. xv. _conqvista de las islas malvcas_, by bartolomé leonardo de argensola.--this is partly translated in full, partly synopsized, from the original printed work, from the copies owned by harvard university, and edward e. ayer, of chicago. appendix: customs of the pampangas in their lawsuits [the following extract forms the second part of a treatise found in the body of _ordinances enacted by the audiencia of manila_, given in _vols_. x and xi. the first part is entitled "relation of the customs which the indians were accustomed to observe in these islands; written by fray joan de plaçençia, and sent to doctor stiago de vera, former president of the royal audiencia which resided in these islands." this is signed with plasencia's name. the second part, headed as below, bears no signature, but is doubtless by plasencia. from their appearance in the body of the above document, it is probable that the audiencia considered them in assembly. both these reports were written by plasencia at the command of the governor or of the audiencia, in order that the local spanish magistrates might be guided by the customs of the natives in deciding matters of law or justice among the indians. the first part, omitted here, is the same, with a few verbal changes, as the relation published in _vol_. vii. pp. 173-185; but it is dated, "narcan, october twenty-four, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine" (but this may have been an error of the clerk of the audiencia). the second part (_vol_. vii, pp. 185-196) is not found in the above audiencia document.] instructions regarding the customs which the natives of pampanga formerly observed in their lawsuits they never had anyone whom they all generally obeyed, except that only in each barangay they obeyed their chief, whose people are called timaguas. among the chiefs, lords of barangay, he who was most powerful tyrannized over the others, even though they were brothers, because they were all intent upon their own interests. 2. in what concerns regulation in regard to supplies for the country, they had none, and everyone bought and sold as he could; beyond that each chief who ruled a barangay ordered his people to sow at the proper time, and made them assist him at seed-time and harvest. 3. the timaguas, or common people, came before their chief with their suits, and he settled them in this way. whatever petition was made before them, the chief summoned the party on whom the demand was made, and asked him if he would come to an agreement with the other and opposite party. if the two parties made such agreement, there was no suit. if they would not agree, he exacted an oath from them that they would submit to his judgment. then he immediately asked for a _viva voce_ examination of both, because among these people there were no writings any suits. if both parties gave like testimony, with the same number of witnesses, they split the difference of the amount of the suit. if the number of witnesses was not equal on either side, such and such a one was condemned to the whole amount, or released from the claim. if the defeated party would not pay according to the sentence, the other party and the judge proceeded against him with the armed hand, and forced him to comply with it. the witnesses were paid according to their rank, and the judge also. the payment of the judge and witnesses was so excessive, that they shared equally with him who won in the suit. the witnesses of the condemned party were paid nothing; and if anything had been given to them before the decision of the suit, it was taken back from them. 4. _item_: in regard to any murders that occurred, they ruled in this wise. if one chief killed another chief, the relatives and friends of the murdered man went to war immediately with the murderer and his kindred; and if they killed the murderer, the quarrel and difference between them was ended. if not, they killed as many as possible of his followers. after these parties had grown weary of their strife, and a certain time had elapsed after the murder, the other chiefs of the village or district endeavored to reconcile them. the reconciliation was as follows. the murderer was to give and pay to the relatives of the murdered man seventy or eighty taes of gold; and if he were a prominent chief, one hundred or more. then they all remained friends, and one half was divided among the children of the murdered man, if he had any, or his parents, brothers, or kindred; and the other half among those chiefs who reconciled them, and the timaguas of the murdered man's barangay, although the chiefs took the greater part. if the children or relatives of the deceased refused to be reconciled, all the chiefs proceeded against them, and assisted the party of the murderer until the said agreement was completed. 5. in case any timagua killed any chief or his child, the relatives of the deceased put the murderer to death, together with his wife and children, if they succeeded in catching him. they seized all his property, which they divided among the children of the murdered man, if he had any, and if not, among his parents, relatives, or brothers; and if he had no kindred, among those who executed the vengeance for the murder, this usually being his successor in the barangay. 6. if the murdered man was a timagua, and the murderer a chief, the latter gave to the children or heirs of the murdered man the sum of ten to twenty taes of gold; but if the murdered man had no heirs, it was divided between the judge passing sentence--who was one of the chiefs, appointed by the others of the village for the purpose--and among the said chiefs, the judge taking one half and the others the other half. of this they gave no part to the murderer, even though he was a chief. 7. _item_: if one timagua killed another timagua, and had nothing with which to pay the penalty--ten to twenty taes of gold--all the chiefs of the village killed him for it, if his own chief did not do this, by hanging him to a tree or _arigue_ [_i.e._, prop of a house] or piercing him with many lance-thrusts. 8. if any woman killed any man, or another woman, by poison or steel or any other way, the judgment was in conformity with the one above, with consideration for the said conditions. 9. if a brother killed a brother or an uncle, or a nephew his uncle, he did not die for it; but they took all his property away from him for the heirs of the murdered man, of which they gave no share to the murderer, even though he should be an heir. this was determined by the chief of the barangay to which the murderer and the murdered belonged, if each party were of his barangay. the chiefs of the barangay were judges, and shared with the heirs of the deceased. 10. concerning the murder of a child by a father, or a father by a child, no precise information could be secured regarding the punishment, because all asserted that they never remembered such a murder to have happened. 11. in case of the burning of any village or crops, if the incendiary was a chief, he paid for all the damage caused by the fire--which the chiefs of such town and those nearest it determined--according to the amount of the damage, even though they did not leave the chief who set the fire one mais of gold. if the damage did not exceed his property, and he had some property left over, he retained it. if the incendiary were a timagua, he was executed, and his goods were seized to repair the damage. if these did not suffice to pay for it, they sold his wife and children as slaves, to pay for the said damage. 12. concerning thieves: if the thief were a chief, he returned the plunder, and was fined in proportion to the theft, according to the opinion of one of the chiefs of the village, whom the other chiefs selected as judge for that purpose. they say that they ordinarily appointed the oldest and the most intelligent. the latter could moderate the penalty, which was divided between the judge and the other chiefs, the judge taking one half. 13. if a timagua or slave committed a theft: if the thief were a timagua, they compelled him to return his booty, and fined him according to the regulations of the preceding section. if he had nothing with which to pay, they sold him in another village, in order to pay what he owed, as a penalty for the theft. if the thief were a slave, his master paid for him, or delivered the said slave to the party, and he was soundly lashed. if the owner of the said stolen goods caught the thief in the act of such robbery, he could kill or beat him without any penalty. 14. as for the old men, old women, and witches who committed murders by any of their practices, when it was ascertained that they had killed any person with their witchcraft or tricks, the chief of their barangay, or of the barangay of the murdered man, could kill them with daggers if he pleased; and if these chiefs did not do this, any of the other chiefs could kill the criminals. their property was seized, and one half was given to the relatives of the murdered man, and the other half to him who executed the sentence upon such sorcerers and witches. 15. insulting words caused great anger among these natives, and it was considered a very grave offense, especially among the chiefs. they fined the culprits in heavy sums therefor, inflicting this penalty in order not to cause murders, and in the following manner. the insulted person and he who insulted him named a chief, who must be greater than those in the whole province, to hear this suit, who accepted and decided it. if either of the two parties refused to conform to the agreement which the judge prescribed, there was a custom among them that each one lavished expense, on his own account, on feasts and assemblies, and he who spent the greater sum they considered the more powerful and honorable. from these debaucheries and gatherings sometimes resulted wars between them. if either one of the two was the most considerable chief of the province, three or four, chosen by the rest, judged the case. in case the injurious words were said by a timagua to a chief, if the said timagua had nothing wherewith to pay the penalty imposed--which was very excessive--he was made a slave; and if the insulted party were a great chief, the timagua's wife and children were made slaves. if the chief applied insulting words to any timagua, the penalty was very light, and many times nothing. 16. their marriage custom was to have one wife--from whom they would separate and marry another, on any occasion or change of feeling--and to have three or four other women. they always considered that one the legitimate wife with whom they naturally cohabited. the man always gave the dowry, and this, together with certain gatherings in which they drank, was considered marriage. if the man separated from his wife, he lost the dowry which he had given her. if she separated from the man, she returned double the dowry which she had received, even though she had children. the property acquired during marriage, they always divided equally. they never disinherited the children in life or death, even though they were born of many women, if they had been married to these. the other children, born of other women, whom we call bastards, they called _asiao yndepat_. these did not inherit, but they always gave them something. even if any one had no legitimate child at his death, the bastard could not inherit at all, but the property went to the nearest relatives of the deceased. 17. they were not accustomed to will more to any child, except in small sums, as three or four taes, or small pieces of land of the like value. 18. when anyone became a widower and no children had been born to the husband and wife, the whole dowry was returned. but if any sons or daughters had been born to them, even though these were dead at the time of bereavement, not more than half the dowry was returned. 19. if any child were living at the time of the death of the father or mother, all the property of the deceased was inherited by the child or children. if they were not old enough to administer it, the parents of the deceased kept and used it, and not the surviving father or mother of the minors. if the minor died afterward, neither the father nor the mother inherited it, but the minor's grandparents, or the nearest relatives of the deceased from whom the minor had inherited the property. 20. among the slaves, the father and mother shared equally. if both were slaves of one master, the children were so also. if one slave belonged to one master and the other to another, the children were divided in this way. the master of the father took the eldest, the master of the mother, the second; and so on in this order with the rest. if there were an odd one, the two masters of the parents divided him; that is, the slave served both masters equally. if either the father or mother were free, the children were divided in the same way, so that if the father was free, the eldest son or daughter was free. on the contrary, if the father was a slave, the eldest son or daughter was a slave. this arrangement was kept and observed among them, namely, to give an equal share to both the father and mother. if one of them was free or half-free, they gave his part to him and to his children in proportion to the amount which fell to his lot. 21. if any chiefs wrangled over their cultivated lands, they came before the other chiefs of the village; and these tried them, and received testimony orally from both sides, under oath, according to their usage--which was sweating by the crocodile, the sun, the moon, and many other things by which they swore. in conformity with the evidence of each one, the suit between the said chiefs was decided; and if either one of them refused to comply with the sentence, all the chiefs together compelled him to observe it. this order was adhered to in this matter. 22. all the aforesaid information i have endeavored to procure from the oldest inhabitants of this province, and from all the priors of the province. if it be not set forth in a style as good as i ought to use, i beg your lordship to pardon its defects, for the sake of my good will, etc. notes [1] following in a translation of the title-page of the other edition of morga's work, which shows that a second edition of the _sucesos_ was published in the same year as was the first. a reduced facsimile of this title-page--from the facsimile reproduction in the zaragoza edition (madrid, 1887)--forms the frontispiece to the present volume. it reads thus: "events in the philipinas islands: addressed to don christoval gomez de sandoval y rojas, duke de cea, by doctor antonio de morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royal audiencia of nueva españa, and consultor for the holy office of the inquisition. at mexico in the indias, in the year 1609." in the lower left-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver's name: "samuel estradanus, of antwerp, made this." [2] the month is omitted in the text.--_stanley_. [3] fray diego bermeo, a native of toledo, became a franciscan friar; and in 1580 went to mexico, and three years later to the philippines. after spending many years as a missionary in luzón and mindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in 1599, and again in 1608). going to japan as commissary provincial--in 1603, according to morga, but 1604 as given by huerta (_estado_, p. 446)--he was obliged by severe illness to return to manila; he died there on december 12, 1609. [4] luis sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of sevilla, made his profession as a franciscan in 1594. joining the philippine mission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next two years in ministering to the japanese near manila, and in the study of their language. in 1600 he went to japan, where he zealously engaged in missionary labors. ten years later, he was sentenced to death for preaching the christian religion; but was freed from this danger by mazamune, king of boxu, who sent the franciscan as his ambassador to rome and madrid. returning from this mission, sotelo arrived in the philippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionary labors in japan. in 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching, and was confined at omura for two years, during which time he wrote several works, in both the spanish and japanese languages. sotelo was finally burned at the stake in omura, august 25, 1624. see huerta's _estado_, pp. 392-394. [5] the present towns of san nicolás, san fernando, etc., lying between binondo and the sea.--_rizal_. [6] this remark of morga can be applied to many other insurrections that occurred later--not only of chinese, but also of natives--and probably even to many others which, in the course of time, will be contrived.--_rizal_. [7] these devices, of which certain persons always avail themselves to cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring such movements to a head. "if thou wishest thy neighbor's dog to become mad, publish that it is mad," says an old refrain.--_rizal_. [8] this is the famous eng-kang of the histories of filipinas.--_rizal_. [9] the rizal edition of morga omits the last part of this sentence, the original of which is _"entre vnos esteros y cienagas, lugar escondido."_ [10] "the chinese killed father fray bernardo de santo catalina, agent of the holy office, of the order of st. dominic ... they attacked quiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. among these they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy."--_rizal_. this citation is made from leonardo de argensola's _conquistas de las molucas_ (madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow morga's work. [11] we are unaware of the exact location of this settlement of laguio. it is probably the present village of kiapo, which agrees with the text and is mentioned by argensola. nevertheless, from the description of this settlement given by morga (_post_, chapter viii) and chirino, it can be inferred that laguio was located on the present site of the suburb of la concepción. in fact, there is even a street called laguio between malate and la ermita.--_rizal_. [12] "fine helmets were found broken in with clubs... about thirty also escaped (among whom was father farfan), who were enabled to do so because of being in the rear, and lightly armed" (argensola).--_rizal_. [13] argensola says that the chinese killed many peaceful merchants in the parián, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. among these argensola mentions general hontay and the rich chican--according to the relation of fray juan pobre, because the latter had refused to place the famous eng-kang at the head of the movement.--_rizal_. [14] "and they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them; but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of the sangleys as they caught" (argensola).--_rizal_. [15] argensola says that "four thousand pampangos, armed in the custom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields, and long broad daggers," were sent by the alcalde of pampanga to the relief of manila, which now needed soldiers.--_rizal_. [16] in this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quiet and friendly chinese killed. don pedro de acuña, who could not prevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, also contributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. "accordingly many spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded sangleys, at don pedro's order." hernando de avalos, alcalde of la pampanga, seized more than 400 pacific sangleys, "and leading them to an estuary, manacled two and two, delivered them to certain japanese, who killed them. father fray diego de guevara of the order of st. augustine, prior of manila, who made this relation, preached to the sangleys first, but only five abandoned their idolatry." ... would he not have done better to preach to alcalde avalos, and to remind him that he was a man? the spanish historians say that the japanese and filipinos showed themselves cruel in the killing of the chinese. it is quite probable, considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. but their commanders contributed to it also by their example. it is said that more than 23,000 chinese were killed. "some assert that the number of sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality committed in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to the royal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up or diminished the number of those who perished" (argensola).--_rizal_. [17] the coming of the spaniards to the filipinas, and their government, together with the immigration of the chinese, killed the industry and agriculture of the country. the terrible competition of the chinese with any individual of another race is well known, for which reason the united states and australia refuse to admit them. the indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the filipinas, is derived from the lack of foresight of the government. argensola says the same thing, and could not have copied morga, since their works were published in the same year, in countries very distant from one another, and the two contain wide differences.--_rizal_. the chinese question has always been of great importance in the philippines. the dislike of the filipino for the chinese seemed instinctive and was deep-rooted. the subject of the chinese immigration to the islands has served for special legislation on many occasions in spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading and occupations therein. see stanley's edition of morga, appendix ii, pp. 363-368; and _los chinos en filipinos_ (manila, 1886). [18] this should be six hundred and four.--_rizal_. [19] nueva españa.--_rizal_. [20] this archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of the disturbance and massacre of the chinese, by taking a leading part in exciting suspicion against them.--_stanley_. [21] the arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchs were employed in china, especially for the collection of the revenue, and that they were called _thoucam_.--_stanley_. [22] "in earlier times a barrier, which ran from osaka to the border of yamato and omi, separated the thirty-three western from the thirty-three eastern provinces. the former were collectively entitled kuwansei (pronounce kánsé), _i.e._, westward of the gate; the latter kuwantô (pronounce kántô), _i.e._, eastward of the gate. later, however, when under the tokugawa régime the passes leading to the plain in which yedo, the new capital of shôgune, grew up were carefully guarded; by the gate (kuwan) was understood the great guard on the hakone pass, and kuwantô or kuwantô-hashiu, the eight provinces east of it: sagami, musashi, kôtsuke, shimotsuke, hitachi, shimosa, katsusa, and awa." thus defined by rein, in his _japan_, p. ii, cf. griffis, _mikado's empire_, p. 68, note. [23] a flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads. [24] pedro alvares de abreu.--_rizal_. [25] according to argensola, who gives a succinct relation of this expedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: spaniards and their officers, 1,423; pampangos and tagáls (without their chiefs), 344; _idem_, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers, 649; indian chiefs, 5; total 3,041. but he adds that all those of the fleet, exclusive of the general's household and followers, numbered 3,095. probably the 54 lacking in the above number were the portuguese under command of abreu and camelo, although argensola does not mention portuguese soldiers.... the names of the indian chiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: don guillermo (palaot), master-of-camp; and captains don francisco palaot, don juan lit, don luis lont, and don agustin lont. these must have behaved exceedingly well, for after the assault on ternate, argensola says: "not a person of consideration among the spaniards or the indians remained unwounded."--_rizal_. [26] said dini baraka ja.--_rizal_. [27] combés (_mindanao_, retana's ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed; it is hurled by a moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes five are discharged in one volley. he narrates surprising instances of the efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel, at close range." [28] stanley translates this "flat-boats." retana and pastells (combés's _mindanao_, col. 787) derive this word from chinese _chun_, "a boat," and regard the _joanga_ (_juanga_) as a small junk. [29] "the soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves universally to violence and pillage. don pedro had issued a proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those four days, should be slaves" (argensola). during the sack, which don pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls were spared. one girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for her.--_rizal_. [30] "the prince's name was sulamp gariolano. this step was contrary to the advice of queen celicaya" (argensola).--_rizal_. [31] sangajy, a malay title (marsden).--_stanley_. [32] the jesuit father luis fernández, gallinato, and esquivel made negotiations with the king for this exile, and father colin attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. what was then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure, and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all the molucas, even that of their allies, and made the spanish name as odious as was the portuguese. the priest hernando de los rios, bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse don pedro de acuña of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do so without foundation. don pedro in his passport assured the lives of the king and prince, but not their liberty. doubtless a trifle more generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of the spanish name less, while it would have assured spanish domination of that archipelago. the unfortunate king never returned to his own country. hernando de los rios says that during don pedro de acuña's life he was well treated, but that during the administration of don juan de silva "i have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain fell on him, and they were starving him to death." he is described by argensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. his neck and much of his breast are bare. his flesh is of a cloudy color, rather black than gray. the features of his face are like those of an european. his eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks from them. his large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his mustaches add to his fierceness. he always wears his campilan, dagger, and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads." this description was taken from a picture sent to spain.--_rizal_. [33] other disturbances occurred also, because of don pedro's enemies having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and most of those making it killed. "this report, having come to the ears of the indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially in the provinces of camarines and pintados. the friars who instructed them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since the inhabitants of the malucos were victorious, should they be subject to the spaniards, who did not defend them from the moros. they said that the moros would plunder them daily with the help of ternate, and that it would be worse henceforth" (argensola).--_rizal_. la concepción states (_hist. de philipinas_, iv, p. 103) that these japanese were settled in dilao; and that the immediate cause of their mutiny was the killing of a japanese by a spaniard, in a quarrel. [34] the authors of this poisoning were then known in manila, and according to argensola were those envious of the governor. "but although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names ... for all are now dead" (argensola).--_rizal_. cf. la concepción (_hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes the report of acuña's poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus to shield their own ignorance of his disease. [35] these were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs, who had entrusted themselves to don pedro de acuña, prisoners to manila, the king of tidore, the ally of españa, had already found means to break the alliance. the governors appointed by the captive king refused to have anything to do with the spaniards. fear was rampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. "when his vassals saw the ill-treatment that the spaniards inflicted on their king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal liking for our enemies. (her. de los rios)." don pedro lacked the chief characteristic of legazpi.--_rizal_. [36] this relation forms an appendix to theodore de bry's _ninth part of america_ (frankfort, 1601), and was printed by matthew becker (frankfort, 1602). the copper plates are different from those of the dutch edition of the relation.--_stanley_. the plates representing oliver van noordt's fleet, presented in the preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of theodore de bry's _peregrinationes_ (first ed.), by courtesy of the boston public library. the title-page of the relation reads in part: "description dv penible voyage faict entovr de l'univers ou globe terrestre, par sr. olivier dv nort d'avtrecht, ... le tout translaté du flamand en franchois, ... imprimé a amsterdame. ches cornille claessz fur l'eau au livre a escrire, l'an 1602." this relation was reprinted in 1610, and numerous editions have appeared since. [37] one of the canary islands. [38] this anchor was given him by a japanese captain, in manila bay, on december 3, 1600.--_stanley_. [39] what we now call java used to be called java major, and the island of bali was java minor.--_stanley_. [note: inasmuch as morga enters somewhat largely into the ancient customs of the tagáls and other filipino peoples in the present chapter, and as some of rizal's notes indicative of the ancient culture of those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem it advisable to invite attention to lord stanley's remarks in the preface to his translation of morga (p. vii), and pardo de tavera's comment in his _biblioteca filipina_ (washington, 1903), p. 276. stanley says: "the inhabitants of the philippines previous to the spanish settlement were not like the inhabitants of the great indian peninsula, people with a civilization as that of their conquerors. excepting that they possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do not appear to have differed in any way from the dayaks of borneo as described by mr. boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that people. indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in the descriptions he and de morga give of the social customs, habits, and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar circumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community of origin of the inhabitants of borneo and luzon." pardo de tavera says after quoting the first part of the above: "lord stanley's opinion is dispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth." the same author says also that blumentritt's prologue and rizal's notes in the latter's edition of morga have so aroused the indignation of the spaniards that several have even attacked morga.] [40] more exactly from 25° 40' north latitude to 12° south latitude, if we are to include formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewise by the same race.--_rizal_. [41] we confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of this belief of morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief in the beginning of the first chapter. already from the time of diodorus siculus (first century b. c.), europe received information of these islands by one iamboule, a greek, who went to them (to sumatra at least), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. he gave therein detailed information of the number of the islands, of their inhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. ptolemy mentions three islands in his geography, which are called sindæ in the latin text. they are inhabited by the aginnatai. mercator interprets those islands as celebes, gilolo, and amboina. ptolemy also mentions the island agajou daimonoc (borneo), five baroussai (mindanao, leite, sebu, etc.), three sabade'ibai (the java group--iabadiou) and ten masniolai where a large loadstone was found. colin surmises that these are the manilas.--_rizal_. colin (_labor evangelica_, madrid, 1663) discusses the discovery and naming of the philippines. he quotes ptolemy's passage that speaks of islands called the maniolas, whence many suppose came the name manilas, sometimes given to the islands. but as pointed out in a letter dated march 14, 1904, by james a. leroy, spanish writers have wasted more time on the question than it merits. mr. leroy probably conjectures rightly that many old chinese and japanese documents will be found to contain matter relating to the philippines prior to the spanish conquest. [42] it is very difficult now to determine exactly which is this island of tendaya, called isla filipina for some years. according to father urdaneta's relations, this island was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of maluco. mercator locates it in panay, and colin in leyte, between abuyog and cabalían--contrary to the opinion of others, who locate it in ibabao, or south of samar. but according to other documents of that period, there is no island by that name, but a chief called tendaya, lord of a village situated in that district; and, as the spaniards did not understand the indians well at that time, many contradictions thus arose in the relations of that period. we see that, in legazpi's expedition, while the spaniards talked of islands, the indians talked of a man, etc. after looking for tandaya for ten days they had to continue without finding it "and we passed on without seeing tandaya or abuyo." it appears, nevertheless, that the spaniards continued to give this name to the southwestern part of samar, calling the southeastern part ibabao or zibabao and the northern part of the same island samar.--_rizal_. [43] sugbú, in the dialect of the country.--_rizal_. [44] morga considers the rainy season as winter, and the rest of the year as summer. however this is not very exact, for at manila, in december, january, and february, the thermometer is lower than in the months of august and september. consequently, in its seasons it is like those of españa and those of all the rest of the northern hemisphere.--_rizal_. [45] the ancient traditions made sumatra the original home of the filipino indians. these traditions, as well as the mythology and genealogies mentioned by the ancient historians, were entirely lost, thanks to the zeal of the religious in rooting out every national pagan or idolatrous record. with respect to the ethnology of the filipinas, see professor blumentritt's very interesting work, _versuch einer etnographie der philippinen_ (gotha, justus perthes, 1882).--_rizal_. [46] this passage contradicts the opinion referred to in boyle's _adventures among the dyaks of borneo_, respecting the ignorance of the dyaks in the use of the bow, which seems to imply that other south sea islanders are supposed to share this ignorance. these aboriginal savages of manila resemble the pakatans of borneo in their mode of life.--_stanley_. [47] we do not know the origin of this word, which does not seem to be derived from _china_. if we may make a conjecture, we will say that perhaps a poor phonetic transcription has made _chinina_ from the word _tininã_ (from _tinã_) which in tagál signifies _teñido_ ["dyed stuff"], the name of this article of clothing, generally of but one color throughout. the chiefs wore these garments of a red color, which made, according to colin, "of fine gauze from india."--_rizal_. [48] bahag "a richly dyed cloth, generally edged with gold" among the chiefs.--_rizal_. [49] "they wrapped it in different ways, now in the moro style, like a turban without the top part, now twisted and turned in the manner of the crown of a hat. those who esteemed themselves valiant let the ends of the cloth, elaborately embroidered, fall down the back to the buttocks. in the color of the cloth, they showed their chieftaincy, and the device of their undertakings and prowess. no one was allowed to use the red potong until he had killed at least one man. and in order to wear them edged with certain edgings, which were regarded as a crown, they must have killed seven men" (colin). even now any indian is seen to wear the _balindang_ in the manner of the _putong_. _putong_ signifies in tagál, "to crown" or "to wrap anything around the head."--_rizal_. [50] this is the reading of the original (_cera hilada_). it seems more probable that this should read "spun silk," and that morga's amanuensis misunderstood _seda_ ("silk") as _cera_ ("wax"), or else it is a misprint. [51] "they also have strings of bits of ivory" (colin).--_rizal_. [52] "the last complement of the gala dress was, in the manner of our sashes, a richly dyed shawl crossed at the shoulder and fastened under the arm" (even today the men wear the _lambong_ or mourning garment in this manner) "which was very usual with them. the bisayans, in place of this, wore robes or loose garments, well made and collarless, reaching to the instep, and embroidered in colors. all their costume, in fact, was in the moorish manner, and was truly elegant and rich; and even today they consider it so" (colin).--_rizal_. [53] this manner of headdress, and the long robe of the visayans, have an analogy with the japanese coiffure and kimono.--_rizal_. [54] barõ.--_rizal_. [55] a tree (_entada purseta_) which grows in most of the provinces of the philippines. it contains a sort of filament, from which is extracted a soapy foam, which is much used for washing clothes. this foam is also used to precipitate the gold in the sand of rivers. rizal says the most common use is that described above. [56] this custon still exists.--_rizal_. [57] this custom exists also among the married women of japan, as a sign of their chastity. it is now falling into disuse.--_rizal_. [58] the filipinos were careful not to bathe at the hour of the siesta, after eating, during the first two days of a cold, when they have the herpes, and some women during the period of menstruation.--_rizal_. [59] this work, although not laborious, is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of the rice.--_rizal_. [60] this custom is still to be seen in some parts.--_rizal_. [61] a name given it by the spaniards. its tagál name is _kanin_.--_rizal_. [62] the fish mentioned by morga is not tainted, but is the _bagoong_.--_rizal_. [63] a term applied to certain plants (_atmaranthus_, _celosia_, etc.) of which the leaves are boiled and eaten. [64] from the tagál _tubã_, meaning sap or juice.--_rizal_. [65] the filipinos have reformed in this respect, due perhaps to the wine-monopoly. colin says that those intoxicated by this wine were seldom disagreeable or dangerous, but rather more witty and sprightly; nor did they show any ill effects from drinking it.--_rizal_. [66] this weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. a proof of the decline into which the present filipinos have fallen is the comparison of the weapons that they manufacture now, with those described to us by the historians. the hilts of the _talibones_ now are not of gold or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor are they admirably wrought.--_rizal_. _balarao_, dagger, is a vissayan word.--_stanley_. [67] the only other people who now practice head-hunting are the mentenegrins.--_stanley_. [68] a tagál word meaning oar.--_stanley_. [69] a common device among barbarous or semi-civilized peoples, and even among boatmen in general. these songs often contain many interesting and important bits of history, as well as of legendary lore. [70] _karang_, signifying awnings.--_rizal_ and _stanley_. [71] the filipinos, like the inhabitants of the marianas--who are no less skilful and dexterous in navigation--far from progressing, have retrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands, we might assert that they are all after european models. the boats that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiers have disappeared. the country that once, with primitive methods, built ships of about 2,000 toneladas, today [1890] has to go to foreign ports, as hong-kong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor, in exchange for unserviceable cruisers. the rivers are blocked up, and navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks to the obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government; and there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of all that naval architecture. it has vanished, without modern improvements having come to replace it in such proportion as, during the past centuries, has occurred in adjacent countries....--_rizal_. [72] it seems that some species of trees disappeared or became very scarce because of the excessive ship-building that took place later. one of them is the _betis_.--_rizal_. blanco states (_flora_, ed. 1845, p. 281) that the betis (_azaola betis_) was common in pampanga and other regions. delgado describes the various species of trees in the philippines in the first six treatises of the first part of the fourth book of _historia general de filipinas_ (manila, 1892). he mentions by name more than seventy trees grown on the level plains and near the shores; more than forty fruit-trees; more than twenty-five species grown in the mountains; sixteen that actually grow in the water; and many kinds of palms. see also _gazetteer of the philippine islands_ (washington, 1902), pp. 85-95, and buzeta and bravo's _diccionario_ (madrid, 1850), i, pp. 29-36. [73] _sanctor_ is called _santol_ (_sandoricum indicum_--cavanilles), in delgado (_ut supra_, note 71). the tree resembles a walnut-tree. its leaves are rounded and as large as the palm of the hand, and are dark green in color. excellent preserves are made from the fruit, which was also eaten raw by the indians. the leaves of the tree have medicinal properties and were used as poultices. _mabolo_ (_diospyros discolor_--willd.) signifies in tagál a thing or fruit enclosed in a soft covering. the tree is not very high. the leaves are large, and incline to a red color when old. the fruit is red and as large as a medium-sized quince, and has several large stones. the inside of the fruit is white, and is sweet and firm, and fragrant, but not very digestible. the wood resembles ebony, is very lustrous, and is esteemed for its solidity and hardness. the _nanca_ [_nangka_, _nangca_; translated by stanley, jack-fruit] (_artocarpus integrifolia_--willd.), was taken to the philippines from india, where it was called _yaca_. the tree is large and wide-spreading, and has long narrow leaves. it bears fruit not only on the branches, but on the trunk and roots. the fruit is gathered when ripe, at which time it exhales an aromatic odor. on opening it a yellowish or whitish meat is found, which is not edible. but in this are found certain yellow stones, with a little kernel inside resembling a large bean; this is sweet, like the date, but has a much stronger odor. it is indigestible, and when eaten should be well masticated. the shells are used in cooking and resemble chestnuts. the wood is yellow, solid, and especially useful in making certain musical instruments. buzeta and bravo (_diccionario_, i, p. 35) say that there are more than fifty-seven species of bananas in the philippines. [74] pilê (_canarium commune_--linn.). delgado (_ut supra_) says that this was one of the most notable and useful fruits of the islands. it was generally confined to mountainous regions and grew wild. the natives used the fruit and extracted a white pitch from the tree. the fruit has a strong, hard shell. the fruit itself resembles an almond, both in shape and taste, although it is larger. the tree is very high, straight, and wide-spreading. its leaves are larger than those of the almond-tree. [75] delgado (_ut supra_) describes the tree (_cedrela toona_--roxb.) called _calanta_ in tagál, and _lanipga_ in visayan. the tree is fragrant and has wood of a reddish color. it was used for making the hulls of vessels, because of its strength and lightness. the same author describes also the _asana_ (_pterocarpus indicus_--willd.) or as it is called in the visayas, _naga_ or _narra_--as an aromatic tree, of which there are two varieties, male and female. the wood of the male tree is pinkish, while that of the female tree is inclined to white. they both grow to a great size and are used for work requiring large timber. the wood has good durable qualities and is very impervious to water, for which reason it was largely used as supports for the houses. water in which pieces of the wood were placed, or the water that stood in vessels made of this wood, had a medicinal value in dropsy and other diseases. in the provinces of albay and camarines the natives made curiously-shaped drinking vessels from this wood. [76] so many cattle were raised that father gaspar de san agustin, when speaking of dumangas, says: "in this convent we have a large ranch for the larger cattle, of so many cows that they have at times numbered more than thirty, thousand ... and likewise this ranch contains many fine horses."--_rizal_. [77] to the flesh of this fowl, called in tagál _ulikbâ_, are attributed medicinal virtues.--_rizal_. [78] these animals now [1890] exist in the islands, but are held in small esteem.--_rizal_. [79] see chapter on the mammals of the islands, in _report_ of u. s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, pp. 307-312. at its end is the statement that but one species of monkey is known, and one other is reported, to exist in the philippines; and that "the various other species of monkey which have been assigned to the philippines by different authors are myths pure and simple." [80] _camalote_, for _gamalote_, a plant like maize, with a leaf a yard long and an inch wide. this plant grows to a height of two yards and a half, and when green serves for food for horses (caballero's _dictionary_, madrid, 1856).--_stanley_. at that time the name for _zacate_ (hay).--_rizal_. [81] in japanese _fimbari_, larks (medhurst's _japanese vocabulary_).--_stanley_. [82] _pogos_, from the tagál pugô.--_rizal_. delgado (_ut supra_) describes the pogos as certain small gray birds, very similar to the sparrows in spain. they are very greedy, and if undisturbed would totally destroy the rice-fields. their scientific name is _excalfactoria chinensis_ (linn.). [83] stanley conjectures that this word is a misprint for _maynelas_, a diminutive of _maina_, a talking bird. delgado (_ut supra_) describes a bird called _maya_ (_munia jagori_--cab.; _ploceus baya_--blyth.; and _ploceus hypoxantha_--tand.), which resembles the pogo, being smaller and of a cinnamon color, which pipes and has an agreeable song. [84] stanley translates this as "wild ducks." delgado (_ut supra_) describes a bird called _lapay_ (_dendrocygna vagans_--eyton.), as similar to the duck in body, but with larger feet, which always lives in the water, and whose flesh is edible. [85] for descriptions of the birds in the philippines, see delgado (_ut supra_) book v, part i, 1st treatise, pp. 813-853; _report_ of u.s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, pp. 312-316; and _gazetteer of the philippine islands_ (washington, 1902), pp. 170, 171. there are more than five hundred and ninety species of birds in the islands, of which three hundred and twenty-five are peculiar to the archipelago, and largely land birds. there are thirty-five varieties of doves and pigeons, all edible. [86] there are now domestic rabbits, and plenty of peacocks.--_rizal_. [87] doubtless the python, which is often domesticated in the philippines. see _vol_. xii, p. 259, note 73. [88] la gironiére (_twenty years in the philippines_--trans. from french, london, 1853) describes an interesting fight with a huge crocodile near his settlement of jala-jala. the natives begged for the flesh in order to dry it and use it as a specific against asthma, as they believed that any asthmatic person who lived on the flesh for a certain time would be infallibly cured. another native wished the fat as an antidote for rheumatic pain. the head of this huge reptile was presented to an american, who in turn presented it to the boston museum. unfortunately la gironiére's picturesque descriptions must often be taken with a grain of salt. for some information regarding the reptiles of the islands see _report_ of u.s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, pp. 317-319. [89] unless we are mistaken, there is a fish in the filipinas called _pámpano_.--_rizal_. [90] for catalogue and scientific description of the mollusks of the philippines, see the work of joaquín gonzález hidalgo--now (1904) in course of publication by the real academia de ciencias of madrid--_estudios preliminares sobre la fauna malacológica de las islas filipinas._ [91] the río grande.--_rizal_. [92] no fish is known answering to this description.--_stanley_. [93] the island of talim.--_rizal_. [94] retana thinks (zúñiga, ii, p. 545*) that this device was introduced among the filipinos by the borneans. [95] a species of fishing-net. stanley's conjecture is wrong. [96] _esparavel_ is a round fishing-net, which is jerked along by the fisher through rivers and shallow places. _barredera_ is a net of which the meshes are closer and tighter than those of common nets, so that the smallest fish may not escape it. [97] cf. methods of fishing of north american indians, _jesuit relations_, vi, pp. 309-311, liv, pp. 131, 306-307. [98] a species of fish in the mediterranean, about three pulgadas [inches] long. its color is silver, lightly specked with black. [99] the fish now called _lawlaw_ is the dry, salted sardine. the author evidently alludes to the _tawilis_ of batangas, or to the _dilis_, which is still smaller, and is used as a staple by the natives.--_rizal_. for information regarding the fishes of the philippines, see delgado (_ut supra_), book v, part iv, pp. 909-943; _gazetteer of the philippine islands_ (_ut supra_), pp. 171-172; and (with description of methods of fishing) _report_ of u. s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, pp. 319-324. [100] pahõ. a species of very small mango from one and one-half to five centimeters in its longer diameter. it has a soft pit, and exhales a strong pitchy odor.--_rizal_. [101] a spanish word signifying a cryptogamous plant; perhaps referring to some species of mushroom. [102] in tagál this is kasubhã. it comes from the sanskrit _kasumbha_, or malay _kasumba_ (pardo de tavera's _el sanscrito en la lengua tagalog_).--_rizal_. this plant is the safflower or bastard saffron (_certhamus tinctorius_); its flowers are used in making a red dye. [103] not a tree, but a climber. the plants are cultivated by training them about some canes planted in the middle of certain little channels which serve to convey irrigation to the plant twice each day. a plantation of betel--or ikmó, as the tagáls call it--much resembles a german hop-garden.--_rizal_. [104] this fruit is not that of the betel or _buyo_, but of the _bonga_ (tagál _buñga_), or areca palm.--_rizal_. [105] not quicklime, but well slaked lime.--_rizal_. rizal misprints _un poco de cal viva_ for _vn poluc de cal viua_. [106] the original word is _marcada_. rizal is probably correct in regarding it as a misprint for _mascada_, chewed. [107] it is not clear who call these caskets by that name. i imagine it to be the spanish name, properly spelt _buxeta_. the king of calicut's betel box is called _buxen_ in the barcelona ms. of the malabar coasts.--_stanley_. [108] see _vol_. iv, p. 222, note 31; also delgado (_ut supra_), pp. 667-669. delgado says that _bonga_ signifies fruit. [109] tagál, _tukõ_.--_rizal_. [110] this word in the original is _visitandolas_; rizal makes it _irritandolas_ (shaking or irritating them), but there are not sufficient grounds for the change. [111] the indians, upon seeing that wealth excited the rapacity of the encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned the working of the mines, and the religious historians assert that they counseled them to a similar action in order to free them from annoyances. nevertheless, according to colin (who was "informed by well-disposed natives") more than 100,000 pesos of gold annually, conservatively stated, was taken from the mines during his time, after eighty years of abandonment. according to "a manuscript of a grave person who had lived long in these islands" the first tribute of the two provinces of ilocos and pangasinan alone amounted to 109,500 pesos. a single encomendero, in 1587, sent 3,000 taheles of gold in the "santa ana," which was captured by cavendish.--_rizal_. [112] this was prohibited later.--_rizal_. [113] see _vol_. xiv, pp. 301-304. according to hernando de los rios the province of pangasinan was said to contain a quantity of gold, and that guido de labazaris sent some soldiers to search for it; but they returned in a sickly state and suppressed all knowledge of the mines in order not to be sent back there. the dominican monks also suppressed all knowledge of the mines on account of the tyranny of which gold had been the cause in the west indies.--_stanley_. [114] pearl-fishing is still carried on along the coasts of mindanao and palawan, and in the sulu archipelago. in the latter region pearls are very abundant and often valuable; the fisheries there are under the control of the sultan of sulu, who rents them, appropriating for himself the largest pearls. [115] probably the cowry (_cypræa moneta_). crawfurd states (_dict. ind. islands_, p. 117) that in the asiatic archipelago this shell is found only on the shores of the sulu group, and that it "seems never to have been used for money among the indian islanders as it has immemorially been by the hindus." [116] jagor, _travels in the philippines_ (eng. trans., london, 1875), devotes a portion of his chapter xv to these jars. he mentions the great prices paid by the japanese for these vessels. on p. 164, occurs a translation of the above paragraph, but it has been mistranslated in two places. stanley cites the similar jars found among the dyaks of borneo--the best called _gusih_--which were valued at from $1,500 to $3,000, while the second grade were sold for $400. that they are very ancient is proved by one found among other remains of probably the copper age. from the fact that they have been found in cambodia, siam, cochinchina, and the philippines, rizal conjectures that the peoples of these countries may have had a common center of civilization at one time. [117] "not many years ago," says colin (1663), "a large piece [of ambergris] was found in the island of joló, that weighed more than eight arrobas, of the best kind, namely, the gray."--_rizal_. [118] this industry must now be forgotten, for it is never heard of.--_rizal_. [119] perhaps morga alludes to the _sinamay_, which was woven from abaká, or filament of the plant _musa textilis_. the abaká is taken from the trunk and not the leaf.--_rizal_. [120] this name seems to be malay, _babu-utan_, wild swine.--_stanley_. [121] the men of these islands were excellent carpenters and ship-builders. "they make many very light vessels, which they take through the vicinity for sale in a very curious manner. they build a large vessel, undecked, without iron nail or any fastening. then, according to the measure of its hull, they make another vessel that fits into it. within that they put a second and a third. thus a large biroco contains ten or twelve vessels, called biroco, virey, barangay, and binitan." these natives were "tattooed, and were excellent rowers and sailors; and although they are upset often, they never drown." the women are very masculine. "they do not drink from the rivers, although the water is very clear, because it gives them nausea.... the women's costumes are chaste and pretty, for they wear petticoats in the bisayan manner, of fine medriñaque, and _lamboncillos_, which resemble close-fitting sayuelos [_i.e._, woolen shifts worn by certain classes of religious]. they wear long robes of the same fine medriñaque. they gather the hair, which is neatly combed, into a knot, on top of the head, and place a rose in it. on their forehead they wear a band of very fine wrought gold, two fingers wide. it is very neatly worked and on the side encircling the head it is covered with colored taffeta. in each ear they wear three gold earrings, one in the place where spanish women wear them, and two higher up. on their feet they wear certain coverings of thin brass, which sound when they walk." (the citations herein are from colin.) these islands have also retrograded.--_rizal_. [122] cavite derives its name from the tagál word _cavit_, a creek, or bend, or hook, for such is its form.--_stanley_. [123] this province had decreased so greatly in population and agriculture, a half century later, that gaspar de san agustin said: "now it no longer has the population of the past, because of the insurrection of that province, when don sabiniano manrique de lara was governor of these islands, and because of the incessant cutting of the timber for the building of his majesty's ships, which prevents them from cultivating their extremely fertile plain." later, when speaking of guagua or wawà, he says: "this town was formerly very wealthy because of its many chiefs, and because of the abundant harvests gathered in its spacious plains, which are now submerged by the water of the sea."--_rizal_. [124] now the port of sorsogón.--_rizal_. [125] now the port of mariveles (?).--_rizal_. [126] subik (?).--_rizal_. [127] mindoro is at present [1890] so depopulated that the minister of the colonies, in order to remedy this result of spanish colonization, wishes to send there the worst desperadoes of the peninsula, to see if great criminals will make good colonists and farmers. all things considered, given the condition of those who go, it is indubitable that the race that succeeds must know how to defend itself and live, so that the island may not be depopulated again.--_rizal_. [128] samar. this proves contrary to the opinion of colin, who places tendaya in leite.--_rizal_. [129] southeastern part of samar.--_rizal_. [130] colin says, however, that they did tattoo the chins and about the eyes [_barbas y cejas_]. the same author states also that the tattooing was done little by little and not all at once. "the children were not tattooed, but the women tattooed one hand and part of the other. in this island of manila the ilocos also tattooed themselves, although not so much as did the visayans." the negritos, igorrotes, and other independent tribes of the filipinas still tattoo themselves. the christians have forgotten the practice. the filipinas used only the black color, thus differing from the japanese, who employ different colors, as red and blue, and carry the art to a rare perfection. in other islands of the pacific, the women tattoo themselves almost as much as the men. dr. wilhelm joest's _tätowiren narbenzeichnen und körperbemahlen_ (berlin, 1887) treats the matter very succinctly.--_rizal_. [131] this is a confused statement, after what just precedes it and according to the evidence of father chirino (see _vol_. xii, chapter vii). morga must mean that they wore no cloak or covering when they went outside the house, as did the tagáls (both men and women), who used a kind of cape.--_rizal_. [this is the sense in which stanley understood and translated this passage.] [132] _gûbat_, grove, field, in tagál. _mangubat_ [so printed in the text of rizal's edition] signifies in tagál "to go hunting, or to the wood," or even "to fight."--_rizal_. [133] "at the arrival of the spaniards at this island (panay)" says san agustín, "it was said to have more than 50,000 families. but they decreased greatly ... and at present it has about 14,000 tributarios--6,000 apportioned to the crown, and 8,000 to individual encomenderos." they had many gold-mines, and obtained gold by washing the sand in the panay river; "but instigated by the outrages received from the alcaldes-mayor," says the same historian, "they have ceased to dig it, preferring to live in poverty than to endure such troubles."--_rizal_. [134] this entire paragraph is omitted in the rizal edition. in the original it is as follows: _la lengua de todos, los pintados y bicayas, es vna mesma, por do se entienden, hablando y escriuiendo, en letras y caratores que tienen particulares, que semejan á los arabigos, y su comun escribir entre los naturales, es en hojas de arboles, y en cañas, sobre la corteza; que en todas las islas ay muchas, de disforme grueso los cañutos, y el pie es vn arbol muy grueso y maciço_. [135] this difference is no greater than that between the spanish, portuguese, and italian.--_rizal_. [136] see chirino (_relacion de las islas filipinas_) _vol_. xii, chapters xv-xvii. his remarks, those of morga, and those of other historians argue a considerable amount of culture among the filipino peoples prior to the spanish conquest. a variety of opinions have been expressed as to the direction of the writing. chirino, san antonio, zúñiga, and le gentil, say that it was vertical, beginning at the top. colin, ezguerra, and marche assert that it was vertical but in the opposite direction. colin says that the horizontal form was adopted after the arrival of the spaniards. mas declares that it was horizontal and from left to right, basing his arguments upon certain documents in the augustinian archives in manila. the eminent filipino scholar, dr. t. h. pardo de tavera has treated the subject in a work entitled "_contribucion para el estudio de los antiguos alfabetos filipinos_" (losana, 1884). see rizal's notes on p. 291 of his edition of morga. [137] this portion of this sentence is omitted in stanley. [138] báhay is "house" in tagál; _pamamáhay_ is that which is in the interior and the house. _bahandin_ may be a misprint for _bahayín_, an obsolete derivative.--_rizal_. [139] cf. this and following sections with loarca's relation, _vol_. v, of this series; and with plasencia's account, _vol_. vii, pp. 173-196. [140] timawá.--_rizal_. [141] the condition of these slaves was not always a melancholy one. argensola says that they ate at the same table with their masters, and married into their families. the histories fail to record the assassination for motives of vengeance of any master or chief by the natives, as they do of encomenderos. after the conquest the evil deepened. the spaniards made slaves without these pretexts, and without those enslaved being indians of their jurisdiction--going moreover, to take them away from their own villages and islands. fernando de los rios coronel, in his memorial to the king (madrid, 1621) pp. 24-25, speaks in scathing terms of the cruelties inflicted on the natives in the construction of ships during the governorship of juan de silva. a letter from felipe ii to bishop domingo de salazar shows the awful tyranny exercised by the encomenderos upon the natives, whose condition was worse than that of slaves.--_rizal_. [142] for remarks on the customs formerly observed by the natives of pampanga in their suits, see appendix to this volume. [143] this fundamental agreement of laws, and this general uniformity, prove that the mutual relations of the islands were widespread, and the bonds of friendship more frequent than were wars and quarrels. there may have existed a confederation, since we know from the first spaniards that the chief of manila was commander-in-chief of the sultan of borneo. in addition, documents of the twelfth century that exist testify the same thing.--_rizal_. [144] this word must be _sagigilid_ in its tagál form. the root _gílid_ signifies in tagál, "margin," "strand," or "shore." the reduplication of the first syllable, if tonic, signifies active future action. if not tonic and the suffix _an_ be added, it denotes the place where the action of the verb is frequently executed. the preposition _sa_ indicates place, time, reference. the atonic reduplication may also signify plurality, in which case the singular noun would be _sagílid_, _i.e._, "at the margin," or "the last"--that is, the slave. timawá signifies now in tagál, "in peace, in quietness, tranquil, free," etc. _maginoo_, from the root _ginoo_, "dignity," is now the title of the chiefs; and the chief's reunion is styled _kaginoóhan_. colin says, nevertheless, that the chiefs used the title _gat_ or _lakan_, and the women _dayang_. the title of _mama_ applied now to men, corresponds to "uncle," "señor," "monsieur," "mr.," etc.; and the title _al_ of women to the feminine titles corresponding to these.--_rizal_. [145] _namamahay_ (from _bahay_, "house"), "he who lives in his own house." this class of slaves, if they may be so called, exists even yet. they are called _kasamá_ (because of being now the laborers of a capitalist or farmer), _bataan_ ("servant," or "domestic"), _kampon, tao_, etc. [146] this class of slavery still exists [1890] in many districts, especially in the province of batangas; but it must be admitted that their condition is quite different from that of the slave in greece or rome, or that of the negro, and even of those made slaves formerly by the spaniards. thanks to their social condition and to their number in that time, the spanish domination met very little resistance, while the filipino chiefs easily lost their independence and liberty. the people, accustomed to the yoke, did not defend the chiefs from the invader, nor attempt to struggle for liberties that they never enjoyed. for the people, it was only a change of masters. the nobles, accustomed to tyrannize by force, had to accept the foreign tyranny, when it showed itself stronger than their own. not encountering love or elevated feelings in the enslaved mass, they found themselves without force or power.--_rizal_. [147] _inasawa_, or more correctly _asawa_ (consort).--_rizal_. [148] this dowry, if one may call it so, represented to the parents an indemnity for the care and vigilance that they had exercised in their daughter's education. the filipina woman, never being a burden to any one (either to her parents or to her husband), but quite the contrary, represents a value, whose loss to the possessor must be substituted.... the tagál wife is free, and treated with consideration; she trades and contracts, almost always with the approbation of her husband, who consults her in all his acts. she takes care of the money, and educates the children, half of whom belong to her...--_rizal_. [149] _bigay-káya_, "to give what one can," "a voluntary offering, a present of good will" ... this _bigay-káya_ devolved entire to the married couple, according to colin, if the son-in-law was obedient to his parents-in-law; if not, it was divided among all the heirs. "besides the dowry, the chiefs used to give certain gifts to the parents and relatives, and even to the slaves, which were great or less according to the rank of the one married." (colin).--_rizal_. [150] this good custom still exists, ... although it is gradually passing away.--_rizal_. [151] such is the law throughout most parts of asia; in siam the woman becomes free without having children. it is only in america that fathers could and did sell their own children into slavery.--_stanley_. [152] this condition of affairs and the collection of usury is true still [1890]. morga's words prove true not only of the indian, but also of the mestizos, the spaniards, and even of various religious. so far has it gone that the government itself not only permits it, but also exacts the capital and even the person to pay the debts of others, as happens with the _cabeza de barangay_ [head of a barangay].--_rizal_. [153] the _tam-tam_ and the _pum-piang_ are still used.--_rizal_. [154] the early filipinos had a great horror of theft, and even the most anti-filipino historian could not accuse them of being a thievish race. today, however, they have lost their horror of that crime. one of the old filipino methods of investigating theft was as follows: "if the crime was proved, but not the criminal, if more than one was suspected ... each suspect was first obliged to place a bundle of cloth, leaves, or whatever he wished on a pile, in which the thing stolen might be hidden. upon the completion of this investigation if the stolen property was found in the pile, the suit ceased." the filipinos also practiced customs very similar to the "judgments of god" of the middle ages, such as putting suspected persons, by pairs, under the water and adjudging guilty him who first emerged.--_rizal_. [155] the filipino today prefers a beating to scoldings or insults.--_rizal_. [156] from _bago_, new, and _tao_, man: he who has become a man.--_rizal_. [157] in speaking of a similar custom in australia, eyre (_central australia_, i, p. 213), says: "this extraordinary and inexplicable custom must have a great tendency to prevent the rapid increase of the population."--_stanley_. [stanley does not translate this paragraph of the text.] [158] it appears that the natives called _anito_ a tutelary genius, either of the family, or extraneous to it. now, with their new religious ideas, the tagáls apply the term _anito_ to any superstition, false worship, idol, etc.--_rizal_. [159] others besides morga mention oratories in caves, where the idols were kept, and where aromatics were burned in small brasiers. chirino found small temples in taitay adjoining the principal houses. [see _vol_. xii. of this series, chapter xxi.] it appears that temples were never dedicated to _bathala maykapal_, nor was sacrifice ever offered him. the temples dedicated to the _anito_ were called ulañgo.--_rizal_. [160] san agustín says that hell was called _solad_, and paradise, _kalualhatian_ (a name still in existence), and in poetical language, _ulugan_. the blest abodes of the inhabitants of panay were in the mountain of madias.--_rizal_. [161] cf. the "wake" of the celtic and gaelic peasants. cf. also the north-american indian burial ceremonies, and reverence paid to the dead, in _jesuit relations_, i, p. 215; ii, pp. 21, 149; viii, p. 21; x, pp. 169, 247, 283-285, 293; xiii, 259; xxi, 199; xxiii, 31; lxv, 141; etc. in the filipino burials, there were mourners who composed panegyrics in honor of the dead, like those made today. "to the sound of this sad music the corpse was washed, and perfumed with storax, gum-resin, or other perfumes made from tree gums, which are found in all these woods. then the corpse was shrouded, being wrapped in more or less cloth according to the rank of the deceased. the bodies of the more wealthy were anointed and embalmed in the manner of the hebrews, with aromatic liquors, which preserved them from decay.... the burial-place of the poor was in pits dug in the ground under their own houses. after the bodies of the rich and powerful were kept and bewailed for three days, they were placed in a chest or coffin of incorruptible wood, adorned with rich jewels, and with small sheets of gold in the mouth and over the eyes. the coffin was all in one piece, and the lid was so adjusted that no air could enter. because of these precautions the bodies have been found after many years, still uncorrupted. these coffins were deposited in one of three places, according to the inclination and arrangement of the deceased, either on top of the house among the treasures ... or underneath it, but raised from the ground; or in the ground itself, in an open hole surrounded with a small railing ... nearby they were wont to place another box filled with the best clothes of the deceased; and at meal-time they set various articles of food there in dishes. beside the men were laid their weapons, and beside the women their looms or other implements of work" (colin).--_rizal_. [162] _kasis._ this is another instance of the misapplication of this arabic term, which means exclusively a christian priest.--_stanley_. [163] this custom has not fallen into disuse among the filipinos, even among the catholics.--_rizal_. lieutenant charles norton barney, of the medical department of the u. s. army, has an article in _journal_ of the association of military surgeons for september, 1903, on "circumcision and flagellation among the filipinos." in regard to circumcision he states that it "is a very ancient custom among the philippine _indios_, and so generalized that at least seventy or eighty per cent of males in the tagál country have undergone the operation." those uncircumcised at the age of puberty are taunted by their fellows, and such are called "_suput_," a word formerly meaning "constricted" or "tight," but now being extended to mean "one who cannot easily gain entrance in sexual intercourse." the "operation has no religious significance," nor is it done for cleanliness, "but from custom and disinclination to be ridiculed," probably [as morga proves] having been learned from the moros. the friars were unable to check the custom. among the tagáls the operation is called "_tuli_," and the method of circumcising is described at length. the author derives his information from a mestizo and a full-blooded native. the custom is mentioned by foreman. [164] appellation given to their ecclesiastical sages by mahometans. [165] see the king's decree granting this coat-of-arms, in _vol_. ix, pp. 211-215, with two representations of the coat-of-arms. [166] convents occupy almost one-third part of the walled city.--_rizal_. [167] the walls did not even have any moats then; these were dug after the english invasion of 1762. the walls were also rearranged at that time, and perfected with the lapse of time and the needs that arose in the city.--_rizal_. [168] rizal misprints _al cabo del lienço_ as _al campo del lienzo_. [169] now [1890] the gates of the city are open all night, and in certain periods, passage along the streets and through the walls is allowed at all hours.--_rizal_. [170] this powder-mill has several times changed its site. it was afterward near maalat on the seashore, and then was moved to nagtahá, on the bank of the pasig.--_rizal_. [171] probably on the same site where the great tagál cannon-foundry had formerly stood, which was burned and destroyed by the spaniards at their first arrival in manila. san agustin declares the tagál foundry to have been as large as that at málaga.--_rizal_. [172] the rizal edition omits the words, _muy grande y autorizada, capilla aparte, camara del sello real_. [173] the treasury building. the governor's palace was destroyed in 1863.--_rizal_. [174] the audiencia and cabildo buildings were also destroyed, but the latter has been rebuilt.--_rizal_. [175] the rizal edition misprints _sacristan_ as _sacristías_. [176] this is the largest convent in manila.--_rizal_. [177] among the jesuits, that part of a college where the pensioners or boarders live and receive their instruction. [178] this college of san josé was founded in 1601, although the royal decree for it had been conceded in 1585. the number of collegiates to enter was thirteen, among whom was a nephew of francisco tello and a son of dr. morga. from its inception latin was taught there. in a suit with the college of santo tomás, the jesuits obtained a favorable decision; and it was recognized as the older institution, and given the preference in public acts. the historians say that at its inauguration the students wore bonnets covered with diamonds and pearls. at present [1890] this college, after having moved from house to house, has become a school of pharmacy attached to santo tomás, and directed by the dominican rector.--_rizal_. [179] after many varying fortunes, this institution has wholly disappeared.--_rizal_. [180] the confraternity of mercy [_hermandad de la misericordia_] was founded in 1594, by an ecclesiastic named juan fernández de león.--_rizal_. [181] san juan de dios [st. john of god].--_rizal_. [182] better, maalat. the spaniards pronounced this later malate. there lived the chief tagáls after they were deprived of their houses in manila, among whom were the families of raja matanda and raja soliman. san augustín says that even in his day many of the ancient nobility dwelt there, and that they where very urbane and cultured. "the men hold various positions in manila, and certain occupations in some of the local public functions. the women make excellent lace, in which they are so skilfull that the dutch women cannot surpass them." this is still true of the women.--_rizal_. [183] now the town of paco.--_rizal_. [184] _recopilación de leyes_, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi, defines the district of the audiencia and states certain perogatives of the governor and auditors as follows: "in the city of manila, in the island of luzon, capital of the felipinas, shall reside our royal audiencia and chancillería, with a president who shall be governor and captain-general, four auditors, who shall also be alcaldes of criminal cases, one fiscal, one alguacil-mayor, one lieutenant of the grand chancillor, and the other ministers and officials necessary. it shall have as its district the said island of luzon, and all the rest of the filipinas, the archipelago of china and its mainland as yet discovered and to be discovered. we order the governor and captain-general of the said islands and provinces and president of the royal audiencia in them, to hold personal charge in peace and war of the superior government of all the district of the said audiencia, and to make the provisions and concessions in our royal name, which in accordance with the laws of this _recopilación_ and of these kingdoms of castilla, and with the instructions and powers that he shall get from us, he should and can make. in things and matters of importance that arise in the government, the said president governor shall discuss them with the auditors of the said audiencia, so that they, after consulting, may give him their opinion. he, after hearing them, shall take what course is most advisable to the service of god and to ours, and the peace and quiet of that province and community." felipe ii, aranjuez, may 5, 1583; toledo, may 25, 1596, in ordinance of the audiencia; felipe iv in this _recopilación._ [185] the original is _canongias, raciones, y medias raciones_, which literally refers to the office or prebend instead of the individual. we retain the above terms as expressing the persons who held these prebends. [186] literaly, the original translates "in the islands of sebu, cagayan, and camerines." [187] this is so changed now [1890] and the employees so increased in number, that the annual expenses amount to more than 2,000,000 pesos, while the intendant's salary is 12,000 pesos.--_rizal_. [188] this city has disapeared from the map and from the earth. an inconsiderable town named lal-ló occupies its site. it is still [1890], however, named as the appointment of the bishopric of bigan, the actual residence of the bishop.--_rizal_. [189] an attempt was made to supply the lack of prebends in the cathedral cities of the philippines by the following law: "inasmuch as the bishops of the churches of nueva cáceres, nueva segovia, and of the name of jesus of the filipinas islands should have men to assist them in the pontifical acts, and the bishops should have all the propriety possible in their churches, and divine worship more reverence; and inasmuch as there are no tithes with which a few prebendaries can be sustained in the churches: therefore our governor of those islands shall appoint to each of the said churches two ecclesiastics of good life and example, who shall aid and assist the bishop in the pontifical acts, and in all else relating to divine worship. he shall assign them a certain modest sum for their support from our royal treasury, so that with that they may for the present serve the churches, until there be more opportunity for endowing them with prebendaries and providing other necessary things." felipe iii, san lorenzo, october 5, 1606. _recopilación de leyes_, lib. i, tit. vi, ley xviii. [190] the rizal edition omits a considerable portion of this paragraph. the omission is as follows: _para guarda del puerto, y defensa de la ciudad, con bastante guarnicion de soldados de paga, a orden del alcalde mayor, capitan a guerra de la prouincia que reside en la ciudad. sera la poblazon, de dozientos vezinos españoles, con casas de madera, tiene cabildo, de dos alcaldes ordinarios, ocho rejidores, alguazil mayor y sus oficiales_. [191] now [1890] of slight importance. of its former grandeur there remain only 1,000 inhabitants, with a parochial house, a justice's house, a prison, and a primary school.--_rizal_. [192] vigan or bigan.--_rizal_. [193] legazpi also had two secular priests, juan de vivero and juan de villanueva, who had part in the first conversions.--_rizal_. [194] the jesuits preceded the dominicans seven years as missionaries to the filipinas. the first jesuits came over with domingo de salazar, the first bishop, and his dominican associate.--_rizal_. [195] _visita_: here meaning a district which has no resident missionary, but is visited by religious from some mission station, on which the visita is therefore dependent. [196] cf. with the musical ability of the filipinos that displayed by the north american indians, as described in _the jesuit relations_, vols. vi, p. 183; xviii, p. 161; xxiii, p. 213; xxvii, p. 117; xxxi, p. 219; xxxviii, pp. 259, 263; etc. [197] chirino (chapter vii) mentions the apportionment, by the king, of distinct districts to the different orders. the augustinian authorities in mexico granted permission to those of their order going to the philippines to establish themselves wherever they wished in the islands (see _vol_. ii, pp. 161-168), and the latter exercised the omnimodo [i.e., entire] ecclesiastical authority, as conceded by the popes, until the arrival of the franciscans in 1577. papal concessions probably marked out the districts as apportioned by the king. [198] morga refers, with his characteristic prudence, to the great question of diocesan visits, which commenced with fray domingo de salazar, and which could not be ended until 1775, in the time of anda--thanks to the energy of the latter and the courage of archbishop don basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina, when after great disturbances they succeeded in subjecting the regular curas to the inspection of the bishops. morga, however, shows that he did not approve the claims of the religious to independence, but does not dare to state so distinctly.--_rizal_. [199] the augustinians received also one-fourth part of the tribute from the villages while they were building churches; and 200 pesos fuertes [_i.e._, ten-real pieces] and 200 cavans [the cavan equals 25 gantas, or 137 spanish libras] of cleaned rice for four religious who heard confessions during lent. fifty cavans of cleaned rice per person seems to us too much. it results that each friar consumes 12 1/2 libras of rice or 27 chupas [the chupa is 1/8 ganta or 3 litros] daily, thirteen times as much as any indian.--_rizal_. [200] _recopilación de leyes_, lib. vi, tit. vii, ley xvi, contains the following in regard to the native chiefs: "it is not right that the indian chiefs of filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion; rather should they have such treatment that would gain their affection and keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that god has communicated to them by calling them to his true knowledge, the temporal blessings may be joined, and they may live contentedly and comfortably. therefore, we order the governors of those islands to show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with the government of the indians, of whom they were formerly the lords. in all else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly, and the indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they did during the period of their paganism, provided it be without prejudice to the tributes that are to be paid us, or prejudicial to that which pertains to their encomenderos." felipe ii, madrid, june 11, 1594. [201] the _gobernadorcillo_ ["little or petty governor"]. [202] _bilangõ_ signifies today in tagál "the act of imprisoning," and _bilanguan_ "the prison."--_rizal_. [203] for good expositions of local government in modern times, see bowring, _visit to the philippine isles_ (london, 1859), pp. 87-93; and montero y vidal, _archipiélago filipino_ (madrid, 1886), pp. 162-168. [204] these are now [1890] made in spanish.--_rizal_. [205] names of petty officers: the former the name of an officer in oriental countries; the second signifying one who commands. dr. t. h. pardo de tavera (_costumbres de los tagalos_, madrid, 1892, p. 10, note 1) says the word dato is now unused by the tagáls. _datu_ or _datuls_ primitively signified "grandfather," or "head of the family," which was equivalent to the head of the barangay. this name is used in mindanao and joló to designate certain chiefs. [206] a later law in _recopilación de leyes_ (lib. vi, tit. viii, ley xi) regulates the encomienda--giving power as follows: "the governor and captain-general of filipinas shall apportion the encomiendas, in accordance with the regulations to worthy persons, without having other respect than to the service of god our lord, and our service, the welfare of the public cause, and the remuneration of the most deserving. within sixty days, reckoned from the time that he shall have heard of the vacancy, he shall be obliged to apportion them. if he does not do so, the right to apportion them shall devolve upon and pertain to our royal audiencia of those islands, and we order the audiencia to apportion them, paying heed to the laws, within six days, and to avail itself of the edicts and diligences issued by the governor without other new ones. in case the governor shall not have issued edicts and diligences, the audiencia shall issue them and make the provision within twenty days." felipe iii, madrid, june 4, 1620. [207] the rapidity with which many of these encomenderos amassed great wealth in a few years is known, and that they left colossal fortunes at their death. some were not satisfied with the tributes and with what they demanded, but made false measures, and balances that weighed twice as much as was indicated. they often exacted the tributes in certain products only, and appraised the same at what value they wished.--_rizal_. [208] a law in _recopilación de leyes_ (lib. vi, tit. v, ley lxv) cites the above provision and confirms it anew: "in order to provide instruction for certain villages of the filipinas islands, which did not enjoy it, or if they had it, it was not sufficient, it was resolved to increase the tribute, which was formerly eight reals, or its value, per peso, to the proportion of ten castilian reals apiece. it was ordered that the increased amount be placed in our royal treasury, and one-half real of it be applied to paying the obligations which had to be met in regard to the tithes, while the one and one-half reals would remain to pay those soldiers there and for other purposes; in consideration of the fact that the funds necessary to send out religious, who are employed in the preaching of the holy gospel, are supplied from our royal treasury, and that the encomenderos were obliged to pay for the ordinary instruction from the eight reals, and the part of the building of churches that fell to their share, while the indians had the choice of paying all the tribute in money or in products, or in both. thus was it enacted and voted. we order no innovation to be made in this regard, in consideration of the welfare and conservation of those provinces and their natives, and so that the choice of paying in money shall not occasion any lack of products and cause sterility." felipe ii, san lorenzo, august 1589; felipe iii, zamora, february 16, 1602. [209] the following law regulates supervision of the accounts of this fund: "inasmuch as, when any encomienda of the filipinas islands happens to be without instruction, the fourth part of the tribute collected by the encomendero is deposited in a box with three keys, in order that it may be converted into benefices for the indians; and as it is advisable that that ordinance be executed sensibly and properly, and that we should know the amount of it and how it is apportioned: therefore, we order our presidents, the governors of the filipinas islands, that whenever they deem it advisable to examine the account, they shall appoint for that purpose one of the officials of our royal treasury of those islands--the one most suitable for it--who shall examine them. the fiscal of our royal audiencia shall investigate them before they are finished; and shall ask and see that they are executed with the care that the matter requires in regard to their items, charges, articles, and balances, and whatever else is advisable. he shall advise our president and governor of it all, so that he may assist him in what may be necessary, and advise us of the result." felipe iii, madrid, june 4, 1620, in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. i, tit. xiii, ley xiv. [210] the bull here referred to was issued by gregory xiv, and dated april 18, 1591. the seventh section reads as follows: "finally, since, as we have learned, our very dear son in christ, philip, catholic king of the spains, on account of the many deceits wont to be practised therein, has forbidden any spaniard in the aforesaid philippine islands to dare to take, or have, or hold any slaves, or servants, even by right of just and unjust war, or of purchase, or by whatsoever other title, or pretext; although some, despite the edict, or mandate, of king philip himself, still keep the same slaves in their power: therefore in order that, as is befitting to reason and equity, the indians themselves may freely and safely without any fear of bondage come and go to their christian doctrinas, and to their own homes and possessions, we order and command all and singular the persons living in the same islands, of whatsoever state, degree, condition, order, and rank they may be, in virtue of holy obedience and under pain of excommunication, on the publication of these presents, in accordance with the edict, or mandate of the said king philip, to release wholly free, without deceit and guile, whatsoever indian slaves and servants they may have, or hold; nor ever for the future in any manner to take or keep captives, or servants."--[translated from the original by _rev. t. c. middleton_, o.s.a.] [211] this [1890] has disappeared from legislation, although the personal services for españa are still continued, and are fifteen days.--_rizal_. [212] _recopilación de leyes_, lib. vi, tit. xii, ley xii, treating of personal services, reads as follows: "the religious and the ministers of the instruction, and the alcaldes-mayor of the filipinas islands have a weekly repartimiento of indians which they call _tanores_, so that the indians may serve them without pay; and besides the villages contribute to them the fish necessary to them on fridays, which is against reason and justice. we order the governor and captain-general, the audiencia, and any other of our justices, to stop and not allow this personal service and contribution, so that the villages shall in no manner perform it, and we declare the villages free from any obligation that they have or may have." this law is dated madrid, march 17, 1608. [213] taal was one of the villages where the most rigging was made for the royal ships.--_rizal_. [214] this word _reales_ is omitted in the rizal edition. [215] a comparatively early law (_recopilación de leyes_, lib. vi, tit. i, ley xv), prohibits the forcible removal of the natives for expeditions of conquest from one island to another. it is as follows: "we order that the indians in the filipinas islands be not taken from one island to another forcibly in order to make incursions, and against their will, unless it be under very necessary circumstances, and paying them for their work and trouble. they shall be well treated and receive no injury." felipe ii, madrid, november 7, 1574. [216] in java also the dutch restrict europeans from roaming about the country; this is a good regulation for the protection of the inhabitants.--_stanley_. [217] stanley praises these regulations; rizal deplores them, as keeping the men in authority out of touch with the people. [218] _recopilación de leyes_, lib. iv, tit. x, ley vii, has the following law, dated madrid, march 17, 1608: "the governor and captain-general of filipinas shall for the present appoint the magistracy [_regimiento_] of the city of manila, choosing persons who shall prove to be suitable for the office and zealous for the service of god our lord, and for ours; and he shall not remove them without our special order." [219] many royal decrees related to playing cards. the monopoly ceased to exist perhaps before the government monopoly on betel was initiated.--_rizal_ (in part). [220] in 1890 he received 12,000 pesos.--_rizal_. [221] the prebend, in spanish cathedrals, superior to a canonry. the following laws (xvi and xvii, respectively) as to the appointments of vacant prebends, are found in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. i, tit. vi. "because of the great distance from these kingdoms to the filipinas islands and the inconvenience that might result from the prebends falling vacant without any provision being made until we present those who shall take them, we order the governor and captain-general of the said islands that, when dignidades, canonries, and other prebends in the metropolitan church become vacant, he shall present other persons of the sufficiency and characteristics required, so that they may serve in place of their predecessors, until we provide persons for them. they shall receive the stipend that their predecessors shall have received. the governor shall observe the rules made by the laws of this titulo in his presentations." felipe ii, guadalupe, march 26, 1580. "we order our governors of the filipinas islands, and charge the archbishops of manila, that when any prebends of that church become vacant, they send us three nominations for each one, instead of one only, with very minute advice of their sufficiency, learning, degrees, and all other qualities that are found in those proposed, so that after examination, we may appoint the one most suitable." felipe iii, lerma, june 28, 1608. [222] in 1890 the filipinas were paying 36,670 pesos annually for one dean, four dignitarios, five canons, four racioneros, four medio-racioneros, and other inferior helpers, including the choir, a total of twenty-six individuals; 3,330 pesos annually is to be added for sacristans, singers, and orchestra.--_rizal_. [223] their salary amounted to from 750 to 1,000 pesos. now [1890] the salary of each bishop is 6,000 pesos, with two father assistants at 100 to 150 pesos per month.--_rizal_. [224] thus in original, but it is carelessly worded; for the society of jesus is not one of the mendicant orders. [225] all of the orders held property and had regular means of revenue, later; while the dominicans held enormous property in both the islands and at hong kong.--_rizal_. [226] the following law is from _recopilación de leyes_ (lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiv): "the governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands shall be careful to reward the soldiers who shall have served us there, and their sons, with the posts and emoluments at his disposal, in accordance with the ordinances, and [he shall do it] with all fairness, so that they may have some remuneration. he shall keep in toto the laws relating to this." felipe iii, lerma, july 23, 1605; madrid, december 19, 1618. [227] _consejeles_: men sent to service by order of a municipal council. [228] the pay of various of the above officers and men in 1890 was as follows: filipino infantrymen, 4 pesos per month; spanish artillerymen, 13-15 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; filipino artillerymen, 4 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; captains, 1,500-1,800 pesos per year; alféreces, 975-1,050 pesos per year; first sergeants, european, 318-360 pesos per year--native, 180 pesos per year; second sergeants, european, 248.06-307.50 pesos per year--native, 156 pesos per year; first corporals, european, 189.56-202 pesos per year--native, 84 pesos per year; second corporals, european, 174-192 pesos per year--native corporals, 72 pesos per year; the _segundo cabo_ [lieutenant-commander], 12,000 pesos per year; sargento-mayor _de plaza_ (now lieutenant-colonel), 225 pesos per month; vice-admiral [_contra-almirante, general de galeras_], 16,392 pesos per year; frigate and ship captains, 2,700-5,760 pesos per year, according to their duties and grades.--_rizal_. the following laws from _recopilación de leyes_ regulate the pay of the soldiers and some of the officers, and impose certain restrictions on the soldiers, and provide for certain appointments: "each soldier established in the filipinas islands shall be paid eight pesos per month, each captain, fifty, each alférez, twenty, and each sergeant, ten. the governor and captain-general of the said islands shall give all the men of the companies thirty ducados to each company of additional pay, as is done in other districts, providing the additional pay of each one does not exceed ten pesos per year. we order that all be well paid. when the governor shall provide any of the captains, officers, or soldiers with an encomienda, or other post, he shall not allow him to draw pay. while they draw pay they shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, so that that occupation may not divert or distract them from their proper exercise and employment of war. for the same reason, no pay shall be granted to any soldier who serves any other person, whomsoever he be." felipe ii, añover, august 9, 1589, clause 34 of his instructions; felipe iii, ventosilla, november 4, 1606; lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiii. "we order that when the post of general of artillery of the filipinas islands becomes vacant, either by the death or promotion of its occupant, or for any other cause, the governor and captain-general shall not fill it without first notifying us and without our special order for it. we permit him to appoint a captain of artillery and a sargento-mayor, and he may assign each of them thirty pesos' pay. we approve the increase of two pesos in the pay of the musketeers. it is our will that the pay of the governor's captain of the guard be increased five pesos, in addition to his fifteen pesos, and that a like sum be granted to the commandants of forts when they have a captain of infantry." felipe ii, clause of letter, madrid, june 11, 1594; felipe iv, madrid, january 30, 1631; lib. iii, tit. v, ley iii. [229] a definite law, as is shown in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. iii. tit. iv, ley xiii, charged the viceroys of nueva españa to send help to the philippines. the law is as follows: "we charge and order the viceroys of nueva españa to aid the governor and captain-general of filipinas on all occasions that arise, with very special care, promptness, and diligence, with whatever the latter shall request; and with the men, arms, ammunition, and money, that he deems necessary for the conservation of those islands, salaries [the original is _sueldos_, perhaps a misprint for _suelos_, signifying 'provinces' or 'districts'], presidios, and whatever else is under his charge." felipe iii, aranjuez, may 25, 1607. the two following laws impose certain restrictions on the reënforcements sent to the philippines from nueva españa: "one of the captains who shall raise men in nueva españa as reënforcements for the filipinas islands, shall act as their agent to the port of acapulco. there he shall deliver them to the general, or commander of the ships about to sail; but no captain shall take passage or go to the islands with the men of his company." felipe iii, zamora, february 16, 1602; lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xvi. "among the men sent by the viceroy, who shall go as a reënforcement from nueva españa to filipinas, he shall not allow, under any circumstances, or admit, any mestizos or mulattoes, because of the annoyances that have been experienced from them." felipe iii, valladolid, august 30, 1608; lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xv. [230] see _ante_, note 227, the citation of the law from _recopilación de leyes_, lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiii. [231] see _vol_. xii ("various documents relating to commerce"), pp. 57-75. bañuelos y carrillo, in his relation to the king, says: "that the inhabitants of the manilas should be allowed to export as many boat-loads as possible of the country's produce--such as wax, gold, perfumes, ivory, and cotton cloth [_lampotes_]--which they must buy from the natives of the country, who would thus be hindered from selling them to the dutch. in this way we would make those peoples friendly, and supply nueva españa with their merchandise; and the money taken to manila would not leave that city.... your majesty should consider that one and one-half millions in gold go to china annually." this commerce was advantageous to the celestial empire alone and to certain individuals of manila. it was fatal to españa, and harmful to the islands, whose industry was gradually perishing like that of the metropolis.--_rizal_. [232] see in _vol_. viii, pp. 316-318, a royal decree enforcing these prohibitions under severe penalties. [233] coarse stuff made of goat's hair, or a glossy silk stuff; probably the latter is intended in the text. _gorvoran_ or _gorgoran_ is a sort of silk grogram. [234] this fabric is now called piña. it is made from threads stripped from fibers of the leaf of that plant or fruit, and which are never longer than half a yard. it cannot be woven at all times, as extreme heat or humidity affects the fiber. the machinery employed is of wood, unmixed with any metal, and of rude construction. this fabric is stronger than any other of equal fineness, and its color is unaffected by time or washing. the pieces are generally only 1 1/2 feet wide: the price varies from 1.s. 4d. to 2s. 6d. per yard. piña of a yard wide is from six reals to a dollar (of eight reals) a yard. all the joinings of the threads are of knots made by the fingers. it is fabricated solely by native indians in many parts of the philippines, but especially in ilo-ilo. the use of this stuff is extensive, and the value is estimated at 500,000 dollars or £120,000; the value of the annual export of it to europe for dresses, handkerchiefs, collars, scarfs, and wristbands, which are beautifully embroidered at manila, is estimated at 20,000 dollars annually. (mr. consul farren, january 21, 1851).--_stanley_. in order to obtain the fiber of this plant, the fruit is first cut, so that the leaf may become as long and broad as possible. when the leaves are well developed they are torn off, and scraped with a sharp instrument to separate the fleshy part and leave the fiber; this is washed, dried in the sun, combed out, and classed in four grades according to its fineness. the cloth has a peculiar softness and delicacy; and it is said that that made formerly (one or two centuries ago) was much finer than that made now. [235] _scorzonera_ is a genus of composite plants, of numerous species; the leaves or roots of many are used as vegetables or salads. _s. tuberosa_ and other eastern species have edible roots. [236] delgado (_ut supra_) says that this fruit (_diospyros kaki_, linn.) was brought by the chinese traders, and called _xi-cu_ in their language, whence is derived the word _chiquey_. it is a beautiful scarlet fruit, although there is another species of a yellow color. both are sweet and pleasant to the taste. some of the yellow variety were grown in the visayas, but delgado says the tree is not indigenous to the islands. the fruit is shaped like an acorn but is about as large as a lemon. the peel is soft and the interior like honey, and it contains several seeds. the tree is wide-spreading but not very tall. the leaves are small and almost round. _d. kaki_ is the chinese or japanese persimmon; _d. virginiana_ is the american persimmon. from other species is obtained the valuable wood called ebony. [237] this must be the cloth and not the porcelain of kaga, which even today is so highly esteemed.--_rizal_. [238] with very slight differences, this custom and ceremony is continued to the present [1890].--_rizal_. [239] "a three per cent duty was imposed in the filipinas on merchandise, for the payment of the troops. we order that part of the law to be observed, but that pertaining to the other things paid from those duties to be repealed." añover, august 9, 1589. (ley xxii.) "we ordain that the chinese, japanese, siamese, borneans, and all other foreigners, who go to the ports of the filipinas islands, pay no duty on food, supplies, and materials that they take to those islands, and that this law be kept in the form in w, hich it may have been introduced, and not otherwise." añover, august 9, 1589. (ley xxiv.) "on the chinese merchandise and that from other countries, shipped to nueva españa by way of filipinas, an impost ad valorem tax of ten per cent shall be collected, based on their value in the ports and regions where the goods shall be discharged. this tax shall be imposed mildly according to the rule, and shall be a tax additional to that usually paid on departure both from the said filipinas islands and from the provinces of nueva españa, to any other places where they may and shall be taken." el pardo, november 1, 1591. (ley xxi.) "we order that the duty of three per cent collected in the filipinas islands on the merchandise taken thither by the chinese be increased by another three per cent." el pardo, november 20, 1606. (ley xxiii.) the above laws are from _recopilación de leyes_, lib. viii, tit. xv. [240] the agave (_agave americana_; the _maguey_ of mexico) is found in the philippines, and is called _pita_, but delgado and blanco think that it was not indigenous there. its fibers were used in former times for making the native textile called _nipis_, manufactured in the visayas. as used in the text, _pita_ means, apparently, some braid or other ornament of agave fibers. [241] the ducado of castilla was worth slightly more than two pesos.--_rizal_. [242] these imposts and fetters, which the products of the country did not escape, are still [1890] in force, so that foreign markets must be sought, since the markets of the mother-country offer no greater advantages. according to a document of 1640, this commerce netted the government 350,000 pesos annually.--_rizal_. [243] the salary is now [1890] 40,000 pesos.--_rizal_. [244] _recopilación de leyes_ (lib. iv, tit. i, ley v) outlines the governor's and audiencia's power in regard to conquests by private individuals, as follows: "we grant permission to the governor and president of the filipinas islands and its audiencia to make contracts for new explorations and conquests [_pacificaciones_] with persons, who are willing to covenant to do it at their own expense and not at that of our royal treasury; and to give them the titles of captains and masters-of-camp, but not those of adelantados [_i.e._, governors] and marshals. those contracts and agreements such men may execute, with the concurrence of the audiencia, until we approve them, provided that they observe the laws enacted for war, conquest, and exploration, so straitly, that for any negligence, the terms of their contract will be observed, and those who exceed the contract shall incur the penalties imposed; also provided the parties shall receive our confirmation within a brief period assigned by the governor." felipe ii, guadalupe, april 1, 1580; toledo, may 25, 1596, a clause of instructions. [245] there are eight auditors now [1890], and their salary has increased to 4,700 pesos, while that of the fiscal is 5,500 pesos.--_rizal_. [246] _recopilación de leyes_, lib. v, tit. xv, ley xxviii, contains the following on suits arising from residencias, dated lerma, june 23, 1608: "suits brought during the residencia against governors, captains-general, presidents, auditors, and fiscals of our audiencia of manila, and against any other officials, both civil and criminal, shall pass in appeal and be concluded in that audiencia, if they do not exceed one thousand pesos of the current money." [247] the tributes of the indians in the filipinas amount to more than 4,000,000 pesos now [1890]; and from the chinese are derived 225,000 pesos.--_rizal_. [248] now since there is no exploitation of gold mines, and since the indians have no jewels that would justify this tenth or fifth, the spaniards substitute for this the imposts upon property, which amount to 105,400 pesos, and that upon industry, which amounts to 1,433,200 pesos. in 1640, the revenue from the above source [fifths or tenths] had decreased so greatly, that only 750 pesos were collected annually.--_rizal_. [249] import duties now [1890] amount to 1,700,000 pesos.--_rizal_. [250] export duties now [1890] amount to 285,000 pesos.--_rizal_. [251] according to hernando de los rios, the filipinas islands could have been self-sustaining from the beginning from their own products, had it not been for the expeditions and adventurous conquests in the moluccas, camboja, etc.... in the governorship of don juan de silva, the treasury owed, for the war in the moluccas, more than 2,000,000 pesos to the indians, besides what it must have owed to the inhabitants of manila.--_rizal_. [252] this excellent custom has entirely perished.--_rizal_. "the president of our royal audiencia of filipinas and one auditor of that body, shall, at the beginning of each year, examine the accounts of our royal officials, and shall finish their examination within the two months of january and february. on finishing their examination they shall send a copy of them to our council for the reason contained in the following law. should the examination not be finished in the said time, our officials shall receive no salary. the auditor who shall assist in examining the accounts shall receive as a compensation the twenty-five thousand maravedis that are ordained; but he shall receive that amount only in that year that he shall send the said accounts concluded to our council." ordinance 97, toledo, may 15, 1596. (ley ix.) "for the accounts of our royal treasury, which must be furnished in the usual form by our officials of the filipinas islands annually, during the administration of their duties, the officials shall deliver for inventory all the books and orders pertaining to those accounts, and all that shall be requested from them and that shall be necessary. they shall continue the course of their administration [of their duties] with new and similar books. these accounts shall be concluded before the governor of those islands, and the auditor whom the audiencia and the fiscal of that body may appoint. in case of the finding of any doubts and remarks it is our will that the auditor and governor resolve and determine them, so that they may be concluded and finished. and inasmuch as the factor and overseer must give account of certain things in kind and products of great weight and tediousness, we order that that account be examined every three years, and that the concluding and settling of the doubts and remarks shall be made in the form declared. and we order that when the said accounts of the said islands are completed and the net balances struck, they shall be sent to our council of the indias, so that the accountants of its accounts may revise and make additions to them according to the manner of the accountancy." valladolid, january 25, 1605. (ley x.) the above two laws are taken from _recopilación de leyes_, lib. viii, tit. xxix. [253] the chinese engaged in agriculture and fishing now [1890] are very few.--_rizal_. [254] the rizal edition misprints _fuerça è premio_ as _fuerza á premio._ [255] the custom of shaving the head, now prevalent among the chinese, was imposed upon them by their tartar conquerors. [256] a kind of stocking called _tabi_.--_rizal_. [257] the following law was issued at segovia july 4, 1609, and appears in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xviii: "the governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands shall ever strive to maintain friendly relations, peace, and quiet, with the emperor of japon. he shall avail himself, for that purpose, of the most prudent and advisable means, as long as conditions permit; and he shall not risk the reputation of our arms and state in those seas and among oriental nations." [258] this port (established before 1540) was in colima, mexico, near the present manzanillo. it was plundered and burned by the english adventurer thomas candish, on august 24-25, 1587. [259] thus named because seamen and voyagers noticed especially the lateen sails of the light vessels used by the natives of the marianas.--_rizal_. [260] a marine fish (_sparus auratus_), thus named because it has spots of golden-yellow color. [261] a chart of the indian ocean, by l. s. de la rochette (pub. london, 1803, by w. faden, geographer to the king) shows three volcanoes in about 25° north latitude, and but a few degrees north of the ladrones. one of them is called "la desconocida, or third volcano," and the following is added: "the manilla ships always try to make this volcano." [262] a group of islands called shidsi to, lying in 34° 20'.--_rizal_. [263] "thirty-eight degrees" is probably an error for "twenty-eight degrees," and these islands [the first ones mentioned in the above sentence] would be the mounin-sima islands, lying between 26° 35' and 27° 45'; and lot's wife in 29° 51', and crespo, in 32° 46', which [latter] are supposed by the _univers pittoresque_ to be the roca de oro [rock of gold] and the roca de plata of the ancient maps.--_stanley_. for these latter islands, see _vol_. xiv, p. 272, note 45. [264] a fungous substance that grows in the sea, and contains signs of life. [265] probably the dogfish, a species of shark. [266] most of these places can be identified on the old maps of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and most of the names are retained today. the island of cedros is shown on a map of 1556 (ramusio: _vniversale della parte del mondo nvovamente ritrovata_). the island of cenizas is shown, on the old maps, in about 32°, and cedros in about 29°. the marias or tres marias islands are maria madre, maria magdalena, and maria cleofas. cape corrientes is south of la valle de banderas and chametla. socatul is called socatula and zocatula. an english map of 1626, engraved by abraham goos, shows the town of ciguatlan, north of aquapulco, which may be the same as morga's ciguatanejo. los motines cannot be identified. [267] acosta in his _history of the indies_ (hakluyt soc. edition, london, 1880) says of the courses between the philippines and new spain: "the like discourse is of the navigation made into the south sea, going from new spaine or peru to the philippines or china, and returning from the philippines or china to new spaine, the which is easie, for that they saile alwaies from east to west neere the line, where they finde the easterly windes to blow in their poope. in the yeere 1584, there went a shippe from callao in lima to the philippines, which sailed 2000 and 700 leagues without sight of land, and the first it discovered was the iland of lusson, where they tooke port, having performed their voiage in two moneths, without want of winde or any torment, and their course was almost continually vnder the line; ... the returne is like vnto the voiage from the indies vnto spaine, for those which returne from the philippines or china to mexico, to the end they may recover the westerne windes, they mount a great height, vntill they come right against the ilands of iappon, and, discovering the caliphornes, they returne by the coast of new spaine to the port of acapulco." [268] bartolomé leonardo de argensola was born in 1566 of a family of italian origin, being the second son. taking orders, he became rector of villahermosa in 1588, and chaplain to maria of austria, the queen, in 1598. after the latter's death he was commissioned by the conde de lemos, president of the council of the indias, to write a history of the conquest of the moluccas. he later spent some time in the kingdom of naples, and about 1618 was made historian of aragón. he died at zaragoza in 1631. in addition to the present history, which is noted for its excellent literary style, he wrote _primera parte de los anales de aragón_ (zaragoza, 1630) the continuation of the _anales of zurita_. he was also a poet, whose poems are remarkable for their purity of style and loftiness of sentiment; they are published, with those of his elder brother, under the title _rimas de lupercio i del doctor bartolomé leonardo de argensola_ (zaragoza, 1634). one of the chief poems is an ode in honor of the church after the battle of lepanto. [269] the original book contains numerous side notes indicative of the subject matter of the text. we omit such notes in our translated extracts. [270] the above places are identified as follows: cafa is the modern kaffa or theodosia, a russian seaport on the black sea; trapisonda is either the city or district of trebizond or tarabozan (called by the turks tarabesoon, and formerly traplezus); barcito (misprint for bareito?), lepo, and damasco, are beirut, aleppo, and damascus respectively. [271] argensola defines this title, which he also spells _sangaje_, as equivalent to "count" or "duke," and says that it may be derived from _senchaq,_ a turkish word meaning "captain." [272] argensola gives a description of the clove in book ii, pp. 52-54 of his work. [273] the dutch. [274] _cañafístulo_: referring to the drug known as senna, which is obtained from the leaves of several species of _cassia_. according to retana (zúñiga's _estadismo_, ii, p. 454*) the bisayan name for this plant is _ibabao_ (the ancient name of samar island). [275] "eagle" (latin, _aguila_) is here a corruption of the malay name _agila_, referring to the fragrant, resinous wood of a tree (_aguilaria agallocha_) used for many centuries by asiatic peoples, especially the chinese, for incense; it is also called "kalambak" and "aloes-wood." calambuco is another species of this genus, its wood little fragrant, but used in cabinet work (_century dictionary_). [276] true wealth and prosperity of the republic of venice were largely due to its preëminence in the oriental trade, carried on by the overland route through asia, in caravans. by the discovery of the cape of good hope the portuguese opened the sea-route to india, by which the products of the east were carried to europe more cheaply and in greater abundance; and the decline of venetian prestige and wealth rapidly followed (in the sixteenth century). [277] this probably refers to giovanni pietro maffei, a noted jesuit scholar and writer, and the book mentioned is his _historiarum indicarum libri xvi_ (fiorenze, 1588). maffei was born at bergame about 1536, according to moreri, but in 1533 according to sommervogel. in 1563 he accepted the chair of rhetoric at genoa, where he also acted as secretary of the republic of genoa. august 26, 1565 (sommervogel) he entered the jesuit novitiate. he occupied a high place in the order until his death at tivoli, october 20, 1603. besides the book mentioned above, he wrote also a life of st. ignatius loyola, and a history of the pontificate of gregory xiii, the latter of which was never published. his temper was irascible and his personality not very pleasing. he strove always to maintain a pure latin style in his latin writings. [278] argensola, like morga, confuses the naming of the philippine archipelago. [279] the aquatic plant commonly known as "cat-tail flag" or reed (_typha latifolía_). [280] a measure, one-third vara in length. [281] small armed vessels like rafts. [282] this was father antonio marta, a neapolitan, and superior of the jesuit missions in the malucas; with him was associated antonio pereira, so prominent in the expedition of hurtado de mendoza. see la concepcion's account of marta's services at this time (_hist. de philipinas_, ii, pp. 197-204). marta is not mentioned by sommervogel. [283] see dasmariñas's version of this proceeding, in _vol_. viii, pp. 239, 294; he there states that the indians thus taken were to be freed at the end of three years' service. cf. _vol_. x, p. 214. [284] see letters sent by dasmariñas and his son luis to the king of camboja, as a result of this embassy, in vol. ix, pp. 76-78 and 86, 87; and accounts of the spanish expeditions to that country under luis dasmariñas, in vol. ix, pp. 161-180, and x, pp. 216, 217, 226-240--also in morga's _sucesos_, chaps. v, vi (in vol. xv of this series). [285] punta azufre is on the southern coast of batangas, luzón; at a little distance is punta cazador--at the extreme southern point of calúmpan peninsula--probably the caça of the text. [286] _bastardo_: the large sail which is hoisted on> a galley when there is little wind. [287] cf. la concepcion's account of dasmariñas's expedition, in _hist. de philipinas_, ii, pp. 194-212. [288] see accounts of this and later expeditions to conquer mindanao, in _vol_. ix, pp. 181-188, 281-298; and x, pp. 53-75, 214, 215, 219-226. [289] a small piece of ordnance. [290] one of the early appellations of the strait between the northwest point of samar and the southeast point of luzón, now known as san bernardino strait. as it was the regular outlet for the vessels plying between the philippines and nueva españa, this strait was also called paso de acapulco ("the acapulco passage"). by some authorities the meridian of san bernardino was used as the standard, or "meridian of departure." see san antonio's _chronicas_, part i, 55 (cited by retana in zúñiga's _estadismo_, ii, p. 156*; see also p. 409*). [291] this is an error or misprint for "morga." [292] see morga's account of this, where it appears that these were not english, but native moro boats. [293] the governor's letter is given by argensola partly in synopsis, and partly in direct quotation. the latter we enclose in quotation marks. sec in _vol_. xiv (pp. 44-50) this letter, translated from the ms. preserved in the sevilla archives; that is apparently at least a duplicate of the original letter to the chinese official, and one of the despatches sent to spain by acuña. [294] this dutch commander, was steven van der hagen, and this his second voyage to east indian waters. see _vol_. xv, appendix b. [295] a portuguese pound, containing sixteen ounces. [296] _anfión_: a name given to opium in the east indies. [297] in the text, _funcas_; apparently a misprint for _fustas_ or for _juncos_. [298] a word derived from _garra_ (of old high german origin), signifying "the foot of a bird" or "the paw of a beast;" _i.e._, the anchor metaphorically "claws" the bottom of the water where it rests, struggling to retain its hold against the force of the wind. see echegaray's _diccionario general etimológico_ (madrid, 1887-89). the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxv, 1640-1649 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvi contents of volume xxxv preface 9 documents of 1640-1644 the dominican missions, 1635-39. baltasar de santa cruz, o.p. [from his historia de la provincia del santo rosario (zaragoza, 1693).] 25 the recollect missions, 1625-40. [extracts from the works of juan de la concepción and luis de jesús.] 59 news from filipinas, 1640-42. [unsigned]; [manila, 1641], and july 25, 1642 114 decree regarding the indians. felipe iv; çaragoça, october 24, 1642 125 formosa lost to spain. juan de los angeles, o.p.; macasar, march, 1643 128 letter to corcuera. felipe iv; zaragoza, august 4, 1643 163 documents of 1644-1649 concessions to the jesuits. balthasar de lagunilla, s.j., and others; 1640-44 169 events in the philippines, 1643-44. [unsigned and undated.] 176 fiscal's report on sangley licenses. sebastian cavallero [de medina]; manila, 1644 185 decree ordering reënforcements for the islands. felipe iv; zaragoza, september 18, 1645 196 erection of the college of santo tomás into a university. felipe iv and innocent x; 1644-45 199 trade with english not desired. council of state; madrid, january 30, 1647 209 affairs in filipinas, 1644-47. fray joseph fayol (of the order of mercy); manila, 1647 212 decree regarding missionaries. felipe iv; madrid, september 17, 1647 276 early franciscan missions. [unsigned; written in 1649, and published in 1895.] 278 bibliographical data 323 illustrations title-page of historia de la provincia del santo rosario de filipinas, tomo segundo, by baltasar de santa cruz, o. p. (zaragoça, 1693); photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 23 native women pounding rice in the province of cagayán; from photograph taken by otto fischer, 1888; procured in madrid 49 chart of part of the philippines; photographic facsimile of a map taken from a dutch ms. of 1662; from dalrymple's charts [london], 1778, ii, p. 74; from copy in the library of congress 132, 133 rough sketch of manila and its environs, ca. 1641; photographic facsimile from original ms. map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 171 preface in the present volume, which covers the period 1629-49, the principal topics are the missions of the religious orders and the hostilities between the spaniards and the dutch in the eastern seas. the final chapters in this conflict are the capture of formosa by the dutch, and the successive defeats of their armed squadrons in contests with the spanish ships sent against them from manila. in the loss of formosa the dominicans are deprived of their flourishing missions there; but this is compensated by the suppression of collado's faction in their order. the recollect missions in mindanao sustain some losses; but one of the laborers therein, "father captain," sheds glory on them by his bravery, skill, and devotion. the franciscan missions are in satisfactory condition; to their strictly religious work they add the care of the hospitals and the lepers. the prosperity of the islands has been greatly injured by the losses of galleons, insufficient crops, the oppressive taxes laid on the chinese traders, and the great earthquake of 1645. for the leading events in the history of the dominican order in the islands at this period, we resort to the pages of santa cruz's historia de la provincia del santo rosario (zaragoça, 1693), a continuation of aduarte's historia, already presented in this series. beginning with 1635, santa cruz gives an account, more detailed than aduarte's, of the coming of collado and the "barbones" friars; and he adds the punishment and tragic death of fray collado. in 1637, fray carlos gant is chosen provincial. santa cruz describes the island of formosa, its people, and the dominican mission established among them. he enumerates some of the mistakes and faults of governor corcuera, with their evil results to the islands; of these, the event most deplored by the dominicans is the loss of formosa (1642). the lives and achievements of various missionaries of the order are related. in 1639 occurs an insurrection among the cagayán natives, caused by ill-treatment from the spaniards: the latter are unable to subdue these people, who take refuge in their mountains. in the same year, both the galleons from acapulco are wrecked, which inflicts heavy losses on the islands. santa cruz copies the royal decrees relating to collado and the suppression of the congregation of san pablo. an account of the recollect missions for the period 1625-38 is furnished by luis de jesús, in his historia de los religiosos descalzos de san augustin (madrid, 1681). in 1625, recollect missionaries extend their work in northern mindanao, fray juan de san nicolás and a companion. in the following year, the moros, instigated by the noted corralat, attack the village of cagaiang; but it is fortified, and its people trained in military exercises, by the "fighting parson" of those missions, fray agustin de san pedro, who defeats the enemy. in 1631 the indians of caraga, ill-treated by the spanish commandant there, rebel; they kill him and some of the soldiers, and several of the recollect missionaries in caraga; some others are saved by friendly indians. the natives of butuan remain faithful to the missionaries, notwithstanding the efforts of the insurgents to seduce them. one of the fathers sails to cebu to procure relief for the endangered garrison at tandag; this is promptly sent, and soon quells the insurrection. much consolation is afforded to the fathers in this distressful period by the conversion of an outlaw indian chief and his hundred followers. some mention is made of the persecutions in japan, and of the spanish occupation and subsequent loss of formosa. in 1635 the recollects enter romblón and its dependent islands, where they labor bravely, but exposed to continual danger by the piratical raids of the moros. several of those who occupy cuyo and calamianes islands are captured by those enemies, and become martyrs for the faith. this account is supplemented by that presented by juan de la concepción in his historia general de philipinas (manila, 1788). he follows luis de jesús somewhat closely, but adds an interesting account of the missions begun by the recollects in northern mindanao, which they are afterward obliged to abandon. their "father captain" (fray agustín de san pedro) aids the spaniards in the invasion (1639) of the lake lanao district, which is fully described. after the moros are conquered for the time by the spaniards, the jesuits claim the lanao district as being their field, and the recollects are excluded from it. another expedition is sent thither to build a fort on lake lanao; when this is but half done, the moros--naturally treacherous, and further instigated by corralat--attack it. the jesuit priest at lanao sends to the recollect "father captain" an entreaty for aid to the besieged spaniards; he responds quickly, and soon liberates them, also conducting the troops safely to the seashore. the district, however, is not restored to the recollects--a result due, according to concepción, to the machinations of the jesuits. the notable events in the year ending july, 1641, are narrated by a franciscan at manila. the portuguese of macao have been expelled from japan, many being burned at the stake; and thus is closed the traffic which macao had with japan, to which that city owed its existence. a terrible noise in the air has been heard throughout the islands (afterward known to be caused by volcanic eruptions), which occasions much fear among the people--especially since the dutch have seized the city of malacca. news is sent to manila of increased strength and hostile plans on the part of the dutch, who talk of capturing that city; and they are even lying in wait near the embocadero for the acapulco galleons. the bloody persecutions in japan have left few missionaries alive there; rumors regarding some have reached manila, and the writer mentions the martyrdoms of several others. he also cites a letter from the spanish governor of ternate, asking for more religious to carry on the mission recently begun in celebes. a short unsigned letter, dated july 25, 1642, states that the islands are suffering from extreme drouth. the ship from acapulco has come safely, but narrowly escaping the dutch who lay in wait for it. the portuguese from macao profess loyalty to castilla. the islands have not suffered from the usual moro raids; negotiations for peace are being carried on in mindanao, and jolo is nominally at peace. a royal decree (october 24, 1642) orders corcuera to thank the filipino natives for their loyalty and zeal in the spanish service. a dominican missionary who has labored in formosa writes (march, 1643) a detailed account of the seizure of that island by the dutch. after a five days' siege, the spaniards surrender with their forts there. the prisoners are sent to jacatra (now batavia), and afterward to manila; and the dutch make strong establishments in formosa. they also search, but unsuccessfully, for gold mines there; and they treat the natives harshly, so that the latter long for the spaniards to return. the writer proceeds to describe the great increase of power which the dutch have attained in the east; he enumerates the armed fleet with which they are scouring the seas and securing control of the rich trade of that region. all these, as well as their forts, are furnished with abundance of supplies, of all kinds; and their soldiers and sailors are well trained and disciplined. the value of their commerce is almost incredible, and supplies holland with wealth to carry on the war in europe against the spanish power. the dutch aim to be masters of the entire eastern archipelago, and are planning to expel the spaniards from the philippines. to this letter are appended extracts from ferrando's historia de los pp. dominicos and concepción's historia de philipinas, which present additional information. the former blames corcuera, and the latter the jesuits and their schemes, for the loss of formosa. a letter from the king to corcuera (august 4, 1643), reproves him for saving money to the treasury by accepting "donations" of part of their pay from persons in the royal service, orders him to favor and protect the indians, and asks for information as to ways and means by which money may be raised for the buildings needed for the use of the archbishop of manila--for which contributions from private persons may be received, provided these are strictly voluntary. other paragraphs of the letter approve corcuera's course in certain minor matters, and give him directions in others. in 1644, the jesuit procurator for filipinas asks the king to confirm certain grants made by corcuera to the jesuits at manila; this petition is accompanied by a map, and a copy of corcuera's decree (september 1, 1640) granting the jesuits a certain piece of land. a document unsigned and undated, but apparently the usual record of the year's events sent from the jesuit house at manila, relates the news for the year 1643-44. one of the acapulco ships has reached the islands in safety, bringing the new governor, diego fajardo. the dutch enemy have learned how incomplete are the defenses of manila; but ternate has been strongly reënforced, which will curb their arrogance. they have captured some of the chinese trading vessels, and manila has therefore suffered great loss this year. there is a serious rebellion in china; the king of that country is favorable to the jesuit missionaries, and permits them to preach and build churches throughout china; and has entrusted to them the reform of the chinese calendar. japan is closed to the christian religion and to european trade, excepting with the dutch; and several martyrdoms of missionaries have occurred there. the portuguese at macao have seized the spanish envoy from manila, and all the other castilians, imprisoning and abusing them. having sent the envoy to goa, the ship which carries him is captured by the dutch, who treat him with great kindness and courtesy. the spaniards at macao are finally sent to manila, but all their property is seized by the portuguese. the dutch have seized malacca, and made an unsuccessful attempt on ceylon. the moros of mindanao and jolo profess to desire peace, but their promises are considered unreliable. drouth and a plague of locusts have almost ruined the rice crop in the philippines, and the indians are suffering from famine. a very rare and possibly unique pamphlet (manila, 1644) presents the report of the royal fiscal at manila on the licenses issued to the chinese to reside in the islands. the amount paid for these has been increased by corcuera, on his own responsibility, partly to raise money for the fortifications of the city, partly to punish the chinese for revolting (as they did in 1639). the fiscal discusses this measure from a legal standpoint, and shows that it is illegal. corcuera had no authority to increase the tax on the chinese; there was no pressing necessity to justify it; he should have obtained permission from the king to do so; and he had already a sufficient fund for repairing the fortifications, in the proceeds of the monopoly on playing-cards. if more funds are necessary, they should be furnished by only the citizens and permanent residents of manila, not by foreigners and transients, as are the sangleys. even had the new tax been justified, it was highly impolitic; and in any case its proceeds should have been placed in the general funds of the royal treasury, and subject to the orders of the royal officials instead of the governor's--and for the sums spent therefrom by corcuera he should be held responsible. these new taxes on the chinese have injured and damaged the entire colony, since they have prevented the chinese from leaving the parián to cultivate the rice-fields and engage in fishing and other occupations; and those who really pay the money received for these taxes are the seventy citizens of manila. in evidence of this, the fiscal cites the great increase in prices of both commodities and labor, due to this new tax on the chinese. a royal decree (september 18, 1645) orders the viceroy of mexico to send larger reënforcements of troops, to be levied among the vagabonds and criminals of nueva españa. letters from felipe iv to his ambassador at rome and pope innocent x (december 20, 1644) secure a papal brief (dated november 20, 1645) for the erection of the dominican college at manila, santo tomás, into a university. a report of the royal council of state (january 30, 1647) relates to the attempt of the east india company of england to open trade with the philippines, which the spanish government will not allow. an interesting account of affairs in the islands from 1644 to 1647 is presented in two rare pamphlets printed at manila in 1647, written by a royal chaplain in that city. after brief mention of the leading events during the period of ten years preceding, he begins with the arrival of governor fajardo (june, 1644) and the more important occurrences of that year. in april, 1645, dutch vessels off the ilocos coast are defeated by a few small spanish ships. soon afterward, the acapulco galleons bring goodly succor to the islands. with them comes the new archbishop, who dies of sickness before reaching manila. on november 30 of that year occurs the most destructive earthquake that has been known in the islands since the spanish conquest; fayol describes this in considerable detail. manila is laid waste by it; and all the clergy and religious immediately go about the city, to recover the bodies of the dead and console the dying who are buried under the ruins. the main buildings injured, and the extent of the damage done to each, are enumerated. the prompt and vigilant measures of the governor prevent any lawless acts, and afford security to the homeless refugees. most of the people leave the city, and encamp in the fields or on the beach, where the priests follow them, hearing their confessions and exhorting them to repent of their sins. much havoc is wrought by the earthquake in various other places in the islands, and the shocks and disturbances continue for some time afterward, although much lessened in force. unfortunate manila is next harassed by the dutch, who equip a fleet to attack it. their first squadron is repulsed and defeated near mariveles by the spanish force, which consists of the two acapulco galleons, manned with manila's bravest men. these vessels are then sent to san bernardino strait to protect the acapulco galleons; there they encounter another dutch squadron, and, after guarding the strait for a month, oblige the enemy to depart. the spaniards go in pursuit, and, overtaking the enemy near marinduque, defeat them, with very slight loss on the spanish side; and two days later, near mindoro, they again rout the dutch, afterward returning to manila. not long afterward the acapulco galleon is attacked by other dutch ships, not far from manila bay, but retreats to cavite in safety; it is then sent out again but this time escorted by an armada of all the vessels obtainable in manila bay. near mindoro they defeat another dutch squadron; but as the winds have now become unfavorable for the voyage across the pacific, the "san diego" puts back to mariveles for further orders. the spanish flagship, again attacked by the dutch, repulses them; and this series of brilliant victories is celebrated by a brilliant fiesta. a later galleon is lost in the port of cagayan, but the men and the silver are saved. dutch vessels capture a chinese junk, and place aboard a prize crew; but the chinese mutiny, and kill all the dutchmen. the trade with china still continues, but considerably diminished by the manchu invasion of that country. the second relation by father fayol relates the incursions by the dutch in the summer of 1647. early in june the enemy enter manila bay with a large squadron, and finally bombard the city; but they are repulsed and much damaged by the spaniards, with but little loss to the latter. the dutch then commit some depredations along the bay shore; and later assault the pampango village of abucay, where a large sum of money belonging to some chinese traders had been concealed. the pampangos resist bravely, but are finally defeated with much loss, owing to the cowardice and inefficiency of the spanish alcalde-mayor. the dutch again attack abucay, but are repulsed by another spanish officer, and lose many men in the encounter. two prisoners taken from the dutch give the spaniards much useful information. the pamphlet closes with a long eulogy of venegas, the spanish military commander. a royal decree (september 17, 1647) gives fajardo nominal instructions regarding the missionaries, but sufficiently vague and ambiguous to leave the governor at fault if affairs go wrong. in an anonymous manuscript of 1649 is presented an account of the franciscan missions in the islands. this begins with a list of the fifty-two convents of this order, with the number of natives and of religious attached to each; most of these have buildings of stone. the hospitals conducted by the franciscans are enumerated, with various details regarding the resources and management of each one. brief accounts follow of deaths of missionaries who have been slain by dutchmen or by various heathens. the establishment of poor clares (nuns who form a branch of the franciscan order) at manila is described; this convent is exceedingly poor since the earthquake. it had sent some of its members to macao to found a convent there; but after the portuguese rebellion these nuns are obliged to return to manila. another section of this document relates various facts regarding the islands and their natural features and products, and the people. then follows mention of the introduction of the franciscan order in the philippines, the royal aid and patronage bestowed on it, and its missions in ternate, macasar, and other remote islands; also an account of some martyrdoms among its missionaries. it was the franciscans who took charge of the christian lepers sent to manila from japan. the notable linguists among the philippine missionaries, and their leading works, are enumerated. the writer ends by describing some heroic deaths of missionaries, and some instances of baptism conferred in unusual circumstances. some additional information from concepción's historia concerns the controversy of the franciscans with the bishop of camarines. the editors january, 1906. documents of 1640-1644 the dominican missions, 1635-39. baltasar de santa cruz, o.p. [from his historia del santo rosario.] the recollect missions, 1625-40. [from the works of juan de la concepción and luis de jesús.] news from filipinas, 1640-42. [unsigned]; [1641], and july 25, 1642. decree regarding the indians. felipe iv; october 24, 1642. formosa lost to spain. juan de los angeles, o.p.; march, 1643. letter to corcuera. felipe iv; august 4, 1643. sources: the first document is taken from santa cruz's historia del santo rosario (zaragoça, 1693), pp. 1-23 (from a copy owned by edward e. ayer). the second, from luis de jesús's historia de los religiosos descalzos de san augustin (madrid, 1681), pp. 69-71, 163-173, 184, 282-287, 294-298 (from a copy owned by edward e. ayer); and juan de la concepción's historia de philipinas, v, pp. 163-179, 360-391 (from a copy in the possession of the editors). the third, from a ms. in the real academia de la historia, madrid. the fourth, from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the fifth, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), ii, pp. 251-288; ferrando's historia de los pp. dominicos, ii, pp. 440-447; and concepción's historia, vi, pp. 89-113. the sixth, from the "cedulario indico," in the archivo historico nacional, madrid. translations: the first three documents are translated by james a. robertson; the fourth, by victoria peacock; the remainder, by emma helen blair. the dominican missions, 1635-39 book one of part two of the "history of the province of santissimo rosario of filipinas, japon, and china, of the order of preachers." [1] chapter first of the condition of the province in the year 1637, which is the first year of this history the time of a successive history, although it is continuous, is not an indivisible unit. consequently, it is necessary in this history to take our course from two years previous, namely, that of 1635. that year was the third of the first provincialate of the father-commissary, fray domingo gonçales. the intermediary chapter having been held on april 6 of the said year, on st. john's day arrived two ships from nueva [2] españa, the "concepción," and "san luis" with the situado. in them came to govern these islands, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara; the new governor brought much succor, and many soldiers from perù; for he had made his voyage by way of those kingdoms. a band of twenty-two religious came to our province, under the vicarship of father fray diego collado. their names are as follows: the said father-vicar, fray diego collado; father fray guillelmo cortet de visiers, of francia, afterward a glorious martyr in japon (treated in the first part, [3] book 2, chapter 61); father fray juan del moral, son of [the convent of] san pablo at cordova; father fray miguel de ozaraza, son of [the convent at] victoria, a glorious martyr in japon, and of whom the same history treats at the same place; father fray juan mallen, son of [the convent of] santa cruz el real at granada, a collegiate of santo tomas in sevilla, whence he sailed; father fray antonio de montesa, of the canaria islands; father fray juan de los angeles, son of [the convent of] santo domingo del campo at zafra; father fray manuel de berrio, son of [the convent of] santa cruz at segovia; father fray pedro de messa, son of [the convent at] cordova, collegiate of santo tomas in sevilla, whence he sailed; father fray gabriel de montenegro, son of [the convent of] san pablo at cordova; father fray pedro de chaves, son of [the convent of] san estevan at salamanca; father fray juan uguet, son of [the convent of] preachers at valencia; father fray ignacio muñoz, son of [the convent of] san pablo at valladolid; father fray juan cazor, a frenchman; father fray francisco de hoyos, son of [the convent of] san pablo at valladolid; father fray antonio de la torre, son of [the convent of] regina angelorum [i.e., queen of angels] at sevilla; fray francisco de armella, an acolyte, from the province of aragon; fray tomas ramas, an acolyte, son of [the convent of] san vicente at plasencia; fray placido de angulo, an acolyte, son of [the convent at] xerez de la frontera; fray juan del villar, an acolyte, from [the convent of] san pablo at cordova; fray alonso de villegas, a lay-brother, son [of the convent of] san pablo at sevilla; fray francisco gomez, a lay-brother, son of [the convent of] san domingo at xerez. the above are the ones who arrived, while father fray juan tellez, a son of [the convent at] san lucar, was left in mexico because of illness, and came the following year. father fray marco nuñez, a son of [the convent of] san estevan at salamanca, died at sea. under the shelter of this mission came a student, who took the habit here, professed, and was ordained; his name was father fray diego rodriguez. the band was received with as joyful demonstrations of consolation as were the others. but considering the appearance of those who came in that band, which was so strange to this province, the joy was changed into wonder; for all of them wore long beards, a fact which was an immediate portent of some great trouble as it was the superscription of peculiarity. the first part, book 2, chapter 56 treats of this sufficiently; but, as it is so serious a matter, we have thought best to repeat considerable and to add somewhat. father fray diego collado, a native of meazadas in estremadura, and son of [the convent of] san estevan at salamanca, a truly exemplary religious, energetic in his ministry, and very zealous for the conversion of japon and china, was a minister of this province for some years in cagayan. but the devil--who, like an asp, converts the most medicinal flowers into poison--availed himself of the zeal of this father to divide the seamless and scanty garment of this holy province; and, beginning to deface his government with less humility, created in his breast thoughts of being the reformer of the province (a self-love, at bottom, which was given shelter under the holy name of virtue, in order that it might become more pernicious and incurable), by separating the congregation so that it should only be employed in the missions of other kingdoms, without paying any heed to the ministries to the indians. he so arranged matters here, that from japon (where he was a minister for four years) serious difficulties excluded him from that field of christendom. here also the superiors sent him for religious to españa. he went there and to roma, where he proposed to our most reverend father-general, fray serafino sico, that, inasmuch as this province was embarrassed with ministries to indians and assistance to spaniards; and inasmuch as the missions of china and japon and other kingdoms were an employment which ought to be their sole one: it would be a great service to god to have them separate, by that most reverend father instituting a new congregation, to apply themselves to this purpose, and this alone. they were to have houses of their own, from among those which the order possesses in these islands, where the languages could be learned without other exercise than that of the said missions. the most reverend father having examined and consulted regarding the new pretension, resolved to demolish it; and, even angered at such a proposal, he deprived the said father of his powers, ordered him to quit roma, and not to return again to discuss the matter further. the father obeyed, but it happened that the father-general died in the year 28. in the year 29, our most reverend father, fray nicolas rodulfo was elected. father collado sought an interview with him, and painted his scheme in such colors that he obtained whatever he wished from him: the erection of a new congregation, under the title of st. paul the apostle; the appointment of himself as the first vicar-general; and all things for that necessary end, with great amplitude of power and authority. the father went to españa, and, first seeking the indispensable permission of the royal council of the indias, and finding that innovations were not resolved upon in those royal and most prudent courts, without first hearing a report from the governors and their audiencias, and that he was demanding an impossible thing, he concealed the facts of the division, and only made public the mission to filipinas and his appointment as vicar. there was no difficulty in his obtaining the favor, orders, and help of the king our sovereign, and despatches from his royal council, in order that he might conduct his band by the usual way. the father came to terms with the twenty-four said religious, and embarked with them. he always said, whenever any necessity arose to say it, that the letters of the most reverend father were so weighty and were so vigorously expressed that their execution in the province would be accomplished without the slightest difficulty. father fray mateo de la villa, procurator-general of this province, resident at the court, sent private information of whatever he could discover in regard to the business, proceedings, and efforts, and of father collado, in the same vessel. the latter, as a man of authority, of example and weight, and of experience, had sufficient time in the course of two so long voyages to infuse his opinions into the religious. that was an easy matter, because of the lack of events contrary to the faith which they must give him; and more so if, fearful of the dangers so often exaggerated, of a ministry among the indians, representations were made to them of the glory of a martyrdom, truly fantastic without great exercise of virtues, tears, and prayer. in this manner did he so bind them to himself in this holy province, and under the disguise above mentioned. he presented his letters, in which the lack of so essential a part was immediately discovered. the matter was disputed, and the father-provincial, then the reverend father-commissary fray domingo gonçalez, having briefly considered the matter, resolved upon a severe remedy. before considering other orders, his first was that no permission was to be given the newcomers to say mass, unless they shaved as did the others. thereupon, taking better counsel, they obeyed, and desisted from their attempts; and in a short time were scattered throughout the province in order to study the languages there, while the said father collado remained behind in the convent. the new governor assumed his duties, and discharged them with close circumspection, and was well obeyed and esteemed by all the inhabitants of manila, as well as those outside that city; for he was a man of great capacity. but he began to advance new opinions, which are not so safe a thing in these so remote lands, and are generally too arrogant. the matter that caused greatest mischief, and even scandal, was the violence with which he treated the archbishop of this city that holy prelate, don fray fernando guerrero whose lamentable tragedy, exile, and attending circumstances were heard in europa not without astonishment; and left this land so desolate that today it still suffers, and has not yet dried its tears. reason of state calls the two opposite arms, the ecclesiastical and the secular, difficult to adjust [to each other], and this is true; yet in the last analysis they are arms of one body, and in order that they may live in peace, they must aid and supplement [each other's] actions. if the secular arm, which boasts itself a faithful vassal, has to move as our most catholic kings decree, it ought to make the ecclesiastical not its feet but its crown, such as the constantines and the honorios made it. and although there may be dangerous accidents, the science of the physician who relies on one medicine, and that a desperate one, is not very great. such was the medicine of that time, and the preachers, having caused notable disturbances in those districts, were obliged to perform their duties. much more heavily did the hostility of the governor weigh down upon ours, for he, scenting or discovering at this time the commission that our father fray diego collado had brought (which had been forgotten for nine months), summoned him, and awakened him, so that he should again take up that commission. the governor encouraged him to present himself to the royal audiencia (not paying any heed to the fact that it had not been passed by the council), as his lordship was well inclined toward it and had authority to pass it. much persuasion was not necessary to obtain this result, with such a father. although affairs were in the greatest harmony, still the spirit of the father was still rankling with the wound. accordingly he immediately made his presentation, and his lordship decreed that those letters should be obeyed; and assigning the houses of his choice to father collado, declared that he would be protected in them. the father named the best, and those best prepared for his purpose, notwithstanding that some of them were ministries. under military protection he was given possession of the house at binondoc, the chinese hospital, the parián, cassite [sc. cavite], the house of lalo in cagayan, and that of todos santos [i.e., all saints] of the island of hermosa. consequently, the province was violently despoiled, as well as the religious who were in those houses; and there was a new and never before seen confusion in that community, the indians were angered, and the heathen were scandalized. the new congregation of san pablo, victorious in its contention, rejoiced. some of them, although few, made no disturbance. there were also two of the old fathers who went to profess in the new congregation (for the most healthy body has four distinct humors [4]). a distinct set of rules were made. although it was ordained for an honorable purpose, yet truly, the observation of the rules of the province would perhaps aid that purpose more. some very holy and venerated rules were broken; and at the end they did not pass one step in advance, but were on the contrary given a great setback. but the true and affectionate mother, who had given birth so gloriously amid so great travail, bewailed inconsolably the division of her offspring, seeing that it was caused by plots of the devil, so that the apostolic missions of those kingdoms should be neither of the one nor of the other congregation. she had recourse to the only refuge for her sorrows, namely, the most holy image of the rosary, with continual prayer and litanies--an empirical remedy whose virtue had been so proved by the order (especially in the protection from authorities ruled by passion). so was its efficacy experienced in this instance; for after sixteen months, during which time the pretended congregation of san pablo lasted, the lord worked his miracles by the following means. among the many who were grieved at the archbishop's case, and its consequences--which succeeded one another daily, with new causes for anxiety--one was our fray diego collado; for although he was protected by the governor, yet being a religious full of zeal, necessarily such lawlessness struck him full in the face. after warnings and sermons, seeing that nothing was of avail, he was determined to write most fully to the king of españa, or to his council, of these occurrences and significant considerations. he sent his letter by the ship that sailed that year; he must afterward have told what he had done, so that it came to the ears of the governor. the latter summoned the said father, and, talking to him in friendly manner, and excusing himself for what he had done, said to him when he thought that the father was pliable: "i am a friend to your reverence, father-vicar, and indeed you know how i esteem you and how i have labored in your demand. i have learned that your reverence has written against me, and i am not surprised, for your reverence would not have been so excellent a religious had you not done it. the letter is now on its way to españa, but you will do me the favor to give me the rough draft of it, in order that i may clear up a doubt that i have, and for the satisfaction of your reverence, for you are charged with writing false things, that are unworthy of a person of so great virtue." father collado seeing that he was persuaded with so much affability, promised to do it. he took him the rough draft, and his lordship on seeing it was so indignant that, after dismissing the father, he conjured up the greatest revenge that he could. he had the father provincial immediately summoned (at that time father fray carlos clemente gant), and restored to him all the houses of the new congregation, which he held to be dissolved from that time, since it lacked the previous authority of the royal patronage and his consent. thereupon, the order was executed on the instant, namely, on september 6, 1637. the clouds cleared away, and the face of the sun shone forth, glad and resplendent with peace. therefore thanks were offered to our lord again and again; and to the most holy virgin of the rosary (ever mary of victory), they gave joyful worship and a solemn and festival week. with this, when the royal decree arrived in the following year (which will be found on the last leaf of the first part), no further restoration was to be made, for it was already made. the father provincial ordered father collado to undergo penance then, and he observed, with example and humility, the laws of perfect obedience. in order to remove the scruples that might arise, he was retired to cagayan, where he was to perform his penance. having remained there until the following year, 1638, when an order came from his majesty in the above mentioned decree to send him back to españa, on his return to manila, in order to prepare for his journey thence, he embarked in a dilapidated champan in company with some men of the household of the alcalde-mayor of that province. they left under a good wind, but they were struck by a heavy northwester next day, before they doubled the cape of boxeador, and the storm continued to increase with such fury that they were unable to withstand it, and the craft was driven upon a rocky reef. a lay-brother, one fray francisco luque, who had accompanied the father, leaped into the water, together with an indian, and got ashore. father collado was about to follow him, for he was an excellent swimmer; but such were the sufferings of the women and crew, who detained him that he might confess them, that he resolved to die with them. but a few moments after that, the boat yielded to another shock of the sea, and was broken into splinters, and all perished. of the two who reached the shore, the lay-brother was killed, before he had gone far, by the attack of a band of heathen negritos, who inhabit those mountains and whose solemn feasts are the killing of men. the lay-brother gave up his life because of the innumerable arrows [shot at him]. it was god's pleasure to let the indian escape, and he related all the tragic event. such was the end of father fray diego collado. [it is one of] the secrets of god that he, after so many years of voyages--twice to filipinas, to españa, and to roma--should die at last within four brazas of land, in a very small boat. but he was already freed from his errors, and rendered obedient to his province; and he [died] in so honorable occupation as that of the last consolation of so many souls, for whose spiritual welfare he gave his life as a true brother. chapter ii election of provincial in the person of father fray carlos clemente gant, and events of that time. the capitular fathers assembled in the convent of st. dominic, may 2, 1637, and elected as provincial the reverend father fray carlos clemente gant, an aragonese, and son of the preachers of zaragoça. he was an oldtime minister of cagayan, had been definitor in the year 1633, and was elected provincial for the second time in 1648, of which we shall treat hereafter. honorable mention was made in that chapter of some glorious martyrs whose lives and precious deaths were treated in the first part of this history [i.e., aduarte's historia.] great deeds were performed at that time in the island of hermosa, and abundant harvests were gathered, as the field was white for the harvest of the gospel. but it will be advisable for us to describe first the characteristics of that island, which was not touched upon in the first part. it deserves not to be passed by in silence, for it was for sixteen years the glorious theater of our spanish arms and the greatest credit of these missions. [a description of the island and its products follows. of the inhabitants santa cruz says:] as to the men they are tolerably clever; they are well-built and light-complexioned, although ruddy in some districts. they are valiant and strong, and greatly inclined to cutting off the heads of their enemies, with which they make merry in their celebrations, dances, and feasts. [5] they have no king, nor does their little ability allow such a thing. they get along better by families, where the father is the king. they have no idols or any other images which they adore with outward reverence. the devil only holds them deceived by many superstitions of chance, and of songs and flights of birds, which are consulted in their difficulties. they sacrifice the first fruits of everything [6] to their berroas, which are certain imaginary spirits there--to such an extent that, whenever they are about to commence a new jar of wine, they first take out a few drops and throw them outside, which constitutes their reverence. they throw some grains of their morisqueta (which is their rice bread) on the ground, and that is their grace. they do the same with the rest of their food and drink. they have good characteristics; they abominate theft and unchaste acts and accordingly watch out for such very rigorously. they immediately kill the illegitimate child and punish the parents severely. [7] their provinces, languages, and settlements are numerous. we found those people who came to us in the city of san salvador, which we founded, to be very sociable, accommodating, and simple. had god preserved us in that post, they would have constituted a good work for us and a great company for the advancement of empires so extensive as those which are near it. china is less than thirty leguas away from it; japon is eighty; camboja, cochinchina, and tunquin are one hundred and fifty leguas or two hundred or somewhat more. but our lord ordained that the dutch enemy should drive us out of so important a plaza de armas. accordingly, what pertains to us is to yield ourselves with humility, and to see whether we can again open so suitable a door by making our lives better. during those five years five fathers of our order lived in the convent of todos santos [i.e., all saints], which was the church of that city, and their superior was father fray lucas garcia. they were attending with all fervor to their ministries--some of spaniards, some of indians, and some of both--when father collado, vicar of the new and lately-formed congregation, despatched father fray juan de los angeles [8] to take possession of that house for that congregation in the year 1636. as associate he assigned to him father fray miguel de corena, [9] who had gone over to the congregation from the province [of santo rosario]. those fathers, arriving there with their appointments and the orders of the governor for the governor of that island, deposed the vicar--although everything was adjusted amid great peace, and, until the first despatch, they all lived together as the closest of brothers. when opportunity offered, the former father-vicar, father fray lorenço arnedo, and father fray felipe del espiritu santo, a japanese, and father corena himself, who was unwell, went to manila, leaving the said father-vicar, father juan de los angeles, father fray teodoro de la madre de dios, and father fray juan garcia, for it was not advisable to leave the land without ministers who had been there some time. father fray francisco diaz (of whom a more detailed relation will be given later) also did his work, and it was great. he was an accomplished minister for china, and was detained in the island of hermosa at that time, for the following reason. he had left his missions in the above kingdom to attend to the solution of certain serious doubts, in company with father fray antonio de santa maria of [the order of] our father st. francis. going to the island of hermosa, it was determined that father fray antonio should go to manila, and that father diaz should await him there, which he did. therefore, as the latter could not remain idle, he employed himself during that time in aiding his brothers, paying his score for lodging in works of example and virtue. before going farther, it will be advisable for us to present a brief summary of the incidents that concern the new governor of these islands, in order that we may get through with him. it cannot be doubted that a person of so many good qualities and one so noble had a strong desire to do well, and, above all, since he was selected by our catholic monarch who confided to him in these islands the most precious gem of his crown--a jewel that his most prudent grandfather had given him, when in standing god-father to them in sacred baptism, in the time of his monarchy, he was pleased that they should give his name to the islands. that was a very well founded reasoning, for considering their land, their climate, their location, and their distances, proportions and neighbors, alexander the great did not dream of placing his banners over an empire of greater reputation [than these constitute]. notwithstanding, then, the good intentions of that knight [i.e., corcuera], from that time they were obstructed by so many untoward events that, although he governed nine whole years, and had the good luck to return to españa (a thing that no other governor had done before him), and was there afterward governor of cordova, and governor of canarias, where he died, still he left few expressions of regret here for his departure--and, as says a stoic, posts and dignities bear the letter of recommendation on their backs only. few grieved over his absence, for he left the name of governor truly disgraced. the year after his arrival (namely, 1636), for reasons of state he sent no ship to españa, although he should have considered the common good and the only consolation of these islands, which depends solely on the delicate thread of one poor ship of commerce and relief. the next year he did send it, and it happened to be received at acapulco by a visitor, quiroga, who ruined these islands by his rigor, although they ought to be treated with greater charity, for so many reasons. our governor was over-zealous in the suit with the archbishop and in his exile, and was merciless in his decision--although the venerable prelate mounted to heaven, and protected himself with a sacred monstrance in which was present the person of god himself. but that did not avail the archbishop, for his [divine] majesty allowed human power to achieve its end. the governor proceeded with such passion in this holy province of ours that he gave it the stroke most keenly felt, by dividing it, without awaiting any order or authority. and although the lord derived great glory from it, still that knight manifested his own character in dividing so holy a family, and again uniting it when that seemed fitting to him; and by such actions he showed his scant appreciation of persons so estimable, and whose profession is so sacred. in the wars that he waged in samboangan and jolo, in which he participated personally, it is certain that he did his duty as a brave soldier; and god gave him honorable victories, which were of great consequence for humbling those enemies. but they were very dear to us, for the best people of these islands perished there, but rather as the result of their own disorder than from the valor of others. in order that those sorties might be made, presidios were dismantled, and others were weakened, so that even at the present time [i.e., 1693] the islands have not reached the period of convalescence. the thing that must grieve us most is, that although our arms had possessed the greater part of the island of hermosa, as above stated, with so great reputation for sixteen years--a possession which all the nations of the world might well envy--command was given, in order to carry on these wars [i.e., in mindanao and jolo], for three of the military companies in its garrison to retire to manila, leaving only one, composed of boys and cripples, under the immediate control of the chief governor. on that account it was necessary for our religious to abandon the place where they lived outside (which was a village of considerable size), and to live in the fort, crowded with the men. when the dutch, who were settled at the other point of the island, called tayguan, discovered that, they attacked us once; and, having better equipped themselves, [attacked us] in the following year of 1642, and besieged and defeated us with the loss of credit that can be understood (although the conditions were honorable), after seven days of brave resistance, and took our people in their ships to manila. but this caused the ruin of large christian communities of indians, and the total downfall of the increased hopes which, in so advantageous a post [as hermosa], were continuing to grow, with greater effects in the service of both majesties. later, in the year 1660, the chinese won that fort of ours and the land from the dutch, so that that nation possesses it in peace today. the misfortunes of the governor went farther; and one of those years he despatched to our españa the galleon "nuestra señora de la concepcion"--the richest one that has ever been seen on that route and owned by citizens of this land (for then they had not invented the pernicious art of sending [agents] to buy here). it was in command of don juan francisco de corcuera, the governor's nephew. unfortunately it was wrecked during a storm, at an island of the ladrones, and the cargo was lost, as well as the people--except some few who escaped by swimming, and afterward ventured themselves in the open sea, in a small boat made in those parts; and it was god's will to allow them to reach manila. at that time there was an insurrection of sangleys--who hold in their grasp all the manufactures and trades of this community, and through whose hands passes all the bulk of the commerce. consequently by the means of one lash they all perished, while we ourselves were badly wounded. clearly our sins were the cause of all those calamities; but since the superior officer derives the greater part of the glory in prosperous affairs, there is sufficient foundation in adverse affairs for him to shoulder a great part of the misfortunes--and more so when, rendering himself inaccessible to counsel, he carries out his own resolution. now his residencia has been obtained by his death, and the residencia which was taken here from him was not so mild that it did not cost him five years of close imprisonment. [the chapter closes with the narration of the happy death at the island of hermosa of the portuguese lay-brother fray antonio de viana, who had taken the dominican habit at manila. he had labored five years in the island.] chapter iii of the intermediary chapter; and of some religious who are mentioned in it as having died, leaving behind the reputation of virtue. the intermediary chapter of the provincialate of father fray carlos clemente gant was held in the convent of st. dominic in manila, may 15, 1639. [the deceased missionaries given mention in that chapter are as follows: jacinto de san geronimo, who professed in the convent of santa cruz at carboneras in the province of españa, and died in the province of itui, after a glorious life of labor. geronimo morer, of the province of aragon, who professed in the convent at valencia, and died at an advanced age in the missions of the babuyanes; he had charge there of about one thousand tributes in two villages. juan de santo tomas, who died september 5, 1638, one of the founders of the province. next morning early also died the lay-brother juan de san dionisio, a native of aguilar, who took the habit at the convent of escala coeli (i.e., the ladder of heaven) at cordova; he was known, before his arrival at the philippine province, as juan de heredia. he joined the philippine mission in 1590, and on reaching that land was employed in various duties, among them that of nurse in the chinese hospital of san gabriel.] [chapters iv and v deal with the life of juan de santo tomas (alias de ormaza), one of the founders of the province of santo rosario, and its fourth provincial. he was a native of medina del campo, and his father was a noted jurist. the latter desiring his son to follow in his footsteps, he was sent to the university of salamanca; but the youthful student, developing a taste for the religious life, prevailed upon his parents to allow him to devote himself to religion. he entered the dominican convent at valladolid, where he professed. the first mission to the philippines, which arrived there in 1587, found him among its ranks. arrived at the islands he was assigned to the missions at bataan, where he labored assiduously until the year 1600, when he became provincial by unanimous vote. shortly after the completion of his term of office he was sent to japan as vicar-general of the dominican missions there, and after several years there he returned to manila and resumed his old vicariate of bataan. as old age came on he retired to the convent of manila, where he died at the age of nearly ninety, on december 7, 1638. in the general chapter held in rome in 1644, he received mention for his good life and works.] chapter vi of the intermediary meeting of the year 1639, and events of that time in the year 1639 was held the intermediary meeting in the convent of st. dominic in manila, where besides the ordinary arrangements some rules were enacted, although only a few. one of those rules was much to the credit of holy poverty: namely that no one could ask permission to spend any money, even to the extent of a small sum, unless he first declare the purpose of it to the superior. it was a very happily conceived rule; for supposing that to each religious is given whatever is religiously necessary for him in health and in sickness, it is right and proper, if the alms of any mass come into his hands--even though it be to give alms, or to aid religious friends who are in other villages with some trifles, which they do not possess--to tell it to the superior, and not to give any occasion for poverty to complain, even in slight matters. in march of that year a very disastrous insurrection occurred in the province of cagayan, in some villages retired among some mountains, called mandayas (whose discovery and reduction to our holy faith is treated in the first part, book 2, chapter 48; and which was due to our order, at the hands of father fray lorenço de zamora, who accomplished it all). the affair was so disastrous that it cost considerable blood and not a few scandals (which are yet bewailed). the alcalde-mayor of that province was sargento-mayor don marcos zapata, the son of an auditor of this royal audiencia. the alcalde, not paying much attention to so noble a trust, or deceived by his own shadow--and, what is more, by the example of the governor (who was, as we have said, very decided in his opinions)--conducted his official duties by the method which he calls "the short cut" (which only shows little cleverness) namely, that of severity. (but this is an expedient which carries with it innumerable inconveniences. we know that the heathen, who drew gods out of the center of the earth, made love a god, but it is not stated that they made cruelty a god. the reason is, that, although it seems to one that he can do much by cruelty, he cannot do everything, as can love. consequently, cruelty lacks qualifications for being called a god.) following this his line of reasoning, the rigor of the said alcalde was great. although by order of the central government he had made a fort with a new sentry-post, in the said mandaya villages, and had a suitable garrison of soldiers, yet so many were the burdens that they put upon the shoulders of the wearied indians for their support that the latter considered themselves as conquered, especially because of the ill-treatment that they experienced from the commandant of the said fort. the mine of anger exploded, because the said commandant punished one of the principal women, because she had displeased him, by forcing her to pound rice for a whole day; she and her husband were so angry thereat that they became the chief promoters of the insurrection. the nearby villages, which were tormented by the burden of the fort and the oppressions practiced by the soldiers, were invited [to aid in the conspiracy]. they entered the sentry-post at ten on the morning of march 6 with their arms, and killed the sentinel and others who offered them some resistance. they went thence to the fort, and breaking down the doors, or having them opened by the spies inside, they killed about twenty unarmed and naked soldiers, who formed the garrison; only five soldiers escaped, by hiding; but later, the fire increasing, these perished. the indians entered the convent, and killed a sangley, at the door of the cell of the father-vicar, who had just been baptized that day (whose death, we must believe, would be most fortunate for his soul). they showed respect to the father-vicar and, all of them weeping with him on account of the bold undertaking in which they found themselves involved, they embarked him together with his clothes, the ornaments from the sacristy, images, crosses, and books, and carried them down to a secure place, from whence he went to the first convent. it was learned afterward that they proceeded with their frenzied sacrilege, and burned the church and the convent. although the attempt has been made more than once to obtain satisfaction, yet those people are so favored by their inaccessible mountains that this effort has been abandoned, as it is impossible to subdue them. [a short description of the revolt of the chinese follows (see vol. xxix, pp. 208-258).] chapter vii continuation of the events of that year of 1639 on the seventh of august of that year, the desired news of two galleons which were coming from nueva españa, with the situado of these islands, arrived at manila, which was decked in festival gladness [because of the termination of the sangley insurrection]. one cannot easily imagine the general acclamation with which the news was received, and the festive demonstrations which were made [tokens of joy] in the hearts that were so full of mourning for the troubles of the above related insurrection, and other incidents which still kept the copious tears dropping from the eyes. those were the results, doubtless, of our great sins, which to this very day have converted our joy into a tragedy, and a very painful one. for on the very day in which so famous news arrived at manila--namely, that the said two ships were in cagayan--because they had made a port badly sheltered, and had not been able to better it in so many days, at that unseasonable time so furious a tempest struck the same moorings, that all their skill was of no avail to them, and the tempest drove them upon some rocks, where both were miserably lost. although it was god's will that the money of the situado should be saved, and that registered as belonging to private persons, as it was already ashore, all the other things were lost--most of the infantry aboard, and all their goods, silver, and merchandise. that amounted to a great treasure and was the blood of this land gathered in those two hulks, and was so sadly shed in our very sight. patience, hardly cured from the past blows, was much exhausted, when that misfortune became known. its causes were differently construed, for in such strokes grief has license to arouse opinions, however little foundation they may have. but the truth is that alleged above, namely, our sins, and no other--which, in order to double their strength, are trying to leave us querulous of others, the good abandoned, and the detection of our errors left in uncertainty. he who would know what kind of a city manila is, the latitude in which our lord located it, and its characteristics and its strength, must not be governed by degrees, elevations, or charts, nor by its gains (although these have been so great), but by its losses, which are much greater and more continual; its site, looked on with envy by all the nations of the world, especially by those surrounding it who are as haughty as populous; its nourishment, which, as this is the most remote part of the body of our españa, when it arrives is at least cold, however great the warmth displayed by the royal heart of the council of the indias. its governors are and have been excellent christians, and brave, for in this regard it has had good fortune. but since the express from madrid, even when it is swiftest, takes three years, it is necessary that the government change its nature. although it is monarchical in its form, it lacks the quickness in its relation to the heart and to the head which is the better life of its members, so that without doubt it is most difficult to administer. whence we infer that this city, with its remote provinces, is one of the greatest miracles that the providence of god has gathered in his temple, who is preserving it supernaturally for his predestined ones, dispensing with the order of secondary causes, to the no little glory of our mother españa. the latter is the instrument happily chosen for so lofty an end. españa, with so christian generosity, spends annually in its support a half million. that is the least thing, when one considers the so many and so competent sons in both estates [i.e., secular and religious] as are those of whom españa is continually dispossessed, without hope of seeing them again. that does not happen in any other part of america. fortunate is the catholic spirit of the kings our sovereigns, who, following that honorable obligation, so free from temporal interests, have advanced this royal proof of the most catholic zeal, and of a liberality without imitation among all the monarchs of the world! and happy a thousand times those who coöperate with their lives or their energy to so glorious an end! although the above-mentioned misfortune caused the loss of goods and lives of so much value, the royal despatches of his majesty were saved, and the waves did not dare to profane their immunity. in the despatches was a decree for the father provincial of this province in regard to the division [of the province]--now buried in silence, but which disturbed it so greatly. as that decree seems highly significant of the care of our catholic monarch, and of the warm place that his humble province has in his royal breast, we have thought best to insert it here. it is as follows: "the king. to the venerable and devout father provincial of the order of st. dominic of my filipinas islands: i have been informed, by various relations which i have received, of the lack of peace and quiet enjoyed by the religious of that province, because of the division made in it, by virtue of letters which fray diego de collado bore from his general, and aid given him for it by my governor and captain-general of those islands, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera. however the said briefs ought not to have been executed, as they were not passed upon by my royal council of the indias. regarding rather the harmony of the orders and the quiet of that province, and believing that the said division will be the occasion for laxity in the order, i have ordered my said governor and captain-general of those islands, and my royal audiencia resident therein, to suspend the said brief and all others that the said fray diego collado may have carried, and not allow them to be executed; and that the division that has been made in the provinces be annulled, and conditions remain as they were before the said division. therefore, i ask and charge you that you on your part cause those provinces to assume the condition that they had before the said division, and you shall immediately send the said fray diego collado to españa. in order that this may have effect, i am ordering my governor in a letter of this same date to have transportation furnished to him for his return. you shall advise me of what you shall do in execution of what i ask you, on the first opportunity. given at madrid, february twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon" this is the letter or decree written to the father provincial. in the one which follows, although it contains so many things worth considering, the clause rendering this province equal to the most observant one of the order is the most noteworthy; so that those who merit the possession of a mother who employs herself in the service of god, and who is so well accredited with her prince, may console themselves. in order that we may get through with this matter once for all (which is not very savory), we shall insert here the other decree of his majesty written in regard to the same matter to the royal audiencia of manila. the king our sovereign well shows in it the care that we owe to him, for he expresses in that decree not only his royal providence, but the anger that such innovations caused him. it is as follows: "the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of manila of the filipinas islands: in one section of a letter written to me by you on june 12, 1636, you say that father fray diego collado of the order of st. dominic went to those islands in the former year of 35, bearing letters from his general allowing him to take over some of the houses owned by that order and found a new and distinct province, the sole business of which is to send ministers for the conversion of japon. all of that carried with it great inconvenience, both because of the injury that that order would receive by a division of the province (which will bring about laxity in it, although that province has hitherto been one of those in which the rules of their order have been observed with the greatest strictness and punctuality), and in sending ministers to japon the said order has displayed so much solicitude that rather has it been necessary to restrain it because of the umbrage received thereby by that kingdom. that annoyance has been the occasion for cutting off the trade with those islands; and it was in great danger of being shut to the portuguese of macan, whom the japanese have threatened severely if it be found that religious have gone to that kingdom from those islands, or from any other part. consequently, it was certain that father fray diego collado gave an inaccurate report to his general, and it was not advisable to carry out the terms of his letters--of which you gave me an account, so that i might have the evil corrected. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, by a letter of this date i have ordered and charged you, my president--inasmuch as you did wrong in giving aid to that father because the brief which he held had not been passed upon by the said my council--to cause this and all briefs which he had, that had not been passed upon by the council, to be suspended, and not to allow them to be carried into effect. in regard to the division of the provinces, they shall return to their former condition. in order that my commands may have the due effect, i order you and my audiencia to assist in the fulfilment of the aforesaid decree, so that it may be executed without any omission. when that is done, you shall advise me of it at the first opportunity. given in madrid, february 21, 1638. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel ocaña y alarcon" one can see in this not only his majesty's favor toward us, directed to the ends of the providence of god (who holds the hearts of kings in his hands), but also the evil (which the audiencia here regretted) of the separation which was made, and the official report which was made to the credit of this holy providence. and since at last they see us near at hand, and the good reputation that our lord has given us here in his infinite goodness, those gentlemen are grieved at seeing us suffer--since at that time we were in so great danger of the destruction of this holy province; for giving it such a division amounted to the same thing. but god returned to his cause later; and as his divine mercies have been so abundantly revealed, greater troubles can well be reckoned as well past. [the following six chapters are comprised mainly of accounts of the chinese missions, and the lives of certain dominicans.] the recollect missions, 1625-40 [in vol. xxi (pp. 191-259) the history of the recollect missions in the philippines, as related by luis de jesús (historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de los hermitaños del gran padre, ... san augustin; madrid, 1681) was presented for 1621-24. below follows the history of that author for 1625-38.] decade fourth year 1625 chapter fifth the founding of the convent of sevilla. ours begin to preach the gospel in baiug and malanao in the filipinas. father fray diego de la anunciation dies in a holy manner in madrid. [the first three sections of this chapter relate to spanish affairs entirely.] iiii preaching of our religious in bayug and malanao it had been decided by an intermediary chapter of that province of filipinas that our laborers should go to the district of bayug and the vicinity of lake malanao [i.e., lanao], as there were many people there, and hopes were entertained of gathering abundant fruit for the church. since the minister of cagaiang, to whom the visitas of bayug and the other villages belonged, could not go there, father fray juan de san nicolas was appointed, a man well known for his invincible spirit, and his excellent procedure (howbeit at the cost of many hardships) in reducing obstinate ones, as was proved in the conquest of cagaiang. armed, then, with spiritual weapons, he went to the village of bayug, where he was known and where there were a few christians. he began to make much of the chief people, for if they are once subdued, the conversion of the common people is not so difficult. dolomayor, [10] a man well affected toward the religious, was as it were, the ruler of those people. he immediately surrendered his children to baptism, although he remained in his blindness. for all that, however, he did not fail to help ours greatly. with this good beginning, father fray juan endured his hardships with equanimity; and he had much to endure, for the indians do not give alms. consequently, it was necessary for the ministers to seek their food in the mountains, with the trouble that can be imagined. they continued to gain souls for god; but the heart of the zealous father was pierced because the inhabitants of the other river near by, called lavayan, clung obstinately to their heathen rites, and refused to receive the evangelical law. on that account the father resolved to make a settlement in that district, in order that they might be subdued by perseverance. he did so, and left his associate in bayug. we have already mentioned, [when speaking] of the foundation in cagaiang, [11] the great hostility that those of that village had incurred, and the mindanao moros. the latter could not endure to have our religious remain there, as they thought that it was the gateway by which an entrance would be made into their lands. because of them the people of cagaiang were so harassed continually that they could not go out to cultivate their fields. father fray augustin de san pedro [12] was prior of cagaiang in the year 1626. he was so valiant a man that, although he had been reared in the austerity and shelter of religion from childhood, he knew how to make himself so feared by those mahometans that they called him "the father captain." he surrounded the village with a high stockade, with its sentry-boxes and towers for the sentinels who stood watch at night, by means of which they were safe from the continual ambushes of the enemy. he taught the indians how to make sallies, to shoot, and to spy out those who were in ambush, and in fine carried himself as the most skilful captain. the tyrant cachil corralat was very angry that a small village like cagaiang should resist his power, and desired to finish it once for all. he launched his fleet of more than thirty caracoas manned by the best of his men and equipped with military supplies. the preparation of the enemy was learned, and the father prior sent to caragha for some soldiers. six soldiers and one hundred indians came. a sudden alarm was sounded, to call in those who were distant in their fields. the enemy disembarked more than two thousand moros in order to attack the village; but they found so stout resistance that they returned, fleeing in disgrace. all that gave great annoyance to corralat, and he was grieved to his very soul that the [father] captain should be the one to check his boldness. therefore, desirous of seizing him, corralat ordered ambushes to be set, and took other means to secure his end. that action was not kept hidden from the prudent father, who, caring for the guard of the village, also forbade the people at times to make sallies, that they might not fall into any of the many stratagems arranged by the enemy, notwithstanding that he had frightened them from the vicinity. sometimes he sallied out on horseback, with unsheathed sword, trampling many under foot, and causing the rest to flee in terror. that military valor of father fray augustin is not to be wondered at; for there are many examples of priests in holy writ who fought like captains; and, in our españa, many archbishops and bishops have performed great exploits, opposing themselves, clad in steel armor, in the field of battle to the barbarity of the enemies of the faith; and our religious opposed the mahometans, because he was defending those whom he had converted to the law of god. the misfortune was, that the said father having gone out to visit his parishioners, the enemy--who were keeping close watch, and seeking the manner in which they might enter the village--obtained their opportunity in a certain part where the sentinels were careless; and, attacking the convent, they pillaged it of what they found. father fray jacinto de jesus maria escaped, as by a miracle, through the midst of the swords which the barbarians raised against him, even he being quite careless inside his cell. the father prior grieved greatly over that blow; but, like the courageous man he was, he supplied the convent with furnishings and with what was most necessary for the fortification of the place. at that time the father prior of bayug, fray juan de san nicolàs, was in lavayan, whose inhabitants he was subduing with incredible labors; for they refused to build him a church or a house, or to supply him with food. he was supported by the fish caught by two tagálog indians, servants of his, while he himself was obliged to pound his rice and carry his wood. it was god's pleasure to soften the hardness of those people, in a manner that appears ridiculous. i shall not hesitate to refer to it, so that the divine providence may be seen even in what appears accidental. father fray juan de san nicolàs fell sick of the fever, and found that he must be bled. that took place upon the occasion of a visit from an indian chief. the latter was greatly surprised that the father allowed himself to be bled. he asked the cause for it, and the father told him that that was a good medicine for fevers, and that the spaniards were accustomed to its use. the indian became quiet at that, but returned the next day to see the second bleeding. then after several days he came with his hands to his head, and asked to be bled, as he felt sick. the father endeavored to dissuade him, but he insisted so much that the father had to order that he be bled. the barber, since the chief had refused to sell him a fowl for food, or anything else, thought to be revenged, and said that he would not bleed him unless he gave him a fowl or two pullets. the indian had to give it to him, and although father fray juan laughed at the bargain, he was silent and overlooked it all, as he got some food. other indians fell sick, and were bled, paying for the bleeding in fowls. by that means the fathers, who were suffering from severe fevers, were able to cure themselves, god taking that means for the relief of his ministers, who had no relief in any other way. thus the indians became fond of them and many were baptized. let us praise god in his infinite wisdom, since he can bring about the salvation of souls by so homely opportunities. some curious things happened among those barbarous people, but we shall omit them in order not to enlarge this narration, and because those ministries were lost through the hidden judgments of god, and with them the fruit that could be expected. [the remainder of the chapter does not touch philippine matters. the sixth chapter is concerned with the life of rodrigo de san miguel or rodrigo de aganduru moriz (see vol. xxi, p. 116, note 29, and p. 317, note 79). the four following chapters of the fourth decade treat of matters in spain, spanish america, and japan (where the recollects also have their martyrs).] decade fifth chapter first the venerable father master, fray mateo delgado, dies in a holy manner in the convent of candelaria. four religious suffer for the faith of christ in the province of caraghas. the venerable father, fray geronimo de la resurreccion, the first vicar general, ended his exemplary life at the convent of toledo. [the first three sections of this chapter are taken up with the life and work of mateo delgado, who labored in the american missions.] iiii four of our religious suffer from the violence of the rebellious indians of caragha it has been said that the caraghas indians are fierce and warlike, and can ill endure to be subject to the spaniards. having seen the little or no reputation that had been gained with the indians of the island of jolo--who, although they were paying tribute, rebelled; and whose many depredations our soldiers could not check--the caraghas were emboldened to rise because of that rebellion and they did so. that insurrection was begun in the year 1629, in which occurred many murders, thefts, and insolences. it is not our purpose to enumerate them in detail; but it does concern us to touch upon the many calamities that some of our convents suffered, and the religious who governed them. captain pedro bautista went to the fort of caragha, and, the land being in great revolt, thought only of attending to his business and of making raids. in the first raid he comported himself so badly toward the indians that they were very dissatisfied. having arranged a second raid in the year 1631, he left the fort on the fourth of july, taking with him ten soldiers, the best that he had. the names of the latter were alferez maldonado, sergeant gandaya, sergeant juan rodriguez, sergeant reyes, sergeant negrete, luis de alarcòn, juan de aguirre, juan dominguez, francisco de la paz, and one other. father fray jacinto de jesus maria, prior vicar of the convent of tago (whom the rebellious indians tried to kill in his cell at the convent of cagaiang, as has been related) went as chaplain of that fleet. one spaniard having been stationed in each ship, they reached bapangano, accompanied by all the chief people of that coast. they captured sixteen slaves, and dumblag, one of the indian chiefs, seeing the little advantage that could fall to him from that prize, freed seven of them. [13] the fleet returned and, on arriving at cheta, captain pedro bautista and father fray jacinto disembarked. it was learned there that dumblag had freed the seven slaves, whereupon the captain resolved to arrest him. the chief resisted, and laid his hand on his varalao to oppose the captain. the latter, angered, struck dumblag (who was a very great rogue, and had done many things for which he deserved punishment) with his lance; the chief was placed in irons, and his cause was put in writing. on the arrival of the other boats, his relative valintos landed, and went to visit the prisoner, who complained because the former did not avenge him. valintos was ashamed, and resolved to kill the captain and father fray jacinto. at that time the spaniards were without their arms. valintos went up to the captain deceitfully, and treacherously stabbed him twice so that he died. he asked for confession, and father fray jacinto set about confessing him; but scarcely had he absolved him, when many indians, coming up, found father fray jacinto--who was now on his knees with hands raised and eyes lifted toward the heavens, praying and asking pardon of god for their sins, in payment of which he offered his life; and he asked pardon for the aggressors of so many misdeeds. the indians gave him a lance thrust that passed through his body. he never moved, and when the barbarians saw that, they wounded him again and again, in the belief that he was not dead. but when they became aware that he was no more, and saw that his eyes were opened and his hands raised, they conceived so great fear that they did not dare go up to him. thus remained that blessed body until the tide came in and carried it away, the sea giving him a more pious burial than those inhuman wretches had given him death. it was god's plan to make the venerable father terrible to the indians at his death, so that they should not ill-treat his remains. it is an indication that he enjoys reward in heaven for having bravely given his life for god on the earth. then the indians killed the spaniards there. father fray jacinto could have escaped, but in order not to fail in charity he did not care to preserve his life, and offered it to god, for whom he gave it willingly--an action wondered at by the indians, and still recounted today with the same wonder. father fray jacinto was a native of the port of cadiz in andaluzia, his parents being pedro de molino and doña isabel lopez. he took the habit and professed in the convent of san nicolàs of manila. [14] having been ordained a priest, obedience employed him in the instruction of the coast of caragha. giving an excellent account of what was in his charge, he was appointed prior vicar of the convent of tago, where he comported himself to the great satisfaction of all, until he gave his life for the service of god, as has been related. his happy death occurred on the thirteenth of july of that year. next day the rebels went to the river of tago, in high spirits because they had killed all the spaniards in the fleet, and spent three days in carousing. mangabo ordered them to ring for a mass that he desired to say. "come," he said in derision, "to the mass of father mangabo." the people assembled in the church of our convent. an indian woman, called maria campan, esteemed as one of good life dressed herself and went through the aspersion, saying, when she sprinkled the water, "i am father jacinto." mangabo took a holy crucifix, and, breaking off the arms, said: "god of the castilians, fight with me; come let us see whether you are as brave as i." and drawing his varalao or cris, [15] he struck it crosswise through the face, and cleft it. "that holy image," says father fray lorenço de san facundo, whose relation this is, and who passed through that insurrection, in which he suffered many hardships and dangers, as we shall see hereafter, "is in my possession." then he threw down another holy crucifix of greater stature, and cut it into bits with an ax, defying it to fight. o lord! what things dost thou endure from men! then the convent and church were given over to pillage, and a servant of the convent, named diego salingat, was killed. mangabo went to tanda, and, reaching the convent on the nineteenth of the same month, attacked it at midnight. dacxa, an indian chief, who had refused to take part in that insurrection, hastened to the defense of the fathers who were in the convent; but he was unable to defend them, for father fray alonso de san joseph, the prior's associate, was attacked by the indians and his head split by a blow of the campilan. it was discovered afterward that dacxa was treacherous, and was taking part with mangabo in the pillage. the blessed father was a native of villa-cañas, although some make him a native of villa-tobas, in la mancha the land of toledo. he professed in the convent of valencia, and went to filipinas in the year 1622 with father fray andrès del espiritu santo. he was a religious of great humility and very observant, on account of which he was appointed by the superiors prior of the convent of baldag in the province of calamianes, where he gathered abundant fruit in the conversion of those people. but as he was very near sighted, he had scruples lest he could not perform his duty well, and finally conceived that he was incapable of administering it or any other office with the care of souls. therefore he petitioned that he be allowed to resign, and did so. he was permitted to resign, but rather for his consolation than because he was judged incapable. he went to manila, where he gave himself up to the exercise of virtue, without any hindrance. his superiors seeing that it was not expedient that so excellent a worker should be idle, sent him to the convent of tanda, so that he might as an experienced associate, aid the prior. the father teacher, fray juan de santo tomàs, was prior. hearing the attack of the barbarians from his retreat, and going outside, he saw dacxa, to whom he went and whom he asked for protection. the latter in pity embraced the father and endeavored to save his life, but an indian came up and thrust the father through the body with a lance, and he died on his knees. then the indians went to the convent and sacked and profaned it as they had done to that of tago, and finally burned it. [the above father was born in san pablo de los montes in the archbishopric of toledo. he took the recollect habit in the convent of valladolid, where he became a close student. he went to the philippines in 1620 with onofre de la madre de dios and other religious, where he was appointed to found the convent of cuyo, of which he was made prior, being also made vicar-provincial of the other convents in the islands. he was later appointed prior of the convent of tanda, where he was killed. his body, which was buried at some little distance from the church, was given decent burial after seven years--when it was disinterred for that purpose, being found to be wholly preserved except at the tip of the nose.] on the twenty-first of the same month of july, father fray pedro de san antonio, former prior of the convent of bacoag, had left that convent. the rebellious indians, having heard that he was in surigao, a visita of the priorate, despatched mañan galan and other indians to kill him. they found him at the landing-place of don diego amian, reciting the canonical hours. one of them went to father fray pedro dissemblingly, and told him that there were many enemies in the land and that he had come to advise him of it. the blessed father asked him certain questions in regard to it, to which the indian replied maliciously and with lies; and, at the instant when father fray pedro turned his back, thrust him through with a lance. the father fell to the ground, invoking the names of jesus and mary, with the utterance of which he yielded up his spirit. many indians who were hidden came up, took the blessed body, and dragging it thither threw it into the river, with great joy and gladness. that venerable father was a native of granada in andaluzia and went to filipinas with father fray rodrigo de san miguel (of whom we have already written at length). he greatly admired the exemplary conduct of our religious, and asked for the habit in the convent of manila, where he professed. behaving in a religious manner, he was assigned to some missions, and enlightened the bisayas with the light of the evangelical word. he had assumed the dignity of the priorate of bacoag, at the time of the insurrection of the caraghas, and at the time of the events which we have related. year 1631 v mention of some dangers suffered by ours in the insurrection of the caraghas indians the above were not the only dangers suffered by ours in that insurrection of caragha; for the indian chiefs, dividing into different bands, went to various districts, not only to make those who were quiet revolt, but to wipe out the spaniards, to kill the religious, and to destroy the convents, in their hatred for our holy faith. july 22, the day of the magdalene, the father teacher, fray lorenço de san facundo, was saying mass in the convent of bacoag, which was attended by the spaniards, and the traitor zancalàn (one of the leaders of the revolt), and his wife doña geronima moag, and a dozen indians. the father was disturbed at seeing them, and having asked who those indians were, and being answered that they were the son and daughter-in-law of mangabo, he calmed himself. in their carousals the indians had determined upon the murder, one after another, of the three spaniards there, and the two religious, father fray lorenço de san facundo, and his associate, a brother, fray francisco de san fulgencio; for these seemed many to them. they killed the three spaniards treacherously; and at the hour of vespers, zancalàn put in an appearance with seven indians. zancalàn went to kiss the hand of father fray lorenço, who was just finishing the burial of a dead woman. with other like courtesies the indians went up to see the convent, accompanied by the father teacher, when one indian seized him by the shoulders crying out to another: "strike him!" the father boldly wrenched himself loose, and shoved the indian against a post. then he ran to jump through a window, where they pushed him so that he fell on his back upon a piece of timber, from which he sustained severe injuries. the house was in confusion; various weapons were seized; father fray lorenço arose as well as he was able, and fled to the landing-place. three indians followed him with lances. an indian went to him and said: "father, take this machete, that they may not kill thee." one of the three threw his lance at the father. the lance passed through his tunic near his right thigh, the father escaping that blow by jumping aside. he seized the lance, and, with it and the machete, retired to the convent. when he arrived, zancalàn went out with lance and cuirass to kill father fray lorenço. the latter defended himself skilfully, and entered the convent, where brother fray francisco was defending himself with a musket from the multitude who were attacking him. some feats of arms were performed, but we shall omit mention of them for the sake of brevity. the two religious were taken prisoners, and expected instant death in their captivity. zancalàn gave them a pledge to take them to his father mangabo, although other indians wrangled with him demanding that he surrender to them the fathers, in order that they might be sacrificed to their idols. the religious heard all that with great fear, the peculiar effect of our natural weakness. but after commending themselves very earnestly to god, they became so brave that (as the said father teacher testifies in his relation) already they were sorry that zancalàn was defending them, for they wished to offer their lives for our holy faith. thus imprisoned, they reached tago on monday, the twenty-eighth of the same month of july, where they expected to be sacrificed--joyful, for they were preparing to go to enjoy god. but (as father fray lorenço remarks) the fruit could not have been ripe enough to present it at the table of heaven. mangabo was a huge man, of enormous strength, and of a terrible temper--on account of which he was called "the crocodile of tago." the fathers were quite sure that, as soon as they reached his presence, they would be killed; but our good god, who can draw water from the hard rock, changed the heart of the barbarian so that he threw himself at the feet of father fray lorenço, kissing them and his hands with great show of affection. he gave various excuses for the murders of the fathers and the spaniards which he had committed, although all of them were frivolous, and said that the fathers should have no fear, for they were under his protection, and that he would defend them with his life. as assurance of that promise, he took an oath in the following manner. he asked for a varalao, and clutching it in his hands, he loosened some breeches which he had made from an embroidered crimson damask altar-cloth that he had stolen from the convent of tanda. he wounded himself twice below the stomach, drawing blood, which he ordered his son zancalàn to catch in a dish which contained wine. [16] he began to swear and to invoke his divatas, with howlings so extravagant that he was terrifying. he cursed himself in all ways [17] if he should be found wanting in friendship to us, or in our defense, even did he die for it. he drank some of the wine, and then put the dish on his head, crying out in a terrible voice. he embraced father fray lorenço, and placed his own turban on his head. thus did he finish his execrable and ridiculous oath, which they call sandugo, and which they consider as inviolable. that oath was of no little use in defending the religious, for when some of the other indians once asked mangabo to sacrifice them, he replied that he would not discuss the matter, that he would first fight anyone who tried to offend them. and he did so, even driving the other chiefs from the place. he took father fray lorenço to his house, and brought out castilian wine so that he and his associate might drink it, and two chalices, one from the convent of tanda, and the other from that of bacoag. when father fray lorenço saw these, much affected and weeping, he covered them with the cloth wrapped about them, and said: "father mangabo, since you have given me life, i beseech you not to use those chalices, and that neither you nor any woman go near them, for i shall burst with grief." mangabo replied: "as you say, son," and ordered that they be not uncovered, but that they be kept with veneration. then mangabo arose and took a holy bronze crucifix which zangalàn had taken from father fray lorenço, under the impression that it was gold, saying, "i am keeping this your god until the time when we two go to manila." "keep it," the father said to him, "for he will preserve you if you respect him; but if you do not respect him he will confound you, for he is god of heaven and earth." then mangabo brought out another holy crucifix, with its arms cut off and its head split in twain, as above said, and father fray lorenço, falling on his knees before it, kissed it, weeping and sighing, and kept it for his own consolation. then maria campan (mentioned above) went out and brought back in a small casket the chrismatories of the convent of tago; and father fray lorenço, opening it, saw that nothing was lacking. he wrapped them in a cloth and charged her to keep them and not to open them, saying that he would give her six pesos for them, although they did not have so much money. father fray lorenço could ransom none of it, for he was without money. [the holy chrismatories finally render maria contrite; for, fleeing from the spaniards up a river, and having the phials with her, a huge crocodile thrusts its head into the boat, seizes the phials and makes off without committing other damage, which so works upon the mind of the woman that she lives afterward as a good christian.] finally, mangabo said to father fray lorenço: "son, i see that you are sick" (he had been seriously injured by the fall of which we have made mention above). "if you wish to go to be treated at the fort of the spaniards, i will have you taken there, and you shall leave brother francisco here, so that he may protect us, if the castillas (so they call the spaniards) come. remember your father, and aid him when you are able." father fray lorenço thanked him, and was taken in a boat to the fort of caragha. thus did god preserve the life of that religious, to whom, if the crown of martyrdom was not conceded, at least he was quick to suffer for the faith; and in fact he endured great hardships for the love of the lord. his associate, fray francisco, was ransomed afterward. he rendered excellent service while he was a prisoner, in the pacification of the rebellious indians. year 1631 vi continuation of the matter of the last chapter, with some cases by way of example valintos (the same one who had killed captain pedro bautista) went to the river of butuan with an order to kill father fray juan de san augustin, prior of the convent of ilaya in the village of linao. he carried many letters to the chiefs, urging them in the name of corralat (of whom we have spoken before, and of whom there will be more to say) to have the fathers killed. an influential indian woman heard of the matter, and since she was the petty queen of that river and very devoted to father fray juan de san augustin, who was a holy religious, she had so much authority that it sufficed to keep those of the village faithful, and they resisted the letters brought by valintos. in order to assure the life of the said father prior, fray juan de san augustin, she made him take boat and go to butuan to join the fathers in the convent there. thus was he delivered from the danger of losing his life. almost the same thing happened in the village of butuan, where the letters of valintos were received urging the inhabitants to rise and kill the religious. but the butuans were so faithful that they would not consent to the evil. on the contrary, reading the letters in public, they cried with one voice that they would die before they would permit one hair of the fathers to be harmed. then forming in a procession, men, women, and children went to the convent in tears, and bewailing the troubles that they were all suffering. the religious said: "children, here we are at your disposition. do what you will with us, for god our lord so orders it." at this all the people cried out and said with tears in their eyes: "fathers, be of good cheer, for we will all die before anyone offends you." they said that with emphatic oaths, whereby they showed the great love and respect that they held for the fathers. the chiefs remained in the convent with their families and possessions. endeavor was made to advise zibù, so that help might be brought; and the father prior, fray jacinto de san fulgencio, went [for that purpose]. valintos, having seen the bad outcome to his treacherous plans in butuan, returned in a rage, and the religious were safe. however, although so many of them were good, some restless indians (especially the fiscal of the village) rebelled, and without having any occasion therefor, killed the porter of the convent and another indian. had not the chiefs hastened to their defense, father fray diego de santa ana, the associate of the father prior, would have been in danger. the other revolted villages, taking umbrage at the faithfulness of the butuans, tried to find means to kill the religious, so that thus the butuans might be obliged to conform to their rebellion. he who tried hardest was manàn galàn, an indian chief of the village of albucay, who went to sampongan to discuss the matter with the samponganos. an indian, who was intimate with the fathers, one sumulay, was chosen [for that mission]. he was well instructed, but, his wiles having been perceived, the butuans quickly seized their arms to fight any and all enemies who should appear. the fathers were taken to the mountains for greater security, and the traitor sumulay tried to finish the affair personally. he went, under pretense of friendship, to seek the fathers in the mountains; but, his evil design being recognized, he was seized, and confessing his guilt was placed under surveillance, and finally deprived of life. following the example of the butuans, other villages maintained the faith, and defended their fathers who sowed the seed of the gospel in so rude a land, amid so many dangers to their quiet and life, opposing themselves to the sowing of tares that the common enemy always endeavors to introduce into the harvests of the church. the father prior of butuan, fray jacinto de san fulgencio, when sailing to zibù to solicit aid, passed by the island of camigi, a visita of the district of cagaiang. he stopped there and was in great danger of being murdered by the insurgents, who were going about in bands committing piracies and watching the sea, so that the fort of tanda might not be aided. although that fort was in great danger, the valor of its garrison defended it. the father prior advised the fathers of cagaiang and baiug so that they might take precautions, and [told them] that he was going to get aid. that advice was very important for the restraining of the indians of baiug and cagaiang, since they knew that the negotiations which they had with the caraghas and mindanaos were known. the said father prior having arrived at zibù, the aid was prepared, and was sent under captain juan de chaves as commander of the fleet, who was accompanied by good infantry. the father prior also went with that fleet. they reached bacoag, where the convent above mentioned was situated, which was one of the best on that coast. their hearts were pierced to see so many dead and half-decayed bodies, and they buried them. entering the church, they saw the images profaned and cut into bits. the latter were gathered together by father fray jacinto. the fleet proceeded on its way, and reached the fort of tanda, whose occupants congratulated themselves again and again at being freed from danger. the pacification of the insurgents was negotiated, in which father fray jacinto worked mightily. the latter was overjoyed at having aided the land which was so afflicted. that was a great service which he rendered to god and to our catholic monarch, who have been able to employ our recollects in this to advantage. with that aid and some more which was sent from manila, the insurrection which had caused so much noise and wrought so much ruin was put down. our convents were restored and other religious no less zealous and earnest succeeded those who had died so gloriously for the faith. [the recollects, worthy of their great master st. augustine, do not waver in their spiritual conflict, but ever keep the sword of the faith turned toward the enemy. "various incidents occur during that insurrection," one of them being that the indian who had killed father fray alonso de san joseph has the arm that had struck that fatal blow bitten off by a crocodile; but he afterward repents and becomes a good christian. likewise the indian who had killed father fray pedro de san antonio dies repentant, having given himself up to justice. a chief in bacoag orders his rice to be cooked with portions of a demolished crucifix, which in burning emits a different colored flame than ordinary wood, without being consumed. "four indians ate of the rice," but immediately burst. another crucifix thrown into the fire does not burn, and is rescued by a devout indian woman after one of the arms has been broken off, and is preserved as a precious relic by the father to whom she gives it.] there were many wild and barbarous people in the mountains of bacoag and bolor, who lived by theft and murder. many efforts had been made to reach those indians in order to reduce and punish them, but all failed. they were ruled by an indian named salimbong, a man of considerable wisdom, prudence, and understanding, who kept them very well in hand. the insurrection occurred, and while the ministers of the gospel were wandering about abandoned and afflicted, god consoled them with the conversion of that indian. it happened as follows: the father teacher, father fray lorenço de san facundo--freed now, as above related, from his prison--left bacoag in order to bury the dead, and get together the possessions that had remained in the convent. on the following day when the father reached the convent, the indian salimbong appeared to him with one hundred companions, and said that he was disabused of his errors and wished to become a christian. the religious, who knew his good understanding and wisdom, was surprised. he asked him many different questions in order to prove his spirit. he found salimbong ready, and baptized him and all his men. that conversion was cried far and wide and was of great use in the pacification of many villages, which with the protection of that indian will furnish much room for further work. [on june 22, 1632, a report is made before the archbishop ad interim, pedro de arce, of the murders of the recollect missionaries, and their other trials. two authorized copies are made of the report "one of which was presented to the royal council of the indias in the year 1635, and the other is preserved in the archives of the congregation of our convent at madrid."] [the following section (vii) is an account of the life and death of the first vicar-general of the order, geronimo de la resurreccion. chapter second is concerned with the order in japan and the martyrdoms of some of the workers there. in section ii occurs the following:] the blessed father fray francisco [de jesus] was not satisfied with giving spiritual life to those whom he was converting and baptizing [in japon], but he also gave them the girdle of our father st. augustine, making them confriars and religious of the fourth order (as the confriars of the said girdle are), [18] so that enlisted under the banner of so great a captain and doctor they might be armed to fight and to suffer even to the point of giving their lives to the lord who gave them rebirth in baptism. and from this circumstance it happened that the blessed father could write from the prison of bomurà in a letter to the father provincial of filipinas under date of october six, 1630, that more than three hundred confriars of the girdle had suffered, besides many others whom the observantine fathers have. the venerable father fray francisco de jesus also makes mention, in his letter written from nagay, of the island of hermosa, urging and entreating the father provincial to send religious there to found a convent in the island, by which to facilitate the road to japon, and help to those [missionaries] in that country. he was moved to ask that, because he had heard that the governor had gained possession of the island. we shall relate what happened in that particular now that we have the opportunity. the governor of filipinas, don alonso faxardo de tença, was considering that the dutch were infesting those seas and hindering the trade and commerce of manila and china. he thought that it would be expedient to seize the island of hermosa and fortify it, in order to check the depredations that the enemy were committing; for one can reach china from that island in one night. it was a good resolution, but don alonso faxardo died soon afterward, and the whole plan came to naught. the following year don fernando de silva went to govern the filipinas islands. he knew and approved the design of his predecessor, and prepared a fleet. in short, tracing out a plan on the ground, he established a city and a fort, with a garrison of three hundred spaniards. sites were assigned to the orders in manila, so that they could found convents. captain carreño took possession of ours. afterward, don juan niño de tabora began to govern, and as he considered the enterprise a good one, he tried to complete it. he prepared a fleet, and took religious so that they might establish their houses. two of ours went in company with admiral don andrès esqueta, namely, father fray antonio de la madre de dios, and his associate. but god did not choose that the enterprise should be carried out; for on the cape of boxeador a norther scattered the fleet, and the voyage ceased. then the dutch took the said island, to the sorrow of all, both as it was so important and because it was the first island of that archipelago that the spaniards have lost. [chapters iii, iv, and a portion of v, treat of recollect affairs in spain and america. chapter v contains the following in regard to the philippines:] ii our religious enter the islands of romblòn to preach the holy gospel. some of our rules are reformed by apostolic authority. this year [1635] our religious entered the islands of romblòn--or, as they are called, "las isletas" [i.e., "the islets"]. that district belonged to the seculars who were subject to the bishopric of zibù, and their beneficed incumbent was at that time francisco rodriguez the relator. [19] he, becoming weary of going about daily with his possessions on his back; and fleeing from the enemy, entered into negotiations with the father provincial of filipinas, fray joseph de la anunciacion, saying that he would give him that district in exchange for a suitable chaplaincy. those islands were a station and gateway, so to speak, for the visitas of the bisayas which were in our charge, and also in the path of the navigation from manila to zibù. the documents having been made ready, the father provincial sent father fray pedro de san joseph, alias de roxas. the island of romblòn is the chief place of that district, and as visitas it has the islands of zubuyàn, tablas, simara, bantòn and bantoncillo. the people are honest, pacific, docile, and very intelligent. they trade in the products of the land--oil, goats, swine, wine, and bonete [i.e., bonote]. they have a great abundance of domestic animals. they construct ships, build houses, and make other things of wood with great skill, all of which they take to manila, as well as to other places, to sell. consequently, as a rule, those who apply themselves to work are prosperous. all these things have a serious counterweight, namely, the enemy; for there is scarcely a year in which the enemy are not seen in that district, where they commit many depredations, burn villages and churches, and capture a great number of indians. that was experienced by the said father prior, fray pedro de san joseph, as soon as he took possession; for hearing that the enemy were coming, he had barely time to escape to the mountains, saving his person, but without time to save anything else. the enemy entered romblòn, sacked the village, burned the church and convent, captured a few persons, and then returned. those disasters are experienced nearly every year. amid such hardships do our religious administer the sacraments to the faithful, and subdue the infidels to the faith, exposing their lives valiantly for that purpose. [the remainder of this section concerns the change of rules allowed by pope urban viii (december 15, 1635).] [chapters vi and vii are occupied with the captivity and deaths of the recollect missionaries captured in 1636 by the moros, who attack the islands of cuyo and calamianes--which has been already related in previous volumes. a few extracts from luis de jesús's account are added here, as containing further information.] [pages 285-286:] the enemy, delighted at the capture of the fathers (which was their principal aim), tried to capture the religious of dinay under the pretense of peace, even commencing to treat for it. but their design having been discovered, the fathers retired to the mountain, and consequently, the enemy could capture no more than the things that could not be taken to the mountain with the fathers--a quantity of wax, a tribute paid by the natives to the encomenderos. they captured seven women and one man, and killed another from whom they learned that the fathers had retired. they went to look for them but did not find them. thence they went to other islands where they did what damage they could. at the end of six months, during which they were employed in pillaging considerable property, and in capturing more than six hundred and fifty persons, besides the old whom they killed because they were useless, the fleet returned quite at its leisure, committing all the depredations possible. the barbarians took the religious along naked and fed them on a trifle of dirty rice. their bed was a wretched mat without any other shelter, and they were exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and ill-treated by word and deed. sometimes they were offered wealth and beautiful women to abandon the faith. those were attacks by which the valor of the blessed fathers was proved, for their life was a continual martyrdom. but the soldiers of christ were happy, for they employed their lives in suffering for love of him. they preached the evangelical law to the barbarians and censured their vices and blindness. all that was the same as throwing wood on the fire of their fury, to make them devise means to conquer the strength of the invincible religious. [in chapter eighth are recounted the holy deaths of the three recollect fathers, fray juan de san antonio, fray francisco de santa monica, and brother fray francisco de la madre de dios, which occur in the year 1638. the first, a native of mexico who had professed in the manila convent, had been seized by one dato achen, of jolo, an adherent of corralat. after four years of cruel captivity, during which temptations of the flesh are offered him in order to make him deny the faith and he is subjected to all sorts of abuse, the father dies triumphant. the second father is killed by the moros in his convent of divail of which he was prior. the third recollect meets death from the sangleys whom he has severely censured in the island of cuyo.] [the ninth chapter is devoted to the conversion and christian life of clara calimàn, a native woman of the village of butuàn, who is given the rank of beata (beatas being women who live in religious retirement, although not known as nuns), by the recollects.] [the recollect juan de la concepción relates the uprising of the caragas (hist. de philipinas, v, pp. 163-179); but he follows luis de jesús very closely, doing little more than rewrite the latter's account. a few paragraphs from la concepción are here added.] 10. various councils were held in the fort of tandag, in order to decide upon the means and method of subduing and pacifying these insurgents; it was decided that it was necessary to take arms and to punish them. but they did not have sufficient forces for it, for the province was so thoroughly in rebellion, and so committed thereto by the murders of the fathers and spaniards. it was determined by unanimous vote to call on zebu for help, and father fray jacinto de san fulgencio went to obtain it. he informed the alcalde-mayor and commander of the fleet of pintados of the condition of the province of caraga--namely, that there were various squadrons of boats along the coasts to prevent help from being taken into the fort; and that the fort was now in the last extremity, and in danger of having to surrender because of hunger. the commander prepared a suitable fleet in quick order; he sent some excellent infantry, and gave the command of it to captain don juan de chaves. the above-mentioned father fray jazinto also embarked in the fleet. this armada was to keep the insurgents busy until more forces could be sent from manila, and the matter was reported to the captain-general there. 11. that fleet reached basuag, then a prominent coast village. the spaniards experienced the keenest sorrow at seeing so many corpses, already half decomposed; they stopped there to bury these, and then proceeded on their voyage and arrived at tandag. there they freed the presidio from its danger and those who were in it. then for a time they tried to pacify the people by mild means; but as soon as a suitable reënforcement arrived from manila, they immediately meditated punishment--especially on the principal leaders of the revolt, but pardoning in his majesty's name all those of the common people who presented themselves in submission. mangabo was included in that list and number; but the religious, bound to his cause, defended him with ardor, and interested themselves, as his children, so that their father should not be punished. the spaniards consented to it and pardoned him, and that pardon was of great service to the province of caraga. mangabo, dissuaded from his errors, and thankful for such benefits, was converted to our holy faith and received baptism. as he was so greatly feared throughout the country, that was quite sufficient to pacify the entire province, and the fugitives returned to their respective villages, which they formed as before. 12. noteworthy conversions followed at this juncture, the noise of arms. most exemplary punishments were seen and experienced from heaven on the aggressors, and singular portents in the profaned and destroyed images. an idolatrous indian, in sport of an image of the crucified christ, threw it into the fire; he observed with wonder that the fire, respecting the image, did not burn it. the barbarian took it from the fire and, buffeting it about, threw it down with great violence so that one of its arms was broken. a devout christian indian woman took the holy image, and kept it with great care. after the pacification she gave it to father fray jacinto to whom she gave a minute description of the affair. the father made a solemn investigation of it and many witnesses confirmed it and confessed her declaration to be true. the father took that holy christ to manila, the following year, and presented it to governor don juan niño de tavora. he received it with singular devotion and tenderness, and determined to replace it in its oratory with great ceremonies. father fray jazinto tried to get the governor first to repair the image and supply the missing arm by another. that most christian gentleman replied: "no, father, it must remain as it is for my confusion, since my sins treated him thus." with such pious and kind reflections did he excuse the impiety of the barbarians in actions so sacrilegious. presidios were erected and fortified, in order to keep the country pacified. thus through their fear of the soldiers, and with the punishments so present before their eyes, those villages were kept, and remain even to the present, in entire quiet. however, they have become much diminished because of the many natives who have withdrawn because of the severities and persecutions practiced by the moros, from which that province has suffered so much. [la concepción recounts (ut supra, pp. 360-391) the fortunes of the recollect missions in northern mindanao, especially in the region of lake lanao. his narrative is sufficiently different from that of luis de jesús to be given in full.] chapter xv wars and conquests in the lake of malanao 1. inland from the coast which faces bohol on the north of mindanao, and in the latter island, is located the lake of malanao. [20] its shape is triangular; one of its angles extends about four leguas eastward, another southward for three, and the third and longest of all, westward. its shores contain many small villages, where live about six thousand inhabitants, although united to them is the district of butig, with about two thousand warriors. through this route they communicate with the mindanaos, a circumstance which renders them formidable. the land is sterile, and yields no other products than rice and a few edible roots. their clothing is wretched, for cotton is scarce. all their textiles are of lanote, a sort of wild hemp--not that it is that plant, but it resembles it because of the fibers, which they obtain from a wild banana [i.e., abacá], to which they impart a blue color. this constitutes their greatest gala attire. heavy storms of wind and water are experienced on this lake, and are called mangas by sailors. [21] [here follows a description of this peculiar form of storm--the waterspout--which was much dreaded because of its fury and ravages.] this lake furnished much convenience to the mindanaos for their incursions, as the ports nearest to our islands were easily reached by it. for since the deep bay of panguil penetrates far inland, and is quite near their lands, they thus save many leguas of navigation--about one hundred--and a rough coast. with such activity do they make a jest of the efforts that were assured by the presidio of zamboangan, with their resort to more easy piratical raids. since the said presidio was of no use for this, it became necessary to devise another remedy. 2. for a complete understanding of the matter, we must make a considerable step backward. the augustinian recollects had been governed by vicar-provincials, who either selected certain appointed individuals, if the nominations did not arrive in time from españa, or had the latter put into execution when they came sufficiently beforehand. it was not a very stable government, nor the most suitable for their administrations, as it was not constituted in regular form as a province. this reform was obtained with the aid of his catholic majesty, and the recollects were erected into a congregation, having or being assigned a vicar-general as superior prelate. at that time the provinces were divided, and this province of philipinas was one of those which obtained the indult. they received their formal despatches and met in chapter, in which the first provincial elected was father fray onofre de la madre de dios, his election occurring february six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. this religious was a native of perpiñan in the county of rosellon, and a son of the convent of zaragoza. the recollects drew up their triennial acts or constitutions: namely, that the religious living in the missions should observe the regular rules of the convents, with matins at midnight, even should there be but one priest, that they should learn within one year the language of the natives to whom they minister; and that they may not receive guests into their convents, unless it be the governors, bishops, religious, and alcaldes-mayor. it was resolved that ministers should go to the district of bayug, and that they should extend their labors to the lake of malanao, which was a stronghold of heathendom, but great were the hopes inspired by their excellent arrangements. father fray juan de san nicolas, an invincible man and one accustomed to such labors, was chosen to forward the gospel there. he went to the village of bayug, where, gaining the good-will of the influential people, he was well received and treated with respect. one dolomoyon was, as it were, superior of all those natives. he was a man of excellent qualities, and immediately sent his children to learn the catechism. although he remained a heathen, he favored christianity greatly. the father went from that village to layavan, another settlement on the shore of another river that was located near by. there he did not find the same response, but the people were more obstinate in their heathen rites. that forced him to put forth greater efforts, in order to effect an establishment in that district. leaving the care of bayug to his companion, he went on to langaràn, a move that facilitated the conquest of the lake. 3. this aroused animosity in corralat, the prince of mindanao; for if that district were to be converted, he would be greatly hindered in his piratical raids. he began to harass the village of cagayan, so that the inhabitants could not go out freely to till their fields and care for their crops. consequently, the province of san nicolas established father fray pedro de san agustin [22] as missionary in that district. he was a person born for military undertakings. his native place was the city of valladolid and he was the son of portuguese parents. he had studied philosophy and theology at salamanca, but his inclination led him to read books of military deeds, in which his taste found a particular pleasure; and he became very expert in architecture, gunnery, and a great part of what is taught in military practice. he made use of these qualifications and talents by establishing and erecting the fort of linao in the province of caraga, an advanced outpost among the heathen and moros. its structure was well tested, for it resisted many assaults. he excellently instructed the indians whom he converted, in this natural method of defense, and its utility has been proved in its always having been preserved. then this father went, after the new election, to cagayan. that district had before been tributary to corralat, and the latter keenly resented its change of religion from that of its prince; therefore, he was always harassing them with wars and hostilities, in order to recover his power over them. as soon as father fray agustin assumed that charge, he exercised his skill in fortifying the village. he surrounded it with a stout stockade, well proportioned in its outlines, defending its curtains by communications of bulwarks. in the middle he raised another small redoubt, as a place of retreat in case of a sudden invasion. he disciplined the natives in the management of arms, and inspired them with courage, so that they should not turn coward in time of danger, or be intimidated by a multitude, which could not overcome them if they were thoroughly accustomed to firearms. in fact, they resisted excellently the surprises attempted by corralat, who attacked them often with many men, and obliged him to retire with heavy loss. 4. corralat in his pride keenly resented the stout resistance of so small a village, and resolved to invade it with superior forces. he sent a squadron of thirty large boats to attack it, with a force of two thousand moros who were to land; and he ordered that all the people of cagayan should be put to the sword. father fray agustin heard of that order through his spies, and he made extensive preparations for defense. he sent to caraga for aid, and they gave him six soldiers and one hundred indians. he drilled the indians in making sallies and in handling their arquebuses. the hostile fleet arrived in sight of the village, which awaited them very confidently and under arms. the moros disembarked, and attacked the village, but experienced resistance that they had not expected. they attempted to make assaults by various places, but everywhere found the same vigilance and defense. seeing the impossibility [of taking the village], and that they had lost a considerable number of men in the assaults, they resolved to retire in order. as soon as father fray agustin perceived that, he sallied forth with his indians, sword in hand. he attacked them, courageously and caused the retreat to become a disorganized rout, in which but very few escaped. thus the father gained a complete victory out of almost universal ruin. corralat could not contain himself when he heard of the loss. his wrath was all concentrated against the father, and he planned to seize him by means of ambushes. the brave minister was not unaware of this, and well did he look after the safety of the village, and especially that of his own person, inasmuch as he was beset with so many snares, and as he had to do generally with a treacherous race. his duties obliged him to go to visit his parishioners who were scattered in various adjoining villages. the malanaos, who were vassals of corralat, and whom the latter had prepared to attack the village, improved their opportunity. they succeeded in entering the village at a point where the sentinels were careless. many indians were killed in the surprise, the sacristy was profaned, and the enemy pillaged as much as possible, until the invaded villagers, aroused, were able, by rallying their men, to repel the foe with arms. father fray agustin grieved greatly over that reverse. at his return he hastened to repair the havoc committed against divine worship, and to render the village still more strongly fortified, so that it might remain free from such surprises. the people themselves desired to obtain satisfaction from those of the lake. indians of courage were selected, and they went to invade the enemy in their own land, in order to take vengeance on them for their treacherous insults. they found no opposition on their march. one village was sacked and burned, and sufficient booty was found there to recompense the losses of cagayan. they returned to the latter village without having received any hurt, and the lake of malanao was left so intimidated that that enemy never returned to cagayan during the rule of father fray agustin. 5. those raids could not be very much to the liking of the jesuit fathers, in whose district was comprehended the lake of malanao. their affairs in dapitan and zamboangan having been made safe by this time, they set their hearts on the possession of that lake. they could not complain of the introduction of the recollect fathers, since they themselves had abandoned all that lake and left it without ministers. to this end they inspired governor corcuera with the idea of one adequate expedition, in order to finish once for all, if possible, with the moros--or at least to check their pride, which was occasioning so much trouble to the islands. he charged the commander almonte, for that purpose, to withdraw all his operations from corralat and from the king of bubayen with his fleet, in order to undertake the invasion of the lake. the jurisdiction at iligan and dapitan was in charge of captain don francisco de atienza y vañez, a gentleman from toledo, and one very useful for such enterprises as he was a tried warrior. the expedition of malanao was entrusted to him. he was to make it by means of soldiers from his presidios and indians from his province. by virtue of those orders, he chose fifty good soldiers and eight hundred volunteer caragas of courage. as father fray agustin (whom his military prowess had gained the sobriquet of "padre capitan") was famous because of his deeds, the alcalde-mayor, in order to ensure the success of his measures, decided to take the father in his company, that he might avail himself of all his experience. the father had gone to butuan, where he was in charge when these orders arrived with don francisco de atienza. the latter broached his plans to the father, to which the father immediately agreed, as it fitted so well his martial spirit. 6. between the two, the means most suitable for the expedition were discussed; and they agreed that the force prepared was sufficient to subdue all the lake. since it is navigable, and its banks are swampy and cut up by more than fifty rivers, the undertaking would have to be conducted on the water. consequently, it was determined to construct six boats, [each] capable of holding fifty or one hundred men, which were to be carried in sections on the shoulders of the men, until they reached a point where they could be made effective, where they could be put together easily and quickly. they made haste in this mode of construction, and went with all that equipment to the village of bayog. they resolved to follow the way to balooy--a path indeed more severe and more tedious; however, that seemed more suitable to them, for the way by that route led through the villages of friends. although they were only neutrals, their own advantage did not fail to concur in this expedition. dato dolo moyon, filled with passion to revenge an intended marriage which had been repelled with contempt by the inhabitants of the lake, joined them. that union was very pleasing to our people, for it brought them additional arms and men, and gave them a retreat and sufficient aid in that dato's village. at that place their march was retarded by showers of rain. the malanaos abandoned their individual interests, and united for the common defense to the number of about six thousand armed men. they were not without some few firearms. the stay of our men in balooy caused many of the malanaos to abandon the camp, as being a people suddenly collected without any preparation for their maintenance; and without pay it is difficult, if not impossible, to keep those people a considerable time in the field and under military discipline. noting that desertion, the chiefs of the lake sent their ambassadors to our camps, who offered the captain some wretched presents in the name of the assembly of their chiefs. the ambassadors, treating in order the matters with which they were charged, asked the spaniards to go back, and said that they were proposing those expedients quietly and in a friendly spirit, in order to avoid greater damages; for, should the spaniards try to tempt fortune by pressing forward, only a remnant of their men would escape death, and the undertaking would be costly and disgraceful. the captain answered them frankly and discreetly that it was better to die at their hands, for that would be an honored death, than dishonorably to retain life by retreating like cowards. he advised them to look closer to their own interests, in time, and to decide whether it was more useful to them to secure these in a friendly way, or to sacrifice them for their liberty. by this reply the malanaos understood the firm resolution of the spaniards, and that it meant their ultimate destruction. they discussed the matter in council; and the opinions were various; some believed in submission, others in liberty. the former urged a compliant submission until such time as, the danger having been removed, they could throw off their subjection without so much risk. others did not approve such astute schemes; for, if the spaniards were to gain control of the lake, they would establish and build presidios there, and would have war craft on it, with which they would entirely rule the natives, at their own pleasure. they said that it was more important to resist than to allow their entrance. that dilatory resolution gave our troops time, so that they came in sight of the lake on april four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-nine, avoiding the passes which the enemy had fortified. the latter did not dare to lose sight of the lake, in order that they might have a safe retreat with their boats when assaulted. that precaution was of use to our people; for, when the moros were discovered by our men, and attacked, they abandoned their camp and many arms, and fled in their boats. 7. thereupon our captain atienza put his portable fleet together, which he made navigable in twenty-four hours. he went to attack several boats, which were keeping to leeward under the shelter of a fort; but scarcely did they perceive themselves to be attacked, when they fled to the shore and abandoned their canoes. our men burned the only village on that coast, by name vato. the night caused them to retire; but on the following day, making use of the abandoned boats, to about the number of forty, they turned their prows toward the most populous shores. peaceful ambassadors went out to meet them, and offered submission in tribute and vassalage. our captain accepted that surrender, and suspended the rigors of war. in execution of it, the registration of the inhabitants was immediately undertaken; and fifty villages, governed by four datos or chiefs, subject to corralat were listed. they all rendered obedience to the king of españa, and there was declared in the list to be two thousand and nine families. the number of families was much greater, but the registration was not carried on with exact rigor, our commander purposely displaying mildness with a cloak of tolerance, to those who hid their numbers. the agreement regarding the tribute was made, leaving to the supreme governor the decision of the amount and kind. they were not to receive preachers, masters, or pundits of the mahometan religion; but were to receive preachers of the evangelical law, and to erect churches for the ceremonies of the christians and the true worship. as surety for all the above, they gave as hostages their brothers and children, who were to be sent to manila. 8. in consequence of these treaties, holy baptism was administered by the recollect fathers (who were the only chaplains) to more than two hundred persons. their administration--together with that of other old-time christians, who had been made about the said lake through the zeal of those religious--was taken charge of by the minister of bayug. father fray agustin was of the opinion that a fort ought to be constructed at a suitable site on that lake, in order to obviate the easy danger of an insurrection from people so perfidious, and that it should be well supplied with the necessities; but that, if that was not done, the expedition was without any result. for, as soon as the spaniards retired, corralat would immediately hasten up to their relief, and stir up the malanaos; and, as they were defenseless and inclined to revolt, that would be obtained without much resistance. it was most important [said the father] to have there an established force and ministers. such delay was not pleasing to the spaniards; and accordingly, as superior orders were lacking, they excused themselves. thereupon, the fleet resolved to retire, taking with them seventeen christian captives, and redeeming some sacred ornaments. they took from the people their firearms--five versos and thirty-seven arquebuses and muskets--thinking that by that means peace was a settled thing. 9. before leaving the lake, captain atienza sent a despatch to general almonte, who was commanding officer of all the conquest, informing him of his successful enterprise. almonte, in order to take possession of the new jurisdiction, and to assure more completely the submission of the natives, sent a troop of seventy spaniards and five hundred visayans under charge of sargento-mayor don pedro fernandez de el rio, and, under the latter's orders, captain juan de heredia hermastegui. that commandant crossed the lands of corralat, being opposed by the fierce nation of butig, and forcing a passage with his arms at the cost of many lives of the enemy. captain atienza met him with his whole squadron, whereupon the malanaos, seeing so many spaniards upon them, were even more intimidated; they gave more security for their agreements, and the registration proceeded more effectively. father pedro gutierrez came with the troop of sargento-mayor don pedro; and he gave notice that that conquest belonged to the society, and that the recollect fathers had meddled in it. but the latter had been given sufficient title for their introduction into that conquest by the inattention of the jesuits, besides the fact that for that same reason, they had been given spiritual jurisdiction by the bishop of zebu. if the jesuits were occupied in greater undertakings, they ought to have abandoned those which they considered less profitable to the care of those religious [i.e., the recollects] who did not pay so much attention to these considerations of advantage. the fact that such territories were without ministers would influence the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arze; and he would give them rightly to those who would occupy them, notwithstanding the great anxiety of the society for the absolute possession of mindanao. that desire does not give them the right, nor the fact that st. francis xavier had been in the island--although this latter is not made sufficiently clear, for the time when [he was there] does not appear from his voyages, nor does the reason appear from his letters. the same reasons would lead the royal audiencia to give the possession when it was governing. why, if they were so importunate to govern the island and declared such to be their right, did they not fill it with ministers? now, indeed, father gutierrez came forward, and asked the sargento-mayor for the possession of the lake, and the latter gave it to him in the name of his governor. thereupon, the father having taken possession of it, returned to mindanao on the third day with the sargento-mayor, who also went back to his general quarters. captain don francisco de atienza fortified the village of bayug with stockades, left his adjutant to defend it, and retired to his province of caraga. 10. father fray agustin greatly regretted that the result of a so fortunate expedition should be solely entrusted to the heathenism of those barbarians, who upon seeing themselves free from subjection to the presidio that was planned and proposed, would undoubtedly reclaim their liberty; and would strongly arm themselves to defend it, and the conquest would be more serious and difficult. he would be no less influenced by the way in which he had been despoiled of that administration by the hurried possession taken by father gutierrez, who uselessly fatigued his majesty's troops for this purpose. these interests moved him to undertake a trip to manila, accompanied by several malanao chiefs. they presented themselves to the governor, and requested aid against the forces and approaches of corralat, saying that these could only be restrained by a well-garrisoned fort, which could protect those who should submit and render obedience; but that without this provision all things were in danger. the reports of captain atienza, who desired to assure his glorious results, confirmed these representations. the governor was delighted at prostrating so hostile enemies, and did not delay in the provision for all that looked toward such an end. he immediately agreed to the establishment of the presidio, and determined to send troops for its garrison and defense. the representations of the jesuits prevented that expedition, for they alleged that the spiritual administration of malanao belonged to them, as it was included in the territory granted to them with sufficient formalities; that the introduction of the recollect fathers therein was an intrusion to be condemned; that no right was conceded to the latter because malanao, as well as the villages of its immediate neighborhood, had been deserted by its ministers, as they [i.e., the jesuits] had been occupied in greater undertakings; and that they would attend to it at present, as they had a supply of ministers. a formal verbal process proceeded, and the jesuits obtained a favorable decision. thereupon, the province of san nicolas was excluded from the lake, from bayug, layavan, and langaran. consequently, father fray agustin betook himself again to his mission of butuan, and the chiefs his companions to the lake--sad and furious at not having obtained the concession of those fathers, for whom they had (and even to our times) preserved a great affection and love. the last representation in which they begged the same thing from the superior government was in the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty; but it was not conceded to them, as it was territory granted to the society; and the latter always resisted such a change, notwithstanding that the demarcation was very doubtful. 11. corcuera determined, after the hostilities had been quieted, that the infantry captain don pedro bermudez de castro should go with fifty spaniards and five hundred indians from bohol, to fortify the lake, and preserve what had been gained; or to employ themselves in its recovery, if it had suffered any disturbances. the governor gave the captain the hostages who had been detained to assure confidence, after having treated them kindly and given them presents, in order that the surrender might be more voluntary. the jesuit fathers went with that contingent of troops, the superior being father diego patiño, and his associate father gregorio belin. they accompanied captain vermudez to the lake to make the fortification that had been determined, and the permanent presidio wherever it should prove most suitable. they did not find the lake so peaceful as captain atienza had left it. the natives thought of nothing less than the subjection and the tribute paying of vassalage; and as soon as they had recovered from the fright into which that invasion had thrown them, then they overthrew all the crosses and burned the small buildings that had served as churches. their fury was still more excited when the chiefs returned without the beloved pledges of the hostages who had been given up; for, considering these already dead or captive, they burned to avenge them. that fury was somewhat assuaged when the new troop gave them their brothers and children, who spread abroad the kindness of the governor. but that was not sufficient to overcome the course of their mistrust; they were somewhat appeased, but all was only pretense, in order to conceal their hostile minds. they tried to quiet our suspicions, and showed themselves repentant for what had happened. they aided with their labor as far as necessary in the building of the fort, but their falsity was soon apparent. suddenly they suspended their aid and failed in their intercourse as friends, and busied themselves in the preparation of obstacles and injury [to our people]. their former decision had been rebuked by corralat; and he, being an astute man, told them that such submission was arrant nonsense, and he brought forward cogent arguments, which excited their fears and distrust. he told them that they did not know to what that surrender bound them, and that it was nothing else than a toilsome slavery under the domination of the spaniards. he bid them look at the nations subjected to us, and these would be seen to be reduced to extreme misery. let them contemplate the tagálogs and the visayans, whom any spaniard whatever could trample under foot; and if they were not of better stuff than these, they must not expect better treatment. they would be obliged to row, to toil at the shipbuilding, and on other public works, and would only experience severe treatment in doing these. with these commonplace arguments, and without reflecting on the tyrannical dominion of corralat, the latter reduced those unhappy creatures to the last stage of desperation. he offered to give them his aid, and to employ the strength of his kingdom in their defense--[saying that] even if the spaniards were successful, it meant only the loss of harvests for one year, but that they would obtain their liberty at that small cost. all found it advisable. manindin, the petty king of butig, recognized that, if the spaniards were masters of the lake, his authority was in danger. corralat, surrounded in all parts, and pressed by our arms, beheld his greatness very much reduced to a very few leguas of coast. it was important to him that the diverted undertakings should have no effect in any part, so that time and expenses should cause them to desist. consequently, these chiefs so stirred up those of the lake that they agreed to resist with all their power. 12. they carried their agreement into execution, and attacked the fort with so great fury that they imagined that they were going to defeat the spaniards completely. they besieged the fort with all the severity of war. they made their circumvallation, which they set with stakes and ravelins at intervals, for the defense of their precincts. the fort was then half-finished, and the captain rallied as well as he could to its defense. he met the necessity as a prudent and valiant man, so that he obliged the natives to try other artifices. they built upon the lake some high towers on rafts, which they moored with a rattan cable, which held an anchor that was fastened to the ground, which they were able to do easily under cover of the night. they had another cable, arranged similarly, across the lake. with the first one, without any possibility of their being discovered, they hauled or pulled until they reached the proper position, whence they could discharge their firearms with effect. that being done, they retired beyond the range of the fort to load their pieces, and then returned to the combat with the same industry. the operation of bomb-vessels in the bombardment of any city or castle is no different. it is an ingenious invention, but not without great risk. although truly those small castles built upon the rafts were very ingenious, they could not be of great resistance. neither can we persuade ourselves that our artillery would remain quiet; and even if it did, the moro scheme was very imperfect, because they accomplished nothing by such artifice. the captain and his men resisted valiantly, and unceasingly. but they were afflicted by another most invincible enemy, namely, the lack of provisions. if the malanaos were to continue in their obstinacy, they would at last conquer the spaniards through hunger. however, the continual fatigue by day and night was not inconsiderable, and must necessarily at the last sap their forces, and even first finish them all; for the bombardment was killing some of them. 13. such reflections forced the spaniards to have recourse to other avenues. they sent a despatch to caraga to the alcalde-mayor, and another to butuan to father fray agustin, asking them to aid them in that conflict without delay. the more significant despatch was that from father belin to the father at butuan. in it he declared that it was impossible to endure, and that those at that lake would all perish. he begged the father for god's sake, for whom he had sacrificed himself to reduce and conquer it, to aid them with the greatest force of that district; for their remedy consisted in his reverence. he said that the enemy had captured three boats from them, and, all the roads to the beach being cut off, it was impossible to get help in. one who attempted to bring help had been cut off by so great a force of butig and of the men of corralat, in an ambush of more than four thousand moros, who threw the rearguard and the vanguard into disorder; and that the father himself had gone out when they heard the shots, with men to protect the convoy. with his aid the moros were put to flight after having killed some spaniards and men of bojol. by that means they succeeded in getting some loads of rice into the fort, enough to supply them for a month if they only had one meal per day. but so great a multitude of moros were coming to take part in the blockade that, if he did [not] succor them, it was impossible for them not to perish. "father," said he, "let your reverence forget your grievances; and i give you my word, on my profession [i.e., as a priest], to so influence the governor and my order that your reverence and your holy associates will obtain what you have so labored for. consider the honor of the king of españa, the obligations with which you were born, and the charity which obliges you on this occasion to come to the succor of this troop, unfortunate in not having merited your reverence's company. without it, surely, captain don francisco would not have had the good fortune that he had and obtained, although he opposed leaving a presidio here. father, there is danger in delay. i petition your reverence, for the love of god and that of his mother, and i hope for a great aid from all, etc. march nine, one thousand six hundred and forty. your reverence's servant, gregorio belin" 14. this despatch reached butuan at a time when the alcalde-mayor, atienza, was there. each one received his letter. attentive to the urgency of the danger, they arranged a speedy relief expedition. the "padre capitan," fray agustin, and the alcalde-mayor set out in that expedition with what men they could gather on the spur of the moment, marching across mountains and conquering innumerable difficulties, at the cost of immense hardships. finally, they reached their destination, making a jest of the passes filled with the enemy when they came within sight of the besieged presidio. the fort was so beset that its occupants no longer had any hopes of relief; for the moros, seeing their inventions of the rafts frustrated, arranged on land some strong carts mounted on four wheels, which they filled with straw and dry grass. they pushed these carts near the fort, and setting fire to that combustible material, continued their bombarding under cover of that heavy smoke. that would have proved so offensive to the besieged, and much worse had the fire caught the fort, that they would have been obliged to burn or surrender. but before those contrivances were finished, the universal hunger which was weakening their stomachs was proving more cruel than they; for the magazines contained only wine for the masses, and hosts. they determined to take the last communion, and to give up their lives to such ravage, on the twenty-ninth day of so desperate a siege. the sight of the two captains rejoiced the fort. they undertook to break up the siege. arranging their troops in order and drawing them up in military array, they attacked sword in hand, and with so great valor and spirit that they caused the position to be evacuated in less than two hours, and freed that presidio, which was well near its ruin, from all the enemy. 15. once masters of themselves, the spaniards discussed a bloody vengeance. they fitted up a boat, together with the other one that they had captured. then sailing out on the lake, they were joined by some large boats, so that they formed a considerable squadron, with which they attacked the settlements. those settlements were deserted, because all had taken to the mountains, after ruining their houses and destroying their fields. it was a warning, to all, of the little advance that the war made when they thus yielded the field to the soldiers. captain vermudez, having been despatched, finished burning and destroying the little that had remained. in order not to expose the troops to another and more severe siege, he considered that expense and fatigue as a useless thing, and determined to retreat, and with those arms and stores to fortify bayug. he left the arrangement of it to the skill of father fray agustin, who so conducted the retreat in the marches of the men and in the transportation of the artillery, that he did not lose a single man, although there were ambushes and dangerous passes. for so brilliant a feat, father belin and captains atienza and vermudez compared him in their letters to the heroes most renowned in valor and military skill, so much did they accredit his conduct. had it not been a scheme of the jesuits, these achievements would have led to his remaining with captain vermudez; and the fort would have been completed, and his fame alone would have subdued these moros. but the jesuits caused such troubles that the well-planned and extensive arrangements of the superior government were of none effect. therefore he descended to the seashore with all the men, and they erected a fort upon the bar of the river of iligan. the men of the garrison were left in charge of adjutant francisco alfaro, a man of valor and experience, who was accustomed to fighting with the moros. captain vermudez returned to manila to make a full report of occurrences to the governor, and the necessity of the final decision. the matter rested at this point for the time being. news from filipinas, 1640-42 a true account by the discalced religious of the convent of st. francis of filipinas, to be sent to the reverend fathers and superiors of the order; containing in substance all that happened in those parts and in japon from the month of june, 1640 to the twenty-sixth of july in 1641. notable miracles; glorious martyrdoms; discoveries of new provinces, rich and fertile; likewise news from the governor of terrenate, and other matters. the japanese have expelled from their kingdom all the portuguese of macan who were there trading, notifying them that they were not to return, under pain of death and loss of property. it seemed to the portuguese of macan that japon would change its decree if they carried assurance from filipinas that no religious would be sent to japon. with this embassy prominent persons came to manila, in the name of the city of macan, to whom the archbishop, the governor, and all the authorities and religious orders conceded, if not all that was asked, at least what seemed to them sufficient for the purpose. this probably would have been satisfactory, had the disposition of the people of macan been consistent; but while the question of what ought to be done was still being debated in manila, they, without waiting for the final decision, departed for japon (so the fullest account says). upon arriving in that country, the japanese inflicted death, which is regarded as that of martyrs, upon sixty or more persons who sailed the ship of the embassy, burning them and the goods that they carried. thirteen or fourteen persons of the most ordinary class were spared, that they might carry the news to macan. thus was closed the traffic which that city had with japon, which kept macan alive and to which it owed its existence. in the year 41 on the fourth of january, at nine o'clock in the morning, in all parts of these islands, the noise in the air of musketry, artillery, and war drums was very distinctly and clearly heard; and in whatever town or place it was heard, it seemed to be about half a legua distant. this has given much cause for reflection, because, although they say there has been a loud noise from a volcano which was in a state of eruption in the kingdom of mindanao, [23] that does not seem to be a satisfactory explanation. since the various parts of the islands are so distant and separated, and the wind must necessarily carry the sound to some parts, and drive it away from others, it does not seem possible for the sound to be alike everywhere. among the common people it is considered a prodigy, and causes not a little dread--especially on account of the sangley still being exasperated at the deaths and punishment of his people in the insurrection of last year; and because the said sangleys have made friends with the dutch, who are powerful in these parts by the seizure of malaca. [24] during the month of may of this year, news arrived from reliable source that the said city of malaca had been taken--some say through famine [of the besieged]; while others say it would not have been taken had there not been traitors within the city, who delivered it up. this was a great loss; and in writing of it the governor of terrenate, don francisco suarez de figueroa says: paragraph from the letter of the governor of terrenate "the latest news is that the enemy, the dutch, have conquered malaca with twenty-five ships, with which they surrounded it. some slanderers say that the enemy could not have taken it had there not been traitors within who delivered it up--and i understand that it was known who they were, through letters by certain persons from macazar who went to that city. this is the greatest loss that has been suffered in these parts. it is also said that by august next twenty-five ships will come here, and that they are to go to manila; of this i am notifying the governor, that he may exercise vigilance. it is very necessary to strengthen the defenses of the fort at hilohilo, and to garrison it with a hundred men, as it is there that the enemy goes first before sailing to manila." thus writes the governor of terrenate. paragraph from the letter of father fray antonio de santa maria in regard to the fears that were prevalent, father antonio de santa maria, lecturer in theology and a trustworthy religious, wrote from macan the following paragraph: "during the month of august last it was said in m [blank space in original; probably "macao that a"] grand mandarin of war, yguan by name, intended to go to manila to avenge the deaths of his countrymen. he was a notable pirate, but is now said to be a friend of the dutch, though he formerly gave battle to them and sometimes burned their ships. he has with him a number of negroes, fugitives from macan, who understand very well the management of firearms. it would not be a mistake to be on the lookout for them, and be supplied with provisions and munition, because the dutch are very arrogant. in china they have lost their fear of the spaniards; and filipinas, when i left there, were without men or vessels. thus it would be seen that this colony is actively threatened from all parts and has great reason for fear. with the insurrection and war of the sangleys, and with the previous wars in mindanao and joló, the largest and best part of the troops were destroyed; and those who were left are occupied in many garrisons." here ends the quotation from the letter of fray antonio. the three dutch ships which, the governor of terrenate wrote, had started for these islands about the eighth of april, arrived at the embocadero and cape of espiritu santo on the twenty-seventh of said month; and thus far we know not whether they have set out from there. on the other hand, daily advices come of the great vigilance with which they scour those waters in various parts, in order to seize the ships that are going or coming from nueva españa--for which purpose they have a patache which goes ten leguas to sea in the direction of the parallel of eleven and one-half degrees, which is the route by which the ships [from nueva españa] must come. they also have others, five or six lanchas or small boats, with which they run from place to place in order to give warning to the galleons that are in port. while this colony was in the distress that this emergency must cause, our lord was pleased to bring the ship from nueva españa this year, miraculously, from among its enemies without their seeing it. it made port outside the embocadero, at a place called borongan, on the second of july this year; and on the nineteenth of the said month a spaniard arrived in this city with a letter from a father of the society, in which he announced that the ship had arrived that day. he said that it came with don n. pacheco as commander and that the commander who went from here had died; and that many of our religious were coming, and others of st. augustine. thus and thus writes the said father of the society, because another had written it to him; it is now one week that we have been waiting for the packets and advices, and today, the twenty-sixth of july, we have no news of a soul that had been aboard the ship, nor even a letter from that place. our perplexity begins anew, and some even doubt whether the ship has reached land. if it has arrived, god brings this city help, which will be a great defense for the future. and if on account of our sins it may not arrive, little hope is entertained for aid if the enemy come; and much more is he to be feared should he ally himself with the sangleys. may god prevent this, as he can. another paragraph from the letter of father fray antonio de santa maria "they say also that the following prodigies have occurred in the kingdom of china. in pequin, where the court is, they say there was a dense darkness for the space of three days; cinders rained in other parts. the earth gushed forth blood, and a quantity of it was caught in vases. a bell in one of their temples rang of its own accord; and the rocks, when struck with blows, sounded like the beat of drums. two or three towns, not many days' journey from macan, were swallowed up by the earth with their people and buildings. and even now in another town, not far from there, they say that serpents are coming out of the sea--very large and hideous, with horns--and with their assault they overthrow the buildings and houses, and slay the people; and that returning to the water they again come out, make a capture, and immediately return to the sea." besides the above-mentioned news from japon concerning our religious, the said father fray antonio, while drawing up authentic information on behalf of our order, writes in his letter the following paragraph: "in the year 1637, they also say, there were in japon some three or four religious of the order of st. francis who traveled through that country to the remotest regions of the kingdom on the far north, to a province of the said kingdom of japan called canga. [25] it is said that the emperor commanded that the tono, or petty king, of that province be notified that he should be most vigilant and careful that no christian whatever should enter his lands; and that he responded to the emperor that quiet reigned in his territory, and that there was no necessity to treat his vassals harshly. this petty king, they say, is an uncle or relative of the true king of japon, who has disappeared. [26] this i saw in one of the relations written by the portuguese there in japon." i have just completed the official statements regarding our martyrs, and have finished transcribing them; two copies of them i send now, the other i will carry or send to your lordship. the martyrs of whom this report is made are: fray luys gomez, fray gabriel, fray juan torrilla, fray gines de quesada, and fray geronimo de la cruz--who is that japanese priest who, when i came from spain, was in that church of the japanese (in our war of dilao [27]) at the side of, or a little behind the well. the holy fray luys gomez is one of those who in former years were summoned by the emperor in order to question them about our holy faith; he was eighty-four years of age and had spent forty in japon. he died hanged in a cave, head down, with two japanese helpers [dogicos], in company with father sebastian viera, and four other native helpers of theirs. in the official account which the society drew up about their father, our fray luys is also included. the holy fray gabriel de la madalena, or fonseca, after having suffered the torture of hot water was burned alive, in company with fray geronimo, a japanese, in the little cottage of the latter, on the third of september, 1632; fray luis, on the sixth of june, 1634. marvelous things, enough to fill a large book are related of fray gabriel. it is common knowledge that when he prayed he was many times raised above the ground, and that he often disappeared for a time from the eyes of those present. from various small herbs that he gathered he made medicines, with which he wrought miraculous cures. while he was being burned, they say, he rose in the air two cubits [codos], and while praying in the mountains this was an ordinary occurrence. besides the conversions in china and japon, the lord has revealed, through the medium of his servants the sons of our father saint francis, another and by no means small multitude of people who desire with all sincerity to receive holy baptism, and to attain the knowledge of the truth--regarding whom the governor of terrenate already mentioned says, in the following paragraph taken from one of his letters: paragraph from the letter of the governor of terrenate "father fray juan iranço, [28] who is in manados, [29] states, in a letter which he has written to me, that there have been discovered more than fifty villages, large and small; that the people are numerous, for, counting men, women, and children, they number more than fifteen thousand. in this estimate he falls short, for the spaniards who are there have told me that there are more than a hundred thousand souls, who desire to be christians. in this connection i wrote to the governor last year, but his lordship did not answer me in regard to this, nor about many things which i have written concerning the government. reverend father, for the love of god, agitate this with the governor, and send religious. the soil is fertile, the people are extremely industrious, of stout build, and white. rice and other grains abound. i am now sending a champan with twelve spaniards, and a religious of the order to accompany and aid father juan iranço. the latter sent thirteen or fourteen indian chiefs of manados, in order that they might return to him as christians; they were baptized in this convent of san antonio, and are now returning in this champan. they made a great feast on the day when they were baptized, dressing themselves with their shirts arranged after the spanish fashion. all this, and the conversion of manados and tabuca, have been very fully described by father fray francisco chavarria and the other religious who are here and in manados and tacuba, to whom i refer as being religious of exemplary life." this is a summary of the information from here, concerning the conversions as well as the state of these islands. may god our lord dispose all things as best pleases him, for his greater glory and for the good of all christianity. (transcribed from the original letter in ciudad de los angeles [i.e., puebla de los angeles, in mexico].) all this country has been afflicted, not only by the great drouth that prevails--for there has been no rain for eight months, which occasions excessive heat; and the rice, the usual food in this country, cannot be sown, and a great famine is feared--but because four dutch ships are in the passage through which comes the succor from mexico, the soldiers, silver, and other supplies; and as news [of the galleon] did not come, some misfortune was feared. but on the thirteenth of july god was pleased that it should make port in safety, leaving the dutchmen hoaxed; it did not arrive at the port of cavite, but at another, at a distance of three days' journey by land, and it could not reach cavite until september. with the ship came the news of the revolutions in portugal and cataluña, a very unfortunate and dangerous affair. the portuguese who were here from macan went to the governor, and on the part of that city rendered anew obedience to king filipo fourth (whom may god preserve). they declared that in no event would they accept the portuguese revolt, and that, in case india joined the said rebellion, they would always desire to remain under the protection of castilla; and documents to this effect were drawn up in due form. may god be pleased to quiet those great tumults, and give peace to christian people! the usual enemy from mindanao, burney, jolo, and camucon, did not inflict any damage on the islands this year, because they did not sally out in force; but much trouble is feared for the coming year, on which account negotiations for peace are being conducted with the mindanaos. for, although we have four forts in that island, it is so large that its people go out to plunder without our being able to stop them entirely. joló is now at peace, for which much aid was rendered by father francisco colin, provincial of the society, who went to visit those islands; but i do not know whether the peace will last. the christian villages of mindanao and jolo are very gradually being brought to a peaceable condition; and as those people are devoted moors [i.e., mahometans], the gospel makes little headway among them. nevertheless, there are some conversions all the time; and at least the children will be good christians. [here follow reports of the news from the other countries named in the title.] this is a summary of the matters of which i have present information. manila, july 25, 1642. [30] decree regarding the indians the king. to don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: i commanded the issue of a decree of the following tenor: "the king. to don sevastian hurtado de corcuera [here follow his titles as above], or to the person or persons in whose charge the government may be: it has been noticed in my royal council of the yndias that the indian natives of the province of pampanga, those of camarines, and the tagálogs have rendered service, and still do so, with much affection and loyalty, ever since they were first conquered, without any of them having rebelled; that they serve in war together with the spaniards, with extraordinary vigilance; and that they likewise serve in that city [i.e., manila] as oarsmen and pioneers, on all occasions when armed fleets are equipped, with both their persons and their property--especially the pampangos and the tagálogs. and because it is just that they should know how much i value their fidelity and watchfulness, i have thought best to ordain and command to you (as i do) that, since these things are so, you shall be especially mindful of the said indians of the three provinces above mentioned, and give them much encouragement, for this purpose summoning their chief men--in order that they may always continue to serve me with the same zeal, fidelity, and affection as they have hitherto displayed. dated at madrid on the fifteenth of july in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon" and now on the part of don juan grau y monfalcon, permanent procurator-general for that city of manila, he has reminded me that by the decree here inserted i commanded that you should summon the headmen of the indian natives of those islands, and in my royal name thank them for the willingness with which they have always aided my royal service, as is more fully set forth in the said decree; and that more than ten thousand of them served me on the occasion of the sangley insurrection, with much valor and good-will, seconding the citizens of that city. he declares that they deserve that i should reward them, in order to encourage them to continue their service when occasion shall offer; and entreats that i will be pleased to command the issue of a decree giving them much praise, since it is very desirable to give them prompt encouragement, that they may also serve and conduct themselves with so great loyalty and faithfulness in other so pressing emergencies. he asks that you will relieve them, and exempt them from some of the many burdens that they carry; for thus they will be encouraged to render me service. the matter having been discussed in my royal council of the yndias, considering how just it is to honor, favor, and reward them, in order that they may render greater and more willing obedience to all that shall be ordered to them for my service, i command that you immediately summon the headmen of the indians, and make known to them in my behalf the esteem that i have for them personally for the courage, affection, and good-will with which they have rendered assistance when emergencies have arisen, and especially in the sangley insurrection, by which i consider myself well served. you shall give them thanks for this, and favor and reward them in all possible ways, endeavoring to secure their relief, convenience, and comfort. such is my will; and i shall especially appreciate all that you shall accomplish for their relief and honor. dated at çaragoça, on the twenty-fourth of october in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-two. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon signed by the council. formosa lost to spain brief relation of the loss of the island of hermosa; of the strength and puissance which the dutch enemy now has in those parts of yndia; and of his designs and intentions after having made peace with the portuguese, and having therefore ceased to wage war against them in those regions of yndia. it is well known that it is the great desire of the dutch enemy, which he has always had, to make himself master of yndia and its riches, in order with these to continue and push forward his revolt [against spain], and to encourage attacks against the armies of the king our sovereign--who so justly wages war against the dutch, in order to bring down their arrogance and destroy their wild heresies. these desires have been very evident, since they have set themselves to the task, and--god permitting this for our sins--have already seized much territory in yndia; and hardly is there a coast in that country where they have not settled and fortified themselves, enjoying its riches. in especial, they have now, in recent years, seized the city of malaca, a port and passage that is necessary and very useful for going from yndia to great china and japon; and in ceilan [i.e., ceylon] they captured a stronghold called punta de gali, and, near the bar of goa, a carrack (a large galleon) which was coming from the kingdom of portugal, despatched after the insurrection. besides this, they seized near the same bar a patache which was coming from macao with ivory, and two hundred cates of gold, and other rich goods; and now they actually occupy a post near goa, and are expecting to make themselves masters of all yndia (unless our lord shall intercept their designs), by means of this unstable peace which they have now made with the portuguese. it is very plain that such is the case; for when the order came from holanda to the dutch to establish peace with the portuguese, the former replied to the captain-general and those of his council to the prince of orange, and to the company, saying that peace was not expedient for them in yndia, because affairs were in such condition that they were confident that yndia could be conquered within four years. thereupon, reply was sent to them that, notwithstanding this argument, they should negotiate the said peace, because that was expedient at this time for the liberty of their native land--since, the king of españa having his attention thus diverted in portugal, the dutch could find therein the opportunity to set their country free. and not only has this their insatiable and lawless desire extended to making themselves masters of yndia, as has been already stated, but they are eager to gain possession of what belongs to the crown of castilla--the city of manila, terrenate, hermosa island, and other places--in order that thus they may remain alone and more free to enjoy the produce and benefit of all the islands and kingdoms of those regions. the truth of this is made evident by their frequently coming to manila with many galleons--twenty-two, twenty-four, or twenty-five; but they did not succeed very well there. on that account, and because they recognized that our strength was considerable, and since they were occupied in yndia against the portuguese, they withdrew for several years, and returned no more to manila until now. at present they have become fat on the labor of others, and are disengaged in yndia; and, knowing well that manila has not much strength, they intend to wage a very grievous war, carrying it on by weakening our forces, in order thus more safely to make themselves masters of the city and possess its wealth--which, they say with much glee, is very great. with this object, they have come to the embocadero, during the last two years of 41 and 42, to await the ships which come from nueva españa. in this year of 43 they were going again to the same place, with more ships and forces, and with much caution; but, if they are not able to capture the galleons, they will try to burn them with their own old ships, which they take with them for this purpose. moreover, this year they are going to try to intercept the succor to terrenate; and last year they seized the island of hermosa with a strong force, almost all [the posts] at one time. this was something almost incredible to those who have seen their strength and power in recent times; and it was all done with the object of afterward attacking manila with the aid of the sangleys--with whom, as i was told by a trustworthy person in jacatra, the dutch had secret negotiations for an assault on manila. this is so certain that afterward, while i was in the kingdom of malaca, visiting the king, a letter came to him from the dutch. it was written in the portuguese language, and he caused it to be read in my presence and that of some castilians and portuguese who were there. after complaining of the king because he had aided the people of amboino, the dutch said in this letter that they had already taken the island of hermosa from the castilians; and that in a short time they would drive the latter from maluco and the manilas ([their name] for the filipinas islands). commencing, then, our relation, and first as regards the loss of hermosa island, i say that it was and is a certain and notorious fact that the dutch enemy, carried away by his evil desire and damnable intentions (as at the beginning has been stated), attacked hermosa island about september in the past year of 1641; [31] and, not being able to capture it, since god had blinded and hindered him, remained more obstinate and hardened in his first object and pretension. accordingly, he desisted only until the following year, 1642, and about august he returned with a stronger force--so large a one that with it he could overcome ours; and so he seized the island, and made himself master of it, which occurred thus. having obtained a foothold, the said dutch enemy spent part of april and almost all of may in that year, with two champans and a round sailing vessel called "filipote" [i.e., flyboat], near the headland which they call punta del diablo, in sight of our forts, [32] awaiting the succor which about that time was to come from manila. they retired to the river of tan-chuy, with a prize which they made there, a small champan from china, which came from that kingdom to hermosa island to carry supplies and merchandise; in it was traveling a religious of st. dominic, in the garb of a sangley. with this prize, and for another reason, that a sharp north wind suddenly arose, they retired, as i have said, to tan-chuy. just at this time came the succor which the governor of manila was sending; this ship, arriving at the cape called santa catalina, received news that the enemy was expecting it. on this account, our people took refuge in the port of san lorenzo, as they carried orders from manila to do so, in case they encountered enemies. they remained there seven or eight days, until, having received information from the island that the enemy had gone away, they left that port, and pursuing their voyage, entered our harbor and fort. afterward (but not until the thirteenth of the month of august), one afternoon at nightfall there arrived at our port a little champan, so small that it made the spaniards wonder at it when they saw it approach. this vessel came, despatched in all haste, from the island that they call isla de pescadores, which is twelve leguas from the dutch fort. in that island is an excellent harbor, in which the great galleons of the dutch anchor, because they cannot make an entrance at their forts on account of the shallow water there. the little champan came for the sole purpose of warning an infidel sangley named gui-nu--who was captain of a champan that had arrived not long before from manila, to get wheat and cloth to carry to that city--that the dutch were ready to attack hermosa island within four or five days. for this they had five ships, with five hundred dutchmen, and large supplies of provisions, besides other ships which had not yet arrived; accordingly, word was sent to gui-nu to leave our port at once. he who wrote and sent the despatch, who was a friend of the said sangley, told him further to go away at all events, since the enemy was coming, not as in the previous year, but with a much greater force; and therefore it seemed to the writer that the dutch would seize the island without fail. with news so reliable as this, and with the information obtained from the indians, the governor was persuaded of its truth, and that the enemy was returning with the strength and force that was stated; besides, he had heard of it in letters from manila. accordingly he immediately took measures to put himself in as good a state of defense as possible. as he was warned by indians from the river of tan-chuy that this year the enemy would come from the east side, where there is a low sand-bank which extends from the sea to the harbor, and on it is a fort or small tower, not very strong, he ordered two pieces of artillery to be placed on an eminence which commands the said tower. while they were finishing this fortification, on the nineteenth of the month of august, the armada of the enemy appeared in sight. this was composed of four large ships, a patache, a large champan, and a flyboat; and besides all these vessels there were four other ships which had not arrived. each vessel trailed two faluas astern, besides other and smaller boats which they carried for landing their men. on that day when the enemy appeared, about twelve or one o'clock, they stood inshore with the largest ship and the patache, making for the eminence to which our men had retired; but they tried to protect themselves from our artillery behind a small hill that stood there, in order thus to land their men more easily and safely. but as they could not shelter themselves as fully as they wished, on account of the currents which drove the ships beyond the hill, the artillery of our stronghold (the commander of which was don martin de arechaga) compelled the enemy to retire to the sea--the chief pilot of their ship and other men having been killed, as the dutch afterward told us. the ship being pierced with three or four cannon-balls, they retreated; on seeing this, the governor sent what men he could spare to the lookout station. that night the enemy remained at anchor in the place to which they had retreated, until the morning of the next day. then, having held a council, they set sail, and all five of their sailing-vessels directed their course toward the low sand-bank i have mentioned, which is at the eastern side of the island, in order to attempt a landing there, as we had already been informed. but the flagship, on approaching and reconnoitering the narrow entrance, saw that it had a new defense and guard in the tower below. the commander of this tower, who was alférez diego felipe, commanded that a cannon-shot be fired; the enemy, seeing by this that they were recognized and their designs forestalled, and that now they could not gain any advantage there, turned the flagship back toward the sea, where the rest of the ships were waiting for it. having reached their station, the dutch commander called another council of the leaders and captains; the upshot of this was, that, considering that their antagonists there were already on the defensive, they should make an attack at once, come what might, as they knew very well, through the sangleys, how many men we had. for even if they lost many of their own men they were not in absolute need of so many [as they had], and they might kill our men with but little loss; and, the lookout once gained, all would be theirs, for they would have such an advantage over us that they could always injure us, without our being able to harm them. their consultation being concluded about one o'clock, they forthwith proceeded to take men with the faluas from two of the ships, which remained with a few men, and with the champan and the flyboat, to guard the entrances to the harbor; and the three other ships, with many small boats which they carried for this purpose, approached near the land, behind the shelter of the hill, where they would be entirely out of the range of the artillery in our stronghold. having cast anchor there, they proceeded to send ashore their soldiers with the faluas and small boats, landing them at the edge of the sea, because they feared some of our musketeers who were on land. on this account, having embarked the men [in the boats], they rowed rapidly toward the shore, and meanwhile kept the field clear, from the ships, with their artillery and musketry, while their trumpets sounded the attack. thus they came to land, where our men awaited them--twelve of our spanish soldiers, eight pampangos, and thirty or forty indian natives [i.e., of formosa] who were bowmen. the governor had resolved to send this number of men into the field, and no more, for he suspected that the enemy would attempt to land more troops in another place. our men made a brave stand, and went down to the shore, and killed many of the enemy as they landed, on account of the latter coming, as they did, so crowded together in their boats. thus our men fired their guns at a crowd, and some used three balls at one shot; and the indian bowmen, who were very skilful, also inflicted much damage on the dutch, all the more as they came boldly on. they followed out their design until they landed their men; and then, as they were numerous and our men few, they steadily gained the upper hand and wounded some of our soldiers. thereupon the latter began to retreat slowly, three of their men being seriously wounded--one of whom remained on the field, where he soon died; the two others made their way as best they could to the fort, where one died and the other recovered. thus the enemy proceeded to ascend the slope until they succeeded in obtaining possession of the lookout and the height, where they immediately stationed more than three hundred white men; this gave opportunity for the rest of their men, five hundred more, to disembark and come to land. then they set up their tents, in a place where they could store much food, and immediately sent ashore all their supplies, on the side from which it could not be seen from our forts. afterward they also sent ashore much artillery and a mortar; of these pieces they carried two to the lookout station--cannons of eight and ten pound balls--and with other small pieces with which they bombarded us, not only in the stronghold, but in the great fort below. their balls reached everything, on all sides, and everything was visible and uncovered from the lookout station; this was very evident, since a cannon-ball [struck] the parapet of the fosse belonging to the great fort, and passed on, carrying away a stone from the cavalier of san sebastian in the same fort. affairs being now in the said condition, we continued to make ready our retirade, [33] and were expecting that the enemy would begin with baskets [i.e., filled with earth] or would be fortified in some other manner in order to make an assault; but this did not occur, as they made no fort at the lookout, which would rise above the land about. however, on the side next the sea they made on the mountain a large esplanade, from which they fired the cannons; and, this done, they opened in the mountain itself two mouths, as it were, in the shape of trenches, through which they brought the cannons to bear, and bombarded us openly, while from our retirade we could not discover their men or more than barely see the mouths of the cannon in their artillery. after this manner the war lasted five days, until the day of the glorious apostle st. bartholomew, the twenty-fourth of august, when they bombarded and overthrew the wall of our retirade--which we had finished building, but it was not finished inside, nor did it contain any lodgings. as the dutchmen afterward said, they fired that day, with the two cannon and from the fleet, one hundred and eight times; it was so arranged that while the cannon were being loaded there was no cessation of firing from all the musketry--which they had stationed at the top of the lookout, in files, directing the men to shelter themselves behind the hill, and to load their muskets while the artillery was at work. this they did so incessantly that it seemed to be the judgment day; and they gave no respite to our men, who were few in number and worn out with fatigue. the wall being now thrown down, and many men being slain--among them alférez juan de valdes, a very valiant soldier--and many others wounded, and the rest of the troops being exhausted with the incessant fighting for five days and nights, and a palisade which we occupied having been broken into with iron bars: the enemy formed four troops for assaulting the retirade. this they did, and entered without ladders, since the walls were thrown down, as i said. this being perceived from above by our men, some of these, of the baser sort, fled through the gate; while others leaped over the wall, on the side next our fort, which they succeeded in reaching. others who were above with captain valentin de arechaga, fighting with the enemies, and, as they say, retreating, drove the enemy back on their haunches; and thence they retreated to the fort below. two others, spanish boys, hid themselves--one in the powder-house, the other in a water-tank; the enemy slew the former, thinking that he intended to set fire to the powder, and the other they took captive. being now masters of the retirade, they trained a cannon from it (for they had no other left), mounted, against our men; and at the same time they sent a white flag with one of their men, demanding that, since they now held all the place as their own, we should surrender, since there was still opportunity to escape with our lives. he said that if we did not yield there would be no advantage for us in doing so, and there would be nothing to expect but death. the governor received this envoy, for he saw that what they said was true, and that we had no hope or refuge in the world, nor could even hope to delay the catastrophe; and he considered that by not accepting their proposal he was exposing to death more than four hundred innocent souls--children, women, servants, roadmakers, and soldiers--and that the soldiers did not amount to forty effective men. he saw that there was no hope of doing more than to die for the sake of dying; but if relief could be hoped for by any means, or he could see any indication that they could resist the enemy, he and his men were all determined to die rather than yield up anything of their rights. but he concluded that they were able to resist no longer, as i have said; and considered that any one who understood the occasion well, and who knew the opportunity and advantage and superior strength that the enemy had, and what our men had done in every way, would not rashly condemn his course. for in order to form a proper judgment of anything, to see it and be on the spot is very different from hearing it afar, and, as they say, talking from behind the palings. the governor replied to him who came to offer this settlement that he would consult his officers as to what ought to be done and what should seem most expedient; and that afterward he would return answer in accordance with such decision. thereupon the bearer of the white flag went away, and the governor placed the matter before his followers and the religious who were there. it seemed to all that, considering that the enemy had now demolished and gained the retirade and the eminence, which was the mainstay and guard of the fort below, and that now without any doubt the fort was practically in their possession--[which they could accomplish] without the loss of a single man, but with the death of all our people; without need for attacking us, but simply by driving us out--the best possible terms ought to be secured, and that accordingly we should surrender. for [they considered that, to justify] exposing all those people to death there must be some hope [of success or relief], of which there was none at that time. nor were they ignorant of the requirements of military honor and usage, but these passed sentence [upon surrender] when the enemy were not so sure of victory, and when they themselves had some grounds for hope; but without such hope neither did god, nor consequently human law, hold them under such rigorous obligation; and one law states that no one is obliged to do what is impossible. the conference being concluded, answer was made to the enemy in conformity with the above decision. when they came to the terms of surrender, our men stipulated that they should leave the fort with their arms, flags flying, drums [beating], guns loaded, and matches lighted. at first the enemy refused this, being willing only to spare our lives; for they saw very plainly that everything was in their power, and that what they were giving was only a favor. they were not willing to give us the vessels that we asked from them, but said that we all must go to tay-chuan, their fort; and that if the governor of that place had orders he would give us boats. if he did not, they said that we must voyage to jacatra, to see the commander-in-chief, [34] and that he would give us transportation; for they themselves carried no orders for anything else [than the seizure of the island]. with this the affair was ended--which is the truth of the matter, without any pretense or cloak. having departed from the fort with the said terms they placed us all in the convents of st. domingo and st. francis, with guards, while they arranged their affairs; then they sent us to tay-quan, a fort of theirs on the other side. at the convents, the dutch proceeded to take from all our men their weapons and flags, on the pretext that they must embark the spaniards without these, for fear of some mutiny or uprising. this was afterward told to the commander-in-chief at jacatra [now batavia], and he replied that the guns and flags had been left at tay-quan; but that if the governor of that place, who was coming by march or april, should bring them [to jacatra], he would give them up. on this account the [spanish] governor remained at jacatra to await them, and to send away his men, and to be the last one. there was great danger that some men would remain there, by their own choice; or that, urged by the dutch, they would say that they preferred to remain. the pampangos and cagayans remained with the dutch, who refused to give them to us, although they had granted liberty to all [of our men]. although many remonstrances were made to them on this point, they replied that they would pay those indians as the spaniards had done, and that the former should serve them. accordingly, some of the indians remained in tay-quan, and the rest were taken by the dutch in their ships that were going against amboino and terrenate. some free servants were seized by certain dutchmen in tay-quan and in hermosa island, who refused to give them back; and afterward we learned that they had sold these servants to some of their countrymen. when this was told to the commander-in-chief, he said that it could not be true, and that he would make them give back all who remained in tay-quan, twelve in number. the affair remained thus, unsettled, a matter which is certainly worthy of consideration; and it is sufficient cause for keeping back, whenever opportunity offers, some of their men until they return to us all those free and christian people, who remain with them at the risk of losing the faith. from the convents where they had kept us, they embarked us in four ships to convey us to the fortress of tay-quan; and at the same time six companies of the dutch who remained in our forts set out by land to go to the province of torboan, in the eastern part of the island, to find the gold mines that the natives possess there. the latter obtain some gold from the sands of a river, of which fact the dutch were informed; and this was a powerful motive for their seizing our forts. in order to carry out their purpose to search for gold mines, they came provided with men who were skilled in such work. this expedition marched until they reached the village of santiago, eight leguas of the journey, [where they were stopped] by some precipices; they turned back, as they were not able to go any farther on account of the bad weather and roads, and as their provisions gave out--difficulties which, it seemed, they could ill overcome. but, although they could make no farther progress, they sent men with a champan to examine and reconnoitre the port of san lorenzo, of which some inconsiderate person, or the indians, had informed them; and they explored it very thoroughly. the commander returned to the island with the said six companies, and hanged six indians of the natives of hermosa island, from the three villages friendly to us--santiago, guimarri, and taparri--because they had not supplied the dutch with food, nor gone with them, nor guided them as the dutch wished, the natives having promised to do so, although through fear. the enemy were unmindful that, since the indians were our friends, they usually act thus, as it is their nature. the dutch also hanged another, a tagálog boy, who served their commander, because he ran away to the natives of that country; and two dutchmen whom they found in our garrison, in the pay of his majesty. these things, and the knowledge that the indians have of them, have had such an effect on the latter that whenever they can they will break the heads of the dutchmen, and will not accept their friendship. on the contrary, they now deplore our absence, and in the shadow of the dutchmen the spaniards are now almost saints; and the natives only ask when the spaniards will return. they immediately fortified themselves on the river of tanchuy, where they erected a fort of logs, in the same place where our fort was first built, and left their artillery and sixty soldiers--as afterward we were told by some of our roadmakers whom they carried there to work. all this was to make them masters of the trade--in sulphur, rattan, pelts, and many other products that are found along that river and in its vicinity. they also built at once a fort of stone, although without lime, on the highest point of the island where our forts were, the lookout station by which they won the retirade from us. finally, while our men were voyaging to their forts of tay-quan, we encountered the four other ships that were going to them with succor, and with these came the general and leader of them all, who had been unable to arrive before. [35] he went to our island, and began to govern it and direct its affairs; and it was he who went to look for gold, and who hanged the said indians, and built a fort at tanchuy. he despatched four ships to the coasts and routes of japon, in order that they might attack the champans of the sangleys who might go to trade in that empire; for the dutch say that those traders go without chapa (or license) from their king. in tay-quan they detained some of our men a month and a half, or more; others they immediately sent away, with our governor, in the first ship that sailed to jacatra; and afterward, at the end of october, those who remained in tay-quan went in four other ships. [36] having thus sent all our men to jacatra, the dutch again undertook an expedition to discover the gold mines at torboan; and they actually set out with a large force of men in november, which is a rainy season in the tay-quan region. on this account, and because it is nearer, they crossed by land the middle ridge which hermosa island has, from tay-quan to torboan; but, as we afterward learned in jacatra from the people on the other ship (which sailed later from tay-quan), they did not reach the river of gold, on account of the great ruggedness of the mountains, and the bad weather which through november and december prevails in the torboan region. therefore they only punished some villages which lay nearer; and they burned these because, years before, the natives had killed a [dutch] factor. with this they returned, leaving that expedition for the spring-time; this will cost them much hardship and perhaps many lives, for there is great difficulty in both the entrance and the ascent; and the indians who are now among them will have changed their settlements, and will make great resistance to them--and will do so quite safely--since in the mountains they are very dextrous and experienced, and the dutch clumsy. it is certain that if they do not succeed in the search for gold they will abandon our forts, retaining only that of tan-chuy on account of that river and its trade, as some of them said--since for their trade with the chinese and japanese they occupy tay-quan. that region is a very pleasant one, with a good climate; and they have very good fortifications, dwellings, and storehouses for their goods. they have spent there more than one hundred thousand pesos, as one of them told me; and there they possess a considerable trade and commerce with the chinese. through this, they learn by means of the chinese all that passes in manila and its provinces; for after the latter have sold to the dutchmen, at the proper time, what they need and what they have to send to jacatra, the sangleys are occupied during the rest of the year in bringing from china cloth and other commodities which find a market in manila and pangasinan; [they bring these to tay-quan] in small champans, and immediately lade some large ones which they keep at tay-quan, and sail for manila. besides this, the reason why the dutch have made so great efforts to capture hermosa island, going to attack it year after year, was that they had promised the japanese that they would do so, and would expel the spaniards from it. i was told this by a religious who was in the kingdom of tonquin--where, he said, this was related to him by a christian from antuerpia, who was in the service of the society [of jesus]; and this occurred even before the island was taken. as for the second [topic], the power which the dutch enemy possess in those regions, which is greater than we could imagine of them: according to what i myself have seen, and what trustworthy and reliable persons who have traded have told me, the dutch have at this time more than one hundred and fifty ships and pataches, at a moderate estimate--all equipped and provided with seamen, soldiers, artillery, and other necessary supplies. and they are under such discipline that even when they are in the port of jacatra--as i saw, and was well informed thereon--every ship keeps its people on board, so that no one may go ashore without special permission; and when they come from any voyage, before entering the port, all engage in repairing and cleaning and calking their ships. as a result, when they reach their anchorage in the port they can immediately, without delay, again go forth and make a voyage, save when some ship needs unusual repairing; in short, all their men serve as if they were servants receiving wages. in tay-quan, during the months of september and october, 1642, there were seventeen ships and a patache, all belonging to the enemy. of these, nine had come to jacatra for the capture of hermosa island, four of them having first remained in the embocadero of manila, waiting for our ships from castilla. four others had come from japon, and the rest were held in reserve at tay-quan. of these seventeen ships, five went to carry our people to jacatra, and were laden with sugar and preserved ginger for holanda; iron or steel from japan; loaves of sulphur; and stuffs, silver, and other merchandise. four other ships departed to seize the champans of chinese who were coming from japon; and the eight vessels that were left remained in tay-quan, in order that their men might go to search for the gold that was reported to exist in torboan. this last-named fleet was to sail afterward (by february of 1643) from tay-quan, with the governor of that place, to jacatra; and on the way they were to inflict punishment on the king of cochinchina for the death of some dutchmen who were wrecked on that coast, in two ships. besides the said ships, we found when we arrived at jacatra more than twenty others, very well equipped with supplies and artillery; and more than thirty or forty cannon, which i myself counted there. besides all these vessels another was there, the great three-decked carrack or galleon from yndia, which the dutch had captured from the portuguese at the bar of goa. five other ships had sailed a few days before for malaca, and these were met by the vessels that were carrying our people from tay-quan. six others were then blockading the bar of goa; but on account of the treaty of peace, the dutch have ordered these to withdraw, and as yet these have not come back. [still another squadron of] five vessels well equipped was sent at the beginning of november, 1642, to terrenate, to await the relief ship from manila; and with them was another ship, which they keep in reserve at the fort of malayo. they will wait there until the end of april, or may, until the arrival of thirty-two other ships, which were besieging amboino, with more than fifteen hundred men; and all together will go to attack terrenate. for this purpose they took from jacatra, in december, 1642, great quantities of supplies, as was seen by myself and by our men who came hither; and when they go to terrenate, after making the amboino expedition, it will be a question whether they seize the relief ship for terrenate--although, perhaps, they will not capture it at all, confident in their own power. besides the said ships, i was told by a sub-factor of the english that the dutch have seventeen more ships on the coasts of yndia, ceilan, and persia, and all of these are supplied from jacatra. in this number are not included the vessels that they send to their factories, to each of which sail one, two, or more, according to the amount of trade there; and their factories are so numerous that there is not any kingdom, whether of infidels or moors, in those regions where they have not an establishment--japon, tonquin, camboja, siam, the kingdom of achen, bantan xambi, mazarmasin, [37] macasar, solor, and amboino (which is entirely in their power, and where there is a great quantity of cloves, so that it is exceedingly valuable). in other regions also they have factories and much trade; i would never end if i were to enumerate all. moreover, there went to holanda this year, in december and january, eleven large ships, which i saw, and almost every month fresh ships arrive from that country; so that there are always ships coming and going between holanda and these islands. then as for the men that they have here, there is a large force. for, besides those who are engaged or sail in all the ships that i have mentioned, those in the garrisons of their forts and presidios, and the men in the six ships that were blockading goa, who have not yet come back, they are now sending a large armada against amboino and terrenate--all the men in which are experienced and trained soldiers, as i saw in jacatra. not only this, but all the men who were engaged in the capture of hermosa island remained there (where they now are), to support the pretensions of the dutch which i recounted above, to discover the gold mines in torboan, and for the punishment of cochinchina. besides all the said troops, another ship arrived at jacatra from holanda in january, which carried more than one hundred and fifty fresh soldiers; and this year these dutch have urgently requested more men from holanda, for the purpose of attacking manila, now that they see an opportunity for it and that the affairs [of spain] are in a disturbed condition. as for provisions from holanda--biscuit, pork, beef, wine, oil, vinegar, etc.--the amount that they have cannot be told or imagined; for of these articles alone they have enough for two or three years. i mention only the castilian wine, of delicious quality, which they consume more freely than if they were in españa; and when they go to draw it [from the keg], they rinse the glasses with it, and waste it; and yet this goes on without causing a scarcity of it. then they have storehouses full of ammunition and military supplies, an enormous number of anchors, and stables that contain fifty war-horses, to handle which they are well trained. as for the great wealth that they have acquired: in december of this year, 1642, when i was in jacatra, they sent ten large galleons, and another in january of 1643, all the eleven ships laden with drugs of the highest value in europe--such as cloves, pepper, cinnamon--sugar, silks, precious stones, gold, and many other rich articles. according to what they said, these ships carried goods to the value of thirteen millions here--which, delivered in holanda, would amount to an incredible sum. with this wealth they wage war on us in flandes, in these regions, and throughout the world. on this account we might expect that if his majesty the king of españa would wage war against them in this quarter, he would certainly subdue them very soon in flandes. for he who would cut off a great river, and stop its flow, does not undertake to do this near the sea, where its current is broad and deep, and it already seems like [a part of] the sea, where such attempt will be exceedingly difficult, or even impossible; but he goes to the beginning or origin of the stream, where the task will be very easy for him. and so, to wage war against the dutch in flandes alone is to try to cut off a river near the sea, where it has a great flow; it is therefore almost impossible to do so by sending there more troops and money. but if vigorous measures were taken to send four thousand men to filipinas, it would be very easy thus to destroy them here, where they are so successful, and make an end of their power. as for the third and last topic that i mentioned--the designs and intentions of the dutch enemy, now that they have made peace in yndia with the portuguese: it is very important to consider this, since they have always been eager, as i have related, to get possession of manila and its fortified places, and to drive out the spaniards from these regions. this was doubtful until now, when they find themselves puissant, and disengaged from other wars; and, on the other hand, they know that manila has not very strong defenses, and that it will not receive abundant aid because the affairs of españa are so disturbed. accordingly they will exert all their strength to carry out these desires of theirs, as greedy as of long standing; and this is so much the fact that, as i know perfectly well, they talk among themselves of nothing else than how they will gain manila, and load themselves with silver. therefore they have urgently demanded troops from holanda; and until these shall come they are making every effort to capture the ships from castilla, and are actually undertaking this with a large and powerful fleet. if they cannot capture the spanish ships, they will try to burn them, even if it be by burning two or more of their own; and they will take with them some old ships for this purpose. besides this, they intend, as i have related, to take terrenate; and they have actually gone to those forts to deprive them of the relief sent, with as large a force as they can send. likewise, they will be continually infesting and harassing the coasts of manila and its environs, and will not allow any ships worth mention to enter or leave that port, and will do this, even if it causes them great expense; and for this purpose they will be continually receiving succor--either by way of terrenate, in may, june, and july; or else from hermosa island, from september until april--since for all this they have extra ships, much wealth, and great energy. they intend, also, to seize or to obstruct the champans from china which may go to trade at manila; and to avail themselves secretly of the sangleys to cause a diversion [of the spanish forces] in manila at the time when the dutch shall attack it. all this was fully explained to me by a religious person who was in jacatra, and was on very intimate terms with some of the dutchmen, as he understood their language and customs. the expedition against manila would be, as they thought, in may or in october of the year 1644; and, if at the latter time, it would go by way of tay-quan. among the injuries which they will meanwhile try to inflict upon us, not the least will be an attempt to burn the galleons and our vessels that may be in cavite, or in other places; or corrupting through clandestine spies whomsoever they can among our men, or effecting an entrance at night, and by stratagem--both of which they did at goa. recently they burned the galleons of the portuguese, which lay within the port, at anchor, and with the usual guard. with this they tied the hands of the portuguese, and rendered it impossible for them to sally out and resist the dutch. there is no doubt that they will, if they have the opportunity, do much worse than what i have told; for this is an astute and cautious enemy, who knows whatever occurs among our people; and we live in anxieties. dated in the kingdom of macasar, in march, 1643. fray juan de los angeles of the order of st. dominic. [to this document we append the following additional information, obtained from ferrando and fonseca's historia de los pp. dominicos en las islas filipinas (madrid, 1870), ii, pp. 440-447:] governor corcuera, who regarded with much indifference that goodly conquest, [38] failed to recognize its importance as an advanced and strategic point for checking the aggressions of the dutch; and, engaged in making new conquests which he could not preserve, he had entirely abandoned it [i.e., formosa]. a wretched company of invalids and raw recruits was the only force allotted for the defense of that island against a victorious enemy, who, flushed with the triumphs that they had obtained over the portuguese possessions, believed (and with some reason) that everything must give way to their triumphal progress through these seas, [their first attack on tanchuy, in 1641, is "almost miraculously repulsed by its feeble garrison;" but in this expedition the dutch learn the topography of that region, the condition of the spanish forts, etc., and plan anew its conquest.] their plans were not hidden from the commandant of the fort, nor from our good religious, who mingled their counsels with those of the men who were defending the cause of religion and native land. all quickly saw the urgent necessity of reënforcing the garrison, and of demanding fresh troops from the government at manila. with this honorable commission finally departed from formosa, surrounded with a thousand perils, father juan de los angeles, vicar and superior of the dominican fathers who had in charge the spiritual administration of that island.... he gave to the governor an account of the recent conflict; explained with deep feeling the melancholy and precarious situation of the colony; and declared how certainly the honor of the spanish flag in formosa was greatly compromised unless effort was made as soon as possible to reënforce its garrison. this demand was received at the time with some appearance of interest, but it did not receive the prompt attention which the importance of the matter demanded. the preservation of formosa did not interest corcuera or his private counselors; but he was finally forced to save appearances to some extent, in order not to take upon himself, at all events, the scandalous responsibility of what must unavoidably occur in such an extreme case. he actually despatched the messenger, with a weak reënforcement, in a wretched hulk--which, without any provision for its safety or good condition, was miserably shipwrecked on the northern coast of luzon, at the first attack of a slight storm. it was possible to save, nevertheless, the men and the outfit of the ship; and father angeles was able to fit out another and safer vessel, which carried them safely to formosa, with the little aid sent from manila. this consisted of some food and military supplies, eight spanish soldiers, and the ship's crew, undisciplined and unarmed, who could only serve as a hindrance, in any case. [tanchuy is taken from the spaniards by the dutch, as is related by father angeles; ferrando adds:] forty pieces of heavy artillery fell into their hands, with large quantities of gunpowder and military supplies, twenty-five thousand duros from the treasury, and a great deal of merchandise owned by private persons, which might amount to nearly a million in value. this was the first disgraceful victory which the dutch could obtain over the spanish arms in that great oceania, [and that] because the island was neglected and abandoned by an unlucky governor--a victory that was a thousand times more unfortunate, since it inflated their arrogance to the extreme of believing themselves powerful enough to dispute with us at last the envied possession of the filipinas islands. it was the province of the most holy rosary which felt the deepest pain at this lamentable result; for besides [being compelled to] abandon their beloved flocks, they lost various churches and convents, with their precious images and sacred ornaments; the provisions destined for the missionaries at fo-gan; three priests and two lay brethren, who were sent prisoners to jacatra (now nueva batavia); and, finally, their hopes of seeing in the bosom of religion and of the church all the inhabitants of that island, whose conversion to christianity had already made considerable progress. [these converts, however, long retain the faith that they had received from the missionaries, and shun both heathen observances and the heresies of their dutch conquerors.] the dutch, now masters of that spanish island, celebrated during eight days the signal triumph of their arms, carrying away to the fort of tay-quan all the spanish soldiers and religious. from that place they transferred these prisoners to the capital of java, now adding to their number the zealous father cháves, [39] who since the preceding year had remained a prisoner in their hands. they were not so ill received or treated in the netherlandish colony as they would have feared. the governor of java was a very generous man, and showed consideration and respect in every way to the spanish prisoners--our religious securing the fullest liberty to exercise their apostolic labors, not only among the catholics, but even among the infidels and sectaries of those foreign possessions. at last, all the difficulties were overcome which would naturally arise in the way of restoring them all to manila without exchange or ransom, or compensation of any kind--thanks to the influence and great prestige which our excellent missionaries were able to acquire among even the enemies of the catholic religion. only the governor of formosa remained among the dutch, because he feared the results of the rigorous residencia which would be required from him in manila for the loss of that island, and more especially of the fortress of tanchuy--notwithstanding that his responsibility was freed from blame in the consciences of all; and the most skilful leader would have yielded, without fail, with the small and wretched garrison of that fort. he had done quite enough; and the responsibility, in any case, must be sought higher up.... the spanish soldiers were greatly disturbed by the desertion of the governor of formosa. destitute of a chief and leader to govern them, and unable to agree on the nomination of another, they almost resolved to abandon the voyage; but the religious, to whom they owed their liberty, and whose opinion they still respected, gained their good-will anew, and induced them to consent to a reasonable agreement--which they accepted only on condition that father fray juan de los angeles would accept the office of their leader, which they conferred upon him by acclamation. at the command and under the direction of the said father, they were immediately shipped to macasar, where the ruler of the island sent them their rations on account, until an officer arrived from manila with orders to pay all their just expenses, and to conduct them at last to the capital of filipinas, where they arrived safe and sound on the twenty-ninth of june in 1643. thus the province of the most holy rosary obtained some consolation for that great misfortune, by receiving to its bosom four excellent religious whom it already regarded as lost to it. [la concepción (hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 89-113) blames the jesuits for the loss of formosa--alleging, as grounds for this, their desire to monopolize the missions to china, to which formosa was a stepping-stone for other orders; and their resentment against the friars (especially the dominican morales) for accusing them at rome of undue laxity and conformity to heathen observances (in the noted controversy over the "chinese rites"). to this end, he thinks, they exerted their influence with corcuera, inducing him to neglect formosa and to send his troops to mindanao, where the missions were in charge of the jesuits.] letter from felipe iv to corcuera the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands: in my royal council of the indias, and in the military conference for those regions, some letters have been considered which you wrote to me about various matters of government, war, and revenue; and reply is here made to the points therein on which a decision has been reached. by a certificate which you send it appears that there has been a saving to my royal exchequer of certain amounts of money, the proceeds of donations that have been made of two-thirds of the year[ly dues to persons in my service], for which satisfaction should be made to the creditors of pay-warrants in arrears, giving them what is due them; because my royal intention is, that what is justly due them should be paid to them in full, without giving any opportunity for such remissions [of debt as these]. you are duly notified that for the future this innovation shall not be put into practice in any way, but that every person shall be paid that which is clearly his due; and this mode of saving has been severely censured, because it is to the injury of the parties concerned. you know how much i regard and cherish all the indian natives of my western indias, and that the preservation of those provinces is dependent on their prosperity and kind treatment. accordingly it has seemed fitting to me to charge you anew with this; and i command that you, attentive to the decrees which declare in their favor, be very heedful of the kind treatment of those natives, and not allow them to receive any wrong from the officials or from other persons. you say that you have appointed the chief notary of the government to the office of judge for the usual licenses of the sangleys, in order that that office may by this combination not only increase in money value, but be held in greater repute; i have approved your arrangement to this end. the archbishop of those islands has reported to me how expedient it is that some archiepiscopal buildings should be erected in that city; and in order to the execution of this plan i have decreed that you shall inform me what measures and means can be employed for the accomplishment of this work without causing expense to my royal exchequer. you say that some donations could be accepted from the employed seamen and mariners who sail in the ships, and that the archbishop himself could aid by some contributions which he could solicit in the city, since these cause no loss to me or to the vassals who serve me in those islands. in my opinion, these measures cannot be approved; but those who hold maritime offices should go gratuitously, without its costing them anything; but if, after they return from nueva españa, they should choose to make some voluntary contributions for the erection of the archiepiscopal buildings, it may be proposed to them. it is best to proceed in this manner, gathering together what can be obtained, and not to solicit any donations, in order that this fund may be placed in my royal treasury. in every case, effort should be made that the mates of ships, the boatswains, and other maritime officials who go to nueva españa be the most meritorious, and be selected from the most capable men, without asking from them any donations. then with the money from voluntary contributions, or in other ways which do not cause expense to my royal treasury, let the work of building these houses be undertaken, avoiding all other measures which may cause embarrassment or annoyance; and you shall act according to this plan and counsel, making such arrangements as shall be most suitable. you shall wholly exclude donations that shall not be voluntary, and shall not allow them to be bargained for at any time. you state that you have commanded a gallery to be made in the royal buildings, facing the plaza de armas; and that by this arrangement all the offices were accommodated, so that it was not necessary to look for any official outside of the palace. as it has been considered that this gallery and extension will be an advantage to the said buildings, what you have accomplished in this is approved. by a special commission from me is entrusted to juan bautista zubiaga, auditor of accounts for those islands, the collection of the results of accounts which don francisco de rozas y oñate, late visitador of that audiencia, left unsettled. and since the death of that auditor might cause some failure in these collections, and they might not proceed as they should, i command that you take such precautions in this matter as i may expect from you. a relief ship having sailed from those islands for terrenate in the year 1639 was, as you have learned, assailed by a tempest, and it returned to that port, where the artillery that it carried was lost. this occurred, as you say, in water one and a half to two brazas in depth; and as it is certain that this artillery will be greatly needed, you shall endeavor to have it drawn out of the water, making every effort possible to accomplish this. i charge you to be heedful of this matter. as for what you say in regard to the purchase that don fray hernando guerrero, the late archbishop of those islands, made of some houses from pedro de heredia, to the amount of one hundred and forty pesos, and that the fiscal of the audiencia there demands that these houses be added to the property of my royal crown for the same sum, and as you judge that from the property left by that prelate the debts which he left can be paid: it has appeared best to charge you, as i do, that you allow the property thus left by this archbishop to follow the natural course [of law], without making any innovation in this case. zaragoza, august 4, 1643. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don juan bautista saenz navarrete documents of 1644-1649 concessions to the jesuits. balthasar de lagunilla, s. j., and others; 1640-44. events in the philippines, 1643-44. [unsigned and undated.] fiscal's report on sangley licenses. sebastian cavallero [de medina]; 1644. decree ordering reënforcements for the islands. felipe iv; september 18, 1645. erection of santo tomás into a university. felipe iv and innocent x; 1644-45. trade with english not desired. council of state; january 30, 1647. affairs in filipinas, 1644-47. fray joseph fayol; 1647. decree regarding missionaries. felipe iv; september 17, 1647. early franciscan missions. [unsigned; written in 1649.] sources: the first and eighth documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the second and seventh, from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid; the fourth (its original from the same source), from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), ii, pp. 353-355; the third, from a rare and perhaps unique pamphlet (manila, 1644), in the possession of edward e. ayer; the fifth, from documentos relativos á la universidad de manila, pp. 23-30 (but the letter to siruela, from a ms. in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid); the sixth, from a ms. in the archivo general of simancas; the ninth, from retana's archivo, i, pp. [15-71]. translations: the first, second, fourth and eighth are made by emma helen blair; the third, fifth, sixth, and ninth, by james a. robertson; the seventh, by mary f. foster and emma helen blair. concessions to the jesuits sire: balthasar de lagunilla, procurator of the society of jesus for the provinces of the western yndias, states that don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, governor of the filipinas islands--in consideration of the fact that in the old parian of manila, which the chinese burned in the late insurrection, the manila college of the society of jesus owned a certain piece of land with some houses, the rent of which aided in the support of the college, and considering the great poverty of the society--allotted to the said college a piece of land in the new parian, one hundred brazas long and fifty wide, in order that the fathers might build some houses thereon, and be aided by the little rent that they could obtain from them. the said governor also granted that a ferry-boat which they had in the old parian should be retained by them in the new one, in consideration of their having lost nearly all their property in the said insurrection; and, besides this, that the sangleys who might reside in the village of santa cruz--the instruction and spiritual cultivation of which is in charge of the society--should be exempted from tribute for a certain time. all this was granted on condition that your majesty should be pleased to confirm it. the matter having been discussed in the royal council of the indias, they commanded the governor to send information again regarding the favors he had done in conferring the lot in the parian and the ferry-boat. on account of the facts that these are not new favors, but the continuation of old ones (as the only change is in the location of the land), and that nothing therein causes the least accident or loss to the royal exchequer, nor to the ferry-boat belonging to the hospital of manila, since the two ferries are quite far apart, and the bridge is midway between them--as will be seen by the original map which the fathers have sent from manila [to the said procurator]; and since the poverty and need of the society there are so great that if these favors and grants from your majesty cease it is impossible to support that college; and as it is paying out much of the income from the little property that it possesses, since it is indebted to the amount of 24,440 pesos of principal at interest, and 13,623 1/2 pesos of scattered debts--an amount which in the poverty of that country is enormous, and causes much anxiety (and the said procurator presents the original memorandum of these debts as it was sent to him by the procurator-general of that province, and attests it with the necessary solemnity); and since the society there is rendering so continual services to god and to your majesty in working for the welfare of those around it, both christians and infidels: the society ought to be favored and protected by your majesty. therefore, the said procurator humbly entreats that your majesty will deign to confirm these two favors, the site in the new parian and the ferry-boat to the village of santa cruz, and the exemption of the sangleys from tribute. [he asks] that an absolute refusal be not given before the new governor sends a report, since the motives of don sevastian hurtado de corcuera for exempting the young men resident in the village of santa cruz who cut their hair were apparently sufficient reason for making this concession; and that this report be awaited, and an unfavorable decree be not despatched. this he will consider a grace and favor. he also entreats that your majesty will be pleased to command that no change be made until reports on the matter be received, and a decision be made as to what shall be most to your majesty's service. [endorsed: "let the decrees of the council in regard to this be brought." "in the council, on october 3, 1644." "a decree has been issued."] decree by the governor don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, member of his majesty's council of war, and his governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein. on account of the many losses which the order of the society of jesus in this city sustained in the general insurrection which the sangleys undertook against it--not only because the possessions of the society in the first parián of the sangleys and in other places were burned, but because they lost other property--they now experience great poverty and want. therefore, inasmuch as it is proper that the society be aided, in order that it may support the religious who by their praiseworthy ministries are serving the public welfare, for the present i grant, in the name of his majesty, to the said order of the society of jesus the concession of a piece of land, one hundred brazas long and fifty wide, in the new parian of the said sangleys, in whatever place the said order shall select, provided that it be not in that part which has been granted to the orphan boys, [40] in the old powder-house, in the precincts of the royal chapel, or where other parties who are private persons hold concessions made before the parian was established there. and this grant shall be free from obligation to pay to the city or to any person the land-tax which others pay to the city, for the grant which the society has of the land which has been assigned to it and which it occupies in the said parian, since it is with the same conditions and in the same form as the grant to the said orphan boys, whom the order of st. dominic has in charge; provided that within four years from the day on which this is dated, confirmation of this grant from his majesty be furnished. but if by any mishap it shall occur that the confirmation cannot be obtained in the said time, it may be extended for two years more--in all, a term of six years being allowed. this is in consideration of the fact that the judge-commissary has declared, by his act of the twenty-first of august last in this year, that the half-annat ought not to be paid, because the said concession is not equivalent to the said losses which the said order has sustained in its houses and property. given in manila, on the first day of september in the year one thousand six hundred and forty. sevastian hurtado de corcuera by command of the governor: geronimo nuñez de quiros this copy agrees with its original, which is returned to the possession of father magino sola of the society of jesus, its procurator-general in these islands, at whose request i give this present. at manila, on the twenty-sixth of april in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-one; the witnesses are: nicolas de herrera, the alférez juan de baldivieso, and andres ronquillo. in attestation thereof i have placed my signature and seal. geronimo nuñez de quiros chief clerk of the governor. [here follows the attestation by the royal notaries that quiros is duly qualified and responsible for this act.] events in the philippines, 1643-44 relation of the news and notable occurrences in these philipinas islands, in the years of 43 and 44 of the two galleons which set out in the past year of 643 for nueba españa, two months later the flagship returned, dismasted, and entered the new port of lapon, [41] where it was made ready for sailing again this year. the almiranta, which made the voyage successfully, has already arrived from its return trip; and the news came today that it is remaining at cagayan, and that the [new] governor, don diego faxardo, was coming as fast as he could by land. a portuguese pilot belonging to a royal champan, one of the most competent pilots in the ports, and well acquainted with these islands, ran away with some men to malaca, to inform the dutch of our lack of military supplies; and how the stockade, moat, and outer ditch, with their towers at intervals (with which this city will be impregnable), were incomplete; and that even the bells, and the iron grates of the houses, had been cast [into cannon] for lack of metal; and how this was true, since the deficiency arose through the cessation of the trade with japon and macan, from which places the metal came. but all this information was rendered useless by placing in terrenate, in sight of the enemy, a large force of excellent spanish infantry, whom don lorenzo de achotigui y olaso, master-of-camp for these islands, and second in authority therein in the absence of the governor, carried with him [to terrenate], himself remaining there to govern those fortresses. china from china little cloth has come this year, and of that almost half was carried away by the dutch; for, sailing out to plunder with four champans, they seized two others which were coming from china well laden. the chinese defended themselves during a day and a night, but the only result of this was, that two hundred of their men were slain, and hardly any one of the dutchmen. the latter, seizing their prize, set the rest of the chinese ashore. a ship which came after this encounter made port in ilocos, and the cloth has been brought [to manila] in champans. counting this one, only three ships have arrived here this year; that is very little, compared with the coming of forty ships. it is said that a mandarin, with two or three provinces, has rebelled against the king of china, [42] and is giving him much to do. he has [to deal with] many pirates; of one of these, named inloan, it is said that he has this year gained two millions on the merchandise that he has carried to japon. christianity is making great gains in china; the king has granted a chapa, or royal decree, allowing all the religious to preach freely and erect churches throughout his kingdom. this chapa is placed at the entrances of the churches, and whenever the mandarins come in sight of it they make the same obeisance to it as to their king, venerating in it what he commands. it was granted at the instance of the fathers of the society of jesus, and has been translated from chinese into our castilian tongue by some of them. its words mean that the doctrine which the fathers teach is the doctrine from heaven; and states that inasmuch as they are so learned--for a very old clock, which had rendered many years of service, and was out of order, could not be regulated by any one until the fathers came; and they not only put it in order, but made many other new ones, furnishing the pattern to many cities--the king for this gave them permission to preach the doctrine from heaven. he also promised to grant them many favors when they should complete a book for computing the chinese years, which run, by twelve moons [to the year], from the beginning of the world; for a long time the mathematical fathers have been engaged in preparing this book. [43] in this condition are the affairs of china. japon the persecution against the christians in japon is as sharp as ever. that country now has trade only with the chinese and the dutch; and from seven dutch ships, which went this year to japon, they took three of the most prominent persons on each ship, and will detain them as hostages until the dutch pay them a large sum of money which they owe in japon. as for the fathers who went from these islands, little can be learned about them; what we do know is obtained through letters from macan, written by very trustworthy persons. they say that the fathers who first sailed thither died gloriously in the martyrdom of the pits [cuevas]; [44] these are the fathers antonio rubino, visitor for japon; alberto polaco, a cousin of the king of poland; diego de morales, a native of soria; antonio capeche, an italian; and father marquez, a native of macan. those of the second shipment were summoned and carried as prisoners to the court; it is not known what their end will be. god grant them the strength and courage necessary for an achievement so heroic. as soon as the news of the martyrdoms reached macan, there was a solemn tolling of bells; here, however, we have not made any demonstration, until the truth of this report shall be confirmed by new letters. macan the dissensions in that city have been so great that it is a wonder that it has not been ruined by this time. the people have been divided into two factions: one of them, which was the party of certain honorable citizens, demanded that the castilians, with their commander don juan claudio (who had gone there as envoy from the governor of these islands), should be well treated, and sent with their goods to manila. but the other faction had more power, as they had the arms, and the chief captain was on their side; accordingly, the treatment that they accorded the castilians has been so bad that the letters which these have written come filled with a thousand grievances. their commander narrowly escaped being beheaded, and votes for this were given in a conference held for this purpose. finally they sent him with two or three other persons, the most prominent [among the castilians], to goa, placing on each two pairs of fetters, or tobas, which is the way they shackle negroes. but it pleased our lord that the dutch should seize this ship near india; and the kind treatment and exemption from injury which are due to ambassadors, and was not found among the portuguese, was cause for admiration among those dutch heretics; for they received him with so much courtesy that they drank his health, and told him that he was not considered as a captive. as soon as the king of macazar--who is our great friend, and calls the king of españa his heir--knew of this he asked for don juan and the rest of the spaniards; and it is expected that they will come soon. nothing can be denied to this king, especially by the dutch, who have so great an interest in his trade. all the castilians who went from this city to macan were arrested on the pretext that they were rioters and disturbers of the peace in macan, [a city] always loyal to don juan the fourth. they imposed the penalty of death on any castilians who should carry arms at night, and shut them up in dungeons to sleep, so as to be sure of holding them. one night the patrol chanced to encounter one of the castilians, who had been hidden in the houses of some friendly citizens; and on the next day, for this offense alone, they held him down and drove nails into his hand and his private parts. in fine, things have occurred [there] which would not be seen in negro-land. the dutch, by the aid of the kings of tunquin and cochinchina, sallied out with three ships; one of these was wrecked while defending itself, and, the two others retreating, a tempest suddenly came upon them, and broke their masts. [in the margin: "they took refuge in macan, where those heretics showed much kindness to the castilians, who had been so badly treated by the portuguese"] although the latter were catholic christians. these dutchmen did not know what was going on in yndia. having repaired their masts, they went away with much wealth of the portuguese, which the latter had entrusted to them thinking that there would be peace between them; and it is not so, but a very bloody war. this, however, is but turning their own tricks against them of the [canton] river. in one ship which the dutch seized were the despatches from goa to macan; these coming into the hands of the king of macazar, he sent them to the governor of these islands. among these letters was one from the intruding king juan, in which he encouraged his vassals and those of macan, giving them an account of his successes; another from the viceroy of yndia, in which he rebuked the injurious and discourteous language which they use when they mention our king filipo fourth, and praised their loyalty. he also gave orders regarding the castilians, that their property--which must be more than three hundred thousand pesos--should be taken from them, and they themselves sent to manila. therrenate and macazar as for the relief expedition which goes every year to therrenate, the one which went this year of 43 comprised two galleys, a galleon, and a patache. one of the galleys was sent with an embassy to the king of macazar, to ask for iron and gunpowder, and other military supplies. this galley was wrecked not far from here on a shoal; all the men were saved, and were distributed among the other ships, which arrived at therrenate without hindrance from the enemy. although the dutch were sailing in sight of us, with four ships, they did not dare to obstruct our passage. the spaniards supplied [the therrenate forts], and the other galley went on to macazar with the envoy; the king promised to supply soon what we asked for. two small ships came with succor for the dutch; and when the fort fired the cannon at them they did not answer--a sign that at least they did not have very good news. they have not received aid from olanda this year. at therrenate the most courageous captains and soldiers have remained, for the dutch enemy is feared, since last year he tried to attack that post. eastern yndia yndia is in a very low condition. it is certain that malaca has not been recovered, and that the dutch are keeping it as their own. the viceroy asked them to comply with the peace or truce that is said to have been effected in europa; but they replied they would do so if he would give them the island of zeilan [i.e., ceylon], which is exceedingly valuable on account of its cinnamon, pearls, and crystal. he answered that he had no authority to do this; and the dutch, collecting some twenty ships, said that they would settle the matter, and would reduce the whole island on their own account. they held in that island some territory and a fortified post. but affairs did not go as they intended, for their attack was repulsed, and they accomplished nothing. with this armada they planned, as is known, to go to therrenate--but that plan was checked by the above mishap. of the ships of this armada, six undertook to attack the king of camboxa; but he defeated them, killing as many as five hundred persons, and capturing three ships and some men. what ships he has, he has promised to these islands, in exchange for money, since there is a lack of iron here for building them. mindanao and jolo cachil corralat still lives, but is so harassed by the spanish soldiers that they hardly let him breathe. he has entreated peace, but no importance is attached to his promises. the spaniards say that they will accept these on condition that he and his son come to manila; that he will allow the fathers to preach the christian religion freely; and aid them therein; and that he surrender his arms, and captives if he has any. the prince of jolo is making the same request, and in order to obtain it he has written to the fathers of the society who reside in the forts of jolo with the spaniards, asking that they will mediate in his favor with the governor. [he states] that the people can hardly secure food, since all their grain-fields are laid waste, and most of their men were captured or slain in their many battles, and so they desire peace--although no confidence can be placed in moors, who never fulfil any promise. wherever the spanish arms go, they also bring the people under the yoke of the gospel. in mindanao, more than six hundred souls were baptized in two weeks, and that they did not baptize more is only because they feared that they could not be sure of so many; since most of these asked for baptism mainly to escape from danger, the fathers did not grant it to all. this year there has been much famine among the indians, because the rice harvest was a poor one, on account of the drouth, and because there came a multitude of locusts, which covered the fields. in less than half an hour they destroyed the grain in a [square] legua where they settled down; and when they flew they formed so thick a mass that it seemed as if they would hide the sun. never has the like plague been seen here. at the port of cavite, an english ship--which is something new, as no english have traded or been seen in these islands for many years--brought commodities which the country needed, in abundance; and thus was supplied the deficiency of cloth (of which very little has come from china), and other articles which we do not get from spain. finis fiscal's report on sangley licenses + report of licentiate don sebastian cavallero, his majesty's fiscal in this royal audiencia of manila, recommending that the issue of the licenses called "fortification licenses," an increase of eleven reals which was added to the general licenses, be suspended; and that all that has been collected on the said fortification licenses and as increase of the general licenses, be restored and be actually deposited in his majesty's royal coffers. with license, at manila, in the year 1644. for the clear understanding of this report, it is necessary to begin by stating that all the sangleys who come from china to these islands, both for the purpose of selling their merchandise and to work in all the trades needed by a community, have paid since the year 610 eight pesos five reals by way of tribute (confirmed by decree of his majesty) for the license, which is called "the general license," in order that they may remain in the country. immediately upon the arrival of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, member of his majesty's council of war, in the year 635 to govern these islands, a new imposition was made (shortly after he began to govern) of some specious licenses for those sangleys who desired to leave this city of manila for other parts and provinces of its jurisdiction. they had to pay for that privilege an annual sum of ten pesos, although the obligation was only eight pesos five reals, so that he burdened them with eleven reals. that increase amounted annually to a very considerable sum; for those who generally go out to buy and sell, and to work and cultivate the land, and engage in the most servile offices of the country, are numerous. after the insurrection and revolt of those sangleys in 1639, the said don sebastian ordered that from all the sangleys should be collected, in place of the eight pesos and five reals that they were paying yearly, ten pesos (thus adding eleven reals to the tribute imposed and confirmed by his majesty), in order to punish them, to keep them under surveillance and subject, and [to obtain a fund for] the fortifications; and that the sangleys who desired to leave the parián for other places, must pay another ten pesos in addition to the ten pesos of the license and general contribution. consequently, each sangley who leaves their parián comes to pay twenty pesos annually--ten for the old and general license and ten for the new, which is called the "government" or "fortification" license. last year, 643, another contribution (called the "little" license) of six reals from each sangley was imposed, to build the fortifications which are being constructed on the side of bagunbaya. it was all executed and collected with the utmost exactness and punctuality by the judges of the licenses, the constables-in-chief, and other officials who were appointed and delegated for that purpose; and although all the proceeds from that new assessment, and the contribution of the fortification licenses, were given in a lump into the keeping of the royal officials, this fund was not deposited at the account of and for the royal estate of his majesty, but was entered separately, and was placed at the disposal and will of don sebastian. [continuing from this point, cavallero discusses the matter of the imposition levied by corcuera, in twenty-two sections, citing many laws and authorities in support of his reasoning. the document seems to be a portion of the evidence used in the residencia of corcuera before his successor, diego fajardo. the arguments adduced by cavallero (here mainly synopsized) are briefly as follows: 1. "the imposition of gabels, tolls, vectigals, [45] tributes, and other assessments and personal contributions, whether patrimonial or mixed, [46] belongs by natural, divine, and human right only to the sovereign and absolute majesty of princes, who do not recognize any superior." 2. the new imposition made on the sangleys by corcuera is included under the name of gabel and tribute. 3. corcuera had no authority to make the new imposition; moreover, the imposition of a new gabel is justified only when an urgent and pressing necessity arises, and the sovereign cannot maintain himself or carry on his military operations with his usual income. 4. if the tribute or new imposition is not justified by urgent necessity, it is illegal. 5. the imposition made by corcuera is illegal, as it was made without any compelling necessity. it is also disproportionate, because it is equal for both the rich and the poor sangley, discriminating not one whit between them. 6. corcuera's reason for making the new imposition was to punish the sangleys for their insurrection. he should first have consulted with his majesty in regard to it. 7. it is not a sufficient justification for the new imposition to say that it was for the purpose of fortification; for those fortifications built across the river near tondo by virtue of that imposition have been torn down, because they would prove a menace to the spaniards in case of hostile attack, for the enemy might find them a base whence to carry on operations against manila. the king's permission is expressly necessary for the erection of new fortifications and public works, and corcuera did not have that permission. 8. it is true, however, that a governor may repair the existing fortifications without express permission of the king, although he is forbidden to construct new fortifications. 9. it is also true that all persons must contribute to the expense of repairing the fortifications; and consequently the new imposition might be tolerated for that reason. "therefore his majesty (whom may god preserve) had assigned three thousand pesos for the fortification and repair of the walls of this city, from the monopoly of the playing-cards [47]--which is paid every year, according to the tenor of its establishment. therefore, his majesty having succored that necessity and made preparations for that expense, with a sufficient and sure sum of money, the little justification for that new imposition can be seen." 10 and 11. "again, supposing that his majesty had not prepared for that necessity, which is a compelling one, and it became necessary to impose a tax and contribution for the repair and equipment of the walls: it ought to be imposed solely on the citizens and inhabitants of this city, according to the means and power of each one, and not among the foreigners and transients like the sangleys, who, coming to trade this year, return the following year to china, where they have their houses, families, and children." that imposition is therefore a burden on the sangleys. 12. "it is clear, then, that as that imposition, so grievous to the sangleys, for the fortification and repair of the walls of this city of manila is not of advantage to them, as they are foreigners, but on the contrary is very injurious to them, and introduced as a mark of hatred toward them, they should not be obliged to pay that contribution and assessment; but [this obligation would fall on] only the citizens and those interested, for the repair, shelter, and defense of their persons and patrimonies, in case that his majesty had not provided the said three thousand pesos from the monopoly of the playing-cards for that purpose. besides, that contribution for the repair of the walls demands consideration of the means and ability of those making it and should be in proportion thereto." since the new imposition is equal for all the sangleys, rich and poor, that just proportion is destroyed. 13. even if those newly-imposed licenses had all the justification and security that law can give, and his majesty (may god preserve him) had ordered them to be imposed, so zealous a minister as don sebastian ought to have represented to his royal council of the indias that these sangleys have been made to pay for the privilege of remaining in these islands the annual sum of eight pesos five reals since the year 610. that brings his majesty, according to the number of the sangleys now, 120,000 pesos annually. in the years 638 and 39, when there were twenty-five or thirty thousand sangleys (which was the time of the insurrection), those licenses amounted to more than 230,000 pesos. since that sum is so considerable, a risk was being incurred if they were burdened with another imposition; for they might, oppressed by so many exactions and assessments, abandon the commerce of those islands, even though they perceived so much gain in them, and his majesty would because of these licenses lose that established commerce.... representing those reasons and inconveniences to his majesty, he ought to have suspended the execution of this measure until, the matter having been conferred over in the royal council of the indias, his majesty should decree according to his pleasure. all the more [should this be done] in lands and kingdoms recently acquired, as are the indias--where for many years after the conquest no alcabala, gabel, or other contribution was imposed or asked until the year 574, when general decrees were promulgated ordering that the payment of the alcabala be introduced into the kingdoms of piru and nueva españa, and that with great moderation and mildness. don francisco de toledo, viceroy of piru, [48] suspended the execution of the decree for many years, until the marques de cañete [49] ordered, in the time of his government, the collection of that duty, by virtue of a new decree which he held. although, as is a fact, the excise duties are a royal right, so ancient and accepted, and neither the indians nor the spaniards, their colonists and conquistadors, paid his majesty anything, the suspension of [their collection by] don francisco de toledo was regarded as advisable, until pressing necessities compelled more severe exactions. 14. it is to be presumed that whenever a king or ruler imposes a new gabel on a province already burdened with one gabel, he does not know that the first one is imposed, and that on learning it, he would not add a new one to the old burden; "and the greatest service to him will be to suspend such imposition until [the governor] can inform the king, laying the matter before him, and awaiting a new order." 15. but corcuera may apparently take refuge in the royal decree of june 19, 1614, if the governor of the philippines is entitled by that decree to use all the authority granted to the viceroys of peru and nueva españa, and hence may make the imposition. 16. it must be supposed then, that the governor has the same power and authority as a viceroy in some matters. 17. but certain things are prohibited, forbidden, and excepted to governors, viceroys, and proconsuls, and authority for these does not extend to them, being reserved for the king or ruler. 18. among these is the right to impose gabels and taxes, or the increasing of such, without consulting the ruler. 19. since the case stands thus, in order to give color of justification to this tribute and new imposition of licenses the said don sebastian ought, since he is so zealous for the increase of the royal treasury, to have deposited its proceeds as a royal tax in the royal coffers and treasury, just as the other incomes and tributes of his majesty are deposited, so that the money arising from it might be paid in the salaries and other fixed expenses which his majesty orders to be paid by decrees and treasury and government ordinances, and by no others, except by a special meeting of the treasury officials who decide and resolve on such payment because of necessity or expediency. what is worse is that, although the money received from the licenses and impositions has been deposited in the royal coffers, it has not been considered as belonging to his majesty. consequently, the said don sebastian has expended it according to his own authority and inclination, in the manner that he has judged to be best. he claims obstinately that he can spend that royal income without observing the form and order commanded by his majesty in ordinance number 18, because he put down the sangley insurrection by conquering the sangleys, and imposed this burden and contribution on them without your [sic; sc., his] majesty's order--endeavoring thereby to get free power to dispose of the royal dues by the same authority on which he trespassed in imposing gabels on the chinese. however, the greatest service that can be done to kings is to observe and obey to the letter their royal commands and ordinances directed to the efficient reckoning, administration, and disbursement of their royal treasure. it is the king's will that there be no extraordinary outlay, of a single real, without first calling a meeting of the royal audiencia and the royal officials, by whose decision the extraordinary expense is justified. and if the outlay and disbursement of so great sums of money as have proceeded from the new imposition of fortification licenses and the "little" licenses, has not been in this form, then he ought, first and foremost, to deposit and deliver into the royal coffers all the proceeds from those impositions, according to the certification of the royal officials, from the time of their institution until the present. 20 and 21. the fiscal states, first, that the proceeds of the new imposition and the increase upon the old must be actually deposited in the royal coffers, before all else. second, he declares "that this new imposition of licenses has caused universal harm and injury to the general welfare and the public good, in whose conservation and advancement his majesty is so much interested, as one who is the father and shepherd of these poor sheep, so distant from the care of their master. for although it was a fact that fifty almudes of rice (the equivalent of two fanegas) were furnished for four reals in the year 639, now one fanega is worth two pesos, and at retail much more. the reason for that is, that since the principal farmers of these islands are the sangleys, and the latter cannot go out freely to work and cultivate the land without paying a contribution so great as ten pesos for their license, it proves impossible for them to go out [for this work], as the mass of the farmers are always a poor and humble people. on that account the land is deprived of its principal and universal support, namely, that of rice--although the laws so liberally dispense benefits and privileges to the farmers, so that they may be contented, and be encouraged to serve the community with the provisions and abundance that the land, grateful for its working and cultivation, offers. the same is true in the fisheries and in other necessary occupations, for the sangleys are the feet and hands of this land, as far as its sustenance is concerned, and this new imposition has cut them off." 22. it is clearly inferred from the above that although the sangleys are burdened by this new kind of license, that for fortification, those who in reality and in fact have to pay it are the seventy citizens who, according to the appraisement, live in this city of manila. for if the sangley who comes from china to these islands to work does not bring a single real from that country, and has to pay ten pesos for the general license and ten for that of fortification, besides the secretary's fees, it is necessary that his labor and the fruits of it be sold for a double price. thus it is being experienced that, although the ordinary pay of a workman--a carpenter, or mason, or others--was formerly two reals, they are now paid four or five, and the workmen are not willing to work for that. it is necessary to beg them, and to pay them what they ask, for there are no others who can perform these services. where shoes were worth two reals before, they are now worth four. it now costs four or five pesos to have a garment made where before it cost two. the same thing is true in everything else, and it all originated and proceeded from the year of 639, with the increase of their burden for the general license and the new imposition of the fortification license of ten pesos apiece. that is so heavy a burden that i believe that no equally grievous a personal assessment has ever been imposed throughout the kingdoms subject to the monarchy of españa. all these matters are very serious, hard to decide aright, and worthy of being considered very closely and attentively. they concern the discharge of the king's conscience, the royal authority, the conservation and increase of the king's treasury and the royal patrimony, and the public welfare and conservation of these islands. for all of them, i beseech your lordship to be pleased to provide and order what shall be most to the service of his majesty and the public convenience. in that i shall receive grace and justice.] decree ordering reenforcements for the islands to the conde de salvatierra, my relative, and viceroy, governor and captain-general of nueva españa, and president of my royal audiencia which there resides: captain melchor de barrasa enrriquez, procurator-general of the filipinas islands, has reported to me that the condition in which those islands are exposes them to danger; that the colony is held together only by the few troops who remain in it since the wars in mindanao and the insurrection of the sangleys; and that, since this is the case, considering also the portuguese rebellion and the power which the dutch possess, it is necessary for that colony to stand continually on the defensive. for this reason, it is desirable that you, and those who shall succeed you in those offices, hasten the usual reënforcements [that are sent there], and that these be considerable, both of men and of military supplies--since those provinces [of nueva españa] now contain more idle people than ever before; and the filipinas islands have a much smaller number of men than they always have had, on account of losing so many in the military expedition above mentioned. in order that these reënforcements may be sent in time, and may be sufficiently large, it is decreed that you commence them early in december, making repartimientos of men [50] in all the provinces, according to the population of each one. you shall also command that the alcaldes-mayor and the corregidors shall fill the respective quotas allotted to them, from the vagabonds and criminals; for otherwise it will be impossible to collect a sufficient number, or to further [the needs of] my service. unless there can be sent each year five hundred soldiers, and as many seamen as possible, the relief will not be sufficient to meet the needs of those islands. the amount of money sent should also be in accordance with what has been decreed, and with it should go the supplies that shall be required [for the islands. the said procurator-general] entreats that i be pleased to command that an urgent decree of mine be despatched, requiring you to send this relief promptly and efficiently, of all the above kinds; and to report annually what you sent during the year. this matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, together with a letter to me from don diego fajardo, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, written on february 29, 1644, i command you--notwithstanding that i have charged you, by other orders of mine, to reënforce and aid those islands, for the sake of their preservation--that, in view of all the representations that have been made to me in behalf of the city of manila, and the measures that have been proposed here, and the orders that you have from me, you shall succor the said islands, endeavoring to secure their preservation and prosperity by all the means in your power. you shall be vigilant in doing this with the attention and diligence that the matter demands, considering the frequency with which the enemies attempt to invade those islands; and i shall consider myself well served by the care and watchfulness which you shall employ in their aid and defense. dated at zaragoza, september 18, 1645. i the king by command of our sovereign: juan bautista saenz nav[arrete] [endorsed: "to the viceroy of nueva españa, regarding aid to filipinas."] erection of college of santo tomas into a university letter from felipe iv to innocent x very holy father: i am writing to the count of sirvela, [51] my ambassador at that court, to supplicate your holiness, in my name, to concede a bull, so that a college of the order of preachers in the city of manila of the filipinas islands, located in my west indias, may become a university, with the same qualifications and perpetuity as [are possessed by] the other universities of this order in avila and pamplona, in these my kingdoms, and those of lima and méjico; and that, since they wish to found a separate university in the said city of manila, it may be done, because that city is more than three thousand leguas distant from the nearest universities--namely, those of lima and méjico. i supplicate your holiness to hear him and give entire credit to what he shall say and represent about this matter in my behalf, and to have his business despatched with all promptness and thoroughness. i shall thereby receive a special favor from your holiness, whose very sacred person may our lord preserve; and may he lengthen your days for the good and prosperous administration of his universal church. madrid, december 20, 1644. your holiness's very humble and devout son, don felipe, by the grace of god, etc., who kisses your holy feet and hands. the king eugenio bautista saena navarrete letter from felipe iv to the conde de sirvela to the conde de sirvela, my relative and member of my council, and my ambassador at roma: the bearer of this, fray mateo de villa, of the order of preachers, procurator of the province of sancto rosario of the filipinas islands, a part of my western indias, has informed me that his province possesses a college, that of sancto thomas, in the city of manila, of which i am patron, and which contains thirty secular students. he says that this college has been a university for several years by royal license; that bulls have been conceded twice for its preservation; and that at the present time grammar, rhetoric, the arts, and moral and scholastic philosophy are taught there, to the special profit of the children of that community. he begs me to have royal license given, so that the said college may be a university, with the same qualifications and perpetuity as are possessed by the other universities of his order in the convent of sancto thomas at avila, and in sanctiago at pamplona, in these my kingdoms. his petition having been examined by the members of my royal council of the indias; and having taken into consideration that the city of manila, of the filipinas islands, is situated more than three thousand leguas from the nearest universities--namely, those of lima and mexico--and that the said university experiences some restriction; i have considered it fitting to lend my royal consent in this matter, and to permit this concession to endure for the present: provided that, if in future there should be any disposition to found a separate university, that may be done, as in the cities of lima and mexico, so that it may be a general university, in order that students may be graduated from all branches of learning, and that all its degrees may be valid everywhere. therefore i charge and order you, in my name, and by virtue of the letter of authority that i am writing, to entreat his holiness to be pleased to concede a bull, so that the said college may become a university with the same qualifications and perpetuity as those of airla, sanctiago de pamplona, lima, and mexico--as those islands and provinces have no university of this rank. for this is advantageous to my service and to the public welfare of those districts. you shall act as diligently in this matter, as i expect you to do, so that the said bull be given immediately, and in this wise will you serve me. madrid, december 20, 1644. i the king by order of the king, our sovereign: juan baptista saenz nav[arrete] [endorsed: "to the ambassador in roma. he is to beg his holiness to concede a bull granting that the college of sancto thomas of manila, of the order of preachers, become a university." "felipe iv. original letter written by his majesty to the count of sirvela, in respect to the latter begging his holiness in the king's name, to concede his bull so that the college of sancto thomas of manila of the order of preachers become a university." "given in madrid, december 20, 1644." "644. roma, february 28, 45." "in order that a brief may be given by his holiness so that the college of sancto thomas of manila become a university." "bought june 17, 1891 for twenty-five pesetas from don josé maria rocamora j. vigil."] bull issued by innocent x pope innocent x, for the memory of this in the future. established by the divine order in the supereminent watch tower of the apostolic see, although with inadequate merits, and reviewing in the privacy of our consideration the extent to which the holy catholic faith is increased by the study of letters, and the worship of the true god diffused, truth recognized and justice revered and observed, we are gladly making efforts to have the said studies promoted, so that even humble persons who desire to train themselves in those studies may attain their desire. applying for this purpose with more particular inclination the vigilance of our solicitude, while at the same time the desires of the faithful ones of christ, and signally of those who are conspicuous with royal dignity, entreat this: accordingly, having considered the condition of those places, we judge, in the spirit of god, that the following is beneficial and expedient. since there is in the city of manila, of the filipinas islands in the western indias, a college called sancto tomás, of the order of the friars of st. dominic, as has been lately told us in the name of our very beloved son in christ, felipe, catholic king of the españas, wherein thirty collegiates are being educated, and grammar, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and scholastic and moral theology are studied and taught, to the great profit of the inhabitants of those districts; and considering that the city of manila is more than three thousand leguas from the two nearest universities with general curricula--namely, lima and méxico--for which reason the said king felipe is especially desirous that a university be erected and instituted by us in the said college (thus it was that we were humbly petitioned in the name of the said felipe that, in consideration of its utility to the inhabitants of the said city, and to their instruction or education in letters, we would, with apostolic authority, deign to erect and institute a university in the above-mentioned city and in the buildings of the aforesaid college, in which the religious of the said order may publicly give instruction to and teach any youth grammar, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and scholastic and moral theology, and also make seasonable provision in the other things above mentioned, in accordance with apostolic graciousness): we therefore, desiring to show gracious compliance, and ourselves being effectually inclined to the pious desires and petitions of king felipe, after invoking the opinion and advice of some of our beloved sons--cardinals of the holy roman church and other prelates of this court, whom we assign to this duty--by the tenor of the present, and without prejudice to any other, erect and institute, by virtue of apostolic authority, a university in the said city of manila, in the buildings of the said college where the schools are at present, or wherever they may be built hereafter in more ample form. in it the religious of the said order may publicly give instruction to and teach any youth grammar, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and scholastic and moral theology. this shall have force only until some public university with a general curriculum be erected by apostolic authority in the said city of manila, or in its province. we submit and subject this said university, thus founded and instituted, by the aforesaid authority and perpetually to the supervision, management, and administration of the said order, and that of its master-general, now and forever, or of the person whom he shall assign, who shall be the rector of the whole university. item: by the authority and tenor of these presents, we concede and grant to the said university, its rector, masters, students, and to all and each one of the aforesaid, power to obtain, employ, and enjoy, all and singular, the privileges, indults, liberties, immunities, exemptions, favors, concessions, prerogatives, honors, and preëminences conceded to like universities, and to their successive rectors, masters, lecturers, doctors, teachers, students, procurators, beadles, envoys, officials, and helpers, and all other persons, however these may be conceded to them, whether in general or in special--not only in their similitude, but in like form and with complete and equal excellence. and besides this, we concede to the rector of the said university and college, henceforth and forever, as long as the said university endure, as above stated, power to promote and graduate those who shall have studied their due time in this university thus founded, and whom he shall consider as qualified in learning and morals, as bachelors, licentiates, doctors, and masters in those branches which are taught and studied in the said college, observing in all and through all the form of the decrees of the councils of vienne and of trent [52]--whose decrees we are not minded to violate in any respect--and also the praiseworthy customs of the other universities, and to give to such graduates the insignia of such degrees. those thus promoted and graduated by the rector may afterward, publicly and privately, even though it be in all the other academies and universities with general curricula, expound the above-mentioned studies, and teach others, may dispute concerning them, and perform the acts suitable to the degree or degrees that they may possess. they shall also be enabled to exercise and enjoy all the rights, privileges, favors, concessions, prerogatives, and indults, that are exercised, and enjoyed, and that may be exercised and enjoyed hereafter, by right or custom, by those legitimately graduated from the said schools, either in other academies or universities, or in any other place, in all respects, as if they had received their degrees in the said academies or universities, in accordance with the usages and customs of those institutions. by virtue of the aforesaid authority and tenor, we also concede and grant authority to the master-general of the said order, now and forever, that any statute and ordinance--so long as it be legal and proper, and not contrary to the sacred canons and decrees of the council of trent and apostolic constitutions--may be published and promulgated by himself, by the rector of the college and university thus founded, or any other person or persons, according to what is thus advisable for the wholesome and successful administration of the university, and proper to the duties and obligations of rector, master, procurators, beadles, envoys, and all other assistants and officials. in respect to the manner and form of instruction, the employment of each one in his duties, and the maintenance of the students, the said officer may publish and promulgate any statutes or ordinances--provided they be lawful and reasonable, and not contrary to the sacred canons, or the decrees of the council of trent, or the apostolic constitutions; and these statutes and ordinances may be changed, corrected, and recast, or repealed and annulled and others established anew, according to the character of the times, affairs, and persons; and he may impose what penalties seem best to him for their observation and fulfilment. he may freely appoint and remove the doctors, lecturers, students, procurators, beadles, and all other assistants and officials of the university, or confirm the appointments made of them. item: we decree that these present letters must and shall be valid, firm, and efficacious; that they shall have and obtain their plenary and complete effects; and that thus and in no other manner ought they be judged and defined by any judges, ordinary or delegated, even though such be the auditors of the causes of the apostolic palace, and cardinals of the holy roman church. and further, if any person, of whatsoever rank he be, should perchance attempt to contravene the decree herein contained, whether knowingly or ignorantly, his opposition shall be void and invalid, notwithstanding the apostolic constitutions and ordinances, or in any necessary rules of the said order--statutes, customs, and any other contrary things--even if accompanied with oath, apostolic confirmation, or any other validity, corroboration, or authorization. given at rome, in santa maria la maggiore, under the fisherman's seal, november twenty, one thousand six hundred and forty-five, in the second year of our pontificate. marcos aurelio maraldo trade with english not desired + sire: don alonso de cardenas, in a letter to your majesty of november 23 of last year, states that your majesty was pleased to have him informed in a letter of september 14, that, inasmuch as the proposition of the east-indian merchants of that kingdom regarding permission to trade in manila and other ports of philipinas, has not been thought advisable, he may close the discussion as civilly as possible. he should try to ascertain whether the said company [53] of english merchants is introducing any regular navigation from that kingdom to the philipinas, in what form, whether it may be expected that it will continue to acquire strength, and any other information that he may be able to obtain, and advise you of what he may discover. conforming to these instructions he has begun to mistrust that the merchants cannot accomplish what they have proposed, and has learned that the said company of india is not sending any vessel directly to the philipinas; but that two or three vessels that they despatch annually to the city of bantan, in the kingdom or province of simatria [54]--which is subject to the king of surat, called magol--proceed yearly to manila and return to bantan where the english of this company have commerce and settled communication, and where one of them lives, with the title of president of the company. this company is not confirmed by the parliament, nor does it enjoy the privileges that they wish for its establishment. however, they expect both these shortly in reference to which a merchant of the said company told him [i.e., alonso de cardenas] that the commerce of india would increase, and that six or seven vessels would be sent annually to bantan, whence two or three would go to manila and other ports of the philipinas. the above is the extent of his knowledge acquired in order to inform your majesty. the council having examined it, and don francisco de melo and the marquis of valparayso concurring in their opinion, it is fitting that don alonso be advised that we have received his communication, and approve his care in acquiring and sending this information; and that a copy of this letter be sent to the council of the indias--although in the condition of affairs, no difficulty is looked for in the course of this matter. your majesty will order what is most pleasing to you? at madrid, january 30, 1647. [signed in paraph] [endorsed: "+ in madrid, january 30, 1647." "the council of state, in which don francisco de melo and the marquis de valparayso concur in regard to the response of don alonso de cardenas, respecting his orders as to declining the proposition that was made by english merchants of eastern india for trade in the port of manila and other ports in the philipinas." "let it be so."--evidently the instruction of the king, which is signed in paraph.] affairs in filipinas, 1644-47 relation of the events on sea and land in the filipinas islands during the recent years, until the earthquake and destruction on the feast of st. andrews in 645; and the battles and naval victories over the dutch in 646. by the presentado [55] father fray joseph fayol, of the order of mercy for the redemption of captives, [56] chief chaplain of the royal chapel of the incarnation, and a tertiary [tercio] of manila. fortune was not born to endure. the ancients depicted her without feet upon which to stand, but with wings and hands--without feet, because she never was willing or able to remain in any event, whether fortunate or unfortunate; with wings, that she might fly, like the wind, at her own inconstant will; and with two hands, because if with one she caresses and elevates, with the other she smites and beats down--as far down as she had before upraised. she supports, it is true, with one hand the earth and with the other the sea; but she shows herself, by turns, favorable and adverse to both elements. now she caresses the earth, and now is harsh and stern to the sea; and when fortune pleases she crosses her hands, so that no one may trust to her favors or despair at the injuries that she inflicts. this is a fable and an ancient picture, but it also contains a moral, to teach the uncertainty of human affairs. the [christian] faith recognizes no fortune but that of the divine will and providence, from whose hand depends the structure of the globe, and from whom all events, whether prosperous or adverse, proceed. with one hand he dispenses troubles, misfortunes, and calamities to states, to correct and curb their excesses; and with the other (which still remains full, from his natural beneficence) he gives them prosperity and happiness--tempering the sharpness of the one with the sweetness of the other. and if, at times, he seems to be severe to earth, afflicting her with earthquakes, disasters, and other calamities, it is that she may acknowledge herself subject to his will, and not rely upon her own stability. at the same time, he may be benignant and favorable to the sea, rendering it glorious in events, triumphant in battle, fortunate and renowned in victory. 1. condition of the islands this is properly a picture or hieroglyph of the events in manila, the chief city and court of the filipinas islands, in the course of the years which have elapsed since that of 33, when ashes rained upon and hunger tormented that city; since 38-39, when occurred the losses and wrecks of the vessels which sailed to and from nueva españa, and the insurrection of the sangleys in manila and its environs; since 40, when there were eruptions of volcanoes, and thunders were heard in the air, with the sounds of cannon and instruments of war, as at the time was stated; since 41, when the dutch enemy, having been disengaged from the capture of malaca (in eastern india) appeared with a powerful fleet off the cape of espiritu santo [57] and the coasts of these islands; since 42, when they seized the island of hermosa; and since 43-44, when they were continually sending out squadrons of vessels, both large and small--the former going to the embocadero and cape espiritu santo to await the ships that carried our relief, and the latter stationed on the coasts of ilocos and pangasinán to intercept the passage, and pillage the vessels which were wont to come from china to trade with these islands. 2. battle of the champans such was the condition of the islands at the end of june in 44, when señor don diego faxardo, knight of the order of santiago and member of his majesty's council of war, who had been sent as their proprietary governor landed on the extreme point of this island of manila after a difficult and long voyage, due either to the early beginning of the vendavals, or to having sailed late from acapulco. he found the islands deficient in naval strength, since the few ships there were had been sent to terrenate to oppose the threatened invasion of the enemy that year. about the middle of august his lordship made his entrance into manila and took possession of the government; and early in september he despatched the galleons "encarnacion" and "rosario,"--which were waiting equipped and ready to sail--to nueva españa. at the end of october, reënforcements were sent to terrenate and other provinces. as early as april, 45, the dutch enemy had three small round vessels and as many others (or rather champans) off the coasts of ilocos and pangasinan for the aforesaid purpose. at that time there was neither a ship nor a galley in cavite which could be armed to oppose the enemy, and therefore only champans and oared vessels were sent out, under command of captain sebastian lopez (a man whose valor, spirit, and ability will be hereafter related; he had come with the governor as captain of infantry), and of other captains and leaders--all picked officers of this camp, and men so courageous that, although their fleet was so inferior to that of the enemy, they were enabled to frustrate the designs of the dutch and save the chinese merchantmen. on two different occasions they engaged the champans of the enemy, three to three, with such valor and good fortune that both times the enemy was ignominiously routed with great loss of men; one of their champans being burnt and the others destroyed, while our losses were but few. this was a happy beginning and augury of the victories and brilliant successes of our arms on the sea, although an expensive and dangerous expedition, as it obliged the enemy, on the following year, to bring all his forces against the islands, as will be hereafter related, at the proper time, when an account is given of the melancholy and disastrous calamities with which it pleased our lord to visit us on land. 3. death of the archbishop in july the two galleons, "encarnacion" and "rosario," arrived at the port of lampon, on the coast opposite manila, with abundance of aid from nueva españa, carefully provided by his majesty (whom god preserve) on account of the information received by his royal council regarding the reënforcements that were going from olanda against these islands. with these galleons came his lordship don fernando montero de espinosa, bishop of nueva segovia and archbishop-elect of manila; he was a prelate of promise and ability, as is known to the [spanish] court. heaven did not will that manila should enjoy his presence, or merit seeing him alive, but only when he was dead; for even while all the people were preparing a magnificent reception for him, with suitable festivities and rejoicings, they were called upon for tears and mourning in solemnizing his funeral rites. his illustrious lordship reached the port with poor health. the land-routes which they had to take in traveling from lampon to the lake [of bay] and the river of manila are very rough and steep, without any convenience or comfort of inns. his illustrious lordship, by making the journey easier for others through his charity, traveled through those mountains so destitute of comforts that on the same day when he reached the lake he became seriously ill. he would not allow them to bleed him, and on that very night he was attacked by a hemorrhage of blood, so abundant that it caused his death. on the morning of the next day, a crowd of handsomely adorned boats awaited him at the mouth of the manila [i.e., pasig] river; they looked like a garden of flowers, and contained musicians who played their instruments together. but they received his venerated body, with the trappings of grief, and with mournful lamentations. 4. earthquakes this event was for manila an omen of punishments, which were not long delayed. on the thirtieth of november, the day of st. andrew, the patron of this city, there occurred the most lamentable and disastrous earthquake that has been known on these islands since the spanish conquest and occupation. manila, when it was first founded, was composed of wooden houses covered with thatch of palm leaves, which are used by the natives in their buildings; this [inflammable material] had resulted in many fires which in several years and on various occasions had burned and consumed the wealth of manila. in order to provide against these disasters from fire, the spaniards commenced to build their houses of stone and tiles, without any pressing fear of the earthquakes--which, although they usually occur here every year, have not [before] caused destruction [which could arouse much] apprehension. accordingly, during the forty years, more or less, that have elapsed since the last fire, beautiful edifices were erected, and dwellings were built so high and spacious that they seemed like palaces. magnificent temples, with stately and beautiful towers were erected within and without the walls of manila, rendering it very handsome and distinguished; and it was not less suitable for health and enjoyment. but the result has proved that the inhabitants of manila, while avoiding in their buildings the activity of fire, fell into the terrible power of the earth. on the aforementioned day of the apostle st. andrew, patron of this city--[chosen] on account of the victory gained on that day by the early conquerors and settlers over the pirate limahon, who with sixty chinese vessels had attacked manila, and would have gained possession of the city if, through the intercession of the holy apostle, a few spaniards who had retired to the fort had not returned to the defense of the city--on the anniversary of this day, then, it pleased god again to deprive us of the city, on account of our sins. the banner had been brought forth [58] in the morning, and the divine services celebrated with the customary pomp, and attendance and presence of the governor, audiencia, and regidors. in the evening, at eight o'clock, they had just finished ringing the animas in the cathedral, the parish churches, and the convents; the sky was clear, the moon bright, and the air calm and still, after a long period, even months, of clear and dry weather. suddenly a frightful crash was heard, and the earth began to quake so violently that it seemed as if it would become a sepulchre for all the inhabitants. as a result, during the space of four credos--the time during which the first shock lasted, the earthquake passing from north to south, and then from east to west, with a rapid movement--in that brief time it flung to the ground the most beautiful and magnificent buildings in this city. the stone walls were shaken and bent like sheets of paper or parchment fluttered by the wind; the towers swayed and bent like trees; and the largest trees [broke] like the masts of a ship in the midst of a fierce hurricane. nothing was heard but the crash of buildings mingled with the clamor of voices entreating heaven for mercy, the cries of the terrified animals adding to the horror. in the streets could only be seen the heaps of stone from the ruined houses, which hindered the flight of those who in frightened haste were leaving their homes. at the first shock of the earthquake, which filled all with fear, some tried to save their lives in the open spaces of their doors and windows; but this effort availed nothing to many, for the houses falling flat, buried them under the stones and timbers. others sought to take refuge in the churches; but as many of these had fallen, and others were in a dangerous condition, they could not find a refuge there. accordingly, all who could directed their flight to the plazas, and, the gates of the city being at once opened, they fled to the beach and the fields, where they whom the earth cast out might look toward the heavens. charity animated by religious zeal was at once displayed by the prebends, canons, and members of the [cathedral] chapter, and, following their example, by all the clergy; and by the religious of the four orders--augustinians, dominicans, franciscans (those of the society of jesus), and the augustinian recollects--who flourish in these islands in holiness and in zeal for the saving of souls. all, vying with each other in good works, went about amid the greatest danger, risking their lives in the ruins of the fallen houses, which were left broken and torn apart from each other, to disinter the dead, and to save the lives of those who were holding off death for a little time or lengthening their span of life in the clear space made by some timbers--which now were their defense, but soon would be the coffin or tomb of the very bodies which before they protected. had this religious solicitude been wanting, the injured would also have failed to receive the last absolution, the remedy for the greatest sinners, since contrition is so uncertain, and in such dangers so difficult. while engaged in this labor the religious experienced no little pain, although mingled with consolation, in hearing from the ruins voices entreating them to hear confessions. the sufferers were consoled by the religious, who exhorted them to [show their] sorrow for their sins by fervent acts of contrition; for these absolution was given to them, as is done on the battle-field or in a storm at sea. thus all the religious incurred so great danger that no one felt himself secure; for the shocks did not cease, although they were less severe than at first. they were accompanied by so loud a crash that its noise could be heard, even before the quaking of the earth, far away--as when, in spain, there is a hail-storm. the night was everywhere very clear, as the moon was full; and for the sufferers night shone brighter than the day, for god greatly illumined their souls, and revealed the sins that had brought upon them this punishment. even the children incapable of sin fell on their knees and begged to confess; nor was there any person so stony-hearted, although so many were made homeless by god, that he was not softened and turned to him. a franciscan-religious carried the blessed sacrament from the convent of santa clara to the main plaza, where a great many people had gathered; so loud were the sobs, cries, and groans of the people that it seemed like a day of judgment. some bemoaned their children who remained buried in the ruins; others, their parents and relatives. for some, there was no one to weep, since the entire family had perished. we all lamented our sins, as a punishment for which this calamity had befallen us. in the first shock one hundred and fifty of the finest buildings, which in other cities would be called palaces, were totally destroyed; all the other houses were so damaged and dangerous that it has been necessary to demolish them completely. it may be said with truth that only a semblance of manila remains. there has been no means of ascertaining the actual number of the dead; those known to be missing are four hundred and fifty, and the number would have been greater if the earthquake had occurred two hours later when all would have been sleeping. this is a general account; and we will now proceed to make some special mention of the ruins. 5. ruins of the city the building of the palace and royal audiencia was mostly overthrown; and the governor, don diego faxardo, who at the time had retired to his apartments, was in danger of being buried in the ruins. but it pleased the lord that he escaped, without injury, to the plaza de armas, where a field-tent was set up for him, in which he lived for several months, until a suitable dwelling of wood was built for him. the greater part of the royal chapel also fell, and what remained was in so bad condition that it will be necessary to build it practically anew. the cathedral was totally destroyed; tower, roofs, chapels, and even the foundations, were overthrown. the hospital for the spaniards was ruined, but no one was killed; for to those who were very ill, and unable to move their bodies, necessity gave swift feet to carry them to a place of safety. the seminary of santa potenciana, which is a refuge for orphan girls and the wives of deserving men who are absent, was greatly damaged; one wing fell, and carried down many girls, eight being killed, and thirty wounded. at the seminary of la misericordia, which also is a refuge for girls, the house was not much damaged; but the church, which was handsome and elegant, was so injured that a great part of it has been pulled down, in order to rebuild it. outside of the city walls, the parish church of santiago and its tower were overthrown; and an indian, who was ringing the animas, said that a cavalier told him that he would save him; and the indian was actually found lying on the ground, without any injury. it seems a miracle, although it can be easily understood that the great st. james, whose church that was, rewarded the good deed of ringing the animas by saving the indian. the churches of nuestra señora de guia and san antonio were rendered unserviceable. the order of st. dominic lost its convent and church, and a great part of the college of santo tomas; but neither the religious nor the students were injured. another building, that of the seminary called san juan de letran--for orphan boys, who are under instruction by the fathers of that order--fell to the ground; and it was through the providence of the lord that all the boys, more than one hundred and twenty in number, escaped alive. the church of the fathers of st. francis was badly shaken, and the walls surrounding the convent were ruined, as well as a hospital for the mulattoes, in which some perished. it was necessary to remove the nuns from the convent of santa clara and shelter them in the orchards belonging to the house of a gentleman, who piously lent that place so that they might sojourn there with the satisfaction and propriety of their own cloister. the order that suffered least was that of the fathers of st. augustine, although their convent was considerably shaken, and the church tower fell. the recollect fathers of the same saint were not so fortunate; a great portion of their convent and church fell, killing a religious who was a faithful servant of god and thus regarded by all. the society of jesus did not fare the worst: the class-rooms for arts and theology (which was an old building) fell, and a part of the main structure in the new building, which is very handsome and costly. the church, although it is the tallest in manila, stood firm--except that the tiles fell from the cupola. at the college of san joseph (which is in charge of the same order) one wing fell down, and was entirely demolished; and the rest of the building was badly shaken, especially an elegant chapel which was adorned by pictures of the twelve apostles. not one of these pictures was thrown down by the earthquake, except that of st. andrew, in token that on his day his church and even the city were destroyed. outside of manila and within its district many churches, and convents of different orders which ministered to the natives, were ruined. notable among these was the church in the village of san miguel, administered by the fathers of the society; both church and house were totally ruined. in the house, at the time, were father francisco de roa, the provincial, and father juan de salazar, who had been provincial six years before. father francisco de roa was buried up to his shoulders in the ruins, from which he was rescued badly injured. father juan de salazar lost this earthly life, but gained the divine life of heaven, which he had already imitated on earth; he was removed, mortally injured, from the ruins, but there was time to absolve him and administer the sacrament of extreme unction; he expired shortly afterward, with the peace of spirit which his great purity of conscience had secured him. also near manila, in the village of minondoc, in charge of the fathers of st. dominic, their magnificent church, the erection of which had been completed a few years before, was overthrown; the convent of san francisco del monte, and its church, which belongs to the religious of st. francis, were destroyed; and the convent of santa ana was so much damaged as to be uninhabitable. a great many handsome and delightful houses for recreation, on the banks of the river, were also destroyed. it may be said, in a word, that the whole of manila was destroyed; for neither within nor without the city was there a building which did not need a great deal of repair to make it habitable. 6. other damages and effects of the earthquake in the islands all this occurred in that night; at dawn on the following morning, most of the people left the city and took shelter in the suburbs, [even] in the humblest huts of the indians, which are built of bamboo and nipa. others built huts in the plazas and on the beach, to which they came as exiles from their own houses and native land, yet in sight of it. surrounded, as we are, by so many thousands of infidels, the fact that no lawless acts occurred was due to the foresight and care of don diego faxardo, governor of the islands. he ordered the sargento-mayor and commander of the troops, manuel estacio venegas (who is at present the officer nearest to the government, and with faithfulness and care puts into execution its official acts and those belonging to the military department), to man the walls; and that the cavaliers should be occupied by the infantry companies and the inhabitants, which was done. troops were also sent outside of the city, and detachments were formed to protect those who had left it and taken shelter in the suburbs. processions and public prayers then followed, and all were accompanied with as many acts of penitence as in holy week; many confessed, and few contented themselves with what had occurred since their last confession, but confessed the sins of a lifetime. to this end the religious hastened through the fields, the beach and the plazas, and were untiring in the labors of their ministries; they preached penitence to those who did not need many arguments to move them to comply. the dead were buried by the dozen; every one prayed to god for mercy, and entreated that he would withhold his scourge. on the fifth of december, five days after the first shock of earthquake, another one occurred as violent as the first, at eleven o'clock at night, but no fatality occurred, as all were prepared; the destruction of many other buildings was completed; and the city was left in such condition that one could not walk through it. the effects of these shocks were terrible, also, in other provinces of these islands. whole indian villages were overthrown, as their huts are built of so light materials, bamboos and palm-leaves; and hills were leveled. rivers were dried, which afterward flowed again; others, leaving their beds, inundated the villages; great fissures, and even chasms, appeared in the open fields. in the manila river the disturbance and commotion in its waves was so great that it seemed as if they would flood all the country; for their fury urged the river from its bed, and its waters flowed over the bridge. [59] the anxiety and disquiet in the country continued throughout the year, until the corresponding moon, [60] which was in december, 1646; in that month, and in the forty days, succeeding, the shocks, disturbance, and quaking were lessened, giving to philosophers abundant material for discussing natural causes, and to theologians and preachers cause for revering the divine judgments and exhorting sinners to contrition and repentance. great changes have taken place in lives and morals; the important thing is, that these shall endure. [61] 7. dutch fleet against manila in this unfortunate condition had god placed manila, when the infernal dragon again brought his power to bear against her from the direction of the sea. the heretic dutchman was piqued and even enraged that, after so many years and so much expenditure, he had not secured any of the relief ships from nueva españa. he was also angry at the little reputation that he had gained in the battle between the champans in the preceding year; and at the little advantage that he had obtained from the attempt against the fort of jolo, as will soon be told. accordingly, to obtain satisfaction for these debts, they determined, in the great council of their nueva batavia (which we call jacatrâ) to make, this year, a last attack upon these islands. for this purpose (according to advices from macaçar) they equipped eighteen vessels and divided them into several squadrons. the first, of five ships, was for the coasts of pangasinan and ilocos, against chinese vessels; the second, of seven vessels (their most powerful ships, the sinews of their [naval] power), went to the embocadero, to seize the money and supplies that were expected from nueva españa; the other six were despatched to cut off our relief ships to terrenate and macaçar, and finally they were to go, after the monsoon, to rejoin the twelve ships in this bay of manila, in an attack upon the city. this, according to report, was their plan, and therein manila has much for which to thank god; for it was a scheme of heaven for our benefit, that these squadrons should come to us separately. 8. our first squadron of defense the news of the first squadron arrived on the first day of february. the two galleons, "encarnacion" and "rosario," which had brought the succor from nueva españa, were already at cabite; for with especial forethought and vigilance orders had been given them to stop unlading the silver that they carried, and to come to that port. although it seemed an act of temerity for two ships to oppose so many, his lordship--urged on by his great valor and resolution in these matters of war--after a conference and council which he summoned for this purpose, decided that the two galleons should make ready for battle. in the flagship (which was the "encarnacion") were mounted thirty-four pieces of artillery, all of bronze and of the reënforced [62] class, which variously carried balls of thirty, twenty-five, and eighteen pounds. the almiranta (which was the "rosario") was equipped with as many as thirty pieces, of the same capacity--although, on account of the deficiency in this sort of artillery, it was necessary to dismantle some posts in the fortifications of this city and of cavite. munitions and supplies of every kind with devices for carrying fire, and other necessary articles, were furnished to them in abundance. these two ships were supplied with men--in each, two companies of a hundred soldiers (all picked men, of the nobility and youth of manila), eighty mariners, artillerists according to the number of cannon, and a suitable number of deck-hands and other servants, making, in all, over four hundred persons on each galleon. as commander-in-chief his lordship appointed general lorenzo de orella y ugalde, a biscayan, under whose charge the vessels had sailed from acapulco; this choice was made, not only because of his proved bravery, his experience in the art of war, and his services and commands in both the northern and the southern seas, as well as in these islands (particularly in mindanao, where he fought hand to hand with a gigantic moro and killed him), but because of his well-known christian spirit and modesty--which, for success, are no less important than valor. captain sebastian lopez, an andalusian, was appointed admiral, with the right of succession to the commander. this post was due him because he had distinguished himself, the previous year, in the fight with champans, against these same dutch, of which i have already spoken. the post of sargento-mayor was given to don agustin de cepeda, a cavalier of nobility and acknowledged courage--displayed in the most difficult and honorable posts of these islands. the heads of the infantry companies were: on the flagships, captains juan henriquez de miranda and gaspar cordoso; on the almiranta, captains juan martinez capelo, and don gabriel miño de guzman. the chief pilots were captains domingo machado and estevan ramos; their associates were francisco romero and andres cordero--all persons of courage, bravery, experience in their craft, and resolution, as the result will show. for spiritual aid and ministry to all this armada--which, since the galleons were named "encarnacion" and "rosario," went forth under the protection of our lady the virgin mary--his lordship accepted on this occasion the offer of chaplains and ministers which was made to him by the order of the glorious patriarch st. dominic. accordingly four religious (who were priests) were assigned to this post and embarked on the ships, two in the flagship and two in the almiranta. as a result of the excellent teaching and the fervor of these fathers, arrangements were made that all the men should, in the first place, purify their consciences with the holy sacraments of penance and communion; that they should take as their special patron saint the virgin of the rosary; that, in order to bind her further, they should vow to her a feast-day in thanksgiving for the victories which they expected to receive through her agency; and that every day all should recite prayers aloud, on their knees, and in two choirs--the prayers of the rosary before our lady's image, the litanies of the most holy name of mary, and finally an act of contrition. all this was done, accordingly, throughout the period of six months while this expedition lasted--especially on the days and occasions when they had to fight. matters thus arranged, and all preparations made that were required for both their spiritual and corporal needs, on the third of march in the year 646, before the galleons raised the last anchor, the governor, don diego faxardo, came in a falua to the ships. he made a set speech to the men, reminding them of their obligations and the reputation of the spanish arms; and he promised them, beforehand, the reward of their deeds which in the name of his majesty (whom god protect) he had recently offered them. he expressed his regret that he could not embark with them, and courteously took his leave; and acknowledged the "pleasant voyage!" with which he was saluted, according to marine usage. then the ships immediately weighed their anchors and set sail. at the same time, by a special order which his lordship had left behind, the blessed sacrament was exposed in the royal military chapel, and in other churches of this city--a devotion which was continued during the entire period while the galleons were out. 9. the first battle on arriving at the entrances of mariveles, the ships were placed in battle array, the artillery loaded, the matches lighted and the linstocks ready, the rigging free, and other preparations made. this was done because the sentinels [on mariveles island] warned our men that the enemy were, with their squadron, not far from that place, in the port of anus; and that they might expect at any moment to encounter the dutch--although in fact the latter were not descried until the fifteenth of the said month of march. at nine o'clock in the morning of that day, our almiranta--which had pushed ahead of the flagship perhaps half a legua, and was sailing with a northwest wind--fired two cannon-shots and lowered the maintop-sail as a signal that it descried the enemy. the flagship put about, and followed her, and from the maintop they soon saw a sail in the distance, but it was impossible to overtake it; and it soon disappeared, because it was favored by a fresher wind than our ships had. after that, our galleons were left becalmed until one o'clock; and at that hour were descried from the flagship four hostile sails, which were sailing toward her aft, with an east wind. it was two hours before they reached the flagship, and in that space of time the men were stationed, the ships cleared, the posts reconnoitered, and all other arrangements made, both spiritual and temporal, required by the occasion. the almiranta fell two ship-lengths astern of the flagship, and in this position the ships awaited the enemy, in order to fight them. as soon as the enemy came near, they extended all their ships, and, without attempting to give a broadside to our flagship, passed, in line, to larboard, and the enemy's flagship began the battle by firing a cannon. our commander immediately commanded that response be made with two shots--one with a thirty-pound ball and a cylinder of the same weight, which tore open all their cutwater at the bow; the enemy's ship went on in this condition, and the others continued to exchange shots with our flagship. recognizing their own strength, the enemy tried to approach the almiranta, which they supposed was not so well armed, being a smaller ship. but they were received with equal valor and spirit on our side, our vessels firing so often and throwing so many balls that they could not be counted. the fight lasted about five hours, and the mortality and damage were so great that all the anxiety that the heretics had felt to reach our ships when they thought to conquer us was now directed to separating themselves from us. they anxiously awaited the night, which was now approaching, to make their cowardly escape, which they did with lights extinguished. but the enemy's almiranta did not succeed in doing this in safety. it had been the most persistent in the attack upon our flagship, and remained to our leeward; it was so badly damaged that its cannon could not be fired, and hardly could it flee. our ship was so near it that our commander had the men ready at the bow to board the dutch ship; but the darkness of night forced us to abandon the chase, on account of the danger from the shoals which the pilots declared were in that place. it was noticed that the enemy did not use lanterns as they had formerly done, seeking protection for their armada. our commander ordered that they be used in our ships, and that the lights be allowed to shine very brightly, in order that the enemy might come to look for us. our people fully intended to renew the pursuit at daybreak, to finish their defeat; but when day came our two galleons found themselves alone, and did not know what course the enemy had taken. they followed the dutch, in the direction which they thought most probable, as far as cape bojeador, which is at the farthest end of this island of manila. from there our ships returned, as the coasts were now secure, to the port of bolinao, in order to send to this city despatches announcing the result of the battle. this was regarded as a brilliant victory, not only because of the disparity in the number of ships, but because of the little damage our side had sustained. in that battle not a man was killed, and comparatively few were wounded. it was evident that the enemy's loss was great, although we could not then ascertain it correctly; but afterwards we learned that many had been killed and wounded, and that two of their vessels were rendered useless. 10. second and third battles our squadron took some rest at the port of bolinao, and while there it received orders to sail to the embocadero and there await and escort the galleon "san luis," which was expected from nueva españa. our ships set sail, and, after encountering many calms and head-winds, made port on the first of june, in the island of ticao, [63] within sight of the embocadero. about this time news came to this city from the forts at samboanga, that the enemy with ten vessels, was at that place, and it was known that they came intending to attack again the fort at jolò, which, the previous year, they had attacked with three vessels, at the instigation and with the aid of some native insurgents. it was gallantly defended by its governor, captain and sargento-mayor estevan de ugalde y orella (a brother of our commander-in-chief), who with the aid and succor that came to him from the forts of samboanga under command of the governor there, don francisco de atienza y ibañes, compelled the dutch to raise the siege, and to retreat as fugitives to their ships--our people pursuing them until they drove out the dutch from that country and sea. for that reason the enemy returned this year with three times as great a force; but their plans were frustrated, because at that very time orders had been sent to withdraw honorably that garrison, for pressing reasons of convenience which existed therefor, in regard to his majesty's service. seeing, therefore, that they had nothing to do in jolo, and that in samboanga our forces gave them as little opportunity to accomplish anything of importance, they undertook to push forward the completion of the other projects which they were engaged in by orders from jacatra. as the chief of these was the one regarding the embocadero, they made their appearance there on the twenty-second of june, when one of our sentinels reported seven ships, which were heading toward the port in which our two galleons were anchored. with gallant resolution, our commander immediately gave orders to weigh anchor and go out to meet them; but afterward, when he complied with the obligation resting on the general commanders of fleets and armies, which is on such occasions to hold a council, it was decided therein that it would be more proper to let the enemy waste [their powder], and not to engage in battle with them until the galleon should arrive from nueva españa with succor, for which they were waiting, or until it should make some other port in safety. the port in which the ships were anchored lies open to the sea, in the form of a semicircle, and is entered by a passage through which vessels can go only one after another; and this entrance was guarded by our two galleons, to prevent the heretics from entering. on the twenty-third of the said month of june, the enemy descried us with two of their ships, and fired a gun to summon the others. our ships returned the fire with two guns, to show that it was not cowardice, but design and strategy, which made our galleons remain at anchor. on the following day, the arrogance of the enemy brought them nearer, and they very haughtily sailed in view of our two ships. the squadron was composed of seven vessels, and sixteen lanchas with their crews; they sailed down the coast of the embocadero, and then, returning, anchored at the very mouth of our port, blockading it with their ships, stationed at convenient intervals along the entire bar, so that we could not leave the harbor. on one side of it the land formed an eminence, which, if seized by the enemy, might cause great damage to our vessels. this fact was not overlooked by the attention and vigilance of our commander; and he immediately sent ashore a hundred and fifty infantrymen, under command of sargento-mayor don agustin de zepeda, and captain gaspar cardoso as his subordinate, to fortify that point. this was done at once, and was a very important measure; for at ten o'clock at night the enemy sent four armed lanchas to that point to reconnoiter the port. our soldiers, who were cautious, but vigilant, allowed them to approach within gun-shot, until they were embarrassed by [the approach to] land, and gave them a volley, which caused them to retreat hurriedly, with the loss of several men who were killed. every day, not once but often, these lanchas sallied out to reconnoiter us--their ten challenging our two vessels, which always went out against them, and always remained victorious, because, as soon as they saw our vessels approach, they always retreated toward their own ships. if our vessels pursued them, one of their ships would come forward to protect the lanchas. thirty-one days passed in these manoeuvers. one day, our lanchas having sailed out, as usual, to reconnoiter, our people saw the heads of some men who were swimming from the enemy's ships to ours. at first it was feared that they were daring dutchmen bent upon burning our galleons; but soon all doubt was over, for it was found that they were a negro and four of our indians whom the enemy had captured and who were coming as fugitives to gain their freedom. they were taken aboard the flagship, where the negro was known; he gave a very clear account of the plans of antonio camb, who, as he said, was the commander of the dutch fleet. he also said that other squadrons were coming to join this one in raids on these islands; that this one had brought from jacatrá eight hundred dutch soldiers; and that the said dutch commander had promised to carry back to his governor the relief ship which was coming from nueva españa. he said that among the seven vessels two, which were the smallest, were fireships; that the flagship was as large as ours, or larger; that it carried forty-six pieces of excellent artillery; and, as for the other vessels, the smallest carried thirty cannon, and already they considered us as their booty. this information was of no little importance, and threw light upon what should be done. on the twenty-first of july our commander, considering that it was now time for the ship "san luis," which was expected from nueva españa, to have made port in some one of the many harbors that these islands contain, decided to set sail at dawn on the twenty-fifth, the day of the glorious apostle santiago [i.e., st. james], to cannonade the enemy in the midst of his fleet, and to challenge him to battle. in order to do this without the enemy knowing his intention beforehand, he gave orders two days previously that the anchors should be gradually raised, so that on the eve of st. james's day each galleon should remain held by one anchor only. these arrangements having been made, the enemy, who also must have thought that it was getting late, fired a salute on the same day of st. james's eve--the flagship firing five cannon, and the almiranta, and the vice-admiral's ship, each two guns. the squadron weighed anchor and took the route for manila. our commander was much grieved that his plans should be frustrated by the enemy, and gallantly set out in pursuit of them, determined to force them to fight, wherever he might encounter them. he regarded himself as fortunate when, on the twenty-eighth of july, he sighted two of the seven [dutch] vessels above mentioned. when they recognized our galleons, like cowards they backed toward the land, in search of the five ships which were out of sight. during the rest of the day, and all night, our ships continued to approach them; and at daybreak on the twenty-ninth we discovered all seven of their ships together, who were coming from the windward side to look for us. at midday they halted, and again they tacked in another direction, until five o'clock in the afternoon--when our commander, unable to endure such delay, challenged them to battle by firing a cannon. apparently they did not wish to fight by day, but thought the night more suitable for their design, which was to send their two fireships against our galleons. at that time, the nights were very clear and calm, and the moon shone brightly. they waited, then, until sunset; and about seven o'clock, between banton and marinduque, they came down with an east wind ahead of our flagship, and surrounded it, the fearful multitude of their artillery filling it [with balls]. our flagship also did its duty, responding to them as they deserved. our almiranta followed in its wake firing the artillery at its prow, and inflicting much damage on the ships that were fighting astern of our flagship. the enemy's flagship came up with ours, to the sound of loud clarions and trumpets, and well garnished with lanterns of various sizes, all lighted. its sails were so trimmed as to let it go no faster than our flagship, as arrogantly as if they had already conquered us. it came so near that our men heard distinctly the noise made when our ball hit the side of the enemy's ship. from both sides there was an incessant fire of both artillery and musketry, from the maintops, forecastles, and poops. in both the dutch and the spanish ships were seen heaps of cannon-balls, cylinders, and palanquins, [64] which caused great destruction of masts, yards, and rigging, and even damaged the sides of the vessels. the battle went on, as keenly and fiercely as might be expected from our persistent valor and the great strength of the enemy. at the height of the battle our flagship, undertaking to bear down upon two ships that were hard pressed, found itself entangled with their almiranta, and this was the greatest danger that had arisen, on account of the ease with which the enemy could then work havoc among our men. the brave mariners came to the rescue, cutting the ropes and separating the galleons, with great courage and promptness. meanwhile, our artillery and musketry kept up an incessant fire on the enemy's sides, which were unprotected--displaying as much dexterity and order in their firing as they could have done if the galleons were apart. it pleased god, through the agency of his glorious mother, that the ships should quickly separate. then one of their fireships approached our flagship; but our artillery checked this rash boldness, hurling at the fireship terrible volleys on the starboard quarter until it came under the stern-gallery of our flagship. then our commander gave orders to attack it with the stern-chasers, which pierced the enemy from side to side, and with such volleys of musketry that the heretics became demoralized and retired toward our almiranta, which received the fireship with a volley from ten guns at once, so opportunely that its destruction was completed; for its fireworks being thus kindled, it was sent to the bottom. soon came the lancha from our flagship--which our commander, with military foresight, had equipped with musketeers and seamen, to hinder the fireships--and picked up a dutchman, the only one left alive. this man informed us of the enemy's plans, and of their signals, and said that they had another fireship--his statements entirely agreeing with those of the captives already mentioned. this fierce and stubborn battle lasted from seven o'clock in the evening until daybreak, without the loss of a single man on our flagship, and only two wounded; the almiranta did not lose over five men killed. this must be one of the most unusual records known in naval warfare; it was a favor, evident beyond doubt, from god and his mother, who protect the catholic power in these islands, on account of its importance to the propagation of his holy faith. the damage sustained by the heretics was well understood from the care with which they began to retreat as soon as daylight came. the whole day was spent by both sides in cleaning and repairing their vessels; but the enemy continued to retreat. although our commander gave orders to summon them again to battle, by discharging a gun, and began to bear down upon them, they made no reply. two days afterwards, on july 31--a day consecrated to the glorious patriarch st. ignatius de loyala, founder of the society of jesus--our commander trusting to the fact that the saint was his countryman and patron, besought him, with ardent faith, to further, as a matter of justice, the accomplishment of the hopes which we based upon his patronage. finding that he was sailing with a north wind, to windward of the enemy, our commander, with eager courage, ordered all sails to be spread, and started in pursuit of the enemy; he soon overtook the dutch ships between the island of maesse de campo [65] and mindoro, at two o'clock on the same day, he courageously forced our two galleons among the six vessels of the enemy, and another horrible battle was fought. the artillery was all fired as often and as skilfully as musketry could have been used. the enemy attacked our almiranta, but it defended itself and assailed the enemy so bravely that it inspired fear and astonishment. our flagship was so veritable a volcano that no vessel dared to give her a broadside. the enemy's flagship attempted to do so, but was so badly damaged that it had to retreat, setting more than twenty men to work the pumps; but, finding it impossible to keep afloat, they raised a piece of canvas in our sight, a sign that she was in great danger of sinking. throughout the afternoon the fight continued with the same obstinacy and vigor, with the determination on our part not to stop until we should reduce the enemy's ships to splinters, or send them to the bottom. the heretics made their last effort by attempting to send close to our flagship their second fireship, which was large enough to carry thirty cannon; it was escorted by two other ships and towed by some lanchas. our commander, as one so experienced in military affairs, ordered the musketeers to fire on the men who were directing the lanchas, and at the same time, the artillery on the starboard from which the fireship was coming, to fire at its sides; the guns on the lookout and the poop were fired with such effect that the vessel quickly sank in sight of all, listing to port and going down bow first. the heretics were so badly beaten and cowed that, spreading all their canvas, they basely fled toward the land. our squadron followed in pursuit, but as night was approaching, and there was a squally wind from the northwest, accompanied by thunder and lightning, the enemy escaped by spreading their canvas aft and extinguishing their lights. this signal and miraculous event was attributed by our commander and by the entire armada to the special patronage of the blessed virgin of the rosary and to the glorious viscayan st. ignatius, in whose names the cannon-shots on our side piously succeeded one another, that day. the disastrous rout of the enemy was publicly known, and our victory was proclaimed all the more by their cowardly flight. the losses on our side were as insignificant in this as in the previous battle; and, in both, the courage, spirit, and skill of our men--leaders, captains, pilots, and private persons--was very great, as was evident in the result. by their ignominious flight the insolent heretics left our coasts free, and departed from the islands well sheared by the embocadero, where they had come for wool, or for the money brought from nueva españa for our relief. the governor and captain-general, don diego faxardo, was informed of all this; and by his orders our armada retired to the port of cabite in the latter part of august, after a six months' voyage, in such need of repairs as can well be imagined from the foregoing account of the three battles. as soon as they landed, all our men marched with their commander to the church of the glorious patriarch st. dominic, to return humble and tender thanks to the blessed virgin of the rosary for victories so signal. 11. second armada, and its battles about this time the galleon "san diego," recently built, sailed from this port for nueva españa. regarding it as certain that the coasts were clear of enemies, the authorities did not carry out their first intention of sending our armada to escort the "san diego" as far as the embocadero. but, as the enemy had so many squadrons (as i mentioned at the outset), it happened, a few days later, that our galleon, having left the port, found itself, while still in sight of mariveles near an islet called fortun, at nightfall near a dutch ship, one of three that were in that quarter; these were part of the third squadron, which had come to join the twelve ships of the two squadrons before mentioned. as the commanders of these ships did not know what had happened to the others, they dared to await the fleet thus near manila. our galleon carried her guns on the ballast and the various decks were littered with boxes and utensils, as is usually the case when one of those ships sails on so long a voyage. the enemy recognized, at once, that our vessel was not a warship and attacked it furiously. they approached so close that the conversation of various persons could be heard, but they did not venture to board the galleon; for general christoval marquez de valençuela, commander of the galleon, a brave and experienced soldier, hurriedly disencumbered five iron cannon, and, bringing them to bear on the enemy, stood on the defensive. that action was sufficient to secure his retreat toward mariveles; entering the bay, with the loss of a few killed, he arrived at the port of cavite and made a report of the occurrence. this new accident did not depress the brave heart of his lordship [the governor]; he ordered that the two strong galleons should be immediately prepared to go out again, in convoy of this third one. as promptness was so important in this matter, his lordship, recognizing the energy and ability of his sargento-mayor and commander of infantry, manuel estacio venegas, ordered him to proceed in person to the port of cavite to despatch the galleons. this task he performed admirably, for by his efforts there was accomplished in one week what by other methods would have seemed much to do in a month. his lordship had previously rewarded general lorenzo de orella y ugalde with one of the best encomiendas in these islands and he therefore, on this second occasion, appointed admiral sebastian lopez commander-in-chief of the armada, and sargento-mayor don agustin de zepeda admiral--thus rewarding these officers for their achievements in the first fight by giving them the highest rank in the second one. to captain don francisco roxo was given the post of sargento-mayor, and captains salvador perez and felipe camino were placed in command of the infantry companies on the flagship, and juan de mora and francisco lopez ynoso on the almiranta. an excellent galley was also equipped with a cannon amidships, carrying a thirty-five pound ball, and small culverins [moyanas] carrying fourteen-pound balls; it contained also an infantry company of one hundred picked men. admiral francisco de esteyvar, commander of his lordship's company of arquebusiers, was made commander of this galley. he was a soldier of well known bravery and experience, and as admiral, a post which he held in these islands, he showed himself a match for the dutch, in carrying the relief to the forts of terrenate. the galley was also accompanied by four brigantines of good capacity, well equipped with musketry, and each carrying a cannon at the prow; captains don juan de valderrama, juan martinez capelo, don gabriel miño de guzman, and francisco de bargas machuca were respectively in command of these vessels. the chaplains of the fleet were: on the flagship, two friars of the order of st. dominic; on the almiranta, two of the order of st. francis; and on the galley, one of the order of the glorious st. augustine. by order of his lordship the vow which had been made in the first expedition, of a magnificent festival to the virgin of the rosary, was renewed; and the devotion was continued of reciting aloud prayers every day, in concert, all kneeling before the image of that sovereign lady. on the fifteenth of september the three galleons, "encarnacion," "rosario," and "san diego," sailed from the harbor of cabite, accompanied by the fleet of oared vessels formed by the galley and the four brigantines aforesaid. continuing their voyage, they arrived at fortun and saw, toward a point called calavite, [66] on the island of mindoro, three of the enemy's ships under sail. our brave commander was glad of the opportunity and at once invited them to fight by firing a few cannon. the heretics did not dare to measure their forces at close range with ours; nor was the wind favorable for our galleons to sail in among those of the enemy. this gallant war was therefore waged with the artillery of longest range, the conflict lasting from four o'clock in the afternoon until nine at night. at that hour our almiranta--either because it was swifter, or because it was carried on by some current--found itself in the midst of the enemy's three ships, and fought with them a furious battle, lasting four long hours--doing considerable damage to the enemy and being itself not a little injured as to masts, rigging, and sails. admiral don agustin de cepeda showed himself, on this occasion, as brave in sustaining the combat as he was skilful in engaging the enemy. in the thick of the fight he ordered the artillery to stop firing. the enemy taking this for a sign of weakness, their vessels came very close to our ship on both sides, in order to vanquish it; then our almiranta reopened fire with her artillery on both sides, so vigorously that the enemy, unable to endure it, basely retreated. as soon as the sun rose, our flagship bore down upon the enemy and offered fight. but the foe, who had more need for repairs than desire to fight again, put in at a place near calavite point whence he had sailed, among some shoals where our galleys could not follow. our commander then decided to continue the voyage, to furnish an escort for the galleon "san diego." but, as it was a recently-built vessel, and had not yet been tested, it was soon discovered that it did not answer its helm, or carry its sails well. as, too, the vendabals had now ended, and the north winds prevailed, which are unfavorable for a voyage to nueva españa, general sebastian lopez, in accordance with the opinion of a council called for this purpose, decided that the galleon "san diego" should put in at mariveles, and remain until his lordship could be informed of the matter and despatch new orders. the "san diego," then, anchored off mariveles, and our flagship remained outside, held by one anchor, since the almiranta was carried far to leeward by the currents; and its efforts to join the flagship were unavailing, for in those places the force of the currents is irresistible. the enemy, being on the alert, knew that our vessels were far from one another; and at daybreak on october 4, the day of the seraphic patriarch [i.e., st. francis of assisi], they bore down on our flagship with their three ships. the commander gallantly decided not to leave his station, for, if he did so, the currents would carry him too far to leeward, as they had the almiranta, and would leave the passage open for the enemy to attack the galleon "san diego" (which was still in sight), and thus deprive us of the glory and satisfaction of all the previous victories. for this reason he decided to await, still anchored, the three ships of the enemy, until, coming up with him, they should begin to attack us; and then, slackening the cable with a buoy, and unfurling the sails, he began at the same time to discharge his artillery. finding himself master of the situation, in the midst of the three vessels, he fought a hot battle, which lasted during four long hours--with little damage on our side, since only four men were killed; while the enemy's loss was so great that, as on previous occasions, they were obliged to make a dishonorable retreat. the wind then subsided, and admiral francisco de esteyvar availed himself of the opportunity to approach the enemy with his galley; and, pointing his prow against the enemy's stern, opened fire against them with cannon and culverins, and raked the vessels so furiously that the enemy regarded themselves as lost and the men attempted to throw themselves overboard. but soon the sea-breeze arose, and the enemy lost their fears; and our hope of securing so valuable a prize vanished. notwithstanding, the result might be considered very fortunate, and the exploit so daring that it bordered on rashness--for it is well known from experience that galleys are in such encounters exposed to great risk. on this occasion, although the enemy's flagship was supported by a ship on each side, and all of them were firing terrible volleys at once, not a single person was killed on our galley, which seems miraculous. our commander, seeing that the enemy were retreating, followed them all that night, with lighted lanterns; but, as usual, they fled with their lights put out. in this sixth fight, our arms came out with the same reputation and splendor as in the others. all these exploits are worthy of great praise, this last one no less than those preceding, considering the circumstances; and in all these shines brightly the favor of heaven toward our people. according to the estimate made by well informed persons, although we fired, in these battles, over two thousand cannon-shots, and the enemy over five thousand, we had only fourteen killed, and comparatively few wounded; while the enemy, besides the vessels which we sank, arrived at their forts so damaged, and had lost so many men, that for many a year they will remember the two stout galleons of manila. nor will they forget the gallantry, courage, and experience, and the excellent arrangements of their generals, captains, officers and other men who took part in this fight under orders of the governor and captain-general don diego faxardo y chacon, whom god protect. thanksgiving [for this victory] was celebrated by a solemn fiesta--a procession, divine worship, and [a parade of] the squadron, with other demonstrations--in fulfilment of the vow made to the virgin of the rosary, the city making a new vow to continue this anniversary every year. these exploits are all successful, and with them we might have congratulated ourselves on having maintained our good fortune on the sea, if our success against the enemy's guns had also marked our conflict with the elements. the galleon "san luis," commanded by general fernando lopez perona, left acapulco late in the season and encountered the vendavals so prevalent in these islands that before land was sighted it passed through fierce tempests, lost its masts, and finally made the unlucky port of cagayan. there, driven by the currents, it struck on the rocks and was torn open at the keel--not before, however, the commander had placed in safety the men, and the registered silver (which is the most essential part of the succor sent), and afterward removed the artillery. nevertheless, the loss is great, owing to the lack of vessels on these islands at present, the many failures [which it occasioned] to business men, and the lawsuits to which such disasters give rise. it cost no less than the life of the commander, who died in that same city of cagayan a few days after his arrival--giving up his life, as a proof of his honorable devotion and of his zeal in fulfilling his duties in the service of the king and the welfare of the colony. after this event, and after the aforesaid battles and victories, our armada retired to the port of cavite for necessary repairs. the galleons were already in the shipyard when the heretical corsairs again appeared on the coast with three ships. they had captured a rich chinese vessel of large size; and they thought best not to destroy it, but to send it to jacatra intact. twenty soldiers were placed aboard it, in charge of an officer, and fifty of the chinese traders and mariners who came in it were left to work the ship; while the rest of the chinese, with some indians whom they held as captives, were set free and put ashore. the chinese traders who were left on board managed so well that before they cleared the coast, they seized a suitable opportunity to turn against the dutch, and killed them all; and they brought the vessel to this city, where they were received with great applause and general satisfaction. and, to crown our joy more fully, it pleased god that the pirates should depart--either driven by unfavorable winds or constrained by some other accident--and leave free passage to the chinese. they, since december, when this occurred, until may of 647, the time of this writing, have continued their voyages to manila as usual--although with fewer vessels and less merchandise than formerly, on account of the wars of invasion in that great monarchy, which has been almost conquered and subdued by the eastern tartars. according to information in letters of february and march of this year, received in this city from trustworthy persons, and the statements of the chinese themselves, who arrive here with their hair cut in the fashion of the tartars, the natives offer but little resistance. [67] lavs deo by permission: at manila, in the printing-house of the society of jesus. in the year 1647. second relation here is written what occurred at the port of cabite, and in the province of panpanga and other districts on the bay of manila, with the dutch heretics in june and july of this present year, 1647. by the same author, the presentado father fray joseph fayol, of the order of our lady of mercy for the redemption of captives, chief chaplain of the royal chapel of the incarnation and a tertiary of manila. neither will the reader be satisfied, nor the author fulfil his pledge, if to the relation of past events be not added the present condition of affairs. it is an inviolable law for this sort of writings (so says their rigorous censor aristarchus the greek) to follow the thread of the narrative from one end to the other, from the beginning to the end. the reader neither will be careful to inquire into the past, nor to ascertain what is in the present. the earlier relation, then, was necessarily an obligation to write this second one. in it are included--but briefly, on account of the necessity of haste in doing it--the aforesaid occurrences, leaving a more extensive and detailed account for some one else who shall, on another occasion, after having seen the end of these naval combats, take the pains to commit these events to writing, for the information of those who are absent. manila and cavite are prepared, and the dutch arrive as the haughty heretic had not shown himself on these coasts during the months of april and may of this year, some believed that he was so severely punished, and even weakened, by the encounters and battles of the previous year, that they declared he would not dare return this year to molest these islands. but although it may be the fixed rule of the good soldier always to suppose the worst, don diego faxardo, governor and captain-general of these islands, with his caution and long experience, determined that all precautions should be taken as if it were certain that the enemy would come to manila this year, and with a greater force than before. to this end, in the council which was called for the despatch of the relief ships from nueva españa, opinions agreed that, for this year, only one vessel should sail; and order was given that the building of another ship should be completed as speedily as possible in the shipyard in the islands of leyte; and that in the port of cabite the galleons, galleys, and other vessels there should be repaired. he ordered his sargento-mayor and commander of the garrison in manila, who has in charge the fortifications, to exert every effort and spare no expense in making the walls of the city impregnable. the royal cavalier of san diego, which commands the bay and that part of the shore which would be most dangerous [in case of attack], has been finished; it is truly a regal work, and the largest of its kind that has been seen in these parts. in like manner the ramparts are going up on both sides [i.e., sea and land], causing general surprise and admiration that so great a work can be carried on, without special cost or oppression to the colony, and with economy of the royal funds. the artillery was brought from cagayan and other places, and provisions and ammunition were continually collected and stored; and finally his lordship appointed a general, admiral, and other officers, that he might in any emergency have ready for immediate use as large a naval force as possible, in order to go out with it against the enemy. the condition of affairs, limited means, and lack of supplies, and above all the destitution of the natives in such calamitous times, prevented his lordship, as regards the armada, from giving to it his close attention. it therefore resulted that at the beginning of june, although men were at work on all of the vessels, only one galleon and two galleys were ready. on the ninth of the said month, the feast of the holy spirit [i.e., pentecost], the commander of a champan which had gone with an armed guard, to carry twelve thousand pesos from the royal treasury to the presidio of oton for the relief of terrenate, came to port, and said that he was fleeing from three vessels of high freeboard which he had sighted near luban, and he had fought with their lanches. on the afternoon of the same day this information was verified, for several vessels were seen to enter through the channels of mariveles. his lordship ordered that despatches be instantly sent to the alcaldes-mayor and military officers along the coast, so that they could be on their guard, and, besides, warn those who were sailing [in those waters], especially the galleon "nuestra señora de guia," which was on her way from the leyte shipyard; and so diligently was this latter commission executed that the warning thus given enabled that galleon to elude the enemy. so important is it to have an officer who is faithful and diligent in carrying out the orders of his commander-in-chief. two hundred spanish infantry belonging to the garrison of this city marched to the port of cabite well supplied with gunpowder and other munitions. with them was general don pedro de almonte verastegui, who had been selected for commander of the armada on account of his high standing and distinguished services in the highest positions in these islands; admiral don andres axcueta, heir to the valor and services of his father, master-of-camp christoval de axcueta menchaca, who went as commander of the troops who were to aid the naval force; captain don lope de colindres, commander of the galleon "san andres;" don pedro de figueroa, sargento-mayor of the armada; and others, gentlemen and half-pay officers, who arrived at the port at dawn on the second day of the festival. after the sun rose, eleven of the enemy's vessels were seen half-way up the bay. general andres lopez de azaldiqui was castellan and chief magistrate of that military post, as also of the royal galleys. during the past year, when the general public was feeling least anxiety about enemies his solicitude and care had led him to construct several defenses which were very important. there was a palisade of heavy timbers, and a parapet, with earthworks and gabions, with their platforms, on the side next the bay, which was the most exposed and defenseless position. other palisades and fortifications were constructed in the village of the indians, and in other places. additional sentinels and guards were stationed along the beach and in the open country. his great prudence was made evident when, on the said day of the feast, the news arrived, and the ships of the enemy's fleet began to come in sight. the call to arms was immediately sounded in the port; the posts and vessels were manned by spanish infantry, and the shore, from san roque to what is called estançuela, by japanese and indians, as assistants to the spaniards; and a patrol was formed of horsemen who were hastily summoned from the neighboring ranches. battle of cabite, and other events up to the time when the armada was divided between nine and ten o'clock in the morning the heretics, leaving two ships to guard the entrances of mariveles, proceeded with the nine others to the port of cabite. between ten and eleven o'clock they arrived within a gunshot of the land, the drums beating on the flagship, and the entire squadron making a fine display. seeing the enemy within range, it was thought best to favor him with some shots, which were fired from the towers and platforms near by. the shots must have taken effect, for the flagship turned away, and directed its course seaward; and it fired a single cannon-shot--apparently to summon a patache which, going somewhat ahead, approached the shore, sounding the port and reconnoitering the vessels. the enemy went on to pampanga, where they amused themselves until the following day, the last of the festival; then they returned to cabite with ten ships. at nine o'clock in the evening, they anchored off the point called punta del sangley, at a legua from shore. when the moon had almost set an attempt was made by the enemy to reconnoiter the coast in that quarter with three lanchas; but the sentinels and patrols, who were forewarned, did not permit this. that night the fortifications were strengthened, two platforms were added, and other desirable precautionary and defensive measures were taken. on wednesday morning, june 12, the ten vessels and a champan were anchored in the same place; and at eight o'clock, two others appeared, coming under full sail from mariveles. as soon as these were close to the enemy, the flagship weighed anchor, and the entire squadron sailed after it in line, making a beautiful sight, until they came within gunshot of the port, and abreast of the tower on the new gate, where a white flag with the royal arms was displayed; the flagship lowered its flag and maintopsail to half mast, and hoisted it again to the sound of drums and fifes. the fight at once began with the discharge of artillery from this tower, which was in charge of sargento-mayor don pedro de figueroa. the enemy responded with a furious volley, and boldly venturing into the harbor, anchored their six largest vessels at a suitable distance for bombarding our vessels, forts, and settlement; the other six vessels, with their sails trimmed to the wind, sailed to and fro, briskly skirmishing. both sides fought sharply and incessantly, for eight hours, from eleven o'clock until almost seven in the evening. according to the count of our captain of artillery, one thousand eight hundred cannon-shots were fired by our side, and by the enemy over three thousand. our fire was effective, for two dutch prisoners, who were on the enemy's flagship during the battle, deposed that the ship was struck by over one hundred and twenty balls, some of them piercing the hull through and through; others struck at the water-line, making so large a hole that it was necessary to get assistance from the other vessels to repair the damage. it is considered certain that if the flagship had not been anchored--and even run aground, as many say--she would have gone to the bottom. as many as thirty men were killed on that ship. if this vessel, which is the strongest in the whole squadron, and best equipped with guns--carrying twenty-four cannon, in two tiers, on each side--was so badly damaged, from this it may be inferred the loss to the other ships, as compared with this one. the champan which accompanied the enemy's ships was a fireship, intended to set fire to our squadron. it approached very near ours, so that we heard their talk; and we noticed some unbecoming actions, with which they enraged us. but soon their insolence was repaid, one of the cannon-balls hitting their ship and kindling the fire-devices that it contained, which consumed it without doing any harm to our vessels. the balls discharged by the enemy were so numerous, that they fell like hailstones; they weighed thirty or thirty-five libras, and from that down--some were of forty libras, but the greater number of ten or twelve, besides bar-shot, cylinders, and lanternas [fireballs?]; and it seems a miracle that they caused us so little damage. our galleon "san diego," which carried the colors as flagship, and faced the enemy, received over two hundred cannon-balls, but not one penetrated her hull, and only two men were killed--one a spaniard, on the poop; and the other an indian, in the ship's waist. the commodore's galley was hit more than thirty times, but only one spanish soldier and seven galley-slaves were killed; the second galley lost two men, and the other vessel at a similar rate. almost every roof on house and church, in the spanish town, was damaged, and many shots took effect on the cathedral. one, an eighteen-libra ball, went through the main entrance, and hit a pillar of the large chapel, passing over the head of a child, who fortunately remained uninjured. in the convent of st. francis over thirty balls were picked up; in that of st. dominic, six; in the residence of the society of jesus, nine; in the government storehouses, seventy-four. notwithstanding, there was not in any house, convent, or church a single person killed or wounded; and the entire number of killed and injured in all the vessels and military posts during this engagement, did not exceed five spaniards and four indians killed, and eight spaniards and one indian wounded, who all together did not equal the number of killed on the enemy's flagship alone. [68] this good fortune was due, in the first place, to the mercy and protection of heaven, besought by the prayers and supplications offered in all of the churches--in cabite, the city of manila, and other places all along this bay from which the battle could be seen and heard--while the blessed sacrament was exposed. in the second place, to the promptness and speed with which, by the orders of his lordship and the energy of the sargento-mayor and garrison commander, manuel estacio vanegas, reënforcements [and supplies] were sent from manila. much also was due to the excellent arrangements, the courage, and personal supervision of everything by the governor of the military post, general andres lopez de azaldigui; also to the bravery, spirit, gallantry, and military experience of the chiefs and captains in charge of the different posts: general don pedro de almonte, as commander of the armada--the vessels on sea, and the arsenal on shore; admiral don andres axcueta, in command of the galleon "san diego," which displayed the colors as flagship; sargento-mayor don pedro de figueroa, captain don lope de colindres, and other captains and officers in charge of the ramparts, towers, and bastions. especially [praise is due] to the commander of the principal fortress, san felipe, over which floated the royal standard of red damask; this was the target for innumerable shots, and, although some perforated it, none were able to tear it down--a sign that the victory was to remain with us. the result was, that the enemy, who about noon had entered the harbor so daringly, were constrained to retire at midnight. the next day was begun, on our side, with six cannon-shots, but the enemy did not accept our challenge, and sailed out of the range of our forts--many lanchas carrying succor to the flagship, from which may be inferred the great injury that it had sustained. it is considered certain that the enemy would have retired within a few hours after the commencement of the battle, had the tide been favorable to the three largest vessels. during the battle, a reënforcement of one hundred and fifty infantry, a few pieces of artillery, and a large supply of powder were despatched from manila; and with these went several prominent persons who asked that they might be present at the scene of battle. it was considered a special favor from heaven that at the height of the conflict, when all the enemy's ships were off cabite, one of our pataches, in command of admiral luis alonso de roa, which was coming from the kingdom of camboja--whither don luis had gone as an envoy, in regard to establishing there a plant for building ships, and conveying to it provisions and other supplies--entered the bay through the smaller channel of mariveles, and reached a place of safety. on the day after the battle, which was thursday, june 13, the enemy was still in the bay of maribeles and batan; and in the afternoon they approached the island, and landed their men. they burned the sentry-post, which is situated on the highest point, and established themselves in the corregidor's house and in the huts of the indians. then, with the aid of the vendaval, they [brought up and] repaired two of their vessels which had come with most damage out of the fight. on friday morning three of the vessels set sail, and, landing at a place called rio de cañas, sent a crowd of people ashore. these proceeded to the huts of some sangleys who were making salt, intending to seize some fresh food, and especially some of the cattle which wander about those shores. but the chief commander at cabite, being informed of what the enemy were doing, quickly despatched a hundred spanish infantry, in command of don marcos de zapalá, alcalde-in-ordinary of this city, and seventy horsemen with captain christoval velazquez y lorenzana--who, although they were not so fortunate as to encounter the enemy, compelled them to embark in haste. this they did in seven lanchas and two long-boats abandoning on the shore one of the cattle which they had killed (which were only two). on saturday, the boatmen on the cabite ferry brought in a dutch lancha of large size, and with a mast, which was dragging its anchor about the bay. on tuesday, the eighteenth, two ships appeared at punta del sangley at daylight, i know not with what design; but at eight o'clock in the morning they proceeded to bantan. on wednesday, the nineteenth, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the entire squadron assembled at the small channel of maribeles, and after firing a cannon at seven o'clock in the evening, when the moon rose, all the twelve vessels, four of them with lighted lanterns, weighed anchor, and sailed away through the large channel. then they separated, six taking their course toward the shipyard of mindoro, and the other six, returning on the very morning of corpus christi, entered the bay, and dropped anchor in the same place from which they had sailed. events which took place in abucay and samal, province of pampanga on saturday, the twenty-second, at daybreak, the enemy appeared close in shore off abucay, the principal village in the province of pampanga. this village has a very costly substantial church and convent, built of stone, in sight of the sea, belonging to the fathers of st. dominic. his lordship the governor and captain-general, being informed of this, and foreseeing the damage which might result if the enemy should land there, ordered the alcalde-mayor of the province to fortify the church and thwart the designs of the enemy, with the assistance of the resident spaniards and natives of pampanga, who had proved their bravery so well on all occasions. he also sent an adjutant and other men from this city to aid them, and directed that the money, which had been removed from a champan belonging to chinese traders and placed in the church to prevent it from falling in the hands of the enemy, should be put in a safe place or be forwarded to this city. although the alcalde-mayor [69] had come to these islands as a captain of infantry, he could not have been so good a soldier as he was a trader, nor so brave in spirit as great in stature. he replied that the place was better fortified than la rochelle, and that if the heretics landed there none would be left to carry the tidings back to the vessels. he left that place on friday, the twenty-first, leaving there one hundred and fifty pampango soldiers and five spaniards, all in command of don pedro gamboa, a retired master-of-camp of the pampanga nation. the following day, saturday, the six dutch ships came in sight off abucay, with as many more lanchas, and sent ashore an officer with as many as one hundred and thirty men. they entered the village boldly, by the bridge from the landing-place, and, firing their guns, approached the gates of the church and convent; but they were repulsed by our men so successfully that they took to flight. they left in the court three men dead, with some firearms; and they retreated so hastily that they jumped into the water with their clothes and shoes on. at the same time when this was occurring in abucay, they also attacked samal, the second village of the same province, with three other lanchas, but with no better fortune; for, when they reached the village, hardly had they set fire to the huts in the outskirts when they were repulsed, with the same courage as at abucay. as soon as the enemy had gone, the master-of-camp destroyed the bridge across a small river, over which it is necessary to cross from the beach to the convent. he then sent a despatch to the alcalde-mayor of the province telling what had occurred, and that it was presumed that the pirates would return to the attack with a larger force. the alcalde-mayor was in another village, collecting soldiers to send to the relief of manila; but he reached abucay that very night, with the recruits whom he already had and some whom he had secured from other places. he held a consultation with the pampango commanders as to the measures to be taken in case the enemy should return. all were of opinion that the convent should be fortified, and a sufficient number of men stationed therein to defend it, and that the body of the troops should await the dutch in the field; and that at the landing, at the ford of the stream, and in other places suitable for ambuscades, they should inflict all the damage possible on the enemy. but the alcalde thought that they should avoid shutting up themselves in the convent so that they might be able to flee to the woods if pressed by the enemy; accordingly, he did not submit to their opinion, and the only defense that he made was to lock the gates of the buildings. the dutch commander piqued at the retreat, and the loss of his men, and, it is supposed, having received information through a negro and some sangley fishermen that the money belonging to the traders of the chinese vessel which had escaped him, was concealed in the said church, would not entrust the exploit [of seizing the money] to any one but himself. on the following day, sunday, he appeared at dawn on the beach, with all of his lanchas and in view of all our men who were inside the convent; and landed with as many as four hundred men, and two pieces of field artillery, displaying seven ensigns. without meeting any opposition they marched, in order, to the stream and the little bridge which had been destroyed by the pampangos. the water was deep; so, seizing some small boats belonging to the natives, which they easily found, they coolly transported their men and guns. our pampangos were burning to go forth to attack them, and were so impatient that, had they not been restrained by their innate loyalty, they would have turned against the alcalde. after crossing the river, the general marched his troop in regular files until he came near the court [patio] of the church, which was of stone, and very suitable for defensive and even offensive warfare. here he halted; but quickly observing how feeble was its defense, he entered the court, halted in front of the main entrance of the church, and fired his artillery against it. but as his guns were small, and the gates very strong, he could accomplish no more than to splinter off a piece, making a hole through which one could hardly thrust a hand. meanwhile, there were volleys on both sides from the muskets and arquebuses. the alcalde remained in the highest part of the convent; a pampango fell dead near him, and when he saw the latter's blood, his own immediately ran cold. when he was told that the powder would soon give out--which was quite true, for he had not brought for this occasion all that had been sent from manila--he left his post, under pretext of going to consult two religious of that convent (who were in retreat in the farthest cell, praying to god for our success), and never returned to see what was going on; but he discussed with the religious the desirability of displaying a flag of truce, in order to negotiate [with the enemy] for saving our lives. among those in the convent were the principal men of all pampanga, many of them veteran soldiers of long experience in terrenate. they told the alcalde that our forces were superior in number to those of the enemy; that on various occasions they had shown themselves equal to the foe, and did not acknowledge him as their superior on land; and that when their ammunition and weapons were exhausted they would hurl themselves against him tooth and nail, and die like good soldiers, fighting in the service of god and the king. they declared that they would not consider a flag of peace, which would serve to encourage the enemy and deliver them all into his hands. the religious (who could have prevented what was done) supported the opinion of the alcalde, and even tried to use their authority as ministers to compel the pampangos to agree with it; and, in spite of the objections made by the indians, they finally hung out a peace-flag from one of the windows. the dutch general was greatly delighted, and promised favorable terms. one of the religious, accompanied by the spanish adjutant who was there, descended, and conversed for a long time with the general. while this parley was going on, the dutchmen did not cease to try the other doors and windows of the convent, in order to effect an entrance; nor did the pampangos discontinue their resistance, wounding and killing many of the enemy. the general, irritated at this, and noticing that one of his men had scaled the convent wall by means of a workmen's scaffolding, and entering, had rung the bells as a signal of victory, said that this was no time for treating of peace; and seizing in the crowd the negotiators as prisoners, he commanded a renewal of hostilities, and ordered his men to enter the church and convent on all sides. the bravest and most prominent pampangos defended themselves gallantly, refusing to hear any talk of surrender to a heretical prince, although the dutch promised to spare their lives if they would do so. but as their weapons were inferior [to the enemy's] and their powder had been exhausted, the pampangos were finally defeated; nearly two hundred were barbarously put to death, and forty others together with the alcalde and the other religious [70] who was in the convent, were taken prisoners. to make matters worse for us and fortunate for the heretics, there was not lacking an informer, who disclosed to the enemy the silver from the sangley ship, which had been hidden in a deep hole; the dutch carried it away, to the amount of twenty thousand pesos. they burned the convent, and the woodwork of the church, but the fire did not extend to the altar; and they retreated to their lanchas on the same day, without sacking the village. at the same time, another but smaller body of their troops attacked the village of samal; but the pampangos who were in garrison there, under command of sargento-mayor don alexo aguas, went out against them and compelled them to retreat, as those in abucay would have done if the religious and the alcalde had allowed them to fight. when the news of this affair reached manila, it aroused unspeakable resentment; and prompt measures were taken to avenge it. large reënforcements of men and ammunition were despatched under general juan de chavez, a soldier of the courage and ability which the occasion demanded. the order of st. augustine--which maintains all the religious ministries of pampanga except the two at abucay and samal, which, however, belong to the actual ministers of the province--was charged to send thither other religious, of unexceptionable character. as such, went the father master fray alonso de caravajal (who was formerly provincial), and the present prior of the manila convent, the father preacher fray diego de tamayo. these with their discretion and zeal, and the long experience and general popularity which they had in that province, undertook to give it consolation. as a result, in less than four days six hundred soldiers had been recruited to oppose the enemy if they should return to make another attack--which, in fact, was made on thursday, july 11. the enemy placed in the field two hundred and fifty men, in command of the fiscal, who in rank is third in the armada, to pillage the village of abucay, and kill the cattle and swine which are usually kept there. general juan de chavez, who was fortified in samal, was informed of the attack, and despatched ahead a troop under captain francisco gomez pulido, while he followed with the remainder of his men. they found the enemy in the village, pillaging the houses and killing the cattle. our general opened fire, and made the enemy retreat toward the church; captain francisco gomez pulido, with the force under his command, went across the fields by another road, and the heretics were so taken by surprise that they turned their backs and fled to their lanchas. at the same time adjutant francisco palmares arrived on the beach with another detachment of troops from another post, and attacked the enemy, compelling them to return to their boats through water that reached their mouths; they left fourteen dead and two prisoners on shore. the number of killed and wounded by the time they reached their vessels is unknown, but it was doubtless great. this good fortune, and the grants and favors conferred by the governor, in the name of his majesty, on the widows and orphans of the pampango chiefs, who had lost their lives, have somewhat mitigated the sorrow and suffering caused by the late disaster. in order that pious feeling should find an opportunity for expression, solemn funeral rites were celebrated in the royal chapel, by his lordship's orders, for the dead pampangos, at which all the spanish and pampango troops were present, under command of their master-of-camp, don sebastian de guzman. the order of st. augustine, as the [religious] mother of that people, performed the same rites in the convent at manila, and in all of the others throughout their province. information and statements made by the prisoners of the enemy's fleet through the said two dutch prisoners was obtained all information that we desired of the enemy's fleet. these men declared that they had sailed from jacatra in batabia, early in march, having been despatched by cornelio fandelin, [71] governor of that place, under command of general martin gercen [gertzen?] a frisian by birth; and that the fleet consisted of thirteen vessels, one of which was lost on the voyage. the voyage lasted three months, and they halted only at pulolaor for provisions. as for the size of the ships, the flagship is a vessel of seven hundred toneladas; the ships of the admiral, fiscal, and sub-fiscal, of eight hundred; and the others from three hundred to four hundred; and the pataches from sixty to one hundred toneladas. the flagship carries forty-eight guns: eighteen of these are of bronze, carrying balls of eighteen, twenty-four, and thirty-six libras; the others are of iron, with balls of nine to fifteen libras. the almiranta, and the ships of the fiscal and sub-fiscal carried forty, thirty-eight, and thirty-six guns respectively, some of bronze, with balls of twenty-four libras or less. the four other ships carried thirty-libra cannon. the guns on the pataches, some of bronze, carried balls of eighteen to twenty libras. the flagship was also supplied with many devices for using fire, with a german inventor who manufactures them, so that on occasion these could be placed in some one of their smaller vessels, in order to burn our fleet. the flagship left batabia with two hundred and twenty men, all white, of various european nations, unmixed with men from any of the peoples in these regions; the almiranta and the fiscal's ship carried each two hundred and ten, and the sub-fiscal's two hundred; the other vessels seventy or eighty each. the flagship had already lost from its quota seventy men, and the other vessels proportionately, many having been killed in the fight at cabite and in other engagements; moreover, there is a disease, known as verber [i.e., beri-beri], which is now prevalent throughout the fleet, by which most of the men have been attacked. the orders carried by the dutch ships are, to capture the vessels coming from nueva españa and prevent the voyage of those that must go to that kingdom for aid. they were also to ascertain, at the same time, the condition in which these fortified posts are, so that they can prepare for a larger fleet to follow in the succeeding year. it was said that he who will come in that fleet as commander is antonio can [i.e., caan], former governor of malayo, who had come last year from olanda, and now is in jacatra as second in command at that place. the season here will be favorable to them, as the monsoon will give them time [enough], and their provisions will hold out; and within a month four of the said ships will set out for the kingdom of japon, with merchandise which they are carrying, and will go with the proceeds to the kingdom of siam. such is the information which the prisoners have thus far given us regarding the dutch armada; and it is confirmed from other sources. [72] our armada at present is composed of three large galleons and one of medium size, two pataches, and two galleys, with other oared vessels of less size. all hands are at work on it, without any cessation--with eager desires and no less assured hopes, under god's favor, whose cause this is, of gaining success and good fortune against the heretical and rebel squadron. nor can my unskilful pen rightly deny the glory of such a victory, as of all the rest that has been thus far accomplished and is mentioned above, to the prime mover of all the influences and actions of this government--the sargento-mayor and governor of this garrison, manuel estacio venegas, one of the old and prominent citizens of this city, and a brave son of the royal army at granada. he was chosen by don diego faxardo for these and greater undertakings on account of his honorable, successful, and extraordinary services of thirty-four years in this region in the royal armadas of galleons and galleys, on the northern sea and in these islands. in military service, he was sargento, alférez, and captain of infantry; and in political affairs he served as regidor of this city, and as chancellor and registrar of the royal audiencia--in which latter post his lordship found him, filling it with approval and distinction, as is well known to all this kingdom. the victories and successes described in these relations are due to his unwearied personal efforts in sending out troops and supplies, and to his thorough understanding and excellent arrangements of all matters. his courage and dexterity in difficulties and hindrances, his subordination and military obedience, and execution of orders given by his superiors, [are all worthy of praise]; for ever since his lordship placed in his charge the office of sargento-mayor, there have been few nights which he has not passed in the guardroom, or making the round of the city and its walls. it fell to his lot to destroy such parts of the fortifications as appeared inadequate for the defense of this post and he strengthened the walls with new ones which, it has been said, are without doubt impregnable. i know not which to admire most, the strength of the fortification, or the rapidity with which the work was performed, without any burden or injury [to the people]. the thorough knowledge which he had of all his officers was doubtless the reason for the wise and fortunate selection that he made in naming to his lordship, the year before, the leaders who were best qualified for positions of authority in the armadas--through which he obtained the so glorious results which we have described, providing the fleets with all that was necessary to gain success. the rapidity with which he carried on the work was sufficient to make ready [for battle] anew the two galleons "encarnacion" and "rosario" in one single week, in order that they might convoy the galleon "san diego;" they gained the third victory, which was the complement of the others that were gained the year before. all this being known to his lordship, as soon as the news came this year of the enemy's armada he gave the sargento-mayor full and adequate commission to arrange and order everything as should appear best to him, in order not to delay sending aid, as occasion might demand, not only at the storehouses but in the provinces--to which he sent supplies with the promptness which the case required. thus the islands have been freed, on land and sea, from the attacks of the enemy, and the vessels which have come to us from other lands have made port in safety--thoroughly frustrating the designs of the heretics. this was especially the case in the attack on abucay, where the sargento-mayor sent very opportune aid of men and ammunition--so greatly to the satisfaction of the alcalde-mayor, diego antonio, that he wrote to him that all was done very promptly, and he was expecting to achieve some great exploit. if the alcalde had carried out this promise, as he could have done, or at least had allowed the brave pampangos to fight, neither would the above-related defeat have occurred, nor would the enemy have obtained any results from their attack. however, by promptly despatching general juan de chaves, his vigilance and skill were able to harass the heretics--much to their own cost, as it was not lack of foresight, but the little military exercise in the commander of that province, which occasioned that defeat. finally, through the sargento-mayor's vigilance and care, and the valor of the generals and chiefs, much has been, and we hope will be, accomplished in these islands for the success of our arms and the reputation of this military post--which is so destitute of aid, as being remote from his majesty, whom may god protect. printed with permission, at manila, in the printing-house of the society of jesus, in the year 1647. decree regarding missionaries the king. to don diego fajardo, knight of the order of santiago, member of my council of war, and my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands: in a clause of the letter which you wrote to me on the fifteenth of august in the past year of six hundred and forty-five, you say that the bishop-elect of caceres is bringing suit against the religious of st. francis in regard to some mission stations which those religious have held for the past thirty years and more; that he has asked you to aid him in taking possession of them; and that you have delayed doing so until you could report to me that in those islands the indian natives are much better instructed by the religious than by the secular priests--considering that the latter are born in the islands, and are but few in number; and that many of them are by their habit of life not fitted to set an example for others, or [to carry out] what is decreed for the other parts of the yndias. in regard to the missions, there are in those islands especial reasons why i should order this matter to be again considered, on account of not having secular priests of more approved life for the new conversions and doctrines; for since the natives of those islands have been instructed from the beginning by religious, they are more obedient to these. this matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, together with the opinion thereon of my fiscal of the council, i have deemed it best to tell you that, in regard to the point of furnishing aid [to the bishop], it is your duty to consider what course you ought to pursue conformably to [the requirements of] justice, and whether it would be just to grant him aid according to law. you shall act accordingly in this, and in other matters that may arise in which it may be expedient to grant aid. in what concerns those missions which the religious may hold, you shall observe what has been ordained by the decrees and orders that have been issued on account of this, in all cases giving careful attention to [the requirements] of my royal patronage, without making any change in what has been commanded and decided in the matter. dated at madrid, on the seventeenth of september in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-seven. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: juan bauptista saenz navarrete signed by the members of the council. early franciscan missions entrance of the seraphic order of our father st. francis into the philipinas islands his sacred majesty our king and sovereign philipo second was pleased, through his most christian and catholic zeal, to establish this kingdom of philipinas and plant herein the evangelical doctrine by means of the religious of our seraphic father st. francis. for this purpose his majesty sent father fray pedro de alfaro with seventeen religious, sons of the province of san joseph, of the discalced religious. thirteen of them were priests, two were choristers and two lay-brothers. six religious died on the voyage, but they were joined by six more in méxico, and they entered manila august 2, 1577. they were lodged in a bamboo house, where the marshal gabriel de ribera built a church of planks. father fray pedro de alfaro began his ministry immediately by assigning his associates to all the provinces of this kingdom; and they, inducing the indians to come from the rugged mountains and reducing them to settlements, baptized them and instructed them in the mysteries of our holy faith, and erected churches and laid out villages. at present the province has charge of fifty-two villages in these islands, as follows. province of tagalos 1. the convent of nuestra señora de la candelaria of dilao, which the dean, don francisco de arellano, founded at his own cost, with a church and house of stone. it is located outside the walls of the city of manila. it has 300 tributes, which makes a total of 1,200 persons of all ages. japanese christians are ministered to in that convent, and have their own japanese minister who has charge of them. four religious live in that convent constantly. 2. three quarters of a legua up the river from manila is the convent of nuestra señora de loreto of san páloc [i.e., sampaloc], with a stone church and house. it was founded at his own cost by master-of-camp pedro de gómez. it has a visita located one-half legua distant from it. two hundred tributes are administered there, who amount in all to 800 persons of all ages. one father lives there. 3. one legua up stream from that convent is the convent of santa ana of sapa, with a stone church and house, which was built by admiral juan pardo de losada at his own cost. it has 200 tributes, or 800 souls of all ages, and one religious lives there. 4. in the jurisdiction of bulacán, the convent of san diego of polo, with a stone church and house. it has 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons of all ages. some christian sangley farmers are ministered to there, and two religious live in that convent all the time. 5. one legua farther on is the convent of san francisco of micauayan, which has a visita in the mountains. it has 130 tributes or 600 persons of all ages, and one religious lives there. 6. two leguas farther on is the convent of san martín of bocaui, with a stone church and a wooden house. it has two visitas, and has 150 tributes or 700 persons. one religious lives there. 7. at the entrance of the lake of bay is located the convent of santa ursula of binangonan, which has 80 tributes or 150 persons. one religious lives there, and its church and house are of stone, which were built from various alms. 8. three leguas farther on is the convent of san gerónimo of moron. it has 122 tributes, or 400 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it has one religious. 9. one legua farther on is the convent of san ildefonso of tanay, with 100 tributes, or 340 persons. its church and house are bamboo, and one religious lives there. 10. one-half legua farther on is the convent of santa maría magdalena of pililla, which has 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. its church and house are built of planks, and one religious lives there. 11. in the district of the lake is located the convent of san antonio de pila, with 200 tributes, or about 800 persons. its church is of stone, and its house of wood. it has two religious, and one lay-religious who acts as a nurse; for that is the place where the sick religious of the district are treated. 12. two leguas thence by water is the convent of santa cruz, with 150 tributes, or 600 persons. its church and house are of stone, and one religious lives there. 13. one legua thence by water is the convent of our father san francisco of luonbang. it has 500 tributes, or 2,000 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it has three visitas. two religious live there all the time. 14. one and one-half leguas thence is the convent of sanctiago of payte, with three visitas. it has 448 tributes, or 1,600 persons. the church and house which are being built are of stone. two religious live there. 15. one legua thence by sea is the convent of la natividad of pangil, with 460 tributes, or 1,800 persons. its church and house are of stone, and two religious live there. 16. one legua thence by sea is the convent of san pedro of siniloan, with 130 tributes, or 450 persons. its church and house are of bamboo, and one religious lives there. 17. one and one-half leguas thence is the convent of santa maría of mabitac, with 200 tributes, or 800 persons. its church and house are of stone, and one religious lives there. 18. two leguas thence is the convent of santa maría of cabooan, with 120 tributes; or 450 persons. one religious lives there. 19. ascending to the mountains through the district of pila, is found the convent of san bartolomé of nacarlán, with 700 tributes, or 2,800 persons. the convent and house are of stone, and two religious live there. 20. one legua thence is the convent of san juan bautista of lillo, with 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it has two religious. 21. two leguas thence is the convent of san gregorio of mahayhay, with 1,000 tributes, or 4,000 persons. its church and house are of stone, and two religious and a few convalescents live there. 22. four leguas up in the mountains is the convent of san salvador of cavinte, with 120 tributes, or 450 persons. its church and house are of planks, and two religious live there. 23. three leguas east is the convent of san luis of luchán, with 400 tributes, or 1,600 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it has two religious. 24. four leguas thence is the convent of san miguel of tayabas, with 500 tributes, or 2,000 persons. its church and house are of stone, and two religious live there. 25. one legua thence is the convent of santa clara of sadyaya, with 100 tributes, or 380 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it has one religious. 26. along the seacoast is the convent of santa buenabéntura of mahubán, with 200 tributes, or 800 persons. its church and house are built of bamboo, because the former ones were burned by the dutch enemy. it has two religious. 27. ten leguas thence by sea is the convent of san marcos of binangonan, with 120 tributes, or 400 persons. it has one visita, at a distance of 8 leguas by the sea and ten by land. it has one religious. 28. thirty leguas by sea is the convent of san luis of baler, with 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. its church and house are of wood, and two religious live there. 29. twenty-four leguas by sea is the convent of casiguran, of san antonio, with 320 tributes, or 1,200 persons. its church and house are of bamboo, and one religious lives there; for his associate lives at a visita called palanan, which has 250 tributes, or 700 persons. 30. on the other side of maubán, toward the province of camarines, and six leguas by sea, is the convent of antimonan, with 250 tributes, or 1,000 persons. its church and house are of bamboo, for the former ones were twice burned by the dutch enemy. one religious lives there. [the following seems to have been added later:] now it is all stone, and the best in the province. 31. eight leguas by sea is the convent of san diego of gumaca, with 200 tributes, or 800 persons. its church and house are of bamboo as the former ones were burned by the dutch enemy. it has one religious. 32. ten leguas by sea is the convent of santa lucía of capalongan, with 100 tributes or 400 persons. its church and house are of bamboo, as the former ones were burned by the dutch. one religious lives there. 33. twelve leguas thence is the convent of la purificación, of paracali, with 200 tributes, or 800 persons. its church and house are of bamboo, as the former ones were burned by the dutch enemy. 34. the chief convent of manila, of nuestra señora de los angeles, has twenty-five religious continually--ten of whom are priests, and the others choristers and lay-brothers--for the proper administration of the convent. they are supported by alms from the city, except as regards the vestments, medicine, fowls, clothing for the sick, wine for the mass, and oil for the lamps, which is the alms given by his majesty (may god preserve him). 35. the convent of san diego of cavite (a communal convent) has four religious, and one nurse who attends through charity to the sailors and natives who work at shipbuilding. it has no ministry, and is supported by alms. province of camarines 1. in the city of [nueva] cáçeres is the convent of nuestro padre san francisco, which is communal and administers the part of the city called naga. it has 150 tributes, or 600 persons. it also administers the village of canaman and that of milanix. the village of canaman has 400 tributes, or 1,500 christians. one religious lives there who is subject to naga. the village of milanix is two leguas thence, and has 303 tributes, or 1,200 persons. there are generally four priests and two religious lay-brothers for the hospital in the convent of naga. 2. the convent of indar, which is six leguas by sea from paracali, has 400 tributes or 1,800 persons. it has a visita up stream. its church and house are of plank, and two religious live there. 3. two leguas [thence] by land is the convent of san juan bautista of dait, which, together with a visita that it possesses, has 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. it has a church and house of plank, and one religious lives there. 4. eight leguas [thence] by sea is the convent of santiago of ligmanan, with 200 tributes, or 800 persons. it has a stone church and house, and one religious lives there. 5. four leguas [thence] by sea and land is the convent of nuestra señora of quipayo, which, with three visitas, has 600 tributes, or 2,400 persons. its church and house are built of brick, and it is administered by two religious. 6. on the other side of [nueva] cáçeres (or naga), toward the main part of the province and three leguas up the river, is the convent of minalana, with 360 tributes, or 1,300 persons. its church and house are of plank, and it is administered by one religious. 7. six leguas [thence] is the convent of santa maría magdalena of bula, which, with one visita, has 250 tributes, or 900 persons. its church and house are of plank, and it is administered by one religious. 8. three leguas [thence] is the convent of santa cruz of nabua, with 600 tributes, besides some negrillos who come down from the mountains. the tributes of the mission alone amount to more than 2,400 persons. the church and house are of wood, and it is administered by two religious. 9. one legua [thence] is the convent of san antonio of iraga, with 460 tributes, or 1,600 persons. its church and house are of wood, and it is administered by one religious. 10. three leguas [thence] is the convent of nuestro padre san francisco of buy, with 200 tributes, or 800 persons. its church and house are of wood, and it is administered by one religious. 11. six leguas [thence] is the convent of santiago of libón, with 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. its church and house are of brick, and it is administered by one religious. 12. one legua [thence] is the convent of san pedro of polangui, with 300 tributes, or 1,400 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it is administered by one religious. 13. one legua [thence] is the convent of san miguel of oasque, with one visita. it has 600 tributes, or 2,500 persons. its church and house are of stone, and it is administered by one religious. 14. four leguas [thence] is the convent of san juan bautista of camarines, with its visita called cagsaua. it has 700 tributes, or 3,000 persons. its church and house are of stone. it is administered by religious who are priests, and one lay-religious who acts as a nurse for the infirmary which is in the said convent. 15. one legua [thence] is the convent of san gregorio of albay, with 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons, and the spaniards who usually are in the said village are also administered. it has a church and a fortified house of stone, beside a bit of a wall and a tower for the defense of the province--as the said village is close to the sea, and a port for the champans of his majesty which go to collect the bandalas and tributes. last year the dutch enemy destroyed said church and house, although two religious, having patched up a little dwelling with bamboos, are living there. 16. eight leguas [thence] by sea is the convent of san juan evangelista of tanaco, with 340 tributes, or 1,350 persons. it has a visita one and one-half leguas away. the church and house are of bamboo, as the former buildings were burned by the enemies--dutch, camucón, and mindanao. a small fort or fortified house is being built to defend it from the said enemy. one religious lives there. 17. one legua [thence] by land is the convent of santa ana of malinas, which, with a visita, has 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. the church and house are of wood, and it is administered by one religious. 18. eight leguas [thence] by sea is the convent of la anunciación, of bacon, with its visita called solsogón. it has 400 tributes, or 1,600 persons. the churches and houses of both villages are bamboo, because they are very frequently burned by the camucón and mindanao enemy. one religious lives there, and he also ministers to the spaniards who frequently go to the port of solsogón in his majesty's champans. 19. three leguas [thence] by sea is the convent of la visitación of casiguran, with one visita. it has 430 tributes, or 1,560 persons. its church and house are of wood, and one religious lives there. 20. eight leguas over very rough mountains, but twelve leguas [thence] by sea, is the convent of bolosan, which, with three visitas, has 400 tributes, or 1,500 persons. the church and house are of bamboo, and one religious lives there. 21. thirty leguas [thence] by sea is the convent of quipia, and donsol its visita, with 300 tributes, or 1,200 persons. the church and house are of bamboo, and one religious lives there. ii hospitals the province, considering the great service which is performed for our lord in the cure of the sick, and that its evangelical ministers ought to attend to the spiritual necessities of all and to the corporal needs of the poor, began to establish some hospitals in this new [field of the] conversion, entrusting so apostolic a ministry to a lay-brother of proved virtue called fray juan clemente. that religious, with singular charity, collected some alms among the spaniards, and began to treat the poor spaniards in a wretched nipa house. since the order of our father st. francis may not hold property and have the management of money, therefore that hospital, like the others founded by the province, was placed under the royal protection. god took to himself a spaniard who had one of the best cattle-ranches in this kingdom. that spaniard made confession and deposited his will with father fray agustín de tordesillas, one of the first founders of this province. father fray agustín counseled that spaniard to leave his ranch to the royal hospital of the spaniards, since he had no children and the hospital was so poor. the spaniard did so, so that the poor had thereby the milk necessary for their sicknesses, for milk is, as a general rule, the delicacy that is prescribed to the sick in this kingdom. this province founded another hospital, in the port of cavite, for the relief and cure of the seamen in that port and of the natives who live there. for its support and comfort they founded another ranch, likewise of the larger cattle, the land on which that ranch was established being given by some spaniards and some natives, by the advice and efforts of the religious. the same fray juan clemente founded another hospital outside the walls of the city of manila, which is called "the hospital of the natives;" for there the indian natives who go thither because they have not the wherewithal to cure themselves are treated--and they are many. the same religious founded another ranch for its support, commencing it with some calves which he begged as an alms. in the same manner was founded also the hospital of los baños, with two other ranches. in the city of [nueva] cáçeres, the religious have founded another hospital, with another large ranch. within the city of manila, the brotherhood of the santa misericordia built another hospital, where poor negro slaves are treated, through their alms. most of the negroes would doubtless die miserably if the santa misericordia did not piously aid them in so great need. the misericordia entrusted their hospital to our religious, who administered it most willingly, as it was for poor creatures so orphaned and destitute. besides these hospitals, there is the infirmary at the principal convent of manila, and another infirmary in the village of pila, in the province of laguna de bay of tagalos. the province of camarines has two more infirmaries--one in the village of camarines, and the other (which is the chief one) in the city of [nueva] cáçeres, the capital of that province. the religious of the order are treated in those infirmaries, as well as the religious of other orders, secular priests, and spaniards, and not a few natives who gather there from various villages--the priests being admitted to the same infirmaries of the convents, and the laymen being accommodated in the private houses of the villages. the service, past and present, rendered to the two majesties and to their poor vassals by the religious in those hospitals and infirmaries is of no little importance. but since the infernal enemy of the poor does not sleep, he also found a plan to sow his seeds of discord and to entangle everything, as is his wont. when don sebastian governed this kingdom, he took the royal hospital away from the order, and commanded it to be administered by layman and by a secular priest. he also took away the hospital of cavite, and gave it to the religious of san juan bautista, [73] whom he brought from méxico for that purpose. his majesty (may god preserve him), having been [correctly] informed, has ordered by his royal decree that the royal hospital of manila be returned to the order. in regard to the hospital of cavite, the order has not informed his majesty of anything. without doubt the loss of the royal hospital of manila is felt by the order, for it contained as superior and minister one of the father definitors, with another priest as associate (one of those who gave most satisfaction), and the father vicar of the nuns, with an associate. besides these, there were four priests who were always chosen from among the best of the province. it was necessary that they be of the best, as they were in the sight of all the community. there were also four or six lay religious, chosen for the same reasons from the very best. the head-nurse was there and was chosen by the governor. the steward, then as now, gave the religious what was needful for the cure and comfort of the sick; and the religious gave out what was delivered to them by the stewards, without having the management of any property or money. and as that hospital always had a surgeon and an apothecary (both spaniards), the religious who served and ministered to them learned medicine by experience, and by means of the books which they read in the romance [i.e., castilian] tongue. by that means the other hospitals and infirmaries were furnished with nurses and physicians so competent that the best people of manila preferred to be treated by them rather than by the spanish physician. since the province has lost that hospital, the seminary of its nurses is also lacking; and consequently only three or four of the old nurses have remained, who now take care of the other hospitals. but when they die, the province will sustain the hospitals with difficulty for lack of nurse and school where they can be trained. [section iii treats of the conversion of china, and section iv of the empire of japan. both have been treated sufficiently in preceding volumes. the former mentions the disputes of the franciscans and dominicans with the jesuits over the chinese rites. the latter narrates the early beginnings of the franciscans' missions in japan (where they had ten convents and seven hospitals), their successes, and subsequent persecutions.] v martyred in various kingdoms in tagolanda on the island of maluco, the moros of the island, after killing father fray sebastián de san joseph [74] with arrows for the preaching of the faith, beheaded him. his associate fray antonio de santa ana, [75] a lay-brother, was given to the women of the island because he refused to marry one of the chief moro women, the daughter of the king of that island. they, dancing to the sound of a tambourine, began to stick sharp knives into all parts of his body; and then they beheaded him, and nailed his head to a pole. it is said that he preached our holy faith to those faithless moros for many days after his death. juridical reports of the martyrdom of those two religious were made in manila, in therrenate, and macau, by order of his holiness. father fray juan de plasençia [76] died in burney, an island of the mahometans, when on his way to españa he stopped at that island. father fray francisco de santa maria [77] also died a martyr in the same kingdom, because he had preached to the king in public three or four times and chided him for his false worship of mahomet. while he was finishing mass in the house assigned to him by the king for his lodging, and giving thanks, a troop of men attacked him and cleft his head in twain; and when he was dead they dragged him along by his girdle, and threw him into the river. he died in the year 1583. the holy father, fray blas de palomino, [78] a priest, was going to therrenate in a portuguese ship. on arriving at the island of tagalonda, he asked the captain of the ship to put him ashore, and the latter did so. on reaching shore he began to preach to those islanders, but they speared him in sight of the ship. the father vicar of therrenate got a report of that murder and martrydom from the portuguese aboard that ship. in their report they said that father fray blas de palomino wore only a habit, and under that a hair-cloth shirt which he wore quite commonly. brother fray juan de palma, [79] a lay-brother, was going to españa by way of india. the dutch captured the ship in which that religious was sailing. they shot him with their arquebuses, although they did no harm to any of his companions. it is said that they shot him because he preached to the dutch heretics; and it is a fact that the dutch never treat a religious badly unless he begins to preach to them. father fray gerónimo de san joseph, [80] priest, embarked in the island hermosa in a chinese ship, with another religious, fray jacinto, of [the order] of our father, st. dominic. those religious intended to go to japón, but the chinese who were taking them killed them, and cut off their noses, which they salted. thus did they carry these to japón and presented them to the emperor, who ordered them to be given the reward that had been assigned to those who surrender and denounce evangelical ministers. vi foundation of the convent of our mother santa clara, of this city of manila this city of manila has a cathedral, and five convents of religious. notwithstanding that, it was alone and as if an orphan, for it had no convent of religious women. especially did it sigh for a convent of discalced nuns of our mother st. clare. all entreated and desired it, but no one had the wherewithal to found it. god inspired the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves and his wife, doña ana de vera (who had no children or obligations), to spend their possessions in the founding of that convent. they petitioned his majesty, who since he was so good a catholic, immediately conceded it, and sent the religious women, who came at the expense of his royal treasury. father fray joseph de santa maria, a venerable and perfectly satisfactory religious, was then in españa, having returned to that country from this kingdom. the royal council summoned him from his convent, where he was quietly remaining and resting after his long and troublesome journey. his majesty ordered him to conduct these religious, and he received the commission very willingly, in consideration of the great service that he was doing to both majesties, to this kingdom, and to the order. the said father fray joseph de santa maría left españa with the following religious: mother gerónima de la asunción, abbess, and as her associates mother leonor de san francisco, mother ana de cristo, mother maría magdalena de la cruz, mother magdalena de cristo, mother maría de la trinidad. on departing they gave the habit to mother juana de san antonio and to mother luisa de jesús who performed their novitiate during the voyage. the above religious were joined in méxico by mother leonor de san buenaventura and mother maría de los ángeles. during the second voyage [i.e., from mexico to manila] mother maría de la trinidad died, and thus the other nine religious arrived at manila. on arriving they were lodged in the convent of san páloc, owned by this province outside the walls of manila, of which the patrons are the same master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, and his wife, doña ana de vera, as they were its founders. while the women religious were in that convent, the two novices, juana de san antonio and luisa de jesús, professed. the two patrons, husband and wife, immediately prepared their houses, which were near the palace, and arranged them in the manner of a convent, whither the religious betook themselves. a few days after their arrival, the said master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, died, and doña ana his wife being widowed, her nephew don antonio de vera, who married doña magdalena de aybar, came from españa. doña ana favored that gentleman as much as possible, since he was her nephew; she brought about his marriage, and made him a gift of all her property. doña ana de vera died, and, the convent of santa clara brought a suit, because of her foundation, against the aforesaid nephew and niece, who remained as its patrons, and their heirs. the suit was concluded, and the nuns were left in possession of the houses of their founders, which had already been made into a convent, for which they were not compelled to pay anything. the said don antonio de vera and his heirs were left in possession of a good ranch which the first founders and patrons had given to the convent for its support, provided that they abandoned and renounced all their right of patronage over the said convent. therefore the convent was left to the mercy of god, without patron or property. in this way there came an end to the mountains of gold that its first patrons promised to his majesty for its foundation. the nuns began immediately to receive crowds of girls, so that the dove-cot was filled in a short time; and there are now fifty-six nuns. they do not receive fixed dowries. the convent contains the daughters of the noblest and richest men of manila; but there are so many of them that the majority, although noble, entered poor. from the money inherited by the convent from some religious women whose fathers had property a church has been built and part of the convent--which is a tolerably good building. but it was so badly damaged by the late earthquake that it threatened to fall, so that the nuns fear, and so do we all, especially the province which has it in charge; but we cannot help it. thus the convent now has fifty-six nuns to support--without property, without walls, and without patrons; nor do they know where they will get them, and consequently they suffer what god knows. at first they got along very well, for their parents and relatives were alive, and the inhabitants of manila, as they had property, aided with their alms. but all that has ceased, and all manila sees and bewails it. the superiors who governed this [franciscan] province in the past well foresaw these times, and they accordingly ordered that the convent should have some property; and they had some, and very good it was. but the mother abbess, gerónima de la asunción, and other mothers who were among its founders, with the noble spirit that they brought, and as alms did not fail them then, determined to profess the first rule of our mother st. clare, which does not allow temporal possessions or property. they wrote about that to españa, and thus the convent was built for them with the property that they possessed. without doubt it suffers pressing necessities, but the mothers live consoled, for the poor gospeller is most consoled when he has least; and god, who sustains the birds, sustains and will sustain this convent if it maintains the rigor, poverty, and devotion that it professes. news of the exceeding poverty and the religious life of this our convent of santa clara of manila reached macau. that community instantly petitioned for some religious women to found another convent there. it was conceded, and the following religious, having received their letters-patent and outfits, set sail for macau: as abbess, mother leonor de san francisco, and as her associates, mother maría magdalena (these two being among those who came from castilla la vieja); and of those who had received the habit in this convent of santa clara of manila, mother melchora de la trinidad, mother clara de san francisco, mother margarita de la concepción, mother juana de la concepción--six in all. the novitiate habit was given on the ship to marta de san bernardo, a pampango indian woman, whom the father provincial refused to allow to receive the habit in the convent of manila, because of that fact. but he gave her permission to receive it on the sea, as she was so influential a woman and so moral and virtuous; and on that account all the convent had urgently requested it. father fray gerónimo del espiritu santo, a religious who was thoroughly satisfactory to the province, accompanied those religious women to macau; and, after they had founded the convent of macau, mother maría magdalena, mother margarita, and mother clara returned to manila by license of the superiors. they brought a novice with them, namely, a daughter of captain diego enriquez de losada, who came with them from macau. the father reader, fray antonio de santa maría, also returned with them to this province; he had remained in macau, because he had lost his passage to roma with the loss of malaca. vii some matters of special interest there are various animals in this kingdom, as for instance, carabaos or buffaloes, dogs, domestic and wild swine, monkeys, and goats, and many deer in the mountains. the spaniards have brought here cows and horses. the cows have multiplied remarkably. the horses are numerous, and are small. it is a land of many reptiles and serpents; for it is damp and hot. in especial is there one species known as olopong. [81] there is no preservative or antidotal herb against its bite. others [i.e., pythons] are called sauas, which are very large. one of these will hang from a tree, catch whatever living thing passes below--such as deer, man, or swine--and swallow it whole. it has a very large and excellent gall, which is a proved antidote for or preventive of [poison]. the mountain indians eat that snake. it breeds in the mountains on the opposite coast of valer and palinan. the other animals above mentioned are numerous throughout the kingdom. in the same manner these islands abound in large and small fish. tunnies are caught on the opposite coast of casiguran and in the lake of bong-bong--although as the country is so hot, few of them are in good condition when they reach manila. the most remarkable fish is the crocodile, which here is called buhaya. it is a fierce animal, [living in both] land and water, and thus sustains itself by hunting and fishing, although it does not go far inland. the rivers and lakes are full of those animals. in the province of camarines there is a lake of fresh water where there are so many crocodiles that the surrounding villages collect to kill them; and they are accustomed to kill fifty, sixty, or a hundred of the creatures. their flesh is not eaten, and hence they are good for nothing. there are also various species of birds. they multiply but little, for the serpents eat them. the principal birds are fowls like those of españa; other fowls, smaller like partridges, which breed in the mountains; many turtle-doves and pigeons, and anades [82] and ducks. there are but few metals. the indians get gold from their mines. our missions contain the mines of paracali, and that village is supported by the gold that is obtained there, for it has no other resources. those mines fill up immediately with water; and hence they are of no importance to the spaniards. but the indians who are plodding, and work little by little, get a sufficient quantity of it. a mine was discovered in that village some years ago, from which considerable gold was extracted. it filled with water and now a wonderful vein is seen there. some spaniards have attempted to draw off the water, because of the great wealth that it shows, but they have not succeeded. another mine, of copper, was discovered in that same village of paracale. [83] some copper, though little, was obtained from it, and then it was abandoned because the cost was more than the profit. there is a prolific mine of rock sulphur in the province of camarines. that province also has a very lofty and steep volcano which is constantly throwing out streams of fire. some years ago, an eruption from it wrought damage to the neighboring villages. during these last years, the noise and din that has been heard in the interior [of that volcano] has been remarkable, and on that account the neighboring villages are full of fear. [84] these islands also contain many civet cats, which breed in the mountains; and many swarms of bees, from which the indians get a quantity of wax. there are forest trees for buildings and ships. there are many excellent fruit trees. there are many kinds of bananas and oranges, most of which have been brought by the spaniards from china. the oranges that the indians had in their pagan state are very large, of the size of a spanish gourd; and the taste is pleasant and resembles that of a grape. the spaniards have also brought melons from españa, china, and japón; as well as radishes, cabbages, lettuce, onions, and garlic; also camotes or potatoes, which have resulted very well, and are a source of great support for this kingdom. the indians also formerly had other very good and useful roots, and various kinds of kidney beans. the sugar-cane also is produced throughout this kingdom, and a quantity of sugar is manufactured from it, although, it is not so sweet as that of españa. rice is the principal product of this kingdom. it is abundant, and there are various species of it; and it is harvested and sown throughout the year. wheat comes from china, and a quantity formerly came from japón. a quantity is also grown in this kingdom, although it is degenerating yearly, and accordingly it is necessary to bring new seed from therrenate every fourth year. our friars brought some shoots of the clove in a pot for transplanting. they were transplanted in various climates, and in different villages. two shoots took root in the village of mahayhay and produced fruit, and the cloves were as good as those of therrenate. the first fruit that was gathered was sent to the governor of these islands, don juan zereço. those two trees were lost afterward, and consequently none have been left in the kingdom. some grapevine shoots have been brought from china, which after being transplanted in these islands have become good vines. the arms which have been and are commonly used by the natives of the kingdom are bows and arrows, a small lance and a shield of elongated round shape, like a pavés. [85] the indians who live far from manila are doubtless skilful in the use of the bow and arrow. the negrillos who wander through the mountains, and support themselves by hunting, are very skilful. the latter people have no government or settlements, and consequently they are not conquered. considerable cotton is gathered throughout the kingdom, from which the indians weave various kinds of cloth and textiles, of which they manufactured their clothes and vestments when they were pagans. now they generally make them of mantas and pieces brought from china; and thus they are clad very well, tastefully, and in clean garments. in the province of camarines, near the village of malinas, there is also a hot-water spring, which issues from the ground boiling. consequently, it destroys every living thing that falls into it; and, if wood or bone falls into it, converts them into stone. the tributes and the persons who confess, who were above enumerated in each mission and ministry, were drawn from the lists which we have in the government [offices]. without doubt those of our missions are a few more or less; for the exact number at present cannot be estimated except by consulting the lists which are made for confession every lent. there are nearly seventy-six thousand among all the persons who are ministered to in our missions. viii foundation of this province of san gregorio, and other special events concerning it the first founders of this province were discalced religious, sons of the province of san joseph, whose principal convent is san gil at madrid; and accordingly this province was governed for some years as a custodia of the said province of san joseph, its founder. and, since this was its custodia, the province of san joseph sent to it the orders for its government. the other discalced provinces of españa also sent their religious, in order to have a share in the abundant fruits of the conversion that have always been enjoyed in this province. the province of san joseph, considering, then, that it was now time that this province--at that time its custodia--should govern itself and have its own government, petitioned his holiness, gregory thirteenth, to erect it into a province. his holiness did so by his special bull, by which he makes it a participant in all the apostolic briefs that have been or may be hereafter conceded by the apostolic see to the said province of san joseph. in words truly weighty, and worthy of so great a pontiff, he charged this province and its superiors with the zeal that they ought to have in attending to the conversions in their care. his holiness especially charged the conversion of the great empire of china upon them. in accordance with that action, father fray pablo de jesus was elected as the first provincial of this province in the year 1590. from that time until our days it has been preserved as a province, and it has been supplied with observantine religious. the latter in order to aid their brothers have offered, with especial spirit, their health and lives to the lord, and have busied themselves in preaching his gospel; so that almost all the provinces of españa, both of the discalced and of the observantine, have religious sons who have been martyrs in this province. this province was founded in the rigor and poverty which the discalced of españa profess. in order to better preserve themselves so, they petitioned his majesty (may god preserve him) to be pleased to aid them with his paternal alms, in order that they might avoid in that way, as much as possible, the handling of money, which is so contrary to the purity of our holy rule. his majesty did that with so holy and paternal a zeal that he ordered his governors and viceroys by his royal decree to aid this province with what was needful to clothe and cure the sick. this has been done and is being done, so that his majesty spends annually more than two thousand five hundred pesos from his royal treasuries in sackcloth for habits, and in medicines, for the sick in méxico and manila. this province, recognizing so extraordinary an alms, and the other favors that his majesty is doing for it, considers his majesty as its special patron; and refused the patronage that the dukes of medina sidonia and escalona asked for--who offered their alms, favor, and protection. this province sought excuse from their excellencies by saying that they could not make any innovation about that matter without an order from his majesty, for the said reasons. while don pedro de acuña was governing these islands by the force of his valor and arms, he placed a garrison in the forts of therrenate. the soldiers being disconsolate without a convent of our father st. francis, the governors accordingly founded in those forts the convent of san antonio outside the walls of the city. its first beginning was poor and slight. afterward, when master-of-camp cristoval de ascueta was governing the forts, he bought at his own cost some good plank houses, in that same locality, which were owned by a spaniard. therein, at his own cost and by his energy, he founded a church and convent of planks, which had a spacious garden. that convent was burned, as well as a hospital which the religious had built near it. the religious, seeing themselves thus destitute, tried to come to manila, but don juan niño de tavora, who was governing this kingdom at that time, would not allow them to come. accordingly, he sent an urgent order to admiral don pedro de heredia to rebuild their house with especial care. the said admiral did so, with so singular devotion that he rebuilt it in a short time, all of stone. thus the convent was founded and the religious sustained at the expense of his majesty (may god preserve him). the religious of this convent have not been content with attending to the consolation of the soldiers of those fortresses, and administration of the sacraments to them, as the chaplains of his majesty, but they have always endeavored to plant the holy gospel in the surrounding kingdoms. fathers fray cristoval del castillo, fray martín de san juan, fray gregorio de san esteban, [86] fray pedro de la concepción, and a lay-brother, fray benito díaz, entered the kingdom of manados, where at various times they tried to convert that kingdom to the holy gospel. father fray diego de roxas died there, occupied in the same preaching of the holy gospel, with so much approbation of life that the natives of the kingdom buried his body in a new sepulcher, which they inclosed and preserved with so great veneration and respect that, although our religious of therrenate have gone there for his bones, the natives have always refused to give them up. father fray bias de palomino (of whom we made mention above) also returned from this kingdom, to therrenate, and, since he had already learned the languages of those kingdoms, wished to preach in the kingdom of tagalanda. he disembarked for that purpose, trusting to those islanders, who, being barbarians, killed him as above stated. some of our religious of therrenate have entered the kingdom of macasar for the same purpose of preaching the gospel, and of offering the word of god on various occasions to the kings of that kingdom. although the latter did not receive the word, they did not maltreat the religious. on the contrary, some villages, called meados, which have preserved peace with our spaniards of therrenate in the said kingdom of manados, have been very favorable to our religious. they have aided the forts with what provisions they had there. in the years of the lord, forty-three and forty-four, some spaniards who had gone to get provisions were in those villages. the indians rose up against them. two religious were also in the said villages, namely, father fray juan yranzo and fray lorenzo garalda, [87] who had gone thither to convert the people. the indians killed some of the spaniards. father juan yranzo escaped with some spaniards, but father fray lorenço was killed at that time. when father fray vicente argente, [88] then the provincial minister of that province, investigated the matter and how it had happened, the witnesses declared that the indians had refused to kill father fray lorenço, but that the priests of their idols insisted upon it, by saying that they were very angry because priests had been admitted into their kingdom who prevented their idolatry. that was the reason why he suffered so many hardships. he died seven days after. his body was found upon its knees, and the indians hid and kept it refusing to give it up. that religious was always considered a man of excellent spirit and zeal. father fray bartolomé de san diego [89] and brother fray miguel de san buenaventura have been preaching to those islanders in the islands of calonga. our religious have been in those kingdoms and in others near therrenate, on various occasions and at various times, ever trying to reduce people so barbarous to the knowledge of our true god, although always with but little fruit. may the will of god be done in all things! the father reader fray ginés de quesada [90] and father fray juan yorillas, [91] emulating the holy zeal of so many martyrs as japón has had, entered that country with remarkable courage, and died there in the year 1633. although we know that their death is certain, we do not know how it happened. there are many reports, but they are alike only in saying that those fathers were killed by torture. when don juan niño de tavora was governing these islands, the emperor of japon sent hither as many as one hundred and fifty exiled christian lepers. it is said that his intent was to spread that leprosy among the natives of these islands, for it is a very common disease in japón. but whether that was the intent or no, it is a fact that they were exiled because they were christians; and as good christians they preferred to leave their country and their relatives rather than their christian worship and religion. all the city of manila was greatly edified at sight of them. but at length those who received them into their charge were our holy order, who took them to the garden or site of the hospital for the natives, built by the religious. they are and have always been in that hospital, and the religious have sought alms with which to sustain them, for they have cost no little care, and do still. the governor assigned them alms from the royal treasury in the name of his majesty; and his majesty, upon learning it, ordered, since he is so good a catholic, that two hundred ducados be given them annually from his royal treasury. nothing can be done in the missions if the religious do not learn the language of the natives. the religious of this province have always occupied themselves in this with great assiduity, as they are so free from property and business. the first missionaries left many writings in the tagálog and bícol languages, the best of which are those left by fathers fray juan de oliver, fray juan de plasençia, fray miguel de talavera, [92] fray diego de la asunción, [93] and fray gerónimo monte. [94] mention is here made of the above fathers because they were the first masters of the tagálog language, and since their writings are so common and so well received by all the orders. they have not been printed, because they are voluminous, and there are no arrangements in this kingdom for printing so much. those things that have been printed, as being urgently needed for the instruction of the natives, are the following. in the year 1613, father fray pedro de san buenaventura [95] printed a tagálog vocabulary. in the year 1610, father fray gerónimo monte printed in the tagálog tongue oraciones devotas para comulgar y confesar [i.e., "devout prayers for communion and confession"]. father fray alonso de santa ana [96] explained and printed the misterios de nuestra santa fe [i.e., "mysteries of our holy faith"] in the same tagálog language in the year 1628. in the year 1637, father fray joseph de santa maria translated into the same language the doctrina of cardinal bellarmino. in a different style father fray antonio de san gregorio tried to explain the principal mysteries of our holy faith, in the year 1648. father fray andrés de san agustín [97] printed a grammar of the bícol language in the province of camarines in the bícol language (which is the commonest and most universal of that province), in the year 1647; and the translation that he made into that language of the doctrina of the same cardinal bellarmino, [98] in the same language and in the same year. father fray juan del spiritu santo printed another tratado de comunión y de confesión [i.e., "treatise on communion and confession"] with which the father ministers and these natives have sufficient for study--the first, the so important barbaric languages of these kingdoms; and the second, the so necessary mysteries of our holy faith. the above is what has been printed in the bícol language; and since the writings left by fathers fray marcos de lisboa [99] and fray diego bermeo, [100] the first ministers of that province and the first masters of that language, have not been printed, we shall make no mention of them. in the year nineteen or twenty his majesty sent a goodly reënforcement of men and money to this kingdom by his general don [blank space in ms.] de huesola. that aid was lost on leaving cádiz. [101] in all of the galleons were sailing our religious, who had been assigned as chaplains. father fray juan de noves, with another priest, and a lay-brother, fray joseph de los santos, took passage in the galleon san joseph. that galleon was wrecked on the coast, as were the others. its captain and pilot retired to the stern, which is the highest part of the vessel. they had the religious summoned who were down below, hearing confessions on the quarterdeck. father fray juan de noves answered that he could not go, for they were confessing the people, and that they could not leave all those men without consolation. the lay-brother went, since he was not a confessor, and was saved, with those who were at the stern. the two religious who were confessors were lost, on account of hearing confessions, with the others who were below decks. most extraordinary was the zeal displayed in this by father fray andrés de puertollano. [102] returning to españa as custodian of this province, he embarked at vera cruz in the almiranta of the fleet. that vessel was lost in a storm on some hidden rocks, and was beached. the admiral went in his falúa with what spaniards he could take, and father fray andrés embarked with him. when the poor wretches who were left behind in the wrecked galleon saw father fray andrés in the falúa, they commenced to cry out, saying: "father fray andrés, why do you leave us in these troubles?" the religious, overmastered by impulse, sprang into the water without saying anything; and went to the galleon to confess those poor wretches, where he perished with the others. reverend father fray juan de prado, then commissary-general of the order in méxico, advised this province of that event. his most reverent paternity adds in his letter that he also had been advised, in the report made to him of the matter, that the men aboard of the falúa saw father fray andrés walk upon the water when returning to the ship, just as if he were upon the land. the truth is, as we all know, that father fray andrés could not swim; and even had he known how, he would have swum but ill, clad in a habit of sackcloth so voluminous as that worn by the discalced religious. may his divine majesty be pleased by it all, and may he give us his holy spirit so that we may all serve and praise him! o divine providence! o eternal predestination! we men work as men; but thou, o lord, ordainest our works to incomprehensible ends, as an omnipotent god! in the shipyard of bagatas, which was established in the province of camarines, the mindanao enemy (whose worship is the law of mahomet) made a sudden attack. the galleon which was being built was burned; and among other persons captured was father fray domingo de los mártires, who was the confessor of the shipyard, and a lay-brother, his associate and the nurse of the same shipyard. they offered and sacrificed the lay-brother to their god or idol, in a storm that burst upon them. they took the priest with them, he preaching to them all the time and teaching them our evangelical law whenever he saw a convenient opportunity for so doing. it happened that a woman near his apartment who was pregnant came to her time; she had a very painful labor, and bore an infant, still alive but breathing its last. the religious begged leave of the mother to baptize it. he was granted permission and baptized it, and shortly afterward it died and went to heaven. many blows and knocks did it cost the religious to baptize it; but he afterward returned to this province where he died, and where he recounted the above. thus did the mindanao enemy go to bagatas, burned the shipyard, captured two religious, sacrificed the lay-brother to their idols, and preserved the life of the priest; and for what end? why did they not sacrifice them both? because god had predestined that infant for his glory, and likewise that the [moro] king should go to bagatas, and attain his design, namely, the burning of the shipyard; and that god should also attain his, namely, to take that infant to his glory. inasmuch as that had to be by the medium of baptism, [he ordained] that the king should take a priest from bagatas, preserve his life, give him lodging near the pregnant mother, and that the mother should have a painful birth; that the religious should learn of it, and with the mother's permission baptize the infant; and that it should die at that instant, so that it should instantly be translated from its mahometan kingdom to that of glory, for so has divine providence disposed and ordained. not less important was that which happened in the province of tuy. that province has some valleys enclosed by rough mountains, which are bounded on the north by the province of cagayán, and on the east by the village of casiguran, (he last of our missions. father blas de la madre de dios, [103] during his provincialate, heard of these people while in the province of tagalos, and in order to reduce them to civilization and to obedience to our god and our king, sent fathers fray pedro de la concepción and fray joseph fonte to them, as well as the brothers fray pedro de sacedón and fray baltasar de n. to act as nurses. those religious lived in that province for two years, and the indians furnished them with what was necessary, with all respect and kindness. a man already aged fell sick, and, being harassed by his illness, begged to be taken to the religious, who were in another village. on arriving he begged for holy baptism, with tears in his eyes, and scarcely had he received it when he died and went to heaven. this is the fruit that was drawn from that journey, besides some small children who were baptized when in danger of death, for whose predestination divine providence seems to have thus arranged. the same father provincial, fray blas de la madre de dios, went with other religious to visit that province. considering how poor were the facilities for that conversion--for the people were scattered in groups of huts, and had no villages or government--and that between the said village of casiguran and the said valleys of tuy intervene thickets and mountains inhabited by savage cimarrones; and that those mountains in themselves are very rough, so that no one could go to and return from tuy without undergoing the worst kind of trouble and danger: therefore the father provincial returned to his mission at casiguran with all the religious. the fathers of st. dominic also went to those people by way of cagayán, and also abandoned them for the same reasons as we. from the above examples many others can be inferred in each conversion, which are without doubt special and remarkable. in them and in all things may our god and lord be blessed and praised; and may his divine majesty give us his holy grace so that we may praise and serve him in this and in the eternal life as his children! amen. i look at the conversion of this kingdom of philipinas in this way: the happy day arrived on which god had determined to reduce all américa to the bosom of his holy church. the kings of francia and inglaterra disregard its conquest; the catholic sovereign, although in those times poorer and less powerful, receives it. américa having been conquered, reports are sent from asia to madrid testifying of the islands of salomón and their wealth of gold and pearls. the fleets of españa go to discover them, and although they discover other kingdoms and islands of infidels, they do not halt therein. the islands of luzón having been discovered, they are conquered; and, having been conquered, are preserved. "then, sire, if the islands of luçon do not contain the gold and pearls that one imagined, why are they preserved?" "that makes no difference," replies his catholic majesty, "for i am working as an instrument of divine providence. the gold and pearls are a very accidental object. the chief end is the conversion of the kingdom of luçón, which god has specially predestined; and he has chosen me, his king, as the instrument. and since the principal end for the greater service of my god has been attained with so great glory to myself and to my crown, the islands of luçón will be preserved, although my treasures are exhausted in their preservation." o, great god! how incomprehensible by the usual means are thy hidden purposes!--or, altitudo divitiarum sapientiae et scientiae, deo quam incomprehensibilia sunt indicia cuis et investigabilis vid [sc., vis?] eius! [104] [to this account may be added the following information regarding the franciscan order in the philippines, previous to 1640, from la concepción's hist. de philipinas, v, pp. 199-201:] 6. on the occasion of the conquest of the island hermosa, and the establishments therein, the province of san gregorio resolved to found their own convent there, in order that it might serve them as a way-station to japon and china. for that purpose their provincial sent father fray gaspar de alenda, and as his associate the lay brother fray juan de san marcos. furnished with the necessary licenses and despatches, they established in accordance with these a church and convent, which they dedicated to their glorious father st. francis; and they maintained themselves there until the dutch drove them thence, with the death of their founder, father fray gaspar. those fathers had their troubles in philipinas in their chief administration of camarines. by the death of don fray [pedro] mathias, the one chosen to succeed him was the most illustrious don fray pedro godines, a franciscan, who did not come over to that church. the most illustrious and reverend don fray diego de guevara, an augustinian, who had been prior of their convent of manila, the first vicar-general of japon, was appointed. that prelate governed that church justly for three years, when he suddenly departed this life. he was succeeded by the most illustrious don fray luis de cañizares, a minim, by virtue of a royal decree of appointment and presentation; but in mexico another decree reached him, making him bishop of honduras. as incumbent of the vacant see in camarines was substituted the most illustrious and most reverend don fray francisco de zamudio, an augustinian by profession, from the province of mechoacan. he began to govern in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-three and continued in his office until that of thirty-nine, when he died suddenly. during his government he tried to despoil the discalced franciscans of various missions in the province of camarines and that of ibalon or albay. the franciscans defended themselves against that spoliation, and opposed the decisions of the provisors of manila and of zebù in degree of appeal, which were favorable to the bishop. they proceeded afterward with their suit before the archbishop, don fernando guerrero, and he annulled those sentences, notwithstanding that favor [by the provisors], in order to obviate quarrels and scandals, which were inevitable in [attempting to] rectify affairs after such spoliation. as the firm nature of the most illustrious zamudio would not permit him to comply with the archbishop's decree, the franciscans yielded, voluntarily and humbly, their rights declared and confirmed by sentence of that court. the bishop also claimed [the right] to subject them to the [diocesan] visitation and examination, in his execution of briefs and decrees. that knotty question was discussed in the audiencia. the most illustrious don fray diego aduarte, bishop of nueva segovia, having been summoned, responded to that tribunal, renouncing his favorable right--which, although it was in favor of the miter, was greatly injurious to the indians. in order to avoid greater injuries he renounced inferior rights, setting aside all these for the good administration of his subjects. [105] that response was sufficient to cause all former prejudicial litigations to cease. bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid, in the collection "papeles de los jesuitas:" 1. news from filipinas, 1640-42.--in "tomo 101, no. 50." the short letter at the end is an extract from a pamphlet (see note 30, ante, p. 124) in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid; it is one of several bound together, with pressmark, "359, 20-4a." 2. events in the philippines, 1643-44.--in "tomo 120, no. 106." 3. affairs in filipinas, 1644-47.--in "tomo 71, no. 32." the following documents are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 4. document regarding indians.--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficios y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas á los autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12." 5. concessions to jesuits.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de filipinas; años 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43." 6. decree regarding missionaries.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; expedientes sobre la visita de los religiosos por los ordinarios; años 1607 á 1620; est. 69, caj. 1, leg. 30." the following documents are obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), which is largely compiled from the above-named "papeles de los jesuitas:" 7. formosa lost to spain.--from vol. ii, pp. 251-288. 8. decree ordering reënforcements.--from vol. ii, pp. 353-355. the following document is obtained from the "cedulario indico," in the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 9. letter to corcuera.--in "tomo 39, fol. 302, no. 303." the following document is taken from the archivo general at simancas: 10. trade with english.--"2523--estado inglaterra." the following documents are taken from printed works: 11. dominican missions.--from baltasar de santa cruz's historia de la provincia del santo rosario (zaragoça, 1693), pp. 1-23. 12. recollect missions.--from luis de jesús's historia de los religiosos descalzos de san augustin (madrid, 1681), pp. 69-71, 163-173, 184, 282-287, 294-298; and juan de la concepción's historia de philipinas, v, pp. 163-179, 360-391. 13. report on sangley licenses.--from a rare and perhaps unique pamphlet (manila, 1644), in possession of edward e. ayer. 14. erection of santo tomás into university.--from documentos relativos á la universidad de manila (madrid, 1892), pp. 23-30. the letter to siruela is obtained from a ms. in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, with pressmark, "2780, 24--4a, caja no. 7." 15. franciscan missions.--from retana's archivo del bibliófilo filipino, i, pp. [15-71]. notes [1] the title-page of baltasar de santa cruz's history reads as follows: "volume second of the history of the province of santo rosario of filipinas, japon, and china, of the holy order of preachers. written by the very reverend father, fray baltasar de santa cruz, professor of morning studies in the university and college of santo tomas de manila, prior of the convent of the said city, rector of the college, provincial of the province, and commissary of the holy office. dedicated to the very illustrious and reverend don fray miguel geronimo de fuenbuena, member of his majesty's council, and bishop of the holy church of albarracin. published by order of our most reverend father, master-general fray antonio cloche, and the very reverend father-master fray pedro martir de buenacosa, prior of the royal convent of preachers at zaragoça, synodal examiner of his archbishopric, and of the nunciature of españa, and preacher to his catholic majesty. the year 1693. with permission: printed at zaragoça, by pasqual bueno, royal printer." baltasar de santa cruz, one of the most eminent of the dominicans of the philippines, was born at granada, december, 1627, and professed at the convent of santa cruz la real in the same city, december 4, 1643, after three years as a novice. after studies in that convent and at san pablo in sevilla, he taught philosophy at the former convent. in 1666, he was in the convent at san lucar de barrameda, whence he departed that same year for the islands. arrived there he learned the tagálog language in six months, but was speedily sought for high offices. in 1667, he was appointed lecturer in theology in the college of santo tomás in manila; and in 1669 he was elected prior of the manila convent, although he resigned that post the following year. he was elected definitor in the chapter of 1669, and in 1671 vicar of abucay, in the province of bataan. he was rector of the college of santo tomás in 1673-1675, and preacher-general at the same time; vicar of binondoc, 1677 (still retaining his title of preacher-general); he was elected provincial, april 30, 1678, and at the expiration of his term was elected commissary of the holy office; vicar for the second time of binondoc, 1684; president of the hospital of san gabriel, 1686-1698, when he was again assigned to the manila convent; was elected definitor in the chapter of 1690; was vicar-general in the province of manila, 1684-1694. his death occurred january 12, 1699, at binondoc, and he was buried in the convent at manila. his history of the dominican province in the philippines was composed in only ten months. see reseña biográfica, part ii, pp. 17-19. [2] in the text, nuestra, apparently a typographical error for nueva, since these ships carried the situado, which was supplied from mexico. [3] "the first part" of the history of the dominican province--meaning aduarte's work (presented in vols. xxx-xxxii of this series), of which santa cruz's is a continuation. [4] according to hippocrates, the human body contained four humors--blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. [5] the custom of cutting off the heads of enemies probably arose from the desire to furnish unquestionable proofs of victory. the sight of these skulls would also intimidate the conquered, and restrain insubordination. the heads were offered in propitiation of the dead, thus entering into a quasi-worship; and the possession of these trophies is considered a mark of bravery and social distinction. see herbert spencer's ceremonial institutions (new york, 1880), pp. 38-40. [6] primitive peoples often partake of the new corn sacramentally, because they suppose it to be instinct with a divine spirit or life. at a later age, with a different conception of natural processes, a portion of the fruits is presented as a thank-offering to the divine beings who are believed to have produced them; sometimes the first fruits are presented to the king, probably in his character as a god. for full descriptions of this custom, its observance, and meaning, see frazer's golden bough (2d ed., london, 1900), ii, pp. 318-340, 459-471. [7] for detailed account of the natives of formosa, their customs, mode of life, and religious beliefs, see valentyn's oud en nieuw oost-indien, deel iv, stuk ii, pp. 37 et seq. of the section entitled "beschryvinge van tayouan of formosa." this matter is doubtless obtained from the writings of george candidius, the first dutch preacher in tai-wan, and a missionary among the natives. he was preacher at tai-wan during 1627-31, and 1633-37. see also the english version of his account of the formosan natives, in churchill's collection of voyages (london, 1704), i, pp. 526-533 (see our vol. xxii, p. 99, note). see relation of religious affairs in the island during the dutch occupation, with list of ministers, in valentyn, ut supra, pp. 83-93. the latest, and apparently the most full and thorough account of the island is j. w. davidson's formosa past and present (london and new york, 1903). he describes the island, its resources, and its native tribes, and relates its history--for all which he has had access to the best material available, and the aid of scholars acquainted with the subject, besides his own long residence there; and presents the best map of formosa yet published. [8] juan de los angeles made his profession in the dominican convent at zafra, in 1626, and came to the philippines with collado in 1635. he was sent to formosa and remained there until its capture by the dutch. returning to manila (1643), he labored many years, sometimes among the natives, but mainly in high offices of his order--among them, the priorate of his convent, and the provincialship of filipinas; he was also rector of santo tomás college, and for many years president of san juan de letran college. he died at manila in 1682, aged eighty years. [9] "father fray miguel lorena (or corena), from aragón, a son of one of the two convents at zaragoza, was assigned to formosa; but after the chapter of 1635 no more is known of him." (reseña biográfica, i, p. 418). [10] dolomoyon, according to la concepción (hist. de philipinas, v, p. 364). [11] see account of this mission in vol. xxi, pp. 231-236. [12] agustin de san pedro (whose family name was rodriguez) was born in braganza, portugal, in 1599; he studied in the university of salamanca, afterward entering the recollect convent at valladolid, making his profession in 1619. at portillo, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics, and especially of military science--to such an extent that "his superiors commanded him to desist from these, as unsuited to the religious profession." in 1623 he departed for the philippines, where he was assigned to the mindanao field, spending therein many years; his military studies were here made useful in defending the missions against moro raids, and training the christian indians to fight their enemies successfully; and he was known throughout the philippines as "padre capitan"--which name is also applied to a village on the northern coast of mindanao, southwest of iligan. fray agustin was sent to romblón soon after the lanao expeditions here related to fortify the villages there and instruct the natives in the art of war, that island being one of those subject to moro incursions. he died in 1653. (see prov. de s. nicolas de tolentino, pp. 290-292). [13] the taking of slaves in mindanao by the spaniards (which had often been urged as one of the best methods of subduing those fierce people) was legalized by the following law: "the islands of mindanao are adjacent to those of the district of the filipinas. their natives, who have adopted the religion of mahomet, have rebelled; and since then, in alliance with the enemies of this crown, they have done great harm to our vassals. in order to facilitate their punishment, it has been deemed an efficacious corrective to declare that those who should be captured in war be made slaves. we order that such be done; but that this distinction be observed, namely, that if the said mindanaos be simply heathen, they be not regarded as slaves; but if they be moors by nation and birth, and shall go to other islands to introduce their dogmas or teach their mahometan religion, or make war on the spaniards or indians who are subject to us, or hinder our royal service, then in that case they may be made slaves. but those who are indians and shall have become mahometans shall not be made slaves. such will be persuaded by lawful and kind methods to be converted to our holy catholic faith." [felipe ii, july 4, 1570; felipe iii, may 29, 1620; recopilación, lib. vi, tit. ii, ley xii. this law was quite at variance with the general law that prohibited slavery of indians, which was extended expressly to the moluccas by a special law promulgated by felipe iii, madrid, october 10, 1618, (lib. vi, tit. ii, ley viii). [14] in the year 1621 (prov. de san nicolas de tolentino, p. 311). [15] varalao is but a phonetic variant of bararao or balarao. luis de jesús here supplies the "missing link" to rizal's statement regarding this weapon (vol. xvi, p. 81, note), and identifies the balarao as the well-known kris of the malays. [16] in regard to this ceremony--the blood-covenant, or "blood-friendship"--see h. c. trumbull's blood covenant (3rd ed., philadelphia, 1898); he describes it as performed in many countries and in all ages, in various forms; its purposes, methods, and symbolism; and its meaning in the bible. in brief, it appears to be a primitive form of expressing personal union and friendship in the closest bonds, which may not be broken without dishonor. [17] the character of these curses is indicated by the statement of the dominican juan ferrando (hist. de los pp. dominicos, i, p. 41): "in the elections of [local] magistrates which the alcalde of ilocos sur held in 1844, i had the good-fortune to be present at some of them; and i noticed that the gobernadorcillos of those infidels, on receiving the rod of office from the hands of that chief, offered, in place of the oath which the christians swear to administer justice, the following imprecation: 'may a baneful wind strike me, the sun's rays slay me, and the crocodile catch me sleeping, if i do not fulfil my duty.' all their oaths are in the form of imprecations, and they usually observe these obligations faithfully." [18] cf. note in vol. xxi, p. 165; these confriars are mentioned in the catholic dictionary as the third order rather than the fourth. [19] thus in the spanish text; apparently an ancient use of the word relator for refrendario, meaning an official appointed to countersign edicts and other public acts. as here used of a priest, it probably refers to his having such an appointment in the diocesan court. [20] this account of lake lanao and its region is evidently compiled from combés's description (hist. mindanao, book iii, chap. i). [21] combés adds, "and bohaui by the natives" (ut supra, col. 146). [22] thus in text; an obvious error of transposition, the correct form of the name being agustin de san pedro. [23] on the day here mentioned, there were two fiery volcanic eruptions, one in joló, the other in pañgil, an island not far from joló. at the same time, an eruption occurred in northern luzón, but of water instead of fire; and this was accompanied with other destructive phenomena. [24] for accounts of this seizure of malacca by the dutch, see diaz's conquistas, pp. 455, 456; concepción's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 85, 86; and ferrando's hist. de los pp. dominicos, ii, pp. 514-516. [25] probably meaning kaga, a small province lying on the northern coast of hondo, nearly north from the city of kioto; its chief town is kanazawa, with over one hundred thousand inhabitants. [26] apparently referring to the mikado and his seclusion from active life--a condition which had existed for many years, but which iyeyasu especially intensified in order to strengthen his own power and that of his house. the mikado at the time mentioned in our text was meisho--a woman, according to b. h. chamberlain (murray's handbook of japan, 4th ed., pp. 65, 67). the reference may possibly be to hideyori; but he died much earlier, in 1621. [27] probably a reference to the late chinese insurrection. [28] it is not known in what year the franciscan juan iranzo came to the philippines; his name first appears in the lists of that order in 1632. he served in luzón until 1639, when he went to the moluccas and other neighboring islands. returning to luzón six years later, he remained in that island, in various responsible positions, until late in 1653, when he embarked for a voyage to europe, but died while at sea. (huerta's estado, p. 510.) [29] part of celebes; see vol. xxii, p. 146. [30] this is an extract from a pamphlet entitled, "general relation of the news from philippinas that has arrived in this year of 1643, regarding manila, india, camboja, japon, china, macan, terrenate, and ambueno." it has no signature, and is printed "at mexico, by the widow of bernardo calderon, in the street of san augustin." [31] the dutch governor in formosa at this time was paulus traudenius; his letter (dated august 26, 1641) to the spanish governor portillo, demanding the surrender of the spanish forts, and portillo's answer thereto, are given in valentyn's oud en nieuw oost indien, deel iv, stuk ii, on pp. 72, 73 of a section entitled "beschryvinge van tayouan, of formosa," which covers 93 pages. both are given in english translation in davidson's formosa, p. 21. [32] this spanish establishment was at kelung, on the northern coast of formosa; the fort seems to have been located on an island in kelung bay (now called palm island by the europeans resident there). the shores of the bay are precipitous, formed by a mountain range; and the lookout station (la mira) seems to have been placed on one of these heights. (see reseña biográfica, i, p. 421, note; murray's handbook of japan, p. 538.) tan-chuy is now tamsui. "'the old dutch fort' with its walls of nearly eight feet of masonry and lime still commands the port of tamsui, as firm and solid and as imposing as when built two hundred and fifty years ago." in the french bombardment of 1884 "the shells did no damage and scarcely left a mark on the noble structure." (davidson, formosa, p. 23.) [33] spanish retirada; a part of the fort which is made especially strong, and well supplied with provisions, into which the garrison may retreat for their final stand; it may be translated also "stronghold" or "citadel." [34] the governor-general at this time of the dutch possessions in the orient was antonio van diemen; his term of office was from january 1, 1636, to his death, april 19, 1645. a sketch of his life, with portrait, is found in valentyn's oud en nieuw oost-indien, deel iv, pp. 293-295. [35] this man, the successor of traudenius, was maximilian le maire; he remained in the post of governor of formosa only one year, 1643-44. [36] the dominicans sent to batavia were: fray teodoro quirós de la madre de dios, fray pedro de chaves, fray juan de los angeles, and two lay brethren (one of whom, pedro ruiz del rosario, died at batavia). with them were sent also some franciscans who had a house at tai-wan. (reseña biográfica, i, p. 421.) [37] banjarmasin is a principality and river on the southern side of borneo, under the rule of the dutch; the inhabitants are malays (who are mahometans) and dyaks. [38] spanish, aquella hermosa conquista; a play of words, hermosa being the old spanish name of the island. formosa, its modern name, is the portuguese form, both names meaning "beautiful." [39] pedro de chaves made his profession in the dominican convent at salamanca, in 1628. he came to the philippines in 1635, and was sent to formosa; but soon afterward went to china. later, the dominican missionaries in that empire were banished; and chaves, attempting to return to formosa, was captured by the dutch. reaching manila in 1643, he spent the rest of his life there, mainly in labors among the chinese; and died on january 16, 1660. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 425, 426.) [40] referring to the seminary of san juan de letran (vol. xxii, pp. 108-111), in charge of the dominicans; a similar grant had been made to this institution. [41] apparently referring to the port of lampón (or real de lampon), known as "the royal port;" it lies on the pacific coast of infanta, luzón. in the seventeenth century it was a harbor for the acapulco galleons. see u. s. gazetteer of philippines, pp. 553, 578. [42] this was tsongching, and the rebellious mandarin was li tseching. [43] the chinese government entrusted to jesuit missionaries the task of reforming the chinese calendar; the chief of these were johannes adam schall von bell (in china during 1622-69), giacomo rho (or ro; at pekin, 1631-38), and ferdinand verbiest (in china, 1659-88)--all men of renowned ability as astrologers and mathematicians. [44] this mode of torture is described by la concepción (hist. de philipinas, vi, p. 51). the victim was suspended by his feet, the upper half of the body hanging, head down, in a pit beneath. two heavy planks were then placed so that they pressed heavily upon the body, and held it motionless, covering the pit. the victim was finally suffocated in the blood which gushed from nostrils, mouth, etc. [45] a word little used, meaning taxes or duties on goods which are carried from one place to another. [46] "patrimonial" apparently refers to imposts for the benefit of the royal estate (patrimonio real); "mixed," to those which are levied for both secular and civil expenses. [47] this was done in the time of gomez perez dasmariñas; see vol. viii, p. 169. [48] francisco de toledo was viceroy of peru from november 26, 1569 to september 28, 1581; he was a man of ability, but hard and cruel. he is principally known by his cruel persecution of the incas and the native religion--putting to death the young and innocent inca, tupac ameru, and many other nobles; and by the code which he issued for the government of the country, called libro de tasas ("book of rules"). see account of his government in markham's history of peru, pp. 148-159. [49] cañete was viceroy of peru from january 6, 1590 to july 24, 1596. so great was the demand from the spanish government for money that cañete exerted all his efforts to satisfy this claim; and so oppressive were these exactions that rebellions arose, many natives died, and the country was almost ruined. markham (history of peru, pp. 161, 162) says that cañete asked to be relieved, owing to the cares of his office and his broken health; and that felipe ii treated him with shameful ingratitude. [50] that is, assigning to each province its quota of men to be levied for this purpose. [51] apparently a variant of the modern silvela (name of the late premier of spain). [52] two of the general or oecumenical councils of the church; that of vienne was convened in 1311, and that of trent in 1545. [53] the east india company of england (formed in 1600) encountered great opposition and hindrances in its early history; they had to compete with the long-established portuguese and dutch trade, and could obtain little aid from the english government. in 1619 they formed an alliance with the dutch company of the same name, but this soon proved ineffective. they had obtained control of surat in 1612, but were thus involved in continual quarrels with the portuguese. this company did not secure recognition from the english parliament until 1657; this brought them much prosperity for a time, but they afterward lost much of what they had gained, and in 1680 were expelled by the dutch from bantam. see raynal's account of early english trade in the east indies, in his history of european settlements and trade (justamond's translation), ii, pp. 1-40. [54] an oversight of the writer; bantam is in java, not sumatra. [55] presentado: a theologue who, having finished his course of study, expects soon to receive the master's degree. tercio was formerly sometimes used for tercero--"tertiary," or one who professes the rule of the third order of st. francis, st. dominic, or the carmelites. [56] the order of mercy was a military order, founded in 1212 by jaime of aragon; it had for its object the redemption of captives from the moors. [57] murillo velarde states (hist. de philipinas, fol. 126 b) that in 1640 and 1641 the dutch waited near the embocadero to seize the acapulco galleons, but that these vessels escaped safely to cavite by taking a different route; this was in consequence of warnings given them, by a system of fire-signals at the embocadero, planned by the jesuit francisco colin. [58] an allusion to the solemn public procession made annually on that day, in which the banner of the city was carried; this was in celebration of the defeat of the chinese pirate limahon. [59] a contemporary description of this earthquake is furnished in a rare pamphlet (manila, 1641), containing a report of this occurrence made by the order of pedro arce, bishop of cebu; part of it is reprinted by retana in his edition of zúñiga's estadismo, ii, pp. 334-336. [60] that is, when the moon again occupied the position that it had at the time of the earthquake. [61] see diaz's detailed account of this earthquake (conquistas, pp. 474-483). he states that the number of persons killed in this catastrophe was not positively known, but was reported to reach six hundred, only eight of whom were citizens of note, and two were religious. corcuera was at the time a prisoner in the fortress of santiago, and showed great courage. in the province of cagayan, a landslide buried a mandaya village, and the plains were deluged by the eruptions of water-volcanoes. [62] that is, having more metal at the breech, to strengthen the piece. [63] ticao is a long and narrow strip of land, lying between san bernardino strait and ticao passage, northeast of masbate island. its shores are steep, and furnish many good anchorages. the population is mainly bícol. [64] probably for palanquetas, meaning cross-bar shots. [65] maestre de campo is a mountainous island thirteen miles southeast of mindoro, and is a conspicuous landmark for vessels in those waters. [66] a cape of this name at the northwest point of mindoro, formed by the slope of a mountain of the same name; a noted landmark. [67] "the manchus established themselves in that city [i.e., nankin; ca. 1645], and reinstated all the chinese officials, who agreed to shave their heads and recognize the tartar authority. this was now obligatory on all, and even the great wou sankwei, who had invited the manchus into china, had to submit to this operation." (boulger's short history of china, p. 123.) [68] murillo velarde says (hist. de philipinas, fol. 138 b) that the commander of the dutch fleet was fatally wounded in this conflict, and died a few days afterward. [69] according to murillo velarde (hist. de philipinas, fol. 129) this was captain diego de cabrera, who "apparently understood stamped paper better than war." [70] santa cruz (hist. de philipinas, pp. 103-105) says that the two religious captured by the dutch were fray geronimo de sotomayor orrato and fray tomas ramos; that governor fajardo refused to ransom them, and they were sent to batavia; and that, having been finally liberated, they died en route to manila. reseña biográfica states (i, p. 426) that they were drowned in shipwreck, late in 1647 or early in 1648. [71] this was cornelis van der lyn, governor-general of the dutch possessions from april 19, 1645 to december 11, 1650. see valentyn's oud en nieuw oost-indien, deel iv, pp. 296, 368, for sketch of his life, and portrait. [72] for further accounts of these attacks by the dutch, see diaz's conquistas, pp. 485-495, 505-509, 511; santa cruz's hist. de filipinas, pp. 102-105; murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 126-129; concepción's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 113-118. [73] probably the name of that religious province of the order of st. john of god from which these brethren were obtained. see vol. xxviii, p. 143, note 63. [74] sebastián de san josé was born in medina del campo, january 19, 1566, and at an early age was sent to the university of salamanca. at the age of nineteen (1585), he took the franciscan habit at the convent of zamora. he reached the philippines in 1605, where he began to study the tagálog and japanese languages, in the convent of santa ana of sapa. he was appointed conventual preacher of the manila convent in 1608, and the following year was appointed commissary-provincial for the islands of maluco, arriving at ternate in february, 1610. in june of the same year he went to the island of macasar where he had great success. on returning from that island to get aid for his missionary labors, he was attacked by the hostile natives of the island of tagolanda, and killed june 18, 1610. see huerta's estado, pp. 381, 382. [75] antonio de santa ana was born in garrobillas in estremadura in 1582, and took the franciscan habit in 1602. he arrived at the philippines in 1609, and went in december of that same year to the missions of the moluccas, where, having been made a prisoner by the dutch, he was ransomed by the spanish residents of ternate. he was captured the following year by the natives of tagolanda who had killed sebastián de san josé, whom he had accompanied on the mission to macasar. he was killed by the woman as related in the text (june 28, 1610). see huerta, ut supra, pp. 382, 383. [76] but one franciscan of this name is recorded by huerta--the noted plasencia (vol. vii, p. 185) whose writings appear in vols. vii and xvi of this series. the reference in the text is either to some other friar of that name, or is an erroneous statement. [77] francisco de santa maria came to the philippines in june, 1577, and spent several years in missions there. in 1581 he went to china, and afterward to malaca. returning to manila in 1585, he set out two years later for spain; but his ship, fleeing from the dutch, was obliged to make port in borneo. there he was slain by the natives (december, 1587), the first martyr among the missionaries, of all orders, sent to the philippines (huerta, pp. 370, 371). [78] blas palomino was a native of audújar and professed in the franciscan province of granada, where he became master of novitiates. going to the philippines in 1609, he was assigned to the province of ituy where he established the village of ituy. in 1617 he went to the village of binangonan de lampon, and in 1619 to the moluccas; but after arriving at ternate he went to the island of macasar. having been ordered to return to ternate, he embarked in a portuguese vessel, but being treacherously entreated by some of the natives to return, he went back to the shore (in the territory of manados), where he was immediately killed (august 30, 1622). see huerta, ut supra, pp. 386, 387. [79] juan de palma was a native of toledo, and was a soldier in flanders in his youth. after returning to spain he entered the franciscan convent of san juan de la ribera (march 25, 1607). he went to the philippines in 1611, and in the following year was sent to japan, where he labored until 1614, when he was exiled and returned to manila. in that city he acted as procurator until 1623, when he set sail for spain on various matters of business. being captured, however, en route by the dutch, he was killed in 1624, in the forty-sixth year of his age. see huerta, ut supra, pp. 394. 395. [80] gerónimo de san josé went to the philippines in 1628, whence he tried earnestly to go to japan. finally embarking for that country in 1632 with some chinese, he was killed (july or august, 1632) by the latter, who received a reward for the deed in japan. see huerta, ut supra, p. 397. [81] the class of serpents called in tagálog olopong (trimeresurus erythrurus--cant.?) are called aguason in the visayas. they resemble the vipers and are very poisonous. there are a number of different species. see delgado's historia, pp. 896, 897. see also official handbook of the philippines (manila, 1903), pp. 149, 150. [82] anades: a species of duck (anas boschas). [83] "copper ores are reported from a great number of places in the philippines; they are said to occur in luzon, mindoro, panay, and mindanao. it is not probable that all of these are important, but northern luzon contains a copper region of unquestioned value. the best known portion of this region lies about mount data, in the province of lepanto.... in this range copper was smelted by the natives long before magellan discovered the philippines. the process consists of alternate partial roasting and reductions to 'matte,' and eventually to block copper. it is generally believed that this process must have been introduced from china or japan. it is practiced only by one peculiar tribe of natives, the igorrotes. this tribe is in most respects semibarbarous and lives in great squalor, though industrially they stand on a high level, and show remarkable skill in the working of metals as well as in their extraction. they have turned out not merely implements of small dimensions, but copper kettles as large as three and a half feet in diameter." (official handbook of the philippines, p. 50. for more detailed account see becker, ut infra, pp. 584-590.) [84] a reference to the great volcano of mayón, in albay. see full account of volcanoes in the philippines, in becker's "geology of the philippine islands," in u. s. geol. survey report, 1899-1900, pt. iii, pp. 525-542. sulphur can probably be obtained throughout the volcanic regions of the islands. [85] pavés: a large oblong shield. [86] gregorio de san estevan is the only one of these religious mentioned by huerta. he professed in the franciscan province of san pablo, whence he went to the philippines. in november, 1609, he was appointed master of novices in the manila convent. it is supposed that he was in the moluccas about 1612, as he wrote a history of the martyrdom of sebastian de san josé and antonio de santa ana. in march, 1622, he was appointed guardian of the convent of cavite, and in june of that same year was elected definitor and vicar of the royal convent of santa clara. in 1625 he went as guardian to the manila convent, whence he went to administer the convent of dilao and that of santa ana of sapa (january, 1632). he died at the manila convent in 1632. [87] lorenzo garraldo was born at nagore in navarra, and professed february 4, 1633. he went to the moluccas in 1638, where he resided at the ternate convent for some time, going thence to the kingdom of manados in macasar. the heathen instigated the people against him, and he was killed february 13, 1642. see huerta, pp. 404, 405. [88] vicente argent, preacher and lecturer on sacred theology, went to the philippines in 1630, where he was appointed lecturer in the arts in 1632. he later administered the villages of gumaca, santa cruz, and mahayhay. in the chapter of january 13, 1635 he was chosen definitor, and in 1639, custodian. in 1641 he went to nagcarlang, and was elected provincial in the chapter of january 17, 1643, returning after his term to that village. later he administered the convents in lilio and mahayhay, and was commissary-visitor and president of the chapter of january 6, 1652. in 1655 he was at pangil. he died at sea in 1657, while on his way to nueva españa. see huerta, p. 454. [89] bartolomé de san diego went to the philippines in 1628, and was assigned to the moluccas missions. he went from ternate to the kingdoms of calonga and tabuca, afterward returning to manila, and died in the convent there in 1648. he wrote a relation of the events of his missions in calonga and tabuca (dated april 25, 1640). see huerta, p. 509. [90] ginés de quesada, lecturer in sacred theology, was born at mula in murcía, and went to the philippines in 1621, where he was the spiritual director of mother gerónima de la asunción. in 1630 he taught sacred theology in the manila convent, and in 1632 went to the japanese missions, where he suffered martyrdom june 7, 1634. he left behind several writings. see huerta, p. 399. [91] juan torrella (not yorillas) was a native of alcudia in valencia, and took his vows at the convent of gandia october 28, 1610. he went to the philippines in 1629, and the following year went to macao as secretary to make investigations regarding the japanese martyrs. returning thence to manila, he went to the japanese missions in 1632, where he was martyred june 8 or 9, 1634. see huerta, pp. 399, 400. [92] miguel de talavera, preacher (known in the world as salvador) was born in nueva granada in america, and went to the philippines with his parents with the fleet of legazpi while still very young. remaining at cebú until 1572, he then went to manila with a good knowledge of the visayan language. he learned latin from juan de plasencia, and took the habit in 1580. in 1587 he set out for spain with francisco de santa maria; but, having taken refuge in borneo, the latter was killed by the natives, and the former returned to manila in 1588. in 1597 he was in the village of siniloan and founded the villages of guilinguiling and marata, which were afterward formed into the village of caboan. in 1604 he went to nagcarlan, but returned to siniloan the following year, which he left in 1609 for guilinguiling. he returned to the former village in 1611 and established the village of mabitac, going in 1616 to santa cruz de potac, where he remained until his death, which occurred at pila, july 29, 1622. he wrote a number of treatises in the tagálog language. see huerta, pp. 499-501. [93] diego de la asunción, preacher, is not mentioned in any of the lists of missions, capitular tables, or book of the deceased. he must have died before the year 1690. he is mentioned by various chronologists as having written a number of works in tagálog. these comprise a tagálog grammar; a dictionary; translations of the gospels, of genesis, and of the book called passio duorum; doctrinal discourses; a treatise on confession; and other devotional treatises. see huerta, pp. 517, 518. [94] gerónimo montes y escamilla (or de san antonio), confessor, professed in the spanish franciscan province of san josé, and left for the philippines in 1580, but was detained in mexico until 1583, when he resumed his voyage. he labored in the villages of gumaca, meycauayan, santa ana de sapa, morong, and nagcarlan, and died in 1610 at lumban. he was well versed in the tagálog, in which he left a number of writings. see huerta, p. 495. [95] pedro de san buenaventura, confessor, went to the philippines about 1594. in 1597 he was associate at nagcarlan, and was also employed in the missions of paete, maoban, pasabango, santa cruz, siniloan, and was conventual preacher at manila. in 1611 he went to take charge of the convent of pila, and afterward administered the missions of meycauayan, paete, tayabas, santa cruz, and lilio. he sailed for mexico in 1627, but died at sea. he left a spanish-tagálog dictionary, which was printed in manila by tomás pimpin, in 1613, and was the first dictionary printed in that language. see huerta, pp. 501, 502. [96] alonso de santa ana, preacher, was a native of ponferrada, and took the franciscan habit after becoming a priest. he went to the philippines in 1594, and after a life of usefulness died at the manila convent in 1630. he left a number of writings in the tagalog language, some of which were printed. see huerta, pp. 504, 505. [97] andrés de san agustín, confessor, went to the philippines in 1626, where he became minister in the village of bacon, in 1628 he went to the village of indan and worked later in the villages of bula, quipayo, daet, naga, oás, and minalabag. in the chapter of january 9, 1649, he was elected definitor and minister of the village of sampaloc, where he fell sick. he died after his retirement to the manila convent in 1649, leaving a number of writings in the bícol dialect. see huerta, p. 509. [98] see vol. xvii, p. 70, note 15. [99] marcos de lisboa, preacher, was born in lisboa, portugal, of noble parents, who sent him to engage in the indian commerce at an early age, he taking up his residence at malaca. he took the franciscan habit in that city in 1582, and went to the philippines in 1586, where he projected the foundation of the santa misericordia in manila and contributed to its establishment in 1594. later he went to camarines where he had charge of the villages of polangui and oás. he was elected definitor and minister of naga in 1602, and went to oás in 1605. in the chapter of may 24, 1608, he was again elected definitor, and january 16, 1609, he was elected vicar-provincial, governing until october 29, 1611, during which time the missions to the province of ituy were founded. at the end of his term he was elected guardian of naga, and in 1616 was elected definitor for the third time and minister of dilao. he went to mexico in 1618, and having been appointed custodian for the general chapter of july 16, 1622, he went to madrid and thence to rome. at the conclusion of the chapter he retired to the convent of san gil in madrid, where he died at the beginning of 1628. he left a number of writings in the bícol dialect. see huerta, pp. 447, 448. [100] see vol. xvi, p. 29, note 2. [101] for account of this expedition, see vol. xix, p. 36. [102] andrés de puertollano, preacher, went to the philippines in 1616, where besides being occupied in preaching and confessing, he labored in the missions of sampaloc and paete, and also acted as guardian of the cavite convent. in 1643, while on his way to spain to get more missionaries, he was wrecked near san domingo. his death occurred as related in the text. see huerta, p. 406. [103] blas de la madre de dios was born in lisboa, portugal, and was early sent by his parents to engage in the indian trade. he settled in the city of malaca, where, after contributing all his possessions to charity, he took the habit in 1582. in 1585 he went to the philippines, where having learned the language, he was assigned to the village of morong. thence he went to the village of pila, and helped establish the village of guilinguiling (1600), and was later in that of palilla. in the chapter of may 14, 1605, he was elected definitor and minister of meycauayan, and was later assigned to the village of paete. october 29, 1611, he was elected provincial, and during his term the villages of daet, bactas, and paracale were established. he was the first provincial to visit the province of ituy, where he suffered many hardships. at the end of his provincialate he was assigned to the village of lumbang. in 1618 he went to mexico whence he returned to manila in 1621, going the same year to the village of mabitac. march 15, 1622, he was elected vicar-provincial, but in june of that same year went to the village of santa cruz de potac. he went to the village of pangil in june, 1625, whence he retired sick to pila, where he died september 7, 1626. he left a number of writings, among them a treatise on the flora of the philippines, the first one to be written. see huerta, pp. 448, 449. [104] "o height of the riches of the wisdom and knowledge of god! how incomprehensible are the tokens of the one and how unsearchable the nature of the other!" [105] a somewhat hasty and vague statement of the case as given by gonzalez in aduarte's historia (ed. 1640), p. 404. what concepción means to say is, that aduarte renounced the rights conferred upon him by the briefs and decrees, enabling him to compel the missionary friars to submit to diocesan visitation and examination--doing so on the ground that such supervision would be injurious to the indians in their charge. see our vol. xxxii, p. 283. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xlv, 1736 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvi contents of volume xlv preface 11 document of 1736 commerce of the philippines with nueva españa, 1640-1736 (concluded). antonio álvarez de abreu; madrid, 1736. [from extracto historial.] 29 bibliographical data 89 appendix: education in the philippines letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to felipe iii. juan de bivero, and others; manila, july 12, 1601 97 the college of san josé. in two parts. i--francisco colin, s.j.; madrid, 1663. [from his labor evangelica.] ii--summary of history, compiled from various sources 101 the college and university of santo tomás. in three parts. i--baltasar de santa cruz, o.p.; zaragoza, 1693. [from his historia.] ii--cárlos iii; el pardo, march 7, 1785. iii--evarista fernandez arias, o.p., manila, july 2, 1885 141 royal college of san felipe de austria. in two parts. i--casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; valladolid, 1890. [from his conquistas (written in the first half of the eighteenth century).] ii--summary of history, from notes in pastells's edition of colin's labor evangélica, barcelona, 1904 170 secular priests in the philippines. felipe pardo, o.p.; [manila], june 6, 1680 182 royal decree concerning native schools. cárlos ii; madrid, june 20, 1686 184 college-seminary of san felipe. in two parts. i--felipe v; madrid, march 3, 1710. ii--juan de la concepción, sampaloc, 1788-1792. [from his historia general.] 187 college of san juan de letran. vicente salazar, o.p.; manila, 1742. [from his historia.] 208 law regulating marriages of students. cárlos iv; aranjuez, june 11, 1792 218 royal decree ordering the teaching of spanish in native schools. cárlos iv; madrid, december 22, 1792 221 conciliar seminaries. in two parts. i--governor rafael maría de aguilar y ponce de leon; manila, march 26, 1803. ii--modern conditions; excerpts from various sources 223 nautical school. in two parts. i--chacon; madrid, may 9, 1839. ii--history; from various sources 240 boys' singing school. [from archipiélago filipino, washington, 1900.] 244 public instruction. sinibaldo de mas, madrid, 1843. [from his informe.] 246 educational institutions and conditions. j. mallat; paris, 1846. [from his les philippines.] 263 privileges granted to students.----arrazola; madrid, december 2, 1847 279 superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving. compiled from various sources 282 ateneo municipal. compiled from various sources 284 educational suggestions. vicente barrantes; madrid, 1870. [from apuntes interesantes.] 286 public instruction. josé montero y vidal; madrid, 1886. [from his archipiélago filipino.] 296 girls' schools in manila and the provinces. compiled from various sources 304 school of agriculture. compiled from various sources 315 government reorganization of education in the university of santo tomás. dr. e. montero rios, and others; madrid, october 29, 1890 319 illustrations view of port of tacloban, in the island of leyte; from photograph procured in madrid 33 chart of the stockfarm of biñán belonging to the college of santo tomás, of manila, 1745; photographic facsimile from original manuscript by the land-surveyor, francisco alegre, in archivo general de indias, sevilla 143 autograph signature of juan de la concepción, et al.; photographic facsimile from original ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 193 a cebú coal mine; from photograph procured in madrid 225 preface the text proper of the present volume is entirely commercial. in the conclusion of the extracto historial, is seen the continuance, between the merchants of spain and the colonies, of the struggle for commercial supremacy. demands and counter-demands emanate from the merchants of cadiz and manila respectively; and economic questions of great moment are treated bunglingly. the jealousy, envy, and distrust of the cadiz merchants sees in the increasing prosperity of the manila trade, especially that in chinese silks, only their own ruin. the manila merchants, on the other hand, who have the best of the controversy, quite properly object to an exchange of the silk trade for the exclusive right in the spice trade. the laws of supply and demand seem to be quite left out of consideration. the appendix is an attempt to show the influences and factors making for education in the philippines during the spanish régime, and the various educational institutions in the archipelago. in it one will see that, while apparently there has been great activity, results have been meager and superficial. at the close of the preceding volume, we saw in the extracto historial the "manila plan" for regulating the commerce between the philippines and nueva españa, and its adoption (1726) by the spanish government for a limited period. three years later (july, 1729) cadiz protests against this concession, complaining of the abuses practiced in the manila-acapulco trade, and of the injury done to spanish commerce by the importation of chinese silks into nueva españa. in consequence of this, an investigation is ordered in acapulco and mexico, from which it appears that the amount of manila's commerce is rapidly increasing; the viceroy therefore advises the home government to restrict it, as being injurious to the commercial interests not only of the mother-country but of nueva españa, especially in the matter of chinese silks. meanwhile, he notifies manila that the galleon of 1734 must be laden in accordance with the old scheme, the five years' term having expired. at this, manila enters a vigorous protest, and demands that the permission of 1726 be continued to the islands. after much discussion pro and con, a royal decree is issued (april 8, 1734) to regulate that commerce; the viceroy's order is revoked, the amount of trade permitted to manila is increased, but otherwise the decrees of 1702, 1712, and 1724 shall be in force (with some minor changes). in the following year, cadiz again complains of the manila-acapulco trade, and proposes that chinese silks be excluded from it--offering, by way of compensation, to surrender to manila the exclusive right to the spice trade in the american colonies. the royal fiscal disapproves this, for various practical reasons, and recommends that the whole matter be discussed at a conference in mexico, attended by delegates from manila and cadiz. the manila deputies place before the council another long memorial (dated march 30, 1735), refuting the arguments and denying the charges made by cadiz; the latter's offer of the spice trade in nueva españa is regarded as useless and in every way unsatisfactory. cadiz answers these objections (june 1, 1735), and urges the court to cut off the trade of manila in chinese silks, adducing many arguments therefor. again the fiscal refuses to endorse the policy of cadiz; and the council call (november 16, 1735) for a summary report of the entire controversy, with the documents concerned therein, preparatory to their final review and decision. the educational appendix, which occupies most of this volume, opens with a petition from the manila ecclesiastical cabildo, to the effect that no religious order be allowed to establish a university in manila (as has been petitioned), as such a procedure would be prejudicial to the secular clergy, by reason of the fact that the religious would hold all the chairs in such institution. the petition also recommends that all ecclesiastical posts be given indiscriminately to members of all the orders until there are sufficient secular priests to hold them. the second document, consisting of two parts, relates to the college of san josé. the first part is the account by colin in his labor evangelica, and is a brief history of the institution from its foundation until 1663; the second is a compilation from various sources. the efforts of the jesuits for a college are first realized through the jesuit visitor, diego garcia, who is well assisted by pedro chirino. luis gomez, the first rector, secures the necessary civil and ecclesiastical permissions, in 1601. the college opens with thirteen fellowships, which are given to the sons of influential citizens, a number soon increased to twenty. rules and regulations are made for teachers and scholarships. as early as 1596, esteban rodriguez de figueroa has left directions in his will, in case either of his minor daughters dies, for the endowment of a college under the care of the jesuits. one of his daughters dying, the will becomes operative, and in consequence, the second establishment of the college takes place february 28, 1610, the act of foundation being given. the jesuits have some trouble in getting the funds decreed by the will, but are finally successful. in 1647, the college obtains the favorable decision as to right of seniority in its contest with the dominican institution of santo tomás. the second part of this document traces (mainly by reference to and citation from original documents), the history of the college of san josé from its foundation to the present time, necessarily mentioning much touched upon by colin. the royal decree of may 3, 1722, granting the title of "royal" to the college is given entire. the various fellowships in the college are enumerated. the expulsion of the jesuits in 1768 has a direct bearing on the college, which is at first confiscated by the government, but later restored to the archbishop who lays claim to it. the latter converts it into an ecclesiastical seminary, thus depriving its students of their rights; but the king disapproves of such action, and the college is restored to its former status and given into the charge of the cathedral officials. its later management does not prove efficient, and the college finally falls under the supervision of the dominican university. in the decade between 1860 and 1870, the plans of making a professional school of it are discussed, and in 1875 faculties of medicine and pharmacy are established there. the moret decrees of 1870 secularize the institution, but the attempt is successfully blocked by the religious orders. since american occupation of the islands, the question of the status of the college has been discussed before the government, and the case is still unsettled. the next document, consisting of three parts, treats of the dominican college and university of santo tomás. the first part is the account as given by santa cruz, and treats especially of the erection of the college into a university. after unsuccessful efforts made by the dominicans with pope urban vii in 1643 and 1644 to obtain the pontifical permission for this step, it is at length obtained from pope innocent x in 1645. in 1648, the audiencia and the archbishop give their consent to the erection. rules and regulations are made by the rector of the new university, fray martin real de la cruz, in imitation of those of the university of mexico. the second part of this document is the royal decree of march 7, 1785, granting the title of "royal" to the institution, on condition that it never petition aid from the royal treasury. the third part is an account of the university by fray evarista fernandez arias, o.p., which was read at the opening of the university in 1885. he traces briefly the history of the foundation and growth of the college and university. pope paul v grants authority to it to confer degrees to its graduates for ten years, a permission that is later prolonged. the brief of innocent x erecting the college into a university in 1645 is later extended by clement xii in 1734. the first regulations of the university are revised in 1785, when the faculties of law and theology are extended (the departments of jurisprudence and canon law having been established early in the eighteenth century). these laws are the ones still in force in 1885 except in so far as they have been modified by later laws. it becomes necessary to abolish the school of medicine and the chairs of mathematics and drawing. in 1836, the chair of spanish law is created. between the years 1837 and 1867 the question of reorganization is discussed. in 1870, the university is secularized as the university of the philippines by the moret decree, but the decree is soon repealed. the college of san josé is placed definitely under the control of the university, and becomes its medical and pharmaceutical department. in 1876, a notarial course is opened, and in 1880, courses in medicine, pharmacy, and midwifery are opened. since this date the college has had complete courses in superior and secondary education. the next document is one of unusual interest because it is the earliest attempt to form an exclusively royal and governmental educational institution in the philippines--the royal college of san felipe de austria, founded by governor sebastián hurtado de corcuera. the first part of this document, which consists of two parts, is an extract from diaz's historia. corcuera assigns the sum of 4,000 pesos annually from the royal treasury for the support of the twenty fellowships created, those preferences being designed for the best spanish youth of manila. the new institution is given into the charge of the jesuits. the college is, however, suppressed at the close of corcuera's government, as it is disapproved by the king, the decree of suppression being inexorably executed by fajardo. the jesuits are compelled to repay the 12,000 pesos that have been paid them for the support of the college for the three years of its existence. a later royal college, called also san felipe, is created by order of felipe v. the second part of the present document is condensed from notes in pastells's edition of labor evangélica, and is a brief sketch of the founding, duration, and suppression of the institution founded by corcuera. the latter founds it at the instance of the secular cabildo of manila, and the charge of it is given to the jesuits, although the dominicans offer to dispense with the 4,000 pesos granted it from the royal treasury. twenty fellowships and six places for pampango servants are created by the act of foundation, december 23, 1640. the 4,000 pesos are met from sangley licenses. an abstract of the rules of the new institution, thirty-three in all, is given. they cover the scholastic, moral, and religious life of the pupils. corcuera's letter of august 8, 1641, reporting the foundation and asking certain favors, is answered by the royal decree of suppression, which is entrusted to the new governor, fajardo. the 12,000 pesos, which the jesuits are ordered to pay, is repaid them (if they have paid it) by a royal decree of march 17, 1647, and the incident of the short-lived college is closed. the following document--the summary of a letter from the famous archbishop pardo--is the answer to a royal decree ordering the education of natives for the priesthood. he states the inefficiency of the natives for that pursuit, and the necessity of sending religious from spain. it is followed by a royal decree of june 20, 1686, directing the strict observance of the laws for native schools and the study of spanish in the spanish colonies. the college-seminary of san clemente, or san felipe, as it was called later, forms the subject of the next document, which consists of two parts. the first is a royal decree of march 3, 1710, in which the king disapproves of the methods employed in the founding of the seminary which he had ordered governor zabalburu to found with 8 seminarists. instead of following orders, the governor allows the archbishop and the "patriarch" tournon to establish the institution, which is thrown open to foreigners, and has over eighty instead of eight seminarists. this disobedience occasions the removal and transfer of archbishop camacho, and the foreigners are ordered to be expelled, and only sixteen spanish subjects are to be allowed in the seminary as boarders, in addition to the eight seminarists. the second part of the document is from the recollect historian, juan de la concepción. governor cruzat y gongora, in answer to a royal decree recommending the establishment of a seminary, declares such to be unnecessary. its foundation is, however, ordered, and is finally consummated, but the conditions of the actual founding, which was entrusted to the governor, are altered by the neglect of the latter and the intrusion of tournon and the archbishop who work in concert. the king, hearing of the turn affairs have taken, not through direct communication, but through the papal nuncio, orders the refounding of the institution along the lines indicated by him, and the name is changed to san felipe. the formal founding of the latter is left by the governor to archbishop francisco de la cuesta, who draws up new rules, but at the same time deprives the king of the private patronage, usurping it for himself, although it is a lay creation. in the following document, the college of san juan de letran is discussed. it is founded in 1640 by juan geronimo guerrero, for the purpose of aiding and teaching poor orphan boys. many alms are given for the work by charitable persons, and corcuera grants some in the king's name, and an encomienda in the parián is given it. at the same time, a dominican lay-brother undertakes the care of poor orphan boys in the porter's lodge of the manila convent. as guerrero ages, finding it impossible to look after his orphan boys, he entrusts them to the care of the dominican lay-brother, who has by this time formed a congregation under the name of san pedro y san pablo. the consolidation is known for some time by the latter name, although the transfer is made under the name of the college of san juan de letran, which is later definitely adopted. rules for the college are made by sebastian de oquendo, prior of the manila convent, which are revised later by the provincial chapter. after being housed for some years in the lower part of the convent, the college is moved into a house opposite the same; but that house being destroyed by the earthquake of 1645, a wooden building is erected outside the walls near the parián. in 1669, finding their quarters uncomfortable, as the students are compelled to go to the university for their studies, the college is again moved inside the walled city. priestly, military, and other professions are recruited from this institution. a royal decree of june 11, 1792 requires the permission of the royal representative, and of those in authority at the institutions of learning, for all students, men and women, attending any such institution subject to the royal patronage and protection, before the contraction of marriage. another decree of december 22, 1792, directs the governor to observe the previous decrees concerning the teaching of spanish in schools for the natives. nothing but spanish is to be spoken in the convents. conciliar seminaries are treated in a document of two parts. the first part is a decree of march 26, 1803, in regard to the three per cent discount which is ordered to be made from the salary of all parish priests for the maintenance of conciliar seminaries. a decree of july 30, 1802 is enclosed therein, which orders such collection, notwithstanding the objections raised by the parish priests; and the payment must be made in money. special provisions are made in regard to the seminary of nueva segovia. the second part consists of extracts from various sources. the first two of the extracts relate to the five roman catholic conciliar seminaries, and give their status since 1862. the third extract is the provision made by the aglipay or independent church of the philippines for seminaries for the education of priests, and the plan for the studies to be carried on therein. the nautical school of manila is also treated in two parts, the first being a decree of may 9, 1839, approving the new regulations for the pilots' school of july 20, 1837; and the second extracts from various sources giving a brief history of this institution which is established first in 1820 by the consulate of commerce, and later taken under control of the government. this school is now maintained by the americans. the boys' soprano school is an interesting institution founded by archbishop rodriguez in 1742 for the purpose of furnishing boy singers to the cathedral. the education, which is chiefly musical, embraces training in both vocal and instrumental music, although on account of their tender age the boys are, as a general rule, debarred from using wind instruments. high merit is obtained by these boys. public instruction in the philippines is discussed by mas in the following document. he declares that the education of the philippines is in a better state proportionally than it is in spain. there are schools in each village, attendance at which is compulsory, except at seeding and harvest times. expenses are met from the communal funds. women also share in the education. the books commonly used are those of devotion. besides communal and private schools there are also public institutions in manila. brief histories and descriptions are given of the following institutions: university of santo tomás; college of san josé; college of san juan de letran; the charity school founded in 1817 by distinguished citizens; the nautical academy; the commercial school founded in 1840; seminary of santa potenciana, which was founded by a royal decree of 1589; santa isabel, founded by the confraternity of misericordia, in 1632; beaterio of santa catalina de sena, founded in 1696; beaterio de san sebastian de calumpang, founded in 1719; beaterio de san ignacio, founded in 1699; beaterio de santa rosa, founded in 1750; and the beaterio de pásig, or santa rita, founded in 1740. this is followed by mallat's account, which uses mas largely as authority. mallat praises the advanced state of education in the philippines, and dwells at considerable length on their culture in poesy and music, and their allied branches of art; and gives in general a recast of the conditions of the educational influences in the archipelago. a superior order of december 2, 1847, legalizes in spain degrees taken in the educational institutions of the colonies, and vice versa; and professions authorized in one country may be practiced in the other, on sufficient proof. a short document on the academy of painting, sculpture, and engraving, compiled from various sources, follows. this academy was founded in 1849 by the sociedad económica de amigos del país, and reorganized in 1892. another document, also compiled from various sources, treats of the ateneo municipal, which is an outgrowth of the old escuela pía, which was given into the control of the jesuits upon their return to the philippines in 1859. the latter school receives its present name in 1865. its expenses are defrayed by the community of manila. a document taken from apuntes interesantes asserts that the university has many enemies, not because the dominicans are in control of it, but because they believe the study of law unadvisable therein. such a view is anti-liberal. the writer believes that the filipinos would give better results in medicine and surgery, and the advisability of a medical school could be sustained, but that medicine and even pharmacy which are both sorely needed in the islands could be established in the university. foreign professors should be allowed to enter. superstitions, abuses, and ignorance abound in regard to medicine and pharmacy among the natives. drugs are allowed to be sold by peddlers, and adulterations are frequent. parish priests are called in to act as physicians but often only after the native doctor, who works mainly with charms, has been unable to combat the ailment of his patient. but for all his inefficiency, the natives prefer their mediquillo to the priest. many reforms are needed. the naval school, the author declares, is poorly organized and directed. the graduates aspire only to fine berths and are not content to accept what is really within their powers. the school could profitably be reorganized into a school for training pilots exclusively for the coasting trade. primary instruction, so far as the government is concerned, is in an incipient state. spanish is taught only in manila and some of the suburbs; but there are schools for boys in the native dialects, and some as well for girls. the government salaries are not sufficient and priests and officials find it necessary to determine means for buildings, etc., and salaries are even paid from the church funds. there is no suitable director for primary education, but in reading, writing, and religion, the children are more advanced than those of spain. the government has tried to improve the instruction in the spanish language, and has succeeded somewhat. the writer advises the government to introduce all the improvements possible, and to extend the normal school, which has but slight results at present. teachers are needed, also. montero y vidal in archipiélago filipino, gives a recast of educational conditions in 1886. he shows that public instruction is somewhat widespread, but that it is lacking in efficiency. he gives some statistics, but they are inadequate, owing to the inefficiency of the public officials. the native lawyers are poor and they sow discord against spain. he strongly recommends industrial education. the following document on girls' schools in manila and the provinces contains much of interest. this account, taken from the dominican report of 1887, describes and gives a list of the schools of santa isabel, santa rosa, santa catalina, and la concordia, or school of the immaculate conception. in these schools primary and secondary education are given. an account is also given of the school of san josé of jaro which was opened first in iloílo in 1872, but closed in 1877 for lack of funds, and was soon thereafter reëstablished in jaro through the intermediation of the bishop. the convent of san ignacio, founded in 1669, is directed by the jesuits, but after their expulsion is taken charge of by the provisor of the archbishop. it has had a school since 1883. various other institutions where instruction is given to girls are mentioned. the school of agriculture, both under spanish and american dominion, is discussed in the next document. first established in 1889 by the spanish government for theoretical and practical instruction, the school has not had great success. various agricultural stations are established in various provinces by the government to supplement the work of the school. since american occupation the work has been taken up, and appropriations made for the building of a school in the rich agricultural island of negros. the last document of this volume, a state discussion (1890) as to the reorganization of education in the university of santo tomás (signed among others by the famous maura) suggests the arguments advanced by both the civil and ecclesiastical governments in the philippines. the questions under discussion are: 1. whether the ministry has a right to reorganize education in the university without considering the religious order of the dominicans. 2. whether the university may offer legal opposition, and by what means. the conclusions reached are: 1. the ministry cannot apply the funds and properties of the university of private origin to any institution that it organizes; and hence cannot reorganize education in the university. 2. should the ministry do so, then the university may take legal means to oppose such determination, the best method being through the ordinary court of common law. this is a highly interesting document, in view of the vital legal educational questions touched upon, some of which may have application in the present san josé college case. the educational appendix will be concluded in vol. xlvi. the editors october, 1906. extracto historial commerce of the philippines with nueva españa, 1640-1736 (concluded). by antonio álvarez de abreu; madrid, 1736. source: concluded from vol. xliv, q.v. translation: see vol. xliv. commerce of the philippines with nueva españa (concluded) period ix [here] is set forth what occurred in regard to the commerce of philipinas from the year 1730 until that of 1733, in consequence of the practice of the ordinance of the year 1726, with occasion of the complaint made by the merchants of andalucia. 128-162. [in july, 1729, the consulate and merchants of cadiz sent to the king a memorial protesting against the favor recently granted to manila, which the latter was abusing to such an extent as to endanger the very existence of the spanish commerce with nueva españa. so much chinese silk had been sent by manila to acapulco that cadiz had determined to send in this year's trading-fleet no spanish fabrics; but this would result in the destruction of its commerce and of its manufactures. cadiz claims that manila carries away from nueva españa three to four millions of pesos annually, a sum which falls into the hands of foreigners and infidels; and asks that the permission given to manila for the export of chinese silks be revoked. the king thereupon ordered the viceroy of mexico to see on foot a thorough investigation of the manila commerce, its actual character and extent, its profits, and other particulars, which is done. the year 1731 was selected for this investigation; the sales at acapulco were unusually profitable that year, as all kinds of fabrics were then scarce in nueva españa, and the chinese goods were advanced 25 per cent over their usual prices. the officials found that the total sales from that year's cargo amounted to 2,096,874 pesos (making the average value of each pieza of lading more than 500 pesos); deducting from this the royal duties, 229,547 pesos (including the contribution of 20,000 pesos made by the shippers), the amount of returns for the citizens of manila was 1,877,327 pesos. this amount would probably be equaled in subsequent voyages of the galleon (even if the sales at acapulco were not so profitable), so long as the present permission continued; for the 500 half-chests of chinese fabrics made an enormous amount, and of great value. the amount of silver embarked that year for filipinas was as follows: "1,691,465 pesos, as proceeds of the merchandise sold at the fair that year [this being the previously-mentioned amount, with the royal duties deducted from it]; 566,828, in sums remaining from the previous year; and 175,828, on the account of his majesty for the royal situado and other special situados of those islands, and for the pay of the crew of the galleon." investigation being made of the past years of this commerce, "the castellan of acapulco replied, that from the year 1692 until that of 1702 the philipinos had been able to lade their ships with goods to the value of 250,000 pesos, the returns for which were 500,000 pesos, without assigning a definite number of piezas--in which time they paid for all kinds of duties 75,000 pesos, which was equivalent to thirty per cent on the cargo and fifteen per cent on the returns. that in the year 1702 their permission had been increased to 300,000 pesos of capital [invested], and 600,000 of returns, with the obligation of paying for the shipment of the latter a charge of two per cent. this had been punctiliously observed until the year 1717, when other quantities [of merchandise] had been shipped outside of the permitted amount, for the causes and reasons which would appear from the acts drawn up on account of this proceeding; and for what was thus shipped outside the permission duties had been paid at four per cent (which amounted to 365,000 pesos), and adding to this the six per cent of alcavala, [1] the duties were ten per cent, which was collected. that this regulation had been in vogue up to the year 1720, in which the marqués de valero had allowed to the philipinos the lump payment of 100,000 pesos which before had been refused them, including in this amount all the dues which they must pay [to the royal treasury], and permitting to them, as before, the shipment of the 600,000 pesos of returns; and that, although this amount only was what they ought to embark in virtue of the permission, they carried other funds also (and not a few)--the reason being that many persons were resolving at that time to become citizens of the islands, and, as consequently their wealth must be conveyed thither, the papers had been given to them for doing so, in virtue of which they embarked their funds, paying on them ten per cent. that for the last ten years many sums of money had gone to philipinas outside of the permitted amount, on various warrants, for which orders had been previously given, regarding which the bureau of accounts could supply information; but, as in this matter the officials acted independently of the castellan, he had been unable to take cognizance of those transactions." the royal officials of acapulco--who, with the castellan, were at that time in the city of mexico--advised the viceroy not to make any change in the permission for the next annual galleon; and gave as their opinion that, comparing the shipments of merchandise, returns therefrom, and duties paid to the treasury, by manila in the last forty years, if in those islands there had not been an increase of their commerce, at least it had not declined. [2] the officials regarded the present amount of trade granted to manila as far in excess of what it had before (on which earlier amount the islands had been able to support themselves), and the great withdrawal of money from nueva españa as injurious to the commerce of both that country and españa; and they advised that the permission be reduced to 2,750 piezas of philippine products and ordinary fabrics, and 250 half-chests of chinese fabrics. if this were done, manila would still have a million pesos of returns, even after deducting all the duties and imposts, which would surely be enough, since before they had maintained themselves with 600,000 pesos annually. as it was, the royal revenue was much impaired, since the duties paid by manila now did not include certain ad valorem duties imposed under the old arrangement. at the command of the viceroy, the bureau of accounts of mexico furnished him a summary of all the remittances of money from nueva españa to manila during the years 1723-31 inclusive; this report showed that in each year more than the amount of the permission had been conveyed--sometimes stated as arrearages from previous shipments, sometimes as allowed by special permit from the viceroy. the yearly situado was stated as being 250,000 pesos, the amount actually sent being such balance of this sum as remained to the credit of manila in the treasury of mexico, which varied yearly from 73,000 to 93,000 pesos. the galleon of 1731 had carried the following cargo: 2,767 bales, 477 chests (of chinese silks), 554 bags of cinnamon, 147 cakes of wax, 51 cases of porcelain, 296 1/2 arrobas of storax, 1,977 1/2 arrobas of pepper; besides this, and outside of the permission, four half-bales and nineteen chests were sent by the religious orders in manila--dominicans, franciscans, augustinians, and hospitallers of st. john of god--for the clothing of the religious in their hospices in the city of mexico; and by the governor, marqués de torre-campo, 45 piezas for (purchasing?) furniture.] 163-185. [the viceroy, marqués de casa-fuerte, wrote to one of the royal council, don joseph patiño (november 1, 1731), giving his opinion in regard to the regulation of the philippine commerce. estimating roughly the returns from the annual manila galleon at 2,000,000 pesos when before the sum of 600,000 only was allowed, he regards the present permission as injurious to the commerce of españa and to the commercial interests of nueva españa as well; for three vessels come from philipinas to one trading-fleet from españa, and, by carrying out of the country some six millions of pesos, they render the disposal of the merchandise brought on the fleets difficult, besides handing over the treasures of the spanish domain to infidels. he advocates the reduction of the permission to such amount as will produce not more than 1,000,000 pesos of returns for manila; and thinks that there is foundation for the remonstrances of the spanish merchants, although they have exaggerated the amount of the money sent to manila and the damage to their own trade therefrom. that damage arises almost entirely from the chinese silks and ribbons sent to acapulco, which at the fair in that year (1731) were sold for the estimated amount of a million pesos; he therefore recommends that manila be strictly prohibited from shipping to acapulco any silk, of any kind or quality whatsoever, except raw, twisted, and floss silk, hose, and white sayasayas; and that the value and amount of all the goods sent thither be judiciously regulated, so that prices may be kept within bounds. this result also depends considerably on the fact that in mexico large quantities of cotton are raised, from which are made various fabrics; "and in the bishopric of la puebla the elephant stuffs (which are a sort of rouen cloth, but made from cotton, which serves for the shirts of very poor people, and for the linings of garments, like the thin hollands), which form a considerable part of the cargo of the ship from philipinas, are so well imitated that they would and do check a rise in the prices of the cotton goods from china. in this city [of mexico] all the raw silk which comes from philipinas (a sufficient amount, so that the fleets [from españa] do not bring it) is worked up, and in this industry many poor persons are employed, thus obtaining a suitable means of livelihood; and the fabrics which are made by them are consumed in this kingdom only." with these restrictions and precautions, the viceroy would recommend that the regulations of 1726 continue. he would also remit the payment now made by the citizens of 20,000 pesos annually to the treasury; but this loss, and that in the customs duties from the lack of the chinese silks, would be recompensed by the better sales which would thus be afforded to the spanish silk goods. in january, 1732, the viceroy consulted his fiscal, who thought that the manila trade should be restricted, say to a million pesos of investments, and prohibiting the chinese silks; that this would benefit the spanish traders, and would also secure the opening of peru to trade with nueva españa. in the following month, the viceroy called together a junta of auditors and other experienced persons to discuss this subject; they favored manila, and advised that no definite action be taken as yet. the viceroy, hearing that from mexico and other cities more than 1,500,000 pesos in silver was being sent to acapulco, presumably intended for filipinas, felt the necessity of taking measures to prevent the despatch of too much merchandise from manila in the future galleons, since the five years' term allowed to that city would expire in 1733. he therefore referred to the junta the question whether he should write to manila that the galleon of 1734 must come with a cargo in accordance with the former plan of 300,000 pesos' investment and 600,000 for returns; and whether he should enforce the decree of 1720 by prohibiting that galleon from carrying any chinese silks. the junta decided both these questions in the affirmative, advising the viceroy to notify manila accordingly--these regulations to be made, provided that the king meanwhile did not give new orders. the viceroy therefore sent despatches to don fernando valdés tamón, the governor of filipinas, and to the city of manila, to that effect (march 20 and 25, 1732); [3] and on april 3 following sent a report of all these proceedings to don joseph patiño. he recommends that manila be allowed only 3,000 piezas in all, of which only 100 chests be permitted for the finer grades of cotton goods, entirely prohibiting the silk goods from china, except those mentioned in his letter of november 1 preceding; that besides the 3,000 piezas, the citizens be allowed to send wax and porcelain at their pleasure, as these are commodities of little value, and needed by nueva españa; that any smuggled silks be publicly burned, and very rigorous penalties imposed on transgressors; that more rigorous inspection of the lading be made at manila, to prevent any contraband goods being sent, not only in the shipments of traders, but in the chests of passengers, officers, and others on the galleons; that suspected packages be opened at acapulco; that the returns sent back to manila be in no case allowed to exceed a million of pesos; and that the contribution of 20,000 pesos be remitted to the manila shippers.] 186-188. [the viceroy's letter was referred to the royal council; the deputies from filipinas--at that time, lorenzo de rugama y palacio, and miguel fernandez munilla--thereupon asked for all the documents belonging to the council which bore upon this subject; the council consented (march 26, 1733) to do so, with the reservation of certain documents, and the deputies then drew up a long memorial protesting against the proposed restrictions on their commerce.] 189-190. [this memorial may be "reduced to five points: in the first it is proved that, for the preservation of the islands, and the propagation of the catholic faith in them and in the adjoining regions, their commerce with nueva españa is necessary. in the second, it is declared that for the above result it is necessary that the commerce be carried on and allowed with a capital corresponding to the returns of 1,200,000 pesos every year. in the third, it is made plain that returns to that amount are impossible, if the traffic in the silken fabrics and goods from china, and their transportation, are prohibited to the merchants of manila. in the fourth, it is demonstrated that no value should be attached to the exaggerated statement that damages will ensue to the commerce of españa if that of manila be allowed to embark and convey silk fabrics to acapulco. in the fifth, it is explained how desirable is the continuation of the last regulation of the commerce, granted to the islands in the year 1726; and the advantages which result from that ordinance, notwithstanding the representations made by the viceroy." this memorial presents a brief résumé of the various royal orders and decrees and the principal events connected with the manila-acapulco commerce during its history, from 1587 to 1726; another, of the investigations made by the viceroy of mexico regarding the galleon of 1731; and another, of the proceedings of the junta which he called together for discussion of the measures to be taken regarding the galleon of 1734. then the above five points are considered seriatim, and at considerable length--mainly by restating and enforcing the arguments formerly employed, rather than by adducing new ones. in section i, the king is reminded that the islands serve as a safeguard and defense to nueva españa, and have kept the foreigners, infidels, and pagans of the east from getting a foothold therein by way of the pacific coast; and it closes thus: "thus, sire, if this commerce ceases--the only foundation on which rests the maintenance of these islands--the spaniards will abandon them; without their protection, the [religious] ministers will be persecuted to the utmost; the works of piety and charity in which the holy house of la misericordia and the other foundations in manila distribute enormous sums will cease; the religious orders will be reduced to uselessness; those villages will be desolated, by which your majesty will lose many vassals; the foreigners and infidels adjoining those countries will make themselves masters of the islands; and (which is most cause for grief), when the fortunate advancement of our religion which has been secured there ceases, those who had embraced the faith will go to seek their living in the lands of the pagans, with evident risk of relapsing into the errors which they had detested. these dangers are worthy of the profound consideration of your majesty, and cannot be averted if the commerce of philipinas with nueva españa fails." in section ii, the deputies protest against the returns of 1731 being made the standard for the regular value of this commerce, as the gains of that year's acapulco fair were phenomenally large. they declare that in order to maintain themselves they need not less than 1,200,000 pesos annually, especially as the number of citizens in manila is now larger than in former years--in view of which, the amount for which they ask is very moderate, being even less in proportion than it was then. the following statements of population are interesting: in 1636-37, the number of spaniards in manila was 230; in 1702, there were 400; and in 1722, 882, a number which has since increased [this memorial being prepared in 1733]. what manila asks will barely allow to each inhabitant, on the average, an investment of 800 pesos, which is hardly enough for a decent mode of living. what encouragement does this give to spaniards to settle in such a country, and how can they thus better their fortunes? the opinions of various high officials (including viceroys of mexico) are cited in support of this claim. not only the spaniards who are citizens of manila are to be considered in this question, but the two millions of christian natives who depend on the spanish power, not to mention the 1,500 ecclesiastics who are occupied in maintaining the catholic faith in the islands. in section iii, it is argued that the people of filipinas must be allowed the trade in chinese silks in order to secure any profit from their commerce. manila claims that the restrictions imposed by the decree of 1720 were procured by the efforts of cadiz, without the consent of the people of filipinas, to whom those restrictions brought much distress; that the acapulco trade was granted to them in the first place in order to attract spaniards as colonists, in order that intercourse with them might be the means of entrance and extension for the catholic faith among pagans and infidels; that españa produces hardly enough silk goods for its own consumption, and imports much from foreign countries, so that there is no just reason for prohibiting this trade to filipinas. "since what the sangleys chiefly trade in is the silken fabrics and ribbons, if the shipment of these goods to nueva españa is forbidden that is the same as prohibiting intercourse with the sangleys, because the consumption of the said silks and ribbons is very small, or not any, in philipinas." the customs duties and alcavalas on the silk trade at manila amount to some 40,000 pesos a year, which would be lost to the royal treasury by the failure of that trade; it will also have no means with which to buy the rice produced by the indians. no profit can be made on the linens and other common fabrics prescribed in the decree of 1720, as they are of little esteem in nueva españa, and the demand for them is small, as also is their value, "since in one bale of these goods only the value of sixty or seventy pesos can be contained." if at the acapulco fair these goods, even when the amount shipped is uncertain, bring prices so low that there is but little profit over the duties, freight-charges, and other costs, it may be imagined how unprofitable this sort of investment will be when (if that decree be enforced) the buyers there regard the cargo as composed mainly of these goods, "and the venders are not able to practice the maxim of concealing the [amount of the] merchandise, in order to secure the highest price for it, its abundance, which lowers the price, not being known." the sayasayas and hose, the only form of silk fabrics permitted to manila, are productive of but little profit; and even that would be entirely lost if they were shipped in large enough quantities to complete the amount of investment allowed to manila, for the prices in nueva españa would thus be greatly lowered. even if this were not so, one voyage of the galleon would so fully provide the warehouses of mexico that no more would be needed for the next three or four years, which would ruin manila's market for these goods. it is impossible that of these bulky goods any adequate quantity could be shipped within the number of piezas at present allotted to the citizens of manila, which, indeed, is all that their one galleon can carry. manila claims that the viceroy had no right to give the order regarding the galleon of 1734, and that both he and the junta rashly assumed that the prosperous acapulco fair of 1731 was the standard by which to judge the results of that commerce--when in reality that was an accidental and unusual success; nor did the royal officials of acapulco propose that the trade in chinese silks should be prohibited to manila, but only that the number of 4,000 piezas allowed it should be reduced. section iv refutes the arguments brought forward by andalusia against the trade in chinese silks as injuring spanish trade and manufactures, declaring them to be exaggerations and misrepresentations of the real facts. "it has very recently been made evident by that very commerce [of cadiz] that the fabrics of españa are not able to supply those provinces [of america], by the fact that in the company which, with the name of 'philipinas,' has been established in the city of cadiz, by royal decree of march 29, in this present year of 1733, among the articles and agreements which have been set down therein is one providing that in each ship of those which (without limitation) may be allowed to them for their traffic the silken fabrics from china may be freighted, to the extent of fifty toneladas, a little more or less; and, bringing those goods to these kingdoms [of españa], they may sell them therein--not for consumption here, for this is prohibited; but that they may export those goods to foreign countries and to america, where they may be sold and consumed. from this it is evident, in spite of the complaints which the commerce of cadiz has so often repeated on this point--while the merchants of manila have never consented to this company, rather, always protesting and speaking against it, and when what may be offered to them is found by experience to be prejudicial to the preservation and maintenance of those islands--that the silk goods which are made in españa are of so small amount that they cannot supply america, nor can those of china injure the consumption and satisfactory disposal of the spanish goods." [4] manila claims that this new company will draw from the spanish empire a much greater quantity of silver for the benefit of infidels than manila can spend in buying the goods which have been sent thence to acapulco; and that cadiz has no room for complaints against the other commerce, since its own merchants are interested in this company--and all without the weighty motives which led to the concession of the philippine commerce, the propagation of the catholic faith, the preservation of the spanish power in eastern asia, and the advancement of the christian religion there. the establishment of this "royal company of philipinas," in which traders of cadiz have shares, shows plainly that all their complaints against the injuries to spanish commerce from the manila silk-trade were "merely a pretext for their securing the slender profits which that trade yielded to the islands." the trading-fleets and galleons which are sent out from cadiz every two years are laden mainly with products made by foreign nations--english, dutch, genoese, venetians, and others--and this traffic alienates from the spanish crown each year more than eight millions of pesos; and even greater drain of money results from the traffic which those foreign nations carry on in the indias. [5] much more money is taken out of nueva españa by the spanish trading-fleets, laden mainly with articles produced by foreigners and shipped thither by the merchants of cadiz, than by the manila galleon which carries thither goods bought from the chinese. in the former case, the money is used to injure and harass the spanish power; in the second, it goes to the chinese, who are able neither to invade spanish territory nor to aid the enemies of the crown. these foreign trading nations, moreover, carry to china and other countries of eastern asia more than four millions of pesos of mexican and peruvian coinage, which they spend there for the purchase of silks and other commodities, "in order to introduce these goods into the indias, either illicitly or through the agency of the traders of cadiz." in the junta convened by the viceroy of mexico in february, 1732, one of the leading arguments for continuing the increased permission to manila was, "that the returns of silver produced by the fabrics of foreign manufacture which the aforesaid [traders of cadiz] send in fleets and galleons to the indias were in tens of millions, which from the ports of españa pass to foreign dominions, and from these to the infidels of the orient." the aforesaid company of philipinas has obtained permission that in each ship sent out by its members (the number of vessels not being limited) they may convey, besides the goods, the amount of 500 pesos fuertes in silver money--more or less, according to the needs of their business--to be invested in oriental goods, with freedom to change for gold any surplus that may be left of that capital. [6] this permission leads to the drain of much silver from the country, opens the door for great frauds, and is manifestly unfair to manila if the latter is to be deprived of its china trade. as for the ruin of the silk industry in españa, "the city of sevilla itself openly confessed (in a memorial dated april 24, 1696) that the ruin of its looms and the deterioration of its commerce arose from the single cause of the manufactures which the french, english, and dutch had, since the middle of the past century, introduced into their dominions, and from the lack of assiduous industry in the natives of these [kingdoms of españa]; and that for this reason those peoples carried to their own countries our wools, in order to return them in the shape of cloths and other goods, which their industry was able to manufacture from those wools. the same thing occurs with the silks which (as we are experiencing) they are introducing into these kingdoms, [made] from the [raw] silk which they obtain here; and they sell in the orient various stuffs and fabrics, with which usually the people of rank in these kingdoms are clothed; and such people in the indias wear the goods which the merchants of españa convey in fleets and galleons--as may be known by the books of the customs duties, in which appears all the above, and the increased amount of silken fabrics which the foreigners are introducing through the port of cadiz, and others that open on the mediterranean sea." cadiz is reminded that its commerce penetrates into peru, buenos ayres, honduras, and other regions which are forbidden to manila; that it has no more successful fairs in peru than in nueva españa (indeed, obtaining even larger profits in the latter country); notwithstanding the alleged ruinous competition of manila; and that the contraband trade carried on in the western indias by the foreign industrial nations causes far more damage to cadiz than does the small amount of trade allowed to manila. cadiz has made no complaint against the shipment by manila of stuffs from india and spices, doubtless because the prohibition of these would injure the trade of the english [7] and the dutch, from whom manila buys those goods, and whom cadiz favors and tries to enrich at the expense of the philippine vassals of the crown, regardless of the injurious effects of such procedure on the propagation of the faith and the welfare of the former heathen who have been converted to it in the east. manila asserts that the necessity of buying chinese goods for the maintenance of the islands, and the increasing competition of the european nations in eastern markets, have so raised the prices of those goods that manila no longer can obtain the large profits which they formerly brought in nueva españa, but must now sell them at a very moderate advance over their cost (including of course therein transportation, duties, etc.). the prompt despatch of the manila galleon from acapulco has been caused mainly by the necessity of its sailing at certain times to secure favorable winds and weather; but this haste has been an injury to the manila shippers, "for it hinders them from selling their goods at a higher value, so they often dispose of them, for this reason, at the prices that the mexicans are willing to pay for them, and at other times leave them for sale on commission [en encomienda], with the danger of losing them, and with the evident arrearage which is caused to the shippers by the lack of the money [which should have been received] from their sale, for use in their investments in the following galleon." the memorial concludes with section v, in which manila urges, in view of all the foregoing, that the permission of 1726 be continued to the islands, and consequently, that the recent orders of the viceroy of nueva españa regarding the lading of the next galleon be revoked. these orders were at least premature, as the shipments from manila under the new permission did not begin until 1730, so that the galleon of 1734 was entitled to a cargo of the sort allowed therein; moreover, the viceroy acted against the advice of the junta which he had convened to discuss this question. manila claims that in 1732 the galleon did not carry back to the islands even what they needed for their maintenance, the returns from its cargo (although that contained the 4,000 piezas of permission) amounting to only 1,100,000 pesos; and in the present year of 1733 the returns will be hardly one-half of what the shippers received, on the average, in the years preceding the new permission--the acapulco fair being a poor one this year, on account of the large cargoes brought by the fleet from cadiz, and the large amount of fabrics brought by "the english ship." manila needs 1,200,000 pesos annually, at the least; and in order to secure that amount needs the extension of trade permitted in 1726. the returns of 1731, as has been proved, cannot be taken as the measure of its value, especially when allowance is made for the possibility of storms, shipwreck, or other disaster to the galleon. manila also asks that if the returns should fall below 1,200,000 pesos, its annual contribution of 20,000 pesos to the royal treasury be dispensed with. the king is reminded of the great services which the people of filipinas have always rendered to the crown, in opposing the encroachments of the dutch and others against the spanish power in the east, in defending the natives of the islands against the moro pirates, in contributions for building royal ships and for meeting other pressing needs of the royal treasury, and always freely offering their lives and their property for the defense or aid of the crown--to say nothing of their devotion to the observance and extension of the catholic faith, their support of missionaries, and their zeal in converting the heathen. manila asks for the extension in perpetuity of the permission of 1726, with various minor concessions; if this be not granted, then it is asked for another five years, with the proviso that no change be made at the instance of andalusia only, or without opportunity being given to manila to express its wishes and set forth its needs.] 191-192. [this memorial was sent by the council to the fiscal; his reply was handed in on november 10, 1733. he thinks that the islands need indispensably the traffic to nueva españa, including the chinese silks, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the viceroy of that country; and that the prohibition made by the latter ought to be raised. moreover, he finds that the royal treasury is the gainer by the new arrangement: the duties up to 1702 amounted to 74,000 pesos, and from that time to 1729, to 100,000 pesos; but in 1730 (the first year in which goods were shipped under the permission of 1726) the duties, including the 20,000 pesos of contribution, were 202,754 pesos, and in the following year 229,552 pesos. he would not make a positive regulation regarding the manila-acapulco trade until the five-years' term is completed; but he makes the following recommendations: that the commerce be free in all kinds of goods, not excluding the chinese silks and ribbons, but that the lading of the galleon be restricted to 3,600 piezas, of which 400 may be in those silk goods and others which do not allow the use of the press; and that the duties on all packages be the same as those specified in the decree of 1726, and that manila be freed from the contribution of 20,000 pesos. he also recommends that manila be allowed to send wax in cakes of eighteen (instead of twelve) arrobas net; and that his proposed arrangement be put in force for five years, in order to test its practicability--or, if the king so prefer, that the decree of 1726 be extended for another term of five years.] 193-197. [in this place is presented the informatory report of the royal accountant at mexico to the viceroy in 1730, because it is frequently cited in this controversy; but it is concerned mainly with the size of the packages on the manila galleon. [8] it appears that these were measured by the vara de ribera, [9] instead of the castilian vara, the former being "longer than the castilian, by four dedos and part of another;" but allowance was afterward made for this difference. ardila, the accountant, also recommended to the viceroy the enlargement of manila's permission to 1,200,000 pesos of returns, and the reopening of the commerce between nueva españa and peru. the royal council discussed the fiscal's reply and other documents, and advised the king (december 19, 1733) to order the viceroy to recall his obnoxious orders relative to the galleons of 1734 and succeeding years, and to regulate the cargoes by the decrees in force from 1712 to 1720--"excluding absolutely the regulation of the permission by piezas, and commanding that this be made in future strictly by invoices and sworn declarations." the ministers did not agree on the question of the amount of returns to be permitted to manila, five being of opinion that no change should be made in the allowance of 300,000 pesos of investment and 600,000 of returns, and the five others advocating an increase to 500,000 and 1,000,000 pesos respectively. (the names of the first five are: don manuel de sylva, the marqués de almodobar, don antonio de sopeña, don fernando verdes montenegro, and don francisco antonio de aguirre; of the last five, don diego de zuñiga, the marqués de montemayor, don matheo ibañez de mendoza, don antonio alvarez de abreu, and don joseph de valdiviesso. abreu was the compiler of the extracto.) the reasons for each of these opinions are given in detail.] 198-200. [when this opinion was ready to be sent to the king, letters arrived from the governor and audiencia of filipinas, remonstrating against the orders of the viceroy regarding the galleon of 1734. at the same time, the manila deputies at madrid presented another memorial to the council, which accordingly held a new conference over this matter. on december 23 (after having consulted the fiscal), they reported to the king their opinion, which they said had not been changed by the aforesaid despatches. the king approved of their advice in regard to recalling the viceroy's orders, and in regard to the controverted point of the amount which should be allowed to manila, he approved the opinion of zuñiga and his associates, that of the increase to 500,000 and 1,000,000 pesos. the letters from the governor and audiencia ask that the cargoes be estimated by piezas, and propose 300 or 400 chests of chinese silk goods, instead of the 500 formerly asked; the memorial of the deputies urges that the sales for the first three of the five years had averaged only 1,350,000 pesos, and the succeeding ones could not exceed 1,200,000 pesos, which latter sum was necessary for the preservation of the islands.] 201-212. [on february 23, 1734, the manila deputies presented a new memorial, under eight heads, making various minor requests in regard to the new regulation for the commerce, some of which were granted, and some refused. on april 8, a royal decree was issued making such regulation; [10] after briefly reviewing the various proceedings and documents which had appeared since the decree of 1726, command is given that the viceroy's orders be revoked, and the commerce continued in accordance with the decrees of 1702, 1712, and 1724--prohibiting the valuation on the basis of piezas, and prescribing that this be accomplished by invoices and sworn declarations; and increasing the amount of the trade permitted to manila to 500,000 pesos of investment and 1,000,000 of returns. as for duties, they shall be paid as commanded in the decree of 1702 (which fixed 100,000 pesos as the amount to be paid at acapulco for the round trip of the galleon), pro rata therewith on the increase from 300,000 to 500,000 pesos; but this shall be paid as required duties, and not under the name of indult. no alcavala shall be paid on sales at acapulco, but it shall be paid on goods which shall first be sent to other provinces of nueva españa. the duties are estimated on the basis of about 17 per cent of the returns on the cargo, and as the king pays "the cost of the building, careening, and repairing of the ships, the pay of the crews and officers, and the provisions, supplies, and ammunition needed for each voyage, without receiving more than 44 ducados for each tonelada of the lading allotted, not only will there remain no profit to my royal exchequer, but it will be necessary that it supply a considerable amount in order to maintain and preserve this traffic and commerce to the natives of philipinas, which is all the bounty that my royal munificence can exercise;" but if the manila shippers do not wish to accept this adjustment of the duties, they can (as before) pay the exact amount of the duties on each consignment of goods, without any dispensation or remission. no one to whom space has been assigned may transfer it to others, save in the case of poor persons and widows. any excess of returns over the 1,000,000 pesos shall be divided among the shippers pro rata on their allotments of space and valuations of goods at manila, and they may carry it back in products and commodities of nueva españa, but not in money; if the returns fall short of the above sum, the deficiency shall not be made up, the royal officials being strictly forbidden to allow any infraction of this rule. citizens of nueva españa are prohibited under heavy penalties from participating in this trade as shippers, of either goods or money. the measures used in regulating the size of packages shall be those which the manila shippers have been accustomed to use, allowance having been made for the difference between these and the castilian standards, as decreed in 1702 and 1733. the committee of distribution at manila shall be composed of the following persons: the governor of the islands; the senior auditor of the audiencia, or, as his substitute, the auditor next longest in service; the royal fiscal; the archbishop of manila, or, as his substitute, the dean of the cathedral; one of the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one of the regidors, of the city of manila; and one of the eight arbitrators [compromissarios] who compose the commercial body [11] there--provided that the regidor and the arbitrator be chosen in turn, so that this duty shall fall, successively, on all the members of those respective bodies. despatches to this effect were sent to the officials of mexico, acapulco and filipinas. (the compiler of the extracto thinks it worth while to call attention to the opinion of the royal fiscal of mexico, given upon reading this decree, that it was "a just one, and generally advantageous to both commerces.")] [at this point (fol. 214 verso-264) is inserted the memorial informatorio presented to the council of the indias in 1637 by juan grau y monfalcón, procurator-general for the philippine islands at the court of madrid; we have already published this document, in our vol. xxvii, pp. 53-212. abreu says that he places it here (as "an appendix to period ii") simply because he did not find it until after the fortieth sheet of the extracto had been printed; and he speaks of it as "treating of the subjects of that undiscovered memorial" of 136 numbers which was cited in "period ii" of the extracto (see our vol. xxx, p. 25)--"plainly showing that whatever discussion of this matter has occurred in these late years, and what will be said in the future, in regard to the commerce of that region is new talk, but not talk of a new thing [es decir con novedad, pero no decir cosa nueva]." for "periods i and ii" of the extracto, which, with monfalcón's memorial, should be read as a preliminary to the present summary of that work, see our vol. xxx, pp. 23-109. cf. the earlier memorial by monfalcón (1635) in vol. xxv, pp. 48-73.] period x relation is made of what occurred in regard to this commerce from november in 1734 until the present month of may in 1736, with occasion of the petition made by the consulate and commerce of andalucia, proposing to surrender to that of manila the traffic and transportation of all the cinnamon, pepper, and cloves which the kingdom of nueva españa can consume; and that manila may ship the chintzes (of fine, middling, and ordinary qualities), and the silk, raw and spun [beneficiada], if these are separated from the commerce in the silken fabrics and ribbons of china. 215-221. [it was supposed that the foregoing decree had settled the question of the manila-acapulco trade "for many years;" but on november 27, 1735, the king sent to his council a memorial by don joseph lopez pintado, consul and deputy of the commerce of cadiz, and an informatory report which had been made on that subject by the lieutenant-general of marine, don manuel lopez pintado; on these papers the king asked for the advice and opinions of the council. the memorial of cadiz states the two main points of the controversy: the first is, whether or not the commerce of españa is injured by the inclusion of the chinese silks and ribbons in the cargo of the manila galleon. cadiz has long claimed that this was so, while manila answered that that trade was necessary for the maintenance of the islands, "and for the propagation of the holy gospel in them"--which argument, cadiz says, "has always been the achilles to oppose the just representations of the commerce of españa." the second point is whether, if the silks are prohibited to manila traders, any goods of equal value remain to them by which they can secure the returns which they claim to need. the first point is stated as in previous remonstrances, that the manila trade in chinese silks has ruined both the sale and the manufacture of spanish silks, especially since the execution of the decree of 1724; the latter goods can now find no market in america, for the chinese silks have made their way not only into nueva españa but into peru, the colonies on the northern coast of south america, and all the windward islands, "nor can their importation be checked by all the efforts and vigilance of the officials." manila has probably abused the royal liberality and has transgressed the limits of its permission; for the deputies and appraisers there have valued the goods so low at manila that at acapulco they obtain for them three or four times the amount permitted to them by royal decree--for confirmation of which statement is cited the report made by order of the viceroy of mexico, on august 23, 1731, by don francisco de fagoaga, one of the leading merchants of mexico, who was a witness of this infraction of law. it is these abuses of the manila permission which aroused the viceroy to issue the orders of 1732, hoping to check the illegal excess therein. cadiz now offers to surrender to manila "forever the traffic and transportation of all the cinnamon, pepper, and cloves which the kingdom of nueva españa can consume," as also all the trade in chintzes of various qualities, and in silk raw and spun; in these manila ought to find sufficient compensation for giving up the silks, but, even if it does not, its losses cannot compare with those of españa from the permission given to manila to trade in those goods, and the interests of the former ought to be preferred. general pintado's informatory report makes a bitter complaint of the frauds and infringements in the manila permission to trade. [12] he states that in the first galleon sent to acapulco under the regulation of 1726 (which entered acapulco in the year 1729) [13] goods were confiscated by order of the viceroy to the following amount: 285 bales, 49 bags of cinnamon containing 7,105 libras, more than a thousand arrobas of wax, nineteen chests of silk fabrics, and many other goods. in the second galleon (that of 1730) were confiscated 319 bales, and 694 piezas of various bulky goods--cinnamon, wax, pepper, storax, and porcelain. cadiz claims that at first (about 1690) the chinese goods carried to nueva españa were in so small quantity and so inferior quality "that no one valued such goods; nor did these injure the commerce of españa or its manufactures, until, two ships of philipinas having been wrecked, that same viceroy [conde de galvez], as a measure of precaution, despatched general don andrés de arriola with a patache to ascertain the cause for the delay in the arrival of those ships; and, that commander having returned to acapulco in the following year, 1692, with this occasion the citizens of mexico promoted the plan of furnishing capital for another new ship. various citizens of mexico, and others from perù, went thither, and, carrying specimens of our [spanish] fabrics, started the establishment [of factories] in pequin, cantòn, and china; [they also set the chinese to work] to make these goods of finer quality, and to manufacture fabrics like those specimens, and of the same quality. both qualities were introduced [into nueva españa] by that ship and by those which regularly followed it, in proportion to the amount that they found to be consumed in nueva españa; and this was considerable, on account of the fact that four years intervened between the trading-fleet of conde de sanrrami and that of don ignacio de barrios, and seven years from that of the latter to the fleet of don manuel de velasco and its return to españa. that was the time when the traders of philipinas reached the height of their traffic in the silk fabrics; and, finding in those years that there was no trading-fleet in nueva españa, they gathered in the rich treasures against which the consulate and commerce of andalucia have with reason remonstrated." pintado declares that he has been an eyewitness of these things ever since 1692, and that only during that time has manila enjoyed this silk trade which it now claims as belonging to it by free possession and long usage. cadiz has frequently protested against the injury thus caused to the silk industry of españa, but has not before exposed the real condition of affairs; but, "even if the 300,000 pesos of the permission which was granted and enjoyed up to the year 1728 inclusive had all been spent for goods of the silk made in china, without [the galleon] carrying anything else, at the prices which they were fairly worth in manila, and even if twice as much were furnished at these prices, how was that trade [of manila] capable of supplying [with those goods] nueva españa, the windward islands [islas de barlobento], the new kingdom of granada, tierra-firme, and perù, as we have seen for the last forty years, when, as those who are intelligent [in these matters] understand, it is not possible to do so even with two millions' worth of goods of the said class?" manila is accused of fraud, bad faith, and deceit in the conduct of that trade and in misrepresenting it to the government; and the royal officials, of collusion in the illegal trade, and disobedience to the royal decrees which commanded that the original invoices and sworn statements of goods should be sent to the council of the indias. the only way to check this procedure is to prohibit entirely to manila the trade in chinese silks; and cadiz offers to make up this lack by ceding to manila the entire spice trade in nueva españa. the following estimate, based on the amount of spices carried thither by the trading-fleet, is made of the value of this trade: of cinnamon, that country needs 250,000 libras annually, which, estimated at eight silver reals a libra (although it has been worth at manila nine reals), would amount to 250,000 pesos; 100,000 libras of pepper, at one silver real in manila, 12,500 pesos; 10,000 libras of cloves, at twelve reals, 15,000 pesos; in all, 277,500 pesos, which is somewhat more than half of the amount of investment now allowed to manila. "it is certain that if only the merchants of philipinas trade in these commodities, they will advance the price more than 150 per cent, obtaining their money in acapulco." besides the spices, they have permission to trade in many other commodities which are generally desirable for the trade with nueva españa, where the consumption of these is great; and there is more than enough of these to fill out the 500,000 pesos' worth of goods allowed them. the result of this arrangement would be to revive the ruined silk industry of españa (and "experience makes it plain to us that there is no other fabric than silk, of our own weaving, which can produce any profits"), besides retaining within the domains of españa the money which now goes to heathens and infidels. "while the commerce of philipinas shall last, as it is now carried on, neither the conquests, nor the reduction of the indians, will proceed with the increase that people confidently believe; but rather these will be diminished," because the spaniards who have money care only for commerce and not for the propagation of the faith. this is proved by their neglect of the interests of the natives in luzón; for "we do not see that the spaniards apply themselves to what is so much their obligation, since they so loudly profess it; and consequently they will not reëstablish the manufactures of cotton fabrics, which can very well be done in those same islands--by which industry the natives furnish this product, and others which are yielded there can be more easily obtained; and in this case it would be money for those citizens if they would apply themselves to this enterprise, instead of the commerce which they have with the chinese and other infidels." these papers were, as usual, sent to the fiscal, whose reply came before the council on january 8, 1735. he disapproves the proposals of cadiz, since the prices of cinnamon and other commodities are liable to fluctuation, and the amount of profit for manila would be uncertain and variable; cinnamon is a bulky product, and the necessary amount could not be carried in the galleon now assigned to the manila trade; the merchants could not be sure of a favorable sale at acapulco, "which at the fairs is secured by the diversity and abundance of commodities;" moreover, the dutch, from whom the cinnamon was bought, would raise its price as soon as they should learn that the spaniards of filipinas were the only ones to whom was permitted the shipment of spices to america. if the manila shippers failed to secure the full amount for returns, the royal treasury would not receive as much from customs duties as usual, and must therefore make up the resulting deficiency in the situado sent to the islands. "it would also follow that even if the merchants of españa should religiously observe the agreement which they propose, of not trading in that merchandise, the illicit importations into that kingdom [of nueva españa] would be attempted with even greater activity; and as in that country there is so general a use of chocolate, in the manufacture of which would be consumed the greater part of the cinnamon, all that extensive kingdom would find itself compelled to buy [cinnamon] at one port only, and through one agency--being always exposed [to the danger] that in a year when the philipinas ship could not make the voyage (as has happened), or encountered mishaps through accidents which might occur, that country would experience the deprivation of this article of sustenance, or at least a great scarcity in a commodity so generally used, as is well known." the fiscal also reminds the council that the trade in spices may be shared with the royal company of england, which is "authorized to trade, in its annual ship, in the goods which it shall choose, in which it could include the cinnamon, and through this agency introduce it into mexico; in this it would seriously injure the commerce of manila during all the time which remains for the fulfilment of this agreement, and would be opposed to the freedom of his majesty in proroguing it, or making it anew with some other power. such action could not be hindered by the commerce of españa, and as little by the royal company of cadiz, founded by his majesty on march 29, 1733, which could introduce this commodity into mexico." the fiscal recommends that a junta be convened in mexico to discuss this subject, and give their opinions and advice thereon to the council; and that manila and cadiz be invited to send representatives to this conference. on february 9 the council agreed to send to the deputies of filipinas a copy of the cadiz memorial, with a statement of the arguments advanced by general pintado (but suppressing the name of the author), in order that they might answer it.] 223-224. [the filipinas deputies made answer to this attack by cadiz, in a long memorial dated march 30, 1735. manila claims to have enjoyed the possession of the silk trade with china from the discovery of the islands, and that these goods were never excluded from its trade with nueva españa--to which country that trade was not confined until the decrees of 1587-93--until 1720, when, at the instance of andalusia, a prohibition of the chinese silks was made, although it lasted only four years. the charges by cadiz of frauds in the lading of the manila galleon have no foundation in fact; the cited statement by don francisco fagoaga does not appear among the documents on the subject, and is "a fanciful supposition;" and the valuations are made by appraisers appointed by the governor of filipinas, under their solemn oath to fulfil their duties faithfully and well, while the royal fiscal acts as superintendent of both the valuations and the lading. manila's former assertions refuting in detail, and with citations from the official records of manila and acapulco, the accusations of infractions and excess of the permission, are repeated here, as also the statements regarding the mexican junta of 1732 and the concessions made to the company of philipinas, formed among the cadiz shippers. the overstocking of the markets in nueva españa is caused, not by the silk goods shipped from manila, but by the enormous quantities of cloth and stuffs (largely manufactured outside of españa) sent to that country by the cadiz merchants; they have sent eighteen or twenty ships [14] in each fleet, although formerly there were but ten or twelve--"on account of which excess his majesty has finally resolved that only eight shall go in the next armada, without doubt because of the great outcry regarding this by the commerce of mexico." moreover, those same traders of cadiz have secured the concession of fifty toneladas of chinese silks for each ship that they may send out, to be sold in america; the little that is shipped from manila ought not to be considered in comparison with that traffic, and is intended, besides, for the poorer classes, who cannot afford to buy the more expensive fabrics. if the western indias have been inundated with chinese silks, it is caused not by the shipments from manila, but by the great trade in these goods which is carried on by the english and dutch, who have factories and warehouses in jamayca and curazau [i.e., curaçao], which they supply from china and other oriental countries with fleets of more than forty ships, and trade those goods in the american islands (as cadiz is well aware). as for the offer of cadiz to yield to manila all the trade in spices to nueva españa, that trade has never been prohibited to manila nor has it been the exclusive privilege of cadiz, so the offer amounts to nothing. nor has cadiz any right to dictate to nueva españa its source of supply for spices, since both the english and the cadiz companies have the privilege of trading there in these goods; moreover, large quantities of pepper are produced in the mexican districts of chiapa and tabasco; both these causes tend to injure the sale of spices carried from manila thither. as these spices (except pepper, which has but little value in any case) are monopolized by the dutch, they are likely to refuse to sell them to the filipinas merchants (as has occurred frequently before), because the dutch need them for lading their own fleets; or they will raise the prices, supposing that filipinas must buy from them. the cinnamon is so bulky (as it cannot be pressed) that much space on the galleon is thus lost, as well as by the necessity of carrying two-thirds more ballast than usual, because of the light weight of the cinnamon; and the voyage of the manila galleon is incomparably longer, more difficult, and more perilous than that of the spanish ships to america. the amount of spices allotted to the galleon by pintado would fill all its available capacity, leaving no room for any other goods; and it would be impossible for the shippers to secure any profit from such a cargo--for which they could not find a market in nueva españa, for lack of the other goods. nor would it be possible to dispose of more than half the amount of pepper and cloves which cadiz proposes for them, since that is enough to supply the needs of that country. in any case, the profit on the spices will be insufficient, if manila is restricted to these goods, without the silks, to produce the amount which those islands need for their support. this is proved by tabulated statements of the prices, costs, and returns on each one of the three kinds of spices concerned; these we present here in somewhat condensed form. a churlo [15] of cinnamon, of the measure which the commerce of manila orders to be observed, weighs 150 libras gross, but the net weight is twelve libras less, after deducting the weight of the coverings and wrappings. the cost in manila is nine silver reals a libra; for the space which the churlo occupies is usually paid forty pesos; for porterage, royal duties, notary's fees, etc., 8 pesos. on the voyage it loses two per cent in weight, so that but 135 libras remain for sale; it brings at acapulco eighteen reals a libra, amounting to 303 pesos, 6 reals. from this must be deducted the following payments: royal duties, 32 pesos; unlading at acapulco, notary's fees, etc., 7 pesos, 2 reals; commission to the agent for its sale, at five per cent, 15 pesos, 1 1/2 reals; five per cent royal duties on shipment of the returns to manila, 12 pesos, 3 reals; two and 1/2 per cent on the net returns, paid to the keeper of the silver, 5 pesos, 6 1/2 reals. from these figures it appears that it costs 203 pesos, 2 reals to place the churlo of cinnamon on shipboard at manila, and 72 pesos, 5 reals to sell it and return the money to the shipper there; deducting these expenses from the amount received for its sale, the profit of the shipper is but 27 pesos, 7 reals, or about 13 1/2 per cent. pepper: 100,000 libras of this product make 4,000 arrobas; this quantity (since each pieza is estimated at six arrobas or 150 libras, without the wrappers) makes 666 piezas. pepper is sold at manila at one real a libra, so that the pieza costs for purchase 18 pesos, 6 reals; it costs 43 pesos more to place it on the ship, and 18 pesos, 7 reals besides for expenses of sale and shipment of returns--in all, 80 pesos, 5 reals. at acapulco it would sell at four reals a libra, the pieza, therefore, bringing 75 pesos; the shipper, then, instead of gaining any profit has lost 5 pesos 5 reals by the transaction. cloves: these are packed in chests containing 150 libras each; the purchase at manila costs twelve reals a libra, so the chest costs 225 pesos. add to this the cost of placing it aboard, duties, cost of unlading and sale at acapulco, and for the shipment of returns, 146 pesos, 7 reals, and the total cost is 371 pesos, 7 reals. the cloves shrink on the voyage, involving a wastage of three per cent; at acapulco they sell at three pesos a libra, and the 145 1/2 libras thus bring 436 pesos, 4 reals--the net profit to the shipper being 64 pesos, 5 reals, or about 24 per cent. the prices quoted above are based on those which have been current in manila and acapulco for the past five years. it is evident, therefore, that the spice trade could not compensate in any way for the loss of that in silks; nor has cadiz made allowance for the possible failure of a galleon to reach acapulco, which would ruin the market for the one which should arrive in the following year, since the spices thus lacking would be supplied through the atlantic ports of nueva españa. the customs duties would be much less on a cargo of spices, and thus impair the royal revenues; for each chest of silk pays 55 pesos for duties, and each bag of cinnamon only 35. the incomes of the spaniards in filipinas would be so reduced that they could no longer defend the islands from the moro pirates, or from the dutch, who would thus become masters of them; and the spanish colony and the christian churches formed among the natives would alike be ruined.] 225-233. [this memorial from the philipinas deputies was communicated to the deputy from the commercial interests of españa, joseph lopez pintado, on march 31, 1735; and on the first of june following he presented another in reply, accompanied by various illustrative documents. the former arguments are repeated, but various interesting data are adduced in their support. pintado states that the looms for making silk fabrics in españa numbered more than 70,000 in the days when that industry flourished there. nueva españa was forbidden to cultivate the vine and the olive, in order to protect those industries in españa. the commerce of manila in chinese silks has ruined the silk manufacture not only in españa but in mexico, where formerly was worked up the raw silk carried by the manila galleon. cadiz claims that the decree of april 8, 1734, was obtained on the strength of the representations made by the manila deputies, without giving cadiz any opportunity for remonstrance; abreu furnishes at this point a marginal note to explain this, saying that the king asked the council of the indias to report on the matter as quickly as possible, and that the action which he wished to take brought the question back to the status which it had on previous occasions of this sort, when the commerce of andalusia had had a full hearing; they had therefore considered it unnecessary to hear its arguments again. the enactments of 1593 are cited to show that not until then was the commerce of manila restricted, and that because it was injuring that of españa; but this and succeeding laws show that it was the royal intention to allow manila sufficient trade to provide for its needs and support. moreover, after the islands were conquered a large territory was allotted to manila (as to other spanish colonies) for its support; and in its early history these lands produced abundantly for the maintenance of the inhabitants. besides these, the cotton fabrics made by the natives were more than enough to supply the islands, and became the basis of the exchange and barter trade with china. manila ought to return to these industries for its support, and has no right to expect that it be supported without them. all the realms of españa are under obligation to support the crown; but manila asks the crown to support it, at the expense of great injury to the interests of españa itself. the citizens of manila have yielded to idleness and sloth, and have allowed the idolatrous sangleys to monopolize and manage the industries and even the commerce of the islands. some of the mestizos had erected looms for the manufacture of the finer kinds of cotton fabrics, but the sangleys succeeded in breaking up this enterprise. a section of the memorial is devoted to proving that the permission to manila to trade in chinese silks has not been and is not of use for the increase and propagation of the catholic faith in those regions, which has flourished without manila and its commerce; on the other hand, the success and profits of that commerce have been caused largely by the work of the missionaries, especially in china. as for the chinese who are converted at manila (drawn thither by the opportunity for trade), they usually become christians for selfish and worldly ends, and soon relapse into their former heathenism. they even have a proverb: "in manila, [do] as in manila; in china, [do] as in china." their infidelity and atheism have a bad influence on the indian converts, who learn many evil things from the chinese, as also do the converts in china itself; and the citizens of manila are reproached for their familiar relations with those infidels. they have also allowed the chinese to get control of affairs and commerce in manila, and the latter are living on their blood. in españa, both canon and civil law prohibit intercourse with mahometans and idolaters, and it is not long since the moriscos were expelled from that country--notwithstanding "the great products of their industry, the tributes which they paid into the royal treasury, the commerce of the province [of andalusia] which through them was greater than that of the other realms, and even (which is more important) their being the sheep [of the church], which manila says ought to be sought out and preserved; for, as it had been found impossible to secure the purity of religion by the means which the law set forth, it was necessary, in view of the duty of preserving and maintaining the holy catholic faith in the kingdom in quiet, peace, and security, to expel and cast out those people. accordingly, in order to preserve the faith in philipinas, which is a matter that should receive careful attention, the prohibition of their commerce [with the chinese] is necessary, which is of even less estimation than that of those expelled moriscoes." in another section, cadiz reminds the king that in the compilation of the statutes of the realm provision is made that no decree or ordinance which is contrary to law and right, or which is injurious to certain regions, shall have force; and this should apply to the decree of 1734 permitting to manila the commerce in silks, since that has deprived the spanish traders of their rights and privileges in the results of their commerce, and has ruined the silk industry in that country. thus is greatly injured the prosperity of the provinces in which it was exercised; and this reacts on the entire kingdom of españa, reducing so many artisans to poverty, causing them to abandon their families or their native places, and bringing many to idleness and crime. cadiz again alleges the frauds in the manila commerce, declaring that the goods sent to acapulco are appraised at less than the fourth of their current value in manila, and are sold at 100 per cent advance on that actual value; and that these illegal acts are promoted by the merchants of mexico, in collusion with those of manila--all of which may be proved by the documents in the archives of the council of the indias. this trade of manila in silks from china enriches a small class of wealthy merchants (in both manila and mexico), the only ones who have the wealth to engage in and profit by it--and this at the expense of the poor and those who have but moderate funds, by absorbing the opportunities and profits in which the latter ought by right to have a share. the chinese goods, moreover, are of poor and flimsy quality, and last only one-fourth to one-half the time that the spanish fabrics do. cadiz supports its arguments by many citations from the laws of the realm; among these are prohibitions against exporting the products or commodities of one province or city to another--as, no salt, wine, must, or vinegar might enter castilla from aragón or navarra; and the silk of calabria and napoles must not be imported into the cities of segovia, zamora, salamanca, cordova, and cuenca--although all these were parts of the spanish empire. in line with these is the desired prohibition of the silk trade to manila, especially since that trade is so injurious to the commerce and industry of the mother-country. in that case manila should have (by another law cited) an equivalent benefit; and cadiz has already proposed this, in the spice trade--to which it has a right, but is willing to cede it to manila. the arguments brought forward by manila as to the consumption of spice in nueva españa, the bulky character of that merchandise, the costs of transportation and sale, duties, etc., are met by cadiz with others to refute or weaken the former. the manila galleon brought to acapulco in 1729 cinnamon to the amount of 99,233 libras, and in the following year 167,100 libras. the fleets from españa carried thither the following cargoes of that spice: in 1723, 105,201 libras; in 1725, 143,629 libras; in 1729, 225,012 libras; in 1732, 182,163 libras. add to this the amounts which the manila galleons transport; those which are carried in pack-cloth bales [arpillería] (subject to palméo [16]), in order to gain the benefit of the [reduced?] freight charges; and, besides, those which the licensed ship from inglaterra conveys (of which no definite calculation can be made): it is morally certain that the annual consumption of nueva españa will amount to and even exceed the 250,000 libras. even if it should fall below that, there are other facts to be considered. it is true that "when the traders from españa, england, and filipinas all come at the same time--that is, in the month of march, when the fairs are held (for the first two nations, at xalapa; and for the last, at acapulco)--the price is usually broken to 18 reals of silver a libra, as the deputies state; but they omit what is more worthy of consideration. this is, that in the intermediate years between the trading-fleets, and according to the circumstances of the times, the price of this commodity rises to so excessive a degree that, from the year 1706 to that of 1709, on account of the wars in europa and the failure of fleets to go to nueva españa, a libra of cinnamon was maintained at twelve to thirteen pesos, this great profit being secured by the ships from philipinas, which came in those years to acapulco. and from the year 1725 to that of 1730 (at which time the petitioner [i.e., pintado] was in mexico) i knew from experience that in the ship which came in the year 1728 the philipinos sold the cinnamon at five pesos a libra; and those who did not return in the galleon, and conveyed to mexico some quantities of the cinnamon, succeeded in selling it at eight to nine pesos. in the year 1729, it was disposed of in acapulco at thirty silver reals [or 3 3/4 pesos]. this is what occurs, and always will occur, on the aforesaid occasions of interval [between fleets], and, too, [it occurred] when the trade was carried on by both parties (which is what deprives commodities of value, through being handled by many persons); the exclusive control [of this spice], then, remaining in the [hands of the] philipinos, from their being the only ones who transport it, the reputation and value which they can give it, and the lucrative profits which (without contest) they will obtain, are not doubtful." the objections raised by manila in regard to expected competition are not well founded: the company of philipinas is in an inactive condition, and its directors have apparently abandoned their scheme, but in any case cadiz would feel responsible for not allowing that company to injure manila's spice trade; and, as for the english ship, the king can persuade or prevent its owners from including spices in their cargoes. the prices of spice charged to manila by the dutch are much more likely to fall than to rise, when manila has the exclusive control of that trade. cadiz asserts that the costs of trade enumerated by manila are too large, and modifies them thus: cinnamon (of which, as in all other commodities, there are three grades--poor, medium, and excellent) ought to cost but 8 reals at manila. the duties paid there, on the basis of 44 ducados (of 11 reals each) a tonelada, should be only 13 pesos a churlo, according to its measurement in palmos; and the other expenses of placing it on board amount to 3 pesos--so that it costs only 154 pesos a sack to convey the cinnamon to acapulco, instead of 203, as manila claims. the profit, therefore, amounts to 77 pesos, 1 real, which is equal to 50 per cent, instead of 13. in the same way cadiz reckons the gain on pepper at 96 per cent, and on cloves at 43 per cent, against manila's estimate of a loss on pepper and a gain of 24 per cent on cloves. it must be noted, too, that manila is not satisfied with less than 100 per cent gain, while the spanish traders are hardly able to make good the principal cost of their wares. the amount of ballast required for a light cargo is also overstated; this matter has been duly investigated by the officials of the india house at cadiz, and it appears that the maximum amount of ballast for a ship of 1,000 toneladas, of the usual construction and of american timbers, is 333 toneladas for a cargo of light goods (such as cinnamon and bales of cloth). the philipinas ship carries stone for ballast; the 333 toneladas of this, each weighing twenty quintals, are equivalent (by cubic measure) to 117 toneladas of the vessel's lading-space or capacity, which leaves 883 toneladas of space in the hold for the cargo. to augment the above amount of ballast would too greatly reduce the cargo, and even the necessary supplies for the voyage. cadiz criticises the construction of the manila galleons, especially as they are evidently built so as to carry a larger cargo than that which is allowed by the permission--as is confirmed by the large amounts of property that have been confiscated at acapulco. the "elephant" lienzos may be estimated to fill 800 bales, each containing 20 piezas, and each pieza being valued at 3 pesos; and the cotton stuffs and raw silk, etc., 1,512 bales, each worth at least 125 pesos. these cotton stuffs, when fine, are handsome, and find a large demand and sale in nueva españa; moreover, the raw silk imported into that country is worked up in mexico, and is an important article of commerce. when the importation of chinese silks is prohibited there, "the manufactories which had begun to be established in mexico will be protected; in these many persons were occupied, and were supported by working floss and twisted silk into fringes [galon], and into the fabrics which were used in mexico, produced by those factories." the "elephant" stuffs, "being equivalent to rouen linen, and conveniently supplied, are purchased in nueva españa not only to be used as white goods, but they are dyed for linings and other purposes." the extent of their consumption is shown by the quantities of them that the manila galleon brings to nueva españa: 3,117 bales in 1729, and 2,432 in 1730; but even these large importations did not overstock the market there. the customs duties are not diminished, as manila claims, by the prohibition of chinese silks; the cargo proposed by cadiz would yield the regular amount of these duties, amounting to 17 per cent of the returns, as follows: on 168 sacks of cinnamon, at 32 pesos, they amount to 54,016 pesos; on 2,312 bales of cotton stuffs, etc., at 30 pesos each, 69,360 pesos; the five per cent exacted on the shipment of the silver for returns, figured only on a return of 900,000 pesos, 45,000 pesos. this leaves a balance of only 1,624 pesos to be levied on the wax, pepper, and other miscellaneous wares of the cargo, to fill out the 17 per cent demanded by the crown. manila has omitted to include any estimate of the import duties which would be collected in that city on the cinnamon which cadiz desires it to handle; these would certainly indemnify manila for the losses incurred by the lack of the chinese silks. among the papers accompanying this memorial are official certificates of the amounts of spice carried to nueva españa by the trading-fleets from cadiz during 1723-32; the quantity of cinnamon in each has been already mentioned, cloves were not included in any of their cargoes, and pepper diminished from 54,804 libras in 1723 to none in 1732. another document is the report of an investigation made at cadiz as to the measures of bales and chests and of the churlo in which the cinnamon is transported; this last was found to measure 30 cubic palmos outside the vessel's hold, but 38 palmos when within it. arquéo is defined as "the computation or estimate which is made of the bulk of the lading which the ship contains in its hold; this burden was measured by toneladas, each one of which contained 8 cubic codos, and each codo consisted of 33 dedos of the 48 into which the castilian vara (which is commonly called 'the vara of measure') was divided. the tonelada, having as its [cubic] root two codos, or 66 dedos, contains 287,496 cubic dedos; dividing this number by 1,728, the number of cubic dedos in a cubic palmo, or quarter of a vara, each tonelada of arquéo is equivalent to 166 3/8 cubic palmos; from this it is deduced that if the ship is one of 1,000 toneladas, it will contain 166,375 cubic palmos, and in the same ratio for any other tonnage. as for the regulation of the spaces between decks [entrepuentes] by the capacity of their storerooms, no general rule could be given, on account of the great irregularity which was observed in them; for this matter was at the discretion of the shipbuilders, and according to the object for which the vessel was built."] 237-241. [this memorial having been sent to the fiscal, he replied (november 10, 1735) that the proposal of cadiz was not a fair one; for the purchase of 250,000 libras of cinnamon, and the costs of placing that amount in the acapulco market, would amount, even at cadiz's own figures, to an investment of 277,008 pesos, and at manila's to 331,024 pesos, while cadiz had assumed but 250,000 as the amount to be put into cinnamon by manila. the result would be that manila either would not transport all that quantity to nueva españa, or would lose part of the profit on its shipment. the profits at acapulco are not sufficient, on either class of commodities proposed by cadiz, to yield the amount which is permitted to manila as returns on its shipments. the spices can never be an equivalent (as cadiz would claim) for the chinese silks; for a tonelada of cinnamon, which space is occupied with only 600 libras, is worth at manila 600 pesos, and a tonelada of silk goods is worth 4,000 pesos, if not more. the amount of cinnamon proposed by cadiz would occupy 416 2/3 toneladas, and the ballast (on a galleon of 900 toneladas) 300 more; this would leave for the cotton stuffs, etc. (all of which are bulky goods) only 183 1/3 toneladas, with which it would be impossible to complete the 250,000 pesos of investment allowed to manila. but when they are allowed to carry chinese silks, these are contained in 500 piezas, which occupy but 62 1/2 toneladas, each tonelada worth 4,000 pesos; and there remain to the shippers 3,500 piezas for the cheaper and bulky goods. the fiscal declares that even if the spices were an equivalent in value for the silk trade, the proposed commerce in them would be injurious to all parties concerned. "the losses to the royal exchequer would consist in the less value of the duties which the 250,000 libras of cinnamon would contribute [to it] in españa than in acapulco. for in that port they would amount, as the fiscal has been informed, to 21,944 pesos; and in cadiz the import duties alone for the millon and alcavala pay 34 pesos a quintal of 100 libras, and, with those of export for the indias (which, according to plan, are 20 pesos a quintal), would amount to 160,000 pesos. to this sum ought to be added at least 50 per cent for the greater value of money in cadiz, where his majesty will receive it [for the duties] immediately, than in the indias; and with all these the royal exchequer will be defrauded to the extent of 218,056 pesos." the price of cinnamon will rise, when only the amount actually needed is sold; and this will be a burden on the general public. if the spice trade be limited to the philippine merchants, there is nothing to hinder those of mexico from "cornering" the market, and selling such quantities only as they please, at enormous prices; moreover, the failure of the annual shipment from manila (which is possible in any year) would cause great scarcity of this product throughout the great kingdom of nueva españa, and this would be a serious injury to its citizens--"especially in an article [like this], for the lack of which there is no equivalent which can make it good; nor is its expenditure limited by the variety of uses [to which it can be put], or by the frequent inconstancy of fashions, like other merchandise, but depends on a certain and assured consumption." this compulsory spice trade would injure manila itself not only for the reasons already cited, but because it is possible that the dutch would refuse to sell the cinnamon to the philippine shippers; and then, with the chinese silks cut off from them, they would find it impossible to continue their commerce with nueva españa. in any case, the dutch would have it in their power to demand whatever price they might choose to place on their commodities; and the interruption of that traffic for two or three years would not hurt the dutch, for they could sell it to european traders and be sure of their profits; but the injurious effects of such proceeding would react on the manila merchants, the people of nueva españa, and the income of the spanish treasury. if at any time cinnamon should bring in nueva españa the enormous prices which cadiz has previously quoted, that would not help manila, since its returns are limited to 1,000,000 pesos; the unusual profits would only benefit the mexican traders who had bought the spice by wholesale at acapulco. the assertion of cadiz that the manila merchants gain on the cinnamon 150 per cent at acapulco does not count, for it entirely ignores the costs and expenses which, as has been demonstrated, reduce their net gain to 50 per cent. for all these reasons, the fiscal declines to approve the proposals of cadiz. in view of this reply, the council agreed (november 16) to call for a summary view of the whole question, with all the documents concerned. at this point, information was received from cadiz that the fleet which had just arrived had brought a sack of cinnamon as a specimen of that which was produced in the philippine islands, and that the quality of this surpassed that of the cinnamon brought from the dutch colonies. on january 21, 1736, the deputies from filipinas presented a new but brief memorial, refuting some arguments by cadiz in regard to the proposed substitution of the spice trade for that in silks, and for this purpose citing a royal decree of 1638 in their favor, which cadiz had declared not to be in the recopilación of the laws, and proving, by duly attested declarations, that the said decree existed in the manila archives. at the end of these appears a final paragraph by abreu, the compiler of the extracto: "all that is thus far set forth is what up to the present time has been done and appears in the expediente of the important and long-standing negotiation in regard to the commerce of philipinas with nueva españa, according to the acts, royal decrees, memorials, and other documents furnished to us by the office of the secretary for nueva españa, in order that this summary [extracto] might be drawn up and arranged, in obedience to the order of the council. the series of the proceedings in regard to the 'equivalent' [17] (which this 'period x' comprises) remains, however, imperfect until they shall be concluded and ended by the advisory report of the council and the decision of the king; but it seemed best not to wait for that, for the sake of facilitating, by this summary, the more exact understanding of the gentlemen who are to express their opinions in regard to the 'equivalent.' at madrid, may 11, 1736."] bibliographical data the matter in the present volume comes from many widely different sources. they are as follows: 1. commerce of the philippines.--see bibliographical data of vol. xliv, no. 6. 2. letter from ecclesiastical cabildo.--ms. from archivo general de indias, sevilla, bearing pressmark, "simancas-eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del cabildo eclesiastico de filipinas vistos en el consejo, años 1586 á 1670; estante 68, cajón i, legajo 35." 3. the college of san josé.--i, from colin's labor evangelica (madrid, 1663), book iii, part of chapter xviii, pp. 414-418; from a copy of the original work belonging to edward e. ayer. ii, compiled from various sources, fully credited in footnotes. 4. the college and university of santo tomás.--i, from baltasar de santa cruz's historia (zaragoza, 1693), book i, chapter xxxvi, pp. 168-172; from a copy of the original work belonging to edward e. ayer. ii, from algunos documentos relativos á la universidad de manila (madrid, 1892), pp. 35-37. iii, from census of the philippines (washington, 1905), iii, pp. 622-626. 5. royal college of san felipe de austria.--i, from casimiro diaz's conquistas (valladolid, 1890), book ii, portion of chapter xxxv, pp. 446, 447. ii, from notes of pablo pastells, s.j., in his edition of colin's labor evangélica (barcelona, 1904), ii, pp. 261-268, 493, 494. 6. secular priests in the philippines.--from ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iii, pp. 9, 10. 7. royal decree concerning native schools.--from vicente barrantes's instrucción primaria (madrid, 1869), pp. 74-76; from copy belonging to the library of congress. 8. college-seminary of san felipe.--i, from ms. in archivo-histórico nacional, madrid, where it is found in legajo 10 of the jesuit papers. ii, from juan de la concepción's historia general (sampaloc, 1788-1792), viii, parts of chapters xiii and xiv, pp. 315-338; from a copy of the original work in the possession of the editors. 9. college of san juan de letran.--from vicente salazar's historia (manila, 1742), book i, chapter ii, pp. 7-12; from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. 10. law regulating marriages of students.--from colección de autos acordados (manila, 1861-1866), i, pp. 149, 150; from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. 11. royal decree ordering the teaching of spanish in native schools.--from barrantes's instrucción primaria, pp. 80-82. 12. conciliar seminaries.--i, from colección de autos acordados, v, pp. 15-17. ii, from archipiélago filipino (washington, 1900), i, pp. 343, 344; and doctrina y reglas constitucionales de la iglesia filipina independiente (manila, 1904), pp. 14, 15, 42, 43, and 67, 68. 13. nautical school.--i, from colección de autos acordados, i, pp. 318, 319. ii, from archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349; and census of phil., iii, p. 613. 14. boys' singing school.--from archipiélago filipino, i, pp. 349, 350. 15. public instruction.--from sinibaldo de mas's informe (madrid, 1843), ii, no. 12. 16. educational institutions and conditions.--from j. mallat's les philippines (paris, 1846), ii, pp. 239-253; from copy belonging to edward e. ayer. 17. privileges granted to students.--from colección de autos acordados, ii, pp. 128, 129. 18. superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving.--from archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349; and census of phil., iii, p. 614. 19. ateneo municipal.--from archipiélago filipino, i, p. 343; and census of phil., iii, pp. 603, 604. 20. educational suggestions.--from vicente barrantes's apuntes interesantes (madrid, 1870), pp. 218-225; from a copy belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. 21. public instruction.--from josé montero y vidal's archipiélago filipino (madrid, 1886), pp. 187-193. 22. girls' schools in manila and the provinces.--from dominican report, 1887, copied from census of phil., iii, pp. 616-620. 23. school of agriculture.--from reports of philippine commission (washington), 1900, i, p. 39, 1901, i, p. 145, 1900-1903, p. 601; and reports of commissioner of education (washington), 1897-1898, i, p. 980, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1625, 1626, 1902, ii, pp. 2233, 2234. 24. government reorganization of education in the university of santo tomás.--from ms. belonging to edward e. ayer. appendix: education in the philippines letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to felipe iii. juan de bivero, and others; july 12, 1601. the college of san josé. in two parts. i--francisco colin, s.j.; 1663. ii--summary of history compiled from various sources. the college and university of santo tomás. in three parts. i--baltasar de santa cruz, o.p.; 1693. ii--cárlos iii, march 7, 1785. iii--evarista fernandez arias, o.p.; july 2, 1885. royal college of san felipe de austria. in two parts. i--casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; valladolid, 1890. ii--pastells's notes in his edition of colin's labor evangélica; 1904. secular priests in the philippines. felipe pardo, o.p.; june 6, 1680. royal decree concerning native schools. cárlos ii; june 20, 1686. college-seminary of san felipe. in two parts. i--felipe v; march 3, 1710. ii--juan de la concepción; 1788-1792. college of san juan de letran. vicente salazar, o.p.; 1742. law regulating marriages of students. cárlos iv; june 11, 1792. royal decree ordering the teaching of spanish in native schools. cárlos iv; december 22, 1792. conciliar seminaries. in two parts. i--governor rafael maría de aguilar y ponce de leon; march 26, 1803. ii--excerpts from various sources. nautical school. in two parts. i----chacon; may 9, 1839. ii--compiled from various sources. boys' singing school. 1901. public instruction. sinibaldo de mas; 1843. educational institutions and conditions. j. mallat; 1846. privileges granted to students. ---arrazola; december 2, 1847. superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving. compiled from various sources. ateneo municipal. compiled from various sources. educational suggestions. vicente barrantes; 1870. public instruction. josé montero y vidal; 1886. girls' schools in manila and the provinces. compiled from various sources. school of agriculture. compiled from various sources. government reorganization of education in the university of santo tomás. dr. e. montero rios, and others; october 29, 1890. sources: the material for this appendix is obtained as follows: i. ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla. ii. i--francisco colin's labor evangelica (madrid, 1663), book iii, part of chapter xviii, pp. 414-418, from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer; ii--compiled from various sources, fully credited in footnotes. iii. i--baltasar de santa cruz's historia (zaragoza, 1693), book i, chapter xxxvi, pp. 168-172, from copy belonging to edward e. ayer; ii--algunos documentos relativos á la universidad de manila (madrid, 1892), pp. 35-37; iii--census of the philippines (washington, 1905), iii, pp. 622-626. iv. i--casimiro diaz's conquistas (valladolid, 1890), book ii, part of chapter xxxv, pp. 446, 447; ii--pablo pastells's notes to his edition of colin's labor evangélica (barcelona, 1904), ii, pp. pp. 261-268, 493, 494. v. ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iii, pp. 9, 10. vi. copy of decree published in barrantes's instrucción primaria (madrid, 1869), pp. 74-76, from copy belonging to the library of congress. vii. i--ms. in archivo-historico nacional, madrid; ii--juan de la concepción's historia general (sampaloc, 1788-1792), viii, parts of chapters xiii and xiv, pp. 315-338, from a copy in the possession of the editors. viii. vicente salazar's historia (manila, 1742), book i, chapter ii, pp. 7-12, from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. ix. colección de autos acordados (manila, 1861-1866), i, pp. 149, 150, from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. x. barrantes's instrucción primaria, pp. 80-82. xi. i--colección de autos acordados, v, pp. 15-17; ii--archipiélago filipino (washington, 1900), i, pp. 343, 344, census of phil., iii, pp. 611, 612, and doctrina y reglas constitucionales de la iglesia filipina independiente (manila, 1904), pp. 14, 15, 42, 43, and 67, 68. xii. i--colección de autos acordados, i, pp. 318, 319; ii--archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349, and census of phil., iii, p. 613. xiii. archipiélago filipino, i, pp. 349, 350. xiv. sinibaldo de mas's informe (madrid, 1843), ii, no. 12. xv. j. mallat's les philippines (paris, 1846), ii, pp. 239-253, from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. xvi. colección de autos acordados, ii, pp. 128, 129. xvii. archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349, and census of phil., iii, p. 614. xviii. archipiélago filipino, i, p. 343, and census of phil., iii, pp. 603, 604. xix. vicente barrantes's apuntes interesantes (madrid, 1870), pp. 218-225, from a copy belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. xx. montero y vidal's archipiélago filipino (madrid, 1886), pp. 187-193. xxi. dominican report, 1887, from census of phil., iii, pp. 616-620. xxii. reports of philippine commission, 1900, i, p. 39, 1901, i, p. 145, 1900-1903, p. 601; and reports of commissioner of education, 1897-1898, i, p. 980, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1625, 1626, 1902, ii, pp. 2233, 2234. xxiii. ms. belonging to edward e. ayer. translations and compilations: these are all by james a. robertson, except no. v, above, which is by emma helen blair. letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to felipe iii sire: considering that your majesty's great desire has always shown that these filipinas islands should increase in all things, and they may without doubt increase greatly for the service of god and that of your majesty, if perchance your majesty's ministers aid them by observing the royal decrees (for no more would be necessary); understanding also that some of those religious who come here would like to have your majesty grant them favor by giving them a university in these islands, [18] and authority to confer the degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and other degrees: we have considered that, the case having been well examined, this is not fitting, either for the service of your majesty, or for the welfare and increase of this land. we believe that we shall give very clear and very apparent reasons for this. for if a religious order has the said university, never will the children and those born in this country have any advantage, nor will they advance any in letters. for, since it is a fact that virtue increases with reward, which is the honor, if the religious hold all the professorships, the seculars will have no incentive which encourages them to rise and to study solidly. a professorship and the thought of being able to get one makes many study. second, it would be a great pity and even a great cause of ruin for the country, if the children of its inhabitants did not have anything more to which to aspire than a benefice of indians, or at most one single benefice which exists, of spaniards, in all this archbishopric, namely, this curacy of manila, and four or five others of indians, which exist in all these islands. all of those benefices will be given by the bishops to their servants unless students are found here such that their conscience obliges them to favor such students. if the professorships should be given only to religious, no encouragement could be given to the children of the citizens here to study earnestly, at the most more than a little grammar. for that would be enough for them so that a benefice might be given them. third, it is necessary for the religious orders themselves here, for the children of citizens to have the wherewithal with which to be encouraged to study, and to pretend to honorable and great things. for, by such people must the orders be fed and sustained. and it is fitting that those who should take the habit in them should have studied very well, and with honorable intention, and not that men of little mind and learning should enter the orders. fourth, it is right that this metropolitan church of manila and the other cathedrals of these islands should have men truly erudite who may enter them and hold their prebends. this is impossible to attain if all the seculars who enter them must be only students, and only scholars, and no one can be a master, or hold a professorship, and it is well known how unadvisable that is. it is right and necessary for the mother churches to have in their own body very eminent men, and no one is eminent ordinarily but those who have taught and held professorships. fifth, the religious will be well able to teach theology and the arts, but canons and laws, which, particularly the canons, are also necessary for churches and for the community, cannot be taught by religious. and, in fact, the custom of the catholic church has always been to leave in the universities, especially in those which are located in the capitals of notable provinces, as is that of this country, the door open to seculars and to religious, and to all, in order that they may compete for the professorships. this custom has always been observed by the catholic sovereigns of castilla, not only in salamanca, valladolid, and alcalá, and in the other parts of españa, but also in the yndias. considering these so forcible reasons, which are laid at your majesty's feet, we petition that your majesty do not allow a university to be conceded to a religious order, although any ask it, and that the secular estate be not so abased in these islands that we should be excluded from a thing which has always been so common and so peculiar to the seculars in the church. and if, for the present, your majesty should be pleased to commission some religious to lecture in arts and theology, we know that there are religious in these islands who are friends of sane doctrines, and hostile to all innovation, and zealous for the honor of god, who will attend to this ministry without it being necessary for them (nor do they wish it) to meddle in giving degrees, but who only wish to be useful and to teach. if your majesty would be so pleased, we believe that it would be very suitable for such persons to be appointed until there be more people to study, and that you be informed by the archbishop of this city, and should it appear fitting, by the governor together with him. such appointees should not necessarily be of one order merely, but from those which the archbishop shall deem best, and your majesty should order that very learned persons, and those inclined to simple doctrines be chosen. by so doing this will be fulfilled until such time that your majesty shows us the grace of placing this in greater perfection and in such form that we seculars may have a place according to the merits of each one. may god preserve your majesty many years, as is petitioned in this holy church ceaselessly. manila, july twelve, one thousand six hundred and one. the vassals and chaplains of your majesty. don juan de bivero, dean of manila. archdeacon arellano santiago de castro, chanter of manila. juan de paz, canon. diego de leon, canon. juan galindo de mesas cristoval ramirez de cartagena paulo ruiz de talavera crisanto de tamayo lorenço martinez peñas francisco de carrança [on envelope: "manila, to his majesty. 1601. the ecclesiastical cabildo. july 12."] [endorsed: "read, july 2. have it filed with the other papers."] the college of san josé i college and seminary of san joseph [the first part of this document is taken from the second half of chapter xviii, of book iii, pp. 414-418, of colin's labor evangélica.] [19] 353 [i.e., 153]. a few months after the foundation of the congregation, [20] a beginning was given to the college and seminary of san joseph, which was not less desired by the principal citizens of manila than was the congregation. it had been discussed already before this, and governor don luis perez dasmariñas had enacted, on the fifteenth of the month of august one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, an act in regard to it, in obedience to and in execution of a royal decree of one thousand five hundred and eighty-five, in which his majesty commands doctor santiago de vera, his governor in these islands, or the person in whose charge should be their government, to ascertain in what manner a college and seminary, where the sons of the spanish inhabitants of these islands, under the care and management of the fathers of the society, can be instructed in virtue and letters, may be instituted. although the act was given out from that time by the governor, at the advice of doctor don antonio de morga, lieutenant general and assessor of the governor, on account of difficulties which always exist in whatever depends on the royal treasury, that work was suspended until the arrival of the father visitor, diego garcia, [21] with his ardent desire of putting into execution all the means for the service of god and the greater welfare of his neighbors. from the mountains of antipolo, where he was, he charged father pedro chirino, rector of the college of manila, independently of the said act, to treat with governor don francisco tello, the auditors of the royal audiencia (which had been reëstablished in these islands), and the two cabildos (ecclesiastical and secular), in regard to this matter. [22] the father found them all not only kind but desirous of its execution, for some of them had sons or nephews without the necessary education, for lack of the college. 154. having seen the readiness and desire of all, the father visitor ordered some houses near our college to be made ready for that purpose. he appointed father luis gomez [23] rector of the future college, and ordered him to choose some picked students as collegiates, and gowns and becas of the color now used to be prepared. he ordered the necessary licenses of the ordinary and of the secular government to be obtained; and that after they had been obtained, a beginning should really be made to the college and seminary with the fitting solemnity. it was to be named after san joseph, on account of the special devotion that he had for that holy patriarch. the rector appointed exerted himself and, by virtue of his efforts, obtained the licenses from governor don francisco tello, and from the provisor judge and vicar-general of the archbishopric which was then vacant. both licenses were dated august twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and one. inasmuch as everything was now ready, a day was appointed for the erection of said college in due form. the governor and royal audiencia, the provisor and vicar-general, some capitulars, the secular cabildo, the orders, and many others of the best people assembled in the chapel of the houses which had been prepared for the habitation and dwelling of the collegiates. gowns and becas were given to don pedro de tello, nephew of the governor; to don antonio de morga, son of the senior auditor of that name; and other sons of the principal citizens up to the number of thirteen. mass was celebrated by the archdeacon of the cathedral, don francisco gomez de arellano, who afterwards became dean. the new collegiates recited two prayers, one in latin and the other in spanish verses, in which with elegance, gravity, and in a pleasing manner, they declared the reason for the undertaking and the end of the new foundation, and the profit which could be promised to the community from it. they were received with general applause. then many persons went through the house, and admired the neatness and fitness of the lodgings, beds, and desks, and the good order in everything. the number of the collegiates soon increased to twenty, which for a beginning and in a country so new and which professes rather the military and mercantile life than that of letters, was not to be esteemed lightly. after having made the foundation in the said form, the father visitor came to visit the new college, and with his presence, authority, and prudence, they attained great prestige. he gave the collegiates rules, and a method of living, proportionate to the profession of students. he made for them and for the rector and masters the necessary statutes, so that they might be kept in the future, as was done. by means of that in a few years students were seen to graduate from this college very advanced in letters and fit for offices and benefices; and others, sensible and devout, who, touched by god, entered the religious life. 155. the support of the collegiates during that time was obtained by themselves with a certain sum of money which each one of them gave, and which, administered by the procurator of the college, was sufficient for their sustenance and decent support. some fixed income for the support of the rector and teachers, and succor for some students of quality and ability, who by the poverty of their parents could not meet their expenses with the sum which was charged, was greatly desired. our lord provided that by means of the christian and noble governor of mindanao, estevan rodriguez de figueroa, who (as we have remarked above) had already founded and endowed the principal college of the society in manila. being so favorable to the good work, he, when making his will as he embarked in oton for the conquest of mindanao, in which he named his daughters as his heirs, in case of their death before they reached a competent age, made a pupillary substitution in favor of this college and seminary. he ordered that in such an event, the property of either one of his two daughters should pass to the society of manila for the purpose of building a house, and founding a college and seminary for the education of youth. that event happened, for the younger of his two daughters named doña juana died at a very tender age, being drowned with her uncle andres duarte, a "twenty-four" of xerez, in the wreck of the ship "san antonio." therefore, by virtue of the clause of the will of the said governor, the college of san joseph inherited the possession which belonged to it. with that property this college and seminary of san joseph was instituted and founded anew with public ecclesiastical and secular authority, on february twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and ten, as appears from the act of its foundation which reads as follows. 156. "in the city of manila, february twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and ten, in the college of the society of jesus of this said city, before the treasurer, don luis de herrera sandoval: the provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric, apostolic commissary, subdelegate-general of the holy crusade in these islands, father gregorio lopez, provincial of the said college of the society of jesus, made a presentation of the acts contained in the four preliminary leaves of this book, signed by his name, and sealed with the seal of his office. that signature appears to be that of said father provincial. i, the present secretary, attest that i know him. he also presented the original licenses of the cantor, santiago de castro, former provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric, and of don francisco tello, former governor and captain-general of these islands, copies of which are inserted in these acts. said licenses are for the foundation of the said college of san joseph of this city of manila, as is contained in them more minutely. i attest that i have seen said original licenses and that they are conserved in the archives of the said society. one of them is countersigned by geronimo de alcaraz, former notary-public of this archbishopric, and the other by gaspar de acebo, former government secretary of these islands. the said father provincial declared that by virtue of the clause of the will of captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, deceased, which is contained in the said acts, where he appears to be the patron of said college of san joseph, he appointed and presented as collegiates of said college, don felipe de figueroa, son of don lorenco de figueroa and doña ana de salazar, his wife; gabriel de santillan, son of captain ventura de santillan and doña flora de aguilar, his wife; and gabriel venegas, son of don goncalo flores and doña juana bautista, his wife: all inhabitants of this city, so that as such appointed collegiates they might be supported by the said income of the said college, according to the clause of its institution, as appears from the appointment above, which was dated in this city on st. bernard's day, august twenty of the former year, one thousand six hundred. although the said appointment is valid, legal, and sufficient, as it was made by the patron whom the said testator appoints, for greater validity he declared that he again presented--and he did present--the said three collegiates above named. and for greater solemnity of this act, as it was the first, the said provisor and vicar-general begged that his judicial authority be interposed and renewed, and that the license of said santiago de castro, his predecessor, be confirmed. the said provisor and vicar-general, having also read the said acts and original licenses, declared that, so far as it concerns him, he approved--and he did approve--the appointment made of the said don felipe de figueroa, gabriel de santillan, and gabriel venegas; and he declared that he confirmed--and he did confirm--the said license of the said santiago de castro, his predecessor, and said that he again gave it--and he did give it--for the college founded with an income. for that effect, for greater validity, the said father provincial, in the presence of the said provisor and of me, the said secretary, delivered the three said collegiates to father pedro de velasco, appointed rector of the said college. the latter received them as said collegiates of said college, so that they might be supported by it. all the above was done in my presence, and that of the witnesses who were present, brothers diego de sarsuela, juan de larrea, and martin de lisarde of the said society; and the said father provincial, the said provisor; and the said father pedro de velasco affixed their signatures to it before me, pedro de roxas, secretary and notary-public." 157. before making this second institution of the college, account had been given to his majesty in his royal council of the indias, of the legacy and bequest of governor estevan rodriguez, and the possession by the society in manila of the property of doña juana de figueroa, and permission was petitioned to bring from mexico to manila the money belonging to the said bequest, since it had to serve for the foundation of the college for the public welfare and profit of the islands. his majesty, considering himself as greatly served by it, had ordered his royal decree despatched in accordance with this. in order that one may see the esteem of the council for that work, that decree faithfully copied from its original will be placed here. it is as follows. 158. "the king. don luis de velasco, my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of nueva-españa, or the person or persons, in whose charge may be the government of that country: on the part of diego cordova, of the society of jesus, and its procurator of the indias, i have been informed that governor estevan rodriguez de figueroa, when he went to accomplish the conquest of the island of mindanao in the filipinas, where his enemies killed him, made a will under whose disposition he died, by which, desiring that the youth [of filipinas] be occupied in virtue, he ordered that if either of his daughters should die while a minor, a college seminary should be founded in the city of manila with the portion of the inheritance which belonged to such deceased girl, so that the sons of inhabitants of the said islands might study therein; and he left as patron of it the provincial of the society of jesus of those islands. inasmuch as the younger daughter has died while a minor, the possession of that inheritance which fell to her was given to the said society. consequently, the said college seminary is to be founded in the said city of manila with that inheritance. there is very great need of that college in that city for study, and for the rearing of ministers of the holy gospel. the property with which the said seminary is to be founded is in that city of mexico, where it is advisable that it be placed at interest for its conservation and maintenance, inasmuch as there is nothing in which to invest it in the said islands. he petitions me that, in consideration of the great fruit which will be attained in those islands from that foundation, and in consideration of the many good services of said governor, i grant the concession of giving the license so that the proceeds from the property which is in that said city for the foundation and support of the said seminary, be allowed to pass thence to the said islands freely, notwithstanding the prohibition, with a sworn certification of the procurator of the said society of jesus of the said islands, to the effect that what thus passes is the gain or proceeds of the property of the said seminary, as there is nothing in the islands in which the said money can be invested as abovesaid. the members of my council of the assembly of the indias having examined it, and having considered the abovesaid, i have considered it fitting to have this my decree issued. i command you thereby that, in each one of two years you allow to pass from that city to the said islands the sum which shall appear necessary to you for the said effect from the said property, if it does not exceed six hundred ducados; and that that sum be included in the quantity which i have given permission to be sent from that kingdom to the said filipinas islands, notwithstanding any order to the contrary, which for this time and in regard to this matter i dispense with. the said two years you shall send me a minutely detailed account of the value of the said property, and the district where it is invested and in what, and the amount of the proceeds thereof each year, and what it is advisable to enact concerning the whole matter. that, with your opinion you shall send to the said my council of the assembly, so that after examining it the advisable measures may be taken. given in valladolid, september thirteen, one thousand six hundred and eight. i the king "by command of the king our sovereign: juan ruiz de contreras" 159. after all this, it was necessary to have recourse the second and third time to the royal council of the indias, in regard to the collection of the remainder of the property of this foundation, which was in the royal treasury of manila. his majesty, with the appreciation and esteem which he always had for this work, protected it with the kindness which he generally exercises toward all those things which are for the service of god and the public welfare, and ordered his royal decrees despatched to the governors, don juan de silva, may twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and fourteen, and don alonso faxardo, december three, one thousand six hundred and eighteen, ordering the said sum to be paid for the purpose of the support of the collegiates, as was done. by virtue of those royal decrees and other papers which were presented during the suit of precedence which the college of santo thomas, of the order of preachers of this city, began a while ago with san joseph, the latter obtained a decision from the royal audiencia in its favor, may sixteen, one thousand and forty-seven, by which it was protected in its priority and possession of precedence in the public acts to that of santo thomas. that same thing was confirmed afterward by the royal council of the indias, as appears from the suit and other authentic documents which are kept in the archives of san joseph. ii summary of history [the following brief summary is compiled from various authorities, full references being given in the footnotes throughout.] antonio sedeño, writing to felipe ii, june 17, 1583, petitions for the establishment of a jesuit seminary, and asks royal aid. [24] felipe ii, in a decree dated june 8, 1585, in view of the benefit that will result to the colony from aiding the jesuits in instituting a college, and in aiding in the support of the religious who shall teach therein, orders governor santiago de vera and bishop salazar to discuss measures for the founding of the same. [25] the above-mentioned royal decree was presented to governor luis perez dasmariñas, august 15, 1595. september 5, a government act was dictated accepting the petitions of the society in regard to the foundation of a college, with the condition that 1,000 pesos he assigned to it, together with the royal title and arms. the governor has it noted in the said act that everything is only provisional, until the foundation of the college is discussed with the bishop, and the agreement adopted sent to his majesty for his approval. [26] rodriguez de figueroa, on setting out for oton for the conquest of mindanao, made (march 16, 1596) his will in which he declares: "and inasmuch as, ... some of the said my children may die before reaching the age necessary for making a will, it falls to me as their father and legitimate administrator, to make a will for them. in such case availing myself of the said faculty, i order and command that, if the abovesaid should happen during the lifetime of their mother, the said doña ana de oseguera, the latter shall hold and inherit the goods and property of the one who shall thus die, and with both the third and the remainder of the fifth, shall be done what shall be stated hereinafter. if the said doña ana oseguera shall die, and the said my children, or either one of them without leaving any heir or descendant, then their property and their legal paternal and maternal portion, and the profit and income from it, shall be used to found a college in the manner hereinafter stated. the same must be founded, in case that said doña ana de oseguera is living, from the said third and remainder of the fifth. for if either one or the other of the two casualties occur, a house shall be built next the society of jesus, of the city of manila, sufficient, and which shall be used, for a college and seminary for boys, where all those may enter who desire to study the first letters in such seminary. i request and charge the provincial, at such time, of the society of jesus, to take it under his care and to give to such boys sufficient teachers for it. that part of the said building that shall be unoccupied shall be rented, for the support of said children and youth. the said father provincial shall be patron and administrator of the said college." [27] in 1601, the jesuits themselves founded a college, primarily through the efforts of father diego garcia, who went to the philippines as visitor in 1599. he ordered father pedro chirino, independently of the act of luis perez dasmariñas, to plan for the founding of a college for the society. the first rector was father luis gomez, who obtained the licenses of both ecclesiastical and civil authorities, august 25 of that year. the cantor, santiago de castro, provisor and vicar-general of the archbishopric of manila, acting in vacant see, in view of the petition presented by father gomez, grants "license to said religious of the society of jesus, and to the said father luis gomez, to found said college of san josé." governor francisco tello, on the same date, grants the civil license for the erection of the college in view of gomez's petition, the erection being for the rearing "in virtue and letters of some spanish youth, in view of the necessity of training ministers of the gospel of whom there is a lack in this land for the need of said college." [28] the new college was instituted with thirteen collegiates, and one father and one brother of the society who were placed at its head to look after the spiritual and economic managements respectively. october 30, 1604, a royal decree was despatched, which was received by the royal audiencia at manila, july 10, 1606, ordering "information in regard to the plan that could be inaugurated for the exercise of letters in these islands, and the lecturing by some professors without there being any university." the audiencia in its reply states the death by shipwreck of the younger daughter of rodriguez de figueroa (1605), and that the society of jesus had entered suit for her estate, in accordance with the will of her father, and that they had been given possession of it. [29] since a considerable part of rodriguez de figueroa's goods were in mexico, and since there was a royal prohibition forbidding money to be transferred from one territory to another, the jesuits requested from the king, through their procurator at madrid, permission to transfer the necessary money from mexico to the islands, in order to found the college. three royal decrees were issued in accordance with this petition, two asking for reports from the archbishop and audiencia, and one (september 13, 1608) [30] granting permission for the founding of a college and seminary in the city of manila. by the beginning of 1610, the jesuits realized the terms of the will of rodriguez de figueroa, and on february 28 of that year, the licenses, given formerly to luis gomez in 1601, were confirmed by the provisor for the college now founded with an income. [31] in a letter to the jesuit general, june 11, 1611, father gregorio lopez writes of the flourishing condition of the college and seminary of san josé. he says: "in the seminary of san joseph, our pupils are reared with the virtue of which advice was given in former years. some are inclined to our rule, and others to that of the other orders. three have embraced that of the order of st augustine. the seminary has been improved this year with a fine new refectory built of stone, with a very large hall for the lodging of the collegiates, and the work which will be one of the best in the city, is progressing." diego vázquez de mercado, archbishop of manila, insists on the idea of the foundation of the university, which was undervalued by felipe iii, after the unfavorable report of benavides, and in a letter of june 24, 1612, to the king, praises the work of the college and asks that graduates therefrom in arts and theology be granted degrees. archbishop garcia serrano writes to felipe iv, july 25, 1621, regarding the colleges of san josé and santo tomás: "there are two colleges for students in the city, one founded by captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, which is in charge of the fathers of the society of jesus, whence the collegiates go to the college of the same society, which is near by, to hear lectures in grammar, philosophy, and scholastic and moral theology. it has twenty collegiates with the beca at present, some of whom pay for their tuition, while others are aided by charity, as the income derived from the founder serves now to support but few because it was spent in building said college. the other college is called santo tomas de aquino and is in charge of the order of st. dominic, and is very near their convent. it is not more than two years since collegiates entered it. it was founded with alms of deceased persons and others given by the living which the fathers have procured. it also has some income, and it is making progress. it has also twenty collegiates with the beca, some of whom also pay for their tuition, while others are supported by charity and by other persons. they study grammar, philosophy, and theology in the said college, where they have a rector and masters of the order of st. dominic. these two colleges greatly ennoble the city, and the sons of the inhabitants of these islands are being reared therein in civilization, virtue, and good letters. it will be of the highest importance for their progress for your majesty to honor them by giving them license to grant degrees in the courses taught in them." another letter from serrano, july 30 of the same year, notes that the secular priests have increased so greatly in his archbishopric because of the number that have graduated from the college and seminary of the jesuits that he has not places for them and they suffer great poverty. the same is true of those who have studied in the college of santo tomás. in a letter of august 15, 1624, he notes that the college of san josé has obtained the right to grant university degrees, by a papal brief, without the necessity of the graduates going to other universities, and petitions that the rector be allowed to grant the degrees in person. in 1627, pedro chirino was dean of the law faculty of the university. [32] a document of june 18, 1636, shows the college of san josé to possess incomes from various houses, aggregating 14,000 pesos. [33] in 1640 the college was able to support 40 collegiates, and was in a flourishing condition. [34] that same year the short-lived royal college of san felipe de austria was founded. [35] the earthquake of 1645 caused great losses to the college of san josé, as much of its capital consisted of houses which were destroyed. [36] the dominican college of santo tomás, formally founded in 1619, with the alms left by archbishop benavides and others, was the second college founded in the philippines. october 25, 1645, however, the dominicans entered suit against the jesuits declaring the precedence of their institution over the latter in all public acts in which the said institutions participated. [37] governor fajardo, before whom the suit was brought, remitted the cause to the royal audiencia, which rendered a verdict in favor of the jesuits, may 10, 1647, declaring that all public acts of the college of san josé had precedence over those of santo tomás, as the former had been founded over eighteen years earlier. this sentence was confirmed in review, july 29 of the same year, and again by the royal council of the indias, august 12, 1652, on examination, and again on review, november 25 of the same year. the college of santo tomás, being dissatisfied with the decision, endeavored to take precedence in certain public acts, but with no real effect. [38] a royal decree of june 12, 1665, conceded the sum of 8,000 pesos to the college of san josé; and another, issued july 27, 1669, granted the further sum of 12,000 pesos. the reason advanced by the petitions for the grants was the many losses sustained because of the earthquakes during the period from 1645 to 1658. [39] the jesuits made many requests for royal alms for their society and college; and many royal decrees were issued granting such alms, both of money and rice. [40] november 22, 1666, don josé cabral, a spaniard born in the philippines, died bishop elect of camarines, and left a pious bequest of certain lands called later the estate of liang, to the college, on condition that a chaplaincy be maintained thereby, and that an annual alms be given of ten pesos each to the church of balayan and to the poor of its district." [41] a decree issued by governor fausto cruzat y gongora, september 22, 1695, recites the two royal alms above mentioned, which had been assigned from tributes of vacant natives. in response to a petition by father juan de montemayor, s.j., that 1,000 pesos be given the college annually until the 20,000 pesos be paid in full, he assigned to the said college 383 1/2 tributes from the encomienda of tubig, sulat, and pamboan, in the province of leyte, "so that there may be paid annually, five hundred and thirty-three pesos four tomins one grano ... on account of the eighteen thousand six hundred and eleven pesos six tomins which are still to be paid of the twenty thousand pesos." [42] a royal decree of may 3, 1722, grants the title of "royal ad honorem" to the college of san josé. this decree is as follows: "inasmuch as augustin soler of the society of jesus, procurator-general for his province of filipinas, has represented to me that his province has charge in the city of manila of a seminary of grammar, philosophical and theological collegiates, under the advocacy of st. joseph, which was founded by don esteban rodriguez de figueroa, adelantado of mindanao, which by its antiquity and royal writ of king don felipe iv enjoys precedence in all public functions to the other colleges; and inasmuch as in consideration of the notoriety in that community of the great profit which has followed and is experienced in the said college, in virtue and letters from the many erudite men who have graduated from it to maintain the luster of the cathedral church of that city and the other churches of their islands, the greater part of those who today obtain their prebends being among those who have been raised and have prosecuted their studies in the above-mentioned college, he petitioned me, in consideration of the above-said and so that its collegiates may have the greatest application in said studies with the luster, esteem, and credit that is due because of the particular blessing which results to that community in general, to deign to receive it under my royal protection, by conceding it the title, privileges, and preeminences of royal college, without any burden on my royal treasury, with the permission to place on its doors and the other accustomed places, my royal arms, and to make use of the title of such in the instruments which it presents, and the letters which it writes to me: therefore, this matter having been examined in my assembly council of the indias, together with what was declared thereon by my fiscal, i have considered it fitting to condescend to [heed] his instance, receiving (as by the present i do receive and admit) the above-named college of san josé under my royal protection. i honor it with the title of royal ad honorem, in case that it has no patrons, and with the express conditions that it never has any, and that it cannot produce any effect of burden on or embarrassment to my royal treasury by reason of this title. therefore, i order my present or future governor and captain-general of the above-mentioned filipinas islands and my royal audiencia of the city of manila, and the other ministers and justices of that jurisdiction, and i beseech and charge the archbishop of the metropolitan church of said city, and the ecclesiastical cabildo of it, not to place or allow to be placed now or in any time any obstacle or hindrance to the above-mentioned college of san josé, which is in charge of the religious of the society of jesus, in the grace which i concede it of the title of royal ad honorem, in the above-mentioned sense, and that as such it may place my royal arms on its doors, and the other accustomed places, and that in all its instruments and letters which it may write me, both through my councils, tribunals, and ministers, and in all that which may arise, it may make use of the abovesaid title of royal. such is my will. given at aranjuez, may three, one thousand seven hundred and twenty-two. [43] i the king "by order of the king our sovereign: andrés alcorobarratia gulpide" this decree was presented in the manila audiencia, in 1723. [44] in 1734 the college was granted the right to teach canonical and roman law, the same as the university of santo tomás, although it seems that no decrees were given in those branches. [45] father francisco mendez, s.j., in a document of august 15, 1742, enumerates the fellowships in the college of san josé, in addition to the eight of the foundation, as follows: one given by captain gonzalo araujo, alguacil-mayor of manila, to be enjoyed by a galician or the descendant of galicians; one by benito lopez, for an european; two by captain diego gonzales de los arcos, one of them being for estremadura and the other for creoles and virtuous persons--the appointment of the latter belonging to the santa misericordia, which afterward became the object of a suit between the jesuits and the santa misericordia, and finally settled by archbishop camacho; one by several benefactors for a pure-blooded and virtuous spaniard. all the capital or endowment of these fellowships was incorporated in the property of the college, except the one appointed by the santa misericordia. there were also two other fellowships founded in 1717 (although only made effective in 1720), by domingo de valencia, bishop-elect of nueva cáceres, who endowed them with some shops which he owned in the parián; they were intended for spanish creoles born in manila. besides the above there were nineteen other fellowships which were known as fellowships of grace, "because there is no legal obligation to maintain them, and it was a grace or favor of our society to institute them, to facilitate the good education of youth." [46] in his royal decree of april 2, 1767, carlos iii declared: "i have resolved to order the expulsion from all my domains of españa and the indias and the filipinas islands, of the regulars of the society, both priests and coadjutors, or lay-brethren, who have taken the first vows, and the novices who desire to follow their example, and that all the temporal possessions of the society in my domains be seized." [47] a decree couched in like terms was received in manila, may 21, 1768. governor josé raon affected to obey the decree and appointed commissioners to carry it into effect, but he imparted the mandates of the decree, which was secret, to the jesuits. [48] in consequence heavy charges were afterward brought against him. the college of san josé and its estates were seized and confiscated to the crown. [49] the college buildings were converted into barracks. against this confiscation, the archbishop protested, and petitioned the governor-general that, pending the king's action on the protest, the college be turned over to him. the petition being granted, the archbishop took possession of the college, and converted it into a seminary for the education and instruction of the native clergy. [50] he ordered the former collegiates to leave, and placed the new seminary in charge of the piarist fathers [padres escolapios] [51] the audiencia of manila protested against this action of the archbishop. [52] the royal answer to their letter is as follows: "the king. president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the philipinas islands, which is established in the city of manila: in a letter dated july twelve, of the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine, you informed me, with testimony, that having noted that the four piarist religious whom the present right reverend archbishop of that metropolitan church took in his company, did not present the licenses which they carried in order that they might go to those islands, and that they were entering various posts outside the assistancy in the said archbishop's house; and in consideration of the fact that they had no other house in those islands, and that there was no distinction among them which could prove that they had a prelate: you deemed it advisable to proceed to the observation of the laws in such cases. you petitioned, by means of political and judicial measures, that the purpose of those religious be investigated, and the amphibological replies of the above-mentioned archbishop could not quiet your anxiety, but the rather increased it, so that you proceeded to the remonstrances which you made to the governor, in regard to his having delivered the royal college of san joséph, which was under the charge of the expelled regulars of the society, to father martin de san antonio, abbot of the piarist fathers, and the reported rector of the seminary of the archbishop, so that those who intended to become ordained might live therein, and be instructed in ethics, also under the direction of the said father martin. you declared that from your remonstrances to the above-mentioned governor, could be recognized the wrongs which resulted from that measure, which was quite contrary to what was ordered in the instructions for the banishment of the above-mentioned regulars of the society, and contrary to the right which those then living in the college had legally acquired of maintaining themselves therein, as well as those who should succeed them in the future, without it being possible to make a pretext of any innovation because of the lack of teachers. for there would be no lack of seculars to substitute for the present, and in time, persons worthy to maintain this praiseworthy foundation could be trained. finally, not having any information regarding the reasons that moved the governor to this (apparently) strange resolution, you were unable to conform to it or pass it by without taking any notice of it, and alone having observed your first obligation, namely, to report to me what you were discussing as advisable to my royal service and the welfare of my vassals, you represented what had occurred, so that after having examined the matter, i might deign to determine what is most fitting to my royal pleasure. the abovesaid was examined in my council of the indias, together with what was reported by don pedro calderon enriquez, togated lawyer of the said my council, regarding it, of the antecedents of the matter, and of what was reported at the same time in regard to it, with their respective testimonies, by the former governor and captain-general of those islands, don joseph raon, and the above-mentioned archbishop, in letters from march twelve to july twenty-nine of the above-cited year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine, my fiscal made his statement; and consulted with me in regard to it on september thirteen of last year, with consideration of the indiscretion with which the above-mentioned governor, don joseph raon, transgressed by placing the royal college of san joséph of that city under the direction of father martín de san antonio, the abbot of the piarists, thus rendering it necessary for those who obtained their becas to leave the college, and abandon them, and the manner in which you opposed the previously-noted spoliation, as a matter contrary to my royal intentions and the product of most grave wrongs and pernicious consequences, as is shown in the fact that the above-mentioned college was founded for the purpose of teaching therein grammar, philosophy, and theology to the children of the principal spanish persons and subjects of that city. twenty becas were created therein for a like number of collegiates, and the teaching of the same and their direction was given to the expelled regulars of the society. the king, my father deigned to receive it under his sovereign protection, may three, of the year one thousand seven hundred and twenty-two, and decorate it with the title of 'royal ad honorem,' provided that it should have no other patrons, and under the express condition that it never should have such, or be able to cause any burden or embarrassment to my royal exchequer. the above-mentioned order of the society did not have therein other right than the above-mentioned direction and government. consequently, since the royal decree of july nine, one thousand six hundred and sixty-nine, which was inserted in the decree of april five of the above-mentioned year one thousand seven hundred and seventy, by which the collection of the measures in regard to the seizure of the temporalities of the said expelled regulars was sent to those my dominions of america, ordered that there be no innovation in the colleges or secular houses whose direction and instruction were entrusted to them, as is proved by section thirty of the first decree, the collegiates of the college of san joséph could not be despoiled of their becas in order to expel them from the college, nor could the trent seminary be removed to the above-mentioned house, without directly violating the orders of the above-mentioned decrees. to the abovesaid is added that the above-mentioned four piarist religious went to those islands with no other purpose than to act as attendants of the above-mentioned archbishop, whence is inferred the just motive which you had in advising the said prelate to keep them in his company; in expressing wonder that one of them should be entrusted with the direction of the above-mentioned royal college of san joseph; in advising governor don joseph raon of the illegality of the abovesaid act, and of the fatal results which were accessory to that of the expulsion of those who had obtained their becas; and in resolving that my royal mind be instructed in regard to the abovesaid measures so that i might deign to take those measures which should appear most desirable to me for their remedy. consequently, not only is there not found in your operations the slightest motive that justifies the complaint which the above-mentioned archbishop has brought forward in his said letter, but, on the contrary, it is to be noted that you did no other thing in whatever you performed, than to comply with the mandates of the laws. the said governor and the above-mentioned prelate, not being able to ignore the fact of the existence of the above-mentioned college, and of the solemnity with which it had been founded, it became very worthy of attention that in their reports they were silent in regard to this foundation, both commendable and made by the above-mentioned king, my father, and with his royal name, and transgressed in founding a new college seminary with indian collegiates, without authority or obligation to do so. that is still more aggravated by the fact of the spoliation of the spanish collegiates of their possession of the said college of san joseph by erecting in it what they call a seminary for indians, since for these and the sangley mestizos there is the above-mentioned college of san juan de letran, and the conciliar seminary was already founded. by such violent spoliation, not only were the collegiates outraged, but also the inhabitants of that city exasperated, so that with such acts of despotism they hate to live there, and the islands are being depopulated of spaniards, as is happening. under these circumstances and inasmuch as the above-mentioned college of san joseph has nothing in common with the expelled regulars, as the latter had only the administration and direction of the college, and this having ceased with their expulsion, the above-mentioned governor ought to appoint a secular of good morals from those who shall have been collegiates in the said college, as such will be already instructed as to its government, as rector and administrator, with obligation of rendering a yearly report. he must not allow the archbishop to meddle with anything pertaining to the said college, as it is under my royal protection, and, consequently, wholly independent of the ecclesiastical ordinary, as are the other pious foundations mentioned by the council of trent. the governor ought not to permit the archbishop to meddle in anything concerning the seminary, as there is also a royal foundation, namely, that of san phelipe, which appears to have been incorporated after the above-mentioned san joseph; and the good relations that the governor claims to have with the archbishop can not serve to relieve the former of blame, for he ought to have good relations with him within suitable limits, and not with total abandonment of the rights which are entrusted to him. i have resolved, by virtue of what is contrary to my royal intentions, as is the above-mentioned spoliation and expulsion, not to pay any heed to the complaint of the said prelate; to approve whatever you have done in the particular under discussion; to order and command the present governor and captain-general of those islands, and to charge the said archbishop (as is done by despatches of this date) that they shall in the future leave things in the condition and state in which they existed before the above-mentioned innovations were made, and that the collegiates must go to take their studies to the university of santo tomás of that city; and to inform you thereof (as i do) for your intelligence. thus is my will. given in el pardo, march twenty-one, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-one. i the king "by order of our king: pedro garcia mayoral" [53] the royal decree sent to the archbishop on the same date, [54] is couched in similar terms to the above decree, and disapproves the action of the archbishop in regard to making an ecclesiastical seminary out of the college of san josé. the decree in its opening clauses, notes that the archbishop had sent various documents and reports to the king with his letter of march 12, 1769, which state what had been done in regard to the college of san josé, and the occupations of the four piarists who had accompanied the archbishop to the philippines. in 1777, doctor ignacio de salazar, magistral of the manila cathedral, was chosen rector and administrator of the college. from that date until 1879, the position of rector and administrator of the college was always confirmed by the governors-general to the dean or other dignitary of the manila cathedral. accounts of the administration of the college were to be rendered every three years, or annually. the management of the college was not successful, and the administration of the properties was negligent and possibly corrupt during some years. the field of secondary education which it had attempted to fill came to be occupied by newer and more successful institutions, such as the ateneo municipal and the college of san juan de letran. [55] from the books of the university of santo tomás, it seems that a few years after the expulsion of the jesuits, if not immediately, instruction on philosophy and the natural sciences was resumed, and that two professors were appointed for that purpose, and that in 1795 the government of the islands recommended the abolition of such instruction, applying the revenues therefrom to the payment of the fees of the institutes and law courses, which recommendation was not carried out on account of an unfavorable report of the faculty of the university. only grammar and philosophy were taught until 1866, and pupils were required to pass an examination in the university of santo tomás before two professors appointed for the purpose, in order to legalize their courses. the first four years of secondary instruction were established at this period. [56] between the years 1860 and 1870, the question of the conversion of the college into a professional school of some sort--arts, agriculture, or medicine--was much discussed, particularly its conversion into a school of medicine and pharmacy. finally, in 1867, a board consisting of the rectors of the university, ateneo municipal, and college of san josé, and one representative each of the professions of medicine and pharmacy, was convened by royal order, and charged with the duty of ascertaining the origin and object of the college of san josé, its revenues and pious charges, and the best manner of installing therein classes of medicine and pharmacy. the report of the committee was to the effect that such studies could be admitted. the rector and administrator of the college in 1869 was of the same opinion, and the rector of the university of santo tomás also considered such a thing legal. november 6, 1870, the spanish government adopted the decrees concerning education in the philippines, known as the moret decrees, [57] by which the attempt was made to secularize most of the institutions of learning. among other provisions in these decrees was one directing that the college of san josé, the college of san juan de letran, and the ateneo municipal, as well as the naval academy and the drawing and painting academy should be united in one academy for secondary and entirely secular education to be known as the philippine institute, to be subject to the ultimate control of a superior board of education which was civil and secular in its character. these decrees were never enforced, for they were vigorously opposed by those in charge of the above institutions. [58] in 1875, a royal provision established the faculty of medicine and pharmacy in the college. [59] this decree, issued october 29, 1875, reorganized the university of santo tomás. article 2 of the decree prescribed "that in this university shall be given the necessary studies for the following: jurisprudence, canon, medicine, pharmacy, and notary;" and article 12, that, "the branches of medicine and pharmacy, although constituting an integral part of the university, shall be taught in the college of san josé, whose revenues, with the deductions of the amounts for pious charges, will be devoted to the expenses of these branches. [60] the five-sixths part of the fees from the registration of these subjects, and half of the fees for degrees, titles, and certificates of the pupils, will also pertain to the college mentioned. the rest will pertain to the general expenses of the university." the governor was to name a director, upon the recommendation of the rector, for the college, and he was to have charge of the revenues. september 5, 1877, a commission appointed to consider various matters of the college of san josé, recommended that the university of santo tomás take immediate charge of all the property of the college, and that regulations be drawn up for the management of the same. on september 28, of the same year, the governor-general decreed that an administrative commission consisting of the rector of the university and the professor of pharmacy should take charge of the college, and they were given complete authority to carry out the reorganization of the college decreed in 1875. the report of the commission submitted july 26, 1878, recommended that the office of director-administrator be made two separate offices, the office of director to be filled by the rector of the university of santo tomás, as director ex-officio, and that of administrator to be appointed by the governor-general upon the recommendation of the rector of the university of three names to be taken from the professions of medicine and pharmacy. this report was approved august 1 by a decree of the governor-general, which was in turn approved by royal order of march 24, 1880. the decree of august 1, 1878, charged the rector of the university to prepare regulations concerning the control and management of the college; and it appears that such regulations were issued by the governor-general, october 15, 1879, title 2 of which gives to the rector of the university, as ex-officio director, the control of properties and finances of the college. it is said that articles 6-10 of the decree of 1875, which directed that competitive examinations be held either at manila or madrid for the filling of vacant professorships, have not been observed, such vacancies having been filled by the governor-general on the recommendation of the rector. the administration of the college properties was kept separate from those of the university, although the accounts were both under the same direction of the rector of the university. the scholarships or fellowships of the college, before twenty in number, were reduced after 1875 to three and transferred to another institution. the income in normal times was about twenty thousand pesos, the foundation seemingly being about one-half million in gold. [61] with the signing of the treaty of paris, december 10, 1898, the american government found itself face to face with a delicate and difficult problem, namely, that of the settlement of the properties of the friars. of this problem, the question of the ultimate disposal of the college of san josé was properly a part, since it was under the direction of the dominican university of santo tomás, it having become, as we have seen above, the medical and pharmaceutical adjunct of the university. the question to be solved in this case narrowed down to whether the college of san josé was primarily a government or an ecclesiastical pious foundation [obra pia], and hence, whether it could be legally administered by the government or the church. in 1899, general otis forbade the rector of the university of santo tomás to continue to maintain a school of medicine and pharmacy in the buildings of the college of san josé, and to use its name and income for that purpose--an order made at the instance of the president and directors of the philippine medical association. shortly after their arrival the commissioners were consulted by general mcarthur, as to the proper course for him to take on the petition of the rector of the university asking him to rescind the order. as the issue involved the question of the control of church property, the commission deemed it its duty to investigate it and to bring it to a legal settlement. [62] the matter was therefore argued before the commission, pro and con, from time to time between july and october, 1900, and the conclusions announced january 5, 1901. the ecclesiastical authorities took the position that the college is "truly an obra pia, that its trusteeship has always been vested in the church, as represented by its legal agents either through the society of jesus, the kings of spain as ecclesiastical patron, the clergy of the cathedral, or the university of santo tomás, under the direction of the archbishop." the ecclesiastical argument is that the college "is essentially a religious foundation and therefore the united states have not the right to claim it as public property nor to intervene in its management, since they cannot succeed to the spanish ecclesiastical patronage, they having proclaimed the separation of church and state." it is impossible also for the state to secularize the institution, an act which would be paramount to confiscation. [63] archbishop nozaleda argues also that the college "is an ecclesiastical obra pia, founded by esteban rodriguez de figueroa, with all the canonical and civil formalities demanded by the legislation in force at that time for such foundation." [64] again, he says: "the college of san josé is an ecclesiastical obra pia, and as such belongs to the patrimony of the church." an ecclesiastical obra pia he defines as "any foundation made through motives of religious piety, or with the purpose of exercising christian charity, with the approbation and authorization of the bishop." [65] against this dr. t. h. pardo de tavera and others argued before the philippine commission that the college of san josé was primarily of royal foundation; [66] felipe g. calderon, a filipino advocate, and the chief adversary of the ecclesiastics, in his pamphlets, also argued that the college of san josé is official in its origin: [67] their conclusions being that the civil government has power to intervene in the management of the college. [68] the commission, being careful not to intimate any opinion that "should be used by either side in the case to be argued and decided as authority in that tribunal [i.e., the philippine supreme court]," expressed "no other definitive opinion than that the petitioners [i.e., pardo de tavera, et al.] have presented a case of sufficient dignity and seriousness to warrant its full consideration by a court of justice." in the words of the commissioners: "in order to decide the merits of this case, we should probably have to consider and settle a nice question of canonical law, and investigate and discuss the historical and legal relations of the crown of spain to the head of the catholic church. neither of these questions do we feel competent now to decide with the materials which are before us and with the time at our disposal nor do we need to do so. we are not a court. we are only a legislative body. it is our expressly delegated function in just such cases as this to provide a means for the peaceful and just decision of the issues arising. had we been able to decide clearly and emphatically that the petitioners had no rights here and that their claims were so flimsy as not to merit the assistance of the legislature in bringing them to adjudication in a court of justice, we might have properly dismissed the petition and taken no action thereon; but we are of opinion, all of us, that the contentions of the petitioners present serious and difficult questions of law, sufficiently doubtful to require that they should be decided by a learned and impartial court of competent jurisdiction, and that it is our duty to make legislative provision for testing the question. if it be true that the united states is either itself the trustee to administer these funds, or occupies the relation of parens patriæ to them, it becomes its duty to provide for their administration by a proper directory, whose first function will be to assert, in the name and authority of the united states, their right to administer the funds of the college against the adverse claims of the person now in charge, who claims to hold under and by virtue of the control over the funds by the catholic church; and this legislative action we now propose to take, not thereby intimating an opinion upon the merits of the case, but merely by this means setting in motion the proper machinery for the ultimate decision by a competent tribunal." the commission set aside $5,000 in united states money for the payment of the expenses of getting evidence, preparing the record, printing the briefs, and as fees for professional services; and that the case was to be heard before the philippine supreme court, the united states being practically a party in the litigation. further provision was made in case appeals from that court were to be made to the supreme court of the united states, for congress to so provide in this case. as to the injunctive order of general otis against the opening of the college, by the rector of the university, it was recommended to the military governor that it be rescinded. the persons appointed to conduct the litigation and to take charge of the college and its estates, should the decision and a decree of the court be in their favor, were as follows: dr. t. h. pardo de tavera; dr. charles r. greenleaf, leon m. guerrero, dr. manuel gomez martinez, and dr. frank s. bourns. the concluding remarks of the commission are the following: "there has been much popular and political interest in the controversy in which we have now stated our conclusions. the questions considered, however, have not had any political color at all. they have been purely questions of law and proper legal procedure, and so will they be in the court to which they are now sent. the decision of the right to control san josé college cannot legitimately be affected by the political feeling which one may have for or against the friars. it is unfortunate that the public should clothe the settlement of an issue purely legal with political significance when it ought not to have and does not have one. but, however this may be, those charged with settling it can pursue only one path, and that is the path of legal right as they see it." [69] congress provided for appeal to the supreme court of the united states on july 1, 1902, under the general terms of section 10 of the so-called "philippine government act." a decision in the case had not been handed down in manila up to the close of september, 1906. [70] the college and university of santo tomas i erection into a university [the first portion of this division of the appendix is a translation of chapter xxxvi, of book i of santa cruz's historia, where it occupies pp. 168-172.] [71] of the honorable apostolic and royal erection of the university of santo tomás of manila another and very serious matter was transacted by that religious father, namely, the erection into a university of the college of santo tomás of manila. that event is as follows. while that venerable father, fray juan bautista de morales, was in roma during the years 1643 and 1644, negotiating matters touching the province, as its procurator, and the matters of china, father fray mateo de la villa, who was also procurator of the province in that capital, wrote him from madrid asking him to petition from his holiness, urban eighth, who was then head of the church, for the erection and foundation as a university in said college of santo tomás of manila. he had gained for that purpose a favorable letter from his majesty, filipo fourth the great, our king and sovereign, in which his holiness was asked to deign to concede his apostolic bull for that purpose. father fray juan made his efforts, but by reason of all the matters and accidents which happened at that time, it was not accomplished. consequently, he went to españa without negotiating it that said year of 44. in that year, on the last day of july, the pontiff urban eighth, passed to the better life. innocent tenth having been elected september 15 of the same year, another letter was obtained from the king, our sovereign filipo fourth, for his holiness. since father fray victorio riccio, a florentine who had come [to españa] in order to go to this province, was in madrid, and was a very suitable person since he was an italian, to be entrusted with that and other matters which were left pending in roma by father fray juan, it was thought best to send him thither. he accomplished that as well as the other things, which have been continued in the service of the order and of this province. he is a great missionary of china, of whom this history will tell at the proper time the many things that there are to tell, for at present he is prior of the convent of santo domingo in manila. the letter of his majesty to the supreme pontiff innocent is as follows: [this letter will be found in vol. xxxv, pp. 199, 200. the letter to the count of ciruela, which is not given by santa cruz, will be found in the same volume, pp. 201-203.] the said father fray victorio went to roma with that letter, and although it reached the hands of his holiness, yet he could not obtain that haste which he desired, for the ambassador was in disgrace with the pope because of some trouble which he had had with certain portuguese which cost blood and deaths. his holiness was very angry at that trouble, and it was necessary for the ambassador to leave roma. but the father, not losing courage, as he had many powerful friends in that capital, as he had been raised there and had started for filipinas from minerva, exerted himself and obtained the opportunity to pay his respects to his holiness and to lay his proposition before him, to which the pontiff answered in formal words: "in the time of our predecessor the same instance was made by the king of españa, but it was not granted. how now do they return to insist again?" and it was so that the first letter of his majesty was brought, and that benefit which was striven for was not obtained on account of the occupations and for other reasons which his holiness must have had (in which the great providence of god in the government of the holy oracles of his vicars is to be noted, since a pontiff worthy of adoration had so singular an idea of filipinas and of the university which was requested there) although the father left disconsolate. but by direction of a cardinal, his fellow countryman the father again renewed his courage, and, after waiting several months, again paid his respects to his holiness, and gave him a memorial of his desire. his holiness caused it to be received by his secretary, and the next day it was taken to the signatura, [72] and a decree was made that in regard to the erection of this university, a committee [congregacion] of four cardinals and four prelates named there should be formed. the president of it was the most eminent cardinal saqueti, the father's countryman who had aided him from the beginning. the said prelates informed, then, and visited by the father, and being informed of the advisability of what was asked, it was concluded in the said committee that it was fitting to concede that favor to the king of españa. therefore, his holiness despatched his apostolic bull in regard to this erection, that bull being as follows: [this bull [73] will be found in vol. xxxv, pp. 203-208.] this brief was presented to the royal council of the indias, and the gentlemen of that council having read it, ordered a testimony of its presentation to be given july 28, 1646. that was attested on the thirty-first of the same month by diego lopez de leytona y mendoza, chief official of the papers of grace, government, and war, of the secretary's office of the royal council of the indias for the district of nueva españa. the fact that he was also the chief official of the said royal council, and that credit must be given to him, was testified by the royal notaries, diego carreño aldrete, and antonio gomez, on the said thirty-first of july of the said year. likewise, the said brief was presented, and the testimony of its presentation, in the royal council of the indias before the members of the royal audiencia of this city of manila. they having read it, determined that the party of the university of santo tomás could make use of the said brief. consequently, they so voted by an act on the eighth of july, 1648, of which testimony was given on the said day by captain diego nuñez crespo, assembly clerk of the said royal audiencia of manila. likewise, the said brief was presented before the dean and cabildo of this holy metropolitan church of manila with the said presentations of the royal council and audiencia. the said gentlemen considered it as presented, and allowed the college of santo tomás to make use of it, and its rector, now or in the future, in the form and manner which is contained in the said bull. the clerk of the cabildo, fernando de caravajal, attested that on the same day on which the said act was voted, namely, july 14, 1648. this university having been inaugurated, then, and erected with so great honor into a pontifical and royal institution, its rector and first chancellor, namely, father fray martin real de la cruz, by virtue of his apostolic authority, made the necessary statutes, following in them all the custom and practice of the royal university of mexico (of which from its beginning it has esteemed itself as the close daughter, and in which it has found the just functions of a noble mother with the exchange of letters and favors which the latter has given to it). thus the said father rector ordained them, august 28, 1648, and they are observed inviolably and are like those of the said their royal and always noble mother, which were determined after the style and form of the most celebrated university of salamanca. in 1651 this university and its rector wrote to the said university of mexico giving an account of its erection, stating that in it was born their obligation of attentive respect as daughter of that royal university, since the king our sovereign had given that university to it as mother and mistress. consequently, it yielded and dedicated itself to that university and in regard to this the father concluded his letter with all due consideration and affection. in the year of 53, that most noble and ever famous university wrote this our university the following letter, which was written in full cloister. very illustrious sirs: this royal university of mexico was greatly favored by the letter of your lordship the past year of 51, in which was expressed the appreciation and estimation which is right and which is fitting for so illustrious a cloister, and with the greatest pleasure received your adoption; which if it is the teaching of the holy spirit (proverbs xvii), gloria filiorum patres eorum, immediately before it had said: corona senum filii filiorum. [74] consequently, it will consider that royal university as its crown and glory, and as such will venerate it forever. it will give his majesty (whom may god preserve) thanks for the favors which he concedes to your lordship by his decree of the rights to enjoy the privileges which are enjoyed in this royal university. what may be necessary for it, in so far as documents and papers are concerned, and for the pretension of your lordship, will be delivered to the reverend father master, fray francisco de la trinidad, so that we may carry them and present them to his majesty in his royal council of the indias. in all the other things which may offer themselves for the service of your lordship for its greater luster and increase, this royal university and its entire cloister will assist it with all promptness. may god preserve your lordship in all happiness, etc. mexico, february 7, 1653. master fray juan de ayrolo y flores, rector. after his signature were those of eight doctors and masters and lastly that of the blessed secretary, christoval bernardo de la plaza. this university erected with so fortunate beginnings with all that luster worthy of all estimation, has continued to advance. there have been and are very learned persons who have studied there, who have occupied prebends and dignities in the holy church of manila, and in other churches of our españa, and it has had three sons, most worthy bishops, one of whom ascended to the archiepiscopal see of this city, of whom we shall treat in due time. ii royal decree granting title of "royal" to the college of sancto tomas the king. inasmuch as fray sebastián de valverde, of the order of preachers, and procurator-general of the province of santísimo rosario of filipinas, has represented to me, among other matters, that since the establishment of the college of santo tomás in the city of manila, and especially since, at the instance of felipe iv, a public academy or university was erected in it by his holiness, innocent x, in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-five, [75] in behalf of his order, not only has it redeemed its obligation in the public instruction with well-known benefit to those vassals, in which the religious have filled the chairs at the expense of the private property of the above-mentioned college, but also, at the same time, in order to inspire in the minds of its pupils the illumination of the holy doctrine of the angelic doctor st. thomas, which some factional spirits in that capital, in whom still lives the seed of the suppressed doctrine, [76] are attempting to confuse with useless projects, have endeavored likewise to infuse into their hearts the fidelity, loyalty, and love due my royal person--and one of the most signal and noble proofs that attest this truth is the promptness, with which the present rector, fray domingo collantes, in this last war, in observance of the suggestion of that governor, raised four companies of fifty soldiers apiece among the collegiates and students, on whose clothing and support he spent some thousands of pesos from the beginning of the war until the peace was made, and at the same time placing at the disposition of the same government all the grain of the harvest and the cattle of its estates--and inasmuch as he has petitioned me that, in order that this signal example of the fidelity and generosity with which the above-named college served me and continues to serve me, may be remembered by the inhabitants of those islands, i deign to signify to it my royal pleasure and kindness by admitting it under my sovereign protection and patronage, and by granting to it the title of "very loyal;" therefore, my council of the indias having examined the above petition, together with the information given in regard to it by the general accountant's office, and the explanation of my fiscal, i have resolved in the conference of the tenth of january of this year, to concede, among other things, and as i concede by this my royal decree, the sole name of "royal" to the above-named college of santo tomás of the city of manila, with the distinct condition and declaration, that it shall never have the right of petitioning assistance from my royal treasury. therefore, by this present, i order and command my governor and captain-general of the above-mentioned islands, the regent and auditors of my royal audiencia in the islands, and all other ministers, judges, and justices of those provinces, and i request and charge the very reverend bishop of that metropolitan church, the venerable dean and cabildo in vacant see, and all other ecclesiastical prelates and judges to whom this pertains, to observe, fulfil, and execute, and cause to be observed, fulfilled, and executed, exactly and effectively, my herein expressed royal resolution, as and in the manner herein set forth, without violating it, or permitting it to be violated in any way, for thus is my will. given in el pardo, march seven, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five. [77] i the king by command of the king our sovereign: antonio ventura de taranco iii historical account [below follows an interesting account of the university of santo tomás, by the dominican friar, evarista fernandez arias, from his discurso leido en la apertura de sus estudios (de la universidad) el dia 2 de julio de 1885--i.e., "discourse read at the opening of its studies (of the university) july 2, 1885" (manila, 1885). its author was a professor of the university.] the university of santo tomás, of manila, graced with the titles of royal and pontifical by the catholic kings and the supreme pontiffs, holds the first place among all the educational institutions of the philippines on account of its antiquity, its history, and its importance. it was established in 1619, under the name of college of santo tomás, having, as its basis, a holy legacy from his excellency, fray miguel de benavides, of the order of preachers, second archbishop of manila, who is considered as its true founder. by this legacy, the sum of 1,600 pesos was turned over to the fathers of his order, of the province of the santísimo rosario, who, accepting it, in accordance with his purposes and intentions, immediately proceeded to carry the plan into effect. thus, after various contingencies, on the day of the festival of the assumption of the virgin, in the year mentioned, after having been authorized by the general government of these islands, and by both the ecclesiastical and the secular chapters, fray baltasar fort, its first rector, proceeded to the inauguration of its studies by giving fellowships to twelve young men belonging to the most distinguished families of manila. the permission granted by the general government and other authorities of this capital, was formally confirmed by his catholic majesty, felipe iv, in his royal decree of november 29, 1623, in which he said of this institution: "it has afforded and affords great advantages to the young, the preaching of the gospel, and the instruction of the children of the inhabitants." the chronicles of those times show that the number of young men, mostly children of spaniards, who attended the schools of the dominican fathers was not small; but the difficulty of not being able to receive academic degrees was an obstacle to the progress of the studies. for this reason, pope paul v was asked to authorize the order to confer the customary degrees upon the pupils of this college. this permission was granted for ten years, upon the expiration of which time, it was necessary to again apply to the roman pontiff, then urban viii, for the extension of the concession for a similar term of years. this uncertain condition of affairs was not, as is evident, most conducive to progress in these studies, for which reason felipe iv, desiring to regulate this concession consistently and permanently, requested, through his ambassador, an apostolic brief from the supreme pontiff, innocent x, in 1645, which should confer upon the college of santo tomás (the title) and honors of a university, with all the privileges of those of the same class in the peninsula, authorizing it to confer academic degrees in the schools of theology and philosophy. afterwards, in 1734, this concession was extended by clement xii, [78] also on the petition of the king of spain, to the schools of canonical and civil law, and to others that might in time be established. the year following the erection of this university by innocent x and felipe iv, its first rector and chancellor, fray martin real de la cruz, who so distinguished himself in the conversion of the cagayanes, framed the laws, which continued in force until 1785. the greater part of these were similar to the laws of the university of mexico, to which his catholic majesty desired to conform them, as appears from his letter written on december 20, 1644, to his ambassador at rome. in the beginning the only courses were dogmatic and moral theology, philosophy, and the humanities; latin and spanish grammar, rhetoric, and poetry were included in the humanities, and the study of all the branches comprised in the works of santo tomás de aquino formed a part of the courses in theology and philosophy. [79] this was the custom in most of the universities existing at that time, a custom that responded perfectly to the necessities of that century, and more particularly to the special requirements of this country at that period. in the first stage of their civilization, education in the philippines was based exclusively on religion; and the local necessities and the aspirations of the first spaniards, echoing faithfully the sentiments expressed many times concerning this subject by the catholic monarchs, demanded a literary center where the bishops and missionaries might find a solution for the many and varied doubts which arose in the exercise of their ministry; where the governors-general might receive ideas of profound and consistent methods of government for the direction of the towns and for their relations with neighboring nations, and where the alcaldes and encomenderos might learn the lessons of christian charity and justice, which they not infrequently failed to observe. in what a satisfactory manner the university of santo tomás fulfilled this duty is shown by the illustrious names of fathers berart, marron, santa cruz, pardo, sanchez, and the celebrated father paz, and many others whom it would take too long to mention, whose brilliant and wise writings contain discussions of all kinds regarding the practical life of these people. it is also shown by the royal decree of 1862, in which his catholic majesty, admitting this institution under his protection, says that degrees in theology and letters are given with all strictness and display to qualified persons in those islands, this being of notable utility in that it furnishes subjects capable of filling the offices of curates and prebendaries. the eighteenth century arrived, and, with the coming of the bourbon dynasty to the spanish throne, new germs of civilization took root throughout the monarchy, and were felt as far as these remote shores. then the faculty of jurisprudence and canonical law was established (the establishment of which the dominican corporation had endeavored to secure years before), because with the increase of the native and mestizo population, and with the consolidation upon a religious basis of the social life of these peoples, there was not a sufficient number of lawyers for the administration of justice. lawyers did not come from the peninsula, and for that reason, if not for other better and more noble reasons, it was necessary to seek them within the bounds of the islands. hence, faculties of jurisprudence and canonical law were established, with courses in roman law and institutes and the sacred canons. the pupils could hope for the degree of licentiate in jurisprudence and canonical law after a four years' course in these studies, and four other years called pasantía years, which were taken in connection with the law course, and were years of practice in the office of some lawyer. during these so-called pasantía years, the pupils were required to defend a proposition every week and sum up the opposing arguments, and were permitted to act as substitutes during the absence of any of the professors of the faculty. the course of institutes and canonical law was the only course in law given in most of the universities of that period, the professors being charged with making the applications necessary to the spanish laws and those of the indias, explaining the points in which they differed from the roman and canonical laws. the instruction continued thus during the greater part of the eighteenth century, the university conferring degrees in theology, philosophy, and canonical and roman law. the courses in moral theology and the humanities were pursued without the formalities of enrolment and without a fixed number of terms, until toward the end of that century. with the increase of the commerce and the intercourse of these islands with europe, and under the influence of the government of carlos iii, it was decided in the university assembly of 1785, to extend the faculty of theology by the establishment of chairs in literature and sacred writings, and that of law by two additional chairs of canonical and roman law. it was also decided to create the faculty of medicine, together with a chair of mathematics, applied to commerce and navigation in conformity with the necessities of the times. father amador, professor of canonical law, having been appointed to form the new laws, in accordance with the resolution of the assembly, concluded them during the same year, 1785. these laws, after being approved by the superior government of these islands, are now in force except in the points modified by subsequent laws. these laws provided that all professorships, with the exception of those belonging to the private patronage of the order of st. dominic, should be conferred by competitive examinations. it also prescribed rules for the conferring of academic degrees by the faculties of theology, canons, law, philosophy, and the new one of medicine, it being provided that, in order to secure the degree of bachelor of theology, canons, civil law, and medicine, it was necessary to have passed in four courses, and for philosophy in three, and that, after having obtained the title of bachelor, it was necessary to exercise the pasantía for four years in the schools of theology and law, and for three years in the other schools. rules werealso provided for the courses, the enrolments, and the examination fees. these laws were taken to a great extent from those in force in the universities of salamanca, mexico, and lima. about that time the king of spain confirmed the privilege of exemption from tribute for all those who had received the degree of bachelor, and also for the pupils of the university, in consideration of "the utility and necessity for this branch of the state to encourage these studies, without which no community can flourish; for, if it should be ordered, contrary to the practice observed up to the present time, that the tribute be paid, the schools would be deserted, to the general injury of these islands." because of the indolence of the times and the lack of pupils, it became necessary to abolish the school of medicine and the class of mathematics and drawing, which were afterwards incorporated by the consulado, and the superior studies continued during the first part of the present century as they existed at the beginning of the eighteenth century. it was not until the year 1836, on the petition of the corporation of st. dominic, that the chair of spanish law was created, increasing the faculty of laws. by a royal order of 1837, continuing the progressive course initiated in the instruction at the university, a commission, presided over by the director of the university, was appointed for the purpose of studying the method of extending the instruction, and making a report upon the manner of filling the chairs which should be created, at the same time preparing a plan of studies, conforming as far as possible with that in force in the peninsula. the report of this commission was awaiting the decision of the court of appeals when a new royal order of april 2, 1842, provided for the appointment of a new commission, also presided over by the director of the university, and consisting of one associate justice of the royal court of appeals, a prebendary of the cathedral chapter, a member of the municipal council, and one of the economic association, for the purpose of preparing a new plan of studies in harmony with the necessities of the times. the new commission, having worked with great activity, presented its completed report, submitting a plan of laws for this university which included the college of san josé, notwithstanding the opposition of its rector, who, as prebendary, formed part of the commission. according to this plan of studies, instruction in theology, philosophy, and jurisprudence was improved, chairs of medicine, pharmacy, and chemistry were created, and that of physics was extended. upon the submission of this plan of studies to the supreme government of his majesty, it was provided by another royal order of april 2, 1846, that funds be secured for the establishment of said change in the university, without injuring the interests of anybody, but respecting those existing in so far as possible. in fulfilment of this decree, on the twenty-sixth of the following august, this superior government appointed another commission, to which was communicated a royal order of april 15, 1847, which appointed, as a member of the same, the rector and chancellor of the university; and another royal order of july 12, of the same year, which directed said commission not to include in the budget of studies "the property of the college of santo tomás, as it is the exclusive property of the dominican fathers." [80] unfortunately this commission was dissolved just before the completion of its work, on account of the absence of some members in the peninsula, there remaining only one (in addition to the rector of the university), who later resigned his membership in the commission, under date of october 28, 1848. but by a royal order of april 19, 1849, the action of this superior government in not accepting said resignation was approved, and in the place of the absent members, señor montes de oca was appointed and instructions given that another competent person should associate with them, in order that the work of university reform might continue. but as the commission did not hasten the matter with the speed desired by the government of his majesty, another royal order was issued, under date of october 19, 1852, urging the commission to conclude the plan, and budget of studies, in accordance with the wishes and the interest of his majesty for the welfare and prosperity of this colony. however, the difficulty of reconciling very great extremes, such as the preservation, in a new plan of studies, of everything already in existence that should be in harmony with the studies of the universities of spain, the formation of a budget without injuring the interests of anyone, and a thousand other necessary considerations, placed under the charge of the commission by more than one royal decree, were more than sufficient causes to prevent the board from finishing its laborious contract and including its complicated work in the brief period desired. hence, it was not until february 16, 1856, that its work was done, and the long-desired plan of studies concluded. this plan was at once sent to the superior government of these islands, in order that it might finally be forwarded when it should be deemed convenient. the papers were still in the hands of the secretary of the government in march, 1859, when a fire occurred in the town of san miguel, where said secretary resided at the time, and unfortunately the papers, in the compilation of which so much valuable labor had been expended, were burned. so unfortunate an occurrence must naturally have delayed this matter, although by chance there was in the possession of the rector of the university a copy of all these works and the previous writings of the board which were used in the compilation of the desired plan. the rector of the university was requested by the government of these islands to furnish all the previous writings in his possession on the works and plan of studies which had been destroyed while in the possession of the secretary, and which should serve as a basis for the new papers treating of the same subject. but before sending the report to his majesty, for his final approval, the superior government received some copies of the plan of studies newly established in the universities of the peninsula, together with a royal order directing that it be adapted in so far as possible to the plan for these islands which was to be presented for the approbation of his majesty. this circumstance led to the suspension of the proceedings instituted, and obliged this superior government to appoint another commission, or, rather, to complete the old one, which had already become disintegrated by the absence of some of its members, to revise the work and the plan of studies formerly proposed, and to harmonize it, if possible, with the plan of studies, a copy of which was sent to the members of the board for the purpose indicated. thus, on april 5, 1861, general lemery appointed the lacking members of said commission, in which figured, as in the former commissions, the director and chancellor of this university. the commission concluded its work on february 20, 1862. the plan of studies prepared by this last commission was presented on the same day to the superior government of the islands and was finally transmitted with a favorable report to the government of his majesty without the sovereign approval for its establishment having as yet been given. this lack of approval of the superior government did not prevent the consideration of the means of immediately carrying into effect the change in the studies, and soon afterwards, in 1865, secondary instruction was adopted with the degree of bachelor of arts, commercial expert, and surveyor, and chemical and industrial expert, as in the universities of the peninsula. the classes were opened the following year, in accordance with a provisional program taken from that of cuba. in 1867, this program was given the supreme approval. secondary instruction having been happily inaugurated, the approval of the plan of superior instruction, submitted by the university to the government of his majesty, was being awaited, when a decree arrived from the regent of the kingdom, don francisco serrano, countersigned by the colonial minister, señor moret, [81] which secularized the official studies, and, suppressing the existing colleges and the universities of santo tomás, converted them into the philippine institute and the university of the philippines respectively, thus ignoring all the elements which they had accumulated in their teaching during three centuries of existence, and turning over the literary future of the people to the hazardous plan, inspired, notwithstanding the loyal patriotism of the minister, by a doctrine diametrically opposed to that which had served as a solid basis for welfare and progress. the corporations of manila, the bishops, and the clergy, with a majority of the householders, protested against a measure which, although it fulfilled the hopes of the university in regard to new chairs and schools, deprived them of any value by separating them completely from the religious basis. these protests were heard by the governor of these islands, señor izquierdo, who provisionally resolved that the decree be not executed in regard to the secularization, but that it be carried out with regard to the new schools. this resolution was fully approved by the government of the peninsula. thus, in 1871, the schools of medicine and pharmacy were established, and the other schools were extended. by a resolution of general moriones, the governor of these islands, which was confirmed by his catholic majesty, it was decided to appoint a director of the college of san josé, which was granted in perpetuity to the rector of the university, and of an administrator, on the recommendation of the said director, for the management of revenues. [82] in 1876, the study of the profession of notary was inaugurated, and two professors were appointed to teach these subjects. finally, in 1879 and 1880, the auxiliary courses of medicine and pharmacy, midwives, assistant surgeons, and practitioners in pharmacy were created. from this date, the university of manila has had a complete course of superior and secondary instruction, better than some universities of the peninsula. [83] this is the brief history of the first and most important educational institution of these islands, [84] in which it may be seen that, without the violence of certain schools, with the moderation and firmness demanded by reforms in the branch of public instruction, this university combining perfectly scientific interests with religion and patriotic interests, has been able to rise to the height required by the circumstances of the period, and has fulfilled the aspirations of all true lovers of christian and spanish civilization. royal college of san felipe de austria i foundation and suppression [diaz (conquistas de las filipinas), speaks as follows of the short existence of the royal college of san felipe.] governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, a magnanimous gentleman, determined to found a royal college under the title of san felipe in honor of felipe iv, in whose reign he assigned four thousand pesos from the royal treasury for twenty becas, until other means should be carried out for their support. he joined it to the college of san josé of manila, which is under the charge and direction of the jesuit religious of the society. the latter college is the older in foundation of the two in the city, leaving out of account the seminary of san juán de letrán, which together with the college of santo tomás is in charge of the religious of st. dominic. both colleges are gardens of letters and virtue which adorn the ecclesiastical estate, both secular and regular. very many very eminent persons, both seculars and regulars, [85] have graduated from those colleges, and up to this time three bishops, and doctor endaya y haro, who after being dean of the cathedral of plasencia, españa, is at present archdeacon of alarcón, a dignity of the cathedral of cuenca, one of the greatest dignities of españa, besides many others who require a separate history. the twenty becas were given to the finest youths in manila on the day of st. sebastian of that year, 1641, amid great applause and gatherings, and they were given the title of royal collegiates. [86] the religious of the society of jesus took charge of the management and instruction of that college with that care and zeal which they usually display. but the permanence of that college endured only during the government of don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, namely, until the year 1644, when that royal college of san felipe was destroyed, and the fathers of the society had to pay the 12,000 pesos which they had spent during those three years on the support [of those pupils], the many good representations made by the said religious--who charged that the royal decree which was couched in very strict terms for that purpose, was obtained by false representation [87]--being of no avail. the new governor don diego faxardo executed that decree with the integrity which these islands experienced in him. the royal treasury owed 8,000 pesos to the fathers of the society, but they were not allowed to receive them on account. thus they had to lose those loans. our province aided them with 8,000 pesos which it had in deposit from some annuities [censos] which their owners had received, and 4,000 were lent them by captain manuel estacio venegas, a very important person of these islands. [88]... this was the beginning, permanence, and end of that unfortunate college of san felipe, whose idea we have seen to have been executed and established by the royal will of king don felipe v, in the foundation of the royal college of san felipe newly established in houses that formerly belonged to captain gabriel diaz del castillo, and afterward confiscated for the properties of licentiate manuel suárez de olivera, who was also an example of the advantage of wealth in this world, for his wealth all went up in smoke without his having gotten from it (and he had much) enough to apply to a mass for his soul. the royal college of san felipe has twelve violet colored becas over red mantles, with the arms of castilla and leon in silver on the breast. they are obliged to be present at the cathedral in their seminary body during the divine offices, and serve as acolytes and other lesser duties of the altar. their first rector and the only one as yet, is licentiate don gabriel de isturis, presbyter, advocate of the royal audiencia. he was alcalde-in-ordinary of the city of manila while in the world, and alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the parián of the sangleys. [89] ii summary of history [the following is condensed from annotations of rev. pablo pastells, s.j., in his edition of colin's labor evangélica.] the college of san felipe de austria was founded by sebastián hurtado de corcuera, at the instance of the ayuntamiento of manila, and was annexed to the college of san josé of manila. the cabildo proposed to corcuera, december 15, 1640, that eighteen royal fellowships and two college servants be assigned in the college of san josé or santo tomás, which were to be given as a reward to those possessing greatest merit and highest rank, because of the great poverty of many of the children and descendants of those who had performed the greatest services for the crown in filipinas. in view of the fact that there are two universities in manila, corcuera is asked to confer in regard to the matter, "so that in the college which his lordship shall assign, of the two above-mentioned, there be eighteen fellowships, and two college servants--twenty in all--and that to them be appointed those who shall deserve it most and those of the highest rank, with the beca and gown that shall be regarded as fitting, in order that they may be recognized as such, and which shall be different from those worn by the other students. for their support and clothing, a sum of three thousand pesos shall be set aside annually." the graduates were to succeed, after passing competitive examination, to the canonries of the manila cathedral. corcuera signed the decree founding the college, december 23, 1640, and the direction of the same was given to the jesuits. by that decree, twenty fellowships were created, and six pampango college servants provided for. the turn of four thousand pesos was assigned for their support, 3,000 being for the twenty fellowships, and the remaining 1,000 for one master and the six servants. provision was made for this sum from four hundred of the general licenses which were issued to the sangleys, granting them permission to remain in manila. january 19, 1641, corcuera issued the rules and regulations for the new college--thirty-three in number--after having conferred with doctor diego de rivera maldonado; auditor of the royal audiencia. these rules and regulations provide as follows: [90] 1. there shall be twenty collegiates, "who must be the sons, grandsons, or descendants of deserving persons who have served his majesty in these islands. the sons of the auditors of this royal audiencia, living or dead, and those of the royal official judges, and those of all the war officers, great and small, shall always have the preference; and in default of them, any others of these islands, who possess the necessary qualifications. said collegiates shall be in the charge and under the care of the father rector, present or future, of the said college; and no one shall enter the college or be received therein unless he shall have presented a government provision therefor to the said father rector." 2. the college servants shall be of influential pampango families, and they shall be taught "to read and write, and the spanish language," and shall be given clerkships if they show aptitude therefor. 3. the collegiates must be of pure race and have no mixture of moorish or jewish blood, to the fourth degree, and shall have no negro or bengal blood, or that of any similar nation, in their veins, or a fourth part of filipino blood. 4. the royal arms shall be placed above the principal door of the college, and surrounding those arms the latin words: collegium regale divi philippi [royal college of san felipe]. 5. the outside clothing worn by the collegiates shall be a gown of blue and black silk, and a beca of purple velvet, and on the left side an escutcheon with the arms of castilla and leon with the royal crown above, and below, the fleece whence protrudes the cross of alcantara, edged at the points with gold. the sleeves and bonnet shall be black. in the house they shall wear a garment of the same silk and color in place of the gown. the college servants shall wear a semi-cassock of the same silk material, with hat and girdle, with the royal arms on the left side of the breast. 6. all that is necessary for the support and clothing of the collegiates shall be given them, being paid for from the 150 pesos assigned for each one. they shall each be provided with one silken gown, one beca of purple velvet, one silken garment, one bonnet, four pairs of sleeves of black taffeta, six shirts and six pairs of linen breeches, twelve pairs of shoes, four pairs of cotton socks, two pairs of breeches and two doublets, and one dozen linen collars. 7. twelve of the collegiates shall be art students [pasantes de facultad], and the other eight, grammar, but the governors may vary the number of those in each branch at their pleasure. 8. the course shall take eight years, and shall comprise three in arts and four in theology; and no collegiate may be more than seven years in the said college and one year as a lodger, unless elected as a conciliar the last year, after which he shall then be a lodger. those studying grammar shall remain nine years. 9. when there is a sufficient number who wish to be given a fellowship, a competitive examination shall be held. 10. until there are those who can compete for the fellowships, they shall be appointed after taking an examination given by the three fathers named by the rector. 11. all collegiates must take an oath of mutual defense in and out of the college, and must defend the immaculate conception of the virgin. 12. the collegiates must be given sufficient food, and on certain feast days, viz., of sts. philip and james, st. sebastian, and the day of the immaculate conception, something extra. 13. the hours shall correspond to those of the university of san josé. 14. the collegiates shall confess and take communion at least five times per year, viz., on the three feasts of christmas, easter, and pentecost, and the days of sts. sebastian and philip, under penalty of a fortnight's seclusion every time they fail to observe it, and loss of their college portion for that time. 15. the students of san josé shall be preferred to all others in competition for fellowships. 16. these shall be defended every saturday when no legal obstacle presents itself. 17. all the collegiates shall be obliged to attend vespers and mass in the royal chapel on st. sebastian's day, and on the feast of the most holy sacrament held at the same place, and they shall have to take part in the procession of the latter day as well as on the day of sts. philip and james (may 2). 18. gambling with cards, dice, or in other manner is forbidden, the penalties being for the first time, seclusion for a fortnight and deprivation of the college portion for that time; for the second, that penalty doubled, and for the third, dismissal from the college. 19. the college shall be locked after the evening prayer, after time has been allowed for the collegiates to arrive from the farthest part of the city. the third time that any collegiate is late, he shall be dismissed from the college. no collegiate may go into the city without his gown and beca. 20. the library shall be open two hours in the morning and two in the afternoon, but no book shall be taken from it, "under penalty that the collegiate so doing, shall not enter the library for six months, and shall pay the college for the book, unless he return it. the librarian or attendant shall be the senior collegiate, and he shall be present in the said library one hour in the morning and one in the afternoon." 21. corcuera prescribes that he be advised of any case for expulsion in order that he may give permission for such expulsion. expulsion shall take place if it is proved that any collegiate has obtained the beca for sinister reasons, or is not of the proper purity of blood. 22. the collegiates shall live a good moral life under penalty of expulsion. 23. collegiates shall be preferred in all appointments to the beneficed curacies and in the church dignities. 24. every day the collegiates shall recite a prayer for the king, besides a responsary for the deceased sovereigns. they shall assemble (as is the custom at san josé) twice in the chapel, once on rising in the morning, and the second time at night, at which times the said prayers shall be repeated. 25. the auditor diego de rivera shall be the protector of the college, and in his absence, the one who shall be appointed by the government. the governor shall inspect the college annually without the intervention of any ecclesiastic, but he may delegate it to the father provincial of the society. 26. on the day of the patron saint of the college, the collegiates shall assemble and three of the most capable shall be chosen as assistants to the rector in matters of importance. 27 and 28. the college shall contain archives for the conservation of important papers, and records. 29. the rector shall have especial care of the money assigned for the support of the collegiates. 30. one of the art or theological collegiates shall be elected annually as conciliar, when the number is sufficient to warrant it. 31. if the expenses of the degree of doctor or licentiate in any course reach 400 pesos, counting the fees, theaters, gloves, collations, and other things, the royal collegiates shall pay only half the fees to the doctors and teachers. 32. the senior collegiate in any course shall be graduated before the other students in that course. 33. the college is entrusted to the jesuits as corcuera has full confidence in them. the dominicans asked that the twenty fellowships founded by corcuera be adjudged to their college, without any gratification or income. their request was made by the rector of that college, fray domingo goncales, and the other religious of the same, and they offered to take the twenty students free of all charge to the king, as an appreciation of the latter's many favors to their college. corcuera answered the request by a decree, november 23, 1640, in which he suggested that the dominicans might use the 3,000 pesos which they offered for the support of the fellowships, for bringing over missionaries of their order from spain, thus relieving the king of that expense. but it is not in accord with the greatness of the king to listen to such a proposal. on august 8, 1641, corcuera wrote to felipe iv, stating the reason which induced him to found the college. he cites therein the request made him by the manila cabildo, encloses the dominican's petition, and gives his reasons for refusing it. he also asks that the college be exempted from the payment of the half-annats, as it is a royal institution. when diego fajardo took possession of the government, august 11, 1644, he ordered the assignments for the fellowships, amounting now to 12,000 pesos, belonging to the college of san felipe, now received by the college of san josé, to be returned, in accordance with a royal decree dated june 16, 1643, ordering the former college discontinued. the jesuits urged against the measure "that his majesty did not order that the society should pay the said sum, but that there be given to the royal treasury what the society had received, leaving it to the decision of the royal official judges how it was to be paid and by whom; that the seminary of san josé was a distinct college, and had made no use of what had been spent in the support of the royal college; that it was only interested because it had given them a house in which to live: consequently it was not right that it should pay from the income which its founder had instituted, what they had not eaten and drunk. as regards the embargo of property, we alleged immunity, for it was proved that the incomes of the college of san josé were ecclesiastical." the sentence was given in favor of the society by the royal officials, but the governor would not listen. the society were ordered to pay the 12,000 within three days. the governor refused to discount 8,000 pesos owed the society by the treasury, and to take 4,000 pesos in cash, and hence, it became necessary for the society to seek a loan. the king on fuller information, ordered the society to be reimbursed to the amount of the 12,000 pesos, if it had been collected from them, by a royal decree dated march 17, 1647. [91] secular priests in the philippines summary of a letter by archbishop pardo (dated june 6, 1680), in answer to a letter from the king and a royal decree of august 22, 1077. this decree ordained that the archbishop should make all the efforts that he possibly could to maintain at their studies such indians of the islands as were inclined to that pursuit, and in due time should promote them to holy orders, when he found them properly instructed; and that for this purpose some boys should enter the colleges that the dominicans and jesuits maintain, until a seminary be founded. the archbishop stated the little inclination that the indians have for theological and moral studies, and that there was the additional difficulty of their evil customs, their vices, and their preconceived ideas--which made it necessary to treat them as children, even when they were fifty or sixty years old. he considered even the sons of spaniards, born in the islands, unsuitable for priests, since they were reared by indian or slave women, because of their defective training and education in youth. finally, on account of the sloth produced by the climate, and of effeminacy and levity of disposition, it was evident that if they were ordained priests and made ministers to the indians when they were not sufficiently qualified therefor, through the necessity there was for them, they did not again open a book, and with their vicious habits set a very bad example to their parishioners. that which should be done was to send from españa those religious who were most zealous for the conversion of souls. [92] royal decree concerning native schools the king. inasmuch as it is ordered by law v, título 13, book i, [93] of the nueva recopilación de las indias that all the archbishops and bishops of the indias give order in their dioceses to the curas and missionaries to the effect that by using the most mild means, they order and direct all the indians to be taught the spanish language, and the christian doctrine in that language, so that they may become more proficient in the mysteries of our holy catholic faith, gain profit for their salvation, and attain other advantages in their government and mode of living; and inasmuch as it is ordered by another law, namely, law xviii, título i, of book vi, that schools be founded for the indians and teachers appointed to teach the castilian language to those who wish of their own free will to learn it, in the manner that may be of least trouble to them and without cost to them; and since it appears that the sacristans of the churches can do this well, just as in the villages of these kingdoms they teach reading, writing, and the christian doctrine: [94] therefore, considering, in my royal council of the indias, the great advisability of observing this in the future strictly and inviolably, as it is inferred to be the most efficient means for banishing idolatries, to which the indians are for the greater part addicted at present, as they were in the beginning of their conversion, from this means also it follows that the vexations which are practiced on them will cease in whole or in great part, and the indians will be able to make their complaints directly to the superiors without making use of interpreters, who being bribed change the translation, i have resolved to order and command, as i do by this present, my viceroys, presidents, governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor, who hold office at present or shall hold office in the future, of all the provinces of nueva españa, guatemala, filipinas islands, and barlovento, and i ask and request the archbishops and bishops of the metropolitan churches and cathedrals of those countries, each one, so far as it concerns him, to watch carefully and strictly over the observance of the laws above cited. they shall cause them to be carried out strictly, without any opposition or interpretation, so that the indians may study the castilian language and begin immediately to learn it. i charge all to have especial care in this, and i warn (as i do by this present) the viceroys, presidents, governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor of all the provinces and islands above mentioned, that the non-observance of this shall be charged against them in their residencias. [95] i also order and command generally all the ecclesiastical and secular ministers mentioned in this despatch, to report to me on all occasions when a fleet sails, and on all other occasions that offer, that they have placed in practice what is expressed and mentioned by the above-mentioned laws, and of what they shall continue to do in their observance and punctual performance, and the result thereof; for it is so important for the end which is proposed and so to the service of god and myself, to be informed of the results which i hope will follow from the observance and fulfilment of the abovesaid laws. given in madrid, june 20, 1686. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: antonio ortiz de otalora college-seminary of san felipe i � decree of king felipe v to the royal audiencia of manila, in regard to a seminary which the king ordered to be founded in that city. president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila, in the filipinas islands: by a despatch of april 28, of the former year, 1702, i ordered the master-of-camp, don domingo de zabalburu, then governor and captain-general of those islands, to order the foundation in that city of a seminary with the number of eight seminarists; the cost of its building and support to be met from the assets proceeding from the vacant bishoprics of those islands. there was also to be applied for this purpose what might be necessary from the tithes. in case what was assigned for these expenses was insufficient, the sum lacking was to be supplied by my royal treasury. i advised him of the equity with which he was to work in this matter, which should be with the advice of the archbishop of that metropolitan church (to whom the same charge was made). he was to inform me of the advance made in the foundation of the above-mentioned seminary. but not learning from him what he has spent, the apostolic nuncio who resides in this capital has informed me of the news that his holiness possesses (by report of cardinal tournon, [96] after conferring with the archbishop, don diego camacho y avila, at present bishop of guadalajara) of the progress of the seminary founded by the above-mentioned archbishop in that city, and that abbot sidoti [97] (one of the missionaries who went to china) in the time when he was detained there [i.e., in manila] in order to pass to japon, settled the differences existing between the governor and archbishop, and that they had delayed this foundation. that foundation was then much advanced by the means which he applied therefor, and the copious alms which were contributed by the faithful, especially by the inhabitants of the islands near that city, who had given to the abovesaid abbot for that purpose, all the wood which was necessary, and had paid seven hundred men for its cutting and transportation. with that wood a large edifice was built near the church and archiepiscopal palace. at the rate at which the work was advancing, many were encouraged to enter the seminary in which were more than eighty seminarists. some of them were those appointed by the above-mentioned my governor, as my vice-patron. others were supported by the assistance of their parents, and others by the piety of the faithful. for that reason the archbishop needed teachers to devote themselves to the education of that family, and his holiness praising the pious mind with which at my expense (as protector of religion) its promotion has been begun in those islands, and desiring that the gospel law be more defended in them every day, he had condescended, at the instances of archbishop and governor, and had given permission to cardinal tournon so that he might send to the assistance of the above-mentioned seminary one of his apostolic men, of tried virtue and ability, so that, it being my royal pleasure, he might be employed in instructing those recently converted, and in educating all who come from the neighboring kingdom in the gospel doctrine. since that intent is so pleasing to god (since its purpose is to extend his true worship) his blessedness trusted that it would be acceptable to me, and that i would give order for the furnishing of the fitting means, in order that so worthy an undertaking might be perfected and maintained, since by means of it the rearing in my domains of apostolic men would be obtained with the education of the greatest consideration, and the veneration due my royal person. without prejudice to the seminary, and to the advantage of that city, very worthy subjects [it was represented] would graduate therefrom for the ministry of preachers, and for the office of parish priests, and those islands would be provided with very worthy subjects who would perform the duties of the apostolic institute, without there resulting to my royal treasury the vast expense of their transportation to so remote provinces, and of their maintenance therein. that representation having been examined in my council of the indias, and they consulting with me in regard to it, i have resolved to give notice of these things (as is done by the despatch of this day) to my governor and captain-general of those islands, telling him our great astonishment that that news has arrived by the medium through which it has been received, without his predecessor (in fulfilment of his first and due obligation) having informed me of so unexpected an innovation as that of having admitted into those islands foreign persons, to whose active effort the roman court has been able to attribute the progress of the conversions and the propagation of our holy faith, when the principal consideration of my catholic zeal consists in the despatch and support (at so great expense to my royal treasury) of the great number of learned missionaries of the orders which are established in those islands; that what the above-mentioned governor permitted is so contrary to the obligation and fulfilment of that purpose, as is manifest in the displeasure with which i view the fact that he allowed (with so great offense to my service) the excessive number of seminarists who have been received in the new college, many of them not being my vassals, but foreigners, who are admitted without my express license; that i should hear this great innovation and those harmful acts by other medium than that of my vassals and ministers; and that the conditions established in the foundation which i resolved with so great anticipation should be made, were altered. i order and command that, as soon as the despatch which is sent is received, without the least delay, all the foreign seminarists in the said seminary shall be immediately removed therefrom; and of those who shall be my vassals, those in excess of the number of the eight whom i have preferred, for whose support the calculation has been made, by settling the suitable compensation with the teachers. those who desire to be admitted as boarders shall not exceed sixteen in number, because of the inconveniences that would result from giving a greater extension to their entrance into the territory where there are so few spanish inhabitants, in which it is necessary for the natives to apply themselves to the cultivation of the fields and the industries of the community without anyone being able to enter without your license, as my vice-patron. especial care shall be taken for the encouragement and aid by all possible means for the progress and completion of the seminary, which i have founded, so that it may exist in the form and according to the laws established for that purpose, without violating those laws in any manner. the persons who aided in the building of the new seminary in good faith with edifices, incomes, and other things, which they liberally applied and gave for it, shall be petitioned to condescend to apply it all for the seminary which i have ordered to be founded. that seminary is to be maintained in the form abovesaid. in case that such persons do not agree thereto, they shall be paid the just price of all that which shall be esteemed useful and advantageous to the above-mentioned seminary. that which shall be considered as useless for this purpose, shall be restored to its own owners, in the manner which may be suitable, excepting the edifices which might not be necessary and which must be destroyed. not less is the innovation and wonder that has been caused that, on your part, i have not been informed of what was done in the above-mentioned seminary, contrary to what i have determined and established for its foundation, incurring also with your undue tolerance and forgetfulness of the fulfilment of your obligation and ministry the same guilt as the governor, and my displeasure. i have desired to inform you of it and to order you (as i do) that in case the above-mentioned, my governor and captain-general, does not fulfil the above expressed, my resolution, with the exactness and in the form which has been ordered him, you shall execute it without permitting the least delay, because of its great importance to my service. you shall inform me of all that may conduce to the success of this matter, in order that i may be thoroughly advised of it. given in madrid, march 3, 1710. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don felix de la cruz haedo lower down are five rubrics. ii [concepción has the following in regard to this seminary and its founding, in chapter xiii, vol. viii.] 12. another matter even more delicate, and which irritated even more the just annoyance of our monarch phelipe fifth, was that in which señor tournon took part with even greater ardor, and the results of which fell heavily upon the governor and the archbishop. april twenty-eight, one thousand seven hundred and two, a royal decree was sent to this government, in which was mentioned the receipt of a letter from don juan fausto cruzat y gongora, dated june thirteen, seven hundred, in observance of a royal despatch of ninety-seven, which ordered him to report as to whether there was a college seminary in the metropolitan church of manila, and in case there was none, what its foundation and maintenance would cost. in the above-mentioned letter, don fausto reported that such a foundation was unnecessary. however, his majesty, with a spirit of liberality and zeal, resolved upon the foundation with the number of eight seminarists for the time being. its foundation and maintenance were to be paid from the ecclesiastical incomes. the decree ordered that, after conferring with the archbishop, the account of its cost should be made and the necessary means should be applied for that purpose from what was yielded by the vacant bishoprics. the amount that could be realized from the tithes was also to be ascertained, and [it was to be stated] whether they met the necessary expenses. for it was his royal intention that they should be preferred rather than that it should be at the cost of his royal treasury and estate. the king relied on the governor's carefulness and accurate direction that he would treat discreetly and economically concerning such expenses, which must be made with all the advisable benefit and saving. whatever he did, and what result it had, was to be reported promptly. another royal despatch was sent to the archbishop. in it his majesty orders and resolves that, inasmuch as the sacred canons and pontifical briefs provide for a seminary for young men in all the cathedral churches, in order that they may become proficient in the sciences, and apply themselves to and assist in divine worship, therefore in fulfilment of them, his majesty having been informed that there was no such seminary in manila, he desired one to be founded from his royal treasury in the metropolitan church. for the time being it was to have eight seminarists, and the decree goes on to repeat the orders communicated to the king's governor for that purpose. these despatches gave advice of the preceding reports of the government to the effect that no such seminary was necessary, as well as of that of the archbishop who was of the opinion that the cost should be met from the pensioned curacies, in proportion to their ecclesiastical allowances. his majesty determined that the foundation and maintenance should be met not from the pensions of the curas, as such was not stipulated by the council of trent, but from the ecclesiastical incomes which the crown enjoys, by virtue of pontifical bulls, the balance being supplied from his royal treasury. inasmuch as his immunity might be prejudiced, his majesty advised his governor of the communication with the reverend archbishop, thus avoiding disturbances and litigations in regard to the net amounts [liquidus] with the assignment in the ecclesiastical effects, such resolution being merely informative and not executive. the execution is charged only upon the governor, as is immediately inferred from what the royal despatch says: "you shall give me information of what you shall do, and its result." the decree addressed to the archbishop does not say this, from which it is evidently deduced that his majesty's wish is that the communication to the archbishop is merely economic, in regard to the savings of the royal treasury, and authoritative, in the application of such ecclesiastical properties, so far as may be necessary. 13. the amount of the tithes and vacancies was, in fact, ascertained in the execution of the decree with the aid of his excellency, don diego camacho. it was found that the tithes, as a general rule, are not collected in these islands; and that those which are received regularly from some estates, do not exceed the sum of four hundred pesos per annum, and they are received by the cathedral church through a concession. the vacancies not proceeding from the products of curacies, could only be in the allowances with which his majesty aids the bishops for their suitable support from the effects of his royal patrimony, exempt from the obligations by which the tithes, as ecclesiastical incomes, are accompanied, because of vacancies, and are to be converted into benefit for the new prelate, church, and pious uses. however, investigation was made of the vacancies of such stipends, and it was found uniformly in the certifications of the royal officials that they were converted as though they were tithes; and that they were applied to the holy church for its building fund, and for the aid of the archbishops and bishops who had come to these islands, as an aid in the pontifical expenses, and to furnish their household furniture and other things in a fitting manner. only one vacancy of one of the bishoprics was then found without pay warrant, but its warrant was expected immediately. and although this and the subsequent vacancies were obtained in three payments, those payments were already applied to the expenses of the professors, both those which came from the royal treasury and those of the church fund, and maintenance of such college seminary, which necessarily became perpetual without redintegration being made in whole or in part. 14. the conditions of the first foundation were changed, very much against the intention of his majesty, by the arrival at manila of the patriarch, don carlos thomas maillard de tournon. the right reverend camacho came to terms with that gentleman, who took a hand in that college, and altered its foundation, by increasing it with foreign seminarists without the intervention of the vice-patron. several alms which had been collected were applied to the maintenance of seventy-two collegiates who were to be of all nationalities. a new and showy building was provided for on a site opposite the archiepiscopal palace. for this enterprise was also applied a portion of certain alms which had been collected by abbot sidoti, amounting to twelve thousand pesos, which were given into the care of the financial board of the misericordia, in order that they might yield a suitable return, and their products in the investments realized were applied by the said abbot to various pious purposes, one of them being that of the seventy-two seminarists. his consideration for the apostolic visitor and patriarch, and for the powers promulgated for all by the apostolic see, reprehensibly restrained señor zabalburù in the performance of his duties. 15. this was aided by seeing the archbishop so greatly in harmony with the patriarch. this fact also intimidated the royal audiencia, so that they passed the matter by with most criminal carelessness in so peculiar and irregular proceedings, and the rights so suitably belonging to the monarch were violated very shamefully. with such condescension, the archbishop passed to the remarkable audacity of influencing señor tournon, to report by common consent all that had been done to his holiness, so that the latter might approve the excesses independently of the royal patronage in the increase of teachers because of the lack which he considered in the education of the collegiates, and apply for their salaries the various alms which he had gathered, and for the maintenance of seventy-two seminarists who were to be of all nationalities, and for the new building. the government and the royal audiencia were so remiss, that such information came to his majesty's ears through the nuncio of his holiness who resided in his court, to whom the patriarch and the archbishop had communicated it. his majesty wondered that his governor zabalburù had not informed him of so weighty an innovation in the progress of the seminary, and that he had not given information regarding the observance of the royal decrees, in which his [i.e., the king's] watchful zeal had proposed the foundation of the seminary college. 16. so angry was the court against the right reverend prelate señor camacho, where his connivance with the patriarch was so displeasing, that he was removed from this metropolitan see to the bishopric of guadalaxara in nueva españa. he went thither in the year one thousand seven hundred and six, to take possession of his government. he was a zealous and charitable archbishop. from the due salary of his predecessor, señor poblete, from various alms given by the king, and from those given by pious private persons, his zealous diligence got together more than forty thousand pesos. he spent them in this holy church of manila in its decoration and ornament. he gilded the reredos, beautified the choir, enriched the sacristy with chalices and ornaments, and as well built the excellent steeple from its foundations, and other things. more than twenty thousand pesos were pledged in these expenses and in various alms. he was a vigilant shepherd, and if the violent controversies above mentioned which he had with the regulars occurred, he can very easily be excused in what did not exceed the authority and dignity of his office. he promoted the missions of paynaan and san isidro, where he went in person to induce the aetas or negritos to become converted. [other facts concerning the life of camacho follow.] [98] 18. no arbitrary measures were taken. his majesty gave place to the anger that had been conceived, and the representation of the nuncio was examined in the royal and supreme council. his royal majesty having been informed concerning the matter, resolved in his royal despatch that the admission of foreign persons into these islands for such a purpose was an unexpected innovation, and to whose active diligence the roman court might attribute the progress of the conversions. in that his royal zeal might be seen to be corrected, since his principal consideration in his catholic zeal, was to send and to maintain at so great cost, a great number of ministers chosen from the orders which had been established in these islands. what had been permitted by governor zabalburù was to the great violation of the obligation and fulfilment of such a purpose, and the displeasure with which his majesty viewed the fact that so offensive an act had been allowed against his royal service in the excessive number of seminarists was harshly manifested; as was the fact that foreigners who were not his vassals had been received in said college, and admitted without his royal and express license; and the fact that he had heard that great innovation and those prejudicial proceedings through other mediums than those of his ministers and vassals: thus having altered the conditions which he had resolved should be made so long before. 19. his majesty orders and commands his [i.e., zabalburú's] successor in the government, count de lizaraga, as soon as he received this despatch, and without the slightest delay, to immediately remove all the foreign seminarists from such seminary; while of those who should be his own vassals, all those in excess of the number of eight, whom he had preferred, and for whose support the calculation had been made, by deciding with the necessary teachers upon the suitable allowance, if they desired to enter as boarders, they could not exceed the number of sixteen. [this was done] in order to avoid the troubles that might result if the privilege of admission were extended farther, in a territory where there were so few spanish inhabitants, where it was necessary for the natives to apply themselves to the cultivation of the soil, and the industries of the community. it was to be noted that no one could enter without the permission of the vice-patron, to whose activity he charges the especial care, and orders him to aid by all means possible the progress and conclusion of the seminary, which he had founded, in order that it might subsist in the manner and according to the laws established, without transgressing those laws in any manner. he was to arrange with the persons who with good faith assisted in the said building fund, with incomes, edifices, and other things, which they applied liberally, in order that they might condescend to apply the whole to what his majesty had ordered to be erected. in case they did not agree thereto, the just price was to be paid them, of whatever should be considered useful to the said seminary, while what might be considered useless was to be returned to its owners, in the best and most fitting form, except the buildings, which were to be necessarily destroyed. his majesty insists that he be informed as quickly as possible, because of its great importance, of the observance of his resolution. for the same purpose, he orders the same of his royal audiencia, by a despatch of the same day, and orders that decree to be read annually at the opening [of the seminary] in january (as is done), in order that it might be exactly observed and in order to avoid such intrusions, to the great prejudice of the supreme rights and privileges. 20. in fulfilment of that royal decree, the investigation of the alms gathered by abbot sidoti was made. the application of those alms, by virtue of the conditions of the pious foundations, could not be used for the support of the eight seminarists, who were appointed at his majesty's account; nor to aid the expenses of the royal treasury in the new building of the college on the site of the houses sequestered from [the property of] licentiate don manuel suarez de olivera. the inhabitants who had contributed to the building fund and incomes with their alms were asked that such be allowed to be freely applied to the college ordered to be erected by his majesty. in such an innovation, greater expenses were incurred by the royal treasury on the site opposite to the archiepiscopal palace and solicited by the governor and archbishop, because the purchase and expense of timber and its haulage were effected at a cost of four thousand pesos which were paid on the account of the royal treasury to general don miguel de eloriaga so that they might be spent with the intervention of the said abbot. that is evident in the records of the account of said general presented and sworn to, in regard to such expenses, with an attestation from the said sidoti that it was true. thus that was a superfluous expense on the royal treasury. for although a portion of the timber bought for that money was used for the addition to the new building on the site next the sequestered house of licentiate suarez, in order to give greater extension to the college, very little of it was useful, and did not amount, together with that which was sold, to two thousand pesos in value. the remainder was lost with the purchased and abandoned site which was used for nothing. that could have been built with four thousand pesos if the building attempted opposite the archiepiscopal palace had been left out of the question. in that the cost to the royal treasury was about six thousand pesos, the annual maintenance aggregating one thousand two hundred pesos, without noting the necessary expenses for physician, apothecary, and other things, plus two hundred pesos for two professors in philosophy and theology. 21. his majesty also resolved to order and command his governor, as soon as he received that despatch, to order and take measures, as was most advisable and efficacious, to suppress the name of san clemente which had been given to the seminary by the abbot, and to change it into that of san phelipe, in order that no remembrance might be left of the sinister reports of which his holiness had been informed to the discredit of the royal and earnest zeal in providing measures for the advance of religion, without giving the slightest motive for so peculiar and special influences. the fitting measures for the change of name were really taken, and that fact was recorded in the books of the accountancy and of the said college. the archbishop, dean, and cabildo were informed thereof, in order that they might properly observe it. [as punishment for his omission, governor zabalburú was dismissed, although his term was already ended, as were also the auditors. the governor was a just man, but his intimacy with the jesuits caused him to be distrusted.] [chapter xiv contains the following in regard to this seminary.] 2. during his government [i.e., of the new archbishop, fray francisco de la cuesta, of the order of san geronimo] arrived the resolution regarding the seminary college of san phelipe. its erection was entrusted to his excellency, señor cuesta. he having made the foundation, proceeded to draw up its rules, which being milder for the seminarists, corrected those of the most illustrious camacho. however, most of them were not in accord with the royal patronage, and its rights. his excellency incurred the inadvertence of prescribing in the second of his rules that the escutcheon of the royal arms should be placed on a prominent spot, while in the interior or in any other part of the said seminary, were also to be placed the arms of the archbishop. in doing so, he said that he was in accord with the second law of the first book and twenty-third título of the recopilación [99] of these kingdoms. that would be allowable if the seminary had been founded at his cost or at the cost pro rata given by his prebendaries and others who are mentioned in the council of trent. in that he claimed the right of private patronage, reserving for his majesty only the universal patronage. that was a surprising resolution, since the archbishop himself confessed that the seminary had been founded at the expense of the royal treasury, while the placing of escutcheons and arms signifies one's private expenses and special zeal; when his majesty, without any controversy, is the sole founder. therefore its foundation was purely lay, and in such concept, beyond any question the universal and private patronage belonged to his majesty, as it was founded at the expense of his royal patrimony. still more harmful were the fourth and fourteenth rules, in which it is declared that the nomination and election of the collegiates is at the disposition of the ordinary, after conferring and obtaining the opinion of the prebendaries; as is also their expulsion in the case of incorrigibles, after their rector has informed the ordinary of such: although that nomination and expulsion belonged very properly (and exclusively) to his majesty, as its foundation was not couched in the terms mentioned by the council of trent. to him could only pertain by delivery and by royal disposition their spiritual government, because of the greater care in investigating and restraining their morals. the error of his excellency was notable in this regard, for although the governor petitioned that he be given possession of such seminary, in the name of his dignity and of his church he declares that the appointment of rector, administrator, and master is in the first place, a right of the superior government by virtue of the laws of the royal patronage, and that he deign to make provision of such posts in persons justified and qualified as most fitting. for being univocal and in accord with the doctrine, founded on laws, the naming and disposition of the collegiates ought also to be private. 3. no measures were taken for the time being to revise the rules, especially the ones mentioned, conforming them to the royal patronage. the practice continued of the ordinary giving the despatches and titles in his provision, until the report of señor cuesta to the government asking that the two professors of philosophy and theology might be removed, as he considered such chairs unprofitable. he represented that as a charge on his conscience, asking that fruitless expenses might not be continued for the royal treasury, thus opposing the two professors at that time. the matter was given to his majesty's fiscal for examination, at that time señor vedoya. his reply was that those professorships ought to be suppressed because of the reasons alleged; namely, because they were costly to maintain and of none effect. thereupon, his majesty's fiscal reported the special measure of the royal decree of foundation, which provides that no one shall enter the said college without the express license of the vice-patron; that the rules cited were harmful to the universal and private patronage, and that with the opinion of the assessor, an express clause should be added to the above-mentioned fourth rule, by which in order to be admitted into the seminary, the collegiates were to be presented to the vice-patron, and the permission petitioned which is provided by the royal decree. the government in accord with that opinion, and with that of the assessor of the same tenor, informed the archbishop of the measure. the latter replied that from the time of the receipt of the decree, no nomination had been made, or any election of collegiate or boarder of those who had been admitted, as no advice of such circumstance of license for entrance into said college had been given. in answer to his reply the fiscal insisted with strong reasons that the royal patronage, both universal and special, be put into due practice, without allowing errors in the appropriation of the appointments and approvals in the entrance of collegiate seminarists. to the ordinary was alone left, by virtue of his trust from his majesty, the government and administration of the collegiates, for the greater security in the investigation of their qualifications and morals. that was done, and the royal patronage was left in power. [see also the fuller account given by san antonio, in vol. xxviii, pp. 117-123; concepción's historia, x, pp. 170-184; and martinez de zúñiga's historia, pp. 518, 519. concepción says that the king resolved, january 27, 1714, upon the erection of three chairs, for laws, canons, and institute, respectively, to be appointed by competitive examination. these were for the purpose of educating the natives for the cathedral dignities. the despatch concerning this matter was received in manila, in august, 1717. with the decree of july 26, 1730, the seminary virtually came to an end.] college of san juan de letran of the removal of the college of san juan de letran of manila on may 8 of this same year, 669, the college of san juan de letran was moved to the site on which it is even yet located. it had its first beginning in the house of a pious spaniard, called juan geronimo guerrero, who had dedicated himself, with christian piety, to gathering orphan boys in his house, where he raised, clothed, and sustained them, and taught them to read and to write, and much more, to live in the fear of god. [100] his piety was aided by many citizens, who offered him abundant alms. especially was the governor, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, earnest in aiding him and helping him by giving him, in the name of the king our sovereign, some portion of the cost for so holy a work. among other things, he gave him an encomienda, [101] in order to sustain the orphans with its products; and a bit of homestead or arable land, one hundred brazas long and fifty wide in the alcaycería or parián of the sangleys, in order that they might erect shops therein without paying any land tax to the city. both concessions were afterwards confirmed by the king our sovereign and his royal council. [102] while that good man was employing himself in so holy a work, a lay-brother religious, a porter of our convent of manila, called fray diego de santa maria, a man of example, virtue, and perfection, was doing the same also. he gathered orphan and abandoned boys in the said porter's lodge of the convent, and reared them in holy and praiseworthy customs. he clothed and sustained them with alms, which some devout persons gave him, and taught them their first letters; and, if any were inclined to study grammar, he sent them to our college of santo thomas which is very near the said convent. so many were the boys who were gathered that a congregation was formed of them. the said lay-brother religious gave that congregation the name of san pedro y san pablo; for all were clothed in one single manner, and all kept one form of life, with so great example to all the city that the admiration of all its citizens was won. and this is not much, since that work of charity was so agreeable to the eyes of god, who, in order that one of his servants might see and wonder at it, worked a prodigious miracle. it happened that a citizen of manila made a journey to the city of lima, where resided the venerable brother, martin de porres, in our convent of el rosario; and as that servant of god was so charitable, he was very much pleased to have others so. that citizen of manila, by name francisco ortiz, told him that he knew a lay-brother religious, a laborer of this place of manila, a man of most holy life, who supported with alms twenty-four orphan boys, whom he had gathered, and was teaching them to read and write. and the most especial thing which was admired in him was that he never went forth from the convent in search of those alms, but that our lord directed them to him in order that he might carry forward the work of charity, which he was doing with the said poor boys. the servant of god hearing that gave him to understand that he desired greatly to know and to treat with that holy lay-brother, who lived in this city of manila at a distance of three thousand leguas from the city of lima. after three days, francisco ortiz returned to visit the servant of god, whom he found very cheerful and happy. smiling the latter gave him to understand that he had already seen and talked with the said lay-brother religious of manila, and had encouraged him to proceed in so pious a work. what most astonished francisco ortiz was to hear the servant of god talk the chinese language, which the sangleys of this country used, as will be related more in detail in the life of the servant of god, martin de porres. the pious juan geronimo guerrero, founder of the college of san juan de letran, reached old age, and even a decrepit old age. consequently, he became incapable of governing the orphan boys whom he had gathered. for, lacking and fearing but little the punishment which youth demands for its better direction, they took it upon themselves to leave the house whenever they wished, and to run away, contrary to the pleasure of their patron. consequently, he was left finally with only three, who either from love to their master, or because of a better natural disposition, did not follow the others. in order that they might not be lost, he entrusted them to our brother, fray diego de santa maria, with whom he had a very close familiarity, inasmuch as he saw him engaged in his same employment. in order that the brother might take care of them, and of his own children, he gave him an allowance and gift in the form of the concessions which the king, our sovereign, had conceded to him. that cession was accepted by the governor of the islands, and afterward confirmed by the king our sovereign. the same favors were conceded to our order so that it might take charge of the rearing of those orphan and abandoned boys. juan geronimo guerrero, finding himself free now and exempt from that occupation, thought only of preparing himself for a good death, and accordingly begged the father prior of our convent to receive him, and to take care of him in his infirmary. not only was that conceded to him, but, seeing him with the desire to adopt the habit of our order, gave it to him as lay-brother, and he died as a professed religious of our order. this province finding itself pledged with the prosecution of the rearing of those orphan boys, assigned for them some low quarters which were near the porter's lodge of our convent of santo domingo. that site already had the form and name of a college with the title of san pedro y san pablo, which it had had from the beginning. under this title the college was confirmed by our most reverend father master general, fray thomas turco. but inasmuch as the concessions of the king our sovereign were made under the title and name of the ancient college of san juan de letran, founded by juan geronimo guerrero, and had been accepted under that title by the king our sovereign, who received it by various royal decrees under his royal protection, on that account even yet it has conserved the title of san juan de letran. [103] however, it also recognizes as patrons the apostles st. peter and st. paul. for the government and direction of this college, the venerable father, fray sebastian de oquendo, [104] prior at that time of the convent of santo domingo, who had charge of the college then, made them some very holy, but very strict statutes, for they were taken quite exactly from the rule of our father st. augustine. but, since they were not obliged to attain so great perfection, and still being but boys, were not able to show so much, after some years, the said statutes were revised in a provincial chapter of this province. thus did that college maintain itself for some years in the low quarters of our convent of santo domingo of this city. so greatly did the number of those boys increase that they sometimes surpassed two hundred, and since there were so many, and they were boys, one can understand the racket that they must have made, which could not but be an obstacle to the regularity of a religious convent. consequently, the province discussed the question of placing them in a separate house, which was located opposite the church of the said convent. they arranged in that house all the necessary rooms for a college, and its church, and belfry, in order that they might there celebrate the divine offices; for thus it was conceded expressly in the licenses of the ordinary, government, and city, which were made for the foundation of that college. [105] they lived in it but for a short time, for some great earthquakes happening in the year 1645, that college was entirely ruined, as well as many other buildings of this city. the city conceived so great a horror of those earthquakes that many of its citizens went to live in the suburbs, where they feared less danger of their ruin. that same reason was taken account of in the rebuilding of that college, and it was moved outside the city near the alcaycería or parián of the sangleys. with the alms that some benefactors offered, a college was built out of wood, with its church also of the same material, all very poor. at that site outside of the city the college was maintained for about twenty years, with notable discomfort to the collegiates, both because of the distance of the university where they had to go to attend to their studies, and because of the dampness and unhealthfulness of the land; and because of the nearness of the chinese, who were not very good neighbors, both for fear of their insurrections, which were then very frequent, and because, being idolaters and heathens, their nearness could, not but be the cause of much scandal and a poor example to the collegiates. for these and other like reasons, from the first years that they were there, our religious began to discuss their removal and shifting. but, although they called several meetings to discuss the matter, and several plans were made for that purpose, they were never realized, for the college was very much in need of funds, for it scarcely had enough for its maintenance, until the seriousness of the harm, which was feared from keeping the college outside the city obliged the piety of this holy province to expend whatever was necessary for its removal. on the occasion of the death of a lady, named doña maria ramirez pinto, who had a new house inside the city back of the garden of the convent of santo domingo, the province determined to buy it, along with other houses which were near it. it gave those houses as an alms to the college for that purpose, and arranging in them all the rooms necessary for a community, with their church, choir, and belfry; for the licenses which were taken out in the year 1668 for that removal from the government, city, and ecclesiastical cabildo expressed such permission. when all the building was arranged in the form of a college on the above-mentioned day, may 8, of that year 69, the collegiates were transferred to it, with great pomp and solemnity, amid the joy and gladness of all the community. [106] for that was a matter that all desired, as that college had always merited the general esteem of this city. and in fact, that college is of great use to this community, not only as it shelters and rears therein all the orphan and abandoned boys, but also because any well-raised youth leaves that college, or seminary, for all walks of life in this community. some adopt a military life, others a sea-faring life, and others the ecclesiastical estate, both monastic and religious, and from them are regularly supplied most of the curacies of these islands, and other employments more noteworthy, both in the ecclesiastical and in the political world. excellent students leave that college, many of whom graduate not only with the degree of bachelor, but also with higher degrees. on the date of this writing, four sons of the college are living with the dignity of masters and doctors. they are occupied in honorable posts. others are also licentiates in the arts. always in all times the college has had worthy sons who have honored it, because in general they are very attentive to study, and observant, of their obligation, and that fact is well known and believed throughout this city. it is surely a matter worthy of admiration that they make so great use of their studies, as they have many other duties and occupations which scarcely allow them time to study; for, besides some assistancies outside the college, inside it they have duties and so many employments of devotion, that one does not know when they study their lessons. in the morning, before or after mass, they recite a portion of the rosary, and afterward they go to the university. when they return thence they recite another portion. also when they return in the afternoon from the university they recite the last portion of the rosary with a chanted salve, and litany. later in the evening before supping they also have other devotional duties. this is the ordinary employment every day. this seems not only not a little troublesome for a college of students, but also scarcely suitable for their studies; but this which apparently would be a hindrance and obstacle to their studies, conduces in reality to their application, or to the greater clearness with which they study. for, according to the public understanding and report, they graduate from that college better prepared than from others; and although they are lads, they attribute it to the special protection of the most holy mary, because they recite to her every day in chorus their whole rosary. all live under that impression, and accordingly, although they petition for dispensation from other exercises, they never ask dispensation from that exercise of the rosary, because they have understood that that is what maintains them and keeps them in the progress of their studies. as proof of that i shall relate an event which was but lately told me by a doctor who was a collegiate of that college. he says that when he left the college to take up a certain employment, either with the liberty which is enjoyed outside it, or because of the duties of his profession, he abandoned the custom, which he had until then observed, of reciting the whole rosary daily, contenting himself with reciting only a portion. he entered for the degree in theology, and for the literary duties annexed to that degree, applied himself very earnestly to his studies, but with so little fruit of his application that he could scarcely understand anything that he studied. "what is this," he said in surprise, "when i was in college did i not grasp whatever i studied? but what is this that is happening to me now that i can scarcely understand what i am studying?" then he bethought himself of the fact of his error, and he understood the origin of his lack of intelligence. consequently, he reformed his past lukewarmness, and again began to recite the whole rosary daily. by this diligence alone he found that he could grasp what before he could not understand. mary is the most holy mother, not only of the fear and love of god, but also of learning and knowledge, as she herself says by the mouth of the preacher. consequently, it is not surprising that she communicates light for intelligence and for progress in their studies to those who pray to her as her sons and venerate her as a mother, and praise her in that devotion so pleasing to her. [107] law regulating marriages of students royal decree ordering that pupils, students, and members of the universities, seminaries, and colleges for the indians, subject to the royal patronage and protection, may not contract betrothal without the permission expressed. the king. inasmuch as i was informed by my royal audiencia of the city of méjico, in a letter of may twenty-seven, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, that the bachelor, don manuel esteban sanchez de tagle, collegiate in the royal college of san ildefonso of that city, having attempted to contract betrothal with doña maría josefa barrera y andonaegui, and his father, captain don manuel esteban sanchez de tagle, having opposed it, it would be advisable for me to deign to extend to those dominions the resolutions for these dominions, ordering that collegiates who are pursuing their studies may not marry without my royal permission, as their extravagance is regarded as prejudicial to the state; and inasmuch as the same reason militates there so that they may not take place without the permission of the viceroy as vice-patron: i have resolved, after consulting my full council of the indias of the three halls, on november six, one thousand seven hundred and ninety, executed in view of that set forth in the matter by my two fiscals, that law vii, título viii, book i, [108] extended in the board of the new code be observed in those dominions. the exact tenor of that law is as follows: "since the universities, conciliar seminaries, and other colleges of teaching, erected with public authority in our indias, are under our royal patronage and protection; and since their students and pupils merit the most careful attention, so that they may not disgrace themselves in their courses and studies with prejudice to the state and their own families: we order and command such pupils, students, and members of said universities, conciliar seminaries, and other colleges and houses, not to contract espousals without, in addition to the paternal consent, or the consent of the person who ought to give it. according to the first law of this título, they have the license, those of the conciliar seminaries, of the archbishops and bishops and vice-patrons, and those of the universities and other colleges, of our viceroys or presidents of the respective audiencias, to whom they shall send their petitions or requests by the hand of the rectors, with report of the latter, since for this matter we delegate our royal authority to the abovesaid. all of the abovesaid shall be understood as well in the houses and colleges for women, which are under our royal protection and patronage. we declare null and void of all value or effect, betrothals which are contracted without this requirement, and no judgment or suit can be admitted in regard to their non-fulfilment in the manner and form prescribed by the preceding law." therefore, i order and command my viceroys, presidents, royal audiencias, and the governors of my kingdoms of the indias, filipinas islands, and windward islands, and ask and request the right reverend archbishops and reverend bishops of them, and their provisors and vicars-general, to observe, perform, and execute, and cause to be observed, performed, and executed exactly, the contents of the above-inserted law of the new code, in so far as it concerns each one. such is my will. given in aranjuez, june eleven, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: antonio ventura de taranco three rubrics follow. royal decree ordering the teaching of spanish in native schools the king. don rafael maría de aguilar, whom i have appointed as my governor of the provinces of the filipinas islands, in the district of my royal audiencia of manila: my council of the indias having conferred in regard to the measures which my royal audiencia of charcas, [109] in a report of march 7, 1777, stated that it had given for the establishment of schools for teaching the castilian language in the indian villages of their district, and in regard to what my fiscal declared in his report, resolved that when my royal titles are delivered to the governors or corregidors of those my dominions, they be advised in a separate despatch of what they are to do concerning this matter. consequently, i order you to strictly observe the royal decrees, that have been issued in general on may 10, 1770, november 28, 1772, and november 24, 1774, in regard to the establishment of schools for the castilian language in all the indian villages, so that they may learn to read, write, and speak castilian, prohibiting them from using their native language, and appointing for it teachers in whom are found the qualifications of christianity, sufficiency, and good deportment that are required for so useful and delicate an employment. they shall be assigned the salary for the present from the receipts of my royal treasury, by way of teaching fund [preceptoría] in the villages where this contribution is current, while what is lacking shall be paid from the communal properties and treasuries. you shall propose to your superiors the means which you consider most fitting for the solid establishment of the above-mentioned schools, and you shall order that no other language be spoken in the convents, monasteries, and in all judicial, extrajudicial, and domestic affairs than the castilian. the justices, prelates, masters, and patrons of the houses shall keep watch over that. you are warned that if you do not perform your duty in this regard, for every omission which you shall make in the abovesaid, and in what pertains to the district of that province, it shall be made a charge against you in your residencia; and for that purpose, the advisable order is being communicated to the respective, my royal audiencia. [110] given in madrid, december 22, 1792. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: antonio ventura de taranco conciliar seminaries i superior decree in regard to the three per cent discount from the stipends of the parish priests for the support of seminaries a measure having been formulated, in accordance with the royal decree of february 27, 1796, in regard to the exaction of the three per cent, which is to be paid by all the parish priests of the stipends which they enjoy in these islands for the foundation and support of the conciliar seminaries, [111] according to the order of the council of trent, i determined in consequence the following: "manila, july 30, 1802. "by virtue of the fact that, with the order of the fiscal of civil affairs, all the objections and obstacles which have been imposed in behalf of the regular parish priests and devout provincials of the religious orders in a meeting of other persons, to exact the payment of three per cent of their stipends for the conciliar seminaries; and by the royal decree of june first, ninety-nine, the door is shut to all contradiction in so far as it declares that it must be paid by the missionaries of the order of st. francis, [112] and that the exaction shall be in money and not in kind, with warning that in the city where there are no seminaries, the collection shall also be made, and its result deposited in the cathedrals in a chest with three keys, which shall be held by the vice-patron, the bishop of the diocese, and another member of the cabildo: i have just resolved in consequence of the definitive statement of my assessor-general that the superior decree of november twenty-five, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, shall have its total and due effect. that decree was communicated on the same date to the diocesans of cebú, nueva cáceres and nueva segovia, the venerable dean and cabildo of this holy church, the provisor of the archbishopric, and the devout provincials of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, st. augustine, and the recollects. it is modified to the effect that the above three per cent shall be collected generally, not only in this capital and the bishoprics of cebú and nueva cáceres, but also in that of nueva segovia, which had been excluded before. it must be established immediately, and the sum derived from it must be deposited in the above-mentioned chest with three keys, according to the terms of the above-mentioned royal decree of june first, ninety-nine. it must be satisfied with money and not in kind; and for that purpose, the necessary official letters shall be sent with insertion of this decree to the bishops, the venerable dean and cabildo, and the provisor of cebú in vacant see, and the devout provincials, this superior government expecting that by reason of all the abovesaid fundamentals other difficulties will cease to be offered in the future." as thereafter fuller instruction was given because of what was shown in the reply of his excellency, the bishop of nueva segovia, in regard to the building of the seminary of his diocese; and considering the information given by the royal officials in regard to the method to be observed for putting into practice the abovesaid exaction: i have resolved in general upon the following, which i send to you with that superior determination for its fulfilment and observance in the part touching you. manila, march 26, 1803. since the collection of the three per cent, assigned to the seminaries in the manner prescribed by the royal decree of february twenty-two, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, is now determined to include all the parish priests of these islands with the exception of the hospitals, according to the declaration of june first, ninety-nine; and that in the cathedral churches where said seminaries are not established, they be founded, without prejudice to the fact that the above-mentioned three per cent shall be collected in the meanwhile, and deposited in a chest with three keys: it only remains to advise that one of these keys shall be held in nueva segovia, by the bishop of the diocese, another by the alcalde-mayor, and the third by the father sacristan placed or appointed in that church. it is to be noted that the chest shall be kept in the episcopal palace, and when the see is vacant it will go to the royal house, where the alcalde-mayor lives, for its due safety. this same order must be kept in the bishoprics of cebú and camarines, and information shall be given in this regard to the respective bishops; although since the first see is vacant it shall be given for the present only to his excellency, don fray domingo collantes, who has charge of its government; and in case anything inconvenient is found in its execution, he shall have the goodness to inform this superior government in regard to what he should esteem convenient according to the situation of each church. the three per cent shall be collected by the alcaldes-mayor of ilocos, camarines, and cebú, as subdelegates of the government, and the proper discount shall be made for each of the parish priests at the time of paying them their stipends, and the sum shall be placed in the above-mentioned chest in the presence of the other keyholders. for that purpose they shall send to them the proper advice, with the assignment of the day and hour in which it must be done, at the disposition of his excellency, the prelate, and when the see is vacant, to those who shall have his key. inasmuch as the amount collected must be placed in said chest with three keys, as ordered, a balance shall be struck at the end of each year, in the presence of the three keyholders, and a copy of it shall be sent by the subdelegates to the general superintendency, with expression of the assets which are pendent. the governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor of the other provinces, shall send the amount of their collections at the order of their respective prelates, so that in the presence of the other keyholders, the same deposit may be made. since it was determined by the above-mentioned royal decree, the persons who are to have charge of the three keys, so far as this archbishopric is concerned, are this vice-patron [i.e., the governor], his excellency the archbishop, and the member of the cabildo who shall be elected; it is only to be noted, in order to avoid any reason from which any doubt can result prejudicial to this important object, that the peculiar provision for the collection of the three per cent corresponding to the curacies of the district, is comprehended in the preceding article; and by this methodical order, all the governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor, except those of cebú, camarines, and ilocos, must be guided. for the foundation of the seminary of nueva segovia, the alcalde-mayor shall confer with his excellency, the bishop of that diocese, in order that they may select a site fitting for the extension which should be given to it, with respect to the number of persons whom it can maintain, and who are necessary for the discharge of the duties of the bishopric. for that purpose a plan of the work must be made by experts, and at the same time its cost must be estimated, so that after it has been sent to the superior government, with expression of the funds existing in the three per cent, and of what it is calculated that those funds will yield annually, the government may take the fitting measures, in order that the construction may not be undertaken if it must be suspended later through lack of funds. may god preserve you many years. manila, march 26, 1803. ii modern conditions [the following is taken from archipiélago filipino (washington, 1900), i, pp. 343, 344.] there are five seminaries in filipinas, corresponding to the archdiocese of manila, and to the four suffragan dioceses of cebú, jaro, nueva cáceres, and nueva segovia, in which the bishops, in accordance with the terms of the council of trent, have established the training of the secular clergy. they cannot properly be said to have begun to perform their functions until 1862, when the fathers of the congregation of st. vincent of paul came to these islands. those fathers took said seminaries in charge and direct them at present, with the exception of that of nueva segovia, which was in charge of the calced augustinian fathers. before the year 1862, the majority of the secular clergy was educated in the colleges of manila, especially in that of san juan de letran, and in that of san josé.... in all these seminaries, except in that in manila, which, because of its proximity to the centers of learning, is limited to the ecclesiastical studies, are taught castilian and latin grammar, arithmetic and algebra, geometry and trigonometry, physics, logic, psychology, ethics, metaphysics, and dogmatic and moral theology. they possess a moderate library, some physical and chemical apparatus, and a collection of solids for the explanation of mathematics. by means of matriculation and the official examination, the studies of the secondary education of the seminaries qualify the students to obtain the degree of bachelor of arts, and admission to the studies of the university. [113] the expenses of the staff and those for material were paid from the proceeds of the three per cent collected by the diocesans from the allowances which a certain part of their clergy received from the government. in the seminary of nueva cáceres alone, were the expenses of the staff met by the royal treasury. according to the statistics of the university, the students of secondary studies in the seminary of cebú, for the term of 1896-1897, numbered 504; those in that of jaro, 211; those in that of nueva cáceres, 268; and those in that of vigan (nueva segovia), 201. [we add the following from census of philippines, iii, pp. 611, 612.] in order that the branches taught herein, as well as those taught in private schools, should be considered valid and be recognized by the university of santo tomás, it was necessary that the pupils pay the enrolment and examination fees prescribed by said university. the report submitted at the exposition of amsterdam in 1883, says of these conciliar seminaries: "... the administration of the property is under the charge of the vicar general of the archbishopric of manila, and of the district vicars of the respective rectories, under the supervision of the bishops. the seminary of [nueva] segovia has been in charge of the recoletos since the middle of 1876, when the augustinian friars left it, and who also had charge since 1882, the paulist fathers having the honor of having inaugurated the studies now given. these zealous priests are those at present in charge of the other seminaries." from statistical tables on file at present in the archives of manila, the following facts concerning two of these conciliar seminaries may be gathered. the enrolment for the seminary of san carlos, of manila, from 1863 to 1886 was 971. the enrolments for the seminary of nueva segovia from 1882 to 1886 were: dogmatic and moral theology, 171; philosophy, first year, 181, second year, 99, and third year, 93; latin grammar, first year, 317, second year, 301, and third year, 256; spanish grammar, 275. prior to the supervision by the paulist fathers, the studies of secondary instruction, which were given in the conciliar seminaries, were identical with those given by the friars in their other educational institutions, in substance as well as in form, as the purposes were the same--that is, to give education to filipino clerics, [114] whom they always considered their rivals and political enemies.... for this reason the instruction given to the filipinos, who aspired to a sacerdotal career, was incomplete, being reduced exclusively to rudiments, if they can be so called, of logic, psychology, ethics, metaphysics, and dogmatic and moral theology. in so far as political and social studies were concerned, absolutely nothing was given, and clerics were even forbidden to acquire knowledge of this character. social education was unknown in these seminaries; no consideration was given to the fact that clerics, on account of their obligations and the constant intercourse they are obliged to have with their parishioners, should be the best educated men, with great knowledge of the ways of the world and of the human heart. the moral education of the filipino people, especially that of the women, often retrogressed, and made absolutely no progress on account of the influence caused by the status of the filipino clerics in the popular mind. after the conciliar seminaries passed to the charge of the paulist fathers, affairs continued in the same manner, because these priests were subject and subordinate to the rigid tutorship of the monastic orders and the universitarian feudalism which the dominican friars exercised in the philippine islands, and it was not possible for them to develop their own initiative, or to explain their own opinions.... [doctrina y reglas constitucionales de la iglesia filipina independiente [i.e., "doctrine and constitutional rules of the independent filipino church"] [115] (manila, 1904), pp. 14, 15, contains the following in regard to seminaries, which are analogous to conciliar seminaries.] the first duties of our bishops consist in establishing a good seminary in their respective dioceses, which may serve as a training-school for new priests, educated according to the new doctrines of the independent filipino church. they shall exercise their whole care in seeking a suitable although modest locality, and in catechising as many young men as possible, who are fit for the lofty ministry of god. we desire that not only our church, but more than anyone else the most reverend bishops themselves recognize the great necessity for these seminaries. consequently, their negligence in this particular will be very fatal, and merit censure. the effort shall be made to give the young men a complete instruction, one concise and more nutritive than that of the interminable years of unnecessary dissertations and fruitless "therefores," with which the roman priests feed the best years of our youth. the plan of studies shall be based on the principle that we must begin to learn the most necessary, secondly, the most useful, and thirdly, the sciences that ought to always adorn the worthy priests of god. the plan recommended in the fourth epistle of our church shall be followed. but knowledge will be vain and useless in a priest, if he is not adorned with the christian virtues of holiness, altruism, obedience, and zeal for the greater glory of god. consequently, the young men shall be instructed in the practice of an ascetic and disciplined life, and they shall become accustomed to prayer, the sacraments, and the exercises of evangelization. adjoined to the seminaries, the effort shall be made to create catholic schools and colleges for both sexes. thus the selection of priests will become more easy; and furthermore, [this shall be done] inasmuch as it is of great importance for us to teach the divine teachings of jesus christ and the redeeming doctrines of our church to the children. [pp. 42, 43, of the same rules, contain the following:] the chief bishop shall contrive ways and means, now by imposing a tax among the parish priests, now by begging alms for the support and creation of catholic seminaries and colleges, which are very necessary for the propagation and defense of our church; as well as to comply with our most sacred obligation of evangelizing the heathen tribes, and satisfy other considerations of the subsecretaryship of the propaganda of the faith. in all other things not covered by these rules, the chief bishop shall have power to decree, provided that he do not violate the spirit of the same, after obtaining the opinion of the superior economical council. [the plan of studies above-mentioned is found on pp. 67, 68, of the same book, and is as follows:] 5. the diocesan committees shall exert their efforts very earnestly in creating with all haste, seminaries, in order to be able to provide all the parishes with young and learned priests, since the scarcity of priests is the principal pretext of the roman priests, in order that they may introduce foreign priests here. they shall endeavor to attract as great a number of students as possible, with the assurance that in two years' time only they will be given a complete, concise, and more nutritive instruction than the interminable years of unnecessary dissertations and fruitless "therefores" with which the friars feed the best years of our young men, in order by that method to hinder the multiplication and true education of our priests. the plan of studies which shall be followed for the present shall be as follows: baccalaureate if the students are very young, they shall have to pass in all the courses of secondary instruction. but if they are twenty years old, only the following courses shall be demanded of them: english or spanish, geography, history, arithmetic, natural sciences (natural history, physics, and chemistry), and rhetoric. priesthood 1st year: bible and theology simplified. 2d year: amplification of the preceding course, and application of the bible to all the problems of life, social and private, to the ceremonies and to the priestly life, and to ecclesiastical discipline. by simply passing these courses, and if the good deportment of the students be proved, they shall be ordained as presbyters and placed in the parish churches. but not on that account shall they cease to continue their studies, and as is now the custom among the roman priests, they shall be examined annually, to determine whether they are fit to continue the duties of priest, in the following manner. 1st year: history of religions. 2d year: study of the distinct philosophical and theological systems. 3d year: canons. 4th year: the studies of the baccalaureate which they have not passed. those who shall have studied theology already in the roman seminaries, shall be ordained as soon as possible as sub-deacons, deacons, and presbyters, successively. nautical school i royal order approving the new regulations for pilots in manila ministry of the navy, commerce, and government of the colonies: your excellency: her majesty, the queen governess, in accordance with the opinion of the admiralty board, and with that of the general division of studies of the kingdom, has considered it fitting to approve, in all its parts, the new regulations for the academy for pilots in manila, which your excellency's predecessor sent to this ministry for the fitting resolution in his letter of july 20, 1837, number 157. by royal order, i communicate this to your excellency for your knowledge and for the corresponding results. may god preserve your excellency many years. madrid, may nine, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine. chacon ii [concerning the professional nautical school, archipiélago filipino says:] this school, which was created at the instance of the consulate of commerce, by command of his majesty, dated january 1, 1820, was ruled by the regulations of 1837, which were modified by the royal order of october 19, 1860. in this school was studied the profession of pilot of merchant marine. the theoretical teaching was given in it in four years' time; [116] while the practical teaching was given in vessels on the high sea, after the pupils had received, by virtue of examinations, certificates as deserving persons. the total number of pupils was usually fifty or sixty. they were mostly indians, who, as they did not master the spanish language, did not derive all the profit which would have been reported under other circumstances, and many of them after the knowledge acquired in the first two courses, chose a more lucrative profession. at first it was supported with its own funds and under the direction of the board and tribunal of commerce, but later, upon the suppression of the board and tribunal, the school and its funds passed under the control of the state, which furnished its expenses, and gave the administrative direction to the commandant-general of the naval station and its immediate director. [117] [regarding the same school, census of philippines, iii, p. 613 says:] as a consequence of the abolition of the tribunal of commerce existing in the city of manila, which had charge of the school, the government undertook the supervision of it, by superior order, which provided that the personnel thereof should be considered as public officials, and that the funds on which it depended for its support should be turned into the treasury.... the nautical school [118] was not very well attended by the young filipinos, the cause for which is not understood in view of the fact that this is a country in which navigation is one of the most powerful mercantile resources, and whose inhabitants have special and exceptional qualifications therefor. the lack of interest shown in studies of this character can be attributed only to the little protection, lack of means and of opportunities, afforded upon the conclusion of the course. boys' singing school this school, whose chief end was to furnish good soprano voices for the singing in the holy cathedral church of manila, was founded in 1742 by the right reverend señor rodriguez, archbishop of these islands, and it has subsisted and still subsists with the same property from the pious bequest of its foundation. it consists of a director and a teacher of primary instruction, both priests; one teacher of singing, chanting, and vocalization; another of the piano, organ, and composition; and another of stringed instruments. the children sopranos number eighteen, though at times there have been more, and all have been supported, clothed, and, as well, frequently assisted in the career which they have desired to adopt. the musical instruction given to those boys is according to the methods pursued in the conservatory of madrid; for singing and harmony, eslava; for the piano, aranguren; for the organ, gimeno; for the violin, its method and studies, alard; and for vocalization, romero. because of the tender age of these boys, since they enter at the age of six or eight years, and remain until that of fourteen, they are not permitted, except in rare exceptions, to play wind instruments. the gain due to this institution is public and well known to all who have heard the harmony produced by those sopranos in the churches of manila, and the skill demonstrated by the same in instrumental music for almost three centuries past. not few of them have been justly praised and rewarded in musical contests where they were presented, for example, in the liceo artístico [i.e., artistic lyceum] later the sociedad musical filipina de santa cecilia [i.e., filipino musical society of st. cecilia]. [119] this institution has contributed not a little to the propagation of musical art and good taste. public instruction primary instruction cannot be considered in a backward state, and, indeed, i believe that, in proportion, there are more persons who can read and write in these islands than in españa, and in some [other] civilized countries. [120] in each village there is a suitable building for the use of a school, to which all the children must go except during the months of sowing and of harvest. the master, and other expenses, are paid from the communal fund. in view of this i have wondered at seeing in many foreigners the strange belief that the government does not permit the learning of reading and writing; for i can assert that, in the archives of manila i have found many old and recently-dictated decrees, with a spirit diametrically the contrary, which repeatedly enjoin the teaching of the castilian language. women also share in this benefit, and i have found girls who lived not only far from the capital, but in an isolated house distant from the village, and, notwithstanding, they had learned to read and write. one must confess, however, that they scarcely know other books than those of devotion, especially a poem entitled the pasion de cristo [i.e., passion of christ]. besides the said schools, which are equal in number to the villages and the schools of some private masters, [121] both in the chief cities of the provinces and in the capital where their number is very considerable (there being among them not a few of music and drawing), there are found in manila various public institutions of education for men and women. in regard to them one can form a correct judgment by the following explanation. university of santo tomás this college was founded at the beginning of the seventeenth century; their excellencies, benavides and soria, the one archbishop of manila, and the other bishop of nueva segovia, giving their libraries for that purpose, and, in addition, the former giving 1,000 pesos and the latter 1,800. already finished in 1619, it was admitted as a house of the province of preachers in the islands, as appears from the records of the intermediary chapter celebrated in santo domingo, april 20, with the suitable license of the superior government and of the ordinary. in 1620 it already had lecturers and masters for public teaching, and november 27, 1623, his majesty admitted it under his royal protection. it was erected into a university at the instance of the said monarch felipe iv, by a bull of innocent x, november 20, 1645, which was passed by the supreme council of indias july 28, 1646. by a decree of may 17, 1680, the university was received under the royal protection, his majesty declaring himself its patron. in consequence of another decree of december 7, 1781, the rules were made, which, approved by the superior government october 20, 1786 as they were prepared are those which are in force at present. their cloister is composed of various doctors, licentiates, and masters, although in reality only twenty-one of the first and second kinds form it. the number of collegiates is ruled by circumstances, and the college supports them, for they have to dress and provide shoes for many. their funds are ministered by lay-brother religious. this college and royal university is in charge of the dominican religious, who teach latin, logic, physics, metaphysics, moral and canon law, and theology. in addition there is a chair of institute, and another of native law. in this university 581 students are studying, who are classified thus: collegiates 61 capistas [122] 15 day pupils 505 -- total 581 college of san jose by a decree of june 8, 1585, his majesty ordered the establishment of a college to be attempted in manila, in which the sons of the spanish inhabitants might be instructed in virtue and letters under the direction of the jesuit fathers. but, although the governor dasmariñas enacted an edict for that purpose, it was not fulfilled until the year 1601 when the college of san josé was instituted in some houses next to the house of the jesuits. there were thirteen collegiates when it was first opened, but in a short time their number reached twenty. among the first was a nephew of governor tello, a son of dr. morga, senior auditor, and other sons of influential citizens. at the beginning the collegiates contributed a certain sum for their own support, but soon there were greater means. one of the most considerable was the endowment left in his will by the illustrious gentleman, don esteban rodriguez de figueroa, governor of mindanao, who was recognized as patron of the college. in 1605, father pedro montes became rector, he founded the chair of scholastic theology, and promoted those of philosophy and latin, selecting to take charge of them the most pronounced men of talent of his society. during the reign of felipe iv, the latter obtained from his holiness, gregory xv, authority to concede solemn degrees in philosophy and theology. the latter's bull and the royal decree of concession were celebrated in manila by a public procession, and when they were presented to the most illustrious serrano, then archbishop, he offered obedience and observance on his part. february 18, 1707, his majesty continued for six years the assignment that had been made to the college of 400 pesos, and 400 fanegas of rice. may 3, 1722, the title of "royal" was conceded to the college. november 15, 1747, the enjoyment of an encomienda in the villages of sulát and tavig, in the province of samar, was also continued for ten years. february 3, 1748, his majesty confirmed in favor of this college the lands of the estates of mariquina and san pedro yunasán. at present it possesses that estate and the estate of san juan de lian, which are administered by the rector. with their products the college takes care of the support of twenty-two collegiates, the house and food of the vice-rector and masters, and the annual pay given to them and to the rector. they also admit capistas who pay fifty pesos per year, and receive public teaching therein in philosophy, rhetoric, and latin. from the expulsion of the jesuits until the year 1777 this institution was closed. college of san juan de letran it owed its foundation to the charitable zeal of juan gerónimo guerrero, who in the year 1630 dedicated himself to gathering orphan boys, to whom he taught reading and writing and the christian doctrine, paying for their support and clothing from the abundant alms with "which the citizens of manila aided him." this institution was recommended to the supreme council of the indias by the government of these islands, and later his majesty recommended it to governors fajardo and corcuera. before dying, the aged guerrero took the habit as lay-brother in [the convent of] santo domingo, and made that order a formal bequest of his advanced charitable work. later it was erected into a college and received under the royal protection, his majesty conceding it some encomiendas, or annuities for its support. at present it maintains at its own cost twenty-one spanish orphan lads, with the 600 pesos to which amounts the product of the annuities which are collected from the alcalde-mayor of pangasinan by a dominican religious. it also receives indian and mestizo collegiates who pay fifty pesos per year apiece for their support. their number is not fixed. under the title of sacristan, porters, librarians, and other mechanical trades, there are various people who pay nothing. their studies are carried on in the university of santo tomás, except that of grammar. at the present time this college has 239 students, counting orphans, capistas and others. charity school [escuela pia] of manila [123] don pedro vivanco having begun to promote its establishment in 1803, it was installed in 1817 under the direction of a special assembly composed of distinguished citizens, among whom was a member of the ecclesiastical cabildo, and another of the tribunal of the consulado. the citizens gave the funds which were to maintain so useful an institution, but being drawn upon, as was the general rule, those funds had the same fate as other large sums of the commerce and charitable funds of this capital, and were lost through the political happenings of the kingdom of mexico. the assembly having been extinguished for lack of funds, the city took under its charge the charity school. reading, writing, christian doctrine, spanish grammar, and slate-work arithmetic are taught there. the pupils must be spanish; the children of rich people pay two pesos per month; those of the second class one; and the poor nothing. for admission, a ticket from the president of the dissolved assembly was sufficient. now it is given by the regidor, who is serving his turn in governing the institution. in that school, there are at present 50 pupils, of whom 26 receive their teaching gratuitously. naval academy through the repeated instances of the consulado, this school was established in manila by royal permission in the year 1820. arithmetic, elementary geometry, plain and spherical trigonometry, cosmography, and piloting are taught by their respective professors; and in addition practical geometry applied to the construction of hydrographical maps and plans, with the method of drawing them. everything is according to the course of study of the navy, written by royal order for the teaching of said schools by the chief of squadron of the royal fleet don gabriel ciscar. it is directed by special rules. the expenses of that institution have been met hitherto from the funds of avería. its conservation was committed to the consulado, but since the extinction of that tribunal, it has been given ad interim to the present tribunal of commerce by the ruling of the management, inspection in the scientific or teaching portion being reserved for the chief of the military marine. at present it has 51 students in its halls. commercial school the establishment of this school was discussed by the assembly of its name october 1, 1839, approved by the superior government, january 15, 1840. its inauguration took place, july 15 of the same year. bookkeeping, and commercial correspondence, the french language, and also the english, when a suitable professor is to be had, are taught in that school. [124] school of santa potenciana it was erected by governor dasmariñas, by virtue of an express royal mandate contained in the instructions which were delivered to them august 9, 1589, [125] in which section 27 reads: "upon your arrival at the filipinas islands, you shall ascertain how and where, and with what endowment, a convent for the shelter of girls may be founded, so that both those who should come from here and those, born there, may live in it, so that they may live modestly and after being well instructed may go out therefrom to be married and bear children." that zealous governor, with the efficacy and activity which distinguished his government, did what his majesty ordered him; for, in a royal order of january 27, 1593, the measures which had been taken with the city are approved and ordered to be continued, namely, that the said convent should be founded in the church of san andres. shortly afterward that pious institution must have been completed, as is inferred from another royal order of june 11, 1594: "the rules and regulations," says his majesty to the governor, "which you have made for the girls' school have been examined and are approved, and thus you shall have them observed." it was further provided how they were to act at the wheel, or in the parlor. the chaplain was also to be the manager and he was to be an approved person of forty years old or upward. the clothing of the collegiates, of the mother superior, and the teacher, was to be modest and cheap, and was sent by his majesty. the governor was authorized to name the sum which was to be paid annually by any other woman who wished of her own accord to enter the institution, in order to take shelter therein, provided that such sum should be moderate. [126] there is no copy of the first rules of this school in existence, for they probably perished with its archives, and ten or twelve inmates in the awful earthquake of 1645, which overthrew the edifice and destroyed the greater part of the city. in fulfilment of a royal order of november 27, 1686, and superior rulings of march 15, 1691, doctor silva, then chaplain of said school, published, in the following april, the ordinances of santa potentiana, which merited royal approbation november 14, 1825, in which year the newly printed rules were ordered to be observed. in 1736 the free inmates were the daughters of spaniards who had served his majesty in the islands. they were aided with what was necessary for their support and clothing, and the physician and the medicine for the sick were paid for them, besides a suitable funeral for the dead. the funds of the college did not permit, in case one married, to give her a suitable dowry, but such a one received two hundred pesos from the charitable fund which was established for that purpose in 1686 by don cristóbal romero, castellan of the fort of santiago, and in the time of governor tamon, fifty pesos more, which he gave from his own purse, to each one of the inmates when she was married. in 1729, auditor don josé antonio pabon founded for the same purpose another charitable fund by giving 2,823 pesos, which the royal treasury owed him on account of pay, but that foundation had no effect until 1749. the funds were in charge of the managers, who very commonly were the royal officials, and were increased by investing them suitably, until the time when they entered the royal treasury with the other incomes of the school. at present that school occupies a house which was bought at the royal account, for its ancient site has been destined for the building of a fortification. from the same treasury, the expenses of a small chapel, a physician, apothecary shop, infirmary, clothing for the pupils, and six servant girls are met, which are estimated at 700 pesos annually; and those of a sacristan, four faginantes [i.e., fagot-gatherers], and one purchaser. by a provision of the superior board of the royal treasury of september 22, 1808, money was subscribed for the maintenance of a rectress, a portress, and twenty-four inmates at the rate of one and one-half reals per day to each one, and monthly from the royal magazines, 46 baskets of pinagua [127] rice of 15 gantas, 25 quintals of wood, and 17 gantas of cocoanut oil for their light. school of santa isabel since the foundation of the confraternity of the santa misericordia, their financial board maintained the management of many poor spanish orphan girls who were reared in santa potenciana, and in private houses; but having bought an edifice in which to gather them, the foundation of this school was accomplished at the end of the year 1632. it is in the immediate charge and care of the purveyor. the first rules for its government were made in 1650, and they were retained with some slight alterations until 1813. in that year they were entirely revised, and these latter are the ones which are observed at present. it has a chapel which is kept very neat and clean, which is dedicated to the lord of the treasury. the girl pensioners contribute sixty pesos per year for their fees. in addition, there are some poor young women who are known under the name of supernumeraries [agregadas], who are maintained through charity. the rectress is the superior of the school, and is subordinate to the purveyor. in grave cases which arise, she consults the financial board, and if that board is not created with power to take action, she convokes the brotherhood and in general council the advisable action is agreed upon with the assistance of theologues and jurists. this school contains: scholars with beca 51 free orphan girls 18 idem boarders 14 abandoned 7 supernumeraries 12 -- total 102 there are also at present for the interior service of the house one chaplain, one physician, twelve maid servants, and eight man servants; these last do not live in the school. beaterio of santa catalina de sena it was founded in 1696 by mother francisca del espíritu santo, a spanish woman born in manila, and by the very reverend father, fray juan de santo domingo, provincial of the dominicans. its object is to teach spanish girls how to read, write, reckon, the christian doctrine, to sew, etc. in that duty the necessary beatas are occupied. they obey a superior whom they appoint from their own number, and such person takes the title of prioress. at present this school has 26 spanish girls and 60 supernumeraries and servants. [128] beaterio of san sebastian de calumpang it was begun in 1719 by four filipino girls, who gave themselves exclusively to the service of god, and that of the virgin of carmel. in 1735 the beaterio was given form at the petition of the recollect provincial, fray andres de san fulgencio. the beatas were permitted to take the habit as manteletas of the discalced augustinians. their number was not to exceed twelve, and the institution was to remain subject to the vice-patron. in 1754, a measure was started as to whether the beatas ought to pay tribute or not, and the custom which favors the negative was ordered to be followed. they live in community without any vow. each year they nominate one prioress. they are sustained by alms and by their own work. the priorate of san sebastian contributes 100 cavans of palay, and 300 pesos annually, because the beatas sew the scapularies of carmel, wash the clothes of the church, and of the religious resident therein; and the convent of manila 200 cavans and 300 pesos more for the washing of the clothes of the sacristy and of the religious. orphan girls are received and are taught reading, writing, the christian doctrine, sewing, etc. for the very little girls the beaterio receives what their relatives care to give. those who can work pay nothing if they work; but if they do not work they pay three or four pesos per month according to their circumstances. some spanish women also enter for the [religious] exercises. at present this beaterio has 12 beatas, 24 larger girls who are being educated, 16 smaller ones, and one little girl boarder, with some other widows and married women who also live in this retreat. beaterio of san ignacio it was founded in 1699 under the direction of the jesuit fathers. its benefactress and first beata was mother ignacia del espíritu santo, a native of binongo, who died in 1748, at the age of eighty. it has 25 beatas, 59 servants, and 55 wards, [some of] whom pay four pesos monthly for their support, and some two or three pesos, but these latter assist in the kitchen and washing once a week. this institution is supported by the alms and by the products of some sewing and by the washing of clothes. every year there are exercises held there which begin in october; those who attend it are filipino women. they are divided into three shifts, and about 300 of them assemble, each of whom pays two pesos. from that sum they meet the expenses of preachers, confessors, and their support. since the expulsion of the jesuits, this beaterio has been under the direction of the provisor of the archbishopric, and for lack of a shelter-house, it supplies its place. the object of the foundation was that filipino girls might be reared in it and taught embroidery, sewing, reading, and writing. beaterio of santa rosa mother paula de la santísima trinidad, native of cataluña, had scarcely arrived at manila in 1750, when she dedicated herself to the education of girls and was the origin of this foundation. by a royal decree of september 22, 1774, his majesty ordered that the house or beaterio founded by this good woman should take care of the education of every class of girls. it is maintained by alms, by the work of their hands, and by the few small fees which some girls pay for their support therein, where they are taught reading, sewing, etc. neither their number nor that of the servants is fixed. his majesty has taken it under his protection, and entrusted it in his name to the regent of the audiencia, with the fitting powers. beaterio of pasig in this village there is a house of teaching, or a beaterio entitled santa rita, which was founded in 1740 with the necessary licenses by the calced augustinian, fray felix de trillo, then parish priest of pasig. its primary object is to provide shelter for filipino orphan girls, and to teach them reading, writing, christian doctrine, sewing, embroidery, and other employments fitting for their sex. they dress when they go to the parish church in the habit of mantelates of st. augustine, but they take no vow or obligation. those educated and sheltered dress as in their own homes. this beaterio is sustained by the work of their hands and by alms, under the care and solicitous management of the parish priests. the latter are not those who give the least alms for its useful preservation, and that from the product of some estates which they have rented out, and which they acquired by their economy. furthermore, the young women who enter as wards pay when their relatives are able, according to their wealth, up to the sum of two pesos per month. that is the greatest fee, but it is more usual for each one who is educated to contribute a few cavans of palay per year--generally about ten or twelve. but those who are quite poor and orphans pay nothing. this retreat has at the present time sixteen beatas. educational institutions and conditions public instruction; condition of the sciences of letters and arts at the head of the public instruction in the philippines, one finds the university of manila, called la real y pontificia universidad de santo tomas [i.e., the royal and pontifical university of santo tomás]. its foundation as a college goes back to the first year of the seventeenth century. its first benefactors were archbishop benavides of manila, and bishop soria of nueva segovia. both of them made it a gift of their library, and, in addition, the first one gave it 1,000 pesos and the second 1,800. in 1619, the house was entrusted to the religious of the order of st. dominic. the following year the courses of public instruction were opened there. finally, on november 27, 1623, king felipe iv took it under his special protection. in the year 1645, the same monarch obtained a bull from pope innocent x, which erected the college of santo tomás of manila into a university. the statutes governing that institution today were not drawn up until a long time after, that is to say, in the year 1781. instruction there is entrusted to the doctors, licentiates, and masters (maestros). at the present time there are 21, both doctors and licentiates, and no masters. latin, logic, physics, metaphysics, ethics, canon law, and theology are taught there. in addition to that, some time afterward there was founded a chair of roman law and one of spanish law. the number of students who attend that university is now 581, namely, sixty-one collegiates, fifteen capistas, who are maintained at the expense of the college, and 505 day students. [129] the costume of the collegiates is a long robe of green silk with black, sleeves, a beca, a kind of red scarf folded in two parts and crossing over the breast and drawn up behind the shoulders, a black collar with a white border and a cap like that worn by the law advocates of spain. if the university of manila is the chief institution of public instruction, it is not the most ancient. from june 8, 1585, the king had ordered the foundation of a college, in which the sons of the spanish inhabitants of the archipelago might be reared in the love of virtue and letters under the direction of the fathers of the society of jesus. but it was only in 1601 that that order could be carried out by the institution of the college of san josé. the first collegiates numbered 13, but that number was soon raised to 20, all of whom were the sons or the near relatives of the first authorities of the country. pope gregory xv granted that college the right of conferring degrees of philosophy and theology. the funds of that institution are drawn from several estates, which have been conceded to it at different times. they are sufficient to provide for the maintenance of the vice-rector and of the masters, in the annual pay which is granted to them, as well as to the rector, and for the maintenance of 22 free pupils. some pay students are also admitted there at the rate of 50 piastres [i.e., pesos] per year. philosophy, rhetoric, and latin are taught there. upon the suppression of the society of jesus, that college was closed until 1777. the costume of the students is a red gown with black sleeves and a black cap. the college of san juan de letran commenced by being a primary school, founded in 1630 at the expense of a charitable man, whose name, juan gerónimo guerrero, deserves to pass to posterity. he consecrated himself to gathering together in that institution young orphan boys, and to teaching them reading, writing, and the christian doctrine. he was also able, thanks to the abundant alms which the inhabitants of manila put into his hands, to provide for the maintenance and clothing of all those children. before dying that kind-hearted man took the habit of st. dominic, and entrusted the pious foundation which he had undertaken into the hands of that order. the latter erected it into a college, for which it obtained the protection of the king and some funds for its support. by means of a sum of 600 piastres which the alcalde of pangasinan is charged to give annually to a dominican who collects it, that college supports gratuitously 25 orphan boys. it also admits an unlimited number of boarders, both indians and mestizos, who pay 50 piastres per year. it finally receives under the name of sacristans, porters, librarians, etc., several young students who do not pay anything. the total number of those who receive education in that college under different titles is today 239 persons. their costume is blue with black sleeves. a maltese cross is placed at the right on their beca. the charity school (escuela pia) of manila was established in 1817 under the direction of a special assembly composed of distinguished inhabitants, in the number of which there was a member of the chapter of the cathedral, and one of the tribunal of commerce. the inhabitants who had assembled supplied the funds which were to serve for the maintenance of that useful establishment. but those funds having been used in trade according to custom they had the same fortune that so many other considerable sums and charitable foundations of that capital have had, namely, they were lost because of the revolution of mexico. the assembly, being dissolved on account of lack of funds, the city took the charity school under its charge. reading, writing, christian doctrine, spanish grammar, and slate arithmetic, are taught there. the pupils must be spaniards; the sons of well-to-do parents pay 2 piastres per month; those who are less well-to-do, 1 piastre; and the poor pay nothing. in order to be admitted there a ticket from the president of the dissolved assembly was sufficient. at present the regidor is charged in his turn with the management of the establishment which delivers the ticket. the number of pupils at the present time is 50, of whom 26 receive instruction free. in pursuance of reiterated instances from the tribunal of commerce a marine school was opened in manila in 1820, by royal authorization. arithmetic, the elements of geometry, rectilinear, and spherical trigonometry, cosmography, and piloting, besides practical geometry applied to the making of hydrographical maps and plans, with the manner of designing them, were taught there. the whole, conformed to the course of study for the navy, was composed, according to the order of the king, by the chief of the royal fleet, don gabriel ciscar. the expenses of the institution are supplied by the funds called avería. the tribunal of commerce decides as to the admission of pupils and those who distinguish themselves on graduating to become captains of trading ships, making the voyage to china and india, and even going as far as america and to europa. this proves that, whatever the spaniards say of it, the young men of manila are as susceptible to instruction as those of the mother country. in fact, there is no doubt that if the studies of this school were more solid and less theoretical, most remarkable persons would be seen to graduate from it. finally, in 1840, a commercial school has been established, which is held in the rooms of the tribunal [of commerce]. bookkeeping, commercial correspondence, and the living languages are taught there free of charge. by a choice quite extraordinary, a marked preference is given to the french language, although that language is one that is spoken the least in that part of the world; since unfortunately our relations there are very few, as we have no longer any need to go there after sugar. very well equipped libraries exist in all the convents, and those of the university and of the colleges offer resources to the students who receive their education in those establishments. this is all we have to say in regard to the institutions consecrated to the education of the young men. that of the young women has not been forgotten. the seminary of santa potenciana was founded in the year 1589 by governor dasmariñas, by virtue of a royal order. article 27 of that ordinance contains the following: "upon arriving at the filipinas islands you shall ascertain how and where, and with what endowment, a convent for the shelter of girls may be founded, so that both those who should come from here and those born there may live in it and so that they may live modestly, and after being well instructed, may go out therefrom to be married and bear children." [130] the worthy governor was so zealous in carrying out the wishes of the king that, in the year 1593, the convent was established in the church of san andres. a new royal ordinance of june 11, 1594 approved the regulations of it, which bore on the conduct to be observed in the parlor, on the duties of the chaplain, who was to be more than forty years old, and who was to be, at the same time, the manager of the house, on the customs of both pupils and the superior and mistress. it was to be suitable, but modest. the king took charge of the furnishing thereof. the governor was authorized to fix the sum which was to be paid by the women who desired to enter the convent in order to be cloistered there. that sum was to be very moderate. there exists no longer any copy of the first rule of that house, whose archives perished in the terrible earthquake of 1645, when ten or twelve pupils lost their lives. new rules were drawn up and approved in 1696, and remained in force until 1823, at which time they were revised. the school is established at present in a house which was bought for its use by the public treasury, namely, the ancient locality of the arsenal. the treasurer also furnishes the expenses of a small chapel, those of their medical service, of pharmacy, of the infirmary, of the clothing of the pupils, and of six serving girls, the total sum amounting to 700 piastres per year, besides the support of a sacristan, four fagot-gatherers, and one woman to go for provisions. the treasury pays for the support of one superior, of one portress, and twenty-four collegiates, 1 1/2 reals (one franc) per day for each one. and they are given besides, from the royal magazines, 46 baskets of pinagua rice, of 15 gantas per basket, 25 quintals of wood, and 17 gantas of cocoanut oil for lights. after the foundation of the confraternity of the santa misericordia, the latter also supported many poor spanish orphan girls. it caused those girls to be reared either at santa potenciana or in private houses. but in 1632, a house having been bought in order to gather them all there together, the confraternity founded the school of santa isabel. the rules drawn up in 1650 were entirely changed in 1813. the number of the pupils in this institution is at present 105, who are admitted under divers titles and conditions. the boarders pay 60 piastres annually. the others get their education free. day pupils are also admitted there, but they are not allowed to communicate with those who live in the house. the teaching is quite elementary. the service is furnished by twelve servant girls for the interior, and eight men for the outside work. in the preceding chapters, the description of the beaterios [131] has been seen, of which the majority are dedicated to the education of poor young girls. one can see, after what we have just said, that education in the philippines, both of the children of the country and of the mestizos and indians of both sexes, is not so greatly neglected as certain persons pretend, and that the colony has made, on the contrary, from the earliest times the greatest efforts for the instruction of the people. even in the smallest villages the indians find facilities for learning to read and write. for everywhere one finds primary schools which are supported by the people. on the other hand, the aptness of the indians is quite remarkable. from the most tender age they can be seen trying to draw their letters with a sharpened bamboo either on the sand or on the green banana leaves. also many excellent copyists can be found among them, who are skilful in imitating any kind of writing, designs, or printed characters. among others, there is mentioned a missal book which was copied by an indian and sent to one of the spanish kings. it is asserted that it was impossible to distinguish it from the original. they also copy geographical maps with rare exactness. it follows, then, that the instruction of the indians is far from being backward, if one compares it with that of the popular classes in europe. nearly all the tagálogs know how to read and write. however, in regard to the sciences, properly so called, very little progress has been made in them among the indians of the philippines. some mestizos alone have a slight smattering of them, and those among the indians who have received orders know latin. the most erudite are without doubt those who, having studied at the university of santo tomás, have embraced the career of the bar. among them are counted advocates worthy of being placed by the side of the most celebrated in spain. in regard to what concerns literature, there is a tagálog grammar and dictionary, as well as a work called arte, which is a kind of polyglot grammar, of the tagálog, bicol, visayan and isinayan. all these works, and in general everything that appears in one of the languages of the country, are published by the care of the religious, who have at their disposition the printing house of santo tomás, and who have the means of meeting the expenses of the printing, which the indians could not do. both at manila and in its environs there are several printing houses for the use of the public. they are the presses of nuestra señora de loreto at sampaloc, which issues grammars, dictionaries, works of history, etc. there was formerly published at manila a newspaper called el noticioso filipino. today it appears there only as [a paper of] the prices current in spanish and in english. at our departure the establishment of a new newspaper was beginning. [132] the literary works consist of pieces in verse, sometimes on very weighty subjects. thus, for example, the "passion of our lord" has been translated into tagálog verse. then there are tragedies, which as we have mentioned above are excessively long. [133] they often contain the entire life of a king. there are, furthermore, little poems, corridas, epithaliums, and songs. these last especially are very numerous and have special names, such as comintang de la conquista, the sinanpablo, the batanguiño, the cavitegan. [134] not only are the words of these songs, but also the melodies, national, and the indians note the music of them with prodigious cleverness. all the indians, in fact, are naturally given to music and there are some of them who play five or six instruments. also there is not a village, however small it be, where mass is not accompanied by music for lack of an organ. the choice of the airs which they play is not always the most edifying. we have heard in the churches the waltzes of musard, and the gayest airs of the french comic opera. thus, as we have just said, the indians are born musicians. those who before knew only the chinese tam-tam, the javanese drum, and a kind of flute of pan, made of a bit of bamboo, today cultivate the european instruments with a love which comes to be a passion. they are not, for the most part, very strong in vocal music, for they have very little or no voice. nevertheless, their singing offers in our opinion a certain character of originality which is not unworthy of attention. [135] scarcely had the spaniards conquered that archipelago than its inhabitants tried to imitate the musical instruments of europe, and the viguela, a kind of guitar having a very great number of strings, but which is not always the same, soon became their favorite instrument. they manufactured it with a remarkable perfection. and besides, they themselves made the strings. the bandolon is another guitar, but smaller; having twenty-four metallic strings joined by fours. they are very skilful in playing that instrument, and they make use either of one of their finger nails, which they allow to grow to a very great length, or of a little bit of wood. we do not know from what nation they have borrowed that instrument, which we have never seen in spain. the music of the villages of which we have spoken is generally composed of violins, of ebony flutes, or even of bamboo in the remote provinces, and of a bajo de viguela, a large guitar of the size of a violon-cello, which is played with a horn or ebony finger expressly made [for that purpose]. they draw from it very agreeable sounds. that music, somewhat discordant, is not often wholly without something agreeable in it. we cannot help admiring men who can reach that point without having taken lessons, and of whom the majority have perhaps never had occasion to meet an artist. the military music of the regiments of the garrison at manila, and in some large villages of the provinces, has reached a point of perfection which is astonishing. we have never heard better in spain, not even in madrid. it is at the square of the palace that, on thursdays, sundays, and fête days, at eight o'clock in the evening, at the time when the retreat is beaten, the society of manila and the foreigners and travelers, assemble to hear the concert. the indians play there from memory for two or three hours alternately, from great overtures of rossini and meyerbeer, or contradances, and vaudevilles. they owe the great progress which they have made for some time in their military music to the french masters who direct them. these same musicians are also summoned to the great balls, where they execute pieces among the contradances played by other instruments. we have stated that the vocal music of the indians is not equal to that of their instrumental music, which is especially true of the quality of their voice, which is sharp and shrill. all their airs are applied to words of love; they are regrets, and reproaches, addressed to a faithless swain, and sometimes allusions drawn from the history of the ancient kings, or from holy scripture. sometimes a number of indians gather in the house of one of them and form a concert of amateurs. at that time they sing the passion to the accompaniment of a full orchestra. at other times five, seven, or nine bagontaos (young bachelors) assemble at night in the beautiful clear moonlight and run about the villages in the vicinity of manila, where they give serenades to their sweethearts, their dalagas, or donzellias [i.e., doncella (maidens)], whom the tagálogs who are of more distinguished rank and who speak spanish call their novias [i.e., sweethearts]. one could imagine nothing more singular and more picturesque than to see during those brilliant nights of the torrid zone, when the moon sheds floods of silver light, and the balmy breeze tempers the burning heat of the atmosphere, to see, we say, the indians crouched en cuclillas for entire hours without getting tired of that position, which we would find so uncomfortable, singing their love under the windows of their mistresses. numerous orchestras of musicians are summoned at any hour of the day to the houses of manila in order to have all sorts of ancient and modern dances there: the old rigodons, [136] quadrilles, the english contradances, waltzes, gallops, and without doubt the polka will not be long in penetrating there also. it is rare among the indians, and especially among the mestizos, that a baptism, marriage, or any ceremony is celebrated without music and dancing. the burial of children (criaturas) is always accompanied by music. one further word on the extraordinary talent of the indians for musical execution. one day we accompanied monsieur auguste barrot, our worthy consul, the alcalde of the province of laguna, on a tour which he was making for the election of gobernadorcillos. we reached calaüan, where we stopped to sup and sleep at the house of a respectable cura whose house, like that of all ecclesiastics, was open to all travelers without exception. travelers are there fed and lodged as long as they please to stop and without any cost to them. now, at the house of this cura we heard an indian who played with equal perfection on seven different instruments, on which he executed the most difficult pieces. when he had finished, the good cura, in order to amuse us, performed some sleight of hand tricks and juggling, and showed us a theater of marionnettes, which he had himself mounted. the comintang, which we have before mentioned as a national song, is also a dance. while the musicians are playing and singing it an indian and an indian woman execute a pantomime which agrees with the words. it is a lover who is trying to inflame the heart of a young girl, about whom he runs while making innumerable amorous movements and greetings in the fashion of the country, accompanied by movements of the arms and of the body, which are not the most decent, but which cause the spectators to break out into loud and joyous laughter. finally, the lover, not being able to succeed, feigns to be sick and falls into a chair prepared for him. the young girl, frightened, flies to his aid but he rises again very soon cured, and begins to dance and turn about with her in all directions, to the great applause of those present. the pampamgo is another dance which is especially remarkable by the movements of the loins, and the special grace which the women show in it. it is accompanied by very significative clapping of the hands. in the visayas they dance the bagay, the music and song of which are langorous and melancholy, like that of the comintang. it is also a lover and a mistress who dance, the while they mingle their motions with cries. the montescos of the provinces of the north of the island of luçon also dance to the sound of their bamboo flutes, but their gestures and their postures are so indecent that for shame a woman never dances except with her husband. the negritos in their dances hold in their hands their bow and arrows and utter horrible cries. they make frightful contortions and leaps to which in the country one has given the name of camarones, comparing them to those that the sea-crabs make in the water. they end their dance by shooting their arrows into the air, and their eyesight is so quick that they sometimes kill a bird on the wing. their ouroucay, or song of the mountains, is a very pleasing melody consisting of six measures which are repeated time and time again, which if it were arranged for chorus, would make a fine effect. the fandango, the çapateado, the cachucha, and other spanish dances have been adopted by the indians, and they do not lack grace when they dance them to the accompaniment of castinets, which they play with a remarkable precision. they also execute some dances of nueva españa, such as for example the jarabès, where they show all the spanish vivacity with movements of their figure, of their breasts, of their hips, to right and left forward and backward, and pirouettes, whose rapidity is such that the eye can scarce follow them. drawing and painting are much further advanced than one would believe among the indians of the philippines. without taking into account the fine geographical maps of nicolas de ocampo, we can cite the miniatures of denian, and sauriano, the pictures of churches, and the oil portraits of oreco. those works are indeed far from being perfect, for the artists to whom they are due have never had any masters, but they present marks of great talent, and the portraits have a striking resemblance [to the original]. we seize this occasion to testify all our gratitude to the two mestizo designers, juan serapio transfiguracion nepomuceno, and his son, for the services which as artists they have been pleased to render us with so much kindness. privileges granted to students royal order dictating rules for the incorporation, in the universities and audiencias of the colonies, of the studies and titles obtained in those of españa, in the course of jurisprudence, and vice-versa. ministry of grace and justice: your excellency: some doubts having been occasioned by the difference existing between the plan of studies in force in the peninsula, and that which is observed in the islands of cuba and puerto-rico, in regard to whether those youth, who have devoted themselves to the career of jurisprudence, may utilize, in one of these points of the monarchy, the courses taken and the titles obtained in the other; and the queen (whom may god preserve) desiring while the government is bringing to a head the fitting reforms, [137] to give the advisable harmony to the above-cited systems of education, to avoid the difficulties and prejudices caused by this uncertainty, has deigned to resolve, after hearing the opinion of the royal council, that the following orders be observed in regard to this point. [points 1 and 2 refer to cuba and puerto-rico.] 3. students, licentiates, or advocates of the peninsula who go to continue their career or exercise their profession in the domains of the colonies shall receive credit for the courses which they shall have taken, and the degrees which they shall have obtained shall be recognized whenever they prove them legally, as well as the titles which shall appear to be proved by the competent decision of the supreme tribunal of justice or the ministry of public instruction, according to their origin, and derivation. 4. the courts in the antillas and philippinas shall continue to observe the present practice of not admitting to the exercise of the profession of lawyer any peninsular lawyer, unless he first makes the presentation of his titles, before the respective royal audiencia. but when this legal requirement is observed, the assembly shall have no further power to submit the interested person to any exercise or examination with the object of assuring themselves of his fitness, but shall, on the contrary, consider their powers of intervention limited to declaring the legality of his title, once it has been proved according to the ruling of the preceding disposition, and to order that it be recognized and respected throughout their territory. 5. if, because of the distance or inclemencies of the navigation, considerable harm should come to licentiates, who, when going to the peninsula, should lose their diplomas and documents, the audiencia, opening an informatory writ, shall be able to allow them to exercise their profession for a determined period until the presentation of the documents in fitting form. i write this to your excellency by royal order, for your information and the advisable results. may god preserve your excellency many years. madrid, december 2, 1847. arrazola [addressed: "regent of the royal audiencia and chancillería of manila."] superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving drawing and painting, for which the natives of the filipinas show remarkable aptitude, began to be taught in the sociedad económica de amigos del país [i.e., economic society of friends of the country], [138] and in a more ample and official manner in the old school of drawing and painting created in 1849. some notable artists have graduated from that school, who have, by their productions, honored their country in españa and other nations, and obtained prizes in various contests. [139] by royal decrees of august and december, 1893, this institution was reorganized. the section of the fine arts was separated from the professional school of arts and crafts, and the superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving was created. teaching was amplified, and instruction given in various art subjects, including color composition modeling, and drawing from the antique and from nature, including figure drawing. [140] this academy was supported from local funds, a small part being contributed from the general budget. there were no enrolments or academic courses, and hence, no examinations. the pupils could attend as many years as they wished. [141] after its reorganization in 1893, the general attendance was from 200 to 300, and in spite of the poor instruction, some good work was done. [142] ateneo municipal in 1859, the fathers of the society of jesus came anew to these islands to evangelize the savage tribes of mindanao. [143] while they were preparing for that enterprise, they were given control (december 10) [144] of the escuela pía (charity school) of manila, which then contained 33 pupils under the auspices of the municipality and the protection of the captain-general, then fernando norzagaray. by january 2 of the following year the pupils numbered 124. all the elementary primary studies were taught, as well as most of those of secondary instruction, and superior education, in accordance with the regulations then in force. in 1865 it was declared a college of secondary instruction under the title of "ateneo municipal [i.e., municipal athenaeum] of manila," by the madrid government. some years later it had 200 boarding pupils and a large number of day pupils, and it was impossible to accommodate all those who wished to enter from all parts of the archipelago. in addition to the studies which constitute the course leading to the degree of bachelor of arts, studies of application, to agriculture, industry, and commerce were given, and titles of commercial experts, agricultural experts, and later, mechanical experts were issued. there were also classes in drawing, vocal and instrumental music, and gymnastics. expenses were defrayed by the municipality. statistics show that between the years 1865-1882, a large per cent of those who have entered for the various branches have graduated, the per cent of those graduates studying agriculture being the lowest. in that period 173 a. b. degrees, 40 titles of commercial expert, and 19 titles of agricultural expert had been conferred. the year 1896-1897 showed a total enrolment of 1,176, of whom 510 belonged to the department of primary instruction, 514 to the general studies of secondary instruction, and 152 to the studies of application. the school enjoyed great prestige from its foundation to the close of the spanish régime, as the methods followed there were better and more modern than any other in the archipelago. [145] it had a faculty of 24. [146] educational suggestions superior instruction [147] university of manila. naval school. the university has many enemies and some arguers who do not oppose it because it is directed by dominican friars, but because they believe the study of law inadvisable. this opinion is anti-liberal and does not merit refutation. even if it did merit it, the moment would never be opportune for a democratic revolution, which even runs the danger of going too far in its generalizations, as we have already stated. the greater convenience of a school of medicine and surgery, professions in which the indians would probably give better results than in the forum, might be maintained. but since true progress does not consist in destroying, but in reforming and improving gradually, we are inclined as the generality of those who have been in filipinas, to the realization of the secularization which is demanded in regard to superior public instruction, and which appears to be the desire of the government at this time, by means of the establishment in the university itself of that school, to which the dominican fathers, who have made the greatest sacrifices for their country, would not hesitate to offer themselves. and even if the study of pharmacy were added to it, it would also be convenient. that science must adjust itself to the conditions of the indian, and there is an unquestioned need for it there; for, although its principal subdivisions have been studied by some religious, such as botany, mineral waters, etc., there is still much to do. it is the general opinion that the philippine fields with their innumerable and unknown herbs offer remedies for all diseases, but the science is given up to chicanery, and the empiricism of the mediquillos. the indians accept spanish medicines under no consideration. therefore, it is necessary to regenerate the class of the former by prohibiting intrusions into the field of the profession, and by obliging them to study it from its beginnings in the university of manila under spanish professors, who ought to be those of military health [sanidad militar]--men who acquire great skill in the hospitals and come to be specialists in the diseases of the country. the suppression of some obstacles which still exist in regard to the admission of foreign professors will also be an excellent measure. in regard to pharmacy, of which there exist no regular establishments outside of manila, cavite, cebú, and, i believe, cagayán, great rigor must be exercised in removing from it abuses and ignorance which give place to the most grave consequences. as there exists no authoritative personnel, wandering peddlers easily obtain a permit from the superior government to add to their work the sale of drugs. at times they are subjected to light examinations by the subdelegate. the consequence is that the provinces are swamped with counterfeit and dangerous products when they are not objects of perfumery, which the poor natives swallow as chemical products. in pampanga we have seen a preparation of lettuce or of some similar vegetable sold as a tailor's chalk [jaboncillo de sastre], which was of more use for washing the hands than for modifying the nervous contractions of the muscles. hence, the intrusions of the mediquillo and of the matandá (the old man) who with true enchantments and superstitious remedies cures the poor sick people, cannot be combated with efficacy. in batangas dead flies that were killed by the fresh paint of a saint have been prescribed, and brick dust where the mark of a foot had appeared to the native curas as a miraculous thing imprinted by the virgin who was coming to adore a cross near by. the pills of holloway and the products of foreign charlatanism reap their harvest. hence also, the poor parish priests have to serve as physicians and apothecaries in extreme cases. very frequently the mediquillo when he sees that it is a case of exhaustion, absconds or disappears, and then what can a poor friar do at the bedside of a sick person who dies without human aid? consequently, the literature of the convents has produced many [medical] works, some of them of merit, destined to be used as a vade mecum in these ordinary cases. even notions of obstetrics (the science of childbirth) are given in some of those books, since there are theologues who counsel proceeding to the most risky operations in order to be able to baptize the fetus. in the embriologia [i.e., embriology] of father sanz, [148] one reads of cases truly inconceivable, and in the ilustracion filipina, [149] a periodical which was published in our time, appeared articles in regard to the mediquillos and midwives, which by themselves alone would authorize a reform of those professions so interesting to humanity. in difficult childbirth it is very common for the operator to press down on the abdomen of the sick woman, and to have recourse to other proceedings similar to it. the first month after birth the indian children pass in a perpetual martyrdom, for they are rubbed hourly with very hot cocoanut oil, a custom doubtless preserved from the woods, where in their savage state they make of the children a flexible serpent which escapes from the hand. since surgery, in spite of being an almost useless science in filipinas, where the great agricultural and industrial works which cause mutilations and accidents do not exist, for the indian when he works never does it with the enthusiasm and abnegation which we see in europa, but very tranquilly and carefully looking out beforehand to what he exposes himself--surgery, we repeat, properly so called--does not exist where there are no spanish operators. for the bite of a monkey, which would disappear in a fortnight by cauterization, we have seen so many plasters applied and so many waters from miraculous springs (among them a bandage soaked in holy water) that they have very likely killed the sick person, since he had suffered two long years when we left the province. if the oils and balsams from those oleaginous plants (and among them there are some truly wonderful) produced no effect, the mediquillo, losing his bearings, soon has recourse to the charms and devilments which bring a sick one to the grave. there is another educational institution in manila which is susceptible of great development and of producing vast advantages for the country, namely, the naval school. poorly organized and almost always worse directed, it only graduates pupils with great pretentious, who aspire from the first moment to posts in the warships, where they are quickly confounded with the very least predicaments. if this institution on the other hand were well organized as a school of pilots, it could supply useful men to the great number of boats engaged in the coasting trade. the native sailor is bold even to folly in the ordinary accidents of navigation, but timorous and irresolute in exigencies, and absolutely lacks means to escape from them. hence they go with the greatest impassiveness through those labyrinths of hidden rocks and reefs, which fill the sea of mindoro and the calamianes in pancos and paraos which scarcely can be used for the navigation of rivers and creeks. but at the first puff of a strong wind, which, although it does not break it, tears the helm from their hands at the first movement of that stormy sea where cataclysms are more frequent than ashore, the poor arraez [i.e., master] as the captain there is still called, harassed and disturbed, either kneels down with all his crew to invoke god, placing on the helm his antin-antin (amulet, a kind of scapulary which no indian is without during these voyages, and which has more of paganism than christianity), or takes refuge in the hatchway in order not to behold the dangers that he is running. if any spaniard is in the boat, the command is assuredly given to him, although he understands less of sea-affairs than the said captain. that has happened more than once to all of us who have traveled much from one island to another, and surely not even in boats of a certain importance, almost brigantines, when the master is a tagálog, have we ever met with sea-compass, barometer, or glass, or any other of the instruments most indispensable for navigation. this is enough to prove the importance which ought to be given to the naval school, whose organization must be very imperfect, since even yet its results are almost nil. it depends provisionally on the superior civil government, a circumstance which appears absurd to us. like this there exist many things which we have neither time nor scientific capacity to unfold. it belongs to the government to do now what is proposed, namely, reform the public instruction of filipinas. schools of primary letters the primary school, the most interesting among all peoples, and more yet among backward peoples, was found in our time in an incipient condition, if one considers it as the government desires it, and as a great number of royal decrees resolved. primary instruction in castilian was alone known in manila and some suburbs of the capital, but in the dialects of the country there existed boys' schools in all the villages, and in the majority of them, also schools for girls. it is a fact that such schools did not count on more elements than the pay assigned by the government for the teachers, [150] and the parish priests together with the provincial chiefs had to decide on the means for the construction and conservation of the edifices and furnishings, the former paying in addition their salaries to the teachers of the girls, or paying them from the funds of the churches according to the wealth of each one. this system gave the consequent result of there not being any suitable directors for complete primary instruction. but in reading, writing, and religion, in the majority of the villages of the archipelago, there was found a greater number proportionally than in españa, for the missionaries always considered that education as the first element of civilization and adhesion of those inhabitants to the crown of castilla. the government tried to improve and make general that education, but in the spanish language. [151] for that purpose the assembly appointed in 1861 made some regulations, taking as its base the creation of a normal school, which has had realization, and according to señor barrantes, in the above-cited work, it seems that instruction has improved somewhat in what relates to the spanish. the question of whether the parish priests or missionaries have opposed those rules is of little importance to us. as in all disputable cases there are partisans who favor and those who oppose--not the advantage which the generalization of the spanish language might be, for all people recognize and admit this hypothesis, but only the results which the generalization of the spanish language would produce, reckoning on the slight capacity of the natives to utilize the good that they might read in the idiom of cervantes, and bearing in mind the political make-up of that country and the evil effects which would be produced by the daily publications which would arrive [from españa], and which are incapable of enlightening the little but submissive intelligence of those inhabitants, yet always sufficient to excite the passions of men who would easily confuse rights with individual duties, giving a worse result than that which the history of our ancient colonies registers. as we do not know of this department in the present circumstances more than that which the above-cited work brings to light, we shall limit ourselves to calling the attention of the government so that it may introduce in that department all the improvements possible, extending the normal school, which gives very slight results for a people of five millions, and proving whether this normal school, organized with a mixture of the language of the country and of the spanish and by creating one school in each group of provinces belonging to the same language, would give a more positive result in regard to instruction, and one even more efficacious for the propagation of the spanish by printing works in two columns in the two languages. [152] what the archipelago lacks are men and women teachers to give instruction in the primary schools. industrial teachers, professorships for foremen and assistants for public works and master masons would produce a great result in that country. lastly, let all the generals bear in mind what the various ancient decrees rule to the effect that a charge shall be made to them in their residencias for their neglect in public instruction. public instruction public instruction is sufficiently far advanced in filipinas, especially in what refers to primary instruction. it is strange to see that in the most remote villages, the majority of the indians know how to read and even to write, having learned without teachers, and solely through the strength of their inclination and extraordinary patience. the public schools are better organized today, and have in charge of them teachers who have graduated from the normal school of manila. it cannot fail to be worthy of striking the attention that almost all the boys and girls who attend the schools read spanish without understanding it, and write our language by drawing the letters materially. secondary education is studied in the college of san juan de letrán, created into an institute in 1820, in that of santo tomás, in charge of the dominican fathers; in the ateneo municipal, under the direction of the jesuits; in the college of san josé, directed by the secular clergy; and in various private schools. superior branches are studied in the royal and pontifical university of santo tomás, of manila, founded at the beginning of the seventeenth century. it was erected under the name of college of santo tomás de nuestra señora de rosario of manila, august 15, 1619. felipe iv approved it by a decree of november 27, 1623. pope innocent x conceded to this college on november 20, 1645, the title of university, and clement xii extended its studies to civil and canonical law, and the other subjects that are studied in universities. it is pontifical, for the degrees which are conferred in it have canonical effect and supply ecclesiastics for determined charges, according to the bulls of innocent x and clement xii. it is in charge of the illustrious dominican fathers, its founders, who fill the greater number of its chairs. with reference to the reform introduced by royal order of october 29, 1875, the studies necessary for the professions or jurisprudence and of the church, and of medicine, pharmacy, and notary, are given in this institution. manila has a seminary, called san carlos, and the same is true of cebú and iloílo. the seminary in camarines sur is called nuestra señora del rosario, and that of ilocos sur is entitled nuestra señora de la concepción. furthermore, there is a naval academy in manila, another of drawing and painting, a normal school for men teachers, chairs of bookkeeping, languages, and history, and a meteorological observatory. [153] the naval school was established in 1862, at the instance of the consulado of commerce. in it are taught arithmetic, elementary geometry, plane and spherical trigonometry, cosmography, pilotage, practical geometry applied to the construction of hydrographic maps and plans, and methods of drawing them, etc., etc. the academy of drawing and painting was instituted by the hoard of trade, march 1, 1849. its classes consist of figure drawing, ornamentation, and modeling, both in nature and in colors. the normal school for the training of men teachers of primary instruction was created by royal decree of december 20, 1863, and was inaugurated january 23, 1865, under the direction of the fathers of the society of jesus. for young women, manila has the beaterio of santa catalina de sena, instituted in 1696 for the general instruction of girls, and ruled over by a prioress chosen by the mothers; the beaterio-college of santa rita, created in 1740, for the education of indian orphan girls; that of santa rosa, founded in 1750, for the purpose of educating poor girls; the college of la concordia; that of santa isabel; and the municipal school for girls, directed by the sisters of charity. statistics concerning primary instruction according to the manual del viajero, [154] published in 1877, there are in all filipinas, at the account of the state, 1,016 schools of primary instruction for boys, and 592 for girls, 98,761 attending the former, and 78,352 the latter, as follows: schools pupils who attend boys girls boys girls in luzón 599 244 44,416 28,805 adjacent islands 49 28 3,934 1,970 visayas 302 284 43,281 41,193 mindanao 66 36 7,070 6,384 ---- -- ------ ----- 1,016 592 98,761 78,351 --------------- --------------- 1,608 177,113 according to data sent to the statistics board of filipinas, and compiled by señor cavada, [155] the condition of public instruction in 1870 was as follows. primary instruction island of luzón boys.--schools, 657; attendance, 118,652; read, 34,119; write, 25,374; talk castilian, 2,165; ignorant, 56,994. girls.--schools, 439; attendance, 76,773; read, 19,447; write, 7,924; talk castilian, 1,940; ignorant, 47,462. visayas islands boys.--schools, 325; attendance, 98,687; read, 28,003; write, 23,518; talk castilian, 3,062; ignorant, 44,104. girls.--schools, 317; attendance, 84,357; read, 25,978; write, 12,817; talk castilian, 979; can sew, 22,380. island of mindanao boys.--schools, 22; attendance, 4,769; read, 1,547; write, 1,064; talk castilian, 114; ignorant, 2,044. girls.--schools, 19; attendance, 2,669; read, 763; write, 130; talk castilian, 58; ignorant, 1,718. instruction island of luzón males.--read, 183,394; read and write, 194,628; ignorant, 1,051,823; talk castilian, 48,206; ignorant of castilian, 1,381,639. females.--read, 174,516; read and write, 50,082; ignorant, 1,119,994; talk castilian, 26,844; ignorant of castilian, 1,314,748. visayan islands males.--read, 109,373; read and write, 125,187; ignorant, 628,960; talk castilian, 21,466; ignorant of castilian, 842,054. females.--read, 89,558; read and write, 49,681; ignorant, 731,240; talk castilian, 9,019; ignorant of castilian, 861,460. island of mindanao males.--read, 8,169; read and write, 5,733; ignorant, 62,534; talk castilian, 76,436; ignorant of castilian, 4,994. females.--read, 6,160; read and write, 1,510; ignorant, 60,721; talk castilian, 68,391; ignorant of castilian, 3,934. secondary education academic course, 1883-84 registration of studies of matriculation application college of santo tomás, 3,561 274 idem of san juan de letrán, ateneo municipal, 665 84 private schools (general studies), 614 superior education academical course for 1883-84 registration of matriculation theology, 65 canon law, 3 jurisprudence 232 [156] notary, 15 medicine, 395 pharmacy, 102 practitioners of medicine, 72 practitioners of pharmacy, 19 midwives, 12 by means of the incomplete data which precede, and it is a fact that they do not exist in more exact form or of more recent date in the ministry of the colonies, it is easy to recognize the great results which can be obtained in regard to making reading and writing general among the indians, and in seeing that they learn the castilian language, for only a very small fraction of them know it very superficially. some advance has been made since the establishment of the normal school. but there is still much to do, and it is necessary that so crying a need be considered with the haste and decision that this important matter demands. the establishment of schools of arts and crafts will also be very convenient and useful, and truly they will be productive of great results. everything which contributes to the propagation of the teaching of industries, to the creation of superintendents and assistants of public works, master-masons, and all that relates to these matters, ought to be encouraged, and must be an advantageous and efficacious blessing to the natives of that country, who are extremely skilful in all the imitative arts and crafts, rather than for the studies which demand the employment of the superior faculties of the intelligence. [157] girls' schools in manila and the provinces there are four colleges for the education of girls without taking into consideration the municipal school of manila, [158] and the college of santa isabel, of nueva cáceres. [159] these are the college of santa isabel, that of santa rosa, that of santa catalina, and that of la concordia, also called college of the immaculate conception, all located in the capital of the archipelago. of all these institutions, the oldest is the college of santa isabel, founded in 1632 for the education of spanish orphan girls by a pious foundation called the santa misericordia. in 1650, the first regulations for the government of the same were issued, which continued in force until 1813, when they were revised. the college is supported from part of the interest derived from the misericordia legacy, administered by a board, of which the civil governor of manila is the president. it also enjoys a grant of land in tagudín, province of pangasinán, by a royal cedula of march 14, 1680, which produces an income of 600 pesos per annum. until the beginning of the present century, nearly 13,060 girls had been educated in this institution. in 1861, the governor-general of the archipelago added the royal college of santa potenciana to the college of santa isabel. [160] the former was composed of the orphan daughters of military men, and was a most ancient and beneficent institution, founded about the end of the sixteenth century by perez dasmariñas. it afforded shelter and protection to the orphan daughters of military men who had succumbed to the climatological influences of this country, or had died in the defense of their country. the colleges were under the protection of private ladies and afforded quite sufficient instruction. in 1863, the sisters of charity assumed charge of the same, to the great advantage of the college and of the morality of the pupils. in 1879, the college underwent a considerable reformation by order of governor-general moriones, who gave the college a new set of regulations and opened its doors to day pupils and half-boarders, and in 1880 the board of directors established new chairs, which make this establishment one of the most complete for the education of european young ladies. girls admitted are given a dowry of 500 pesos, but under the condition that they must first secure the title of teacher, without which requisite, even though they get married, they are given nothing. when they have concluded their studies, they engage in work, and the college reserves to them one-half of what they earn, which is added to their dowry. [161] retreat and college of santa catalina the college of santa catalina follows next in order of antiquity to the college of santa isabel. it was founded in 1696 by the provincial, then belonging to the dominican order, the very reverend father, juan de santo domingo. there were purchased for the purposes of the college, at the account of the province of santísimo rosario, some houses adjoining the convent of santo domingo, to serve as an asylum to the young ladies who desire to consecrate therein their virginity to the lord. the institution was inaugurated on the day of st. ann, of the year mentioned, after the approval of the rules to be observed, in conformity with the spirit and statutes of the tertiary order of st. dominic, with some modifications for the proper interior régime, based upon the principal laws and ordinations of the province of santísimo rosario. on this day some ladies who had long before adopted the dress of the tertiary order, took the vows, binding themselves to the strictest observance of the new rule, and taking the three religious vows with all the necessary formalities. among the new nuns was the sister of mother francisca, who, in order to adopt the dominican vestments, left the rectorate of santa isabel. the new retreat was given for a patron, the seraphic mother, santa catalina de sena. it was also ordered that there should be only fifteen choir nuns, in honor of the mysteries of the rosary, with some lay sisters to attend to the material service. the foundation of this retreat was approved by a royal despatch signed february 17, 1716, which put an end to the various petitions which had been submitted to the court against its installation. in 1732, a new cedula granted the retreat the right to have a church with a bell, and prescribed, at the same time, that the inmates were not required to observe retirement by a rigid vow, but only for the purposes of good administration. the practice observed is that the sisters never pass through the inside door of the convent, which is in charge of one of the gravest sisters, but any person can enter it with express permission from the provincial. although in the beginning, the college of santa catalina was nothing but a house, to which spanish ladies, desirous of renouncing the vanities of the world and of devoting themselves entirely to the service of god, retired, the dominican order did not long delay in assigning some of the sisters to instruction in a college. from that time, the retreat took the character of a college, where the pupils, at the same time that they were instructed in reading, writing, christian doctrine, and other work suitable to their sex, learned to practice virtue. in 1865, it was deemed proper to increase the number of sisters fixed when the retreat was established, in order to be able to extend instruction further, and thus place the college on the same level as the best equipped colleges of the same class in this capital. the inmates of this institution are not permitted to leave it without good cause. they may be visited by their parents and other friends and acquaintances in a reception room located near the door of the college. after the earthquakes of 1880, notable improvements were made in the material part of the building; [162] and at the present time, in the departments necessary for the good service of the college, this establishment has a spacious working-room, large class-rooms, well-ventilated dormitories, a beautiful bathroom, and an ample and capacious dining-hall. the retreat is managed by a prioress, elected every three years by the sisters, who acts, at the same time, as the mother superior of the college; at the head of the latter, nevertheless, there is a directress in charge of the instruction. the spiritual direction of the retreat and college is in charge of a father of the order, appointed by the corporation for the charge of vicar. [163] college of santa rosa this establishment was founded in 1750 by the paulist mother de la trinidad, a nun of the tertiary order of st. dominic. she arrived in manila the preceding year, whither she had resolved to come from the peninsula, desirous of consecrating herself to the good of others. being convinced that the greatest service she could render the public was to establish an educational institution, she immediately took steps to carry out her holy work, and in a short time by her ardent zeal she secured sufficient funds for the establishment of a retreat, where she supported on charity a certain number of native young women for the purpose of educating them in the fear of god, in christian doctrine, and in all exercises suitable for a woman. this was done so that, whether they left the retreat of their own will and married or remained therein, they would develop strong moral principles. his majesty has taken this college under his royal protection, and the regent of the audiencia supervises it in his name, with the corresponding powers. the spiritual direction is, at the present time, entrusted by the archbishop to the very reverend fray josé corujedo, former provincial of the corporation of st. augustine. up to january 26, 1866, the education of the girls was in charge of elderly ladies, of well-known education and virtue, who acted as teachers; but, on this date, by superior order, the sisters of charity undertook the direction of the institution, which they discharged to the satisfaction of all. [164] college of la concordia or of the immaculate conception in the town of paco, a suburb of manila, there is a college, which was inaugurated may 3, 1868, ordinarily called the college of the concordia. the entire grounds and part of the building, which now serves as a college, were piously donated to the sisters of charity by a charitable lady named margarita roxas, whose picture is exhibited in the reception room. five-sixths of said college have been built since its foundation. this college is the exclusive property of the sisters of charity, who act at the same time as teachers therein. it occupies a very picturesque and open position on a beautiful plain between the towns of paco and of santa ana, and has very capacious and well-ventilated rooms. it is the central building of the sisters of charity of the philippines, and usually a priest of the congregation of the mission, entrusted with the spiritual direction of the college, lives therein. the studies and work in this college and the distribution of classes are identical with those of other colleges. from the date of the foundation of the college, up to the present year, 62 pupils have been examined for teachers, of whom 35 were classed as excellent, 17 as good, and 10 passed. [165] asylum of st. vincent of paul this institution is situated in paco, a suburb of manila, in the barrio of looban. the building and its grounds, belong to sister asunción ventura, a sister of charity, who, being anxious for the welfare of poor girls, donated it to the congregation of the sisters of charity, in order that said building should be used as an asylum for the education of about 30 poor girls. the institution was inaugurated on november 26, 1885. pay pupils are also admitted for the moderate fee of 6 pesos per month. the sisters of charity of this institution number 5. boarding pupils, 37 poor pupils, 45 servants, 9 total, 91 the pupils are taught christian doctrine, reading, writing, spanish grammar, and the four rules of arithmetic. they are also instructed in the work of their sex--sewing, embroidering, the making of artificial flowers, and some in housework, such as cleaning, cooking, washing clothes, etc. college of san josé de jaro on may 1, 1872, the sisters of charity opened, with the permission of the vice-royal patron, the college of san josé, in iloílo, for the instruction and education of girls. in doing this, they acceded to the wishes expressed by some good spaniards and some principal citizens, and supplied a want in that capital. this college continued in existence until 1877, when it was closed on account of the lack of funds, as it had no funds but those derived from the fees of the pupils, who were very few toward the end. fray mariano cortero, bishop of jaro, availed himself of the opportunity to call the sisters to his city, and placed the school in their charge. a house was leased, and beside it a frame building was constructed for school purposes, able to accommodate about 200 girls. up to 1881, no boarding pupils were accepted, on account of the lack of room; but later, at the request of some families, some girls were admitted, the number of whom gradually increased to 50--too large a number for so small a house. this led to the necessity of enlarging the building, which was done by raising the school roof, and making an upper story, by which means a large and spacious room was scoured as a dormitory for the girls, besides a beautiful chapel. instruction is divided into three classes--superior, secondary, and primary. in the lowest class, reading and christian doctrine are taught. in the secondary class, christian doctrine, reading, writing, sacred history, and arithmetic are taught. in the superior class, the reading of printed and written matter is taught, as well as the writing of spanish and english characters, geography, sacred and profane history, and arithmetic, as well as piano for those who wish. they are also instructed in the work of their sex--sewing, embroidering, artificial flowers, etc. convent of san ignacio its foundation dates back to the year 1699, and it was directed by the fathers of the society of jesus until they were expelled in the last century, when it passed to the charge of the provisor of this archbishopric. its original object seems to have been that of educating native girls in the fear of god, and to give them primary instruction and instruction in the work of their sex. this retreat serves as an asylum for devout women. since 1883, a school has been established in this retreat, with three teachers. they teach reading from the first letters, christian doctrine, compendium of morals, sacred history, courtesy, arithmetic, spanish grammar to the analysis of analogy, and in addition they have every week an explanation of the gospel, in charge of a priest of the secular clergy. needle-work is taught from the first stitches to the finest embroidery. oil painting is also done in this institution, and we have a teacher of embroidery, who is an expert in this art, and whose work is much applauded." [166] [the following girls' schools are noted also by archipiélago filipino, i, p. 353.] schools for the education of girls, which, without having the rank of normal schools, exist outside the capital of the archipelago, are principally the four following, the first three of which are in charge of the dominican nuns. that of nuestra señora del rosario, founded in lingayén (pangasinán), in 1890, with 60 pupils; that of santa imelda, founded in tuguegarao (cagayán de luzón), in 1892, with 81 pupils; that of nuestra señora del rosario, in vigan (ilocos sur), with 90 pupils; and finally, that of san josé de jaro, under the direction of the sisters of charity, with 116 resident pupils, 160 day, and 14 half-boarders. lastly, centers also devoted to the instruction of girls are the real casa de misericordia in cebú, the beaterio of the society of jesus in manila, and those of santa rita in pasig, and san sebastián in calumpang. however, we shall not review them here, as they are chiefly religious institutions. school of agriculture the manila school of agriculture was created by royal decree of november 29, 1887, and established at manila, july 2, 1889. [167] the objects of the school were: the theoretical and practical education of skilled farmers; the education of overseers; the promotion of agricultural development in the philippines, by means of observation, experiment, and investigation. in order to enter officially into the study of scientific agriculture, it was necessary to be vouched for by a valid certificate, to be of good health, and to have studied and have passed examinations in some institution of secondary education, or other properly accredited institution. it opened with 82 students, but in the following year there were only 50. agricultural stations were established in isabela de luzón, ilocos, albay, cebú, iloílo, leyte, mindanao, and joló. those of joló and leyte were abolished by royal decrees, dated september 10, 1888, and december 7, 1891, respectively. the course of studies was as follows: first year--elements of agriculture; mathematical problems; practical work in topography; linear and topographical drawing. second year--special methods of cultivation; elements of stockbreeding; agricultural arts; practical work in cultivation and the industries; setting up and management of machines; drawing applied to machines and to plants. third year--elements of rural economy; accounts and agricultural legislation; general practical work in cultivation, stockbreeding, and industry; drawing of plans. the education of the overseers was carried on in the agricultural stations, which have been created for the purpose of doing technical work in analyses of earth, systems of irrigation, studies of seed, acclimatization of vegetables and animals, study and treatment of epizootic, epiphysis, etc. the professors in the school were agricultural engineers and their assistants skilled farmers. the expenses were defrayed entirely by the government, but the direction was in the hands of the priests. the university of santo tomás, both of itself, and through the ateneo municipal, issued certificates to skilled farmers and surveyors, for which it required mathematics, physics, chemistry, natural history, agriculture, topography, and linear and topographical drawing. the government school cannot be said to have been a success, for the filipinos, while inclined to readily adopt the professions, have never shown any marked inclination for industrial pursuits. since american occupancy. by section 19 of act 74 of the philippine commission it was provided that there should be established and maintained a school of agriculture in the island of negros, and by section 24 of the same act, the sum of $15,000 was appropriated out of any funds in the insular treasury not otherwise appropriated for the organization and maintenance of the school for the year 1901. it was suggested that such a school be established on the government plantation at la carlota, but it is an inaccessible place, and it was proposed to find a more convenient place. the organization of the school was delayed in order to bring it into connection with the proposed experimental sugar plantation in negros. by act no. 512, passed november 10, 1902, the work of establishing an agricultural college was transferred from the bureau of public instruction to the bureau of agriculture, and the government farm at la granja in western negros was set aside as a site for this school, and for an experiment station to be conducted in connection with it. after a long delay, plans were submitted for a main building to contain laboratories, class-rooms, offices, and also a dormitory. twenty-five thousand dollars were appropriated for its construction. arrangements were made, however, by which certain teachers in the provinces were to be employed to coöperate with the bureau of agriculture in making various experiments and in gathering such information as might be useful in promoting knowledge of the agricultural conditions of the islands. at the same time the law establishing secondary instruction in provincial schools provided for the extension of the curriculum beyond the ordinary course of high-school instruction and instruction in agriculture, which meant that the provincial schools might, on a larger or smaller scale, as the authorities of the province might determine, carry on instruction and experiments in such branches of agriculture as might be supposed to be adapted to the conditions in the province in which any provincial school was established. march 25, 1903, a director of the experiment station was appointed in order that he might take charge of the government property on the estate and begin the work of getting land under cultivation. [168] government reorganization of education in the university of santo tomas conference on the college-university of santo tomás of manila, and the decision rendered by señors montero rios, gamazo, and maura conference 1. whether in view of the writ of foundation of the college-university of santo tomás, which is enclosed, the ministry has the right to reorganize education therein, without taking account of the religious corporation of the dominicans. 2. whether, in case of a ministerial resolution, contrary to the native autonomy of the said college, the latter may offer opposition by legal means, and what would be the most efficacious method. decision the foundation of the college of santo tomás, which seems to have been commenced under the advocacy of our lady of the rosary, in manila, was ordained by a writ of april 28, 1611, before the notary of his majesty, juan yllán, in order to observe the last will of the deceased archbishop, fray miguel de benavides; and to the new institution were applied besides, the few resources which the latter left, and others also modest, which proceeded from the estates of pablo rodriguez de aranjo and anfrés de hermosa. there were hopes that new liberalities would augment the capital of so useful a work. its origin is, then, entirely private. section 1 of the said foundation spiritualized the properties and their future increases, so that use might be made of them under such concept for the ministry of the college, and the welfare of the souls of the three deceased testators, and of future benefactors. section 2 entrusted the management to the then or future father provincial of the order of preachers of st. dominic. section 3 gave the government correction, and instruction of the college to the prior of the convent of that order in manila. section 4 allowed the provincial, as patron, to appoint the lecturers who were to give the instruction, and the workmen and helpers necessary for the good administration and for the temporal government, except that if any ecclesiastical or secular person were to endow the college with a large sum, the chapter of the province could give him the patronage, provided that he did not introduce any innovation, contrary to the authority of the father provincial in respect to the provision of lectures, or withdraw the college from the order and province [of the preachers], or deprive the prior of the management. section 5 established that the arts and sciences should always be read and taught in the college by the religious of the province and order [of the preachers], and not by any other order, or by seculars. the same was true in regard to the religious pupils, and for the secular collegiates. section 6 permitted the admission of bequests, gifts, and other aids weighted with charges of piety, which the convent was to fulfil and observe [levantaria]. section 7 gave to the provincial chapter the power to make new rules and regulations, both in regard to the distribution and administration of the properties, and in what related to the ministry and instruction, and to appoint a rector. those rules once made were not to be changed without the special authority and order of his holiness. section 10 says: "if at any time, any ecclesiastical or secular prince should try by act and right to exercise any power by way of patronage or in any other manner, in order to try to dispose of the properties and incomes of the said college, or to meddle with the administration and government of it, or hinder and disturb its effect in any way and manner whatever, and by means of any judge or powerful person, or by any other person who may do it, from that time and thenceforth, we apply the said properties and estates with which the said college is founded, and all the others which shall be augmented and applied, and which it shall receive in any manner, to the said province and to the religious of the said order, so that the latter may possess and enjoy as its own properties, acquired by just and right title, all of that property with the said houses and college, and their increases and improvements. we consider this foundation [under such circumstances] as null and void, and as if it had never been made. the said order is charged to be careful to say masses and other benefices and suffrages for the souls of the said archbishop and the others with whose alms and properties this foundation is begun, and all of those who, in the future, in any time and manner, shall leave and apply any other properties to it, so that by this way satisfaction may be given on the part of the said province, for the said alms, to the givers of those alms." although the writ of 1611 does not indicate that its signers thought of it, the royal license was inexcusable. according to law i, título iii, book i, of recopilación de las leyes de indias, it was ordered from the time of felipe ii that permission should be petitioned before the building of a church, convent, or hospice, for the conversion and instruction of the natives, and the preaching of the holy gospel. law ii of título vi, devoted especially to the royal patronage, ordered that no cathedral or parish church, monastery, hospital, or votive church, should be erected, instituted, founded, or constructed in any other pious or religious place, without the express permit of his majesty. however, law xliii, of the same título, rules that when any person wishes to found a monastery, hospital, hermitage, church, or other pious and charitable work in indias, from his own property, the will of the founders shall be observed, and the persons appointed and summoned shall have the patronage. the attributes of the royal patronage which declare that "our permission shall be received beforehand for whatever is needed," shall always be reserved. royal permission, beyond any doubt, was obtained, although by an indirect method. for law liii, of título xxii, [book i] (which treats of universities and general and private studies in the yndias) declares that "by the license of the ordinary and governor of the filipinas islands, and the decision of the royal audiencia of those islands, the religious of the order of st. dominic in the city of manila, founded a college where grammar, arts, and theology were read, in which they placed two religious of each branch, and twenty secular collegiates. great gain resulted therefrom," and it is ordered that for the present and so long as his majesty orders no other thing, "the religious make use of the license which the governor gave them for the foundation." that was not to be understood "to the prejudice of what was ordained in regard to similar foundations, so that they should not be instituted or commenced without express permission" from the king. with such requirements, respect for the foundation is declared not only by the judicial force of the foundation itself, but also by the above-cited law xliii of título vi; for that respect is equally capable of being required from persons and authorities who are strange to the institution, and from the patrons, administrators, and ministers of the institution itself. the will of such patrons would have no power against the fundamental law whence proceeds their authority. their end is to preserve and obey that law strictly, and to cause it to be respected by others without any change or violation of it by them. the admissible innovations in the institutions under discussion have the limit and form which were laid down by the foundation. consequently, therefore, those innovations which might have been made in the patronage, in the administrative management, or in the academical order, provided that they respected that limit and observed the jurisdiction and formality laid down by the writ of 1611, could not be considered as violations, but as faithful applications of the peculiar law of the college. the first part of the conference admits only the following categorical reply: "in the college-university, the ministry has no right to reorganize the instruction." it has a right, beyond any doubt, to organize the public instruction in manila, in the manner which it considers most adequate for obtaining the ends of the same. one of the fundamentals which it may adopt could be the elimination [as teachers] of the fathers of the said order. but that will not fall within the college whose foundation we have before us, and the funds and properties of the same cannot be applied totally or partially to the university or college which the government may erect in such manner. the section of reversion, literally copied above, will have its desired effect fully, in the case under consultation (unless permission is given to reconstitute the private institution in regard to the ruling of the writ of 1611), with entire independence of the academical institutions of the state. the disagreement [disyuntiva] would be between this and the reversion of the properties. therefore, it is sufficient to call to mind the succinct but faithful review which has been made of the cardinal fundamentals of the foundation, in order to have proved that the reorganization of education, which the ministry of the colonies, laying aside all consideration of the community [i.e., of the dominicans], might order, would wound and destroy in an essential manner, the will of the founders. if that should happen, the province of santísimo rosario and the dominican religious of the province, would not only have the right to recover the properties, and give them the pious application assigned by the section, but also would not have the power to refrain from it, and consent that such properties remain applied to the needs of the teaching institution reorganized by the government. the patrons of a charitable fund, or any other permanent foundation, can never convert the authority of such contrary to the observance and purity of the institution confided to their care. the acts of the patrons, contrary to the foundation, possess the vice of nullity. the lawyers undersigned have no exact and minute information of the vicissitudes which the college-university has experienced from 1611 to the present day. comparing alone the royal decree of october 29, 1875, which reorganized the instruction of the said college with the writ of its primitive foundation, it appears that some rulings of the former are at variance with the latter: for example, article 3, which declares that the orders, plans, programs, and regulations, which emanate from the ministry and in that case from the governor-general, are obligatory for the organization and rule of education; article 6, and the following ones which allowed entrance to secular professors and defined their emoluments and fees; article 11, which reserved to the ministry the power of fixing the fees of matriculation, degrees, titles, and certificates; and article 13, which obliged the rector to render an annual account to the royal vice-patron of the emoluments and expenses of the university, the order supplying the deficit resulting. but we are not consulting as to the greater or less legal stability of the present condition of the institution or if we were treating of it, it would not be within our province to disavow that in other things of great importance, the government still respected the fundamentals of the foundation, and that the concessions which were made in 1875 in exchange for obtaining by entreaty the abolition of the decrees of november 6, 1870, [169] appeared practically corroborated by the lasting agreement of the patrons and of those summoned to obtain the properties by virtue of the clause of reversion, although in strict rigor of law the document of the foundation ought to take precedence over any act and any submission of its natural guardians. for the concrete matter of our opinion, we have only to declare that we do not believe that the former more or less extreme mildness of the patrons in the presence of the interference, which rejected the foundation, weakens the actions of the patronage of the college and of the ecclesiastical province favored by the clause of reversion in order to demand the observance of the foundation, if, perchance, the ministry of the colonies, exercising powers which indubitably belong to it, reorganize the instruction of the university without considering the religious community of the dominicans. even in the hypothesis of considering as illegal the tolerances or concessions of former times, the foundation, pure and simple, is the criterion and only norm with which the dispute can be adjusted. the second point of the conference offers no difficulty in whatever concerns the existence of a legal means for opposing a resolution of a government contrary to the native autonomy of the college. leaving aside the attributes of the ministry to direct the services of education as it deems most suitable, whenever they are sustained by the public funds, the opposition, if it limit itself to the use of the properties and funds from private origin, which today endow the institution, would have a legal mean beyond any doubt, to demand the strict observance of the law of foundation. what would this mean be, or which of the two possible means appears more efficacious? would it be by bringing the complaint before the court of contencioso-administrativo [170] or before the ordinary justice? the law of september 13, 1888, applicable to filipinas, according to article 4 of its transitory rulings, marks the bound of the jurisdiction of the court of contencioso-administrativo. perhaps the generic notes of article 1 of the said law would be found in a manner suited to the resolution of the ministry. that article would occasion a report [estado]. in what concerns the application of the properties and the incomes of the institution, it would emanate from powers subject to rule, and not discretional, and would wound a preëxisting right of a certain administrative character. for, besides the original royal permission and that of the protectorate general in regard to the foundations, the public administration has intervened, intertwining the public service of the instruction of that university with the private foundation. but article 4 of the law excepts the questions of a civil nature, and of the competency of the ordinary jurisdiction, the questions in which the right violated may be of a civil character, and also those which emanate from acts in which the administration has taken part as a legal person, or as one subject to rights and obligations. of a character essentially civil would be the right violated by the hypothetical ministerial decision of which we are treating, reducing to accidental mixtures the ancient connections of the college founded by private persons, with the administration, which was advantageous to the opportunities which the college offered for the service of education. in strict terms one might add that the government, although it would perform judicial acts as a public power, in determining the future system of education, in exchange ought to be considered as a legal person, in so far as it should attempt to obtain by entreaty from the patrons of the college, the aid of the properties and incomes of the legal person incarnate in them. but the notoriously civil character of the laws which are involved in the observance of the foundation of 1611 are sufficient so that we might consider as definitive that the courts of justice would be those summoned to impose on the government respect for the will of the institutors, the owners of the properties with which the college is endowed. but not because we do so understand it (as without vacillation we do understand it), can we advise that the contencioso-administrativo demand be left out of the claim. action must be begun in its proper time and manner before the special court, with the intention that on that court rejecting the demand, as outside its peculiar jurisdiction, it would leave out of all doubt the jurisdiction of the common court. in this manner, it is probable that the attempt would be made to take advantage of the ambiguity, and maintain that the result of the deliberation had been consented to because of the lack of the other appeal, confusing with episodical and accidental discussions the controversy over the substantial and fundamental matter. the preliminary attempt of contencioso-administrativo appeal causes no disgrace to civil actions which have a longer life. in conclusion then, the undersigned believe: 1. that, although the ministry of the colonies can alter at its discretion the system of public education in manila, it has no right to apply the funds and properties of a private origin, today assigned to the college-university of santo tomás, to the establishment which it organizes, without considering the religious corporation of the dominicans, or by infringing in any other manner on the foundation of the said college. consequently, it cannot make any similar reorganization in that college. 2. that, if a ministerial decision shall be dictated contrary to the sacred and inviolable law of the foundation of the college, the most efficacious legal means to oppose the violation of the same and obtain its observance by entreaty would be to bring an ordinary civil suit before the courts of common law, but in order to free the road of the difficulties of this suit it would be advisable to try previously the contencioso-administrativo appeal, in the time and manner assigned by the law of september 13, 1888. this is our opinion, but we will give place to any other that is better founded. madrid, october 29, 1890. doctor e. montero rios doctor german gamazo l. a. maura notes [1] "all the new world was subjected to the alcavala. this is a tax levied only upon whatever is sold at wholesale, and does not extend to the articles for daily consumption; it is derived originally from the moors. the spaniards adopted it in 1341, and established it at the rate of five per cent. it was finally placed at ten, and forced up even to fourteen per cent; but in 1750 arrangements were made which brought the rate back to what it was at first. philip ii, after the disastrous end of that fleet so well known under the pompous title of 'invincible,' in 1591 resolved, on account of his needs, to exact this aid from all his possessions in america. at the outset, it was only two per cent; in 1627, it rose to four." (raynal, histoire ... des établissemens et du commerce des européens, ii, p. 310.) [2] the italics in this and a few other sentences are the same as in the printed text of the extracto. [3] "this new despatch threw into consternation the commercial interests here." the governor asked advice from the fiscal, who, as the order came not as a formal royal decree, thought that it might be regarded as only the viceroy's expression of opinion, and the governor might take such measures as he deemed best. the citizens were informed of the viceroy's requirement, and asked the governor to investigate the foreign trade then carried on at canton--saying that they were informed that "toward the end of the preceding year, 1731, various large vessels--french, english, and those belonging to the companies of olanda and ostende--entered the port of canton in china with more than three millions in wealth, in silver and other commodities; and the presumption was that those goods [which they bought] could have no other destination than the americas, to be introduced there by way of the northern sea [i.e., atlantic ocean]." such investigation was accordingly made by official authority, and thirteen witnesses were examined--armenians, french, and portuguese. these agreed in their testimony, as eyewitnesses, that "in the city of canton, in the kingdom of china, the french had maintained a factory for the space of seven years, as also had the english during two years; but these had been suppressed in the preceding year of 31 by the governor of canton, on account of a controversy which the french and english had with the chinese traders. nevertheless, many of their ships, and [others] from europa, remained there; and accordingly the witnesses had seen in the preceding year two french ships, four english, three dutch, and one from denmark, all of great burden and capacity, which carried thither a great amount of wealth in silver of mexican and peruvian coinage, and some small quantity in bullion. with this the foreigners bought silks--raw, in bundles, quiña, and others in colors, and woven fabrics--gold bullion, porcelain, and tea; and the witnesses were certain that they bought these commodities for the commerce with perù and other parts of the indias, as was evident from the money [that they used], and as the witnesses knew by having heard it from the foreigners themselves." the citizens also represented to the governor their objections to the proposed restriction on their commerce; they declared that it was not the acapulco trade which was injuring that of spain in america, as cadiz had claimed, but the importation of chinese goods by the european countries--fifteen or more ships at a time, with more than four millions of pesos, buying these at canton, "with no other object than to introduce these into the americas by the agency of the spaniards themselves." "the truth was, that this complaint did not begin until the foreign ships found their way to canton." the spanish merchants ought not to complain of the small quantity of chinese silk traded by manila, when they themselves formed the channel for the far greater commerce therein of the other european nations, "in which the chinese goods, made in imitation of the european goods, and folded double like them, occupy the same place." moreover, the money returned to the filipinas islands did not all go, as cadiz claimed, to foreign countries; but the greater part of it was invested in the obras pias, and in the fortunes of the citizens. it must also be noted that the chinese champans carried home considerable cargoes of sibucao, sugar, and other products of the islands, in exchange for their stuffs. the royal officials at manila, consulted by the governor, declared that the customs and other duties on the commerce would be greatly diminished by the prohibition of chinese silks to the acapulco trade--to the extent of more than 31,000 pesos a year, as was the case in the years 1719 and 1720, when the champans failed to arrive at manila; besides which, the treasury lost 12,000 pesos, in the license-fees paid by the chinese merchants who came to reside in the islands and sell their wares, and 6,000 more from other incomes dependent on the chinese. the governor called together a conference of the religious superiors and the leading citizens; at which the matter was discussed pro and con; the sense of the meeting was expressed by the dominican fray juan de arrechedera, commissary of the inquisition, who was asked to place his opinion in writing, and this was signed by those present, and attested by the governor, as president of the assembly. arrechedera took the ground that the viceroy's notification was not a formal royal decree; that if carried out it would mean the ruin of the islands, which surely the king could not intend or mean; that the matter should properly be decided by the king himself, after manila had opportunity to be heard before him; and the viceroy could only regulate the commerce according to the royal orders, and had no authority to change the present conditions without those orders. the jesuit provincial did not sign this opinion, but rendered his own separately, warning the manila merchants that the viceroy might be offended at their attitude, and confiscate their goods if they did not obey him. the royal officials advised the governor to allow the silks to be sent to acapulco, and meanwhile to secure the good-will of the viceroy for intercession with the king in manila's behalf. the matter was finally settled, however, by the royal decree of 1734, obtained through the efforts of the manila agents at the court, which revoked the viceroy's orders and permitted the silk trade to continue. (concepción. hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 254-303.) cf. the sketch of the manila-acapulco trade by manuel azcarraga y palmero in his libertad de comercio en las islas filipinas (madrid, 1872), pp. 39-96. malo de luque outlines the subject briefly in his establecimientos ultramarinos, v, pp. 217-234. [4] "although the silks which spain furnishes are in general very choice, those of valencia are far superior [to the rest]; and both are suitable for all uses. their only defect is that they are a little too oily, which causes much difficulty in dyeing them." "the diversity of silks which europe produces has not enabled us to dispense with that from china. although in general it may be of heavy quality and uneven staple, it will always be in demand for its whiteness." "the whiteness of the chinese silk, to which nothing else can be compared, renders it the only suitable kind for the manufacture of blondes and gauzes. the efforts that have been made to substitute our silks for it in the manufacture of blondes have always been fruitless, although not only dressed but undressed silks have been tried for this purpose; but the results have been somewhat less unsatisfactory in regard to gauzes." "in the last century, the europeans brought from china very little [raw] silk; ours was sufficiently good for the black or colored gauzes, and for the catgut gauzes [marlis] which then were worn. the taste which has prevailed during the last forty years (and more generally during the last twenty-five) for white gauzes and for blondes has gradually increased the consumption of this oriental product; the amount of this rose in modern times to eighty thousand pounds a year, of which france always used nearly three-fourths; and this importation has so greatly increased that in 1766 the english alone took a hundred and four thousand-weight of it. as the gauzes and blondes could not consume that amount, the manufacturers used part of it in making watered silks [moires] and hose.... besides this silk of unique whiteness--which is chiefly produced in the province of tche-kiang, and which we know in europe under the name of nankin silk, from the place, where it is especially made--china produces ordinary silks, which we call canton silks. as these are suitable for only the wefts of some silk fabrics, and are as expensive as those of europe which serve for the same uses, very little of them is imported; and what the english and dutch carry away of this canton silk does not exceed five or six thousand-weight." (raynal, établissemens et commerce des européens, i, pp. 660-662.) "the chinese are no less skilful in working up their silks than in producing them; but this praise ought not to extend to those of their stuffs in which gold and silver are woven. their manufacturers have never known how to draw these metals into thread, and their ingenuity is always confined to rolling their silks in gilded papers, or in pasting [appliquer] the stuffs to those same papers; both methods are equally faulty." (raynal, étab. et com. des européens, i, p. 662.) [5] at the end of the atlas volume of raynal's histoire ... des établissemens et du commerce des européens (ed. of 1780, geneva) are various supplementary sheets, containing tabulated summaries of the kinds and amounts of trade carried on by the leading european nations with their colonial possessions, chiefly those of america; from some of these we abstract items of interest which have some relation to the scope of our work. the first of these shows the amount and value of the commerce of the company of holland in the east indies from 1720 to 1729 inclusive. in these ten years they sent out an average of 37 or 38 ships each year, manned by about 7,000 men; of these, 30 returned to europe. the merchandise sold by the company amounted, in round numbers, to an average of 18,859,000 florins yearly, and the dividends distributed among the partners to 23 3/5 per cent (ranging, in different years, from 12 1/2 to 40 per cent); the amount of money sent to the cape of good hope and to the asian islands averaged 6,560,000 florins. the average sales of spices yearly were as follows: pepper, 4,500,000 pounds, at 11 sols, 2,475,000 florins; cinnamon, 400,000 pounds, at 5 3/4 florins, 2,300,000 florins; cloves, 400,000 pounds, at 4 1/4 florins, 1,700,000 florins; nutmegs, 250,000 pounds, at 3 3/4 florins, 937,500 florins; mace, 90,000 pounds, at 6 1/2 florins, 585,000 florins--a total of 7,997,500 florins. the original capital of the dutch east india company was 6,459,840 florins; about 57 per cent of this was held in amsterdam, and about 21 per cent in the province of zeeland. the number of shares was 2,153, each of 3,000 florins. during the period 1605 to 1777, the dividends annually distributed ranged usually from 12 1/2 to 40 per cent; in the following years they exceeded the latter rate--being in 1606, 75 per cent; in 1610, 50; in 1612, 57 1/2; in 1615, 42 1/2; in 1616, 62 1/2; in 1671, 45 and 15. during 1771-77, they were uniformly 12 1/2 per cent. these were paid usually in money; sometimes, in the earlier years, in cloves; and, in 1673, 1679, and 1697, in bonds or in contracts. in the period 1723-74, the prices of shares ranged from 788 per cent (in 1733) to 314 (in 1771). another table shows similar figures for the years 1679 to 1774--apparently for the new organization of the company in 1674. the capital is stated at 8,071,135 florins; there were 1,345 shares, of 6,000 florins each. the dividends, during the above period, ranged from 10 per cent to nothing, the yearly average being 1-21/32 per cent; neither these figures nor the prices of shares agree with those of the first table, but the reason for the discrepancy is not obvious. [6] in 1731 and 1733 sevilla and cadiz "both imagined (and it is rather surprising that this had not been sooner evident) that it would be an advantage to spain to take part directly in the commerce of asia, and that the possessions which it had in that part of the world would be the center of the operations which it would conduct there. in vain was the objection made against them that, as india furnished silk and cotton fabrics that were superior to those of europe in their finish, in their colors, and (above all) in their cheapness, the national manufacturers could not support competition with those goods, and would infallibly be ruined. this objection, which might have some weight among certain peoples, seemed to them utterly frivolous, in the position in which their country stood. as a fact, the spaniards use for both their clothing and their furniture foreign stuffs and cloths; and these continual needs necessarily increase the industry, the wealth, the population, and the strength of their neighbors--who misuse these advantages, in order to keep in dependence the very nation which obtains these for them. would not spain behave with more wisdom and dignity if she would adopt the manufactures of the indias? resides the economy and satisfaction which she would find therein, she would succeed in diminishing a preponderance [of other nations] of which she will be, sooner or later, the victim." (raynal, établissemens et commerce des européens, i, p. 606.) [7] "the settlements, commerce, and conquests of the english in the east indies" are related by raynal in his établissemens et commerce des europeens, i, pp. 261-398. the english east india company was founded in 1600, and made a promising beginning in the oriental trade; but the opposition of the dutch and portuguese, already intrenched therein, was so great and persistent that the english company--which was compelled to encounter also, in turn, competition from other english traders, hindrances arising from the duplicity and avarice of charles ii of england, losses arising from the civil war in that country, hostilities (originating from the greed and treachery of one of the company's own directors) with the mogul emperor aurungzebe, and the capture of many english trading vessels by french privateers--was several times almost ruined, and all english commercial prestige in the east was greatly injured. finally, in 1702, the two rival east india companies in england united their funds and enterprises, and thereafter the affairs of the new organization prospered, in the main; and in 1763 the french were driven out of asia, leaving the english masters of both political and commercial interests in india. in 1774 the latter drove out the mahrattas from salsette island, and founded bombay, which, although at first an insalubrious locality, on account of its fine harbor soon became the emporium of english commerce and center of that nation's power. [8] formerly the fardo was 1 1/3 varas long, 3/4 vara high, and 3/4 vara less one pulgada (nearly one english inch) wide; but for a long time previous to 1726 the bale of this size had not been used, because it became necessary to break it open at acapulco, in order to transfer the goods from the ship to the land, and it was replaced by the half-bale and half-chest, in order not to break open the package before selling it or transporting it across the country. these smaller packages were then called "bales" and "chests" (fardos and caxones); their dimensions are given in the decree of 1726 (fol. 118 verso of extracto, or vol. xliv, ante, p. 311). this information appears in the informatory report furnished by gabriel guerrero de ardila, accountant of the bureau of accounts in mexico, to the viceroy, on march 6, 1730. (extracto historial, fol. 193 verso, 194.) [9] perhaps alluding to the ribera (i.e., "shore") or navy-yard of cavite--that is, the standard of measure used in shipbuilding and other industries there. [10] "with this, it may be said, finally came to an end the celebrated controversies which so persistently and for so long a time were waged by the merchants of cadiz against the commerce of filipinas, the standard of the [permission of] 500,000 dollars [duros] remaining permanent until the emancipation of the americas [from spanish rule] put an end to that traffic. it had the same effect on all the restrictions which for the space of almost three centuries had weighed down the filipino commerce--for even in the year 1810 (as comyn tells us in his estado de las islas filipinas, speaking of the acapulco galleon) only one ship, commanded by an officer of the navy, could make these expeditions, once a year; and in order to share in that commerce a merchant must have a vote in the consulate, which presupposed property to the amount of 8,000 dollars and several years of residence in the country. he was [also] obliged to contribute, in the same proportion as the other shippers, to the allowance of 15,000 or 20,000 dollars made to the commandant of the galleon, besides paying 25 to 40 per cent for freight charges, according to circumstances. [meanwhile,] the shippers were not able to make any examination of the condition of the ships in which they risked a great part of their fortunes; and there were many other impediments, which now we would suppose could not possibly have ever existed, if we were not so habituated to stupid proceedings of this sort." (azcarraga y palmero, libertad de comercio, pp. 64, 65.) when the galleon of acapulco ceased its voyages--the last one sailed from manila in 1811, and returned from acapulco in 1815--the commerce fell into the hands of individuals, to whom in 1820 permission was granted to export merchandise from filipinas to the value of 750,000 pesos a year; and their voyages were extended from acapulco to san blas, guayaquil, and callao. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, p. 462, note.) see raynal's account of the policy pursued in the new world by spain, its results on both that country and the colonies, and the elements of weakness in it, in etab. et com. des européens, ii, pp. 290-356. [11] spanish comercio, a word which has numerous meanings, according to the context; here evidently meaning a chamber of commerce, or an executive committee to look after the interests of the shippers. [12] at the outset, pintado makes some statements to the effect that the council of the indias had taken the action which led to the decree of 1734, without consulting cadiz, and had made certain inquiries and consultations with the manila deputies alone. a marginal note by abreu corrects this, saying, "not only with the deputies; for the fiscal of the council was heard [on the subject], who is impartial between the two commercial bodies." [13] the manila deputies, however, claimed that the decree of 1726 did not reach the islands until 1730, so that it was first put into practice in that year, the five years' term, therefore, including the shipment of 1734. (extracto, fol. 150, 185 and verso, 190 verso.) [14] one of the tables at the end of raynal's atlas volume gives an itemized list of the cargoes carried by the "last eight spanish trading-fleets to vera cruz"--that is, the last eight preceding raynal's work. their cargoes were of the following amounts: in 1733 (under command of torrez), 618,595 cubic palmos; 1735 (pintado's), 620,000; 1757 (villena's), 618,557; 1760 (reggio's), 841,717; 1765 (idiaques's), 486,943; 1768 (tilly's), 452,282; 1772 (cordova's), 914,807; 1776 (ulloa's), 934,366. but one of these fleets carried cinnamon, that of 1735; and cloves appear only in the trifling amount of 50 quintals, in 1768. the chief articles enumerated--which appear in every year's list--are paper, wax, iron, steel; brandy, wine, and oil; and unbleached stuffs [linens?] from brabant. quicksilver was carried in only 1765 and 1768, 7,506 and 8,000 quintals respectively. wrought iron was sent in five of these shipments, but in no considerable quantity except in 1765, when also was sent 2,724 barrels of tin-plate (in other cargoes, in but trifling amounts). silk ribbons made a solitary appearance in 1757, to the extent of 1,000 pieces--as did 1,000 "swords to be mounted with hilts," in 1765. the last two fleets carried consignments of gun-flints, respectively 650 and 386 thousand-weight. it is evident, however, from another table (which follows the above), that spanish commerce had much activity outside the trading-fleets; this shows the amounts of "merchandise which left the ports of spain each year from 1748 to 1753 for its colonies on the continent of america; duties which they have paid; their current value in the new world; expenses which they have borne; their net product for the metropolis [i.e., cadiz]." of these goods, the only one monopolized by the crown was quicksilver, to the amount of 3,600,000 livres' worth. the greater part of this merchandise consisted of cloth and stuffs, of silk, linen, and wool; there was a considerable amount of iron, paper, wax, brandy, wine, and oil; and to nueva españa was sent 1,000,000 livres' worth of cinnamon, and to caracas 10,000 barrels of flour. of the goods sent to nueva españa (not counting the quicksilver), 6,367,297 livres' worth were of spanish production, and 14,401,815 of foreign. the import duties levied on the latter at cadiz amounted to 1,185,343 livres, and the export duties on both spanish and foreign to 1,245,059; and admiralty and avería duties besides came to 419,623. the goods on board, then, cost 23,619,137 livres, to which must be added the following charges: transportation to america, 3,617,623; import duties and alcavala in america, 4,327,473; commissions on sales and return freight, 3,231,296--a total of 34,795,529 livres. the value of this merchandise in america was arbitrated at 43,274,787 livres; deducting the above costs, a profit of 8,479,258 livres remains from the merchandise sent from spain to nueva españa. on the return voyage, the main part of the cargoes was in gold and silver--6,480,000 livres' worth for the king, and 37,716,047 for the merchants; the crown monopolized copper and cacao, 259,200 and 12,960 respectively; the cochineal was worth 6,426,000 livres, and the indigo 4,160,160; and various drugs, dyes, etc. made with these a total of 56,216,533 livres (all these values being those estimated in america). to this cost must be added freight charges, 1,491,543 livres; and various duties to the crown (including customs, admiralty, church, etc., the largest being for "indult and coast-guards"), amounting to 6,428,987. consequently, when the ships arrived at cadiz the value of the gold and silver had been reduced to 5,625,607 livres for the king, and 32,775,345 for the merchants; while the cost of the other commodities had increased from 12,020,486 livres to 14,145,922. the current value in europe of these goods (not including the gold and silver) was 18,465,419 livres, a gain over the entire cost of 4,319,497 livres (30 1/2 per cent)--of which 124,527 belonged to the king, and the remainder to the merchants, as the net proceeds on the commerce between spain and nueva españa, outside of the precious metals, in both the outward and return voyages each year. [15] churlo (or churla; from the latin culeo, ablative of culeus): a sack made of pita (i.e., agave) fiber-cloth, covered with another sack of leather, for carrying cinnamon and other articles from one region to another without losing their strength (echegaray). [16] palmeo: measure by palmos; evidently referring to the usual estimate of lading-space in a ship by cubic palmos. [17] that is, the spice trade with nueva españa, offered by cadiz to manila as an equivalent for the latter's traffic in chinese silks. [18] this letter appears to have been directed against the jesuits, who founded their college of san josé in 1601, through the efforts of diego garcia, their visitor. see post. [19] see also colin's statement regarding the college for 1656, vol. xxiii, pp. 83, 84; and san antonio's brief remarks on the college, in the same volume, pp. 134, 135. [20] the congregation of the virgin, which was promoted by the visitor, diego garcia. it was formed from six students on st. francis's day, 1600. so many people soon joined that it became necessary to split the congregation into two parts, one of students and the other of laymen, the latter of which had one hundred members in two years. their objects were charity and devotion. the first to initiate the congregations of the virgin in the jesuit order was juan de león, a flemish priest, who established the first in the roman college in 1563, giving it the title of anunciada. it was given papal approval in 1564. see colin's labor evangélica, pp. 411-413; and pastells's colin, ii, pp. 243-246. [21] see vol. xi, p. 225, note 44. [22] see vol. xiii, pp. 64-71. [23] luis gomez, s.j., was born at toledo, in 1569, and entered upon his novitiate in 1588. in 1598 he reached the philippines, where he professed theology, and became rector of the college of san josé, and afterwards of the college of cebú and antipolo. he died at manila, march 1, 1627, or 1628, according to murillo velarde. see sommervogel's bibliothèque. [24] see vol. xxxiv, pp. 366, 367. this refers rather to what became known afterward as the san ignacio college than to the college of san josé. of the so-called jesuit college of manila, known as colegio máximo [i.e., chief college] de san ignacio y el real de san josé, archipiélago filipino says (i. p. 346): "in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there also existed in manila the university directed by the fathers of the society of jesus, who had arrived in filipinas for the first time in 1581. it was elevated to a pontifical institution by a bull of gregory xv in 1621, and given the title of "royal" by royal decrees of felipe iv the same year, and in 1653. it conferred degrees on the pupils of the colleges of san ignacio and san josé; and there was also in it, in addition to the school for reading and writing, two chairs of theology, one of philosophy, one of rhetoric and the latin language, one of canons, another of civil law, and from 1740, one of mathematics. it existed until may 21, 1768, when the jesuits were expelled from these islands by a royal decree of carlos iii, which placed the edifice and the furnishings at the disposal of the state." see also vol. xxviii, pp. 123, 131-134. [25] original decree in calderon's el colegio de san josé (manila, 1900), appendix, document no. 1, pp. vii, viii. [26] nozaleda's colegio de s. josé, p. 43. [27] see this will in pastells's colin, ii, pp. 483, 484, note; nozaleda's colegio de s. josé, appendix, document no. 1, pp. iii-v; and senate document, no. 190, 56th congress, 2d session, p. 29. the portion of this document (pp. 26-46) treating of san josé college has been reprinted in pamphlet form under the name san josé college case. [28] nozaleda's colegio de s. josé, p. 44, and appendix, document no. 2, pp. v, vi; and pastells's colin, ii, pp. 482, 483, note. [29] pastells's colin, ii, p. 253, note; nozaleda's colegio de s. josé, p. 45; and senate document, no. 190, pp. 29, 30. [30] this decree is given by colin; see ante, pp. 108-110. [31] see this confirmation, ante, pp. 105-107; see also pastells's colin, ii, pp. 482, 483, 486; and senate document, no. 190, p. 30. [32] pastells's colin, ii, pp. 254, 255, note. [33] pastells's colin, ii, p. 487. [34] nozaleda's colegio de san josé, p. 46. [35] see post, pp. 170-181. [36] nozaleda, ut supra, pp. 48, 49. [37] see also concepción's historia, vi, pp. 282-293. [38] pastells's colin, ii, pp. 494-496. [39] nozaleda's colegio de san josé, pp. 49, 50. [40] see pastells's colin, iii, pp. 759-763. [41] nozaleda's colegio de san josé, p. 53. [42] nozaleda, ut supra, appendix, document no. 6, pp. xi, xii. [43] this decree is taken from nozaleda's colegio de san josé, appendix, document no. 7, pp. xii, xiii. it is also given by pastells in his colin, ii, pp. 496, 497. [44] pastells's colin, ii, p. 496. [45] census of philippines, iii, p. 610, an extract from the report submitted by the dominican friars at the exposition of amsterdam, 1883. [46] pastells's colin, ii, pp. 491, 492. [47] montero y vidal, ii, p. 163. [48] montero y vidal, ut supra, p. 185; nozaleda's colegio de san josé, pp. 53, 54. [49] nozaleda, appendix, document no. 9, pp. xiv, xv; and senate document, no. 190, p. 30. [50] a document in the archivo-historico nacional, madrid, bearing pressmark, a. 18-26-8, from the archbishop of the philippines, basilio sancho de santa justa y santa rufina, dated manila, january 1, 1770, is as follows: "sire: although i have recounted to your majesty in extenso the measures which i have considered most suitable for the erection of a general conciliar seminary for all these most excellent islanders, and of such seminary being in the college called san joseph which was under the charge of the now expelled jesuits, provided that i could incline the superior government of these islands to allow me to go ahead with it, until your majesty ordered otherwise; and although hitherto seventy and more seminarists have been supported in this college, which is elevated to a seminary ad interim, who are being reared and canons for the exercise of the parish ministry, in addition to the not small number of those who have already gone forth from it to occupy themselves in that ministry, with manifest profit even in the short space of two years since its creation: yet although today, according to the new measures and plan approved by your majesty for the fortification of this place, it is indispensable to demolish, if not entirely, yet in a very considerable part, the above-mentioned college, since its location is next the walls and in a district where, as it is more suitable and better defended, the principal gate of this city is to be opened; and in order that there may be an open and free passage to it, as it is the place of most traffic and trade, nothing else can be done than to level the site occupied by the said college. on this account, the grace which i have implored from your majesty will be frustrated. in consideration of this, i have recourse a second time to the charity of your majesty, and humbly petition, that since the college called san ygnacio is left alone in this city, which belonged also to the above-mentioned expelled ones, that your majesty will deign to admit my first petition as it was directed for this end; or should it, perchance, be your royal pleasure that the said college of san ygnacio become a public university, which has been, until the present, maintained in the college of santo thomas, under the direction of the religious of santo domingo, those religious passing to the college of san ygnacio because of its greater size and its better arrangement for a public university, and that of santo thomas be used as a conciliar seminary. the consideration that the college of santo thomas, besides being suitable for a seminary, is almost at the very doors of this holy church, and, consequently, best suited for the assistance of the seminarists at the choir and functions of the altar, moves me to this petition. may god our lord preserve the holy catholic person of your majesty the many years that i petition, and that christendom finds necessary." [51] the order of the piarists or fathers of the pious schools, was founded in 1597 by san josé de calasanz. their schools resemble those of the jesuits, and many of the latter entered the piarist order on the suppression of the society of jesus. see also vol. xlvi, note 49. [52] nozaleda, ut supra, p. 55; and senate document, no. 190, p. 31. [53] calderon's colegio de san josé, appendix, document no. 3, pp. ix-xiii. [54] nozaleda's colegio de san josé, appendix, document no. 10, pp. xv-xix. [55] nozaleda, ut supra, pp. 61, 62; and senate document, no. 190, pp. 31, 32. [56] census of philippines, iii, pp. 610, 611. [57] see post, pp. 163-165, note 81. [58] senate document, no. 190, p. 32, and montero y vidal, iii, pp. 542-547. [59] census of philippines, iii, p. 611. [60] james a. leroy writing in the political science quarterly (p. 674) for december, 1903, says: "the dominicans promised to devote the income of this endowment [i.e., of san josé college] to courses in medicine and pharmacy, never before taught in the islands. in a report on the medical college made to the american authorities last year, a german physician of manila stated that it had no library worth considering, that some textbooks dated back to 1845, that no female cadaver had ever been dissected and the anatomy course was a farce, that most graduates never had attended even one case of confinement or seen a laparotomy, and that bacteriology had been introduced only since american occupation and was still taught without microscopes." [61] calderon's colegio de san josé, appendix, p. vi; and senate document, p. 34. [62] senate document, no. 190, pp. 27, 28. [63] st. joseph's college (statement of most rev. p. l. chapelle), p. 50. [64] colegio de san josé, p. 3. [65] ut supra, p. 5. [66] senate document, no. 190. [67] two pamphlets, each entitled: el colegio de san josé (manila, 1900). [68] see a concise statement of the arguments of each side in senate document, no. 190, pp. 34-39. [69] see senate document, no. 190, pp. 41-46. [70] we are indebted for considerable material regarding the san josé college case to james a. leroy, now (1906) united states consul at durango, mexico, formerly secretary to hon. dean c. worcester in manila, and a notable worker in modern philippine history and conditions. [71] see also san antonio's sketch, vol. xxviii, pp. 136-139. [72] signatura: a tribunal of the roman court, composed of several prelates, in which various matters of grace and justice are determined. see novísimo diccionario. [73] hernaez (colección de bulas, pp. 471, 472) prints a bull by clement xii, dated september 2, 1734, granting authority for the teaching of both canon and civil law to the university established in the college of santo tomás of the order of st. dominic at manila, in which portions of innocent's bull are inserted. this bull (translated by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.) is as follows: "clement xii pope. in future remembrance of the affair. long ago at the instance of philip iv, of renowned memory, and during his life catholic king of the spains, letters in the form of a brief, of the following tenor, were issued by our predecessor, innocent x, pope, of happy memory, to wit: [here follow the portions of innocent's bull which are quoted, and clement continues:] "since moreover, as has been represented to us lately on the part of our very dear son in christ, philip, also catholic king of the same spains, in the academy or university of general study of the said college, two new chairs have been erected, one indeed of the canons, to be held by a religious of the said order, the other, however, of the institutes of civil and canon law, to be held by a doctor in both laws, the afore named king philip desires very earnestly that the letters above inserted be extended by us ... to the two chairs just erected as said.... "accordingly as requested, by the said authority, in virtue of these presents, the form and arrangement of the same letters inserted above being maintained however in the others, we extend ... the letters or indult above inserted to the above-named two new chairs also, until in the said city of manila another university be erected. given at rome, at st. mary major's under the seal of the fisherman, september 2, 1734, the fifth year of our pontificate." a note by hernaez reads as follows: "pope clement xii conceded authority to grant academical degrees in the college of the society of jesus in manila, december 6, 1735, as is mentioned by father murillo [velarde] in his cursus juris canonici (madrid, 1763), book v, título v, no. 62." [74] the position of these two latin clauses (proverbs, xvii, 6) is reversed in the vulgate edition. the translation, according to the douay version, is: "children's children are the crown of old men: and the glory of the children are their fathers." [75] see vol. xxxv, pp. 203-208. [76] perhaps a reference to the jesuits, who were expelled in 1768. [77] see also the following documents regarding the college and university of santo tomás: foundation of the college, april 28, 1611, vol. xvii, pp. 155-171; royal permission, november 27, 1623, vol. xx, pp. 260, 261; and university of santo tomás (royal letters in regard to its elevation into a university), november 9, 1639, vol. xxix, pp. 175-177. [78] see this brief, ante, pp. 146-147, note 73. [79] bowring (visit to the philippines, p. 194) says of the condition of santo tomás: "in the university of st. thomas there are about a thousand students. the professorships are of theology, the canon and civil law, metaphysics and grammar; but no attention is given to the natural sciences, to the modern languages, nor have any of the educational reforms which have penetrated most of the colleges of europe and america found their way to the philippines." [80] of the college of santo tomás, the report of the dominican friars in 1883 to the colonial exposition of amsterdam says: "the building occupied by the university of santo tomás has contained since 1611 the college of the same name, which is under the direction of the dominican friars, who gratuitously educate therein from 30 to 40 youths, the children of poor families, generally providing all the expenses for their career, and preparing them so that in the future they can fill an unembarrassed and suitable place in society. many of these youths have become distinguished in scientific circles, and for their honesty in the legal profession, while others have been honored with the miter of a bishop, and have occupied venerable positions in ecclesiastical chapters. the youths educated in this college were not only spaniards, but included also natives and mestizos, some of whom entered as servants, which was an honor solicited by many; and on some occasions four large dormitories of this college have been completely filled. there was a period when some entered and paid a moderate amount, according to the archives in the college, but this period was a very short one, because the documents on file in the archives show that at the beginning and at the middle of the seventeenth century, and during a greater part of the eighteenth century, no free pupils were admitted, and the few who were admitted paid a moderate tuition fee in proportion to the means of the family. in the beginning the only branches of secondary instruction taught in the college were the so-called philological or grammatical studies, and after proficiency therein any of the careers established in the university was followed." see census of philippines, iii, pp. 596, 597. [81] of the moret decree, tomás g. del rosario, writing on education in the philippines, in census of philippines, iii, p. 637, says: "this decree, countersigned by the eminent colonial minister, don segismundo moret, introducing modern advances in philippine legislation, secularizing instruction and giving it all kinds of guarantees and liberties, this long-awaited provision, caused a great outburst of enthusiasm throughout the archipelago, as it signified the manumission of the popular conscience from a slavery bound with the chains of fanaticism and inimical irreconcilability. in many provinces and in the city of manila, this never-to-be-forgotten resolution of the spanish government was received with signs of evident joy. later, under various pretexts, all those who had expressed joy were cruelly persecuted, and put in jail, or deported as insurgents, masons, filibusters, etc., these measures extending even to those who were merely suspected. this is the history of all theocratic or despotic governments. it is true that some residents and parents of families protested against this provision, together with the corporations, the bishops, and the clergy, but these residents and fathers of families did so either through fear or because they were debtors to or members of the families of the friars. some did so for fear of being discovered, but most of them to carry out ambitions; no one made a protest with sincerity and in good faith. everything was hypocrisy, as is the case, and must be the case, among all nations oppressed by absolutism." r. l. packard's article, "education in cuba, porto rico, and the philippines" included in the report of the commissioner of education 1897-98, i, pp. 909-983, gives (pp. 976, 977), the plan of studies of the moret decree of november 6, which is as follows: spanish and latin grammar; elements of rhetoric and poetry; elements of physical geography; elements of descriptive geography in general and the philippines in particular; universal history--history of spain and the philippine islands; arithmetic and algebra; geometry and plane trigonometry; elements of physics and chemistry and of natural history; psychology, logic, and moral philosophy; general outline of anatomy, physiology, and hygiene. the studies for the industrial profession included: mercantile arithmetic; bookkeeping and accounts; political economy and mercantile and industrial legislation; geography and commercial statistics; french, english, tagálog, and visayan; surveying; spherical trigonometry; cosmography, pilotage, and maneuvers; theoretical and applied mechanics; physics and chemistry applied to the arts; topographical drawing and hydrography; lineal and ornamental drawing--landscape, figures, and painting. the university of santo tomás, which changed its title to that of the university of the philippines by this decree was organized as to its faculties of law and medicine, and the latter contained the following studies: descriptive and general anatomy, two courses; exercises in osteology and dissection, two courses; physiology, one course; public and private hygiene, one course; general pathology, with clinics and pathological anatomy, one course; therapeutics, materia medica, and writing prescriptions, one course; surgical pathology, with operations, bandaging, etc., one course; medical pathology, one course; obstetrics and special pathology of women and children, with clinics, one course; medical and surgical clinics, two courses; legal and toxicological medicine, one course. the pharmaceutical course was also reorganized by this decree. the same minister had proposed october 2, 1870, "that instruction should be given at the university of madrid in tagálog and other studies which would give information about the philippines and the english and dutch east india possessions and their methods of government, especially for the benefit of those who intended to enter the colonial service." december 5, 1870, in an exposition of the history, conditions, and needs of public instruction in the philippines, he recites the early activity of the augustinians, dominicans, and jesuits, in education. he points out that by the process of absorption by the religious orders, education became concentrated in their hands, and while they had done much good in early times, their narrowness and conservatism rendered secularization of instruction necessary. [82] october 29, 1875, a royal order was issued regulating the courses in the university, and prescribing courses of study. packard, ut supra, p. 977. [83] of the studies of secondary instruction given in santo tomás, san juan de letran, and san josé, as well as the private schools, the census of philippines, iii, pp. 601, 602, says: "they had the defects inherent in the plan of instruction which the friars developed in the philippines. it suited their plans that scientific and literary knowledge should not become general nor be very extensive, for which reason they took but little interest in the study of those subjects or in the quality of the instruction. their educational establishments were places of luxury for the children of wealthy and well-to-do families, rather than establishments in which to perfect and develop the minds of filipino youth. it is true that they were careful to give them a religious education, tending to make them respect the omnipotent power of the monastic corporations, at least three certificates being required every year, proving that the pupil had gone to confession, in order to permit him to stand the examination at the end of the term." [84] see the courses of study for the schools of jurisprudence, theology, and canons, medicine, pharmacy, and the notarial profession, in accordance with the royal decree of october 29, 1875, and the studies given in the school for practitioners in medicine and practitioners in pharmacy, approved by the general government of the philippines on march 4, and december 29, 1879, and afterward confirmed by the supreme government, in census of philippines, iii, pp. 627-629. a course was also given under the same authority for midwives. according to a dominican report submitted at the exposition of madrid, in 1887, the university of santo tomás conferred degrees upon 957 bachelors, 132 licentiates, and 97 doctors in philosophy, theology, canonical law, and civil law from 1645 to 1820. the graduations from 1820 to 1850 were as follows: theology, 457; canons, 325; institute, 748; civil law, 203; philosophy, 2,173. from 1850 to 1870, the graduations were: theology, 822; roman and canonical law, 1,540; civil law, 658; philosophy, 3,405. the graduations from 1871 to 1886 were as follows: preparatory course in theology and jurisprudence, 745; preparatory course in pharmacy and medicine, 660; dogmatic theology, 406; moral theology, 104; canonical law, 36; jurisprudence, 1,904; pharmacy, 356; medicine, 1,029. the report of 1887 contains the following in regard to the university: "the university of manila has the titles of royal and pontifical, which reveal its glorious destiny of propagating in this archipelago religion and love for spain. it is under the most special patronage of the angelical doctor [i.e., st. thomas aquinas], presenting in its name of royal and pontifical university of santo tomás the ideals which have prompted its foundation and directed its development for a period of almost three centuries. its organization is simple without being rudimentary. having for a basis religious education, at the same time that it avoids the danger of professors expounding more or less advanced theories, which in practice sooner or later, are reduced to moral ruins, both public and private, it contains the pupil within the circle of a severe discipline, in which, if some apparently see oppression and a suppression of spirit, this apparent oppression is softened by the paternal affection which the priests in charge of the instruction know how to bestow upon the natives of this archipelago. a constant encouragement to the young, directed by prudent and affectionate discipline; that is the standard observed by the university of manila as to its pupils." it was impossible for the friars to extend this purely religious education to university studies, as the persons devoting themselves to such studies were already adult persons. graduates from the university, although officially recognized by the spanish government, rarely received official aid. the few filipinos who were appointed to the notarial and law positions, received such appointment only temporarily. the same is true also regarding physicians. this condition was one factor in the development of the last revolution against spain. the dominican report of 1887 also says: "both secondary and higher instruction cost nothing to the treasury in the philippines. the colleges of santo tomás and of san juan de letran are supported from the funds of the corporation to which they belong. the expenses of the university are defrayed with regard to the studies of medicine and pharmacy by the revenues of the college of san josé, devoted to that purpose by several royal orders, the balance in the treasury of the college last year [i.e., 1886], after the deduction of all expenses, having been only $173.94. the other expenses of the university are defrayed by the order of st. dominic, which has assigned for this purpose, a large personnel serving without charge. furthermore, the building of the college of santo tomás, its library, museum, cabinet, and other equipment, are devoted to educational purposes, with all the personnel and supplies necessary for its preservation and improvement. the only university receipts are those from the payment of matriculations, examination fees, and diplomas. the average receipts, deducting therefrom what corresponds, according to law, to professors, the secretary, etc., amount to $14,000, and the expenditures to $30,000. the latter figure does not include the cost of repairs, the support of the building, cabinet, museum, and library, and other dependencies of santo tomás, religions feasts, and other expenses which are not defrayed from the treasury of the university." see ut supra, pp. 626-635. see also j. valinau's la universidad de manila, in la politica de españa en filipinas, a periodical published for eight years, under the directorship of josé feced, and the editorship of pablo feced and w. e. retana, for the year 1891, pp. 26-29, 38-41, 50-52, 62-64, 74-76, 88-90, 98-100, 110-112, 122-124, 134-136. on pp. 122, 123, is given the number of professors in the various faculties in 1887, as follows: theology and canons, 8, all religious, except one in charge of the class of roman law, which is taught by an advocate; jurisprudence, 14 professors, 7 of whom were religious and 7 jurisconsults of manila; medicine, 15 professors, the 3 in charge of the preparatory course being religious, and the other 12 physicians; pharmacy, 8 professors, 3 (the same as those in the preceding) being religious, and the remainder, pharmacists of manila; 11 professors in charge of commerce, agriculture, and industry, all religious except one--in all a total of 56 professors, of whom 27 were religious. the library of the university contained about 12,000 volumes, and the physics cabinet about 300 instruments. valinau, a former student of the university, and in civil life, defends the rule of the friars against detractors. [85] the original is asi bonetes como capillas. bonetes refers to the secular priest who wears a bonnet, in contradistinction to the regular, who wears a hood or cowl, capilla. see appleton's new velázquez dictionary. [86] concepción says (vi, pp. 190, 191) that a house was bought for the new college next to the college of san josé; and january 20, 1641, the first becas were given. some of the jesuits did not approve the new college, and sighted the fatal results from afar, "from taking so great a sum from the royal treasury, without sufficient authorization." "but the fathers in power trampled everything under foot, for they were quite confident in its introduction, and thought that if those powers had no effect, no harm would come from its results, while the present gain was very great and constant." [87] "the society alleged that the decree was obtained on false representation and contained falsehoods in its narration; that its execution should be suspended, until truer reports were given to the sovereign; that, even laying aside this vice, the society, against whom the execution was to be made, was not a party; that the royal decree did not order it, nor did law declare it, because neither the society nor the college of san joseph was interested in such sum, which at best ought to be collected from the collegiates, for whose use it had been spent, or from the governor, at whose order the money had been paid out; and that the embargo was an excess on laymen, since it was in ecclesiastical incomes." on this account the royal officials decreed in favor of the society. see concepción's historia, vi, pp. 191, 192. [88] "the society continued its demands at court, and gained their plea, and the governor was ordered, in case that sum had been collected, to restore it to the society. if that sum had not been paid, no further effort was to be made to collect it. seemingly this order had no effect, for the king gave them as recompense an encomienda, in which the society were to make good their losses." concepción's historia, vi, p. 193. [89] see post, pp. 187-192. [90] we present these regulations for the most part only in abstract. [91] this decree is given by fray bernardino nozaleda de villa, the last spanish archbishop of manila, in his colegio de s. josé, (appendix, document no. 5, pp. x, xi), a pamphlet presenting the church side in the recent controversy of san josé college, argued before the philippine commission; and also by pastells, in his edition of colin, ii, pp. 493, 494. see also various documents treating of this college presented by pastells, ut supra, iii, pp. 763-781. [92] see leroy's philippine life in town and country (new york and london, 1905), pp. 120-122. see also various estimates on the capacities of the filipinos in leroy's article "friars in the philippines," in political science quarterly, xviii, pp. 675-678. [93] this law, given by felipe iv at madrid, march 2, 1634, and again, november 4, 1636, is as follows: "we ask and request the archbishops and bishops to take measures and give orders in their dioceses for the curas and missionaries of the indians by the use of the mildest means, to order and direct all the indians to be taught the spanish language, and to learn in it the christian doctrine, so that they may become more capable of the mysteries of our holy catholic faith, may profit for their salvation, and obtain other advantages in their government and mode of living." [94] this law was given by "carlos i and the sovereigns of bohemia, governors in valladolid," june 7, and july 17, 1550; and is as follows: "having made special investigation as to whether the mysteries of our holy catholic faith can be thoroughly and properly explained even in the most perfect language of the indians, it has been seen that it is impossible without committing great discords and imperfections; and although chairs are founded, where the priests, who should have to instruct the indians, may be taught, it is not a sufficient remedy, as the diversity of the language is great. having resolved that it will be advisable to introduce the castilian, we ordain that teachers be assigned to the indians, who may teach them what they wish to learn of their own accord, in the manner that will be of least trouble to them and without expense. we have considered that this might be well done by the sacristans, just as they teach reading, writing, and the christian doctrine in the villages of these kingdoms." [95] barrantes (instrucción primaria) remarks that this penalty was always a dead letter, whenever such a charge was made, it being only formal. [96] see vol. xxviii, p. 118, note 56. [97] see vol. xxviii, p. 118, note 57. [98] see documents concerning the camacho controversy, in vol. xlii, pp. 25-116. [99] this título, containing fifteen laws, is entitled, "of colleges and seminaries." law ii dated segovia, june 8, 1592, reads as follows: "our royal arms shall be placed in college seminaries, and shall have the most prominent place, in recognition of the universal patronage which belongs to us by right and apostolic authority throughout the state of the indias. we permit prelates to place their arms in an inferior location." [100] a petition from guerrero (see vol. xxii, pp. 108-111) for royal aid shows under his charge more than fifty boys in august, 1626. it was accepted by the dominicans, june 18, 1640. hence the statement of census of philippines, iii, p. 599, that it was founded in 1640 is not strictly correct. [101] the encomienda of bignotan, in ilocos. see archipiélago filipino, i, p. 343; and vol. xxviii, p. 139. [102] see also vol. xxviii, pp. 139, 140. [103] census of philippines, iii, p. 599, says that the college retained the name of "seminary for orphan children of saint peter and saint paul," until 1706, when it adopted its present name by virtue of a provision of the provincial chapter of the dominicans; but as seen here it was known under its present name very early, and probably the name was only fully legalized by the provision. [104] fray sebastián oquendo was a native of oviedo, where he professed. he became lecturer in philosophy and theology in the manila convent. in 1637 he was vicar of the parián, and in 1639 prior of the manila convent. he was twice definitor, minister of the natives in the manila convent, and lastly vicar of the hospice of san jacinto in mexico from 1645 until his death in 1651. see reseña biográfica, i, p. 375. [105] natives were admitted to the college some time after its foundation (1640, when the dominicans took charge of it) upon the payment of certain tuition fees. see census of philippines, iii, p. 599; and archipiélago filipino, i, p. 343. [106] the present building is situated within the walled city, and covers a large area of ground. it is one of the best for this purpose in the islands, and is ample and well constructed. formerly the pupils wore a habit consisting of a blue mantle and black sleeves. since the beginning branches of primary instruction have been taught. at the beginning of the eighteenth century two courses of grammar studies were added, the college being declared one of secondary instruction in 1867. at the present time the first four years of secondary instruction are given there in accordance with the regulations of the university of santo tomás, to which all institutions in which secondary instruction was given were subject. lessons are also given in music, drawing and gymnastics. the statistics of the university of santo tomás and san juan de letran showed 1,447 pupils in all for general studies, and 337 pursuing courses in secondary instruction. the latter is under the direction of the dominicans. see census of philippines, iii, p. 599; and archipiélago filipino, i, p. 343. [107] by the moret decrees of 1870, san juan de letran was to be made a part of the philippine institute. [108] perhaps the nueva recopilación of spanish laws, published in 1567. this law is not to be found at the location mentioned in recopilación de las leyes de indias. see walton's civil law of spain and spanish america (washington, 1900), p. 21. [109] a royal decree given first to the audiencia of charcas (january 28, 1778), was extended to the philippines, november 5, 1782 (see barrantes, pp. 68-73). the latter decree provides for the establishment of schools for the teaching of spanish, the expense to be met from the proceeds from foundations, and from communal property. [110] on the teaching of spanish in the philippines, see patricio de la escotura's memoria sobre filipinas y joló (madrid, 1882, pp. 1-30). [111] law xxxv, título xv, book i, reads as follows: "we order that, in accordance with the holy council of trent, the missionary religious pay contributions for college-seminaries, as the other clerics, beneficed persons, prebendaries, hospitals, and confraternities do, and are bound to do, in the manner that is and shall be assigned. we ask and request the secular prelates to have it obeyed exactly and punctually, and to warn the religious that if they do not observe it, they shall be removed from the missions." it is dated may 1, 1609. [112] law vii, título xxiii, book i, dated el pardo, nov. 8, 1594, reads as follows: "we order our royal officials of peru to discount three per cent of the stipends given to the religious missionaries of the order of st. francis, which in accordance with law xxxv, título xv, of this book the seminaries are to have, in money and not in kind, and to give the remainder to the religious." [113] this seminary was founded in 1870 by the very reverend fray mariano cuartero, the first bishop of the diocese. the building is of stone with a galvanized iron roof supported by 160 beams. there are six paulist priests, and two lay-brothers in charge of the institution, who are aided by three native clerics--pupils in the same seminary, who teach the latin classes under the direction of the rector. the following fees are charged: matriculation, four pesos; boarding pupils, nine pesos per month, payable quarterly; and the three per cent of the stipend of the priests of the diocese. instruction is divided into four years of latin, and three of philosophy. the total number of pupils enrolled without distinction of courses or studies, from 1870 to 1885 inclusive, was 5,344; the total number of graduates, 4,397. of those enrolled under secondary instruction, 86.1 per cent graduated; under philosophy, 85.9 per cent; under dogmatic theology, 85 per cent; and under moral theology and liturgy, 82.5 per cent. see census of philippines, iii, pp. 598, 599. [114] blumentritt says of the relations between the religious orders and the philippine clergy: "they [i.e., the orders] won for themselves in early times, great gratitude from the natives by protecting them from the government officials, which was increased by admitting them to religious orders. but this happy condition was changed in the present century, for when the orders were abolished in spain, the philippines offered an asylum to the crowd of european novices, whose numbers soon barred further admission to the natives. since that time the philippine friars have been european spaniards, who are often the only white men in the country districts, and who, being the only representatives of the ruling race, have made use of that position, in fact, if not with right, and constituted themselves the rulers of the land. in the fear that a liberal government might deprive them of their last refuge--the philippines--by handing the parishes over to the (native) secular clergy, the spanish friars began to pose as the only reliable support of spanish rule in the archipelago, and to throw the suspicion of independence upon the secular clergy. so great is the ignorance of the spaniards of the affairs of the archipelago, that this suggestion was easily entertained, although all insurrections have been suppressed, not by the friars, but by the government. their power was further increased by the money they circulated in spain, and the fear of the spanish government that they might place their wealth at the disposal of the carlists. "these friars have been the enemies of every administrative reform which the colonial ministers have promised or effected from 1868 until the present time, and they have consequently and naturally appealed as the enemies of all progress and improvement in their country, not only to the secular clergy, but also to all the other inhabitants of the islands.... what kind of a spirit actuated them is best shown by the fact that they accused the jesuits, who are highly esteemed, of liberalism, and so brought suspicion and distrust upon the teachers who were educated in the jesuit teachers' seminary." see census of philippines, iii, pp. 612, 613. [115] gregorio aglipay, the founder of the new filipino church, is an ilokano by birth and is about forty years old. he was educated for the priesthood in a catholic seminary, and ordained about 1890. his rise was rapid, for he was well looked upon by spanish ecclesiastics. in the early pair of american occupation, however, he was excommunicated for some church irregularity, "an action ... glaringly unjust and entirely irregular," says stuntz. thereupon he joined the insurgents and was made vicar-general by aguinaldo. shortly after the proclamation of april 4, 1899, by the schurman commission, he took the oath of allegiance to the united states. in august, 1901, he had private conferences with several protestant ministers regarding the religious condition of the philippines, and declared his intention to head a movement for an independent church, asking the coöperation of the protestants. the constitution was adopted in october, 1902, at a convention of the priests and laymen who had joined the movement, and aglipay was elected archbishop. the movement spread rapidly. in north ilokos but three priests with their churches remained loyal to rome. various estimates place the number of adherents to the new faith at 1,500,000, or 2,000,000, although they themselves claim 3,000,000. the question of their right to hold church property came up early, and governor taft ruled that the party which is in peaceful possession of any house of worship shall be deemed to be the rightful occupant, and the contrary must be proved in the courts before ejection can take place. more than 200 priests have joined the movement, and young native priests are being ordained with somewhat startling ease and carelessness, in the seminaries which the new church has opened. the foremost priests and laymen have been open enemies of the united states, and some of them still advocate independence. isabelo de los reyes, a politician of the demagogue type, is one of the active leaders of the movement. a weekly paper is published in the interests of the new church. patriotism rather than religion is the reason for its rapid growth, so that its basis with many is political. the fear of the return of the friars was seized upon by the schismatics to gain new adherents. homer c. stuntz says: "its easy program of religious reformations attracts thousands. it promises a better order of things, but makes no spiritual or moral demands. priests may come into the movement, and keep their mistresses and continue their gambling. aglipay himself has never been accused of immorality or gaming, but he sets up no standard of purity in his priesthood or among his people. the cockpit, games of cards and dice, the bino habit, and all other national vices come into the new church without direct rebuke. this, its real weakness, gives it apparent strength. because of this it is enabled to count its members by the million within less than two years from its birth." protestant influence is seen on every hand. protestant missionaries congratulate themselves that the catholic front of the islands is broken by this movement. the office of bishop is elective, aglipay himself being included by this rule. stuntz's conclusions are as follows: "the independent filipino catholic church has come to stay. just how strong a hold it will be able to keep over the multitudes which have flocked to its standard of revolt against the pope cannot be foretold. but it may be reckoned with as a permanent factor in the religious future of the philippines." see leroy's philippine life, pp. 163-171; homer c. stuntz's the philippines and the far east (cincinnati and new york, 1905), pp. 488-496; and report of philippine commission, 1904, i, pp. 19, 20. [116] see the program of these theoretical studies, in census of philippines, iii, p. 613. [117] there was also at manila, for many years, a military academy for the education of the sons of military men residing in the colony, as well as for soldiers and non-commissioned officers who desired to fit themselves for promotion. the son of a native needed great influence to enable him to enter, and such had generally to enlist as a soldier, more especially since the age-limit was lowered. formerly, when the scale of ages was different in the colonies from the scale in spain, officers graduated from this academy, but later when the scales were made uniform, this academy was closed, and opened again afterward under different conditions. its candidates were eligible candidates for admission to the general military academy of spain at toledo, which annually gave notice to the academy of the number of scholars which it could accommodate. many filipinos took advantage of this and became efficient military men. the instruction given in the academy seems to have been superior to that afforded in many of the other institutions, and examinations were comparatively strict. annual attendance was generally about 100. since american occupation a military academy has been suggested for the filipinos. see report of philippine commission, 1900, i, p. 40, 1900-1903, p. 128; and report of commissioner of education, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1627, 1628. [118] this is the oldest educational institution of the philippines under the supervision of the bureau of education. the building of the school was destroyed by the earthquake of 1863. a nautical school was opened by the american government in manila, december 15, 1899, with an enrolment of 22 pupils, and under the superintendency of lieut. commander v. s. cottman, u.s.n., who was assisted by three instructors. he was relieved by lieut. george f. cooper, december 25, 1899. the course of instruction was at first for three years. at the beginning of the new term in june, 1900, four more instructors were appointed. there were five instructors at the opening of the first term in 1901. the instruction was first in spanish, but for the sake of greater efficiency english was substituted. in july, 1901, the school opened with 83 pupils. in october, 1901, the course was extended to four years. the studies include english, mathematics, history, drawing, mechanics, and practical seamanship. the method of instruction and discipline are based upon those of the united states naval academy. the building, although well equipped in many ways, is not itself adequate for the purpose for which it is used. the school has not attained the excellence desired, due in part to the irregular attendance and lack of discipline, although attendance continues to increase. see report of the commissioner of education (department of the interior), 1901, ii, pp. 1421-1423, and 1902, ii, pp. 2244-2246; report of the philippine commission, 1900, i, p. 39, ii, p. 473, 1900-1903, p. 271, 1904, iii, pp. 826, 827, and 888, 889; and census of philippines, iii, pp. 663, 664. the philippine budget for 1880-81 included 4,397.33 pesos for the staff of the nautical academy, and those of painting and designing, history and bookkeeping, and the botanical garden; and 7,786.32 pesos for equipment. see sanciano y goson's progreso de filipinas (madrid, 1881), pp. 23, 24. [119] this society was founded in manila in 1876 under the name of liceo artístico, which it changed in 1889 as above. its purpose was to protect the moral and material interests of the filipino musicians resident in the philippines, and advance the musical progress and education of the natives. it gave with some irregularity a private monthly concert and three public concerts per year. it began to decline in 1891 and perished amid the political upheaval. see archipiélago filipino, i, p. 354. [120] semper, writing in 1869, says of education among the natives. "the christian spaniard has not been able to exert much more influence of a spiritual than of a political nature upon the character of the natives. popular education was formerly, and is now, entirely in the hands of the priests. excepting the professors of common and roman law all the chairs of the university of santo tomás of manila are in the hands of the priests, who naturally arrange not only the theological lectures, but those upon metaphysics, physics, and logic, as well, according to the principles of the catholic church. in the provinces every village has its public schools in which instruction is obligatory; but, besides reading and writing, only christian doctrine and church music are taught. this instruction, moreover, is by no means generally given in spanish; at least, the general introduction of spanish is still so recent that it will be long before the spanish officials will be able to converse, even with their subordinates, in spanish. on the east coast of mindanao, one of the oldest and most settled provinces, the native dialect was exclusively used until forty or fifty years ago, and the priests used the old malay alphabet until the beginning of the century, even in their official business. the number of natives--the spaniards call them 'indians'--who can read and write is tolerably large, but owing to the total unreliability of all statistics on the subject, nothing accurate can be stated. in 1863 the government attempted to make an enumeration of the population, and, incidentally, to note the number of those who could read and write. the fact that the result was never published seems to confirm the opinion that an unsatisfactory condition of things was found." see census of philippines, iii, p. 577. [121] under late spanish domination, there were 67 private latin schools in the archipelago, of which 23 were in the province of manila, and nearly all the others in luzón. in the term of 1886-87, there were 41 private schools, of secondary instruction, twelve of which were in the suburbs of manila, two in the walled city, and the rest in the provinces of luzón and the visayas. of the 41 professors in charge thereof, only one had the degree of doctor, eight were licentiates, and the rest held the degree of bachelor of arts. the course of study in these schools included latin and spanish grammar, christian doctrine and sacred history, general geography and geography of spain and the philippines, latin translation and analysis, elementary greek, general history and history of spain and the philippines, arithmetic and algebra, rhetoric and poetry, geometry and plane trigonometry, and french. the attendance in 1895-96 was 1,915. they were under the charge of licentiates, in philosophy or science, or bachelors of arts who must have passed a teacher's examination, and were under inspectors, one of whom was appointed by the rector of the university, who was ex-officio head of all the schools of the islands. some of the schools had a one-year course, others two, and others three. the teachers were filipinos. the supervisors of public instruction had the power to visit the schools, and recommend their establishment or removal. the pupils were required to enrol and be examined in the university, except those in distant provinces, who could be examined by a board composed of the alcalde-mayor, the parish priest, and the respective professor. the result of the examination was sent to the secretary of the university. the dominicans had one private school at dagupan (pangasinán), founded 1890-91; the franciscans, that of guinobatan (albay), founded 1894-95; and the recollects that of bacólod (negros occidental), founded 1895. there are still a number of private schools in the archipelago. during recent years many have sprung up in manila and the provinces which give primary and secondary education, although the instruction is generally poor. some of them have been started in answer to the complaint of some filipino parents that the american schools are godless; some have been started by roman catholic priests for the purpose of combating purely secular instruction; and some are the expression of filipino nationality and independence. within ten months, since june, 1901, 29 new private schools were opened in manila alone. they are generally patterned after the old method, and are either teaching in spanish or the vernacular. the popular demand for english has compelled many of them to make a show of teaching it, but it is generally being attempted without adequate teachers. it was suggested that the curriculum in such schools, except in matters of religious instruction, conform to the course of the public schools, and that they be under the official inspection, such a course making it possible to have a real compulsory school law. the liceo de manila is a school organized and run by filipinos. the late c. j. zulueta was professor of history in this school and read an address at its opening, june 19, 1902. see leroy's philippine life, pp. 223, 224; census of philippines, iii, pp. 599, 600; report of commissioner of education, 1899-1900, ii, p. 1622, 1901, ii, pp. 1437, 1438; and archipiélago filipino, i, pp. 344, 345. [122] i.e., those wearing the cape or cloak. [123] later transformed into the ateneo municipal, q.v., post. [124] this school was located in the same building as the nautical school, and was established july 15, 1839 at the request of the board of trade, which had presented its petition to this effect, october 1, 1838. the report of 1883 shows a total enrolment of 562 pupils in double entry bookkeeping for the years 1866-72, with a graduation of 91; and an enrolment of 228 for the study of english, with a graduation of 57. see census of philippines, iii, p. 614; and montero y vidal, historia, iii, p. 30. [125] see these instructions, in vol. vii, pp. 141-172. [126] see vol. xviii, pp. 282-288 for documents of 1610-19 regarding the grant of an encomienda made to this school or seminary. [127] perhaps for pinaua, which signifies "half-pounded rice," or "rice without the husk, but not bleached." [128] its foundation was approved in 1816, and endowed with the fitting rules and vocations, it had for some time only the character of a beaterio. in 1865 it was elevated to the rank of a school of higher grade. see archipiélago filipino, i, pp. 352, 353. [129] these statistics show that mas has been the chief authority followed by mallat. [130] inasmuch as this citation was translated from mas by mallat, we have used mas's words in preference to retranslating mallat. [131] see mallat, i, pp. 367-369. [132] retana mentions a paper, el noticiero filipino, which he conjectures to have been founded in 1838, following francisco diaz puertas, who mentions it. retana refers to this passage of mallat. see his periodismo filipino (madrid, 1895), for data regarding the various newspapers and periodicals of the philippines. this also appeared in instalments in retana's magazine la política de españa en filipinas. [133] see "drama of the filipinos" by arthur stanley riggs in journal of american folk-lore, xvii, no. lxvii; and barrantes's el teatro tagalo (madrid, 1889). mr. riggs has ready for the press also a book on the drama of the filipinos. [134] "in the atlas is found the comintango de la languista, noted with the accompaniment of piano and guitar, to which we have joined the words." (mallat, ii, p. 247, note). bowring reproduces this music at the end of his visit to the philippines. [135] in regard to the musical ability of the filipinos, see the slightly adverse comments of archbishop nozaleda, in senate document, no. 190, 56th congress, 2d session, 1900-1901, pp. 98-100. [136] a dance allied to the quadrille, but with different and more graceful figures. [137] see notes from barrantes, in vol. xlvi; and the decree of december 20, 1863. [138] the sociedad económica de amigos del pais was founded in 1813 for the purpose of encouraging interest in the arts, sciences, commerce, and industries. alexander a. webb, former american consul at manila, says of it. "it is claimed on its behalf that it has accomplished a vast amount of good, but there is not that degree of energy and activity manifested in its work to be seen in similar organizations in some other countries." it had a library of about 2,000 volumes on the arts and sciences, natural history, and agriculture. see report of commissioner of education, 1897-98, p. 980. [139] the filipino artist, juan luna y novicio was a pupil of this academy. he also studied in madrid, paris, and rome, and some of his paintings are conserved in the largest galleries. the total number of pupils enrolled in this academy from 1872 to 1883 was 5,485. see census of philippines, iii, p. 615. [140] archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349; census of philippines, iii, p. 614. [141] census of philippines, iii, p. 614. [142] see report of philippine commission, 1900, i, pp. 39, 40. drawing was introduced into the philippine schools in 1903 upon a systematic basis. the filipinos are interested and apt in this work, and show talent in original conception and artistic execution. the work is carried on by a staff of nine filipino drawing teachers, one american teacher for the secondary and american schools, and a supervisor. the filipino teacher is as competent as the american in this work. see report of philippine commission, 1904, pt. 3, p. 890. [143] the first band of jesuits who arrived in the middle of 1859, consisted of six fathers and four brothers, their superior being josé fernandez cuevas (see montero y vidal, iii, p. 272). the royal decree readmitting them was dated march 21, 1852 (barrantes, instrucción primaria, p. 103). [144] that charge was approved by a superior decree dated december 15 of the same year (montero y vidal, iii, p. 272). examinations were in charge of the dominicans (ed. report for 1899-1900, ii, p. 1621). [145] the work of the jesuits in this school is praised highly by tomás g. del rosario in the census of philippines, iii, p. 596. [146] see report of commissioner of education, 1899-1900, ii, p. 1621. [147] edmond plauchut, writing in revue des deux mondes for 1877, xx, p. 910, says: "the history of superior instruction, like that of primary, is only the dry relation of a furious struggle between two religious orders, that of the friars, and that of the jesuits." [148] the embriologia sagrada (manila, 1856), by gregorio sanz. [149] the first number of this fortnightly paper appeared in manila, in march, 1859, and its last issue, december 15, 1860. it is but rarely found complete. retana praises it highly. see politica de españa en filipinas, iii, pp. 103-105. [150] schools exist in all the villages. the teacher is paid by the government, and usually receives two dollars [i.e., pesos] per month without either lodging or board. in large villages, the pay is as high as three and one-half dollars, but he must pay an assistant out of that. the schools are under the supervision of the parish priests. reading and writing are taught, the instruction being in spanish. the teacher is properly required to teach his scholars spanish, but he himself does not know it. on the other hand, the spanish officials do not understand the native languages. the priests, moreover, have no inclination to alter these conditions, which are very useful for their influence. almost the only indians who know spanish are those who have been in the service of europeans. a sort of devotional primer is read in the native speech (bicol) at first, and later the christian doctrine. the reading book is called casayayan. on an average, half of the children attend school, usually from the seventh to the tenth year. they learn to read somewhat, and some learn also a little of writing, but they forget it soon. only those who later enter service as clerks write easily, and most of them have a good hand. some pastors do not allow boys and girls to attend the same school, in which case they also pay a special schoolmistress at the rate of one dollar per month. the indians learn to reckon with great difficulty. they generally rake shells or stones to help them, which they heap up and then count. see jagor's reisen in den philippinen (berlin, 1873), pp. 128, 129. [151] "the spanish government was really anxious that all filipinos should speak the spanish language, as it is understood that the use of a common language is the manner of forming a national spirit and sentiment, the only thing that can preserve and unite in constant friendship people of different races. nevertheless, the monastic orders were always decidedly opposed to the spanish language being spoken in philippine territory, because their interests would have been greatly injured if such language had become general throughout the archipelago, as from that time they would have ceased to be the intermediaries between the people and the authorities and would no longer be required by either, which would reduce their great influence with both parties.... as a consequence of all this the spanish language did not become general, and due to the diversity of dialects in the country and the lack of books in these dialects, education went along a hard and difficult path. some officials of the spanish government assisted the friars in this work." see tomás del rosario's article in census of philippines, iii, p. 594. for the friar side of this question, see the statements of fathers navarro and zamora, which will appear in the appendix to our vol. xlvi. [152] see appendix to vol. xlvi for the regulations of the government normal school. [153] the meteorological observatory was founded by the jesuits in 1865, its main object being the discovery of the laws of the typhoons that rage in oriental seas. its other departments--seismatic, magnetic and astronomic--were added later. for the first five years the apparatus was very scarce, and most of that was lent by the ateneo municipal, but notwithstanding that, some excellent work was done in those early years. in 1870, the publication of a bulletin was begun, and new apparatus began to be installed. the first typhoon was forecast and notice of its coming given in 1879. finally the government authorities made the observatory a central institution and placed it officially in charge of the jesuits. in 1898, through the influence of the british meteorologist at hongkong, the united states government ordered the coming of typhoons not to be announced, but the order was speedily revoked. of this observatory packard says in the educational report for 1897-98, pp. 973, 974: "the latest fruit of the scientific activity of the jesuits, and the most important and best known scientific institution in the philippines, and perhaps in the whole east, is the famous meteorological observatory of manila, which was founded in 1865, and now has one of the most complete equipments for meteorological observations in the world. an important practical service which the observatory renders shipping is the warning of approaching hurricanes, which it is enabled to give by means of its branch stations at different points in several of the islands. the jesuit father faura, who is so well known for his meteorological work, has been for a long time in charge of the observatory, and began forecasting the weather as early as 1879. expeditions have been made under his direction all over the archipelago, with a view to making magnetic and other observations." see also archipiélago filipino, ii, pp. 5-16. [154] "manual for the traveler:" a guide book, in which various interesting statistics are published. [155] historia geográfica, geológico y estadistica de filipinas (manila, 1876), by agustin de la cavada y mendez de vigo. this author was for many years a state official in the philippines. he died in spain in 1894. see pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina, p. 96. [156] the indian and mestizo advocates, too abundant in that country, are a real calamity to it, and the same thing may be said of them as of the indian secular clergy. they do not know the law, nor do they ever come to understand what they have studied. they obtained their certificate, thanks to the excessive tolerance of their professors, and once converted into licentiates and even doctors, they pay for their benefits and the honor which they have received by becoming outrageous anti-spanish. they believe themselves superior to the latter, and dream of republics in which they can figure and strut. their ridiculous hopes, and their vanity and deficiency would be excusable, if they did not deceive their simple countrymen in a nursery of litigation with their eagerness of defending evil causes. such is, although it be a cause for regret, the general rule. see montero y vidal, archipiélago filipino, pp. 192, 193, note. [157] this is one of the needs that has been most apparent to the american authorities since 1898. the stress laid upon industrial training is evident from the many filipinos among the government pupils now in the united states, who are being trained especially in agriculture and the various forms of engineering. regarding trade schools and industrial instruction, see report of philippine commission, 1905, iv, p. 412. [158] see vol. xlvi, appendix, for the regulations of the municipal school for girls. [159] see ut supra. [160] the school or college of santa potenciana was suppressed in 1865, and its building became the provisional palace of the governor general. its collegiates reduced to twelve were transferred to the school of santa isabel. see barrantes's instrucción primaria en filipinas (manila, 1869), pp. 17, 18, note. [161] see an account of this school in archipiélago filipino, i, p. 352. [162] see archipiélago filipino, ii, pp. 280 et seq., for data regarding earthquakes in the philippines. a number of shocks are recorded for 1880, but none especially disastrous. [163] see also archipiélago filipino, i, pp. 352, 353. [164] see also archipiélago filipino, i, p. 353. [165] see also archipiélago filipino, i, p. 353. [166] the following results of a table show the following statistics in regard to girls' schools between the years 1864-1883. santa catalina: boarding pupils, 1,617; teachers, 7. santa rosa: boarding pupils, 2,959; teachers, 23. concordia: boarding pupils, 2,103; day pupils, 623; teachers, 32. santa isabel: free boarding pupils, 475; pay boarding pupils, 149; day pupils, 112. municipal school: day pupils, 5,163; teachers, 74; awards conferred, 332; accesit, 1,058. the instruction given in these institutions was always under the immediate direction of the friars, and was consequently of a religious character. some of them were known as beaterios or retreats, institutions devoted primarily to religious practice. primary and secondary instruction were both given. in some of them the instruction was very poor, as many of the scholars graduated without knowing how to speak spanish. it was only in the college of santa isabel, in the municipal school, and in some private schools that adequate instruction was given. some of these colleges were houses of recreation or of rest rather than educational institutions, where not only girls, but women, both married and single, went to pass some time, for the purpose of change or to renew their clothing. girls from the provinces often attended the schools in manila to learn the social manners and polish of the capital, but they often failed of their purpose, for social education was frequently neglected in them. the class distinction between spanish, mestizo, and filipino girls was unfortunately inculcated. the principal ends of the sisters of charity being the care of their convents and hospitals, they could not obtain as good results in education as if their time had been spent entirely in that field. see census of philippines, iii, pp. 620, 621. [167] this school must not be confused with the agricultural society of the philippines, an institution created november 15, 1881, and a dependency of the department of general inspection of forests, especially as the separation of these two institutions was effected in july, 1884. see report of commissioner of education, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1625, 1626. a school of botany and agriculture was ordered created in manila by royal decree of may 29, 1861, under the dependency of the governor of the islands and the immediate supervision of the sociedad económica. the site called campo de arroceros was set aside as a botanical garden for the practical exercises of the school. the school was to be composed for a time of one botanical professor, director at the same time of the botanical garden, with a salary of 2,000 pesos; of two teachers of horticulture, at salaries of 500 pesos; of ten workmen chosen from the pupils, who being relieved at three year periods, were to receive 100 pesos apiece annually; while the municipalities could name certain pensioners to study in the school. the sum of 2,000 pesos annually was set aside for the material expenses of the garden and school, and the purchase of plants and tools. the total expense of both institutions was fixed at 6,000 pesos--3,000 being paid by the public treasury, 1,500 by the communal treasuries of the indians, and the remaining 1,500 by the funds of ways and means of the ayuntamiento of manila. in 1894-95, the staff of the school of agriculture was allowed 23,794 pesos, and the equipment of the same, including the rent of a house for workrooms of the school, board of agriculture, industry, and trade and office of the agronomic service, 9,900 pesos. the subaltern staff of the botanical garden cost, according to the same budget, 2,600 pesos, and the equipment for the same, 1,000. see montero y vidal, historia, iii, pp. 317, 318, and note. [168] see also report of philippine commission, 1902, ii, p. 499. [169] see ante, pp. 132, 133, also pp. 163-165, note 81. [170] concerning this court, the first report of the philippine taft commission, historical resumé of the administration of justice in the philippine islands, by cayetano s. arellano, chief justice of the supreme court, pp. 228-230, says: "this court--in english, contentious court--arose from the establishment of a council of administration in these islands under the provisions of a royal decree of july 4, 1861, which surrounded the governor-general of these islands, who was president of the court, with prominent men who advised him by their votes on consultation. this contentious court consisted of three officials of judiciary, the president and two magistrates appointed by turn among those constituting the personnel of the audiencia, with the exception of the presidents of the branches and two officials of the administration, who were known as the administrative magistrates; subsequently, by royal decree of the third of june, 1866, the court was reduced to a president and three magistrates. this court took cognizance of suits brought by private persons against the state, whenever they were litigated. complaints of private individuals against the administration of the state, if not subject to litigation, could, after presentation of appeals to the governor-general of the islands, be taken upon a recourse of complaint to the colonial office in spain if no relief was obtained under the decision of the governor-general." a decree of february 7, 1869, provided that the "contentious administrative jurisdiction, which was exercised by the councils of administration of the provinces of the colonies should in the future rest in the territorial audiencias of those provinces; that, for the exercise of this jurisdiction, there should be organized in each audiencia, as is done here, a department composed of the president of the same and the two presidents of the branches, the representative of the state being the attorney-general. the theory upon which the former organization of this contentious administrative tribunal rested was the administration of the state in respect to its litigation with subjects. the judge-advocate was both judge and litigant at the same time. however, the decree of the seventh of february, 1869, inspired by the principles proclaimed by the revolution, was that these questions should be decided in the same manner as any other issue between private individuals. these suits, as has been seen, were brought in first instance before the audiencia of the territory; consequently, appeals in second instance lay before the supreme court of justice of spain. but by the other theory the first instance pertained to the contentious tribunal of the council of administration, and second instance of the council of state of spain, to which appeals might be taken against decisions of the former court. but this reform, well received, both in spain and in the colonies, was of short duration, for one of the first acts of the government of the monarchical restoration was the reëstablishment of the contentious court in the same form in which it had existed prior to the reform of the royal decree of the nineteenth of march, 1875." this court lasted until the end of the spanish régime. act 136, enacted by the philippine commission june 11, 1901, and in effect since june 16, 1901, provides for the organization of courts in the philippines. article 38 of that act reads as follows: "all records, books, papers, causes, actions, proceedings and appeals lodged, deposited, or pending in the existing audiencia or supreme court, or pending by appeal before the spanish tribunal called 'contencioso administrativo' are transferred to the supreme court above provided for, which has the same power and jurisdiction over them as if they had been in the first instance lodged, filed or pending therein, or, in case of appeal, appealed thereto." see public laws and resolutions of the u. s. philippine commission, for quarter ending august 31, 1901. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xvii, 1609-1616 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xvii preface 9 documents of 1609 laws regarding navigation and commerce. felipe ii and felipe iii; 1583-1609 27 jesuit missions, 1608-09. (from _annuæ litteræ;_ dilingæ, 1610.) 53 decree regulating services of filipinos. felipe iii; aranjuez, may 26 79 documents of 1610 petition of the recollects. dionisio de la anunciacion, and others; manila, june 30 85 dominicans request suppression of the audiencia. baltasar fort, o.p., and others; manila, june 30 89 relation of 1609-1610. gregorio lopez, s.j.,; manila, july 1 100 letter to felipe iii. juan de silva; cavite, september 5 144 letter to silva. felipe iii; madrid, december 7 151 documents of 1611 foundation of the college of santo tomás of manila. bernardo de santa catalina, o.p., and others; manila, april 28 155 hospital at nueva cáceres. pedro arce, o.s.a.; manila, july 20 172 letters to juan de silva. felipe iii; guadarrama and madrid, november-december 174 letters to the dominican provincial. felipe iii; madrid, december 31 183 documents of 1612-1613 status of missions in the philippines. gregorio lopez, s.j., and others; [manila, _ca._ 1612] 189 trade of the philippines. juan, marques de montesclaros; los reyes, april 12, 1612 213 letter from the bishop of nueva segovia [domingo de soria, o.p.]; manila, august 15, 1613 233 letter to silva. felipe iii; pardo, december 2, 1613 237 documents of 1616 recommendations regarding the archbishopric of manila. [council of the indias?]; madrid, 1613-16 245 letter to felipe iii. valerio de ledesma, s.j.; manila, august 20 249 portuguese and spanish expedition against the dutch, 1615. juan de rivera and valerio de ledesma, s.j.; [manila, 1616?] 251 bibliographical data 281 appendix: chronological list of the governors of the philippines, 1565-1899, and the administration of the islands at different periods 283 illustrations title-page of _annuæ litteræ societatis iesv_ (dilingæ, m. dc. x); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of congress 51 title-page of _documentos, datos, y relaciones para la historia de filipinas_--ms. collection of transcripts from documents in spanish archives, for the period 1586-1792, by ventura del arco (madrid, 1859-1865), possession of edward e. ayer, chicago; photographic facsimile 101 autograph signature of gregorio lopez, s.j.; facsimile from tracing of original, in ventura del arco mss. (ayer library) 141 preface the present volume covers the seven years from 1609 to 1616, the leading subjects in the documents therein being commerce and navigation, missions, and ecclesiastical affairs. the commercial and navigation laws covering a quarter of a century previous to this period give incidentally much curious information on social and economic conditions in the islands. the outflow of silver from nueva españa to china via manila still causes alarm; but it is evident that the suppression of the trade between acapulco and manila is not an infallible remedy for this difficulty. as it is, the islands are suffering from the injuries to their trade that the dutch have inflicted, and from the ruinous expenses caused by their wars with these persistent enemies. no less do the indians suffer from the exactions levied upon them for the public works and defense; but the home government attempts to lessen these burdens, and protect the natives from oppression. the missions of the jesuits are reported as making rapid progress; and statistics of the work conducted by them and by the other religious orders give a view of the general missionary field. the dominicans begin their college of santo tomás at manila; and their officials urge upon the king the suppression of the audiencia. the relations between the various orders appear to be not strictly harmonious. the power of the spaniards in the orient, and the future of the philippine colony, are seriously menaced by the increasing gains of the dutch in the moluccas. various laws regarding the navigation and commerce of the philippines are presented, in chronological order, dated 1583-1609. the sale of merchandise by _pancada_ is to be retained, and regulations are made therefor. trade between the american colonies with china or filipinas is prohibited; and the citizens of filipinas are granted a monopoly of the trade to nueva españa. but this is limited to a specified amount and only two ships may be sent annually. the goods thus sent to nueva españa must be consumed there. copies of the merchandise registers of these vessels must be sent to the council of the indias. persons who have been exiled to filipinas must be compelled to reside there. no slaves may be taken thence to nueva españa, except a small and specified number allowed as servants of royal officials. the number of officers and men allowed to each ship is limited and specified. the soldiers sent must be effective and suitably equipped. the ships must not be stripped of their defenses by filipinas officials. pilots must undergo examination for this voyage. information regarding the money and goods carried on these vessels must be exchanged by the officials at manila and acapulco. ships must not be overladen. no person may go from nueva españa to the islands unless he give bonds for becoming a permanent resident of them, or is sent thither as a soldier. officials of the trading vessels may not engage in trade in any form. the fares paid by passengers thereon shall be regulated, and so adjusted that they shall pay their share toward the expenses of carrying on this commerce. due inspection of merchandise shall be made at acapulco and in mexico. no chinese goods may be traded or conveyed, in any way, between nueva españa and peru. the dues collected at acapulco on filipinas merchandise shall be spent for the needs of the islands. the amount of money which may be carried back from mexico is strictly limited to five hundred thousand pesos; and in this amount must be included, to avoid frauds, all amounts of legacies, and gifts for benevolent works, sent to filipinas. no wrought silver may be carried thither, except under close restrictions. the governor of filipinas and the viceroy of nueva españa shall exchange reports of the business carried on by these ships. a trustworthy person must be appointed at manila to regulate the migration of chinese and other foreigners to the islands. directions are given for the placing of cargoes, marine stores, etc., on the ships; and their rigging must be obtained at manila instead of acapulco. the ships and their crews must be suitably armed for defense; and the men may not carry any baggage save what they actually need for the voyage. no slave women shall be allowed on the ships, nor any married woman who is not obliged to make the voyage. the citizens of the islands may trade with japan; but the japanese shall not be allowed to go to the filipinas. in _annuæ litteræ_ for 1610 is a report of the jesuit missions in the philippines. beginning with some tabulated statistics, there are presented separate accounts of the college at manila and the various mission stations. two lay brethren in that college have died, whose lives and virtues are briefly reviewed. religious zeal is growing among the people of manila. the jesuit church has been greatly adorned and improved, and their indian disciples have erected in a new church several handsome statues. one of the jesuit fathers devoted himself to the care of the heretics captured in the battle with the dutch, and secured recantations from twenty of these. the new governor, juan de silva, has given to the jesuits not only favor but substantial aid. in antipolo and taitai are many zealous and devout converts, of whom various incidents are related. the church at antipolo has been often burned, but again rebuilt. several miraculous cures are related. at zebu the jesuits have done much to cultivate religion among the spanish residents, and to promote the peace and welfare of the community. in bohol many conversions have taken place, and the headmen have become most helpful to the missionaries. even some of the priests of the heathen are zealous converts to the true faith. the indian converts are displaying true faith and charity, and support a hospital. no longer consulting their idols, they now invoke the virgin mary, an act which brings them great success in hunting. at dulac much success has been obtained--sometimes impeded, however, by the plots of the evil one. palapag has suffered from scarcity of food, but the jesuits have from their own stores cared for the poor. a new church has been erected there, and many conversions are reported. the expedition to the molucca islands was accompanied by the jesuits; there are many christians there, who are oppressed by the dutch heretics. many of the reports in this document mention miraculous cures, and deliverances from danger; and state that in many cases the indian converts practice scourging as a token of devotion. a law dated may 26, 1609, regulates the services of the indians. when possible, the men needed for public works shall be hired from among the chinese and japanese; and the filipino natives shall be expected to work voluntarily. if these measures shall not provide sufficient laborers, the natives may be forced to work, but only under certain conditions. such work must be of absolute necessity; no one shall be forced when there are enough voluntary laborers; the conscription must be made as considerate and equitable as possible; the governor shall assign their hours of labor, and their wages shall be paid fairly and promptly. such requisitions shall be made at seasons when they do not interfere with the agricultural labors of the natives. the vessels shall be provided with shelter for the rowers against rain and storm. any ill-treatment received by the indians shall be vigorously punished, especially when the offender is a royal official. the augustinian recollects write to the king (june 30, 1610) asking to be released from the restrictions imposed upon them by the visitor of that order, claiming that otherwise their work will be ruined. they also ask for royal bounty in its aid. the dominicans at manila, on the same day, memorialize the home government for the suppression of the audiencia in the islands. they claim that the royal decrees are not obeyed as they should be. the royal fiscal is accused of illegal traffic, and the opportunities and means of profit are given to relatives or friends of the auditors. the dominicans suggest that the archbishop and the religious orders be authorized to serve as a check on the governors, the only real use of the audiencia. they ask the king to increase the income of the archbishop, and take occasion to commend the honor and integrity of the royal officials at manila. their letter is accompanied by a list of the reasons why the audiencia should be suppressed in the islands. the number of lawsuits is much greater since the reestablishment of that court, and the prisons are crowded; while many persons are neglected and languish in prison for many years. justice is not done in the indian lawsuits, the spanish procedure being entirely unsuitable for these cases; and the innocent suffer the penalties, while the guilty escape. dignities and offices are given to the unworthy and incompetent, and to relatives of the auditors. criminals connected with the auditors go unpunished. the auditors engage openly in trade, by which they have gained enormous wealth. the royal intention that they should advise the king regarding the governor's conduct is frustrated, since they are in such relations with the governor that they will not oppose him. the jesuit gregorio lopez relates (july 1, 1610) events in the islands for the past year. rumors of an invasion by the dutch cause silva to fortify cavite, hitherto unprotected. several disasters befall the spaniards--among them the treacherous murder of a large number of spaniards by their chinese and japanese rowers; and the chinese need to be pacified. during the latter part of 1609 and the early months of 1610 the dutch squadron commanded by francis de wittert remains near manila, capturing the chinese and other vessels that trade with luzon. meanwhile, the spaniards collect military supplies and make all other preparations for defense. on april 24 the spanish squadron encounters that of the dutch at playa honda, outside manila bay; after a hot contest in which wittert is killed, the dutch flagship surrenders, as does their almiranta; another ship is destroyed by fire, and the rest take to flight. many ceremonies, both religious and secular, signalize the rejoicings in manila over the victory of the spaniards, as well at their mourning for the slain. then the spoils of the conquered are distributed, amounting to nearly four hundred thousand pesos. many of the dutch heretic captives are reconciled to the church through the ministrations of a jesuit priest. lopez relates various incidents connected with this war, and gives a vivid account of the perils and hardships of the ocean voyages, especially in relating the shipwreck on the japan coast of the galleon "san francisco." a boat carrying supplies to the jesuit mission at maluco is captured by the dutch and with it father masonio; but he escapes their hands, after many dangers. his companion, father gabriel de la cruz, dies after a long sickness; and antonio pereira, sent to take his place, dies on the voyage. the dutch pay a heavy ransom for their captive commander van caerden. governor silva advises the king (september 5, 1610) of affairs in the islands, especially of those in the moluccas. the dutch have regained everything there except the fort at ternate; they have also secured a foothold in japan, and are striving to do the same in china. if they obtain control of the trade from those countries, the spanish colonies in india and the philippines will be ruined. accordingly, silva is preparing to go, in conjunction with the portuguese troops from india, against the dutch, to recover the moluccas. he will also take the captive ternatan king back to his own country, as he promises to become a vassal of spain and to refuse intercourse with the dutch. silva has, however, but little money for this expedition, for the royal treasury is heavily in debt. the king writes to silva (december 7, 1610) ordering him to investigate the complaint of the indians of quiapo against the jesuits. the establishment of the college of santo tomás at manila is begun in 1611 by the dominicans, its foundation being a bequest left for this purpose by the late archbishop benavides, and certain other legacies. the articles of establishment and the endowment are presented, showing the funds, location, management, and character of the institution. it is provided, among other things, that if any ecclesiastical or secular power should claim jurisdiction over the conduct or property of the college, all the possessions of the college shall become the absolute property of the dominican order and province. the bishop of nueva caceres asks the king (july 20, 1611) for aid for the hospital there. in the same year, the king writes several letters to silva. he orders the governor (november 12) to restrain, but with prudence, the arrogance of the religious; to check evasions of the laws regarding commerce, and to make certain regulations regarding the mexican trade; to continue the prohibition of japanese from residing in the islands; and to cease the military training hitherto given to the natives. on november 20 he sends an order to silva to set at liberty van caerden and other dutchmen held captive in manila, provided they shall not have given any cause for being recaptured. on december 19 he commands silva to keep a squadron of ships on guard near the luzón coast, to prevent the dutch from plundering the vessels that go to the islands for trade. letters from the king to the dominican provincial at manila (december 31) warn him to correct the lawless and disobedient proceedings of certain of his friars; to maintain amicable relations with the governor; and not to allow his friars to go to japan without the governor's permission (commands of like import with this last being sent also to the provincials of the other orders). interesting statistics of the houses and missions of the various religious orders in the islands are furnished (_ca_. 1612), at the royal command, by their superiors. the augustinians enumerate fifty-six houses with one hundred and fifty-five priests and thirteen lay brethren. the jesuits maintain two colleges (manila and cebú), six residences and two missions; in these are forty-five priests, twenty-eight lay brethren, eight novices, and eleven scholastics--in all ninty-two religious. each "residence" is a center of missionary activity for all the indian villages around it, in some of which are churches, and to others visits are paid more or less frequently by the fathers who live at the residence. the franciscans have forty-eight houses in their missions to the indians, and four in the spanish towns; they also maintain six hospitals. they have one hundred and one priests and thirty-eight lay brethren, besides twenty-one religious in japan. the dominicans have eighteen houses, and one hospital, with sixty-two friars; besides these, they have three houses in japan, with nine religious. the field occupied by the augustinians is in western luzón, panay, and cebú; and the villages in which they minister number 58,800 tributes--which, at three persons to each tribute, means a population of 176,400 souls. the jesuits conduct missions in luzón, panay, leyte, samar, bohol, and adjacent islands; they have sixty-eight churches, besides those in manila and cebú, and are in charge of about 50,000 souls. the franciscans have missions in luzón, with 80,000 souls; also some in maluco and japan. the dominicans also work in luzón, ministering to somewhat more than 16,000 souls. the viceroy of peru writes to felipe iii (april 12, 1612) in regard to the philippine-mexican trade, giving his report and opinion, at the king's command, regarding the request of the sevilla merchants that the philippine trade be taken from mexico and transferred to spain and portugal. this letter is an interesting exposition of the theories regarding colonial administration then held by certain spanish statesmen--and, more or less, of the policy then pursued by the spanish government: for montesclaros had already been a viceroy of spanish colonies in america for nine years, at the time of this report, and was highly regarded by his home government. he describes the progress of commerce since the colonization of the new world began, and shows that the markets of the latter are overstocked with european merchandise, and thus the profits of the trade are greatly decreased. the viceroy carefully analyzes the proposal to transfer the philippine trade to spain, and shows its probable results. the manila merchandise is almost entirely silk; this could be replaced in mexico with the cotton fabrics made by the indians in that country, and the silk industry might be introduced into mexico and made a success there. nevertheless, the philippines would be injured by the suppression of their mexican trade, and there would not even be a corresponding benefit to spain. he has not much confidence in the disinterestedness of the sevilla merchants, and refutes some of their arguments. the spanish goods sent to manila via acapulco are mainly articles of luxury, and in small quantity; and the cloth stuffs of spain are not desired in japan or luzón. he disapproves any course which would bring the chinese silks into spain, for thus the silk industry of that country would be ruined; moreover, the chinese goods are poor and have little durability. montesclaros emphatically denies that the stoppage of philippine trade will materially affect the outflow of silver from nueva españa, or benefit spain; and advises the king not to favor the seville merchants or the portuguese of india to the neglect of his castilian subjects. he compares the advantages of the two routes between manila and spain, and considers that by the pacific ocean the better. the viceroy discusses the matter of sending reenforcements to the philippines, and suggests that it might be advantageous to send troops to acapulco via the isthmus of panama. he points out various dangers from the proposed suppression of he philippine-mexican trade. the bishop of nueva segovia writes (august 15, 1613), apparently to some high official at the spanish court, asking that aid may be furnished to the recently founded college of santo tomás. soria complains of the jesuits and the governor, who are opposing the dominicans. more priests of that order (to which the writer belongs) are needed in the islands. soria makes various accusations against the augustinians and their leading officials, and recommends aduarte and his mission to his correspondent's favor. felipe iii writes to silva (december 2, 1613), directing him to send to mexico all the quicksilver that he can procure in china. the king approves silva's acts in regard to chinese immigration, and investigation of corrupt officials. he asks for further information as to japanese trade, the treatment of the indians by the religious, etc. one of the royal councils makes recommendations to the king--by communications dated respectively june 28, 1613, and july 1, 1616--that for the aged archbishop of manila shall be appointed a coadjutor, who shall receive one-third of the former's stipend, with certain fees. an abstract of a letter from the jesuit ledesma to felipe iii (august 20, 1616) presents a gloomy view of the condition of the islands. their trade has greatly decreased; the expeditions against the dutch have nearly ruined the citizens; the indians are exhausted by the burdens and taxes levied upon them; and the islands are in constant peril and are frequently harassed by their numerous enemies. the king is asked to send aid for the colony without delay. a prominent jesuit in manila, juan de ribera, writes (probably in 1616) an account of an expedition sent from india in 1615 for the aid of the philippines. the dutch are obtaining so firm a foothold in the orient that the spanish commerce is not only much decreased, but is in constant danger from the attacks of the "dutch pirates." silva despatches ribera to india, to ask from the viceroy aid for the philippines; he sends with the envoy four galleons, which, after a voyage of many delays and hardships, reach malacca. there they encounter a large malay fleet, which they defeat, with great loss on both sides. a few weeks later a dutch fleet arrives at malacca, intending to unite with these very malays; a fierce battle ensues, in which the portuguese galleons are destroyed. in february 1616, silva arives at malacca with his fleet; but soon afterward he is attacked by a fever which causes his death (april 19). to this is added another version of ribera's letter, and a letter by valerio de ledesma--both obtained from colin's _labor evangelica_. these cover the same ground as the preceding letter, but contain some matter not found therein, including an account of the battle at playa honda. a biographical and chronological list of all the spanish governors of the philippines, from 1565 to 1898, is here presented. it is prepared by a careful collation, sifting, and verification of data obtained from the best authorities extant; and will be found useful for reference by general readers, as well as by students of history. this is followed by a law of 1664, providing for the government of the islands ad interim; and an extract from the _historia_ of the jesuit delgado (1751), "some things worth knowing about the governors of the filipinas islands." he says: "in no kingdom or province of the spanish crown do the viceroys or governors enjoy greater privileges, superiority, and grandeur than in filipinas." delgado moralizes on the qualifications necessary for such a post, illustrating his remarks by historical examples. he outlines the intercourse and relations of the philippines with the peoples about them, and the conquests made by the spanish colonial governors. next is given a chapter from the _estado de las islas filipinas en 1842_ of sinibaldo de mas--a spanish diplomat who visited the islands--on "the administration of government and the captaincy-general" therein. he, too, describes the great authority and privilege of the governor of the philippines; and outlines the plan of the general, provincial, and local governments. the mestizos, when numerous in any community, have their own separate government. as the cabezas de barangay and some members of their families are exempted from paying tributes, they form a privileged class which is a burden on the taxpayers--a serious defect in the system of government. a special arrangement is made for the chinese residing in manila, and they are enrolled and classified for the payment of taxes. finally, a chapter on "the political and administrative organization of filipinas" is presented, from montero y vidal's _archipiélago filipino_ (1886). he devotes special attention to the subject of local government in the native towns; and explains why the filipino natives are so anxious to obtain the post of gobernadorcillo. the writer describes the mode of dress and the customs in vogue among these local dignitaries, as well as their methods of administration. there are certain other petty officials, whose functions are described; and he ends by stating the powers and functions of the provincial rulers and those of the governor and captain-general of the islands, and sharply criticising "the vicious, anomalous, and unsuitable organization of the provinces of filipinas." _the editors_ july, 1904. documents of 1609 laws regarding navigation and commerce. felipe ii and felipe iii; 1583-1609. jesuit missions, 1608-09. (from _annuæ litteræ_; dilingæ, 1610.) decree regulating services of filipinos. felipe iii; may 26. _sources_: two of these documents are taken from _recopilación de leyes_--the first from lib. ix, tit. xlv; the third, from lib. vi., tit. xii (ley xl). the second is obtained from _annuæ litteræ_ (dilingæ, 1610), pp. 507-532. _translations_: the first and third of these documents are translated by james a. robertson; the second, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin. laws regarding navigation and commerce [the following laws are translated from _recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. xxxxv, "concerning the navigation and commerce of the filipinas islands, china, nueva españa, and perú." [1] the various laws of the _recopilación_ are not arranged chronologically, but they are here thus given--retaining, however, the number of each law. those laws given in the present installment range in date between 1583 and 1609, those beyond the latter date being reserved for a future volume. some of the laws, as shown by various dates, were promulgated more than once, either in the original form, or possibly amended. when there is more than one date, the chronological order follows the earliest of these.] law lviii the appraisements and registers that shall be made of the merchandise shipped in the vessels despatched from filipinas to nueva españa and other places, shall be made solely by the officials of our royal exchequer. the distribution [of cargo] that shall be made in the vessels of the said islands, and of the merchandise shipped on our account, and the appointment and examination of the pilots, masters, and other officials, shall be made in the presence of the aforesaid persons; and the laws ordained by this titulo shall be observed. [felipe ii--san lorenzo, june 14, 1583.] law xxxv it having been committed to, and charged upon, the governor and captain-general of the filipinas that he should endeavor to introduce, in the exchange and barter for the merchandise of china, trade in other products of those islands, in order to avoid, when possible, the withdrawal of the great sums of reals which are taken to foreign kingdoms, the governor executed it in the form and manner that he considered most fitting; and a method called _pancada_ [2] was introduced, which has been observed and executed until now. it is our will that that method be observed and kept, without any change, until we order otherwise. [felipe ii--añover, august 9, 1589; toledo, january 25, 1596.] law lxvi we order that a duty be collected on the first and subsequent sales or all the merchandise shipped from filipinas to acapulco, and the pesos per tonelada on freight according to custom; for this sum and much more is needed to pay the troops, and equip the vessels that engage in commerce. in this there shall be no innovation. [felipe ii--añover, august 9, 1589.] law v we ordain and order that there shall be no permission to trade or traffic between perú, tierra-firme, guatemala, or any other parts of the indias, and china or the filipinas islands, even though it be by license of the viceroys, audiencias, governors, or magistrates, under penalty of confiscation of the merchandise that shall be shipped. the masters and pilots shall also incur the confiscation of all their property and ten years in the galleys. [felipe ii--san lorenzo, december 18, and february 6, 1591.] law i inasmuch as it is advisable to avoid trade between the west indias and china, and regulate that of filipinas, as it has increased considerably, thus causing the decrease of that of these kingdoms: therefore, we prohibit, forbid, and order, that no person of the natives or residents of nueva españa, or any other part of the indias trade or be allowed to trade in the filipinas islands. should anyone do so, he shall lose the merchandise with which he shall trade, and it shall be applied, one-third each, to our royal exchequer, the denouncer, and the judge who shall sentence him. in order to show favor to the citizens and inhabitants [of filipinas] and that that trade may be preserved to sufficient extent, we consider it best that they alone may trade with nueva españa, in the manner ordained by the other laws, with this provision, that they convey their goods, or send them with persons who shall come from the said islands. they cannot send them by way of commission or in any other form to those who actually reside in nueva españa, in order to avoid the frauds of consigning them to other persons--unless it be because of the death of those who should come with the goods from the said islands; for in such case it can be done. and we also order that the inhabitants of filipinas cannot consign their merchandise to generals, commanders, captains, officials, soldiers, or sailors of the vessels of that commerce, or of any other vessels, even though these be inhabitants of the said islands as well as the persons above mentioned. [3] [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593. felipe iv--madrid, february 10, 1635.] law vi it is our will that the trade and commerce of the filipinas islands with nueva españa be carried on for the present as ordained. under no consideration shall the amount of merchandise shipped annually from those islands to nueva españa exceed two hundred and fifty thousand eight-real pieces, nor the return of principal and profits in money, the five hundred thousand pesos which are permitted--under no pretext, cause, or argument that can be advanced, which is not expressed by a law of this titulo; and the traders shall necessarily be citizens of the filipinas, as is also ordained. [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593. felipe iii--december 31, 1604; madrid, may 4, 1619; lisboa, september 14, 1619.] law xv from nueva españa to filipinas only two vessels can sail annually, up to three hundred toneladas' burden. in them shall be carried the reënforcements of men and supplies, and they shall bear a permit. for this purpose there shall be three ships, one of which shall remain in readiness at the port of acapulco, while the other two make the voyage. for the security of the voyage, those who go on account of our royal treasury shall endeavor to see that the cost be drawn from the freights. from nueva españa not more than two hundred and fifty thousand pesos de tipusque shall be taken in the vessels during any one year. whatever above that amount is taken shall be confiscated and applied in three equal parts to the exchequer, the judge, and the denouncer. we order the governor of filipinas to inspect the ships when they reach port, and execute the penalty. [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593. felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law xxxiv we order and command that no person trade or traffic in the kingdoms or in any part of china, and that no goods be shipped from that kingdom to the filipinas islands on the account of the merchants of those islands. the chinese themselves shall convey their goods at their own account and risk, and sell them there by wholesale. the governor and captain-general with the council of the city of manila shall annually appoint two or three persons, whom they shall deem best fitted, to appraise the value and worth of the merchandise, and shall take the goods at wholesale from the chinese, to whom they shall pay the price. then they shall distribute it among all the citizens and natives of those islands, in accordance with their capital, so that they may all share in the interest and profit that arises from this traffic and trade. the persons thus appointed shall keep a book, in which they shall enter the amount of money invested each time, the price at which each class of merchandise is valued, among what persons the merchandise is divided, and the amount that falls to the share of each. the governor shall take particular pains to ascertain and discover how the said deputies make use of their commission. he shall not allow them to be rechosen the following year. he shall send annually a report, signed by them, of all the aforesaid to our council, and another to the viceroy of nueva españa. [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593.] law xliv the apportionment of the permitted amount of two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, conceded to the inhabitants of the filipinas islands, must be made among them, and the whole amount must be registered. endeavor shall be made to have less than one third part return in gold; and the governor shall prevent and take precautions against any fraud or deceit, and shall take what measures he deems expedient. this also we charge upon the viceroy of nueva españa in whatever pertains to him. [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593.] law lxviii we declare and order that the chinese merchandise and articles which have been and shall be shipped from filipinas to nueva españa, can and shall be consumed there only, or shipped to these kingdoms after paying the duties. they cannot be taken to perú, tierra-firme, or any other part of the indias, under penalty of confiscation of all those found and apprehended in the possession of any person whatever, and shall be applied to our exchequer, the judge, and the denouncer. [4] [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593; felipe iv--madrid, february 10, 1635.] law lxxi we order and command, that under no consideration in any manner can any ship go from the provinces of perú, tierra-firme, guatemala, nueva españa, or any other part of our western indias, to china to trade or traffic, or for any other purpose; nor can any ship go to the filipinas islands, except from nueva españa, in accordance with the laws of this título: under penalty of the confiscation of the ship; and its value, money, merchandise, and other things of its cargo shall be sent to these kingdoms in accordance with law 67 [5] of this título, and thus it shall be executed. we prohibit and forbid any merchandise being taken from nueva españa to the provinces of perú and tierra-firme, that shall have been taken there from filipinas, even if the duties should be paid according to the rules and ordinances; for it is our purpose and will that no goods shipped from china and the filipinas islands be consumed in the said provinces of perú and tierra-firme. whatever shall be found in the possession of any person, we order to be confiscated, applied, and regulated, as contained in this law. [felipe ii--madrid, january 11, 1593, and july 5, 1595. felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law lxiv it is advisable for our service to have constant reports on what passes in the trade and commerce between the filipinas and nueva españa, in order to ascertain and discover whether it continues to increase, and what kinds of merchandise are traded, their prices, and in what money or material. accordingly we order the viceroys of nueva españa to send to our royal council of the indias in each trading fleet, a copy of the registers that the ships brought from those islands, and also of those of the ships sent thither; and all shall be made with great distinctness and clearness. [felipe ii--madrid, january 17, 1593; and toledo, june 9, 1596.] law xxviii the viceroys, presidents, and auditors, and all other officers of justice shall make efforts to find all those who shall have been sent to filipinas to reside during the time of their obligation, who have remained in nueva españa and other parts of their jurisdiction, and shall force them with all rigor to go to reside in those islands, proceeding against their persons and properties and executing the penalties that they shall have incurred. the fiscals of our audiencia in manila shall plead what is advisable in regard to the aforesaid. [felipe ii--madrid, february 20, 1596.] law liv we order that the governors of filipinas shall not allow slaves to be sent to nueva españa as a business transaction or for any other reason--except that, when the governor goes there, his successor may give him permission to take as many as six slaves with him; to each of the auditors who shall make the voyage, four; and to other respected persons, merchants with capital, and officials of our royal treasury who go and do not return, two. we order the viceroy, alcalde-mayor and officials of acapulco, to see to the fulfilment and execution of this law, and to confiscate the slaves in excess of this number. [felipe ii--madrid, april 10, 1597] law xl we order that there be but one commander and one lieutenant (who shall be admiral) for the two ships from filipinas to nueva españa; that each ship shall take no more than one military captain, besides the ship master and as many as fifty effective and useful soldiers in each ship with pay, and the sailors necessary to make the voyage properly each way--who shall be efficient and examined--and one pilot and assistant to each ship; for both ships one purser [_veedor_] and accountant. all appointments to the said posts shall be made by the governor and captain-general alone, without the intervention of the archbishop, or of any other person, notwithstanding what shall have been provided to the contrary. we order that choice be made from among the most respected and influential inhabitants of those islands, and of those most suitable for the said offices and the duties that the appointees must exercise. if they shall not be such, the matter shall be made an article in the governor's residencia. [felipe iii--barcelona, june 15, 1599; valladolid, december 31, 1604; san lorenzo, april 22, 1608; madrid, may 23, 1620.] law xxvii we charge and order the viceroys of nueva espanña that the troops that they send to filipinas be useful, and that they go armed; and that the men go to the governor of the islands to ask for the pay that the captains take from their soldiers. in regard to this the governor shall take legal action and punish those whom it touches. [felipe iii--denia, august 16, 1599.] law xxiii the governors of filipinas are wont to take the artillery and arms from the ships that sail from nueva españa. inasmuch as the vessels return unarmed and without the necessary defense, we order the said governors not to take, or allow to be taken, from the said ships the artillery, arms, supplies, or war-materials that those ships carry for their defense on the return voyage, for it is not advisable to risk what is so important. [felipe iii--valladolid, july 15, 1601.] law xxxix since there are skilled and examined pilots for the filipinas line, those who are not such shall not be admitted in our ships and other craft. [felipe iii--valencia, december 31, 1603.] law xvi the utmost diligence shall be taken in the port of acapulco to ascertain and discover the reals, silver, and other things taken to the filipinas, and our officials of the said port shall take account of it all. they shall advise the governor and royal officials of the islands of it, sending them the registers, and notifying them of what is advisable. the royal officials of filipinas shall do the same with those of acapulco. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law xvii inasmuch as the ships of the filipinas line have been overladen, many have been wrecked and their crews and cargoes lost; and, inasmuch as it is advisable to provide beforehand the remedy, therefore we order that great care be taken so that the toneladas [assigned] be those that the ships can carry, in accordance with their capacity. the things conveniently necessary for the crew, and the necessary food, with a reserve in case the voyage be prolonged, shall be left in them. especial care is to be taken that the ships do not sail overladen, or embarrassed, because of the danger of being wrecked in any misfortune. they shall make the voyage each way as lightly laden as is necessary for the chance of storms and enemies. felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law xxi illegal acts have been committed in taking more artillerymen and sailors than were necessary, and some of them useless, in the trading ships from filipinas to nueva españa. we order that this be avoided and remedied. for each piece of artillery, only one artilleryman, and no more, shall be taken and superfluous pay shall not be given. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law xxix inasmuch as the majority of those going annually from nueva españa to filipinas do not stop there, but return immediately, after investing their money: therefore, we order the viceroy of nueva españa to permit no one to go to filipinas, unless he give bonds that he will become a citizen and live there for more than eight years, or unless he be sent as a soldier to the governor. [6] on those who violate this, and their bondsmen, shall be executed the penalties that they incur, without pardon. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law xlii we order and command that the generals, captains, agents, and officials of the filipinas ships give bonds, to what sum the governor and captain-general shall deem best, for the greater security of what shall be in their charge. they shall give their residencia of each voyage before the auditors of our royal audiencia of manila and shall render satisfaction in the aforesaid. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604; madrid, may 23, 1620. cárlos ii (in this _recopilación_)--1681, the date of first edition of _recopilación de leyes_.] law xlviii we prohibit and forbid, under any circumstance, commanders, admirals, and officials of the commerce between filipinas and nueva españa from trading or trafficking, seizing, or lading anything, in any quantity in the ships during the voyage under their command, under their own name or another's. neither shall toneladas be apportioned to them as to the other citizens, nor can they take or buy them from others, under penalty of perpetual deprivation of the said posts of the said line and the confiscation of what goods they lade, carry, or take, which shall be found to be theirs. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604. cárlos ii (in this _recopilación_)--1681; see preceding law.] law lix we order the viceroy of nueva españa and the governor of filipinas, each one as it pertains to him, to adjust and regulate the fares to be paid by passengers, according to the place that each shall occupy, in the ship on which he sails, with men and goods; and what is to be paid on the trips going and coming, according to the expense incurred by the ships, in accordance with their burden and crew. they shall apportion it in such manner that superfluous and useless expenses shall not be caused. and unless it lacks what is necessary and requisite, it shall be unnecessary to supply anything from our treasury toward the expenses of that fleet. we order that the advisable care and effort be given to this by the overseer [_veedor_], accountant, and royal officials of the filipinas islands. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604; san lorenzo, april 22, 1608.] law lx the registers of all shipments from filipinas shall be opened in the port of acapulco, by the person to whom the viceroy of nueva españa entrusts it, and the officials of our royal treasury of the said port. they together shall examine and investigate the bales and boxes, and shall make as close and careful an examination as shall be necessary to discover what may have come outside of the register and permission. they shall send the registers to méjico, as has been the custom, with all investigations made at the port of acapulco, by a sufficiently trustworthy person, or by one of our said officials. in méjico everything shall be again investigated, and the duties appertaining to us shall be appraised and collected; and all other investigations requisite to ascertain and discover what has come unregistered shall be made. all that shall have been sent without register and in violation of the prohibition shall be confiscated. no permission shall be given by this means, pretext, and occasion, to cause any unreasonable injury to the owners of the goods. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604; san lorenzo, april 22, 1608; clause xi.] law lxix in the vessels that we shall permit to sail from perú to nueva españa and the port of acapulco or from nueva españa to perú and its ports, no quantity of chinese stuffs can be laden, sold, bought, or exchanged, even though it may be reported to be gratuitously as a gift or charity, or for the service of divine worship, or in any other quality or form, in order that the prohibition may not be evaded by such pretexts and frauds. in case that any shall be convicted of the above as chief factors, associates, or participants, or of aiding or giving advice, they shall, besides the confiscation of their goods and boat, incur on their persons the civil and criminal penalties imposed on those who handle contraband goods, and of perpetual banishment, and deprivation of the post that they shall have obtained from us in the indias. in regard to the above we charge the conscience and care of our servants. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604 (?); san lorenzo, april 22, 1608 (?); clauses 16 and 17.] [7] law lxx if any quantity whatever of chinese stuffs be found in any boat sailing from nueva españa to perú or in the opposite direction, the inspector, royal officials, and the other persons who take part in the register and inspection shall be considered as perpetrators and offenders in this crime; so that, taking example from them, others may abstain from similar transgressions. the captains, masters, boatswains, and other officers whose duties extend to the management of vessels, shall also be considered as offenders and accomplices. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604 (?); san lorenzo, april 22, 1608 (?); clause 18.] law lxxiv we order the viceroys of nueva españa to maintain very special care of the observance and execution of the ordinances for the commerce of the filipinas line, established by the laws of this titulo; and to keep at the port of acapulco, in addition to the royal officials who shall be there, a person of great honesty and trustworthiness, with the title of alcalde-mayor, so that everything be done with very great caution, and justice be observed. he shall not permit more silver to be taken to filipinas than that conceded by these laws, with or without license. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law lxxv the viceroy of nueva españa, and the governor and captain-general of filipinas, all other of our judges and magistrates, and private individuals, each one in what pertains to him, shall observe, and cause to be observed and fulfilled, the ordinances regarding this traffic and commerce, and shall execute them exactly without remission or dispensation. in their residencias, especial attention shall be paid to their omission and neglect. we charge the archbishop of manila to exercise the same care in what shall be specially entrusted to him, which is not repealed or altered by these laws. of all, advice shall be given us. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law lxxvi we charge and order the viceroys of perú to see that all the ordinances in regard to the prohibition of chinese stuffs be fulfilled and executed exactly. for their execution and fulfilment, they shall appoint an auditor of our royal audiencia of los reyes, in whom they can place entire confidence. they shall see that he proceeds thoroughly and executes the penalties with the required rigor, without any dispensation. the auditor shall privately try these cases in the said city and its districts in so far as he shall have cause to invoke the law; and all other justices in their territories shall do the same. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604.] law lxxviii permission was given for two ships to go to nueva españa annually from perú for commerce and trade to the value of two hundred thousand ducados; which was afterward reduced to one ship, with certain conditions. and inasmuch as the trade in chinese stuffs has increased to excessive proportions in perú, notwithstanding so many prohibitions expedient to our royal service, the welfare and utility of the public cause, and the commerce of these and those kingdoms; and a final decision of the viceroy, conde de chinchon, [8] having preceded, and a vote of the treasury to suppress absolutely any opportunity for this trade: therefore we order and command the viceroys of perú and nueva españa to prohibit and suppress, without fail, this commerce and trade between both kingdoms, [9] by all the ways and means possible; and that it be not carried on by any other regions, for we by this present prohibit it. this prohibition shall be kept strictly and shall continue to be so kept. [felipe iii--valladolid, december 31, 1604; san lorenzo, june 20, 1609; madrid, march 28, 1620, clause 1. felipe iv--madrid, november 25, 1634; madrid, march 29, 1636, a clause of a letter to the conde de chinchon.] law xxiv the inspection of ships sailing from nueva españa to filipinas shall be made by our royal officials, according to custom. they shall examine in great detail the lists of soldiers and sailors of the ships, in order to abolish the places that shall be found without justification; and they may proceed by law, when they discover any infraction or fraud in this. such shall be visited on the person causing it, with the greatest severity. [felipe iii--valladolid, january 25, 1605. felipe iv--madrid, october 16, 1626.] law lxv we order that the duties and freight customs collected in the port of acapulco on the filipinas merchandise, shall not be placed in the royal treasury of méjico, but shall be expended in things necessary to those islands; and the sum lacking [for those necessities] shall be sent from the treasury of méjico. the viceroy and the governor of filipinas shall send us a particular report for each voyage of the amount of the duties and freight customs and what must be sent. [felipe iii--valladolid, february 19, 1606.] law ix we declare that in the five hundred thousand pesos granted by permission [to be sent] from nueva españa to filipinas, must and shall be entered the amounts of legacies, bequests, and charities [_obras pias_], with the wrought silver and all other things carried thither; and nothing shall be reserved, except the pay of the sailors, as is ordered by the following law. [10] [felipe iii--san lorenzo, august 19, 1606.] law x we grant permission to the sailors serving on the trading ships between nueva españa and filipinas to carry in money the actual and exact sum of their pay, in addition to the general permission. thus shall the viceroys of nueva españa provide, unless they perceive some considerable objection. they shall see to it that the said sailors or other persons shall not be allowed to exceed the amount permitted by this law. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, august 19, 1606.] law xi no wrought silver can be taken to filipinas, even when for the service of those who shall go thither, or for any other purpose, unless bonds are first given to return it, or unless it shall have been included in the permission. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, august 19, 1606.] law xlvii the governor of filipinas shall send the viceroy of nueva españa a report of the apportionment of toneladas that he shall make, and what is to be laden in the ships of that commerce. the viceroy shall send the former a report of the money that shall be sent in accordance with the ordinance. the latter shall pay consideration and attention to the reports sent him by the said governor, so that he may adjust more equitably and circumspectly the licenses of this kind that he shall give. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, august 19, 1606; madrid, june 4, 1620.] law iv inasmuch as it is advisable for the security and conservation of the filipinas islands that great care and vigilance be taken there regarding the foreign nations and sangleys who live in manila; and inasmuch as there should be a trustworthy, influential, and disinterested person in the said city, who should have charge of purifying the country and giving license to those who must remain there: therefore we order the governor to take charge of his appointment and to appoint for the said commission the person most suitable for it in that community, of whose zeal for our royal service and the common welfare, and of whose trustworthiness and care, he has the greatest assurance. the governor shall not appoint for this office and employment any of his servants, inasmuch as we expressly prohibit that. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, march 6, 1608.] law xviii the cargo of the ships of the line, on both outward and return trips between nueva españa and filipinas, shall be stowed in the fore-hold; and only the sea stores, the sailors' and mess chests, the rigging, sails, and all the necessities, between decks. likewise rigging shall be taken to the port of acapulco, in consideration of the fact that the city of manila has it at cheaper rates than the port of acapulco--whither it is carried from san juan de ulua [11] at very great cost and expense. we order this to be so executed, providing there is no inconvenience; and if there should be any, we shall be advised in order to provide the advisable measures. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, april 22, 1608.] law xx the governor and captain-general of filipinas shall furnish the ships of that commerce from nueva españa with the arms needed for their defense, and shall see that the soldiers, sailors, and passengers go well armed. he shall order each ship to carry a person to whose care the arms shall be confided, and who shall have charge of them, and shall make efforts to preserve them, as is advisable. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, april 22, 1608.] law lii great disorder has occurred in the filipinas ships, and the sailors have been permitted to take two or three very large boxes, under pretext that these contain wearing apparel, and thus cumber the ships. we order that no irregularity be permitted in this, and that the utmost circumspection be exercised; and that the sailors be not allowed to carry more boxes or clothing on the said ships than that indispensably needed for the voyage. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, april 22, 1608.] law lvi it has been reported that the passengers and sailors of the trading ships of filipinas transport and carry slave-women, who are the cause of very great offenses to god, and other troubles; this should be prohibited and reformed (and more reasonably so in a navigation so long and dangerous), and all occasions for offending god suppressed. for the remedy of this, we order and command the president and auditors of our royal audiencia of manila not to permit any slave-women to be transported or carried on those ships. they shall pay particular attention to the correction of the aforesaid evil, so that those difficulties may cease and be avoided. we also order and command the fiscal of the audiencia to see to its execution. the senior auditor shall inspect the ships at the time of their sailing, and see if any married woman is aboard, who has no necessity for making the voyage. the trying of any cause shall be before the said president and auditors, who shall provide justice, and this shall be made a clause of their residencias. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, april 22, 1608.] law xii after those who wish to go to the filipinas have bound themselves and given bonds to live in the islands for at least eight years, the viceroy of nueva españa shall permit them to take thence their own property in money, outside of the general permission. he shall take precautions and ordain that there shall be no fraud; and that such persons shall not carry more than the value of their own property, under any consideration. in case of a violation of this, the penalties imposed shall be executed. [felipe iii--el pardo, november 20, 1608.] law ii the trade, commerce, and navigation from the filipinas to japon shall be made by the citizens of the former islands, and the japanese shall not be allowed to go to the islands. on the merchandise carried in the ships despatched on the account of our royal treasury, no less freight charges shall be collected than those caused in the ships of private persons, so that the cost of the merchandise may be assured. if there should be any inclination or substance in this trade, so that the duties may be paid and our treasury relieved of a portion of its costs and expenses that be paid from them, we order that they be collected and paid. [felipe iii--segovia, july 25, 1609.] jesuit missions, 1608-09 province of the philippine islands these islands have ninety-one [_sic_] members of the order. four have passed away; and the same number have been received into the order. total priests preceptors scholastics lay brethren manila college xxxii xii xi ix seminary of st. joseph iii i ii elementary school xi ix ii establishment at silang ii i i establishment at antipolo vii iv iii cebu college viii iv iv bohol residence v iv i carigara residence vi iv ii dulac residence vi iv ii tinagon residence v iv i palapag residence v iv i arevalo mission ii i i adults cleansed by holy baptism, two thousand three hundred and eight-three. heretics condemned, twenty-three. chastity protected against suitors or immodest women, fifteen times. heretics reconciled, seven times. the sacred commentaries have been used by eleven. the holy cross and the recitation of the gospel of st. john has rescued thirteen persons from various dangers; the blessed virgin, two; the blessed ignatius and xavier, five. the college at manila i. since last year's letters regarding this college were very full, we shall deal with it now very briefly; we will begin with two brethren who have finished their course of life: luis à figueroa and didacus de zarcuela. luis was of noble birth, but of nobler nature. when he had studied the humanities, he could not be persuaded that he might be admitted to sacred orders; and when the fathers hesitated to admit him into the society because of a lack of strength in his feet, "receive me," he said, "i beg you, as a servant, to set fire to the wood others have cut; and, when the work is done, to cover the fire with ashes or put it out." being admitted in so humble a frame of mind, he took care for the most part of the wardrobe, being best satisfied with the lot of martha, which he praised wherever he had the opportunity. so powerful and effective was he in persuasion and dissuasion that one of his associates declared that he went to his work more readily on account of luis's words in conversation than through the formal speech of any orator whatsoever. he exhibited the virtue of charity in the highest degree; and although unable to tolerate the slightest deficiency in himself, he strove with love and prudence to effect the same perfection in others. receiving from rome at the end of his illness letters by which he was formally enrolled among the lay brethren, he was so penetrated with joy that he had strength to offer his vows in the church--after which, his illness increasing again, he soon died. didacus also attained the same vows, having been two and twenty years a servant of the society; of this number he devoted not a few to the seminary of st. joseph. he was a man who set a good example, and was of extraordinary diligence. so desirous was he of the salvation of the indian races that he said: "if spain were only two leguas away, i should not care to go thither. nothing would induce me to exchange my lot with any brother in europe"--which saying he repeated oftener as death approached. he died of a fever, contrary to the expectation of the physicians, but not to his own; for he declared that he should die when his illness attacked him, and so he passed away. some persons who took refuge from external danger, under the protection of the blessed, our fathers ignatius and xavier, were preserved alive. to three women ignatius granted easy childbirth; and one basque they relieved of toothache, when he prayed to them. xavier came to the aid of a spanish commander of a battalion of soldiers, who was near to death; and prolonged his life in return for two wax candles promised him. ii. as for the rest. among those of all ages, christianity advances daily throughout the population of manila, so that the devotion of youths cannot be affected by entreaties or overcome by reward--especially among those who glory in the name of members of sodalities; while women do not at all fall behind men in fervor and piety. although on account of their sex they cannot join men's associations, they think that they have the right to perform the same acts which would be praised in the members of sodalities. there are some of the spanish women who fast three times a week; they sleep on the ground; in their private chambers, among their intimate friends, they scourge themselves until they draw blood. one woman who was delivered by the virgin from a grievous illness vowed that everything she and her women could make with the needle should be wrought to adorn our church. she has already finished many articles; and, because she seemed to have vowed beyond her strength, she was directed to cease. her answer was that she had taken her vow to do this, so that if ours refused the work she would bestow it on some other church. other decorations have been added to this church, so that it is almost unique in the islands; and, as a result, the religious services which are wont to be held on the three days of the carnival [12] have been attended by much larger congregations. for, before, bare tiles scarcely covered it; and the dripping water penetrating when it rained, the church was defiled by a multitude of bats. by the contributions of very many pious men a new ceiling has been added to the roof, adorned and wrought with various decorations, so that it gives dignity and splendor to the place--a work worth many a piece of gold, because it seems very great, considering the poverty of the city. those indians, too, whom many years ago the society supported near this city, have now set up in a newly-built church a statue of their patron saint michael, together with a new and beautiful image of the virgin mother of god, and other statues--marks of no small piety in a small town. iii. the heretics among the prisoners taken in the dutch fleet last year (they were over ninety) [13] have been visited and assisted by father andrea de la camara very often, both those in prison and the wounded in hospitals. of the lutherans and calvinists in both those places he taught over twenty to recant their heresies--and those generally of the higher rank among them, masters, superintendents, surgeons, etc., and (if he ought to be named in the same class) a minister of the word. this man, ashamed of his ignorance, readily gave us his hand, and the letters which he had received from his anti-bishop in testimony of his authority, having been in a manner dragged from pitch and shoemaking to the ministry of the word. these all are now as true lovers of our society as before they were bitter adversaries of it. when on account of the scarcity of workers father camara was sent to the pintados islands, these men went to the vicar of the holy inquisition, and asked him that he would not suffer them to be without some jesuit, whose ministry they might enjoy--even through an interpreter, if need be. for, they declared, they were persuaded that ours might differ in language, but not in character. in fact, many others have been reconciled to us, or at least, if friends have been made, more friendly. distinguished among them is he who governs these islands in the royal name, don juan de silva; for he has showed forth his love toward god and us in many ways. he has especially done so by the restoration, at no small expense, of the chapel in which the relics of the saints are kept, for which he also provided that a lamp should be kept constantly burning. he has also liberally assisted us with money and other things in a sickness which afflicted us all for a short time. we have restored to not a few persons their friends, from whom they had been torn by covert grudges; but i wish to avoid unpleasant allusions; and i only praise the greatness of soul of one woman in forgiving injuries. she sailed all the way from europe, first to mexico, then to these philippine islands, and finally to the malucas, in search of her absent son. she found him at last in the island of ternate, where he held an official position; but while she was rejoicing at finding her son, she was deprived of this brief joy also. for soon after her coming her son, pierced with many wounds, was slain in a quarrel; and she had again lost him whom she had found with so great efforts and after so many journeys. this misfortune the woman has borne in such a spirit that she has not only freely forgiven the slayer, but, turning this grief to a good use, has begun to give herself wholly to the praises of god and to heavenly actions. every day she devotes four hours to prayers; thrice in the week she fasts; thrice she mortifies herself with a hair-shirt, thrice with scourging; and partaking on the lord's day of the divine feast, she continues to this day in this most beautiful mode of life. establishments at silan and antipolo, with the college of cebu iv. the town of silan is accessibly and commodiously situated. hence it is easily and frequently visited by sojourners, the more so because the inhabitants themselves are uncommonly humane and devoted to christian piety. it happened that some indians turned aside from their journey to visit one of the inhabitants; and as they were taking out of a little chest some clothes that they were carrying with them, packed up, it happened that they took out along with them a tiny idol formed of a twisted mass of hair. the people of silan who were present were frightened when they saw this, and told one of ours, who was stationed there, of it. he went to the house as if on another errand, and uncovered the deceit together with the idol. then taking advantage of the occasion, he made a serious address to the indians, warning them against such wickedness; and he inspired in the owner of the idol (who was a woman) a better mind. with the help of god she abjured the impious worship of hair, which she had before pursued, and also abandoned and corrected another sin of no small heinousness. the delights of a festival which had been announced were almost destroyed by a great misfortune which accidentally befell this place. for while all were looking forward to the day sacred to all saints, when all the inhabitants had prepared themselves for the proper reception of the feast, behold, at the oncoming of night the fury of all the winds arose. the rain and storm which followed did not cease to rage until they had overthrown more than two hundred houses, to the incredible alarm of the indians, who left their own houses to take refuge as quickly as possible in our church, where nearly the whole night was spent in hearing their confessions. but not even here were they safe enough, for the wind blew the boards off the walls and whirled them away; so that the whole body of people took refuge in the sanctuary, where they waited for death and the last hour. v. at the proclamation of the same feast in the village of antipolo ninety persons received communion--sixty more than in that of taitai--which is a large number for new christians. and among these tribes, as has been elsewhere said, that cross is still much visited to which in this year a woman brought a public attestation of the recovery, on two occasions, of her health. the inhabitants of the village have given a silver cup and other ornaments to the church. vi. the women of taitai, who formerly surpassed all other indians in their worship of idols, are now as completely devoted to the pursuit of christian rites and customs. even those of high rank among them are not ashamed to sweep the floor of our church, and to appear in public with broom and water, in order that they may be able to command their servants to do the like. this is the praise due to the women; the men deserve another. a very old man dropped from his hands the slip of paper given to him monthly, on which was written the name of the saint whom he had received by lot. grieved at his loss, the good old man ran back to the village of taitai, which is about a mile from his own; and thence (as he did not find the father who used to distribute that kind of slips of paper) he went on to antipolo, over a rough and hilly road. when he reached there, after going four miles, he first asked the father's pardon for his carelessness; and then begged him not to refuse to give him another in place of his lost patron. this fact shows plainly enough with what zeal these tribes strive after the greater matters of salvation. in another place an indian was lying sick, and had received communion and been anointed with the holy oil. early in the evening he began to be in such agony that the people in the house took him for dead, and, after laying out the body, put him on his ancestral bier. after they had watched the whole night about his body, when dawn returned he returned also, stammered something, and about noon uttered his words articulately. then he said first that he seemed to have been dead three years, because of the cruel torments which he had himself suffered in hell, and which he had seen an infinite number of indians suffer. there demons--as it were, smiths--kindled forges with bellows, poured melted iron over the wretched souls, and in the midst of their pitiful howlings burnt them forever with never-ceasing tortures. after he had seen these things, he said, he had been led by a venerable old man away to a higher place, by reaching which (for he thought it was heaven) he was filled so full of bliss that he was unwilling to leave it. but when he was commanded, he returned to life, to inform the living about each place to which men are consigned, that of the blessed and that of the damned; and this command, he affirmed, was laid upon him under a heavy penalty; for there are among mortals not a few who by the pretense of virtue deceive themselves and others, and although they are looked upon as good, yet are very far from the service of god. then he added that his conductor told him to bid his fellow-townsmen be of good courage, for the church they were then engaged in building would be better and stronger than the others. the indian, after he had said these things, recovered, and a general confession was appointed. he continues to this day to show by his life and example that those things which he reported were no dreams. the improvement of morals which has followed in many others who heard of these things has almost entirely put an end to pretexts for doubt and suspicions of deceit. the prophecy, moreover, with regard to the church--that it should be stronger than the others--has been fulfilled. a few months before, the church of these indians had burned down for the second time, together with our house. the fire broke out in the following manner. some of the townspeople were out hunting, and, a dispute arising among the barbarians about the hunt, they came to blows. soon after the quarrel, fire was thrown on our house, and destroyed the new church with almost all the furniture. the relics of the saints and the images were in part saved from the fire by the dexterity of the christians. but ours after no long delay bent themselves to the work again, and erected another church for themselves, at no trifling expense, and with no small labor on the part of the indians. this is the seventh church erected in the ten years since the founding of the town. a further fortune which befell an indian woman confirmed many in the christian faith. she had ventured, without confessing her sins after the manner of christians, to receive christ in the communion; after she went home, she began to suffer from such agony in her throat that she thought she should choke to death. thus she suffered, complained, an wailed until, having recognized the cause of her suffering, she went to the church that very evening. she prayed and besought the father to hold back her soul, already departing; and to succor an unhappy woman, whose throat was burned by the host as if by a flaming torch. when the father heard this, he instantly besought god, and god instantly showed mercy. she declared her sins, and thereupon all her torment ceased; and by this salutary remedy of confession the maladies of many indians have been suddenly dispelled by ours, the name of god or of some saint being invoked. at the college of zebu one of the society, when in the town one day, heard weeping not far away; and when he followed it he discovered a mother bitterly lamenting the death of her new-born infant. touched by her grief, the father went a short distance away, and entreated god, in the name of the virgin mother, to help this afflicted woman. instantly the child revived, without a trace of sickness left upon him. whether it was his senses or his soul that had left him, it is surely to the divine goodness that his sudden revival is to be attributed. the recitation of the gospel of st. john has also benefited many sick persons; but ours have found nothing so fit for removing the sicknesses of souls as the salutary exercises of our blessed father [_i.e._, loyola], which the very heads of each magistracy, the sacred and the civil, have employed--not alone to private but also to public advantage. their example, imitated by some of those in the higher ranks, has been followed by the same results. the rest of the people have been marvelously stirred up by the renewed fervor of the members of the sodalities, among other things; and by the new confidence given them by letters from rome received this year, to the great delight and approval of all; which letters have much promoted the worship of the most blessed virgin, and have also kindled those who are reckoned among the first in the city to accept the advice to join a sodality. by these means cares have been turned aside, and four bitter family quarrels, in which the very heart of life and salvation was attacted, not without public scandal, were brought to an end with the desired success. bohol establishment vii. the harvest of souls at bohol has increased with the decrease of the audacity of the enemy, and of the almost annual invasion by the people of mindanao. as many as a thousand have been baptized, if children and adults are reckoned. in this number are several _bailans_, or priests of idols; and one there was who, before his baptism, did nothing but rage, and attack with teeth and nails those who passed by, who came forth from the waters of the sacred font, gentle and in his right mind. and when some indians saw this, snatching the cause from the fact, they went to the father and begged him to sprinkle a dying indian woman with the same healing waters. our father, suspecting that they made this request with the the purpose of enabling the woman to avoid the trouble of learning the catechism refused, unless she would first learn what christians know. "father," said they, "that ought not to be the way in which you act; we want her baptized to keep her alive." "and i," said one, "when i was lying near to death, was by the command of another father sprinkled by an indian cantor, and as soon as i was sprinkled immediately i began to recover. then that madman, as you know, washed away his madness in the same font; and this companion of mine, who was already despaired of, when he received baptism was restored to himself and his kinsfolk." the father yielded to all these arguments, ordered the sick woman to be carried into the church, and after putting the questions demanded by the occasion and the need, cleansed her with that purifying sacrament: she immediately began to improve, and soon recovered all her former strength. every day several feel the healing power of this font. an equally great miracle is that the chiefs of this tribe, who have been very ill disposed towards us, and from whom not even the lives of ours were safe, have been so suddenly changed at the sight of one of our fathers that they not only--themselves, without being urged--have submitted to the christian ordinances, but also seek out the barbarians, even in the mountains, where they wander and are dispersed like wild beasts; and partly by the exercise of their authority, partly by persuasion, bring them down to the villages, and offer them to the fathers for instruction and baptism. together with these there were once offered more than seventy idols, the spoils of the bailans, which were publicly burnt by ours before the uplifted cross. the same thing has been done again and again elsewhere, especially at jalibon, ingaon, orion, and canliron, where the joyful indians in this manner took vengeance upon the evil demon who had so often deceived them by the delusions of idols. the bailans are conspicuous in this zealous attack upon the enemy. they go so far as to scourge themselves [14] until they draw blood, in order to atone for their sins; and thus they who formerly opened the door to all kinds of impiety are now the means above all others by which the rest of the bailans who still work their impious sacrifices are led to the faith, for the art of these latter loses its power when the others reveal the deceit. indeed the deceit not seldom reveals itself by their predicting that which never comes to pass, or threatening terrors which injure no one. viii. the members of the sodality of the blessed virgin are devoting their attention to themselves, and striving to root out from their souls those sins which have grown old there. there was an indian woman who was seized by a suitor in her bed, and who, to protect her chastity, threw herself out of the window; there was a youth who, being unable to keep a crowd of wanton girls out of his cottage, so savagely scourged his own back with cords that they, alarmed at the fierceness of the sounds, at last dispersed. there were some who, to avoid the sin of drunkenness, entirely denied themselves the use of wine. of old there were among these indians no bowels of compassion, no signs of family affection. nay, parents sold their very children for food; children did the same by their parents; and this sort of avarice (or rather of cruelty) was still more common among kinsmen by marriage or blood, so that they did no kindness without doing an injury. now, by the grace of god, all these things are reversed, and these people delight in doing to others as they would be done by; and on that account the hospital which has been built never wants for necessaries, and always has some, even of high rank, who rejoice in giving themselves to the service of the poor. moreover, this hospital is supported thus: during the week a basket is placed before the doors of the church, in which every one puts what he pleases, according to his ability, either of food or herbs, to be carried to the hospital. on sundays, besides, each village in turn serves the sick, after the following manner. those whose turn it is go hunting boars or stags, and on the appointed day bring flesh, boiled or roasted, with rice, or bring some equivalent food, for the sick. now this tribe, which is at this time so christian, formerly observed the custom of never going hunting without consulting their idols. when they perceived that the fathers of ours detested this custom, and indeed wholly annulled it, some of them asked them what they ought to do then when they went out on such enterprises. when they were told that they should go to some church and beseech god through the virgin mother of god to give them success in their hunting, they did so; and at noon of that very day they killed twenty-two boars and stags not far from the village. when they came home loaded with their game, every one marveled greatly; and they said: "ah, father, how good is the god of the christians! the gods that we used to worship would scarcely grant us, in return for long continued implorations, at last two boars or stags, and most often nothing; but now the true god after having been barely prayed to has freely given us all these beasts in a short time." the pious example of these people having been followed by others in another village, they too had slain five and twenty of this kind of game within three or four hours; and they went about shouting: "away with you, lying bailans, who were about to destroy us and all that we had! for us there will be henceforth no god but jesus christ, who has displayed so great liberality to us who have recently turned to him." i might say more as to the gospel of st. john, the saving sign of the cross, and other mysteries of the christians, whose marvelous efficacy these tribes have experienced; but i would not be prolix. let it be enough to state that seven or eight sick persons at least have been cured by amulets of this sort. establishment at dulac, carigara, tinagon, and palapag ix. at the establishment at dulac ours have often had the better of the devil, and the devil of them. they certainly believe that what has happened can have had no other author. they had appointed the festival of which we have spoken above; and when they were all assembled in the church and were waiting for divine service, a messenger suddenly appeared and announced that the mindanaos, their ancient enemies, were at carigara. as soon as the indians heard that, they poured out of the church all together in consternation, each trying to pass the other; and leaving the priest, for the mass was not yet finished, they fled from the village and took refuge in the mountains. the priest, when he had finished the divine office, and arranged his affairs as well as time permitted, began himself to think of flight, that the shepherd might be with his flock. however, being detained by an indian chief, whose wife he had been about to bury, he remained, and performed the rites for the woman--one who had deserved well of the christians, and who, as her husband testified, had been visited by the blessed virgin, in the mean time a messenger brought a more certain report, to the effect that a few small villages on the island had been visited by some five or six ships at caragara; and that they had captured only twenty indians, the rest having taken refuge in flight. they all came back then from the mountains, and in a few days the work of many was accomplished. the number of those who confessed the faith increased so rapidly that the long days seemed short. this, i am sure, grieved the devil not a little; and no less did what father christoforo ximenez effected after he returned to manila where he put into print the catechism of cardinal roberto bellarmino, translated into the bisayan language. [15] he went by the order of his superiors to alongala, then without a priest. when he had remained there up to the beginning of holy week, and had made the people ready and active in all works of piety, it happened that a certain idol-worshiper of that island, a man of very high rank, malacaia by name--who owned over sixty slaves, and who was reverenced by all the indians most highly, even as a father--was once looking on, and wondering to see many of the natives busied in pious works, and so seriously engaged in scourging themselves. in amazement he said, "shall i do that, father?" "do," replied ximenez, "what they are doing, and scourge thyself." "will that scourging do me any good?" asked malacaia. "it will do thee no little good," answered the father. the other instantly took off his tunic and girded himself for the work, and walking upon the stage with the others, the christians, he so tragically worked upon himself that, not content with one scourge, although it was rough with little sharp studs, he also snatched the scourge from one standing near, and, as with a two-edged sword, fearfully smote himself upon the back as if with thunderbolts. these scourgings reached even to the man's soul, although at the time he knew not what he was doing; for this noble deed was an example of great profit to others, and he himself, moreover, received at this time the desire for baptism, for which he is now being prepared as a catechumen. x. the christians taught by the fathers at the establishment at cangara have this in common with those at dulac, that they receive a mighty protection from the services of the church when duly celebrated. for as the former, by setting up a cross in the fields and by the use of holy water, drive the swarms of locusts from their grain, so the latter by bearing palm-branches and seeds to the church effect the same result. an old custom of theirs has been condemned--namely setting up in the fields great beams, which they call _omalagars_, upon which they believe the souls of the dead to sit. here fifty have been initiated in the christian mysteries, and more would have been if ministers had not been wanting. forty couples have been joined with a more holy bond. several persons were found by the marvelous providence of god (for it would be impious to regard that as a chance which was wrought for ours, kept safe in so many perils), who, being scattered over the mountains, so that they could have no one else, begged for a father to whom they might confess their sins. there were also found in a little island forty lepers loathsome with filth and stench, unclothed, and without food, lacking everything. to all of them first the teaching of christ, then baptism, and finally food and clothes were given. but one man found god sterner, who, though warned by ours to desist from his impious habit of swearing, yet never obeyed. he was often wont to use an expression by which he devoted himself to the crocodile; and not long after, being made the prey of one, he taught others by his evil fate to do that which he had refused to do before. as compared with his death all the more happy was that by which father alfonso roderico was taken from us. he had professed the four vows, and was dear alike to spaniards and to bisayans. he was so devoted to the good of both that he was not satisfied with the narrow space of twenty-two years, during which he was permitted to live among us, but at his death used the very words of st. martin: "lord, if i am still needed by thy people, i do not refuse to labor." xi. the attention of ours at tinagon has wisely been given to the women, since they are more ready to take an interest in sacred things, and are more seldom absent from the village--except when one or another makes her escape from the hands of some procurer, preferring to pass the nights in the forests and mountains in the midst of serpents, rather than at home to suffer danger to her chastity among men that are as deadly. as for the other affairs of this establishment, they may nearly all be included under two examples, one of divine compassion, the other of divine justice. an indian woman was carelessly crossing a stream, and was carried off by a ferocious crocodile. she screamed, she cried, she prayed to god for pardon, and for only so much time as should serve her to make her confession. her husband, who was not far away, ran up quickly, threw himself into the water to attack the monster, struck it, and at last dragged his wife from its claws; but she was so mangled and lacerated that there was no hope for her life. what were the good people to do in a village without a priest, and far distant from the residence where the fathers lived? the woman was in such a condition that it was impossible to take her there before her death. yet a way out of all these difficulties was easily found by the wise god of mercy, for by his guidance there came into the village, while they were still doubting what to do, a priest of our order, quite unaware of what had happened. as soon as the matter was reported to him, he went to the dying woman, consoled her in her affliction, and sent her to heaven, confessing and sorrowing for her sins. the other case differs little from that which we recorded earlier as occurring at the carigara establishment. a fellow whom no fear or warning could improve, and who would not control his wicked habit of swearing and blaspheming, was one day testifying in a legal case. he devoted his head to the crocodile, if the matter were other than as he testified, adding that he could confirm his testimony by calling in others as witnesses. as he was crossing a stream to summon them in behalf of his case, he was carried off by a crocodile; and--a certain proof of the damnation of the man--it was later discovered by the testimony of others that he had borne false witness. xii. at the settlement at palapag there has been a conflict with hunger and disease; yet the indians have so conducted themselves that the sick have not lacked the necessary services. likewise ours have made such provision that the poor were cared for from the harvest; for at their gate they daily served food to more than seventy persons. their newly-built church and their sodality make them hopeful of great good, for their beginnings are such that six hundred of full age have presented themselves at the sacred font for purification; while i should reckon the number of children at eight hundred, the greater part of whom have gone the straight way to heaven. one of ours was called to a little infant which was said to be sick, to baptize it; and he refused, partly because he thought the matter was not so pressing, partly because he wished to teach the indians the custom of bringing their little ones to the churches. at last, overcome by the importunities of those who asked him, he went thither; but when he could perceive in the child not the least sign of illness, he was about to return without baptizing it. but when he looked at the boy again he seemed to be silently warned by it not to deny it that benefit. at last, when he had complied, and when everything had been performed duly and in order, the child expired in the very arms of its sponsor. by this event the father was rendered joyful, but still more cautious not to think that time should be allowed any advantage in matters of this kind; for, as he said, he would rather suffer all the ills of sea and land if he might open heaven to this single little boy. there have been seen other signs (not a few) of the singular care extended by divine providence to this tribe and ours. such a one was this. an indian was wrapped in the folds of a serpent eight feet long, but, groaning forth the saving name of jesus, he was released. again: when there was a deficiency of that kind of food which it is lawful to eat in the days of lent, a boat on the beach, brought by i know not whom, freely supplied fishes of a kind not usual there. again, when a church was on the point of falling, the indians were frightened out from it by a tremendous roar; and, because the mass had not been finished, it did not fall before the father had taken refuge in the sacristy, the chalice being safe, with the sacred images on the abandoned altar. these things we mention, passing over those persons to whom god has been pleased to grant good of soul or body through ours. to this establishment there was sent ten years ago francisco simon, a lay brother; he died on the day on which twenty years before he had entered the society. and although through all this interval of time he had neglected none of the things for which a good religious may be praised, yet the nearer he approached to death, the more content he seemed in doing them. the garden, the kitchen, the dining-room, the sacristy, the workshops, the other places in which he labored, he regarded somehow as sanctuaries--sometimes saying his beads, sometimes holding colloquies with the holy trinity, christ, and our lady the virgin. a naturally irritable temper he had so completely overcome by virtue and diligence that the fathers whom he accompanied on their missions wished for no one more kindly; they could hardly have had anyone more diligent and more ready to do anything. but as witnesses of his virtue francisco had not only the priests of his home but also those of other places; for when he died he was away among them, attending to the preparation of rice--offering to all a good example, as he first sent to his superiors a report of his business by letter; and, as he was to return no more, he sent his last farewell to his companions. a place of burial was given to him by the priest who has in charge the village of abla in luzon, by whom the funeral rites also were performed most honorably, a great multitude of indians attending them. the missions at octon and to the malucas xiii. in addition to our accustomed labors with the spaniards and indians of arevalo, there has been another of no small importance with a large force of troops, who undertook an expedition to the malucas. no trifling benefit was carried to the foreigners by father francisco gonzalez, who had been called back thence to the town of zebu to take the four vows. on his journey he brought back into the way the indians everywhere, who were turning aside to their madness and their idols. he reestablished christian customs, baptized children and adults, made stable their fickle and inconstant marriages, and did many more things of the same kind--which, though unwritten, are understood. the following event should not lack a pen. a man entangled by lewd delights, but moved by the fact that he had no example among the repentant people, or by the influence of a festival just then announced, had settled himself to a proper life; but rising in the middle of the night he went out from his house, and was longing for his accustomed delights. while he was doing so, behold two specters, very large and horribly black, wrapped in hanging cloaks, appeared to him. the unhappy man dared to annoy them by approaching and speaking to them. without answering, they snatched him up and carried him high in air, filling everything with his screams and cries, and struggling in vain. his neighbors, awakened and following the sound of the voice, went round the whole village without finding anything. at last at dawn they found the man among the thick bramble-bushes on the mountains, his body all bruised, and himself half-dead and speechless. when they found him, they took him to our church, and the prayers of many were offered for him, and remedies were applied. at last he recovered his senses and his speech, and cried aloud that he had been punished by the just judgment of god, since he had for a long time neglected the precepts that he had received at confession, and had not done the things becoming a christian. he then went on to say that when the demons carried him off, they took him to a deep black cave; and just as they were about to hurl him down into it, he was delivered by the intervention of god, to whom he had commended himself. thus, having confessed his sins, he put on a better way of living. xiv. the member of the society who accompanied the general of the philippines on the expedition to the malucas, father angelo armano, [16] did his duty during the whole time of the voyage and the war, not without peril on land and sea. he did with energy what could be done in the midst of arms, the noise of artillery, the ambushes of the enemy, and the slaughter. and surely there was great hope of extending religion by this expedition, for the native king himself, when detained at manila with his son and other chiefs for five years often used to promise the governor that if he would send a fleet to the malucas again, he himself would give into subjection and obedience to his catholic majesty all his vassals, who are estimated at about two hundred thousand souls. this has seemed the quickest way to liberate the malucan christians from the new yoke of the dutch heretics, by which they are oppressed. the multitude of those who have thus far professed the christian faith there can be estimated only from the amboynans, of whom the number reaches above twenty thousand. therefore, although the general came back, home in glory from this expedition, after winning a victory, yet he has expressed his grief more than once that the welfare and salvation of all this great number of islands and tribes should be insufficiently provided for on account of the lack of priests; and he has affirmed that he wishes more earnestly for nothing than that he might have the opportunity of sending forth many of the society of jesus on this divine work. decree regulating services of filipinos we order that, in the filipinas islands, no indians be distributed in repartimiento, in any number, for private or public means of gain; since for the cutting of wood, navigation of caracoas, and other works of this sort, in which our royal treasury is interested, and for the public convenience, the chinese and japanese found on any desired occasion in the city of manila must be (as they are) hired; and, as is understood, there will be a sufficient number of workmen among them, who will engage in these services for the just price of their toil. from them shall be employed those who wish to hire themselves out, in order to avoid the concourse of indians [at manila]. in case that the repartimiento cannot be entirely avoided, as will be provided, and if the chinese and japanese are either unwilling or unable to satisfy the actual need of those public works, the governor and captain-general shall take measures with the indians so that they may aid in the works freely and voluntarily, making use of the means that seem advisable to him to effect it. but, granted that there be a lack of voluntary workers, we permit that some indians be forced to work in these occupations, under the following conditions, but in no other manner. that this repartimiento shall be made only for necessary and unavoidable affairs; for in so odious a matter, the greater benefit to our royal treasury, or the greater convenience of the community, cannot suffice; and all that which is not necessary for their preservation, weighs less than the liberty of the indians. that the indians in the repartimiento shall be lessened in number as the voluntary workers shall be introduced, whether the latter be indians or those of other nations. that they shall not be taken from distant districts, and from climates notably different from that of their own villages. the choice of all shall proceed without any partiality, and so that both the hardship of distances, the burden of the occupations, and compensation for the other circumstances in which there will be more or less grievance, shall be shared and distributed equally, so that all may share the greater and less toilsome services, so that the benefit and alleviation shown to some may not be changed into injury toward others. that the governor assign the number of hours that they shall work each day, taking into consideration the lack of strength and weak physical constitutions. that they be given in full the wages that they earn for their work. and they shall be paid personally each day, or at the end of the week, as they may choose. that the repartimientos be made at a time that does not embarrass or hinder the sowing and harvesting of land products, or the other occasions and periods upon which the indians have to attend to the profit and management of their property; for our intention is that they be not deprived of it, and that they may be able to attend to everything. therefore, we order the governor that, at the beginning of the year, he shall take note of the building and other matters of our service in which the indians have to be employed; for if the time is chosen, it may be arranged in such a way that the indians may receive no considerable injury to their property or persons. that, granting the poor arrangement and plan of the caracoas, and that when remanded to them many indians generally perish, because of sailing without a deck, and exposed to the inclemencies of storms, we order that these craft be improved and built in such a manner that the indians may manage the oars without risk of health and life. in all the above, and in all that may touch their preservation and increase, we order the governor to proceed with the care and vigilance that we expect, and that he punish signally and rigorously the ill-treatment received by the indians from their caciques or from the spaniards--especially should the latter be our officials, upon whom the penalties must be more rigorously executed. we request and charge both the secular prelates and the provincials of the orders to exercise the same attention in the punishment of offenses of this nature, committed by the ministers of instruction and other ecclesiastical persons. and we order that any omission of the governors, justices, and officials entrusted, in whole or in part, with the observance and fulfilment of this law be made a matter of their residencia. [law passed in the reign of felipe iii, and dated aranjuez, may 26, 1609.] documents of 1610 petition of the recollects. dionisio de la anunciacion, and others; june 30. dominicans request suppression of the audiencia. baltasar fort, o.p., and others; june 30. relation of 1609-10. gregorío lopez, s.j.; july 1. letter to felipe iii. juan de silva; september 5. letter to silva. felipe iii; december 7. _sources_: all these documents save one are obtained from the original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the third is found in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), i, pp. 273-340. _translations_: the first three documents are translated by james a. robertson; the fourth and fifth, by robert w. haight. petition of the recollects sacred royal catholic majesty: in conformity with certain requirements of the visitor of the augustinian order in these islands, we, the recollect religious of the same order, have all rendered obedience to the father in their rule of life in this country. we are obeying very exactly the orders that you, sire, have given, although we have received signal annoyance thereby, as we think they will prove in every way a great hindrance to our mode of life and its tranquillity. especially do we believe--and it is beyond doubt true--that if we are forced to continue the same obedience, it will mean not only a cessation of the forward movement of this special work, but the extinction of us all therein; for we have in no way been guilty of any fault whereby we have merited such a penalty, as this action, under this form, must be considered. this will be shown by the evidence, for some of us religious, who came to these so remote regions from that country [spain] by order of your highness, have died; and although others have taken the habit, this is not a country where the orders can be preserved by that method alone, without the reenforcement of those who can come from those kingdoms to help in this work. if we are kept subject to the rule, we shall lose this refuge, and we are on the direct road to ruin without attaining that fruit through special desire of which we felt ourselves forced to leave our native land and the association of our brother religious in our so prompt response to the order of your highness. since our mode of living has been, and is, regulated by the care that we owe to our obligations, and is an example and to the edification of the town--and this it public and well-known--to say nothing of our established rules and rigor; since this city and kingdom hold us in pious and especial affection; and since, in the service of your highness we are laboring for the conversion and administration of a mission-field in a toilsome post, and one without any temporal consolation, and through not having the proper number of religious for another mission (namely, three) we left the latter, as well as many others to which attention should be given, and which have been offered to us and are offered daily, but which we have not accepted for the above reasons: we believe that we can supplicate your highness with proper confidence--as we do supplicate you--in the submissive spirit of faithful vassals and the humility of poor religious, to be pleased to favor this so pious cause, and one so to the service of our lord. we ask, sire, that you will cause some recollect religious to be sent from those kingdoms, so that with an increased number we may also increase in courage; for all must result in an increase of the service of the two majesties. we do not intend by this, in fundamentals to withdraw ourselves from the obedience that we have been ordered to give to the rule, but only to preserve our established laws, and to attend with greater leisure and assiduity to our obligations. the clemency of your highness will be very necessary to encourage this work, as has been done hitherto in everything offered us. hence we again supplicate it with the urgency demanded by the importance of the matter. when we came to these regions, your highness was pleased to grant us the alms of wine and oil for the space of six years, as you did to the other orders. inasmuch as--although, in accordance with your orders, the alms have been granted us hitherto--the limit assigned by your highness will soon expire, we humbly beseech your highness to be pleased to have the said alms provided, as to the other religious orders, and also the support for the religious of this convent, as may seem best to your highness. we also beseech your highness to have medicines given us for our sick, as to the other convents. will your highness grant us this with your accustomed piety; since we are as poor as the other convents, and are occupied in the same ministry. don juan de silva, your governor, in your highness's name granted us a site, where we have a church and convent, with the proviso that we secure your highness's confirmation thereto within forty years. we beseech you with all due humility to be pleased to grant us the said confirmation. for that and for all the other matters contained in this letter, our father master, fray pedro solier, [17] provincial, who has been living under our rules in these islands, is delegated with our authority. in case of his death, we delegate our authority to the prior or procurator of the recollect convent in your capital. we shall receive most singular favor in whatever action your highness takes in despatching our affairs with your most powerful hand. may god's favor be ever with your highness, and may he preserve and prosper you for his greater service, and for the increase of our holy catholic faith, as we, the humble chaplains in this your majesty's convent of sant nicolas of the recollects, desire. manila, june the last, 1610. _fray dionisio de la anunciacion_, prior. _fray andres del spiritu santo_ _fray francisco de la madre de dios_ _frai pedro de san joseph_ [_endorsed_: "ascertain what the governor must have written in regard to the site given them. when fray pedro de solier comes, everything will be examined."] dominicans request suppression of the audiencia _certain religious of the order of st. dominic declare that his majesty's decrees are not observed, and relate the evil behavior of the fiscal of that audiencia. they send a memorandum of their arguments for the suppression of the audiencia in those islands._ sire: the order of st. dominic has been in these districts and islands upwards of twenty-four years, and one of those who write this letter is one of the first who came to these districts to establish the order. here, by the grace of god, great service has been rendered to god and to your majesty in the conversion of the provinces which have been entrusted to us--namely, the province of pangasinan, and that of cagayan, and this. the conversion has ceased to progress for want of ministers, and now is not being continued for the natives. in all the above period of time, we have seen many things, and write as eyewitnesses. our first statement is that if this country were governed according to the orders and decrees despatched by your majesty for that purpose, it would be the most prosperous of all your majesty's kingdoms, for your majesty's orders in regard to this country seem truly to have had at the time of their ordering the special help of the holy spirit. but the deplorable thing is that your majesty's orders and decrees are not observed; and worse, some say that your decrees do not bind the conscience. this is very grievous, and brings in its train great difficulties. the pity is, that those who should be the agents and defenders of your decrees are the first to violate them. all that is done is contrary to your majesty's orders and commands. as this state of affairs should be punished severely for the correction of other offenders, and there is no one to attend to that punishment, the lord, who is supreme judge, advocates the cause thus, and punishes them, avenging by his hand the little respect given to your majesty's just orders. this is seen in the great number of shipwrecks, one after another. although there are no prophets in this land, yet all prognosticate beforehand what will surely happen, since the vessels sail with so heavy a cargo of injustices; and accordingly they say that the voyages will not end well, as we see by the outcome. but the pity is that, as the punishment is public, and in the ships, it is necessary that the just should pay for the sinners. of the truth of all the above, your majesty would rest assured if you were to visit this country. this is daily going from bad to worse, because until now, if those debarred therefrom were trading and engaging in commerce, they did so with some show of shame, and under some cover; but last year your majesty's fiscal came here, and all shame has been lost. for he has publicly traded and engaged in commerce, and has gone to cavite to lade his exports. this has scandalized the entire community. although the fiscal has been advised and corrected in a fraternal spirit, he has not turned over a new leaf. one of our number having told him that he had committed a heavy sin against the oath that he had given to your majesty, he says that he knows his own business, and what he can do. and, as your majesty is far away, they have no fear. a memorandum concerning your majesty's audiencia in this country, accompanies this letter. therein are set forth the reasons why it is advisable for your majesty to order it to be suppressed, and they explain how it would be to the service of god and of your majesty, and to the advantage of your royal treasury were there no audiencia. for the audiencia serves but to take the profits of the country, in violation of your majesty's orders in your royal decrees. for if there is any matter of gain it is given to the relatives or followers of the auditors, and in matters touching trade and commerce, these are they who export most of the cargo. this is manifestly unjust, as it would be in castilla, if any corregidor should unlawfully reap the benefits of the whole returns of vineyards which were not his. in this country there are no other vineyards or fields than the cargo which your majesty has conceded to the inhabitants. as for the advantage that could accrue from this audiencia to this country, that was, to act as a check on the governor. this consideration has now no longer any force, on account of the decrees brought by the governor, in which the auditors are ordered not to oppose him, but only to give information to your majesty. this can be done by many in this community who are free from covetousness (as are the archbishop and the religious orders), if they were permitted to attend to this and to oppose the acts of the governor. the auditors are pledged to the said governor, because he has given the posts and advantageous positions to the relatives of the auditors; therefore the latter do not dare to talk, as experience has shown us in the past. if your majesty reestablished the audiencia--and we, your majesty's vassals, requested it--it was with hopes of the aforesaid. and since that result is lacking, it is very much to the service of god and of your majesty, and advantageous to your royal treasury, that there be no audiencia. for any lawyer can conclude the cases here, as licentiate rojas and doctor morga did when there was no audiencia here. we trust, through our lord's mercy, that your majesty will consider this so just proposal, and give it inspiration, so that it will be settled in a manner suitable to the service of god and that of your majesty, and the welfare of all these your vassals who live so far from your majesty, and who are most loyal, as you have been made to see in the past. archbishop don diego vazquez de mercado reached this city this month of june, and was received with universal rejoicing and happiness; for he is well-known, and the people know his earnest zeal, and that it is expended for the service of your majesty and that of god, and the increase of our holy faith. we trust that life will be given him to reestablish all this country that has remained without a shepherd for so long. the pity is, that he has not the means with which to assist the poor, as their father which he is, and all are grieving over this. will your majesty encourage him to continue with holy zeal in the future and not to become faint-hearted on account of poverty; and surely it is poverty to be an archbishop in this land. the royal officials, whose duty it is, by right, to inform your majesty of everything here, will inform you and attend to that. they are honorable men and fulfil their obligations, as we see. especially does the factor juan saenz de hegoen attend in a very christian and faithful manner, and very assiduously and carefully, to what is in his charge. he shows his zeal for the service of your majesty and for the increase of your royal treasury. he is deserving of favor from your majesty. inasmuch as others will inform you of this, we shall not enlarge more on it, but beg from the lord the life that we all wish for your majesty, even if it be taken from ours, for the welfare of his church, the glory of the lord, and the increase of the estates of your majesty. manila, june the last, 1610. _fray baltasar fort_, [18] prior provincial. _fray francisco miñayo_, [19] prior of st. dominic, manila. _fray bernardo de santo catalina_, commissary of the holy office. _memorandum, in order that his majesty may see why it is not advisable to have an audiencia in the city of manila._ many great disadvantages result from having an audiencia in the philipinas islands. only those that appear to be the worst are mentioned. 1st. as to the first, it has been seen by experience that, since the arrival of the royal audiencia, many more suits occur than before. the jails are full of prisoners; that of manila contains usually more than one hundred prisoners. some of them are there for a considerable time, even for many years, because the auditors do not attend to their duty. a sangley infidel of those imprisoned during the war was seven full years in prison. after that, for want of galley criminals, he was placed in the galleys, while his case was being investigated. he was one of those who afterward mutinied in the galley, and killed the captain, after which he and his companions went to china. there is at present an indian woman of la panpanga imprisoned in the manila prison. she was incarcerated there when a girl, for she was said to have been accomplice in a murder. she has grown up in the prison, and is now a woman in years; and her case is still to be investigated. in conclusion, it is an open fact that those imprisoned at the order of the governor or alcaldes are generally let out of prison quickly, and their affairs are soon concluded. but those imprisoned by the royal audiencia either have no hope of leaving, or else they leave the prison only after a long period. 2d. _item_: that the said royal audiencia not only is useless in these islands, but a signal harm to, and destroyer of the peace and quiet of the natives of the islands, because of the indians' method of procedure and their characteristics. these are quite different from the characteristics of the spaniards, for when the indians have quarrels and disputes, they do not come to knife-thrusts or blows, but present false testimony. for this the royal audiencia's method of procedure is very suitable. when an indian is accused by a false witness whom they present, the audiencia immediately have the accused man arrested and thrust into prison, which is the end desired by his opponent in order to avenge himself; for he knows quite well that the prisoner has entered the prison not for a few days or months. if the accuser wishes to proceed with his investigation, he presents more witnesses and proves whatever he desires. he can find witnesses for anything, as the indian's nature is as facile in swearing falsehood as truth. cases like this are actually seen daily. in grave matters the innocent and guiltless are punished and condemned to the galleys, while the guilty and deceivers are left free and unpunished. the ministers of the gospel, who know the truth of the matter, and how things are tending, seeing that those punished blaspheme the name of god--saying that those who condemn them are christians and men placed there in the stead of the king to administer justice, but who administer injustice--the religious, then, incited by their zeal for the honor of god, inform the judges. that the truth may be known, they go to give information of what they know. the judges answer that they have to judge _juxta allegata et probata_, without proceeding to inquire of the nature of the witnesses. consequently instead of administering justice they administer injustice. they condemn the innocent, and allow the criminals to go free. false testimonies continue to increase. false witnesses have no fear of justice. finally, the indians declare that they punished like crimes better when they were infidels, while the sangley infidels assert that their law is better, for justice proceeds rigorously to punish false witnesses, which is not done by the royal audiencia. 3d. _item_: the said royal audiencia is the cause of the perversion of distributive justice. dignities and offices are given to the unworthy and undeserving, thus causing those who have served his majesty to complain. [20] for the appointive offices and offices of dignity, both of war and of the districts of alcaldes-mayor, are given to the brothers, sons, or relatives of the said auditors. these are men without experience or merit. as a manifest and evident proof of this, it is not necessary to refer to the events of past years, but only to what is now current in this city of manila. there are five companies of foot-soldiers. don pedro de almaçan, son of auditor almaçan, a youth of tender years, and inexperienced in military affairs, is captain of one company. don juan de la vega, son of auditor vega, likewise a person of tender years, has another company. captain madrid, brother of auditor madrid--who has been in this country but one year, and before coming here was only a common soldier--has a third company. i do not mention many others--alferezes and sergeants who are immature boys--at whom all laugh, and who would better be in school than occupying such offices. they are the ridicule and plaything of the soldiers; for the latter see in them no other valor or sufficiency than to be relatives of the auditors or fiscal. the same is true of other honorable and advantageous posts. mateo de heredia is alcalde-mayor of la pampanga. he is the son-in-law of licentiate almacan, and that office is the best appointment in this country. to be chief guard of the parián of the sangleys is a position that needs especially qualified persons, and those who have served his majesty for many years. for six or seven years it has been held by diego sanchez, a common person, who is married to a mestizo woman of nueva españa. he has no greater merit therein than to be the brother-in-law of auditor alcaraz. the same is true of other provisions. 4th. _item_: that if any person connected with any of the auditors commits a crime or crimes, such a one is not brought to justice for it, however grave and enormous his crime. this very year a very grave case has happened in this city, in the person of a son of auditor vega, who committed adultery with a woman married to an inhabitant of this city, an honorable man, and of a good family. the woman betook herself to a convent; and the adulterer fled. the aggrieved man begged justice of the governor and the audiencia. the said auditor vega not only did not do his duty as judge, but defended his son with unfurled banners, to his own great infamy and censure as a person whom his majesty maintains, to administer justice. the preachers have denounced him in the pulpits, demanding that justice be done. the people are exceedingly scandalized at so grave a matter remaining unpunished, only because the criminal is the son of an auditor. not only do they not punish him, but the said adulterer was even made captain of infantry in the war with the dutch, to the great offense of all. that appeared so unjust that a grave religious, who was going to the said war, said that he feared the wrath of god, and that the enemy would be victorious, because of so mischievous a man going on our side, who had offended god so deeply. yet he was not punished, for the sole reason of being the son of an auditor, and because his father defended him so earnestly. 5th. _item_: that the said auditors in this country can rather be called honorable traders and merchants than ministers of justice, since they trade and engage in commerce quite openly. under their protection their sons, relatives, and connections trade very extensively. this is a cause of very great injury to the poor, and to the inhabitants of this city; and they are defrauded in the division of the cargo, for the auditors' freight is better looked after. hence it follows that the auditors possess very large estates. they build elegant houses, at a cost of twelve or fourteen thousand pesos. they generally keep embroiderers at work in their houses publicly, just as any merchant keeps them. 6th. lastly, after the arrival of the governor last year with the decrees that he brought from his majesty, if the royal audiencia was before a harm or of little use, it is now useless; because then its possible service was to oppose the said governor and to undo any injury or violence committed by the governor, but now that is prohibited by the said decrees of his majesty. in them his majesty orders the royal audiencia not to contradict their president and captain-general in whatever the latter wishes to do, but to advise him of the governor's actions, without opposing the latter, in order to avoid scandals. in order to give information of the governor's want of prudence, no audiencia is needed, for there are enough people here to advise you. during former years this city petitioned his majesty that he would be pleased to order the establishment of an audiencia, because it was believed that it would be a check on the governor's actions, which were not so well considered. now this ceases with the said precautions brought by the governor, in which his majesty orders that the auditors shall not oppose the governor, but that they only advise his majesty of everything. as to the said audiencia, their hands have not been tied by these new precautions, nor do the auditors pay any attention to them, for they have so ingratiated themselves with the governor, because he has advantaged them and their relatives and followers, and his majesty is so far away. relation of 1609-1610 _extract from the relation of events in the filipinas during the years 1609 and 1610, by father gregorio lopez_ [21] this country heard last year, by way of joló and mindanao, that the dutch were going to come in the year 1609, to harass it with a strong force. consequently governor juan de silva entered upon his government with the intention of fortifying the port of cavite, where our ships anchor, distant about three leguas from the city. for as cavite was unprotected, not having even a cavalier or rampart mounting a couple of pieces with which to head off the dutch ships, which might attempt to anchor in its harbor, the dutchman could enter with all safety to himself, and be quite secure. [if he should do so] it would be a great impediment to all the islands, and a very great nuisance, both for the despatch of the merchandise--which is the vineyards and olive-orchards of these regions--and for the easy preparation of some boats with which to drive the dutch out of these regions. while the people remained in this dread, the news was confirmed by another message, that came on november 3 from the town of arevalo, eighty leguas from manila. by this news it was learned that three dutch ships and one patache were near that island of oton, [22] where they had seized some boats full of provisions, that were intended for the relief of maluco; and that they were making for the port of yloilo. a large amount of provisions was gathered in that place; and although the dutch did not attack it, all was lost. for our spaniards, in order not to let it fall into the hands of the enemy, broke the jars of wine, and set fire to the rice. as soon as the governor received this news, he sent the sargento-mayor of troops here, cristobal de azcueta menchaca (master-of-camp elect of terrenate), to oton, in order that he might attend to what seemed necessary for the defense of that region, with the men under his command and those who were there. among the boats accompanying him was a champan, a chinese craft; it contained a considerable number of soldiers. they encountered the dutch vessels, which were approaching this city. in the endeavor to defend themselves, if the enemy, who had perceived them, should try to attack them the spaniards began to take the cargo of the champan ashore by means of lanchas, and with it to fortify themselves for their protection in a sort of bastion. among the other things, they took some barrels of powder ashore; while in others, which were left aboard, fire was carelessly set, with very great injury to those who were near it. many were burned, but at the time only two or three died there. the rest threw themselves into the water and gained the shore. one man only was left in the champan which was burning; for he had been jammed among the beams. although he cried out loudly for aid, he could not be helped, and was accordingly burned to ashes. those who escaped alive began to march overland toward this city, some leguas distant from the place where the misfortune occurred. on the way, some persons died, and the others arrived in such condition that all who saw them bemoaned their sad lot. scarce did they seem men, but swollen cinders, full of maggots. some even had maggots in the very palms of their hands. they were treated with much care in the hospital here. most of them recovered; but six or seven of them died in the hospital. the dutch did not try to harm them, which was a great mercy of god, because of the facts above stated. on the contrary, the dutch continued their route until they reached the mouth of this bay, in sight of manila. the governor was not careless at this time, especially in the fortification of cavite. he sent thither the regular infantry of this camp, with 10,000 musket-balls, 30,000 arquebus-balls, 6,000 brazas of musket-fuses, 14,000 brazas of arquebus-fuses, and 40 barrels of powder. he also sent engineers and workmen with material for building a fort, wherein to mount artillery. to make the work move faster, he went thither himself to take part in it. from cavite he sent a summons to some inhabitants, so that the spaniards in cavite numbered more than six hundred. in this city, the citizens stood guard, and endured many hardships in it. all lived with great vigilance, born of a fear of the sangleys--of whom rumors were circulating that they were restless and intended to revolt, because they imagined that the spaniards, through lack of confidence in them, were about to kill them. but the king's fiscal, as their protector, went to their parían; and, calling a large meeting, talked to them with manifestations of great affection. he promised them all kind treatment, in his majesty's name. accordingly, laying aside all their fear, the sangleys became quiet. assuredly, had they revolted at this time, they would have placed the country in great straits, for there is a considerable number of them. besides, the dutch were near by with their well-equipped and strong vessels; and the spaniards are few. for the greater security and some relief of the citizens, several companies of pampangos were summoned. among all these islanders they have proved themselves most loyal to the spaniards, and most fit for soldiers. in cavite the care and diligence expended in fortifying it, were of great importance; for the dutch commander, one francisco witer, [23] although he had once before been in these islands as secretary to oliverio del nort--the commander of the two vessels that anchored near the city in the year 1600, and had returned defeated and disabled [_con las manos en la cabeza_; literally, "with his hands to his head"]--yet he was determined to come to try his luck a second time. he was incited to this by certain traitors to his majesty. these having gone over to his side in maluco, to the disservice of god and the king, recounted to him all the affairs of the filipinas. they represented to him the little resistance that he would encounter from large vessels; the weakness of the port of cavite, which he could easily overpower, and burn whatever it contained; and the immense wealth that he could seize, of silk, silver, and other merchandise, which come to manila from mejico, macao, china, and japon. especially did one francisco aguirre inform him of the above, in detail. he brought this man with him, promising him one thousand pesos to induce him to accompany the dutch, and to guide him faithfully on this expedition that he was undertaking. accordingly, as was reported, the dutch commander set sail in the afternoon of st. martin's day, november 11, three or four days after he had been seen from this city. with two ships and his patache (for his flagship was left in the same location), he approached cavite. however he was forced to retire because of the innumerable cannon fired at him. although these did him no damage, he did none, either, with the artillery that he fired. but he noted how slight were their forces for injuring him, for they had no more than three very small vessels, which could scarcely carry any artillery; one old, dilapidated ship, called "espiritu santo," which was already almost useless and broken-up from its voyages to nueva españa, and was mastless and without rigging; and one galley of twenty benches. therefore not anticipating any trouble with cavite, where he found the resistance that he did not expect, and preferring to effect his purpose bloodlessly, and quite safely to himself, he returned to his post. not long afterward, he had all four of his vessels weigh anchor; and going out of sight of the city, went to anchor at the port called el fraile ["the friar"], at a short distance from his former anchorage. there he began to rob whatever he could, and prevented the ingress of provisions brought from all the islands to this city. alférez aldana was aboard one of the boats that he seized coming from a corregidor's district. he, thinking the dutch to be castilian vessels, went to them with great joy; but his joy was shortly changed into sad captivity, for he was pillaged and imprisoned. shortly after this event, four dutchmen fled from the dutch fleet. their arrival was singularly consoling for full information was obtained from them of the dutch force and object. not more than three slaves deserted from us to the dutch; and, being slaves, they could give but little information regarding our affairs. almost the same thing happened to captain castillo as to alférez aldano; for having come from japon, whither he had gone with a fragata, he was sent, as one experienced in these coasts, to a certain place, to warn the ships from china and japon of the dutch, and that they commanded the sea. one day the [dutch] patache went so far in search of ships that captain castillo could not be persuaded that it was not a friendly vessel; consequently he went to give it information, according to his orders. although he was afterwards undeceived, and tried to escape from the dutch, who pursued him, he was unable to do so. their commander tried to learn from him whether cavite had greater force than he had seen; but he always answered that he knew of nothing else, and excused himself by saying that he had but recently come from japon. on the contrary, he belittled our affairs, in order to assure them the more. he managed to write a letter thence and send it by a sangley, in which he gave an account of the vessels, artillery, and men, thus making the battle easier. a fire broke out in cavite at this juncture, and almost all the spanish houses were burned. the fire nearly caught in the house where the powder was stored, a circumstance that placed the people in the utmost danger. not one was bold enough to try to remedy matters, for they all feared lest they be burned, until the governor personally set to work. then, incited by his example, a considerable number of people began to drag the barrels to the seashore in order to throw them into the sea, if the fire came near it. by this means the powder was preserved, the loss of which would have been felt keenly, besides the damage that would have resulted from its explosion. maluco was also in need of help, and could get it nowhere else except from this country. accordingly the master-of-camp, azcueta, was ordered to enroll some men in oton; and two galleys and several smaller vessels, carrying money and other supplies important for the succor of that stronghold, went from manila. all this, although necessary, meant a decrease of these islands' resources. the two galleys, both of which were new, returned from oton. one had been launched shortly before the arrival of the dutch, and the other not long after. on this return voyage, the flagship was in great danger of being lost, because the crew of rowers attempted to mutiny. this would have been done, had not a japanese revealed the plot which they were conspiring. thereupon the guilty were punished, and suitable precautions taken. the consort was more unfortunate. the chinese and japanese convicts conspired to mutiny; and although those nations are like cats and dogs, they were very much in concord on this occasion. they selected as the most appropriate time for their treason the hour for the siesta, when, as it was daytime, the spaniards slept with less caution. they first aimed at the head, by striking captain cardoso (who was resting soundly and carelessly) with an ax, which made him awake in the other life. the blow was given by a chinaman whom he had favored. after him some fifty convicts, who were freed from prison, began to work destruction among the other spaniards with whatever they could seize, and set out to kill them all--that is, all who were not of the above nationalities. the spaniards were unarmed, all except the sergeant of the company, who had a sword and executed considerable damage with it, killing many. he was accompanied and encouraged by another spaniard who wielded with both hands the ladle belonging to a piece of artillery. finally, the sergeant having impaled a furious sangley, or chinaman, on his sword, the latter was so cramped by the wound that, not having time to withdraw the weapon the sergeant was compelled to leave it sticking in the body, and jump into the water, where he saved himself by swimming. some others availed themselves of the same plan, while some took the galley's small boat. thus some few escaped, to bear the unfortunate news. it caused universal and great sorrow, as happening at a time of such need. many spaniards had been killed. the mutineers killed also the convicts themselves--from whom no harm could be feared--who were not chinese or japanese; and although the poor wretches tried to throw themselves into the sea, when the sudden assault came, their efforts were useless, for they were shackled, and hung by their chains [over the side of the galley]. there, with great cruelty, the mutineers cut off their legs and threw them overboard, where they helplessly perished. it was feared and suspected that the galley would go over to the dutch, but it did not. on the contrary, it fled from them, so that, although the patache pursued the mutineers, it could not overtake them. it is yet unknown where the galley has stopped. such was the unfortunate death of captain cardoso, whose brother, alférez cardoso, had died a few days before, among those burned on the champan, as related above. it seems that they have inherited such disasters, for their father--a portuguese gentleman, and a gallant soldier--after serving his majesty in africa, had to flee to ytalia, because of committing an atrocious crime, which was as follows. another gentleman insulted a relative of this gentleman. the insulted man, either for lack of ability to do more, or because he was a good christian, did not take vengeance for the insult. the father of these cardosos was very angry, and, with the intention of avenging the injury, left his home. first going to his relative's house, he abused the latter with words, and even stabbed him, because he had not taken vengeance. then he went to the house of the insulter, and seizing him, thrust him forcibly into a bread-oven, under which a fire was lighted. gagging the man, he left him there until he was dead. after having fled to ytalia, this gentleman had charge of a castle, in which was stored a quantity of powder. one day fire caught in the powder, and a great portion of the castle was blown up. the castellan cardoso was killed, and buried in the ruins. one of his wife's legs was torn off at the thigh. although these two boys (who were quite small then) received no hurt, they ended their lives in the so disastrous ways that i have related. the governor upon learning of the loss of this galley, had another put on the stocks, which was finished in two months. seeing how leisurely the dutch were remaining in this country, he began to prepare a fleet to attack them. for that purpose great haste was given to finishing a vessel called "san juan baptista," which had been commenced in the island of marinduque. although the enemy heard of this, their information was very confused, for they did not know to what place the ship "espiritu santo"--which was so disabled, as i have depicted above--had retreated. they were commencing to repair that vessel, and it cost even more trouble than if it had been built new. the spaniards also equipped the two small vessels as well as they could. for lack of iron for nails, they removed the gratings of the windows, [24] while manila was laboring under this anxiety, the strength of the enemy was increased by a good ship. that vessel came with food, and thus caused this community much distress. but greater suffering would have been caused had the dutch commander's resolution, made in maluco, been carried out--namely, that a fortnight after his departure this ship and one other should follow him hither; and, besides these, a very large and well-equipped galleon named "the devil from holland" built on purpose to fight with the galleons of eastern yndia. the dutch at maluco considered it inexpedient to send more than the said vessel, and especially so to send the galleon. they considered it very unadvisable to send it among islands where, if it were wrecked, its loss would be great and irreparable. it was all the miraculous disposition of heaven, as will be seen later. with this new accession, the dutch commander determined to come again in sight of manila. accordingly he entered the bay on january 19, and without doing more than to gather new information concerning our scarcity of vessels, he remained there until the twenty-seventh of the said month. then he again left the bay, and commenced to capture the chinese vessels that were already coming with the accustomed merchandise and food. the dutch seized from the chinese their hams and capons, and the choice wine. [25] and even before the eyes of the chinese themselves, they gave themselves up to the wine to such an extent, that the chinese observed it, and made jests at, and ridiculed them, talking of them and comparing them to the most degraded indians who were wont to become intoxicated. the dutch usually threw all other articles of food into the sea, saying that the spaniards had no need of them. they seized so many fowls that even the lowest common seaman was given rations of them. and because of the number of fowls they established a poultry-yard on an islet, where they kept two or three thousand capons. they chose what silk was most to their liking. in the matter of pay there was variety, for the sailors and almost all the soldiers paid immediately for what they bought; but the commander and a few others gave the chinese promises to pay when they should capture the king's ship from japon which they had been awaiting some days, and which was bringing a great amount of wealth. certain of these vessels from china escaped; and one, while fleeing, was wrecked, and lost nearly all its cargo. some sangleys, fleeing overland from the dutch, fell into the hands of zambal indians, expert archers and bowmen. the latter killed many of them, to our great sorrow, although, as the said indians were his majesty's vassals, this proceeding was checked as soon as possible. the zambals also killed six dutchmen, who had landed to get water; and brought their heads, with, great rejoicing, to show to the governor. because of the misfortunes recounted daily by the chinese who came in plundered, and because of the fear lest the ship from japon, that from macao, that from castilla, and some of the largest sangley merchantmen which bring goods for the spaniards from china, should fall into the enemy's hands, great efforts were made in preparing the supplies necessary for the war. the well-inclined sangleys offered themselves for any toil, because of their rage against the dutch. public prayers were said throughout the islands, beseeching and importuning god for a successful outcome. the governor built a new foundry, where he cast seven large and reenforced cannon, which were of very great importance. a considerable quantity of powder was refined which was almost lost. a great number of balls were cast. in short, the greatest care was exercised in everything and great haste displayed; and they were able, as a consequence, to launch the finished and equipped vessel "san juan baptista" in the bay on march 22. that gave extraordinary consolation to the entire city. it mounted several pieces, and carried some picked soldiers, who had been assigned for its defense in case the enemy tried to burn it on the stocks, or to come to meet it in order to seize it. but the enemy attached so little importance to this vessel, and to the forces of this land, that they acted with as great security as if anchored in holanda. they reproached the indians that they captured for their subjection to a people who did not dare to attack them [_i.e._, the dutch], and who had no forces for that purpose. freeing those indians, the dutch told them to sow a quantity of rice, and to rear many fowls and swine, for they said that the following year they intended to come with a greater force to make themselves absolute masters of these islands, and it was necessary that they have plenty of food prepared. the preparation of the fleet in cavite was finished, so that it was ready to sail by april 21. in the midst of the greatest efforts that were being made to furnish its rigging, news was received that the dutch had returned laden with wealth. this filled the whole city with sadness, on seeing that the dutch were continuing their ravages without any chastisement or punishment. but soon it was learned for certain that it was not so, whereupon the spaniards were very joyous and happy. such was the courage and spirit of our spaniards, that they burned with desire to begin the fray. finding that it could not be done so quickly, they manifested their anger, and raged like caged and angry lions or tigers which cannot avenge an insult. a day or so before our fleet sailed, a japanese ship arrived at cavite. the disastrous loss of the ship "san francisco," the flagship of three vessels that sailed hence for nueva españa, was learned from that vessel. this was the most unfortunate thing that had yet happened; for by that blow this country was almost ruined, and the death of one man was hastened, a few days after, by his sorrow. many spaniards of those who escaped the wreck were aboard the said japanese boat, and one augustinian religious. the latter was seized by the dutch, together with some of the wrecked spaniards; but the dutch did not harm the japanese, in order to establish friendly intercourse with them. under shelter of the latter, others of the spaniards were saved, and a considerable quantity of goods, although the dutch stole some anchors and cables of the king's that were aboard the vessel, and some two hundred sacks of flour from private persons, but nothing else. at last, after diligent search for castilian or portuguese silver, the dutch allowed the vessel to continue its voyage, because of a present of three hundred pesos, given them by the japanese. in the beginning of april an edict was issued for the men of the fleet to make ready. as many as one thousand sailors and soldiers were enlisted, and many indians for service and as common seamen. besides these men, the governor intended to take two hundred other soldiers of great courage and valor; on those soldiers he placed great reliance. these are about two hundred martyrs, whose relics repose in the [church of the] society of jesus in a side chapel. the governor had the reliquary newly fitted up, with great care; and placed himself with courage under the care and protection of those martyrs, considering the victory as his, with such volunteers. the fleet left cavite on wednesday, april 21, between ten and eleven, in search of the enemy, who were at playahonda, twenty leguas from manila. the governor embarked in person in the fleet, as its commander. his presence inspired the soldiers not a little, and incited many volunteers to accompany him. on this and other accounts, which are deeply felt, they regarded his going as very important, and almost absolutely necessary. his lieutenant was juan juarez gallinato, who has come this year as master of this camp. his admiral was don fernando de silva, a courageous and spirited youth, nephew of the governor. as the admiral's lieutenant and captain of the almiranta went the sargento-mayor of maluco, pedro de heredia, who last year overcame the galliot in which the dutch commander, pablo blancard, [26] was sailing, with seventy of his men. the captains of the small vessels were: of the "san yldefonso" (the largest), juan tello de aguirre, regidor of this city; of the "san pedro," captain guillestigui--both of these men biscayans; of the "san pedro y san pablo," juan pardos [27] de losada, a galician gentleman; of the "santiago," moreno donoso. of the two galleys, captain romanico was lieutenant; and captain juan rodriguez commanded the consort. the artillery was as follows. the flagship "san juan bautista" mounted twenty-six pieces: four of the new guns, which were eighteen-pounders; and twenty-two good guns, from four to twelve pounders. the ship "espiritu santo," the almiranta, twenty-two pieces: three of them of the said new guns; seventeen, from three to fourteen pounders; and two swivel-guns. the other four vessels carried four, five, or six medium-sized guns; the galleys, what they generally carry. besides these vessels there were also two galliots and other small boats laden with provisions, and sheltered by the fleet, and ready to render assistance should occasion arise. by day, and even by night, there was continual prayer and entreaty in the city, in one place and another, for the successful outcome of the affair. there was also a very solemn procession on friday morning, in which our lady of guidance [_nuestra señora de guia_] was carried to the cathedral church from her chapel, which is about one-eighth of a legua distant. the fleet anchored outside the bay. although they intended to sail at dawn on friday to give the enemy a rude awakening, [28] they were unable to do so; for on weighing anchor, at midnight, they were delayed a long time, and happened to lose four anchors--one from the almiranta, and three from the small vessels. this did not fail to cause uneasiness; but at last the spaniards were able to sight the enemy on saturday, between six and seven o'clock in the morning. the enemy's flagship was riding with two anchors, and the other two vessels were somewhat farther out to sea. at this juncture, our fleet began to prepare for the battle. orders were given for the crew to make their confessions to the religious aboard the vessels. there were sixteen of these from the religious orders which are in manila--two fathers of st. dominic, seven of st. francis, three of st. augustine, and four of the society of jesus. in addition there was another religious, a trinitarian, [29] who accompanied the governor, and a secular priest. the soldiers proved very valiant and devoted on this occasion. they uttered many expressions of joy at finding themselves near the enemy. it seemed as if they were about to attend weddings and balls with great pleasure and delight, rather than to fight with vessels so powerful and well-equipped with artillery. their greatest anxiety was lest the enemy should run away when he saw our fleet; but there was nothing to fear, for they were encouraged doubly to fight for the honor of god and the fame of the spanish nation. both of these, in a certain manner, depended on this battle in districts so remote: the honor of god, because the chinese were looking on and saying, "now we shall see who is more powerful, the god of the castilians, or the god of the dutch;" and besides this, as the dutch were about to take a great part of the silk that they were intercepting, to japon, where they already had a trading-post, their trade would be established firmly in that land, and that new field of christendom would be in danger of heresy (which spreads like a cancer), in addition to the daily calamities to which it is subject under pagan lords. the honor of the spanish nation was also concerned, because the temper of many of these peoples is, "long live the conqueror!" and they do not dare to stir because of their idea of the spaniards. if these nations should become insolent on seeing the spaniards overwhelmed and conquered, their pacification would cost more blood than the first conquest cost, as has been experienced in mindanao. encouraged then, in this manner, the vessels approached. the dutch, without any faint-heartedness, raised one anchor, and placed the other apeak, in order to go to meet our fleet. they made fun of our fleet, and encouraged their soldiers to fight by telling them that the spaniards were coming to scare them with egg-shells--alluding to the small size and slight force of the vessels that they had seen. they bore down upon our flagship. at this juncture, they did not omit to report a singular providence of heaven, namely, that our two vessels, the flagship and the almiranta, had some good pieces mounted low down, whose ports had to be shut, whenever the sea was choppy, as was experienced on one occasion of that sort. on that account the enemy had a great advantage, for all their guns were mounted high up. accordingly it was our lord's pleasure that there was only enough wind to sail by, and the sea was almost like milk [_i.e._, calm and smooth]. finally the vessels closed; and each fired heavy discharges of artillery and musketry. our pieces--which, as i said, were mounted low--made the enemy's hull [30] tremble with the damage received from them. they killed men below decks, where they were sheltered under their rigging, so that scarcely a man appeared. our men, who were above deck without a single shelter, also were injured by their artillery and swivel-guns. however they did not lose any of their spirit. they grappled the dutch vessel, and stayed there fighting more than three hours; and amid balls, pikes, and broad-swords, they boarded the hostile vessel, with such courage and valor, that the dutch themselves were amazed to see them placing themselves in so manifest danger without shelter. there was one who, when his companions tried to make him retire by force, because he had received a ball in his body, and a nail from a swivel-gun in his throat, tore himself from those who were carrying him, and returned to the fight, with the fury with which a wounded boar turns to avenge itself. our men continued to decimate the enemy so thoroughly that they had scarcely five men on deck alive or unwounded. the commander was one of the first to be killed. the enemy, seeing themselves without any power to resist, tried to burn the ship. and they would have done it, to the evident loss of our men, but that was prevented by the master of the vessel, who, as he declared later, had always been a catholic. he advised the dutch not to do such a thing, for, although they had already lost their substance, they should not lose their souls. at this advice they surrendered with fair conditions. of the spanish captives [aboard the enemy's ship], only the augustinian religious fray pedro montejo [31] was killed, by a ball from our vessel. the others were safe and sound. francisco aguirre lost a leg in the battle, and being condemned to be shot as a traitor one day after the victory, he died that same night. the same that i have related of our flagship occurred in our almiranta. it grappled with another good vessel, and defeated it after having fought with it with the same valor. the infantry captains, don pedro de almazan and don juan de la vega, [32] distinguished themselves greatly in the battle, showing great courage and valor, although they were very young. the others can also be praised with good reason, for they proved themselves valiant captains. such were soriano, rosa, don antonio de leos, and captain madrid. the third [dutch] vessel was defeated by the two vessels "san yldefonso" and "san pedro." however so complete a victory was not obtained as with the others; for when it caught fire, they could not extinguish the flames. two excellent bronze pieces were melted by the fire; and when the flames reached the powder, it blew up the men and other things and set fire to the neighboring forests, where the fire lasted for six days. however, they were able to take the artillery. ten chinese vessels witnessed the battle. that was of no little importance, because of the opinion that they formed of the spaniards, and the fear of our men that struck them, besides that which they have always had. three of those vessels had already been plundered, and the other seven expected the same thing. but seeing themselves free, they went to the governor to thank him for his kindness in freeing them. having received permission, they proceeded to manila immediately, where they made great feasts for the governor after their arrival. the fourth dutch vessel was outside and quite near a japanese vessel that it had captured, whose captain and pilot were inside the dutch vessel. these having displayed a banner on which was written "viva holanda" ["long live holland!"], and a letter of safe-conduct from the dutch factors in japon, the captain of the said vessel answered that the japanese had nothing to fear, and that his commander would give them the best of treatment. but the dutch only wished to see if they had any portuguese or castilians aboard. but on hearing the sound of firing, they became anxious; accordingly, sending the said [japanese] captain and pilot to their ship, and having crowded all sail in their own, they commenced to flee in all haste. others had come in this japanese vessel, spaniards from the ship "san francisco;" and among them was its commander, juan de esguerra. the lord delivered them from this second peril by so signal a victory. the [dutch] patache was also looking for vessels. coming in that night with a chinese prize, it sent its boat ahead to reconnoiter the position. finding different signs from those that it had left, it became suspicious, and accordingly began to flee. the almiranta, the ship of captain juan pardos de losada, and the flagship of the galleys went in pursuit of it, but although they searched the neighboring coasts twice, they did not sight the vessels, or discover what direction they took. the last time when they went to run along the coast, they met a ship; and, as it seemed to be the patache, the galley pursued it with sail and oar, but found it to be a vessel from macao. the bishop of macao, [33] of the order of st. dominic, was coming on business of great importance for the welfare of that community. thinking our vessels to be dutch, they fled at their utmost speed, and threw overboard all their cargo, although it was valuable, in order to make the vessel lighter. news of the victory reached manila at two in the morning. at that hour the bells were loudly chimed and the people uttered many expressions of joy. next day a very solemn procession was made, as a token of thanksgiving. the procession marched from the cathedral to our church, where a sermon was preached. it caused great consolation throughout the city and in all those who were present. after the sermon the governor sent letters to each order, thanking them for the prayers that they had said for his success. the one that came to me read as follows: "we discovered the enemy this morning, and the battle began at seven o'clock. it lasted about four hours, and during that time, our lady and the glorious st. mark showed themselves favorable to us. for we obtained the victory with the surrender of their flagship to ours, and their almiranta to ours. fire was set to the other ship, and it was burned. thus the battle was ended with but slight loss to us, and some wounded. i confess that this victory has been given me by reason of the prayers of your paternity and those reverend fathers, whom i thank for their care in this, and assure them that i shall consider the same in what pertains to my office, by aiding whatever may be of pleasure to your paternity. may our lord preserve you, as i desire. from this vessel "san juan baptista," april 24, 1610. _don juan de silva_." and inasmuch as he makes mention of our lady and st. mark, i must not neglect to report a matter that seems worthy of consideration. at the beginning when the war was discussed, the governor had a dream. in it, he saw a venerable man, who told him that he would obtain a glorious victory on st. mark's day. although it seemed too late to go to attack the enemy, as it was thought that he had already gone with his ships full of plunder--which meant to go with shouts of victory, yet on this account the governor hastened to sail before the day of the holy evangelist, with the intent of punishing the enemy. however, he could not prepare the fleet as was necessary before april 21. making an attempt to attack the dutch on friday, the twenty-third, they could not, for the reason above stated, of losing their anchors. consequently the time went by until the twenty-fourth, for us, saturday, the day of our lady. the governor had had her image put on the royal standard and implored her aid by that verse, _mostrate esse matrem_ [_i.e._, "show thyself to be our mother"]. this day was for those who came from maluco the twenty-fifth of april, or st. mark's day, as it was also for those from japon. it is an extraordinary thing to find this conflict in the days when they unite, namely, those who sail east and those who sail west meet. [34] it appears that those days had, as it were, overlapped, so that the victory might be obtained on our lady's day, for our favor; and on st. mark's day for the ruin of the dutch--the saint warring upon them as on calvinists, since calvinists made spiritual warfare upon his state of venecia. besides, the victory was gained past noon on st. mark's day, when his day strictly begins. in the pocket of the dead commander was found a copy of the order given to his vessels for their departure, which was to be within one week after st. mark's day. as a farewell, he had intended to make a demonstration in manila bay with many streamers, pendants, and bannerets. but may our lord decree that these heretics go to no place where they may prosper better. before the return of the fleet, they sent in the wounded on either side (who were numerous) to this city, where they were tended with great care. a dutch surgeon helped in the treatment of the dutch and spaniards. that surgeon had been aboard the enemy's flagship, and he displayed great skill. the governor went to visit his soldiers upon his arrival, and consoled them for their pains, and praised them as brave and valiant men. the sick men were greatly consoled at that. before entering cavite, the governor assembled the volunteers, and thanked them in his majesty's name for their toil, and for the good that they had achieved. he assured them that he would without fail assist their necessities, since they had also assisted the king's service. to those who had died in their services for all, his lordship instituted certain honors with a mass and sermon in [the church of] st. francis in this city; and he erected for them a rich catafalque, elegantly adorned. this catafalque had three square stories. on each corner was a pyramid. on the last story was a tomb covered with crimson brocade from the spoil, instead of the pall. the rest of the catafalque was filled with tapers, and latin and spanish epitaphs, and with images of mortality [_muertes_], with appropriate inscriptions. the church was all hung with different colored silks, and displayed signs of gladness rather than of weeping, because of the so glorious death of those who perished. on them were conferred the following honors: the pontifical chant; the mass by the bishop of macao, in the presence of the governor, audiencia, the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, and all the orders. after that the spoils were distributed. they were very rich, for the said vessels contained a quantity of silk and silver (not to mention the hulls of the vessels, the ammunition, and more than fifty pieces of artillery), and other things such as wine, oil, etc.--all worth three or four hundred thousand pesos. many of the dutch who were wounded have confessed, and died reconciled to the church. among them was the master who, as i said above, had prevented the fire, in order not to lose his soul. we hope that he gained his soul, for he died from a wound received in the flight from the battle, with signs of great repentance for his sins, and leaving excellent pledges of his salvation. father andres de la camara, of the society of jesus, attended to the dutch. he was a native of gante [_i.e._, ghent], and although he has seldom used his own language [_i.e._, the flemish] for eighteen or twenty years, one would believe that our god's mercy aided him with especial efficacy; for he conversed with the dutch elegantly and fluently of the divine mysteries. such is the outcome of the war. now we shall recount something of other matters concerning what i have thus far told. a ship of chinese merchants went to maluco to trade merchandise with the dutch. the latter gave the captain of the said vessel, called caichuan, a general, fourteen thousand pesos to invest in trust for them. he returned to china, and thinking that it was a good sum, and that there was no one to bring suit against him, he kept the said money, as he never again expected to see the dutch. some of the interested persons were in these dutch vessels, and they did not fail to ask, of every ship that they seized, after that of cachuan, and threatened to punish him severely if they caught him. had he been seized, it would have been a great loss to this city, for, as is affirmed, he brought fifty thousand pesos invested by our citizens. his time to come arrived, and when he least expected it, he found himself near the dutch patache. he started to escape, and the patache to pursue him. cachuan, seeing himself closely pursued, cried out to his men that there was good hope of help, and advised them all to kneel down and ask protection of the god of the castilas [_i.e._, castilians] as they call us--saying that he was sufficiently able to deliver that ship from the dutch, since it contained so much property of those who adored and served him. they prayed, whereupon a fresh wind immediately came, which took them, against their wish, to an unknown islet, where the patache lost sight of them. the chinese did not cease to pray as above for the space of five days, twice each day. at the end of that time, they had a favorable wind, with the aid of which they entered the channel used by the ships of castilla, many leguas from their right and usual path, and at last reached port in safety after the victory. the ship from japon for which the dutch had so ardent a desire ran great risk in its voyage. it arrived [in japon] after a violent gale, almost under water, without rigging and masts. there it learned from the dutch factors that their vessels were about to come to harass these islands. on that account they did not return as quickly as they intended, waiting until they believed that we had already driven the dutch away with our fleet. although, when they had reached the province of pangasinan, we had already obtained the victory, still they had no news of it. accordingly, assured of finding enemies, they went into a safe river after landing their cargo, because of the bar, which was dangerous. then when about to leave the river again, after hearing the good news, they were wrecked, and lost considerable property, besides their boat. the vessel from macao, laden with wealth of amber, musk, pearls, and precious stones, and more than three hundred slaves, would have fallen into the hands of the dutch, who were awaiting it, had not a shoal stopped it, and knocked it to pieces, and caused the death of some hundred persons of the five hundred aboard it. among the drowned were two ecclesiastics who were returning from macao, but recently ordained priests; and captain tijon, who not a few times had escaped from similar shipwrecks. the rest of the people went to an uninhabited island, where the lord had prepared for their support a great number of turtles, and of the birds called boobies [_bobos, i.e._, "stupid"], [35] to which this name is applied because they allow themselves to be caught with the hand. after the wreck of that ship, garci perez de baltasar, appointed sargento-mayor of this camp, embarked in a small boat which they fitted up, with as many people as it could carry, to beg that some one be sent from this city to get the people on the island. after several days' voyage, they were seen and perceived by the dutch, which obliged them to ground their boat on the beach and take to the woods inland. they all escaped overland, and arrived safely at manila; their boat was burned by the dutch. when the expedition against the latter was ended, they sent for the people who had been left on the island; but as yet they have not arrived. in the beginning of january, 1610, a fragata was sent to macao with warning for the said ship to remain there until the dutch were driven from these seas. as commander in it was the pilot, juan bernardo de fuentidueñas, who was sick with the fever. he went on the voyage, and before dawn of thursday, january 28, ran foul of a reef, where no land could be seen in any direction, except a few rocky points at low tide. the fever left the pilot at this sudden catastrophe, and at dawn the spaniards saw on the reefs a large ship, that looked like a chinese vessel, which had been wrecked. they went to this vessel to get its small boats. entering it, they found not a soul, living or dead. but they found considerable silver scattered about. not content with what they found in the vessel, the indians began to dive into the water to see if they could find any more. their efforts were not in vain, for they must have found in that way about eight thousand reals of eight to the peso, although somewhat oxidized by the sea-water. from the top of the little elevation, an islet was discovered, of not more than one legua in circumference. they went thither in successive trips of the small boat, and found three lequian indians, who had been there for months. they were the only survivors of ten who had left their country. on this island, the spaniards refitted, as well as possible, their boat and another one that the lequians had at hand, although it was also small. they divided themselves between the two boats, and taking as much of the money as they could carry, started for macao. a short time after, a very violent vendaval struck and separated the boats. the boat of the pilot fuentidueña, obedient to the waves, was able to escape the danger and reach its destination. nothing is known of the other. it is regarded as certain that it has foundered, and that its occupants have perished. the ship for which they were looking in order to warn it had left macao five days before for manila, where the pilot himself returned many days after. upon his relation of the event, he was sent as pilot of the boat that went to look for the men of the wrecked ship. on the way, perhaps he will look for the reef or the chinese ship again, in order to finish getting what money it has. three ships left here in july of 1609 for nueva españa, and all of them were exposed to dangers and storms. the ship "san andres," which was almiranta, and was the only one to reach nueva españa, encountered so terrific storms that its bow was under water during most of the voyage, and they were in so great danger that the pilot vowed never to embark again--a very rare thing. the ship "santa ana," almost entirely dismantled by the violent winds and heavy seas, reached japon, and its arrival there was through not a little of god's mercy. although it remained thirteen days aground in a port of the kingdom of bungo, [36] still it did not go to pieces. on the contrary it was able to refit, and intends to prosecute its voyage this june of 1610. the ship "san francisco" of the said two ships [that failed to reach nueva españa] encountered a greater storm. from the first it gave the passengers plenty of fear, both because of its dangerous leaks and a poor helm, and because of the disservices to the divine majesty which were committed. to narrate all its fortunes would be long, so i shall content myself by referring to some of them. in this country, leave to return to castilla is granted with difficulty. [37] accordingly, certain persons desirous of returning are wont to go below deck and conceal themselves until the ship is fifteen or sixteen days at sea, at which time they open the hatchway and come out into the light of day. such people are called _llovidos_ [_i.e._, stowaways; literally, "those rained down"], and feed themselves from the stores of the passengers. while they remain hidden, they open jars of food and liquor, which causes not a little annoyance to their owners. after coming out of their place of concealment, they accommodate themselves one day with one mess, and next with another, and thus exist throughout the voyage. one day a passenger of high rank gave a blow to one of these persons. the aggrieved one was so overwhelmed with sadness and grief from what had happened to him, that he appeared inconsolable. one of our fathers, talking to him in order to console him, found him like one demented, and he seemed to rave. finally, when it was least expected in the ship, the poor wretch cast himself into the sea. it was noted with wonder that, although he made no movement with his body or tried to swim--which he could have done, as the weather was fair--he floated above water for half a legua. later, during the last storm, a wave washed off the man who struck him, and he was found drowned on the strand, a most hideous and misshapen mass. during the first gale the ship, at its beginning, because of obeying its helm poorly, was struck head on. the sails pulled with such force on the masts, that, as the captain dared not take them in, they were blown into shreds. the pilots began to throw overboard whatever was above decks, until nothing was left on them. they threw overboard the boat, and the boxes and bales of merchandise on that account the sailors lost their poor possessions, and some of the passengers lost a goodly amount. the ship tossed and rolled frightfully, and dipped below the water on both sides. consequently it shipped so much water that it was generally half an estado deep above decks. the waves were furious and high, and so great that the fore and after cabins shipped water. one wave carried away a considerable portion of the stern gallery, together with four little slave girls who were in it. in this way they passed one night, almost in despair of seeing the morrow. but day came, and they repaired the ship by binding other sails that were carried for that purpose. after this storm the ship was very crank, and even in fair weather its sides were under water, although it had a high freeboard. consequently, it shipped so much water that the waves washed over the decks with great noise and uproar, and entered the berths where the better-class passengers are generally quartered. the rigging had to be repaired piecemeal. consequently, for those reasons, and as the vessel lacked other necessities, some tried to make them put back to manila. however, this was without effect, and they proceeded on their way with some storms; and in the last, which was frightful, the people had no safety, even inside the boat, for the waves tore them from it, and drew men after them. the ship leaked very badly, and consequently it was necessary to work the pumps continually. all, seeing the danger before their face, helped in this; even don rodrigo de bivero, [38] who had just completed his office as president of the audiencia and governor and captain-general, assisted in his turn, as did father pedro de montes and the other religious. finally, at the end of this struggle, they were wrecked on the coast of the kingdom of ouantu, at the head of japon, in almost its extreme east. that coast extends from the kingdom to the district of ximo, where the port of nangasaqui is located. thence many vessels sail to manila annually, which is farther west. [39] almost four hundred persons went ashore--that is, all except some twenty-five or thirty, who were drowned in the course of the voyage. after a time the sea washed ashore some pieces of gorgoran, [40] satin, and velvet. those who had gotten away with less clothing wrapped these about their bodies, while they made sandals from bits of silk, like those of leather worn by shepherds in españa, because of the sharp rocks upon which they were walking barefoot. they found two japanese in some fields, and were greatly comforted thereby; for they imagined that land to be a desert islet without any food, upon which fortune had cast them to die. however, they would have had not a little mercy from god if they had been able to die after confessing at leisure. the japanese guided them to a town near by, where they were given some rice for their support. there most of them were kept carefully guarded for many days. the chief japanese continued to take charge of all the silk that could be saved, but did not give it up until an edict therefor was granted to the spaniards by the king. consequently some of it was given to them; but the japanese rebought it at what prices they wished, paying for it very impure silver. consequently the spaniards were scarce able to get fifty thousand pesos in current castilian money for it; although it is regarded as certain that if all that could have been saved had been delivered to the spaniards, and they had sold it at a just price, they would have received five hundred thousand pesos beyond all doubt. although general juan de esguerra tried to negotiate with the king for the return of some forty boxes which were held by one of the japanese lords, he failed to do so. on the contrary, the counselors advised him to be content with what had been returned, unless he wished to keep nothing. in short they are pagans, who believe in only the law of might, and do not keep faith and friendship more than they think advisable. governor don rodrigo de bivero visited the king in his court at suronga. the king received him and treated him with great honor, and gave him one thousand taels as a concession. each tael is worth ten reals when made into money. the general gave this money to the people to provide for their journey to nangasaqui, whence many have come to this city [_i.e._, manila]. don rodrigo de bivero and father montes continued their voyage in the ship "santa ana," which was in bungo. the japanese came very near attacking it, but they say that they did not do so because such action was not expedient; for they had injured their trade with macao, by attacking the galleon en route from that city to japon with silk, until they had to burn it, with the loss of eight hundred thousand taels; and they would curtail their trade with this country and suffer great lack of silk. i will end this relation with the affairs of, and voyage to, maluco, for whose relief, as i stated above, two galleys made an expedition. the food and men were divided among various caracoas, fragatas, and champans, in oton. after setting sail, they proceeded without disaster as far as sarragan in siao. there one of the boats was wrecked by a fierce gale, although only one spaniard and ten indians of its crew were drowned. the rest escaped without weapons or anything else besides their shirts. those who escaped were given shelter in the other boats. one afternoon while continuing their voyage, they discovered four dutch vessels, in sight of the island of maluco. they put to sea in order to escape them, with the intention of making port that night. in this way some of them reached a place of safety. but one fragata, which carried one of the captains, went toward the enemy, because our men had not reconnoitered the land well. consequently, in the morning, it found itself surrounded by four ships and one patache, and accordingly had to remain with them. those [dutch] ships also seized a large champan which had been left behind, and which carried a cargo of food and goods, belonging both to the king and to private persons. these boats that were captured by the dutch contained all that we were sending to the fathers at maluco--namely, one hundred and two baskets of clean rice, thirty-one jars of wine, meat, and butter, which were very necessary to them, in the condition of affairs there, for father masonio having gone to visit the fort of bachan, with nine slaves who served him as a boat-crew, they were taken by the dutch and their terrenatan allies. in the fight sixteen spanish soldiers were killed, besides some of the natives. of the slaves whom the father was taking with him, three were killed and six were captured by the dutch. after the father confessed the wounded and entered their fort, he escaped and hid for a week in the woods; and, although many persons were paid by the dutch to look for him, they could not find him. in that place the father lost a large supply of food, besides other things. it was being sent to him there from malaca, to whose province pertains the port of maluco. not the least of his losses was to be deprived of his companion, by the death of father gabriel de la cruz, [41] who was called rengifo in españa. the latter was his only associate in that exile. a long illness preceded his death, although during it he continued to work as if he were healthy and alone. he died after a long life of glorious labor in the islands of the moros, so devoid of human consolations, but so full of the consolations of heaven--as our blessed father francisco javier certified, who was the first to sow there the seed of the gospel. his death caused great sorrow, because that field of christendom remained without a shepherd. although they tried to send a companion to father masonio from malaca, over three hundred leguas away, sending by way of these islands father antonio pereira, they were not successful, for the latter died on the voyage, in the manner that i stated at the beginning. [42] but we hope, through our father, that some day those seas will become free from pirates, so that maluco may be supplied from its own province with men and other necessities. word is also received from maluco that the dutch commander, pablo blancard, was ransomed this year. the dutch gave eighty thousand pesos for him last year; and now they have given fifty-two spaniards held captive among them, one hundred natives friendly to us, the fragata and all its cargo, and six thousand pesos in money. i have endeavored to make this relation very faithful for the greater glory of god our lord. may he preserve your paternity [43] for the welfare of all the society. manila, july 1, 1610. _gregorio lopez_ letter from silva to felipe iii sire: in the capitana "san juan bautista," which sailed from this port on the twelfth of july last, i gave your majesty an account of everything that had occurred up to that time; i likewise did so by the dutch almiranta, which left four days later. but as it was not so good a sailing ship as the capitana, and did not weather the storms so well, it was delayed several days, without being able to get outside the island of fortun. i ordered it to return thence to this port, as it appeared that it was not fit for a freight ship, and because it was necessary for the service of your majesty, owing to new developments, which i shall here detail. a fortnight after the ships were despatched, and when the almiranta was about to put out to sea, there arrived here a fragata belonging to your majesty, which came from goa, and had sailed from terrenate for yndia, loaded with cloves. it brought me a despatch from the viceroy, ruy lorenco de tabora, in which he informed me of his arrival in that kingdom, and in what desolation he found the affairs of yndia, and particularly the trade, on account of the dutch. and he said that, in order to make safe the voyage from japon, he sent don diego de vasconçelos de meneses, with eight galleons, well provided with men, artillery, and supplies of war, with orders that if i should advise him that he might accomplish some good for the service of your majesty, he should attend to it with his fleet. likewise general diego de vasconcelos wrote to me from malaca, that he was crossing to macan with six galleys and one urca; [44] and that there he would await advices from me or from maluco, so that, if anything could be accomplished for the service of your majesty, he could be present with his fleet. the day after the arrival of this fragata, there entered this port a dutch patache, which had been taken by captain pedro de avellaneda, with the galley "san christobal," close to the island of tidore, after a fight of three hours; and in it were general pablos brancaorden [_i.e._, van caerden], twenty others, and five dutch. this general is the one who was taken in another galleota by captain pedro de heredia, and who was ransomed by master-of-camp christobal de axqueta for fifty of our soldiers and sailors, thirty indian pioneers and artisans, and six thousand pesos in money. all the forces that the enemy has in maluco and banda were in his command. the said master-of-camp advises me that only a patache and one ship of the enemy's had remained in the islands; and that although he sent a vessel with persons acquainted with the language to ambueno to learn whether a fleet had come, there was no news of one, and the enemy were greatly cast down and discouraged to see that no fleet was coming to them, as there is little hope that it will be here this year, for none thus far has waited longer than may or june to come. when the information was sent [to me] it was the thirtieth of july, and there was no word of a fleet. i have already informed your majesty that the dutch, our enemy, are masters of all the malucas islands and banda, and how important this is. by a memorial and calculation which was found among other papers in the possession of general pablos brancaerden, lately captured, an account is given of the revenue, which amounts yearly to more than four million pesos. nothing has remained for your majesty throughout all these islands, except the fort of terrenate. all the natives are with the dutch, and having chosen as their king the younger son of the one who is a prisoner here, they help the dutch to fight and to fortify the islands, without one of them being on our side. the king of tidore is thus far in our favor, much to the disgust of his vassals, and our fear lest they make an agreement with the enemy--in which case he would be ruined, and there would be no remedy for it. i have also informed your majesty that the emperor of japon has assigned two ports and factories in his kingdom to the dutch, and the latter are making strenuous efforts to secure one in china. if they succeed in this, and trade in silks, gold, quicksilver and other riches from that great kingdom to japon, and europe, it will be worth to them every year more than the spice trade, in which case (may god avert it!) this country and yndia would be ruined. for, as is known, it is impossible to support them without the traffic and merchandise, particularly the spices and silk; and as the dutch heretics are such mortal enemies of the crown of españa, and so rich, we may well fear that, in league with other european princes, envious, and even fearful of the power of your majesty, they may claim rights over some of the territories in your majesty's possession, and attempt something that would give cause for anxiety. all these reasons have induced me to use all care and diligence, without sparing labor or danger, to bring about a junction of forces; and, although they cannot be such as are demanded by this undertaking, at least they will be such as to allow an attempt with the favor of god, toward driving the dutch out of maluco, and taking from them the fortresses that they have built in those islands. accordingly, after having consulted with the audiencia, the archbishop, and the council of war, i ordered the master-of-camp, juan xuarez gallinato, to go to macan and find don diego de vasconcelos; and to represent to him by word of mouth what i had already informed him of by letters, namely, all that i am informing your majesty of, and how good the occasion is this year. may god further our efforts; for if we lose this chance, and await the coming of the fleet, although it might bring with it more strength, it is certain either that the enemy would also have more, and that their forts would be better fortified, whereby the difficulty would be increased--or, as they say, your majesty will by some peace or arrangement concede to them their continuance in what they possess, both there and here. and, in order that don diego may have no difficulty in the voyage here, the master-of-camp was given money to provide that fleet with everything necessary. and if perchance don diego should hesitate in regard to the authority of the command and the government, i have ordered the said master-of-camp to offer him on my behalf whatever he may ask. for i desire so earnestly, with my heart and life, that so great a good may be attained, and so great a service accomplished for your majesty and for christendom, that, in order that it might be effected, i would gladly go and serve as a soldier. i believe indeed that don diego will not stop for this last; but i am providing against anything that can hinder this expedition and the service of your majesty. in this port i have ordered the equipment of the capitana and the almiranta which were taken from the enemy, the ship "spiritu santo," and the "san andres," two pataches, and three galleys; and i am busy providing everything necessary for food, artillery, and supplies. thus when the vessels of don diego de vasconcelos arrive here, which i think will be at the end of november, they may start on the voyage toward terrenate; and it seems to me that they might be there by the beginning of january, so as to have a chance to accomplish as much as possible before the beginning of may, when the arrival of the enemy is to be feared. i trust in our lord that, if no fleet has arrived for them, some good results may be obtained from the expedition. if a fleet should have come, i will try to ascertain their forces, in such manner as not rashly to risk your majesty's forces which i shall take there. i shall try to send information as early as possible of all that happens there, by way of nueva españa; and other advices via the strait of sunda, or that of bali, and the cape of buena esperanca. considering that all the terrenatans are on the side of the enemy, and not a single one of them for us, and that they all aid and serve the dutch with their persons and property; and that they even consider as their king, and obey as such, the son of the king whom we hold prisoner here--it has appeared to me best, after consultation, to take with me on this expedition the chief king and the cachils who are here. for he and they offer that, if i place them safely within the fort of terrenate, they will bind themselves, being in those islands in person, to bring over to the service of your majesty the son and all his vassals; and that they will take up arms against the dutch, and would serve in this way, or any other that might present itself during the expedition, with fidelity. if your majesty were pleased to leave him in that kingdom, he would be your vassal, would have amity with none of our enemies, and would only barter the cloves to the factors whom your majesty might have in that island. if he carries out his promise, it will facilitate the expedition greatly, and diminish the forces of the enemy. i shall take him with me, and if it turns out as i trust in our lord it will, and the king holds to his promises, so that all his vassals there remain quiet and peaceful, i shall leave him and his son in the fortress at terrenate, with the greatest care and protection, until i have advised your majesty of all, and you have given such orders as shall please you. for so costly an expedition, this royal treasury is in great need, for of two hundred thousand pesos that the viceroy of nueva españa sent here, there were taken to macan fifty thousand pesos to buy quicksilver; twenty-six thousand for provisions, powder, and other munitions and supplies; thirty-five thousand paid to the fund of probated estates, and to citizens who had lent money the year past for the support of the fleet. so great were the arrears of debts to private persons, since the taking of terrenate, and an entire year's pay that was owing to the troops, that it is greatly impoverished, having, as is the case, so many necessary matters to attend to. the most important of these is a fort in this port, so that i may not find myself in such risk and danger as the enemy placed me in this year, capturing the port from me, together with three unfinished galleons, as i have informed your majesty. in the preparation for the expedition that i have resolved upon, it would not be possible to accomplish all, or even a small part of it, if it were not for forty-five thousand pesos that have been collected from the eight pesos that each sangley gives for his license to remain in these islands. with all this there is such a lack of money that i must go with little enough on the expedition. if there were any fund from which to get support, i should make use of it; but i promise your majesty that there is none anywhere, nor even a citizen from whom i can borrow a real. we shall have to get along as best we can, until the viceroy of nueva españa provides for us. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty for many years, according to the needs of christendom. cavite, september 9, 1610. your majesty's humble vassal and servant _don juan de silva_ letter from felipe iii to silva _to the governor and audiencia of manila, directing them to give information concerning the controversy that the natives of the village of quiapo have with the fathers of the society concerning certain lands; and, in the meantime, that they provide what is expedient._ the king: to my governor and captain-general, president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila, of the philipinas islands. don miguel banal has informed me--in a letter of the fifteenth of july, six hundred and nine--that, at the instance of the natives of the village of aquiapo, the late archbishop of that city wrote to me that the fathers of the society of jesus, under pretense that the metropolitan dean of manila sold them a piece of arable land [_verta_] which lies back of the said village, have appropriated it for their own lands, taking from them more than the dean granted--to such an extent that there hardly remains room to plant their crops, or even to build their houses. and the said miguel banal, who is the chief of that village, having built a house, one of the society, called brother "nieto," came into his fields, together with many blacks and indians, with halberds and other weapons; and they demolished the house, to the great scandal of all who saw them, and without paying any attention [to the remonstrances of] the alcalde-mayor of the village. he entreats me, for assurance of the truth, to command you to make an investigation regarding it; and in the meantime not to disturb them in their ancient possession, which they have inherited from their fathers and grandfathers. having examined it in my council for the yndias, it has appeared best to order and command you, as i do, to inform me of what has occurred in this matter, and is occurring, and in the meantime to take such measures as are expedient. madrid, on the seventh of december of one thousand six hundred and ten. _i the king_ countersigned by juan ruiz de contreras. signed by the council. documents of 1611 foundation of the college of santo tomás of manila. bernardo de santa catalina, o.p., and others; april 28. hospital at nueva cáceres. pedro arce, o.s.a.; july 20. letters to juan de silva. felipe iii; november-december. letters to the dominican provincial. felipe iii; december 31. _sources_: all these documents save one are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the first one is found in a pamphlet entitled _algunos documentos relativos á la universidad de manila_ (madrid, 1892), pp. 5-20. _translations_: the first document is translated by james a. robertson; the remainder, by robert w. haight. foundation of the college of santo tomás of manila in the name of god almighty, father, son, and holy ghost; and in honor of mary ever-virgin, who, under the advocacy [45] of her most holy rosary, is proposed and accepted as patroness of the work which will be declared below, inasmuch as she is also patroness of the order of preachers of the patriarch st. dominic, established in these filipinas islands and the kingdom of china; and to his honor and glory and that of the consecrated doctor [46] of the holy church, saint thomas aquinas, by whose intercessions, protection, and aid the work described in this writing will have a good beginning and means, and proceed from good to better forever without end: by virtue of which, i, father fray bernardo de santa catalina, [47] religious of the said order, and commissary-general of the holy office in these islands, as executor of the most illustrious and reverend archbishop of this city of manila in the islands, don fray miguel de benavides, now defunct, and [as the one] to whom his lordship communicated the application of the remainder of his properties for the work and foundation which will be hereunder declared--as appears from his last will and testament, which he signed in this said city of manila before francisco de alanis, former notary-public in this city, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of july of the former year one thousand six hundred and five; and the clause treating of this matter, copied, corrected and collated with the said will signed by the said notary, is of the following tenor: _item_: his most reverend lordship said and declared that he made--and he did so make--while still in life, a complete and irrevocable gift of all the remainder of his properties for a pious enterprise. he has conferred and communicated in regard to the same with the said fathers--namely, the prior of santo domingo, fray domingo de nieva, [48] and fray bernardo de santa catalina, commissary of the holy office. in this charitable work all his properties remaining are to be applied and distributed, in what manner and form they ordain and consider advisable, in accordance with his communication and resolution in regard to it. for this work he said that he gave--and he did so give--all the remainder of his properties gratuitously; and the institution was immediately and henceforth to be constituted the holder and possessor of them. he transferred to them [_i.e._, the above fathers] his rights and power of disposal [in the property]. this is the work of which mention was made above. and i, the said father commissary as executor of another bequest of properties, which pablo rodríguez de araujo and andrés de hermosa, defunct, left to my distribution and discretion, in accordance with the terms of their wills--that of the said pablo rodríguez de araujo appears to have been signed in this city before francisco de valencia, notary-public, on the sixteenth day of the month of february, of the former year six hundred and six; and that of the said hermosa before francisco de alanís, notary-public, on the fourth day of the month of may of the former year six hundred and four--[declare that] the tenor of the said clauses, one after the other, according to their copies corrected by the wills signed by the said notaries, is as follows: "and in order to fulfil this my will and that herein contained, i leave and appoint as my executors and administrators father fray bernardo de santa catalina, commissary of the holy inquisition of these islands, captain fructuoso de araujo, and francisco de alanís, notary-public. to all three of them, and to each one of them singly, _in solidum_, i delegate power sufficient to adjust and inventory my properties, and to sell and fulfil that herein contained. and for its fulfilment, i give, lengthen, and concede to them all the time and limit that they declare to be necessary. and no ecclesiastical or secular judge shall meddle with them to make them give account of the said executorship, because of the confidence that i have in the above-named persons. for this is my wish, and if such judge should undertake to demand from them the said account, in that said event i constitute them my heirs. and when this my will is fulfilled and observed, and that herein contained, to that part of my properties remaining and its rights and disposal, inasmuch as i have no obligatory heir, either forbears or descendants, i establish and appoint my soul as heir of the said remainder of my properties, its rights and disposal, so that what pertains to that inheritance, shall be given into the power of the said father commissary, who shall distribute it in doing good for my soul in pious works, alms, and other works of charity, as shall seem best to him. "and after this my will and that herein contained is fulfilled and observed, i assign as my only heir to all the remainder of my properties, the said inés de sequera, my wife. however, she shall bind herself, before all else, to the sum of two thousand pesos net, which sum shall be employed after the fulfilment of the said my will. with this condition, it is my will that she have all the remainder for herself after the legacies are completed, and the other contents of the said will, and after fulfilment, but in no other manner. this she shall enjoy, and shall take also that portion that pertains to her from all the said properties, as they were all acquired during our marriage. and after having made the reckoning and division in due form, should she refuse to accept the said inheritance with the said condition, i leave my soul as my heir to the whole of the said remainder. my executors shall do with it as they deem best for the good of my soul, in accordance with what i have contracted and agreed with the said father commissary. and if the said my wife shall accept the said inheritance, and shall bind herself to the sum of the two thousand pesos, they shall be employed as is stated, and they shall be distributed; for this is my intention, and as such i remit it." in accordance with the clause of the will of the said archbishop, i, the said father commissary, fray bernardo de santa catalina, inasmuch as the said father fray domingo de nieva is dead, declare that what his lordship communicated to us (to myself and to him) was, that the said remainder of his properties be spent in aiding the foundation and endowment of a college-seminary, where the religious of this said convent may pursue the study of the arts and of theology; and where the religious may instruct the novices and other religious who wish to avail themselves of their aid, others who are sons of inhabitants of this city and the islands, and any other persons. it is to be under the name and devotion of nuestra señora del rosario [_i.e._, our lady of the rosary]; and to be established in this city, or where the religious of this said order should assign it, inasmuch as his lordship and some of the first founders were of this city. and inasmuch as there are but one thousand five hundred pesos left of the properties of the said archbishop, it has been and is necessary, in order that a work so important for the welfare of this kingdom, and one that sheds so much luster on communities and people and directs them so greatly to the service of our god and lord, may not be without effect (i declare likewise that there have remained and are left three thousand seven hundred and forty pesos from the properties of the said pablo rodríguez de araujo; and that from the properties of the said andrés de hermosa, six hundred and thirty-seven pesos of the two thousand pesos left at my disposition, have been collected): i establish, apply, unite, and set aside all the aforesaid two thousand pesos--that collected and to be collected of them--and the three thousand seven hundred and forty pesos from the properties of the said pablo rodríguez de araujo, together with the sum remaining from the properties of the said archbishop, for the endowment and foundation of the said college. in their names, i declare that i have bought two houses and their grounds, which are located near the principal chapel of this convent, on a street half-way to the corner of the street that runs from the said principal chapel to the square and cathedral church of this said city, contiguous to the street running to the river gate; and on the one side, the houses of antonio de espejo, and on the other those of alonso gómez--the place where the building of the said college-seminary must be located, and the instruction in the said branches take place, and where must live and remain the students and other things and persons pertaining to the said college and the use of it. and in case it is necessary, i, as such executor and administrator, delegate authority, cession, and transfer to the part of the said college, so that it may collect the one thousand three hundred and sixty-three pesos thus owing from the properties of the said andrés de hermosa; and they shall give receipts and take what steps are necessary for the collection until the money is obtained. and although i, the said father commissary, might make this foundation and endowment alone--by virtue of my authority granted me by the said clauses, and that authority given me by my superiors for the exercise of the said executorship--for its greater stability, and so that it may be firm and valid forever, since the very reverend father fray baltasar fort, provincial of the said province of nuestra señora del rosario, is present, i beg the latter, in addition to the permission and license that i have had and have, for new permission and license to make and execute this foundation and endowment, and its articles and conditions. i, the said father provincial, grant, give, and concede everything necessary for the above. exercising such permission and license, the said father commissary requested the said father provincial and father fray francisco minayo, prior of this said convent, to accompany him and assist him in sketching the plan and method which ought to be followed in the said foundation, both in appointing at present a patron and administrator of the said college, and in making arrangements for the future in what they see makes for its profit and growth. for that purpose he places in the hands of the said provincial and prior, from this moment, the said alms and the properties above stated and declared, in order that so holy and profitable a work may be begun with them. that work will, i trust, through the intercession of its principal patron, the holy rosary of our lady, and the said st. dominic and st. thomas, its advocates, be of much service to our lord, and to the growth of learning and wisdom in these kingdoms, so that it will be a much greater institution in future times. therefore, i, the said father provincial, exercising the power vested in me in accordance with the statutes and privileges of the said province and order, and especially of that granted me by the provincial chapter in the name of the entire province, accept this endowment and foundation, as is and will be contained in this writ. and consequently, in the most sufficient form and greatest stability that we can employ, all we three--the said father provincial, the prior, and the commissary father fray bernardo de santa catalina, in behalf of the said deceased, decide and acknowledge that we are making a foundation of the said college-seminary in the form and under the conditions and articles following. first, in respect to the application made by the said father commissary of the said properties, we apply them, according as they are assigned and declared, for the particular properties of the said college of nuestra señora del rosario--which is to be its title and advocation--so that a beginning may be made with them in its foundation. [this we do] with hopes that others of the faithful, after seeing its good effects in these kingdoms, will augment those properties with much more, that will help in attaining the great fruit that will result from the foundation. consequently from now and henceforth forever, we erect and constitute the said house and lands, and their accessions and improvements, and all other properties, which are at present to be applied to the said college, and those which shall be applied to it in the future, and what it may have in ecclesiastical and spiritual properties. and they shall be used as such for the benefit of the said college, and for the good of the souls of the said archbishop, pablo rodríguez de araujo, andrés de hermosa, and the other benefactors of the college. _item_: that the said house and college with all the incomes and profits pertaining to it at present, and that shall pertain to it in the future in any time or manner, shall be under the charge and administration of the father provincial, and other prelates of the said order and province. but they shall be unable through that authority to dispose of anything in the general or special benefit of the order; but all must be used, spent, and consumed for the good and welfare of the said college and for its greater utility, adornment, and growth. all ways and methods shall be tried for the advancement of this work, as it is just that this work, so urgently commended by the laws and holy councils, which has so ennobled the cities that enjoy such houses and colleges, should make progress. and inasmuch as this province of nuestra señora del rosario has an ordinance ruling that the properties of the convents be at the disposal of the father provincial, and that he may distribute them and give them to the house that he thinks has need of them: since these properties of this said foundation do not belong to the said convents, or any one of them, but are to be applied to this one purpose; and since the said college is not a monastery, and only in its administration is under the patronage of the said father provincial and it being necessary, under that of the prior, the father provincial promises and binds himself, for himself and for the other provincials succeeding him, to observe this article, and not dispose of the properties of the said college or any part of them, in any other thing than the benefit, growth and permanence of the college; and he renounces any ordinance, statute, or privilege concerning it which authorizes him in any way whatever to make the said distribution. and for a more binding pledge, i thus swear, with my hand on my breast, _in verbo sacerdotis_. [49] _item_: inasmuch as the aforesaid convent of santo domingo of this city, is the chief one of this province, both in antiquity and in all other things, which makes it the most prominent of them all; and since it is a convent that receives no chaplaincies or other funds as memorials of the deceased, but is sustained only by ordinary alms (as is notorious); and it has been built and rebuilt after the fires that have happened in this city, by means of those alms, through the exceeding devotion with which the faithful citizens of the city assist the welfare of the said convent; and since the convent has been, after the said archbishop, the first contriver and author of such a work as this, and founds it, and intends to preserve and increase it; and consequently, it is just that the prior of the said convent have some prerogatives over the other priors of this province in the said college: it is an express statute and condition of this foundation, that he who is, or shall be, now and henceforth, forever, prior of this said college [_sic_; _sc_. convent] of manila, shall have in his charge the government, discipline, and teaching of the said college, and that he cannot be removed, suspended, or dismissed from the said administration, unless dismissed from the priorship of the said convent. _item_: as such founders of the said charitable work and college, we desire, and it is our will, that the said province of nuestra señora del rosario be its patroness. the provincial of the province shall have the prerogative and privilege of appointing the lecturers necessary for the efficient teaching of the branches that may be studied and taught in the said college, and the officers and assistants advisable for its efficient administration and temporal government--both within the said house and outside it--and in all the other things advisable for the growth and care of the properties, causes, and affairs of the said college. however, if at any time any ecclesiastical or secular person shall desire to endow the said college copiously for the increase of the work and teaching for which it is founded, such person shall be given the right of patronage whenever he shall have made a considerable endowment to the satisfaction of the definitors of the provincial chapter, together with four fathers of the province, those of longest standing who may be present. such person shall be admitted as patron, and shall be given the right of patronage; and this said province and provincial shall desist from exercising that right--provided that such patron be not permitted to enact any statute or ordinance, or to change any of the conditions of that foundation contrary to the authority of the said father provincial, in regard to the provision of lecturers; or withdraw the said college from the said order and province; or remove the said prior from its administration. for it is advisable that there be no change from the aforesaid for its good management. [this shall be done] provided that the endowment thus made for the right of patronage be without any injury to this work and beginning; for we must always bear in mind and remember to look after the welfare of the souls of the said archbishop and other persons, with whose alms this holy work and foundation is begun; whether the said province, or any other individual patron of the same, whoever he be, shall exercise the right of patronage, and enjoy the favors, exemptions, prerogatives, and privileges, which are conceded by all law to such patrons. _item_: as such founders, and in behalf of what pertains to the said province and its religious, and those of this said convent, i, the said father provincial and the other fathers, do ordain that the branches studied and taught in the arts, theology, and other subjects, by the religious of the said province and order of our father st. dominic, shall be studied in the same college forever, and not those of any other order, seculars, of whatever rank and quality they may be, both to the religious of the said order, and any other persons whatever, ecclesiastical or secular, who shall go there to study--and especially and chiefly to the secular students who shall be reared and taught there; and they shall wear, as distinctive marks of being students there, black gowns with white facings. _item_: that the said father provincial--and, in his absence, the said prior who shall be directing the said college--may accept fellowships to it, chaplaincies, legacies, and endowments, which may be made--with any obligation to say masses or other suffrages which shall have to be fulfilled in this said convent by the religious of it. the college shall satisfy the said convent for the said suffrages, in the form decided by the said father provincial or prior, with the advice of the fathers of the council who reside in this convent; and from that moment permission and authority shall be granted for it. _item_: whenever it may be deemed expedient, the provincial chapter of this said province--by which is understood the provincial of the province and four definitors--and two other religious of the said order of the highest rank and learning, may make statutes, ordinances, and new articles for the welfare of the said college--in the distribution and administration of its properties and incomes; in what pertains to the ministry and teaching of the subjects that shall be taught in it; and for the appointment of a rector, with the authority and power that shall seem advisable. such statutes shall be made after the said college is finished and completed, and after it is used for teaching the said branches, and as a residence for the rector and collegiates. [they shall make statutes] regarding the admission of the collegiates, and all else that may be desirable and necessary. this shall be done as often as it may seem advisable; and, once made, such statutes cannot be added to, altered, or abrogated without a special authority and order from his holiness, which shall state and declare distinctly that the statutes of the said college shall be changed, added to, or abrogated, and shall point out, for this, one or several of the statutes. and such cannot be done, nor shall it be done, by concessions and general orders now received or to be received by the said province touching the affairs of its order, even though they be received and obtained after this foundation, or after the making of the said rules, statutes, and ordinances, or those that should be made by virtue of this article. _item_: all the properties and effects owned or to be owned by the said college shall be kept in a box with two keys: one of which shall be kept by the father provincial, and, in his absence by the vicar-provincial; and the other by the prior of this convent of manila. and should the said father prior happen to use the same in the absence of the said father provincial and of the vicar-provincial, then the said provincial may appoint another religious of the same order and convent to keep the key. the said box is to be kept in the convent for the greater security and safety that can be had for it. this regulation shall be observed until it is ruled and ordained otherwise by the said statutes, which shall be made as aforesaid. _item_: the properties possessed by the said college at present, and those that shall accrue hereafter from the said houses and possessions--inasmuch as it is necessary to construct and reconstruct them for the aid of this foundation--shall be spent and used in the said work, building, and rebuilding, in permanent form, how and as appears advisable to the said father provincial, and the prior, and the commissary; and in the absence of one of them to the other two, or in the absence of the holders of the keys of the said box, to those in whose charge is to be the payment and remuneration of what pertains to the said works and buildings of the said house. _item_: we enact and ordain that, inasmuch as the said college is founded with the alms dedicated therefor by the said archbishop and the other deceased, as above declared, at the discretion of me, the said father fray bernardo de santa catalina, and with other alms that, god helping, shall be set aside and applied according to the said method and plan, and in any other way; we desire and it is our will that, if at any time any ecclesiastical or secular prince should claim by act or right to possess any dominion, by way of patronage, or in any other way should try to dispose of the properties and incomes of the said college, or to meddle with its administration and government, or to obstruct and disturb its purpose by any method and in any manner whatsoever, and through any judge or powerful person, or any other person whomsoever, who should do it: then immediately and for the time being, the said property and possessions with which the said college is founded, and all the rest collected and applied to it, that is obtained in any manner whatsoever, shall be applied by us to the said province and religious of the said order, so that all of it, together with the said houses and college, and their additions and improvements, may be possessed and enjoyed as their own properties, acquired with just and legal title; and we annul and render void this foundation, as if it had never been made. the said order shall be obliged with them to perform masses and other benefits and suffrages for the souls of the said archbishop and the others, with whose alms and properties this foundation is begun; and of the others who, in any manner, shall hereafter bequeath and apply any other properties for it. consequently by this method the said province will render satisfaction for the said alms to their givers. we establish and found the said college with the above articles and conditions. they shall be kept and observed, together with any others made hereafter in the manner above described; and they shall not be violated or subverted, or opposed or contradicted, in whole or in part. i, the said father provincial, by virtue of the said authority, vested in me as above stated, bind the religious of this said province and order to see to the fulfilment of whatever pertains to them, both in the administration of the said patronage, and in their exercise of the teaching of the said branches; and to keep the said college under their rule and administration, as well as the houses and other properties possessed by it now or in the future; and to do all their duty without any exception, excuse, or limitation. [this i charge on] both the religious now present, and on all those who shall be here in the future henceforth and forever, and they shall not be exempted from its fulfilment for any cause, reason, or law, which they may have to enable them to do it, or that may be conceded to them by laws and royal ordinances, statutes, or privileges, and concessions of this province and order, as yet given or to be conceded and given hereafter. i, the said father commissary, as such executor and administrator of the properties of the said deceased, assert that this application and endowment that i make with them and for their souls is, and will be, certain and assured; and i have not made any donation, distribution, or any other application of them for any other purpose. the said properties will be certain and assured under the express obligation vested in me specially and specifically for this foundation and endowment of the said college. and all three, the said father provincial, the prior, and the commissary, authorize the justices who can and ought to try this cause, so that they may compel and force all on whom falls the fulfilment of this instrument to observe it, as if they were condemned thereto by the definitive sentence of a competent judge, rendered in a case decided. we renounce whatever laws and rights plead in our favor, and in this case, and the law and rule of law that says that a general renunciation of laws is invalid. this is given in the said city of manila, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of april of the year one thousand six hundred and eleven. the grantors, whom, i, the notary, testify to be known to me, signed this instrument--captains diego de valdez, gerónimo de gamarra, and melchor de ayllón, all citizens of manila, being witnesses. _fray baltasar fort_, prior provincial. _fray francisco minayo_, prior. _fray bernardo de santa catalina_ before me: _juan illán_. his majesty's notary. the hospital at nueva caceres sire: in the city of cáceres there is a hospital where the religious of st. francis attend with much charity to the treatment of the sick, spaniards as well as natives. it is very poor, and on the verge of ruin. may your majesty be pleased to extend to it some alms, to erect another building for it, and provide it with some income, that it may aid in the maintenance of the sick who are being treated in it, particularly the natives, who suffer great want on account of having no income. the city furnishes very little to the aid of the said hospital, because the citizens are few and poor. accordingly, i know of no other remedy but to have recourse to your majesty, that, as you are so catholic a king and a patron of all the churches and hospitals of these islands, you may supply this need, and give them the aid which may appear most fitting to your majesty, particularly in the case of this hospital, which suffers such dire need. although i am desirous of alleviating this, i cannot, as i also am poor. accordingly i beg and beseech your majesty to have pity upon it and aid it, and give it what your majesty may judge sufficient. it seems to me that your majesty might order the governor of these islands to assign some of the indians from vacant encomiendas, to apply to this purpose, and give to this hospital to aid it. in this your majesty will do a great service to our lord, and a very gracious favor and good to the said hospital, and to me who am seeking this in its name. as it is a work of such piety and service for our lord, i have dared to make this request. may he protect your majesty many happy years, for the good of his church. manila, the twentieth of july, of the year one thousand six hundred and eleven. _fray pedro arce_, bishop-elect of nueva cáceres. [_endorsed_: "manila; to his majesty, 1611; the bishop-elect of nueva cáceres, july 22. let the governor and royal officials of manila send information, together with their opinion. june 15, 1612."] letters from felipe iii to silva the king: to don juan de silva, knight of the order of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. your letter of july 24, 609, was received and examined in my council of the yndias, and i was glad to learn by it of your arrival in those islands, and that you had a prosperous voyage. as for what you say concerning the anxious efforts of certain religious to cause the governmental and military offices in their districts to pass through their hands, and the disturbances and troubles which have occurred among the natives, and the assemblages of people, and the reduction of villages which has been accomplished, when there was an opportunity for the same to hinder the royal jurisdiction by opposing the corregidors and others who are governing--as happened a short time before you arrived, in a district of the province of nueva segobia, where you found it necessary to send troops of war with the sargento-mayor christoval de axqueta to pacify and punish some indians who had rebelled because the religious had tried to unite them and make them sedentary without giving account to the governor: it has seemed best to me to charge you, as i do charge you, that you shall endeavor that such measures be taken in these matters that suitable provision be made against such troubles, and manage affairs considerately and prudently; for we confide in you to avoid the difficulties which you describe, and others which may occur. the bishoprics of cibu and that of nueva cáceres are already provided for, as you will be informed. [50] in the lading of the ships for that trade it is understood that there has been great evasion of the law, as you likewise say in your letter; and because this, as is known, causes much trouble, i order you to take great care to observe inviolably, in regard to this matter, what is ordained by the decree which treats thereof--causing it to be fulfilled and executed, without infraction in any case, whatever it may be, as this is expedient for the general good. what you have done in regard to the matter of the three per cent from the chinese is well, and accordingly its collection will be continued; and likewise all the current dues from the two per cent which was recently imposed upon the merchandise of the natives which goes to nueva españa will be collected from those who shall owe it. in future, you will comply with the orders given you in regard to this, endeavoring to have both imposts collected with as much gentleness as possible. what you say concerning the proposition by the agents of the mindanaos regarding the settlement of peace with them has been examined, and is being considered; and you will be promptly advised of the decision which will be made. in the post of alcayde and governor of the troops of the force in terrenate a person has been appointed to serve, on account of the death of juan de esquibel, as you will have already been informed. as it seems to me that the administration of the clove product and other property which i hold in terrenate should be suitably placed, in charge of a person of intelligence and the necessary trustworthiness, and that these qualities are combined in pedro de baeza, i have appointed him as my factor there, subordinate to the instructions which you will give him, which will be in accordance with the confidence that we have in your prudence and zeal, as you have the matter near at hand, and can be informed so punctually of what is expedient therein. in the meantime, until the formal decision is made as to who shall take charge of the cloves for the future, you will observe what has been decreed in regard to this. you will advise me minutely of what it has brought into my royal treasury--not only through the trade with the portuguese and other nations in maluco, but what has been carried to those islands for the crown of castilla; and what is the net result, to whom that merchandise has been given, and where it has been consumed, so that, having this information, i may decree and order whatever is fitting. it is very well that care has been taken, as you say, and an order issued to the effect that japanese should not reside in those islands; and you will continue this procedure with the attention which the matter demands. as it proves difficult for the natives to conduct warfare after the manner of the spaniards, you will issue decrees dispensing with it; and will provide for safety as you suggest in your letter. the decree in regard to the time when the ships on that trade-route shall depart for nueva españa you will cause to be carefully executed, as you know the importance of this for the safety of the voyage. on occasions when any prebends of the metropolitan church of that city shall be vacant, you shall propose, as is expected, conjointly with the archbishop thereof, three persons for each of them, according to the orders. you shall see that the cargo which will be carried on the ships in that traffic be always placed in the first hold; and, between decks, the ship's stores, sailors' chests, and rigging, as you say. you will do this in accordance with the order that has been given. you will likewise take care, as you suggest, and as i charge you to do, to provide that the common seamen take the provisions necessary for the voyage, that they may not suffer want. as you know how important it is that the said ships should not go overloaded, you will fulfil, with the care which may be expected from you, what has been ordered in regard to this. for if at any time it should happen that they threw overboard any cloth from these ships, you will take such measures as may be best for all, making provision that the damage shall be shared among all in equal parts, so that those who are interested can demand satisfaction and no one remain injured. the results of the accounts [51] of these islands, and errors in them, you will examine as i have ordered you, and place them in my royal treasury if you have not already done so, concerning all items which are not justified by vouchers, advising me by the first opportunity of what you may do. in conformity with what you say, my viceroy of nueva españa has already been ordered not to allow any married man to pass to your islands; and if any of them shall go thither it must be with the permission of their wives for a limited time, and with guarantees given that they shall come back within the appointed time; i have thought best to advise you thereof, so that you may be informed of it, and on your part execute the same rule in so far as it concerns you. the duties have been examined, in order that my royal treasury in those islands should have a surplus, thus saving what is carried from nueva españa for the expenses there. this is now being considered, and in a short time you will be advised of the decision made. [guadarrama, november 12, 1611.] _i the king_ by order of the king, our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ _to don juan de silva, governor of the philipinas, informing him of the decree that your majesty has commanded to be given to the deputy from olanda, directing him to set at liberty pablo bancardin and other dutchmen, as they have not given any provocation for their second capture._ the king: to don juan de silva, knight of the order of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. at the instance of teodoro rodemburg, who is present at my court on certain business concerning the islands of olanda and celanda, i despatched an order to you, by a decree of the same date as this (which has been delivered to that envoy), commanding that the admiral, paulo brancardin, and the seventy-four dutch who, according to your letter, have been captured with him in an oared vessel, by captain pedro de heredia, while voyaging from terrenate to the island of morata, should be set free, if it has not already been done, in conformity with clause thirty-four of the truce with flandes. but if, after being freed from this captivity, he or any of the others should give any occasion for capturing them again, then (since in this case the fault would be theirs) you will advise me without setting them free. this i have thought best to inform you of, so that with this understanding, if they are again taken with cause--which they have given, as has been said, and as has been learned by a letter from sargento-mayor christoval de asquelta, and by what you wrote to the viceroy, marques de salinas, in a letter of the fourth of september, 610, a copy of which he sent to me--and should they wish to negotiate their freedom by means of a ransom, or any other means, before or after the use of said decree, you will not admit of it, nor give them freedom in any manner, either to the said admiral or to the others; but you shall hold them prisoners with the greatest care, until you receive further orders from me. madrid, on the twentieth of november of the year one thousand six hundred and eleven. _i the king_ by command of the king our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the members of the council. _to don juan de silva, governor of the philipinas, ordering him to build and collect immediately a squadron of ships, to cruise in that sea, about the point of manila, to make sure thereby that the dutch do not rob the ships and other vessels which go to those islands from nueva españa, china, and other regions._ the king: to don juan de silva, knight of the order of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. by letters from you and other persons zealous in my service, i have learned that the king of japon has admitted the dutch to commerce with his realms, for their having offered to carry him a great quantity of silk, which is the chief commodity in which they deal there; and because those rebels had robbed the chinese, from whose ports they procure the silks, they dare not go to that kingdom for them. accordingly, to keep the terms of their offer, and not lose that trade, it will be necessary for them to await the vessels of the chinese near that city of manila, which are going there with silk, in order to rob them of it. and not only will they do this damage, but they may also do the same with the ships which go to nueva españa, and other vessels from malaca and macan. it has been represented to me that, both in order to avoid this danger to my ships and my vassals, and likewise for the importance of keeping the said dutch from fulfilling their offer to that king--for if they do not do it he will drive them out of his lands, where it is important [for us] that they should not secure a foothold--it would be well to have a squadron cruise close to the port of that city [of manila]; and to secure this result, it will not be necessary to have large ships. i have thought it best to approve this; and, considering that when you receive this you will already have made the expeditions of which you wrote me in the letter of the fifth of september of six hundred and ten, if you have good success in them, with the help of our lord, i command you that, with the ships that may remain to you of the fleet which you were engaged in collecting, you will keep those necessary for a squadron sufficient to cruise in that sea, and with it will attend to the matters above mentioned. and if there are not enough ships by using these, you will make and build, with all possible despatch, what may appear to you expedient for this purpose; and will inform me, at the first opportunity, of the number and kind of ships, and how they are supplied and equipped, with both men and artillery, and with all else necessary; until i may give a different order; as such is my will. these presents will be registered by my auditors of accounts who are in my council of the yndias. dated at madrid, the nineteenth of december of the year 1611. _i the king_ by command of the king our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the council of war for the yndias. letters to the dominican provincial _to the provincial of the order of st. dominic for the philipinas, directing him to apply to certain actions of the religious thereof, the correction which he ought and is bound to apply, maintaining friendly relations with the governor._ the king: to the venerable and devout father provincial of the order of st. dominic for the philipinas islands. by a letter from don juan de silva, my governor and captain-general there, of the fifth of september, 610, i have learned that several religious of your order, from various motives, usually oppose the things that are ordered for the sake of good government. at times this has gone so far that incidents such as to cause anxiety have occurred. such was the case in nueva segovia, regarding the indian whom the alcalde-mayor held prisoner, on appeal condemned to death by the audiencia, who had ordered the sentence to be executed there. when the day before the execution arrived two friars went to the prison, saying that they were going to confess him. they succeeded in being left alone with the prisoner in a room with a window opening on the street; and, having provided some one to take him to their convent, they thrust him out of the window, without the knowledge of the persons about the building, which resulted in a very scandalous affair. the alcalde-mayor, on learning of it, went to the convent to get possession of the prisoner; and found that for his greater security they had placed him upon the altar--which, as may be seen, was an improper action. when he attempted to take away the prisoner, the friars treated the alcalde-mayor very scurvily; and when he had removed the indian they proceeded against him with censures and interdicts, in such wise that he had to return to the church, unpunished, the man whom they themselves had delivered up, when he was seized--demanding his death, and saying that it was best to execute him there as an example for all. although it is understood that you made the proper remonstrances in this case, yet, as i wish to know what they were, i charge you to advise me of it; and from this time forth to continue, with the care which i am sure you will exercise, to apply in all cases due remedy, as you are bound to do. i also charge you to maintain very friendly relations with the said don juan de silva, my governor, to whom i am writing to maintain the same relations with you, on account of the importance of this for the service of god and my own. madrid, on the twenty-first of december of the year one thousand six hundred and eleven. _i the king_ by order of the king our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the council. _to the provincial of the order of st. dominic of the philipinas, directing him to see to it that the religious of the order do not cross over to japon without permission from the governor, as is ordered._ the king: to the venerable and devout father provincial of the order of st. dominic in the philipinas islands. by a letter from don juan de silva, my governor and captain-general there, of the fifth of september, 610, i have learned that several religious have passed over to japon without his permission, claiming that that of their own superiors was sufficient. as it is expedient for my service that the decrees regarding this should be executed by my said governor, as he is again ordered to do, by another decree bearing this date, i charge you that, with the diligence which i trust you will use, you will take such action that the religious of your order shall not contravene this decree; and that you will, so far as possible, secure the observance of the orders which i have issued, as that is so important for the service of god and my own, and for the good government of the islands. madrid, on the thirty-first of december of the year 1611. _i the king_ by command of the king our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the members of the council. [_endorsed_: "_idem_, to the provincial of the order of st. augustine for philipinas." "_idem_, to the provincial of the society of jesus there." "_idem_, to the provincial of st. francis for philipinas."] documents of 1612-13 status of missions in the philippines. gregorio lopez. s.j., and others; [_ca_. 1612]. trade of the philippines. juan, marques de montesclaros; april 12, 1612. letter from the bishop of nueva segovia. [domingo de soria, o.p.]; august 15, 1613. letter to silva. felipe iii; december 2, 1613. _sources_: all these documents save one are obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the second is taken from _doc ined. amér. y oceanía_, vi, pp. 298-314. _translations_: the first and second are translated by james a. robertson; the remainder by robert w. haight. status of missions in the philippines order of st. augustine _list of the convents and ministrations of the order of our father st. augustine in these philipinas islands, and the religious and ministers necessary for them._ _spanish towns_ in the convent of the city of manila, twenty priests and ten brethren. in the convent of the city of santisimo nombre de jesus, five priests and two brethren. in the convent of our lady of guadalupe, three priests and one brother. _province of tagalos_ tributes indians ministers in the convent of batangas and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred [souls] in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of taal and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3 in the convent of tanavan and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of sant sebastian and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 2 in the convent of bay and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 2 in the convent of san pablo and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to two thousand tributes, or six thousand in confession. 2,000 6,000 3 in the convent of tagui and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to five hundred tributes, or one thousand five hundred in confession. 500 1,500 2 in the convent of pasig and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3 in the convent of palañac and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of tongdo and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3 in the convent of caruyan and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of bulacan and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession 800 2,400 2 in the convent of malolos and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to seven hundred tributes, or two thousand one hundred in confession 700 2,100 2 in the convent of quingua and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to six hundred tributes, or one thousand eight hundred in confession. 600 1,800 2 in the convent of calompit and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 2 in the convent of agonoy and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3 _province of panpanga_ tributes indians ministers in the convent of apalit and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to six hundred tributes, or one thousand eight hundred in confession. 600 1,800 2 in the convent of macabibi there are three ministers, who minister to two thousand tributes, or six thousand in confession. 2,000 6,000 3 in the convent of lubao and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 3 in the convent of guava and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3 in the convent of bacolor and its visitas there arc four ministers, who minister to one thousand three hundred tributes, or four thousand in confession. 1,300 4,000 4 in the convent of mexico and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to five hundred tributes, or one thousand five hundred in confession. 500 1,500 2 in the convent of betis and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to five hundred tributes, or one thousand five hundred in confession. 500 1,500 2 in the convent of poray and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to six hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred in confession. 600 1,600 2 in the convent of ayumbon and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to six hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred in confession 600 1,600 2 in the convent of candava and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3 _province of ylocos_ tributes indians ministers in the province of alingayen and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or one thousand four hundred in confession. 800 1,400 2 in the convent of agoo and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 2 in the convent of bavan and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3 in the convent of purao and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 2 in the convent of tagurin and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 2 in the convent of santa cruz and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to nine hundred tributes, or two thousand seven hundred in confession. 900 2,700 2 in the convent of candon and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of bantay and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 3 in the convent of sinay and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 2 in the convent of batac and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3 in the convent of dinglas and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3 in the convent of ylavan and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand four hundred tributes, or four thousand two hundred in confession. 1,400 4,200 3 in the convent of bacarra and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 _province of pintados_ tributes indians ministers in the convent of hibahay and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to two thousand tributes, or six thousand in confession. 2,000 6,000 3 in the convent of aclan and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 2 in the convent of batan and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of panay and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand two hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3 in the convent of marlousao and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3 in the convent of pasig and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to three thousand tributes, or nine thousand in confession. 3,000 9,000 3 in the convent of laglag and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or six thousand in confession. 1,000 6,000 2 in the convent of baong and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 in the convent of dumangas and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to nine hundred tributes, or two thousand seven hundred in confession. 900 2,700 2 in the convent of salop and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand five hundred tributes, or four thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 2 in the convent of otong and its visitas there are three ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 3 in the convent of antique and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to six hundred tributes, or one thousand in confession. 600 1,800 2 in the convent of san nicolas de cubu and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to one thousand tributes, or three thousand in confession. 1,000 3,000 2 in the convent of sian and its visitas there are two ministers, who minister to eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2 society of jesus in this province of the society of jesus of filipinas, there are at present ninety-two religious--forty-five priests, seven theological and four philosophical students, twenty-eight lay-brethren of long standing, and eight novices (counting students and lay-brethren). they are distributed among two colleges, and one seminary of secular students, six residences under direct charge of the provincial, and one mission. _manila_ there are forty-three religious in manila--sixteen priests, eleven students, eight lay-brethren, and eight novices--counting among the priests the father provincial and his associate, father valerío, who are now about to go on a visit, with one brother already counted; and father alonso de humanes, who is now about to go to roma with another brother of manila; and counting also the three religious in the seminary of san joseph. consequently they attend not only to preaching to and confessing the spanish in manila, and the other duties usual in the professed houses; but also to the principal object, the studies of latin, arts, and theology, and the training of novices. they have charge of the seminary for the secular students; and attend to the indians of san miguel and the others of the city, with frequent confessions and sermons. _mission of silan_ one father and one brother--sometimes two fathers--generally reside in this mission [_doctrina_] in subordination to the college of manila. the tributes of the village of silan are about four hundred, and those of the village of malabag, a visita, lying one-half legua away, about seventy tributes. _octon_ the mission [_mision_] of octon has one father and one brother. the novitiate of san pedro, which is being founded and instituted, has two brethren. _residence of antipolo_ there are four fathers and three brethren in this residence. the villages of this residence where the fathers always officiate number three, and have three churches: antipolo, with two visitas, namely, santa cruz and mahayay; taytay, with one visita, namely, caynta; and the village of santiago de la cruz, which has no visita, but attracts savage indians from the forests. the souls in confession of this residence number about five thousand, already well instructed christians, and they give much occupation to the fathers. the churches and tributes in charge of the fathers of the society of jesus in the province of pintados are as follows. _zebu_ the college of zebu has in charge an indian village situated one legua from the city, which has eighty tributes. it has three fathers and three brethren, who are busily occupied with the spanish inhabitants and soldiers, the indians of the city and of the neighborhood, and the boys' school. it needs many more laborers. _residence of dulac_ part of the island of leyte and part of that of ybabao--on that side where those two islands almost join--have four fathers and two brethren in charge. this [_i.e._, the waterway between the islands] has been a great convenience for conducting the instruction. this residence comprises a circuit of about thirty leguas or so. in that space it has in charge the following villages, each village having one church. tributes village of dulac, with three hundred and seventy-one tributes. 371 village of barugo, with one hundred and seventy-two tributes. 172 village of buraguen, with five hundred and ninety-five tributes. 595 village of vincay, with four hundred and ten tributes. 410 village of bito, with two hundred and forty-one tributes. 241 village of abuyog, with two hundred and seventy-six tributes. 276 village of palo, with two hundred and seventy tributes. 270 village of malaguicay, with three hundred and thirty-six tributes. 336 village of dagami, with three hundred and eighty-two tributes. 382 village of basay, with four hundred and thirty tributes. 430 village of hubung, with two hundred and forty tributes. 240 village of guiguan, with one hundred and eighty tributes. 180 village of pamhoan, with two hundred tributes. 200 consequently they have in charge in this residence four thousand one hundred and three tributes. 4,103 and 13 churches. _residence of carigara_ this residence is likewise situated in the island of leyte, and includes the adjacent islands of poro and panan. although the principal part of it (namely, five villages) is included in a narrow circuit, the remaining part, because of the paucity of inhabitants, and their destruction by the mindanaos, extends for sixty leguas--and more rather than less. throughout its extent it has the following villages, each village having its church. tributes village of carigara, with about three hundred and sixty tributes. 360 village of barugo, with one hundred and eighty tributes. 180 village of alangalan, with four hundred tributes. 400 village of xaro, with three hundred and fifty tributes. 350 village of leyte, with two hundred and twenty tributes. 220 village of ogmuc, with one hundred and sixty tributes. 160 village of the island of camotes, called poro, with one hundred and fifty tributes. 150 village of baybay, with one hundred and eighty tributes. 180 village of canamucan, with one hundred and twenty tributes. 120 village of ymasava, with forty tributes. 40 village of cabalian, with one hundred and fifty tributes. 150 village of panaon, with fifty tributes. 50 village of nonangan, with sixty tributes. 60 2,420 tributes and 13 churches. consequently, the said residence has in charge thirteen churches in which are instructed two thousand four hundred and twenty tributes; these are administered by four priests, aided by two brethren. _residence of tinagon_ this residence is located in the island of ybabao and includes the islets of cavayan and capul. twelve villages with their churches are instructed in it. they are as follows, lying within a distance of twenty leguas. tributes village of tinagon, with three hundred and thirty tributes. 330 village of bangaun, with one hundred and eighty-seven tributes. 187 village of paranas, with two hundred and twenty tributes. 220 village of malulubug, with three hundred tributes. 300 village of caluigan, with one hundred and eighty-five tributes. 185 village of libunao, with three hundred and ten tributes. 310 village of cotay, with ninety-four tributes. 94 village of cavayan, with two hundred and ninety tributes. 290 village of ybatan, with three hundred and thirty tributes. 330 village of boloneto, with one hundred and forty tributes. 140 two villages in the island of capul, called sucar and savan where there are four hundred and thirty-seven tributes 437 2,823 tributes and 12 churches. consequently this residence embraces twelve churches, in which two thousand eight hundred and twenty-three tributes are instructed by four priests of our society, aided by two brethren. _residence of cabo de spirita santo, or palapac_ this residence extends for forty leguas more rather than less--within the island of ybabao, and includes the two adjacent islets of lavan and biri. the following villages are instructed in it, and each village has its own church. tributes village of biri, with sixty tributes 60 village of calatman, with three hundred and thirty tributes 330 village of pamboan, with three hundred and forty tributes 340 village of laguan, with one hundred and eighty tributes 180 village of catabig, with four hundred and ten tributes 410 village of palapac, with four hundred tributes 410 village of gamay, with two hundred tributes 200 village of bacor, with one hundred and fifty tributes 150 village of bolor, with one hundred and thirty tributes 130 village of unasan, with two hundred tributes 200 village of tubig, with one hundred and twenty tributes 120 village of boronga, with two hundred tributes 200 village of libas, with two hundred and thirty tributes 230 2,950 tributes and 13 churches. consequently this residence embraces thirteen churches, in which two thousand nine hundred and fifty tributes are instructed by four priests of our society, aided by two brethren. _residence of bohol_ only this island of bohol, which is forty leguas in circumference, and the islet of bacacay belong to the king, our sovereign, in all the territory in charge of the society. the society has likewise charge of the islet of panglao and that of siquior, or isla de fuegos ["island of fires"]. this residence includes the following villages and their churches. tributes village of loboc, with six hundred tributes, where there is also a seminary for indians 600 village of tubor, with one hundred and fifty tributes 150 village of baclayon, with three hundred tributes 300 village of dita, with three hundred tributes 300 village of tubigan, with fifty tributes 50 village of hinabangan, with two hundred tributes. 200 village of bacacay, with thirty tributes. 30 village of talibon, with two hundred tributes. 200 village of bauliron, with one hundred tributes. 100 village of yngaon, with one hundred and twenty tributes. 120 village of panglao, with sixty tributes. 60 village of siquior, with eighty tributes. 80 2,200 tributes and 12 churches. consequently this residence instructs two thousand two hundred tributes, of which two thousand and fifty belong to the king, our sovereign. four fathers and two brethren minister to all of them. as your lordship ordered, the society of jesus presents this paper, in which are recorded faithfully its ministers, the villages where they are stationed, the churches, tributes, and extent of its field. from it two things are apparent: the first, how necessary is a greater union and settlement of the indians, in such form as your highness may judge best; the second, that the need of help by a great number of new ministers is extreme. for where there are four priests, ten are regularly needed, because the indicated number of tributes corresponds to a very much greater number of souls, either now confessing or being catechised for baptism as is apparent from the report of a residence that accompanies this present. therefore i entreat your highness to petition his majesty the king, our sovereign, to send a considerable number of fathers of the society of jesus from europe--at least about fifty, considering that it is many years since any have been asked for, and on this occasion a procurator is going for that purpose. it will, moreover, be important for his majesty to issue there very urgent orders, so that the superiors in europe may not be illiberal and refuse to furnish ministers. if he considers the pacification of mindanao, and, besides that, if we should have to provide maluco with ministers from here with the new government which is coming, it is necessary to provide beforehand for an increase in the number of workers. i hope for all the above from the great foresight of your highness, with grace and justice. _gregorio lopez_ order of st. francis very potent sire: since i am ordered, in your majesty's name, to give a minute of the convents in this province of san gregorio, of the discalced friars and religious in it, and the number of souls to whom they administer the holy sacraments and instruction, by virtue of that command i declare that this province has forty-eight convents with their visitas, where religious live; and four convents where they do not minister to indians--namely, sant francisco of manila, sant francisco del monte, sant francisco of caceres and sant diego of cavite. further it has six [_sic_] hospitals: the royal hospital of manila; that for the natives; that of la misericordia; that at los baños ["the baths"]; and that at cavite. there are one hundred and one priests, counting well, sick, and old. there are thirty-eight lay-brethren, who serve and act as nurses at the hospitals, infirmaries, and convents generally. we have in charge as many as eighty thousand souls or so. in maluco there is one convent where the native indian christians are instructed, both those living there and those who go thither from these regions. there is also a hospital where the soldiers are cured. from the aforesaid convents twelve religious have been taken since last year (when some came here), and religious of our order are requested in many other places. in [the districts of] some of these convents there are few indians, because they refuse to join the chief settlements; nor can those people be well instructed, as they are very remote, unless they have religious. moreover, there are fifteen priests in japon and six lay-brethren, busied in the conversion and in hospital work. _fray marcos de lisboa_, [52] vice-provincial. order of st. dominic. _list of the houses and missions of the order of st. dominic in these philipinas islands._ it has one convent in the city of manila, with sixteen friars--six priests and six lay brethren. it has a mission [_doctrina_] in the town of binondoc and baybay with two ministers for six hundred sangleys, or a trifle less. for the hospital of san gabriel it has two religious--one a priest and the other a lay-brother--and there the sangley infidels are nursed and instructed. it has a mission in the district of batan with four priests for one thousand six hundred indians. it has four missions in the province of pangasinan. the first is called bina lato-gan and has four religious, three of whom are lay-brethren, and one who is not, for one thousand three hundred indians. the second is in calasiao and has two ministers for one thousand and thirty indians. the third is magaldan and has two ministers for nine hundred indians. the fourth is mauazuag and has two religious, one a lay-brother and one who is not, for four hundred indians, or a trifle less, and the new conversion in the tingues. it has eleven missions in the province of cagayan. the first is called pata and has two ministers for eight hundred indians. the second is called tular and has two ministers for one thousand one hundred indians or a trifle more. the third is called potol and has two ministers for three hundred indians and the new conversion laid open on the creek of mandayas. the fourth is called camaluyuga and has three ministers for six hundred indians, or a few more or less. the fifth is that of nueva segovia where the spanish live. there is a convent there that has charge of the mission of bagunbaya, which has two ministers for one hundred indians, or a few more or less. it is to be noted that this house receives no alms, either from his majesty or from encomenderos, or from indians, and consequently it is in great need. the sixth is called tocolana and has three ministers for one thousand indians. the seventh is called asiping and has two ministers for seven hundred indians or a trifle more. the eighth is called pia and is situated on the creek of lobo. it has three ministers for two thousand indians. the ninth is called malaguey and has two ministers for one thousand indians. the tenth is called tuguiguerao. for one thousand three hundred indians it has three ministers. the eleventh is called pititan and has four ministers for one thousand six hundred indians and for the new conversion among the tingues of zinbuey. _fray baltasar fort_, prior provincial. _item_: we have three houses in japon. one is in nangasaqui, and has three priests and one lay-brother; another in sanga, which is situated in the kingdom of figen, with three religious--two priests and one lay-brother, the third in meaco, the residence of the dayfo, with two priests. _[endorsed:_ "list given by the convent of st. dominic in accordance with his majesty's order."] trade of the philippines _official letter from the marques de montesclaros, [53] viceroy of peru, directed to his majesty, in regard to changing to españa the trade between mexico and filipinas._ in behalf of the consulate [54] and corporation of the merchants of sevilla, your majesty was entreated to have the trade between nueva españa and philipinas suppressed, and to order that it should be carried on only from those kingdoms [i.e., españa and portugal] with the said islands. your majesty upon hearing those merchants, was pleased to order me to make investigation and give my opinion in the matter. for that purpose you despatched your decree of september 1, 610, and i received it by these last mails. the arguments which, it seems, were presented to your majesty by the said letter and an enclosed memorial, for this purpose, are reduced to the exaggeration of the general and individual inconveniences and losses with which the voyage is attended at present in the route that is followed; and that those inconveniences and losses would all cease, and great and recognized blessings to the universal benefit of your majesty's kingdoms would result, if measures of the sort that those merchants desire were to be taken. although one might satisfy the originator of the idea with less, we shall enlarge the reply to greater length bearing in mind that the dimensions of this scheme are not measured by his yard-rule; nor can the advantages resulting from it compare with the hundred per cent of their profits. we especially consider that we are talking with your majesty through councilors and ministers of such high standing, among whom any state argument, however great, has its due consideration and place. it is recognized, sire, that the chief means of keeping these kingdoms tranquil is to make them dependencies of españa, in what pertains not only to distributive and commutative justice, but also to whatever else is necessary for the preservation of life, in the spiritual as well as the temporal. but dependence of this sort, when viewed entirely and only from the sovereigns' standpoint, is regulated by what is necessary and requisite that the vassals of regions so distant may live in the subjection, and render the obedience and loyalty that are due from them. although this argument, since it is the most substantial, when it encounters the others most justly takes precedence of any other and private advantage of the vassals themselves and the kingdom, it would [not] be excusable to molest and vex the subjects with what is not actually necessary, if the above purpose could be attained at less cost and vexation to them. accordingly, in the matter of restricting the mutual trade of certain kingdoms, and directing that trade to españa alone, one must proceed with very great caution, and with measures adapted only to what the attainment of the chief end demands, in order that we may avoid as far as possible the harm that might result; since, if this body saw itself so disunited that it could not even avail itself of its own members, it might become desperate, and the whole might fall into decay, as is usual with those in despair. they are persuading your majesty that the trade of these kingdoms with españa is decreasing. i, sire, feel differently, and am persuaded that never were the profits resulting from it greater; nor am i less certain that such result must necessarily follow, in this manner. it was known in the beginning that neither wine nor olive oil was produced in nueva españa, but these were brought from castilla. inspired by the example of the profits made by some persons, all--especially the inhabitants of andalucía--began to plant vineyards and olive-orchards. he who had esteemed any kind of trade a degradation twenty years before, now, with the incentive of sending away his crops, shipped greater cargoes than would a whole fair of merchants. consequently, the ocean trade increased, in a short time, from at most fifty or one hundred casks of wine and a few more jars of olive-oil--carried by one or two vessels, unauthorized and without register--to cargoes which fill thirty or forty vessels, that sail annually in a trading fleet. the vessel in which this is received is earthen, and of limited capacity; and what was slowly filling it continued to increase. now this vessel is full to the brim, but still they obstinately continue to pour in more. is it not evident that what is more than enough to fill it must overflow, and be the same as lost? thus was the land conquered in perú. true reports were published concerning its so great abundance of wealth--that it was considered easier and cheaper to arm men and shoe horses with silver than with iron; and that for one quire of paper ten pesos of gold were paid, for one cloth cloak one hundred pesos, and for one horse three or four thousand pesos. at this report, various kinds of merchandise were brought, and had a continual good outlet and sale; and they were taken in the necessary quantity. years passed, and the treasure--which was too plentiful, because it was in possession of people who had no use for it--came into the hands of those who finally saw it disseminated through the world--and for this reason the share of each part is less. the account that should be taken of reason and common sense is forgotten, and men persuade themselves blindly that, since they get a thousand for five hundred, with one million they must make two: and as if they could expect the same profit from supplying necessity and from adding to abundance, they multiply their trading-fleets and double their investments. is it not evident that if their shipments are in excess, their profits must fall short, and that the ratio between the two cannot be equal to what it was before? let the records of the customs duties belonging to your majesty be examined, where those who profit and those who lose pay on account of what they produce; and they will tell how not only the commerce has not declined, but also that rather, through its having increased so greatly, the danger of losing the invested money results. what their provinces can digest and assimilate, sire, should be exported to the indias, and a limit should be set to the hope of their increase, and endeavor should be made to preserve them in the extremely flourishing condition which they reached; and if efforts pass those limits, then, instead of causing the indias to increase, it will be a greater blow, whereby they will slip back more quickly along the coast of decline. coming then to the particular matter, the question is one of suppressing the commerce now carried on with the philipinas islands by way of the south sea. this may be advantageous to españa in two ways: in making the kingdom of méjico absolutely dependent on españa's aid, without leaving it any other recourse: and in increasing the proportions of their present trade by adding to that kingdom [_i.e._, españa] that commerce from those islands by way of the ocean sea, [55] to which it is desired to direct the trade-route. in the first place, it will be considered that nueva-españa passed many years without any communication with the philipinas, and that the same will happen now if that commerce be taken away, although at the outset there may be some ill-feeling among them; and that the prevention of a thing so temporary, and in one province only, ought not to over-balance what is of so different an importance, as that españa (the seat of your majesty's monarchy) should have plenty of money. for all that méxico sends to manila will go to españa, and should have an outlet for its merchandise, since from that must be supplied what nueva-españa now receives from the islands. in order that nueva-españa may preserve itself if this trade be suppressed, the years while it lived without that trade have no consequence; for it would be a mistake to compare a period when that kingdom was in so early an infancy [56] that the royal incomes therein scarcely amounted to thirty or forty thousand ducados, and when in the whole kingdom the amount of outside capital employed did not surpass two hundred thousand, with what el cerro [57] now alone produces, where one reckons the product by millions and takes no account of the tens and hundreds. from all this one may infer that whoever sits down to a meal, however plentiful, when he sees it growing less would doubtless have sufficient strength to call out and plead his hunger; and much more when we baptise business with the name of diet. but this has not much force, since it is not intended to suppress, but only to change the mode of this supply. in order to see whether it be feasible, one should consider, that, barring certain articles of adornment and luxury, the chief exports from españa to méjico are wine, oil, and linen, and from the philipinas woven and raw silk. the former products, in whatever quantity needed, must always be bought from españa. there is no other region that can supply them, nor does méjico itself produce them; therefore its enforced dependence on españa follows. however, in what pertains to linen, méjico may supply itself in part by using the cloth that the indians make from cotton. the rest (namely, silks supplied by manila) may be obtained in great abundance, without begging it from anyone, by only encouraging the industry in any of méjico's provinces. these are very suitable for it, especially the province of misteca, [58] where it could be cultivated and woven admirably. admitting the above, my opinion is that, allowing that nueva-españa could be maintained, although with difficulty, without trade with the philipinas, it must be by means that would prove harmful to those islands alone--which would lose this aid without any resultant good to españa; since they would not ask for those products of españa which they at present demand, or increase those which they are now exporting because of the increase of money [in nueva españa]. and we have already stated that nueva-españa is incapable of consuming more wine and oil than it now uses. but if all this should cease, and españa should have to supply the above-mentioned necessities because of shutting the door to the trade in the philipinas, the bulk of silk stuffs would have to be brought from francia and flandes, to whom españa always gives her treasures in exchange for this merchandise. for constantinopla is so far from italia, and so little do gold and silver suit that route--or else the french and the rebels [59] are so skilful in getting this product away from us, that one may doubt whether they do not take it all with them. according to this, he who is not suspicious enough to believe that the merchants of sevilla alone consider as enemies prejudicial to your majesty's crown those who do not trade much with them, should be astonished that they direct and regulate the reform so that the chinese cannot avail themselves of the silver of nueva españa. for it is a fact that the chinese do us no other harm than to keep the silver; and that the merchants do not consider that by that other road all tends to come into the hands of him who exerts himself with it in order to attempt and compass to acquire what remains. let us examine, then, what interest would accrue to españa in the other point, the appropriation to itself of the trade with the philipinas. the consulate says that españa will be enriched with the exportation, to manda [60] and xapon, of its products and other merchandise that will go to those islands, where they also desire so ardently to have an abundance of what is brought from there [españa?] and from china; and this will easily prevent the loss of the great quantities of silver that pass by this road from nueva españa. to the first, sufficient answer is made with what experience, that great teacher in such matters, has taught us to the contrary--to me, at least, during the time while i governed in méxico. for, since your majesty was pleased to order me in a decree, dated december 17, 604, to give my opinion as to whether export duties would better be levied on the merchandise sent to the philipinas from the port of acapulco--since all the other merchandise sent thence, to guatimala and perú, pays two and one-half per cent--and that in order to do this i should investigate the quality and nature of the said merchandise, i made special efforts to ascertain these facts. after examining the registers of several years i found that, even if the duty should be collected from the philipinas exports as from the others, it would not amount to two hundred pesos of eight reals each year; for all those goods were articles of luxury, and in very small quantity. i sent your majesty an official report of this in my letter of february 17, 606. on august 19 of the same year, i received a reply, ordering me to make no change so long as the trade did not increase to such an extent that i thought it inadvisable; and in such case to advise your majesty of it confidentially. consequently, since there will be no greater exportation from nueva españa of like commodities from that kingdom [_i.e._, españa]--where there are no others, and whence only these would be sent--the same thing would result. [61] one errs in saying that those goods are desired in manila and xapon, since cloth stuffs (the only thing lacking to them) besides being a merchandise of so great value that he who would export them so far to the philipinas would lose them--are not used, because of the heat; and in xapon, where the cold might make them sought, they cost very little, for the natives clothe themselves with the taffetans of that country, and use cotton quilts. consequently, i have also answered what was alleged concerning the increase of the duties that would accrue to your majesty from the export duties in españa and the import duties at manila. the other argument namely, that españa would be filled with products from china and xapon--may be conceded to them; but it remains for them to show us the utilty that would accrue to them, after the goods had been obtained. for i, on the contrary, regard them as a very great harm, since with those goods would cease the present industry [in españa] of the raising of silk, its weaving and trade; and all this would be exchanged for what is so much poorer and of so little durability. it is a fact that even now we are experiencing that, and are discovering here the harm caused by even the small quantity of silk of this class [_i.e._, the chinese silk]; it comes mixed with that of españa, in almost all the velvets and taffetans brought from españa, for in but two days' time they become useless. that by this means would be prevented the exportation of silver from nueva-españa, is an opinion that one might value and thank them for, if they were not trying to withdraw the silver from another and more important region, where the harm would be greater. but, supposing that what now goes from méxico will be sent later from castilla and andalucía, it seems that the only utility will be found in the less occasion [for buying chinese goods] that each of those provinces would have, so that the export of silver would be in smaller quantity. that is to be regulated by the wealth of each province, and by their facilities for diverting it. all the silver that nueva-españa obtains now comes from its own provinces, or is brought from the provinces of perú. the bulk of it is used in the trade with españa, some in that with the philipinas, and very little in the retail trade of its own cities and towns; for although nueva-españa has intercourse with perú, it never uses more than the products of the country for that. what is sent to the islands goes by way of acapulco, which is the only port in all the south sea where this despatch is made or can be made. that españa would have more silver if it retained within its bounds what it receives, seems to be undeniable, since therein is gathered the silver of méxico, perú, and all the indias. but the gates by which that silver issues [from españa]--now it is known whether there are any--are, to speak correctly, as many as there are seaports and sterile districts, with the usual and accustomed communication between them. accepting this as true--on which is based assertions of those who say that less silver will be sent to manila from a kingdom where conditions are such [_i.e._, españa] than méxico [now] gives--i, at least, no matter how long may be the argument, do not comprehend so obscure a secret; on the contrary, i am persuaded that españa will be no poorer thereby. for, if this mouth be stopped, españa must be drained, by those that remain (as is done today), of all of this article that other kingdoms are offering it, as in a flood. but with equal certainty, i understand that incomparably more money will go to the philipinas by this road than now goes by the other. and to assert that this loss will cease because, with the increase of trade with xapon, the merchandise which must go to españa will come from that country, is a statement without foundation. for if this argument were worth anything, it must have the same force, in preventing what is today carried from méxico; since trade with xapon from manila is open and permitted to all who wish it. the consulate is trying also to strengthen its proposition with the improvements that it pretends to find in the voyage, if it were to be made by the cape of buena-esperanza. but, discussing that point by what i have been able to learn of it, i find that the emperor and king our sovereign, of glorious memory, your majesty's grandfather, having been persuaded that the discovery and conquest of the spice islands--the name then given to those islands today included in the name of philipinas or malucas--pertained to the crown of castilla, inasmuch as they were within the line drawn by his holiness, alexander vi, for the division of the world, ardently desired, and made extraordinary efforts, so that his vassals might make that voyage without touching at the ports and lands of the kingdom of portugal. for that purpose he made an agreement with fernando de magallanes to discover [such a route]. the latter discovered and gave name to the strait in this region at the south. although by the result [of magallanes's expedition] one could recognize the great difficulty and danger of the voyage, his majesty would not desist from the undertaking. on the contrary, he immediately sent, in the year 25, two other fleets by that way while, at the same time, he sent a ship under command of an intelligent man to find a new entrance by the coast of labrador and the bacallaos. [62] following up the attempt, he ordered don fernando cortés, conqueror of nueva-españa, to attempt this expedition from nueva-españa. he would not have ceased like means until attaining it, had not he made that contract or agreement concerning those islands with the king of portugal in the year 29. [63] that put an end to the enterprise until afterward, when don antonio de mendoza, viceroy of nueva-españa, took up again the same search in the year 42, and continued to persevere in it, so that it was realized during the latter years of the governorship and life of don luis de velasco, who succeeded the said don antonio in that office. i would, sire, narrate in minute detail to your majesty these labors, and those of many others, who lost their lives and possessions at various times to see the accomplishment of so important a matter, if i were not afraid of making a history of this letter--in order to entreat you that, since god our lord ordained that a good desired by so many should be enjoyed with so great quietness in these most fortunate days of your majesty, you will not permit the glory of this happiness to be disturbed and obscured; for the motives and efforts of so suspicious a people embarrass it. they, in order to gain their own private interests, try to cover them with this cloak of convenience and conservation of so superior authority. and although it appears that a great part of the former injuries are lacking today, since the kingdom of portugal (although by light of a separate crown) is under the universal domain of your majesty, still, the zeal and affection that your majesty has always felt in greater proportion for the inhabitants of castilla ought not on that account to cease; since there is also no cessation of the rancor and hostility with which the portuguese, in all the indias where they rule, withhold the friendly intercourse that they owed to the castilians as the vassals of the same sovereign. i am quite persuaded that there is little difference between these two routes as regards the weather and dangers of the sea. for, although the nueva-españa vessels consume not longer than sixty days, and sometimes less, the return voyage is of longer duration, and the whirlwinds and gales more continuous. and although i believe that voyages made by way of the cape of buena esperanza take more than the three months that the prior and consuls assert (especially since the vessels have to stop at one or two way-stations), yet, in regard to this, i estimate the two routes as equal. but in point of certain security, the advantage lies greatly with the voyages made by way of the south sea, as it is at all times so free from enemies. no further proof is necessary regarding this statement than the fact that not a single vessel going to and fro between acapulco and cavite and the port of manila has been captured; [64] while very many vessels take that other route, which are so heavily armed that, in comparison with the first, one may consider them as more than fortresses. the warning that the dutch make use of this route [_i.e._, through the strait of magellan] cannot force me to believe the contrary; and by it without so many advantages as those enjoyed by your majesty's ships they have made themselves almost complete masters of all the spice islands, for they had no other routes from which to select this one. i assert from the prudence with which the dutch consider what is of advantage to them, that if they could enjoy so great convenience as nueva-españa possesses, they would not take the risk of running by the coast and ports of your majesty as they do today by the open sea, where they might meet one who would resist their progress. an excellent proof of this truth is their so-oft repeated effort to find a passage through the strait of anian. [65] for they consider it more conducive to the peace of their voyage to experience rough and unknown seas, than to be liable to the sudden surprises to which those that are milder and more traversed are liable. the mastery that i know them to exercise in those districts, is to enter for pillage and barter, as they usually do, even in the very kingdoms of your majesty which are nearest to the defense and power of your fleets and if, in addition, the dutch have any trading-posts, established and manned with soldiers, it is not necessary that españa should trouble itself to dislodge them, but the governor of the philipinas, and the soldiers and ships of malaca and of the viceroy of india, should attempt it; and it will be easy to drive them out at once. in truth, however, (that i may always discuss a similar case), our design must be more difficult to attain than theirs; for they content themselves with going where they are received, and of receiving what they are given, without caring much whether others enter that district, while your majesty desires, as is right, to be absolute and sole ruler, and to shut the gate to all who do not enter under the name and title of vassals. as to the difficulty and delay of sending aid to the islands, although it is understood that the enemy is attempting some entrance in the islands, i can easily comprehend that it would be easier to build a fleet in españa, and that it would be despatched much more quickly than from these provinces. but i have always considered that, in this regard, sire, he who has so extensive a monarchy as your majesty, must see that each part of it have all the force necessary for its sole defense, without being dependent for so costly and remote reenforcement, as would necessarily be the case did your majesty send it from the the ports of that kingdom. consequently, i presume that, if the islands should find themselves in a like necessity, either they would have to resist an attack with their presidios and walls, or (to extend the hope farther) that they would not have need for more aid than what they could secure from malaca with the galleons of that crown. the aid that is not so pressingly needed, and which, it seems, must necessarily come from españa--such as infantry for the presidios--is sent there with some difficulty, because of the long distance overland from veracruz to the port of acapulco, in a land so open that the companies necessarily lose some men. but it would prove more costly should your majesty, in order to avoid this, have to form a fleet on occasions when it would be necessary. however, i have thought that an effort might be made, some time, to send the soldiers who must go to the islands in the trading fleet or galleons sailing to puertobelo; [66] and to advise the president [of the audiencia there], somewhat earlier, to have small boats provided to take the soldiers by river from chagre to cruces. since from that point to panama it is only five leguas overland, the men might be taken there easily and at little expense. the viceroy of peru, having been notified beforehand, should, without any expense to your majesty, have a vessel at panamá, where the soldiers could embark and go to acapulco. there they could change ships for those in the philipinas line. by this method some of the greatest inconveniences could be avoided. and lastly, as the concluding argument of this discourse, i remind your majesty that since the philipinas islands are surrounded by enemies so powerful as are xapon and china--one because of its strength and valor, and the other because of its incredible multitude of inhabitants--with only the seven hundred spaniards that the islands had, during my government of nueva españa, who could bear arms (a number now increased somewhat by the presidios of terrenate and thidore), they are preserved solely for this reason, that by their means the trade of those countries is opened to your majesty's kingdoms. thus said the emperor of xapon, when he was advised to conquer manila. the chinese king wrote the same words to don pedro de acuña, when the latter suspected that the insurrection made in those islands by the chinese king's vassals had been made by his orders. and it must be considered seriously that if the trade be carried on by way of the cape of buena esperanza, it would be quite possible that the chinese--who, in order to go to manila, have to sail, both in the open and among islands, with some risk and danger because of the smallness of their craft--after seeing that the spanish ships had to make a way-station at malaca or xava, would go from the river of canton, which is the gateway from which the chinese ships set out, coasting from land to land along their own country, and would change the bulk of their trade to portuguese ports, and thus deserting manila. if they did this, the principal support and defense of manila would fail, and its enemies would change their opinion, since they would no longer enjoy the benefits that now attract them. for all the above, sire, my opinion is that, if the matter were in its beginnings, from no other part could this trade be directed than from nueva españa; for it is nearer the islands, and is the region from which less silver can go. and should this cease, without doubt that kingdom would be greatly weakened, and the philipinas destroyed--and none of this to españa's advantage. on the contrary it would be to españa's greater loss, since that country would be filled with merchandise of little value, at double the money that would be derived from its sale. the dependence of all the other kingdoms, which is now sure and not uncertain, would possibly be endangered by venturing upon the execution of this plan; and your majesty would also be obliged, in order to make the sea safe in this route, to have two war vessels to accompany every trading vessel, notwithstanding the extraordinary cost which this would involve. the other things mentioned in the memorial, namely, [_original ms. broken_; the appointment(?)] of officials, soldiers, and sailors now engaged in this despatch do not seem of such nature that they oblige me to answer them in detail. it is certain that the viceroys appoint very suitable persons, and will always do so, since they rely on their honor; and the commander does not care to overload the vessels, since he is not interested in the freight charges. consequently, when the auditor of manila obliges them to load much cargo in cabite, they usually unload and leave goods on the shoals that they meet, whence arise innumerable complaints and suits. the pilots and sailors are examined in what is necessary for them, and the soldiers are sufficient for a navigation route of so great safety. if it is true that the latter are lazy and vagabonds, few times have i seen men enlisted in any region who are not such, or who do not desire to be such. although there may be things to correct in all matters, there are other reforms less costly and easier. your majesty might wish to have these arguments in briefer form; but, although i have omitted some things, the matter is of so great moment that i have not been able to pass over anything that i judge essential for your proper decision in this matter. may god preserve your majesty as christendom has need. los reyes, april 12, 1612. letter from the bishop of nueva segovia _jesus_ i hold it certain that our lord has placed your very reverend paternity in this place--as he did joseph, for the good of his fatherland and his brothers--in the government of the kingdoms of this province of philipinas, which is one of the most religious that exist at present, i understand, in our holy order. although it is one of the most remote of those therein, it is at present in the greatest need that your very reverend paternity extend to it your protection in a matter which is most just, and which his majesty is in conscience bound to aid. it is a fact that the foundation of a college has been begun in connection with the convent of santo domingo in manila, in which is to be studied the teaching of our father, st. thomas, which is pure and righteous. this enterprise has been so thoroughly approved in this city that several of the citizens, even before the walls of the college were finished, began to endow scholarships of a hundred pesos of income each per annum, wherewith the students may be supported and clothed, and the more virtuous and worthy can be selected. as a copy of the rest of the reasons will accompany this, i do not choose to set them down here, lest i tire your very reverend paternity, whose time is so fully occupied. the fathers of the society of jesus some years ago established another college, which is of no use for the public good; since those who enter it to study have to clothe themselves at their own expense, and give a hundred pesos a year for their board, which only the very rich can do. accordingly, though many have entered, thus far none have been ordained priests and ministers; for all turn to the fleshpots of egypt. these blessed fathers, it is understood, have made opposition to our college, and have caused his majesty to issue a decree to his governor, don juan de silva, to give information as to whether it is desirable to continue further the said college. this knight is very much opposed to the order, because its religious have done their duty by preaching the truth, and persuading to observance of the royal decrees of his majesty, which he has with so much wisdom issued for the good government of these islands. and even i have suffered a part of the persecution, because i preached the same thing at the feast of the rosary, in the year 612; they took from me my stipend for a year, and the archbishop sent the sermon to his majesty. just now two other copies are being sent for examination, for he persecutes the preachers and bishops; accordingly, we may dread information from the governor--although, on the other hand, the truth has so great power that i think he will utter it, and particularly as at present we have peace, thanks be to the lord. your very reverend paternity should be informed that although this governor is a good soldier, in matters of government he lacks the best qualification, which is executive ability and exemplary conduct. accordingly this country is in a wretched condition, and he is rich indeed who has the means to stop the mouths of all that complain. this province is in great need of religious, as they are the best ministers, and on account of their vow of poverty are best liked by the indians, and those who are most desired; but it seems that the council is deliberating whether to give permission for them to come. as all we who are bishops are informing his majesty, those from whom that permission could with justice be taken away are the calced augustinian friars; for this province of that order is very lax, and all who come from there become inactive, and most of them become traders, and skin the natives. there is a master solier there [_i.e._, in españa]--who, it is said, is confessor to the president of the indias, marques de salinas--who is said to have carried [from here] more than thirty thousand pesos, and to be claiming a great bishopric. may god free his church from such prelates. this year there goes from these islands, sent by the governor on his affairs, another friar of the augustinians, named fray diego de gevara, who has been confessor to the said governor, to the great scandal of this community. he also made visitation of this his province, and it is public report that he visited the purses. i believe it is beyond doubt that he is taking letters very favorable to himself, and he is so kind a man that he promises bishoprics. i write this to your very reverend paternity for the relief of my conscience, for i know that this matter of the bishoprics must rest in your hands; and bishops may cause great injury here if they are not very exemplary, fathers of the poor, and free from all avarice. father fray diego duarte went to that court as procurator for this province to bring religious here, which he did in the manner of a messenger of god. now, after he had come with the second reenforcement of them to help carry the burdens of this province, at the command of his obedience he is returning again to bring more religious; for his virtue is already recognized in that court, and he too is acquainted with those who have influence there. i beseech your very reverend paternity to receive him as one recommended, and favor him on any occasions that may arise. may our lord protect your very reverend paternity for many long years, for the good of his church, with many gifts from his divine favor. manila, august 15, 1613. _the bishop of nueba segobia_ [67] letter from felipe iii to silva the king: to don juan de silva, knight of the order of santiago, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. your letters of july 20, 612, have been received and examined in my council of the yndias, and i was pleased to learn that you had sent to nueva españa, by the ships going that year, the two hundred quintals of quicksilver [68] of which you informed me; also of the friendly reception and kind feeling that you encountered among the chinese in the matter of selling this metal and bringing it to macan, where you say there is established a factory [_i.e._, trading-post] for this purpose. i feel gratified at the diligence and care that you have exercised in the matter, and earnestly charge you to advance this matter, and strive that the quantity of quicksilver that you shall purchase and send to nueva españa may be as large as possible, in accordance with the request of the viceroy. you will keep in close correspondence with him, and not draw on any money that he may have sent you or shall send you in the future for this purpose, for any of your own needs, however great. you will try to foster this trade in such manner that it may be at as little cost as possible. it has been thought best to advise you to consider whether it would be possible to procure the quicksilver by having the chinese bring it with a clearance direct to the philipinas, and thus do away with the factory in macan. for with the latter there cannot fail to be difficulties, as the portuguese merchants do not trade in the quicksilver; besides, it would seem that the metal would be furnished by this method at a lower price. i do not mention other objections that have been considered. however, the documents that you mention will be sent through the council of portugal. what you mention in regard to the eight pesos paid by the sangleys who last year remained in the country, for each license, is well; and i charge you to exercise the care which is of so much importance, that no difficulties shall result from their presence and intercourse in those islands. all the papers that you send regarding the violations of law that are imputed to the royal officials have been examined in my said council; and provision has been made therefor, as you are already aware by the despatches which were sent to you. in view of the fact that the investigation and process concerning their guilt, which you wrote me you would send, is at present being awaited, and you have not done so, i order you to comply with the orders that you received by the said despatches (duplicates of which accompany this) so that, if you have not received the originals, you may by these understand what is to be done regarding the appointment of persons which you say you have made, to serve in their offices in the interim. what you say concerning the measures you have taken to regulate the dues which the encomenderos of those islands enjoy, from the encomiendas which they possess, has been considered, and the result will be awaited at the first opportunity. you did well to advise me of what the king of japon wrote you to the effect that he can not obstruct the friendship into which he has entered with the dutch, and the desire that he also has to maintain friendly relations with my vassals. the matter is being looked into, and at the proper time the result will be written to you. it was likewise proper to give me an account of all you mention in regard to the permission that sebastian vizcayno gave in japon for a ship to go thence laden with merchandise for nueva españa; and the difficulties that in your opinion may result from the opening of this trade, of which i am informed. in the matter of the assessments and contributions which you say the indians pay, and the annoyances which they suffer on this account from the religious who are instructing them, you speak in general terms of all the orders in those islands; whereas it would have been best to write to me particularly as to which orders have thus transgressed, and to send the investigations that have been made. and, since the protection and guardianship of the indians is in your charge, you should attend to them, in so far as lies in your department, so that they may not receive any injury or grievance. you should always carry out the provisions and ordinances in their favor, proceeding with the religious by discreet and legal measures, and advising with the audiencia. you will strive to deal prudently with the archbishop of that city, maintaining amicable relations with him, so that from the government of both may follow the good results that are desirable; for any lack of harmony between those who govern must always result in evil, besides the general scandal and the bad example that is furnished. the same is being written to the archbishop, and he is ordered to avoid the exercise of censures in the cases that you describe in your letter, since it is not proceeding against the religious to give me information concerning occurrences. you are informed of this, that you may understand the matter. as for what you say regarding the entrance of the said archbishop in his pall, in spite of the decree sent him which directs the contrary, i have written to him that he should not have done this, but should have complied with the decree, and observed the custom in these kingdoms; of this, too, you are informed so that, being aware of it, you may take care that the said decree is complied with as i command you to do. as to the other matters contained in your letters, decisions will soon be reached, and the result will be written to you soon. pardo, december 2, 1613. _i the king_ countersigned by: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the members of the council. documents of 1616 recommendations regarding the archbishopric of manila. [council of the indias?]; 1613-16. letter to felipe iii. valerio de ledesma, s.j.; august 20. portuguese and spanish expedition against the dutch, 1615. juan de rivera and valerio de ledesma, s.j.; [1616?]. _sources_: the first document is obtained from the original ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the second, and the first part of the third, are found in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), i, pp. 403-429; the remainder of the third, in colin's _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663,) pp. 802-810. _translations_: the first document is translated by robert w. haight; the remainder, by james a. robertson. recommendations regarding the archbishopric of manila sire: licentiate diego vazquez de mercado, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila in the philipinas islands, by a letter written your majesty on the first of july, 610, submits that, as that church has been without a prelate for a long time, he finds the affairs of the church in a condition far from what they should be, and much in need of correction; but, owing to his great age and the hardships he has undergone, he is very deficient in health and strength to fulfil the obligations of a good prelate, and that therefore he finds it necessary to appeal to your majesty, that you may be pleased to relieve him from that burden, and receive his resignation of the archbishopric, which he tenders. and he asks that, in case this favor is not extended to him, there be named and appointed a person of suitable qualifications as his coadjutor, with the future succession, and this should be done as soon as possible. this has been examined in the council; and they regard as actual and valid the hindrances which he represents. considering the urgent request which he makes in the letter to your majesty and in others which he has written to private persons to the same effect; his advanced age and his failing health, and the great distance from españa to that church, where a person would have to be sent to take his place in case he should fail; and the great inconvenience that would result if it was so long without a prelate as has been seen by experience--it has appeared very expedient to appoint for him, with the future succession a coadjutor, of the requisite qualifications, age, and vigor, so that he can fulfil the obligations of a prelate, and attend to the pastoral ministration. it is recommended that he he given, for his fitting support, a third part of the income of the archbishopric, besides the occasional fees [_ovenciones_] and its visitation--it being understood that the archbishops of that church are granted a decree to the effect that if the returns do not amount to three thousand ducados a year, what is lacking will be furnished them from the royal exchequer. if your majesty be pleased to approve this, the persons who appear best fitted for that church will be proposed to you, so that at the same time when you write to his holiness on the matter, the presentation of the person whom your majesty would nominate, may be sent to him. madrid, june 28, 1613. [_endorsed_: "in order not to institute coadjutorships in such cases, let the council ascertain whether there is any person for those regions who, being appointed in his own right, might aid in performing the archbishop's duties; and if such a one be found, advise me of it, and of what is to be done regarding the resignation of the archbishop."] sire: in the year 613, your majesty was given an account of the reasons set forth by licentiate don diego vazquez de mercado, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila in the philipinas islands, why he should be given a coadjutor. the council was of opinion that your majesty might command it to be examined, with the enclosed advice; and your majesty was pleased to answer: [here is repeated the endorsement on the letter preceding this]. in order to give better satisfaction to your majesty, and to report on the state of affairs in those islands, we have waited for the coming of the letters. as for himself, the archbishop persisted in his claim, which was explained to your majesty in writing on the fourth of may, 614, and the second of august, 615. he considers himself of no use in the government of his church, as he is more than seventy years of age, with many infirmities; and he is anxious over the failure that gives cause for regarding him as remiss, and the fact that he can not fulfil his obligations, nor make easy the conscience of your majesty, and is burdening his own. as a result of this his jurisdiction is becoming every day less; and owing to his inability to punish them, and take needful measures, there is cause to fear that there may be increase of certain sins. it is but right that this should be remedied in due time, by sending a successor. again he beseeches your majesty to appoint one, so that he may continue to fulfil the obligations of that office; and that, for his own support, he be left two thousand of the three thousand ducados which your majesty has commanded to be given him. in the letters from the religious orders of these islands it is evident how fitting and just it is to concede to the archbishop what he asks. having considered and examined into this, the council is of the same opinion as in the said advice of 613; and thinks that your majesty, conformably thereto, may consider it desirable to ask his holiness to grant the archbishop a coadjutor with the future succession, who will be given a third of the stipend of that archbishopric--namely, one thousand ducados--besides the occasional fees and the visitation of the archbishopric, leaving to the archbishop the other two-thirds. it should be through a coadjutorship, because in this form it appears more suitable, and in accordance with the petition he makes, and with the customary action in similar cases. if your majesty be pleased to approve, persons in that region and in the archbishopric will be considered in regard to the qualifications that are required for that church. madrid, the first of july, 616. letter from ledesma to felipe iii _abstract of a letter from the provincial of the society of jesus, valerio de ledesma, to the king, informing him of the condition of the filipinas islands._ [69] in this letter father valerio made complaint to the king that the condition of the country was most unhappy and unfortunate, and resembled a sick man in the throes of death. he declared that the trade of the ships from china and nueva españa, which was sustaining and enriching the islands, had fallen off in great measure, and much more in its profits; for in the year 1616 no more than seven ships had gone there, although formerly as many as fifty or sixty were wont to go; and as for acapulco, no ships had been sent in either direction. even if they should be despatched, they were in danger not only from corsairs but from stormy weather. great armaments had been organized in a short time, to drive out the dutch; but for that very reason, the inhabitants had been compelled to make vast sacrifices at the cost of their fortunes. hence they were in so ruined a condition that the three or four wealthiest citizens had been unable to equip a ship to be sent to acapulco. the indians were so exhausted and harassed with tributes, new impositions, and personal services, [70] that it became necessary for many, after they had nothing more to give (since they had given all their possessions), to give their persons to others, as slaves, so that the latter might give for them what they themselves did not possess. the enemies with whom the spaniards had to contend were numerous and gave them no respite--namely, the mindanaos, caragas, sanguils, joloans, dutch, and english and of these last, all those eastern districts were full of their boats, so that no voyage could be made without meeting them; and there was no security from them. to these calamities was due the death of governor juan de silva, who, all had hoped, was to free these islands and those of maluco from the invasions and piracies of the dutch. he closed by petitioning the king to send forces to sustain the declining colony, as it was so important, and so precious a portion of the spanish monarchy. [dated manila, august 20, 1616, and signed _valerio de ledesma_, [71] provincial of the society of jesus.] portuguese and spanish expedition against the dutch, 1615 after the dutch pirates began to sail the seas of eastern india and the archipelago of filipinas, and to carry cloves from maluco, silks from china, and drugs from the adjacent islands, they began also to cripple the cities that were sustained by the trade, which are the principal cities; because the seas were infested, and there was little security on them from those pirates. they, from the first year of their entrance into the orient, coasted the shores, sounded the ports, and established trading-posts in the chief places, which they filled with people whom they brought from holanda. consequently, by the year 1614, the dutch had eighteen armed galleons in the south sea, and they burned the city of arevalo, where the food for maluco was stored, and committed many other depredations, which obliged don juan de silva, governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, to prepare a large fleet to attack them and drive them from our seas. but, thinking that the forces of the filipinas were insufficient to attend to so many things at once--the support of the camp in maluco; the defense of the city of manila, which is in sight of twenty thousand chinese (who had already, in 1603, risen against it and incited a war); and sallies to fight the enemy--it was determined to ask help from the viceroy of india and to join the two forces, castilian and lusitanian, who are especially being attacked by the dutch. indeed, the letters-patent given to them by count mauricio read that they are to make war on the castilians and portuguese. besides this argument, it is evident that yndia is not less interested in driving out those enemies than are the filipinas. father juan de rivera, [72] then rector of the residence of the society of jesus at manila, was appointed to negotiate this league and reenforcement. he prepared himself in a few days and left for yndia on november 21 of the year 1615. he reached malaca on tuesday, december 9, by manila reckoning, but wednesday by that of malaca; for the date for those sailing west is later, and earlier for those sailing east. [73] from malaca he journeyed to cochin, and from cochin to goa, at the time when yndia was engaged in the wars of the north; because peace with the great mogor [74] had been broken. the viceroy had gone with a powerful fleet to capture, if possible, four english ships anchored at surate, where he received the letters belonging to our voyage and embassy. considering the importance of the matter, he hastened his return and went to goa. there he furnished four galleons for the said help, and three hundred or more soldiers, appointing as commander of the latter don francisco de miranda enrriquez. [75] the latter left goa may 12. the voyage, which is generally thirty days, lasted three and one-half months. we ran short of water in the middle of the open stretch, and thought that we were lost, on account of having been despatched with broken tanks and hogsheads. together with this was the disorder among the soldiers of yndia, who surreptitiously took with them many servants of their own and of other people, so that it was necessary to support these people aboard the vessel. these afterward consumed the food, and then caught and spread a pestilence. although there were only one hundred and ten soldiers in our galleon, there were about seven hundred persons, mostly negroes and cafres; of these many were free, although nominally slaves, as don gonzalo de silva, bishop of malaca, who was aboard the same galleon, testified. he declared that many lads were free, even some whom they were taking as captives. this is a general sin, wherefore some portuguese authors say, with father hernando rabelo, that god is punishing yndia and the portuguese nation, which alone has more slaves than any other nation of the world. july 30 we met two dutch ships, which were apparently going from palliacate [_i.e._, palicat] to carry aid to maluco. our galleon fought singlehanded with those two ships, because the other galleons were far to leeward. the enemy had waited two days between us, without our knowing it, in order to show themselves at a favorable opportunity. so great is the confidence of the portuguese that they did not fear them. they said that they were ships from cochin, and that, had they known in time that they were enemies, they could have captured them easily. in short they remained a cannon-shot from the flagship, and so fought until night, when they made off badly battered--as we learned later from the people of achen, on whose coast one of the ships was immediately wrecked, having sprung a leak through the effect of our balls and their own firing. they only killed two of our men. after the battle, our galleon ran aground on a shoal, on the eve of our lady of the assumption, near pulo parcelar. at the first shock, the helm was shifted seaward, and all that night we tossed up and down dreadfully until, next morning, we miraculously got off the shoal. we reached the strait of sincapura on august 10, where, as the pilots said the manila monsoon was over, we determined to run to malaca. in malaca the ships were very inhospitably received, for soldiers are wont to commit depredations. but within a few days they were made to see that the landing there of the galleons was for their relief and the salvation of their city; for a month after their arrival the king of achen came with sixty thousand men to besiege it. information of this number and of the other things that will be related, was given by the portuguese who were captives in achen and returned to malaca. they had three hundred and fifty sail--among them sixty galleys, each with three pieces in the bows; the piece in the midship gangway fired balls of sixty libras, as we saw in those found in the galleons after the war. along the sides they carried five falcons, firing balls of six libras. in the royal galley, called "espanto del mundo" [_i.e._, fear of the world] by the people of achen, were sixteen hundred soldiers and one hundred and fifty falcons and half-sized falcons. that king of achen, the most powerful on the sea of all this orient, had concerted with the dutch that both should take malaca. consequently they took a few days in arriving. the king of achen arrived first at the bay of malaca with a squadron of eighteen galleys, in order to reconnoiter the place. finding our four galleys anchored in the port, and learning that they were war-vessels, they put to sea to await the dutch. when our men saw them depart and go toward the strait, where they might capture the boats from china and unite with the dutch, they resolved to set sail and give battle. they did so with the four galleons and six galliots--ten small vessels. they encountered the achen boats on november 15, and fought for two and one-half days. the enemy carried a considerable force. they burned one galliot, so that the soldiers abandoned it and went to the galleons. the flagship grappled eleven galleys. fire was set to it many times, but our men extinguished it. the enemy grappled the galleon of don juan de silveira, which carried twenty-two pieces of artillery, and set fire to it. they were unable to extinguish the fire, and so it was entirely burned. don juan de silvera and antonio rodriguez de gamboa, son of the commander-in-chief of that fortress of malaca, and forty other portuguese, took to the water; but all were captured by the king of achen and placed aboard his galley. a fresh wind began to blow, wherewith the vessels separated and the men of achen went to their country with something less than thirty craft, counting large and small boats, and with two thousand men killed. although we did them damage, it was not so great as that which we received. accordingly they regarded it as a victory and entered their kingdom in triumph--where they feasted the captains, whom they treated courteously, and then loosed them and gave them liberty. on december 7 of the same year of 1615, the dutch reached the bay of malaca with seven ships and one patache, coming to join the king of achen. they found our three galleons, which, for greater security, had been anchored between a sandbank made by the sea and a small island near malaca. there they said that they were invincible, for entrance could be had only by a channel near the rampart, which, by means of its pieces of artillery, would refuse entrance. on the sea side they were defended by the sandbank and shoals. but the enemy sounded the port that night with its lanchas and found a new channel, where they entered without being hindered by the rampart. this was attributed to the fault and negligence of those who could and ought to have prevented the lanchas from making soundings, because of the many galliots in the port. the enemy having entered and coming within cannon range, opened a fierce bombardment, which lasted two and one-half days. at this time our vessels defended themselves with three pieces that could be fired, and no more, because they were anchored, and the current threw them in a line toward the dutch; although had the people on shore been diligent, they could have brought the vessels about with cables. the enemy tacked at will and played the majority of their pieces. we discovered that our galleons were stronger than their ships, for their balls did not pass through the sides of the galleons, especially of the almiranta and flagship. the damage inflicted by them was through the open ports; while we saw that our balls passed through the dutch ships from side to side, and then went bounding through the water. nevertheless, distrusting the dutch and their battery, the men of the galleons began to edge away and to leave them at the approach of night, especially when they saw captain juan pinto and admiral alfonso vaez fall; they were killed with four others, by a ball that entered through a port. first they abandoned the galleon called "plata," without taking the precaution to set it afire when they left, so that the enemy could not approach with their artillery. this the enemy did, entering and capturing it, as was well seen; and afterward they set it afire. when the enemy saw that the soldiers were deserting the almiranta, they lowered their lanchas and entered it. one dutchman, climbing up to the maintopsail, lowered the banner of christ and ran up that of count mauricio, the sight of which caused us great anguish. throughout that battle our men did not fire a musket or espingarda, [76] and they had none on the second day, for they tried to escape by swimming. our men set fire to this galleon, the almiranta; and when the dutch saw that it was burning, they left it, and the fire did its duty until it converted the vessel into ashes. the flagship held out longer, but the soldiers did not wait for the dutch to board, for some of them escaped from the galleon by swimming. thirteen or fourteen of them were drowned, among them christobal de fegueredo. some jumped into a small skiff belonging to the galleon, for they had taken all the boats from the city, so that they had none in which to come thence. the galleon was left with a few men, who were no longer firing and were silent. at this juncture, the general left by a port, as best he could. reaching shore, he ordered the galleon to be set afire, which was done. it began to burn, to our very great sorrow and to the exultation of the enemy, for it was an unusually fine vessel; it carried thirty-six pieces of artillery and a quantity of ammunition. when the fire reached the powder-magazine, so great was the noise made, that the island of malaca trembled and the houses shook. a cloud of smoke arose to the heavens which hid the clouds, and in that instant we lost sight of the galleon. in the four galleons ninety-two pieces of artillery were lost. the wounded and dead reached one hundred. the enemy were insolent and victorious, and, although we had done them some damage, they nevertheless attained their purpose, not only of preventing the relief of maluco, but of destroying the portuguese squadron--and that without the necessity of boarding any galleon, for which there was no such need; because, before they could reach the galleys, these were abandoned. as soon as the enemy were discovered, many said that it would be advisable to mount some pieces on the island, with some gabions, in order to attack the enemy, and defend the galleons, which would have been an admirable relief. but it did not have the desired effect, for only one piece was mounted, and that late; and no one cared to guard it, until antonio pinto de fonseca, inspector of forts and one who insisted urgently that the pieces be mounted, found a homicide, who with other criminals, guarded the piece. he did considerable injury to the enemy, for he fired from a short distance and with safety. had there been six guns, they would have sunk the enemy; but that was not the first or the last act of carelessness. on the twelfth of the month, the galleons were converted into ashes, and the maluco relief expedition was destroyed. after the battle and disaster many quarrels arose among the nobles by land and sea, over the question who was to blame. each one blamed the other, attributing the loss to many excesses that they mentioned. the truth is that such excesses existed, and they and our sins were the cause of so great a chastisement. on february 25, don juan de silva, governor and captain-general of the filipinas, reached the strait with ten galleons, four galleys, and one patache. the dutch were informed of his coming, for having captured juan gallegos, a pilot who came from macao in a patache, he told them the plans of the governor. thereupon the enemy took refuge a week beforehand. they had been awaiting two vessels that were coming from china with all the wealth of yndia; and the portuguese considered it a foregone conclusion that these would fall into the hands of the enemy. they had resolved to land on the island of bintan or pulo timón and burn the galleons, so that the enemy should not benefit therefrom. for that purpose they sent captain fernando acosta to malaca. but at the news of the governor's coming, the enemy abandoned their station and left a free passage to the ships, which arrived one day after the governor. it is reported that the two vessels had ten days of contrary southeast winds which prevented them from reaching the strait sooner, where their danger was. but god our lord did better, and he deprived the enemy of the prize, which would have enriched them enormously, and allowed them to make war on europe. for that good result and benefit given to all yndia by don juan de silva, the portuguese were extremely thankful, and accordingly received him in malaca under a pall and with great acclamation. on march 26 all confessed that god had delivered them from the dutch by his means; and they hoped that he would drive the enemy from these seas later. but death, which comes when god pleases, finished all their hopes; for it brought him to his bed, and from that to a grave on april 19, 1616, of a fever that carried him off in eleven days. during the course of his sickness, the city made a procession from the _asse_ or cathedral to [the church of] la misericordia, [77] praying our lord for his health. at his death, they bewailed him with extreme sorrow. before dying he saw that his end was near, and accordingly prepared himself by acts of faith and penitence, receiving the sacraments. he ordered his body to be embalmed, and taken on the royal galley to manila, and thence to jerez de los caballeros, [78] where he founded a convent of discalced carmelite nuns. in the meanwhile the body should be deposited in the residence or houses of the society of jesus. accordingly, in the residence of malaca they celebrated the church services for him. at the end of nine days, the body was taken to the galleys anchored in the strait of sincapura. there it was received with a salute on may 2. on the fourth, sail was set toward manila. the fleet was composed of ten galleons, four galleys, one patache, and three frigates. it carried three hundred pieces of artillery, eight companies of spanish soldiers, five hundred japanese, two hundred volunteers, sixty artillerymen, and two hundred sailors. [without signature. [79]] _letter from father juan de ribera, [80] rector of the residence of the society of jesus at manila, in which he gives account of his voyage to and from india, and of the unfortunate fate of the four galleons that he took thence._ we set sail at cabite november twenty-one, the day of the virgin. in a fortnight we entered the strait of sincapura, having followed the new route, which is called that of china. it is a very wide channel, some forty or fifty brazas deep. we anchored at malaca on tuesday, december nine, by our account, but on wednesday by that of malaca. we left there on christmas eve, with favorable weather. in the neighborhood of punta de gale [or galle], which is located in ceylan, we experienced a heavy storm. when that had subsided, the currents carried us to the islands of mal-divar [_i.e._, maldives], a voyage from which few emerge in safety. we lost our reckoning, and were in great need of wood and water. but by god's help, after having approached one of those islands, our necessity was relieved by some malabar pirates for money. we were sailing among that great forest of islands when we became becalmed, the peril most feared by pilots. when we were all grieving over that, the chief of the lascars, a moro by nation, and religion, arose. taking a dish in his hand, he begged us all for an alms for our lady of guadalupe of the city of cochin, [81] assuring us that she would give us wind. he pledged himself to give double the alms collected, even if she did not give the wind. much surprised in so great confidence in a moro, and all of us being encouraged, he collected in a short time eighteen pesos, and after folding them in a cloth, he tied them to the mizzen-masthead begging the virgin to fulfil her promise. the fact was that from that day the wind to navigate (little or much) never failed us, until we reached cochin. that was on january twenty-three, and on entering the bar there, we met a fleet of malabar pirates who were sufficiently powerful to oppose us. but god so disposed that we came upon them when they were tired out, as we afterward learned, by a battle that they had waged for the space of two days with another pirate, also a malabar--who, conquered by them at last, scuttled his ship and went down with all on board, in order not to fall into their hands. for that reason they did not attack us so quickly, and we had time to enter cochin. the fathers provincial received us on the beach--the present father francisco, [82] and the past alberto laercio [83]--accompanied by the most grave fathers with music and other kindnesses. we stayed two months in cochin, where we received singular kindness and entertainment from all. they took me to caranganor, five leguas from there, along very pleasant rivers, in a boat like a house, belonging to the archbishop of sierra, father don francisco ros [84] of our society, a native of the city of girona in the principality of cataluña, whose hand i desired to kiss. we found him at peru. he seemed a saint to me. when i remarked to him, à propos of the retirement and poverty in which i found him, at the first salutation, "_qui episcopatum desiderat, bonum opus desiderat_," he replied, "our chaldean answers, _bonam servitulem querit_." [85] he is learned in that language, in which his priests pray and celebrate the mass with peculiar ceremonies. we found him living so apostolic a life that he did not have room to entertain the eight of our society who were there--among whom was the rector of cochin, father gaspar fernandez [86]--nor did he have any food to give us. consequently we returned to the boat, which was more comfortable than the house. we went to caranganor, a portuguese fortress, and a residence of ours, just opposite samorin. i saw some doors and windows that had been broken with volleys, and they told me that a father who was praying in the window had been killed. the father rector of the residence there had a carved image of the child jesus asleep in a little gilded bed, which had been sent him by a pagan malabar pirate, who stole it from a portuguese, believing it to be gold. but when he had carried it to his house, he found that it was only gilded wood, and gave it to his children for a toy. the sleeping child, however, did not allow his owner to sleep, for according to his account, he kept him awake every night, and placing himself in front of him, said to him, "take me to the land of the christians." he communicated the matter to his wife, and by her counsel sent him to the father rector of caranganor. we went to vaypicota, a residence of our society, which formerly had a greater number of our members. that field of christendom has become lessened through the little favor [shown to the christians by] the pagan king to whom it is subject. it is a wonder to me that within a stone's throw of our church is a moro mosque, a pagan temple, and a jewish synagogue, without one harming another, although they annoy us greatly by their shouting, when they invoke the devil. from cochin we went to goa on april three of this year, one thousand six hundred and fifteen, in a galley of the fleet. we coasted along the shore and visited the fortresses of malabar. we spent holy week in mangalor. we lodged in the convent of st. francis, and helped confess the soldiers. we spent forty days in the voyage, until we reached goa, where father francisco vergara, rector of the college, and all the others received us with great charity. four of them took me to visit the viceroy, who showed us great courtesy. after i had been talking with him for almost an hour, the chief chancellor entered, who is at the same time auditor for the reports in causes, and is a knight of the habit. having given him a seat of honor, such as we were occupying, the viceroy said to him: "i am surprised, sir, that all the fathers of the society are all so much alike; for the father rector of manila, whom we have here, is just like the fathers here, even in speech." he determined immediately what could be done in accordance with the present state of india, in respect to the aid that i was come to request--namely, to give four well-equipped galleons, with as many as four hundred soldiers and ninety pieces of artillery among them all. as commander of this fleet, he assigned francisco de miranda enriquez, a gentleman who has had good fortune in war; and, as admiral, alfonso vaez coutiño. we left goa on the twelfth of may. we were one hundred and two days on the voyage for the lack of good weather, and on account of the poor route chosen by the pilot, who took us to the land of achan; and as its inhabitants are hostile to the portuguese, the latter did not dare land there. the men were dying with thirst, and had it not been for some showers, and the final resolution to get water on a desert island, we would have suffered even death. we had many _samatras_, or hurricanes, on the coast of that great land, which broke topmasts, tore sails, and broke moorings, causing us to lose anchors and other necessary articles. on july thirty, on the eve of our father st. ignatius, in the district of pulu parcelar, our capitana galleon fought two dutch vessels, without the other galleons being able to render aid, as they were to leeward. our galleon made two vain attempts to grapple--one because of too much wind, and the other for lack of wind--for the one was a samatra or hurricane, and the other so great a calm, that neither we nor the dutch could manage our ships. but inasmuch as we remained within cannon-shot of one another, we fought until night deepened, and they fled battered to pieces; for our balls had gone clear through them, while theirs made scarcely any impression on us. accordingly we only lost two men in the fight. on the eve of the assumption [87] we ran upon a shoal three brazas under water, where the galleon remained all night, tossing up and down frightfully. in the morning a boat came from one of our other ships in response to the numerous pieces that we discharged, and helped us get off the shoal; but we were in so bad condition that from then on the boat made thirty palmos of water every twenty-four hours. we finally reached malaca august twenty-two. although it was thought that the monsoon or favorable wind was already ended, we attempted to make the voyage to manila. we passed the strait of sincapura, and on the fifth of september, because of the little progress that we made, called a council, in which we all resolved to winter at malaca. however, on the next day, the commander attempted to continue the voyage to manila, until the soldiers and sailors mutinied and forced him to put in at malaca, on the nineteenth of the same month. the fleet was very ill received by the inhabitants there, because of the harm that soldiers generally do. but our going there was soon seen to have been a providence of god; for within one month the king of achen came to attack that city with a fleet of one hundred and fifty sail and forty thousand men, and had not he found our galleys there would surely have captured it. and further, according to rumors (and as was shown in the result), he had agreed with the dutch to join them, since they came only twenty days apart, as i shall immediately relate. in my opinion the same thing that had happened to the prophet abacuc [_i.e._, habakkuk] happened to me. for he having prepared the food for his reapers, the angel bore him by the hair to babylon, to relieve the necessity of daniel, who had been locked in the den of lions. i took that aid from goa for manila, and the lord took us to malaca, and conveyed us as if by the hair, since we put in with great repugnance; and at last all that reinforcement was consumed in helping malaca. a squadron of galleys came ahead to reconnoiter. finding our galleons anchored, and taking note of the soldiers in them and in the city, it went ahead to the strait to await (as was heard) the dutch. our men feared lest they should attack the trading ships which generally come at that time from china. accordingly it was resolved that four galleons, six galliots, and other oared craft should sail out to drive the enemy from the coast. they engaged on the fifteenth of november, and fought all that day, and the one following. the enemy's force was large. they burned one galliot and forced the men to desert the others and enter the galleons, which now were in need of men. the enemy attacked our flagship and surrounded it with twelve large galleys. it caught fire many times, but our men always extinguished the fire and defended themselves valiantly. they attacked the galleon of don juan de silveyra, which was a fine vessel, and a fort of twenty-two cannons. it caught fire and burned so furiously that the flames could not be extinguished; and it was accordingly burned to ashes. the said don juan de silveyra and antonio rodriguez gamboa--his brother-in-law, and son of juan cayado de gamboa, commandant of that fortress of malaca--leaped overboard. they and thirty or forty other portuguese were captured by the people of achen and taken to their king, who treated them courteously and gave them liberty. those gentlemen declared to me, in writing, in malaca that the fleet of the people of achen consisted of three hundred and fifty craft, among which were sixty large galleys, each with three pieces of artillery at the bow, while that of the midship gangway had the caliber of sixty libras; that the royal galley carried one thousand six hundred men, with one hundred and twenty falcons and half-falcons; and that they lost ten large galleys in the fight, besides twenty other lesser craft. they also stated that after returning to his country the king punished certain of his captains because they had not burned all the galleys; and that having given liberty to the captives he sent them to malaca, with che message that he desired peace with his brother, the king of castilla and portugal. our good fortune resulted in his not having effected a meeting with the dutch, who arrived the next month, on the seventh of december, with seven ships and one patache. our three galleons had been stationed in a cove between the small island of malaca and a sandbank--a place that seemed impregnable, as it was defended on the sea side by the sandbank and shoals, and on the land side by the artillery of its ramparts. but the enemy, having thoroughly reconnoitered the sandbank and shoals, discovered a channel where they could enter, and thereupon entered on the morning of the next day, flying their red rear-admiral's banners. the flagship remained outside, although within cannon-shot. then began a cruel bombardardment that lasted three days. our galleons could not play all their artillery, for they were anchored, and the currents were dragging them toward the dutch, who were free, and maneuvered at will. our artillery was heavier than theirs, consequently the few pieces that we fired did them great damage. the building of a protection for the cannon was discussed, and the planting of some pieces on the island, in order to defend the galleons. that would doubtless have been of great importance for they would have fired from a covered battery and at very close range, as was seen by the effect produced by only one piece that was mounted there. it was fired by a man who had been condemned to death, and who was awaiting justice for having pillaged two chinese vessels. he was promised pardon if he would take charge of that piece, as he did, to the damage of the enemy. but as he was alone and the enemy were bringing to bear all the artillery of their ships, they finally prevailed. on the first day, juan pinto, captain of a galley, being killed, and his uncle, a valiant soldier, having broken his leg, his men were disheartened, and deserted the galleon; but they did not take the precaution to burn it, so that the enemy could not profit, as they did, by its artillery, food, and other things that it was carrying; afterward the enemy set it on fire. at dawn of the next day, december ten, the heretics began to attack the almiranta. at the first volleys the admiral and five other men were killed. the men were so disheartened by that event that they began to jump overboard, and it was impossible for certain commanders and brave soldiers, who were trying to defend the galleon, to prevent them. but, as the enemy perceived them deserting the vessel, they sent their lanchac and entered it; they first lowered the flag of christ from the masthead and placed it on their ship below that of count mauricio. the vessel was already burning from the fire set by our men, and accordingly the enemy deserted it quickly. our flagship kept up the fight longer, but at last men were lacking; for, as the land was near, they tried to reach it in boats or by swimming. the commander francisco de miranda enriquez was left with very few men; and they even, seeing that it was impossible to defend themselves, were forced to land, after having set fire to the galleon. it was a very fine and strong boat. it earned thirty-six cannon, and had so much ammunition that when the fire reached the powder magazine, the vessel blew up with so great a din, that it made the entire city and the island of malaca shake, and the vessel was seen no more. this was different from the almiranta, which, when its powder had been spent, was two days in burning. the dead and wounded on our side number about one hundred. the enemy lost one of its vessels, but was at last victorious. then they went to the strait to await the ships expected from china. in the city was little harmony, those of the fleet and those of the city accusing one another of the fault [of the defeat]. i reverenced the judgments of god, and considered that, although there was some excess on both sides, the chief cause of so great a loss was our sins. _quia peccavimus tibi domini_, etc. [88] the largest fleet ever seen in these islands or perchance in the indias was prepared that year of 1615 in the port of cabite. [89] it seems a miraculous circumstance that so large a number of ships could be gathered together in a land so recently conquered and peopled with spaniards, and the most remote and distant in all the spanish monarchy. it was the peculiar offspring of the magnanimous courage, valor, and energy (never sufficiently praised) of governor don juan de silva. it consisted of ten galleons, four galleys, one patache, and other smaller craft: the flagship of the galleons, called "la salvadora," of two thousand tons burden; the almiranta, by name "san marcos," of one thousand seven hundred; "san juan bautista," and the "espiritu santo," of one thousand three hundred; "san miguel" and "san felipe," of eight hundred; "nuestra señora de guadalupe," and "santiago," one hundred less; "san andres," five hundred; and "san lorenco" (the smallest one), four hundred. the galleys were all under the advocacy and name of the virgin mary, our lady. those craft were armed and equipped with five thousand men, two thousand, or a few less, being spaniards; three hundred pieces of artillery--the flagship alone carrying forty-six (the smallest of eighteen, while the majority of them were twenty-two libras' caliber, and some were thirty), and all were bronze, and it carried nine hundred men; the almiranta seven hundred men, and thirty-two pieces; and the other vessels in proportion. of powder, they carried four thousand five hundred arrobas; of biscuits, five thousand; of clean rice, three thousand fanegas; and so on, in all the other war-supplies, ammunition, and food. all this was at the king's account, not to mention the private persons who embarked. among the other precautions that the governor took in order to accomplish a successful result was one, namely, to ask the provincials of the orders and their religious to aid--the one with their prayers and continual sacrifices in their convents; and the other by religious who were priests, to act as chaplains of the vessels. six fell to the share of the society, two of whom embarked in the flagship, in which were the chief japanese of a company of that nation which had been raised to serve as volunteers on that expedition, through the vigilance of father garcia garces, [90] a castilian, one of the exiles, whom the governor esteemed highly. accordingly, the latter ordered that the father should embark on the flagship, and with him another religious of the japanese nation, a person respected because of his worth. in the galleon "san juan bautista" was father pedro gomez, rector of maluco. he had gone to india, and returned with the news of the four portuguese galleons which were coming to unite with our ten. as his associate went father manuel ribeyro of the province of cochin and its subject. in the ship "san felipe" was father miguel ignacio, at present rector of the residence of zebu, who, without urging the obligation of his office or the ill-health that he was enjoying _[la poca salud, que gozaua]_, offered himself so fervently to the superiors for that perilous mission, that they had to yield to him. the commander of that ship has declared in his many letters the talent of the said father as a preacher, and his opinion of his sanctity; and how great was the esteem of the soldiers and sailors for the abundant fruit that he had gathered in cabite by his apostolic preaching. his associate was father melchor de vera, [91] who had been in the expedition and victory of the year 10. of the other religious orders there were also some prominent members, divided among the other boats. that noble fleet could not set sail until the last day of that year of 1615. it had been collected with the intention of going straightway in search of the enemy in their own forts and the chief stronghold of malayo. but as the galleons from india did not arrive, which they had heard were wintering in malaca; and knowing that at that time some ships were generally awaiting in its strait the trading-ships from china which pass that way, and that some good fortune could be secured from them: the governor considered it advisable to lay his course toward malaca--whence he supposed that after the destruction of the enemy that he would cause there, and after having joined the portuguese galleons, he would go straight to malayo. it was a well founded idea, but founded on an uncertain end as are all human ideas and considerations. for besides that there were then no galleons in malaca, because they had been burned in the manner above related, if the governor had not left these coasts, or at least had he sailed directly to those of maluco, and even without leaving the bay of manila, he would have had in a short time a victory equal to the past, and would have destroyed the help that came, because of his preparations, from olanda by way of the coasts of pirú and nueva-españa to these islands. for it happened that at the same time that don juan de silva was going out by way of miriveles with his fleet, one of the four governors of the state of olanda was entering by way of capulco [i.e., capul] with four large ships--his flagship being one called "sol de olando" [i.e., "the sun of holland"]--and two pataches. those ships were coming straight to anchor at the same entrance of mariveles, by which the fleet that we had fitted out had sailed one month previously. that unlooked-for event caused great confusion in this city of manila and the port of cabite. licentiate andres de alcaraz and the gentlemen of the royal audiencia were governing. they put aside their togas and girded on their swords. they divided the most dangerous and important posts. one of them was charged with the fortification of cabite, and the repair of three galleys and other boats that had been going to rack and ruin there; another with the casting of new pieces from the little metal remaining in the royal magazines, and he, because by its scarcity the sudden need for artillery could not be supplied, tried to use the waste left from former castings, by digging and sifting the earth around the ancient foundry. that was so excellent a scheme that three thousand arrobas of metal were collected in a few days. it is a cause for wonderment, and could not have been accomplished except by spanish activity, stimulated by necessity and the energy of the chinese, sharpened by the reward of three reals given them for each arroba. more than one thousand five hundred persons worked at the sifting, and at the casting of new pieces. as a result the necessary cannon for the defense of cabite and manila were manufactured in a short time. to that and other temporal precautions and efforts, were added at the same time the spiritual--acts of prayer and supplications, the most holy host being exposed in the cathedral, the convents, and the parochial churches, with the effect and devotion that exigency and need are wont to stimulate. the image of our lady of guidance was carried in solemn and devout procession from her church (which is located in the suburbs of this city) to the cathedral, where it was visited continually by the inhabitants, who could not tear themselves from it. in our residence the most holy host was also exposed to all the town; with the solemnity of service and sermon on the day that belonged to it; while on all other days it was especially exposed by ours at the hour of prayer and devotion. each priest was ordered to say a novena of masses, and those who were not priests a novena of rosaries, penitences, and other devotions. similar and even advantageous action was taken in the other convents, churches, and communities of the city and surrounding villages. the lord, whose providence is always most notable in the greatest exigencies, was pleased to hear the united voice of this community, and induced our enemy, after they had lain at anchor for a fortnight in the bay in sight of manila, to hoist their sails; and without doing more than seize one champan and send two letters by a prisoner--one to the commander of their nation [i.e., van caerden] who was a prisoner here, and the other to the royal audiencia, asking for his ransom. but that could have no effect, for the miserable man had died a short time before in his perfidy, exchanging his temporal for the eternal prison. [after sending these letters] the enemy returned to terrenate, ridding this city of its great anxiety. on that occasion the religious served not only with spiritual weapons, but also with what temporal arms they could use and those that they knew how to manage. among others was one of our brethren, whom the royal audiencia charged with the management of the artillery of the port of cabite, because of his skill in the art and of his bravery, which the occasion required. another religious, also ours, by his good management prevented the soldiers of cabite from burning that settlement, for they had already commenced at one of the houses, where were collected the goods of the portuguese commander, who had come from españa the year before as commander of certain caravels with reenforcements from the kingdoms of españa. they considered it less wrong for us to burn them ourselves than to let the enemy make use of them. but that religious with his arguments and good management hindered it, and inspired them all to extinguish the fire. that was a cause of rejoicing afterward, when they saw the enemy go away and leave us, without forcing us to so costly a precaution. while the above was passing in manila, our fleet reached malaca, and entered the strait february twenty-five. the enemy had left it one week previous, fleeing with all sails set, because of the secret advice that they had received that our fleet was going in search of them. the day following the arrival of our galleons, the two chinese trading-ships entered the same strait, bearing all the wealth of india it was a most fortunate event and was worthily celebrated by the public acclamations of the inhabitants of malaca, who called governor don juan de silva their redeemer. they received him in their city under the pall, with demonstrations of joy and honors as if he were a viceroy, for as such did they regard him; and they assured themselves that with his valor and powerful fleet, they were to deliver india from the inopportune war and the continuous pillaging of the dutch. but (o human misery!) fortune changed within a few days, and all those hopes were frustrated; it brought the governor to his bed with a mortal burning fever, which killed him in eleven days. during the course of those eleven days the city made a public procession from the cathedral church to the misericordia, praying god for his health. on the day of his death--namely, april nineteen, 1616--there were general mourning and tears from men, women, and even children, as if each one of them had lost a father. recognizing the approach of death, he received the holy sacraments, and performed many acts of faith and penitence, protesting that he was dying in the service of his king, and, as he hoped, in that of god, for his intent had been none but the conservation and increase of the catholic faith and the destruction of heresy in those districts. and he said that if the natives had been harassed any, those molestations had not been intended and were unavoidable, for war brings them. he ordered his body to be embalmed and carried to this city of manila in the flagship galley. from here he ordered his body to be carried to xerez de los cavalleros, where he ordered a convent of discalced carmelites to be founded; and that his remains should be deposited in the residences of the society. thus was it done in malaca, and afterward here in manila, where all that fleet arrived in the first part of june, on the eve of corpus christi, in the year of 1616. the mission and ministry of ours and of the other religious who took part in the campaign had lasted for four months, in which they had a very abundant harvest of souls, discomforts and hardships; for they had been two months below the equator itself, where they suffered incomparable heat and drank poor water, which was the cause of the men catching the plague. and hence there was considerable to do, and in which to employ their fervor, particularly during lent and holy week, which they spent at sea. [92] bibliographical data many documents in this volume are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated as follows: 1. _petition of the recollects._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencìa de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de filipinas; años 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43." 2. _dominicans, in re audiencia._--the same as no. 1. 3. _letter from juan de silva._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20." 4. _letters from felipe iii to silva._--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1."--except that of november 12, 1611, noted below. 5. _hospital at nueva cáceres._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de manila; años de 1594 á 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." 6. _letters to dominican provincial._--the same as no. 4. 7. _status of missions._--the same as no. 3. 8. _letter from soria._--the same as no. 5. 9. _recommendations regarding archbishopric of manila._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes á dicha audiencia; años 1586 á 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1." the following is obtained from the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 10. _letter from felipe iii to silva_, november 12, 1611.--"cedulario indico, tom. 38, fol. 143, no. 108." the following are found in _recopilación de leyes de indias_ (madrid, 1841): 11. _laws regarding commerce._--in lib. ix, tit. xlv. 12. _decree regulating services._--in lib. vi, tit. 12, ley 40. the following are taken from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library): 13. _relation of 1609-10._--in vol. i, pp. 273-340. 14. _letters from ledesma and rivera._--in vol. i, pp. 403-429. the remaining documents are obtained from the following sources: 15. _jesuit missions, 1608-09._--from _annuæ litteræ_ (dilingæ, 1610), pp. 507-532. 16. _foundation of the college of santo tomás._--from _algunos documentos relativos á la universidad de manila_ (madrid, 1892), pp. 5-20. 17. _trade of the philippines._--from _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, vi, pp. 298-314. 18. _account of the battle of playa honda_ (in "expedition against dutch, 1615").--from colin's _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663), pp. 802-810. chronological list of the governors of the philippines 1565-1899 and the administration of the islands at different periods list of philippine governors _miguel lopez de legazpi_--native of zubarraja (zumárraga), guipúzcoa, born in early part of sixteenth century; goes to mexico in 1545, where he becomes clerk of the cabildo; appointed in 1561 to lead expedition to discover western islands; lands at cebu april 27, 1565; begins fort and takes possession of cebu and neighboring islands for spain, may 8, 1565; takes possession of manila, may 19, 1571; erects city of manila, june 3, 1571, and appoints regidors, etc., june 24, 1571; death, august 20, 1572; term as governor february 13 (date of first anchorage near cebu)-august 20, 1572; also adelantado or governor of the ladrones. _guido de labezares_--biscayan; accompanies villalobos expedition of 1542; appointed royal treasurer of legazpi's expedition, 1564; appointed by mexico audiencia by sealed instructions to succeed legazpi in case of the latter's death; succeeds to governorship, august 20 (?), 1572; orders salcedo to subdue ilocos and found town of fernandina (now bigan), and orders subjection of camarines, 1573; defends manila against pirate limahon, 1574; apportions encomiendas; term as governor (_ad interim_), august 20 (?), 1572-august 25, 1575; given appointment for life as master-of-camp, by felipe ii, and encomiendas of which he has been deprived by sande, restored to him. _doctor francisco de sande_--native of cáceres; serves as attorney, criminal judge, and auditor in mexico; succeeds labezares, august 25, 1575; founds city of nueva cáceres; arrival of first franciscans, 1577; expedition to borneo, 1578; term as governor, august 25, 1575-april, 1580; becomes auditor in mexico audiencia. _gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa_--native of arevalo; alguazil-mayor in mexico; contracts with king to colonize islands, for which to receive governorship for life; arrives at manila, april, 1580; arrival of bishop and first jesuits, 1581; founds arévalo, 1581 or 1582; founds nueva cáceres, 1582; expedition to maluco, 1582; imposes import and export duties, 1582; conflict between the bishop and augustinians, 1582; sends gabriel rivera to spain; death, march 10, 1583; term as governor, april, 1580-march 10, 1583. _diego ronquillo_--nephew of preceding; appointed governor _ad interim_ by royal decree, succeeding to government, march 10, 1583; first great manila fire, march 19, 1583; term as governor march 10, 1583-may, 1584. _doctor santiago de vera_--native of alcalá de henares; alcalde of mexico; arrives at manila, may 16, 1584; establishes first audiencia of manila, 1584; sends diego ronquillo prisoner to spain, 1585; sends expedition to maluco, 1585; father sanchez leaves for spain, june 28, 1586; arrival of dominicans for their first mission, 1587; constructs first stone fort, 1587; candish captures "santa ana," november 4, 1587; insurrection in the bisayas, 1588; term as governor, may 16, 1584-may, 1590; appointed auditor in mexico audiencia. _gomez perez dasmariñas_--native of galicia, and knight of order of santiago; corregidor of murcia and cartagena, 1589; appointed governor of philippines, 1589; sails for mexico, december 8, 1589; sails from acapulco, march 1, 1590; arrives at manila, may (june 1, according to his own letter, q.v., vol. viii, p. 268), 1590; suppresses audiencia, 1590; establishes regular camp, and fortifies and walls manila; quarrels with bishop; contracts with estevan rodriguez de figueroa to conquer mindanao, may 12, 1591; correspondence with japan, 1592; bishop salazar goes to spain, 1592; embassy from camboja, 1593; sails on maluco expedition, october 19, 1593; murdered by chinese rowers, october 25, 1593; term as governor, may (or june 1), 1590-october 25, 1593. _licentiate pedro de rojas_--auditor of manila audiencia, 1584; lieutenant-assessor, 1590; governor (_ad interim_), october-december (forty days) 1593; war affairs of islands in charge of diego ronquillo; appointed alcalde of mexico, 1593. _luis perez dasmariñas_--son of gomez perez dasmariñas, and knight of order of alcántara; receives governorship _ad interim_, by virtue of appointment of father, december (zúñiga says 3), 1593; foundation in manila of confraternity of la misericordia, 1594; arrival in manila of chinese mandarins, 1594; embassy from siam, 1595; figueroa's expedition to mindanao, 1595; morga arrives at manila as lieutenant-governor, june 11, 1595; expedition to camboja under gallinato, 1596; term as governor, december 3, 1593-july 14, 1596 (san antonio says the last of june). some historians and chronologists say that dr. antonio de morga acted as governor _ad interim_ from his entrance into manila, june 11, 1595, until tello's arrival july 14, 1596, but he merely fulfilled the duties of his office of lieutenant-governor. in his letters after his arrival, and in his book, he distinctly states that luis perez dasmariñas was governor. tello says in a letter of july 17, 1596 (see _vol_. ix, pp. 274-277), "in respect to the person of don luys perez dasmariñas, whom i found acting as governor." consequently morga is given no place in this list. _francisco de tello de guzmán_--native of sevilla, and knight of order of santiago; treasurer of india house of trade; appointed governor and president of audiencia, which he is ordered to reestablish, by royal decree, november 26, 1595; enters manila, july 14, 1596; martyrdom of franciscans in japan, february 5, 1597; arrival of first archbishop, may 1598; audiencia reestablished, may 8, 1598; arrivals of first suffragan bishops, 1598-1600; moro invasions, 1599-1600; morga's fight with oliver van noordt, december 14, 1600; jesuit seminary of san josé founded, 1601; term as governor, july 14, 1596-may, 1602; death in manila, april 1603. _pedro bravo de acuña_--knight of the order of st. john, and comendador of salamanca; appointed governor of cartagena in west indies, 1593; appointed governor of the philippines as early as january 16, 1600 (see _vol_. xi, p. 312); instructions issued for, february 16, 1602; arrives at manila, may, 1602; second fire in manila, april 30, 1603; first chinese insurrection, 1603; expedition to maluco, january 15-may 31, 1606; audiencia rules during his absence; first japanese insurrection, 1606; death, june 24, 1606. _vacant_--the audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and auditor _cristobal tellez de almansa_ of military affairs, june 24, 1606; arrival of first recollect mission, 1606; secoad insurrection of japanese, 1607; audiencia governs, june 24, 1606-june 15, 1608. _rodrigo de vivero_--native of laredo; page to queen in spain, and official in nueva españa; appointed governor (_ad interim_) by royal decree, july 7, 1607; arrives at manila, june 15, 1608; issues instructions to alcaldes-mayor; term as governor, june 15, 1608-april (easter), 1609; appointed count of valle, and governor and captain-general, and president of audiencia of panama. _juan de silva_--native of trujillo, and knight of the order of santiago; arrives in manila april (easter), 1609; brings reenforcements of five companies; victory over wittert, april 25 (san antonio says 24), 1610; arrival of fourth archbishop, diego vazquez de mercado, june 4, 1610; fruitless expedition against dutch, 1611; expedition in conjunction with portuguese against dutch, february 4, 1616-april 19, 1616; death, april 19, 1616; audiencia governs during absence; term as governor, april, 1609-april 19, 1616. _vacant_--the audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and auditor licentiate _andres alcaraz_ of military affairs, as substitute for jeronimo (uncle of juan) de silva, who is appointed governor (_ad interim_) in case of juan de silva's death, by royal decree of march 20 (delgado) or 28 (san antonio), 1616 (alcaraz having been left in charge by juan de silva on his departure to malaca); return of fleet, june 1, 1616; spielberg bombards iloílo, september 29, 1616, and is defeated next day; his defeat at playa honda by juan ronquillo, april 14, 1617; jeronimo de silva arrives from maluco and takes charge of military affairs, september 30, 1617; audiencia governs (after juan de silva's death), april 19, 1616-june 8 (delgado), 1618. _alonso fajardo y tenza_--native of murcia, knight of the order of alcantara, and seigneur of espinardo; arrives at cavite, july 2, 1618, and takes charge of government on the day following (but june 8 is the erroneous date given by buzeta and bravo); foundation of convent of santa clara, august-november 1, 1621; kills wife for adultery, 1621; checks insurrection in the visayas, 1623; death from melancholy, july 11 (delgado) or before july 23, 1624; term as governor, july 3, 1618-july, 1624. _vacant_--the audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and _jeronimo de silva_ of military affairs at death of fajardo; silva imprisoned by audiencia for failure to pursue dutch whom he puts to flight near playa honda, 1624; audiencia governs, july, 1624-june, 1625. _fernando de silva_--native of ciudad-rodrigo, knight of the order of santiago, and former ambassador to persia; appointed governor (_ad interim_) by viceroy of mexico; arrives at manila, june, 1625; term as governor, june 1625-june 29, 1626. _juan niño de tabora_--native of galicia, comendador of puerto llano, and knight of order of calatrava; master-of-camp in flanders; arrives at manila, june 29 (retana, _estadismo_, says wrongly july 29), 1626; despatches expedition against moros, 1627-1630; builds manila bridge and strengthens fortifications; death, july 22, 1632; term as governor, june 29, 1626-july 22, 1632. _vacant_--the audienca takes charge of political affairs, and _lorenzo de olaza_ (or olaso) of military affairs, being appointed by viceroy of mexico; audiencia governs july 22, 1632-about the middle of 1633. _juan cerezo de salamanca_--appointed governor (_ad interim_) by viceroy of mexico; expeditions against moros, 1634-1635; term as governor, about middle of 1633-june 25, 1635. _sebastian hurtado de corcuera_--native of berbenda (berguenda) in the mountains of burgos (some say of vitoria, in province alava), knight of the order of alcantara, and ex-governor of panama; arrives in manila, june 25, 1635; term notable for troubles with archbishop and ecclesiastics; expeditions against moros, 1637-1638; chinese insurrection, november, 1639-march, 1640; formosa captured by dutch, august 24, 1642; gives first ordinances for good government in the philippines, 1642; term as governor, june 25, 1635-august 11, 1644; arrested and held prisoner for five years by successor; released by order of king and appointed (1659) governor of canaries; death at tenerife, august 12, 1660. _diego fajardo_--knight of the order of santiago; takes office, august 11, 1644; dominated by secretary eustacio de venegas, until september 15, 1651; naval battles with, and victories over, dutch, march, july, and august, 1646; fortifies city; term as governor, august 11, 1644-july 25, 1653. _sabiniano manrique de lara_--native of málaga, knight of the order of calatrava, and ex-castellan of acapulco; arrives at cavite, july 22, 1653; takes possession of government, july 25 (retana, _estadismo_, says july 28), 1653; earthquake in manila, august 20, 1658; insurrections among natives 1660-1661; chinese insurrection, 1662; term marked by partial cessation in ecclesiastical troubles and outbreaks of moros; term as governor, july 25, 1653-september 8, 1663; returns to malaga after residencia and becomes priest. _diego de salcedo_--native of brussels, an army officer; appointed governor by royal provision, december 2, 1661; arrives at manila, overland from cagayan, september 8, 1663; troubles with archbishop and ecclesiastics lead to his arrest by the holy office of the inquisition, september 28, 1668; term as governor, september 8, 1663-september 28, 1668; sent to mexico for trial in 1669, but dies at sea; inquisition of mexico exonerates. _juan manuel de la peña bonifaz_--junior auditor of manila audiencia; succeeds as governor (_ad interim_) by trickery, september 28(?), 1668; term as governor september 28(?), 1668-september 24, 1669; takes refuge in recollect convent. [93] _manuel de leon_--native of paredes de nava, and military officer; appointed by royal provision june 24, 1668; arrives in manila, september 24, 1669; conflict with archbishop, 1673; death, april 11, 1677; term as governor, september 24, 1669-april 11, 1677. _vacant_--the audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and auditors _francisco coloma_ and _francisco sotomayor y mansilla_, successively, of military affairs; death of former, september 25, 1677; term of latter, september 25, 1677-september 21, 1678 (delgado says september 22, 1679); audiencia governs, april 11, 1677-september 21, 1678. _juan de vargas hurtado_--native of toledo, knight of the order of santiago, and military officer; appointed by royal provision, june 18, 1677; arrives at manila, september 21, 1678 (retana, _estadismo_, says that he took charge of the government september 29); rebuilds college of santa potenciana; trouble with archbishop felipe pardo; term as governor, september 28, 1678-august 24, 1684; is excommunicated; residencia lasts four years; dies at sea on way to mexico, 1690. _gabriel de curuzealegui y arriola_--knight of the order of santiago, naval officer, member of council of war, and twenty-fourth regidor of sevilla; arrives at manila, august, 24, 1684; reinstates archbishop, and exiles auditors; death, april 17 (delgado and san antonio) or 27 (zúñiga), 1689; term as governor, august 24, 1684-april 17 or 27, 1689. _vacant_--the audiencia takes charge of political affairs and auditor _alonso de avila fuertes_, knight of the order of alcántara; audiencia governs, april 17 or 27, 1689-july 19 (delgado, and buzeta and bravo) or 25 (zúñiga and montero y vidal), 1690. _fausto cruzat y gongora_--native of navarra of a distinguished pamplona family, and knight of the order of santiago; appointed by royal provision, january 15 (delgado) or 31 (san antonio), 1686; arrives at manila, july 19 or 25, 1690; issues ordinances of good government, october 1, 1696; rebuilds governor's palace; term characterized by ecclesiastical troubles; term as governor, july 19 or 25, 1690-december 8, 1701. _domingo zabálburu de echevarri_--knight of the order of santiago, and military officer; appointed governor, september 18, 1694; arrives at manila, december 8 (san antonio says september), 1701; attends to public works; receives papal legate to china, carlos tomás maillard tournon, without credentials (which leads to his dismissal by the king), september, 1704; term as governor, december 8, 1701-august 25, 1709; returns to spain, 1710. _martin de urzua y arismendi_--count of lizarraga, and knight of the order of santiago; appointed by royal provision, august 19, 1704; arrives at manila, august 25, 1709; diminishes number of chinese at manila; schism between recollects, and other ecclesiastical troubles; death, february 4, 1715; term as governor, august 25, 1709-february 4, 1715. _vacant_--the audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and auditor doctor _josé torralba_ of military affairs; carries on public works; audiencia governs, february 4, 1715-august 9, 1717; torralba arrested by next governor for deficit and misuse of funds; dies in philippines in poverty, with sentence by council of indies of exile from madrid and manila. _fernando manuel de bustillo bustamente y rueda_--usually called the "mariscal," because he was the first mariscal-de-campo to govern the islands; ex-alcalde-mayor of trascala, in nueva españa; appointed governor by royal provision, september 6, 1708; arrives at manila, august 9, 1717; severe in judgments; reestablishes garrison at zamboanga; his troubles with the ecclesiastics lead to arrest of archbishop, and to his assassination by a mob (said by some to have been instigated by jesuits), october 11, 1719; term as governor, august 9, 1717-october 11, 1719. _fray francisco de la cuesta_--of the order of san gerónimo; native of colmenar de oreja; elected archbishop of manila, august 12, 1712; arrested by bustillo bustamente; becomes governor (_ad interim_), on refusal of auditors to serve, october 11, 1719; term as governor, october 11, 1719-august 6, 1721; transferred to bishopric of mechocan, mexico, entering, april 18, 1724; death, may 30 (retana) or 31 (buzeta and bravo), 1724. _toribio josé cosío y campo_--marquis of torre campo, knight of the order of calatrava, and ex-governor of guatemala; appointed governor by royal provision, june 30, 1720; ordered by royal instructions to investigate death of bustamente, october 6, 1720; arrives at manila, august 6, 1721; does not investigate bustamente's death, although ordered again (1724) to do so by the king, acting on the advice of the franciscan totanes and the jesuits; troubles with moros continue throughout his rule; term as governor, august 6, 1721-august 14, 1729. _fernando valdés y tamon_--colonel and brigadier, and knight of the order of santiago; appointed by royal provision, october 25, 1727; arrives at manila, august 14, 1729; unsuccessfully attempts conquest of palaos 1730--1733; reforms army and engages in other public works; receives royal decree of april 8 1734, deciding suit favorably to islands with merchants of cádiz and sevilla over chinese trade between american colonies and islands; term as governor, august 14, 1729,-july, 1739; returns to spain and appointed mariscal-de-campo. _gaspar de la torre_--native of flanders, brigadier of royal armies and gentleman of the king's bedchamber; arrives at manila, july, 1739; expedition of admiral george anson occurs during his rule; harsh in government; death, september 21 (buzeta and bravo say 29), 1745; term as governor, july 1739-september 21, 1745. _fray juan arrechederra_--native of caracas, dominican, bishop-elect of nueva segovia; becomes governor (_ad interim_), september 21, 1745; quells insurrection in batangas; fortifies manila and cavite against english; term as governor, september 21, 1745-july 20 (buzeta and bravo, and mas say june), 1750; death, november 12, 1751 (delgado; retana, _estadismo_, says wrongly 1755). _josé francisco de obando y solís_--native of cáceres in estremadura, marquis of obando, member of his majesty's council, and mariscal-de-campo of royal armies; in lima when receives appointment; arrives at manila, july 20, 1750; troubles with audiencia and archbishop; troubles with moros; term as governor, july 20, 1750-july, 1754; annoying residencia; death at sea, while on his way from manila to acapulco, 1755. _pedro manuel de arandía santisteban_--native of ceuta, of biscayan descent, knight of the order of calatrava, gentleman of bedchamber of the king of the two sicilies, captain of the royal spanish guards, and mariscal-de-campo of the royal armies; arrives at manila, july (retana, _estadismo_, says june), 1754; reforms army and thereby incurs enmities; troubles with moros continue; expels infidel chinese and builds alcaicería of san fernando; troubles with audiencia and archbishop; death, may 31, 1759; term as governor, july, 1754-may 31, 1759. _miguel lino de ezpeleta_--native of manila, and bishop of cebú; becomes governor (_ad interim_), against consent of part of audiencia, june (mas says july), 1759; archbishop claims governorship on his arrival at manila, but opposed successfully by ezpeleta; revokes ordinances of good government made by arandía; brings suit against santiago orendaín, favorite of arandía; royal decree gives governorship to archbishop, july, 1761; term as governor, june, 1759-july, 1761. _manuel rojo_--native of tala, nueva españa, and archbishop of manila; takes possession of church, july 22, 1759; becomes governor (_ad interim_), july 1761; quashes case against orendaín; bombardment, taking, and sack of manila by english, and cowardice and imprisonment of archbishop, october, 1762; term as governor july, 1761-october, 1762, although maintained as governor by english until death; death as prisoner, january 30, 1764. _simon de anda y salazar_--native of subijana, born october 28, 1701; auditor; appointed by audiencia lieutenant of the governor and captain-general; leaves manila, october 4, 1762; establishes capital in bacolor, pampanga, and has himself proclaimed governor; british maintain archbishop as governor until his death, who cedes islands to them; insurrections of natives and chinese, 1762-1764; negotiations with english, 1763-1764; term as governor (_ad interim_), october, 1762-march 17, 1764; receives keys to city from british, april, 1764. _francisco javier de la torre_--military officer; becomes governor (_ad interim_), march 17, 1764; british evacuate manila, april, 1764; tries to restore order; term as governor, march 17, 1764-july 6, 1765. _josé raon_--native of navarra, and mariscal-de-campo; arrives in manila, july 6, 1765; le gentil arrives at manila, october, 1766; archbishop santa justa y rufina takes his seat july 12, 1767; his conflicts with regular clergy; raón revises ordinances of arandía; expulsion of chinese, 1769; expulsion of jesuits and raón's collusion with them; term as governor, july 6, 1765-july, 1770; death, during residencia at manila. _simon de anda y salazar_--well received at court on return after 1764, and made councilor of castilla; directs letter to king complaining of certain disorders in the philippines, enumerating among them a number against the friars, april 12, 1768; arrives at manila as governor, july, 1770; proceeds against predecessor and others; rouses opposition of regulars; reforms army and engages in other public works; troubles with moros continue; opposes king's order of november 9, 1774, to secularize curacies held by regulars, and the order repealed, december 11, 1776; rule characterized by his energy, foresight, honesty, and conflicts with the regulars; death, october 30, 1776, at seventy-six years of age; term as governor, july, 1770-october 30, 1776. _pedro sarrio_ (soriano: buzeta and bravo)--official in manila; becomes governor (_ad interim_), october 30, 1776 (mas says july); continues operations against moros; royal order to indians to cultivate flax and hemp, january 12, 1777; term as governor, october 30-july 1778. _josé basco y vargas_--born of an illustrious granada family, and naval officer; arrives at manila, july, 1778; chinese allowed to return to manila, 1778; opposed by audiencia, some of whom, with certain military officers, he arrests for conspiracy, october, 1779; increases army and strengthens fortifications; tobacco monopoly established february 9, 1780-march 1, 1782; _sociedad económica de amigos del pais_ ("economic association of friends of the country") established, 1781; insurrection in ituy and paniqui, 1785; royal approval of powder monopoly, november 4, 1786; various innovations occur during his term; encourages agriculture and other industries; asks to be relieved because of opposition from audiencia; at king's permission sails for spain, in the latter part of november, 1787; term as governor, july, 1778-november, 1787; appointed rear-admiral, governor of cartagena, and count of the conquest of the batanes islands (which he had conquered) _pedro de sarrio_--appointed governor _(ad interim)_ for the second time, november 22, 1787, on departure of basco; insurrection in ilocos because of tobacco monopoly, 1787; death of archbishop santa justa y rufina, december 15, 1787; term as governor, november 22, 1787-july 1, 1788. _félix berenguer de marquina_--naval officer; arrives at manila july 1 (buzeta and bravo, and retana say may), 1787; opposed by audiencia; manila becomes an open port for all but european products, by royal decree of august 15, 1789; proposes plans for government reforms in the philippines; term as governor, july 1, 1788-september 1, 1793. _rafael maría de aguilar y ponce de leon_-knight of the order of alcántara, military officer, and gentleman of the bedchamber; arrives at cavite, august 28, 1793; enters government, september 1, 1793; strengthens fortifications, levies native troops, and inculcates various reforms; conflicts with moros continue, and shipyard established (1794) at binondo to build boats for moro war; receives title of mariscal-de-campo; energetic and tireless; hands over government to king's deputy or _segundo cabo_, august 7, 1806; term as governor, september 1, 1793-august 7, 1806; death, august 8, 1806. _mariano fernandez de folgueras_--native of galicia; becomes governor (_ad interim_), august 7, 1806; insurrection in ilocos, 1807; english commercial house given permission to establish itself in the islands, 1809; term as governor, august 7, 1806-march 4, 1810. _manuel gonzalez de aguilar_--knight of the order of santiago, and military officer; arrives at manila, march 4, 1810; in accordance with royal decrees of january 29 and february 14, 1810, permitting deputies from the colonies to be chosen for the spanish cortes, philippine deputies are present in that of september 24, 1810; proposes cessation of acapulco ship, 1810; insurrection (anti-friar and to establish new religion) in ilocos, 1811; first newspaper established in philippines, august 8, 1811; spanish constitution of 1812 publicly received in manila, april 17, 1813; aguilar's term marked by various commercial movements; term as governor, march 4, 1810-september 4, 1813. _josé gardoqui jaraveitia_--naval officer; arrives at manila, september 4, 1813; cessation of acapulco ship; term marked by various governmental changes in consequence of decrees issued by fernando vii, by certain commercial changes, and troubles with moros; death, december 9, 1816; term as governor, september 4, 1813-december 9, 1816. _mariano fernandez de folgueras_--becomes governor (_ad interim_) for the second time, december 10, 1816; province of ilocos norte created, february 2, 1818; orders reestablishment of _real sociedad económica de filipinas_ ("royal economic association of filipinas"), december 17, 1819; massacre of foreigners by natives, october 9-10, 1820; establishment of three short-lived newspapers in 1821; term marked by closer connection with spain; term as governor, december 10, 1816-october 30, 1822; assassinated in insurrection of spanish-americans and filipinos, 1823. _juan antonio martínez_--native of madrid, and mariscal-de-campo; arrives at manila, october 30, 1822; accompanied by many new officials from spain; insurrection of filipinos and spanish-americans in consequence; newspaper founded by el sociedad de amigos del pais, 1724; reactionary movements of spain affect philippines; term as governor, october 30, 1822-october 14, 1825; death, at sea while on way to spain. _marinao ricafort palacín y ararca_--native of murcia, mariscal-de-campo, and perpetual ambassador of the city of paz, peru; arrives at manila, october 14, 1825; forbids foreigners to sell goods at retail, february 4, 1828; makes laws in many different directions; gives instructions for government of mariana islands, december 17, 1828; foundation of dominican college in ocaña, spain, as a feeder for china and the philippines, may 2, 1830 (approved, august 15, 1831); returns to spain, december 23, 1830; term as governor, october 14, 1825-december 23, 1830. _pascual enrile y alcedo_--native of cadiz, military officer and segundo cabo of, the philippines; becomes governor, december 23, 1830; expedition to igorrotes, 1831-1832; lottery established, july 3, 1833; royal tribunal of commerce created in manila, january 1, 1834; _guia de forasteros_ (guide book for strangers) first printed, 1834; compañía de filipinas dissolved by royal order of september 6, 1834; royal order of november 3, 1834, substitutes segundo cabo in office of governor, in case of latter's absence, sickness, or death; many useful laws passed and islands prosper during this term; term as governor, december 23, 1830-march 1, 1835. _gabriel de torres_--native of valladolid province, and segundo cabo of the philippines; becomes governor, march 1, 1835; death, april 23, 1835; term as governor, march 1, 1835-april 23, 1835. _juan crámer_ (montero y vidal) juaquin de crame (mas, and buzeta and bravo)--native of cataluña; becomes governor (_ad interim_) as office of segundo cabo vacant, april 23, 1835; term as governor, april 23, 1835-september 9, 1835. _pedro antonio salazar castillo y varona_--native of ibrillos (rioja), and military officer; comes to manila with appointment as segundo cabo; becomes governor (_ad interim_), september 9, 1835; royal council of spain and the indies abolished by royal decree, september 28, 1836; by the promulgation in madrid (june 18, 1837) of the political constitution of the spanish monarchy, the philippines lose their representation in the cortés; term as governor, september 9, 1835-august 27, 1837. _andrés garcía camba_--knight of the order of santiago, and mariscal-de-campo; captured with royal army at battle of ayacucho, peru, december 9, 1824; residence in manila april, 1825-march, 1835; receives royal approbation to appointment as commander-in-chief of military forces at manila, may 22, 1826; appointed director of _la sociedad económica de amigos del pais_; elected to represent the philippines in spanish cortés, 1834; appointed secretary of war (_ad interim_), august 15, 1836; elected to cortés to represent lugo (but did not sit), october 2, 1836; arrives at manila, august 24, 1837; takes charge of government, august 27, 1837; given name of "el deseado" ("the desired"); is opposed politically and by the ecclesiastics; term as governor, august 27, 1837-december 29, 1838; after return to spain, elected senator for valencia; minister of the marine, commerce, and government of the colonies, may 21, 1841-may 25, 1842. _luis lardizábal_--arrives at manila, december 26, 1838; enters upon government, december 29 (montero y vidal) or 30 (mas), 1838; first issue of weekly paper, _precios corrientes de manila_ ("prices current in manila") in spanish and english, july 6, 1839; province of nueva vizcaya created, 1839; project for monument to magalhães on the islet of mactan submitted to supreme government, 1840; solicits recall; term as governor, december 29, 1838-february, 1841; death at sea on return voyage to spain. _marcelino de oraá lecumberri_--native of navarra, and lieutenant-general; arrives at manila, february, 1841; insurrections among tagáls, the second of native soldiers, 1841 and 1843; newspaper _seminario filipino_ first published, 1843; term as governor, february, 1841-june 17, 1843. _francisco de paula alcalá de la torre_--native of extremadura, and lieutenant-general; becomes governor, june 17 (buzeta and bravo say 12), 1843; isabel ii declared of age and received as queen of spain, december 1, 1843; alcalá makes laws regulating commerce, the army, and welfare of the islands; term as governor, june 17, 1843-july 16, 1844. _narciso clavería y zaldua_--native of gerona (but of biscayan origin), and lieutenant-general; becomes governor, july 16, 1844; calendar in philippines corrected, 1844; makes reforms in office of alcalde-mayor, 1844; founds casino called "sociedad de recreo" ("recreation association"), october 31, 1844; his proposal to establish military library approved, february 15, 1846; first steam war-vessels in the philippines bought (in london), 1848; conquest of island of balanguingui, 1848, for which he receives the titles of count of manila and viscount of claveria, and the cross of san fernando, besides other rewards; regular clergy forbidden to alienate property, january 15, 1849; surnames given to natives, november 11, 1849; his term marked by intense activity, and the number of papers founded, among them being the first daily of manila, _la esperanza_ (december 1, 1846), and _diario de manila_ (1848); asks retirement and returns to spain, december 26, 1849; term as governor, july 16, 1844-december 26, 1849. _antonio maría blanco_--segundo cabo; becomes governor (_ad interim_), december 26, 1849; monthly lottery established in manila, january 29, 1850; creates province of unión, march 2, 1850; term as governor, december 26, 1849-june 29, 1850. _antonio de urbistondo y eguía_--native of san sebastián, and marquis of solana; formerly a carlist; becomes governor june 29, 1850; leper hospital founded in cebú, 1850; bank español-filipino established, august 1, 1851, and begins operations, 1852; expedition to, and conquest of, joló, 1851; term characterized by many administrative laws; solicits retirement; term as governor, july 29, 1850-december 20, 1853; appointed minister of war by royal decree, october 12, 1856. _ramon montero y blandino_--segundo cabo of the philippines; becomes governor (_ad interim_), december 20, 1853; term as governor, december 20, 1853-february 2, 1854. _manuel pavía y lay_--marquis de novaliches, lieutenant-general, head of department of infantry; appointed without previous consultation, september, 1853; arrives at manila, february 2, 1854; reëquips army; mutiny of portion of native troops suppressed; monthly mail between manila and hongkong established; leaves manila, october 28, after thanking religious orders (october 27) for coöperation; term as governor, february 2-october 28, 1854. _ramon montero y blandino_--becomes governor (_ad interim_) for the second time, october 28, 1854; term as governor, october 28-november 20, 1854. _manuel crespo y cebrián_--native of extremadura, and formerly segundo cabo of the philippines; becomes governor, november 20, 1854; expedition against igorrotes, december, 1855-february, 1856; resigns december 5, 1856; term as governor, november 20, 1854-december 5, 1856. _ramon montero y blandino_--becomes governor (_ad interim_), for the third time, december 5, 1856; term as governor, december 5, 1856-march 9, 1857. _fernando norzagaray y escudero_--native of san sebastian, and lieutenant-general; enters upon office, march 9, 1857; authorizes establishments of houses of exchange, june 18, 1857; sends expedition to cochinchina to aid french, 1858; reforms in local administration ordered, august 30, 1858; infantry reorganized by order of september 23, 1859; first jesuit mission after reinstatement of order, reaches philippines in middle of 1859; several papers founded during his term; encourages agriculture; solicits recall because of ill-health; term as governor, march 9, 1857-january 12, 1860. _ramon maría solano y llanderal_--native of valencia, mariscal-de-campo, and segundo cabo of philippines; becomes governor (_ad interim_), january 12, 1860; pawnshop authorized in manila, january 18; issues decree for civil government of province of manila, january 31; functions of bank español-filipino extended, february 16; jagor travels through the bisayas; term as governor january 12-august 29, 1860; death from fever (with rumor in manila of poisoning), august 30. _juan herrera dávila_--sub-inspector of artillery; becomes governor (_ad interim_), august 29, 1860; civil administration of provinces of the colonies organized, and audiencia in manila reformed, july 9, 1860; printing of _coleccion de autos acordados_ authorized, january 10, 1861; regularly appointed governor, general of marine mac-crohon, dies in red sea while on way to philippines; term as governor, august 29, 1860-february 2, 1861. _josé lemery é ibarrola ney y gonzález_--senator of the kingdom; becomes governor, february 2, 1861; politico-military governments installed in bisayas and mindanao, april 1, 1861; jesuits given mindanao as mission field, and opposed by recollects; operations against moros; delivers command to segundo cabo, july 7, 1862; term as governor, february 2, 1861-july 7, 1862. _salvador valdés_--segundo cabo; becomes governor (_ad interim_), july 7, 1862; term as governor, july 7-9, 1862. _rafael de echague y berminghan_--native of san sebastián, lieutenant-general, and governor at puerto rico; arrives at manila, july 9, 1862; various insurrections, 1863; earthquake, june 3, 1863; creation of ministry of colonies, 1863; normal school established, january 23, 1865; term marked by various calamities; term as governor, july 9, 1862-march 24, 1865. _joaquin del solar e ibáñez_--segundo cabo of the philippines; becomes governor (_ad interim_), march 24, 1865; reforms in various branches of government, 1865; term as governor, march 24, 1865-april 25, 1865. _juan de lara é irigoyen_--native of navarra, lieutenant-general, and ex-minister of war; assumes office, april 25, 1865; antonio cánovas del castillo appointed minister of the colonies, july 3, 1865; erection of bishopric of jaro, by bull of pius ix, 1865; establishment of jesuit institution ateneo municipal at manila, 1865; recalled for corruption of government; term as governor, april 25, 1865-july 13, 1866. _josé laureano de sanz y posse_--mariscal-de-campo, and segundo cabo elect because of former incumbent of that office having left islands with lara; term as governor (_ad interim_), july 13-september 21, 1866. _antonio osorio_--naval officer; becomes governor (_ad interim_), september 21, 1866; term as governor, september 21-september 27, 1866. _joaquin del solar_--becomes governor (_ad interim_), for the second time, september 27, 1866; term as governor, september 27-october 26, 1866. _jose de la gándara y navarro_--lieutenant-general; becomes governor, october 26, 1866; uniform monetary system adopted; reforms primary education, 1867-1868; resigns office; term as governor, october 26, 1866-june 7, 1869. _manuel maldonado_--segundo cabo of islands; becomes governor (_ad interim_), june 7, 1869; term as governor, june 7-june 23, 1869. _cárlos maría de la torre y nava cerrada_--native of cuenca, and lieutenant-general; becomes governor, june 23, 1869; constitution of 1869 sworn to, september 21, 1869; projects monument to anda y salazar; question of removing the monopoly on tobacco; _guardia civil_ created; radical in government; term as governor, june 23, 1869-april 4, 1871. _rafael de izquierdo y gutierrez_--native of santander, and lieutenant-general; becomes governor, april 4, 1871; insurrections in cavite and zamboanga, 1872; reforms in army; opening of steamship line and telegraph lines; governor resigns because of ill-health; term as governor, april 4, 1871-january 8, 1873. _manuel mac-crohon_--naval officer, becomes governor (_ad interim_), as office of segundo cabo vacant, january 8, 1873; term as governor, january 8-24 (?), 1873. _juan alaminos y de vivar_--becomes governor, january 24 (?), 1873; conflict with archbishop and other ecclesiastics; steamship line established between manila and spain; various ports opened for commerce; term as governor, january 24 (?), 1873-march 17, 1874. _manuel blanco valderrama_--becomes governor (_ad interim_), march 17, 1874; repulse of joloans; hands over government to regularly appointed governor, june 18, 1874. _jose malcampo y monje_--marques de san rafael and rear-admiral; becomes governor, june 18, 1874; conquest of joló, 1876; given title of count of mindanao, december 19, 1876; mutiny of artillerymen; term as governor, june 18, 1874-february 28, 1877; given titles of count of joló and viscount of mindanao, july 20, 1877. _domingo moriones y murillo_--marquis of oroquieta, and lieutenant-general; becomes governor, february 28, 1877; takes drastic measures against mutinous artillery regiment, 1877; prevents sale of tobacco monopoly, 1877; constructs manila water-works, 1878; term as governor, february 28, 1877-march 18 or 20, 1880. _rafael rodríguez arias_--naval officer; becomes governor (_ad interim_), march 18 or 20, 1880; term as governor, march 18-april 15, 1880. _fernando primo de rivera_--marquis of estella; becomes governor, april 15, 1880; cable opened between luzón and spain, 1880; royal decree orders repeal of tobacco monopoly, 1881; term marked by corruption in public offices; term as governor, april 15, 1880-march 10, 1883. _emilio molíns_--segundo cabo of philippines; governor (_ad interim_), march to april 7, 1883. _joaquín jovellar_--general; becomes governor, april 7, 1883; decrease of annual period of personal services from forty to fifteen days, and creation of provincial tax, 1883; plan for railroads in luzón approved, 1883; visits southern islands, 1884; tribute abolished and tax of _cédula personal_ substituted, 1884; jesuit observatory at manila declared official, 1884; term as governor, april 7, 1883-april 1, 1885. _emilio molíns_--becomes governor (_ad interim_), for second time, and rules three days, april 1-4, 1885. _emilio terrero y perinat_--lieutenant-general; becomes governor, april 4, 1885; leads expedition in person against moros, 1885; dispute between spain and germany as to ownership of carolinas, 1885; term as governor, april 4, 1885-1888. _antonio molto_--segundo cabo, term as governor (_ad interim_), 1888. _federico lobaton_--naval officer; term as governor (_ad interim_), only one day in 1888. march 1, 1888, a petition signed by eight hundred and ten natives and mestizos demands immediate expulsion of the friars of the religious orders and of the archbishop, the secularization of benefices, and the confiscation of the estates of augustinians and dominicans. _valeriano weyler_--native of majorca, marquis of tenerife, and son of a german doctor; becomes governor, 1888; said to have purchased office from minister's wife; school of agriculture established in manila, 1889; practical school of arts and trades established, 1890; telephone system established in philippines, 1890; dominican secondary school established in dagupan, 1891; said to have received money from religious orders for armed support against their tenants; term as governor 1888-1891; later minister of war at madrid. _eulogio despujol_--native of cataluña, and count of caspe; becomes governor, 1891; liga filipína (philippine league) founded in manila by rizal, 1892; introduces many reforms; popular with natives; arouses wrath of religious orders, who are said to have paid $100,000 for his dismissal; term as governor, 1891-1893. _federico ochando_--governor (_ad interim_), 1893. _ramon blanco_--becomes governor, 1893; electric light established in manila, 1895; formation of katipunan society; outbreak of insurrection, august 30 1896; blanco opposed by ecclesiastics; term as governor, 1893-december 9 (date of royal decree removing him), 1896. _camilo polavieja_--general; becomes governor, december 13, 1896 (algué); rizal executed, december 30, 1896; tagál republic proclaimed, october, 1896; insurrection spreads; operations against insurgents by general lachambre, 1897; polavieja issues amnesty proclamation, january 11, 1897; efficient service of loyal filipino troops; term as governor, december 13, 1896-april 15, 1897. _jose de lachambre_--general; governor (_ad interim_), april 15-23, 1897. _fernando primo de rivera_--becomes governor for the second time, april 23, 1897; insurgents scattered, and more than thirty thousand natives said to have been killed in one province; pact of biaknabato signed, december 14, 1897; re-occurrence of insurrections in luzon, 1898; term as governor, april 23, 1897-april 11, 1898. _basilio augustin_--becomes governor, april 11, 1898; dewey's victory, may 1, 1898. _fermin jaudens_--becomes governor (_ad interim_), 1898; peace preliminaries, surrender of manila, and entrance of americans (august 13) into manila. _francisco rizzo_--general; becomes governor (_ad interim_), 1898. _diego de los ríos_--becomes governor, with capital at iloilo, 1898; treaty of paris signed, december 10, 1898; term as governor, after august 13, 1898-december 10, 1898; leaves manila, january 1, 1899. [94] law regarding vacancies in the government [_recopilación de leyes_, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley lviii, contains the following law on vacancies in the government. it is dated madrid, april 2, 1664.] inasmuch as representation has been made to us of the inconveniences resulting from the viceroys of nueva españa anticipating appointments among persons who reside in the filipinas islands, so that, in case of the absence of the president and governor and captain-general of the islands, those persons may enter upon and exercise those charges until the arrival of the person who is to govern--_ad interim_ or by royal appointment, according as we may decide: therefore we order and command that, in case of the absence of the governor and captain-general of those islands, by death or any other accident, our royal audiencia resident in the city of manila shall govern them in political affairs, and the senior auditor in military. the latter, in any cases of war arising for the defense and conservation of the said islands, and in any preparations or other precautions that it shall be advisable to make for this purpose, shall take the advice of the military leaders there, and shall communicate with them for the better direction of matters. we order the viceroy of nueva-españa to use no longer the authority that he has had hitherto by virtue of our decree of september thirteen, one thousand six hundred and eight, and the other decrees given to him, to have persons appointed by means of the ways hitherto practiced. those we now revoke by this our law, and annul, but he shall still be empowered to send the person who shall exercise the said duties _ad interim_. and as it is advisable that the audiencia of manila regulate in conformity to this the execution of the contents of this our law, we order the said audiencia that, in case of the death of the president, it shall maintain that state in all peace, quiet and good government, administering justice to all parties. the senior auditor who shall exercise the president's duties during his absence, shall exercise very especial care and vigilance in all that pertains to military matters, and shall try to keep the presidios well manned, and supplied with the defenses necessary for their conservation, and the soldiers well disciplined for any occasion that may arise. some things worth knowing about the governors of the filipinas islands [juan josé delgado, in his _historia_ (chapter xvii, pp. 212-215), makes the following remarks about the governors.] in no kingdom or province of the spanish crown do the viceroys or governors enjoy greater privileges, superiority, and grandeur than in filipinas. that is advisable because of the long distance from the court, and their proximity to so many kingdoms and nations, some of them civilized but others barbaric. consequently those assigned to this government should be well tested and picked men; for, because of the difficulty of appeal, as so many seas and lands have to be passed, where shipwrecks are continually suffered, there are great setbacks. therefore it is very difficult and at times impossible to remedy quickly the disadvantages which may arise (and which have been experienced) from an absolute and selfish governor--who has no one to oppose him in his cupidity, cruelty, headlong disposition, or other vices to which the disordered condition of these so distant lands inclines one. father alonso sánchez of the society of jesus, ambassador of this community at the two courts [_i.e._, spain and rome], presented to his majesty don felipe ii a standard or description of the qualities which should adorn the person who should be appointed governor of filipinas. that most judicious monarch thought it so difficult to find a man of so many and such gifts, that he bargained with the father, and arranged that the latter himself should seek and select the man. those same gifts and qualities must be found in those appointed as governors, especially in these times, [95] when it seems as-if cupidity, ambition, pride, and haughtiness have fortified themselves in these lands. for it often happens that the governor is so facile, that he allows himself to be governed by one whom he should not [allow to do so]. consequently it is very advisable that he should have great courage, in addition to goodness and disinterestedness, so that he may act and judge in his government without subjecting himself to any private person--whether he need such for his temporal advancement, or, through friendship or relationship, incurs that disadvantage by undue intimacy. thus it happened to governor don diego fajardo during his term, as is read in various provincial histories; but the experience that he continued to gain daily opened his eyes to the recognition of his error. seeing certain disadvantages arising from his protection of certain individuals, he dismissed them from his favor to the prison in the redoubt of santiago, and confiscated their property, without respect to, or fear of, the influence that they had acquired in the community because of their wealth and support. a governor, whom i knew and with whom i was familiar, was told in méxico that he would come to kiss the hand of a certain citizen distinguished for his wealth and rank. but he, being a man of great courage and spirit, who knew how to hold every one in his own position, without permitting him to rise to greater, immediately upon his arrival in these islands ordered that man in the king's name to perform a certain necessary and useful service. as he, trusting in his favor among the citizens, did not obey the order, the governor condemned him to be beheaded. for that purpose he tore him from the church in which he had sought refuge, and would have executed the sentence, had not the ecclesiastical estate interposed all its influence by pointing out several disadvantages, upon which his punishment was lessened and the penalty commuted. thus did he hold each one to his post, and all praised his rectitude, disinterestedness, and magnanimity; and he left his government with great honor and reputation. these islands need disinterested military governors, not merchants; and men of resolution and character, not students, who are more fit to govern monasteries than communities of heroes. they should be men who can make themselves feared and respected by the enemies who surround us on all sides, and who can go in person to punish their opponents (as did the former ones, with so great glory to god and credit to the spanish arms), so that in that way the islands may be conserved in peace and be respected and feared by the moro and indian chiefs--and those who are called kings or sultans of joló and mindanao, who go with feet and legs bare, and have to go to sea to cast their fishing nets in order to live, are that and nothing more. but if a governor comes to these islands with the intention of escaping his natural poverty by humoring the rich and powerful, and even obeying them, the wrongs accruing to the community are incredible, as well as those to christianity, and to the country--which is at times on the point of being lost because of this reason--and especially since appeal is so distant, as was seen and experienced in the year of 1719. [96] the governors of these islands are almost absolute, and like private masters of them. they exercise supreme authority by reason of their charge, for receiving and sending embassies to the neighboring kings and tyrants, for sending them gifts and presents in the name of their king, and for accepting those which those kings and tyrants send them. they can make and preserve peace, declare and make war, and take vengeance on all who insult us, without awaiting any resolution from court for it. therefore many kings have rendered vassalage and paid tribute to the governors, have recognized them as their superiors, have respected and feared their arms, have solicited their friendship, and tried to procure friendly relations and commerce with them; and those who have broken their word have been punished. the legitimate king of borney, who had been dispossessed of his kingdom, because his brother, who had no right to it, had usurped it, begged help from doctor don francisco de sande, governor of these islands. governor sande went with his fleet, fought with and drove away the tyrant, and put the legitimate king in possession [of his throne]; the latter rendered obedience to the governor, appointed in the place of the king of españa, and subjected himself to this crown as vassal and tributary. the same happened during the term of gómez pérez dasmariñas, to whom the king of siao came to render homage. governor don pedro de acuña went to ternate with a fleet, fought, conquered, and took the king of that island [97] prisoner to manila, as a pledge that the ternatans would not again admit the dutch and english--who, with their consent, were beginning to engage heavily in that commerce, and were seizing the country. although don juan niño de tabora had a royal decree ordering that that king be restored to his kingdom, he did not execute it, as that seemed unadvisable to him. consequently the king died in manila. one of his sons was also a prisoner of war, and the governor appointed a cachil to govern in his stead. that king, the king of tidore, and others in the same islands of ternate rendered homage to don pedro de acuña, and became friends of the spaniards. the said governor received them under the canopy in the name of the king of españa, and took them under his protection and care. in the year of 1618, the same governor [_i.e._, alonso fajardo y tenza] made peace and treaties with the king of macasar, who also placed himself under españa's protection, so that the governor might protect him in his needs and necessities. the country formerly had very peaceable relations with the emperor of japón, and also a very rich and useful commerce; and his majesty ordered by a royal decree of june 4, 1609, that it be preserved, although at the expense of gifts and presents of considerable price and value. that friendship lasted until the year 1634, when the japanese were found lacking in it because of the dutch--who, always following in our footsteps, introduced their commerce into that empire. friendship and commerce have been maintained from the beginning of the conquest with great china, and are still preserved. the emperor of china ordered a port to be assigned so that the people of luzon could establish a city and factory under the same conditions as the portuguese in macao. his majesty also ordered, by a decree of april 9, 1586, doctor francisco de sande to sustain the friendship, and prohibited him from making war; for, as some authors say, sande had the intention of conquering that empire. [98] that does not seem to me so certain, for that empire had so many millions of men, with innumerable cities, forts, and walls, and fleets that guard the ports with great vigilance. moreover at that time the soldiers in these islands did not number five hundred, and were scarcely sufficient to guard them; and it was very difficult to transport them from nueva españa and other kingdoms. although it might be that that idea was simply speculative, the council prohibited it, and ordered them thenceforth to observe what was prescribed. the king of siam captured two ships of these islands in his ports in 1629. don juan niño de tabora, who was governor at that time, immediately despatched two warships to punish so great violence, and they made many prizes and inflicted many injuries along those coasts. after that he sent ambassadors to the king to ask satisfaction for what the latter had done, and the restoration of the spanish ships. although the king who had had the ships seized was dead, his son was forced to return them, and did so. the mindanaos and joloans, chastised because of the fleets that they were sending to plunder these islands, have been subdued and have made peace several times. but, whenever it appears good to them, they break the peace, make war on us, and sack and burn the towns of the christians, capturing many thousands of them; this is done not only by the mindanaos, but by their vassals, the camucones and tirones. consequently, one can and ought to make war on them very justifiably, until they are destroyed and annihilated, if necessary--as was done before, and is being done in this year of 1751. [99] during this and previous years the king of joló lived in manila, was baptized, and made a subject of the spanish crown. he solicited aid against one of his brothers named bantilan, by saying that the latter had revolted with the kingdom. however it is hoped that the truth of the whole thing will be discovered in time. [100] it was resolved by a royal provision of may 29, 1720, that all the prisoners made among those nations during the war should be declared slaves forever. besides the above, the governors of these islands have absolute authority privately to provide and attend to all that pertains to the royal estate, government, war, and consultations in difficult affairs of the auditors of this royal audiencia; to try in the first instance the criminal causes of the soldiers; and to appoint alcaldes, corregidora, deputies, and chief justices of all the islands for the exercise of government, justice, and war, together with the chief scrivener appointed by his majesty for government and war matters. the governor also enjoys the privilege of a permanent body-guard of twelve halberdiers, with a captain of the guard, who always accompany him, besides many other preeminences conceded by royal decrees to the presidency of the royal audiencia and cnancillería. he is, finally, captain-general of all the archipelago. for these his employments, his majesty assigns him annually a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas--or thirteen thousand one hundred and thirty-five pesos, three granos of common gold--besides the many profits and gains assigned to him by domestic and foreign fees and privileges, which amount annually to great sums of money. administration of government and the captaincy-general [the following is taken from sinibaldo de mas, [101] _informe sobre el estado de las islas filipinas en 1842_ (madrid, 1843), tomo ii. portions of it are apparently embodied in translation and abstract in bowring's _visit to the philippine isles_ (london, 1859), p. 87-93.] the government of the filipinas islands, together with the group of the marianas, is in charge of a military chief, who, to the title of governor, joins those of president of the audiencia, and royal vice-patron; subdelegate judge of the revenue, and of post-offices, posts, and express [_correos, postas y estafeta_]; and director of the troops, captain-general, and commander-in-chief of the navy. his authority, then, embraces all the powers derived from these titles, both for administration and for the security and defense of the territory. to discharge these duties he has three secretaryships--one of government, another of the captaincy-general, and the third of the navy--one military auditor, one adviser in government matters, one fiscal, and one scrivener. one may appeal from his gubernatorial measures to the royal audiencia, which often alters or annuls those measures by means of sentence. but there is a law that provides that in case that the governor-general undertakes to have his order put into effect, it must be observed until the superior decision, so that no uneasiness and confusion may result from it in the country. the collection of taxes and the disbursement of money is in charge of a superintendent of the treasury [_hacienda_], under the immediate orders of the government at madrid. in sudden or doubtful cases, the resolutions of the superior council [_junta_] of the treasury--composed of the superintendent, the accountant-in-chief of accounts [_contador mayor de cuentas_], the accountant of the army and treasury, the newest auditor of the audiencia, and the fiscal of the treasury--decide the matter. the islands are divided by provinces, in each of which there is a subordinate chief who is styled governor or alcalde-mayor. these exercise jurisdiction in the first instance, in matters of government and litigation. they are military captains, and have in charge the collection of the royal revenues, under a responsibility guaranteed by bonds to the satisfaction of the accountant-general of the army and royal treasury. the province of cavite is an exception to this rule, for the collection of the tribute there is now made by an assistant of the chief justice. therefore he who rules in a province exercises all the attributes of political chief, and as such is subject to the governor-general; those of judge of first instance, and as such is dependent on the audiencia; those of subdelegate of treasury (although he does not have the disposal of the monopolized incomes), and as such has to render accounts, bonds, and obedience to the chiefs of the treasury; and finally, if he is of military rank, he is commandant-of-arms, and subaltern of the captain-general; and even though he be not of military rank he obtains the rank of military commander [_capitan á guerra_] by virtue of his rank of alcalde-mayor. he has charge of the company assigned to his province, and, in the absence of his majesty's troops, he commands the troops that he equips upon extraordinary occasions. each province is subdivided into a greater or less number of towns. each town has a gobernadorcillo [i.e., little or petty governor], with assistants and alguacils of justice, whose number is fixed. they discharge various functions, among them the administration of justice in regard to fields and palm-trees, and that of police. in some towns where there are a sufficient number of sangley mestizos (who are the descendants of the chinese), they form, when they obtain permission from the government, a separate community, with a gobernadorcillo and other members of the magistracy taken from their own midst. in the towns which are the capitals of the province there is often a gobernadorcillo for mestizos and one for natives. this latter always takes command of the province in case of the sickness or absence of the alcalde-mayor. the gobernadorcillos have in their towns all the municipal responsibility proper to the authority which is conferred upon them by their appointment. they are especially bound to aid their parish priests in everything pertaining to worship and the observance of religious laws. they try civil causes up to the value of two taels of gold, or forty-four pesos. they take action in criminal cases by collecting the preliminary evidence, which they submit to the provincial chiefs. they are under obligation to see to the collections of the royal revenue, and further to give notice of the ordinances for good government. they are permitted to collect certain dues that are specified in their own credentials. each town has also other citizens known under the name of cabezas [_i.e._, heads] de barangay. each cabeza is obliged to look after forty-five or fifty tributes which comprise as many families, and that is the signification of barangay. the cabezas must reside with them in the district or street assigned; must attend in person to the good order and harmony of their individuals; must apportion among them all the services that are due from them collectively; must settle their disputes; and must collect the tribute under a fixed bond, in order to effect its delivery afterward in entirety to the gobernadorcillo, or directly to the provincial chief, as happens in that of tondo. the cabezas are ex-officio attorneys for their barangays in all matters that concern them collectively, and electors of the gobernadorcillos and other officials of justice. for that interesting function, only the twelve oldest men of each town or the substitutes whom the ordinance assigns, have a vote. in some provinces the cabezas appoint only the three who have to compose the _terna_ [i.e., three nominees for any office] for the gobernadorcillo. these, with the outgoing gobernadorcillo, proceed to the election of the deputies, alguacils, and their committees. the cabecerías [_i.e._, headships], much more ancient in origin than the reductions [_i.e._, native villages of converts], were doubtless hereditary. at present they are hereditary and elective. when they fall vacant, whether for want of an heir or through the resignation of the regularly appointed incumbent, the substitute is appointed--by the superintendent, in the provinces near the capital; and in those distant from it by the respective subdelegate chief, but at the proposal of the gobernadorcillo and other cabezas. this same plan is followed in the creation of any cabecería in proportion to the increase in population, and as the number of tributarios in each town demands it. the cabezas, their wives, and first-born sons (who are their assistants in the collection of the royal revenues), enjoy exemption from the payment of tribute. the cabezas in some provinces serve in the cabecerías for three years; and, if they do not prove defaulters, they are recognized as chiefs in the towns, with the titles of ex-cabeza and don. such system offers the serious disadvantage of multiplying the privileged class of chiefs, which, being exempted from personal services, increases the tax for the common people or the _polistas_ [102] in proportion to the increase of the privileged class. the offices of gobernadorcillo, deputies, and alguacils of justice are elective, and last one year, with superior approbation. it is stipulated that the elections take place exactly at the beginning of each year, in the royal houses or halls of justice in the towns, and not elsewhere. the electors are the outgoing gobernadorcillo and the twelve senior cabezas de barangay. for gobernadorcillo three individuals have to be nominated by a plurality of votes, and the respective place of each one in the terna must be expressed. it is to be noted that the nominee must be able to speak, read, and write the spanish language. if he cannot do that, the election of the one who lacks this express condition will be considered null and void, where such election has been made. for the other officials of justice, those needed by the town are elected by the same convention. the balloting must be secret, and is authorized by the notary and presided over by the provincial chief. the parish priest may be present, if he wishes, to express what opinions he may consider fitting, but for no other purpose. in sealed envelopes the election returns are sent to the superior governments of the provinces of tondo, bulacan, pampanga, bataan, zambales, nueva ecija, laguna, batangas, and cavite, so that after choosing one of those proposed as gobernadorcillo, the respective government orders the credentials corresponding to each class to be despatched. in the other provinces, because of their distance from the capital, the chief of each one appoints the nominee in the first place, and making use of the blank credentials entrusted to him by the superior government, writes therein the names of those interested, and places them in possession [of their offices]. the cabezas of barangay can be elected, if they preserve their cabecerías and the collection of tributes, by the rule in the royal decree of october 17, 1785. the chinese community may elect from among its christian individuals, and in a meeting presided over by the alcalde-mayor of tondo, one man as gobernadorcillo, one as chief deputy, and a third as alguacil-mayor. the government grants those elected the proper credentials, by virtue of which they exercise jurisdiction. the officials of justice in this community are called _bilangos_, and are appointed by the new gobernadorcillo. the electors are also thirteen in number, and are composed of the outgoing gobernadorcillo, the ex-captains, and the petty chiefs [_cabecillas_] of the tribute and of champans, both past and present. when any number is lacking, it is made up from the petty heads of the trades. at present the collection of tribute or the poll-tax from the chinese is in direct charge of the alcalde-mayor in the province of tondo, with a supervisor chosen from among the officials of administration of the royal treasury. in the other provinces it is attended to in person by the chief of each province. this levy of taxes is managed by a register, where the chinese are enrolled and classified, and that register determines the quota of each, who contributes according to his class. the gobernadorcillos and officials of justice deserve the greatest consideration from the government. the provincial chiefs are under obligation to show them the honor corresponding to their respective duties. they are allowed to sit in the houses of the latter, and in any other place, and are not suffered to remain standing. neither is it permitted to the parish priests to treat these officials with less consideration. political and administrative organization [montero y vidal's _archipiélago filipino_(madrid, 1866), pp. 162-168, contains the following chapter.] the municipal organization of filipinas differs widely from that of españa. some native functionaries, improperly called gobernadorcillos, [103] exercise command in the towns; they correspond to the alcaldes and municipal judges, of the peninsula, and perform at once functions of judges and even of notaries, with defined powers. as assistants they elect several lieutenants and alguacils, proportionate in number to the inhabitants. those assistants, together with three ex-gobernadorcillos to whom are referred the duties of judges of cattle, fields, and police, constitute a sort of town council. manila is the only place that has that corporation [_i.e., ayuntamiento_] with an organization identical with those of the same class in españa. even when the gobernadorcillos are recompensed with a certain percentage for the collection of contributions, and they collect some other dues, the total sum that they finally receive is so small that their office is considered honorary. in spite of this, the duty is an onerous one, and they are subject to annoyances, fines, and imprisonment, if the gubernative, judicial, and administrative authorities, etc., are rigorous. the indians covet it with a desire that is astonishing, and avail themselves of all possible means in order to obtain it. the secret of the motive that impels them lies in their fondness for prominence, and in the fact that nearly all of them succeed in becoming rich, or in attaining independent means, after the two years of their office. for the _polistas_, or individuals who are obliged to labor on the public works of the state, build their houses for them free of cost, bringing the materials from the forest or the points where they are found; there are the _fallas_, or the amount of the aliquot sum that is to make good the deficiency in public works [i.e., in the services on public works rendered by the natives], in the collection of which there is opportunity for the gobernadorcillo to figure, by supporting all or the majority of those who should perform that work, and himself using that money; the innumerable bribes and illegal exactions that they impose, and the taxes that they collect through numberless separate judgments: [all these] make the office sufficiently lucrative, although in that country, scarcely any importance is attached to many of these irregularities (even by those who are injured by them), which custom has almost sanctioned as law. the election of corporate members is carried on under the presidency of the provincial chief by twelve of the most prominent men in the town--half of them drawn by lots cast by those who were gobernadorcillos and cabezas de barangay, and the other six from the cabezas in actual office; while he who is gobernadorcillo at the time of election votes also. the individual who obtains most votes is proposed to the general government as being first on the list; he who follows him in the number of votes, in the second; and the actual _pedanéo_ [i.e. a subordinate officer, here the gobernadorcillo], in the third. from that list of three [_terna_], the governor-general appoints one, after seeing the report of the president of the election. the cabezas de barangay are chiefs of fifty families, those from whom are collected the contributions that form part of the revenues of the treasury and government. this institution, antedating the conquest, is most useful, the more, for the same reasons, since the gobernadorcillos come to be to their members of barangays or those they rule, the same that those pedáneos [i.e.], the cabezas] are to the generality of the inhabitants. the actual cabezas or the ex-cabezas, with the gobernadorcillo and the ex-captains (as those who have exercised that office are designated), form the _principalia_ [i.e., chieftain class, or nobility]. their usual dress is a black jacket, european trousers, mushroom hat, and colored slippers; many even wear varnished [i.e., patent leather] shoes. the shirt is short, and worn outside the trousers. the gobernadorcillo carries a tasseled cane [_baston_], the lieutenants wands [_varas_]. on occasions of great ceremony, they dress formally in frock coat, high-crowned hat--objects of value that are inherited from father to son. on the day on which the gobernadorcillo takes his office, his town has a great festival [_fiestajan_]. all eat, drink, smoke, and amuse themselves at the expense of the _munícipe_ [i.e., the citizen who is elected gobernadorcillo], and the rejoicing is universal. in the tribunal (city hall) he occupies a large lofty seat, which is adorned with the arms of españa and with fanciful designs, if his social footing shows a respectable antiquity. on holy days the officials go to the church in a body. the principalia and the _cuadrilleros_ form in two lines in front of the gobernadorcillo and the music precedes them. in the church the latter occupies a seat in precedence of those of the chiefs, who have benches of honor. after the mass, they usually go to the convent to pay their respects to the parish priest; and they return to the tribunal in the same order, the musicians playing a loud double quick march. [104] there they hold a meeting, at which the gobernadorcillo presides, in which he, in concert with the cabezas, determines the public services for the week. the tributarios of many towns go, after mass, to hear orally the orders that the cabezas communicate to them. in order to summon any of them when necessity requires, they have adopted certain taps of the drum; and on hearing it they go to the tribunal. if the gobernadorcillo is energetic or has a bad temper, the cabezas fear and respect him highly; but if he is irresolute they abuse him. when he goes out on the street, an alguacil with a long wand precedes him. since the majority of these pedáneos do not talk spanish, they are authorized to appoint _directorcillos_ [i.e., petty directors], who receive very slender pay. the directorcillo--who has generally studied for several years in the university or the colleges of manila without concluding his course--writes the judicial measures, and the answers to the orders of the provincial authorities; serves as interpreter to the pedáneo, when the latter has to talk to europeans; and exercises entire influence in all matters. by virtue of that he sometimes commits abuses that the gobernadorcillo finds it necessary to tolerate, in order not to lose his services; for there are towns where one cannot possibly find another inhabitant to take his place, because of their ignorance of castilian. all that redounds to the hurt of the honest administration of the towns, and even the prestige of the government, since the said directorcillos are wont to ascribe to the superior orders their own exactions and annoyances. each town of filipinas contains a number of cuadrilleros, proportional to its citizenship. they are under obligation to serve for three years, and only enjoy exemption from the payment of tribute and _polos_. [105] the cuadrilleros are armed with old guns and spears, perform police duty, and guard the tribunal, prison, and the royal or government house. they also go in pursuit of criminals. some provinces (for instance, the majority of those in luzon) are ruled by legal alcaldes-mayor who are lawyers, who exercise the civil government, and are at the same time judges of first instance, sub-delegates of the treasury and of local departments, administrators of the posts, military commandants, and presiding officers of the meetings for auctions and for primary instruction. they were also formerly collectors of tobacco, in the provinces where that plant is cultivated. [106] other provinces, such as those of visayas and mindanao, are ruled by politico-military governors, belonging to the army and fleet, who also unite duties identical to those of the alcaldes-mayor--with the difference that in these provinces there are judges for the administration of justice; while in the provinces of luzón the governors conduct the court of justice, with a lawyer as advisory assistant [_asessor_], who is the judge of the next province. in those provinces where no department of the public treasury exists, they are also directors of economic matters. a governor and captain-general exercises the supreme authority in filipinas. in his charge is the direction of all civil and military matters, and even the direction of ecclesiastical matters in so far as they touch the royal patronage. until 1861, when the council of administration was created, he also had charge of the presidency of the royal audiencia and chancillería there. the authority, then, of the governor-general is complete, and such a number of attributes conferred on one functionary (incompetent, as a general rule, for everything outside of military matters), is certainly prejudicial to the right exercise of his duty. until the year 1822, private gentlemen, magistrates, military men, sailors, and ecclesiastics, without any distinction, were appointed to fill so lofty a post; and they have borne the title and exercised the functions of captain-general to suit their own convenience. during the vacancies, political authority resided in the royal assembly--the audiencia in full [107] and the military authority in an auditor (magistrate), with the title of captain-general _ad interim_. from the said year of 1822, the government has always devolved upon an official, a general; in case of his death, the segundo cabo, a general, is substituted for him; and in case of the death of the latter, the commandant-general of the naval station. the captain-general is, as we have indicated, supreme chief of all departments, and the sum total of his pay amounts to forty thousand pesos annually. a command of so great importance, superior to the viceroyalties of our former american colonies, ought not to be given exclusively to one specified class; and the election of governor should be free, although with the limitation that only ex-ministers and high dignitaries of the army or of any other institution, who merit through their lofty talents, known competence, and proved morality, that españa should entrust to them its representation and the exercise of its sovereignty in so precious a portion of its domains, should be eligible to it. thus jointly do the prestige of the spanish name the complications of political life in modern society, and the progress and welfare of eight millions of spanish indians--worthy under all concepts on which governments now fix their attention more than they have hitherto done, in a matter of so transcendent importance--demand this with urgency. it is also advisable to change the vicious, anomalous, and unsuitable organization of the provinces of filipinas, assimilating them, so far as possible, to those of españa. the separation of the gubernatorial and judicial duties, the suppression of politico-military commands, and the appointment of civil governors, under excellent conditions and unremovable for six years, are urgent; all these are measures that will positively redound to the benefit of the country. notes [1] the earliest compilation of laws regarding the spanish colonies of nueva españa was made, by royal command, by vasco de puga (an auditor of the audiencia of mexico), and printed in 1563. francisco de toledo, viceroy of peru from 1569 to 1581, prepared a code of ordinances for that country (see markham's _hist. peru_, pp. 149, 156-159, 538). in 1570, felipe ii ordered that a revised compilation of the laws and ordinances for the government of all the indias be made. after many efforts and delays, this was accomplished in 1628, but the work was not printed until 1681. it is the fifth edition (_i.e._, reprint) of this compilation from which we obtain the laws presented in this document; it was printed in madrid in 1841. [2] see _vol_. viii, p. 253. [3] "the present state of affairs in that which relates to this titulo is that set forth by the decree of march 10, 1785, establishing the company of filipinas. in regard to this law and those following in this titulo, the reader should remember that a royal order of july 20, 1793, permitted the company of filipinas to trade directly between those islands and the ports of south america in one or two voyages, to the amount of five hundred thousand pesos apiece, on condition of paying the foreign duty and the 9 1/2 per cent on the silver taken back. this permit, which was limited during the war with france, was, by a new royal order of september 24, 1796, made general for all succeeding wars, if carried on with maritime powers." the above note is translated from the _recopilación_, where it follows law 1. space permitting, the decree of march 10, 1785, mentioned above, will be given in this series. [4] this law and all those treating of the prohibition of commerce between perú and méjico, tierra-firme, etc., were completely superseded by a royal decree dated el pardo, january 20, 1774. that decree was ordered to be kept and observed by the superior government of lima, august 1, of the same year; and separate copies were ordered to be drawn, so that all might know that his majesty had repealed and revoked the general prohibition of reciprocal commerce by the south sea between the four kingdoms of perú, nueva españa, nueva reíno de granada, and guatemala." we transfer this note from law ix, of this título of the _recopilación_, an editorial note to law lxviii referring to law ix. [5] such a citation as this shows the hand of the editors or compilers of the _recopilación_. law lxvii bears as its earlier date march 3, 1617, and refers to the sending of contraband chinese goods to the house of trade of the indias in sevilla. [6] the governors of the filipinas grant permission to those who go to those islands under condemnation of crime to return. inasmuch as on that account many convicts hide away from the judges who exiled them, we order the governors, under no circumstances, to permit them to return to nueva españa or to go to perú during the period of their exile. and should they be condemned to the galleys or to other services, they shall fulfil the condemnation,--[felipe iii--aranjuez, april 29, 1605. felipe iv--madrid, january 27, 1631. in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. vii, tit. viii, ley xxi.] [7] the _recopilación_ is not clear as to the date of this law and the one immediately following. law lix bears both dates (as also does law lx), and is designated as clause 11. laws lxix and lxx bear no date (probably through error of the compiler or printer), but are designated as clauses 16 and 17, and clause 18, of a decree by felipe iii. hence the above dates with queries have been assigned to these laws. [8] luis geronimo de cabrera, fourth conde de chinchon, became viceroy of peru in 1628, holding that office until 1639. during his term there was made known the efficacy of a medicine--previously in use among the indians--the so-called "jesuit's bark," or "peruvian bark," obtained from a tree found only in peru and adjoining countries, named _chinchona_ by linnæus, in honor of the viceroy's wife (who, having been cured by this medicine, introduced its use into spain). from this bark is obtained the drug known at quinine. [9] whenever any ships sail from the port of acapulco and other ports of nueva españa to make the voyage to perú on the opportunities permitted, it is our will and we order our officials of those ports to visit and inspect those ships with complete faithfulness and the advisable rigor. they shall endeavor to ascertain whether such ships are carrying any chinese silks or merchandise, or any from the filipinas islands. they shall seize such, and declare those found as smuggled goods. they shall divide them, and apply them as is contained in the laws of this titulo. [felipe iv--madrid, april 9, 1641. in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. viii, tit. xvii, ley xv.] [10] see note to law lxviii, p. 33. [11] see _vol_. xiv, note 12, p. 99. [12] latin, _bacchanalia_. in latin countries, the three days before ash wednesday are given up to boisterous outdoor merriment, which frequently degenerates into coarse and licentious revelry. hence, the expression "bacchanalia" carnival. in order to counteract these abuses, the jesuits at macerata in italy, introduced, in 1556, some special devotions during the three days. the exposition of the blessed sacrament was held in the church, this custom was adopted by st. charles borromeo, in milan; and it gradually extended to other places, and was developed subsequently into "the devotion of the forty hours," which is not confined to the carnival season. this is the explanation of the term "bacchanalia," in connection with that church ceremony--_rev. e.i. devitt, s.j._ [13] evidently referring to the capture of van caerden's fleet by heredia (see note 26, _post_). [14] flagellation in the philippines was a custom probably taken from the early spanish friars, but it has been so discouraged of late years by the church that it is performed only in the smaller villages of the interior and in the outlying _barrios_ of the larger towns, more or less secretly, away from the sight of white men. especially is it prevalent during holy week. although the philippine flagellants are called "_penitentes_" the flagellation is not done in penance, but as the result of a vow or promise made to the diety in return for the occurrence of some wished-for event, and the "_penitentes_" are frequently from the most knavish class. the fulfillment of the vow is a terrible ordeal, and begins back of the small chapel called "_visita_" that exists in every village. the "_penitente_" wears only a pair of loose thin white cotton trousers, and is beaten on the back by another native first with hands and then with a piece of wood with little metal points in it until the blood flows freely. thus he walks from _visita_ to _visita_, with covered face, beating himself with a cord, into the end of which is braided a bunch of sticks about the size of lead pencils. he prostrates himself in the dust and is beaten on the back and soles of his feet with a flail. at every stream he plunges into it, and grovels before every _visita_. from all the houses as he passes comes the chant of the passion. (lieut. charles norton barney, who was an eye-witness of the flagellation--"circumcision and flagellation among the filipinos," in the _journal_ of the association of military surgeons, september, 1903.) [15] see _vol_. ix, note 13. roberto bellarmino, born in 1542, entered the jesuit order in 1560, becoming one of its most famous theological writers. he was long connected with the college at rome, and later was successively provincial of naples, a cardinal of the roman church (from 1599), and archbishop of capua (1602-05); he died at rome, september 17, 1621, perhaps the most widely known of his works is the _doctrina christiana_ (rome, 1598); it passed through many editions, abridgments, and translations, having been rendered into more than fifty languages. see account of these in sommervogel's _bibliothèque de la compagnie dé jésus_, art. "bellarmino." "he was the first jesuit who had ever taken part in the election of a pope"--cretineau-joly's _hist. comp. de jésus_ (paris, 1859), iii, p. 106. this refers to the election of paul v (1605). [16] in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library) i, pp. 341-381, is a copy of a letter (dated june 11, 1611) from father armano to his provincial, gregorio lopez, detailing the achievements of silva's expedition to the moluccas in 1611--on which occasion silva restored to his throne zayri, king of ternate, who had been kept as a prisoner at manila for five years. rizal says in his edition of morga, p. 247, note 1, that this king did not return to his island. he was probably taken back to manila shortly after this restoration. [17] pedro solier was born about 1578; he entered the augustinian order in 1593 at salamanca, where he remained five years, and then joined the philippine mission. in 1603 he went to spain on business of his order, returning to the islands in 1606. elected provincial of his order in 1608, he held that office for two years; and in 1610, "on account of the deposal of father lorenzo de león, journeyed to spain to make a report of that unpleasant incident" (perez's _catálogo_, p. 57). [18] baltasar fort was a native of moto in valencia, though some say of horcajo in the diocese of tortosa. he studied latin grammar at villa de san mateo. at valencia he studied philosophy. he took his vows at the dominican convent of san esteban at salamanca, may 2, 1586. after serving as prior and as master of novitiates in aragonese convents, he went to manila in 1602. mart of his ministry there was passed in the province of pangasinam. he served as prior of the manila convent, and then as provincial, after which he was sent to japan as vicar-provincial, whence he was exiled in 1614. he was definitor several times and once rector of the college of santo tomás, after which he was again prior of the manila convent. he died in that convent without the last sacraments, october 18, 1640, being over seventy years of age.--see _reseña biográfica_, part i, pp. 311, 312. [19] francisco minayo was a native of arévalo. after arriving at the philippines in 1598, he labored extensively in cagayán, where his ministry had good results. he was accused of the sin against nature, but after arrest and trial was released. later he was prior of the manila convent, and after his three years' term returned to cagayán, where he died at lallo-c, august 25, 1613. see _reseña biográfica_, part i, pp. 302-303. [20] the following law was passed at lerma july 23, 1605; and at madrid december 19, 1618, and is found in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiv: "the governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands shall take care to reward the soldiers who shall have served us there, and their sons, with the posts and profits that shall fall to his appointment, in accordance with the ordinance, and with full justification, so that they may have some remuneration, observing in everything the laws issued upon this matter." [21] father gregorio lopez was a native of the town of alcocer, in the bishopric of cuenca. he studied theology at alcalá de henares, but took the jesuit habit in mexico. he filled in mexico the chairs of the arts and of theology, and was master of the novitiates. after sixteen years' residence in mexico he went to the philippines, where he became a teacher of christian doctrine, and rector of the seminary at manila. he was later vice-provincial and then provincial of his order for eight years, being the first provincial. he died at the age of fifty-three, on july 21, 1614. he spent fourteen years in the philippines. [22] la concepción says (_hist. de philipinas_, iv, p. 284) that the dutch unexpectedly encountered at panay a spanish force, on its way to the moluccas, who compelled the invaders to retreat. [23] francois de wittert. see _vol_. xv, pp. 323-328. [24] "the bells of the churches were cast into heavy cannon" (la concepcion, _hist. de philipinas_, iv, p. 286). [25] _vino de mandarin_; literally, "mandarin wine." [26] paul van caerden (pablo blanchardo), who had made several voyages to the east indies, was captured by sargento-mayor pedro de heredia after a fierce fight near terrenate, the seat of the new dutch posts in the malucos. juan de esquivel, spanish governor of the malucos, allowed him to pay a ransom of fifty thousand pesos; but was severely rebuked by the manila audiencia then in power, for doing so without first advising them. esquivel took the censure so much to heart that he fell into a melancholy, and died soon after. his successor, sargento-mayor azcueta menchaca, anxious to please the audiencia, pursued van caerden and captured him a second time, although the dutch tried to burn their ship to escape such an ignominy. he was sent to manila, and his ransom promised on certain conditions. twenty-two spanish prisoners at ternate were given; but, the other conditions not being met, the dutch officer was kept prisoner at the expense of the royal treasury until his death, in manila. see la concepción's _hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 112-114. [27] la concepción and montero y vidal make this name faxardo (or fajardo) instead of pardos; and the latter gives the following name as luis moreno donoso. [28] the original is _malos días_, literally, "a bad 'good-morning.'" it is used as the term _buenos días_, or "good morning." [29] the trinitarian order was founded at rome in 1198 by st. john of matha, a native of provence, and felix of valois, an aged french hermit, in order to redeem christian captives from the infidels. the order received sanction from innocent iii. their rule was that of st. augustine, with particular statutes; and their diet was one of great austerity. the habit in france was a soutane and scapular of white serge, with a red and blue cross on the right breast. the first monastery was established at cerfroy, france, and continued to be the mother-house, until the french revolution. at one time the order had two hundred and fifty houses, and by the seventeenth century had rescued 30,720 christian captives. at the dissolution they had eleven houses in england, five in scotland, and one in ireland. the religious were often called red or maturin friars in england, from the color of the cross on their habit and because of their famous house at paris near the chapel of st. maturin. a reformation made by father juan baptista was approved by the holy see in 1599, and resulted in the erection of the congregation of discalced trinitarians in spain. their houses, as well as those of the unreformed portion of the order, were suppressed in spain in the reign of isabella ii. see addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, p. 810. [30] the ventura del arco copy reads _concera_, which may be a mistranscription for _cascara_, hull. [31] pedro montejo took his vows at the toledo augustinian convent. after his arrival at manila he was master of novitiates and superior of the manila convent of san pablo until 1607. in that year he was assigned to the japan missions at his own request. he probably did not go to that empire, however, for shortly afterward he was in manila again on business for the province, where he embarked. he was captured by the dutch and killed, as stated in the text, by a ball from the spanish fleet. see peréz's _catálogo_. [32] for quite another estimate of these youthful commanders, see _ante_, p. 97. [33] this was fray juan pinto de fonseca. [34] this difference in time when sailing east and west, was commented on by many early writers. acosta (_history of the indies_, hakluyt society's publications, london, 1880) says "seeing the two crownes of portugall and castille, have met by the east and west, ioyning their discoveries together, which in truth is a matter to be observed, that the one is come to china and iappan by the east, and the other to the philippines, which are neighbours, and almost ioyning vnto china, by the west; for from the ilands of lusson, which is the chiefe of the philippines, in the which is the city of manilla, vnto macao, which is in the ile of canton, are but foure score or a hundred leagues, and yet we finde it strange, that notwithstanding this small distance from the one to the other, yet according to their accoumpt, there is a daies difference betwixt them.... those of macao and of china have one day advanced before the philippines. it happened to father alonso sanches, ... that parting from the philippines, he arrived at macao the second daie of maie, according to their computation, and going to say the masse of s. athanasius, he found they did celebrate the feast of the invention of the holy crosse, for that they did then reckon the third of maie." acosta then gives the reason for this difference. see _vol_. i of this series, p. 22, note 2. [35] a species of pelican (_pelicanus sula_). [36] the modern province of bungo is located on the eastern side of the island of kyushu, on the bungo channel. [37] it is prohibited by us that the audiencia of filipinas should grant licenses [for anyone] to go to the provinces of peru. we order that all the audiencias of nueva españa keep and observe this law, and that those of peru do the same in regard to nueva españa." ordinance 27, toledo, may 25, 1596. (_recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. xxvi, ley lxi.) "the governor of filipinas shall not concede leave to any soldier or any other person who shall have gone there at the cost of our royal treasury, to leave or go out of those islands unless there be very urgent causes; and in this he shall proceed with great caution and moderation." madrid, march 29, 1597. (_recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. xxvi, ley lxii.) "it is advisable that the citizens of the filipinas islands shall not leave them, and especially those who are rich and influential. in consideration of this, we order the governors to proceed with great moderation in giving passports to come to these kingdoms or those of nueva españa, for thus it is important for the preservation of the people of those islands. and in consideration of the fact that the passengers and religious who come are numerous, and consume the food provided for the crews of the vessels, we order the governors that they avoid as far as possible the giving of passport to the said passengers and religious, in order to avoid the inconveniences that result and which ought to be considered." segovia, july 25, 1609; and san lorenzo, august 19, 1609. (_recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. xxvi, ley lxiii.) [38] on the death of pedro de acuña, rodrigo de vivero was appointed governor ad interim of the philippines, by viceroy luis de velasco of mexico. he landed at manila, june 15, 1608, and governed until april of the following year. he was a native of laredo (santander), and was experienced in the political life of the indies. he introduced important reforms and laws among the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors. he was given the title of conde dela valle, and made governor and captain-general of panama. see la concepción's _hist. de philipinas_, vi, pp. 114-116. [39] the following description of japan it taken from _recuril des voyages_ (amsterdam, 1725), ii, p. 84: "these islands look toward new spain on the east; tartary on the north, besides other countries unknown; china on the west, and unknown lands on the south; with a large sea between them. they comprise 66 petty kingdoms, and are divided into three chief parts. the most considerable, and the one always named first, is japan, which contains 53 seigniories, or petty kingdoms, the most powerful of which are méaco and amagunce. the king of méaco has under him 24 or 26 kingdoms, and he of amagunce 12 or 13. the second of these three parts is called ximo, and contains 9 kingdoms, chief of which are bungo and figeu. the third part is called xicoum, and contains 4 kingdoms or seigniories." j.j. rein (_japan_, london, 1884), gives four divisions in modern japan, namely, japan proper, the riukiu islands, chigima or the kuriles, and ogasawara-shima or munitô, commonly called bonin islands. [40] a kind of silk grograin. [41] gabriel de la cruz (in the moluccas as early as 1605), together with lorenzo masonio (laurent masoni) wrote a relation entitled _relacion de la toma de las islas de ambueno y tidore que consigueiron los holandes en este año de 1605_, which is published by colin in his _labor evangélica_, lib. iv, chap. ii. masoni was born at campolleto (naples), february 27, 1556. he entered the jesuit order when already a priest, in 1582. in 1586 he went to the indies, where he died at amboina, july 19, 1631. he wrote also a letter from that island, which is published in _lettera annuæ di giappone_ (roma, 1605), pp. 113-121; also in _hist. univers. des indes orientales_, by antoine magín (sommervogel). [42] the author of the present relation precedes the portion here presented, which appears to be complete, by a notice of the death of father antonio pereira. this notice appears to have been abridged by ventura del arco, who copied the document from the archives. la concepción states (vol. iv of his history) that after acuña had recovered the malucos, all but two of the jesuit priests there were ordered to malaca. this included pereira, who was stationed on the island of siao. the authorities at malaca contended that the care of these religious devolved upon the philippines, hence they were ordered to go there. pereira left malaca in july, 1608, for manila in a portuguese vessel, but they were wrecked after twenty days' voyage. the portuguese and father pereira started for borneo next morning in the small boat, leaving 130 slaves who were in the vessel to their fate. after four days the boat reached a desert island, with its occupants famished. father pereira, having a knowledge of the region, procured water from one of the hollow canes growing on the island. there they were captured by moro or malay pirates and sold by them to the borneans. they were sent to manila in a small boat by the sultan; but, in a storm, father pereira died. he was a son of gonzalo pereira, who had also lived at siao. father pereira had aided chirino in various labors in cebú, whence he later returned to siao. [43] this phrase, the usual epithet of the general of the jesuit order, would indicate that lopez was addressing that official--who was then claudio aquaviva; he died on january 31, 1615. [44] a vessel built like a pink--that is, with a very narrow stern--and sloop-rigged. [45] by metaphor, the instrument is here used for the person; the reference is to the advocacy of the virgin as obtained through the rosary, the instrument of the chief devotion to mary. as such, many churches and other institutions are dedicated to the rosary.--_rev. patrick b. knox_ (madison, wisconsin). [46] thomas aquinas, born in 1227, belonged to a noble family, descended from the kings of aragón and sicily. entering the ecclesiastical life, he soon became noted as a scholar and divine. he was professor of divinity in several universities, and author of numerous theological works. he died on march 7, 1274, and was canonized in 1323. various epithets have been bestowed upon him: "the angelic doctor," "the universal doctor," "the dumb ox" (alluding to his taciturnity), "the angel of the school," and "the eagle of theologians." "it was in defense of thomas aquinas that henry viii [of england] composed the book which procured him from the pope the title of defender of the faith" (blake's _biographical dictionary_, p. 66). [47] argensola says mistakenly that this father was killed by the chinese in the insurrection of 1603. for sketch of his life see _vol_. xiii, note 43. [48] domingo de nieva was a native of one of the three towns of villoria in castilla, and professed in the dominican convent of san pablo at valladolid. on going to the philippines he was sent first to the mission of bataan, where his labors were uninterrupted and severe. he became fluent in the tagil language, after which he was assigned to the chinese mission near manila; and he composed and published several devotional treatises in both those languages. he was elected prior of manila, but before his three years in that office were finished, he was sent as procurator to madrid. he died at sea, at the end of 1606 or the beginning of 1607, after having spent nineteen years in the philippines. see _reseña biográfica_, part i, pp. 108-110. [49] that is "by my priestly word." [50] the see of cebú was made vacant by the death of bishop agurto (september 14, 1608), and that of nueva cáceres (in 1607) by the death of its second bishop, baltasar corarrubias, o.s.a. the reference in our text is to the appointment of new bishops for these sees--for cebú, pedro matías, o.s.f.; and for nueva cáceres, pedro de arce, o.s.a. but, as matías did not understand the visayan language, these appointments were finally exchanged; matías was transferred to nueva cáceres, which he administered for two years and until his death, and arce to cebú. [51] because of the difficulty that has been represented to us in going or sending from very distant provinces, separated by the sea, to give their accounts, we have determined and resolved that the accounts of chile and filipinas shall be examined as hitherto, in accordance with the ordinances of the audiencias--notwithstanding what is ordained by others--given to the accountants. the accounts shall have to be brought and given in the tribunal of accounts. we order that those thus examined in chile be sent to the tribunal of accounts in lima, and those of the filipinas to that of méjico. our royal officials of those treasuries shall also send at the beginning of each year the lists and muster-rolls of the soldiers to the said tribunals, signed also by the governor and captain-general. the accountants of the above-mentioned tribunals shall send a report of the said accounts, with its lists, to our council of the indias." felipe iii, san lorenzo, august 17, 1609, ordinance 24. (_recopilación de leyes_, lib. viii, tit. i, ley lxxix). a decree dated san lorenzo, october 19, 1719, ordered this law to be observed, and ordered also inspection of the treasuries every week. see note in _recopilación de leyes_ to the above ordinance. [52] marcos de lisboa was born of a noble family in lisboa, portugal. at an early age he was sent to india to engage in its commerce. establishing himself at malacca, he took the vows in 1582, in the franciscan convent established there in the preceding year by juan bautista pisaro. in 1586 he went to the philippines, where he projected and later helped to found (1594) the confraternity of la misericordia at manila. he later spent a number of years in the province of camarines, where he labored extensively. he was elected three times as definitor (1602, 1608, and 1616), and once (january 16, 1609), as vicar-provincial. in 1618 he went to mexico, whence (july 16, 1622), he went to madrid, and then to rome to take part in the general chapter of his order. at the conclusion of the chapter he retired to the convent of san gil at madrid, where he died in the beginning of 1628. lisboa left a number of written works, among them four in the bicol language, which he was the first to write. see huerta's _estado_, pp. 447, 448. [53] the marquis de montesclaros (third marques of the title, see _vol_. xiii, p. 228) was born posthumously probably at sevilla; and was a knight of the order of santiago, and gentleman of the bedchamber. throughout his offices as viceroy of nueva españa and of peru, he showed ability and determination, and his policy was approved. see moreri's _dictionnaire_, vi, p. 268; and bancroft's _history of mexico_, iii, pp. 5, 6. [54] the consulate (see _vol_. xiii, p. 57) of sevilla was formed in accordance with a law dated august 23, 1543; it authorized the exporting merchants of that city to meet annually for the election of prior and consuls to administer, regulate, and guard the commercial interests of those merchants. see the laws enacted regarding this institution, in _recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. vi. [55] the atlantic ocean; the new trade-route opened by the portuguese a century before led to the atlantic via the cape of good hope. [56] spanish, _tan en las mantillas_, _i.e._, the long outer garments in which an infant is dressed. [57] referring to the cerro gordo ("rich hill") of potosi; see _vol_. xiv, p. 306. [58] perhaps the region known as miztecapan, which has fertile valleys. [59] a truce of eight months, to begin with may, 1607, was arranged between spain and the united provinces, in which for the first time spain gave up its claims to control the latter. this paved the way to the long truce of twelve years signed at the meeting of the states-general at bergen-op-zoom, in april, 1609, in which the independence of the united provinces was recognized (see _vol_. xi, p. 166, note 27). but that independence was completely recognized and assured only by the treaty of westphalia or münster (in october, 1648), which also opened to the dutch the ports of the eastern and western indias. [60] thus in the text, according to the editor of _docs. inéditos_; apparently an error for manila. [61] that is, if the philippine trade to nueva españa were suppressed the commodities from spain which are now shipped to manila via acapulco, and are mainly articles of luxury, would not find any greater sale in the orient than before. [62] in 1525 esteban gomez--who had been one of magalhães's pilots (_vol_. 1, pp. 263, 319) was sent by charles v "to find a route to cathay" north of florida. he had but one caravel with which to make this voyage, but he went to the bacalaos (new-foundland coast), and thence as far south as florida. his discoveries were noted on the map of the cosmographer diego ribero (1529). gomez's voyage is described by peter martyr. [63] referring to the treaty of zaragoza (_vol_. ii, pp. 222-240). [64] montesclaros has forgotten the capture of the "santa ana" by candish. see _vol_. vi, p. 311, and _vol_. xv, appendix a. [65] the fictitious strait of anian (for which name see bancroft's _history of northwest coast_, i, pp. 53-56), was the supposed western terminus of the northwest passage, whose eastern terminus cortereal was thought to have found in hudson strait. a kingdom marked anian is shown on ortelius's map (_theatrum orbis terrarum_, antwerp, 1574), with the strait just north of it, above 60°. both the kingdom and district are shown on a number of old maps. du val's map (paris, 1684) of north america, which shows california as an island, portrays the strait of anian directly north of it, between 45° and 50° of latitude. vaugondy's map (that of 1750 corrected), paris, 1783, shows the strait between 50° and 55°. comparing the latter with russel's general map of north america, 1794, the anian strait appears to coincide with the strait between queen charlotte's island and the mainland, the modern hecate strait. vizcaino had orders to look for this strait on his voyage, and explore it. [66] puertobelo, now called porto bello, is situated on the isthmus of panama, almost directly north of panama--in the old department of panama of the united states of colombia; but now (as the other places herein named) in the independent state of panama--and but little west of aspinwall, the atlantic terminus of the panama canal. chagre is the modern chagres, and lies on the atlantic side of the isthmus southwest of porto bello; there empties the chagres river, which can be ascended to cruces, which is twenty miles north of panama, the pacific terminus of the canal, capital of the old department of panama, and of the present state of panama. [67] diego de soria entered the dominican order at ocaña. he came to the philippines in the first mission of that order (1587), end held various dignities and official positions in the province; he also did missionary work in cagayán and other regions of luzón. about 1597 he went to spain and rome on business of his order; and later was appointed bishop of nueva segovia, taking possession of that see in 1604. he died in 1613, at fernandina (now vigan). see _reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 69-77. [68] the reduction of silver ore by amalgamation with mercury was discovered (although mercury had been used long before for obtaining gold) by a spanish miner in mexico, bartholomé de medina, in 1557. from that time, enormous quantities of mercury have been continually required for the mining operations in the silver-producing districts of spanish america. efforts were occasionally made by the mexican viceroys to procure it in china; but "the chinese mercury obtained from canton and manilla was impure, and contained a great deal of lead; and its price [1782] amounted to 80 piastres the quintal." see humboldt's account, descriptive and historical, of this use of mercury, in his _new spain_ (black's trans.), iii, pp. 250-288. in this connection, see the interesting statement by santiago de vera (_vol_. vi, p. 68) that as early as 1585 the japanese (who then had but little communication with the spaniards) were using chinese quicksilver in the silver mines of japan. some of the chinese mercury had been brought to manila in 1573 (_vol_. iii, p. 245), and sande mentions (_vol_. iv. p. 54) the mines of silver and quicksilver in china. [69] this document is simply an abridgment or summary made by ventura del arco from the letter of ledesma. [70] cf. this statement with the royal decree of may 26, 1609, which is presented in this volume, p. 79, _ante_. [71] valerio de ledesma was born at alaejos. march 23, 1556, and became a novitiate in the jesuit order in 1571-1572. he was sent to the philippines, where he served as rector of cebú, associate of the provincial, rector of manila, provincial, rector and master of novitiates at san pedro macati, and again rector at manila, where he died, may 15, 1639. see sommervogel, barrantes (_guerros piraticas_), and pardo de tavera (_biblioteca filipina_, washington, 1903) as to his authorship. see also murillo velarde's _historia_ (manila, 1749), book ii, ch. vii, pp. 260-266, for a notice regarding him. in the ventura del arco mss., at the end of this summary of ledesma's letter appears a tracing of his autograph signature. [72] according to sommervogel, juan de ribera was born at puebla de los angeles in 1565, and entered upon his novitiate at rome in 1582. he was sent to the philippines in 1595, and taught theology and was rector at manila, where he died june 5, 1622. besides the present letter, father ribera was the author of the _lettera annua_ from the philippines for 1602-1603, which was printed at venice and paris, in italian and french respectively, in 1605. [73] in regard to the correction of manila time, see _vol_. i, p. 22, note 2. [74] that is, "the great mogul," meaning "the ruler of mogor," a name applied to hindostan. the monarch here referred to is jáhangír (or jehanghir), the tenth of the mogul emperors, who in 1605 succeeded to the throne by the death of his father, akbar the great. see account of his power and wealth, by pyrard de laval (publications of hakluyt society, london, 1888-90) ii, pp. 250-253; also _the hawkins' voyages_ and _embassy of sir thomas roe_ (published by the same society in 1878 and 1899, respectively). roe and william hawkins successively resided at jáhangír's court between 1610 and 1620. an interesting sketch of jáhangír's life is given by valentyn in his _oud en nieuw oost-indiën_ (dordrecht and amsterdam, mdccxxiv), part iv, sec. ii, pp. 218-230; it is part of a series of the sketches, "lives of the great moguls." [75] according to montero y vidal (_hist. filipinas_, i, p. 161) this expedition was under the orders of alonso váez coutiño. [76] a small piece of ordnance; or, a long musket or matchlock. [77] the plan of malaca in bellin's _atlas maritime_ (paris, 1764), iii, 46, indicates this church, stating that it was then a magazine within the fort. other public buildings are located--the chinese pagoda and bazar, the mahometan mosque, etc. see valentyn's account, descriptive and historical, of "malakka," in his _oud en nieuw oost-indiën_, part v, book vi, pp. 308-360; it contains a large engraving, a view of the city of malaca. [78] a small city in the province of badajoz, spain. [79] cf. la concepción's account (_hist. de philipinas_, iv. pp. 330-366) of the ravages committed by the dutch; the despatch of a fleet from india at silva's request (made through the jesuits gomez and ribera), and its conflicts with malays and dutch at malacca; silva's preparations for the joint expedition; his journey to malacca, and death there; and the return of his fleet to manila, and failure of all this costly enterprise. la concepción mentions ribera's account (p. 344), and says (p. 337); "we have a complete diary, written by the rector of manila [ribera], from the twenty-first of november, when they hoisted sail at cavite"--that is, when he went on the embassy to india in 1614. apparently his account, as here presented, has been synopsized and abridged by ventura del arco, who has also borrowed somewhat from ledesma's letter (_post_). [80] this part of the document is the version of ribera's letter which appears in colin's _labor evangelica_, pp. 802-806. it is here presented as containing some matter not in the other copy, and as showing the methods of the respective editors. [81] _i.e._, kocchi. as in all foreign words ending with a vowel, the portuguese have nasalised the "i." in 1505 it was written "coxi." see a.c. burnell's note in _voyage of linschoten_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1885), i, p. 68. this city lies some thirty miles north of cape comorin. [82] pedro de francisco, s.j., was born at mala, in the zaragoza diocese, in 1607. he was admitted to the society in 1626, and went to the indias, where he taught grammar, and for seven years theology. he labored at cochin, and became rector of the macao seminary, whence he was driven by the dutch. he was at macassar in 1652, but his name does not appear in the catalogue for 1655. see sommervogel's _bibliographie_. [83] alberto laercio or laerzio, s.j., was born at orte in 1557, admitted to the society in 1576, and set out for the indies, where he made his profession at goa, july 9, 1590. for twelve years he was master of the novitiates, rector of salsette, and associate-visitor, for three years vice-provincial, and for six years provincial. he died at cochin in 1630. see sommervogel's _bibliographie_. [84] francisco roz, s.j., was born at gerona in 1557, became a novitiate in 1575, and went to the indies in 1584, where he labored in the malabar mission. in 1601 he was appointed bishop of angamala, and in 1605, archbishop of cranganore. he died at parur, february 16, 1624. he wrote a number of treatises and letters. see sommervogel's _bibliographie_. [85] the two latin phrases read in english, respectively: "he who desires an episcopate, desires a good work;" and "he gets a hard and fast slavery." [86] sommervogel mentions only that this jesuit was a portuguese missionary at goa in 1608, in which year (december 18) he wrote a letter from goa. [87] the assumption of the virgin is august 15. [88] that is, "because we have sinned against thee, o lord," etc. [89] this is a letter by valerio de ledesma, s.j., according to colin (from whose _labor evangélica_, pp. 806-810, we obtain it). compare with the first version of ribera's letter, _ante_, in which the account of silva's death is similar to that by ledesma. colin has evidently edited both letters more or less, and it is difficult to ascertain what the exact original text was. [90] garcia garcès, s.j., was born in 1560 at molina, in the diocese of segovia, and entered the society october 23, 1574. going to the indias in 1588, he labored for several years in the missions of japan. he was rector at nagasaki, whence he was exiled with his companions. he went to manila and later to macao, where he died in 1628. see sommervogel's _bibliographie_. [91] melchor de vera, s.j., was born at madrid in 1585, and after being received into the society in 1604, went to the philippines in 1606, where he labored in the missions of the bisayas and in mindanao. he served as rector of carigara, and superior at bapitan and zamboanga. his death occurred at the residence at cebú, april 13, 1646. he was a good civil and military architect, and planned and directed the building of the fortifications at zam boanga, and constructed the church of his residence at cebú. see sommervogel's _bibliographie_ and murillo velarde's _historia_, book ii, chap. xxi. [92] an account of this expedition is given in the first chapter of murillo velarde's _historia_ (manila, 1749), evidently taken in part from the present account. [93] inasmuch as bonifaz, although junior auditor, obtained the office by trickery he was a true governor _ad interim_, and the audiencia did not have charge of political affairs. [94] the following authorities were used in compiling the above list of governors: morga, _sucesos de las islas filipinos_ (mexico, 1609); argensola, _conquistas de las malucas_ (madrid, 1609); colin, _labor evangelica_ (madrid, 1663)--who mentions as authorities the authors morga, grijalva, and chirino; san antonio, _chronicas_, parte primera (manila, 1738); murillo velarde, _historia_, (manila, 1749); delgado, _historia general_ (manila, 1892); la concepcion, _historia general_ (sampaloc, 1788-1792); zúñiga, _historia de las islas filipinos_ (sampaloc, 1803), and _estadismo_ (retana's ed., madrid, 1893); mas, _informe de las islas filipinos_ (madrid, 1843); buzeta and bravo, _diccionario_ (madrid, 1851); montero y vidal, _historia general_ (madrid, 1887), and _historia de la pirateria_ (madrid, 1888); combés, _historia de mindanao y jolo_ (retana's ed., madrid, 1897); _católogo de la exposition general de las islas filipinos_ (madrid, 1887); algué, _archipiélago filipino_ (washington, 1900); sawyer, _inhabitants of the philippines_ (new york, 1900); calkins, "filipino insurrection of 1896" in _harper's monthly_, vol. xcix, pp. 469-483; and various documents already published in this series. [95] delgado's work was written during 1751-54. [96] referring to the dissensions and conflicts between the secular and ecclesiastical authorities which culminated in the assassination (october 11, 1719) of governor bustamente. [97] see account of this expedition in argensola's _conquistas_ (_vol_. xvi of this series), book x. the king seized by acuña was saíd berkatt, the twenty-sixth king of ternate; he came to the throne in 1584 and reigned until made a captive by acuña--who treated him well, but later governors made saíd the subject of shameful neglect and even cruelty. he died at manila in february or march, 1627. after saíd was carried away from ternate, his son modafar became king; the ruler of tidore at that time was cachil (or prince) mole. see valentyn's history of the moluccas, in his _oud en nieuw oost-indiën_, in the annals of saíd's reign and life are recorded in pp. 208-255 therein (a separate pagination, after the introductory sketch of the netherlands dominion). on pp. 3, 4 are listed the islands subject to temate; they include mindanao, the talaut or tulour group, ceram, amboina, solor, the moluccas proper, and many others. [98] in regard to this, see sande's own letters and reports in _vol_. iv of this series. [99] see account of the expeditions made in that year against the moro pirates, under the governor, francisco de ovando, in montero y vidal's _hist. de piratería,_ pp. 290-299. [100] ali-mudin, sultan of joló, claimed that he was dethroned by his brother bantilan, in 1748; and, with the jesuit missionaries who had just before arrived in joló, ali-mudin went to manila. in 1750 he was baptized in the catholic faith, and was named fernando i. a spanish expedition was sent to reinstate him on his throne; but it was found that ali-mudin was an apostate and a traitor, and the spanish governor of zamboanga seized him and all his family and retinue, sending them to manila, where they were held as prisoners. all except ali-mudin and his heir israel were sent home in 1755; but these remained captives until 1763, when the english conquerors conveyed them back to joló, and ali-mudin abdicated his throne in favor of israel. see montero y vidal's _hist. de piratería_, pp. 279-299, 307-309, 317-320, 322, 338. [101] this writer was minister-plenipotentiary from spain to pekin; and during that term of office made a voyage to manila, of which this book is a result. [102] _i.e._, those who pay the tax called _polo_--a personal service of forty days in the year; see montero y vidal's note, _post_. [103] the services of these municipal officers, which--barring certain abuses, to which their small remuneration and excessive official obligations force them--are of undeniable worth in the philippines, and their functions, which carry importance and respectability, demand much rather that there be substituted for the ridiculous name of gobernadorcillo, by which they are officially designated, another name more serious and more in harmony with their praiseworthy ministry. this is now being done among themselves in the more enlightened villages, where they are called _capitán_ ["captain"] instead of gobernadorcillo.--_montero y vidal_. cf. bourne's account of these officials, _vol_. i, of this series, pp. 55, 56. [104] the spanish is _paso doble_, a term used also as the name of a dance, the equivalent of the "two-step." [105] this tribute is the contribution that the indians and mestizos pay in order to aid in the maintenance of the burdens of the state. the _polos_ means the obligation to work a certain number of days in neighborhood works.--_montero y vidal_. [106] the tobacco monopoly was arranged by governor basco y vargas in pursuance of a royal order of february 9, 1780. although opposed by certain classes, especially the friars, the monopoly was organized by march 1, 1782, and approved by royal order may 15, 1784. under the monopoly, however, quantities of tobacco always escaped the vigilance of the government, and could be bought at much cheaper rates than the government tobacco. the monopoly was repealed in the province of unión october 25, 1852; and in all the archipelago, by a royal order in 1881. the order was applied in the islands in 1882, and the suppression of the monopoly was completed in 1884. tobacco was introduced into the islands by missionaries in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. the best brands come from the provinces of isabela and cagayán. its cultivation and export has been, and is, of great importance, immense quantities both of cigars and leaf tobacco being shipped chiefly to china, japan, the east indies, the united kingdom, spain, and australasia. about thirty thousand people were employed in making cigars and cigarettes in the province of manila, most of them women. see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 295, 296, iii, p. 165; bowring, pp. 309, 310; sawyer, pp. 131-133, 158; _report_ of philippine commission (1901), iii, pp. 267-269; and _u. s. philippine gazetteer_, pp. 75, 76. [107] the royal assembly was the council whom the governor-general had to assist him in his decisions, and they shared with him, to a certain point, the authority. they counterbalanced his powers, and, during the vacancy, took his place in the command.--_montero y vidal_. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxi, 1640 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmv contents of volume xxxi preface 9 historia de la provincia del sancto rosario de la orden de predicadores (continued) diego aduarte, o.p.; manila, 1640 23 bibliographical data 301 illustrations title-page of historia de la provincia del santo rosario de filipinas, tomo primero, by diego aduarte, o.p. (zaragoca, 1693); photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 21 map showing portions of cochinchina and the philippine islands; photographic facsimile of dutch parchment ms. map (in colors; undated, but of eighteenth century), in bibliothèque nationale, paris 177 map of ituy and other provinces in northern luzón, ca. 1641; photographic facsimile from original ms. map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 289 preface the present volume is devoted to a further installment of aduarte's historia, begun in vol. xxx--which work will be completed in our next issue. the part here given covers the years 1596 to 1608 in the history of the dominican order in the philippines. resuming aduarte's account of the missions carried on by his order among the indians of cagayán, in northern luzón, the pious and devout acts of their converts, and the joy and gratitude of the religious thereat, are recounted at length. in 1596, news comes to the islands of the death of bishop salazar in spain. aduarte describes in detail the life, achievements, and virtues of that prelate. he was distinguished--not only in the philippines, but during a long residence in nueva españa--as the friend and protector of the indian natives. his mode of life was most simple and austere; he was charitable and generous to the full extent of his limited means. by nature choleric and quick-tempered, he trained himself to patience and forbearance; and the slanders of the evil-minded against him only roused his compassion. he was public-spirited, and foremost in all enterprises for the good of the community. to him are attributed the royal grant to the jesuits for maintaining a school, and the establishment and much of the endowment of the hospital for sick indians. bishop salazar's journey to spain enables him to secure for his cathedral important aid, and the division of his diocese, so that its manifold duties may be more satisfactorily performed; soon afterward, he dies at madrid. during his absence, his see is directed by his vicar-general, fray christobal de salvatierra, to an account of whose exemplary life, valuable labors, and apostolic virtues a chapter is devoted. he protects the indians, and does much to reform the morals of the spaniards. among other things, he compels the chinese to cease such of their theatrical performances as contain idolatrous and superstitious matter; and obliges the spaniards to give up attendance at these comedies. it is he who begins the spiritual conquest of the cagayán region, and he goes on other expeditions; and he assumes charge of the bataán mission until missionaries come for that field. at his death, he appoints two dominicans to assume his duties as vicar-general; but they are so opposed by the ecclesiastical cabildo that they resign the office to the latter. next comes a biographical sketch of the younger juan de castro, who is assigned to the toilsome and difficult mission of pangasinán. in december, 1593, he accompanies an embassy to china; on the return voyage, the ship is wrecked. castro escapes to land, but soon afterward dies as a result of the shock and exposure thus suffered. aduarte recounts, with much detail, the expedition of 1596 to cambodia, which is accompanied by himself and another dominican, fray alonso ximenez. velloso's junk is driven ashore by a storm, and the men, after much privation and suffering, make it over into a shallow oared vessel, and row along the coast in search of water and inhabited places. when reduced to the last extremity, they accidentally find fresh water, and thus are saved, finally making their way to a fort where some cambojan soldiers are stationed. from these the spaniards learn that the king who was friendly to them has been driven out by a usurper, and that one of their consorts in the spanish fleet has reached that country. they join this ship, and soon afterward, learning that the king is plotting to destroy them all, and coming to blows with the chinese traders who have come to chordemuco, the spaniards attack the cambojans at night and defeat them, killing the usurper of that throne. the spanish commander gallinato arrives, and decides to return to manila; but contrary winds force them to land at malaca, after twice encountering enemies. nearly a year later, they succeed in reaching manila, without other result of their journey "but that of having suffered for the gospel." in 1596, fray bernardo de santa catharina is elected provincial; under his rule, the conversion of the natives greatly increases. a new band of missionaries arrives soon afterward, most of whom go to the cagayán field. in cambodia velloso and blas ruiz, spanish adventurers, have aided the lawful king to regain his throne, and they persuade him to send to manila requesting soldiers and the return of the two dominican friars. luis pérez dasmariñas offers to make this expedition at his own cost, and aduarte and ximenez accompany him. a fierce storm scatters the ships; that of dasmariñas is driven upon the coast of china, and that in which aduarte sails is wrecked on one of the babuyanes group. he sends word of this misfortune to manila; the governor orders the spaniards to proceed to china, on which coast they again suffer shipwreck, but find dasmariñas--who has met a like disaster there, and is enduring great privations. aduarte has meanwhile returned to manila; but word of dasmariñas's misfortune reaches that place, and governor tello sends him a ship with aid, and orders to return at once to manila. aduarte accompanies this vessel. he goes to canton, to obtain the viceroy's permission for dasmariñas's return to manila; but there falls into the hands of a greedy and corrupt official, who, thinking to extort money from the friar, has him tortured. finally, aduarte is placed in prison with the spanish sailors, but is soon bailed out by a chinese friend. he makes his escape, and joins dasmariñas; the latter returns to manila, but aduarte's health is so injured that he is obliged to halt at macao. fray alonso ximenez dies at that place, as a result of his hardships and sufferings in the camboja expedition; a sketch of his life and virtues is given. in 1597 another mission arrives at the islands, with bishop benavides. the intermediate chapter of the dominican province is in session, and the new arrivals are therefore assigned to the needy missions; various incidents in those of cagayán and pangasinan are related. biographical sketches of antonio de soria and other pioneer missionaries are given. two of these are sent (1598) on a politico-religious mission to camboja, with a spanish officer named mendoza; they are attacked by malays, and most of the spaniards are slain. the rest escape to siam, but are attacked there also, with further loss of life. among the dead are the two dominicans and mendoza. at the chapter-session of 1600, juan de santo thomas is elected provincial. the cagayán missions are extended further into the interior; and the religious zealously pursue and destroy any trace of idol-worship. at the intermediate chapter of 1602, the house of san juan del monte, without the city, is established as a retreat for convalescent brethren of the order. at that time occurs a miraculous healing of a friar possessed by an evil spirit; also, a large band of missionaries arrives from spain, being divinely aided to escape various dangers of pestilence and shipwreck. with these friars all the convents in the province are supplied, and some even go to japan. aduarte explains the reason for dominican missionaries being called to that country, and describes their first establishment, which is in satsuma. in 1603 the new king of camboja asks the manila government for soldiers and missionaries. three dominicans are sent, with a few soldiers as guards, and letters to the king. they are well received; but two of them die, and the factions in that country and the fickleness of the natives induce the remaining friar to return to manila. in april, 1604, occurs the great conflagration in manila, and, in the succeeding autumn, the revolt and massacre of the chinese in and near that city--which have been fully described in previous volumes. at the chapter of 1604, fray miguel de san jacinto is elected provincial, and several new churches in heathen communities are received. these are supplied with ministers from a new company that arrives that year from spain. some account is given of the journey of these friars, with its hardships and dangers--among these being an attack made upon them by hostile indians at guadalupe island, in which six friars are slain and three wounded. many of these new missionaries are sent to the cagayán missions--some to the itaves indians, who were considered fierce and untamable by the spaniards (some of whom, having oppressed the natives, were slain by them) until "the holy gospel declared by the dominican religious changed them from bloodthirsty wolves to gentle sheep." aduarte declares that wonderful results were thus achieved, rendering those indians moral and obedient, and achieving this entirely by kindness and gentleness. the indians even consent to change their abodes to the mission reductions. the fathers are almost worn out by these tasks, and one dies; but they are encouraged by the wonderful results of their labor and by miracles which the lord vouchsafes them. aduarte presents a long biographical account of archbishop benavides, salazar's immediate successor. he is distinguished in spain, both as a student and as an instructor. coming to the philippines, he immediately undertakes to learn the chinese language, that he may minister to the men of that nation who come to manila; and founds a hospital for the poor sick chinese there. benavides goes to china (as previously narrated), and afterward to spain. there he does good service in refuting the opinion prevalent there that conquest must precede conversion, and soldiers clear the way for missionaries. he also procures the recall of a papal brief authorizing the bishops to visit the friars in charge of the indians, the same as if they were parish priests; and accomplishes other important business, especially in behalf of the indians, winning golden opinions of his abilities, good judgment, and virtue. returning to the islands, benavides takes charge of the diocese of nueva segovia, where he labors zealously for the moral improvement of the spaniards, but most of all for the protection of the indians from spanish rapacity. after salazar's death, benavides takes charge of the vacant see, and is finally appointed archbishop; but his mode of life is always as simple and austere as that of the poorest friar, and he spends all his income in almsgiving. at his death, he bequeaths the little that he possesses to his brethren, for the founding of a college at manila. biographical accounts of other friars are presented. one of these, jacinto pardo, dies suddenly, it is supposed from poison given him by hostile indians. another, juan de la cruz, is a notable linguist. in 1605, a papal brief (obtained by the jesuits) forbids any religious to go to japan except by way of india; but it is revoked three years later. this, in the interim, causes the friar orders much trouble; and japan, moreover, is greatly unsettled and disturbed by various political matters. in 1606 an intermediate chapter is held at manila, at which the religious of the order are directed to collect materials (of which aduarte has availed himself) for a history of the dominican province. the great victory of acuña at maluco, which occurs about that time, is ascribed to the agency of our lady of the rosary, to whom the dominicans have a special devotion; a confraternity in her honor had been founded in acuña's army, and the captured town is dedicated to her. in this same year, another company of religious arrives from spain; one dies before reaching manila. at this time, a dominican mission is established in the province of hizen, japan. in 1605 the mission in pangasinan is extended to the village of manáoag, farther inland; and, "within a few months, there was not a heathen in the village." a chief in a neighboring village is also converted, to whom a miracle occurs. in 1607, two new churches are established in cagayán. in nalfotan the indians, led by their excellent chief, build a church even before a missionary is sent to them; and all is prospering when a priestess of the old idols stirs up the people, against the new faith, and the villagers take to the hills. later, they burn the church; but the good chief saves the missionary's life. another revolt occurs in that province, caused by the cruelty of an encomendero. troops are sent from manila; their commander finds that the indians had cause for revolt, and sends the people of nalfotan home with their pastor. this mission prospers, and the chief is its mainstay during his life--a function long continued by his pious sister. the provincial chosen in 1608 is baltasar fort. some account is given of the persecution of christians in japan; they are banished from satsuma, but many find shelter in nagasaki. the dominicans accomplish much in hizen. they also extend their missionary labors among the wild mountaineers of northern luzón, gathering many scattered hamlets into larger villages, and converting many of their heathen inhabitants. in ituy they attempt to open a mission, but the franciscans claim that as their territory; the dominicans yield, but regret to see these indians abandoned soon afterward by their franciscan teachers. in 1609 the general of their order commands the provincials of the mission provinces to report every year the work and achievements of the missionaries, with information regarding the numbers and condition of the order in each province. several friars die in that year, of whom biographical sketches are presented. one of these, pedro rodriguez, has rendered special and distinguished service in the hospital for chinese at manila. the editors august, 1905. historia de la provincia del sancto rosario de la orden de predicadores (continued) by diego aduarte, o.p.; manila, 1640. source: translated from a copy of the above work in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. translation: this is made by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin. the present instalment covers pp. 167-384 of book i of the historia (which will be concluded in vol. xxxii). history of the dominican province of the holy rosary by fray diego aduarte, o.p. (continued) chapter xxxviii the advance made by the indians of this province in virtue, and their attendance upon the sacraments even if the religious in this province of nueva segovia had done no other good than bringing to an end or preventing so many sins of idolatry as these indians used to commit, every day and every hour, by adoring the devil and offering him superstitious reverence in all the ways which have already been described, a very great service indeed would have been done to the lord, to whom all such actions as these are directly offensive. in these idolatrous acts his honor is taken from him, and his divine supremacy is overthrown and given to his greatest enemy. to prevent one of these offenses to god would be of much more merit than to prevent any homicide whatsoever, for that is a direct offense only against a man; while idolatry is directly against god, and takes from him his divine honor, which is much more valuable than the life of a man. if this be true, how high is the merit of having prevented the innumerable acts of idolatry which used to be committed daily by those indians, and having brought to an end the multitude of sins which followed upon this one--constant wars, murders, robberies, drunkennesses which surpassed one another, lewd actions, and all the other vices which were committed--without the rulers of those people concerning themselves the least in them or punishing them, except when they personally were wronged. and this they did, not out of zeal for justice, but as their personal act of revenge, so that they sinned more in the excess of the punishment than the delinquents had sinned in the faults for which they were punished. now all these evils came to an end, as the result of the preaching of the religious, to the great glory of god. hence, if they had done no more than this, very great indeed would the service have been which thereby they wrought and continue to work for the creator of all and the universal lord. but this was not all; for when these evil growths had been rooted out, there were planted in the hearts of these indians the opposite virtues. by the aid of the lord they began so soon to bear flowers and fruit that the first bishop of this province, don fray miguel de venavides, a holy and most learned prelate, wrote to his holiness clement viii, who at that time governed the church, the following report, in which he gives a faithful account of the establishment of his bishopric, with the accuracy to which his office and dignity obliged him. "this province," he says, "is very new in the preaching of the gospel, for it is only three years since there were ministers of the order of st. dominic in it. before that time there used to be seen now and then a priest in the place where the spaniards lived. as for preaching to the indians, there was no idea of such a thing. this province is very near great china, being distant from it less than seventy leguas; so that now the faith of the lord appears to be approaching their powerful and great kingdom. the native race of the province is a very spirited one, whom it has cost the spaniards many efforts and the lives of many men to subdue. as soon as the order of st. dominic came into this region, they immediately went to live among the indians; and they built their churches and houses, which were more like huts built to last two days. they employed upon them very few laborers, and had no teacher or journeymen. the indians would have died before they admitted them to their villages (and, as it was, there was some difficulty about it), if the good name of those who had been in pangasinan had not reached these indians also--who in this way learned how the religious treated the indians as if they were their own children, and defended them against those who wronged them. when they began to consider the mode of life followed by the religious, their patience and labors, their avoidance of flesh food, their many fasts, continual prayers, great poverty--for the poverty of the order of st. dominic here is very great--and the gentleness and love with which they treated the natives, god was pleased that in those villages where there are missionary religious, all the inhabitants desired to be christians. they have not only become very devout toward god, but very friendly to the spaniards; thus the religious have put peace and security where they were not before. as a result, in regions where soldiers and garrisons used to be necessary, there now are none, and the country is very peaceful. every evening the men gather together and recite prayers before a cross, which is usually set up in the plaza of the village, the women doing the same by themselves in another place. baptisms in the heathen villages are constantly increasing, while those for whom there are not missionaries enough ask for them with all their hearts, and are so desirous to become christians that we ought therefore to offer thanks to god. [some chiefs invited the missionaries to their village, saying that they all wished to become christians. a spaniard who had command in one village where they were building a church, directed the soldiers to interfere with the work, which would have injured his private interests; but within a short time all those men died horribly. the fathers drive out devils from those who are possessed by them. it is only for lack of missionaries that the whole country is not filled with churches." the report is very short, and it is therefore necessary for us to expand upon it, making use of the reports of the founders and first missionaries themselves. in addition to what has already been said, they report as follows. great as was the labor of bringing these souls from darkness to light, they have come to understand their duties, worshiping the lord with great devotion, and regularly attending his holy sacraments. they go beyond the commandments of god and of his church to do additional works of devotion--especially the women, for they can more easily come to be instructed, and can more easily do what they are told, as they are less occupied than the men are with things to distract their minds and thoughts. some of them are so devout that they walk always in the presence of god, doing nothing without an inward prayer to him. in tular, or abulug, a village of more than a thousand inhabitants, in which there were more communicants than in the other villages, the religious taught many of them to strive to meditate every day upon some of the mysteries of the rosary. this was an exercise to which the first founder of the province, father fray juan de castro, was very much given, and in which many of his disciples and subjects have followed him. thus these indians day by day meditate upon one after another of the fifteen mysteries of the rosary. other indians lay aside part of their daily food for charity. bringing about these results requires from the minister much labor, teaching, assistance, perseverance, and prayer; for without these there is very little or nothing that they can do of themselves, without books or any other guide to direct them. as it is, the indians have advanced wonderfully--visiting and caring for their sick, especially when they are poor; taking discipline at night in their houses; fasting beyond what they are required; frequenting the churches; and offering their prayers at dawn and at evening. there were some of them who, at the very beginning of their christian career, went through the fields looking for the little children of poor people who could not take them to town; and, bringing these to be baptized, they acted as their sponsors, making gifts to them afterward of swaddling-clothes or some such thing. heavy as are the labors of the religious, their joy in them is still greater. very great difficulty was found, at first, in bringing the indians to confess. they regarded it as a shameful thing for them to report to the confessor all the evil things they had done and thought, and they also feared to give the religious power to annoy or blame them by means of their confession. "when a dozen persons were gathered together for their first confession, there was not one of them who was willing to begin, for everyone wished the other to make the experiment. at last the fathers summoned an indian who came from pangasinan, and who had longer been a christian and was better acquainted with the fathers. the indians asked him many questions about the matter, all of which he answered well, encouraging them greatly; he told them that in his country the christians confessed without any evil results following. at last one indian woman, more courageous than the rest, ventured to go to make her confession where the father was patiently waiting in the church--commending the matter to god with all his heart, because it was very plain that the hesitation of the indians was on account of the fear they felt. she confessed, went away very well satisfied, and, returning to the rest, told them what had happened. they asked her a thousand new questions, especially if the father was angry when she told her sins, and whether he had scolded her. she answered 'no,' and that, on the contrary, he had treated her very kindly and lovingly; so they all determined to make their confessions, and began them heartily." so they come now and make their confessions; and in general it is not necessary to summon them, for they anticipate the confessors, and sometimes even beg that their confessions may be heard, as a penance. they showed the greatest faith and sincerity in their confessions, striving to be reconciled with all their enemies before making their confession. the religious generally encouraged them to make their confessions on the day of their patron saint; and one indian woman, named for st. anne, was unwilling to confess on that saint's day. when the father asked her the reason, she answered that she had had a quarrel with one of her neighbors, and that they did not speak to each other; and she begged the father to reconcile them. after he had done that, she very readily made her confession. it frequently happens that a man accused in a court of law denies the accusation, and that the religious is unable to draw anything else from him; while in confession the same man will clearly accuse himself of the same fault which he had previously denied, and will deny again if the same question is asked him on another trial. it not infrequently happens that if they have any ill-will against the religious, or have said anything against him, they confess to that very man, telling him of the ill-will that they have felt against him.] chapter xxxix the devotion with which these indians approached the holy communion, and some events which give much glory to the lord. [since the most holy sacrament of the eucharist is so high and difficult a thing to teach a people whose heathen state makes them opposed to ideas so lofty, the religious in this region spend a great deal of effort upon teaching the indians this supreme mystery.] at first, only very few and very carefully chosen persons were admitted to the communion, according to the ordinance of a provincial council of lima, confirmed by the apostolic see, which in act ii, chapter 20, says, [1] precepit sancta sinodus parochis, ceterisque indorum praedicatoribus, ut saepe ac serio, de fide huius mysterii eos instituant; and, later, quos autem parochus, et satis instructus, et correctione vitae idoneos iudicaverit, iis saltem in paschate, eucharistiam administrare non praetermittat. it is true that the indians of these regions have much greater capacity than those of peru, of whom this council spoke; yet because they were so new in the faith, and so badly fitted by their ancient customs for this supreme mystery, the holy communion is not given to them indifferently at easter, but is given to those whom the minister judges to be properly prepared. at the beginning, greater attention and caution were necessary. hence, after they had been thoroughly instructed in the mysteries of the faith, and in particular in the doctrine of this holy mystery, and when they showed a desire to receive the holy communion, they were examined as to their lives, habits, and reputation, the most credible witnesses in the village being called in to testify. if they were found prepared, they were admitted to this supreme meal, to this holy table. a week before they communicated, unless they were occupied--and they generally gave up their occupations for this purpose--they went to church and heard spiritual addresses every day. [on these days they prepared themselves with more than ordinary prayer, and rose at midnight to pray and to take their discipline. if they were married, they separated their beds at least on the eve and the day of the communion. many of the men went to the convent, and followed the hours with the religious. on the day of receiving communion, they followed the same customs as did the members of our order, dedicating the whole day to god, and keeping in it the silence which we observe in our convents on the day when those religious who are not priests communicate. they were taught to say something after mass in order to give thanks to the lord; for since they cannot read, and have no books, the ministers have to teach them everything of this kind--especially at the beginning, for afterward there are many of them who teach the others. at the same time, they receive what the minister tells them with greater respect. many extraordinary examples of piety have been exhibited by the communicants.] in the village of pata there was an indian chief, a man of great valor, named don francisco yringan, of whom mention has several times been made. he, being governor there, had as a guest in his house a spaniard who was traveling that way. he treated him kindly and entertained him as well as he could. the guest, not being content with this, asked him to find an indian woman, that he might sleep with her; and gave him some trinkets with which to gratify her. but the indian refused to accept them and to do what the spaniard asked him, saying that this was wicked and that no one ought to do such a thing, least of all a communicant. this was a reply with which the old christian ought to have been put to confusion, and which should have made him correct his desires; but it was not so; on the contrary, he grew angry at the answer, and threatened to cane the indian unless he did what he was told. the indian turned his back and bending his head said, "give me as much of a caning as you please, for i am not going to do what you ask." the spaniard was so intemperate and discourteous that he vented his anger upon him and caned him, the indian suffering with great patience, as if he had received from god not only faith in him, but the power of suffering because he refused to offend him. this is a grace which the apostle praises, urging the philippians to esteem it highly; and now it was found in a philippine indian. the indian who suffered this was a man who could have employed lawyers against him who wronged him, though he was alone; and, if he had shouted to his followers, they would have cut the spaniard to pieces. but, as he was a communicant, he would neither be an accomplice in the sin of the spaniard, nor would he avenge himself; nor would he even make use of a just defense, as was taught in the counsel of paul quoted above, non vos defendentes carissimi [i.e., "not defending yourselves, beloved"]. on another occasion when a great insult was offered to this same indian, a religious comforted him and encouraged him to patience. the indian answered: "o father, how good it would be if we all served god with truth. if it were so, that wrong which has been done to me would not have been done. if this thing had happened in the days of our heathendom, it would have sufficed to cause me and my followers to make war to the death against this town; but now that we are christians, patience!" he said nothing more and uttered not a word of indignation, but passed over his sufferings and endured the insult, although he felt it keenly and was ashamed (though in a very christian manner). thus he gave proof that his virtue was enduring, because such a blow could not overthrow it. there was one poor indian slave woman whom a spaniard, who had communicated a few days before in that village, tried to violate. she resisted him with spirit; and, as if horrified at the lack of respect which by his actions he showed to the lord, whom he had received, she said to him: "how is it that, being a communicant, you dare to commit such a sin?" in this way may be seen how some of the new christians surpass others who are old in the faith, going beyond them in virtue, devotion, and the fear of god. [in the village of masi, which is near to that of which we have been speaking, there was an indian, a communicant, the fiscal of the church, who was of blameless life. his name was sebastian calelao. his sown rice had not sprouted on account of the drought; but, in response to his prayers, god sent rain so that his crop was saved. in pilitan there was an indian woman, named ysabel pato, a faithful christian. when she was about to receive the viaticum, the priest found that the lord had anticipated him. other marvels and instances of virtue have been exhibited among these indians.] some indian women accused themselves of having eaten buyos on fast-days, but not on fridays. when the confessor asked them if they had fasted on other days than friday--for the indians are not obliged to fast on the other days in lent--they answered that they fasted the whole of lent, performing these fasts as works of devotion; for the holy apostolic see has excused them from this fast, because of their weakness and the scantiness of their food. when the religious thought that this was excessive, and told them that they could not do so much, they answered that by the favor of god they could do so, as they had already fasted during the whole of lent on previous occasions. the buyo is an aromatic leaf, shaped like an ivy-leaf, which the indians are accustomed to chew with a sort of wild acorn and a little bit of lime. even some of the spaniards in this country very commonly use it, though they do not swallow it, so that only the juice reaches the stomach; it invigorates the stomach, and preserves the teeth. to carry some buyos in their mouths, if there were not many of them, would not break their fast; but in spite of all this, these indian women made a scruple of taking it in their fasts, out of pure devotion and in an entirely voluntary way. [visions of demons are frequent among the indians. one such happened in a part of this province called ytabes, of which the order took charge in 1604. the indian concerned had a vision of demons driven away by persons whom he did not know, but who were clothed with white underneath and with black cloaks. this was something which the indian had never seen, because the religious rarely wear their cloaks in the indian villages, assuming them only when they go into the pulpit to preach. at that time the christians there were so few that the sermons were not delivered from the pulpit, but from a seat, the cloak not being put on for the purpose. frightful visions of the anito drove the father of don francisco tuliau to baptism. in camalaniugan father fray gaspar zarfate drove out several demons who were tormenting indian women.] chapter xl the great comfort which the religious commonly felt in their ministry both in life and in death [in spite of the sufferings of the religious in this region--the heat, the strangeness, the homesickness, the poverty of their life--they had great joy in their work. the aniteras, or priestesses of the devil, who became christians, often told them that as soon as they came to heathen villages the devil left the houses in which he was worshiped, which were wretched little hovels. they dreamed that they saw their anitos in the form of carabaos, or buffaloes, and of black men; and that they likewise suffered greatly at such times, because the devil was so much their owner that he used to enter them visibly--one of them, who was the mistress of the others, saying that he entered her in the form of a shadow, and in that way gave his oracles. the aniteras were, as the indians said, beside themselves and out of their minds at such times. many miracles were wrought by the fathers, and they had great joy in the marvels which the lord showed them in permitting them to save by holy baptism children and others who were at the point of death, from eternal damnation. the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray diego de soria, writing to his great friend, father fray bernardo de sancta cathalina, or navarro, on march 24, 1608, said that when they had come from the province of ylocos, they had been detained in a port for two weeks by as heavy a storm as if they had been in segovia itself, and that they had suffered much on the road; but that now they felt consoled by what they had found in the province, which was a perfect picture of pangasinan. he reported that in the mountains of fotol and alamonag they had confirmed more than six hundred indians; and that even the little boys and girls knew the definition of the sacrament of confirmation. he reports that the religious of the province are very harmonious, especially those who came from the college of alcala, to which they purpose sending a golden cup worth a thousand pesos, hoping that the college may pay for it with missionaries, which will not be simony. he goes on to say that he had been three days in the village, and that they had already confirmed eight or nine thousand indians. the cup of gold was sent, but never reached its destination. his remarks with reference to the college of alcala are due to the fact that several of the religious who came over on various expeditions had been supplied by that college. among them were some of the most devoted of the missionaries--for instance, the bishop himself, father fray bernardo de sancta cathalina, and father fray juan cobo. the report of this father may well be followed by that of father fray francisco de san joseph, or blancas, [2] who wrote from this province of nueva segovia to the father provincial, father fray miguel de san jacintho. his letter is given in full by aduarte; the substance of it is as follows: "i have seen with my own eyes something of what i have read in the letters of your reverence with regard to the great need of ministers here, and to the desire of the people for them. we found the inhabitants kindly and peaceful, and delighted to see us. when we disembarked at one of the heathen villages on the way, some of the children ran to kiss our scapulars. some of the boys ran before us, reciting the prayers very well, not because they had been taught, but because they had picked them up from a couple of our boys whom they had seen several times. yet in spite of all this they will be lost and damned, for lack of friars. the wife of the governor of this village was very ill; and desiring to die a christian, she had herself carried to the village of pia, which is a christian village about a day's journey from hers. father fray pedro was at pipig, a village near there, at the time, so that he was in time to baptize her." in another letter to the same provincial, he said: "your reverence might see here this morning a company of old men learning the doctrines of christianity; another of girls; another of married women; another of young boys--giving praises to god like so many choirs of angels, proclaiming his doctrine and learning it to prepare themselves for baptism." father fray jacintho de san geronimo, [3] who is still living, writes a letter to a friend of his in nueva españa, which is dated on the last day of the feast of the resurrection, in 1607. it is substantially as follows: "i am at present in the province of nueva segovia, in great happiness to see the desire of the people to become christians. our poverty and disinterestedness have caused them to have great confidence in us. i would not change my lot for any other in the world, in spite of the hardness of our life here." the same father wrote another letter to a friend in manila, to the following effect: "there are more than four thousand souls in this village, not the eighth part of whom are christians, though all desire to become so. on holy saturday three of us baptized six hundred persons." the date of this letter was april 2, 1607. although this father had been but a short time in the province, he had already learned enough of the language for such great results, and could rejoice in the fruit of his labors. from all this it is plain that the missionaries in this region who are busied with the ministry of souls have no need of españa nor of anything spanish for their comfort, except companions to help them in the work. as there is no rule without an exception, it must be so in this case; but if any missionary is unhappy here, it is generally because he has failed in his obligations and become lukewarm in his devotions. those that can speak the language and thereby convert souls are happy in their work; and those who cannot learn the language should accordingly be unhappy. but the lord is not so poor as that, as will be sufficiently shown by a letter from father fray garcia de oroz, written from nueva segovia to a brother at manila: "though i have been told that i would be very unhappy and discouraged by the difficulty of learning the language, and though i find that it is very difficult to me because of my age and lack of memory, i am not disconsolate; because merely to be in company with a father who is a master of the language, and to act as his confessor, will greatly serve our lord. this region is a pleasant one, and my health is good in it during the winter, which lasts from the beginning of october to march. it resembles the climate of valencia during the same period, having cool and fresh nights. a great part of the country is very open, and the mountains are not high or rugged. some of the convents are on the shore of the sea; others, on the bank of a copious river, which is navigated by canoes for a distance of sixty leguas up the river. no one has reached the head of it, or knows where the spring is." the happiness of the missionaries in their work will be plain from what has been said. as a result of having lived devoted lives they died happy deaths, rejoicing in their firm hope that they were going to enjoy the lord whom they had served, and for whom they had abandoned their parents, kinsmen, native lands, and the ease which they might have enjoyed in españa.] chapter xli the servant of god, don fray domingo de salaçar, first bishop of the philippinas by the ships which came to these islands from nueva españa in 1596, arrived the sad news of the death of their father and first bishop, don fray domingo de salaçar. this was one of the greatest losses which they could have met with at that time, for they lost in him a most loving father and a most faithful defender. in their defense he had not hesitated to set out on a long and perilous journey to españa, and that in his very last years, when his great age would have excused him from such excessive labors. but the fervent love which he had for his sheep would not permit him to offer any excuses, when he saw them in so great need as they were in at that time. there was in these regions no place from which he could obtain relief for them, nor could he have obtained relief from españa if he had not gone there in person to get it, for he had tried all other means. he had sent a procurator; and he had written most urgent letters, and had learned by experience that they did not bring about the results desired. in fine, these islands lost a shepherd and a holy bishop; and when this has been said, everything has been said. the order of st. dominic, which had been so recently established in these islands, suffered the greatest loss in this general affliction, for it had in him a father and a brother who loved it most affectionately; and a continual benefactor, who, though he was poor in the extreme, seemed rich and generous in the benefits which he conferred upon the order. without them it would have suffered much, because the religious came as apostolic preachers, in the greatest poverty, and in the greatest need of the favor which they always received from this pious bishop. don fray domingo de salacar was born in la rioja in castilla, and had assumed the habit in the distinguished convent of san estevan at salamanca, where he was contemporary with some who afterward became famous professors of theology in this illustrious university--the father masters fray domingo bañes and fray bartholome de medina [fray domingo de salacar was not inferior to them in scholarship, but his heart was set more on sanctity than on learning; and hence he desired to go to the province of santiago de mexico, which seemed to have renewed the primitive austerity of the time of our father st. dominic. when he reached mexico, though he wished to labor among the indians, the orders of his superior kept him from doing so, and he became a teacher, and finally a master of theology, the highest degree of this kind which can be reached in the order. his virtue was such that during all the time while he was in nueva españa (namely, forty years), he never broke any of our sacred constitutions in any point. as one of the popes has said, a religious who thus follows the constitutions of our order, has done enough to be canonized. when the directions of his superiors at last permitted him to give the reins to his desire, he devoted himself to missionary work among the indian tribes in the province of vaxac. he suffered deeply from every wrong that the spaniards did to the indians; and his suffering was doubled because he could not remedy their wrongs. however, he did what he could for those that were under his charge by comforting them and encouraging them to patience; and it is no small consolation for the unfortunate to see that there is someone who pities them and sympathizes with their suffering. so desirous was father fray domingo of laboring for the lord that he joined the expedition to florida, [4] accompanying the holy fray domingo de la anunciacion in the hardships which he endured, which he felt the more because he could not make the conversions which he hoped for among those indians. before beginning his journey, he asked the superior to bless all the waters of the streams and rivers from which he should have to drink, that he might not break the constitution which directs us not to drink without permission and a blessing. the want of food from which they suffered was such that they were obliged to boil the leather straps of their helmets and of the other parts of their armor that they might have something to keep them alive, or to delay death a little. when they had exhausted this supply they ate roots and the bark of wild trees. on this journey our lady of the rosary showed her favor to father fray domingo by assisting him in a remarkable way on several occasions. once she enabled him to save the life of a poor soldier who had been condemned to death, and once gave him grace to change the heart of a man who intended to commit suicide. although he desired to give himself to work among the indians, he was obliged by the orders of his superiors and by his vow of obedience to assume several honorable posts in the province of mexico, becoming prior and vicar-provincial, and finally the chief consultor of the holy office; but he gave up these positions as soon as he could to devote himself to the work which he preferred among the natives. he spent thirty-eight years in laboring for those poor people, teaching them, and protecting them against wrong. he was at one time sent to españa by his superiors on matters of important business connected with the missions to the indians. here he met many difficulties, as vested interests and great wealth were arrayed against him; and on one occasion the nuncio of his holiness, to whom he had complained, commanded him not to visit the palace. but, though he did not attain the end for which he set out, he made a great impression upon his majesty, who appointed him first bishop of the philippinas.] his majesty felt a particular affection for these islands, because their conversion had begun in his time and as a result of his initiative. as they had received their name from his, he desired also to give them a bishop with his own hand. he chose a man whose learning, virtue, and deep zeal for the good and the protection of the indians qualified him to be the father and first shepherd of regions so new and so remote from the presence of their king. in such regions it is very easy for the wrongs which the powerful do to the weak to be more and greater than in others; hence they needed a valiant defender, and a strong pastor and master to contend with the great difficulties which are always met with in new conquests. at first father fray domingo did not venture to accept the bishopric, and consulted learned and able religious. they all advised him to accept it, as being a very heavy charge, but one in which he could do great service to god and be of great advantage to the indians. they suggested that, if he were the bishop of the indians, he could help them better in the great sufferings which it might be expected that they would have to endure, as all newly-conquered people have endured them. these sufferings he saw and deplored when he went to his bishopric; and he strove to remedy them as completely as he could. he accepted the dignity for the labor and the banishment which it offered him, knowing well that there was no honor and profit to be expected from it. at this time he strove to bring with him religious of his own order, feeling that they would be more closely allied to him and under greater obligations to him; and that thus they would help him to carry his burden. his majesty granted them to him, and they reached mexico; [5] but here there were so many who died or fell ill that he had left but one companion, father fray christobal de salvatierra--who was a wonderfully helpful associate, and aided him greatly in the government of his bishopric, as well as in everything else which had to be done; and these additional duties were neither few nor pleasant. he went to the city of manila and built in it his cathedral church, assigning prebends and arranging everything necessary for the service of the cathedral--although poorly, because he had no ecclesiastical income, and because the royal income in these islands was very small. he found his bishopric like sheep without a shepherd, and strove to gather them together and bring them to order; but, as they had learned to live without control, they took his efforts very ill. some of them broke bounds entirely, one of them going so far that he dared to tell the bishop to his face that he would better moderate his enthusiasm; for that if he did not, the speaker could hit a mitre at fifty paces with his arquebus. but the good bishop in these and similar cases followed the commands of st. paul to his disciple st. timothy: argue, obsecra, increpa, in omni patientia et doctrina. [6] the good prelate put his shoulder and his breast to the wheel against all these difficulties, and with all his heart strove to reform the morals of the colony. by his example he animated the preachers and confessors to tell the truth with greater clearness and courage than before; and, that this might be the better and more effectively done, he called a conference, or quasi-synod, composed of the superiors from all the religious orders and of the learned men who were in the land, both theologians and jurists. this conference sat for a long time. in it there were also six captains who had had experience in that country, and in the conquests which had been made there. these officers were added to the conference that they might give information with regard to many matters of fact upon which the determination of justice and conscience in the case depended; and that the truth and righteousness of the proceedings of the conference might be more apparent. it was hoped that in this way the decisions of the conference would be better received. in this assembly the holy bishop showed his great capacity, his great knowledge and the clearness of his mind; and skilfully directed and disposed of a great variety of matters which were there very effectively decided. many questions were there propounded and settled; and from the decrees of the conference there resulted a sort of general list or set of rules by which the confessors were to govern themselves in assigning penance to all sorts of people in that country. these rules affected the governor, the auditors, the royal officials, the alcaldes, the corregidors, those who had taken part in the conquest, the encomenderos, the collectors of tributes, and people of all ranks--in a word, all the inhabitants of the country. it had validity for what had been done as well as for what was to come. this was a very helpful matter, because it dealt with affairs which offered no precedents, did not regularly happen, and could not be understood by everyone because of their great difficulty. on this account those who understood them best, and desired to deal with them as truth and reason required, were not respected by those who were most concerned. the latter, in order that they might avoid their obligations, ordinarily tried to find confessors who would show leniency, to their own harm and to that of their penitents. but as soon as these decrees appeared, having been voted by so many learned and holy men, they were such that neither confessors nor penitents dared oppose them. this conference was accordingly a very important one; and in a few days it was possible to see the new light which had come to these islands and to perceive how thoughtful and careful, and how full of knowledge, was the new shepherd and spouse of this church. the holy bishop afforded much edification with his teaching, his addresses, and his sermons, for he was a learned theologian and an excellent preacher; but he did very much more by the example of his admirable life. the sermons which he preached in this way had great power over the souls of those who looked upon this noble example, and even hardened hearts could not resist them. he did not alter his habit, his bed, or his diet. his habit was of serge, as was customary in nueva españa. he wore a woolen shirt, and slept upon a bed which was even poorer than that of the poorest religious. his food was eggs and fish; his dwelling had no paintings or adornments in it. he rose at midnight to recite matins, and after this he offered his mental prayer. that he might not trouble anyone to give him a light, he always kept a tinder and flint, and struck and kindled his own light without having any servant to attend upon him when he went to bed or when he rose. he was especially devoted to our lady of the rosary, whose grace and favor he had many times experienced; and he desired to see this same devotion well established in all. when he spoke upon this matter, he seemed to surpass himself; and some believed that our lady spoke in him, because of the grandeur of the heavenly ideas which he uttered on this subject. when our religious reached this country, he entertained them in his dwelling, as has been said; and he kept and cherished them there for many days, gave them extraordinary alms, and bought a site for their convent. he helped very much in the building of the convent, without ever feeling poor for this or for similar objects--though he was really in extreme poverty on account of the smallness of the salary which he received, without having any other source of income. although the salary was small, it never failed him when the poor required it, to whom belonged everything that he acquired. thus he was always consuming his income, without ever lacking something to give. chapter xlii a more detailed account of the virtues of the servant of god, don fray domingo de salaçar the conformity of the good bishop with the divine will, and his desire to be approved before the pure eyes of that heavenly lord with whom he always desired most intimately to unite himself, and the knowledge that he could not attain this approval without striving with all his heart to imitate his virtues, and by means of them to acquire something of his likeness, made the bishop endeavor constantly with great solicitude to attain these virtues--although to attain them it was necessary for him to strive manfully to conquer his own nature; in so far as it was opposed to them; and to multiply, in order to attain this victory over himself, penances and austerities, to the end that his nature might surrender and be subjected. the virtue of patience, which is in all circumstances very desirable, and no less difficult to acquire and maintain, was that which the bishop most needed, for at every step occasions offered themselves for the exercise of this virtue. since he was by nature wrathful and hot-tempered, and was always engaged in defending the right, it cost him much to control himself and to be patient. however, he had so restrained himself and so become lord of his nature, that he did not permit it to display itself. this was not only in cases where he had time for consideration and for preparation, but in those sudden and unexpected accidents in which those who are wronged are accustomed to lose control of themselves, if the virtue of patience is not well rooted within their souls or has not reached perfection. he was often obliged to hear many insulting words from soldiers who were angry because he had interfered with their excesses; but he kept silent, and walked on as if he had not heard them, attending to his business without taking any account of things which did not belong to it. since the indians suffered from the abuses which were inflicted upon them, he went in one day to speak on their behalf to the governor who was then in office. he was not permitted to proceed with his business without hearing many insulting words from the governor, who even put his hands upon his breast and gave him a push. the bishop did not change countenance; and, following the counsel of st. paul, who bids us give place to wrath, he left the hall that he might not more inflame the wrath of this man. after a while, when he thought it was time, he went in again, and with great serenity of countenance and with gentleness of heart and words, he said to him: "bend your knees, because my heart does not permit me to leave you under so heavy a condemnation;" and he added: "by virtue of a brief of the supreme pontiff which i have for this purpose, i absolve you from the most dreadful excommunication which you have incurred." when he had done this, he went out again; and even commanded the cleric who accompanied him not to reveal to anyone what had happened, under penalty of excommunication. on another occasion another ecclesiastic whom he rebuked said to him, very angrily: "how badly you treat me, though you know that i am better than you are." the bishop answered, with great calmness, that he was delighted to have in his bishopric so honorable a person. with this gentleness he suffered the blows of those who exercised his patience, leaving his cause to god, as god commands us. the lord assumed the care of his cause, and rigorously chastised those who spoke evil of him. some people wrote letters against him to españa; and, before the answer came back, they were called upon to give their answer before the tribunal of god, ending their lives in sudden and dreadful death. he took great pains to preserve his chastity and the purity with which he was born, esteeming it highly like a precious jewel, and performing many penances to defend it from the assaults of the enemies who hated its beauty and ever strove to destroy it. two priests have borne witness that he was a virgin: father fray diego de soria, late bishop of nueva segovia, to whom he made a general confession in his old age, at the time when he was about to embark on the last voyage which he made to españa. the other priest was a clergyman to whom he had confessed more than two hundred times, and who was well acquainted with the state of his conscience. this priest confirmed his testimony with an oath. in spite of this, the world is such that the chaste bishop found it necessary to defend himself against accusations in regard to this matter, and to bear testimony to the purity of his own conscience. at a public celebration of the holy sacrifice of the mass, with the divine sacrament in his hands, he affirmed, because necessity required it, that he hoped this celestial food might be his eternal damnation if he was conscious of any fault of such a kind. if those who spoke against him in this matter had been only laymen, angry because they had been corrected and forcibly drawn from such vices, and mad with passion--for such persons will not forgive those who are most holy--if this accusation had proceeded from such as these, it would have been matter for sorrow, but would not have been intolerable; but there were even some ecclesiastics who saw that the bishop took great pains to seclude abandoned women, and who ventured to make themselves defenders of these persons of disorderly life. they declared that a man who gathered in so many of these women of evil life (some of them handsome), shut them up, and heard them at their trials, would be sure to put out his hand and select those who pleased him. this reached the ears of the bishop; and the vengeance which he took was to commend them to the lord in prayer with all his heart--pitying them as being persons who were really worthy of compassion; since, without comparison, the harm that one who speaks evil does to himself is greater than the harm done to him who is wronged. the lord heard these pious prayers, and touched their hearts. they acknowledged the evil that they had spoken, and very repentantly came to beg his pardon, at the episcopal residence, in the presence of those who lived there. the bishop received them with open arms and with abundance of tears, and had them that day as companions at his table. the vengeance which the saints desire to take upon their enemies is, to have them repent for their faults when they become conscious of their errors. he was very compassionate, and felt the utmost pity for the sufferings of his neighbor. of this a marked example was given on the voyage from nueva españa to manila. there were in the same ship more than twenty augustinian religious, and, while they were at sea, their water gave out. this is one of the greatest hardships which may be suffered on a voyage. the bishop took pity upon them; and, although he had not enough to supply the necessity of so many, he preferred suffering with the others to seeing them suffer while he was comfortable. accordingly he offered them the opportunity to drink from what he carried in his martabana, which is a large jar holding twenty cantaros [7] of water. their need would not permit them to refuse what was thus offered them voluntarily; and, though they all drank of it, the lord was pleased that it should last until they landed on the islands, as the servant of god had prayed. it is no new or rare thing for the lord to multiply food and drink, that it may not be lacking to those who bring themselves to need out of pity. this same virtue caused the bishop to watch over this municipality of manila, by taking care that in the houses of the fathers of the society [of jesus] there should be religious to give instruction in profitable learning to those who desired to study it. that this might be made permanent, and that there might not be any failure in it, he brought it about that his majesty gave command that the religious should receive an allowance to be spent upon the teachers. the answer of his majesty is contained in the royal decree given at barcelona the eighth [sic] of fifteen eighty-three. the document runs as follows: "to the reverend father in christ, fray domingo de salacar, bishop of the philippinas islands. three letters from you have been received from my council, etc. considering the good report which you give of the great results which have followed and which are likely to follow from the maintenance of the order of the society of jesus, and considering that to this end it is necessary that the society should receive from me what is needed for the support of the religious who desire to teach and instruct in latinity, sciences and good morals, those who come to them, i have, until some one shall come forward to undertake this business, granted the decree enclosed. in pursuance of this decree, the president of the audiencia and you will together determine how this object may be carried out," etc. from this same spirit of compassion arose the benevolence which he displayed toward all the natives by building a hospital in manila in which sick indians might be cared for. he gave so much energy to this that he not only was the chief person who concerned himself with it, but he gave the first and the chief contribution to establish and endow it. at the very beginning of the hospital he did something worthy of his virtue and prudence. the sick in this hospital were cared for by religious of the order of the seraphic father st. francis, and particularly by a brother named fray juan clemente. the infirmity for which they were ordinarily treated was buboes, which are very frequent on these poor indians because they ordinarily have to walk in the water in their grain-fields. [8] the brother had much to suffer with the indian men, and still more with the indian women, the care of whom was in general not very consonant with decency. on this account, the religious determined to give up this duty, and actually asked the bishop for permission to leave the hospital. the bishop, who was well acquainted with the conscience of fray juan, and who saw the reason for his unhappiness, encouraged and consoled him; and exhorted him not to give up, on account of these temptations, the good work and the service which he had begun there. he gave the brother holy and devout reasons for this, and finally said: "my son fray juan, fast for three days in the week; give yourself a discipline, and keep your hour of prayer. as for the rest, i will charge myself with it, and will take the responsibility upon myself." the result was marvelous, for, because of the good advice which had been given him and the prayer which the bishop made for him, fray juan found himself so much consoled and changed that he no longer felt the least difficulty or disquiet in the world; and, as if he had cast all these difficulties upon another person, he no longer perceived them in himself. yet before this he had found himself so much oppressed by them that, in order not to fall, he had desired to flee. in a case of this kind, to take flight is to conquer--but not so nobly as when the lord puts forth his hand that his servants may handle such serpents as these without being harmed by them, which happened in this case as the result of the prayer of his servant the bishop. the many virtues which this servant of god possessed were higher in degree as a result of the fire of charity which dwelt in his breast, which, as a queen of all the rest, held the highest place in his soul and governed all. he could not eat or drink in comfort without dividing with the poor; and therefore every day he set aside a part of his food, and, placing it on the corner of the table, said: "you know for whom this is"--namely, the poor, as his servants understood. this was given to them, and not only this, but other alms. that the matter might be the better attended to, they kept, by order of the bishop, a memorandum of the poor and needy of the city. he directed his servants that whenever the poor women who asked alms were spaniards, they should indicate the fact by saying, "here is a lady that asks alms;" if they were indians or mestizas, they should say, "here is a woman." in this way, without seeing them, he would be able to tell their station, and to aid them conformably thereto. still, when he was told about some such matter, he often went down with the servant; and, if it was the first time that she came, he used to say to her: "come, good friend, what is the matter now? beware not to offend god, nor to be tricked by the devil into doing any base act for need or for selfish interest. trust in god, who will aid you; and i for my part will assist with all my heart." in order that she might see that these were not merely good words, he used to give her some assistance and to write her name with the rest, so that he might aid her with the care required by her need, and by that of her children, if she had any. every week he visited the prisons and the hospitals, generally assigning fridays for that purpose. he encouraged and consoled the prisoners and the sick with kindly words and with alms, according to the need of each one. the money which he could get together from restitutions and confirmations he kept with the greatest care, that not a real might be lost; and, as if he were the most miserly man in the world, he took care of it for the poor alone, without permitting the members of his household or anyone else to take anything from the confirmations, as is customary. he used to say that this belonged to the poor, and that it was not proper that one who was not poor should share with them. from some of these alms, and from what he could add from his own poor income, he bought some lots near the franciscan convent, and some cattle, with which he established a stock-farm, and gave it for the establishment of a hospital for the care of the natives. the hospital was built and still exists, having been very greatly increased by the care of the franciscan fathers, who attend to it with the greatest charity. to exalt the hospital still more, the bishop obtained for it a liberal concession of plenary indulgence for the sunday of lazarus, [9] as he did for the hospital of the spaniards on palm sunday. so great was his charity and his desire to do good to the poor that once, when he was without money to give them, he sold his pectoral cross, which was worth one thousand eight hundred pesos, and gave it to them in alms. in the same way went his table silver; and his silver pontifical ornaments were almost always in pawn. his steward used to try to excuse himself when he was told to give alms, saying that he had not the means. the bishop, calling him to one side, would say to him, "tell me the truth; how much money have you?" he commonly said that there was not in the house more than eight reals for the daily expense, and sometimes only four. the bishop then made him give half of what he had, saying that it was sufficient good-fortune to have some money in the house all the time, so long as the lord would provide more; and the lord to whom he gave took care that he should never lack, sending him what he needed for himself and for his poor from some source from which he had never expected it. when he got it, he would show it to the steward, or give it to him, and say: "trust in god, father, and know that even if you had given me all that you had, the lord would have sent us more." it was a common saying among the people of his household that the father of the poor provided money miraculously, in order that the bishop might give them alms. a person of rank was once obliged by necessity to ask alms from him. the bishop was much grieved, as this person seemed to be an honorable one; and he directed the steward to give him all the money there was in the house. as he found no more than eight reals, the bishop gave this to him, and asked the man to pardon him, saying that there was no more at that time, but that, as soon as he had any, he would be sure to come to his aid. the lord did not delay assisting him who had not only given alms from his superfluity, but had given all that he had for the maintenance of himself and his household. for on that very night he touched the heart of a man who had laid upon him for ten years the duty of the restitution of four hundred pesos, and caused him, without waiting till morning, to embark at night and to come from cavite to manila; and in the morning he gave the money to the bishop without the bishop's ever having spoken to him. the bishop had desired that his penniless condition should be cared for wholly by the lord, who was called upon to relieve the urgent need of him who was in such need as a result of aiding the poor. when the bishop saw himself suddenly enriched with four hundred pesos, he gave thanks to the lord, from whose hand he had received them rather than from the hand of him who had brought them hither. he instantly summoned the person to whom he had given only one peso the day before, because he had no more, and said to him: "for the little which i have given you and the much which you desired, the lord has sent me some money. take these fifty pesos and give me that one which i gave you yesterday; for it is that which attracted all this. be sure that you spend well that which i give you; and, when you shall see yourself in prosperity, take care to be liberal to the poor." the good man promised this; and in a short time god, in fulfilment of what the bishop had said to him, gave him so much money that he brought four hundred pesos, and gave them to the bishop to be distributed among the poor. the rest of what the bishop had received he did not spend on his household, though it was so poor; but published in the church that he had some money to distribute, and summoned the poor to his residence. among them he distributed it (as he wished to) very quickly; and, showing them the eight-real piece which he had given in the first place, he said to them with much happiness and joy: "just this peso is for me, because it is that which attracted so many." when the bishop was at his meal, having with him at the table the first founders of this province, who had recently come to the city, a man came to beg alms. the bishop gave him a peso; and, as it seemed to the beggar too little, he showed it to the bishop, and said that he had not given him as much as he needed. this conduct appeared to those who were present bold, and even insolent; so they told the bishop that he ought to send the man away, because he had received sufficient alms, and that it was impossible at one time to succor every necessity. the bishop agreed; but before long his heart was moved to compassion at the thought that the poor man had gone away dissatisfied; and, with his eyes moist with tears, he said: "call that poor fellow back again. his need must be very great, because it has forced him to be importunate." the beggar came back; and the bishop, augmenting the alms so that the beggar should be contented, was contented himself, and sent him away with his blessing. once it happened that he went to bed with fifteen pesos, which, though for persons of his dignity it was a mere nothing, for him who gave everything to the poor it was great riches; and in the morning before nine o'clock he had not a penny, because the poor had taken it all. he used to say: "the riches of bishops are in caring for the poor, who are their proper purses; and, so long as my money is not in them, they will suppose that i have appropriated it." this did not appear only in his words, but he was so certain of the truth of it that he carried it out in practice; and it often resulted that he did not have money for the ordinary expenses of his household. he was obliged to set sail from manila to españa on important business; and one of the chief supplies which he ordered to be laid in was a provision of chickens and of conserves--things which he never tasted, and which were so foreign to his way of living that he ate nothing but fish, as if he had been in the refectory of an extremely austere convent. they got together three hundred chickens for him; but before he had left port two hundred of them were gone; while with the conserves and other things that he took he was all the time feasting and making presents to the poor and needy, so that nobody could even induce him to taste a chicken. [on the road from mexico to san juan de ulua, though very ill, he charitably undertook the ordination of some candidates for the priesthood, who had been caught in a flood on their way to be ordained at jalapa.] chapter xliii the marvels wrought by our lord for his servants while in this life, and the happy death of the bishop. [it is not strange that the lord should have honored the virtues of the bishop by working many marvels through him. many of these have fallen into oblivion because he strove to keep them concealed, and also because there has been no one to keep a record of them. several times his prayers have saved men in imminent danger of death; among these was father fray miguel de venavides, who fell overboard on the voyage from manila to nueva españa.] when he reached españa it is said that his majesty at first was vexed on account of his return, because his bishopric would need him during his absence. but afterward, when he saw him, his majesty was greatly pleased with him, and carried out the wishes of the bishop in regard to the principal matters which had brought him there. the income of the church was greatly augmented, his majesty bestowing upon him a large gift, and greatly increasing the small income assigned for the prebendaries. he succeeded in augmenting the number of prebends so that the church might be better served. a single bishop was not sufficient to attend to the confirmations and other episcopal acts in all the islands, still less to watch over the conversion of so many provinces as are contained in them, practically all of them being at that time heathen. hence the bishop succeeded in having his bishopric divided among four prelates--an archbishop and three suffragan bishops--and he marked out the limits of each bishopric. he succeeded in gaining in roma what he desired, and was himself appointed archbishop. this promotion did not suffice to alter the ordinary mode of life of this servant of god, and made no more change in him than if he had never been promoted. it is even said that he did not care to be informed or assured with regard to it; that as his soul had other purposes and more elevated desires, he cared little for these things. he was right in doing so, since he was soon to see how little substance there is in them; for he was attacked by a severe infirmity which, before the bulls for his archbishopric were despatched from roma, despatched him to heaven, ending his labors and commencing his eternal rest. he had no need to make a will, for he distributed all that he could get among the poor. in the hour of his death, he had no more than six reals; and though he had a poor sister, he never gave her a real, because of his helping those who were in greater need. this came to the knowledge of his majesty, and it pleased him so much that he displayed his royal generosity toward her, as indeed our lord does command, who takes upon his own shoulders the obligations which his disciples fail to fulfil because of their love for him. [these facts attracted great attention in the court, and the small estate of the bishop of the indias became famous. he was buried in his convent of san thomas at madrid. the day before, the archbishop of toledo had died, don gaspar de quiroga; he was cardinal, and the richest prelate in christendom. as he was to be buried on that same day, the counselors of the king did not know which funeral to attend; and his majesty directed that they should go to that of the poorest. his epitaph states that he died december 4, 1594.] chapter xliv father fray christobal de salvatierra, associate of the first bishop of the philippinas and governor of his bishopric. there was but a short space of time between the death of the first bishop of this region of which we have just spoken, and that of his associate and vicar-general, father fray christobal de salvatierra. the bishop, when he went to españa, had selected him as governor of his bishopric--having by many years' acquaintance come to know that he was worthy, not only of this charge, but of much greater ones, because of his great and well-established virtue, his marked ability, singular prudence, watchful zeal for the honor of god, indomitable spirit, and the other noble qualities which he had found in father fray christobal. all these were necessary for the duties of vicar-general and governor of this bishopric at such times as these, which were so near to the first conquest of these islands. even though the conquest had continued for some time, the very great difficulties encountered in their spiritual government will be evident. it will be even better understood by any one who has any knowledge of the conquests of the indias; for though it did not involve so many cruelties as others, it was still impossible to avoid many evil deeds which wars always bring with them, however well justified they may be. this is still more the case against poor indians, who cannot defend themselves, and sometimes who cannot even complain of the wrongs that have been done to them, since these are committed by those from whom their redress should proceed. since there had not been in the islands, before the coming of the first bishop and his vicar-general, any bishop to govern them as their own prelate, the two ecclesiastics found them abounding in vices which by inveterate custom had put out such roots and obtained such strength that it was not possible to destroy them without great difficulty and labor, much vigilance, and a courageous spirit, in order to meet the thousand peril which these duties brought with them at this time. god, who never fails the government of his church, provided for these offices persons with such endowments as were possessed by father fray christobal. he was a son of the distinguished convent of san esteban at salamanca; and showed that he was so, not only by words, which often perish on the wind, but by works--and by noble works, which he had learned in that so prominent school of virtue and letters. he left his convent, intending to become one of the pioneers assembled by the bishop for this province. the number of these, as has been stated, was thirty. when they reached nueva españa, many died and others fell sick. the rest of them, daunted by the voyage which they had already taken, and attracted by the agreeable climate of mexico, remained there. the good bishop was unable to persuade any of them to come to these regions except father fray christobal, who, like an immovable column, was always firm in his opposition to these temptations, never abandoned the company of the bishop, and remained constantly at his side--not only in this tempest, in which all the others fell away, but in all the other and greater tempests which afterwards fell upon them. he was greatly aided in this by the conformity that there was in the natures of the two men. they were both grave and prudent, intrepid of soul in the performance of the right, and fearful of everything that not only might be evil, but might even seem so. above all, they were of one mind in their efforts to attain virtue--devout, chaste, charitable, religious; zealous for the honor of god, in themselves and in others; and ready for this cause to undergo hardships or dangers of any kind. hence, though the dangers through which they had gone had conquered all the others and discouraged them, father fray christobal was always firm and faithful to his promise; and he accomplished it by persevering with constancy in that which he had begun, even until death. this he did to his own great good and to that of his neighbors, serving the lord not only as one good religious, but as if he had been many. he was like another aod [i.e., ehud], working with both hands, and having spirit, courage, and industry for every undertaking of importance that offered itself. he carried on together the offices of vicar-general and of missionary to bataan, at a day's journey from manila, where he was obliged to reside. withal, he filled the functions of these two positions, which seemed incompatible, with such perfection and vigilance, that he has left for each one of them eternal fame behind him. as if this was but little in itself, whenever any military expedition was undertaken he accompanied the soldiers, in the capacity of chaplain, as if he had been the most unoccupied person in the province. he gave his greatest energies to the office of vicar-general, which he filled with the greatest justice and watchfulness, and in which he offered a very edifying example. he was greatly loved by the good and feared by the bad; for his only purposes were to do good to all, to adjust their disputes, and to make friendships, or to unmake them when they were bad. he defended and protected the indians, as being a race in the greatest need of defense and protection. when it was necessary, he chastised them, but like a loving father. hence he was much loved by them, and was feared both by them and the spaniards--even by the spaniards in official positions, because, when there was a question as to making restitution for the honor of god, he pardoned no one. the zeal which he displayed in rooting out vices and scandalous sins was extraordinary. he never hesitated at any labor in this cause, however great it might be; he never feared any danger which appeared in the prosecution of his holy purpose, not even the danger of death. he was at one time threatened with death itself; for a desperate man entered his very room with the purpose of taking his life, at a time when he was careless and not expecting any such evil intention. but the lord, to whom he left his defense, protected him; and the malevolent man was unable to carry out his purpose and to conquer the constancy of fray christobal. the latter knew that whatsoever hardship or death befell him in this way would surely be for his own greater glory; and hence, certain that no evil could happen to him that was really an evil, he did his duty with courage in opposing all the wicked, fearing no one, but feared by all. this was the case not only when he was present in the city or village where people were living scandalously, but even when he was at a distance from them; because without any warning he would appear, like a ray of light, in any place where he was needed. he would be at night in the city, and in the morning ten or twelve leguas away, following the track of those who were living in concubinage. when they seemed to themselves to be most safe, he caught them in flagranti delicto. he used to take out wicked women from any house, no matter how prominent it was, and no matter to what insults he might be exposed. nothing of this kind daunted him, or held him back, or harmed him; nay, it did him much good, for, armed with patience for any wrong to himself, he was able to overcome any opposition to his holy zeal, and came out always victorious and with the upper hand. he knew the women of evil life so well that they were not able to escape him, or to conceal themselves from him. the punishment which he gave them was very appropriate, because he shut them up in a secure place and forced them to work to earn their living; and this, on account of their licentiousness and idleness, was the worst punishment that could be inflicted upon them, while for the holy purposes of fray christoval, it was the most efficacious remedy which could be applied. by being shut up they were kept from the sins which were caused by their being at large; while by their bodily labor they paid for something of what they wasted in their idleness. hence in the time of this father this wretched class of people fled to the mountains, without daring to appear in the city. the spaniards feared and hesitated to do many things which after his days began to be very common. all of these actions of the father were accompanied by such prudence, purity of life and manners, and by such love and such good works for the people, that although at the time those who were blinded and carried away by their passions suffered greatly, and were very angry with the man who interfered with their vices, still afterwards, when their minds became calmed, they could not fail to recognize the goodness of father fray christobal. he even gained the hearts of these people, and forced them to love and esteem them. wherever he went, he received information from the most honorable people of what needed a remedy; and being sure that they were persons who would not deceive him, he immediately applied the remedy, with the least possible cost to the delinquents. he knew them all very well, and knew how to treat them. hence with some he used no more rigorous means than looking at them, and letting them know that he was acquainted with their faults; and this was enough to bring about their improvement, which was what he purposed and desired. but when more severe measures were requisite, he was not slow or hesitating in employing them. accordingly he was very useful to god in his office by attacking many sins and scandals, and by preventing others (which is an act of higher prudence). for the juridical acts which he performed as an ecclesiastical judge he accepted no fees, and he moderated as much as possible the fees of the officials of his jurisdiction. since he understood the language of the indians, he had no need of an interpreter, a matter of great importance and the means of avoiding much injury, deceit, and expense in the suits of the indians. since their means are very small, it is very easy to distort justice by bribing them, unless the activity of the judges prevents this evil. even when this does not happen, the expenses of suitors are always very large. the vicar-general was desirous of avoiding these expenses, and therefore employed no interpreter, as in everything he took care that all might plead and gain their rights at small expense. this is an evidence that the great fear which he caused was not due to the fact that he was quarrelsome or litigious, but because he was zealous for the honor of god and the good of the souls that were in his care. so long as the bishop was in the islands, he had some comfort and defense; but as soon as the bishop had gone to españa the father, being the sole governor of the bishopric (which at that time included all the islands), could not fail to suffer from the great increase of his labors, and greatly feel the want of the bishop's support. the thing to which he gave the greatest amount of attention and in which he found the greatest difficulty, was the prohibition to the chinese heathen of the comedies that they performed, and to spanish men and women attendance on those comedies, on account of the manner in which they were performed, which was full of superstition and idolatry. up to the time when our religious had come, there was no one who understood their language and customs, so no one paid any attention to this point. the chinese felt sure that no one but themselves could understand their comedies, and performed them as in china, full of superstitions and idolatries. this was found out by father juan cobo when he had learned their language, letters, and customs. he gave notice thereof to the vicar-general, who ordered the comedies to cease, as being superstitious. the chinese were greatly grieved, and so were the spaniards--the latter because, although they did not understand the comedies, they enjoyed seeing them for the sake of the actions and representations which the chinese make in a very realistic way; and the chinese, because they are devoted to this kind of entertainment. so every one, including the governor, was opposed to the vicar-general. he, because he did not understand the evil in the thing, took the side of the chinese; but the vicar-general was certain that these comedies were an offense to the lord, as well for the reason stated as because they were performed by night, and many other evil results used to follow. they were attended at night by spanish men and spanish women and their female servants, and by other indian women--who, covered by the dark cloak of night, did many things which ought not to be done in christian lands. but the vicar-general put his shoulder to the difficulty, and commanded that no one, on pain of excommunication, should go to see the comedies. since the governor was of the opposite opinion, there was no one who dared to publish the excommunications; so the vicar-general himself went and fastened them on the church-doors, accompanied only by his friars, since there was no one else who ventured to accompany him. at last, although it cost him much and much evil was said against him, he brought this evil practice to an end. since that time spanish men, and many more spanish women, do not go to see these comedies; and no permission is given for their performance until they are first looked over and approved by a religious who understands the language, and who sees that they are not superstitious but are historical, or have plots which are not idolatrous. this is what ought to be done in the realms of a catholic prince, although the comedies are performed by heathens and idolaters; for as the latter are not permitted to perform their idolatries, they ought not to be permitted to play superstitious comedies made in honor of false gods, for such comedies are part of the idolatry, which is forbidden to them. it would be supposed that father fray christobal, being so busy and so usefully occupied, would have no time to attend to anything else except to his position as governor and vicar-general of this diocese. yet this was not the case, but whenever the opportunity was offered--as was not often, there being then so few whom he could employ--he took advantage of it to leave his duties for the time. hence when the first spaniards went to the pacification or conquest of nueva segovia, he went as chaplain of the soldiers, and was with them in all the conflicts which they had with the japanese, which conflicts have already been described. he was the first priest that entered that country--as it were, to take possession of it for the friars of his order, who afterward converted it to the law of god and to his gospel. in the same way, when another expedition was made to maluco, he embarked as chaplain, purposing in both expeditions to do the greater service to his king and lord by restraining the soldiers, by his authority and by the respect which they had for him, from the disorders which the inconsiderate are likely to be guilty of under such circumstances as these. this same desire of being useful in all things caused him to take charge of the district of bataan, which, although it contained many christians, had no minister and no one to take pity upon them or to assume the charge of them. this aroused great compassion in him; and though these indians were a day's journey by sea from manila, where he was obliged to reside, he assumed the ministry to them and cared for them with great solicitude and love and with no less labor. [the situation of that district made the labor of the ministry very great. father fray christobal went on foot through all the lakes and swamps, attending to the needs of all the indians, for whom the four religious who succeeded him were scarcely able to do the work. he did all this labor in spite of a painful ailment from which he suffered. among the things which afflicted him was the necessity of sleeping in his clothes for the little time when he could repose. this is no small discomfort in so hot a country. his love for the indians was such that, although his labors caused him this painful infirmity, he devoted himself to them up to the time of the coming of the other missionaries; and even after they came he used to take his holidays by visiting these indians as his beloved sons. he greatly assisted the first religious to learn who were and who were not christians, for the absence or loss of records had brought everything into confusion. he was very charitable, especially to the indians. to the spaniards he was a father and a master, assisting them in all their necessities in peace and in war. he showed his zeal for the honor of god and for the rooting out of vice in the very last hours of his life, by writing to the governor, don luis perez das mariñas, the request that he would have a bad woman taken from a captain's house which he indicated; and that he would send three soldiers to arrest a cleric of whom the report was spread that he was leading an evil life. the asthma from which he had so long suffered finally brought his life to an end. he died in the hospital of the sangleys, in the midst of the brethren of his order.] he was mourned by the whole country, and especially by the religious of all the orders who were in it. all declared that there would never again come to this region such a friar, such a governor of the diocese, such a father of the poor, such a zealot for the honor of god, a man of such gifts for everything. when he died, the need of him was exhibited by the public way in which those vices which, so long as he lived, dared not appear or lift up their heads, began to prevail in the country. he received a solemn interment, attended by the ecclesiastical chapter and by all the religious orders, to all of whom he had done many friendly acts, and by all of whom he was therefore heartily beloved. at this very day his fame is as much alive as if he had died but yesterday. he appointed to be governors of the diocese, by the authority which he had received therefor from the bishop (whose death was not yet known), father fray alonso ximenez, provincial of this province, and father fray juan de san pedro martyr, or maldonado. the ecclesiastical chapter resisted; and although the nominees plainly had right on their side, and the governor, don luis perez das mariñas, offered to put them in possession, they were unwilling to obtain the control of the bishopric by lawsuits. they renounced or did not accept the appointment, and left the government to the chapter, as something which should not be sought or even received except as the result of compulsion or sheer necessity, not for one's own advantage, but for the common weal--which very seldom is attained when the entry upon such offices is obtained by lawsuits. chapter xlv father fray juan de castro, one of the first founders of this province [when father fray juan de chrisostomo went to rome to get the documents necessary for founding the new province, he carefully looked in every one of the convents that he visited for men of the devotion, prudence, and holiness which he regarded as necessary for a firm establishment of the new province. in it the rule and the constitutions were to be punctually observed, and the religious were not to be contented with observing them as others do, for we all profess to observe them as they were written. he purposed to make this province one of such virtue that it should be not only holy in itself, but should have power by the aid of the lord to fix holiness and virtue in the souls of persons so alienated from them as were these indians, who had always been in the service of the devil. among those upon whom father fray juan chrisostomo turned his eyes was father juan de castro, of the convent of sancta cathalina in barcelona. he was from the city of burgos, and was the nephew of the other father, fray juan de castro, the provincial of this province. god always shows his power in his saints; but to be superior among many saints, to shine with special glory among shining stars, is a much more marvelous effect of the divine grace. such was father fray juan de castro in this convent, which of itself has the name of being a very religious one; and father fray juan chrisostomo selected him for the high end which he designed. christ our lord did not need to seek for holy men. his divine power was such that he could make apostles of great sinners, like st. matthew or st. paul; but father juan chrisostomo, being a man, was obliged to choose, for the foundation of the province upon which he had begun, persons whose holiness was already formed. in order to obtain father fray juan de castro, he caused the general of the order to assign him by name to the new enterprise. in this way the convent of barcelona, much as they regretted losing father juan de castro, were obliged to let him go to the philippinas. his uncle, having been appointed to the leadership of this company, sent his nephew to the most laborious, but most meritorious part of the work--namely, to the province of pangasinan. father fray juan, to save the other fathers from hardship, carried water from the river, brought and split the wood, kindled and stirred the fire, and was, in a word, the servant of the rest; he anticipated all the others in these works and labors, so that the rest of the religious might not be wearied out, and that the indians might not be annoyed, or feel ill-will toward the preachers of the gospel, by being forced, against their declared intention, to bring what was necessary for the services of the church and of the poor convent. he suffered the lack of food with special content and joy. he took great care of the neatness and cleanliness of the church and the altar. in spiritual things he distinguished himself as he did in these material labors; yet his uncle did not appoint him to any place as superior, but gave him that which he most delighted in, the position of the greatest labor and the lowest honor. when the heaviest part of the duty in pangasinan was over, the lord ordained that he should seek labor somewhere else. it was decided to send an embassy to china after the death of the governor, gomez perez das mariñas. he had been killed by some chinese traitors, who had afterwards made their escape with the galley, in which was the royal standard, much good artillery, and other things of value. the purpose of the embassy was to demand justice upon these traitors. on account of father fray juan cobo's success in the embassy to japan, it was decided to select religious of the same order for the present embassy. father fray luis gandullo was accordingly chosen, and named as his associate father fray juan de castro. as secular ambassador went don fernando de castro, cousin of the governor who sent the embassy, and nephew of the dead governor. a storm blew them out of their course toward the province of chincheo, to which they had intended to go, and drove them to the province of canton, one of the thirteen into which the chinese realm is divided. as the chinese there had had no dealings with the people of manila, they did not receive the ambassadors with the respect due their office, or with the kindness which ought to be shown to men who had suffered so from the storms of the sea. they were arrested on the charge of piracy, but, by giving two hostages, they obtained somewhat better treatment. they were finally permitted to go to macan, and afterward proceeded to chincheo, but could not find a trace of the galley which they were looking for. the traitors had not gone back to their own country, but to a neighboring kingdom which was less civilized and had less justice. some of them, not expecting to be recognized, afterward ventured to go to malaca, and paid for their crime with death. at last the ambassadors returned, without having obtained any of the results which were desired from the embassy. the fathers, however, had at least carried the sweet savor of the christian religion to those regions. on the return journey, they met with such a storm that the vessel was lost, and the people aboard her had to save themselves by swimming. father fray juan de castro was carried by a plank to the coast of pangasinan, a day's journey from the coast of bolinao, where the wreck occurred. the exposure brought on a severe illness. father fray juan was taken to manila and died in the hospital of the chinese, passing away serenely and devoutly.] chapter xlvi the journey made by the father provincial fray alonso ximenez to camboxa [after father fray alonso ximenez had completed his provincialate, he went to camboxa to preach the gospel there. circumstances seemed to make this absolutely necessary. in 1595 there came to the city of manila as ambassadors from the king of camboxa two soldiers--a portuguese, named diego velloso; and a castilian, a native of la mancha, named blas ruiz de fernan goncales. the kingdom of camboxa is on the mainland, like china and like spain. the king asked the governor of manila for soldiers to assist in the defense of his kingdom against the king of siam, his neighbor; and also for dominican friars, to preach the law of god in his kingdom. the people of camboja have special knowledge of our order because of some religious, from the india of portugal, who lived there a long time. [10] one of them, named fray silvestre, was so highly esteemed by the king that he had him about his person continually. the portuguese, however, were unwilling to attempt the conversion of this region, because they thought, and quite properly, that they could not carry it on to advantage from india. the governor, in spite of the small force of soldiers which he had, and the religious order, although likewise they had but few laborers, decided to do what they could to fulfil the wishes of the king. the order accordingly appointed the father provincial, who was within a few months of the end of his term. the governor gave him the title of ambassador, associating with him in the embassy the commander of the forces, captain juan xuarez gallinato. great difficulty was found in providing an ecclesiastical companion for the father provincial, as those who were at first suggested could not be spared from their duties. finally i was appointed, accepting this duty in accordance with my vow of obedience. three vessels were prepared for the expedition, one of them of spanish build, the other two of the sort used in this country which are known as juncos. these are large boats, and carry a great deal of freight; but they are weakly built to meet the storms, and have very little rigging on their masts, and accordingly are easily lost in bad weather. a hundred and thirty soldiers were collected, most of them without permission of the governor, who had given his license for only forty. there were also some japanese, who are too much given to rashness in war; and some indians of this country, who on occasions of honor are very good auxiliaries. the leader of the expedition [i.e., gallinato] commanded the frigate; diego velloso, the smaller junk, in which we religious went; and blas ruiz de fernan gonçalez, the larger, which contained most of the forces. [11] january 18, 1596, we set sail from the harbor of manila, badly equipped and worse accommodated, as usually happens on such occasions. we went to the island of luban, [12] fourteen leguas from the fort, to finish our preparations for the voyage, which, though it is but a short one (only two hundred leguas in length), is across a treacherous sea; for the best-fitted vessels often suffer severely upon it, much more so those which are poorly equipped, as were ours. the frigate and the smaller junk made port that night; but the larger junk was unable to enter, and was not to be seen in the morning. we assumed, as was true, that it had taken advantage of the favorable wind and proceeded with its journey. we were, however, anxious; because it was not well supplied with food or water, though it was better supplied than the other vessels. two days afterward, we set sail; but on a calm sea, and with the wind fair, our mainmast snapped as if it had been made of candy. it was all rotten; and we were left like a cart on the water, with nothing but our foresail, and that very small. the flagship took us in tow and we towed a small boat with four chinese sailors, which was the cause of no little trouble. we sailed in this way for eight days, the sea being calm. one night at the end of this time, the boat cable broke. the sailors that were in the boat called out for us to wait for them; and the flagship hove to, and began to sound while we were waiting for the boat. finding bottom in forty brazas, they perceived that we were near the country of camboja. in order to reach port early on the following day, they left us, thinking that in spite of the smallness of our sail we could reach there on the same day. the result, however, was not as was expected; for by bad navigation we had gone many leguas to leeward of the port. to make our way back there we had to sail against the wind. a storm arose soon after, and the flagship was obliged to run before the wind; it made port in malaca, more than two hundred leguas to leeward of its destination, and was unable to return for three months. our vessel could not make sail against the sea, being entirely unequipped, and good for nothing but to ask for the mercy of god. under these circumstances fell the night between the eighth and ninth of february. we all supposed that this was the last of our days, and no man expected to see the next morning. the force of the wind drove us aground more than two leguas from shore; we had to cut away the stump of the mainmast, which was still standing, and to throw into the sea the rudder and everything there was in the ship. the boat, which might have saved us, was swamped; and the sailors who were in it got aboard the ship. the waves broke over the vessel, but could not sink it because it was already fast aground.] i sat all that night in the waist (for it was impossible to stand), confessing the christians and catechizing the heathen. i baptized twenty-two of them, feeling that the great danger in which we were, authorized the act. when they had all received the sacraments, i encouraged them to the work which was necessary to keep us from perishing. several times i went into the poop to confess myself, and to receive the confession of the holy old man, my provincial, who was there waiting for death--at the point of which we now were, with the rope, as they say, about our necks. we could do nothing but put up supplications and appeal from the justice to the mercy of god, by whom sentence of death seemed to have been issued upon us. it was, however, only a sentence of warning; and he accepted our prayer for the time, giving us hope that with his aid we might atone for our transgressions. the efficacy of god's mercy we almost felt with our hands on this occasion; for death appeared to be actually upon us, making execution upon the lives of those who were there. we were somewhat encouraged by the hope of reaching the land which was so near to us; but we did not know what it was, and what we were to expect from it. if we had known, we would have preferred to die in the sea; for our sufferings in this way would have been less than those which we underwent by reaching the land. we were like those of whom jeremiah speaks in his lamentations, for whom it would have been better to have the lot of those who died with the sword at one stroke than of those whose lives were brought to an end by hunger; for the latter died a prolonged and painful death, being destroyed by the barrenness of the land. the barrenness of this coast was such that it greatly exceeded that of which jeremiah speaks. it was such that no one would go to it, even to escape death, unless, like us, he was not acquainted with it. finally those waves which were on their way to burst upon the shore pushed on the ship, which was practically empty, and went along as if it had been a dry stick. this was a result of the coming in of the tide, and when the tide ebbed afterwards, we were left aground, a cannon-shot from the sea; and we saw in the mud (of which all this coast is composed) the track of the ship like a trench, for the force of the sea as it rose had pushed it along, breaking a road in the very ground. on this same day the tide came in again with such fury, because it was a spring-tide, that it carried the ship up to the trees and even buffeted it about there with such violence that we were obliged to disembark for fear of perishing in it. when we were on shore, exploring parties went off in various directions. after they had made an arduous march, they brought back the news that it was a wilderness inhabited only by wild beasts, without any trace of a river or a spring, at least near the coast; and that the country within proved to be inaccessible because it was overflowed and very thickly overgrown. this news made us feel that the sea was less evil for us than such a land, and that the tortures which we had endured were slight compared with those to which we were exposed by this desired but unhappy landing. since eating and drinking are a necessary and a daily obligation, and as our supply of food and drink was very small, while we were more than a hundred persons, we put forth all our energies to search for some remedy. as thirst was that from which we suffered most, we dug wells in the dryest parts we found, and when we met water, it was more salty than that of the sea. i declare, as one who has found out by experience, that the very dew which appeared in the morning on the leaves of the wild trees there, was salt. hence since the land denied us the sustenance which we required, we determined to return to the sea, which had at least granted us our lives, and which now gave us greater hopes than the land of being able to preserve them. for this it was necessary to help ourselves by means of the unlucky ship which was stranded on the shore, for it had remained there after the spring tide was over. it had no masts, or sails, or rudder, or anything that could be used, because between losing them and perishing there had been no choice. to supply these, it was necessary to put our hands to the work, until it was finished. the most necessary thing to be done to the ship was to cut it down and fit it so that it would draw but little water, and might be rowed along the coast. our relief was to be sought on land, but he who should find it had to seek for it by sea. we were not now planning for conquests or embassies, but for getting water--for which we would have given all that has been yielded by the hill of potosi, if it had been ours. we spent ten days in getting the ship ready. we cast overboard all the upper works and a good part of the under works. we fitted to it twelve oars. in this way it was like a badly made galliot; rudder, masts, and sails we replaced by rowing. while some of us were at this work, others went to explore the country, doing their utmost in the search for water. some of these came back very joyful, with good news, saying that about four leguas up the coast from there a great river ran up into the land; that where it flowed into the sea the water was salt, but that it must be fresh above. they also said that they had seen the footprints of men on the shore. the work was hurried on in the hope of satisfying our thirst, which was increased by it, and still more by the heat of that region; for we were in the most torrid part of the torrid zone, and had practically no defense or covering against the heat. the vessel, being of so light a draught, was easily launched; and embarking in it all that we had left of provisions and clothes, which was very little, we put forth one evening and entered the bight of the river of which we have spoken, reaching its mouth in the morning by hard rowing. we entered it with great delight, which was increased by the sight of a hut on the bank not far from the ocean. though there was no one in it, we promised ourselves large towns when we saw it, and even assured ourselves of certain news of our companions, of whom as yet we knew nothing, nor they of us. but within a few days we found out the deceit and lost our joy in it. after going for three days up the river, we constantly found the water salt like that of the sea, whose arm it was, and not a river. upon its banks on either side there was nothing but impassable undergrowth. at last we reached a point from which we could not go further up, because the seeming river divided into so many little creeks that the ship had not room in any of them. the change from the false hope of water and of towns, which had possessed our minds, served to redouble our misery; since now, as it seemed to us, we had lost the hope of relief by land or by sea. our necessity had now reached such an extreme that the food was distributed by ounces, and the drink almost by drops--though the labor of rowing, each man in his turn (from which no one was excused), was such as to require much food; and the heat was so excessive that even if we had been in idleness we should have needed much to drink. but at last, having confidence in the father of mercies--who, though he distresses, does not overwhelm; and, though he chastises, does not slay--we returned to the sea by which we had come. at sight of it we left the vessel, in order to rest a little from the labor which we had endured to attain that for which we were hoping; and i went on land with my four chinese (with whom i was very intimate), and had them build a little boat of four planks--fastened together by some twigs, so to speak, for we had no nails; and calked with clay, for we had no tow, or any other thing better than the clay. this made a sort of canoe. if awkwardly handled, it filled with water. but, such as it was, i had two of the soldiers get into it--for if they kept close to shore they would run no risk--and told them to go up to the hut that we had seen to discover whether there were any people there; because perhaps they had hidden themselves, from fear of our vessel, when they saw it on the way up the river. they did so, and at nightfall they discovered two grown indians and a boy. they made their way up to them, little by little; and when they got near them they found that they were asleep on the shore, not expecting anything to happen to them. they caught the indians, and bound them. when the rest of us came by soon after in our ship, they called out from the land, telling us what they had done. our joy was so great that to render thanks the holy old man and i sang a te deum laudamus; and at this hour, which was midnight, half a cuartillo [i.e., pint] of water was served out to the troops in token of joy. the soldiers came on board with their captives, treating them gently and showing them all sorts of kindness. it seemed to us that god had sent them to us as angels to guide us, as he sent st. raphael to tobias. we began to put questions to them by an interpreter, asking what country this was, what population it had; and where they had come from, and where they ate and drank. they answered that they were from camboxa, and that the country along this coast, and inland for many leguas, was uninhabited; and that to go to the towns we should have to enter a large river and to sail up for eighty leguas. they said that large vessels went up the river, and that it was many leguas to windward of this place. they declared that they were natives of that country, slaves of one of its chief lords; and that, because of the ill treatment which they had received, they had fled from him, and had come hither where no man had ever landed. they said that they ate nothing except shell-fish, which they caught with their hands, and wild cocoanuts, that grew there; and that they had no other water except what fell from heaven. when it rained they caught what they could and kept it in some large reeds to drink afterward. they said that two years had passed since they had come there. the effect of such sad news upon the hearts of men who had suffered as we had may easily be imagined. they also told us that some days' journey further there was a port; but that, if we meant to go inland, where the king was, it would be necessary to leave the vessel at the port, because there was no river that entered inland. since our desire was only not to die of thirst, any means by which we could get water seemed easy and light to us. we accordingly set out by sea in search of this port, taking these indians with us, not with the purpose of increasing consumers when we had so little to consume, but to have guides. we went along the coast, running up to it very often wherever we thought we saw any signs of water, and sometimes digging wells, but always in vain, for the land could not give what it did not have. on the day of st. matthew the apostle, we discovered a high island in the sea, named pulonubi. [13] it was about six leguas from land. we laid our course toward it in search of water, thinking that doubtless it would have some, being high and mountainous, and having a sandy shore; but as the equipment of the ship was fastened on with pins, as the saying is, our rudder broke, when we had gone out a legua to sea. being buffeted by the slight sea which was running, we had to return to land, and even to run aground, in order to mend the rudder. the lord seemed to have declared that he intended to bring death upon us, because the sustenance necessary for our life was entirely consumed; for since we had no water, we were not only without drink, but also without food, our provision being rice, which cannot be eaten unless it is boiled in water. for lack of water, some ate it parched, which dried their entrails. others ate it imperfectly boiled in the steam of salt water, putting it in a little basket over a pot of this water on the fire, so that by the steam thus sent out it might be softened. the water was so salt that it made the rice like itself, and left it uneatable. there were some who, even after this fine example of cookery, drank sea-water, which increased the thirst they were so impatiently desiring to remedy. others distilled it over the fire and got some fresh water, but very little, at the expense of much wood and with the necessity of keeping up fire day and night, which dried them more than the water that they got moistened them. all this taught us the great need in which we live, with our life on a thread, and the lord many times threatening to cut it short. when we had mended the rudder as well as we could at the time, we went on up the coast, being disillusioned, so that we would not have thought of going out to sea even if the ocean had been as smooth as milk. three days later, the twenty-seventh of february, which was shrove tuesday, we took our hands from the oars and placed ourselves in those of god, despairing of life. the remedy came to us as from god's own hand without our expecting it, when we were overcome by labor, and dying of hunger and thirst, and had given up ourselves to death. thus it is most certain that the lord comes to the aid of him who calls upon him when all things created fail him--blessed be god's holy name. we had reached such an extremity that of that sorry ration of water which we had now had about a month, and which was less than half a cuartillo daily for each person, there was only enough for two days. we were not now thinking of making any effort to find any, but had our minds wholly turned to preparing ourselves for death, when the lord of life ordained that the waves of the sea should drive us into a little inlet which the land formed there, where we went on shore with the intention of never leaving the place, but of ending in it our voyage and our lives. it happened that one of the indians in the ship went to bathe in the water, to relieve the great heat from which he suffered, and somewhat to moderate the thirst which was destroying us. he swam to land, and there right on the shore (which was muddy, like all of that along which we had coasted), his feet sank in at the foot of a wild palm-tree. feeling that they had gone into water, he drew them out, applied his lips to the hole which he had made, and found that the water was fresh. the thirst from which he suffered not permitting him to wait until it settled, he drank mud and water until he was satisfied. he shouted to us to tell us what he had discovered, but no one believed him. at last, the indian persisting in his affirmation, all hurried to the water to look upon this marvel, which might be compared to that which god performed in drawing water from a rock that his people might drink in the desert; for no less miraculous appeared to us this fresh water in a marsh so near the ocean. we gave god a thousand thanks, and rejoicing in the feast, we forgot the labor and the fasting which we had undergone in the long vigil. we easily dug a well, for the whole soil was muddy, and on the next morning we filled all our casks with the water, which had now settled. we set sail to look for food, and even aspired to greater things. [in a few days we reached the port, where there was a garrison of indians against their neighbors, the siamese. all the news which we obtained about our comrades, and about the country to which we had come, was bad. the flagship had not been heard of, and the other ship was at churdumuco, which is a large town eight leguas from the port and eighty from the sea. [14] we were told that the king who had sent for us from manila, and whose name was langara, was not in the country; but that his place in the kingdom had been taken by his chief vassal, because of the following circumstances. the king of sian had made war against the king of camboja, with eight hundred thousand men. this number should not astonish anyone, because the kings could make war almost at no expense, their vassals providing their own arms and food. the king of camboja did not dare to wait for so great a multitude of enemies, and retreated up the river to another kingdom known as that of the laos. the king of siam made himself master of the country, and after burning it all returned to his own country, being harassed by hunger, which made more war upon him than did the king his enemy. the army being in disorder, one of the chiefs of camboja, with those who had retreated to the mountains (about thirty thousand men), attacked his rearguard, thus obliging him to hasten his retreat. this chief, having conquered him who had conquered his king, took possession of the kingdom. the new king regarded those who had come at the request of the previous king as allies of his enemy, and therefore as his own enemies. this news alarmed us greatly, as we were without our comrades, our commander-in-chief, and our ships. however, being obliged to disembark, and to put ourselves into the hands of the rulers of the country, we made an honest man of the thief, as the proverb goes, and decided to send a soldier to him as an ambassador--offering to him our aid and service, on the ground that we had come to help the king of this country, and found no other king in it but him. the king received him kindly, saying that he only held the kingdom as a regent, and that he was ready to restore it to the lawful king when he should return. he sent an order to the mandarin of the coast where we were, to provide us with boats and carts. the soldier on his return met the spaniards of the other ship, and learned from them that all that the king had said was false and that his purpose was to kill us at his ease. they advised us to join them in their ship, dissimulating in regard to our affairs, and keeping on our guard. the father provincial sent me ahead to confess those in the ship, because it was lent, and they had sent to him to ask for a confessor. i was on foot and suffered much, although some things that i saw on the journey afforded me some alleviation of these hardships. i one day reached a village where there was a monastery of religious of their sort, of whom there are many in this kingdom. i went to it and talked to a venerable old man, who was as it were the superior of it. he was seated on a little platform about a palm's breadth in height, with a small mat on it, and the others sat on the ground. without saying anything, i sat down next to the old man--at which they smiled, thinking that i had done so because i did not understand the custom of the country, which did not permit that. we both showed each other much courtesy by signs, and i by using some words of their language which i knew, although, because i did not put them together properly, they laughed much. they gave me a collation of some fruits; and the sacristan immediately took me to his temple, which was at some distance from the house. it had a sort of cemetery about it, surrounded by some slightly raised stones which divided it from the rest. the door to the temple was small, and the temple itself was arched, round, and small. (here follows a full account of the appearance of the temple. some description of their prayers and of their religious customs is also given. aduarte states, upon the authority of the portuguese religious, that these native monks are vicious and licentious in the extreme.) i finally reached the ship of our people, and on both sides we told each other what had happened.] chapter xlvii the wars which followed in the prosecution of this embassy [by the sufferings and danger which we had passed through, the lord had prepared us to endure those which were to follow. to protect the ship, some of the men had encamped on a little sand island in the middle of the river. on one bank was the town (i.e., chordamuco) of the natives, near which there were about two thousand chinese, some settled here, others who had recently come from china as traders, with their merchandise, in five large vessels, which they kept in the river near the town. they had controlled the natives, and resented the coming of the spaniards, thinking that the latter had come to disturb or take away the superiority which they had. so they sought for an opportunity to quarrel with them, seeing that the spaniards were few and that they were many. whenever the men on the ship went to buy food on land, the chinese tried their patience by annoying them without any reason. by orders of the captain, blas ruyz de fernan goncalez, they endured this annoyance, though sorely against their will. the captain sent a message to the king asking him to bring the chinese to order. the king spoke fair words, but did nothing. finally, the anger of our men got beyond their control. on the sunday after easter, when all had received communion, three or four were in the town with the captain's permission. one of them came back with his sword drawn, saying that the chinese had chased and abused them, and that they had not dared to violate the captain's orders. the troops armed themselves, and, breaking away from all restraints, went to take vengeance on the chinese. i went along to calm the chinese, if i could, by speaking to them in their language, which i understood. they were all armed with their catanas (a sort of hanger), and languinatas, or long knives drawn to a point. i dared not put myself in their hands, because i was told that they would be better pleased to get me than anyone else. soon after, sixty of our men in two companies, with some of our japanese and indians, came ashore and instantly attacked the chinese. as our bullets took effect at such a distance that the latter could not attack our troops hand to hand, the chinese were routed; and our men followed, killing them, until they had driven them out of the town. the natives of the country took no part in the conflict on either side. i saved as many lives as i could. the soldiers, seeing themselves masters of the field, pursued the chinese to their ships, into which the spaniards were able to shoot from the high banks. in this way they soon got control of the ships, which was necessary, because with these large ships they would easily have overcome our smaller vessel, and thus all hope to escape from the anger of the king would have been taken away from us. the king [15] was in great wrath. to send a message to him, and to carry a statement of the case, the father provincial, fray alonso ximenez, was chosen. he went accompanied by half of the forces, the rest of us remaining in the ships. several days were passed in sending messages backwards and forwards, but the king would not receive the ambassadors in person. it was plain that the king was planning to take all our lives. the demands which he made would have put us entirely in his power; and, when the father provincial asked permission to return and discuss them with the rest of the forces, the king refused permission for anyone to return except the father provincial alone. the intention of the king was to wait for a rainy day, so that our powder should be moistened and we be unable to use our arquebuses. when the father provincial came back, he asked me if i would venture to go to the camp, confess the soldiers and encourage them, and carry to the king our response declining to follow his wishes. when i reached the forces near the palace of the king, we did not consider the question of taking any answer to him, but discussed two plans of escape. one was to withdraw in good order, defending ourselves on the way; the other to attack the palace of the king by night and strive to capture him, his son, or his wife, whom we might use as hostages. captain diego velloso declared that if we should attack these indians boldly they would retreat to the mountains, and leave the field to us; but that if we should retreat they would all attack us. he had had experience in this part of the world, and what he said was confirmed by others, so that his plan was accepted. that night i confessed the men and told them what under the circumstances it was lawful for them to do, enjoining them to commit no unnecessary violence, and to take no lives except in self-defense. the attack was planned carefully, the troops being divided into a front and a rear guard, and some of the soldiers being left with a barge in the river near where we were encamped, with orders to capture two indian boats as soon as they should hear the noise of conflict, so that we could make use of them in our retreat. i should have been glad to remain with the barge in order to avoid being present at the conflict, which promised to be sanguinary.] however, it seemed necessary for me to accompany the rest, and, armed as they were, and wearing no part of my habit except my scapular, i accompanied the troops who advanced against the palace. we were immediately detected, but succeeded in reaching the royal dwelling--which was built of wood, like the other houses in the town, but was very large. we broke in the doors, but the people all escaped through other doors; and thus, though we gained control of the palace, it was empty and we had failed in our purpose. i restrained the troops from burning the palace; but we lighted some bonfires, so that we might see each other. one of these saved my life, for as an indian on an elephant was charging upon me and was already very close to me, so that i looked around at hearing the noise, the beast fled in alarm, being scared away by the fire. the indians were not frightened by our daring, as we had falsely imagined that they would be, but gathered in a large square near the palace to face us. everything, however, was noise and confusion among them, surprised as they were, and there was no less among us; for the number of our opponents was so much greater than theirs that, if darkness had not protected us, they could have buried us in handfuls of sand. [like joshua, i would have held back the dawn if i could. at daylight we were all in disorder. when the indians could distinguish us from themselves and saw how few we were, they began to rain arrows upon us, several being wounded, captain diego velloso having one leg pinned to another, so that he could not walk. our troops were in entire confusion, some calling out that we ought to come to an understanding with the indians, others finding fault with the plan that we had followed, until god was pleased to give me courage that i might give courage to the others, and i took upon myself the office of captain. our last day, as we expected it to be, was bright and clear. a body of courageous indians charged down the street at us, and their captain almost reached our line. i confess that i wished to leap out upon him, not that i might kill him, but that i might be the first to die, and not see the carnage which i feared--or the worse than carnage, if we were taken alive. but wisdom ruled me, and i ordered captain blas ruiz to attack him with his halberd; with one blow he thrust the indian through, shield and body. the death of their captain somewhat abated the courage of the rest. god was pleased that one of our bullets should strike the king, who was in the rear, unseen by us, animating his troops. we did not learn of this for some days afterward, but we could see that the indians attacked us with less ardor. the indians cut off our retreat to the barge, and we were obliged to leave the soldiers who were with it and to make our way, back by the road. as we marched along, we were obliged to defend ourselves on all sides, and especially against the crowd of indians which followed in our rear. we could go but slowly, burdened as we were with our arms, and being obliged to carry our wounded.] two arrows struck but did not wound me, one being caught by a coat of mail which i wore, and the other by my shield. we suffered greatly from hunger and thirst. when we came to some puddles with rain-water in them (which was more mud than water), all drank of them, and when i came there, though i was one of the last, i did the same; and though the best had already been drunk, and the rest was mixed with mud, it tasted better to me than any water that i ever drank in my life. under all these circumstances, we marched on this day, which was the twelfth of may, four leguas by four o'clock in the afternoon, [when we were obliged to halt because we had reached the bank of a river. the indians and we ourselves supposed that we should never be able to cross. here some of our men urged that we ought to give ourselves up to the indians as slaves for life; others declared that we ought to attack them, and force them to kill us. at nightfall, rain began; and the indians, supposing that our powder would be moistened, prepared to attack us. i passed along the line, confessing some and encouraging all, though i must admit i was in great fear myself lest before midnight we should be cut into bits, that each one of our enemy might have his piece, as is the custom of indians when they are victorious. the storm ceased before they dared to attack, but the river was still before us. there were two fords, one narrow and deep; the other, wide and shallow, and at about ten o'clock at night i decided that we ought to make the venture, and learn whether we were to live or die. we chose the longer and shallower ford, marching as quietly as we could, and leaving behind us a number of burning bits of the matches that we used for firing our guns, tied on the bushes, in order to make the indians suppose that there was a large number of troops there. our retreat was covered by six courageous men with two arquebuses each. when we entered the river, our vanguard, which was already in the middle, began to retreat upon us, fearing the people who were on the other bank, and their elephants, which they said they were driving into the water. i succeeded in reanimating them, and they fired a volley from the middle of the stream, where the water reached the beards of many of them. the enemy fled, and our passage was impeded only by the difficulty of dragging ourselves through the mud. we marched on for the rest of the night very slowly, with our clothes sticking to our bodies. on the morrow we found some fruit-trees and broke our fast of two nights and one day. we had great difficulty in carrying our wounded. one of the men being left behind by all, i had to carry him myself with his arms over my shoulders, for he was taller than i, until, after his wound began to grow feverish, he was able to walk a little himself. not long before sunrise we reached the great river in which the ships were, but at a distance of two leguas from us. we put three of the wounded who were the hardest to carry into a little boat there, and ordered them to row down the river and carry the news of what had happened, and to direct the others to bring the ship near the bank where we were. in the meantime we cut some trees and made a breastwork; and when the indians (who are not accustomed to attack by night) prepared to make their last rush and overwhelm us, our ship came up and, approaching the bank as closely as possible, played on the indians with some artillery, and fired at them with arquebuses. under this protection we succeeded in getting to the ship, being carried in two boat-loads.] chapter xlviii our departure from the kingdom and the events which happened during our return to manila [on the same day on which we reached the ships, captain juan xuarez gallinato arrived. he was told of our experience with the chinese and with the cambodians, and of the good-will displayed in this kingdom for its conversion, and also for the temporal ends proposed in the service of his majesty. captain gallinato showed that he disbelieved much of what was told him, and that what he did believe impressed him badly. in spite of all that was done to persuade him to wait a few days, he was resolved to depart immediately; so we sailed to cochinchina for provisions. here we were at first very well received. then gallinato sent captain gregorio de vargas as ambassador to visit the king, and to ask him for the royal standard, the galley, and the artillery, and the other things which had been carried to that kingdom by the traitors who murdered governor gomez perez das mariñas. the king took this demand so ill that he tried to kill the ambassador, who barely escaped with his life. the king, partly because of his rage, and partly from fear that the news of his treatment of the ambassador would be carried back by the spaniards, sent two fleets and a large land force to destroy us. we here got news of the death of the tyrant who had ruled over the kingdom of camboja and of the plan of a number of loyal chiefs to reinstate the lawful king with the assistance of the spaniards, to whom they meant to offer great rewards. the spanish ships were just putting out to sea when the indians reached the shore with the purpose of giving them this invitation. it was known that the kingdom of the laos (to which the king of camboja had withdrawn) was very near that of cochinchina; and captains blas ruyz and diego velloso asked permission to go by land and find the king. gallinato permitted them to do so, and i accompanied them to the city of sinoa, where a son of the king acted as viceroy. some augustinian friars who were in that country begged father fray alonso ximenez to go with them and celebrate the feast of st. augustine. during his absence, the rumor that the indians intended to murder us treacherously kept increasing; so that we all went aboard, in order to be able to defend ourselves better. the time for sailing to manila had come, of which we had to take advantage without waiting for either father fray alonso or the captain, because we should otherwise have been obliged to winter there. on the third of september, a multitude of people suddenly appeared on the hills, and a fleet came sailing up into the cove where we were. there were many galleys and small boats, and among them there were fifteen larger two-masted vessels, fastened together three by three, with no one on them but a steersman. these were loaded with wood and fagots, to set fire to us; while, if we took refuge in the water, the people in the small boats were ready to receive us. the men on the hills began to shoot at us with their arquebuses, which they used skilfully, aiming well, though they were slow in taking aim. the bullets, however, fell short. our two smaller vessels set sail, and by the aid of a light breeze moved out into the middle of the bay. the ship in which i was was larger; and, though we tried to do as the other boats did, the wind was too light for us, and the fire-boats came upon us and gave us a great deal of trouble. they came so near that from the top of our poop we could see the steersmen, some of whom our men shot, while others took refuge in some little boats which they towed. when the fire-boats were left without anyone to steer them, they followed the current of the water, and left us in peace. at this point father fray alonso ximenez reached the shore. they took off his habit and dragged him, with nothing on but his breeches, before the viceroy, who had come as general of this enterprise. he told him to put on his habit again, and talked of his ransom; but our captain was so angry at their treachery that he sent back a very wrathful answer. thus father fray alonso ximenez was left a prisoner, but was not ill treated. he received permission to live with the augustinian fathers, and at last was permitted to go to macan without being obliged to pay a ransom. from there he came back to this country at the end of a year and a half. on the next day we set sail for manila. there are shoals in the midst of this gulf running for eighty leguas directly across the straight course for manila; and to pass these shoals it was necessary to round one of the two ends of the chain--one in latitude nine, the other in latitude seventeen. the latter being nearer the direct line, we governed our course by it; and the flagship, sailing well against the wind, rounded it. the vessel in which i was, being a poor sailer, went by the other end, but got out of its course. we were becalmed one night, so near the coast of the philippinas that the people were already beginning to prepare their clothes for going on shore. in the morning we found ourselves in the midst of reefs which were not on the charts. to make our way out from them, we were obliged to sail back on our course; and after we had made our way out the wind was against us, and we were obliged to sail toward the country which we had left. we decided to land at malaca, that we might at least escape with our persons, for we cared little for anything else.] we reached an island named pulotimon, [16] which is forty leguas from malaca. the indians here told us that there were some pirates in that sea; that they were anchored about five leguas off, and that we should have to pass them. this news greatly disquieted us, because our vessel did not sail well or answer the helm well, which is the worst thing that can be in a sea-fight. but it was not possible to escape this danger, because there was greater danger in every other direction where we wished to go. so we continued our voyage and met with the pirates, as they had told us. they had five ships, four of them small, and one of them large, strong, and well equipped, and provided with nettings. on these boats there were many little flags, which, we were told, were tokens of the prizes that they had taken. they were of a tribe called china-patan, descendants of chinese who have colonized the kingdom of patan. they had learned this business [of piracy], because it is easier than others; and they had now sailed out to practice it. that we might not show fear, but might excite fear in them, we passed close to their ships, with our flag flying and our drum beating. they failed to see that our invitation was feigned, accepted it, and, weighing their anchors, followed us all night, giving us chase till morning. the small vessels surrounded us, and with the large one attacked us. their arms at close quarters were pikes and javelins with points hardened in the fire [tostadas]. the arms which they used at a distance were culverins and arquebuses. in using our arquebuses we did not waste a bullet, for there were many on whom to employ them. [we were alarmed by the explosion of a keg of powder, but fortunately only one man was killed. i was standing alone on the poop, watching for the result of the fight; and at first the enemy did not notice me, since the waist was full of their pikemen. at last, one of them perceived me and flung a pike at me, giving me a wound of three dedos in depth. i descended from the poop; but, before i reached the deck, one of the fire-hardened lances struck me in the right jaw, leaving its point and innumerable splinters in the flesh. with my two hands upon my two wounds i went to confess some wounded men who were in danger. at last when the enemies saw that their prize cost them much, they left us and went away without our being able to follow them, because our vessel was so unfit. we afterward learned in malaca that out of two hundred pirates (which was their total number) more than half had been killed. most of us were wounded, and two or three died--besides two others, who were shot by accident by their own friends. after we had escaped this danger we came, two days later, upon a surprise which was equally great. in the strait of sincapura, by which we were obliged to pass, we found a fleet of eighty large galleys, with heavy artillery amidships and along the sides. this was the fleet of the king of achen, who was going to do what injury he could to the king of jor [i.e., johor] to whom belongs the country of that strait. the latter had sixteen galleys for its defense, which were in the mouths of the rivers to prevent his enemy from entering them. malaca is between these two kingdoms. there was at that time an agreement that neither of these kings should be assisted with men, but only with provisions and ammunition, one side receiving the one and the other the other, but neither receiving both. we passed ourselves off to them as portuguese; and when they called upon us to enter their galleys we excused ourselves, because of the aforesaid agreement, and went on in peace to malaca. i went to our convent, where the religious were surprised at my coming, partly because it was the middle of november, when they did not expect a vessel from any direction, and partly because they saw me in so coarse a habit, very different from that which they wore. besides that, i was very dirty and very lean, and had my body and face all bound up because of my wounds. although my appearance was so strange, they were so discreet (or i had better say so charitable) that, without asking any questions they arranged to take care of me, called in the surgeon, and brought me underwear and a habit after their fashion. after i was cared for and clothed, they asked me whence i came and how i had been brought there. i was charmed with the kindness which they had shown me, and told of my wanderings and of the sufferings which i had endured, by which they were greatly astonished. i remained there for six months. my cure took three months, and from the wound in my face every day two or three splinters were discharged, some larger and others smaller, until at least a hundred had come out. though the wound closed, two remained within, which came out two years later, two dedos below the wound. i was much inconvenienced during those three months, because i could only open my mouth a little way; and hence it was very painful for me to eat until, by exercise, my jaw came back to its former usefulness. of the soldiers who came with me, some went to india and twelve to camboxa, supposing that the rightful king was now probably there. they found on the throne his son, who with a great army given him by the king of the laos, and with the captains of whom i have spoken, had returned to his kingdom of camboxa and pacified it. here they remained for a considerable time, though they were disappointed in everything. i and the others returned to manila. the voyage is one of five hundred leguas, and it took us fifty days because of the many calms.] one calm night, when there was no one at the helm, the binnacle, or three-wicked candle which lights up the compass, fell down from the quarterdeck; and the flame instantly burst out through a hatchway which was over it, frightening all of us--for there is nothing more dreadful at sea than fire, for everything in a ship is like tinder. in this ship, although it was small, there were more than three hundred slaves, men and women. all of them raised their cries to heaven. the captain, whose duty it was to encourage them, immediately fell on his knees to make his confession, as if things had already gone beyond remedy, but i pushed him away a pace and a half, saying that it was not time for that yet, and that he ought to look out for the fire first. i am almost certain that if he had been permitted to confess to me we should all have burned to death, because, however little our safety might have been delayed by confessions, there would have been no remedy afterwards. we put all the clothes there were there into the water, to soak them, and then threw them down the hatchway, one on top of another. in this way god was pleased that the fire should be put out; and we were left as much amazed by this sudden and dangerous accident as people are who are waked out of their sleep by a beam of light falling on them. we at last reached manila by st. john's day at the end of a year and a half of this tedious and painful journeying. soon after, father fray alonso ximenez arrived by way of macan from cochinchina, where he had remained a prisoner. after all our hardships, afflictions, dangers, and wounds, we brought back no other fruit but that of having suffered for the gospel. our only intention was to go to preach in that kingdom, having been invited by its king, and influenced by his promises to that end. these were great, though he was unable to fulfil them, since he had been despoiled of his kingdom when we reached it, as has been said. chapter xlix the election as provincial of father fray bernardo de sancta catharina or navarro, and the churches which were incorporated in the province on the fifteenth of june, 1596, the fathers assembled in the convent of manila to elect a provincial, because father fray alonso ximenez had finished his term. the definitors (who, as they afterward were to confirm the provincial, were elected first) were: father fray diego de soria, second time prior of the said convent; father fray bartholome de nieva, a religious of very superior virtue, as will be narrated in due time; father fray juan de sancto thomas, or ormaca; and father fray juan garcia--all persons of conspicuous devotion to their religious duties, and of noble example. several times they cast votes for the provincial without result. because there were many who deserved the office, and because the votes were divided among them, no one had the number necessary for election. those who had the largest number of votes were father fray diego de soria and father fray juan de sancto thomas. these same persons endeavored to persuade everyone to vote for father fray bernardo de sancta catharina, who was accordingly elected. the election was a very satisfactory one, for, in addition to being a very holy man, he was very wise and learned, and most devoted to the ministry and preaching of the holy gospel--in which, and in patience, and in the endurance of the most severe hardships which befell him for this cause, no one ever surpassed him, and he surpassed many. during his time he had seen the province greatly favored by the lord, by a very great spread of the christian faith among the indians who were under his care. many of them in the villages where there were religious were baptized; and, where there were no religious, they were desirous and eager to receive baptism. accordingly, at this chapter not only were new churches admitted which had been built in the towns where there were already religious--as, among the chinese, the church of san gabriel at minondoc; and, in bataan, the church in the village of samal, besides others--but it also seemed good to admit heathen villages, although they had no religious, and there were none in the province so that teachers could be provided for them. yet in this way they strove to comfort those who asked and desired them, and raised in them the hope that in this way they would receive religious when they came from españa. thus were received the church of san vicente of the village of buguey, afterward called sancta anna; sancta catarina of nasiping, afterward called san miguel; and others like them--to which, in the course of time, religious were sent when they came to the islands. soon after this provincial chapter had come to an end, another shipload of religious arrived from españa. they had been gathered with great care and diligence by the new bishop of nueva segovia, don fray miguel de venavides, whose new dignity had not sufficed to diminish the love which he felt for his associates. he gave to this matter more than ordinary attention, because he knew how greatly needed were good workmen to aid in the great harvest which the lord had placed in their hands, ready to be gathered by the means of baptism into this church militant, that the faithful might pass from it to the church triumphant. the indians themselves asked to have preachers sent to their villages, and were grieved that these could not be given to them. this not a little afflicted the religious, who desired to satisfy them by the fulfilment of their just desires, but were unable to do so on account of their own small number--too small even for that which they had undertaken, and much more to go to the aid of new regions. besides this, the careful bishop was influenced by the need of his own sheep; for nearly everything to which we ministered fell within the bishopric of nueva segovia, which was under his direction. accordingly, taking advantage of his authority as a bishop, and of the reputation which he had as a learned and holy religious, he gathered the second shipload, and afterward the third (with which he came). father fray pedro de ledesma [17] happened to be in castilla when the shipload which the good bishop sent was about to sail. his presence was very convenient for his superior, because he was an old and venerable father who had been many years in the indias in the very religious province of guatimala, and who therefore knew what was needed for the voyage. he was also of a very gentle disposition, which is of great importance for such purposes as his. the bishop laid upon this father the charge of conducting the religious who had been gathered for this province; and he, being inclined to all good, readily accepted the office, although he knew that it was a very troublesome one. it not only required him to go on business to the office of accounts--and, to him who knows what that is, it is not necessary to say anything more--but he had also to keep in contentment many religious who, as it was the first time when they were at sea, were seasick, miserable, and very much in need of someone to comfort them, bear with them, and encourage them. for all this father fray pedro was very well suited, and conducted them as comfortably as possible through the two long voyages which have to be made on the way from españa here. he did not shrink from the great labor which this duty brought with it, that he might serve the lord, and aid in the preaching of his gospel and in the conversion of these heathen. they arrived in the month of july in this year of 1596, and were received with great joy; and with them those missions which were in need of religious were strengthened. captains blas ruiz de fernan goncalez and diego velloso, who (as has been stated in the preceding chapter) went from cochinchina to the kingdom of the laos to look for the king of camboja, met with success. they found his son (for the king was already dead), and told him all that the spaniards had already done to help him, and how they had slain the tyrant who had undertaken to establish himself in the kingdom and had usurped it. they told him that they had come to seek him that they might put him in quiet possession of his kingdom, and other things of this kind, and roused his courage so that he put himself in their hands. depending upon them, he returned to camboja with a tolerably large army, which the king of the laos gave him; and the spaniards fulfilled their word and established him in his royal throne and palace, causing the largest and best part of the kingdom to be obedient to him. the king in reward of services so faithful and useful gave them lands and vassals in his kingdom. to blas ruiz he gave the province of tran; to diego velloso that of bapano, with titles very honorable in this kingdom. the two captains in their new favor did not forget god, to whom they had so especial reasons to be thankful; or their natural king and lord, from whom also they had received rewards. they informed the king of camboja of the great good that it would be to his kingdom to know and reverence god by entering into his service through holy baptism, and to have the king of españa for his friend. for the first purpose, father fray alonso ximenez and myself were proposed. they urged the great devotion, virtue, and prudence of the holy old man, and the many sufferings which we had both undergone from favoring the king's own cause; and they said that, if he sent to call us back, we would very readily come to preach the holy gospel. as for the second purpose they said that he ought to send an embassy to the governor of manila; and, as a sign of the beginning of this friendship, that he ought to ask for some soldiers, by whose aid he might easily complete the pacification of his country. the king assented to all this, and sent his embassy with letters to the governor, telling him that his principal reason for asking for soldiers was that his vassals might be baptized with greater certainty and less difficulty. to father fray alonso ximenez he wrote another letter, in the language and characters which those people use, and sealed with his royal seal, of a red color. in the castilian language its tenor was as follows: ["prauncar, king of camboja, to father fray alonso ximenez of the order of st. dominic: greeting. from what i have heard from the captain chofa don blas ruiz of castilla, and from the captain chofa don diego of portugal, with regard to the conduct of father fray alonso ximenez when the spaniards slew anacaparan, i have conceived a great affection for father fray alonso ximenez. now that i am in my kingdom i beg father fray alonso ximenez to come to it, and to bring with him father fray diego. i promise to build them churches and convents, and to give permission to all in my kingdom to become christians. though i have shown the two chofas [18] great favor and wish to keep them in my kingdom, they are unwilling to stay, because there are no religious here." the two captains wrote in the same strain to the fathers, begging them to come and reunite this kingdom with the church. the governor of manila saw how much could be done for the service of the king by sending the soldiers for whom the king of camboja asked; but they were in such need of men and money that they could not well meet his desires. for this reason, a knight of the habit of calatraba who had been governor of these islands, by name don luis perez das mariñas, promised to pay the expenses of the expedition from his own fortune. the enterprise thus being made possible, we two religious of the order for whom the king of camboja asked were obliged to go; and with us some religious of the order of st. francis, who were much beloved by don luis. there were equipped for the expedition two vessels of spanish build, of moderate tonnage, and a galleot. the preparations were made (as preparations usually are made by the hand of servants of the king) slowly and faultily, as was seen by the results. we did not set out for some months, and our ships were so badly equipped and so weak that they began to leak as soon as the voyage began--a forewarning of the evils that we afterwards suffered, in which the poor knight don luis was disappointed, while all of us who accompanied him paid for the inadequacy of the preparation. [19] since we were so late, the pilots decided to follow the course by the gulf of haynau to go round the shoals by the end in latitude seventeen, because in that way the wind would be favorable; while if they rounded the end in latitude nine, which was the regular course, the wind would be adverse. they left manila september 17 [1598], with one hundred and fifty soldiers and sailors. in the flagship don luis, who went as commander, took with him father fray alonso ximenez and the two franciscan fathers. he directed me to go in the ship of the second in command, [20] giving that officer orders to govern himself by my advice. within six days the vessels were scattered in the storm and were all lost, no one knowing anything of the rest, and each one supposing that the others were continuing their voyage in safety. the galleot met with the best fortune, for, although damaged, it reached a friendly port, was repaired, and continued its journey. the flagship was obliged to cut away the mainmast, and sailing under its foresail, ran aground in china on the eve of st. francis. all who were on board had to save themselves by swimming, and lost even their clothes. in the ship of the second in command, in which i was, the mainmast broke close to the deck, fortunately falling over the side so as not to injure the vessel or to kill any of the men. the mizzenmast, being badly wedged, began to topple, and had to be cut away. we sailed on under the foresail, hoping to reach a port. but the fury of the tempest and the force of the waves were such as to break the gudgeons of the rudder. some of our men flung themselves into the sea after it and brought it back, but it was lost again; and we steered the vessel with two long spars fastened to the side of the boat with a cable. the ship was so strained that the boards on the sides began to play up and down like organ-keys; but we threw cables about her, and drew them taut with arquebuses. then the bow began to work loose, from the weight of the foremast and bowsprit, and we were forced to bind it firmly with cables to the poop. all that we could do against the storm and the wind was like the strength of a child exerted to restrain the fury of a mad bull. in fear of another storm, we took refuge upon an island which we encountered, one of the group called the babuyanes. we found a harbor, ran the bow ashore, and dropped two anchors from the poop. we put the ammunition and the provisions that we had on shore; and had hardly begun to dry our clothes, on the eve of st. francis, when the storm broke upon us with such violence that it seemed to me to try to swallow us. the ship was broken in pieces; but the keel, and the artillery which was carried as ballast, being too heavy for the deck, were buried in the sand. we protected ourselves from the storm--which lasted two days, and was one of both wind and rain--in some huts, which we built on the beach of branches.] after the storm was over we dug up the artillery, which consisted of four medium-sized cannon, mounted, and set them up in a little fort which we made of logs, because there were many indians on the islands, and we did not know whether they were friends or enemies. in a short time many of them appeared in a troop on the shore, with their weapons. these consisted of two lances, one for hurling, and the other large like a pike, with iron points; both were made of ebony, of which there is much here. for defensive armor they had sheets of the bark of trees, resembling cork. we sent to them a man as a hostage and mark of peace, and they made signs to him from a distance to put down his arms. he laid them at one side and went to the indians; and then they sent to us one of their own number, whom we treated kindly, and after giving him some trinkets, sent him back to his comrades; agreeing with him that they should bring us provisions at a just price. they did this for two days, although very scantily; and on the third day they broke the peace by killing one of our japanese, and badly wounding another who had come in our company. he came back with his arm pierced, and with a wound a span long above the pit of his stomach, but not entering it; but he was very well satisfied because, by throwing himself forward by the pike, he had killed the indian who had wounded him--so proud is that race. now that our supplies were cut off, we were obliged, since food is necessary, to take it by force, where we could find it, since they would not sell it willingly; so for several mornings a troop of our indians went out under escort of our soldiers, gathered what they could from the fields, and brought it back as food for all. at one time when they were engaged in this, they thought that they had discovered a great treasure; for they found some jars of moderate size covered by others of similar size. inside they found some dead bodies dried, and nothing else. in that shipwreck we had had the good luck to bring the boat ashore, and thus to save it. this we intended to make use of by sending it to ask for aid from nueva segovia, which was only twenty leguas distant. in order to do this, it was necessary to lengthen the keel a braza, and to raise the sides about half a vara. both these things were done, though there was no one among us who understood more carpentry than that best teacher, necessity, had taught them. we all thought that it was best that the pilot and two men and i should go in it, because they believed that, if i went, more effectual aid would be sent. we did so, and then, when we sailed around the island we gave thanks to the lord for his kindness in having brought us to this little bay; for on any of the other sides of the island we should certainly have been drowned in the ocean, or, if any of us had escaped, should have perished at the hands of the indians. the lord gave us a favorable wind, which was needed by our tiny boat in that rough ocean, and we reached the river of nueva segovia, which is very large; the distance from the mouth to the city is three leguas. the alcalde-mayor immediately set about the rescue, appropriated two fragatas, and had them prepared to go to our people who were in the islands. at the same time i wrote to manila to the agents of don luys to send a ship, ship-stores, and everything else required for continuing the voyage. i also wrote to my superior, giving him an account of what had happened. the answer to my letters was made plain, both on the island and in manila. the governor commanded that the voyage should be continued, all of the expenditure being made anew, while my superior directed me to return to manila; and so i did, although my companions were greatly grieved. in truth, by failing to go with them i caused their destruction; because, as they were sailing toward the coast of china, they saw a chinese ship, and, against the will of the pilot and some few others, the rest determined to pursue and plunder it. the ship fled, turning toward the coast of its own country, which was all sown with shallows, well known to them but not to our men. so eagerly did the spaniards chase after them in their greed for the prize, which they now regarded as certain, that our ship ran aground and broke into two parts. the men were all thrown into the sea, where some of them were drowned immediately, and others, who took refuge on shoals, were drowned when the tide came in. some few only escaped, with the pilot, in a raft which they made of planks from the ship. even of those few some died of the cold, which was very great, and was still more severe for them because they were all wet. at last those who escaped reached the coast, with difficulty enough. they were seized by the chinese, and carried about for many leguas from one judge to another. in this way they learned that don luis was on the same coast, and that he had been wrecked on the same day of st. francis, and at the same time with us. they learned that he was twenty leguas from there, on an island called lampacao. they received permission to join him; and in spite of their miseries they forgot their ills in their pity for the poor knight and his men, who kept themselves alive with shellfish, which they found there and ate in small quantities. they all suffered patiently, because of the example of their commander--who, that he might not offend [the people of] the land, never allowed his men to ask for anything, even what necessity almost compelled them to request. chapter l i am commanded to go to china; events there, and the death of father fray alonso ximenez [in spite of the wretched state of the noble knight don luis, the portuguese of macan, who were only seven leguas away, were so far from pitying him that they rather made bloody war against him. he accordingly decided to send the pilot of the second in command, with eight other men, to manila in a small boat, to ask for what was needed to escape from that labyrinth. they arrived after great peril, and delivered their letters which were filled with the innumerable complaints of those who remained there. they moved all the city to great compassion, but our religious more than the others, who always had a very tender regard for the good knight, don luis, both for his virtue, and for his great love toward us. he never forsook us or our churches, where he received all the sacraments, and went to hear all the masses that were said, to the great edification of the village of minondoc--where he lived, near to our house. consequently, i was charged with the immediate care of procuring what was needed for the relief of the present trouble, since the past troubles had none. my superior notified me that i should go to take the relief to don luis, and ordered me to attend to that matter with the greatest possible despatch, since delay meant manifest danger. with all that care he was unable to get the help out within four months, and notwithstanding that i exercised very great earnestness in it, and attended to the equipment of the ship that was assigned, which i had fitted up so that it would stand any storm--having taken warning from the previous ships, which had proved deficient in the first storm that came upon us. by such diligence, we set sail, with suitable relief, on september six. arriving with it in less than twenty days, we were as well received, as we were so heartily desired. we also found bad news from camboja, which had been brought by some ships that had returned from that country. that news was that all the spaniards there--both those of our galliot, and all the others--had perished at the hands of the indians themselves, because of quarrelsome persons among them, who were intolerable to the natives. since it was impossible to go thither as friends, and since our forces were very few to go in any other manner, consequently, a general council having been held, it resulted that we should return to manila. to carry that into effect, it was necessary to go to the court of the viceroy at canton to get permission, for we could not leave his port without it. it was determined that i should go to get the permission. i was accompanied by two soldiers and an indian up a large river with most beautiful and refreshing banks, which contained some very densely populated villages. arrived at canton, we were lodged in a house in the suburbs, as foreigners were not allowed to live in the city, nor even to enter it without express permission from the judge who is in charge. guards are stationed for that reason at all the gates, so that they may refuse admittance without such permission. it happened that there was a eunuch of the king there at that time, as inspector of that province. within his palace the king of china is served only by eunuchs, and many are castrated, in order to be eligible to serve the king; and as they alone have access to his person and ear, they persuade him of whatever they wish, and derive immense bribes from the judges throughout the kingdom. the latter give them the bribes, so that the inspectors may hand in a good report of them. that year the eunuchs got for themselves the inspection of the provinces of that kingdom, as a great harvest was offered therefrom, not only to the king but also to the others who remained at his side in order to perpetuate their acts of injustice with security, the gates to the complaints that could have been uttered against them having been closed. then was it my unhappy lot that i should fall into the hands of one of them, called liculifu, who had charge of the visit to canton, and who, under pretext of the visit, was making haste to impoverish the country and the inhabitants; for his charge there also comprehended the inspection of a pearl-fishery for the king in the gulf of haynao, which was situated about one hundred leguas farther along the coast. it was said that he had borrowed one thousand ships for that purpose, and that he was in haste; but that he wanted first what fish he could get on land--for which he had innumerable parasites at his side who were wont to seek out means by which, rightly or wrongly, he could employ them, by which they were always the gainers; and who, in addition, always flattered him by showing him such means of gain, by which he considered himself as well served, and rewarded those most who were most advantaged by it. certain of those creatures, ferreting us out, immediately went to denounce us, not as evildoers, but as men absolutely rolling in silver; for that is their opinion of the spaniards, even though they see them going naked. therefore, it suited him to employ his greed on us, although asking silver from us was equivalent to asking pears from the elm tree. the inspector, believing that we had maliciously concealed the silver, tried to get it by force; but instead of silver he drew blood. acting upon that information he had us summoned before him, a day or two after our arrival. we entered the gate used by foreigners, and there is only one such gate. the guards registered us there, so carefully do they watch and guard their city, although so rare are the foreigners who enter it. we approached the inspector's court, but before we entered it i had the inspector notified, by an interpreter whom i had with me, that i would not kneel before him, as such was not the custom of castilians--whether religious or captains--even were it before the kings of that land. he had me told that i should do so, but i answered to the contrary twice more. however, finally paying greater heed to the advantage that he expected [to derive], than to his honor and courtesy which he claimed, he had me told that the soldiers should kneel and that i should make him the bow and reverence that i was wont to make to my king. thereupon we entered, and found him seated in great state at his desk, on which were the instruments used in writing, according to their usage. many servants stood near him, in a chapel-like place that faced a large open court, whence those having business entered as he summoned them. placed on their knees between two rows of executioners with frightful visages--twelve to the side, who stood there--their cases were disposed of, and they were punished there immediately, as soon as he ordered it, without further appeal or recourse. the soldiers and the interpreter knelt before them, while i remained upright, after having made him a very deep bow. he received us well, and addressed some pleasant words to us. i thanked him heartily, and made him a present of a piece of scarlet cloth and a large and excellent mirror, with its silver chain by which to hang it up, which had been given me for that purpose by general don luis. the latter already was aware that no business was transacted without a present. the inspector received the present very gladly, as it consisted of articles that were scarce in that country. he expressed many scruples in regard to it, so that it might not appear that he was receiving it as a bribe, and said that it would be taken as part payment of the duties due and to be paid by the ships; and that he had a conscience and kept his gaze on the heavens, so that he might not commit any unjust act. but in truth, although i thought that he would be satisfied with that present, he regarded it as the beginning of what we had to give and waited for the rest. i asked him to send someone to measure the ships and receive the duties, for it was now time for us to leave. he did so immediately, and sent officials like himself. those officials declared, because they were not bribed at the beginning, that the duties amounted to one thousand eight hundred ducados. don luis, having been advised of what ought to be done, asked that the measurements be made a second time; and after he had given them their bribe, they took off the thousand ducados, and the duties remained at only eight hundred. believing that the inspector's greed was satisfied, i delayed two or three days in going to see him; but he, as his appetite had been whetted for the desire of more with the taste that he had received, took my delay very ill, and had only the two soldiers and the interpreter summoned, but ordered me not to go to him. on seeing them, he broke out into great anger because they had not treated him according to his dignity. he ordered the interpreter to be beaten as the most guilty, since, knowing the custom of the country, he had not advised us thereof. they actually administered five blows to him, and the blows that they give are always few, but very severe. those blows accordingly formed great wounds on the upper part of his legs, that being where they are administered. he ordered the soldiers to be all but lashed. they were thrown to the ground, and their legs bared, while the executioner stood near them with his lash raised. that instrument is made from a very large bamboo (such as grow there), split in two and weighted somewhat with lead, and having many slits, whose edges cut like knives. and as the executioner stood thus, waiting for the order to strike the blow, he ordered him to stay his hand, being satisfied to see them thus fearful. then he ordered all three to be taken prisoners to a public prison, which was located at a considerable distance from his house. while on the way thither they had me summoned, and bribed the officials to stop in an idol temple. i went there alone, although with great difficulty. they implored me again and again not to leave them in custody, for they would die in prison. i promised them not to leave that place until they were liberated, or else i would share the same fortune with them. i well understood that those blows were directed at me, rather than at them; and that, although given to others, were a threat to me so that i should tremble and give the inspector what he desired, or he would cause me also to suffer such things, or even greater. i knew already that his parasites had informed him of the esteem in which the spanish hold their priests and religious, and that they would redeem by weight of silver whatever insult he might try to inflict on me; and that if he wished to fill his hand well, he should make what extortions from me his tyrannous and greedy taste dictated. i had no silver to satisfy his desire, nor, even had i desired to supply that lack by any efforts, did i have any method or means to do so. it even cost me very dearly to enter the city, and i could not go on that account. i was persecuted by children, who accosted me as did the children of bethel the holy prophet elisha; while not one of the men had compassion on me, for they do not know what compassion means toward their own countrymen, however afflicted they see them to be. and further, if they behold them persecuted by the more influential men, then in such case they flee from the sight of them, in fear lest they receive a portion of the punishment, as being accomplices in the guilt. the soldiers, as they were afflicted, attributed the slowness of the relief to my neglect, and the inspector to obstinacy. finally he endeavored to satisfy his greed by making open proof of my patience. therefore, he summoned me on all saints' day. i heard of his resolve some days beforehand, and prepared for it by saying mass--for which i had the opportunity, as the portuguese from macan happened to be there at that time, by virtue of their ordinary permission to go to canton twice each year, to purchase the articles that they need in certain fairs which are held there at that time. however, they are not permitted to live in the city, but must remain in their own boats in the river. as that purchasing (which lasts many days) is a matter of consequence, the portuguese bring a priest, who says mass to them, in a little house near the river. at that time there were three fathers of the society there, one of whom was acting in the capacity of chaplain for the traders, while the other two were about to enter the interior with father matheo riccio, who had lived there for years. one of those two fathers, one lacaro catanio, had lived with the above father for some years; and, having gone to macan on business, was then returning with another spaniard named diego pantoja. both of them dressed themselves, on the afternoon of the eve of all saints, in chinese habits, in order to make their journey with some guides that they had with them. father lacaro catanio, as he had been a long time in china, had long hair and beard, but the other father, having only recently arrived, did not; and consequently he was in some danger, as he did not follow the customs of the country in everything. by way, then, of those fathers i was enabled to say mass. scarcely had i concluded it, when i was accosted by an official of the inspector, with his chapa (or summons) to take me before the inspector. i went thither, and found him in his courtroom, as at the first time. although i intended to show him the same courtesy as the first time, he made me kneel down, besides going between those two files of executioners, who appeared to me like demons. the inspector began then to shout at me, in his treble voice, and poured forth a torrent of words, which were explained to me by a chinese who understood some portuguese. he charged me in his speech with being a spy, as i had not observed my duty. at the end of the speech came his deeds. at the inspector's order one of those executioners threw me to the ground, and, baring my legs, raised himself in a position to lash me. while in that position, the inspector repeated many times his assertion that i must be a spy. thereupon i drew a report from my bosom that i brought from the chinese who were living in manila, both christians and heathens, which told of the great good that the members of my order had done there to all of their nation--how we cared for their sick, supported the poor, and defended them all from injuries which were attempted against them. it was written in their own characters, on a sheet of paper one braza long, and was folded within a covering, also made of paper, after their manner and custom. i had come prepared with that for whatever might happen, and accordingly i presented it at that so pressing moment. the inspector read it, while i was kept stretched out and bared ready for the lash, and the executioner awaiting only the sign to chastise me. as the letter was not to the inspector's liking, he paid no heed to it. however, he did not carry out the execution [of the punishment], but ordered me to rise and adjust my clothing and come to his desk. i thought that it was to make peace, but it was only to vary the mode of affliction by changing the torture, which he ordered to be given me between the fingers, while placed on my knees before him with folded hands. for that purpose some little rounded sticks were brought, in which there were some small grooves at each end and in the middle. those sticks were placed between the fingers of both hands and were then pressed together by some cords, tighter and tighter as the inspector ordered--until, when i fell as if in a faint, he ordered the torment to cease. he ordered me to be gone, and said that, if i did not give him a thousand taes of silver on the morrow (each tae being equivalent to ten reals, thus all amounting to about one thousand ducados), he would kill me. i left his presence, with the bad treatment that i have described, and went to my lodgings as best as i could, where i found an order from the inspector not to receive me. i knew not where to go, for all fled from me, being fearful lest some blow should come upon them by reason of me. i determined to go to the ship where the fathers were. then the merchants returned, much earlier than was their custom, saying that all the city had risen against them, because i had gone to their ship. they besought me not to do so evil an act, for they feared a serious danger from that. as they refused to receive me, i returned to the shore, where a chinese trader who had been in manila on various occasions received me into his house. he got me the loan of one hundred taes of silver, payable with interest; and that night i went clad as a chinese, so that i might not be recognized, to the portuguese ships. on my word--which i pledged on that of general don luis, in whose cause i was acting--they lent me two hundred more. i sent that whole sum to the inspector next day by my host, who was a man of esteem in the city; i also had him ask that the inspector would be satisfied with that amount, as i had borrowed it as an alms, and could find no more, and that he would be pleased to liberate the prisoners, and grant us permission to go to our ship. that was a just petition, but it was ill received and worse despatched; for although i thought that that gift would soften that heart of stone, i discovered that it had been like throwing a little water on the forge which blazes all the fiercer. the inspector sent a constable with his chapa to summon me that afternoon. it was necessary to go; and, thanks to my host, who accompanied me, they took me to the entrance by another gate of the city, as it was nearer his house. but when the guards saw me they refused to allow me to enter, and although the constable showed them the chapa of the inspector, they declared that that concerned me, and not them; accordingly, they refused me entrance. it was necessary for the constable to go to his master, and report the matter to him. the latter gave another chapa for the gatekeepers, and they, taking it, copied it and allowed me to enter. i did not find the inspector in his court, but in a lodging nearer the center of the city. he was the only one seated, while all his officials were standing. the money which i had had sent to him was on a desk. i knelt down, at a considerable distance from him, whereupon he began to chide me, and to say many things to me that i did not understand. it seemed to me that he was asking questions of me, and i only answered purhiautet--that is to say, "i do not understand." he rose from his chair, and came toward me, in order to address me from a shorter distance. it seemed from his actions that he meant to scratch out my eyes with his fingers (they are great men for such deeds, the more when they are angry). he finally satisfied his wrath by ordering me to be taken straight to the prison where the soldiers were. an iron chain was therefore quickly put about my neck, and fastened with a padlock; and one of the executioners, holding the end of it, walked before me, obliging me thus to follow him as a captive. the prison was at a considerable distance, and was under the orders of another mandarin, to whom he sent me, so that the latter might incarcerate me. in such guise, i crossed all those streets, which swarmed with people, at four o'clock in the afternoon, and appeared before this mandarin--who was in his tribunal, into which the door of the prison opened. when the soldiers saw me through the door, they began to weep. [i fell on my knees before him, and he asked me through my interpreter the cause of my imprisonment. i replied, and the cause seemed to him bad: but he told me that no one could undo what the inspector did. he said that he would try to satisfy the inspector, because the latter was obliged to go off very quickly on his inspection, and, if he left me a prisoner here, no one else had the authority to release me. with this he ordered the chains to be taken off, and sent me into the prison. when i saw myself in prison with the soldiers i was without anxiety, because for their sake i had made all these stations, [21] and after all without succeeding in rescuing the prisoners--though i could have taken refuge in our ships if i had chosen, as i afterwards did; while now, by adventuring the same fortune with them, i left god to watch over all. there were in this prison some three hundred prisoners, many condemned to death, but permitted to work during the daytime in order to earn their food. i suffered in the prison, because i had little protection and the weather was very cold. god delivered me within only three days; my host became my security for a thousand taes. as i was about to leave the prison, all the servants crowded about me asking for plata (silver), for they already knew its name in our castilian. there were so many that, even if i had had much to give, there would have been little for each one. as i had nothing to give, i gave them nothing, and they paid me with hard words and blows. it was very late; and we were obliged to go to the house of the inspector, and from it to that of the guarantor outside of the city, in which we were not permitted to sleep. all this was to be done before they closed the gates. we were kept waiting in the courtyard of the inspector for some time. in addition to falling on our knees before him, he made us bow our heads and then turned us over to our bondsman. when we reached the latter's house, we had to enter by leaping over a lighted fire which they said was the ceremony of security. the poor guarantor immediately began to suffer persecution, for all the servants and attendants of the inspector, though they had in no way intervened in our business, came to beg money from him from that which they said he must have received from me, to persuade him to become my security. the man brought all these demands to me; but i answered him that nothing more was to be paid than the thousand taes, and these we should get from don luis. he was unwilling to go to don luis, and took great care to prevent us from escaping. we, fearing that don luis and his soldiers might be forced by our delay to leave us in this embarrassment, determined to save ourselves. we agreed with a chinaman, for ten taes to help us escape, letting us out through a secret door opening upon a creek that flowed into the large river, and taking us down in a boat. we sailed down stream that night and the next day, no one appearing on the boat in the daytime except the chinese sailors. we succeeded in eluding all the vessels that might have wished to inspect us, and reached our ships. as soon as our sailors received their pay they ran away. a few hours later, my guarantor appeared with an armed vessel. he was unable to find out who had helped us, and was satisfied with receiving the amount of money for which he had been pledged. we then set sail, don luis and the rest to manila, and i to macan, for i was in such a condition of ill health as a result of hardship and exposure that i did not dare to undertake the voyage to manila. at this time father fray alonso ximenez died in macan. his death was caused by the hardships and exposure which he had undergone in endeavoring to evangelize the kingdom of camboja. though he was almost seventy years of age when he set out on the expedition, he endured everything that befell him with patience and courage, consoling the others, though he had always himself the most to suffer. he was very devout, never omitting his daily hours of prayer on his journeys or voyages. when in cochinchina, his captivity was comforted by the opportunity given him to convert two condemned criminals. the failures of his attempts to reach the kingdom of camboja and to convert the people there did not discourage him or diminish his enthusiasm. when don luis and his men were cruelly attacked by the portuguese of macan, father fray alonso went to macan to interpose his authority, and to act as mediator between the portuguese and the castilians. father fray alonso had great difficulty in pacifying the portuguese, and was obliged to encounter much vituperation; but he received more joy in the baptism of two sick persons at the point of death than he had lost in all the sufferings which have been narrated. he died in our convent at macan, to the great sorrow of the religious about him at the loss of so holy an associate. general don luis and all of the troops that he had brought with him attributed to the loss of father fray alonso all the sufferings which they were obliged to undergo afterward; while they ascribed to his presence and his prayers the rescue of their ship in the dreadful storm which they had experienced on the day of st. francis. on that day they had been in the midst of shoals, and had seen many chinese vessels wrecked about them; and the wind had been so violent that it had thrown down many strongly-rooted trees on land. father fray alonso was a son of the convent of s. esteban at salamanca. desirous for the conversion of the indians, he passed his youth in the devout province of guatemala. having retired to his convent, to take up the works of mary after he had done those of martha, he heard of the foundation of the province of the philippinas. when many were turned back by the difficulties in mexico, father fray alonso was always firm and constant. when he reached manila, the ministry of batan fell to his lot. in spite of his age, and the great difficulty which he had in learning the indian language, he at length succeeded. in this ministry he suffered the hardships which have been described already. he was especially kind and serviceable to sick indians, preparing dishes of meat or eggs for them, and even putting the food in their mouths, with his own hands. being taken severely ill as a result of all the hardships to which he was exposed, he was carried to the convent of manila. scarcely did he feel better, when he left his bed and began to work at the building of the church, turning his hand to this manual labor with the greatest skill. when he was elected prior, he had no assistance in the convent except one priest and one lay brother; but, few as they were, they performed all the offices of a community. as he had a sonorous voice and understood music well, he would sing the whole mass alone; then leave the choir to go to the pulpit and preach, and then return to the choir, though he had been hearing confessions all the morning. this he did without failing to make his regular daily prayer. even when alone he used to say matins aloud, and on some feast-days would sing a great part of them. he was elected provincial from this office of prior; and in his provincialate he made many excellent ordinances for the ministry to the indians, which are still observed and esteemed as if they had been ordained yesterday. during his time the province was greatly extended, the whole of the province of nueva segovia being admitted, and many new churches and missions being established in that of pangasinan. it was his desire also that the kingdom of camboxa should be added to it; and in the glorious enterprise of extending the gospel to that kingdom he ended his life.] chapter li the coming of some religious to the province, and the transactions of the intermediate chapter though the procurator whom this province had in españa [i.e., benavides] had become bishop of nueva segovia, he gave his main attention to the augmentation of the province, having seen with his own eyes the service done by the religious here to the lord, and their service to their neighbors. so, though he had sent off two shipments [of missionaries], he prepared to send a third, whom he should accompany when he went to his bishopric. so greatly had the hearts of the religious of all the provinces in españa been moved that sixty were found gathered and assembled together, having been designated by father juan volante. they were all far advanced in religion and letters, which are the excellences that the order desires and strives for in its sons, that they may fulfil the command of its institutes, by laboring not only for their own salvation, but for that of others. it happened at this time that the english found the city of cadiz unguarded and unprepared, and sacked it. [22] this aroused a great excitement in all the ports of andalucia; and the announcement was made that in that year there would be no fleet for nueva españa. though all these religious were at that time in or near andalucia, they returned to their provinces of españa and aragon whence they had set out, with the exception of some few who waited to see the end of this matter. although it was true that there was no fleet, a rumor spread that some ships were being fitted out for the voyage. hereupon the bishop--who had come on foot from madrid, but had been several days on the return journey because of the misfortune which had happened--took courage and went to the port a second time, reassembling the religious as well as he could. with these, and with some others who offered themselves, he made up a reasonable number. when they reached the port they found that the ships which were about to sail were only some galizabras, with troops who were going to guard the silver which came from peru and nueva españa. it seemed that for a second time the purpose of the bishop and the religious had been frustrated and their labor wasted; but god sent them a patache or fragata, with only one deck, which was to carry the baggage and the ship's stores; but it had no accommodations for passengers, and was not designed to carry them, because of its small size. in spite of this, their willingness to suffer even greater evils for god made them despise the hardships which they might suffer by making so long a voyage on so uncomfortable a vessel, and they determined to sail in it. they spread the only tarpaulin which there was, that they might have some defense from the sun and the rain. they could not place it high enough for them to stand under it, and whenever the sea was rough the waves dashed over it; but, as there was no better ship, the bishop and the religious had to take advantage of this one. the lord felt such compassion for their discomfort as to give them fair weather, so that during the sixty days of their voyage it only rained twice: thus they were able to sleep on deck, and at least to enjoy the coolness of night if they could not avoid the heat of the day. during the voyage, they acted as if they were in a very well-organized convent. the bishop filled the place of reader; and upon what he read they held daily conferences, and very frequent sermons and spiritual discourses. on the great feasts they had, as it were, literary contests, composing verses in praise of god and of his saints. being thus very well occupied, they felt the discomfort of the ship less; and as a result of the fair weather they were all cheerful. the bishop alone was silent--so much so that his religious became anxious, and felt obliged to ask him the reason. he answered: "i am afraid, fathers, that the lord does not look upon us as his own, so much happiness does he grant us in so cramped a ship. such fair weather, and not more than one religious sick; we are not what we ought to be, for the lord has sent us no hardships. my coming was sufficient to prevent you from receiving that blessing." when they reached mexico, he planned to buy a house where the religious who came to this province from that of españa might be cared for. he wished to avoid scattering them among the towns, the evil results of which had already been learned by experience. he found someone to make a gift of a piece of land suited for the purpose, with the obligation of building a church upon it named for st. just and pastor. the writings were already made out; but afterward, because of difficulties which arose, the agreement went no further and had to be given up. the voyage which they made from acapulco to manila was very prosperous. the religious having been divided between the two ships, those who embarked in the flagship, called "rosario," were unable to get their ship-stores on board because of the great hurry of the commander, don fernando de castro. but god provided for them from the ocean; for every day without exception they fished from that ship, and thus the food of the religious was supplied. this is something which never happened before or since that voyage to any ship. being so extraordinary, it caused astonishment, and gave reason for reflecting upon and praising the divine providence, which with so free a hand comes to the aid of those who depend upon it in their need. the intermediate provincial chapter was in session when the bishop and the religious reached manila; and thus they were received joyfully and gladly, and the meeting was enriched by their presence. religious were assigned to the conversion of villages which, though they had been admitted for their own comfort and for the sake of somewhat encouraging the holy desires with which they so eagerly begged for missionaries, could not hitherto obtain them, because of the lack of missionaries to send. in the convent of manila a regular school of theology and arts was established. the chapter appointed as preacher-general father fray diego de soria in place of father fray miguel de venavides, who had hitherto held this place and had now become bishop. because of the small number of religious and of convents up to this time, it had been customary that some should be designated from the distant provinces to come and vote in the provincial chapters, although they were not superiors. now, however, as there was a sufficient number of convents and of superiors, vicariates were designated, the vicars of which were to be in the place of priors. these and no others were now to have a vote in the provincial chapter, in conformity with the constitutions and privileges of the provinces of the indias. it was also ordained that the confirmation of the newly-elected provincial should belong to the eldest definitor, according to the privilege of nueva españa, which is likewise that of this province. at this chapter there were received: in nueva segovia the village of dumon, the church of which at that time was called san antonino; the villages of gatarang and talapa, with the church of sancta catalina; and the village on the estuary of lobo, the church of which was san raymundo. the title of vicariate was given to san pablo of pilitan in yrraya. [23] in this place it seemed that another climate had been found, different from that of the rest of this province, other fields and spacious meadows, another temperature, and another race of people. the country is very fertile, and abounds in game. it is very well watered, very pleasant and very healthful, although at first it did not seem so for the religious. the first vicar straightway died, and those whom he took as associates were afflicted with severe illness. for this reason and because of the distance from the other convents, it seemed to many that it would be best to abandon it; but the desire prevailed to go to the aid of those souls, though at the cost of health and life, since on no occasion could these be better offered. [the devil greatly resented their coming, and complained and uttered frightful howlings through the mouths of his priestesses or aniteras. the coming of the missionaries and the building of churches forced him to show himself in his true light to his deluded followers. he often appeared to them in dreams, bidding them resist and not become christians. when they reminded him that he did not resist, he answered that he could not endure the sight of "those barbarians with white teeth." he called the religious "barbarians," because of their little knowledge of the language at the beginning; and he spoke of their white teeth because the indians regard this as a blemish, and make their own teeth black.] in this mission of pilitan the fathers found a madman with a child, whom they desired to baptize as other children generally were baptized; the father feared that they wished to take it away, and never left it. he ate with it, slept with it, and went to the bath with it. he did all he could to give it pleasure, but as a madman would. hence, often, in bathing it, he plunged it down so far under the water that he drew it out half dead. the religious was in great anxiety, fearing some disaster, and finally baptized it. soon after, the father caught a venomous serpent, ate it, and caused his child to share in the meal. they both died, but the child to live forever, thanks to the care of the missionary in baptizing it so as to give it grace and glory. [from the last village which at that time had been discovered, which was named balisi, an indian came with his family to that of pilitan to spend a few days. he brought with him his little daughter, who was only six years old. she was so bright and charming that all who saw her loved her. she grew so fond of the church that, though she was a heathen, she wept bitterly when she was obliged by her father to return to their own village. soon after, falling sick to death, she was baptized by a spaniard named alonso vazquez, who happened to be there. the lord showed his kindness in several other striking or marvelous instances of baptism. in one case a little girl was very ill and the father had given his permission for baptism, but the relatives and all the rest of the village resisted. father antonio de soria went there and asked him that they would let him look at her to cure her. spreading over her a moist cloth which he had brought purposely, he cured her soul, which was soon to taste the joys of eternal salvation. to the province of pangasinan there was added by this chapter a church and village, that of san jacintho, which was formed here of people from different regions, on a very pleasant river named magaldan, [24] the inhabitants gathering to it from several villages and some from the mountains of the region. the lord showed his kindness to one woman by striking her with blindness when she purposed to run away from the baptism which she had promised to receive, and by thus bringing her back to the salvation of her soul. at this time the lord took to himself father fray antonio de soria, one of the first missionaries of nueva segovia. he did not enter upon the religious life, as generally happens, when he was in boyhood or youth, but in mature manhood. he had been left a widower; and though he had sons to care for, he provided for them in such a way that he was no longer needed to attend to them. being thus left free for the service of god alone, he determined to become a religious, and was accepted in the convent of our order at puebla de los angeles, in nueva españa. most persons of this age and condition, especially when they have lived in the luxuries which are common in nueva españa, find it difficult to accommodate themselves to the severities of religious life, both in little and in great things. father antonio was not such. he began with the greatest humility to study latin, and became a master of the tongue. he entered upon greater studies, following them with such success that he was made lecturer in arts and a director of students. and as he was so superior not only in his learning, but also in virtue, he was also appointed master of novices, which is the same thing as being a teacher of the religious life. he joined the fathers who came to these islands in 1595, and became one of the first missionaries to the province of nueva segovia, there suffering all the want, discomfort, and hunger which have been described. the first results of his mission were at camalaniugan, where he drove a demon out of a woman who was possessed. in the following provincial chapter, he was appointed superior of nueva segovia, to preach to and teach and guide the spanish, who in these new conquests need the best of teachers. for his consolation they gave him the care of the villages of camalaniugan and buguey. not satisfied with all this, he also took charge of the village of daludu.] there lived in that city captain alonso de carvajal, encomendero of pilitan, which is distant from the city five or more days' journey. he collected his tribute from the natives, and desired to give them a minister, as he was obliged; but he was unable to find anyone who was willing to undertake the mission. he accordingly urged father fray antonio to go to visit these indians and their country, called yrraya, to see if he could attract them to the law of god and the belief in his holy gospel. the journey was long and hard, not only because it was up the river, but because there were enemies on the road; and, besides, there was no religious to leave in his place. yet the desire of converting heathen was so strong in father fray antonio that he overcame all these obstacles and went to this new spiritual conquest, in which all of the rest of the religious soon aided him. he preached the holy gospel, and the lord gave him such favor with that tribe, that he led them by his command like tame sheep. the credit which they gave to his teaching was such that long after, when christianity was more settled in yrraya, and there was some difficulty in rooting out some superstition which had remained among them, the old people said: "if father fray antonio had commanded us that, there would not now be a trace of it, or anyone to contradict him." to build the church in the village of pilitan, he threw down the hut of an old woman, a noted anitera, by whom the devil gave answers to the questions which were asked him. as this was done in this hut, the devil regarded it as his own, and therefore greatly resented the overthrow of it. this he said on many occasions, and he even sometimes said that he had killed the father for tearing down his hut. but in this the father of lies should not be credited; for, as he often confessed, he was not able to appear before the religious; how much less, then, to kill them. the manner of living followed by this father among these indians was exemplary, and such as to cause wonder among them. he suffered and endured many hardships, and hunger and want, that he might not inconvenience them. he was at once the master and the servant, at the house. in order that a boy who served him by preparing his food might not be offended at the work, the father went to the river and carried the water that he had to drink; he was the sacristan who cared for the church, the porter who closed and opened the doors of the house. he it was who attended to everything that was needed, that he might not trouble any persons by making them serve him. it was a journey of a day and a half from pilitan to the village of nalavangan. he went there and built a church, and baptized many; for the spirit of fray antonio was to undertake much, and he was never contented with that which would have seemed excessive to others. while he was engaged in these holy exercises, the time of the intermediate chapter arrived, and he was obliged to go to it to manila. here he was definitor, and gave an account of the good work which was being wrought by the lord in the conversion of yrraya. the chapter, feeling that the lord had chosen him therefor, appointed him as first vicar of san pablo at pilitan. he returned in great contentment, because he was going where he would have more to do than in other places, much as there was to do everywhere, since all of these were new conversions, where the labor is great and the ease very little. when he was among his children he gave himself with such devotion to the labor of the ministry that within six months he was attacked by a mortal disease, which obliged him to return to the city to be cared for. here, when he had received the holy sacrament, he gave up his soul to his creator, to the great sorrow of all the religious, who were greatly afflicted to lose such a father and associate. he made some compositions in the language of the natives, which served as a guide to those who followed him; but the greatest guidance that he gave was that of his life spent and consumed in these so holy exercises. chapter lii fathers fray pedro de soto, fray juan de san pedro martyr, and fray pedro de la bastida who died at this time. [father fray pedro de soto was a native of burgos, and assumed the habit in the convent of san andres at medina del campo, where he professed, and whence he went to study in the distinguished convent of san pablo at valladolid. here he showed signs of his great ability and the subtlety of his mind, soaring above his fellow-students as does a royal eagle above all other birds of less flight. in him the fathers hoped that they were to have a third soto, in addition to the other two famous ones whom that province has had. he exhibited as much virtue as learning. when the religious for this province began to be gathered, his superiors were planning that he should become a professor. the devotion and the severity of the discipline, and the opportunity to save souls, attracted father fray pedro; he was also influenced by the example of his two masters, fray miguel de venavides and fray antonio arcediano, who had left their chairs of theology to enter the new province, as had also two other fathers, lecturers in arts at the same convent. the father master fray hernando del castillo, who was then prior, strove by all means to prevent him from going; but the calling and inspiration of god prevailed in the heart of father fray pedro. he arrived at manila july 23, and on the day of our father st. dominic, less than a fortnight later, they asked him to hold some public discussions of theology in the main church. father fray pedro avoided display of his knowledge and ability; but, on occasions when necessity required him to speak, he made evident the great superiority of his mind and his great learning. in the first distribution of the religious, he was assigned to pangasinan. the people of this region still lived in their ancient villages and rancherias in the hills and mountains, without civilization, order, or system, any more than if they had never known spaniards. father fray pedro lived among these tribes for three years, suffering the hardships and perils which have been already described. he was constantly in danger of death, being particularly hateful to the hostile natives because he was the first one who learned the language of the indians. when some of them began to accept the faith, he offered money for information as to those who continued to sacrifice to the devil. keeping secret the source of his information, he immediately went] in haste to the place, sometimes alone, and caught the sacrificers in the very act. without waiting an instant, he upset everything, and broke the dishes and bowls and other vessels which they used in their rites; poured out their wine; burned the robes in which the aniteras or priestesses dress themselves on such occasions, and the curtains with which they covered up everything else; threw down the hut, and completely destroyed it. in this way he made them understand how little all those things availed, and how vain were the threats which the devil uttered against those who would not venerate him; and, in brief, that this was all falsehood and deceit. many were thus aroused and undeceived; while others, and not a few, were angry, so that it was a wonder that he was not slain. [the rest of the fathers followed his plan; but father fray pedro led them all, following the track of this chase, in which his scent was so keen that nothing could escape him. at his death, father fray pedro was able to say that he was sure of the two aureoles of virgin and of doctor, and that he had almost succeeded in gaining that of martyr. the village of magaldan was the most obstinate of all these villages in their errors. they had striven to kill a father of the order of st. francis, insomuch that the dagger was already lifted above him for that purpose, and he had fled. they had refused to admit the fathers of the order of st. augustine, and they would not listen to a secular priest who was assigned to them, although the alcalde-mayor fined and punished them. it was these indians whom father fray pedro de soto came to conquer with patience and christian charity. the indians said that he never employed a word of their language wrong. he was engaged for a whole year in translating the gospel into this language, and translated some lives of saints and instances of virtue--which though they were composed in the very beginning, are still esteemed and are greatly prized, because of the propriety of the words and the elevated style with which he treated these matters. he was devoted to the study of theology and sacred letters, and was continual in both mental and vocal prayer, to which he added fasting. being taken to manila to be treated for the fever from which he suffered, he died there. in spite of the failure of the two previous expeditions to camboja, the governor, don francisco tello, judged it desirable to send another ship with troops, and asked the order to send some of their friars with it. the father provincial directed that father fray juan de s. pedro martyr (or maldonado) and father fray pedro jesus (or de la bastida) should go. father fray juan was then commissary of the holy office. he was a native of alcala de guadiana, [25] and belonged to a rich and honorable family. he studied canon law at salamanca, and assumed the habit in the illustrious convent of san pablo at valladolid. the influence of father juan chrisostomo attracted him to the new province to be established in the philippinas islands. when he was about to set forth, a certain doctor bobadilla, a canon in the church in valladolid, took him to one side and assured him that he was to die a martyr; and this prophecy was corroborated by another devoted monk. it was on this account that he changed his name of maldonado to that of s. pedro martyr. he spent his first year in the philipinas in manila; and in his second year was sent as vicar to a village in pangasinan, which was at that time the most difficult in the province. from that place he was transferred to the vicariate of bataan, the language of which he learned very well. when father juan cobo went as ambassador to japon, father fray juan was assigned to the mission to the chinese, being thus required to learn a third language in addition to the two which he already knew. he learned more words of the chinese language than any other member of the order, though he was not successful with the pronunciation. he assisted the chinese so much that they named him as their protector; and he was, as it were, the advocate of their causes, so that they became very much attached to him, and listened with good-will to his preaching and his corrections. during the absence of the father provincial in camboja, the province could find no one more suitable to govern it in his place, and accordingly father fray juan was nominated as vicar-general. in the following provincial chapter he was appointed lecturer in theology, for there was nothing which the province did not find him competent to do. he made no objection to carrying out any orders that were given him, although they dragged him about hither and thither, causing him to learn so many languages and immediately to drop them again. this is a great evidence of his obedience and subjection to his superior. his reputation outside of the order was very great.] the tribunal of the holy office of mexico appointed him commissary-general of the philippinas, which office he filled with the prudence and strength of mind which the lord has given in these regions to the sons of the first inquisitor-general, our father st. dominic. don luis perez das mariñas, a wise and holy knight, refused to accept the governorship of these islands until fray juan persuaded him to do so, stood security for him, and undertook the duty of confessing him and of aiding him with his good advice, that he might the better fulfil the office. this he did in spite of the fact that this was certain to be, as it was, to his own damage; for suitors who did not receive what they desired immediately threw the blame on father juan, whom they well knew that the governor consulted as to the appointments which he made. father fray juan knew all this well, but accepted it very readily, in order that he might undertake the direction of so upright a man as don luis. in spite of the fact that the esteem which was felt for father juan within and without the order was very great, the counterweight of humility and the consciousness of his own inferiority which he had was much greater. he regarded himself as the most useless in all the province, and treated himself as such. hence, when he was named for vicar-general of the province, he managed that this title and office should be given to father fray juan de sancto thomas. [in the same way, when he was nominated prior of the convent of manila at the time when father fray diego de soria went as procurator to españa, he succeeded in bringing about the election of another religious. he likewise strove to resign the office of commissary in favor of father fray bernardo de sancta cathalina, or navarro. such was the character of father fray juan de san pedro martyr, whom the province was willing to spare for the mission to camboja. they would have spared an even more perfect religious if they could, well knowing that he who had to preach the gospel in a heathen kingdom like this should be such as father fray juan was, or even greater in all things. the companion of father fray juan, father fray pedro de jesus or de la bastida, a religious of great virtue, had come to the islands in the previous year, 1591, with the rest who were brought from españa by father fray francisco de morales. he had displayed high qualities in the mission to bataan, to which he had been assigned. he had come from the very devout province of aragon, of which he was a son. when they reached the great river of camboja, father fray juan endeavored to carry out his mission, both for the conversion of those tribes and as an ambassador of the king our lord. he was contemptuously treated by the king, [26] the son of that king who had sent to ask for religious. the present king was wholly in the hands of mahometan malays, who persuaded him that the embassy involved some evil to him. when father fray juan asked his permission to return to the ship which they had left in the port, the king refused to grant it, and thus showed that he was plotting treachery. father fray juan saw no opportunity for preaching the gospel, as the country was disturbed and in arms; and as the two captains, diego velloso and blas ruiz de fernan goncalez, were in a difficult situation because their comrades were so few, and the malays, their enemies, were in such favor. the captain of the ship [i.e., mendoza] attempted to secure peace between these factions, but did not disembark from his vessel. the same thing was done by the captain of a fragata that had come from sian. the malays, seeing that they had the advantage because their vessel was larger and stronger than ours, made an attack and shot contrivances of fire and powder to burn the spaniards and the japanese. the ship caught fire, and those on board had to leap into the water to escape. father fray pedro de jesus was unable to swim, and took refuge from the fire on the poop. here the moros came out in small boats and thrust lances at him. he fell into the water and died of his wounds, or was drowned by the hands of the moros. this vessel had done no harm to the moros, and had not even tried to aid the spanish captains in the kingdom. the only reason for attacking it was the desire of the moros to prevent the preaching of the gospel; and hence father fray pedro died a glorious martyr. father fray juan succeeded in reaching the fragata commanded by juan de mendoça. in it father fray juan made his escape to sian, being wounded in the throat by a shot which had passed obliquely through it; and thus half of the prophecy had been fulfilled that he and his comrade were to die the death of martyrs. father fray juan went to sian that he might be near to the kingdom of camboja. the king of that country was a cruel and barbarous tyrant; he took delight in causing men to be thrown to wild elephants, who tore them to pieces with their trunks. he caused others to be fried with a very small quantity of oil, and their flesh to be torn off from them with pincers while they were thus tortured, and to be thrust into their mouths, that by force of the pain which they suffered they might bite and eat their own flesh. when there were no criminals, he used to perpetrate these cruelties solely for his own recreation; and that not to one, or a few, but to a thousand at a time. only a few days before, he had had four or five portuguese fried alive for some trifling offense, for which they had already paid a fine to him. there were here at this time a portuguese religious, fray jorje de la mota, [27] and several other portuguese who were now trying to escape from the country. the force of the tides is so great that, when the tide is coming in, it is impossible to make head against it; and as they were fifty leguas from the sea, it was easy to follow and catch them. overjoyed with the possibility of escape offered by the coming of father juan, they prayed him for the love of god to rescue them in his boat without the knowledge of the king. the spaniards planned to do so; but, because of the too great haste and anxiety of the portuguese, the vessel was followed and found before it had made its escape into the sea. the king was mad with rage, and sent three separate expeditions after it. they surrounded the boat and fired at it with small cannon, arquebuses, arrows, and lances. there were about twenty persons, castilians and portuguese, on the ship, and they had about a dozen muskets and a few arquebuses to protect themselves with. so long as the tide was going out, they managed to defend themselves fairly well, because they could manage to engage a part of the enemy only at one time. when the tide came in they were obliged to anchor, and they were like a target for the sianese. after three days of this torture, they managed to get to sea. the pilot had been slain by a shot; and the captain, juan de mendoca, and father fray jorje de la mota were so badly wounded that they afterward died. the arm of father fray juan de san pedro martir was broken by a shot from a small culverin. as they had lost all their drinking-water in the combat, the sufferings of father fray juan were very great. he saw that his hour was come, and confessed to father fray jorje. he wrote to the fathers in this province an account of the fortunes of this voyage; and expressed his joy in dying on an expedition carried out by the command of his superior for the purpose of preaching the gospel, in which he had saved those poor portuguese from dreadful danger to both their lives and their souls.] almost at the end of the letter which he sent he wrote: "what we have in this province is good, and god is greatly served in the province. let us strive to keep what we have, by observing those things which we have established; for i am sure that god will show us a thousand favors. the arms of saul do not fit all men; nor is preaching in these regions suitable to any but a very holy man." [they buried him on land near the port of cochinchina, on an island called pulocatovan, at the root of a tree--not daring to set up a cross, for fear of the derision of those heathen. he had set out upon this voyage certain to meet his death in it; and at the beginning of the expedition he had shown the perfection of his obedience in several ways.] chapter liii the election as provincial of father fray juan de sancto thomas, and the death of father fray damian valaguer. [on the second of june, 1600, the electors assembled in the convent of manila to elect a successor to father fray bernardo de sancta cathalina. the example of father fray bernardo was so grand that it was difficult for his successor to reach the same pitch of excellence. although all felt that father fray juan de sancto thomas, or ormaca, was fitted for the position by character and abilities, there was some doubt whether his ill-health would permit him to fill the office as it ought to be filled. he was constantly under the necessity of receiving dispensations from the severity of the rules; and though this did no harm in a private friar, it was most unfortunate in a superior. it was also feared that he would be physically unable to perform the duties of the situation. one of the best physicians of the city was called in, without the knowledge of father fray juan, to express his opinion as to the ability of father fray juan to fulfil the duties of the office. his judgment was favorable, and father fray juan was elected. the election was a most fortunate one, for father fray juan was able, learned, and holy; and his nature was so gentle that the vicar-general, fray juan de castro, who had a gift from heaven of special insight into character, chose him as his usual associate, and appointed him to the first position as superior in a mission to indians. he filled the office well, and not only lived out the four years of his provincialship, but has seen ten other elections of provincials since his own; and he is still alive while this is being written, in the year 1637. since he is still living, let us content ourselves with what has been said--leaving the rest till the time when, after the end of his life, it may be discussed with greater freedom. during his term, the lord opened the gates for the entrance of the order to japan, as will be narrated later; this was a great reward for the hardships suffered by the religious of this province, and by him in particular, from the perils and miseries of travel by land and by sea. many new convents were admitted at this chapter, both in pangasinan and nueva segovia; for the duties of the ministry in these regions were constantly increasing, and the religious kept constantly reaching out to new places. many excellent ordinances were passed for the exercise of the ministry to the indians, and also for the better maintenance of the rules affecting us--especially in the matter of showing ourselves disinterested, and careful not to annoy the indians. in the province of nueva segovia the religious labored hard in the search throughout mountains and valleys, and other secret places, for the huts where the devil had been adored, to which those people used to make pilgrimages in search of health or other favors, giving offerings of bits of gold, or of stones regarded by them as precious. the natives dared not take anything from those places, or cut a reed or a tree from the natural growth of the earth in them, for fear of death, with which the devil had threatened them. in the villages on the coast many such little huts were found, with many little figures and idols in them. the religious burnt and broke the boxes with the offerings; took the gold and the stones, and all the other offerings; and burnt and ground to dust everything, and cast it into the sea, that it might not remain to be a stumbling-block to the indians. when the heathen saw that the threats of the devil were not being carried out, their eyes were opened and they were very eager to be baptized. great aid was received from an epidemic of smallpox which attacked a whole region. in this way the lord took to himself many souls, especially of children; for there were many newly baptized in the province of pangasinan and in that of nueva segovia.] many of those who seemed to be near their end recovered after they received the water of baptism. all, therefore, came to be baptized, and the lord, by means of those who recovered, gave authority to the baptism; while of the vast number who died baptized he peopled heaven with new angels. this brought great comfort to the missionaries, who, although worn out and greatly fatigued by going from house to house baptizing and confessing, and giving the sacraments to sick persons, saw their labors successful and rewarded by the sending to heaven of so many souls, and also by the strengthening of their hope that they should go to accompany those souls in glory; for it is not possible that these should not be grateful, and pray and strive to obtain salvation for those who labored, with such zeal, to give it to them by the means of baptism, without which it cannot be obtained. [soon after the provincial chapter, one of the definitors, father fray damian balaguer, died. he had lived but a short time in the province, but had gained great reputation in it; and his early death was much mourned. he was a native of the kingdom of valencia, and had two brothers in the same order--one, the present fray pedro martyr de balaguer; and the other master fray andres balaguer, at one time bishop of albarracin and afterward of origuela. father fray damian took the habit in the convent of the preachers in valencia, which has been happy in giving saints to the church. during all his novitiate, the master of the novices never had occasion to discipline him, even for the merest trifle--although by the advice of another father he assigned him some discipline, without any fault on the part of fray damian, but not without a cause; for it is necessary for the novices to be initiated in these punishments of the order, that they may not afterward be new and strange to them. he was constant in prayer and fasting, given to speaking of the things of god, and to mortification. for many years he was accustomed to repeat the whole of the psalter of david daily, in imitation of st. vincent of ferrara. he studied at origuela, becoming a lecturer in arts in the same college, and afterward in theology--having a singular grace given him to declare with clearness the gravest and most profound difficulties of this holy science. he was an excellent and a moving preacher, having the power to change the hearts of many of his hearers, who selected him as their spiritual guide. whenever he left the convent, which he did only on important occasions, he was followed by a troop of his disciples, who gathered not only to honor him, but to profit by what they heard him say. he showed all his life the greatest humility, and from day to day did not change, except by the augmentation and advance of his virtue. being eager for the conversion of souls, he went to mexico with master fray alonso bayllo, who was going out to mexico with authority to divide the province of vaxac from that of santiago. [28] for the space of two years he directed the schools in the city of vaxac; but, as that was not the end which he had intended, he was dissatisfied. when he heard that many ministers of the holy gospel were needed in the philippinas, he took advantage of the arrival in mexico of father fray francisco de morales to ask that he would take him to the islands with the rest of the company whom he was bringing over. arriving in 1598, he was assigned to nueva segovia, where in a short time he learned enough of the language to be able to hear confessions. father fray damian was first vicar and superior of the mission of abulug. as such, he was a definitor in the provincial chapter, and returned to nueva segovia as vicar of the village of pata. he died greatly mourned. at this time there died in the same province of nueva segovia brother fray domingo de san blas, a lay religious of much virtue and known sanctity, a son of the convent of san pablo at sevilla, who came to these islands in the year 1594. he was of much use to the indians, of whose language he learned enough to be understood by them and to teach them to pray, to attract the christians to the church, and to teach the heathen the knowledge of the doctrine of christianity. he was fervent in prayer, being often moved to sighs and tears during his devotions. he strove to hide them from his companion, father fray ambrosio de la madre de dios, but was unable to do so. father fray ambrosio said to him that, as they two lived alone and like brothers, there was no reason why one should try to conceal anything from the other. with this permission from his superior he broke out in sobs, and his heart melted away in tears, directed mainly to the conversion of these heathen and to the perfecting in christianity of the already baptized. two extraordinary things happened in this village of pata while this brother lived there: one was the receiving of a fish on the day of st. dominic, under such circumstances that there could be no doubt that the lord had sent it to enable them properly to celebrate the feast of the holy founder of this order. the second event was the marvelous recovery or restoration to life, at the intercession of st. dominic, of an indian who had been given over for dead. it was the very man who had given them the fish. father fray domingo died from exposure to the sun. he was sent back to the convent of manila for care, and there grew worse; and, after having very devoutly received the holy sacraments, exchanged this wretched life for the eternal one.] chapter liv the intermediate chapter; an extraordinary event which took place in it, and the coming of religious to the province. in the year of our lord 1602, the voting fathers assembled in their intermediate provincial chapter, at which was accepted the house of san juan del monte, which is situated a legua from the city of manila in a solitary place, a healthful and pleasant situation. there were two motives and ends with which this house was built. the first was the consideration that some aged fathers, after their many labors and years passed in the ministry, desired, having performed the duties of martha, to give themselves up wholly to those of mary by leading the life of contemplation. for this purpose the locality is very well suited, for there is nothing in it to disturb the calm of prayer and contemplation. but it did not serve much for this end, because it was soon found by experience that these servants of god, the aged ministers, were of much more usefulness in the ministries, since their example and authority were very efficacious for the spiritual increase of faith and devotion in the indians. teaching and doctrine were received much better from such venerable ministers, who were well known, loved, and regarded. it was also found that the example of these venerable fathers was of great use to those who had newly entered upon the ministry, since they could not fail to venerate and follow the acts and the teaching which they beheld in these ancient and venerable ministers. even though there are some who on account of their great age and infirmity can not continue in the service, they are of more use in the convent of the city, where their infirmities may be better cared for, and where their good example and venerable age are more valuable. the second motive and object is one which is obviously of great advantage. it is found that in the city convalescence takes place slowly, or not at all; therefore those who are being treated for any sickness leave the city for their convalescence, by the advice of the physicians. if the order did not have this convent outside of the city, in a situation which is healthful and where the air is good--which is what convalescents most require--the religious would be obliged to ask for permission to go for their convalescence to the farms or fruit-gardens of laymen, which are never so appropriate as the convent. now that they have this convent, no permission is granted to go for convalescence to any other place, which is to the great advantage of the province. also when a religious is worn out and afflicted by the heats of the city, which are very great, he is permitted to go and obtain some refreshment and ease at san juan del monte, and soon returns to his labors in the city with new energy; and this, too, is of great value. while the fathers were assembled at this chapter an event occurred which caused special awe in the hearts of the religious, and created greater respect for the sacred constitutions which we promise to observe. even when the obligation does not involve a matter of sin, even venial sin, still the lord desires us to keep them with the greatest accuracy--not only in matters of importance, but even in the less significant ones. it was a very extraordinary incident, and one which seems to have happened like the blindness of the man who was born blind, as the gospel tells us, "not because of his own sins nor those of his fathers, but for the glory of god." although there was a fault, it was such a fault as the lord is accustomed to pass over (and even greater ones) in us. therefore it was, as i said, that it seemed to be for the greater glory of god and of st. cecilia, who, as we shall see, had a share in the remedy. there was a religious who came from the province of andalucia, in which he had lived in a very devout convent. it happened one evening that this religious ate between meals a few capers without the permission and blessing of the superior. this is something which in the eyes of men did not appear a special fault; but it was so in the sight of god, who punished this excess. from that evening the religious suffered from a pain, which seemed to him to be in his heart. although from evening to evening it sometimes was very severe, still it was not of such a nature that on account of it they hesitated to ordain him, or, after he was ordained, prohibited him from the use of the orders which he had received. he came into these regions, and went as minister to the indians in pangasinan. in the course of time his sufferings increased, and afflicted him to such an extent that he was prohibited from saying mass, as it was feared that the malady would attack him during the celebration. during this time when he did not celebrate mass, his malady continually increased and afflicted him more than before, so that the religious suffered great torture; and they gave him great care, and as much comfort as was consistent with our poverty. in spite of this he grew worse and worse, and suffered greater afflictions and torments. it attacked him one day, and they gave him some relics. thereupon he began to be so furious that he lifted up and carried along the religious who came to hold him. it seemed to them that it was some evil spirit which received the holy thing so ill. the prior at that time, who was father fray francisco de morales, afterward a holy martyr in japon, asked permission of the father provincial to exorcise him. while he was saying the litany, the grimaces and gestures made by the afflicted man were many; but when the prior reached the glorious name of the martyr st. cecilia, his fury became so great that with the torment of it he fell to the ground, deprived of strength as if in a faint. now it happened that this religious was very devoted to this most illustrious saint, and had composed a special office which he used to recite out of devotion to her. he had even abandoned his own proper surname, and was called and called himself "de sancta cecilia." although he did not perceive it himself, this was of great aid to him against the devil who tormented him; therefore it was that the evil spirit resented it so much when the religious invoked her. when the religious saw this, they called upon her many times, and all those present made a vow to fast for a day on bread and water, from reverence for this saint. the provincial vowed to celebrate a feast in her honor, and the church and an altar were prepared for saying a mass to her with great solemnity. all the religious were with the afflicted friar in the choir, singing the mass to the saint. at the first kyrie, he began to be changed; and, when the priest said the first prayer, the noise which he made in the choir was so great that he disturbed the ministers who were at the altar. while they were singing in the creed the words ex maria virgine, et homo factus est [of the virgin mary and was made man] the noise became very much greater; and at the lifting up of the host his sobs and groans and cries were so loud that, to avoid exciting the people in the church, they kept sounding clarions to the end of the mass. they took him from the choir to the oratory. here in the presence of all the religious gathered together, he performed an act of humility, saying that his faults had brought him to this wretched state, and begging them to pray to god to pardon him; and that, if it was best for him to suffer all the pains of hell, he was ready to receive them. he asked permission of the provincial to kiss the feet of those who were present. the provincial comforted him, and they went on with the exorcism, during which the devil became calmer. the friar answered all the questions which were put to him, and, when they gave him the holy cross, he kissed it with reverence. these were evidences of his recovery. the friar became so weary that it was necessary for him to repose. when he lay down to sleep it seemed to him, whether in dreams or not he could not tell, that the devil complained of being suffocated, that a religious was repeating exorcisms to him, and that the glorious st. cecilia came to his assistance. on the following day the religious fasted, as they had promised, on bread and water, and repeated the exorcisms. during them it became evident that the evil guest had departed, and that he must be one of those of whom the lord said that they are not to be cast out except by fasting and prayer. there was no more necessity of cure for that malady. as a result, the religious became very much devoted to this glorious saint, who has favored the order on many other occasions; and they became very fearful of violating the constitutions, when they saw that the lord was zealous for them in such a manner. among the babblings which the father of lies muttered through the mouth of the afflicted friar, it was noticed that when he was directed to read the epistle in the mass of the cross, where the apostle says, christus factus est pro nobis obediens usque ad mortem, [29] he read pro vobis [i.e., "for your sake"], excluding the devils from the benefit of the holy passion. when one of those present said that christ our lord had not died for devils, the proud one answered immediately: "then we have the less to be thankful for." when he reached the words of the apostle, that "at the name of jesus every knee shall bow, of those who are in heaven, on earth, and in the hells," he refused to utter this last word, which affects the devils; and, when they forced him to utter it, he answered that it was enough to say that every tongue should confess that he was seated at the right hand of the father. all this was to continue further the pride with which he was always tormented. at the same time, at the end of april, those religious reached manila whom father fray diego de soria had collected in españa during the previous year. he assembled them at the port, where he delivered them to father fray thomas hernandez, [30] father fray diego remaining in españa to collect and conduct another company, in which he succeeded. the body of friars which arrived at this time was one of the best which had come to this province. [31] it contained fourteen members from the colleges of the provinces of españa, aragon and romana. these were all very superior in ability and advanced in knowledge, and still more so in religion and virtue. the provinces of españa were not a little grieved to lose them. there, however, there was a very easy remedy because of the many who were left behind; while for this province these friars were of the greatest value, and have given it dignity and support in various ways, in the offices that belong to it. it appeared from the beginning that the lord gave them his benediction, and such a spirit of constancy and firmness that, although they had the most urgent reasons for remaining behind, not one of those who were designated failed to come. this is something which probably never happened with any other shipload. there also came many besides [the fourteen above mentioned], taking the chance as to their being desired, which was an even greater marvel. this was in the year sixty-one, when sevilla was afflicted with the plague. it was here that the religious were to assemble, and to wait for the sailing of the fleet. on the road, they met many who asked them where they were going. when they answered, "to sevilla," those that heard them were amazed and answered: "you see, fathers, that we, who are inhabitants of sevilla, have abandoned our houses and our fortunes almost to destruction, fleeing from the plague there. are your reverences going to place yourselves in the midst of it?" but nothing sufficed to prevent a single one of them from continuing his journey, for they regarded dying in such an enterprise as good fortune, and death on such a journey as happy. at the court father fray thomas hernandez and three companions who were with him found the father provincial of españa, who at that time was the father master fray andres de caso, an intimate friend of him who at that time was president of the indias. he said to them, "where are you going? there is no fleet, for the president of the indias has told me so." in spite of all this, the religious were all moved by a higher impulse; and although it was true that, on account of the plague, it had been ordered that there should be no fleet, one was afterward permitted to sail. the religious reached sevilla after much hardship; because in many places they were unwilling to admit them to the towns, or to private houses, or even to our own convents, so great was the fear of the plague. they were even unwilling to be satisfied with the evidence that the religious brought with them that they were healthy. when they reached sevilla they saw the plague-stricken taken almost dead to the hospitals and even this did not frighten them. they were in the guerta del corco [i.e., "garden of the deer"]; and there one of them was taken with the plague, and was carried suddenly off in two more days. even then, not one of them even thought of giving up the voyage, although they saw the plague and death within the house where they were dwelling. the lord favored them so that no one else took the plague. when they saw the danger more clearly, they gave greater thanks to him who had not only rescued them from it, but had taken from them the fear which they naturally had of it--especially as they had almost all come on foot, asking alms, all the way from the innermost parts of castilla la vieja; and though they were persons who were not inured to that sort of hardship, and therefore were the more likely to fall sick, especially in a season of plague. [the religious who died was fray juan de solis, a son of the licentiate jofre de solis. he was a man of jovial disposition and fond of company, but corrected his weakness when he proposed to go to the philippinas. his relatives and several of his fellow-friars tried to dissuade him, but he insisted upon going. in sevilla, as there was no lay religious with them, he undertook the duty of cooking for the rest of the company; and it may be that the great heat and consequent exhaustion were the reasons for his being taken by the plague.] when the religious reached sevilla, they were received with much joy and charity by father fray diego de soria. everything they had--their books, their clothes, their money, and everything, down to their very handkerchiefs--all became common property; if they had any debts unpaid, the community took charge of these, and the religious were left without any care, and even without the use of anything for themselves, except the habit which they wore. from that day they even said all their masses for the community, which provided for every one what he had need of, while no one possessed anything (not even by permission) except books. everything else was in common for all of them; and hence they did not have to think of carrying anything with them for the voyage, except the very small outfit provided for the whole company. [on the voyage they strove to live as much as possible as if they were in a very strict convent. they encountered a frightful storm, so great that there was not a single vessel which did not lose at least one mast; and one of the largest and best of the vessels foundered, although without loss of life. even the pilots confessed, which they avoid as much as possible for fear of disheartening the crew. the ship on which the religious were was very old, and was being sent on its last voyage, to be broken up and sold as old lumber in the port. in response to a vow of the religious, the virgin of the rosary showed them grace, and brought the storm to an end. in mexico some were sick, but none died; and not one remained behind. this greatly astonished the fathers of the province of mexico, because in every shipload some give up the distant mission--being wearied by the voyage which they have taken, fearful of the dangers to come, and pleased with the delightful climate of mexico. this shipload was the first which occupied the hospice of st. hyacinth, where they lived as if in a convent, following all the rules of the province. while in the hospice, they studied and had frequent theological conferences. they very rarely visited the city. on the journey from mexico to acapulco, which is very long and over a very bad road, many of them went on foot. as this was not customary at that time, it greatly edified those who saw them. there was only one ship in from the philippinas; and this and more were needed by the governor, don pedro de acuña, for the accommodation of himself and his troops. but while the religious were praying and offering vows to the virgin for her aid, they were rejoiced by the news that one ship had come in from the philippinas and two from peru, which were all taken to make up the fleet. on the voyage they did much for the consciences of those who were in their ship, dividing among themselves all the people, from the admiral and his companions down to the lowest convict or ship-boy. they taught these men and heard their confessions, opening the way of peace and liberty to many a captive and unhappy soul. at the port of acapulco died father fray vicente de liaño, a religious of much devotion and patience under suffering, for he was a confirmed invalid. when they reached manila they were immediately distributed by the provincial council, which was then sitting. the number of religious was the largest that has entered the province since its establishment. all of the houses in the province were filled, and enough were left to comply with the wishes of the king of satzuma, who had sent to ask for religious.] chapter lv the causes of the entry of our religious into japon, and the circumstances under which they entered satzuma. [christianity in the kingdoms of japon took its origin from the society of jesus, the first preacher and apostle therein being st. francis xavier. the fathers of this society had entered japon according to the rule of the gospel, without weapons or soldiers, but with peace and mercy and in the strength of holy living. christianity flourished so that the first missionaries were obliged to call in aid; and they sent for assistance to the philippinas, where at that time there were discalced franciscans and augustinians, besides members of the society. father gaspar coello, vice-provincial of the fathers in japon, wrote to the governor, dr. santiago de vera, to the bishop, don fray domingo de salacar, and to the guardian of st. francis, and the rector of the society in manila, urging the establishment of trade between the philippinas and japon. the bishop made a number of formal inquiries, which were verified before a notary. one is dated at nangasaqui, september 11, 1584; and the other from the kingdom of fixen, january 24, 1585. the witnesses when asked especially if it would be an advantage to have religious of various orders, and especially religious under the vow of poverty, replied unanimously that such would be very well received. they called to witness the case of the holy fray juan pobre, a discalced friar who disembarked in japon on his way to china, and whom the japanese, both heathen and christian, adored. it must be admitted that soon afterward the fathers of the society in japon changed their opinion, in spite of the fact that the extension of christianity in japon required more laborers in the field and that the empire was large enough for all the religious orders. god was pleased to put it into the heart of many of the kings, or tonos, of that realm to send to manila to ask for religious of all the orders. the particular reason for the calling of our religious was as follows: in 1601 a number of japanese vessels, with many christians on them, touched at manila. a number of these christians became very fond of our convent, and often visited it. one of them, by name juan sandaya, brought the captain of his ship to the prior, fray francisco de morales; and they discussed the possibility of sending religious of the order of st. dominic to satzuma, whence the captain came. in the following year a letter was brought from the king of satzuma, tintionguen, inviting them to come to his kingdom. the letter was dated on the twenty-second day of the ninth month in the sixth year of keycho. [32] in response to it religious were sent. father fray francisco de morales went as vicar and superior, accompanied by the fathers fray thomas hernandez, fray alonso de mena, and fray thomas del spiritu santo, or zumarraga, and brother fray juan de la abadia, a lay brother. [33] they set sail on the day of the most holy trinity. they carried but little in the way of temporal things, expecting to live upon the alms which they should receive in japon. they rested the first night in a heathen temple in the island of coxiqui. [34] the priest of the idols removed the images, and left the temple unoccupied, and the fathers consecrated it and set up in it an altar. the japanese were very curious about the new missionaries, and were greatly pleased with them. they were welcomed in a few days by some japanese gentlemen, who made them a very ceremonious greeting and welcomed them in the name of their king. they were escorted to the court of the tono, where they were honorably received. the black and white colors of the habit pleased the japanese, for these are customary in that country; while the eating of fish as an ordinary article of food is very common in japon. they also greatly admired the devotion of the fathers to study, for they esteem their boncos [or "bonzes"] in proportion as they are learned; but what above all they admired was the contempt of these fathers for comforts and worldly advantages. the favor with which the religious were received enraged the priests of the idols, who insisted that the japanese princes who had become christians had been unfortunate. they mentioned the instance of don augustin tzunotami, [35] a great and valiant lord who had been destroyed by the emperor; also that of don francisco, the king of bungo, [36] who had been conquered and lost his life; while this kingdom of satzuma had been protected by its devotion to its gods, and especially to faquiman, who is their god of war. it was no wonder that two christian princes should have been overwhelmed when thousands of heathen had suffered the same overthrow, but the idol priests passed that over. the emperor intervened, and enacted a decree that no king or tono, and not even any gentleman of distinction, should become a christian. the king of satzuma, however, would not banish the religious, but gave them permission to build a church and a house. not infrequently, however, they were forgotten, and did not receive their customary supply of rice. the fathers converted the family of the man in whose house they lived, and made a chapel in the oratory of the house. the queen was desirous of seeing the image of the virgin which was set up in the chapel; and it was carried to the palace, and there worshiped with the greatest respect by the chief personages of the court. the king, being unable to make up his mind how to treat the religious because of the opposition of the emperor, permitted them, at their request, to return to the island of quoxiqui, where they had landed, and where they had something of an establishment. here they suffered from the rigors of the japanese winter in a wretched hut. they had insufficient food, and received very small alms. in case of illness, it was impossible to give the sick man any treatment, or even proper food. the lord, however, preserved them; and the tono at last, pitying them and being edified by their way of living, offered them a town, the income derived from which would suffice to maintain them. this they declined, as being against the rule of the province to which they belonged. the king was much amazed, and gave them some interpreters to speak for them when they preached. being on an island seven leguas at sea, they could not preach to advantage, or learn the language; the king gave them permission to build a house and a church in the city of quiodomari. they said their first mass here on the day of the visitation of the virgin mary in 1606. here the fathers made a number of conversions, although they were permitted to baptize only the common people, the conversion of persons of rank or of soldiers being forbidden. some, however, came secretly and were baptized. one of them, a soldier by the name of leon, received the crown of martyrdom in four months.] chapter lvi another mission of the religious to the kingdom of camboja in españa many times the conquest of camboja, sian, and champan, neighboring kingdoms, was much discussed. the theologians whom his majesty consulted declared that this conquest was justified within certain limitations. as captain-general was appointed the conde de bailen. there came to manila in 1603 an embassy from the new king [of camboja] asking for the friendship of the governor, for a force of soldiers, and, most important of all, for religious to come and preach the gospel. the king disclaimed any part in the murders which had been committed a few years before by the king his predecessor (who was his nephew), and by the malay moros whom that king favored. by them all the portuguese and castilians who were there had been slain, except one who made his escape. [37] this new king had had nothing to do with that murder, because he was at the time a prisoner and captive in sian, and had been taken from prison there to the kingdom at the death of his nephew, who had been slain by the malay moros whom he had favored. they had taken possession of the kingdom, thus rewarding the ungrateful treachery which he had shown to the spaniards, although they had restored him to his kingdom. at this time the governor of these islands was don pedro de acuña, a man of noble birth and a brave soldier, a devoted servant of his majesty, and a true christian. in this same year the lord had given him a glorious victory over fifteen or sixteen thousand chinese who attacked this city, of whom scarcely one was left alive, the lord aiding this noble gentleman and the few spaniards who were in manila. not long afterward he gave him the great victory by which maluco was recovered and given into the possession of his majesty, without the loss of a man, which greatly enhanced the victory. [the governor was delighted by this embassy from camboja, and sent to ask preachers of the order which had spent so much and labored so hard to introduce the gospel among these tribes. the province immediately appointed father fray iñigo de santa maria as vicar, and, as associates and apostolic preachers, father fray geronimo de belen [38] and father fray alonso collar, or de santa cathalina--whom the governor despatched with six spaniards, letters, and a present, in a good frigate. they had bad weather, and were obliged to touch at cochinchina and to coast along the kingdom of champan, where they were attacked by indians when they went on shore to get fresh water. they reached the port of camboja called chordemuco, in april. the king received them with great marks of honor, showing particular favor to the religious. the kingdom was in constant disturbance, but the king was greatly encouraged even by the presence of these spaniards. he was greatly desirous of receiving further assistance from the philippinas; but the fathers were doubtful whether any ought to come, for fear that things would turn out as they had before. some vessels came from cochinchina, the captain of one of them being one of those sangleys who had killed the governor of the philippinas (dasmariñas); he took possession of the spanish galley, and became a pirate. he had at this time the title of ambassador from the king of cochinchina. some of the japanese knew him, since he had stolen a ship from them; and they wished to kill him, but were restrained by the religious. soon after, when some more japanese vessels came into port, they plotted against the man, and took his life, before the fathers could hinder them. at this time the fathers and the spaniards suffered great risks, because the siamese, the chinese, and the cochin-chinese, and much more the malay moros, who were all assembled here, hate christianity. there was promise of much disquiet and many factions; and, to pacify them, the king asked one of the fathers to go to manila and to ask for reenforcements of soldiers and for more fathers, promising to pay the soldiers, who might defend and guard those who were converted. father fray iñigo went back for that purpose. the priests, or bonços, frequented our church and approved our manner of life, giving hopes of their conversion if the religious should remain. some conversions were made, and the manner of life of the fathers greatly impressed all the people of the city. on his way back to manila, father fray yñigo lost his life. he was a son of san estevan at salamanca, and was almost one of the first who came to this province, having been sent as a result of the activity of the first bishop of these islands, and of his associate, fray miguel de venavides. he was a great preacher and very devout in prayer. he was elected to the priory of manila, and was most useful in enlightening the consciences of the inhabitants of that city. he was most devoted to st. cecilia and to st. ursula; and when he called upon their names, miracles were wrought for him by the supplying of a convent in pangasinan with fish at his prayers, and on other occasions. he showed at some times the spirit of prophecy. at the same time there died in camboja father fray alonso collar or de sancta cathalina. father fray alonso was a native of cangas de tineo, and assumed the habit and professed in oviedo. he had come to the province in the previous year (1602), and after beginning to learn the chinese language, had been sent by the order of his superior on this expedition. his death caused great grief in camboja, and his funeral was attended like that of one of the grandees of the nation. his bones were afterwards taken to manila, that he might be buried with his brethren. thus there remained in camboja, in the midst of many and great perils, one single religious (jerónimo de belén), who dared not baptize the people, although he had the license of the king to do so, because of the confusion and disquiet of the time. looking for no future success, and knowing the fickleness of the indians of that region--who had asked to have missionaries and soldiers sent to them, and who then had received them so ill, and had finally killed them--he wrote back asking permission to return; this was granted him by the provincial, until such time as the affairs of this kingdom should promise greater stability and quiet.] chapter lvii some misfortunes which happened at this time, and the experience of the religious during them the city of manila is the finest and richest of its size known in all the world. it is of great strength, being almost surrounded by the sea and by a large river, which wash its walls. it is the capital and court city of these islands, where the governor and captain-general of them has his residence, as well as the royal audiencia and chancillería. here is situated the largest garrison of soldiers, with its master-of-camp, sargento-mayor, and captains. from here are sent out the forces and garrisons subject to this government, which are very many and very wide-spread, for it includes maluco and the island of hermosa--one of them almost under the torrid zone, and the other almost within view of great china and very near japon. this city makes the name of españa renowned and feared throughout all these neighboring kingdoms; for, although its inhabitants and its soldiers are few, yet by the aid of the lord, whose faith they spread abroad, they have performed so many glorious exploits that even the barbarians of the smallest capacity have come to esteem above measure their greatness, when they see the spaniards always victorious over enemies who so surpass them in number that experience only might make such victories credible. as a kind father with his son, whose good he desires, not only strives to give him honor and wealth, but in time provides him with punishment and discipline, therefore, after our lord had made the city illustrious with glorious victories and had filled it with riches, then in the year 1604, at the end of april, he sent upon it a fire which, defying all efforts to control it, burned to the ground a third part of the city--with such swiftness that many had no opportunity to escape it (although the fire occurred about midday), and they perished in the flames; while the loss of wealth was so great that it can hardly be believed. hearing the news of the fire, which was at some distance from our convent, the religious went to help extinguish it; for on such occasions as this they labor more and have more confidence than others. in a moment, as if it were flying, the fire reached our convent; and since there was no one to protect it, it was almost wholly burnt, the lord leaving only so much as was necessary to supply a crowded shelter for the religious, without being obliged to go to the house of any other person. in this we were among the more fortunate who escaped; for the fire was so extensive that others had not even this small comfort. many who on that morning were rich, and had great houses and great wealth, had that night no house where they might lodge or shelter themselves, such is at times the fury of this terrible element. at the beginning of october in this same year, this city, and consequently all the islands, were in great danger of being lost, because of a revolt against it of the chinese who lived near it. the event happened in the following way. in the previous year, in one of the merchant vessels which come to this city from china every year there arrived three persons of authority, who are called by the spaniards "mandarins." these are their judges or leading officers in war. they entered the city, borne on men's shoulders, on gilded ivory seats, having the insignia of magistracy: and they were received with the display due to ambassadors of so powerful a king. they had come to search for a mountain which a chinese, named tiongong, had described to his king as being all gold. the name of this mountain was cavite, and from it he promised to bring back to china ships laden with gold. the mandarins made their investigations, for which purpose they carried tiongong with them; and when they reached the place which he described, they found no mountain of gold, nor any sign of one. when they accused him of fraud and deceit, he answered, "if you wish it to be gold, it is gold" (referring to the ornaments which the indians wear, and much more to the wealth of the spaniards); "if you wish it to be sand, it is sand." all this was done in the sight of the spaniards, who came there with a good deal of interest to know the reason why these mandarins had come so far away from their regular duties--and especially their chief, who was, as it were, sargento-mayor of the province of chincheo, one of the most prominent officers in their army. the whole thing aroused suspicion; and the archbishop, don fray miguel de venavides, a friar of our habit and a religious of this province, urged the governor to send them back immediately, that they might not perceive how small a force the spaniards had, and might not make the other reconnoissances which are customary when foreign cities or kingdoms are to be attacked. they feared that china was intending an attack upon us. the religious of the order, as they knew the language, visited the mandarins and learned from them that this tiongong meant to inform the king that the wealth of these islands in the hands of spaniards and indians was great; and that, if he would send ships and forces, he might easily make himself lord of it all. they accordingly urged the governor to hasten sending the mandarins away, and he did so. after this event the spaniards did not rest secure, but were very fearful that the king of china, being a heathen, might be carried away by avarice, and might be greedy for the great wealth which this trickster offered him. since he was a very powerful king, his resources would certainly be greater than this country could resist without great damage to itself. even if the city were to be victorious, the result would be its destruction. it would lose a great many of its people, and the indignation of the king would be aroused because of his defeat. he would therefore take away their commerce from them, without which this country could not be sustained. all these reasonings and considerations made the spaniards very anxious and suspicious. their suspicions were very greatly increased when the heathen chinese kept saying that they believed a fleet would come the next year. this was heard by some chinese christians who were so in truth; and they went immediately and told it to our religious who had the direction of them. there were some of them who put on false hair that they might look like heathen, and went with studied negligence to the alcaiceria [i.e., "silk market"] where the heathen lived, and heard their conversations at night with reference to the coming of the fleet. they immediately reported these things to their religious, and they to the governor and the archbishop. the archbishop, in a sermon preached at the feast of the most holy sacrament in our convent, informed the governor and the city that they ought to make preparations, because the chinese were about to rebel. although the governor knew all these things, because he had been told of them by our religious, on the aforesaid authority, he could never be persuaded that the chinese were going to rebel, because of the great harm and the little or no advantage which they would receive from the revolt. yet, to make ready for what might happen, he began to show special kindness to the japanese who lived near manila, and to prepare them so that in case of necessity they might be on the side of the spaniards. he followed the same plan with the indians, directing them to prepare themselves with arms and arrows, to be ready if they should be needed. none of this was conceded from the chinese, for it could not be kept secret from so many; and they even heard with their own ears the most prominent people in manila say: "we cannot go out against the chinese, if they come with a fleet, and leave behind us such a multitude as there is around the city; so, if we have news that there is a fleet of the chinese, we shall have to kill all there are here, and go out and meet those who are coming." this kind of talk greatly afflicted them; and besides this, the more ignorant class of people already began to look at them as enemies, and treated them very badly. the result was that they became very much disquieted and fearful. in addition, there were not lacking some to go and tell them lies, bidding them be on their guard, for on such and such a day the spaniards were going to break out upon them. in proof of this lie they called their attention to some facts which the sangleys could see--for instance, that all the spaniards were getting ready their weapons, and the indians were making new ones, though they had no other enemies, unless it were the chinese. at last, more out of fear than from any purpose of their own, they rose in revolt, insomuch that some of them were seen to go where others had fortified themselves, weeping bitterly because they saw their destruction, but feeling that there was no other means to save their lives. the governor and the audiencia made great efforts to undeceive them and to pacify them, but nothing that was done gave them any security. on the contrary, it seemed to them a trick to catch them unawares. it was a pity to see them leave their houses, which were many, and flee without knowing where, or considering how they were to obtain food for so great a multitude. some of them in this affliction hanged themselves, to avoid the miseries which as they saw would befall them if they revolted, and the violent death which they feared if they did not rise. finally, on the eve of the glorious st. francis, they threw off the mask and came forward as declared rebels against the city. sounding warlike music and waving banners, they began to burn houses and to kill people; and on that night they attacked in a body the town of binondo, which is composed of christians of their own nation. their purpose was to force these to join them; but our religious, to whom the teaching of these chinese was committed, caused the women and children to be brought for protection to the church, while the chinese christians took their arms and defended the town under the leadership of the good knight don luis perez das mariñas, who lived there next our church. with twenty arquebusiers, who were on guard in that town, they drove the enemy back without suffering any damage. the enemy, however, inflicted injury upon those who were at work in the fields, many of whom were taken by surprise and were compelled to join them or to suffer death. they also attacked the church and town of tondo, which belongs to the religious of our father st. augustine. as the latter had provided against them by a spanish guard, they did no harm. after having defended the town all night, don luis das mariñas sent one of our religious to the governor before daylight, asking for some troops to attack the chinese rebels who had fortified themselves near the town of tondo, not far from manila. he was of the opinion that as these people had spent all the night, disturbed themselves and disturbing others, they would be tired and sleepy, so that it would be easy to inflict great losses on them. the governor took the matter before a council of war; all approved, and he sent his nephew, don thomas de acuña, with more than a hundred men, the best in the camp, together with some of the men of highest rank in the city, who desired to accompany the nephews of the governor and the archbishop, who went with this party. this small force was regarded as sufficient to attack more than six thousand who were said to have banded together and to be in fortifications--so little did they regard the chinese. the spanish, marching in good order, met at least three hundred chinese enemies, and, attacking them, put them immediately to flight. they were near some large plantations of sugar-cane, in which the chinese concealed themselves; and the spaniards followed them, being thus divided and brought into disorder. the rebels were posted not far from there, and, when they saw the spaniards in disorder, they all sallied out against them, and, surrounding them, killed them almost to a man, although with great loss on their own side. as a result, they plucked up courage to advance against the city, and to try to make an entry into it. for this purpose they made some machines of wood, much higher than the wall. they came forward with these, with no small spirit, but soon lost their courage because, before the machines were brought into position, they were destroyed by the artillery, which inflicted much damage upon the enemy. so, after some slight encounters, they abandoned the siege and fled into the country. against them was despatched the sargento-mayor, christobal de azcueta, with as many spanish soldiers, indians, and japanese as could be got together. as a result of the good order which he maintained, the chinese were killed off little by little, until there was not left a man of them. this was accomplished without any harm to our troops, for, no matter how much the chinese strove to force them to give a general battle, they constantly refused it; but they kept the chinese in sight while they were marching, and halted whenever they halted, surrounding themselves with a palisade of stakes which they carried for the purpose. these they arranged not in one line, but in two, so that in case of attack--and many attacks were made--before the chinese could reach the palisades and pass them, the spaniards with their arquebuses and arrows killed the greater number of them. the loss of life was especially great among the most courageous, who led the van; while the rest turned back in terror, without effecting anything. hunger also fought with them powerfully, because, as our soldiers kept them constantly under surveillance, they could not go aside to forage. the little food which they had brought from manila was quickly exhausted; and, after that was gone, their lives followed rapidly. thus by the twentieth of october the war was at an end and everything was quiet. but the city was greatly in need of all sorts of things, for all the trades were in the hands of the chinese, and, now that they were dead, there was no shoemaker, or tailor, or dealer in provisions, or any other necessary tradesman; and there was no hope that they would come again to this country for trade and commerce. on this account it was determined to send an embassy to china, to give information as to the facts of the case. there were appointed as ambassadors captain marcos de la cueba and father fray luis gandullo, one of our religious--a man of great virtue, sanctity, and prudence, who had gone to china on two other occasions. they suffered much hardship on the voyage, but finally succeeded in their negotiations with the viceroy of the province of chincheo, which is the place from which the chinese come to manila. after he had given them license to get a supply of ammunition for the city, he dismissed them, promising to continue the trade. this promise was carried into effect, for in the following year there came thirteen ships; and from that day forward everything has gone on as if nothing of what has been narrated had ever taken place. chapter lviii the election as provincial of father fray miguel de san jacintho and the coming of religious on may 9, 1604, father fray juan de santo thomas having completed his term as provincial, there was elected in his place father fray miguel de san jacintho, a religious of much prudence, great virtue, and a mind greatly inclined to goodness, and one who loved and honored those who were good. he exhibited in the course of his office great talent in governing, watching over the order with great care, and filling his office with much affability and simplicity, which caused the religious to love him, and to feel particular satisfaction in him because they had shown so much wisdom in appointing him as superior of the province, out of all the many candidates who had been put forward at that election. his excellent and prudent manner of governing was not displayed on this occasion for the first time; for he had previously exhibited his high abilities in such offices when he was elected by his associates as their superior on the journey from españa, that position having been vacated by the death in mexico of father fray alonso delgado, who had come as their vicar. in spite of the youth of father fray miguel, he filled this office so much to the satisfaction of all that they regarded themselves as fortunate in having found a superior who looked out so carefully for the advantage of every one without ever forgetting the general good of the order--which, as being more universal, takes precedence and commands higher esteem. in the affairs of the voyage, which are many and full of difficulty, he conducted himself so well and anticipated them with such accuracy that it seemed as if all of his life had been spent in the office of conducting religious. this is a function that calls for many diverse qualities, difficult to find united in a single person unless he is a man of so superior a nature as was father fray miguel. when he arrived in the province, they sent him to the district of nueva segovia. here he was one of the first missionaries and founders of this conversion; and was one of the best and most careful, most beloved by the indians, and most devoted to his duties as a religious, who had ever been in that province. he suffered all the hardships and necessities, the poverty and the lack of sustenance, which have been recounted. from them, although he was a man of strong constitution and fitted to endure much, the want and the lack of food resulted in causing severe pains of the stomach. this evidently resulted from hunger, for as soon as he had a moderate amount of food he was well; but this happened seldom, and most of the time they had nothing to eat but some wild herbs which they gathered in the fields, and which were more suited to purge their stomachs than to sustain their lives. hence in jest father fray gaspar zarfate, who was his associate, said to him that he was greatly in doubt whether they were properly keeping the fasts prescribed by the constitutions, because they ate the same thing for supper in the evening as for dinner at noon; for, as they had nothing else, they ate quilites at noon for dinner, and quilites at night for supper. there were received at this chapter the church and house of nuestra señora del rosario [i.e., "our lady of the rosary"] in the kingdom of satzuma in japon; and, in the province of nueva segovia, those of san vicente in tocolano, san miguel in nasiping, san pedro in tuguegarao, san raymundo in lobo, sancta ynes de monte policiano in pia, santa cathalina de sena in nabunanga (which is now in the village of yguig), and nuestra señora de la asuncion ["our lady of the assumption"] in talama. these were all villages which had been waiting for religious; and as the bishop of that region, don fray diego de soria, a religious of the order and of this province, had written that he was about to come back to it with a large following of religious, the new provincial was encouraged to take the charge of so many new churches and villages which were so much in need of teaching, for they had never had any, and were nearly all heathen. the good bishop did not fail of his promise. he had been one of the first and most prominent founders of this province, had seen and passed through the great sufferings which the establishment of it required, and had likewise had his share in the great harvest which the religious had reaped in these regions. he therefore loved it much, and strove with all his might to increase it; and hence, when he was about to come to his bishopric, he endeavored to bring with him a goodly number of excellent religious. the vicar in charge of them was father fray bernabe de reliegos, a son of the distinguished convent of san pablo at valladolid, where in the course of time he went after some years to die, leaving the religious highly edified by his happy death, which was to be expected from his very devoted life. the example which they gave on the way from their convents to sevilla was such that it highly edified the people of the towns through which they passed. the religious who set out from san pablo at valladolid were four in number, and they made their way to the port on foot, asking alms and sustaining themselves solely by what the lord gave to them as to his poor. although on some occasions they suffered from need because there was no one to give them sufficient alms, they never made use of the money which the superior had sent them for the journey--esteeming more highly that which was given them for the love of god, and putting aside the shame which begging alms at the doors brings with it. they came to a small hamlet in the sierra morena, and, though they went two by two to search for lodgings, they found none, and still less did they find any food. hence in their need, which was great because they had gone on foot, they went to find the alcalde, to lay their necessities before him. after he had several times refused to see them, he at last admitted them at night, and sent them to a house with orders that they should receive the friars. a gentleman from baeca was there, who, seeing that they were poor, had compassion upon them and sent a page to invite them to eat dinner, although he had already dined before the religious could reach the house. they thanked him for these alms, but declined them, saying that the alcalde of the town had provided for their dinner and lodging; and the gentleman sent them forty reals in charity, saying that he did not send them more because he was journeying on business to the court, where the expenses were so great that they left him no more with which he could help the friars, as he wished to do. that the lord permits such needs is not due to his lack of power or of love, and he ordinarily makes up for them with similar or greater recompenses. in baylen they went around the town two by two, and when they had all come together, without obtaining more than two or three cuartos in alms, night came upon them without any inn or lodging. a man was following their path who had noticed what happened to them, and he offered them his house. they thanked him, and accepted his charity; but the house was nothing but a poor peddler's shed, three brazas long and two wide, and, that he might take them in, he sent his wife that night to sleep elsewhere. but a house of charity could not fail to be large and spacious, and hence the religious rested in it with much satisfaction and joy. in the morning the lord paid the charitable host for the lodging; for the conde, learning of what had happened, called him to appear in presence of the religious, thanked him for what he had done, and, promising him his favor for the future, forced a man who had done our host some wrong, some days before, to recompense him for it immediately. thus he went away happier than if it had been a feast day, though this is not the principal pay for such works, for they earn glory in the sight of god. all the religious reached sevilla, and set sail on st. john's day in a small vessel to go to cadiz and take ship. at noon they were at a considerable distance from land, and the master of the ship was very inattentive. the religious saw three vessels with lateen sails following them, and were amused at these because they had never seen that kind of sail before. this called the attention of the master, and he went up and looked at them. seeing that they were moorish vessels, he trimmed his sails, and turning the helm, set out to run ashore. when he succeeded, he said: "some saint is sailing in this boat, on whose account our lord has delivered us today from falling into the hands of moors; for it is they who were chasing us with their light sails and swift boats, from which it was impossible that this heavy bark with its heavy load should have escaped, if some superior power had not been watching over us by some saint who has been traveling with your reverences." on the following day it was learned that at that very same place some people who had taken the same voyage had been captured, wherefore they saw themselves obliged anew to render most humble thanks to the lord for his singular mercy and kindness. they went on board the ships; and when the fleet was sailing in the gulf which on account of its restlessness and the many waves which are always there, is called golfo de las yeguas [i.e., "gulf of the mares"], two sailors fell overboard from the flagship--an accident which often happens when they are working in confusion at a critical moment. the flagship--not being able to help them, since it was carried on and separated from them by the wind--gave a signal, by discharging a piece, to the ships that followed it that they should try to pick up the men. as none of the other ships was able to go to their help, that one on which were the bishop and the religious hove to; but, on account of the excitement of the moment, they failed to do so with proper caution and prudence. the rudder was brought over with all the sails up so that the head of the ship was brought down dangerously, and the whole bow as far back as the foremast went under water. that there might not be one accident only, the violence of the wind and the burden of the sails and the force of the waves jerked the tiller [pinçote] from those who were at the helm, and swung it across fast under the biscuit hatchway, leaving the ship without means to steer it when that was most needed. the hatchway was closed, and no key was to be found. the ship was going to the bottom, being submerged in the water, and the waves, which were like mountains, were beating on its sides, so that the mariners in alarm were shouting, "we are lost, we are going to the bottom and cannot help ourselves, for want of a rudder and direction." "let us turn," said the bishop, "to our mother and lady, the mother of god, and let us promise to fast in her honor for three days on bread and water if by her help we may receive our lives." the religious did so, and, falling down in prayer, they supplicated her for aid; and instantly--a proper work for the divine pity and that of the mother of compassion--the tiller, or stem of the rudder, came out, of itself, from the hole into which it had gone. this was contrary to the common expectation in the ordinary course of similar cases; for the hole was very small, and therefore it was very difficult for anything which had once entered it to be brought back again. four men quickly caught it, and, bringing it across with great strength, turned the ship back into its course. the seamen were in amazement at this extraordinary event; and, as they had had experience in like cases, they regarded it as the favor and benefit of our lady who had been invoked by her afflicted and unhappy chaplains. therefore to her the religions rendered devout and humble thanks, and with great joy fulfilled the vow which they had made. on its voyage the fleet touched at the island of guadalupe for wood and water. this island was inhabited by a barbarous and inhuman race, bare of any sort of clothing, and (what is worse) bare of any sort of pity; for they had no pity upon those who, without doing them any harm, came there to get water which would be wasted in the sea, and wood for which they had no use whatsoever. there were in the fleet the marqués de montes claros, going to be viceroy of nueva españa, and, as commander, don fulgencio de meneses y toledo; and on the eve of our father st. dominic, twenty-five soldiers having gone ashore as a guard with an ensign in command, all those on board the fleet went ashore and mass was said as the religious had desired. after that, the religious and all the rest went to wash their clothes and to bathe themselves, of which there was great need. the sailors went to get wood and water. being all more widely scattered than was proper, they failed to keep a proper lookout, when they ought to have been more on their guard against the peril which menaced them. the islanders, taking advantage of the opportunity to carry out their evil purpose, came down close to them, being hidden in the thick undergrowth of the mountain. they began to shoot arrows at the spaniards when the spaniards were not keeping a lookout, and when they themselves had the advantage. this they did so rapidly and in such numbers that it seemed as if it rained arrows. when the indians were perceived many were already wounded, and much blood had been shed. the surprise and confusion threw the crew into a panic, and huddling together in a frightened group they fled, each man striving to put himself in safety--one leaping into the boat to go back to the ship; another throwing himself into the sea, which was then regarded as more pitiful than the land; still another hiding himself among the trees and letting the savages pass as they shot their arrows at those whom they found ahead of them, and letting them pick up as spoils the clothes which he had been washing, or which were now being dried after the washing. those who could do least to resist the attack of the islanders were the religious; and hence many of them fell wounded and others dead, for it was easier to draw their souls from them than to draw out the arrows. three of them hid themselves in a thicket, where the lord delivered them from a shower of arrows which were shot after them as they went to hide. holding a little [image of] christ in their hands, they begged him earnestly that he would blind the savages that they might not see them and might pass them by. the lord heard them, and thus, though the islanders saw them hide themselves and shot many arrows after them, yet the arrows did not strike them; and the indians, who are keener than mastiffs in discovering people, could not find them, though they passed the place where they were. the wounded were: father fray juan luis de guete, a son of the convent of preachers in valencia, in whose spine an arrow was fastened, being stopped by the bone; father fray juan naya, a son of the convent of san pedro martyr at calatayud, who escaped with a wound in his arm where an arrow had passed through it; and father fray jacintho calvo, who was struck twice. he was a son of the convent of la peña de francia, where in course of time he hung up one of the arrows. the wounds were not so penetrating as to take their lives; but they made the fathers very happy because here, with this blessed beginning, they had begun to shed their blood for the lord who had redeemed them with his own, and for the gospel which they were going to preach in his service. the religious who died there were six. they were so picked and selected among all the rest that, as they were the cream of all the others, it was plain that that which the islanders had done en masse was, so far as concerned the lord, a most particular providence of his who had directed the arrows against the best and the ripest of the religious that they might be offered as early fruit on the table of the supreme father, as something in which one may safely assert that he takes much pleasure. three of these holy martyrs were children of the most religious convent of preachers in valencia, which, as it is so prolific in saints, naturally had here the greater share. the first was father fray juan de moratalla, a native of murcia, a religious of noble example, great mortification, silence, modesty, and composure. [he was devoted to prayer and solitude, and to the good of others. the second was father fray vicente palao valenciano, a religious very precise in his observance of the rules, and such as a priest ought to be. the third was fray juan martinez, a priest, an aragonese, a religious of purest and holiest life. the fourth was fray juan cano, a native of burgo de osma, a son of san pablo de valladolid, young in age, old in virtue. the fifth religious was fray pedro moreno, a deacon, a native of villalba, a son of the royal convent of sancta cruz at segovia, and a member of the most illustrious college of san gregorio at valladolid. he was devoted to prayer and to silent meditation. at his death the lord wrought a miracle by enabling him to make his way to the seashore, where he died in prayer, and was afterward found beneath the water in the attitude of prayer. the sixth religious was fray jacintho de cistenes, a son of the convent at valencia, and a native of that noble city. he was young in age but venerable for his virtue. the lord had revealed to him that he should die on the day of st. lawrence, as he actually did, after suffering for some time from his mortal wound. [39]] chapter lix the erection of some churches, which took place at this time the religious who were coming to the province, although they had been diminished in number by the savages of guadalupe, were of great use. they were fourteen in number, and, that they might immediately begin that which they had sought over so many seas and through so many hardships, they were assigned to their duties. the newly-elected provincial took with him four for the province of nueva segovia, where at that time the conversions were going on rapidly, because the country was large and nearly all the inhabitants were heathen. when they reached the cape known as cabo del bojeador, a place which is ordinarily a difficult one, the provincial saw that a small cloud which covered the peaks of some mountains near there was moving toward the sea, which began to be unquiet and rough. the pilot thought it best that the sails should be lowered somewhat, in order better to resist the attack of the wind and the waves which threatened them. while he was striving to do this, the tempest anticipated him; and the wind came with such force that wind and wave turned the vessel on its side, and the water entered over the sides of the ship. it was necessary for the religious to put their hands to the oars, while the rest went to work, with great difficulty, to get in the sails--nothing being left but the courses, in order to make it possible to steer. although the amount of sail was so small, the wind was so powerful that, lifting the vessel on one side, it forced the other under the water. the religious repeated the exorcisms against the tempest, upon which it subsided a little; but when the exorcism was completed it came back with as much force as at first, almost capsizing the vessel, and making it ship water. when the exorcism was renewed, the tempest moderated itself anew; but when the exorcism was completed, its fury returned as before. thus they perceived that this tempest was not merely a tempest of wind and of waves, but was aided by the devil--who at the words of the exorcism lost his strength, and as soon as that ceased received it again, to hinder the ministers of the gospel. four times they repeated the exorcism, and four times the same thing happened, upon which the father provincial, recognizing the author of this evil, said: "since i see that ministers are to be given to the villages of the heathen, and that the devil, who unjustly keeps them under his tyranny, is about to be banished from them, i promise to build a church under the patronage of the guardian angels, that they may aid us against this cursed enemy who is so clearly making war against us." as soon as he had made this promise, it seemed that the guardian angels took upon themselves the protection of the fragata; for the tornado began to disappear, and they continued their voyage. on the following day they rounded the cape, by rowing against a slight contrary wind which had arisen; and when this wind had quieted down, the fragata came to some billows where a number of opposing currents met. the waves were so high that the little boat put its side under water. a religious threw into the sea some relics of st. raymond, repeating the glories of the saint, and the sea was immediately calmed--just as when water boils too violently in the kettle, and a little water is poured into it; and by the kindness of the saint a fair wind was given to them, with which they continued their voyage. when they reached nueva segovia, a minister was provided for the village of nasiping, which had been accepted ten years before, but for which it had been impossible previously to provide a minister because the supply of them was so scanty. even now there was so much requiring the attention of the religious, and they were so few, that half a miracle was necessary for the missionary to be given. father fray francisco de la cruz, or jurado, [40] was taken dangerously ill. he was a religious of much virtue, of whom they had great hopes. the father provincial, fearing to lose him, promised to give a minister to nasiping if the sick man recovered. father fray francisco recovered, and the provincial fulfilled his vow and named the church after st. michael. this village is on the banks of the great river [i.e., of cagayán], five or six leguas higher up than the city of the spaniards. in the year 1625, twenty-one years after it received ministers, there had been baptized in it more than three thousand four hundred persons, as is certified by the baptismal records; and, in addition to this, many were baptized in sickness who, because of their immediate death, were not entered on the records. to this village there came an indian from tuguegarao, which is distant two days' journey by water. he very earnestly desired the religious to confess him, and to give him the other holy sacraments. the religious confessed him and gave him the communion, more that he might assist his devotion than because he supposed he was in danger. he had come on foot and seemed strong, so that it seemed that he was very far from being in such a state of necessity; but after he had received the sacrament he died. this was something at which the religious wondered, and which aroused in him great devotion and joy when with his eyes he saw so plainly the power of divine predestination, carried out in ways so hidden and mysterious. father fray pedro muriel, [41] who is still living, has testified as an eye-witness that when he was minister in that village, in the year 1631, the locusts were more in number than the natives had ever seen before. in the fields of that village they were in such numbers that they spread over a space three leguas in length and a quarter of a legua in breadth, covering the earth and the trees so that the ground could not be seen, so thickly did they cover it; and they ravaged the fields as if they had been burnt. [the indians did what they could to frighten away the locusts, but in vain; and the lord heard the prayers of one of the indians that he would drive away the locusts during the night. at dawn, when he expected to find all of his fields desolated, he found that just half of them had been eaten, and that all the rest had been left. the lord showed a similar grace to a poor woman who prayed for his aid in protecting her field of maize.] in this same year, 1604, the provincial sent three religious to the estuary of lobo and the country of ytabes, [42] in the province of nueva segovia. all those indians are heathen; and though by nature they are very tractable and easy to deal with, simple and free from malice, and concerned with nothing but their agriculture, still the outrages of those who took tribute from them were so great that they enraged the natives and obliged them to take up arms, to the great loss of the spaniards. as they were few and the multitude of the indians many, the few, although they were very courageous, came to their death by the hands of the many; or, rather, the unjust came to death by the hands of divine justice, which in this way was pleased to chastise and end their injustices. and as we very seldom reckon rightly, the chastisement which god wrought by the hands of these indians was attributed by the spaniards to the courage and valor of this tribe; and thus they were very fearful of them until the holy gospel declared by the dominican religious changed them from bloodthirsty wolves to gentle sheep--the lord aiding by manifest miracles to give credit to his faith and to his ministers, to the end that they might be able to do that which without this or similar assistance from the lord it would have been impossible to achieve. one of the three religious who entered these heathen villages to undertake their conversion said, in giving an account of what happened: "since the hand of the lord has been so plainly succoring these indians by the hands of those religious who dwelt among them, their reformation has been great and marvelous. they have gone from one extreme to the other, almost without any intermediate stage, since the religious took them under their care. before that they were so free, so completely without god or law, without king or any person to respect, that they gave themselves up freely to their desires and their passions. evidence of this is found in those wars which they were continually waging among themselves, without plan or order; and in the drunkenness and the outrages of which they were guilty, without regard to god or man. he who was most esteemed among them was the greatest drunkard, because, as he was the richest, he could obtain the most liquor. he who slew the greatest number of men was regarded as superior to all the rest. they married and unmarried daily, with one or many wives. in a word, they were a barbarous race, given up to all sorts of shameless conduct. in spite of all this, when the missionary came among them they were as docile as if they had during all their lives been learning to obey, which is something very difficult even in religious orders. this was true, although the religious instantly laid a general interdict upon all their ancient vices; obliged them to consort solely with their lawful wives; even forced many to abandon their land and their old villages, that they might come where teaching was given them; and, in a word, compelled them to enter all at once, and in a body, into ordered ways of living, in matters both divine and human. they had not a thought of opposing a single command; and this has been achieved without stripes or penalties, but simply by kindness and gentleness. the result has been that those who did not understand anything except killing, and drinking till they could not stand, and running without any restraint after every sort of vice, now never think of doing these things--as i have seen in these first three villages in this district of ytabes. the day we went among them we found all the men lying about the streets, dead drunk; since that day there has not been one drunk enough to lose his senses. the same reformation has been achieved in all other matters, for they were not compelled to do all this by fear of the spaniards. quite otherwise; the spaniards regarded these indians as so indomitable and intrepid that, for fear of them, they did not dare go up the river as far as their villages; but after the religious went among them, they were gathered into large villages that they might be more easily instructed in the faith, having been previously scattered among many small ones, like so many farmsteads [in spain]. there were three villages thus formed: one of about five hundred tributes, named taban, the church of which was called san raymundo; and the other two of more than a thousand tributes each--one called pia, its church santa ynes de monte policiano, afterwards known as san domingo; and the last one, named tuao, the church of which was dedicated to the holy guardian angels because of the incident referred to above. thus all those people were brought together and united, to reduce them to settlements, and to a civilized mode of life and government; and to the church; but this result was obtained at no small cost to the religious. of three of them, two immediately fell very sick, and the third still more so, for he died as a result of the illness. this was father fray luis de yllescas, a son of the convent of sancto domingo at mexico, a very humble religious, very obedient and beloved by all. he received the holy sacraments for his departure with great devotion; and went away to enjoy, as may be presumed, the reward of his labors, which had been many in a short time. yet neither this death nor the failure of health in the rest caused them to withdraw their hands from the work upon which they had begun. on the contrary, the great good which they beheld, wrought by the lord among these indians, served as medicines and remedies for the ills from which they suffered; and for their convalescence, though they had no worldly luxuries, that fruit was much better which, more and more every day, was borne by this new plant of the church. from it they recovered health, strength, and new courage to carry on the work which they had begun. to give them still greater spirit, the lord came to them working miracles. the first mass which was celebrated in the village of pia took place on st. bartholomew's day, the twenty-fourth of august. [before the end of the month, a sick person who wished to be baptised beheld some fierce and abominable forms which dissuaded him from baptism, and reminded him of the rights and customs of his ancestors, charging him not to change the faith in which his fathers and grandfathers had lived. these dreadful forms were driven away by three persons, clad in black cloaks with white garments beneath. the sick man was often asked if he knew these three persons who had delivered him, and he said "no." when he was asked if they were religious of our order he also said "no," because he had never seen any of the religious wearing their cloaks. he always declared that he had been awake and not asleep; and the narrative was accepted as certain. at one time, a religious who was himself in poor health was left in charge of thirteen newly-converted christians, who were all confined to their beds by sickness. being unable to give them the care which he desired, he placed upon the abdomen of each of them a little roasted rice-bran, very hot, begging the lord to make up by his pity for the lack of medicine. when he came back the next day to visit them, all but two were well, and had gone to work in the field; and the others soon recovered. the same treatment given by another indian or by the sick man to himself had no effect; and thus it is plain that the healing was due to the desire of the lord to honor and to give authority to the hand which applied the remedy. the indians themselves observed that, after they had religious, far fewer died than before they had them. in their ancient days of superstition, when a man fell sick he generally died, because he was treated only by the witchcraft of the aniteras, whose sole purpose was to get gold from the sick persons by false promises. the sorcerers did them no good and indeed rather harmed them, since cures came from our worst enemy, the devil; while now the lord was giving them, by means of the religious, health that was health indeed. one of the religious in this region, father fray juan naya, [43] fell ill, and grew worse so rapidly that he was given up as a consumptive. by the advice of another religious, he made a vow to our lady to serve in that province among the heathen, if she should be pleased to grant him sufficient health for him to carry on this work. he made the vow for seven consecutive years from the day of the visitation, july 2, 1605. during all this time he had his health; but at the end of the seven years he was attacked by a very severe and dangerous illness, which left him when he renewed his vow for four years more. similar experiences have been frequent among the religious. it has even happened to some who were not very devoted to this work, and who desired to go to other provinces where the lord might be served with less severity and with somewhat greater comfort, that they have been afflicted with diseases, which gave place to miraculous health as soon as they made vows to remain and minister to the indians whom they wished to leave. in this region the lord manifested his goodness and gave authority to his ministers, curing a sick woman who was at the point of death, by means of the sacrament of holy baptism. in this same village it happened to father fray juan naya that a poisonous snake entered his shoe without any evil effect. an indian in this same village called upon god in his illness, and, when it did not seem good to the divine providence to heal him, he called upon the devil whom he had previously served. the lord punished him with dreadful visions, from which he was delivered upon praying to the lord for his protection; and he was finally cured, after making his confession. a child was miraculously healed in the town of pia at the time when father fray juan sancta ana was vicar there. a woman who did not seem to be dangerously ill prayed so earnestly to be baptized that the father granted her wish. she died almost immediately after, the lord having shown her a marvelous kindness in causing the religious to baptize her immediately.] chapter lx what our lord wrought, by the intercession of our lady of the rosary, who stands in a shrine between the two villages of pia and tuao. [in the church of the village of pia there was an image of our lady on one of the side altars. it had been made in macan, and had been first set up in the church of our order in the city of nueva segovia, whence it was taken to the church of pia. here the image was greatly beloved; and when father fray juan de sancta ana gave it away to another village, after having received a second image of much greater beauty, the people begged so earnestly to have it returned that the vicar was obliged to have another painted on canvas and sent to the village of tuguegarao (to which he had given the one for which the indians begged), and to have the first image brought back. while the father was considering where it would best be put, the idea occurred to him that it would be well to establish a shrine on the road between pia and tuao, at a distance of about a league and a half from each of the towns. this shrine was set up on st. stephen's day in 1623. on the day on which the shrine was consecrated more than ten thousand persons were gathered together from the neighboring villages. one of the women of the highest rank in the village of pia undertook the care of the shrine, placing a lamp to burn constantly before the holy image. this indian was named doña ynes maguilabun. the virgin was not slow to reward her for this devotion, for once when doña ynes took with her to the shrine her little nephew, a child of five years, who was suffering from a large swelling under his left arm--a disease among the indians which runs into an abscess, and, being so near the heart, is very dangerous indeed, because of the lack of medicines and of medical science among these indians--the little one was left in the shrine, and fell asleep on the steps of the altar. while there he had a vision of the virgin, and, when he awoke, the swelling was entirely healed. other miracles were wrought by the same image. one particularly worthy of mention happened in the year 1624. there being a severe drouth, the father who was at that time in the village of tuao, fray andres de haro, [44] and father fray juan de sancta ana, decided to make some processions and offer prayers to the lord for his mercy. they accordingly arranged to make processions on a certain day from each of the villages to the shrine. the indians of pia confessed their sins, that the burden of them might be removed from the land; and on that same sunday it rained so copiously in the region of this village of pia that it seemed as if the village would be drowned and as if the floodgates of heaven were open. on the day appointed for the processions, the father of the village of pia told the indians that it was not necessary to make the procession, but that he would say a solemn mass of thanks to our lady, which could be done in the church. they, however, insisted; and when they reached the shrine they found there all the people of the village of tuao, where not a drop of rain had fallen, because the inhabitants of tuao had not thought of confessing. they immediately began to prepare themselves for confession, and all that day the inhabitants of tuao and pia confessed their sins, revealing some which, from lack of faith, or pusillanimity, or shame, they had concealed. when they reached home in the evening it began to rain in both villages and in all the fields around them; and it rained so hard that it was impossible to bring back the ornaments which had been taken to the shrine for the saying of mass. on several other occasions our lady showed mercy by granting rain in answer to the prayers of those who besought it before this holy image.] chapter lxi the venerable father fray miguel de venavides, one of the first founders of this province and archbishop of manila. among the great kindnesses and benefits which our province, and indeed all these islands, have received from the lord, one of the greatest was his having given them father fray miguel de venavides as one of the first who came to establish this province of the holy rosary, and as second archbishop of this city. at a time when its inhabitants suffered great tribulations, and found themselves suddenly besieged by a number of enemies much larger than their own--enemies from within their houses and their homes--they found in him a true father for their consolation, and a prelate acceptable to god, who could placate his ire by interceding for his people. he was born in carrion de los condes, of noble parents, well known in that region because of their descent and their virtue. when he was not more than fifteen years old he assumed the habit of this religious order, and learned by experience how true is the saying of the holy spirit that it is well for a man to carry the easy yoke of the service of god from his youth. he received the habit and professed in the distinguished convent of san pablo at valladolid. he immediately began to display the subtilty of his mind, which was very great; at the very beginning of his studies he seemed like an eagle soaring above his fellow-pupils, distinguishing himself by special marks or acuteness, so that most of the students and the learned were astonished. he was, accordingly, soon made a member of the college of san gregorio in that city, a crucible in which is refined the metal of the finest intellects which the order has in the provinces of españa and andalucia. here he had as master him who of right was the master of the theology of españa--the most learned father fray domingo bañez. the two were so completely suited to each other in virtue and ability that father fray miguel could not fail to be the beloved disciple of such a master. so much did the great teacher love him that, when he saw him advance so far in both virtue and ability, he was accustomed to say hic est discipulus ille [i.e., "this is that disciple"], giving him by antonomasia the name of his disciple, out of the many, whom he regarded with so great praise. he taught the arts in his convent, and theology in many houses of the province; and finally returned to be lecturer in theology in his convent of san pablo. it was while he was engaged in this duty and exercise that he was taken captive by the voice of father fray juan chrisostomo, who was seeking for religious for the foundation of the province of the holy rosary in the philippinas. the province was to be founded for the conversion of the many heathen who were in those islands, and for the purpose of entering upon the preaching of the gospel in the most populous kingdom of china, if the lord should open the door to it, as well as in that of japon and the other kingdoms neighboring to the said islands. being seized by a fervent desire and a holy zeal for the redemption of the souls of the many heathen in these islands, he gave up his position as lecturer, and the honors and degrees which were waiting for him; and esteeming it a higher task to labor for christ and for his fellow men he made up his mind to go with those who were preparing for this holy journey. the lord thus ordained because of the serious problems which were to be met, in which his character, ability, knowledge, and talents would be very necessary to overcome the many obstacles which confronted this holy foundation as soon as its founders reached nueva españa, and also in the royal court and in the roman court; for in all these places there were many impediments. against all of them father fray miguel was the defender of truth; and by his speeches and writings he came off always victor. afterward, when the difficulty which was met with in mexico was overcome, he came, with the rest of the fathers who founded the province, to the city of manila on the day of the apostle st. james; and on the day of our father st. dominic, which came immediately afterward, he presided in the great church over some theological discussions. this he did to the admiration of his listeners, who were not accustomed to have anything so remarkable in these regions. the good bishop of these islands, don fray domingo de salacar, was bathed with tears of joy when he heard, to the great refreshing of his spirit, such superior preachers of the gospel in his bishopric--men who were not only fit to be teachers of these heathen races, but to teach others who might be the same, and this more excellently than he had ever expected to see in those regions. among the many various heathen nations who come to this country that which excels in intelligence, civilization, and courtesy is that of the chinese; and, much as they excel in these qualities, they likewise excel in their multitude and number. for there are very many who come every year to attend to their large and rich business, and to serve the city in all the trades which can be expected in the best regulated of cities; for they learn everything with the greatest ability, and succeed in everything that they undertake. some of the chinese, though very few, were christians; and it was believed that many would be converted if there were someone to preach in their language. but this is so difficult that, although many desirous to undertake that conversion had endeavored to learn it, no one as yet had succeeded; and thus no religious order had taken up this ministry, being afraid of the difficulty of the language. when father fray miguel arrived, he instantly undertook this enterprise--for the lord had created him for great things; and this ministry was given to our order, the bishop asking each and everyone of the religious orders who were there before to undertake it, and not one of them accepting it because of the reason given. father fray miguel immediately began with all his energy to study this language, and succeeded with it. what is more, he learned many of the letters of it, which are much more difficult. father fray juan cobo joining him immediately, they began to teach the chinese, amazing those people that anyone should have been able to succeed with their language and to preach to them in it. much greater was their amazement, however, at the extraordinary virtue and charity which they beheld in these two religious. they did not content themselves with the labor of teaching them--which was not small, for soon many were converted and began to be baptized; but they proposed to build a hospital where the sick poor could be cared for. the number of these was great, because their sufferings were great in this foreign land, where they were neglected by all, and suffered the extremity of need, which is sickness and death. the fathers began their hospitals; and, poor religious as they were, they had no better house than that which they were able to make, almost without money, out of beams and old planks--the habits and cloaks of the religious often serving as beds, because they had no other bedclothes. the religious sometimes brought in the sick whom they found lying on the streets, without power to move themselves and with no one to pity them. in this way the fame of the virtue of father fray miguel and his companions was very widely spread, and there were many of the chinese heathen who were converted and baptized. the fragrance of this great charity spread so far that it reached great china and proclaimed in trumpet tones what was done for their sick in the philippinas. there was one man who came from china to look upon so rare a thing as caring for the sick--poor, and cast out by their own nation and kinsmen; but admitted, sought for, and cared for by persons who were not known to them, and who were not only of another nation, but of a different law and faith, and who labored without any expectation of temporal profit, but merely for the salvation of souls. hence the lord was favorable to them, and this work was constantly growing better in all things. it is today one of the most glorious things in christendom, not because of its income and its building (though in these respects it is very good), but because of the many who at the hour of death are baptized in it with many indications of going hence to glory, as being newly cleansed of their faults and their sins by baptism. the rich harvest which was reaped in the conversion of these chinese, as well by preaching to those in health as by the care and instruction of the sick, was so sweet to father fray miguel that it caused in him glowing desires to go to great china. it seemed to him, and with reason, that there, without abandoning their own country and the company of their fathers, sons, wives, and kinsmen, which here are great impediments to their conversion, the christians converted would be many more, and far better ones. hence he was always making plans to go to that great realm, where the devil is so strongly fortified that he does not even permit the entrance of those who might, by preaching the gospel, cast him from the throne which he unjustly holds among that people. he was finally successful in making his entry into that kingdom, and went there with father fray juan de castro, who was the first provincial of this province. they suffered the hardships which have been described in chapter twenty-six, together with the marvelous miracles which the divine pity wrought in their favor for the preachers of the gospel. when they returned to manila from china, where they had suffered so much, the orders of their superior directed them to undertake another longer and more painful voyage, which was to españa. they were to accompany and assist the bishop, don fray domingo de salaçar, who was going to discuss very important business with his majesty; and were also to endeavor to bring back religious from españa, to aid in the great labor which rested upon the religious of this province in the conversion of the heathen of these lands, he did not take for this journey money or anything else, or even more clothes than those which he wore, so that he did not have a change of clothes in the whole voyage, which lasts for six months. a ship is so much an enemy to cleanliness that, when he reached mexico, his habit was in such a condition that the father prior of the convent in that city was obliged to give him clothes wholly out of charity. during the voyage he fell into the sea and was miraculously brought back to the ship by the lord at the prayer of the good bishop--who afflicted by the accident, prayed the lord briefly but devotedly for the remedy of it; and he gained what he desired, for the lord is very quick to listen to the prayers of his servants. the time between the end of this voyage and that which follows afterward over the mar del norte [i.e., atlantic ocean] was spent by father fray miguel in the convent which offered him hospitality, but without the dispensations which the reception of hospitality usually brings with it. he was the first in the choir and the refectory, and in all the other labor of the convent. in particular he helped in the infirmary, in caring for the sick and serving them, whenever he had an opportunity. this was a charge which he took upon himself when, at the coming of the first founders to the philippinas, they were guests in this same convent. as at that time he had done well in this service, daily exercising many acts of humility and charity, virtues which are supremely pleasing to god, he would not cease this same conduct on this second occasion; on the contrary, as one that had grown in virtue, he did it better than before. what he did here for the sick religious was not a heavy task [for him], for he had become accustomed to do much more in his hospital at manila for the chinese heathen, who are by nature filthy and disgusting. father fray miguel reached españa, and was present before the royal council of the indias, endeavoring to obtain religious for this province as its procurator-general. one of the counselors, incorrectly informed by persons who resented the sermons of our religious, said: "if the matter were in my hands, the dominican religious would not be in the philippinas." the rest desired him to restrain himself, and he went on with what he had to say. father fray miguel answered, showing his cloak, which was very old and patched and full of holes: "so far as concerns ourselves, we have no need to go to the indias; what we endeavor to do by going there, this cloak tells well enough." so well did the cloak of rough, mended serge speak that all were highly edified, and he who had offered opposition was abashed and corrected. in the convent of san estevan he gave to be washed his inner tunic, which served him in place of a shirt. this was of serge so rough and hard that one of the religious of the convent of novices, who put it on over his habit, was unable to bend any more than if it was a bell; and they all gathered around to look at it as if it were a bell that was sounded. that which began as jest and ridicule so powerfully supplied the place of father fray miguel in winning religious, that many determined to go to the province where the religious treated themselves so rigorously and observed such poverty. father fray miguel found an evil doctrine spread abroad in the court, which a member of a religious order [45] had taken pains to introduce. he had come from the philippinas with documentary authorizations from the bishop and the two cabildos [i.e., ecclesiastical and civil], before the province of the holy rosary was established there, and before there were any dominican friars in the islands. after having carried on some negotiations at roma he had returned to the court, and endeavored to bring it about that the preaching of the holy gospel in heathen countries should be begun by soldiers, who by force of weapons and musketry should make the country quiet and subject the indians, in order that the preachers might do their office immediately without resistance. this doctrine is very well suited to human prudence but is contrary to divine providence, to that which the lord has ordained in his gospel, and even to the very nature of the faith, which demands a pious affection in those who hear it. this is not to be acquired as the result of the violences, murders, and conquests wrought by soldiers. on the contrary, as far as in them lies, they make the faith to be hated and abhorred; and hence the lord commanded that the preachers should be as sheep among wolves, conquering them with patience and humility, which are the proper arms to overcome hearts. hence not only the apostles, but all the other apostolic preachers who had followed them, have by these means converted all the nations of the earth. this father saw all this very well; but it seemed to him, as indeed he said, that these were old-fashioned arguments and that the world was now very much changed; and that no conversion of importance could or would be made unless soldiers went before to bring into subjection those who were to listen to the gospel, before the preachers preached it. he painted out this monster with such fair colors of rhetoric and with arguments so well suited to our weakness, our little spirit, and our less readiness to suffer for christ and his gospel, that these lords of the council were firmly established in this his doctrine--a new doctrine, as its author himself affirmed, and, as such, contrary to the gospel and to the works of the saints who acted in conformity therewith. to overcome this error, much was done by the bishop of the philippinas and by father fray miguel. the latter, being younger, was able to exert himself more; and being so great a theologian and so subtile of mind, he was able to adduce such superior arguments, and so clearly to reveal the poison which was hidden in the arguments of this religious, that the king our lord and his council were firmly persuaded of the truth. they came to regard it as a great inconsistency to say that our lord jesus christ had acted with so short a view as a legislator that, when he made a law which was to last to the end of the world, he had announced a method which was to be followed only at the beginning by the preachers of it who were present before him, and not under the same conditions by those who should follow after--just as if his providence were unable to apprehend that which was distant and future. it will further be seen, if we consider it well, that the gospel received much more opposition at the beginning than it does at the present time; and if it was not necessary at that time to subject kingdoms by war, in order to preach the gospel to them, much less will it be so now. hence grave scandal would arise in the church if, when the lord commands that gentle sheep shall be the ones to introduce his gospel, the introduction of it should be entrusted now to bloodthirsty wolves. afterward, by the activity and diligence of father fray miguel these black clouds which promised thunderstorms of arquebuses and soldiery were dissipated; and there were left for the promulgation of the gospel the gentle clouds of the preachers, which with the soft rain of teaching, example, and patience have carried the gospel to the most savage and hardened heathen. on this occasion father fray miguel displayed such force, and such were his arguments, that the catholic king directed a most important council to be held, at which were present the president of castilla, the father-confessors of the princes, the auditors of the audiencia, the lords of the indias, and many distinguished theologians. in this conference it was determined that there should be soldiers in the spanish towns for the defense of the country, but that these soldiers should not go as escorts to the preachers, and that they should not go in advance of them subjugating or killing indians; for this would be changing into a gospel of war that gospel which christ our lord delivered to us--a gospel of peace, love, and grace. so great was the reputation for learning and sanctity which father fray miguel gained in these matters that, in the arduous and difficult undertakings which afterward came up, his majesty directed that he should be consulted and his judgment should be followed, as that of a learned man despising all things which were not of god, and zealous for the good of souls. there was issued at this time a brief of his holiness to the effect that the bishops of the indias should have authority to make visitations to the religious who ministered to the indians, in all matters connected with this ministry, as if they were parish priests. father fray miguel, understanding the bad results which would follow such a plan, presented a very learned memorial, signed by all the procurators of the indias, to the prince-cardinal alberto, who gave audience and decided causes for his majesty. nothing more was necessary to cause the brief to be recalled, and not to be put into execution. father fray miguel was directed to give the council of the indias his advice with regard to the repartimientos of indians for mines, estates, and the like. he gave it, and it was so sound that they esteemed it highly, the more on account of the character of him who offered it. hence, when the time came to appoint bishops for these islands he was appointed the first bishop of nueva segovia, although such an idea had never crossed his mind, and it was necessary to force him to accept the bishopric. the council even went so far as to ask him to indicate to them those who seemed to him suitable for the other bishoprics; and those whom he thus indicated were appointed. he sent out religious to the province three times. the first company he sent with father fray alonso delgado, the second with father fray pedro ledesma, and the third, whom he accompanied himself, went under the direction of father fray francisco de morales as vicar, who was afterwards the first minister of our religions order in japon, and a holy martyr. that he might better prepare the religious for the journey, he went twice from madrid to sevilla when he was already a bishop traveling on foot with his staff and his hat like a poor friar; so the people who came to find him and did not know him asked him if he had seen the bishop of nueva segovia. he, to avoid vanity, answered them that the bishop was on his way to sevilla, concealing the fact that it was himself. for the advantage of the inhabitants of manila, he brought it about that commerce with nueva españa was opened to them and that the money which came from their trading was sent back to manila up to the amount of five hundred thousand pesos in money or silver bullion. up to that time, they had license only to receive the principal back again; while the profits were retained in mexico, or were brought back without a license, at great expense. for the indians he obtained, by a memorial which he offered, that the natural dominion and chieftaincy which they had over their villages should be left to them, with all their lands, mountains and rivers, and the other rights which they had from of old; since the fact that they had become subjects of his majesty ought not to cause them to lose the natural right which they had inherited from their ancestors. further, since the conquest of these philipinas islands had not been carried out conformably to the holy instructions which the conquerors carried with them, and which they were bound to observe, but had been carried out in exactly the opposite manner and with the most serious acts of injustice, he gave information with regard to these things to his majesty and to his royal council of the indias. it was decreed that the consent and voluntary obedience and allegiance of all the indians should be asked for anew. the new bishop, don fray miguel, very earnestly undertook to attempt to carry this decree to execution, and accordingly it was made. when the bishop was desirous of embarking, there were so many rumors of enemies, and the damage inflicted at cadiz was so great, that it was impossible to have any fleet that year; and there was no other vessel for him to travel in except a small patache with a single deck. the cabin in the poop which he occupied was so low that it could not be entered exception on one's knees, while for the twenty religious whom he was taking there was no accommodation at all. he tried, by putting up an awning, to protect them from the sun and the water; but the only one on the ship was full of patches, and very small. the lord made matters better for them by causing the voyage which they were obliged to take to be very calm, for the patache was not built to encounter storms. it did not rain more than twice, so that they were at least able to lie on the deck at night, though by day they were compelled to suffer the heat of the sun, which was extreme and very oppressive in their little patache. for this the religious gave thanks to the lord; but the bishop was so accustomed to hardships that this fair weather grieved him; and he said that the lord had forgotten them because he did not send them hardships, which are the best things which in this life he gives to his friends. "for my sins," he said, "the lord deprives us of hardships, and of the merit which they bring with them when they are borne with patience for the love of the lord who sent them. not so did we sail on our first journey when so devoted servants of god were going; but we traveled in great and continual afflictions--tempests, fire, and fears of enemies. that we should now lack all this, and travel with such fair weather when we are not such as they, is not for our good. in me is the fault; it is well that i should feel it and weep over it." when he went ashore, he traveled on foot all the way to mexico, and from there to the port of acapulco, a distance of more than a hundred and fifty leguas. thus he afforded the example of a poor religious, even when his state as a bishop would have excused him from such poverty and hardship. however, he did not seek for excuses, but for opportunities for poverty and religious devotion, though at the expense of so great an exertion, and in his advanced age. he reached manila at a time when there happened to be a procession from our convent to the cathedral, because of an occasional need. he disembarked there, at a gate which was near our convent on the shore, and the procession began by receiving him. this caused much joy, on account of the high esteem and regard in which he was held by both religious and laymen. he accompanied the procession to the cathedral, and when the time came he went into the pulpit, taking the sermon from him to whom it had been committed. he preached most eloquently; and, though he came down bathed in perspiration, he did not change the heavy tunic of sackcloth which he wore. on the contrary, he went direct to the sacristy and robed himself to say mass, though he said it very slowly, and with so much feeling that it was a great effort for him. these were acts, and this was an entry, which promised an extremely good bishop and superior. the promise was not falsified, but fell short of the truth, so much did he surpass it. he went straight to his poor bishopric to care for his flock. in the principal part of his diocese, the province of nueva segovia, they were nearly all heathen. there were only about two hundred baptized adults, those who were not so being innumerable; for it was only a very short time since our religious had begun to preach the gospel to them. when the new bishop was once among his sheep, he began to watch over their welfare, and to defend them from the alcaldes-mayor and the encomenderos, who abused them like wolves. the bishop's conduct forced him to hear rough words and violent insults from those who had fattened themselves with the blood of the indians. they feared lest they should grow lean if the shepherd, coming out to the defense of the flock, were to force them to be satisfied with moderate returns, without flaying the sheep. the bishop was not intimidated, and did not desist from this just and due defense; nor did he cease to strive for the good of his indians against the outrages which he beheld. on the contrary, he strove to give his remonstrances their due effect and if he was unable to succeed there in securing the rights of the indians, he was accustomed to write to the governor and the audiencia, without taking his hand from the work until he had brought it to the perfection which he desired. though he aided the indians, he did not neglect the spaniards, who lived in the principal towns of his bishopric less edifying and exemplary lives than those whose christianity is ancient ought to lead in towns of the newly converted. they are under obligation to be shining lights, to give light to those who are either blind because of their heathen belief, or who know little of god because they have been newly baptized. he stirred them up to live as they ought, and aided them in their necessities like a loving father; if he could not make them such as he wished, he improved them as much as possible. at the death of the archbishop of manila, he was obliged to go to that city, and saw in it so many things contrary to the divine majesty and to the human one that he found himself under the necessity of writing to his majesty a letter very full of feeling, which begins: "i have twice visited this city of manila since i came to these islands as bishop. the first time was last year, ninety-nine, because i received reliable information that the governor and the auditors were in such bitter opposition that there was fear of a serious rupture. now, learning that there was no archbishop in the city, it seemed desirable" (and was so without doubt) "that i should be present and prepared for any contingency." he gives an account of what had happened, and says: "i am obliged to speak as my position and the condition of affairs require, very clearly, without caring who may be affected by my words; for god, your majesty, and the common weal are of more importance than any smaller things." the truth of what he stated, and the clearness with which he spoke, are plain in the rest of the letter, which to avoid prolixity is not inserted here. he strove to settle the state of the church in these islands; and when he saw some bad customs introduced without any foundation, and contrary to reason and theology, he was greatly grieved. what he was not himself able to remedy, he wrote of to the supreme pontiff. since the competency of the bishop was so well known in españa, he was appointed archbishop as soon as the vacancy was known, although he had no procurator there; for, being a poor and peaceful bishop, he did not expect to carry on any suits, and hence did not care for a procurator or agent at court. since his poverty was known, his majesty caused the bulls to be drawn, and directed the royal officials of manila to collect from the bishop the expense of drawing them when it should be convenient for him to pay it. the bishop hesitated long, and asked the advice of many, before he accepted this promotion, having seen and experienced the difficulties, the opposition, and the dissensions which accompanied this dignity, at such a distance from the eyes of his majesty and of the supreme pontiff, to whom in difficult cases (of which there were many) he might have had recourse. yet finally, since all thought that it was desirable for him to accept the office, he was compelled to take it for the public good, although he saw that for his private advantage it would be very injurious. becoming an archbishop did not change that poor and humble manner of living which he had followed as bishop and as religious. he continued to wear the same habit of serge and tunics of wool. his food was always fish, unless he had a guest, which happened seldom; or unless he was afflicted by some infirmity. whenever he had a journey to take on land--for traveling in these islands is usually carried on by water--he was accustomed to go on foot; and, that he might travel with more abstraction from the world, he used to walk uttering prayers. he sent the others forward in hammocks or on horseback and he followed after alone, commending to the lord himself and the undertakings in which he was engaged, in order that they might turn out more satisfactorily. if, when he was indisposed, he was forced by pleadings to go into a hammock--something which is much used in this country, and which is carried by indians--he used to get out again as soon as he left the town, and sometimes earlier, if he heard any of the carriers groan; for this groan so penetrated his soul that it was not possible for him to travel any farther in this manner. his bed was the same which he had when a poor friar, a mat of rushes or palm-branches on a plank. the small income of his archbishopric he spent in alms; and he used to delight in giving them with his own hands, kissing the alms with great devotion as if he were giving them to christ, who has said that he receives them when they are given in his name to the poor. that the principal door of his house might not cause embarrassments to persons who had known better days and who were under the necessity of asking alms, he had another door for these persons which was always open, so that they might come at any time to tell him their troubles, and that he might relieve them as well as possible. in this way he spent all his income, and therefore had very little expense or ostentation in his household. he never had a mule or a chair to go about with, avoiding all this that he might have means to give to the poor. he was most devoted to the ministry and instruction of the indians and the chinese; and, whenever he had an opportunity for doing so, he used to aid in it with great pleasure. he envied much those who were occupied in so meritorious an exercise, as he wrote in the last year of his life to those whom he had left behind in nueva segovia, in a letter which reads as follows: "to my fathers and brethren, the religious of the order of st. dominic in nueva segovia. a poor brother of your reverences, very weak in health and very full of troubles and of his own wretchedness, has written this to your reverences, his truest brethren, who are walking about in those places of rest and new fields of the true paradise, feeding the flocks of the great shepherd and rejoicing your souls with the sports and the gambols which the new-born lambs are making upon the hill-sides at the dawn of the true sun. may your reverences refresh yourselves and feed upon that celestial milk which creates manna covered with honey upon those mountains. may you rejoice in the fair season that now is; for i once tasted the same pleasures--though the fair weather lasted but for a short time for me, because of my sins and my pride; and now i see myself wretched as no one else is wretched. happy the father provincial, who, having seen as from the parapet of a bull-ring something of the wounds and the bulls here, has returned so soon to the delights of that region, and is among his sheep. i refer you to him; let him speak the love which i have for every one of your reverences and the esteem which i feel for you all. pay me with the money of love and pity. valete in domino, viscera mea, felices valete in aeternum. [46] to all the indians, a thousand greetings; and i beg their prayers for this poor soul." his life was continually burdened with scruples which sometimes are more cruel enemies than those who are openly declared as such. they were not born in him from ignorance, but from his great depreciation of himself and from his looking upon the greatness of god, both of which caused him to be always timid. this, as he said, was the counterweight with which the lord burdened him that he might not be puffed up by the great blessings which the lord had granted him. he preached continually, that he might the better advise and direct his sheep. he grieved for the poor much; and over sinners he was a jeremiah, weeping for what they failed to lament, that he might make them weep. he was deeply versed in sacred scripture, and with it he filled his writings, and even the ordinary letters which he wrote. in the opinions which he gave, everything was founded upon and approved by the divine authority, which was his rule and his arms, both offensive and defensive. he was accustomed to read with great care the sacred councils and canons of the church. in them he found stated with the greatest precision everything of which he had need for the government of his church, as well as for the satisfactory decision of the questions with regard to which they asked his opinion, and of the disputes which arose among learned persons. when there were different opinions among such persons, he was accustomed to say, "veritas liberabit nos [i.e., "the truth shall make us free"], and this will make clear to us that for which we seek; let us follow it and strive for it." this confidence was always justified; for on many occasions when it seemed that the whole world was in a tumult, and that justice was certain to be clouded over and obscured, he was then accustomed to say, with the greatest confidence, "the truth shall make us free," and finally it turned out so. because of the love which he had for truth, he could not endure to hear new opinions; and if they were opposed to the doctrine of the ancient saints, he attacked them like a lion set on fire, though he was in all other things as gentle as a lamb. for the same cause, he was most devoted to the teaching of st. thomas--who, like a mystic bee, made the honeycomb of his works from the flowers of holy scripture, sacred councils, sacred canons, and the works of the saints whom the lord gave to his church as teachers and guides for its direction. in order that in the philippinas so sound and safe a doctrine should be read, he strove greatly that in the province, although the numbers were so few, there should always be some one to read st. thomas. as soon as he entered upon his archbishopric, he asked for a religious of our order to read in the cathedral to those who had been ordained; and carefully took pains to encourage and favor those who went to listen, so that the rest should imitate them. this desire he retained up to his death; and hence in his last sickness he gave the little which he had, asking the order to build a college for this purpose. with this beginning, which was of the value of a thousand pesos, was established the college which we now have in manila under the advocacy of st. thomas, in order that from their first letters the students may feel an affection to this holy doctrine, and may follow him afterward when they are further advanced. the devotion which don fray miguel felt for our lady was so great that in everything which he did or said he commended it to her, saying an ave maria before he began. so scrupulous was he that he was unable to say the ave maria unless he understood all the circumstances; and even if it occupied a considerable time for him to repeat it, still, in spite of this, he always said it. one day the dean of his church, don francisco de arellano--a man whom, on account of his virtue, the bishop loved and esteemed--asked what was the beginning of this devotion, and whence it was derived. he answered that our lady herself, to whom at first he had said the ave maria, was the beginning, and that she it was who had taught him this devotion. the dean remained in wonder, and did not dare to ask him more on this point; nor did the good archbishop ever make any further declaration. hence the mode in which this happened was never known; but the great attention which he gave to it was seen. whenever there was anything to be done the ave maria always preceded. it was said before he answered or put a question, or took any medicine, or gave alms, or did anything else. thus always all his acts were actually referred to god our lord, and to his most holy mother. this was a custom of the highest virtue; but when the business was of unusual weight, he was not contented with an ave maria, but recited a rosary. thus he did in china, when the judges caused him to write a petition in their presence in chinese characters--something which far exceeded his powers, but not those of the virgin. accordingly he wrote a miraculous petition, to the satisfaction of the judges. they believed that which they saw to be impossible, as it really was; for though father fray miguel knew some of the commoner chinese letters, he did not understand those which were necessary for what was then required of him, since they were extremely peculiar and were in the judicial style, with which he was not acquainted. hence this was doubtless a miraculous event, worthy of the compassion with which this great lady comes to the aid of her afflicted devotees. the sufferings of the archbishop from storms at sea, as well as from the opposition of clergymen and laymen with disrespectful words and acts, were very great, but were the cause of great happiness. as was affirmed by his confessor--a religious of great virtue, a man who had known him for many years and who was familiar with the secrets of his soul--when the sufferings were at their greatest, and in his sorrow and affliction he went to god, our lord himself visibly consoled him and gave him strength, not once, but often. to this was attributed his habit of looking sometimes with his eyes fixed on heaven, with flames of fire, as it were, shining upon his face. on such occasions he was heard to utter some words which, without his striving or having power to say more, he spoke in affectionate converse with god. this caused great devotion in those who heard; and as it was so, it is no wonder that he so much desired other sufferings in addition to the weighty cross of his scruples, because their absence was much more painful to him than the necessity of enduring them. hence he showed much more sadness and melancholy when he was exposed to no hardships than when they were heaped upon him; for in the latter case he was sure of the consolation of heaven, which was lacking when he had no sufferings. the end of his days finally approached; and as he lay on his bed it was plain to him that this was his last sickness, and he began to prepare for this important journey. at his departure he was much afflicted to leave without a minister the indians of marivelez, which is situated at no great distance from manila. since these indians were few and by themselves, he had found no one who was willing to accept the charge of them. taking advantage of the present occasion, he sent for father fray miguel de san jacintho, who at that time was provincial of the province, and most energetically begged him to urge on his religious to give instruction to these poor indians. when the provincial promised that he would do all he could for this purpose, the bishop remained in great content, as if there were nothing now to cause him sorrow. he divided his poor treasures, sending part of them immediately to his church, and giving part to our lady of the rosary, and part to the poor. in his illness he did not complain or ask for anything; and when he was asked if he wished or longed for anything, he answered, "i desire to be saved." his face was very full of joy, and the words which he uttered came forth kindled so by the love of god that they showed plainly what a fire of love was in the breast where they were forged. he asked them to dress him in his habit; and on the coming of the festival of the glorious st. anne in the year 1605 he asked them to get ready his pontifical robes, as if he were preparing to go out on that festal day. this was as much as to say that his departure was at hand. he was surrounded by his friars, and though they saw him joyful they themselves were very sad to perceive that they were to be deprived of such a superior and such a religious. he consoled them with loving words, and, perceiving that his departure was at hand he called fervently upon his special patroness, the virgin, his guardian angel, our father st. dominic, and the other saints of his devotion, with whom he spoke as if he were already with them in heaven. his countenance appeared to be celestial rather than to belong to earth; and amid loving converse with god, with his most holy mother, and with the saints, his soul departed to his lord, leaving his body, as many said, fragrant with the odor of roses. by the voice of all, he was given the palm of a virgin, as if all had heard him in confession and felt the certainty which his confessor had and manifested in this respect, although this declaration was made after that in which the palm had been given to him as to a virgin. when the fathers of st. francis came, father fray vicente valero, who lived and died with the reputation of sainthood, went up to the dead man, saying, "this body is holy and should be regarded as such," and kissed the feet. after this all of his religious did the same thing, and they were followed by the others, for in this way the lord honors those who faithfully serve him. his interment was performed with all possible solemnity in the cathedral, on the epistle side near the high altar. the archbishop left behind him some writings of much erudition, and full of christian teaching, which are very helpful to the ministers of the holy gospel. chapter lxii of some religious who died at this time [at this time there were taken away by death a number of the most superior religious, the lack of whom was greatly felt. in the year of our lord 1604 one of the definitors in the provincial chapter was father fray pedro de san vicente. he was elected as a definitor in the general chapter, and also as procurator of the province at the courts of españa and roma. there was no one at either court at that time, and a procurator was necessary, especially for the purpose of bringing over religious from españa, without whom this province could not be maintained. he set out to undertake the duties entrusted to him, in the ships which sailed that year for nueva españa, and died on the way, the same ships in the following year bringing back the news of his death. father fray pedro was a native of zalamea. he assumed the habit in the convent of san esteban at salamanca, whence he came to this province in the year 1594. here he was engaged in the ministry of bataan, and afterward in the ministry to the chinese of binondoc, being much beloved and esteemed in both these offices. he always thought well of all, and never spoke ill of anyone. he was twice superior of binondoc, to the great spiritual and temporal augmentation of that mission. he set sail on the voyage without taking a real or a piece of silk, or any other thing, either for the journey or for the business which fell to his charge, trusting solely in the divine providence. he even refused to take for his convent some articles of little value here, but esteemed as rare and curious in españa, and such as it is customary for a religious to take as a mark of affection to the convent where he assumed the habit. when he died he made the following testament or declaration: "i, fray pedro de san vicente, declare that i die as a friar of st. dominic, without having in my possession gold or silver, or anything else, except one old blanket with which i cover myself at night. i pray for the love of god that this may be given to a boy who travels with me, named andresillo." let it be remembered that father fray pedro was in the philippinas ten years, for the greater part of the time minister to the chinese and for four years their vicar, and that he was very much beloved; that they are of their nature inclined to make presents; that many in this town are very rich, and are ready to give much on small occasions; and that when they saw him about to go to españa they were much more likely to show generosity, without his needing to put forward any effort. any one who will consider these things, and who will observe that he went from among them so poor, without money or anything else, will clearly recognize his great virtue, and see how justly he is entitled to the great praise of the holy spirit, who says, "happy is he who does not follow after gold, and who does not put his trust in the treasures of money; who is he? let us praise him because he has wrought marvels in his life." in the province of nueva segovia there died at this time father fray jacintho pardo, a learned theologian and a virtuous religious. he was a native of cuellar and took the habit in san pablo at valladolid. he was so much beloved in the convent that the elder fathers strove to retain him; but it was shown in a vision to a devout woman that father fray jacintho was to serve among the heathen.] he was sent to nueva segovia, where there were very many heathen to be converted; for at that time missionaries had just been sent there, and nearly the whole of the province was without them. the natives were fierce, constantly causing alarm from warlike disturbances, and were much given to idolatry and to the vices which accompany it. the good fortune of going thither fell to him; and he immediately learned the ordinary language of that province so perfectly that he was the first to compose a grammar of it. since the village of tuguegarao (where he lived) in la yrraya had, although the inhabitants understood this common and general language, another particular language of their own, in which it pleased them better to hear and answer, he undertook the labor of learning that also, and succeeded very well. he acted thus as one desirous in all ways of attracting them to christ, without giving any consideration to his own labor, and to the fact that this language could be of no use outside of this village. they were a warlike, ferocious, and wrathful tribe; and, being enraged against their spanish encomendero, they killed him, and threatened the religious that they would take his life unless he left the village. being enraged, and having declared war against the spaniards, they did not wish to see him among them. but father fray jacintho, who loved them for the sake of god more than for his own life, desired to bring them to a reconciliation and to peace; and was unwilling to leave the village, in spite of their threats. to him indeed they were not threats, but promises of something which he greatly desired. under these circumstances he fell sick, and in a few days ended his life. the spaniards, knowing what the indians had said, believed that they had given him poison so that he should not preach to them or reconcile them with the spaniards; and this opinion was shared by the physician, because of his very speedy death. if this were true, it was a happy death which he suffered in such a holy cause. he died on the day of the eleven thousand virgins, to whom he showed a particular devotion; and it might have been a reward to him to die on such a day, since the church knows by experience the great protection which these saints offer at that time to those who are devoted to them. [in the district of bataan died father juan de la cruz, a son of the convent of san pablo at sevilla. he was one of the first founders of this province, in which he lived for eighteen years. he was small of body, and weak and delicate in constitution; but his zeal gave him strength for the great labors which accompanied the beginning of this conversion. he was one of the first workers in the field of pangasinan, where he suffered all the evils and miseries which have been described in the account of that conversion. he very rapidly learned the language of these indians, which they call tagala; and succeeded so perfectly with it that father fray francisco san joseph, who was afterwards the best linguist there was, profited by the papers and labors of father fray juan de la cruz. father fray juan even learned afterward two other indian languages, those of the zambales and the pampangos. father fray juan, being the only linguist among the fathers, was called upon constantly to hear confessions; and therefore suffered even more than the rest from the exposures of traveling from place to place in this district. these hardships broke down the health even of strong men like father fray christobal de salvatierra, who suffered from a terrible asthma. father fray juan was afflicted by an asthma so terrible that it seemed as if every night must be his last; and he felt the dreadful anxiety which accompanies this disease. he also suffered from two other diseases even more severe, colic and urinary ailments, which afflicted him even more than the asthma. he was so patient and so angelic in nature that all these diseases and afflictions could not disturb him or make him irritable. his body he treated like a wild beast that had to be tamed, weakening it with fasts, binding it with chains, mortifying it with hair-shirts, and chastising it with scourgings. he was chosen as confessor by the archbishop of manila, don fray miguel de venavides. immediately after the death of the archbishop he returned to his labors among the indians, but did not survive long. when a religious of the order of st. dominic is about to breathe his last, the rest of the convent gather about him to aid him to die well; and to call them together some boards are struck or a rattle is sounded, he who strikes them repeating, "credo, credo." father fray juan de la cruz, desiring to follow the usual custom of the order, taught an indian to strike together these boards, although the father was alone in the village; and this was the last farewell of this noble religious. he had refused repeated requests to return to manila for care; and he was buried, as he desired, in the church of those indians for whose spiritual good he had spent his life. in this year 1605 the religious of our order had been three years in japon. they were not a little disturbed by a brief which at this time reached japon and which had been obtained by the fathers of the society of jesus. this brief directed that all the religious and secular clergy who desired to preach in japon might go thither by the way of eastern india, but that no one should have authority to go by way of the western indias. the brief directed that all who had come in that way or by the philippinas should depart, on penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ. the religious of the other orders, when this brief was shown to them by the fathers of the society, replied that the brief had been presented in the previous year to the archbishop of manila; and that the fathers of the various orders had laid before the archbishop reasons for supposing that his holiness had been misinformed, and had appealed to the supreme pontiff for a reconsideration. they declared that it was unreasonable to expect them to leave japon until the reply of the supreme pontiff should be received. the brief was annulled by his holiness paul v in 1608, only three years after the petition; and this repeal was confirmed afterwards by urban viii. in the interim the fathers of the society of jesus did things which annoyed the other religious, but were not sufficient to drive them from japon. after the repeal the superior sent fathers fray thomas del spiritu sancto, or zumarraga, and fray alonso de mena to extend the mission from satzuma to vomura [i.e., omura]. it was a time of great disturbance and of much feeling against the christians. the fathers of the order did what they could for some fathers of the society of jesus who were imprisoned in a church. they went on to the kingdom of firando--the lord of which [47] had in 1587 begged for religious of st. francis, but was now strongly opposed to christianity. among his vassals they found some who were christians in secret, and encouraged them and gave them the sacraments of the church.] chapter lxiii the conquest of maluco by the intercession of our lady of the rosary; the foundation of her religious confraternity in this province, and the entry of religious into it. on april 16, 1606, an intermediate chapter was held in manila, at which notice was given of the brief of pope clement viii, de largitione munerum. directions were given to observe this brief with rigorous exactness, in all things which it commands to all religious orders and religious. it was ordered and directed that all memorable things, worthy of being placed in history, which had happened in this province should be diligently gathered together. in accordance with this, the father provincial gave a formal precept to all the religious of the province that they should write down, each one of them, what he knew in regard to this matter with all accuracy and truth. in this way something of that which has here been recounted was brought together; but there continues to be much which remains buried in oblivion. some difficulties were resolved; and it was decreed that devotions to some saints should be offered, whose devotions had up to that time not been offered in the province. on the first of april in this year occurred the glorious victory which don pedro de acuña, knight of the habit of st. john, knight-commander of salamanca, governor and captain-general of these islands, gained in the malucas, restoring them to the crown of españa, as for many years had been desired and intended but without effect. this memorable victory was won by the intercession of our lady of the rosary, who was the sole source of it. this important stronghold remains incorporated in the government and province of the philippinas, to the immortal reputation and glory of the great soldier and devout cavalier who gained them during his government. he deserves this glory not less for his devout christian zeal, love of god, and devotion to our lady of the rosary--in which from his tenderest years he was bred by his most devout and prudent mother--than for his great military skill and prudence, which he and all his valorous brothers acquired from his father, a distinguished and most fortunate captain, as also he saw all his sons become. the great favor which our lady of the rosary showed to our army in this conquest was very well known and celebrated. that the evidence of it might be more clearly made known to those who were not present [at the victory], a formal narrative of the matter was made before the treasurer don luis de herrera sandoval, vicar-general of this archiepiscopate in the year 1609. many witnesses being examined, all agreed that this fort was gained by the miraculous aid of the virgin, though the soldiers did not on that account fight the less valiantly. it was plain, in many things that happened, that sovereign assistance was given by this lady, as may be seen by referring to the statement of the first witness, the sargento-mayor of that army, christobal de azcueta menchaca, who was present throughout the whole matter; and, who on account of his position, had better knowledge of what occurred than anyone else in the army. his statement is as follows: "in the month of february, 1606, the governor was at oton, four leguas from the town of arebalo, in the bishopric of zebu, on his way to the conquest of maluco--where the dutch had built a fort, and had made treaties of peace with the king of that country against the castilians and portuguese. it was also said that they had invaded the country of the king of tidore, our ally. the governor mustered his forces at oton; and with those who had come from mexico in june, and those who had been added in these islands, the total number was thirteen hundred spanish infantry, and six hundred indians from the vicinity of manila, who fought courageously under the protection of the spaniards. religious of all orders accompanied the troops, and among them was a certain father fray andres of the order of st. dominic, with another lay religious. as if by legitimate inheritance from their father, all the friars of this habit had in their charge the devotion to the holy rosary; and hence father fray andres suggested to the sargento-mayor that her holy confraternity should be established in this army, that this our lady might open the door to the difficult entrance they were to make. the sargento-mayor spoke to the governor in regard to the matter, and to the holy bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de agurto. the sargento-mayor received permission to discuss it in the army, and the captains and soldiers all agreed with great heartiness; and they determined that the holy confraternity should be immediately established, with all its ceremonies and ordinances, so that this important enterprise might begin with some service done to our lady the virgin. the governor ordered the image of our lady of the rosary to be embroidered on the royal standard, that she might guide the army. he was the first to pledge himself as a member of the confraternity, and was followed by the master-of-camp, juan de esquivel, and the captains, the soldiers and sailors, and the members of his household--all of them promising alms when they should be provided with money on account of their pay. it was then proposed to establish the confraternity in the first city which should be gained from the enemy, and to call it "the city of the rosary." for this purpose a canvas was painted, having upon it a representation of our lady with her son jesus in her arms, distributing rosaries to the governor, the master-of-camp, the captains, and the rest of the soldiers. they confessed and received communion, and went in procession, as is customary when the confraternity is established. the bishop celebrated pontifical mass, giving dignity to this solemn act with his holy presence. according to the ordinances, a dominican friar is obliged to preach if any be present. since fray andres had little skill in this office, and spoke with little grace, he tried to arrange that the bishop should preach; but matters turned out so that the religious was obliged to preach the great things of the mother of god and of her rosary. as all this had been guided by god, and the preacher chosen by his own will, god controlled the preacher's tongue in such a manner that all should be fulfilled which concerned his purpose. thus the father amazed those who were present--the bishop to such an extent that he said aloud to the whole congregation: "gentlemen this blessed father has preached in such a manner that it seems the holy spirit has been dictating to him that which he has said; and i do not know what account to give of the same except to praise god, for it is he who caused it." the fleet sailed to tidore; and when it reached there the forces spent holy week in confessing and receiving communion. while they were there an eclipse of the moon occurred, which was taken by the augurs of the island as a bad omen, and they uttered presages of evil, and cried aloud; but the spaniards took it as an omen of victory. they did not find in tidore the king, who was friendly. they discovered two dutchmen who had a factory there; and they and that which was in the factory were held for the king of españa. on friday of easter week, which was the last day of march, the fleet cast anchor a cannon-shot from the fort of ternate; and on saturday the artillery from the ships and galleys was fired, to clear the field. the sargento-mayor made a landing with the army, drawing them up along the creek between the fort and the sea. the vanguard was held by the master-of-camp, gallinato, lookouts being posted in the trees. while he was planning to make gabions, the tumult of the army, as if the voice of all, declared that they should not doubt the victory; that on that very day they were going to capture the fort and the country, for it was saturday, a day dedicated to our lady. they began with great readiness. it was about midday, an hour little suited for an attack in so hot a country, for the sun beat down on them. in addition, on one side they were harassed by falcon-shots fired from the fort of cachitulco; it was a very effective weapon, although at first they shot their balls too high. after lowering their aim somewhat, they struck seven spaniards. the companions of the governor forced him to move to another place, as balls were constantly striking where he was. at the very moment when he left the spot, his shield-bearer, stepping into his place, was struck. on this account the sargento-mayor endeavored to hold back the forces until they could hear what the lookouts said, or receive an order from the governor. from among the body of the troops he heard a voice, calling upon him to attack without doubting of the victory; that the mother of god purposed that on that day her holy confraternity should be established in this country. the sargento-mayor turned his head and asked in a loud voice: "what devout or holy person has said this to us?" there was no answer, and it was not known from whom the voice proceeded; but it seemed to him that it spoke to him from within, and that it came from heaven. it inspired in him such spirit and courage that he turned to the captains and said: "gentlemen, the mother of god wills us to gain this fort today." captain cubas reached the fort, from which his troops were somewhat driven back by the moros, and his foot was wounded by a pointed stake [puia]. some beginning to call "sanctiago!" and others "victory!" they all began to run on boldly and proudly without any order. so quickly was the fort taken that the captain-general did not even know it when the soldiers had actually surmounted the wall. they went on to where the king was fortified, with many arquebuses and culverins; and with four pieces of ordnance (pieças de batïr), and with a high wall, from which the enemy did much execution with bucacaos [48] and fire-hardened reeds anointed with poison. but none of these things availed him; and, seeing that the day was lost he fled with some of his followers, in a caracoa and four xuangas, to the island of the moro, or batachina [i.e., gilolo], to which they had sent their women and children and their wealth. on account of this the sack did not bring very much gold or money, but amounted to only two thousand ducats and some cloth and cloves. the rest of the prize was artillery, culverins, arms, and ammunition. after the victory, the sargento-mayor went to ask the governor for the countersign, and found him on his knees before an image of our lady, saying: "i beg humility of you, our lady, since by you this victory has been gained." on the following day, sunday, the second of april (which was, accordingly, the first sunday in the month), the governor ordered an altar to be prepared, and directed that the painting we carried of the mother of god of the rosary, with the governor, the captains and the men at her feet should be placed thereon, so that mass might be said. they brought from the mosque a pulpit, in which father fray andres preached. that which had previously been a mosque was from that day forth the parish church and mother church--the religious living in one part of it, and administering the holy sacrament. the confraternity was established, and it and the city and the principal fort received the name of el rosario [i.e., "the rosary"] that this signal mercy might remain in the memory of those who were to come. in these events there were many things that appeared miraculous. the first of them was the voice which the sargento-mayor heard, with regard to which he declared upon oath that he could not find out who spoke it, that it appeared to speak to him within, and that the words inspired in him great confidence, as has been said. the second miraculous element is the speed with which victory was attained; for when the governor went away to speak, with the king of tidore, who is friendly, the report that the fort had been gained reached him so quickly that the governor was amazed, and the king did not believe it. the third was the few deaths which occurred on our side; for only fifteen died in the war, and twenty were wounded. the fourth is that when a dutchman--or, as others say, a man of terrenate--was trying to fire a large paterero to clear a straight path where a great number of our soldiers were marching up hill in close order, he tried three times to fire it with a linstock, but was unable to do so. when the moros told him to hasten and fire it, he said that a lady with a blue mantle was preventing him with a corner of the mantle, and sprinkling sand in the touch-hole. so, throwing away the linstock, he began to run; and the spaniards came up with him and killed him. at the beginning of august in the same year, large reenforcements of religious came from españa; and so great was the need which there was of them that they came at a very fortunate time, especially since they were picked men in virtue and learning. the first who volunteered for this province were five members of the college of sancto thomas at alcala, which event attracted so much attention in the convent of san estevan at salamanca that, when the vicar of the religious reached there, thirteen members of that convent volunteered. among them was the preacher of that distinguished convent, father fray diego del aguila. to these, others from other convents added themselves, and a member of the college of san gregorio, of whose great virtue an account will immediately be given. when the time for beginning the voyage arrived, the thirteen members of the order from the convent of san estevan at salamanca prostrated themselves on the floor of the church, after thanks had been returned for the meal which had been completed, and asked for the blessing of the superior that they might begin their journey. this act aroused great devotion among those who were present. when they had received the blessing, they went in procession to the convent of novices, where they took their cloaks and bags; and intoning the devout hymn of the holy spirit, they began with his divine support upon this journey, with their staves and hempen sandals, after the manner of persons who go on foot. they were led by father fray diego del aguila, the preacher of that convent at the time, and an example of virtue in that city where he had preached with great reputation for the four years preceding. hence to see him walking on foot, and on his way to regions so remote, was a thing which caused great tenderness and devotion in those who knew him, and who saw so devout and so humble an act, so determined a resignation, and such contempt for the world. he labored much in the ship, hearing confessions, and preaching and teaching; for as in voyages there are so many kinds of people, there is need of all of these things, while many of the people need them all at once, because they do not know the doctrine which it is their duty to know and believe, and do not take that care of their souls which they ought to take. some of them do not even desire to have such things spoken of, that their ignorance may not be known; and hence there is much labor in teaching them, and it is a great service to god not to refuse this labor. [the member of the college of san gregorio at valladolid who came with the rest of these religious was fray pedro rodriguez, a native of montilla and a son of the convent of san pablo at cordoba. his departure caused much grief. his parents loved him tenderly, for he was, like benjamin, the youngest and was very obedient and docile by nature. the religious of his convent were grieved because they had seen in him so notable a beginning in virtue and letters. in spite of the efforts of fathers, kinsmen, and religious, father fray pedro maintained his resolve. his virtues were very great, and he mortified himself constantly. his last illness befell him when the vessel had already come among these islands; and they were already at the port of ybalon, and were carrying him ashore that he might receive the viaticum, when he lost consciousness. he had desired to be left in the islands of the ladrones, that he might serve as missionary; but he was not permitted to do so, on account of the great difficulties which he would have met with because of ignorance of the language. it may be that father fray pedro would have overcome them; but such things ought not to be left in the hands of a single person. the evil results which follow are morally worse than the gain which may be expected, as has been found out by experience since religious of the seraphic father st. francis have remained there. his body was taken to be buried in the church of casigura. he left behind him among his brethren the name of saint.] chapter lxiv other events which happened at this time in japon and the philippinas [the circumstances in japon were such that many of the converts were obliged to spend six, or eight, or even fifteen years without confessing, while some of them had not seen a confessor within forty years. hence the fathers fray thomas and fray alonso were anxious to go up into the country to continue the good work which they had begun. the vicar-provincial, fray francisco de morales, sent father fray alonso de mena to the kingdom of fixen, [49] where there had been no church up to this year 1606. a certain captain, francisco moreno donoso, had taken some franciscan fathers with him on a journey, and on the voyage had been delivered from great danger by the intercession of our lady of the rosary. he was therefore devoted to this our lady. although the kingdom of fixen is very near nangasaqui, the king had always been unwilling to admit preachers of christianity; but this king had a great regard for captain moreno donoso, who went to visit the king with father fray alonso; and the captain made the king many gifts, refusing to accept anything in return except a chain. the king showed him such favor that the captain took advantage of the opportunity to ask permission that father fray alonso might establish convents and churches in the kingdom. the king was pleased to grant it, insisting only that the sanction of a great bonze, named gaco, should first be secured; he was a native of fixen, and was the most highly regarded man in japan because of his learning. the king sent his own secretary to go before the bonze, to tell him of the poverty, the penitence, the contempt for the things of this world, the modesty, the humility, and the courteous behavior of the father. the bonze, seeing that it was the pleasure of the king, said that such a man might very well receive this permission. in conformity with it three poor churches and houses were built--one in famamachi under the patronage of our lady of the rosary; the second in the city of caxima [i.e., kashima]. named for st. vincent; and, after some time, another one at the king's court [i.e., saga], for which at that time permission had been refused. father fray alonso and his companion, when he had one, got the little they needed for their support from portuguese and castilians in nangasaqui, that they might avoid asking for alms from the japanese, and might thus give no opportunity for the bonzes to complain against them, and to find a pretext for sending them out of the country. father fray alonso remained in this kingdom; and the order persevered until the persecution, when all the religious who had been hiding there were ordered to depart from japon. father fray alonso found in this kingdom some japanese who had been baptized in other kingdoms, but had not been well taught in the faith, or who had forgotten the good teachings that they had received at their baptism. they were guilty of much irregularity in their marriages; and some of them had assumed to baptize others without knowing the essence of the baptismal form, so that it was difficult to determine which of them had received valid baptisms. these imperfectly prepared converts had also done harm by endeavoring to sustain arguments against the opponents of christianity, and, being insufficiently grounded in the faith, they had spread false impressions of the christian religion. notable cases of conversion occurred, there being some instances well worthy of remark in the court; and finally the sanctity of the life of the missionaries caused them to be called xaxino padre, "fathers who despise the world." the father fray juan de los angeles, or rueda, came to live at fixen in the following year, 1607. in this year 1606 of which we have been speaking, there died at sea father fray domingo de nieva, who was on his way to act as procurator of the province. he had labored much and well among the indians of bataan and among the chinese. father fray domingo was a native of billoria in campos, and a son of the convent of san pablo at valladolid. he was a man of ability and of good will. when nearly all the lecturers in theology from that convent, together with the lecturers in arts, and many of their most able and learned disciples, determined to go to the philippinas, father fray domingo joined his masters. he suffered his life long from headache. being sent to bataan in company with three other fathers, he, as the youngest, had to carry a very heavy burden of duties. he was fortunate enough not to suffer from any further diseases, the lord being pleased not to add any to his constant headache. his mortification, fasting, and discipline were very great. he wrote some devout tracts in the language of the indians, and some others in that of the chinese. he had printed for the chinese in their language and characters an essay upon the christian life, with other brief tracts of prayer and meditation, in preparation for the holy sacraments of confession and the sacred communion. he wrote a practically new grammar of the chinese language, a vocabulary, a manual of confession, and many sermons, in order that those who had to learn this language might find it less difficult. he was prior of manila; and in the third year of his priorate the news arrived of the death of father fray pedro de san vicente, who was going to españa as definitor in the chapter general and as procurator for this province. since it was necessary to send another in his place, father fray domingo received the appointment to the duty. like his predecessor, he died on the voyage from the islands to mexico.] chapter lxv the foundation of manavag in pangasinan and the deaths of some religious in the year 1605 the missionaries to pangasinan, not contented with the fruitful results of their labors in the level region of that province, took under their charge the village of manavag, situated among the mountains at a considerable distance from the other villages. the first entry into this village was made by the religious of our father st. augustine in the year 1600; they built there a church named after st. monica, and baptized some children. the village was so small, however, that it was not possible for a religious to find enough to do there to justify his continued residence; and accordingly it was visited from lingayen, the capital of that province, which was at that time in their hands. it caused them a great deal of labor, since they were obliged to travel three days if they went there by water, and two if they went by land; and therefore it was seldom visited, and little good resulted to the village. inasmuch as the whole population were heathen, they required much persuasion to lead them to baptism, and a great deal of attention to their religious instruction. on this account, those fathers placed a juridical renunciation of the said village in the hands of the bishop, don fray diego de soria. the bishop, being a religious of our order, asked his brethren to take charge of this village, since there were in it many baptized children, and no other body of religious could care for and guide them. the bishop, in asking the religious to take this matter in charge, was laying upon them no small burden; yet the need was almost extreme, and the great labor brought with it great reward--for, as the apostle says, each man shall be rewarded at the last judgment in proportion to his labors. hence they determined to assume the charge, and the superior sent there father fray juan de san jacintho, [50] a devoted religious and an indefatigable laborer in the teaching of the indians. he went to manavag in the year mentioned, and the fact was spread abroad among the neighboring villages. on account of the great love which they had for the order, and especially for the religious who was there (for he was like an angel from heaven), some other hamlets were added to that one, and the village of manavag was made of reasonable size. the negrillos and zambales who go about through those mountains were continually harassing this village, partly because of their evil desires to kill men, and partly for robbery. they often came down upon it with bows and arrows, and with fire to burn the houses and the church which was practically all of straw. they committed murders, and robbed women and children. those in the village being thus terrorized, and the men being unable to prevent the evil, since their enemies came when they had gone out into the fields, it was determined to take as patroness the virgin of the rosary, that she might aid them in this need. they accordingly dedicated a new church to her, and solemnized the dedication with many baptisms of adult persons. within a few months, there was not a heathen within the village--a clear proof that the presence of heathen in the country is due solely to a lack of missionaries. wherever the missionaries are, all are immediately baptized; and not only those of that village which has the missionaries, but some of their neighbors also, participate in the teaching of the religious, and in the favors of our lady of the rosary. this is plain from a miracle which occurred a few years after, and was verified before the vicar-general of this country, who at that time was father fray pedro de madalena. it happened thus. four leguas from manavag, in a village of ygolote indians who inhabit some high mountain ridges, there lived an indian chief, a heathen, by the name of dogarat, who used sometimes to go down to the village of manavag, and to listen out of curiosity to the preaching of the religious. since the matters of our faith are truly divine, the indian began to incline toward them, and even toward becoming a christian. he therefore learned the prayers, and knew them by heart; and the only thing which held him back was the necessity of leaving his vassals and his kinsmen if he was baptized, and going away from the washings in a river of his village, where they used to gather grains of gold, which come down with the water from those hills and ridges where they are formed. god our lord, to draw him to the precious waters of baptism, brought upon him a severe illness. when he felt the misery of this disease, he sent to call the religious who was at that time in manavag, father fray thomas gutierrez, who came to his village, called ambayaban, and visited the sick indian, giving him thorough instruction in the matters of our holy faith. when he was thoroughly prepared he baptized him and named him domingo. by the aid of the lord he recovered, and used to attend church on feast days. he asked for a rosary, which the religious gave him with a direction to say the prayers of the rosary every day, that the sovereign lady might aid him. he went out hunting once; and in order that the rosary, which he always wore about his neck, might not interfere with him or be broken by catching in a branch, he took it off and hung it on a tree, and with it a little purse in which he was carrying a trifle of gold. it happened soon after that some indians set fire to the mountain to frighten out the game. the fire kindled the tree where the rosary was hanging, and burnt it all to ashes. some time afterward don domingo came back for his rosary, and discovered the destruction which the fire had wrought, and the tree in ashes. as he was looking among them he found his rosary entire and unhurt, while everything else was burnt up, and the purse and the gold were consumed, though they were close to the rosary, which did not show a sign of fire. the indian, amazed, went and told his story to father fray thomas, who for a memorial of this marvel kept the miraculous rosary among the treasures of the church, giving the indian another in its place. there it remained, in token of the esteem and respect which our lady willed that the fire should pay to her holy rosary. [in the month of june, 1607, father fray juan baptista gacet ended his labors happily in the convent of sancto domingo at manila. he was a son of the convent of preachers at valencia, and a beloved disciple of st. luis beltran, whom he succeeded in the office of master of novices at valencia. when st. luis returned from the indias, the lord moved father fray juan to go to them, as he desired to reap a harvest of souls, and feared that they might strive to make him superior in his own province. he received the approval of st. luis, and went to the indias at the time when master fray alonso bayllo went out from his convent of murcia, by command of our lord the king and of the general of the order, to divide the province of vaxac from that of sanctiago de mexico. being threatened with a superiorship in the province of vaxac, father fray juan did what he could to avoid it. when a company of religious under the leadership of father fray pedro de ledesma passed through nueva españa on their way to the philippinas, father fray juan decided to accompany them, though he was already of venerable age; and he reached manila in 1596. here he was greatly honored, and, being too old to learn the indian languages, was retained in the convent of manila to act as confessor and spiritual guide to a number of devout persons in the city. he was made definitor in the first provincial chapter, and was later obliged to accept the office of prior--having no other country to flee to, as he had fled from españa to the indias, and thence to the philippinas, to avoid this elevation. he was given to devout exercises and to prayer, reading often from some devout book, usually from st. john climachus, and afterward discussing the passage, and making it the basis of devout meditation. after leaving the office of prior, he returned to his life of devotion and abstraction. on the twentieth of july in the same year, father fray miguel de oro ended his life in the province of nueva segovia. he was a native of carrion de los condes; and he took the habit and professed in san pablo at valladolid. he afterward went to the religious province of guatemala, where he remained for some years, but afterward returned to españa. in 1599 the plague attacked all españa and raged with especial violence in valladolid. father fray miguel, with four other religious of our order, devoted himself to the care of those who were plague-stricken. after the plague he retired to the convent of la peña de francia; but his memory was constantly stirred by the recollection of his service among the indians, and in 1601 he went with some other religious to manila. he was assigned to the province of nueva segovia, where, although on account of his great age he was unable to learn the language, his holy example was of great value. he was of great help and comfort to the minister whom he accompanied, doing all that he could to make it possible for the minister (who knew the language) to work among the indians, and to write in the indian language compositions and spiritual exercises, which were of service to the ministers that came after them. he used to wear next his skin a thick chain, weighing ten libras; and, that the other brethren might not perceive the marks of it on his tunics, he used to take care to wash and dry them apart. he died as a result of a fever caused by the heat of the sun. father fray miguel was of swarthy complexion, with black and very prominent eyes which inspired fear. after his death he remained handsome, fair, and rosy, which caused those present to wonder-all supposing that these were signs of the glory which his soul already enjoyed.] chapter lxvi the establishment of two churches in nueva segovia in the month of august, 1607, at the octave of the assumption of our lady, a church was erected in the village of nalfotan, the chief village among those which are called the villages of malagueg [i.e., malaúeg] in nueva segovia. this church had the name and was under the patronage of st. raymond. the indians of these villages were and are courageous and warlike. hence before the coming of the faith they were constantly at war among themselves and with their neighbors, being men of fierce mind and lofty courage, and highly prizing their valor, strength and spirit, an inheritance left to them by their ancestors. thus they and their neighbors of gatarang and talapa, with whom they were very closely related, gave the spaniards a great deal of trouble, and were feared and still are feared by the other indians of that large province. in the village called nalfotan the chief and lord at this time was a young man named pagulayan, to whom our lord, in addition to high rank, great wealth, and courage, had given a quiet and peaceful disposition. he was a friend of peace and of the public weal--[seeking not only] his own advantage, but that of his people, and striving to secure what he recognized as good; and in him ran side by side the love of peace, and military spirit and courage--in which he was distinguished and eminent, and for which he was therefore feared by his enemies. god our lord, so far as we can judge, had predestinated him for himself; and this he showed by the great affection with which he listened to matters dealing with the service of god, even when he was a heathen and was living among barbarians, idolaters and demons, such as were all his vassals. when he heard that the ytabes indians, his neighbors, had religious of st. dominic who taught them a sure and certain road to salvation, and to the gaining of perpetual happiness for the soul in heaven by serving god in peace and quietude, he strove with all his heart to enjoy so great a good. he discussed the matter with his indians, and with their approval went down many times to the city of the spaniards to carry out his religious purpose, endeavoring to have the father provincial, fray miguel de san jacintho, give him a religious for his village. the provincial would have rejoiced to give him one; but those whom he had were so busy, and he had already withdrawn so many in response to such requests, that he was unable to satisfy this good desire, except with the hope that a missionary would be provided there as soon as the religious had come whom he was expecting from españa. the good pagulayan, although he was somewhat consoled, did not cease to complain, with feeling, that he had been unable to bring to his village the good which he desired for it. as he was unable to obtain a religious, he took with him a christian child from among those who were being taught the christian doctrine in the church, that the boy might instruct him until a father should come who could complete and perfect his teaching. nay, more: he and his people, having confidence in the promise which had been given them, erected a church in their village that they might influence the religious [to go there], and have that stronger reason for supplying a minister to them rather than to other villages which had no church. all this greatly affected the religious; and finally, in august of this year [1607], father fray pedro de sancto thomas [51] went there and found the church already built, and the whole village--men, women, and children--gathered on purpose to receive him, as they did with great joy and the exhibition of much content. this caused like content in the soul of father fray pedro, who giving many thanks to the lord, whose work this was, firmly resolved to labor with all his strength in this vineyard which seemed to bear fruit before it was cultivated. father fray pedro was very well suited to begin a conversion like this; for he was so simple and affable that the most remote barbarians, if they talked with him, were compelled to love him. he was of a very gentle nature, and extremely open-hearted, being entirely free from any duplicity or deceit, and acting in all things with the bowels of charity. this is the greatest snare to catch love which may be set for men. hence they received him as if he came from heaven, and at the beginning they listened to him and obeyed him with great zeal. the devil at these things suffered from rage and the worst pains of hell, as he saw himself losing, all at once, villages which had been his for so many ages. hence by the means of a sorceress, a priestess of his, named caquenga, he began to disturb the indians, to whom this wicked woman said such things that many determined to follow the rites of their ancestors and not to receive the teaching of the divine law. so devilish was this cursed anitera that she kept stirring up some of them against the religious, while at the same time with those who wished to keep him she pretended to be on their side; thus she deceived them all, especially those who were influenced by their zeal for ancient superstitions. hence they themselves killed their fowls and the swine which they had bred, tore down their houses, and cut down their palm-groves, in which their principal wealth consisted; and, crying out, "liberty!" they fled to the mountains. here they joined those who had hitherto been their enemies, that they might be more in number and might bring a greater multitude of weapons against a solitary friar who went unarmed, and whom they had invited to their village with such urgency, and received with such joy; and against whom they had no complaint except simply that he preached to them the law of god and the gospel of peace, at their own invitation, and that a most earnest invitation. pagulayan, with some of his vassals, was constantly at the side of fray pedro--who, being secure in his own conscience, was not intimidated, but strove to bring back those who had revolted. seeking for means of speaking to them, he determined to send an indian who should arrange in his behalf for a conference; and who should promise the chief of the revolted ones, whose name was furaganan, that the spaniards who were ¡n the city of nueva segovia would not punish him for what he had done. that the indian might feel safe and might believe him, he gave the man a relic of st. thomas to carry; for among them there was no one who knew how to read or write, because they had no letters of their own, so that he was unable to give him a letter, or any other token better known as coming from the father. this, however, sufficed to cause furaganan to listen to the messenger without ill-treating him; and he agreed to meet the religious at a certain place and on an appointed day. as a token of fidelity and peace, furaganan sent his bararao--a dagger with which they stab close at hand, and can easily cut off a head--that it might be put in the hands of the religious. they met on the assigned day; and the indian, annoyed with caquenga, who had caused the disturbance among them, immediately joined the party of the religious against whom she had caused them to rebel. furaganan asked them to give him this indian anitera as a slave, alleging that she had been a slave of his mother, and that in this way and no other could quiet be restored, because he could not suffer that this intriguing slave-woman should, merely through her crafty acts, be more esteemed by the spaniards than were the chiefs. she was, he said, full of duplicity, having remained with pagulayan that she might be able to say afterward to the spaniards that she was not at fault for the uprising--although, in point of fact, she had been the cause of it. fray pedro promised to look after this business with great diligence, and to do what should be best. the indian departed, apparently in peace; but the others did not continue in that frame of mind. at midnight, while the religious was reciting the matins, on the first sunday of advent, and when he had come to the first response, the insurgents set fire to the church, thus alarming those who had remained in the village, and causing them to take flight. pagulayan came to father fray pedro, and, acting as his guide, put him on a safe road, carrying him at times on his shoulders across creeks and rivers on the road which they followed. at dawn they halted in a thicket, whence the father went to a little village farther down, because the place where they were was not safe. here pagulayan carried the robes from the sacristy, and father fray pedro put them as well as he could into a chest, being obliged to leave out a canvas of our lady, which on account of its size the chest would not hold. leaving it there, he went on to the village of pia, where there was a religious with many christians, and where the people were peaceful. the insurgents went straight down to the village where the chest and the picture were; and, opening the chest, they took out the ornaments, the chalice, and all the rest, and profaned everything. they cut the ornaments of the mass into pieces, to make head-cloths and ribbons. they tore the leaves out of the missal, and drank out of the chalice, like a godless race governed by the devil. taking the image painted on the canvas, they set it up as a target for their lances. one of them blasphemously said: "this, the fathers tell us, is the mother of god; if this were truth, our lances would draw blood, and since she sheds none, it is all trickery and deceit." the savage said this when he was throwing his lance at the image, and his audacity did not remain without its punishment, for he was soon after condemned to the galleys; and here, in addition to the ordinary hardships suffered in them, he was maltreated by all the other galley slaves when they learned that his crime had been committed against our lady. they struck him, buffeted him, kicked him, and abused him with words as an enemy of the virgin; and in this state he died, passing from the wretched life of the galleys to eternal death in hell. in this same year the indians of zimbuey, in the level part of la yrraya in the same province, rose and murdered their encomendero luis henriquez, angered because he had treated them during the previous year with more rigor than was proper. there was no religious here. the indians, in fear of like severity during the present year, had mutinied against the encomendero and thrust him through with a lance. out of his shin-bones they made steps to go up to the house of their chief--a piece of savagery such as might be expected from enraged indians. information of these two risings was sent to the governor of manila, who sent out the sargento-mayor christobal de azcueta with a sufficient number of soldiers. he ascertained the facts in both cases and brought out the truth clearly--namely, that the excesses of the dead encomendero had caused the indians of his encomienda at zimbuey to rise, and that the intrigues of caquenga had roused the indians of malagueg. the latter, conscious of their fault, came to the city of nueva segovia to beg that the religious might return to them; and father fray pedro de sancto thomas returned with them. he had greater confidence in the many hopes which he had, for many of them, that they would be good and faithful christians, than resentment for the wrongs which he had received from others. all this disturbance came to an end, and he built convents and churches and baptized many. in course of time all those people were baptized. pagulayan was named luis, and one of his sisters was named luysa balinan. they were always very brotherly and sisterly in all things, especially in following virtue. they remained very firm in the faith, and have aided much to bring their indians to embrace it. they lived according to the teachings of the faith, giving a noble example in this respect, and obviously surpassing all those of their land in everything that has to do with virtue and the service of god. they were, during all their lives, the support of the mission, the comfort of the religious, and generous honorers of their church--upon the adornment of which they spent freely in proportion to their means, giving silver lamps and other very rich ornaments for the service and beautifying of the church. nor did they forget the poor, not only of their own village, but of the others, who very often come to this one to find food, since this is generally the village where food is most abundant. don luis pagulayan died while young, in the year 1620. his death was much regretted and deplored, as it still is both by the religious and by his indians, and much more by his sister, doña luysa balinan. she is yet living, and perseveres in holy customs and in laudable acts of all the virtues; for she wears hair shirts underneath her dress as a married chieftainess, is constantly in the church, and is very frequent in her confessions and communions. she is very careful that not only those of her household (who are many) but all of the village--which is one of the largest in the province of nueva segovia--should carefully observe the law of god and hear and learn the catholic doctrine. this she herself ordinarily teaches, and teaches well, for she has had much practice in this office, so that she greatly aids the ministers. a few years ago, there was in this province a great famine; and doña luisa having very fertile land, from which she might have made a great profit, preferred to offer it to christ through his poor. hence she spent it all upon them, directing all the poor to come every day to her for their food, as was done. in any tumult or disturbance that may arise, she is one from whom the religious learn with perfect certainty the truth of what has happened; and by her assistance (for she is very prudent) the remedy is obtained. the lord watches over her and prospers her in all things--not only spiritual, in which she surpasses, but also temporal, for she is one of the richest persons that there are in this province. when some superstitious performances were carried on here by some of the chiefs, she immediately informed the religious. when he asked her if she dared to declare the matter before the guilty persons, that in this way the evil might be demonstrated and cured, she replied that she would venture, even though they should give her poison; for they were unable to avenge themselves in any other way, and she had reason to expect them to do this. such is the spirit and courage with which she serves the lord and strives for the good of her fellow-men; and so little does she esteem life when there is an opportunity for her to venture it for such a noble end. in the year 1626, the names of those entered in the records of baptism in this church of nalfotan were counted. the total was found to be four thousand six hundred and seventy, in addition to those baptized in sickness, who were many; and all this rich harvest was reaped in a village which eighteen years ago was composed wholly of heathen. at the end of this year, 1607, another church was built in december, on innocents' day, in a village of the same province named yguig, two days' journey up the river from the city of the spaniards. the encomendero had collected his tribute from these indians with great care; but he had given no attention to providing them with christian instruction, as god and the king commanded him. the lord, who overlooks many other grievous sins, was unwilling to let this pass without chastisement; but the punishment which he gave the encomendero was that of a kind father, and was inflicted outside of his clothes--that is to say, it fell only upon his wealth, which, when it is guiltily acquired, shall not profit. this encomendero lost all; and when these misfortunes came upon him, one after the other, he perceived that they did not come by chance, and saw what it was with which the lord might be angry. this was his supporting idolatry and the service of the devil in this village, by his mere failure to provide christian instruction in it, as was his duty. he repented of what he had hitherto done, and vowed to provide in this village the teaching of the true god, and a religious to preach and teach it. in this year he asked for the religious from the father provincial, fray miguel de san jacintho, and one was given him. since there was a discussion as to what patron this new church should be given, many slips with the names of saints upon them were placed in a vessel. three times the name of sanctiago, patron of the españas, came out; and hence the church was given this name, which has been retained in this village of yguig. this has been done in spite of the fact that, on account of great inundations and floods of the river, it has been necessary to build the church on four separate sites--the first three having been overflowed, although it did not appear possible that the river should reach land situated so high. this river, however, is very large; and its floods are so extreme that they overflowed these eminences, until the church was finally placed where it now is, which is upon a very high hill. here it enjoys without disturbance the fresh breezes, and is safe against any flood. among all these changes and difficulties, this tribe would have been scattered and their village destroyed, if the religious had not sustained them with alms and charities. they received much assistance from the indian chiefs, in particular from one who far surpassed the others in christian zeal and in fidelity to god, the church, and the spaniards. the lord has wrought him great and apparent benefits for this. one was as follows. he went for many days under a temptation of the devil to kill another indian chief, who had wrought him a great wrong; and could not rest by day or by night for thinking how he might obtain satisfaction against the guilty man. now he thought of these plans, now of those, and was in such disquiet that he could not conceal the matter. the religious came to a knowledge of this, called him aside, and rebuked him earnestly, for his guilt and the great sin which he was designing, which was entirely contrary to the laws which should govern a christian, such as he was, who is bound to love his enemies. it was even contrary to the principles of his rank and his chieftainship for him to desire to commit a murder. don ambrosio luppo (as this indian was named) responded, weeping freely: "would to god, father, that you might see my heart, in order that you might understand well how much i suffer from the deed of this man, and might also see plainly how great an impression your teachings have made upon me. if i had not looked to god for some way of following your teachings, would this man have had his head on his shoulders so long? but i pardoned him because god pardoned me; and from that time i have been calm, and more devout than before." he received another benefit. he and his wife much desired to have children, but, though they had lived for many years together, they had now passed their youth, and had no children. they communicated their desire to the father, and he advised them what they ought to do, saying: "when good spaniards feel these desires, they offer particular devotion to the mother of god and to other great saints"--naming some who are of most signal assistance in such cases--"and they go to the churches and offer prayers before their images, that they may intercede with god who can do all things. in this way they many times attain what they desire." "all this will we do very willingly," answered husband and wife; "but what shall we say in our prayer after we have recited the paternoster and the ave maria?" the religious taught them what they ought to say and what prayers they ought to make to our lady, briefly indicating to her the desire which they had, and offering to her service the fruit of the blessing which they might attain by their prayers. this they did, going with their petition to the lady of the rosary which was in their church. a year later they had a son, to whom the religious, in memory of that which had been agreed upon, gave the name of juan de sancta maria. the parents recognized him as a gift from our lady. afterward this same lady, by means of this same religious, restored the child to complete health in an instant, when it was almost at the point of death. this she did for the comfort of the parents, for it seemed as if they would follow it out of sorrow. on many other occasions she has come to their help; and the lord has rewarded them with a generous hand for the faith and the good services which, since they became christians, they have done and are doing. chapter lxvii the election as provincial of father fray baltasar fort, the martyrdom of the holy leon, and events in the province. in april, 1608, the electors, assembled in the convent of sancto domingo at manila, chose as provincial father fray baltasar fort, minister of the holy gospel in the province of pangasinan. he was by habit and profession a son of the convent of san estevan at salamanca, and adopted into that of the preachers in valencia, his native land, whence he came to this province in the year 1602. he was at this time prior of the convent. he was of a character such that all necessary qualities for so high an office were united in him; and hence his election was very agreeable to all, both religious and lay, because he was greatly loved and reverenced by all--not only of his own religious order, but also of the others. in this chapter were accepted the houses which had been newly formed in japon, pangasinan, and nueva segovia, an account of which has been given in the two preceding chapters. what had been at other times ordained and commanded was recalled to mind--namely, that in our conversations we should speak constantly of god, a subject which is never exhausted, is never wearisome to a good man, is edifying to all, and keeps the religious in the fulfilment of the obligations that belong to their estate. [at this time the fathers who were laboring for the good of the natives of japon had a joyful day in seeing the martyrdom of a person who had been brought to the faith, instructed, and baptized by their ministry; and in whom the faith had struck so deep roots that he yielded fruit an hundred fold, according to the gospel, by suffering martyrdom within four months after becoming a christian. having been baptized on july 22, 1608, he was decapitated for his confession of faith on the seventeenth of november in the same year, in the kingdom of satzuma, his native country. there were laws of the emperor, and also of the actual king of that region, that no soldier or person of rank should be baptized, since it was believed that the strength of these persons would be weakened if they gave up their obligations to those deities from whom victory was expected. in spite of this law, many soldiers and persons of rank were baptized, among them xichiyemon, a youth of high rank. he received baptism from the hands of father fray joseph de san jacintho, who warned him of the tumult which his baptism would arouse, and of the destruction of his soul which would follow if he were to renounce his baptism. he was so determined and courageous that the father baptized him by the name of leon. his devotion was such that his conversion could not long be hidden; and, when it was known, the valiant leon was obliged to resist the supplications of his superior officers, his friends, and his relatives, who represented to him the shame which he would bring upon his family if he should die by the hands of the executioner. this is a thing above measure infamous in japon, because all malefactors of rank who are condemned to death cut open their own abdomens, and wound their bowels with their own knives [catanas], and thus kill themselves, that they may not die at the hands of another." [52] his obligations to his wife and children, and his duties of obedience as a soldier, were insisted upon; but he remained resolved to die as a christian, not taking his own life, but offering it. he was not imprisoned, and visited his spiritual father, fray juan joseph de san jacintho, in a little village a quarter of a legua from firaça. at the appointed time he dressed himself in new white clothes, washed his head, and gird on two swords. he then went to the cross-roads where he was to suffer, and died with a rosary in his hand and a little picture of the descent from the cross on his bosom. his holy body was exhumed by the christians, and was kept by the fathers of st. dominic, who afterward, when they were driven from the country, took it with them to manila and placed it in the chapel of the relics. the tyrant commanded that leon's wife and eldest son should suffer death, because they had been unable to persuade him to recant. pablo, leon's friend, who was accused at the same time, was not so happy as he, but was merely banished from the kingdom of satzuma. on the eleventh of april in this year (i.e., 1609) there arrived at manila some religious from the number of those who were brought from españa to this province by father fray gabriel de quiroga. he died on the voyage before he reached mexico, and most of the others were scattered, and remained in nueva españa. father fray gabriel was a son of our convent at ocaña. he was a great preacher, and had come to this province in 1594. he was in the ministry to the chinese; being unable to learn the language on account of his advanced age, and being in ill health, he returned to españa. here he felt scruples at having left the province of the philippinas, and asked permission of the most reverend general to return to it with a company of religious. in 1607 he gathered a company in sevilla, but was unable to come for lack of a fleet. later in the same year, learning that six pataches were being prepared for the voyage, he arranged to reassemble the religious and to take them in these vessels, though he had already been appointed bishop of caceres. he quickly got together thirty associates, taking the risk of sailing in december. the storms were so furious, and the asthma from which the bishop suffered was so severe, that he departed this life on the way. of all those who came with him only eight completed the voyage which they had begun. the success of the religious in satzuma during the six years which they had spent in that kingdom aroused the tono, who was persuaded by the devil and his servants the bonzes to expel the fathers from his country. the case of the holy martyr leon contributed to influence the tono. it was said in that kingdom that no one ever failed to do what his lords commanded him, and hence such disobedience as that of leon was regarded as dangerous to the state. the bonzes particularly were bitter against the christians, who despised the deity whom they worshiped. [53] all the cases of misfortune and all the downfalls which had happened to christian princes within a few years were referred to their belief, although the misfortunes of the heathen princes had been much more numerous. as the king of satzuma was at this time actually preparing for a war of conquest against the islands of the leuquios, [54] he was greatly impressed by these reasonings. he was also disgusted because no vessels had come from manila to this country, the desire for trade having been his chief object in sending for religious. the king of satzuma sought for some pretext for expelling the father, without finding any. in the month of august, he sent word to them that the emperor complained because the spanish religious in his country had never appeared before him. this was only a pretext to get the religious out of the country. there were at that time in all japan, outside of nangasaqui, not more than three churches licensed by the emperor: one in meyaco, of the fathers of the society; a second in yendo, of the franciscan fathers; and a third in ozaca, of the society. all the rest were practically in concealment, and had license only from the tonos or kings. the emperor, though he knew this, paid little attention to the matter. the fathers, however, were able to say that father fray alonso de mena had visited the emperor, and had received license from him for the stay in japan of the rest of the fathers. still, thinking that they might do well to appear before the emperor, they decided to follow the suggestion of the tono, and father fray francisco de morales went directly to visit him and was kindly received. before father fray francisco returned, the tono gave commands that all the christians should recant, and exiled those who refused to obey, confiscating their goods. when this happened, there were in satzuma only the fathers fray joseph de san jacintho and fray jacintho orfanel. father fray joseph went directly to appear before the old tono, and was received with much apparent courtesy, which was a mere cloak for the evil which he was preparing to execute. the father also desired to go to visit the young tono, but was advised that he could do no good; and therefore he went from village to village, strengthening and encouraging the converts. he and father fray jacintho, happening to be both at once within the convent, the governor forbade the religious to leave the church, and prohibited the christians from going to it, hoping thus to prevent the religious from receiving any support. there was only one half-leprous boy, named juan, who succored them at this time. when he went to buy what they needed, the people paid no attention to his coming and going, because of his being afflicted in this way.] chapter lxviii the religious, being exiled and expelled from the kingdom of satzuma, are admitted to other kingdoms. [the kingdom of japon is subject to constant changes and novelties, as may be known by those who have lived in it, and by those who have read what historians have to say of it. although the plague of inconstancy is very common among all heathen, the japanese are particularly subject to it. it is not to be wondered at that the king of satzuma, after all that he had done to bring religious from st. dominic to manila, should have expelled them without any cause. the natural inconstancy of this race is sufficient explanation for his conduct. st. francis xavier was expelled from the same kingdom of satzuma, as he was afterwards from the country of yamaguçu, [55] whence he fled to the kingdom of firando. as early as the year 1555, the heathen japanese believed that so soon as the faith should enter their country the kingdom would be destroyed; and in the following year the city of amaguchi was destroyed, and there was a great persecution. in the year 1564 there was another persecution, even more severe, in meaco, the imperial court. father cosme de torres was obliged to leave there and to go to the kingdom of bungo. in firando the churches were overthrown, and the emperor nabunanga imprisoned father argentino [56] and his associate, refusing to release them until he received, as a ransom, from the most noble and catholic don justo the fortress called tayca yama. [57] in 1599 the taico [i.e., iyeyasu] banished by public edict all the religious there were in japon (all of whom were then jesuits), declaring that all christians were his enemies; but soon after he granted to father fray juan cobo--a religious of st. dominic, who had come from manila as ambassador--that he, and religious of the society or of any other order, might preach and make converts in japon. the sons of the seraphic father st. francis went, under this permission, in 1593, and were kindly received; but very soon afterward commands were given to crucify them, as preachers of the gospel. father fray francisco de morales felt that conditions were such that it was necessary to comply, and began by taking down the church and looking for boats to carry it in; for it was fitted together with grooves, without nails, and could be, used elsewhere. they removed for a time to meyaco, and soon afterwards to the city of ozaca. in the erection of both churches they were bitterly opposed by the members of the other religious orders, although the others could not serve the twentieth or the thirtieth part of the people of those cities. the japanese banished from satzuma suffered greatly. among this people banishment is often worse than death, which is not greatly feared by them. banishment is generally accompanied with a loss of their goods, so that those who are noble and rich are by it instantly reduced to poverty and drudgery. the fathers carried away their vestments, the timber of the church, and the body of the holy martyr leon, removing them to nangasaqui. father fray francisco also carried with him the lepers of the hospital which he had before his house, that they might not be left in the power of wolves. in the meantime, the affairs of christianity went on prosperously in the kingdom of fixen. in july, 1609, father fray juan de sancto thomas, who sent the first religious to japon when he was provincial, came to japon as vicar-provincial, bringing with him as his associate brother fray antonio de san vicente. he labored much and successfully in fixen, and the lord showed the fathers grace by enabling them to baptize many whom he had predestinated at the point of death. there were especially many cases of baptism of new-born children, whom the parents intended to kill, or left to drown in the river.] one day's journey up the river from abulug, in the province of nueva segovia, there is a village named fotol in the midst of a number of other smaller villages, as is customary among the mountains. when these villages were visited for the purpose of collecting tribute, the religious was accustomed to go along that he might be there conveniently to give them some knowledge of the law of god, and strive to bring them to a love of the faith by which they might be saved. this diligence, although it was exercised so seldom--only once a year--was yet not in vain; for the words of the gospel sown in the hearts of these heathen took root and caused them to go down [the river], voluntarily, for the purpose of seeking a preacher to live among them, to teach, direct, and baptize them. father fray miguel de san jacintho, vicar of abulug, sent there father fray diego carlos. [58] the spaniards did not dare to visit the village when they collected the tribute, except in numbers and with arms. on this account, and because they were surrounded by mountaineers who were heathen, untamed, and ferocious, it seemed to the christian indians of abulug that the religious ought not to go without a guard to protect his life; but since the order given by our lord jesus christ is not such, but directs that his preachers should go as sheep among wolves, father fray diego would not receive the advice given him by these indians, though they were friendly; and departed alone with his associate, as a preacher of peace and of the law of love. all the indians, great and small, came out to receive them with great joy; and the religious immediately began to preach to them and to teach them. in a short time they did a great work, and baptized not only those of this village, but also those who dwelt near there. they left their old sites and, gathering in this one, formed a new settlement. the church was built under the patronage of our lady of the rosary, and here the christian faith went on flourishing until the devil, hating so much good, disturbed them and caused them to fall away for a time--to their great harm, spiritual and temporal; though afterward, recognizing their error, they returned to their obedience to their creator, as will be told hereafter. almost in the same manner, and following the same course, another church was built at this time in the high region at the head of the great river, six days' journey from the city of the spaniards, in a village named batavag. here father fray luis flores, who was afterward a holy martyr in japon, gathered together seven little hamlets, making one very peaceful one. he preached to them, taught them, and baptized many, without receiving any other assistance in all this than that which the lord promises those who, for love of him and from zeal for souls, go alone, disarmed, and in gentleness among heathen. to such no evil can happen, since, if the heathen hear the teaching and are converted, all is happiness and joy both in heaven and for the preachers, since the sinners are converted; while if they refuse to admit them, or if, when the preachers are admitted, the heathen do not become converts, the preachers have a certain reward, as the lord has promised. this reward will be much greater if the heathen, in addition to refusing to be converted, treat them ill, or take their lives from them, for the sake of the lord whom they preach. therefore in this as in all the other conversions the religious have always gone alone, unarmed, and in poverty, but sure that they are to suffer no evil. the results in batavag were very good, although they did not last many years because, desirous of a greater laxity of life than the divine law permits, the natives went up into the neighboring mountain, apostatizing from the faith which many of them had professed in baptism. in the mountains of ytui, which are not far from pangasinan, father fray juan de san jacintho went on a journey at this time, accompanied by only two indians. here he taught, settled their disputes, and brought them to the faith. these people were a race of mountaineers, among whom other religious had not been safe even with an escort of many soldiers; but the gentle manners of father fray juan caused them to become calm, and many of them came sometimes to pangasinan to ask that religious might be given to them. many years passed before it was possible to provide them with religious; but the father provincial had, as minister of pangasinan, seen their pious desires and wished to give them the religious. for this he requested the sanction of the ordinary, and asked the governor for the royal patronage. when the fathers of st. francis learned this, they came and said that this conversion belonged to them, because it was very near to the ministry and the convent which they had in baler. the order (which needed religious in other regions) instantly yielded without any dispute, permitting the fathers of st. francis to take charge of these indians. this they did, but very soon abandoned them, since the region was not one to be coveted, but was very unhealthy. as a result these indians remained for some time deprived of the ministry of the holy gospel; and, what caused greater regret, they were morally certain to apostatize, like many other christians among heathens, since they were children among idolatrous parents and kinsmen, without religious and without instruction. [in this year, 1609, father fray juan de anaya departed this life. he was a native of san pedro de las dueñas, two leguas from segovia, and was a professed son of the convent at valladolid, whence he came to this province in 1598. he was sent immediately to nueva segovia, the conversion of which had just begun. he learned the language very quickly, and so wrought with them that he not only taught them the gospel and the christian life, but also civilization. he showed them how to build their houses, and how to work their fields; and taught them all other matters of human life, not only by instruction, but by example. he sought out the indians, and brought them down from the mountains and the hiding-places where some, deluded by their sins, had gone to hide from grace. father fray juan was not content to ask where they were and to send for them; but, trusting in his natural strength, he went to look for them and brought them down from the mountains, traveling through the rough and thorny places among the thickets where they hid. he compelled them to enter upon the path of their welfare, not by the violence of a tyrant, but by the force of love and charity. when he was vicar of pilitan, some of the poor indians lost all their harvest from an overflow of the river. not daring to wait for those who were to come and get the tribute, and indeed through fear of starvation, they left the village, and many of them fled to the mountains. father fray juan was deeply afflicted because of the danger which their souls ran. this grief and his many labors affected his health, and finally brought on a flux, from which he died. another religious, a subordinate and companion of father juan, father fray vicente alfonso, died eight days later. he was a valencian by birth, and had been a sailor up to his twenty-fourth year. he assumed the habit in the convent of preachers in valencia, and set a good and humble example as a religious. he was very charitable, giving away even his clothes to the poor. in the province of pangasinan, in the month of august, 1609, there departed from the miseries of this life father fray francisco martinez, a native of zacatecas, and a son of the convent of mexico. he came to manila in 1598, and was assigned to pangasinan, where he learned the language of the natives with great perfection. he was constant in labor and in prayer. to defend the indians, he did not shrink from suffering or fear the perils of the sea. on one occasion, when he had gone to manila on this account, he fell into the hands of japanese pirates on his way back to pangasinan, and was several times in danger of death, with the pirate's knife at his throat, who intended by such terrors to increase the ransom. death called him from his labors and sufferings. he rejoiced, and died a most holy death.] in this year the most reverend general of the order, seeing how many great things were wrought by the medium of the divine grace through the religious of this province, and condemning the silence with which they hid and covered them, without giving any account of them even to the general head and superior of the order, issued a mandate to the provincials that they should every year, on pain of incurring mortal sin, give him information of what took place in this province of the philippinas, japon, and china in the conversions of the heathen and the extension of the holy church, the service of the divine majesty, and the edification of the people of christ. in addition to this, they were to give an account of the state of our order in each province, declaring how many and what convents it included, how many religious it possessed, and of what virtue, sanctity, learning, and good example they were; telling if any of them, after having done illustrious things, had died gloriously; and recounting all other matters which might be an honor to god, a source of comfort to the religious, and an adornment and decoration of our religious order. together with this mandate, he wrote with his own hand the following letter, from which may be seen the high esteem in which he held this province. the letter is in the archives of the convent of manila. "very reverend father provincial: father fray alonso navarrete has given me good news of the great devotion, spirit, and continual preaching in this new province. in this i have felt very great satisfaction; but it would be desirable that i should receive more detailed reports with regard to matters there, and particularly with regard to what has been done for the conversion of the heathen, by the grace of our lord, in those kingdoms of china and japon. this knowledge would be of great service to our lord, great edification to our fellow-men, and great honor to our holy religious order. on this account and in order that you, very reverend father, may have the merit of obedience, it has seemed good to me to send you the enclosed mandate. this is sent, however, still more that it may serve as a memorandum for the fathers provincials who may succeed your reverence in that province, because i know that there may be some carelessness in this respect. orders have already been given that friars religious shall go to that province to preach and assist your paternities in the conversion of the heathen. would that it might please our lord that i might go with those for whom our lord has prepared so great rewards in heaven. your prayers, very reverend father, and the prayers of all that province i beg for myself and for my associates. palermo, june 18, 1609. your reverence's fellow-servant in god, fray agustin galaminio, master of the order of preachers." chapter lxix the venerable father fray bartolome de nieva, and brother fray pedro rodriguez [death fell heavily upon our fathers in this year, seizing the best on every side. in manila it cut short the thread of the life of father fray bartolome de nieva. father fray bartolome was a native of nieva in castilla la vieja. while still a layman, he went to the indias in the search for wealth. he spent some years in mexico; and in spite of the great wealth of that country, the luxury of life there, and the agreeable climate, he could not be satisfied or find peace. hence he determined to change his course of life, that he might find the calm for which he sought. though he was already a grown man, he became a child in following the duties of a religious order. he assumed the habit in the convent of sancto domingo in that illustrious city, and began not only upon the elements of the religious life, but upon those of grammar. he did well in the studies of arts and theology, and by the aid of the lord he came forth a religious of great spiritual qualities--prayer, penitence, and prudence, both spiritual and temporal. he joined a company of religious who passed through mexico in the year 1594, on their way to the philippinas. he was too old to learn the language of the indians, but he accompanied the brother who taught and baptized the chinese in the hospital for that people; and thus assisted the other minister, whose duty it was to live in the hospital. when he determined to go to the philippinas his companions in mexico strove to prevent him, because he suffered from several infirmities, and the labors in the philippinas were known to be very severe. the lord, however, gave signs that he desired him to go. he showed especial devotion to the holy virgin and was a useful and devoted minister. the lord gave father fray bartolome wonderful powers of spiritual conversation, and of insight into character; and even some powers of prophecy, of which a number of illustrations are given. through him the lord healed not a few sick. a letter of his is reported at length, in which he incites a sinner to give up his evil way of life, and shows a knowledge of the man's heart which could only have been given him by god. other instances of the same sort are cited and an account of the holy death of father fray bartolome is given. at the same time there died brother fray pedro rodriguez, a companion of the first founders of this province. he was most closely associated with those who taught and baptized the chinese. during his whole life he had sole charge of the temporal affairs of the hospital. father fray pedro was not content with receiving those who came, but had persons to inform him if there were any sick in the orchards or quarries, or other places where the chinese who live about manila were gathered for work; and immediately sent to have them brought to the hospital. he often went in person to bring them, and, no matter how offensive or disgusting their diseases, he cared for them with his own hands. he waited upon them at all hours of the day and night, caring for their bodies; and he strove to teach them the things necessary for the salvation of their souls, as soon as their sickness gave him an opportunity. he suffered greatly from asthma; but, in spite of this affliction, he constantly employed the discipline of stripes--not upon his flesh, for he had none, but upon his bones, which were covered with nothing but skin; insomuch that some spaniards came to look at him, regarding it as a marvel that such a living image of death should be able to stand. his head was like a skull with eyes in it, but so sunken that it seemed almost as if he had none. the truth is that he ate no more than sufficient to sustain him in this condition; yet he was so attentive and careful to provide dainty food for a sick man that the religious were sent there to him during their convalescence. he had no greater pleasure than this and his unexpected success in converting some heathen. the lord provided him with these pleasures, which served him as food and drink to sustain his life. to the two hours of mental prayer observed in the whole province he added two others daily, continuing them after that which follows matins, and prolonging them till dawn. as soon as daylight appeared he left the work of mary to go to that of martha in caring for his sick, giving them breakfast after their own custom--which is followed in all the care that is given them, and in everything done for them. in spite of all these labors he thought so humbly of himself that one day when a religious heard him uttering heavy groans and deep sighs, and asked the cause, being unable to refrain from doing so, fray pedro answered that it was because he was so evil that, though he had so many times prayed to the lord for a trifle of his love and charity, he had not gained it. the superior desired to try him as to his obedience; and seeing that he labored with such delight at the hospital, and took such joy in serving the sick, he determined to find out if there were some self-love hidden in all this. he therefore directed him to leave the hospital, and to come to the city and take up the office of sacristan in the convent. fray pedro immediately obeyed, and, going into the sacristy which was entrusted to him, he fulfilled his duty with cleanliness, neatness, and good grace in all things, just as if he had exercised it all his life, and had never been occupied with the other. he was accordingly directed to return to the hospital, where he was more needed. the governor, don juan de silva, went to visit the hospital; and when he saw this brother with nothing but bones and skin, and when he heard the things which they said of him, he felt such reverence for him that he kissed his hand, and offered him his favor for all things of which his hospital had need, and arranged to grant him all that he wished, for the governor looked upon him and venerated him as a saint. at the time of his death, about three thousand who had died in the hospital had received baptism. in the intermediate chapter which took place in the following year honorable mention was made of this religious.] chapter lxx father fray luis gandullo, his entrance upon the religious life, and his coming to this province [the events which happened in the case of this father are such as god rarely manifests, even in the case of those who are nearest to him; and i should not dare to bring them to the light if they were not attested by three notable circumstances. the first is that he never formed his own judgment about what happened, but submitted the matter to a learned and spiritual man. the second is, that father fray luis kept such silence about these things that he only revealed them under the solemn mandate of his superior. the third is the innocence of his life, and his marvelous virtue. a formal certificate as to these three circumstances is given at length; it is by fray juan de sancto thomas, and is dated at manila, august 10, 1615. father fray luis gandullo was a native of the town of aracena in the archbishopric of sevilla, and was born of a rich and noble family. at the age of fourteen he made a vow to assume the habit of the dominican order. this vow he was unable to carry out for eight years, because of his duties to his widowed mother and his two sisters. while still a youth, he was favored with a vision of the virgin, which was followed soon after by a vision in which the devil appeared to him. after his two sisters were settled in life a certain trouble befell him in his own country, which obliged him to leave it and to go to the indias. he dwelt for some time in nueva españa, where he lived with some freedom, the lord preparing to drive him, by the very thorns which he should find in this road, to the religious life. his ancient desires to become a friar of st. dominic returned to his mind, and he began to arrange with the prior of the convent of the city of puebla to assume the habit. the prior and the friars of the convent, being asked by him if a secret business pledge which he had made had any validity, declared that it had no force in conscience, and would not hold him in a court of law if the party concerned would tell the truth of the case. he assumed the habit and waited for fourteen months to be professed. while he was looking for his profession to take place his creditor entered the convent, declaring that they were taking away his money by permitting the novice to enter the profession, since he could earn what he owed in the secular life. upon this, the superior commanded luis to lay aside the habit; but the lord punished the creditor by burning a great deal more of his property than the debt amounted to. luis, who knew that the obligation was merely a confidential agreement, refused to pay it because he did not owe it. he was ordained as priest, having determined to become a secular clergyman. under this condition he prayed god to help him fulfil his vow; and afterward had visions, among them a dreadful one of the devil in the form of a snake. being constantly attended by visions, he determined to carry out his vow, and one night heard a voice calling to him, "luis!" he answered, "lord!" and the voice went on to say, "rise, and go to mexico to assume the habit." it seemed to him that it was the voice of his dead brother. his conduct when he came to the convent was such that the brethren there decided to grant him the habit and the profession together, since he had already completed his novitiate. when the founders of this province went through puebla, father fray luis desired to accompany them, but was unable to carry out his wish at that time. he received intimations from a holy woman, a penitent of his, that the lord favored his desire to come to this province; and to this intimation were added other supernatural signs. a great scandal having arisen because of violence shown by the viceroy to a superior of a certain religious order, [59] father fray luis felt called upon to preach against the viceroy; he was condemned to exile in the philippinas, and received the sentence with joy. he accompanied father fray juan cobo, who was exiled for the same cause, as is narrated in chapter twenty-four of this history.] (to be concluded.) bibliographical data the present volume contains the second instalment of aduarte's historia, begun in vol. xxx (q.v.); it includes chapters xxxviii to lxx (pp. 167-384), inclusive, of book i. the concluding installment will be presented in vol. xxxii. notes [1] i.e., "the holy synod commands parish priests and other preachers to the indians to instruct them often and earnestly in the doctrine of this mystery;" and, "to those whom the parish priest shall regard as sufficiently instructed, and made fit by the correctness of their lives, he shall not fail to administer the holy eucharist, on the first easter following." [2] francisco blancas de san josé was a native of tarazona, and entered the dominican order at alcalá de henares. he came to manila with the mission of 1595, and was sent to bataán; afterward he spent several years in the manila convent, preaching to indians and chinese, as well as spaniards. he also gave especial attention to the instruction of the negroes and slaves there, of whom there were many thousands. he also labored in cagayán and (1609) in mindoro and balayan. in 1614 he sailed for spain, but died on the voyage, before reaching mexico. (reseña biográfica, i, pp. 172-177.) [3] jacinto de san jerónimo came to the islands with the mission of 1604. the rest of his life was spent mainly in the missions of cagayán; near its end, he went to the new mission of ituy (now nueva vizcaya), where he died in 1637. (reseña biográfica, i, p. 327.) [4] probably referring to the expedition sent from mexico early in 1559, to conquer florida, under command of tristan de luna y arellano; it included 500 spanish soldiers and a considerable number of indian allies. this attempt proved unsuccessful, and most of the spaniards were slain by the warlike florida indians. [5] the sketch of salazar's life given in reseña biográfica (i, pp. 35-49) states that he obtained permission to carry twenty religious with him to the philippines, all of whom he procured from the convent at salamanca. but twelve of them died (apparently from ship-fever) before reaching mexico; and the others were so prostrated by sickness that they could go no farther. [6] i.e., "reprove, entreat, rebuke, in all patience and doctrine." [7] cantaro (from latin, cantharus): the name of a large earthen or metal receptacle for liquids, hence for the amount contained in it; also, a measure for wine, varying in different parts of spain. the cantaro (or alquiére) of portugal is equivalent to nearly 2 1/5 or 3 1/3 u. s. gallons in lisbon and oporto respectively. [8] referring to the cultivation of their rice, usually in fields more or less under water. [9] i.e., the fifth sunday in lent. [10] these were dominicans and franciscans (vol. ix, pp. 161, 172). one of the latter was named gregorio da cruz; a letter from him to dasmariñas may be found in vol. ix, p. 197. huerta, however, says (estado, pp. 672, 673) that the early franciscan missions lasted only from 1583 to 1586, and were not resumed until the year 1700. [11] see morga's account of this expedition and its results, in vol. xv, pp. 78-89, 130-160, 187-190. cf. letters sent from manila to camboja, and papers connected with the embassy sent to dasmariñas, in vol. ix, pp. 76-78, 86, 87, 161-180. [12] the island (and group) of lubang, southwest of manila; a dependency formerly of the province of cavite, but now of marinduque. [13] pulo obi--that is, obi island; it lies near cape camâo (sometimes called cambodia), the southernmost point of cochinchina. [14] it is difficult to identify this town with exactness, but it is probably the same as the modern pnom-penh (panomping) on the great river me-khong (also called cambodia). the usurper of langara's throne was anacaparan (see morga's account, in vol. xv). [15] that is, the usurper anacaparan. according to morga, he resided at sistor, which probably was the modern udong. [16] tiuman (timoan, timun) island is off the eastern coast of the malay peninsula; it is about ten miles long and five broad, and is a mass of rock, rising into heights of 2,000 to 3,000 feet. [17] pedro de ledesma, although an old man when he came to the islands, lived until 1625, after having filled several offices in his order--mainly at manila, where he died. he brought seven missionaries with him (1596). [18] for meaning of this title, see vol. xv, p. 88. [19] see morga's account of this expedition (vol. xv, pp. 160-168). another relation (unsigned) is presented in a ms. document conserved in the archivo general de indias, with the pressmark: "simancas-secular; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas; años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." [20] according to the ms. mentioned in preceding note, this officer was pedro de beaztegui (probably for verastegui). [21] spanish, avia yo andado todas estas estaçiones: an allusion to the "stations" which represent, in a roman catholic church, the stages in christ's sufferings; and to the devotion which consists in making the circuit of these stations. [22] see vol. xv, p. 206. [23] apparently meaning here, "the country of the irrayas," rather than the name of any distinct district. the irrayas are in modern times a heathen tribe, of mixed malay and negrito blood, dwelling in the southern part of isabela province, luzón, on the western slopes of the palanan range, and on tributary streams far up the rio grande de cagayán. [24] the angatatan river, on which is situated the hamlet of magaldan; it falls into lingayén gulf. [25] thus in aduarte's text, but misprinted for guadaira. alcala de guadaira is a small town in the diocese of sevilla. [26] prauncar, the son of langara; he had been replaced on his throne by the spanish adventurers. see morga's account of joan de mendoza's expedition to camboja, and the death of these two dominicans, in vol. xv, pp. 183-190, 244-247. [27] according to morga's account, this friar was a dominican. [28] the dominicans made their first establishment at the city of mexico in 1526; nine years later, their houses were organized into the province of santiago de mexico. in 1550, chiapas and guatemala were separated therefrom, and formed into a new province; and in 1592 permission was given to cut out still another, the province of oajaca. alonso de vayllo was its second provincial (1594-97). see account of the dominican order in nueva españa in the sixteenth century, in bancroft's hist. mexico, ii, pp. 724-733. [29] i.e., "christ became, for our sake, obedient even unto death." [30] tomás hernández was sent, soon after his arrival at manila (1602), to the japan mission; but at the end of four years he returned with broken health, which compelled him to cease his labors. he lingered, however, until 1642, when he died at manila. [31] see list of these missionaries in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 307-319. thirty-one arrived at manila, besides the two who died on the way. [32] one of the year-periods used in japanese chronology (see vol. viii, p. 263). the keicho period is 1596-1615. [33] all these priests became martyrs, except hernandez; the fate of the lay brother is unknown. [34] one of the koshiki islands, lying west of satsuma, and belonging to that district. [35] konishi yukinaga tsu-no-kami, a noted general, was converted in 1584, and took the name of augustin. in 1592 he commanded the main army (composed mainly of christian japanese) sent by taikô-sama for the conquest of korea. konishi won renown in that enterprise, in which he was engaged until taikô-sama's death (1598) caused the recall of the japanese troops from korea. opposing iyeyasu, konishi was among the prisoners taken at the battle of sekigahara (1600), and was beheaded at kioto. see rein's japan, pp. 284-288, 290, 299. [36] owotomo bungo-no-kami (called franciscus by the jesuits), the most powerful feudal lord in kiushiu, was one of the first daimiôs in japan to accept christianity, and was the main support of the missions in their early years. he died in 1587. the family of this prince were deprived, under iyeyasu, of their possessions, which were divided among the latter's adherents. see rein's japan, pp. 273, 519. [37] this was a soldier named joan diaz (vol. xv, pp. 189, 279). cf. morga's account of this dominican mission (vol. xv, pp. 279, 280). [38] jerónimo de belén, a portuguese by birth, came in the mission of 1595, from puebla de los angeles, mexico. he ministered at bataán, manila, and cavite respectively; in 1603 went on the camboja mission, and on its failure returned to manila. he died in 1642, in pampanga. [39] sketches of the lives of all these friars are given in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 320-327. [40] this friar came in 1604; he died at nasiping, july 16, 1611. [41] pedro muriel came to the islands in 1615, and was sent to the cagayán missions, where he seems to have spent most of his remaining years. he died at manila, about 1642. [42] itaves is a district south of central cagayán, on the waters of the rio chico de cagayan (or bangag river). it has over 15,000 inhabitants, contained in more than a hundred villages; these people are mainly calauas, and are heathen malays. see u. s. gazetteer of philippine islands, p. 561; also smithsonian report, 1899, p. 535. [43] juan de naya spent most of his missionary life in cagayán. finally being ordered to mexico, he died on the voyage thither, january 27, 1620. [44] andres de haro, a native of toledo, made his profession at cuenca in 1613. he came to the philippines in 1615, and spent more than forty years in the cagayán missions. at various times he filled important offices in manila, among them, that of commissary of the inquisition. he died in that city, september 19, 1670, at the age of seventy-six years. [45] apparently a reference to the jesuit alonso sanchéz, who had gone in 1586 to spain (see vol. vi) as envoy from the various estates of the philippine colony. [46] i.e., "farewell in the lord, beloved of my heart; may you fare well and happily forever." [47] this was matsura shigenobu hô in, the daimiô of hirado (firando) and iki. he succeeded his father in 1584, and died in 1614, at the age of sixty-five. he was an officer in the korean campaigns under konishi, and served during 1592-98. see satow's note regarding him, in voyage of saris (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1900), p. 79; also his portrait, p. 80. [48] the same as bagacay or bacacae; see vol. xvi, p. 55. [49] hizen is one of the most notable provinces of japan, commercially and historically. its chief city is nagasaki, which about 1586 was wrested from the daimiô of omura by taikô-sama, and declared the property of the central government. the dutch maintained a factory there, although under humiliating conditions and restrictions, from 1639 to 1859. another notable town in hizen is arima, where the christians were so cruelly persecuted in 1637. the daimiô of hizen, mentioned by aduarte, was probably nabeshima, prince of saga, who was a favorite with iyeyasu. see rein's japan, pp. 300, 520-523. [50] juan de san jacinto made his profession in the dominican convent at salamanca, in 1594. he came to manila in the mission of 1602, and ministered to the natives in pangasinan and afterward in ituy. he was finally compelled by ill-health to retire to manila, where he died in 1626. see reseña biográfica, i, p. 316. [51] pedro de santo tomás came to the islands in the mission of 1602, and labored twenty years in the cagayán missions--especially among the irrayas, whom he pacified after their revolt against the spaniards. he died at lal-ló, june 29, 1622. [52] the japanese custom of hara-kiri, or seppuku; see description rein's japan, pp. 328, 329; cf. griffis's mikado's empire, p. 221. [53] the bonzes are the priests of the buddhist temples; but they belong to various sects under the general appellation of buddhism. [54] this daimiô was shimadzu yoshihisa; he was commissioned to subjugate the riu-kiu islands, which were then added to the province of satsuma. [55] i.e., yamaguchi, in nagato; the latter is the province at the southwest extremity of hondo (or nippon) island, and lies opposite kiushiu island (in which are satsuma and hizen). [56] father organtinus (sommervogel can find no distinctive christian name) was born at brescia in 1530, and entered the order in 1556. he set out from lisbon for india in 1567; and soon went to japan, where he spent the rest of his life, dying at nagasaki in may, 1609. murdoch and yamagata's history of japan, 1542-1651 (kobe, 1903), gives this jesuit's name as organtino gnecchi (or soldi), and the date of his arrival in japan as 1572; and furnishes considerable information (partly derived from charlevoix) regarding gnecchi's labors in japan. [57] takayama (called justo ukondono by the jesuits) the governor of akashi, in harima; at adzuchi-yama, on lake birva, he built a house and church for the jesuits, and otherwise favored them. about 1615, he was, with other christians, banished to manila. nobunaga became, about the middle of the sixteenth century, the most powerful feudal lord in japan. he strove to govern the country in the name of the mikado, but aroused the enmity of the other feudal lords and of the buddhist priesthood, and was treacherously slain in 1582. see rein's japan, pp. 267-273, 306. [58] diego carlos was a native of guatemala, and made his profession at puebla de los angeles in 1592. six years later, he came to the philippines, and spent the rest of his life in the cagayan missions, where he died in 1626. [59] probably referring to the act of villamanrique in sending to spain ignominiously (1588) the franciscan commissary alonzo ponce (bancroft's hist. mexico, ii, pp. 717, 718). the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xlix, 1762-1765 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume xlix preface 11 documents of 1759-1765 conquest of manila by the english, 1762, and other events, 1762-1765 plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern philippines. [sir william draper?; canton, ca., 1759?] 27 letters to clevland. admiral samuel cornish; manila bay, october 31, and november 10, 1762 44 letter to lord anson. admiral samuel cornish; manila bay, november 1, 1762 60 letters to earl of egremont. sir william draper; manila, november 1, and november 2, 1762 65 draper's journal. sir william draper; [manila?], 1762 81 rojo's journal. manuel antonio de rojo y vieyra; manila, december 23, 1762 104 anda and the english invasion, 1762-1764. simon de anda y salazar, and others; manila and bacolor, october 8, 1762-march 9, 1764 132 rojo's narrative. manuel antonio de rojo y vieyra; [manila, 1763] 176 synopsis of letter to cárlos iii. simon de anda y salazar; manila, june 22, 1764 262 letter to cárlos iii. simon de anda y salazar; manila, july 23, 1764 269 letter to gonzalez. baltasar vela, s.j.; manila, july 24, 1764 288 synopsis of communications to cárlos iii. simon de anda y salazar, manila, june-july, 1764 296 draper's defense. in two parts. i. a plain narrative. [sir william draper; london, 1764?]. ii. colonel draper's answer to the spanish arguments. sir william draper; london, 1764 309 letter to rueda. eugenio carrion, s.j.; san pedro de macati, july 8, 1765 333 letter to mesquida. bernardo pazuengos, s.j.; santa cruz, july 20, 1765 336 references. editorial compilation of titles 343 bibliographical data 347 illustrations plan of manila bay, october, 1762; photographic facsimile from copy in british museum frontispiece manila and the philippines, 1762; from scots magazine, 1763, xxv, facing p. 224; photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 35 chart of philippines, showing path of manila galleon; from london magazine, 1763, xxxii, p. 292; photographic facsimile from copy in library of congress 49 plan of city of manila, showing sites occupied by the british in 1762; photographic facsimile of original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 95 plan of city of manila and its fortifications, 1762; from le gentil's voyage (paris, 1779-1781), ii, plate 6; photographic facsimile from copy in library of wisconsin historical society 107 plan of port of cavite and its fortifications, by tomás de castro y andrade, ca. 1762; photographic facsimile of original manuscript (in colors), in archivo general de indias, sevilla 183 plan of mariveles bay, 1764; in collection of charts by alexander dalrymple ([london], 1781), ii, p. 63; photographic facsimile from copy in library of congress 199 autograph signature of simon de anda y salazar; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 285 preface the theme of the present volume is throughout the conquest of manila by the british in 1762, and events consequent to it. the various accounts we have drawn from both spanish and english sources, in order that we might present the matter from the standpoints of each nation, and we have aimed to give the story in great detail from as many points of view as possible. the subject must have special interest for americans by reason of the operations of 1898. in some measure the captures by both the british and the americans are analogous, because in each case it was rather a side demonstration than the main object of the war, and because of the ease with which it was accomplished. here, however, the analogy ends, for british occupation was at the best precarious while it lasted, and made scarcely any headway outside of manila; and while naturally the questions of religion, commerce, and civil affairs generally were discussed, nothing lasting was done. it may well be that the ease with which manila was taken by the british gave the filipinos some idea, though slight, of separation from spain, or a desire for a larger degree of independence; although, in truth, all such ideas appeared to be effectively stifled with the strengthening power of the religious orders. of special interest will be found the operations of anda y salazar, a true patriot, though like the count de frontenac, of canada, of a hasty and impetuous nature; and his contest with the incapable archbishop. it is to be noted throughout that all english dates are one day in advance of the spanish dates, as the english had the same dates as the portuguese, who reached the orient by way of the eastern route. this is a momentous period in many parts of the world. the first document in this volume consists of a plan outlined by an unknown writer, but one who has been among the philippines (and who is, perhaps, general draper), for the conquest of the southern islands, evidently received at london november 23, 1762--a good prelude to the conquest of manila. weighing the arguments as to the expediency of such a conquest, the author decides in favor of it, as the silver which is taken from the philippines to india in the manila-india trade, and which comes direct from america, will pass to india direct from the latter country if the islands are conquered. the present plan, however, does not contemplate the reduction of manila. the islands could be held either permanently or only until the conclusion of peace, the advisability of taking them to rest upon either one of the following reasons: that they are important enough to meet the expenses of the expedition; or that the enemy can be harassed thence. the chief end for which spain holds the philippines is religious, and if the missions are considered, manila might be ceded, though if that does not happen, the holding of them will be an important item in the peace conclusions. operations carried on among the southern islands would have especial point, for the spaniards would fear an alliance between the restless moros and the enemy. the spaniards care only about the acapulco galleon and do not trouble themselves about the rest of the islands, which are governed badly. the natives, in danger from moro raids, are ripe for revolt. proceeding directly to a consideration of the southern islands, the writer names and describes the most important of them, making use to some extent, in his description, of colin and san antonio. the population that the british would receive by such a conquest would be an advantage. the expedition should proceed first against the fort of zamboanga, which can be easily taken, and then abandoned and demolished or left in charge of the present spanish garrison if they will take the oath of allegiance. next the forts of the islands of misamis and cebú should be taken, both of which are important. they can count upon the help of the moros, and of the boholans, the latter of whom are now in revolt. all this can be done with one european ship with about fifty soldiers, and several smaller ships, the best time for the expedition being the northeast monsoon. this is followed by two letters by admiral cornish to one mr. clevland, evidently some secretary in the office of the admiralty. in the first letter, dated october 6, 1762, admiral cornish reports the success in the operations against manila, which has fallen on the sixth of october, and gives a short account of the expedition. after hastening preparations for the expedition as rapidly as possible, he sends commodore tiddeman with five vessels from madras to malacca on the twenty-ninth of july. he himself following with all but two of the remaining vessels on august 1, reaches malacca on the nineteenth, but tiddeman fails to appear until the twenty-first because of calms. leaving malacca on the twenty-seventh, the fleet makes the coast of luzón, september 19, but owing to rough weather is unable to enter the bay of manila until the twenty-third. cornish and draper, abandoning the previous plan to attack cavite first, resolve to proceed directly against manila, as that once taken, cavite must also fall. accordingly troops are landed on the twenty-fifth through a heavy surf, and occupy moratta (malate) one and one-half miles from the walls. that same day also cornish despatches three vessels to capture a sail that is seen coming up the bay, which when captured is found to be a vessel with the mail and news of the acapulco galleon "filipino," which has itself remained behind at cagayan. on the twenty-sixth draper's forces take up a position two hundred feet from the glacis of the manila wall, and cornish lands 700 seamen to aid them. under cover of the fire from the ships draper works on his batteries. the entrenching tools, of which there is great need, are supplied by the timely arrival of the storeship, although the latter is driven ashore by the heavy sea. draper opens with his batteries on october 4, and to so good a purpose that the combined forces are enabled to make the assault on the morning of the sixth, in which they carry everything before them. draper and cornish immediately go ashore to make arrangements with the governor. the surrender of manila and cavite, and the islands and forts dependent on the former, is agreed upon; and in addition the payment of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos as a ransom to the english for the preservation of the city. cornish's ship captain, kempenfelt, takes possession of cavite on the tenth. in that place are gained abundance of naval stores, and fresh food is secured. the men have borne themselves well through the short fatiguing siege, and land and sea forces have maintained harmonious relations. cornish encloses a list of the ships with the seamen and marines landed from each one, and of those killed and wounded during the siege. this shows a landing force of 1,017--17 killed, and 17 wounded. the letter of november 10 reports the capture of the "santísima trinidad" by two vessels detached for that purpose. this large vessel, which had sailed for acapulco some time before with a rich cargo, but has been obliged to put back, is taken to be the "filipino" which is expected from acapulco with the situado, until actually boarded. for the present it is anchored at corregidor island, but cornish purposes to send for it soon. in a letter from cornish addressed to the famous lord anson, the former mentions the great advantages that accrue to his fleet in the possession of cavite, for he can obtain all needed supplies and food, and can repair his ships, some of which are unseaworthy. he complains bitterly of the east india company, whose employees at madras, with the exception of but one, have endeavored to obstruct the expedition in every way. the two companies of troops furnished by the company are composed of french deserters and released prisoners. further information can be secured from captain kempenfelt, the bearer of his despatches, who is also in charge of some engraved plates containing a map (the famous one by murillo velarde) of the islands. letters from general draper to the earl of egremont, dated november 1 and 2, respectively, are practically duplicates, the first appearing to be the rough draft of the second. they announce the taking of manila on october 6, and praise the bravery and forbearance of the men who acted with great humanity, notwithstanding that draper's own secretary is killed under a flag of truce. in company with cornish, draper dictates the conditions under which manila will be preserved from pillage, which are accepted by the spanish. the east india company is to have one-third of the ransom. manila and cavite have been delivered to the company's representative, as per orders. it would be well to hold manila and the islands, if possible, for they are very wealthy. the season and the need of repairing the ships prevent the taking possession of the other places ceded. draper praises highly admiral cornish, his officers, and the seamen and marines for their efficiency, as well as his own officers and men, especially the 79th regiment. following these letters are three sets of "proposals" and "conditions," all dated october 6. the first, consisting of 12 "proposals" made by the archbishop-governor and others, touches rights of property, religion, trade, residence, and government; all the proposals are granted by the conquerors, but some of them with certain reservations. the second set, consisting of the four "conditions" under which manila will be preserved from pillage, is proposed by the british and accepted. the latter outline the status of the spanish officers and men, who are all to be regarded as prisoners of war. all military stores must be surrendered, as well as cavite and other places dependent on manila. in addition a ransom of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos is to be paid, half immediately and the balance at some future date, for which hostages are to be given. the third set, consisting of "proposals," and also submitted by the british, relates to the surrender of cavite, and the method of payment of the ransom. the important journal of the british operations, kept by general draper, and sent with his letter of november 2, follows. the first part of the journal is rather general in nature, while the latter part is more specific and definite; but as a whole it well supplements the preceding letters by cornish and draper. the troops, consisting of the 79th regiment, a company of royal artillery, 30 artillerymen furnished by the east india company, 2 companies of frenchmen, also furnished by the company, 600 sepoys, and other natives, and reënforced by cornish's seamen and marines, a total of 2,300 men, sail july 29 and august 1 for malacca, where they are to water, taking precautions on the way to prevent the spaniards from learning of the expedition. malacca is left august 27, and the fleet anchors in manila bay september 23, completely surprising the spaniards. a summons to the governor on the twenty-fourth elicits no satisfactory reply, and, accordingly, operations are begun immediately. from that date until october 6, when manila is taken by easy assault, the siege is one of ceaseless activity on the part of the british, who struggle against heavy seas and rains which aid the spaniards. the latter, 800 strong, are reënforced by 10,000 pampangos, "a fierce and barbarous people." to the latter is due the killing, under a flag of truce, of draper's secretary, lieutenant fryar, who is sent to the spanish lines with a nephew of the archbishop-governor who has been captured with a vessel despatched from the acapulco galleon. this has arrived on the luzón coast in september, with news of the war, and cornish endeavors to capture it. the british base of land operations is the suburb of malate, from which successive advances are made, although a few sallies by spaniards and pampangos give the british forces considerable trouble. the pampangos, however, meet with so severe losses, that becoming disheartened, all but 1,800 of them desert. the british landing force, consisting of both troops and seamen and marines, is well supported by the ships. at the assault, one hundred spaniards and natives who refuse to surrender are all killed. the archbishop-governor and his chief officers retire to the citadel and surrender at discretion. the officers are allowed to give their parole, but all natives are simply dismissed. when cavite is surrendered, three hundred spanish troops mutiny and desert with their arms. the total number of spanish officers and men, taken prisoners, both of the army and navy, amounts to 361. the british loss, as shown by an appended list, is 36 killed, and 111 wounded. many war supplies are captured in manila and cavite, a goodly proportion of which is unserviceable. this is followed by the journal of the archbishop of the defense and assault of manila, from the appearance of the british in manila bay, september 22, until the capture of manila october fifth. it differs in some of its details from draper's journal, especially in the number of the british forces, and the number of the british killed (both undoubtedly exaggerations on the part of the archbishop), and gives details not mentioned by draper. this is followed by a valuable series of documents (mainly in synopsis) concerning simon de anda y salazar, the patriotic auditor, and the english invasion. the various letters, etc., consist of communications between anda and the weak archbishop, rojo; anda and the british; the archbishop and the filipinos; and the british and diego silang, the insurgent. by means of them one may follow fairly accurately the course of events after the taking of manila. throughout, anda's tone is one of intense bitterness toward the archbishop, whom he accuses of venality and collusion with the british. the archbishop, on the contrary, accuses anda, whom the british proscribe, of usurping power not his own, and of lack of patriotism. the abortive chinese insurrection, instigated by the british, is put down by anda with terrible vengeance. there are charge and countercharge between anda and the british (whose proscription anda has met) of inhumanity, each side striving to clear itself from such an imputation. anda is slow to accept the assurances of peace, and to grant a truce to hostilities, for he fears some british treachery. he demands that they leave the islands, in accordance with the terms of the treaty (made in february 1763), and by which they should have left the islands in august 1763. early in 1764, the treaty is sent on a british vessel which also carries orders for the british to go to the coromandel coast; with which the spaniards are left in peaceful possession of the islands. the archbishop-governor writes a long relation of events (probably in 1763) preceding and following the assault by the british, in which his chief aim is to justify his own conduct, as many charges have been preferred against him. he has been mindful of the peace and harmony of the islands, has healed breaches, has encouraged agriculture, has looked after the defense of the islands, and increased the navy. the repair of the public works has engrossed a part of his attention, but his plans are not to be perfected, for the english spoil that. he has also bettered the condition of the treasury; and in view of the fact that the whole concern of the people is centered about the annual trading galleon, has tried to improve the lethargy, idleness, and vice into which they fall when that matter is attended to. he relates the story of the siege and assault, and the dispositions of the british, and the general events of the period immediately following. throughout he justifies his own conduct, as in the letters to anda, recounting his troubles with various spanish officials, the british, and anda. he protests that he has acted only for the interests of the spanish monarch, and indignantly repels the idea that he has been in collusion with the british. this is in many ways an especially interesting document, and supplements the information of the other documents considerably. in a letter to king cárlos iii, dated june 22, 1764, anda relates the measures taken by him in his office as audiencia, governor and captain-general. these measures cover a wide range, extending to things social, economic, moral, and religious. a fixed tariff for provisions, etc., the coinage, the chinese, who are allied with the british, the military, the seculars, the surveillance and care of the filipinos, the churches, agriculture, proscription of certain british officers, the curfew, prohibition of gambling games, regulation of the sale of intoxicants, and strict regulations regarding theft--all these engage his attention. another letter from anda to cárlos iii, dated july 23, 1764, is devoted entirely to the archbishop, who is characterized as wanting in loyalty. anda, while protesting his own loyalty and devotion to the crown of spain, declares the many acts of the archbishop (who is now dead) during and after the assault. the latter has written violent letters to anda, and has acted entirely in the interests of the british. his boon companions have been the traitors orendain and fallet, by whom he has been influenced to sign the cession of the islands. anda has been proscribed at his instigation as a rebel, but that cannot be, as he has never consented to become a vassal of the british, and his loyalty to the spanish monarch is known. although the archbishop was urged to give up his foolish pretensions to the governorship, he would never do so. that position rightfully belonged to anda after the assault, and even the british always spoke of the archbishop as the ex-governor. the latter's want of loyalty is exemplified by his refusal to send the royal seal to anda, though he could easily have done so. baltasar vela, s.j., of manila, writes his nephew, brother antonio gonzalez, s.j., of madrid, july 24, 1764, informing him that the british have at last left manila, after a rule there of eighteen months. that city fell because of the lack of political sense of the spaniards and their insufferable pride, for it could have been easily defended, as it is impregnable almost by its location alone. its loss he charges to the methods of spanish traitors who won over the archbishop, so that it was arranged that everything should be left open for the assault by the british on the fifth of october. there was no breach made in the walls, he affirms, but the british soldiers scaled them by means of holes in the soft stone. the attempt to kill anda was arranged by the traitors with the chinese and british. the latter were aided throughout by the traitorous spaniards, the chinese, and the natives whom they manage to corrupt; but most of their plans outside manila come to nought. the letter closes with several personal matters, among them a request for reading matter. a series of representations, forty-six in all, made by anda and francisco de la torre (governor ad interim) in june and july of 1764, treat in part of the matters covered in preceding documents. notices are given of the insurrections in ilocos and pangasinan, both of which have been instigated and aided by the british, and both of which are finally put down, the latter with the aid of bishop ustariz. anda praises the religious orders, especially the augustinians, although he notes that some of the religious of st. john of god have been discontented. joló affairs and the british alliance with the king of that island are discussed briefly. orendain, who has been disloyal to the king, has gone with his family to madras with the english. the fines imposed upon villacorta and viana do not appear to have been rightly adjudged. torre asks that a rule be given regulating the conduct of the single member left to represent the audiencia, as in the case of anda, should such a contingency again occur. anda's conduct deserves only complete and hearty approval. two declarations are presented by general draper (both probably in 1764), in which he protests against the charges of inhumanity that have been brought against him in regard to the affair at manila, and urges the payment of the remainder of the ransom which the spaniards refuse. the spaniards charge the british with breaking the agreements of the capitulation, but it is they themselves who have broken them all. by various subterfuges they have endeavored and are endeavoring to escape the payment of the ransom. less than one-half million dollars of the four millions have as yet been paid. the story of the siege and subsequent events is in part gone over, including some little of anda's operation. the action of the east india company, to whom the city was turned over shortly after the assault, causes the captors to lose about 200,000 dollars. the second declaration is made necessary because of the new arguments put forward by the spanish to evade payment of the ransom bills given on the spanish treasury at the capitulation of manila. the british have a right to that city until all the ransom has been paid. a short letter from eugenio carrion, s.j., to joseph de rueda, s.j., written from san pedro macati, july 8, 1765, notes the conclusion of peace and the arrival of a new proprietary governor, francisco raon. francisco de la torre, governor ad interim, has left manila in a good state of defense and has begun operations against the moros, which will doubtless be continued by raon. this will make the trade of the visayan islands flourishing once more. in their retirement from the islands the british have lost one-half their boats and men, the latter numbering in all 8,000. news of the chinese affairs will have been received through the portuguese fathers. there are still about thirty fathers in that empire, ten or eleven of whom live openly in pekin, while the others are in hiding. carrion prays that the society may safely weather the storm (the approaching suppression) that has assailed it as a whole. the last of this series of documents is a letter from bernardo pazuengos, s.j., the philippine provincial, to joaquin mesquida, s.j., the procurator-general, written from santa cruz. the first part of the letter, dated june 17, 1765, complains of francisco de la torre, who has lived as a libertine and has been especially hostile toward the religious orders. the arrival of a new governor is awaited eagerly by all the decent inhabitants. the jesuits and dominicans are fully resolved to resign their missions as existing conditions of affairs will not permit them longer to hold them. so poor are the fathers, whose stipends are no longer paid, that they are compelled to make their shoes out of the parchment of their books. their missions are heavily in debt. the moros, and even the christians, have raided the missions. the visayan islands are ruined, and one-half their inhabitants have been killed and captured. jesuit estates have been burned. the recollects have escaped no better, in all probability. auditor galban has declared that the pious funds are the ruin of the islands and of trade. vigorous measures are being taken against the jesuits. the fiscal urges action against all the religious orders. the arrival of the "santa rosa" with the new governor on july 3 is noted. the letter finally closes on july 20. the editors january, 1907. documents of 1759-1765 conquest of manila by the english, 1762, and other events, 1762-1765 plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern philippines. [sir william draper?; ca., 1759?] letters to clevland. admiral samuel cornish; october 31, and november 10, 1762. letter to lord anson. admiral samuel cornish; november 1, 1762. letters to earl of egremont. sir william draper; november 1, and november 2, 1762. draper's journal. sir william draper; 1762. rojo's journal. manuel antonio de rojo y vieyra; december 23, 1762. anda and the english invasion, 1762-1764. simon de anda y salazar, and others; october 8, 1762-march 9, 1764. rojo's narrative. manuel antonio de rojo y vieyra; [1763]. synopsis of letter to cárlos iii. simon de anda y salazar; june 22, 1764. letter to cárlos iii. simon de anda y salazar; july 23, 1764. letter to gonzalez. baltasar vela, s.j.; july 24, 1764. synopsis of communications to cárlos iii. simon de anda y salazar; june-july, 1764. draper's defense. in two parts. i. a plain narrative. [sir william draper; 1764?]. ii. colonel draper's answer to the spanish arguments. sir william draper; 1764. letter to rueda. eugenio carrion, s.j.; july 8, 1765. letter to mesquida. bernardo pazuengos, s.j.; july 20, 1765. references. sources: the first document, the third, and the first part of the fourth, are from mss. in the british museum; the second, second part of the fourth, and the fifth, are from scots magazine for 1763; the sixth, from le gentil's voyage, ii, pp. 232-235, 236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259; the seventh and eighth, from original mss. belonging to the ayer collection; the ninth, tenth, and twelfth, from the ventura del arco transcripts (ayer collection); the eleventh, fourteenth, and fifteenth, from the original mss. in the simancas archives; the thirteenth, from the two publications named therein; the sixteenth, editorial compilation of titles. translations and compilations: these are by james a. robertson. plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern philippines before we consider this subject in the view of probability let us examine how far it may be expedient: it is well known a very lucrative commerce is carried on from india to manila under sanction of moorish colours. it might therefore be alleged that considerable disadvantages would accrue to the general commerce of india were the spaniards deprived of the philippin islands from a presumption that the silver now received from thence would be lost. but when the footing on which the spaniards at present admit this commerce is duly attended to, it cannot be doubted a quite contrary effect would follow.--silver is the produce of the trade carried on from manila to america and if the spaniards had not manila america would open her arms to the importers of those conveniences which india & china only can afford them: this navigation might be opend if supported in time of open war by a port on california. it is true this circumstance may be reckoned not entirely relative to the present plan which does not propose the conquest of manila. but it cannot be deemed quite foreign to the subject as the possession of the southern islands would be a great restraint on the spaniards at manila. there are two reasons fully sufficient to warrant attacks in war. the conquest of a place important enough to answer the expences of the expedition by maintaining it after the war is over or by relinquishing it at the conclusion of a peace on a valuable consideration & distressing an enemy by harassing him in different quarters & facilitating any other attempt against him or preventing his acting offensively: the expedition here proposed may be considered in either light. certain it is the chief motive of the spaniards for maintaining these islands arises from religious zeal so that admitting the southern islands to be subdued it is far from being impossible that in consideration [of] permission to the missions manila itself might then be ceded & perhaps valuable commercial priviledges granted also to us. but if the spaniards should not acquiesce in valuable cessions for permissions to the missions they must be extremely piqued & alarmed to have so large a part of their dominions severd from manila particularly as they suffer already greatly from the inroads of the moors and the relinquishing them would undoubtedly be a point of consequence in a treaty of peace. but supposing the spaniards are so indifferent about them as neither to give any valuable consideration in lieu or for permission to the missions, it is necessary to shew the islands would answer the charge of conquest & be worth maintaining. however previous to this we think it most eligible to consider the subject in a different light we mean as it may effect the war:--the philippin islands are so far severd from the other spanish dominions that any attack of them can have no influence on other parts so that manila only can be affected by the expedition here proposed. if there be any attempt intended against the capital it undoubtedly would have infinite good effect to alarm the out islands perhaps in drawing some force from manila but much to the purpose by perplexing them with the apprehension of a junction with the moors & southern islanders to attack them behind & cut of all resource by land & starve them by a blockade at the same time that their apprehensions would be justly raised of a general revolt of the indians under their dominion who tired out with oppressions are weary of the spanish yoke & ripe for revolt. some as bohol have rebelld & the tagalas who lye around manila have implord the assistance of sooloo to protect them in independance. the spaniards consider nothing but the galleons cargo & erections leaving the moors almost without molestation to ravage & spread distruction thro the southern islands from whence they have carried into captivity many thousands within these few years & have in a manner put an end to commerce from the hazard to which coasting vessells are exposd. it is no wonder if the natives who are still forced to pay tribute should be ready to join any power from whom they may expect protection. besides luzon which is not at present under consideration there are 9 considerable islands. paragua of which a part only is under the spanish jurisdiction;--mindanao whereof they have--the sole possession on the w. n. & part of the e. coasts samar, leyte, bohol, zibu, negros, pany & mindoro. the islands of mean size are more numerous; besides dumaran whereof part is claimed by sooloo we may reckon 23 worth naming--luban, maricaban, marinduque, tablas, romblon sibuyan, masbate, burias, ticao, capul, catanduan polo; maripipi, panamao, mactan, siguyod, panaon guimaras, cuyo, lalutaya, sinacapan, calamian & buvugan. it is proposed to give some account of each of these tho it is not to be presumed we can treat of each with much or equal precision. the chief establishment of the spaniards on paragua is at tyty on the no. end the fort named st. isabel de la paragua is built a top of a small rocky hill, the further part not a musquet shot from the sea & part of it washed by the waves; it is built of stone: they have in the same province several other small forts on the islands cuyo, lalataya, linapacan & calamian or culion but all these last are only garrisond by the natives or militia & indeed are only intended for security against the inroads of the moors. [1] the possession of tyty seems rather as a check on the moors than from the number of its tributarys or produce at least under its present masters; this part of paragua abounds in excellent harbours scarce any exceed that of tyty but malampaya on the west coast: the island is very populous but the greatest part are under the jurisdiction of sooloo if we consider the whole island the productions are very valuable & by description few surpass it gold, cowrees, rice, canes, rattans, batata, kuma false amber & many other valuable articles are in abundance it is very populous on the east side but the natives are almost solely joloan: their antipathy to the spaniards would not probably prevent the english reaping the benefit of their industry & commerce to the articles abovementiond we may probably add birds nest as the calamianes abound in the whitest & as the nature of this part of paragua promises to yield it in abundance. the two islands of calamianes give name to the province the first spanish establishment having been made there: they are 3 considerable islands linapacan, calamian & busvazon [2] besides a great number of small ones on every side. they yield birds nest; wax which they gather twice a year, the land is rugged & the seas dangerous; the natives are bold & industrious & have rice, hogs & poultry in abundance. under the same jurisdiction are the islands cuyo which are 5 in number close together & contain about 500 familys. they are docile & more attached to the spaniards than the calamians or paraguans: they have abundance of rice, hogs & poultry. the whole jurisdiction does not seem to contain above 4 or 5000 people. [3] the islands leyté, samar & several small ones adjoining are under the jurisdiction of the former. samar which is divided from leyte by the narrow strait of s. juanico lyes on the east of the philippins. on the side which looks to the ocean it is named ibabao & that part within is called samar the port of borongon on the east side formerly afforded shelter to the galleons from a dutch squadron in 1620 & palapa on the north might have done the same to the cabadong [4] it is entirely sheltered from all winds & we presume is what anson's voyage calls ialapy calbalagan is the chief town & residence of the alcalde; the island is very full of fine timber [word illegible] for ship buildg the country is rough & mountainous but its plains are fertile in rice wax & abacca of which last they manufacture cloth. it in common with the other philippins abounds in cattle. leyte is more fertile on the east side where the plains are so fertile that the crops yield 200 fold: a ridge of high mountains divide it nearly in the middle which occasions a very great diversity of seasons: so that whilst it is winter on the n. side (which happens during the n. e. winds) it is spring on the south & vice versa. in the middle they have double seasons & both good crops. it has on all sides many rivers which fall from these high mountains & in these rivers and seas are great abundance of excellent fish particularly the harbor of quibot opposite to the island of camote. this island abounds in fine timber for ship building & harbours for their security. besides quibot there are several on the west coast, palompong, lagnoag, tigas, leyti, &c. leyte is the only one on the no.--cacaliaton on the e.--& on the so. liloan formed by this island & panaon which strait is very famous for being the entrance of magellan & legaspi to the islands; & there are still remains of some small guard houses built by legaspi. the plains abound with game as deer hogs & fowls, besides domestick ones & the plenty of cattle originally brought from china: it yields rice wax & abacca cloth which is their common wear. it also abounds in coconut trees, & fruits of various kinds. the people of these two islands are open & ingenious & the climate is cooler than manila. leyte has 19 towns which contain 45,229 souls, liloan 330, poro 1505, & samar 53,260 in 17 towns the whole 100,332. it ought to be observed indeed that this numeration was before the late incursion of the moors who for abt 10 years passed have annually infested the islands carrying into captivity seldom less than 1000 tho chiefly women & children: so that we shall suppose they do not now exceed 80,000 altho we presume this deduction too great as the number of the inhabitants of the other islands are from so late information as 1761, & as many of the captures have been made from the other islands particularly the small ones of whose inhabitants we have no numeration & even many from the island luzon which we now consider. annexed to the province of leyte are several smaller islands which in general as well as the two larger abound in cacao: panamao also yields much sulphur & maripipi, which affords by report a most agreeable & remarkable appearance, plenty of gold. bohol adjoining to leyte also appertains to the province of zebu it is a rocky & barren island of rice but rich in mines of [illegible] a[n]d ores of gold it also yelds cowries. [5] it contains 9 towns which are all situated on the sea ashore they are never infested by the moors being esteemed a valiant people they have no forts nor spaniards on the island but jesuit fathers they have however enclosd most of their towns for security against invasion: it is reported they offerd to protect the islands against the moorish inroads if they were exempted the tribute but this offer was refused undoubtedly it would well answer the expence were they not only freed from tribute but paid a ratio of rice which they obtain by commerce with the other islands, for this service some of them are at present revolted & having killed two fathers retired into the mountains. they have many tame & wild hogs & the seas are full of fish: cotton is in abundt. & their women manufacture it into fine cloths. the natives are whiter & better disposed than their neighbours but speak the bissaya language. it is pretended the sooloos originally came from bohol or the natives of it from sooloo for it is not well agreed which & not much probability to support either opinion. it contains at least 40,000 people. zebu the next island to bohol was that on which the spaniards first established themselves: it has an excellent harbour formed by that of mactan, a small island chiefly famous for the death of magellan. zebu was greatly injured by the removal of the seat of government to manila. however it has still many inhabitants particularly sangleys some whereof are worth 20,000 dollars. there are many houses & convents of stone: the number of inhabitants on the island is about 25, or 30,000. the productions of this island are borona a small grain like millet which is the chief food of the common people as rice is scarce, tobacco abacca & cotton of which two they make cloth; it also produces the best cacao & some gold & the mountains yield some wax & civet. seguiyod [6] which is a small island to the southward of zebu is inhabited by a valiant people but is remarkable for little else except the number of fire-flies from which it is said the name isla de fuegos was given it. negros is divided into two jurisdictions under the corregidor of ylog the southern part to dumagueté & the n. part under the corregidor of sily established about 10 years ago. the island is double land; very fruitful in rice which it transports to zebu & other places adjoining: yonote or gumatty: the coasts are inhabited by bissayas to the number of 20,000 & the inland by many negros who are hitherto unsubdued & are very savage. the next island to be mentioned is pany: not without reason held the most populous & fruitful of the philippins: it is divided into two alcaldeas capis which contains 40,000 people & ylo ylo which has 100,000. it is not only the granary of samboango &ca. but sends considerable supplies to manila; there are also about 10,000 independant savages in the mountains. this island besides very great quantities of rice, [has] very fine wheat; plenty of wax, oil, abacca; dammer & several kinds of cloth of which their women manufacture some very fine: the people are strong, corpulent & fit for any kind of labor. they are much inclined to hunting the wild hogs & deer which are plenty as well as tame cattle. the e. coast has many excellent harbours but the w. is destitute of shelter for shipping the whole island abounds so much in rivers that there is nowhere a league of coast without one & to this [is] owing the extraordinary fertility of the country. the island mindoro is high double land with rugged mountains covered with wood & abounding with various kinds of palms as buru, yonote, or gumatty of which they make sago &ca. & in all country fruits: in some places rice is very plenty as well as cowrees but the people are the most indolent of the philippins; the mountains which yields much wax is inhabited by various tribes of independant savages. there is one jurisdiction on the island the corregidor whereof resides at baco:--the island marinduque is under this jurisdiction & yields dammer wax & rice: it is remarkable for an excellent harbour capable of admitting the largest ships & sheltered from all winds. the inhabitants in this jurisdiction are about 20,000. the spanish dominion on magenda [7] comprehends the whole coasts from samboangan by the north to carayas. in general it yields much gold, particularly butuan, wax, cinnamon, civet, good cacao, cotton, sago, rice, & pepper thrives very well, they have many fine woods brazil ebony &ca. & the country also yields sulphur & salt petré. it is not indeed without reason this is held the richest of the philippins & from its many lakes & rivers extremely convenient for inland commerce. the natives are very numerous inland & besides those under the spanish yoke may be divided into three denominations--the subanos or nation of the rivers who are gentiles & very numerous. the illanon who are under many petty princes situated around the lake of mallanao & the magindaos: the two last being mahometans & at war with the spaniards. the natives under the spanish dominion are few in number compared with the others & we omit their number to make up any deficiency in the other jurisdiction. [8] amongst the smaller islands which remain unmentioned masbate is the chief: it yields wine civet, some amber & when the spaniards first settled much gold. the others are not remarkable for their productions except polo which yields much gold & ligu [i.e., ligao?] alloes lampon opposite to this island has been proposed for landing the treasure from acapulco in war for which it is extremely convenient being only 36 hours journey to manila. it may appear wonderful that so many islands so excellent in situation should yield so little for foreign commerce except provisions however that is not to be ascribed to the barreñess of the country but solely to the indolence & bad government of the spaniards--however it is past doubt that were there a more equitable jurisdiction established, that the benefit attending the possession of these islands would be very considerable to be convinced of this it is only requisite to take a review of the number of people they contain: calamian abt. 5,000 leyte province 100,332 bohol abt.- 40,000 zebu abt.- 25,000 negros 20,000 pany 140,000 mindoro abt. 20,000 ------ total 350,332 from which making a deduction of 20,000 for the captives made by the moors the number of indians in these islands, exclusive of luzon, under the spanish dominion must exceed 330,000. the value of such an acquisition we presume is too evident to need discussion. we are now to consider the practicability of the conquest. there are several forts of stone on the southern islands besides stockades. but as all these were originally intended against the moorish incursions they are not formidable to a european power if we may be allowed to form a judgemt from those esteemed by the spaniards the strongest viz. samboangan & ylo ylo. of which two we have had an opportunity to form some idea from personal observation. samboangan fort & town mount 65 guns. but as the fort is upon the shoar & deep water close to it the reduction is a matter of few hours the garrison when compleat abt. 2 or 300 guushinanzas but at present very few as we have been assured. ylo ylo is of stone cracked in several places it mounts about 50 guns some 18 & 24 pounders & 3 mortars & had in the end of 1761 a garrison of 46 guerchinanyas & 34 pampanga soldiers this is the only fort on pany & is within pistol shot of shipping but of difficult access & indeed i do not conceive in the s. w. winds that it would be practicable to go thither with large ships it has no ditch or glacis. such being the condition of the two principal let us pass [to] a description of the others but as they occur in the expedition proposed. it is proposed that a europe ship shall sail for sooloo in company with one or more smaller vessells equipped for war with a detachment of abt. 50 europeans & some seapoys for sooloo the europe ship to take in the cargo there for china & to proceed for samboangan the reduction of which fort we consider as a matter of course. the only use of samboangan is to prevent the incursions of the moors by the strait of basilan but this is a point of no consequence as it only makes them pass on the s. side of basilan it is therefore proposed to dismantle samboangan or to leave it with the present spanish garrison provided they will take the oath of allegiance till a general peace settles the fate of the philipinas & in that case to leave them only a quantity of ammunition sufficient for occasional defence. it is then proposed to proceed to missamis where a small stone fort built lately to command the pass of panguel lake this place is a station of the utmost consequence as the possession of it opens a communication with the illanon with whom by the mediation of sooloo the confederacy must be made. the possession of missamis will be supported by a garrison of 25 europeans & a guard ship for which service a ship built for a man of war there may be used & it mand with a detachment of 30 men from the europe ship whose place may be supplied with transports or guachinanyas from samboangan it is proposed to make a declaration at taking samboangan that in case the islands do not submit they must stand the consequence of the moorish incursions & a confederacy with the moors may be made to aid them in infesting the spanish districts by supplying them with ammunition. the general terror of the moors will influence as well the indians as the padres to submit when they find that this only can protect them from in truth the greatest of all calamitys. it is proposed the ships shall proceed from missamis to zebu the reduction of which city will be a matter of equal facility & importance as the fort is very inconsiderable close to the sea without ditch & the garrison according to the spanish writers a compy of 100 guichenangas & another of pampangas & cagayans tho it appears that it is now even more inconsiderable. adjoining to zebu is bohol now in rebellion & said to be apostatized certainly they have murderd & ejected at least some of the fathers they are considered as of the same original as the sooloos & are held the bravest of the philipinas. such circumstances evince not only the facility of a confederacy with them but of the consequence of this in making a divission against the spaniards & protecting the conquerd islands to which it may not be improper to observe that some time ago the boholons offerd if the king of spain would remit the tribute that they would protect at their own charge all the bissayas which proposal was however neglected. there is a ship at sooloo which may have good consequences we mean redeeming with captives as may be found useful as guides in the different districts of the bissayas. the reduction of zebu should terminate the action of the europe ship which should then proceed to china with her cargo & on her return call at manila to convey the sultan if he can not be sent sooner. the operation of the other vessells should be directed towards the reduction of leyte & samar which are destitute of forts & which are solely under the jurisdiction of the jesuits. the n. e. monsoon is the most convenient time for the attack of ylo ylo unless a detachment could be made from magendanao. the reduction of pany is an important object in two lights as a granary to the bissayas in general & therefore a security for their submission & as a place from whence all our possessions & even manila itself may have resource. however the junction of bohol & the moors seem to require the zebu rout. [at the beginning of this document is written the date "23 novr. 1762," probably the date of the receipt of this plan in london. [9]] letters from cornish to clevland admiralty office, april 19. copy of a letter from vice-adm. cornish, [10] to mr. clevland, dated in the bay of manila, the thirty-first of october 1762. it is with the greatest pleasure i have the honour to acquaint their lordships with the success of his majesty's arms, in the reduction of the city of manila, which was taken by storm on the morning of the 6th instant. [11] in my letters of the 23d and 31st of july, i acquainted their lordships with my proceedings to that time; after which i used every possible means at madrass for dispatch, the decline of the s. w. monsoon making it of the utmost importance. to promote this end, i completed the elisabeth, grafton, lenox, weymouth, and argo, with such of the troops and military stores as they were to take on board, and on the 29th sent them away under the command of commodore tiddeman, to proceed to malacca, with a view that they might complete their water there by the time i should arrive with the remainder of the squadron. having accomplished the imbarkation of everything designed for the expedition, with a dispatch much beyond my expectation, as we had from the whole time of my being there a violent surf to contend with, i sailed the 1st of august with the ships under mentioned, viz. norfolk, panther, america, seaford, south-sea castle storeship, admiral stevens storeship, osterly company's ship, leaving the falmouth, at the request of the president and council, to convoy the essex india ship, who was not ready to sail, having the treasure to take on board for the china cargoes, and to bring to manila such of the company's servants as were to be put in possession of that government, if the expedition succeeded. the 19th, i arrived at malacca, and was disappointed in not finding mr. tiddeman there; who did not join till the 21st, having met with long calms. the difficulty of watering the squadron at this place made it the 27th before i could leave the road. on the 2d of september, i arrived off pulo timean, and was joined by capt. grant in the seahorse, whom i had detached, upon my first arrival at madrass, to cruise between this island and the streights of singapore, to stop any vessels he might suspect going to manila. on the 19th, i made the coast of luconia; but was drove off again by a strong n. e. wind, which separated some of the squadron. the 22d, the gale broke up, and the wind shifting to the s. w. the 23d we recovered the land again. the next day [we] entered the bay of manila, and, in the close of the evening, anchored off the fort of cavite, with the whole squadron, except the south-sea castle and admiral stevens, the falmouth and essex having joined me off the coast. in the night i sent the masters to sound about the fortifications of cavite; and, by their report, found that it might be attacked by ships. the 25th in the morning, the wind not being favourable to attack the cavite, i took two of the frigates, and with gen. draper, [12] and some other officers, reconnoitred the shore about manila, and observed some churches and other buildings to stand near the works on the south side of the town, particularly toward the s. w. bastion. we had some design of attacking cavite first, to have had the conveniency of that port for the shipping; but considered, that though the attack should be attended with all the success we could hope, yet it would cause a delay at least of two days before we could land at manila, which time would afford opportunity to the enemy to demolish these buildings near their works, and to prepare many obstacles to our landing, and perhaps recover from that consternation our unexpected arrival had thrown them in; and farther, manila being the capital, if that fell, cavite would in consequence. from those considerations, i joined in opinion with the general to take advantage of circumstances so favorable for a descent, and land the troops with all dispatch, and endeavour to get possession of some posts near their works, which, if effected, would greatly facilitate the reduction of the city. in consequence of these resolutions, i immediately made the signal on board the seahorse for the squadron to join me, and for the troops to prepare to land. about seven in the evening, the 79th regiment, with the marines, in the boats, under the direction of the captn parker, kempenfelt, and brereton, pushed for the shore; and under the fire of the three frigates, effected the landing at a church called the moratta [i.e., malate], about a mile and a half from the walls. [13] we had no opposition from the enemy, but some difficulty from the surf, which run high, and bilged all the long-boats; but happily lost no men. [14] the next morning the general took an advanced post about 200 yards from the glacis; and there, under cover of a blind, intended his battery against the face of the south-west bastion. the number of troops being small, i landed a battalion of seamen, consisting of about 700 men, under the command of the captn collins, pitchford, and george ourry. the 25th, i dispatched three armed boats after a galley coming up the bay to manila. they came up with her, resolutely boarded her, and took her, notwithstanding she kept up a smart fire with patteraroes and muskets. she mounted two carriages and seventeen brass swivel guns, and had eighty men. by letters, found in her, we discovered she was dispatched from the galleon st. philippina [i.e., "filipino"] from acapulco, and whom she had left the 10th of september at cajayagan, [15] between the embocadero and cape spiritu santa. upon this discovery i came to a resolution to send the panther and argo [16] in quest of her; but it was the 4th of october before the weather permitted their sailing. the 28th of september the general acquainted me that he was beginning to work on the battery; and that if some ships could get near enough to throw shot on the works of the town opposed to it, it might take off some of the enemy's fire and attention, and thereby facilitate its construction. in consequence of this, i ordered com. tiddeman, with the elisabeth and falmouth, towards the town, as near as the depth of water would permit, and to place the ships in such a position as would best answer the purpose intended; which was accordingly done the next day, and their fire had a very good effect. on the 30th, the south-sea castle arrived with stores, which were much wanted, particularly the intrenching tools; for want of which the army had been so greatly distressed, that i was obliged to employ all the forges in making spades, pickaxes, &c. for them. the 1st of october it began to blow fresh, and in the night increased to a hard gale, [17] which drove the south-sea castle ashore near the polverista, a little to the southward of our camp. this accident however had some considerable advantages attending it, as the situation she lay in made her cannon a protection for the rear of our camp: it was likewise the means that all her military stores were got on shore with safety and dispatch, and the army supplied with the provisions she had on board, both which were articles they stood in immediate need of, and which could not have been supplied by boats, as it continued blowing weather for several days after, and the surf breaking very high on the beach. this gale was from w. s. w. directly on the shore, which gave me much concern for the safety of the squadron, particularly for the elisabeth and falmouth, who were only in four fathom water, and, as i have since been informed, with the sand of the sea struck; but the bottom being mud, and soft to a considerable depth, they received no damage. on the 4th in the morning, the general opened the battery, which was so well managed, and seconded by the ships before the town, that in four hours the defences were taken off, and the next day in the evening the breach was made practicable. on the 6th, at day-light in the morning, the general's regiment, with the sea-battalion, mounted the breach, made the attack, and soon got possession of all the bastions, which completed the conquest. i immediately went on shore, and, with the general, had a meeting with the spanish governor, and some of his principal officers; when a capitulation was agreed on, that the town and port of cavite, with the islands and forts dependent on manila, should be given up to his brittanic majesty, and that they should pay four millions of dollars for the preservation of the town and their effects, (a copy of which capitulation i have inclosed). on the 10th, i sent capt. kempenfelt [18] in the norfolk, with the seaford and seahorse, to take possession of cavite, agreeable to the capitulation. by this acquisition we are in possession of a very large quantity of naval stores; and beside the advantage of almost every convenience for refitting a squadron, the people are supplied with fresh meat and vegetables in a great plenty. the siege, though short, was attended with many difficulties, and great fatigue, in which both the officers and men exerted themselves with the utmost chearfulness. we had constantly fresh gales, a lee shore, and consequently a high surf, to contend with, which made it always difficult, frequently hazardous, and sometimes impossible, to land with boats. the rains fell very heavy, and our little army were surrounded and harassed by numerous bodies of indians, who, though undisciplined, and armed only with lances, bows and arrows, yet by a daring resolution, and contempt for death, they became not only troublesome, but formidable. i have the satisfaction of acquainting their lordships, that throughout the whole expedition, the most perfect harmony and unanimity has subsisted between his majesty's land and sea forces. you will receive with this, an account of the number of officers and men, both seamen and marines, that were landed from the squadron, as likewise of the killed and wounded in each corps. it is with concern i acquaint their lordships with the loss of commodore tiddeman, who in attempting to enter the river in his barge, the morning after the reduction of manila, was drowned with five of his people, by which unhappy accident his majesty has lost a brave and experienced officer. capt. kempenfelt, by whom i send this (and [who] will present to you for their lordships a plan of the town of manila, and the port of cavite) has been of the greatest assistance to me during the course of this enterprise. he is very capable of furnishing their lordships with many particulars necessary for their information; and his great merit makes it my duty to recommend him as a very able officer. [19] i am, &c. s. cornish [the list of which admiral cornish speaks is herewith given. this we take from the london magazine (xxxii, p. 222), as only the totals landed, killed, and wounded are given in scots magazine.] an account of the number of seamen and marines landed from his majesty's squadron under the command of rear admiral cornish; as also of the number killed and wounded during the attack of manila. norfolk, rear admiral cornish, capt. richard kempenfelt. 2 commissioned officers, 12 petty ditto, 96 seamen, landed. 2 seamen killed. 1 ditto wounded. marines. 2 commissioned officers, 9 non-commissioned ditto, 34 private, landed. 1 private killed. elizabeth, commodore tiddeman. capt. isaac ourry. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty ditto, 76 seamen, landed. 1 seaman killed. 5 ditto wounded. marines. 2 commissioned officers, 3 non-commissioned ditto, 21 private, landed. grafton, capt. hyde-parker. 1 commissioned officer, 3 petty ditto, 100 seamen, landed. 2 seamen wounded. marines, 2 commissioned officers, 6 non-commissioned ditto, 32 private, landed. 1 private wounded. lenox, capt. robert jocelyn. 1 commissioned officer, 5 petty ditto, 119 seamen, landed. 4 seamen killed. 2 ditto wounded. marines. 3 commissioned officers, 4 non-commissioned ditto, 38 private, landed. 1 private wounded. falmouth, capt. william brereton. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty ditto, 50 seamen, landed. 2 seamen killed. marines. 2 commissioned officers, 1 non-commissioned ditto, 11 private, landed. weymouth, capt. richard collins. 3 commissioned officers, 7 petty ditto, 80 seamen, landed. 1 seaman killed. 1 ditto wounded. marines. 2 commissioned officers, 6 non-commissioned ditto, 26 private, landed. 2 private killed. america, capt. samuel pitchford, 2 commissioned officers, 2 petty ditto, 61 seamen, landed. 1 seaman, killed. 1 ditto wounded. marines. 1 commissioned officer, 4 non-commissioned ditto, 22 private, landed. 1 private killed. panther, capt. george ourry, acting captain. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty ditto, 50 seamen, landed. marines. 1 commissioned officer, 5 non-commissioned ditto, 24 private, landed. argo, captain richard king. marines. 2 commissioned officers, 3 non-commissioned ditto, 22 private, landed. seahorse, captain charles cathcart grant. marines. 1 commissioned officer, 2 non-commissioned ditto, 26 private, landed. seaford, captain john peighin. marines. 1 commissioned officer, 2 non-commissioned ditto, 18 private, landed. 2 private killed. officers killed and wounded, &c. belonging to the norfolk, lieut. peter porter, and mr. white, surgeon's second mate, killed. lenox, thomas spearing, second lieut. of marines, wounded. total officers, seamen, and marines: landed 1017. killed 17. wounded 17. n. b. the surgeons, armourers, and other artificers, are not included in the above account. norfolk, off cavite, october 31, 1762. s. cornish copy of a letter from vice-adm. cornish, to mr. clevland, dated in the bay of manila, the 10th of november, 1762. in my letter of the 31st of october, i acquainted you of my having sent capt. parker, with the panther and argo, in quest of the galleon saint philipina, from acapulco bound to manila. the 7th instant, capt. king in the argo, returned, with a letter from capt. parker, acquainting me, that in consequence of my orders, having the 30th of october, got the length of the island capul, near the entrance into the embocadero, in pursuit of the saint philipina, where the argo had come to an anchor (and which he intended to do for that night), just as the day closed saw a sail, and stand to the northward; at eight in the evening he got sight of the chace, about two leagues to leeward, but unluckily, by the rapidity of a counter current to what the chace was in, was drove among the narango's, [20] in the utmost danger of being lost, and obliged to anchor: the frigate having escaped the danger, got up with the chace, and engaged her near two hour; but was so roughly handled, that capt. king was obliged to bring too to repair his damage. by this time the current slackened, which enabled capt. parker to get under sail with the chace in sight. about nine the next morning he came up with her, and after battering her two hours within half-musket shot, she struck. the enemy made but little resistance, trusting to the immense thickness of the sides of their ship, which the panther's shot was not able to penetrate, excepting her upper works. capt. parker was no less disappointed than surprised, when the general came on board, to find, that instead of the saint philipina, he had engaged and taken the santissimo trinidad, [21] who departed from manila the 1st of august for acapulco, and had got 300 leagues to the eastward of the embocadero; but meeting with a hard gale of wind, was dismasted and put back to refit. she had 800 men on board, and pierced for sixty guns, but when capt. king engaged her, had only six mounted, and but thirteen when taken. she draws thirty-three feet of water, and is a much larger ship than the panther. i cannot ascertain the value of her cargo, but there is to the amount of one million and a half of dollars registered, and she is reputed to be worth three millions. capt. king left the panther with her prize at an anchor about three leagues south of the corregidow [i.e., corregidor], at the mouth of this bay; and as i have sent a reinforcement of men with launches and warps, i hope very soon to have them in safety. [22] i am, &c. s. cornish letter from admiral cornish to lord anson admiral cornish to lord anson [23] on the operations at manila my lord it affords me the most sensible pleasure to congratulate you on the success of his majesty's arms in the reduction of manila with its dependancies. the possession of the port of cavita is an acquisition of great consequence to the squadron, by which i shall be enabled with a plenty of stores of all kinds and a number of artificers to refit many of the ships, that in their present condition it would not be safe to proceed with them to sea; having these advantages together with a good hospital and plenty of provisions, i shall be able to give new health to the people, to proceed from this place with the squadron, in a better condition than it has been since my arriving to the command. i gave captain parker an order to command the panther, as she was a clean ship, and joyn'd the argo with him to go in quest of the galleon st. phillipina who was at cayayagan between the bocadero & cape spirito santo the 10th of sept.; and proposed remaining there till the monsoon was broke up; as capt. parker was with your lordsp and is very well acquainted with those seas i have the most sanguin hopes of his success. i am very sorry to mention that the company's servants at madrass took every method in their power to obstruct the expedition, except mr. pigot (who proved himself hearty in it & wished it success) their behaviour on this occasion was shamefull; they would admit only of two companys of their own troops to goe on the expedition; and those composd. of french deserters, [24] and prisoners they released on this occasion; of two thousand seapoys they were to furnish about 500 only was embarked; they even refused a small vessel which would have been of great use, the master being a good pilot in ye streights of mallacca and well acquainted with the bay of manila, he was threaten'd to be turn'd out of their service, for shewing a readyness for going with me; but of these circumstances and many others regarding their behavior in the outset of the expedition your lordship will receive particular information from genl. draper. i wish i could forbear to tell your lordsp that my constitution is much hurt by my long continuance in the west & east indies during the course of this war, and puts me under the necessity of begging whenever the public service will admit, that your lordship will indulge me with the favor of being relieved. for a more particular state of the squadron i take the liberty of referring your lordship to captn. kempenfelt, whom i send with my dispatches, and will have the honour to present to you some coppar plates of the philippine islands, that were found in manila. [25] this gentleman having approved himself a very able & diligent officer, as such i beg leave to recommend him to your lordship's protection. i have the honour to be with the greatest respect your lordship's most obliged & most humble servt sl. cornish norfolk, off cavita in the bay of manila 1st of novr. 1762. [endorsed: "copy of a letter from admiral cornish to lord anson giving an acct. of taking of the manila islands: novr. 1st, 1762. rece'd at the admty. april 14th, 1763 at night."] letters from general draper to earl of egremont a copy of brigadier general draper's letter to the rt. hoñble the earl of egremont his majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern department [26] manila novr. 1st. 1762 my lord i do myself the honour of sending lieut. colonel scott late adjutant general to inform you of the success of his majesty's arms in the conquest of manila, [27] and the cession of the phillipin islands to the british throne, on the 6 of october, we took that capital by storm, wherein nothing could equal the conduct & bravery of the officers & troops--but their moderation afterwards notwithstanding the great provocations to exert all the severities & rigours of war, as my secretary lieut. fryer had been murdered with a flag of truce but british humanity was superior to vengeance the troops considered rather how englishmen should act than what the spaniards ought to suffer they received all the suppliants to mercy: as the distruction of so fine a city was not the object of the war, admiral cornish & i dictated the inclosed conditions to the governour & chief magistrates they were most readily accepted & we flatter ourselves that the term's, considering their situation were as moderate for them as beneficial for us, the east india company is to have a third part of the ransom. in obedience to his majesty's commands, i have delivered up manila & the port of cavite to the gentlemen appointed to receive them in behalf of the company with all the cannon ammunition and warlike stores found therein, according to the inclosed lists, the kings goodness has granted them one of the richest cities & islands in the world, in fertility & every other blessing of nature not inferiour to any belonging to the british crown, if the turn of affairs in europe can perpetuate possession it may prove a source of commerce & wealth not to be equalled in any other port of the globe; the season of the year & the condition of the squadron will not permit mr. cornish to take possession of the subordinate islands that have been ceded to his majesty, till the ships are repaired the admirals zeal for his majesty's service & his great & essential service to us, during the whole course of the expedition & fatiguing operations of the siege are beyond all praise all the other officers of his squadron exerted themselves to the utmost upon [e]very occasion, the captains collins pitchford and george ourry who commanded the corps of five hundred seamen, whom the admiral was so obligeing to support me with behaved with the greatest spirit & good conduct, & were of singular use to us their men and the marines behaved with their usual activity life and intrepedity. in my letters from madrass & their duplicates i took the liberty to inform your lordship how much i depended upon the great abilities of colo. monson for the success of the interprize; the reduction of the place has been so much owing to his consumate skill & bravery that it would be doing him the highest injustice not to name him in a particular manner i blush to give him orders & most humbly beg leave through your lordship to recommend him to his majesty & shall esteem my own poor services most abundantly rewarded by any mark of the royal favour to him and the following gentlemen. lt. colo. scott, major barker, who commanded the artillery, captain stevenson chief engineer (with majors cotsford & barnard) captain fletcher major of brigade my nephew captn. moore captain pemble aides de camp they have all acted in their several departments with such great merit as much facilitated my good fortune the two corps of his majesty's & the company's artillery & their other troop's behaved exceeding well. in the last place i beg leave to represent the services of my own regiment which under the good conduct of their former & present field officers, the majors fell and drake, has the peculiar merit of having first stop'd the progress of the french in india, turned and decided the fate of the war there, and carry'd the glory of his majesty's arms to the utmost verge of asia, seventy three officers & above eight hundred men have fallen the victims of their own vallour & the cause of the publick, since the regiment left england, besides the numbers who have been wounded the widows & orphans occasioned by this severe service are very numerous, your lordships goodness encourages me to mention them as objects of compassion i am my lord with the greatest respect your &ca signed willm. draper brigr. genl. & commr. in chief. captn. fletcher has ten stands of colours to lay at his majesty's feet. [the following letter, dated one day later than the above, appears to be a second and more careful draft of substantially the same letter.] whitehall, april 16. 1763. on thursday night, lt-col. scott arrived with the following letter to the earl of egremont, from brig-gen. draper, who also arrived himself about the same time. manila, nov. 2, 1762. my lord, i do myself the honour of sending lt-col scott, late adjutant-general, to inform your lordship of the success of his majesty's arms in the conquest of manila, the surrender of the port of cavite, and the cession of the philippine islands. on the 6th of october we took the capital by storm, after twelve days operation, which are detailed in my journal. our loss upon this occasion would have been trifling, but for the death of maj. more, a valiant good officer; and it is with particular satisfaction i can assure your lordship, that the firm bravery and perseverance of the troops could only be equalled by their humanity after victory. out of respect and deference to adm. cornish, we waited till he came on shore; and, being desirous to save so fine a city from destruction, we jointly dictated the annexed conditions to the governor-general (the archbishop), and the chief magistrates; who most readily embraced them. considering their critical situation, and vast opulence, the terms were as reasonable for them as beneficial to us. we allow the india company a third part of the ransom, the whole of which amounts to a million sterling; [28] and, according to my instructions, i have this day delivered up manila, one of the richest cities and islands in this part of the world, with the port of cavite, to dawson drake, esq; and the other gentlemen appointed to receive them on behalf of the company, with all the artillery, ammunition, and warlike stores found therein, agreeable to the inclosed inventories. i have appointed maj. fell of the 79th regiment to be commandant of the garrison; which must consist of all the troops brought from madrass, as the great extent of the place, its very numerous inhabitants, and unsettled country, with the importance of the cavite, demand at least this force for an effectual security. the season of the year, and condition of the squadron, oblige us to defer the taking possession of the subordinate places ceded to the crown, until the ships have had a sufficient repair; and i have the pleasure to acquaint your lordship, that the large quantity of naval stores taken in the royal magazines at cavite, supply most excellent materials for this purpose, in which the admiral is indefatigable; whose zeal for his majesty's service, great cordiality, and constant attention to us during the whole course of the expedition, and fatiguing progress of the siege, are beyond all praise. the other officers of the fleet exerted themselves to the utmost upon every occasion. as a small acknowledgment of our many obligations to mr kempenfeldt, the admiral's captain, i begged his acceptance of the government of the citadel and port of cavite, till it was given up to the company. his prudent and excellent regulations there, were of the greatest utility to the public service. the captains collins, pitchford, and george ourry, who commanded the battalion of seamen, behaved with great spirit and conduct; and capt. jocelyn, who was intrusted with the care of the disimbarkations, gave us all the assistance that could be wished or expected from a diligent good officer. the marine officers and corps were of great service, and the seamen astonished us with most extraordinary proofs of activity and valour, particularly those who assisted at our batteries. the reduction of manila has been so much owing to the consummate skill and bravery of col. monson, that i fear my faint representations cannot do justice to his merits; and i most humbly beg leave, through your lordship, to recommend him to his majesty: together with the following officers, viz. lt-col. scott; maj. barker, who commanded our artillery; capt. fletcher, major of brigade; the engineers capt. stevenson and cotsford, and ens. barnard; the captains moore and pemble, aides-de-camp, who have all acted in their several departments with extraordinary merit, and greatly facilitated my good fortune. both the royal and the company's artillery, with their other troops, behaved very well. in the last place, may i presume to point out the services of the 79th regiment, which, from the good conduct of their former and present field officers, has the peculiar merit of having first stopped the progress of the french in india, and not a little contributed to the happy turn and decision of that war under col. coote, and has since extended the glory of his majesty's arms to the utmost verge of asia. twenty-three officers, with upwards of 800 men, have fallen, in the cause of their country, since the regiment left england: numbers of the survivors are wounded. your lordship's goodness encourages me to mention them as objects of compassion and protection. capt. fletcher has nine colours to lay at his majesty's feet. [29]----i have the honour to be, &c. william draper, brig-general, and commander in chief. proposals made to their excellencies his britannic majesty's commanders in chief by sea and land, by his excellency the archbishop, captain-general of the phillippine islands, the royal audience, the city, and commerce of manila. art. i. that their effects and possessions shall be secured to them, under the protection of his britannic majesty, with the same liberty they have heretofore enjoyed.--granted. ii. that the catholic, apostolic, and roman religion, be preserved and maintained in its free exercise and functions, by its pastors and faithful ministers.--granted. iii. that the families which are retired into the country may have free liberty to return unmolested.--granted. iv. that the same indemnification and liberty may extend to persons of both sexes, inhabitants of this city, without any prejudice or molestation to their interior commerce.--they may carry on all sorts of commerce as british subjects. v. having great confidence in the manners and politeness of their excellencies the britannic generals, hope they will use their best endeavours in preserving peace and quietness in the city and suburbs, chastising all people who shall dare to oppose their superior orders.--granted. vi. that the inhabitants of this city may enjoy the same liberty of commerce as they have had heretofore, and that they may have proper passports granted them for that end.--answered by the 4th article. vii. that the same liberty may be granted to the natives of the country for bringing in all manner of provisions, according to their usual method, without the least opposition or extortion, paying for them in the same manner as hath been heretofore practised.--granted; but any person coming in with any fire-arms, or offensive weapons, will be put to death. viii. that the ecclesiastical government may be tolerated, and have free liberty to instruct the faithful, especially the native inhabitants.--they must not attempt to convert any of our royal master's protestant subjects to the popish faith. ix. that the use and exercise of the economical government of the city may remain in its same freedom and liberty.--granted. x. that the authority, as well political as civil, may still remain in the hands of the royal audience, to the end that, by their means, a stop may be put to all disorders, and the insolent and guilty be chastised.--to be subject to the superior controul of our government. xi. that the said ministers and royal officers, their persons and goods, be in full security, be maintained in their honours, with a stipend sufficient for their support, his catholic majesty being answerable for the same; upon those conditions the above-mentioned ministers will be under the protection of his britannic majesty, in the same manner as the rest of the inhabitants. his catholic majesty must pay for their support. xii. that the inhabitants may have free liberty to reside within, or out of the city, as shall be most convenient for them.--still to be subject to the revocation of our government, if they find it necessary. done at head-quarters in the city of manila, this 6th [30] day of october, 1762. s. cornish w. draper man. ant. arzp. de manila, gov. y cap. gen. de las philipinas. francisco henriquez de villacourta manuel galban y ventura francisco leandro de viana conditions on which the city of manila shall be preserved from plunder, and the inhabitants preserved in their religion, goods, liberties and properties, under the government and protection of his britannic majesty. art. i. the spanish officers of every rank shall be esteemed as prisoners of war, upon their parole of honour, but shall have the liberty of wearing their swords. the rest of the troops, of every degree and quality, must be disarmed, and disposed of as we shall think proper. they shall be treated with humanity. ii. all the military stores, and magazines, of every kind, must be surrendered, faithfully, to our commissaries, and nothing secreted or damaged. iii. his excellency the governor must send immediate orders to the fort of cavite, and the other forts under his command, and dependent upon manila, to surrender to his britannic majesty. iv. the propositions contained in the paper delivered on the part of his excellency the governor, and his council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their payment of four millions of dollars, the half to be paid immediately, the other half to be paid in a time to be agreed upon, and hostages and security given for that purpose. done in the city of manila, oct. 6, 1762. s. cornish w. draper manuel ant. arzp. de manila, gov. y cap. gen. de las philippinas. francisco henriquez de villacourta manuel galban y ventura francisco leandro de viana [31] all the islands subordinate to luconia, and manila its capital, and which are at present under the domination of his catholic majesty, must be ceded to his britannic majesty, who must be acknowledged sovereign till the fate of these islands is decided by a peace between the two kings. their religion, goods, liberties, properties, and commerce, shall be preserved to the inhabitants of those islands who are subjects of spain, in as ample a manner as they are confirmed to the inhabitants of manila, and the island of luconia. all the governors and military shall be allowed the honours of war; but give their parole, as the officers have done at manila and cavite, not to serve or take up arms against his britannic majesty. dated at manila, oct. 30, 1762. s. cornish w. draper man. ant. arzp. de manila, gov. y cap. gen. de las philippinas. francisco henriquez de villacourta manuel galban y ventura francisco leandro de viana [32] [we add here also, as being its proper place, the following "proposals," taken from draper's plain narrative, pp. 27-30, which we find nowhere else.] proposals of their excellencies his britannic majesty's commanders in chief, which are agreed to by the most illustrious governor of these islands, as likewise the royal audience, the city and commerce with the clergy, both secular and regular. art. i. that the governor would give immediate orders for delivering up the port of cavita, with its fortifications, which has been executed by an order to the castiliana of the said port, which was shewn to their excellencies, and sent to the serjeant major of the said port. ii. to satisfy the four millions of dollars, which are immediately demanded by the aforementioned commanders in chief, all the capitals of the public funds, such as the misericordia, the ordentercarra, [33] and the religious communities, as also what belongs to the archbishop, which shall be found in being; and what shall be wanting of the compliment of the said four millions, shall be made up by the capitals which the said ship phillippina shall bring in, with condition, that if the said ship should be taken by his britannic majesty's ships before the time that the advice dispatched by his excellency the governor shall arrive to her, ordering her to come into this bay; or if the capital therein should not be sufficient to compleat the said four millions, they will give a bill on his catholic majesty; and if the said ship should not be taken with the capital therein contained at the time that the commander of the ship phillippina may receive orders to conduct her here, the whole shall be given up to make up the sum of four millions. but in case there should not be sufficient to make up the whole sum, they will give bills on the treasury of his most catholic majesty. in this manner the said proposals are agreed to on the part of his excellency the governor and his council, and confirmed by their excellencies the britannic commanders in chief, according to the fourth proposition of their excellencies, bearing date the 6th day of october, 1762. signed by the archbishop and the ovidores of the city of manila. counterpart signed by rear admiral cornish and brigadier general draper draper's journal a journal of the proceedings of his majesty's forces on the expedition against manila the troops allotted for this enterprise were the 79th regiment, and a company of the royal artillery. the auxiliaries furnished by the gentlemen at madrass, consisted of thirty of their artillery, six hundred seapoys, a company of caffrees, one of topazes, and one of pioneers; to which they added the precarious assistance of two companies of frenchmen, inlisted in their service, with some hundreds of unarmed lascars for the use of the engineers and park of artillery. as a compensation for this feeble supply of men, they favoured us with some very good officers in every branch of the service. rear adm. cornish reinforced our little army with a fine battalion of five hundred and fifty seamen and two hundred and seventy good marines. so that the whole force for the land operations amounted to two thousand three hundred men; who, with the necessary stores, were imbarked on board of his majesty's squadron, and two india ships employed as transports, with an activity and dispatch that did great honour to all concerned in those arrangements. [34] the preparations were commenced, completed, and shipped, in three weeks, through a raging and perpetual surf, by which some lives were lost. as maj.-gen. lawrence was of opinion, that the settlements would be in danger if more forces were drawn from the coast, the two battalions of the company's troops, all the cavalry, six thousand seapoys, with the part of col. monson's, and the highlanders, then at madrass, were left for their security. the medway, york, and chatham, that were hourly expected, had orders left for them to remain for the protection of the trade. we sailed, with the admiral's division, the first of august. the seahorse, capt. grant, was previously dispatched through the streights of malacca to the entrance of the china sea, to stop all vessels that might be bound to manila, or sent from any of our neighbouring settlements to give the spaniards notice of the design. commodore tyddyman, with the first division of the fleet and troops under col. monson, sailed two days before us, that our watering might be more speedily completed at malacca; where we arrived the nineteenth of august. we there bought up a large quantity of rattans to make gabions, a good number of which was finished on board the several ships. the twenty-seventh we sailed for our second rendezvous, off the island of timon. the necessary signals and instructions were then given for landing on the coast of luconia. on the twenty-third of september we anchored in manila bay; and soon found, that our visit was unexpected; the spaniards were unprepared [35] to increase as much as possible the visible confusion and consternation of the enemy, we determined to lose no time in the attack of the port of cavite, that was at first intended, but proceed directly to the grand object, judging that our conquest there would of course occasion and draw after it the fall of cavite. on the morning of the twenty-fourth, we sent an ineffectual summons to the town, and, with the admiral and other principal officers, examined the coast, in order to fix upon a proper spot for landing the troops, artillery, and stores. we found a most convenient place about two miles to the south of manila. accordingly, all the boats were immediately prepared by the proper signals: and three frigates, the argo, capt. king; seahorse, capt. grant; and seaford, capt. peighin, were sent in very near the shore to cover the descent. the 79th regiment, the marines, a detachment of artillery, with three field-pieces, and one howitzer, fixed in the long-boats, assembled in three divisions under their sterns; the left, commanded by col. monson, quartermaster-general; the centre by me, with lt-col. scott the adjutant-general; the right by maj. more, the eldest field officer. as we had determined to land near a church and village called malata, that was opposite our left, the other two divisions, which had been separated only to amuse and distract the attention of the enemy, were ordered to join that as soon as possible. about six in the evening we pushed, with an even front, for the shore, under the prudent and skilful management of the captains parker of the grafton, kempenfelt the admiral's captain, and brereton of the falmouth, who had the direction of the boats. the frigates kept up a brisk fire to the right and left of us, to protect our flanks, and disperse the enemy, who were beginning to assemble in great numbers both horse and foot, to oppose our descent. this cannonade had the desired effect. they retired, and left us a clear coast. but a violent surf arose, many boats were dashed to pieces, our arms and ammunition much damaged; providentially no lives were lost. we formed upon the beach, marched, and took possession of the malata, fixed our outposts, and passed the whole night under arms. the spaniards were employed in burning part of their suburbs. the twenty-fifth we seized a fort which the spaniards had abandoned, named the polverista, [36] that proved a most excellent place of arms, for covering the landing of our stores, and securing our communication with the squadron. col. monson, who was detached with two hundred men to view the roads and approaches to manila, occupied the hermita church, large and commodious, about nine hundred yards from the city. we made the priest's house the headquarters; sent orders to maj. more to march up with the 79th regiment to secure and maintain this post, which was of the utmost consequence, both from its strength, and the great cover it afforded us from the rains that had deluged the country, and made it impossible to incamp; for we too soon found, that the monsoon had broke upon us. the surf continued dangerous; the rains increased; the landing of our artillery and stores became very hazardous; our remaining troops were put on shore with much peril, and some loss; lieut. hardwick was drowned. but the courage and activity of the seamen surmounted all obstacles; they got on shore part of the seapoys, some provisions, and such stores as were first wanted, and by signals demanded from the squadron; the officers of which were indefatigable in giving us all possible assistance; and capt. jocelyn, who was intrusted with the care of the disimbarkation, did every thing that could be wished or expected from a diligent good officer. we left the marines at our first post, the malata, to be near the polverista, to preserve our communications, and guard our stores and park of artillery. the men, from the good conduct and example of their officers, behaved very well, and were of great use upon all occasions. as the rains had forced us to seek the protection of the houses that were under the fire of the bastions, the spaniards cannonaded our quarters, which were much nearer the walls than the usual rules of war prescribe. they attempted likewise to burn more of their suburbs, but were prevented by the great activity and good conduct of capt. fletcher, major of brigade, and capts stevenson and cotsford, the engineers; who having advanced under cover of the houses to st. jago's [i.e., santiago] church, near the sea, and within three hundred yards of the town, reported its importance so sensibly, that we posted a body of men there, notwithstanding its contiguity to their bastions. the enemy soon fired upon us; but not with perseverance or effect enough to dislodge us. we had some few men killed and wounded. twenty-sixth. the admiral sent on shore the battalion of seamen under the command of the captains collins of the weymouth, pitchford of the america, and george ourry from the panther. they were cantoned between the 79th regiment and the marines. the rest of the company's troops of all sorts were likewise landed, and put under cover. the spaniards advanced out of the garrison, under the command of the chevalier fayett, [37] with four hundred men, and two field-pieces; and from a church, about two hundred yards to the right of that we yesterday took possession of, near the sea, begun a cannonade upon the right flank of our post. some seapoys, under ens. carty, who behaved very well, were first sent to skirmish with them, supported by three piquets of the 79th regiment, and one hundred seamen, all under the command of col. monson, who soon drove the enemy back into the town. in their precipitate flight, one of the field-pieces was left upon the glacis. the superior skill and bravery of our people were so evident from this affair, that it occasioned a second summons to the governor; but to no purpose: the answer was much more spirited than their conduct had been. [38] col. monson had orders to keep possession of this second church, if he found it tenible: for as we had not men enough, or dry ground to make regular approaches, we were forced into these measures, rash as they seem, and contrary to all rules of our profession, by our critical situation. from the top of this post, which we called no 2, we had a perfect view of the enemy's works. the front we were obliged to attack, was defended by the bastions of st. diego and st. andrew [i.e., san diego and san andrés], with orillons and retired flanks, a ravelin which covered the royal gate, a wet ditch, covered way, and glacis. the bastions were in excellent order, lined with a great number of fine brass cannon; but their ravelin was not armed, the covered way out of repair, the glacis by much too low, and the ditch was not produced round the capital of the bastion of st. diego, which determined us to attack it, and make our dispositions accordingly. [39] the negligence and omission of the enemy to post sentries in the covered way, gave us an opportunity of sounding the ditch; which perilous enterprise was effected by a small party of the 79th regiment, under capt. fletcher, who begged leave to undertake it. the spaniards fired from their bastion, and killed or wounded three of our people. the depth of the water was only five feet, the breadth about thirty yards. as the great extent of this populous city made it impossible to invest it with our handful of men, two sides were constantly open to the spaniards, to introduce supplies of men and provisions, and carry out their effects. they availed themselves of our weakness. their own garrison of eight hundred men of the royal regiment, under the command of the marcus of villa mediana, brigadier-general, was augmented by a body of ten thousand indians from the province of pampanga, a fierce and barbarous people. these disadvantages were not to be remedied, as we could not take possession of minondo, tondo, and la vera cruz, the posts which commanded the river, and communication with the country. the inundations had secured their parian suburb; but no difficulties could check the ardor of the troops, who labored incessantly in making fascines and gabions, and preparing everything for the construction and opening of our batteries. one for small shells was completed this night, and played upon the bastion of st. diego. its position was behind the church, nearest the sea, called no 1. the officers of the artillery and engineers exerted themselves in a manner, that nothing but their zeal for the public service could have inspired. twenty-seventh. the governor sent out a flag of truce, to apologize for some barbarities committed by the savages lately mentioned, who had murdered some straggling seamen; and to request, that a nephew of his, taken in the bay, might be sent on shore. this gentleman had been dispatched from the philippina galleon, just arrived on the coast from acapulco, with the first advices of the war. hostilities ceased till eleven at night, when we recommenced our fire from the mortars, increased them to four, and placed a six-pounder on our left flank, as a further security for our post at st. jago's church. as the capture of the galleon, and her treasure, might be well esteemed a national object, mr. cornish proposed sending the panther and argo from the squadron to intercept her, which was consented to; and the officers of the navy very generously agreed to our sharing any prizes that might be taken in this cruise, as we had before consented to their sharing with us in any booty that might be taken at land; and the distribution to be made according to the rules his majesty has fixed for the sea-service. the admiral likewise sent on shore eight twenty-four pounders ship guns, and two eighteen-pounders, for our battering train; as, to save time, we brought only the land-carriages and platforms from madrass. twenty-eighth. the governor's nephew was landed. my secretary, lieut. fryar, was ordered to conduct him into the town with a flag of truce. in the mean time, a large party of the garrison, intermixed with indians, sallied out to attack our second post, no 2. by which lieut. fryar was advancing to the ravelin-gate. the barbarians, without respecting his character, inhumanly murdered him, mangling his body in a manner too shocking to mention. in their fury they mortally wounded the other gentleman, who had endeavoured to save mr. fryar. our party received their onset with much firmness and bravery, and repulsed them with some loss on their side. as it was evident that the indians alone were guilty of this horrid piece of barbarity, our soldiers shewed them no mercy. twenty-ninth. the admiral, at my request, ordered the elizabeth, com. tyddyman, and the falmouth, capt. brereton, to place themselves as near the town as the depth of water would permit, and second our operations, by enfilading the front we intended to attack; but the shallows kept them at too great a distance to answer the purpose effectually, though their shot struck much confusion and terror into the inhabitants. we continued our bombardment day and night. thirtieth. the engineers traced out adm. cornish's battery for eight twenty-four pounders, on the left of st. jago's church; but the violence of the rains retarded our progress; and the absence of two ships, that had on board a considerable quantity of fascines, and many of our working and intrenching tools, put us to some inconveniences. the admiral's goodness supplied these defects: all the smiths and carpenters in the fleet were employed in making those instruments; and by their industry and dispatch, we were enabled to proceed. the elizabeth and falmouth persevered in their cannonade upon the town, which was returned from the enemy's sea-line without any effect. october first and second. the weather grew so very tempestuous, that the whole squadron was in danger, and all communication with it entirely cut off. [40] the violence of the storm forced the south-sea castle storeship (which was lately arrived) from her anchors, and drove her on shore: even in this situation the ship was of great use. capt. sherwood enfiladed the whole sea-beach to the southward, and kept in awe a large body of indians, who menaced the polverista, and our magazines at the malata. nothwithstanding the deluge of rain which accompanied the wind, by the perseverance of the troops and seamen, we completed the battery for the twenty-four pounders, raised a mortar-battery for the heavy shells of ten and thirteen inches, made a good parallel and communication from the church to the gun-battery, and established a spacious place of arms on the left of it, near the sea. the roaring of the waves prevented the enemy from hearing the noise of our workmen in the night. they gave us no interruption, but seemed to trust entirely to the elements; while the governor (the archbishop) gave out, that an angel from the lord was gone forth to destroy us like the host of sennacherib. [41] on the afternoon of the 2d, the seamen, with wonderful activity, brought up and mounted all the guns in the battery; which we masked. third. the weather became moderate. at day-light the battery was opened against the left face of the bastion of st. diego, towards the saliant angle. one hundred seamen were appointed to assist the corps of artillery in this service. our cannon, by the most excellent skill and management of maj. barker, and the officers under him, were served with such justness, quickness, and dexterity, that the twelve pieces on that face of the bastion were silenced in a few hours, and the spaniards drove from them. we had but two men killed. at night we began a battery for three guns, on the left of our place of arms, to silence those that were in barbet upon the orillon of the bastion of st. andrew, which annoyed our flank. we maintained a brisk fire of grape and musketry all the night, to prevent the enemy from repairing their embrasures and remounting the cannon. the mortars, now augmented to seven, were kept constantly playing upon the gorge of the bastion, and the contiguous defences. fourth. about three hours before day one thousand of the indians attacked the cantonment of the seamen. they were encouraged to this attempt by the incessant rains in which they flattered themselves our fire-arms would be useless. their approach was favoured by a great number of thick bushes that grew upon the side of a rivulet, which they passed in the night, and by keeping close, eluded the vigilance of the patroles. upon the alarm, col. monson and capt. fletcher, with the piquets, were dispatched to the assistance of the seamen, who very sensibly kept firm in their posts, and were contented to repulse them till day-break; when a fresh piquet of the 79th regiment appearing upon the indians right flank, they fled, were pursued, and dispersed, with the loss of three hundred men. had their skill or weapons been equal to their strength and ferocity, it might have cost us dear. although armed chiefly with bows, arrows, and lances, they advanced up to the very muzzles of our pieces, repeated their assaults, and died like wild beasts, gnawing the bayonets. this attack cost us some few men; but we lost a most excellent sea officer, capt. porter, lieutenant of the norfolk, sincerely and justly lamented by all. we had scarce finished this affair, when another body of them, with part of the spanish garrison, again attacked the church no 2. forced the seapoys from their post in it, nearest the town, and took possession of the top, from whence they killed and wounded several of our people, who were entirely exposed to all their weapons. notwithstanding this disadvantageous situation, the european soldiers maintained their post behind the church with great firmness and patience, and at last dislodged the enemy, with the assistance of some field-pieces, and the good conduct of maj. fell, field-officer of the day, capt. fletcher, and other brave officers sent to their relief. the spaniards left seventy dead behind them, in and about the church. on our side, capt. strahan, of the 79th regiment, a very good officer, was mortally wounded, and forty private men wounded or killed. this was the enemy's last effort: all their indians, excepting one thousand eight hundred, discouraged by their losses, returned home. our working parties and the fire of our batteries, which had been a little interrupted by these attacks, recommenced with greater spirit than ever. we found likewise the good effects of giving the enemy no time to repair their embrasures or carriages in the night. they opened only an inconsiderable fire from three or four embrasures in the curtain, too oblique to have much effect: before night those defences were ruined. fifth. maj. barker's fire was so violent, that the breach appeared practicable. our cannon from the three-gun battery silenced those of the enemy on the orillon of st. andrew. we were in hopes that the spaniards would be sensible of their danger, and think of giving up the town. but they were obstinate, without bravery, or any generous resolution of defending the breach. in the evening, the design of storming the place was communicated to the principal officers of each department only, and the necessary preparations made. [42] sixth. at four o'clock in the morning we filed off from our quarters, in small bodies, to give the less suspicion; and, by degrees, assembled at st. jago's church; observing the utmost silence, and concealing ourselves in the place of arms, and the parallel between the church and the battery. maj. barker kept up a brisk fire upon the works, and those places where the enemy might be lodged or intrenched. our mortars were well applied for the same purpose. at day-break we discerned a large body of spaniards formed on the bastion of st. andrew, which gave us reason to imagine they had got some information of our design, and intended to annoy us with their musquetry and grape from the retired flank of that bastion, where they had still two cannon placed: but upon the explosion of some shells that fell among them, they went off. we took immediate advantage of this, and by the signal of a general discharge of our artillery and mortars, rushed on to the assault, under cover of a thick smoke that blew directly upon the town. sixty volunteers of different corps, under lieut. russel of the 79th, led the way, supported by the grenadiers of that regiment: the engineers, with the pioneers, and other workmen, to clear and enlarge the breach, and make lodgments, in case the enemy should have been too strongly intrenched in the gorge of the bastion, followed: col. monson and maj. more were at the head of two grand divisions of the 79th: the battalion of seamen advanced next, sustained by the other two divisions of the 79th: the company's troops closed the rear. they all mounted the breach with amazing spirit and rapidity. the few spaniards upon the bastion dispersed so suddenly, that it was thought they depended upon their mines. capt. stevenson had orders to make a strict search to discover them; but our precautions were needless. we met with little resistance, except at the royal gate, and from the galleries of the lofty houses which surround the grand square. in the guard-house over the royal gate one hundred of the spaniards and indians, who would not surrender, were put to the sword. [43] three hundred more, according to the enemy's account, were drowned in attempting to escape over the river, which was very deep and rapid. [44] the governor and principal officers retired to the citadel, and were glad to surrender as prisoners at discretion, as that place was in no good posture of defence. [45] capt. dupont of the 79th, with one hundred men, took possession of it. the marquis of villa mediana, with the rest of the spanish officers, were admitted as prisoners of war on their paroles of honour; and to conciliate the affections of the natives, all the indians who fell into our hands were dismissed in safety. our joy, upon this fortunate event, was greatly clouded by the loss of maj. more, who was transfixed with an arrow near the royal gate, [46] and died immediately, universally lamented for his good qualities, capt. sleigh of the grenadiers, and some other good officers, were wounded. we had about thirty private men killed or wounded. in consequence of the terms dictated to the spaniards, the port of cavite and citadel, with several large ships, and a vast quantity of warlike and naval stores, were surrendered to us. capt. champion, with 100 marines, and as many seapoys, imbarked on board the seahorse to take possession of it. the spanish garrison of 300 men, on the approach of our people, mutinied against their officers, plundered some houses, and went off into the country with their arms. as a small acknowledgment of the great services which the whole army had received from capt. kempenfelt, the admiral's captain, i begged he would act at cavite with a commission as governor for his majesty, being well assured that no one could discharge that trust with more conduct and abilities. [47] spanish officers of note prisoners of war don felix de eguiluz, lieutenant-general of artillery. the marquis of villa mediana, brigadier-general, and colonel of the king's regiment. don miguel valdes, lieutenant-colonel, and commandant of the second battalion of ditto. don joseph de riarte, lieutenant-colonel, and governor of the cavite. don francisco rodriguez, serjeant-major of ditto. don manuel fernandes toribio, commandant and serjeant-major of the citadel of st. jago. don christoval ros, serjeant-major of manila. don thomas de castro, [48] chief engineer, and colonel of the king's regiment. 14 captains, 13 lieutenants, 12 ensigns, 2 adjutants, 1 physician, 1 surgeon, 11 serjeants, 261 rank and file. of the marine, 4 captains, 2 ensigns. of the artillery, 1 captain-commandant, 2 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 1 adjutant, 1 commissary. of the irregular pampangos, 1 captain, 2 lieutenants, 1 ensign. 2 adjutants of the cavite. 2 adjutants of the citadel of st. jago. 4 adjutants of the city of manila. 1 captain and engineer of ditto. of the cadet company 5 the governor-general's life-guard 8 killed and wounded of the british forces 79th reg. killed: maj. more, capt. strahan, lieut. fryar, 6 privates. wounded: capt. sleigh of the grenadiers, lieuts hazlewood and garnons, ens. hog, 45 pr. battalion of seamen. killed: capt. peter porter, lieutenant of the norfolk, mr. white, surgeon's mate of ditto, 7 pr. seamen, 5 marines. wounded: second-lieut. thomas spearing, of the marines, of the lenox, mr. neal, midshipman of ditto, one serjeant, 18 pr. company's troops. drowned: lieut. hardwick, one serjeant, 2 pr. wounded: one serjeant, 5 pr. artillery. killed: one pr. wounded: one serjeant, 3 pr. seapoys. killed 8. wounded 31. abstract k. w. tot. officers 6 6 12 serjeants 1 3 4 private 29 102 131 - -- -- 36 111 147 return of brass and iron ordnance, powder, shot, shells, &c. found in the town and citadel of manila. brass ordnance, 342 serviceable, 8 unserviceable. iron ordnance, 108 serviceable, 15 unserviceable. brass mortars, 6 inch and beds ... 2 iron howitzers 7. carriages, 66 serviceable, 85 unserviceable. of the above, 4 brass guns and 7 swivels were spiked, and 8 wounded. shot, of all sizes, from 28 pounders to four ounces, 18,073. grape ditto 2411. double-headed 118. link 88. spiked 39. lead, one and a half pounders, 1000. shells, from 13 inch to 7 inch, 44. hand granadoes 248. gunpowder boxes 38, computed to contain 2280 lb. ditto matt bags 141, computed to contain 6345 lb. cartridges filled, 894 4989 lb. musquets, repairable 270, unserviceable 257. ditto barrels 360. spontoons 4; halberts 12; bayonets, very old, 200; spunges, with rammer-heads, unserviceable, 200; bamboo cartridges, of different sizes, 240. return of brass and iron ordnance, &c. found at cavite. brass ordnance, 137 serviceable, 1 unserviceable. iron ditto, 68 serviceable, 24 unserviceable. iron howitzers and carriages, 11 serviceable. carriages, 96 serviceable, 41 unserviceable. shot, of all sizes, from 52 pounders to 3 pounders, 13,620. double-headed ditto 411. link ditto 347. grape ditto 987. shells, 13 and 8 inch, 18. powder-boxes 138, containing 7680 lb. cartridges 1221, containing 7904 lb. musquets, 280 serviceable, 12 unserviceable. bayonets 108, cutlasses 28. rojo's journal journal of what occurred at the attack and defense of the city of manila, the capital of philipinas islands, and of the archipelago of san lazaro, from september 22 to october 5, 1762, the day on which it was taken by assault by brigadier guillermo drapert, commander-in-chief of the british troops of the east indias. before commencing this journal, it is fitting to give a brief description of the location of manila, and of the destitute condition in which the enemy found its fortifications and defenses in order that we may present a clear idea of the vigorous resistance that was made even to the last extremity. [49] the city of manila, according to the map of father murillo, is located in 14° 40' of north latitude, and 158° 35' east longitude, on a tongue of land which terminates in a point, and forming the figure of a jug or flagon, whose extremity or neck is formed by the above point itself and contains the royal fort of santiago. at the west it is terminated by a large bay at the north by the pasig river, which bathes its walls. on the land side from south to east, it is defended by four flat bastions with their casemates, and right flanks covered with orillons, and with ditches, covered way, and glacis. along the sea, the city is fortified by a long curtain with five little flat bastions, a reduct located at a great distance from the wall. the lines of defense have such disproportion from one another, that those bastions cannot be defended reciprocally. it is impossible, further, to prevent the approach by the curtain, because there is neither ditch nor terreplein. then too, the parapets are only one foot wide, and the curtain six. the curtain embracing the north side, bathed by the river, and which has a kind of curvature where it forms two reëntrant angles, is in the same condition of weakness as that of the sea, and is defended by two small bastions, which present the same defect noted above in their lines of defense. from the bastion of san gabriel to the gate of the parián on the east of the city, is located a false screen or barbacan with its parapet and banquette. it is defective, for it is fallen, and has no gate for the retreat of the soldiers. the gate of the parián is covered and defended by a small outer work in the form of a crown, and the royal gate by a ravelin so poorly placed and so poorly ordered, that it cannot defend the faces of the collateral bastions of san andrés and of the foundry. the flanks of the two latter bastions are not any more capable of defending the faces of the ravelin. it must be added to the above that all those fortifications are very old and defective: the walls; the chemise, or revetement, three feet thick at the cordon, without counterfort; the escarp and counter-escarp fallen in part; and almost everything useless. the covered way is very short and filled with thickets and bushes. its parapet is in ruins and it has no stockade or palisade. it is so low, that it leaves the most essential parts of the bastions and curtains open clear to the foot. the embrasures are poorly placed. the gates on the sea side, are pierced through, and so old and so used up, that they cannot offer any resistance at all. the esplanades of the boulevards are so irregular and so rough, that it is impossible to maneuver with the artillery, which, besides, was mounted on ship's carriages so old that they could not be fired without danger of being dismounted. the royal fort of santiago is composed of two demi-bastions which dominate the city, and of a third one which points outward and prevents the approach of the enemy. it has two circular platforms, and several flanks intended for the same use. the curtains which unite these bastions have no terreplein, and the places from which to fire are distributed without any measure or proportion. the garrison of this place consisted of the royal regiment, which has been composed, since its creation, of twenty companies of one hundred men apiece, under the command of captains, lieutenants, and ensigns. these companies have never been full, and have never amounted to fifteen hundred men. when the enemy arrived, this regiment was diminished to such an extent both by the mortality and desertion of some men, and by the different detachments which were told off for the galleons and for other posts, that there were not more than five hundred and fifty-six soldiers. there were only eighty cannoneers, and those even were native indians, who were but little skilled in the management of artillery. at the arrival of the enemy, four militia companies were formed, of sixty men each, and called commercial troops. [50] manila never thought that it would be attacked by european nations. it supported the security in which it existed on the distance and remoteness of its position, in relation with europe, and on the fact that such an example had never happened, although the two crowns had often been at war. in such confidence, they had been satisfied with putting the place in a state of defense against the moros and neighboring nations who were little skilled in the art of war, the management of large artillery, muskets, and in the terrible artifice of throwing bombs, grenades, shells, etc. for in order that manila might be defended against european nations, it would have needed four thousand well drilled men and all the corresponding equipment, things which this city has lacked even to the present. [51] in this state of defense, on the twenty-second of september, 1762, at half-past five in the evening, a powerful fleet of thirteen vessels was seen. although so unexpected a novelty caused the greatest surprise and the greatest astonishment, since there was no news in manila of the war, and it was not supposed even that it had been declared, it was suspected nevertheless, that that was a hostile fleet. consequently, his excellency, archbishop roxo, governor and captain-general, gave on the spot the orders necessary and in accordance with the circumstances, to put the place in a state of defense, without forgetting to send to cavite the help needed there. while the preparations for the defense were being made, it was decided that it was necessary to write to the commander of the squadron, in order to tell him that he was to announce his nationality, for what purpose he had come, and the reason why he had entered the bay, without first having announced himself. the following night, an officer was assigned to bear this letter. [52] about eleven o'clock, next morning, a boat which had been sent from the squadron, drew up to the fort. it bore two english officers, and ours who was returning, with a communication signed by admiral samuel cornis, and by brigadier-general drapert, commander-in-chief of the land forces of his britannic majesty assigned for the present expedition. in their letter they announced that they were coming by order of their sovereign, for the conquest of the islands. consequently, they urged that the city of manila, its fortifications, and its territory, be surrendered to them. if that were not done, or indeed if any resistance were made (which they did not expect, unless the authors of the resistance were crazy), they had brought formidable forces to make themselves masters of all the land by force of arms, and they would immediately commence hostilities after hearing the answer. [53] the captain-general answered them that the proposition which had just been made could not be accepted by subjects so faithful to their king, and that they were all resolved to sacrifice their lives for the defense of religion and the honor of the arms of their sovereign. [54] as soon as they had received the answer, the entire squadron began to move about six o'clock on the evening of the twenty-third. they approached as near as possible to the south shore of the city, opposite the reduct called san antonio abad, which was used as a casemate, and which was one good half-league distant from the city. that same night, and until daybreak, the people busied themselves in taking all the gunpowder from that post. but it was necessary to abandon the said post with some effects and a goodly quantity of saltpetre, for the enemy landed at that same place, under support from the artillery of their ships. they took possession of the reduct as well as of the churches of malate, [55] nuestra señora de guia, and santiago, of the suburbs and shops along the seashore, between the church of san juan de bagumbayan, which was eighty-five toises from the city, and the reduct. that same night two pickets of musketeers were detached from the garrison, commanded by ----, with orders to attack the enemy, to dislodge them if possible, and to prevent at the same time, the disembarking which was being continued along various places on the shore. the pickets suffered a very severe fire from the musketry of the enemy, who were stationed in the church of santiago, and the neighboring houses, so that they retired in disorder. on the twenty-fourth, about eight o'clock in the morning, they began to salute the enemy with artillery from the boulevards of the foundry and from san andrés, but with little effect, because the enemy were behind the churches which protected them. [56] at nine in the morning, a small galley entered the bay, coming from the embocadero of san bernardino, with the news that the galleon "philippino" had anchored in palapa, on its return from nueva españa. the hostile squadron detached a swift frigate and four armed chaloupes, which gave chase to the galley. having fired some shots at it, the galley made shore at tambobo. at the same time the majority of the people on that galley, soldiers and passengers leaped into the water. two chaloupes captured it. the captain, a subaltern, who was in charge of the galley, and some persons who had stayed aboard, were made prisoners of war. the chaloupes tried to tow the galley, but not being able to succeed in it, they took all that they could out of it, [57] except two six-pounder cannons which they were unable to move; and thereupon abandoned the galley and went back to their squadron. the captain-general had that galley set afire, after the two cannons had been taken out of it. the following night it was resolved to make a vigorous sortie in order to discomfit the enemy who were fortifying themselves with all haste in the churches of which we have just spoken, namely, nuestra señora de guia, malate, and santiago. two four-pounders were detached, with the necessary artillerymen and the men needed to manage those cannons, fifty musketeers of the regular troops, some militiamen, and eight hundred indian natives with their spears. in charge of this expedition was monsieur fayette (a frenchman in the service of manila). he attacked the enemy at their posts. [58] the action lasted the greater part of the night, with a sharp fire on both sides; but monsieur fayette having recognized the invincible strength of the corps opposed to ours, and that fresh forces were continually coming to the enemy, ordered our men to retire a bit, and take position before the church of san juan de bagumbayan, where he kept his post all night, firing on the church of santiago until nine o'clock of the morning of the twenty-fifth, when all the troops came back under protection of a new force which was sent them from the city. [59] from that time until three o'clock in the afternoon, firing was suspended, because an officer of the hostile camp was received in the place, who was charged with a special mission. [60] the bombardment continued without cessation. it did much damage to the buildings and killed some persons. the bombs that were picked up entire, were eighteen inches in diameter. they were kept to send back to the enemy in two mortars which were found in the royal magazines. that same night, some cannons loaded with grape were discharged on the enemy. to it was joined a fusillade which produced a good effect, for on the day of the twenty-sixth, [61] several corpses were to be seen from the place scattered between the glacis and the hostile trenches. some muskets that had been left by those killed were picked up. since the enemy did not take them away, their bodies were buried in the bellies of hungry foxes and dogs which were very numerous there, and which devoured them in a short time in the sight of our men who manned the walls. at eight in the morning, some indian and mestizo spearmen presented themselves before the enemy's trenches, without that movement on their part having been preceded by any order. on approaching the advanced outposts who were occupying the sacristies of the church of san juan de bagumbayan, the bakery, and other neighboring houses, those indians (although few in number), threw themselves on the enemy with such fury that they gained possession of the posts which have just been mentioned. they drove out the hostile musketeers, wounding and killing all that they met. but the english were promptly succored by a reënforcement of three hundred fusileers, who regained the posts that they had lost, and caused the indians to retreat, to whom a signal was made from the bastion of san andres to leave a clear field so that the fire of our artillery could have free play. the artillery did, by this means, great harm to the enemy. during the progress of this bloody action, an officer of the camp was perceived, who was carrying a white flag. he was followed and accompanied by a young man clad in black, and by a drummer beating the chamade. the fire of our artillery was suspended, but the fusillade of the enemy continued with unequaled obstinacy, against the indian spearmen who always sustained that fire. consequently, the indians attacked the english officer, killed him, and gave seven mortal wounds to the young man who accompanied him. the drummer was also killed, and another person who appeared to be the servant of the officer. the indians cut off the head of the latter, but not being longer able to endure the hostile fire they retired to the covered way of the royal gate, which was opened for them so that they could reënter. following are the facts of the case. the nephew of the archbishop, don antonio sierra de tagle, having been made prisoner on board the little galley and conducted aboard the flagship, of which we have spoken above, the english commander-in-chief had offered in advance to grant him his liberty, and the english officer was conducting him for that purpose. that young man died of his wounds. [62] during the whole of this day, the bombardment continued with fury, the enemy having increased their batteries of the church of santiago by three mortars. after dinner an officer was despatched to the camp of the enemy to agree upon a truce, so that they could take away the body of their officer who had been killed. they did so, but many other dead bodies were left. on our side also, some who had been wounded were brought in. on the morning of the twenty-eighth, a message was received from the english commander-in-chief, who urgently demanded the head of the english officer which the indians had taken: as well as the author of that deed, with the threat that if it were not done, he would send the heads of all the prisoners whom they had in their power, and especially those of two officers, who had been made prisoners aboard the little galley. that demand was completely satisfied, and we were exculpated from a deed in which we had no part, and the blame for which was to be attributed to the lack of civilized customs among the indians, and especially to the sepoys, who, as has been said, did not cease to continue hostilities by their constant fire. our captain-general (the archbishop), mounted on horseback, and went to see the hostile camp, in order to appease the trouble that that affair had aroused, and in fact it did not go farther. the bombardment continued without cessation, and from half-past five in the evening until seven the flagship and another ship fired on the city, but with very slight result, for the balls which were fired horizontally were all buried on the shore, and those to which they gave a slight elevation, nearly all passed over the city, and were lost on the other side. that same day, two mortars were fixed and placed in a battery on the rampart of the foundry, with which many bombs were thrown into the hostile camp and into the trenches. on the twenty-ninth, [63] at six in the morning, the flagship and another vessel commenced to cannonade the bastion of the foundry, and made a desperate fire, which continued until eight o'clock with the same activity. from that time until ten it was moderated. in the afternoon of that same day, two craft entered by way of the great strait (of mariveles). immediately two of the enemy's squadron were detached, which having joined the two which were coming, anchored with them near manila. it was learned afterward that those craft were two english frigates, which had become separated from the body of the squadron in a great storm; as was also the case with the "namur," which had lost its masts and had been forced to put in at canton. hence their total squadron numbered sixteen sail. the thirtieth, the bombardment continued, and the vessels fired some shots from their cannons. [64] from the city four chaloupes were seen which had overturned; they were coming ashore with men and war supplies. the same accident happened to a champan which they had captured in the days preceding. this accident had happened through the violence of the west wind which had freshened. this was at four in the afternoon, and at six, a bomb-ketch made shore opposite the reduct of san antonio abad. october first, the indians of passay reported that a raft had made the shore, which was built of large masts, small masts, and yards that had belonged to the bomb-ketch; that this raft had on it the moorings, and artillery of the above bomb-ketch. they reported that they had seen many people drowned on the beach. upon this report, the native cavalry was detached in order that they might seize those effects. but when they arrived at the place, they were repulsed by the enemy's musketry, who had hastened from their general quarter of malate and from the powder factory in order to protect the raft and its load. at daybreak of the second, the enemy placed in operation a battery of eight twenty-four pounders against the flanked angle of the bastion of the foundry, and against the face which looked upon their camp. that battery was so well served, that at ten in the morning, all the parapet of that part was on the ground. at the same time, they directed their mortars (nine in number and of various calibers) toward the bastion itself. the flagship and another vessel bombarded the same bastion on the side looking seaward, with such fury that along the shore and beyond the walls on the landside, more than four thousand twenty-four pound balls were collected. but what molested us still more was the musketry of the enemy, which was placed in the tower and church of santiago, which they had arranged for that purpose by opening in all the roofs several windows so that they dominated us. they saw also all that occurred in the city, and although the greatest efforts and the most powerful attempts were made to batter down the church with our artillery, we were unable to do it, or to dislodge the enemy from that post. but it is incredible that our bastion being open without a parapet on either side, it is incredible, i say, that of the various officers who sustained it, and of all the musketeers and artillerymen who were obliged to fire in barbet, there were killed only two artillerymen, two musketeers, and three pioneers, in spite of a desperate fire which all those men suffered from five different parts. it is true that more than twenty wounded and maimed were taken out, among whom was a lieutenant belonging to the artillery who lost his right arm. the greater part of the officers were wounded and bruised from blows with stones, and had contusions, but that did not prevent them from sticking to their posts. the vessels ceased their fire at orisons. that of the camp continued all night with the same activity, so that the artillery of our bastion having been dismounted, they were obliged to abandon that post, leaving there only a few sentinels without shelter. at the same time, various assemblies and parties of indians from the provinces were formed to the number of five thousand more or less. but only two thousand five hundred pampangos were found who were deemed capable of undertaking anything. consequently, it was resolved to make a sortie. [65] it was to be undertaken at the close of the night of the third, as follows. the pampangos were to form in three columns. the first column was to attack the church of santiago on the side where the enemies had their batteries of cannons and mortars. the second was to hurl itself on malate and ermita where the general quarters were located. the third was to invest by the sea side. those three columns were to be supported by two pickets of musketeers, commanded by the sargento-mayor of cavite, two captains, and four subalterns. at the hour set, our pampangos and pickets sallied out in the best order, but scarce had they set foot outside the parián gate, when they began to utter loud cries in disorder and make a great racket. that allowed the camp of the enemy to get into readiness to receive them. in spite of that, the pampango troops entered their camp, killed the advance sentinels, and caused great damage to the enemy. those indians themselves suffered no less from the hostile musketry. they would have suffered still more if confusion had not reigned there; for the enemy, in their fear of killing one another, did not dare to play some cannon loaded with grape, which they had prepared and posted in different places. the pickets seeing this disorder, halted before the church of san juan de bagumbayan, whence they fired against the church of santiago, thus protecting the retreat of the pampangos, which took place at nine in the morning. the action was bloody on both sides. one soldier of the pickets was killed and eight wounded. the mortality among the pampangos was heavy. it was learned afterward that the enemy having lost some of their officers, who were killed in the action, had had more than sixty pampangos, whom they had captured and taken prisoners, hanged in their camp. that action so intimidated and disconcerted all the other pampangos that they all retired to their respective villages, so that there remained very few of them who would return to manila. that action did not at all interrupt the fire of the battery against the bastion of the foundry, so that when daybreak came, it could be seen that an eighteen-pounder cannon had fallen into the ditch, and it could not be recovered. the greater part of the face and the terreplein of the same bastion had also fallen, and their ruins had dried up the ditch. but what caused the greatest anxiety was that the engineer recognized that the enemy was busy making a new battery for the purpose of dismounting the artillery, the collateral flanks of the bastions san andrés and san eugenio, which flanked and defended the entrance to the covered way and the approach to the breach. in fact, that battery began to play at noon with so great activity, that it dismounted the cannons of the flanks in two hours time, overthrew the parapets, and killed some fusileers and pioneers. twice were other parapets made with beams and bags of sand, but each time they were in ruins the moment after. consequently, the men were obliged to retire from those bastions. the bastion of san andrés did not suffer so much, for it was stronger. however, it had one cannon of the caliber of eighteen, which was placed in the elevated flank, dismounted. we had no other hope than in another cannon of equal caliber, of the two which were in this flank, for while we still had two cannons of the caliber of four in the low place, the latter could be of but little service. our captain-general, having been informed of everything, called the council of war in the afternoon of the same day; and that council lasted until the night. the master-of-camp, the sargento-mayor of the city, the sargento-mayor of cavite, the sargento-mayor of the royal regiment, those of the militia, and the deputies of the merchant body, of the city, and of the various ecclesiastic orders were present, all being introduced by the ordinary engineer. the latter, having reported the fatal condition of the place, advice or opinions were mutually given. all, with the exception of the military men, were of the opinion to continue the defense, by making use of the ordinary means for the repairs necessary to the bastions, and by making ditches, etc. the military men thought that we ought to capitulate. [66] but having asked them whether they thought that we ought to capitulate immediately, they answered no, and that they said it only because the breach had commenced, and that it would be practicable next day, and it would be difficult to make the ditches and repairs necessary to prevent the city from being taken by assault. having been informed of everything, our captain-general gave the orders and made all the preparations necessary for beginning the work, and for making the proposed ditches. he watched all the operations and all the movements of the enemy. [67] at dawn on the fourth, the enemy began to fire shells into the city. they set fire to several of the buildings, and together with the shot from the mortar batteries and the fusillade from the tower of santiago, which resembled a shower of hail, threw the garrison and the inhabitants into great consternation, which gradually increased. [68] all the day of the fourth, and the following night, were passed in this perplexity, no means being found by which to escape the danger. although orders for the ditches and the defense of the breach were renewed, in order to prevent the assault, and activity was redoubled and the necessary efforts made, yet there was no means of executing any of those things, because of the continual and deadly fire of the enemy. consequently, there was no means of getting the bearers of fascines to work. finally, at six o'clock in the morning of the fifth, the enemy's troops left their posts in three columns. the first directed its course toward the breach; the second toward the royal gate; and the third marched along the highway surrounding the covered way, toward the east and bordering on the plaza de armas. the few soldiers left us occupied the gorge of the bastion of the foundry, the royal gate, the flank of the bastion of san andrés, and the curtain joining them. the enemy were supported by their batteries and by the fusileers of the tower of santiago, who poured in a steady fire. consequently, it was impossible for ours to occupy the breach in order to defend the approach. the approaching columns discharged two rounds with their muskets, by which they swept the two collateral bastions, the curtain, and all the posts which could oppose them. finally, all together, they mounted the breach, and seized the bastion of the foundry. at the same instant they attacked the royal gate, which they battered down with axes and iron levers. after some slight opposition on our side, some officers who were there, not being able to defend those posts, the enemy fired from there on the other posts which they seized also following the cordon, and went to present themselves before the fort whither the governor and captain-general had retired. at that moment, the militia, the regular troops, and the indians who were in that fort, threw themselves in disorder from the top of the walls. many threw themselves into the river, where a number of them were drowned. consequently, when the captain-general reached the fort, he found only the castellan, monsieur pignon, his second, and one artilleryman. the few troops that he found were in confusion and were throwing themselves from the wall. the enemy's column which entered by the royal gate directed its course toward the plaza de armas and seized the palace. [69] that which marched by the highway, took the small fort which defends the bridge across the pasig river. thence it went to the city, entering by the parián gate. [70] the fort flung a white flag, and terms of capitulation were proposed, which the british officers refused to accept. at the same moment the colonel pressed the fort to surrender, else indeed hostilities would be continued and arms used. the captain-general pressed and greatly embarrassed, resolved to go in person with the colonel, under the good faith of the guaranty of his person in order to treat concerning the capitulation with the general. in fact, they discussed the matter at length in the palace. the archbishop desired to have military honors accorded, insisting on this point several times but not being able to obtain it. he was compelled to give an order for the surrender of the fort, and all the men were made prisoners of war with the exception of the captain-general. the military were granted the honor of keeping their swords and the repeated demands of the captain-general could obtain nothing else. [71] the city was given over to pillage, which was cruel and lasted for forty hours, without excepting the churches, the archbishopric, and a part of the palace. although the captain-general objected at the end of twenty-four hours, the pillage really continued, in spite of the orders of the british general for it to cease. he himself killed with his own hand a soldier whom he found transgressing his orders, and had three hanged. [72] in the doings of that day, the sargento-mayor of the royal regiment, two captains, two subalterns, about fifty soldiers of the regular troops, and thirty of the commerce militia were killed on our side, and many were wounded. in the other doings, and especially in the last sortie, more than three hundred indians were killed, and more than four hundred wounded. the number killed on the side of the enemy we have not been able to learn exactly. it has been learned only by some circumstances, that in the review made two days after the taking of the place, the enemy had lost more than a thousand men, among whom were sixteen officers. among those officers, was a sargento-mayor of drapert's regiment, who was killed on the day of the assault by an arrow; and the commandant of the regiment of chamal, who was killed by a musket ball, as he was watching with a glass the approach from the tower of santiago. the vice-admiral [73] was drowned when coming ashore in a small boat which overturned; and the same accident caused the death of some sailors and soldiers. the forces of the enemy consisted of fifteen hundred european soldiers, chosen from drapert's regiment, and from the battalion of the volunteers of chamal; two artillery companies of sixty men apiece; three thousand european sailors, fusileers and well disciplined; eight hundred sepoys, with muskets, forming two battalions, and fourteen hundred of the same troops destined for the fascines. that formed an army of six thousand eight hundred and thirty men. the two mortar batteries, which, as has been said, were of different caliber, threw more than five thousand bombs into the city. [74] the land batteries and those of the ships fired more than twenty thousand shots from twenty-four pounders, and ruined the city in many places. the enemy sent about twenty-five shells, which set fires in five different places; and if all diligence had not been employed, the city, or the greater part of it, would have been in ashes. manila, december 23, 1762. anda and the english invasion, 1762-1764 [the following is synopsized and translated from a series of documents bound together under the following modern title: "documents for the history of the invasion and war with the english in filipinas, 1762-1764; faithfully copied from the originals in 1765."] [anda y salazar, [75] in a letter written from bulacan, october 8, 1762, to the archbishop, manuel antonio rojo del rio y vieyra, states that in accordance with his appointment by the latter as visitor-general of the provinces, he appoints the necessary persons for the performance of that duty, forms a court, and goes to bulacan on october 4. there on presenting his credentials he is recognized by the alcalde-mayor josé pasarin. manila is taken by assault by the british next day, and the president and auditors of the audiencia remaining in the city are taken prisoners. citing laws clxxx and lviii of título xv, book ii, of the recopilación [76] anda declares that, by virtue thereof, the audiencia is continued in him alone; and since the archbishop (who has been acting as governor and president of the audiencia) is also a prisoner, the duties of the office of governor and captain-general devolve upon him. he says:] having been aware of the respect and love with which the natives venerate their parish priests, ministers, and missionaries, and that these, by means of their greater knowledge of the nature, customs, and civilization of the natives, can maintain them and incite them to the defense of the country, against the english enemy: i have considered it fitting and necessary to send the present to your excellency, by which, in the name of don carlos iii, the catholic king of españa, i request and ask you, and in my own name, petition you, by means of the curas, rectors, and other members of the secular clergy of your diocese, to be pleased to represent to, persuade, and inform the natives of their obligation to maintain themselves as vassals of their natural king and sovereign, and to conserve this country under his dominion and fidelity, and to defend it from the english enemy, so that the latter may not make them their tributaries. for notwithstanding the loss of manila, if the natives remain firm in their loyalty to their sovereign, the islands can be conserved and defended. in order to obtain this, i am ready to follow and conform to the useful orders of your excellency with the understanding of your flock, and to those of the curas of the doctrine, with the understanding of their parishioners. i hope that the curas will, through their zeal, instruct, animate, and encourage the natives thoroughly in the matters that may be necessary at this critical time; and that your excellency, immediately on receiving this despatch, may be pleased not to neglect this useful measure (so that it may so appear for all time) and aid me by having the missionary ministers, each one by his particular despatch, answer immediately, for the profit and advantage that the incidents and events may require, and return the despatches to me, so that i may file them with the papers of their kind. [77] [the archbishop answers this letter under date of manila, october 10, as follows:] in your lordship's commission granted with the preëminence that is fitting, you will proceed according to your prudence and to present circumstances. the first point is the catholic faith. 2d, loyalty to the king, our sovereign. 3d, to faithfully observe the treaties which are now being drawn up with the british chiefs, for good faith is the rule of all good operations. your lordship had my commission before the surrender. the just procedure of your lordship must be moderated to this event and to this time.... [78] [to the above, anda replies on october 20. [79] citing the contents of the archbishop's letter, he says that his actions are to be governed by laws lvii [80] and lviii of título xv, of book ii of the recopilación and since the governor is at present not able to govern, upon him devolves the duty of preserving peace and administering justice. "in this province [bulacan], i have obtained not only complete quiet, but all its inhabitants are inclined not to admit any other religion than that which they profess or other dominion than that of our catholic monarch." so long as certain thorns in his path do not contradict the principal object of loyalty to the king and religion, anda winks at them, and does not inflict punishment. he continues:] i said and i repeat that the presidency and government fell to the royal audiencia; and i add that the latter is conserved and continued in me, that i am the sole and only minister, that by my absence from that capital because of the commissions confided to me at a convenient time, i remained free from the enemies, and as such capable and proper by law, so that in my person is met the prescriptions of law clxxx of the above-cited book and título, since my associates are lacking and have been imprisoned with your excellency in the fatal loss of that capital. [by a law which he has made in his capacity as audiencia and governor, on october 5, [81] he has enjoyed and enjoys, and will continue to enjoy the titles of governor, captain-general, president, and audiencia, which fell to him in view of said laws. but he will use them only until archbishop and audiencia are at liberty when he will yield them all, and exercise only his commission. the first two points in the archbishop's letter could have been excused, as it might have been taken for granted that anda would observe them. the third needs explanation, for he cannot see that he is bound by the treaty that is being made with the british, and he will defend the rest of the provinces with his life. he continues:] neither before nor since the surrender of that city, did your excellency, or anyone else have, or do you possess any power to surrender to the enemy the domain of these islands--before, because you were not sovereign of them, but only administrator; since, because not even this weak title was left to you, nor the power of liberty. and since the enemy entered by assault and at discretion, they only have a right to what the sack gave them in itself in the territory gained by them. the rest is absurdly and ill surrendered, and contrary to all rights of war. consequently, if this letter reaches you in time, i summon your excellency, in his majesty's name, once and a thousand times, not to go to the pass of signing the surrender of these islands. and should it be already signed, i protest to your excellency the wrong and that i shall in no wise obey so unjust and absurd a treaty. if the british wish to dominate this country, their chiefs know that it must be by first gaining it with their arms according to right of war, but to surrender it through the panic of terror, like children, would be a vileness and treason, which i shall not permit so long as i am governor, and which does not belong to my loyalty. your excellency also tells me that i received your commission before the surrender, and that my just proceedings must be regulated to this event and to this time. i answer also by asking your excellency to please explain a trifle more clearly in regard to the security that i alone shall have by my just proceedings, which cannot be one jot turned aside from loyalty to the king (whom may god preserve) and besides from these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for their foreign execution to the slightest degree. [82] your excellency gave me your commission before the surrender of that city, in order that i might maintain these provinces under the dominion of his majesty after the fatal event which was feared. [83] in any other way the commission would have been superfluous. and is it possible that without regarding consequences, your excellency tells me to faithfully observe the treaties with the british leaders, and that i regulate my just procedures to the result and the time of the surrender of that city? if your excellency, although a vassal of the king of españa, his minister, and so honored, counsels me after this manner, what is allowed to the british leaders? [84] your excellency knows that when i left that capital, you did not give me the royal seal, without which no audiencia provision can be despatched. i beg your excellency to please have it sent to me, or to have the lieutenant of the grand chancillor come to exercise his employment, if he is not detained in that capital. [the archbishop answers anda's letter on the twenty-third, ordering him to present himself before him by the twenty-fifth, without fail. he sends the translation of a passport given by the english, which he attests (while keeping the original), so that anda may come safely.] [85] [anda, however, does not trust in the passport, as shown by his letter of october 25, in answer to that of the archbishop. in this letter he protests that he is a faithful vassal of the king, and since he is not a vassal of the archbishop, and since he knows nothing of the terms of the treaty that has been made with the british, he refuses to go to manila. such conduct would make him run the risk of being called a traitor to his king. he is greatly exasperated because the archbishop has not sent the original passport, but instead a translation attested by himself as a true copy, while he retains the original in his possession in order that it may run no risks. this copy means nothing, as the british soldiers will pay no attention to a passport signed by the archbishop and purporting to come from their own commander, whereas they would recognize and obey the signature of the latter. besides, the date of the passport is the twenty-fifth, [86] and that could not be. in the passport also, the archbishop acts as the clerk of the british, and in his letter as a minister of the catholic monarch, but the two capacities are not conformable. lastly, anda cannot leave the natives secretly (as the archbishop has suggested), as they love him so that they will not allow him out of their sight, and he must not leave them or risk his person.] [in his reply to anda, on the twenty-sixth of october, [87] the archbishop complains bitterly of the former's lack of courtesy in his letter of the twenty-fifth, in omitting his name and title as captain and governor-general. his letter, the archbishop declares, is full of nonsense. it is a specious pretext to boast of being a good vassal, but it is not a mark of loyalty to seize authority belonging to another, by which he has incited trouble among both spaniards and natives. on account of his absurd action, the british leaders have proscribed him and placed a price on his head, as a disturber of the provinces. the archbishop had sent the translated copy of the passport for anda's own safety, but he sends the original now, and thus places all the risk on anda's own shoulders. although he is obliged for the present to endure these insults thrust upon him by anda and those who imitate him, in order to avoid scandal, a time will come when he will compel their obedience. he informs anda that the english calendar is one day in advance of that of the spanish in the orient. he protests his loyalty and anda's excesses.] [on october 30, the archbishop issues a manifesto to "the faithful natives and their leaders of these philipinas islands." [88] writing as archbishop and governor, he informs them that the city of manila has been taken by assault by the english on the fifth of october, after a vigorous defense. the british are enemies, but are most generous and cultured and have granted freedom of worship, and permission for the people to proceed freely with their trade, on condition of the payment of four million pesos, and the surrender of all the fortifications of the islands with military honors to alcaldes and officers. the british ask only that the people keep quiet (the islands being as it were, a deposit), until their monarch and the spanish ruler come to terms. the natives are to be for the present subordinate to the british, although their loyalty to the spanish king is not to be lessened. at some length, the archbishop entreats the natives to attend to their religious duties, and not to turn aside to listen to the vulgar. they must maintain good relations with the british, for these, although conquerors, live in harmony with the spaniards and if their soldiers commit any wrongs against the natives they will be punished. reward and punishment alike will come from god. [89] again on november 4, the archbishop writes to anda. in it he states that he has been recognized throughout his negotiations as the representative of the spanish monarch, and the true governor and captain-general, and that he is not a prisoner. much harm has resulted from anda's provisions, which he has enacted as royal. by his order to cut off provisions from manila, he has succeeded in angering the british against the spaniards and natives in manila; and it will result in the british carrying their conquest further by going out into the provinces to get food, and the spaniards in manila will all perish of hunger if they are not first put to the sword. this will mean the extinction of the spaniards and the destruction of christianity in the islands, the maintenance of which is the only object of the spanish monarch. anda can see how much service he is doing to the king by his actions. he must not congratulate himself that the british are few, for they number over six thousand, and they have a swift craft by which they can easily descend on the fortifications in the islands. anda's action in ordering the removal of the treasury to pampanga is bad, for that money could have been included in the four millions demanded by the british, one million of which is demanded immediately. besides the generals will cease to advance the necessary money for the payments incumbent upon the king, as now, and for which the archbishop gives orders on the king to them. the archbishop is not under obligation to communicate the articles of capitulation to anda, as the latter requests, as they are only due the king. the result of the councils in which the capitulation was made has been signed by the royal audiencia and the archbishop, and the former has only had the courage to make separately a protest, which the archbishop made openly to the generals. they have not been able to resist the promise of the four millions for a ransom. it was to be raised from the money in the treasury, and that on board the ship "philipino" [90] if the latter were not already captured by the british. the remainder is to be paid by the king. for the contribution of one million, demanded immediately, the silver in the churches has been given with the exception of the chalices, cups, and monstrances, although the sum raised by this means and by the efforts of the citizens does not reach that amount. the archbishop has given all his plate and pectorals. he closes by strictly ordering anda to revoke and cease to enact royal provisions, and cause disturbances which are opposed to the service of the king. anda is sufficiently honored by his commission, and if he executes that prudently, the pacification of the villages will ensue, for which purpose it was given. the archbishop has had a right to enter into the negotiations that have taken place in regard to the surrender of manila and its environs.] [an edict signed by "dauzon drak," [91] the english governor at manila, and by others, on november 4, states that since the governor (i.e., archbishop rojo), together with the auditors, has conceded to the english the island of luzón with the adjacent islands belonging to said government, according to the agreement made between samuel cornis, commander of the water forces, and guillermo draper, commander of the land forces of the british; and since "the government of manila is conferred on us daussone drake and his council: we announce to all" the natives living in the provinces of bulacan and pampanga, freedom to practice the roman catholic religion, and exemption from all tributes and personal services imposed by the spaniards. further, they are to have all the privileges of british subjects, "provided they immediately renounce the subjection and obedience that they have given to their auditor, don simon de anda y salazar, who has dared to violate the agreement made between the abovesaid generals commanding and his excellency, the governor and captain-general of the royal audiencia of these islands, who declares himself by his own act the governor and captain-general of all the islands, without any authority, and is now a declared rebel and disobedient to the two majesties in the said districts." if the natives behave peacefully, no violence will be shown them, but if they obstinately continue to follow anda, they will be treated as rebels.] [an order of anda, dated bacolor, november 11, provides for the safe arrival of the chinese vessels which will come for the trade at the regular time of the monsoon, and the boat commanded by antonio pacheco which has been trading in china. the alcalde-mayor of the province of zambales is ordered to set a sentinel at cape bolinao, in order that he may give advice of the coming of any boat, so that it may be warned not to enter the bay of manila, now in the control of the english, but to go to the province of cagayan instead, where the chinese can hold their fair. the abovesaid alcalde-mayor is to provide for the sentinels, eight in number (two of them corporals) who are to be given the same rations as those of the island of corregidor. eight soldiers (two of them corporals) who are to be furnished in connection with this duty by the alcalde-mayor of pangasinan are to be provided for by the latter at the royal expense from the coffers of that province.] [from bacolor, anda addresses a letter to "governors of the natives, officials of justice and war, chiefs, cabezas de barangay, and all the natives of the village of binalotongan, in the province of pangazam," under date of november 18. he has been informed by their alcalde-mayor and the provincial vicar, andres melendez, o.p., of the village of lingayen, that they had revolted, and that, in order to quiet them, certain demands, which they had made, had been granted for the present in a signed paper. now, if ever, when the country is beset with foreign foes, is their perfect loyalty needed. in regard to the signed paper, anda declares that they ought not to make use of, but rather, burn it. that they be excused from paying the rest of the tribute due from them, until anda and the government be again in manila, is preposterous. that demand shows that they believe that the government will not have the strength to reëstablish itself there. now, indeed, they ought to aid with more than the tribute, which is their recognition of vassalage to the spanish monarch, in fact, with their lives, possessions, and services, but nothing more than the tribute due is asked from them. all the other villages pay the tribute. two regiments of tagálogs and pampangos are being formed to defend the country against the english, with their own arms and the king's pay. their village alone has complained, and is become a reproach to the others, which look askance at it. anda is certain that they will desist from their attempts and contribute the rest of their tribute. another of the points in the paper that was signed is that they have demanded the dismissal of two cabezas de barangay, who they declare have shamed them when their first petition was presented in the tribunal; but anda does not even know what the petition was nor how they were shamed. they ought to present their case in the regular way, and not forcibly dismiss the two cabezas de barangay. let them be restored to their places and their petition filed before anda, who promises to judge it rightly. they have also asked that neither the prison guard of four men whom they were bound to furnish, nor a money equivalent for their services if they were not furnished, be longer demanded. that is a great abuse, and cannot be allowed. their contention that no justice should be appointed who does not come from their midst, anda approves. if the paper was signed through fear of arms and in order to quiet them, it is null and void, and he who holds it is in danger of being regarded as a traitor. anda asks them to send him the paper in order that he may destroy it, and to thus prove their loyalty. the troops of bulacan and pampanga are about to take the field against the english. anda had intended to ask them, but recent developments have decided against it. [92]] [a communication from anda, dated bacolor, december 21, recites the conditions of pardon for the sangleys of guagua concerned in the conspiracy of the day before. [93] these are as follows: 1. surrender of all their arms, and examination of their houses, without any resistance. 2. married sangleys in the villages of the province to be restored to their houses, if not in too great number. 3. both married and single sangleys of guagua to move with families and possessions to places indicated by government. 4. must not keep arms henceforth, nor go the villages of lubao, guagua, sesmoan, [94] and mecabebe, as those places are the keys of the province. 5. must take out necessary and usual licenses. certain captains are ordered to inform the sangleys of these conditions, and to examine the houses in search of hidden arms which are to be confiscated. a classified register of all chinese by villages is to be made; and for the present soldiers are to be quartered on them. on the twenty-second, the governor of the village of apalit is ordered to go immediately in pursuit of the sangleys who fled from guagua, and in case of resistance and refusal to surrender to kill them all. if they surrender, they are to be taken to bacolor. the same order is given to the governors of calumpit, hagonoy, and malolos. on the same date, the governor of guagua is ordered to forbid the sale of nipa wine and destroy all found in the taverns, in order to avoid the possibility of drunkenness and offenses against god, especially now "when it is feared that the sangleys are coming from manila with the english, according to the treaty which the latter have made with the sangleys of this province." [a series of documents dated december 22, 23, 27, 30, and 31, 1762, and february 4, 1763, treat of the sangley conspiracy in the province in conjunction with the english and the sangleys of the parián of manila and the terrible vengeance taken. anda informs all the officials and people of the province of pampanga of the discovery of the conspiracy a few days before it was to be sprung. this was to have been on christmas eve, when many people would be engaged in their devotions and others would be celebrating by becoming intoxicated. the chinese of the province, together with about one thousand others from the parián, were to kill right and left and thus prepare the way for the entrance of the english. on being discovered, the chinese make a stand on the twentieth of december, but are forced to flee refusing the promises of safety if they laid down their arms. the officials are ordered to watch carefully and kill all the chinese they can find; and not allow the sale of wine. the ecclesiastics are also warned to keep a strict watch and not to open their churches on christmas eve, without placing guards. the vengeance taken on the chinese captured is terrible, for one hundred and eighty-one of them are killed or commit suicide, as is testified by captain balthasar casal. for the future most strict measures are to be taken in regard to the chinese in the province, and many restrictions are imposed upon them, in order that they may constantly be kept under the close surveillance of the authorities.] [an edict, signed by drake, brook, and others, of the british government, on january 23, 1763, offers a reward of five thousand pesos for the capture of anda, inasmuch as, assisted by various ecclesiastics, he continues hostile to the british government, and is inciting the natives of bulacan and pampanga provinces against it, stipulation being made that anda is not to be killed. those natives who leave anda's faction will be allowed freedom of worship, and exemption from the tribute and from personal services. the ecclesiastics, all of whom are considered as vassals of great britain, will be punished, severely if they refuse to cease their disturbances. [95]] [anda writes (probably in january or the early part of february, 1763) to the manila cabildo and merchants, stating that he has just heard that the archbishop is discussing with the british the sending of a trading ship to nueva espana. since this is not a proper procedure, anda considers it his duty to require a stop put to it, and orders it to be strictly forbidden for the following reasons: 1. the ship cannot be sent with a legitimate register, by the english, as a state of war exists with them, nor by the archbishop, as he is not governor. 2. trade between england and the philippines is forbidden even in times of peace, as is also trade by way of the south sea. 3. what merchandise is taken will be that of the enemy, as the spanish merchants of the philippines are in no condition to send goods, and it is not proper to send the goods of an enemy under pretext that they are those legitimately belonging to the city. 4. the privilege of trade granted to manila has ceased since manila has passed to another government, and cannot be regained until regulations are passed in favor of the rest of the islands which are still loyal. 5. the word of honor given to the british was only not to take up arms against them, and they owe nothing else to them, and hence, can and should remain loyal to spain. consequently, this effort should be resisted as strongly as possible.] [on february 12, anda addresses a long and most bitter and denunciatory letter to the archbishop, accusing him of connivance with the british, and the utter disregard of spanish interests. he reminds the archbishop again that he has assumed the office of governor in accordance with certain laws in the recopilación. the archbishop must cease his disloyal practices, which are prejudicial to the rights of those domains and the irreparable loss of the inhabitants. through his folly, manila was taken by assault, and then the fort of santiago surrendered without a blow. to this is added the disastrous sack which lasted longer than the time allowed by the rules of war; with its accompanying evils of bloodshed, violations of the women, and profanation of the churches. all this instead of causing the sentiment of pity in the breast of the archbishop, has caused him to rejoice in the success of the british. he has ceded the islands as if they were his own property, or as if he had authority to do so, thus failing in his oath to defend the government. the four million pesos which he has promised, has also been in contravention of right. both the cession and the promise of the indemnity are null and void. the british threat to take vengeance on the spaniards if their demands were not met, was a boast that would not have been carried out. the fort of cavite could have been defended for it was in good condition, but it was handed over without any attempt at defense. this would have saved great trouble, and consultation between the two crowns would have been unnecessary had it not been done. the british now demand the cession of all the islands, but that could have been avoided, as anda is governor, not he. the archbishop has been guilty of usurping a title and office that do not belong to him, but to anda, in view of developments at manila. he has endeavored to cause anda to retire to manila, and abandon the defense, even sending him a passport for that purpose--a most base attempt. he has sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor to have the spaniards, who have withdrawn from manila, return thither, his object being to have them give their word of honor to the british, a course that will necessarily weaken the spanish defense of the provinces. he has secured food and supplies for the british, and has induced certain chinese from a trading champan to settle in the parián, in order that the british may have greater strength. he has endeavored to dislodge the augustinians, who side with anda, [96] from their villages and supply their place with seculars. he has done these things to curry favor with the british and through his vanity and love of figuring. lastly, he is attempting to have a ship sent to nueva espana to trade at acapulco. but this is clearly against all right, for the only goods that would be sent would be english, and besides, since manila and cavite are now virtually british colonies, all commerce between them and the spanish-american possessions is forbidden, a fact still further enforced by the condition of war now prevailing. the poverty of the spaniards, with the assault and sack, does not allow them to ship any goods at present. anda earnestly urges the archbishop to cease all his disloyal practices else he threatens to cry him as a traitor to the king and an ally of the english.] [the jesuit provincial bernardo pazuengos, [97] who claims to be sent by the english governor of manila, asks for secret audience with anda at apalit, february 26. this being granted on the afternoon of that day, no results are obtained for the provincial can show no written credentials authorizing him as envoy, claiming that he has been appointed and empowered only verbally, and ordered to treat secretly with anda. he claims not to know in what light anda is regarded by the british governor--whether as the legitimate governor or as an usurper.] [the archbishop writes to anda, under date of march 21, informing him of the arrest of villacorta on account of his communication with anda (his letters having been seized), and that the sentence of death has been passed upon him, because he has broken his word of honor. other spaniards, some of them religious, have also been arrested. he asks that the disturbances among the natives cease, and that they be instructed in their religious duties and in loyalty, and resume their work. [98] he writes this letter in his ecclesiastical character in his solicitude for the souls of his flock. the archbishop is doing his best in behalf of villacorta. [99]] [in answer to this letter anda writes a long and bitter reply. although he says that the archbishop's letter merits no answer for its lack of courtesy, yet he answers it in hopes that the archbishop may see the error of his ways. he recalls to the latter's memory that he was appointed visitor general of the islands, with the real mission of protecting them if the english captured manila, and in case such happened, he was to write to the bishops, prelates of the religious orders, and the alcaldes-mayor, urging and ordering them to defend the islands and the catholic religion. accordingly, he did so on the fall of manila, and received enthusiastic support from ecclesiastics, officials, and natives. [100] the archbishop has, on the contrary, endeavored to influence the prelates, religious, and natives to submit to the british, so that one might imagine that he has lost his wits. he has written anda to retire to manila and leave the government of the provinces to the enemy, but the english will be entirely wiped out if they do not relinquish their ideas, for they cannot settle themselves firmly in the islands. santiago orendain [101] as well as the archbishop has played into the hands of the british; and because anda has not fallen in with their ideas he has been branded as a traitor and rebel. the archbishop has influenced the british against anda, and they recognizing the opportunity to create civil war in the islands have proceeded against the latter. the british have also made an offensive and defensive alliance with the king of joló, [102] but the archbishop has offered no serious objection to such a procedure, which is to make war upon the catholic religion, for it will inundate the islands with mahometans, in addition to the english protestants. this is opposed to the treaty between the joloans and spaniards, as well as to the agreements made between the english and spaniards. the english answer the archbishop's letter of protest of such an alliance by saying that the spaniards have failed to keep their promise; whereat the archbishop, instead of declaring a holy war, and calling on the people to defend their religion with their lives, accepts the situation. the english have profaned the churches, but the archbishop has done nothing. the manner in which the archbishop protected the notorious criminal orendain in the meeting of the audiencia, when his violent language attracted the attention of citizens, left much room for doubt as to his sanity. anda continues as follows with a harsh attack on the archbishop, which although possibly too violent, throws much light on the life of the times:] the memory of that letter, which your excellency wrote to the bishop of zebù, when the latter was president, governor, and captain-general of these islands, does not fail to corroborate this idea [i.e., of the archbishop's sanity]. in that letter you advised him that in order that you might undertake to consecrate him, he must first assure your excellency, among other things, that he would not hold dances of women and men in the palace, as that was entirely opposed to modesty, prudence, and a delicate conscience of bishops, as well as outside the object of the consecration. that advice was very worthy of praise, although it would appear that it was idle and could have been excused because of the solid virtue and religious conduct of señor espeleta. but (oh human misery and weakness!) your excellency did not practice that healthful counsel in the celebration of the patronage of our lady of guadalupe. for, to the universal confusion and laughter of all your flock, and of the respect due to your exalted dignity, your excellency invited to your palace, all the ladies of distinction and the women of the lower class, in order that they might celebrate said festivity with contradances, fandangos, and other dances, which lasted on different nights from six in the evening until one or two in the morning; and those ladies made use of your excellency's privy and bedroom for that indecent although natural easing of the body. neither was your excellency dissuaded by the consideration that during the carnival days of the year 1762, you preached, as a good shepherd and vigilant prelate, against dancing, portraying with just arguments the spiritual risks and ruin which followed from it and especially from those dances in which the dancers hold one anothers' hands and clasp arms, as well as from those which caused some immodest movements; and yet, it was public and notorious that on the night preceding said sermon and on the following night, your excellency had in your palace the greatest concourse of men and women of all classes ever seen in manila, and the same women whom your excellency chid in the pulpit, and [whose procedure you] considered as an action very near to spiritual ruin, were incessantly engaged in dancing. it is worth noting that some ladies excused themselves from attending said party, and you expressed your indignation, saying that you would compel them to attend such functions. equally, or much more, is this idea confirmed by the reflection of what happened in cavite, on the occasion of your excellency having gone to inspect the keel of a ship which was to be constructed; for under this pretext, your excellency invited and even compelled many ladies of manila to go to said port, where, and on distinct nights, your excellency made the round of the village amid fine music and ladies, inciting the latter to sing the chairo, the forito, and other profane songs, interpolating them with the most holy rosary which was recited in the church, and after the round, the abovesaid dances were held at your excellency's lodging, and you presided at all parts of it, inciting them like the worst pander and dancing director. thus, your excellency, not only were some of the ladies ashamed of your excesses, but it is also apparent to me that the ecclesiastics--seculars and regulars--of said port were scandalized, and entirely trustworthy and prudent persons assert that the repair of the spiritual damage which you caused by your bad example would cost great labor; and if the mention of it to you by your subjects can avail for your conversion and repentance, i am ready to do it, for the sake of your soul. what shall i say, then, of what happened in your excellency's apartments in the hamlet of nagtaja, where for the space of all one summer, of last year, there was no let up of music and dancing until daybreak, and banquets of men and women, that in order that the latter might take their siestas, they made use of your excellency's apartments, obliging you to leave them, although not to so great a distance that they did not discommode you? and it is quite worth noting that at the same time that your excellency was occupied and dazzled in these festivities, so opposed to your character [of your office], the english were planning the conquest of manila, and with it the ruin of all the islands. consider, now, your excellency, in view of the above, whether such procedures and conduct in a prelate, of the truth of which there cannot be the slightest doubt, are those of one who is in the possession of his right senses. [the archbishop's letters have no effect and fail of their purpose when events prove that he does quite the contrary to what he writes and preaches and counsels. experience shows that he is making use of apparently virtuous means to deliver the islands over to calvinism and lutheranism; and that would inevitably have happened had not anda instituted a vigorous defense, aided by the bishops and other pious and loyal spaniards and natives, all of whom recognize the legitimacy of his government and deny all the authority of the archbishop and orendain. anda is sorry for the plight in which villacorta is, and would aid him if he could, but if such aid must be at the expense of the islands, then he will not move in his defense--which he would not do for anyone, not even his own parents. he will take full vengeance for it later. however, he believes that the english are but making use of the archbishop in order to secure a suspension of hostilities. besides, he can do nothing toward bringing about peace if he is a declared traitor and rebel, and even if the enemy recognize him as true governor, he cannot have anything to do with such proposals unless they are made to him in writing and in due form. this matter of villacorta is only a pretext to make anda hated by the people, and a scheme by which the english can gain possession of the provinces. in all their machinations they have made use of the archbishop to aid them to gain their ends. when the fort of santiago was surrendered to the british, a verbal agreement was made with general draper by the archbishop "that the persons, wealth, and possessions of all the persons in said fort were to be free, as were also the wealth and possessions of those in the city, with the sole difference that the latter were to be prisoners; that the practice of religion and the exercise of its tribunals were also to continue in the same manner as before the capture of the city, commerce also being free, etc." the british have, however, not kept this agreement, and the archbishop justly treated them at that time as robbers and pirates. but if that was so in october how can the archbishop now aid or abet them in the ruin of the islands, and draining the treasury, city, churches, and pious funds, besides giving warrants for two million pesos on the king--and all this without any opposition. with the sack and the capture of the "santisima trinidad," a sum greater than the four million pesos unjustly demanded has been raised. how can they expect villacorta to keep his word of honor, which it was unnecessary for him to give as he was in the fort? if he gave such word it was under compulsion. all this should be represented by the archbishop to the judges who condemned villacorta. anda earnestly entreats the latter to reform in his manner of living, and to cease his excesses. [103]] letter from the castellan of cavite, monsieur brerreton, to the insurgent of ylocos, diego silang. [104] my dear sir: yesterday the governor handed me the letter which your grace was pleased to send him, in which your grace promises to be loyal to his sacred majesty, the king of gran bretaña, my master. you may believe, don diego, that your letter gave me especial pleasure and great joy--so much so that i resolved to send you one of his majesty's ships under my command, in order to assure your grace of my protection, and aid in the name of my master, against the common enemy, españa. i have been very sensible of the many injuries which your grace has suffered under the tyrannical government of the spaniards; but 1 am very pleased to know that your grace has opened your eyes, and that your grace will strengthen and encourage your people to humiliate the sovereignty of so cruel a nation. for motives of this nature, the king my master drew his sword in defense of his vassals, and of other nations, his allies, who suffered the lash of the spanish tyranny in different parts of the world. your grace can rest assured of the consideration of the king my master, when he learns of your grace's loyalty and the injuries which your grace and good compatriots have suffered from the hand of the one by whom you ought to have been protected and aided, from the general whom his majesty despatched, together with the admiral. on the general's return he will give information of the conquest of these islands, and is well instructed to represent to his majesty the completely favorable attitude of the natives of them. the admiral went with the greater part of the squadron to protect the dominions along the coast and yndia. he has left me particular instructions to cultivate harmonious relations and friendship with the province of ylocos and the other nations of the north. i am sorry that i have not paid your grace a visit, but important business has prevented me. however, your grace can rest assured that i shall be most vigilant in extending help to you. in a short time, your grace will have troops and war supplies. this despatch is to assure your grace of our friendship and my satisfaction at receiving your letter, and because of your loyalty. in order that your grace may communicate it to all the people, especially to those under your command, i am sending your grace a small bronze cannon in token of affection. i hope that the provinces of pangazinan and cagayan will soon follow your worthy example and tear off the chains of spanish slavery. i am also sending your grace the edict published by the two leaders of sea and land, when we conquered our enemy. for my part i assure you that i shall religiously observe it, and i invite you when time permits, to despatch your boats to this capital, where they will be welcomed for their trade. the bearer of this letter is a captain in his britannic majesty's service, and he will inform your grace of particulars. hence, i shall not go to great length to repeat, with my accustomed sincerity, that i shall employ all my strength in your defense, in order that your grace may free yourself from the spanish yoke. i shall not cease to beseech god, our lord, to preserve your grace for many years. manila, may 6, 1763. [105] b. brerreton [addressed: "to don diego silang, alcalde-mayor and war-captain for his majesty in the province of ylocos."] [under date of march (sic in original; may?) 15, the british commander of the forces in manila, roberto eduardo fell, writes anda, asking him to see to it that acts of barbarism and cruelty such as have been practiced by anda's troops against the british, on many occasions, be discontinued. he denies that the british soldiers have broken the laws of warfare, and during the sack, many officers tried to restrain them at the risk of their own lives, while the spanish troops have on the contrary fired more than once at the white flag, thus not adhering to the honorable conduct of spaniards in europe. he does not ask for discontinuance of the war, but only observance of the common humanities of war.] [anda answers the preceding letter on the twenty-first of may, in which he deals at length with the charges of inhumanity and cruelty made against the spaniards by fell, and in sarcastic terms makes counter charges of cruelty and lack of good faith on the part of the english. "manila," he says, "was lost, because it was poorly defended, the citadel because it was basely surrendered, as was also the port of cavite; and not because there was a lack of brave spaniards, but because they had the misfortune not to have a leader to manage them, with less ignominy, disorder, and confused foresight, than those displayed by the archbishop." after the english entered by assault, they committed many acts of cruelty, killing often without quarter. the english have not always respected the white flag, and have used it for unlawful purposes, such as sending an officer into the spanish camp to offer amnesty and pardon to deserters if they would return to their companies. when anda was as yet without troops or weapons, the english proscribed him as a traitor, and put a price on his capture, alive or dead. since the english have acted thus inhumanely toward him, is anda obliged to regard the laws of warfare? anda refers to a british edict of may 17 which he says appears to be in the same hand as the letter received from fell. such a thing does not argue for the good faith of the english. [106] anda denies in heated terms charges of personal cruelty and encouragement of inhumanity and cruelty. he has used his efforts to restrain his men, especially the natives who are barbarously inclined. he has even offered a reward of five hundred pesos for each english officer captured alive and brought in living.] [a manifesto or edict published by the british government in manila under date of june 6, and sent to anda, "former auditor of the royal audiencia and supposed governor of the filipinas islands," threshes the whole matter over again. the acts of the british are carefully excused of all cruelty, while on the other hand, the inhumanity and cruelty of anda and his troops are proved clearly to the satisfaction of the english. the latter are called pirates and robbers by anda, but the term is misapplied; for the british did not take a just vengeance for the death of one of their officers who was killed under the white flag. anda has been, and is, a rebel to the king of spain, for he has not regarded the commands of the archbishop, the rightly constituted spanish representative of spanish sovereignty. the archbishop has never made public the commission with which anda claims that he left the city. what more are anda's men than canaille (a name to which anda objects), for they are rebels to the proper authority, and are made up of vagabond indians, robbers, and murderers, and some few deserters who are captained by some irreligious friars, and some persons who broke their word of honor not to take up arms against the british? anda has not scrupled to reward murderers by political offices and money. the british manifesto offers five thousand pesos for the capture of anda, but stipulates that he is to be kept alive. anda is trying to seduce the natives and set them against peace and order. if his armed bands continue, it will result in the shedding of much blood and in the destruction of the country, for anda can never drive out and defeat the english, and reconquer manila. even if the city is returned to the spaniards, it must either be left to the natives or reconquered from them by the spanish king. auditor galban, the fiscal, leandro viana, and the marquis of monte castro, and many others, have broken their word of honor and have gone over to anda. this is a violation of a most sacred oath. it cannot be excused by saying that the british have broken their promises, for their promises had nothing to do with the word of honor given by the spanish prisoners of war. anda is breaking the rights of nations by receiving and welcoming such violators of their word. even villacorta, the only auditor who remains in the city, has long been holding traitorous communications with the rebels. [107] in spite of all these things, and the non-fulfilment of the spaniards to pay the two million pesos in cash of the four settled upon for their ransom (failing even to pay the one million which the british consented to take in cash, because the spaniards have not given as freely as they can), the british have ever treated them with the honor characteristic of the english nation. the peace of the islands has been prevented by the conduct of the spaniards.] [letters from anda to bishop bernardo ustariz and the people of the province of ilocos in general, respectively dated june 13, and 12, return thanks for the victory over the insurgent silang, and mention the celebrations with solemn mass that have been held in bacolor. the indult issued by the bishop to the ilocans is approved. pedro bicbic, the chief justice, and miguel vicos, are especially thanked for their part in the victory and remuneration will be made to them. for the present, the bishop is to have charge of civil affairs in the province. the arms taken from silang and distributed by the bishop to the loyal ilocans are given them as their own; and report is to be made the king, so that he may fittingly reward them.] [anda writes to the archbishop under date of july 29, refusing to assent to the truce offered by the latter between anda and the british, and which the archbishop declares to have been arranged for between the sovereigns. anda demands that communications of such a nature must be made him directly by the british authorities and not through the archbishop, whom he cannot trust, and who is, besides, a prisoner. indeed, the archbishop has no business to meddle with the matter at all. anda distrusts the sincerity of the british, and suspects some plot to invade his territory. the archbishop should be mindful of the verbal agreement which he himself made with general draper when he surrendered the fort of santiago, and how it was completely disregarded. anda insists on official recognition and the drawing up of documents that can be used as proof of any negotiations entered into between himself and the british.] [the british in manila publish an edict on september 19, declaring anda responsible for any further bloodshed because of his disregard of the news of the suspension of hostilities, as arranged between the deputies of the two sovereigns. the first news of the suspension was brought by a ship from madras on july 23, 1763, and was sent forthwith to anda by the archbishop. the preliminaries of peace, signed by each side, were brought from the same port on august 26. but although anda was also informed of this immediately, he has paid no attention to it, and has steadfastly dared to violate the orders of his sovereign. hence, if he does not acquiesce in the suspension, he, or any of his adherents, will be attacked, wherever met, with arms; and at the first opportunity, information regarding his obstinacy and arrogancy will be sent to spain. [108]] [in regard to the alleged suspension of hostilities by the british, anda issues two edicts or proclamations, dated september 28, and october 24, respectively. he complains that he has not been treated by the invaders as rightful governor, and that no legitimate messages have been transmitted to him. the attempt of the british is to inflame the natives against him by a system of trickery. to publish a suspension of hostilities, and then to commit all sorts of excesses (as the english have done) is hardly sincere. anda issues these proclamations in order that the people may not be deceived by the trickery and double-dealing of the enemy.] [the wrongs inflicted by the english, in which are included excesses and outrages of all sorts, form the subject of anda's letter of november 2, to thomas becus [backhouse], commander-in-chief of the british forces. several instances of the cruelty of the soldiers are mentioned, especially those in which no quarter has been shown to spaniards who have surrendered. although the british have published a suspension of hostilities they have continued to commit all manner of outrages, such as robbery, arson, bribery, etc., and anda has been informed of this suspension only extra-officially. the cannons and war supplies of manila and cavite have been despoiled unlawfully, for these places are held by the british forces only for the time being and all their effects are on deposit. [109] anda asks becus to use his influence in restraining these outrages, and to urge the matter properly with his government. he protests against the payment of salaries on the spanish royal account by the british for such expenses have been met from the situado annually sent to the islands; and some that have been paid are unauthorized. his last proclamation is enclosed, and the british are asked to act honorably and cease all excesses. especially do the spanish loyalists wish to have the british officer slay [110] delivered to them for proper punishment, for he has been most guilty and brutal in his overstepping of civilized warfare.] [in his reply to the preceding letter (november 22), the english commandant shows himself to be more of a diplomat than major fell. he writes in a conciliatory, yet firm tone, and in a far different spirit than former english letters. he insists that justice has been the keynote of the english government since he has taken command of its forces during the past month. had he commanded in place of major fell (whom he does not like), and had any outrages been committed by his soldiers, they would have been punished. he is opposed to war, but recognizes therein, his responsibility for his own orders. only after receiving anda's letter has he learned that the cannon and supplies of manila have been removed and carried to madras. they will be replaced, if an order to that effect is received from the king. anda's complaints would have had more weight had he consented to observe the truce arranged between the two sovereigns; but his threats of vengeance are not quite in good point, especially since the truth that the treaty has been ratified is proved. becus deprecates the possibility of civil war between the factions of the archbishop and anda. it would be better for all to join forces and improve the condition of the country. the british troops will soon leave manila, and it will be wise for all to avoid civil war. the outrages committed in santa cruz and in its environs were by bands of ladrones who called themselves anda's men. [111] they have committed wanton destruction of property, and have been guilty of torture and murder. he justifies his sending military detachments outside manila for food supplies, as self preservation is the first requisite the world over. the rupees, some of which have been put into circulation, are of more value than the peso, and of better quality, and there is no need to withdraw them. there has been no false coinage except by some chinese who have been hanged. he challenges anda to prove that bribery and corruption are common, and that he has refused justice to spaniard or native. he would be glad of an interview with anda.] [anda replies in a short paper of january 23, 1764, to the preliminaries of peace submitted to him by the british commandant. he outlines his position, and his right to the title of governor and captain-general, and presents objections to some of the articles.] [an edict published by anda, january 24, 1764, states that when the british give truthful declaration that they will abide exactly by articles 21 and 22 of the peace preliminaries that have been signed between the english and spanish, and which relate to the evacuation of the places occupied by the former, then hostilities will cease, and the british will be given all necessary help in their transportation. but until such time, the war will continue.] [anda writes a letter to the english governor drake, in which he indignantly refuses to believe the assurances of the latter as to his humane proceedings, and accuses him of citing instances of cruelty to spaniards and natives, profanation of churches, and other atrocities. he knows this because he has seen it himself in the provinces where he has been. drake's actions, leveled also against those of his own nation, who would have been humane and obedient to the orders of their sovereign, are those of a pirate and traitor, and such as befit barbarians.] [in a note addressed to the british military and civil chiefs of manila, january 28, anda cites two clauses of the treaty of february 10, 1763, made between the english and spanish. article 22 provides: "that all the countries and territories that might have been gained by conquest in any part of the world, either by the arms of his britannic and most faithful majesty, or by those of his most christian and catholic majesty, which are not comprehended in the present articles, article of cession, or article of restitution, shall be returned without raising any difficulty, and without asking compensation." article 22 provided that restitution and evacuation of places that might have been captured in the east indies were to be made within six months. that time, declares anda, was in august, 1763, yet the british still hold manila and cavite, and if they do not leave in the next month, they must remain until the monsoon of 1765. he earnestly asks that the terms of the treaty be observed, and all hostilities suspended. in such case, the british will be furnished with food and all necessary supplies at a just price; otherwise hostilities will continue. a vigorous protest is made of all the damage occasioned by silang and other insurgents in the provinces who have been aided by the british. following this note, anda addresses another to the same officials february 3, citing article i of the peace preliminaries, to the effect that orders will be sent to the three powers to suspend hostilities, and that passports will be given to the ships of the three powers that are to be despatched to bear the news of the treaties of the three powers. but since such orders have not been received by the royal audiencia, they have no authority to cease the war unless the british agree to certain proposals of the royal audiencia.] [march 9, a note from the british officials to anda (in which he is addressed by his proper titles in full), [112] informs him of the arrival of an english vessel from fort st. george with the definitive treaty, [113] of which a copy will be sent him as soon as possible. the british are ordered to return to the coromandel coast, and intend to do so if the monsoon permits. [114] in order that anda may aid so far as possible, they ask provision of seven or eight thousand cavans of rice and other provisions and supplies in proportion. a note from anda of the same date, states that he was about to send his agents to manila, but was holding them until receiving the copy of the treaty above-mentioned. these agents will have power to treat on all matters. anda would go himself, but necessary business renders it impossible. on the tenth, anda writes again to the effect that he will facilitate the furnishing of supplies to the british as far as possible. he will appoint persons to arrange details of the delivery of manila and cavite, though the delivery itself is to be made to the troops in military style. [115] another note from anda on the same date, announces that he has appointed the treasurer, nicólas echauz, sargento-mayor francisco salgado, and the infantry captains, mariano thobias and raymundo español, to formally receive the effects of manila and cavite, and to treat of other points that may arise.] rojo's narrative relation of the operations of the archbishop of manila, governor and captain-general of the philipinas, during the time of his government, of the measures taken during the time of the siege or blockade by the english of the capital of manila, of its capture by assault, of the events which followed this unfortunate occurrence. written for the defense of his fame and name which were abused and trampled under foot by envy through its calumnies, injuries, and reproaches by word and writing in letters and great libels. [the archbishop [116] begins his relation with a short introduction, in which he states that his defense against the libels that have been published against him will consist of a synopsis or summary of his deeds while archbishop and governor, and of events during the english siege and invasion. he considers the libels themselves as unworthy an answer in kind and hence will not satisfy an idle curiosity to such an extent; and even if the charges made against him were true, to defend himself so, would only increase the scandal. he is answerable for his errors, not to the ignorant crowd, but to his king, and to the learned and prudent men of the spanish nation.] part first. of the operations of the archbishop during the time of his government of the islands. [the archbishop finds it necessary to refer to the events of this period as some of them are connected with the events of the two following periods; and because complaints have been made of him. the first thing noted is the peace that the archbishop brought about in the ranks of the augustinians who had split up into various factions, and who had sought the aid of the law. he also heals the breach between the visitor and the provincial of the recollects, first succeeding in getting a peaceful entry for the visitor. one of the matters under the latter's jurisdiction having been settled in favor of the defendant, a religious, whom the order had condemned and deprived of honor, the breach opens again, but is finally settled by a council of dominican and augustinian religious, the visitor, the provincial and definitors of the recollects. by the ship "philipino," the archbishop asks the viceroy of mexico for one hundred soldiers, but asks him not to send criminals or evil-minded men. he asks also that fifty thousand pesos of the annual situado be in small change in order to replace the clipped coin in circulation and also to prevent further counterfeiting, which is so widespread. he also turns his attention to the troops, appointing officers and opening a recruiting station. he sends one hundred soldiers to zamboanga, as well as the annual supplies, including two thousand pesos extra. eighty soldiers are sent to the province of caraga which has been ravaged by the moros of late. these are in command of nicolas norton, [117] an englishman, who has become a naturalized spaniard. the latter is commissioned to cultivate spice and cinnamon, the working of which he understands thoroughly. with him goes a recollect missionary to attend to spiritual matters, and good results are promised to christianity. the new bishop of zebù is despatched to his diocese, taking with him six thousand pesos of the funds of that bishopric, which has been adjudged him by the audiencia. [118] the archbishop has a part in the pacification of bohol through the above bishop and the alcalde-mayor newly appointed to that province. [119] they succeed in reducing the chief insurgent dagahoy and three thousand men, after the province had been in rebellion for over fourteen years, during which two jesuits have been killed. "at the beginning of the archbishop's term of government, a contagious epidemic of smallpox showed and declared itself, which had stealthily and slowly gained a foothold in the city and spread rapidly through the villages in its environs, without escaping little or big of the very great population of the natives." the archbishop meets the issue by various spiritual and temporal measures, detailing ecclesiastical ministers to administer the sacraments, in which both regulars and jesuits aid manfully. "a holy field was assigned for burials, because of the horror caused by the dead in the churches, and to prevent the pest from spreading because of the stench. he appointed four deputies from the regidors, and a like number from the ecclesiastical cabildo with instructions and orders which he gave to attend to all the necessities of the poor and sick." he gives these men one thousand pesos of his own income, and various sums resulting from fines, especially from play (more than two thousand pesos) for the charitable work. a council of physicians is called to write a prescription which is posted up in all the churches of the villages and in other public places. the archbishop keeps a sharp eye on temporal and spiritual matters, during the entire time of the epidemic. the general calamity is still further heightened by a violent typhoon which occurs on october 12 of this year, when the epidemic is at its worst. relief to both is accorded through the many supplications made to heaven. the epidemic spreading through the provinces, the measures for spiritual and temporal relief are extended thither. in the middle of the month of december the archbishop begins to suffer from a disease of the eyes which lasts for more than two months, which obliges him to use a signet seal instead of writing his name, in order that the business of the country might not cease. january 20, the anniversary of the birth of the king is held with great solemnity, and despite his affliction, the archbishop fulfils his share in the ceremonial celebrations. it is learned that auditor francisco villacorta has not been present at the celebration because his carriage has been detained at the palace-door leading to the living apartments of the governor, and where the archbishop-governor has prohibited entrance on account of his illness, the audiencia using the other or general door. as punishment for his non-attendance he is ordered to remain a prisoner in his house and threatened with a fine. this gives occasion for a breach between the official and the archbishop-governor. in the following month are held the celebrations in honor of our lady of guadalupe, the ceremonies being both ecclesiastical and social. [120] among the latter are three afternoons given up to bullfights, "which was properly an entertainment, without any fear of danger, for the bulls hereabout are not courageous and fierce like those of both españas," and anyone could indulge in the sport, even the unskilled. there are also musical entertainments and dancing which are designed chiefly for the ladies. the illness of the archbishop, however, compels him to hold aloof from the celebration. during lent and the three days of jubilee in honor of the coronation of the pope, the proper ceremonies are observed, but the archbishop's illness allows him to take but little part in them.] 16. since the archbishop assumed the responsibility, at the beginning of his government, of the many measures which were necessary for the fulfilment of that post, among various others to which he attended, he set his gaze and hand to the navy which was both in a backward state and important. he immediately endeavored to get boats, and was able to purchase three galleys--one a large one, and two small--and two champans. he gave order and money to the new alcalde-mayor of pangasinan for two galleys and two champans; to the alcalde-mayor of sorsogon for two more galleys, and sent him a shipbuilder; to the alcalde-mayor of orani and zambales order and money for a like number of the above-mentioned boats. since he also had an order from his majesty to construct two fragatas of fifty cannons, this was the chief thing to which he turned his attention. having been informed of the great amount of wood which had been collected for this purpose by mariscal arandia, in the two cuttings which he had ordered in various places, and that said wood was for the most part used, and that at the moment of the conclusion of his government, his successor had had the cutting stopped, the archbishop again established them, in the districts which were found to be most suitable. consequently, methodically and economically, the necessary timber was collected for a fragata, and the speedy sending of a like amount or more for the other fragata. [all the preparations having been made, the work is started in the shipyards at cavite, whither the archbishop goes in person. in that city he is royally entertained by the castellan of the fort, two bullfights being arranged for him, and musical concerts being given nightly during the five or six days of his stay there. the archbishop while there spends his time as follows: in the morning he celebrates mass, and goes to others attended by his suite, among whom are manuel galban, the auditor, and francisco viana, the fiscal; visits the royal storehouses, and the walls which are being repaired; during the remainder of the afternoon, if there is time, he visits the environs of the village; and at the time of the angelus goes to the church where there is music. thence, preceded by the musicians, he goes to his apartments where he listens to a concert until nine, at which hour he sups. many complaints are made of this, as well as of the festivities in the palace at manila and the time which he spends in his summer residence of nagtahan, where he passes the hot months, namely, april, may, and a part of june. by his efforts to construct a navy, the archbishop believes that he is doing his duty. he plans to restrain the moros from their raids, and has the coasts of the visayan islands guarded.] 19. ... but the embassy of the sultan of mindanao happening to come almost at the same time as that of ba[n]tilan, who is governing the islands of the sultan of jolo, [121] both with propositions of peace, and of valuable conditions, it was becoming very apparent that many advantages would accrue to our side, and the hostility of the moros be kept in check. 20. in regard to what was advised and ordered by his majesty, the archbishop received these two embassies, and that from jolo, with the previous consent and pleasure of the king of said island, don fernando i, who was greatly obliged by this attention, as well as by others which the archbishop had observed toward him. for the archbishop had given him a house and a carriage within the city, and had taken him from the most unworthy lodgings where he lived in the royal fort, because of having recognized the need of repairing it and having begun said work. 21. the ambassador or envoy from bantilan incited said don fernando to petition and repeat his writings to the archbishop, so that his cause which had been so long delayed might be reviewed. this cause was so foggy and laden with many knotty and ancient points which having been examined and an extract having been made in regard to the whole matter, the archbishop sent it for a consultative vote to the royal assembly and in view of what the assembly stated in regard to their duty to declare him free from prison and with the authorization to be able to go to his kingdom, the archbishop reserved his consent, taking the time to arrange the voyage of said don fernando and his son, prince isrrael; and having taken measures in regard to his embarcation, and the other necessary things, fixing the voyage for november of that same year 1762: the preliminaries of peace were given and concluded, and the new and voluntary proposition of the said king and his son, signed by both, in it they conceded that the spaniards could have a settlement and build their fort in their principal island of jolo. in the meanwhile, the principal fortress of said island was to be surrendered to them as a mark of the confidence that they had in them and of the love which they professed to so good a king as the catholic monarch. also, in the island of basilan the spaniards were to be allowed to place their fortress. he ceded other distant islands which would be freely surrendered, and which were of no use to them. no other nation was to be permitted to settle in his kingdom without the consent of the catholic king. all was accepted with the reservation of the rights of his catholic majesty, to whom a report was to be made. 22. the other ambassador from mindanao proposed, and it also appeared in the letters from his sultan, that he would cede sebugay, where he was stationed, as he was minded to move to another part of his possessions. he would maintain the ancient peace of his ancestors with the spaniards, and would aid them against the other moros, if they gave him arms. nothing was concluded with this envoy, because, although the proposals were advantageous, while the archbishop was giving the matter his attention, and although he was pushing the matter urgently, the unexpected surprise of the english occurred. that also occasioned this great harm that our islands would have remained in security, and with precautions so that they might not be invaded by the moros, who have ruined them for so long a time; and with the above-mentioned project for the settlement of the spaniards in jolo, the settlement which the english claimed and agreed upon with bantilan would have been annulled. but everything was frustrated because divine ordination must prevail over human ideas. 23. during that time also the disturbance which was roused up against the society of jesus was quieted, some anonymous and libelous writings being scattered and read freely, and now prohibited with two others of new writings in these islands, which insulted it even to excess. by means of an edict and censure that was fulminated, these infernal stigmas were taken back, and the author of the two above-mentioned writings having been discovered, namely, a regular, he was corrected by means of his prelate, who without being induced and with only the notice had begun to punish him; and it was necessary to moderate that prelate because of the exhaustion and great age of the culprit who now recognized his error. so much the more did the archbishop push this matter as it was apparent to him, and he had experienced the truly apostolic zeal of that order in these parts, and that its workers watched with their accustomed spirit and fervor in all that concerned the good of souls; and in the visit of the archbishopric, they labored with the archbishop with great fruit and his consolation. because of their merit, and through his long and very intimate experience of the wisdom and spirit of those religious, he wrote to his holiness who has protected them so greatly in their adverses. he stated to his holiness what his conscience dictated to him in favor and approval of those evangelical workers and peculiar coadjutors of the bishops. but this letter perished with the others in the captured ship "la trinidad."... [24]. at the same time and at the beginning of his government, noting the orders that his majesty had given and the extreme need of his royal works for rebuilding or repairing them, the archbishop sent master workmen and intelligent men to report on their condition. in view of their inspection and in accordance with what they themselves discovered, after a thorough inspection, those men stated the need because of the ruin which was threatened, either in whole or in part, of said buildings, with danger to those who lived in them and with their dread and uneasiness. in consideration of that, after investigations and contracts with the masters of the art, he proceeded to the adjustment of each one, under bonds to grant them their pay in three instalments, one-third at the beginning of the work, another third when it was half done, and the last third at its completion. thus was a good beginning made in them all, and some of them were half finished, in which condition they were overtaken by the event of the war, for all would have been finished during the first three months of the following year. [the royal works needing repair are the hospital, the royal college of santa potenciana, the college of san phelipe, and the royal fort of santiago; and the sum necessary to be expended on them is slightly in excess of forty thousand pesos. the wall of cavite is also in a very bad condition, repeated complaints of which have been made to the government, and to which the archbishop cannot turn a deaf ear. the terrible hurricane of october 12, 1761, has damaged the walls still more. plans are drawn up by the engineers, to put which in operation would cost one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and would take more than eight years. but because of the expense and time necessary, the engineers are told to discuss a new plan, and accordingly propose a double stockade of palma brava, which can be constructed for ten thousand pesos and which will last at least fifteen years. this plan is followed and is nearing completion when the english enter. the cracks in the walls of manila are stopped up, but the war with the english shows its weakness, for it has been built, not so much to withstand artillery and civilized warfare, as the attacks of moros. it is designed to repair the esplanades of the walls and the gun carriages mounted thereon, but the english arrive before the stone and timber for it can be gathered. twenty men are kept busy, for more than two months, polishing the one thousand two hundred muskets formerly brought by governor arandia, which have become very rusty. various other measures are taken to bring up the military strength of the city, which is in a wretched state so far as defense is concerned. the treasury enters upon a new life with the assumption of government by the archbishop, for although it has but ten thousand pesos from the new tax, and the sums left by the bishops [espolios] in 1761, by september 22, 1762, when the english appear (and the annual situado has not yet arrived), it has 138,633 pesos 5 tomins, 6 granos. this sum includes 36,897 pesos, 5 tomins, 6 granos, in espolios, 40,000 pesos, which the executor of the property of governor arandia is ordered to deposit there so that a pious foundation may receive the sum left it by the abovesaid governor, and over 60,000 pesos belonging to the treasury by right. payments are prompt, and by the methods adopted many losses are avoided. so far as possible, definite times are set aside for the administration of justice and government matters. two serious matters, especially noteworthy because of their difficulty, are settled by the archbishop. the first is the case of dr. santiago orendain, who was proceeded against by the predecessor of rojo, the bishop-governor espeleta, the case being managed by francisco villacorta, one of the auditors. the archbishop settles the matter, (which had assumed so vast proportions that villacorta has been excommunicated), but it breaks out again. orendain asks for a review of his case, which is concerned with the administration of the funds of the cruzada [122] of which he has been treasurer, and the archbishop accordingly examines the records which fill over five thousand folios. orendain is at last declared free after two years' imprisonment. the archbishop quashes the case by his decree of november 27, 1761, as he is anxious to restore harmony, and orders the records sent to the king. the fiscal, francisco viana, appeals to auditor simon de anda, who has recently come to the islands, and the matter is again stirred up, but it is at length disposed of definitely, and the records ordered sent to the king. [123] the other case is a dispute with simon de anda y salazar in regard to the power of a single auditor to act as the entire audiencia in the absence of other auditors, in the issuing of royal provisions. this special case arises over the property of the late governor arandia, in regard to which the judge of the property of deceased persons has recourse to the royal audiencia. anda, on coming to the islands, takes up the case, and auditor davila falling mortally ill, he endeavors to take entire charge of the matter, even to the issuing of a royal provision. this the archbishop-governor opposes on the grounds that anda may not issue such provisions alone. although law 180 of the título regarding audiencias allows one auditor to act as the audiencia in case of the absence of the other auditors, that auditor cannot determine matters finally, and despatch royal provisions; as other laws of the same titulo forbid that. among such laws are 62, 63, of titulo xv, book ii, and as well, 88, 106, et seq., and 111. [124] notwithstanding anda's wrath, the archbishop maintains good relations with him, and seeks ever to propitiate him, acting so throughout with the other auditors and the fiscal. since entering upon his government, it has been the custom of the archbishop to invite all classes of people to his mass, in order thereby to promote sociability and restrain complaints and disturbances. the people of manila are "only busy for two or three months each year, getting ready their bales for the acapulco ship, and during the rest [of the year] recline at ease. this ease is the pillow and stimulus of other vices, and one of the effects which is experienced is the multitude of clerks, and the huge amounts of copying paper which are consumed throughout the year, especially during the time of the above-mentioned despatch. since from a few days after his arrival at this city, the archbishop realized that the discord and complaints of christian charity arose from that vice of laziness, and that already the dominant vice was the painful detriment of souls, he began to use the arms of the church against the terrible goliath." for this purpose he begins a mission, in which the love of god and one's neighbor is preached. the doctrine is also explained throughout the year every sunday in one of the three churches assigned for that purpose. after the archbishop assumes the government of the islands his custom of expounding the doctrine is not abated but rather increased; and he keeps a careful watch over all ecclesiastical dispositions.] part second. of occurrences immediate to the siege in the year 62; and of the measures taken during that time; and those following the siege until the year 63. 1. in due time, namely, at the beginning of may, a galley was despatched to the embocadero with the fitting aid to meet and assist the ship "philipino" which was on its return from acapulco. in the middle of may, another galley was despatched for the same purpose, so that after having met the said ship and after having left it with the other galley in san jacinto, it might proceed to cobadonga and the island of leyte. for a long time no authentic news had come from that place except the ravages of the horrible epidemic which had caused a great mortality, and among the deceased was the alcalde-mayor. a person was sent in the said galley to take his place with the fitting instructions. that person was to repair the casualties which might have occurred, by aiding those stricken with the plague in the same manner prescribed by the general measure for all the islands as abovesaid. 2. shortly after a despatch was made to calamianes, by a lesser alcalde for another official, in charge of that so important post which is located at the point of paragua, where the construction of a fort had been commenced during the term of the preceding governor, and concluded in that of the archbishop. the latter sent some recruits and some necessary supplies by that one. then he also despatched an intelligent and well-instructed alcalde to the place called bugason, [125] which abounds in people and rice, and which could not be well administered by the alcalde of yloylo, nor be conveniently stocked with food at samboangan: for the expenses and difficulties were doubled in conducting the fruits and royal treasury to said capital, whence it was separated under the suitable measures, which made manifest the need and utility of that separation, advantageous for the royal treasury of the above-mentioned presidio of samboanga, and very convenient for preventing them from giving shelter to the moros in those districts. 3. the reception of the returning ship and of the one despatched annually to acapulco, [126] is the entire occupation of this commerce and of the inhabitants [of this community]. it holds and calls the attention of the governors considerably. the latter begins to despatch measures for the careening of the ship and other things for its preparation, at the beginning of the year. there was no other ship than the very large one called "la trinidad" [127] of which advice was given to the merchants in regard to the cargo. its keel having been inspected, and the ship careened fully, as it was apparent to the archbishop because of the inspection which the merchants made, that they did not wish or could not prepare hastily more than one thousand piezas; and having completed the distribution or allotment of the tickets in the best manner that this labyrinth of entanglements, complaints, and vileness permits, they began to stow the cargo in the ship, and although it was a small cargo, they were retarded greatly by the vendabals which began at the end of june. 4. at that time happened two events of little importance and considerable bulk, which the archbishop expedited easily. one was in regard to the master of the silver collecting the chests, according to the new order of his majesty, and the owners not taking them to the palace, where they had formerly been gathered, whither he agreed; and in regard to this matter also, the representation of the commissary of the inquisition, a person of learning and probity, who was well considered because of his merit and the due respect to the holy tribunal. but by the demand of the city and the register being already shut away, the chests containing it had to be opened for the necessary note of those who had not been included in said register. 5. the other event was that four merchants of the said city having prepared some bales, the city delayed giving them audience in order that they might obtain permission to register it. the hold being about ready to be closed, they went to the archbishop. the latter granted them license to embark some bales, on condition that the tickets of the poor which were left could be accommodated. the others were to be for the benefit of the royal treasury. the outcry and clamor of the city, which held many consultations, was great, and greater in their letters to the viceroy and his majesty, with ill-founded complaints that they were deprived of liberty in regard to asking more or less cargo space. but the archbishop, having been well informed regarding the royal orders, and aware that the true motive for anger was the rivalry of the merchants to their other associates, and the application of the tickets to the royal treasury, he convinced those of the city of these puerilities and the papers which they had written in opposition were effectively withdrawn and they asked that the archbishop should so do. he had only advised the viceroy on account of the attempt of the merchants, in order that said number of piezas might not be confiscated. in fact the merchants were convinced, and satisfied, and thanked the archbishop. 6. with its small cargo of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight piezas, this ship was able to sail from the port of cavite, august 1. that same day the vendavals returned with greater force than ever (and winds which are contrary for leaving the mouth of this bay) and they blew with tenacity and without intermission all through august. and although the pilots did their best, and in fact once did get out through the mouth, they anchored at the islet of fortuna, and had to return to the bay and take shelter behind the mountains of cabcave. [128] 7. the anxiety caused by this delay obliged the archbishop to call a meeting of the best pilots, and examine the ancient papers in regard to the direction of the ship at departure, to see whether it was through the embocadero, or by way of cabo bojeador which lies at the northern end of this island. with the assistance of the fiscal and other intelligent persons, the pilots believed that the course by way of cabo bojeador was more expeditious and advantageous, if the ship left at the latest by the beginning of july; but, if it were despatched, as usually happened, at the end of july, or in august, it was to be feared that the terrible typhoons or hurricanes of the china sea which reach as far as the said cape and farther, would carry it away. consequently, it was more advisable for the said ship to pursue its voyage through the embocadero, and the vendavals would be favorable to it until they left it, and farther until they reached the marianas. it was not late, for other ships had left at the beginning of september. this opinion, having been attested, was sent to the commander of the ship so that the pilots might be informed of it. the ship left the mouth in fact on the third of september, and reached san jacinto in four days, where it took wood and water aboard, and where it was overtaken by two boats or champans with the reënforcement of food, sails, and other supplies, which had been asked and which they would need. they sailed from the embocadero on the thirteenth of said month with a favoring wind. but when they had sailed three hundred leguas, they were met by a most violent storm. we shall discuss this misfortune in due time. 8. on the fourteenth of the said month of september word was received from the river of canas, in a latitude a short distance from the islet of fortuna, that a ship and its boat had been seen in said river. that piece of news communicated by two indians, caused great anxiety in manila, and people variously conjectured as to whether it were the "philipino" or whether the "trinidad" had put back, or perhaps whether it were some foreign ship. order was immediately given for an official to go from cavite to prove the news, and follow the ship as far as possible. but after three days of this diligence, and the ship had not been found, it was asserted that another ship had been seen in mariveles. through the neglect of the alcalde-mayor of orani, in not having imparted this news immediately, as he must have had bantayes [129] or bajias in mariveles, he was ordered to be imprisoned, and an official put in his place. without delay a message [cordillera] was despatched through all the embocadero, ordering people to be on their guard, as a ship, whose destination and nationality were unknown, had been seen. if the "philipino" had already entered, it was to be advised (and a letter was written to the commander with this order) not to enter by the bay, but by sorsogon, camarines, or any other place, in order to discharge its silver and despatches, and to be on the lookout, and give full report of everything. this order was duplicated within three days, and a galley was being prepared with an official already appointed and the instruction advisable for this same measure. but on going to execute it, and on embarking with the galley, on the afternoon of september 22, it was frustrated by the sudden entrance into the bay, at five in the afternoon of the same day, of the english squadron. 9. the entrance of this squadron composed of thirteen ships, which formed in line and with wind or easter astern, entered and took possession of the bay, surprised our minds greatly. they stretched from the middle of the bay in a circle to the point called sangley. the confusion of manila and its environs with so unlooked-for a squadron, in an unprepared place can not be imagined. the people ran through the streets. those of the suburbs came into the city, those of the city went outside, and there were some persons (as was learned afterward), who started immediately for the mountains and for laguna. the archbishop could do no less than be surprised, and much more the chief inhabitants and auditors who surrounded him. but it was immediately resolved to write to the leader of the squadron, and that was done with courtesy, asking him his nationality and destination and granting him port and provisions according to his need and the custom of civilized nations. 10. in the meanwhile, one of the most pressing anxieties and one of danger was attended to, in regard to a large amount of powder, stored in what is called the powder works [polverista], where it is manufactured, and which is three-quarters of a legua from the city along the beach. but in the morning of the following day, a great portion of it remained to be brought, and the archbishop found it necessary to go a-horseback accompanied by his majesty's fiscal and several others. at twelve o'clock, this task was really finished, in which there was necessarily a great waste of this material. when they reëntered, some of the ships were almost within cannon-shot, and were threatening in that direction, which is toward the south, with respect to the city. 11. the reply of the generals was, with their letter or challenge, arrogant, and to the effect that manila and its forts should be surrendered to the king of gran bretaña, from whose power the most remote possessions of the catholic king were not free, whose court, through its evil conduct, had proclaimed war against ynglaterra. if the spaniards of manila were not infatuated, they would surrender, in order not to experience the severity of their powerful arms. 12. in view of this arrogance, the archbishop, in general council, made the answer that was dictated by the zeal, love, and loyalty to his king and sovereign, namely, that they would sacrifice their lives in defense of his arms and domains, and that they would make all the defense possible. [130] they wondered at the so unlooked-for news, and the first notice they had of the declaration of war, was that given by the said generals with these threats and armed hand and squadron. having given the measures ordering the provinces to come to the aid of the capital promptly, and those which exigency permitted, having considered the few regular troops, and having given the musters for the militia companies, the city suffocated with the consternation of the conflict to which it was pledged, and which was so necessary, was placed in a state of defense. 13. on the night of that day, the enemy began to disembark toward the south. the indians of the said places of the environs were not able to resist the fire from their boats and ships. the people in those places got under shelter of two regular companies who were obliged to retire. the enemy found all they could need for their rearguard and trenches in the strong edifices of the churches of malate and of nuestra señora de guia, whence without loss of time, and with ease they surrounded and took possession of the equally strong churches of san tiago and san juan de bagumbayan, whence it became necessary for our men to retire. and although our men made three sallies, the enemy were only driven out for a little time from the last place. in the last sally, especially, their attack was arranged in three different parts in order to kill some people, but with greater mortality on our part, and through the inequality of arms and discipline, ours yielded ground notwithstanding that the native troops who had come in from the neighboring provinces, were now very numerous. 14. meanwhile, a few clashes occurred, that of greatest consequence being the death of an english officer who had left their camp with a white flag and came toward our camp, and whom our natives attacked without anyone being able to restrain them. they assassinated him and hacked his body into many pieces. in the endeavor to shelter him, don antonio de sierra tagle, the nephew of the archbishop, received many mortal wounds from lance thrusts, from which he died in a few days. he was a prisoner, [131] and knowing him to be a relative, the generals sent him back with the above-mentioned unfortunate officer. the said generals learning of that assassination and mutilation, through the infraction also of the symbol of peace (a white flag), demanded the aggressors, with the threat that if the demand were not accorded, they would send back the heads of the officers whom they had captured. but the archbishop having ordered an investigation of the matter, it resulted that the spaniards were not to blame, and that they had ceased firing, and all hostility, on seeing the symbol of peace. notwithstanding this the sepais [i.e., sepoys] continued their fire, on account of which the indians in irritation, committed that assassination. with the letter and testimony of those investigations, which the archbishop wrote to the general, the matter seemed to be dropped. 15. the english made their trenches in a short time and mounted their artillery and began to bombard the city at the bastion of the foundry, as their fire was insufficient to reach the bastion of carranza, [132] and the active efforts which were able to be made in order to undo their labors and dislodge them [i.e., the british]. of not a little importance (amid the inequality of forces and of practiced soldiers) was the form in a cordon of some people of this vicinity who were considered most fitting, and of some of the natives of the environs from the site of pasay which is at the south near the powder factory to that of san lazaro, which lies to the east. the archbishop took that precaution, as it was very necessary, in order to guard the pasig river at the point where the provisions are traded, and to obtain some opposition against the enemy. the fire of the latter, by means of their land and ship artillery, and their bombarding, in which the bombs fired exceeded four thousand, and the number of balls of twenty-four, a trifle more, threw the city and all its inhabitants into great consternation. on that account, and because the breach [in the walls] was begun to be opened, in a general council on the night of the third of october, what ought to be done in such a conflict was discussed. [133] 16. although the military men thought that they ought to capitulate, other reputable votes were against it. one of them, namely, the fiscal, [134] asked the engineer and military men, if what they said was [to be understood as] in the present, and if they were to proceed immediately to the capitulation. receiving the negative answer, he, following the advice of others, counseled defense. in view of everything and the rest which appears in said council, the archbishop gave the orders, which appear in the records, in regard to the work, labor, and the defensive works, with the provision of materials, workmen, and foremen, giving charge of these operations to the engineers, and having appointed the chiefest military men to the most important posts, and having ordered their vigilance in regard to the operations of the enemy. but nothing sufficed, for, redoubling their fire, on the following day, and adding bombs, which they discharged with their fire, which caught in two buildings, to which it was so necessary to hasten, the day and its night passed in moments of confusion and agony. at six in the morning of the fifth of the above-mentioned october of 62, [135] having gained possession of its breach and of the bastion of the foundry, [136] the english extended their troops along both sides of the wall, and another column through the royal gate which they forced; so that there was nothing else for the archbishop to do than to wave the white flag and retire to the fort of san tiago with the ministers, and some officials and citizens. notwithstanding that he knew nothing of militia, and had never seen such functions, and had at his side none but equally inexperienced men, and one or two officials who had scarcely any knowledge more than was speculative, yet as god aided, and the loyalty of our hearts, he did what he could and what he comprehended. 17. before this misfortune befell that of the capture of the galley which had been despatched by the commander of the "philipino," with notice of its return from acapulco and that it had put back to the village of palapa. two days after the siege began, namely, on the twenty-fourth of september, the galley entered the bay and came within sight of the squadron (of which it had no news). a fragata gave it chase and several barcas, it having been beached already toward the north in bancusay. although some of those who came in it were able to escape by swimming, its officers and the above-mentioned don antonio sierra tagle were captured. the enemy took possession of everything in the galley, and of many letters from which they gathered information of the "philipino" and of the place where the latter lay. two days later they sent a fragata and a ship in order to capture it; for the day before they had been joined by a ship and two fragatas which had become separated, or could not follow the squadron. 18. from some quite damp letters, among them that of the commander of the "philipino," which had been carried by those who escaped by swimming, the archbishop learned (and it was the first news) that the "philipino" was in palapa; that it had been unable to enter by way of the embocadero because of stormy weather; and that on leaving acapulco, by a letter of the viceroy to the commander, the latter had learned of the breaking out of war with ynglaterra, and he was advised to have a care. consequently, he must have come with that information; but said commander knew nothing of what was happening in manila. in view of all things, and with the unanimous opinion of auditors and principal citizens, a letter was written to the commander, giving him an order to fortify himself in palapa, and to land the silver and chests. fortifying himself as well as possible in said port, which is very difficult to get at, and only very experienced persons know its entrances, which with but slight work can be made impassable, the said commander was to hold his ship in readiness for sinking by burning, if the ships of the enemy met it. this letter was sent with all care, by a person very skilful in the coasts of the embocadero, so that it reached palapa in a very few days. it had been duplicated as a precaution to what might happen to it at its first sending. 19. the rest that was done for the defense of the place was placed in the diary. some measures not necessary there were stated here as belonging to the operations of the archbishop, such as those in regard to withdrawing the treasury and the commission of auditor don simon de anda. both measures were vigorously promoted by the auditors--the first, at the request of the treasurer, don nicolas de echauz [137] on the first day of the siege. although it was at the instance of the auditors, the archbishop resisted it strongly, for the reason that the treasury could not be in better security than where there was security of their lives. but reiterating their instances for various reasons, and that it was advisable under any circumstances to have placed the money outside the city, the archbishop had to comply; and ordered that some quantity having been left, the greater part should be withdrawn. accordingly, this was done, and the sum of one hundred and eleven thousand pesos withdrawn. of the amount left in the treasury, ten thousand pesos were paid out in order to supply the city with provisions. in regard to that various precautions were taken, and a commission was given to the fiscal, in order that he might attend to those supplies. other sums also followed for the current expenses, all of which made the sum of twenty-four thousand pesos, account of which is to be given by the accountant, don fernando carabes of whom it was demanded urgently by the archbishop. 20. the other measure in regard to auditor anda was passed with greater haste by the auditors themselves on the third of october. because of the conflict in which we found ourselves, they told the archbishop that it was advisable to despatch him outside the city with the title of governor and captain-general. these titles were to be given him, in order that he might keep the natives quiet in their christian instruction and in their obedience to the king. but notwithstanding that this measure clothed itself in so specious reasons, the archbishop answered that neither he nor the audiencia had any authority to create a governor and captain-general, which was the proper privilege of his majesty; and that it was enough to give him the title of visitor of the land for the so just end that was claimed (which is in accordance with the orders of his majesty), and the title of lieutenant of the captain-general which could be conferred on him. this was the custom followed in like commissions to ministers. since that seemed advisable to the ministers and fiscal, it was executed with the celerity that the present conflicts demanded. furnishing him with official paper, and a notary and advocate, the above-mentioned auditor anda left immediately that night. [138] 21. other operations during the time of the siege which looked to the care and watch of the city, the archbishop practiced vigilantly. for he visited the walls personally, even at night, and some of the bastions, namely that of the foundry and that of the fort. he went out daily on horseback. accompanied by various persons he examined the gates and outside walls, the small fort, and the house of san fernando, where, as well as through all bancuray and tondo, the natives who descended from the provinces lodged. regulations were made there for them, and they were aided with provisions. the arms that it was possible to give were furnished them, and they were drilled in some manner. in short the archbishop omitted nothing in order that he might go to give the orders which appeared advisable, and personally, at the sites where his presence seemed necessary or advisable. 22. the archbishop having retired, then, as above-mentioned, into the royal fort of san tiago, the articles of capitulation were begun to be drawn up there. they were concluded after great labor, and received the unanimous consent of the auditors and other military men and citizens who were present. the enemy already having taken possession of the city, extended their troops in two columns toward the said fort, along the walls, and other companies in front protected by the royal chapel. as a white flag was immediately flung in the fort, there was no hostility directed toward the small citadel. two officers entered with a message from their general, demanding surrender. but within a short time the colonel of those troops appeared, and demanded an instant surrender, or one would be forced by arms. the archbishop gave him the articles of capitulation with a message to his general. he refused to receive them, and there were no means or manner to get him to receive them and take them to his general. consequently, they had to abide by what the colonel tenaciously answered, namely, that the general's order was the one which he had already expressed, and that it was now no time to tire themselves out in demands and replies concerning the surrender. 23. at this pass, and in view of what was already passing in the presence of the archbishop in said fort, as the soldiers were throwing themselves from its esplanade and from the walls, and casting themselves into the river, and as some officers and regular troops there, who never surpassed eighty in number were also in part doing the same as the other soldiers, with not a few of the citizens; and as the said fort was in itself indefensible, and the principal curtain which looked on the city, and in front of which was the enemy, was threatening to fall into ruins; the archbishop found no other expedient in this conflict than to offer the colonel to accompany him to treat with his general in regard to the fort and surrender under his word of honor of the exemption from harm and safety of his person. he condescended to that without any of the bystanders, or auditors who surrounded him offering to take that matter upon themselves, or even to accompany him, except the master-of-camp and another officer. with them and the said colonel, he went to the royal palace where the general had already taken up his quarters. 24. after the salutation and the respective courtesies, in which general draper was profuse (and he showed special veneration to the archbishop), the latter handed him the articles of capitulation that had been drawn up, and which treated of the surrender of the fort. the general answered that admiral cornish, whom he was awaiting from his ship, must also be consulted. but after a long time with incessant interruptions because of the continual coming of the general's officers to get his orders, and of many of ours who presented themselves to him, the general said that since cornish was giving time, the archbishop should give the order for the surrender, and that that would be best, because he knew the harshness of the nature of said admiral. answer was made that the order would be given under all the military honors which were fitting. all these conferences passed by means of two interpreters--one in the english language, and the other in the french with a mixture of latin in which the archbishop talked and which the general understood, although they both pronounced it in accordance with their native languages. consequently, it was difficult for them to understand one another. nevertheless, the archbishop comprehended, and not confusedly, that the general agreed to the condition proposed, and the archbishop gave the order for the surrender of the fort. the latter did not properly merit this name because of its weakness, and the dislodging already mentioned, by which it could have no defense, but manifest danger of life to those who remained there, and even of those who remained in the city. 25. great was the confusion of that day, and the grief of the fierce sack. after the sack had lasted six hours, the archbishop requested the general to forbid it, saying that neither church nor palace would be left. the general went in person to attend to this, and by the diligence of his men killed one, and maltreated another, who was wounded in an arm, and commanded three to be hanged among whom was an indian of tender years, and it appears with small grounds as only a few balls were found on him. but as a matter of fact, the sack continued for more than thirty hours, as was asserted to the archbishop, on account of which the latter made frequent requests of the general. but in this madness of the sack, the very house servants had not a little part and guilt, taking advantage of this unfortunate occasion. and as regards the suburbs of the city, malicious persons and robbers by profession (who abound in these districts) as well as the very natives who had come from the provinces, and much more, the characteristic perversity of the sangleys executed this destruction on the churches and many houses. [139] 26. the afternoon of the same day, both chiefs, draper and cornish, sent the archbishop the conditions under which the city would be free from the sack, the life of the citizens, and their possessions, commerce, and religion, saved, namely, by the surrender of cavite, and the payment of four million pesos, two million to be paid at once. in this manner, they would consider the articles of the capitulation that had been signed by the archbishop, auditors, and city. those articles were sent shortly after on the same day by the generals, approved with some restrictions as may be seen by all in their originals and in the testimonies placed in the collection of papers. 27. from that afternoon a general council was called of all estates, who met on the following morning to deliberate in regard to said conditions. the archbishop ordered all to discuss the matter of the said millions, while he was treating with the military men and auditor of war in regard to cavite. the latter excused themselves from expressing an opinion under pretext of being prisoners of war, whereupon the archbishop wrote to the general, asking him to declare that those who were in the fort were not prisoners, and that meanwhile he could not answer regarding cavite. but he had not despatched said letter, before he received a message from the generals in regard to the fulfilment of their conditions, with the instant and terrible threat, that if the contrary was done, they would put them all to the sword without excepting a single person. within a few moments the same message was repeated by means of a siquite [sepoy?]. both messages were heard by all the spaniards of the council, and by many others who were in the palace; and it was learned for certain that the order was given to the colonel, who had drawn up his troops in front of the palace, and had taken the entrances of the streets. answer was made that a reply would be given in a very short time. the archbishop, thereupon, turning to all the above-mentioned persons in the council, told them that they should determine without delay what was most advisable in regard to the millions, and that they should do it while he was deliberating with the military men regarding cavite. the latter, with the auditor of war (forgetful of their opposition toward giving an opinion a short time before), not only gave one, by which cavite was to be immediately surrendered, but even asked that with great insistence. being reprimanded and asked why now they gave their opinion which they had refused so tenaciously a short time before, they answered that circumstances had changed in a few moments by the ruin that threatened all in a short time. [140] the council also resolved that the four millions should be given, the silver of the pious funds, chaplaincies etc., found existing being given immediately, while the rest demanded would be given from the wealth in the ["philipino?" ms. worn]. what remained would be paid by his majesty, since there was no other recourse except his royal clemency. the paper containing this proposition was signed by the archbishop, and by the auditors and chief citizens. 28. in such a predicament, in which the archbishop conceived all without any exception to be defendants and thrown into consternation, he found no other means than to agree to the above-mentioned proposition, which put in writing and signed by the chief persons, was taken by two commissaries to the generals, and also the order for the surrender of cavite, stating that no move toward resistance would be made, and taking the precaution of sending a suitable officer for that purpose. the generals answered the commissaries that, if what they said was contained in the paper, they would allow them to ascertain that through their interpreter; and that since two of their ships had gone in search of the "philipino," if they had already captured it, they [i.e., the spaniards] ought not to reckon on it in the payment, of which they could make use if it were not already captured. in accordance with this, a letter was to be written to the commander of the "philipino;" and the abovesaid notice was to be executed ordering him to come from palapa to this [city? ms. worn]. this letter agreed to by all the council and signed by the archbishop was shown to the generals and was despatched to [that commander?] by two of the chief inhabitants, who sent it safely; though as yet we are ignorant of its receipt, and it has been rumored that it has been intercepted on the way, and that even a contrary order has been given without us knowing by whom. 29. the sum found in the pious funds, chaplaincies, etc., was really ascertained and delivered. there was some difference in it because of the small coins which had been clipped, and which were received by weight. to this sum was added the amount of the wrought silver of the churches (in which it appears that in some churches some of the silver was reserved). there was a measure enacted by the archbishop, in virtue of what was discussed in the general council and of present circumstances. the superiors and the administrators of said church, who were notified thereof, agreed, and they made the delivery without any answer or protest; for they saw well that, although the secular estate contributed with ¡ts interests in the "philipino," it would be impossible to get during those days a suitable distribution among the citizens (and as it seemed), the destruction of the sack had left them without money or anything of value, as they declared. besides all their powers could never make enough and be sufficient for the whole or half of the contribution demanded. and the silver of the churches being in sight, it was the best stimulus and incentive of greed, robbery, and of violence, and with profanation of the altars and of the sacristy, as had already been begun to be experienced, not only from the english troops, but also from the natives themselves and the domestics, and the especially covetous sangleys. not only did these misfortunes disturb the heart of the archbishop, but also the gloomy consideration of the moros, those ancient enemies, who annually raided the provinces, and of whom it was conjectured that, hearing of our fatality, they would feed themselves with more audacity on their robberies, sacrileges, and piracies, as, in fact, has been experienced even in a village near the mouth of marivelez which is the mouth of this bay. thence, after their accustomed molestations, they have taken one hundred captives of both sexes, and, from the island of marinduque, they have taken one hundred persons and the jesuit missionary of that island. 30. it befell that in order to obviate so many inconveniences, they did not hesitate in taking from the altars the silver for the redemption and relief, which was the least danger to the faithful catholics. by this arrangement, the payment of his majesty was reduced, from whose royal magnificence has originated the rich adornment of the churches. but the sacred vases which belong immediately to divine worship were always reserved, as were also the chalices, cups, and monstrances. in these circumstances, the archbishop voluntarily delivered all his valuables and vases without reserving his pectoral or anything else, in order to aid so far as he was concerned in the ransom of the city, and in order that he might serve as an example, so that his [ms. worn] might not excuse himself from contributing voluntarily whatever was possible. and as it was not proper that, in these public calamities, and of the despoliation of his own spouse, the cathedral church, he should remain with adornment and should not be deprived of everything; and although his said possessions were not of any considerable importance, he had the consolation of not reserving anything and of giving them up with good will. of money in cash he gave none, for he had none, nor, since he has been in these islands, has he had any left from his pay and stipends, for he has spent them all in the support of his household, on the poor, and for the relief of many necessities, always grieving at not helping them all, because excessive sums would have been required (as those necessities were many and grave). for this same reason, by order of the [english] commissary of artillery, the bells were taken down (as spoils that belonged to them) from the churches of the city and its environs. the archbishop, grieving over the loss of his charge, set his mind on ransoming the bells of the cathedral and royal chapel, but since he had not come to these islands with wealth to execute it, he gave an order against his agent in cadiz, ordering him to pay the sum of five thousand pesos for which they were redeemed, notwithstanding that a very small sum remained in the possession of the said agent to comply with the order. but the great confidence which assists him in the above-mentioned animated the archbishop. 31. advised of the scattering of the spaniards since the day of the assault, and that they were going to the villages and mountain, where they were in danger from the barbarians and the revolted natives (as was experienced in many disasters, thefts, and murders), and their families in other directions not any more secure, and others in the city and its precincts, an order was issued for all to assemble and come to live in the city with those who were there. that order had little effect, for each one followed his own opinion and will, and began to lose his obedience to his superior. this was aided not a little by the example of those who by their employ and dignity ought to have given a better example. 32. better fruit was obtained in ecclesiastical matters (although that not sufficient and advisable), for the prebendaries and some of the secular clergy continued to assemble at the cathedral, and in the convents of the regulars some religious remained. they were requested and charged not to abandon their churches, and to endeavor to have a suitable number of subjects for the continuance of divine worship, and to be the relief and consolation of the faithful, and that they might be able to attend to their necessities in the administration of the sacraments. 33. thus was it done for the most part, but it was not that which was advisable and sufficient to meet other casualties, which the superiors of the society satisfied. he was the only provincial prelate who remained living [in the city], together with that of st. john of god, whose superiors and subjects complied perfectly with their respective ministries. on account of this defect, or non-existence of the superior, it appears that the persecution by the english of the augustinian fathers or their opposition to them had no reparation; and although their provincial was indeed near manila, his passage to the city was prevented. [141] the other superiors, although not provincials, met respectively what arose in their orders, but their powers did not reach to the subjects outside [the city] nor did they gain the respect of the english within. and the english qualifying as having committed excesses those augustinian religious and others, who appeared before them, who were commanding the natives outside, proceeded to imprisonments, exiles, and confiscations of property, especially in the above-mentioned, taking possession of their church, money, valuables, and everything else that they had. [142] it is enough to have touched this point, for it would be most tedious to set forth all its particulars in detail; and it does not belong to the archbishop to qualify the facts, since each superior must give account of them to the king, our sovereign, with the religious sincerity which he professes, and to show their complaints with the same truth. but he cannot restrain his wonder as to how the father visitor and the father of this province of san juan de dios, the reverend father puga, [143] a priest, with his community attended and attends to his institute, sheltering and assisting so great a number of sick and poor amid so great calamity and so many necessities, and who not having the slight regular alms, does not fail at all to his sick, the religious aiding them. this is properly a miracle of charity. the persecution which this superior and community has suffered, from the one who has taken command of the government is as painful as their patience is praiseworthy and exemplary. 34. the destruction which was experienced in the suburbs of manila and in other more distant places, from robbery, murders, and other execrable atrocities, obliged the archbishop to endeavor to restrain the evildoers and insurgents by means of don josef busto, a person of spirit and of great experience in the land, with a company of men to his satisfaction. he was ready to do it, but asked a suitable salary after he had formed his account. [144] thereupon, the archbishop ordered that one of the citizens, who had not suffered from the sack and was wealthy, to make ready two thousand pesos which would be placed to his account and apportioned to the sum which was to be demanded from him for the contribution of the millions; and that the senior auditor, who exercised the office of auditor of war, would give the instructions and powers necessary to said busto for the above-mentioned end. but both persons excused themselves most strongly, the above-mentioned citizen with the frivolous remark that he had nothing which he could supply, the auditor by saying that he was a prisoner of war, and a mere assessor in these matters. the first was a bit of frivolity, and the second a pretext, for when the governor is an ecclesiastic, the auditor expedites and determines by himself criminal causes which arise; and thus did it happen with the archbishop during the time of the siege and before in like causes with the same auditor. but since the reins of obedience and respect had already been broken, and there were no forces to reduce them to their duty, like other matters, this remained thus without the due remedy, and the disasters continued through insolence and libertinage. 35. during this time also, auditor anda had declared himself governor, captain-general, and royal audiencia, and had despatched messages [cordilleras] ordering himself to be so recognized in the provinces. and he had ordered and commenced to cut off the provisions in the two districts of bulacan and laguna whence they come to the city. in these raids, happened the murders of natives and english in the suburbs, and the latter were mutilated and treated with other contempts suitable for barbarians. other events had preceded with the religious of bulacan where anda was, and the english chiefs of whom it was spoken variously. the archbishop cannot speak with exactness, as he does not know of those events, only that on one occasion, posterior to that time, in which the augustinian [145] fathers were discussed before many, the archbishop alleged publicly in their favor (led rather by his inclination to piety than by the judgment which he had formed then of their guilt or innocence), as well as in favor of all the religious who were present in their convents; for he held several divine offices, and protected them so far as he could, although he was unable to prevent the english from embarking and sending nine of them in the english fragatas which went to madrasta. 36. it appears that, on account of the said causes, and (as is known) from other apprehensions or imaginations, the british leaders proscribed the above-named auditor, and it was added that they had offered a reward for his person. the auditors learning this, went to the archbishop with this notice, and great fright; and for the time being there were no means by which to assure their lives. but within a short time a hasty message from the general to the archbishop, ordering him to cause that auditor to appear, together with the alcalde-mayor of bulacan and other nearby alcaldes in order that, on the twenty-fifth day of october, they might, together with the city and the military men, take the oath of allegiance to his britannic majesty, and give their word of honor not to take arms against his nation during the war, and until the kings should agree or decide the fate of these islands. the archbishop replied to this message that he was unable to cause the appearance of auditor anda, since they had proscribed him, which was equivalent to handing him over to death; and that so long as anda was not secure of his life he could not make him appear. in regard to the alcalde of bulacan and the others, he could as little cause them to come, because in the lack of any one to govern and restrain the natives, their disturbance and revolt would increase all the more. 37. in order that he might inform the auditors of this event, the archbishop had them summoned, and with them, namely, the fiscal and the senior auditor, he began to discuss what they ought to do in regard to auditor anda. while they were conferring thus, auditor galban came with the marquis of monte castro, who were with general draper at the time when my above-mentioned reply or message was given to him. he sent them so that they might discuss and talk over this point with the archbishop. they told him that he could rest assured of the life of anda, and the general answered the same through his envoy. the conference lasted for more than three hours, with various commotions, without the auditors caring to express their opinion, giving as an excuse that the said general had told those above-mentioned that they were all prisoners of war, with the exception of the archbishop. on the night of said day, said ministers presented to the archbishop a writing, leaving in his hands and judgment as the one to whom the matter pertained, the appearance of said anda. 38. but in order to meet this matter better, he had some of the foremost military officers invited, to whom he told all that had passed. they were of the opinion that he should cause the said anda to retire, under security of his life, for he was incurring a great danger, and exposing the lives of many with his disturbances; and to shut off the provisions carries the same risk. [they were all of this opinion] except one military man, who asserted that if bulacan was a separate province and had a fort or bastion, anda ought not to be summoned, for then he could defend himself. but said province is very near manila, being separated therefrom by only a distance of three or four hours, and it never had a bastion or fortress except that which very lately was constructed by order of the said anda, and which the english demolished as will be told later. 39. in accordance with this opinion, the archbishop asked the general for assurance of the life of the abovesaid, in writing, and it was sent to him in the english language. the archbishop had it translated into our language, and kept in his possession the original paper. the above-mentioned copy was enclosed to him, and at the bottom of it the archbishop assured him that it was a faithful copy, and that he had had it copied into our language in order that anda might understand it. he gave anda strict orders to appear, but the latter replied discourteously with several absurdities, which the archbishop answered by noting his rudeness, and stating that he should have been addressed with the title of governor, and of anda's disrespect in judging him [i.e., the archbishop] to be the secretary of the british. the archbishop also showed anda other errors which he suffered, and sent him the original paper of safety, so that he might make use of it in the way that he pleased, and said that he would make a charge before god and the king of his excesses. 40. from that time until the present anda continued his orders to prevent any food from being taken down to the city. but he has never been able to succeed in more than that the price of food has risen. he has not considered that the greater part of the garrison were prisoners in the city with the archbishop, with their officers, two togated ministers, and the officials of the royal treasury (except the treasurer), and the majority of the persons composing both cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, various religious of all the communities, a convent of nuns, the beateríos and schools of both sexes, and most of the citizens of all classes and estates. he has not reflected that his obstinacy in this measure in any event and in any manner in which it might have any desired effect, resulted, before any injury to the english, in that of all these vassals of the king, afflicted and opposed by both parts. he has taken no account of the lack of success that could be hoped for from such a project, as has been shown, as he has not sufficient arms or disciplined men with which to oppose a nation which, besides having the city garrisoned and that of cavite, and in both a good provision in the storehouses, dominated also the sea with their boats, with which in case of necessity, they could furnish provisions in plenty. [146] 41. this temerity has been the origin of many evils, which have increased the misfortune of these inhabitants, both secular and religious. they have been reduced to prison on various occasions, with sufficient contempt, occasioning that, together with injury to the natives, notable disturbances, disasters, fires, murders, robberies, and rapines have been experienced through the same agents and other evildoers. they have even been propagated through diverse places and estates with the destruction of their fields and herds; and, on the other side, the english irritated, not only have committed in the vicinity of manila, many annoyances, burning of villages and buildings, and taking by force of arms (without resistance), all kinds of grain and animals, food, and a very great number of buffaloes, which were destined for the plough and the cultivation of the land, but they have also penetrated into some provinces with very few men, taking therefrom whatever they have wished, as they did in the month of november in the village of pasig, where especially the food of all the lake of bay was gathered, and where trenches had been made in the church and convent. with all kinds of arms they had been occupied by ten thousand indians, who were defeated at their first arrival by five hundred english. about one thousand five hundred of both sexes and all ages were killed, part of them with gun and cannon, and part precipitated into and drowned in the river pasig. from that time a detachment of english troops remained in said village. [147] for that reason the english have penetrated about all the lake and through the province of taal and balayan, and have always brought vast supplies of food for their troops and for the storehouses. all these inhabitants always furnish them (for their money) with flesh, wheat, and palay. in any other way they would have suffered many more miseries. in the month of february, they did the same in bulacan, which was the province where the above-mentioned anda had established his fort in the church and convent. they advanced and forced his trenches, where some spaniards and religious were killed, and four hundred indians were put to the sword. the only difference was that in this place they did not carry back provisions or fortify themselves, but retired after demolishing the fortifications in the convent. they have also made many extortions in other villages which they would not have done had they not been provoked. [148] 42. all these injuries and many others, which are the necessary sequel of them, the archbishop thought over from that beginning, [which had been] without any fruit or advantage to our side, but, indeed, had, on the contrary, the pernicious effects that experience has proved, and which had already commenced to show themselves. consequently, he found it necessary to write to anda again, mitigating with the greatest mildness the ardor of his preceding letter, in order that anda might consider these calamities, and change direction, increasing and arranging the terms of his commission as visitor of the land and lieutenant of the captain-general. but there was no other answer to this letter except notice of its receipt written on its envelope. 43. a like effect was obtained by the order that he gave in his letter to the treasurer, ordering him to transfer to the city the money in his care, in order that it might escape the theft which many evil natives had attempted. they would have succeeded in one of their most vigorous attacks, had not this disturbance been calmed by the alcalde of pagsanjan, the marquises of villamediana and monte castro being present. the latter were abused by three franciscan religious, who, armed, captained the indians in order to get possession of the treasury. in order to avoid this danger and the loss of this money, the archbishop had conferred with the generals, saying that he would hand it over to them on condition that it be reckoned as a part of the millions demanded, and that they supply him with the pay for the ministers, officers, troops, and others whose support depended on his majesty. the relief of the community would also follow the exhibition of this treasury, and would lessen the payment of his majesty. nothing sufficed to make the treasurer echauz obey. he went to pampanga with the treasury, which he placed at the disposition of auditor anda, who began to use it recently for the expenses which he believed advisable or necessary, according to his projects. 44. to the question of the british, which was urgently put to him, in regard to the royal treasury and possessions, the archbishop responded briefly and truly, showing them that the king, his master, had no temporal interest in these islands, but only that strictly of the souls of his vassals, and the causing them to live as civilized beings and christians, according to the catholic law for their salvation; and that in order to maintain them with his ecclesiastical and secular ministers, he spent the tributes which were collected with so great right, and the two departments only of buyo and wine. in this regard he distributed very large sums annually from the treasury of mexico. in no other manner could these islands subsist. 45. the city, orders, and spaniards having been summoned to the royal palace, in order to express their loyalty and not to take arms against his britannic majesty, before his generals, an act in which their loyalty and love to his catholic majesty, their legitimate king, shone forth brightly, through the unwillingness, sadness, and repugnance, with which it was celebrated. slightly before as well and separately was given the word of honor not to take arms during the war or until another arrangement was made by the sovereigns (in a certain latin form, and which necessarily contained nothing of vassalage to his britannic majesty), by the archbishop, auditors, and royal officials present. the polite representation of the archbishop to the generals in the said house where they were lodging, namely, the archiepiscopal, enabled them [i.e., the above officials] to gain exemption from mixing with the others, or in their formula [of loyalty or allegiance to the british sovereign]. 46. thence, at their instance, they [i.e., the cabildo, religious, and spaniards] were conducted to the royal palace, and in the presence of so numerous a gathering, a paper was read, in which the archbishop was reproved as one who robbed from the churches, the sum to which their silver amounted, and that of the pious funds already delivered and received; and that in regard to this, that silver would soon complete a million. and now he was about to surrender the forces and islands dependent on manila. by that paper the heart of the archbishop was wounded as if by a double-edged sword. on two points he was unable to restrain his wrath, and he uttered in the presence of the two generals the words that his zeal dictated to him, namely, that the instance and threat of the victors had been necessary for the withdrawal of the abovesaid silver, and there were no other resources near at hand. he does not rob, who makes use, in extreme need, of the most sacred thing, which is destined in such cases most suitably to the living temples of god, namely, his faithful. but he cannot clear himself from this sacrilegious crime, who causes it by violence, and who willingly and eagerly receives its effects, and whatever is left over and above them. in regard to the second point, that meant to attempt another act of violence quite contrary to the day and to the act which was being celebrated on it to the honor and memory of the birthday of his britannic majesty, whose protection he implored, so that such a matter might not be discussed on such a day. and the archbishop insisted that he would sacrifice his life for his faithfulness to his king, and for his honor, which would be vindicated by his catholic majesty, his sovereign. 47. with this expression of anger, the archbishop retired to his room, where the above-mentioned paper was sent him. in order to deliberate on its contents, he had a general council summoned for next day, october 26, consisting of the ministers, the chief military men, and the city and ecclesiastical [cabildos]. in a few words the archbishop explained to the council the arguments pro and con regarding the cession of the islands. since he gave all his attention and time to this, he ordered a council of those interested to discuss, with the assistance of the fiscal, and under the presidency of the senior auditor, the matter of the completion of the million. the result of that discussion will be stated later. 48. but in regard to the point of the islands, which was discussed in general council, the regulars excused themselves from voting, by saying that their rules forbade them to vote on war questions, and that they feared to act irregularly. the archbishop was unable to overlook this pretext, and told them that they had voted in like assemblies at the time of the siege, and had permitted or given license to their subjects to take all kinds of arms, to patrol the walls, and to guard the posts which were entrusted to them; and had sent the indians from their villages to take part in the conflict. they had not done otherwise in their missions exposed to the dangers of the moros, than to manufacture and buy all sorts of arms, and importune the superior government to supply arms to them, and afterward to handle them and make use of them in defense of their parishioners, and to fight the enemies of the faith and religion. at present it was not necessary to take these arms or to make use of them, but it was necessary to declare what was advisable in regard to conceding or denying the submission of the provinces in which religion and the instruction of their neophytes were at stake. but nothing was sufficient to get them to give their vote, that which the archbishop had alleged causing them great irritation. as their obstinacy angered the archbishop still more, he did not have them summoned to the second council. 49. in the voting of that council of the twenty-sixth, it happened that the engineer, by whom the voting commenced, refused strongly to pass any opinion, saying that he was prevented from doing so, as he was a prisoner of war. this murmur spread among the other military men present, and they added that the license of the generals was necessary in order that this council might be held. consequently, it was necessary for the archbishop to explain these matters, by telling them that this was not a clandestine council, but one called openly and in plain sight and with the knowledge and suffrance of the generals. in it they were not discussing the taking of arms by the prisoners for the defense of the provinces, but whether the islands were to be yielded under present circumstances by the archbishop-governor. thereupon, the voting went on with varying results. when it came to the fiscal's vote, he again was obstinate on the points prisoners of war and the license of the generals for the council, and he said that he would accordingly take his position on the principle of it. the archbishop answered what he had said in regard to the said points, and that this was to place in doubt what he had signed. thereupon, there was great altercation, anger, and notable incivility, with visible signs of the agony which the archbishop was suffering from this blow. but the altercation having subsided, and all of them having quieted down, the fiscal and other ministers declared their vote. since it was now very late and the vote was not cleared up, and since it could not be well enough discerned at that time, it was ordered that the same council be convoked on the following day, with the exception of the regulars. 50. in fact, on the following day, october 27, another council was held in the afternoon. at it the archbishop had the latin letter read which he had received on the morning of that day from general draper, with the date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds to the twenty-seventh of our reckoning and calendar). the vote was put, and some who had given their vote in the negative on the preceding day, namely, not to surrender the islands, retracted, and voted affirmatively. the ministers and some others expressed their opinion and gave it in writing. the vote was equally cast with but a little difference of one or two votes. the archbishop asserted that he would decide without delay what appeared most advisable to him, commending, as he had done, so grave a matter to our lord, so that he might inspire him as to what was for his best service and that of his as well as our catholic king. before dissolving this council, an envoy came from general draper with another letter bearing date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds in our calendar to the twenty-seventh) written in the english language. it was read there by an interpreter. it was reduced to saying that, with only the cession of a few places of little importance, he would save (he gave to understand with whom he spoke, namely the archbishop) the lives of a multitude; that he was sure that his catholic majesty would consider himself as well served; and that those who were endeavoring to persuade the archbishop not to yield, if they did not promptly change their opinion, would answer with their lives, and that the auditors were to affix their signatures. 51. all those present having heard the context of the above-mentioned letter, without any more being added or mentioned than what was declared in the above-mentioned council, it was dissolved, and the thorn (which was very sharp) remained in the heart of the archbishop in deliberating on so serious a point. in that deliberation the least thing involved was the danger to his own life, of which he was tired and of which he almost desired the end. but that is always placed in the hands of divine providence who directs everything positively or permissively for his greater service and glory. not only did he consider the extermination of the city and the lives of many with which he was threatened, but also (and which was very easy), the uneasiness of the villages and missions of the provinces, in great part ruined and destroyed by their old-time enemies, the moros, who with a little stimulus and encouragement from their new enemies would assault them on all sides and would finish with their mission ministers and justices. it was greatly to be feared that if the natives were offered exemption from tribute, and subjection, they would be the instruments of these disasters. 52. this effort tied the hands of the english, who irritated by a negative answer, could have assigned two fragatas of their squadron to coast along the provinces, and cause this horrible uneasiness. if they did that, (unless it was averted by divine providence), the ruin of the instruction and faith of the neophytes would be experienced. these reasons having been meditated upon before jesus christ, our life, from whose service depended that of a catholic king, the archbishop resolved on the twenty-eighth to avoid the greater evil, and to assure the conservation of the islands, and the teaching and doctrine of our holy religion in them by keeping their natives quiet. thereupon, on the said day, and on the following, the twenty-ninth, he wrote letters to the prelates and to the provinces, with the intention of using them opportunely; [149] and without making mention of those letters, he replied on the date of the twenty-ninth [150] in the latin language to the above-mentioned letter, also in latin, of general draper, explaining to him diffusely and vigorously the difficulty of what he asked. his reasons, if they did not suffice to convince him, lessened the violence and force which were uttered a thousand times in said letter. 53. he summoned the auditors in order to show this letter to them, but they did not come as they were busy, answering that they would come if the matter were urgent. but the instances of the general of the day before having been repeated for the reply, it was sent to him in said letter between seven and eight in the morning of the said day, the twenty-ninth. but after eleven o'clock on the same day, the general sent his letter of the thirtieth of the same month (which corresponds to our date of the twenty-ninth) with the message for me not to bother myself, that that letter was to be signed by myself and the auditors, to whom he sent word that if they did not do it, he would have them immediately thrown into a galley. instantly upon receiving this message they immediately appeared, and signed the letter together with the archbishop, both the original letter in english and its translation into spanish. it was sent to the said general, and said auditors only gave notice that they had made their protest before the notary, and that it should not be written at the foot of said letter, in order that the general might not happen to see it, if he asked for said original letter. with such fear did they proceed, but the archbishop showed them the copy of his letter above-mentioned, in which is manifest his protest with the declaration of repeating it a thousand times. 54. this point has been treated with prolixity, for besides being one of the most serious, and one of greatest pain, it has been shifted and juggled [adviterado?] variously, blackening enormously the conduct of the archbishop, even to affirming that it is evident that he had an understanding with the english for this cession, in a journal full of false entries and of black impostures, composed by the fiscal. but god be thanked, that the evidence of this criminal calumny is false, and the weak apprehensions or inferences on which it is founded have been clearly dissipated. for what is affirmed is false, namely, that the cession of the islands had been discussed or made before october 26, and that letters had been written for their surrender, as the first council was held on the said day, and the second on the following day (the twenty-seventh and the twenty-eighth). on the twenty-ninth, the archbishop made his resolution, and wrote the rough drafts of said letters with his own hand on the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth. the statement also is false, namely, that on the twenty-ninth, said letters were sent with one of the same date in which the archbishop answered the general ceding the islands. for these original letters are yet in possession of the secretary of the assembly, and neither then nor at any time have they been sent or delivered. so true is this that the commanders having gone--draper on the twelfth of november [151] of the past year, and cornish on the first of march of the present year, who never asked him for a letter for the surrender of the islands--the british government tried afterwards to get the archbishop to give letters of surrender for zebu, yloylo, and zamboanga, which he refused and did not give, as appears from his letters, rejecting the instances of the above-mentioned british government. 55. also false is the end of this report, which asserts, not indeed that it is presumed, but that it is presumed if not proved, that the archbishop tried to shield himself. without this protection or shelter, he made the cession in his letter of the said twenty-ninth day, as is said above, with the signature of the auditors, which they placed in the letter of draper on the thirtieth (in our calendar, the twenty-ninth), which in view of and after the receipt of that of the archbishop, the said general sent on that same twenty-ninth day, with the threatening message that he would send them to the galleys. only the constancy of the archbishop can be well inferred. in his protest he asserts and [ms. worn] to the general in consideration of his threat of the extermination of the city the lives of many, which did not move the animosity of the auditors for their signature until they received the personal threat of their own imprisonment. 56. the ambiguous letter of draper of the twenty-eighth (in our calendar, the twenty-seventh), is slight foundation for so gross a suspicion and its proof; in which he seems to infer that the archbishop had made the cession, and infers on the other hand, that he was in condition of acting in regard to the cession. for the letter says that those who endeavored to persuade him not to make the cession would answer with their lives. it is a proof of the sincerity of the archbishop that he showed the said letter in the second council, for if it contained anything suspicious, or anything by which he would be discovered to be lacking in application, it would have been very easy for him to suppress it and return it to the general, in order that the latter might write another, in which nothing would be understood in regard to the secret understanding. it is not the mark of a good reason and less is it christian to assert so great a crime as proved without having had any motive. for to such infamies, one is moved either by self-interest or the expectations of honors, or important posts which both lacked. for the archbishop had previously stripped himself of all his few valuables and pectorals, without reserving any; and he was clothed in the greatest honors and employments with which the powerful catholic king can honor a vassal of his in these islands. and only by depriving himself of this recognition, and of his character as a christian and archbishop could he offend so enormously against his king and religion because of the expectation or promise of greater honors in londres or with the very crown of all ynglaterra. through the mercy of god, the archbishop has not been abandoned by his divine hand in his right judgment or in the works of his misery and weakness. neither does he live so forgetful of quid prodest homini, [152] etc. 57. the reason of the archbishop not having used said letters which they falsely affirmed had been delivered, and of the originals being conserved in the possession of the secretary, was that having been sent (as he thought they ought first to be sent) to the regular superiors living in manila on the thirtieth (the following day) of october, who [ms. worn] to their most [ms. worn] in the margin to be understood by it the said original message [cordillera]. the above-mentioned reason having been given, the rumor spread among the populace that the said letter had been the cause of the disaster of the alcalde-mayor of pagsanjan, [153] who was lanced by the indians themselves on the gallows. that was mentioned to the archbishop by a trustworthy and god-fearing person who grieved at his carelessness in said letter. 58. surprised at this information, the archbishop had the above-mentioned letter brought into the presence of the said person, together with the others, and had the secretary read them with their dates. by their very dates, namely, the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth of october, it was plain that they could not have occasioned the event of pagsanjan which occurred the day before, namely, the twenty-seventh of the same month. this casualty was made more impossible by the distance of said village from manila, which is at the least three days' journey. the legitimate cause of this insurrection and tyrannical murder of their alcalde was that which appears in the documents formed of this matter, where it is evident that this cloud of dust which was raised was no other thing than the racial inconstancy and disloyalty of the natives of that village and its environs. the fact that the archbishop had not had any support or reply to the contents of his letter from the superiors of manila, and the knowledge that auditor anda had already sent his message [cordillera] through the provinces, [154] in which he declared himself to be governor and captain-general, made it necessary for the archbishop not to disturb the provinces and accede to the times and to the circumstances thereof, and ordered that none of the said letters be sent. that order was executed as given and the originals were kept in the possession of the secretary. that which can have happened, and of which there is frequent experience in any part, as well as in this city, is that a copy of one or more of said letters may have been drawn by the infidelity of some clerk without the archbishop or his secretary being able to remedy it, and in this way their contents may have become known and explained by the malicious rivalry in as sinister a manner as is usual. 59. in regard to the other point of the completion of the million, the archbishop entrusted it to the senior auditor, don francisco villacorta, [155] in order that having assembled those interested, together with the fiscal, they might determine what the matter demanded according to its circumstances. they held several meetings, in one of which a plan was adopted for demanding of each person the contribution in accordance with his wealth and the sack which he had suffered. but there was great opposition, and some made complaint to general draper and to the archbishop. the latter assembling them all, exhorted their help to the extent possible, to which they were obliged by their conscience and by the circumstances, in order to avoid greater extortions. for the representation to the general of not having promised to complete the million was not received, but this matter was strongly insisted upon. finally, the only success achieved was in getting each one to offer what he deemed best. with the valuables and money [given], scarce did the sum reach twenty-six thousand pesos. but a very great quantity was needed to complete the million in addition to that raised by the pious funds, the chaplaincies, and the silver of the churches. this reached the sum of four hundred and forty-three thousand pesos. [156] however great the effort and attempt made by the english to have the million paid, yet it was found impossible on the part of the citizens to raise hastily a greater sum than that above-mentioned because of the sack and destruction which they suffered even in their furniture and houses; and because some few, who could have aided, were not living in the city, but had taken to the mountains in several places, while some others, as was said, placed what money they could in safety outside the city, so that the richest who were absent refused to aid. 60. at this time the two fragatas, which had been assigned by the enemy, at the time of the siege, to capture the "philipino," entered the bay with the ship "trinidad," which they had fought and captured after a vigorous defense on the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of october. this ship left for its voyage to acapulco from the embocadero under a favorable wind on september 13, but lost its mast in a severe storm at a distance of three hundred leguas at the parallel of the marianas. it was all but gone, and it became necessary to put back [which was done] with great difficulty. when it was in the embocadero near san jacinto, without being aware of what was happening in manila, it was attacked by said two fragatas and captured. from the time of its arrival, the claim was begun to be made that it was not a legitimate prize, the freedom of trade, possessions, and property having been agreed upon in anticipation. and although the instance of the commerce body was continued to the british government for this declaration, the government sent it to admiral cornish, and the latter after many delays, and by nature serious, harsh, and hard, because the spaniards had not fulfilled the stipulation regarding the millions, answered that that matter belonged to the admiralty of londres, whither it was sent. [157] he would never consent to have the cargo remain on deposit, or to have it delivered to those interested in it, under the guaranty which was lastly proposed by the archbishop, he having previously supported the right of the citizens to its restitution; for said admiral said that it was no time now to discuss this matter, as he was just about to sail, and left on the first of march with his squadron, taking said ship. [158] 61. its cargo consisted of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight piezas, but all that was sent outside of the hold, consisting of boxes of presents, valuables and things of value, he had placed at auction, without taking the formality to summon those interested or making any note of what was taken possession of and seized. some of the boxes of letters which were filled with water, and which were seized by them, they opened and took cognizance of their contents. the archbishop was unable to get the return of these letters and official papers, which he demanded repeatedly. for it was well to burn the private letters, which the enemy themselves declared to be false and entangling, as they themselves noted. but no one was ignorant of the many accounts and fabulous stories which were written by several persons. the archbishop was also unable to obtain some canes which he was sending--one for the king, and the other for the prince. their distinction was that they were made of fine bamboos of these islands, and the handles were engraved skilfully with the royal arms by noble natives of the islands. neither did [he obtain] the valuables left by mariscal arandia as a legacy to our sovereigns. 62. as the whole business or object of the english was the treasure of the "philipino" they sent two more fragatas to look for it, and in them went persons authorized by this community. inasmuch as four citizens had been made prisoners or detained in houses of this city, as well as auditor don francisco villacorta and the fiscal, don francisco viana, one cannot imagine the efforts of the archbishop, personally and in writing with the generals and the british government for the release of the above-mentioned, especially the ministers. after some days and petitions, he was able to succeed on condition that four men should be chosen to make the abovesaid efforts. in fact they were chosen by the citizens and sailed in said fragatas, although they were unable to make the port of palapa because of very violent storms which putting them in danger of shipwreck made it necessary for them to put back to manila after ninety days. 63. seeing that their attempt was frustrated and that the rumors that they heard were that the silver had been removed from the "philipino," and placed in safety, admiral cornish, irritated and just about to sail, attempted a new sack. although by demand of the british government, it appears that he went to quiet his officers, yet he was implacable, and it appears that having been advised by the said government that it would resist on its part the sack within the city, without desisting from his attempt, said admiral set his gaze on the suburbs, especially on santa cruz, [159] where the most of the spaniards are. already were the dread and consternation great, and the destruction and mortality which were threatened by the fury of this hostility were feared. the archbishop, having been notified thereof by some spaniards, exerted all his strength and care to avoid this disaster, and moderate, and cause the admiral to set some bounds [to the matter]. discussing the matter with the latter in several visits which he paid to him, he was able to persuade him and agree to give him an order for the two millions. in case that the "philipino" (as was already inferred) came with its wealth or the fragata which was assigned for this purpose transported them, from that property would be completed the amount of the other two millions, having liquidated the account in regard to the sum already raised, and taking account of the amount of the sack that they had suffered and which was to be regulated. 64. in this manner everything remained quiet. it was no time or season for answer or reply, especially with the admiral who was so strong and hard in his resolution. no other expedient was found with which to meet the conflict than the above-mentioned order. neither could he avoid in the nearness of his embarkation the new sack of the church and convent of st. augustine (with the exception of the reliquaries which the archbishop, feigning ignorance, had caused to be kept in the cathedral); nor that the admiral should not sack the houses of the marquis of monte castro and of don andres blanco--the first because he had failed in his word of honor, and the second because he had not taken part in the contribution--in which were included various persons who lost their property. 65. the account of the sack which cornish furnished to the archbishop is quite ridiculous and improbable as to the amount of twenty-nine thousand pesos at which he puts it, since by means of the investigations which the archbishop was able to carry on the sack amounts to more than eight hundred thousand pesos; and almost one-third of the inhabitants were absent so that it has been impossible to adjust their loss through the absence of many persons. however, it is a fact that the total amount must be lowered by what the indians and house servants took in these robberies and destruction. but this adjustment could not be made at the time when cornish threatened the new sack; for these investigations are being made at present, and as yet the last has not been heard from because of the absence of not a few inhabitants who have still to make their declaration. neither would the irritation of cornish, had these investigations even been finished, have considered our account and adjustment, both because of his impetuous nature, and because of the so vast discrepancy of his account to that above-mentioned. consequently, it was only the time to yield and to enter into some kind of agreement by means of the above-mentioned order. this recourse was necessary and inevitable under the circumstances leaving it for the consideration of our king and his ministers who might take the advisable measures in view of what had happened. 66. the admiral departed, as has been said, the first of march. he left orders to his castellan of cavite to go in a fragata to palapa. in fact the latter did so, and through a citizen, who was selected by the merchant body, the order was given from the beginning for the commander of the "philipino" to bring the silver or deliver it; so that, having reduced the amount which was lacking to complete the millions, the remainder might be delivered to the spaniards interested and sent to its destination. already it was more than probable by this time that the silver of the said ship was placed in safety; and the above-mentioned castellan, who went to palapa, found that it was so. he found the said ship without any crew or any cargo; and notwithstanding some investigations which he made to get the silver, he ordered the "philipino" to be set afire and returned to manila without having obtained anything else than having made his efforts in vain. [160] but he did not cease to make all efforts ashore and by sea in small boats to get the silver, but the same result followed of not obtaining any success. 67. before these incidents, by others which intervened through the withdrawal of some spaniards and officers, notwithstanding their oath and word of honor, the english caused to enter into the city those who were suspected, among them being the two ministers who were the only ones outside the walls, don francisco viana and don francisco billacorta. the latter effected his entrance into the city on receipt of the message; and the former his retirement to pampanga at the end of january. auditor villacorta entered and left the city freely, but had the heedlessness [to write] certain letters to auditor anda, and the misfortune to have them intercepted. it resulted therefrom that he was seized and in a very short time he was considered by a council of war, which sentenced him to the list punishment. [161] 68. almost at the same time the rumor spread abroad of the offensive and defensive alliance of the british government with the king of jolo. in consideration of the treaty which that sultan had a few months previously celebrated in favor of his majesty and the spanish nation, and of the irreparable injuries that would result to these islands from the newly-contracted alliance, the archbishop had recourse by a very strong and expressive letter to said government, laying upon it all the responsibility in regard to said alliance. however, he resisted strongly for the reason which he expresses in his reply. but this alliance has reached such a point that the government has sent prince ysrael, son of the said sultan, to jolo; and then tried to get the archbishop to give him a letter for the surrender of zebù and other islands, [162] but its petitions and exigencies to obtain said letter were unsuccessful. the archbishop refused to give it for the reasons which are expressed in his letters to the british government on this matter. so far has the archbishop been from giving letters for the surrender of the islands, that he refused and resisted what was petitioned from him in instances and even by threats a long time after the cession had passed. 69. the archbishop excused no effort in the so serious matter of the cause of auditor villacorta, by message, visits, and letter, but all he could obtain was the suspension of his execution. the british conceded that on condition that the defendant himself, the father provincial of the society, and the archbishop write to auditor anda, ordering him to suspend hostilities, and not to prevent the entrance of food. i have no doubt that the two letters were couched in good terms. that of the archbishop was dated march 21, [and was written] with the care and attention that it expresses. these letters were given to the british who sent them by the most reverend father sierra, a dominican, who brought back the answers and placed them in the hands of said british government. the latter, after a few days, sent his to the archbishop opened, after having made a copy of it, which was translated into the english language. consequently, it was necessary for the archbishop to demand that the said copy be destroyed, as it touched and blackened his honor. [163] but the british government did not comply with this request, and only promised not to let it out of its possession, except to its superiors. already the contents of said letter had been divulged among the spaniards and english, a fact that deeply penetrated the heart of the archbishop, for its style and its contents, alone ought to be buried in profound silence. 70. this letter, of which a rare copy will be found in the histories, is handed in to the royal hand and most just comprehension of his majesty under other covers. the same diligence is practiced in another letter of the fiscal with his diary and manifesto, all written in the same ink and formed almost with the same pen as the above-mentioned letter of the other minister. both of them have not been ashamed of staining their pens with blood against the laws of decency, truth, justice, and charity, to the offense of god, of their oath of obedience to the laws of the indias, and in contempt of the archiepiscopal dignity, and of the archbishop's representation in these islands of the royal person of his majesty. by their example they fermented the people, who have become scattered and corrupted with scandals, murmurings, disgust, and spite against their own prelate, pastor and father. 71. this impudence in the village, and almost universal among all classes of persons and estates, with the exception of some few of reason and judgment, is the fire that has deeply penetrated the feeling and pierced the heart of the archbishop. he maintained himself and still maintains himself firmly in the face of his enemies, in order that he might attend to the conflicts and needs of the said village and of our peoples, and not deprive the city and the many persons of both sexes who have found it impossible to leave it, of shelter; to attend, at the same time, to the protection of the churches as well as possible; and to see that the holy religion and divine worship are encouraged without commencing to grow weak in the capital. he has succeeded in doing this in the greater part through the divine mercy; and to so great a degree have church functions and all the ecclesiastical ministers succeeded for the welfare of the faithful, that edification and not a little wonder is caused by the fact that the faith and worship of our lord jesus christ are seen to shine forth in the midst of so many hardships, conflicts, and necessities. 72. in this the royal favor and protection of the king, our sovereign, has the greatest and best share. the ecclesiastical cabildo and its ministers, the girls' school of santa potenciana, the troops which were left, the invalid and sick officers in the hospital of san juan de dios, the archbishop and his household, and many others who are aided by the king's pay, have been able to be maintained through his generous pity. with all this was concerned the provision which the archbishop enacted with the british governor in regard to the supply of the pay which he has administered without fail. in the regulation of them, the distribution has been made according to the circumstances of the persons and of the time, with the economy which has appeared advisable. of the amount of these salaries, he has given and will give the orders against his majesty's treasury, on whom depends the subsistence of the above-mentioned vassals who have only lived and been able to support themselves with these aids of his majesty, without having any other help so far as the human is concerned. 73. but in order that no thorn might be wanting to the archbishop to pierce him in regard to this same so favorable and equitable provision, since he assigned therein only half pay to the wearers of the toga (in consideration of the fact that if they moderated themselves under the present circumstances, it appeared sufficient, as they no longer respected his majesty, reserving for the latter's justification, the payment of the other half for an opportune time), they were very angry, and made an outcry against the archbishop in a most impudent letter, in which they retorted but without foundation and with a vicious comprehension, that the archbishop was applying to himself more than half pay, although he took only the half which belongs to him as governor, and nothing more, not even any stipend as archbishop. but said ministers requested, and it was given them in its entirety or as a reward until october five, without them having been willing in the future to accept the half pay which was assigned to them under the above-mentioned reasons; and although their right remained safe to them at all times, it would have demonstrated that they would have been insufficient had the archbishop changed his provision. but it was shown that one-half the pay was quite sufficient for a minister to maintain himself with moderation and economy, as was proved in the case of don pedro calderon, who arrived at this capital with the captured ship "trinidad," and who requested that he be furnished with half pay under bond. it was conceded to him in this manner, and he supported himself, daughter, and household with it. 74. notwithstanding so many contradictions, conflicts, accidents, and enemies, on all sides which have undermined the robust health of the archbishop, placing him in the extremity of dying, he has been experiencing the most special providence of the most high. not without astonishment do they see him with life and that he has been able to attend to the conflicts of all and to the continuous attacks which pressed on him constantly from all sides. there has not been any spaniard or native, or people of these, or any religious, who have been in prison, or experienced hardship, or necessity, whom he has not helped or protected with the offices of charity, mediation, and petition with the english, from whom he has many times obtained either the protection or justice which has been fitting. consequently, he has encountered the enemy for all this class of people, even with danger to the respect of his dignity and of his person. individual mention of the cases and persons would be infinite; and much appears in his letters to the english on various matters. but the gratitude that has been his due is that of a people made peevish by the wicked leaven of the examples and inducements of persons, who by their rank and post, special honor, and greater obligation, and because of being singularly benefited by the archbishop, ought to be quite other, and, at least, without the abandon of the fear of god and christian charity. 75. the inevitable situation in which the archbishop finds himself, because of being in front of the enemy and in their presence, in order to attend to the various grievous casualties which frequently occur would become more tolerable to him, if he did not experience from his own people and from the one who commands them, and from those whom they incite for the latter, that they have vomited forth their fury against his person. it seems incredible, but it is a fact, that the wrath and imprudent acts of the abovesaid who have soullessly trampled on his dignity have cost him more pangs than the presence of the enemy, who have respected him, although they have caused him great mortification. 76. from this fatal experience it comes, that the situado and wealth of the "philipino" having been assured as abovesaid; and adding that in the same security, in which it is considered, it runs great danger from the very ones who are guarding it, and from other evildoers: the archbishop does not dare to ask for it for the help and pay of those who are supported in the city at the expense of his majesty, but continues to ask and receive that help and pay from the british government, by which the royal treasury is doubly burdened. this treasure has as yet escaped the hand of the english, but it has fallen into so many that it is difficult for it to come into the hands of those interested; for besides its great danger, it is asserted that the expenses of its conduction, which is not finished as yet as far as pampanga, exceed one hundred and twenty [pesos] to the thousand, while the pay which is distributed with free hand and other expenses are in excess of thirty thousand pesos per month, as the archbishop has been assured. 77. it is true that there would be no little difficulty in conducting these sums, which the archbishop asks, to the city, and that they would run many dangers; but the difficulty from which auditor anda would remove and free himself in its sending is greater and insuperable. this person, quite filled with wrath against the archbishop, by his apprehensions as mistaken as exorbitant, and by his scandalous productions, and who appears to be only trying to make his conduct and zeal for the royal service shine out by blackening that of the archbishop, refused to send the despatches of his majesty, and those belonging to the archbishop himself, and which had been brought by the "philipino," although he was ordered to deliver those that belonged to all the tribunals, [religious] communities, and private persons. this refusal shows what would happen to any request for the silver. for if since this retention is opposed to the sovereign respect of his majesty, by detaining the orders that he may direct to the archbishop in his royal decrees, anda is trampling also upon the public faith, in what corresponds to the letters, business, commissions, pious funds, and matters of conscience which may be concerned in them, it being quite to the prejudice of the government of the archbishopric and to the public scorn and disrespect of its pastor. 78. anda's despatch also in regard to the royal seal made it necessary for the archbishop to take extreme precaution so that this royal jewel might not be endangered. this being in the power of the archbishop, had been conserved in his possession with so great secrecy without the least fear. but the said instance and procedure of said open despatch to the vice-chancellor, who was in the house of the archbishop, in his service, divulged the secret in pampanga, and to not few persons of this city. consequently, not without manifest danger could it be sent, or could it be preserved in the possession in which it had been, and besides to deliver these royal arms to anda was to place them in a cruel hand for the abuse and atrocities which are experienced, and without it being possible in present affairs to have their authoritative use, for which they were destined by their sovereign owner. 79. the many persons who are fed with the silver have gone to pampanga, among whom is a considerable number of military officers--some in order to get what belongs to them, and others for the consideration of larger pay, and all of them and all the other spaniards incited and threatened by said auditor have been made to incur the inobservance of their oath and their word of honor. and from this irregularity and from others of which the cowardice of the fiscal and his inducements for the same purpose, furnished an example, have come other disorders and disasters of the enemy who have been irritated by these proceedings. never did the archbishop dissuade or induce any to remain in the city or to leave it, although he well knew that it was impossible to divert some families and the religious communities, and much more those of the feminine sex; but all the fatal consequences that have been mentioned have aided to compress the spirit of the archbishop, who by the singular blessing of god has been able to live and remedy some of the fatalities. 80. he considered nothing more necessary than to petition for mail posts and opportunity to give account of everything to his majesty, from whose catholic zeal alone can one hope for the remedy, unless the divine providence miraculously clears the way just as is asked from him, without believing that it is to tempt god, through the most extreme necessities in most important matters, and of his divine service, which intervene and are contained in the present conflicts. and the efforts dictated by the archbishop's prudence and obligation, such as giving a report to his king by two posts, doubling the despatches in the last, by which there comes to be a fourth post, must not be omitted. the first was in december, when the engineer, don miguel gomez, was sent, who was equipped as well as possible. the second was in march of the present year, by equipping two officers, don christoval ròs, and don andres de la torre; and at the same time in another english fragata with sufficient safety and prudent security. he duplicated the despatches in two english fragatas, addressed to his agent at cadiz. 81. these are the most important occurrences during the time of the siege, and the period following it. both the other occurrences previous to the siege, possess the truth that is noted; and these [succeeding it] are proved by the papers and their instruments which have been drawn up. other verification and authentication was not ready at hand, as it was sent by the letters in the posts above-mentioned which have not gone so bare of certain necessary documents and are not of very small bulk. synopsis of letter from anda to carlos iii june 22, 1764, don simon anda y salazar sent a letter to the king, in which he showed the measures adopted by him during or in the time of the war with the english, in regard to economic matters of police and public order. they were as follows. in regard to the fact that prices for provisions, which had become dear because of the english invasion, should be fixed at the prices regulated by custom and tariff, as well as the freight duties of the craft, day wages of stevedores, rent of beasts of burden, and wages of rowers, it was ordered that a tariff be formed in the provinces of bulacan and pampanga, as they had none. [164] [the tariff was ordered] so that the coins of two and one-half tomins, one and one-half tomins, diminished by waste, from the value of their stamp, might be received at their intrinsic value; in order that in a determined time, the sangleys might present themselves under penalty of two hundred lashes, and confiscation of their property, as it was learned that many of the dwellers in the parián of manila had entered pampanga, and had united with those who resided in the villages of the province, and were preparing arms. the object was to disarm them and send them to the parián. but many of them presented themselves armed and offered to give bonds that they were peaceful and that their arms were employed in the service of his majesty. he ascertained that the agreement that they had made with the english was that one thousand chinese should enter from the parián of manila, and distribute themselves through the villages, so that they might fire them at that hour of christmas eve when the natives should be in the temples, in order that by reason of the confusion, free entrance into the province might be secured for the english. he proceeded to imprison and punish many of them, and gave orders to maintain a suitable guard at the entrances of the bars and villages from the twenty-third to the twenty-fifth of december, 1762; and the religious ministers of the doctrine were not to open their churches or celebrate the divine offices, and to act with all manner of precaution. seeing that the chinese aided the english in their expeditions, and that the chief sangleys were censuring such conduct as well as that of others of those who plotted the insurrection in pampanga, he suddenly pardoned them on condition that they would not reside in the provinces without license from the governing audiencia, not to reside [there] longer than the time he would set, pay a tribute, and not carry food or aid the enemy. some submitted, but acted deceitfully, introducing false barrillas into the villages, withdrawing the pesos, giving information to the enemy, and going freely from the parián of manila to the provinces. [165] others aided the english and supplied them with food. consequently, it was ordered that the alcaldes-mayor should form a list of the sangleys, of their provinces, prohibiting their admission unless they had permission from the audiencia. no one of them was to go from the provinces to manila and cavite, under penalty of the confiscation of his property. that checked their insolence in large part, it is said. he ordered the arms collected for the use of the soldiers. he forbade more wine than was necessary to be taken from the province of laguna, because of the disorders produced by drunkenness. in bacolor the sale of nipa wine was by retail. he ordered the soldiers who had dispersed when the capture of manila and cavite by the english took place to present themselves. they did so, as did also the officers, showing the arms that they possessed. [166] in the province of pampanga, he permitted the free circulation of the barrillas (money made of pinchbeck and tin which the ayuntamiento of manila coined for purchase at retail, and whose value was that of one grano of a tomin), but since the sangleys introduced many counterfeit ones, he had to prohibit their circulation. he ordered don francisco javier salgado to investigate the extortions and losses caused in the villages of tondo and cavite by the militia of laguna and tayabas who were assigned to oppose the english, because the leaders of such militia could not make them observe the due subordination. but no injured one presented himself, and accordingly he says that there is no one against whom to proceed, in spite of the fact that the order was published by edict. he published an edict in regard to weights and measures, in order that they might not be made less or clipped. he forbade the seculars who had fled to the provinces to obey the summons of the archbishop that they return to manila. he ordered the indians not to go out of their villages without a passport from the gobernadorcillo to villages within the province; and from the governing audiencia to manila and its environs, so that they might not carry provisions to manila. that order not being sufficient, he issued other edicts making the prohibition more strict especially against the spaniards. having seen that the four churches that were under the cannon of the fort of manila had been used by the english as fortifications, who committed all manner of profanations, he ordered the necessary arrangements to be made in the villages to burn them, if the enemy attacked. [167] that order poorly understood, exposed the church of viñan [168] to being unnecessarily burned, but it was saved by order of anda. he also censured the first provision which he had to revoke. he prosecuted and punished several spies sent by the english to ascertain what anda and the loyal troops were doing. he permitted free trade among the provinces, so that they might have food in abundance. he ordered that all the lands of pampanga be planted, so far as possible, with rice, sugarcane, etc., and that land in the village of san ysidro be given to the tagálogs who had fled from manila. he arranged that the food for the provision of the warehouses be bought by the parish priests, and that they be paid in cash instead of demanding them through apportionment. he went out to defend the loyal troops who were maltreated and insulted by the english generals who treated them like dogs. he offered ten thousand pesos for the heads of drak, esmith, and broche. [169] he granted general exemption from tribute, polos, and personal services, in view of the fact that the english said that they had gone to the islands to free the people from them, which measure proved very useful. he ordered that in bacolor and surrounding villages, the bell be rung at nine o'clock at night for all people to retire, and not to be seen on the streets, in order to avoid disorders. he forbade the sending of skins to manila in order that the english and chinese might not use them. [he forbade] illuminations at night, on the eve and day of the anniversary of birth and the saint's day of the king and prince of asturias. he prohibited by edict the pangasinans from living with their herds on the lands of san ysidro in order to avoid disorders with the inhabitants of the village over the pastures. he prohibited games of dice, cockfighting, and cards, in order to avoid the excessive thefts and robberies that were committed. he ordered whoever committed a theft of the sum of one peso to be punished with the capital penalty. he published a judicial defense in reply to the considerations of father fray antonio de las huertas, of the order of the preachers, to a memorial which was presented in the royal council of the yndias by father luis de morales, of the society of jesus, provincial of his order for the province of filipinas. father pedro de espinar of the society of jesus, provincial general of his order for the provinces of yndias in madrid, is the author of the memorial. [170] it is the defense of the society of jesus against the writings of the archbishop of manila, pardo, and his partisans, published in madrid, and the roman court, which attributed to the jesuits complicity in the questions aroused by the governor of filipinas and the audiencia. [171] letter from anda to carlos iii sire: this capital having been taken by assault, october 5, 62; your archbishop-governor, auditors, troops, and citizens having been made prisoners; the fort of santiago and port of cavite having been surrendered; all the islands having been ceded afterwards, and four millions of pesos; and the city having been sacked with the greatest severity for the space of forty-eight hours: i having declared myself that same day, in the province of bulacan, where i was, as royal audiencia, governor, and captain-general of said islands, in accordance with the law, very great was the effort of your archbishop to efface this image of your majesty which had remained in these islands, represented, although unworthily, in my person. in order to show that more conclusively, i enclose his own manifest letters with the testimony. those letters gave motive to this your royal governing audiencia to form an informatory process from them of pure and naked fact, in order to instruct your royal mind. i shall not refer to them in extenso in this my representation which is directed to your majesty. upon examining them, will you please state which of the two proceeded more in accordance with right, law, and religion, to the love and fidelity which each one owes his sovereign as a good vassal: the reverend archbishop, who tried by so many methods, to cast to the earth this legitimate image which represented and defended your royal rights, even to the point of declaring him a traitor, rebel, and disobedient to his own sovereign, and to that of gran bretaña; or i, who suffering and enduring all these things, made use of your royal power, insulted and abased by so many enemies and traitors, by making you truly recognized again in these vacillating fields of christianity, until you became the terror of all the many enemies who had declared against you, reducing the greatest and most principal from a victorious conqueror to a truly starving prisoner. for the latter did not even have more than nor even as much as the balance of the cannon of the fort which he occupied, a limit set for his soldiers under pain of losing life if they went beyond it. [172] thus did i redeem not only the relief and liberty of this most afflicted community and its environs, but what is more yet, its wealth and the most principal thing, the religion and the honor due your majesty, which being so exposed seemed about to be entirely lost. i protest, sire, that whatever i say in this my representation and advance in my treatise, is not for the purpose of injuring that venerable prelate whom i have ever regarded with the respect due the prince of the church; and if i transgress in any way, and do not express myself with that moderation suitable, i protest that my words may not serve as an offense to his dignity, and that i have been actuated in this by only a real affection, with the desire that your majesty may be informed of the acts of turbulence which have occurred in these domains, in order that you may better provide for the best government and relief of them. so far as i am concerned, i claim or desire no other satisfaction than what i have in this as i have desired to serve your majesty, since the greatest satisfaction is for your royal piety to consider itself as well served by me if you find it consistent. [173] but if it should appear to your supreme comprehension that the so public excesses of your reverend archbishop, as appear from the said testimony, of which i shall enclose some here, merit satisfaction, this alone concerns your majesty. i am unaware as to the motives of said prelate, that made him, although it had no bearing on the end, for which he despatched me from the fort, and so to the injury of your majesty's interests, when finding himself a prisoner of war with my associates, order me in a letter of october 10, 62, among other things: "to observe faithfully the treaties which were being arranged with the british chiefs in manila." although i answered him from the province of bulacan in the most courteous and fitting terms, this was not sufficient to restrain his pen, and on the twenty-sixth of the same month he wrote me pouring out instead of ink, blood and rage against my loyal procedure. in the so great consternation in which the loss of manila placed your vassals, and for this reason many of the criminal class having fled from prison, and continuing their depraved morals, they threw into disorder the environs of this city and its immediate villages. your reverend archbishop did not allow the perverse orendain and don cesar fallet [174] the declared enemies of your majesty, to stir from his side. they, availing themselves of the disturbances caused by these malevolent persons, painted those disturbances to his excellency, saying that there was sedition and unrest among all the indians, who, having conspired against the spaniards, were persecuting them as wild beasts; that already in one province one of them had elevated himself as emperor and refused obedience to your majesty; that the province of bulacan was in the same condition; that all the others would follow their example; that one of these days they would have señor anda tied up, if they did not first deprive him of life; that consequently, as it was advisable to the services of both majesties and for the public quiet, and so that so much christian blood might not be shed, his excellency ought to yield all the islands, and cause señor anda to descend; that if he did not condescend to do so, nothing else would result than the ruin of all these domains, the loss of christianity, and the execution by the english of the sentence that had been pronounced of putting to the sword all the spaniards; that your majesty would never be able to consider yourself as well served; and that consequently he should have a regard to his conscience. i understand well, sire, how if he considered all those motives, and that from them would follow the total ruin of these islands, he should then on that account have condescended to redeem them [from ruin] by ceding them, in regard to the fact that this could not be of any service to the english, since it only concerns your majesty. but to give credit to these two traitors, who knowingly exaggerated these disturbances to him, and not to proceed, with more knowledge, to write me in place of the letters ordering the spaniards to descend, to inform him regarding the condition of the provinces, and advise me, for my course, of what was happening in manila, by directing prudently so glorious an end after the twenty odd days that the fort had been taken; and continuing the obligation to surrender these domains with the tenacity which his above-cited letters show, (although the most of the suggestions of the two traitors were now seen to be false, as the provinces were quiet), he proceeded to sign the cession, and even after seeing the catholic arms so flourishing and powerful, whose victories, patent to all the world, were incredible to his excellency, yet he prosecuted this undertaking even to the grave. [175] in truth, sire, i do not know what apology that venerable prelate can give your majesty for such actions. in view of an anonymous letter which your royal audiencia received in bulacan, in regard to the english having offered a reward to whomever would take them my head, and other methods, in which apparently the reverend archbishop was prudently walking, i despatched to this latter a request and petition asking him to abstain from such procedures and not to summon the alcaldes, natives, or spaniards who had retired, both because his powers had expired, and because although he did possess such powers, they ought to be used to the benefit of your majesty, and not in opposition to you. but this did not even restrain him in the idea that had taken possession of him, since already from the twenty-third day, he had ordered me to descend to manila, and although he saw my resistance in my accommodating myself to his ideas, which were so opposed to your royal rights, he wrote me lastly on the fourth of november in the terms that his said letter shows, [176] and which i myself am ashamed to mention, referring myself to the enclosed testimony. he ordered the alcalde-mayor of bulacan, don josé pasarin, who recognized me from the first as your royal audiencia, to cause all the spaniards and their families to descend to manila, even threatening him with censures if he did not obey. this order included among the spaniards my assembly secretary, my advocate, my fiscal, and doctor don domingo arañaz, [177] one of the advocates of this city. but neither they nor said alcalde-mayor, recognizing the very great service which was being done for his majesty and for religion in [not] consenting to the ideas of the reverend archbishop to deprive me of those whom i considered capable of some aid in sustaining the weak remnants of your majesty's adherents, would pay any attention [to the order]. on the contrary, they were the ones, who with my attendants accompanied me in all my labors, and formed my only consolation in the total abandonment and persecution which i suffered during the first six months. for all the other spaniards who were in that province, carried away either by these persuasions, or through their terror and the threats of the enemy, or from seeing the many atrocities committed by the indians against them through some trouble that they had had with them, at the most, i am sure, by their natural inclination to live according to their own wishes, or for the reason of the party of your majesty being so few in numbers, went down, and some with their possessions, to render obedience to the english. he ordered the marquis of monte castro to return to manila; and don andres blanco, who could not do so through his indisposition, to send his son, availing himself, in order to oblige them the more, of the expressions which may be seen in the letters of testimony which are worth your majesty's attention. he wrote in terms apparently so christian to the provincials of the franciscan and recollect orders, and recognizing himself as the greatest sinner, confesses that he alone is the cause of all these misfortunes and that god is punishing his flock for his sins. anyone would believe, in view of this so simple understanding of himself, and a so clear confession of his defects, that it was a true repentance and grief at seeing the miseries and havoc from which this city and its environs were suffering, in spiritual and temporal matters. but it is not so, sire, for at the same time, he sends pastoral letters to said provincials, for the indians of their provinces, in which, with the greatest simulated virtue, and pretending the greatest advantages to your royal rights, he persuades them to become subject to the english. for that purpose he sings a thousand praises of this nation but for the purpose of surprising the incautious simplicity of these silly indians, for whom he had said letters translated into their languages in order that the poison which they held might work effects more favorable to his ideas. neither the threats of the enemy, nor the ostentation which this one made of his power, nor the alliance of the apostate sangleys, declared in his favor and against your majesty, nor the abandonment in which i remained because of the absence of the few spaniards, who were in the provinces, nor the endurance of which i made use to dissimulate many things which i heard and saw among these poor miserable indians for want of instruction, education, and communication with civilized people, nor the schisms and rebellion of some provinces: none of these things, sire, was so keenly felt by me as the acts of the reverend archbishop, which were so irregular and far from the truth; of a prelate, who instead of furnishing an example, served as a stimulus to the traitors who leaning on the authority which is represented among such lofty subjects, were confident of the virtue and zeal of this prelate, only to become inflamed against me and avail themselves of his destructive ideas of this your state and religion. it is left for the supreme intelligence of your majesty to consider the great grief caused this royal audiencia which was governing, to see an ecclesiastical prelate who had just been military and political head, who spared no means in order to sacrifice these your domains, which he ought to have conserved for so many reasons, or at least have maintained an indifferent attitude in the condition of prisoner. what catholic and loyal vassal of your majesty could see without great grief a pastor persuading his sheep in said letters that they should submit to gran bretaña? further on, he says: "if you do as i exhort and advise you, you will receive the reward from god, and for the contrary, the punishment; and if you observe, this, you will be good vassals of my king and my faithful children." in truth, sire, such propositions in writing from an ecclesiastical prelate are of the greatest scandal for the community and very suspicious for the faith due to both majesties. what doctrine, what religion is this, in which one sees that a pastor, so repentant and full of grief for the troubles of his flock in the power of the heretical enemy, at the same time, with so efficacious and mild words induces those who are free to surrender to the same enemy! that is the same as to deliver them to the wolf so that that animal may tear them to pieces, and destroy them with the same hardships which he bewails in the others. to recognize a sin, to confess it with show of repentance and to commit a greater of the same kind: what doctrine, i repeat, is this? a rare thing, the eagerness with which this reverend prelate undertook and prosecuted a matter so extraordinary and harmful! a good proof of this truth is what results from the above-cited letters written to the subjects abovesaid, and which are expressed in the said testimony which i enclose. the archbishop signs some as governor of manila, although a prisoner; in others as governor and captain-general; and in others, he adds, "of these islands." but if these islands had been already ceded to the enemy, and that surrender had been made, who could commit a greater incongruity than to call himself governor of what he had already lost, since he surrendered and ceded it to the english? the letter which he writes to the marquis of monte castro begins thus: "yesterday afternoon, the present governor of manila and his council imprisoned, etc., manuel antonio, archbishop-governor." consequently, at one and the same time we have three governors--the englishman, recognized by the archbishop; the latter, for thus he signed; and myself, because your majesty gave me that post by your laws. whether the honors of such post ought or ought not to be kept for him does not serve as an excuse to the reverend archbishop; or that he had hopes of again holding such office by the right of postliminy: for this at most does not go beyond honors, and hopes are kept without in any way becoming real, for this office was confirmed in me already by virtue of laws lvii and lviii, book ii, título xv of the recopilación; [178] and even according to the first, by the right of postliminy, the reverend archbishop had no right to administer that office, again, since it orders expressly that when your royal audiencia assumes the office, it hold it until your majesty appoints to it. [179] the fact is that in the despatches sent by the english to the traitor diego silang to ylocos, and in the edicts which they published, when they name the reverend archbishop, they say "ex-governor." how could it be otherwise, as he was in the domains of the king of ynglaterra, and was not the one appointed by the latter, and their governor would be opposed to your majesty. that was the manner of procedure in regard to the title, until his burial. he performed judicial acts by means of the false secretary monrroy and others in whatever he thought best, with the most special circumstance that he was always in favor of the english and opposed to the rights of your majesty and your vassals. and hence it is seen that although the english treated him with the greatest contempt, and confessed that i was acting as a loyal vassal of your majesty, he would never relinquish the title of governor, or recognize in me your royal audiencia, in accordance with the laws; and he died in the same conviction, as one may see by his last will, when he left to the governor, who should come from españa, a carriage and its horses, so that he might make use of it, and ordered this cabildo to deliver to the same a sealed box, containing the papers, which were to be sent to your majesty. thus was it done without any mention of me, except to persecute me, as if i were not governor in your majesty's name. of this fact and others, my successor, don francisco javier de la torre, will give account. the latter brought to the royal assembly the measure in regard to your royal seal which was melted by order of the archbishop, who always refused to send it to your royal audiencia. and although i petitioned it from him in my first letter of october 20, 62, and there followed in regard to it a measure on which i report separately in so far as it concerns me, the pretext that is inferred because of such a demonstration with this so estimable jewel of your majesty is surprising; and it is surprising to say that he executed it because of its difficulty in the gates of the city and the risk which it ran of falling into the hands of the enemy. however, it is a fact that there was no danger at all. for when i petitioned it of him, i told him that he could deliver it to the person who carried my letter, a man in whom i had complete confidence. besides he could have sent it safely by the religious whom the english used as their ambassadors to me, or by the adjutant whom the reverend archbishop himself sent to me to inform me of the suspension of hostilities. but since his intention was no other than to deprive this your image of whatever rights could represent it, legitimately and truly, on that account it was more difficult for him to send the royal seal of so little bulk than to me the withdrawal from the fort of the sum of more than one hundred thousand pesos of property which your majesty needed for your troops, and which i placed in the royal storehouses of those provinces. it appears that the disrespect committed toward so sacred a jewel in which your majesty is immediately represented, cannot be greater, and it would surely have been treated with more honor if it had fallen into the hands of the enemy. this fact is sufficient to confirm the persecution that was declared, by which he aimed to erase your royal name from these domains. for in truth, what other impulse could he have had, when it is public and well known that the english meddled with nothing that concerned his palace after the sack? above all he was immune and free from this for a long time after, and no one would deny that if he delivered it safely to the cabildo when melted, in the same way he could have delivered it entire. by the letter written by the above-mentioned prelate, under date of october 30, 62, to don andres blanco, your majesty may see that he treats me as a rebel. the english condemned me as a rebel and disobedient to both majesties on the fourth of november. it resulting from said sentence that i was condemned by both parties, it is proved conclusively that i was condemned by the reverend archbishop before i was condemned by the english, and that the archbishop concurred with them when they sentenced me. and it is a fact, and all manila knew it and saw him present at the council of the english on the day on which they pronounced so unheard-of a sentence. with these facts cited, and signed by the hand of the reverend archbishop, one can recognize clearly the faith that is merited by a letter which it appears that he wrote in regard to his actions and the protests of which i am told he made before dying. if all those who died were st. pauls and the reverend archbishop had shown the actions of such an one and of a royal vassal of your majesty, it is certain that his sayings and expressions ought to be of great appreciation. but since he was so opposed to the rights of your majesty, to those of religion, and that which is least to my honor, it has been absolutely necessary to draw up this informatory process purely and nakedly made, so that after examining it, your majesty may take the most advisable measures. i confess to being the least and most useless of your vassals, but in fidelity, zeal, and disinterestedness to your majesty's service, i do not yield to the highest. consequently, so far as it concerns me, i would have kept quiet about the ugly stigma of traitor, simply in order not to reveal the omissions of a prelate, recognizing its nullity because of the defects of jurisdiction in this one and in the english; and that i cannot be a rebel to your majesty when defending your states, nor to the english since i am not nor have any desire of being an english vassal. hence said sentence well understood becomes a new proof of my nobility and loyalty. it is a shame to the truth of the nation that it has had a vassal of so extraordinary thought, and that he could take example from the very enemy. for although it is true that these followed the rules, because of their utility and convenience in this matter, of the reverend archbishop, notwithstanding that they gave me the title of general and commander-in-chief of the troops of your majesty in the provinces, and finally recognized me as your audiencia, governor, and captain-general. however, the reverend archbishop, although your vassal, and so honored, passed to the other life, without doing it. it is a fact that the english declared me a rebel and traitor; confiscated and sold my property as such; declared your troops in public edicts to be canaille and robbers; and your artillery captured in the foundry of bulacan for more contempt, was placed under the gallows of this city. barbarous and unheard of are these acts of disrespect against the supreme honor of your majesty, to whom it alone belongs to ask for the fitting satisfaction, and to me to report it. but surely the english would not have incurred them, had the reverend archbishop borne himself as he ought to have done as a prisoner and had he not treated me as an insurgent. but since the reverend archbishop and his partisans and many traitors of both estates whom your majesty has had, forced the title of rebel and insurgent against me; and although i was unworthy, i was the only one in whom your royal name was conserved which since it was becoming utterly despised in these islands, it appeared absolutely necessary to me, because of the vassalage which i owe to your majesty, to defend your name, although opposed by so many dangers to my life, surrounded by traitors and assassins, who came from manila to attack my person, which without a soldier or the slightest war equipment, during the first six months it was conserved, i believe, by divine providence alone for defending a cause so just as the side of your majesty. [180] on the day when they captured the fort, the enemy had more friends in it than your majesty, but much of it was in imitation of a prelate who had just been governor, whose persuasions and threats were alone directed to surrendering everything to the english. even if i had understood the law badly, and i had no right by it to be the governing audiencia, it was sufficient to have hoisted your royal standard, so that every loyal vassal might follow it, and with greater reason, those of character, distinguished and honored by your majesty. i received a letter from the governor of zamboanga, don ygnacio andrade, which an english captain left him for the reverend archbishop, written in the port of san jorge, june 7, 1762, and signed by jorge pigot, governor of madrast. by its expressions one can see the close and previous correspondence which the reverend archbishop had with the english. it must be noted that the said captain, darrimple [i.e., dalrymple] whom it cites later as having sounded all these islands, of which repeated advices were given to the reverend archbishop, came to cast anchor in this bay, in the year 61, without allowing aboard his vessel the guard which the fort sent to him. and instead of securing him, he showed him many courtesies. that captain dined at the palace, examined all the walls, its strength, the beach, even the powder factory, sounded the entire bay, and information having been given to the fort of this innovation, by a sentinel, yet he was allowed to go out freely when he pleased. for those special favors, the said governor of madrás gives him [i.e., the archbishop] many thanks, and although it is not expressed in the letters, the head of the staff which he sends him. the said governor of zamboanga sent it as a gift from the english to the reverend archbishop, who did not care to have his name mixed up in a matter so delicate. lastly, i add for the more complete conviction of your reverend archbishop, the fact that he refused to send the seal to this your royal audiencia, which existed as long as it cared in the barrio of santa cruz; and that rice growers lived outside the walls of this city, where trade and commerce with the provinces was both free and continuous, and whence i got the one hundred thousand pesos of said effects, and most of the war supplies which were the greatest danger, but not the royal seal. may god preserve the catholic royal person of your majesty for the protection of these fields of christendom. manila, july 23, 764. [181] don simon de anda y salazar letter from vela to gonzalez my brother, antonio gonzalez: the letter which you wrote from madrid arrived together with that of this place, but no other has arrived. by the same boat also came [news of] the peace, whereupon the english again delivered the place to our governor. [182] it was almost bare of cannon, as the english had taken them. for eighteen months were we under the rule of the heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. they acted toward us worse than do the victorious turks toward those whom they conquer. however, manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of its total lack of all christian procedure, but singularly because of its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect and fear us because of our boasting that we are spaniards. manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site, by its location surrounded by a river larger than the tajo at toledo, and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous rains--it is, i say--for all these reasons, almost invincible, with less than a medium defense of true militia. for no power can place here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. all that would be necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in manila, and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer indians. but on the present occasion, when the sole sinews of the english were about one thousand five hundred europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from asia, with the carriages and horses of manila driven along its beach, the english could not have effected a landing. but our archiepiscopal government, counseled by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the english to disembark without opposition. the fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used for the attack by land. some commanded, others countermanded, because they asserted that they would anger the english more. a reënforcement of drilled indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally, for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy without grievously vexing him. in a sally, the indians reached quite to the artillery abandoned by the english. the enemy rallied, and the indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. four days of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which god sent, and by which one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the english, neither toward the sea, nor toward [land]. their powder was used up, and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist. it was thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce english officers who had been invited to dine, into manila. there it was agreed that the assault was to be made october 5, and that all would be defenseless and open. so it happened. at seven or eight o'clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. some loyal men refused, as they were fearful of the outcome. thereupon, the english attacked the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. and climbing from hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing, they mounted the bastion. the lateral, although it did not have more than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also captured the highest officer of the attack. it was enough to make all the rest of the english retire; but encouraged by seeing their men in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more, for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted the bastion, and then a traitor guided them. there was no reserve in the fort for such a blow. they reached the square of the palace, where only the indians resisted them. but they yielded to the instances of some spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. the archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that. the citadel was to be surrendered, as well as cavite, but our ship which was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it before the fifth of october. a few days after, all the islands were likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos]. auditor anda departed one day before with authority from the governor and audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. he did so as by a miracle, having retired to pampanga. the english wished to first conquer pasig, which was guarded by indians. they attained their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the provisions of laguna. they thought it best also to go to pampanga to destroy señor anda, but having been attacked about one legua or so from manila by señor anda's men, they were completely routed, and left many slain. the survivors fled to manila as best they could, notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors of manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of señor anda. the english and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult by force, devoted their energies to trickery. first, they tried to induce the chinese to kill señor anda, as he was now cried by heralds as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. the chinese had agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the spaniards of his faction. a few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter from a chinese written in chinese characters to another chinese of manila. he summoned a chinese mestizo to interpret it. but either for malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatever came into his head. thereupon, he made use of a dominican chinese, who declared the treason of the letter. days before the arrival of this declaration, everything was already known, because a chinese fired a blunderbuss at señor anda which only damaged his coat. thereupon, he seized as many chinese as he could with his small troop of spaniards and indians, and after taking their depositions had them hanged. there were more than two hundred [of them]. many others who escaped informed the english and chinese of manila, and the latter petitioned the english to kill all the spaniards of manila, while they would do the same with those outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. the english would not consent, but determined to attack pampanga, encouraged more by the treason of the indians of laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde and other spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on the following day, though the latter also escaped that. the cause for this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village because he had invited all the province to welcome the english with a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all the spaniards. the hardships that the spaniards, who fled from the english, suffered in all the villages of laguna, are unspeakable. with these results the english were emboldened to besiege bulacan, in order to open a road to pampanga. aided by the sangleys, and much more by the spanish traitors of manila, who gave them the method of being able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village, the english set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. although it cost them many people, they seized the church, for the spaniards ran short of powder, as the indians, induced by the spaniards of manila, had hidden it. but the loyal spaniards of bulacan, by means of stratagem and trickery, held the english besieged in the same church. three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies and men from manila, but they were never able to pass. finally, those who were left returned to manila with great loss. and not even one would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the treachery of the indians, they found the few spaniards without powder. the english tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with great secrecy. they reached the troop at dawn. the fire was heavy, and caused the english to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked carriages to our cannons, not a single englishman would have returned to manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief officers wounded. our killed did not reach the number of ten, while theirs, counting the chinese, exceeded one thousand. next night they endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of quiapo for cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen spaniards, they lost more than fifty english and more than two hundred chinese. they attempted to enter pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats, but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while the ship and those who could get back to it fled to cavite. in fine, we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors and chinese they would not have captured manila, nor after capturing it could they have retained it two months. the losses which have been incurred because of them exceed four millions. father joaquin mezquida and father patricio del barrio are going [to spain] as procurators, and they can tell much, although not all. father mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother, your uncle, manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my sister ana, my brother lucas, and my sister juana; the children also of my brother joseph sharing equally--not each one a part, but one part among them all. i do not know whether this will reach the ship, and i am making the greatest efforts in writing, for i am secretary to the provincial pazuengos whom you knew there. my brother will tell my brother manuel that i wrote him quite at length by the ship captured by the english, thanking him for the aid which he extended to ana's two children; and that in regard to the other matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone, and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget the wrongs that come to his mind. tell him also to send me by father patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold, some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. i tell you this in case i can not write it to him. and since my [brother] lives in madrid, let him get from the fathers the mercurios [183] and interesting papers that are published and send them to me. little by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months, people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them. tell your mother, when you see her, to pray god for me often, and that i hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered, for now my health is not what it was before. manila, july 24, 1764. my brother's humble servant, baltasar vela (rubric) [addressed: "to brother antonio gonzalez, of the society of jesus, and if he be dead, to his superior. madrid."] synopsis of communications by anda to carlos iii substantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six representations made to his majesty by don simon de anda salazar, informing him of what he has done as audiencia, governor, and captain-general of filipinas during all the time that the english occupied the city of manila and its port of cavite, under terms of the capitulation which was made between the english general and the reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time. all the representations are dated june and july, of last year 1764. among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the other auditors of that audiencia having been made prisoners of war in manila, don simon not having been included among them because of being in the village of bulacan at that time, attending to the general inspection of all the provinces of the district of that audiencia, in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título xv, book ii of the laws of the yndias, by which it is ordered that if the auditors of the audiencia are absent and only one of them remain, the audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws. under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military, and in order to restrict the english to the vicinity of manila, causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms, getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions, remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and intimidated. in regard to what concerns the representation of the audiencia, he exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty. as governor he attended to all economic matters. in order that provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they had before the siege of manila in those provinces, for that purpose he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties on those who transgressed them. by this method he obtained the end which he desired. he also succeeded in getting the royal official treasurer who had removed the treasury from manila as soon as the squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the province of laguna to that of bulacan, where the above-mentioned don simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to meet the needs that might arise. he forbade anyone to dare to go to the city of manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms [thither]. neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging, aid, or help to the english. those vassals obeyed that as well as the calced religious of st. augustine, who had the province of bulacan in charge. the augustinians attended the several meetings which he called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to don simon de anda, whom they recognized as audiencia, governor, and captain-general. they succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his majesty from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him. [184] there result also the various measures which he enacted in order to assure the patache "filipino" and its wealth, which came from acapulco and had arrived at the province of leite, and which was thought to be exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. those attempts succeeded so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province of pampanga. the treasure carried by said patache belonging to his majesty, the ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and eleven pesos. to that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the order despatched for that purpose. and with previous proof that they, the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums so that they could support themselves. he also caused the wine casks, chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo of a champan which was lost in the province of batangas. among those effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. as soon as manila was surrendered and the english dislodged, don simon placed in the hands of his successor, don francisco de la torre, the testimony of the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy, and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the english did not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the subsistence of the state would have been impossible. he also gives information that the english declared him a rebel and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him through father bernardo pazuengos, provincial of the society of jesus, and fray pedro luis de sierra, of the order of preachers. the first one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only as referring to the british governor, and having refused to make a deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was to treat alone and in secret with don simon in regard to the matter for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was despatched with a warning. at the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the archbishop and from the auditor don francisco enrriquez de villacorta and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council of war of the british nation, because some letters which he had written had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. finally, there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the fort. during this interim, the province of ylocos revolted and rendered homage to the king of gran bretaña. at its head was diego silan, a pangasinan indian, a plebeian, who, according to public report, had been a coachman in manila. he succeeded in getting the english to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction, and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. they seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms and effects belonging to his majesty; and the recognition of paying him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services; obliged the reverend bishop, don fray bernardo ustariz, to retire and take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses, proceeding with inhuman cruelty. an expedition was made against them, in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops. having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the vicar-provincial of that province to pacify it. he communicated to them all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. but not having been able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and gave it in review to the fiscal. the latter petitioned that the most severe punishments be meted out to diego silang and the insurgents. as a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication to fray francisco antonio maldonado, an augustinian religious, and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to diego silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. don diego aldais, a spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do this. he passing through the village of santa lucia, was seized by the partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. they deprived the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another] and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. by various letters which he received, he discovered the alliance which the ilocans had made with the pangasinans, [185] sangleys, and the english enemy, to whom the province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage being don santiago orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft of another letter which he made and sent to diego silang, which was intercepted in his state by don manuel alvarez and presented to him [i.e., to anda]. informed that the ilocan indians were committing disorders in this state, some following steadfastly the party of his majesty, and others that of diego silang, [186] he determined with the advice of experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the catholic villages, and another master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the monteses infidels. he despatched them their titles in the name of his majesty, granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. that provision resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that don miguel vicos killed diego silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had seized. therefore, that province began to settle down until it became quiet and restored to the obedience of his majesty, said prelate having promised (and don simon confirmed it in his majesty's name) a general pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends for their support. he declared as faithful and noble the villages of santa catalina, vigan, bantay, and san vicente, as they were the ones which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition. he also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up in the province of pangasinan, and which originated in the village of binalatongan, which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of st. dominic. those natives, also instigated by the english, taking as their leader juan de la cruz palaris, an unworthy man, who had also been a coachman in manila in the employ of auditor don francisco enrriquez de villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust, extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored, since they could not have any trade with manila, as the english were in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute, they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that province was not to be given outside the village of binalatongan; that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new fathers. finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal. this insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint don juan antonio panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province, and that some spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearful of the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled the province. consequently, he gave commission to other religious; prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under command of don fernando arayat. the latter's troop departed on the expedition, and the pampangos advancing on their march, took position in front of the enemy. having sent an embassy to them, so that they might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. notwithstanding that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing, and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them, attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four muskets and five hundred natives, counting pampangos and cagayans, after summoning them to peace five times. they replied to his summons from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze, with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots from falconets. thereupon, don pedro hernani, lieutenant of spanish infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began to cross the river in pursuit of the cagayans, leaving alférez don jose solorzano as a reserve. don pedro hernani invested the trenches with so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them, although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast with a lance and fell dead. but don pedro fagle substituted him, and picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. the latter afterward presented it to don simon de anda. it was two varas long and a trifle more narrow. at each corner it had a two-headed eagle, and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the arms of the order of st. dominic. they also wounded a spanish soldier with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. since the number of the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen, obliged them to retire. but desiring to avoid all confusion of blood, and manifesting to them the love of his majesty for his vassals, he [i.e., the spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another dominican religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp manalartay. finally, the bishop of nueva segovia, don fray bernardo ustariz, having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. a few days afterward they sent a deputation to don simon, asking mercy, bearing recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their repentance. they recognized his majesty as their only sovereign and asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. he condescended to this, pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in case they repeated their error. juan palaris and domingo magalog, his brother, were included in the pardon. he ordered don joaquin gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter resigned. consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to don jose acevedo. various measures were taken so that the families who had retired to pampanga and fled the insurrection, might be restored to pangasinan. he also recommends the religious orders for the good services which they have rendered, especially that of the calced augustinians, who have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their love and fidelity during the invasion of the english. he also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious of st. john of god, as they had opposed a government measure conducive to the royal service. but since this was a prohibition to taking from an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of manila, it is to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty. lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to continue the aid which had been established on his majesty's account in honor of fernando i, king of joló. he states that, at the beginning of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his majesty, and recognized don simon as audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would send him the aid, which he asked of him. having advised him that he would transfer him to pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and having arrived at the village of pasig, he was overtaken by an accident which impeded him for six days. during that interim, the enemy made him a prisoner. the english, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him to joló. afterward when the english evacuated manila, they took the prince ysrael and all those of his kingdom. it was presumed that the english had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish themselves in joló. that would be to the great prejudice of the visayan provinces and their trade both because of the english and the moros. in a separate measure, both don simon de anda, in his representations, and the royal lieutenant, don francisco de la torre, governor ad interim of filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched july 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared against the auditor don francisco de villacorta, and the fiscal, don francisco leandro de viana, because of the irregularity of the process which they prosecuted against doctor don santiago orendain, which they have not made manifest because of having produced various exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. in regard to this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his majesty decide as to the matter what he considers just. he encloses a report of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned fiscal viana. he also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime of disloyalty, which was incurred by doctor don santiago orendain as being partial to and director of the british government. don simon delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue it. this man and his family went with the english when they evacuated the fort of manila, to the city of madras. the royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of a royal decree, dated july 23, 762, the question of not forbidding sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives information of the league which the christian sangleys made with the english, and the atrocities which they committed. he publicly ordered their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of the sangleys who have kept the title of christian, as was done with the infidels; in which don simon and the ecclesiastical estate also coöperate with convincing and practical reasons. from all the above, it results from this extract that measures could have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to the absolute expulsion of the christian sangleys from those islands; and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as governor as happened to don simon, and restitution [of the government] having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister who has held the command. these two measures look toward the future; for what was done by don simon is approved by his majesty and whatever said don simon has done ought to be approved--the posts which he has given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on the account of the royal treasury. in a word he has become worthy, not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal magnificence, but also of eternal memory. draper's defense a plain narrative [187] the conquest of manila, cavita, and the whole phillipine islands, having been of late the topic of conversation, from the crown of spain's refusal to pay the bills drawn by its archbishop and captain-general, in consequence of the capitulation; [188] and having reason to apprehend, that the public are as ignorant of the nature and importance of that acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with the particulars relative to the capitulation, and its consequences; i think it a duty incumbent on me to set the material transactions of that expedition in a proper point of view, as well as in justice to my own conduct and character, as to the officers and men serving under me: and for the particular information of the representatives of the nation, who have condescended to think our services deserving their public approbation of our conduct, in the particular honour of their thanks conveyed to us by their speaker. manila is the metropolis of the phillipine islands, situated in a large bay on the island of luconia, in the latitude 14, 40 north, longitude 118 east, from london, in possession of the spaniards, and maintained by the crown of spain, at the request of the church for propagating the christian faith among the indians, for which they have a large annual allowance from mexico, for the maintenance of their public officers and clergy, and for the support of their convents: they are also indulged with ships, built and navigated at the king's expence, to bring the said allowance in money: these ships go laden with merchandize belonging to the inhabitants (a still further indulgence allowed them) from manila to acapulca, and return with money: the king's is registered; and the remainder (about as much more) a smuggling trade, and connived at. this trade is so very prejudicial to old spain, the cargoes they send being china silks, india cottons, spices, &c., for the use of the people in america, that the cadiz and bayone companies have frequently presented the strongest memorials and remonstrances to the king, setting forth the damage sustained by it, but without any success, the church always getting the better of them. in consequence of orders from europe to attack manila on the war with spain, the squadron and troops sailed from madrass the first of august, 1762, and arrived in the bay of manila the 24th of september following; and after summoning the town to surrender, and receiving for answer their resolution to defend it, the troops were immediately landed, and began the siege. a breach being made the 6th of october, we stormed and took the city, on which the principal inhabitants retired into the citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long, sent out a flag of truce, desiring to capitulate. the terms offered were, on paying "four millions of dollars, they were to have their churches, convents, palaces, and other public buildings, with the town preserved, the plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their religion, and other liberties; otherwise to be prisoners of war, and put on board the squadron, and sent to the coast of india as such." these terms they accepted; and whilst the articles were settling, they pleaded their inability to raise immediately the sum demanded, unless we would admit the phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the port of pallapa, on the island of semar from acapulca) into the capitulation, and the vice roy to send letters to the general that commanded her, to deliver her up to our ships, which had been sent after her; to which we assented, on condition that the said phillipina was actually in the port of pallapa, and delivered up to our ships in consequence of the said letter. this is the only ship ever admitted into the capitulation (and that conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or ordered to proceed to manila, agreeable to the promised letter of the vice roy, was, by other letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed not to comply with the vice roy's letter, but to land the money on the island where they were, and secure it in the best manner they could until they should receive further directions from manila. [189] all things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the town was immediately stopped [190] and the city restored to order, an account taken of the ordnance and military stores, and the garrison established, which took up the whole of the troops of the expedition; and the place (in obedience to his majesty's instructions) delivered up to the east india company's agent for their use and benefit, until his further pleasure should be known. during these transactions the treasure remaining in the town (a great deal being conveyed out during the siege) was collected together, and the principal inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the remainder as far as two millions; and if the phillipina was not to be got at, we were to take bills on the king of spain for the other two millions, which the captain general, or viceroy, (who was also archbishop) declared he had authority to draw, and would be duly honoured. as soon as the place was in possession of the east india company, the spaniards perceived the king's officers had no further power over them, and therefore stopped any further collections toward the payment; and from the excess of lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent, broke every part of the capitulation by retiring into the country and joining anda, one of the royal audience, who had taken up arms, and proclaimed himself captain general, while their priests and friars publicly exhorted rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up arms and destroy us. as several of the principal men of the place were likewise concerned with him, the captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing more was to be got by fair means, and were willing to secure what was still in their power; and therefore ordered their agents to bring into the city what merchandize was belonging to the said men in the suburbs, as a security till they made good their ransom. but were greatly surprized to find the east india company's governor had placed guards, and would not suffer the agents to remove any one thing, by which the captors lost upwards of 200,000 dollars. the captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their power, gave directions to seize, and dispose of a ship, named the santo nino, [191] that lay in the port of cavita at the time of the town being taken, and placed her produce to the account of the four million (altho' she was not mentioned or included in the capitulation). this was the only ship taken in the port, and sold for only 16,000 dollars, and which the spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored to propagate to be the santissima trinidad; tis therefore in this place necessary to make known, that the santissima trinidad sailed from manila on the 1st of august, which was upwards of seven weeks before the squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred leagues on her voyage to acapulca; when meeting with a storm she was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with off the island of capul by two of our ships, the panther and argo (the two ships that were detached after the phillipina) and after an engagement taken by them, above two hundred miles from the port of manila, and which ships knew nothing at that time of the surrender or capitulation of manila. these two ships that were sent after the phillipina (in consequence of intelligence obtained by a gally we took in the bay soon after our arrival) had got as far as the island of capul, in their way to palapa, when they met with the trinidad, and she being much disabled, and having a great number of men on board, they were obliged to return to the bay of manila with her; on which, as soon as possible, two frigates were dispatched again after the phillipina, but before they could reach the streights of st. bernardino, the north-east monsoon was set in, and the weather too stormy to pass the streights, and after ten weeks fruitlessly attempting it, were obliged to return. the squadron being obliged (by instructions on that head) to return to the coast of india for the protection of the east india company's settlements, before the north-east monsoon was expired, sailed from the bay of manila the beginning of march, leaving orders with the commanding officer of the ships left for the protection of the place, so soon as the south-west monsoon prevailed, to proceed to palapa, in order to take possession of the phillipina, who, on his arrival, found only the ship, the treasure having been carried in small vessels to the island of luconia by orders from the inhabitants of manila, who had all this time amused us with the promise of the money of this ship for payment, and even sent men as hostages [192] in our ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was removed from that place. through the whole of the above transactions, the spaniards by evasions avoided complying with the capitulation in every one respect, except in the bringing in the money from the misericordia and ordentercara, which was out of their power to secrete. they basely and ungratefully took up arms against us, after having their lives given them. they preached publicly in their churches rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us. and these people have still furthermore the impudence to charge us with an infringment of the capitulation, and the effrontery to claim the santissima trinidad, which was taken above 200 miles from manila by two of his majesty's ships, who knew nothing of the surrender of the place, nor was in any shape mentioned or included in the capitulation, having sailed on her voyage seven weeks previous to our arrival, as may be seen by the capitulation annexed hereto. it is true they have given bills on the king their master for part of the ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a right to draw, and therefore refuses payment of. but surely i may with equity be permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large sum annually for their support, and has again put the place into their possession, is he not bound in honour and strict justice to oblige his subjects to make good their solemn covenant and capitulation, having the means so fully in his power? the account of ransom stands correctly thus: dollars r. d. dollars r. d. ransom agreeable to capitulation 4,000,000 0 0 received from the public funds and collections 515,802 3 10 plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers 26,623 0 0 542,425 3 10 --------------remains due to the captors 3,457 574 4 2 one third of which is the proportion belonging to the east india company. the king's instructions were, if we succeeded in the conquest of manila, to deliver up the fortifications, with the cannon, stores and ammunition, to the east india company, until his majesty's pleasure should be signified with regard to the future dispositions of the said conquests, &c. upon the peace, when the place was delivered up to the spaniards, the east india company applied to the secretary of state for leave to carry the artillery and stores to madrass, but received for answer, that they must remain for the defence of the place; but were afterward told, that if the spaniards would give security for the payment of the value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the east india company might remove them to madrass. this last answer did not arrive in india till after orders had been sent to deliver it up, and the season too late to send that year. [193] [here follow the "conditions" and "proposals," q.v., ante, pp. 75-80.] [at the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written by hand: "with admiral cornish's compliments."] colonel draper's answer to the spanish arguments to the earl of halifax, his majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern department. [194] my lord, armed with that boldness which innocence inspires, and the consciousness of having done my duty, both as an officer, and a man of honour and humanity; i presume again to lay before your lordship my answer to the spanish ambassador's memorial. this reply is something more copious than the former, which i had the honour of presenting to your lordship in march last: the new arguments that have been urged to evade payment, requiring fresh reasons to endeavour to enforce it. i was in great hopes, that the good faith, honour, and punctuality of the spanish nation, would have made this publication unnecessary. but finding, that they have absolutely refused payment of the ransom bills, drawn upon their treasury by the governor of manila, and do now claim the restitution of the galeon, i am constrained, for the sake of those brave men, to whom i am obliged and indebted for my success, to assert their rights, in the best manner i am able. many of them, my lord, from the too usual and sanguine hopes of their profession, have already anticipated their supposed profits, and may live to repent their fatal success in a jail; unless the powerful intercession of the government will rescue them from impending misery or destruction. they vainly look up to me for that protection, which in their names, i again request from your lordship's good offices. i must add, that the calumnious and envenomed attack upon my own character, demands the most public justification: being described both at home and abroad, as a man void of all faith, principle, or common honesty; and so, indeed, i should be most deservedly thought, were i guilty even of the smallest part of what the spanish memorial accuses me. a dey of tunis, or algiers, would blush to make use of so black an instrument of perfidy and piracy. i owe, therefore, this open vindication of my conduct, both to my sovereign, and to my country, whose representatives were pleased to honour me with their public thanks, the greatest of all rewards, and indeed, the only one i have received for my late services.--sed mihi facti fama sat est. [195] my silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that i have sacrificed the deluded partners of my expedition, to private and base considerations; (for something of a dark and private treaty has been whispered about) but, i thank heaven! my behaviour has been such as will bear the light of day; and the all-searching eye of truth. the spaniards have assigned my breach of faith in the capitulation, as one reason for their refusal of payment: i cannot, therefore, servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy load of guilt, with which they have endeavoured to overwhelm me. but perhaps, a second gondemar [196] is arrived amongst us: yet the happiness of the times, we have the good fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the allusion any farther; nor have i the vanity to compare myself to the great raleigh, even in miniature; a very unjust and vindictive accusation, forms the only part of the parallel betwixt us. but as the execrable days of james the first can never be renewed under the reign of our most just, good, and gracious sovereign, i will not harbour the least suspicion that i shall resemble that illustrious man in his misfortune; or remain unprotected, or be sacrificed for my poor endeavours to serve my king and country; to whose judgments i most dutifully and humbly submit my cause. i have the honour to be, my lord, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient, humble servant, william draper the spanish arguments for refusing payment. [197] the english generals who made themselves masters of manila proposed, on the [198] fifth of october, 1762, a capitulation to the archbishop, who acted as governor; by which they promised to preserve the city from pillage, if the governor and principal magistrates would consent to, and sign the articles of, the said capitulation; which they were forced to do, being threatened to be put to the sword, in case of refusal. notwithstanding this shameful capitulation, extorted and signed by the means of violence and rigor, general draper ordered or suffered the city to be sacked and pillaged, for forty hours, by four thousand english, who plundered it of more than a million of dollars. [199] therefore the said capitulation ought to be void, because it was signed by force; and because general draper first violated and broke the capitulation, by permitting the city to be pillaged. consequently, that capitulation only, which was proposed by the governor, accepted of, and signed by admiral cornish and general draper, upon the seventh of october, ought to be considered and respected in this affair. the first article of which grants to the inhabitants of manila, the peaceable and quiet possession of all their effects; the fourth and sixth grant them the liberty of commerce, under the protection of his britannic majesty. refutation it is a known and universal rule of war amongst the most civilized nations, that places taken by storm, without any capitulation, are subject to all the miseries that the conquerors may chuse to inflict. manila, my lord, was in this horrid situation; of consequence the lives of the inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely at our mercy. but christianity, humanity, the dignity of our nation, and our own feelings as men, induced us not to exert the utmost rigours of the profession, against those wretched suppliants; although my own secretary, lieutenant fryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a flag of truce to the town. the admiral and i told the archbishop and principal magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a city from destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such terms of compensation as might satisfy the fleet and army, and exempt them from pillage, and its fatal consequences. the proposals they gave in, were the very same, which the spaniards most artfully call a second capitulation; and were afterwards agreed to, and confirmed by us (with a few restrictions) but at that time were so unsuitable to their desperate situation, that we rejected them as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. as conquerors, we took the pen, and dictated those terms of the ransom which the spaniards thought proper to submit to; for they had the alternative, either to be passive under the horrors of a pillage, or compound for their preservation; they accepted the latter. the objection and pretence of force and violence may be made use of to evade any military agreements whatsoever, where the two parties do not treat upon an equality; for who, in war, will submit to an inconvenient and prejudicial compact, unless from force? but have the spaniards forgot their own histories? or will they not remember the just indignation expressed against francis the first, who pleaded the like subterfuge of force and violence, to evade the treaty made after the battle of pavia, and his captivity? should such elusive doctrines prevail, it will be impossible, hereafter, for the vanquished to obtain any quarter or terms whatsoever: the war will be carried on usque ad internecionem; [200] and if a sovereign shall refuse to confirm the conditions stipulated by his subjects, who are in such critical situations, the consequences are too horrid to mention. by the same fallacious sophistry, a state may object to the payment of the ransoms of ships taken at sea, and to contributions levied in a country which is the seat of war. but it is always allowed, that in such cases, a part must be sacrificed to save the whole; and surely, when by the laws of war, we were entitled to the whole, it was a great degree of moderation to be contented with a part. the destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled the loss they suffer by the payment of the ransom. the rich churches and convents, the king of spain's own palace, with its superb and costly furniture, the magnificent buildings of every sort, the fortifications, docks, magazines, founderies, cannon, and in short the whole might have been entirely ruined, the spanish empire in asia subverted, and the fruits of their religious mission lost for ever, [201] together with the lives of many thousand inhabitants, who were spared by our humanity. as a suitable and grateful return for this lenity, the spanish memorial affirms, that after the capitulation was signed, general draper ordered or permitted, the city to be sacked and pillaged forty hours together, by four thousand english, who plundered it of more than a million of dollars. as my own character, both as an officer, and a man of honour, is so wickedly attacked by this unjust accusation, i must beg leave to state the whole affair, in its true light; and do appeal for its veracity to the testimonies of every officer and soldier, who served in the expedition, and to all of the marine department. we entered manila by storm, on the 6th of october 1762, with an handful of troops, whose total amounted to little more than two thousand; a motley composition of seamen, soldiers, seapoys, cafres, lascars, topasees, french and german deserters. [202] many of the houses had been abandoned by the frightened inhabitants, and were burst open by the violence of shot, or explosion of shells. some of these were entered and pillaged. but all military men know, how difficult it is to restrain the impetuosity of troops in the first fury of an assault, especially when composed of such a variety and confusion of people, who differed as much in sentiments and language, as in dress and complexion. several hours elapsed, before the principal magistrates could be brought to a conference; during that interval, the inhabitants were undoubtedly great sufferers. but, my lord, this violence was antecedent to our settling the terms of the capitulation, and by the laws of war, the place, with all it's contents, became the unquestionable property of the captors, until a sufficient equivalent was given in lieu of it. that several robberies were committed, after the capitulation was signed, is not to be denied; for avarice, want, and rapacity, are ever insatiable: but that the place was pillaged for forty hours, and that pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false and infamous assertion. the people of manila, my lord, have imposed upon their court, by a representation of facts, which never existed; and to make such a groundless charge the reason for setting aside, and evading a solemn capitulation, is a proceeding unheard of until now, and as void of decency, as common sense. the following extracts from the publick orders, given out the very day we entered the town, will sufficiently convince your lordship, of my constant attention to the preservation of those ungrateful people; who have almost taught me to believe, that humanity and compassion are crimes. extracts october 6th, manila. "the utmost order and regularity to be observed. "all persons guilty of robberies, or plundering the churches and houses, will be hanged without mercy. "the guards to send frequent patroles both day and night, to prevent all disorders. "the drummers to beat to arms, the officers to assemble with their men, and call the rolls. "the adjutants to go around the town, and take an exact account of the safe-guards, posted for the protection of the convents, churches, and houses. october 7th. "all the inhabitants of manila are to be looked upon and treated as his britannick majesty's subjects: they having agreed to pay four millions of dollars, for the ransom and preservation of their city and effects. "the criminals executed for robbery and sacrilege, to be buried at sunset." [203] i hope the foregoing extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my character. moreover, the strictest search was made on board the squadron by the admiral's orders, and amongst the troops, to recover what had been stolen and secreted; and all the money, plate, and jewels, so recovered, were put into the treasury, and allowed, and accepted of as part of the ransom. now let us examine the foundation of the spanish pretensions. in the first place, they have misstated the propositions, and made our proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. for how could our fourth proposition take notice of, and consent to theirs, unless from a previous knowledge and perusal of what they had to offer? and indeed, the whole force of the spanish arguments, depends entirely upon the second capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: but the liberty of commerce, and all the other privileges which they there insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their compliance with the fourth article of our propositions. it expressly declares, that the proposals contained in the paper, delivered on the part of his excellency the governor and his council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their payment of four millions of dollars; the half to be paid immediately, the other half to be paid in a time agreed upon; and hostages [204] and security given for that purpose. it is therefore most evident, that they had not the least shadow of right to any privileges, until this article was most punctually fulfilled. how it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by the court of spain's refusal to pay the two millions of dollars, for which we trusted to the honour and punctuality of that nation. until that sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the galeon. postscript it is now pretended that the spanish governor exceeded his powers, that he had no authority to draw bills, of such a nature, upon his court: but will not unforseen events, demand unforseen expedients? in europe, where the distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the duty of every governor or commander, to consult his sovereign (if an opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his consent to, or ratify any agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his crown. but can such formalities be required or observed at the distance of half the globe? the persons entrusted with such remote commands, must be left to their own discretion; to the fertility or barrenness of their own invention and resources. a state may undoubtedly punish the man who is found to have betrayed its dignity or interests; but at all events, it must abide by his decisions, how prejudicial soever. we find in history, that the romans, have sometimes delivered up to the enemy such of their generals, who had made a shameful or disadvantageous peace, without the consent or approbation of the senate: but that practice has been universally condemned upon the truest reasons; because the delivery of an individual could never be adequate to the advantages they might acquire by the breaking of a bad treaty; or compensate their enemies for the opportunities and advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the faith of such an agreement. i flatter myself that the spaniards will not copy that great nation in its defects, but imitate its virtues. it is also asserted, that the ransom bills were given and accepted only to preserve the private property of the inhabitants; but i do most solemnly aver, my lord, that the ransom was general, as well as particular. can six hundred pieces of brass and iron ordnance? can the fortifications of the citadel and town of manila, with those of the citadel and port of cavite, the publick and royal magazines, store-houses, docks, &c. be called private property? they belonged, most undoubtedly, to his catholic majesty, and by the stern rules of our profession, might have been destroyed, had the admiral and i been disposed to have carried on the war with that barbarity, of which other nations have more than once set us the example: but we considered rather how englishmen should act, than what our enemies might have suffered. but let us, for a moment, admit that the bills were drawn for the sake of preserving private property only: even in that case the spaniards are bound in honour to oblige the people of manila to pay the money; and they are now very able to discharge the debt, since they have received all the treasure of the philippina galeon. our court has shewed them a most bright and laudable example, by taking care that all the ransom bills, due even to the enemy's privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the conclusion of the peace. surely such upright proceedings on our side will infuse the same religious observance of good faith in all concerned in this business. otherwise we must say with grotius, ab injustitiâ excusari nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis non haberent. "they cannot avoid the imputation of injustice, who disapprove of treaties, and yet keep possession of what they could not have been possessed of, but by the means of those treaties." we have an indisputable right to manila, and all its dependencies, if the ransom bills are not faithfully paid. i do therefore, my lord, in the names of all concerned (the navy, army, and east india company) implore the assistance and protection of the government, and its effectual good offices, to maintain our most just rights, and recover the part of the ransom as yet unpaid. [here follow the "proposals" and "conditions," q.v., ante, pp. 75-80.] letter from carrion to rueda jesus pax christi, etc. after our misfortunes which happened at the capture of manila by the english, we are breathing a bit. hardships have not been lacking here since then, but they have been accompanied by relief. last year it was god's will to bring us safely the ship "santa rosa" with peace signed and a new governor ad interim for these islands. [205] as no other boat was left, the said "santa rosa" was fitted up and now it has returned to us, bringing us the regularly-appointed governor don francisco raon. this is the beginning of the recuperation of these islands. for the rest, one could have feared the total ruin of these domains, according to the unbridled manner in which the moros were killing and capturing through the bisayas. the governor ad interim has placed manila in a state of the best defense against european powers, and has opened about it a very wide ditch and made some very high intrenchments. if eight thousand europeans were necessary to capture it before now fourteen or sixteen thousand will be necessary. there is no doubt but that the present governor will perfect these works, and that he will more eagerly check the boldness of the morillos. [206] that being done, the trade of bisayas will again flourish, which is almost necessary for the conservation of this capital. god has placed a very heavy hand upon our friends the english in their retirement. it is enough to say that seven of their fourteen ships have been lost, and one-half the men whom they brought here, who numbered in all about eight thousand. of a truth their hopes saw a sorry fulfilment. cruel micenas, fugitibo eneas, etc. concerning the unhappy condition of the missions of the empire of china, your reverence will already have had accurate information through the portuguese fathers who were ordered to be taken to europa by their not king--"i am not king," as he said at the time of the earthquakes, and as he has caused us to see afterward in our misfortunes. [207] what has become of father master manuel guevara, who was confused with the portuguese? has he died or has he been restored to our province of toledo? if he is living, a thousand greetings [to him]. we have had the latest news from two portuguese fathers (who had come here previously from the provinces, and who on that account did not fall into the clutches of the sparrow-hawk), which is reduced to saying that about thirty fathers are left in that empire--about ten or eleven in the court of pequin, and the others scattered through its vast provinces. those of the court are living openly with the license of the emperor and the rest are keeping hid. but all lack the aid which formerly was sent to them from goa. may god aid them and give them strength to leave the shore after so fierce a storm, and withdraw us all from the other storm which is lashing all the vast body of the society. [208] san pedro macati, july 8, 1765. your reverence's humble servant, eugenio carrion (rubric) i beg your reverence to communicate this letter to the reverend father orea, as one of those small morsels which was supplied to him when he was our beadle in the school of murcia. [addressed: "my father joseph de rueda."] letter from pazuengos to mesquida jesus pax christi. i am writing this letter, in doubt as to the arrival of your reverence, and with hopes of the arrival here of the ship "santa rosa" and with desires of the coming of a governor to free us from the abominations in which we are. don francisco xavier [de la] torre is the most detestable robber ever seen in the east or west indias, a man without shame or trace of christianity. all this might be tolerated if he took any care of the defense of the indians; but he has wholly abandoned the fields of christendom, saying that a cornucopia of the islands is given to him, and that the king our sovereign will abandon them, or transfer them to the french. thereupon, he has given himself over to a libertine life, so far as his morals are concerned. he looks after nothing else than selling the offices dear, and robbing king and vassals. he obtains it all with abun[dant] [209] stipends, but does not pay them, but feigns very well that he issues vouchers for them. but [what?] will your reverence say on learning that he has bondsmen who give him opinions, ... testimonies contrary to all justice and truth? we have a bishop ...; and for that reason i have already sent four [students] so that they may be ordained [at] zebu. i am sure that it will be necessary to send all the others, who have finished and who are studying. he has hoisted the flag against the religious orders with all his might, and i am sure that all the orders will write this year, resigning their ministries into the hands of his majesty. [210] the society and the dominicans are determined to do it, for the auditors and some of the city have resolved to censure and dishonor them. the frenchman solano, formerly a barber and wig-maker is alcalde-in-ordinary of manila, and today a regidor of this city. who would believe that such a ... thing could be? this vile man, incited by the governor, by the auditor, ... and by the fiscal of his majesty, had the insolence to get out on the highway of meyha with two thousand workmen and widen it by more than two varas. although he knew that it was ecclesiastical property, he answered that the last thing that leaves the body is the soul. what can such governors, [such] auditors, and such alcaldes occasion, if not the ruin of the community? not less ruined are the bisayas, as they are without stipends, and cannot be helped from here, since they have no boats which can resist the moros, for the governor has not made a grain of powder nor a single boat, although it is a fact that he has cost the king almost a million pesos. the fathers are compelled to go almost naked, and they have had to make shoes out of the parchment of their books. they have been assisted as much as possible, and already those missions owe thirty thousand pesos to the province. of the ten churches built of stone and mortar, and a like number of houses in the residence of hilongos, only two are left, and all the rest are ruined and burned by the moros. your reverence may conjecture almost the same thing of other less defensible villages. all [the inhabitants of] the two villages which were formed under the charge of samboangan are dead or captives, and i am sure that the missions of the recollects have suffered greater ruin, proportione servata; for i am told that the entire jurisdiction of caraga is reduced to one thousand tributes. since your reverence left, one-half the indians of bisayas have been captured or killed. may god bring us a governor, may god bring us some auditors, who shall recognize and appreciate the defense of the catholic religion and of the poor indians! the estates of calatagán and looc, burned and sacked by the moros; the estates of meysilo and la piedad, burned and sacked by the christians; that of san pedro tunasan, sacked by the indians, commanded by six franciscan friars; lian and nasugbú delivered to the joloan [? jelaco in transcript] king by treaty; that of naic abandoned to the robbers; san pedro macati burned by the english, with the exception of the house and church! those which have suffered less are marquina, payatas, and calamba, although they have suffered considerably. don manuel fernandez thoribio has been appointed governor of samboangan, and has secret instructions to ascertain what estates and what manner of livelihood the jesuits have. in general, all the alcaldes who have been sent out carry instructions against the regulars. the fact is that stipends are not to be paid to the ministers, and no alms or aid is to be given to carry on the missions. since my arrival, neither from the royal treasury of mexico, nor from these [in manila], has the least stipend [been given] to the four subjects in samboangan ... treasury, by royal decree, that they be paid here, and from those of here, for ... in order to pay from the treasury of mexico. consider, your reverence, what must be the condition of this po[or] province. there is another war declared, in which señor galban has unfurled the banner against [the] pious [funds]. he declares that the pious funds are the ruin of [trade] and of the islands; as if the trade of the islands had any other foundation. i, ... procurator, have come to the opinion that god is abandoning this his kingdom; ... i doubt that on other occasions, there may have been greater or equal mi[sfortunes], but surely, the ministers of the king, our sovereign, must have had more application and better intentions. it might be that señor cegado has them, since he is ... it. they pass no measure that is not intended for the ruin, and tell ... the liberty in which they live, would be to paint a detesta[ble] and scandalous community. against us in particular, is aroused a very perplexing storm, ... the case, that in the college of manila, a [mis]sion was held during lent. on the next to the last day, father puch explained the seventh command[ment] and named the kinds of robbers that existed. he named alcaldes-[mayor?] of provinces, adding what st. xavier said of these at seeing ... that they received the decree deleantur de libro viventium. [211] on the ... day, while i was resting, i received a bloodthirsty denunciation from señor galban, which i [sho]wed to father puch, who explained on sunday afternoon in great-detail what i have mentioned, and what he ought to say. but on the third day, i received a royal provision passed by an extraordinary meeting of the assembly, in [which] they told [me] to censure father puch who was to be ordered to give sat[isfaction] to the royal assembly, and to the public for the excesses committed upon the alcaldes-mayor. the last two days of the mission, i formed their ... assessorship at the university of santo thomas, and at four of the ... all acquitted, and i with them, father puch. thereupon, i presented myself before the royal assembly on the twenty-seventh [of] march, and they have been silent until now. they gave the matter for review to the fiscal, who presented himself in person on the seventeenth of may with a fiscal review, in which he censures and reproves my conduct, and reproves and censures that of father puch. he censures all the religious orders, for, he says, we are all united in incriminating the alcaldes-mayor; that there is no obedience to the king in the islands; that the religious are the masters of the islands, despotic, tyrannical, cruel. he requests the royal assembly to reproduce before the king our sovereign, the memorial of palafox against the religious, and that secular priests be assigned to the ministries; and that although the provision taken in the royal assembly ought to be urged on me, and although another ought to be despatched against the dominicans, already the conspiracy of all the religious is known, and that the royal assembly will obtain nothing more than disrespect, disobedience, and insults, and that it will be best to inform the king, our sovereign, of everything, passing by my petition of testimony made in triplicate in order that i might have recourse to his majesty. i have seen nothing, and have been informed of nothing. thereupon, i sought my remedy, and have recourse with three testimonies to the king, our sovereign. i greatly fear, however, that the matter will be neglected in madrid, and the connivance of our procurators; but for this i also ask the remedy farther on. a boat was built in pangasinan in order that it might be sent to nueva españa. it was launched in the middle of may in a river, but it could not get out because of the bar. means are being discussed, hopes abound, but it is now considered impossible for a voyage to be made this year. the "santa rosa" was expected at the end of may, but we are sure that there will be no voyage unless one of the ships from the mainland is bought. if the "santa rosa" brings no money we must all go to live in visayas and tagalos. to this point have i come, today, june 17. if there is anything to add later, i will add it in a separate paragraph, or in another letter. the "santa rosa" arrived july 3, with the new governor. the "santa rosa" is being prepared for its return trip to méxico, for the ship of azevedo has not arrived, and is not expected, although it left the bar on the third of this said month. the boat of misamis is being equipped for méxico. i do not consider it necessary to give instructions to your reverence, for i expect that without them, you will perform the duties of your post fully, and our friendship. santa cruz, july 20, 1765. your reverence's most affectionate servant, bernardo pazuengos (rubric) [addressed: "my father procurator-general, joaquin mesquida."] references accounts of the capture and occupancy of manila, and contemporaneous events, will be found in the following: 1. vivar, pedro del, o.s.a.--relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad de vigan, cabecera de la provincia de ilocos, en los años de 1762 y 1763. composed in 1764; published as part of vol. iv, of biblioteca histórica filipina. an account of the insurrections of diego silán and nicolás cariño. 2. castro, agustin maria de, o.s.a.--reseña sobre la guerra de los ingleses ca. 1765. ms. in augustinian archives, manila; and a copy of which is owned by eduardo navarro, o.s.a., at valladolid. cited by montero y vidal, and by pérez (catálogo). 3. le gentil de la galaisière, guillaume joseph hyacinthe jean baptiste.--voyage dons les mers de l'inde (paris, 1779-1781), ii, chapter ii, articles xvii and xviii, pp. 230-275. this book contains the journal of archbishop rojo concerning the siege. le gentil criticises the method of the british operations; and influenced by his friendship for rojo's nephew passes a severe criticism on anda, which has caused him in turn to be criticised by the spaniards. 4. malo de luque, eduardo (pseudonym of duke of almodovar).--historia política de los establecimientos ultramarinos de las naciones europeas (madrid, 1784-1790), v, chaps. ix, and x, pp. 234-310. contains many of the original documents and letters connected with the conquest period. 5. martinez de zúñiga, joaquin, o.s.a.--historia de las islas philipinas (sampaloc, 1803), chaps. xxxiii-xxxvii, pp. 601-687. treats of siege, capture, insurrections, operations of anda, and the peace. 6. mas, sinibaldo de.--informe sobre el estado de las islas filipinas (madrid, 1843), i, no. 2. uses preceding authorities largely. 7. buzeta, manuel, o.s.a., and bravo, felipe, o.s.a.--diccionario (madrid, 1850), ii, pp. 289-291. a very short and unsatisfactory account. 8. ferrando, juan, o.p.--historia de los pp. dominicos en las islas filipinas (madrid, 1871), iv, chaps. viii-x, pp. 611-742; v, chap. i, pp. 1-25. contains dominican history and general account of the conquest, etc. 9. montero y vidal, josé.--historia general de filipinas, ii, chaps. i-iii, and part of iv, pp. 7-119; and portion of appendix, where he gives various documents of conquest period. uses foregoing freely. 10. jordan de urries, pedro, marqués de ayerbe.--sitio y conquista de manila por los ingleses en 1762 (zaragoza, 1897). based on ordinary authorities, and especially on an unpublished ms. written by alfonso rodríguez de ovalle, to the marqués de cruillas, ancestor of the marqués de ayerbe, which is conserved in the library of the latter. ovalle sailed on the "santa rosa" with royal despatches notifying the city of manila of the treaty of peace between spain and england. while in the philippines, he wrote a minute journal, accompanying it with plans and statistics, of the late events in manila and the provinces. the dates of this journal are september 13, 1762-march 13, 1764. 11. diez aguado, manuel, o.s.a.--biografia del p. agustín ma. de castro, agustino (barcelona, 1902). this contains a short account of the siege and capture of manila. it is drawn in large part from augustinian sources. the author has had the benefit also of manuscript material possessed by augustinian friars in his convent at valladolid, some of which manuscripts were written by castro. [212] 12. war department.--annual report, 1903 (washington, 1903), iii, appendix ix, pp. 435-454. part i, historical sketch of the walls of manila, compiled and written under direction of various u. s. military officers. part ii, translation of chapter ii, of no. 10, by capt. a. c. macomb, 5th u. s. cavalry; rather free translation. contains many half-tone reproductions of manila walls and fortifications. 13. mss. in the archivo general de españa, at simancas; estado 6958.--concerning the capture, sack, capitulation, and surrender of manila, the propositions of the english, its recovery, etc.; 1762-1765. this contains also the documents regarding the capture of the "santissima trinidad." this legajo contains much correspondence from the spanish minister in england; and a number of letters written in english. legajo 6954 is dated "london, 23 de sept. 1763;" and treats of the restitution of the philippines. bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from the original mss. in the british museum: 1. plan of an expedition.--jure empt. 19, 298; plut. clii. e. 2. letter to lord anson.--hardwicke papers; vol. dl. navy papers, 1693-1779; add. 35, 898; fol. 278, 279. 3. letters to earl of egremont (letter of nov. 1).--east india military letters; add. 5939; fol. 80 verso--82 verso. the following are taken from scots magazine for 1763; from a copy belonging to the library of the wisconsin historical society: 4. letters to clevland.--pp. 232-235. 5. letters to earl of egremont (letter of nov. 2).--pp. 225-227; the third set of "proposals" are taken from draper's a plain narrative (pp. 27-30). 6. draper's journal.--pp. 227-232. one document is from le gentil's voyage, from a copy belonging to the library of the wisconsin historical society: 7. rojo's journal.--ii, pp. 232-235, 236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259. the following are from mss. in the ayer collection: 8. anda and the english invasion.--from ms. (copy of 1765), entitled "documents for the history of the invasion and war with the english in filipinas, 1762-1764." 9. rojo's narrative.--from original ms., entitled "operations in manila." 10. synopsis of letter to cárlos iii.--from ventura del arco transcripts, iv, pp. 641-649. 11. letter to cárlos iii.--from ventura del arco transcripts, iv, pp. 597-620. 12. synopsis of communications to cárlos iii.--from ventura del arco transcripts, iv, pp. 621-640. the following are from the original mss. in the archivo general de simancas, all bearing pressmark "secretaría de gracia y justicia; leg. 691." 13. letter to gonzalez. 14. letter to rueda. 15. letter to mesquida. one is from two small bound pamphlets belonging to the ayer collection: 16. draper's defense.--i. a plain narrative (london, 1764?). ii. colonel's draper's answer to the spanish arguments (london, 1764). 17. references.--editorial compilation of titles. notes [1] this paragraph was canceled by its author. a sidenote reference at this point is to san antonio's cronicas de ... san gregorio. [2] probably the island of busuañga, the largest of the calamianes group; spoken of previously as buvugan. [3] a sidenote reference at this point is to colin's labor evangelica, and san antonio's cronicas. [4] the manila galleon captured by anson, whose real name was "nuestra señora de cabadonga." see the account of its capture in kerr's hist. and coll. of voyages, xi, pp. 489-501. [5] opposite this point is a sidenote reference to colin, apparently to his labor evangelica. [6] i.e., the island of siquijor. ylog is probably for ilong, and sily, for silay. [7] i.e., magendanao, or mindanao. [8] see vol. xliii, appendix, and notes. [9] it is known that draper when in canton suggested the conquest of the philippines (see note 12, post), and was ordered to outline his plan fully. that fact suggests that the present document is the fuller outline, and hence that draper is its author. [10] facts regarding samuel cornish are few. in 1743, when captain of the fifty-gun ship "guernsey," he destroyed a spanish privateer of twenty-two guns, which had taken shelter under an eight-gun battery near cape de gatt. he also performed numerous other services of the same kind, and took and destroyed a fleet of zebecks laden with provisions. in 1756 he was captain of the "stirling castle," a vessel carrying 480 men, most of them the refuse of jails and the scum of the streets. in 1759 he was sent with reënforcements to the east indies, in the "lenox," captain robert jocelyn commanding, where he was reënforced in 1760 with five ships. he was at the reduction of pondicherry in 1760, and at the reduction of mahe in 1761. thence he went to bombay to refit, and went to meet commodore keppel for the attack of bourbon and mauritius, although these orders were later changed. his promotions are as follows: captain, 1742; rear admiral (white), 1759, (red), 1761; rear admiral (blue), 1762, (red), 1770. he was made a baronet in 1766. his death occurred october 30, 1770. see allen's battles of british navy (london, 1878), i, pp. 147, 148; clowes's royal navy (boston and london, 1898), iii, pp. 23, 196, 240, 565. [11] the war with spain came partly as a consequence of the so-called "family compact" signed between france, spain, naples, and parma, at versailles, august 25, 1761. england declared war against spain, january 2, 1762. the diplomatic history of this period is especially tortuous. [12] sir william draper was the son of a collector of customs of bristol, where he was born in 1721. he received his education at eton and king's college, cambridge. entering the military service, he went to the east indies, where he entered the services of the east india company, attaining the rank of colonel in 1760. in 1761 he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general for the expedition to belle isle. when in canton, china, whither he went for his health after the defense of madras in 1759, he took occasion to study conditions in the philippines, and learned that the spaniards had no fear of attack since they were so far from europe. he communicated plans to lord anson and lord egremont for their conquest at the first rumors of war with spain, and was ordered to outline his plan fully. the colors taken at the storming of manila were given by him to king's college, where they were hung in the chapel. when the 79th regiment was reduced he was given command of the 16th regiment of foot, but resigned that post. his health rendered it necessary for him to retire to south carolina, in 1769, and while in america he made a tour of the colonies. in 1769 he married the daughter of chief-justice lancey of new york, by whom he had one daughter. he had reached the rank of lieutenant-general in 1779 when he was appointed governor-general of minorca, which office he held until the surrender of that island. his death occurred january 8, 1787, while in retirement at bath. see new and general biographical dictionary (london, 1798), v, pp. 146, 147; chalmers's biographical dictionary (london, 1813), xii, pp. 316-318; rose's new general biographical dictionary (london, 1848), vii, pp. 138, 139; and campbell's lives of british admirals (london, 1817), v, pp. 175, 176. [13] the churches taken by the english and used as forts before the assault were afterward demolished by them in order that the spaniards might not make use of them for like purpose against them (montero y vidal's historia, ii, p. 15, note 1). [14] had our men taken thought to prevent the disembarking, perhaps they could have driven the enemy back, for they disembarked on a day when the waves were high and when there was a heavy surf, which overturned a lancha carrying a cannon of the caliber of eighteen. all its men fell into the water, and its equipment was rendered almost useless. their men left the other lanchas with the water up to their breasts carrying their muskets and cartridge-boxes on their heads. amid this discomfort, two hundred men reached the beach. they immediately formed ranks and allowed the others to disembark more quietly. see martinez de zúñiga's historia, pp. 604, 605. [15] i.e., the small island of cahayagan, at the west entrance to port of palápog, north of samar island. [16] the "panther" carried sixty-four guns, and the "argo" thirty. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 15. [17] during the gale, the chief boat of the english, which was trying to disembark troops on the beach at tondo, was obliged to give up the attempt because of the fire that was directed from the fort of santiago. this ship would have been surely lost, had not the archbishop, confused and lacking good advice, ordered a complete cessation of firing from the citadel. see montero y vidal, ii. p. 23. [18] this officer, later a subordinate admiral, was in 1782 in command of the "royal george," a three-decker of 108 guns, generally extolled as the finest ship in the british navy. while preparing for the relief expedition to gibraltar under admiral howe, and while the vessel was heeled over for some trifling repairs, a sudden squall caught it, filling it with water, so that it sank with all on board, scarcely a person being saved. the wreck long obstructed the anchorage at spithead. see yonge's history of british navy, i, pp. 392, 393. [19] this letter is published in the following eighteenth-century magazines: london gazette of april 16-19, 1763, from which this letter, as well the other letters published by them, were taken by the other magazines; london chronicle, xiii, no. 986, april 19-21, 1763, pp. 379, 380; gentleman's magazine, xxiii, pp. 177-179; london magazine, xxxii, pp. 219-221; dublin magazine, 1763, pp. 255-257; universal magazine, 1763, pp. 206-208; and vol. ii of the field of mars, 1781. [20] i.e., the naranjos group lying in the strait of san bernardino, south of sorsogon, and consisting of six small islands: san andres, medio, escarpada, aguada, dársena, and rasa. [21] its artillery was in the hold, and it only carried above hatches, five cannons of the caliber of eight, and four of the caliber of four. notwithstanding this surprise, the unfortunate condition of the vessel, and the formidable force of the english, its commander, who was a gallego, and the other spaniards who were aboard it, as if they knew what had happened in manila, and were of a mind to vindicate the luster of their fatherland, there at stake, fought desperately, and received 1,700 balls of the caliber of 18 and 24. thirty-five of the english were killed and eighteen spaniards in addition to the wounded. the ship after being captured was towed to cavite, where it arrived november 12, 1762. the silks, spices, gold dust, and other effects that it contained, were worth 2,000,000 pesos fuertes. see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17, note 2. "the holy trinity ['santisima trinidad'], a rich galleon, taken at the manilas by adm. cornish, arrived in plymouth road, june 9, commanded by lieut. mainwaring wilding." (scots magazine, 1764, xxvi, p. 348.) "the santissima trinidad, the galleon which was taken in her voyage to acapulco during the siege of manila, is now advertised for sale at plymouth. this ship is one of the largest ever seen in britain. she is upwards of 2000 tons burthen; the gun-deck measures 167 feet 6 inches; the breadth, 50 feet 6 inches; the depth of the hold from the poop-deck, 30 feet 6 inches; and her draught of water when she arrived at plymouth was 28 feet." (ut supra, p. 515.) "on the 14th of august, the great cause of the manila ship, santissima trinidad, was determined by the lords of appeals for prizes, the sentence affirmed, and the spanish claim wholly rejected." (ut supra, 1765, xxvii, p. 493.) [22] also published in london gazette, april 16-19, 1763; london chronicle, 1763, pp. 380, 381; gentleman's magazine, 1763, p. 179; london magazine, 1763, p. 221; dublin magazine, 1763, pp. 257, 258; universal magazine, 1763, pp. 208, 209. [23] lord george anson was descended from a family long established in staffordshire, and was born at shugborough manor, in the parish of colwich, april 23, 1697. choosing the sea as his career, he became second lieutenant may 9, 1716. in 1718 he took part in the action near sicily in which the spanish fleet was destroyed. the years 1724-27 he spent in a naval position in south carolina, erecting there the town anson bourgh, and giving name to a county. he made two other trips to south carolina, where he had acquired considerable property. on the outbreak of hostilities with spain in 1739, he was chosen commander of the fleet to attack the pacific spanish-american settlements, and while engaged in this mission made his celebrated circumnavigation of the world, capturing the philippine galleon on june 20, 1743. he arrived at england, june 15, 1744, after many dangers, in which he displayed great hardihood and courage. shortly after his return, he was made a rear-admiral of the blue, and soon after that was elected to parliament. december 27, 1744, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the admiralty, and april 23, 1745 was made a rear-admiral of the white. july 14, 1746 he was appointed vice admiral, and during that and the succeeding year performed many services for his country. june 13, 1747, he was appointed to the peerage. most of the rest of his life was passed as a member of the admiralty board, he finally becoming its head, having attained the rank of admiral. he died june 6, 1762, so that the letter written by cornish never reached him, being written indeed some months after that event. see new and general biographical dictionary (london, 1798), i, pp. 389-391; chalmers's general biographical dictionary (london, 1812-1817), ii, pp. 294-311; rose's new general biographical dictionary (london, 1848), ii, pp. 489-500; barrow's life of george lord anson (london, 1839); and the various editions of his voyages. [24] le gentil (voyage, paris, 1781, ii, pp. 247, 248), says of these frenchmen: "the english, on arriving at manila, had with them about three hundred and fifty frenchmen, enrolled by force. these people formed a plan to desert them at the first opportunity. the english had not yet finished their battery, when the little french troop sent two trusty men to confer with the place and to agree with them for a sortie, during which the french troop would take the side of the spaniards. two men were sacrificed; they went without weapons, their arms crossed, to present themselves at the gate of the city. instead of opening it to them, they were allowed to be massacred by the indians who did not know them. at manila, innumerable chimerical ideas have been formed as to the sudden arrival of these two men. but what can two men who come without weapons and with crossed arms to present themselves at the gate of a city do? what is there to fear from them to refuse to receive them? i believe that they were taken for english at manila, and that a poorly understood religious motive was the reason for the very great fault of not opening the gate to them. whatever it was, this treatment did not engage others to sacrifice themselves. but the english, having some doubt of some resolution on the part of the french, put it out of their power to attempt anything to their prejudice, by placing them between the sepoys and their national troops, with orders to fire on these french, if they were seen to comport themselves differently than the others." [25] scots magazine for 1763, xxv, p. 235, contains the following in regard to these plates: "they write from london, of april 21, thus. 'there were found at the manilas, among many other curiosities, and brought here by col. draper, eight copper-plates, on which are engraved a most particular map of the philippine islands, adorned with the customs and habits of the inhabitants of those parts, which was done by order of the governor, in 1734, and dedicated to his catholic majesty.'--by an advertisement since inserted in the papers, some few impressions are proposed to be taken of these original copper-plates." what is probably one of these impressions was sold recently by the firm of henry stevens, son and stiles, london, to the library of congress. this is the celebrated murillo velarde map. the map is printed in four sheets, as are also the pictures (three to a sheet) of the "customs and habits of the inhabitants," and are so arranged that the map is in the middle with the pictures grouped on its right and left sides. the map as sold by the above firm was arranged in two large sheets, with a margin left so that the sheets could be easily joined. the whole map if pasted on one single sheet with the pictures would measure about 1170 mm. wide, and 1082-1087 mm. high. the difference in height between the two halves seems to be due to the lines not being drawn quite true on the plates, although shrinkage of paper may affect it slightly. this map is described by pardo de tavera in his el mapa de filipinas del p. murillo velarde (manila, 1894); and la carte des philippines du pere murillo velarde (paris, 1898), the latter being a separate or "extrait du bulletin de geographie," no. 1, 1897. marcel reproduces several of the pictures. the map contained in the ayer murillo velarde is unaccompanied by the pictures, and was engraved in 1744. we are indebted for much of this note to the courtesy of the above-named firm. [26] lord egremont was a man of small ability who succeeded pitt as secretary of state. see hunt's political history of england (new york and london, 1905), x, p. 32. [27] le gentil (ii, pp. 264, 265), says that the british made many mistakes in the expedition against manila. they should, he says, have first seized the posts about manila, and the city would have fallen of its own accord because of its weakness, without the necessity of a siege; and in addition the "filipino" would not have been able to escape. another mistake was made in allowing anda to form his army. the following communications are interesting as showing the diplomatic side of the british expedition against manila. these letters all bear the same pressmark as the present document (all being contemporary government copies of the real originals), and are to be found at folios 15-16 verso, 23, 23 verso, 33 verso, 34, and 45. 21 janry 1763 to gover. crommelin sir as it is my duty to acquaint his majesty's principal secretary of state with all important transactions in which his majesty's troops in this part of the world are concerned. i beg leave to request you will send me the paragraph of the letter relative to the capture of manila that i may transmit it to england by this opportunity. i also request you will order the packet to be kept open until you have received my letter which shall be sent as soon as possible. had i been acquainted with this sooner, i should not have troubled you to detain the packet. i am &ca. s. l. m. from the goverr. 21 janry 1763 sir i am favoured with yours of this date and agreeable to your request our secretary is directed to send you a copy of the advise we received yesterday relative to the capture of manila and to keep the packet open till he receives your letter. i am &ca. signed cha crommelin from mr. ramsay 21 janry 1763 sir i am directed by the hoñble the presedt, and council to tend you the accompanying copy of a paragraph of a letter from the chief and factors at tellicherry containing the agreeable news of the surrender of manila to his majesty's arms on which important acquisition, i beg leave, sir, to congratulate and am respectfully sir &ca signed andw. ramsay secry copy of a paragraph of a letter from the chief & factors at tellicherry to the president and council at bombay dated 10 january 1763 it received 20th following lb express boat, "we addressed you under the 28th. & 29th. ultimo lb ship royal admiral and the chief having received by a private letter from the resident at calicutt, the agreeable news of a macao ship arrived at cochin, bringing advice of the surrender of manila in four days to admiral cornish we dispatch this boat, tho unacquainted with any other particulars, chiefly to advise your honour &ca, of it, and request your acceptance of our congratulations on so considerable an acquisition. immediately on our learning any further accounts we shall send away another boat with them, a true copy. signed andw. ramsay secry. to the earl of bute 21 janry 1763 my lord having the honour to command his majesty's troops here, i esteem it my duty to send your lordship the enclosed paragraph of a letter of the governour & council here received yesterday from the chief and factors at tellicherry of which we hourly expect confirmation. i have the honour to congratulate your lordship on the success of his majesties arms & of being with the highest respect my lord 2 duplicates your lordp. &ca. lb express over land s. l. m. from mr. ramsay secretary 2d february (sic) 1763 sir i am directed by the hoñble the president and council to send you the enclosed attested copy of a paragraph of a letter received yesterday from the chief and factors at tellicherry and to acquaint you that the tartar snow, which has hither to been detained at surat bar, in expectation of receiving a more certain and particular accot. of the capture of manilha will shortly be dispatched from thence, if therefore you have any further advices to transmit to europe you will be pleased to prepare them, as soon as possible that they may be duly forwarded by sir &ca. signed adw. ramsay secry follows the paragraph "we have received no further particulars regarding manilha except that the day of it's surrender was the 6th october. to mr. ramsay 2d february 1763 sir i have just now received your letter enclosing a paragraph from tellicherry, and i here with send you a letter for the secrety. of state, which i desire you will forward by the tartar snow, i am &ca. s. l. m. to the earl of bute 2d february 1763 my lord having just now had the enclosed paragraph sent me by the governour & council here i do myself the honour of immediately transmitting it to your lordship i am &ca. s. l. m. a letter from "captain duff of the 89th regimt.," dated "fort st. george 24 jañry 1763" contains the following: "in my letter sent by captn morrison i mentioned the news of this place at that time, in particular the arrival of captain wood of the company's troops from manilha with the account of the surrender of that place to general draper the 6th of last october he says that the field officers have all made their fortunes and that general draper with colonel scott and two or three more officers were to go home in november on board the seahorse man of war. it is said each of the field officers have cleared £ 12,000 and in the event of the acapulco ship being taken, of which they seemed to be pretty certain they should share very near as much more. the general and admirals shares are prodigious." the above paragraph was sent by s. l. m. to the "governour & council, 4 march 1763" a letter from "general lawrence, fort, st. george 9 february 1763" says: "the expedition to manila has deprived us of so many men & we are not likely to have them again, that we are in great want here. i beg you will remind the governour of sending the remainder of monsons whenever opportunity's offer." [28] a correspondent writes to the editor of scots magazine under date of june 21, 1767 (see scots magazine for 1767, pp. 305, 306) the following: "by an advertisement in the daily advertiser of the 13th instant, notice is given to the officers and soldiers who are intitled to share in the capture of manilla, that they will, on the 3d of july next, be paid their respective shares of the sum of 8053 l. 17 s. 8d. arising from sales of stores taken at manilla, and other prizes; 'one third part of the sum being first deducted, as the proportion allotted to the east-india company.' and as many disputes have arisen concerning the right of the east-india company to share in those conquests, permit me to state the matter in its true light. in the years 1757 and 1758, the east-india company's principal settlements in that part of the world, were in the utmost danger of being totally ruined, and their trade destroyed, by the superior forces of the french; and on a proper representation to government, a fleet was fitted out at a very considerable national expence, to save them from the then impending ruin. the forces sent out in the year 1758 for this purpose, met with the desired success: calcutta was retaken; pondecherry, vellure, arney, and several other principal forts, cities, and garrisons, were taken from the french, with money, stores, ammunition, and other effects, to the amount of some millions, which the east-india company, or their servants, took the entire possession of, and have appropriated to their own use, though by the laws of conquest, as well as by his majesty's gracious declaration, the whole of the booty belongs to those brave officers, soldiers, and seamen, who were at the reduction of those important conquests. after the uncommon fatigues and hardships of his majesty's troops in the reduction of those places, they were ordered to the siege of manilla; which they took by storm: and that city being afterwards ransomed by the spaniards for one million sterling, this powerful and generous ally, the east-india company, was modest enough to demand only one-third part of the entire ransom; and one-fourth part of the said million sterling being paid shortly after the conquest, and hostages delivered to his majesty's commanders, as sureties for payment of the remainder, the east-india company were accordingly paid one third part of 250,000 l. and the hostages delivered over to their governor there; but, for reasons best known to themselves, their governor thought proper to deliver up the said hostages to the spaniards, without taking any further security for the payment of the remainder of the ransom, being 750,000 l. and therefore not one shilling thereof has been since paid. this, sir, is the true state of this shameful and scandalous transaction, which i have no doubt but you will speedily communicate to the public." [29] published with the first two of the following "proposals" and "conditions" in london gazette, april 16-19, 1763; london chronicle, 1763, pp. 369-370; london magazine, 1763, pp. 212-214; dublin magazine, 1763, pp. 245-248; universal magazine, 1763, pp. 199-201. [30] this date is given as the 7th in colonel draper's answer, and in draper's plain narrative; but all other sources available give the 6th. [31] these signatures are omitted by scots magazine; we take them from the universal magazine. [32] these signatures are taken from the universal magazine. [33] possibly for orden tercera, referring to the tertiary branch of one of the religious orders. [34] draper's journal should be compared throughout with rojo's. the spanish figures for the english force are as follows: 13 warships, which the blind authorities believed to be a chinese trading fleet (malo de luque's establecimientos ultramarinos, madrid, 1790, v, p. 238); 1,500 european soldiers; two companies of artillerymen; 3,000 european seamen armed with muskets; 800 sepoy musketeers, and 1,400 for work--a total of 6,830 men. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 13; and rojo's journal, post. [35] some armenian merchants from madras told the archbishop that a squadron was being prepared there for the capture of manila. a certain secular priest had a letter which contained the same news; while father cuadrado, o.s.a., received another letter which mentioned the declaration of war between england and spain. on september 14, word was received in manila from the outposts on the island of corregidor of the appearance of a vessel there the preceding day. a small boat sent ashore from this vessel inquired how many vessels were in the bay, and whether the "filipino" had entered. this vessel left on the 17th without any salute. this produced no other sensation in manila than some slight suspicions, and no preparations were taken. word was, however, despatched to the "filipino" to make some other port than at manila. see le gentil's voyage, ii, pp. 236, 237; montero y vidal, ii, pp. 12, 13; and sitio y conquista de manila (zaragoza, 1897), by marquis de ayerbe, pp. 33, 34. [36] while the spaniards were deliberating on the defense of this place, the british captured it. two companies of fifty men each who had been sent for its defense fled on seeing the british before them, with the exception of twenty-five men, under captain baltasar cosar. see sitio y conquista de manila, p. 38. [37] called césar fallet in the spanish accounts, but le gentil gives his name as fayette. he was a french officer then in the spanish service, and was later at pondicherry. see post, rojo's journal. rojo's account makes the spanish force larger. [38] the council of war called on the twenty-fifth of september (the twenty-sixth, english date) because of the english summons for surrender, was attended by the following, under the presidency of the archbishop: auditors villacorta, galbán, and anda; the fiscal francisco leandro de viana; the marquis de villamediana, master-of-camp and commandant of the garrison; martin de goicocoa, sargento-mayor of the city; the marquis de monte-castro y llana hermosa, leandro rodríguez varela, alcalde-in-ordinary; josé antonio memije y quirós, alguacil-mayor; antonio díaz conde, provincial alcalde of the hermandad; alberto jacinto reyes, accountant; and fernando carabeo, royal official. after draper's letter was read, all voted unanimously: "that inasmuch as this place was in condition to continue its defense, as no especial harm had been seen to have been done by the enemy, notwithstanding the continual and lively firing from the 23d when the siege commenced until the present, therefore they are unanimous and in harmony in their opinion that this place should be defended until the last extremity; and the enemy should be informed to the effect that the spanish arms did not surrender to any power, for they alone venerated their sovereign, whose royal sovereignty never deserted his faithful vassals, not even in the most remote part of this dominion, as were these islands, in which the love and loyalty of their inhabitants was great, and obliged them to the defense of this place." see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17. [39] cf. rojo's description of the fortifications of manila, post. [40] various boats were overturned during the wind, and some of those who escaped to land, among them some malabar deserters, begged shelter from the spaniards, but it was refused them with volleys, whereupon they fled. see sitio y conquista, pp. 50, 51. [41] "in manila was a beata who lived on the alms sent her from mexico, or those which she collected in manila. she maintained and supported a certain number of girls, who consented to retire with her and to lead the same manner of life--that is to say, a life of retreat and repentance. they followed the rules of no particular order. that community did not have the approbation of the court of rome, but that did not prevent it from being tolerated, and even from being in excellent odour. she was called mother paula. the fiscal had much confidence in her, and sent the greatest part of his possessions to the house of this woman. this beata assured him that manila would not fall; that the english were all going to become catholics; and that the fulfilment of her prediction would speedily be seen. the fiscal believed her. completely enthused, he went to find the archbishop. 'sir,' said he, on saluting him, 'we have nothing to fear; i have just left mother paula; the english are all going to be converted to the faith; we shall drink excellent wine at their expense.'" see le gentil, ii, pp. 240, 241. [42] accompanying the map shown on p. 95, is the following: "notice: "although yellow is generally used to designate works projected, it has been necessary to employ it here in the stone buildings existing, for the lack of carmen. for lack of verdigris, emery has been employed in the wash for the seashores, rivers, etc. "that part washed with chinese ink represents the islands that have at present houses of wood, bamboo, and nipa. those which are designated by lines without washing were burned during the siege. "the squares or islands with houses are represented by dots. those unwashed are of stone, which were also burned. "the part washed in verditer shows the gardens and rice fields. "in the delineation and washing of this plan, several defects are noted, which are to be excused as it was made at sea, under the necessary discomfort of the balancing of the boat, and lack of what was needful for its perfection. the explanation is sent separately, as there is no room on this sheet [marco]." scale 200 castilian varas to 4 1/4 cm. the size of the original ms. map is 59 x 48 cm. [43] the marquis de ayerbe says (sitio y conquista, p. 60) that forty of these men were killed, among them being several wounded men, one of whom was the sargento-mayor, martin de goycoa (sic). [44] many of the inhabitants of manila fled to the pasig after the assault, and when attempting to swim across, were fired upon by the british, with horrible carnage. see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 27, 28. [45] the captors imposed several contributions on the conquered. they seized a champan and its money and effects that was despatched without a passport by fernando calderón to the provinces for purposes of trade. see sitio y conquista, p. 70. [46] at the assault of the royal gate, the enemy lost but four men, one of whom was a major, who received an arrow in the face. the commander of the regiment, miguel valdés and some men basely fled. see sitio y conquista, pp. 60, 61. [47] published with the following appendices in london gazette, 1763; london chronicle, 1763, pp. 377-379; gentleman's magazine, 1763, pp. 171-176; london magazine, 1763, pp. 214-219; dublin magazine, 1763, pp. 248-255; universal magazine, 1763, pp. 202-206; and vol. ii of the field of mars, 1781. [48] a number of maps by this man exist in the archives of the indies, at seville. [49] see report of the war department for 1903 (washington, 1903), iii, pp. 434-446: "historical sketch of the walls of manila." [50] "the english knew as much of the weakness of that city as the spaniards themselves, because of the voyages that they made there annually. there was (and the same was true in 1766 and 1767) the greatest freedom of going everywhere, of seeing and visiting everything. when i left that city, i could easily have given an idea of the plan of the fortifications of that place. the spaniards were without distrust in this regard. the english knew besides that the garrison was very weak, and composed of mexican soldiers, good enough indeed, but of little skill in the military art, as they had never fired a gun; and composed, in a word, of soldiers, sufficient to impose on negroes, but incapable of opposing well disciplined troops, accustomed for some years to fighting in india." see le gentil, ii, p. 236. [51] cf. with this statement the letter by baltasar vela, s.j., post, pp. 288-295. [52] this was lieutenant fernando arcaya. see sitio y conquista de manila, p. 36. [53] ferrando (historia de los pp. dominicos, madrid, 1871, iv, p. 621), says that the first summons for surrender from cornish and draper demanded the immediate delivery of eight million escudos, the equivalent of four million pesos. [54] "after consulting the royal assembly of these islands the governor replied: 'gran bretaña must know already that fear and threats are not the securest method nor the most fitting means to celebrate treaties with the noble servants of the spanish sovereign. history has shown the world that spaniards know how to die like good men for their god, for their king, and for their fatherland, but never to yield in the face of danger, much less to be intimidated by arrogant threats. go, then, and bear this message to your chiefs; and tell them that we here are ready in any event to sell our lives dear.'" see ferrando, iv, p. 621. [55] after the taking of the augustinian convent at malate, the archbishop issued a circular to all the religious orders, telling them "that it was now time for them to leave their cloisters and aid in the defense of the city," which they did gladly. later, he ordered all the orders to furnish soldiers, and many of the religious entered the ranks. see sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 50. [56] "these were the two churches that arandía desired to have demolished one year before his death, and for which the friars tried to excommunicate him. it is quite certain that these two citadels which were only eighty toises from the body of the city, hastened and furthered the capture of the city. by favor of these churches, the english raised and formed their batteries of cannons and mortars with the greatest ease.... i have seen the ruins of one of these churches, whose walls were yet high enough to make excellent retrenchments with very little labor." see le gentil, ii, pp. 239, 240. [57] in this boat were captured money amounting to 30,000 pesos, and other objects of value. see sitio y conquista, p. 42. [58] the marquis de ayerbe (sitio y conquista) gives this force as consisting of two companies of fifty spaniards, and more than two hundred indians and mestizos with spears, muskets, and two eight-pounders. he was seconded by josé del busto. [59] of this sortie, le gentil says (ii, p. 243): "this sortie was only a kind of boast and bravado, for how could one flatter himself, with at the most sixty men (for i do not take any account of the eight hundred indians and two small cannons) that he could give any trouble to six thousand men of good troops, withdrawn into two or three citadels, which it would really have been necessary to have besieged in order to try to dislodge them; for the walls of all these churches are made of cut stone, and are as thick as the walls of the royal observatory, namely, five or six feet thick, and are octagonal." the reënforcements sent to fayette consisted of two spanish companies and 1,500 indians, commanded by pedro iriarte; and later one other company commanded by fernando de araya. opinions are divided as to the conduct of fayette (fallet), some accusing him of treason and others exonerating him. ferrando (iv, p. 623) says, when speaking of his night sortie, that he retired only because of superior numbers, and adds: "without reason and justice, the suspicion of treason against the french official (sr. fallet) who directed that sortie according to good principles of [military] science (which do not always triumph over tenfold the number of legions), would lie then on the conscience of the country." at the assault, however (ut supra, p. 628), fayette, who was ordered to guard the breach in the wall, was with some reason accused of treason because of the lukewarmness which he displayed in its defense; and because he finally went over to the british lines, being received there gladly. in fact when the british were forming for the assault fayette had ordered the indian archers to retire from the breach under pretext of taking some refreshment and rest before the assault--which was well calculated to aggravate suspicions. the english, seeing this move, were quick to take advantage of it. monterory vidal says (ii, p. 27) that he played the traitor at the assault by not offering any resistance. the marquis de ayerbe (sitio y conquista, p. 44) calls him a swiss. [60] this was doubtless the officer with the second british summons for surrender. it was probably at the council held in consequence of this (see ante, note 38), that the fiscal, leandro de viana, was appointed to see after the supply of provisions for the defense of the city. he issued orders to the alcaldes-mayor of the various provinces, and to the procurators of the convents, from whose estates much rice and other effects were received. viana advised the archbishop to leave all military matters to the sargentos-mayor of manila and cavite, but the latter refused to do so. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 17. [61] on the twenty-sixth 3,000 indian archers from the provinces of pampanga, bulacán, and laguna; but neither these volunteers nor 4,000 others armed with quivers, who joined later were very greatly feared by the english because of their inexperience in the art of war and their primitive armor. a contemporary paper gives the following data: "report of the men-at-arms whom it has been possible to collect inside and outside the place, without including the troops or militia: 600 men from the province of bulacán, in bancusay; 1,950 pampangos, in san fernando and the barracks of the accountancy; 150 pampangos in the palace, in charge of santa maría; 133 men in the archiepiscopal house, 38 of them with muskets being tagalogs; 110 men from meycaoyan and bocaue, in the house of dorado; 153 men from hagonoy; 150 men from bulacán; 60 from guiguinto; 72 from various villages; total 3,378." see montero y vidal, ii, p. 18. [62] he refused absolutely to accept the freedom offered him by draper until he received an order from the archbishop to that effect. see sitio y conquista, p. 43. [63] the marquis de ayerbe (sitio y conquista, p. 48) says that 500 indians left the plaza de armas in command of the archbishop, ministers of the audiencia, and some of the citizens, on the twenty-ninth, but that they were quickly put to flight by the english fire. [64] september 30, the spaniards received a reinforcement of 609 men from bulacán, as follows: from paombong, 82 men, under command of sebastian lorenzo; bocaue, 149 men, under command of augusto percumenla; calumpit, 16 men, under juan panganiban; malolos, 45 men, under anastasio bautista; obando, 53 men, under pedro c. salvador; angat, 79 men, under nicolás de aquino; san josé, 30 men, under nicolás matías; polo, 75 men, under juan roque; and bigáa, 80 men, under domingo francisco. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 21. on the first and second of october they were furnished with arrows, spears, and other weapons (sitio y conquista, pp. 51, 52). [65] at dawn of the third of october, a sally was made by 2,000 pampangos arranged in three columns: the first in command of francisco rodríguez and their valiant leader manalastas; the second in command of santiago orendaín; and the third, in command of the volunteers esclava and busto. the first reached the church of santiago, which they found empty, but were driven thence by the british. the second bore down upon ermita, where they were at first successful, but were speedily driven back by the british, with a loss of 200 men, orendaín fleeing at the beginning of the engagement, which is regarded as proof of his treachery. the third column, which was to have attacked by the sea side, grew faint hearted and retreated. many natives, alarmed because the british had hanged more than sixty pampangos whom they had captured, returned to their homes. see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 22, 23. [66] the military men who were mainly americans, counseled surrender, at the council held by the archbishop on the third of october, but their advice was overruled by the marquis de monte-castro, the magistrates, the religious, and the merchants. this council, as is evident from the record by orendaín, the government secretary, was called on account of a threatening letter from the british. see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 23-25, and note; and post, pp. 206-208. [67] some religious were ordered by the marquis de monte-castro to lead some indians to the foundry to make tools for making the ditch. but this was not done, in spite of father pascual fernández, of the society of jesus, teacher of mathematics, and the other religious, having worked with the greatest zeal. see sitio y conquista, p. 56. [68] the governor continued to give various orders which were not obeyed, and the master-of-camp limited himself to ordering the religious to prevent the indians from mounting the bastions, on this account great confusion reigning in the city. [69] as the british troops debouched into the square of the palace, their column could have been annihilated by the batteries of the fort of santiago, but the archbishop did not permit them to fire, as he feared the vengeance of the english general. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 28. [70] at the parián gate, the resistance was but slight. seventeen of the british were killed there, and but five of the spaniards. see sitio y conquista, p. 61. [71] the archbishop promised the conquerors 1,000,000 pesos for the expenses of their squadron if they were exempted from the sack. [72] ferrando (iv, p. 631) says: "finally the killing ceased, but the sack continued contrary to the previous agreement, without the lewdness of the soldiers pardoning either the honor of the married women or the virginity of girls, who were everywhere the victims of their brutal appetites.... according to old histories, many young women, who had taken refuge during the danger, at the beaterio of santa rosa of this city of manila, were violated. the venerable mother paula, foundress and directress of said institution, asserted that not one of the girl boarders and collegiates of the house had been violated by the brutal soldiery." "there also entered the plaza de armas on this day [october 5], five hundred marines, dressed, armed, and uniformed like the regular english troops, who committed all kinds of excesses in the convents, churches, and houses." a ms. by alfonso rodriguez de ovalle entitled sitio de manila (written in 1763), cited by marquis de ayerbe, p. 60. [73] evidently lieutenant hardwick. [74] the following account of the assault is taken from le gentil, ii, pp. 252-255: "archbishop roxo was a capable man for the good management of finances. he was clever in business and very zealous for the service of the king. but he did not understand anything of military affairs. consequently, the factions which were formed, and which he was unable to resist, were the cause of his not capitulating in time, and those factions caused the misfortune of manila. "it would be difficult to form an idea of the embarrassment in which this prelate found himself, and of the consternation of the entire village. i have been assured that the name of arandia, that man whom the friars had, two years previously, dubbed a heretic, and toward whom they had been so hostile that no one could be found who would take charge of his funeral oration, was heard pronounced several times. 'if arandia were living,' said one, several times during the siege. it was perceived then that they lacked a man to direct. several times the archbishop wished to capitulate, but he was prevented. don andres roxo has assured me very emphatically, that had the archbishop been alone, and had he not been besieged on one side by the auditors, and on the other by the friars, he would not have waited until the english had mounted to the assault. it was in fine a notorious fact at the time of my stay in manila, that the fiscal and especially an auditor, who has died since my departure, were the cause of roxo not capitulating in time. many councils, indeed, were held, but nothing was determined there. these councils, besides, were very illy made up; for, if the military men were excused from it, what good could come from appealing from the auditors there, who knew nothing in this line, and from fanatic friars. the latter made use of mother paula, whom they pretended had had visions of st. francis. they carried the news of those visions to the archbishop, and did what they could to support him in the flattering idea that st. francis would work a miracle in favor of the inhabitants of manila and that one would see him on the breach, with his cord in his hand, defending and sustaining the assault, as he had formerly repulsed the chinese, who, so they said at manila, had risen against this city to the number of more than twenty thousand. "while the english were pressing manila, the auditors were besieging the archbishop, and prevented any one from approaching to speak with him. monsieur fayette, more experienced than the other officers, seeing the evident danger which was threatening the city, tried, in spite of the difficulty in penetrating thither, into the presence of the archbishop, to leap the barrier. auditor ---was performing constant guard duty in the anti-chamber. it was impossible for monsieur fayette to get nearer. he told the auditor what brought him. the latter sent him back very roughly, giving him to understand that he was an ignoramus in the trade; that the governor was better informed than he; that the ministers of the king, who were there to assist the governor by their counsels, knew all that was to be done. 'do you take us,' said he in wrath, 'do you take us for traitors to our fatherland? do we not know our obligations?' "monsieur fayette retired. that same afternoon, the archbishop desired to go in person to view the breach (a fact that has been attested to me) but auditor ---and the fiscal prevented him. they did not wish, they said, to have his most illustrious lordship expose himself to so evident a danger. it is true that, since they were near his person in order to assist him with their counsels, it would have been necessary for the two auditors to have accompanied him in his visit. "don andres roxo has shown me a copy of one of the letters written to the king by this prelate, when he was near death, in which he gave his majesty an account of his conduct, and asked his pardon for the errors which he had committed. when speaking of the matter that we have just seen concerning the visit to the breach, he says 'would to god that a cannon ball had then shortened my days.' "next morning bout six o'clock, the same officer (monsieur fayette) returned to make a second attempt. he succeeded finally in getting quite into the apartment of the archbishop, but it was after he had deceived and thrown the watchful auditor off his guard. it was then too late to deliberate. a messenger announced that the enemy were at the breach, in possession of the bastion of the foundry. "the english were divided into three columns. the one which was to mount the breach was preceded by thirty volunteers and pioneers who were the first to mount, but who probably well knew that they would find but very little or no opposition. "the breach was scarcely practicable, and these volunteers had some difficulty in mounting. arrived at the bastion, they saw no one to dispute the ground with them. they cried out to their comrades that they had found no obstacles, and in fact, the few people that had been stationed on the bastion had become affrighted, and had fled in both directions along the wall. some even threw themselves down from the walls. the column seeing that these volunteers met no resistance on the bastion, bravely mounted the breach, and took the bastion. the volunteers went to the royal gate, where they found a feeble guard, who, frightened, had taken refuge under an altar of the virgin which was in the guardhouse, and before which all the guard were wont to recite the rosary night and morning. the guard thought that they were safe from all danger, but the english, having few scruples, massacred them. they opened the gates to the rest of the troops, who were only sepoys, who composed the second column. thus was manila taken by assault." [75] anda's baptismal record which is published by montero y vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 606, 607, shows that he was baptized in the church of san esteban protomártir in the village of subijana de alava on october 23, 1709. his burial (ut supra, p. 608) is noted in the burial book of the manila cathedral under date of october 31, 1776. he was buried by the famous archbishop, basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina, who was, like anda, a fighter. see also vol. xvii, pp. 297, 298. [76] law clxxx is as follows: "in some of our audiencias of the indias, it has happened, and it might happen, that the auditors of it may be absent, and only one auditor remain. we declare in such case that the audiencia is to be conserved and continued with only one auditor." [felipe iii, san lorenzo, august 14, 1620.] for law lviii, see vol. xvii, pp. 313, 314. [77] all the religious orders but the jesuits proved loyal and assisted with money and actual force. the latter maintained most cordial relations with the enemy. in the summary exposition which was sent to the pope regarding this matter, it was shown that they preached against the government, and that their provincial had illicit relations with draper during the occupancy of manila. this was partly the reason for their expulsion by cárlos iii. in the archives at simancas, legajo 288 of "gracia y justicia," exists a document charging the jesuits as traitors for their action during the war with the british. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 36, and note. see the letter, post, in which the jesuits charge the archbishop with direct treason. the following items from british magazines are instructive and may partly explain the jesuit letter. "letters from france advise that his catholic majesty will be no great loser by our taking the manilas, as the whole of that trade was in the hands of the jesuits. a proposal was made to the late king of spain, to put a stop to that trade, it being a loss to both his majesty and the spanish nation; but the jesuit had art enough to prevent its taking effect." (scots magazine, 1763, p. 235.) "london, nov. 3. they write from cadiz, that the treasure belonging to the jesuits at manilla, lately confiscated by orders of the court, was said to amount to near 20,000,000 pieces of eight, exclusive of jewels, diamonds, and church-plate." (scots magazine, 1763, p. 605.) "london, sept. 24. according to letters from madrid, three eighths of the treasure drawn from the commerce carried on between manilla and acapulco, had centred among the spanish jesuits, amounting annually to eight millions of dollars." (scots magazine, 1767, p. 494.) [78] this letter is published by malo de luque, v, pp. 268, 269; mas, i, p. 142; and montero y vidal, ii, appendix, p. 579. [79] published in malo de luque, v, pp. 269-276; mas, i, pp. 142-146; and montero y vidal, ii, pp. 580-583. [80] law lvii is as follows: "we order that in the absence of viceroy or president, so that he cannot govern, our royal audiencias succeed to the government, and that the government reside in them, as it could in the viceroy or president when they performed those duties. the senior auditor shall be president, and he alone shall make and enact all the measures belonging to and annexed to the president. and if the president should be captain-general, the senior auditor shall also exercise that office until his successor is appointed by us, or until one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our orders, unless the opposite or contrary is ordered in some audiencias by the laws of this book." [felipe ii, toledo, may 25, 1596, ordinance 43, concerning audiencias; felipe iv, madrid, april 8, 1629; and in this recopilación.] [81] this testimony, which is given by mas, i, pp. 139-141, and montero y vidal, historia, ii, appendix, pp. 577-579, notes that anda was appointed by the archbishop, in his capacity of governor and captain-general, as lieutenant governor and captain-general of the islands, in due form, sealed with the arms of the archbishop and countersigned by ramón orendain, chief government secretary, on october 1. on the same day he was appointed visitor general, by the royal audiencia, of all the provinces of the islands, the royal provision therefor being despatched with the royal seal registered by andres josé rojo, lieutenant of the grand chancellor, and countersigned by juan de monroy, assembly secretary. he was received in his official capacity in the province of bulacan, and when, on the fifth, news was received of the assault and capture of manila by the british, upon him devolved the duties of the royal audiencia, and of the governor and captain-general. the treasurer nicolás de echauz beaumont was ordered to move the moneys in his charge into the interior. accordingly he went to the province of laguna, but for greater security was ordered to go later to pampanga. [82] montero y vidal's version reads "loyalty to the king, ... and defense of these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for their foreign subjection to the slightest degree"--a better reading. [83] anda left manila with but 500 pesos. see sitio y conquista, p. 80. [84] montero y vidal reads "what is not allowed." [85] this passport reads as follows: "this is to certify that don simon de anda y salazar, minister of his catholic majesty, has my permission to come with all safety to this city. this order is directed to each one to whom it pertains, so that he may allow him to pass, in accordance with its contents. guillermo drapert, commander-in-chief. general barracks, october 25, 1762. i retain the original in my possession, in order that it may run no risk [of being destroyed or lost]. your lordship may come without the slightest fear. the archbishop." [86] this date is easily explained by the fact that the british used the calendar of india, which was one day in advance of that of the spanish in the philippines. [87] an edict issued by anda on october 26, 1762, after protesting against british occupation, orders the alcaldes-mayor to pay no heed to despatches or orders issued by the archbishop, either in his own name or that of the british. the bearers of such despatches are to be arrested. [88] on september 24, the british leaders had issued their first manifesto for the native populations, reassuring the natives that no harm would be done them and that they would be allowed freedom of worship if they did not aid the spaniards. see ingleses en filipinas (ms.), pp. 80, 81; and sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 40. [89] published by montero y vidal, in his historia, ii, appendix, pp. 587-589. it is dated october 28 in this version, and is signed by juan monroy and ramon de orendaín, in addition to the archbishop. it is also contained in another ms. belonging to edward e. ayer, where it is dated october 28. [90] the "filipino" carried according to a contemporaneous account, two and one-half millions of pesos fuertes. see ferrando, iv, p. 624. [91] dawson drake took over the command of manila october 10, 1762. see sitio y conquista, p. 69. [92] other things demanded in the petition of the natives were: the return of the tribute that had been collected; the removal of the schoolmaster and the church fiscal; the removal of the alcalde-mayor of the province; permanence of office for the then master-of-camp of the province (ferrando, iv, p. 660). [93] the marquis de ayerbe says (sitio y conquista, pp. 91-93) that nine hundred sangleys conspired against anda at guagua, who in connivance with those of manila, numbered more than 5,000. anda was informed of the conspiracy by a native. by his promptness of action, he attacked and defeated the entrenched sangleys, capturing from them nine barrels of powder, many guns, and nine thousand pesos. [94] in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid, there is a tastefully carved plate of some hard philippine wood, on which are three separate inscriptions, also carved in the wood. this plate was set up by anda on the gate of the village of sesmoan in the province of pampanga. when the walls were destroyed, this plate was preserved in the house of the parish priest and was later (1857) sent to manila where it was preserved in the audiencia building (june 1, 1858), as a memorial of the signal services of anda. [95] published by malo de luque, v, pp. 278-281; mas, i, pp. 167, 168; and montero y vidal, ii, pp, 590, 591. [96] the provincial and all the fathers of the college of santa cruz were imprisoned on mere suspicion; and the same was done with the prior of the augustinian convent. all the religious and students of santo tomás were imprisoned, and charged with urging the soldiers to desert. the british took advantage of this to search the convents and carry off what they wished. see sitio y conquista, pp. 75, 76. [97] bernardo pazuengos was born at garnica in the diocese of calahorra, may 22, 1706. he was admitted into the jesuit order, october 9, 1720, and went to the philippines in 1732, where he taught philosophy and theology at manila. returning to spain as procurator, he went to mexico in 1754. in 1764 (sic, in sommervogel, but this date must be an error, as he is provincial in 1763), he was made provincial of the philippines. see sommervogel, vi, cols. 413, 414. [98] when villacorta was arrested, the english promised to liberate him if anda would retire from pampanga to some other province (martinez de zúñiga, p. 648). [99] published in malo de luque, v, pp. 290-292; mas, i, pp. 170-172; and montero y vidal, ii, pp. 593, 594. [100] the library of mr. edward e. ayer, of chicago contains a series of manuscripts bound into one document, and entitled: "papers apropos of the representation of the royal audiencia and the posts of governor and captain general having devolved upon sr. don simon de anda y salasar; and the measures taken by him as such during the invasion of the english at that capital." from a paper accompanying this ms. we translate as follows: "in the 63 useful sheets of which it is composed, it contains original testimonies of those appointments, acts, measures, and autograph orders, dictated and directed by anda to all the authorities of those islands in order that he might keep the country obedient and under the dominion of his majesty, during the war sustained against the english in 1762 and the following years, in which the english gained control of manila and cavite, until they were expelled and said places recovered by the spaniards; with the original replies and testimonies of obedience and respect, which were given to anda as such captain general by the prelates, alcaldes-mayor, provincial chiefs, reverend fathers of the religious orders, and all the natives of the country; evidence of the offers made him; replies of the said anda to them; and other details interesting on account of their text, and the form and originality which they show." these are the originals, or contemporaneous copies thereof, and cover the years 1762-1764. lack of space forbids the use of any of them here. [101] a german lay brother and santiago de orendaín went completely over to the english. they burned many summer residences in the suburbs, and caused all the prisoners to swear allegiance to the british, although many failed to keep this forced oath. see sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 74. [102] among the prisoners taken by the enemy were the king of joló and his son israel, who bore themselves like brave men, and more honorably than some of the spaniards who fought there. when the british forces left, the king of joló also fled in a ship of the english east india company. see sitio y conquista, pp. 90, 130. [103] published in part in malo de luque, v, pp. 293-310; mas, i, pp. 172-181; and montero y vidal, ii, pp. 594-602. the most interesting part, that reproduced above, is omitted by each of these writers. [104] space will not permit us to give in extenso an account of the insurrection headed by diego silán or silang. it was the most obstinate of all the insurrections that broke out against the spaniards during the english occupation. diego silán was born december 16, 1730, in pangasinan province. as a lad he served the cura of vigan, but being sent down to manila, the boat in which he took passage was wrecked on the coast of bolinao. all his companions were killed by the barbarous inhabitants, but he was kept as a slave, being finally ransomed by a recollect friar. later he became a messenger for the parish priest at vigan, and being found trustworthy was appointed to carry the letters to manila annually at the time the manila boat was expected. in this service, he acquired a wide acquaintance; and it was comparatively easy for him after the assault of manila to rouse the natives, under pretext of protecting themselves from the british since the spaniards were no longer able to defend them. demands formulated and presented by the insurgents include the deposition of the alcalde-mayor, antonio zabala; that office to be held by the provisor tomás millán; the election of one of the four chiefs of vigan as justice; the expulsion of all the spaniards and mestizos from the province; the appointment of silán to make head against the english. the insurrection makes great headway, and is soon found to be an attempt to break with all spanish authority, and the insurgents are incited by the british, who appoint silán alcalde and governor of the province of ilocos. silán meddles with ecclesiastical matters, opposing bishop ustariz, whereupon the latter pronounces an interdict in vigan. augustinians seized by silán are imprisoned three separate times. silán is finally killed by a spanish mestizo, miguel vicos, may 28, 1763. this insurrection was quickly put down after the death of silán, who was its life and exhibited a certain amount of shrewdness and resource. but shortly after, another insurrection was started under silán's uncle, nicolás cariño, which gained considerable headway, although it was finally stifled and quiet restored. anda took various measures against these insurrections, but it was impossible for him to leave his post in bulacan, where english matters occupied his attention. these insurrections were perhaps the most serious that the spanish power in the philippines had yet suffered. for accounts of them, see relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad de vigan, cabecera de la provincia de ilocos, en los años de 1762 y 1763, by pedro de vivar, o.s.a. (written in 1764; but published in manila, 1893, in vol. iv, biblioteca historica filipina), in which many documents are given; and montero y vidal's historia, ii, pp. 77-114. isabelo de los reyes, the ilocano writer and demagogue, praises silán highly. see also post, pp. 298-306. [105] draper and cornish sent an edict to the filipinos on september 24, 1762, announcing that the filipinos need have no fear of the british fleet, provided that they do not join the spaniards or assist them in any way. they will be received under british protection; their women and children will be free from outrages; full prices will be paid them for food; they will be free to go and come as they please; and freedom of worship will be conserved to them. if they do, on the contrary, aid the spanish, then they must fear the punishment that will be inflicted. may 13, 1763, silang writes the british assuring them of obedience and non-aid to the spaniards. in the same month, the british write silang promising to send him soon, troops, weapons, and war supplies. the british successes in manila, pasig, and maysilo, are mentioned, while in the month just past, the fort of batangas in bulacan has been captured. they are attracting all the natives of the islands to their banners, and have treated them humanely, freeing them from the tribute and the various ecclesiastical oppressions. the augustinians have been especially active against the british, and against the vows of their profession have taken up arms, thus occasioning the shedding of much blood. they have also treated silang cruelly. therefore the british will esteem it if silang will secure the augustinians, the alcalde, antonio zavala, and all other spaniards, and send the same to the english, taking possession besides of all their property and estates. the lack of priests for the present may be filled by seculars until the archbishop can appoint others. the british wish to conserve the catholic religion. no duties shall be charged on their trading boats. the provinces of pangasinan and cagayan will also be admitted under the protection of the british, if they desire it. silang's aid is asked against anda and his men. with the letter are sent copies of a manifesto inviting trade. (all these documents are contained in the manuscript entitled ingleses en filipinas.) [106] this edict is as follows: "inasmuch as many malcontents of the district of señor anda frequently come to the villages of santa cruz, binondoc, etc., for the purpose of killing the officers and soldiers whom they meet; and since said malcontents flee precipitously as soon as our troops go out in pursuit of them: therefore, notice is given to all the spaniards living in said villages, to come to live within the city of manila inside of one week, since we can protect them in this way. if, perchance, they neglect to obey this order, they must stand the consequences, for if many of said canaille gather together, it is feasible that the governor will be necessarily obliged to order the cannon fired among the houses, for the purpose of driving them away." (published in malo de luque, v, pp. 284-285; mas, i, p. 183; and montero y vidal, ii, pp. 602, 603). this edict anda answered on the nineteenth at bacolor. in it the british are styled as dishonorable men, for regarding as rebels those who are loyal to their king, and for their offer of a reward for anda alive or dead. the statements in the edict of the seventeenth, namely, that the loyalist spanish troops are canaille and that they are on the lookout for opportunity to murder british officers, are branded as utter falsehoods. in return, the three men who have signed the above edict--drake, smith, and brook--are proscribed, and a price of ten thousand pesos offered for each one, dead or alive. this edict further orders that the humane treatment of the spanish toward english captives or deserters be continued as hitherto, to the extent possible. (the version from which we condense is evidently an abridgment of the edict, which is given entire by malo de luque, v, pp. 285-290; mas, i, pp. 183-185; ferrando, iv, pp. 647, 648; and montero y vidal, ii, pp. 603-605.) [107] january 28, 1763, the fiscal viana fled the city, going to anda's camp, where he was gladly received, and where he became very useful. later villacorta also escaped to anda's camp. the latter and galbán, who had been very far from doing their duty in the time of danger, conspired to wrest the command from anda in case of rojo's death, on the grounds that most persons believed that the government of the islands should be given to bishop ustáriz of nueva segovia. the franciscan and recollect provincials, and the jesuit superior declared that the command belonged to anda; while the other religious institutes were neutral or sided with bishop ustáriz. the augustinians pronounced for villacorta. see montero y vidal, ii, pp. 65, 66. [108] the preliminary peace treaties were signed between great britain, france, and spain, november 3, 1762, and the treaty of peace at paris, february 10, 1763. [109] a manila paper published in 1904 tells of the finding near the pasig river, during a removal of a part of the old manila wall on that side, in order to increase the customs warehouse capacity, of two old british cannons, probably six-inch mortars, with the royal arms of england and an eighteenth-century date upon them, that were turned up by the workmen. evidently these cannons were brought by the british at the time of the siege of manila. (letter from james a. leroy, october 20, 1904.) [110] this man commanded a british force sent out to invade the provinces and cripple anda. he was opposed chiefly by busto who had joined anda some time before. the british force attacked the church and convent of marisanto, where they were opposed by the alcalde-mayor, about seventy spaniards, and about five thousand natives, as well as by busto. finally, the english took the convent and killed the alcalde-mayor, and some recollects and other spaniards. some of the wounded took refuge in a garret of the convent, but were captured and handed over by slay to the sangleys, who killed them after inflicting severe tortures. only two escaped by swimming across the river. see sitio y conquista, pp. 95-98. [111] some of the religious quit their habits and became leaders of bands of ladrones. most of the religious, however, remained loyal. see sitio y conquista, pp. 79, 80. [112] by the death of the archbishop, january 30, 1764, the british changed their tactics and recognized anda as legal governor and captain-general. but even after this the british soldiers sacked the churches and houses of cavite. see sitio y conquista, p. 126. [113] this treaty is published in scots magazine for 1763, pp. 134-142. [114] when the british forces left, about four hundred prostitutes, who were abandoned by their departure, fled from manila. see sitio y conquista, p. 130. [115] the spanish troops entered manila may 31, 1764, possession of the city being taken by anda, accompanied by busto, since the new governor ad interim, francisco de la torre, was sick. that night a banquet was given to the british commanders. june 4, brereton tendered a banquet to anda and other officials on his ship, the english praising anda profusely. june 10 and 11, the british vessels left the bay for india. see sitio y conquista, pp. 129-131. [116] montero y vidal (ii, pp. 66, 67) says of the archbishop: "the unfortunate archbishop rojo died january 30, 1764. the english gave him a solemn funeral, their troops granting him all the military honors. this prelate was more imbecile than traitor.... his obstinacy in submitting the islands to the dominion of the english; his struggles against anda, ... the absolute ignorance as to his powers, and his mission and obligations; his pardonable ignorance of whatever concerned the military defense of the archipelago; ... his calm submission to whatever the english advised, even in matters which were clearly opposed to the integrity and interests of spain; and other inexplicable acts: ... give an exact idea of the capacity and character of the unfortunate one who had the misfortune to exercise a command in such anxious times, for which he lacked the intelligence, valor, and the conditions necessary for its proper performance." see also ante, pp. 129-131, note 73. [117] see document by this man in vol. xlvii, pp. 251-284. [118] at the death of governor arandía, june 1759, the government ad interim was assumed by miguel lino de espeleta, bishop of cebú. when rojo took possession of the archiepiscopal see, july 22, 1759, he claimed that the government belonged to him. the auditors villacorta and galbán voted for espeleta, and calderon and dávila for rojo. espeleta, however, was backed by the troops, and the matter was accordingly decided in his favor. his first measure was the repeal of the celebrated ordinances of good government compiled by arandía. his next step was the prosecution of santiago orendaín, the favorite of arandía, as he believed him to be the originator of the regulations contrary to the religious, charge of the prosecution being given to auditor villacorta. orendaín took refuge in the augustinian convent at tondo, but was given up and lodged in the fort of santiago. escaping thence, he was received into the recollect convent, whence he was taken by soldiers. the matter stirred up the opposing forces, and excommunications followed in rapid succession on both sides, the two auditors, calderon and dávila being among those excommunicated. the matter was quashed by the archbishop upon the arrival of a royal decree appointing him governor ad interim (july, 1761). orendaín was liberated and the records of the case sent to madrid. see montero y vidal, ii. pp. 7-9. [119] see account of this revolt in vol. xlviii. [120] see anda's letter to the archbishop, ante, pp. 156-158. [121] see vols. xliii and xliii; appendices in vol. ii of montero y vidal's piratería; barrantes's guerras piraticas, appendix: for the negotiations between the king of joló, and his brother bantilan, and the spaniards and english respectively. the king ali-mudin and his son were taken to joló by brereton when the british forces evacuated manila in 1764. the king abdicated in favor of his son israel. thereupon, the joloans divided into two factions, one in favor of the english and the other, headed by israel, against them (montero y vidal's piratería, i, p. 338). [122] "the most singular of these imposts, however, is the crusade. it was born in the ages of folly and fanaticism during which millions of europeans set forth to wear themselves out in the east for the recovery of palestine. the court of rome revived it in favor of ferdinand, who in 1509 undertook to wage war against the moors of africa. it still exists in spain, where it is never less than 12 sols 6 deniers, or more than 4 livres. one pays more dearly for it in the new world, where it is collected only once in two years, and where it rises from 35 sols to 13 livres, according to the rank and fortune of the citizens. for this sum, people obtained the liberty of being absolved by their confessors from crimes reserved to [the cognizance of the] pope and the bishops; the right to use on days of abstinence certain forbidden articles of food; and a multitude of indulgences for sins already committed or which might be committed. the government did not strictly oblige its subjects to take this bull, but the priests refused the consolations of religion to those who neglected or disdained it; and perhaps there is not in all spanish america a man sufficiently courageous or enlightened to brave this ecclesiastical censure." (raynal, etablissemens et commerce des européens, ii, pp. 310, 311.) [123] orendain was a mestizo (a lawyer by profession) and maintained cordial relations with diego silán, the insurgent; and the communication of the latter may easily have taken place under his auspices. he bought the augustinian convent and its library which were sold by the english with the understanding that if the latter abandoned the country, the religious could not claim their property. embarking with the english after the peace, he was killed in cochinchina by order of the king of that country. vivar's relación, p. 299, note. see also ante, p. 121, note 64. [124] the laws above mentioned are as follows: law lxii: "we declare that the appointment of those who are to be judges of the causes and suits, which are handled in our royal audiencias, belongs to the viceroys and presidents of them, in those cases, which by virtue of our cedulas, or in any other cases shall arise; and this must be observed in accordance with what is the practice in our councils and audiencias of these kingdoms of castilla." [felipe iii, madrid, march 28, 1620.] law lxiii: "the appointment of the judge who is to supply the absence of auditors because of their death or inability, for the determination of matters with the auditor remaining in the audiencia, belongs to the president of the audiencia. this is to be the rule on all the occasions that arise, any ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding." [felipe iv, madrid, september 30, 1634.] law lxxxviii: "we declare and order that, in our audiencias of the indias, the least sum for the examination and determination of suits shall be and shall be considered to be three hundred thousand maravedis; and that if the sum does not exceed that amount, suits may be examined and determined by two auditors whose votes must be in harmony in every respect. two auditors may also try and sentence, in all instances, suits representing a greater sum, in the same manner, except the audiencias of mejico and lima. in those audiencias it is our will that three votes be unanimous in every particular in order to try and sentence suits representing a greater sum, as is prescribed by the laws of these our kingdoms of castilla." [cárlos i, in the new laws of 1542; felipe ii, aranjuez, september 24, 1568; felipe iv, madrid, september 22, 1626.] law cvi: "we order and command that when the auditors agree upon the sentence, they summon the clerk of the cause, and secretly order him to write before them the points and the effect of the sentence which they are to give. it shall be set down there and written neatly, and shall be signed before it is pronounced; or at least when it shall be pronounced, it shall be brought in written neatly and be signed by all who were in the assembly, although the vote or votes of one or some may not conform to the contents of the sentence. consequently, at least in ordinary matters, the sentence shall not be pronounced until it is agreed upon and written neatly and signed. after it shall be published, it cannot be changed in any wise. the clerk shall immediately give in the court a copy of it to the party if he asks it, under penalty of a fine of two pesos for the courts." [cárlos i, and the queen regent, madrid, july 12, 1550, ordinance 14, concerning audiencias; felipe ii, in said ordinances, no. 144.] law cxi: "the auditors of our audiencias where there are no alcaldes of crime, shall try criminal causes in the first instance in the city where the audiencia resides, and five leguas about it, provided that the prison orders are assigned by at least two auditors." [cárlos i and the queen regent, 1530.] laws cvii-cxix refer to the manner of signing sentences; law cx relates to the action of the audiencia outside the five-legua district. [125] a village on the west coast of panay. [126] see anson's description of the voyage of the acapulco galleon, kerr's hist. and coll. of voyages (edinburg and london, 1824), xi, pp. 406-411. [127] this vessel made three efforts to make the voyage. in the second it lost its topmasts. having refitted with spare masts, it sailed again on october 2. struck by a severe storm, the vessel lost its masts again near the ladrones, thus necessitating its return to the philippines. see le gentil, ii, pp. 224, 225. [128] point cabcabe, located on the southeast coast of bataan. [129] bantay is the tagalog word for sentinel, and in the text is given a spanish plural. see noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario. [130] a minute of the council of war held september 25, 1762, signed by ramon de orendaín, with names of those attending and the decision pronounced by the archbishop is contained in a ms. owned by edward e. ayer. [131] in our original the word is pasionero, which is "one who sings the passion during holy week." it seems probable that it is an error of the amanuensis for prisionero, "prisoner." [132] according to manuscript maps in the archives of the indies, at seville, by the engineer feliciano márquez, dated september 30, 1767; and the pilot francisco xavier estorgo, of 1770, the bastion of carranza is another name for the bastion of san andrés. an irish pilot named raymond kelly was killed by the british while defending this bastion (see sitio y conquista, p. 61) [133] at the council held on the third of october, it was proposed that the women, children, and aged be sent out of manila. it was also proposed that the governor, courts, and most of the citizens withdraw, leaving the city in charge of a leader with instructions for its defense or surrender. the fiscal recommended system and order in the matter of provisions and supplies, and the advisability of assigning pay to the indians. but no decided action was taken as many disputes marked the council. the religious were, however, urged to look after the indians, and aid in the defense of the walls, being permitted in case the city was indefensible, to capitulate, as well as to spike the cannon. reports of this council, and the ones held on october 26 and 27, and the reply of the officials to the archbishop on october 23, are to be found in an original ms. owned by edward e. ayer. an extract from the council of the third is given by montero y vidal, ii, pp. 24, 25, note; and one from the council of the twenty-sixth, appendix, pp. 584-587. see also sitio y conquista, pp. 56, 57. [134] the fiscal viana, in a deposition made july 6, 1764, attests his losses by the sack of manila in 1762. he lost his silver service, best clothing, and other things, all amounting to a value of about 4,000 pesos. in the "santisima trinidad" he lost 600 pesos. from the beaterio of santisima trinidad was also taken a trunk full of silver plate and money belonging to viana. (from an original ms. belonging to edward e. ayer.) [135] draper sent forty frenchmen ahead the morning of the assault to fill up the ditch with the ruins of the bastion; to examine whether there was any ditch which impeded their passage; and communicate everything by signs. this duty was accomplished satisfactorily, for they met no obstacle. see mas, i, p. 131. [136] the column that occupied the wall by the left of the foundry took possession of everything as far as the bastion of the gate of santa lucía. the greater part of the people were killed, and the gate of santiago alone was left free. see sitio y conquista, p. 61. [137] ferrando gives this name as nicolás de ruiz (historia, iv, p. 627), but all other accounts give it as echauz. [138] anda was sixty-two years of age when he left manila to undertake the defense of the provinces. see mas, i, p. 138. [139] "since the natives of these islands, who were living at present, had never seen war like this, and now saw with their own eyes the effects of it, namely, the change of government, the cowardice of the castilians, and the complete upheaval of order, they were caused great surprise, and thought that the end of the world was come. consequently, most of them, that is, the herd, not all, began to commit thefts and to commit assaults on the highway, committing many murders, rapes, and other outrages, as is usual on these occasions; especially those who had been imprisoned in the jails for crime, to whom liberty was given in order that they might be of service in this war. notwithstanding that the english hanged very many without trial or examination, as i saw several times in this place after it was lost, where i stayed for some months. they needed no gallows, for the criminals were hanged from any window grating like bananas." from history of the siege of manila, by father agustín de santa maría, whose ms. is conserved in the augustinian archives of madrid. see mas, i, p. 135, note. [140] the castellan of cavite at first refused to surrender the fort, and prepared to defend it. but the soldiers deserted and the natives began to loot the arsenal, whereupon the castellan also fled. see mas, i, p. 136. [141] the augustinian fathers were imprisoned in their convent, although they were permitted to leave it at times provided it should be within the city. suddenly a counter order was given and they were deprived of that permission. it was believed that the english were making such demonstrations in order that the augustinians might surrender to them the silver that they had hidden. but since the procurator was firm in not revealing it, they were treated as traitors because their brothers favored the side of anda. the english collected religious to the number of twelve, and embarked them to take them to europa. one of them was released at the request of the archbishop. after the fathers had embarked, the english entered their convent and sacked it, so that nothing was left in it. they found six thousand pesos of coined silver which had been hidden in a garden, and the wrought silver which had been concealed when the question of paying the million was discussed. they did not pardon the relics of the saints, which they threw on the ground, in order to take the reliquaries in which they were kept. see martinez de zúñiga, pp. 641, 642. [142] in the convent of the augustinians in manila, the british seized 8,000 pesos in money, and 20,000 in goods. the archbishop under threats of the conquerors ordered the heads of the augustinian order to submit to the british authorities. see sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 76. [143] probably juan manuel maldonado de puga, author of religiosa hospitalidad, which has appeared in our vol. xlvii. [144] the archbishop offered josé pedro busto (who had come to the islands with his friend governor arandía) the post of provincial in the name of the british government with a salary of 5,000 pesos per year, together with the perquisites of the office and the aid that he would need. but he refused it, and left manila with twenty cagayans, who accompanied him, and although pursued by mounted sepoys, was not overtaken. joining anda, he became the real military arm of the opposition. at an estate held by the jesuits in mariquina, and where he was aided by the jesuits, he urged the natives to resist british rule, being followed by the majority of them, whereupon he was able to attack and punish some of the ladrones of the region. he obtained many advantages by fighting in guerrila fashion. when anda finally entered manila as the british were about to evacuate the city, busto accompanied him. see sitio y conquista, pp. 85-89. et seq. [145] the british exiled the superior of the augustinians from manila, and forbade him to live in any of the four neighboring provinces; and confiscated all the property of that order (sitio y conquista, p. 83). [146] anda's force, says le gentil (ii, p. 262) consisted of about 9,000 men, of whom 2,000 were armed with muskets, and about 300 europeans, most of whom were french deserters from the british. to such an extent did the desertion of the french occur that the british sent those left them (about 150) back to india. anda refused the offer of a french sergeant to endeavor to cause the desertion of the sepoys, on the ground that they were mahometans. anda's force, before he surrendered the command to francisco de la torre, is specified by ayerbe (sitio y conquista, pp. 132, 133), as follows: 12 infantry companies, consisting of 1,370 men, of whom 223 were deserters from the british; 2 cavalry companies, consisting of 293 men, of whom 100 were spaniards, and the rest cagayans, and 50 of whom had muskets, 50 blunderbusses, and the rest spears; 100 cavalry dragoons; 281 artillerymen, some of them deserters, most armed with sabers, and a few with muskets; 100 indians commanded by the native colonel, santos de los angeles. 60 being infantry with muskets, and 40 cavalry with short firearms and spears; 300 native and mestizo commissary troops armed with muskets and bows and arrows, whose duty it was to prevent the entrance of food into manila; 3 boholans, armed with lance and shield, who acted as anda's bodyguard; 400 visayans, armed with bows and arrows; 2,000 indians, enlisted in the villages near polo, as a reserve; in addition to the natives used in other employments. le gentil (ii, pp. 266-268) accuses anda of inaction, although he had an army of more than 10,000 men. but he adds that anda could not count on his native troops, and had no large guns. [147] the british troops under thomas backhouse, who invaded the provinces november 8, 1762, easily forced an entrance into the village of pasig, driving the natives who opposed them like a herd of frightened sheep (mas, i, pp. 162, 163). [148] anda's agents scoured the environs of manila for contributions, and it is said that they committed many exactions. see le gentil, ii, p. 269. [149] the letter written by the archbishop on october 29, to the provincials of the religious orders. his own sins he fears have been the cause of the loss of manila and other places. but god has been merciful in much, and liberty, trade, and religion are preserved for the inhabitants. an attempt is being made to collect the one million of the ransom money demanded, and the rest will be taken from the "filipino" and bills of credit on the spanish monarch. it is necessary to cede the islands because of the force of the enemy in order to avoid greater misfortune. this cession is merely a temporary deposit made to the british sovereign. the aid of the religious is asked in preserving order and the statu quo, by not opposing the british. [150] a copy of the letter written by the archbishop to draper under date of october 29, 1762, and translated from the latin, in which it was couched, into spanish, is contained in a ms. owned by edward e. ayer. the archbishop servilely addresses draper as "prudent and most clement conqueror," and "most humane sir." the inhabitants are doing their best to gather the million demanded at once, and the archbishop has given all the silver of his church (except what is absolutely necessary for the sacrifice of the mass) and even his pectorals. he bewails the fate that makes it necessary for him to cede the islands to the english. draper's letter on the twenty-seventh (twenty-eighth, english calendar) of october follows this, although it should properly precede it. it dwells on the humanity of the english, and the fact that by the cession of a few places, the archbishop has avoided much ruin, for the english arms would easily have reduced them; and the inhabitants have been left freedom of worship, trade, their possessions, churches, and convents. those who persuade the archbishop through a false sense of honor not to cede the islands will be responsible for the consequences. the auditors are to immediately sign the cession. the cession signed on the thirtieth (english date) is as follows: "sir: all the islands subordinate to that of luzon, of which manila is the capital (in the manner and form at present under the dominion of his catholic majesty) are to be ceded to his britannic majesty. the latter is to be the recognized sovereign until the peace between both kings decides their fate. their religion, goods, privileges, possessions, and trade are to be conserved to the subjects of españa who inhabit these islands, in the same manner that they have been conserved for the inhabitants of manila and on the island of luzon. all the alcaldes, governors, and military men shall enjoy the honors of war if they give their word of honor not to serve or bear arms against his britannic majesty during this war. the archbishop and auditors shall sign this agreement. [signed] guillermo draper." it is to be noted that the archbishop's synopses of the various letters mentioned in the text correspond with the letters themselves. [151] when draper left manila, he took what he wished from the archbishop's palace in which he lived. see sitio y conquista, pp. 76, 77. [152] a reference to matthew xvi, 26, the latin of the vulgate being: quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animæ vero suæ detrimentum patiatur? aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima sua? this reads as follows in the douay version: "for what doth it profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his own soul? or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?" [153] various disorders were committed in laguna province by the indians. dissatisfied with their alcalde-mayor because he favored the archbishop, the captain of pagsanban issued a circular against the alcalde-mayor, treating him as a traitor. in return he was arrested and publicly lashed. the indians, infuriated, ill-treated the alcalde-mayor's family, killing his brother-in-law, and later the alcalde himself. for this they were pardoned by anda, who saw himself powerless to pursue any other course just then. see mas, i, pp. 159, 160. [154] anda wrote bishop ustariz asking his coöperation in the maintenance of quiet in the provinces, in view of the british invasion, and the danger that threatened the catholic faith. this letter the bishop sent to the augustinian provincial with one of his own, asking him to conserve spanish interests as much as possible, and to enrol the aid of the natives. an order promulgated by anda, october 6, 1762, enjoins watchfulness on the part of the alcaldes-mayor. they are to forbid all passage to manila, both of persons and supplies; are to deny all aid to the british and all strangers in their jurisdiction; and are to arrest or kill all suspects. see vivar's relación, pp. 294-296. [155] villacorta, whom le gentil terms a "just and impartial man," asserted that anda was unjust toward rojo, who was very sincere in his devotion to the spanish sovereignty (le gentil, ii, p. 271). villacorta had however himself conspired against anda. [156] see the british figures regarding the ransom money, post. [157] the admiralty archives in england may have various data regarding this. [158] with cornish also went auditor pedro calderon and his daughter, who went to spain, and some missionaries, officers, and soldiers (sitio y conquista, p. 77). [159] more than four hundred houses were ruined in the barrios of santa cruz and binondo by the british after the assault (sitio y conquista, pp. 72, 73). [160] the british found some copper on the "filipino," and before setting fire to the vessel, spiked the cannon (sitio y conquista, p. 72). [161] in order to secure the release of villacorta, it was alleged that he was insane; but his release was only accomplished after a money payment (sitio y conquista, p. 75). [162] in the province of panay, the alcalde was corrupted by the english, but was prevented from surrendering the province, as he was seized and imprisoned by the augustinians there, an act approved by anda. in cebú, quiet was restored after the alcalde was hanged with the aid of the loyal augustinians. see mas, i, pp. 161, 162. [163] see synopses and excerpts of these letters, ante, pp. 153-160. [164] the provinces of pampanga and bulacan remained faithful during the english invasion and were the only resource for the spaniards (mas, i, p. 160). [165] the indians and chinese revolted in san pablo de los montes, killing their priest, francisco fierro, o.s.a. the people of tanavan also killed their priest, andres enriquez, o.s.a. other priests of other orders were killed, but members of the society of jesus escaped. for they showed themselves two-faced, since on one side, they were for the english, while on the other side, they declared for anda, who, however, greatly mistrusted them. see mas, i, pp. 160, 161 (citation from the ms. of jesus de santa maria). [166] ferrando (iv, p. 638, note) has the following from a contemporary ms.: "but the most celebrated and comical, was the disappearance of one hundred and thirty-five american soldiers, who by means of a rare stratagem deceived the vigilance of an english company which was guarding them in the castle of san fernando or the alcaicería of the chinese. in order that they might succeed in their projected attempt, they mined a bit of land as far as the outlet of the guardhouse, and then asked for permission to enact a farce. their request was granted without any difficulty, and on the day assigned for the representation, the one who took the part of the comedian began to make his conclusion while the others were going out of the mine. finally the comedian concluded by saying that he was going to call his companions, and went away to where they had escaped. when the sentinels saw that they delayed in coming, suspecting what had really happened, they searched the place where the actors ought to have been. but the latter were already outside of tondo, and immediately joined a company which anda, previously notified of the project, had sent them. on account of this jest the english were greatly ashamed, and although they were angry at the occurrence, yet they praised the ingenious stratagem." [167] this order was given at apalit, january 27, 1763, and the four churches mentioned were those of malate, ermita, santiago, and san juan de bagumbaya. the alcaldes and other officials were ordered to fire any public buildings, churches, or convents, which might serve as fortification to the enemy, immediately, if the village were attacked. see malo de luque, v, pp. 281-284; alto montero y vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 591-593, where it is published entire. [168] biñang, in laguna. [169] i.e., drake, smith, and brook, the representatives of the east india company, who were left in charge after draper and cornish left. [170] this is the "manifesto juridico defensorio en respuesto de los reparos hechos por el padre fray antonio de las huertas, de el orden de predicadores, a un memorial que en real consejo de las indias presentó el padre luis a. de morales de la compañia de jesus, procurador de su religion, por las provincias de filipinas. escrivele el padre pedro de espinar de la compañia de jesus, provincial general de su religion, por las provincias de indias [madrid, ca., 1680]." pedro de espinar died at madrid, august 31, 1795. luis de morales was born at tordesillas, september 29, 1641, and entered the society august 28, 1658. after going to manila he acted as missionary at various places, and in 1685 went to europe as procurator. he was appointed visitor of mexico, and then provincial of the philippine missions, and finally rector of the manila college, where he died, june 14, 1716. see sommervogel's bibliothèque. [171] this last paragraph is evidently a note by ventura del arco. [172] the british forces were greatly diminished through intemperance, sexual excesses, the heat, and carelessness of diet. they asked aid from madras, which was about to be sent when the news of the peace came. at that time the forces at manila were reduced to eight hundred men, and were already resolving on means of defense, and if need be, capitulation. see le gentil, ii, pp. 265, 266. [173] le gentil (ii, pp. 272, 273) records that anda was made a counsellor of castile by the king as a recompense for his services. in addition he also asked money from the friars for the service which he had rendered them, but they refused to give him any, employing to convey their refusal a lawyer of manila, named dr. aranas. [174] fayette was offered the command of the government at zamboanga for the english; as was also a spaniard named luis sandoval: but it was refused by both (mas, i, p. 137). [175] the english took charge of rojo's obsequies since the spaniards were too poor to do so, according him military honors on a magnificent scale (le gentil, ii, p. 271). [176] see synopsis of this letter, ante, pp. 142-143. [177] see ante, pp. 136-137, note 80. [178] le gentil (ii, p. 268, et seq.), who was influenced by his friendship with rojo's nephew, jests at anda's pretensions to the office of governor and captain-general and underrates his ability. [179] during the sickness of the archbishop, the question arose as to his successor in the government (an office really held by anda). villacorta, who had joined anda, and who had been left in bacolor by the latter who had gone to attend to camp matters, claimed the office as senior auditor. anda, hearing of the matter, immediately returned to bacolor. villacorta passed the matter off as mere conversation. but anda investigating further, found that galbán and viana claimed that bishop ustáriz should be governor, in accordance with royal orders. anda sought advice from various ecclesiastics, but they all refused any direct answer except the jesuit, franciscan, and recollect provincials, who declared in anda's favor. the discussion was finally ended by the arrival of the new governor ad interim, francisco de la torre. see mas, i, pp. 188-191. [180] on arriving at bacolor, anda speedily improvised a powder factory and foundry, and assumed the offensive immediately. the powder factory was directed by fathers eugenio garrido, parish priest of san miguel de mayumo, and agustín maría castro, o.s.a.; and the foundry, by father facundo acosta. see montero y vidal, ii, p. 39 and note. [181] the original of this letter exists in academia de la historia, madrid, "colección mata linares, tomo 97" (montero y vidal, ii, p. 50, note). [182] shortly before leaving manila the british lost a ship which was burned at cavite, forty-three men perishing (sitio y conquista, p. 130). [183] this is probably the mercure de france, which was founded by visé, in 1672, under the name of mercure galant, and is the second oldest paper of france. the name mercure de france was adopted by lefevre in 1714. in 1788 a political part was added under the title "historical and political news." the publication of the sheet was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814-1823, and definitely abandoned in 1825. a number of papers have adopted the name mercure in imitation of it. see grand dictionnaire (paris), vol. xi. [184] when manila was surrendered, in order to receive the augustinian convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay 10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be considered as proper in the courts of madrid and london. the british court approved the operations of the english council, and by virtue of their sentence, an englishman went to madrid to collect the 10,000 pesos. see mas, i, p. 195, note. [185] upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in pangasinan, anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (mas, i, pp. 148, 149). [186] a communication from drake to silán, may 9, grants him the titles of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of ilocos. montero y vidal, ii, p. 100. [187] the title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of publication, or author) reads as follows: "a plain narrative of the reduction of manila and the philippine islands." this is listed in the bibliography issued by the library of congress, books of the philippine islands (p. 124), under the joint authorship of sir samuel cornish and sir william draper, because the signatures of both are appended to the several "conditions" and "proposals" inserted at the end (which we publish elsewhere). it is probable, however, that the latter alone is the author of the plain narrative, as is evident if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet, colonel draper's answer, which is signed by the latter. from the internal evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to believe that the plain narrative was published at london in 1764, and prior to colonel draper's answer. [188] the following items from various british magazines contemporary with the siege show the considerable place taken in english politics by the question of the ransom: the gentleman's magazine for 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under date of november 15: "a categorical answer came over from the courts of france and spain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of the manillas, both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused by the said powers." the london chronicle for february 28-march 2, 1765 (vol. xvii, no. 1279) says: "we hear the spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000 piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the manillas, for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of october 1762, when it was taken by storm by the english forces." "london, jan. 25. by letters from madrid we are assured that lord rochfort had, in consequence of orders from england, demanded the final sentiments of the catholic ministry, respecting the payment of the manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted." (scots magazine, 1766, p. 48.) "london, may 20. they write from madrid, that some dispatches, just received from manilla, in the east indies, which the court had impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of the ransom-bills; and that lord rochfort appeared to be on very good terms with the catholic ministry." (ut supra, p. 270.) "london, aug. 29. according to letters from madrid, one reason alledged for the non-payment of the manilla ransom is the delay of the expected flotas from new spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of money." (ut supra, p. 441.) "paragraph of a letter from madrid. our politicians are at a loss to know what will be the result of the demand made by the english ambassador, for the payment of the manilla ransom. if the english court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the spanish court would rather pay it, than venture another war with g. britain. all i can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on, as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress of trade between manilla and the south seas, as they seem to think the whole riches of the mines will be centered in china, with which this court has no trade. this seems probable enough since the expulsion of the jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not pay for the additional fortifications of that place (manilla) since it has been given up by the english. but if one may add his thoughts, i believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above demand, would be more powerful intercessors." (ut supra, 1767, p. 549.) "london, nov. 19. a letter from madrid has this passage: 'sir james gray, the british minister, has already entered upon his negotiation, of which the manilla affair and the west-india commerce are the first objects.'" (ut supra, p. 605.) [189] if this ship was not admitted in the capitulation by any accident of non compliance with the terms of the vice roy's letter in that case, we agreed to take his bills on the king of spain, he assuring us they would be duly paid. (note by draper.) [190] the damage sustained by the inhabitants before the plundering could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the ransom. (note by draper.) [191] a spanish galleon sailing from the havannah a month before the arrival of sir george pocock and lord albemarle to attack that place, and taken in her passage to cadiz by two english cruizers off the canary or western islands, might with the same degree of equity be claimed by the spaniards under their capitulation for the havannah. (note by draper.) [192] see ante, pp. 71, 72, note 28. [193] this is reprinted in vol. ii of the field of mars (london, 1781). see bibliography of philippines (washington, 1903), p. 124. [194] the full title of this book is as follows: "colonel draper's answer to the spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing payment of the ransom bills, for preserving manila from pillage and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl of halifax, his majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern department. london: printed for j. dodsley, in pall-mall. mdcclxiv." scots magazine for 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the money received by the english from the conquest of manila: three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received on account of the capture of manila. the first consisted of 526,306 spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate, and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000 dollars. the second arose from the balance of the first account, and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores, confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a fraction. the third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at manila and fort st. george, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. of each of these the east-india company received one third. distribution has also been made of the effects saved out of the spanish galley attacked and destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of manila, amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. the total distribution to each class, being cast into sterling money, comes out thus: between the admiral, general, and commodore, 1/8th £.14120 12 9 to the captains of the navy, and field-officers of the army, 2/8th, each 1539 0 8 1/2 to the lieutenants and masters of the navy, and captains of the army, 1/8th, each 165 4 8 to the warrant-officers of the navy, and subalterns of the army, 1/8th, each 80 0 5 1/2 to the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm. officers of the army, 1/8th, each 30 0 1 to the seamen and soldiers, 2/8ths, each 6 0 3 [195] i.e., the renown of the deed is enough for me. [196] a famous spanish ambassador, in the reign of james the first. (colonel draper's answer, p. 9, note.) [197] these arguments are presented by draper in french and english parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former. [198] the spaniards, by sailing to manila, by the west, are a day later in their computation of time in that country. (colonel draper's answer, p. 13, note.) [199] the marquis de ayerbe says that the british soldiery left nothing of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did not care to carry away. they committed numberless atrocities. at the convent of st. dominic, they cut off the head of the virgin of the rosary. they sacked and profaned the churches. the archives of the audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private papers, were burned. they were aided by the servants of the spaniards and the natives who had come to defend the capital. on the petition of the archbishop, guards were placed by draper in the convent of the nuns of santa clara and in the beaterios. that being done, draper ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to more than forty. the drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women, looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by the chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. at the end of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding the orders of draper, the sack continued. the most inhuman deeds are said to have been committed by the natives. see sitio y conquista, pp. 67, 68; and montero y vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note. [200] i.e., "even to the death." [201] before the sack began, draper ordered all the indians to leave manila. he also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by the sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. especially were the sacred places treated with deep respect. the religious were allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their powerful influence. especially did he try to win over the augustinian ex-provincial remijio hernandez, then in charge of the province, writing him several letters. but he was unable to obtain his desire, for hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. see mas, i, pp. 134, 135, 137. [202] a letter written to the london chronicle, and published in that paper, for the issue of december 27-29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618, attests the humanity of general draper. the writer, an eyewitness of the storming of manila, asserts that draper took very careful precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. as soon as the capitulation was in force, the chief men of manila were allowed to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the carnage. the writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as he was really at manila against his will, and has no connection with army or navy. "the following is nearly an exact list of the troops, that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, mr. draper's own regiment; 250 marines; 500 seamen; 600 seapoys (black troops); 250 french, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the company's service--a total of 2,100. the increasing these to 4000, and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction; nor can there be any greater evidence of mr. draper's humanity and presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should restrain their impetuosity at such a period." if the spaniards fail in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition in which it was at the time of the surrender. [203] col. draper's answer to this point is contained in scots magazine for 1764, pp. 722-724; and an extract is given in london chronicle, 1764, p. 612. [204] when colonel draper left manila, all the oyidores (the first magistrates of the place) were taken as hostages: what has been done with them since that time, he supposes mr. drake, the deputy governor, will inform the east india company, and the ministry. (colonel draper's answer, p. 27, note.) [205] francisco javier de la torre. [206] the diminutive of moros. [207] evidently a reference to sebastian joseph carvalho e mello, marquis pombal, the portuguese prime minister, who expelled the jesuits from portugal by the decree of september 1, 1759; and to the famous lisbon earthquake of november 1, 1755. see nicolini's history of jesuits (london, 1879); cretineau-joly's histoire de la compagnie de jésus (paris, 1859), v; and griesinger's jesuits (london, 1903, 3d ed.). [208] the storm against the jesuits, which ended with the expulsion of the order in 1770. [209] the original of this document is worn in many places. matter in brackets is conjectural readings; otherwise the lacunas are indicated by periods. [210] this trouble with the jesuits arose first from the sermon preached by father francisco javier puch, s.j., march 9, 1764, in which he accused the alcaldes-mayor of robbing both king and natives (montero y vidal, ii, pp. 116, 117; and ferrando, v, pp. 9-16). [211] i.e., let them be erased from the book of life. [212] one of these mss., entitled breve noticia de los religiosos agustinos calzados de esta provincia de filipinas..., and which belongs to bernardino hernando, o.s.a., reader in the valladolid convent, has the following data in regard to the contributions made to the english: "from the royal coffers, 12,469 pesos; from the governor, 6,991; from the cathedral, 9,000 pesos in coined silver, and 33,973 in wrought silver; the church of quiapo, 716 pesos in wrought silver; that of ermita, 5,117, ditto; from [the order] of st. dominic and tertiary branch, 16,028 in coined silver, and 11,616 in wrought; from the tertiary branch of [the order of] st. francis, 58,000 pesos in coined silver, and 970 in wrought; from [the order of] st. augustine, 25,556 pesos in coined silver, and 11,025 pesos in wrought silver; from the society, 40,434 pesos in coined silver, and 8,794 in wrought silver; from the misericordia, 196,042 pesos, 2 reals, and 4 granos in coined silver; from the minor ruiz, 1,472 pesos in wrought silver, and 836 of the deposit belonging to varela: all of which items make a total of 459,420 pesos. the wealthy citizens and families, to wit: infante, reyes, jugo, villar, suárez, ocampo, memije, varela, bogan, piñón, monteroso, mazo, neyra, lizárraga, ruano, noriega, castro, solano, otal, casañas, cachit, mantilla, barrio, león y verdugo--48,777 pesos. the sack amounted to 418,442 pesos. the english seized 25,000 pesos from [the property of] the absent blanco; from the marqués de monte castro, 8,000 pesos; from the marquesa de salinas, 10,000 pesos; in the seizure of san pablo, the convent of the calced augustinian fathers, 60,000 pesos, which were buried, in coined silver, and 40,000 in wrought silver. to all these items must be added 2,000,000 pesos which were charged against his catholic majesty's treasury. the total sum is 3,069,639 pesos." the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xix, 1620-1621 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xix preface documents of 1620 reforms needed in the filipinas (concluded). hernando de los rios coronel; (madrid, 1619-20) letter to alonso de escovar. francisco de otaço, s.j.; madrid, january 14. decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the indians. felipe iii; madrid, may 29. relation of events in the philipinas islands, 1619-20. (unsigned); manila, june 14. compulsory service by the indians. pedro de sant pablo, o.s.f.; dilao, august 7. letter from the audiencia to felipe iii. hieronimo legaspi de cheverria, and others; manila, august 8. letter to felipe iii. alonso fajardo de tenza: manila, august 15. letter to alonso fajardo de tenza. felipe iii; madrid, december 13. memorial, y relacion para sv magestad, hernando de los rios coronel; madrid, 1621. bibliographical data. appendix: buying and selling prices of oriental products. martin castaños (in part); (undated.) illustrations autograph signature of alonso fajardo de tenza; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla title-page of _memorial y relacion_, by hernando de los rios coronel (madrid, 1621); photographic facsimile from copy in library of congress preface the documents in the present volume cover a wide range. in greater or less detail are discussed affairs in the islands--civil, military, and religious, in which all the various ramifications of each estate are touched upon. reforms, both civil and religious, are urged and ordered; and trade and commerce, and general economic and social conditions pervade all the documents. the efforts of dutch, english, french, portuguese, and spanish in eastern waters are a portent of coming struggles for supremacy in later times. japan, meditating on the closed door to europeans, though still permitting the dutch to trade there, continues to persecute the christians, while that persecution is, on the other hand, lessening in violence in china. the piracies of the moros endanger the islands, and allow the dutch to hope for alliance with them against the spaniards; and the importance of the islands to spain is urged forcibly. a letter addressed by los rios coronel to the king (probably in 1620) urges that prompt aid be sent to filipinas for its defense against the dutch and english who threaten its coasts. to it he adds an outline "treatise on the navigation of filipinas," which sustains his demand by forcible arguments. the rich oriental trade amounts to five millions of pesos a year, which mainly goes to sustain the dutch and their allies, the enemies of spain, whose commerce they will utterly destroy unless some check is placed on their audacity; and the effectual method of doing this is to deprive them of that trade. an armed expedition for the relief of the islands is being prepared by the king; it should be despatched via the cape of good hope, and all possible efforts should be made to drive out the dutch and english from the eastern seas. los rios proposes that for this purpose loans be asked from wealthy persons in nueva españa and peru; and that the vessels needed be built in india. he makes recommendations for the routes and equipment of the vessels, both going and returning; and for the seasons best for sailing. a letter from francisco de otaço, s.j. (january 14, 1620), mentions various arrangements for the despatch of more missionaries to the islands, and laments the recent loss of a fleet sent to the aid of the philippine colony. a royal decree of may 29 in the same year orders the governor and audiencia to correct the religious who have levied on the indians exactions of forced service. the jesuit chronicler of events in 1619 continues the record for the year ending july, 1620. some account of the war waged by the chinese and the tartars is given. the persecution of the christians in china has slackened, and the authorities of that country are more favorable to the jesuit missionaries there. but in japan the persecution continues, and the college at macao is crowded with jesuits who are disappointed in their efforts to enter japan. letters from jesuits in that country enumerate many martyrdoms, of both missionaries and their converts, and describe their holy zeal and faith in suffering death. the authorities and influential men of japan consider it well to harbor the dutch there, and even talk of conquering the philippines, in order to get rid of the spaniards; but it is rumored that they also contemplate the expulsion of all europeans from japan. in the malucas "there is constant strife between the english and the hollanders," and the french are obtaining a foothold. portuguese india has but inadequate means of defense against the dutch and other foes. an interesting and picturesque account is given of the religious fiestas held in manila to celebrate the festival of the immaculate conception of the virgin mary; the chief features are processions, dramatic representations, dances, fireworks, etc.--to say nothing of the bull-fights and masquerades of the laity. fearful earthquakes, with considerable loss of life, have occurred in the islands, especially in ilocos and cagayan of luzón; they are ascribed to the influence of the comets seen in the preceding year. the commerce of manila is increasing; rich cargoes arrive there from all parts of the world; and manila is a magnificent city, surpassed by few in europe. a letter from the franciscan, pedro de sant pablo (august 7, 1620), calls upon the king to abolish the repartimientos of forced service and supplies levied upon the indians for shipbuilding and other public works by the colonial authorities. he recounts the oppression, cruelty, and enslavement caused by this practice; and in the name of both the spaniards and the indians he asks that the repartimientos be commuted for certain payments of money, in proportion to the means of each household. the audiencia of manila send to the king (august 8, 1620) a roll of complaints against governor fajardo. they accuse him of abusive and violent language toward the auditors, and arbitrary conduct in both sentencing and releasing prisoners; and of granting certain illegal appointments and privileges to the friends and relatives of himself and the royal officials. his conduct of an expedition made ready to repel the dutch from the islands is sharply criticised; covert attack is made on him as defrauding the treasury by the sale of indian orders, and allowing reckless expenditures of the public moneys; and he is blamed for failing to enforce the regulations as to the sale of the chinese goods. fajardo sends a long report of affairs to the king (august 15, 1620). the coming of the ships this year was delayed; and by storms and an encounter with the dutch both were wrecked--but on philippine coasts, which enabled them to save the rich cargo. as the dutch failed to secure this prize, they have lost in prestige, while the spaniards have gained accordingly. a marginal note here, apparently the reply of the council of the indias to this clause of fajardo's letter, censures him for allowing the ships to leave manila so late, and warns him to send them hereafter promptly, and not overladen. he is also directed to remonstrate with the japanese officials who are aiding the dutch with arms and other supplies; and to strive to break up their friendship with the dutch. fajardo proceeds to say that he is equipping the ships for both the outward and return voyages with various supplies, to avoid the greater expense of buying these in nueva españa; and for the same object is asking the viceroy of that country to make no unnecessary repairs on the ships. he complains of the reckless and arbitrary proceedings of the officials in charge of the ships at acapulco. he is advised by the council to send them a detailed statement of all matters in which unnecessary expense can be avoided. fajardo recounts his difficulties with the viceroy of nueva españa over the appointments to offices in the trading fleet, and with the pretensions of certain philippine residents who claim rewards and appointments without meriting these. he complains that the troops just arrived from nueva españa are mostly "boys, mestizos, and mulattoes, with some indians;" the viceroy is directed to send better and more effective soldiers to filipinas hereafter. fajardo is uncertain how far he can depend on aid from the viceroy; and he proposes that those troops and supplies be sent to him from spain by way of panama, enumerating the advantages and economy of that plan over the present one. he thanks the king for sending aid to filipinas by the india route, and asks that such aid be regularly provided for some years to come; while he states in general terms what he has accomplished during the last two years with the limited public funds of the islands. he has equalized the pay of the soldiers at manila and ternate, and has sent large reënforcements and supplies to the latter region. fajardo complains of the opposition and intrigues of the religious. he desires the royal appointment of a governor for ternate, and the adjustment of certain difficulties connected therewith. he is informed that this appointment has been already conferred on pedro de heredia; and is advised not to allow the religious to interfere in purely secular matters, especially in those which concern the conduct of government officials, and to warn the religious orders to refrain from meddling with these matters. dutch pirates infest the china sea, plundering the chinese trading ships when they can; but fajardo is able to save many of these by warning them beforehand of the danger, and he has been able to keep them in awe of his own forces. he has begun to have ships built in japan for the philippines, which can be done there more conveniently and cheaply; the council would like to provide thus ships for the south american colonies. the governor has many annoyances regarding the audiencia, which circumstances compel him to endure as best he can. he is directed to check trading by government officials, and to punish those who are guilty; and to do all that he can to obtain funds from the islands for their expenses, by opening the mines of luzón and trading-posts in the moluccas. in answer to his complaint that the auditors meddle in judicial proceedings in the military department, he is informed that they must observe the laws already enacted for such matters; and is ordered to punish severely anyone who shall obstruct the course of justice in the islands. fajardo recounts various other annoyances experienced at their hands--they claiming authority to restrict the chinese immigration, and the right to appoint certain minor officials; and he regrets that the auditors should be all new at one time, and so ignorant of their duties. he suggests that the king avail himself of the abilities of archbishop serrano, in case of his own death or other emergency requiring an _ad interim_ governor; and describes the character of auditor rodriguez. the trials of persons involved in the scandal at sancta potenciana have not pleased the governor, some whom he regards as guilty having been acquitted. the official inspection of the country, especially for the sake of the natives, fajardo has committed to auditor mesa, but the latter is unwilling to undertake it. the council order that no auditor shall shirk this important duty. the governor mentions in detail various minor matters, showing anxiety to act as the home government shall approve. he has been ordered to reduce military salaries, but objects to this, and enumerates the amounts paid to each officer. directions for arranging this reduction are given by the council, as also for the governor's management of expenses, etc., fajardo makes recommendations as to certain crown encomiendas, at present unproductive. this is approved by the council, who order him to prevent any unjust collections. he commends certain officers as deserving rewards, and exonerates many of the religious from the blame of harassing the indians. he is able to maintain amicable relations with the orders, especially by allowing the religious to transact certain secular business for him; but he finds them domineering and self-willed, and suggests that they cannot be kept in order without some change in their present mode of government. he is advised to check their arrogance, especially in their open and public censures of their superiors, whether ecclesiastical or secular. he relates his difficulties with pedro alvarez over the countersigning of sangley licenses. he has sent an expedition to attempt the opening of mines in the igorrote country--an undertaking in which he has received the support and countenance of the religious orders. he commends the augustinian recollects as not meddling in governmental affairs that do not concern them, and offering to take distant missions. the tributary indians are peaceable, and appreciate with gratitude fajardo's efforts to relieve them from taxes and wrongs. one of their burdens has been the erection of many churches--of which there are thirty, almost all of stone, in manila and its immediate vicinity alone. the council order that no religious house or church be hereafter erected without the permission of both secular and ecclesiastical authorities. at the end of fajardo's letter are added certain comments and directions by the council. they are inclined to send reënforcements, supplies, and merchandise to filipinas via panama, as fajardo suggests, but direct the vessels to return to acapulco instead. illicit participation of government officials in trade shall be severely punished. the official visitations recommended by the governor are to be made, and the auditors are commanded to serve in this duty. a letter from the king to fajardo (december 13, 1620) answers previous despatches from the latter. he commends fajardo's proceedings in discontinuing certain grants, and orders him to be careful in making his reports, to maintain harmony in the audiencia as far as possible, to investigate the conduct of the auditor legaspi, to correct with vigor the scandals at santa potenciana, to enforce discipline in the military department, and to maintain friendly relations with japan. felipe returns thanks to the colonists for their loyalty and services in public affairs, and to the augustinian order in the islands for their zeal in his service. a document of especial interest and value is the _memorial_ (madrid, 1621) of hernando de los rios coronel, long procurator-general of the philippine islands. introducing the work with a statement of his coming to spain as an envoy from "that entire kingdom and its estates," he begins with an historical account of the discovery and settlement of the islands, and the growth of the spanish colony. the earlier historical matter in part i of the _memorial_ is presented to our readers in synopsis, as being largely a repetition of what has already appeared in our former volumes. in chapter vii los rios gives some account of the government of juan de silva, especially of the latter's infatuation for shipbuilding, and its baneful effects on the prosperity of both the colony and the natives. he recounts the disastrous attempt to expel the dutch by means of a joint spanish and portuguese expedition (1615-16), and its ruin and silva's death at malaca. then he describes the opposition to silva's schemes that had arisen in manila, where, although, he had a faction who supported his ambitious projects, "all desired his absence." los rios cites part of a letter from geronimo de silva to the governor, blaming the latter for not going to maluco, where he could have secured the submission of the natives in all those islands; and urging him to do so as soon as possible, as that is the only means of preserving the present foothold of the spanish. the dutch fleet there sets out for manila, and, hearing in mindanao of silva's death, they concert plans with the moros for ravaging the philippines. part of the moros are defeated on the coast of panay, but they meet with enough success to embolden them to make further raids; these go unpunished by the spaniards, and thus the islands are being devastated and ruined. the christian and friendly indians are at the mercy of these cruel foes, from whom the spaniards do not defend them; accordingly, they demand freedom and arms, that they may defend themselves against the invaders. all would revolt, were it not for the influence of the missionaries, especially the jesuits. los rios makes complaint of the apathy, negligence, and blunders exhibited by the governors of the islands in regard to their defense from so many enemies, supporting his position with detailed accounts of the damages thereby suffered in raids by the dutch and moros, and failures to achieve success that was within the grasp of the spaniards. in the second part, los rios discusses "the importance of the filipinas, and the means for preserving them." he enumerates the reasons why the crown of spain should keep the islands, indicating a curious mixture of worldly wisdom and missionary zeal; and refutes the arguments of those persons who advocate the abandonment of the philippines, or its transfer to portugal in exchange for brazil. los rios explains at length the desirability of retaining manila, and its importance and desirability as a commercial and military center, and a check on the ambition of the dutch. he then asserts that the money sent to the islands by the spanish government is mainly expended not on the philippines, but for the defense of the moluccas; and he enumerates the resources of the former, which but for that diversion would support them without aid from the crown. he then enlarges upon the great wealth which is found in the islands, especially in the gold mines of the igorrote country; and urges upon the king the necessity of developing these mines, and of converting the indians of that region. he asks that the governors sent to the philippines be better qualified for that post; praises gomez perez dasmariñas as being the best governor of all who have ruled there; and describes the qualifications needed for a good governor. los rios considers the measures that should be taken for growth and preservation of the philippines. he recommends that a fleet be sent to aid and reënforce them. if that cost too much, eight galleys should be sent to ternate--a proposal which the writer urges for many reasons, explaining in detail the way in which these vessels could, at little cost, be made highly effective in checking the dutch. they could be manned by captive moros and others taken in war, or by negro slaves bought at malacca. the third measure is one which he "dare not write, for that is not expedient," but will explain it to the king in person. again he insists on the necessity of a competent and qualified person as governor of the islands, enlarging upon the great power and authority possessed by that official, and the consequent dependence of all classes upon his arbitrary will or prejudices. los rios cites various instances which prove his position, and expressly states his good opinion of the present governor, fajardo. he would prefer to see the audiencia abolished. a special inspector is needed, with great experience and ability, and authority to regulate affairs and redress all grievances in the islands. the immigration of chinese and japanese into the colony should be restricted; and the mindanao pirates should be reduced to submission. the opening already made for commerce and friendly relations with the king of macassar, and for preaching the gospel there, should be at once improved, and jesuits should be sent there as missionaries. more care should be exercised to despatch with promptness the ships to nueva españa. more attention should be given to the garrisons, especially those in the moluccas, to keep the men from discontent; and measures should be taken to encourage and aid new colonists to settle in the philippines. the late restrictions on the possession and enjoyment of encomiendas should be removed. a letter from lucas de vergara, commandant in maluco, is here inserted. he recounts the losses of the dutch in their late attack on manila (1617), and their schemes for driving out the spaniards from the moluccas; also his own difficulties in procuring food, fortifying the posts under his care, and keeping up his troops who are being decimated by sickness and death. he urges that the fleet at manila proceed at once to his succor, and thus prevent the dutch from securing this year's rich clove-harvest. in the third part of the _memorial_, los rios gives a brief description of the philippines and the moluccas, with interesting but somewhat desultory information of their peoples and natural products, of the dutch factories, and of the produce and value of the clove trade. he describes the custom of head-hunting among the zambales, and advocates their reduction to slavery as the only means of rendering the friendly natives safe from their attacks. the numbers of encomiendas and their tributarios, and of monasteries and religious, in the islands, are stated, with the size and extent of manila. all the natives are now converted, except some tribes in central luzón. los rios describes the malucas islands and others in their vicinity, and enumerates the dutch and spanish forts therein; and proceeds to state the extent and profits of the spice trade. he closes his memoir with an itemized statement of the expenses incurred by the spanish crown in maintaining the forts at tidore and ternate. these amount yearly to nearly two hundred and twenty thousand pesos. in an appendix to this volume are presented several short papers which constitute a brief epitome of early seventeenth-century commerce in the far east--entitled "buying and selling prices of oriental products." martin castaños, procurator-general of filipinas, endeavors to show that the spices of malucas and the silks of china, handled through manila, ought to bring the spanish crown an annual net income of nearly six million pesos. another paper shows the extent and value of the trade carried on with japan by the portuguese at macao; and another, the kind of commerce maintained by those enterprising traders with the countries of southern asia from the moluccas to arabia. all these enumerate the various kinds of goods, the buying and selling prices of most articles, the rate of profit, etc. _the editors_ september, 1904. documents of 1620 reforms needed in the filipinas (concluded). hernando de los rios coronel; [1619-20]. letter to alonso de escovar. francisco de otaço, s.j.; january 14. decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the indians. felipe iii; may 29. relation of events in the philipinas islands, 1619-20. [unsigned]; june 14. compulsory service by the indians. pedro de sant pablo, o.s.f.; august 7. letter from the audiencia to felipe iii. hieronimo legaspi de cheverria, and others; august 8. letter to felipe iii. alonso fajardo de tenza; august 15. letter to alonso fajardo de tenza. felipe iii; december 13. _sources_: all of these documents, except the second, fourth, and eighth, are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the second and fourth are from the real academia de la historia, madrid; and the eighth from the archivo historico nacional, madrid. _translations_: the second and fourth are translated by herbert e. bolton, ethel z. rather, and mattie a. austen, of the university of texas; the eighth by robert w. haight; and the remainder by james a. robertson. reforms needed in the filipinas (concluded) aid against the dutch requested sire: hernando de los rios coronel, procurator-general of the filipinas islands and of all their estates, declares that he came the past year to inform your majesty and your royal council of the indias, in the name of those islands, of the desperate condition to which the dutch enemy have brought them. desiring that your majesty understand the importance of the matter, he gave you a long printed relation in which he discussed points important for their recovery from the enemy and the expulsion of the latter from that archipelago. your majesty, upon seeing it, ordered a fleet to be prepared; but that fleet was so unfortunate as to be lost before beginning its voyage. although your council of the indias is discussing the formation of another fleet to sail by way of the strait of magallanes, or by the new strait [_i.e._, of le maire], it cannot, if it leaves here any time in july (which is the earliest time when it can be sent from españa) possibly arrive [at filipinas] until one and one-half years from now--or a little less, if it has no bad luck. now considering the watchfulness of the enemy, and the forces that they are sending this year, namely, forty ships, which have left olanda--whence can be inferred the importance to them of making themselves masters of those regions, since they are so persistent in their efforts, and incur so heavy expenses--he [_i.e._, los rios] advises you for the discharge of his conscience, and his obligation, and his duty as a good vassal of your majesty, that there is urgent need that, notwithstanding the relief that your council of the indias is about to despatch by way of the straits, other help be furnished from nueva españa and piru; of both men and money, and to employ this [aid from españa] with as great care as the gravity of the matter requires, and to realize the fact that, were it lost, both eastern and western india would be endangered. they would be in great danger, as would also these kingdoms; for it would mean to permit the enemy to become so powerful and so rich as all know who are aware of the wealth of those regions. besides, it would mean the extinction of whatever christian element is there, and would shut the doors to the preaching of the gospel, which your majesty and your ancestors have procured with so great glory and so many expenses. [that relief of nueva españa and piru should be prepared] also, for if the relief [from españa] should suffer an equal disaster with the last, and that country could not be succored, it would all be lost. i petition your majesty to order that this matter be considered, as a matter of so great importance; and that your president of the indias call a conference of those most experienced in the indias, so that they may discuss what measures can be taken most fitting for the relief of that country, and as speedily as possible, where he [_i.e._, los rios] will also declare the measures that occur to him. [_endorsed_: "to the president of the indias. examined, in the meeting of april 7, 620."] treatise on the navigation of filipinas, reduced to four chapters sire: your majesty orders me to declare my opinion in regard to the navigation from españa to the philipinas and malucas islands, from them to españa, the mutual navigation between those island groups; and the seasons suitable for such navigation. in obedience to your royal order, i declare, sire, that the propositions cover four principal points, each of which i shall explain in order. [the original document contains a marginal abstract of each of the four points that follow; but these abstracts are here omitted.] _first point_. this point contains in brief the substance of all the others. in explaining it, i declare that the navigations from these kingdoms to those islands are so worthy of consideration, and so important, that no others in the world at this time are equal to them. for the drugs, fragrant gums, spices, precious stones, and silks that the dutch enemy and their allies bring thence--obtained partly by pillaging, and partly by trading in their forts and factories which they own throughout that archipelago--amount, as they do at present, to five millions [of pesos] annually. it has been stated how paramount is this undertaking to any others that can today be attempted; for besides the spiritual injury inflicted by those heretical pirates among all that multitude [of heathen peoples] (which i think the universal master has delivered to your majesty so that you may cultivate it and cleanse it for his celestial granaries), it is quite certain--since the enemy are collecting annually so large a mass of wealth; and since the sinews of war consist in that, both for attack and defense--that they are acquiring and will continue to acquire those riches daily, with greater forces. and, as they continue to increase in strength, their ambitious designs will also extend further. in the same degree as the enemy grows stronger, it is certain that our forces will continue to decrease--and so much that, if relief does not arrive there in time, the day will come in which not one of your majesty's vessels can be placed on the sea, because of the many that the enemy will have there. inasmuch as there is no one in the world today who can oppose the enemy except your majesty, they hate our interests with all their strength, and will attempt to destroy and ruin them by all possible methods. the method of preventing all those most considerable troubles is the one that your majesty is attempting, by despatching the eight vessels that you are sending under color of reënforcements--and would that it had been with a fleet of sixteen vessels, each one of which would carry three hundred sailors and soldiers and be very well armed with artillery. for with that the rest [of the enemy's forces] would be driven away, and that crowd of thieves, who are becoming arrogant and enriching themselves--so much to the cost of our holy religion, of your majesty's reputation and prestige, and of your most loyal vassals, by disturbing your majesty's most holy designs--would be forced from those seas and even from these. for it is very certain that if that [trade] be taken away, the enemy would have no resources with which they could preserve themselves; while if your majesty has all that profit--as beyond doubt, god helping (for whose honor it is being done), you will have it, by encouraging your royal forces and by enforcing your holy purposes--all the heads of that many-headed serpent of the enemy will be destroyed. inasmuch as it is proper for us who, like myself, are zealous for your royal service, let us hasten on that service, by as many roads as god makes known to us. i declare, sire, that in order to encourage those most loyal though most afflicted vassals whom your majesty has now in manila, it is advisable for the present reënforcement to be sent; and that its route be by the shortest path and the one of least risk--namely, by way of the cape of buena esperança; not only is the weather more favorable in that route, but it passes through less longitude. i mention the weather, for from this time on the weather is favorable, as was determined in a general council of experienced pilots of all nations that was held at manila by governor don juan de silva. [i mention] also the longitude, because the time taken to go by the above route is known--namely (to one who follows his course without making fruitless stops) seven months; which, counted from the first of december, places the arrival there at the end of june. some one may object to all this by saying that the intention is to import this relief into manila, so that all that region may not be lost; and that, if it shall go by that route [_i.e._, of the cape], it runs the risk of meeting the enemy and of being lost, and incidentally that all that region [of filipinas] will remain in its present danger, and even greater, because of your majesty's resources being wasted, and the necessity of getting together a new relief expedition--but [such objector would say], if this relief be sent by another route all those troubles will be obviated and the purpose attained. i answer that objection by saying: first, that eight vessels are not so weak a force that they should fear those of the enemy who, on their homeward trip--inasmuch as they do not fear along that route any encounter that will harm them--come laden with their goods, in great security, and carelessly; and they have at best only two or three galleons, while our eight galleys, ready and prepared for fighting, not only have nothing to fear, but can from the start expect the victory, in case they meet the enemy. second, for this reason, if once our galleons cause the enemy loss in the chief thing that takes the latter there, namely, trade, they will have to diminish their forces, and will lose credit with their backers. hence i infer that not only should this route and [possible] encounter not be avoided, but that express orders be given to the commander of this relief expedition to follow the routes taken by the enemy and to reconnoiter their chief factory of batan, which is not fortified. for if god permits him to find and destroy that place, many and very important results will follow: first, that immediately word will be passed to all those nations--who love changes and cry "long live" to the conqueror--and they will lose the little affection that they have for the enemy at present; while they will incline toward and join us, turning against our enemy, as they have promised. second, that our soldiers, flushed with the beginnings of victory, will be worth after that for other victories just twice as much; nor will they be without military discipline for the first victory, for the spanish infantry begins its military duty from the day when it establishes its camp, and daily becomes more valuable. third, inasmuch as when the vessels of this relief expedition reach manila, they will necessarily arrive there in need of rest, and already the enemy will be warned to resist whatever sally they try to make, that which will now be made against them with eight vessels cannot later be made against them with many more. fourth, because, on the journey they will lay down the complete and fixed route that should be taken by that course, so that your majesty's fleets may go and come as do those of the enemy. fifth, because the enemy are at present not only not sending any fleet to those regions, but are obliged to collect their forces in order to resist those of your majesty in their own territory, because of the expiration of the truce. [1] consequently the attempt must be made to inflict all the damage possible on the enemy during these years, until they are driven entirely out of the orient and your majesty becomes lord of it all. for if that result be once accomplished, the fruits of that victory will allow sufficient fleets to be maintained, both in these seas and in those, for the defense and conservation of that region and much more. moreover, in order to check the enemy and to remove completely from their eyes this illusion that has given and gives them so strong a belief that your majesty's forces are exhausted by the large sums that you have spent in protecting our holy religion, i declare, sire, that an effective plan occurs to me whereby this matter may be concluded without the expense of one single maravedi from your royal treasury. this is, that loans be asked from the rich and wealthy persons in the provinces of nueva españa and peru (for there are many such), until you have two millions [of pesos]. your majesty can prepare a large fleet with that sum, and will finish with the enemy once for all. the vassals of those kingdoms will give that loan cheerfully if you ask it, proportioning to each one the amount in accordance with what he can give without inconveniencing himself. for they are also greatly interested in this matter; and the payment will be easily made, if the result be thus attained. with that money, it would be best to go to yndia to build the fleet; for there it can be built better and at a less cost than anywhere else. _second point_. in order to return from those islands to españa, it will be advisable to come but lightly laden, and well provided with arms, in order to withstand any encounter with the enemy; and that they follow the same route that is taken by the dutch, or by the fleets of portugal, for by no other route can the voyage be made so quickly as by that route--considering that, if one wishes to come by way of nueva españa (which is the shortest course except that by the cape of buena esperança), the voyage from manila to acapulco will last five or six months, even with favorable weather. arrived there it is necessary to cross from one sea to the other over one hundred and sixty leguas of very bad road, and then to sail for another three months before reaching españa; and the vessels must wait from january, the time when they arrive from philipinas, until june, when they embark for españa. in all more than thirteen months will be spent in the voyage. in case that one should prefer to come not by way of nueva españa, but by the strait of magallanes or that of mayre, the delay is equal or greater, and the food will of necessity spoil and the men die; for the food of manila, as that is a hot country, very soon spoils and rots. _third point_. the voyages from manila to terrenate are three hundred leguas, or a trifle more or less; and those from manila to malaca a trifle more than four hundred. _fourth point_. the seasons required for those voyages are as follows: to go from españa to philippinas it is advisable to sail from españa after the sun passes the equator in the direction of the tropic of capricorn, namely, from september twenty-third on; for, since one must mount to thirty-five degrees of latitude in the southern hemisphere, it is advisable to be in that hemisphere when the sun by its presence has put to flight the furies of the winds of those seas, since even with that care that cape of buena esperança bears the reputation of a stormy headland: in order to return, one would better, for the same reasons, sail from manila during the time when the sun is still in the southern hemisphere, if he has to double the cape. the suitable time to sail from manila to terrenate is when the winds in those seas are blowing from the north (because manila lies almost due north of terrenate), namely, during november and december. the same season is suitable to sail to malaca, as manila lies almost due northeast of malaca. for that voyage the brisas that set in in january are also favorable. the return trips from maluco and malaca to manila are during the season of the winds from the south and the vendavals, which generally begin, the winds from the south by the middle of may on, and the vendavals during june, july, and august, etc. i petition your majesty to deign to honor this humble service as such, by the benignity of your royal sight, so that i may gain strength to serve you to the measure of my desires. [_endorsed_: "juan de sigura manrrique. have each point abstracted, so that it may be attended to in the council." _in another hand_: "abstracted." "examined."] letter from francisco de otaço, s.j., to father alonso de escovar _pax christi, etc_. i have been urging father figueroa about the efforts to be made in regard to that grant of money, and he always replies with regret that other measures must first be taken in sevilla, as he has written to your reverence. for my part, i must bring this matter to a head; for i have been much grieved by what your reverence recently told me to the effect that they will charge to that poor province the four hundred ducados paid for provisioning the fathers. your reverence may be assured that i cannot permit the departure in the fleet, if the cost is to be charged in this way. i supposed that the going of father bilbao and his companions would be at the expense of his majesty, as it has always been. i am now writing to father simon cota that i have received that amount from your reverence; and although by means of your order i have paid the debt already contracted, and have also funds to defray immediate expenses that cannot be avoided, yet, for the needs that are certain to arise in the future, i shall require help to the amount of more than two thousand reals, because it is better that i should have too much than too little. and things are so expensive in all this country of spain, that to collect and convey the fathers to sevilla will cost even more than the sum i estimate. your reverence will kindly send the amount to me at the time and in the manner most convenient. sad was the news that yesterday came to this court concerning the loss of our fleet, [2] and such has been the grief that i do not know how to describe it to your reverence. the president wept like a child, more especially because, to make this news worse, other bad news came from flandes at the same time; this information was that the hollander was setting out, or had already set out, with his twenty-five galleons. the president himself told this. he already considers our possessions in philippinas and yndias as lost; for it seems as if courage has deserted these men, and that no means for further aid remain. may god our lord forbid this, and encourage them, in order that they may take heart in this difficulty, that valor and fortitude may be shown in the cause of god our lord and of the king, and that the enemy may not prevail. there is no lack of people who are already encouraged, and are seeking remedies and forming plans. your reverence will kindly inform me of such plans as may occur to you, for those who are trying to give courage in this emergency desire light on all projects. the loss of our fleet is known here only in a general way. your reverence will please give me all the particulars, and inform me whether our lord took our fathers unto himself, which we much fear from the reports. still, because their death has not been verified or related in detail, the masses which should be said in this province for father bilbao, in the other two provinces for their two fathers, and in the province of philippinas for all three, have not been ordered. i, for my part, have many to say for them if dead--or if alive, in case our lord has spared them. it has also been said that the cargo of the flagship floated ashore. i hope that our boxes of books which were in it were spared, for, so far as such things are concerned, i feel the loss of them greatly, although their loss is not to be mentioned in connection with that of our fathers. if the divine majesty has chosen to inflict this heavy blow upon us, _supra modu, sed domini sumos et iustos est et rectu iudiciu eius_. [3] such a fleet, and so well adapted for the grand service of god! and those three apostolic men, going with such zeal--if in such a cause, they have already ended in a death resembling martyrdom, blessed be the lord! from here the authorities sent some person, i know not whom, as comissary to recover what was lost from the flagship which ran ashore. your reverence, being near, will know whether any particular measure is necessary for our interests, etc. when your reverence remits the money spoken of above, do not send it through our father figueroa. for, although he assures me that the last order is good, since it has been acknowledged, yet he asks for forty days' time, which is very long. i say this because to your reverence i may speak freely and confidentially, for you know the good father. i have already determined not to trouble father figueroa about my own money, because i drew it for my private expenses, and it must be used in this way only, as i told him before i went to rome. he now charges to me items of expense not conformable to this arrangement, although justified from his standpoint--for the good father is a saint and most faithful in everything, though not very prompt or skilful in accounts and correspondence, as is well known. because i have written at length, and more especially because i am so disturbed by grief at the news, i close this letter to your reverence. may god guard your reverence as i desire. the [_word illegible in ms_.] procrastinate here, and indicate that we are bound to have contests and wrangling with our fathers, wherefore there is much to fear lest they delay me, and frustrate my plans to go with a few [religious]. now, too, with what has befallen the fleet, i think that these lords must perforce undertake the preparation of another large one, to go via the strait, and that people there will desire us to come. i am prudent and on the lookout, and will promptly inform your reverence of everything; for to you i always look for advice, light, and strong support in the father. madrid, january 14, 1620. + _francisco de otaço_ decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the indians the king: to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia which resides in the city of manila of the philipinas islands. i have been informed of great transgressions committed by certain religious in making repartimientos for their works on the indians; and that the religious take, for their support, from the natives their fowls and other food at less [than the just] price, and practice on them injuries and annoyances for their own gains. and inasmuch as it is advisable to correct this, by ordering that the religious shall not use the indians, unless they pay them their just wage; and that, except by license of you my governor, they shall not make repartimientos on the indians or oblige them to render service: therefore, my royal council of the indias having examined the matter, i have considered it fitting to have the present issued, by which i order you to attend to the above matter in the assembly of the audiencia there. and in what concerns my royal patronage, my royal fiscal of my audiencia shall prosecute as he may deem best, so that those impositions and injuries may cease. the visitors and corregidors of the districts shall take especial care to prohibit them, and shall reform those who shall be guilty. by virtue of the contents of this my decree, you shall despatch an order to the said religious, so that they shall, under no circumstances, inflict such injuries upon their parishioners. this likewise do i charge upon the archbishop and bishops of those islands, and on the provincials of the orders therein. issued in madrid, may twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and twenty. _i the king_ countersigned by pedro de ledesma, and signed by the council. [_note at beginning of ms_.: "procurator for the indians of philipinas. to the audiencia of philipinas, in respect to redress for the wrongs committed by the religious on the indians."] relation of events in the philipinas islands and neighboring provinces and kingdoms, from july, 1619, to july, 1620 in the same style and order in which i last year reported the various events in the philipinas islands, and in neighboring kingdoms and provinces upon which the welfare of the philipinas depends, i will now write what has happened this year. there have not been so many and various warlike occurrences as in former years, for it has been somewhat more peaceful here. i will relate briefly what has happened as occasion may require. of great china although last year i gave an account of the war which the chinese were carrying on with the tartars, i will now return to this point, because we have received letters from our fathers in china. to begin with the earliest events, there was in the province of teatum, [4] one of the provinces of great china adjoining tartaria, a powerful eunuch who collected taxes in the name of the king, and who had some seventy servants in his following. they committed a thousand robberies and tyrannies among the people. the mandarins who governed that district reported this to the king. he ordered them to bring the eunuch in custody to tiquin, where he is still in prison. the eunuch's servants were hunted by the mandarins in order that they might be given the punishment they deserved for their crimes; but they, with many other chinese, fled to the tartars, whom they begged and persuaded to invade and destroy china, offering themselves to serve as guides. it was not difficult to induce the tartars to do this, since for other reasons they were already angry with the chinese. so they planned that these chinese traitors and some tartars should go with concealed weapons, and in the guise of friends, to a certain place. they went there, and one night suddenly seized their arms, killed the greater part of the soldiers, sacked the place, and, pretending to flee, withdrew with the spoils. they left a great number of people in ambush, in the woods. the chinese viceroy of that district, learning of the affair, immediately sent a large body of soldiers who are always on duty there. the troops pursued the tartars, but unexpectedly fell into the ambush and were completely routed. when the tartars saw that they were victorious, they returned to the fort and destroyed it. when this was learned in paquin the mandarins came together to discuss with the king some means of redress. as the king did not wish to see them he simply ordered that they should consult among themselves and then report everything to him. now the tartars sacked and destroyed some other smaller forts, as well as one very important stronghold called sin hon [_i.e._, tsingho]. from this point they made their forays through the whole of that district, and sacked a large part of it. the decision reached in the consultation by the mandarins was that the king should order all the noted captains who were not holding office, and who had retired to their homes, to come to the court; that a large number of soldiers should come from all the provinces to lend aid and to meet the demands of the occasion; and that the mandarins who were for various reasons at their homes should come to the court of paquin. all this was soon carried out by the king's order. he likewise commanded that heavy taxes should be gathered for supplying the soldiers; that a large number of horses should be collected; land that the tuton, or the viceroy of that district, should be imprisoned. he sent another viceroy in his place with extensive powers, even with authority to put to death the chief captains who, on account of their fear, were contemplating flight. he sent other mandarins of great executive ability and prudence to help the viceroy; and, in order to prevent excitement among the people, he ordered that the students [_letrados_] [5] of the district should not come that year, as usual, to the court for examination and graduation as licentiates, but promised them their degrees for the following year. in addition to this, he ordered that the news from leatum should not be divulged to the people. although the gates of the city of paquin and those of the royal palace had always had a strong guard of soldiers, he doubled the guard and closed the gates at sunset. and although, according to the custom of the chinese, people could enter wearing spectacles and a mask, now, as a greater precaution, when one came through the gates of the city they made him show his face, in order that they might know whether he was a friend or not, and in order that enemies might not come into the city unperceived. all this has been brought about by their fear. the king likewise ordered that four hundred thousand soldiers should be stationed at different places and posts of the province of leatum to impede the passage of the tartars. the corias, who were subject to china, sent the king seven hundred horses as a present, and ten thousand infantry to help in the war. the western tartars, hearing of the good fortune of the eastern tartars, came upon invitation to the aid of the latter, but were defeated by the chinese. another neighboring nation also came for the same purpose, but they were bought off by the chinese with a great amount of silver, and so they returned to their homes satisfied. finally, the best captains joined together to act upon this matter. but their efforts were quite unsuccessful, because, when they entered further into the interior of tartaria than was safe, the tartars, awaiting a good opportunity, fired into them on all sides, wounded and killed the most celebrated chinese captains, and destroyed almost all of the army that was there last year, 1619. it is a common saying in china that all the brave people died at this time, and that if now the tartar should come he would meet with no resistance, and that he could easily make himself master of everything. it is estimated that the total number killed, part of whom died by the sword, part from unbearable cold, part from hunger, and part from lack of other necessaries, reaches three hundred thousand. but this loss is insignificant to a people who are so numerous as the chinese are today. at the beginning of that year, 1619, the king of these tartars--who is even now styled king of paquin, just as if he had already conquered it [6]--sent to the king of china a memorial of complaints against the chinese, reciting in it reasons for his revolt (for it must be supposed that he was formerly in a certain way subject). these reasons i will briefly state. 1st, because some years ago the chinese had killed his grandfather; 2d, because, when he was at war with the northern tartars, the chinese aided them against him; 3d, because the chinese had often gone into his country to plunder, and had captured some people, and, when he had made complaints of this injury to the mandarins of leatum, they had contented themselves with degrading [_acortar_] the delinquents, whereas they well deserved death; 4th, because the chinese had broken up a marriage for which he was making arrangements with the northern tartars, a rupture which he deeply felt; 5th, because the chinese had destroyed the grain-fields that his people had near the great walls, the strong ramparts that divide the two kingdoms, and had driven off a great quantity of stock that his people also had there; 6th, because the chinese had induced other tartars, his enemies, to write him some very offensive letters; and, 7th, because in different wars the chinese of leatum had aided his enemies, although this was without the knowledge of the king of china. wherefore he asked that the chinese king should order the people of leatum to be punished as their crimes merited, and threatened that if this were not done he would take the punishment into his own hands, as he had, indeed, already begun to do. the king of china made no answer to this memorial, for both he and the mandarins think that they have not broken any of the agreements entered into with the tartars, and that all that the tartars say is false--except that they admit that they killed the tartar king's grandfather, but only because he had been caught robbing in the chinese territory. it is known that since this occurred bloody war has gone on between these two populous and powerful nations; that the tartars have always gained the advantage therein; and that if they had so desired they could have come to the very gates of the court of paquin, since fear has taken such hold upon the chinese that they have closed all the gates of the city, except one which they use, and have made another wall completely encircling the one that was already around the city. the persecution against the christians and against our society which has been going on in china during the past years is now mild. hence people are being converted to christianity as formerly; and our fathers are safe, for a great mandarin presented to the king a memorial in our favor, in which he refuted the calumnies that a powerful enemy of ours had launched against us, and that had been the cause of this persecution. and, although the king made no answer, by his silence he consents to our fathers' remaining in china, for it was asked in the memorial that our fathers should not leave that kingdom; and since the mandarins know that the king has seen the memorial, and that he tacitly consents to it, they also, are satisfied with it. as this same memorial has been circulated throughout the whole of china, everybody has learned of our innocence and of the excellence of the law of god, which was dwelt upon at length in the memorial. accordingly, as they inform us from here, a great number of literâti and mandarins have become friendly toward ours, and wish them to spread the holy gospel to the most interior parts of china. hence it is believed that from this time on our holy law will take deeper root in this kingdom. the bishop of japon, don diego valente, of our society, came this year to macan, where he is detained because of the bloody persecution in japon. because of the persecution, also, father matos, [7] who went to rome as procurator and took a number of our men for japon, left part of them in india; while ten who went with him to macan have been detained there. father nicolas trigaucio [8] went to china as procurator, and returned this year with some of ours. some of them, for reasons unknown to me, he left in india, and seven he took with him to macan. of the members who came with these two father procurators, five died during the trip over, after leaving lisboa. but if the persecution continues in japon as it is at present, they will not be missed. indeed there will be too many of ours, for even now there is so great a number in macan that it is often said that there is not standing-room in our college. of the kingdoms of japon i will begin my account of the affairs of this kingdom with the cruel and bloody persecution against christianity which is now at such a height, and in which they put so many to death for the faith that, to me, it seems a picture of what happened in the primitive church during the early persecutions by the emperors. what i have said may be realized from part of a letter dated in nangasaqui october 14, 1619, from father matheo de couros, [9] provincial of japon, to father valerio de ledesma, provincial of these islands. translated from portuguese into spanish it is as follows: "in regard to news from japon i will not write you at length, since i understand that the father visitor has done so. in temporal affairs everything is quiet. persecution of christians has been and is very severe in meaco, where almost sixty are prisoners for the faith. five or six of these christians died in prison there, thoroughly resigned to the divine will. in this city of nangasaqui there are twenty-eight imprisoned for christ, in three prisons. in omura seven religious are imprisoned, four of the order of st. dominic, one of the order of st. francis, and two of our society. with them are imprisoned ten other christians. of the inhabitants of the same city of omura three were martyred--lino, pedro, and thome--the first, because when he was guarding the prison in which the religious i have mentioned were confined, he allowed too much food to be given to the holy prisoners, as he was a christian at heart himself; the second, because from time to time he sent food to them; and the third, because he carried the food. all three were promised their lives if they would renounce our holy law; but they chose rather to die, in order that they might live forever in heaven." in another letter dated november 10, 1619, the same father writes: "on the sixth of october, meaco offered to heaven the richest gift that has ever been seen in that great and populous city. the gift consisted of fifty-four christians, who were burned alive for the faith of our lord jesus christ. we have already written how there was in the public prison at meaco a large number of the faithful, incarcerated because they would not bend the knee to baal. nine of these died in the prison on account of the excessive labors and hardships which they suffered there. they died thoroughly resigned to the divine will, and rejoicing in their happy fate. when the emperor came to the court of the dayri, [10] the metropolis of the whole of japon, they told him of the imprisoned christians; and since he is an implacable enemy of our holy faith, he ordered that they should all be burned alive. thereupon twenty-six stakes were set up in a public place in front of the temple of daybut, a large and magnificent building, at a distance from the river that flows by the place. on sunday, the sixth of october, they took the holy prisoners from the jail, not sparing even the tender young girls nor the babes at their mothers' breasts. they marched them through the principal streets of meaco, accompanied by a crier who announced that they had been condemned to be burned alive because they were christians. most of the soldiers of jesus christ were dressed in white, and their faces were so happy and so resolute that the power of the divine grace which upheld them was plainly shown. they encouraged one another for the trial, and with great calmness bade good-by to the friends and acquaintances whom they met along the way. from time to time they proclaimed aloud that they were dying for the faith of our lord jesus christ. when they had come to the place where they were to offer their lives to the lord as an acceptable sacrifice, they appeared more joyful, as does one who is about to gain the eternal reward. two by two they were now tied to the stakes, the women with their babes in their arms. some of our _daiicos_--people of our society like lay brothers, who aid us in preaching [11]--as well as other christians who went to the place to encourage the martyrs, were present. but the servants of the lord showed such remarkable strength that they really encouraged the spectators. when the wood was finally set on fire, the majority of these fortunate martyrs turned their eyes toward heaven, and, without moving them in the least, remained in this posture after death. during the first few days a strict watch was kept over the blessed bodies to prevent the christians from taking them away, but through the efforts of our fathers who live in that city some have already been recovered." so far i quote from the father provincial. to this i will add some points taken from other letters and relations. the above-mentioned father provincial is a strong pillar in japon, and an excellent interpreter. he is director of the christian community there, by virtue of a brief from his holiness, which arrived last year, and in which, it is ordered that in default of a bishop in japon the provincial of the society who may be in office at the time shall rule that bishopric and christian community. therefore, although the bishop has come; the provincial has governed up to the present time, and continues to govern, because, as i have said, conditions in japon do not admit of the bishop's going there, since it is feared that the situation may be aggravated and persecution increased thereby. consequently his lordship is now in macan. about two years ago our father general appointed father francisco vieira as visitor of japon. he is a man already past sixty, and, indeed, is nearing seventy; but in spite of this he is so vigorous that when the persecution was at its height he, with great courage, went from macan to japon. he was often in imminent danger of being imprisoned. he took refuge in canzuça, a place in the lands of arima, where he abode in a hut of straw. here, on account of the hardships he endured, he was frequently attacked by a kidney disease which caused him great pain. once he had so violent an attack that he sent in great haste to get holy oil in order that he might take the holy sacrament. again the same disease, accompanied by a severe pain above the heart, attacked him with such violence that he could scarcely breathe. so he determined that extreme unction should be administered to him; but, remembering that he had a written signature of our holy father, he placed it with great devotion over his heart and commended himself to the saint [12]--through whose merits the lord caused the pain to be assuaged within an hour, and he became entirely well. from canzuca the father visitor went to nangasaqui, to take ship to return to macan. he was kindly received, and with due precaution taken into the house of a certain portuguese. but still he ran great risk of being imprisoned by the servants of the heathen president, who were searching for another religious, named fray bartholome gutierrez, of the order of san agustin, who was wearing the spanish dress. they suddenly entered three portuguese houses, and the father visitor scarcely had time to retire from one house to another. in short, the labors and dangers that he suffered in japon were great. but they had no power to turn him from so glorious an undertaking until he had been there fourteen months. during that time he had visited all the christians and all the posts that are ordinarily visited during times of peace. he had to visit macan, where most of our fathers were taking refuge from the persecution; the missions of cochin china, and of china, where there was also persecution, were likewise under his charge. moreover, the bishop of japon and the two procurators of china and japon, who were returning from rome, had arrived at macan. for all these and other reasons he was obliged to leave japon with great grief in his heart, and even with copious tears. accordingly, on the twenty-sixth of october, 619, he embarked in a patache which went as flagship of five galeotas. he finally reached macan, where, a few days after, on christmas eve, he died. father geronimo rodriguez, who was there, and who had been appointed by our father general in the private assignment, succeeded him in office. father carlos espinola, of our society, is still in prison, waiting each day for the crown. it has incurred to me to insert here a letter which he wrote to the father provincial of this province of filipinas. it reads as follows: "the lord so ordained it that at midnight after st. lucia's day i was made a prisoner, together with brother ambrosio fernandez, my companion, and domingo jorge, a portuguese at whose house we were seized. the soldiers told us that they wished us to go on board a ship that was about to sail for the city of manila. on the one hand i regretted this, because i was being driven from japon, and was losing a good opportunity to give my life for the service of god, which for many years i had desired to do. on the other hand, i was delighted because his most holy will was being fulfilled in me. we made a very different voyage [from the one promised], for we were carried from nangasaqui to this prison of omura, in company with two religious of st. dominic and three of our japanese servants. they took us through some of the streets of nangasaqui and finally embarked us for this place, handcuffed and with chains about our necks. it was daytime, and all the city turned out to see the spectacle and to take leave of us with cries and tears. father fray thomas, of st. dominic, and father fray apolinar, of st. francis, with six japanese, had already been here for some time. here we are in great concord, just as if we were of the same religious order. and although there is no lack of suffering, because the house affords us but poor shelter, and although at times the guards will not allow anything to come in from outside except the little given us as rations (which is just enough to starve on), yet at times it is ordered by the lord, in his fatherly care, that in the gifts sent us by the devout we have more than we could desire. above all, suffering for the love of god, and the expectation of the happy fortune that may befall us, makes it all easy to us and hardships a source of joy. i am most content with the favors received, and, although i fear that because of my sins--because i have not worked in this vineyard as i should have done, and because of my great ingratitude for the many mercies that the lord has bestowed upon me--i have been driven from japon as useless, still i console myself that i have come to be manacled and imprisoned in the service of god, which is no small mercy. i also trust that his divine majesty, who in awarding these crowns sometimes does not consider the merits of men, but in his infinite mercy bestows them generously, will consider it right to reward this poor beggar as well as these holy religious that deserve more than i. i beg that your reverence, _in visceribus iesu christi_, will help me to give due thanks to the lord, _quod dignus factus sim pro nomine iesu contumeliam pati_, [13] and to obtain for me my profession for this novitiate with holy sacrifices, etc. from this prison of omura, march 5, 1619. from your servant in the lord, _carlos_, a prisoner for christ." this ends the letter of father carlos. i have nothing to add to it except that this domingo jorge, whom he mentions therein, was burned alive, in november, in nangasaqui, because he sheltered preachers of the holy gospel in his house. brother leonardo, a japanese who had been imprisoned for three years, and four others, were burned with him. after this, eleven other japanese were beheaded. later on, in january, 620, brother ambrosio fernandez, a portuguese who was the companion of father carlos espinola, died in jail from hunger, and excessive cold, and the hardships and discomforts of the prison, and thus gained the martyr's crown. he was seventy years old. although so many in japon have thus become blessed martyrs, two persons bent the knee to baal and miserably recanted for fear of torture. a japanese religious who was in rome and spain, and who is now an apostate, did the same thing. he often says that when he was in madrid he knew that certain religious were persuading the king to conquer japon, but that our fathers dissuaded him from this. he adds that, although it is a fact that religion is our primary motive for entering japon, yet it is our intention through religion to prepare matters for conquering the country. with this and other lies this apostate has done great harm to christianity. the governors and principal men of japon are so thoroughly convinced of our evil intentions that they say that one of the principal reasons for keeping the hollanders in japon is for their own greater security and to annoy us. they even have begun to discuss the possibility of conquering the filipinas, in order not to have the spaniards so near. on the other hand, it is said that in japon they are thinking of driving out all europeans from that kingdom--spanish, hollanders, portuguese and english. if this is done it will not be possible for any of our fathers to remain there. at present they escape notice among other europeans by wearing european dress--i mean that of castilians and portuguese; but if the europeans are driven from japon this will no longer be possible. passing from spiritual affairs to those temporal affairs of japon that concern these islands, let me say that on the twelfth of july, 619, there arrived at firando, a port of japon designated for the trade of the hollanders, four of their ships, which, as i informed you last year, have been off the coast of manila. when our fleet prepared to sally out, the dutch ships withdrew in good order, carrying with them a great many sick, beside the large number who had died from disease and from an infection which they say was given them in bigan, a village on the coast of manila. since this is not known here, it must be their own imagination. many of their people were drowned, also. in one ship which sank suddenly many people were drowned, among them a large number of japanese, who were brought from japon in the service of the hollanders. these ships plundered nothing but three chinese vessels of little value, which were coming to this city. a ship and a patache were sent from this coast of manila to maluco. it is well known that the ship was lost on the same coast by running aground, although the hollanders hide the fact. the patache, driven by contrary winds, soon put into harbor. it reached firando on the fourteenth of july; and as soon as it secured munitions, provisions, and people was sent to wait for the portuguese galeotas which were going from macan to japon. but it was the lord's will that it should not find them, and so it returned to firando. on october 3, however, it was sent to pulocondor [_i.e._, condor island], opposite camboxa, with thirty men, fourteen pieces of artillery, munitions and provisions, to search for the crew and artillery of a ship that the hollanders lost there. on the twelfth of october of the same year, 619, another ship, greatly injured and with its crew wounded and crippled, came to the same port of firando from patane, on the further side of malaca. it, with two other dutch ships, had fought, in the port of patane, two english ships that were there. although anchored and unprepared, the latter fought to the death, over the anchor-ropes. the smaller english vessel, seeing that it could not defend itself, and that there was no help for it, blew itself up by setting fire to the powder. the larger ship, when nearly all the crew were dead, and the general himself had been killed by a ball, was overcome and boarded by the hollanders. they say that they secured two hundred thousand pesos in that ship. it may be true, but i do not vouch for that. two portuguese had gone from the shore, on the preceding day, to see the english ships. they were seized by the hollanders, who carried them to japon in the ship which i mentioned, together with some englishmen. when the prisoners reached firando they formed a plot and escaped to land in that kingdom, where all the world is allowed. the quantity of munitions and provisions which the hollanders secure every year from japon for supplying all their fortifications is very great, and therefore if they were not harbored there, it would be a great injury to them and of much benefit to these islands. of the islands of maluco with the lure of the cloves and drugs which are found in these malucas islands, more and more ships from foreign nations are continually coming to them; the french have built a factory in macasar and have at present four ships there. between the english and the hollanders there is constant strife. in jaba and sumatra the english have twenty galleons; the dutch general set out for that place with sixteen galleons which he had collected, but it is not known how the affair has ended, although it is known that there has been war between the two nations. this year don luis de bracamonte was sent from this city of manila as governor of the military posts in maluco. he took with him two galleys and four or five pataches, loaded with a great quantity of supplies and more than two hundred infantry. when the galleys and the pataches had entered our fortress of terrenate, one of them, called the "sant buena ventura," remained behind as rearguard. a dutch ship well supplied with artillery attacked it, and in sight of our own fortress overpowered it. our galleys then sailed out and attacked the dutch ship; but the wind arose, and thus the enemy had an opportunity to take shelter under their fortress at malayo. this victory was felt by us, because the enemy took from the patache a quantity of money, three thousand fanegas of rice, and other provisions and munitions belonging to his majesty. the worst of all is that they took over one hundred men--spaniards and indians--and the capture cost them nothing. may god remedy this by giving us some great victory by means of which the loss may be repaired. on the way from india to maluco two portuguese galeotas encountered and conquered a good dutch ship loaded with cloth and other merchandise; the hollanders themselves escaped in the batel [_i.e._, launch]. in the same way, one of our pataches took from the people of terrenate a ship loaded with provisions. of eastern india when don alonso fajardo, governor of the filipinas, saw the necessity for having a strong fleet here for such troubles as might arise with the holland enemy, and that the impossibility of preparing it here was as great as the necessity for it, he sent captain vidaña to eastern india to arrange with the viceroy that he should send us some galleons to help us in the defense of this archipelago. at the same time he sent the viceroy a very rich present, consisting of various articles of great value. in return, the viceroy sent a very costly present to our governor, and also an urca, which may prove very useful when occasion arises, for it mounts twenty-four pieces of artillery. thereupon the captain returned to filipinas, because india will have little power to defend herself against her enemies, even without dividing her small force with other kingdoms. of these filipinas islands i will begin a discussion of this year's events in these islands with an account of the solemn fiestas of the immaculate conception of the holy virgin. let me say that these fiestas have been such that in the grandeur with which they have been celebrated, manila has not been inferior to places in europe and america. they lasted nineteen days. leaving aside the celebration by the laity--the bull-fights, masquerades, etc., and the many illuminations and fireworks which took place every night, and for which the chinese are very famous--i will describe only the ecclesiastical part. the festivities were held [as a rule] in the cathedral. on the first day, which was sunday, december 8, they were celebrated there with great magnificence. in the afternoon there was given a drama on the beauty of rachel. on monday the religious of st. francis held their fiesta in the same church. in the morning one of the grandest processions ever seen in this vicinity set out from their house for the cathedral. first came the whole force of manila in perfect order, the arquebusiers and musketeers firing their pieces at intervals. next came a rich standard bearing the image of the conception of the virgin, and at her feet escoto [14] on his knees, inscribed, _dignare me laudare te_, etc. after the standard, which was borne by the father guardian, came a lay friar called fray junipero--who, like the other, is regarded as a holy and simple man; he was dancing, and calling out a thousand silly phrases about divine things. [15] now followed banners, crosses, and candlesticks. after these came on floats eight saints of this order, so richly adorned that the people did not know whether to marvel most that there should be so large a quantity of gold, jewels, and precious stones in manila, or that the fathers should have collected so many of them. these saints were accompanied by eight groups of indian dancers--one with each saint, and each with its own device. one represented canons, one cardinals, another pastors, etc. the last sang while dancing. the intercalary stanza was: now we can speak aloud, and without fear; we can cry aloud to all the world, without misgiving. the dancers repeated this aloud three times, and then danced with their timbrels in their hands until they were exhausted. last of all came the most holy virgin of the conception. the procession reached the cathedral and the fiesta was held. in the afternoon they presented a very devout drama, on the martyrs of japon. on tuesday the fiesta of st. augustine began. in the morning this order likewise had a very grand procession, in which the soldiery led, as on monday. there were many dancers, etc. in the afternoon there were balls, indian dances [_mitotes_], and a thousand other lesser amusements. on wednesday we of the society began our festivities; and, although we had no procession, as is our custom, the celebration at night was by no means inferior. on the contrary, there was burned a great quantity of illuminations--rockets, bombs, and other fireworks. our people played a thousand musical instruments. during the day we held mass, in our impressive manner, and then had a sermon; and in the afternoon we presented a remarkable drama on the conception. all the people said they had never seen anything like it. on thursday the fiesta was again held in the cathedral. in the afternoon there was another drama, about the sale of joseph. on friday the augustinian recoletos began their fiesta. in the morning there was a great procession. first came all the soldiery--not only the regular troops, as was the case on former days, but all the companies composed of citizens of this city as well. master-of-camp don geronimo de silva, who was on horseback, commanded the troops. after the soldiery followed a very fine procession. in the afternoon was presented the drama of the prince of transilvania, in which they brought out our father assistant, alonso carrillo, in a long taffeta robe and a linen frill with points. in order to announce who he was, a person who took part in the drama said, "this is one of those who there are called jesuits, and here we name theatins." [16] on saturday there were two fiestas. one was held in the cathedral, as the preceding ones had been, while the other was at our house--where it seemed expedient to hold it in order that the cathedral and the religious of st. francis should not monopolize the entire celebration, and acquire such a right for the future. that night there were many more illuminations and fireworks than there had been on the previous wednesday. at nightfall our collegians of san joseph formed a procession remarkable enough to have appeared in madrid. at the head were three triumphal chariots. in the first were the clarion-players; in the second the singers, singing motets and ballads; and in the third various musical instruments--harps, guitars, rebecks, etc. next came the standard of the immaculate conception, carried by don luis faxardo, a student and a brother of the governor. at his side came don geronimo de silva, master-of-camp and general of the artillery, and don fernando centene, general of the galleys. then came the alcaldes, the regidors, and other gentlemen, all on horseback and very richly dressed. these were followed by all the collegians, also on horseback two by two, wearing their usual robes of brown silk with facings made of fine scarlet cloth, and with shoulder-stripes of lace. their caps were a blaze of gold and precious stones. about their necks they all wore many chains and jewels. each of the prominent nobility of the city had ahead of him, as a body-guard, six or eight servants, with large tapers of white wax in their hands. they carried staffs having upon them large placards with various pictures, letters, and hieroglyphics, all appropriate to the occasion. next came a very prominent collegian carrying a staff. upon it was a placard with the oath (which they took the following day) always to defend the immaculate conception of the most holy virgin. finally came a very beautiful triumphal chariot drawn by two savages, and decorated with many arches of flowers and gilded figures of angels. in the midst of these and among a great number of lights went, enthroned, a beautiful carved figure of our lady of the conception. before the chariot was a band of clarion-players. they followed eight children dressed in silk garments and carrying silver candles. they represented angels with candles in their hands, singing and reciting in praise of the virgin. after the chariot came original sin, tied with a chain, and so well made up for his part that he became a mark for the blows and pinches of the people. next day there was another very magnificent fiesta, in which a dance was given by more than sixty japanese, who danced and sang to the accompaniment of various instruments, according to their custom. after this, on sunday, the order of st. francis began their eight-day fiesta. another was held at the port of cavite, in which, as in manila, all the orders took part--except one, which during all this time did not leave its house, enter the cathedral, nor display illuminations. about this there was no lack of gossiping in the city. the effects of last year's comets have been very frightful this year, especially in two provinces of the filipinas, ilocos and cagayan--the former of which is entirely under the instruction of the fathers of st. augustine. the earthquakes in ilocos have been so violent and so continuous that the people have gone about with severe headaches, as if seasick. at noon on st. andrew's day, in the village of batano, the church, the house, and the granary (a very substantial one) fell because of the vibrations. the friars cast themselves from the windows and thus escaped with their lives, although they were badly injured. in dinglas a large portion of the church fell, and the prior of the convent leaped through a window. in sinai the church was overturned great cracks have opened up in the ground in which men fall, but only one has lost his life in this way. in the mountains of bigan two distant ranges came together and caught between them two heathen villages. all the people were buried, only one man escaping. in the province of cagayan, which is included within the island of manila and which is under the instruction of the fathers of st. dominic, the earthquakes were even more horrible. on the same day, that of st. andrew, it seemed that the prophecy of the evangel had come true. on the following day, which was the day of judgment, the earth tossed the people with such violence that men were not able to keep their seats; and they walked about as dizzy and as dazed as if they were intoxicated. in nueva segovia, the capital of that province, the church was demolished, as well as a part of the convent, which was a very handsome and substantial structure built entirely of stone. the religious there were injured, although all escaped in different directions with their lives; only two boys perished. the same thing happened in the church of st. vincent of tocolano, which also had very strong walls. many other temples and stone buildings in this province likewise fell; but in order to make my story short, i will not mention them separately. large forests were overthrown; great springs opened up; rivers changed their courses; and many other very strange things occurred. the island of jolo was at one time subject to the king [of spain], but some years ago it rebelled; and now its natives, in company with some other enemies of ours, the people of mindanao, go about with little fleets committing robberies upon these seas and doing all the damage in their power. this year they set out with only three caracoas, ships something like galleys. but when they discovered that an armed fleet of caracoas, which had been equipped in the city of zebu, had set out on the eleventh of november in search of them, and that another fleet had set out from oton on the same quest, they returned to their own country, having committed almost no damage except that they captured some three spaniards--of whom, they say, they killed two. this year there was completed in these islands one of the strongest and most remarkable galleons ever built here. it was at once equipped, along with another very large galleon, two [smaller] ones, and a patache. in march, 620, this fleet set out for the port where they are accustomed to go to watch for the chinese ships that bring merchandise to this city. they went to protect the chinese; for, although it was not known that there were hollanders there, it was thought best to take timely precaution, lest they come to commit robberies, as they have done in previous years. the galleon which went as admiral's ship sprang such a leak that it was forced to return to port, but when it had arrived there the rest of the fleet continued their journey. they were in this place [where they meet the chinese] until the beginning of may, when they returned to cavite. don luis fajardo, brother of the governor, went as general of the fleet, and, as he was very young, other captains, brave and experienced in war, were assigned to him as companions and counselors. the number of ships which have come this year to these islands from all parts of the world with rich merchandise has been great. some four or five have come from japon, although some of them were lost on the coast of manila with all their large cargoes. some of the japanese in them were drowned, but others escaped to land. from macan ten portuguese ships have come with much valuable merchandise. last year the governor of the filipinas sent to macan to buy a very handsome galleon which was there. those who went for the purpose bought it, loaded it with merchandise, and left macan for the filipinas on july 2, 619. they encountered such violent storms that at the end of two months, after having been in great danger of shipwreck, they returned to macan without masts, and with a large part of their merchandise so wet and rotted that it was worthless--damages frequently sustained under such circumstances. they once more equipped themselves, and this year left macan in the month of may. they had a very difficult voyage, but at the end of more than twenty days they succeeded in making port in cavite, on the seventh of june, the first day of pentecost. the galleon is a very fine one, and it will be very useful when occasion arises. it brought much very rich and valuable merchandise. from great china also have come many ships with silks and other merchandise. all these goods have been necessary, and indeed they have not even sufficed to supply the lack of merchandise which, because of the wars of the past years, has been very extreme in this city of manila. there have been, moreover, some losses. if the wars with the rebellious hollanders should entirely cease, the wealth and grandeur of these islands would be remarkable. indeed, in spite of these wars and the losses that have been sustained, manila is a very grand city; and there are few cities in europe that surpass it in trade and traffic, for almost the whole world comes to these islands. since writing this, i have learned that a large junk (a certain kind of ship) set out from japon with a large quantity of provisions and munitions of war, and with five hundred infantry, whom the hollanders were bringing to supply and reënforce their strongholds in the malucas. but god was pleased that they should run aground on the coast of japon, where everything was lost, and nearly all the people were drowned. a galleon likewise set out from japon with a dutch patache to come to these coasts, to steal whatever they could, as they have done in years past. but god frustrated their attempts by running the galleon aground on hermosa island, which is between japon and this country. it is said that all those on board were drowned. although this is not known surely, it is a fact that many were lost. may god confound their arrogance, in order that this land may raise its head; and that the faith of christ may be spread throughout many provinces and kingdoms into which the holy evangel would enter were it not hindered by these heretics, who have hitherto been such a stumbling-block and so great an obstacle in these parts. it has occurred to me to write this to your reverences as a consolation to many people who wish to know about affairs here. may god keep all your reverences, to whose holy sacrifices and prayers i earnestly commend myself. manila, june 14, 1620. compulsory service by the indians _opinion addressed to his majesty by fray pedro de sant pablo, preacher and provincial minister of the province of sant gregorio of the discalced religious of the philipinas islands, of the order of the seraphic father st. francis, for the increase and conservation of the said states of his majesty, by reason of the building of ships and repartimiento [17] for the service of his majesty_. the native indians of the philipinas islands enjoyed great temporal prosperity and peace until the year 1609, when governor don juan de silva established in these islands the shipyards for constructing the fleets that he built. for that purpose he imposed the very burdensome taxes, and made repartimientos among the natives of the said islands--not only personal, but for wine, oil, timber, and other supplies and materials, in the greatest quantity. that has remained and been established as a custom. those materials and supplies have been taken by some without payment, while others have paid the fourth or third part of the just and current value. hence his majesty owes them a great sum, but he cannot pay it, nor has he the money to pay it in these islands. when personal services are commanded, the indian, in order not to go to the forests to cut and haul the wood, subject to the cruel treatment of the spaniard, incurred debt, and borrowed some money at usury; and for the month falling to him, he gave another indian six or seven reals of eight at his own cost, in order that the other should go in his stead. he who was taxed as his share one-half arroba of oil went, if he did not have it from his own harvest, to the rich man who gathered it; and, not having the money wherewith to buy it, he became the other's slave or borrowed the money at usurious rates. thus, in the space of ten years, did the country become in great measure ruined. some natives took to the woods; others were made slaves; many others were killed; and the rest were exhausted and ruined: all of which is evident from the summary of the account that i send his majesty with the present. there can this truth be seen and recognized. in order that the injury committed may be more clearly evident, it is to be noted that these indians are in the depth of poverty, and have no possessions of value. neither do they inherit anything save a little plot of land which they sow with rice--not to sell, but only for what is necessary for their families. their houses are built on four posts; their walls are of bamboo and thatch, and are very small. such was the spoliation committed on a people so poor and wretched that they would say: "father, i will give the king twenty reals of eight annually, so that they will spare me from repartimientos;" but, having investigated, all their property is not worth an equal sum. this granted, request is made, by the common opinion and consent of the governor, audiencia, bishops, orders, the spaniards, and the indians themselves, for permission from your majesty for the following: the indians of all these islands are willing to contribute annually to his majesty all the aid that may be necessary, and what they are able to contribute, for the defense and conservation of these islands, the building of ships, and all other things needful, in the following manner. every household and family will give, each year, such a sum as may be ordered and as shall appear necessary, in this manner. the indians living at manila, inasmuch as they have more property and money, will give one or two pesos per house; and those more remote the half or third part of that sum, or the fraction that shall seem advisable, inasmuch as they are less established and are very poor. this sum shall be collected and placed in one depository, which shall be in common for all the islands, and shall be in charge of a faithful person; and it shall have three keys. this money having been collected, whenever his majesty may need one, two, or three vessels, more or less, in these islands, and shall choose either to buy them in india or to build and construct them in these islands, he needs fifty thousand pesos for that purpose. after first taking from his royal chest and treasury the usual sum, the balance and remainder--which is generally levied from the indians at very low rates, or without paying them at all--let him get from that chest of the common fund of the indians. then the sum given by his majesty and the aid furnished by the indians can be put together, and those boats built or bought without making repartimientos among the communities of the indians. if common seamen be needed, then a proclamation can be issued to see if there are any volunteers who will sign the register; and surely there will be many, as usual. the number lacking [to serve as volunteers] shall be paid from that fund [_i.e._, the natives' chest] and from what his majesty usually gives them. the same shall be done if soldiers are needed for terrenate, or rice and any other supplies. thus will everything necessary be provided, and that without delay; and the country will not be harassed or the indians afflicted. supposing that from the sum given this year by the indians, there should be a surplus, because of no war or shipbuilding, then that sum would be kept, and the following year there would be no repartimiento nor would the amount be again collected. and supposing that the sum that was collected should be insufficient because of the many expenses of that year, then the indians would be again asked for what should seem necessary. if this were done with due system and method in using the chest, and in a christian spirit, each indian would be saved, besides his discomforts, persecutions, and afflictions, more than fifteen or twenty pesos; his majesty would be served better; and many mortal sins committed by the officials--who rob the indians on one side, and on the other defraud his majesty's treasury--would be avoided; for (as has been experienced) the alcaldes-mayor or judges who go to get rice and the other things belonging to his majesty send it by the quantity of five hundred baskets at cheaper rates. they get another equal amount for themselves, for which repartimiento is made among the indians at the same prices [as for the king]. many deaths among the indians in the shipbuilding would also be avoided; for, supposing that ships are to be built in the islands (which must be avoided as much as possible), they can he built by the chinese for pay. consequently the indian will live comfortably, and will feel more love toward the spaniard and his king, and will attend better to his soul and the service of god. he will become a man of worship and devotion; while in temporal affairs he will become more prosperous, and will have something with which he can be of use to his majesty in case of any necessity. prostrate at your majesty's feet, i desire to beg one thing, in which lies the wealth and prosperity of this land, or its destruction. your royal majesty can remedy it--although it be at the loss of his office to the governor of these islands; for in no other way is there any relief, either with royal decrees or orders from your majesty--or in any other way--by your majesty ordering the said governor that the ships sail from this port for nueva españa by st. john's or st. peter's day; [18] for they can do it, as they used to do. in this way no shipwrecks will occur, just as there were none before. the losses and shipwrecks caused by not observing this cannot be told, i will mention as an example only the case of the present year. inasmuch as they sailed late, two hundred and eighty persons died in the flagship, and all the rest arrived in a dying condition. they were over seven months just now on the return trip, after their escape from the dutch enemy then assembled where they fought. because they were not able to enter the channel to go to their usual port, as they were late, and because the winds contrary to them had begun, they were driven ashore and there the two hulls of the ships were wrecked. there was the one noteworthy thing, namely, that with only six pieces they fought the enemy, who had three ships. the loss was immense; besides the hulls, a great amount of property was lost--more than four hundred thousand pesos--and it was a miracle that everything was not lost. written in this convent of nuestra señora de la candelaria, at dilao, outside the walls [of manila], august 7, 1620. the most unworthy servant of your royal majesty, _fray pedro de san pablo_, provincial minister. letter from the audiencia of manila to felipe iii sire: at the end of last year, 619, this royal audiencia reported to your majesty a portion of the numerous excesses and imprudent acts of don alonso fajardo, governor and captain-general of these islands. for that purpose it despatched, by way of yndia, captain pedro alvares, government and war secretary of this kingdom, with the same document that is herewith enclosed. although this despatch was attempted twice it did not succeed, because the governor, suspecting it, exercised great vigilance to prevent it--as in fact he did, a certain sailor revealing it while confused. but, although he made no little investigation and practiced extortions to verify the matter, he was unable to ascertain who the person was, or why he was going, because the matter had been managed by a priest. and although a long relation can be made here of his objectionable acts, we shall, in order to excuse prolixity, touch on only a few of them. he continues his careless way of living with so little modesty and caution that scarce can there be found any action in which is manifested the circumspection, gravity, and prudence required by his office. in regard to the little esteem (or better, the great contempt) that he shows toward this audiencia and its auditors, both in the court room and in other public acts and meetings, what occurs is incredible. for without any occasion for it, he shows that he delights in making use of all the abusive terms that can be imagined. and, in order that it may be seen that this statement is not exaggerated, we shall mention here some particular instances. during the feast of the cross which auditor don antonio rodriguez made this month of may at the convent of st. francis, auditor don alvaro de mesa went to that convent after the governor and the audiencia were in the church, and the royal carpet had been spread, immediately upon his arrival; the governor thereupon told him that he was a dirty, impudent fellow, and that he vowed to god that the first time when don alvaro should neglect to accompany him, he would take him by the collar and fling him out of court. this he said with so much heat, disturbance, and passion, that it was observed throughout the church. when the auditors went for him on easter day to accompany him to prison inspection, they advised him with all courtesy (warned by what had happened on other inspections) to be kind enough to allow the audiencia to oppose privately the releases, when these were undesirable, that he intended to grant by his authority. to that request he answered in great heat and fury that he vowed to god that if any auditor contradicted him in the releases of prisoners that he thought best to make during the inspection, he would break his head with a club; and, after dashing out his brains, would scatter them about the walls of the prison. consequently, in order to avoid greater evils that might result to the disservice of your majesty if his conduct should not be overlooked until your majesty hears of it, he is allowed to continue his releasing [of prisoners] here during prison inspection, and out of it, at his will, without considering that they are imprisoned by the audiencia, or the gravity of the crimes, or any other of very weighty circumstances. and so that [it may be seen] that we do not deceive ourselves in attributing to him these excesses in pardoning as being extreme, the same thing occurs in his sentences and punishments. for he thus executes his sentences, however rigorous they be (notwithstanding appeal, and without taking the trouble to present the criminals before the audiencia), as if he were absolute lord of them, as is said to be the case in japon. consequently he follows and lets loose all the passions to which his taste inclines him, just as if he did not have to give account to god and your majesty. one gregorio de saldaña, a sailor--against whom was executed a sentence of stripes and condemnation to the galleys, without allowing a report of his appeal to be made to the audiencia--having presented a certain memorial of the frauds and trickery which he declared had been practiced against the royal treasury and the natives of these islands by the sargento-mayor, estevan de alcaçar (brother-in-law of don juan de alvarado, fiscal of this audiencia, for he had married the latter's sister), in the building of a galleon under his charge, about which there have been public clamors, an investigation was begun by auditor don antonio rodriguez, and the said frauds were declared by saldaña, for which purpose the latter was taken from the galley. the governor took the cause away from the auditor and pigeonholed it, [19] without being willing to allow any more investigations to be made upon it. on the contrary, to prevent that, he remanded the sailor from the prison where he was to the galleys, and thus prevented him from obtaining his appeal, as it was a matter that touched the said sargento-mayor--to whom, for himself and for his brother-in-law the fiscal, he has granted permission, as is said, for extortions on the sangleys in the office of chief warden of the parián. he has exercised that office for more than a year, succeeding to gonzalo de ocampo, who married a cousin of the said fiscal. ocampo held the said office for two years, and the said sargento-mayor is now sending him as admiral of the vessels about to be despatched to nueva españa, with the title of general for the return trip, without taking his residencia--notwithstanding that he was declared by an edict of governor don juan de silva to have fallen into condemnation and to have incurred the loss of his encomienda and all of his property, because many others who were prepared for the expedition of sincapura ran away, in imitation of his example. that edict or proclamation is in force today, for the royal audiencia alone declared null and void all that which was enacted after the edict. although the governor has been advised of this in writing, no reparation has been made; for, as it is a matter that touches the fiscal, he defies the laws entirely. a few days ago juan cevicos, an ecclesiastic and presbyter, presented to the royal audiencia a decree of your majesty directed to the audiencias. in it you prohibit offices of justice to the sons, brothers, or brothers-in-law of auditors and fiscals, under penalty of a fine of one thousand pesos in gold. he petitioned that, in observance of it, the said sargento-mayor alcazar should not exercise the office of warden of the parian of the sangleys, or don fernando centeno, [20] general of the galleys, also a brother-in-law of the said fiscal, that of alcalde-in-ordinary of this city. the audiencia ordered that the decree be obeyed; and that the said governor be informed, so that he might appoint someone to fill the office of the parián. he was so angered by that, that he expressed himself in unmeasured language; and especially, in the meeting held july 23, did he treat the auditors very harshly, chiding them for having meddled in his government. and inasmuch as they had ordered him by an act to fulfil the said royal decree, [he said] that the audiencia had exceeded their authority, since such action did not belong to their duties. he told them not to show thereafter similar discourtesy, for he vowed to god that he would proceed against the auditors, and would not allow his office to be taken from him before he had exercised it. he paid no attention to the said royal decree and act, or to the ordinance of the audiencia that prohibits such appointments, because he [_i.e._, fernando centeno] was an encomendero; there is, besides, another very great objection, namely, that the fiscal his brother-in-law has hitherto been protector of the same sangleys, until now when he leaves it for the post of admiral. luis rivero having appealed from the sentence of death passed by the governor, and orders having been issued by the audiencia that he should appear to state his case (inasmuch as he had presented himself to the audiencia), and that the warden of the prison should not deliver the prisoner under penalty of two thousand ducados--of which the warden himself took notice, and refused to deliver him over--the sargento-mayor went with a detachment of arquebusiers and, after taking away the keys from the warden, took the prisoner out by force and executed on him the sentence of death. auditor don alvaro de messa having proceeded against the warden by commission of the audiencia, the governor suppressed the case, and handled the auditor with rough speech. without being ordered by the audiencia, on his own authority he takes the prisoners from the jail and mans the galleys with them, even though their cases are actually pending at the time in the audiencia; and it has been impossible to conclude them, notwithstanding that it is the audiencia that causes all criminals to be taken from jail and placed in the galleys for which authority is granted them. he suppresses the secular offices of justice at will, before their time-limit expires, without awaiting the opinion of the audiencia, or even communicating the matter to them. he sends out investigators whenever he wishes, although that is the proper business of the audiencia. he appoints followers and kinsmen to posts of justice, in violation of your majesty's decrees. he removed the former reporter, who was exercising that office so that he might be given a post as alcalde-mayor (which was the usual practice), and appointed a reporter without an order from the audiencia. he does the same with other offices which fall vacant, although the contrary is the custom. in the session of july 23, while vote was being taken upon a certain petition presented by captain pedro alvarez, government and war secretary of these islands--which related the insults put upon him by the governor and the master-of-camp in proceeding against him in a certain cause, which is declared by acts of trial and revision to be outside of the military jurisdiction--and after auditor geronimo de legaspi de hecheverria had uttered his vote and opinion that a writ of your majesty should be despatched against the said master-of-camp, since the acts of trial and revision were incorrect, so that in fulfilment of such writ he might be prohibited from trying the cause, under penalty of two thousand ducados and warnings of greater: the said governor replied on the instant, with his usual heat, that he vowed to god that he would choke and skin the throttle of that auditor who should sign such a decree. "why must he be subject to three licentiates, each one of his own nation, and to have come to such a pass that a bandy-legged graybeard should order him?" at this rate, blustering and snorting, he did and said things that made him seem out of his senses. the said pedro alvarez also mentions in the said petition other insults that have been shown him on account of taking away the licenses of the sangleys and other perquisites of his office; and concludes with requesting the audiencia to inform your majesty of what is the truth in this matter. what the audiencia has to report concerning it is that, besides, the governor and the master-of-camp refused to obey the acts of trial and revision of this audiencia, in which the said pedro alvarez is declared not to be included in the military jurisdiction. supposing that he were, no guilt results from the allegation with regard to imputing to him the purpose to go from these islands by way of yndia to españa, so that he could be arrested justifiably; and yet he has endured more than one-half year of prison closely guarded, and fearing (not without reason) new annoyances, he has retired into the convent of st. francis. in respect to the licenses of the sangleys--which he says should be attended to before him, and states that the governor has taken them away from him--although as yet no further statement than the said petition has been presented to the audiencia, it appears that governor don juan de silva declared, by act of november twelve, six hundred and twelve, that the issue of the said licenses (which are given to the sangleys who remain annually in this city and these islands for their service) was annexed to and pertained to the said governmental office, in accordance with its title; and he ordered that then and thenceforth the issues of these licenses should be made in the said governmental office. in conformity with that order, secretary gaspar alvarez (uncle of the said pedro alvarez, by whose resignation the latter succeeded to those offices) countersigned the said licenses from thenceforth until the year six hundred and eighteen, the first year of the administration of don alonso fajardo. the latter began to take the licenses away from the said office last year, six hundred and nineteen, when the said pedro alvarez began to exercise it. in regard to his right to the conduct of other business, despatched by the corresponding secretary, the most authentic thing that we can now report is that the grudge held by the governor against the said pedro alvarez is well known, for he shows it on every occasion. he allows no testimonies to be given to the parties [in suits] in any case that does not suit him, even though the audiencia order it. neither does he permit the causes to be prosecuted, for he takes and keeps them in his possession as long as he chooses. and inasmuch as the relation of all that occurs after this manner would mean that it would never end, we avoid it--likewise considering that from the above statements, and from his often having said publicly that it would be best not to have auditors or friars (of whom he talks scandalously) in the philipinas, the rest can be inferred. in respect to military affairs, in addition to what the audiencia formerly wrote to your majesty: after our fear here that a number of dutch ships would descend from japon--as we were advised from that kingdom--to await the chinese ships along our coasts, a fleet was prepared to go out to attack them. after very considerable sums had been spent on it, it was despatched at the beginning of march, consisting of two galleons, one patache, and one galley--so ill-prepared that the almiranta galleon began to sink in the port. a few days after it had left this bay, it returned to port, because the pumps could not lessen the water, at great risk of the vessel's foundering. thereupon the effort was made to prepare another ship to supply its lack; but so great unreadiness was found everywhere that that was impossible. in its stead sailed the other galley that had been left behind. finally, as they did not meet the enemy, the loss was less regretted. the fleet returned to port. although, because of a second warning received from xapon that two dutch ships and one patache were surely coming to our coasts, it was considered by many to be advisable that the fleet should go to el embocadero to secure the safety of the ships from nueva españa, that was not done; but on the contrary the ships were immediately unrigged. that was a signal error, for within the few days necessary for its arrival at el embocadero it would find the enemy's said two ships and one patache there awaiting our ships from nueva españa, and those ships of the dutch would be taken or sunk. but this kingdom was relieved from the loss of this failure; and through god miraculously extending to it his mercy, the silver and soldiers aboard our ships (the flagship and the almiranta) escaped capture by the enemy. that capture would have meant the total ruin and destruction of these islands. there was no little danger of losing ships and merchandise by running aground. inasmuch as the governor will inform your majesty more fully and minutely of this event, the audiencia will avoid doing so. we will only assure your majesty that not only was no preventive measure taken by the said governor for which thanks should be given him, but also the preconceived idea of those who are soldiers has been confirmed--namely, that they considered him but little fit for so great matters, because they had seen the way in which he proceeded in the preparation of the fleet that he made ready, and with which he did not assail the enemy last year, as well as in the despatch of the fleet that he made this year to protect the chinese ships. in the former matter, not only did he equip the fleet so poorly, as above stated, but, leaving in manila the master-of-camp, the sargento-mayor, and captains of high standing, he sent as commander his brother, don luis fajardo, a lad fifteen years old. he gave the latter (as it were, for his tutor) admiral juan baptista de molina, who was then alcalde-in-ordinary of this city; while don fernando centeno, the fiscal's brother-in-law, remained as commander of the galleys, to whom the rod of alcalde-in-ordinary was given in the stead of molina, who had served in that capacity as citizen alcalde. without receiving pay as such, and although his galleys went on the expedition, he remained as alcalde _ad interim_. in respect to the despatch of ships to nueva españa, although--on account of those of the preceding two years that have been in his charge having sailed late--the governor had published that this year they would sail very early, they are now in cavite. it is believed that he will cause them to await his letters in mindoro, which is thirty leguas from manila, all the month of august or but slightly less. yet it is certain that, without changing things from their usual course, the ships could now be out of the channel. however, it appears that all that may be a mistake, and that god is permitting it in order to compel the inhabitants of these islands, after losing faith in human, to turn to divine means. in regard to greed for gain, no good rumor is current; and it is said that of the loss therefrom no little share falls to the royal treasury in paying orders that are bought at less than the fourth of their face value. consequently at the same time while not one real of advance pay thereon is allowed to the owner of the order--which is issued to him for his sweat and toil, or to his wife and children on account of his death while serving your majesty in the war--it is sold for one-fourth or a less part of its face value, and that is paid in full to its purchaser by the governor's decree. a vast sum has been used up in this, for the money brought from nueva españa, that derived from the sangley licenses, the loans of citizens, and that from other sources, have been spent in less than one year. in order that it may be seen that there is no way in which he does not endeavor to accommodate the fiscal, while the royal treasury was without one single real, and in debt many thousands to citizens who lent it money after the beginning of this year, the governor issued a decree in the month of june (but without it, notwithstanding an order may be issued, he has ordered that nothing be paid) that a definite warrant for three thousand and ninety pesos (of which some sangleys had made him a gift for three or four years) be given to the fiscal from the duties of the chinese ships. but it was not advanced immediately, because the officials of the royal treasury considered that the sangleys who made the gift were not legally parties [to such a transaction]. as these things are so public, and the citizens are so vexed with loans and ill-treatment, they resent these things greatly. the same irregular procedure that was followed last year in regard to taking the merchandise from the chinese at their own weighing was experienced this year. although the governor issued a proclamation ordering all persons who should have the merchandise in their possession to return it immediately, so that it could be sold freely, and imposing severe penalties, they did not comply with it; as has been evident from its results, that edict must have been only to caution or amuse, for they only sold openly those goods that they were unable to sell privately without these being taken from them. and then--when, with the delay of the ships from nueva españa, and the fear of the danger that they ran of being captured by the dutch; and the city, with having invested its share, was drained of money--those who had retained the said goods in their possession made lower prices with the many chinese than those prices at which the goods that were allowed to be sold had been given. in consequence there were public murmurs from all classes. one gonzalez, the governor's barber, and a prime favorite, whom he has made inspector of the chinese ships--which because of their late arrival remained this year for the most part on the coasts of these islands near china, from fifty to one hundred leguas from manila, sending their goods thither in small boats--went there and bought and brought back a large consignment. consequently that transaction, other things similar to it, and the appointments--or, as some say, sales--of offices and posts in the ships from nueva españa in violation of your majesty's decrees, are not well endured or well spoken of, in regard to either his acts or his methods. may our lord preserve and prosper the royal and catholic person of your majesty, as all christendom desires, and has need, etc. manila, august 8, 1620. _licentiate hieronimo legaspi de cheverria_ _licentiate don alonso messa y lugo_ _doctor don antonio piso_ de villegas letter from fajardo to felipe iii sire: 1st. while anxious, as may be understood, over the delay of the ships from nueva españa, and the anticipated rise of the vendavals with the so great fury with which they began this year; and fearing on that account some disaster, or their making port in distress at japon, where also there is cause for fear; and while considering the hardship that might result to this country from any one of those things: we had news that three ships of the dutch rebels were awaiting our ships between the channel of san bernardino and the cape of spiritu sancto, where the latter had to come. consequently our anxiety deepened, knowing that this country would necessarily be endangered if those ships were driven from its coasts, with the men that we have for its defense, at such a season that, if they left the strait, they could not possibly return here this year; or, if there were a failure to act, the people [of this city] must remain not properly cared for, much less contented. although it was evident that we might go out at a time when we could be of [no] use, and when the aforesaid danger would not happen to the ships, with all the resources at my command, i had the galleys and light craft manned, so that they might go out immediately with what advices and orders seemed advisable. while preparing the ships, which were almost ready to go out, for whatever might arise, and in the midst of that anxiety, god was pleased to do us the favor of freeing us from it by the news that i received of our ships. that news, thanks to his divine majesty, was most favorable, when one considers what might have come. the news was that the flagship--a large galleon, and, as its actions showed, not a very good sailer--happened to encounter, without its consort (which was a bark), the three dutch ships. these approached the galleon, and ordered it to strike its sails for mauricio. captain and sargento-mayor don fernando de ayala, warder of the port at the point of cavite (whom i had sent out in order that he might return as commander of the said ships because the person who went as commander from here was to remain in nueva españa--namely, don luys fernandez de cordova, a relative of the viceroy of that province) answered them, as a valiant cavalier and soldier, with his artillery and firearms. he continued fighting and defending himself all that day and part of the night, until under cover of its darkness and a heavy fog that settled down, pursuing their voyage, the spaniards left the enemy with the intention of running upon the coast of an island of the strait, called ybabao. our lord guided them to a port, where a ship was never known to have entered. there they anchored, and fearing that the wind with which they entered might shift to that which generally prevails in that season and with greater fury, they determined to run the said ship into the mud, and to cut away the mainmast, in order to render them less liable to drag, and to leave the port again and encounter the enemy. accordingly, all possible haste was displayed in disembarking the men, and the silver and reals of your majesty and of private persons, and the most valuable goods; but scarcely was that done when the storm, coming down upon the ship, drove it upon some rocks. there it foundered and sank, although in a place so shallow that but little of the ship's cargo was lost. for they continued to take out and use many things, except the articles of luxury. although no use could be made of the ship's hull, as it was entirely ruined, the resultant loss is almost nothing, and inconsiderable when one thinks what it might have been, and what this event has gained in advantage and reputation for these islands, and for your majesty's arms herein. for, although your majesty, thanks to god, has had excellent successes in the islands, still it has all been by superiority of ships and men; and there is nothing, according to common opinion, so fortunate as this event, considering what the enemy will have lost in all the aforesaid respects among all the nations with whom they have relations--especially with that of the japanese, who place their honor and ground for self-praise in war. it would appear that they will not be well esteemed there, nor even pleasantly received by their creditors--with whom, as we understand here, they were indebted for about three hundred thousand ducados for their preparations and the relief of their forts, having assigned to the creditors their pay from a good prize that they were to make, which must have been this galleon. then, in order that everything might turn out well, our lord guided the patache--which was coming as almiranta--without its meeting an enemy. however, from the severity of the weather, the same thing happened to them as to the flagship; but they lost no cargo, for that vessel was so small that i bought it for not more than one thousand pesos. although some think that those ships did not have a more satisfactory voyage because they left acapulco april 4, in my opinion that could not have been avoided; for they reached that port late because their voyage thither was long and troublesome. notwithstanding that they had been despatched, they would have found, when they arrived, vendavals already in these islands, as these commenced so early, as i have said. although the viceroy wrote requesting greater haste in those despatches, yet because they are sent late from there, they also arrive late here, even if no such events happen as the above. it is almost impossible for the ships to leave here early, if the arrival of those from nueva españa is delayed, unless no opportunity be given the inhabitants to receive their share of money and letters, which is a thing that they would feel keenly. [_marginal note_: "war. what you say in these sections is reduced to three points. firstly, the thanks that you give and should have given to our lord for the good success of the flagship, and the same has been done here. may he be praised for all, and thus it is to be hoped, in his divine mercy, that he will be in all other events; for the just end and cause to which all is directed is his holy service and the extension of the holy catholic faith. the second main point is of the utmost importance, and is regarding what has been written you, with the remonstrances required by the case--namely, that if the flagship and almiranta sail late, it is impossible that they can be despatched early from nueva españa; and although we have written to the latter country, giving the method that is advisable to be used in that voyage and despatch, they always excuse themselves for the late sailing of the ships by the risk of vendavals, as the violence of the weather is an unavoidable difficulty. we have also written to you that the only cause of the delay is the waiting to lade those ships with the commerce of manila--which are detained for personal ends, by awaiting the merchandise from japon, china, and the orient. that is poor management; and the welfare of private persons must not have more force than that of the public. for the customs duties received on departing and returning are not at all to be considered with the great danger of bad weather, in which everything is risked--especially since the only cause for the commerce between nueva españa and those islands is not the benefit of the merchants, nor the lading of chinese cloth, but the maintenance, succor, and payment of the military and of the ministers who assist in the service and defense of that country. if you should one year cause the ships to sail on time, those at acapulco [_los terceros_] would be warned by it for the future, and would understand the diligence that they must use in their despatch. it is said--and let this serve as caution and warning to you--that the chief officials who have in charge the despatch of the flagship and almiranta are those most interested, as figure-heads for third persons, in what is laded. the third point is, that when those vessels (not only of trade, but of war) sail, and since their risk of enemies is at the departure and return (but most on the return), you are advised to take warning not to let the ships be so overladen that because of that they go ill equipped with seamen, and even worse defended. in conformity with this we have written to the viceroy of nueva españa; and have stated that it would be a less disadvantage to increase the number of ships than to overload those that are sent--to say nothing of the damage done to the hull of the ship by carrying so heavy a cargo. also you are advised, on account of what you say in this section--since you say that the dutch get help in boats, money, ammunition, food, and men in xapon--that it would be well, since there is so continual communication between japon and our government [in those islands], that you endeavor--through an embassy, or in any other way--to negotiate with any king of those of xapon, or with the person who is the cause of that [aid to the dutch], and tell them that those enemies are pirates, and that they violate the laws of nations and the public peace. finally, since you have the matter in hand and know the importance of separating the japanese and dutch, you shall do this with such energy and skill as your prudence admits, doing all that you shall deem necessary and useful to attain that end." _in another hand_: "a letter is being written to the viceroy of nueva españa, sending him a copy of his [i.e., fajardo's] clause, and what answer is made to it; and advising him, as here above stated, that an order has been given so that they shall endeavor to have the despatch of the flagship and almiranta of filipinas attended to promptly and seasonably, as is necessary for their voyage. accordingly he shall again issue orders to that effect, and advise us of what is done in this matter."] [21] 2d. i am also writing to the viceroy not to waste time and money in making unnecessary repairs on the ships, and those for which their captains and commanders do not ask; for that is of use only for those who have slaves who act as calkers and as other kinds of mechanics, in which they sometimes gain more in such works than they are worth. in the same way [i have requested] that he shall not furnish rigging and other supplies unless they are requested; for i am sending the vessels from here already provided, for both going and coming, with everything necessary (even the candles), in the endeavor to avoid the expense caused to your majesty in the past with such outlays as have been made, and with the things brought here. this can be very well avoided, because there have been certain articles that can be obtained here for one-tenth as much as they cost in nueva españa, both rigging and other things that are not needed; while ammunition and arms are so extremely necessary. of these, on the occasion that i have mentioned, there was known to be a very great lack. the mistake must have been occasioned by my saying, in regard to the arms that i requested, that powder-horns were unnecessary here (as is the fact). but it was not to be understood by that that the arquebuses and muskets for arming the infantry should come without powder-horns. that appears to have been the understanding, for on the said occasion not thirty pairs of them were found, and very little powder. all that resulted from those who despatched those ships not paying attention to what their commanders asked, while they supply them at times with what they do not need or request; and other things those persons furnish at their own pleasure, with no care whatever except for the bulk and lump--obliging the masters to receive them on faith, and even on appearances, according to what is observed here. those who have made those voyages think strongly that the standards of measure there should be somewhat less. i hope for a reform in all this, through the good management and zeal of the viceroy, and that he will set a limit to what those who attend to these despatches at the port of acapulco have done--as also to the vexation and trouble caused to the sailors and workmen of those ships by examining so minutely the wretched belongings that they carry in their little chests, and by treating them with more severity in this than appears advisable for men so necessary and who work so hard. [_marginal note_: "in the letters that were written you, in the next to the last and the last despatch before this one, that discussed this reform and the avoidance of expenses which were made and caused in nueva españa for those reënforcements, you were directed to try to give special and minute information as to what you have there, and of its cost; and advised that, if prices are so much more advantageous than those of nueva españa, those expenses might be avoided. the same thing has been written to the viceroy, while the royal officials there [_i.e._, in filipinas] have been notified to send a detailed report of the matters of that sort [in which expense] could be avoided. if that has not been done, you shall do it; and with it those in whose charge are the despatch and provision of the ships and the supplies, shall be convinced, and the losses and expenses repaired. since you have abundance of all kinds of rigging and sea-stores, and they are obtained so advantageously in the ports and regions of your archipelago, provision shall be made only in the smaller firearms--that is, outside the _situado_. and inasmuch as the council should have the information that is desirable in regard to these matters, you shall always send us a copy of what you write upon them to the viceroy and royal officials, so that observance of what is enacted in this regard may be demanded from here, and that the account may be somewhat better regulated. the other things that pertain to the excesses that you mention in the preparations in nueva españa have been written to the viceroy, as per the enclosed copy, so that redress may be provided in what is so just."] [here follows a note, on a separate piece of paper. [22]] 3d. and inasmuch as i am not confident that the viceroy will be willing to admit that the appointments of offices and officials of these ships from these islands do not concern him, when those who are appointed complete the exercise of their duties on their arrival at nueva españa--as, for instance, don francisco de la serna, who is going this year as commander; and don luis fernandez de cordova, who was commander last year, as they commenced to exercise those offices from the time of their departure from those provinces and are returning in those functions through courtesy, and for just considerations--the viceroy undertakes to appoint men to those places, refusing to understand as he ought what your majesty has ruled and ordered in this matter. on the contrary, in order to establish himself in this pretension, he has suppressed the appointments that i sent last year. indeed, although he deprived don fernando de ayala of his appointment, he did not make another appointment, but said that he was satisfied for that time with that act of jurisdiction. he said that he would send me another as commander of the ships--a young man, like those whom he sends as captains of infantry. that would have resulted in the disinclination of people in this country to send what is of so much importance [_i.e._, their cargoes to nueva españa], with the supplies and artillery which i sent--very differently from the usual practice, in charge of a man of action and valor, who has fought very often. i cannot see why the viceroy should wonder at a thoroughly satisfactory person being appointed and sent from here, in order to return in such a post, since for a matter of so great consideration, value, and importance, it does not seem much or hurtful that each ship should always have a captain, like those whom your majesty appoints in the flagships and almirantas of the trading-fleets, with the same preëminences and the right of succession to the responsibility and management of them, in case of the death or absence of their commanders. for it would be a misfortune, in case of their absence, for the relief or the ruin of these islands to depend, on the occasion of a fight or other emergency in which there is need of a leader, on the direction of a pilot or a master, when suitable provision can be made without any considerable increase of expense to your royal treasury. if your majesty be so pleased, and will give me authority for it, i prefer to do this, even if, in order to give them some pay, that of the commanders and officials be curtailed; or by seeking another plan and supplying them something with certain accommodations in their vessels, as might be done better here. the men levied in mexico and those provinces might be delivered at acapulco to those captains, thus saving the pay granted to the infantry captains and officers. for most of the latter are not usually very eager in their service, while their persons and the troubles that they bring are of no little embarrassment to the governors; and perhaps it would be advisable to do away with their banners and distribute the men among the old companies. that has not been done at any time, both to place the aforesaid persons under some obligations, and because they bring the pay for one year already paid to them. i petition your majesty to order this matter to be examined and considered, and to command me what i am to do in regard to it and to order the said viceroy, in accordance with the above, to refrain from annoying with that pretension the respectable and deserving inhabitants who sail [on the ships] with appointments to such offices. for there are men here who have merits and are old residents of the country, to whom these employments might well be given; and others who, although they are not of so much prominence in this country, have been and are engaged in the service of your majesty. consequently, both for that reason and because of their qualifications, no one ought to be preferred to them--although there are, besides the aforesaid persons (who are numerous), a much greater number of others who demand everything, without right, reason, or justification, and assert that they deserve it. they must believe this, by the way in which they get angry about it; for it comes to such a pass that they do not treat one another well, as we have just experienced. for i appointed captain and sargento-mayor esteban de alcazar admiral of these ships that i am despatching--a man of many years of service (some in flandes), and more than fifteen years of residence in this country, whither he came as captain of an infantry company. he has also served in terrenate, and reënforced those forts with the supplies that he took in his charge, in consideration of which your majesty confirmed him in an encomienda, without debarring him therefrom because he was a brother-in-law of the fiscal. that relationship, however, no longer exists, because there is another fiscal, a man young in years and of little judgment, without services, merits, or any other qualifications to support his claims, not even for the office of government notary, which an uncle of his resigned. this man has tried to oppose my choice; he has had the audacity to demand the place, trying to disqualify the appointee with a suit brought by my predecessor, from which the royal audiencia freed and acquitted him. although i am certain that he [esteban de alcazar] is one of the most deserving of those who might be employed in this, i have chosen to send a sworn testimony in the form of a report (in duplicate), so that your majesty, if such be your pleasure, may order it to be examined. although any one might resent having to furnish an exoneration when there is no cause for the accusation, there is much more to resent here in the accusations which some are wont to write without any justification, and without the matter being known; for, by reason of the long time that must elapse before one comes to have notice of it and the truth of the matter is made known, he has already suffered much in darkness from an evil and unauthentic relation, and this is the truth. according to the news received here of what has come in the said ships, the aid in silver and reals that has come on your majesty's account amounts to three hundred and fifty-two thousand pesos; while the supplies that i asked both this year and last come to less than one-third of the amount that was generally brought in several former years--for i am very careful not to exceed what is actually necessary and unavoidable, in order to save the so excessive expenses which were generally incurred in this; since other expenses are not wanting that render that saving very necessary. the infantry does not amount to two hundred men, in three companies. if these men were that number, and spaniards, it would not be so bad; but, although i have not seen them, because they have not yet arrived here, i am told that they are, as at other times, for the most part boys, mestizos, and mulattoes, with some indians. there is no little cause for regret in the great sums that reënforcements of such men waste for, and cost, your majesty. i cannot see what betterment there will be until your majesty shall provide it, since i do not think, that more can be done in nueva spaña, although the viceroy must be endeavoring to do so, as he is ordered. [_marginal note_: "have the orders held by the viceroys regarding this collected. all that he says for the benefit of the treasury is good. thus i am trying to do on all occasions. in regard to the quality of the soldiers, have the viceroy of nueva españa informed that they must always be men who have served, and of the quality desirable. those who were boys might be kept in presidios, and in places where there is not so great need of experienced soldiers. by placing them in other companies and in diverse services, they might supply the lack of other persons. have a letter written to the viceroy of nueva españa, and a copy of this section and the answer to it sent to him. have him advised to try, at the levy of these soldiers, that no places be given to any but persons who are suitable and useful for the filipinas, for the contrary becomes a useless expense."] 4th. i wrote to the viceroy last year that if, in any year in the future--through any misfortune, or for any other cause or obstacle that might prevent it--no ships from this country should reach those provinces, he should try to send what aid he could, as is usually requested, especially that of money; so that in case of such a lack, the need should not increase, or the danger caused when ships of this commerce do not sail. according to his reply, it seems that the viceroy does not dare assure it, because he doubts whether he can find ships in the ports of that country for that purpose. desiring to find some plan for the greater facility and less cost of sending these reënforcements, it has occurred to us here and has been considered a reasonable and feasible means and expedient to have them come by way of panama. if your majesty would be pleased to keep there one of the two ships that leave these islands for nueva españa, that would have very good results, if no obstacles thereto arise which we have not considered here. the advantages are, that what infantry your majesty pleases can come from españa divided among the vessels of the trading fleet of tierra firme, that go to puertovelo or nombre de dios. their passage and the transportation of their food would not cost much, and the owners of the vessels might even carry them free for the concession of the register or permission for the voyage. if they left in due season, nothing would be lost, nor any soldier either, in the short passage which must be made, in order to embark at panama from cruces, a distance of five leguas. one can reach that place in boats by means of a river. in the same way, all the things shipped here from españa can be transported, thus saving the vast sum generally incurred by the freight charges and carriage of the goods in nueva españa. this expense is caused by the long and dangerous road to acapulco, and the rather long space of time from the arrival of the trading fleet at the beginning of september until the departure of our ships at the last of march--both in what the infantry consume and waste, and in those men of it who are lost. there will also be another advantage if your majesty should be pleased to locate there [_i.e._, at panama] the reënforcements of money and provisions for these forts. for if the ships from this country, by any misfortune or other occasion for delay, should not arrive, as many ships as were needed could be obtained there, ready, in which to send the ordinary and even extraordinary succor that your majesty might despatch; while in acapulco there would be no such facility, or even possibility, in addition to the long and most costly voyage of the ships despatched thence. and, according as the despatch from panama is considered and regarded, our ships, even if they should arrived there one month later, would leave the port earlier, and much earlier than from acapulco, since the journey thence here is so safe and short, as experience has already demonstrated. by dividing this commerce, and by one ship going to acapulco and another to panama, one would think that, if the vessels' were not more nor larger, the export or sale of spanish merchandise would not be checked; for inasmuch as mexico would be abandoned in order to go to panama, the former country would come to have need of españa, and would consume as much and perhaps even more than the amount that was not used in panama because of the departure of the ships of this country. it is almost a certainty that no innovation would have to be experienced because of the way in which, it may be understood, the mexican merchants have communication with those of peru and all the indias--avoiding the royal duties on what is smuggled. if each ship went publicly by permission from your majesty to that region, as i have said, the increase of duties would be very great, and there would be no difficulty in the way, according to the understanding here--which, i have understood, is also the opinion of this city. they petition it from your majesty, and i do the same, with the desire that i have and ought to have for you royal service and the welfare of this country. i find myself daily under new obligations to this country, which the inhabitants lay upon me by the willingness with which they respond to the service of your majesty with their possessions, persons, and lives, as i have experienced from many on the occasions that have arisen. according to the limit of my understanding, and that which i have been able to grasp with it in this particular, i regard the aforesaid as so important to your majesty's service that, considering the matter in case that it should be necessary for the ships to go together, i would regard it as more advisable for both to go to panama rather than to acapulco--although i think that the said division is better, and the advantage of the reënforcement of men, and that which that country [_i.e._, nueva españa] can give easily; for thus results service to your majesty and good to this country, and apparently not a little benefit to the commerce of españa. for the products and merchandise of españa that are esteemed here would be bought and imported in a much greater quantity with the saving of the freight charges overland, which are so excessive from vera cruz to acapulco. the cost of those articles is also increased by the profit of the merchants who buy and retail them in that country [_i.e._, nueva españa]. if the merchandise were relieved from so high prices as it reaches to in this manner, and if the goods can be so easily passed on from owner to purchaser without resale, the shipment here of a great amount of the said merchandise and products, and of money less that quantity, is certain. likewise, in addition to the above, if the enemy should station themselves on that coast [_i.e._, of nueva españa], to await the ships that sail to acapulco (as they have already done at other times), where they have captured some of those that have sailed hence, not only are there not ships at hand ready to go out to fight with them and to prevent them from making such attempts, but not one patache in which to send advice of it out to sea; while in panama and on its coast that danger would be more easily averted because there are plenty of ships and seamen there. will your majesty be pleased to have this matter examined and considered so that, after understanding the pros and cons, what is most advisable to your service may be done. [_marginal note_: "note of what was decreed, on a separate paper." [23]] 5th. we are very happy at the good news that has arrived here of the favor that your majesty concedes, to all of us who live in this country, of sending us reënforcements of soldiers and ships by the cape of buena esperanza; and i more happy than i could express, because of my great desire for it and my great regret over its lack, in order to demonstrate effectively the desire that i have always had, and have, of employing myself in your majesty's service. may his divine majesty so well manage it that, if life does not fail me, i shall, with the protection of god, endeavor to employ it to my very utmost--without my promising more at greater length, for we can promise much from the hands of his divine majesty, but from our own but little. in order that the successful end of such intents may be better attained, at the best time, without there being any lack, i petition your majesty to the utmost of my ability that the sending of this help, together with troops, be continued for some years--by way of panama, or by whatever way your majesty may please--so that the forces which might be assembled with such a fleet as is above mentioned might not be weakened so soon because of the many men that die here; and that the provision of money be in proportion to the men, and for the same time. i trust that, with the above, the cost and trouble incurred will succeed, without my endeavoring to excuse myself from it, or failing to economize and well administer the revenues as well as other things. the results certify it; for, with less money than has entered the royal treasury for many years, i have accomplished so many works, and have built or bought, in two years only, as many boats, provisions, and war stores as was done during many years in the past, and at a much less cost. for i have paid for all these, and of the arrears of debt a very large amount--as, if time allowed, could be seen by the official statements that would be sent to that effect. however, i shall try to do that on another occasion. i have come to say this, because your majesty charges me to be very careful of your revenues, and as i have a bit of vanity in it, which seems to me not to be the most harmful vanity. i desire exceedingly that the manner in which i manage this matter be known, for there is a great difference in faithfulness, in good administration alone. [_marginal note_: "council. you have already been informed in another letter that god was pleased to let the reënforcement be lost because of a bad storm. nevertheless, all possible care is being taken to prepare another. may our lord be pleased to direct it, since it is so important for the things of his service. by the despatches that you will receive from the hand of the castellan pedro de heredia, you will understand about the two hundred infantrymen, with which your present need will be supplied, until the more important aid is made ready. inasmuch as you are advised of other things touching this matter in the despatch of the said castellan, nothing more will be told you of it, as i refer you to what it contains."] 6th. for this purpose, very acceptable aid has come to me with the arrival of the factor, diego de castro lison. for the favor that your majesty granted him in this--both to him and to me--i kiss your royal feet with the humility and acknowledgment that is fitting. it seems to me that with the commission borne by the above-mentioned, it will be very well if, during his execution of it, he be relieved somewhat of the many onerous duties of the office of factor; and for that purpose i shall endeavor to give him the aid and leisure that should appear necessary. if the treasurer--who has not yet arrived and whom i do not know--is such as i believe and have proved the factor to be, i shall have no need of carrying memoranda in my pocket of what is paid into the royal treasury, as i have done sometimes, even constraining this present treasurer so that he might ordain that those warrants for whose despatch and payment he did not have my decrees should not be honored. consequently, i would not be sorry to see here two or three men for the accountancy of this treasury and for that of terrenate; but, although the governors are accustomed to make that appointment, i cannot find many to choose here. [_marginal note_: "it is well. with the arrival of the treasurer and that of the treasury accountant, he is relieved of his anxiety about the matter of accounts."] 7th. i have equalized the pay of the captains, officers, and soldiers here and at terrenate, by increasing that of some and diminishing that of others, as your majesty has ordered. in order that they may have an equal amount of work, and comfort also, i am having part of them changed every year, so that their exile may not be perpetual, nor desperation compel them to go over to the enemy, as many have done. accordingly, for this reason, and so that the smaller and larger boats, in which the reënforcements are conveyed, may go and come in safety, i cause some infantry to go in all of them. [_marginal note_: "council. it is well. you have already been informed in regard to this, and it was referred to your prudence and better judgment, as you are the one in direct charge of affairs. you shall give licenses and shall arrange for the passage of the soldiers from one part to the other in the manner most advisable."] 8th. the last reënforcement that i despatched this year has been the most abundant that has entered those forts since their recovery, especially in money and men; for there were almost two hundred and fifty spanish soldiers, besides the pampangos and pioneers, and the men of the two galleys and four ships in which that reënforcement was taken. of the latter only one small patache was lost, which is considered miraculous here because of what has happened on other occasions. but i, although not neglecting to give thanks to god for it, cannot be well satisfied with the result, until i can ascertain whether the galleys could have gone more quickly and efficiently to the aid of the patache--although i am told that when they sailed there was sufficient wind so that they could not fight with a galleon carrying heavy artillery. i shall endeavor to inform myself of it, and of what the person in charge of the patache did, and what he neglected to do; and, punishing the guilt that i shall find, i shall inform your majesty of everything. i do not see how the master-of-camp, don luis bracamonte, who had charge of that reënforcement, can entirely clear himself; for after i had appointed captains and private persons to whom the ships could be entrusted, he committed the one that was lost to an accountant, one don alonso fajardo de villalobos, when neither he nor i knew that man sufficiently to entrust such a ship to him. but until i have heard the reasons on which he based that action, i do not dare to blame him. [_marginal note_: "what investigation you make in this will be very suitable. you have also well understood the matter, and reason on it in such a manner that there is nothing to add to what you propose, except to await your reply with the suitable execution of it, for the good example that must emanate from it in similar matters."] 9th. i believe that your majesty will already have learned of the occasion for sending the said master-of-camp to those places, by letters that i sent via india. by them will be seen the causes that preceded, and the pressing efforts made by the castellan lucas de vergara gaviria, in order that he might be permitted to come here. a son of doctor quesada, ex-auditor of mexico, a man respected for his learning and integrity, went to take his residencia. i gave him charge of one of the companies that i sent to those places and which had to be reorganized in them, for that purpose, and because of his rank, the services of his father, and his wish to follow a military life. when the residencia and acquittal are made, i shall inform your majesty of that also. it will have so much that is good or evil, as the religious shall have aided or opposed him; since their friendship is the greatest advantage here, and their hostility the greatest evil. for if they desire to grant honors, even to one who does not merit them, the documents, vouchers, and negotiations are drawn up as may be desired; and the governor has to give in payment what they demand, even if he be unable. if he do not act thus, woe to him; for they reach him in conversations and pulpit in his most vulnerable spot, his honor. consequently, as i know that to be usual here, i am resolved not to credit what they have written of lucas de vergara gaviria; on the other hand, i am meanwhile not sure of the contrary. i consider him a good soldier, although he has something of the harshness of temper that is reported. i also wrote to your majesty when i informed you of his coming and of the departure of don luis de bracamonte, asking you to be pleased to send a governor for those places, for don luis said that he would remain there only until the arrival of your majesty's appointee--a thing that was self-evident, even had he not said it. had it not been for placing a captain before one whom your majesty had honored with the title of master-of-camp, i would have given those forts in charge to captain don andres perez franco, to whom your majesty, while he was alferez, granted thirty escudos' pay to induce him to come with me; and i would trust him not only with those forts, but also with other things of importance that your majesty has in these parts. but i considered the above facts, and his few years as captain, although he has spent many in service; and, on account of his popularity and the excellent proofs of his integrity and valor (as your majesty can learn from the soldiers of flandes who know him), i am not sorry--although i would be glad to have him in terrenate--to detain him here, as he is one whom i value most highly. he has aided me in all that i am doing in your majesty's service, and in the fulfilment of the duties of my office--which he aids in the building of ships and in the repair and equipment of them, in all the works and the despatch of ships that are carried on at the point of cavite, and in whatever else arises, very much to my satisfaction and to that of all. that is not inconsiderable, and i assure your majesty of this on account of my obligations to your royal service, and to inform you of those who aid in it, rather than through my goodwill and affection for this gentleman, although these are great. his mode of procedure constrains me to it. although i have relatives here, i shall not inform your majesty of them, as long as they do not merit my doing so by their time and experience here. if a governor is to be sent for terrenate, your majesty will not forget those persons whom i have proposed for that post. they are captains don diego de salcedo, joan gonçales corrilla y santander, who were among the men of best judgment in flandes when i was there, and of whom i would rejoice to hear news. but if, in another man, to such qualities were united some experience as a sailor, or a taste for naval affairs, he would not be worse for that; for very gallant deeds might he done among those islands. [_marginal note_: "the points mentioned in this section are reduced to two. first, you will already have learned about the appointment of pedro de heredia as governor of terrenate. it is thought that you will be well satisfied with his person, and that he will suitably conduct the public service. concerning the other persons of whom you advise me, and especially of captain perez franco, i am informed of his good qualities. so long as nothing offers here in which to occupy him, you shall take charge of his person, and shall employ him for what you think him suitable, for the reputation of generals consists in their efficient choice of persons, giving to each office what concerns it and what it needs. the second and chief point is concerning the religious who through their favors and friendships affect the standing of officials, and by altering the truth impose blame on the latter or injure their reputation--reducing [public] affairs to their own methods, which has pernicious and evil results. since you see that, and have experienced it, as you say, it would be your own fault if you did not remedy that matter. i leave it to you to do what is most fitting. what occurs to us to advise you is, not to allow any religious to make charges or prove the innocence of any government official, unless it should be in some very special and particular case, in which his act may have occurred with the knowledge of such religious, and can be investigated in no other way. you shall observe the same rule in official investigations, in which if the religious do not form a part of the court, certainty may thus be felt that affairs will proceed with sincerity and truth, as justice requires. this that is told you, you shall impart to the audiencia in your meeting. you shall endeavor to have the same course followed in the case of the government agents and other persons who shall conduct similar investigations. inasmuch as the interpositions generally made by religious are usually effective, as well as the means by which they intimidate some and encourage others, you shall take measures, immediately upon receipt of this, to inform the superiors of those religious, so that they may be warned and advise their subordinates of it, so that they may not perplex themselves or meddle in any case of these secular judicial proceedings, or with claims of third parties. for their occupation does not consist in this, but in the contemplative life, and in the exercise of the spiritual activities; and, moreover, the gravest disadvantages to the service of our lord result from the contrary course. you shall advise me of what you shall do and what you shall have put into execution, so that i may know what occurs."] 10th. i have had no other advices of anything new, or of matters of greater importance, in those forts [of maluco] than the above-mentioned entrance of the reënforcements. from the people sent thither, and from those who wrote me from japon, i have learned that the reënforcement was very timely; for the dutch had crews of japanese, whom they hired with the intention, as was understood, of attempting with them some deed of arms in that place, or something else that would have meant evil to our forces and fortifications. i was also advised from japon that a squadron of dutch ships was to sail thence to run along these coasts, in order to hinder the commerce of the chinese ships, awaiting and robbing them on their way. in order to obviate this mischief, i prepared two strong ships, one patache, and two galleys, with which to make the said coast safe. i gave warning to china; and thus, in consequence, many ships and merchants of china, thanks to god, have arrived in safety. that squadron is in charge of admiral joan baptista de molina, a man who has served many years, and who has served here with especial courage and good fortune. and since every one in this country considers that he is the one who deserves most, and in order to avoid the punctilios of those who hesitated in embarking and in taking charge of those vessels--desiring, perhaps, under pretext of this to remain ashore--i gave out that the squadron was to be in charge of don luis fajardo, my brother. thereupon all followed him, and he obeyed the orders of the said admiral, joan baptista de molina, like the meanest soldier of those who embarked with him. the enemy must have heard of it, or they must have had more important business to look after, for they did not approach these coasts. on the contrary, it has been learned that they lost one of their large vessels (than which never better sailed), at the head of the island of hermosa; and that, for the last two years, they have obtained nothing from this coast beyond the destruction of what had been made for equipment of our vessels, and the loss of the ships that have been wrecked. i am thoroughly convinced that opportunities will not be lacking in which, coming to blows, they will lose more, if god help us; for their attachment is strong to the profit that they claim from these pillagings, as well as from those that they made in former years. had not the dutch been so embarrassed by the so ruinous wars that they have had with the english, beyond doubt a greater number of vessels would have come here. according to what i have just heard from a spanish pilot, whom the dutch held prisoner, and who escaped from the ships that fought with us, those two nations [_i.e._, the dutch and the english] were negotiating a peace, in order to be able to come here with a great number of vessels, or for other advantages to them. if the ships that i am awaiting with the reënforcements arrive, by god's help, i shall not care when the enemy comes. [_marginal note_: "it is well. through your diligence and zeal for the affairs of my service, i hope that our lord will grant very good results in everything, since the expense and care incurred by those regions are known."] 11th. that ship that i bought at macan has come, with some freight charges and duties on goods that it carried. that goes a good way toward aiding the cost of its purchase and the expense [of maintaining it]. the price was eleven thousand pesos, with sails, rigging, seven anchors, and four good cables. i am satisfied with it; and it appears at least to be made of better woods than those here. it was made in india, and its burden is more than six hundred toneladas of the northern sea. [24] contract and agreement have been made to build another ship in sasima [_i.e._, satsuma?] a province of japon near here. i am assured that it can be built there very well, and it will be strong and of good timber, and very well-proportioned and suitable as is needed for this line and trade with nueva españa. [_marginal note_: "since the counsel that you have taken in this matter is very prudent; and since you have been advised in your despatches (which you have already received) as to what you shall do; and since the benefit to the royal treasury and the quality of the vessels is so well known: you shall continue the same plan for the vessels that must be built, since, as you have seen in other despatches, the vexations to the natives occupied in this shipbuilding and the heavy expenses incurred by that construction, are thus avoided. since you already have plans for the factory at terrenate and for the cloves and drugs that you may get at terrenate and its adjacent islands, it will be a very efficacious means, in order that the vessels may be cheaper, to send the cloves and drugs where they may have greatest value, so that with that profit the vessels may be built more cheaply. after you shall have more fully established that advantage to the royal treasury, you shall endeavor to put into practice the building of some boats for the service of the south sea in callao, panama, and the other ports of tierra firme. this alone i refer to you, so that you may endeavor from now on to lessen as much as possible the profit [made by others] in this, both in material and construction."] 12th. the vessel that went to goa with a quantity of cloves, which i had traded for in maluco and sent there on your majesty's account (as will be done whenever possible), arrived safely; and in the same way, was despatched and returned here (thanks to god), bringing slaves for the galleys and other supplies for the magazines, and the provisions and articles necessary for your majesty's service. [_marginal note_. "it is well. in this way continue. in every despatch that you shall send, you shall not advise in general terms of matters like this, nor summarize; but shall send a copy of the list of what cloves and drugs you shall have or obtain in trade; their cost, as well as the expense of sending them; the price and method of sale; the transfer that was made, and in what articles and at what price. and in order that we might have as exact information and account of it as is advisable, you shall inform us, especially and in detail, of all the aforesaid, so that things of this kind may not be furnished from nueva españa or any other region."] 13th. i thought that i would send them to those kingdoms, so that your majesty might see some cloves from maluco. although they are not cheap, they would be a product not often seen in the ports of castilla, and not often carried from here. but the majority of the auditors opposed me, thinking perhaps that an oral or written relation would be sent with them not greatly to their favor. however, the one that i have already given your majesty is not favorable to them. i suspect that they have learned of it; but i am not sorry for that, as i consider it correct. or [their opposition may have been] for other reasons, and for private ends. they do not desire me to achieve success, and i would not wonder at that so much, if i alone were the interested party. but where your majesty and your royal service are concerned, such a thing appears incredible of any one who has a good heart and soul, and is under the obligations of honor. therefore i would be ashamed even to think this, were there not many other causes like that mentioned, that are similar to it. i could send an account of them in authentic documents, had i more time and fewer occupations. but having to attend to these, not only can i not do more than i am doing in this, but i cannot even attend continually to the audiencia, or consider many things that they have tried and attempted in it contrary to the authority and preeminences that your majesty has given to this office. many of them i must swallow, in order not to fail in the affairs of your majesty's service--which could not be conducted as their importance demands and compels, if one were to give much attention to these matters which concern personal grudges. for if one did that, he could necessarily attend to nothing else, because as the auditors here have few important matters that oblige them to close application, they must apply the greater part of their time to devising petty tricks on the president in order to vex and weary him, until [as they hope], not only will he allow them to live according to their own inclination, but also their relatives and followers shall, in whatever posts they desire, be employed and profited. and since harmony has never been seen here without this expedient, one would think it easy to believe such a supposition. regarding what your majesty writes in this matter of posts being given to the relatives or followers of the auditors, there is not much to amend. perhaps that is the reason that some are ill satisfied and to such an extent that they show it not only by inflicting annoyances on the persons who aid me in the obligations of my office and in your majesty's service--because they know that i esteem such men for that reason, and see our gratefulness for it--but in doing whatever can cause injury, and also in any acts of discourtesy, which are much to be regretted. such has been the demonstration that they made by public act when, the chairs of this audiencia having been carried in order to go to one of the sermons and festivals to which they go here; and the chair of my wife, dona catherina maria çambrana y fajardo, having been placed behind them--just as is the custom in other places, and as was continued here, without exceeding in anything what is permitted to the wife of a president--the auditors voted that my wife's chair should be placed outside, or that they would not take theirs, as did doctor don alonso de mesa and doctor don antonio rodriguez. it is a matter whose telling even causes me shame. were it the resentment and sorrow of another, i could set it right, by the mildest and most advisable method possible. but as it is my own affair, and a matter akin to vanity (from which i believe myself quite free)--for when i have finished the public acts of pomp and display in my office, i return to that of sailor, which is the chief thing of this government--i lay it before your majesty, so that you may be pleased to provide in this matter and in other things touching auditors, as may best suit you. [i ask that your majesty act] without greater inclination to one side than the other, since this office is yours, not mine; and since i shall live in the same manner with or without it, without coveting greater honors than your majesty (may god preserve you for us) has granted me and grants me in employing my services. [_marginal note_: "after considering what you mention in this matter, it is reduced to the following points. the first and more essential is that which you mention (although in ambiguous terms) regarding the trading of the auditors and government employees there, for which reason they prevented the sending of the cloves. the testimony that you send of it does not concern this matter, but only that of the goods and money that were to be sent to terrenate for trading. that indeed was done in accordance with your opinion. the opinion that you shall hold in matters so worthy of reform you must always send to me distinctly and clearly expressed; for if there are such officials who commit illegal acts--not only in trading, but in hindering the profit of the royal treasury--it is advisable not only for the greater security of the treasury, but also for the administration of justice, that such persons be punished with the rigor that the case requires. consequently, you shall do this, sending me information of what is done in this matter. if any proven guilt results you shall sequester the property of offenders, in order to assure the judgment. in accordance with this, we are writing to the audiencia, advising it of what it must do. in order that no official may have any cause to think that you, of your own accord, are trying to prove him guilty in a matter so grave, you shall be accompanied, in whatever concerns the sequestration of goods, by the archbishop resident there, in whose person we have the necessary confidence. the second point is that you will have been informed of all the things that concern the advantage of the royal treasury. you shall accordingly declare those things in the tribunal of the treasury and in the assembly. this reply by letter will be your authority, so that you shall need nothing more special than this for whatever may be to the benefit of my royal treasury, and shall procure that benefit by all and any justifiable means. the third point is--as you have been informed and instructed in other letters concerning the purpose of the factory at terrenate--that all the benefit received from the islands of maluco by the enemy is by way of barter; and that so vast profits are obtained by them in this that these enable them to be on the offensive and defensive, and convey to their own country the wealth that we see in the malucas, the value of which is evident in the armies and other expenses that are incurred. from this example, since the expenses of my royal treasury are so heavy--inasmuch as the trade is carried on only by conquest and force of arms--everything is reduced to expense, and nothing to gain. in order to make profit you are advised that the factory of terrenate should barter and negotiate, in order that the profit obtained by the enemy might follow, and more if possible. and if the natives of those islands see that their property is not taken from them, and if they are paid in the ordinary form, they will grow fond of us and become converted to our friendship. from that it will be possible to pass to other objects, the chief one being the evangelical preaching. consequently, setting aside the universal gain that might come to the royal treasury for the gain in a specific case, the chief thing, and one which you are to push thoroughly (or rather two things), is the operation of mines and of factories for trade. fourth, that since you have already experienced the utility that follows from sending those cloves to the east, and using this merchandise for other purposes and trade, you shall continue to do so. you shall always send the detailed account about which you have been advised, of everything that will be of importance in this matter. whenever any case of doubt occurs to you in regard to the ceremonious observance due your office, send the proposition that you shall have made in the assembly, together with what resolution shall have been made regarding it, so that after examination here, just measures may be ordered; for in no other manner could any decision be reached without depending on the audiencia. in order to gain time, letters are being written to the audiencia ordering them, in accordance with what has been done at other times, to maintain with you, in the condition of affairs at present, the amicable relations and the respect due your office and person; and to observe toward you and your wife such ceremonies as have been observed hitherto, and as are the custom. when there is any doubt about the matter, i shall be consulted, so that, having examined it thoroughly, i may provide what is advisable for the public peace and for decorous relations between the president and audiencia. (note for a separate paper.)" [25]] 14th. although it is my desire to restrain myself in this particular, in order not to drag on this letter to greater length, and for other considerations, certain of my obligations move me to say the things that i cannot avoid, because i have heard that the auditors claim that your majesty should take from the office of governor and captain-general and president, the declaration and trial of suits that concern government and war--which your majesty conceded to him, on account of those which were being tried then, and the disadvantages that were experienced in leaving them to the audiencia. this is a matter from which--even if it pertained to them, by opposing what your majesty has ordered in this matter--it is impossible to dissuade them, seeking in such things any pretext or excuse to meddle in them, and to embarrass and hinder me in the exercise of my office. thus have they endeavored to do in many things, especially in one trial, begun here by the master-of-camp against various persons employed for wages in marine works (who were under the military jurisdiction) because of a conspiracy and desertion that they had planned, and which they were ready to execute if they had any one to get their pay for them for that purpose. this occurred at a time when i, because of a pressing need then of men for your majesty's service, was compelling the master-of-camp and aclaras to restore all those to their places who for ten years back had been removed from them. in their guilt pedro alvarez, war and government notary, appeared to be implicated. one of his friends, an ecclesiastic, named joan çevicos, tried to prove himself leader of this affair, in order perhaps to clear him and the auditors, according to what i understand and many believe. in complaisance to doctor don alvaro de meso, or for other objects, the auditors took it into their heads that the notary of war did not belong to the military jurisdiction; and that the master-of-camp had not the right of first instance in his cause, but that it belonged to me, in order that appeals might go to them. without what i declared, in accordance with your majesty's royal decree (which i presented), being sufficient, they hindered me so in it that it was impossible to administer justice. at last, as i thought that the notary's imprisonment had been long enough--although during his trial he had no guards who could levy costs on him--at the news that the men and possessions of your majesty and of private individuals that we desired from nueva españa were in safety, and that the enemy were waiting, i released him (in part as a demonstration of the thanks due our lord), among other prisoners who had not been tried, and who had no one to plead for them, whom i also released. such, then, is the end of that affair. [_marginal note_: "let them observe the laws and what i have commanded by the decrees that i have given. advices are being sent to the audiencia in accordance with this." _in another hand_: "have letters of this tenor sent to the audiencia, so that they may observe the decrees of enforcement [_lo acordado_]. let it be noted that since the distance from those islands to these kingdoms is as is known, and the delay and obstacles in the replies and receipt of letters is the same and in some cases greater, it is commanded and ordered that he who shall be guilty of opposing what is ordered for the good government of those islands, both in military and in civil matters, will be punished with the severity and example that the case requires; for it is not right that he who merits it be unpunished in matters of such importance, involving loss and delay."] 15th. also the auditors claim the right of trial and jurisdiction in the lawsuits of the seamen. that has come to such a pass that when i ordered that a sailor, one luys rivero, should be hanged for an atrocious murder that he had committed--of whose trial and of what passed then i enclose a sworn statement--they actually ordered that he be not executed. that happened on a day when i had left this city, on account of having ordered that on that same day a retired sergeant be beheaded, who had deserted while under pay and after receiving help, and had abandoned his colors at the time of the embarcation; and in order to avoid the intercessions and importunities that they lavish in order that justice might not be done. but this is only a pretext of mercy, since punishment, when deserved, is the greatest mercy--especially in this country, where the punishment of offenses was so forgotten or almost never administered. for that reason, and to lessen my grief over the execution by being farther away from it, i left the city and went up the river. the proceedings of doctor don alvaro de mesa, in procuring the obstruction of what he and his associates had ordered, were of such nature that some clamor might have occurred, had not the people been satisfied at the justification of the case, and had they not had some confidence in me, mixed with sufficient respect not to lose it on similar occasions, even in my absence. [_marginal note_: "let what is provided in the preceding section be observed, and whatever pertains to your office. thus shall you declare in the assembly, and in like cases. let the audiencia observe the decrees and ordinances given that order the captain-general to try military persons and their criminal causes, just as and in the form ruled by the said decrees. let the audiencia report why it prevented the execution of the sentence against that man."] 16th. if for such things, and others like them, the audiencia petition (as they are doing) for power to convoke the people, since as yet has not happened, and, god helping, will not happen what they suppose can occur--namely, that i will hinder them from the exercise of their duties and the execution of such of their provisions as concern them--let your majesty determine whether their demand is well directed. let your majesty also consider the evidence and rectitude that i have, other than they have, for having the greater authority in matters touching the sangleys and their parian; since for this they give as an argument that it would be advisable for them to have that jurisdiction, in order to expel and drive out of the country those whom it will need for its quiet and security, so that no other insurrection might happen, as in the term of don pedro de acuña--as if that did not even more concern the governor and captain-general. they had resolved, a few days before, in the audiencia, that my reason for ordering certain sangleys to be expelled should be explained before them--although i had told the auditors before that resolution that those sangleys and others were known to be wandering and lazy people, without any trade or any other manner of living than that of sowing discord, causing uneasiness, and stirring up disturbances; and that they had other customs that were harmful and injurious to them and even to us. i told them that in order to cleanse the country of such people, who are wont to disturb it and even to endanger it on such occasions as those of insurrection, i had ordered them to go to their own countries. notwithstanding all this, the auditors persevered in the said resolution. from that one can see what good results are attained with the intention that they show by such a demand; since the most certain thing is, that they wish to have the authority over this people, who are wont to be useful and even profitable to him who devotes himself to them. [_marginal note_: "let the ordinance of the preceding section be observed."] 17th. the said auditors also claim the right to fill the offices of the minor officials in the audiencia and others, which may be filled in the interim until your majesty grants them. these appointments usually belong to the president. in order to make those appointments i took the depositions that i enclose herewith; while they base their claim for this on a certain act of introduction which they had made in regard to this, at a time when there was no president. in the absences of the president, and during the government of the audiencia, they have disused or destroyed many preeminences and decrees in favor of the governors and captains-general and president. finally, they seek all the methods of opposition that they can find, so that, if one were to judge without looking for the best object, it might be thought that they are trying by this improper method and means to pass more speedily to better employments. i do not know whether there is more than to add the assertion that, when i called a council and asked their opinions, in order that an entrance might be effected into the province of the igolotes indians [26] (which is situated almost in the middle of these islands), and that it might be pacified and reduced to the obedience of your majesty, for the greater service of god and the welfare of its souls--and, what is more useful, the operation of those mines (of which i shall inform your majesty in due time)--doctors don alvaro and don antonio opposed me; and the latter did so by a method that did not satisfy all, proposing greater doubts as to whether it could be done or no, as one can see clearly by the testimony. i am persuaded that, if his wishes and inclinations were not so biased and so ready not to become a good associate, even in what is just, many of the things above mentioned and that i could mention would be avoided. for that and complete harmony, it would be of great importance if all the auditors were not new, as they are. they make more trouble than even arises from the ignorance of their duties, since that does not prevent them from presuming that they know everything. for lack of another and better remedy--and one from which no trouble would arise--it would not be bad for those who come here to fill such places to be started [in their duties] and to be taught methods and usages by the auditors of mexico, at least during the time while they are detained there; for it is a pity to see their deficiencies in this regard, and even more the qualifications that i have mentioned in this and other letters. the eye that was left to us in this audiencia, whereby we could see and direct ourselves to the light, god chose to take from us, by the death of andres de alcaraz. we were left with very great grief at the loss of so wise and prudent an associate, and at his not having had so great prudence at his death (at which time one needs more) as he showed during his life and government, and in governing himself; for he died without receiving the holy sacraments. however, one who was sick so long, it is believed, would have often received communion, since at the end he did not do so. neither did he dispose of his possessions, which were not few. of that doctor don alvaro de mesa, probate judge, will advise and inform your majesty. may god keep him in heaven, as we scarcely doubt he will. [_marginal note_: "this section is answered in the preceding ones. with your prudence you shall try to direct affairs so that the service of god our lord shall be accomplished, and that the good results that are demanded shall be secured by your person."] 18th. with this reason, i again represent to your majesty and lay before you, as i have done at other times, that i may die; for even if my subjection to death were not so natural, and more liable to accident, as in one who holds offices exposed to the dangers of sea and war, i suffer at times from lack of health; and no matter how poor may be the head, it leaves a lack in any body. your majesty has no auditors here who can govern, even in affairs of only justice and peace; for at times they prove deficient therein. had don hieronimo de silva been absent at such a time--as he has told me that he desires and has requested leave of your majesty for it--i do not know to whom i could leave the charge of military matters, who would bind himself to such trouble (and even impossibility) as would be the necessity of obeying, pleasing, and satisfying such leaders. until your majesty shall appoint persons to the government of terrenate or to the position of master-of-camp of this place, who, in such case [_i.e._, the death of the governor], might act in this capacity--providing for it by the usual methods and appointments, or as might be more pleasing to your majesty--i cannot find here any person whose ability for this is equal to that of the archbishop. he is a man of force, system, and executive ability; and, in my opinion, he will lose nothing of the authority and preeminences of the office, or of the jurisdiction and power that your majesty might grant him; for i regard it as certain that he would not err in his government through having less knowledge than the auditors, and in it would make arrangements for greater efforts and aid to military affairs and those who engage therein. the latter would be advantaged by him, for even in this, although it is not his profession, i consider him as having more decision and effective energy than the said [auditors] have. and that it may not appear that i am in every case speaking of them in general terms (my intention being to tell the plain truth, without reserve or any other consideration than the telling of it), i declare what i believe: namely, that if doctor don antonio rodriguez--who is the latest auditor, and has not much health or maturity of years--had resided here longer i would trust his executive ahility in preference to that of the two others here, whom i do not consider very capable, for the reasons explained in other letters and in this; for as has been seen by experience, he shows himself to be a man of greater knowledge and prudence, and of great sagacity. however, for a long time there have been rumors (and not few) that he has been the one who has disturbed the minds of his associates, writing, advising, and counseling them secretly. but by his not approving the object of such things, and by his keeping aloof from the others, for that reason and something of this having been well understood, i do not consider it as certain or sure; and in other things outside of this (except that it seems to me that he is anxious to grow rich quickly) i consider him as a man of good method, very prudent and well informed, and one who takes pride in appearing to be a good judge. [_marginal note_: "council. may our lord be pleased to grant you health, so that, having finished your term of office and fulfilled the hopes that are entertained of your service, you may be promoted to better things. although what is advisable is decreed in this matter, you will accordingly take all the care possible in it. it is to be hoped, in our lord, that he will give you the health that you desire and the fortunate success that is so important."] 19th. consequently, i have requested him to take charge of the cause of one joan mohedano who was arrested ten days ago for the accusation made against him of having entered the seminary of sancta potenciana; and because there are so few here who could act as judges--some not having authority to try this cause, and others having been refused therein--it has not been possible to finish it hitherto, which doctor don antonio will do. [_marginal note_: "it is well. take special note that such crimes and acts of sacrilege as this demand their punishment in the presence of our lord. accordingly it is advisable, and i order and charge you, that in this crime and in others similar--may god forbid their commission--you shall show yourself, as shall the judges who take charge of these causes, as severe and rigorous in judgment, and prompt in their despatch, as the cause requires. you shall advise me fully, in a short account, of what should be done in this matter, and the sentence and execution of justice therein."] 20th. as for the other two causes similar to the above, of which i have also informed your majesty, i remitted that of captain don fernando bezerra to licentiate legaspi; for certain persons, on seeing justice done in this land, say that it is not justice, but only passion, while others say that it is cruelty. accordingly he concluded and judged it, and freed him. for the same reason, i committed to him the appeal to the audiencia in the other cause of don joan de la vega. while the latter, on my conscience, was more than guilty enough to suffer decapitation (to which i sentenced him), the same auditors so managed the cause that at last they did the same thing; they set him free, and condemned captain lucas de mañozca, formerly alcalde-in-ordinary of this city--who aided me in this cause and others to the service of your majesty--to the sum of five hundred pesos and other penalties, and caused him to suffer a considerable time in prison, and to spend for other particular objects much time and money. [_marginal note_: "you and the audiencia have already been answered in regard to this matter, as to what must be done. now you are ordered to send a copy of these processes and acts--so that, having been examined, the satisfaction that is proper may be obtained--and of the justice that has been administered in like matters." [27] 21st. i am accustomed at times, for the sake of greater assurance, to refer to the audiencia certain causes and matters that are of importance to your majesty's service and the obligation of my office--some, to one of the auditors, who consults with me in them; and in some, according to their nature--to ask them for their opinions. they are generally accustomed to excuse themselves from all of these, if they do not care to attend to them, and arguments or reason do not suffice for it. i cannot tell how they are to be compelled to act if reason does not move them, or unless your majesty be pleased to order a reform in this matter, with the orders that concern each one, and what is to be done both in the above and in the declaration of jurisdictions--concerning which i wrote to your majesty quite fully in letters of last year. [_marginal note_: "observe the ordinances according to the despatches that have been sent you regarding this."] 22d. i have committed the inspection of this country--which your majesty ordered to be made by one of the auditors for the consolation and relief of its miserable natives, and of which no memorandum exists as to when it must be made--to doctor don alvaro de mesa, as he is in better health and more suitable for that purpose than are his other associates. although he resisted (even saying that i could not appoint him), and even gave me other excuses, i think that he would do it after the conclusion of this despatch of ships, had not the commissions come for the residencias that your majesty has entrusted to him. consequently, when he concludes these, if there is nothing else to hinder, or another associate who may then be regarded as more suitable for it, he will have to do it. yet i petition your majesty to have him advised of his obligation in this matter. [_marginal note_: "these inspections are very essential, since they are based on the relief of miserable persons, and in no way can the condition of affairs be fully ascertained unless by means of these inspections; and the most advisable measures can hardly be well understood, if the condition and facts of what ought to be remedied and can be bettered are not known. hence i again charge you to pay especial attention to these inspections. the audiencia is commanded to observe the orders that you shall give in your capacity as president, so that each auditor, when it concerns him, may observe his obligations and go out on the inspections." [28]] 23d. on receiving your majesty's despatch, in observance of your royal order that was directed to me, i gave his despatch to the fiscal, don joan de alvarado bracamonte, ordering him to refrain from going to the audiencia and from the exercise of such office, and that he get ready to embark. he did so, and when he was ready for his voyage and had placed on board what he had for it, and while he was making his farewells preparatory to embarking: he was arrested by the judge of his residencia, in order that he might give bail for the claims and appear before the judge; and the property found to be his was sequestered. thereupon, what he had aboard ship was taken ashore. i communicated to the audiencia your majesty's royal order to embark, that he had received. it appeared right for him to give bail. that and other things were referred to the said judge, to whom i also showed the decree, so that he might facilitate the preparations of the said don joan and act according to justice. but it must be that he could not do so until now; for yesterday, when i had come from cavite, and the ships had sailed--even being outside the bay, since they are not seen inside it--the notary of the residencia came to me to say that the judge had now remitted the imprisonment and removed the guards with whom he had arrested the said fiscal. as if now there were any resource for his embarcation; or as if one could send him, with his goods, household, and sea-stores, overland on the shoulders of indians, in order to intercept the ship at the landing-place where these letter packets go out! i am sending a statement of the time when i was informed of it, lest the matter should be forgotten, or in case he should not choose to make this report. as i know him, and here are now recognized the unjust complaints that he makes, that the audiencia have hindered him in part from the exercise of his commission, i deem it advisable that the truth be recounted, without leaving it solely to his relation; for i am sure that he has not been restrained in anything, and that in this regard the audiencia has proceeded with circumspection and particular care, as they also know him. although to all there his ancient hostility to us was apparent, for which reason the fiscal challenged his judge, the only provision made in the matter was that he be accompanied as should be deemed advisable by the acts. from them likewise will be apparent the certainty of the guilt of which he has been accused. [_marginal note_: "have this section filed with everything touching the causes of this fiscal; and should there be any letter from the latter that discusses this point, let a report of it be made when this section is examined. have the governor answered, that we are advised of this; and that he will be answered in a separate letter regarding this particular."] 24th. answering the letters and decrees that i received from your majesty just now, in those matters that i shall not have answered and satisfied in the course of this letter, i declare that i have done or arranged most or a great part of what your majesty orders in them. for i have always been careful to do all that i knew with certainty; or should consider to be advantageous to your majesty's service, the efficient management of your royal treasury, and the welfare of this land, without halting therein because of the lack of such royal commands and orders, but not exceeding those given to this government. consequently, when i received the said letters, i had already suppressed the repartimiento of rice, a thing so unjust and harmful, as they informed your majesty and as i wrote last year. [_marginal note_: "in regard to what you say in this section, you are to note that, for the better understanding of the correspondence that is maintained with you, you observe in the future the order that is always followed. you shall always advise us of the receipt of the despatches, with the day, month, and year of their date, and also the dates of your receipt of them. in its order you shall insert the section written you; and, after answering it, you shall go on to the next, observing the same order. by that means, what you have received and what you have answered to that particular case can be separately and explicitly ascertained, and although, with your good prudence, you shall have enacted certain things beforehand, which are already executed, in whole or in part, at the time of their ordering, or you shall have been intending such action, yet you shall advise us of what is ordered and of its fulfilment. that concluded, in a separate letter you shall report, as you are doing, of the other matters that it is advisable should be understood, in the department and office to which your correspondence goes, of what is ordered you, and what you have done, and the notice of what you say, so that you may be answered and what is advisable be provided."] 25th. in the same manner, i have reduced the pay that it has been customary to give, of all those who came here with me. [_marginal note_: "it is well."] 26th. in terrenate there are four salaries of thirty pesos. those who enjoy them are men of service and merits, both for aiding the governor and for their ability to enter and supply the lack of any captain, or to be entrusted with any post or affair that demands such a person. i am ignorant of the assignment and origin of these salaries, and by whom they were made. i shall inform myself of it from the documents of those forts, and ascertain what people are sufficient for them. i shall give your majesty a full account of everything, so that you may take what measures you deem best. [_marginal note_: "it is well. observe what is ordained."] 27th. the expense incurred in terrenate, both in the pay and in the reënforcements and other extraordinary demands, is of such nature that it is very heavy, although according to the account, not very adequate; and as yet i have not made it so large as your majesty has been informed. it is a fact that, without that drainage of men and money, the expenses here would be much less; and we would get along and live with very small expenditures, and much better. but it must also be considered that if the enemy enjoy maluco in quiet, their profits and gains would be very great; and i think they could consequently succeed in whatever plan they wished, and whatever they did would result well. but because they do not possess it, there is war--in which he will prevail and succeed better who has more tenacity and force, especially on the sea. he who will remain lord of them will be lord of many profits and riches, which can be taken from these districts. inasmuch as this is a matter that demands a more orderly and full treatment, in regard to experience and certain well considered relations, i shall not involve myself further in it, until i shall be able to do so with these necessary conditions. but i shall endeavor to do it as soon and as much better as possible. [_marginal note_: "it is well. endeavor will always be made to reënforce and protect those islands and your government with the forces possible. but as these are limited, and consumed in so many diverse occasions and armies in germany, flandes, and ytalia, and other places, it is highly advisable, as has been written you, to be careful in your expenses and in the accuracy of their account. it is also desirable that you endeavor to work the mines of the country, and to carry on a factory and the trade of cloves and drugs as much as is possible, so that you may sustain yourselves and may not prove so expensive, as has been represented to you in preceding clauses."] 28th. i shall also endeavor to tell your majesty what i shall ascertain and hear about the duties on the cloves of terrenate and the factory, taking for that the depositions of the audiencia and of the royal officials--which i shall not do now, for want of time. in the opinion that i asked from them some days ago in regard to sending [a vessel] to trade for cloves on your majesty's account with goods and money that i had for that purpose, don alvaro opposed me so strongly in everything, that one would think that he considers that the risks are mine and that it is done on my account (as if the gains were mine), rather than for your majesty's service. however, i sent the goods necessary for this trading, because of the gain that results from it and its investment to the royal revenues and the provisions brought from india. [_marginal note_: "council. you have already been answered as to this."] 29th. if it is true, as has been said in regard to these despatches of ships from terrenate, india, and nueva españa, that the relatives and followers of him who made and managed them have profited, now, thanks to god, things are run more openly and honestly, at least in so far as i have authority, and in matters that i can prevent or remedy. that i do, in such manner that well do my condition and that of my servants attest it; for the latter live on the rations and clothes that i give them now, and they will do so until they be entitled to more as citizens, and not by serving me, or by other merits. consequently, i can affirm that the offices that my predecessors have given to the citizens, in fulfilment of your majesty's orders, i have granted in the same manner; and have even given them others to which they had no right, either by custom or royal decree. [_marginal note_: "it is well, and i trust that you will govern yourself in all matters as i expect from your person."] 30th. in regard to preferring one's relatives, i have thus far not done anything that is not strictly in accordance with your majesty's service. two companies are under one of my cousins and a cousin of my wife, because of their many years of service when i gave those companies to them. one of them i entrusted with the office of alcalde-mayor in a place where he was, for an interim of four days. outside of that i remember nothing more in this particular. i shall not neglect to tell your majesty what occurs to me in this matter, so that you may take what measures in it are deemed fitting: namely, that eight out of ten of the influential men that come here come with the governors, and the other two in various ways and through various causes, and with honorable intents. of those other and common men who came to retail what they bought there [_i.e._, in españa], those who established a place in order to gamble, and those who came under sentence (and these men are numerous), some, because of having acquired money, try to imitate the men of rank and merits here. of a truth there are many of the latter to esteem, and i shall do it, employing each one as he deserves and for what he is suitable. for that reason, however, it is not advisable that the number of the influential, good and useful men should not continue to increase. i assure your majesty that not a few of those whom i brought with me were such, and some of them of qualities no less excellent than those above mentioned possess. i believe that their deeds will remain and testify as to that. [_marginal note_: "observe in this matter what has been written you; and whenever there is any occasion for any of these persons to be employed, advise us of their qualities, and answer will be made regarding them. in the meantime, furnish a good example, in your good life, discipline, and manner of governing, so that the other people, imitating you, may live as is proper and may obey and observe the commands given them." _in another hand_: "it is well."] 31st. the deeds of don luis fajardo, my brother, will, i trust in god, judging from the road that he is taking, merit not only the honor and favor that your majesty has given him, with the pay of thirty [pesos?] that he now enjoys (for which we both kiss your royal feet in all humility and acknowledgment), if not even greater favors, such as we his brothers receive and his father received. [_marginal note_: "it is well. in everything that pertains to you, account of your person shall be taken, as well as just remembrance of the services of your father."] 32d. in one of the letters and decrees of your majesty, to which i am replying, was a memorial signed by joan ruis de contreras, concerning posts, pay, and other things which were represented to your majesty as unnecessary. because of it you ordered it to be sent to me for the restriction of those things. i shall endeavor to observe it with the circumspection and consideration that is advisable to the service of your majesty, consulting on the matter with the audiencia, the master-of-camp, and the royal officials. whatever expense they shall find that can be reduced will be reduced. if i believed that it could be done throughout without any disadvantage, it would all be done. but for greater justification i shall make this effort; and if your majesty shall yet order, notwithstanding what seems best here, that it is more advisable to retrench everything, that will accordingly be done. security will at least be given for the salaries that are not reduced, by the persons who should enjoy them, so that they would be returned if your majesty did not consider it fitting; or if not, i shall pay them, although i should not do so willingly. inasmuch as the salaries of those of all the posts and offices were not stated in the memorial i shall do so here. the sargento-mayor of this camp and city of manila receives forty ducados of ten reals each per month. there are three adjutants, two of whom receive pay of twenty-four ducados per month; while the other serves in the ordinary post of soldier, waiting until one of the two paid offices becomes vacant, and on account of meriting more. all are necessary. the captain of the guard receives twenty-four ducados of ten reals per month. the companies have their two drummers and the ordinary additional pay but not all of them. the reduction will include the companies that lately came new, as that is more proper, in order not to cause the old colors to be disbanded. but they will not be greatly restricted, if the captains and officers with their staff have brought a year's advance pay from nueva spaña. the castellan of manila enjoys eight hundred pesos per year, or fifty-three ducados of ten reals, and three and one-third reals per month. if he has an encomienda, in addition to this, as your majesty has been informed, it is a very small one. his lieutenant receives twenty-eight ducados of ten reals. the other lesser officers and soldiers receive the pay of those of any company of the army. the commandants of the forts of nueva segovia, the town of arebalo, and the city of cibu, receive each thirteen ducadoes of ten reals, plus three and one-third reals per month. will your majesty decide, according to the clear statement of this relation, what you desire to be reduced, and the reduction will be carried out, in accordance with your royal order; and the said effort will be made immediately, in order to assure this expense, as it certainly shall be reduced from now on. [_marginal note_: "join to this section what was written to him, and bring them here this afternoon. what you write in this section has been caused by some misunderstanding. in order that you may understand it better, and that what is advisable be done, three points are to be noted by you. the first is in regard to the number of men who have the title of officer. if such offices are those of the old men--that is, those offices that were introduced, and which have always existed, since the creation of the infantry [there], and which have always been filled by such men--there shall be no innovation. in case that other and supernumerary offices shall have been added, this is what you are to reduce, because this number of officers is costly and only serves for expense and the ambition that there be many to command, and that the infantry be in charge of many superiors. all that is contrary to good military discipline. such is usually tolerated in temporary armies when they go out on a campaign, because of the special achievements and undertakings in which they are occupied, all of which is usual in the training of the militia. in the reductions ordered or made in the armies of flandes and other places, this order has always been observed. the contrary is bad government, and means debt where there is no revenue, and causes the accounts to be always in arrears and to be never entirely paid--especially to the common soldiers, to whom the officers are always preferred. the second point concerns the pay, and what was ordered you by a section of the letter of december 19, 618, and what is contained in the relation of the secretary juan ruis de contreras. the pay of the ordinary officers shall not be entirely suppressed but only lessened and reduced in accordance with the old list; and the increase of pay that has been granted them shall be reduced for the just causes contained in the despatches where this is ordered to you. in this consideration, also, you are ordered, by virtue of what has been given you in the said despatches, that if, besides what there might be of this reduction of pay, you should find any pay, even though of those long in service, that is not strictly necessary, and that will not detract from the necessary defense, it shall also be lessened and reduced, cautiously, as is advisable, in order that the service be made effective, that as much expense as possible be avoided, and that there be sufficient revenue with which to pay the active and serviceable soldiers. the third point is what you mention concerning consultation with the audiencia and with other persons, in order to avoid difficulties. if this cannot be secured in executing what has been ordered you, and in the rest, it will be advisable that you speak clearly and not in ambiguous and general terms--especially stating what those difficulties are, what injury they cause, and whether they concern the public, or only the private affairs of certain interested parties. for to the latter no attention is to be given, since it is certain that every one is working for his own interest and profit. whenever these reductions have been made in armies and militia, they are resented at the beginning. everything is assured, as is advisable, with good management and the execution of what is ordered. hence i again charge you most earnestly that, inasmuch as this matter of the expenses and revenues of those islands is paramount and cannot be overlooked, you shall endeavor to preserve whatever is possible, paying heed that the expense of what you shall take upon yourself does not prove of greater harm than what you are trying to remedy thereby."] 33d. i shall endeavor to have the same done in all the expenses that should be increased, when their utility and necessity should not be clear and evident, if they are not approved and confirmed by your majesty. i shall exercise constant care that the expenses do not increase in the treasury sessions. i have also tried and shall try to lessen the expenses of the articles that are generally requested from nueva spaña, and that can be avoided; for never have fewer things been requested than now, as will be seen by the enclosed certifications. [_marginal note_: "it is well."] 34th. the most considerable and valuable part of the abundant aid that your majesty was informed was given me in nueva spaña, when i came here, was the soldiers; and of them the most and best, and those who made the best appearance, were the men that i brought from spaña. the greater part of these, or nearly all, came aided and helped with my money, and even with the plate and silver pieces of my household. i do not know that notice of it should have been given to your majesty, for one should not charge to you so slight a service to whom all his possessions, his blood, and his life are due. consequently, i am not surprised that this should have been passed by for another. [_marginal note_: "it is well."] 35th. the number of tributes will be placed in the titles of the encomiendas, what they pay, the value of their products, and in what district they are located, as your majesty orders. your majesty has some encomiendas apportioned to your royal crown, some distance from here and in a district where their products cannot be used. that is the most serious thing; for the collectors generally defraud [the royal officials] by saying that it was a bad year, and that they collected in money. if they confess to have collected something in kind, they say that it was too great trouble to bring it; and they sell it there, as they wish--perhaps selling it at retail to one who immediately returns it to them, and, besides this, harassing the indians. on account of the distance, that is not often discovered, and less often can it be proved. and so that your majesty might have much greater benefit from another equal number of tributes, i think that, as the encomiendas of private persons of la pampanga and those in other districts near here, which yield a good harvest in products, continue to fall vacant, they should be exchanged for the said distant ones; for the latter will not be unsuitable with which to reward services. if they have a private person as encomendero, the indians will be much better treated, and the tributes will be well collected and administered, with more justification and mildness. the tributes near here will result well for your majesty through the profit on those paid in kind, which can come from this bay overland and by rivers, straight to the door of the magazines. it would be better for your majesty to have charge of them than the encomenderos, for they are so near the indians that they never fail to gather in a harvest of some kind--either in services, or some other thing. being so near the governor, no collector would dare to treat the indians badly. for the above reasons i think that i shall place this in execution as opportunity offers, unless i am so strongly opposed in this as in other things, that i would be embarrassed in it--although i cannot see what arguments they would have for doing so. [_marginal note_: "council. this scheme and method of management that you present is excellent, and thus you shall do. in the council of the treasury, you shall always continue to deliberate on what could be of greater advantage to my royal revenues. thus shall you do and advise, since it will all be so proper and justifiable, as i expect from you. you have noted one matter of unjust government, namely, excess [in the collections.] accordingly, you ought to censure and punish it, and not permit any officer of justice or collector, whether for himself or for third persons, to be able to collect in public auction, or secretly outside of public auction, any products or articles that are owed by tributarios, landlords, indians, or debtors. for great frauds are wont to ensue in that, and the laws punish and prohibit such acts as you are advised. for greater justification in the matter, the above shall be set forth as a clause in the patents made out for each one of these collectors, with a penalty of four times the amount of any excess that they might obtain."] 36th. all the letters and decrees directed to this royal audiencia, and your majesty's orders therein, will be punctually fulfilled, although in the sale of offices, the city declares that it has sent a petition to your majesty with representations of the justice in not diminishing here the little that there is with which to reward services. however, those that might bring a considerable price will be sold, and likewise those that might cause no great difficulty. [_marginal note_: "it is well. in these matters of difficulties, you shall observe the order written to you in the preceding section."] 37th. i have heard that some of the reports of services and merits that are generally made by order and officially, which your majesty commands and orders to be made, as is fitting and as is ordered, have been too much exaggerated and favored by the opinions of the audiencia. by this new system, and by what i am attempting and shall attempt to fulfil, i hope this will be corrected--although since the making of these reports is usually divided among the auditors, each one appears to be favorable to his own client. if they agree in their opinions, this difficulty would scarcely intervene. among the reports made and despatched this year are three, seemingly most justifiable. one is that of captain francisco moreno donoso, a man of honorable character, and who, as i have understood, has fulfilled his obligations as he should--both in peace, where he has been esteemed and honored; and in affairs of war that have occurred and have been entrusted to him. if your majesty be pleased to occupy him in one of the posts that he desires, and of which the audiencia expresses its opinion, my opinion is that he deserves it, and will give excellent service. i cannot refrain from saying the same in the second report, that of admiral rodrigo de guillestegui, for many reasons, especially those that have moved me to what i have written your majesty in other letters, because of his honored abilities, services, and merits. admiral joan baptista molina has no less, but as much as he who deserves them most. he is an old soldier, having served from his youth, and is as obedient and attentive as when a youth. he deserves thoroughly what is said in the opinion, but i would be sorry to have him go from here before me, for i am glad to have the aid of soldiers who have always professed the trade of arms. on that account your majesty should not neglect to concede him the favor that he requests, for he has also deserved it, as appears from his papers. [_marginal note_: "it is well. in these relations and reports made by the audiencia, charge them in the assembly that they try to make them with the exactness and integrity that the case requires. inasmuch as the importunity and presumption of the parties necessitates at times that unsuitable things be said or done, the remedy for that will be for you to send--in a separate letter, that treats only of this matter--an annual relation of the persons who have had their reports taken under color of remuneration for services. you shall say of each one whatever offers; and here the necessary secrecy will be maintained. although you have been informed at length regarding this matter, inasmuch as it is an essential point you are again charged with it."] 38th. on finishing the present despatch, i shall do what your majesty orders me to do, together with the archbishop, both of us summoning the provincials of the orders who reside here, and charging them with the reformation of the matters contained in the section that treats of this. he who made such a relation to your majesty might have made it more complete by saying what is so true, that there are in these orders (in which also there are those of every sort, as in all countries), religious so virtuous and exemplary that if laymen did not divert and engage them in their affairs, they would, i believe, work miracles. but they are so importuned that many cannot stay in their cells; nor do those who go to their cells to disturb them leave them until they negotiate with them what they desire. it might easily happen that any one who had received an unmerited favor from their hand, gave pay for it by such a relation, which is the one practiced here. the relation that i can make for your majesty is, that there are among them men very pentitent and of most exemplary life, and of great utility for souls; and also others who render vain any merits in one who does not fulfil their command and will. if it has been said that they distress the indians, this is not to be believed of all of them, for most of them at most times respond with great charity and love to the defense of the natives of their districts, even when the latter are of such a nature that almost all do not care to have this protection. in what pertains to your majesty's service, according to what i have experienced, i can say that thus far all the orders--each one in what concerns it generally--have often responded well, for which i render them many thanks. the fact is, that since that does not keep them satisfied in all matters (for that is impossible), i have found the secret for this particular, namely, to refer everything to the religious of the district where such [_i.e._, personal, by the indians] service is rendered to your majesty, making them masters and intermediaries in the pay, which takes precedence of all else, as i have done. everything is executed in a wonderful and perfect manner; but without this expedient, there is nothing to hope, but rather the reverse. for anything that the religious do not wish cannot be done, by any means or method; for no one has any influence without them, except themselves. in my opinion, and that of many, they are lords in the temporal and spiritual affairs of the indians, both men and women, and even of the spaniards. there is no one who can oppose or who does oppose them, for there is no one from whom to obtain redress, not only in such things, but in regard to the complaints of indians. for the provincials and superiors have before their eyes the end of their offices, and the necessity of their returning to be inferiors. consequently, so long as your majesty furnishes no remedy--either by your order that some superior should be sent who would not have to remain here afterward without acting as superior; or by giving authority to the bishops of those districts over the ministers of the missions--it must continue forever as hitherto. well might maestro don fray diego de guevara tell the little rigor that the provincial of st. francis displayed toward certain friars who lost respect for him--among whom was one who went for the bishop with a sword and dagger, as if the right of each one was to lie in such armor. i have heard that he drew up a testimony in order to give your majesty an account of it, and also of what little need there is for a bishop in his bishopric. i can also tell what happened to me with this same provincial, when, on the arrival of the morning of holy thursday, i freed pedro alvarez, government notary--who is said to be some relative of his, and who was arrested on the charge of that desertion of which i have already written your majesty in the present letters, telling you that i would have recourse to the judge who tried his cause. he succeeded in making the provincial resolve, and decide obstinately as to what he had to do for him, or had to preach of me, just as he pleased. he fulfilled it, as a man of his word. although it was not much, it was so uncertain, that his conscience obliged him, according to what the other religious say, to retract it publicly in another sermon. this is fray pedro de sant pablo, one of those considered here as a most holy man. i think that he must be one. as appears, by his protection and by that of fray joan baptista of the same order of st. francis, pedro alvarez resolved to have me told that, unless i determined to give to his office the distribution of the sangley licenses, he would write [information] against me. that threat did not give me any anxiety, but such audacity made me angry, as did the fact that those fathers had given hospitality in their house for it, if not for my being a magistrate, at least for what i represent, and since this is the royal patronage. but the latter is here regarded by them as nothing. then they draw copies of what my predecessors in this government thought. [_marginal note_: "ecclesiastical council. in regard to this matter of the religious, in another section what has been written you is the order that you must observe; and to the audiencia, so that they may order that in no case shall religious be admitted as witnesses, except in the manner ordered. the same has been said in regard to the insertions, so that like things or matters may be embarrassed in no manner. thus shall you fulfil the order. in accordance with this, general letters are being written to the provincials of the orders, which will be given them by your hand. in regard to what you say here of the sermons, and that the religious reserve approbation or reproof, with censure or gratefulness, for the persons whom they wish, this is prohibited by different general laws, councils, orders, etc. in some of their own special rules, a penalty is assigned them, among others, of reserved excommunication [29] to the [_ms. holed_]lation. thus shall you be advised of this, so that you may govern yourself according to the matters that arise; and you shall inform those fathers. you shall endeavor to avoid the trouble caused you by what you say in this section, and shall reduce matters to plain and open terms, so that what you say at the last shall not contradict what you say in the beginning. have general letters written to all the provincials of the orders, who already know that it is forbidden under the most severe penalties by divers councils, canonical rules, orders, laws, etc., and by our decrees, for preachers to censure the government in the sermons that they give to the people or in conversation with private persons, or to speak evil of their ecclesiastical or secular superiors, by censuring their management or action, in order that the people or private persons may not cast discredit on their superiors and be scandalized. neither shall they meddle or interfere in secular affairs; but shall continue in their seclusion, and in the observance of their vows, as they are obliged. inasmuch as it has been learned that, contrary to the tenor of all this, and to the serious harm of the administration of justice, many religious and preachers, and others who hold special offices transgress against the above rules, from which results odium cast on the religious, factions, the intimidation of justice, the reduction of affairs to their way of thinking and to their will, and other great annoyances, which they cause continually under pretext of insertions, importunities, and impositions hidden under the name of charity: i charge and warn you to take particular care that the religious of your order and you, in what concerns you, observe the aforesaid, and they likewise. they shall not transgress in proceedings of that sort, for such things being so, it will be necessary to use other and more special remedies, as has already been called to your attention by the said decrees despatched to the viceroys, audiencias, and governors of their districts. i expect from your devotion, and from your obligation for the continued kindness that is shown you, that you will endeavor to inculcate the reform and proper method of procedure in this that is required for the good government of those islands, and the preservation of the public peace."] 39th. in order that your majesty may know what this pedro alvarez demands, i shall relate it here as briefly as possible, referring you to the report made concerning it (which is enclosed with the licenses of the sangleys), since these licenses have been given in writing here, many years since [30] the imposition or tax of the eight pesos, for distribution by different persons to whom the governor committed it, or whom he appointed. of these the sangleys paid two reals for the cost of the document, whether printed or written. the notary, judge, interpreter, and other agents who made this distribution, according to the order of the judge himself or of the governor, were ordered to distribute them. in this the government notary never had any hand, share, or participation. many years after the payment of the eight pesos which were collected for it, and slightly before the death of don juan de silva, gaspar alvarez, then government notary, petitioned the governor to allow him to countersign them after the former had signed them, in order to get hold of it. this is the same thing that his nephew demands now. don juan, who was under many obligations to him, and was by nature very liberal, did not hesitate to concede it to him. consequently, gaspar alvarez countersigned the licenses by declaring that he did so. i do not know why so special a commission as this should belong to the government notary--especially when, because he may be busy or for just reasons, the governor does not sign them, and entrusts them to a trustworthy and qualified person who signs them. for if this had to be given to the charge of the government notary, although from the division of the two reals he would get only the third, which would amount to five hundred pesos, besides another four hundred that he demands annually from the royal treasury, by arguments that moved them at a meeting of the treasury to concede them to him--but which i abrogated because it did not seem proper, as i have advised your majesty before now, from which has resulted that anger of his--the whole would amount to nine hundred pesos of sure income, which means a principal of eighteen thousand pesos, although it only cost seventeen thousand, for which your majesty sold the office to him. the office yielded [_ms. holed_: last?] year, without counting these nine hundred pesos, more than two thousand five hundred. in other matters pertaining to this, i refer to the report that, as above stated, in enclosed herewith. [_marginal note_: "it is well. have the fiscal examine this section." _in another hand_: "it was taken to the fiscal."] 40th. i had already made a beginning in what your majesty orders to be done in the opening and working of gold mines, as i was desirous of obtaining such an order by authority, with excellent news. what i can impart of it is the news written me by captain garcia de aldana, to whom i entrusted it. [31] consequently, i am sending his letter and a copy with this, and his duplicate, in which he adds that they have greater hopes than those that we promised ourselves from the mines, since we had to continue the entrance into those provinces, and endeavor to enjoy the fruits of our labor, with the pacification and reduction of so many people to the service of your majesty, and their souls to the service of god (which is the thing of chief importance). if all cannot be obtained at once, it is well to have already made a beginning, and that it shall continue to advance. touching the gold, it cannot be little, since those indians who are called ygolotes do not extract more than what they need for trade and barter--for cattle, salt, and iron--with our peaceful indians with whom they trade. one year ago, from that province alone, according to the report here, the latter brought for sale to this city about twenty thousand taes, each of which is equivalent to a peso of ten reals. when we secure efficient management of these mines and the duties from them, it may be that they will help in many expenses. that i shall do this with as great energy and force as possible, there is no doubt. the fathers of the order of st. dominic have assisted me greatly in this; and those of st. augustine, in this and in whatever has offered in the service of your majesty. for what i owe in all this, and in order to declare the truth in all things, i certify this to your majesty. although the fathers of the society have no missions in those provinces near there, they supported very well by writing and speech the reasons and just rights that we had for making this entrance, so that no one doubted them--not even the members of the audiencia, as i have written to your majesty in this letter. what i can say of the jesuits and their devotion, system, procedure, and prudence, and their gain of souls, is that they differ in no wise from what they are and do in those kingdoms [_i.e._, españa and portugal], and in those where they exert themselves in the conversion of new christianities. for that reason, and because they do not return [to europe] daily, as do others, it will be a good thing for your majesty to grant them the religious that they request. the discalced recollects of st. augustine also help toward the same end of the pacification of the said provinces. i have known naught but humility among them in all things hitherto, and they do not meddle with the government of what does not concern them; nor do they do anything else outside their profession--offering to take charge of certain missions on the entrance into ytuy, which lies on the other side next the missions of the ygolotes. i bear them in mind and will try to act in concert with them by this same path, god helping. may his divine majesty, as he is able, bring it to pass so that they may know him as their god, and your majesty for their as well as our king. [_marginal note_: "ecclesiastical."] 41st. thanks to our lord, this country is peaceful and prosperous in other things. the native vassals are orderly and full of courage, and those who were living in the forests have been reduced to their settlements and missions, being very confident that their possessions will not be taken from them, and that no repartimiento or [_ms. holed_: edict?] will be made among them, or that any other service will force them to flee or to be made slaves, in order to make them render service, as has happened to innumerable of these poor wretches; for they hope that what i have done hitherto to relieve them from so many burdens will be continued. if i avail myself of their services in any unavoidable and necessary labor, i do so, by paying them beforehand, saving the money from other things for it. consequently, they now rather desire the opportunity to earn money by their services or the products of their fields, which now they reckon and hold as their own. i trust that, with divine favor, this will go daily from good to better, and that everything will succeed in the same way, until acts of injustice to these poor wretches will be avoided. although i was taking delight in doing thus, now i am very happy, for i have learned what your majesty desires, and that you commit this to me. they and we are so well supplied with churches that inside this city and about one legua around it, there are thirty of them, unless i have counted wrong; and of those not three are of other material than stone, nor are there as many others that fail to cause expense to your majesty and labor to the natives--and this in one legua about the city as i have said, in a semicircle, which is even not entire, for the other half falls within this bay. i have not resolved before now to inform your majesty of it, because i hesitated, on the grounds that our lord would be just so much better served by the increase of churches, and these christians would be better governed. but since your majesty is discussing the limitation of this, i cannot refrain from answering you with the plain and naked truth. well do i know that this and the other things that i have related have not [_ms. holed_] me, because i am already advised of it; and [_ms. holed_] resolution and execution of many, among whom are some who have issued a proclamation [for the services of the indians?], while it was prohibited, for anyone in the world, not only of their profession but also for seculars, to issue one. but considering as surely slight any peril that will result, if revenge is to be taken on truth as truth, while, on the contrary, the neglect to tell the truth will result in great risk, i am convinced that i am doing my duty in this. [32] if they should say that i am a very good governor, your majesty does not excuse me from my residencia for that reason. if they should say that i am very evil, i petition you to hear us all, and that you will pardon me for saying this which was unnecessary. [_marginal note_: "ecclesiastical government. you mention some things in this section which it is advisable for you to understand thoroughly because of their gravity and for their better management, as follows. what you say of the good treatment of the natives, and of the burdens and evils that come upon them, is excellent. endeavor that what you think best be carried out in regard to their services, relieving, consoling, and comforting them by good works, equity, and administration of justice, taking their cause _ex officio_ against the more influential and powerful who [_ms. holed_: oppress?] them. this, being to the service of our lord and good government, will give a most effective example and method for the reduction of the rest of the natives of those islands, and their incorporation into the catholic church and our government. accordingly endeavor to do what you have so thoroughly understood, and live with the prudence that the matter necessitates. inform yourself by all means of what is being done, and of the fruit that results from it. no church or convent, not even a chapel, ought to be, or can be, founded unless concurrent with your permission, and that of the audiencia, together with that of the ordinary. you shall demolish and reduce to its former state what should be done in violation of this, for the contrary is disobedience, spoliation, and offense; and it is not proper that reward, or permission to contradict what is proper, should follow from such assumptions, and that the insolent shame by their license those who are obedient and modest. the number of churches that you mention seems great, and there is excess in that, about which it is proper to be cautious. for few churches, well served and endowed, are advisable and are sufficient, while from a great number of them signal disadvantages arise. you shall take note of all this, for religious zeal, when unaccompanied with the knowledge and prudence necessary, becomes excess and disorder, and a matter for troubles, which will be avoided by seeing that the churches are established in the manner above mentioned."] 42d. one of those of this profession, named pedro leussara, has been arrested on the petition of parties whom he has greatly offended, by word and writing, in the most vital part of their honor--and without proof, as will be seen by the writ. in this matter, if natural inclination frees from guilt, he will have to remain free. [_marginal note_: "it is well."] 43d. a ship just now in from malaca brings as news that it was known there that the dutch and english were already allied; but when the relief that we are awaiting arrives, i hope, with divine favor, for better results. may our lord give them to us, as he is able; and may he preserve the royal catholic person of your majesty, as christendom needs. manila, august 15, 1620. [_marginal note_: "war. it is well. you have already been advised concerning this."] 44th. while about to direct these despatches, so that they might cross over to mindoro--where the ships generally stop in order to lighten and get sailors for their voyage--i am told that the ships had not even been able to double the island of fortuna, because of the violent head-winds, which have continued there with so great force; and also that [_ms. holed_] from china, which, although it is more than one month since they left, have not had the weather to enable them to get entirely free of the shoals and promontories of this bay, which is in [_ms. holed_] the greatest difficulty. i trust, god helping, that the weather will moderate, for the sake of all. _don alonso fajardo de tença_ [_this belongs to the second section_: "have a letter written to the viceroy of nueva españa, enclosing a copy of this section, and advising him at the same time of what is being written to the governor. having informed himself of these disorders and lack of good management that have been observed in the government agents and persons who take part in that despatch of ships, he shall be advised that he must investigate and punish it. what results from that is being awaited for public example, which is so necessary, and for the better despatch of those ships. inasmuch as both the remedy and the punishment are to be included in this investigation, you [_i.e._, the viceroy of nueva españa] shall endeavor to procure the execution of this with the earnestness demanded by the matter. in the future very trusty men shall be appointed, namely, men who do not commit the offenses and disorders so strongly prohibited. the vessels particularly shall sail very lightly laden, and in the order mentioned in the preceding section. inasmuch as i understand that what the governor notes in his letter about sending unnecessary and costly things has been remedied, you are again charged to send a detailed relation every year to the council of everything sent [to filipinas], so that we may know what articles and products are sent, their prices, and whether they contain any things mentioned by the governor. it is a serious matter, and one that heavily charges your conscience and the reputation of the officials--who in that matter are aware that it is declared that in order to burden the royal treasury and to give advantages to third persons, opportunity is given for such actions. the service that you would perform would be very grateful to us, if you would advise us immediately of the condign punishment of any official guilty of such an offense; for it is a great offense for those who are placed in offices to protect the royal treasury, and to benefit the public cause, to convert the exercise of their offices into all manner of wrongs like this."] [_note to section 4_: "have a copy of this section sent to the [india] house of trade. state that although the matter there mentioned has always been considered harmful to the general commerce of these kingdoms; and although the silver which must come here from peru would in great part, if not all, be taken to eastern yndia, and delivered to our enemies, whereby two wrongs would ensue, since the filipinas serve only as a station and bridge: still we have considered whether adjusting the matter in the following manner would be a suitable expedient, and one that would avoid all the troubles mentioned. that the reënforcements be sent straight to filipinas from panama, since it is a road so sure and favorable; and also, as pointed out in this section, one could take the merchandise from españa that would be useful and valuable in filipinas, with which the blessing of this trade could be enjoyed; and that the soldiers could sail from españa until they should disembark for the short journey from chagre river to panama. in order to avoid any silver from peru being taken in these vessels on their departure to filipinas and so that the merchandise of those islands might not be brought to peru on the return trip (which is forbidden), it shall be ordered that the return trip of those ships be to acapulco, as now--prohibiting them under any circumstance from returning to panama, callao, or any port of tierra firme; and so that these boats should not remain [idle] in acapulco without making a voyage, they might be used for the voyage to peru, because of the permission that has been decreed for the preservation of mutual correspondence and trade between peru and acapulco. they shall advise us of their opinion, so that all expedient measures may be taken. likewise have all the matter bearing on this in the peruvian secretarial office collected, so that, upon the arrival of the relation from lalasa, the most expedient measures in all things may be taken, and the [present] section of this letter answered."] [_note to section 13, which these decrees concern_: "have a letter written to the audiencia telling them that inasmuch as it has been learned that some government officials, both lawyers and clerks, notwithstanding the prohibition decreed by royal acts, laws, and decrees--forbidding them to trade or engage in business, buy, sell, or lade vessels, themselves or through intermediaries, under the penalties contained in the said laws, acts, and decrees against all the aforesaid--secretly and clandestinely, under cover of intermediaries, make confidants of certain persons, so that, by means of the said trade, they not only become rich but prove an obstacle to the benefit of the royal revenues, besides causing other evils which are not mentioned because they are well known: for the correction of all this it has been commanded and ordered that if any of the said officials should be guilty of like transgressions, the president and governor and captain-general of those islands shall investigate and verify the aforesaid and send us a report, so that, after examining it, justice may be meted out and the fitting remedy applied. when the said investigation shall prove guilt, we have ordered the said president by an act, to sequester property, and to be rigorous in the sentence of this execution, according as we decreed it, and in the form ordered. in order that you understand this, this decree is despatched." _in another hand_: "despatch a decree to the audiencia, so that if there should be any mutual doubt--whether any on the part of the president toward the audiencia, or on the part of the latter toward the president, concerning the matters of ceremony that must be observed toward the said president and governor and captain-general of those islands and his wife--in such case, the claims of each side shall be considered with the modesty, gravity, and promptness that are desirable; and i shall be advised of the result, so that after examining it i may decree what is expedient. and inasmuch as time spent in such matters is not only the loss of time necessary for other things, but also the causing of certain rivalries harmful to the common welfare; and inasmuch as under this pretext they are accustomed to revenge themselves for certain causes of anger: in order to avoid disturbances from persons who are obliged to give so good an example, i thus also order and command, and desire that you understand that, together with decreeing what shall be expedient in such matters, i shall order that he who shall be at all guilty of this, or who should violate customs or make any demonstration at public celebrations that is observed, or who leaves the body of the church or the public place where he ought to be, be punished severely and exemplarily; for that very thing serves as a scandal to the public, and a bad example to all, and these acts would arouse mutual enmities, to the harm of the royal service."] [_note to section 20_: "have a letter written to the audiencia saying that inasmuch as letters were sent to them in regard to these matters in the despatch of a former year, on such and such a day of such a month and of such a year, a section to the following effect (here insert the section). and now it has been learned by a letter from don alonso faxardo, present governor of those islands, that those criminals have been set at liberty; and, in order that what happened in this matter may be understood, it is ordered that you send a copy of the records, together with the part of the fiscal, with a memorial collated by him of all that results from the deed; so that, having examined it, the expedient measures may be taken, and that the condition of everything may be understood. the memorial and the records which shall be remitted shall be communicated to the governor, so that if there should be anything of which to advise, he may do it."] [_note to section 22_: "have a letter written to the audiencia and a copy of it sent to the governor, in which mention shall be made that although it has been ruled by royal ordinances and decrees, and by other divers letters and orders, as to those things which must be observed, and the official visits to the natives in all and whatsoever parts where there are missions and where justice is administered, this is not obeyed with the exactness required by the case; and on that depends the relief and compensation of the poor, and the punishment of those who live licentiously, or make bad use of their offices. the visits were introduced for the consolation and relief of the natives--not only on that account, but in order to ascertain the characteristics of each region, and the products and articles that can be produced in them and carried in case of need to any other region; and in order to take what measures may be advisable for justice and good government. it has been learned that this has not been done with the exactness required, and that on account of the personal occupation and toils that generally accompany it, you excuse yourselves and state other objections, in order not to make those visits; but i order you to busy yourselves in them, in accordance with the order that shall be given you by your president, don alonso fajardo, who shall advise me of what shall be done in this. you shall take very special care to send a minute copy of the findings for the districts visited; for thus it is advisable for the good government and for the information that must be had of affairs there; and so that what has been ordered for the benefit of the natives may not be converted into mischief and burdens for them, especially since that land is pacified. it is ordered to you that, in going to make the said visits, you observe the order decreed, avoiding followers and retainers. and in order that we may have the satisfaction necessary from this, when you send a relation of the said visits, you shall send one of the men whom the visitor took with him, and an account of what occurred in this."] letter from felipe iii to fajardo the king: to don alonso faxardo de tenza, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia residing there. the letter which you wrote me on the tenth of august of the past year has been received and examined in my royal council of the yndias; and the resolutions adopted in regard to the matters discussed therein will be explained to you in this. you say that francisco lopez tamayo, on account of his many years and ill health, has left the office of accountant which he occupied, and that you have appointed in his place pedro de lenzara, as he appeared to you a suitable and intelligent person. in filling this office you have used the care and attention which the matter demands; accordingly the appointment will remain with [him as] a person competent for this employment. you inform us that in a council held in the time of your predecessor, which consisted of himself, the auditors of the audiencia there, and the officials of my royal exchequer, it was decided to give, distributed among them and the archbishop of the metropolitan church of that city, and other officials of the said audiencia, three thousand four hundred fanégas of rice at the price at which my tributes are given to me; and when you saw that they had not my order for this, you ordered that the said grant of rice should not be continued, and that what had been received should be restored if i did not decree otherwise. in this order, and in discontinuing the four hundred pesos which were given to the governor's secretary, you have done well, and this action was advisable, and conformable to justice; and you are to understand that, if there are other affairs of this kind beside those which you have pointed out, they are to be corrected, and an account of everything given to my fiscal, so that in respect to them he may fulfil the obligation of his office. you have done well in having ordered that the money from the treasury of property of deceased persons in that city--which used to be taken to the treasury at mexico without benefit in the property for their souls or their heirs, being divided or invested by order of the court having the jurisdiction in such matters--should be placed in my royal treasury and be paid in the said treasury of mexico from the money which on my account is to be sent to those islands. what you have decreed in regard to this is just and expedient; and as for what you mention in regard to the proceeds of the bulls, you will do the same if the circumstances and conditions of their collection allow of it. you will act according to previous directions. you say that the licentiate andres de alcaraz, my auditor in that audiencia, wished to go to mexico last year in the ships which left those islands for nueva españa; and that, he did not do so because he was sick, and because of your urgent request that he should not desert the audiencia until the other auditors thereof should become proficient in the despatch of business and the duties of their offices, on account of the lack of harmony among them. as it is fitting that those things which you mention in general terms should be explained in detail, you will advise me what they are, and in regard to what persons, since as president of that audiencia you are in duty bound to give the information, so that, having been considered, provision may be made according to justice; and in the meantime you ought to correct and warn them in such manner that all shall be peaceful and that scandal shall cease--for this is the sole cause of bad government, of justice losing its prestige, and of those who are appointed to remedy evils being the authors thereof. in order to do away with this, i have had letters written to the other auditors (a copy of which is sent you), warning them that they must be subject to your person, and maintain the respect and ceremony due to you by virtue of your office. of the rest which you mention in that clause i have been informed. as for what you say in regard to not considering it expedient for my royal service that the order which i have given should be executed which directs that, on the death of the governors of those islands, the duties of the office of captain-general should be exercised by the oldest auditor of that audiencia; and what seems best to you to provide in this matter in order to do away with the difficulties which might be feared if, the licentiate andres de alcaraz being gone, the licentiate jeronimo de legaspi should enter upon the said office, as he is the next oldest auditor, considering the scandal and evil example with which he and his son, don antonio de legaspi, are living: may god be pleased to grant you health, so that this thing will not happen which you wish to anticipate; and for this office there are always persons appointed, and therefore you need not be anxious about this. since you show so much dissatisfaction with the said licentiate jeronimo de legaspi, and he and his son have conducted themselves ill, you will make such investigation as seems most fitting to you; and with the results thereof you will prefer charges against him, together with his answers thereto, and send them to my council, so that, having examined the documents, they may provide a remedy. i send you a commission for this with this letter, and you are warned that your principal duty as president is to watch and be attentive to the method of procedure of every one of the officials who are dependents of this government. with which i charge your conscience, and warn you of the account which you have to give to our lord therefor, that you may proceed in a manner not to intimidate justice, nor to propose anything which shall not be purely for the service of his divine majesty, and the relief of your conscience and mine. accordingly, let it be noted that you favor your friends with commendatory reports, or injure those who are not so well disposed to you by accusing or censuring them; for, considering that there is no other person there in whom this trust can be placed except yourself, this warning is necessary. you recount the service of the licentiate don juan de albarado bracamonte in the office of fiscal of that audiencia, and the confidence that you have in him. as i have decreed what has appeared to be expedient in regard to this man, and you will have heard thereof, i have ordered him to be investigated on account of the continual complaints i have received in regard to him. i warn you, as in the preceding clause, that you shall proceed in these reports as justly and cautiously as is necessary, considering the account which you must give to god of them; and before you make them you should consider them with the great attention which i confidently expect from you, on account of the injuries which would follow if this were not done, both to the welfare of the people and to yourself. what you say in regard to the affair at the seminary of santa potenciana, and the investigations which were made in regard to it by the licentiate jeronimo de legaspi, concerning the persons who were guilty, and the state in which its lawsuits were, may be reduced to three points. the first, which concerns the seclusion which ought to be maintained in this seminary, is of the gravest importance; and it is necessary that there should be special care exercised in regard to its prudent management, its reception-rooms, and doorkeepers, and especially the porters. to this end it would be desirable to inspect the said seminary often, and that its superior should place only approved persons on guard in the house and residence of those who are inmates, so that it may be as well secured and safe as is right; and that with its inmates, if they are guilty, the measures provided for by the sacred canons and councils should be taken. for it is not right that a house of prayer, seclusion, and retirement should be an offense, and scandal, and a cause for sacrilege. as for the secular persons concerned, i charge and order you to inform them that the crime which they have committed is one of the greatest which cry out before god our lord, defy justice, and offend the nations and the public cause. and a severe example must be made of them, not only in the maintenance of justice but in the prompt despatch of the suits and cases of those who were implicated in so vile a deed; accordingly you will advise me fully, at all opportunities, of the condition in which they are, and of the execution of penalties, and of the corrective measures that have been applied to the said seminary. the second point concerns the complaint which you present in regard to the appeals from your decisions which are interposed. this is so well provided for by the laws that merely by commanding that these be observed you will have at your disposal all that can be used for good of justice and of your government; for, in spite of the appeal of the parties, you can execute the sentence when the guilt of the accused and the gravity of the case require it. it cannot be presumed that the audiencia will hinder you in its execution in such cases; for what is permitted to an ordinary judge could not justly be hindered in you, being the person that you are, and the head of that government. accordingly, for the fuller justification of the case, i have ordered that the letter which goes with this be written to the said audiencia, and by the copy [sent to you] you will be aware of its tenor. the third point concerns the lack of obedience in military matters, and the hindrance to punishment therein. this evil will be charged to you if you do not exercise in it the most thorough vigilance, in punishing not only insolent and lawless acts, but even the appearance of them, and all that would approach either possible or actual disobedience. for you know that without such strictness there can be no military discipline, nor any successful result; and the arms which are borne for the defense of the commonwealth will be turned to its damage. accordingly you must treat such cases summarily, in such manner that there shall be no delay permitted in the punishment of the act, so that it shall not cause an evil example or scandal. as for what you mention concerning appeals in this regard, a decision is sent in the said letter to the audiencia, as you will there see. you inform us that the king of japon and several private persons--great vassals, and lords of ports of that kingdom--have usually had presents and valuable articles sent to them from your city at my expense, every year when a ship went to that country; and for several years this has not been done, and various religious persons have considered the matter, and say that those japanese have observed this, and attributed it as a lack of esteem for their friendship; and this has aroused them to resentment, and to prefer the friendship of the dutch, on account of the many presents which they give to the japanese from the spoils they have taken. you say that since there are some advantages in retaining friendly intercourse with that country, and for other reasons, you give me an account of this that i may order what is most fitting for my service. this consists in the measures suggested by your own prudence, with the information that you have of the present state of affairs, and the ordinary relations with japon; and to whom, how, when, and in what quantity it is best to make these gifts, in such manner that they shall only serve to win back their friendship, and not appear a regular and settled thing, in the manner of an acknowledgment [_i.e._, of subjection to them]--for that, in the course of time, might be troublesome in other matters. accordingly, examining into this in conformity with your obligation for the benefit of my royal estate, you will do in this matter what, considering the time and occasion, you shall judge suitable for the interests of our religion, which is introduced into japon, and for peaceful intercourse and friendship, and the greatest benefit to the traffic and commerce of those islands. all you say in regard to the affection with which the citizens of that city came forward to serve me on the occasion of the last year--offering not only their persons and servants, but lending the slaves that they have and a hundred and ninety-five thousand pesos--is very gratifying. to these persons in especial, and to all generally, you will show this reply, that they may understand how grateful i am for their loyal service and fidelity; and that on occasions which may arise for their advancement and benefit in property, they will be remunerated, as will be seen in future. as to what you say in regard to don juan ronquillo no resolution will be adopted in regard to him until the termination of the suit in which he is engaged. the affair will be settled as soon as possible after the arrival of the papers, and on that will depend what shall be done with this person--of whose service and their good results i am well informed, and for which i wish to show him favor. in regard to rodrigo de guilestegui you will advise me more fully in what way provision can be made for him. i have been advised of the good qualities and merits which you say are displayed in don fernando centeno maldonado. you mention likewise how little justification there is for some of the informations which have been made by that audiencia concerning the merits and services of those who claim that i should favor them. this has been so understood in my council of the yndias; and, for its remedy, you will so conduct this matter in the session of the audiencia that no information shall be despatched, notwithstanding that it shall have been reviewed by an auditor, without its being again looked over by the whole audiencia in its entirety--you being present as president, governor, and captain-general--and in no other manner; and each one giving his opinion, even if he alone should think that the merits of the person are insufficient because, on account of favor or by other means, they are presented when not based upon adequate services. in the case of gonzalo bazquez de lara, notary, what you have done is proper; and you will advise me in detail of the execution of sentence in this case, as you know the great evils which this would cause in the future, and which have come from it in the past, and how important it is to purge the commonwealth of such persons. the orders of the society and st. dominic have been provided with the persons whom their superiors asked for, as you will be aware; thus your suggestion in regard to this has been carried out. since you say that the order of st. augustine has taken in its charge with great zeal to facilitate and execute all which has been and is necessary to accomplish in my royal service--and especially fray alonzo de baraona, the provincial, and the definitors have done so--it will be very desirable that you should therefore confer with them, and likewise with the provincial and definitors of the discalced [augustinians], and give them to understand my gratitude to them. you will especially express to them the pleasure which i have experienced in learning their good reputation for procedure, religion, and prudence, and suggest that they should continue this, as i trust they will; and say that i shall always remember, both in general their order in those islands, and themselves individually, as they shall see by the results. and you shall take care to encourage them to the preaching of the gospel, and the benefit and enrichment of souls, so that the public welfare shall not suffer for lack thereof; for it is my intention to aid them so far as possible; and the affairs of those islands, although they lie so far distant from my court, are very near to my thoughts. i trust through our lord that, he lending you his divine favor, and you meriting it by your good government, you may put all in such good order that it will be preserved and advanced, and the enemy shall lose more. there are none of your letters which have not been answered, and the same may be said of those from the audiencia, the officials of my royal estate, and other officers. madrid, december 13, 1620. _i the king_ by command of the king, our lord: _pedro de ledesma_ memorial, y relacion para sv magestad by, hernando de los rios coronel. madrid: fernando correa, 1621. _source_: this is translated and synopsized from the copy of the original printed work owned by the library of congress. _translation_: the translation and synopsis are made by robert w. haight and james a. robertson. _memorial_, _and relation_ _for his majesty, of the procurator-general of the_ filipinas, of what it is advisable to reform, and of the wealth contained in them, and in the islands of maluco. in the year 1621. _madrid_ by _the widow of fernando correa_. memorial and relation of the filipinas sire: i, hernando de los ríos coronel; an ordained priest, and procurator-general of the filipinas islands, maluco, and all that archipelago, declared that, about thirty-two years ago or more, i went to the filipinas islands, where i lived a considerable time in the military habit and exercise, and as a citizen of the city of manila, but with greater desires than strength to serve your majesty, and endeavoring to give indications of this to all the inhabitants of that kingdom. on that account, they charged me with, and loaded upon my shoulders, in the year 1605, the weight of their cares and troubles. i came to this court, where i prostrated myself many times before the royal feet of his majesty who is in heaven, and gave him an account of those things. i returned to that kingdom in the year 1610, to give account there of myself, and of my mission, undergoing many hardships and perils. although such might have been avoided, and i could have made stipulations for my comfort and rest, as i had opportunity to do in your royal council of the indias, i confess that i know not what interior force and natural inclination has always induced me to prefer the service of your majesty, and the welfare and increase of that kingdom, to my own rest or comfort--which, in order to follow your service, i have never regarded as important, or given it any care. inasmuch as times change affairs, and considering the many casualties caused by the enemy from olanda, things have come to a very different pass from that in which i then left them. for that reason, that entire kingdom and its estates resolved that i should return again to confer with your majesty and your royal councils concerning what was most advisable for your royal service and the welfare and relief of that land. and although i found that i needed some rest in a corner, and it was a severe trial for me to consent again to undergo more arduous labors, and difficulties so much greater as are the gravity of affairs in those islands and the multitude of the enemies with whom the seas are infested, yet that desire and inclination [for your majesty's service] had so much power over me that i postponed all my rest. i offer your majesty this relation, which, when i came to this court about three years ago, [33] i gave to his majesty who is in heaven, so that he might be informed, as was desirable, of that kingdom so remote from his royal eyes. i felt now that i was obliged to present it to your majesty, and on this occasion i have taken the opportunity to extend it to greater length, and to give your majesty a fuller account--being encouraged to do so by seeing the glorious beginnings that your majesty has given to your monarchy, on which, in the name of that kingdom, i give your majesty a thousand congratulations, and may you enjoy it very many years, with the greatest happiness and increasing prosperity. i have written this relation with entire exactness and truth regarding all the facts that i have collected during so many years--and thus as well as was possible to me--without considering any human respects, which are what usually obscure such mirrors, in order that they might not give the light that is desirable in such an account. i relate, then, what has occurred in filipinas, from the time of their first discoverers; their tendency toward, advancement; and the mildest and most advisable measures for the attainment of admirable ends. i trust, through god our lord, that, if this child and offspring of my intellect has the good fortune to pass before the royal eyes of your majesty, it will be of great importance to your royal service. [the present book is divided into three parts. part first, consisting of ten chapters, is a short résumé of philippine history from the earliest discoveries until the naval battle at playa honda with the dutch. the second part, consisting of seven chapters, deals more intimately with the needs and resources of the islands, and the importance of their conservation--that is, of matters that fell particularly to los rios in his capacity of procurator-general. the third part, in five chapters, relates to ecclesiastical matters in the philippines, and contains brief remarks on the moluccas. the first six chapters of part first are here only synopsized, with some extracts, as they deal with matters rather fully presented heretofore in this series. all the remainder of the book is translated in full.] part first [chapter i treats "of the first discoverers of the filipinas, and of their location." in rapid survey los rios sketches the expeditions of magalhães, loaisa, villalobos, and legazpi, although wrongly placing the latter's death in 1574 instead of 1572. the location of the islands is briefly described and the names of some of the principal ones given, among them "mindanao, which is the largest, and with which we are at war, although it had formerly rendered your majesty homage." continuing his narrative, the governorships of guido de labaçares (whose death is wrongly stated as occurring in 1575), francisco de sande, the two ronquillos (who are mentioned as brothers), and santiago de vera, are lightly mentioned. limahon's expedition against manila (wrongly ascribed to the period of legazpi's governorship), and sande's expedition to borneo are particularly mentioned. the latter sacked the bornean king's city "with but little justification." in his time also the chinese trade begins to be steady. gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa on coming to assume the governorship, according to the terms of his contract, brings a number of colonists, "who were called _rodeados_ [34] because they had come by way of panama ... he was a peaceful man, although--because he had brought two sons with him, besides other relatives, whom he allowed to live with considerable laxity; and because numerous complaints had been written from the city to his majesty--his majesty, seeing the great trouble experienced in preaching the gospel, the evil example that those sons and relatives furnished, and the harm that this would cause unless it were stopped, removed ronquillo from his governorship, and sent the royal audiencia to govern, and as governor and captain-general its president, one santiago de vera." on the latter's arrival he finds diego ronquillo governing because of gonzalo's death. an indian, in snuffing the candles on the latter's catafalque, accidentally sets fire to some rich draperies. the fire remains unnoticed and smoulders until, the friars in attendance having left the church, it bursts into flame, and the city is entirely burned, and the site of the fort, santiago, becomes a lake. tomas vimble (candish), who captures the santa ana near california in 1587, sets all its crew ashore, with the exception of a priest whom he hangs. alonso sanchez's voyage to spain and rome as procurator-general is influential in the suppression of the audiencia and the election of gomez perez dasmariñas as governor. sanchez "wrote some treatises about the justification of the kings of españa, and their right of title to the filipinas, which merit that time do not bury them, although they exist in the archives of the council of the indias. he seems a prophet in many of his statements in those treatises." [35] in chapter ii some of the leading events of the term of gomez perez dasmariñas are noted, and his unfortunate death. such is his activity and care "that he alone aggrandized that city more than had all his predecessors, or his successors to this time." negotiations are opened with japan, and the embassy from camboja begging for aid against siam is received at manila. "i believe," says los rios, "that if he had done it, it would have been a great stroke of fortune, and your majesty would justly be lord of that kingdom and of sian, which is very wealthy. that is the only thing in which i believe that gomez perez erred." the succession of luis perez dasmariñas to the government of the philippines, and the designs of the chinese to capture the islands, form the subject matter of chapter iii. by virtue of his father's will and a royal decree empowering the latter to name his successor in case of absence or death, luis perez takes over the command from pedro de rojas, who has been elected by the city, with which "all the city received great happiness, both because of what they owed the father, and the love that they bore the son, of whose heroic virtues much might be said." the chinese send a vast fleet to manila in charge of a number of mandarins, in order to conquer luzón, because they fear the spaniards, and "would much rather see us very far from their kingdom than to have the gain derived from us ... the governor received the mandarins and their embassy, who pretended that they came to trade, and asked us not to receive the japanese in our ports, who are their mortal enemies; and taking farewell of them with a good countenance, he sent them to their own country. the next year one of those mandarins returned disguised, in order to act the spy, but as i was inspecting the ships, i noticed and arrested him; but such is the cunning of those people, that he was able to clear himself, so that it seemed better to the governor and to doctor antonio de morga, his lieutenant of justice, to allow the mandarin to return to his own country." the expedition to camboja by gallinato, and events there, and the arrival of mendaña's ship at manila are told in chapter iv. blaz ruyz, diego veloso, and pantaleon carnero, having seized the vessel on which they were being carried as prisoners to siam from camboja, arrive at manila, and induce the sending of the three vessels under gallinato. [36] the latter, however, is blown out of his course as far as the strait of sincapura. the other two vessels under blas ruyz and diego veloso reach camboja, but the ship of the latter is wrecked on the coast. "a relative of the legitimate king was then ruling, one nancaparan prabantul," whom their arrival does not please. the trouble with the chinese follows, of the three thousand of whom, the spaniards kill five hundred, and the consequent embassy of blas ruyz with forty men to sistor. the king's refusal to treat with them unless they make reparation to the chinese, and his evident preparations to seize their small body of men, lead to the attack on the palace, the killing of the king and one of his sons, and the flight to the spanish ship, leaving three killed--one indian, one japanese, and one spaniard--but with many wounded. gallinato's arrival at this juncture puts an end to affairs there, and all depart for cochinchina, where blas ruyz and diego veloso go to find the legitimate king of camboja at laos, "crossing those kingdoms for more than two hundred leguas, through territory where a spaniard had never been seen ... i have related this event because of the many fictions that were told here about captain gallinato, who, although a good soldier, did nothing else in the kingdom of camboxa. of it fray diego duarte, a dominican, now residing at alcala de henares, procurator of his order in the filipinas islands, who was one of those who were present at the death of the king of camboxa--and not the least important one there--and captain don miguel de xaque de los rios, now at this court, are witnesses." the arrival at manila of "doña isabel varreto," wife of "alvaro de amendaña," is chronicled. the discovery that they attempted to make from peru can be made better from the philippines, and at less cost, because of its proximity to those regions. chapter v treats of events during the term of francisco tello, the main part of the chapter being devoted to louis perez dasmariñas's ill-fated expedition to camboja. tello "began to govern with forbearance, although one thing that he did before reaching the city seems to have presaged the evils of the future." this was in his detention of the ship bound for nueva españa, until he could reach manila and make a report to the king. as a consequence the vessel, sailing late, experienced so great storms that it was compelled to put in at a japanese port, "and king taycosama took their goods away from them, and it was the cause of the martyrdom of twenty-six franciscan religious, and of the ruin of manila ... don francisco began his government, in amusing himself with his authority and abundance, and in neglecting to despatch the ships on time; of which he should have taken warning by the loss of which he had been the cause, in the wreck of the galleon 'san felipe' as above stated. but he did not amend his ways, and for that same reason other vessels were wrecked later--one called 'santa margarita,' which was wrecked among the ladrones islands; and another called 'san geronimo' which was wrecked at the island of catanduanes,... and another which sailed from cibu, called 'jesus maria,' which was seen no more. and the worst of all was that such neglect became so firmly established, that it would not have been remedied later, and the same troubles would have occurred, unless we had made use of two royal decrees that his majesty, king don felipe third, conceded to me in the year of 68; [37] and on account of that neglect great need has come upon that kingdom." the expedition of oliver van noordt is very lightly touched. luis perez dasmariñas fits out an expedition of three ships for the relief of camboja at his own cost, and los rios sails in the flagship. misfortune follows them, and the flagship is lost on the chinese coast. such is the hatred of the portuguese at macao to the spaniards "that as soon as they heard of our disaster, they issued an edict that no one should aid us under penalty of confiscation of his property, and three years in the galleys." los rios with eight men lands in order to seek a pilot, and after various adventures is granted audience by the chinese, who offer asylum to the spaniards and rebuke the portuguese. continuing, a short description is given of macao, which has about five hundred portuguese inhabitants; its duties and other gains, however, belong to the chinese monarch. the principal occupation of the inhabitants is the raw-silk trade with japan. for the benefit of trade and religion, los rios thinks it advisable to depopulate macao and suppress it. indeed the hate of the portuguese goes so far that they attack the remnants of luis perez's expedition as it is about to return home. all their hostility they clinch with "a royal decree given more than thirty years ago, in which your majesty [38] orders castilians not to go to that port to trade. it is very important for your majesty to order the portuguese not to use that decree for the evil that they do us--not only those of us who go there to trade (which was the reason of its being granted), but also to those of us who make port and arrive there wrecked." events of pedro acuña's government occupy the sixth chapter. "don pedro was a restrained and absolutely uncovetous gentleman, and lived temperately. he was affable and open to all; but signal disasters occurred during his term. the indians of mindanao ruined those islands, carrying away many captives and quantities of wealth, burning churches, and injuring images, to the great loss of our prestige. also more than twenty thousand chinese revolted in the city; and because the warnings of the archbishop and many other persons were not believed, the remedy was not applied in time, which would have been easy. however, although we prevailed against them (with evident miracles), the kingdom was ruined." this neglect of acuña results in the massacre of luis perez dasmariñas and more than one hundred and fifty men, only one of the company escaping. to neglect los rios charges "the greatest ills" that have happened in the indias. the expedition made to maluco by royal command succeeds well. the victory reacts on the spaniards, however, because of the ill-treatment inflicted by the latter on the king of ternate, whom they take captive to manila; and the moluccans ally themselves with the dutch. los rios begs that good treatment be given to the captive king, who is still in manila, who, although well treated during acuña's life, is afterward neglected and uncared for. [39] los rios asks that good treatment be accorded to the king "for the sake of your majesty's reputation with those nations; for they will think that you order your ministers to inflict that ill-treatment.... don pedro de acuña died when he was beginning to open his eyes, and to govern very acceptably to all. it is rumored that he was poisoned, although i cannot persuade myself of that fact." as governor _ad interim_ the viceroy of nueva españa sends rodrigo de vivero, who governs until the arrival of juan de silva, when he sets sail in the ship "san francisco," but is wrecked at japan, because it sailed late.] chapter vii. of the government of don juan de silva, and events with the dutch. on the death of don pedro de acuña in the year 606, your majesty sent don juan de silva to govern. upon his arrival at that kingdom, he was given an opportunity to put his wishes into effect. a dutchman arrived there with four ships and one patache, and, having stationed himself at the entrance of the bay of manila, remained there six months, capturing and pillaging all who came to the city. don juan de silva had no ships ready to go out to drive the dutch from that port; but, with the stay of the enemy, he set to work to repair four ships that were there, and to finish another that was being built in a shipyard. he made haste, and used the iron gratings from the houses of the citizens for the nails that he needed, which the people gave willingly, as well as whatever else was necessary. further, he also cast five large pieces of artillery, with which, and with the artillery in the forts, he made ready and equipped five ships with high free-board, and three galleys, and manned them with the most valiant of the soldiers and citizens, among all of them more than one thousand men being spaniards alone. he found the enemy very careless, his ships filled with wealth from many rich vessels that they had pillaged, belonging to the chinese which were coming to manila, laden with the merchandise that came yearly. he found only three ships, and attacking and grappling with one of them, it was blown up because of a fire that unfortunately caught. the other two surrendered, although the victory was not bought cheaply, for many people were killed. it had been stated two months before that that victory would be gained on st. mark's day, [40] as happened, and, as he recounted one night, had been told to him. but who would say that that victory was to begin his perdition, and so many troubles as i shall relate? don juan de silva was made very rich by that victory, for the fifth of the booty which your majesty conceded to him was worth more than two hundred thousand pesos, as i learned from his own mouth. besides that, the victory induced in him thoughts for great undertakings, and he did not stop to compare the wealth of that kingdom with his designs. he discussed building a fleet to go to terrenate, and put the matter into execution. although he was greatly opposed by the entire city--and especially by the royal audiencia and royal officials, who judged from their experience that the plan was not advisable--yet he acted in defiance of them, and left manila with his fleet, leaving the natives grievously burdened with taxes, your majesty's treasury indebted to a vast amount, and the city without artillery. he went to maluco, and not only did he not accomplish any good result, but he even returned with little reputation derived from that expedition, as all had foretold. he desired to correct that mischief, and determined, without any one's counsel, to build seven galleons, which, with the three that he had, would make ten in all, and also six galleys. that was an undertaking disproportionate to the possibility of his forces, and innumerable evils resulted from it, just as they generally result to him who does not proportion means to ends, and who does not measure desires with strength. when he fought at playa honda with the dutch, as he grappled he recognized the advantage that the larger ships had over the others. consequently, he determined to build his ships so large that they should be superior to any ship that the enemy would bring. for that purpose he made them of one thousand, one thousand five hundred, and nearly two thousand toneladas. he began to make arrangements for putting his desire into execution, and at the same time to write to the viceroy of india to send him ten more galleons and six galleys, so that the forces of both governments being united, they might at the same time complete the expulsion of the dutch from the archipelago and seize their forts and factories. that idea would have been very commendable, and the most efficacious means of all, if he could have carried it out as he conceived it. i believe that, in order to facilitate that, he wrote to your majesty, whereupon this court was filled with hopes. but to place it in execution, he had as much foundation as will be seen here. the forces of india are so few, that, although silva was told that the viceroy could not send him six ships--and those that could go would be poorly equipped; and that if he did send them, the coasts of india would be left unprotected, which were daily being infested; and, besides, that they knew by experience--the little love that the portuguese bear to the castilians and that he should not trust in them--still by sending money to build galleons and for the men, of which at least one-half million [pesos] would be necessary, the viceroy would send that fleet. don juan de silva was without funds; on the contrary, the royal treasury was deeply in debt from the expedition to maluco. still, in order to forward his designs, he sent his master-of-camp, christoval de azqueta, with pledges and securities made out by the royal officials, binding your majesty's royal treasury in order to get the money there from merchandise, and paying interest on them--a transaction which was considered ridiculous to those who knew india. he gave the master-of-camp sixteen thousand pesos which he borrowed in gold from the inhabitants of manila, in order that he might bring back some necessary things. the master-of-camp sailed in a ship accompanied by forty spaniards to indicate his authority. as yet, not one of them has been seen; and it is considered certain that all were drowned, since no further news has been heard of them. on the other hand, silva wrote to the viceroy of nueva españa that he was building that fleet, and requested money, men, and ammunition from him. he despatched so late the ships, which had arrived on time, that although the viceroy made his utmost exertions he could not perform the friendly offices that silva desired. he began to place the said galleons on the stocks, and, as they were so large, scarcely could he find the necessary timbers in the forest. consequently, he had to have them sought under great difficulties, and by penetrating the thicker recesses of the woods. there having found them, it was necessary, in order to drag and carry them to the shipyard, to depopulate the surrounding villages of the indians, and to drag the timbers with immense labor, hardship, and cost to the indians. the masts of one galleon cost the indians, as is affirmed by the religious of st. francis, and as i heard declared by the alcalde-mayor of the province where they were cut--namely, la laguna de bay--the labor of six thousand indians for three months to drag them over very rough mountains. they were paid by the villages at the rate of forty reals per month apiece, but were given nothing to eat, and therefore, the wretched indian had to look for food. i shall not relate the cruel and inhuman treatment of the agents, and the many indians who died in the forest. had those galleons been of moderate size, and twice as many, they would not have cost one-half as much. neither shall i tell your majesty of the indians who were hanged, those who deserted their wives and children and fled exhausted to the mountains, and those sold as slaves to pay the taxes imposed on them; the scandal to the gospel, and the so irreparable wrongs caused by that shipbuilding; and with how great inhumanity they passed sentence on and executed on the poor indian not only what was necessary, but also what the lawless greed of agents took from him. in short, the hardships, injuries, and harm inflicted upon the indians were vast, and there was no remedy for it. and hence those ships had so disastrous an end; for all were wrecked in a storm, and all those in them were drowned forty leguas from the city--divine permission, which is so offended at injuries done to the poor, exacting those lives in order to make reparation for such wrongs. now more than one million [pesos] is due to the indians and there is no hope of recompense. from that may be inferred how great should be the trustworthiness and christian spirit of those persons who are to govern the filipinas, since they have no one to restrain them for the injuries that they commit. besides the said wrongs, those that i shall now relate were no less. when he discussed building those ships, three years before that fleet should be taken out, he ordered all the soldiers of the islands to be collected, and the forts and important posts to be abandoned, especially a fort in the city of cibu. he took all the artillery and carried it to manila, which was the cause of the mindanaos destroying those islands when they learned that, without any one opposing them. he also ordered that no one leave the city without his permission, under serve penalties. on the one hand, he kept the men there desperate, who could not go out to find food; and on the other, gave them nothing. therefore, many men fled through those surrounding kingdoms. and, when he most needed sailors, more than two hundred of them fled because of ill treatment and because they were deprived of one-half their rations. he imposed many taxes upon the indians, with great oppression to them on account of the food that was ruined because it was not needed so early. as a result, he brought the country to the extreme of poverty, even worse than if the enemy had sacked it. on the other hand he sent to japon for metals with which to cast artillery, and for saltpeter for powder; and they brought him what he had sent to ask. in two years he cast one hundred and fifty large pieces of artillery; but he had no master who understood it, and consequently the pieces were so poorly made that none of them stood the test. i saw twenty pieces out of thirty-six burst at the first shot, as the gunner, one pedro castaño, who is in this court, will tell; consequently they did not dare to test the cannon with the royal test. there was an excellent founder there, named don diego de prado, who had made considerable artillery in lisboa. silva refused to accept him, but on the contrary let him go to españa by way of india, although he should have diligently looked for him. he is a friar here now, named basilio. they were unable to get a piece that could be used, although they tried in various ways. they continued these efforts until certain japanese built some ovens, in their own fashion, and made some bellows which forced in a great quantity of air. those produced better artillery, although some of these pieces also burst, for they did not hit upon the alloy of copper in accordance with its quality. don juan de silva persisted in his intentions; and, seeing after two years had passed that the master-of-camp azqueta had not arrived, and that it must be believed that he had been drowned, he sent a father rector of the society of jesus, named juan de ribera, [41] and captain don diego de miranda, a portuguese, to goa, so that, in his name, they might ask the viceroy for the said galleons; and they did so. although with great objection and opposition from the city of goa, the viceroy gave them four galleons and four galliots, with very few and badly disciplined crews. what took place in india in regard to that matter is a pity. your majesty needs to make many reforms there, because of the danger of losing that country through the poor discipline of the soldiers, as they themselves confess, and warning of this has been given in many memorials. they started for manila, and arrived at malaca and at the strait late and in bad weather. the commander did not dare pass on, although he was urged and pressed to do so by the rector of the society. matters came to such a pass that the commander told the father that he would put him below decks, and the soldiers tried to kill him, for they said that he was going to drown them. thereupon they remained, and returned to malaca, advising don juan de silva that they were there awaiting his order. don juan de silva learned the news of the galleons and determined to send a patache to macan, and as its commander, pilot juan gallegos, in order to purchase some ammunition and to go thence to malaca. he ordered the four galleons to await him in the strait, saying that he had resolved to pass there, and that all would go together to attack the factory of xava, the chief factory of the enemy, which had no fortress; thence they would go to banda and to maluco. that would have been a very suitable idea if it could have been executed during the season for navigation. juan gallegos went to macan, and thence to the strait of cincapura, where he found six dutch galleons and one patache. they seized him, and learned from him of the coming of don juan de silva with so large a force. they did not dare await the latter and so left the strait. shortly after don juan de silva arrived, two ships of goa came from china with the goods and merchandise from india, which it was our lord's will to save in that way. before the enemy happened to seize the patache of juan gallegos, they had negotiated with the king of hachen, a country located in the island of samatra, near the strait, in regard to uniting with them to attack malaca with more than four hundred craft, that would hold more than forty thousand men. that king fought with the galleons, and his presence there was of great importance. he burned one galleon, but returned without accomplishing any other exploit, although he carried a quantity of large artillery. after the king had gone, the dutch arrived. what they did was to burn the three remaining galleons in the river of malaca. then they went to the strait, where they captured juan gallegos, as above stated. the portuguese gained little reputation--or to say better, lost much--in not defending themselves. but since it is not my intention to meddle with another jurisdiction, i shall not discuss that. don juan de silva left manila with ten galleons--larger than have been seen in europa--and four galleys, on february 28, 1616. he laid his course toward the strait, as he thought that he would find there the four galleys from goa, in accordance with the order that he had sent. he learned what had happened in the strait; and although he might have gone to bantan, in xava major, to avenge the injury, since he might expect to find the enemy there--and he might at least have destroyed that factory and exacted satisfaction for what had been done--he did not choose to do so, but left the galleons anchored in the strait, while he went to malaca with the galleys. there he was received under the pall with great solemnity, honored with great festivities, and called that city's savior, since the ships had taken flight because of his coming. don juan became sorely perplexed, and could not come to a decision as to whether to careen his vessels and wait until the following year for the viceroy of goa, or whether to return to manila. death overtook him in that perplexity, on april 19 of the same year. he left orders for the fleet to return to manila, and to convey thither his embalmed body. thereupon our fleet returned. it was in as bad shape as if it had been a year at sea; for at that part of the strait where it was anchored the air was so unhealthful and the water so poisonous that the soldiers began to sicken immediately, and to die swollen up and yellow; and some days forty or fifty of them were thrown into the sea. all asserted that had they remained there one fortnight longer, not enough men would have been left to manage the sails, nor could they have brought back the galleons--which returned without anchors, for the few that they carried were lost in the currents, which are very strong. and had they not found nineteen anchors, which they bought, they would have perished. chapter viii. of the opposition to don juan de silva from all the city, and the opportunity that he lost by not taking the advice that they gave him. strange are the judgments of the most high, and nothing happens by chance that his infinite providence does not register. the portuguese regarded as certain the coming of don juan de silva to the strait with his fleet, and attributed to him, as was evident, the saving of their possessions. but he who regards the opportunity that silva lost, and how much more important it would have been not to have left manila, but to have been there when the enemy (who passed through the strait of magallanes) arrived, will see how unsatisfactory was the malaca expedition. don juan de silva had already prepared his fleet, and his yards were already squared, when a discussion arose as to whether it was advisable for him to go in search of the enemy, for which purpose he had prepared it. a general meeting of ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, the bishop, and the orders, was called, together with the royal audiencia. silva made them a harangue, and showed a royal decree that he had received shortly before, in which it was ordered that he should make the expedition. he read what was most suitable to his purpose, whereupon doctor vega, your auditor, asked him to give it to the secretary to read publicly, as they wished to know its contents. it was read, and your majesty ordered in it that the viceroy of india be advised, so that both should join forces and go in pursuit of the enemy with their fleets, and that the viceroy should act as superior officer if he came in person. from this, they took occasion to oppose silva, and said that he was not obeying your majesty's orders. they reminded him that he did not have sailors, because while the fewest number of sailors necessary for ten galleys amounted to fifty, he did not have twelve effective ones, because they had fled, as above stated. _item_: that he was only carrying two iron anchors for each galleon, disproportionate to their size, besides two others of wood, which are called _cenepites_; and that he was going into seas with strong currents and shoals, where he had to anchor every day, with evident peril and known danger of losing his fleet. _item_: that he was not carrying suitable rigging or sails. at the same time they told him that he was leaving the city depopulated of the men who might defend it in any sudden need. _item_: that he had dismantled the forts and walls of artillery, and had left no good piece, contrary to the ordinances of your majesty, and to all good government. _item_: that it was easy for the enemy, knowing the route that he was taking, to attack the city, which was surrounded by more than fifteen thousand chinese, and a considerable number of japanese, all of whom were angered by the many annoyances and injuries that they had received; especially the natives, of whom it could be feared that they would revolt at any news of an enemy, and what would most encourage them would be to see the city without defenders or artillery. _item_: that he was taking a route very foolishly chosen, because the season and monsoon (as it is called) for seeking the enemy was already past; and he was going with a known risk of suffering shipwreck, or of accomplishing nothing. _item_: that it was advisable for him to inform the viceroy of his expedition, as your majesty ordered, and in the meanwhile to continue to provide himself with everything necessary. the following year he could leave, as was advisable and as your majesty ordered. in short, they reminded him of many other difficulties; but none of them were able to make him postpone his purpose. doctor vega gave him a memorial which is printed, in which he declares all the above and many other arguments; and the fiscal issued many injunctions and protests against him. they became so angered that he tried to arrest the fiscal, who absented himself, together with many influential persons. the city was very much in danger of being lost, and was divided into factions and different opinions; although it is true that all desired silva's absence. after so many difficulties, and after having defied them all, silva left the city with his fleet, leaving the walls dismantled, as above stated. when he embarked, many men of those that he had provided from the inhabitants of the city, and single men, were not to be found, for they had run away. scarcely had he left manila when news came that a dutchman with five ships was coming, and within one week he came to anchor at the mouth of the bay of manila. it was our lord's pleasure that the dutch did not learn the city's condition, which would have placed us in the greatest embarrassment and danger. the dutch remained there one fortnight, and then, learning that don juan had gone toward their forts and factories, they set out for them. in the opinion of all it was the greatest misfortune that the news had not arrived sooner, so that our fleet could have gone to meet it; for not a single ship would have escaped; and, had he followed them to maluco, he would have destroyed their forces without difficulty--as don geronimo de silva, his cousin, wrote to him, whose letter i have. i heard afterward from the same man that he had made a treaty with all of them to surrender their forts to him if don juan arrived. god did not so ordain it, for our sins or for his secret judgments. so great an opportunity, which might have ended the war, was lost, for all the natives were resolved to become our friends; for they always cry "long live the conqueror!" sections 1, 9, and 15 of don geronimo's letter are of the following tenor. letter of don geronimo de silva, governor of maluco i am replying to the duplicate of your lordship, which i received by the hand of captain juan cutirez paramo and sargento-mayor don pedro tellez, dated at the strait of sincapura, march 15, in which your lordship gives me advice of the resolution that you took in manila to make your voyage to malaca, expecting to find there the viceroy of india, or at least the squadron of galleons from that state--a thing as generally desired by all as it is deemed difficult by me. for i could never persuade myself that the viceroy of india would decide to send a larger fleet this year than the four galleons; and, supposing this, i would have been glad had your lordship not gone in search of the viceroy this year. for, as i understand the decree of his majesty, the preparations were for the coming year; and by that time matters would have been suitably arranged, and, both powers having united, his majesty's will would have been realized, without the possibility of any fears of danger. but if the resolution taken by your lordship to go out with your fleet, because of the great expenses incurred, had been taken then to come to employ that fleet here, it would have arrived at so good a season and opportunity, that all these islands would have surrendered to you. i could answer with my head that his majesty would possess them without your lordship's needing to fire a single shot, for the material for this truth was very well arranged. i alone was unfortunate in that your lordship did not come directly here when you left manila. i would give you as a witness of that the king of tidore, only he cannot declare it in writing; but he will be a witness on that day that our lord brings your lordship to these islands. your lordship orders me at present to despatch to you what galleys are here. in fulfilment of that order don pedro tellez is returning in the galley that brought him, for captain juan de guassa's galley was such that it could not be repaired at all, although i summoned the royal officials, and persons who understood it, to examine it. to my summons they replied that it absolutely had nothing of use on it but the nails; accordingly, with their advice, it was beached. i have only the galliot left here and that is as free from iron and rigging as the galleys here have always been. the galliot is the feet and hands of these islands, and that which serves as a caracoa; for, glory be to god, the meldicas [_sic; sc._ mestizos] and native christians are wanting to me. the reason that moves me to this will be told your lordship by don pedro tellez, whom i wished to make a witness of this unfortunate state of affairs, and of what the service of his majesty suffers. will your lordship advise me of your resolution to come to these forts, and whether the viceroy of india is coming now with the squadron that your lordship has built. what i can say is that your lordship's speedy arrival here matters so much, although it be with only your galleys, that on that alone depends the restoration of these two islands, which will be maintained with the hope that your lordship will come hither in the time above stated. if you do not come, the islands and the spaniards who inhabit them will certainly perish; for although the king of tidore is our friend, he is the only one, and he does not have the same assurance of his island as hitherto. for that reason, it is advisable for me always to keep in this island the greater part of the infantry of this camp, divided among the fort of santiago, the fort of principe tomanira, and socanora. from the above your lordship will infer that i have need of protecting myself not only from the dutch but also from the natives and our intimates; for things are very much changed from what your lordship is informed. tidore, july 29, 1616. _don geronimo de silva_ chapter ix. of the coming of the dutch to manila in search of don juan de silva. it was learned in maluco from the dutch commander who passed through the strait of magallanes and infested the coasts of piru and nueva españa--the same one who arrived at manila just after the departure of don juan de silva--that don juan had laid his course toward malaca and thence to maluco. immediately all their ships were collected, and, repairing many, they equipped the ten best ones, taking the best artillery and men from their forts for that purpose, with the determination of awaiting silva. but when they saw that he delayed so long, and that he could not come to maluco now, because of bad weather, thinking that he would have returned, they went to try issues with him at manila. on reaching the island of mindanao, they learned of his death from the indians. they made a compact with the latter that each side should go to destroy the islands, even as far as the city of manila. the mindanaos set out with a fleet that they had prepared, of seventy caracoas, which resemble galliots. they anchored with them in the province of camarines, where they had heard that one ship and two pataches were being built for your majesty. they killed and captured about thirty spaniards and many indians, set fire to the ships, and pillaged whatever they could lay hands on. that disaster, which was very great, was the result of neglecting to send there fifty picked soldiers to guard the shipyard. the chiefs of those caracoas divided into two parties because of disputes between them. one party went toward manila in search of the dutch. the other went to the island of panay. captain don diego de quiñones, who was stationed in that island as commandant and captain of the pintados islands, hearing of this, sent captain lazaro de torres with seven caracoas in pursuit of them; he defeated them, and captured four caracoas. the rest took to the open sea in flight, and, those vessels being small, all of the men were drowned; for no news that they have reached their country has been heard here since. that island of mindanao is the farthest of the filipinas islands, and is about twenty leguas from cibu. that part that faces cibu is pacified, and the indians pay tribute, and there are a number of christians. the entire island formerly rendered homage to your majesty. it extends east and west, being somewhat inclined to the northeast and southwest. it is more than three hundred leguas in circumference. the southern part lies in six degrees of north latitude. it has many gold mines, as those say who have seen them, although they are but little worked, and many cinnamon trees and much civet. captain estevan rodriquez de figueroa went to pacify it in 1596 at his own cost, with the title of governor and captain-general of the island conceded by your majesty. but he was so unfortunate that, the first time when he set foot on land, he was killed by an indian concealed in ambush. captain juan de la xara, who was master-of-camp, continued the enterprise; but as he, like his master, died, the whole enterprise was destroyed by accidents that came upon them. consequently, not only were the natives not pacified, but more angered and desirous of vengeance. for that reason, they began to build vessels and to make inroads among those islands during the term of don francisco tello, to commit depredations. they captured many indians and their wealth (for the latter had considerable gold) through the fault of the captains and alcaldes-mayor who were governing those islands, and were not punished for it. and although punishment is one of the two arms of justice that preserves states, there has been so great lack of it in manila, that signal injuries have thereby resulted. the moros became excited by those captures, and through the exercise of war they became more skilful and daring. to such a height has their boldness reached, through the carelessness and neglect of the governors, that all those islands have been destroyed and ruined. they could very well have been restrained, but the reasons why they neglected to do that cannot be explained here, because the case in hand demands that many things be passed by; but if your majesty cares to know, i will explain them. those indians [_i.e._, the moros] are so vile and cowardly that they have never engaged in close combat with the spaniards, very few of whom have dared to resist vast multitudes; yet the moros have inflicted signal injuries. the worst is that these last few years they have committed greater ones, so that there is no christian or friendly indian who is safe in his house or country. these, although indians, set forth arguments that must have shamed your majesty's governors considerably; since, although the latter are so careful not only to collect their tributes, but to impose continually so many taxes, and to cause the indians innumerable troubles, yet they do not defend them from their enemies. consequently the indians say, "let us be free, and let us have arms, and we shall be able to defend ourselves, as we did before the advent of the spaniards." and, surely, did not the religious--especially those of the society, who instruct nearly all those islands--entertain them with hopes and fair arguments, they would all have revolted, as some have done. i have related this to your majesty so that you may order your governor to remedy that matter, which is so incumbent upon your majesty's royal conscience. but how poorly he informs your majesty; since at the very moment when those people were destroying your churches, the governor wrote that they were all peaceful and quiet. it is very easy to conquer that island, if its inhabitants are made slaves, as i have said in special memorials. chapter x. of the result obtained by the coming of the dutch to the filpinas islands and the city of manila. the enemy learned from the mindanao indians, as above stated, of the death of don juan de silva, whom they had intended to go to seek. they went to the island of panay, to a port called yloylo, with the design of building a fort there, in order to gain possession of those islands and to get the quantity of food that was stored for the relief of terrenate. (whence the forts of maluco are chiefly maintained), and at the same time to make themselves masters of the island. for, two years before, and during don juan de silva's term, another dutchman had arrived at that island at a spanish town called arevalo, burned it, seized its provisions, made quantities of dried beef at stock farms near there, and then returned, without any one having dared to fire a shot, although there was a captain there with two hundred soldiers. then he made a pact with the natives of the country, by which they were to render him homage. three or four days before the arrival of the enemy, the news reached the ears of captain don diego de quiñones, who was there with about seventy soldiers. he resolved to die there or to prevent the enemy from following out his designs. as hastily as possible, he threw up a redoubt, or small fort of fascines, stakes, and gabions, which he filled in with earth. then having assigned his men to their positions, he awaited the enemy's arrival. the dutch arrived with their ten galleons and went to anchor within musket-shot of the small fort, which they began to bombard with their artillery, and with musketry to pick off those who showed themselves. but seeing that they were defending themselves, and that so great a multitude of balls could not dislodge them, they threw seven companies of infantry ashore, and assaulted the fort twice with the batteries which were free; but the infantry, getting the worst of it, had to retire. don diego, although shot through the thigh by a musket-ball, was encouraged; and had sent captain lazaro de torres outside with forty soldiers to make an ambush. he pressed so heavily against the enemy that they had to embark hurriedly, leaving on the field and taking away many dead and badly wounded, while we suffered in dead and wounded twenty or a few more. thereupon the enemy weighed anchor and left the port in great ignominy and sorrow. that feat of arms was of great importance as can be understood from the condition of the country and of the natives of that island and others near by. i cannot keep silent on one thing that happened through the fault of him who was governing, since my intention is to make your majesty understand the state of that kingdom. the building of a fort in that port of yloylo, and the sending there of six pieces of artillery and one engineer to don diego, had been discussed in manila. but there was the utmost remissness and neglect in sending those pieces, for it was considered certain that if the enemy came he would manage to make himself master of the port. and although they could have been sent him one month before, they reached him one week after the opportunity was gone--when, if don diego had had them, he would have sunk half the enemy's fleet. such injury is done by the remissness and neglect of him who governs. the enemy thought that they would make little from don diego, and consequently left that place, and went to anchor in the mouth of the bay of manila. they reached an island which is situated in the middle of the entrance, called marivelez, where a sentinel is always posted to give notice of the ships that come to the city. he made signals, and hence, as we had advices, their arrival was known. they anchored their vessels at both entrances, so that no ship could enter or leave without being seen. they captured a few provision-boats, and on some days they entered the bay with two or three ships to reconnoiter the port of cabite, with the desire of having an extended view, and then returned. they had some communication with the japanese, who, as arrogant and barbarous people, despised our fleet. those people informed the dutch that they had nothing to fear, for we were unable to prepare our fleet because of the lack of many things, so that they could be quite easy. consequently they proceeded as would those who feared nothing. licentiate andres de alcaraz was then senior auditor, and was exercising the duties of captain-general. at several councils of war, it was discussed whether it would be proper to prepare the fleet that was in port, in order to drive the enemy away. most were of the opinion that the fleet should go out, founding their opinion on the ignominy and taunts that the enemy flung upon the spaniards, the reputation that we would lose among so many nations who were watching us, the need of provisions that the enemy were making them endure, and the design of the latter to await the ships from china in order to enrich themselves from the merchandise that the chinese were bringing to manila. those vessels were to come by april, and, besides the general danger of depriving the community of the necessities brought to it by the chinese, many of the inhabitants were interested in the said ships. although this last could be obviated by sending advices to china, the captain-general refused to do it, although he should have done so, because of the harm that might ensue to your majesty's service, the common welfare, and the great harm that would result to the enemies. [42] for opportunity was given to the enemy to enrich themselves exceedingly with the spoils [of the chinese], at the expense of the community; then, too, the chinese were losing so much there by favor of their friends, since they would be ruined. the cause of that error was that, in that former year when the other dutchman came with five vessels thinking to stay there until he pillaged the chinese (for he bore instructions to that effect), advice was given the chinese so that they should not come. they obeyed the advice and did not come, and as the enemy went away, the inhabitants conceived that they had signally erred, ruined the city, and deprived the royal treasury of the great sum that the duties on the merchandise brought by the chinese would be worth. for that reason alcaraz neglected to do that, although it was so desirable, whence so great injuries have resulted. when he who is governing heeds the murmurs that may be raised against him, and consequently neglects to take the measures that are advisable and to which he is obliged, such troubles generally follow. returning to the case [under consideration], almost all the city urged the preparation of the fleet, and it even came to such a pass that injunctions and protests were served on him by means of the entire ecclesiastical estate. innumerable difficulties were represented to licentiate alcaraz: one that there were many repairs to make in the fleet, which had come in quite bad shape; that it even lacked considerable of its sails and rigging, and what was left was rotten; that, as no ship had come from nueva españa that year, the royal treasury was considerably in debt, and had no money with which to prepare the fleet; that for the same reason the citizens could not possibly loan what was needed; that most of the artillery was under suspicion, and it was necessary to recast it; and, above all, that if it did not succeed well the entire kingdom was about to be endangered. while affairs were in that perplexity and confusion, the vessels that had gone out laden with the goods of the kingdom returned to port; for, as they had sailed late, they could not make the voyage. that is a matter that is never remedied, although by its neglect the people are so heavily punished. they had some artillery, more than one hundred and fifty sailors, and many passengers. that was very important, and it was a fine piece of luck that the enemy did not know it, for it would have been easy to capture them; for one of those vessels had discharged its cargo about twenty leguas from the enemy and transfered its goods overland to the city. the other went to a port at a distance from there, at an island called cibuian. at this same time, the mindanaos who had remained with the other squadron of caracoas came to the coast of manila, to a village called balayan. the mindanaos landed, and the inhabitants fled. they set fire to the village and to more than one thousand quintals of your majesty's rigging, through the fault and neglect of him who was governing. for although the master-of camp, don juan ronquillo, had advised them--on account of the news that had come that the mindanaos had burned the shipyard, and were pillaging--that fifty soldiers be sent to balayan for its defense, and because the alcalde-mayor had sent to request it, they did not do so, but postponed it from day to day; and consequently the enemy was able to destroy that place. but as the inhabitants were warned, as soon as they saw the mindanaos coming, they had a chance to get into the place of safety that was being prepared for them. our lord ordained that, although they set fire to the rigging, little of it was burned; for god kept it for the preparation of the fleet, without which that would have been impossible. at the news of the coming of the mindanaos, two galleys were sent under one commander, in order to prevent the junction of the moros with the dutch, and to try to scatter them. although the mindanaos had thirty-five caracoas, that would have been done without any danger, as caracoas are vessels which can be sunk with only the oar of a galley. he went out to look for the mindanaos; and as he left by night, because of the proximity of the dutch, he was not perceived, and found the mindanaos in the best position that could be desired. the mindanaos were intent on, and desirous of, gaining honor, for they were stationed with all their fleet within a river called baco in the island of mindoro. the galleys having been stationed at the mouth of the river, it was impossible for even a single caracoa to escape. consequently when the enemy learned that the galleys were there, they were disturbed, and let go their prize, and begged the captives to intercede for them. they were determined, on seeing the galleys, to desert their caracoas, and to go inland into the forests, where not one would have escaped. but the courage to undertake the most glorious enterprise (and one of importance for all the kingdom) that could be offered was lacking; and, turning about, the galleys went to another island, under pretense that there was a heavy wind, and that they did not dare enter until it ceased, in order not to run the risk of losing a galley. however that withdrawal was not without profit, for they met one of the ships that had sailed for nueva españa from manila, which was coming back to port; and had the latter not been warned it would have fallen into the hands of the dutch, being ignorant that they were at the mouth of the bay. thereupon, although the wind ceased at midnight, the galleys did not return until the afternoon of next day, and were told that, just as soon as the enemy heard that they were gone, they had very joyfully taken flight toward their country, and with so great fear, that they did not even wait for one another. one would believe that our lord was doing everything necessary for the preparation of the fleet in order to encourage them; for at the same time came news that the two ships despatched that year from nueva españa with the goods of the city and the reënforcements sent by the viceroy both in money and in men for maluco, had been forced to put in at japon in july because of the vendavals; and that the almiranta had been wrecked, although the goods and men had been saved. having awaited favorable weather there, the commander (one don francisco de serna) had come, and had arrived on the coast of pangasinan, twenty leguas from where the dutch were stationed. being warned of the dutch, the commander put into a port there, and with the help of the alcalde-mayor of that province they discharged the ship, removed the artillery, and fortified themselves with two hundred soldiers of the vessel, so that they could defend themselves if the dutch heard of them. as quickly as possible they carried the silver and everything else to the city. the enemy were advised of it, but at a time when everything was safe except the ship, which our men had to set afire, so that the enemy could not take it. god was encouraging them in this way, and ordaining what was to be done; they appointed master-of-camp don juan ronquillo as commander, and he went immediately to the port to make effective the equipment of six galleons, for the others could not be made ready. trustworthy persons were despatched in order that they might send what was necessary from the islands. in another direction, tests of the artillery were begun, and what burst was recast; and it all proved satisfactory, so that no piece turned out badly. all were encouraged--he who had means, to give what was needed, and all to go out to fight the enemy. the enemy, seeing that the season for the coming of the chinese merchants had arrived, left the mouth of the bay, and went twenty leguas away to a port called playa honda, where all the chinese ships come to make land, and where the other dutchman who surrendered to juan de silva was pillaging in the year 1610. thereupon, since the entrance of the bay was unoccupied, they sent for the almiranta, which had put in and had been unladed. it was brought to port, laden with the food that had been collected there for the purpose of being brought by the said ship if the enemy gave any opportunity for it, as they did. everything resulted as we desired. the ship carried thirty pieces of artillery, with which they managed to equip it, for it did not have to be repaired. seven galleons were made ready for sailing, and even the one that carried the least artillery numbered thirty large bronze pieces. then captains and commanders were appointed for the galleons, and each of the commanders was given the duty of directing and conveying the soldiers and inhabitants who were inclined to go with him; whereat each one labored to caress and attract not only his friends, but others also. the commanders were as follows: of the galleon "san juan bautista," admiral pedro de heredia; of the galleon "san miguel," admiral rodrigo de vilastigui; of "san felipe," captain sebastian de madrid; of "nuestra señora de guadalupe," captain juan bautista de molina; of "san lorenço," captain azevedo; and command of the galleon "san marcos"--which was called the almiranta, as it had been with don juan de silva in the expedition which he made to malaca--was given to don juan de la vega, son of doctor vega, auditor of the royal audiencia. there were many disputes over his appointment as admiral, for many of the commanders to whom it was due claimed it, especially don diego quiñones, who had been brought from oton for that purpose, although he had not recovered from his musket-wound; also hernando muñoz de aramburo (who had come as admiral of the caravels), and francisco de la serna--who had gone as commander of the ships, and at the restoration of the country was a very great soldier, who, with twenty gentlemen, served in that expedition at his own cost. also for certain reasons, which i can not well recount, those captains were at odds, a mistake that caused much regret later, when there was no remedy. it is certain that no one would have escaped who would carry news of the enemy. yet, so that it might not appear that they were shunning the opportunity, they offered their persons. aramburu went as associate of the commander, being skilful in war. don diego was given a galley and the title of _quatralvo_. [43] don alonso enriquez took another galley, with the title of commander [_general_]; don pedro de almazan, another. the galleon "salvador" was flagship, the best and largest galleon ever seen in the sea. it carried fifty large pieces of artillery, many of them of twenty-five and thirty libras' caliber, but most of them of eighteen. the fleet left port on the eighth of april, in pursuit of the enemy. that afternoon, which was saturday, it anchored at the mouth of the bay in order to ascertain the location of the enemy. they had heard already that the enemy had plundered many chinese and had filled their ships with great riches. it was ascertained from a spy, who was the one who sent advices of what the enemy was doing, that two ships were six leguas from there, and the rest at playa honda. that report was false, and was the reason why the most fortunate victory that could be desired was not obtained without bloodshed, and without any one escaping, as will be seen in this relation. on receiving this news the commander began to trim his sails, in order to reach the two ships by dawn. but finding nothing, he passed on to playa honda, where he arrived late, more than two hours after the sun had risen. had the spy not deceived them, they would have reached the four of the enemy's ships at dawn, and the commander with most of his men could have slept on shore, entertaining guests with the booty that had fallen into his hands. but when they sighted our fleet, they were able to get aboard their vessels and to join the other two, which were coming with two more very rich chinese prize ships. they spread their sails and went away together, and the fleets did no more that day than to watch one another, but our fleet always kept very close to, and did not lose sight of, the enemy. next morning, friday, our fleet came up scattered, either because of their inability to follow the flagship, or through the fault of the pilots. what is the most certain thing is that faults are not investigated in the islands, nor are they punished. because there was no almiranta to collect the vessels, the flagship, the "san miguel," and the "san juan bautista" were very near the enemy, while the others were more than three leguas to leeward. the enemy tried to improve the opportunity, and determined to grapple our flagship with all their fleet, which they had carefully collected--thinking that if it surrendered the war would be ended; for they thought that ship alone carried force, and that the others could only be carrying the pretense of it. the enemy worked to get to windward of our fleet, and our flagship, which was an excellent sailer, did the same; but on tacking, the latter threw a rope to the galley of don alonso enriquez and towed it a short distance. that allowed the enemy time to get to windward, and they came down upon our fleet to attack it in the following order: their flagship came first and then the other vessels, the bow of one right against the stern of the other. although they could have raked the "san juan bautista," which was astern of the flagship, or have borne down upon the "san miguel," which lay to leeward, they cared only to defeat the flagship. since our ships could not get to windward, they passed it very closely, each ship raking it. but our flagship was not asleep, and kept replying in such a way that, although the enemy's vessels came so close together, so great haste was made that it gave each ship a full broadside volley from that side, namely with twenty-five pieces. with that they were so crippled that they did not dare return the fire, and so gained nothing. that night the enemy held a council of war, as some prisoners reported. all advised flight, as they had been surprised by our flagship. but their commander assured them that there was nothing to fear, and that the flagship had all the force, and he dared to defeat it. don juan ronquillo collected his fleet that night and sent an order by the galley of don diego de quiñones for each vessel to grapple with the one that fell to its lot, and for the "san lorenço" to act as a reserve in order to help the most needy. next morning, saturday, april 15, our fleet bore down upon the enemy and succeeded in getting to windward of it. don diego de quiñones went with his galley to tell the commander that he was waiting to attack the enemy. the commander gave the same order, and also to leave the enemy's flagship for him. invoking our lady of the most pure conception, whom they had taken as patroness of that undertaking on their departure, they attacked the enemy. the dutch were confident, when they were aware of the dash of the spaniards, that our men would board their ships when they grappled. accordingly they prepared for it by so many stratagems that all who boarded would be killed; but don juan ronquillo, taking precautions against that, issued an order for no one to board until the galleon with which he was fighting had surrendered. that order was obeyed; and our flagship grappled its adversary, and although almost all the latter's crew were killed it refused to surrender. finally it was reduced to such a condition that it began to roll violently, a sign that it was sinking, whereupon our flagship drew apart from it, and it went to the bottom. the commander and several who were left alive got into their small boat and escaped. it was said that the ship contained great wealth that had been pillaged along the coast of india, and the best that they had pillaged from the chinese. that galleon was called "sol nuevo de olanda" [_i.e._, "new sun of holland"], and it set very wretchedly for them that day. captain juan bautista de molina was the first to grapple another galleon, and the galley of don diego went to his aid. it had already surrendered, and the dutch had been made prisoners, when another galleon, all on fire, bore down upon two galleons with which rodrigo de guillastegui had fought. it set fire to one of them, and it bore down ablaze upon the one defeated by captain molina, so that he was forced to ungrapple. those two burning vessels bore down upon that of the dutch admiral, with whom pedro de heredia had grappled, and whom he had already defeated and most of whose crew he had killed. when he saw the two burning galleons bearing down upon them, they threw off the grapples and separated. consequently the admiral had opportunity to escape, but in so bad a condition that his vessel sank next day, according to the report of some indians and chinese who saw it. captain sebastian de madrid, on going to grapple with another galleon, was killed by a musket-ball; and when his vessel was about to grapple, don juan de la vega, with the galleon "san marcos," came between. those aboard the "san felipe" thought that he would grapple, but he made for the open sea, whereupon they on seeing it went after him. captain azevedo grappled the other galleon, and after fighting gallantly, the grapples were thrown off, whereupon both dutch galleons took the opportunity to escape. that battle was the most bloody ever seen, for all had come with the determination to die rather than surrender, and they did so. "san felipe," "san juan bautista," and "san marcos" went in pursuit of the three galleons of the enemy; but since flight has so many advantages to the one escaping, the enemy threw overboard all their cargo into that sea, and, their sails being wet, the sea became narrow for them, notwithstanding it was so wide; and when dark night came, they changed their route and our ships lost sight of them. thereupon the "san juan bautista," the "san felipe," and the "san marcos" changed their course, and returned two days later for the evil result that disturbed that victory. the commander determined to return to manila, for their drinking-water was gone, and the galleon "san miguel" was leaking badly, and they were unable to overcome the leak at the pumps, while the galleon of pedro de heredia arrived at the mouth of the bay in very bad condition. next day two other galleons belonging to the enemy, which had not been present during the battle, reached the place where it had been fought. they had a japanese prize-ship, laden with flour. ignorant of the past event, they spied the "san marcos" coming. one of them went to reconnoiter the latter, and upon seeing that it was our vessel went to advise its companion. both bore down upon our vessel, whereupon it turned its course to the shore. for reasons known to its commander--and i think because he was mainly influenced by cowardly advisers--the ship was run aground and burned, so near the enemy that the latter flung at them innumerable insults. the largest galleon of the fleet, next to the flagship, was lost. it had thirty-six large pieces of artillery, most of which have been taken out of it. the commander was arrested, as well as his associates captains pedro de ermura and salvador de oñate. the most notable thing is that that galleon was lost on the very day of st. mark, by whose intercession don juan de silva had obtained the last victory. don juan ronquillo heard of the disaster of don juan de la vega, and set out in pursuit of the enemy. he was unable, however, to overtake them, for a dutch lad aboard the "san marcos" escaped by swimming and went to the enemy, to whom he related what was happening. thereupon the dutch returned to japon, laden with spoils. some have doubted whether the enemy had ten galleons, since only six fought, besides the two above mentioned, [and ask] what became of them. i answer that doubt by saying that one fled on the day of battle, and refused to fight, for which reason its captain was hanged at maluco. the dutch commander sent the other vessel back with the wounded and some sick men, as soon as the engagement with don diego de quiñones had happened, chiefly because that galleon was leaking badly. captain molina carried a carved image of our lady in the galleon "nuestra señora de guadalupe." it was kept in a little wooden tabernacle. an eighteen-libra ball entered one of the ports, struck the tabernacle of the image, and knocked it into a thousand splinters. i saw the latter and the ball with my own eyes. but the image remained on its base, and not a hair of it was touched, which was obviously a miracle. pedro de heredia was carrying another picture of our lady, painted on a board beside a crucifix, on the galleon "san bautista." another ball of twelve libras entered and struck it on the breast, without doing it other harm than that the gold with which the drapery had been made stuck to the ball, which fell there at her feet, while the board was unbroken. i certify to that, for i saw it. an artilleryman went below decks to apply fire to a piece with which he had fired several shots. he applied the fire to it three times, although on similar occasions it was wont to catch without that, but it would not go off. the artilleryman was surprised and approaching to ascertain what was the matter found the piece open. had it taken fire, it would have caused a very great disaster, and perhaps have burned the ship. whence one could clearly see that the virgin, our lady, was not slothful on that occasion. neither was the city of manila slothful, for they carried our lady of guidance, which is outside the walls, in solemn procession to the cathedral, whose advocacy is of the immaculate conception; and all the people confessed and took communion. having exposed the most holy sacrament, all accompanied it during all those days, making many prayers to god and to his blessed mother, which were also answered. may he be blessed forever. amen. part second, which treats of the importance of the filipinas and of the means for preserving them chapter i. of the importance to your majesty of preserving that country. for many reasons, which those who do not possess thorough information in regard to the filipinas ignore, but which show how important to your majesty is the preservation and increase of those islands, i shall insert them here as clearly as possible. the first is the increase and extension of the holy gospel and the glory and honor of god, which is so incumbent upon your majesty--in the first place, because your majesty has inherited from your blessed father and glorious ancestors this pious and holy zeal for spreading and extending the holy catholic faith, by reason of which your majesty enjoys the wealth of the indias; in the second place, because it is so suitable to the greatness of your majesty's sovereignty and your reputation. for to leave this work when begun would be a great scandal before the world, and the occasion of much complaint to all its nations--and especially to the heretics, who would say that your majesty was influenced not by the glory of god, nor the preservation of the indias, but by private interest, since where you had not that you allowed christianity to perish. the second concerns the peace of your royal conscience, if you should not preserve those islands while possible. the third is for causes of state; for it would amount to giving your enemies arms and forces against your majesty, and encourage others to the same enmity who are envious of your majesty's greatness. it may well be inferred that since the enemy are attempting this with so great expense and labors, they have understood its importance to themselves. the possibility of this can be easily understood, for they could not persevere so long with their own forces only, if they were not privily incited by the secret enemies of your majesty, and those who are envious and fearful of your greatness--who clearly recognize that, if they could possess that archipelago without opposition, it would be worth more to them than eight millions clear (as i will demonstrate to whomsoever may be curious or may desire to know it), through the profit which they can make in spices, drugs, and the trade with great china, japon, and the neighboring countries. the fourth is, because straightway the whole of portuguese india would be infallibly lost; and, if it is not lost, it is because we so harass the enemy from filipinas that they need all their forces in order not to lose what they hold. the fifth is the knowledge (as is evident) of the immense wealth which lies in the filipinas, as i shall explain further in this treatise, and which hitherto has been unrecognized. the sixth would be the loss of the most convenient and important post which your majesty holds in all his kingdoms, not only for the extension of the holy gospel in so many kingdoms of idol-worshipers who are capable of receiving it, but, as these are in the neighborhood of the filipinas, the hope, consequently, of enjoying the immense wealth which they possess through their trade and commerce--not to mention the risk which is incurred by the western indias through the south sea. chapter ii. wherein those are answered who believe that the filipinas should be abandoned, or traded to the crown of portugal for brazil. the lack of knowledge regarding the filipinas and the gains which may be obtained with them has been the cause for many of the servants of your majesty, and other prominent persons, having a poor opinion of them. accordingly it has seemed to such persons more expedient to be rid of those islands, and to others that they should be exchanged with the crown of portugal for brazil. all the reasons which they give for this may be reduced to five: the first is that there is a drain upon your majesty's royal patrimony for their maintenance, and you derive no profit. the second is to avoid the flow, through that method of maintaining them, of silver from nueva españa to great china, by cutting off commerce with the latter country. the third is on account of the troops that are there consumed. the fourth is that since your majesty is in such straits it is expedient to attend first to the relief most necessary, which is that of affairs here; and since you cannot attend to all, it is compulsory to abandon that country. finally, your majesty's dominions are widely separated, and cannot be preserved except by withdrawing from those which are least necessary, for power united is the stronger. or it is argued that, even though it be expedient to maintain the filipinas, the commerce should be changed from nueva españa to these kingdoms, and ships should be sent from the city of sevilla to the filipinas, as is done from portugal to eastern india; and that for this trade the ships should be laden with merchandise from this country [_i.e._, españa], and in exchange for that should bring back the wealth of great china and those regions. in answer to the first, your majesty expends much in the preservation of that country, it is true; but the objectors do not consider that those expenditures which are made are not for the purpose of preserving the filipinas--at least since don pedro de acuña, your governor, won the islands of maluco, where cloves are obtained; for since that time the expense has been to maintain the war against the dutch, who have been fortifying and making themselves masters there, and because we did not understand here, in the beginning and later, how important it would be to spend what was necessary to drive them out once for all, and to secure those regions. this has been the cause of spending so much in reënforcements, which have not served, and do not serve, more than to keep the forts which your majesty holds in the islands of terrenate and tidore, and the friendship of the king of tidore; and this is the cause of the expenses which your majesty makes in the filipinas, while the dutch are taking away almost all the profits--although it is true that, if your majesty had had ministers there zealous in your service, you might have obtained profit enough to maintain those forts without drawing upon your royal exchequer. the same thing could be done at any time when you wish, but the means for this are not at hand, and accordingly i defer them. if your majesty should wish to know them, i will inform you of them. from this it may be concluded that the filipinas are not the cause of these expenditures; and those which were made there before that time (as will be explained later, by themselves) exceeded the support with which your majesty maintained the islands. this was done by the kings, your majesty's father and grandfather, for two reasons: in the first place, by their aiming at the glory of god and the spread of his holy gospel, since they enjoyed the title of patrons of the church, upon whom it would seem this obligation rests; in the second place, on account of the favorable situation of that post for obtaining from it more wealth than from all the rest of the indias--and if this has not hitherto been enjoyed the blame is not upon the country, but, for reasons which cannot be here set down, upon those who have governed it. to the second reason--that, as they say, much silver passes to the filipinas and does not come to españa--it may be answered that the fact is that, to obviate this difficulty, your majesty has ordered that the citizens of the filipinas islands, in order to support themselves, be permitted, in return for the merchandise which they send to nueva españa, to have sent back to them 500u [_i.e._, 500,000] pesos of eight reals; and in the course of this, it is said, a much greater quantity passes. as it is an easy thing to increase the zeros in an account, in this manner they have increased it more than double and triple, basing their figures on what was written to this court by an auditor of the filipinas, who was alleging services so that favors might be granted to him. he said that when he was going from nueva españa as commander, and the capitana in which he sailed was wrecked, he had placed the commercial silver in a place of safety, and there were three millions of it. the truth is that he exaggerated this to enhance the value of his service, increasing the sum by more than half; for from us, who were there, this matter could not be concealed, and there has never passed so much silver as in that year. if this service was placed at such figures, it deserved a heavy punishment, and not the reward which he seeks. since that time it is true that as much more passes, to filipinas, by the permission which your majesty gives. the causes of this excess are two. in the first place, the necessity of the citizens, who are unable to support themselves with so small a quantity, or to gain profit in trade; since, if there are no more than five hundred [thousand pesos] they need all which is sent them for their living alone. accordingly, even at a great cost to themselves, they seek means to get profits from their property. the limitation of this permission entails a difficulty which i have mentioned; for in the first place measures must be taken to enrich them, since it is of so great importance to kings that their subjects should be rich, while the poverty of the latter causes such diminution of their power. if this reason holds in all the kingdoms of your majesty, it does so much more in that one which is so distant, where, when necessary, they lend to the royal treasury on occasions of need--as they did last year to don alonso faxardo de tença, your governor, whom they lent 200u ducados to lead an army against the dutch, and likewise their slaves to man four galleys. they have done this same thing on other occasions, and expose their persons in war and lose their lives, as many of the best men of that city have done--their misfortune lying in this, that they were so far distant from the royal eyes of your majesty, wherefore their services are not conspicuous. in the second place, there is the greediness of the merchants from mexico, to whom the greater part of this silver which passes to the filipinas belongs; if this could be remedied, the difficulty of so much outflow of silver as is reported would be obviated. but the remedy is not to send thither judges and guards who are not to allow it to pass; for on the contrary, as our experience shows, they go to enrich themselves by the salaries which your majesty gives them, and the profit which they there make. for in all countries ill-gained wealth is thus christened. the silver which goes there is of no less value to the royal exchequer than that which comes here, since the investment of it pays no fewer duties, but more; and at least it comes finally into the hands of our friends, and is not like that which comes to españa--which for the most part is enjoyed by the enemies of your majesty; and the fleets go more heavily laden with the enemy's property than with that of your vassals. the merchants of sevilla complain that the trade with china has been destroyed by the indias, but they do not understand the cause of its ruin. the marquis de montesclaros, who governed nueva españa and piru, and understood this matter very well (as he did many things), wrote your majesty a letter from the indias, which is in your royal council, where he says with clear and evident arguments: "but what strikes me is, that as the commonest and most universal means of working the mines is quicksilver, this loss is caused by giving that metal at so high a price to the miners. for in the first place, as most of them are poor, they cannot buy it, and therefore a great deal of metal is left unworked; and in the second place, because those who are able to buy it cannot work poor mines (for they would be ruined thereby), and as the greater part of those in the indias are of this kind, double the amount of silver [obtained] is left unmined. if your majesty would order the quicksilver to be given at cost and expenses, it would be of incomparably more profit than today; and the indias would be in a better condition, more merchandise would be bought, the duties would increase, and the merchants would not feel the want of the silver which goes to the filipinas--as they did not feel it in times past, although there came much more merchandise from there than at present. i would that there were so great an abundance of quicksilver in the indias, and so cheap, that it could be bought, not only by the miners, but by other spaniards and indians, who would then have so much silver that their complaints would cease." if the trade were transferred to españa, those who say that the merchandise from this country would be carried to filipinas, to be exchanged for the goods of that country, are not aware that in those regions there is no one to use spanish goods except the spaniards, who with four pipas of wine, and other wares of little importance, would be quite sufficiently supplied; and that, if this were so, the portuguese and dutch would take the merchandise away, for nothing escapes their notice. both of these take silver, and whatever else they take is of small importance; so that it would soon be necessary, in order to maintain the trade, to carry silver from españa and risk it again. it is less trouble to carry it from the indias, beside the incomparably greater risk from the sea and from enemies [by the other route]; and nueva españa would be ruined. to the third reason, in which they say that many troops are used up, i would say that it is true that there go each year sometimes two hundred men, and other years less, and again none at all; and of these more die from their excesses than from the war, and they do not count those who return and go through india and other regions. if those islands were to be abandoned on account of this difficulty, the same reason holds in flandes and italia, which use up more men in one campaign than do the filipinas in twenty years. to the fourth, that because your majesty is so hard pressed he needs must attend to matters here, etc., we could say that it is in no wise expedient that your majesty should abandon that country, on account of the dependence of all the indias upon it; because if the dutch possessed themselves of that archipelago (which they are attempting to do), they would draw from it resources sufficient to destroy the indias--not only by the power which they have, but also through the opportunity of keeping an open port in those regions where your majesty could not defend himself without spending much more than the profits of the indias. for that reason it is necessary to preserve that country, as well as all the rest; for your majesty is under expense for the same reason in preserving habana, puerto rico, santo domingo, jamayca, florida, and the whole continent, without securing profit, merely on account of the damage which enemies could inflict upon the indias. not alone for this reason are the filipinas important to your majesty, but for another of no less consequence, and which these countries do not have, namely, the great profits which can be drawn from them. to the fifth i say that although this maxim, that united forces are stronger, is usually true, yet there are occasions when this union consists not alone in compressing them, but in conserving the parts of which the whole is composed, although these are distant from one another, as are those which your majesty possesses in his monarchy. at first, when the filipinas were discovered, this might have been done without any harm while that country was new and strange, unknown to the nations of europe, uncultivated and in disorder. no one desired it until filipo second of blessed memory brought it to notice; and at that time, even if it had been abandoned, there was no one who coveted it; but now that the great wealth contained in it is well known, all are desirous of it, and are trying to take it from your majesty, so that they may thereby carry on their war. this was well considered by the exceedingly prudent grandfather of your majesty; for he considered not only the service which he was doing to our lord god, by spreading his catholic faith and bringing so many souls to recognize him, but likewise that, at the rate at which it was growing, it would increase for his posterity with greater magnificence. he told those who were persuading him to abandon it that, if the silver of the indias was not enough, he would send what was needed from españa. for if your majesty possesses the indias with so honorable a warrant as that of the catholic church for the purpose of converting souls, and there has been and is being taken so much wealth from the indias, where your reputation and royal conscience are to such an extent engaged, what reason can be so pressing that you should not attempt with great care and energy the preservation of that country, where the obligation of your majesty is so pressing? and what excuse would your majesty have before the divine majesty for not aiding it in time, if for this reason so many millions of souls should retrograde from the faith? then, too, consider the great multitude who, it is hoped, will come to the knowledge of the true god, in whose hand, as david says: _domini est terra, et plenitudo eius, orbis terrarum, et omnes qui habitant in eo_. [44] who but he gives kingdoms and monarchies? for how could he be under greater obligation--if there is any way in which to oblige him from whom nothing is due--than to procure his own greater honor and glory in the salvation of souls, which cost him so much? for these services are paid for, both here and in heaven, bountifully, and the holy scriptures are full of examples to this effect. how many blessings did he shower upon obededon for preserving the ark of the testament, and what favors has the most fortunate house of austria [45] received from his hand, which was presaged in that manna which was once sent! god is very generous, and knows well how to further the affairs of him who charges himself with his; but as for those who, on the contrary, put temporal good before his service, what success can they hope in this? i might well cite many examples which i do not, that i may not pass the bounds of my memoir. although some give as an example the king of great china, who abandoned many kingdoms of which he was the lord in order to preserve his own, this is not suited to your majesty's position; for great china is very extensive and holds as many people as eight españas, and its king has one hundred and fifty millions of revenue, or even more, and is made thoroughly secure by nature and art. what he abandoned, moreover, was not taken from him, nor was there any risk of putting himself in a position to make enemies--although where these reasons are present, those who advised this are right. chapter iii. how the city of manila at present bears the burden of all this structure. i have already explained how the city of manila is like the center of a circle, whose circumference includes all the kingdoms mentioned. it remains to explain how it maintains this structure and bears the whole burden of it. in the first place, it maintains the war of maluco and feeds it with troops, supplies, and munitions continually, a thing which portuguese india could not do. i argue the matter thus, that i may not seem to be actuated only by affection for my own country, instead of making a just estimate. it must be considered that people cannot go to maluco from india more than once a year, on account of the weather; this is well known to all those who sail on those seas. from manila the voyage can be made almost the whole year; whence it follows that maluco could not be reënforced so conveniently [if the filipinas were abandoned], especially in cases of great need. _item_: they cannot so well send news [to india as to manila], or receive advices, of the difficulties in which they find themselves, in order to seek aid; for they are very far away and there is no favorable weather except during a certain monsoon of the year in order to go to india, and still less to come from there. _item_: on account of the lack of available funds in india, for it is well known that that country is quite exhausted; and news is coming continually to manila from, maluco, for information comes and aid is sent in a fortnight or less. likewise on account of the abundance [in filipinas] of provisions and other necessary things with which your majesty provides them. _item_: because, beside the garrisons of troops which your majesty has in maluco, you have ships of war which molest the enemies. it is necessary, for the profit that they obtain, that they should not buy [46] cheaply, since they have to maintain, for the safety of the trade, a number of fortresses and armed ships on account of the spaniards of the filipinas; but, if the latter were not there, there would be no enemy to cause them anxiety, nor occasion for expense. _item_: because the trade from manila with great china prevents the chinese from trading freely with the dutch; but if they could do so, it would induce the former to drain from their country great quantities of merchandise, in order to satisfy their greed. _item_: the check and apprehension which is imposed on the enemy lest they extend their navigation farther, for fear of encountering our people; accordingly they do not sail on those seas excepting with great caution. _item_: in the city of manila is a concourse and traffic between many nations, by whom it is supported--which proves how important it is to maintain it for the greatness and reputation of your majesty, with all those nations and with all the world. for they see with how few vassals you subject and make so many nations tremble, with the aid of god, who protects them surrounded by so many enemies as you have, even within the gates; and yet they live in as much security, but not heedlessness, as if there were no enemy. chapter iv. explains the error which is generally prevalent that the money for the reënforcements which your majesty sends to the filipinas, and other things, is spent for their maintenance; and of the resources which they possess available (if it were not for maluco) for their own maintenance. since your majesty sent an order and command to don pedro de acuña to go with a force of troops to recover maluco, which the portuguese had lost, all the reënforcements of money, troops, and munitions which have since been raised here are spent in maintaining the forts of maluco; and the great quantity that don juan de silva expended was in the expeditions which he made. not only has this been spent, but manila and all the islands are today almost ruined because of this, besides the embarrassment in which that placed your royal treasury, so that if it had to pay what is due to the indians, excluding what it owes the citizens, that would be more than two millions. if it had not these calls upon its revenues, there would be enough to maintain it without your majesty expending any more than the profits which he obtains from the islands, as may be seen by what follows, which is copied from the royal books of the royal accountancy with all fidelity. pesos there are assigned to the royal crown tributes amounting to 36u516 and a half, of which 28u483 and a half of 8 reals are collected. the rest, amounting to 5u033 of 10 reals, which is the province of ylocos, amounts to 39u807 there are in all the islands 130u939 tributarios in encomiendas, and those under the crown pay your majesty two reals of income 32u734 the tenths of gold are worth 2u000 the tenths on herds of cattle 2u500 the customs duties from the chinese at six per cent on merchandise 80u000 licenses imposed by don juan de silva on every chinaman who remains in the country, at 8 pesos 80u000 duties on cloth belonging to citizens, which is brought in the ships from mexico. 2u500 customs duties on ships that go to mexico sent by citizens of manila, at three per cent of the merchandise 12u000 other items, 4u pesos 4u000 total amount 255u541 in this way your majesty has, from year to year, a little more or less than two hundred and fifty thousand reals of eight, and in this there are included neither the freight charges of the ships which go to nueva españa, amounting to more than 30u pesos, nor the twelve per cent paid there on the merchandise which is sent, because this enters into the royal treasury of mexico. the expenses which your majesty has in these islands are not so great that, if it were not necessary to furnish support for the war in maluco with the dutch, there would not be rather some surplus than a deficit; and you could well maintain four galleons and six galleys for its protection and defense. chapter v. that your majesty possesses in the filipinas enormous wealth, even with the little effort made to realize it. what most discourages many servants of your majesty, and even prevents others who are striving to forward your royal service from giving credence to great things, has been the incredulity which they display regarding the greatness of the indias. this has been true since the first discoverers, as is well known. for not only are we to believe that the holy ghost gave them that impulse to persevere in their intention--even if that were not (which ought not to be believed) the glory of god and the saving of souls--but our lord, who sought by this means to accomplish his work, gave them so great perseverance and fortitude in breaking through the midst of so many difficulties and so much opposition and so many hard rebuffs that, indeed, if one look upon and read the history of the indias, it would seem that men would be unable to suffer so much. but god would encourage them, for whose cause they persevered in their projects, bringing so great increase of grandeur to the kings of españa. although since that time some, more desirous of wealth and honor than moved by god, have tried to imitate those discoverers, and have had ill success, they ought not all for this reason to be condemned and reproved without first examining their intentions and objects, and the real nature of the affairs which they are conducting. i have said this briefly, for in what i wish to say i think there will be many of this sort mentioned; and, just as it is imprudent to believe all, it would be going to the other extreme to give credit to no one. in the filipinas islands, in so far as i have been able to learn (and i consider it certain), your majesty has, without going to conquer foreign kingdoms, the greatest wealth which has been found in the indias; [47] and i base this upon these arguments, for in all those islands it is well known and established. after the spaniards founded the city of manila and reduced that island to peace, they learned that in some mountainous regions which lie about forty leguas from the city, in the province of pangasinan, there were many mines of gold, according to the information which the indians gave them; but that they were inhabited by warlike and barbarous indians, who never permitted those of the plains to go up there. this was known because they came down at certain times of the year to buy a quantity of cattle, and brought a great deal of gold. on this information, although it was somewhat indefinite, guido de labaçares, who governed at that time, sent a number of soldiers to climb up the mountain. [48] these, being unprovided with necessities, and fewer in number than were needed, encountered much resistance from the natives. as the country is rough, and their food soon failed them, they went back, many of them ill. although they brought some information, it was not sufficient to encourage the governor or to cause him again to further the enterprise. therefore, little by little, this knowledge was fading away among the spaniards, notwithstanding that the religious who ministered in the neighboring provinces were well informed, and certain indians told them of it. accordingly, considering the host of vexations, injuries, and losses, and the diminution of numbers that are suffered by the indians in all the western indias on account of the labor in the mines, the order of st. dominic especially, who administer the province of pangasinan, have tried with all their might to cover up this information, on account of this fear which possesses them. many years ago i learned something of this, but i sided with the others who gave little credit to it, owing to the little knowledge that we had. but as time is a great discloser of secrets, while i was discussing with some religious the difficulties of the future which the kings of españa, the successors of your majesty, must meet in maintaining this country if there were in the country itself no wealth or sources of profit which would oblige them to do so, i succeeded in securing a great deal of information concerning the wealth which is there. particularly, he who is now archbishop [49] told me that a religious of st. dominic--the vicar of a village named vinalatonga, who was named fray jasinto palao, and who at that time had come from luzón to this kingdom [_i.e._, españa]--had shown him some rocks which an indian had brought him from a mine, and which appeared extraordinarily rich, beyond anything that had been seen. but he enjoined the bishop to secrecy, because he himself had heard it in the same manner. i, who desired the preservation of that country, took occasion to make friends with that religious, in order to inform myself the better under pretence of curiosity. i asked him to tell me what he knew of those mines, whereupon that religious (who was already en route for the return to the islands) told me that what he had said was true; and further he said: "no one knows as much about those mines as i, because some indians came down from the mountains and i entertained them. they told me that there was a great deal of gold up there, and that of what they took from the mines, half the ore was gold." and he said that when one of them, who was already somewhat versed in our tongue, saw reals of eight, he said to him: "we have much of this metal there, father, much in the mines; but indian wants nothing besides gold." i conferred with the bishop of nueva segovia (as that province falls under his jurisdiction), who was don fray diego de soria, a dominican, and with another religious, the provincial of the same order, named fray bernardo de santa catalina, in regard to this matter; and i gave them so many arguments to incline them to my plan that they were brought to my way of thinking. the most convincing argument which i used was to persuade them that the same reason did not hold there as in nueva españa and piru, for ill-treating the indians; for there are so many chinese who are raising their hands to god to find something to work at--as many as are necessary, as was well known by them. thereupon they told me all the information that they had for certain from various indians--not only from the christians, some of whom had gone up peacefully to trade, but likewise from those from above who came down to the province. the bishop certified that there was the greatest wealth in the world; and that they had brought him from one hill a little red earth, of which the whole hill is composed, which was as much as they could put upon a silver platter. they washed it, in his presence, and took out seven taes of gold, which amount to forty-four castellanos. [50] he asserted that in every part of the hill the earth was all of this richness. with all this information i went to don juan de silva and told him what had happened, and how i had pacified the friars. he agreed that we should go and discover it and said that he would go in person when he finished that expedition. he was overtaken by death, as has been said, and accordingly the matter has remained in this condition. and even if there were not in these mountains the wealth of which we are told, it seems that the obligation to pacify these indians exists, and that the holy gospel ought to be preached to them--in the first place, because your majesty has undertaken so just and holy an enterprise; and second, because they are in the same island [with our spaniards]. it is a shame that, being in the neighborhood of manila, they do not enjoy the blessing that the others do. beside this, there is the fact that these as well as their neighbors will not allow other people to trade in their territory; by the law of nations, therefore, the spaniards have a right of action. the ease and little cost connected with this enterprise are such that if the governor would send a single person suitable for it, with two hundred soldiers from the garrison of manila, and levy a thousand indians from the two provinces to help them and transport the supplies, they would subdue those savages without difficulty, if the man who does it is prudent and has ambition to make the enterprise a success. this is not the place to discuss the other measures and affairs in detail; but if your majesty should be pleased to have this done, i offer to give information of all that is necessary to provide, and to solve any doubts that may arise. i protest before the divine majesty that i am not moved by covetousness, nor by desire that your majesty should grant me any favor for this, nor am i trying to secure favors by this means; but i am only seeking the glory of god, the service of your majesty, and the welfare of that land. chapter vi. of the persons who are needed in the government of the filipinas. one (and the most important) of the matters which are necessary for the preservation and growth of that kingdom--whereon depends, as it were, the attainment of its object--is that the governors should be such men as are suitable for that post, and have the requisite qualifications demanded by that government. as so few have hitherto gone there who are thus qualified, the hindrance to the growth of that country has been much more than can be understood here. for thirty years i have been a resident in the filipinas, and have not seen one governor such as was needed there, excepting gomez perez de las marinas, who improved and bettered that land in only the three years during which he governed, more than all together who had gone before or have come since have done. the reason for this is, that those who have succeeded since that time either had not had experience in government, or did not possess the divine gift which is necessary for this so delicate task. over there, although a soldier is needed who understands matters of war and knows how to regulate and direct them as they should be, yet he should be receptive of instruction; and he would learn much more there through the counsel of those who have broad experience, and through what experience can teach him, than through any knowledge that they can carry from here. this is the reason why matters there are very different from those in this kingdom, as if we were speaking of different species--not only of people and of their opinions, but of their modes of life and their natures. from this it has resulted that those who have undertaken to conduct affairs by the rules current here have committed irremediable blunders. but the principal thing which is necessary there is that he should be a good public man, for the basis and fundamental need is good government, and efforts for the increase of the land, and directing all one's care toward its welfare, according good treatment to the citizens, showing kindness to foreigners, and attracting and winning the affections of all. great care should be taken to despatch the ships from nueva españa promptly, and with proper supplies. all the people should be encouraged to go to trade with the neighboring countries, to build vessels, to extend their interests, and to bring wealth from those lands. they should be not only governors, but fathers and protectors of the indians. this land, i assure you in all truth, if it had been thus governed, would be the best and richest in the world, and your majesty would possess many sources of profit. thus all the misfortunes and losses of property that have occurred there (which have been very great), have resulted by reason of and through the fault of those who have governed it, without any one thus far having been punished or his residencia taken thereon. if gomez perez was successful, it was because he already had had experience in governing, and had been corregidor many times, in which capacity he was obliged to consider not only affairs of government but also those of war. above all, he was a very good christian and desirous of doing right, which is the basis on which is founded all that is good. accordingly, at his death, that country lost the special character that he had given it; but his memory will endure for many years in that city, as that of the father of the country. about the city of manila he built a wall of great strength, fortified it, cast artillery, and performed many other works with no ado, nor cost to your majesty. he took to maluco the choicest fleet which has ever been collected in the indias, without having used for it the thousands from mexico which your majesty has ordered to be carried to other governors; and all this he did by his prudent plans and energetic action. hence may be seen the importance of sending a governor there who is possessed of the traits that i have mentioned; for, besides so many advantages and good results as he can secure, and the evils which he can obviate, he will be able to save for your majesty many ducados. indeed, if the money which could have been dispensed with this year had been saved, your majesty would be able to accomplish many military works and gain much wealth. and since your majesty entrusts to him more than to all the other governors of the indias, it is right that you should seek more carefully for such a man in that place than for any of the others; since not alone does your majesty entrust him with a kingdom, but with your reputation and renown, which among so many different nations is only known through your governors for your majesty. i even dare to say that hence also comes their knowledge of god. for to him is principally confided the honor of god and the conversion of so many souls, since we have seen so plainly how important is his good example; and, on the other hand, he will abolish evil and scandal not only there, but that which is spreading in great china and other nations. they believe that our king is such a one as they see reflected in him who represents him. what is still more to be deplored is that, within the last few years, there has arisen blasphemy against god and derision of your majesty among those infidels, on this account. so great is the importance of your majesty sending a person such as i have here described; for those who have not these qualities will destroy rather than build. chapter vii. of the measures which should be chosen for the growth and preservation of that kingdom. the first thing which offers under this heading is the consideration of the matters pertaining to the war with the dutch, which is the basal and fundamental question for all the rest; for the enemy is making such efforts and using so many measures to get control of that archipelago, and drive out the spaniards. three ways and means present themselves to the mind, beside which i find no other one, although i have considered it well. the first, if it be possible for your majesty, is to manage to have an armed fleet sent. if, when don alonso faxardo was already your governor, he had taken the one which had been made ready, the time was opportune so that he could have driven out the enemy from their posts, together with the fleet which was in the filipinas, which was weakened in men and artillery by its loss at manila. on account of this, the natives of the island of maluco, fearful of the power of your majesty, entered our service. this fleet, which i say your majesty should have despatched, should have been sent with a previous warning to the governor of the filipinas so that he could collect there as great a force as possible, and provisions with which to resupply the fleet which would go thither from here, the money for this purpose to be sent him from piru or from nueva españa. yet besides this, on account of the straitened circumstances of your majesty, and the need of attending to other pressing matters, it is indeed true, in view of the great importance to your majesty of not allowing the enemy to get possession of that archipelago (for he would infallibly become master of the whole of india, and become more powerful than can be understood here), that there appears to be another measure less costly in the meantime; although it will not result in dislodging them, at least it will give them such diversion and do so much damage that the profit which they will secure will be dearly bought. this is, that your majesty should command the governor of the filipinas to build eight galleys, and keep them in terrenate; i will explain what their cost would be, shortly. these would be of great importance, as can be readily seen here, if one considers these reasons and the letter which don geronimo de silva writes to his cousin, and another from master-of-camp lucas de vergara to the dean of manila, and to myself--the originals of which i possess, and which, as they explain the situation of those islands, i place at the end of this relation. in the first place, the enemy has no ports in those islands in which to take refuge; and ordinarily his fleet goes about, one way and another, among the coasts there. second, every day in the year (or almost every day) there are six or eight hours of dead calm, at which time galleys never meet a galleon under these circumstances without taking it or sending it to the bottom; for it has been seen by experience with a galleon and a galliot which the spaniards possess there, what excellent results they have produced. third, on account of this expedient of the galleys the enemy will not dare to divide their forces among the factories to carry on their negotiations; and, as they will have to go together, the cost will be so great that they cannot support it. fourth, the supplies will be taken away from their fortresses; for they have nothing wherewith to support themselves except it be brought from other islands. this would be very easily accomplished, and the enemy would have no means to remedy it. the natives who are devoted to them would be so terrorized that they would be obliged to come over to our side. if they accomplish that in this way and through the effective plans of whomsoever shall govern there, and the negotiations which he would conduct with them, it is quite certain that the enemy would be ruined, and could not maintain himself a year in his forts; for it is the natives who aid and sustain him, and furnish the cloves for his profit. fifth, it would be easy to make an invasion with the galleys on all the factories where they have not fortresses--and especially in bantan, which is in greater xava, whither they carry all the spices which are shipped to holland--and then to gain them all and burn them. they have no port there for large vessels, but only a bay where vessels which anchor there are kept at a distance from the land in the mud, aground, so that they cannot make use of them when they wish. accordingly the galleys could easily burn those which lie there. if don juan de silva had adopted this measure, the enemy would already be subdued; and your majesty would not have spent so great sums of money, and so exhausted the filipinas islands. sixth, the forces which your majesty possesses in maluco would be maintained with much less cost than at present by means of these galleys. for as there are no supplies in those islands it is necessary to send them from the filipinas, which entails three difficulties. the first is that prices are thus made higher in that country, and the natives thereof are oppressed; the second, that it costs your majesty a great deal, with the ships and men that are needed to man them; and the third, that the enemy gets a great deal of the aid which is sent. all this would be obviated by keeping galleys there; for it must be understood that the island of macaçar is very large, rich, and abundantly supplied, and lies a two days' journey from maluco. the king there is desirous of friendship with us, and has even sent to the governor of terrenate to seek religious, as he says in the letter which is at the end of this relation. last year he wrote a letter to the governor of the filipinas, offering to furnish him all the supplies that he might need for the forces in maluco; and saying that, if he had not the money to pay for them, he might have them on trust until the money came. things are very cheap there, costing less than half as much as in the filipinas, and the said galleys could transport them easily, without the danger which they now encounter of being taken by the enemy. rather, on the other hand, those which the enemy carry from there could be taken away with ease, and they would be caused to perish with hunger. if an ordinary amount of care were taken in negotiating with this king, he would, as he is so well disposed to the spaniards, be so devoted to your majesty that he would not allow the enemy to enter his port. besides, his friendship with them is already greatly strained; and there is a great disposition among all that people to receive the gospel. seventh, as those islands have no posts where cloves may be laded, the dutch send their ships far from the artillery of their own forts, which they cannot approach; and it will be easy to secure the vessels, or not allow them to lade anything. considering the calms which prevail, even if there were many ships they could not aid one another, whatever injury the galleys were inflicting upon them--the least being to dismantle them, so that they cannot sail, for there is nothing there with which to make a mast or rudder. eighth, as they have a number of posts where they only keep twenty-five or thirty men with a squadron commander, and the forts have no ditches or drinking-water, they could be deprived of these at any time with ease. galleons would be of no use in such engagements, as they cannot vie with galleys, which can get under cover whenever they wish. likewise it must be understood, as their forts are in such danger, they will need so many men to keep them from being taken, and so much to maintain them, that their profit will be so small that it will be gain for them to abandon it. this would indeed be making a pretty game of war, and cutting their throats with a wooden sword. and i assure your majesty that this idea is not only my own, but that of all experienced men in maluco there resides at this court juan gomez de cardenas, who gained considerable experience in japon with a dutch factor, who never thought that this man was a vassal of your majesty. the latter made known to him the said reason, and said that they feared nothing until your majesty should send there six or more galleys. it now remains to tell the ease and little cost with which your majesty could maintain these galleys and man them; and if this is explained for one, it holds in regard to all. the hull of a galley of twenty-four benches, put together and fitted for sailing, costs in the filipinas four thousand ducats. the gang to man it must be secured in this manner. the governor of the filipinas should send to mindanao three hundred soldiers, by whom--besides setting free more than ten thousand christian captives, vassals of your majesty in the filipinas--sufficient men could be captured to man the galleys. if this measure be not sufficient, a frigate or two should be sent to malaca for cloves on your majesty's account, which would bring back negroes at two hundred reals, more or less, with which to man them; these oarsmen are very satisfactory, as experience has shown. in order to maintain the crew and replace those who die, men could be captured continually from our enemies, on a thousand occasions, without fail. the support of the galley slaves is inexpensive, for they live on rice, fish, and a little jerked beef--which, besides, is often captured from the enemy there; and is very low in price when it has to be bought, as, at present, in the island of macaçar. the third and last measure is, if these two fail, such that i dure not write it, for that is not expedient; but i will explain it to your majesty, if you are pleased to learn it. i shall not go into this matter any further, nor explain the reasons more in detail, as this is not to be long; but if your majesty should be pleased to carry out any of the suggestions here made, i shall explain away the doubts which may present themselves. in the second place the person who is to govern should have the said requisites, for he is the soul of the undertaking; and it is he who must execute whatever your majesty orders and commands. whatever he is, such will be the rest. that this may not appear an exaggeration, i will prove it by evidence. there are dependent upon the governor not only the secular spanish residents of those islands, but the ecclesiastics; also war and peace, and the royal audiencia, the archbishop, the bishops, and all the other soldiers and citizens; for it is he who must reward and honor them with offices of peace and war. he must assign the cargoes of the ships, the profits and advantages. the royal audiencia, because he appoints their relatives and constituents to offices of profit, must needs keep in his graces. the archbishop and bishops, if they do not conform to his will, may have their temporal support taken from them; for if he cannot do it with good cause, he can easily do it in other ways. in a thousand things which occur, too, they need him for the direction of their affairs; and he can inflict on them so many burdens and annoyances that they realize how dearly they are buying the privilege of opposing him or contradicting his wishes. the chapter of the church is the same, or worse; for he makes appointments, as your majesty is patron, and orders the stipends to be paid. accordingly it is necessary to be in his good graces. the cabildo of the city dare not do anything against his will; for those who oppose him or say anything in the sessions which is contrary to his wishes, it costs dear, and, besides, he is aware of whatever they do there. they dare not write to your majesty, without taking to him the letters so that he may examine them; and there have been times when he has had these torn up, and ordered them to write others. consequently, the religious who are teaching, and those of the convents, are all dependent upon him. the royal officials do no more than he wishes, and, besides, they have the example of former ones, who for not acting thus were removed, and held prisoners for three years until your majesty learned of it, and ordered their offices to be returned to them, and perchance the many hardships and afflictions which the governor inflicted upon them, and caused them to suffer, cost two of them their lives, and lost for your majesty, in the factor, one of the best servants whom you had in the filipinas. accordingly, what i promised to prove is well established; for the complaints were so long in arriving, and the redress in returning, that he who awaited them was already dead. in the third place, it is essential that he should not be excessively grasping; and that your majesty should give him such expectations, if he conducts himself well, that his profit will rest more on them than in what the government is worth to him. he should be of mature age and great experience in handling the affairs of the commonwealth, such as some knights possess who hold offices of corregidor on the coasts of españa, and who govern in peace and war, as they never lack exercise for these abilities on the coasts. for if they were only required to be expert in war, the country would be in ruins before they became capable of governing it--as, for our sins, we have seen in past years. they should not come burdened with debts, which are demoralizing in a thousand ways. notwithstanding that your majesty has issued decrees which prohibit them from giving offices of profit to members of their households, rather than to the worthy persons of the kingdom, these decrees are the least complied with; nor is there any one who dares to interfere in this. if any one should make bold to put the bell on the cat, as the adage says, who would make him comply with it? by no means the royal audiencia. at one time when i was petitioning for the execution of a royal decree of your majesty there, an auditor, a friend of mine, said: "you should not do this; for, besides not accomplishing anything by it, you will get yourself into difficulty with him." with this in view, it is very important to forbid these offices to persons who are under obligations, which induce an insatiable greed and presumption; and, to fill that yawning void, the wealth of all the indias is insignificant. the worst is, that they pervert a man, and lead him astray by their influence. if i were to recount here in detail all the difficulties which they occasion, i should have to take twice the space. in short, everyone there is lamenting; and these people come in smiles, and even negotiating for the honors which belong to others, with crass insolence; and, worse yet, it seems to the governor that his own people alone deserve all there is, and the rest are of no account. to give color to their impudence, one of them has dared to write to your majesty that there was not a person in all your kingdom who could in the least be trusted. the mistakes of these people are never punished, nor is there any one who dares to demand an investigation against them, even when they have done a thousand injuries. in short, he must be such a one as the emperor theodosius spoke of to st. ambrose, when he sent him to govern milan: "go; and, look you, i send you not to act as governor, but as bishop." such must be the governors of the filipinas, if your majesty would have them succeed. and on this account i have no fault to find with don alonso faxardo, whom your majesty has sent at present to govern. on the contrary, i believe that he will conduct himself there as befits the service of your majesty and the welfare of your kingdom. for i recognized such desires in him in the little intercourse that i had with him in mexico, where i was acquainted with him. i am therefore very thankful to god to see him so desirous of serving you, and may he give him grace to succeed. as for the persons who are sent to that audiencia, they should be in a degree like the governors; for your majesty places as much confidence in them--although i think it would be more to the purpose to discontinue it, for the reasons which are given by most people in that country, in which matter i will give your majesty a memorial. the affairs of that kingdom are in such disorder, and move in so irregular channels, that people ask for an inspector to reform and adjust them and put everything in its place, redressing injuries and punishing wrong-doing. the country is much in need of this; but that it may not be like the frogs who asked jupiter for a king, and were given one that devoured them, it will be best for your majesty to appoint some one from that country, who, through his great experience and knowledge, cannot be deceived, and knows what must be reformed, and who is possessed as well of the prudence and tact which are necessary in such a new country. and on the other hand, on account of the risks which exist in sending anyone from here who does not understand the affairs and conditions which must be remedied, and knows not how to proceed, it would be wiser to send no one, on account of the danger which exists of ruining the city. _item_: the governor should not consent to japanese living in that country, as they are a great trouble and danger to the country, and the city is continually in danger from them. _item_: the chinese should be very carefully restricted, so that no greater number of them than your majesty has ordered be [allowed to remain there]; for they are permitted [to enter the country] without any exercise of caution, and we know by experience what this costs. _item_: your majesty should command the governor finally to reduce the island of mindanao to obedience to your majesty; for those islands are so infested that they hinder the carrying of reënforcements to maluco. and as they are in league with the dutch, we have a perfect right to make war upon them and subject them to slavery. all this is easy for the governor if your majesty command it, and is so necessary for the security of your majesty's vassals, as i intend to explain to your majesty more at length in a separate memorial. _item_: there is an island which lies about twenty leguas from maluco, called macaçar, which measures about two hundred and fifty leguas around; it is very rich and well supplied, and from it the forces in maluco could be supplied with ease and at little cost. it will be necessary for your majesty to order the governor to negotiate with the king there for friendship and commerce. for the latter has already sent and written, saying that he desires it and that he will furnish all the supplies that are desired, and, if there is no money, will give credit for them until it is procured; and he has sent to ask for religious to preach the faith. they are a capable people, of good disposition, and are disposed to receive the gospel. as this district lies nearest to that which the fathers of the society hold, it would be of much importance to send a few religious assigned to that island; and for your majesty to be pleased to have their general requested to give them, which is of much importance even for temporal objects, besides the great service which they can render to god. and the dutch could not get supplies from there, which would take away from them much of the previsions with which they are supported. two fathers of the society have been there, and have written that they were very well received; and it is highly expedient to encourage them. _item_: your majesty should order the governor to attend with much diligence to the despatching of ships which go to nueva españa, for upon this so much of the growth of that kingdom depends; and since he is so good a sailor and prides himself upon it, he should regulate that in the proper way, for at present it proceeds with great disorder and even recklessness, as i shall explain to your majesty in a separate memorial. _item_: your majesty should command that the garrisons of that kingdom be made open, on account of the fact that experience has shown that more men would go, if this were the case. those in maluco should be exchanged with those in the filipinas every three years, for otherwise so many refuse to go to maluco, and the forts there are in such ill-repute, that those who are taken there are discontented, as if they were being sent to the galleys; but if they are exchanged, as i have said, they will go willingly. beside, they would become experts, and the soldiers from maluco are worth more than those who have not been there, on account of their constant exercise in war and labor. _item_: your majesty should command that the city of manila be made an open garrison, like san juan de ulua and habana; for in this way the men will go to the filipinas willingly. as don juan de silva has done otherwise for years past, this country has become depopulated, and they have fled to various parts from time to time, no one daring to go there on this account. _item_: concerning the treatment of the indians, and what it is well to inform your majesty in this regard, as well in what concerns your royal conscience as the good of the country, a separate memorial is required. _item_: as to the manner of governing them and collecting their tributes, as has been seen by experience, the religious have done a great deal of harm by preventing the indians from paying tributes on the fruits which they harvest; because the religious have not the inclination or sense to leave many things free--as will be seen in the account i shall give your majesty in regard to this, all of which has been taught by experience. _item_: finally, it is very necessary that your majesty should consider that that country is very new, and that your majesty should desire its growth; and because, likewise, it was not so much in need of your majesty's protection and favor in the beginning as it is now--when so few wish to go there on account of ill-treatment, many misfortunes, and the fear of enemies--your majesty should protect it so that they may be encouraged to go there. for this your majesty should command your ministers to give those who wish to go a comfortable passage. for if in early days the king our lord, the father of your majesty, who so greatly favored and loved that land, not only furnished a passage, but likewise the necessaries for their journey, to those who wished to go, and even freed them from duties and imposts, that aid is much more necessary today; and at least they should be given some exemptions, and should not be treated with such harshness as they now are. this i can affirm as an eyewitness, that when we arrived at the port of capulco, after having been on the voyage five months, and a great many of our people had died, and god had brought us through such boundless hardships and dangers to the place where we were to refresh ourselves, they treated us worse, indeed, than they did the dutch; for to the latter they gave food there, and sent them away satisfied, and to us they acted as they should have done to the dutch. since a proper remedy for what happened at the port of capulco, which i am bound to suggest to your majesty, and for many other matters concerning your royal service, cannot be suggested in this place, i shall give it in other memorials. _item_: the encomiendas which your majesty used to grant were formerly for three lives; and a short time ago your majesty ordered by a royal decree that they should be, and it should be so understood, for two lives. this is a great difficulty in the preservation of that community, and especially so as your majesty has granted the favor to nueva españa of giving them for four lives; and as the filipinas have been, and continue to be thus far, the colony of nueva españa, and almost governed by the royal audiencia thereof, it is a great hardship that they should enjoy no more than two lives. in the first place, because many are discouraged from serving your majesty, and even from remaining in that country, when they learn that their sons and grandsons must be reduced to the greatest poverty, the said encomienda expiring with the holder's first son or his wife, as at present happens; in the second place, because four lives are shorter in the filipinas than two in nueva españa. the reason for this is the many occasions for war and naval expeditions, wherein men are easily killed or drowned, leaving their successors in the hospital--as is at present the case with many, which makes one's heart ache with pity. in answer to the tacit objection which might be brought up that it is better to have the encomiendas vacated quickly, so that others may be rewarded with them, and with this hope will go to serve there, i would say that the important matter is to make a compromise--namely that your majesty should concede the said encomiendas not for four lives, as in nueva españa, nor for two as at present, but for three, as formerly, which is a very necessary measure for the relief of some, and the encouragement of others to the service of your majesty. letter from master-of-camp lucas de vergara, written to don francisco gomez de arellano, dean of manila, which is the last that came from maluco in the past year. by the ship "san antonio," which i despatched to that city on the thirteenth of may last, i informed you, with other matters pertaining to me, of my health, and my arrival at these forts safely with the three ships in which i took the reënforcements; and of how well i was received by everyone, and everything which had occurred to me up to that time. what i have to say to you since that time is that, from the persons who have come to me from the forts of the enemy, both native and dutch, and from other inquiries that i have made, i have learned that of the ten dutch ships which were at the harbor-mouth of marivelez only four have come back to these islands. one of them brought the wounded men from oton; a second one, when our fleet went out to seek that of the enemy, was going out to sea, picking up sangley ships. when it saw our fleet, without going back to theirs, it cast loose a very rich junk which it was towing astern, and took to flight. the captain of this vessel, they tell me, the dutch put to death for having fled. two other vessels arrived at the port of malayo on the eighth of june. these had found occasion to fight with our fleet; and accordingly they arrived dismantled by cannon-shots, and with many wounded men. these brought the news that only six of their vessels had fought with eight of ours and three galleys; and that their commander's ship and two others were lost, one going to the bottom and the other two being burned. their commander escaped in a boat which they saw was being followed by two of our galleons and a galley--although they did not know the result, since neither this one, nor two others that are lacking from the ten, have appeared here thus far. of six hundred men whom they took from the forts which they have on these islands to put in the ten boats, when they were at manila, only a hundred came back alive. these two damaged ships are being put to rights, and in all they have five at present in these islands, with few men; so that if a part of our fleet had come, and followed up the victory, they might all have been captured. this loss has made both the dutch and those of terrenate very sad and cast down, for they were in hopes to come back rich and victorious. a few silks and other goods were brought in the ships which escaped and they sold them to us very dear, although not so dear as they cost them. what they are considering now, and urge for the consolation of those of terrenate and the other nations friendly to them, is that they are going to collect a great fleet which they have in ambueno, and in the sunda; and with the whole fleet they are to attack the forts of his majesty before our fleet arrives from castilla and from the filipinas. this you already know of. beside this, they are putting their fortresses in the best state of fortification possible, together with the posts which they hold; for they see that the natives here are very lukewarm in their friendship, and they fear that when they see our fleet more powerful than theirs, the natives will drop their friendship and try to win ours. the king of tidore and i consider it certain, judging from what we have heard from themselves, and particularly from those of the island of maquien, that that alone is richer in cloves and native inhabitants than are all the others there. their sangaje, who went there to treat of this matter, was taken and killed in the fort at malayo, which irritated the natives of that island very much. by a caracoa which i sent to ambueno, to get word of what was doing there, i learned that the dutch have seven ships in that island, and that they sent one ship laden with cloves to holland. the natives there are, for the most part, at war with the dutch, as are likewise those of the islands of banda, where there are two or three english ships fortifying themselves with the permission and aid of the natives. the dutch and the english have fought over this and the dutch hold forty english prisoners--all of which is very good for us. it is rumored that in the sunda there are twenty dutch ships, but i do not know what truth there is in this. i am at present getting ready and fortifying, as well as i can, the forts which his majesty has in these islands, so that they may be ready at any juncture; although there is a great lack of men for the necessary work, because there went this year to manila more than came out, and some are sick, and there are many places to guard. particularly there are three situated in the island batachina, which, as they are in an unhealthy country, exhaust the troops more by death and sickness. they are passably supplied with provisions at present, owing to the care which i take to seek out what is in the country; and thus, with the rice which i brought, and a little which was here, i have managed to get along. i shall have enough provisions for the whole of october, and if i am sent those that i await from the island of mateo i shall have enough for november. by that time i hope to get aid from those islands, for i am very confident that the lords there will aid me as ever; and the lord captain-general, being a man of so much experience, as he suffered so many needs in his own time, will aid in this with the expedition and care which are necessary for its preservation, since everything is and continues to be for that object. in whatever may happen which concerns this, i beg of you to further it as far as possible, as i shall take it as a great favor, besides being a service for god and for his majesty, and as you are so zealous. i beseech you to be pleased to advise me of what may occur there and i shall do the same always here. by the last despatch i sent you three birds of paradise, and the bearer of this, sergeant romero, brings you two more. i wished that there were more, but i assure you that they were not to be found, as the boats which usually bring them have not arrived. while i was writing this a dutch trumpeter arrived from the forts of the enemy, and gave the same report as another who came two days ago, and whom i send by this ship, so that he may tell the whole thing there--for, considering the news and the state of affairs, it is of the highest importance that our fleet should come here by the month of december. if those ships alone came which his majesty has in those islands, it would be superior to the enemy's fleet; for with this they could be kept from taking to holland this year the great quantity of cloves which they will harvest. this is the greatest loss which can be inflicted upon them at present; since with the profits from this they are waging war upon his majesty in these parts with such great fleets. this is the opinion of those who have most at heart the service of his majesty in these regions. i am writing, above all, to the lords there; and you will do me the favor which you always do in such cases. although i do not know what new things there may be there, i leave it all to your good opinion and intelligence and that of señor canon garcetas, as i know, since you are such friends of mine, that you will give the most fitting counsel. may our lord protect you for the greatest possible number of years. i kiss your hands. tidore, july 5, 1617. your humble servant, _lucas vergara gaviria_ part third. wherein is given information of other matters concerning the filipinas, the islands of maluco, and others of the archipelago; of their riches, and of the forts and factories which the dutch hold; and of the wealth which is at present secured from them. chapter i. of the prelates and their districts in the islands, and of certain curious things. the island called luçon, which is the most important, has two bishops and an archbishop. the archbishopric has jurisdiction in the vicinity of the city of manila, the capital of that country. toward the east it reaches as far as the village called calilaya, forty leguas from the city on the same island. it has four offices of alcalde-mayor, which is the same thing as a corregimiento--namely those of la laguna de vai, la laguna de bonvon, another in valayan, and that of calilaya. in this there are many indian villages administered by religious of the augustinian order, and still more by the discalced of st. francis. toward the west of the jurisdiction is that of the province of pampanga, which is fertile and well-peopled, and that of bulacan, and the cambales. these are not christians and cannot be reduced to conversion, but are negroes who go about like wild beasts through the inaccessible parts of the mountains. they are given to cutting the heads from other indians, and no woman will marry a cambal unless he has cut off a head; accordingly, in order to be married, he will cut one off, even though it be that of his own father when he finds the latter in the fields. if these had been given into slavery they would have been already reduced; but, although i have advised it many times in the council, no measures for this have ever been taken. as the matter stands, they will never be pacified except by this means. the reason for this is that, if they were given into slavery, the indians of pampanga, with their great desire to hold slaves for the managing of their crops, would have reduced them. they do a great deal of damage, so much that no indian dares go out alone to work in his field, because they kill him merely for the sake of cutting off his head. they live upon roots and fruit from the woods, and have no houses, nor possessions, and go about naked. toward the east this jurisdiction takes in all the island, and toward the west lies the sea. several islands are joined to this jurisdiction, as are those of lioban and mindoro. in these are a number of trees resembling cinnamon [_canela_], which i have shown to our physicians, who say that it is the cinamomo. [51] then there is the island of marenduque, where there are mines of copper; and other islands, of little importance and sparsely peopled. northward from this jurisdiction begins the bishopric of nueva segovia, starting from the province of pangasinan, where end the combales and the province of ilocos--wherein are situated the mountains of the idolotes [_sic_], and where are so rich mines, as i have explained. they are all christians. the dominican religious minister to the province of pangasinan, and the augustinians to that of ilocos. farthest to the north lies the province of nueva segovia, which is administered by dominican friars. these three provinces are very fertile and well peopled, and to the north of this district there are several islands called vabuianos, where the indians raise swine of remarkable size. throughout the whole island [of luzón] there are many wild swine. they are not fierce, like those in españa, and accordingly are easily killed. there is a great number of large, fierce wild buffaloes. they are killed with muskets, and on one occasion they were unable to bring down a buffalo with twelve musketshots. if the man who is shooting misses, and does not get quickly under cover, he will be killed. the indians catch them as we do partridges here, and it is a remarkable thing, wherefore i shall now explain it. they make a very strong stockaded enclosure [_corral_], and on either side of the gate they move out, carrying with them palm leaves of a certain kind, touching one another. they keep spreading out the line until it is about a quarter of a legua long, more or less. when they find a herd, for the animals go many together, they frighten and follow them, and, driving them along, continue with shouts; and as they are running and striking with the said leaves, the buffaloes will not pass through the line of men if they are excited. thus little by little they enter into the narrowest part until they are compelled to enter into the gate of the enclosure, which is then barred. there the indians, by their devices, catch the animals one by one, tie them, and put them each one in a small enclosure of strong stakes so narrow that they cannot turn around, so that they have no chance to struggle. there they keep them without food for a fortnight, until they are so feeble and thin that they cannot stand. then an indian comes with a wisp of hay, and although angry, they needs must eat; and within twenty days they are so tame with the person who gives them food, that they let themselves be scratched. iron rings are put in their noses, and they are led anywhere with a rope, like a beast of burden. i have seen one of these buffaloes with a negro who had fed him, seated on his head, and he played with the negro like a dog, but was a lion for those whom he did not know. this jurisdiction is fifty leguas long on the sea side. the interior of the island remains unpacified, as it consists of the said mountains. the bishopric of las camarinas [_sic_] is the most easterly on this island, and extends more than sixty leguas, including several adjacent islands, such as burias, ticao, capul, and catanduanes. there are many nutmeg trees in this bishopric, the fruit of which no one gathers. there is in this province a spring from which flows hot water, and if anything is placed in it it turns to stone. [52] the bishopric of cibu has the largest jurisdiction, as it includes all the islands to the east, such as leite, babao, maripi, tinagon, panaon, the island of negros, and that of oton. westward are cebuyan and romblon; and to the south the island of mindanao, which is almost as large as that of luzon. there is in it a great deal of cinnamon, rich gold mines, and considerable civet; and so large a number of civet-cats that they do no more than catch them with snares, take the civet out and set them free again, and thus profit by them without furnishing them with food. there are many other islands, and from there to the malucos it must be about eighty leguas. in all these islands there is collected a great deal of wax and honey, which is produced in the woods, and which, accordingly, the indians do not cultivate. the bees are small and dark-colored, and do not live in the hollows of trees and rocks, but build their nests among the branches--using on them a dark, coarse wax, which is so strong that, even though it rains hard, not a drop of water enters. so much is gathered there that not only are we all supplied cheaply, but there are sent to nueva españa, japon, and china more than two thousand quintals each year. there are many deer, not so slender as are ours; and there are no other animals. there are many wood-fowl, smaller than ordinary ones, but more palata le; and which have breasts like partridges. there are in the forests certain shoots called _bejucos_, which they use as we do osiers here; but they are much better, some of them being as thick as one's thumb, and even larger, and six or eight brazas long. when they are thirsty, the indians cut off a braza, and a quartillo of fluid runs out of it, which is good and healthful. there are certain canes [_i.e._, bamboos], some of which are as thick as one's thigh, and others smaller, and five or six brazas long; of these the poor indians construct their houses, without other material--walls, floors, roofs, posts, and stairs. there are certain palms which bear a fruit called cocoanuts (which are ordinarily brought to españa from guinea); these are such an aid to human life that from them, or rather from the cocoanuts, they obtain the commonest oil of that country, which is as excellent for wounds, even though they be deep ones, as that of _aparicio_. from this tree they obtain wine which is the common beverage of that country; strong vinegar, which is good for the table; and milk like that of almonds, to serve with rice, and which curdles like real milk. when it is soft the fruit is like green hazel-nuts in taste, and better; and there is a serum for many ills and infirmities, which is called whey, as it looks much like that of milk. it is there called _tuba_. they make honey from this tree; also oakum with which to calk ships, which lasts in the water, when that from here would rot. likewise they make rigging, which they call _cayro_; and they make an excellent match for arquebuses, which, without any other attention, is never extinguished. the shoots resemble wild artichokes while they are tender. there is a plant with leaves after the shape and fashion of the ivy, which is a certain species of pepper which they call buyo, the use of which is common throughout the whole archipelago; and it is so excellent a specific against ulcerated teeth that i do not remember ever having heard it said that any native suffered from them, nor do they need to have them pulled. it is a good stimulant for the stomach, and leaves a pleasant odor in the mouth. there is a bird which they call _tabon_, a little larger than a partridge; and it buries its eggs, which are as large as goose eggs, to the number of eighty or a hundred, half an estado deep in the sand of the bays of the sea. they are all yolk, without any white, which is an indication of their great heat. accordingly, the mother does not sit upon them, and they hatch, and the birds scratch their way out from the sand. when the bird has come out it is as large as a quail, and goes about picking up its food as other birds do after they are grown. i have seen this with my own eyes, and there must be other eyewitnesses of it in this court. so marvelous is the character of these birds. i pass over many other peculiarities for fear of tiring your majesty. there are many good and savory wild fruits there. the ordinary food in those islands is rice, as it is over all asia and the neighboring islands; and i dare assert that more people are supported in the world by rice than by wheat. there is a great deal of sugar, which is usually worth four reals the arroba, or less; and the chinese bring so much rock sugar, which they call _cande_, that it is ordinarily worth eight reals an arroba, or less. in that part of the island of mindanao which faces the south, as i have said above, the indians are rebellious; and it is they who have done, and still do, great damage to the others. they have taken up the doctrine of mahoma and are friendly with the dutch. as they have not been given into slavery, they are not pacified; and this is one of the most important matters there, and deserves the application of a remedy. chapter ii. of the ministers and religious instruction in the islands, and those who have been converted to our holy catholic faith, and those who pay tribute. the island of luzon, in the archbishopric and the two bishoprics, has fifty-nine encomiendas, and in that of nueva segovia, which is the most northerly, there are twenty-six; in that of camarines, which is the most easterly of the islands, there are thirty--in all, one hundred and fifteen. in the bishopric of cibù there are seventy-one, which make, in all, one hundred and eighty-six encomiendas of indians. they comprise 130u938 tributarios in all; each tributario includes husband and wife, and thus at least four persons are reckoned, including children and slaves (as they have no others to serve them except slaves); there are, then, 523u752 christians in these encomiendas. there are assigned to the royal crown 33u516 tributarios, and the rest are assigned and granted to deserving soldiers. this is exclusive of the people who pay no tributes, that is, the chiefs. there are, in all these one hundred and eighty-six encomiendas, the same number of monasteries and churches. some of them have two monasteries each as they are too large to be administered by two religious; ordinarily, to each one are assigned five hundred tributarios. there are other encomiendas which have one monastery between two of them. averaging these, i suppose there are about three hundred and seventy-two priests, besides the laymen. in the city there are about eighty or ninety, in four monasteries--one of st. dominic, another of st. francis, another of st. augustine, another of the recollect augustinians--and the cathedral. these places of worship have as handsome buildings as are those of the same class in españa; and the whole city is built of cut-stone houses--almost all square, with entrance halls and modern _patios_ [_i.e._, open courts]--and the streets are straight and well laid out; there are none in españa so extensive, or with such buildings and fine appearance. the city has as many as five hundred houses; but, as these ate all, or nearly all, houses which would cost 20u or more ducados in this court, they occupy as much space as would a city of two thousand inhabitants here. for the wall, as measured by me, is 2u250 geometrical pasos in circumference, at five tercias for each paso, which makes three quarters of a legua. [53] in all these islands there are none unconverted except the zambales, as i have said above, and those in the mountains where the mines are, and a few villages behind these same mountains, which are called the province of ituri--so called because it was discovered by don luys perez de las marinas, in the time of his father, who sent him there. for lack of religious, the gospel has not been preached to them. they are a peaceable people, and make no opposition. in nueva segovia, which is under the charge of the order of st. dominic, there are some to be converted, who have not yet been settled peacefully, as they are warlike and restless indians. on the contrary, they have rebelled several times; but it has always been on account of injuries which the spaniards have inflicted upon them. chapter iii. of the islands of maluco, and others adjacent to them; and of the spice and other articles that are contained in them. the malucas islands, commonly so called, where, of the spices, cloves are obtained, and so named from this drug, [54] are five. they begin at that of bachan, which is on the equinoctial line, and extend north and south. the farthest north is that of terrenate, which is six or seven leguas in circumference. it consists entirely of a very high elevation, on the summit of which is a volcano, which sends forth fire. in the medial region of this mountain they raise the clove-trees, which are like laurel trees, the leaves being a little narrower and longer. this island has five fortresses; the principal one is called talangame, and another san pedro. the dutch have three: that of malayo, which is the principal one; another called tacome, and another tolecò, which is of little importance. the island of tidore is distant about two leguas from this, and, although smaller, has about the same aspect. your majesty has a fort there, and the king of tidore has another. the dutch have two others, which they call great and little mariaco. in the island of motiel, farther south, the dutch have a fort. in that of maquien there is a fort. directly beyond this is another and smaller island, called cayoa; and that of bachan, with several others of little importance, lies near. to the east of all these islands is one called vatachina, or gilolo, lying two or three leguas from these--a very large island, where your majesty has two forts. this island extends so far that it makes a strait with the island of nueva guinea on the eastern end, according to the relation of fray diego de prado, of the order of st. basil, who, while he was a layman, coasted along this island on the southern side, of which nothing was then known. this is the largest island in the world, and was discovered from the northern side. it extends from the equinoctial line. no one has thus far examined what is in the interior, although it is known that it is well peopled, some of the natives being black, and some of the ordinary color of indians. there are indications of much wealth. more to the east, there are the islands of salamon near by. the blacks are sold among the indians, as in guinea, and they have fairs at set times. the indians buy these people to cultivate their lands. beyond these malucas islands there are some to the southward, of little importance, as far as that of ambueno, which is seventy leguas distant from them. the dutch have a fort there, which they took from the portuguese, and a port where abundance of cloves are gathered--which, transplanted from the malucas, have grown in this island alone and in no other. eighteen leguas farther east lies the island of banda, where nutmeg is gathered; and the dutch have another fortress there. westward from the malucas islands, about twenty leguas distant, is an island called macasar. it is more than two hundred and fifty leguas around, and is very fertile and rich, being inhabited by the best people in those islands; their king is friendly, very peaceful, and glad to trade with the spaniards. he used to receive the dutch, and let them provide themselves from his country with provisions for all their forts. he does not now admit them, and has sent to ask for religious to preach the gospel; and two of the society and two dominicans have been sent to him. the friendship of this king is very important for the preservation of maluco. next, farther to the west, lies the island of borney. it is 400 leguas in circumference. on the side which faces the south the dutch maintain trade, and through it they obtain the finest diamonds. in greater java, which is the island that forms a narrow strait with that of samatra, they have a factory (without a fort), to which they bring the cloves and nutmeg and pepper which they buy there, which amounts to a large quantity. they trade there, and a few years ago the javans drove them out. since the english have become their allies, they are able to keep the natives in subjection, and are building a fortress. they have other factories in the kingdom of patan, at one of which they buy a great deal of pepper. patan lies more to the north of the strait of sincapura (which others call the strait of malaca); and further north lies the kingdom of sian, which is very rich in many kinds of merchandise, and in rubies. they have another factory there. in the kingdom of cambosea [_sic_; _sc._ camboja] they have another, and still another in cochinchina. they are not allowed to enter china, but rather, on account of the robberies which they have perpetrated, they are held to be enemies of the country. in the islands of japon they have another factory, from which they procure supplies and military stores, and which is of much importance to them. of the other islands of this archipelago no mention is made, to avoid being prolix, although there are a great number of them. chapter iv. wherein are considered the riches of the spice trade of these malucas islands and the others. these malucas islands give from year to year four thousand four hundred bares of cloves in clusters, which are called "selected," according to the relation which is made and the information given by don juan de silva, knight of the habit of santiago, when he governed the filipinas islands. others say that there are eight thousand, and still others, six. the first statement is the most accurate, and agrees with another note made by captain gregorio de vidaña, a citizen of manila; he was a person very learned in manuscripts, who spent many years there, and sought to inquire into the matter out of curiosity. four thousand four hundred bares of cloves, each bare containing 640 libras, amount to 2,816,000 libras--which at one ducado, the price at which they are sold [in europe] will bring the same number of ducados. all this can be bought for a hundred thousand ducados. [55] it is not bought with money, but with cloth purchased in india and in china; and what in those countries costs ten is sold in the malucas at fifty. this profit is at present possessed by the dutch, who buy on the coast of caramendel, and from the chinese in cochinchina and java, whence they take the merchandise which they trade for cloves in maluco. the nutmeg, according to don juan de silva, is worth 500u ducados, when transported to these parts. the cloves gathered in the island of ambueno amount to a great deal, although i have no exact account of the quantity. the pepper which is taken from greater java is much, although i do not know the exact quantity. they likewise have a factory and a treaty friendship with the king of achen, in the island of samatra, where there is much merchandise. he is an enemy of ours, as well as he who attacked malaca in the year 16, and burned a galleon of the four which were awaiting don juan de silva. soon afterward seven dutch galleons arrived to aid him, and burned the other three. malaca is a very important place, and it is very necessary that your majesty should preserve it, as it is the passage to all the kingdoms and districts of that archipelago of san laçaro, where there is so much wealth. chapter v. of the expense incurred by your majesty to maintain the fortified posts of tidore and terrenate in the malucas islands. i said in the second part of this relation that the reënforcements of money and men which are brought from nueva españa to the filipinas were not to preserve those islands, but were occasioned by the war with the dutch. i shall now set down here a memorandum of the expenses of those forts, without the many other requisites. _relation of the salaries and expenses which your majesty has to pay in the malucas islands_ pesos a warden and commander of the troops, with two thousand ducados of salary each year, which at eleven reals to the ducado, makes 2757 pesos, 2 tomins, and 9 granos 2u757 seven captains of spanish infantry, with 990 pesos of salary a year, amounting to. 6u930 seven alferezes of these companies, with 412 pesos, 4 tomins of salary each per year. 2u887 seven sergeants, with 206 pesos, 2 tomins, apiece each year, amounting to. 1u443 fourteen drummers, at 171 pesos each per year, amounting to. 2u394 seven fifers, at 165 pesos a year, amounting to. 1u155 seven shield-bearers, at 103 pesos each, amounting to. 0u721 seven standard-bearers, at 115 pesos per year each, amounting to. 0u815 two adjutant sargentos-mayor, with 412 pesos, 4 tomins, each per year, amounting to. 0u825 a campaign captain, at 330 pesos of salary per year. 0u330 a captain of artillery, with a salary of 480 pesos per year. 0u480 a constable for land and sea, with 300 pesos per year. 0u300 twenty artillerymen for land and sea, at 200 pesos each per year, amounting to. 4u000 there are continually 600 soldiers, and at times more, seldom less. these usually earn 115 pesos per year, amounting to 69u000 pesos. 69u000 of this number 140 are musketeers, who get 36 pesos each per year beside their ordinary salary, amounting to 5040 pesos. 5u040 thirty ducados of eleven reals each as extra pay to each company each month, amounting to 2520 ducados, which makes 3465 pesos. 3u465 twenty-eight squadron leaders, with three pesos of extra pay each month, amounting in a year to 1008 pesos. 1u008 one accountant of the royal exchequer, with a salary of 800 pesos per year, and 50 fanégas of cleaned rice. 0u800 one superintendent of supplies and munitions, with 500 pesos of salary and rations. 0u500 one secretary of mines and registries, who serves on a salary of a major official of the office of accounts, with 400 pesos; and one minor official with 150, which amount to. 0u550 two secretaries, one of war and one of magazines, with 200 pesos apiece per year of salary, and rations for the magazines secretary. 0u400 one engineer and one surgeon, with 600 pesos each year, amounting to 1200 pesos. 1u200 two pampango captains, with 120 pesos; two ensigns, with 96 pesos; two sergeants, at 72 pesos; four drummers, two fifers, two shield-bearers, two standard-bearers, at 48 pesos each; and 200 soldiers, at 48 pesos of salary per year, amounting to 10717 pesos. 10u717 a spanish smith, with a salary of 300 pesos per year, and one indian with 48 pesos; another, with 42 pesos; ten others, with 30 pesos; one keeper of arquebuses with 42 pesos and all his rations, which will be mentioned in their place, amounting in money to 732 pesos 0u732 two spanish carpenters and 20 indians--the spaniards with 300 pesos each per year, and the 20 indians at 48 pesos and their rations--the money amounting to 1560 pesos 1u560 one spanish stonecutter, with 300 pesos; and twelve indians at 24 pesos, amounting yearly to 588 pesos 0u588 two calkers and one cooper, spaniards, at 300 pesos each per year, amounting to 900 pesos 0u900 a hundred indian pioneers, at 48 pesos each per year and rations, amounting to 4800 pesos 4u800 an alguazil of the royal exchequer, at 150 pesos per year 0u150 ten religious, of the society of jesus and the order of st. francis, and the vicar, at 100 pesos; and thirty fanégas of rice each, the money amounting to 1000 pesos 1u000 commander, captains, pilot, masters, and other officials of the two galleys, besides rations, have each year in salaries 5643 pesos, 4 tomins 5u643 four substitutes, [56] who are about the person of the governor of those islands, at 30 ducados of eleven reals per month each, amounting each year to 1u980 each year presents are taken to the king, his son, and the chiefs, worth 2000 pesos 2u000 the hospitals expend each year in medicines, food, cloth, and service more than 10000 pesos 10u000 there must be used powder, balls, iron, steel, pikes and boats for minor service, costing for their manufacture or construction more than 10000 pesos 10u000 the expenses of the vessels which bring reënforcements; the galleys which are kept there; the salaries of the captains, pilots, masters, officers, and sailors; the careening; and other smaller expenses for their construction and voyages, amount each year to more than 40000 pesos 40u000 a purveyor, who is present in the province of pintados, earns each year 700 pesos of salary; and there are others--commissioners, a storekeeper, and a secretary--in all amounting to 1300 pesos per year 1u300 the rice, wine, meat, fish, vegetables, and other minor articles used by the persons who are supplied with rations--as are the sailors, artillerymen, carpenters, smiths, pioneers, commanders, and rowers of the galleys; the religious, and others--will amount in terrenate to more than twenty thousand pesos per year 20u000 218u372 beside what has been mentioned, attention must be given to what has been spent on the fleets which have been collected since the year one thousand six hundred and six, when don pedro de acuña recovered it--both in ships and on casting [of artillery], soldiers' hire, and that which has been lost at different times, which has amounted to a large sum each year; and little or no income has been secured from the malucas, for in nine years they have not brought in 20u pesos. this has been due to negligence; for if there had been a faithful administrator posted there, and his accounts had been audited, and affairs had been orderly and regular (as they are with the enemy), your majesty might have secured [sufficient] profit to maintain those forces without expending anything from your royal exchequer, as you now do. the same argument applies from now on. on this account it is very important to your royal service either that correction be applied to this, or that some means be considered, which it does not appear to me expedient to place in this relation, to spare your majesty so great an expense. when those islands are secure from the dutch enemy, your majesty will suffer no expense, and will be able to further the working of the above-mentioned mines which lie near manila. from them, with the favor of god, so great wealth may be looked for as will suffice to clear your majesty from debt, and this can be accomplished in no other way; for with the ordinary practice, which has prevailed thus far, there is no more hope than for a sick man declared past recovery, to whom the physicians give no remedies, and whom they declare to be at the end of his life. bibliographical data the documents of the present volume are from various sources (all manuscript except no. 9). the following are from the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _reforms needed_--see bibliographical data, _vol_. xviii, no. 12. 2. _decrees ordering reforms of religious_.--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficios y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12." 3. _compulsory service_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1617 á 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38." 4. _letter from audiencia_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas cartas y expedientes del presidente y oydores de dicha audiencia vistos en al consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20." 5. _letter from fajardo_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." the following are obtained from mss. in the real academia de la historia, madrid; all are in the collection "papeles de los jesuitas:" 6. _letter to escovar_.--"tomo 129, num. 153." 7. _relation of 1619-20_.--"tomo 112, num. 55." the following is from the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 8. _letter to fajardo_.--"cedulario indico, tomo 38, folio 101, núm. 80." 9. _memorial, y relacion para sv magestad_ (madrid, 1621), by hernando de los rios coronel.--this is translated and synopsized from the copy in the library of congress. appendix: buying and selling prices of oriental products [the first list of prices that follows is from a compilation by the procurator of the philippines, martin castaños, and is taken from a relation of governor juan de silva entitled:] _relation of the importance of the filipinas and terrenate_ the malucas islands yield from year to year four thousand four hundred bars of cloves. each bar is six hundred and forty libras. if his majesty would make himself master of this, as well as of the nutmeg and mace, and establish his factories--in yndia, in ormuz, [57] for the nations who come from all asia to trade for it; and in lisboa, for europa and the yndias--it would be worth [from one year to another?] three million seven hundred pesos at the least, as i reckon it; because in india each libra of cloves is worth at ormuz one peso, and in lisboa a greater sum, while in the west yndias it is worth more than two pesos. [58] averaging them all together, it will be equivalent to ten reals per libra, which will amount to three million five hundred and twenty thousand pesos.... it will cost his majesty to buy the cloves, in cloth, silks, and other things which the natives value, eighty thousand pesos; while the navigation and the pay of the factors will amount to one hundred and twenty thousand, all amounting to two hundred and thirty thousand pesos. consequently, there will be a clear profit on the cloves of three million two hundred and ninety thousand pesos. the nutmegs and mace when delivered in europa cost the dutch five hundred and twenty thousand pesos annually. the purchase, navigation, and [pay of] factors amount to one hundred and ten thousand pesos. consequently, the net gain on the nutmeg and mace is four hundred and ten thousand pesos. that added to the profit of the cloves amounts to three million seven hundred thousand pesos. his majesty can make a profit of two millions annually on the silks of china in this way--that a ship of two hundred toneladas' burden go each year with the ships from filipinas to nueva españa, with these silks, which cost the following prices. one thousand picos of spun and raw silk of changuei, [59] each pico containing one hundred and thirty libras, and costing two hundred pesos, amount to two hundred thousand pesos. ten thousand pieces of canton satin, at a cost of five pesos, amount to fifty thousand pesos. ten thousand pieces of damask, at four pesos, amount to forty thousand pesos. twenty thousand pieces of gorgoran, at a cost of one and one-half pesos, amount to thirty thousand pesos. thirty thousand varas of velvet in colors, at one-half peso, amount to fifteen thousand pesos. these silks cost three hundred and thirty-five thousand pesos. they will, with the condescension of his majesty, be taken to perú (as is done, that other silks of china may not be taken from nueva españa), and are sold at lima at the following prices. each libra of silk of the quality named in the first item, at fifteen pesos, the one thousand picos amounting to one million nine hundred and fifty thousand pesos. each piece of canton satin at fifty pesos, the ten thousand pieces amounting to five hundred thousand pesos. each piece of damask at forty pesos, the ten thousand pieces amounting to four hundred thousand pesos. each piece of gorgoran at ten pesos, the twenty thousand pieces amounting to two hundred thousand pesos. each vara of velvet at four pesos, the thirty thousand varas amounting to one hundred and twenty thousand pesos. taking from this amount the three hundred and thirty-five thousand pesos that those goods cost in china, and eight hundred and thirty-five thousand pesos for the cost of factors and of navigation, and whatever else their handling may cost, there is a net gain of two million pesos. in that way his majesty can obtain every year from filipinas five million seven hundred thousand pesos net, after deducting the entire cost. [the following list is from an undated memorial of probably the early seventeenth century which treats of the merchandise that the portuguese were wont to take from china to japan. the memorial first defines the value of certain coins and weights and measures.] first, the _tae_ is equivalent to a ducado of ten reals of gold or silver; a _maz_ is equal to one of our reals. one _maz_ is equivalent to ten _conderins_; each _conderin_ being valued at six maravedis, is divided into ten _caxes_, each _cax_ [_i.e.,_ cash] being a round brass coin half the size of a half cuarto [60] pierced with four holes, and with certain characters around the edge. one hundred of them make one maz; and it is the only coin that is stamped with a die, for all the others circulate by weight. _ranquel_ are ten pieces of plate or crockery-ware. _pico_ is equivalent to one quintal, but has one arroba more than ours. _cate_ is a weight of twenty onzas. the ship of the portuguese carries from five to six hundred picos of white untwisted silk. it costs at canton eighty taes per pico delivered in macan, and is sold in xapon for one hundred and forty or one hundred and fifty taes. laden with _retros_ (the fine red silk), of four or five hundred picos of all colors, at a cost of one hundred and forty taes, it is sold in xapon at three hundred and seventy and sometimes four hundred taes. the common assorted _retros_ costs from fifty-five to sixty taes in canton, according to its quality, and is sold in xapon for one hundred taes. the silk of the _darca_, of all colors, is worth forty taes in canton, and is sold by the libra in xapon at nine maçes per cate. the said ship will also carry from one thousand seven hundred to two thousand pieces of a certain silk worked with birds, and other pictures done in silk and unwoven silver. [61] each piece is worth up to eleven maçes, and the fine ones up to fourteen. they have seven, eight, and nine gaxos, and they are sold in xapon for about two and one-half or three taes apiece. it will take three or four thousand taes of gold. the tae of common gold is worth about four or five maçes per tae, and it is sold in xapon for seven taes and eight maçes. fine gold is worth in canton six taes six maçes, and seven taes per tae of common gold. it is sold in xapon for eight taes and three maçes. moreover, two picos of musk will be taken. it costs eight reals per cate in canton, and is sold in xapon at fifteen and sixteen, according to its quality. it will carry about five hundred picos of white lead. it costs at canton two taes and seven maces per pico; and, delivered at macan, three. it is sold in xapon for six and one-half and seven taes. the japanese use a considerable quantity of it.... it is brought refined from there and is carried by way of yndia to portugal, where each ba[r?] is worth six [maçes?] seven conderins. the ship will carry, moreover, two hundred or three hundred picos of cotton thread. it costs seven taes per pico delivered in macan, and is sold in xapon for sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen. it will carry three thousand _çangalas_ [_i.e._, pieces of buckram], which are pieces of cotton, most of them white, while the rest are black and in colors. they cost various prices, the large pieces costing twenty-eight taes per hundred. it is sold in xapon at fifty and fifty-four taes per hundred. these çangalas are made of cotton. those from lanquin [_i.e._, nankin], which are half cotton and half raw silk, are worth one tae three maçes per piece of ten varas. other smaller ones cost twelve taes per hundred in canton, and are sold in xapon for twenty-three and twenty-four. the red ones cost eight and one-half taes, and are sold for sixteen and seventeen taes. the ship will carry one hundred and fifty or two hundred picos of quicksilver. it costs forty taes at canton, and fifty-three delivered at macan. it is sold in xapon for ninety and ninety-two, and at times for less than ninety. it will also carry two thousand picos of lead, at a cost of three taes per pico delivered in macan. it is sold in xapon for six taes four maçes, and the money doubled. it will also carry five or six hundred picos of tin. i do not remember its buying or its selling price. it will carry besides five or six hundred picos of china-wood, [62] at a cost per pico of one tae or twelve maçes. it is sold for four or five taes in xapon, and the money doubled. it will carry about two thousand ranquels of crockery-ware at the very least. these goods are bought in canton at many prices, and the money doubled two or three times in xapon. it will carry one hundred picos of rhubarb, which costs two and one-half taes, and is sold for five, thus doubling the money. it will also carry one hundred and fifty picos of licorice. it costs delivered in macan three taes per pico, and is sold in xapon for nine or ten taes per pico, thus tripling the money. it will also carry about sixty or seventy picos of white sugar. it costs fifteen maçes per pico, and is sold in xapon for three and four and one-half taes. however, little of it is used, and the japanese prefer the black. the latter kind costs from four to six maçes in macan, and is sold for four, five, or six taes per pico in xapon. it forms an excellent merchandise, and the ship will carry one hundred and fifty or two hundred picos of it. the captain of the ship will ask, for carrying the silk, ten per cent; and in order that the freight on the remainder of the merchandise may not be raised, five hundred dead taes are given him, besides sixty picos sold at its value there per pico. that which is sold, and all the bulk of the silk that is unsold, and the five hundred taes are given him beforehand; while on the other merchandise mentioned above he is given ten per cent. the said ship takes, on its return to yndia, the aforesaid merchandise of loose white silk--one thousand picos at the abovesaid prices. they are sold in yndia at about two hundred cruzados [63] per pico. it will carry about ten or twelve thousand pieces of silk damasks and taffetas of all shades, bought at different prices. the common price of the fine pieces of damask is five taes, and the very fine, six and seven; and the pieces are four varas long. there are also some at four taes. these damasks are also sold at various prices. the greater part of them are sold among the natives. the same is to be said of the pieces of taffeta as to their purchase and sale. it will carry three or four picos of gold, bought in the manner aforesaid. a profit of eighty or ninety per cent is also made on this among the natives. it will carry five or six hundred picos of wrought and unwrought brass. the money invested in this is doubled. it is used among the natives. it will carry six or seven picos of musk, which is used by the people of the country. the money will be gained once and a half over. it will carry one hundred picos of quicksilver, which will gain seventy or eighty per cent. it will carry five hundred picos of vermilion, which will gain as much as the quicksilver. it will carry two or three [hundred?] picos of sugar, and the money will be gained once and a half over. it will carry one or two thousand picos of china-wood, the money invested for which will be increased two or three times. it will carry two thousand picos of brass bracelets, which cost five taes six maçes, and seven taes per pico delivered in machan. the money is doubled. they are used in bengala. it will carry about two hundred picos of camphor, which goes to portugal. it carries a considerable quantity of earthenware of all sorts. the money is gained once and a half over. it carries a great number of gilded beds, tables, and writing desks. much fine colored unwoven silk. it costs eighteen and nineteen maçes and two taes per cate. some of the gilded beds are generally sold for three or four hundred cruzados. it carries many coverlets worked on frames; canopies, bed-curtains, and hangings; short cloaks of the same handiwork, made by the same chinese; besides other trifles, and many gold chains exquisitely wrought. the portuguese pay duties at malaca of seven and one-half per cent on the merchandise which they carry from china, without selling or unloading anything in that city. they pay two or three thousand cruzados at zeylao [_i.e._, ceylon] for the support of the garrison stationed there. for that purpose two or three fustas go to the ship and take it, in spite of itself, to the port, whence it does not sail until it pays that sum. the reason given by the captain of that fort is, that the viceroy of goa discounts that money from the duties. the same is done with the ships which come from bengala, as well as from all other parts from which it is necessary to pass that island (which is the island for cinnamon) in order to get to goa. they pay eight and one-half per cent at goa, both for entrance and for clearance; and the same is true at malaca, going and coming to [india?] but they do not pay in [macan?] because they return thither. when the ship sails from goa to china, it carries silver in money and in wrought pieces (as i saw), of these two or three thousand; ivory, velvet from españa and other places, and fine scarlet cloth [_grana_]; one hundred and fifty or two hundred pipes of wine; about six other pipes of oil; also olives, and capers. one is surprised at the cheapness of these things in machan since they are brought from españa to goa, and thence to china, a distance of more than one thousand leguas. what most surprised me was to see that a cuarto of wine is worth one real, which is about its worth in lisboa. a jar of oil at eight or ten reals, or at the most twelve, is worth at machan when it comes from españa five, six, or eight pesos per botija, counting eight reals to the peso. a cuartillo of wine at four reals, is sold at little or nothing. the portuguese say that they do not care to make their principal good in china, but to invest in china, as their interest lies in the investment. ivory is sold to the chinese at fifty taes per pico for the white and even ivory. it is understood that this must be in exchange for other merchandise, and not for money or silver; for silver that enters china does not go out again except in merchandise. velvet costs six or seven cruzados per codo in goa. the codo is a palmo less than our vara. it is sold among the portuguese at machan for seven or eight taes, according to its quality. grana costs five or six cruzados per codo at goa, and even seven and eight. a pipe of wine is generally worth forty or fifty cruzados at goa, and the fine and good wines ninety-five. however, the latter is not taken to china; and that of the first-named price is sold in machan, where it is worth eighty or ninety cruzados per pipe. one million of gold and upward enters china yearly through the portuguese alone. the portuguese pay anchorage at machan according to the beam and length of their ships, and whether they enter light or laden. the length is measured from the mizzenmast to the bow, and the beam from edge to edge. according as the ship is larger or smaller it pays. the [standard of] measure is one _caña_, and so much is paid for each measure. consequently, a ship of three hundred toneladas will pay three or four thousand taes of silver. the portuguese formerly paid the said anchorage in brasil-wood and in other merchandise which they carried; but for two or three years past they have had to pay it in silver. they do not like that as well as the other method. if, perchance, the ships have to lay up for the winter, even if they are the ships of the inhabitants of machan themselves, they have to pay without any remission. _memorandum of the retail selling prices of wares in canton_ the tae of fine gold is equivalent to seven of silver. one cate of musk is sold for eight taes. raw silk at eight taes per pico. the contrary kind, or twisted silk [_sirguin_], which is the best of the country, one hundred taes per pico. good pieces of damask, seven taes; a piece contains fourteen varas. other pieces of common silk, ten varas for one tae three maçes. vermilion, forty taes per pico. copper, seven and eight taes [per pico]. quicksilver, forty taes per pico. herd-bells, eight maçes per pico. white lead, two and one-half and three taes per pico. cotton, eight taes per pico. fine powdered vermilion, seventy maçes per cate. one ranquel of fine porcelain, one tae two maçes; fine dishes, fifteen maçes per ranquel. large fine dishes, five maçes apiece. medium quality earthenware is worth one and one-half maçes per ranquel, both chinaware [_porcelana_] and dishes. fine pieces of taffeta of all colors, from lanquin, each piece containing about twelve codos, are worth two and one-half and three taes. large pieces of certain damasks, which contain sixteen varas, are worth twelve taes at the least and fifteen at the most. common earthenware is worth less than one real per ranquel, either dishes or jars. wheat is worth four maces per pico, and eight in flour. rice is worth three and one-half and four maçes per pico. one cow is worth four taes in macan. one pico of flour, delivered in macan, one tae two maçes. pork is worth two taes in macan and one and one-half taes in canton, per pico. fowls, two taes per pico. one pico of salt fish, two taes and more--or less, according to the fish. two cates of fresh fish, one conderin. one pico of sugar, two taes, or, at the least, one and one-half taes. one pico of the finest iron, which resembles a _manteca_ [64] is worth two taes, and in nails two and one-half, and three taes. one pico of chinese camphor is worth ten taes. one pico of cinnamon, three taes. rhubarb, at two, two and one-half, and three taes; and there is an infinite amount of it in china. pieces of thin, fine silk, which contain about twenty varas, arc worth three and one-half and four taes. red silk headdresses for women, four and five maçes apiece. one pico of licorice, two and one-half taes. one pico of china-wood, at eight maçes, and one tae. the merchandise brought by the portuguese in their ships from the districts where they trade and traffic is as follows. first, they carry from malaca to goa a great quantity of cloves, nutmeg, and mace; also tin--which is the finest that is obtained from those parts, and which they also carry to china, for the tin of that country is not so fine. they carry tortoise-shell and many pearls. from zeylao, a great quantity of cinnamon, the finest of diamonds, and other precious gems. from bengala, abundance of very fine cotton; quantities of sugar and rock sulphur; and a quantity of rice--for which, if it were not for bengala, yndia would suffer. from moçambique, ivory and brasil-wood. from ormuz, which is in persia, they bring excellent horses, and very fine carpets; many larins, [65] each one a trifle smaller than one of our reals; many clusters of dates; camlets, [66] and many agras; and benecianos, [67] each of which is worth about one of our escudos of eleven reals. from the kingdom of pegu, they carry a quantity of fine lac in loaves, and other things. from siam, excellent silver, and arquebus-balls; much and very fine benzoin; almond cakes; a quantity of oil of ginger, and of cocoa, and brasil-wood; lead; and a quantity of rice. from conchinchina, aguila-wood, [68] and another wood called _calambac_, [69] which is very valuable. it is black and contains oil, and is worth fifty cruzados among the portuguese; while in its own kingdom, it passes weight for weight with silver. [the ship also carries] lead, pepper, and some yellow silk. from the kingdom of champa is brought the abovesaid wood, and it is even finer than that of conchinchina. they carry another kind of black wood from which the chinese make certain little sticks one cuarto [_i.e._, one-fourth vára?] long with which they eat. this kingdom has nothing else [to trade]. from cambay, they bring the finest incense that those districts furnish. it is worth three taes per pico. they bring it from far, which is arabia the blest [_la felice_], and also from the island of samatra, which the portuguese call by another name dachen. from timor, white sandal wood, which grows in no other part, while they bring the red from santo tome. from borney they bring camphor, which is the best which is usually found. it passes in its own kingdom weight for weight with silver. they also bring a great quantity of wood of the same tree for tables and writing desks, and it is very beautiful and sweet-smelling. from the islands of ternate, tidore, and three or four others, the spice of the clove. from the island of banda, and from other islands, nutmeg and mace. from the same island they bring certain very beautiful birds which have no feet or claws. they have a very long tail with very beautiful feathers, and resemble young herons. from xapon a great quantity of silver; [abundance?] of tunny-fish; certain catans (which resemble cutlasses, and are very large), and daggers wrought very richly in gold; and other things. from sunda and many other places they bring various other articles. the spaniards take from the philipinas many pieces of cotton of very fine quality, and many pieces of various-colored damask; all kinds of taffeta, in greater or less quantity; much spun and loose silk of all colors; a great quantity of earthenware--which, together with the silk, is all brought to manila by the chinese themselves, who also bring a great amount of gold, wrought and unwrought, and of different carats. the following are the names of the gold in the philipinas and their carats: first, gold of _ariseis_, of twenty-three carats three granos, and worth per tae in the said islands, nine eight-real pesos; gold of _guinogulan_, of twenty carats, worth seven pesos; gold of _orejeras_, of eighteen or nineteen carats, and worth five and one-half pesos per tae; gold of _linguin_, of fourteen or fourteen and one-half carats, and worth four or four and one-half pesos; gold of _bislin_, of nine or nine and one-half carats, and worth three pesos; gold of _malubay_, of six or six and one-half carats, and worth one and one-half and two pesos. [70] notes [1] the twelve-year truce between the states-general and spain, signed in 1608. [2] this squadron was sent for the succor of the philippines, in december, 1619; but soon after its departure it encountered a severe storm, which compelled the ships to take refuge in the port of cadiz. learning of this, the royal council sent imperative orders for the ships to depart on their voyage; the result was that they were driven ashore and lost on the andalusian coast, january 3, 1620, with the loss of one hundred and fifty lives. among the dead was fray hernando de moraga, o.s.f., who had come to spain some time before to ask aid for the philippine colony and the missions there. a council assembled by the king, after discussing the matter, recommended that spain abandon the islands as costly and profitless; moraga's entreaties induced the king to disregard this advice, and to send a fleet with troops and supplies, in which embarked moraga with thirty friars of his order. see la concepción's account, in _hist. de philipinas_, v, pp. 474-479. another letter from otaço, dated february 18, 1620, says: "there has been a very heated discussion (which still continues) regarding aid for the philipinas, between the lords of the council and all the procurators and agents of those islands." [3] translated: "[this blow upon us], beyond measure, still we are the lord's and he is just, and his judgment is upright." [4] so in the ms., but apparently a copyist's error for leatum, the form given in later pages; apparently a phonetic blunder for liao-tung, the name of the province where the contest between russia and japan is now centered (may, 1904). [5] w. winterbotham gives, in his _view of the chinese empire_ (london, 1796), ii, pp. 6-8, an interesting account of the "mandarins of letters," the chief nobility of the empire. he says: "there are only two ranks in china, the nobility and the people, but the former is not hereditary ... china contains about fifteen thousand mandarins of letters, and a still greater number who aspire to that title ... to arrive at this degree, it is necessary to pass through several others; such as that of batchelor (_sie_, or _tsai_), of licentiate (_kiu-gin_), and of doctor (_tsing-tssëe_). the two first, however, are only absolutely necessary; bur even those on whom the third is conferred obtain for a time only the government of a city of the second or third class. there are eight orders of [these] mandarins ... in short, the whole administration of the chinese empire is entrusted to the mandarins of letters." [6] referring to the manchu chief noorhachu (see _vol_. xviii, note 63). his grandfather was named huen. [7] gabriel de matos was born at vidigueira, portugal, in 1572, and entered the jesuit order at the age of sixteen. he spent twenty years in the japan missions, and later was provincial of malabar; and he filed in january, 1633, either at cochin or at macao (according to differing authorities). [8] nicolas trigault was born at douai, france, in 1577, and became a jesuit novice when seventeen years old. as a student, he made a specialty of oriental languages, and in 1610 entered the china mission, of which he was long in charge--meanwhile becoming versed in chinese history and literature, concerning which, as well as the jesuit missions there, trigault wrote various books and memoirs. he died november 14, 1628, at either nanking or hang-tcheou. [9] matheo de curos was born at lisbon in 1568, and became a jesuit when fifteen years old; three years later, he left europe for japan, where during many years he occupied high positions in his order. he died at fuscimo (fushimi?), october 29, 1633. [10] _dairi_ ("the great interior"), an appellation of the mikado of japan, also of his palace in the city of kiôto (anciently called miako), the temple referred to is the daibutsu ("great buddha"), located not far from the palace. see rein's _japan_, pp. 442-470, for account of buddhism and other religions in japan, and description and plan of kiôto. [11] cf. _jesuit relations_, (cleveland reissue) xxvii, p. 311, and xxxv, p. 277 (and elsewhere), for mention of these helpers (fr. _dogiques_) in the jesuit missions of new france. [12] probably referring to st. francis xavier, who had been, seventy years before, so prominent a missionary in japan and india. the word "saint," however, is here used by anticipation, as xavier was not canonized at the time of this document. that ceremony was performed, for both xavier and ignatius de loyola, on march 12, 1622; they had been beautified on july 27, 1609. [13] the two latin phrases read thus in english respectively: "in the bowels of jesus christ," and "that i may be counted worthy of suffering reproach [or ignominy] for the name of jesus." [14] this is a reference to the celebrated scholastic duns scotus. [15] the text reads thus: _junto al estandarte que lleuoua el pe guardian yba un fraile lego llamado fr. junipero y es tenido por sto_ sencillo como el otro vaylando y diciendo mil frialdades a lo diuino. [16] the order of theatins was founded in 1524, by st. cajetan of chieti or teate (whence theatinus) and three others, one of whom later became pope paul iv. their vows were very strict, for they were even forbidden to solicit alms. they were the first congregation in the church of regular clerics or canons regular (_clerici regulares_ or _canonici regulares_). on account of the early renown for piety which they acquired, it became usual to style any devout person a theatino or chietino. they were also sometimes called tolentines, from the name of their principal church dedicated to st. nicholas of tolentine. their dress being similar to that of the jesuits, they were through ignorance often mistaken for them. the term was also applied to some of the jesuits who had been in florida and afterward went to manila; to the jesuit missionaries in japan; and to the first jesuits in the philippines. paul iv wished to unite his order with the jesuits, but his request was not acceded to by st. ignatius loyola. the theatins were never widely known outside of italy.--the editors are indebted for this note to revs. josé algué, s.j., manila observatory, e.i. devitt, s.j., georgetown college, and t.c. middleton, o.s.a., villanova college. see also addis and arnold's _catholic dict._, pp. 792, 793. [17] the preachers of charles v said to the council of the indias, in speaking of the repartimiento system in america: "we hold that this most great sin will be the cause of the total destruction of the state of spain, if god does not alter it, or we do not amend it ourselves." see helps's _spanish conquest_, ii, p. 56. [18] st. john's day is june 26, and st. peter's june 29. [19] span., _la puso en el cofrecillo secreto del acuerdo_; literally "placed it in the secret drawer of the assembly." [20] in 1621, the flagship of which fernando centeno was commander, "nuestra señora de la vida," was wrecked in isla verde. see colin, _labor evangélica_, p. 159. [21] one may see in this and subsequent marginal notes of this nature, in this and in other documents, the possible working of the spanish government offices. the memoranda thus made on the margins of the document by the council or government representative in the king's name, evidently formed the basis of the various decrees and orders despatched to the colonies, in regard to points brought out in the document that needed legislation. the document would probably be then turned over to the clerk or notarial secretary, who would have the decrees filled out properly, and in the stereotyped form, from these memoranda. lastly, they would receive the king's signature (_rubrica_). each of the marginal notes on this and other documents, when made by king or council, is generally accompanied by a rubrica, which attests its legality. these notes often consist of two distinct parts, one of matter to be addressed to the governor, in which the second person is used; the other, directions to clerks in regard to what should be done on points called up in the document. these distinct parts have each their rubricas. [22] see this note at end of the document, p. 167. [23] see this note, _post_, p. 168. [24] see _vol_. xii, pp. 53, 54, "four hundred short toneladas of the northern sea, which amount to three hundred [of the southern sea]." [25] see this note, _post_, p. 169. [26] the report of this expedition, which was effected, will be given later, in a document of 1624. [27] see a further note to this section, _post_, p. 171. [28] see a further note on this section, _post_, p. 171. [29] the reservation signifies that absolution from the said censure is reserved exclusively to a superior, as the prior of a convent, a provincial, or general, or even to the supreme pontiff himself. see addis and arnold's _catholic dict._, pp. 135, and 717 and 718.--_rev. t.c. middleton_, o.s.a. [30] the original reads "_despues_" ("since"), but the sense seems to require "_antes_" ("before"). [31] an account of this expedition will be presented in a later document. [32] the words lacking in the above, due to the dilapidation of the ms., render it impossible to translate this passage clearly. [33] cf. the three documents (1619-20) by coronel, on "reforms needed in the filipinas," begun in _vol_. xviii, and concluded in this volume. felipe iii died on march 31, 1621, and was succeeded by his son, felipe iv, to whom this "memorial" is now addressed. [34] that is, "those who had come by a round-about way." [35] various mss. by alonso sanchez are to be found in the archives of different countries, and will be mentioned in the bibliographical volume of this series. [36] see, however, morga's account of this in _vol_. xv, pp. 79-92. see morga also for a full account of the camboja expeditions. [37] thus in the original. a marginal pen correction in faded ink, in the copy from which we translate, reads 608. the _cedulario indico_, consisting of forty-one manuscript volumes of decrees, for the various parts of the indias, which is preserved in the archivo historico nacional in madrid, contains a number of decrees of 1608 in regard to the ships from the philippines. [38] the decree was of course granted by felipe ii, "your" being used merely as a set phrase to indicate the royal source of the decree. [39] see _vol_. xvi, p. 60, note 31. [40] april 25, 1610, the fight with wittert, _q.v._ _vol_. xvii. [41] see an account of his voyage in _vol_. xvii. [42] thus in the original, but evidently an error for "chinese." [43] _cuatralbo_: the commander of four galleys. [44] translated: "the earth is the lord's and the fulness thereof: the world, and all they that dwell therein" (ps. xxiv, v. 1). [45] in the margin is written, in an ancient hand: "for the singular veneration which the archduke of borgoña showed to the most holy sacrament of the eucharist." [46] thus in the text (_comprar_); but the context would suggest that this was a slip for "sell." [47] in this connection may be cited the following statement from sawyer's _inhabitants of the philippines_, p. 129: "the great wealth of the archipelago is undoubtedly to be found in the development of its agriculture. although the central and ilocan mountains in luzon and parts of mindanao are rich in gold, it is the fertile land, the heavy rainfall and the solar heat, that must be utilized to permanently enrich the country. the land is there and the labour is there, and all that is wanting is capital, and a settled government ... the sun, the rain, the soil, and the hardy philippine farmer will do the rest--a population equal to that of java could live in affluence in the philippines." see also sawyer's remarks (pp. 145-152) on gold and gold-mining in the islands. [48] see the document, "expeditions to tuy," at end of _vol_. xiv. [49] the augustinian fray miguel garcia serrano. [50] an ancient spanish coin, which in the time of ferdinand and isabella was worth 14 reals 14 maravedis of silver; but its value varied in subsequent reigns. see the work of fray liciniano saez, _monedas que corrian en castilla durante el reynado del sr. d. enrique iv_ (published by the real academia de la historia, madrid, 1805), pp. 408-426. [51] in spain the name _cinamomo_ is popularly given to the _melia acedarak_; but now in manila that name is applied to a species of _lausonia, l. inermis_. this latter grows in arabia and egypt, and is cultivated in europe; it is there called _alchena_ or _alhena_, and its root is employed as a cosmetic by the turks, and a paste of its leaves, known as _henna_, is used by them to dye the teeth or hair. see blanco's _flora_ (ed. 1845), pp. 206, 241. [52] probably referring to the springs at jigabo, province of albay, the waters of which carry in solution a gelatinous silica, which is quickly incrusted on any object placed therein. see _report_ of u.s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, p. 222. [53] the "geometrical pace" is, in english measure, roughly estimated at five feet; in spanish measure, according to los rios's reckoning--the tercia (or "third"), being one-third of a vara, is equivalent to 11.128 english inches--the geometrical pace would be 55.64 english inches. the length of the wall, accordingly, would be a little less than two english miles. [54] of this name crawfurd says (_dict. indian islands_, p. 283): "the collective name, which the portuguese write maluca, and is correctly maluka, is equally unknown, although said to be that of a place and people of the island of gilolo. no such name is, at present, known to exist in that island ... all that de barros tells us of the name is, that it is a collective one for all the islands." he cites (pp. 101, 102) various names for the clove that are current in the indian islands, and some found in early writers but among them is none resembling maluca. [55] see the detailed description of the clove tree, its product, the mode of gathering cloves, their properties, and the extent of the trade in this spice in _recueil des voiages comp. des indes orientales_, i, pp. 503-507. the price at which the dutch bought cloves from the natives (in 1599) is there stated at fifty-four reals of eight. the extent of the crop is thus stated: "according to what the inhabitants of ternate say, the molucca islands produce annually the following quantity of cloves: the islands of ternate and tidore, each 1,000 bares; bassian island, 2,000 bares; and motier island, 600 or 700 bares." crawfurd says (_dict. indian islands_, p. 503): "in england, before the discovery of the passage by the cape of good hope, a pound of cloves cost 30_s._, or 168_l._ per cwt." [56] spanish, _entretenidos_; persons who were performing certain duties, in hope of obtaining permanent positions, or waiting for vacancies to occur in certain posts. [57] the ancient city of ormuz was on the mainland, but was removed to the opposite island, jerún, because of repeated tartar attacks. its fame almost rivaled that of venice from the end of the thirteenth to the seventeenth century. it was owned by the portuguese during 1507-1622, when it was taken by shah abbas, with the aid of the english east india company. it was next to goa the richest of portuguese possessions. see _voyage of pyrard de laval_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1888), ii, p. 238, notes 1 and 2. [58] the editors of _voyage of pyrard de laval_ (ii, p. 357, _note_) say of the clove: "it is curious that this spice seems not to have been known to the romans, nor to any europeans till the discovery of the moluccas by the portuguese." duarte barbosa, in _east africa and malabar_ (stanley's trans., hakluyt society edition, london, 1866), pp. 219-220, quotes cloves from maluco as worth per bahar in calicut 500 and 600 fanoes; and, when clean of husks and sticks, 700 fanoes, 19 fanoes being paid as export duty. at maluco they were worth from one to two ducats per bahar, and in malacca as much as fourteen. captain john saris (see satow's edition of _voyage of capt. john saris_, hakluyt society publications, p. 33) bought cloves for "60 rials of 8 per bahar of 200 cattyes." [59] see satow's _voyage of capt. john saris, ut supra_, pp. 224, 225, 228, 229, for names and prices of various kinds of silks. [60] _cuarto_: a copper coin worth four maravedis. [61] saris (_voyage_, pp. 216, 225) mentions the following chinese goods: "veluet hangings imbroydered with gold, eighteene rialls; vpon sattins, fourteene rials." "imbrodered hangings, called poey, the best ten rials the piece." [62] spanish, _palo de china_; also known as "china root;" the root of _smilax china_. it is not now used, but formerly had great repute for the cure of venereal diseases as well as for gout. linschoten has a long account of its virtues and mode of use, in _voyage_ (hakluyt society's edition), ii, pp. 107-112; see also i, p. 239. cf. pyrard de laval's _voyage_, i, p. 182. [63] the cruzado was an old coin of castilla and portugal. the castilian coin was of gold, silver, or copper, and of different values. the portuguese coin, evidently the one of our text, was worth ten reals de vellon in spain. see _dicc. nacional ... de la lengua española_ (madrid, 1878). [64] so in the copy which we follow. literally translated this is "butter," which causes doubt as to the correctness of the copy. [65] the _larin_ was a silver coin that takes its name from the city of lar in persia. it has been current in a number of eastern countries and districts, among them persia, the maldives, goa, and the malabar coast, ceylon, and kandy. it has gone out of circulation, although the name is preserved in certain copper coins at the maldives. the ancient coin was of various shapes, that of the maldives being about as long as the finger and double, having arabic characters stamped on it; that of ceylon resembled a fishhook: those of kandy are described as a piece of silver wire rolled up like a wax taper. when a person wishes to make a purchase, he cuts off as much of this silver as is equal in value to the price of the article. its probably first mention by an european writer occurs in the _lembranças das cousas de india_ (_subsidios_ iii, 53), in 1525, where the following table is given: 2 fules = 1 dinar; 12 dinars = 1 tanga; 3 tangas 10 dinars = 1 new larin; 3 tangas 9 dinars = 1 old larin. at cambaye (p. 38) 1 tanga larin = 60 reis, and 45 larins weighed 1 portuguese marco, or 50 grammes. antonio nunes (1554) in his _livro dos pesos_, says: "at the port of bengala, 80 couries = 1 pone; 48 pones = 1 larin. the portuguese marco of the time of joão iii, being equivalent to 2,500 reis, would make the larin worth 51,012 reis." davy says that the larin of kandy was worth about 7d. in english currency. for detailed information about the larin, see _voyage of pyrard de laval, ut supra_, i, p. 232 and note 2; and ii, p. 68. [66] "next, many watered camlets of persia and ormus, of all colours, made of the wool of large sheep that have not curled fleeces like ours. of it they make also good store of cloaks and capes, called by the indians _mansans_, and by the portuguese 'ormus _cambalis_;' they are made of the same wool, in bands of different colours, each four inches wide. everyone takes these to sea for a protection from the rain. the tissue is the same as of cloth." it was called "camlet," because made originally of camel's hair. see _ut supra_, ii, p. 240. [67] the venetian sequin, worth about 50 sols, which was silver money and circulated at goa. see _ut supra_, ii, p. 69. [68] crawfurd (_dict. indian islands_) says that this is the eagle-wood of commerce. its name in malay and javanese is _kalambak_ or _kalambah_, but it is also known in these languages by that of _gahru_, or _kayu-gahru_, gahru-wood, a corruption of the sanscrit _agharu_. this sweet-scented wood has been used immemorially as an incense throughout eastern countries, and was early introduced into europe by the portuguese. the perfumed wood is evidently the result of a disease in the tree, produced by the thickening of the sap into a gum or resin. the tree is confused with the aloes, but properly speaking has no connection with that tree; and the word _agila_ has been wrongly translated into "eagle" [see above "_aguila_"]. the tree probably belongs to the order of _leguminosæ_. the best perfumed or diseased wood is found in the mountainous country to the east of the gulf of siam, including camboja and cochinchina. castenheda says that at campar, on the eastern side of sumatra, are "forests which yield aloes-wood, called in india calambuco (kalambak). the trees which produce it are large, and when they are old they are cut down and the aloes-wood taken from them, which is the heart of the tree, and the outer part is agila. both these woods are of great price, but especially the calambuco, which is rubbed in the hands, yielding an agreeable fragrance; the agila does so when burned." see crawfurd, _ut supra_, pp. 6, 7, and yule's cathay, ii, p. 472, note 1. [69] _calambac_: the kalambac, or normal form of the wood called agila, is evidently meant here; see preceding note. [70] see _vol_. iv, pp. 99, 100. all the old books of voyages of eastern countries contain much on the buying and selling prices of various commodities. see especially the notable hakluyt society publications. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century volume i, 1493-1529 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume i general preface. _the editors_. ... 13 historical introduction. _edward gaylord bourne._ ... 19 preface to volume i ... 89 documents regarding the line of demarcation: papal bulls of 1493: _inter cætera_ (may 3), _eximiæ_ (may 3), _inter cætera_ (may 4), _extension de la concesion_ (september 25). alexander vi; rome, 1493. ... 97 treaty of tordesillas. fernando v and isabel of castile, and joão ii of portugal; tordesillas, june 7, 1494. ... 115 [note on correspondence of jaime ferrer regarding the line of demarcation--1493-95.] 130 compact between the catholic sovereigns and the king of portugal. fernando v and isabel of castile, and joão ii of portugal; madrid, april 15, 1495. 131 papal bull, _præcelsæ_ leo x; rome, november 3, 1514. 136 instructions from the king of spain to his ambassadors. cárlos i of spain; valladolid, february 4, 1523. 139 letter to juan de zúñiga. cárlos i of spain; pamplona, december 18, 1523. 145 treaty of vitoria. cárlos i of spain, and joão iii of portugal; vitoria, february 19, 1524 junta of badajoz: extract from the records in the possession and ownership of the moluccas. badajoz; april 14-may 13, 1524 opinions concerning the ownership of the moluccas. hernando colon, fray tomás duran, sebastian caboto, and juan vespucci; badajoz april 13-15, 1524 letters to the spanish delegates at the junta of badajoz. cárlos i of spain; búrgos, march 21 and april 10, 1524 treaty of zaragoza. cárlos i of spain and joão iii of portugal; zaragoza, april 29, 1529 papal bull, _eximiæ_. alexander vi; rome, november 16, 1501 life and voyage of fernão de magalhães. [résumé of contemporaneous documents--1518-27.] letter of authorization to falero and magalhães. cárlos i of spain; valladolid, march 22, 1518 carta de el-rei de castella para el-rei d. manuel. cárlos i of spain; barcelona, february 28, 1519 instructions to juan de cartagena. cárlos i of spain; barcelona, april 6, 1519 [1]carta do rei de castella a fernando de magalhães e a ruy falero. cárlos i; barcelona, april 19, 1519 ... 294 extracto de una carta de las indias. 1522. ... 296 de molvccis insulis. [letter to the cardinal of salzburg, describing magalhães's voyage to the moluccas.] maximillianus transylvanus; coloniæ, 1523. ... 305 bibliographical data ... 339 appendix: chronological tables ... 345 illustrations portrait of fernão de magalhães; photographic reproduction from painting in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid. ... _frontispiece_ signature of fernão de magalhães; photographic facsimile, from original _ms_. in archivo general de indias, seville. ... 273 title-page of _de molvccis insulis_; photographic facsimile, from copy of the first edition, at lenox library. ... 303 general map of the philippine archipelago. ... _at end of volume_ general preface the entrance of the united states of america into the arena of world-politics, the introduction of american influence into oriental affairs, and the establishment of american authority in the philippine archipelago, all render the history of those islands and their, numerous peoples a topic of engrossing interest and importance to the reading public, and especially to scholars, historians, and statesmen. the present work--its material carefully selected and arranged from a vast mass of printed works and unpublished manuscripts--is offered to the public with the intention and hope of casting light on the great problems which confront the american people in the philippines; and of furnishing authentic and trustworthy material for a thorough and scholarly history of the islands. for this purpose, the editors reproduce (mainly in english translation) contemporaneous documents which constitute the best original sources of philippine history. beginning with pope alexander vi's line of demarcation between the spanish and the portuguese dominions in the new world (1493), the course of history in the archipelago is thus traced through a period of more than three centuries, comprising the greater part of the spanish régime. in the selection of material, the editors have sought to make the scope of the work commensurate with the breadth of the field, and to allot to each subject space proportioned to its interest; not only the political relations, but the social and religious, economic and commercial conditions of the philippines have received due attention and care. all classes of writers are here represented--early navigators, officials civil and military, ecclesiastical dignitaries, and priests belonging to the various religious orders who conducted the missions among the filipino peoples. to the letters, reports, and narratives furnished by these men are added numerous royal decrees, papal bulls and briefs, and other valuable documents. most of this material is now for the first time made accessible to english-speaking readers; and the great libraries and archives of spain, italy, france, england, mexico, and the united states have generously contributed to furnish it. in the presentation of these documents, the editors assume an entirely impartial attitude, free from any personal bias, whether political or sectarian. they aim to secure historical accuracy, especially in that aspect which requires the sympathetic interpretation of each author's thought and intention; and to depict faithfully the various aspects of the life of the filipinos, their relations with other peoples (especially those of europe), and the gradual ascent of many tribes from barbarism. they invite the reader's especial attention to the introduction furnished for this series by professor edward gaylord bourne, of yale university--valuable alike for its breadth of view and for its scholarly thoroughness. the bibliographical data at the end of each volume will supply necessary information as to sources and location of the documents published therein; fuller details, and of broader scope, will be given in the volume devoted to philippine bibliography, at the end of the series. in preparing this work, the editors have received most friendly interest and aid from scholars, historians, archivists, librarians, and state officials; and from prominent ecclesiastics of the roman catholic church, and members of its religious orders. especial thanks are due to the following persons: hon. john hay, secretary of state, washington; sr. d. juan riaño, secretary of the spanish legation, washington; hon. bellamy storer, late u.s. minister to spain; hon. robert stanton sickles, secretary of u.s. legation, madrid; dr. thomas cooke middleton, o.s.a., villanova college, penn.; rev. thomas e. sherman, s.j., st. ignatius college, chicago; rev. john j. wynne, s.j., apostleship of prayer, new york; rev. ubaldus pandolfi, o.s.f., boston; bishop ignatius f. horstmann, cleveland; bishop sebastian g. messmer, green bay, wis.; fray eduardo navarro ordóñez, o.s.a., colegio de agustinos, valladolid, spain; rev. pablo pastells, s.j., sarría, barcelona, spain; charles franklin thwing, ll.d., president of western reserve university; frederick j. turner, director of the school of history, university of wisconsin; richard t. ely (director) and paul s. reinsch, of the school of economics and political science, university of wisconsin; edward g. bourne, professor of history, yale university; herbert putnam (librarian), worthington c. ford, p. lee phillips, a.p.c. griffin, james c. hanson, and other officials, library of congress, washington, d. c.; wilberforce eames (librarian) and victor h. paltsits, lenox library, new york; william i. fletcher, librarian of amherst college; reuben g. thwaites and isaac s. bradley, state historical society of wisconsin; william c. lane (librarian) and t.j. kiernan, library of harvard university; john d. fitzgerald, columbia university, new york; henry vignaud, chief secretary of u.s. legation, paris; sr. d. duque del almodovar del rio, minister of state, madrid, spain; sr. francisco giner de los rios, of university of madrid, and director of institución libre de enseñanza; sr. ricardo velasquez bosco, madrid; sr. d. cesáreo fernández duro, of real academia de la historia, madrid; sr. d. eduardo de hinojosa, madrid; sr. d. pedro torres lanzas, director of archivo general de indias, seville; sr. d. julian paz, director of archivo general, simancas; sr. d. francisco de p. cousiño y vazquez, librarian of museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid. favors from the following are also acknowledged. benj. p. bourland, professor of romance languages, western reserve university; professor c.h. grandgent, department of romance languages, harvard university; john thomson, free library of philadelphia; george parker winship, carter-brown library, providence, r.i.; addison van name, librarian of yale university; otto h. tittmann, u.s. coast and geodetic survey, and dr. otis t. mason, curator u.s. national museum, washington, d. c.; rev. laurence j. kenny, s.j., st. louis university; rev. henry j. shandelle, s.j., georgetown university, washington; rev. thomas hughes, s.j., and rev. rudolf j. meyer, s.j., rome, italy; dr. n. murakami, imperial university, tokyo, japan; sr. d. vicente vignau y balester, director of archivo histórico-nacional, madrid; sr. d. conde de ramonones, minister of public instruction, madrid; sr. d.w.e. retana, civil governor of province of huesca, spain; sr. d. clemente miralles de imperial (director) and sr. d. j. sanchez garrigós (librarian), of compañia general de tabacos de filipinas, barcelona; rev. julius alarcon, s.j., rev. joaquin sancho, s.j., rev. j.m. de mendia, s.j., and the late rev. josé maría vélez, s.j., madrid; rev. t. m. obeso, s.j., bilbao; rev. josé algué, s.j., director of observatory, manila, luzon; fray tirso lopez, o.s.a., and fray antonio blanco, o.s.a., colegio de agustinos, valladolid; sr. antonio rodriguez villa, biblioteca de la real académia de la historia, madrid; sr. roman murillo y ollo, librarian, real académia española, madrid; and officials of biblioteca nacional, madrid; sr. gabriel pereira, director of bibliotheca nacional, lisbon; sr. p.a. d'azevedo, director of archivo nacional (torre do tombo), lisbon; sr. josé duarte ramalho ortigão (director) and sr. jordão a. de freitas (official), bibliotheca real da ajuda, lisbon; officials of academia real das sciencias, lisbon; and officials of u.s. legations, lisbon and madrid. _emma helen blair_ _james alexander robertson_ historical introduction _by edward gaylord bourne_ the american people are confronted with two race problems, one within their own confines and long familiar but still baffling solution; the other, new, remote, unknown, and even more imperatively demanding intelligent and unremitting effort for its mastery. in the first case there are some eight millions of people ultimately derived from various savage tribes in africa but long since acclimatized, disciplined to labor, raised to civilized life, christianized, and by the acquisition of the english language brought within a world of ideas inaccessible to their ancestors. emancipated by the fortune of war they are now living intermingled with a ruling race, in it, but not of it, in an unsettled social status, oppressed by the stigma of color and harassed and fettered by race prejudice. in the other case there are six or seven millions of malays whose ancestors were raised from barbarism, taught the forms and manners of civilized life, christianized, and trained to labor by catholic missionaries three centuries ago. a common religion and a common government have effaced in large measure earlier tribal differences and constituted them a people; yet in the fullest sense of the word a peculiar people. they stand unique as the only large mass of asiatics converted to christianity in modern times. they have not, like the african, been brought within the christian pale by being torn from their natural environment and schooled through slavery; but, in their own home and protected from general contact with europeans until recent times, they have been moulded through the patient teaching, parental discipline, and self-sacrificing devotion of the missionaries into a whole unlike any similar body elsewhere in the world. they, too, by the fortunes of war have lost their old rulers and guides and against their will submit their future to alien hands. to govern them or to train them to govern themselves are tasks almost equally perplexing, nor is the problem made easier or clearer by the clash of contradictory estimates of their culture and capacity which form the ammunition of party warfare. what is needed is as thorough and intelligent a knowledge of their political and social evolution as a people as can be gained from a study of their history. in the case of the negro problem the historical sources are abundant and accessible and the slavery question is accorded, preeminent attention in the study of american history. in the philippine question, however, although the sources are no less abundant and instructive they are and have been highly inaccessible owing, on the one hand, to the absolute rarity of the publications containing them, and, on the other, to their being in a language hitherto comparatively little studied in the united states. to collect these sources, scattered and inaccessible as they are, to reproduce them and interpret them in the english language, and to make it possible for university and public libraries and the leaders in thought and policy to have at hand the complete and authentic records of the culture and life of the millions in the far east whom we must understand in order to do them justice, is an enterprise large in its possibilities for the public good. in accordance with the idea that underlies this collection this introduction will not discuss the philippine question of today nor philippine life during the last half century, nor will it give a short history of the islands since the conquest. for all these the reader may be referred to recent publications like those of foreman, sawyer, or worcester, or earlier ones like those of bowring and mallat, or to the works republished in the series. the aim of the introduction is rather to give the discovery and conquest of the philippines their setting in the history of geographical discovery, to review the unparalleled achievements of the early conquerors and missionaries, to depict the government and commerce of the islands before the revolutionary changes of the last century, and to give such a survey, even though fragmentary, of philippine life and culture under the old régime as will bring into relief their peculiar features and, if possible, to show that although the annals of the philippines may be dry reading, the history of the philippine people is a subject of deep and singular interest. the philippine islands in situation and inhabitants belong to the asiatic world, but, for the first three centuries of their recorded history, they were in a sense a dependency of america, and now the whirligig of time has restored them in their political relations to the western hemisphere. as a dependency of new spain they constituted the extreme western verge of the spanish dominions and were commonly known as the western islands [2] _(las islas del poniente)._ their discovery and conquest rounded out an empire which in geographical extent far surpassed anything the world had then seen. when the sun rose in madrid, it was still early afternoon of the preceding day in manila, and philip ii was the first monarch who could boast that the sun never set upon his dominions. [3] in one generation, 1486-1522, the two little powers of the iberian peninsula had extended their sway over the seas until they embraced the globe. the way had been prepared for this unparalleled achievement by the courage and devotion of the portuguese prince henry the navigator, who gave his life to the advancement of geographical discovery and of portuguese commerce. the exploration of the west coast of africa was the school of the navigators who sailed to the east and the west indies, and out of the administration of the trade with africa grew the colonial systems of later days. in the last quarter of the fifteenth century the increasing obstructions in egypt and by the turks to the trade with the east indies held out a great prize to the discoverer of an all-sea route to the spice islands. bartholomew diaz and vasco da gama solved this problem for portugal, but the solution offered to spain by columbus and accepted in 1492 revealed a new world, the indies of the west. the king of portugal, zealous to retain his monopoly of african and eastern exploration, and the pious sovereigns of spain, desirous to build their colonial empire on solid and unquestioned foundations, alike appealed to the pope for a definition of their rights and a confirmation of their claims. the world seemed big enough and with a spacious liberality pope alexander vi granted ferdinand and isabella the right to explore and to take possession of all the hitherto unknown and heathen parts of the world west of a certain line drawn north and south in the atlantic ocean. east of that line the rights of portugal, resting on their explorations and the grants of earlier popes, were confirmed. the documentary history of the philippines begins with the demarcation bulls and the treaty of tordesillas, for out of them grew magellan's voyage and the discovery of the islands; and without them the philippines would no doubt have been occupied by portugal and later have fallen a prey to the dutch as did the moluccas. king john of portugal was dissatisfied with the provisions of the demarcation bulls. he held that the treaty between spain and portugal in 1479 had resigned to portugal the field of oceanic discovery, spain retaining only the canaries; and he felt that a boundary line only a hundred leagues west of the azores not only was an infringement on his rights but would be a practical embarrassment in that it would not allow his sailors adequate sea room for their african voyages. his first contention was hardly valid; the second, however, was reasonable and, as columbus had estimated the distance from the canaries to the new islands at over nine hundred leagues, the catholic sovereigns were disposed to make concessions. by the treaty of tordesillas, june 7, 1494, it was agreed that the demarcation line should be drawn three hundred and seventy leagues west of the cape verde islands. [4] this treaty accepted the principle of the papal arbitration but shifted the boundary to a position supposed to be half-way between the cape verde islands and the newly discovered islands of cipangu and antilia. [5] neither in the papal bulls nor in the treaty of tordesillas was there any specific reference to an extension of the line around the globe or to a division of the world. the arrangement seems to have contemplated a free field for the exploration and conquest of the unknown parts of the world, to the eastward for portugal, and to the westward for spain. if they should cross each other's tracks priority of discovery would determine the ownership. [6] the suggestion of the extension of the line around the globe and of the idea that spain was entitled to what might be within the hemisphere set off by the demarcation line and its extension to the antipodes does not appear until the time of magellan, and it is then that we first meet the notion that the pope had divided the world between spain and portugal like an orange. [7] the portuguese reached india in 1498. thirteen years later albuquerque made conquest of malacca of the malay peninsula, the great entrepôt of the spice trade; but even then the real goal, the islands where the spices grow, had not been attained. the command of the straits, however, promised a near realization of so many years of labor, and, as soon as practicable, in december 1511, albuquerque despatched antonio d'abreu in search of the precious islands. a spanish historian of the next century affirms that magellan accompanied d'abreu in command of one of the ships, but this can hardly be true. [8] francisco serrão, however, one of the portuguese captains, was a friend of magellan's and during his sojourn of several years in the moluccas wrote to him of a world larger and richer than that discovered by vasco da gama. it is probable, as the historian barros, who saw some of this correspondence, sugguests, that serrão somewhat exaggerated the distance from malacca to the moluccas, and so planted the seed which bore such fruit in magellan's mind. [9] the year after the portuguese actually attained the spice islands, vasco nuñez de balboa, first of europeans (1513), set eyes upon the great south sea. it soon became only too certain that the portuguese had won in the race for the land of cloves, pepper, and nutmegs. but, in the absence of knowledge of the true dimensions of the earth and with an underestimate of its size generally prevailing, the information that the spice islands lay far to the east of india revived in the mind of magellan the original project of columbus to seek the land of spices by the westward route. that he laid this plan before the king of portugal, there seems good reason to believe, but when he saw no prospect for its realization, like columbus, he left portugal for spain. it is now that the idea is evolved that, as the moluccas lie so far east of india, they are probably in the spanish half of the world, and, if approached from the west, may be won after all for the catholic king. no appeal for patronage and support could be more effective, and how much reliance magellan and his financial backer christopher haro placed upon it in their petition to king charles appears clearly in the account by maximilianus transylvanus of magellan's presentation of his project: "they both showed caesar that though it was not yet quite sure whether malacca was within the confines of the spaniards or the portuguese, because, as yet, nothing of the longitude had been clearly proved, yet, it was quite plain that the great gulf and the people of sinae lay within the spanish boundary. this too was held to be most certain, that the islands which they call the moluccas, in which all spices are produced, and are thence exported to malacca, lay within the spanish western division, and that it was possible to sail there; and that spices could be brought thence to spain more easily, and at less expense and cheaper, as they come direct from their native place." [10] equally explicit was the contract which magellan entered into with king charles: "inasmuch as you bind yourself to discover in the dominions which belong to us and are ours in the ocean sea within the limits of our demarcation, islands and mainlands and rich spiceries, etc." this is followed by an injunction "not to discover or do anything within the demarcation and limits of the most serene king of portugal." [11] las casas, the historian of the indies, was present in valladolid when magellan came thither to present his plan to the king. "magellan," he writes, "had a well painted globe in which the whole world was depicted, and on it he indicated the route he proposed to take, saving that the strait was left purposely blank so that no one should anticipate him. and on that day and at that hour i was in the office of the high chancellor when the bishop [of burgos, fonseca] brought it [_i.e._ the globe] and showed the high chancellor the voyage which was proposed; and, speaking with magellan, i asked him what way he planned to take, and he answered that he intended to go by cape saint mary, which we call the rio de la plata and from thence to follow the coast up until he hit upon the strait. but suppose you do not find any strait by which you can go into the other sea. he replied that if he did not find any strait that he would go the way the portuguese took.--this fernando de magalhaens must have been a man of courage and valiant in his thoughts and for undertaking great things, although he was not of imposing presence because he was small in stature and did not appear in himself to be much." [12] such were the steps by which the papal demarcation line led to the first circumnavigation of the globe, the greatest single human achievement on the sea. [13] the memorable expedition set out from seville september 20, 1519. a year elapsed before the entrance to the strait named for the great explorer was discovered. threading its sinuous intricacies consumed thirty-eight days and then followed a terrible voyage of ninety-eight days across a truly pathless sea. the first land seen was the little group of islands called ladrones from the thievishness of the inhabitants, and a short stay was made at guam. about two weeks later, the middle of march, the little fleet reached the group of islands which we know as the philippines but which magellan named the islands of st. lazarus, from the saint whose day and feast were celebrated early in his stay among them. [14] the calculations of the longitude showed that these islands were well within the spanish half of the world and the success with which a malay slave of magellan, brought from sumatra, made himself understood [15] indicated clearly enough that they were not far from the moluccas and that the object of the expedition, to discover a westward route to the spice islands, and to prove them to be within the spanish demarcation, was about to be realized. but magellan, like moses, was vouchsafed only a glimpse of the promised land. that the heroic and steadfast navigator should have met his death in a skirmish with a few naked savages when in sight of his goal, is one of the most pathetic tragedies in history. [16] the difficulties, however, of approaching the moluccas by the western route through the straits of magellan (that cape horn could be rounded was not discovered till 1616), the stubborn and defiant attitude of the king of portugal in upholding his claims, the impossibility of a scientific and exact determination of the demarcation line in the absence of accurate means for measuring longitude,--all these, reinforced by the pressure of financial stringency led king charles in 1529 to relinquish all claims to or rights to trade with the moluccas for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. [17] in the antipodes a demarcation line was to be drawn from pole to pole seventeen degrees on the equator, or two hundred and ninety-seven leagues east of the moluccas, and it was agreed that the subjects of the king of castile should neither sail or trade beyond that line, or carry anything to the islands or lands within it. [18] if a later scientific and accurate determination should substantiate the original claims of either party the money should be returned [19] and the contract be dissolved. although the archipelago of st. lazarus was not mentioned in this treaty it was a plain renunciation of any rights over the philippines for they lie somewhat to the west of the moluccas. the king of spain, however, chose to ignore this fact and tacitly assumed the right to conquer the philippines. it was, however, thirteen years before another attempt was made in this direction. by this time the conquest and development of the kingdom of new spain made one of its ports on the pacific the natural starting point. this expedition commanded by rui lopez de villalobos was despatched in 1542 and ended disastrously. the portuguese captain-general in the moluccas made several vigorous protests against the intrusion, asserting that mindanao fell within the portuguese demarcation and that they had made some progress in introducing christianity. [20] villalobos left no permanent mark upon the islands beyond giving the name "felipinas" to some of them, in honor of "our fortunate prince." [21] nearly twenty years elapsed before another expedition was undertaken, but this was more carefully organized than any of its predecessors, and four or five years were absorbed in the preparations. king philip ii, while respecting the contract with portugal in regard to the moluccas, proposed to ignore its provisions in regard to other islands included within the demarcation line of 1529. in his first despatch relative to this expedition in 1559 he enjoins that it shall not enter the moluccas but go "to other islands that are in the same region as are the philippines and others that were outside the said contract, but within our demarcation, that are said to produce spices." [22] friar andrés de urdaneta, who had gone to the moluccas with loaisa in 1525, while a layman and a sailor, explained to the king that as _la isla filipina_ was farther west than the moluccas the treaty of zaragoza was just as binding in the case of these islands as in that of the moluccas, and that to avoid trouble some "legitimate or pious reason for the expedition should be assigned such as the rescue of sailors who had been lost on the islands in previous expeditions or the determination of the longitude of the demarcation line" [23] it is clear from the sequel that king philip intended, as has been said, to shut his eyes to the application of the treaty of zaragoza to the philippines. as they did not produce spices the portuguese had not occupied them and they now made no effectual resistance to the spanish conquest of the islands. [24] the union of portugal to the crown of spain in 1580 subsequently removed every obstacle, and when the portuguese crown resumed its independence in 1640 the portuguese had been driven from the spice islands by the dutch. this is not the place to narrate in detail the history of the great expedition of legaspi. it established the power of spain in the philippines and laid the foundations of their permanent organization. in a sense it was an american enterprise. the ships were built in america and for the most part equipped here. it was commanded and guided by men who lived in the new world. the work of legaspi during the next seven years entitles him to a place among the greatest of colonial pioneers. in fact he has no rival. starting with four ships and four hundred men, accompanied by five augustinian monks, reinforced in 1567 by two hundred soldiers, and from time to time by similar small contingents of troops and monks, by a combination of tact, resourcefulness, and courage he won over the natives, repelled the portuguese and laid such foundations that the changes of the next thirty years constitute one of the most surprising revolutions in the annals of colonization. a most brilliant exploit was that of legaspi's grandson, juan de salcedo, a youth of twenty-two who with forty-five men explored northern luzon, covering the present provinces of zambales, pangasinán, la union, ilocos, and the coast of cagayán, and secured submission of the people to spanish rule. [25] well might his associates hold him "unlucky because fortune had placed him where oblivion must needs bury the most valiant deeds that a knight ever wrought." [26] nor less deserving of distinction than legaspi and his heroic grandson was friar andrés de urdaneta the veteran navigator whose natural abilities and extensive knowledge of the eastern seas stood his commander in good stead at every point and most effectively contributed to the success of the expedition. nor should the work of the friars be ignored. inspired by apostolic zeal, reinforced by the glowing enthusiasm of the catholic reaction, gifted and tireless, they labored in harmony with legaspi, won converts, and checked the slowly-advancing tide of mohammedanism. the ablest of the brothers, martin de rada, was preaching in visayan within five months. the work of conversion opened auspiciously in cebu, where legaspi began his work, with a niece of tupas, an influential native, who was baptized with great solemnity. next came the conversion of the moor [moslem] "who had served as interpreter and who had great influence throughout all that country." in 1568 the turning point came with the baptism of tupas and of his son. this opened the door to general conversion, for the example of tupas had great weight. [27] it is a singular coincidence that within the span of one human life the spaniard should have finished the secular labor of breaking the power of the moslem in spain and have checked his advance in the islands of the antipodes. the religion of the prophet had penetrated to malacca in 1276, had reached the moluccas in 1465, and thence was spreading steadily northward to borneo and the philippines. iolo (sulu) and mindanao succumbed in the sixteenth century and when legaspi began the conquest of luzon in 1571 he found many mohammedans whose settlement or conversion had grown out of the trade relations with borneo. as the old augustinian chronicler grijalva remarks, and his words are echoed by morga and by the modern historian montero y vidal: [28] "so well rooted was the cancer that had the arrival of the spaniards been delayed all the people would have become moors, as are all the islanders who have not come under the government of the philippines." [29] it is one of the unhappy legacies of the religious revolution of the sixteenth century that it has fixed a great gulf between the teutonic and the latin mind, which proves impassable for the average intellect. the deadly rivalries of catholic and protestant, of englishman and spaniard, have left indelible traces upon their descendants which intensify race prejudice and misunderstanding. the englishman or american looks with a contempt upon the economic blindness or incapacity of the spaniard that veils his eyes to their real aims and achievements. the tragedies and blunders of english colonization in america are often forgotten and only the tragedies and blunders of spanish colonization are remembered. in the period which elapsed between the formulation of the spanish and of the english colonial policies religious ideals were displaced by the commercial, and in the exaltation of the commercial ideal england took the lead. colonies, from being primarily fields for the propagation of christianity and incidentally for the production of wealth, became the field primarily for industrial and commercial development and incidentally for christian work. the change no doubt has contributed vastly to the wealth of the world and to progress, but it has been fatal to the native populations. the spanish policy aimed to preserve and civilize the native races, not to establish a new home for spaniards, and the colonial legislation provided elaborate safeguards for the protection of the indians. many of these were a mere dead letter but the preservation and civilization of the native stock in mexico, central and south america, and above all in the philippines stand out in marked contrast, after all allowances and qualifications have been made, with the fate, past and prospective, of the aborigines in north america, the sandwich islands, new zealand, and australia, and clearly differentiate in their respective tendencies and results the spanish and english systems. the contrast between the effects of the spanish conquest in the west indies, mexico, and the philippines reflects the development of the humane policy of the government. the ravages of the first conquistadores, it should be remembered, took place before the crown had time to develop a colonial policy. it is customary, too, for protestant writers to speak with contempt of catholic missions, but it must not be forgotten that france and england were converted to christianity by similar methods. the protestant ridicules the wholesale baptisms and conversions and a christianity not even skin-deep, but that was the way in which christianity was once propagated in what are the ruling christian nations of today. the catholic, on the other hand, might ask for some evidence that the early germans, or the anglo-saxons would ever have been converted to christianity by the methods employed by protestants. the wholesale baptisms have their real significance in the frame of mind receptive for the patient christian nurture that follows. christianity has made its real conquests and is kept alive by christian training, and its progress is the improvement which one generation makes upon another in the observance of its precepts. one who has read the old penitential books and observed the evidences they afford of the vitality of heathen practices and rites among the people in england in the early middle ages will not be too harsh in characterizing the still imperfect fruits of the catholic missions of the last three centuries. in the light, then, of impartial history raised above race prejudice and religious prepossessions, after a comparison with the early years of the spanish conquest in america or with the first generation or two of the english settlements, the conversion and civilization of the philippines in the forty years following legaspi's arrival must be pronounced an achievement without a parallel in history. an examination of what was accomplished at the very ends of the earth with a few soldiers and a small band of missionaries will it is believed reveal the reasons for this verdict. we are fortunate in possessing for this purpose, among other materials, a truly classic survey of the condition of the islands at the opening of the seventeenth century written by a man of scholarly training and philosophic mind, dr. antonio de morga, who lived in the islands eight years in the government service. [30] the spaniards found in the population of the islands two sharply contrasted types which still survive--the malay and the negrito. after the introduction of christianity the natives were commonly classified according to their religion as indians (christian natives), moors [31] (mohammedan natives), and heathen (gentiles) or infidels. the religious beliefs of the malays were not held with any great tenacity and easily yielded to the efforts of the missionaries. the native taste for the spectacular was impressed and gratified by the picturesque and imposing ceremonials of the church. their political and social organization was deficient in cohesion. there were no well established native states but rather a congeries of small groups something like clans. the headship of these groups or _barangays_ was hereditary and the authority of the chief of the _barangay_ was despotic. [32] this social disintegration immensely facilitated the conquest; and by tact and conciliation, effectively supported by arms, but with very little actual bloodshed, spanish sovereignty was superimposed upon these relatively detached groups, whose essential features were preserved as a part of the colonial administrative machinery. this in turn was a natural adaptation of that developed in new spain. building upon the available institutions of the _barangay_ as a unit the spaniards aimed to familiarize and accustom the indians to settled village life and to moderate labor. only under these conditions could religious training and systematic religious oversight be provided. these villages were commonly called _pueblos_ or _reducciones_, and indians who ran away to escape the restraints of civilized life were said to "take to the hills" (_remontar_). as a sign of their allegiance and to meet the expenses of government every indian family was assessed a tribute of eight reals, about one dollar, and for the purpose of assessment the people were set off in special groups something like feudal holdings (_encomiendas_). the tribute from some of the _encomiendas_ went to the king. others had been granted to the spanish army officers or to the officials. [33] the "report of the _encomiendas_ in the islands in 1591" just twenty years after the conquest of luzon reveals a wonderful progress in the work of civilization. in the city of manila there was a cathedral and the bishop's palace, monasteries for the austin, dominican, and franciscan friars, and a house for the jesuits. the king maintained a hospital for spaniards; there was also a hospital for indians in the charge of two franciscan lay brothers. the garrison was composed of two hundred soldiers. the chinese quarter or _parián_ contained some two hundred shops and a population of about two thousand. in the suburb of tondo there was a convent of franciscans and another of dominicans who provided christian teaching for some forty converted sangleyes (chinese merchants). in manila and the adjacent region nine thousand four hundred and ten tributes were collected, indicating a total of some thirty thousand six hundred and forty souls under the religious instruction of thirteen missionaries (_ministros de doctrina_), besides the friars in the monasteries. in the old province of la pampanga the estimated population was 74,700 with twenty-eight missionaries; in pangasinán 2,400 souls with eight missionaries; in ilocos 78,520 with twenty missionaries; in cagayán and the babuyan islands 96,000 souls but no missionaries; in la laguna 48,400 souls with twenty-seven missionaries; in vicol and camarines with the island of catanduanes 86,640 souls with fifteen missionaries, etc., making a total for the islands of 166,903 tributes or 667,612 souls under one hundred and forty missionaries, of which seventy-nine were augustinians, nine dominicans, forty-two franciscans. the king's _encomiendas_ numbered thirty-one and the private ones two hundred and thirty-six. [34] friar martin ignacio in his _itinerario_, the earliest printed description of the islands (1585), says: "according unto the common opinion at this day there is converted and baptised more than foure hundred thousand soules." [35] this system of _encomiendas_ had been productive of much hardship and oppression in spanish america, nor was it altogether divested of these evils in the philippines. the payment of tributes, too, was irksome to the natives and in the earlier days the indians were frequently drafted for forced labor, but during this transition period, and later, the clergy were the constant advocates of humane treatment and stood between the natives and the military authorities. this solicitude of the missionaries for their spiritual children and the wrongs from which they sought to protect them are clearly displayed in the _relacion de las cosas de las filipinas_ of domingo de salazar, the first bishop, who has been styled the "las casas of the philippines." [36] that it was the spirit of kindness, christian love, and brotherly helpfulness of the missionaries that effected the real conquest of the islands is abundantly testified by qualified observers of various nationalities and periods, [37] but the most convincing demonstration is the ridiculously small military force that was required to support the prestige of the catholic king. the standing army organized in 1590 for the defense of the country numbered four hundred men! [38] no wonder an old viceroy of new spain was wont to say: "_en cada fraile tenía el rey en filipinas un capitan general y un ejercito entero_"-"in each friar in the philippines the king had a captain general and a whole army." [39] the efforts of the missionaries were by no means restricted to religious teaching, but were also directed to promote the social and economic advancement of the islands. they cultivated the innate taste for music of the natives and taught the children spanish. [40] they introduced improvements in rice culture, brought indian corn and cacao from america and developed the cultivation of indigo and coffee, and sugar cane. tobacco alone of the economic plants brought to the islands by the spaniards owes its introduction to government agency. [41] the young capital of the island kingdom of new castile, as it was denominated by philip ii, in 1603 when it was described by morga invites some comparison with boston, new york, or philadelphia in the seventeenth century. the city was surrounded by a wall of hewn stone some three miles in circuit. there were two forts and a bastion, each with a garrison of a few soldiers. the government residence and office buildings were of hewn stone and spacious and airy. the municipal buildings, the cathedral, and the monasteries of the three orders were of the same material. the jesuits, besides providing special courses of study for members of their order, conducted a college for the education of spanish youth. the establishment of this college had been ordered by philip ii in 1585 but it was 1601 before it was actually opened. [42] earlier than this in 1593 there had been established a convent school for girls, [43] the college of saint potenciana. in provisions for the sick and helpless, manila at the opening of the seventeenth century was far in advance of any city in the english colonies for more than a century and a half to come. [44] there was first the royal hospital for spaniards with its medical attendants and nurses; the franciscan hospital for the indians administered by three priests and by four lay brothers who were physicians and apothecaries and whose skill had wrought surprising cures in medicine and surgery; the house of mercy, which took in sick slaves, gave lodgings to poor women, portioned orphan girls, and relieved other distresses; and lastly, the hospital for sangleyes or chinese shopkeepers in the chinese quarter. [45] within the walls the houses, mainly of stone and inhabited by spaniards, numbered about six hundred. the substantial buildings, the gaily-dressed people, the abundance of provisions and other necessaries of human life made manila, as morga says, "one of the towns most praised by the strangers who flock to it of any in the world." [46] there were three other cities in the islands, segovia and cazeres in luzon, and the city of the "most holy name of jesus" in cebú, the oldest spanish settlement in the archipelago. in the first and third the spanish inhabitants numbered about two hundred and in cazeres about one hundred. in _santisimo nombre de jesús_ there was a jesuit college. although the indians possessed an alphabet before the arrival of the spaniards and the knowledge of reading and writing was fairly general they had no written literature of any kind. [47] a jesuit priest who had lived in the islands eighteen years, writing not far from 1640, tells us that by that time the tagals had learned to write their language from left to right instead of perpendicularly as was their former custom, but they used writing merely for correspondence. the only books thus far in the indian languages were those written by the missionaries on religion. [48] in regard to the religious life of the converted indians the friars and morga speak on the whole with no little satisfaction. friar martin ignacio in 1584 writes: "such as are baptised, doo receive the fayth with great firmenesse, and are good christians, and would be better, if that they were holpen with good ensamples." [49] naturally the spanish soldiers left something to be desired as examples of christianity and friar martin relates the story of the return from the dead of a principal native--"a strange case, the which royally did passe of a trueth in one of these ilandes,"--who told his former countrymen of the "benefites and delights" of heaven, which "was the occasion that some of them forthwith received the baptisme, and that others did delay it, saying, that because there were spaniard souldiers in glory, they would not go thither, because they would not be in their company." [50] morga writing in 1603 says: "in strictest truth the affairs of the faith have taken a good footing, as the people have a good disposition and genius, and they have seen the errors of their paganism and the truths of the christian religion; they have got good churches and monasteries of wood, well constructed, with shrines and brilliant ornaments, and all the things required for the service, crosses, candlesticks, chalices of gold and silver, many brotherhoods and religious acts, assiduity in the sacraments and being present at divine service, and care in maintaining and supplying their monks, with great obedience and respect; they also give for the prayers and burials of their dead, and perform this with all punctuality and liberality." [51] a generation later the report of the religious is not quite so sanguine: "they receive our religion easily and their lack of intellectual penetration saves them from sounding the difficulties of its mysteries. they are too careless of fulfilling the duties of the christianity which they profess and must needs be constrained by fear of chastisement and be ruled like school children. drunkenness and usury are the two vices to which they are most given and these have not been entirely eradicated by the efforts of our monks." [52] that these efforts were subsequently crowned with a large measure of success is shown by the almost universal testimony to the temperate habits of the filipinos. this first period of philippine history has been called its golden age. certainly no succeeding generation saw such changes and advancement. it was the age of spain's greatest power and the slow decline and subsequent decrepitude that soon afflicted the parent state could not fail to react upon the colony. this decline was in no small degree the consequence of the tremendous strain to which the country was subjected in the effort to retain and solidify its power in europe while meeting the burden of new establishments in america and the philippines. that in the very years when spaniards were accomplishing the unique work of redeeming an oriental people from barbarism and heathenism to christianity and civilized life, the whole might of the mother-country should have been massed in a tremendous conflict in europe which brought ruin and desolation to the most prosperous provinces under her dominion, and sapped her own powers of growth, is one of the strangest coincidences in history. bending every energy for years to stay the tide of change and progress, suppressing freedom of thought with relentless vigor, and quarantining herself and her dependencies against new ideas, conservatism grew to be her settled habit and the organs of government became ossified. policies of commercial restriction which were justifiable or at least rationally explicable in the sixteenth century lasted on, proof against innovation or improvement, until the eighteenth century and later. consequently from the middle of the seventeenth century at the period of the rapid rise of colonial powers of france, holland, and england, the spanish colonies find themselves under a commercial regime which increasingly hampers their prosperity and effectually blocks their advancement. the contrast between the spanish possessions and those of the other maritime powers became more marked as time went on. the insuperable conservatism of the home government gave little opportunity for the development of a class of energetic and progressive colonial officials, and financial corruption honeycombed the whole colonial civil service. such conditions: the absence of the spirit of progress, hostility to new ideas, failure to develop resources, and the prevalence of bribery and corruption in the civil service, insure abundant and emphatic condemnation at the present day for the spanish colonial system. but in any survey of this system we must not lose sight of the terrible costs of progress in the tropical colonies of holland, france, and england; nor fail to compare the _pueblos_ of the philippines in the eighteenth century with the plantations of san domingo, or jamaica, or java, or with those of cuba in the early nineteenth century when the spirit of progress invaded the island. to facilitate the understanding of the historical materials which will be collected in this series and to lay the foundation for a just and appreciative comparison of the institutions of the philippines with those of other european dependencies in the tropics, it will be my aim now to bring into relief the distinctive features of the work wrought in the islands which raised a congeries of malay tribes to christian civilization, and secured for them as happy and peaceful an existence on as high a plane as has yet been attained by any people of color anywhere in the world, or by any orientals for any such length of time. such a survey of philippine life may well begin with a brief account of the government of the islands. this will be followed by a description of the commercial system and of the state of the arts and of education, religion, and some features of social life during the eighteenth century and in the first years of the nineteenth before the entrance of the various and distracting currents of modern life and thought. in some cases significant details will be taken from the works of competent witnesses whose observations were made somewhat earlier or later. this procedure is unobjectionable in describing a social condition on the whole so stationary as was that of the philippines before the last half century. from the beginning the spanish establishments in the philippines were a mission and not in the proper sense of the term a colony. they were founded and administered in the interests of religion rather than of commerce or industry. they were an advanced outpost of christianity whence the missionary forces could be deployed through the great empires of china and japan, and hardly had the natives of the islands begun to yield to the labors of the friars when some of the latter pressed on adventurously into china and found martyrs' deaths in japan. in examining the political administration of the philippines, then, we must be prepared to find it a sort of outer garment under which the living body is ecclesiastical. against this subjection to the influence and interests of the church energetic governors rebelled, and the history of the spanish domination is checkered with struggles between the civil and religious powers which reproduce on a small scale the mediæval contests of popes and emperors. colonial governments are of necessity adaptations of familiar domestic institutions to new functions. the government of spain in the sixteenth century was not that of a modern centralized monarchy but rather of a group of kingdoms only partially welded together by the possession of the same sovereign, the same language, and the same religion. the king of spain was also the ruler of other kingdoms outside of the peninsula. consequently when the new world was given a political organization it was subdivided for convenience into kingdoms and captaincies general in each of which the administrative machinery was an adaptation of the administrative machinery of spain. in accordance with this procedure the philippine islands were constituted a kingdom and placed under the charge of a governor and captain general, whose powers were truly royal and limited only by the check imposed by the supreme court (the _audiencia_) and by the ordeal of the _residencia_ at the expiration of his term of office. among his extensive prerogatives was his appointing power which embraced all branches of the civil service in the islands. he also was _ex officio_ the president of the _audiencia_. [53] his salary was $8,000 [54] a year, but his income might be largely augmented by gifts or bribes. [55] the limitations upon the power of the governor imposed by the _audiencia_, in the opinion of the french astronomer le gentil, were the only safeguard against an arbitrary despotism, yet zúñiga, a generation later pronounced its efforts in this direction generally ineffectual. [56] the _residencia_ to which reference has been made was an institution peculiar in modern times to the spanish colonial system, it was designed to provide a method by which officials could be held to strict accountability for all acts during their term of office. today reliance is placed upon the force of public opinion inspired and formulated by the press and, in self-governing communities, upon the holding of frequent elections. the strength of modern party cohesion both infuses vigor into these agencies and neutralizes their effectiveness as the case may be. but in the days of the formation of the spanish empire beyond the sea there were neither free elections, nor public press, and the criticism of the government was sedition. to allow a contest in the courts involving the governor's powers during his term of office would be subversive of his authority. he was then to be kept within bounds by realizing that a day of judgment was impending, when everyone, even the poorest indian, might in perfect security bring forward his accusation. [57] in the philippines the _residencia_ for a governor lasted six months and was conducted by his successor and all the charges made were forwarded to spain. [58] the italian traveler gemelli careri who visited manila in 1696 characterizes the governor's _residencia_ as a "dreadful trial," the strain of which would sometimes "break their hearts." [59] on the other hand, an acute observer of spanish-american institutions of the olden time intimates that the severities of the _residencia_ could be mitigated and no doubt such was the case in the philippines. [60] by the end of the eighteenth century the _residencia_ seems to have lost its efficacy. [61] the governorship was certainly a difficult post to fill and the remoteness from europe, the isolation, and the vexations of the _residencia_ made it no easy task to get good men for the place. an official of thirty years experience, lay and ecclesiastical, assures us in the early seventeenth century that he had known of only one governor really fitted for the position, gomez perez dasmariñas. he had done more for the happiness of the natives in three years than all his predecessors or successors. some governors had been without previous political experience while others were deficient in the qualities required in a successful colonial ruler. [62] the supreme court or _audiencia_ was composed of four judges (_oidores,_ auditors) an attorney-general _(fiscal)_ a constable, etc. the governor who acted as president had no vote. [63] besides the functions of this body as the highest court of appeal for criminal and civil cases it served as has been said as a check upon the governor. down to 1715 the _audiencia_ took charge of the civil administration in the interim between the death of a governor and the arrival of his successor, and the senior auditor assumed the military command. [64] attached to the court were advocates for the accused, a defender of the indians, and other minor officials. in affairs of public importance the _audiencia_ was to be consulted by the governor for the opinions of the auditors. [65] for the purposes of local administration the islands were subdivided into or constituted provinces under _alcaldes mayores_ who exercised both executive and judicial functions, and superintended the collection of tribute. [66] the _alcaldes mayores_ were allowed to engage in trade on their own account which resulted too frequently in enlisting their interest chiefly in money making and in fleecing the indians. [67] the provincial court consisted of the _alcalde mayor,_ an assessor who was a lawyer, and a notary. the favoritism and corruption that honeycombed the civil service of spain in the colonies in the days of her decline often placed utterly unfit persons in these positions of responsibility. a most competent observer, tomás de comyn, many years the factor of the philippine commercial company, has depicted in dark colors, and perhaps somewhat overdrawn the evils of the system. [68] the subdivision of the provinces was into _pueblos_ each under its petty governor or _gobernadorcillo._ the _gobernadorcillo_ was an indian and was elected annually. in morga's time the right of suffrage seems to have been enjoyed by all married indians, [69] but in the last century it was restricted to thirteen electors. [70] the _gobernadorcillo_ was commonly called the "captain." within the _pueblos_ the people formed little groups of from forty to fifty tributes called _barangays_ under the supervision of _cabezas de barangay_. these heads of _barangay_ represent the survival of the earlier clan organization and were held responsible for the tributes of their groups. originally the office of _cabeza de barangay_ was no doubt hereditary, but it became generally elective. [71] the electors of the _gobernadorcillo_ were made up of those, who were or had been _cabezas de barangay_ and they after three years of service became eligible to the office of petty governor. in the few spanish towns in the islands the local government was similar to that which prevailed in america, which in turn was derived from spain. that of manila may be taken as an example. the corporation, _el cabildo_ (chapter) consisted of two ordinary _alcaldes_, eight _regidores_, a registrar, and a constable. the _alcaldes_ were justices, and were elected annually from the householders by the corporation. the _regidores_ were aldermen and with the registrar and constable held office permanently as a proprietary right. these permanent positions in the _cabildo_ could be bought and sold or inherited. [72] turning now to the ecclesiastical administration, we find there the real vital organs of the philippine governmental system. to the modern eye the islands would have seemed, as they did to the french scientist le gentil, priest-ridden. yet it was only through the friars that spain retained her hold at all. [73] a corrupt civil service and a futile and decrepit commercial system were through their efforts rendered relatively harmless, because circumscribed in their effects. the continuous fatherly interest of the clergy more than counterbalanced the burden of the tribute. [74] they supervised the tilling of the soil, as well as the religious life of the people; and it was through them that the works of education and charity were administered. [75] the head of the ecclesiastical system was the archbishop of manila, who in a certain sense was the patriarch of the indies. [76] the other high ecclesiastical digntaries were the three bishops of cebú, of segovia in cagayán, and of cazeres in camarines; and the provincials of the four great orders of friars, the dominicans, augustinians, the franciscans, the barefooted augustinians, and the jesuits. [77] in the earlier days the regular clergy (members of the orders) greatly outnumbered the seculars, and refused to acknowledge that they were subject to the visitation of bishop or archbishop. this contention gave rise, at times, to violent struggles. during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the proportionate number of seculars increased. in 1750 the total number of parishes was 569, of which 142, embracing 147,269 persons, were under secular priests. the numbers in charge of the orders were as follows: villages. souls. augustinians, 115 252,963 franciscans, 63 141,193 jesuits, 93 209,527 dominicans, 51 99,780 recollects, 105 53,384 making a total of 569 parishes and 904,116 souls. [78] these proportions, however, fail to give a correct idea of the enormous preponderance of the religious orders; for the secular priests were mostly indians and could exercise nothing like the influence of the friars upon their cures. [79] in these hundreds of villages the friars bore sway with the mild despotism of the shepherd of the flock. spanish officials entered these precincts only on occasion. soldiers were not to be seen save to suppress disorders. spaniards were not allowed to live in these communities, and visitors were carefully watched. [80] as spanish was little known in the provinces, the curate was the natural intermediary in all communications between the natives and the officials or outsiders. in some provinces there were no white persons besides the _alcalde mayor_ and the friars. without soldiers the _alcalde mayor_ must needs rely upon the influence of the friars to enable him to execute his duties as provincial governor. in contemplating their services for civilization and good order tomas de comyn rises to enthusiasm. "let us visit," he writes, "the philippine islands, and with astonishment shall we there behold extended ranges, studded with temples and spacious convents, the divine worship celebrated with pomp and splendour; regularity in the streets, and even luxury in the houses and dress; schools of the first rudiments in all the towns, and the inhabitants well versed in the art of writing. we shall see there causeways raised, bridges of good architecture built, and, in short, all the measures of good government and police, in the greatest part of the country, carried into effect; yet the whole is due to the exertions, apostolic labours, and pure patriotism of the ministers of religion. let us travel over the provinces, and we shall see towns of 5, 10, and 20,000 indians, peacefully governed by one weak old man, who, with his doors open at all hours, sleeps quiet and secure in his dwelling, without any other magic, or any other guards, than the love and respect with which he has known how to inspire his flock." [81] if this seems too rosy a picture, it still must not be forgotten that at this time the ratio of whites to indians in the islands was only about one to sixteen hundred, [82] that most of these lived in manila, and that the entire military force was not more than two thousand regular troops. [83] as has been intimated this condition lasted down until a comparatively recent period. as late as 1864 the total number of spaniards amounted to but 4,050 of whom 3,280 were government officials, etc., 500 clergy, 200 landed proprietors, and 70 merchants; and in the provinces the same conditions prevailed that are described by comyn. [84] in more than half of the twelve hundred villages in the islands "there was no other spaniard, no other national authority, nor any other force to maintain public order save only the friars." [85] recurring for a moment to the higher ecclesiastical organization, the judicial functions of the church were represented by the archbishop's court and the commissioner of the inquisition. the episcopal court, which was made up of the archbishop, the vicar-general, and a notary, tried cases coming under the canon law, such as those relating to matrimony and all cases involving the clergy. idolatry on the part of the indians or chinese might be punished by this court. [86] the holy inquisition transplanted to new spain in 1569 stretched its long arm across the great ocean to the philippines, in the person of a commissioner, for the preservation of the true faith. the indians and chinese were exempted from its jurisdiction. its processes were roundabout, and must have given a considerable proportion of its accused a chance to die a natural death. the commissioner must first report the offense to the court in new spain; if a trial was ordered, the accused must be sent to mexico, and, if convicted, must be returned to the philippines to receive punishment. [87] the most peculiar feature of the old regime in the philippines is to be found in the regulations of the commerce of the islands. in the _recopilacion de leyes de los reinos de las indias_, the code of spanish colonial legislation, a whole title comprising seventy-nine laws is devoted to this subject. for thirty years after the conquest the commerce of the islands was unrestricted and their prosperity advanced with great rapidity. [88] then came a system of restrictions, demanded by the protectionists in spain, which limited the commerce of the islands with america to a fixed annual amount, and effectively checked their economic development. all the old travelers marvel at the possibilities of the islands and at the blindness of spain, but the policy absurd as it may seem was but a logical application of the protective system not essentially different from the forms which it assumes today in our own relations to porto rico, cuba, and the philippines. the seville merchants through whose hands the spanish export trade to the new world passed looked with apprehension upon the importation of chinese fabrics into america and the exportation of american silver to pay for them. the silks of china undersold those of spain in mexico and peru, and the larger the export of silver to the east the smaller to spain. consequently to protect spanish industry and to preserve to spanish producers the american market, [89] the shipment of chinese cloths from mexico to peru was prohibited in 1587. in 1591 came the prohibition of all direct trade between peru or other parts of south america and china or the philippines, [90] and in 1593 a decree--not rigorously enforced till 1604--which absolutely limited the trade between mexico and the philippines to $250,000 annually for the exports to mexico, and to $500,000 for the imports from mexico, to be carried in two ships not to exceed three hundred tons burden. [91] no spanish subject was allowed to trade in or with china, and the chinese trade was restricted to the merchants of that nation. [92] all chinese goods shipped to new spain must be consumed there and the shipping of chinese cloths to peru in any amount whatever even for a gift, charitable endowment, or for use in divine worship was absolutely prohibited. [93] as these regulations were evaded, in 1636 all commerce was interdicted between new spain and peru. [94] a commerce naturally so lucrative as that between the philippines and new spain when confined within such narrow limits yielded monopoly profits. it was like a lottery in which every ticket drew a prize. in these great profits every spaniard was entitled to share in proportion to his capital or standing in the community. [95] the assurance of this largess, from the beginnings of the system, discouraged individual industry and enterprise, and retarded the growth of spanish population. [96] le gentil and zúñiga give detailed descriptions of the method of conducting this state enterprise [97] after the limits had been raised to $500,000 and $1,000,000 respectively for the outgoing and return voyage. the capacity of the vessel was measured taking as a unit a bale about two and one-half feet long, sixteen inches broad and two feet high. if then the vessel could carry four thousand of these bales, each bale might be packed with goods up to a value of one hundred and twenty-five dollars. the right to ship was known as a _boleta_ or ticket. the distribution of these tickets was determined at the town hall by a board made up of the governor, attorney-general, the dean of the _audiencia_, one _alcalde_, one _regidor_ and eight citizens. [98] to facilitate the allotment and the sale of tickets they were divided into sixths. tickets were ordinarily worth in the later eighteenth century in times of peace eighty dollars to one hundred dollars, and in war time they rose to upwards of three hundred dollars. [99] le gentil tells us that in 1766 they sold for two hundred dollars and more, and that the galleon that year went loaded beyond the limit. [100] each official as the perquisite of his office had tickets. the regidores and alcaldes had eight. the small holders who did not care to take a venture in the voyage disposed of their tickets to merchants or speculators, who borrowed money, usually of the religious corporations, at twenty-five to thirty per cent per annum to buy them up and who sometimes bought as many as two or three hundred. [101] the command of the acapulco galleon was the fattest office within the gift of the governor, who bestowed it upon "whomsoever he desired to make happy for the commission," and was equivalent to a gift of from $50,000 to $100,000. [102] this was made up from commissions, part of the passage-money of passengers, from the sale of his freight tickets, and from the gifts of the merchants. captain arguelles told careri in 1696 that his commissions would amount to $25,000 or $30,000, and that in all he would make $40,000; that the pilot would clear $20,000 and the mates $9,000 each. [103] the pay of the sailors was three hundred and fifty dollars, of which seventy-five dollars was advanced before the start. the merchants expected to clear one hundred and fifty to two hundred per cent. the passenger fare at the end of the eighteenth century was $1,000 for the voyage to acapulco, which was the hardest, and $500 for the return. [104] careri's voyage to acapulco lasted two hundred and four days. the ordinary time for the voyage to manila was seventy-five to ninety days. [105] careri's description of his voyage is a vivid picture of the hardships of early ocean travel, when cabin passengers fared infinitely worse than cattle today. it was a voyage "which is enough to destroy a man, or make him unfit for anything as long as he lives;" yet there were those who "ventured through it, four, six and some ten times." [106] acapulco in new spain had little reason for existence, save for the annual fair at the time of the arrival of the manila ship, and the silver fleet from peru. that event transformed what might more properly be called "a poor village of fishermen" into "a populous city," for the space of about two weeks. [107] the commerce between the philippines and mexico was conducted in this manner from 1604 to 1718, when the silk manufacturers of spain secured the prohibition of the importation of chinese silk goods into new spain on account of the decline of their industry. a prolonged struggle before the council of the indies ensued, and in 1734 the prohibition was revoked and the east and west cargoes fixed at $500,000 and $1,000,000 respectively. [108] the last _nao_, as the manila-acapulco galleon was called, sailed from manila in 1811, and the final return voyage was made in 1815. after that the commerce fell into private hands, the annual exports were limited to $750,000 and the ports of san blas (mexico), guayaquil (ecuador), and callao (peru) were opened to it. other changes were the establishment of direct communication with spain and trade with europe by a national vessel in 1766. [109] these expeditions lasted till 1783 and their place was taken in 1785 by the royal philippine company, organized with a capital of $8,000,000, and granted the monopoly of the trade between spain and the islands. [110] the manila merchants resented the invasion of their monopoly of the export trade, and embarrassed the operations of the company as much as they could. [111] it ceased to exist in 1830. by this system for two centuries the south american market for manufactures was reserved exclusively for spain, but the protection did not prevent spanish industry from decay and did retard the well-being and progress of south america. between mexico and the philippines a limited trade was allowed, the profits of which were the perquisites of the spaniards living in the philippines and contributed to the religious endowments. but this monopoly was of no permanent advantage to the spanish residents. it was too much like stock-jobbing, and sapped all spirit of industry. zúñiga says that the commerce made a few rich in a short time and with little labor, but they were very few; that there were hardly five spaniards in manila worth $100,000, nor a hundred worth $40,000, the rest either lived on the king's pay or in poverty. [112] "every morning one could see in the streets of manila, in the greatest poverty and asking alms, the sons of men who had made a fine show and left much money, which their sons had squandered because they had not been well trained in youth." [113] the great possibilities of manila as an entrepot of the asiatic trade were unrealized; for although the city enjoyed open trade with the chinese, japanese, and other orientals, [114] it was denied to europeans and the growth of that conducted by the chinese and others was always obstructed by the lack of return cargoes owing to the limitations placed upon the trade with america and to the disinclination of the filipinos to work to produce more than was enough to insure them a comfortable living and pay their tributes. that the system was detrimental to the economic progress of the islands was always obvious and its evils were repeatedly demonstrated by spanish officials. further it was not only detrimental to the prosperity of the islands but it obstructed the development of mexico. grau y monfalcon in 1637 reported that there were fourteen thousand people employed in mexico in manufacturing the raw silk imported from china. this industry might be promoted by the relaxation of the restrictions on trade. it would also be for the advantage of the indians of peru to be able to buy for five pence a yard linen from the philippines, rather than to be compelled to purchase that of rouen at ten times the price. [115] but such reasoning was received then as it often is now, and no great change was made for nearly two centuries. we have now passed in review the political, ecclesiastical, and commercial administration of the philippines in the olden time; and a general survey of some of the more striking results of the system as a whole may now be made. this is especially necessary on account of the traditional and widely prevalent opinion that the spanish colonial system was always and everywhere a system of oppression and exploitation; whereas, as a matter of fact, the spanish system, as a system of laws, always impeded the effectual exploitation of the resources of their colonies, and was far more humane in its treatment of dependent peoples than either the french or english systems. if, on the one hand, the early conquistadores treated the natives with hideous cruelty, the spanish government legislated more systematically and benevolently to protect them than any other colonizing power. in the time of the first conquests things moved too rapidly for the home government in those days of slow communication, and the horrors of the clash between ruthless gold-seekers and the simple children of nature, as depicted by the impassioned pen of las casas and spread broadcast over europe, came to be the traditional and accepted characteristic of spanish rule. [116] the spanish colonial empire lasted four hundred years and it is simple historical justice that it should not be judged by its beginnings or by its collapse. the remoteness of the philippines, and the absence of rich deposits of gold and silver, made it comparatively easy for the government to secure the execution of its humane legislation, and for the church to dominate the colony and guide its development as a great mission for the benefit of the inhabitants. [117] to the same result contributed the unenlightened protectionism of the seville merchants, for the studied impediments to the development of the philippine-american trade effectually blocked the exploitation of the islands. in view of the history of our own southern states, not less than of the history of the west indies it should never be forgotten that although the philippine islands are in the tropics, they have never been the scene of the horrors of the african slave trade or of the life-wasting labors of the old plantation system. whether we compare the condition of the natives of the other islands in the eastern archipelago or of the peasants of europe at the same time the general well-being of the philippine mission villagers was to be envied. a few quotations from unimpeachable witnesses, travelers of wide knowledge of the orient, may be given in illustration and proof of this view. the famous french explorer of the pacific, la pérouse, who was in manila in 1787, wrote: "three million people inhabit these different islands and that of luzon contains nearly a third of them. these people seemed to me no way inferior to those of europe; they cultivate the soil with intelligence, they are carpenters, cabinet-makers, smiths, jewelers, weavers, masons, etc. i have gone through their villages and i have found them kind, hospitable, affable," etc. [118] coming down a generation later the englishman crawfurd, the historian of the indian archipelago, who lived at the court of the sultan of java as british resident, draws a comparison between the condition of the philippines and that of the other islands of the east that deserves careful reflection. "it is remarkable, that the indian administration of one of the worst governments of europe, and that in which the general principles of legislation and good government are least understood,--one too, which has never been skillfully executed, should, upon the whole, have proved the least injurious to the happiness and prosperity of the native inhabitants of the country. this, undoubtedly, has been the character of the spanish connection with the philippines, with all its vices, follies, and illiberalities; and the present condition of these islands affords an unquestionable proof of the fact. almost every other country of the archipelago is, at this day, in point of wealth, power, and civilization, in a worse state than when europeans connected themselves with them three centuries back. the philippines alone have improved in civilization, wealth, and populousness. when discovered most of the tribes were a race of half-naked savages, inferior to all the great tribes, who were pushing, at the same time, an active commerce, and enjoying a respectable share of the necessaries and comforts of a civilized state. upon the whole, they are at present superior in almost everything to any of the other races. this is a valuable and instructive fact." [119] this judgment of crawfurd in 1820 was echoed by mallat (who was for a time in charge of the principal hospital in manila), in 1846, when he expressed his belief that the inhabitants of the philippines enjoyed a freer, happier, and more placid life than was to be found in the colonies of any other nation. [120] sir john bowring, who was long governor of hong kong, was impressed with the absence of caste: "generally speaking, i found a kind and generous urbanity prevailing,--friendly intercourse where that intercourse had been sought,--the lines of demarcation and separation less marked and impassable than in most oriental countries. i have seen at the same table spaniard, mestizo and indian--priest, civilian, and soldier. no doubt a common religion forms a common bond; but to him who has observed the alienations and repulsions of caste in many parts of the eastern world--caste, the great social curse--the binding and free intercourse of man with man in the philippines is a contrast worth admiring." [121] not less striking in its general bearing than crawfurd's verdict is that of the german naturalist jagor who visited the islands in 1859-1860. "to spain belongs the glory of having raised to a relatively high grade of civilization, improving greatly their condition, a people which she found on a lower stage of culture distracted by petty wars and despotic rule. protected from outside enemies, governed by mild laws, the inhabitants of those splendid islands, taken as a whole, have no doubt passed a more comfortable life during recent centuries than the people of any tropical country whether under their own or european rule. this is to be accounted for in part by the peculiar conditions which protected the natives from ruthless exploitation. yet the monks contributed an essential part to this result. coming from among the common people, used to poverty and self-denial, their duties led them into intimate relations with the natives and they were naturally fitted to adapt the foreign religion and morals to practical use. so, too, in later times, when they came to possess rich livings, and their pious zeal, in general, relaxed as their revenues increased, they still contributed most essentially to bring about conditions, both good and bad, which we have described, since, without families of their own and without refined culture, intimate association with the children of the soil was a necessity to them. even their haughty opposition to the secular authorities was generally for the advantage of the natives." [122] similar testimony from a widely different source is contained in the charming sketch "malay life in the philippines" by william gifford palgrave, whose profound knowledge of oriental life and character and his experience in such divergent walks in life as soldier and jesuit missionary in india, pilgrim to mecca, and english consul in manila, give his opinion more than ordinary value. "to clerical government," he writes "paradoxical as the statement may sound in modern european ears, the philippine islands owe, more than to anything else, their internal prosperity, the malay population its sufficiency and happiness. this it is that again and again has stood a barrier of mercy and justice between the weaker and stronger race, the vanquished and the victor; this has been the steady protector of the native inhabitants, this their faithful benefactor, their sufficient leader and guide. with the 'cura' for father, and the 'capitan' for his adjutant, a philippine hamlet feels and knows little of the vexations inseparable from direct and foreign official administration; and if under such a rule 'progress,' as we love to term it, be rare, disaffection and want are rarer still." as compared with india, the absence of famines is significant; and this he attributes in part to the prevalence of small holdings. "not so much what they have, but rather what they have not, makes the good fortune of the philippines, the absence of european enterprise, the absence of european capital. a few european capitalist settlers, a few giant estates, a few central factories, a few colossal money-making combinations of organized labour and gainful produce, and all the equable balance of property and production, of ownership and labour that now leaves to the poorest cottager enough, and yet to the total colony abundance to spare, would be disorganized, displaced, upset; to be succeeded by day labour, pauperism, government relief, subscriptions, starvation. europe, gainful, insatiate europe would reap the harvest; but to the now happy, contented, satiate philippine archipelago, what would remain but the stubble, but leanness, want, unrest, misery?" [123] the latest witness to the average well-being of the natives under the old system whom i shall quote is mr. sawyer. "if the natives fared badly at the hands of recent authors, the spanish administration fared worse, for it has been painted in the darkest tints, and unsparingly condemned. it was indeed corrupt and defective, and what government is not? more than anything else it was behind the age, yet it was not without its good points. "until an inept bureaucracy was substituted for the old paternal rule, and the revenue quadrupled by increased taxation, the filipinos were as happy a community as could be found in any colony. the population greatly multiplied; they lived in competence, if not in affluence; cultivation was extended, and the exports steadily increased.--let us be just; what british, french, or dutch colony, populated by natives can compare with the philippines as they were until 1895?" [124] these striking judgments, derived from such a variety of sources, are a sufficient proof that our popular ideas of the spanish colonial system are quite as much in need of revision as popular ideas usually are. yet one must not forget that the spanish mission system, however useful and benevolent as an agency in bringing a barbarous people within the pale of christian civilization, could not be regarded as permanent unless this life is looked upon simply as a preparation for heaven. as an educative system it had its bounds and limits; it could train to a certain point and no farther. to prolong it beyond that stage would be to prolong carefully nurtured childhood to the grave, never allowing it to be displaced by self-reliant manhood. the legal status of the indians before the law was that of minors, and no provision was made for their arriving at their majority. the clergy looked upon these wards of the state as the school-children of the church, and compelled the observance of her ordinances even with the rod. la pérouse says: "the only thought was to make christians and never citizens. this people was divided into parishes, and subjected to the most minute and extravagant observances. each fault, each sin is still punished by the rod. failure to attend prayers and mass has its fixed penalty, and punishment is administered to men and women at the door of the church by order of the pastor." [125] le gentil describes such a scene in a little village a few miles from manila, where one sunday afternoon he saw a crowd, chiefly indian women, following a woman who was to be whipped at the church door for not having been to mass. [126] the prevalence of a supervision and discipline so parental for the mass of the people in the colony could but react upon the ruling class, and la pérouse remarks upon the absence of individual liberty in the islands: "no liberty is enjoyed: inquisitors and monks watch the consciences; the oidors (judges of the audiencia) all private affairs; the governor, the most innocent movements; an excursion to the interior, a conversation come before his jurisdiction; in fine, the most beautiful and charming country in the world is certainly the last that a free man would choose to live in." [127] intellectual apathy, one would naturally suppose, must be the consequence of such sedulous oversight, and intellectual progress impossible. progress in scientific knowledge was, indeed, quite effectually blocked. the french astronomer le gentil gives an interesting account of the conditions of scientific knowledge at the two universities in manila. these institutions seemed to be the last refuge of the scholastic ideas and methods that had been discarded in europe. a spanish engineer frankly confessed to him that "in the sciences spain was a hundred years behind france, and that in manila they were a hundred years behind spain." nothing of electricity was known but the name, and making experiments in it had been forbidden by the inquisition. le gentil also strongly suspected that the professor of mathematics at the jesuit college still held to the ptolemaic system. [128] but when we keep in mind the small number of ecclesiastics in the islands we must clear them of the charge of intellectual idleness. their activity, on the other hand, considering the climate was remarkable. [129] an examination of j.t. medina's monumental work [130] on printing in manila and of retana's supplement [131] reveals nearly five hundred titles of works printed in the islands before 1800. this of course takes no account of the works sent or brought to spain for publication, which would necessarily comprise a large proportion of those of general rather than local interest, including of course the most important histories. to these should be added no small number of grammars and dictionaries of the native languages, and missionary histories, that have never been printed. [132] the monastic presses in the islands naturally were chiefly used for the production of works of religious edification, such as catechisms, narratives of missions, martyrdoms, lives of saints, religious histories, and hand-books to the native languages. simpler manuals of devotion, rosaries, catechisms, outlines of christian doctrine, stories of martyrdoms, etc., were translated for the indians. of these there were about sixty in the tagal, and from three to ten or twelve each in the visayan, vicol, pampanga, ilocan, panayan, and pangasinán languages. [133] if, as is credibly asserted, the knowledge of reading and writing was more generally diffused in the philippines than among the common people of europe, [134] we have the singular result that the islands contained relatively more people who could read, and less reading matter of any but purely religious interest, than any other community in the world. yet it would not be altogether safe to assume that in the eighteenth century the list of printed translations into the native languages comprised everything of european literature available for reading; for the spanish government, in order to promote the learning of spanish, had prohibited at times the printing of books in tagal. [135] furthermore, zúñiga says explicitly that "after the coming of the spaniards they (_i.e._ the people in luzon) have had comedies, interludes, tragedies, poems, and every kind of literary work translated from the spanish, without producing a native poet who has composed even an interlude." [136] again, zúñiga describes a eulogistic poem of welcome addressed by a filipino villager to commodore alava. this _loa_, as this species of composition was called, was replete with references to the voyages of ulysses, the travels of aristotle, the unfortunate death of pliny, and other incidents in ancient history. the allusions indicate some knowledge at any rate outside the field of christian doctrine, even if it was so slight as not to make it seem beyond the limits of poetic license to have aristotle drown himself in chagrin at not being able to measure the depths of the sea, or to have pliny throw himself into vesuvius in his zeal to investigate the causes of its eruption. the literary interests of the indians found their chief expression however in the adaptation of spanish plays for presentation on religious holidays. zúñiga gives an entertaining description of these plays. they were usually made up from three or four spanish tragedies, the materials of which were so ingeniously interwoven that the mosaic seemed a single piece. the characters were always moors and christians, and the action centered in the desire of moors to marry christian princesses or of christians to marry moorish princesses. the christian appears at a moorish tournament or vice versa. the hero and heroine fall in love but their parents oppose obstacles to the match. to overcome the difficulties in case of a moor and christian princess was comparatively easy. a war opportunely breaks out in which, after prodigies of valor, the moor is converted and baptized, and the wedding follows. the case is not so easy when a christian prince loves a moorish lady. since he can never forsake his religion his tribulations are many. he is imprisoned, and his princess aids in his attempt to escape, which sometimes costs him his life; or if the scene is laid in war time either the princess is converted and escapes to the christian army, or the prince dies a tragic death. the hero is usually provided with a christ, or other image or relic, given him by his dying mother, which extricates him from his many plights. he meets lions and bears, and highwaymen attack him; but from all he escapes by a miracle. if, however, some principal personage is not taken off by a tragic end, the indians find the play insipid. during the intermission one or two clowns come out and raise a laugh by jests that are frigid enough "to freeze hot water in the tropics." after the play is over a clown appears again and criticizes the play and makes satirical comments on the village officials. these plays usually lasted three days. [137] le gentil attended one of them and says that he does not believe any one in the world was ever so bored as he was. [138] yet the indians were passionately fond of these performances. [139] if one may judge from retana's catalogue of his philippine collection arranged in chronological order, the sketch we have given of the literature accessible to filipinos who could not read spanish in the eighteenth century would serve not unfairly for much of the nineteenth. the first example of secular prose fiction i have noted in his lists is friar bustamente's pastoral novel depicting the quiet charms of country life as compared with the anxieties and tribulations of life in manila. [140] his collection did not contain so far as i noticed a single secular historical narrative in tagal or anything in natural science. sufficient familiarity with spanish to compensate for this lack of books of secular knowledge was enjoyed by very few indians in the country districts and these had learned it mainly while servants of the curate. it was the common opinion of the spanish authorities that the friars purposely neglected instructing the indians in spanish, in order to perpetuate their hold upon them; but zúñiga repels this charge as unjust and untrue. [141] it is obvious that it was impracticable for the indians to learn spanish under the mission system. for the pastor of a pueblo of several hundred families to teach the children spanish was an impossibility. a few words or simple phrases might be learned, but the lack of opportunity for constant or even frequent practice of the language in general conversation would make their attainments in it far below those of american grammar-school children in german in cities where that has been a compulsory study. [142] as long as the mission system isolated the pueblos from contact with the world at large, it of necessity followed that the knowledge of spanish would be practically limited to such indians as lived in manila or the larger towns, or learned it in the households of the friars. slavery with its forced transplanting has been the only means by which large masses of alien or lower races have been lifted into the circle of european thought and endowed with a european language. if such a result is secured in the future in any large measure for the filipino, it can be accomplished only by the translation of english or spanish literature into the tagal and other languages, on a scale not less generous than the work of the friars in supplying the literature of religious edification. this will be a work of not less than two or three generations, and of a truly missionary devotion. we have now surveyed in its general aspects the old régime in the philippines, and supplied the necessary material upon which to base a judgment of this contribution of spain to the advancement of civilization. in this survey certain things stand out in contrast to the conventional judgment of the spanish colonial system. the conquest was humane, and was effected by missionaries more than by warriors. the sway of spain was benevolent, although the administration was not free from the taint of financial corruption. neither the islands nor their inhabitants were exploited. the colony in fact was a constant charge upon the treasury of new spain. the success of the enterprise was not measured by the exports and imports, but by the number of souls put in the way of salvation. the people received the benefits of christian civilization, as it was understood in spain in the days of that religious revival which we call the catholic reaction. this christianity imposed the faith and the observances of the mediæval church, but it did for the philippine islanders who received it just what it did for the franks or angles a thousand years earlier. it tamed their lives, elevated the status of women, established the christian family, and gave them the literature of the devotional life. nor did they pay heavily for these blessings. the system of government was inexpensive, and the religious establishment was mainly supported by the landed estates of the orders. church fees may have been at times excessive, but the occasions for such fees were infrequent. the tenants of the church estates found the friars easy landlords. zúñiga describes a great estate of the augustinians near manila of which the annual rental was not over $1,500, while the annual produce was estimated to be not less than $70,000, for it supported about four thousand people. [143] the position of women was fully as good among the christian indians of the philippines as among the christian people of europe. but conspicuous among the achievements of the conquest and conversion of the islands in the field of humanitarian progress, when we consider the conditions in other european tropical colonies, have been the prohibition of slavery and the unremitting efforts to eradicate its disguised forms. these alone are a sufficient proof that the dominating motives in the spanish and clerical policies were humane and not commercial. not less striking proof of the comfortable prosperity of the natives on the whole under the old spanish rule has been the steady growth of the population. at the time of the conquest the population in all probability did not exceed a half-million. in the first half of the eighteenth century according to the historian of the franciscans, san antonio, the christian population was about 830,000. at the opening of the nineteenth century zúñiga estimated the total at a million and a half as over 300,000 tributes were paid. the official estimate in 1819 was just short of 2,600,000; by 1845 buzeta calculates the number at a little short of four millions. in the next half century it nearly doubled. [144] in view of all these facts one must readily accord assent to zúñiga's simple tribute to the work of spain. "the spanish rule has imposed very few burdens upon these indians, and has delivered them from many misfortunes which they suffered from the constant warfare waged by one district with another, whereby many died, and others lived wretched lives as slaves. for this reason the population increased very slowly, as is now the case with the infidels of the mountain regions who do not acknowledge subjection to the king of spain. since the conquest there has been an increase in well-being and in population. subjection to the king of spain has been very advantageous in all that concerns the body. i will not speak of the advantage of knowledge of the true god, and of the opportunity to obtain eternal happiness for the soul, for i write not as a missionary but as a philosopher." [145] the old régime in the philippines has disappeared forever. in hardly more than a generation the people have passed from a life which was so remote from the outside contemporary world that they might as well have been living in the middle ages in some sheltered nook, equally protected from the physical violence and the intellectual strife of the outside world, and entirely oblivious of the progress of knowledge. they find themselves suddenly plunged into a current that hurls them along resistlessly. baptized with fire and blood, a new and strange life is thrust upon them and they face the struggle for existence under conditions which spare no weakness and relentlessly push idleness or incapacity to the wall. what will be the outcome no man can tell. to the student of history and of social evolution it will be an experiment of profound interest. _edward gaylord bourne_ _yale university_, october, 1902. preface to volume i the history of the philippine archipelago is fitly introduced by presenting a group of documents which relate to pope alexander vi's line of demarcation between the respective dominions of spain and portugal in the recently-discovered new world. so many controversies regarding this line have at various times arisen, and so little on the subject has appeared in the english tongue, that we have thought it well to place before our readers the more important of the documents relating thereto, of which a brief synopsis is here given. they begin with alexander's bulls--two dated on the third and one on the fourth day of may, 1493. the first of these (commonly known as _inter cætera_) grants to. spain all the lands in the west, recently discovered or yet to be discovered, which are hitherto unknown, and not under the dominion of any christian prince. the second (_eximiæ devotionis_, also dated may 3) grants to spain the same rights in those discoveries which had formerly been conferred on portugal in africa. these grants are superseded by the bull of may 4 (_inter cætera_), which establishes the demarcation line, and grants to spain all lands west and south thereof which were not already in the possession of any christian prince. still another bull (dated september 25 of the same year) authorizes spain to extend her sovereignty also over lands which shall be discovered to the east, including india--thus practically annulling both the demarcation line and previous concessions to portugal. the latter power's remonstrances against this infringement of her former rights lead to the treaty of tordesillas (june 7, 1494), in which, by mutual agreement between the sovereigns, a new line of demarcation is established to be drawn two hundred and seventy leagues farther west than that of alexander vi; and another document (dated april 15, 1495) makes suitable arrangements for a scientific and equitable determination of this boundary. the final action of the holy see in this matter is indicated by a bull of leo x (_præcelsæ_, dated november 3, 1514) granted to portugal; it confirms all previous papal gifts to that power of lands in the east, and grants to her both past and future discoveries and conquests, there and elsewhere. disputes arising between spain and portugal over the ownership of the moluccas or spice islands (see letters of cárlos i to his ambassadors at lisbon, february 4 and december 18, 1523; and the treaty of vitoria, february 19, 1524), the junta of badajoz is convened (april 11-may 31, 1524) to settle this question; and that body fixes the line of demarcation three hundred and seventy leagues west of san antonio, the most westerly of the cape verde islands. (in this connection are presented the opinions of hernando colon, sebastian cabot, and other competent judges; and letters from cárlos i to the spanish deputies.) this settlement proving ineffectual, the moluccas are relinquished to portugal by the treaty of zaragoza (april 22, 1529), spain retaining possession of the philippine islands, although the terms of that treaty placed them outside of her jurisdiction. reverting to a somewhat earlier date, we note incidentally the bull of alexander vi (_eximiæ_, november 16, 1501) which authorizes the spanish monarchs to levy tithes on the natives and inhabitants of their newly-acquired possessions in the western world; and proceed to a summary of the life and voyages of fernão de magalhães (commonly known as magellan). synopses are given of many documents published by navarrete, dated from 1518 to 1527: a contract by magalhães and falero to deliver to the house of commerce of seville one-eighth of all gains accruing to them from their future discoveries; a petition from the same men to cárlos i regarding the expedition which they are about to undertake; remonstrances against the undertaking, by the portuguese ambassador in spain, magalhães's request for more money; various appointments in the fleet; restriction of the number of seamen; instructions to magalhães; a royal order that ruy falero shall not accompany the expedition; magalhães's last will; the expense account of the fleet; an attempted mutiny on one of the ships; francisco albo'* journal of magalhães's voyage; description of the cargo brought back to spain by the "victoria;" investigation of magalhães's death; treaties with the natives of the moluccas; advice given to the emperor by diego de barbosa; brito's account of magalhães's voyage; and the confiscation of two of his ships by the portuguese. this résumé is followed by various supplementary documents. a royal mandate (march 22, 1518) authorizes falero and magalhães to undertake their expedition of discovery. a letter from cárlos to king manuel of portugal (february 28, 1519) assures him that nothing in this enterprise is intended to infringe upon portuguese rights. a document written (april 6, 1519) to juan de cartagena, appointed inspector-general of magalhães's fleet, gives detailed instructions as to his duties in that office, especially in regard to the equipment of the fleet, its trading operations in the orient, the royal share of profits to be derived therefrom, and the current accounts of the enterprise; he is also charged with the necessary arrangements for the colonization of lands to be discovered, and commanded to furnish to the king information as to the treatment of the natives by their spanish conquerors, and the general conduct of the officers of the expedition, etc. the fleet is ordered (april 19, 1510) to proceed directly to the spice islands, and all persons belonging to it are exhorted to obey magalhães. a letter (1522) to the king of spain gives information about magalhães's death, obtained from some spanish ship-boys who had found their way to the portuguese posts in india. the earliest published account of this noted expedition is the letter written (october 24, 1522) to matthæus lang, archbishop of salzburg, by a natural son of his named maximilian transylvanus (then a student at valladolid), relating the events of magallanes's voyage to the moluccas (1519-21), his death at the hands of hostile natives, and the further experiences of his followers in the philippine archipelago and on their homeward voyage. the small remnant of this expedition--the ship "victoria," and eighteen men--reach spain on september 6, 1522, the first persons thus completing the circumnavigation of the globe. at this point should appear in the present series the relation of magalhães's voyage written by antonio pigafetta, who himself accompanied the great discoverer. printed books gave pigafetta's relation in abridged form, in both french and italian, as early as 1525 and 1536 respectively; but apparently his own original work has never hitherto been adequately presented to the world. the editors of the present series, desiring to supply this deficiency, purpose to publish an exact transcription from pigafetta's original manuscript, with accompanying english translation. they have not, however, been able to secure it in time for volume ii, where it should appear; it will accordingly be presented to their readers at a later period in this work. _the editors_ documents regarding the line of demarcation--1493-1529 papal bulls: _inter cætera_ (may 3), _eximiæ_ (may 3), _inter cætera_ (may 4), _extension de la concesion_ (september 25)--1493. treaty of tordesillas--june 7, 1494. [note on correspondence of jaime ferrer--1493-95.] compact between the catholic sovereigns and the king of portugal--april 15, 1495. papal bull, _præcelsæ_--november 3, 1514. instructions from the king of spain to his ambassadors--february 4, 1523. letter from cárlos i to juan de zúñiga--december 18, 1523. treaty of vitoria--february 19, 1524. junta of badajoz: extract from the records (april 14-may 13), opinions of cosmographers (april 13-15), letters to the spanish delegates (march 21, april 10)--1524. treaty of zaragoza--april 22, 1529. _sources_: see bibliographical data at end of this volun _translations_: the papal bulls are translated by rev. thomas cooke middleton, d.d., o.s.a.; the treaty of zaragoza, by josé m. asensio; the remaining documents of this group are compiled, translated, and arranged by james a. robertson. papal bulls of 1493 inter cætera--may 3 alexander, etc., to the illustrious sovereigns, our very dear son in christ, ferdinand, king, and our very dear daughter in christ, helisabeth [isabella], queen, of castile and leon, aragon, sicily, and granada health and apostolic benediction. among other works well pleasing to his divine majesty, and cherished of our heart, this assuredly ranks highest that in our times especially the catholic faith and the christian religion be everywhere increased and spread, as well as that the health of souls be procured, and barbarous nations overthrown and brought to the faith itself. wherefore inasmuch as by the favor of divine clemency, through no fitting merits of ours, we have been raised to this holy see of peter, recognizing that as true catholic kings and princes such as we have always known you to be, and as your illustrious deeds already known to almost the whole world declare, you not only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal, and diligence, without regard to hardships, expenses, dangers, with the shedding even of your blood, are laboring to that end; recognizing besides that already you have long ago dedicated to this purpose your whole soul and all your endeavors--as witnessed in these times with so much glory to the divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of granada from the yoke of the moors--we therefore not unrighteously hold it as our duty to grant you even of our own accord and in your favor those things, whereby daily and with heartier effort you may be enabled for the honor of god himself and the spread of the christian rule to accomplish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so pleasing to immortal god. in sooth we have learned that, according to your purpose long ago, you were in quest of some far-away islands and mainlands not hitherto discovered by others, to the end that you might bring to the worship of our redeemer and profession of the catholic faith the inhabitants of them with the dwellers therein; that hitherto, having been earnestly engaged in the siege and recovery of the kingdom itself of granada, you were unable to accomplish this saintly and praiseworthy purpose; but, at length, as was pleasing to the lord, the said kingdom having been regained, not without the greatest hardships, dangers, and expenses, we have also learned that with the wish to fulfil your desire, you chose our beloved son christopher colon, whom you furnished with ships and men equipped for like designs, so as to make diligent quest for these far-away unknown countries through the sea, which hitherto no one has sailed; who in fine with divine aid nor without the utmost diligence sailing in the ocean sea, as said, through western waters towards the indies, discovered certain very far-away islands and even mainlands, that hitherto had not been discovered by others. therein dwell very many peoples living in peace, and, as reported, going unclothed, nor users of flesh meat. moreover, as your aforesaid envoys are of opinion, these very peoples living in the said islands and countries believe in one god, creator in heaven, besides being sufficiently ready in appearance to embrace the catholic faith and be trained in good morals. nor is hope lacking that, were they instructed, the name of the savior, our lord jesus christ, would easily be introduced into the said countries and islands. besides on one of these aforesaid chief islands the above-mentioned christopher has already had put together and built a fortress [146] fairly well equipped, wherein he has stationed as garrison certain christians, companions of his, who are to make search for other far-away and unknown islands and countries. in the islands and countries already discovered are found gold, spices, and very many other precious things of divers kinds and species. wherefore, as becoming to catholic kings and princes, after earnest consideration of all matters especially of the rise and spread of the catholic faith, as was the fashion of your ancestors, kings of renowned memory, you have purposed with the favor of divine clemency to bring under your sway the said countries and islands with their inhabitants and the dwellers therein, and bring them to the catholic faith. hence in heartiest commendation in the lord of this your saintly and praiseworthy purpose, desirous too that it be duly accomplished in the carrying to those regions of the name of our savior, we exhort you very earnestly in the lord and insist strictly--both through your reception of holy baptism, whereby you are bound to our apostolic commands, and through the bowels of the mercy of our lord jesus christ, that inasmuch as with upright spirit and through zeal for the true faith you design to equip and despatch this expedition, you purpose also, as is your duty, to lead the peoples dwelling in those islands to embrace the christian profession; nor at any time let dangers or hardships deter you therefrom, with the stout hope and trust in your hearts that almighty god will further your undertakings. moreover, in order that with greater readiness and heartiness you enter upon an undertaking of so lofty a character as has been entrusted to you by the graciousness of our apostolic favor, we, moved thereunto by our own accord, not at your instance nor the request of anyone else in your regard, but of our own sole largess and certain knowledge as well as in the fulness of our apostolic power, by the authority of almighty god conferred upon us in blessed peter and of the vicarship of jesus christ which we hold on earth, do by tenor of these presents give, grant, and assign forever to you and your heirs and successors, kings of castile and leon, all and singular the aforesaid countries and islands thus unknown and hitherto discovered by your envoys and to be discovered hereafter, providing however they at no time have been in the actual temporal possession of any christian owner, together with all their dominions, cities, camps, places, and towns as well as all rights, jurisdictions, and appurtenances of the same wherever they may be found. moreover we invest you and your aforementioned heirs and successors with them, and make, appoint, and depute you owners of them with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind, with this proviso however, that by this gift, grant, assignment, and investiture of ours no right conferred on any christian prince is hereby to be understood as withdrawn or to be withdrawn. moreover we command you in virtue of holy obedience, that, employing all due diligence in the premises, as you promise--nor do we doubt your compliance therewith to the best of your loyalty and royal greatness of spirit--you send to the aforesaid countries and islands worthy, god-fearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men in order to instruct the aforesaid inhabitants and dwellers therein in the catholic faith, and train them in good morals. besides, under penalty of excommunication _late sententie_ to be incurred _ipso facto_, [147] should anyone thus contravene, we strictly forbid all persons of no matter what rank, estate, degree, order, or condition, to dare, without your special permit or that of your aforesaid heirs and successors, to go for the sake of trade or any other purpose whatever to the said islands and countries discovered and found by your envoys or persons sent thither. and inasmuch as some kings of portugal, by similar apostolic grant made to them, discovered and took possession of islands in the waters of africa, guinea, and the gold mine, [148] as well as elsewhere, far which reason divers privileges, favors, liberties, immunities, exemptions, and indults were granted to them by this apostolic see, we through similar accord, authority, knowledge, and fulness of our apostolic power, by a gift of special favor, do empower you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, in the islands and countries discovered and to be discovered by you, to use, employ, and enjoy freely and legally, as is right, in all things and through all things, the same as if they had been especially granted to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, all and singular these favors, privileges, exemptions, liberties, faculties, immunities, and indults, whereof the terms of all we wish understood as being sufficiently expressed and inserted, the same as if they had been inserted word for word in these presents. moreover we similarly extend and enlarge them in all things and through all things in favor of you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, the apostolic constitutions and ordinances as well as all those things that have been granted in the letters above or other things whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. we trust in him from whom derive empires and governments and everything good, that with the guidance of the lord over your deeds, should you pursue this saintly and praiseworthy undertaking, in a short while your hardships and endeavors will result in the utmost success to the happiness and glory of all christendom. but inasmuch as it would be difficult to have these present letters sent to all places where desirable, we wish, and with similar accord and knowledge do decree that to copies of them, signed by the hand of a notary public commissioned therefor and sealed with the seal of any ecclesiastical officer or ecclesiastical court, the same respect is to be shown in court and outside as well as anywhere else, as would be given to these presents, should they be exhibited or shown. let no one, therefore, infringe, or with rash boldness contravene this our exhortation, requisition, gift, grant, assignment, investiture, deed, constitution, deputation, mandate, inhibition, indult, exemption, enlargement, will, and decree. should any one presume to do so, be it known to him that he will incur the wrath of almighty god, and of the blessed apostles peter and paul. given in rome at st. peter's, on the third day of may in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, of the incarnation of our lord, in the first year of our pontificate. gratis by order [of our most holy lord the pope.] b. capotius coll. a. de compania d. sorrano n. casanova eximiæ--may 3 alexander, etc., to the illustrious sovereigns, our very dear son in christ ferdinand, king, and our very dear daughter in christ elizabeth [isabella], queen of castile, leon, aragon and granada, health, etc. the sincereness and whole-souled loyalty of your exalted attachment to ourselves and the church of rome deserve to have us grant in your favor those things whereby daily you may the more easily be enabled to the honor of almighty god and the spread of christian government as well as the exaltation of the catholic faith to carry out your saintly and praiseworthy purpose and the work already undertaken of making search for far-away and unknown countries and islands. for this very day through our own accord and certain knowledge, as well as fulness of our apostolic power, we have given, granted, and assigned forever, as appears more fully in our letters drawn up therefor, to you and your heirs and successors, kings of castile and leon, all and singular the far-away and unknown mainlands and islands lying to the west in the ocean sea, that have been discovered or hereafter may be discovered by you or your envoys, whom you have equipped therefor not without great hardships, dangers, and expense; providing however these countries be not in the actual possession of christian owners. but inasmuch as by this apostolic see have been granted divers privileges, favors, liberties, immunities, exemptions, faculties, letters, and indults to some kings of portugal, who also by similar apostolic grant and donation in their favor, have discovered and taken possession of other countries and islands in the waters of africa, guinea, and the gold coast, with the desire to empower by our apostolic authority, as also is right and fitting, you and your aforesaid heirs and successors with graces, prerogatives, and favors of no less character; moved also thereto wholly by our own similar accord, not at your instance nor the petition of any one else in your favor, but through out own sole liberality as well as the same knowledge and fulness of our apostolic power, we do by tenor of these presents, as a gift of special favor, empower you and your aforesaid heirs and successors to the end that in the islands and countries, already discovered by you or in your name and to be discovered hereafter, you may freely and legally, as is proper, use, employ, and enjoy in all things and through all things exactly the same as if they had been granted especially to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, all and singular the graces, privileges, exemptions, liberties, faculties, immunities, letters, and indults that have been granted to the kings of portugal, the terms whereof we wish to be understood as sufficiently expressed and inserted, the same as if they had been inserted word for word in these presents. moreover we extend similarly and enlarge these powers in all things and through all things to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, to whom in the same manner and form we grant them forever, the apostolic constitutions and ordinances as well as all grants of similar kind made by letters to the kings of portugal, as well as other things whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. but as it would be difficult to have these present letters sent to all places where desirable, we wish and with similar accord and knowledge do decree that to copies of them, signed by the hand of a public notary commissioned therefor, and sealed with the seal of any ecclesiastical officer or ecclesiastical court, the same respect is to be shown in court and outside as well as anywhere else as would be given to these presents should they be exhibited or shown. let no one therefore, etc., infringe, etc., this our indult, extension, enlargement, grant, will, and decree. should any one, etc. given at rome at st. peter's, in the year, etc., one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the third day of may, the first year of our pontificate. gratis by order of our most holy lord the pope. jo. nilis. d gallettus. inter cætera--may 4 alexander, etc., to the illustrious sovereigns, our very dear son in christ, ferdinand, king, and our very dear daughter in christ, helisabeth [isabella], queen of castile and leon, aragon, sicily, and granada, health, etc. among other works well pleasing to his divine majesty and cherished of our heart, this assuredly ranks highest: that in our times especially the catholic faith and the christian law be exalted and everywhere increased and spread as well as that the health of souls be procured, and barbarous nations overthrown and brought to the faith itself. wherefore inasmuch as by the favor of divine clemency, through no fitting merits of ours, we have been raised to so holy a see as peter's, recognizing that as true catholic kings and princes such as we have always known you to be, and as your illustrious deeds already known to almost the whole world declare, you not only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal, and diligence, without regard to hardships, expenses, dangers, with the shedding even of your blood, are laboring to that end; that besides you have already long ago dedicated to this purpose your whole soul and all your endeavors, as witnessed in these times with so much glory to the divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of granada from the yoke of the moors, we therefore not unrighteously hold it as our duty to grant you even of our own accord and in your favor those things whereby daily and with heartier effort you may be enabled for the honor of god himself and the spread of the christian rule to accomplish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so pleasing to immortal god. in sooth we have learned that according to your purpose long ago you were in quest of some far-away islands and mainlands not hitherto discovered by others, to the end that you might bring to the worship of our redeemer and the profession of the catholic faith the inhabitants of them with the dwellers therein; that hitherto having been earnestly engaged in the siege and recovery of the kingdom itself of granada you were unable to accomplish this saintly and praiseworthy purpose; but at length, as was pleasing to the lord, the said kingdom having been regained, not without the greatest hardships, dangers, and expenses, that with the wish to fulfil your desire, you chose our beloved son, christopher colon, a man assuredly worthy and of the highest recommendations as well as furnished with ships and men equipped for like designs, to make diligent quest for these far-away, unknown mainlands and islands through the sea, where hitherto no one has sailed; who in fine, with divine aid, nor without the utmost diligence, sailing in the ocean sea discovered certain very far-away islands and even mainlands that hitherto had not been discovered by others, wherein dwell very many peoples living in peace, and, as reported, going unclothed, nor users of flesh meat; and, as your aforesaid envoys are of opinion, these very peoples living in the said islands and countries believe in one god, creator in heaven, besides being sufficiently ready in appearance to embrace the catholic faith and be trained in good morals. nor is hope lacking that, were they instructed, the name of the savior, our lord jesus christ, would easily be introduced into the said countries and islands. besides on one of these aforesaid chief islands the said christopher has already had put together and built a well-equipped fortress, wherein he has stationed as garrison certain christians, companions of his, who are to make search for other far-away and unknown islands and mainlands. in certain islands and countries already discovered are found gold, spices, and very many other precious things of divers kinds and species. wherefore, as becoming to catholic kings and princes, after earnest consideration of all matters, especially of the rise and spread of the catholic faith, as was the fashion of your ancestors, kings of renowned memory, you have purposed with the favor of divine clemency to bring under your sway the said mainlands and islands with their inhabitants and the dwellers therein, and bring them to the catholic faith. hence in heartiest commendation in the lord of this your saintly and praiseworthy purpose, desirous too that it be duly accomplished in the carrying to those regions of the name of our savior, we exhort you very earnestly in the lord and insist strictly both through your reception of holy baptism, whereby you are bound to our apostolic commands, and in the bowels of the mercy of our lord jesus christ, that, inasmuch as with upright spirit and through zeal for the true faith you design to equip and despatch this expedition, you purpose also as is your duty to lead the peoples dwelling in those islands and countries to embrace the christian religion; nor at any time let dangers nor hardships deter you therefrom, with the stout hope and trust in your hearts that almighty god will further your undertakings. moreover, moved thereunto by our own accord, not at your instance nor the request of any one else in your regard, but wholly of our own largess and certain knowledge as well as fulness of our apostolic power, by the authority of almighty god conferred upon us in blessed peter and of the vicarship of jesus christ, which we hold on earth, in order that with greater readiness and heartiness you enter upon an undertaking of so lofty a character as has been entrusted to you by the graciousness of our apostolic favor, by tenor of these presents should any of said islands have been found by your envoys and captains, we do give, grant, and assign to you and your heirs and successors, kings of castile and leon, forever, together with all their dominions, cities, camps, places, and towns, as well as all rights, jurisdictions, and appurtenances, all islands and mainlands found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered towards the west and south, by drawing and establishing a line from the arctic pole, namely the north, to the antarctic pole, namely the south, no matter whether the said mainlands and islands are found and to be found in the direction of india or towards any other quarter, the said line to the west and south to be distant one hundred leagues from any of the islands commonly known as the _azores_ and _cabo verde_. with this proviso however that none of the islands and mainlands found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered beyond that said line towards the west and south, be in the actual possession of any christian king or prince up to the birthday of our lord jesus christ just past in the present year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three. moreover we make, appoint and depute you and your said heirs and successors owners of them with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind; with this proviso however that through this gift, grant, and assignment of ours no right conferred on any christian prince, who may be in actual possession of said islands and mainlands up to the said birthday of our lord jesus christ, is hereby to be considered as withdrawn or to be withdrawn. moreover we command you in virtue of holy obedience that, employing all due diligence in the premises, as you promise, nor do we doubt your compliance therein to the best of your loyalty and royal greatness of spirit, you send to the aforesaid main-lands and islands worthy, god-fearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men, in order to instruct the aforesaid inhabitants and dwellers therein in the catholic faith and train them in good morals. besides under penalty of excommunication _late sententie_ to be incurred _ipso facto_, should any one thus contravene, we strictly forbid all persons of whatsoever rank, even imperial and royal, or of whatsoever estate, degree, order, or condition, to dare, without your special permit or that of your aforesaid heirs and successors, to go, as charged, for the purpose of trade or any other reason to the islands and mainlands found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered, towards the west and south, by drawing and establishing a line from the arctic pole to the antarctic pole, no matter whether the mainlands and islands found and to be found lie in the direction of india or towards any other quarter whatsoever, the said line to the west and south to be distant one hundred leagues from any of the islands commonly known as the _azores_ and _cabo verde_, the apostolic constitutions and ordinances and other decrees whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. we trust in him from whom derive empires and governments and everything good, that with his guidance, should you pursue this saintly and praiseworthy undertaking, in a short while your hardships and endeavors will result in the utmost success, to the happiness and glory of all christendom. but inasmuch as it would be difficult to have these present letters sent to all places where desirable, we wish, and with similar accord and knowledge do decree, that to copies of them, signed by the hand of any public notary commissioned therefor, and sealed with the seal of any ecclesiastical officer or ecclesiastical court, the same respect is to be shown in court and outside as well as anywhere else as would be given to these presents, should they thus be exhibited or shown. let no one therefore, etc., infringe, etc., this our recommendation, gift, grant, assignment, constitution, deputation, decree, mandate, prohibition, and will. should any one, etc. given at rome at st. peter's in the year, etc., one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the fourth of may, and the first year of our pontificate. gratis by order of our most holy lord the pope. d. gallectus. for the registrar: a. de muciarellis. collator, l. amerinus. extension of the apostolic grant and donation of the indies--september 25 alexander, bishop, servant of the servants of god, to the illustrious sovereigns, his very dear son in christ fernando [ferdinand], king, and his very dear daughter in christ isabel, queen of castile, leon, aragon, granada, health and apostolic benediction. a short while ago through our own accord, certain knowledge, and fulness of our apostolic power, we gave, conveyed, and assigned forever to you and your heirs and successors, kings of castile and leon, all islands and mainlands whatsoever, discovered and to be discovered towards the west and south, that were not under the actual temporal rule of any christian owner. moreover, investing therewith you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, we appointed and deputed you as owners of them with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind, as more fully appears in our letters given to that effect, the terms whereof we wish to be understood the same as if they had been inserted word for word in these presents. but it may happen that your envoys, captains, or vassals, while voyaging towards the west or south might land and touch in eastern waters and there discover islands and mainlands that at one time belonged or even yet belong to india. with the desire then to give you token of our graciousness, through similar accord, knowledge, and fulness of our power, by tenor of these presents and our apostolic authority, we do extend and enlarge our aforesaid gift, grant, assignment, and letters, with all and singular the clauses contained therein, so as to secure to you all islands and mainlands whatsoever that are found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered, are or were or seem to be in the route by sea or land to the west or south, but are now recognized as being in the waters of the west or south and east and india moreover in all and through all, the same as if in the aforesaid letters full and express mention had been made thereof, we convey to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors full and free power through your own authority, exercised through yourselves or by the action of another or of others, to take corporal possession of the said islands and countries and to hold them forever, as well as to defend your right thereto against whomsoever may seek to prevent it. with this strict prohibition however to all persons, of no matter what rank, estate, degree, order or condition, that under penalty of excommunication _latae sententiae_, wherein such as contravene are to be considered as having fallen _ipso facto_, no one without your express leave or that of your aforesaid heirs and successors shall, for no matter what reason or pretense, presume in any manner to go or send to the aforesaid regions for the purpose of fishing, or of searching for any islands or mainlands. notwithstanding any apostolic constitutions and ordinances or whatsoever gifts, grants, powers, and assignments of the aforesaid regions, seas, islands and countries, or any portion of them, may have been made by us or our predecessors in favor of whatsoever kings, princes, infantes, or whatsoever other persons, orders or knighthoods, who for any reason whatever may now be there, even for motives of charity or the faith, or the ransom of captives. nor shall it matter how urgent these reasons may be, even though, based on repealing clauses, they may appear of the most positive, mandatory, and unusual character; nor even should there be contained therein sentences, censures, and penalties of any kind whatever, providing however these have not gone into effect through actual and real possession; nay even though it may have happened on occasion that the persons, to whom such gifts and grants were made, or their envoys, sailed thither through chance. wherefore should any such gifts or grants have been made, considering the terms of our present decree to have been sufficiently expressed and inserted, we through similar accord, knowledge, and fulness of our power do wholly revoke the former. moreover as regards countries and islands not in actual possession of others, we wish this to be considered as of no effect, notwithstanding what may appear in the aforesaid letters, or anything else to the contrary. given at rome at st. peter's, on the twenty-fifth day of september in the year of the incarnation of our lord one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the second year of our pontificate. the treaty of tordesillas [this treaty was signed by the respective representatives of the spanish and portuguese monarchs, june 7, 1494, at the city of tordesillas. full powers were conferred upon these representatives in special letters, that of the catholic sovereigns being given june 5 at tordesillas, and that of king dom joan of portugal, march 8. the former sovereigns, as well as their son don juan, signed the treaty in person, at arevalo, july 2; the king of portugal, september 5, at setubal--each ratifying it fully. the letter given by ferdinand and isabella to their representatives is as follows:] don fernando and doña isabel, by the grace of god, king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, secjlia, granada, toledo, valencia, galisia, mallorcas, sevilla, cerdeña, cordova, corçega, murçia, jahan, algarbe, algezira, gibraltar, and the canary islands; count and countess of barcelona; seigniors of vizcaya and moljna; duke and duchess of atenas and neopatria; count and countess of rosellon and cerdanja; marquis and marchioness of oristan and goceano: inasmuch as the most serene king of portugal, our very dear and beloved brother, sent hither his ambassadors and representatives [the names and titles follow] for the purpose of conferring and negotiating a treaty and compact with us and with our ambassadors and representatives acting in our name, in regard to the controversy existing between ourselves and the said most serene king of portugal, our brother, concerning what lands, of all those discovered prior to this date, in the ocean sea, belong to ourselves and to him respectively; therefore we, having entire confidence that you don enrrique enrriques, our chief steward, don guterre de cardenas, deputy-in-chief of leon [149] and our auditor-in-chief, and doctor rodrigo maldonado, all members of our council, are persons who will guard our interests, and that you will perform thoroughly and faithfully what we order and recommend, by this present letter delegate to you, specially and fully, all our authority in as definitive a form as possible, [150] and as is requisite in such cases, in order that you may, for us and in our name and in those of our heirs and successors, our kingdoms and seigniories, [151] and the subjects and natives of them, confer concerning, conclude, ratify, and contract and determine with the said ambassadors acting in the name of the most serene king of portugal, our brother, whatever compact, contract, bound, demarcation, and covenant regarding the above, by whatever bounds of the winds, degrees of north latitude and of the sun, and by whatever parts, divisions, and places of the heavens, sea, and land, [152] may seem best to you. and we delegate our said power to you in such manner that you may leave to the said king of portugal, and to his kingdoms and successors, all seas, islands, and mainlands that may be and exist within such bound and demarcation, which shall be and remain his. [153] and further, we delegate to you the said power so that in our name, and in those of our heirs and successors, and of our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of them, you may affirm, concur in, approve, and arrange with the said king of portugal and the said ambassadors and representatives acting in his name, that all seas, islands, and mainlands that may be and exist within the bound and demarcation of the coasts, seas, islands, and mainlands which shall be and remain ours and our successors', may be ours and belong to our seigniory and conquest, and likewise to our kingdoms and the successors to the same, with such limitations and exceptions, [154] and with all other clauses and declarations that you deem best. [furthermore we delegate the said powers] so that you may negotiate, authorize, contract, compact, approve, and accept in our name, and those of our said heirs and successors, and of all our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of the same, whatever covenants, contracts, and instruments of writing, with whatever bonds, decrees, forms, conditions, obligations, requirements, penalties, submissions, and renunciations you wish, and as may seem best to you, regarding all the aforesaid, and every part and parcel of the same, and every thing pertaining to it, or dependent upon it, or having even the slightest connection with it. and in regard to the foregoing you shall have authority to enact and authorize, and you shall enact and authorize, all and singular, of whatever nature and quality, weight and importance, they may or can be, although they may be such as by their terms should require in addition our signature and especial order, and of which especial and express mention should be made fully, and which we, in our own proper persons, could enact, authorize, and approve. furthermore, we authorize you fully, to swear, and you shall swear, upon our consciences, that we, our heirs and successors, subjects, natives, and vassals, now and hereafter shall keep, observe, and fulfil, and that they shall keep, observe, and fulfil, really and effectually, all that you thus affirm, covenant, swear, authorize, and asseverate, without any deceit, fraud, duplicity, dissembling, or pretense. and in this manner, you shall, in our name, covenant, asseverate, and promise that we, in our own person, shall asseverate, swear, promise, authorize, and affirm all that you, in our name, asseverate, promise, and covenant in regard to the preceding, within whatever term and space of time you deem best, and that we shall observe and fulfil this, really and effectually, and under the conditions, penalties, and obligations contained in the treaty of peace [155] concluded and ratified between ourselves and the said most serene king, our brother, and under all other conditions whatsoever promised and determined upon by you, for all of which we promise, from this date, to pay the penalty if we violate them. for all the above, and each part and parcel of it, we grant to you the said authority with free and general powers of administration, and we promise and affirm by our kingly faith and word, we, our heirs and successors, to keep, observe, and fulfil everything, concerning all the aforesaid enacted, covenanted, sworn, and promised by you, in whatever form and manner; and we promise faithfully to maintain the same to the uttermost, now and forever, and neither ourselves nor our heirs and successors shall violate this compact, or any part of it, by any act of our own, or our agents, either directly or indirectly, under any pretense or cause, in judgment or out of it, under the express obligation of all our possessions, patrimonial and fiscal, and all other possessions whatsoever of our vassals, subjects, and natives, real and personal, acquired or to be acquired. in affirmation of the above we have caused this our letter of authorization to be given, and we sign the same with our names and order it sealed with our seal.... [signatures of the king, queen, and royal secretary.] [the letter of authorization granted by the king of portugal follows. it is couched in much the same terms as the preceding. it opens as follows:] don juan, by the grace of god, king of portugal and the algarbes, on either side of the sea in africa, and seignior of guinea: to all who shall see this our letter of authority and powers of attorney, we proclaim: that inasmuch as certain islands were discovered and found by command of the most exalted, excellent, and powerful princes, king don fernando and queen doña ysabel [certain of their dignities follow] our very dear and beloved brother and sister, and other islands and mainlands may in future be discovered and found, regarding certain of which, known already or to be known, there might arise disputes and controversy between ourselves and our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of the same, because of our rights therein--which may our lord forbid,--it is our desire, because of the great love and friendship between us, and in order to seek, procure, and maintain greater peace, and more enduring concord and tranquillity, that the sea, in which the said islands were and shall be found, be divided and allotted between us in some good, sure, and circumscribed manner; and inasmuch as at present we cannot attend to this in person, and confiding in you, ruy de sosa, seignior of usagres [156] and berenguel, and don juan de sosa, our intendant-in-chief, and arias de almadana, magistrate of civil cases in our court, and a member of our desenbargo (all members of our council), we grant you by the present letter our full and complete power and authority and our special command, and we appoint and constitute you all jointly, and two of you and one of you _yn soljdun_, [157] in any manner whatsoever, if the others be prevented, as our ambassadors and representatives; and we do this in the most definitive form [158] possible and generally and specifically as is requisite in such cases,--in such manner that the general is not obscured by the specific nor the specific by the general. this we do so that, in our name, and those of our heirs and successors, and of all our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of the same, you may confer concerning, conclude, and ratify, and contract and determine with the said king and queen of castilla, our brother and sister, or with those empowered by the latter, whatever agreement, compact, limitation, demarcation, and contract regarding the ocean sea and the islands and mainlands contained therein, by whatever directions of winds and degrees of north latitude, and of the sun, and by whatever parts, divisions, and places of the heavens, land, and sea [159] you may deem best. [from this point the language is almost identical with that in the foregoing letter of authorization. the present letter is signed by the king and his secretary. the treaty proper follows:] thereupon it was declared by the above-mentioned representatives of the aforesaid king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, seçilia, granada, etc.; and of the aforesaid king of portugal and the algarbes, etc.: that, whereas a certain controversy exists between the said lords, their constituents, as to what lands, of all those discovered in the ocean sea up to the present day, the date of this treaty, pertain to each one of the said parts respectively; therefore, for the sake of peace and concord, and for the preservation of the relationship and love of the said king of portugal for the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc., it being the pleasure of their highnesses, they, their said representatives, acting in their name and by virtue of their powers herein described, covenanted and agreed that a boundary or straight line be determined and drawn north and south, from pole to pole, on the said ocean sea--from the arctic to the antarctic pole. this boundary, or line [160] shall be drawn straight, as aforesaid, at a distance of three hundred and seventy leagues west of the cabo verde islands, being calculated by degrees, or by any other manner, as may be considered the best and readiest, provided the distance shall be no greater than above said. and all lands, both islands and mainlands, found and discovered already, or to be found and discovered hereafter by the said king of portugal and by his vessels on this side of the said line and bound determined as above, toward the east, in either north or south latitude, on the eastern side of the said bound, provided the said bound is not crossed, shall belong to, and remain in the possession of, and pertain forever to the said king of portugal and his successors. and all other lands--both islands and mainlands, found or to be found hereafter, discovered or to be discovered hereafter, which have been discovered or shall be discovered by the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc., and by their vessels, on the western side of the said bound, determined as above, after having passed the said bound toward the west, in either its north or south latitude, shall belong to, and remain in the possession of, and pertain forever to the said king and queen of castilla, leon, etc., and to their successors. _yten [item]_: [161] the said representatives promise and affirm by virtue of the powers aforesaid, that from this date no ships shall be despatched,--namely as follows: the said king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, etc., for this part of the bound, and its eastern side, on this side the said bound, which pertains to the said king of portugal and the algarbes, etc.; nor the said king of portugal to the other part of the said bound which pertains to the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc.,--for the purpose of discovering and seeking any mainlands or islands, or for the purpose of trade, barter, or conquest of any kind. but should it come to pass that the said ships of the said king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, etc., on sailing thus on this side of the said bound, should discover any mainlands or islands in the region pertaining, as above said, to the said king of portugal, such mainlands or islands shall pertain to and belong forever to the said king of portugal and his heirs, and their highnesses shall order them to be surrendered to him immediately. and if the said ships of the said king of portugal discover any islands and mainlands in the regions of the said king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, etc., all such lands shall belong to and remain forever in the possession of the said king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, etc., and their heirs, and the said king of portugal shall cause such lands to be surrendered immediately. _yten_: in order that the said line or bound of the said division may be made straight and as nearly as possible the said distance of three hundred and seventy leagues west of the cabo verde islands, as hereinbefore stated, the said representatives of both the said parties agree and assent that within the ten months immediately following the date of this treaty, their said constituent lords shall despatch two or four caravels, namely, one or two by each one of them, a greater or less number, as they may mutually consider necessary. these vessels shall meet at the island of grande canaria [grand canary island] during this time, and each one of the said parties shall send certain persons in them, to wit, pilots, astrologers, sailors, and any others they may deem desirable. but there must be as many on one side as on the other, and certain of the said pilots, astrologers, sailors, and others of those sent by the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc., and who are experienced, shall embark in the ships of the said king of portugal and the algarbes; in like manner certain of the said persons sent by the said king of portugal shall embark in the ship or ships of the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc.: a like number in each case, so that they may jointly study and examine to better advantage the sea, courses, winds, and the degrees of the sun or of north latitude, [162] and lay out the leagues aforesaid, in order that, in determining the line and boundary, all sent and empowered by both the said parties in the said vessels, shall jointly concur. these said vessels shall continue their course together to the said cabo verde islands, from whence they shall lay a direct course to the west, to the distance of the said three hundred and seventy degrees, measured as the said persons shall agree, and measured without prejudice to the said parts. when this point is reached, such point will constitute the place and mark for measuring degrees of the sun or of north latitude either by daily runs measured in leagues, or in any other manner that shall mutually be deemed better. this said line shall be drawn north and south as aforesaid, from the said arctic pole to the said antarctic pole. and when this line has been determined as above said, those sent by each of the aforesaid parties, to whom each one of the said parties must delegate his own authority and power, to determine the said mark and bound, shall draw up a writing concerning it and affix thereto their signatures. and when determined by the mutual consent of all of them, this line shall be considered forever as a perpetual mark and bound, in such wise that the said parties, or either of them, or their future successors, shall be unable to deny it, or erase or remove it, at any time or in any manner whatsoever. and should, perchance, the said line and bound from pole to pole, as aforesaid, intersect any island or mainland, at the first point of such intersection of such island or mainland by the said line, some kind of mark or tower shall be erected, and a succession of similar marks shall be erected in a straight line from such mark or tower, in a line identical with the above-mentioned bound. these marks shall separate those portions of such land belonging to each one of the said parties; and the subjects of the said parties shall not dare, on either side, to enter the territory of the other, by crossing the said mark or bound in such island or mainland. _yten_: inasmuch as the said ships of the said king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, etc., sailing as before declared, from their kingdoms and seigniories to their said possessions on the other side of the said line, must cross the seas on this side of the line, pertaining to the said king of portugal, it is therefore concerted and agreed that the said ships of the said king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, etc., shall, at any time and without any hindrance, sail in either direction, freely, securely, and peacefully, over the said seas of the said king of portugal, and within the said line. and whenever their highnesses and their successors wish to do so, and deem it expedient, their said ships may take their courses and routes direct from their kingdoms to any region within their line and bound to which they desire to despatch expeditions of discovery, conquest, and trade. they shall take their courses direct to the desired region and for any purpose desired therein, and shall not leave their course, unless compelled to do so by contrary weather. they shall do this provided that, before crossing the said line, they shall not seize or take possession of anything discovered in his said region by the said king of portugal; and should their said ships find anything before crossing the said line, as aforesaid, it shall belong to the said king of portugal, and their highnesses shall order it surrendered immediately. and since it is possible that the ships and subjects of the said king and queen of castilla, leon, etc., or those acting in their name, may discover within the next twenty days of this present month of june following the date of this treaty, some islands and mainlands within the said line, drawn straight from pole to pole, that is to say, inside the said three hundred and seventy leagues west of the cabo verde islands, as aforesaid, it is hereby agreed and determined, in order to remove all doubt, that all such islands and mainlands found and discovered in any manner whatsoever up to the said twentieth day of this said month of june, although found by ships and subjects of the said king and queen of castylla, aragon, etc., shall pertain to and remain forever in the possession of the said king of portugal and the algarbes, and of his successors and kingdoms, provided that they lie within the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the said three hundred and seventy leagues reckoned west of the cabo verde islands to the above-mentioned line,--in whatsoever part, even to the said poles, of the said two hundred and fifty leagues they may be found, determining a boundary or straight line from pole, to pole, where the said two hundred and fifty leagues end. likewise all the islands and mainlands found and discovered up to the said twenty days of this present month of june, by the ships and subjects of the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc., or in any other manner, within the other one hundred and twenty leagues that still remain of the said three hundred and seventy leagues where the said bound that is to be drawn from pole to pole, as aforesaid, must be determined, and in whatever part of the said one hundred and twenty leagues, even to the said poles that they are found up to the said day, shall pertain to and remain forever in the possession of the said king and queen of castilla, aragon, etc., and of their successors and kingdoms; just as whatever is or shall be found on the other side of the said three hundred and seventy leagues pertaining to their highnesses, as aforesaid, is and must be theirs, although the said one hundred and twenty leagues are within the said bound of the said three hundred and seventy leagues pertaining to the said king of portugal, the algarbes, etc., as aforesaid. [163] and if, up to the said twentieth day of this said month of june, no lands are discovered by the said ships of their highnesses within the said one hundred and twenty leagues, and are discovered after the expiration of that time, then they shall pertain to the said king of portugal as is set forth in the above. [the faithful observance by the respective sovereigns, of every point of this treaty is provided for in the fullest of terms by the commissioners, by virtue of the powers delegated to them; and this is sworn "before god, the blessed mary, and on the sign of the cross." the instrument must receive also the sanction of the pope, who will be asked to confirm the same by means of a bull in which the agreements of the treaty will be given. [164] the commissioners bind themselves under the foregoing oaths and penalties that, "within the one hundred days immediately following the date of this treaty, they will mutually exchange approbations and ratifications of the said treaty, written on parchment, and signed with the names of their said constituents, and sealed with their seals." don juan, heir to the spanish crown, shall sign the instrument as well as ferdinand and isabella, and the whole shall be witnessed in proper manner.] note on correspondence of jaime ferrer [for lack of space, certain documents to and by jaime ferrer, regarding the line of demarcation, cannot be included in this series. these documents--a letter from the cardinal despanya, archbishop of toledo, don pedro de mendoza, barcelona, august 26, 1493; a letter from ferrer to the catholic sovereigns, barcelona, january 27, 1495; ferrer's opinion regarding the treaty of tordesillas (undated, but probably in 1495); and a letter from the catholic sovereigns, madrid, february 28, 1495,--will be found in navarrete, _coll. de viages_, tomo ii, edition 1825, pp. 97-110; edition 1858, pp. 111-117, part of núm. lxviii; and a translation of all but the first in dawson's _lines of demarcation_ (printed in _translations of the royal society of canada_, 1899-1900, second series, vol. v, sec. ii, pp. 541-544,--also printed separately). navarrete states that these documents, were printed in barcelona in 1545, in a now rare book compiled by ferrer under the title _sentencias cathólicas del divi poeta dant_. in the first letter, signed "el cardenal," ferrer's presence is requested in barcelona; he is to take with him his mappamundo and all his cosmographical instruments.] compact between the catholic sovereigns and the king of portugal, regarding the demarcation and division of the ocean sea don fernando and doña isabel, by the grace of god, king and queen of castilla, etc.: inasmuch as, among other things in the treaty and compact regarding the division of the ocean sea, negotiated between ourselves and the most serene king of portugal and the algarbes on either side of the sea in africa, and seignior of guinea, our most dear and beloved brother, it was agreed and covenanted that, within the first ten months following the date of this treaty, our caravels and his, accompanied by astrologers, pilots, sailors, and others, agreed upon by ourselves and himself,--a like number on either side--shall be in the island of la gran canaria, in order to proceed to the determination and drawing of the divisional line of the said sea--which must be three hundred and seventy leagues west of the cabo verde islands, in a straight north and south line from the arctic to the antarctic pole, as covenanted between us by the said treaty of the division of the said sea, as is more fully set forth therein;--and inasmuch as we now consider that the line of the said division at the distance of the said three hundred and seventy leagues can be determined and calculated better, if the said astrologers, pilots, sailors, and others, come to a definite conclusion and agreement regarding the manner and order of procedure to be observed in the determination and marking of the said line, before the sailing of the said caravels, by so doing avoiding disputes and controversies that might arise regarding it among those going, if these had to be arranged after the departure; and inasmuch as it would be quite useless for the said caravels and persons to go before knowing that any island or mainland had been found in each one of the said parts of the said sea, and to which they must proceed immediately and orderly: now therefore, in order that all this may be done to better advantage, and with the full and free consent of both sides, we agree and by this present letter consent that the said astrologers, pilots, sailors, and others determined upon with the said king, our brother--a like number on either side, and of sufficient number for this matter--must assemble and they shall assemble along any part of the frontier of these our kingdoms and the kingdom of portugal. during the whole month of july first following the date of this letter these men shall consult upon, covenant concerning, and determine the manner of making the said divisional line of the said sea at the distance of the said three hundred and seventy leagues west of the said cabo verde islands, by means of a straight north and south line from the arctic to the antarctic pole, as is set forth in the said treaty. and whatever they determine upon, unanimously, and whatever is concluded and marked out by them, shall be approved and confirmed through our letters-patent, by us and by the said king, our brother. and if after the said astrologers, pilots, and sailors, appointed as above said, shall have arrived at a conclusion, each one of the said parties going to that part of the said sea, according to the permission of the said treaty, and thereby observing the contents of said treaty, any island or mainland shall be found hereafter, which either of the parties consider to be so situated that the said line can be determined in accordance with the stipulations of the said treaty, and the one party shall cause notification to be given the other party that they shall cause the line abovesaid to be marked out, we and the said king, our brother, shall be obliged to have the said line determined and marked out, in accordance with the method determined upon by the astrologers, pilots, and sailors, and others abovesaid, and appointed as abovesaid, within the period of the first ten months reckoned from the date that either of the parties notified the other. and should it prove that the land thus found is not cut by the said line, a declaration of its distance from the said line shall be given, both on our own part and that of the said most serene king, our brother. they shall not, however, neglect to make the said declaration regarding any island or mainland which shall be found afterwards, during the period, nearer the said line. and in doing the aforesaid, they shall not neglect to observe the manner aforesaid, whenever any island or mainland is found in the neighborhood of the said line as aforesaid, and up to the said time of the said ten months after the notification of one party by the other, as aforesaid. it is our pleasure in this our letter to postpone and defer the departure of the said caravels and persons, notwithstanding the limit set and determined in the above-mentioned treaty in regard to it. and we therefore are pleased and consider it advantageous--for the better notification and declaration of the division of the said sea made by the said treaty between ourselves and the said king, our brother; and in order that both our subjects and natives and the subjects and natives of the said king our brother may be better informed henceforth as to the regions wherein they may navigate and discover,--to order (as in truth we shall order), under severe penalties, that the line of the said division be placed on all hydrographical maps made hereafter in our kingdoms and seigniories by those journeying in the said ocean sea. this line shall be drawn straight from the said arctic to the said antarctic pole, north and south, at the distance of the said three hundred and seventy leagues west of the cabo verde islands, as aforesaid, being measured as determined unanimously by the said astrologers, pilots, and sailors meeting as abovesaid. and we purpose and stipulate that neither this present letter nor anything contained herein, be prejudicial in any manner to the contents and compacts of the said treaty, but rather that they, all and singular, be observed throughout _in toto_ without any failure, and in the manner and entirety set forth in the said treaty; inasmuch as we have caused the present letter to be made in this manner, simply in order that the said astrologers and persons shall assemble and, within the said time, shall determine the order of procedure and the method to be observed in making the said line of demarcation, and in order to postpone and defer the departure of the said caravels and persons, until the said island or mainland, whither they must go, is known to have been found in each one of the said parts, and in order to command that the line of the said division be placed on the said hydrographical maps,--all of which is set forth most fully in the above. we promise and asseverate on our kingly faith and word, to fulfil and observe all of the foregoing, without any artifice, deceit, or pretense in the manner and in the entirety set down in the above. and in confirmation of the above, we cause this our letter to be given, signed with our names, and sealed with our leaden seal hanging from threads of colored silk. [dated at madrid, april 15, 1495. [165] signatures of the king and queen, and the royal secretary.] bull, _præcelsæ_, of leo x _november_ 3, 1514 [this bull, called _precelse denotionis_, confirms and extends certain bulls of leo x's predecessors, nicholas v and sixtus iv, reciting the bulls so confirmed and extended--two of the former and one of the latter. in the first bull, _dum diversas_, authority is granted to king alfonso v of portugal to make war upon the infidels, to conquer their lands, and to reduce them to slavery. it concedes also plenary indulgence for their sins to all taking part in the expeditions against the moors, or aiding the expeditions with gifts. [166] its date is june 18, 1452. the second bull is dated january 8, 1454, and is called _romanus pontifex._ in it nicholas "after reviewing with praise the zeal of prince henry in making discoveries and his desire to find a route to southern and eastern shores even to the indians, granted to king alfonso all that had been or should be discovered south of cape bojador and cape non toward guinea and 'ultra versus illam meridionalem plagam' as a perpetual possession." [167] the third bull, the _eterni regis_ of june 21, 1481, confirms that of nicholas v. it "granted to the portuguese order of jesus christ [168] spiritual jurisdiction in all lands acquired from cape bojador 'ad indos.'" this bull also contained and sanctioned the treaty of 1480 between spain and portugal, by which the exclusive right of navigating and of making discoveries along the coast of africa, with the possession of all the known islands of the atlantic except the canaries, was solemnly conceded to portugal. [169] after thus reciting these bulls ("of our own accord ... approve, renew, and confirm the aforesaid instruments" [170]) pope leo extends and amplifies them in the following words:] and for added assurance, we do by virtue of the authority and tenor of the above instruments, concede anew, [to the king of portugal] everything, all and singular, contained in the aforesaid instruments, as well as all other empires, kingdoms, principalities, duchies, provinces, lands, cities, towns, forts, dominions, islands, ports, seas, coasts, and all possessions whatsoever, real or personal, wherever they may be, and all uninhabited places whatsoever, recovered, found, discovered, and acquired from the above-mentioned infidels by the said king emmanuel and his predecessors, or to be hereafter recovered, acquired, found and discovered, by the said king emmanuel and his successors--both from capes bogiador and naon [171] to the indies and any district whatsoever, wherever situated, even although at present unknown to us. and likewise we do extend and amplify the instruments above-mentioned and everything, all and singular contained therein, as aforesaid, and in virtue of holy obedience, under penalty of our [wrath,] we do, by the authority and tenor of the foregoing, forbid all faithful christians, whomsoever, even although possessing imperial, regal, or any other dignity whatsoever, from hindering, in any manner, king emmanuel and his successors in the aforesaid, and from presuming to lend assistance, counsel, or favor to the infidels. [the archbishop of lisboa and the bishops of guarda and funchal are ordered to see that the provisions of this bull are observed. [172]] instructions from the king of spain to his ambassadors in the negotiations with portugal [in this document, written in valladolid, february 4, 1523, and signed by the king and the chancellor and countersigned by the king's secretary cobos, the king lays down the following points:] first, that the course of action mapped out for you, our said notary-in-chief barroso, in answer to your letter reporting your conversation with the duke of berganza regarding this treaty, seemed then, and seems still right and proper; since by this course we declare in effect our purpose and wish to fulfil _in toto_ toward the said most serene king, the treaty concerning the division and demarcation of the seas, negotiated between the catholic sovereigns--my lords and grandparents--and king don juan of portugal. i order you, likewise, to ascertain briefly what regions lie within the right of our conquest, and where are the limits of our demarcation, and those of the said most serene king of portugal. and you shall ascertain in what manner restitution of whatever i may have appropriated of his possessions, with the profit accruing therefrom, may be made to the said most serene king, the latter making to our royal crown the same restitution of whatever he may have appropriated, with all profits and revenues arising therefrom. that we believe the reason for the refusal of the said most serene king to accept the expedients proposed, and for his recent reply to us, transmitted through you, the said notary-in-chief barroso, was due to his not being informed thoroughly in regard to the said expedients, and of our past and present intention and wish to fulfil strictly in every point the said treaty; and to preserve and augment, by fair dealing on our part, our relations with, and love toward, the said most serene king. for these reasons we beseech him earnestly that he have the said expedients examined; that he treat and confer concerning them, singly and collectively; and that he inform us of whatever in them, singly or collectively, seems wrong or prejudicial to his rights--in order that we, through our great affection for him and our desire for its increase, may have his objections examined and discussed before our royal person by the members of our council. this done we shall order what is unjust to be remedied, and the said most serene king, shall, in no wise, receive any hurt, in what by right pertains to him. [the king orders further that his ambassadors confer discreetly and prudently with the portuguese king and others, and advise him promptly as to the outcome, that he may take the proper steps. he continues:] in case that you are unable to prevail upon the said most serene king to reëxamine the said expedients, and if he declares that he has seen them already, and that he has informed us, through you, the said notary-in-chief barroso, of his dissatisfaction regarding them,--although without stating in detail his causes for dissatisfaction--and that he proposed now that we each send two caravels to determine the said demarcation, in the meantime neither himself nor myself despatching our fleets to maluco, you shall reply in this manner: that whatever pertains to the sending of the said caravels to determine the said demarcation is in perfect accord with our desires, and we are quite well satisfied with the proposal, since such a procedure is in keeping with the said treaty, which will in this manner, be fulfilled so far as we are concerned. and you shall confer briefly with him and with those he shall appoint concerning the method of procedure--the tons burdens of the said caravels; the astrologers, cosmographers, notaries, pilots, and others who shall embark in each vessel; in what manner they shall be armed; and for what time victualed and provisioned. you shall stipulate that a certain number of our subjects shall embark in his caravels, and a like number of his subjects in ours, who shall all be designated by name, in order that the determination and measurements might proceed with more fairness and justice. also all documents, both measurements and proofs, made for the verification of the above, shall be made in presence of the notaries sent in the said caravels by each of us. they shall be made before those notaries in such manner that one notary shall be present always for each one of us, and two others shall sign the said documents, which without such signatures shall be invalid. and you shall confer upon all other desirable topics, in order that the voyage be fair to us both, and the demarcation be made in accordance to the said treaty, and that those sailing in the said caravels have desire only to ascertain and declare the truth. before concluding anything discussed and treated by you, you shall first advise us. but as regards saying that, during the time taken in fixing upon the said demarcation, neither of us shall send his fleets to the maluco islands, you shall reply to the said most serene king that, as he may see clearly, it is neither just nor reasonable to ask this of me, for the agreement and treaty neither prohibits nor forbids of it, and to do this would be to the detriment of my rightful and civil possession in the said maluco islands, and in the other islands and mainlands which will be discovered by my fleets during this time of fixing upon the said demarcation. he is aware that i am received and obeyed as king and lord of those maluco islands, and that those who, until the present, held possession of these regions, have rendered me obedience as king and rightful seignior, and have been, in my name, appointed as my governors and lieutenants over the said regions. he knows, too, that my subjects, with much of the merchandise carried by my fleet, are at the present time in these regions. for these reasons it is not reasonable to ask that i discontinue my possession of these districts during the time of determining the demarcation, especially since the said most serene king has never held possession, past or present, of any of the said maluco islands, or of any others discovered by me up to the present; nor has his fleet touched at or anchored therein. you shall say to him that, inasmuch as i have not asked that he discontinue to hold his possessions in malaca and other regions discovered by him, although i have been assured on many different occasions by many different persons of learning and judgment--a number of whom are natives of the kingdom of portugal--that these regions pertain to me and to my crown, being, as these men declare, within the limits of our demarcation, he will recognize quite fully the injustice of asking me to discontinue sending my fleets to maluco and other regions where i am in civil and rightful possession, and am obeyed and regarded as legitimate seignior, as aforesaid. should the said most serene king propose to you that it would be a fair expedient to us both that, during the time of determining the demarcation, since we claim that malaca and many other islands where he carries on trade lie within the limits of our demarcation and pertain to us, he will desist from despatching his vessels and fleets to those regions, provided that i do the same as regards whatever of the maluco and other islands discovered by me in those regions, and claimed by him as lying within his demarcation; or should he propose any other expedient or innovation not in this present writing, you shall make answer that such expedient is new, and that we have no knowledge of it. on this account you shall request that he allow you to consult with us. after this discussion you shall advise me of the matter. [the instructions conclude by urging the ambassadors to proceed prudently, and to impress the portuguese monarch with the affection felt toward him by carlos, and the latter's desire for its continuance. the ambassadors are to act in complete harmony with one another, and to carry on negotiations jointly at all times, one never presuming to act without the other's full knowledge. exact reports must be submitted by them, in order that their king may give definite instructions.] letter of carlos i of spain to juan de zúñiga--1523 the king: juan de zúñiga, knight of the order of santiago, [173] my servant. i have not hitherto written you of transactions in the negotiations respecting maluco, to which the most serene and illustrious king of portugal, my very dear and beloved cousin, sent his ambassadors, as i believed that, our right being so apparent, the treaty would be kept with us, or at least some good method of settlement would be adopted. this the ambassadors have not cared to do, although on our part we have done everything absolutely possible--much more than is usual between princes or relatives. i speak of this because my steadfast wish to preserve forever the kinship and love existing in the past and present between the most serene king and myself has been made manifest by my deeds. i am exceedingly sorry to find that this has been not only of no advantage, but rather, because of the meager results obtained, a disadvantage. and on this account the said ambassadors are returning without having come to any conclusion. by them i write to the said most serene king as you will observe in the copy of the letter enclosed herein. [174] now because you should be informed of the transactions at this discussion,--both that you might, in our behalf, give a full account thereof to the said most serene king, and that you might discuss the same there [in lisbon] wherever convenient,--i have determined to put you in possession of the facts in this letter, which are as follows. as soon as the said ambassadors had arrived, and after the letters from the most serene king had been presented to me, and their embassy stated by virtue of our faith in these letters, they requested me to appoint persons with whom they might discuss the questions upon which they were to mediate for their sovereign. i did this immediately, appointing for this purpose certain members of my council whom i, considered the best informed for that particular negotiation, and men of straightforward principles. these men, in company with the aforesaid ambassadors, examined the treaty presented by the latter, which seemed to have been drawn up and authorized by the catholic king and queen, my grandparents, and by king don manuel, his [king joão iii] father, of blessed memory. they listened to all the ambassadors had to say, and all together conferred regarding and discussed the questions many times. afterwards, inasmuch as the said ambassadors besought me to give them a hearing, i did so, the above-named and others of my council, whom i had summoned for that purpose, being present. the result of their proposition was to present the said treaty to me and petition that i order the observance thereof, and in consequence thereof, have maluco surrendered immediately to the said most serene king of portugal. this they said we were bound to do, by virtue of the said treaty, which contained, they declared, a section whose tenor is as follows. [175] in this manner they continued to assert that since maluco had been found by the king of portugal, we were bound to make petition for and accept it from him, if we claimed it as lying within the bounds of our demarcation, and not to take possession of it by our own authority; and that the king of portugal being assured of our contention, which they neither denied nor mistrusted might prove correct, was quite prepared to surrender it to us immediately, according to the terms of the said treaty, of which, in the said name, he wished to make use, and they petitioned that we observe the same. and therefore, as being a matter in which all negotiations and conferences were in good faith, both because of the prominence of those engaged in them, and because of the relationship between them, they declared that they had no wish to profit by any other right or allegation, but only to petition that the contents of the said treaty be kept to the letter. certain members of our council, being informed of the matter made answer that my wish and intention had ever been, and still was, to observe the said treaty, and not to violate it in any manner (as in truth is and has ever been so). when this treaty should be examined and understood in the true light of reason, it would be found to be in our favor; and our intention was clearly founded upon it; and especially were we acting in good faith, according to the declaration of the said ambassadors that it was only necessary to examine the tenor of the said treaty and abide by its contents. furthermore, in the same section, upon which they, in the name of the said most serene king of portugal, based their contentions, would be found also the declaration, that if the castilian ships should find any mainland or island in the ocean sea, which the said most serene king of portugal should claim or allege to have been found within the limits of his demarcation, we were bound to surrender it to him immediately; and he could not be ignorant, nor could he claim ignorance of this, since it was all together in one and the same section. therefore it was quite evident, since maluco had been and was found by castilian and not portuguese ships, as they declared, that we, according to the terms of the same treaty, held it lawfully, at least in the time taken in arriving at and concluding the true determination of demarcation; and the most serene king of portugal, when he wished anything, must petition for, and ask it from us, and it being found to be in his demarcation, must accept it from us. all the above they said in my name; asserting that whenever it should appear to be as above stated, we should carry into effect and fulfil immediately everything according to the said treaty. they said that maluco had been found and occupied first, as must be admitted, by our ships--a fact well known everywhere, as we believe you are aware--inasmuch as nothing else was ever heard or known. the present declaration of the ambassadors was a complete innovation, at which, and reasonably, we must express surprise, since the fact was so well known that no one could pretend ignorance of it. and, in proof thereof (to continue the above), our present possession, which had been public and without any opposition by the said most serene king of portugal, was sufficient. and this possession of ours had been continued with his knowledge, suffrance, and good grace, and had been likewise known and suffered by the most serene king don manuel, his father. it was now a cause for surprise, that, in an affair of such moment, after such a long interval, and after two generations had consented to it, the effort of obstruction and hindrance should be made, as if it were a matter that had just arisen. it was declared that whoever heard of it, believed it to be more for the purpose of vexing and annoying us at this time, seeing our necessities and our so just employment against the tyrants of christendom, [176] than for the purpose of obtaining justice. for until the present we would have been able to have been advised of it, and to have informed ourselves, and therefore we, on our part, possessed the good faith in the observance and understanding of the said treaty, alleged by the said ambassadors. further, it could not be denied that maluco had been found and taken possession of first by us, a fact supposed and proved by our peaceful and uninterrupted possession of it until now; and the contrary not being proved legally, our intention in the past and present is inferred and based upon this possession. from the above it follows plainly that, inasmuch as we found and took possession of maluco, and hold and possess it at present, as is quite evident that we do hold and possess it, if the said most serene king of portugal, our brother, claims it, as being of his conquest and demarcation, he must petition us for it, and his representations proving correct, he must accept it from us. herein is the said treaty obeyed to the letter, as the said ambassadors petition, and observed with the good faith alleged by them. and in case anything has been obtained in maluco, or any information has been acquired concerning maluco, or any portuguese has gone thither, or is there now, for the purpose of trade or barter, or for any other cause--none of which are known or believed to be so--it does not follow nor can it be asserted that maluco was found by ships of the king of portugal, as is required by the said treaty, and therefore the foregoing being, in fact, outside the terms of the treaty, we are outside of its jurisdiction and obligation. furthermore it was declared in our behalf, that, although maluco had been discovered by ships of the king of portugal--a thing by no means evident--it could not, on this account, be made to appear evident, or be said that maluco had been found by him. neither was the priority of time, on which he based his claims, proved, nor that it was discovered by his ships; for it was evident, that to find required possession, and that which was not taken or possessed could not be said to be found, although seen or discovered. leaving out of consideration the decision of the law, even the general opinion which was on my side and which comprehends and binds by virtue of common sense those who recognize no superior, and which all of us were and are bound to follow, pointed to the same thing, and it was proved clearly by the said treaty on which we both founded our pretensions, without any necessity arising of dragging _ab extra_ any other right or allegation; because if he who found land, found it in the other's demarcation, he was bound to surrender it to him, according to the terms of the said treaty, it is evident, and follows plainly, that he who found the land must first hold and possess it, because not holding it he could not surrender it to the other, who petitioned him for it, on the grounds that it had been found within his demarcation. if any thing else should be declared, it was in violation of the terms of the said treaty, which must be understood and fulfilled effectually. from the above it followed clearly that the finding of which the said treaty speaks, must be understood and is understood effectually. it is expedient to know, by taking and possessing it, that which is found; and consequently the most serene king of portugal, nor his ships, can, in no manner, be spoken of as having found maluco at any time, since he did not take possession of it at all, nor holds it now, nor has it in his possession in order that he may surrender it according to the stipulations of the said treaty. and by this same reasoning it appeared that maluco was found by us and by our ships, since possession of it was taken and made in our name, holding it and possessing it, as now we hold and possess it, and having power to surrender it, if supplication is made to us. it appearing to fall within the demarcation of the most serene king of portugal, it follows from this, that supplication must be made to us by him, and if it is found to lie within his demarcation, he must receive it from us, and not we from him, in accordance with the said treaty, which being understood to the letter, as the ambassadors petition, thus proves and determines the question. it was especially declared that we, in this reasoning, made no request of the king of portugal. and inasmuch as we were the defendant we neither wished to, nor ought we to have any desire to assume the duties of the plaintiff, because if the king wished anything from us for which he should petition us, we were quite ready to fulfil in entire good faith all the obligations of the said treaty. furthermore it was declared that, supposing--which is not at all true--that the king of portugal had found maluco first, and that he should claim that we should restore it to him, asserting that he had been despoiled of it by our having taken possession of it on our own authority, when we should have petitioned and received it from him; or alleging that we did not disturb or trouble him in the possession of what he does not have, nor ever had in his possession, it was quite clear that the case was not comprehended in the said treaty. neither was it provided for nor determined in the treaty, which was not to be extended, nor did extend to more than was expressly mentioned and set down therein, which it did determine. rather this appeared to be a new case, omitted and unprovided for by the treaty, which must be determined and decided by common sense or common law. accordingly, since this matter was outside of the said treaty, we were not bound by the treaty, nor in any other manner to leave our right unexamined, nor was it either reasonable or proper to restore immediately in order to have to petition later, thus making ourselves, contrary to all ideas of equity and good faith, original criminal, prosecutor, or plaintiff; especially as it would be impossible or very difficult to recover what we should restore. for this very reason even the restitution of what was well known to be stolen was deferred by law, until the case of ownership was decided. furthermore the right of our ownership and possession was evident because of our just occupation. at least it could not be denied that we had based our intention on common law, according to which newly-found islands and mainlands, belonged to and remain his who occupied and took possession of them first, especially if taken possession of under the apostolic authority, to which--or according to the opinion of others, to the emperor--it is only conceded to give this power. since we, the said authorities, possessed these lands more completely than any other, and since the fact of our occupation and possession was quite evident, it followed clearly and conclusively that we ought to be protected in our rule and possession, and that whenever anyone should desire anything from us, he must sue us for it; and in such suit must be the occasion for examining the virtue and strength of the titles, the priority, and the authority of the occupation alleged by each party to the suit. meanwhile, and until it should be stated legally before one or the other, and that there ought to be a better right than ours, which we neither knew nor believed, we would base our intention upon common law. therefore we held and possessed maluco justly, since our title to acquire dominions therein was and is just and sufficient; and from common law arose, both then and now, our good faith and just intention. our good faith and the justice of our side was apparent by these and other reasons, by the said treaty in what falls within its scope, and by common law and common sense in what falls outside it, or by all jointly. there was no reason or just cause in what the ambassadors petitioned, as formerly in this matter of possession, silveira, ambassador of our brother, the most serene king of portugal, the first to come upon this business, had been given thoroughly to understand. now inasmuch as my wish has ever been, past and present, to preserve the relationship existing between the said most serene king and myself, and in order that the affection and alliance we have ever had may continue to increase, as is in accordance with our desire and actions regarding this matter, as well as upon everything most intimately connected with it, i commanded the members of our council to review this question in private, and with care; and i charged them in the strongest possible manner that upon god and their own consciences they should declare to me their opinion when it had been examined and discussed again thoroughly, all these members agreed, _nemine discrepante,_ that, from everything observed up to the present, we held maluco rightly. now because, as you will understand, since all the members of my council say the same thing, i ought to believe them, and it would neither be honest nor reasonable to disregard their opinion, especially in a matter upon which i acting alone could not nor can be well informed, i commanded that, according to the above, their opinion would be the answer to the said ambassadors, giving them to understand thoroughly the causes and reasons abovesaid, and others, which although clear and evident, the ambassadors would not accept. rather they continued to persist that maluco ought to be surrendered to them. they said they had information that maluco had been found by the king of portugal, and by his ships. but that information being unauthorized and in the same the witnesses being subjects of the king of portugal, (you see how much advantage, honor, and increase it is to this nation to succeed in this undertaking), and it being a thing beyond the bounds of reason, and a matter of no credence or damage, we did not permit examination of it; for even though the evidence should prove damaging to the king of portugal, he could not be compelled to abide by it, as it had not been presented in a regular court of law, nor sufficiently empowered by him. it was a departure from the principal matter of negotiation. and then too the said ambassadors, although other information better than their own was offered on my part, would not accept it, nor would they abide by it. although, as you see, i ought not to depart from the said treaty, which was the only petition made me by the said ambassadors, they not wishing to stick to the truth, persisted obstinately in so doing, and then it was sufficient to have satisfied themselves as to its full observance. but paying no heed to this, nor to the harm ensuing to us in persuading them, on account of my great affection to my cousin, the said most serene king of portugal, and those causes already declared, proposals were made to the said ambassadors in my behalf, to wit, that it be considered immediately by the court of demarcation, and for this persons be appointed in accordance with the said treaty and the prorogation of it, and within a convenient period, which would not lengthen greatly the business in hand, nor be so short that it would seem that the matter could not be concluded in the time named, and the said declaration and demarcation should be determined. while this was being done, neither he nor i would despatch ships, nor engage in any new undertaking. this would be without hurt to either one of us, so that, if the demarcation was not determined in the time appointed, each one's right would remain and continue fully in force. this expedient, although, it was very prejudicial to our evident and peaceful possession to discontinue it by any compact, and withal a compact made with the side opposing us, the ambassadors would scarcely listen to, declaring that they were not empowered by the king of portugal to discuss any halfway measures. and afterwards, although with great urging on our part they consented to write the latter concerning this question (and they say they did write him concerning it), they gave out that the reply received was in the way of a refusal. and notwithstanding that it was seen and known that they did not wish to abide by the said treaty, nor to adopt a middle course or any reasonable conclusion, another expedient was proposed by certain members of our council, to whom i committed the matter, namely, that while the court of demarcation was sitting, as aforesaid, each side should have entire liberty to despatch ships, if he so wished. for by this means the king of portugal could take no offense, since this expedient was the same for both. rather, if any harm resulted, it appeared to be against our right, for of our own free will we permitted them to make expeditions, from which would follow the disturbance of our peaceful and continued possession. upon every point, although they were given the choice between the said expedients, they answered as at first maintaining an obstinate silence and asserting that they were not authorized. thus by their own decision and choice they left everything to us. then because there remained nothing more to attempt, and in order to convince them thoroughly, and that the king of portugal, our cousin, might know our intention thoroughly, it was proposed to them that since they were not abiding by the treaty upon which they based their pretensions, nor accepted the expedients proposed to them, that they themselves should propose other expedients, so that if they seemed proper (as were those proposed to them), they might be deliberated upon. to this they answered for the third time that they had no authority to discuss halfway measures, but that maluco should be surrendered to them. seeing that all these compliments and offers of expedients made to them on my part, which were submissions rather than compliments, rather proved a loss than a gain to the negotiations, they were abandoned, and the question remained as at first. inform the most serene king of portugal in regard to these entire proceedings, for it is the truth. and see that he understands fully my wish, which is as above stated to you; and that i have not failed on my part to do all required by the said treaty, nor to consider any proper and reasonable expedient. advise me fully of all that is done in this matter. pamplona, december 18, 1523. i the king. [177] [countersigned by the secretary cobos. signature of the chancellor and of carvajal] treaty between the emperor and the king of portugal concerning the limits and possession of maluco [this treaty was negotiated in the city of vitoria, being signed february 19, 1524. the negotiators acting for spain were the following: mercurinus de gatinara, grand chancellor of his majesty; hernando de vega, commander-in-chief in castile of the order of santiago; garcía de padilla, commander-in-chief of calatrava; and doctor lorenzo galindez de carvajal: "all members of the council of the most exalted and powerful princes, don cárlos, by the divine clemency emperor ever august, and king of the romans, and doña juana, his mother, and the same don cárlos, her son, by the grace of god king and queen of castilla, leon, aragon, the two sicilas, jerusalen, etc." those acting for the portuguese monarch were pero correa de atubia, seignior of the city of velas, and doctor juan de faria, "both members of the council of the most exalted and excellent lord, don juan, by the grace of god, king of portugal, of the algarbes on this side of the sea and in africa, seignior of guinea, and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of ethiopia, arabia, persia, india, etc." the respective monarchs delegated full powers to these representatives to negotiate, in their names, this treaty, in which the ownership of maluco was to be determined. the spanish letter of authorization was signed in vitoria, january 25, 1524. (navarrete omits the portuguese letter of authorization.) the treaty proper follows:] thereupon the said representatives of the said king and queen of castilla, ... etc., and of the said king of portugal, ... etc., said: that, inasmuch as some doubt exists, between the said lords, their constituents as to the possession and ownership of maluco, each one claiming that it falls within the bounds of his demarcation--which must be determined in accordance with the terms of the compact and treaty negotiated between the catholic sovereigns don hernando and queen doña isabel, king and queen of castilla, ... etc., and the most exalted and excellent king, don joan, king of portugal, ... etc., (may they rest in peace),--therefore they, jointly and severally, in the said names, and by virtue of the said powers, incorporated above, for the sake of peace and concord, and for the preservation of the relationship and affection between their constituents, authorize, consent to, and ratify the following: first, there shall be appointed by each one of the parties to this treaty three astrologers, and three pilots and sailors, for the determination of the demarcation, which must be made according to the terms of the said treaty. these men must assemble, and they shall assemble, by the end of the month of march first following, or before that time if possible, at the boundary line of castilla and portugal, between the cities of badajoz and yelbes; in order that by the end of the month of may next following, of this present year, they may determine, in accordance with the terms of the said treaty, the said demarcation--taking a solemn oath as soon as they have assembled, and before attending to anything else, in the form prescribed by law and before two notaries (one for each side) with public declaration and testimony, swearing in the presence of god and the blessed mary, and upon the words of the four holy gospels, upon which they shall place their hands, that, laying aside all love and fear, hate, passion, or any interest, and with regard only to securing justice, they will examine the rights of the two parties involved. likewise three lawyers shall be appointed by each side, who, within the same period, and at the same place, and after having taken the said oath with all the solemn forms and in the manner abovesaid, shall inquire into the possession of maluco, and receiving the proofs, documents, treaties, witnesses, and rights that shall have been presented before them, shall determine the possession, doing everything that seems necessary for making the said declaration, just as they would do in court. of the three above-mentioned lawyers, he who is named first in the commission shall take charge of assembling all the other deputies of his side, in order that greater care may be exercised in the negotiations. further, during the said period and up to the end of the said month of may, next following, neither of the parties to this treaty shall despatch expeditions to maluco, for purposes of trade or barter. but if, before the end of the said period the question of possession or ownership shall be determined, then the side, in whose favor the right of each of the said questions is declared, may despatch expeditions and may barter. and in case the question of ownership and demarcation is determined, then that of possession shall be understood to be decided and absorbed. if only the question of possession is determined by the said lawyers, without their being able to determine that of ownership, as aforesaid, then what still remains to be determined of the said ownership, and likewise of the possession of the said maluco, shall, in accordance with the terms of the said treaty, remain in the same condition as before this present compact. all of the above must and shall be investigated without any prejudice to the rights of ownership and possession of either side, in accordance with the said treaty. but if, before the conclusion of the said period, it shall appear to the lawyers first named in the commissions, as aforesaid, that the settlement can, in all probability, be concluded and determined with some further continuation of the time set, as above said; or if another good way or manner of procedure, by which this matter could be determined better under one head or another, to wit, that of possession or that of ownership, should offer itself to them, the two lawyers, as aforesaid, may, in either of these cases, prolong, for so long a time as seems convenient to them, the brief determination of the matter. during the period of the said continuation, these lawyers, and all the other deputies, each one in his own capacity, may investigate and ascertain, and they shall investigate and ascertain, just as if this extension of time were within the principal period named in their commission. but the said time shall be understood to be continued under the same conditions and obligations as hereinbefore stated. and all the actions taken in this case shall be signed by the two notaries appointed in his name by each of the parties to this treaty, as aforesaid. each notary shall write the actions taken by his side, and the other, after having confirmed and collated them, shall sign them. _iten_ [_item_]: each one of the sides must obtain the ratification and confirmation of these articles from their said constituents, within the twenty days first ensuing. [the strict observance of the above is promised in the fullest of terms by the representatives of the two sovereigns, in the names of their respective constituents. the oath is taken in the usual way, "before god, and the blessed mary, and on the sign of the cross, upon which they placed their right hands, and upon the words of the four holy gospels, wheresoever they are written most completely, and on the consciences of their said constituents, that they, jointly and severally, shall keep, observe, and fulfil all the above, and every part and parcel of it, really and effectually, casting out all deceit, fraud, and pretense; and they shall, at no time, nor in any manner, contradict it; and under the said oath they swore not to seek absolution from our most holy father, or from any other legate or prelate who may give it them, and even if it be given them, of his own accord, they shall make no use of it." within twenty days of the date of the treaty, the respective representatives must exchange confirmations written on parchment and signed with the names and sealed with the hanging leaden seals of their constituents. the signatures affixed to the treaty are: francisco de valenzuela, secretary and knight of the order of santiago; pedro de salazar, captain of their majesties; pedro de ysasago, contino [178] of their majesties; gregorio casgas, alvaro mexia, and sebastian fernandez, servants of the said ambassador pedro correa de arubia; juan de samano; and those of the negotiators.] the junta of badajoz extract from the records of the possession and ownership of the moluccas _record of possession_ april 11. on the bridge over the river caya, situated on the boundary line between castilla and portugal the twenty-three deputies exhibited their authorizations. this first day passed in reading the treaty of vitoria, negotiated february 19, 1524, and the letter of commission of the nine judges for spain; the recall of esteban gomez, who _does not understand why he should take part in negotiations for our service_, and the appointment in his place of fray tomás duran under date of búrgos march 20, 1524; the appointment of the nine portuguese judges; the appointment of one attorney for spain, and two attorneys for portugal; and a secretary for spain, and the same for portugal. ii they took the solemn oath to act in the sight of god and conscientiously. iii the judges ordered the attorneys of either side to state their side of the case, and to proceed with the matter. iv the attorneys disputed as to who should act as plaintiff. each one wished the other to act in this capacity. the spanish attorney asserted that this affair was at the instance of portugal, and that the ambassadors had been sent for this purpose by that country. the portuguese attorney asserted that there was nothing upon the matter in the treaty, as was well known to spain. in this wise passed the day. april 14. on the said bridge. the portuguese attorneys presented a notification, asserting that they made no petition; they said that the king had had possession of maluco for more than ten years; therefore spain ought to ask for and accept the witnesses which, according to the terms of the treaty of vitoria, they were prepared to give as their proofs. the spanish attorney gave answer, insisting that the king of portugal had moved first in this matter, and therefore should be the plaintiff. as to the rest he said that the suit was obscure, vague, and general, insufficient to form a case on possession, and to pass a sure sentence upon it, let them specify wherein they thought the treaty was not observed, and let them attempt the fitting remedy and interdict, and he will answer them. april 20. in the chapter of the cathedral church of san juan at badajoz. the attorney for portugal said that it was not apparent from the records that his king had moved first in this matter, nor even if such a thing should be apparent, could it be called a provocation, because this matter was between those who could not be coerced into judgment, since they recognized no superior. as to the claim that their suit was vague, that was no reason why it was not a suit. they stated clearly that their king had been in possession ten years and more. therefore spain should act as plaintiff. april 21. under the same head. the attorney for spain insisted upon what he said before, adding only that in regard to this matter being started by portugal, they denied what they knew to be so, and such a thing could be proved quickly. as to portugal's saying she had been in possession furnished no reason why spain should be plaintiff. april 22. _ibid._ in a meeting of the judges, the three lawyers of portugal gave expression to the following interlocutory opinion: that each side should make cross-examinations according to law, in order that they might examine the witness produced by the attorneys. thus the latter could offer any writs, proofs, and documents from which they hoped to gain aid in this case, so that, when everything was seen and examined, this case and the doubt as to whom the possession belonged could be determined. the three castilian lawyers declared that the petitions of the portuguese attorneys had no place, and therefore within three days they would state and plead their right. the portuguese judges said that both informal opinions agreed in each side pleading its right, but the castilian judges did not state in theirs whether they should be by court or by petition, and they therefore asked them to make such declaration. the castilian attorney said that the opinion of his side was clear and there was no occasion for the suit. the legal judges for castilla made the same assertion. may 4. in yelves, in the town hall. the attorneys for portugal replied that they would receive hurt from the opinion of the castilian judges, because the latter claimed wrongly that they were the plaintiffs; that the two interlocutory decisions of either part were not the same. and they asserted that to be in accord with justice, and the treaty, which was in harmony with the opinion of their judges, they ought to form a court of cross-examination and furnish as proofs to the attorney for castilla those things placed before them. and if they would not do this, then it was evident that the delay in the case was due to the castilian judges and attorney. may 6. _ibid._ the attorney for castilla denied that the parties to the suit could compel the arbitrators to submit to their opinions. he defended the opinion of his judges; demonstrated that the contrary was unjust and null and void, because they demand witnesses and proofs to be received without a suit, debate, or conclusion preceding, a thing quite contrary to all order in law. he impugned the secret motive that could provoke the portuguese judges to their interlocutory opinion, the apparent meaning of which was to make a summary investigation concerning the possession in order thereby to clear the way for the decision of ownership, thus making defendant and plaintiff change places. this had no place in the proceedings because they could not prepare the decision in which they did not make investigations. further it would be a perversion of the order given by the two sides, both for petitioner and possessor, and clearly what they would do would be null and void. for this and other reasons the opinion of the portuguese judges had no value. they ought to conform to ours, and not doing so, it is evident that they are guilty of the time already lost and which will be lost. may 7. _ibid._ the portuguese attorney shattered at length the reasons of ribera with texts from bartulo [179] and baldo, and concluded by saying that the opinion of the castilian judges was null and void and wrong, and ought to be rectified. without doubt this was the instruction received from the court. may 13. at badajoz, in the council house of the said town. the attorneys for portugal petitioned that the reply of the attorney for castilla should not be read, because it should have been presented in the junta before the twelfth. there was a dispute on this point, but it was read. it contradicted the other side, and insisted on the same thing as before. at the end it threw the blame for the delay on the portuguese deputies, inasmuch as they would not come to an agreement with the intention of their majesties that the cases be determined in the time allotted. the same day, _ibid._ in the afternoon meeting ribera said that the onslaught of the portuguese deputies on the preceding afternoon had been expected, and it was understood that today was the first meeting at which he ought to speak. therefore he asked that the petition which precedes be admitted and be placed on record. this was ordered. may 18. _ibid._ in the afternoon the vote of the portuguese judges taken the morning of the same day was made public, namely, that they clung to their opinion, and threw the blame for the delay on the opposite side. may 19. the vote of the castilian judges was made public. it was to the same effect. they added that the judges of portugal should consider whether they could find any expedient or legal form, whereby the remaining time should not be lost, without prejudice to their declaration. the portuguese judges asserted the answer given at yelves, whereupon ribera presented a petition, setting forth the intention of their majesties, and throwing the blame on the other side for not having even commenced the case by wishing for proof without suit or foundation. may 23. in yelves, in the town hall. the attorneys for portugal said that, with regard to the fault of the others who would not make use of the remedies provided by law in such cases, they found no other expedient except the one they had set forth in their interlocutory opinion. may 24. _ibid._ the judges for portugal declared they had a letter from their king, in which he told them that the emperor was writing to his deputies to agree to resolve themselves into courts for cross-examination and to continue the time. in the afternoon the judges for spain answered that they were ready for any good expedient and method whereby this negotiation could be brought to a speedy close, in accordance with their majesties' wish. those of portugal replied that they did not answer whether they had such a letter from the emperor, and if there was any delay, they were to blame. may 25. _ibid_. in the morning the judges for castilla said that inasmuch as the matter upon which they had been notified was a weighty one, they would defer their answer until the next meeting on the twenty-seventh. then the attorney ribera presented a paper wherein he stated that the attorneys for portugal ought to be compelled justly to act as plaintiffs, as in fact they had proved themselves to be in their petitions, conforming themselves therein with their sovereign who had provoked and commenced this negotiation. therefore they were acting contrary to their words and deeds. the judges for portugal ought to act in accordance with the interlocutory opinion of castilia, so that the case might be valid. we did not have to solicit proofs and witnesses, since our rights were so well-known. but how could we solicit such things without a preceding sentence in accord with the suit depending upon the petitions, etc? outside of this, since sentence must be passed jointly on possession and ownership, and the judges appointed for this purpose by the king of portugal having placed a thousand impertinent obstacles in the way, it was evident that the deputies on the other side were avoiding the judgment and suit, and were eluding and losing the time of the compromise. then he petitioned that they act in accord with his petition. may 27. _ibid_. the emperor's deputies, in answer to the notification of the twenty-fourth, said that although it was proper that their interlocutory opinion be acted upon, nevertheless, because their majesties wished the affair settled within the time agreed upon, they would agree that the attorneys of each side should plead their rights within three days. in the afternoon meeting the deputies of portugal responded saying that the answer was unsatisfactory. it was unnecessary to have the attorneys of each part plead, since such a thing had been ordered without avail on the eleventh of april. therefore they insisted upon the interlocutory assembly. may 28. _ibid_. the attorneys for portugal presented a writ to the effect that the time limit expired on the last of may, and the matter was in such shape that it would be finished briefly; for in regard to the ownership, their attorneys were unanimous on the three points, except in matters of slight moment, in which they could soon agree. in the matter of possession, the witnesses of both sides were present, and such an expedient could be adopted that this case could be determined immediately. "therefore we petition," said they, "for a continuation of the time limit. in this will be done what ought to be done, and what the emperor seems to wish, since he has told the ambassadors of our king that your graces could extend the time, and were empowered to do it by the said treaty." the licentiate acuña answered immediately that prorogation was an act of jurisdiction, and should be determined on the boundary line, where, according to the order, they must meet during the last three days; and that he was ready to discuss the matter on monday, may 30 with the licentiate acevedo, the member first named on their commission. acevedo consented, and they agreed to meet on the said day at seven in the morning. may 30. when the deputies met on the boundary line acevedo gave his vote, namely, that bearing in mind the treaty and that the matter could be settled briefly, the two cases be continued through june. acuña's vote was to the effect that it stipulated in the treaty that, if the case was in such shape it could be settled in a short time. in the matter of possession there was no case nor any sign that there would be one during the month. in that of ownership they differed from the very first point--some insisting that they should count from the island of la sal, and others from that of san antonio. he thought the time spent here by the deputies would be lost, and his presence was necessary in the employment and discharge of his duty. he did not see any other expedient but to refer the matter to their principals. therefore, it was his opinion that the matter should not be continued. immediately the attorneys for portugal declared that their king had written to the emperor, both upon the question of proceeding by means of courts of cross-examination and upon that of continuing the case, and as he expected a favorable reply within eight or ten days, they should at least prorogue it until that time. to this effect notification should be made by licentiates acuña and acevedo. acuña answered that he had given his final answer in his reply. on the thirty-first there would be no meeting in regard to the possession. [180] _record of ownership_ [181] april 11. on the bridge of caya river assembled the licentiates cristóbal vasquez de acuña, a member of the council, pedro manuel, a member of the audiencia and chancery of valladolid; fernando de barrientos, a member of the council of ordenes; don hernando colon, simon de alcazoba, doctor sancho de salaya, master of theology; fray tomás duran, pero ruiz de villegas, captain juan sebastian del cano; likewise the licentiate antonio de acevedo coutiño, doctor francisco cardoso, doctor gaspar vasquez, all of the desembargo of the king of portugal; diego lopez de sequera, of the king's council and his chief magistrate, pedro alonso de aguiar, nobleman of the said king's household; francisco de mela, master of holy theology; licentiate tomás de torres, physician to the said king; simon fernandez, bernaldo perez, knight of the order of christ--arbitrators appointed by spain and portugal. in the presence of the secretaries bartolomé ruiz de castañeda and gomez yañes de freitas, the treaty appointments, etc., were read. and the witnesses, doctor bernaldino de ribera, attorney of the chancery of granada, and attorney-general for spain; and the licentiate juan rodriguez de pisa, advocate to their majesties; and the licentiate alfonso fernandez and doctor diego barradas, attorneys-general for portugal [182] took the solemn oath. upon this day, the portuguese attorneys declared that alcazaba could not take the oath or act as judge, inasmuch as he had fled from portugal with intent to be disloyal to his king, who had, for good and sufficient causes, refused him certain rewards, and had ordered him tried for certain offenses committed in india. this was the reason for his flight, and therefore he was a suspicious person and ought not act as judge. the attorneys asserted strenuously that they would not assent to anything alcazaba did, and that their king had written the emperor to appoint another in his place. nevertheless the judges ordered that he be sworn and he took the oath with the others. immediately doctor ribera, attorney for spain, said that the reasons were trifling, and seemed to have been invented to delay the case. a copy was given to the attorneys for portugal and the day of april 12. _ibid_. the latter said that they held their suspicions justly, and therefore the king had written to the emperor, etc. april 20. in the chapter of san juan, the cathedral church of badajoz. a despatch from the king of portugal was read, removing bernardo perez from participation in the case, "because of certain reasons that move us" [could he have been refused by the emperor in reply to the refusal of alcazaba? could the said perez be a spaniard?] and appointing in his place master margallo. another provision of their majesties was read, removing simon de alcazaba, "because he must occupy himself with matters connected with our service," and appointing in his stead master alcarez; dated búrgos, april 10, 1524.--secretary cobos. margallo and alcarez took the oath and the matter of the demarcation was begun, by the reading of the treaty of tordesillas of june 5, 1494, [183] with the confirmation given to the same at arevalo, july 2, of the same year; and the agreement of may 7, 1495, as to the prorogation of the ten months allowed to the caravels to determine the said demarcation. april 23. _ibid_. they began to treat formally of the matter, and in accordance with what had been discussed before, the attorneys propounded three questions. 1st. in what manner the demarcation should be determined. 2d. how the islands of cabo verde were to be situated and located in their proper place. 3d. from which of the said islands they should measure the three hundred and seventy leagues. the judges for spain voted that these questions should be examined in this order. may 4. in yelves, in the town hall. the attorneys for portugal deferred their voting until this day, and voted that the order of examination should be in the inverse order. immediately the deputies for spain declared that in order to avoid discussions they made the declaration of the following writ. in substance this was reduced to saying that they ought to determine first the manner of locating the islands and to choose the meridian for the three hundred and seventy leagues. but this matter being easy and one of pure reason, it ought not obstruct the investigation of the other two, and therefore they would summon the attorneys within three days, to give their decision as to the first question. and they would treat immediately of the other two, since the time limit was short, and already they had lost time enough both because of the refusal to accept alcazaba and the illness of certain portuguese deputies. the portuguese deputies voiced the following expression in the afternoon: that the reason for not meeting sooner was because certain of the castilian deputies were not empowered. moreover they insisted that the first point to be discussed was the one declared by them, but they agreed to the declaration of the attorneys concerning it within three days. may 6. _ibid_. in the morning the attorneys discussed the matter. they sent for the sea-charts and globes of each side which each desired. several examinations were made. the same discussion was continued in the afternoon, and voting was deferred until may 7. _ibid_. in the morning the portuguese representatives said that sea-charts were not so good as the blank globe with meridians as it represents better the shape of the world. then they discussed the best means of putting the lands, islands, and coasts upon it, as they were quite prepared to do this. the judges for spain said that they preferred a spherical body, but that the maps and other proper instruments should not be debarred, in order that they might locate the lands better upon the said body. may 12. in badajoz, in the chapter of the said church. the judges for spain said that on may 4 they had ordered the attorneys to discuss the question of the island from which the three hundred and seventy leagues should be measured; that their intention was to hear them _viva voce_; that time was short, and they summoned them for the following day. may 13. at badajoz, in the town hall. having given notification, the togated attorney of their majesties and the licentiate juan rodriguez de pisa, of the council and advocate in this case, discussed the law. the attorneys for portugal talked also. then the judges for spain voted as follows: as to the island from which we should begin to reckon the three hundred and seventy leagues, it is our opinion that it should be the most westerly, san antonio. they proved this conclusively both by the natural meaning of words, and by the intention and purpose of the portuguese king to have it as far west as possible. it was also evident from other documents [he alludes to the bull] that portugal had one hundred leagues on the other side of the islands, and two hundred and seventy more were conceded to her. then the three hundred and seventy leagues must begin from the most westerly, that of san antonio. [this is doubtless the paper of hernando colon, for it says _spherical_ and contains other sentences peculiar to it.] it was signed at the bottom by the astrologers and pilots alternately in the following order: d. hernando colon, fray tomás duran, _magister_, doctor salaya, pero ruiz de villegas, master alcaraz, juan sebastian del cano. in the afternoon the judges for portugal rendered the following vote: that the measurement of the said three hundred and seventy leagues should be made from the islands of la sal or buena vista, which were on the same meridian. they adduced several trifling reasons which are not worth recording. they signed it at the bottom: francisco de melo, diego lopez de sequera, pedro alfonso de aguiar, master margallo, licentiate torres, simon fernandez. may 14. _ibid_. having discussed the matter in regard to the judges for portugal telling those for castilla that they should give the form of their agreement, the latter presented the following writ: "the principal grounds upon which the judges for portugal take their stand is, because in the treaty of 494 [_sic_] it is stated that the caravels shall sail from canaria to the cabo verde islands, of which the first and principal ones are la sal and buena vista, as if that more than disposed of the voyage, and it was only necessary to finish the measurement." then they confirmed the reasons given in their former paper and showed conclusively that the judges for portugal ought to act in accord with them, or the blame for the delay would be theirs, etc. may 18. _ibid_. the judges for portugal say that they cannot act in accordance with them, because the treaty states that the measurement shall begin at the cabo verde islands, and this must not be understood indefinite, in such manner that it signifies all of them, but that it must be from a meridian where several islands are found. this is the case at the islands of la sal and buena vista. they repeated this with the terms _á quo_ and _ad quem_, and other subtle phrases, and concluded their long writ by saying that those of castilla should act with them. the judges for castilla presented the following writ immediately: notwithstanding the contention in regard to the place from which they should calculate the three hundred and seventy leagues--to which they thought those from portugal should conform themselves through fear of god--that they thought it best to pass beyond this question, and to locate the seas and lands on the blank globe. much advantage would be derived from this. by so doing they would not be standing still and doing nothing. the location of the said lands and seas had no connection with the discussion, but perhaps it would prove to whom the malucos belong no matter how the line be drawn. therefore this ought to be done without awaiting the replies or debates which they have insinuated in their discussions, since they had not come here for debates nor to expect other agreement than the determining of justice. then the judges for castilla notified those of portugal that they were acting up to what they said, and would continue to do so. and they would cast the blame upon them as acting contrary to right and law, and it could be seen that they were persisting in their attempt at delay, etc. in the afternoon the judges for portugal made answer asserting that their vote was in accordance with law, and they hoped those from castilla would act in harmony with it. moreover they agreed to pass on to the other matters of this negotiation. may 23. in yelves, in the town hall. the judges for castilla said that, in accordance with the agreement, they had brought in the map showing the navigation from castilla to the malucos. in this was set down especially the cape of san agustin in brazil, in eight degrees of south latitude, and in twenty degrees of longitude west of the island of san antonio; likewise was shown all the coast to the strait of the malucos [magallanes] whose entrance lies in fifty-two and one-half degrees of south latitude and four and one-half degrees of longitude farther west. the map contained also all the maluco islands, gilolo, burnel, tincor, and many others which were named by captain juan sebastian [del cano], navigators who sailed in the "victoria" and who were present at the assembly, and others who together with the foregoing discovered them, calling them the archipelago of the malucos; and being situated in two degrees on each side of the equinoctial, and lying a distance of one hundred and seventy degrees from the meridian of the cape of san agustin and one hundred and fifty from the divisional line. they handed this map to the judges for portugal so that they might examine it, and petitioned them to show their navigation [eastward]. in the afternoon those acting for portugal said that the foregoing map was of use only in determining the third point, for the cabo verde islands were not on it, with the exception of a portion of the island of san antonio. "many other lands were lacking and, above all the line of demarcation was drawn contrary to our opinion, nor is it sufficient to say that it was the navigation of captain juan sebastian del cano. likewise we showed a similar map on which the malucos were one hundred and thirty-four degrees distant [eastward] from la sal and buena vista, quite different from theirs." but inasmuch as neither touched upon the case, they notified the castilian deputies to present maps containing all the necessary lands, and "we would do the same." immediately the castilian deputies petitioned that both maps be signed by the secretaries, and they showed theirs with all the cabo verde islands added to it, and some lands which the judges for portugal passed by, so that on their part this did not remain to be done. the portuguese map contained cape verde with the rio grande to the arbitro, but no more; and toward the north cape bojador, which lies thirteen and one-half degrees from cape verde; _item_, an islet called la ascencion, and then nothing to cape buena esperanza, which was a northwest direction with a north and south distance of fifty-two and one-half degrees, and a run of sixty degrees; _item_, a nameless bay; _item_, cape guardafui whither it was navigated from buena esperanza to the northeast, with a north and south distance of fifty and one-half degrees, and a run of fifty-six degrees; _item_, cape comerin whither it was navigated from guardafui in an east and west direction, one-half degree northwest, five degrees east, and a run of twenty degrees; _item_, to zamatra and up to the point called ganispola, a run of fifteen and one-half degrees, from which point to the malucos it was twenty-seven degrees. thereupon the judges for portugal, with the exception of francisco de melo, who had departed, said they would answer the other points made by the deputies from castilla in the morning. may 24. _ibid._ the judges for castilla presented the following writ: "to say that the maps were only for the purpose of locating the cabo verde islands is strange, inasmuch as we are discussing the bringing by each side of our respective navigations, in order to determine the distance of the malucos, as witness the members of the council, who were and are present. it is also strange that among such persons they should withdraw the plans and maps of their navigation, and not allow us to examine them. in our navigation the only thing necessary is to see the distance in dispute, and we will locate on it anything else they wish. the line is drawn according to our opinion. let them do the same on theirs meanwhile, in order that it may not prove an obstacle to the third point. as to what they say about their map being like ours, it is not so, for they have located only capes and points. we show the entire navigation up to the malucos just as they saw it therein. as to the principal matter that there are one hundred and thirty-four degrees eastward from la sal to maluco, that is a matter we shall look into, and discuss, and say what we shall deduce as the truth. as to whether we have located the cabo verde islands properly, why was there no doubt about that when they agreed to it yesterday afternoon, comparing them in the book of domingo lopez de sequerra, wherein the whole world is shown in meridian circles? pero alfonso de aguiar assured the licentiate acevedo, who showed doubt upon the matter, many times of this. but for greater abundance of proof we are going to bring back the maps so that they will be sure of it." [this writ seems to be an answer to the following one, but they are in the order written.] then the following writ of the judges for portugal was read. in substance it said that the maps presented by castilla located the cabo verde islands farther west than they should be; that it was unnecessary to present maps showing their navigations, since the only thing they ought to discuss was the location of the cabo verde islands. then the judges for castilla offered for a second time their map with the cabo verde islands, from which the measurements were taken. in the afternoon the portuguese deputies said in substance that the navigations should not be examined, but only the locations of the cabo verde islands with their respective distances. this ought to be done in order to determine the meridian at the three hundred and seventy leagues. the castilian deputies declared immediately that they were ready to do this, without prejudice of going on to the decision of the negotiations. those from portugal measured the maps, finding several differences between the one of castilla and their two--a large one and a small one. those from castilla petitioned that the differences be pointed out and that the portuguese deputies should state what they considered the truth; and that they were quite ready to acquiesce. may 25. _ibid_. those of portugal declared that they found differences in this place of one degree, in that of five, which they should try to reconcile. neither had those of castilla shown the locations of the canaries and cape san vicente, and it was necessary to have these lands indicated. the castilian deputies offered a map with the lands in question, saying that, if this was the opinion of the portuguese deputies they would conform to it, only they would take back the map presented first, being ready to conform with this opinion in order to get rid of the disputes which were blocking the decision. the portuguese deputies said it was quite late, and they would give their answer on the next day. may 27. _ibid_. the judges for portugal asserted in regard to the location of the cabo verde islands: "we locate the island of santiago in five and one-fourth degrees of longitude from cape verde; the islands of la sal and buena vista in four; sant anton in eight; and san nicolas in five and one-half." the judges for castilla gave immediately as their opinion that the island of santiago was in five and two-thirds of longitude distant from the meridian of cape verde; those of la sal and buena vista four and two-thirds; that of sant anton nine, being in eighteen degrees of latitude. [the original signatures of colon, duran, salaya, villegas, alcaraz, and cano follow.] may 28. by common consent both sides presented globes showing the whole world, where each nation had placed the distances to suit themselves. the measurements were taken and the secretaries ordered to set them down. the measurements followed in the afternoon. numberless differences were found, such that the globe of the portuguese deputies showed one hundred and thirty-seven degrees of longitude from the meridian of the islands of la sal and buenavista to the meridian passing through the malucos; while that of the castilians showed one hundred and eighty-three. both were measured eastward with a difference of forty-six degrees. at adjournment of this meeting they agreed to meet upon the thirtieth upon the bridge of caya to discuss and examine everything needful for the negotiations. may 30. monday, on the said bridge. the judges for portugal presented the following notification, read by francisco de melo: that because of the differences in the globes they believed it necessary to investigate and make certain of the longitudes in question. for this they proposed four methods, namely: the first, on land by taking distances from the moon to some fixed star, as might be agreed upon; the second, to take the distances of the sun and moon in their risings and settings, and this upon land having its horizon above the water; the third by taking a degree of the sky without any limit for sea and land; and the fourth, by lunar eclipses. "let us examine the method that we must use," they say, "and let us consider how to end the negotiation. if the time remaining seems short, it should be prorogued as long as may be necessary and for such prorogation we notify," etc., and they did notify acuña and acevedo to prorogue it for all of june. acevedo gave his vote [the same as in the records of possession]. acuña said that he heard it, and don fernando colon read immediately the following writ, which in brief showed the subterfuges of the judges for portugal, the differences between the said judges and the globes which they presented concerning the distance from the meridian of la sal eastward to maluco, for they say it is one hundred and thirty-seven degrees but in one globe there were one hundred and thirty-four degrees and in another one hundred and thirty-three, a difference which proved falsehood; that both word and drawing showed their [the castilians'] truth, and reasons and experience proves the said distance to one hundred and eighty-three degrees, and by way of the west one hundred and seventy-seven. the principal matter could have been determined in the time set; and this proposition of methods, which would require a long time, proved that they wished to delay matters. neither was one month sufficient for the examination by these methods foreign to the spirit of the treaty, and they were opposed to this thing. they notified the portuguese deputies to vote definitely on the demarcation and ownership at four o'clock in the afternoon on the following and last day of the time set. if they did not do so they would be to blame ... we protest that we shall vote, etc. the licentiate acuña immediately handed in a negative vote on the question of continuation, as is seen in the records of possession. the notification of acevedo and the confirmation of acuña are also the same as in the said records. may 31. _ibid_. in reply to the deputies of castilla; those of portugal presented a writ to the following effect: that the case was far from being in a state to pass a definitive sentence upon it. only three preliminary points had been touched upon, and discussion of the principal things passed by. therefore they were to agree upon the distances by virtue of certain observations; to place, by common consent, the lands and seas on a blank globe; and to draw the line of demarcation. the difference in our globes proved nothing. also they [the castilians] had altered their only globe and map, based on the voyages of juan sebastian del cano. therefore believing that all the globes and maps were in error, we have proposed certain astrological methods. meanwhile we cannot vote, etc. don fernando colon read immediately the following vote and opinion of the castilian deputies: _opinion of the spanish astronomers and pilots_ [184] the first thing required and presupposed in this matter of defining and determining the present case of the ownership of the malucos is to ascertain where the divisional line passes; and secondly the location of the above-mentioned malucos. as to the first--the location of the said line--we their majesties' deputies declare: we have voted already for many reasons and causes that this line must pass west of the island of sant antonio, the measurement commencing from this place, as we have demonstrated by our words and drawings during the procedure of this case; and we declare the same now by our vote and decision. as to the second, we assert that the malucos fall many degrees within their majesties' demarcation. in verification of this assertion it is to be noted, that, since the sphere has a circumference of three hundred and sixty degrees, this number should, of necessity, correspond to the distance, demonstrated by the deputies of the king of portugal, to be comprised between the meridian of the island of la sal and the malucos, plus our assertion of the distance westward to the same malucos. and as this number of degrees not only is not attained in the said navigation, but the latter rather falls short of it by about fifty degrees, no other reason can be assigned for the shortage, except that it arises from the distance eastward being greater than they have shown it to be; and the error consists in their having shortened the said journey, which is suspected and proved conclusively according to the following. first, because it is sufficiently clear evidence to note that, in the prosecution of this case, they attempted to make use of ends which were manifestly unjustifiable, and wished to delay and not arrive at a conclusion. this was quite apparent when they immediately _refused to admit simon de alcazaba,_ because he had voyaged in those seas and lands with the portuguese, and knew the truth concerning their distances, and the places where they shortened the distances; and because some days must pass before their majesties' commission to elect another judge, could arrive from búrgos. _item_: because on saturday, april 23, we [the castilian deputies] voted upon the order of investigating the three points necessary in the prosecution of this case, namely, in what manner we should determine the demarcation,--whether on a plane or spherical surface,--what location we should assign to the cabo verde islands, and from which one of them we should commence to measure the three hundred and seventy leagues; they in a matter so apparent, and of so little inconvenience or room for speculation, would not vote until wednesday, may 4, a space of eleven days, and in order to cause confusion they voted that the first thing to determine was from what island the three hundred and seventy leagues to the line were to be measured, it being beyond the bounds of reason to discuss such a thing before investigating or ascertaining the relative locations of these islands with regard to each other, examining them in some manner, in order afterwards to enable us to determine from which one such measurement should be made. this we showed most conclusively by the reasons brought forward in this case. but wishing the verification of the truth, we consented to proceed in the matter as they elected. _item_: when it came to a vote as to the island from which the three hundred and seventy leagues was to be measured, they voted for the islands of la sal and buena vista. this was quite contrary to justice, inasmuch as the measurement should begin at the island of sant antonio, the most westerly of the cabo verde islands, as is apparent from reasons adduced by us. it is apparent also from these reasons that, at our last meeting in yelves, they brought in a globe upon which the line of demarcation had been drawn by them twenty-one and one-half degrees west of the said island of sant antonio. this they tried to disavow so that the notaries could give no testimony regarding it, telling them they could give no other testimony than that they saw a reddish band just like many others on the globe. nevertheless in downright truth, in a globe marked with the points of the compass as it was, on which the principal winds were shown in black, the mid winds in green, and the quadrants in lines of a reddish hue, there could not be a quadrant or colored band passing from pole to pole--especially since there was but one, all the others being black--which they were substituting for the north and south wind, blowing from one pole to the other, and which is placed on such globes instead of the wind or meridian line. therefore it is apparent from the above that they had drawn this line long before they voted for the line of demarcation, by the sphere which they showed to have been made long before; and which if it had other reddish lines girdling the sphere, these latter did not pass through the poles as this line did, but started from the center of the compasses placed on the equinoctial, and were in proportion to other circular lines. but this line was in proportion to no other line, saving one corresponding to the number of the three hundred and seventy leagues reckoned from the island of sant antonio, just as we voted it must be located. therefore it is proved by this line and globe that the said line was in harmony with our vote in regard to the distance it must have from the said island of sant antonio and in regard to its passing from one pole to the other, according to the stipulation of the first treaty negotiated between the catholic sovereigns and king don juan (may they rest in peace), and not in harmony with it, in regard to the other things maintained on this point in the said globe. therefore it results that they voted contrary to justice, with intent to show that they had navigated a shorter distance, and to delay and cause disagreement in these negotiations because of this point. all the above is apparent and is proved by the records of this assembly, and it is inferred therefrom that they did not consider or regard as true the few degrees they had given out. _item_: having agreed that we should bring good maps on which we would show our voyages westward, and they theirs eastward, they produced a map, upon which were shown only a few points and principal capes, and those lately inserted thereon; so that their voyages could not be ascertained. neither was it possible to verify in such a map what they compressed in it. as the said distance of degrees given by them was not true, as would be quite apparent if they brought a good map, and one made some time before, in which their said navigation should be contained, and as they had no just excuse to palliate such contention, they said that they brought the said maps only to locate the cabo verde islands, which by the very same map was proved to be contrary to the truth and was not a sufficient excuse, since the said islands were not located on this map, as is evident from the judicial records. therefore because of all the above reasons, and because it might not be possible to verify later what had passed, they would not permit the judges and notaries of the case to examine the said map. more than this, having decided afterwards upon the location of the said islands, we were in agreement with a map on which they had located them. as the decision was not unanimous they locked up the said map and would not produce it again, although they were requested to do so by us. and therefore, they voted afterwards upon the location of the said islands contrary to their own determination of them in the said map, and contrary to what we voted in the said case. they did this contrary to all reason and right, as was proved afterwards by a globe that they showed, on which both the island of sant antonio and that of la sal were exactly where we located them, as is evident from the judicial records of this case. consequently they acted contrary to what they had declared and voted. in the same way it was proved by the said globe [the first one] that the voyage eastward from the said island of la sal to the malucos, was greater than they had declared at first; and the said globe did not conform with the map they had shown first, nor even with another globe they produced. it is adduced from all the above by, evidence and clear demonstration, that the said distance of degrees asserted by them is untrue. therefore they sought and tried to delay these negotiations, alleging that maps and globes were insufficient instruments from which to ascertain the truth, and that the demarcation could not be determined by them. they begged insistently that other methods of eclipses and fixed stars be sought, not taking into account, as we have said, that these are causes for great delay; for the consideration of such eclipses, and the movement of the moon, and its visual conjunction with any fixed star, and all other like mathematical considerations can at present be of no advantage to us, _because of our being limited to such a brief period as two months_, in examining and determining this matter. from this [the short time] it is seen that it was not the intention of those sending us that such expedients should be sought or pursued. it can be well said from the above that he who has a poor proof, shows in detail the witnesses to that fact, and therefore, we shall demonstrate in the following more fully and specifically that the said distance is not what they assert, and that all reason, every document, and all experience contradict it. first it is proved that they have on their part, lessened the number of degrees, for the voyage from guinea _to_ calicut is shown to be greater than they assert or show, because from the time those lands were discovered until now, the said portuguese have been shortening and lessening the said distance. [this assertion is proved by the various discoveries eastward made by the portuguese navigators from the time of the infante don enrique, (prince henry the navigator) namely, cadamosto, the venetian; antonieto, the genoese; pedro zinzio; diego cano; bartolomé diaz; and vasco da gama. [185] the distances navigated by these men are given as they themselves recorded them.] therefore with apparent reason the _itinerario portugallensium_, translated from portuguese into latin by archangelo madrignano, and which was printed in 1508, [186] in chapter sixty, reckons a distance of three thousand eight hundred leagues, or fifteen thousand miles from lisbona to calicut, and declares in the last chapter that it is a three months' voyage from calicut to zamotra. _item._ the said distance is proved to be much greater, as we assert, because of certain persons who traveled through and navigated the lands and seas eastward from the sea rojo [red sea] and recorded their voyages at a time when there was no suspicion of a discussion like the present. [gerónimo de santisteban, a genoese, is given as an example. he sailed from aden to calicut in thirty days, and in eighty-three days from calicut to zaumotra (sumatra), a distance of about fourteen hundred leagues. "with this number agree marco paulo (marco polo) and juan de mandevilla (john mandeville) in the self-same voyages and travels made by them, as is stated very diffusely in their books." the three-year voyage of king solomon's ships, as recorded in "the third book of the kings" [187] to "ofir and zetin whence they brought the gold to build the temple," and which places "all writers upon the sacred scriptures assert" to be "toward the most eastern part of india," agree with the same figures.] from all the above, therefore it is inferred that the navigation from the said mar rubro [red sea] to the eastern part of india is a much greater distance than the portuguese say. _item:_ it is well-known that the portuguese themselves confessed that the said maluco islands were so far to the eastward that they fell within their majesties' territories. and this was so apparent that one of the deputies acting now in this cause for the said king, by name master margallo, in a philosophical book written by him, and but lately out of press, in showing the division between castilla and portugal, proves that the said malucos fall and are within their majesties' limits. and too, when they were discovered by the castilian fleet, the king of portugal desiring to have information regarding their location and boundary, considered himself perfectly assured when all those whom he ordered to assemble for this purpose concluded that they lay within the castilian boundaries. and therefore the more than great caution exercised up to that time in not permitting sea charts to be taken from his realms was thereafter observed much more strictly, and many maps were burned, destroyed, and seized, and an order was sent forth that the routes in all maps should be shortened. and those maps they do give out for purposes of navigation, to those who must sail toward india, they give on account, so that they must be returned to the treasury in order that there might be no information in other places as to the longitude of this route. and all the abovesaid is confirmed more clearly, because, notwithstanding the great caution exercised in portugal in not allowing maps to be taken outside of the kingdom, certain portuguese and castilians have taken and possessed some maps. we, the said deputies of their majesties, wishing to become better informed concerning these maps, in order to pronounce better and more truly upon this case, for the greater assurance of our consciences, and for the purpose of securing the most indubitable knowledge in regard to this matter, summoned before us certain pilots and men, skilled both in navigation and in making maps, globes, and mappamundos. these men have always tried to inform themselves with great care, concerning the distances and routes of the said voyage, both of those who made the voyage, and of those who delineated and located the lands comprehended in the voyage. they stated under oath and before two notaries and the secretary of this case, that they knew that the said navigation and the location of these lands comprised more degrees than was declared and demonstrated by the said deputies of the king of portugal, by their globes and maps. so much greater was the distance that it was evident they were now trying to shorten the said voyage again by more than twenty-five degrees of longitude of the distance until now declared by them. therefore, as is apparent from the said information of modern navigators and cosmographers, both portuguese and those of other nations, and from the relation of the said pilots and sailors, it has been proved completely that the said distances and routes, declared by the said deputies of portugal, are neither just nor true, and that the deputies have reported them much shorter than, in sober truth, they are. from this it can be presumed, that inasmuch as they shorten the said route each day, the said mistake of fifty degrees proceeds doubtless from their eastern part and not from our western part. _item:_ it is to be observed that, notwithstanding the said distances, expressed, as is shown by the said pilots who determined them, as they should, on a spherical body, the said malucos fall many degrees within the limits of our lord, the emperor, and that they lie a much greater number of degrees east of the island of la sal, than they had declared, inasmuch as, according to geometrical reasoning, the lands situated along the said eastern voyage, placed on a plane surface, and the number of leagues being reckoned by equinoctial degrees, are not in their proper location as regards the number and quantity of their degrees, for it is well known in cosmography that a lesser number of leagues along parallels other than the equinoctial, occupy a greater quantity of degrees. now then as almost all the lands from the cabo verde islands to the malucos, are, for the most part quite distinct from the equinoctial, it will take a much greater number of degrees when they are transferred and drawn on the spherical body. calculating by geometrical proportion, with the arc and chord, whereby we pass from a plane to a spherical surface, so that each parallel is just so much less as its distance from the equinoctial is increased, the number of degrees in the said maps is much greater than the said pilots confess, and consequently these lands fall by a greater number of degrees inside their majesties' limits. in order to verify the above we must examine the itineraries and navigation routes, and the angles and intersections made by the routes with the meridians and parallels encountered, which are styled angles _positionis_ among cosmographers. this is the most certain method of determining lands on a spherical body, when calculating them from the plane surface, as the following will show. [the distances of these itineraries are shown in evidence of the preceding. maps of india made in portugal "at the time when there was no suspicion that so great a number of leagues was to be subtracted as is proved now to have been the case," are cited and distances taken therefrom in proof of the assertions made by the castilian deputies. as a result of these distances it is shown that the distance between the moluccas and the island of sant antonio would be one hundred and eighty-four degrees to the eastward, to which number "must be added the degrees contained in the said three hundred and seventy leagues from the island of sant antonio to the line of demarcation." the following deductions are made:] it is quite evident from the above that the distance of the navigation eastward assigned by the portuguese in the proceedings is short by more than fifty degrees, being proved by the said old portuguese relations and maps, which are not to be doubted. and it is evident that our calculation is true, both eastward and westward, and that from the said divisional line commencing from the island of sant antonio, the distance westward to the malucos is not more than the said one hundred and fifty degrees. [at this point the aid of the old authors, ptolemæus and plinius, is invoked to prove more conclusively that the distance was shortened by the portuguese. the summary of the document is as follows:] therefore in concluding, we assert, both on account of the reasons abovesaid, and for many others which incite us to this decision, that we find the location of the malucos not to lie in the longitude declared by the deputies of the king of portugal, but where we claim and prove by our sea chart. consequently we assert that they lie and are situated a distance of one hundred and fifty degrees west of the divisional line, as we have shown in these discussions. it results then that the distance eastward from the said line to the said malucos is two hundred and ten degrees, and according to this the ownership and seigniory of the malucos pertain to their majesties. this is our vote and decision, and thus we declare to and notify the said deputies of the king of portugal, that since our vote is just and in accordance with right, they conform to the same. don hernando colon, fray tomás duran, doctor zalaya, pero ruiz de villegas, master alcarez, juan sebastian del cano. i have read the above vote and decision of their majesties' said deputies in the presence of the deputies of the said king of portugal. thereupon the said deputies of their majesties and their secretary all said for themselves that their opinion is in accordance with the above, and they ordered us, the said secretaries to set it down in the records. then the said deputies of the said king of portugal declared that they were opposed to the said vote and adhered to the writ presented by them yesterday, and to the one presented at this meeting today before the reading of the vote in question. they said they had other reasons to offer, which they would not give today for lack of time, but would present tomorrow, wednesday, the first of june. they ordered us, the said secretaries to set it down thus in this record. and we, the said secretaries being present at this declaration, set it down in this record, and sign it with our names. bartolomé ruiz de castañeda. the portuguese deputies answered that they adhered to their proposition. the formalities follow and the junta was adjourned, as was certified in the records by the secretaries bartolomé ruiz de castañeda acting for spain, and gomez yañes freytas for portugal. [188] opinion rendered by don hernando colon in the junta of badajoz concerning the ownership of the malucos don hernando colon declares that, at the first meeting of the deputies who were to confer regarding the question of ownership, when discussing the method of procedure, it was his opinion that each one should set down in writing what he knew of this matter, thus furnishing reasons and information upon which to base his majesty's right, and also material wherewith to answer the arguments, to which he thought they might be opposed _ex adverso_. although this method was not approved by the said deputies, considering that it could not but result in some good to his majesty's service, he presented his opinion in writing after the following saturday, wherein he showed their majesties' right not only to the malucos, but also to all of persia, arabia, and india. [thereupon it was decided that each one should present his opinion, "especially as each one will incite and spur on his fellows, and in case of any sickness or absence, what such and such a deputy knew of the matter would be known, and if we should decide upon nothing definite at this time, we shall leave a record of the truth for a future time." colon says:] first, inasmuch as the division of the sphere, which is an unknown quantity, is to be determined, we must determine and verify its size. this must be done by one of two methods, namely, by measuring the entire globe or body to be divided; or by ascertaining exactly the proportional relation between one portion of it and the corresponding portion of another body, whose size is known to us, as for instance the heavens, which learned men have divided into three hundred and sixty parts or degrees. as to the first method of measuring the earth, besides being very difficult, it becomes also arbitrary unless measurements were always made by line. much uncertainty is occasioned by this method, because, as we hear and say continually such and such leagues are very long, while others speak of them as small, each one judging according to his own opinion, and taking into consideration the time and rapidity it took him to walk them. on this account a much greater difference will result when the said leagues are measured by sea, for there are many more obstacles that alter or impede the correct calculation of them, such as, for instance, currents, tides, the ship's loss of speed, because of its meeting with strong head winds, or because of heavy seas coming athwart the bows, or from other directions. in addition to all these one may be deceived by the ship's burden and bulk; or by reason of the ship's bottom being cleaner or dirtier at one time than another; or whether it is towed or sailing alone; or whether it carries new or old sails and whether they are of good or ill pattern, and wet or dry; whether the day's run is estimated from the poop, prow, or amidships; and other special considerations that i pass by, such as the heaviness or lightness of the winds, the differences in compasses, etc. from the above then, i infer that it is difficult and unsatisfactory to determine the size of the earth by means of measuring it by traveling or sailing, and the same was maintained by ptolemæus and other erudite men by actual test. as to the second method, namely, by determining what portion of the earth corresponds to another known part of the heavens, it is more _probabile etiam per demonstrationem_. but the difficulty of this method lies in the fact that this proof or demonstration has been made by many learned and experienced men, and we discover a great diversity in their results, as i pointed out in my opinion when it was agreed that every one should commit _in scriptis_ the number of leagues corresponding to each degree, of which the following is a copy. [here follow the different calculations of the length of a degree and the circumference of the earth, beginning with aristotle. briefly these are as follows: aristotle, 800 stadia to a degree, making the terrestial circumference, 12,500 leagues; strabo, ambrosius, theodosius, macrobius, [189] and eratosthenes, each 700 stadia to the degree, and a circumference of 7,875 leagues; marinus and ptolemæus, 500 stadia to the degree, and a circumference of 5,625 leagues; tebit, almeon, alfragano, pedro de aliaco [190] "in the tenth chapter of _de imagine mundi_ and the author of the sphere in the division of the zones," fray juan de pecan "in the fourth chapter of the treatise of the sphere," and the "first admiral of the indies, [191] as is evident from many papers made by him," each "fifty-six and two-thirds miles" or "fourteen leagues and two-thirds of a mile" to a degree, and a circumference of 5,100 leagues. "if no opposition is given to this latter _ex adverso mere voluntarie_," continues colon, "then necessarily we must have recourse to verify it by experience, which is hindered by many obstacles." in further reasoning he says:] it is clear from the above, that, supposing the measurement of the degrees to be conclusive, it is not reduced to such practical form that the place where such and such a number of leagues correspond to a degree can be told, nor is it easy to determine this; so that it will be necessary, both sides concurring, to select persons and instruments and the place for making the test. after these men had been ordered to proceed, instruction and advice must be given them, which being a huge matter and outside of the present discussion, i shall not dwell upon. if such practical experience is not acquired, then rightly and quite reasonably the measurement or size of degrees used by the authors of tables, or of almanacs and daily calculations of the stars, should be accepted; and such a view seems quite conclusive to whomever is not obstinate, since it is proved that the diversity of the relative positions of the superior bodies proceeds from the difference between the places of observation. supposing that the number of miles or leagues corresponding to each degree were to be verified by the care and skill of the men abovesaid, then another very long and difficult calculation would be necessary, namely, the appointment of experienced men to measure and determine the number of measures or degrees from one continent or province to another. and when they shall reach the half [one hundred and eighty degrees] counting from the line passing at the end of the three hundred and seventy leagues, at that place they shall establish a point or mark to show what pertains to each side. but as this manner of measuring degrees may be difficult from east to west, although easy from north to south, recourse must be had to certain fine and subtile methods, of which, although everybody is well informed concerning them, i shall not hesitate to state a few facts i have been able to acquire, in order to give these other deputies an opportunity to explain those facts of which i am ignorant. [various methods for estimating the length of a degree follow. colon concludes thus:] but inasmuch as the determination of the above methods seems to be and is difficult, each one of them must be employed, and each one put into execution, so long as one does not conflict with the other. furthermore the day's run must conform to these methods, and pilots of great experience and judgment chosen. in this way it might be hoped to determine a division in which neither part would suffer and great loss or inconvenience. inasmuch as, in another form, _rebus stantibus ut nunc_, i consider it impossible that one side can succeed in convincing the other by demonstrating that the malucos fall within his territory, although one might show that it is more in accordance with equity and reason, and thus obtain his object, if the judges imagine that they could determine it according to rigorous and absolute judgment; therefore in order to accomplish my utmost as well as to do everything that i think can be of use in this question, upon the day determined by the assembly i shall present in writing all the evidences, documents, and drawings bearing upon this case that, to my mind, might prove useful. now to sum up in conclusion of the above, neither side can convince the other that he is trying to shift his ground; and therefore, i say, no sentence can at the present time be passed upon this case, except that it will be necessary to agree upon an expedition to compute the size of the degrees; and this done, ships and men must be chosen, for the purpose of measuring the longitude by one or the other of the various methods found to be best, and for definitely determining and marking the beginning and end of the said demarcation, and the lands falling in each part or hemisphere. [his signature and the notarial countersignature follow. the date of this document is april 13, 1524.] opinions of fray tomas duran, sebastian caboto, and juan vespucci rendered at the junta of badajoz regarding the ownership of maluco inasmuch as you wish, it appearing to have some value, that each one should set down in writing his opinion regarding the demarcation that his majesty commended to us, we, fray tomás duran, sebastian caboto, captain and pilot, and juan vespuchi, pilot, concert together in setting down and explaining our opinion regarding this demarcation. first we must calculate the leagues, giving as few at possible to the celestial degree, because giving fewer leagues [to the celestial degree] there will be fewer throughout the earth, which suffices quite well for their majesties' service. however, as we pointed out formerly, it seems to us that we must employ the number used commonly by sailors both in portugal and castilla. these men assign to each heavenly degree seventeen and one-half leagues, to the first following point of the compass from the north [north by east] eighteen and one-half, to the northeast by north twenty, etc. the second fundamental is that we must conform ourselves to that most grave and practical astrologer ptolemaeus, who, writing later than pomponius, marinus, plinius, and strabo, calculated sixty-two and one-half miles to each degree. thirdly we declare that there are two methods of procedure in this demarcation. the first is according to the conjectures and experiments made during many repeated voyages by skilled pilots. this method has been followed by all the writers on cosmography. the other most sure method is by proceeding in a northern altitude from north to south, and in an altitude from east to west, or by taking the east and west longitude. this is a difficult task, as this assembly is aware, and as each one has declared, and setting forth many methods for doing it that appear feasible to them, and finding fault with them all. first let us examine this first method, and then the second. as to the first we must place the line of demarcation three hundred and seventy leagues from the island of san antonio. this number of leagues is equal to twenty-two degrees and almost nine miles. reckoning degrees from that parallel and from the island of san antonio there is a distance of one hundred and eighty leagues to cape verde which equals ten degrees. therefore it is thirty-two degrees from cape verde to the line of demarcation. we assert then, that by graduating these degrees in this manner, the malucos fall within the boundaries of our lord the emperor, however we may make the demarcation. for if we wish to determine it after the customary models and where voyages have been made up to this time, to wit, calculating five hundred and forty leagues from cape guardafuui to cape comori, five hundred and sixty leagues from cape comori to malaca, and four hundred and twenty leagues from malaca to the malucos, in which way the voyage is always made, not only do the malucos fall within his majesty's demarcation but also malaca and zamatra. and if, perchance, we wish to determine the demarcation in accordance with the recently corrected portuguese maps, which reckon a much less number of leagues between the above-named places, to wit, from cape guardafuui to cape comori, cape comori to malaca, and from malaca to the malucos, we still assert that the malucos fall within the demarcation of our lord the emperor. for according to these maps corrected recently in this way, the demarcation or line of demarcation falls near gilolo, an island near the malucos. this is so on the plane surface of their map. when this plane surface is reduced to a spherical one, because of the rotundity of the sea where these voyages are made--the latter being in addition along parallels other than that of the equinoctial and where the degrees are less than those of the equinoctial, (the same league being assigned to the different degrees)--so that when this reduction is made, five degrees are gained, or nearly this number, which we have measured and proved to be so, then it comes to pass, from their own map, that the line of demarcation falls outside the malucos, and the malucos are in the territory of the emperor our sovereign. _item_: let us suppose, for instance, that when the catholic sovereigns and king don juan of portugal ordered the demarcation of the seas to be made, by commanding a line to be drawn from the arctic to the antarctic pole at a distance of three hundred and seventy leagues from the cabo verde islands, they had ordered also the demarcation made on the eastern side, which his majesty orders us to do now--though at that time neither persia, arabia, nor the cabo buena esperanza [good hope] was discovered--it is quite certain that this north and south line must pass on the eastern side through the mouth of the river ganges. this is a fact, because ptolemaeus with great care described and located the cape of catigara in accordance with the long experience of those voyaging through the spice region, as is discussed in the fourteenth chapter of the first book of his cosmography. he makes a distance of one hundred and eighty degrees from the canarias to catigara or the metropol of the chinese. therefore subtracting the thirty-two degrees--the distance of the divisional line west [of the cape verde islands], the line on the other side passes through the mouth of the river ganges, which lies in one hundred and fifty degrees of longitude. therefore malaca, zamatra, and maluco fall within the demarcation of his majesty. _item_: it can not be denied that the island of gilolo, lying near the maluco islands, is the cape of catigara, inasmuch as the companions of magallanes journeyed westward upon leaving the strait discovered in fifty-four degrees of south latitude, sailing such a distance west and northeast that they arrived in twelve degrees of north latitude where were found certain islands, and one entrance to them. then running southward four hundred leagues, they passed the maluco islands and the coast of the island of gilolo, without finding any cape on it. then they took their course toward the cabo buena esperanza [good hope] for spain. therefore then the cape of catigara can only be the said island of gilolo and the malucos. _item_: ptolemaeus locates this cape of catigara at the point of the gulf magnus, next to the gulf of the ganges and the cresonensus bay, which conforms wholly to the account now discovered, so that the description and figure of ptolemaeus and the description and model found recently by those who came from the spice regions are alike and not only alike in appearance, but in name. that region is now called china; ptolemæus styled it _regio sinarum;_ the barbarians also compressing the _s_ say sina instead of china; and the portuguese themselves place china in this region. therefore it being asserted that the island of gilolo and the maluco islands are cape catigara, as is a fact, the line of demarcation falls thirty-two degrees more to the westward and passes through the mouth of the ganges. therefore zamatra, malaca, and the malucos fall within our demarcation. _item_: in everything discovered by the portuguese of which ptolemaeus has any notice, the former conform in their navigation to the latter. they locate china north of the malucos in the gulf magnus, just as ptolemaeus locates it. for these and other reasons, which will be adduced by wiser than we, it seems to us that the malucos, malaca, and zamatra fall thirty-two degrees within his majesty's demarcation, as we stated above. this is the opinion of all three of us, and as such we give it, signed with our names this fifteenth of april, one thousand five hundred and twenty-four, in the city of badajoz. fray tomás duran, _magister_. sebastian caboto. juan vespucci. [the notarial countersignature follows.] memorandum relative to the right of his majesty to the dominion and ownership of maluco, presented by don hernando colon don hernando colon asserts that the first section of the treaty ratified between the catholic sovereigns (may they rest in peace) and king don juan of portugal, sets forth a certain division of seas and lands of which, the people having no definite knowledge or understanding, the public report has originated and been sown broadcast that they had divided the world between themselves. from this supposition it resulted that the people inferred another general conclusion, namely, that having divided the world, it followed immediately that they divided it into equal parts. so wide spread is this that the above report gives rise to a so deep-rooted impression in these men whom his majesty sent at present to inquire into the question of ownership, that they have persuaded themselves that it is really the truth. and although they have seen and read the said treaty many times, this does not suffice to make them recognize in their method of procedure that such a supposition is untrue, especially since the contrary was not declared by his majesty's council in their assembly. neither did they appreciate the fact that the assembly did not say they should understand it in this or that manner, but fulfil the stipulations of the first treaty in accordance with the new treaty and commissions delegated to you. therefore, inasmuch as many inconveniences result from this, which occasion not only great damage to his majesty's service, but also a great delay in the settlement of the present business, on account of this vicious understanding being the cause of their trying to direct it by unsuitable and senseless methods, and to wrangle and dispute not only with the portuguese, but even among themselves in regard to obtaining certain other things, it seems to me that the present negotiations would move more briskly and advantageously if they should do the very contrary of what they are striving to do, namely, to locate the line of demarcation as far westward as possible; i the said don hernando beg your graces, the lawyers acuna, manuel, and barrientos, as being members of his majesty's council, and the licentiates pisa, and doctor ribera, as being his advocate and official attorney, both in order to fulfil his majesty's command, namely that we ask your advice, and in order that the above command might be obeyed by your graces, that, since this point consists principally in law and not in astrology or cosmography, you set forth and declare in writing, for our good understanding, what we ought to do in this case, and what understanding we should have of it; so that we may all give a good account of what was commanded us, which we should do now, for we know the intent of the portuguese, and what they wish or show that they wish; and are about to come to certain conclusions with them. and especially since a fortnight has passed since i proposed this doubt to your graces by word and writing, it is to be supposed that you will have come to a decision regarding it; and in closing i beg that a definite decision be rendered in the case. don hernando colon. [the official recognition of the notary dated wednesday, april 27, 1524 follows.] letters from the emperor to the deputies appointed to treat of the ownership of the malucos in the junta of badajoz [the first letter is an open proclamation and order to the "council, court, _regidores,_ [192] knights, squires, officials, and good people of the city of badajoz." the king announces that he is sending "to this said city the licentiates de acuña, of my council; the licentiate pedro manuel, auditor of our audiencia of valladolid; the licentiate barrientos, of my council of las ordenes," [193] don hernando colon, simon de alcazaba, other astrologers, pilots, and other lawyers and persons, who are to investigate, in our name, the demarcation, with other deputies and representatives of the most serene and excellent king of portugal." he orders that the utmost hospitality be extended to those representatives. they must be given free and (not in inns) good lodging. no overcharges must be made in food and other necessities, and they must not be bothered with noises or questionings. all courtesy must likewise be extended to "the ambassadors of the said most serene king ... as it is proper in a matter of such import to these kingdoms, that i should receive from you courteous behavior." vitoria, march 8, 1524.] [in accordance with the terms of the treaty negotiated in vitoria, february 19, 1524, (_q.v._. above) which make it incumbent upon the king to appoint "a notary before whom, together with another notary appointed by the said most serene king of portugal the said case and all its proceedings must be conducted," bartolomé ruiz de castañeda is appointed "as notary for our side, so that, together with him who shall be appointed by the said most serene king of portugal, you may inquire into it, and all the proceedings shall be conducted in your presence, and you shall do whatever else, in accordance with the above compact, that is necessary," búrgos, march 20, 1854.] [two letters follow, both bearing the date, march 21, 1524, and sent from búrgos. the first is addressed to the licentiates acuña, pedro manuel, and barrientos "our deputies." the second is to hernando colon, simon de alacazaba, doctor salaya, pero ruiz de villegas, fray tomás duran, and captain juan sebastian [del cano], "our astrologers and pilots." each letter contains the following injunction, couched in the same words:] inasmuch as, as you will understand, this matter that you are to examine and determine is of so great caliber and import to us and the good of these kingdoms, that it should be considered with great care and vigilance, and that in the determination of it, there should be great moderation and discretion; and inasmuch as there should be no want of harmony among yourselves, i charge and order you that before conferring with the deputies of the said most serene king of portugal, that you shall have discussed and conferred on the matter among yourselves, so that you may take a common resolution as to what you shall answer or plead in our favor, and so that you may all speak with one mouth. [the second letter contains the additional injunction:] and in order that you may be better informed, you shall always listen to the opinions and arguments of our astrologers and pilots, and others, who by our command, accompany you for the purpose of informing you as to our rights, in order that everything might be done in a suitable manner. and it will be advisable for you to hold discussions with the licentiates acuña and pedro manuel, and the licentiate hernando de barrientos, our deputies, as often as possible, so that all that should be done for our service and the good of the said negotiation be done better and unanimously. [a letter from búrgos, april 10, 1524, and addressed to the licentiates acuña, pedro manuel, and hernando de barrientos, states that the king of portugal has requested the removal of "one of our deputies, the astrologer simon de alcazaba, as he was formerly a vassal and is a native of that kingdom (portugal)," as he is suspicious of him; and that another be appointed in his stead. accordingly cárlos appoints one master alcarez, although declaring that alcazaba entered his service with the knowledge and consent of the portuguese monarch. this change goes into effect provided that no former spanish subjects be appointed on the commission by the king of portugal. it is reported that two spaniards--the bachelor maldonado, who fled from spain for various offenses, and bernardo perez, a citizen of noya, kingdom of galicia--had been appointed by the latter. should these be retained, or should other former vassals of spain be appointed, then "the said simon de alcazaba shall enjoy what was committed to him, until as abovesaid, both the above-mentioned men be removed and displaced, or whichever of them is appointed, or any one else, who may be our vassal, subject, or native of our kingdoms." [on the same date the king writes to the same licentiates as follows:] i have your letter of the sixth instant, and your memoranda of your doubts since your meeting and conference with the deputies of the most serene and excellent king of portugal, our very dear and beloved cousin, and you have done well in advising me of it. as to what you say about having difficulty in the place where you must meet for your investigations in the determination of this matter, for the reason that no place on the boundary line is suitable for it; and because, as you have seen by the compact negotiated in vitoria, the stipulation was relaxed so that the meeting might take place wherever agreed upon between yourselves and the deputies of the most serene king of portugal, therefore you may agree, as you say, to remain there in badajoz one week, or what time you determine, and an equal period in yelves, in order that you may be well lodged and have a good meeting place. you do well in wishing that the first meeting be held there in badajoz, since it is not to be believed that the deputies of the most serene king, my cousin, will wish any thing else or oppose any objection, nor should you consent to anything else. as to the departure of simon de alcazaba, he will have arrived already, for this post brought news hither that the day of its arrival here, he would have arrived there in badajoz. therefore the negotiations will not be delayed on his account. as to what you say about the astrologers, pilots, and other persons whom we sent thither to furnish reasons and information concerning our right, namely, that, because they were not named on the commission, our astrologers and pilots who were appointed as deputies, will not receive them in their assembly as not bearing our special writ of appointment, i am much surprised, for it was here repeated again and again that they must summon to their council all those going thither at our command for the above said purpose, and they must confer with them and discuss with them concerning the demarcation; for otherwise their being there was useless. i am sending orders to these deputies to the effect that from this moment they do this. and i therefore order you to give them my letter, and to see to it that whenever the said pilots and astrologers shall meet to discuss and confer in regard to the matter committed to them that they summon to their council all those who are there at my behest, to wit, master alcarez, the bachelor tarragona, our chief pilot, the other pilots of the india house of trade, [194] and diego rivero; and that they confer with and discuss with them everything necessary for their information and the elucidation of our right; they shall always be careful to preserve a mutual harmony, as i now recommend to you. in regard to your lodging, i am giving orders to the _corregidor_ [195] that he look after the same and provide the rooms. you shall be careful that whenever the deputies of my cousin, the most serene king, shall come there, that they be well lodged and treated as is fitting. this post brings the moneys asked for by the treasurer for the payment of the witnesses there at badajoz, and if more are necessary, they will be sent. i will have the bulls and other documents favoring our rights that you ask for, looked up, and will send them to you. likewise i will have secured the hydrographical maps of which you say you have been advised, and which are in the possession of francisco de lerma, an inhabitant of this city, and the one that the pilot estéban gomez gave to colonel espinosa. these latter i shall send by another messenger, for this one does not take them, in order not to be detained. i have ordered sent you with the present letter the copy of the letter you mention that i wrote to my ambassador in portugal, and in which i give the reasons for our right, and reply to the reasons brought forward on the side of the most serene king. [196] this mail bears a packet of letters written by the ambassadors of the most serene and excellent king, my cousin, residing at my court, to the licentiate antonio de acevedo, his chief magistrate, or to whatever other such official resides in the city of yelves as his deputy. as it is a thing which concerns this negotiation in my service, as soon as this post arrives, you are to give or send this packet to him with all care, and you shall make him certify that it has been delivered to him, and shall send me the certification. [the letter closes with the king prescribing the order in which the deputies shall be seated at their general councils.] [another letter of the same date as the preceding commands the astrologers and pilots named as deputies to summon to their councils those who, though not named on the commission are there to give their opinion and advice. they are commanded "whenever you assemble among yourselves to consider and discuss regarding this matter, you shall summon the persons above named, and shall discuss and confer with them, and shall listen to their words and opinions, and after having heard all of them, according to this order, you shall determine what you shall reply or plead when you meet with the deputies of the most serene and excellent king of portugal, my cousin, and you shall always advise me fully of every thing that happens."] the king. licentiates acuña, of my council, pedro manuel, auditor of valladolid, and licentiate barrientos, of my council of las ordenes, our commissaries in the city of badajoz, investigating the affair of the spice islands: i saw your letter, and the records and papers you sent me of what occurred there in regard to the possession of the maluco islands, at which proceedings you were present; also in what shape affairs are at present, and the manner in which you have managed them. my council of the indies has discussed it, and consulted with me regarding it. what you have done seems good, and as was to be expected from your learning and prudence. and inasmuch as i have ordered a full reply to be made in regard to the matters upon which you have consulted me, as you will see by the memorandum accompanying this letter, signed by my grand chancellor, i therefore command and charge you to examine it, and in accordance with it direct affairs, so that, so far as we are concerned, it will be evident that nothing remains to be done for the fulfilment of what we agreed upon. you must accomplish this secretly and in the good manner i expect from you. you shall give a very secret account of everything to the licentiate de pisa. i am writing to our deputies--the astrologers and pilots--to place entire confidence in you. you shall discuss with them in the best and most reserved manner possible what pertains to them in accordance with the section of the said memorandum that treats of the demarcation, and in regard to the advices given by don hernando on the true understanding of the treaty. búrgos, may 7, 1524. i the king. by command of his majesty: francisco de los cobos. the king. our deputies in the city of badajoz, who are considering the demarcation: i saw what you wrote me, and am pleased with you. i hold in mind all you say, which is as i expected from you. and inasmuch as i am writing fully to the licentiates acuña, pedro manuel, and barrientos, our commissaries, who will discuss with you in my behalf what you should know of it; therefore i command and charge you that, placing entire faith and credence in them, you shall execute this as i wish, and that you shall in all this business have the watchfulness i expect from you, so that the said demarcation be established justly and truly. búrgos, may 7, 1524. i the king. by command of his majesty: francisco de los cobos. the treaty of zaragoza [this treaty was negotiated at zaragoza (saragossa) between the representatives of the spanish and portuguese monarchs, and signed by them april 22, 1529. it was ratified the following day by cárlos i at lerida, and by joão iii, at lisboa (lisbon), june 20, 1530. the usual letters of authorization precede the treaty proper, the spanish letter being given at zaragoza, april 15, 1529, and the portuguese at lisboa, october 18, 1528. the spanish deputies were: mercurio de gatinara, count of gatinara, and grand chancellor; fray garcía de loaysa, [197] bishop of osma and confessor of the emperor; and fray garcía de padilla, commander-in-chief of the order of calatrava, [198] all three members of the emperor's council. the portuguese deputy was the licentiate antonio de azevedo _coutiño_, member of the portuguese council and the king's ambassador. the treaty follows:] after said authorizations were presented by the said representatives it was declared that: inasmuch as there existed a doubt between the said emperor and king of castilla, etc., and the said king of portugal, etc., concerning the ownership, possession, and rights, or possession or quasi possession, navigation, and trade of maluquo and other islands and seas, which each one of the said lords, the emperor and king of castilla and the king of portugal declares as his, both by virtue of the treaties made by the most exalted, powerful, and catholic sovereigns, don fernando and doña isabel, rulers of castilla, grandparents of the said emperor and the king, don joam the second of portugal (may they rest in glory) about the demarcation of the ocean sea and by virtue of other rights and privileges which each one of the said emperor and monarchs asserts to belong and pertain to said islands, seas, and lands belonging to him of which he is in possession; and inasmuch as the said emperor and monarchs considering the very close relationship and great affection existing between them, and which, not only should very rightly be preserved, but as far as possible be increased; and in order to free themselves from the doubts, complaints, and disputes that might arise between them, and the many troubles that might ensue among their vassals and subjects and the natives of their kingdoms; the said emperor and monarchs and the said attorneys acting in their names, have covenanted and agreed as to the said doubts and disputes in the following form and manner: first, the said grand chancellor, the bishop of osma and the commander-in-chief of calatrava, attorneys of the said emperor and sovereign of castilla declared that they, in his name, and by virtue of their said power of attorney would sell and in fact did sell from this day and for all time, to the said king of portugal, for him and all the successors to the crown of his kingdoms, all right, action, dominion, ownership, and possession or quasi possession, and all rights of navigation, traffic, and trade in any manner whatsoever; that the said emperor and king of castilla declares that he holds and could hold howsoever and in whatsoever manner in the said maluquo, the islands, places, lands, and seas, as will be declared hereafter; this, with the declarations, limitations, conditions, and clauses contained and stated hereunder for the sum of three hundred and fifty thousand ducats of gold, paid in the current money, of gold or silver, each ducat being valued in castilla at three hundred and seventy-five maravedis. the said king of portugal will give and pay this amount to the said emperor and king of castilla, and to the persons whom his majesty may appoint, in the following manner: one hundred and fifty thousand ducats to be paid at lixbona, within the first fifteen or twenty days after this contract, confirmed by the said emperor and king of castilla, shall have arrived at the city of lixboa, or wherever the said king of portugal may be; thirty thousand ducats to be paid in castilla--twenty thousand at valhadolid and ten thousand at sevilla, by the twentieth day of the month of may of this present year; seventy thousand ducats to be paid in castilla at the may fair of medina del campo of this same year, at the terms of the payments of said fair; [199] and the hundred thousand ducats remaining at the october fair at the said town of medina del campo of this same year, at the terms of the payment of the same--all to be paid over and above the rate of exchange. if necessary, notes will be given for the said time; and, if said emperor and king of castilla wishes to take in exchange the said hundred thousand ducats at the said may fair of this said year in order to avail himself of their use, he shall pay the said king of portugal exchange at the rate of five or six per cent, the rate which his treasurer, hernand alvarez, is accustomed to exact from fair to fair. the aforesaid sale is made by the said emperor and king of castilla to the said king of portugal on condition that, at whatever time the said emperor and king of castilla or his successors, should wish to return, and should return, all of the said three hundred and fifty thousand ducats without any shortage to the said king of portugal or his successors, the said sale becomes null and void and each one of the said sovereigns shall enjoy the right and authority which he now holds and claims to hold, both as regards the right of possession or quasi possession, and as regards the proprietorship, howsoever and in whatever manner they belong to him, as if this contract were not made, and in the manner in which they first held possession and claimed to hold it, and this contract shall cause no prejudice or innovation. _item_: it is covenanted and agreed by the said attorneys, in the names of their said constituents, that, in order to ascertain what islands, places, lands, seas, and their rights and jurisdiction, are sold, henceforth and forever, by the said emperor and king of castilla, by this contract under the aforesaid condition, to the said king of portugal, a line must be determined from pole to pole, that is to say, from north to south, by a semicircle extending northeast by east nineteen degrees from maluquo, to which number of degrees correspond almost seventeen degrees on the equinoctial, amounting to two hundred and ninety-seven and one-half leagues east of the islands of maluquo, allowing seventeen and one-half leagues to an equinoctial degree. in this northeast by east meridian and direction are situated the islands of las velas and of santo thome, through which the said line and semicircle passes. since these islands are situated and are distant from maluquo the said distance, more or less, the deputies determine and agree that the said line be drawn at the said two hundred and ninety-seven and one-half leagues to the east, the equivalent of the nineteen degrees northeast by east from the said islands of maluquo, as aforesaid. the said deputies declare that, in order to ascertain where the said line should be drawn, two charts of the same tenor be made, conformable to the chart in the india house of trade at sevilha, and by which the fleets, vassals and subjects of the said emperor and king of castilla navigate. within thirty days from the date of this contract two persons shall be appointed by each side to examine the aforesaid chart and make the two copies aforesaid conformable to it. in them the said line shall be drawn in the manner aforesaid; and they shall be signed by the said sovereigns, and sealed with their seals, so that each one will keep his own chart; and the said line shall remain fixed henceforth at the point and place so designated. this chart shall also designate the spot in which the said vassals of the said emperor and king of castilla shall situate and locate maluquo, which during the time of this contract shall be regarded as situated in such place, although in truth it is situated more or less distance eastward from the place that is designated in the said charts. the seventeen degrees eastward shall be drawn from the point where maluquo is situated in said charts. for the good of this contract the said king of portugal must have said chart, and in case the aforesaid be not found in the house of trade of sevilha, the said persons appointed by the said sovereigns shall make said charts within one month, signed and sealed as aforesaid. furthermore navigation charts shall be made by them, in which the said line shall be drawn in the manner aforesaid, so that henceforth the said vassals, natives, and subjects of the said emperor and king of castilla shall navigate by them; and so that the navigators of either pa shall be certain of the location of the said line and of the aforesaid distance of the two hundred and ninety-seven and one-half leagues between the said line and maluquo. it is covenanted and agreed by the said deputies that, whenever the said king of portugal should wish to prove his right to the proprietorship of maluco, and the lands and seas specified in this contract, and although at that time the said emperor and king of castilla shall not have returned the price abovesaid, nor the said contract be canceled, it shall be done in the following manner, namely, each one of the said sovereigns shall appoint three astrologers and three pilots or three mariners who are experts in navigation, who shall assemble at a place on the frontier between the kingdoms, where it shall be agreed that they assemble, within four months of the time when the emperor and king of castilla, or his successors, shall be notified by the said king of portugal to appoint a day. there they will consult, covenant, and agree upon the manner of ascertaining the right of said proprietorship conformable to said treaty and contract made between the said catholic sovereigns, don fernando and doña isabel, and the said king dom joam the second of portugal. in case the said emperor and king of castilla be judged to have the right of said proprietorship, such sentence will not be executed nor used until the said emperor and king of castilla or his successors shall first have actually returned all the said three hundred and fifty thousand ducats, which by virtue of this contract shall have been given. if the right of proprietorship be conceded to the said king of portugal, the said emperor and king of castilla or his successors shall be obliged actually to return the said three hundred and fifty thousand ducats to said king of portugal or his successors within the first four years ensuing after the date of such sentence. _item_: it was covenanted and agreed by said deputies, in the names of their said constituents, that, since this contract of sale shall be valid and hold good henceforth from date, if any spices or drugs of any sort whatever be brought to any ports or parts of the kingdoms and seigniories of either of the said constituents, in charge of the vassals, subjects or natives of the kingdoms of the said emperor and king of castilla or by any other persons whomsoever who may not be vassals, subjects, or natives of said kingdoms, then the said emperor and king of castilla in his kingdoms and seigniories, and the said king of portugal in his, shall be obliged to order and cause, and they shall order and cause, the said spices or drugs to be deposited securely, without him to whose kingdom they have been brought being so notified to do so by the other side; but they shall be deposited in the name of both, in the power of the person or persons whom each one of the said sovereigns shall have ordered to take charge of said deposit in his lands and seigniories. the said sovereigns shall be obliged to order and cause such deposit to be made in the manner abovesaid, whether the said spices or drugs are found in the possession of those who brought them, or in the power of any other person or persons, in whatsoever regions or districts they shall have been found. the said emperor and kings shall be obliged to give notification to this effect henceforth throughout all their kingdoms and seigniories, so that these instructions may be complied with and no one may plead ignorance of them. the said spices or drugs having been taken to any ports or lands that do not belong to either one of said sovereigns, provided they are not those of enemies, either one of them, by virtue of this contract, may require, in the name of both, and without showing any further provision or power of the other to the justice of the kingdoms and seigniories where said drugs or spices happen to be or to have been found, and they may order them to be deposited, and they shall be deposited. in whatsoever ports said drugs or spices are thus found, they will be under embargo and deposited by both until it is known from whese demarcation they were taken. in order to ascertain if the places and lands from which the said spices or drugs are taken and brought, fall within the demarcation and limits which by this contract remain to the said king of castilla, and if they contain the said spices or drugs, the said emperor and kings shall despatch two or four ships, an equal number being sent by both. in these an equal number of persons from both sides, sworn to fulfil their obligation, will sail to those places and lands whence the said spices or drugs were said to have been taken and brought in order to ascertain and determine within whose demarcation are situated the said lands and places whence the said spices or drugs are said to have been brought. should it be found that said places and lands are within the demarcation of the said emperor and king of castilla, that the said spices and drugs exist there in such quantity that they could reasonably be carried away; then the said deposit shall be given up and freely delivered to the said emperor and king of castilla, without his being obliged to pay any costs, expenses, interests, or any other thing. if, on the other hand, it be discovered that said drugs or spices were taken from the districts and lands belonging to the said king of portugal, the said deposit shall be ceded and delivered in like manner to the said king of portugal without his being obliged to pay any costs, expenses, interests, nor anything whatsoever. the persons who thus imported said drugs or spices shall be penalized and punished by the said emperor and king of castilla or by his justices, as violators of peace and faith, according to law. each one of the aforesaid, the emperor and king of castilla and the king of portugal, shall be obliged to send as many ships and persons as may be required by the other. as soon as the said spices or drugs shall be deposited and placed under embargo in the manner aforesaid, neither the said emperor and king of castilla, nor his agents, nor any one with his favor or consent, shall go or send to the said land or lands whence were taken the said drugs or spices in this manner. all that is set forth in this section about the deposit of the spices or drugs, shall not be understood to refer to the spices or drugs which may come to any places whatsoever for the said king of portugal. _item_: it is covenanted and agreed, that, in all the islands, lands, and seas within the said line, the vessels and people of the said emperor and king of castilla or of his subjects, vassals or natives of his kingdom, or any others (although these latter be not his subjects, vassals, or natives of his kingdoms) shall not, with or without his command, consent, favor, and aid, enter, navigate, barter, traffic, or take on board anything whatsoever that may be in said islands, lands, or seas. whosoever shall henceforth violate any of the aforesaid provisions, or who shall be found within said line, shall be seized by any captain, captains, or people of the said king of portugal and shall be tried, chastised and punished by the said captains, as privateers and violators of the peace. should they not be found inside of said line by the said captains or people of the said king of portugal and should come to any port, land, or seigniory whatsoever of the said emperor and king of castilla, the said emperor and king of castilla, by his justices in that place, shall be obliged and bound to take and hold them. in the meantime the warrants and examinations proving their guilt in each of the abovesaid things, shall be sent by the said king of portugal, or by his justices, and they shall be punished and chastised exactly as evil-doers and violators of the peace and faith. _item_: it is covenanted and agreed by said deputies that the said emperor and king of castilla shall not, personally or through an agent, send the natives of his kingdoms, his vassals, subjects, or aliens (and although these latter be not natives of his kingdoms, or his vassals or subjects), to the said islands, lands, and seas within said line, nor shall he consent nor give them aid or favor or permit them to go there, contrary to the form and determination of this contract. rather he shall be obliged to forbid, suppress, and prevent it as much as possible. should the said emperor and king of castilla, personally or through an agent, send natives of his kingdoms, or his vassals, subjects or aliens (although these latter be not natives of his kingdoms, or his vassals or subjects), to the said islands, lands, or seas within the said line or consent to such a thing, giving them aid, or favor, or permitting them to go contrary to the form and determination of this contract; and should he not forbid, suppress, or prevent it, as much as possible, the said agreement of _retro vedendo_ becomes null and void; and the said king of portugal shall no longer be obliged to receive the said sum, nor to sell back the rights and dominion which the said emperor and king of castilla might have therein in any manner whatsoever, but which he has sold, renounced and delivered to the said king of portugal by virtue of this contract, by this very act, the said sale shall remain complete and valid forever, as if at first it were made without condition and agreement to sell back. however, since it may happen that, when the aforesaid subjects, natives, or vassals of the said emperor and king of castilla navigating as aforesaid in the southern seas, should meet with winds so tempestuous or contrary that they would be constrained by necessity to continue their course and navigation within the said line, they shall in such case incur no penalty whatever. on the contrary, when, in such circumstances, they shall come to and anchor at any land included within the said line, pertaining by virtue of this contract to the said king of portugal, they shall be treated by his subjects, vassals, and inhabitants of said land as the vassals of his brother, as in the same manner the emperor and king of castilla would command the portuguese subjects to be treated who should in like manner arrive at ports in his lands of nueva españa or in any other of his ports. it is understood, however, that, when such necessity ceases, they shall immediately set sail and return to their part of the southern seas. should the aforesaid subjects cross said line through ignorance, it is herein covenanted and agreed that they shall incur on that account no penalty whatsoever, and as long as it is not fully evident that they know themselves to be within the said line, they shall not turn about and go outside of it, as is covenanted and agreed in case of entering on account of tempestuous and contrary winds or necessity. but, when such a fact is quite evident, if it shall be proved that they have entered the line maliciously, they shall be punished and dealt with as those who shall enter the line as aforesaid and as is set forth in this contract. should the aforesaid discover any islands or lands, while navigating within the said line, such islands or lands shall belong freely and actually to the said king of portugal and his successors, as if they were discovered, found, and taken possession of by his own captains and vassals, at such time. it is covenanted and agreed by said deputies that the ships and vessels of the said emperor and king of castilla and those of his subjects, vassals, and the natives of his kingdoms, may navigate and pass through the seas of the said king of portugal, whence his fleets sail for india, only as much as may be necessary to take a due course toward the strait of magalhanes. and if they violate the abovesaid, and sail farther over the said seas of the said king of portugal than is mentioned above, both the said emperor and king of castilla, if it is proved that they did it by his order, countenance, aid, or consent, and those sailing in this manner and violating the abovesaid, shall incur the above penalties, in the completeness set forth above in this contract. _item_: it was covenanted and agreed that if any of the subjects of the said emperor and king of castilla or any others shall henceforth be seized and found within the said limits above declared, they shall be imprisoned by any captain, captains, or subjects whatsoever of the said king of portugal and shall be tried, chastised, and punished as privateers, violators, and disturbers of the peace by the said captains. should they not be discovered within the said line, and should afterwards come to any port whatever of the said emperor and king of castilla, his majesty and his justices shall be obliged to seize and imprison them, until the warrants and testimonies sent by the said king of portugal, or his justices, shall have been presented. if proved guilty of the aforesaid offenses they shall be punished and chastised to the limit as evil-doers and violators of the faith and peace, and of everything else set forth in this contract in regard to the crossing of said line by any subjects of the said emperor and king of castilla, or any others by his command, consent, favor, or aid. it is understood that these penalties shall apply from the day when the subjects and people of the said emperor now in and navigating those seas and regions shall be notified. before such notification they shall not incur said penalties. it is to be understood, however, that the aforesaid refers to the people of the fleets of the said emperor, which have until now gone to those parts and that no others be sent without incurring said penalties from the day of the signing of this contract, and henceforth during the time that the said sale be not canceled in the aforesaid manner. _item_: it was covenanted and agreed by the said deputies that the said king of portugal shall not build nor order built for himself, or any other, any new fortress whatever in maluco, nor within twenty leagues of it, nor any nearer maluco than the line which is to be drawn according to this contract. it is covenanted unanimously by the said deputies of both sides that this provision shall take effect, namely, from the time that the said king of portugal can send there a notification to make no new fortress whatever; that is to say, in the first fleet which shall sail for india from the said kingdom of portugal, after this contract shall have been confirmed and approved by the said constituents, and sealed with their seals. there shall be no new work whatsoever undertaken on the fortress which is already built at maluquo, from the said time henceforth; it shall only be repaired and kept in the same condition in which it may be at the aforesaid time, if the said king of portugal so desires; to the above he shall swear and promise full compliance. _item_: it was covenanted and agreed that the fleets, which heretofore have been despatched to those regions by the said emperor and king of castilla, be well treated in every way, by the said king of portugal and his people; and that no embargo or obstacle to their navigation or traffic be imposed upon them. if there should be any damage, which is not looked for however, which they shall have received or shall receive from his captains or people, or shall anything have been seized from them, the said king of portugal shall be obliged to give satisfaction, restore, make good and pay immediately all such damages suffered by the said emperor and king of castilla, and his subjects and fleets; he shall order the offenders to be punished and chastised and he shall allow the fleets and people of the said emperor and king of castilla to come and go as they please, freely without any obstacle whatever. _item_: it is covenanted that the said emperor and king of castilla command letters and instructions to be given immediately to his captains and subjects who are in the said islands that they do no more trading henceforth and return at once, provided that they be allowed to bring freely whatever goods they shall have already bartered, traded, and taken on board. _item_: it is covenanted, agreed, and provided that in the instructions and letters relating to this covenant and contract, which are to be given and despatched by the said emperor and king of castilla, it shall declare that this statement, instruction, and contract as above made is as binding as though it were made and passed in the general courts, with the express consent of the attorneys thereof; and to make it valid by his royal and absolute power, which, as king and natural lord, recognizing no temporal superior, he may exercise and shall exercise, abrogate, abolish, repeal, and annul the supplication made by the attorneys of the cities and towns of these kingdoms at the court held in the city of toledo, in the past year, five hundred and twenty-five, concerning the trade of the said islands and lands, the reply given to it, and any law that was made on this subject in the said courts or in any others that may conflict with this. _item_: it is hereby covenanted that the said king of portugal promises to command manifest, sincere, and summary justice to be executed, because certain subjects of the said emperor and king of castilla and other aliens of his kingdoms who entered his service complain that their possessions have been seized by his house of trade in india and in his kingdoms, without any respect to the annoyance caused them thereby, because they have entered the service and did serve the said emperor. _item_: it was covenanted and agreed by the said deputies in the names of their said constituents that the treaties negotiated between the said catholic sovereigns, don fernando and doña ysabel and the king dom joam the second of portugal in regard to the demarcation of the ocean sea shall remain valid and binding _in toto_ and in every particular, as is therein contained and declared, excepting those things which are otherwise covenanted and agreed upon in this contract in case the said emperor and king of castilla returns the sum which according to this contract is to be given in the manner aforesaid, thus canceling the sale, the said treaties negotiated between the said catholic sovereigns don fernando and doña ysabel and the said king dom joam the second of portugal, shall remain in full force and power, as if this contract were not made; and the said constituents shall be obliged to comply with it in every respect, as is therein stated. _item_: it is covenanted and agreed by the said attorneys that although the rights and dominion which the said emperor and king of castilla claims to possess in the said lands, districts, seas, and islands and which he sells to the said king of portugal in the manner abovesaid are worth more than half of the just price given, and the said emperor and king of castilla has certain definite knowledge through exact information of persons who are experts on the subject, and who have investigated and ascertained definitely, that said rights are of much greater value and worth, more than half of the just price that the said king of portugal gives to the said emperor and king of castilla he is pleased to make him a gift of it, as he does in fact, which from the said day henceforth shall be valid between the living, of the said excess in value above the half of the just price, however great that excess may be. this excess in value above the half of the just price, the said emperor and king of castilla relinquishes for himself and his successors, and disunites the same from the royal crown of his kingdoms forever, and delivers it entire to the said king of portugal, to him and to his successors and crown of his kingdoms, really and effectually, in the aforesaid manner, and during the time of this contract. [the treaty provides further that he who may violate its provisions in any way, shall lose all his rights therein, and shall in addition pay a fine of two hundred thousand ducats to the other. the pope is to be asked to confirm it by a bull, imposing the penalty of excommunication for its violation. the deputies promise most fully and under oath that their respective constituents shall observe all the provisions.] papal bull, _eximiæ_ november 16, 1501 _source_: see bibliographical data at end of this volume. _translation_: by rev. thomas cooke middleton, o.s.a. bull, _eximiæ_--november 16, 1501 alexander, bishop, servant of the servants of god: to the catholic sovereigns of spain--ferdinand the king, dearest son in christ, and to elizabeth [isabella] the queen, dearest daughter in christ, health and apostolic blessing. the sincerity of your great devotion and the unswerving faith with which you honor us and the roman church merit, and not unworthily, that your wishes, especially those relating to the spread of the catholic faith, and the overthrow of infidel and barbarous nations, should be freely and promptly granted. indeed, on your behalf, a petition recently laid before us set forth that, impelled by pious devotion for the spread of the catholic faith, you greatly desire--inasmuch as quite recently, and not without great expense and effort on your part, you began and from day to day continue to do more toward the capture and recovery of the islands and regions of the indies, to the end that in those lands wherever any accursed belief obtains, the most high should be worshiped and revered; and inasmuch as for the recovery of the islands and regions aforesaid, it will be incumbent upon you to incur heavy expenses and undergo great perils, it is expedient that for the conservation and maintenance of the said islands, after their capture and recovery by you, and for the defraying of the expenses necessary for the conservation and maintenance of the same,--you should be empowered to exact and levy tithes [200] on the inhabitants of the aforesaid islands and dwellers therein for the time being. on this account we have been humbly petitioned on your behalf to deign through our apostolic graciousness to make in the premises suitable provision for you and your state. therefore yearning most eagerly for the spread and increase of that same faith particularly in our own days, we commend in the lord your loving and praiseworthy purpose, and being favorably disposed thereto we hereby through our apostolic power in virtue of these presents do as a special favor grant to you and your successors for the time being that in the aforesaid islands after their capture and recovery (as observed) you may receive a tithe from the inhabitants thereof and the dwellers therein for the time being, and levy the same freely and lawfully, providing after dioceses shall there be established (whereon we charge your consciences as well as your successors'), you first from your own and their estate shall really and effectively devise a sufficient revenue for the establishment of churches in those islands through you and your aforesaid successors, whereby the incumbents of the same and their administrators may support themselves suitably, carry on the necessary work of those churches for the time being, as well as celebrate rightly the divine worship of almighty god, and fulfil all diocesan requirements. the lateran council, other apostolic constitutions and ordinances or other decrees, to the contrary notwithstanding. let no one then infringe this our grant, nor dare with rashness to contravene its provisions. but should any one presume to set it at naught, let him recognize that he has thereby incurred the displeasure of almighty god, and of the blessed apostles peter and paul. given at rome at st. peter's, in the year of the incarnation of our lord one thousand five hundred and one, the sixteenth day of november, the tenth year of our pontificate. [the signatures and authorizations follow.] life and voyage of fernão de magalhães--1518-27 [résumé of contemporaneous documents--1518-27.] letter of authorization to falero and magallánes--march 22, 1518. *carta de el-rei de castella para el-rei d. manuel--february 28, 1519. instructions to juan de cartagena--april 6, 1519. *carta de rei de castella a fernando de magalhães e a ruy falero--april 19, 1519. *extracto de una carta de las indias--1522. de molvccis insulis: maximilianus transylvanus--1523. _sources_: see bibliographical data at end of this volume. _translations_: the first and the fifth of these documents are translated by james a. robertson; the second and fourth by josé m. asensio; the third by francis w. snow; the sixth by frederic w. morrison; for the last, we use the translation made by the late henry stevens (published in his _johann schöner_.) * documents marked by an asterisk are here presented in both the original text and english translation. resume of contemporaneous documents--1518-27 [_prefatory note_: the scope of the present series does not demand the publication _in extenso_ of many documents on this subject. those who wish to study it in detail will find abundant material in volume iv of the _coleccion de viages_ published by navarrete (madrid, 1829); we present only a brief resumé of these documents, inserted here to preserve the continuity of our narrative, and to indicate to students the extent and scope of such material. [201] navarrete precedes these documents by a brief and somewhat imperfect summary of early discoveries; a biographical sketch of magalhães, with proofs, citations, etc., by way of authentication thereof--these citations being drawn from the authors fray antonio de san roman, herrera, gomara, muñoz, quintana, barros, maximilianus transylvanus, argensola, and others; a letter by ruy falero; extract from magalhães's will; [202] a memorandum addressed by him to the emperor; [203] and a compilation from early authors and from the documents that follow, giving full citations of authorities. the documents here mentioned are given by navarrete in the appendix to volume iv, at pp. 110-406; some of them have been already presented in connection with the line of demarcation.] valladolid, february 23, 1518. rui faller (ruy falero) and fernando magallánes, [204] both portuguese, bind themselves to deliver to the factor of the india house of trade at seville the eighth part of everything they may find in their discoveries in the spice regions. this is promised in the following words: "know all ye who shall see this public testament that we, rui faller, citizen of cunilla, in the kingdom of portugal, and fernando de magallánes, citizen of the city of puerto [oporto], in the same kingdom, consent, make manifest, and declare that, inasmuch as it has been agreed between us, as parties of the first part, and you, juan de aranda, factor for the king, our lord, and citizen of the city of burgos, in the house of trade of the indies of the city of sevilla, as party of the second part, that of all gain and income pertaining to us from the discovery of lands and islands (which if god wills we are to discover and find in the lands, limits, and demarcations of our master the king, don cárlos) you shall have the eighth part. and we shall give this to you from all the income and gain accruing to us therefrom, whether in money, allotment, or rent, or by virtue of our office, or in anything else whatever, of whatever quantity and quality, without any shortage, and without deducting or excepting anything whatever of our possessions." they promise this in extended terms and under oath. the factor approves the document and promises to abide by all its provisions. (no. i, pp. 111-113.) march, 1518. the same two men in an unsigned document petition the king on various matters connected with the proposed expedition. to each section is appended the monarch's objections, approbations, or other remarks. 1. that no permit be given for ten years to any other person to make an expedition of discovery in those regions "where we are about to go, ... if we desire to undertake such discovery, with as sufficient equipment and as many ships as the other;" and that they be informed of such tentative expeditions, so that they may go themselves or commission agents. 2. that they receive the twentieth part of all profits after expenses are paid, with the title of admiral, and the governorship for themselves and heirs of all lands discovered. 3. that they be allowed to employ in the newly-discovered lands as they see fit, one thousand ducats worth of merchandise (first cost) each year, giving to the king the twentieth part, without other rights or taxes. 4. that they be allowed to choose for themselves two islands, if the number discovered exceeds six, giving to the crown ten per cent of all profits therefrom. 5. that one-fifth of all net profits derived from the expedition be allotted them on its return, and that each year they may carry one hundred quintals' weight of merchandise in any ship sailing from those regions. 6. that the twentieth part of all profits accruing from the royal ships or any others be given them for ten years. 7. that if his highness undertake at his cost the armament of the fleet, they promise to prove to him the vast wealth of the lands and islands that will be discovered within his dominions. 8. that if one of them die on the expedition the other, or his heirs and successors, be ordered to fulfil everything as if both were living. 9. that the king order the strict observance of the above. if the king prefers them to assume the expenses of the expedition they propose the following: 1. that all the lands and islands discovered by them or their agents belong to them "with all traffic, seigniory, and government," giving to the crown one-fifth of all net profits. 2. that no other ships, either of the king or any other person, be allowed to trade in such lands, under penalty of confiscation by the petitioners. 3. that no other commissions for expeditions of discovery be given for ten years. 4 and 5. provision in case of death, and provision for fulfilment. (no. ii, pp. 113-116; _vide infra,_ "instructions to carthagena," p. 280.) zaragoza, july 20, 1518. the king writes to the officials of the house of trade, approving the contemplated expedition, and regarding the expenditures of moneys and the fitting out of the fleet. [205] (no. v, pp. 122, 123.) october 24, 1518. magallánes writes the king enumerating and amplifying certain information and requests concerning the fleet, contained in a letter written by him to his majesty on the fifteenth of the same month. this letter had been despatched by a post sent by the house of trade. besides giving a full account of the preparations of the fleet, [206] it begs that the balance of the 16,000 ducats, "without which we cannot finish" be provided; and that the 5,400 ducats lacking be taken from the 11,000 ducats in the house. he asks also an increase of the 3,000 ducats for merchandise, "since the profits accruing therefrom might be twenty-fold, estimating conservatively; and therefore i desired all the gain to be your highness's." also, he asks that the officials pay for the armament, weapons, and powder of the fleet, which have been paid out of the 16,000 ducats, but which the king was to provide. he complains of the antagonism of the officials at seville, relating a serious conflict that had taken place two days before. he had caused his banners, bearing his arms to be flung from one of the vessels. the spaniards, incited thereto, claimed that they were those of the king of portugal, and attempted to arouse sentiment against him and cause his arrest. this evil treatment, in which he did not receive the aid and countenance of the officials, he says, was not done to him "as fernando de magallánes, but as your highness's captain." [207] (no. vii, pp. 124-127.) march 30, 1519. by a royal decree luis de mendoza is appointed treasurer of the fleet, and 60,000 maravedis are assigned as his annual salary during the voyage. juan de cartagena is appointed inspector-general, "and he shall exercise the duties of that trust in accordance with the instructions [_q. v. post_] given him under the king's signature." he is to receive "70,000 maravedis from the time of the departure of the fleet from spain until its return." the latter is also appointed "captain of the third ship of the fleet of fernando magallánes and rui falero," "with an annual salary of 40,000 maravedis." (nos. viii-x, [208] pp. 127, 128.) april 6, 1519. gaspar de quesada is appointed "captain of the fourth or fifth ship of the fleet in the expedition of discovery of the spice regions, and antonio coca accountant, who shall have account of everything contained in the ships, giving note of everything to the treasurer." the latter is to receive 50,000 maravedis a year. (nos. xi, xii, pp. 128, 129.) [209] barcelona, may 5, 1519. a letter from the king to the "officials of the house of trade of the indies" states that there are to be two hundred and thirty-five men [210] in the fleet, and orders, "because calculation would have to be made for them in the provisioning and in other things, if there were a greater number," "that they do not allow, or give place in the said fleet, for any reason whatsoever, for more than the two hundred and thirty-five men." they may even specify a less number if it seems expedient. "all the seamen who sail in the said fleet shall be received under the supervision of our captain fernando de magallánes, as he is the most experienced in such things." full declarations in writing must be made of the route to be followed and a copy shall be given to each pilot. the officials are ordered to buy from magallánes the excess of powder, arms, etc., that has been provided for the fleet, "since it can be used in other things," paying him what it cost. (no. xiii, pp. 129, 130.) barcelona, may 8, 1519. the instructions given to magallánes and falero discuss more or less fully such points as the method and manner of navigation (information as to routes given to the other captains and pilots, method of signaling at night, and manner of procedure in case the vessels become separated); treatment of natives found, treatment of other vessels found trading in these spice regions, "within our demarcation," such treatment differing if the vessels are those of christians or of moros (mahometans); ransoms and exchange of prisoners; trade with the natives; division of prize-money; reprovisioning the ships; giving of rations; keeping of accounts; regulations concerning firearms; penalties for disobedience to the captain-general; the taking of oaths; morals; discoveries; weights and measures in trading; deaths of officers of the fleet, and the cargo. above all, the domains and demarcation of the portuguese monarch must be respected. the exact location of all lands must be noted, and if these are inhabited they are to "try to ascertain if there is anything in that land that will be to our interest." the natives must be well treated, in order that food and water may be obtained. when the land of spices is reached "you will make a treaty of peace or trade with the king or lord of that land." as high a valuation as possible is to be placed on the articles traded from the ships. the inspector-general and accountant shall note everything in their books. other vessels found in the spice regions shall, if christians, be warned not to trade further without permission, under penalty of seizure and confiscation of property; if moros, "not of the lands of our demarcation, you shall seize them in fair war," and the gold, etc., found in their ships must be noted carefully in the books. moros who may, by their rank, avail for ransom are to be well treated, but they may be sold as slaves. if moros are found "who are of our demarcation," they must be well treated; and a treaty must be made, if possible, with their king or seignior. if they do not desire peace, then the castilians may exercise a certain amount of cruelty against them to serve as a warning. of the prize money or merchandise of captured ships, certain percentages are to be given to all, these portions varying. the king's share (one-fifth of the amount remaining, after deducting certain sums that go to the captain-generals, and the one-twentieth for the redemption of captives) is to be set apart for him. one-fifth of what remains shall be given the captain-generals. the remainder is to be divided into three parts, "of which two parts are for us and the ships, and one for the crews." of the latter, ten parts are to be used for religious purposes. good treatment is to be accorded the natives in order that pleasant trade-relations may be established. the physicians and surgeons are to take no money from the natives for medical services, not even from their enemies who are wounded in war. and the captain-generals must see that the men have no intercourse with the native women. entire freedom must be accorded to every one to write what he pleases to spain; and no letter must be seized, under penalties to be imposed by the captain-generals. they must guard against fire. in case of the death of any of the crew, it is advisable to get slaves to fill their places. rations are to be given every two days, "and if it becomes necessary to shorten rations, they shall be shortened." dissatisfaction as to the length of the voyage must not be expressed. the firearms are not to be discharged on any newly-discovered land, "because the indians fear this more than anything else." no weapons shall be sold, under penalty of loss of all property to the one so doing. blasphemers, and cardand dice-players are not to be allowed to ship with the crew. the captain-generals have power to devise and execute punishments against disobedient men of their crews. oath shall be taken before the captain-generals by all their crews to observe obedience and the king's service. if it is necessary to seize water and provisions because of the hostility of the natives, it shall be done, but with as little scandal and show of force as possible. samples of all products must be brought from the lands discovered. "ready-made clothes and other articles to give to the kings and other princes of these lands shall be carried." "and if the kings or seigniors of the land give any jewels or presents, they shall be ours, and the inspector-general or accountant shall place them in charge of the treasurer." no presents shall be given without permission of the officers of the fleet. everything traded must be noted carefully and minutely in the books of the inspector-general and accountant. if the return cargo is spice, it must be obtained as clean as possible. the ships' cargoes must be traded first before any private affairs are attended to. full notices must be made in the books regarding each member of the crew--his father and mother, whether he is single or married, etc., in order that his heirs may be known. each person before embarking must have attended confession and communion. in case any officer dies, another is to be elected in his stead; but one-half of all the pay, etc., that would fall to the said officer shall be given to his heirs, and the other half shall go to the one taking his place. any portuguese or other christians found in the lands discovered must be treated well, in order to gain information from them. "if by any chance you should meet ships from portugal within our limits, bid them quietly to leave the land, because in their own requirements given by our very dear and well-loved uncle and brother, it is forbidden to them to enter or discover in the lands and limits belonging to us, and the same is forbidden to you by us." the cargoes must be given up by such ships, if not peaceably, then by means of force, provided "you can seize it without much loss to yourself." a list is appended of the amount of freight that each one may take in the vessels. a copy of these instructions is to be given to juan de cartagena, the inspector-general. this document was copied from his books by the secretary joan de samano in 1524. (no. xiv, pp. 130-152.) seville, 1519. the officials of the house of trade show to magalhães an order from the king (dated at barcelona, july 26, 1519), "by which his highness orders that the commander rui falero remain behind and not go as captain jointly with him in the fleet which his highness orders to be prepared for the spice regions; and also that the said official judges name and appoint the stewards sailing in the said fleet, and as secretaries of the ships of the said fleet shall go those appointed by the said commander [magalhães] if they are natives [of his kingdom]." juan de cartagena is appointed in ruy falero's place as _conjunta persona_, and francisco, brother of ruy, is appointed captain of one of the ships. magalhães says in his communication to the officials of the house of trade that he consents to falero remaining behind, provided the latter surrender to them and to him the "elevations of east and west longitude, with all the rules accompanying them, that they may remain in the said house and be kept in the said fleet." he justifies, the first appointment of two portuguese stewards, both of whom he declares to be good and faithful men. "if they should prove unfaithful then they shall be removed." as for his highness ordering that "no portuguese seamen sail in the fleet," these men had been accepted by the masters of the said ships, and magalhães "received them as he did many other foreigners,--namely, venetians, greeks, bretons, french, german, and genovese,--because, at the time he took them, natives of these kingdoms were lacking." he signifies his willingness to accept others in place of the portuguese, provided they make no extra expense. in regard to the order not to ship portuguese, if such a cause could be shown in the contract that he and falero made with the king at barcelona he would keep it; but otherwise he "would keep only the contract and instructions given to him in barcelona." he would not observe anything contrary to this contract, even if ordered by the king and council. that the king wishes no change in the instructions is evident, because juan de cartagena has been ordered not to make any innovation. magalhães notifies the officials not to interfere with his taking the portuguese who had shipped in the fleet; the blame will be theirs if, now, when everything is in readiness, they obstruct in any way the expedition. the officials of the house of trade reply, asking magalhães to keep the commands that have come from the king. ruy falero will give up all that is needed. they believe that the two portuguese stewards appointed by magalhães are honest men; but it is against the king's orders to carry men of that nation. letters from the king are cited to the effect that magalhães and falero take only four or five portuguese apiece. they urge him to live up to these orders. (no. xvi, pp. 156-162.) september, 1519. on setting out upon his voyage magalhães leaves for the king a memorandum of the latitudes and location of the spice islands, and the shores and principal capes in the castilian demarcation, "because some time the portuguese king may try to declare that the islands of maluco are within his demarcation." he bids the king keep this memorandum carefully, for there may be a time when it is necessary. (no. xix, pp. 188, 189.) on the nineteenth of april, 1520, while at port san julian, magalhães ordered an investigation of a petition presented by alvaro de la mezquita, captain of the ship "san antonio." the petition states that on the first of april gaspar de quesada and juan de cartagena appeared at mezquita's ship, took him prisoner, and made themselves masters of the vessel. quesada refused to liberate the prisoner at the request of the master, and checked the intended resistance of the remaining officers and crew of the "san antonio" by severely wounding the master, juan de elorriaga and ordering the others disarmed. the mate was taken prisoner, and carried to the "concepcion." antonio de coca, accountant of the fleet, was a party to the conspiracy. juan de sebastian del cano, master of the "concepcion," was placed in command of the captured vessel, which was put in a state of defense, all guns being mounted in place. mezquita asks for a thorough investigation of this case, so that the fleet may be cleared of traitors. the charges of wastefulness and cruelty preferred against him, he wishes examined; and, if he is worthy of punishment, let it be administered. this petition was presented on the fifteenth, and acknowledged on the seventeenth. the testimonies were given before a notary on and after april 19, and certified on the twenty-sixth. in the investigations the depositions were taken of the chaplain of the fleet, and of the notary, the pilot, a sailor, the boatswain, the steward, and the master of the "san antonio." in the main they are all alike, exonerating mezquita from all charges and condemning quesada and his accomplices. on the return to seville of the "victoria" (in which mezquita was carried a prisoner), these depositions were presented, through the efforts of diego barbosa, to the alcalde-in-ordinary (may 22, 1523). (no. xx, pp. 189-201.) seville, may 12, 1521. the accountant juan lopez de recalde writes to the bishop of búrgos on this date of the arrival of the "san antonio" at the port of seville, las muelas. the captain of the vessel now was "gerónimo guerra, a relative and servant of cristobal de haro, and its pilot esteban, a portuguese." "they brought as prisoner alvaro de la mezquita, eldest son of magallánes's brother, who was appointed captain of this said ship in place of juan de cartagena." mezquita was transferred to a prison on shore, at which barbosa, "magallánes's father-in-law, showed much resentment, saying that he ought to be set free and those who brought him imprisoned." the letter relates the discord between magalhães and certain of the other officers of the fleet; the imprisonment of mezquita by cartagena; the attempted mutiny; the tragic deaths of mendoza, the treasurer, and quesada; and other vigorous measures of magalhães in quelling the outbreak. he relates the separation in the strait of the "san antonio" from the other vessels, and the determination of the men of this vessel to return to spain, notwithstanding the opposition of mezquita. the latter coming to blows with the pilot esteban gomez was arrested and "they came direct to this port, eating three ounces of bread each day, because their provisions had failed. in the judgment and opinion of those who have come, the said magallánes will not return to castilla." (no. xxi, pp. 201-208.) a journal or log of magalhães's voyage was written by francisco albo, covering the voyage from cape san agustin in brazil until the "victoria" [the first ship to circumnavigate the globe] returned to spain. the log begins november 29, 1519, and ends september 4, 1522. the entries are for the most part very brief. it shows that the fleet sighted or touched at various points, among them "a mountain shaped like a hat, which we called monte vidi, now corruptly called santo vidio [today montevideo], [211] and between it and cape santa maria... a river called the patos river;" also, farther on, "a very great river... solis [today rio de la plata]." the record for october 21-december 1, 1520, says: "on the twenty-first of the said month we took the sun in fifty-two degrees at a distance from land of five leagues. and there we saw an opening like a bay; at its entrance toward the left was a long sandy point. the cape we discovered before this point is called cape las vírgines. the point of sand lies in fifty-two degrees of latitude and fifty-two and one-half degrees of longitude. from this sand-point to the other side is about five leagues. inside this bay we found a strait of about one league in width. from this entrance to the sand-point it is straight east and west. on the left side of the bay is a large angle in which are many sunken rocks. but as you enter you keep toward the north, and as you enter the strait you go toward the southwest by a mid channel. and as you enter you observe some shoals in front at a distance of three leagues from the mouth, and afterward you will find two sandy islets, and then the open channel, and you can doubtless sail at will therein. passing this strait we found another small bay, and then another strait like unto the first. from one entrance to the other the direction is east and west, and the strait runs from the northeast to the southwest. after we had passed through the two mouths or straits we found a very large bay, and some islands. in one of the latter we anchored and took the altitude, which we found to be fifty-two and one-third degrees. from this point we sailed southeast and found a point to the left, at a distance from the first entrance of about thirty leagues.... there are many turns in this strait, and the mountains are very high and covered with snow. afterward we sailed northeast by east, passing many islands on the way. at the farther end of the strait the coast turns northward. at the left we saw a cape and an island, and we named them cape fermoso and cape deseado. it lies in the same altitude as cape las virgines, which is the first point at the entrance. from the said cape fermoso we sailed northeast, north, and north-northwest, for two days and three nights, and on the next day we saw land ... and this land we saw the first day of december." on the twenty-fourth of january, 1521, they find an islet, which they name san pablo. on the sixth of march two small islands are sighted, and they see many small sails. a further note of this same day says "the islands of the ladrones are three hundred leagues from gilolo." march 16, they sight more islands, giving names to two, suluan and yunagan--the first island of the archipelago of san lázaro [the philippines]. they land successively at the islands of gada, seilani, and mazava, and pass by or anchor at matan, subu, baibai. "we left subu sailing southeast ... between the cape of subu and an island named bohol; and on the western side of the cape of subu is another island, by name, panilongo, inhabited by blacks. this island and subu have gold and quantities of ginger.... we anchored at the island of bohol." thus the log continues without date for some time, the islands of quipit, quagayán, poluan, and borney being noted. at the latter place in a brush with the natives, they seize a junk, on which "was a son of the king of luzon, which is a very large island." the ship passes on through the moluccas, which are named: "terrenate, tidori, mare, motil, maquiam, bachian, gilolo--these are all that have cloves." on the fourth of may, 1522, the cape of good hope is founded. (no. xxii, pp. 209-247.) the cargo of cloves brought by the "victoria" amounted to three hundred and eighty-one sacks, with a net weight of five hundred and twenty-four quintals, twenty-one and one-half libras. this was delivered to cristóbal de haro, through an agent, in accordance with a royal decree of october 10, 1522. the cargo also contained other spices, and a feather ornament, besides the private stores. (no. xxiii, pp. 247, 248.) october 18, 1522. certain questions are to be put to those coming in the "victoria." these included: the cause of the discord between magalhães and cartagena and others; the reason for the capture and killing of mendoza, and if any reward were promised to espinosa for killing him; the reason for magalhães's abandonment of cartagena and the ecclesiastic, and if he acted right toward quesada, mendoza, and others; whether the punishments were meted out for the purpose of putting the portuguese accompanying him, and who were kin to him, in command of the ships; the reason for magalhães's long delays in various ports, thus wasting provisions and losing valuable time; questions affecting trade; as to the manner in which magalhães met his death from the indians, and why some say he died in another manner; those who were left behind at the island where magalhães had been killed, and whether they could be rescued. answers are given to these questions by juan sebastian del cano, captain, francisco albo, pilot, and fernando de bustamente, barber, all of the "victoria." (no. xxv, pp. 285-294.) the expedition begun by magalhães made treaties of peace with various petty kings or governors among the islands. one was made with the seignior of poluan, a vassal of the king of borneo. the interpreter in this treaty was "a moro who was seized in the island of the king of lozon and knew some castilian." presents were made to seal the peace. treaties were made also in tidori, cebu, and gilolo. (no. xxvii, pp. 295-298.) 1523. diego de barbosa presents a memorandum to the king regarding some events of magalhães's voyage, and the methods for trading in the spice regions. he cites the memorandum left by the latter on his departure from seville in 1519. he adds "and now, ... i believe that the time has come when this must be investigated, and i determined to present this memorandum to your majesty in order that you may not be deceived in the routes, and in the trade of those regions which you have in your power, since it was discovered at so great expense and toil to magallánes, and his death ..." he justifies the conduct of the latter, and urges the king to see justice done. speaking of the trade he says, "your majesty should believe that the sport of this business that you have in your power is of what extent you may desire, only your majesty must know the game well, because in these first beginnings lies its good. whence i say, that before all else your majesty ought, in this case, to give such examples to those sailing in the fleet which you expect to have prepared, so that those who go shall not be betrayed ... as happened in the past, and that the captain-general ... be one who knows thoroughly what he must do, and that those accompanying him go so instructed that after telling him their opinion, they shall not dare to instruct him in his duties; for where confusion exists there is the whole mistake." he urges a powerful fleet in order to be able to show sufficient force to the natives, and to punish those who killed magalhães. he cites the example of the portuguese who send large fleets to the east, and gain respect through fear, "for if the king of portugal has prestige in the indies, it is because he has always tried to demonstrate his power there, sending as large a fleet as possible each year. therefore not only did he rule those lands with love and good works, but to a greater degree by means of fear." in the matter of trading, the king should keep control; for if traders are allowed to trade on their own account they will ruin everything, and will sell lower, being content with thirty or forty per cent when they might gain one hundred per cent or more. he advises the king that trading should be under the control of his majesty's factor. (no. xxviii, pp. 298-301.) chainho, 1523. antonio brito writes to the king of portugal in regard to events in india and the voyage of magalhães. "i arrived at tidore may 13, 522 [sic]. the castilians had been there and loaded two of the five vessels that sailed from castilla; and i learned that the one had left there four months before, and the other one month and a half." on october 20, news is brought of a ship. brito orders it brought to port, and finds, as he had supposed, that it is a castilian vessel. of their crew of fifty-four men, thirty had died. their maps and instruments are seized; and the ship and cargo confiscated, the wood of the former being used in the fortress. "they said that the bishop of burgos and cristóbal de haro had fitted out this fleet." a short account of the voyage is given. from rio de janeiro the castilians "sailed to the river called solís, where fernando magallánes thought a passage would be found; and they stayed there forty days.... they coasted along shore to a river called san juan, where they wintered for four months. here the captains began to ask where he was taking them, especially one juan de cartagena.... then they tried to rise against magallánes and kill him." the flight of the "san antonio" is narrated, "and it is not known whether it returned to castilla or whether it was lost." the discovery of the strait is noted, with a brief description of its location. the succeeding events--the death of magalhães, the election of two captains (duarte barbosa, "a portuguese, and brother-in-law of magallánes;... and juan serrana, a castilian"), and the death of barbosa and thirty-five or thirty-six men at the hands of natives, are briefly narrated. "they sailed to an island called mindanao ... and had an interview with the king, who showed them where borneo lay," whither they next journeyed. here they were taken by the natives for portuguese, and were well treated. they asked for pilots to conduct them to the moluccas, but the king gave them only as far as mindanao "on the opposite side from which they had come, where they would get other pilots. mindanao is a very large and fertile island." brito relates further the disposition made of the castilians and their cargo. (no. xxx, pp. 305-311.) valladolid, august 2, 1527. investigations are instituted by the council of the indies in regard to the seizure and confiscation by the portuguese of the "trinidad," one of magalhães's vessels. this court of inquiry is in charge of the bishop of ciudad, rodrigo, who examines under oath the captain of the vessel, gonzalo gomez de espinosa and the two pilots ginés de mafra and leon pancado. the investigation brings out, in the form mainly of question and answer, the communication of the castilians with the portuguese, and the confiscation of their ship and cargo. (no. xi, pp. 378-388.) letter of authorization to falero and magallanes inasmuch [212] as we have commanded a certain contract and agreement to be made with you, ruy falero, bachelor, and fernando de magalhayns, knight, natives of the kingdom of portogal, in order that you make an expedition of discovery in the ocean sea; and inasmuch as for the said voyage we have ordered five ships to be armed, manned, provisioned, and supplied with whatever else is necessary for said voyage, having confidence that you are such persons as will guard our service, and that you will execute fully and loyally what we command and entrust to you: it is our will and pleasure to appoint you--as by this present we do--as our captains of the said fleet. we also authorize you so that, during the time of your voyage and until (with the blessing of our lord) you shall return to these kingdoms, you may and shall hold office as our captains, both on sea and land, in your own names and those of your lieutenants, in every case and in everything relating and pertaining to said office. you shall see that there is proper execution of our justice in the lands and islands that you shall discover, according to and in the manner followed by those who have been our sea captains hitherto. by this our letter, we command the masters, mates, pilots, seamen, roustabouts, boys, any other persons and officials of the said fleet, and whatsoever persons may see this present, and shall reside in the said lands and islands that you shall discover, and whomsoever the contents of this letter may concern or affect in any manner whatever, that they regard, accept, and consider you as our captains of the said fleet. as such, they shall obey you and fulfil your commands, under the penalty or penalties which, in our name, you shall impose or order imposed, and which, by this present, we impose and consider as imposed. we authorize you to execute sentence on their persons and goods, and that they observe and cause to be observed all the honors, favors, grace, privileges, liberties, preeminences, prerogatives and immunities, which as our captains, you should hold and enjoy, and which must be kept for you. it is our pleasure and we command that, if during the voyage of said fleet, there should be any disputes or differences, either on land or sea, you shall be empowered to sentence, judge, and execute justice in brief form, summarily and without process of law. we authorize you to decide and judge the said disputes, and to execute all the remaining contents of this our letter and whatever is incumbent upon and pertains to said office of captain, with whatever may be incident, dependent, or connected in any way with the same; and neither yourselves nor others shall act contrary to this. given at valladolid, the xxij day of march, of the year one thousand five hundred and eighteen. i, the king. i, francisco de los covos, secretary of the queen [213] and of the king, her son, our sovereigns, write it by their command. [_endorsed:_ "authorization as sea-captains, given to fernando magallayns and the bachelor ruj fallero for the time while they shall be in the fleet which your highness ordered to be equipped, until their return to españa. johanes le sauvaige. fonseca, archbishop and bishop. registered. juan de samana. (seal) guilhermo, chancellor."] carta de el rei de castella para el reid manuel + s_mo_ y muy ex_te_ rey y principe mj muy caro y muy amado hr_o_ y tio recebi vra letra de xij de hebrero con q he avido muy gran plazer en saber de vra salud, y de la s_ma_ reyna vra muger mj muy cara y muy amada hermana especialment del contentamjento q me escreujs q tenys de su compañja q lo mjsmo me escreujo su ser_d_ asi la he esperado sienpre y: demas de conplir lo q deveys a vra real persona a mj me hazeys en ello muy singular conplazencia porq yo amo tanto a la dicha s_ma_ reyna mj hermana, q es muy mas lo q la qero q el debdo q con ella tengo. afectuosamente vos ruego sienpre me hagays saber de vra salud y de la suya q asi sienpre os hare saber de la mja y lo q de present ay de mas desto q dezires q por cartas q de alla me han escrito he sabido q vos teneys alguna sospecha q del armada q mandamos hazer para yr a las jndias de q van por capitanes hernando magallanes y ruy falero podria venjr algun perjuizo a lo q a vosos perteneçe di aqllas partes de las jndias bien crehemos q avn q algunas personas qaran jnformas dealgo desto q vos terneys por cierta ñra voluntad y obra para las cosas q os tocare q es la q el debdo y amor y la razon lo reqere mas porq dello no os qde pensamjento acorde de vos escreujr po q sepays q nra voluntad ha sido y es de muy cumplidamente guardar todo lo q sobre la demarcaciõ fue asentado y capitulado con los cathocos rey y reyna mjs señores y abuelos q ayan _glra_ y q la dicha armada no yra ni tocara en parte q en cosa perjudiq a vro _drho_ q no solamente q remos esto mas avn qrriamos dexaros de lo q a nos perteneçe y tenemos y el primer capitulo y mandamjeto nro, q lleban los dichos capitans es q guarden la demarcaciõ y q no toque en njnguna manera y so graves penas en las partes y terras y mares q por la demarcaciõ a vos os estan señaladas yos pertenece y asi lo guardarã y complirã y desto no tengays ninguna dubda. s_mo_ y muy ex_te_ rey & _pn_cipe nro muy caro y muy amado hr_o_ y tio nro señor vos aya en su especial guarda y recomjenda de barcelona a xxviij dias de hebrero de dxjx as. yo elrey. couos, sect? (_sobrescripto_:) s_mo_ y muy ex_te_ rey * * * cipe de portugal * * * muy caro y muy * * o hermano y tio. letter from the king of castile to the king don manuel + most serene and very excellent king and prince and very dear and beloved brother and uncle: i received your letter of the twelfth of february and i was extremely pleased to learn concerning the state of your health and that of the most serene queen, your wife, my very dear and much loved sister; and especially was i gratified to hear of the pleasure you take in her company, of which her serene highness likewise wrote me. so i have always wished it, and, besides fulfilling what you owe your royal character, you do me therein very great pleasure, for i love the most serene queen, my sister, so much, that my love for her far exceeds that which is due her from me. i pray you affectionately always to inform me concerning your health and hers, and i will always let you hear as to mine. and now with regard to what is further to be said, i have been informed by letters which i have received from persons near you that you entertain some fear that the fleet which we are dispatching to the indies, under command of hernando magallanes and ruy falero, might be prejudicial to what pertains to you in those parts of the indies. we believe that, in spite of the fact that certain persons desire to imbue you with such an idea, you are assured of our good will and deed in all matters affecting you, which are such as love, duty, and reason demand. nevertheless, in order that your mind may be freed of anxiety, i thought it best to write to you to inform you that our wish has always been, and is, duly to respect everything concerning the line of demarcation which was settled and agreed upon with the catholic king and queen my sovereigns and grandparents (may they rest in glory); and that the said fleet will not in any way enter a district so that your rights would be at all injured; and not only do we desire this but would even wish to give over to you that which belongs to and is held by us. and our first charge and order to the said commanders is to respect the line of demarcation and not to touch in any way, under heavy penalties, any regions of either lands or seas which were assigned to and belong to you by the line of demarcation; and that they will keep and fulfil this injunction i beg you to entertain no doubt. most serene and very excellent king and prince, our very dear and well beloved brother and uncle, may our lord have you in his special keeping and recommendation. barcelona xxviij february dxjx. i, the king; covos, secretary. [_superscription:_ "most serene and very excellent king, [pr]ince of portugal [our] [214] very dear and well [belov]ed brother and uncle."] instructions to cartagena i, the king. that which you, juan de cartagena our captain, are to do in the fulfilment of your duties as our inspector-general of the fleet, which we are sending under command of ruy falero and fernando de magallãins, our captains, knights of the order of san tiago, on the voyage of discovery which, with the blessing of our lord, they are about to undertake as our captain-generals of said fleet, is as follows: first: in order that you may go well-informed, the instructions and agreement made with our said captains for the voyage of discovery are as follows: i, the king. inasmuch as you, fernando de magallãins, knight, native of the kingdom of portogal and bachelor ruy falero, also native of said kingdom, wish to do us signal service, binding yourselves to discover within the boundaries which pertain to and belong to us in the ocean sea, within the limits of our demarcation, those islands and mainlands, riches, spices, and other things with which we shall be well pleased and these our kingdoms well profited, we order herewith the following agreement to be made with you: first: in order that you may and shall with good fortune go on a voyage of discovery in that part of the ocean sea within our limits and demarcation; and as it would not be just that since you are going yourselves to perform the aforesaid, other persons should venture to do the same; and considering that you are to have the hardship of this enterprise: it is my will and pleasure (as i now promise) that, for the term of the first ten years ensuing we shall not permit any other person to go on a voyage of discovery by the same route and course that you may take; and that if anyone else should wish to undertake it and ask permission, it shall not be granted until you have been informed thereof, so that, if at the same time you should so desire, you may undertake it also, being as well prepared, equipped, and furnished with as many vessels as equally well-conditioned, equipped, and manned as those of the other persons wishing to make the said discovery. but it is to be understood that if we should wish to order or permit other persons to undertake such an enterprise by the western route, in the district of those islands, with tierra firme and all other places already discovered, towards the desired direction, for the purpose of seeking the strait of those seas, we may so order or permit to these others. if they should wish to start on their discoveries from tierra firme or from the island of sant miguel, and go through the southern sea, they may do so. likewise if the governor or people who, by our mandate, are now, or may be in the future, in the said tierra firme, or any others of our subjects and vassals should wish to set out on a voyage of discovery in the southern sea, wherein such discovery is permitted; and if they wish to send out ships for further discoveries; then our said governor, vassals, and any other persons who, according to our pleasure, should go upon such discovery in that direction, may do so, notwithstanding the aforesaid of any section and clause whatever in this agreement. but we also desire that if you should wish to do so, you may discover by any of these said routes, provided the place be not already discovered or found. the aforesaid discovery must be made in such manner that you do not discover or do anything to his prejudice, within the demarcation and limits of the most serene king of portogal, my very dear and well beloved uncle and brother, but only within the limits of our demarcation. and acknowledging your wish to serve us which has moved you to undertake the said discovery; the service which we shall receive therefrom; and the benefit of our royal crown--as a remuneration for the labor and danger which you will have to undergo, it is our will and pleasure, and our desire in all the islands and mainlands that you may discover, to grant you--as we do in this present--that of all the profit and gain from all the lands and islands you may so discover, both rents and rights, and whatever else accrues to us in any way, you shall have and take the twentieth part (after first deducting all expenses which may be involved); also you shall have title as our _adelantados_ [215] and governors of said lands and islands, you, your children, and lawful heirs forever. this shall be on condition that the supremacy of the same shall pertain to us and to the kings after us, and if your children and heirs are natives of our kingdoms and married therein; and if the said government and title of _adelantado_ shall descend to your son or heir after your death. we shall have your letters and privileges to this effect sent to you in proper form. we also grant you grace and give you license and power, so that each year hereafter you may take and send, and you shall send, either in our vessels or in any others that you may prefer, to said islands and lands that you shall discover, as above, the value of one thousand ducats first cost. this is to be employed at your risk, and in the place and manner you may deem best. and you can sell this there and use it as you shall decide and desire. you shall bring the returns thereof to these kingdoms, paying us as our rights the twentieth part thereof, without being obliged to pay any other taxes whatsoever, those usually imposed or those which may be newly levied. it is to be understood, however, that this is to be after the return from the first voyage, not during the same. moreover, it is our will and pleasure that if the islands, which you shall discover in this manner, exceed six in number, having first chosen six [for us], you may assign to yourselves two of those that remain. of these you shall have and take the fifteenth part of all the profit and gain of rent and rights pertaining to us, left clear, over and above the expenses involved. _yten_: we wish and it is our will and pleasure that, considering the expenses and labors involved by you on said voyage, to grant you grace--as we do by this present--that at the return of this first fleet and for this once you shall have and take the fifth part of whatever pertains to us in the things that you bring from those regions, which remains clear, over and above the expenses involved in the said fleet. in order that you may accomplish the aforesaid better, and that the necessary caution may be observed, i shall order five ships to be armed for you, two of one hundred and thirty tons, two of ninety and one of sixty tons, all to be sufficiently manned, provisioned, and armed. it should be known that said ships shall be provisioned for two years and shall have two hundred and thirty-four persons to manage them, counting masters, mariners, deck hands and all others necessary, according to the memorandum of the same. this we shall order to be put into effect immediately by our officials of the india house of trade who reside in the city of sevilla. because it is our will and pleasure that the aforesaid should be kept and complied with in every respect, we desire that, if, in the prosecution of the aforesaid, either of you should die, the contents of this present instrument shall be observed and fulfilled by the remaining one, and as faithfully as it must be kept, should both live. furthermore, in order that there may be justice and a good account of the aforesaid, and the suitable caution as regards our estates, we are to appoint, and we shall appoint a treasurer, accountant, and clerks for said ships, who shall keep and record the account and calculation of every thing, and before [whom shall pass] [216] and be delivered everything acquired by the said fleet. this i promise you and i pledge on my royal faith and word that i will order it kept and observed in every particular, according to the contents herewith. i order this present instrument given, signed with my name. given at valladolid, march twenty-two, one thousand five hundred and eighteen. i, the king. by command of the king: francisco de los covos. then when you shall come to the city of sevilla, you shall show our officials of the india house of trade, residing there, the despatch which you bring concerning your said office, informing them fully and specifically of the method which you think you ought to employ in guarding the interests of our estates; also of the said voyage, and the contents of this instruction. _yten_: you will cause our accountant of said fleet to take note of everything spent and which will be spent in said fleet; everything in the cargo taken in the ships from the said city of sevilla; and the wages and provisions, the merchandise carried, both that belonging to us, and that belonging to others who may supply anything for the furnishing and maintenance of the said fleet. you must see to it that a book is kept in which you will make entry of all that is loaded in the holds. these things must be marked with your mark, each different class of merchandise being by itself; and you must designate particularly what belongs to each person, because, as will be seen later, the profits must be allotted at so much to the pound, in order that there may be no fraud. _yten_: you will ask the said officials of sevilla to give you, before the departure of said fleet, an inventory of all the merchandise and other articles placed on board, both on our account and for any other persons. our accountant must put all this in the charge of our treasurer of said fleet, entry being made in the books of both, in order that, when, with the blessing of our lord, said fleet shall return, they may give an account and calculation of everything which can be easily verified and explained. and i order these latter to give you such account, so that whenever the said articles shall be bartered in the said lands and islands, during the bartering, the things bartered shall be unloaded in presence of the said treasurer, and he shall note everything bartered for them, and he shall do this, setting down everything fully and specifically. furthermore, as you will see, i have ordered certain merchants to place on board the said fleet the merchandise and articles to be sent for ransoms. these are they whom the father bishop of búrgos, very reverend in christ and a member of our council, may appoint to furnish the same to the amount of four thousand ducats, which after subtracting the twentieth part of the profits which god shall give to said fleet, must be used for the redemption of captives. the remainder is to be divided between us and said merchants, each of whom draws profit according to the number of pounds he has placed on board. also in all the expenses of the said fleet, the wages and costs, both in the merchandise and other things, you must see to it that our accountant takes note of what is placed on board, in our name and in the names of others, so that the amount of the shares will be known and what is due us. you shall deliver everything to our said treasurer in the presence of our accountant, who shall enter it on his books, their names and yours being signed at each entry, so that in everything there may be due caution and the requisite clearness. you shall also see to it carefully that the bartering and trading of said fleet is done to the greatest possible advantage to our estates, and that everything is delivered to said treasurer, said accountant of said fleet taking note, in your presence, in order to bring it to us. the aforesaid portion which belongs to us you shall deliver to our officials at sevilla; that which is due to said merchants and other persons you shall give and deliver to them after the return of the said fleet to these kingdoms, according to the order given you as hereinbefore stated. in everything, you must take care that the said treasurer records in his book and in that of said accountant, stating what is delivered to him, and the results of the bartering, it being entered in his book and in that of the said accountant--every one being present at the entries in said books, in order that each division of said entries may correspond with that of the other book, no more in one book than in the other. this will be signed by you and by said treasurer and accountant, as before stated, in the manner and according to the order prescribed in this our instructions. we command this so that everything may be stated clearly and that requisite caution be exercised in regard to our estate. moreover, you must watch and see to it that all the rents belonging to us [in (?)--blank space in _alguns documentos_] whatever manner, in said lands and islands that are discovered by said fleet, [whether (?)--blank space in _alguns documentos_] in trade or in any other way; also the rents of the salt marshes which in the said islands and lands have belonged up to the present and will hereafter belong to us. _yten_: you shall see to it that our treasurer of the said fleet collect the fifth and other rights whatsoever belonging to us, of all and whatsoever bartering that be made or shall be made in the future in said islands and lands; also the slaves, guanins, [217] pearls, and precious stones, drugs, or spices and other things whatsoever that must be delivered and which belong to us, fulfilling that which is commanded to and agreed upon with the said captains, merchants, and other persons. you will see that said accountant entrusts this to said treasurer, as aforesaid, in your presence, observing therein the order as before stated. moreover you must see to it that the said treasurer shall receive all the fines that have been imposed and shall be imposed by our said captains and by any justice and person whatever, and that said accountant shall enter them in a separate book, in your presence. moreover, you must exercise much care and vigilance to see that our service is complied with and to effect what is proper for the colonization and pacification of the lands that are found. you will advise us fully and specifically of the manner in which our instructions and mandates are complied with in said islands and lands; of our justice; of the treatment of the natives of said lands, with whom you must be careful to use good faith and fulfil all that is promised--they must be treated most affectionately, both in order that they may be influenced to become good christians, which is our principal desire, and that they may with good will serve us and be under our government, subjection, and friendship; how said captains and officers observe our instructions, and other matters of our service; and of everything else of which you think i should be informed, as i state and declare herein. when, with the blessing of our lord, the fleet shall set sail, you together with our other said captains, inspector general, and officers shall write me of the departure and of the caution you are employing. [blank space in _alguns documentos_]. in the future whenever you write me of the events of the said voyage and of those matters concerning which you must inform me, you will all together write me in one letter, but if you think that i should be advised privately of anything which relates to our service, you may do so. moreover, you must treat our said captains and officials well since they are those to whom we have entrusted duties, and they shall do the same to you. for i am sure that they will serve us on this voyage and in the future as good and loyal subjects as they have shown themselves to be heretofore; and it is my will to show them favor and grace. all that you see which may be suitable for our service you must guide and direct, aiding in all possible way to serve us to the best of your ability. _yten_: when in due time you have arrived in the regions where said fleet shall discover, you must investigate and ascertain what land it is. if it should be a land where you must barter, you must first effect the bartering of the merchandise of the said fleet before attending to any other private interest, following the decision and opinion of our said officials of the said fleet. after bartering the belongings of the fleet, the officers and people may barter the other merchandise of which, according to this mandate, they shall pay us the fifth part. _yten_: as one of the principal things required in such voyages is concord among the persons in charge, you must see to it carefully that there may be unity and harmony among you, and our said captains, and other officials. if there should be any misunderstanding among them, they must desist from all differences, and you and your companions shall settle all such and prevent them from taking place. do the same yourselves and all being in harmony the interests of our service will be better guarded, which if the contrary is observed, would not be the case. this i order and charge you because therein you will serve me well. moreover, although the offices of our captains and inspector, treasurer, and accountant of said fleet are independent of each other, in that which relates to the trust of each, inasmuch as it is convenient for the good of our service and the increase of our royal income, for the colonization and pacification of our lands, each one must keep account of what pertains to the office of the other. inasmuch as the office you hold as inspector general of the said fleet is an office of great trust, and it is necessary that there be exercised therein much diligence, care, and vigilance, i order you to charge and entrust yourself with this trust because it is the one office of said fleet on which all the others depend. even should there be any negligence in the other offices and should there be no such good foresight and caution as is proper, if you fulfil your duty, it would be less inconvenient. you must labor and endeavor with all your strength to observe the care and thoroughness in everything relating to your said office and necessary for our service with that care and diligence which i expect from you, so that there may be a good record and the proper caution. although it has not been before stated, you are to have a separate book in which you shall enter all the aforesaid. nevertheless you must be present at all entries and sign the books of our treasurer and accountant of the said fleet, because (though god forbid), should any accident befall any of the ships in which the said officials sail, it were well that in everything there should be due caution and a record of it; and that, besides being always present you have a separate book. therefore i order and charge you that this book be similar to and contain the same account of the affairs of the said fleet as the one kept by the said accountant. you will keep a separate book, in which you will set down the accounts of the treasurer as herein stated. you will cause said treasurer and accountant to sign also in your book; but you shall not, on this account, neglect to be present in all matters, and observe diligence in the books of the others, as before mentioned. furthermore, that we may be informed of all, when at good time you will arrive at those lands and islands for which the said fleet is bound, you shall make a book and full relation of everything you see and find there. when you are about to return you shall have five copies made of this, placing one copy in each ship, so that in case of accident to any one of the said ships there may be a full account of everything. you must also place in each ship a list of everything which the said fleet brings in each one of the ships, each list being identical and in accordance with your books. you must take care that the goods brought by said fleet be divided among all the ships, placing in each one the amount deemed proper for our captains and officials. i charge and order you to do all this and more which you may consider advantageous to our service and to the good interest of our estates and of said fleet, with that diligence and fidelity which i expect from you. barcelona, the sixth day of the month of april, one thousand, five hundred and nineteen. i, the king. by command of the king: francisco de los covos. [_endorsed_: "instructions to cartagena."] carta do rei de castella a fernando de magalhães e a ruy falero + el rey fernando de magallãins & ruy falero caualleros de la orden de san tiago nros capitañs generales dell annada q mandamos haser para yr a descobrir & a los otros capitañs particulares de la dha armada & pilotos & maestres & contramaestres & marineros de las naos de la dha armada, porquanto yo tengo por çierto segund la mucha informaçiõ que he avido de personas que por esperiençia lo an visto q en las islas de maluco ay la espeçieria q prinçipalmente ys a buscar con esa dha armada & my voluntad es que derechamente sigais el viage a las dhas islas por la forma e maña que lo he dicho e mandado a vos el dcho fernando de magallãins, porende yo vos mando a todos & a cada uno de vos q en la navegaçion del dho viage sigais el pareçer & determinaçiõ del dho fernando de magallãins para que ants e primero que a otra parte alguna vais a las dhas islas de maluco sin que en ello aya ninguna falta, porq asy cumple a nro seruiçio & despues de fecho esto se podra buscar lo demas que convenga conforme a lo q ileuais mãdado & los unos nj los otros non fagads njn fagan ende al por alguna maña, so pena, de pdimy de biens e las psonas a la nra merced fecha en barçelona a diez & nueve dias del mes de abril ano de mjll quinientos & diez e nueve años. yo el rey. por mandado del rey fran_co_ de los covos. pa q los del armada sigan el pareçer y determynaçiõ de magallanes pa q ants y prño q a otra p_te_ vayã a la espeçierja. letter from the king of castile to fernando de magalhães and ruy falero + the king. fernando de magallãins and ruy falero, knights of the order of san tiago, our captain-generals of the fleet which we are about to despatch on an expedition of discovery, and the other individual captains of the said fleet; the pilots, sailing masters, boatswains, and sailors in the ships of the said fleet: inasmuch as i am quite well assured by those who have actually been there, that the maluco islands are rich in spices--the chief article sought by the said fleet,--order you, the said fernando de magallãins, to pursue a direct course to the above-mentioned islands, exactly as i have told and commanded you. and i order you all individually and collectively, that, in the said voyage you heed strictly the counsels and decisions of the said fernando de magallãins; and that, first and foremost, before sailing elsewhere, you proceed without fail to the said maluco islands, for in this wise do you perform our service. afterwards you may seek other suitable things, in accordance with your orders. and none of you shall act contrary to this our will, in any manner, under penalty of loss of property and life. barcelona, april nineteen one thousand five hundred and nineteen: i, the king. by command of the king: francisco de los covos. [_endorsed:_ "in order that those sailing in the fleet may heed the counsels and decisions of magallanes, and that first and foremost, before proceeding elsewhere, they may sail to the spice islands."] extracto de una carta de las indias despues de esto escrito a v.s. llego ynigo lopez a los xviij de malaca el q_l_ truxo por nuevas q los castellanos estavan en maluco, q ptierõ tres naos de castilla y en ellas fernando magallaes por principal y fuerõ a [symbol] vista del cabo de san agustin y de allj corrierõ obra de dozientas o trezientas leguas al luengo de la costa del brasil y fuerõ a dar en un rrio q atravessava toda la trra del brasil y era de agua dulce, anduvierõ por el seys o siete dias hasta q se vierõ de la otra parte del sul y por allj comencaron de yr a buscar a maluco anduvierõ cinco messes por vn golfo sin nunca [symbol] tierra nj hallar yslas y sienpre con vientos en popa, eneste paraje fuyo vna nao al magallanes y se torno non se sabe pte della, y eneste tpõ vuo vna grande confusion entre los castellanos de dezir q_l_ magallanes los levana a entregar alos portugueses y determjnarõ dese levantar con las naos. supolo magallaes y hizose doliente y enbyo allamar vno a vno delos culpados y davãle vn mallo rrodeyro en la cabeça, mato los de qujen se temja y dio las capitanjas y cargos a otros aqujen el qujso, yendo porsu derrora adelante con poco mantenjmjento y agua, vuo vysta de vna ysia laqual era burneo qujsierõ salir en ella contra voluntad delos dela _trra_ vuo entre vnos y otros gran pelea en la qual murio el magallanes y otros muchos hoh bres de fayçion q qdo el armada muy desaparejada de gente y estuvierõ en condiçion de se entregar ala gente dela _trra_ levantose vn piloto portugues q yva con magallaes y tomo el leme en la mano y partio camjno de maluco alqual llego y hallo vn hombre de don tristan de meneses q dios aya, vujeronle ala mano y supieron todo lo q qujsieron del fizieron sus contratos bien largamete y a voluntad delos dela _trra_ despendieron desus bonetes bermejos y paños q lebavan por los quales les fiziero carga destas dos naos, las quales partierõ de maluco cargadas de clavo y mal aparejadas de aparejos y costados dexaron en _trra_ dos o tres honbres con barcos y talãqras y vnos tiros fechos por señal, estas naos trayan hecho fundamento de se venjr por las islas de maldiva porq por el camino q fuerõ tenjante por peligroso po el tpo los hizo arribar a burneo de donde se partio vna nao la mejor adereçada pa essos rreynos la qual dios alla nos lieve, la otra con sesenta personas se tornava pa maluco por no estar pa acometer el camjno y fazer mucha agua, y fazia fundamento de hazer estançias en maluco con su artilleria y esperar allj rrespuesta dela nao q partio pa castilla le q_l_ plazera a nro s_or_ q no yra alla su el lo vujere por su serviçio. todas estas nuevas supierõ por dos grumetes delas mismas naos q se qdarõ en burneo por a[symbol] mjedo de yr las naos tan mal aderecadas, y de allj los levo don juã* a timor adonde estava pedro merino--cargando de soldados (?) y de allj se partio con estos dos grumetes y los truxo a malaca a donde hallo a yñigo lopez q estana pa partir y se metio con el y llegarõ a cochin a salvamento con los castellanos grumetes de gujen se supo todo esto. [_addressed:_ "s. cel. & cath._ca_ m._ti_"] [_endorsed:_ "a su mag xxjx de agosto de cochin a 23 de dics de 1522. avises del viage [sic] de magallanes y su muerte y noticias dela india portuguesa."] extract of a letter from the indies after i had written the above to your lordship, yñigo lopez arrived on the eighteenth from malaca with the news that the castilians were in maluco; that three vessels had left castilla under command of fernando magallaes. they had been sighted off the cape of san agustin, from which point they had run about two hundred or three hundred leagues along the coast of brasil. there they anchored in a river [218] which flows across the whole of brasil, and was of fresh water. they sailed for six or seven days on this river until they came to the other part of the south, whence they started in quest of maluco, sailing for five months in a wide expanse of waters without ever seeing land or finding islands, and with a steady stern wind. in this region one of the ships fled from magallanes and started to return, but nothing more has been heard of it at this time a great uneasiness became manifest among the castilians, and it was rumored that magallanes was going to deliver them over to the portuguese; and they resolved to mutiny and seize the ships. magallanes upon obtaining information of this was sorely grieved. he summoned the guilty ones before him one by one, but they flatly refused to come. [219] he killed those of whom he stood in fear, and gave their captaincies and duties to those whom he thought proper. he continued his forward course although he had but little food and water, and finally came in sight of an island which was the island of burneo. they tried to land there against the will of the inhabitants. a great fight ensued, in which magallanes and many of his fighting men were killed, and when the fleet, deprived of many men, was in such straits that it could easily have fallen into the hands of the inhabitants of that land, a portuguese pilot, who had come with magallanes, came to the rescue, took the tiller, and turned the course of the vessel toward maluco. he reached that place and found there one of the followers of don tristan de meneses (may he rest in peace). they took him prisoner and obtained from him all the information that they desired. then they made their bargains in detail and at the wish of those on land disposed of their red caps and clothes which they had carried with them, in return for which those on shore loaded their vessels; these left maluco laden with cloves, but in very poor condition as to their rigging and hulls. they left two or three men with small boats and defenses, and some shot to use for signals. it was their intention to go with their ships through the islands of maldiva because they considered the course that they were taking dangerous. the weather, however, compelled them to land at burneo from which place one of the vessels which was in the better condition started for those kingdoms, and may god grant her safe arrival. the other vessel returned with sixty hands to maluco for it was leaking badly and not in a condition to undertake the voyage. they resolved to make a stay at maluco with the artillery and wait there for news of the vessel which had left for castilla which may it please our lord not to bring to that place unless it be for his service. all this news was had from two deck-hands of the same vessels, who had remained at burneo for fear of embarking in them while in so poor condition. from this place don juan brought them to timor where pedro merino was in command of the soldiers, [220] and from there he departed with these two deck-hands and brought them to malaca where he found yñigo lopez, who was about to leave. joining with him they both arrived in safety at cochin with the castilian deck-hands from whom they obtained all the above information. [_addressed:_ "sacred caesarean and catholic majesty."] [_endorsed:_ "to his majesty, xxjx of august from cochin, december 23, 1522. advices of the voyage of magallanes and of his death, and news from portuguese india."] de molvccis insulis most reverend and illustrious lord: my only lord, to you i most humbly commend myself. not long ago one of those five ships returned which the emperor, while he was at saragossa some years ago, had sent into a strange and hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for the islands in which spices grow. for although the portuguese bring us a great quantity of them from the golden chersonesus, which we now call malacca, nevertheless their own indian possessions produce none but pepper. for it is well known that the other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its covering [mace], which we call muscat-flower, are brought to their indian possessions from distant islands hitherto only known by name, in ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by palm-leaves, and having round sails also woven out of palm-fibres. ships of this sort they call "junks," and they are impelled by the wind only when it blows directly fore or aft. nor is it wonderful, that these islands have not been known to any mortal, almost up to our time. for whatever statements of ancient authors we have hitherto read with respect to the native soil of these spices, are partly entirely fabulous, and partly so far from truth, that the very regions, in which they asserted that these spices were produced, are scarcely less distant from the countries in which it is now ascertained that they grow, than we are ourselves. for, not to mention others, herodotus, in other respects a very good authority, states that cinnamon was found in birds' nests, into which the birds had brought it from very distant regions, among which birds he mentions especially the phoenix--and i know not who has ever seen the nest of a phoenix. but pliny, who might have been thought to have had better means of knowing the facts, since long before his time many discoveries had been made by the fleets of alexander the great, and by other expeditions, states that cinnamon was produced in ethiopia, on the borders of the land of the troglodytes. whereas we know now that cinnamon is produced at a very great distance from any part of ethiopia, and especially from the country of the troglodytes, _i.e._ dwellers in subterraneous caves. now it was necessary for our sailors, who have recently returned, who knew more about ethiopia than about other countries, to sail round the whole world and that in a very wide circuit, before they discovered these islands and returned to europe; and, since this voyage was a very remarkable one, and neither in our own time, nor in any former age, has such a voyage been accomplished, or even attempted, i have determined to send your lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition. i have taken much care in obtaining an account of the facts from the commanding officer of the squadron, [221] and from the individual sailors who have returned with him. they also made a statement to the emperor, and to several other persons, with such good faith and sincerity, that they appeared in their narrative, not merely to have abstained from fabulous statements, but also to contradict and refute the fabulous statements made by ancient authors. for who ever believed that the monosceli, or sciapodes [one-legged men], the scyrites, the spithamæi [persons a span--seven and one-half inches--high], the pigmies [height thirteen and one-half inches], and such-like were rather monsters than men? yet, although the castilians in their voyages westwards, and the portuguese sailing eastwards, have sought out, discovered, and surveyed so many places even beyond the tropic of capricorn, and now these countrymen of ours have sailed completely round the world, none of them have found any trustworthy evidence in favor of the existence of such monsters; and therefore all such accounts ought to be regarded as fabulous, and as old wives' tales, handed down from one writer to another without any basis of truth. but, as i have to make a voyage round the world, i will not extend my prefatory remarks, but will come at once to the point. some thirty years ago, when the castilians in the west, and the portuguese in the east, had begun to search after new and unknown lands, in order to avoid any interference of one with the other, the kings of these countries divided the whole world between them, by the authority probably of pope alexander vi, on this plan, that a line should be drawn from the north to the south pole through a point three hundred and sixty leagues west of the hesperides which they now call cape verde islands, which would divide the earth's surface into two equal portions. all unknown lands hereafter discovered to the east of this line were assigned to the portuguese; all on the west to the castilians. hence it came to pass that the castilians always sailed southwest, and there discovered a very extensive continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in gold, pearls, and other valuable commodities; and have quite recently discovered a large inland city named tenoxtica [mexico] situated in a lake like venice. peter martyr, [222] an author who is more careful as to the accuracy of his statements than of the elegance of his style, has given a full but truthful description of this city. but the portuguese sailing southward past the hesperides [cape verde islands] and the fish-eating ethiopians [west coast of africa], crossed the equator and the tropic of capricorn, and sailing eastward discovered several, very large islands heretofore unknown, and also the sources of the nile and the troglodytes. thence, by way of the arabian and persian gulfs, they arrived at the shores of india within the ganges, where now there is the very great trading station and the kingdom of calicut. hence they sailed to taprobane which is now called zamatara [sumatra]. for where ptolemy, pliny, and other geographers placed taprobane, there is now no island which can possibly be identified with it. thence they came to the golden chersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city of malacca, the principal place of business of the east. after this they penetrated into a great gulf, as far as the nation of the sinæ, who are now called schinæ [chinese], where they found a fair-complexioned and tolerably-civilized people, like our folks in germany. they believe that the seres and asiatic scythians extend as far as these parts. and although there was a somewhat doubtful rumour afloat, that the portuguese had advanced so far to the east, that they had come to the end of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory appointed for the castilians, and that malacca and the great gulf were within our limits, all this was more said than believed, until, four years ago, ferdinand magellan, a distinguished portuguese, who had for many years sailed about the eastern seas as admiral of the portuguese fleet, having quarreled with his king, who he considered had acted ungratefully towards him, and christopher haro, brother of my father-in-law, of lisbon, who had, through his agents for many years carried on trade with those eastern countries, and more recently with the chinese, so that he was well acquainted with these matters (he also, having been ill-used by the king of portugal, had returned to his native country, castille), pointed out to the emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained, whether malacca was within the boundaries of the portuguese or of the castillians, because hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known; but that it was an undoubted fact that the great gulf and the chinese nations were within the castilian limits they asserted also that it was absolutely certain, that the islands called the moluccas, in which all sorts of spices grow, and from which they were brought to malacca, were contained in the western, or castilian division, and that it would be possible to sail to them, and to bring the spices at less trouble and expense from their native soil to castille. the plan of the voyage was to sail west, and then coasting the southern hemisphere round the south of america to the east. yet it appeared to be a difficult undertaking, and one of which the practicability was doubtful. not that it was impossible, _prima facie_, to sail from the west round the southern hemisphere to the east; but that it was uncertain, whether ingenious nature, all whose works are wisely conceived, had so arranged the sea and the land that it might be possible to arrive by this course at the eastern seas. for it had not been ascertained whether that extensive region, which is called terra firma, separated the western ocean [the atlantic] from the eastern [the pacific]; but it was plain that that continent extended in a southerly direction, and afterwards inclined to the west. moreover two regions had been discovered in the north, one called baccalearum from a new kind of fish, [223] the other called florida; and if these were connected with terra firma, it would not be possible to pass from the western ocean to the eastern; since although much trouble had been taken to discover any strait which might exist connecting the two oceans, none had yet been found. at the same time it was considered that to attempt to sail through the portuguese concessions and the eastern seas would be a hazardous enterprise, and dangerous in the highest degree. the emperor and his council considered that the plan proposed by magellan and haro, though holding out considerable advantages, was one of very considerable difficulty as to execution. after some delay, magellan offered to go out himself, but haro undertook to fit out a squadron at the expense of himself and his friends, provided that they were allowed to sail under the authority and patronage of his majesty. as each resolutely upheld his own scheme, the emperor himself fitted out a squadron of five ships, and appointed magellan to the command. it was ordered that they should sail southwards by the coast of terra firma, until they found either the end of that country or some strait, by which they might arrive at the spice-bearing moluccas. accordingly on the tenth of august, 1519, ferdinand magellan with his five ships sailed from seville. in a few days they arrived at the fortunate islands, now called the canaries. thence they sailed to the islands of the hesperides [cape verde]; and thence sailed in a southwesterly direction towards that continent which i have already mentioned [terra firma or south america], and after a favorable voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which they called st. mary's. here admiral john ruy dias solis, while exploring the shores of this continent by command of king ferdinand the catholic, was, with some of his companions, eaten by the anthropophagi, whom the indians call cannibals. hence they coasted along this continent, which extends far on southwards, and which i now think should be called the southern polar land, then gradually slopes off in a westerly direction, and so sailed several degrees south of the tropic of capricorn. but it was not so easy for them to do it, as for me to relate it. for not till the end of march in the following year, [1520] did they arrive at a bay, which they called st. julian's bay. here the antarctic polestar was forty-nine and one-third degrees above the horizon, this result being deduced from the sun's declination and altitude, and this star is principally used by our navigators for observations. they stated that the longitude was fifty-six degrees west of the canaries. [224] for since the ancient geographers, and especially ptolemy reckoned the distance easterly from the fortunate islands [canaries] as far as cattigara to be one hundred and eighty degrees, and our sailors have sailed as far as possible in a westerly direction, they reckoned the distance from the canaries westward to cattigara to be also one hundred and eighty degrees. yet even though our sailors in so long a voyage and in one so distant from the land lay down and mark certain signs and limits of the longitude; they appear to me rather to have made some error in their method of reckoning of the longitude than to have attained any trustworthy result. meanwhile, however this may be, until more certain results are arrived at, i do not think that their statements should be absolutely rejected, but merely accepted provisionally. this bay appeared to be of great extent, and had rather the appearance of a strait. therefore admiral magellan directed two ships to survey the bay; and himself remained with the rest at anchor. after two days, they returned, and reported that the bay was shallow, and did not extend far inland. our men on their return saw some indians gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore, for the natives of all unknown countries are commonly called indians. these indians were very tall, ten spans high [seven feet six inches], clad in skins of wild beasts, darker-complexioned than would have been expected in that part of the world; and when some of our men went on shore and showed them bells and pictures, they began to dance round our men with a hoarse noise and unintelligible chant, and to excite our admiration they took arrows a cubit and a half long, and put them down their own throats to the bottom of their stomachs without seeming any the worse for it. then they drew them up again, and seemed much pleased at having shown their bravery. at length three men came up as a deputation, and by means of signs requested our men to come with them further inland, as though they would receive them hospitably. magellan sent with them seven men well equipped, to find out as much as possible about the country and its inhabitants. these seven went with the indians some seven miles up the country, and came to a desolate and pathless wood. here was a very low-built cottage roofed with skins of beasts. in it were two rooms, in one of which dwelt the women and children, and in the other the men. the women and children were thirteen in number, and the men five. these received their guests with a barbarous entertainment, but which they considered to be quite a royal one. for they slaughtered an animal much resembling a wild ass, and set before our men half-roasted steaks of it, but no other food or drink. our men had to cover themselves at night with skins, on account of the severity of the wind and snow. before they went to sleep they arranged for a watch to be kept; the indians did the same and lay near our men by the fire, snoring horribly. when day dawned, our men requested them to return with them, accompanied by their families to our ships. when the indians persisted in refusing to do so, and our men had also persisted somewhat imperiously in their demands, the men went into the women's chamber. the spaniards supposed that they had gone to consult their wives about this expedition. but they came out again as if to battle, wrapped up from bead to foot in hideous skins, with their faces painted in various colours, and with bows and arrows, all ready for fighting, and appearing taller than ever. the spaniards, thinking a skirmish was likely to take place, fired a gun. although nobody was hit, yet these enormous giants, who just before seemed as though they were ready to fight and conquer jove himself, were so alarmed at the sound, that they began to sue for peace. it was arranged that three men, leaving the rest behind, should return with our men to the ships, and so they started. but as our men not only could not run as fast as the giants, but could not even run as fast as the giants could walk, two of the three, seeing a wild ass grazing on a mountain at some distance, as they were going along, ran off after it and so escaped. the third was brought to the ships, but in a few days he died, having starved himself after the indian fashion through homesickness. and although the admiral returned to that cottage, in order to make another of the giants prisoner, and bring him to the emperor, as a novelty, no one was found there, as all of them had removed elsewhere, and the cottage had disappeared. hence it is plain that this nation is a nomad race, and although our men remained some time in that bay, as we shall presently mention, they never again saw an indian on that coast; nor did they think that there was anything in that country that would make it worth while to explore the inland districts any further. and though magellan was convinced that a longer stay there would be of no use, yet since for some days the sea was very rough and the weather tempestuous, and the land extended still further southward, so that the farther they advanced, the colder they would find the country, their departure was unavoidably put off from day to day, till the month of may arrived, at which time the winter sets in with great severity in those parts, so much so, that, though it was our summer-time, they had to make preparations for wintering there. magellan, perceiving that the voyage would be a long one, in order that the provisions might last longer, ordered the rations to be diminished. the spaniards endured this with patience for some days, but alarmed at the length of the winter and the barrenness of the land, at last petitioned their admiral magellan, saying that it was evident that this continent extended an indefinite distance south-wards, and that there was no hope of discovering the end of it, or of discovering a strait; that a hard winter was setting in, and that several men had already died through scanty food and the hardships of the voyage; that they would not long be able to endure that restriction of provisions which he had enacted; that the emperor never intended that they should obstinately persevere in attempting to do what the natural circumstances of the case rendered it impossible to accomplish; that the toils they had already endured would be acknowledged and approved, since they had already advanced further than the boldest and most adventurous navigators had dared to do; that, if a south wind should spring up in a few days, they might easily sail to the north, and arrive at a milder climate. in reply, magellan, who had already made up his mind either to carry out his design, or to die in the attempt, said that the emperor had ordered him to sail according to a certain plan, from which he could not and would not depart on any consideration whatever, and that therefore he should continue this voyage till he found either the end of this continent, or a strait. that though he could not do this at present, as the winter prevented him, yet it would be easy enough in the summer of this region; that if they would only sail along the coast to the south, the summer would be all one perpetual day; that they had means of providing against want of food and the inclemency of the weather, inasmuch as there was a great quantity of wood, that the sea produced shell-fish, and numerous sorts of excellent fish; that there were springs of good water, and they could also help their stores by hunting and by shooting wild fowl; that bread and wine had not yet run short, and would not run short in future, provided that they used them for necessity and for the preservation of health, and not for pleasure and luxury: that nothing had yet been done worthy of much admiration, nor such as could give them a reasonable ground for returning; that the portuguese not only yearly, but almost daily, in their voyages to the east, made no difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south of the tropic of capricorn: what had they then to boast of, when they had only advanced some four degrees south of it; that he, for his part, had made up his mind to suffer anything that might happen, rather than to return to spain with disgrace; that he believed that his companions, or at any rate, those in whom the generous spirit of spaniards was not totally extinct, were of the same way of thinking: that he had only to exhort them fearlessly to face the remainder of winter; that the greater their hardships and dangers were, the richer their reward would be for having opened up for the emperor a new world rich in spices and gold. magellan thought that by this address he had soothed and encouraged the minds of his men, but within a few days he was troubled by a wicked and disgraceful mutiny. for the sailors began to talk to one another of the long-standing ill-feeling existing between the portuguese and the castilians, and of magellan's being a portuguese; that there was nothing that he could do more to the credit of his own country than to lose this fleet with so many men on board: that it was not to be believed that he wished to find the moluccas, even if he could, but that he would think it enough if he could delude the emperor for some years by holding out vain hopes, and that in the meanwhile something new would turn up, whereby the castilians might be completely put out of the way of looking for spices: nor indeed was the direction of the voyage really towards the fertile molucca islands, but towards snow and ice and everlasting bad weather. magellan was exceedingly irritated by these conversations, and punished some of the men, but with somewhat more severity than was becoming to a foreigner, especially to one holding command in a distant part of the world. so they mutinied and took possession of one of the ships, and began to make preparations to return to spain, but magellan, with the rest of his men who had remained faithful to him, boarded that ship, and executed the ringleader and other leading mutineers, even some who could not legally be so treated: for they were royal officials, who were only liable to capital punishment by the emperor and his council. however under the circumstances no one ventured to resist. yet there were some, who whispered to one another, that magellan would go on exercising the same severity amongst the castilians, as long as one was left, until having got rid of everyone of them, he could sail home to his own country again with the few portuguese he had with him. the castilians therefore remained still more hostile to the admiral. as soon as magellan observed that the weather was less stormy and that winter began to break up, he sailed out of st. julian's bay on the twenty-fourth of august, 1520, as before. for some days he coasted along to the southward and at last sighted a cape, which they called cape santa cruz. here a storm from the east caught them, and one of the five ships was driven on shore and wrecked, but the crew and all goods on board were saved, except an african slave, who was drowned. after this the coast seemed to stretch a little south eastwards, and as they continued to explore it, on the twenty-sixth of november [1520] an opening was observed having the appearance of a strait; magellan at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing several bays in various directions, directed three of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether there was any way through, undertaking to wait for them five days at the entrance of the strait, so that they might report what success they had. one of these ships was commanded by alvaro de mezquita, son of magellan's brother, and this by the windings of the channel came out again into the ocean whence it had set out. when the spaniards [225] saw that they were at a considerable distance from the other ships, they plotted among themselves to return home, and having put alvaro their captain in irons, they sailed northwards, and at last reached the coast of africa, and there took in provisions, and eight months after leaving the other ships they arrived in spain, where they brought alvaro to trial on the charge that it had chiefly been through his advice and persuasion that his uncle magellan had adopted such severe measures against the castilians. magellan waited some days over the appointed time for this ship, and meanwhile one ship had returned, and reported that they had found nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stony and with high cliffs; but the other reported that the greatest bay had the appearance of a strait, as they had sailed on for three days and had found no way out, but that the further they went the narrower the passage became, and it was so deep, that in many places they sounded without finding the bottom; they also noticed from the tide of the sea, that the flow was somewhat stronger than the ebb, and thence they conjectured that there was a passage that way into some other sea. on hearing this magellan determined to sail along this channel. this strait, though not then known to be such, was of the breadth in some places of three, in others of two, in others of five or ten italian miles, [226] and inclined slightly to the west. the latitude south was found to be fifty-two degrees, the longitude they estimated as the same as that of st. julian's bay. it being now hard upon the month of november, the length of the night was not much more than five hours; they saw no one on the shore. one night however a great number of fires was seen, especially on the left side, whence they conjectured that they had been seen by the inhabitants of those regions. but magellan, seeing that the land was craggy, and bleak with perpetual winter, did not think it worth while to spend his time in exploring it, and so with his three ships continued, his voyage along the channel, until on the twenty-second day after he had set sail, he came out into another vast and open sea: the length of the strait they reckoned at about one hundred spanish miles. the land which they had to the right was no doubt the continent we have before mentioned [south america]. on the left hand they thought that there was no continent, but only islands, as they occasionally heard on that side the reverberation and roar of the sea at a more distant part of the coast. magellan saw that the main land extended due north, and therefore gave orders to turn away from that great continent, leaving it on the right hand, and to sail over that vast and extensive ocean, which had probably never been traversed by our ships or by those of any other nation, in a northwesterly direction, so that they might arrive at last at the eastern ocean, coming at it from the west, and again enter the torrid zone, for he was satisfied that the moluccas were in the extreme east, and could not be far off the equator. they continued in this course, never deviating from it, except when compelled to do so now and then by the force of the wind; and when they had sailed on this course for forty days across the ocean with a strong wind, mostly favourable, and had seen nothing all around them but sea, and had now almost reached again the tropic of capricorn, they came in sight of two islands, [227] small and barren, and on directing their course to them found that they were uninhabited; but they stayed there two days for repose and refreshment, as plenty of fish was to be caught there. however they unanimously agreed to call these islands the unfortunate islands. then they set sail again, and continued on the same course as before. after sailing for three months and twenty days with good fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a distance almost too long to estimate, having had a strong wind aft almost the whole of the time, and having again crossed the equator, they saw an island, which they afterwards learnt from the neighboring people was called inuagana. [228] when they came nearer to it, they found the latitude to be eleven degrees north; the longitude they reckoned to be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees west of cadiz. from this point they saw more and more islands, so that they found themselves in an extensive archipelago, but on arriving at inuagana, they found it was uninhabited. then they sailed towards another small island, where they saw two indian canoes, for such is the indian name of these strange boats; these canoes are scooped out of the single trunk of a tree, and hold one or at most two persons; and they are used to talk with each other by signs, like dumb people. they asked the indians what the names of the islands were, and whence provisions could be procured, of which they were very deficient; they were given to understand that the first island they had seen was called inuagana, that near which they then were, acacan, [229] but that both were uninhabited; but that there was another island almost in sight, in the direction of which they pointed, called selani, [230] and that abundance of provisions of all sorts was to be had there. our men took in water at acacan, and then sailed towards selani, but a storm caught them so that they could not land there, but they were driven to another island called massana, [231] where the king of three islands resides. from this island they sailed to subuth [zebu], a very large island, and well supplied, where having come to a friendly arrangement with the chief they immediately landed to celebrate divine worship according to christian usage--for the festival of the resurrection of him who has saved us was at hand. accordingly with some of the sails of the ships and branches of trees they erected a chapel, and in it constructed an altar in the christian fashion, and divine service was duly performed. the chief and a large crowd of indians came up, and seemed much pleased with these religious rites they brought the admiral and some of the officers into the chief's cabin, and set before them what food they had. the bread was made of sago, which is obtained from the trunk of a tree not much unlike the palm. this is chopped up small, and fried in oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which i send to your lordship; their drink was a liquor which flows from the branches of palm-trees when cut, some birds also were served up at this meal; and also some of the fruit of the country. magellan having noticed in the chief's house a sick person in a very wasted condition, asked who he was and from what disease he was suffering. he was told that it was the chief's grandson, and that he had been suffering for two years from a violent fever. magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would devote himself to christ, he would immediately recover his former health and strength. the indian consented and adored the cross, and received baptism, and the next day declared that he was well again, rose from his bed, and walked about, and took his meals like the others. what visions he may have told to his friends i cannot say; but the chief and over twenty-two hundred indians were baptized and professed the name and faith of christ. magellan seeing that this island was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was so conveniently situated with respect to the neighboring islands, that it would be easy, making this his headquarters, to explore their resources and natural productions, he therefore went to the chief of subuth and suggested to him, that since he had turned away from the foolish and impious worship of false gods to the christian religion, it would be proper that the chiefs of the neighboring islands should obey his rule; that he had determined to send envoys for this purpose, and if any of the chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to compel them to do so by force of arms. the proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys were sent: the chiefs came in one by one and did homage to the chief of subuth in the manner adopted in those countries. but the nearest island to subuth is called mauthan [matan], and its king was superior in military force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do homage to one whom he had been accustomed to command for so long. magellan, anxious to carry out his plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could rely on for valor and military skill, to arm themselves, and passed over to the island mauthan in boats, for it was very near. the chief of subuth furnished him with some of his own people, to guide him as to the topography of the island and the character of the country, and, if it should be necessary, to help him in the battle. the king of mauthan, seeing the arrival of our men, led into the field some three thousand of his people. magellan drew up his own men and what artillery he had, though his force was somewhat small, on the shore, and although he saw that his own force was much inferior in numbers, and that his opponents were a warlike race, and were equipped with lances and other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable to face the enemy with them, than to retreat, or to avail himself of the aid of the subuth islanders. accordingly he exhorted his men to take courage, and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had often been the case, as had recently happened in the island [peninsula] of yucatan, that two hundred spaniards had routed two or even three hundred thousand indians. he said to the subuth islanders, that he had not brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and military prowess of his men. then he attacked the mauthan islanders, and both sides fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men in number, and used longer lances, to the great damage of our men, at last magellan himself was thrust through and slain. [232] although the survivors did not consider themselves fairly beaten, yet, as they had lost their leader, they retreated; but, as they retreated in good order, the enemy did not venture to pursue them. the spaniards then, having lost their admiral, magellan, and seven of their comrades, returned to subuth, where they chose as their new admiral john serrano, a man of no contemptible ability. he renewed the alliance with the chief of subuth, by making him additional presents, and undertook to conquer the king of mauthan. magellan had been the owner of a slave, a native of the moluccas, whom he had formerly bought in malacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to speak spanish fluently, and of an interpreter of subuth, who could speak the moluccan language, our men carried on their negotiations. this slave had taken part in the fight with the mauthan islanders, and had been slightly wounded, for which reason he lay by all day intending to nurse himself. serrano, who could do no business without his help, rated him soundly, and told him that though his master magellan was dead, he was still a slave, and that he would find that such was the case, and would get a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not exert himself and do what was required of him more zealously. this speech much incensed the slave against our people: but he concealed his anger and in a few days he went to the chief of subuth, and told him that the avarice of the spaniards was insatiable: that they had determined, as soon as they should have defeated the king of mauthan, to turn round upon him, and take him away as a prisoner; and that the only course for him [the chief of subuth] to adopt was to anticipate treachery by treachery. the savage believed this, and secretly came to an understanding with the king of mauthan, and made arrangements with him for common action against our people. admiral serrano, and twenty-seven of the principal officers and men, were invited to a solemn banquet. these, quite unsuspectingly, for the natives had carefully dissembled their intentions, went on shore without any precautions, to take their dinner with the chief. while they were at table, some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in and slew them. a great outcry was made: it was reported in our ships that our men were killed, and that the whole island was hostile to us; our men saw, from on board the ships, that the handsome cross, which they had set up in a tree, was torn down by the natives and cut up into fragments. when the spaniards, who had remained on board, heard of the slaughter of our men, they feared further treachery: so they weighed anchor and began to set sail without delay. soon afterwards serrano was brought to the coast a prisoner; he entreated them to deliver him from so miserable a captivity, saying that he had got leave to be ransomed, if his men would agree to it. although our men thought it was disgraceful to leave their commander behind in this way, their fear of the treachery of the islanders was so great, that they put out to sea, leaving serrano on the shore in vain lamenting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. the spaniards, having lost their commander and several of their comrades, sailed on sad and anxious, not merely on account of the loss they had suffered, but also because their numbers had been so diminished, that it was no longer possible to work the three remaining ships. on this question they consulted together, and unanimously came to the conclusion, that the best plan would be to burn one of the ships, and to sail home in the two remaining. they therefore sailed to a neighboring island, called cohol [bohol], and having put the rigging and stores of one of the ships on board the two others, set it on fire. hence they proceeded to the island of gibeth. [233] although they found that this island was well supplied with gold and ginger and many other things, they did not think it desirable to stay there any length of time, as they could not establish friendly relations with the natives; and they were too few in number to venture to use force. from gibeth they proceeded to the island of porne [borneo]. in this archipelago there are two large islands: one of which is called siloli [gilolo], whose king had six hundred children. siloli is larger than porne, for siloli can hardly be circumnavigated in six months, but porne in three months. although siloli is larger than porne, yet the latter is more fertile, and distinguished as containing a large city of the same name as the island. and since porne must be considered to be more important than the other islands, which they had hitherto visited, and it was from it that the other islanders had learnt the arts of civilized life, i have determined to describe briefly the manners and customs of these nations. all these islanders are caphrae or kafirs, _i.e.,_ heathens, they worship the sun and moon as gods; they assign the government of the day to the sun, and that of the night to the moon; the sun they consider to be male, and the moon female, and that they are the parents of the other stars, all of which they consider to be gods, though little ones. they salute, rather than adore, the rising sun, with certain hymns. also they salute the bright moon at night, from whom they ask for children, for the increase of their flocks and herds, for an abundant supply of the fruits of the earth, and for other things of that sort. but they practice piety and justice: and especially love peace and quiet, and have great aversion to war. as long as their king maintains peace, they show him divine honours: but if he is anxious for war, they never rest till he is slain by the enemy in battle. when the king has determined on war, which very seldom happens, his men set him in the front rank, where he has to stand the whole brunt of the combat; and they do not exert themselves vigorously against the enemy, till they know that the king has fallen: then they begin to fight for liberty and for their new king: nor has any king of theirs entered on a war without being slain in battle. for this reason they seldom engage in war, and they think it unjust to extend their frontiers. their chief care is to avoid giving offence to the neighboring nations or to strangers. but if at any time they are attacked, they retaliate; and yet, lest further ill should arise, they at once endeavor to come to terms. they think that party acts most creditably, which is the first to propose terms of peace; that it is disgraceful to be anticipated in so doing; and that it is scandalous and detestable to refuse peace to those who ask for it, even though the latter should have been the aggressors: all the neighboring people unite in destroying such refusers of peace as impious and abominable. hence they mostly pass their lives in peace and leisure. robberies and murders are quite unknown among them. no one may speak to the king but his wives and children, except at a distance by hollow canes, which they apply to his ear, and through which they whisper what they have to say. they think that at death men have no perception as they had none before they were born. their houses are small, built of wood and earth, covered partly with rubble and partly with palm-leaves. it is ascertained that there are twenty thousand houses in the city of porne. they marry as many wives as they can afford to keep; they eat birds and fish; make bread of rice; and drink a liquor drawn from the palm tree--of which we have spoken before. some carry on trade with the neighbouring islands, to which they sail in junks, some are employed in hunting and shooting, some in fishing, some in agriculture: their clothes are made of cotton. their animals are nearly the same as ours, excepting sheep, oxen, and asses: their horses are very slight and small. they have a great supply of camphor, ginger, and cinnamon. on leaving this island our men, having paid their respects to the king, and propitiated him by presents, sailed to the moluccas, their way to which had been pointed out to them by the king. then they came to the coast of the island of solo, [234] where they heard that pearls were to be found as large as doves' eggs, or even hens' eggs, but that they were only to be had in very deep water. our men did not bring home any single large pearl, as they were not there at the season of the year for pearl-fishing. they said however that they found an oyster there the flesh of which weighed forty-seven pounds. hence i should be disposed to believe that pearls of the size mentioned would be found there; for it is certain that large pearls are found in oysters. and, not to forget it, i will add that our men reported that the islanders of porne asserted that the king wore two pearls in his crown as large as goose eggs. after this they came to the island of gilona, where they saw some men with such long ears, that they reached down to their shoulders; and when they expressed their astonishment, the natives told them, that in an island not far off, there were men, who had such long and wide ears, that one ear could, when they liked, cover the whole of their heads. but as our men were not in search of monsters but of spices, they did not trouble themselves about such rubbish, but sailed direct for the moluccas, where they arrived in the eighth month after their admiral magellan had been slain in the island of mauthan. the islands are five in number, and are called, tarante, muthil, thedori, mare, and matthien, [235] situated partly to the north, partly to the south, and partly on the equator; the productions are cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon: they are all close together, but of small extent. a few years ago the kings [of] marmin began to believe that the soul is immortal. they were induced to believe this solely from the following reason, that they observed that a certain very beautiful small bird never settled on the earth, or on anything that was on the earth; but that these birds sometimes fell dead from the sky to the earth. and when the mohammedans, who visited them for trading purposes, declared that these birds came from paradise, the place of abode of departed souls, these princes adopted the mohammedan faith, which makes wonderful promises respecting this same paradise. they call this bird mamuco diata; and they venerate it so highly, that the kings think themselves safe in battle under their protection, even when, according to their custom, they are placed in the front line of the army in battle. the common people are kafirs, and have much the same manners and customs as the islanders of porne, already spoken of; they are much in need of supplies from abroad, inasmuch as their country only produces spices, which they willingly exchange for the poisonous articles arsenic and sublimated mercury, and for the linen which they generally wear; but what use they make of these poisons has not yet been ascertained. they live on sago-bread, fish, and sometimes parrots; they live in very low-built cabins: in short, all they esteem and value is peace, leisure, and spices. the former, the greatest of blessings, the wickedness of mankind seems to have banished from our part of the world to theirs: but our avarice and insatiable desire of the luxuries of the table has urged us to seek for spices even in those distant lands. to such a degree has the perversity of human nature persisted in driving away as far as possible that which is conducive to happiness, and in seeking for articles of luxury in the remotest parts of the world. our men having carefully examined the position of the moluccas, and of each separate island, and also into the characters of the chiefs, sailed to thedori, because they understood that this island produced a greater abundance of cloves than the others, and also that the king excelled the other kings in prudence and humanity. providing themselves with presents they went on shore, and paid their respect to the king, and handed him the presents as the gift of the emperor. he accepted the presents graciously, and looking up to heaven said, "it is now two years since i learnt from observation of the stars that you were sent by the great king of kings to seek for these lands. wherefore your arrival is the more agreeable to me, inasmuch as it has already been foreseen from the signification of the stars. and since i know that nothing happens to man, which has not long since been ordained by the decree of fate and of the stars, i will not be the man to resist the determinations of fate and the stars, but will spontaneously abdicate my royal power, and consider myself for the future, as carrying on the government of this island as your king's viceroy. so bring your ships into the harbour, and order the rest of your companions to land in safety, so that now after so much tossing about on the sea, and so many dangers, you may securely enjoy the comforts of life on shore, and recruit your strength; and consider yourselves to be coming into your own king's dominions." having thus spoken, the king laid aside his diadem, and embraced each of our men, and directed such refreshments as the country produced to be set on table. our men, delighted at this, returned to their companions, and told them what had taken place. they were much delighted by the graciousness and benevolence of the king, and took up their quarters in the island. when they had been entertained for some days by the king's munificence, they sent envoys thence to the other kings, to investigate the resources of the islands, and to secure the good will of the chiefs. tarante was the nearest; it is a very small island, its circumference being a little over six italian miles. the next is matthien, and that also is small. these three produce a great quantity of cloves, but every fourth year the crop is far larger than at other times. these trees only grow on precipitous rocks, and they grow so close together as to form groves. the tree resembles the laurel as regards its leaves, its closeness of growth, and its height; the clove, so called from its resemblance to a nail [latin, _clavus_] grows at the very tip of each twig; first a bud appears, and then a blossom much like that of the orange; the point of the clove first shows itself at the end of the twig, until it attains its full growth; at first it is reddish, but the heat of the sun soon turns it black. the natives share groves of this tree among themselves, just as we do vineyards: they keep the cloves in pits, till the merchants fetch them away. the fourth island, muthil, is no larger than the rest. this island produces cinnamon; the tree is full of shoots, and in other respects fruitless, it thrives best in a dry soil, and is very much like the pomegranate tree. when the bark cracks through the heat of the sun, it is pulled off the tree, and being dried in the sun a short time becomes cinnamon. near muthil is another island, called bada [badjan or batchian], more extensive than the moluccas; in it the nutmeg grows. the tree is tall and wide-spreading, a good deal like a walnut tree; the fruit too is produced just in the same way as a walnut, being protected by a double covering, first a soft envelope, and under this a thin reticulated membrane which encloses the nut. this membrane we call muskatblüthe, the spaniards call it mace, it is an excellent and wholesome spice. within this is a hard shell, like that of a filbert, inside which is the nutmeg properly so called. ginger also is produced in all the islands of this archipelago: some is sown, some grows spontaneously; but the sown ginger is the best. the plant is like the saffron-plant, and its root, which resembles the root of saffron, is what we call ginger. our men were kindly received by the various chiefs, who all, after the example of the king of thedori, spontaneously submitted themselves to the imperial government. but the spaniards, having now only two ships, determined to bring with them specimens of all sorts of spices, etc., but to load the ships mainly with cloves, because there had been a very abundant crop of it this season, and the ships could contain a great quantity of this kind of spice. having laden their ships with cloves, and received letters and presents from the chiefs to the emperor, they prepared to sail away. the letters were filled with assurances of fidelity and respect: the gifts were indian swords, etc. the most remarkable curiosities were some of the birds, called mamuco diata, that is the bird of god, with which they think themselves safe and invincible in battle. five of these were sent, one of which i procured from the captain of the ship, and now send it to your lordship--not that you will think it a defence against treachery and violence, but because you will be pleased with its rarity and beauty. i also send some cinnamon, nutmegs, and cloves, that you may see that our spices are not only not inferior to those imported by the venetians and portuguese, but of superior quality, because they are fresher. soon after our men had sailed from thedori, the larger of the two ships [the trinidad] sprang a leak, which let in so much water, that they were obliged to return to thedori. the spaniards seeing that this defect could not be put right except with much labor and loss of time, agreed that the other ship [the victoria] should sail to the cape of cattigara, thence across the ocean as far as possible from the indian coast, lest they should be seen by the portuguese, until they came in sight of the southern point of africa, beyond the tropic of capricorn, which the portuguese call the cape of good hope, for thence the voyage to spain would be easy. it was also arranged that, when the repairs of the other ship were completed, it should sail back through the archipelago and the vast [pacific] ocean to the coast of the continent which we have already mentioned [south america], until they came to the isthmus of darien, where only a narrow neck of land divides the south sea from the western sea, in which are the islands belonging to spain. the smaller ship accordingly set sail again from thedori, and though they went as far as twelve degrees south, they did not find cattigara, [236] which ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of the equator; however after a long voyage, they arrived in sight of the cape of good hope, and thence sailed to the cape verde islands. here this ship also, after having been so long at sea, began to be leaky, and the men, who had lost several of their companions through hardships in the course of their adventures, were unable to keep the water pumped out. they therefore landed at one of the islands called santiago, to buy slaves. as our men, sailor-like, had no money, they offered cloves in exchange for slaves. when the portuguese officials heard of this, they committed thirteen of our men to prison. the rest, eighteen in number, being alarmed at the position in which they found themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to spain. sixteen months after they had sailed from thedori, on the sixth of september 1522 they arrived safe and sound at a port [san lucar] near seville. these sailors are certainly more worthy of perpetual fame, than the argonauts who sailed with jason to colchis; and the ship itself deserves to be placed among the constellations more than the ship argo. for the argo only sailed from greece through the black sea; but our ship setting put from seville sailed first southwards, then through the whole of the west, into the eastern seas, then back again into the western. i humbly commend myself to your most reverend lordship. written at valladolid twenty-fourth of october 1522. your most reverend and most illustrious lordship's most humble and perpetual servant, _maximilianus transylvanus_. cologne--[printed] at the house of eucharius cervicornus. a.d. 1523--in the month of january. bibliographical data _the line of demarcation_ _papal bulls of 1493_.--the originals of the bulls of may 3 and 4 exist in the archives of the vatican; and authenticated copies are in the archivo general de indias at seville, their pressmark being "patronato, simancas--bulas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1." the archivo nacional of lisbon (which is housed in the torre do tombo) has one of the originals of the bull of may 4--pressmark, "gaveta 10, maco 11, n°. 16." the _inter cætera_ of may 3 was not known to be in existence until 1797, when it was discovered by muñoz in the simancas archives (from which many documents have since been transferred to the archives at seville); in recent years it has been found in those of the vatican also. there is in the british museum a ms. copy (in spanish translation) of the bull of may 4--its pressmark being "papeles varias de indias, 13,977." the bull of september 25 is known only through the spanish translation made (august 30, 1554) by grecian de aldrete, secretary of felipe ii of spain; this is at seville, with pressmark as above. harrisse could not find the latin original of this document at simancas seville, or rome. for the bulls of may 3 and 4 our translation is made from the latin text given in heywood's _documenta selecta et tabulario secreto vaticano_ (roma, 1893), pp.14-26; that contains also photographic facsimiles of the original bulls. certain formal ecclesiastical phrases which heywood only indicates by "etc." have been, for the sake of completeness, translated in full in the first bull. the bulls are also published in raynaldi's _annales ecclesiastici_ (lucæ, typis leonardi venturini, mdccliv), xi, pp. 213-215; hernaez's _coleción de bulas, breves_, etc. (bruselas, 1879), i, pp. 12-16; _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxiv, pp. 14-21; and in _fonti italiani_ (roma, 1892), part iii. the bull _inter cætera_ of may 3 may also be found in navarrete's _col. de viages_, ii, pp. 23-27 (ed. 1825; or pp. 29-33, ed. 1859); _eximiæ_ of same date, in solorzano's _de jure indiarum_ (madrid, 1629), i, pp. 612, 613. _inter cætera_ of may 4 is also given in solorzano, p. 610; _alguns documentos_, (lisboa, mdcccxcii), pp. 65-68; and calvo's _recueil complet de traités de l'amérique latine_ (paris, 1862), i (premiere période), pp. 1-15, in both latin and spanish versions. for the bull of september 25 we have used the spanish text, which navarrete gives _ut supra_, pp. 404-406 (449-451, 2d ed.)--solorzano's latin version, which has been followed by hernaez and other editors, being probably only a retranslation from the spanish. for good discussions of these bulls and of the demarcation line, with abundant citations of authorities, see bourne's "demarcation line of pope alexander vi," in _amer. hist. assn. rep_., 1891, pp. 101-130 (republished in _yale review_, may, 1892), and in his _essays in historical criticism_ (n. y., 1901), pp. 193-217; s.e. dawson's "lines of demarcation of pope alexander vi, and the treaty of tordesillas," in _canad. roy. soc. trans_., 1899, sec. ii, pp. 467-546; and harrisse's _diplomatic history of america_ (london, 1897). _treaty of tordesillas_ (june 7, 1494).--the original ms. of this document is in the seville archives--pressmark, "simancas--bulas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1." it is also found in the torre do tombo of lisbon--its pressmark being "gaveta 17, maço 2, n°. 24;" there is another copy--pressmark "gaveta 18, maço 2, n°. 2"--apparently a duplicate of the former. the text of the treaty is published in g. f_a_ de martens's _traités de l'europe, supplément_ (gottingue, 1802), i, pp. 372-388; navarrete's _col. de viages_, ii, pp. 130-143 (147-162, 2nd ed.); _alguns documentos,_ pp. 69-80; calvo's _recueil de traités_, i, pp. 16-36; and _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxvi, pp. 54-74. our translation is made from the version in _alguns documentos_, as that most closely following the original; and in foot-notes are indicated some of the variations of navarrete's text from that in _alguns documentos_. _compact between the monarchs of spain and portugal_ (april 15, 1495).--the original ms. of this document is in the seville archives "patronato real." we translate from navarrete, _ut supra_, ii, pp. 170-173 (192-195, 2d ed.). it is published also in _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xxxviii, pp. 336-341. _papal bull, præcelsæ_ (nov. 3, 1514).--the original of this bull exists in torre do tombo, lisbon--pressmark, "maço 20 de bullas, n°. 18;" it is written on parchment, and covers twenty folios. it is printed in full in _corpo diplomatico portuguez_ (lisboa, 1862), i, pp. 275-298; and a brief synopsis is given (in portuguese) in _alguns documentos_, p. 366. we present a similar synopsis, with a short extract from the bull. _letters of cárlos i_ (1523).--the originals of these documents are in the seville archives, in "patronato real." we translate from the text in navarrete, _ut supra_, vol. iv (1837), as follows: instructions to the ambassadors, pp. 301-305; letter to zúñiga, pp. 312-320. _treaty of vitoria_ (feb. 19, 1524).--the original is in the seville archives--pressmark, "papeles del maluco, de 1519 á 1547, leg°. 1°." the translation here published is made from navarrete, _ut supra_, pp. 320-326. _junta of badajoz_ (april-may, 1524).--the originals of these documents are at seville, in the "patronato real." the copies made therefrom by juan bautista muñoz, in pursuance of orders given him by cárlos iv to write a history of spanish discovery and conquest, are in the library of the real academia de la historia, madrid. our translations and synopses are made from navarrete's text, _ut supra_, as follows: extract from the records of possession and ownership, pp. 355-368; opinions of spanish astronomers and pilots, pp. 333-355; letters to spanish deputies, pp. 326-333. _treaty of zaragoza_ (april 22, 1529).--the original of this document is in torre do tombo, lisbon--pressmark, "gaveta 18, maco 8, n°. 29." our translation is made from the text in _alguns documentos_, pp. 495-512. this treaty has been published also in navarrete, _ut supra_, pp. 389-406; and in martens's _supp. traités de l'europe_, i, pp. 398-421. it was appended to the treaty of 1750 between spain and portugal. _papal bull, eximiæ_ (nov. 16, 1501) our translation is made from navarrete, _ut supra_, ii, pp. 408, 409 (454, 455, 2d ed.). the bull is published also in hernaez's _col. de bulas_, i, pp. 20-25; and in _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_ xxxiv, pp. 22-29. _life and voyage of fernao de magalhaes_ our résumé of various contemporary documents is made from navarrete, _ut supra_, iv (1837), pp. 110-406. the ms. of the letter of authorization to falero and magallánes is in torre do tombo, lisbon--pressmark, "gaveta 18, maço 8, n°. 39." it is published in _alguns documentos_, pp. 418, 419, from which our translation is made. the originals of the letters of 1519 (from copies of which we translate except instructions to cartagena, from _alguns documentos_) are in torre do tombo--their respective pressmarks as follows: letter of cárlos i to manuel, "gaveta 18, maço 5, n°. 26;" instructions to cartagena, "corpo chron., parte 3_a_, maço 7, n°. 18;" letter of cárlos i to magallánes and falero, "corpo chron., parte 1_a_, maço 24, n°. 64." these letters are published in _alguns documentos_, pp. 422-430. the letter of 1522 is translated from a copy of the original ms. in the simancas archives--pressmark, "secretaria de estada, leg. 367, fol. 94." _de molvccis insulis_. the first edition of this book was printed in january, 1523, at cologne, by hirzhorn (latinized as cervicornus). in november, 1523, it was published at rome by minitius calvus, also second edition february, 1524. there has been much controversy regarding the priority of the cologne edition, some writers claiming that it was really issued in 1524; but the question is apparently settled by the fact that johann schöner cites the book in his letter (written in 1523) to reimer von stréitberg (streytpergk); see stevens's _johann schoner_ (london, mdccclxxxviii), pp. 99, 153. we reproduce here the translation made by the late henry stevens (_ut supra_, pp. 103-146); it is accompanied therein (pp. 57-90) by a phototypographic facsimile of the original print. fuller details regarding this work will appear in the volume devoted to bibliography, which will be published at the end of this series. chronological tables 1493-1803 list of roman pontiffs _alexander vi_ (rodrigo borgia, or lenzuoli).--born jan. 1, 1431; became pontiff, aug. 11, 1492; died aug. 18, 1503. _pius iii_ (francesco todischini piccolomini).--born may 9, 1439; became pontiff, sept. 22, 1503; died oct. 18, 1503. _julius ii_ (guiliano della rovere).--born dec. 15, 1443; became pontiff, oct. 31 or nov. 1, 1503; died feb. 2, 1513. _leo x_ (giovanni de' medici).--born dec. 11, 1475; became pontiff, march 11, 1513; died dec. 1, 1521. _hadrianus vi_ (florian boyers).--born mar. 2, 1459; became pontiff, jan. 9, 1522; died sept. 14, 1523. _clemens vii_ (giulio de' medici).--born 1475 (?); became pontiff, nov. 19, 1523; died sept. 26, 1534. _paulus iii_ (alessandro farnese).--born feb. 28, 1468; became pontiff, oct. 13, 1534; died nov. 10, 1549. _julius iii_ (giovanni maria de ciocchi del monte).--born sept. 10, 1487; became pontiff, feb. 8, 1550; died mar. 23, 1555. _marcellus ii_ (marcello cervini).--born may 6, 1501; became pontiff, apr. 9, 1555; died may 1, 1555. _paulus iv_ (giovanni pietro caraffa).--born june 28, 1476; became pontiff, may 23, 1555; died aug. 18, 1559. _pius iv_ (giovanni angelo de' medici).--born mar. 31, 1499; became pontiff, dec. 26, 1559; died dec. 9, 1565. _pius v_ (michele ghisleri).--born jan. 17, 1504; became pontiff, jan. 7, 1566; died may 1, 1572. _gregorius xiii_ (ugo buoncompagno).--born feb. 7, 1502; became pontiff, may 13, 1572; died apr. 10, 1585. _sixtus v_ (felice peretto).--born dec. 13, 1521; became pontiff, apr. 24, 1585; died aug. 27, 1590. _urbanus vii_ (giovanni battista castagna).--born aug. 4, 1521; became pontiff, sept. 15, 1590; died sept. 27, 1590. _gregorius xiv_ (nicola sfondrati).--born feb. 11, 1535; became pontiff, dec. 5, 1590; died oct. 15, 1591. _innocentius ix_ (giovanni antonio facchinetti).--born july 20, 1519; became pontiff, oct. 29, 1591; died dec. 30, 1591. _clemens viii_ (ippolito aldobrandini).--born feb. 24, 1536; became pontiff, jan. 30, 1592; died mar. 3, 1605. _leo xi_ (alessandro ottaviano de' medici).--born 1535; became pontiff, apr. 1, 1605; died apr. 27, 1605. _paulus v_ (camillo borghese).--born sept. 17, 1552; became pontiff, may 16, 1605; died jan. 28, 1621. _gregorius xv_ (alessandro ludovisio).--born jan. 9, 1554; became pontiff, feb. 9, 1621; died july 8, 1623. _urbanus viii_ (maffeo barberini).--born mar. 26, 1568; became pontiff, aug. 6, 1623; died july 29, 1644. _innocentius x_ (giovanni battista pamfilio).--born mar. 7, 1572 (or 1573); became pontiff, sept. 15, 1644; died jan. 7, 1655. _alexander vii_ (fabio chigi).--born feb. 13, 1599; became pontiff, apr. 7, 1655; died may 22, 1667. _clemens ix_ (giulio rospigliosi).--born jan. 28, 1600; became pontiff, june 20, 1667; died dec. 9, 1669. _clemens x_ (giovanni battista emilio altieri).--born july 15, 1590; became pontiff, apr. 29, 1670; died july 22, 1676. _innocentius xi_ (benedetto odescalchi).--born may 16, 1611; became pontiff, sept. 21, 1676; died aug. 12, 1689. _alexander viii_ (pietro ottoboni).--born apr. 10, 1610; became pontiff, oct. 6, 1689; died feb. 1, 1691. _innocentius xii_ (antonio pignatelli).--born mar. 13, 1615; became pontiff, july 12, 1691; died sept. 27, 1700. _clemens xi_ (giovanni francesco albani).--born july 23, 1649; became pontiff, nov. 23, 1700; died mar. 19, 1721. _innocentius xiii_ (michel angelo conti).--born may 15, 1655; became pontiff, may 8, 1722; died mar. 7, 1724. _benedictus xiii_ (vicenzo marco orsino).--* born feb. 2, 1649; became pontiff, may 29, 1724; died feb. 21, 1730. _clemens xii_ (lorenzo corsini).--born apr. 11 (?), 1652; became pontiff, july 12, 1730; died feb. 6, 1740. _benedictus xiv_ (prospero lambertini).--born mar. 31, 1675; became pontiff, aug. 17, 1740; died may 3, 1758. _clemens xiii_ (carlo rezzonico).--born mar. 17, 1693; became pontiff, july 6, 1758; died feb. 2, 1769. _clemens xiv_ (giovanni vincenzo antonio ganganelli).--born oct. 31, 1705; became pontiff, may 19, 1769; died sept. 22, 1774. _pius vi_ (giovanni angelo braschi).--born dec. 27, 1717; became pontiff, feb. 15, 1775; died aug. 29, 1799. _pius vii_ (gregorio barnaba luigi chiaramonti).--born aug. 14, 1742; became pontiff, mar. 14, 1800; died aug. 20, 1823. list of the rulers of spain house of castilla and aragon _isabel i of castilla_.--born at madrigal de las altas torres (avila), april 22, 1451; daughter of juan ii of castilla and isabel of portugal. married fernando ii of aragón, oct. 18 or 19, 1469. succeeded her brother enrique iv on the throne of castilla and leon; proclaimed queen dec. 13, 1474. died at medina del campo (valladolid), nov. 26, 1504. named as her heirs her daughter juana and the latter's husband, philip of austria; and appointed fernando (now v of castilla) regent of castilla and león during the minority of juana's son cárlos. fernando and isabel were styled "the catholic sovereigns." _fernando v of castilla_ (ii of aragón and navarra).--born at sos (zaragoza), may 10, 1452; son of juan ii and juana enriquez of aragón and navarra. died at madrigalejo, jan. 23, 1516. during isabel's life, was king-consort, and governed her dominions only by virtue of this relation; after her death, was regent only of castilla, which dignity he held until his death, except from june 27, 1506, to aug. 21, 1507, during which period he retired to aragón, in favor of juana's husband philip. inheriting the throne of aragón and navarra (jan. 20, 1479), his marriage with isabel (1469) and their conquest of granada (1492) united under one monarchy the provinces now comprised in the country of spain. _juana_.--born at toledo, in 1479; second daughter of isabel and fernando. married philip of austria, oct. 20 or 21, 1496. died at tordesillas, april 11, 1555. reigned from nov. 26, 1504, until her death--jointly with her husband, during his life; and with her son thereafter--but under her father's regency until 1516; during her reign she was more or less subject to insanity, and was but nominally queen, seldom exercising royal powers, and living in strict seclusion. known as "la loca," "the mad." house of austria _felipe i_ (philip of austria).--born at bruges, july 22, 1478; son of maximilian i, emperor of germany, and maria de borgoña. by his marriage to juana, was king-consort of castilla from nov. 26, 1504, until his death. died at búrgos, sept. 25, 1506. styled "el hermoso," "the beautiful." _cárlos i_ (charles v, emperor of germany).--born at ghent, feb. 25, 1500; son of felipe i and juana. landed in spain in 1517. married isabel of portugal (daughter of manoel), march 11, 1526. abdicated in favor of his son felipe ii, jan. 16, 1556; died at monastery of yuste, aug. 30, 1558. elected emperor of germany in june, 1519. reigned over spain jointly with juana. during his minority, fernando was regent until his death (1516); thereafter cardinal jiminez (ximenes) de cisneros acted in that capacity until the latter's death (nov. 8, 1517); with the cardinal was associated, nominally, adrian, dean of louvain. _felipe ii_.--born at vallodolid, may 21, 1527; son of cárlos i and isabel. married maria, daughter of joão iii of portugal, nov. 15, 1543; mary tudor of england, july 25, 1554; marie elisabeth of valois, feb. 2, 1560; anna of austria, in 1570. acted as regent for his father from june 23, 1551 until march 28, 1556, when he was proclaimed king. died at the escorial, sept. 13, 1598. became king of portugal in april, 1581, taking the oath at lisbon. _felipe iii_.--born at madrid, april 14, 1578; son of felipe ii and anna of austria. married margaret of austria, nov. 13, 1598, two months after his accession to the throne. died at madrid, march 31, 1621. surnamed "el piadoso," "the pious." _felipe iv_.--born at valladolid, april 8, 1605; son of felipe iii and margaret. married isabel of bourbon, in 1615; mariana of austria, in 1649. succeeded his father as king, and died at madrid, sept. 17, 1665. the sovereignty of spain over portugal ceased dec. 1, 1640. _cárlos ii_.--born nov. 6, 1661; son of felipe iv and mariana. married marie louise of orleans, in 1679; mariana of bavaria, in 1690. died nov. 1, 1700, the last spanish ruler of the house of austria. during his minority his mother was regent (sept. 17, 1665 to nov. 16, 1675). surnamed "el hechizado," "the bewitched." house of bourbon _felipe v_ (philip of anjou).--born at versailles, dec. 19, 1683; son of louis, dauphin of france, and mariana of bavaria. proclaimed king nov. 24, 1700. married maria louisa of savoy, sept. 11, 1701; isabel farnese, sept. 16, 1714. abdicated in favor of his son luis i, jan. 10, 1724; but resumed the government on sept. 6 following, in consequence of luis's death. died at madrid, july 9, 1746. the spanish crown was bequeathed to him by cárlos ii. _luis i_.--born aug. 5, 1707; son of felipe v and maria louisa. married louise elisabeth of orleans, nov. 16, 1721. by his father's abdication of the throne luis was nominally king from jan. 19, 1724 until his death, aug. 31 following. _fernando vi_.--born sept. 23, 1713; son of felipe v and maria louisa. married maria teresa barbara of braganza, jan. 19, 1729. died at villaviciosa de odon (madrid), aug. 10, 1759. _cárlos iii_.--born at madrid, jan. 20, 1716; son of felipe v and isabel farnese. married maria amalia of saxony. died at madrid, dec. 14, 1788. _cárlos iv_.--born nov. 11, 1748; son of cárlos iii. married maria louisa of parma. proclaimed king, jan. 17, 1789; abdicated the throne march 18, 1808; died at naples, jan. 19, 1819. list of the rulers of portugal house of aviz _joão ii_.--born at lisbon, may 3, 1455; son of affonso v. married leonor de lancaster, jan. 22, 1471. reigned from aug. 31, 1481 until his death. died at villa de alvor, oct. 25, 1495. styled "the perfect prince," also "the great," and "the severe." _manoel_.--born may 31, 1469; cousin of joão ii. married isabel of castilla (eldest daughter of fernando and isabel), in 1497; maria, her sister, oct. 30, 1500; leonora, sister of charles v of germany in 1518. died dec. 13, 1521. styled "the fortunate." _joão iii_.--born at lisbon, june 6, 1502; son of manoel and maria. reigned from dec. 19, 1521, until his death, june 11, 1557. married catarina sister of charles v of germany. _sebastião_.--born jan. 20, 1554; grandson of joão iii. slain in battle, aug. 4, 1578. his grandmother catarina acted as regent during his minority (1557-68). _henrique_.--born at lisbon, jan. 31, 1512; son of manoel; became a cardinal in the roman church. reigned from aug. 29, 1578 until jan. 31, 1580; had been associated with catarina in the regency. _antonio_.--born in 1531; grandson (but regarded by most writers as illegitimate) of manoel. reigned from june 19 to sept. 2, 1580. house of austria (spain) _filippe i_.--reigned from sept. 2, 1580 (taking oath at lisbon in april, 1581), to sept. 13, 1598. see felipe ii of spain. _filippe ii_.--reigned from sept. 13, 1598 to mar 31, 1621. see felipe iii of spain. _filippe iii_.--reigned from mar. 31, 1621 to nov. 31, 1640. see felipe iv of spain. house of braganza _joão iv_.--born march 19, 1604; son of theodosio ii, duke of braganza, and ana de velasco. married luiza de guzmán, jan. 13, 1633. reigned from dec. 1, 1640 until his death, nov. 6, 1656. styled "the fortunate." _affonso vi_.--born aug. 21, 1643; son of joão iv and luiza. married maria francesca isabel of savoy, in 1666. compelled to renounce the throne, as incompetent, nov. 23, 1667. died at cintra, sept. 12, 1683. during his minority, his mother acted as regent (nov. 6, 1656 to june 22, 1662); during the latter part of his reign, his brother pedro. _pedro ii_.--born april 26, 1648; son of joão iv. married maria francesca isabel of savoy, march 27, 1668; maria sophia elizabeth of bavaria, in 1687. died dec. 9, 1706. regent for affonso, from nov. 23, 1667 until the latter's death; king, from sept. 12, 1683 to dec. 9, 1706. _joão v_.--born at lisbon, oct. 22, 1689; son of pedro ii. married maria anna of austria, july 9, 1708. reigned from jan. 1, 1707 until his death, july 31, 1750. _josé i_.--born june 6, 1714; son of joão v. married mariana victoria, dec. 27, 1727. reigned from his father's death until his own, feb. 24, 1777. _maría i_.--born in 1734; daughter of josé i. married pedro, younger brother of josé (and her uncle), in 1760. died at rio de janeiro, brazil, in 1816. reigned jointly with her husband, feb. 24, 1777 until his death (1786); but as she became insane, her son joão vi acted as regent until her death. _pedro iii_.--reigned jointly with his wife, maría i, until his death (1786). _joão vi_.--born at lisbon, may 13, 1769; son of maría i and pedro iii. married carlotta of spain. reigned from mar. 16, 1816 to march 10, 1826; but had been regent for maria since 1799, and had been in charge of the government from march 10, 1792. notes [1] documents marked with an asterisk are printed in both the original language and english translation. [2] _the philippine islands, moluccas, siam, cambodia, japan, and china at the close of the sixteenth century_, by antonio de morga, hakluyt society, london, 1868, p. 265. this will be cited usually as morga. [3] "the crown and sceptre of spain has come to extend itself over all that the sun looks on, from its rising to its setting." morga, p 6. down to the end of the year 1844 the manilan calendar was reckoned after that of spain, that is, manila time was about sixteen hours slower than madrid time. finally, with the approval of the archbishop in 1844, the thirty-first of december was dropped and the philippines transferred, so to speak, into the eastern hemisphere. thenceforward manila time was about eight hours ahead of madrid time. jagor: _reisen in den philippinen,_ pp. 1-2. [4] for a fuller account of the negotiations relating to these bulls and the treaty of tordesillas see harrisse: _diplomatic history of america_, 1452-1494, s.e. dawson: _the lines of demarcation of pope alexander vi and the treaty of tordesillas_, or e.g. bourne: _essays in historical criticism_. the texts are printed in this volume. [5] the names used by columbus in his interview with the king of portugal. ruy de pina: _chronica d'el rey joaõ ii, collecaõ de livros ineditos de historia portugueze_, ii, p. 177. [6] this is also harrisse's view, _diplomatic history of america_, p. 74. [7] "sábese la concession del papa alexandro; la division del mundo como una naranja." letter of alonso de zuazo to charles v, january 22, 1518. _docs. inéd. de indias_, i, p. 296 (from harrisse, p. 174). cf. also maximilianus transylvanus in _first voyage round the world by magellan_. hakluyt society, p. 185. [8] the question is fully discussed in guillemard's _life of ferdinand magellan,_ pp. 68-69. [9] guillemard, _magellan_, p. 71. [10] _first voyage round the world by magellan_, p. 187. [11] navarrete, _coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos_, etc., iv, p. 117. [12] las casas: _historia de las indias. col. de docs. inéd. para la historia de españa_, lxv, pp. 376-377. this account by las casas apparently has been overlooked by english writers on magellan. it is noticed by peschel, _geschichte des zeitalters der entdeckungen,_ p. 488. [13] see guillemard's comparison between the voyages of columbus and magellan in _life of magellan_, p. 258. [14] see pigafetta's account in _the first voyage round the world by magellan_, p. 74. [15] pigafetta, _ibid_., p. 76. [16] the description of the philippines and their inhabitants which we owe to the italian pigafetta who accompanied magellan is especially noteworthy not only as the first european account of them, but also as affording a gauge by which to estimate the changes wrought by the spanish conquest and the missions. [17] see e. g. bourne: _essays in historical criticism_, pp. 209-211 for an account of the badajos junta which attempted to settle the question of the rights to the moluccas. the documents are in navarrete, iv, pp. 333-370, a somewhat abridged translation of which is presented in this volume. sandoval attributes the sale of the moluccas to charles's financial straits. navarrete, iv, xx. the treaty of sale is in navarrete, iv, pp. 389-406. [18] navarrete, iv, p. 394. [19] navarrete, iv, p. 396. [20] see the correspondence in _col. de doc. inéditos de ultramar_, vol. ii (vol. i of subdivision _de las islas filipinas_), p. 66. [21] _relacion del viaje que hizo desde la nueva-españa à las islas del poniente ruy gomez de villalobos_, written by garcía descalante alvarado. _coleccion de docs. inéd. del archivo de indias_ v, p. 127. the name was first given in july or august 1543 to some of the smaller islands in the group. on page 122, alvarado writes "chinos que vienen a mindanao y à las philipinas." montero y vidal says that the island first to receive the name was leyte. _hist. gen. de filipinas_, i, p. 27, in 1561, urdaneta uses "las islas filipinas" in the ordinary way; see his "derrotero" prepared for the expedition. _col. docs. inéd_. vol. i, p. 130 ff. [22] _col. de docs. inéd. de ultramar_, vol. ii, pp. 95-96. [23] _ibid.,_ pp. 109-111. [24] in september, 1568, a portuguese squadron despatched by the governor of the moluccas appeared off cebu to drive the spaniards out of the visayan islands. the commander satisfied himself with diplomatic protests. montero y vidal: _hist. gen. de filipinas_, i, p. 34. [25] montero y vidal, i, pp. 41-42. [26] juan de grijalva. from w.e. retana's extracts from his _cronica de la orden de n.p.s. augustin en las provincias de la nueva españa, etc_. (1533-1592) in retana's edition of zúñiga's _estadismo de las islas filipinas_, ii. p. 219 ff. juan de salcedo after being promoted to the high rank of _maestre de campo_ (an independent command) died suddenly in 1576 at the age of twenty-seven. far from amassing wealth in his career he died poor. in his will he provided that after the payment of his debts the residue of his property should be given to certain indians of his _encomienda. ibid.,_ p. 615. [27] this account of the conversion is based on grijalva's contemporary narrative; see retana's _zúñiga_, ii, pp. 219-220. [28] montero y vidal, i, p. 59. [29] retana's _zúñiga_, ii, p. 222; morga, hakluyt society edition, pp. 307-308; montero y vidal, i, p. 60. [30] he was lieutenant to the governor and the first justice to be appointed to the supreme court (audiencia) on its reorganization. his _sucesos de la islas philipinas--mexici ad indos, anno 1609_, is a work of great rarity. it was reprinted in paris in 1890 with annotations by the filipino author and patriot, dr. josé rizal and with an introduction by blumentritt. rizal tries to show that the filipinos have retrograded in civilization under spanish rule; cf. retana's comments in his zúñiga, ii, p. 277. the references to morga to follow are to the hakluyt society edition. [31] a natural transference of the familiar name in spain for mohammedans. [32] morga, pp. 296-297. [33] footnote 32: morga. p. 323. [34] _relacion de las encomiendas existentes en filipinas el dia 31 de mayo de 1591_. in retana: _archivo del bibliofilo filipino_, iv, pp. 39-112. [35] mendoza, _the history of the great and mighty kingdom of china_. hakluyt society edition, ii, p. 263. [36] printed in retana's _archivo_, iii, pp. 3-45. [37] "of little avail would have been the valor and constancy with which legaspi and his worthy companions overcame the natives of the islands, if the apostolic zeal of the missionaries had not seconded their exertions, and aided to consolidate the enterprise. the latter were the real conquerors; they who without any other arms than their virtues, gained over the good will of the islanders, caused the spanish name to be beloved, and gave the king, as it were by a miracle, two millions more of submissive and christian subjects." tomas de comyn, _state of the philippine islands, etc.,_ translated by william walton, london, 1821, p. 209. comyn was the general manager of the royal philippine company for eight years in manila and is described by his latest editor, senor del pan, editor of the _revista de filipinas_, as a man of "extensive knowledge especially in the social sciences." retana characterizes his book as "un libro de merito extraordinario," zúñiga, ii, pp. 175-76. mallat says: "c'est par la seule influence de la religion que l'on a conquis les philippines, et cette influence pourra seule les conserver." _les philippines, histoire, geographie, moeurs, agriculture, industrie et commerce des colonies espagnoles dans l'oceanie._ par j. mallat, paris, 1846, i, p. 40. i may say that this work seems to me the best of all the modern works on the philippines. the author was a man of scientific training who went to the islands to study them after a preparatory residence in spain for two years. [38] morga, p. 325. [39] mallat, i, p. 389. [40] morga, p. 320. [41] mallat, i, pp. 382-385. [42] morga, p. 312. mallat, ii, p. 240. [43] morga, p. 313. mallat, ii, p. 244. [44] the first regular hospital in the thirteen colonies was the pennsylvania hospital, incorporated in 1751. patients were first admitted in 1752. cornell, _history of pennsylvania_, pp. 409-411. there are references to a hospital in new amsterdam in 1658, but the new york hospital was the first institution of the kind of any importance. it was founded in 1771, but patients were not admitted till 1791. _memorial history of new york_, iv, p. 407. there was no hospital for the treatment of general diseases in boston until the nineteenth century. the massachusetts general hospital was chartered in 1811. _memorial history of boston_, iv, p. 548. [45] morga, p. 350. [46] morga, p. 314. [47] friar juan francisco de san antonio who went to the philippines in 1724, says that "up to the present time there has not been found a scrap of writing relating to religion, ceremonial, or the ancient political institutions." _chronicás de la apostolica provincia de san gregorio, etc._ (sampoloc, near manila, 1735), i, pp. 149-150 (cited from retana's _zúñiga_, ii, p. 294. [48] they used palm leaves for paper and an iron stylus for a pen. "l'escriture ne leur sert que pour s'escrire les uns aux autres, car ils n'ont point d'histoires ny de livres d'aucune science; nos religieux ont imprime des livres en la langue des isles des choses de nostre religion." _relation des isles philippines, faite par un religieux qui y a demeure 18 ans_, in thévenot's _voyages curieux_. paris 1663, ii (p. 5, of the "relation"). this narrative is one of the earliest to contain a reproduction of the old tagal alphabet. retana ascribes it to a jesuit and dates it about 1640: p. 13 of the catalogue of his library appended to _archivo del bibliofilo filipino_, i. the earliest printed data on the tagal language according to retana are those given in chirino's _relacion de las islas filipinas_, rome, 1604. [49] mendoza's _historie of the kingdome of china_, volume ii, p. 263. [50] _ibid_., p. 264. [51] morga, p. 319. [52] _relation d'un religieux_, thévenot, volume ii, (p. 7 of the relation). [53] on the powers of the governor, see morga, pp. 344-345. [54] throughout this introduction the spanish "peso" is rendered by "dollar." the reader will bear in mind the varying purchasing power of the dollar. to arrive at an approximate equivalent ten may be used as a multiplier for the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and five for the middle of the eighteenth century. [55] it may be remembered that the official conscience in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was not so sensitive in regard to "tips" as it is expected to be today. le gentil writes: "les gouverneurs de manille corrompent journellement leurs grâces, et les manillois ne les abordent guère pour leur en demander, sans se précautioner auparavant du rameau d'or; seul et unique moyen de se les rendre favorables. un soir étant allé voir le gouverneur, in 1767, à peine m'eût-il demandé des nouvelles de ma senté qu'il alla me chercher une bouteille de verre de chopine, mesure de paris, (half-pint) pleine de paillettes d'or, il me la fit voir en me disant que c'étoit un presént dont on i'avoit _régalé_ ce jour-là même; _oi_, me dit-il, _me regalaron de este_." _voyage dans les mers de l'inde_, paris, 1781, ii, pp. 152-153. le gentil was in the philippines about eighteen months in 1766-67 on a scientific mission. his account of conditions there is one of the most thorough and valuable that we have for the eighteenth century. as a layman and man of science his views are a useful offset against those of the clerical historians. [56] _voyage_, ii, p. 153. "the royal audience was established to restrain the despotism of the governors, which it has never prevented; for the gentlemen of the gown are always weak-kneed and the governor can send them under guard to spain, pack them oft to the provinces to take a census of the indians or imprison them, which has been done several times without any serious consequences." zúñiga: _estadismo de las islas filipinos o mis viages por este pais_, ed. retana, i, p. 244. [57] "cuando se pusieren edictos, publicaren, y pregonaren las residencias, sea de forma que vengan á noticia de los indios, para que puedan pedir justicia de sus agravios con entera libertad." _law of 1556_, lib. v, tit. xv, ley xxviii of the _recopilacion de leyes de los reinos de las indias_. [58] _recopilacion_, lib. v, tit. xv, ley vii. [59] churchill's _voyages_, iv, pp. 427-428. [60] "i request the reader not to infer from my opinion of the tribunals of residence, my confidence in their efficacy. my homage is immediately and solely addressed to the wisdom of the law. i resign all criticism on its operation, to those who know the seductive influence of plutus over the feeble and pliant themis." de pons: _voyage to the eastern part of terra firma or the spanish main in south america during the years 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804_. new york, 1806, ii, p. 25. [61] "une loi très-sage, mais malheureusement sans effet, qui devrait modérer cette autorité excessive, est celle qui permet à chaque citoyen de poursuivre le gouverneur vétéran devant son successeur; mais celui-ci est intéressé à excuser tout ce qu'on reproche à son prédécesseur; et le citoyen assez téméraire pour se plaindre, est exposé à de nouvelles et à de plus fortes vexations." _voyage de la pérouse autour du monde_. paris, 1797, ii, p. 350. [62] his comments on the kind of officials needed are not without interest today: "a governor must understand war but he must not be over confident of his abilities. let him give ear to the advice of those who know the country where things are managed very differently from what they are in europe. those who have tried to carry on war in the islands as it is carried on in flanders and elsewhere in europe have fallen into irreparable mistakes. the main thing, however, is to aim at the welfare of the people, to treat them kindly, to be friendly toward foreigners, to take pains to have the ships for new spain sail promptly and in good order, to promote trade with neighboring people and to encourage ship-building. in a word, to live with the indians rather like a father than like a governor." _relation et memorial de l'etat des isles philippines, et des isles moluques_ by ferdinand de los rios coronel, prestre et procureur general des isles philippines, etc. _thevenot_, ii (p. 23 of the relation). [63] morga, p. 345. _recopilacion_, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi. [64] _ibid_., ley lviii. le gentil, ii, pp. 159, 161. [65] _recopilacion_, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi. [66] mallat, i, pp. 349-50. for a historical summary of the variations in the names of the provinces see retana's zúñiga's _estadismo,_ ii, p. 376 ff. [67] they received the tribute in kind in fixed amounts and made money out of the fluctuations of the market prices. at times of scarcity and consequent high prices this procedure doubled or trebled the burden of the tribute. see _state of the philippine islands,_ by tomas de comyn, translated by william walton, p. 197. mallat says: "rien n'est plus funeste au pays que la permission qui est accordée aux alcaldes de faire le commerce pour leur compte." i, p. 351. see also retana's note, zúñiga, _estadismo,_ ii, p. 530. this right to trade was abolished in 1844. [68] "it is a fact common enough to see a hair-dresser or a lackey converted into a governor; a sailor or a deserter, transformed into a district magistrate, collector, or military commander of a populous province, without other counsellor than his own crude understanding, or any other guide than his passions. such a metamorphosis would excite laughter in a comedy or farce; but, realized in the theatre of human life, it must give rise to sensations of a very different nature. who is there that does not feel horror-struck, and tremble for the innocent, when he sees a being of this kind transferred from the yard-arm to the seat of justice, deciding in the first instance on the honor, lives, and property of a hundred thousand persons, and haughtily exacting the homage and incense of the spiritual ministers of the towns under his jurisdiction, as well as of the parish curates, respectable for their acquirements and benevolence, and who in their own native places, would possibly have rejected as a servant the very man whom in the philippines they are compelled to court, and obey as a sovereign." _state of the philippine islands_, london, 1821, p. 194. [69] morga, p. 323. [70] jagor describes an election which he saw in the town of lauane, of four thousand five hundred inhabitants, in the little island of the same name which lies just off the north shore of samar. as it is the only description of such a local election that i recall i quote it in full. "it took place in the town house. at the table sits the governor or his proxy, on his right the pastor and on his left the secretary who is the interpreter. all the cabezas de barangay, the gobernadorcillo and those who have formerly been such have taken their places on the benches. in the first place six of the cabezas, and six of the ex-gobernadorcillos respectively are chosen by lot to serve as electors. the gobernadorcillo in office makes the thirteenth. the rest now leave the room. after the chairman has read the rules and exhorted the electors to fulfil their duty conscientiously, they go one by one to the table and write three names on a ballot. whoever receives the largest number of votes is forthwith nominated for gobernadorcillo for the ensuing year, if the pastor or the electors make no well-founded objections subject to the confirmation of the superior court in manila, which is a matter of course since the influence of the pastor would prevent an unsuitable choice. the same process was followed in the election of the other local officials except that the new gobernadorcillo was called in that he might make any objections to the selections. the whole transaction was very quiet and dignified." _reisen in den philippinen_, berlin, 1873, pp. 189-190. sir john bowring's account of this system of local administration is the clearest of those i have found in english books. _a visit to the philippine islands_, london, 1859, pp. 89-93. [71] the gobernadorcillo in council with the other cabezas presented a name to the superior authority for appointment bowring, p. 90. [72] zúñiga, _estadismo de las islas filipinas_, i, p. 245. cf. mallat, i, p. 358. [73] comyn: _state of the philippine islands_, ch. vii. [74] mallat, i, pp. 40, 386. jagor, pp. 95-97. [75] mallat, i, p. 380 ff. comyn, p. 212 ff. [76] mallat, i, p. 365. [77] morga, p. 333. [78] delgado: _historia de filipinas_, biblioteca histories filipina, manila, 1892, pp. 155-156. delgado wrote in 1750-51. somewhat different figures are given by le gentil on the basis of the official records in 1735, ii, p. 182. his total is 705,903 persons. [79] le gentil, i, p. 186. [80] _recopilacion_, lib. vi, tit iii, ley xxi. morga, p. 330. "avec toutes les recommandations possible, il arrive encore que le moine chargé de la peuplade par où vous voyagez, vous laisse rarement parler seul aux indiens. lorsque vous parlez en sa présence à quelque indien qui entend un peu le castillan, si ce religieux trouve mauvais que vous conversiez trop long-temps avec ce naturel, il lui fait entendre dans la langue du pays, de ne vous point répondre en castillan, mais dans sa langue: l'indien obéit." le gentil, ii, p. 185. [81] _state of the philippine islands_, pp. 216-217. these responsibilities and the isolation from europeans together with the climate frequently brought on insanity. le gentil, ii, p. 129. mallat, i, p. 388. [82] _ibid_., p. 214. [83] in 1637 the military force maintained in the islands consisted of one thousand seven hundred and two spaniards and one hundred and forty indians. _memorial de d. juan grau y monfalcon, procurador general de las islas filipinas, docs. inéditos del archivo de indias_, vi, p. 425. in 1787 the garrison at manila consisted of one regiment of mexicans comprising one thousand three hundred men, two artillery companies of eighty men each, three cavalry companies of fifty men each. la pérouse, ii, p. 368. [84] _apuntes interesantes sobre las islas filipinas, etc., escritos por un español de larga esperiencia en el pais y amante del progresso_, madrid, 1869, p. 13. this very interesting and valuable work was written in the main by vicente barrantes, who was a member of the governor's council and his secretary. on the authorship see retana's _archivo ii, biblioteca gen_., p. 25, which corrects his conjecture published in his zúñiga, ii, p. 135. [85] _apuntes interesantes_, pp. 42-43. [86] zúñiga, _estadismo_, i, p. 246; le gentil, ii, p. 172. [87] le gentil, ii, p. 172. [88] morga, p. 336. [89] morga, _ibid_. [90] _memorial dado al rey por d. juan grau y monfalcon, procurado general de las islas filipinas. docs. inéditos del archivo de indias_, vi, p. 444. [91] _recopilacion_, lib. ix, tit. xxxv, ley vi and ley xv. as will be seen there was usually only one ship. [92] _ibid_., ley xxxiv. [93] _ibid_., ley lxviii. [94] _ibid_., ley lxxviii. [95] _ibid.,_ ley xlv. [96] morga, p. 344. zúñiga, i, pp. 271-274. "el barco de acapulco ha sido la causa de que los espanoles hayan abandonado las riquezas naturales e industriales de las islas." _ibid_., p. 443. [97] le gentil, ii, pp. 203-230; zúñiga, i, p. 266 ff. [98] le gentil, ii, p. 205; careri, _voyage round the world_, churchill's _voyages_, iv, p. 477. [99] zúñiga, i, p. 267. [100] le gentil, ii, p. 205. [101] le gentil, ii, p. 207. [102] zúñiga, i, p. 268. [103] churchill's _voyages_, iv, p. 491. i am aware that grave doubts as to the reality of gemelli careri's travels existed in the eighteenth century. robertson says "it seems now to be a received opinion (founded as far as i know, on no good evidence) that careri was never out of italy, and that his famous _giro del mondo_ is an account of a fictitious voyage." note 150, _history of america_. the most specific charges against careri relate to his account of his experiences in china. see prévost's _histoire des voyages_, v, pp. 469-70. his description of the philippines and of the voyage to acapulco is full of details that have every appearance of being the result of personal observation. in fact, i do not see how it is possible that this part of his book is not authentic. the only book of travels which contains a detailed account of the voyage from manila to acapulco written before careri published that is described in medina's _bibliografia española de filipinas_ is the _peregrinacion del mundo del doctor d. pedro cubero sebastian_, of which an edition was published in 1682 in naples, careri's own home; but careri's account is no more like cubero's than any two descriptions of the same voyage are bound to be; nor is it clear that careri ever saw cubero sebastian's narrative. [104] zúñiga, i, p. 268. careri mentions the case of a dominican who paid five hundred dollars for the eastern passage. _op. cit_. p. 478; on page 423 he says the usual fare for cabin and diet was five hundred to six hundred dollars. [105] churchill's _voyages_, iv, p. 499. [106] _op. cit_. p. 491. yet careri had no such experience as befell cubero sebastian in his voyage. when they were nearing the end of the voyage a very fatal disease, "el berben, o mal de loanda" (probably the same as beri-beri), broke out, as well as dysentery, from which few escaped who were attacked. there were ninety-two deaths in fifteen days. out of four hundred persons on board, two hundred and eight died before acapulco was reached. _peregrination del mundo de d. pedro cubero sebastian_, zaragoza, 1688, p. 268. [107] careri: _op. cit_. p. 503. [108] montero y vidal: _hist. gen. de filipinas_, i, pp. 458, 463. on page 461 is a brief bibliography of the history of philippine commerce. according to montero y vidal, the best modern history of philippine commerce is _la libertad de comercio en las islas filipinas,_ by d. manuel de azcarraga y palmero, madrid, 1872. [109] montero y vidal, ii, p. 122. [110] _ibid_., ii, p. 297. [111] comyn: _state of the philippine islands_, pp. 83-97. [112] _estadismo_, i, p. 272. [113] zúñiga, i, p. 274. le gentil remarked that as the spaniards in manila had no landed estates to give them an assured and permanent income, they were dependent upon the acapulco trade, and had no resources to fall back upon if the galleon were lost. money left in trust was often lost or embezzled by executors or guardians, and it was rare that wealth was retained three generations in the same family. _voyage_, ii, pp. 110-112. [114] of the commerce with china it is not necessary to speak at length, as a full account of it is given in morga. it was entirely in the hands of the chinese and mestizos and brought to manila oriental textiles of all kinds, objects of art, jewelry, metal work and metals, nails, grain, preserves, fruit, pork, fowls, domestic animals, pets, "and a thousand other gewgaws and ornaments of little cost and price which are valued among the spaniards." (morga, p. 339.) besides the chinese, that with japan, borneo, the moluccas, siam, and india was so considerable that in spite of the obstructions upon the commerce with america, manila seemed to the traveler careri (p. 444) "one of the greatest places of trade in the world." [115] _documentos inéditos del archivo de indias_, v, pp. 475-77. [116] it would be vain to guess how many hundred people there are who are familiar with the denunciations of las casas to one who knows anything of the more than six hundred laws defining the status and aiming, at the protection of the indians in the _recopilacion_. [117] cf. jagor: _reisen in den philippinen_, p. 31. [118] _voyage de la pérouse autour du monde_, paris, 1797, ii, p. 347. [119] _history of the indian archipelago, etc_., by john crawfurd, f. r. s. edinburgh, 1820, vol. ii, pp. 447-48. [120] that i take to be his meaning. his words are: "ces institutions (i. e., the local administration) si sages et si paternelles ont valu à l'espagne la conservation d'une colonie dont les habitants jouissent, à notre avis, de plus de liberte, de bonheur et de tranquilleté que-ceux d'aucune autre nation." i, p. 357. cf. also his final chapter: "l'idigène des philippines est l'homme plus heureux du monde. malgré son tribut, il n'est pas d'être vivant en société qui paye moins d'impôt que lui. il est libre, il est heureux et ne pense nullement à se soulever." ii, p. 369. [121] _a visit to the philippine islands_, london, 1859, p. 18. cf. the recent opinion of the english engineer, frederic h. sawyer, who lived in luzon for fourteen years. "the islands were badly governed by spain, yet spaniards and natives lived together in great harmony, and i do not know where i could find a colony in which europeans mixed as much socially with the natives. not in java, where a native of position must dismount to salute the humblest dutchman. not in british india, where the englishwoman has now made the gulf between british and native into a bottomless pit." _the inhabitants of the philippines_, new york, 1900. p. 125. [122] _reisen in den philippinen_, p. 287. [123] _cornhill magazine_, 1878, pp. 161, 167. this article is reprinted in palgrave's _ulysses, or scenes in many lands_. [124] _the inhabitants of the philippines_, pp. vi, viii. [125] "ils font voir beaucoup d'inclination et d'empressement pour aller á l'église lesjours de fêtes et solemnités; mais pour ouir la messe les jours de preceptes, pour se confesser et communier lorsque la sainte église l'ordonne, il faut employer le fouet, et les traiter comme des enfans à l'école." quoted by le gentil, ii, p. 61, from friar juan francisco de san antonio's _chronicas de la apostolica provincia de san gregorio, etc_., commonly known as the _franciscan history._ it will be remembered that in our own country in the eighteenth century college discipline was still enforced by corporal punishment; and that attendance upon church was compulsory, where there was an established church, as in new england. [126] _voyage_, ii, p. 62. [127] _voyage_, ii, p. 350. [128] _voyage_, ii, pp. 95, 97. [129] le gentil says the lassitude of the body reacts upon the mind. "in this scorching region one can only vegetate. insanity is commonly the result of hard study and excessive application." _voyage_, ii, p. 94. [130] _la imprenta en manila desde sus origenes hasta 1810_, santiago de chile, 1896. [131] _adiciones y observaciones à la imprenta en manila_, madrid, 1899. [132] for representative lists of these, see blumentritt's privately printed _bibliotheca philippina_, theile i and ii. [133] it is, all things considered, a singular fact that in all that list there is no translation of parts of the bible, except of course the fragmentary paraphrases in the catechism and doctrinals. the only item indicating first-hand biblical study in the philippines under the old regime that has come to my notice in the bibliographies of medina and retana is this, that juan de la concepcion the historian left in manuscript a translation of the holy bible into spanish. _la imprenta en manila_, p. 221. this failure to translate the bible into the native languages was not peculiar to spanish rule in the philippines. protestant holland, far behind spain in providing for native education, was equally opposed to the circulation of the bible. "even as late as the second or third decade of this century the new testament was considered a revolutionary work, and herr bruckner, who translated it, had his edition destroyed by government." guillemard, _malaysia and the pacific archipelagoes_, p. 129. [134] mallat says that the elements were more generally taught than in most of the country districts of europe (i, p. 386) and quotes the assertion of the archbishop of manila: "there are many villages such as argas, dalaguete, bolohon, cebu, and several in the province of iloilo, where not a single boy or girl can be found who cannot read and write, an advantage of which few places in europe can boast." _ibid._, p. 388. [135] _estadismo_, i, p. 300. [136] _estadismo_, i, p. 63. [137] zúñiga, i, pp. 73-75 [138] _voyage_, ii, p. 131. [139] _ibid_., p. 132, and zúñiga, i, p. 76. a modern work on this drama is _el teatro tagalo_ by vicente barrantes, madrid, 1889. [140] number 877 in retana's _biblioteca filipina_. this novel was published in manila in 1885. friar bustamente was a franciscan. [141] _estadismo_, i, pp. 60-61. commodore alava was on his way to make scientific observations of the volcano of taal. le gentil writes: "selon une ordonnance du roi, renouvelée peut-être cent fois, il est ordonné aux religieux d'enseigner le castillan aux jeunes indiens; mais sa majesté, m'ont unanimement assuré les espagnoles à manille, n'a point encore été obéie jusqu'a ce jour." _voyage_, ii, p. 184. cf. zúñiga. _estadismo_, i, pp. 299-300. for some of these ordinances see retana's notes to zúñiga, ii, p. 57 ff. [142] cf. retana's views expressed ten years ago upon the impracticability of supplanting to any extent the tagal language by the spanish. the same considerations apply equally well to english. _estadismo_, ii, p. 59 ff. [143] _estadismo_, i, pp. 12-13. [144] retana's _zúñiga_, ii, p. 527. [145] _estadismo_, i, p. 174. i cannot take leave of zúñiga's book without recording my opinion that it is the finest flower of the philippine literature. zúñiga did for the island of luzon what arthur young did for france a few years earlier, or to take an apter parallel, what president dwight did for new england. his careful observations, relieved of tedium by a rare charm of style, his sweetness of temper, quiet humor, his love of nature and of man all combine to make his "travels" a work that would be accorded a conspicuous place in the literature of any country. an english translation will appear in the present series. [146] referring to the fort built by columbus (december, 1492) at la navidad, a port on the northern coast of hispaniola (hayti). upon the admiral's return, a year later, he found that the garrison whom he had left in this fort had been destroyed by hostile indians. [147] that is, by some act so clear or manifest that no formal sentence of excommunication is requisite. [148] the gold coast of africa, named by its portuguese discoverers (about 1471) _oro de la mina_ (this is the _minere auri_ of our text). [149] our text reads "commissario mayor;" navarrete reads "comendador mayor." [150] our text reads "vos damos todo nuestro poder conplido en aquella mas abta forma que podemos;" navarrete reads "vos damosnuestro poder cumplido en aquella manera é forma que podemos." [151] in navarrete the words "& subcessores & de todos nuestros reynos & señorios" are omitted. [152] our text reads "qualqujer conçierto, asiento, limjtaçion, demarcaçion, & concordia sobre lo que dicho es, por los vientos & grados de norte & del sol, & por aquellas partes divivisiones [sic] & lugares del caelo & de la mar & de la tierra;" navarrete reads "cualquier concierto é limitacion del mar océano, ó concordia sobre lo que dicho es, pór los vientos y grados de norte y sur, y por aquellas partes, divisiones y lugares de seco y mar y de la tierra." [153] our text reads "& asi vos damos el dicho poder pera que podays dexar al dicho rey de portugal & a sus reynos & subcesores todos los mares, yslas, & tieras que fueren & estovieren dentro de qualqujer limitaçion & demarcacion, que con el fincaren & quedaren;" navarrete reads the same (with allowances for modem typography) up to "demarcaçion," and then adds "de costas, mares, islas y tierras que fincaren y quedaren." [154] our text reads "que todos los mares, yslas & tierras, que fueren & escovjeren dentrode la limjtaçion & demarcaçion de costas, mares & yslas & tierras, que quedaren & fincaren con nos, & con nuestros subçesores, para que sean nuestros, & de nuestro señorio & conqujsta, & asi de nuestros reynos & subçesores dellos, con aquellas limjtaçjones & exebciones;" navarrete reads "que todos las mares, islas y tierras que fueren ó estuvieren dentro el límite y demarcation de las costas, mares y islas y tierras que quedaren por nos y por nuestros subcesores, y de nuestro señorio y conquista, sean de nuestros reinos y subcesores de ellos, con aquellas limitaciones y exenciones." [155] our text reads "contrato de las pases;" navarrete reads "contrato de las partes." [156] navarrete reads "sagres" [157] our text reads "& constituymos a todos juntamente & a dos de vos, & a uno yn soljdun;" navarrete reads "y constituimos a todos juntamente y á cada uno de vos _in solidum_." [158] see p. 116 and note 149. [159] see p. 117, and note 151, where the language is almost identical. [160] our text reads "la qual raya olinea se aya;" navarrete reads "la cual reya o lineo é señal se haya." [161] this paragraph reads differently in navarrete, but its sense is the same. [162] our text reads "grados del sol e norte;" navarrete reads "grados de sur y norte." [163] navarrete is very faulty in this section. he omits entirely the following: "& por sus gentes, o in otra qualqujer manera dentro de las otras ciento y veynte leguas, que quedan para cunplimjento de las trezientas & setenta leguas, en que ha de acabar la dicha raya que se ha de faser de polo a polo, como dicho es, en qualqujer parte de las dichas ciento & veyte [_sic_] leguas para los dichos polos, que sean alladas fasta el dicho dia, queden, & finquen para los dichos señores rey & reyna de castilla, & de aragon, etc., &." this omission quite obscures the sense. [164] this confirmation was given by pope julius ii in a bull promulgated january 24, 1506. see _alguns documentos_, pp. 142-143; and bourne's _essays in historical criticism_, p. 203. [165] another dispatch of like tenor was issued in madrid on may 7 of the same year.--_navarrete_. [166] the original of this bull is in torre do tombo, lisbon, bearing pressmark "col. de bullas, maço 29, n_o_. 6." it occupies pp. 276-279 of _corpo diplomatico portuguez_. the synopsis from which the above is translated is in _alguns documentos_, p. 14., but the date as there given is wrong, "quarto decimo kalendae julii," being june 18 and not 17. see also bourne, _essays in historical criticism_, pp. 194, 195. [167] see bourne, _ut supra_, p. 195, from which this synopsis is taken. the original of this bull exists in torre do tombo, its pressmark being "coll. de bullas, maço 7°, n°. 29." it occupies pp. 279-286 of _corpo diplomatico portuguez_, and is printed also in _alguns documentus_, pp. 14-20. [168] this military order was founded (august 14, 1318) by the portuguese king dionisio; its knights served against the moors, also in africa and india. pope calixtus iii invested its grand prior with the spiritual powers conferred on a bishop. in 1522, joão iii became grand-master of the order; and in 1551 this dignity passed to the crown _in perpetuo_. in 1789, this order had four hundred and thirty-four commanderies, and twenty-six villages and estates. it is now only a civil and honorary order. [169] see bourne _ut supra_, p. 195. the original is in torre do tombo, bearing pressmark "coll. de bullas, maco 29, n°. 6. inserta." this bull occupies pp. 286-296 of _corpo diplomatico portuguez_. it is printed also in _alguns documentos_, pp. 47-55. [170] see _corpo diplomatico portuguez_, p. 296. [171] cape noon (naon, non, nun) is situated near the south-west extremity of the coast of morocco; cape bojador (bogiador) projects into the atlantic at a point two degrees thirty-eight minutes farther south than noon. [172] see _corpo diplomatico portuguez_, p. 297, and _alguns documentos_, p. 366. [173] one of the great military orders of spain, named for its patron st. james, and founded to protect his shrine at compostella from incursions by the moors. it received papal sanction in 1175; in 1476 ferdinand of castile became its grand master; thus uniting the order to the crown of spain. [174] the letter here mentioned (see navarrete's _col. de viages, _ iv, p. 312) expresses cárlos's regret that his negotiations with the portuguese ambassadors regarding the ownership of the malucos have been fruitless, and his desire that the difficulties should be amicably adjusted; he refers joão to zúñiga for full details. [175] navarrete omits this section. it will be found in the treaty of tordesillas. [176] the spanish monarch was at this time engaged in his quarrels with françois i of france. [177] in another letter of the same date the emperor complains to the king of portugal that the latter's ambassadors have not been willing to abide by the treaty of tordesillas in their conferences with the castilian plenipotentiaries, "although our right to those regions discovered and taken possession of by our fleet is fully apparent from the treaties and compacts negotiated over the division of lands and the line of demarcation, and confirmed in the name of each one of us." neither would they discuss the new propositions submitted to them--"although with some prejudice to our right;" nor would they themselves submit new propositions; consequently they are returning to portugal without reaching any decision. the letter closes by saying that the emperor is about to write about the whole affair to his representative, "juan de zúñiga, knight of the order of santiago, residing there [at lisbon] in our behalf;" and king joão is earnestly requested to rest assured of the love and affection of the spanish monarch. [178] this was an ancient office in the royal house of castile. [179] bartulo was an italian jurisconsult, born (1313) at sasso-ferrato, in umbria; he died at perusa in 1356. he was entrusted with several important political commissions and wrote upon various points of civil law; some of his works were used as text books in the most famous universities. he has been styled "the first and most thorough of the interpreters of law." baldo is evidently one of the two brothers pietro and angelo baldo de ubaldis, both eminent italian jurisconsults. the former was born at perusa, in 1324, and died at pavia, april 28, 1406. he was a man of vast erudition, and held many important posts--his influence extending so far that charles vi of france implored his aid at the roman court for convening a general council. he was the author of a number of commentaries and other works. angelo was born in 1328, and died in 1407; he was (at the same time with his brother) professor of civil law at perusa, and wrote several commentaries and monographs. [180] original in folio bound in parchment. it has forty-three good sheets.--note by muñoz. (cited by navarrete). [181] the matter in brackets in these proceedings is evidently notes made by muñoz, although they may have been made by the castilian secretary. [182] the number acting for portugal was not greater than for spain, as gomara points out and whom herrera copies, but the same on either side, only while portugal had two attorneys, spain had one attorney and one advocate.--_navarrete_. [183] this date should be june 7, 1494. the spanish letter of authorization was dated june 5. [184] original in handwriting of don hernando colon. (navarrete, tomo iv, no. xxvii, pp. 343-355. [185] of these navigators, aloysius (luigi) da ca da mosto made a voyage to cape verde and senegal, in 1454-55; antonio de noly, to the cape verde islands, in 1462; pedro de cintra (italianized as piero d'sinzia), to senegal, in 1462; diego cano, to the congo river and inland, in 1484; bartolomé diaz discovered the cape of good hope in 1486; and vasco da gama made several voyages to india, the first in 1497. [186] this is a latin translation of _paesi nouamente retronati_ (vicenza, 1507)--the earliest known collection of voyages. it is supposed to have been compiled by alessandro zorzi, a venetian cosmographer (according to bartlett); but fracanzio di montalboddo, according to quaritch (_catalogue_ no. 362, 1885). facsimiles of the titles of both books are given in bartlett's _bibliotheca americana_, part i, p. 40. [187] this is the book called today "the first book of the kings." [188] the original is in folio bound in parchment, with ninety-five good sheets.--note by muñoz (cited by navarrete). [189] the original is "ambrosio y teodosio y macrobio." the same error was made by jaime ferrer, who likewise gives these names as those of three distinct men instead of one, his true name being "aurelius theodosius macrobius." see dawson's _lines of demarcation_, 1899, p. 510. [190] referring to the _ymago mundi_ (1483?) of pierre d'ailly, archbishop of cambray, and cardinal; regarding this book, see bartlett's _bibl. americana_, part i, pp. 3-5. [191] this was the title conferred on christopher columbus by the catholic sovereigns. [192] the individuals of the municipal governing body upon whom devolves the economic government of a city.--_novisimo diccionario de la lengua castellana_ (paris and mexico, 1899). see also _diccionario enciclopedico hispano-americano_ (barcelona, 1887-1899), tomo xvii, pp. 302-303. [193] the consejo de las ordenes [council of the military orders] was created by charles v, from the separate councils of the various military orders. this council consisted of a president and six or eight knights, and both temporal and ecclesiastical powers were conferred upon it. clement vi approved it, extending its jurisdiction to tithes, benefices, marriages, and other matters of ordinary authority, and both paul iii and saint pius v confirmed it. two important tribunals were created, one called the tribunal of the churches, and the other the apostolic tribunal. the first was created by charles v, and was under the charge of a judge protector, and had charge of the repairs, building, and adornment of the churches of the military orders. the second was created by philip ii, in virtue of the bull of gregory xiii, of october 20, 1584,--this bull having as its object the amicable adjustment of the disputes between the military orders and the prelates in regard to jurisdiction, tithes, etc. in 1714 the jurisdiction of the council was limited by felipe iv, to the ecclesiastical and temporal affairs of their own institution. in 1836 the council was reorganized under the name of tribunal. the tribunal of the churches was suppressed, as were also the offices of comptroller and the remaining fiscal officials, and the funds diverted into the national treasury. jurisdiction in ecclesiastical matters was limited to the four military orders of santiago, calatrava, alcántara, and montesa. see _dic.-encic. hisp-amer.,_ tomo v, pp. 821, 822. [194] casa de contratación de las indias (house of commerce of the indies). a tribunal, having as its object the investigation and determination of matters pertaining to the commerce and trade of the indies. it consisted of a president and several executive officials,--both professional and unprofessional men--and a togated fiscal agent. it was formerly in seville, but removed later to cadiz.--_dic. encic. hisp.-amer.,_ iv, p. 844. the documents relating to the affairs of this house were kept formerly in a special archives, but are housed at present in the archivo general de indias in seville. [195] the _corregidor_ was the representative of the royal person, and combined both judicial and executive functions; in some large cities he was made president of the city council, with administrative functions--an office nearly equivalent to that of mayor in american cities. [196] see this document at p. 139, _ante_. [197] garcía de loaisa, a noted spanish prelate, was born at talavera (toledo) in 1479; at the age of sixteen, he entered the dominican order, of which he became provincial for spain (1518), and finally general of the order. he was greatly esteemed by the emperor charles v, who chose loasia as his confessor; and he soon afterward became bishop of osma, and president of the council of the indies. later, he was made a cardinal, and elevated to the archbishopric of seville. he acted as charles's representative at the court of rome, and was, less than a year before his death, appointed general of the inquisition; even in that short time one hundred and twenty persons were burned at the stake, and six hundred more punished in various ways. loaisa died april 21, 1546. [198] the military order of calatrava was formed to hold the town of that name against the moors, and was organized in 1164; it was annexed to the castilian crown during the reign of cárlos i. [199] it is said that this fair at medina del campo is still held (in may and october of each year); and that money was lent by the crown to persons who desired loans--hence the allusion in the text. [200] ordinarily the tithes in each diocese were divided into four equal parts--of which one was set aside for the bishop, and one for the chapter. then the other two were divided into nine portions (_novenii_), whereof one and one-half were for the _fabrica_ of the church (the corporate body who administered its temporalities, consisting of the _cura_ and churchwardens), four for the _parrocos_ (parish priests) and lower clergy, one and one-half for the hospitals, and two for the king--all but this last being variable. see baluffi's _america en tempo spagnuola_ (ancona, 1844) ii, p. 41.--_rev_. t. c. _middleton_, o. s. a. [201] the documents published by navarrete in full, or in copious extracts, are the most valuable; and they are usually such as are otherwise comparatively or wholly unknown. it is to be regretted that navarrete has modernized the spelling, and otherwise "improved" the text; but the originals are presented in all essential features, and form a valuable collection of early documentary material. [202] an extract from magalhães's first will (december 17, 1504) and the whole of his second (august 24, 1519) are given in english translation in guillemard's _life of magellan_, london, 1890, appendix ii, pp. 316-326. [203] he therein petitions that the sum of twelve thousand five hundred maravedis, allowed him for his services, be paid to the convent of vitoria at triana. [204] fernão de magalhães was a native of oporto, and of noble lineage. in early life he entered the portuguese army, in which he rendered distinguished service; from 1505 until probably 1511 he was in india. finding no opportunity for promotion in portugal, he transferred his allegiance (1518) to the king of castile, and promised the latter that he would discover a new route to moluccas. magalhães set out on this expedition september 20, 1519, with five ships, and discovered the strait which bears his name; he also discovered and explored partially the philippine archipelago. he was slain in a fight with the natives in the island of matan, april 27, 1521. [205] navarrete presents only an analysis of this letter. [206] an itemized account (condensed) of the expenses involved in the preparation and equipment of the fleet is given by navarrete, no. xvii, pp. 162-182. an english translation is presented in guillemard's _life of magellan_, appendix iv, pp. 329-336. from a comparison of the two, it appears that the latter had access to the original documents at seville. few slight differences occur between them. the figures as given by navarrete show several errors. the student will do well to examine both of these lists. no. xviii in navarrete, pp. 182-188, shows the amounts and distribution of the food and other stores carried. [207] navarrete says, _ut supra_, p. xiii, that the officials of the house of trade were always hostile to magallánes. the portuguese machinations to cause the defeat and ruin of the expedition and the efforts put forth to induce magallánes to return to his allegiance are well shown in two documents. the first is a letter written the portuguese king by alvaro da costa, september 28, 1518. navarrete, no. vi, pp. 123, 124, gives a spanish extract made by muñoz from the original in portugal, and guillemard, _ut supra_, pp. 114-116 (see also note, p. 116), gives in part an english translation. the second document is a letter written from seville, july 18, 1519, by the portuguese factor sebastian alvarez to the king of portugal. navarrete, no. xv, pp. 153-155, gives a spanish extract made by muñoz. the portuguese of the entire letter is published in _alguns documentos_, pp. 431-435. guillemard, _ut supra_, pp. 130-134, gives an english translation of its essential portions, which is borrowed, in part, by butterworth in _story of magellan_, pp. 46-48, new york, 1899. [208] all these are synopses of the documents. [209] _ibid_. [210] more than this number actually sailed; see guillemard, _life of magellan_, p. 336. [211] the matter in brackets is evidently by navarrete. [212] this document opens with a list of the various dignities of the king and queen of spain, which is omitted here, as being similar to that already given in the treaty of tordesillas. [213] reference is here made to juana, cárlos i's mother, the daughter and nominally the successor of isabella, and later of ferdinand. juana being inflicted with insanity from 1503 until her death in 1555, ferdinand acted as regent until his death (1516), when cardinal ximenes succeeded him in that capacity, acting until cárlos i attained his majority. (1518)--juana still being queen of castile and aragon. [214] the original is defective here, and these readings are conjectural. [215] the title given formerly to the governor of a province. [216] the portuguese transcriber was unable to decipher the original of the bracketed words. navarrete, who prints these instructions to magalhães and falero, (_col. de viages_, tomo iv, pp. 116-121) reads this passage thus "quien se pase" and continues "é se asiente." _alguns documentos_ reads "que ..." and continues "& se entregue." the ms. in torre do tombo from which the portuguese transcript was made read "q enpase," continuing as does the portuguese version. it must be remembered that navarrete took his copy from the original document (existing in seville) of the agreement made with magalhães and falero, made march 22, 1518; this was included in the instructions given to juan de cartagena, the recipient of the present letter, and was doubtless copied from the original in seville. [217] a metal found by columbus in the isla española. it is composed of 18 parts gold, 6 of silver, and 8 of copper.--_dic. de la lengua castellano_. [218] this must have been the strait of magellan. [219] the spanish reads literally, "they gave him a blow on the head with a mallet." [220] the original is defective here, and this reading is only conjectural. [221] juan sebastian del cano.--_stevens_. [222] pietro martire d'anghiera (commonly known as peter martyr) was an italian priest and historian, who was born in 1455. at the age of thirty-two years he went to the castilian court; at various times, he served in the army (during two campaigns), maintained a school for boys, was sent as an ambassador to other courts, and in many ways occupied a prominent place in the affairs of the spanish kingdom. he died in 1526. his most noted work was _de orbe nouo decades_ (alcala, 1516); it had numerous editions, and was translated into several other languages. an english translation of the first three decades was made by richard eden (london, 1555); this was reprinted in arber's _first three english books on america_ (birmingham, 1885). [223] the name bacallaos (according to early french writers a basque appellation of the codfish) was also applied, by a natural extension, to the region afterward known as canada. according to peter martyr, the name bacallaos was given to those lands by sebastian cabot, "because of the great multitudes of fishes found in the seas thereabout." see _jesuit relations_ (cleveland reissue), i, p. 308, and ii, p. 295. [224] fifty-six degrees west of the canaries would be about seventy-four degrees west of greenwich--magellan was some ten or twelve degrees out.--_stevens_. [225] among whom was esteven gomez; this ship was the "san antonio."--_steven's_. [226] the measure of length known as a mile varies greatly in different countries. the geographical or nautical mile (one-sixtieth of a degree of the equator, and equal to 1.153 english statute miles) is used by mariners of all nations. the _milha_ of portugal is equivalent to 1.2786 english miles; the italian _miglio_ varies from o.6214 to 1.3835 english miles; the _legua_ (league) of spain amounts to 4.2151 english miles. [227] san pablo and tiburones. cf. droysen and andree's _historischer hand atlas_, 1884, karte 83; also admiralty chart, sec. xv, 767.--_stevens_. [228] inarajan, now confined to the port on the southeast coast of guajan, the southermost of the ladrones.--_stevens_. [229] acacan,_i.e._ _sosan_-jaya, the watering place at the west end of rota island, north of guajan.--_stevens_. [230] the caylon of magellan, now confined to the port on the southwest side of the island of leyte, philippines.--_stevens_. [231] the maasin of coello, or masin of admiralty chart, sec. xiii, 943; at south end of island of leyte, the selani of text.--_stevens_. [232] in the museum of the colegio de agustinos filipinos at valladolid, spain, is a tablet bearing the following inscription (in english translation): "on the twenty-sixth of april, 1521, died on this spot, while fighting valiantly, don hernando magallánes, general of the spanish fleet, whose name alone is his greatest eulogy. desiring that the memory of the place where so famous and fatal an event took place should not perish, and circumstances not permitting us at this time to erect a monument worthy of the heroic discoverer, this present inscription is religiously and humbly consecrated, as a memorial, by the parochial priest of the island, the reverend father fray benito perez, on the twenty-ninth of february, 1843." this tablet is about three feet by one and one-half feet in size, and is made of molave wood; the letters (capitals) are neatly carved in the wood--the work being done, in all probability, by some native under the priest's supervision. attached to the tablet is a card, bearing the following inscription: "this inscription, cut in molave wood, was accidentally found by the very reverend father fray jorge romanillos, the present parish priest of opong, in the island of mactang, where it stood beside a cross, before the erection of the monument. he sends it as a memento to the royal college of the augustinian fathers of the filipinas, at valladolid, in the year 1887." [233] or quipit, the port of this name on the northwest part of mindanao, applied in error to the whole island.--_stevens_. [234] probably yolo, certainly one of the sulu islands.--_stevens_. [235] _i.e._ ternate, moter, tidore, maru, mutjan.--_stevens_. [236] "they did not find cattigara" is as true today as when maximilian wrote in 1522. for various conflicting authorities upon its site _north_ of the equator, cf. ante p.312, and mccrindle's _ancient india_, 1885, p.10. ptolemy however places it (asia tab. xi) nine degrees _south_ of the equator. for a curious chapter upon this point see manoel godinho de eredia's _malacca_, edited by janssen, brussels, 1883. 4to, part 3. why not kota-radja at the north end of sumatra?--_stevens_. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxii, 1625-29 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxii preface documents of 1625 report of the spanish council of state on the appointment of a governor for the philippines. madrid, march 7. royal decree granting income to the society of jesus. felipe iv; madrid, june 1. letter from the archbishop of manila to felipe iv. miguel garcía serrano; july 25. royal festivities at manila. diego de rueda y mendoza; manila, august 1. letter to felipe iv. fernando de silva; manila, august 4. documents of 1626 letter from the archbishop to felipe iv. miguel garcía serrano; manila, july 25. letter to felipe iv. fernando de silva; manila, july 30. letter from the sisters of st. clare to felipe iv. jeronima de la asunsion, and others; manila, july 31. petition for aid to the seminary of san juan de letran. juan geronimo de guerrero; manila, august 1. royal decrees. felipe iv; madrid, june-october. military affairs of the islands. [unsigned]; sevilla, 1626 (but written at cebú) documents of 1627 importance of the philippines. martin castaño; [undated; 1627?] relation of 1626. [unsigned and undated; _ca._ 1627] letter to tavora. felipe iv; madrid, september 3. laws regarding the sangleys. [from _recopilación de leyes de las indias_]; 1594-1627. decrees regarding the religious. felipe iv; madrid, may-november. decrees regarding the chinese. felipe iv; madrid, september 10 and november 19. inadvisability of a spanish post on the island of formosa. juan cevicos; madrid, december 20. documents of 1628-1629 relation of 1627-28. [unsigned]; manila, july, 1628. report of appointments made by the governor. juan niño de tavora; cavite, august 2, 1628. letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; august 4, 1628. economic reasons for suppressing the silk trade of china in spain and its colonies. juan velazquez madrco; october 7, 1628. decrees regarding the chinese. felipe iv; madrid, june, 1628-march, 1629. relations of 1628-29. hernando estrada, and others; manila, etc., 1628-29. bibliographical data illustrations autograph signature of fernando de silva; photographic facsimile from original ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla. plan of the city and port of macao; photographic facsimile of engraving in bellin's _petit atlas maritime_ ([paris], 1764) no. 57; from copy in the library of wisconsin-historical society. preface the present volume covers (1625-29) the governorship of fernando de silva, and half of that of juan niño de tavora. besides the staple topics of trade restrictions, conflicts between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, and hostilities with the dutch, it contains more than usual matter which sheds light on social conditions in manila and the internal affairs of the colony. a vivid and picturesque description of social life in manila is furnished in the document on "royal festivities;" and educational interests are represented in others, regarding aid to the jesuit college there, and a school for orphan boys. an order of nuns has for some time been established in manila, and they ask for more liberty to receive novices--a proceeding apparently objected to in that community: they receive liberal aid from many persons, especially wealthy women. a solid bridge of stone has been built across the pasig river, facilitating intercourse and traffic among the people. the parián has been destroyed by fire, but is rebuilt in better and more extensive form than ever before. special efforts are made to protect the chinese resident there, who are often wronged and ill-treated by the spaniards. in this volume is much concerning the persecution of christians in japan, the proceedings of the dutch in the eastern seas, affairs in china, and the raids of moro pirates upon the pintados islands. the limits of spanish domination are somewhat extended by the establishment of a military post on formosa island; but many feel that this is an expensive and burdensome enterprise. the spanish royal council of state send to the king (march 7, 1625) a report on the appointment of a governor for the philippines, in place of fajardo, who had in 1623 asked permission to return to spain. many candidates for this office are enumerated, with the merits and services of each, and the number of votes given to each in the session of the council; the whole is submitted to the king that he may choose from them. on june 1 of the same year felipe grants to the jesuit college at manila an annual income for sixteen years. a letter from archbishop serrano to the king (july 25, 1625) reports the arrival of the new governor, fernando de silva, and the auspicious beginning of his rule. the persecution of the christians in japan is increasing in severity, and serrano therefore tries to prevent any further passage of missionaries to that country; but the zeal of the friars outruns their discretion, and some have gone to japan. serrano asks the king to interpose his authority, and restrain the friars. the bishop of nueva segovia is dead, and serrano has placed an ecclesiastic in charge of that diocese. the officials of the philippine government should be officially inspected, for which duty he recommends one of his own subordinates, juan cevicos. he asks the king to aid the jesuit college at manila. the accession of felipe iv is celebrated at manila (january, 1623) with "royal festivities"--bull-fights, games, decoration of the streets, etc., which are described in picturesque and enthusiastic terms by a citizen of manila. fernando de silva, appointed successor to fajardo, notifies the king (august 4, 1625) of his arrival in the islands, and reports the condition of affairs there, and various events of interest. he complains that the audiencia arrogates undue authority to itself, and he has already annulled their action in assigning encomiendas. gerónimo de silva has been deposed by them from the military command, and some of them have made illegal appointments to army and navy offices; the governor has annulled these also. hostile dutch ships are menacing the rich trading vessels that ply to nueva españa; silva has taken measures of defense and precaution against them. a powerful dutch fleet has already reached ternate; he hopes to obtain some ships, provided by the missionaries, to defend the islands against the foe. the royal treasury and magazines are, however, empty; and he has had to send a cargo to japan to buy supplies. but the persecutions of christians in that country lead to great restrictions on the commerce of spaniards there; and the embassy sent from manila was not even received by the japanese. the rebellion in cagayan will be punished as severely as possible; and silva will endeavor to improve the condition of affairs in the moluccas. he recommends that the captive ternatan king be restored to his own country. the attempt to work the igorrote gold mines has been abandoned. silva has sold certain municipal offices, but recommends that hereafter these be conferred on deserving citizens. the export duty on goods sent to nueva españa should be lowered. the governor complains of the lawless conduct of the religious, who pay no heed to the civil authorities and do as they please with the indians; and he asks for more authority to restrain them. more troops are needed in the islands; and silva desires to check the dutch who are getting a foothold in the island of formosa. complaint is made that the treasury officials of mexico exceed their rights in auditing the accounts sent them from manila. silva closes by recommending to the royal favor certain of the spanish citizens of manila, and asking for his wife permission to absent herself from the islands in case of his death. the archbishop of manila writes to the king (july 25, 1626) about various ecclesiastical matters. he enumerates the salaries of the archbishop and his prebendaries, and asks that these be increased. the cathedral's income is very inadequate, and needs aid. serrano enumerates the number of secular benefices in his diocese, and the number of convents and priests belonging to the respective orders, with the number of souls under their spiritual charge. the same enumeration is made for the suffragan dioceses under his care. the archbishop then commends the government (_ad interim_) and procedure of fernando de silva, recounting various acts of the latter which are beneficial to the colony. the new proprietary governor, juan niño de tavora, has arrived at manila. the dutch have not made their usual raids on the islands, and trade with china, india, and other nations has consequently been more flourishing, during the past year. moro pirates have, however, inflicted considerable damage; and one of their fleets even assaulted serrano and his company while on an official visitation--the latter barely saving their lives by flight. serrano commends the auditor messa y lugo, and asks for promotion for him. dominican religious have established a mission on the island of hermosa, where a spanish post was recently formed. fernando de silva makes a final report to the king (july 31, 1626) of his government, up to the arrival of his successor, juan niño de tavora. affairs in both the moluccas and the philippines are in a quiet and safe condition; the royal magazines are well supplied, and the forts equipped with artillery. silva has lessened the burdens imposed on the natives, and quieted the revolt in cagayan; and he has punished the savage tribes who harassed the peaceful indians. barracks for the troops, and a stone bridge over the pasig, are improvements made at manila. the spaniards are excluded from trade in japan; and the dutch have built a fort on the island of formosa. silva sends an expedition to that island, and establishes a spanish post at its northern end. he explains the advantage of this in restoring to manila the chinese trade, which has been injured by both the dutch and the portuguese; it will also be a point of vantage for the japanese trade. silva concludes by expressing his personal opinion of the characters of the respective auditors, and renewing his request that his wife may enjoy possession of her encomiendas in the islands, without residence there. in 1620 the order of poor clares had been established in the philippines; and, six years later, they write a letter to the king (july 31, 1626) asking that they be not restricted in the number of women whom they may receive into their order. a seminary for orphan spanish boys was opened, at nearly the same time, at manila; its founder asks the king, in letters of 1626, to assist his enterprise with money and other aid; in accordance with this request, the government assigns an income to the school. a royal decree of june 19 in that year orders that the religious (especially the augustinians) in the islands shall cease to commit lawless acts in contravention of the civil authorities. another of the same date commands that municipal court sessions be not hindered by treasury auction sales. a third (dated october 16) orders tavora to see that the hospitals in manila be suitably aided and conducted. the military affairs of the islands are related in an unsigned pamphlet (sevilla, 1626). the moros of mindanao discontinue their plundering expeditions for a time, and ask aid from the spaniards against other moros who are their enemies; this is promised, but hostile encounters soon arise between them and the spaniards, which are related in detail. the dutch besiege the portuguese settlement in macao, but are repulsed with great loss. captain fernando de silva conducts a spanish expedition from manila to relieve macao. news has come that he is in siam, and in danger of attack from enemies there. in japan the persecution of christians increases, and all trade with the philippines is strictly prohibited. in an undated document (1627?), martin castaño, procurator of the philippine colony at the spanish court, urges upon the king the importance of keeping his possessions in the far east, and not allowing his enemies the dutch to profit by the wealth therein. castaño urges the duty of extending the christian religion among the heathen, for which the philippines offer the best opportunity in the world. this object is being frustrated in japan by the influence of the dutch heretics, who also are monopolizing the trade of that country, and injuring that of the chinese with the spaniards. if the dutch gain filipinas, they will soon conquer portuguese india, and even harass the spanish colonies in america. castaño calls attention to the natural wealth of the islands in gold and cloves, and to their valuable trade with japan and china--all which sources of profit should be kept for the spanish crown. a. "relation of 1626" (actually covering part of 1627)--unsigned, but evidently by a jesuit of manila--recounts the leading events of those years in the countries of the far east. in the moluccas there has been peace; but it is expected that, as soon as the wars in flanders cease, the dutch ships will again infest the eastern seas. the pirates of the camucones have harried some of the islands, plundering and killing; punitive expeditions are sent against them, but accomplish little. better success, however, has attended an enterprise of this sort against the mindanaos. a relief expedition is sent to macao, under captain fernando de silva. on his return, he is forced by a storm to land in siam; and there is slain, with most of his men, in a fight with the siamese and japanese. governor fernando de silva sends two jesuits as ambassadors to siam, to recover the property of spaniards that was in captain silva's ship; but most of it has been plundered by the siamese soldiers. one of the jesuits remains there, and begins a mission. the settlement in formosa has been successful, and the natives are now on friendly terms with the spaniards. tavora sends supplies for the troops there, which finally reach them after long delays from stormy weather. trade from manila to japan is even more strictly prohibited than before. felipe iv writes to governor tavora (september 3, 1627), in answer to his letters of the previous year. the king approves of his establishing a fort at the northern end of celebes, promises to send him aid and arms, and gives him directions for procedure in various matters of detail. from _recopilación de leyes de las indias_ are translated a group of laws (1594-1627) relating to the chinese in the philippines. it is decreed that they shall be charged no fee for leaving manila; the sale of their goods is regulated; no oppression or injury to them shall be permitted; they shall not be allowed to live in the houses of spaniards; their suits shall come first before the governor of the parián, with appeal to the audiencia, and that neither auditors nor municipal officials shall begin such suits; the audiencia shall not meddle with the affairs of the parián, which shall be in charge of the governor of the islands; and assessments of fowls shall not be made upon the chinese. the governor is ordered to promote agriculture among them, and not to exact personal services; their number must be limited to six thousand, and no bribes or fees for licenses may be exacted; they must be kept in due subjection, but always through mild and just methods; provision is made regarding the fees for their licenses; chinese converts are exempted for ten years from paying tributes; and a limit is placed to the assessment made upon them for the royal service. the king orders the audiencia of manila (may 21, 1627) to punish certain augustinians who have attacked a government official. on june 11 following, he grants certain additional supplies to the augustinian convent at manila. later (november 4) the council of the indias recommend that a grant be made to the recollects in the islands, of a certain amount for medicines. in a decree of september 10, the king orders that a protector for the chinese be appointed, who shall not be the royal fiscal; and that any balance in the fund that they maintain for the royal service shall be left to their disposal, or credited on the next year's assessment. another decree, dated november 19, recites the oppression of the chinese in the parián in compelling their hair to be cut at baptism, and levying from them an extortionate tribute; and orders that both these vexations be abolished. juan cevicos, a resident of manila who is at the spanish court, writes a memorial (december 20, 1627) on "the inadvisability of a spanish post in the island of hermosa." he thinks that the dutch have established themselves there not so much to pillage the chinese merchant ships, as to establish a factory on formosa, from which they can gain the chinese and japanese trade. their success in this would result in the destruction of macao and ruin the japan trade for the philippines; therefore they should be driven out of formosa, and before they have time to lure the chinese trade also from the spaniards. but, even then, it is an expensive and undesirable enterprise for the spaniards to maintain a fort there, as the island of formosa is of little importance for its products, and there would be no advantage in making it a way-station for the chinese trade. to attempt this would but shift thither the scene of hostilities with the dutch, and impose new burdens on the already overtaxed people of the philippines. it is useless to keep the island as a port of refuge for the spanish ships; there is danger that the chinese will attack it; and even for the conversion of the heathen the king is not under obligations to do more than is required by his subjects in the philippines. the jesuit chronicle of events for 1627-28 has much of interest. in july and august, 1627, tavora equips an expedition to expel the dutch from formosa; but it sails too late, and is compelled by storms to return to cavite, some of the vessels being lost. one of the ships reaches the spanish fort in formosa, only to find that one of its officers and some of his men have been slain by treacherous natives. the ship supplies the garrison with the food of which they are in need, and returns to luzon. soon afterward a richly-laden portuguese fleet sails from manila to macao, and two spanish galleons are sent with it as escort, to defend it from the dutch. the galleons, on the return from macao, pursue a semi-piratical career for several months, capturing several siamese vessels with valuable cargoes, by way of reprisal for the injuries inflicted on spaniards in siam; and taking other prizes, not all of which are regarded as lawful. the christian religion is flourishing in china. the coasts of that country are infested by pirates, who even capture and destroy towns. the noted stone of singanfu has been discovered, making known the early establishment of christianity in china. the manchu foe noorhachu is dead. in formosa the chinese are making inquiries as to the spanish occupation; and the commandant carreño rescues the mandarin envoy from hostile natives. the relief expedition to ternate is attacked by a dutch ship, the spaniards losing two vessels. the camucones pirates are repulsed this year. some strange people, probably from distant islands, are blown ashore on cebú. a shipyard is established in camarines; it is attacked and plundered by joloan pirates. accordingly a spanish expedition is sent against them from oton and cebú; and the joloans are heavily punished, their finest town being destroyed and their ships and supplies of rice burned. the revolted province of cagayan (luzón), is also entered and laid waste. several destructive fires occur, among the losses being that of the parián at manila--which is, however, rebuilt within four months. another relation for the same period contains some additional information. an earthquake occurs in northern luzón. two spanish galleys enter and reconnoiter the dutch port on formosa; then a storm drives them back to luzón, and finally destroys them. the old king of ternate, who has been captive at manila for many years, at last dies there. in conformity to the royal commands, tavora sends to the king (august 2, 1628) a report on the appointments made by him, with their salaries, revenues, etc.; he also recounts the merits or services of each, for which such appointment was made. this list includes grants of encomiendas, and appointments to offices of justice and war. two days later, the governor sends a full annual report of administration in the islands--judicial, financial, and governmental. under the first, he refers to the king certain legal difficulties that have arisen in the courts of the islands. these relate to the possession of two encomiendas by married persons, the decision of indian lawsuits, the jurisdiction of the audiencia in affairs concerning the chinese, and the privileges of the governor's office. tavora takes especial pains to describe the character of the chinese, and the power that they have secured over the spaniards among whom they live, through their control of all trades and of commerce. he advises that they be tried and punished by the methods in vogue in their own country, and not allowed to appeal to the audiencia. in the letter relating to affairs of the treasury, tavora makes some explanations regarding his relations with the royal officials at manila. he finds it necessary to supervise their drafts on the royal treasury, since its funds are so low; and he has taken charge of the business of issuing licenses to the chinese who remain in the islands. tavora is endeavoring to reduce expenses and secure economy in the necessary expenditures of government. he asks that notarial offices be not sold, but filled by appointment, and changed annually. in regard to the question whether the indians should pay their tributes in kind or in money, he urges that the former be required, as otherwise the natives will not, through laziness, produce food supplies. the treasury of the islands is heavily indebted, on account of unusual expenses arising, with scanty receipts from the revenues. the soldiers suffer great hardships, and some are deserting. the viceroy of nueva españa must aid the philippines more liberally; and the governor of the islands must know on what aid he can depend, tavora asks to be relieved from his present office unless the means necessary for carrying on the government can be supplied. a third letter relates to general affairs of government, in which he reports that peace and harmony exist among the various departments. the bridge across the river pasig is being constructed. the parián at manila was destroyed by fire in january, but has been rebuilt in better style; and other destructive fires are mentioned. the rice crop has been abundant, and agriculture is improving. in conjunction with the other royal officials, tavora has allowed the citizens to send goods this year to mexico without the usual restrictions, on account of the impoverished condition of the islands. he finds the indians much harassed by the exactions made upon them for the public service, and, with the consent of all interested--the royal officials, the encomenderos, and the ecclesiastics--prepares new instructions and ordinances, which are designed to relieve the natives from all oppression, and provide fair wages for their labor on public works. the royal officials are endeavoring to secure more satisfactory methods of government for the chinese who are in the islands, both residents and transients. tavora asks for a printed copy of all the royal decrees that apply to his government. he has done all in his power to aid the seminary for orphan boys at manila, but it needs more; and he asks the king to grant an encomienda in support of this charity. he is doing what he can for the hospitals, but asks that brethren from a hospital order be sent to manage them. the ships from mexico were sent late this year, and were almost lost through storms; tavora urges that this be not allowed to occur, as the very existence of the philippine colony is thus imperiled. a document dated october 7, 1628, presents (apparently to the council of the indias) various arguments for suppressing the silk trade of china in spain and its colonies. the old complaint is reiterated, that the silver coin of nueva españa is being drained away into china; besides, this trade deprives spain of all this money, and the customs duties are greatly decreased from what they might amount to. large quantities of contraband goods are, moreover, carried to the south american colonies, thus injuring the exports from the mother country. the chinese wares are apparently cheap, but their poor quality, and their depreciating effect on the values of spanish goods, diminish the real profits of the chinese trade. the necessity of protecting the silk industry in the kingdom of granada is used as a strong argument against allowing the chinese silk trade in the spanish colonies, as the former adds greatly to the revenues of the crown. if chinese silks were prohibited, those of granada (the sale of which is much diminished) would be in much greater demand; and the producers there could meet their obligations, while the royal revenues would increase accordingly. some decrees are issued by felipe iv for the protection of the chinese. one (dated june 8, 1628) orders the governor of the philippines to protect them from extortion and oppression in the matter of tributes and that of permissions granted them to travel in the islands; another (august 17) refers to him the demand that all chinese except the married christians be strictly confined within the parián. on march 7, 1629, the king orders him to ascertain whether the chinese need a protector; and, if so, to send him a list of persons from whom such official may be chosen by the council of the indias. the jesuit annals are continued for 1628-29; there are two relations for this year, one of which consists of letters from various fathers of the society, merely strung together. hernando estrada relates the success of a spanish fleet from oton in punishing the joloan pirates. pedro de prado writes of the raids made by the camuzones, other pirates, and the dangers encountered by the missionaries; and describes the animals and products of the country. another letter (unsigned) states that the dutch have been driven out of their establishments in eastern india. a second general relation (but unsigned) for the same year contains mention of various events both ecclesiastical and secular. on the night of november 25 the jesuit church falls in ruins, for the third time; it is being rebuilt. the monstrance and host kept in the cathedral are stolen by sacrilegious hands, (an occurrence which causes the death of archbishop serrano). an image of the virgin mary is seen to weep, as if lamenting the ravages made by pirates in the pintados. in these raids several of the jesuit missionaries have narrowly escaped death. the dutch in java have been attacked by the natives, and are menaced by the portuguese there and elsewhere. the spaniards go to camboja for lumber, and dominican missionaries go with them to labor among the heathen. affairs with siam are not yet restored to a peaceful condition. the missions in cochinchina and tonkin are doing well. the chinese, at war with the tartars, borrow aid from the portuguese at macao. in japan the christians are being exterminated by torture and death. there was talk of expelling the dutch from that country; but news arrives there of the destruction of a japanese ship off siam by the spaniards, and the japanese begin to talk of uniting with the dutch to attack the spaniards in formosa and even manila. "the philipinas islands are at present in a ruinous condition." a postscript to this relation describes an encounter between a small spanish ship from india and a large english ship, at fayal, in which the former saves itself, after inflicting much damage on its opponent. the editors october, 1904. documents of 1625 report of the spanish council of state on the appointment of a governor for the philippines. march 7. royal decree granting income to the society of jesus. felipe iv; june 1. letter from the archbishop of manila to felipe iv. miguel garcia serrano; july 25. royal festivities at manila. diego de rueda y mendosa; august 1. letter to felipe iv. fernando de silva; august 4. _sources_: the first, third, and fifth of these documents are from mss. in the archive general de indias, sevilla; the second, from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, iii, pp. 754-755; the fourth, from a pamphlet, _toros y cañas_ (barcelona, 1903). _translations_: these are all made by james a. robertson. report of the spanish council of state on appointment of a governor for the philippines sire: on the occasion of a letter written to your majesty by don alonso fajardo de tenzá, governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia established therein, on the seventeenth of august of the past year 623, petitioning among other things for permission to come to españa, the council advised your majesty of what occurred to them with regard to the appointment to that office. your majesty was pleased to order that persons be proposed for it, and that a relation be made, in the report of the council, of the pretensions of don alonso; and that action be immediate, so that he whom your majesty should appoint might sail in the trading-fleet bound for nueva españa--or, if he should be in the yndias, that he might be advised so that he could sail in march of the coming year for filipinas. [your majesty also ordered] that don alonso's pay should run until his departure thence in the first vessel, and one year longer, in order that he might come here. in fulfilment of your majesty's orders, it appears that the demands of don alonso fajardo are reduced to a better office in reward for his services and those of his father and forbears; and that your majesty, by providing what you deem best, make good his pay during all the time while he should be detained there without power to embark, and one year longer, to enable him to come to these kingdoms, offering his person to serve in this interim at the order of his successor. don juan fajardo, his brother, wrote to me, the president, in a letter of november 4 of the past year that, since don alonso desires leave to go to españa, it must be after there has been time to conclude the inspection that was ordered to be made of him and the audiencia, and after your majesty has assigned him a post in the council of war with an adequate salary. in accordance with the charges against him, don juan petitions that the permission be revoked until he himself shall return from the expedition of brazil and come to this court. will your majesty show him the favor that may be your pleasure. the council having examined personally the services and merits that follow for this office (which carries a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas, of four hundred and fifty maravedis apiece), those who are considered most fitting to receive that office--which must be held for eight years, in accordance with the order given regarding it--are proposed to your majesty. the first two have seven votes. don geronimo agustin, of the habit of calatrava, who has served from the year 88. in that of 89, the duke of terra nova, while governor of milan, assigned him a spanish infantry company of arquebusiers in the regiment of lombardia. the same year he went to flandes, where, at different periods, he served for ten years with appointments and infantry companies; and the last three years as captain and sargento-mayor of the regiments of the masters-of-camp, don yñigo de borja, don alvaro huaser, don fernando giron, and don alonso de leyla. he commanded some of the regiments; and for special services that he performed, the king our sovereign (may he rest in peace), your majesty's father, granted him four hundred reals [1] income in milan. in the year 60-[?] he was appointed master-of-camp of a regiment of men in the fleet of the ocean sea, in which he has served. embarking with his regiment, he went to the terceras to relieve three ships of yndia which had arrived there in a dilapidated condition; and afterward went with the marquis of santa cruz to the undertaking of alarache. thence he went to the mediterranean sea until he sighted tunez [_i.e._, tunis], in whose bay were burned twenty-two pirate ships and one galliot. [2] on his return from the expedition, he took part in the expulsion of the moriscos [3] from valencia, aragon, and murcia. finally, he went with his regiment to la mamora, and was in full command of all the companies in which served the seigniors and cities of andalucia and three hundred soldiers of the coast of granada. through his determination, the men whom he headed were landed; and they gained and occupied those positions, responding with great courage to their defense and to the fortifications. in consideration of that, he was in the former year of 617 considered for the offices of governor and captain-general of the province of panama and those of chile, and as president of the royal audiencia of those provinces. on account of your majesty's assurance in his person and services, you granted him the office of viceroy of mallorca, which he holds at present. don gaspar ruiz de pereda, of the habit of san tiago, has served for more than thirty-six years in the terceras, in the expedition to ynglaterra, in the states of flandes, and in the fleet of the ocean sea, where considerable pay and appointments were granted him. afterward he served in bretaña; and the council of state entrusted to him matters touching the right of the infanta to that state. [4] he was corregidor and war-captain of the four towns of the seacoast. he attended to the preparation and building of ships and the despatch of fleets satisfactorily. at the conclusion of his office, he returned to that coast, and became superintendent of it all from la raya of portugal to francia. the king our sovereign (may he rest in peace) granted him the government of habana, which he exercised for nine years. in the residencia taken from him he was regarded as free from blame; and, on his arrival at these kingdoms, was appointed corregidor of malaga. later, on account of the satisfaction given by his person, your majesty appointed him inspector-general in the states of flandes. the following three have five votes apiece. don juan nino de tavora, who, having been gentleman of the bed chamber to the archduke alberto, and cavalry captain in the states of flandes, is at present master-of-camp of spanish infantry there. with his services and capacity there is entire satisfaction. he is the son of don gabriel nino, formerly chief master-of-camp of the king our sovereign who is in glory. general don juan de venavides, of the habit of san tiago, is the son of the marquis of jaralquinto. he has been in the service for the past twenty-two years, seven of them with additional pay under the marquis of santa cruz in the galleys of the kingdom of portugal, and thirteen years with the pay of thirty reals [_sc._ ducados?] per month in the trade-route to the yndias. he made five voyages, in that of 610 going as captain of one of the infantry companies of the trading-fleet of tierra firme. that same year, the flagship of the galleons having been lost at the departure from buen aire, he, having escaped naked, stayed to rescue the men of the ship; and having done this, took them in a patache to cartagena. in the year 613 he went as admiral of the trading-fleet of nueva españa. on the return trip some ships of the fleet were lost in a storm. he was carrying in his ship more than one million [pesos] of silver belonging to your majesty and to private persons. the masts and the rudder were snapped in twain; the ship began to leak at the bow; and yet he repaired it and anchored in the port of san lucar without having thrown anything overboard. in 615 he again filled the same office of admiral, and, the flagship from honduras having been wrecked, he saved many of its crew. in 617 he was recommended as commander of the trading-fleet of nueva españa, and was granted the office of its admiral. finally, he was twice proposed as commander of the filipinas fleet. on january 13, 620, he was appointed commander of the trading-fleet of nueva españa, from which post he came with good reputation and fame. licentiate pedro de vergara gaviria, in a letter that he wrote to your majesty from vera cruz, where he was inspecting the royal officials, declares that he has seen in his person an excellent zeal and a manner of procedure quite different from what is said there of other commanders, and accordingly he is obliged to give account of it; and that the honors and rewards that your majesty would be pleased to bestow on him will be well employed. in the year 623, he was for the second time granted the office of commander of the said trading-fleet of nueba españa (whence he had come the year before); he took the fleet and brought it in safety. while at the port of vera cruz, the mexican audiencia committed to him, on the occasion of the rebellion of that city, the fort of san juan de ulua, and appointed him as its commandant, and as military captain of all that coast. he served in that capacity until he returned to españa, desiring to obtain the quiet and peace of that kingdom. in the residencias that have been taken of the appointments as commander that he has held, he has been declared a good official, and worthy of greater honors and emoluments. this present year he was proposed for the office of commander of the trading-fleet of nueba españa. the master-of-camp, don francisco zapata ossorio, knight of the habit of santiago, has served for twenty-two years, sixteen in flandes, at fifty reals [_sc._ ducados?] pay. he was later captain of a spanish infantry company, with which he took part as occasion offered. he, went to napoles and was there governor and military captain of the province of calabria. in the residencia taken of that office, he was exonerated. he commanded the galley of the napoles squadron at the appointment of cardinal çapata, in the absence of the regularly-appointed commander, with pay of one hundred and fifty reals [_sc._ ducados?] per month. in the year of 622 the said cardinal appointed him master-of-camp of the seven companies of spanish infantry that went to the state of milan, and captain of one of them, namely, the one that belongs to him as master-of-camp. he came with the permission of the duke of alva, who wrote to your majesty recommending him and mentions the said don francisco. your majesty has ordered him to go to visit the duke of lorena; also that, going to flandes, he be given there the first regiment that falls vacant, and that in the meanwhile he enjoy the salary of master-of-camp of halberdiers--namely, one hundred and sixteen ducados per month. his father served more than fifty years, and was in the battle of lepanto, in the states of flandes, the war with portugal, the terceras islands, and the expedition to ynglaterra; he served twice in the inspection of many men in the department of sevylla, and served in the government of alcantara, and as corregidor of joro, and lastly in that of cordoba. his uncle, don juan çapata ossorio, was bishop of çamora; and his other ancestors, paternal and maternal, died in the service. don garcia giron has four votes. he has served since the expedition to ynglaterra. he was lieutenant of the cavalry captain, don fernando giron, his brother, in lengua-doc [_i.e._, languedoc], whence he went to bretaña as arquebusier captain. he took part in all the sieges and in all the reënforcements that occurred during his time, many times having in charge convoys. when the said his brother took two thousand infantrymen for the fleet, he served on it. the adelantado-mayor of castilla gave him command of a galleon, and later the command of twenty companies when coming from vigo. when some thirty companies went to ytalia with the count of fuentes, he took charge of them by order of the duke of medina-sidonia. on those occasions and in flandes, while serving as captain and sargento-mayor, he gave an excellent account of his person and served with satisfaction to his superiors. in the year of 610, his majesty who is in glory bestowed upon him the government of cartagena, i mean of benezuela. at the expiration of the time for which he was appointed, he was granted the government of cartagena, and now he has been given that of habana. the following seven have each one vote. don antonio sarmiento, son of count gondomar. after having served on various occasions, your majesty bestowed upon him a post in the council of the treasury, in which he serves with approval. don sancho de zeyba, of whose capacity and of the services of his forbears and his own, your majesty has full notice. general don geronimo gomez de sandoval, of the habit of santiago, captain of a company of men-of-arms in the guards of castilla, who has served for twenty-three years past on various occasions. in 602, the city of cartagena appointed him to raise one hundred and fifty infantrymen who were embarked in the galleys of españa. he went on the expedition of argel with appointment as spanish infantry captain. in the year of 604, his majesty who is in heaven granted him twenty-five ducados pay, which was later increased to thirty. his father being appointed governor and captain-general of ysla española [_i.e._, hayti], and president of that audiencia, don geronimo went with him, having been appointed commandant of the fort of santo domingo. at the order of the audiencia, he took command of the ships of the fleet there for its defense for more than four years. as commander of them, he sailed out at various times to clear that entire coast of enemies, engaging them with great valor. once he captured two lanchas, and on another occasion a ship, while he sank another. his services were held as very considerable at that time. having come to this coast to request the office of commander of some fleet, he was granted the post of admiral of that of nueba españa, which came in 621. on that voyage, he helped the ships that were unmasted and unrigged, both going and coming. by his great diligence he helped to withdraw one that was burning in the port of san juan de ulua from among all the fleet, by which act the greater part of the fleet escaped the fire. it was a great peril, for all the silver and merchandise was embarked for the voyage. in respect to that service, the prior and consuls, as those interested in it, petitioned, in a letter to your majesty, that you be pleased to give him the place of commander of the fleet in the following year. having consulted in regard to it, your majesty was pleased to grant him that of admiral for the good account that he had given of the offices which he had had in charge. your majesty will have an account of his person. on this voyage he served with especial approval as an excellent and careful mariner, and is fitted for employment in any command of importance of this kind. accordingly, he was proposed for the place of captain-general of the trading-fleet that is to go to nueba españa this year, which your majesty bestowed upon don lope de hou y cordova; and now your majesty has bestowed upon him that of tierra firme. he is the son, as above stated, of don diego gomez de sandoval (whose capacity is very well known), who, having served more than forty years in various offices, died in the past year of 623, as governor and captain-general of ysla española, where he was for five years. the audiencia, the archbishop, and the secular cabildo of santo domingo wrote in a letter to your majesty how well he served in governmental affairs, and in those of war, justice, and peace. he left many debtors because he had conducted his government uprightly; and his property was not able to pay them. they consider don geronimo, his son and successor, as capable and worthy of what your majesty pleases to do for him and what charge you may give him. don rodrigo de vivero, who, having come to these kingdoms from nueva españa, where he was born, and having served queen doña ana, your wife, who is in heaven, as a page, returned to that country. there he was appointed from his youth to the most important duties by the viceroys, for they knew his ability and good qualities. that being known to the king our sovereign who is in glory, your majesty's grandfather, he appointed him governor and captain-general of the provinces of nueha vizcaya, where with great valor, continuous toil, and at his own cost, he made war upon the rebel indians, until he had reduced more than sixty towns, and brought down many men from the mountains, where they were committing great depredations. by those means they were able to discontinue several presidios, and save the great expense that these occasioned to the royal revenues. having been attacked by a serious illness that was induced by the hardships of the war, he was forced to return to mexico, where the viceroy, marquis de salinas, his uncle, appointed him governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, because of the arrival at that juncture of news of the death of don pedro de acuña. without stopping to consider the discomfort and lack that he was causing his family, and the short time in which his successor would arrive, he accepted and went to take charge of the said duties. during the period of his government, he made peace with the mindanaos, and reënforced the kingdom of maluco, then besieged by the dutch, besides performing other special services. don juan de silva, his successor, having arrived, and he having embarked to return to his home, a storm overtook him that forced him to put in at the coast of japon. there the ship foundered and many of those aboard it were drowned. he escaped on a plank, and was captured with the others who were rescued. that emperor afterward treated them well, gave them a ship and passage, and lent money to don rodrigo. he asked the latter to make a treaty with the king, our sovereign (may he rest in peace), in his name, in regard to certain matters touching trade and commerce with nueba españa. he granted passage to those who wished to return to filipinas. everything was well directed on account of don rodrigo's energy. the viceroys, and finally the marquis of guadalcazar, have given very approving relation of the good qualities that concur in his person, and of his character, prudence, and good management. thereby it is learned that they are thoroughly satisfied of his person by their treatment. in consideration of that, he was in the former year of 620 elected governor and captain-general and president of the audiencia of tierra firme, which office he at present holds. don diego de cardenas, of the habit of santiago, brother of the count of la puebla de llesena, has served ten years, six of them in the states of flandes, on all the occasions that offered in his time, especially at the siege of ostende for thirty months, where he was wounded by an arquebus-shot in the face and a pike-thrust in the arm. through the satisfaction that archduke alebrto had in his person and services, he was given command of a company of spanish pike infantry, which he had at the victories of alinguin, aldoncel, and arinverque, and at the capture and relief of grol, and in that of bolduque, obstrat, and gave. after the conclusion of the war, he came to españa, by the permission of his highness; and his wife, infanta doña isavel, wrote to the king, our sovereign who is in glory, your majesty's father, recommending him. the marquis of espinola did the same, and in the year 609 granted him a permit to raise two hundred and fifty infantrymen, whom he led to the expulsion of the moriscos from the kingdom of valencia. having been retired on half-pay, he went with the marquis de la ynojosa on the expedition of alarache. lastly, he was in that of la mamora, serving at his own cost. in the year of 620, your majesty rewarded him with the office of governor and captain-general of the province of yucatan, which he is filling with approval, and with especial attention [to his duties], which he exhibited in the gift that that province sent to your majesty. don juan de velasco castañeda, of the habit of san tiago, has served for thirty-eight years, commencing his service on the expedition to ynglaterra. thence he went to the states of flandes. there he was given thirty ducados pay to serve near the person of the duke of parma. he was present at many sieges, captures, and reliefs. he came to these kingdoms in the year 96 to the relief of cadiz, with don pedro de velasco, who gave him command of an infantry company; and in the year of 593 the adelantado-mayor of castilla gave him another. with it, he returned to the said states, taking under his charge a troop of ten companies. he continued his services on all occasions that offered, fighting and proving himself therein as a gallant gentleman and a valiant soldier, until the year of 609, when he took part in the expulsion of the moriscos from andalucia and the kingdom of granada. later he was at milan where the constable of castilla employed him in commissions very important to the service of your majesty. in the year of 617 he was granted the government of cremona, and afterward made lieutenant of the captain-general of the soldiers of the kingdom of aragon, having in charge the castle of xaca; in those places he has served three years with much approval, valor, and prudence, and, in order to preserve his jurisdiction and preëminences, has often risked his life. for that your majesty has considered yourself well served, and ordered him rewarded for it. because of the satisfaction that the council found in his person, they proposed him to your majesty for the government of the province of cartagena, to which your majesty was pleased to appoint him; but as he did not choose to accept it, your majesty gave it to another person. don geronimo de silva, knight of the order of st. john--to whom after having served on various occasions, the king our sovereign who is in heaven, your majesty's grandfather, granted him title as captain in the year 89. he raised two hundred and fifty men for the defense of portugal. in the year 92, don alonso de bargas gave him a company in the aragon expedition, where his majesty ordered him to go to serve with twenty-five ducados pay per month. having gone to flandes, he continued with his company in the assaults of durlans, and in the captures of chatelet and cambray, always acting as a valiant and respected gentleman. there he was grievously wounded. in the year 96 the duke of medina-sidonia appointed him captain and sargento-mayor of the infantry that he was sending to portugal. that same year, his majesty granted him one of the ordinary companies of light cavalry of the state of milan. in consideration of that, in the year 609 he was given the place of commandant of the forces of terrenate, and governor of the soldiers of that presidio, which he served until the year 616, when he was promoted to the post of master-of-camp of the military forces of the filipinas islands, which he is serving, notwithstanding that the council has received certain letters condemning his actions. will your majesty appoint one or other of these, according to your pleasure. madrid, march 7, 1625. royal decree granting income to the society of jesus don juan niño de tavora, knight of the order of calatraba, comendador of puerto llano, whom i have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, or the person or persons in whose charge is or shall be the government of the said islands: father francisco crespo, [5] procurator-general of the society of jesus, of the yndias, in the name of the college of his order in the city of manila, of the said islands, has reported to me that the church and house of the residence, inasmuch as it was built by the fathers who first went there, is very old, and that it is falling down, on account of the earthquakes that have happened, so that only the house has remained standing, which is in danger of falling also; and that grammar, the arts, and theology have been studied there for more than the last thirty years, from which has followed the benefit that is well known. in respect to its needs, and the expenses that have been incurred in treating the sick, since its alms are very few, and its income very slight, they do not have the wherewithal with which to support the religious who live there, inasmuch as they do not ask any alms for their sacrifices [_i.e._, masses], or for building their church or house. although the church is commenced, the building cannot be continued. in consideration of that, he petitions me to concede them there the sixteen thousand ducados, of which concession was made in the sum of one thousand ducados every year for sixteen years to the convent of st. augustine, of the said city, in tributes of vacant indians of the said islands, so that with this grant they might continue the erection of the said church, and build a comfortable house in which the religious may live, and apply themselves to the said branches, and where missionaries may be trained with whom to attend to the conversion of the indians and the preaching of the holy gospel. after having examined what your predecessor and the archbishop of the said city reported to me in my royal council of the indias, and after they consulted with me, i have considered it advisable to concede to the college of the society of jesus in the said city of manila, for the present, for each of ten years, one thousand ducados, which amount to three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedis, in indians of whom the encomienda shall be vacant, or shall first become vacant, in the said philipinas islands, just in the same way as the concession was made to the said convent of the order of st. augustine of the said city for its buildings. accordingly, i command you to assign to the said college of the society of jesus in the said city of manila, the said one thousand ducados in tributes of the indians whose encomienda shall be vacant, or shall first become vacant, in the said islands, so that this sum may be paid to them in each one of ten years, as above said. you shall give the necessary despatch to this, so that those fathers may be assisted with it for the said purpose. i order the officials of my treasury of the said filipinas islands to obey what you shall order by virtue of this my decree; and they shall not place any obstacle to it, notwithstanding anything provided to the contrary. given in madrid, june first, one thousand six hundred and twenty-five. _i the king_ countersigned by don francisco ruis de contreras, and signed by the members of the council. letter from the archbishop to felipe iv i have informed your majesty fully of the condition of these filipinas islands in all the despatches that have left them, in what concerns both ecclesiastical and secular affairs. as i am certain that my letters have been received in that royal council, i am now only advising you of the arrival of governor don fernando de silva, knight of the habit of sanctiago, who left these islands for those kingdoms in the former year 21, and returned to govern them about twenty days ago, with the appointment given him by the viceroy of nueva españa, marques de cerralvo. [6] the choice of don fernando has seemed a good one, and he is governing well, as one who knows the country and has experience in it, and of the merits of his subordinates; and i see these inhabitants universally contented, [_in the margin_: "seen."] i find it very unadvisable for religious of any order to go for the present to the kingdom of japon, and until god shall open the eyes of the emperor--either so that he may receive the holy gospel, or at least not persecute so cruelly those who preach and obey it. his severity is such that he is not satisfied with martyring its preachers with exquisite and extraordinary forms of martyrdoms--as well as those who have received the preachers into their houses and districts, even though ignorant of their identity; but he has issued an edict that no one, under penalty of death, may receive them into his ship. what may cause greater anxiety is the fact that, a number of japanese being angered by the dutch, who make port in their kingdom, it will be easy enough both to place these islands in danger, and, what is more, to extinguish the spark of the catholic faith in these regions. because of that i called a meeting of the provincials of the orders, so that they should refrain from sending their religious [to japon] without the governor's orders and mine. having seen the great difficulties [thus occasioned], and although, convinced of it, they promised compliance, yet their zeal for the saving of souls is so great that, without informing us, they actually sent four religious. i fear great danger from that action, and am powerless to avert the continuation of this, unless your majesty interpose your powerful hand by ordering absolutely that which, according to this, is most advisable for the service of our lord and your service. [_in the margin_: "let what he says be carefully heeded."] our lord took doctor don juan de renteria, bishop of nueva segovia, to himself on november 4 of last year, 24, while he was coming from his bishopric to this city of manila. his loss has been deeply felt in this country, as he was a man of so eminent qualities. because of the lack of a cabildo in that bishopric i sent a man to govern it, and there is as yet nothing new of moment there of which to inform your majesty. the inspection of this royal audiencia and the royal officials, which your majesty entrusted to the said bishop, was not effected because of his death. consequently, i am bound by my obligations to your majesty's service to remind you of what i said in regard to this matter in my letter to that royal council in the month of august of the former year of 23, which is as follows. "persons entirely trustworthy and zealous for your majesty's royal service have informed me of the need of inspecting this royal treasury. if your majesty be pleased to make choice of the person of don juan cevicos who is at that court attending to affairs of this church, for this matter and for other matters of inspection, i regard it as certain that your majesty will be well served, as he is one of the most intelligent persons in the yndias. he also has experience with papers and accounts, so that many people in this city were wont to send such to him; and, even though most complicated, they were very easy for him. also, since the person mentioned is at that royal court, your majesty may test his abilities, so that he may serve you therein in like matters of your royal service. these islands have the same need of inspection, especially the cabildo of this city of manila." i add to the above that no person can be found in that kingdom, nor is there anyone who may go to those kingdoms of the yndias, more fitted for this employment, nor one, to my way of thinking, of greater zeal. [_marginal note_: "seen."]. the society of jesus in these regions need the favor and grace of your majesty to continue the work of the church of their college in this city of manila, which they began, trusting to the alms of the faithful. since those alms have failed, as the country has been and is very much exhausted, and since they are without any aid from your majesty, it is impossible for them to continue and finish it, as has happened in the building of san agustin and other churches on which your majesty has been kind enough to lay your royal hand. the concession that your majesty was pleased to make to the society of the passage from the parián or alcaicería of the chinese to their lands on the other side of the river has been of vast importance to them. but they fear lest the hospital of the said chinese is about to petition your majesty, not only for confirmation of the passage that they have to the door of the said hospital, but for a limit of distance in which is included the said passage from the lands of the society, which are two arquebus-shots apart. i inform your majesty of this, so that, considering the need of the said college, you may order what may be most advisable for your royal service. may our lord preserve the very catholic person of your majesty to us, with increase of your kingdoms, as is necessary for christendom. manila, july 25, 1625. _fray miguel garcia serrano_, archbishop of manila. [_in the margin_: "that we are advised of this; have this clause filed with what the society petitions." "this clause was copied."] [_endorsed_: "satisfied. examined and decreed july 13, 626."] royal festivities at manila on the fourth day of january, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three, other royal festivities occurred, [7] in which twelve bulls were fought; and four matches of cañas were played, each of them between two gentlemen, in accordance with the inclination of the country. the wealth, embroideries, holiday attire, liveries, and ornaments, were so abundant, so sightly, and of so great price and splendor, of so many floral decorations and of so many different shades, that they surpassed those of our españa in beauty and splendor. the square was adorned with rich hangings of great value and price, of gold, silk, and variegated cloths, so that one cannot describe so great a variety of colors, the curious adornments in the windows, the great beauty of the women, the richness of their ornaments and clothing, and the concourse of so many conspicuous people; for all the assembly appeared to be a priceless cluster of jewels, and everything by itself a precious gem set in the cluster. and as the country contains so many and so beautiful women--who have, as a rule, faces so angelic--and since the festivities were of so great splendor, and for so great a personage, the like of which were never seen, they eclipsed everything else, and the whole scene formed a sight of beauty and an agreeable garden. about three o'clock in the afternoon, a trumpet began to sound, immediately after which appeared a number of horsemen on fine horses caparisoned and equipped with many beautiful trappings, liveries, and wealth of bands, necklaces, plumes, jewels, and ornaments of gold, precious gems, enamel, and things of great rarity. the ministers of justice followed, and the mace-bearers of the city, besides the magistrates and alcaldes-in-ordinary, who were then doctor juan fernández de ledo--a personage worthy of attaining to great heights because of his great modesty, learning, and capacity--and captain miguel de arnalto, an influential citizen, and a man of great virtue. shortly behind them came the governor's guard, the royal audiencia, and a number of pages and servants in beautiful and elegant livery. after they had gone the round of the square, the royal audiencia went to its place, which was located very near the city hall in which are the halls of the regidors and alcaldes, where there are very rich and beautiful balconies. each one having taken his seat, two companies of spanish infantry came in through the square, and formed a guard, one company on one side, and the other on the other side. the arquebusiers and musketeers, firing many shots, discharged their pieces many times against one another in a sham battle that was made, one troop from one company charging on one troop of the other, and the other company doing the same. and as this city is a salamanca [8] in arms, the soldiers are very skilful and well-disciplined. as the master-of-camp, don gerónimo de silva, holds the soldiers under so good discipline, the militia in these regions is very efficient. when troops have become habituated to work and application, they give great delight; and when the officers are firm, and represent splendor and gravity, they hold their subordinates well in restraint and submissive--in which scipio africanus, don alonso, first king of naples, and the great captain, [9] were marvels. after having spent a little more than half an hour in the military exercise--which caused great pleasure to the spectators, and aroused a furious courage in the ministers of mars--the soldiers began again to march, some on one side and some on another, passing before the governor and the audiencia; while the alférezes lowered their banners in salute to their captain-general, and the captains made a profound bow and courtesy, which with the many gala dresses, scarfs, and plumes, made many foolish persons desirous of imitating them. after the infantry had left the square, those delegated from it--namely, general don fernando de ayala, captain don luis enriquez de guzmán, alcalde-in-ordinary, captain martín de esquivel, chief court constable, and captain josé de naveda, royal alférez--went out to make preparations for the cañas match. they were very fine gallants, and had considerable gala livery. don fernando de ayala bestrode a bay horse, with gilded stirrups, bit, buckles, and all the trappings of the same; he wore black hose of milan buckram, white boots, amber-colored doublet, and jacket of the same cloth as the hose. for a shoulder-sash he wore a heavy chain of gold; and he had a golden plume of great value, and a heavy tuft of heron feathers, also a gilded sword-hilt, and spurs of the same. captain don luis enriquez bestrode a black cuatreño horse, with a saddle embroidered with gold and silver edging, a tuft of black and gray feathers, long and very costly hose lined with milan cloth, jacket of the same, an embroidered doublet, of the workmanship of the hose, black boots, with a chain for a shoulder-sash; a hatband set with rubies, and a plume of great value, consisting of many heron feathers; sword and dagger with gilded furnishings, and sword-belt and waistband embroidered and edged with gold. captain martín de esquivel bestrode a chestnut roadster and was adorned with a plume of many heron feathers, long black hose, black boots, a doublet corresponding to the hose, and a cloth jacket; a gold chain and gilded sword-hilt and dagger and spurs of the same. captain josé naveda was carried by a bay horse, with black tail and mane well combed and long; an embroidered saddle, stirrups, bit, and spurs, gilded and silvered, very beautiful and of great value; a crest of unusually elegant feathers, the one that he carried on banner day; [10] white boots, red shoulder-sash, long hose of red buckram, jacket embroidered with cloth of gold, an amber-colored doublet with rich gold buttons, a gold sword and dagger of great value; and still more precious were the diamond band and the plume of his hat. all came riding with their gilded staffs, and were followed by many servants and pages, clad in costly and gay livery. they commenced, some on one side, and some on another, to clear the square of the crowd that had gathered to see these royal festivities, and who filled all parts of the square. some gentlemen went into the square with their _rejons_. [11] about four in the afternoon, a wild and active bull was turned loose. in two or three light bounds, it made the round of the square, making itself master of it all, with which it made all the people afraid. there several lance-thrusts were given it by the people on foot and those mounted, until, the bull having been overcome, they opened the gate of the square, and delivered it to the secular arm of the infantry, who in quick order gave a good account of it, as was desirable. after three or four bulls had been run, about half past four, the gentlemen who were to engage in the cañas [12] matches thought that it was high time to begin them. accordingly, they went to dress for their entrance, which was made in the following order: one clarion-player went ahead, being followed after a short interval by trumpeters, minstrels, and drummers, all mounted, and clad in livery of different colors. behind them were two mules, laden with bundles of lances for the cañas; one mule bore a covering with the arms of governor don alonso fajardo, and the other a covering with the arms of the master-of-camp, don gerónimo de silva--both coverings being of velvet, and the arms of each person being embroidered on them in gold and silver. they were accompanied by lackeys clad in livery, while others led the horses by the bridle. then followed thirty-two horses with sixteen gentlemen, besides those who led them in. they formed two files, and came from two opposite positions. the saddlebows of the horses were hung on the outside with the shields of their owners, with enigmas and devices painted on them, and covered with scarfs and tassels. the horses had their breast-leathers covered with hawk's-bells, and all had rich, rare, and costly harnesses and headstalls of gold and silver covered with precious stones, plumes, and sashes, in the utmost profusion. they entered by a gate of the square and, after making a turn about it, they went out again. when the horses had left, the gentlemen came in on the run two by two, forming eight couples, with their liveries, and lances in hand. brandishing the latter in their hands, it looked as if the butt ends of the lances of some of the gentlemen were joined with the points [of others]. the horses, spurred on by cries and wounded by the sharp spurs, seemed to fly. governor don alonso fajardo made his appearance, in the place assigned to the city, taking as his companion captain don juan claudio de verástegui. they were clad in robes of tawny-colored satin embroidered with gold and silver edging. for his cipher the governor had an "s" crowned with palms at the sides, and with scrolls at the foot. on his shield was a blue band, and on that a heart that two hands were opening, with a device as follows: "well broken, but ill requited." his cap was embroidered, and bore in cipher an "s" of pearls, rubies, and diamonds, so beautiful, costly, and elegant, that it attracted the eyes of the people, as a thing beyond all price; while above his cap was a great tuft of rich feathers, blue, tawny, white, and straw-colored. he was mounted on a grayish horse, of noble bearing, that had a band of very fine cloth covered with pearls and silver embroidery, an embroidered saddle, and gilded stirrups and bit. the furnishings of his sword and dagger were of wrought gold, and formed ornaments of considerable value. his companion had a band of tawny-colored taffeta on his shield, with an "m" as cipher. then followed general don luis fajardo, the governor's brother, an energetic youth, whose judgment and talent at a so tender age promise great hopes; and he was very splendidly dressed. his companion was captain don juan alonso de sosa, regidor of this city, well known for his worth and good qualities. their livery was of blue satin and gold, embroidered in outline through its field, and many flowers; as cipher they had a "j" while there was a blue band on the shield with letters of gold, that read: "for my king;" and on the streamer of the lance others that read, "philipus," which was surmounted by a golden crown. their caps and flying ornaments were very beautiful, and had many feathers and silver embroidery. they were followed by many servants clad in the same livery. behind them went captain pedro de chaves, regidor of manila, son of the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves; and as his companion, alférez don mateo de avila, now captain of infantry. their livery consisted of straw-colored satin embroidered in rose color, with ornaments of silver. on their shields were bands of rose colored taffeta, bearing in cipher the name of "isabel," in silver. on the streamers of the lances were the respective ciphers "isabel" and "maria," in letters of gold. they bore ornaments of gilded swords and daggers, and great tufts of feathers. the bands of the horses were of taffeta gilded and embroidered in gold. their boots were silvered, their caps embroidered, and they had many more ornaments. behind them were sargento-mayor pedro de cuenca montalvo and his companion don diego maldonado, clad in livery of blue and yellow satin, embroidered in orange color, with many fringes of gold and silver, and as a cipher an "a" surmounted by a golden crown. on the shield was a yellow band, that read in letters of gold: "steadfast unto death." on the streamers of the lances were these words: "i will be steadfast," and some very green palms. captains diego lorenzo de trezo and luis alonso de roa followed in blue livery, which was adorned with many fleurs-de-lis made of silver, edged with wavy lines, and very bright and beautiful. on the shield was a blue band with silver letters that read, "long live king philipe fourth," and on the streamers of the lances was the word, in silver letters, "philipus." behind them entered admiral don pedro de zárate, a prudent youth, and one of great good sense. his companion was captain juan rodriguez del castillo. their livery was green, embroidered with gold and silver, and on the shields were tawny-colored bands. on one part of the shield of captain juan rodriguez del castillo was a tower, and on another a castle, with a chain that encircled both; on one part of the streamers of the lances were the royal arms, and on the other those of the city. they were followed by captain mateo de heredia, ex-factor of the royal treasury, and captain silvestre de aybar, regidor of this city, both worthy of being promoted to higher places by their talent and ability. they wore livery of violet velvet embroidered with many knots of gold and silver, with figures and designs in black and gray, orange, and green, which made an agreeable and very beautiful sight, because of the fine livery and its brilliancy. their shields had green bands with silver letters that read: "my hopes are the highest." on the streamers of the lances, in illuminated golden letters, was the cipher of the name of "dorotea." their caps and the bands of the horses, their boots, and the other ornaments and liveries of the servants were beautiful, and so costly that their value cannot be reckoned. lastly went the master-of-camp, don gerónimo de silva, so gallant a trooper and so great a gentleman that with reason one may award him the laurel, both for valor and gallantry, and for his wealth and courage, as will yet be made known. the robe that he wore was of yellow satin embroidered in black with palm-trees, with clusters of fruit on them. his shield had a field of solid silver plates edged with gold. his lance was of ebony, and twenty palmos long; and instead of an iron head, a colic-stone, [13] so splendid to the sight and so well made that, however beautiful may be that of a painter, it cannot equal it. it was enclosed in a case of solid gold, a thing of inestimable value for its efficacy and its so brilliant beauty. on the banner was a palm-tree crowned, tassels, a red ribbon with large silver letters that read: "alas for the delay, if it liveth in thee; but how well lives the faith that thou placedst in me." he wore a cap embroidered with diamonds, rubies, and large pearls, which formed a knot and ornament with a great quantity of seedpearls interwoven with some feathers, and an especially beautiful plume which gleamed among all. he had sword and dagger with furnishings of solid gold. his sword-belt was embroidered with gold of milán; and his stirrups and spurs, buckles, and all the bolts of the bit and saddlebows were of solid gold. he bestrode a grayish horse, a fine goer, of magnificent spirit and body. he had an embroidered saddle of great value. the band on the horse was set with many pearls and rich embroidery; so that the value of the wealth that he bore was, in the judgment of experienced persons, estimated at nine or ten thousand pesos. in front were lackeys, while behind were his pages, all clad in very showy livery of yellow and black. all had feathers that beautified and glorified the festival. not of less value and price were the jewels and ornaments of the governor estimated, because of the many diamonds, rubies, topazes, pearls, and other precious gems that he wore; and one could not estimate the value of those of the other gentlemen who engaged in the canas matches. the charge of this pertained to the master-of-camp, who took as his companion captain don juan ezquerra, son of general juan ezquerra, a prudent and well-inclined gentleman. the latter went out clad in the same livery and habit, and was very splendid and showy. some erudite person will say what apelles said to a painter who had painted the picture of queen elena richly decked in finery, jewels, gold, and precious stones: "since thou didst not know how to paint her beautiful, thou didst paint her rich." but i adhere to and declare the truth, and i even curtail in this relation what i might say of it. although i confess that this relation has not been designedly embellished, it is written rich in truth (which is the greatest beauty and splendor that can be given a history), with which its defects will be supplied, since there is nothing in this life that can be said not to possess some defect. the gentlemen who were to take part in the play made their entrance in the above manner with great dexterity. they paraded through both sides of the square, couple by couple, in excellent order. after the entrance, they changed horses; the places were assigned in divisions of fours, and they took their spears. they engaged in a well-concerted play, one division against another, two and two. from that post went out another division against the one that was advancing. it lasted more than an hour, with great gallantry, without any misfortune or disaster happening, until from the plaza the deputies entered their midst and separated them. at that juncture a fiery bull was let out. the gentlemen made very skilful movements against this bull with their rejons, and against others that were run, until the sun's light retired to illuminate the antipodes; and the gentlemen and ladies left the square, and the balconies and galleries [_miradors_], to return to reoccupy them on another occasion one week thereafter, when the same cañas matches were played, and bulls were run for four days in succession. [14] at this second cañas match, don fernando galindo, a gentleman of ecija, and at present infantry captain in this camp, entered instead of don diego maldonado. on this occasion, the governor had another livery of blue cloth and silver, entirely covered with ornaments. the entrance was made as on the first day, and the play was in the same manner--thereby causing general rejoicing because the game had been so skilfully played, and has been so few times seen in this city. letter from fernando de silva to felipe iv sire: i advised your majesty that i left capulco april 6. that is one of the latest dates on which the ships have set sail, and we were fearful lest we would not make the coasts of these islands, as the weather was contrary--although one can reach them in a voyage of three months, which is the usual duration. when we started, the wind was so light that my fear increased because we did not sail one hundred leguas in thirteen days. during that time i found that my almiranta was sailing very slowly, so that i was obliged to resolve, in order not to risk everything, to leave it, with a goodly supply of food for a longer voyage. considering how easily the almiranta could be wrecked, and that the enemy would be waiting in the strait for a prize of so great profit; and that if once they sighted the almiranta, escape was impossible, while i could not be of any aid, as i was quite without resources: i thought it advisable for your majesty's service to take out all your silver and that of private persons, trusting that i would not have the enemy any more to windward as had been the case while i was coming. this seems to have been the proper course, for i made the port of cavite july eight. i arrived at so opportune a season, that i believe the islands were never in so great need of a new government and such aid. for the audiencia having objected to the directions sent them in your name by the marquis de yelbes [_i.e.,_ gelves], ordering them not to interpret doubtfully the decree in which your majesty gave him authority to do so, although he cited in those decrees your majesty's own signature, and that of the notary before whom it was drawn, retained the government for itself, and by its own authority gave the title of captain-general to don geronimo de ssilba. thus did the obstacle that your majesty has experienced at other times of like government remain in the greatest force and vigor. according to what i have heard, the matter came to such a pass that most of the citizens of manila were only waiting to abandon this city, [that depending on] whether or not the aid should arrive from nueba españa; for they were exhausted with the extortions and bad treatment of the audiencia. their first action was to dismiss those whom don alonso fajardo had lawfully appointed to offices of justice, without allowing them to complete their first year. [_in the margin_: "seen."] their second--the auditors being dissatisfied with the honesty of licentiate don alvaro de mesa y lugo, their associate, who as the senior auditor presided over them--was to admit licentiate geronimo de legaspi into the assembly hall by a secret postern. he had been removed from office a long time before by act of the said don alonso fajardo, a measure taken in virtue of your majesty's decree which was sent, to take his residencia; this was confirmed by all the audiencia. although it was advisable to remedy that matter, the little time that i have had since my arrival until now, and my heavy press of unfinished business, and what has happened in regard to forced aid sent to various provinces, with the despatch of the vessels to nueva españa, and the ordinary transaction of business, have not permitted it. i shall ask for the documents, and after examining them, and after mature deliberation, i shall do what shall seem expedient for the service of your majesty and the quiet of this community, as i may find it. my course is hastened by the return of the said licentiate legaspi to his post, as it is without your majesty's order, and as, when he is there, he heeds only his own interests. [_in the margin:_ "see what has been decreed in this particular. have it brought."] from the day of my arrival until now, there have been dissensions and quarrels among the members [of the audiencia], because they did not agree in the division of offices. that was a matter of no slight importance, because not all the appointments had been given to them, as well as the encomiendas. and although your majesty, seeing this danger before, prohibits it by your royal decrees, they apportioned some of the latter. i have regarded such encomiendas as vacant, ordering that their tributes be placed in the royal treasury. [_in the margin:_ "it is well. advise the new governor that this decision is approved, and that he shall put it into practice accordingly."] the auditors of this audiencia are all at odds. some among them are continually refusing to act, influenced by the confidants, and even abetting these. as a result, in the sessions of the court there is nothing to be observed except dissensions; and thus the despatch of business is delayed, by the rehearings [of cases] that proceed from the tie-votes [of the auditors]. thus they accept the salaries for their posts without serving them, so far as their judicature is concerned, which is a wrong that urgently needs remedy, for the litigants. [_in the margin_: "seen."] the dutch enemy came to this coast with a fleet of three large vessels and two small ones, while your majesty had at the port of cavite two galleons of very heavy burden, three of five hundred or six hundred toneladas of the northern sea, one patache of more than two hundred and fifty toneladas, and two galleys, together with many good soldiers and sailors and a goodly abundance of heavy artillery. within forty days or thereabout, they were all ready to sail, and in charge of the master-of-camp, don geronimo de silba. he encountered the enemy, but did not fight, after an expense in preparing that fleet, of many more ducados than the condition of the treasury could warrant; i found the treasury pledged to about one hundred and ten thousand pesos, while the infantry and substitutes were loaded with vouchers against it, because of the lack of reënforcements for more than a year back. the matter is so serious that the captain-general, don geronimo de ssilva, having been arrested, by the audiencia, and deposed from his office, appealed the cause to me, and i do not dare write more minutely concerning it, because of the short time. the verbal process is made, and, the said don geronimo's deposition having been taken, both he and the commanders of the other ships will be prosecuted. all claim that they will be cleared; each one throwing the burden of guilt on the other. when the matter assumes a proper condition i shall remit an account of it to your majesty, so that you may take the measures advisable. [_in the margin_: "file."] under pretext of the arrest and removal of don geronimo de silva, licentiate legaspi, not heeding the second nomination from the ships, exercised the office of captain-general, carrying the staff of office and making them lower the banners to him, and address him as "your lordship," and his wife as "my lady." he immediately appointed his elder son to the post of sargento-mayor of this camp, and his younger son to a company, while another company was assigned to a relative of auditor don matias flores y cassila. others were assigned to brothers of the said don matias, the fiscal, and other auditors, except don albaro, who refused to have anything given to his household. upon seeing the illegality of those appointments, i issued an act declaring them vacant and restoring those posts to those who had held them before. i did the same in regard to the posts that i found filled for the ships which i am despatching now to nueva españa, as those appointments were not made to suitable persons. such were holding them with their followers by illegal means and had no services or qualifications, although there are persons of excellent abilities, as are those who now hold them. the ships are the best and most suitable that have sailed hence for a number of years past, and are of five hundred or six hundred tons burden apiece. they are well equipped with artillery and other necessities. they are heavily laden, for, although the enemy was along the coasts in smaller craft than other years, this year the chinese came and have brought the portuguese from macan. regarding the danger that might be feared on the coast of nueba españa from a dutch fleet which we heard would pass through the strait of magallanes, i left the viceroy warned, so that when those ships can reach that coast, he will have a sentinel and lookout at the island of cedros, in front of the gulf of california--where they are ordered to reconnoiter the enemy's condition, and where the foe never expect them--and with a port to windward of the cape of corrientes, which is the place where they may be awaited; with that i trust, god helping, that they will be secure. eleven of the fourteen dutch ships that passed [the strait] this year went to capulco; they were those which the pirate took from olanda. seven of them were large ships, and four small; three of them were captured in pirú. they reached terrenate with all of them, and with eight hundred men aboard. accordingly i believe that they will come here in a few months; and as this state and its conservation depends on maritime forces (as does that of all the islands of the world); and as the building of three ships of the size of these two (which, as it could not be avoided, are going to nueva españa) resulted, i hope from the willingness with which the fathers of the society offer to make two ships for me in the province of leyte (where they have their missions), and the franciscans another in those of camarines, that they will be provided for me. the condition of the royal treasury and your majesty's heavy expenses on the point of cavite require that very urgently. having found the magazines so empty of everything needed (which supplies, it seems, have been stolen from them), i was accordingly forced to send a ship to japon with products that are esteemed there, in order to exchange them for things needed here. [_in the margin_: "seen."] affairs in that kingdom are so bloody because of the matter of religion, that it is a lamentable thing. ships are sent with great danger because of the close scrutiny that the japanese make, in their fear lest religious are conveyed in them. the embassy returned, after so heavy expenses, without those barbarians having been willing to receive it. it sailed very late, since it gave the dutch opportunity to believe, and to give that emperor to understand, that your majesty's vassals were entering under pretense of religion to despoil them of their kingdoms. sargento-mayor don fernando de silba, who returned with the reënforcements that he took to macan, put in at the kingdom of sian with one of your majesty's ships, some artillery, and seventy spaniards. as i have been informed, endeavor was made to carry matters with so high a hand that the natives, aided by japanese, decapitated him and most of his men; while about thirty of them are in prison, and most of the property of your lordship from this place, quite a large amount, is in the power of that king. i shall endeavor with all my power to collect them peaceably; for the enemy, since they are on the lookout for us, give no opportunity to punish the deed. we have heard that nun albaros botello has had good results in two battles in east india with the dutch, over ormus; and that he expected the recovery of those forts. however, i doubt it, because of the scant obedience of the portuguese to the officers who commanded them in war, [_in the margin_: "seen."] the province of cagayan has continued in revolt. i shall immediately provide a remedy, and hope to obtain one, by ordering those troops for its conquest not to leave it, as they have done hitherto, but to fortify and maintain themselves; for by their leaving the natives their fields and palm plantations, two consecutive years are necessary to reduce them. [_in the margin_: "seen."] the bishop of that province, don juan de rrenteria, to whom your majesty committed the general inspection of this royal audiencia, died november 4 of last year. if your majesty should decide to send another person for this place rather than for another place, it is necessary, as also that he be one who has experience, and is disinterested and conscientious. [_in the margin_: "seen."] the forts of terrenate are garrisoned with soldiers and necessary supplies, although all, as i have heard, are quite discontented with their governor, pedro de heredia, because of his trade and intercourse with the enemy, of which they accuse him, and his usurpation of the duties from the export of cloves and other things. i shall investigate the truth and advise your majesty of the result, and in the meantime i shall correct the matter. the enemy have dismantled the forts of calomatas and motil, and are, as i believe, somewhat weakened in those districts. i shall send the usual expedition early, with what is asked from me from there; and shall endeavor to secure very friendly intercourse with the king of macassar, who proves himself ever a most zealous servitor of your majesty, which is of importance for maluco affairs. [_in the margin_: "file."] the ternatans beg urgently for this king whom we are keeping here in prison, and offer to make treaties of peace--although it would mean no more than to divide them between father and son, and to join the powerful chile, for all are hostile. it would surely be advisable, for if what they offer were not obtained, the king is nothing more than an old and worn-out moro, who remains here to no purpose, consuming your majesty's revenues. [_in the margin_: "see whether provision has been made in this matter. discuss it in a letter to don juan niño de tabora."] your majesty orders me to advise you of the mines of the ygolotes, [15] and the success of the nutmeg of la laguna. the latter is considered as wild nutmeg, and now as of no importance. i shall endeavor to ascertain whether it may be cultivated, and shall attempt to do so. more than fifty thousand pesos were spent in the mines, but nothing was found at last. a quantity of rocks were sent to nueba españa, in order to be assayed there, as we had no one here who understood it; and, the soldiers having been withdrawn, that exploration was abandoned, as a matter that did not have the desired result. [_in the margin_: "seen; have don juan niño de tabora inform me more minutely of this."] i found this city without regidors, because the audiencia had removed those who held that office. by virtue of a decree of your majesty, the observance of which was demanded by the fiscal, those offices were offered at auction; but only two of them were sold. the purchasers were persons whose standing did your majesty but know, you would surely not consider yourself served that [these offices should be sold] for so small a price as is two thousand pesos for each--and one thousand pesos of that sum was paid in due-bills. they should be discontinued, to be conceded to the persons of highest standing in this community, who because of their good character will attend more carefully to your majesty's service, and the conservation and increase of the community, than do those who buy them; for the latter generally try to get from the community the sum that the offices cost them. however, i am ordering the proclamations to be continued; and if there are no persons to buy the offices, after the time-limit has expired i shall appoint the most suitable persons to them, with the guarantee that, if your majesty shall not consider this satisfactory, they shall pay to the treasury the maximum price for which any of the offices shall have been sold." [16] [_in the margin_: "gather what has been decreed and bring it here for all the councilors. bring the general decree which was despatched ordering those offices to be sold. inform the governor and audiencia that there must be no innovation."] some years [_illegible words in ms._] in the additional two per cent duty that your majesty ordered to be paid on the goods sent to nueba españa from here, attentive to the petition that they presented. i assure your majesty that the trade has so greatly decreased, and the succors that the inhabitants here furnish to the royal treasury are so great, that even if the continual personal service with which they generally serve your majesty did not deserve such a favor, this additional duty should be remitted; for i consider it impossible that at the price goods are bought here they can pay the duty. will your majesty decide what is most advisable, and order what is your pleasure. [_in the margin_: "let those [papers] necessary be brought."] your majesty has no need so pressing in any part of the world as that your governors should have authority to remove or promote religious missionaries to the natives from the districts where they are, because of their lawless and loose mode of life. that has come to such a pass that they have lost respect, by their deeds, for the alcaldes-mayor, and the said religious do not pay any attention to their jurisdiction or to the royal patronage. the augustinians, who are more exorbitant than others, are very owners of the wills of the indians, and give out that the quiet or disobedience of the latter hinges on them. for when the alcalde-mayor of balayan tried to restrain the excesses that he saw, they entered his house armed, and bound and flogged him; that was during the government of the audiencia. but lately another alcalde-mayor, in bulacan, having arrested two indians, seamen on a ship of your majesty's fleet, so that they might serve at their posts, the religious at that place took them out of prison. even more oppressive acts occur daily, which need a severe remedy. i petition your majesty to have sent to me the decree which was sent to nueba españa this past year, with more definite restrictions, so that they may not have any ground for opposing it, and so that their generals, especially he of st. augustine, may order them to restrain themselves, and so that his holiness may do the same, the briefs or patents being passed by the council and everything being sent to me. so great haste is necessary in order not to fall out with them. [_in the margin_: "send that decree, and write to the governor and archbishop to summon the provincial of the augustinians and tell him how advisable it is to punish that religious, and those who act so; and have them advised that no mission shall under any consideration be granted to religious against whom such accusations are made. have them advise us of what is done." "this decree was carried out."] i am quartering the infantry, and am surprised that it has not been done in so many years. it is not causing any expense to the royal treasury. for, besides that it is impossible that the soldiers be well disciplined in any other way--three-fourths living, as they do, outside the city--i trust that by this means a much smaller number will die, and that many offenses against god will be avoided. although your majesty has often been petitioned from this country to aid these islands with a fleet, my experience in sailing to india by way of the cape of buena esperança, and outside the island of san lorenço, causes me to desist from that request, as i consider it impossible. but considering that the forces here are for naught else than defensive war, and how important it would be to dislodge the enemy from the malucas islands, it seems to me an easier and more advisable method for your majesty to send the soldiers and sailors who could be a reënforcement, at the account of philipinas, in the merchant vessels of the trading-fleets [from españa], so that in due time they might be taken from san juan de ulua, together with the men raised in nueva españa, to the port of acapulco. for if sufficient money be sent from nueba españa, better ships can be built no-where than here; and thereby could be attained what i doubt greatly could be secured in any other way. don bernardino del castillo, castellan of this fort of santiago, has died. i have appointed in his place, and i trust that your majesty will confirm it, or appoint him to that post, governor lucas de vergara gavira, who has been governor of the forces of terrenate, and who served your majesty with approval in flandes and in these regions for many years. the island of ermossa lies between great china and the province of ylocos, which is situated in these islands. there is so short a distance from one part to the other that one can cross over in one night. although my predecessor, don alonso fajardo, was advised that the dutch were thinking of fortifying themselves there, and how important it was to these islands to gain the position, he did not do so, perhaps because the enemy were more powerful. now the latter have a fort with four ramparts (two of stone), which will soon be completed, for the chinese subjects of that kingdom are helping them. the island has no port for large ships; but the dutch, together with japanese, did considerable damage with small craft--so much, in fact, that the past year they captured a vessel with thirty thousand pesos. if time and opportunity permit, i shall endeavor to gain a foothold in another port, in order to drive out the dutch in the future from what they have there now. if your majesty would establish a factory there, it would result in the complete restoration of this country to its old-time luster, and with greater prosperity. the treasury accountants of the city of mexico have this year exceeded their authority, contrary to the provisions of section 24 of the last ordinances which your majesty gave to the said treasury accountants, and ordered them to observe, in the year 609. for the ordinances of this royal audiencia made in the year 1596 are in force--sections 67 and 69 of which treat of the manner in which the accounts of the royal officials are to be audited; and section 29, of the powers given to them for the exercise of their offices--and section 22 of those given to the said accountants in the year of the foundation of that tribunal, which was the year 1609; and the said section 24, lastly, rules that after auditing the accounts in this audiencia, they shall be sent to mexico, so that, having been examined, the officials there may inform your majesty of their opinion. not heeding that, they have, by extending their jurisdiction, rendered decisions against the royal officials of this treasury in the review of their accounts, and have added things to these, which [these royal officials], as they do not bear them in mind, judge to be unnecessary. it can easily be understood that since your majesty, by the said section 24, ordered these accounts to be audited here by the president, two auditors, and the fiscal, because of the long distance to mexico, they are not again to be judged by an inferior tribunal; since these ministers are not to be accused twice for one cause, nor even are additions to be lodged against them, as those in mexico do. will your majesty order them to refrain from sending such despatches through their tribunals, without having your majesty's new commission for it, thus annulling the said ordinances and sections. i assure your majesty of what i can testify, that the royal officials in few regions serve with greater fidelity and trust than those here, with continual aid in the documents and other things in their charge. [_in the margin_: "have what the royal officials write about this matter brought." "this section was copied."] your majesty orders me to give you information as to how general rodrigo de guillestegui, who is commander of the vessels that sail to nueva españa this year, may be granted reward. according to his good service here and his great capability, the future succession [to the command] of this fort, or that to the post of master-of-camp, will be very well entrusted to him. i knew the master-of-camp, don luis de bracamonte, in flandes, all the time while he was in those states. he served there for seven years in a most satisfactory manner, when he came to these islands with pay of eighty escudos. with that pay, he served in the government of terrenate until your majesty appointed a person to that office. he is poor and out of employment. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to show him honor and to reward him, since his rank and services deserve it. your majesty also has here one captain don antonio de vera, captain in this camp, who has served for many years, of which i can testify as an eyewitness from the states of flandes. he desires your majesty to reward him with a habit; and beyond doubt that will be well bestowed, and a great encouragement to those who are serving here. i found admiral don cristoval de lugo i montalbo here, a man of very well-known character, and who has rendered excellent service in milan, and in the wars of saboya and piamonte [_i.e._, savoy and piedmont]. i have busied him in the post of chief commandant of pintados, and as my lieutenant in military matters of that province. he deserves honor and reward from your majesty. your majesty conceded for another lifetime to my wife, doña maria de ssalaçar (whose parents and grandparents served your majesty well in these regions), the encomiendas that her mother possessed. inasmuch as i am so liable to die at any occasion in your majesty's service that may arise, which desired end i shall endeavor to attain; and since she cannot remain decently as a widow in this country: i petition your majesty, in consideration of all my services and those of her father and grandfather, to reward her, and to concede to her, for the time while she holds it, absence from the said encomiendas, that she may enjoy them wherever she pleases to dwell. for that will not result in any harm to a third party, nor can the personal presence of a woman be of any service to your majesty. this reward can not serve as a precedent, while there are many other precedents in other parts of the indias to private persons (and they not of my position) [that render it possible]. the almiranta arrived july 29, and its being able to get here seems miraculous, as this is the season when there are no vendavals. i am giving employment to all the paid substitutes possible, in order to stop to some extent the so great waste of the royal treasury, which such men use up without any profit. i found the deanship of this holy church vacant because of the death of don francisco gomez de arrellano. on the twenty-eighth of the past month the archdeanship fell vacant because of the death of ssantiago de castro. i have made presentations in the following dignities in your majesty's name, for your royal patronage, _ad interim_, and i trust that your majesty will confirm them: dean, precentor, schoolmaster, archdean, one canon for the precentorship, one cura for the schoolmaster, canon, one racionero, in the ration of lorenzo rramirez--all persons of proved virtue and deserving of these rewards. may god preserve your majesty. manila, august 4, 1625. _fernando de silva_ documents of 1626 letter from the archbishop to felipe iv. miguel garcia serrano; july 25. letter to felipe iv. fernando de silva; july 30. letter from the sisters of st. clare to felipe iv. jeronima de la asunsion, and others; july 31. petition for aid to the seminary of san juan letran. juan geronimo de guerrero; august 1. royal decrees. felipe iv; june-october. military affairs of the islands. [unsigned]; 1626. _sources_: most of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. the last two of the "royal decrees" are from mss. in the archivo historico nacional, madrid; and the sixth document is from a rare pamphlet in the british museum, london. _translations_: these are all made by james a. robertson, except the second, by robert w. haight. letter from archbishop serrano to felipe iv sire: in the ships that came from nueva españa to these islands this last month of june, i received a decree of your majesty dated madrid, december six of the former year six hundred and twenty-four, with a copy of the one that your majesty wrote to the governor of these islands, in respect to the gold mines of the ygolotes. i shall discuss it with the said governor, as your majesty orders, as soon as this despatch shall be made, which will be at the end of this month. i shall exert all the effort possible, so far as i am concerned, so that your majesty may be well served in everything. i believe that governor don juan niño de tavora will not be lacking in the same, for he shows very earnest desires to employ himself in your majesty's service. [_in the margin_: "that it is well."] i received two other decrees, of the fourteenth and thirtieth of august, of the same year, in which your majesty is pleased to lay down the form that must be observed in the visitation of the missionary religious; and ordering that the latter may not make arrests or employ stocks or prisons, or fiscals or constables who make arrests, besides those whom the archbishop or bishop shall assign, or who shall have the latter's authority to do so in cases permitted by law--all of which will be observed and obeyed as your majesty orders, [_in the margin_: "seen."] in another decree, of june twenty of the past year twenty-five, your majesty also orders me to inform you, with the distinctness and clearness necessary for the better understanding of what you desire, of the annual incomes and values of the benefices and revenues of this archbishopric of manila, and what sum pertains to the dignidades, canonries, and prebends, both of this church and of the others of my diocese. [your majesty also asks for] the number in each church; how many beneficed curacies there are in each district, and their income; the number of missions, their value, and whether they are in charge of seculars or religious of the orders. i gave your majesty a long account of that in a letter that i wrote the former year of six hundred and twenty-one on the twenty-fifth of july, to which i have had answer from that royal council that it was received in the following year of six hundred and twenty-two. i only neglected to place in that letter the incomes of the archbishopric and the prebends of this church--taking that for granted, as a matter very well known, since your majesty sustains both the archbishop and the dignidades, canonries, and prebends from your royal treasury, because there is no other source, and the tithes are not sufficient. the latter are placed in the said treasury, and are collected at the account of your majesty. they amount to a very small sum, since, from what i have experienced, only the stock farms of the larger cattle of the spaniards pay tithes to your majesty, and that has not, as yet, been practiced with the indians. consequently your majesty pays the archbishop a salary of three thousand ducados of eleven reals each; the dean, six hundred pesos of eight-real pieces; the four dignities of archdean, precentor, schoolmaster, and treasurer, five hundred pesos; four canons, four hundred pesos; two racions, three hundred pesos; two media-racions, each two hundred pesos--all paid in thirds. consequently both the archbishop and his prebendaries suffer abundant misery; and, because of that, your majesty is petitioned to favor us by increasing these salaries, since they hardly suffice to pay their house-rent, and support them very moderately. [_in the margin_: "set down everything in the books that have been ordered to be made."] this cathedral church has no other revenue than the alms received from burials; and if it were not for the four hundred pesos that your majesty has granted it for a limited time, it would have nothing for the wine, wax, and flour for divine worship. with this and with some allotment of cargo (although little) that the city generally gives it, the band of musicians, who come to serve on their feast days in the same church, is maintained. what seculars administer in this archbishopric is divided into nine benefices, besides the three curacies of spaniards in manila, santiago (which is in manila's suburbs), and the port of cavite. twenty thousand souls are ministered to in the said benefices. [_in the margin_: "_idem_."] [17] the order of st. augustine has thirty-two convents, in all of which are fifty-six priests, who have in charge ninety thousand souls. the order of st. francis has thirty-eight convents, with guardianias and presidencies, in which are forty-seven priests. in all of them forty-eight thousand four hundred souls are ministered to. the order of st. dominic has three convents in this archbishopric. it ministers to three thousand souls, and has five religious. the society of jesus has eight priests in three residences, and ministers to ten thousand six hundred souls. the discalced augustinians have three convents in which are six priests. they minister to eight thousand souls. consequently, the souls of the natives alone who are ministered to in the district of this archbishopric of manila amount to two hundred and one thousand, six hundred souls. the bishopric of nueva segovia has four secular benefices, two of them for spaniards, one in the said city of nueva segovia, and the other in villa fernandina. the other two benefices are for indians. the order of st. augustine has fifteen convents in this bishopric, and they minister to fifty-eight thousand souls there. the order of st. dominic has twenty-five convents in the said bishopric, in the province of cagayan and that of pangasinan. they minister to seventy thousand souls in these. consequently the number of souls of the natives ministered to in the said bishopric of nueva segovia is one hundred and twenty-eight thousand. there are six secular benefices in the bishopric of camarines, whose seat is in the city of caceres. they minister to ten thousand six hundred souls. the order of st. francis has twenty-four convents, with guardianias and presidencies, in this bishopric, and minister to forty-five thousand souls. all the souls ministered to in the said bishopric of camarines amount to fifty-six thousand eight hundred. these two churches of caceres and nueva segovia (and the bishop of zibu gives account of the church there to your majesty) have no prebendaries; and there is no one besides the cura, who serves the said church and ministers to the few spaniards there. each of the secular beneficiaries in these islands has an annual stipend of one hundred and ninety pesos, which are paid from your majesty's royal treasury to those who minister to your royal tributarios. the same sum is paid to the religious, except that the ninety pesos are given in rice. to both classes is given one arroba of castilian wine, and flour for the mass. the other encomenderos give the same to the ministers of their encomiendas. now then i have satisfied what your majesty orders me by the aforesaid royal decree, as clearly as possible. if i have not named the villages and chief places of the benefices, the reason is that i believe myself excused from that labor. the government of don fernando de silva, knight of the habit of sanctiago, during this interim in these islands has been very successful; and he has proceeded as prudently as if he had exercised the government for many years. he has secured peace both with the royal audiencia and with all the other corporations. he has occupied a port of the island of hermosa--the best or only good one--which was so recommended and ordered to be occupied by his majesty phillippo second, your majesty's grandfather, in the instructions ordered given to governor don francisco tello; of its importance, time will tell. it has seemed a desirable thing, at least in the present, so that the dutch shall not have the opportunity that they desire for taking the silk from china and transporting it to europa and to japon. that brought them very great wealth; for, selling it for the bars of silver with which the latter kingdom abounds, the dutch had money enough to continue the trade with china. they shortened the voyage every year to that country. don fernando de silva also built a galleon that is now in the port of cavite. he built some small rooms or quarters of stone for the soldiers in the plaza de armas, wherein three hundred men may be lodged, without the expenditure of a single peso from your majesty's royal treasury. he is a calm and prudent man, one of good example, fearful of god, and zealous for your majesty's service and the increase of your royal treasury. he has abilities for governing, and if your majesty occupies him in other governments, you will be as well served as you have been during the time while he has had this charge. [_in the margin_: "that we are advised of what he says."] governor don juan niño de tavora, who just arrived in these ships that came from nueva españa with reënforcements, shows excellent valor and zeal for the service of your majesty; and if god grants him life to execute the good purposes that he evidently possesses, i doubt not that these islands will not only lift their head, but that they will return to their former grandeur. he has entered on his government with a secure foothold, since he finds them free from the dutch enemy--who have allowed us to breathe this year, and have given opportunity for more ships to come from china than for several years past. the same has been true of the ships from goa, india, and macan. all of them have entered the port of cavite; so that already this community appears another and a very different one from what it was before. i trust, with the help of his divine majesty, that the governor will aid it, for the proofs that he has hitherto given are those of an excellent governor and christian, and one fearful of his conscience. although we have had no dutch enemies this past year, powerful enemies of the inhabitants about these islands have not been wanting to disturb the natives and those whom they capture suddenly in the villages of the coast. it is a thing that i have experienced myself, suffering so great anguish that i thought i should lose my life in it; for i found myself surrounded by thirty-four caracoas and galeotas of mahometan enemies--borneans, joloans, camucones, and mindanaos--about one hundred leguas from this city of manila, while going to visit my district at a village called cabotagan. they assaulted me at five in the morning, while i and all my retinue were asleep. we awoke at the clamors, and had no other resolution or opportunity to take than to flee to the mountain; for we were abed, as i have stated. i secured my habit and girdle, which was a not slight act of mercy from the lord, because of what i afterward suffered in the mountain, until the necessary clothing and food were brought to me and my followers from manila. although governor fernando de silva exerted himself by sending men and several vessels in different directions after the enemy, he did not have the good luck to fall in with them. the new governor, don juan niño de tavora, tells me that he will make every effort to chastise those barbarians and assure the coasts. i trust thoroughly that he will succeed in his holy purpose, because he has so well understood that it is greatly to the service of our lord and of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "thank him for his care in visiting his bishopric, and say that we are assured of his zeal, and trust that the same will be exercised in the future--in consideration of which, account will be taken of his person as opportunity offers, so that he may be promoted. have a letter sent to don juan niño, telling him what the archbishop writes of him; thank him, and let him advise us of what has been done."] doctor don alvaro de mesa y lugo, auditor of this royal audiencia, is one of the persons who most evidently excel in your majesty's royal service, and who most firmly defend everything touching it, in both matters of justice and of revenue. he has ever been so keen a defender of your majesty's interests that he has suffered for that many and very great annoyances and troubles. thus has he shown by his actions that he has a very upright conscience. from this it results that he suffers great necessity, because he has not allowed or opened the door even to the gratuities that seem lawful to others not so well regulated in conscience. in short, his actions are such that i am obliged to continue in this letter, as in others, to inform your majesty of his good and praiseworthy qualities. will your majesty, upon knowing them, be pleased to promote him and advance him to other posts of greater importance. i find him sufficiently capable and deserving of much better posts; for, wherever it please your majesty to reward him, your majesty will be well served, and he will be free from the sickness and the lack of health with which he lives in this country, to employ himself much better in your majesty's service. [_in the margin_: "at hand."] i was expecting the bishop of nueva caçeres this year, according to letters sent me last year. not only has he not come, but also not even have i had any letter from him. consequently i am appointing a governor of that bishopric for the good and necessary expedition of the ecclesiastical causes, which are falling behind for lack of the judge of appeals. although those appeals could go to the tribunal of the bishopric of zibu, it is necessary to conclude definitively that there be a third tribunal, according to the brief obtained by your majesty regarding appeals. consequently, it is necessary to provide now and henceforth for the government of the bishopric of nueva segovia, until the arrival of the rightfully-appointed bishop whom your majesty may be pleased to send to that church. [_in the margin_: "that it is well, and that the necessary provision has been made in this, and the viceroy directed to make him embark."] because we have settled in the island of hermosa, our obligations to send ministers to those heathen nations who inhabit it, and are without the light of the holy gospel, are increased. the conquest or settlement has been effected by the energy of fray bartolome martinez of the order of st. dominic, the present provincial of this province. to him is due the excellent success that it has hitherto had; for he himself, with other three or four associates, and no other order, went to explore it. they remained there and sent one religious here to manila to report what had been done, and to get an order from the governor for what was to be done in the future. the island is densely populated, as they will relate to your majesty. it will be a pity for those peoples to remain in the obscurity of their blindness, without the light of our holy catholic faith, for lack of ministers. since the fathers of st dominic have taken that conquest in charge, it will be very advisable for the present to settle it with religious of that order, if your majesty be pleased to have a goodly consignment of religious sent to them; for, although eighteen or twenty of them came in these ships, the need of this province was so great, because of the many who have died, that scarcely are there sufficient for their ministries, even if they did not have the island of hermosa, as i have said. [_in the margin_: "they have been given to them already."] governor don juan niño will report on the other matters touching this community. consequently i shall not relate them in this letter to your majesty, whose very catholic person may our lord preserve, with the increase of great kingdoms, as is necessary to christendom. manila, july 25, 1626. _fray miguel_, archbishop of manila. [_endorsed:_ "manila. to his majesty; 1626. the archbishop of manila, [_ms. holed_] of july. seen and decreed within, july 30, 627."] letter from fernando de silva to felipe iv sire: last year i advised your majesty of the state in which i found these islands; and now i could tell you that they have not been in better condition for thirty years past. i kiss your majesty's hand for the great favor which you do me in sending as my successor don juan niño de tabora, a person who, i am confident, will carry out whatever is ordered there for the service of your majesty; for my part i shall aid him as much as i can, without heeding trifles. as the despatch of last year was made early, the ships arrived at nueva españa in less than six months, and returned to this city on the twenty-eighth of june, the day on which the governor took possession of these offices. the commander of the terrenate relief expedition arrived, and we learn from those forts that all the aid reached them, as it was sent early--which could not have been accomplished if it had been eight days later. they are in peace and well provisioned, since the people of terrenate and tidore are friendly. they likewise inform us that the fort of calomata, which the enemy dismantled, which is half a legua from malayo, has been fortified, because it was understood that the dutch were about to come back again; and that the natives killed two hundred men of the enemy, who had arrived to punish them with fifteen ships, which seem few for those seas. this year there has been peace everywhere in this commonwealth, and i have maintained it with the audiencia--being patient with them when necessary, and at times administering rebuke, whereby your majesty's service was furthered. commodities nave been cheap, and all necessary supplies have been procured without our having felt the much-feared failure of iron, bronze, and tin from japon. through my diligence, there is abundance in the warehouses, with which we could construct and cast [cannon for] fifty moulds which i have had made for more than four months, whereby the islands are fully supplied with the necessary artillery. of the ships which i informed you were being built, one is in cavite, and the other, it is supposed, can be completed by christmas, each of them of a thousand toneladas of the north sea. two galleys are likewise being finished, which makes a sufficient fleet for anything which may happen here. by the way, i inform your majesty that finding no remedy for the thefts of rigging, on account of the many foreign ships that arrive here, i have had a black thread put in the rigging belonging to your majesty, so that it can be recognized and this loss will be obviated. i found the natives of these islands exhausted by the harsh repartimiento which obtained of personal services, from which the rich and powerful chiefs were exempted, and the wretched people so burdened that they had not enough with four pesos a year for each indian, and now they have it with four reals. the affairs of the province of cagaian are in a better state, for with the entry made by the two companies which i sent, more than a thousand of the rebels were reduced, with a considerable quantity of silver recovered which they had taken from the churches; and, under a general pardon, more of them are continually becoming peaceful. for the punishment of the camucones, a people who are accustomed to rob these coasts in vessels so light that they rely upon these alone, i sent a captain who has had experience in their islands (which extend from paragua to borney), with fifty-five spaniards and more than six hundred indians. they found none of the people, as they had all retired from that kingdom to the island of mindanao and the coast of caraga. an entry was made, whereby more than five thousand tributarios were reduced to peace. here in the neighborhood of manila a great many negrillos from the mountains have been reduced and settled, who used to inflict great injury on the neighboring villages. of the quarters which i informed you were being built for the infantry, three are finished, the best which i have seen, where about three hundred men can be lodged. i believe that the governor will continue so beneficial a work. i have brought all the troops inside the city, whereby it and its suburbs have been in peace, without a wounded man having been under care for eight months, where so many used to be killed every month. the city had decided to build a stone bridge over the main river. it is begun, and, if it is finished, it will much increase the value of property, and be of the highest benefit to the community and to the persons who hold property on the other bank. the ship which i despatched to japon for military supplies arrived at nanguaciqui, where they took precautionary measures until the emperor was informed. this resulted in their being notified a few days later that they must return without trading at all, and make it known that no vessel should go from these islands under pain of death, on account of the religious which they conveyed from here; accordingly, it is impossible to enter that country alive. the ship returned, and this year goes as the admiral's ship to nueva españa, of which the new governor will inform you. in the provincial chapter of the augustinians held on the first of may i was present, at their instance; for they were divided into two parties by their usual passion. they were presided over by the most serious friar of their order, but the bold acts of the youthful friars at every juncture violated the rules of obedience, which they certainly are subverting. i proceeded with the utmost moderation, sometimes denying the aid which was asked from me, and restraining them by threats that i would appoint secular ecclesiastics to the missions. they were finally quieted by this, for otherwise the province would have been divided, as they threatened. not a little blame is due to the fiscal, who attempted by means of his negotiations to make himself master even of these elections. i have received advices from macan by six galleotas, which have arrived with goods; they are demanding that a check be given to the progress that the enemy are making in their fort on the island of hermosa. [18] they say that it is finished, and made of stone, sand-banks, and brick, having six bastions and at the edge of the water a platform with six cannon. the bay is eight leguas around, and an anchoring-place is on the north side. the fresh water is below a redoubt two leguas from the fort. the bar is thirteen feet under water with reefs, so the large ships remain outside. there is much to be gained in all kinds of trade with the natives, in purchases of deer-hides and merchandise for japon. this port is in twenty-two degrees. their object in fortifying it now was that this place commanded the passage of the ships from chincheo to this city. they have accomplished their end through the presents which they have given to the mandarins, and the threats to rob them, as hitherto--namely, to secure the silks and carry them to japon and holland, as they are now doing, and take them away from this country, in this way ruining it, for there is nothing of importance except this commerce. this loss is clearly shown, for in fifty ships which have arrived at these islands, there were not forty picos of silk brought, while the enemy had nine hundred, excluding the woven goods; and, if it were not for what has come from macan, the ships [for nueva españa] would have nothing to carry. this trade of the portuguese is most injurious, not only on account of their unfriendly attitude, but because they have raised the prices of goods, securing the profit thereon, and draining the wealth of the citizens here. considering this, then, and what your majesty has ordered regarding the pacification of the hermosa islands (which my predecessor so desired), after i had used all possible diligence, as in a matter of so great importance, and found that the security and rehabilitation of these islands depended upon having a port to windward from that of the enemy--as this city besought me to do, since that was its only refuge--i made ready in all secrecy, and at so little expense that, although i found the treasury embarrassed with a debt of three thousand pesos, it remained with less than twenty-five thousand of debt, which was borrowed from citizens. i despatched from here sargento-mayor antonio carreño de valdes, with all the necessary supplies and two galleys. he is a person remarkably fit for this purpose, and an excellent servant of your majesty. he left cagaian on the fifth of may and arrived on the eleventh at the place where his instructions directed, which is at the head of the island, at twenty-five degrees north. he explored the bottom and anchored with all his fleet in the best port imaginable, a remarkable favor from heaven, if those of japon are closed to him [_ms. holed_]. it is distant from the mainland of china eighteen leguas, and has a depth at the entrance of eighteen brazas, and a capacity of five hundred ships. the site if the fortification is naturally very strong, all of which appears by his plan which accompanies this. he found a village of fifteen hundred houses built of fragrant woods, with a people like [_ms. defective_] somewhat lighter in color and differing in language [19] [_ms. holed_] thanks be to god. the fortification was under way and in the despatch[-boat] which he sent me with the information there were a hundred and twenty picos of iron pikes and two hundred and thirteen arrobas of sulphur, which is brought from castilla for the powder. they have supplies for a year; and the enterprise is already proving advantageous. it is most expedient that this should be furthered, on account of the great advantages which will result from this post being in the vicinity of china; in that locality there are excellent water, castilian fruits, and partridges, although these have not red beaks. since some evil-intentioned person has tried to make the governor think, as he is new in the knowledge of this country, that this will commence a new war, i shall tell him what i think, leaving to time the results. let it not appear that i am praising my own cares, because i seek no other reward for my services except that of rendering them to so great a king. in the first place, the trade of the enemy is established and that from this country has stopped; but, as this is without the knowledge of the king of china, he will, as soon as his attention is called to it, take rigorous measures to prevent the dutch trade. by the measures which i have set on foot, this object could be secured by the galley, which could patrol the coast. for fifty years they [_i.e._, the chinese] have had proved the steadiness of our trade and the abundance of our silver, and they have desired nothing further than to see us with a post where they can seek us without danger, as they will do at present; for in so short a distance, and with so strong currents [in the sea] the enemy cannot disturb our post--from which will result the dismantling of his fort, for he will be outside the line of traffic and on the coast opposite. on the other hand the japanese, who cannot dispense with silks, must come for them to our port, bringing us silver. we are the masters of all their traffic as far as sian, cochinchina, and camboja, as they have to pass through this strait; and accordingly our friendship will be valued, and a door will be opened for the conversion [of the heathen], which is the principal aim of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "let this clause and the one which follows it be read word for word."] although there have been persons who thought an armed fleet necessary to bring over the goods from the island to this city, this doubt is unfounded, because that route can be navigated during nine months in the year among the islands and currents, without any port on the eastern side. during the northern monsoons it is impossible for a vessel to hold its own in that locality while they blow, for they are following winds for us; it is therefore certain that the enemy will not be able to trouble us. even in case the fleet were necessary, it remains in port rotting, and the men are causing the same expense; and it would be better for it to go for goods that are sure and bought at very low prices, the duties and freight charges on which would equal the expense of going out to drive the enemy from the coast after he has robbed it, without profit to your majesty, or the citizens here, or those in nueva españa. it is not a bad port where ships from castilla may put in, being as safe as is that of santisima trinidad. [20] the fleets which have gone out from here in my time have not dared, for lack of such a port, to follow the enemy or to leave the coast, for they could not make it again if they entered the vendavals; this was one of the excuses for the last retreat which don geronimo de silva made. in his lawsuit and that of the commanders of the "san yldefonso" and "san rimundo," the governor found for an abandonment of proceedings, pronouncing sentence, i assure your majesty, without favor or prejudice. the master-of-camp died on the same day when my successor arrived here; and, a few days before, factor diego de castro lison, a good servant i appointed in his place in the interim captain christoval de mercado--a person who is so fit for the position that i sought him out; and who has served almost all the offices of justice which exist in the islands, whereby he has gained knowledge of the commodities that the provinces can furnish. he has left these with a good, clean reputation, and personally appears to be well qualified. i shall appreciate it if your majesty will confirm this. i will say the same of the warder, pedro sotelo de morales, appointed to fort santiago without salary, as your majesty has commanded, in place of lucas de bergara, deceased. considering the great importance of effective collection for the exchequer of your majesty, and the auditing of the accounts that are in arrears, i have accomplished as much as i could this year, and they have been audited from the year 18 to that of 23. for the unburdening of my conscience i will, now that my presidency is over, tell your majesty incidentally what i think of the officers of this audiencia, whose inspection is awaited; and if, as is desirable, your majesty send it, that will tell you better. don alvaro de lugo y messa is an upright judge, and zealous in the service of your majesty. geronimo de legaspi does what his two sons wish, whom, on account of their reckless lives, the governors cannot employ, and thus are unable to satisfy their father, who is not contented except with favors. don juan de valderrama does as his wife says; and don matias flores, although a young man, is less harmful; when he is so, it is owing to his passions or affections. he makes all the profit he can from the office, and on the whole is not acceptable to the community, which is always disturbed by him. i consider his office incompatible with that of protector; but, although your majesty had issued a decree directing that this should not be, they annulled it. i do not wish to annoy your majesty any further, for there are persons who will write this from a sense of duty; and i refer, for information regarding my earnest desires for the service of your majesty, to what all classes of people will write. since coming to serve you in these islands i have undergone so many expenses that i am poor and in debt as president. i beg your majesty to remember me by giving me the favor of the presidency of panama, or the future succession to it [_ms. holed_] realm or governorship of guatemala, whichever may first be vacant; for i have not property enough remaining to go and claim it in your court. i likewise requested your majesty last year not to allow my wife, since she is such, and cannot remain here as a private citizen, to lose the encomiendas which she inherited from her father and grandfather, who served so long in these islands; and that you would command a decree to be despatched so that she might enjoy them wherever you might choose that she and her daughter should live, as the latter is the last heir; and this i beg, for the reasons which i have mentioned to your majesty. at the proper time, i despatched to sian a private ship, in order to avoid the cost of carrying the troops, goods, and supplies which remain there by the death of don fernando de silva. [21] everything went well. i also sent a father of the society, a man of great experience, to get under way the collection from all that comes from yndia and other parts. don juan niño will inform your majesty of it. may our lord protect your royal person according to the needs of christendom. manila, july 30, 626. _don fernando de silva_ [_on the back of this letter_: "the original descriptions of the island hermosa and the relation concerning all those localities, are in the possession of señor don andres de rozas."] letter from the sisters of st. clare to felipe iv _jesus, mary_ may all empires and kingdoms be made subject to your royal majesty. we were sent here by the great king, don felipe, our sovereign (may he rest in peace), by his royal decree and favor he ordering the governor and royal audiencia to receive us under his royal protection as nuns of the first rule of st. clare, [22] so that the daughters of the conquistadors who do not have the means for marriage may be aided; and [it was ordered] that, when the provincial of our order should be present they should make regulations according to our rule and profession--his royal majesty ordering the above with the earnestness that is made evident in his decree. we have found in this kingdom so friendly a disposition and so great abundance of what is necessary (with which we are supplied in the city), that although at present we number only thirty-three sisters, seventy could be supported on the alms that are bestowed upon us every week in small contributions--besides those given in quantity by private persons and bequeathed to us in wills; and those from women who are admitted to the order, who have wealth for this purpose. our rule declares that we may not solicit the property of those who enter to become nuns, and we are not to be careful of aught else than their virtues; but that if any one of these wishes to give some alms of her own freewill, we may receive it, as from any other person. consequently, having observed faithfully this rule--i mean, in not desiring or striving for any more than the said benefit (and we exercise great care in this)--our lord moves hearts, so that one woman alone has given us fourteen thousand pesos. with that the work on the convent is progressing. other women who are about to make profession say that they will give the same amount that they would give their husbands if they married; and that, since god is their spouse, they wish to give it to him so that a convent capable of sustaining many nuns may be built, so that they may serve his majesty. some have as their dowry only the spiritual wealth that the rule requires. consequently, there are liable to be many orphan girls who serve god, daughters and granddaughters of conquistadors, who are calling aloud, and they refuse to allow them to enter. it is a pity to see so pious desires disappointed. i petition your majesty to send me a royal decree that no limit shall be set to the number of nuns that the convent may contain. the rule does not limit the number, nor does any other convent throughout all these kingdoms. the city is very rich, and food so cheap that fourteen libras of beef cost one real; another real buys eight libras of fish; six libras of sugar, one real; and fowls, salt pork, and all other things in the same proportion; of salt alone, they have given us, on this last arrival of the ships, three hundred and seventy baras [i.e., bahars]; also a goodly supply of wine for the mass; and linen, which is very cheap. consequently we, these least important vassals of your majesty, do not need human aid, but the divine. that aid we have entreated from the royal favor, so that no restriction be laid on the nuns that the convent shall contain. it is a great pity to see how they hinder the souls who serve god in so great perfection as those women who are here, the natives of these kingdoms. i consider beyond any doubt that they will be most devoted servants of god, who works marvels in all those whom he shrives, and all set themselves to observe the warnings of the gospel. an infinite number of little girls and older orphans come weeping, with their widowed mothers, begging us for the love of god to give them the habit. since the king, our sovereign, sent them so great a spiritual and temporal consolation, and since their parents gained it for them by conquering this country at the cost of their own lives, we all are so bounden. beseeching our lord to prosper your royal majesty, spiritually and temporally, with infinite increase; and may he subject to the royal power of your royal majesty all empires and kingdoms that he has created for the greater honor, glory, and increase of the faithful, and the exaltation of the holy catholic faith. manila, july 31. given in this convent of la concepcion of the discalced nuns of st. clare, in the year 1626. the most humble vassals of your royal and sacred majesty, _jeronima de la asunsion_, [23] abbess, and her sisters, _ana de christo bicaria_ _leonor [de] san francisco_ _leonor de sant buena bentura_ _lüysa de jesús_ _magdalena de christo_ _juana de san antonio_ _maria de los angeles_ _maria magdalena_ _ana de jesus_ _ana de christo bicaria_ petition for aid to the seminary of san juan de letran sire: brother juan gerónimo guerrero, [24] who has charge of the seminary of sant juan de letran for orphan boys in the city of manila, declares that in consideration of the general welfare of the said children, and their education and teaching, your majesty was pleased to order don fernando de silva, governor of those islands, by your royal decree of july 16, 623, to aid the said seminary with some taxes, so that the boys in it might be reared and supported. but, as no taxes were found, the said royal decree has had no effect; and to this day not more than the small sum of three hundred pesos has been assigned to the seminary--an amount so small that it does not suffice to provide shoes for the boys who are now there. the number there is daily increasing, and the expenses incurred are very considerable and the alms but little. with what they have they cannot be supported. in order that so pious a work may continue, and so that those orphan boys may be suitably assisted with the necessaries of life, and not be ruined: he petitions your majesty that, favoring by your sovereign mercy a work so greatly to the service of our lord, you will be pleased to order that some encomienda of indians, or a pension from those that shall be allotted, may be set aside for the said seminary--or in any other manner which your majesty pleases, and for the period that your royal will deems best. [i ask this] because from it will follow considerable profit for your royal service; for the boys reared there incline to become soldiers, and up to the present time forty of them have gone out to serve your majesty in that employ, while five have become friars, and twelve are studying. and, in order that they may learn the art of navigation, will your majesty be pleased to command an examined pilot to come to the said seminary to teach it to them. will your majesty also be pleased to order that, inasmuch as there are many children of spaniards among the indian women of these islands, conceived by the latter, these children may be taken from them and brought to be reared in the said seminary, so that they may not become idolaters like the indian women, when they are grown. our lord will be served by that, and will receive especial blessing and favor. [_endorsed:_ "the seminary of sant juan de letran for orphan boys in the city of manila."] [_instructions:_ "señor don fernando ruiz de contreras: let a decree be issued for them that, in the same manner as the other three hundred pesos, i set aside for them, from the taxes that i shall possess there, the further sum of three hundred ducados. as for the other things that he requests, refer them to the governor, so that he may take what measures are advisable in everything, in order that the service of god our lord and of his majesty may be attended to. november 18."] [_in the margin_: "in regard to what is asked in this section, his majesty issued a decree, that the governor of philipinas shall assign the said seminary three hundred ducados in taxes that do not belong to the treasury, as another three hundred pesos were assigned. all the other things requested are referred to the governor, so that he may provide everything advisable, in order that they may attend to the service of god and that of his majesty."] sire: since the beginning of the so firm foundation of this seminary of san juan de letran, i have made known to your majesty by faithful relations the great fruit obtained for god our lord and for the service of your majesty, in protecting and sheltering in the seminary so many orphan boys, the sons of old spanish soldiers, who [without it] would evidently be ruined for lack of instruction and good morals. so good results have been achieved in this, as experience has shown by those who have left this seminary--forty for the service of your majesty, to serve as soldiers, six others as religious, and six who serve in this cathedral church as acolytes. there are now in the seminary more than fifty boys. your majesty, having examined the despatches, was pleased to send me a royal decree, ordering the governors of these islands to protect and favor this seminary with incomes. in these islands revenues are so few, that governor don fernando de silva assigned three hundred pesos in chattels--namely, certain small shops, which are suppressed today and opened to-morrow. in order that this enterprise may go on increasing for the service of god and of your majesty, will you order that an encomienda be given to us. with it and my feeble efforts we could support ourselves, and so great a work as this is would not fail. i beseech your majesty, for the love of god, that when my life is over, [the confraternity of] la misericordia may take charge of the seminary, with the brothers of the third order; and that a boy who has been very long in this college may remain to shelter them, so that this work, that is so acceptable to god our lord, may continue to increase and not to diminish. may god preserve your majesty for many years, as christendom desires and as is necessary. manila, august first, one thousand six hundred and twenty-six. your majesty's humble vassal, _brother juan geronimo guerrero_ [_instructions:_ "let the governor be again charged to observe what has been ordered him. may 11, 628."] royal decrees _ordering the correction of abuses by the augustinians_ the king. to don juan niño de tavora, member of my council of war, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein: in a letter written to me by don fernando de silva, in whose charge that government was _ad interim_, dated august four of the past year one thousand six hundred and twenty-five, he declares that there is not so great need anywhere else as in those islands for the governors to have authority to remove or promote religious teachers because of their unbridled or steady lives; and that the religious have come to lose respect, by their deeds, for the alcaldes-mayor, and pay no attention to the royal jurisdiction and patronage--especially the augustinians who are more extravagant than the others. they are entirely masters of the wills of the indians, and give out that in them consists the quietness or disobedience of the indians. inasmuch as the alcalde-mayor of bayaban tried to moderate the excesses that were being committed, the religious entered his house, attacked him, and beat him. another alcalde-mayor, who resides in bulacan, having arrested two indian seamen of my royal fleet so that they should go to serve in their places, the religious there took them from him; and every day more dangerous incidents are occurring, in which they need some intervention. it would therefore be advisable to send them the decree that was issued in the former year of six hundred and twenty-four for nueva españa, ordering that the heads of the religious, especially he of st. augustine, order the religious to restrain themselves. notwithstanding that the said decree has been sent already to those islands, and now goes in duplicate, i order you to summon the provincial of the augustinians and tell him that it is greatly advisable to punish that religious; and that he shall accordingly do so. you are hereby advised that under no consideration shall a mission be granted to those religious who shall be guilty of such offenses, and you shall advise me of what you shall do. madrid, june nineteen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-six. _i the king_ countersigned by don fernando ruiz de contreras, and signed by the members of the council. [_endorsed:_ "to the governor of philipinas, ordering him to summon the provincial of the augustinians, and command him to punish a certain religious, a missionary, for the excess of which he has been guilty; and that he see that those religious who should be guilty be not admitted to a mission."] _concerning the courts of the alcaldes-in-ordinary_ the king: to the president and auditors of my audiencia of the city of manila in the filipinas islands. martin castaño, procurator-general of the islands, has made me a report, stating that the auctions of what is sold and leased from my royal estate, at which one auditor and the fiscal of that audiencia are present, are held by the royal officials in the cabildo houses of the said city, where the alcaldes-in-ordinary hold their court to administer justice; and that, although the hall where the aforesaid officials hold the said auctions is distinct and separate from that of the alcaldes, you have now lately ordered that, when the said auctions are to be held, if the said alcaldes should be present in the said hall, they suspend court, although it is necessary for them to conduct their hearings at the accustomed hours. he has petitioned me that, since the court of the said alcaldes does not disturb or hinder the auctions, but rather is the cause of more people resorting thither, i be pleased to order you not to make any innovation in the aforesaid practice. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, i have considered it expedient, and accordingly i order you, to allow the said alcaldes-in-ordinary to call their courts in the said cabildo houses where they hold their court, at the usual hours, even though the said auctions happen to be held even at the same time. madrid, june 19, 1626. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ _regarding the hospitals_ the king. to don juan niño de tabora, knight of the habit of calatrava, member of my council of war, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: in a letter written to me by that city on august 13, of the former year 1624, it mentions that in the hospitals there the sick endure great hardships, and that the hospitals are not administered with the care that is advisable, which causes many to die (and those chiefly soldiers); and that it would be very advisable for the brothers of [st.] john of god to take charge of their administration and service. having been examined by my council of the indias, i order you, as it is a pious matter and one suitable for your office, on your part to have all care so that the poor have the best accommodation possible, and be aided, as i expect from you; for besides fulfilling your obligations in this you will serve me. madrid, october 16, 1626. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ military affairs of the islands _most authentic relation, in which is narrated the present condition of the wars against the dutch in the filipinas and the kingdoms of japon; and the famous deeds of don fernando de silva, sargento-mayor, together with the great victories of the spaniards, who destroyed four hundred dutchmen. the year 1626_. i shall relate what things are new in these remote districts. i shall give a brief narrative both of the island of mindanao, whose conquest is being made at present, and of don fernando de silva, captain and commander of the soldiers, who went to china. the island of mindanao is one of the largest that are seen in this archipelago. it has quantities of cinnamon, and is very rich, through the trade that they carry on with all the nations and with these islands. its natives are given over to the vile worship of mahoma to a degree not reached by the moors [i.e., those of spain] themselves. that worship holds them so tightly in its abominations that it rears them with extreme hatred toward christians, both spaniards and indians. the disposition of the people is vile but bold, and they are given to insults and robbery. they make raids through the islands that are instructed by the society of jesus, plundering, robbing, and capturing many. but having recognized the valor of the spaniards on various occasions when the latter have scattered and destroyed their fleets of small vessels, they recently made treaties of peace, and sent ambassadors to manila to the governor with captives and presents--requesting an alliance, and soldiers, in order that these make a settlement in their lands, and aid them against others who are their enemies, inhabitants of the same island, with whom they wage civil war. they were well received by the governor, and given a valiant captain with five hundred soldiers; and the father provincial of the society of jesus gave two fathers from his residence, to instruct them. all assembled at the town of arevalo, where the chief commandant of these provinces lives, one juan claudio de verastigui, who was ordered to set out immediately for mindanao with his fleet, whither he himself is going in person with his ships. the alcalde-mayor of this city [25] is going to aid with fifty other soldiers for the said purpose. a good result is hoped from it, and that either by friendship of by force they will get a piece of artillery and some ammunition from the mindanaos that they took one year ago from the governor. the latter ordered don juan claudio not to return without it. the occasion for that piece belonging to his majesty remaining in mindanao was that cachil coralat, the natural lord of mindanao, seeing himself pressed by a tyrant in his kingdom, and seeing himself conquered in a battle that they fought with him, hastened to this city of zebu to ask the spaniards for help, sending one of his captains for it. the latter was well entertained, and the piece was given to him among other presents, twelve spaniards and some ammunition being also furnished with it. after the twelve spaniards had been there for some time, they were withdrawn, some say through fault of the mindanaos, and others that of the spaniards. consequently, as they left in haste, the piece of artillery remained in coralat's possession. at this time, the mindanaos from manila having reached octong, the piece was requested from them in his majesty's name, or satisfaction for it. the spaniards took from them some gold and equivalent articles in exchange, and tried to capture some of them by means of an alferez, adjutant, and soldiers. the mindanaos, however, put themselves on the defensive so courageously, and with so great wrath (or rather barbarity), that their chief, one salin--in the midst of the spanish force and arms, and in front of a fort that his majesty has there--drawing a dagger, plunged it into the adjutant through his groin and left him stretched out. the officer next to the alferez--who was a fine soldier, and, like the other, was on the inner guard in the sangley ship on which they had come--defended himself as well as he could, but was finally killed by a stroke of a campilan (a mindanao weapon); and they took away his sword and dagger. seeing our soldiers, who were in their guardship unprepared, the mindanaos threw them overboard, and, cutting the cable, made off with the ship. however, when that was seen by our men, they quickly prepared boats and pursued them with a goodly number of soldiers and killed them with arquebus-shots. salin, wounded in the breast, fell into the water, but did not loose his hold on his campilan. there, while struggling with the waves, he saw a spaniard who had fallen overboard in the fray, hanging on to a rope from a pirogue, who, as he could not swim, was being carried along, thus held fast. salin made for him, and, wounded as he was, gave him in his fury so severe a blow with his campilan that he split the spaniard's head, from which blow he died. of the spaniards, three men were killed; and, of the mindanaos, three were wounded and six killed, besides two wounded who were taken prisoners. at this time, don fernando de silva, who came as sargento-mayor of the present governor, [26] has always given proofs of so great [ability as] a captain that he was sent as commander of two hundred spaniards who went to aid the city of macam, which the portuguese have in china. a dutch fleet arrived at the city of macam on this occasion and besieged it, landing four hundred men. but the inhabitants of macam issued forth in their orderly array and concert, and attacked the dutch so courageously that they destroyed all the four hundred in their camp. then the portuguese, ascertaining that the dutch were gathering force once more to avenge that injury, begged for aid from the governor of manila. on that so honorable occasion captain don fernando de silva went out with his two hundred chosen spaniards. there were very welcome to the portuguese, and he was always highly esteemed by them because of his gracious manner. the portuguese delivered to him a ship laden with merchandise, the profits to be shared by all. he took it to the kingdom of siam and ascended the river for thirty leguas, unladed his goods, and disposed of them as well as possible, for they were injured by the water. the japanese, many of whom live there, tried, in their greed, to attack the spaniards; but don fernando de silva understood them, and resisted them with his infantry. the dutch, who have their factory there, notified others near there to come to their aid, in order to attack the ship with its three hundred persons, which is supplied with arms and force sufficiently abundant for its defense. some evil outcome is feared, for the ship cannot leave the bar without unlading its goods. the persecution in japon is even more bloody, for they returned his present to the ambassador from macan, and ordered him to return home. a governor was sent down with orders to kill the christians and the captive religious whom he should find. in short, the order has gone forth to suppress trade with macan and filipinas, and that no ships be received from, or leave japon for, these regions. it has been learned by way of macan that the chinese seized from the dutch their almiranta. with the severe persecution of japon, we are advised that four hundred catholics have been slain for the faith. while two cavaliers were present at the martyrdom _irruit spiritus domini_, [27] and they went forth in public, crying out: "surely this is a good faith that teaches so lofty things. salvation cometh only by it, as is proven by so many dying in order not to abandon it." thus crying out and acting, they went running into the fire, where they were burned, leaving the bystanders amazed, and all the world marveling at so wonderful an example. it is rumored that beyond doubt the emperor of japon will order nangazaqui to be razed, and all the europeans driven out and exiled--commanding that they depart with their children and wives; but that, if the wives are japanese, they as well as their daughters must be given up, and the sons be taken away. _laus deo_ printed with permission of don luys remirez de arellano, deputy-mayor of sevilla. printed in sevilla by juan de cabrera, opposite the post-office. the year 1626. documents of 1627 importance of the philippines. martin castaño; [undated; 1627?]. relation of 1626. [unsigned and undated; _ca._ 1627]. letter to tavora. felipe iv; september 3. laws regarding the sangleys. [from _recopilacion de leyes de las indias_]; 1594-1627. decrees regarding the religious. felipe iv; may-november. decrees regarding the chinese. felipe iv; september 10 and november 19. inadvisability of a spanish post on the island of formosa. juan cevicos; december 20. _sources_: the first, fifth, and seventh of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the second, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), vol. i, pp. 523-545; the third and sixth, from the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the fourth, from _recopilación de leyes de las indias,_ lib. vi, tit. xviii. _translations_: these are all made by james a. robertson, except the third, by arthur b. myrick. the importance of the philippines sire: i, martin castaño, procurator-general of the filipinas, declare that--having examined and carefully considered, in the course of so long a period as i have spent here, the region of these islands, their great importance, and the little energy displayed in coming to their help while the enemies from olanda are exerting themselves so strenuously to gain possession of them--i am convinced that such inaction can proceed only from a failure to estimate that country at its proper value, imagining it to be of less importance than it is, since it is regarded as being so far away [from españa]. but those islands are the most important part of your majesty's dominion; and from delay it results that the enemy is continually gaining, and your majesty losing, while recovery becomes more difficult. if they should be lost, and the country given up to the natives, it would be, even if the hollanders had not gone thither, a loss of the magnitude which will be made evident by this paper; but if your majesty lose them, and your greatest enemy gain them, the loss will be beyond all exaggeration. therefore, i have desired to advance four important considerations regarding those islands: namely, the extension of the faith, and the increase of your majesty's dominion, glory, and riches. and in case of any doubt as to the truth of my assertions, i will prove them by trustworthy witnesses and authentic papers, to your entire satisfaction. as to the increase of the faith, it is quite well known that no other gate in all the world has been opened through which so many souls may come into the knowledge of it as in the filipinas; for they are situated amid so vast kingdoms, so densely inhabited, so ready to be christianized, as has been proved in china and japon. and had not the hollanders gained the friendship of the japanese, the greater part of that kingdom would have been converted, as things were going; for at nangasaqui, the port of entry for those going from the filipinas, there were so many christians that they formed processions for the discipline during holy week, just as in españa. but since the entrance of the hollanders there, christianity has been so rooted out that there is not one declared christian, because of the severe punishments inflicted at the dutch instigation. it is a great misfortune that these heretics have managed to gain the friendship of the emperor of japon, by promising him chinese silks--depending on those that they expect to steal from the chinese and the citizens of manila. it is a misfortune that at the same time your majesty has not preserved your friendship with them, as we are in so much better a position to let them have silks in trade, which are the things that they want. this is of so great importance, that it would be advisable to send an embassy to the emperor, to inform him that those heretics are rebellious vassals of your majesty; and that it is not right that any king should receive those who have revolted from your obedience. for the hollanders provide themselves with all necessary munitions of war and food supplies there, as that kingdom is so well furnished with everything; while your majesty's vassals are in want of those things, although they are so near at hand. one other very great loss is suffered, namely, that, since the hollanders live in japon as if in their own land, well supplied with all necessities, and so near manila, they enter the bay of that city with much greater facility, and carry away as plunder all the merchandise from china and other countries. they remain there most of the year, because they have a safer retreat, when the weather compels them to retire. returning to the increase of the faith, besides that it was extending itself in the neighboring kingdoms, years ago i was informed, by the religious who instructed those fields of christendom, of the number of christians that were vassals of your majesty, reckoned by congregations; and the number exceeded six hundred thousand. consider, then, your majesty, what should be done to preserve and cultivate that new plant, and not allow it to be lost, and heresy to be substituted for it. as to the increase of your majesty's dominion, there is no doubt that while you are master and lord of the filipinas, your crown encircles and embraces all the world; for today your kingdom stretches on the eastern side from portuguese india to malaca, and between the point of the mainland of malaca and the island of samatra is the strait of sincapura by which one enters the south sea and goes to the above-named places and the filipinas, while on the western side the coasts of piru and nuevaespaña border on the south sea, whence one goes likewise to the filipinas. thus it is proved that with those islands your majesty's crown encircles and embraces the whole world--a greatness which furnishes a reason for great energy. further, if the enemy succeeds in getting possession of the filipinas, toward which end he is putting forth so great effort, not only will this richest fragment of your majesty's crown be lost, but the enemy will make himself master of portuguese india immediately; and then by way of the south sea, he will disturb piru and nuevaespaña, so that they can be of no profit to your majesty. and if the enemy perceives himself to be so powerful, he will even dare to undertake other great enterprises. as to reputation, one word is sufficient. all the kings and nations of the world are watching to see who comes out ahead in this undertaking--your majesty or the rebels of olanda. as to wealth, to see the efforts that the hollanders are making for it, having experienced it--for nothing but wealth comes to them--might well answer as sufficient proof. but yet i notify your majesty of three extremely great sources of wealth in the filipinas: first, the wonderfully rich gold mines, of which i have given accounts separately, so that i shall not repeat them now; second, the cloves of the malucos, which amount to three and one-half millions per year. of this likewise i have given detailed reports. it is the sole inducement of the hollanders to go there, and therefore they have exerted great care and effort to gain possession, as they have done, of the islands where it is grown, so that they enjoy nearly all of it. the third is the trade from china to japon, and from japon to china, in which--as those two kingdoms bear so mortal a hatred to one another that under no considerations can they trade with one another, and china has so much silk that is wanted in japon, and japon so much silver, so desired by the chinese-the inhabitants of the filipinas, which lie between both kingdoms, traffic in these articles with very great profit. the hollanders desire that traffic exceedingly; and, as they have acquired the trade of japon, so they will be able to acquire that of china, although the chinese are hostile to them, because of the robberies that the hollanders have committed on them. but, for this very reason it might even be feared that, seeing the hollanders so powerful and superior on the sea, and that they steal their property from them, without leaving them any for their own trading, and your majesty's forces are so weak that they cannot defend them, they will abandon us and become friendly with the hollanders, just as those who were formerly your majesty's vassals are doing. for all those barbarous nations, inasmuch as neither religion, kinship, nor friendship binds them, are ever on the lookout to make friends with him who is most powerful. admitting all the foregoing, i beseech your majesty not to permit further delay in coming to the aid of this so important matter; for the enemy is so needfully profiting by the time that is being lost here. [_endorsed in writing_: "in regard to the importance of the filipinas."] relation of 1626 _relation of the condition of the filipinas islands and other regions surrounding, in the year 1626._ although i have been interrupted for several years in doing this, because of occupations that have allowed me no time for it, and have neglected to give advice of the condition of these islands, at present i have not, although my occupations are not fewer than in the past, attempted to shirk my duty in reporting what has happened this year in these regions, but briefly and concisely. commencing with the malucas islands, they are at present in the best condition that they have experienced, from our standpoint; for the dutch enemy are spent, inasmuch as no succor has been sent to them from holanda for many years--it appearing that the wars which they have had there must have hindered them. consequently, it has been recognized that, when the war ceases, their ships will come here in multitudes; and we shall enjoy war, and flandes peace. the king of tidore, who was very aged, and was always our friend, died this year. one of his sons took his place, and continues the same friendship [with us]. the ternatans, who have always been friends of the dutch and very hostile to us, made peace with us. that has had a very good result for us, for we receive more damage from them than from the dutch themselves. there have been in this city since the time when the strongholds of the malucas were taken--which was twenty years ago, during the term of governor don pedro de acuña--certain cachils, who are chiefs among them, and the same king of ternate, a great moro. the governor sent one of the cachils to maluco to talk and confer with his people, especially with cachil leali. the latter had, as it were, usurped the kingdom of ternate--and, as we understand, prevented his fellow-countrymen from receiving the king whom we hold captive here, even if he should return--and continued the war against us. the matter turned out well, and now the said cachil who went from here is returning, in the capacity of ambassador of his people, petitioning that their king be sent to them, whom they promise to receive as such, and to make and unmake for us. i do not know what governor don juan niño de tabora will do. what i know is, that the dutch do not like any of these agreements and friendships that we are making with the ternatans; but since they are at present fallen, and can do no more, they endure it patiently. the dutch have no fleets in the malucas, while there are scarcely two hundred men in their forts in their islands of terrenate, machien, and motiel (five or six in number); and many of these are so discontented, because of the hardships and misery which they suffer, that some six or eight have come to our camp this year, and many more would have come if there were a place for them, or if opportunity for it had offered. that was a fine opportunity to attack them with our fleet, which was already prepared in the port of cavite. it is not certainly known where it is going, but we suspect that it is going to attack the fort of the dutch in the island of hermosa. it is also thought that the following year will not pass without the fleet attacking them. if the wars in flandes continue, and help does not come to the dutch, we may hope for a very fine outcome. the camucones (who are certain robbers who infest these seas, pillaging, and are, moreover, a vile people, to whom we have paid but little attention) came with their fleet of small vessels in the past year of 1625, and at dawn one morning in october attacked a village, where the archbishop of manila was visiting the cura. he as well as his followers had great trouble in escaping, all without clothes or nearly so. they captured all his wardrobe and his pontifical robes, among which he had some very rich garments. the enemy then attacked a boat in which there was a father of our society, who was returning to his house and residence, which is located on the island of marinduque, after having preached at some missions of franciscan friars who had invited him for that purpose. they spied the enemy suddenly, in a place where it was impossible to escape, and it was necessary for them to fight. father juan de las missas (such was the name of the father) commenced to encourage the indians with a crucifix to make them fight. but it happened that a shot from a verso, fired by the enemy at the first encounter, struck the father. the enemy immediately entered the boat even while the father was yet alive and took his skull from his head to use as a drinking cup--a thing which they are accustomed to do to spaniards, without granting life to anyone. after that event, guided by a treacherous chinese, they suddenly attacked the chief town of samar, which is a very fine village called catbalogan. they attacked at dawn, and the father rector and another father and a brother had no little trouble in escaping; they were scarcely able to remove the monstrance of the most holy sacrament, and to hide it in a thicket. the indians also fled, as far as they were able. some had not time to do so much, and were captured. some were sick with smallpox, a kind of pestilence that was among the indians at that time. they were unable to escape, whereupon the enemy arriving relieved them all of the smallpox by cutting off their heads. in short, they plundered as much as they could, especially the silver and ornaments of the church, which were many and excellent, our residence there being better supplied than our others. when news was received of the damage inflicted by the enemy, two spanish fleets went in pursuit of them--one from the island of cebu, and the other from that of panay. but such was our misfortune that they were unable to encounter the enemy by any means. thus did the latter go away, laughing at the robberies that they had committed and greedy to make others. don fernando de silva, who was then governing, because don juan niño had not yet arrived, despatched a small fleet this year to the lands of those enemies, to punish them. their country lies near borney, to whose king they are subject. but inasmuch as they have no fixed house or dwelling, as they generally live in their boats, today here and tomorrow there, nothing was done. consequently, don juan niño, upon his arrival, ordered our fleet prepared in the island of oton, so that when that enemy came it might attack them. the enemy came, and our fleet sailed out; but half of the caracoas were wrecked in a storm. however, our fleet reforming pursued the enemy, but were unable to overtake them; for as their boats are light and have two prows, in order to escape they do not have to turn their boats about, but only to change the rowers and so return. at least, the result obtained was that the enemy did no damage this year in these islands, and did not capture anything. the island of mindanao, which is one of these filipinas islands, has rebelled against us; and its chief places have easily accepted the law of mahoma, which was brought there from the malucas by the ternatans. they have done us no damage this year. on the contrary, we have done them considerable. captain beñitez has made some very successful raids in their country, and has killed many and captured others--who are made slaves, in accordance with the old-time usage of this country, on account of the damages which we have received from those enemies. now the governor has offered to conquer that island, which is not a very difficult thing to do; but there is always so much attention to be paid to the dutch, that he has as yet been unable to attend to this. the dutch enemy, together with the english, went to attack macan during former years with seventeen ships. they landed many men on the shore, but the affair turned out so badly for them that they were forced, after many men had been killed, to retire and to raise the siege. but the portuguese, fearing that the enemy would attempt another year what they had not been able to accomplish then, set about enclosing the city with an excellent wall (for it had none before), and sent father geronimo rodriguez [28] to manila for some good artillery, which don alonso fajardo gave him. a master founder also went there to make many other pieces, which have been founded; and the city is placed in a very good state of defense. the portuguese also asked for a good captain and some infantry for whatever occasion might arise. don alonso fajardo gave them as many as one hundred infantrymen, with don fernando de silva, sargento-mayor of the camp of manila, and an excellent soldier. they stayed in macan for some time, but the portuguese, seeing that the dutch enemy did not come, and that, even if they did come, the city was more than defended; and inasmuch as they did not get along very well with the castilians, since there was considerable quarreling and strife between those of the two nations, tried to despatch them to manila. they did so, in a vessel that carried more than five hundred thousand ducados in merchandise. the spanish encountered so grievous a storm on their voyage that they were forced to put in at siam, where they unladed their ship; and, trying to get over the bar of a river in order to relade, they were wrecked. they bought in place of that ship two others, in order to go to manila; but as the season was advanced, and they could not get away so quickly, they despatched a champan with some eight spanish sailors. the latter took some of the merchandise, and came to manila to give news of what had happened. at that time there was a dutch patache established in the river of siam, a very beautiful and large river. that vessel had also entered and traded in that kingdom. it was rumored among our men that that dutch patache had captured the champan that our men were sending to manila--although such a rumor was untrue, for the said champan arrived safely at manila. but induced by that false report, don fernando de silva, who was stationed some leguas up the river, having one day observed the dutch patache attacked it at night with certain very small craft (i think they were two small boats or lanchas, for they had not bought larger vessels); and after fighting with the enemy, with the loss of only one spaniard, captured the dutch patache. it had more than twenty thousand pesos in silver and merchandise, and the dutch aboard it were captured. had the matter ended there, it would have been a fortunate result. the king of siam was informed of it, and sent a message to don fernando de silva saying that he should set the dutch at liberty and give them back their ship and the property which he had taken or captured from them, since it was captured while the dutch were in his kingdom, under his royal favor and protection. don fernando de silva answered that he would not do so, and broke out in words that might well have been avoided toward the king. the latter quickly collected a numerous fleet of boats, and one day attacked our ships with japanese (who form the guard of that kingdom) and many siamese. our men, fearing what would happen, were hurriedly embarking their merchandise, in order to come to manila. our men began to serve the artillery, but there were so many hostile boats that they covered the water. the spanish craft ran aground in the confusion and danger, whereupon the siamese (and chiefly the japanese) entered the ships. don fernando de silva, with sword and buckler in hand, sold his life dearly, and others did the same. but the enemy killed them except those who fled at the first stroke of the victory, who remained alive. i think some thirty were captured. the goods were pillaged, notwithstanding the fact that the king had ordered that good care be taken of them. the captured spaniards were taken to the court of the king, which is a city more than twice as large as sevilla. [29] they were led manacled through the streets, receiving many blows, and regarded as traitors. that happened in the year 1624. this disastrous event was learned in manila by way of macan, but no attention was given to the matter on account of the death of governor don alonso fajardo. in the year 1625, another don fernando de silva, of the habit of santiago, came to act as governor. at that time father pedro morejon [30] arrived at manila. he came from roma by way of yndia and camboja (which lies next siam), and was informed of that disaster there. governor don fernando de silva, seeing that father pedro morejon, as he had been so long a minister in japon, had great knowledge of, and access to, the japanese, and that those japanese who live in siam have a great part in the government of that kingdom, suggested to the father to go there as ambassador, to see whether he could get what they had captured from our spaniards, which belonged for the most part to the inhabitants of manila. the father replied that he could not neglect, before all else, to go to macan in order to advise his provincial of his procuratorship to roma; but that his lordship should write to him, and that he would return at the beginning of the year 1626, which was the season when one could go to siam. the governor wrote, and the father provincial of macan sent father pedro de morejon for the said time, besides another portuguese father, called antonio cardin. [31] they reached here in good time. the governor prepared a vessel with some spaniards of good standing, and despatched them all by the month of january. they reached the kingdom and court of siam and negotiated what they were able--namely, that the captives be delivered to them, as well as the artillery, and a quantity of iron belonging to our king which the ships were carrying, and which they seized from us, and some other merchandise. for although the king ordered everything to be given up, thinking that the goods were safe, as he had ordered, it was impossible to get them, the soldiers having pillaged them and divided them among themselves. father pedro de morejon was given a cordial reception by the king, who showed him many favors. at his departure the father told the king that he was leaving father cardin in his kingdom, and asked his highness to protect him. the king offered to do so, and gave permission for all who wished to become christians. father cardin erected his church and commenced his ministry. father morejon and the spaniards returned to manila, where they arrived in august of 1626; and they delivered to governor don juan niño, who had now arrived, a present given to them by the king of siam. father morejon, being summoned by his provincial, went to macao for the second time, where he is now. it is now reported that the governor is not satisfied with what they sent him. perhaps he will attack siam with the galleys, in order to punish that kingdom for its actions toward the spaniards. in order to destroy the trade between this city of manila and great china, and between macan and japon--the former for us, and the latter for the portuguese--the dutch formed a scheme to build a fort on the island of hermosa. that is an island between japon, china, and manila, which extends north and south for more than fifty leguas, while it is about thirty broad. the dutch built the said fort some years ago, and they have been fortifying it ever since; so that they have already erected four cavaliers, in which they have mounted twenty-four pieces of artillery--besides others that they have mounted on a platform which defends the entrance of the port, as those of the fort do not command it. the dutch also have a stock-farm, which they began with cattle and horses brought from japon. for its defense they built another large cavalier in which they mounted a half-dozen pieces, and stationed a few dutchmen to guard it. they are now at peace with the natives, with whom they were formerly at war and who killed some of their men. in this way they have been established for some five or six years at that point, which they call pachan. the chinese have gone there with a great abundance of silks and other merchandise to trade. consequently, they have made on that account a large alcaicería, where there are generally more than six thousand chinese. the japanese have also gone there from japon with their ships, although it is said that they are ill satisfied because of i know not what duties that the dutch asked them to pay. from that, notable damage can ensue to castilians, portuguese, and chinese, since the dutch are in the passage by which one goes from here to china, and from macan to japon. if we have not yet seen the damage so plainly with the eyes, it has been because the enemy are in great lack of ships and men. in order to counterbalance that scheme and the designs of the dutch, don fernando formed another scheme. he went to seize another port on the same island of hermosa, some twenty leguas distant from china and thirty from the enemy. for that purpose he sent, in this year of 1626, two galleys with many small boats, infantry, and all that was necessary for the settlement, under an experienced captain called carreño. they occupied the said port, and it is very good and suitable for our purpose. as our men entered the port, the whole population, numbering fully a thousand houses of the natives who were settled there, fled. entering the houses, they were enabled to see, by the articles that they found there, that those people were intelligent and civilized. our soldiers took some food, of which they kept account in order to pay for it--as they ought to do; since i know not what pretext they could have for showing hostility to the natives, since they had received no injury from them. our soldiers have fortified themselves there excellently. however, at the beginning, the land tried them, for many died, and they suffered great wretchedness and hardships--eating even dogs and rats, also grubs, and unknown herbs, because they soon finished the provisions which they had brought with them, and others had not arrived from manila, as i shall relate later. but afterwards they got along very well, for many ships came from great china with many presents and food. the climate is very fine, and like that of nueva españa. it has its winter and summer quite temperate, and has many fruits such as we have in our españa--as for instance, pears and peaches, which are indications that it is as fine a country as is reported. we have also heard that wheat is harvested. the soldiers found skins of lions and tigers; and although there were none of those animals, as there are none in filipinas, they had no lack of the skins. they sent to summon the indians, some of whom came. they won them by means of caresses and presents, so that they continue to come. they are not driven from our fort; and they even delivered two infants to us for baptism, and others are petitioning it. there is great need of learning their language. they bring some food, which they exchange for jars, gems, agate, and silver, which they know thoroughly, and whose value they esteem. they have no headman or chief who governs them, but each village governs itself, and some villages have war with others. the joy received in manila at the news of the island of hermosa was exuberant. at that time don juan niño came to govern. he was unable to send them help at the right season [for sailing]; consequently, after it had sailed, the ship put back and was detained for more than four months in a port of this island. it sailed again, and again took refuge at macan, whence they tried to make the voyage for the third time. they had so severe a storm that they lost their rudder, and reached the coast of china. after great danger and opposition from the chinese of that region, they refitted, and finally made our port in the island of hermosa, where they arrived april 29, 1627, and were received with the joy that can be imagined. they left there the supplies they had brought, and returned to manila. the governor sent to macan to ask for a mestizo, salvator diaz, who was in the fort of the dutch and who escaped from them. he has also prohibited vessels from sailing to china which pass near the establishment of the dutch on the island of hermosa. it is inferred from that that he is thinking of attacking the fort of the dutch. the persecution of the missionaries in japon has daily been assuming greater fury, and the doors are daily being shut more closely on the religious. it has been ordered under penalty of death, and of being burned with their merchandise and ships, that no ship sail from manila to japon. accordingly, one ship which sailed last year and which they had not notified of the edict, they notified and ordered to return immediately to manila, without allowing anyone to disembark, or to buy or sell anything--keeping them, on the contrary, shut up on the ship and guarded. the japanese made a law that no japanese could leave or enter the kingdom unless he first forswore our holy faith, etc. letter from felipe iv to tavora the king. to don juan niño de tavora, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there: six letters which you wrote me--five on the twentieth of the month of july, and the other on the twenty-second of the same month last year (1626)--dealing with the wars, have been received and considered in my council of war for the indias, and you will be satisfied on all points. you say that pedro de heredia wrote to you that he had not fortified the island of manados [32] and the straits of santa margarita, because it seemed to him of little use. afterward, however, seeing that many tributarios might be acquired; that, being pagans, missionaries were needed; and that the expenses of these strongholds might be lightened by the rice which they furnished--he sent to you asking for fifty men to occupy the fort which he was to build there. seeing that he had orders for it and that it was so advantageous for the service of god and myself, you sent them to him. it is well, and i order you, as having the affair under your present direction, to provide everything which is necessary thereto. in your advices, the said pedro de heredia wrote also that it would be to our great advantage to send him the lord of terrenate, who is in this city, in order to bring about some agreement between him and the king of tidore, which will be of considerable value. your orders in this matter have already been sent you. i am advised by you that three of the enemy's ships were in the port of malayo, and that it was understood that a fleet would arrive in may, 1625; i am also advised of the ten ships which the said pedro de heredia had. i have considered the number of galleons and pataches with which you are provided, and the galleys which were in process of construction. i confide in your zeal and care to provide for the defense of those islands, as i expect from you, doing on your part all that you shall find possible. you will have assistance from here, and i have written to my viceroy in nueva españa regarding the measures to be taken therefor. he and my royal officials have now been ordered to send at the first opportunity to these kingdoms six thousand ducados, on account of the usual situado that goes to those islands. the money will be sent on a separate account to the house of trade in sevilla, to buy the arms that you ask for; when it arrives there, these will be forwarded to you. you informed me that at the death of don geronimo de silva his property was distrained, on account of the suit that was proceeding against him for beating a retreat two years ago with the fleet. you petition that in such a case property should be distrained from no one, except the proceedings be always taken in conformity with justice. the same [33] in the other matter which you mention, that in prosecuting the commanders of the ships of the said fleet, process should be conducted by written charges. you say also that because the order of saint john was the heir to the estate of the said don geronimo, you ordered that whatever property might be found should be deposited in the probate treasury, and that the landed property should be administered by the courts. you also notified the said order, that it might decide what course to take, and that any debts of the said don geronimo must first be paid. the matter has been considered, and you and that audiencia will take such measures as are just, in case the estate is any further indebted. you say also that the office of sargento-mayor was held at first by alférezes, and afterward by captains--who drew, however, only the pay of captains; and that sixty-five escudos of ten reals were assigned to don fernando de silva by the treasury council that was held in that city--which sum you understood was paid everywhere to captains ranking as sargentos-mayor--on condition of obtaining my approval, which has not yet been presented, and you ask me to approve it because it seems just that if captains and the master-of-camp receive what is elsewhere received by the sargento-mayor, who has more arduous duties, the latter should receive a salary accordingly. it has seemed unwise to me to make any change. you will give orders, then, that the payment of this salary shall proceed no further; and that no person filling the said position of sargento-mayor shall receive any more than the salary formerly paid; and you will cause the increase to be collected from those who have obtained it, or ordered it, or from their bondsmen, so that the amount shall be immediately deposited in my royal exchequer. in order that this be more exactly fulfilled, i have had decrees to this effect sent to the inspector of that audiencia and the officers of my royal exchequer in that city. this must also be understood in the case of don juan de quinones, whom you appointed to this place. in conformity with what you wrote regarding the sentence which doctor don alvaro de mesa y lugo issued against captain miguel de villegas (who had been a captain in the infantry, and was a substitute in your personal service), of three hundred lashes and ten years in the galleys, i have sent a decree that the said sentence shall not be executed. the said sentence is overruled; and the said don alvaro is to send to my said council an official copy of the proceedings, and the reasons which he had for giving that sentence. in the future military customs must be observed, and no such punishments imposed, as you will see by the said decree, which is sent to you with this letter. in regard to your request that it be proclaimed that the shipmen who serve in those islands--such as pilots, masters, and other officers--need not pay the tax on their salaries in virtue of the decree which i commanded to be sent, ordering the collection of dues on all the grants for offices, incomes and gratuities that are conferred, i think it well that the said shipmen--mariners, pilots, masters, or other persons who draw pay on the rolls--shall be excused from paying the said salary tax; but it must be collected from all other officers holding commissions or decrees in which our favor is declared. you will cause the said decree to be executed in conformity with this. in the letter in which you spoke of the offices to which you had made appointments after you took possession of your duties, you say that on account of the resignation of pedro sotelo de morales, [34] who served as the warden of the santiago fort in that city, you appointed don antonio de leoz to that office with a yearly salary of eight hundred pesos, the same salary which his predecessors have received, with the condition of receiving my approval within five years. but because persons who hold the offices _ad interim_ are not to take more than half the salary which is attached to the office, in conformity with the provisions of various royal decrees, you will take measures and give orders that the said don antonio de leoz or his bondsmen shall return to my royal exchequer any sum that he has received exceeding half the said salary; and i shall write to my royal officials in that city to collect it. you are advised that in the future such appointees are not to receive more than half the salary. [madrid, september 3, 1627.] _i the king_ countersigned by don fernando ruiz de contreras. laws regarding the sangleys [the following laws are translated from _recopilación de leyes de las indias_ (madrid, 1841), lib. vi, tit. xviii. for method of treatment, sec _vol_. xvii of this series, p. 27.] law iii the bishops do not permit the christian chinese who are converted to our holy catholic faith in the filipinas islands to return to their own country, so that intercourse and living among heathen may not cause them to fall into the peril of apostasy; and the governor, knowing that they have no other manner of livelihood except their trading in the neighborhood, buying provisions in order to supply the community, does not allow them to leave manila without permission, which is a very great obstacle and stumbling-block to the conversion of others. we order that no fee be charged for those permits; and the governor shall have great consideration and care, that no trouble results from them, in respect to the chinese having free passage through those islands. [felipe ii--madrid, june 11, 1594.] law ix the goods of the sangleys who come to trade in filipinas with chinese merchandise, and who sell them at wholesale at a price [named] by persons deputed for it (which is what is there called _pancada_), are left in their possession under guarantee that they will not dispose of them without an order from the governor; and that a price will not be set on the small things, but only on certain fine products. and inasmuch as this is advisable, we order that the sangleys be notified who shall have to return to those islands, that they must and shall pass according to the laws and orders that shall be made for them. and, in respect to the pancada, it shall be continued with, all gentleness, so that the sangleys shall not receive any injury; and so that no occasion be given them so that they shall discontinue their coming to attend to their trading. [felipe ii--madrid, june 11, 1594.] law x we have been informed that the sangley indians who go from china to filipinas to trade, receive injuries and harsh treatment from the spaniards; and especially that the guards posted in their ships by our royal officials ask and take bribes from them, in order that they might permit and allow the sangleys to take out certain things that they bring from their country to give to private persons; that the employees who go to register the ships take and scatter all the best merchandise, and leave that which is not of so good quality, from which there results a considerable loss on the balance, and often the sangleys cannot sell what is left, as they could have done with the good merchandise which was taken away from them; that even when the chinese who go to register take the best, the officials say that they will pay for it at the price for which the balance is sold, so that they only pay the price of the worst and common merchandise. thus the chinese lose what would be the most valuable things that they have if they sold them freely; for, fearing lest the employees who go to register take from them the merchandise at the time of evaluation, they place on their merchandise a greater value than it is really worth, so that they pay the duties at the rate at which the merchandise is valued, although the truth is that they sell it later for much less. [we are also informed] that the masts of their vessels are taken from them, in order to step these in the vessels built in those islands, for their masts are light; and that they are given in exchange others so heavy that their ships cannot support them and are wrecked, from which the chinese suffer grievously. and since it is right that when those people go to trade they be welcomed and given good treatment, in order that upon their return to their country, they may take good accounts of the treatment and welcome received from our vassals, that others may thereby be induced to go, and by means of that communication receive the christian instruction and profess our holy catholic faith, to which our chief desire and intent is directed: we order the governors that, after having examined the character of these injuries, they issue the necessary orders for the cessation of such troubles. they shall not allow the sangley chinese, or any other traders, to receive any injury, molestation, or oppression such as is mentioned herein, or others of any sort; and they shall be very careful to treat the sangleys well and to give them good despatch. they shall punish those who offend and aggrieve them. we charge this upon them very earnestly, as it is a matter of great moment to our royal service. [felipe ii--madrid, june 11, 1594.] law xiii we order the governor and captain-general not to allow the citizens and residents of manila to keep sangleys in their houses; and to prohibit them from sleeping inside the city. he shall, if necessary, order the judge of the foreigners to punish him who does not observe this, severely and with heavy fines. [felipe iii--madrid, may 6, 1608.] law vi inasmuch as the alcaldes-mayor of manila have claimed the right to try the suits and causes of the chinese who live in the parián, jointly with its governor, we consider it fitting to order the ruling of ley xxiv, título iii, libro v, which concedes the first instance exclusively to the governor [of the parián], with appeals to the audiencia. [35] now it is our will, and we order the president, governor, and captain-general, and the audiencia, not to allow any ordinary judge or one who has received a commission, to try civil or criminal suits or causes of the sangleys in the first instance, even if they be auditors of that audiencia, who shall be performing the duties of criminal alcaldes; neither shall they try cases regarding the locations or inspection of shops or their trade (for it pertains exclusively to the governor of the parián to try such), except it be a case so extraordinary, necessary, and requisite that it becomes advisable to limit this rule. [felipe iii--ventosilla, october 15, 1603; el pardo, june 12, 1614.] law xi in the city of manila the custom was established that a certain number of fowls be given to the president, auditors, and officials of the audiencia annually at a price lower than the current rate. the governor of the chinese was ordered to make the assessment among all the chinese, obliging them to give weekly so many fowls at a fixed and lower price, and to punish and fine him who did not obey it. that has caused the chinese considerable injury. the governor of the chinese got as many others at the same price. we order that no such assessment be made or asked from the chinese, and that it be left to each person's own will to buy those fowls that are necessary to him, and to the chinese to sell them at the price that they can and that is current. [felipe iii--madrid, may 29, 1619.] law viii many sangleys are converted to our holy catholic faith in the filipinas islands, who are married to native indian women of those islands, and live in the environs of the city. if a site be given them in the unfilled lands where they can assemble and form a village, in order to cultivate and sow the land, in which they are very skillful, they would become very useful to the community, and would not occupy themselves in retailing and hawking food; while they would become more domestic and peaceful, and the city more secure, even should the sangleys increase in number. we order the governor and captain-general to enact thus, and to endeavor to preserve them and to look out for them with the care that is advisable. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, august 25, 1620.] law iv the governor shall have particular care not to impose personal services on the sangleys, outside of their [usual] employment and rules; and he shall endeavor to give them good treatment, in order to induce and incite others to go thither, to be converted to our holy catholic faith. [felipe iii--san lorenzo, september 5, 1620.] law i it is advisable for the security of the city of manila, the island of luzon, and all the other islands of that government, that the number of the chinese be very moderate, and that it do not exceed six thousand, since that number is sufficient for the service of the country; and, if that number be increased, the troubles that have been experienced may result, notwithstanding the permission that was conceded by ley lv, título xv, libro ii, [36] which is to be understood until this limitation is reached. likewise it is advisable that there should not be so many japanese in that city, for they already exceed three thousand, because there has been neglect and carelessness in driving them away from there; while the number of the chinese has been increased through greed for the eight pesos that each one pays for his license. in regard to the above, we order our governor and captain-general to apply the fitting remedy, taking note that the licenses are not to be given for money, or for any other interest, either in their own behalf, or for that of other government employees. they shall only consider what is most advisable to the welfare of the public cause, the security of the land, trade and commerce, and the friendly reception of the foreigners and surrounding peoples, and the other nations with whom there shall be peace. that commerce and relationship shall be continued, and all care and caution shall always be taken so that the chinese and japanese shall not be so numerous, and that those who shall be there may live in quietness, fear, and submission. but that shall not be any reason for not treating them well. [felipe iii--ventosilla, november 4, 1606; madrid, may 29, 1620. felipe iv--madrid, december 31, 1622.] law ii the licenses that the governor of filipinas shall issue so that some sangley chinese may remain in the islands, shall be with the consent of our royal officials, and account shall be rendered of all. the money resulting therefrom (eight pesos for each license) shall be placed in our royal treasury. a separate book shall be kept there, and names and marks [of identification?] shall be entered in it distinctly, so that there may be no concealment. [37] [felipe iii--madrid, january 12, 1614. felipe iv--madrid, november 21, 1625.] law vii the sangleys converted to our holy catholic faith shall not pay tribute for the first ten years after their conversion; after that time it shall be collected from them as from the natives of filipinas. [38] [felipe iv--madrid, june 14, 1627.] law xii the sangley chinese of filipinas have a box with three keys, in which each sangley deposits twelve reals per year in order to meet their obligations to our royal service with that fund. we order that if there be any balance in any year, it be not withdrawn; and that the sangleys be assessed so much less the following year. [39] [felipe iv--madrid, september 10, 1627.] decrees regarding the religious _concerning lawlessness of augustinian religious_ the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila of the philipinas islands: in a letter written to me by don francisco de caravajal campo frio, dated august two of the former year six hundred and twenty-five, he declares that while alcalde-mayor of the province of balayan, he heard that diego larias maldonado had arrived there, who had run away with the wife of a certain man. he had them arrested in the town of batangas, a mission of augustinian friars. he declares that fray antonio muxica, prior of the said order, at the head of his fiscal and choristers, broke open the gates of the prison, and loosed the prisoners, after maltreating the government agents. and although he drew up a report about this action, and informed their superior of it--sending the latter a copy of the report, while he kept the original, in order to give you an account of it--the superior did not inflict punishment, but on the contrary exerted himself to get hold of the original report. but as he did not succeed in this, two religious, accompanied by over one hundred natives, went to caravajal's house, surrounded it, went up stairs where he was, and took away the said [original] report from him, after having bound him and maltreated him by word and deed. although he informed you of it, that crime has not yet been punished. inasmuch as it is not right that such a crime remain without punishment, i have considered it fitting to send you a copy of the said letter, so that if the relation made by the said don francisco de caravajal campo frio be true, you may enact justice, in order that, in the future, it may serve as a warding. for this you shall have recourse to the provincial of the said order. given in madrid, may twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. _i the king_ countersigned by don juan fernando ruiz de contreras, and signed by the members of the council. [_endorsed_: "to the manila audiencia, sending it a copy of a letter written to your majesty by don francisco caravajal campo frio in regard to the outrage committed against him by certain religious of st. augustine, so that, if his report be true, justice may be done."] _granting alms to the augustinians_ the king. to the officials of my royal treasury of the philipinas islands: you know already that it was ordered by a decree of the king my father (who is in glory), dated august seven, of the former year six hundred and one, that a ration for two additional religious be given for four years longer to the convent of st. augustine, of that city of manila, in the manner that it is given to four religious in that convent; and that he prolonged the said time for another four years by another decree of six hundred and sixteen, and for another four years (which are completed) by another decree of may nine, six hundred and twenty. now fray hernando guerrero, of the said order, bishop-elect of the city of nueva segovia in those islands, has reported to me in the name of the said convent, that the religious of his order from the other convents are entertained and treated there in their sicknesses; and that it is in a college and seminary of grammar, the arts, and theology, whence subjects go out to preach the holy gospel. in consideration of that, he petitions me to order that the said ration continue to be given to the said two religious for such time as i may choose. the matter having been examined by the members of my royal council of the indias, i have considered it advisable to order that it be given to them for another four years, that time to run and be counted from the day on which the said last four years were completed. accordingly, i order you to pay to the said monastery of the order of st. augustine in that city, from any revenue that may be in that my treasury, the said ration for the said two additional religious, during the said four years of this prolongation, in the same form and manner as it is given to the other four religious; for such is my will. given in madrid, june eleven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. _i the king_ countersigned by fernando ruiz de contreras. _recommendation of the council of the indias regarding the recollects_ sire: fray pedro de la madre de dios, procurator of the order of discalced augustinians in the philipinas islands, has represented that the poverty of the religious of that order is very great, as they have no income; and inasmuch as medicines are dear, they cannot get the money in order to buy those necessary for the sick, whence it follows that they cannot maintain the health necessary for their attending to the ministry of preaching and instruction among the indians, and the relief of the royal conscience. he petitions your majesty, in consideration of the above, to grant alms to the said religious, so that they be given the medicines urgently necessary to treat themselves, as these are given to the religious of st. dominic and st. francis. he says that what they can use would amount to one hundred and fifty pesos annually. the matter having been examined in the council, and the poverty of the said order appearing, and seeing that they have no income, and having considered how well they serve our lord in the conversion of the natives under their charge; it seems best that your majesty grant favor to the said religious, for six years, of the medicines that may be necessary in order to cure the sick, provided that it do not exceed in any year the stated sum of one hundred and fifty pesos above mentioned. your majesty will show them such favor as is in accord with your royal will. madrid, november 4, 1627. [signed by the members of the council.] [_endorsed_: "council of the indias. november 4, 1627." "+that your majesty might grant concession for six years to the discalced friars of the order of st. augustine, of the medicines necessary for the treatment of their sick." _in a different hand, evidently that of the king_: "+it is well."] decrees regarding the chinese the king. to don juan niño de tavora, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia resident therein: fray melchor de manzano, of the order of preachers, has reported to me, in the name of the sangley chinese who live in those islands, that the said chinese, in order to avoid the wrongs that they received from the [government] ministers who were exacting daily assessments that were levied on them for my royal service, established a chest with three keys, in which each one was to deposit annually twelve reals in silver, in order to aid in the despatches of the warships, galleys, and trading-vessels for nueva españa, the powder-house, the artillery, the building of ships and other undertakings. among other conditions that they required, in order that this assessment might be made among them, was one that they were to have no protector; but that in case one were assigned them, he be not the fiscal of that audiencia, as such office was incompatible with his duties, and because of the experience of long years that it was rather a damage than an advantage to him--and that, for that reason, the said office of protector had been made separate in the beginning from that of fiscal, until don juan de albarado bracamonte, when fiscal, had so negotiated that the said occupation be assigned to him. the father petitioned me that since the said sangley chinese spend so much in aiding my service and pay so fully the salaries to their alcalde, and chief of guard, lesser protector, and to the ministers of instruction, without any expense therein to my royal treasury, it be ordered that the said fund cannot be altered or suppressed, unless the said chinese should voluntarily wish to do away with it or to make some alteration, or change certain of the conditions which they established when the fund was established; and that the said office of protector be distinct from that of fiscal, and that the office be given to a person who will protect and defend them. if there remain any balance in the said fund at the end of each year, he petitions that the chinese be allowed to spend it, without the permission of any person, for the welfare and benefit of their village or church. by that means they will be spared new expenses that must necessarily be made for that purpose. after examination by the members of my council of the indias, of this request and of the statements regarding it by my fiscal of the council, licentiate juan pardo, it was voted that i should order this my decree to be given, by which i command you to provide and order that the said office of protector be not held by the fiscal of that audiencia. from now and henceforth, you shall appoint to it a satisfactory person, giving him the salary that is assigned. you shall charge him to look after the said sangley chinese very carefully, so that they may not be annoyed or vexed, and that no ill treatment be accorded them. you shall order that the balance remaining each year in the said fund be left there, and that the chinese be assessed so much less the following year, after the accomplishment and execution of the aforesaid, you and the said audiencia shall inform me of the status of matters, and what are the facts in regard to what is mentioned by the said fray melchor de manzano, and the advantages or disadvantages, present and future, of what he asks for; so that, after my said council has examined it, the advisable measures may be taken. madrid, september 10, 1627. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ the king. fray melchor manzano, of the order of st. dominic, has reported to me, in behalf of the sangley chinese living in the parian outside the walls of the city of manila, that they experience much extortion and injury, on account of not only what pertains to the christianity that they profess, but their liberty, possessions, and honor, by making them cut their hair when they become christians--a thing regarded as ignominious by their nation, and which is an obstacle to their conversion, and contrary to the orders of the decree of the king our sovereign and grandfather, who is in glory; as also that they pay annually sixty-four reals in silver, in addition to the ordinary tribute, or that they return to their own country, which means that they are forced to abandon the faith which they received with baptism. he declares that that tribute was never paid by the christians until it was imposed by don alonso de faxardo, my former governor of the filipinas islands, contrary to the advice of my audiencia resident therein. fray melchor has petitioned me that, attentive to the above, i be pleased to order that those converted to our holy catholic faith be not obliged to cut their hair, or pay the said tribute, or anything else besides the ordinary tribute paid by the natives of the said islands; or that it be moderated so that their conversion may not thereby be made difficult, and that those who once receive the faith be not obliged to abandon it by returning to their country because of their inability to pay so large a tribute--since the majority of those converted are poor laborers, who cannot earn that tribute. having examined the matter in my royal council of the indias, i have considered it expedient to order this my decree to be issued. by it i order that for the first ten years after their conversion the said sangley chinese pay no tribute, and that none be collected from them, as i have commanded shall be done in regard to the other pagan indians who are converted. after the ten years, the tribute shall be collected from them, as from the natives of the said islands. i order my governor and captain-general of the islands to see that the above is strictly obeyed and observed, and not to allow their hair to be cut, in observance of the decree that has been issued concerning this matter. madrid, november 19, 1627. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ inadvisability of a spanish post on the island of formosa i would consider it a very important fact that the spaniards of filipinas have seized and fortified a site on the island of hermosa, if that would be the efficacious means of driving out the dutch from their fort and from that island by force of arms, but otherwise not. in order to discuss this proposition reasonably, it will be necessary first to investigate the objects that the dutch may have had in order to have fortified, as they have done for the last three or four years, the island of hermosa. some have thought that the purpose of the dutch must be to destroy commerce between china and filipinas, by plundering more at their ease the chinese ships, because they are there near china, and in a place where the fleets from manila which have sometimes defeated them, cannot attack them. but in my judgment, this is not their purpose, although it is a fact that they are very near the coasts of china in the island of hermosa. for that reason, even the chinese, before they set sail, ascertain by means of oared craft whether dutch vessels are waiting in that place. consequently, they either do not leave their ports, or if they leave, accomplish their voyage, since they can do so easily by sailing so as not to go within sight of the island. but it is impossible to escape the dutch ships when they await the chinese on the coasts of filipinas, as they have done since the year 609, when they began that practice, until that of 625. during that time scarcely any ship escaped them; for the dutch generally go to the coasts of filipinas when there is no time to advise the chinese not to leave their country. the latter, having sailed, necessarily fall into the hands of the dutch. however, it is true that when the dutch await the chinese on the coasts of manila, they need a larger fleet; and that they risk its loss by fighting with that of manila. here the capture of the chinese is assured, while for the above reasons (of which the dutch are not ignorant) that is almost impossible in the island of hermosa. in my opinion, then, the purpose of the dutch is to establish a factory in the island of hermosa, in order to trade with the chinese by buying silks from them, and to sail with these to japon (although taking some of them to europa also, as well as other goods), just as the portuguese of macan do. i am persuaded of this, for, while i was sailing from filipinas to nueva españa as captain and master of the ship "san francisco," which was wrecked in japon in the year 609--the first time when the dutch went to that kingdom--the dutch petitioned for a factory from him whom we style emperor of japon, offering to take him silks from china. thereupon it was given to them, notwithstanding that the emperor was informed by the spaniards, and by one guillermo adan [40]--an englishman who had been living married in japon for many years, to whom the emperor turned for information--that the dutch were rebel vassals [of the spaniards] and pirates; and that they could not get the silks if they did not plunder them from the chinese. thus did they establish their factory in the port of firando, where they have maintained themselves to this very day, taking the silks that they have pillaged from the chinese, and certain cloth stuffs from europa, and buying food and supplies for their forces in the malucas and other islands of those regions. governor don juan de silva, having conquered on the coasts of filipinas the fleet of the dutch who were robbing the chinese in the year 610, it was learned from the instructions of count mauricio that they were forbidden to plunder the chinese and other nations, and that they were only permitted to trade with them. thus, although they robbed the chinese, it was on their own responsibility, and incited by greed; and even that they palliated by making a price on the silks, by weighing them, and settling the account for that amount. paying for the goods partly in reals--although only a small part--they gave to the chinese due-bills on the factory of la sunda. i saw those papers in their own flagship, as i was captured by the dutch in the said year 610, when i was returning from the wreck at japon to the filipinas. nor does it contradict this that since then they have continued to plunder the chinese, since they have given out that they do it because the silks were bought for silver which the spaniards of manila are sending to china; and because even supposing that the silks be some belonging to the chinese, they do not wish the latter to trade with the spaniards, their enemies. consequently, although the dutch have pillaged them, it has been by affecting this pretext, and giving them to understand that the dutch were not their enemies. but what most persuades me to believe that this is the object of the dutch is because they are not ignorant of the great advantage to them of buying silks from the chinese and taking their investments to japon; for it is evident to them from the high profits made by the portuguese of macan. that profit will be greater for them because of the greater ease of making the investment, and their nearer and easier navigation. whenever any other nation wishes to trade with the chinese, that trading must be done entirely with silver; and as the dutch can take so little silver from europa, and have no opportunity to get it from japon unless in exchange for chinese merchandise, it is certain that, both because of the high profits of this trade and in order to maintain themselves in their factory at japon--whence they furnish the forts of the malucas, ambueno, and other places with supplies and some food--they will procure the trade with the chinese by all possible means, by maintaining a factory in the island of hermosa. thus, becoming wealthy, they will utterly destroy macan and deprive the filipinas of the trade of chinese silks which they had in japon, which was formerly of so great profit that the investment generally yielded one hundred per cent in eight or nine months. it is to be noted that this trade of macan and filipinas with japon is the principal thing that should be aided by españa, for it does not involve the danger of having the silver of the indias wasted in china, if voyages are made to macan from lisboa by way of india, because it comes from china to portugal, and from nueva españa to the filipinas in return for what is taken to nueva españa. as for the investments made in macan and filipinas for japon, the return for these is silver from the mines of japon itself. now, then, it seems very advisable, for the above reasons, immediately to drive out the dutch from the island of hermosa, if there is any possibility and power therefor, uniting the forces of filipinas, if necessary, with those of macan--to whom the question is so vital, both because of the said reason of the commerce (which is of prime importance), and because the island of hermosa lies in the path of the voyage from macan to japon; and also, i do not deny, because it is possible that the dutch have taken a port in the island of hermosa in order to conquer macan therefrom, to which they are very near, as they attempted to do in the year 622. therefore, it will be more expedient and convenient to drive out the dutch from this island of hermosa as soon as it is attempted; and that will be very gratifying to the chinese, who are much offended at the dutch because of the many robberies of their ships in the filipinas trade that the dutch have committed for the last seventeen years, and are bitterly hostile to them. but although it seems that that hostility will be sufficient, for the present, for the chinese not to make any beginning in commerce in the island of hermosa with the dutch, that disinclination will disappear in a short time--both because of the kind reception that the chinese will experience from the dutch, and because the chinese are so notably covetous that, although they are prohibited under penalty of losing life and property from trading with japon, some ships laden with silks have gone to that kingdom during the last few years, pretending in chinese ports that they are going to the filipinas. the above is what occurs to me in regard to the first part. in regard to the second, namely, that it is not advisable for us to have a port in the island of hermosa, whether the dutch are there or not, my opinion is the following. since the dutch are there, one would think it advisable to prevent them by force of arms from the commerce of china. but for that one must attack either the chinese or the dutch. since the chinese are our friends, and since we cannot live in the filipinas without their trade, i do not see how it can be done justifiably, as they are free to trade with all. even should we attempt it, they will oblige us to permit them [to trade as they choose] by taking the trade from the filipinas. but if it should have to be by attacking the ships of the dutch, new and very long and costly wars would be renewed which would complete the exhaustion of the filipinas, as has been done in those of terrenate. then, too, we would not have greater advantages in this war in the island of hermosa than in those of terrenate; for it also is a war to be carried on with ships, and the dutch have their factories of japon very near by. they are not inferior to us in accommodations, although the island of hermosa is near the filipinas. but if the dutch were expelled from it, neither do i find any advantage in the spaniards having a fort and settlement in that island at present, considering the condition of the filipinas, unless it be to prevent the return of the enemy to refortify it. for first we must determine for that purpose, whether we can prevent that, by the nature of the island and by other circumstances that would render it very difficult--as was seen in terrenate, when, although we had five hundred or more spaniards there, the dutch built another fort almost in sight of ours (which they still hold), as soon as we gained that small island. now, too, although the dutch were fortified first in the island of hermosa, they have not prevented us from effecting a settlement there. for among other things, for such purposes, more men are necessary, and the cost of those men with whom a fortress in a kingdom not one's own is generally maintained. but, as this object is not involved in the other considerations which present themselves to my mind for keeping up a spanish settlement in that island, i do not see that, for the present, the spaniards are obliged to do that. for that island is not of importance to us, either for its own products or for the commerce of china--on the former ground, because it is a poor and barren land, of which it is now always said in the filipinas that it only produces fruits and timber; nor is it for the second, for if it be made a way-station, wherein to invest in the silks of china, that means to add a new voyage from the filipinas, which on account of its expenses cannot make up for the convenience of purchasing in filipinas those same products, which the chinese carry to manila. if one tries to say that, by this means, the chinese ships would not be stopped by the dutch ships that await them on the coasts of filipinas; and that if that voyage be made from the island of hermosa in spanish ships, they will sail more secure: i answer that there is less danger for the ships as they sail now. for, since the chinese do not understand latitude and the directions of the compass perfectly, they do not know enough to go [by direct routes] to sight land in the filipinas, thus making safe the coast where the dutch await them; [41] but in that case [i.e., if they go only to formosa] the dutch, changing their position, would go to await the chinese and our ships near our port or the island of hermosa. since those ships would have to sail so well equipped that they could defend themselves, it would be so costly an undertaking that it could not be maintained--especially at the present time, when the filipinas are so exhausted and so in need of men, by reason of the reënforcements to maluco, the entrances into mindanao, and the insurrections in certain provinces of the natives. besides, there is the so great danger to manila from the swarms of abandoned heathen sangleys who live there, besides other chinese residents who are married and christians, but lazy, and the great number of non-producing japanese there also; and for security and defense from all these, the spaniards do not even possess what is necessary. neither has that island of hermosa such a location that it can be desirable for the ships of filipinas that sail both to japon and to macan, to put in or to seek shelter there; and even less so for those returning from a port where they have taken refuge when they sail to nueva españa, or when, in sailing from nueva españa to filipinas, by arriving late, the vendavals overtake them; or for ships on any other of the courses that we sail today. but if one would say that it is a matter of importance for greater attempts that could be offered in time, by reason of the entrance into or conversion of china, that is not approved now. on the contrary, i fear from the caution and mistrust of the chinese, that if we maintain a settlement in the island of hermosa, and it is not clear to them that it is strictly necessary for that conservation, [they will act] without heeding other ends which they must obtain by way of diverting the trade with the filipinas (since we see that they forced the portuguese to tear down the fortification that they permitted them to erect in macan, in view of the risk of its being captured by the dutch in the year 622, who threatened to return to attempt it with a greater fleet the following year, although they had not returned up to the year 625). they are not unaware that castilians and portuguese are vassals of one and the same king. neither have the dutch failed to publish (as they did in japon), that it is the custom of the king of españa to conquer kingdoms under pretext of religion. that report, according to the religious of japon themselves, has been one of the chief causes for the instigation of so terrible a persecution against christians. very true is it that the success in conversion in which his majesty has so disinterested and holy an end, can neither be assured nor guided only by human reason. consequently, what i judge to be an unsuitable thing might be the best method to attain it. in this argument one ought also to consider the heathen natives themselves in the island of hermosa; but, admitting this, even for them at present i conclude that his majesty is under no obligations whatever, because he has in the filipinas not a few indians who pay tribute, but who do not have sufficient ministers to instruct them. also there are many heathen, who, because their country is not yet conquered, are without any knowledge at all of the holy gospel. but i shall not go into greater detail on this point, for it may, perhaps, seem to be outside the question. neither do i imagine that all that has occurred to me concerning this matter, and much more, has been left unconsidered by don fernando de silva, governor of filipinas, at whose order a site was occupied on hermosa island; for he is a very prudent gentleman and a gallant soldier, and one who will not have permitted the desire for glory and honor, of which the discoverers and conquerors of new lands are justly worthy, to carry him away. yet i do not, on that account, regard myself as under no obligations to advise you of my opinion. madrid, december 20, 1627. _doctor don juan cevicos_ documents of 1628-1629 relation of 1627-28. [unsigned]; july, 1628. report of appointments made by the governor. juan niño de tavora; august 2, 1628. letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; august 4, 1628. economic reasons for suppressing the silk trade of china in spain and its colonies. juan velazquez madrco; october 7, 1628. decrees regarding the chinese. felipe iv; june, 1628-march, 1629. relations of 1628-29. hernando estrado, and others; 1628-29. _sources_: most of these documents are from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla, the first one is from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library); the fifth, from the archivo historico nacional, madrid; and the last, from mss. in the real academia de la historia, madrid. _translations_: the second of these documents is translated by robert w. haight; the second part of the last, by arthur b. myrick; all the rest, by james a. robertson. relation of 1627-28 _copy of a relation-written by a father of this residence of manila on the condition of these filipinas islands, and other surrounding kingdoms and provinces, from the month of july, 1627, until that of 1628._ in the port of cavite, which lies three leguas away from and opposite the city of manila, four very fine galleons were being equipped, that in size and strength could compare with the best in the world. for the flagship was the "concepción;" for almiranta, the "santa teresa;" while the other two were called "san yldefonso" and the "peña de francia." besides these there was another smaller ship called the "rosario," and two other pataches and two galleys. the work was progressing rapidly; for as soon as the merchant ships that sail to nueva españa were despatched, our people had to begin their voyage to the island of hermosa near china, in order to dislodge the dutch who were fortifying themselves there. [42] that might result in notable damage to this city of manila, and to macao, by obstructing their trade with china, japon, and other kingdoms. the food, ammunition, and artillery were already embarked, and many implements of war, in order to carry on the war by sea and land. on july 7. they began to lade the flagship with quantities of tiling which it was also necessary to take. but, burdened with the great weight, the flagship showed that it was not to make the voyage; for it commenced to leak so badly that it could not be kept pumped out. consequently, it was necessary to unlade it, and they had to resolve to leave it behind in the port, to their great sorrow. the galleon "san yldefonso" became the flagship. the season was already advanced, and especially for the galleys, which need more calm weather to enable them to navigate. accordingly, the galleys were despatched ahead july 26, under command of don pedro alcarazo. on august 17, the chief part of the fleet, namely, the galleons and pataches, left port. governor don juan niño de tabora was in the flagship; master-of-camp don lorenzo de olaso in the almiranta; in the "peña de francia," sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante, an old and well-tried soldier; in the ship "rosario," captain lazaro de torres, a daring man in war; and in the other two pataches, two other captains. each vessel carried a quantity of artillery, each galleon having more than forty very large pieces. there were many and very courageous men; although when they saw that contrary weather was setting in it did not fail to dishearten them, as was immediately seen. for scarcely had they left the port of cavite (even before emerging from that bay), when so fierce a storm overtook them that the fleet was in danger of being wrecked. one patache sprang a leak, and commenced to take in water so badly that it was forced to make port and remain there. the governor--seeing that as the season was so late, it was quite possible that he could not get to the island of hermosa and return to port with the fleet; and as quite a long period had passed since any reënforcement had been sent to our fort on the same island of hermosa; and since he imagined that they were suffering very great need of everything necessary--in the probability of what might happen, determined to send captain lázaro de torres ahead with his little vessel the "rosario," which was carrying a large quantity of food. as it was a small, swift-sailing ship, he hoped that it would surely arrive, which was not looked for in regard to the rest of the fleet. we shall relate the experience of this vessel later. our fleet proceeded on its course, but with so contrary winds from the north that they [as it were,] consumed the vessels; and the seas ran mountain high toward the heavens, so that one would believe that they were trying to engulf them. they reached cape bojeador, although after considerable danger. that is the end of the island of manila, where one crosses to the island of hermosa. at that point the storms increased so violently that, a council of the pilots having been called, all thought that they should put in to port; for it was impossible to go any farther until the next year, when the expedition could be undertaken at a better season. they put back, and the fleet reentered cavite on september 6. that was considered as not a little [good fortune by the dutch]; for, as was afterward learned from some dutchmen, whom the portuguese of macan captured, the enemy on the island of hermosa were very weak and determined not to fight, but to leave their fort at the arrival of our fleet. now the dutch will be in a state of readiness, so that it will cost a triumph to capture the fort; and, even, may it please god that we can gain such a result. some fathers of st. dominic and of our society were going in the fleet with the intention of remaining in the island of hermosa, in order to engage in the conversion of its natives who are heathen. as servants of our fathers were also going two disguised japanese fathers, in order to see whether they might go to japon by way of the island of hermosa. their provincial had sent them for that purpose from macan; for, as the door of japon is so tightly closed, ours seek extraordinary means to enter there, to aid that afflicted christian people. but let us return to follow our galleys. one can well guess how they would fare, when so large galleons suffered from the storm. they were struck very severely, but they made their voyage nevertheless, until they sighted the fort of the dutch enemy on the island of hermosa. from there, they put back to this island of manila, in the province of ylocos, because of the violence of the weather. while in port there, they had so fierce a storm that, having been hardly used by the past storm, their seams opened and they went to the bottom. twenty convicts were drowned, and three spaniards. the other men, even the commander himself, got away by swimming, and, as the land was near, they were able to reach it without much difficulty. that disastrous news reached this city october 20. we come now to the ship "rosario" in which captain lazaro de torres was sailing. it made its voyage, although not without trouble. it reached our fort on the island of hermosa, and its arrival gladdened and rejoiced our men greatly, for they were in great need of food. it had been more than a year since aid had been sent to them from manila. at the ship's arrival, it was found that a disaster had overtaken our men. it happened that there was a chief on the river of tanchuy, not far from our fort, who professed great friendship for our men for his reasons of state, which are not wanting even among barbarians. those reasons were that that chief had wars of long standing with another chief whose domain was on the other side of the river; and he wished to have our men on his side, for whatever might happen. our men trusting to his friendship, and forced by the necessity that they were suffering, the commander sent captain don antonio de vera with twenty spaniards to the said river of tanchuy to bring back rice to our men; for that is the ordinary bread, and that country abounds plentifully with it. captain antonio de vera and his twenty spaniards remained one or two months with the chief of tanchuy, who, although he feasted them, did not conclude by giving them the provisions to return. the captain began to fear some detention, and sent to our fort for more men, in order to negotiate with arquebuses what they were unable to compass by kindness; but these were not sent. the chief concerted secretly with his opponent, and made peace with him. one day he took captain don antonio and the other spaniards out hunting; and suddenly attacked them, and killed the said captain and seven others. they first sold their lives, and with greed for death itself, killed some of their false friends, really their enemies--among them the very chief who contrived that treachery. the other spaniards sought shelter in a small boat which they had there, left the river, and went to our fort, giving news of the disaster just as captain lazaro de torres arrived. with the help that had just come to them, they determined to take vengeance for that perfidy. the commandant sent the said captain, lazaro de torres, with one of the galleys which they had there, accompanied by one hundred infantrymen. they entered the river of tanchuy, which is very beautiful, and densely inhabited by the natives. the latter immediately deserted their settlements, and our men went to the rice granaries, and filled their galley and four large champans, which are used as freight ships in these seas. they could have filled fifty if they had had them, so great is the abundance in that country. they captured i know not how many persons; then without doing any more evil or burning their villages, they retired with plenty of food, which was the most important thing. this feat having been performed, the said lazaro de torres returned with his ship to manila, where he entered february 21, 1628. on the same day that our fleet reached the port of cavite, which was, as aforesaid, september 6, 1627, a _cho_ (a craft which is used in these waters, whose sails are made of rushes) came from macan. it warned the portuguese galliots which had come from that city to this with great wealth of merchandise, and which were about to return with about one million in silver, that they should take note that the dutch enemy were stationed in the passage of macan, awaiting them with four ships in order to capture them, and that they should change their direction and course. thereupon, governor don juan niño de tabora, seeing that our fleet was ready, and that it would be a fine thing to effect some stroke with the dutch, as well as for other ends which will be told later, resolved to send two galleons, to act as escort to the macan galliots. the portuguese gave twenty thousand pesos to help the soldiers. on october 13 the said galliots, five in number, left with the flagship "san yldefonse," in which don juan de alcarazo went as commander; in the other galleon, the "peña de francia," don pedro de mendiola went as commander. each galleon carried about six hundred persons. they were so well equipped that they could fight with any dutch ships whatever. father ygnacio de muxica of our society, and a brother, were in the flagship, and a father of st. francis in the other galleon. both galleons suffered great troubles from whirlwinds, seas, and storms all the way to macan. one day our flagship snapped the topmast of its mainmast and it fell down. another day the mast sprang, and knocked the rudder out of place, and it had to be repaired. another day they were all but wrecked on the reefs of la plata. on another occasion they lost their rudder completely, and they had to steer the ship with the sheets of the mizzenmast; on another, they lost their anchors while quite near macan. they grounded in two and one-half brazas of water, and had not the bottom been sandy they would have been smashed into a thousand pieces. they cut down the mainmast and lightened the ship, and got it out of the sand after the greatest of toil, for it was almost buried. the other galleon had its troubles too, but it was fortunate in making port at sanchuan on the chinese coast, where our father st. francis javier died, about thirty leguas from macan. the galliots entered the latter place safely, for the dutch ships were no longer in the strait, as i shall recount later in order not to interrupt at present the thread of our history of our galleons and their adventures. the latter were very ill received by the portuguese because of the twenty thousand pesos which they cost, and because it was seen that the dutch had deserted the strait. they judged the matter by the effect and not by what might have happened had the enemy captured their galliots with so great a sum of silver. our galleons stayed more than three months at that place refitting, stepping a mast and replacing the rudder, and getting food in macan. they bought a patache, of which they had great need. on the eighteenth of february the two galleons and patache sailed out to pursue their voyage. the latter was sent by the commander, don juan alcarazo, to take its station in the bay of the kingdom of tonquin and cochinchina, in order to await a ship from siam of which it should make a prize; and then to go with it in search of the two galleons. the fact is that they had an order from governor don juan niño de tabora to capture all the siamese vessels for reprisal, inasmuch as five years ago a ship was taken from us in that kingdom, although it was friendly to us. the ship was said to be valued at one million in merchandise, and was on its way from macan to manila. several spaniards were killed. an embassy having been sent under father pedro de morejon, as i wrote in another relation, the siamese returned to us only the value of ten thousand pesos. that patache, whose captain was diego lopez lobo, a portuguese, and which carried thirty spaniards, waited two months in the said place, sailing about hither and thither. when the king of cochinchina saw it, fearing lest it capture some vessels that he was expecting in his kingdom, he sent a father of the society (one of those who reside in his court and other places, who i think are sixteen in number) in a small ship to tell the captain not to do any harm to anything belonging to his kingdom, and that he had always been a friend to us. answer was returned that the presence of the ship in that region was not to do harm to cochinchina, but to attain certain purposes which his captain-general had ordered him. finally, on thursday, the twentieth of april, a great freight ship was sighted, one of the sort that sail these seas. the spaniards attacked it, and although its occupants tried to defend themselves, they were obliged to see that they had no defense against our artillery and musketry. they surrendered, and it was found to be the ship which was being sought. it was one which the king of siam sends every year to canton with some tribute for the king of china. it was returning with great wealth of silks and other things, and carried sixty siamese and sixty chinese. half of the men were placed aboard our patache, and soldiers were transferred from the patache to the said siamese ship. the strict vigilance necessary was maintained, as our men were so few, so that they should not be killed some night. the patache set out in search of the galleons, in the direction that had been set. but the winds were contrary in that direction, and they were unable to make any distance. consequently, they had to sail with a stern wind to manila. with their captured reprisal they reached this city on may 14. the cargo of the siamese ship was unladed carefully, and it was found that it was worth about one hundred thousand pesos. it was placed on deposit in a building and excellent treatment is being given to the siamese. but i think that they will be sent to their king, so that he may return us what he took from us, in which case we shall return what we captured from him. if that is not done, then we shall continue to capture their ships. when the two galleons left manila, the governor offered to send a patache after them to a certain place, and did so a little later; it was under command of don fernando becerra, with about sixty men. they had bad weather. they looked for our galleons, and although they found traces of their having been in certain parts, they did not find the vessels. they only found a fine ship which was well equipped with artillery, and, thinking it to be one of our galleons, drew near it. but when quite near they saw that it was a dutch ship, and consequently began to retire in all haste. the ship followed our patache, but as the latter was as swift as a bird it made so much headway in a short time that the ship abandoned the chase in despair. our patache continued to retire toward manila, where it arrived june 6, having lost fifteen men, who died of sickness, among them a franciscan religious who was aboard. consequently, our galleons were left without any patache, for one patache came in with the siamese ship and the other did not find them. that was a matter of considerable damage; for, as the galleons were so large, they drew much water, and could not well go close to the shore in order to secure the desired results--as we shall see during the course of their voyage, which was as follows. as soon as they left the patache in the said passage for the purpose of capturing the siamese ship, they ran along the whole coast of asia until they reached the island of hainam, where the fishery of great china is located, a place most plentifully supplied with food. they went to the kingdom of champa, and anchored at pulo condor, where they sent out their lanchas with forty spaniards, and about twenty indians and negroes, to see whether they could get the water which was very necessary to them. in the meantime the galleons kept moving about on one tack or another; but they were overtaken by so violent a storm that they had to go to another island called pulo ubi, leaving the lanchas with their men ashore, and as yet nothing has been heard of the latter. but it is thought that they are in camboja, for that king is friendly to us, and will have welcomed them, as they were only eight leguas from the bar of camboja. [43] thus the galleons were left without pataches or lanchas. they went to pulo to land at the kingdom of pan, where they anchored and got water; and they took food from the inhabitants of the country until the latter arose against and wounded some of our men. but our men killed some of them, among them a nephew of the king of pan himself. the spaniards took away two boats from them, from which they made boats such as we use. while at that place, a ship manned by chinese and malays was captured. they were coming with flags and passports from the dutch, with whom they were trading. they were captured on that account, although they had nothing of any value, for they had left their merchandise in the kingdom of pan. it was heard that there were dutch ships in the strait of malaca, which were committing depredations. the spaniards sent a lancha manned by soldiers and an adjutant, to reconnoiter; but after spying carefully until they were quite near malaca, no dutch were discovered, and they returned to the galleons with that news. while they were there, the king of pan wrote in very complimentary manner to our commander, and, not saying that he knew of the death of his nephew, offered our men everything that they needed, so great fear had seized him. a lancha was sent to the kingdom of patani to see whether there was a dutch factory there, as was usual. two javanese were brought back, who said that two years ago, when that kingdom was in power, they had driven the dutch from that place. they had a great quantity of pepper (which is the product yielded by that kingdom), for there was no one to whom to sell it, as they had sold it to the dutch before. the commander wrote to them to have their men take a load of it to manila, and that it would be bought from them; and also that he would give them indemnity for a slight injury which some of his men had done them, not knowing that they were friends, by taking a small quantity of rice from them, which the fleet and those who brought it needed. the men fled, without giving any account of themselves. the galleons went to the coasts of ligor and siam, and discovered three _somas_, freight ships of these seas. the lanchas attacked them; and, while fighting with them, fire was set to two jars of powder that the spaniards had there. twelve persons were burned, seven of whom died. thereupon they retired, and the somas escaped. afterward three other somas were discovered, which were coming from siam. the lanchas were sent after them and defeated them, and brought them to the galleons. they were carrying as merchandise, rice, considerable pepper, and some cloth. the last named was much needed by the infantry, who already had rib shirts on account of the long voyage. the galleons entered the bay of siam, and found three somas on the bar. one was japanese, and carried drugs and merchandise. it was captured in good faith, but the justification of this act is being discussed. it is thought that the japanese will be remunerated for the injury received, as they ought not to have been harmed. another of the somas belonged to the siamese king, and was being laden to go to china for the purpose of trading lead, ivory, silver, leather, etc. as they were unable to get it outside of the bar, for it was very large and needed the high tide, they set fire to it and took the siamese to the galleons. that would have been a prize or reprisal of importance had it been captured, and not burned. then another siamese soma laden with pepper and tin was captured, and a reprisal was made of it. the galleons returned, reconnoitering all those ports, to see whether there were any dutch in them. although they did not find any, they left those kingdoms in terror, for although our galleons were very large, report made them much greater. rumor said that each one contained more than one thousand men, and pieces of vast size, which fear magnified greatly. finally, the two galleons returned to port on the thirteenth of june after an eight months' voyage, with the death of more than forty men. the galleon "peña de francia" had many sick men, but only one man had died in the flagship; and he had died in port, as he was sick when he had embarked. the chief cause was the great care taken of the sick. that was attended to chiefly by the father and brother of our society who were in the said flagship. thus they all arrived safe and sound and happy, and all this city was joyful over their return. [44] i said above that when our galleons arrived at macan with the galliots they did not find the dutch ships, and i said that i would tell why; and i shall do so now, before passing on. while the chinese of macan were awaiting the ships from yndia, and thinking of making the usual voyage to japon with four ships which they had already prepared, two ships and a patache and a galliot of the dutch came in sight of the city, on july 21. the larger ship and the galliot stationed themselves in an entrance where the galliots from india enter and those for japon leave. the other smaller ship and the patache took the other entrance, where the vessels that sail from manila and other places enter. the design of the dutch was to capture the vessels en route from yndia, filipinas, and other kingdoms; and to prevent the voyage to japon, which forms the chief gain of the city of macan. the people, seeing their affliction--and that a galliot en route from yndia had escaped the enemy as by a miracle, and entered the city safely; and that they had scarcely been able to despatch to japon one of the ships which they had prepared, at great risk of the dutch capturing it, which the latter made all possible efforts to do--set about preparing a small fleet of merchant vessels to see whether they could lure away some vessel of the enemy, and attack and capture it. five ships and six chos were prepared, the latter weak vessels which sail the chinese seas. artillery was mounted in them which could not have been very large, for the ships were not very large or strong. commanders were appointed for all of them. a father of our society embarked in each one for the expedition. in short, everything was prepared with the efficient care and solicitude of the chief captain of macan, don felipe lobo, who was governing that city. it only remained to assign the chief commander of all, over which there was great strife, for all wished to command and no one to obey. consequently, one thing was resolved upon, which except among the portuguese of yndia, where there is so little practice in war or military knowledge, could not pass, and will cause laughter to whoever reads it--namely, that each one of the commanders of the ships should have command for his day, and should be superior of the others. they were to begin by lot, and he who should get the first lot was to have command the first day, and he the second who should get the second lot, and so one with the others, until the five days were finished. then they were to take command again in the same way. they left port and found that the flagship of the dutch was alone; for the galliot which accompanied it had gone to japon, and the other ship with the patache had gone to their fort on the island of hermosa. the portuguese attacked the ship with great energy and valor, although with little plan, and defeated it. the dutch captain-general, who was a circumspect man, by name nicholas cadem, sailed out to seek a hot engagement, and was killed. thereupon the dutch boldly set fire to the powder-barrels and blew up a great part of the ship, many of the dutch jumping into the water. they were picked up by the portuguese and taken into their ships. twelve men of the portuguese were killed and twenty-seven of the dutch, while some thirty odd were captured. the half-burnt ship of the enemy was taken to macan. they captured fourteen pieces of artillery in it and more than one thousand balls and other weapons. it was a pity that that ship was burned, for it was very fine and was well built. it was covered and lined with leather and sheets of lead. however, it is said that it will be of use if repaired. that victory happened on august 25, 1627. consequently, when our galleons arrived with the galliots, the sea was already cleared of the enemy. since we do not find a port of china in macan it will be right for us to enter the interior, and we shall tell what is passing [there] in the spiritual and temporal. christianity continues to increase. there are twenty-two members of the society in all china, established at the court of pequin and other chief cities. ours go about there with more liberty and publicity than they have ever done. happy times are expected if the uncle of the king who is now reigning enters into the kingdom, as is heard, and if the king is held in guardianship, as he is a boy. the latter succeeded his brother who died. [45] immediately upon entering his kingdom, he exiled from his court a eunuch, a prime favorite of his brother, who had command of everything and even played the tyrant; he also exiled other favorites. the seas of that kingdom of china are infested with pirates from china itself, and they are so numerous that it is said that there are more than a thousand ships of them. they pillage everything and infest all places, and have sacked and burned many maritime places of that great kingdom. they have been the cause this year of very few ships coming to these islands to trade; for the mandarins have put an embargo on all ships, in order to build a large fleet to oppose the said pirates. a large stone was found in the interior of china with chinese and some chaldean characters, which tell how preachers of the gospel came to china a thousand years ago and preached the gospel. they had bishops, and many churches and christians, and the mysteries of our faith were established there. as it is a long matter i shall not relate it here, but shall only say that after having examined the circumstances, it appears to be true, without ground for doubt of it. [46] father juan adan, of the society of jesus, wrote the following. he lives in pequin. "the affairs of this kingdom of china are in a condition of perfect peace. a rumor was current many days ago that the tartar king, the fear of this empire, was dead. [47] as he had many sons, and had conquered many lands from his other neighbors, the sons will be kept quite busy for some few years in coming to terms with one another, and in dividing and maintaining what their aged father left them. a few days ago, a mandarin related to father nicolas longobardo [48] that he had seen in the palace an image of a woman with two small boys and an old man. it must be david who was playing the harp for them. it is not an idol of the chinese, for the image is about a thousand years old, and was a present from foreigners in the time of tam-chao, when our holy law entered china, as your reverence will already know from the stone which was found, and the painting of the old man on linen, a figure which resembles us. this point needs investigation, in order that we may know what it is with greater certainty." the father continues, making mention of an earthquake that happened in china. let us return to the island of hermosa, whence a boat came on march 13, with the news that a great mandarin had come from china to our fort, to ascertain what people they had recently received as neighbors. i will briefly state the reason for his coming. a chinaman bribed by the dutch took certain memoranda to the mandarins, in which a thousand evil things were said of the spaniards (namely, that they were certain robbers), while the dutch were praised--all with the object that trade be forbidden with manila, and opened with the dutch, which is the thing that they have always been trying to do, and to which the chinese have always been opposed. another chinaman was not wanting who took up the matter on his own account, and said: "the dutch who pillage those kingdoms, and are rebels to their king, are rather the robbers and pirates, and not the spaniards, who are good men; with them we trade in manila, and they do not constrain us except by many very good works." upon seeing that, the viceroy of the maritime provinces sent the said mandarin to the new port which we had occupied in the island of hermosa, to examine and investigate what kind of people we were, and what were our purposes in making a settlement so near china. the mandarin was very cordially received by the commandant of the island of hermosa, antonio carreño de valdes, who regaled him and made much of him, and gave him a fine present at his departure. he told the mandarin that our intentions were good, and that we did not intend to harm china, but rather to aid them by punishing the pirates who infested those seas. the mandarin was despatched, but put back once and twice to the fort. he was received well each time and well treated by the said commandant. he put back the third time, and for shame refused to return to our fort, but anchored not far from it; there the natives cut his moorings one night, and, drawing the ship to land, entered it and pillaged whatever they wished, and treated the mandarin with contumely. in the morning, when the commandant got wind of the affair, he sent a troop of soldiers. attacking the natives with orders not to kill them (for the soldiers shot their bullets into the sky), they captured some chiefs. thereupon, the chiefs restored to the chinese mandarin what they had pillaged from him; and, in order to regain their liberty, handed over to us their sons as hostages, who are being reared in our fort. thereupon the mandarin was sent away, very thankful. an account of all this affair was sent to manila to the governor, who immediately despatched the father-provincial of st. dominic--who knows the chinese language, and has tried by various ways and means for many years to enter china, but never has been able to succeed. [49] this despatch seemed now to be a good means to him--i mean to the said father-provincial--so that in company with the said commandant of the island of hermosa, they might go to the viceroy of the maritime provinces with a very rich present of silver, cloth, and other things. those articles were sent for that purpose so that those provinces might make a treaty with our fort on the island of hermosa, where the said father-provincial is preparing to go with the commandant on the embassy, the result of which i shall tell next year. the aid of food and ammunition was sent to the forts which we have in the malucas islands this year, as usual. three pataches went, under the command of a valiant soldier, captain francisco hernandez. the dutch had received a very large and well-equipped ship, with which they were waiting to capture our relief expedition. the two pataches easily escaped, and sought the protection of our forts. but the ship in which the said captain francisco hernandez was, seeing that it could not escape, courageously went to attack the [dutch] ship. when that was seen from our fort of terrenate, the galley was despatched to the aid of our ship. the latter grappled with the hostile vessel and fought so courageously, that its men were about to enter the latter, when, the dutch firing a piece, it struck in the powder which had been brought up on deck for the fight. thereupon our vessel caught fire, and the men took to the water, and reached the shore, which was near, by swimming. the galley, which through fear of the powder of our ship which was blown up, had approached very near the enemy's ship, was capsized by all the men going to one side. consequently, all its men took to the water in order to escape by swimming. thus the enemy were victorious, although more of their men were killed than of ours. they tried to take the galley, notwithstanding its condition, but it sank in a few moments. that was a great misfortune. the enemy were triumphant, and made much ado about the outcome. the camucones are certain robbers who live on the sea, and constantly infest our seas of filipinas; they came this year, as they have done in others. a small fleet of our caracoas--vessels that look like galleys, although they are smaller and weaker--went out to attack them from the island of oton. our vessels captured three of the enemy's caracoas, while four others grounded on the beach. the latter were burned by our indians, and the camucones who disembarked were killed. therefore, we are free from that canaille for this year, and they nave done us but little harm. a large hostile caracoa was discovered on the coast of the city of cebu. the spaniards went out to it and, having overtaken it, its people instead of surrendering and delivering up themselves, received our men with a volley of stones which they cast from certain slings, and showers of spears. when our men saw that the enemy would not easily come to terms, they attacked and killed them. only six of them were left alive, who with the prize and boat were taken to the said city of cebu, where the attempt was made to ascertain their purpose and from what land they came. but it was impossible to ascertain anything, for they understood none of the languages spoken here, although there are so many. they were thought to be people who had been blown from some island. [50] they were naked, and had no firearms, nor even weapons of iron. their ship had no nails, and a chisel that was found was made of bone. they ate lice with a good grace--by that propensity, being people of good taste. some thought them to be from an island more distant than borney; for the inhabitants of that island eat lice, and the fat ones with especial liking. the governor established a shipyard this year in the province of camarines--which is a part of this island of manila--in order to build a couple of galleons, two or three galleys, and a like number of brigantines, for there was need of all. for that purpose he sent some spaniards, and a number of chinese and indians, to build the ships; a considerable quantity of iron for nails, much rice for food, four pieces of artillery to garrison themselves, and, in short, all that was necessary. they settled at the said place and began their building. the king of jolo left his island, which was subject and tributary for a long time, and it was years since he was rebellious. he went out with two thousand men, in more than thirty caracoas, which are called _joangas_ when they are large. he came among our islands, and first captured from us a ship and a quantity of iron (which is an article that they esteem highly). they also captured balls, fuses, and all that the ship was carrying to the shipyard. then they captured another ship from us with sixty indians and two spaniards, who were going to cut wood for the building of the ships. they had interpreters, and found out where the shipyard was located. they went there before dawn, landed seven hundred well-armed men, and commenced to kill and rob. the spaniards were quite off their guard, and had not fortified themselves and mounted the artillery, as they ought to have done. they quickly seized their arms, and began to fire their arquebuses. the enemy first killed for us two of our spaniards, whereupon only twelve spaniards were left. of the other men the enemy took no account, for many were already captured or killed. some tried to flee, and some sought the shelter of our arquebuses in a storehouse where the provisions were kept, where the spaniards had retired, and where they remained fighting, because of their few number, until shortly after midday. by that time five of them were wounded, and only seven were left who could fight. they ran short of ammunition and fuses, because the enemy had taken them, as i have said. thereupon, they resolved to embark in a large boat which they had, back of the said storehouse on a river, his majesty's silver, all the arms, the women and children, and the other indians who had taken shelter there. immediately the twelve spaniards, both the wounded and the sound, embarked, and went up the river. therefore, the camp was left to the king of jolo and his men. they remained there for some days, eating and drinking as if in their own homes. they embarked the four pieces of artillery which our men could not take, and collected all the iron that they could load into their ships; and even then they did not take all that there was, for there was much of it. consequently, they left a great part of it ashore. they robbed many things of value, and a great quantity of rice which they found--a matter of about one thousand fanegas--they scattered and threw into the sea, for they had no need of it. they killed and captured many, and among them a spanish woman, and thereupon they retired triumphant. however they were surprised that so few castilians, as they say, made front for so long against so many of their men. the king left a letter for the governor; and one of the seigniors of europa could not apparently write more prudently or in more just manner. he said in the letter that he had made that demonstration because a chief of his named achen, having been sent as ambassador to manila, had been ill-treated here. he had been thrust into prison and his possessions taken away from him, among them three exceedingly beautiful pearls of extraordinary size, such as are obtained in that kingdom and island. it is a fact that all the above was done to his ambassador achen; but the reason for it was because, after he had been honorably despatched from manila in order that he might return to his country, he sailed out with his vessel, which resembled a beautiful small galley, pillaging all whom he met. consequently, men were sent against him; and they captured him on his way and took him to manila, where they took away his possessions and imprisoned him. although they might have hanged him, they did not do so, but despatched him to his country once more. he returned thence for the second time as ambassador, with a very haughty and arrogant message. they sent him away, and he went to the limits of these filipinas islands; and as soon as he thought that he would be safe, began to pillage, and took refuge [with his allies]. accordingly the king of jolo was ill informed in what he wrote. the latter, on leaving the shipyard, attacked another of our islands, called bantayan, where he was resisted by three spaniards and one secular priest with arquebuses, until their powder was gone. that happened during the night; and then the spaniards and the ecclesiastic retired, whereupon the joloans landed. inasmuch as the island abounds in certain large thorns, which form its greatest defense against a barefooted enemy, such as are the joloans, they wore as a protection certain wooden shoes resembling coarse leather sandals [_abarca_] with which they landed. they captured many of the natives. then they attacked ogonuc, a village in charge of the fathers of the society, and pillaged it, as well as what our house and church contained, even to the bells. the father was not there, and so they did not capture him. the enemy took heavy spoils in everything; but, what was a cause for greater pain, they captured more than three hundred indians. they sell them as slaves to heathen kingdoms, and in the end the slaves become like the masters. while the above was happening, as report of it had already gone forth, the commandant of cebu and lieutenant of the captain-general, christobal de lugo, prepared his fleet of caracoas, in order to go out to engage the enemy and take away their booty. he sailed out and sighted the enemy at two in the afternoon. the enemy, seeing him, began to flee; and in order to do so with greater freedom, abandoned astern some eight small boats boats--a matter of small importance. our fleet continued to pursue them, but they put so much strength into their rowing that they distanced our men. their craft are extremely swift, and have two prows, so that it is unnecessary to turn about in order to flee. the night descended, and the enemy escaped, to the great grief of our men. they, seeing the so great disaster that was happening to us, and that the enemy had gone away making a jest of us, sent father fabricio sarsali of our society from the city of cebu with orders to go to manila to inform the governor, and get permission from him to go to seek the enemy in their own country. for that purpose they needed food, some silver, and some soldiers, besides those that they had there. the father came, negotiated successfully, and all that he requested was given him; and they were ordered to go to punish the joloan enemy. however they were not to approach a strong fort that the joloans had on a hill on top of a steep rock, as that was a very dangerous undertaking, where twice in former years the spaniards had been defeated. accordingly, the capture of that fort required a greater force and a more favorable opportunity. the father returned with his despatch. the caracoas of the island of oton and those of cebu were prepared, which formed, as it were, two squadrons. many other caracoas of volunteer indian chiefs joined them, so that all together they numbered thirty or forty. about two hundred spaniards and more than one thousand six hundred indians embarked in them. on april 22, they reached the beach of the island of jolo. at one o'clock of the day, the commander landed one hundred spaniards and a number of indians, leaving the other men behind for the defense of the fleet so that it might come to no hurt. they espied a flourishing settlement, of which they had hitherto had no information; for the king and his men live on top of the hill, for greater safety. but, being desirous of enjoying trade and commerce with other kingdoms, they had built that city. between it and us was the river. seeing that this matter was one of quickness and determination, they immediately crossed the river, part in boats, but the majority in water up to their waists. they attacked the settlement, and although the joloans tried to resist, they were unable; accordingly, they retired, and our men entered the settlement and sacked it. it contained quantities of gold, cloth, and other things, especially in the palaces of the king, which were very rich and beautiful, and curiously carved, as was also the mosque. that island is inhabited by moros. our men captured three versos and two falcons, one hundred and fifty muskets and arquebuses, and a flag which the enemy had captured from us in the shipyard. they esteemed the flag very highly, as they had captured it from spaniards. the spaniards set fire to the settlement and to a village of lutaos, who are fishermen, as well as to the alcaicería which the chinese had there. everything was burned, including a very large supply of rice which they had gathered, and which will cause them great want. a quantity of powder and sulphur was also burned, besides more than sixty joangas. these were the ships of their fleet, in which they went out to pillage, using besides more than a hundred other small craft, which also were broken up and burned; so that not a single ship was left to them. then the spaniards looked for the tombs of the kings, in accordance with the order given from manila by the governor. the tombs are highly esteemed by the joloans. they found three wonderful and splendid ones, especially one of them, which was the one for the present king. they also burned these, although the joloans tried to prevent them. all this was accomplished in the same afternoon when much of the fleet arrived; the men then retired to their ships. next day, which was easter sunday, the spaniards heard that at a certain point there was a large joanga belonging to the same king, and three versos. again they disembarked and burned the said joanga and captured the versos. upon all these occasions the captain-general was the first to disembark, the last to enter the vessel, and the first in all places where they went. with him went father fabricio sarsali, with a banner on which was an image of our father st francis javier, who had been taken as patron of that expedition. after all that had been accomplished, the commander, don cristobal de lugo, sent a letter to the king which had been sent him from manila by the governor, in reply to that which the king had written him. the governor had ordered that the letter should not be sent until after the punishment had been accomplished. the king replied, as the senate of venecia might have done, with more courtesies and reasons of state. for writing it he employed as secretary the spanish woman whom he had captured at the shipyard, who is named doña lucia, of whom he is very fond. consequently, although the spanish commander tried to ransom her and offered as much as six hundred pesos for her, the king would not surrender her--answering that it was not consistent with his greatness to give her up for money; but that he would send her freely, if they would give him in recompense the falcons and versos which they had captured from him, and one of the slave women who was in our power. the slave woman was sent him, but not the artillery, and a fine thing it would have been to arm the enemy to ransom one woman. thus did she remain in their power, but made half a queen. some of the enemy were killed, and others captured. some of those whom the king had captured from us came to us, but not all, for most of them had been sold in other kingdoms. great was the booty, and the indians who went on that expedition were rich and eager for other expeditions. not a single one of our men was killed or wounded. thus all of them returned to embark, laden with spoils and happy. the enemy were left chastised and ruined for many years. then our fleet went to another island near there, called taguima, whose inhabitants went out to pillage with the joloans. they had already been advised, and accordingly fled to the mountains. our men landed, and burned a large village, in which there was nothing but common things. they laid waste all the palm-trees, and did them all the damage possible. then the fleet went to the island of mindanao. a letter was despatched from the port of la caldera to the sultan of that island, notifying him to come to see our commander, but he refused to do so, and made excuses; but the truth was, that he was afraid. he sent an ambassador and wrote a letter to the governor of manila, in which he begged for fathers of the society and one hundred infantrymen to build a fort (which is the thing that we desire), from which to destroy the joloans, who are also his enemy at present. a great portion of the province of cagayan, which is located in this island of manila, has been in revolt for some years. an extensive raid was made this year by our spaniards and two thousand friendly indians. some of the enemy were killed, and eight villages burned. the country was laid waste, with the fields that the enemy had there; and thus were they punished for the insolent acts that they had committed. consequently, these islands have four wars on the tapis at present: in the island of hermosa, with the natives and the dutch; in terrenate and the malucas islands, with the dutch also; in jolo and other near-by islands whose inhabitants infest our seas; and in cagayan with the insurgents. for so much war we must have greater aid from españa and nueva españa, so that the condition of these islands may not fall lower. i will conclude this relation with the fires that we have experienced this year, which have been many and important. the convent of st. francis, the hospital, and other houses were burned in maluco. the convent of st. nicolas (which belongs to the recollects) in cebu was burned march 29; and that of st. augustine and a great portion of the city on april 8. it was a miracle that our residence escaped, for the fire was near it. fire caught, at one o'clock at night on march 13, in the parián or alcaiceria of the chinese, where more than twelve thousand chinese live, outside the walls of this city of manila. inside of five hours it was all leveled. it naturally seems impossible that so large a settlement, with wooden pillars which two men could not encircle, could have burned in so short a time. but that must have been the fire and punishment of heaven for the so horrible sins by which those heathen chinese have provoked the wrath of god. the church and convent of st. dominic, which is one of the most splendid wooden buildings that there can be, escaped from the midst of this fire of sodom. a house owned there by the society, which was even yet unfinished, was also unburnt. all the rest was burned to the very foundations. the inhabitants of manila, who owned many of the houses, lost considerable in that fire. but in the space of four months, most of that alcaicería has been rebuilt in squares and straight streets and uniform houses. it presents a very beautiful appearance, and is as large as the city of manila itself. it is no wonder that a city should be built entire in so short a time, when more than three thousand men have worked on it. i do not know whether there can be any other part of the world than manila where there are so many workmen and so abundant materials. [volume i of the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library) contains the following synopsis of another relation for the years 1627-1628.] _events in the filipinas islands from august, 1627, until june, 1628._ in august, 1627, governor don juan niño de tabora left the bay of manila with the fleet, going toward the island of hermosa in order to drive away the dutch who had established themselves there two years before the spaniards. the fleet sailed out of season, for the relief ships from nueva españa arrived a month later than they ought. accordingly, the fleet encountered northerly winds when they reached cape bojeador. they remained there for some days, beating to windward, until after several storms they had to put back to manila. the galleys joined the fleet at bangui, which is located at the same cape. the smaller vessels, not being able to withstand the weather, became separated from the fleet; and one of them, with the heavy storm that overtook them, ended its voyage at a port of china, in the province of fo-chiu, and another at the island of hermosa. the galleys lost their moorings at bangui, where the earth and even the sea trembled fourteen times in one day. hills were toppled over; and one called los caraballos, which was on the road to nueva segovia, and was inaccessible, sank and became very level. some of the convents of the dominican religious (who instruct that province) fell. the hurricane wrecked immense numbers of trees, which covered the beaches of the sea. by the middle of september the weather moderated. the commander of the galleys, not knowing that the galleons had put back, continued his voyage, and reached the point on the island of hermosa, and entered the dutch port without knowing it. he went within cannon-shot, reconnoitered the port, and sounded the coast. he observed the fort, and the preparations made by the dutch, who were fearful of some attack. then he went to a small island inhabited by chinese fishermen, who received him cordially; they expressed hatred for the dutch, and their desire to aid the spaniards to drive them from the island of hermosa. they had some dutch prisoners, who had been shipwrecked from a galleon that had been lost on their coasts, or on the reefs of the said island. the galleys sailed thence toward our port in the island of hermosa, but so furious a north wind caught them, when near it, that they were carried to cape bojeador in five days; and they were able to make the port called japones. there another storm struck them on the first of october, and the two galleys were smashed to pieces, although the artillery and men were saved. the ship that put in at fo-chiu returned to the port of the island of hermosa with whose infantry and that of another small patache, which had arrived before, and with some silver and clothing which it carried, the fort was relieved; and its garrison were able to punish, as they did, the chinese who had killed two captains, with twenty-five or thirty spaniards. the governor, having returned to the bay of manila with his galleons, was notified from macao, before he had disembarked, that four dutch vessels had been sighted, whose intention was to make prizes and prevent the commerce. he sent two galleons as a convoy for the portuguese galleys of that port; but when they reached macao the dutch vessels were no longer there, the battle having already occurred which was referred to in the preceding document. the two galleons having been freed [from the convoy] went--after suffering a severe storm in which they were nearly wrecked, from the effects of which they had to be repaired--in accordance with the orders of the governor, to scour all the coast as far as malaca in pursuit of the dutch. for that purpose they equipped a patache before leaving macao, while another patache was despatched from manila to join them. during the eight months while the voyage lasted, those four boats scoured all the places where the dutch are accustomed to go, without omitting any save to enter jacatra [51] itself. they went first to the island of aynao [_i.e._, hainan], which has four cities, and is the pearl fishery of great china. then they skirted the coast of cochinchina, where the king sent to request them, through a spaniard who was there and the superior of the mission which the fathers of the society have there, not to attack them, since he was our friend. they did not meddle with his possessions, but, before leaving the coast, captured a junk belonging to the king of siam, which was coming from canton laden with silks, earthenware, and tobacco, which was valued at more than fifty thousand ducados. between the islands of pulo condor and puluibi, which are opposite the kingdom of camboja, one of the two pataches met a very large dutch ship, which it was thought was going to siam, where the galleons were awaiting it. but it was not so, and it was believed to have gone to japon. the raid of the fleet, and especially of those galleons, was feared by all the kings of the coast and by those of java and borneo, and they desired peace with the spaniards. even the mandarin of fo-chiu thought that the fleet was going to attack china, and ordered an agent to go to the island of hermosa to find out about it. the relief expedition sent to maluco had the outcome mentioned in the preceding document. during that year, the old king of ternate died at manila. he had been captured at the recovery of the malucas. he was a moro, of royal appearance and speech; and died in the moro belief, of which he had always been most observant. he thoroughly understood the teachings of our holy faith, and said that the only reason that he did not embrace it was because it was not fitting for a king to change his religion because he had been captured. this document refers to the invasion of the islands by the king of jolo, in the same manner as the preceding document; and concludes by saying that after he had been punished, the spaniards began to build three galleys, four brigantines, and forty large caracoas at the order of the governor; and that they must be preparing themselves to take vengeance on the moros of borneo, and the camucones and joloans, for the damages sustained from them during the preceding years. report of appointments made by governor tavora sire: proceeding in conformity with what your majesty orders me by royal decree, dated at madrid on the twentieth of january, one thousand six hundred and twenty-five, and countersigned by señor don fernando ruiz de contreras, directing that i should send a relation of the places, offices, encomiendas, gratuities, incomes, allowances, additional pay, and whatsoever other advantages i might confer, making a special record for this; after having complied with this, and sent an account in the ships which left this island for nueva españa in the year six hundred and twenty-seven, i have thus far made appointments to the following encomiendas, places, and offices: captain blas lopez baltadano was granted, in the name of your majesty, the encomienda of natives at agonoc and its dependencies in the province of camarines, which was left vacant by the demise and death of don diego arias xiron; it contains four hundred and sixty tributary indians, each one of them paying every year ten reals, two for the royal revenue, and the rest for the encomendero. four reals of the latter are paid in kind--a hundred and ten gantas of rice in the husk, fit for sowing and cooking; and two fowls for one real; the rest being in money, of which two reals are paid to the minister who instructs them. this grant was extended to him in conformity with the law of succession, for services which he has rendered your majesty during the twenty-eight years past while he has been in these islands, at first as a soldier in the company of captain juan de laxara. he was in the expedition for the discovery of the province of tuy, as an adventurer and head of the veteran soldiers. he was corregidor of butuan, and afterward went to the coast of caraga, against the natives of mindanao, as commander of a caracoa which belonged to him; and likewise in other parts of mindanao, where he burned six caracoas and protected and defended the natives of his jurisdiction. later, while corregidor of ybalon, he attended to furnishing provisions for the galleys which were sent there to await the ships from nueva españa, as the dutch were there again. he spent therein a great deal of labor, as he was obliged to bring the supplies from another jurisdiction, since there were not sufficient in his own. twice he was alcalde-mayor of pangasinan, where he brought about the reduction of the rebellious indians, through the wise counsels of war which he gave. a few of them were executed, and they surrendered and sued for peace. he was in the expedition which governor don luis perez das marinas made to camboxa, holding a captaincy and paying his own expenses. in the port of pinal he performed great labors in seeking supplies and money for the troops of another fleet. at that time he was appointed royal alférez, and came out wounded in his left arm from an encounter which he had with the portuguese of macan, in attempting to capture their commander. after his arrival at this city, he was made captain of spanish infantry in the said province of pangasinan, and twice their commander-in-chief, beside being alcalde-mayor and corregidor of butuan at two other times. during this time he performed other services, as appears from the documents which he presented before me. on the said encomienda there was levied and exacted from him fifty pesos of pension, each year, which are to be given and paid to alférez juan gomez, these being a part of the hundred which he holds from the encomienda of yguey and its dependencies, belonging to captain juan bautista perez de helquera, in the said province of camarines, by a grant which was made of that sum to the said alferez juan gomez by the royal audiencia of these islands, when their government was in its charge through the death of governor juan de silva. the said fifty pesos are taken away from the said encomienda of yguey that it may be free from them, as it has few tributarios; and i have imposed them upon this said encomienda so that the said alférez juan gomez may enjoy them, comformably to the grant which was made him. the said captain baltadano must secure a confirmation of this grant from your majesty inside of four years, reckoned from the day of sailing of the first ships which are despatched from these and the other islands for nueva españa--as is ordered by the royal decrees of the twelfth of october, six hundred and twelve, and the twelfth of july, six hundred and twenty-five, under the penalties therein provided. he must likewise send a special power of attorney to petition for the said confirmation, in the form which is provided by another decree dated at madrid, the twenty-eighth of may, one thousand six hundred and twenty-five; and he must send and remit to that court [a statement of] the amount of his monthly income, when he sends for the said confirmation--in failure whereof the said confirmation will not be accorded him, as your majesty commands by another decree of the eighth of june, one thousand six hundred and twenty-six. i sent him the commission on the twenty-ninth of october, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven, having previously posted notices in public places in the said city, for the benefit of those who might have claims on the said encomienda, as is ordered by another royal decree of the twenty-fifth of june, one thousand six hundred and twenty-six; and have found by investigation that it is not included in the royal decree which treats of the appointment to encomiendas and offices in the form which is therein provided. captain francisco de la haya was granted the encomienda of natives at lobo and galban, and their dependencies, in the province of balayan, which was vacated by the demise and death of don joseph arnalte. it has three hundred and eighty-three tributarios, each one paying every year ten reals, two for the royal revenue, and eight for the encomendero. four reals of these are in kind--sixty gantas of rice in the husk, fit for sowing and cooking; and one fowl for one real; and the other three reals in money, two of which are given to the minister who instructs them. if they are paid in white cotton blankets, of the ordinary size of three baras and a half in length and three quarters of a bara in width, these are to be counted at two reals apiece; and if they are of _soyol_, which are fine, at four reals; and if hand-worked for altar cloths, at five reals. the grant was made him in conformity with the law of succession, on account of his meritorious acts and services which he has rendered to your majesty during the twenty-five years past, having enlisted as a soldier in those kingdoms, in the company of captain don fernando de silva. in that company he came to these islands, where he continued to serve, being present in such occasions for service as occurred. in particular he was present at the battle which was fought by governor don juan de silva against the dutch enemy in playa honda, in the year six hundred and ten, where he received a wound, a musket-ball traversing his right thigh. afterward he accompanied the said governor in the fleet which he took to the ports of terrenate. he was at the capture of sabugo. [52] he was alférez in the company of captain antonio de morga. he was present with governor don juan de silva in the fleet which the latter took to the strait of sincapura; and afterward was likewise in that of general don juan ronquillo, who fought against the said dutch at the said playa honda, he being present on the admiral's galley. he was a second time made alférez in this camp, and resigned from service in the infantry to embark in the fleet which governor don alonso fajardo prepared to oppose that of the dutch, in the year six hundred and nineteen, where he served as a soldier in the company of master-of-camp don geronimo de silva. the next year he was in the fleet of general don luis fajardo, for the protection of these coasts; and in the said position of soldier he served three years, one hundred and eighty-four days, until he was advanced to fill the place of adjutant sargento-mayor of this camp. serving in this capacity, he went in the fleet which left in the year six hundred and twenty-five to oppose the dutch who were upon this coast, having as commander the said master-of-camp don hieronimo de silva. finally he was captain of infantry in this camp, and during this time has rendered other services, as appeared more at length by his papers which he presented before me. on the said encomienda there was levied and exacted from him fifty pesos of pension each year which were to be paid to alférez juan gomez, which are a part of the hundred which he holds as a pension from the encomienda of yguey and its dependencies, belonging to captain juan baptista perez de helquerra, by a grant which was made to the said alférez juan gomez by the royal audiencia of these islands, while the government was in its charge through the death of the said governor don juan de silva. i have taken the said fifty pesos from the encomienda of yguey, so that the said captain bautista perez may be free therefrom, as the tributarios which he has are few; and i have imposed it upon this said encomienda so that the said alférez juan gomez may enjoy it, comformably to the grant which was made him. the said captain francisco de la haya is bound to secure a confirmation thereof from your majesty inside of four years reckoned from the day of sailing of the first vessels which are despatched from the islands for nueva españa, as is ordered by the said two royal decrees cited, and under the penalties there provided; and likewise he must send special power of attorney to petition for and secure the said confirmation; and when he shall send for it he must remit to that court the amount of his monthly income, failing which the said confirmation will not be given him, as is provided in the said royal decrees cited. i sent him the commission on the twenty-ninth of october, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven, having previously posted edicts in public places in this city for a reasonable length of time, for the benefit of those who may have claims on the said encomienda, as is ordered by another said royal decree cited. i have ascertained by investigation that it does not come under the provisions for the appointment to encomiendas and offices in the form therein provided. captain pedro de navarrete was granted the encomienda of natives in the villages of tabuco and its subjects, in the province of la laguna de vay, which was vacated by the death of captain don luis enrriquez de guzman. there are five hundred and two tributarios, each one of them paying every year ten reals, two for the royal treasury and eight for the encomendero. four of these are paid in kind--fifty-five gantas of rice in the husk, half of which is cleaned for sowing and cooking; and one fowl at one real; and the other three in money. of this the minister who teaches them is paid each year at the rate of a hundred pesos of eight reals, a hundred fanegas of rice in the husk, and one arroba of wine for the celebration of mass, for every five hundred tributarios to whom they minister. this grant was made to him for his merits, and the services which he has rendered your majesty during more than twenty-five years since he came over to these islands with governor don pedro de acuña, in the capacity of a soldier in the company of don thomas bravo de acuña. he served in the said employment in this camp, and afterward went to the province of zibu, in the pintados, where he remained more than four years, connected with the company which was in zibu, going out on all the armed expeditions which occurred--namely, six times, against the enemy from mindanao, caraga, and the sanguiles, who were robbing and harrying those regions, causing much damage, death, and pillage. he was present at the taking of the fort of sagao and the islands of caraga, when the natives there rebelled, and refused obedience to the king. he was one of the soldiers who distinguished themselves, and climbed to the crest of the ridge, until it surrendered, and many indians were captured, bringing the rebels back to the royal obedience. on this occasion he received a wound in the head, from the many stones which they threw. he served at his own expense and voluntarily, on the said occasions; and in the said garrison of zibu he performed watch and sentinel duty with the other soldiers. he was present at the rebellion of the japanese against this city outside of its walls, and was one of those who went out to fight against them in the year six hundred and eight, and in that of six hundred and sixteen. he was alférez of a spanish company in this camp, and served in that capacity in the post at cavite, for its protection and defense, when the dutch had come with six ships to the harbor mouth of mariveles, intending to enter the bay, at the time when governor don juan de silva had gone with his royal fleet to the strait of sincapura. he was personally present on the rampart of the curtains of the said fort, which were breached at four points. he expended much of his property, maintaining therewith a number of soldiers of his company on account of the poverty of the royal treasury. in the year six hundred and eighteen, he was made captain of infantry of the company which was in garrison in the said fort of cavite; and the next year he was made a second time captain of another company of this camp, where he served until it was disbanded. on many occasions when the royal treasury was embarrassed, he has lent it a great quantity of money. he is married to doña augustina de morales, legitimate daughter of captain pedro navarro and doña luisa de morales, and granddaughter of captain gaspar ruiz de morales, one of the first conquerors and settlers of these islands, prominent people of rank. during this time he has rendered other services to your majesty, all of which appears more at length from his papers which he has presented before me. beside this, command is given by a royal decree dated at madrid on the nineteenth of june, six hundred and twenty-six, countersigned by señor don fernando rruiz de contreras, to the effect that in every possible way should be furthered the work for the protection and aid of orphan children and those lacking support, which was administered and managed by brother juan geronimo guerrero in this city, as that is so pious and charitable a cause, and it is so necessary to secure its perpetuity and the support of the said children, whose fathers have died in these islands in the royal service. as means were to be sought for this, since they could not come from the royal treasury, the said captain pedro de navarrete, as one of the benefactors of the said work, offered and bound himself to give as alms five thousand pesos of eight reals at the coming of the ships which were expected from nueva españa this present year; that sum is to be distributed and expended in the said work, and to erect a building for the orphans, as that which they have is in danger of falling. he bound himself to deliver the said amount to the person who should be designated by myself. in consideration of all which has been recounted, i have extended to him this grant, charging him to secure a confirmation thereof from your majesty within four years reckoned from the day of sailing of the first ships from these islands for nueva españa, and to send a special power of attorney to petition for the said confirmation in that court. likewise he must remit there the amount of his monthly income when he sends for the said confirmation, as is ordered and commanded by the royal decrees cited, and under the penalties therein provided. i had previously posted notices in public places of this city for those who might have claims to the said encomienda, a reasonable time before, as is ordered by the said royal decree cited, which treats of this matter. i have found by investigation that this is not included in the provisions for the order of appointments to encomiendas and offices, as is therein provided. i sent him the commission on the fourth of december, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. _appointments to offices of justice and war_ i have appointed sergeant pedro diaz barroso as corregidor of the island of mariveles and its jurisdiction, as he is a man with the qualifications which that office seems to require, and has served your majesty in these islands for a long time. he has a yearly salary of one hundred and fifty pesos, which is the same as was enjoyed by his predecessor. i sent the commission on the sixth of august, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i appointed alférez geronimo banegas, a citizen of this island, as corregidor of the negros islands and their jurisdiction, and as military commander there; for he is a person of the qualifications which this position demands, and an old settler in this country who has served your majesty here. he has a salary of a hundred and fifty pesos of common gold per year, and with that is to serve both offices, which is the same as his predecessors have had. i sent his commission on the third of august of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed alférez andres martin as corregidor of the island of mindoro and its jurisdiction, and as military commander there; for he is a person of the qualifications which the place demands. he has served your majesty more than twenty years in these islands and those of terrenate, and been present at the various battles which have occurred. he has a salary of a hundred pesos of common gold per year, for which he serves both offices. i sent him the commission on the fifth of august of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed captain juan de mendoza as alcalde-mayor of the province of pangasinan and its jurisdiction; and military commander there; for he is a person of the necessary abilities and qualifications, and has been more than twenty years in these islands in your majesty's service, when occasion offered. he has a salary of three hundred pesos of common gold per year, and with this serves both offices. i sent his commission on the ninth of august of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. admiral don christoval de lugo y montalvo, who is fulfilling the duties of my lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief in the provinces of the pintados, i have appointed alcalde-mayor of the province of zibu and its jurisdiction, and captain of infantry of the company which is in garrison in that camp; for he is a person of many merits, and has served your majesty in these islands and other regions sufficiently to deserve all the said offices of my lieutenant, alcalde-mayor, and captain of infantry. he has only the salary of a captain, amounting to about six hundred pesos per year, and no more. thereby is saved to the royal treasury the eight hundred which he drew merely for the office of my lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief. i sent him the commissions on the ninth of august, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. captain don fernando galindo i have appointed alcalde-mayor of the province of la laguna de vay and its jurisdiction, and military commander there; for he is a person of many excellent qualifications for this office, and has been occupied in the service of your majesty in these islands whenever occasion has offered, where he has acquitted himself very well. he has a yearly salary of three hundred pesos of common gold, and for it serves both offices. i sent him the commission on the tenth of august, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed captain diego lorenso de trexo alcalde-mayor of the province of calilaya and its jurisdiction, and military commander there, as he is a person of the qualifications and parts required for this office. for thirty-two years he has been in these islands, and has served whenever occasion offered, and acquitted himself well. he has a yearly salary of three hundred pesos of common gold, for which he serves both offices. i sent his commission on the eighth of august, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed captain and sargento-mayor juan garcia pelaez chief justice of the port of cavite, and military commander, and keeper of fort san philipe there, as he is a person of many excellent qualities, and has served your majesty many years in these islands. for these three offices he has no appointed salary from the royal treasury, and accordingly serves without it. i sent him the commission as chief justice on the thirteenth of august of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. alférez luis triscomia i have appointed alcalde-mayor of the calamianes islands and their jurisdiction, and military commander there, as he has been more than seventeen years in these islands, serving your majesty when occasion offered, and has the necessary qualifications. he has a salary of three hundred pesos per year, for which he serves both offices. i sent his commission on the third of august of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed alférez pedro alvarez corregidor of the jurisdiction of ybalon, and military commander there, as he is possessed of the qualifications required for this office, and has served your majesty in these islands more than sixteen years when occasion offered. he has a salary of a hundred pesos of common gold per year, for which he serves both offices. i sent him the commission on the fifth of august, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed captain silvestre de aybar warden of the camp and fort san gabriel, which overlooks the parián of the sangleys, with power to administer justice in all matters which may arise in the said parián; for he is a person of proved capability, and of the qualifications and abilities which are necessary for this office. he has served your majesty for thirty years past in those kingdoms, nueva españa and these islands. he has a salary of a thousand pesos per year, which is not paid from the royal treasury, but from that maintained by the community of sangleys in the said parián, where they contribute each year for matters necessary there, and for others pertaining to the royal service. i sent his commission on the seventeenth of september, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed general don andres perez franco as warden of the fort san philippe at the port of cavite, and military commander there and chief justice; for he has many talents and qualifications, and is well acquainted with the said port, where he has been at other times and has occupied honorable offices. he has no salary appointed from the royal treasury, and accordingly serves without it, on account of the promotion of sargento-mayor juan garcia pelaez, who held the said offices, to be commander-in-chief of the provinces of cagaian, ylocos, and pangásinan. i sent him the commission as such warden on the twenty-eighth of september of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. general don juan de alcarazo i have appointed chief commander of the two galleons "san yldifonso" and "nuestra señora de peña de francia," which i sent as a fleet against the dutch enemy who was at the port of macan awaiting the ships of the portuguese, which were going back from here with the produce from the merchandise which they brought. the said galleons went to protect and guard them, and for other purposes pertaining to the service of your majesty in the localities which the dutch infested. i made this appointment on account of his many good qualities and because he has served your majesty in the military habit and profession twenty-three years--both in the royal navy in those parts, and in these islands--whenever occasion offered, occupying posts and offices of the most honor, wherein he has acquitted himself very well. he performed the said office for six hundred castilian ducados per month, which is the salary drawn by similar commanders. i sent him the commission on the ninth of october, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. captain and sargento-mayor don pedro muñoz de mendiola, who serves in this royal camp of manila, i have appointed commander of the galleon "nuestra señora de peña de francia," one of those which was sent in charge of the said don juan de alcaraso, to the said port of the city of macan, and other places, against the said dutch enemy. for he is possessed of the suitable abilities and qualifications, and has served your majesty in these islands, flandez, and other parts of europe, in the military profession; and had been serving in the said office, retaining the said position as sargento-mayor and with the same salary which he gained before, and no other. i sent him his commission on the fifth of october, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed captain francisco hernandez as captain of the company of spanish infantry which served in the forts of therrenate under captain and sargento-mayor pedro tufiño, and as commander of the royal galleys for the protection of those islands, because permission has been given to the said tufiño to come to this city. i made this appointment of the said captain francisco hernandez because he is possessed of the necessary qualifications and ability, and has served your majesty in the military profession for twenty-two years in this region. he came to these islands as a soldier, and from them went to the said forts of terrenate, where he served twenty years as a soldier and with extra pay as head of a squadron, sergeant, alférez, adjutant, and captain of infantry, being present whenever occasion for his service arose, and rendering especial services there. he has a salary of six hundred pesos per year, for which he has to serve both offices, as soon as the said company is delivered to him. i sent him the commission on the twenty-ninth of october, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. on the said day i appointed the said captain francisco hernandez commander of the relief that is carried to the forts of therrenate, as he is in every way satisfactory, and possessed of the necessary qualifications, as has been said in the previous clause. for his services in the said duty he received six hundred castilian ducados per month, during the whole time that he served, which is the salary drawn by similar commanders. i have appointed adjutant alonso serrano a captain of spanish infantry, of the company which serves in the forts of therrenate under captain lorenso hernandez, as the latter had permission to come to this city. i made this appointment because he has the qualifications and abilities which are required. twenty-four years ago he came to these islands in the capacity of a soldier, and during twenty of them has resided and served in the said fort--being a soldier, commander of a squadron with extra pay, sergeant, alférez, and adjutant, and being present on all occasions when his services were necessary. he has a salary of six hundred pesos per year, reckoning from the day when the company is given over to him. i sent him his commission on the eighteenth of november, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. former adjutant alonso de peraza, of this camp, i have appointed captain of infantry, of the company which served in the said forts of therrenate under captain don juan de santiesteban bracamonte, as the latter had permission to come to this city. i made this appointment because he has the necessary qualifications and abilities, and has served your majesty twenty-four years in this region in the military profession, in these islands and those of therrenate. he was present at the recovery of the latter, and during the two fights when the dutch general pablos blancanden was taken, and in other encounters and battles which took place on land and sea, against the dutch, and the natives of therrenate. he became a sergeant, and was present at the battle between general don juan rronquillo and the dutch. he was a second time made sergeant, and again alférez, from which he was promoted to be an adjutant, and has rendered other distinguished services. he has a salary of six hundred pesos per year, which he is to enjoy, from the day when the said company is given over to him. i sent him his commission on the seventeenth of november, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. captain roderigo de mesa i have appointed captain of a company which was brought to this city, and which he took to reinforce the forts of therrenate. for he is a person of the necessary qualifications, and has served your majesty twenty-four years in this region in the military profession, both in these islands and in those of therrenate--where he served fifteen years with success as a private musketeer, a commander of a squadron with extra pay, sergeant, alférez, and adjutant, in the said camp--being present whenever there was occasion for his service, on land or sea, and rendering distinguished services, as appeared by his papers. he draws as salary six hundred pesos per year. i sent his commission on the twenty-seventh of november of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. i have appointed captain alonso de balle alcalde-mayor and military commander of the province of ylocos, owing to the death of captain alvaro de loazes, for there are found in him the necessary qualifications and abilities. he has served your majesty for twenty-two years past in these islands, being present when occasion offered, and has acquitted himself well. from the offices with which he is entrusted he draws a salary of three hundred pesos of common gold per year, for which he serves both offices. i sent his commission on the sixth of december, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. captain don fernando bezerra i have appointed commander of the ship "santisima trinidad," which i sent with reënforcements and supplies to join the two armed galleons which general don juan de alcaraso took in his charge to pulotimon, and other parts of sian, to secure thereby good results for the service of your majesty, because it was impossible to take with them a patache when they left for macan. i gave him this appointment because he has the qualifications needed, and has served in the military profession in these islands and in therrenate for a long time, rendering distinguished services. he drew a salary at the rate of six hundred castilian ducados a month, which is the wages of similar commanders. i sent him the commission on the thirteenth of december of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. captain don lope de sosa i have appointed alcalde-mayor of the jurisdiction of tondo, and military commander there, as he is of the abilities and qualifications which are necessary. he came to these islands twenty years ago, and has here served when occasion arose, and held honorable offices and charges, wherein he has acquitted himself well. he has three hundred pesos of common gold per year as a salary, for which he serves both offices. i sent him the commission on the eleventh of january, one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. alférez pedro de mora salcedo i have appointed corregidor of the jurisdiction of leyte, zamare, and babao, and captain and military commander there, as he has the qualifications and ability demanded by the office. he came to these islands ten years ago in the service of your majesty, and has served here and in therrenate, having been a sergeant, and alférez, and a substitute. in an encounter with the dutch, at which he was present, the two lower bones of his right leg were both broken by a musket-ball, and he was present in other engagements. he has a yearly salary of two hundred pesos of common gold. i sent him his commission on the nineteenth of january of one thousand, six hundred and twenty-eight. i appointed captain fernando lopez de perona alcalde-mayor of the province of bulacan and military commander there, as he is possessed of the necessary qualifications and abilities for this office, and has served your majesty for sixteen years, both in the fleet of the ocean sea and in these islands, and acquitted himself well of what has been entrusted to him. he has a yearly salary of three hundred pesos of common gold, for which he serves both offices. i sent him his commission on the fifteenth of march, one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. alférez martin larios, deputy warden of fort santiago of this city of manila, i have promoted to be captain of spanish infantry, of the company which served under captain and sargento-mayor don antonio de vera in the garrison of san salvador in hermosa island; for he has the necessary qualifications and abilities, and has served your majesty thirteen years past in military habit and profession in the states of flandez, having been a soldier, commander of a squadron, and a sergeant, being present on the occasions and at the places where his services were needed, where he performed distinguished services. he came over to these islands with the reënforcements which he brought here. he was alférez in nueva españa of a company which was raised in zacatecas; and in that position he came to this city, where he was appointed lieutenant of the said fort santiago. he has a salary of six hundred pesos of common gold per year, as do the rest in this camp. i sent him his commission on the sixteenth of march, one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. alférez juan moreno criado i have appointed lieutenant warden of the said fort santiago of this city, as he is of the requisite qualifications and has served in military habit and profession more than twenty-four years past, since he came to these islands. he was present at the recovering of the forts at therrenate, where he served, and was present at the actions which took place, as he likewise was in these islands, rendering especial service. he has four hundred and twenty pesos a year as salary. i sent him his commission on the twentieth of march of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. captain juan de herrera i appointed alcalde-mayor and military commander of the province of camarines, as he was of the qualifications and ability necessary for that office. he came to these islands twenty-three years ago and has served your majesty in military profession and in offices of justice, and other employments in which he has been occupied, wherein he has acquitted himself well. he has three hundred pesos a year as salary, for which he serves both offices. i sent him his commission on the fourteenth of april of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. captain francisco ramos, a soldier of the company of captain diego lopez lobo, i have appointed captain of the galley "nuestra señora de loreto," which was built in the province of camarines, and is to be sent to the forts of therrenate; for he possesses the required qualifications and ability, and for eighteen years has served your majesty in these islands and in those of therrenate. he has a salary of thirty-five castilian ducados per month, which is the wage of galley-captains of the forts of therrenate. i sent him his commission on the thirteenth of april of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. alférez francisco de los rios coronel i have appointed corregidor and military commander of the catanduanes islands, as he has the required qualifications, and has served in the capacity of soldier in these islands since the year one thousand six hundred and nine, when he came out here, and has been present at the actions which have occurred. he has a salary of a hundred pesos per year. i sent him the commission on the twentieth of may of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. captain francisco gimenez i have appointed captain of spanish infantry, of the company which served in the garrison of hermosa island under captain don benito flores, and as sargento-mayor of all the infantry of the said garrison; for he possesses the required qualifications and ability. during the twenty years while he has served your majesty in military service in these islands he has been present when occasion offered, and likewise in the forts of therrenate. he has always acquitted himself well, and performed distinguished services. he draws a salary of six hundred pesos per year, as do the rest of this camp, and with it serves both offices. i sent him the commission on the twenty-sixth of june of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. alférez don pedro de axqueda menchaca i have appointed alférez-royal of the ships which are despatched this present year to nueva españa, as he has the requisite qualifications and ability. he has served in military service in this camp in the capacity of soldier, and in that of alférez. he is the son of the master-of-camp christoval de axcueta menchaca, who died in these islands in the service of your majesty. he has eight hundred pesos per year of salary. 1 sent him his commission on the fourth of july of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. alférez-royal augustin de salduendo i have appointed captain of infantry, of the spanish infantry company, which served in this camp under captain don diego de axqueta menchaca--who was promoted to the position of admiral of the ships which this year go to nueva españa; and later to the command of them, on account of sargento-mayor don gonzalo rronquillo remaining in these islands, who had been appointed commander of them. i gave this appointment to the said augustin de salduendo because he was possessed of the requisite qualifications and abilities, and had served your majesty in these islands in military habit and profession nineteen years in the capacity of soldier, commander of squadron with extra pay, sergeant, alférez, and other offices, and was present when occasion offered, and rendered especial services. he has a salary of six hundred pesos per year. i sent him his commission on the twenty-eighth of july of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. i appointed alférez domingo francisco de portilla as corregidor of the island of mindoro and its jurisdiction, and military commander there, as he has the requisite qualifications, and has served your majesty in these islands for twenty years past in military service. he has a salary of a hundred pesos per year. i sent his commission on the thirteenth of july, one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. sargento-mayor don philippe de lezcano i appointed captain of infantry, of the company which is in garrison at the fort of tanda, in the province of caraga, and keeper of the fort there, and military commander, as he has the requisite qualifications and ability. he has served your majesty thirteen years in military service in flandez, and passed to these islands in the position of sargento-mayor of infantry which came as reinforcements last year, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. he is assigned a salary of six hundred pesos per year, which is what the other captains of this camp have, and with this he will serve the two offices. i sent him the commission on the twentieth of july of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. admiral don diego de axcueta menchaca, who was appointed admiral of the ships which go to nueva españa this year, i have promoted to the office of commander of them on account of sargento-mayor don gonzalo rronquillo (who was appointed to this office) remaining in these islands. i have made this appointment because the said don diego de axcueta has the requisite qualifications and ability. he has served your majesty in military service in these islands for nineteen years past, having been a soldier, alférez, and several times a captain of infantry, and one of the guard of governor don juan de silva. he was present at the battle with the dutch enemy under the said governor in the year six hundred and ten, at playa honda. he went with the governor to the forts of therrenate, and was present at the taking of xilolo and sabugo. on his return to this city he went to the strait of sincapura with the said governor, and was afterward in the battle with the dutch enemy in the year sixteen at the said plaia honda where master-of-camp don juan rronquillo acted as general of the fleet. he afterward became captain of infantry in this camp; and while he held this position i appointed him commander of a ship which went with the fleet in my charge to hermosa island. he is the son of master-of-camp christoval de axcueta menchaca, who died in these islands in the service of your majesty. he has a decree directing that he be occupied in offices of justice and war, conformably to his rank and ability. he has performed other distinguished services for your majesty. he has a yearly salary of three thousand castilian ducados, which is the same as has been enjoyed by the commanders of similar vessels. i sent him the commission on the twenty-fourth of july of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. captain don fernando galindo i have appointed admiral of the ships which will go this present year to nueva españa, as he has the requisite qualifications and ability, and has served your majesty in military service for twenty-two years past in the galleys of ytalia and other parts of europa, and in these islands. while here he was captain of infantry three times, once in this camp and twice in the garrison of cagayan. he was alcalde-mayor and military commander in that province, and afterward was made alcalde-mayor and military commander in the province of la laguna de vay. he was present when occasion offered for his services, and acquitted himself well with what was entrusted to him, rendering other important services to your majesty. he has a yearly salary of two thousand castilian ducados. i sent him the commission on the twenty-eighth of july, one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. concerning the other appointments that may be made, i will send a report during the coming year, in the same manner as your majesty orders me. may god our lord protect you many years, with the addition of greater kingdoms and seigniories, according to the needs of christendom. at the port of cavite, on the second day of the month of august of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight. in the ships which have just arrived from nueva spaña in these islands there came a royal decree by which your majesty was pleased to confirm and approve the grant which governor don alonso faxardo made to these islands, while he was governor, to don luis faxardo, his brother, on the first of april of the former year one thousand six hundred and twenty-one, giving him the encomienda of natives at bombon and its dependencies, in the province of balayan, which contains two thousand seven hundred and twenty-five tributarios. for this within four years he was to secure a confirmation from your majesty, as appeared from the royal decree under date of the tenth of september of one thousand six hundred and twenty-six, countersigned by the secretary don fernando ruiz de contreras--which decided me not to proceed to the execution of this without first informing your majesty as to what has passed in this matter, and the state in which affairs are at present. i found, sire, when i arrived in these islands and undertook the government thereof in the said year of one thousand six hundred and twenty-six, that the said encomienda was vacated, and declared so by governor don fernando de silva, because the said don luis faxardo had not secured the said confirmation from your majesty within the designated period. during the vacancy, the proceeds of the products and the profits were placed in the royal treasury. this encomienda had two thousand five hundred and seven tributarios, which, as they appeared to me to be a large number, i divided. i made a grant thereof in the name of your majesty, according to law, as being vacant, to two persons of considerable rank, ability, merits, and services. one of these is general don antonio de leoz, to whom i gave one thousand six hundred tributarios thereof, as i knew that he had served your majesty for twenty-four years past, both in the kingdom of napoles and in these islands--whither he came from that kingdom with governor don juan de silva, as alférez of the company. afterward he was made captain, and served in this camp with other offices, being present when occasion arose. he has always acquitted himself well of what was entrusted to him, as will appear by his papers and commission--which i have despatched to him; and which i understand should already be in that court to petition for and secure the confirmation, according to the command. he is married to doña juana gallinato, legitimate daughter and sole heir of master-of-camp juan xuarez gallinato, who died in these islands in your majesty's service, being a person of many services. i charged him with a pension, from the said tributarios, of one hundred and fifty pesos, which he each year gives and pays to doña beatriz cornexo de tapia--a widow, who had been the wife of doctor juan manuel de la vega, formerly auditor of the royal audiencia and of these islands; for she was very poor and was suffering need. in consideration of making this grant doña juana gallinato resigned one thousand two hundred tributarios, which she held as an encomienda for a second life, so that these might be assigned to other persons. the other nine hundred and seven tributarios remaining i assigned to general don juan de arcarasso, likewise a person of great ability and merit, and many services. he has served your majesty for thirty-four years past in those lands of europa, in the royal fleet and elsewhere, as well as in these islands--where he came as captain of a company of spanish infantry, which came with the reënforcements of the year six hundred and fourteen. he has held and served in other charges and honorable offices, being present when occasion arose. thus far and ever he has acquitted himself very well, as will appear more at length by his paper and the commission which i sent him--which should already be in that court to secure the confirmation of the said encomienda. they are likewise recounted in a clause of a letter which i despatched to your majesty in the past year of one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven, with the report concerning encomiendas and offices. i made these two grants on the eleventh of december one thousand six hundred and twenty-six, and issued decrees for them, having fulfilled all the requirements which are ordered by the royal decrees. i beseech your majesty to have examined the matter referred to, and the said encomienda considered vacant and so declared, in conformity to the royal decrees which treat of this matter; and as such to have the appointment given to the said two worthy persons, who are in possession thereof by a just title. above all, i beseech you to command that it be your pleasure that this be observed and complied with; and in the meantime i shall make no change, because it appears to me that i acted justly, and that it is expedient for the service of your majesty. dated _ut supra_. sire, the humble vassal of your majesty. _don juan niño de tavora_ [_endorsed_: "examined; have it joined with the others on this matter." "in the council, october 9, 630."] letters to felipe iv from governor tavora _doubts in judicial matters_ sire: 1. problems in regard to matters of justice are continually arising, of which to inform your majesty, in order that you may have the advisable decision made therein, and so that the dissensions that are wont to arise here from such doubts may be avoided. in regard to the spaniards and inhabitants of these islands, but one problem has arisen--namely, when an encomendero marries an encomendera, whether they may both retain encomiendas; or whether, after choosing the one that they may esteem better, the other should he vacated. the practice of these islands is that one of the two encomiendas is vacated. in virtue of that, your majesty's fiscal is at present petitioning before the royal audiencia for the revenues of a certain encomienda given to a citizen. the auditors cannot find any order or decree from your majesty, by which this is ordered. consequently, there is not sufficient justification to declare judgment in favor of the fiscal. it will be advisable for your majesty to declare it; and to my mind, in considering the fact that the encomiendas are few in number, it would be advisable that there be no change in the practice--namely, that by the very fact of an encomendero marrying an encomendera, they choose that encomienda from the two which they consider better; and that they leave the other, so that it may be regarded as belonging to another citizen. [_in the margin_: "observe the decree in regard to this matter."] [_note:_ "in this despatch arose the doubt that is written on a separate piece of paper enclosed with this letter. there it is decreed what must be executed."] 2. in regard to the native indians of these islands, i last year represented to your majesty that it would be advisable to have judgments in their suits not rendered in the audiencia, but by the government, by having one or two advocates or salaried men for that purpose, as is done in nueva españa, inasmuch as the same reasons exist here. i trust that your majesty will have it considered, and answer in accordance with your pleasure. 3. the most usual doubts have been in regard to the chinese or sangleys who reside in these islands. an edict was published, at the instance of the inhabitants, in regard to the measures, quality, and prices of lumber, tile, brick, and other materials, in order to avoid the frauds and illegalities which were being introduced into this region, to the great damage of this community. the edict was published under the auspices of the government, and its execution was charged upon the alcaldes-in-ordinary. a few days after that a denunciation was made; but, when the alcalde tried to enforce the penalty, the sangleys appealed to the royal audiencia. the matter seemed a knotty one to me, because the edict was notoriously a government measure, and it was not advisable for its proper execution that the sangleys be allowed such delays. i considered it best to advise the auditors of this, quoting to them the royal decrees, which ruled that they should not mix in matters of government. they, desiring to extend their jurisdiction, claimed that the trial of that appeal belonged to them, as well as the decision whether the penalty of the edict was excessive or not. i ordered the lawyers to be consulted, and all those here gave their opinion in writing, namely, that the audiencia had no right to try such causes. consequently, after having seen your majesty's decree of november 4, 1606, given to don pedro de acuña, in which is stated the method that must be followed in such doubts, i resolved to order that the audiencia should not try such appeal until your majesty, after having been informed of the matter, should rule otherwise. [_in the margin_: "have the fiscal examine it." "it was taken to him." "answered on a separate paper."] 4. almost similar was another question that arose a few days after, when some chinese merchants had been condemned, by the judge who visits the chinese ships, to pay the penalty which they had incurred because of not having brought the ammunition and stores for your majesty's magazines which were ordered from them since the time of don juan de silva. they appealed to the royal audiencia, who ordered the judge to come to report on the matter. it seemed to me that the same argument ruled in that as in the preceding case, and even more closely, as it was a matter of war. however, i had the lawyers consulted again. they decided that it was a military matter, and that it did not belong to the royal audiencia. consequently, i ordered that they do nothing further in the matter until your majesty should be informed. [_in the margin_: "have the fiscal examine this also." "it was taken to him." "answered on a separate paper."] 5. another appeal has also come in these last few days to the royal audiencia from the governor of the sangleys themselves. he is a person appointed to govern them in their own manner, and to take charge of the suits that are brought before him, written in the chinese characters, and according, to their custom. and although i did not think that such appeals should be listened to, and gave my reason therefor, still the auditors persisted in endeavoring to try this case. in order not to irritate them, i have overlooked the matter, as it seemed to me that they could act in this case with less evil consequences than in the others. i advise your majesty of it, petitioning you that it may be to your royal service to have the audiencia notified as to what regulations cover not only the governmental and military suits, but also those of justice, touching the chinese or sangleys. for this some arguments occur to me, which i shall represent to your majesty, in order to say at one time what i believe in this matter. [_in the margin_: "take this to the fiscal also." "it was taken." "answered on a separate paper."] 6. the chinese, sire, who live in these islands are almost all infidels. their god is silver, and their religion the various ways that they have of gaining it. their nature is cowardly; and those who come to this country have so little character that, as they are not entitled to anything among their own countrymen, they come to get their livelihood among us, serving in the most menial trades. they engage in suits and disputes very readily, in which they threaten one another; and each day they arm themselves for their sinister ends. they have innumerable methods of hiding the truth. they furnish as many false witnesses as they choose, for, as they are infidels, they do not fear god; and as they are so greedy for money, they swear [falsely], and even sell their own parents. their names and occupations are changed in every step, although for this there may be no better reason or argument than their own ideas. they are many strangers, coming and going. every year some go and others come, and consequently, the uncertainty and confusion is unavoidable. they are as freehanded in their bribes as interested in their gains. as they have control of all the merchandise, trading, gains, and mechanical trades of the country, their extreme readiness to scatter bribes is remarkable. there is no spaniard, secular or religious, who obtains his food, clothing, or shoes, except through them. consequently, there is scarce a sangley who does not have his protector. among themselves they have great system and energy in all those of one trade acting together in all matters that affect them. they guard one another against the spaniard to such an extent that, if i wish to change my shoemaker, i will not be able to find among all those engaged in that occupation another who will sell me a shoe. if anyone would dare to do so, the others upon his return to china would bring suit before their mandarins, and thus they would destroy him and all his relatives. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "it was taken." "answered on a separate paper."] 7. therefore, since those of this nation are infidels and of so mean a condition, one can easily infer that to attempt to govern them with the method, rigor, and terms of our laws and regulations is the highest injustice and a great abuse. the usual method of judging them in their country is by a summary and verbal investigation, and an immediate punishment with the bamboo. the latter is the strap or whip which the mandarins always carry with them, as any superior is allowed to flog his inferior, without other justification or authority than that of his own plain reason. by that method is attained greater respect and obedience than in any other nation. we do not have less need for them to fear us and to obey our edicts, since they are our feet and hands for all that arises for the service of the community and that of your majesty. but we shall never obtain that obedience and respect, unless we conform (as far as the christian religion allows) to the methods practiced by their mandarins in commanding them. this consists in having them punished instantly by the nearest justices whenever they are found in disobedience or fraud--namely, their governor and the alcaldes-in-ordinary--without giving them any opportunity to go from one tribunal to another, or to drag them from one prison to another. in that they are the greater losers, as their property is wasted among the constables, attorneys, and notaries, all of whom are doing their best to skin [_pelar_] them. at the end, and in the long run, the truth is not laid bare, nor is the service of your majesty accomplished. the sangleys have so many methods of placing private persons, both religious and laymen, under obligation, by services and by presents, that when anything is ordered for them which does not suit them--even though it be for your majesty's service, or very necessary for the common welfare--they manage to prevent the execution of it by a thousand methods, of favors and negotiations. therefore, if in addition to all the above, the door of appeal to the royal audiencia be opened to them from what is ordered for them, well can one see that justice itself will become the obstacle of what it should be the support. [_in the margin_: "and this." "it was taken." "reply in a separate section."] 8. i have desired to represent all the above, so that your majesty may be pleased to order the royal audiencia not to meddle in the affairs of the sangleys, whether they concern government, or war, or justice. for if it has been advisable to order that--as is ordered in nueva españa (and the same is petitioned here)--the audiencia do not meddle with the suits of the indians, it will be much more advisable to observe the same in regard to the sangleys, for the above stated reasons. 9. likewise i have been advised that it is necessary for many matters, both of grace and of justice, that it be declared whether the governor of these islands possesses your majesty's authority in his government and district; and whether he represents your royal person with the privilege of alternates which the viceroys possess in their districts. although one would believe that it must be so by law, since the person of the governor is that which is here in your majesty's name, and the so great distance to that court dictates how necessary it is in many cases that the governors have the authority of doing what your majesty would do if present, with the obligation of reporting it to your majesty; still in certain cases of grace and justice that have arisen since my arrival at these islands, the lawyers have declared that this was not plainly stated; and, consequently, i propose them to your majesty. [_in the margin_: "let him observe the tenor of his warrant, and the decrees and orders given regarding it."] 10. likewise it would be necessary that the same courtesy be ordered to be shown to the governors of the filipinas islands as to the viceroys in nueva españa, since in regard to them there are also here the same reasons and advisability for doing so. by this some little matters that have caused me innovations would be avoided. although i pass these over, it might be that in the time of my successors they would cause some opposition. such are for instance, that the auditors, do not permit the governor's wife to go to the church with her husband when the assembly goes there in a body; and that the preachers do not salute the governor with words, as it is the custom to do in all the kingdoms to the person who has the authority of representing that of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "let the custom be followed."] 11. this very day a case occurred while in the hall of the public assembly, which i have thought best to refer to your majesty. it was in regard to a decision that i gave, apropos of one of the parties, for the royal audiencia. the secretary having come to sign the decision that the audiencia gave in approbation of the one that i had given, called me in the record of the decision "the lord governor." one of the auditors thought that that should not be the manner of naming me in decisions; and chided the secretary before me, saying that he was doing it to flatter me, and other things of like purport. the secretary defended himself, saying that that was the style that he had always used, and to prove it showed other decisions where not only my person is named as "lord," but also those of the auditors. i asked the others who were present for their opinion, and they replied that it was very proper that the audiencia should exercise that courtesy toward the governor and captain-general of these islands; and with greater reason, since he was their president, they were not to treat him the same as an alcalde-in-ordinary. thereupon i ordered the secretary to do the same as heretofore, until your majesty should be pleased to order differently. i petition your majesty to be pleased to give the auditors to understand the estimation that it may please you to have for the person of your governor and captain-general; for this matter is not at all understood here. that is the reason why the governors have always been at odds with the audiencia. i am not at odds with them, nor will i be, for i am the one who suffers, and i shall suffer it, since i am under greater obligations than they. i petition that what your majesty may be pleased to order me be expressed so clearly that they cannot give it any other meaning; for this matter of interpreting your majesty's decrees is done with great ease in the yndias, and truly rare are the decrees, if they touch upon any controversy, in which it is not necessary for your majesty to declare them over again. [_in the margin_: "let the custom be kept; and in the records and decisions, let the governor be called 'lord.'"] 12. i am enclosing an official record with this letter in regard to what is forbidden to the auditors touching the suits and appeals of the chinese or sangleys--a caution that i am taking, as i have seen that they are complaining confusedly to your majesty that i am preventing them from receiving suits as alcaldes of the court, not specifying as clearly as is possible what those suits and appeals are. it is my opinion that the audiencia should not meddle with matters pertaining to the sangleys, for the reasons that i have given for it in this despatch, and in that of the year past. will your majesty order what is most advisable, being assured that experience has obliged me to give the report that i submit. may our lord preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty with the increase of new kingdoms, as we your vassals desire, and as we need. manila, august 4, 1628. your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ [_in the margin_: "let the fiscal see it." "it was taken to him." "answered on a separate paper."] _affairs of the treasury_ sire: since i have to give account in this letter to your majesty of what there is to tell in regard to your royal treasury, i shall begin it by explaining some decrees that i received the past year, which were despatched at the instance of the royal officials. in the first decree, they complained that my predecessor, don alonso faxardo, did not allow them to exercise their duties in the port of cavite; and that he had appointed as lieutenant of the governor and captain-general, don andres perez franco, castellan of those forts. your majesty orders that they be allowed to perform their duties, and that commissaries be not appointed for what pertains to them. they will not conduct those suits with him; for, although i retain don andres perez franco in cavite, i have not given him the title given him by don alonso--although he never used it, as i am informed. the efficient collection and care of the revenues of your majesty belong to the royal officials; and with that power they take part in all the equipping, building, and despatch of the vessels. but the appointments of the officials of the vessels, and all else touching government and war, have always been attended to by the governors, who for this have maintained in cavite a castellan, commandant, and chief justice, of the abilities and experience of don andres perez franco; so that, although i could rest, still i have not been negligent, but have gone in person, on the occasions for the equipment and building of vessels, every week to that port, which is a very necessary thing. [_in the margin_: "seen."] in the second decree they informed your majesty that the said my predecessor did not accept the replies that were made to them in accordance with the ordinances. i trust that there will be no fault to find with me in this regard. however it is advisable to have it well understood that it cannot be done and that it is not advisable, because of the accidents that happen by observing the ordinances with the strictness that some ministers demand at times. what is certain is, that i shall never depart from what i consider to be for the greater service of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "seen."] in the third decree the royal officials petition for the suppression of the rule that was introduced in the time of don juan de silva, by which the royal officials should not pay anyone without an order from the governor. your majesty orders me to observe toward them their rights and instructions. what is done in my time is that the royal officials adjust the accounts and issue warrants; but they are not paid without my order. the reason therefor is that, because this government has not one-half the money necessary to meet expenses and debts--as well as the support of the infantry, the building of ships, the repair of the fleets that guard these coasts, relief for the malucas and the island of hermosa and other presidios--besides inevitable things, it is necessary that the governor, who is charged with all this, know how much money there is in the treasury, and that he divide it so that it may not fail for the most necessary things, if he trusted to the royal officials in this, without having a private book of the receipts and disbursements of the treasury (as i have), when he imagined that there was money for the reënforcements of the infantry and the despatch of the fleets he would find nothing. if the treasury were supplied, there would be enough for all, and the royal officials by justifying the payments would be fulfilling their duties; but since there is not more money than for one-half of what is needed, and since we live by the art of enchantment, it is necessary that the royal officials do not pay whomever they wish, but what is most urgent and inevitable for the preservation of these kingdoms. accordingly, the measures introduced in this regard during the term of don juan de silva were very commendable and necessary. as it was so necessary a thing, persons of great experience advised me of it even before i had taken over the government, and experience shows me that it cannot be dispensed with. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that after having considered the reasons written by the governor, the practice which the latter declares has been followed, and is followed, namely, of not permitting the royal officials to make any payments from the royal treasury without his advice and decree, can be tolerated; for in such cases the other viceroys and governors are wont to provide the same, notwithstanding that it is ordered that they allow the royal officials to perform their duties freely. madrid, november 19, 1630." "that for the present, the plan now followed in this be observed, and note shall be taken that the payments made be with all justification."] the fourth decree is in regard to the collection of the licenses which are given to the sangleys allowing them to remain in the islands, that this shall be made by the royal officials, and the proceeds from it punctually deposited in the royal treasury, without its being given, under any consideration, into the possession of another person. what i have to say in this particular is that, although since my arrival at these islands that money has always been deposited with the judge of the licenses, it was always delivered every week and month to the royal officials. the collection has been so well attended to that, although there were the same number of sangleys in the time of don alonso faxardo, during the interim of the audiencia, and that of don fernando de silva, when the most that was collected was eight thousand pesos, during these last two years it amounted one year to ninety-eight thousand pesos, and the other to ninety-five thousand. besides this, when at the last everything was exhausted, old notes were presented; and during these last two years about twenty thousand pesos were paid. now although the royal officials have no time so that they can take part in this collection--as it is different from all other collections that are made, and one has to keep at it all day--i have ordered them by an act, in accordance with the decree of your majesty, that it be done in a room assigned for it, in order that it may be paid in these royal houses; and so that they may really collect in person the money which the judge whom i appoint (as i cannot attend to it), and the agents whom i hire, collect from the sangleys who shall bring it to them. by that method your majesty's order will be accomplished. that is not its intention, but only to keep tab on the sangleys, and on the profit that results from the licenses. this sum is distributed in official service, and is a matter of justice. diligent toil is expended on this collection, and the sangleys are sought in the hills and in a thousand places where they hide, in order not to pay. only the authority of the governor, to whom your majesty has assigned the giving of licenses allowing the sangleys to remain in the country, can issue the licenses and order the collection, but no other person. your majesty may be assured that your service is performed with great affection and care; and that i am looking out for your royal revenues much more than for my own. for since i arrived in these islands considerable has been saved for your majesty; as it will be seen by the accounts that what cost six in former years and did not gain any profit, today costs four and is profitable; and the profit is not lost, for it is carefully expended. i know that it will be impossible for the royal officials to collect personally; but they can authorize some one to collect and deposit the money in the royal treasury every night. by that means everything will be regulated, although they never remain satisfied, for they do not have the profits which they have desired. [_in the margin:_ "seen."] another decree came by which your majesty orders me to investigate the troubles which the royal audiencia had represented as being due to the sale of the offices of the notaries for the provinces of these islands. i discussed the matter in an assembly of persons of considerable experience, both seculars and religious; and all were of the opinion that it was not advisable to sell the said offices, but that they should be filled by appointment, and changed annually along with the alcaldes-mayor. for besides that they are of very small profit to your majesty, it is certain that if the said notaries were permanent, the said indians would not dare to bring suits against them at the time of their residencia, which is taken each year when the alcaldes-mayor finish their office. consequently, they come to be so tyrannical that they destroy the poor indians. for that purpose, i had already resolved before the reception of the decree not to continue the sale of the said offices; and, when those which i found sold became vacant, not to resell them. will your majesty please consider this matter favorably, since what is most important for your royal service is that these afflicted natives be not injured by your agents. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that, notwithstanding what the governor writes in this section, these notaryships must be ordered to be sold, or at least one in the capital of each province. for while some troubles may result from this, those which are experienced daily in regulating the notaries who are called 'appointed' are greater. consequently, general decrees are despatched ordering the suppression of this practice in all parts of the yndias, although it has been carried out in but few, because the said governors refuse. he petitions that it be so provided and ordered, and justice done. madrid, november 19, 1630." "let what is decreed be obeyed." "observe what is decreed, in accordance with what the fiscal says."] by the last decree concerning this matter of revenue, your majesty orders me to investigate whether it would be advisable to make a new appraisement of the tribute which the indians are ordered to pay in kind; and whether it will be advisable for the indians not to be compelled to pay in kind, but in gold or silver, or in what they were able and willing to pay. what i can say to your majesty about this is, that the present practice in these islands was introduced by order of governor don pedro de acuña, with the consent of the royal audiencia and the ecclesiastical prelates, by which the natives pay four reals of their tribute in kind, and one fowl besides, and the rest in money. in regard to the quantity and kinds of products which had to be given for the said four reals, the appraisement was made according as the circumstances of each province required. after the religious and ministers who instruct the provinces had conferred among themselves, at the command of the said governor this was done, in the year 604. since then times have changed, and the prices have been different. accordingly, the quantity of rice or other products that the indians are ordered to pay on account of the said four reals is too much in some provinces. consequently, i think that your majesty ought to order, with the assistance of another council that was called in the time of don pedro de acuña that the matter be again conferred over, and decision made whether it is advisable to make a new appraisement; and that, if that be found desirable, it be done at once. but in regard to leaving it to the indians whether they will or will not pay the said four reals in kind, besides the fowl, in no consideration am i of the opinion that that should be left to their choice; for the natives are generally so inclined to laziness that they do not sow or cultivate the lands, unless forced to do so by the obligation of paying the tribute in kind, as it is assigned in accordance with the different fruits and products of the many different provinces in these islands. it is seen in these provinces by experience that the obligation of sowing in order to pay their tribute is what keeps them supplied with all kinds of food. these considerations occur to me in regard to this decree, and to the others that i received the past year concerning this matter. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that he agrees with what the governor writes in this section, and he is certain that it is advisable for the indians to pay a portion of their taxes in kind; for, in any other way, they would not have the care that is advisable in rearing and planting. madrid, november 19, 1630." "observe what the fiscal says."] coming now to the special consideration of the revenues of this year, the receipts have been less than ever. one hundred and eighty thousand pesos came from nueva españa. the licenses will have amounted to ninety thousand; and the other revenues--duties, situados, moneys from vacant offices, and balances of accounts--to another fifty thousand, including in this twenty thousand that the procurators of the city of macan gave as aid in the voyage which the galleons made in convoy of their galliots. in all it does not amount to more than three hundred and fifty thousand pesos. the expenses are more than five hundred thousand pesos; but they have been greater [than in other years], for besides the stipends of this holy church, the salaries of the royal audiencia and other officials, the pay of the infantry of this camp and the presidios, the aid for terrenate and the island of hermosa, the naval storehouse at cavite, and other ordinary expenses, many extraordinary ones have arisen. these include the fleet, the voyage of the galleons, and the embassy to china; the construction of three galleons, four brigantines, and one galleon which is being built--together with more than seven thousand pesos that the governor of terrenate bought in food and clothing, in order to supply the lack of those which were in the flagship which was lost; and also the unavoidable expenses of this government, although the infantry have not received their entire pay. your majesty can easily see how we shall have passed this year. the relief has been mostly through the large contributions by which i am exhausting the inhabitants; by loans; by neglecting to collect many salaries; and by sending more than one-half of the camp on ships through those seas for eight months, in order to save the effective succor which it was necessary to give them while ashore. consequently, i find myself owing, in loans and debts contracted in this year, to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. that sum must be paid on the arrival of the succor from nueva españa. if that succor is as short as it was last year, it will mean to drive us out by the gates, and render it impossible for this government to do anything for its increase and the service of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "seen."] nothing has placed the states of flandes and those wars in greater stress than the mutinies. your majesty has a large body of infantry in these islands; and although it is in the yndias, where it seems to those in españa that everything is in superabundance, that is a delusion; for the soldiers experience much misery and hardships, and see only a scanty relief, and every year a large amount of pay remains still due to them. all the remote presidios suffer, and in terrenate the soldiers desert to the enemy. i humbly entreat your majesty to consider these reasons, and have the viceroys of nueva españa strictly ordered to send us what is asked from them. for in no other way will they succor these islands, as is advisable; nor do they, in other things, provide anyone to whom can be entrusted the assaying [of metals]. some persons have done this, but have not had the certainty that was desired. i trust in god that he will help me to attain some success. i shall not desist from the effort--and that, be it understood, without expense to your majesty. i have some ores in my house again, which i am assaying--mainly because i have no one who understands it thoroughly--although i am proceeding almost blindly. [_in the margin_: "seen."] after having written this, news came of the arrival of the ships of this year, and a report of the succor that is sent in it, namely, 250,000 pesos in reals. the treasury now owes 150,000 pesos to the citizens for loans, and for food which has been taken from the natives on credit, for the expenses of this year. we cannot neglect to pay any part of that sum as soon as the ships reach port, in order not to lose credit with the inhabitants and natives, who are the ones who support us most. taking then 150,000 pesos from the 250,000 that come, only 100,000 remain to be deposited in the treasury for the expenses of this year. last year, when the succor arrived there was nothing owing for loans or food. in the matter of expenses i have been so moderate that i have not paid the salaries of the government employees, nor the debts of any of the back years. i have kept the infantry on ships for the space of eight months, in order to save the succor and actual cash that would have to be given them if they were ashore. yet at the end of the year the treasury has been found pledged to the extent of the said 150,000 pesos. since at least 80,000 pesos in reals are to be expended from the treasury this year in relief expeditions, and since we can not fail to have the expenses of last year, i find that in the coming july of 629, when the ships which i am now despatching arrive (if god be pleased to bring them back safely), we will owe 250,000 pesos in loans and food. that will be all the succor that i can count upon as being ordered to be sent me. neither of those can i get here in this country, for the loan is a grievous burden on the inhabitants. my rigor cannot be greater than that of the present year. and, even did i secure these supplies, we shall be ruined none the less on that account in the following year, since at the time of the arrival of the succor, we shall be owing it all. [_in the margin_: "seen."] the ordinary expense of these islands, if the infantry are given the full amount of their pay, is seven hundred and fifty thousand pesos per year, at appears from the reports of accounts that i am now sending. the unavoidable expense of necessary aid, factories, salaries, and stipends, amounts to 550,000 pesos. what these islands produce from year to year, in money which can be deposited in the treasury, as an aid to the ordinary expenses, amounts to 150,000 pesos. that leaves 400,000 pesos, which must be sent in reals every year from nueva españa. that should be by way of a gift or consignment (as your majesty does in other places of less importance and danger than these); and it should not remain at the will of the viceroys of nueva españa whether they will send the money or not--even if they have to get it by loans. and even if this be ordered in the manner in which i request, the treasury will still remain under the obligations and shortage in which it will have been involved all these current years. with good administration and better intelligence--and every day i am trying to further the increase of the royal possessions--i hope that this will be retrieved. for if we have the means necessary to maintain the fleets in activity, we shall endeavor therewith to retrieve most of our arrears. but if the necessary funds be not given, we must necessarily lose what is now sent, which will be of no advantage when our fleet is rendered useless for lack of what is needed. [_in the margin_: "seen."] i am very sure that your majesty will have heard by different ways of my care in watching your royal treasury, and the change that has taken place in it, and the reform in the expenses since my arrival in this government. but i feel obliged humbly to petition your majesty to be pleased to withdraw me from it in case that there is no opportunity of succoring it, as i petition; for i am very certain of the rapidity with which it is hastening to its final destruction, and it is not proper that a possession of so great importance for the roman church and the crown of your majesty be lost in the hands of persons of my character and desires. may our lord preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, with the increase and prosperity which we your vassals desire and as we need. manila, august 4, 1628. just now has been brought to me what this royal audiencia writes to your majesty, all complaining that the thirds of their salaries are not paid to them with the promptness that is ordered; that sometimes two or three thirds are owing to them; and that the cause of this is the annoyance and trouble brought about by the governors ordering that they be not paid without their special order. what has been done in this matter during my term will be seen by the testimony that i enclose with the present letter. it would be a strong case if there were any money in the royal treasury, in view of the shortness of the succors as the ships cannot be expected for the last third, that of april. the same measure has been taken this year with all the officials in general, as well as to myself. the treasury owes me ten thousand pesos, and to the citizens a great sum in loans, for since the needs of the treasury are so pressing, we all must feel it. the ships have arrived late, and order has been given to pay immediately the third that is due. what remains to be paid will be paid by the end of this month, when it will be due. thus have we been doing hitherto, and there has been no delay in any third, unless for two or three days that are spent in making out the vouchers and giving the decree or order--without which nothing is paid, for the reason that i gave above in the third section of this letter. this appears a vexation to the audiencia. may god preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, as christendom needs. manila, august 4, 1628. sire, the humble vassal of your majesty, _don juan niño de tavora_ [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that in regard to the governor taking charge of the payments that are to be made in the royal treasury, he refers to what he has said in another section of this letter. in regard to his holding back the thirds of the salaries of the auditors, it must be ordered that that be not done unless it is rendered necessary by a very urgent occasion. madrid, november 19, 1630." "let him see that their salaries are not withheld from the auditors, preferring them to all the other payments that shall be made."] _governmental affairs_ sire: what occurs to me, of which to write your majesty concerning this government, in addition to the matters of justice, revenue, and war (of which i am writing in separate letters), is, first, of the peace and quiet that has been enjoyed in this community. all the tribunals maintain peace among themselves, and act with great harmony and unanimity. and although a few occasions and controversies do not fail to arise in the course of the year in all of the tribunals, i endeavor to lean toward that which is of most importance to us, namely, peace. [_in the margin:_ "seen."] the city has been beautified by the building of a bridge which was desired for a long time; and, although it had been regarded as almost impossible, we now see it in such condition that we can cross by it within two months. then we shall be able to attend to the conducting of the water or fountain with which your majesty so earnestly charged me. in this and other buildings, i exert myself very willingly. if the inhabitants were in so easy circumstances that taxes could be imposed on their possessions to carry this construction forward, there would be much more work, [_in the margin:_ "seen."] one night in the month of january, fire was carelessly set (as far as could be learned) in the parián of the sangleys or chinese who live close to the walls of this city. all the buildings were of wood and straw; and consequently, although we went to the rescue as quickly and energetically as possible, the fire could not be extinguished. i viewed the fire from the guard-house itself, which looks out on the parián, in order to prevent the movements that the chinese might attempt under such circumstances. the master-of-camp, don lorenço olaco, entered the parián itself, and by his timely efforts, and through god's help, he saved the convent and church of the fathers of st. dominic, who have charge of the chinese. the latter, being infidels, were not a little surprised at seeing only the convent and house of the fathers escape so great a fire. almost all the parián has been rebuilt, with much better outlines and edifices than before, and that to such an extent that this city is beautified by buildings so fine. [_in the margin_: "seen."] there have also been other fires this year. one was in the city of cibu, where the convents of the calced and discalced religious of st. augustine were burned, together with some houses of the most influential inhabitants. another was in the city of [nuestra señora] del rosario de terrenate, where the convent of st. francis and the royal hospital were burned, together with a considerable portion of the native village. the edifices in these regions are generally of wood or bamboo, and the roofs of straw. consequently, they are very liable to such disasters. now edifices of stone are being introduced, roofed with tile or brick, and therefore these troubles are being averted. [_in the margin_: "seen."] the year has been a productive one for rice, which is the wheat of this country. we are experiencing the great blessing that will result from the cultivated farms that have recently commenced to be established by the spaniards. they are cultivated by the chinese, who are excellent farmers. i am encouraging it to the best of my ability, as i believe this is the shortest road to provide this city with plenty of food. in regard to the trade and commerce of silks and other products of china, in which consists all the substance of the inhabitants of this community, certain straits will be experienced this year, because the returns from nueva españa have been very slight, and prices here are very high. consequently, all the city has thought, with the general consent, that there should be no [record of] investment, or register, in the ships that are despatched this year to nueva españa for aid. thus was i petitioned in the name of the whole city. i discussed it in the session with the auditors, and in a treasury meeting with those who attend that. all thought that what the city petitioned should be conceded, as it was well known that it would tend to its increase and profit, or to say better, to the restoration of this community. your majesty has much more interest in that than in the duties on the investment and register, which are of slight consideration to this treasury and to that of mexico; while it is of great interest to all the monarchy that so much silver be not sent to china as was going every year from these kingdoms of your majesty. since your royal decrees make so much of the harm that would follow to those kingdoms and to all the monarchy from excesses in these regions, i do not doubt that the decision to set aside the [record of] investment for this year will be quite in accord with its welfare and to your majesty's pleasure. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that, in spite of the causes mentioned by the governor in this section of his letter, he has been notified from mexico and various other places in regard to this particular; and that the ships were laden with merchandise of great value. hence the omission of the register only served to defraud the royal duties. consequently, the governor should be censured for his act and a greater demonstration [of displeasure] reserved for what should result from his inspection and residencia from mexico, that being one of the matters referred to that city." "let the decision of the fiscal be followed; and advise the inspector of this, so that he may charge those who are guilty."] not less attention has been paid to the government of the indians and natives of these provinces. i found them greatly oppressed and harassed by the many burdens, assessments, and services that were imposed on them for the service of your majesty and the support of the government employees and justices. in regard to this matter, i held several conferences with the ecclesiastical prelates, the regulars, and the seculars. at these were present your majesty's fiscal, the assessor of the government, and two encomenderos in the name of the others, and i conferred with them on the most important points. later, with general consent, i made a new set of instructions and ordinances concerning the justices and encomenderos. by them was prohibited under heavy penalties whatever had been introduced that was harmful to the indians. an attested copy of certain points was given to the superiors of the orders and to the ministers who are not regulars, of which it seemed best that they should be notified at the same meeting. they were strictly charged with the execution of those clauses; under penalty that if redress were not made by their own action, your majesty will enforce it. and in order that some cooperation might be supplied on the part of your royal treasury to this general relief which we are trying to effect for the indians, it was resolved, with the consent of the tribunal of the treasury, to pay the natives who serve in the naval storehouse, the rope-factory, and in the repairs of the ships of your majesty, a moderate sum which seemed a just recompense for their labor. by that means, and without any remarkable cost to your majesty (since other expenses were cut down), the villages were relieved of many thousands of ducados which they had to contribute (to their own ruin) every year for the just payment of the aforesaid services. thus, adding to all this the efforts that, as i wrote in the letter on military affairs, have been made and are being undertaken in regard to their protection, i think everything possible will have been done this year for the just government and administration of these unfortunate natives. [_in the margin_: "take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that from what this section shows, the zeal and care of the governor in the welfare, protection, and instruction of those natives ought to be esteemed, and he ought to be ordered to go ahead. at present nothing else in particular can be answered or advised, because this letter does not contain the matters mentioned in it and said to have been given to the religious orders, etc." "advise him that the papers have not come, and that we are awaiting them, in order to decide as shall be most advisable."] quite a number of meetings were also held in regard to the government of the sangleys or chinese, both those naturalized in the country and those who are transient--the traders and mechanics, who are very numerous. all that needed reform was discussed very deliberately, and is being carried out in accordance with the decisions of the other tribunals. however, we cannot help having a million difficulties in regard to all the matters concerning that nation, as we do not govern them after their own manner--as i state in greater detail to your majesty in the letter on judicial matters, when discussing the manner in which i think those people should be governed. it is sure and certain that so long as there cannot be the remedy that i ask for in this matter, what is desired and expedient cannot be attained. [_in the margin_: "seen; and have particular care in this."] the decrees, instructions, and ordinances sent to these islands, both to the governors and to other tribunals and officials, are the rule for the right government of the islands. very many of them are missing--some being lost by carelessness, and others hidden through malice--and orders are not found for many things that would be necessary, while others, because they were carelessly drawn up, are, when placed in practice, overruled by saying that there was a decree for it. consequently, desirous of the clarity required in so important a matter, i petition your majesty to be pleased to have some folios of them printed and sent to this government. [_in the margin:_ "for all the council." "have a pamphlet printed of all these orders and send it to him, and for that purpose send antonio de leon to me." "i have made an agreement with don fernando and antonio de leon."] a seminary for orphan boys is a work of great importance for this city, as there arc usually, in lands so remote, many who are unprotected and without parents or relatives. your majesty orders me by a royal decree to favor it, and to seek means by which to found it. consequently, in accordance with the order, i granted an encomienda of five hundred tributes to one of the foremost inhabitants of this city, namely, captain pedro de navarrete, on condition that he would give a pension of five thousand pesos in ready cash as revenue for the work of the said seminary. by that means was made good the deficiency in his services--which, although they have not been of moment in war affairs, still were sufficient for him to be granted an encomienda; and on condition of the five thousand pesos he was to be preferred to the others. i am awaiting another similar opportunity in order to get enough to be enabled to finish the work [on a building for them] the services of the fathers of the boys who are reared in this house make up for the deficiency of those who do not furnish services, but who can give like sums. by this means, i believe that the house will be established. but in order that it may have some fixed income, it will be necessary for your majesty to be pleased to command me to give them one thousand five hundred or two thousand tributes that are vacant. with this the seminary will be placed in good condition, and can have a secular priest as rector to govern it, who will be chosen by the governors. your majesty will have the patronage of this boys' seminary, as you have in that of the girls of santa potenciana--and at less cost, since all the expenses will be met from encomiendas--than if these had to be enjoyed by worthy men; but their sons will enjoy the encomiendas, since this seminary is founded in order to rear them. [_in the margin_: "[to be considered by] the whole council. take it to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that he does not consider the means employed by the governor to get these five thousand pesos as good, for it really means selling the encomiendas, and giving them for prices to those who do not deserve them. it will result in the general affliction and discontent of the deserving. consequently, in case that the sum given in this may be approved, the governor must be ordered that no others be given henceforth in like manner. he considers it as better and more suitable that the governor assign some encomiendas for the revenues and income of this seminary, to the quantity that shall be deemed advisable. thus has it been, and is being, done with other like foundations in peru and nueva españa. madrid, december 5, 1630." "that the encomienda given was well done, under the conditions that existed. for the support [of the said seminary], the governor shall continue to impose pensions on the encomiendas up to the sum of one thousand ducados, and shall advise us of what is done."] since my arrival, i have had the care of the hospitals of this city, ordered to me by your majesty in one of your royal decrees received this year. the hospitals are in charge of the discalced religious of st. francis. i do not doubt that if there were some brothers of [st.] john of god here, they would administer them better; but i have not found them in these islands as yet. i am charging the fathers to look after them carefully, and i personally visit and aid the sick whenever my occupations admit; and i wish that that were often. [_in the margin_: "thank him, and tell him to continue what he is doing, since it is not advisable to send any of those brothers at present."] i wrote at length my opinion in regard to the spiritual matters of the convents and orders, and at present nothing especial occurs 10 me of which to advise your majesty. [_in the margin_: "seen."] the characters of juan ruiz de escalona, treasurer of the royal revenues of these islands, and of the accountant, martin ruiz de salazar, are excellent. they attend to their duties with all punctuality and earnest zeal, which deserve from your majesty the favor that all who comply with their obligations may hope from your royal hand. they are informing you of their especial petitions, and hence i shall not go into greater detail. [_in the margin_: "let persons of these abilities be kept in mind."] the inspector who was assigned to this royal audiencia has not come this year because of his lack of health, according to what he writes me. that is a pity, for it is important to the service of your majesty that these islands be inspected. [but that should be done] with the mildness and prudence that is proper; for i do not consider it advisable to unearth old matters that now have no redress, and to investigate them will have no other result than to disturb this community. [_in the margin_: "that this is already provided."] this despatch is being made august 4, one day after the arrival at this port of the ships from nueva españa. those ships spent just four months in a voyage that can be and usually is made in less than three, and after suffering innumerable storms and maladies--with the evident risk of leaving these islands without help, because they had not left nueva españa a fortnight earlier. sire, this government, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of him who may govern here, will be only, what the viceroys of nueva españa wish. if aid comes in time and is abundant (or at least sufficient), all goes well and affairs progress, for everything is obtained. if the aid comes late, and does not contain what is necessary, everything is lost and destroyed, as was pointed out more minutely to your majesty in the letters of war and revenue. i petition you humbly that--although i have come to these islands so desirous of furthering their prosperity, but have found them tied down by undertakings and expenses greater than in the time of my predecessors--since i do not merit being aided as they were, or cannot be aided because of the inclemency of the weather, your majesty will be pleased to use me in another place where the employment and attainment of my desires is not impossible through the lack of coöperation and outside aid. may god preserve the catholic royal person of your majesty with the increase that we, your vassals, desire, and which christendom needs. manila, august 4, 1628. sire, your majesty's humble vassals, _don juan niño de tavora_ [_in the margin_: "seen. have the viceroy charged to be very punctual in this."] economic reasons for suppressing the silk trade of china in spain and its colonies _reasons of expediency existing why the importation of the silk of china and the other merchandise of that country ought not to be permitted in the indias and these kingdoms, but rather prohibited; and the damages and troubles that follow from its not being prohibited in every point, and its trade, are the following._ it is very pernicious to permit the importation of the silk of china and its trade, both in the indias and in españa. for although not more than two hundred and fifty thousand pesos de tipuzque can be taken from nueva españa to the filipinas annually, besides that sum another incalculable quantity of money is taken in reals of eight; for the said silk can be bought or traded for nothing else, nor will the chinese give or exchange it for other merchandise. consequently, they manage to get hold of and carry away annually the greater part of the eight-real pieces which are made in the said nueva españa, in exchange for grass, which is the substance of that coarse and harsh silk which is so plentiful among the chinese. [53] thus do they weaken our strength and increase their own; and consequently they can make war on us whenever they wish, without any cost to them as far as we are concerned. and since this money does not come to españa, it cannot be invested there in merchandise, and the customs duties and the excise duty cannot be collected from them; and they cannot return with a greater sum of money with which to make larger investments, resulting in the great increase of the said royal incomes, and the common benefit of his majesty's vassals. besides, if that silk were not taken from china to nueva españa, it would not be used there; nor would it be poured into piru and tierra firme, as is done. for, notwithstanding the prohibition established forbidding any merchandise to be taken there from china, a very large quantity of it is taken to the said provinces from nueva españa, and it is used there--the viceroys, generals, and justices concealing and favoring it for their own private interest and benefit. for that reason much less spanish merchandise is used in the said piru and tierra firme than was formerly consumed, and than would be used if the merchandise of china were not sent there. that condition causes the merchandise of españa to have one-half less value than before. hence it results that daily fewer trading ships arc sent from these kingdoms than formerly, and than would be sent if the said trade with china were to cease. that is the reason why the spanish silks and other merchandise are so seldom demanded or consumed in the indias. that, with the low prices at which they are sold, and the numerous duties which are paid, and the trade so ruined, makes the exporters and merchants derive so little gain from their investments that they do not care to increase or to continue their trade, and cease to attend to it. on that account, the said indias do not depend, as it is right that they should depend, on these kingdoms; while, as there and in these kingdoms is consumed the merchandise of china, which is only bought with standard reals of eight, an enormous amount of coin is taken there in exchange for the merchandise, and thus is not sent to these kingdoms to be invested here, in order to return them to the said indias. [if that were done], the duties thereon (together with the great cargoes and the increase of business in all directions) would increase very greatly, as would be clearly and quickly seen in the increase of the royal revenues. the prohibition of the said merchandise of china is of much greater advantage to the royal revenues than the permission; besides, it is the universal remedy [for the troubles] of these kingdoms and of the said indias, that the said merchandise be not exported to either the former or the latter. [there is a parallel to this in our domestic trade], for in place of the wheat (because of the lack of it that is generally experienced in the maritime towns of this kingdom), foreigners are continually carrying away from us so great an amount of money through the permissions given to them for export, and with what they demand besides, for the wheat, and in exchange for the copper coins that they force on us, and other articles that they bring to us, which they have in plenty--but which we do not need, as we have all of them in our españa. thus they weaken our resources and strengthen their own; but this would be avoided if we did not need the wheat, and they were not permitted to bring the other things. just so, not having need (as there is none) of the wares from china, because we have so many of them in these kingdoms (which moreover are known to be so much better in quality), we should cease this trade, which only carries to china that great treasure which is annually withdrawn and conveyed thither, without any hope that any part of it will ever return to us. for the chinese have a great surplus of all goods, and never come to buy anything, but only to sell--and that only for reals of eight; and consequently, they make their prices so cheap, in order to get the reals, that they constrain one to buy a much greater quantity of their merchandise than he would buy if the prices were higher and the profits less. and although the profits are seemingly large at first, they are not so in reality, because of the little durability of the chinese goods, and because of the damage caused to the merchandise of españa by their importation; for, by permitting it, the consumption of spanish goods is lessened, and they have less value. consequently--setting aside the so universal damage to all the natives [of españa], and in particular that to the producers of the said silk (and its production is daily diminishing, to such an extent, indeed, that in a very few years so little will be produced that the damage will be made plainly evident in the royal duties, and in its lack and scarcity), and how much greater benefit would be the prohibition than the permission of the said silk of china--his majesty and his ministers, in attending to his royal revenues, are under obligation to furnish suitable relief for this, for the welfare of his kingdoms and vassals. since the towns of the kingdom of granada were given, after their insurrection, [54] under an annuity obligation [censo] to private persons so that they might settle therein, and the annuity amounts to more than one hundred thousand ducados of revenue, which are paid through the increase in the production of the silk; and [it is necessary] that there should be a ready sale and handling of it, for the estates that were given to them have no other important products from which they could obtain the money to pay the said annuity; necessarily, if the production of the silk ceases, then the payment of the annuity will cease. for in that and in the ready sale of the said silk consists the power [to pay the annuity]; and it also consists in the many people who, having the silk, would occupy themselves in its production, culture, and preparation, who will consume and use a great quantity of food. that would cause an excise duty on the food of more than one hundred thousand additional ducados per year; but this income would cease if the production and cultivation of the silk ceased, and his majesty would lose the said one hundred thousand ducados. besides, the said silk paying, as it does, three hundred and two maravedis per libra--without reckoning the tenth, or the forty per cent on the gross price at which it is at once sold in the alcaicerias--as soon as it is sold, while there would be less produced and sold, and the price of it would be lower, the duties will be less. and since the silk of china does not pay more than fifteen per cent of import tax and excise, because it is foreign, his majesty loses twenty-five per cent on each libra of the silk of the kingdom of granada. that silk is produced in less quantity by the importation of that of china; and since our silk pays higher duties than the foreign--either because of its excellent quality, or because it is native, or for some other reason--that freedom from duties ought to be extended to it rather than to the chinese silk, instead of burdening it with greater duties. these latter should be imposed upon the chinese silk, so that, less of it being imported for that reason, less money would be taken from nueva españa to filipinas for its purchase; while more money would be brought to these kingdoms. that would result in greater investments and cargoes, and more silk would be produced in these kingdoms. for so little silk has been produced in the kingdom of granada for the last two years, because of its little sale and value and its great cost, that the duties from the revenues of their silk have been worth thirty thousand ducados less each of those two years than they were worth during the years before. two signal losses have resulted from that, and they will become greater every day, and more irreparable. the first is that as so little silk is produced, and the producers have left the leaves on the mulberry-trees, the trees have come to such a pass that for lack of pruning and care they will be ruined in little time and destroyed--so that when one may try to remedy them he will be unable. the other is that the little silk that has been produced has been of so little profit to the producers because of its diminished value during this time--on account of the quantity of foreign silk that has been imported and its better sale, because of the lower price at which it has been sold--that the said producers and the holders of the annuity grants have not had sufficient means to pay the said annuities; and for the last two years they have owed his majesty two hundred thousand ducados. it will be impossible to pay that sum and what shall be owing in the future years, as long as the importation and sale of that foreign silk is not prohibited. but if that be done, the production will be increased, and the trade and value [of the spanish silk] will return to its former figure. by that benefit all the producers will be encouraged to persevere in it, and will cause greater duties, not only for the larger amount of silk that there will be, but in the excise duty for the consumption of food. the producers will have the means to pay what they owe on the annuities that are due and will fall due. and although the silks will be dearer than now, the greater durability of what will be made from them, because of their good quality and worth, will make them cheaper. for if the chinese silk is not imported, nor ours mixed with it (which is the thing that spoils, harms, and damages ours), what is woven will never break, and will not be dear at any price. the money [now] invested in the silk of china and taken to that country will come to these kingdoms, and will be invested in our silks and merchandise and the returns from them will continue to increase both in the increase of the royal revenues, and in the universal welfare of his majesty's vassals. thus will it be seen in a very short time how well advised has been the decision that will be made in the prohibition of the said silks of china, as well as the great damage that its importation has caused. besides, the danger of navigation will not be so great, because of both its less distance and its greater safety; nor will there be so many losses of ships and property as there arc continually now. this trade will proceed with less coercion by the enemies; consequently, the power of the latter will not be so great, nor will the depredations that they commit on our own coasts by robbing us have to be feared. that is all worth very considerable thought, in order that one may see how just is this claim, and so that the remedy for this difficulty be procured, as it is the one that demands reform most urgently of all that now present themselves to our attention. _juan velazquez madrco_ [_endorsed in writing_: [55] "arguments why the silk of china should not be admitted into the yndias or into españa. october 7, 628." "file it with the papers that treat of this matter."] decrees regarding the chinese the king. to don juan niño de tavora, member of my council of war, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be: fray melchor de manzano, of the order of st. dominic, has reported to me, in the name of the chinese living in those islands, that the said chinese pay me annually sixty-four reals in silver for the sole purpose of remaining in that country, in addition to five more, which is the usual tribute, and twelve more for the treasury, which are spent in assessments for affairs of my service; and that, for a few years back, the alcaldes-mayor have introduced the practice that no chinese enter or live in their districts without their permission (even though they have yours), and the permission given by the alcaldes-mayor is for a very short period, in order to get from them the fees for the said permission very frequently. although orders have been issued in this matter by that audiencia of mine, prohibiting the granting of the said permissions, those orders have not been obeyed. on the contrary, those officials proceed in their own interest, and oblige the chinese at the same time to attend to the service of the city, by going to fish and to provide all the necessaries of life; and, whenever they go they experience many annoyances. he petitions me that i will be pleased to order that, since the chinese pay so large fees to live in that country, the permissions that you shall grant them be valid in all the districts of the said alcaldes-mayor; and that the latter take no other fee, or the former have no need of any other permission, besides yours; and that for yours not more than one real in silver be collected. if the expedition made by the said chinese should not last longer than one month, the permission of the alcalde-mayor of their district will be sufficient, and they shall not be obliged to get another in that place to which they go, within the said month. that given by the said alcalde-mayor shall not carry fees in excess of one-half real. if the alcalde-mayor of the parián grant such permission, he shall collect no fee, since the said chinese pay ten pesos to him, and the same amount to the clerk of the salary fund. having examined the matter in my royal council of the indias, i have considered it advisable to refer the matter herein contained to you, so that you may provide that the said chinese be not annoyed or molested, in order that there may be no occasion for their coming to complain; and you shall advise the said my royal council of the indias of the correction that you shall apply in this matter. madrid, june 8, 1628 _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia resident in the city of manila of the filipinas islands: fray melchor manzano, of the order of preachers, in the name of the chinese living in those islands has reported to me that it has been ordered for the security of the islands that the chinese live in the village of the parián, outside the walls of that city; but that for a few years past they have been scattered among different settlements outside of the said village. there with difficulty can the wrongs experienced at various times by such settlements be righted, as many of them do not go to mass or hear the word of god, but indulge in excessive gambling, to their own hurt and that of the inhabitants of that city. any insurrection can easily be feared because they can arrange one very safely in the said settlements, where they can hold secret assemblies and meetings--from which resulted the impositions, false testimonies one against another, and false witnesses; and the fortifications of the walls of that city are in great danger. for if the said chinese live in the village of the parián, one can derive from that means to fortify the walls and prevent destruction and losses; but if they live outside the parián, that will be lacking, and consequently the safety of that city [will be endangered]. i have been petitioned that i be pleased to order, under severe penalties, that no chinese be permitted to have a dwelling outside the parián; and that those now outside return there, except the married christians who may live in the village of vindanoc [i.e., binondo], which has been assigned to them. having examined the matter in my royal council of the indias, i have considered it fitting to refer the matter to you, so that you may proceed in it with all the haste that may be advisable for the service of god our lord and my own, in order that those troubles cease. you shall advise me of what you shall do, on the first opportunity. madrid, august 17, 1628. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ the king. to don juan niño de tavora, member of my council of war, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be: i ordered you by a decree of september 10, 627, to appoint to the office of protector of the sangley chinese (which was held by the fiscal of that audiencia) a person who should prove competent, with the salary that was assigned to him; and to order that my said fiscal of those regions exercise the office no longer. you were ordered to charge the person whom you thus appointed to watch over the said sangley chinese most carefully, so that they might not be troubled or annoyed, or any ill-treatment shown them; and that any balance left any year in the fund that he keeps should remain there, in order that the sangleys may be assessed so much less the following year. when that order was executed, you were to inform me of what had been done and what took place in respect to those who are mentioned in the said decree, as well as the advantages or troubles that its execution might cause, as is contained more in detail in the decree, to which i refer. doctor don juan de quesada hurtado de mendoza, whom i have appointed as my fiscal of that audiencia, has reported to me that, having petitioned that the documents be given to him as to his predecessors, and one of them being the decree that orders that the fiscal of that my audiencia be the protector of the natives and the sangleys, he found that the above decree had been despatched, ordering you to appoint a competent person. the cause therefor was that fray melchor manzano, of the order of st. dominic, urged it for private purposes, until he actually obtained it. the fiscal declared that it was advisable for my service to have the decree suspended, and that my fiscals of that audiencia exercise the said office, as they had always done; and that the said fray melchor manzano, while he was in those islands, and other religious of his order, having made themselves protectors of the said sangleys, and having petitioned the governor to order that the fiscal be not the protector of them, and that the salary of whoever should be protector be moderated, the said governor did not change the custom of whether the fiscal should or should not be the protector. in regard to the salary, it was moderated only to eight hundred pesos. when the matter came before that my audiencia, it declared by acts of examination and review that the said protection pertained to the said my fiscal. in consideration of that, don fernando de silva, my governor _ad interim_ of those islands, ordered that the said acts be executed; and that, in conformity with them, the office of protector of natives and sangleys be exercised by licentiate marcos zapata de galvèz, my fiscal of that my audiencia at that time. i am petitioned, in consideration of that, to be pleased to have a decree despatched ordering that he and other fiscals who shall succeed him in that my audiencia be protectors of the said sangleys and natives, as they have been, notwithstanding the ruling of the said decree of september 10, 627. having examined the matter in my royal council of the indias, together with what licentiate juan pardo, my fiscal therein, stated and alleged--for i wish to know whether the sangleys have need of that protector and whether they ask for him--i order you to inform me of what you find out concerning this; and in case that it appears necessary that they have one, i order you and that audiencia to appoint six persons who may be suitable for such protector. you shall cause such nominations to be sent to the said my council, so that it may indicate that one of the six appointees who is most suitable. he must not have trade or business relations with the said sangleys; and the one named by the said council shall be, for the time being, the one who shall seem most suitable to the council. madrid, march 27, 1629. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _andres de rozas_ relations of 1628-29 i _relation of affairs in the filipinas and in other regions, for the year of 1628 and 629, sent by the fathers [of the society]; and of a victory gained by our men_. an excellent and large fleet has left this great island of mindanao during these last few days to punish the insolence of the dutch and of the joloans, the neighbors of mindanao, who are robbing the country from us and capturing the indians of these filipinas. the fleet is there, and i was to embark with it, but in order not to leave this district alone father fabricio sersali, a sicilian, went. the fleet consisted of thirty ships and more, and in them sailed two hundred spaniards and innumerable indian soldiers and rowers. may our lord give us the success that we hope. [56] a fleet of two galleons with high freeboard has also left, and in them four companies of soldiers, in pursuit of the dutch enemy who were in macan and along the coast of great china. advices were received of a dutch ship which was carrying one million pesos' worth of wealth. the result has not been ascertained as yet. [_word in ms. illegible_] on march 13, fire fell from heaven upon the parian or fair of the chinese (according to what they themselves swear, namely, that they saw it fall), and burned it all, without a single one of the more than eight hundred houses that it contained being left; and the only thing that was left standing was a church which was in the parian. [57] the parian of manila and almost all the city of zebu were burned, with great loss. the fleet which went from the province of oton to punish jolo has arrived at this very moment. i shall relate here a very fortunate result that our lord gave them. it is as follows. the island of jolo is next to that of mindanao. the fleet left here, as i said, on the first of april. at dawn of holy saturday it reached the mouth of the river of jolo, and entering it and attacking the village, the enemy fled as a single man to the mountain, so that the energy of all our men was directed to pillaging. the sack amounted to thirty thousand pesos. what was pillaged from the house of the king amounted to six thousand pesos in silk, cloth, wax, huge quantities of wax, innumerable weapons, and other things of great value. it was all divided among the villagers. that news was one of the best which this country has heard, as that enemy was the one who does us most harm. father fabricio sersali, who was with the fleet, preceded them all with an image of st. francis xavier raised on a spear. in this manner did the aged saint enter the mosque, and leap for joy. now boats are being prepared in this town of arebalo to complete the uprooting from these islands of those nations who disturb them. they burned the town, and the house of the king, the mosque, and the rice which they could not carry away. they felled the palm trees, so that they might deprive those people of support. they did all that in one day. they burned one hundred and forty ships--forty large ones and the others of less burden. such and such people were captured; and then they set out on their return in high spirits, in order to go out another time, for which they are preparing. oton, may 30, 628. _hernando estrada_ [58] will your reverence aid me with your holy sacrifices and prayers, so that i may imitate many apostolic laborers whom we have had here, and of whom we have at present many, who have come from all those provinces of españa; they have made and are making gardens pleasant to the sight of god, from the obscure forests which the devil has possessed so many thousands of years and still possesses in these islands. for, as we have been told, there are eleven thousand islands, of which that of manila is the largest and most important. it has more christians [than the others], and yet even in it there are many infidels, who make war on us. among the other islands there are very few [with christians] because of the many which are so full of infidel people who profess the devilish worship of mahoma. i cannot depict to your reverence how surrounded we are by that canaille on all sides, and the wars that they so frequently make upon us--so that, in the summer especially, no one can be safe in his house. daily do they enter our villages, burn them and their churches, break into bits the saints and images, and capture the poor indians. i left manila in a champan, which is a boat used by the chinese, and in which they come from their country here. we were four of the society who embarked in it, and god was pleased to give it so favorable a wind that by means of it we escaped from the hands of the enemy, who were in ambush, watching for an opportune moment. the father-provincial [59] took the same route in a caracoa--a boat used in this country; but that craft was knocked to pieces before reaching the place where the enemy had established themselves. hence it was necessary for him and his associate to come overland, suffering extraordinary hardships, over mountains and through rivers, for more than one hundred leguas. thus does it seem that they escaped as by a miracle, as well as did the champan. soon thirty or more boatloads of camuzones indians arrived here. they were naked, having only a bit of cloth with which they cover, etc. their weapons are certain pointed bamboos, but those bamboos are very strong. they entered a village which was under my charge, and burned it, together with its house and church. they broke the saints into pieces, although the ornaments were saved. nine persons were captured here. another brother and i were going to another village, without thought of enemies. we entered the bar of a river at about one in the afternoon. that afternoon the enemy entered the same river. the next day, while we were giving thanks, they made a sudden attack on the village, whereupon all the people fled. we two went to the mountains, where we remained eleven days. thence the enemy took their way toward another village, where the father-provincial was, together with father juan lopez, [60] his associate, and other fathers. before the enemy arrived, they received the warning which i sent them. consequently, all took to the mountains, and the father-provincial and the other fathers were among the mountains for a number of days, where they suffered hardships. but our lord was pleased to order that the enemy should not reach that village nor the village where i was staying, for fear of the narrowness of the rivers, lest they could not get through them when they departed. but they went thence to another town located on the seashore, and burned it entirely. the enemy also went to other villages of our missions and burned them, and the fathers escaped as by a miracle from their hands. when the enemy capture the fathers they cut off their heads, as they did two years ago with a father whom they captured. they treat the spaniards whom they capture in the same way. consequently, we all go about as if we were soldiers; our ships are laden with arms; and forts have been built in the chief villages and fortified with firearms, with which to defend ourselves; while forts are being built in the other villages. all those coasts of this sea have been crowded with sentinels this year, for it was rumored that many dutch ships were to come, and they always come to sight land at the cape of espiritu santo. when we go from some villages to others, we cross many deep rivers, which are all generally full of caymans or crocodiles. these [reptiles] swallow a bull, a cow, or a deer even to their horns, thus causing great loss. they also catch and eat the indians daily. there is a most abundant quantity of snakes, almost all of which cause death when they sting. there is but one remedy for the wounds, namely, if they happen to have a little of the earth from san pablo. by having it blessed, they are infallibly cured; and he who is treated with this remedy does not die. there are other snakes which are not poisonous. they are so large that they can swallow a large wild boar, or a large deer, horns and all. a father and some indians killed one which was eating a hog; they ran up on hearing the grunts of the hog, and speared and killed the snake. there is great abundance of material products, and the country is very fertile. the grain of these regions is rice, and as a rule each fanega of grain sowed yields one hundred fanegas, and many yield two hundred fanegas, especially if it is irrigated and transplanted. there are oranges of many varieties, some of them resembling large melons. honey and wax is found in the trees, where the bees make it. the wax is worth sixteen or twenty reals an arroba, and a jar of honey one real. i saw a tree which had many honeycombs hanging on the branches. the mountains are fuller of wild boars than are the commons of españa of swine and cattle in acorn time. one of those swine, if it is fat, is worth two reals, but only one if not fat; and a deer is worth the same sum. there are almost no fruits of españa. there are melons, cucumbers, pumpkins, and radishes of the country, and quantities of cabbages and lettuce. there are many native fruits, some of which are excellent, but they are not so many or so good as those of españa, while the food does not have the same nourishment as in españa. the swine here are excellent, and better and more healthful than those of españa; for they are eaten like mutton, and are given to the sick as mutton is in españa. god is ever our physician and apothecary in sickness, and but few times does one fall grievously sick when our lord does not supply the lack of medicines, without which [_ms. holed_: we?] get along very well, and god helps [us]. panbohen, july 6, 1629. _pedro de prado_ we received a letter from eastern india which gives very good news of its condition; for the dutch are now in small numbers and are very much disaccredited, with both the moros and the heathen, and these have revolted against the dutch and driven them from their lands and from the houses of trade that they owned, because they have found them false in their commerce and deceitful in their trading. our men went to help drive out the dutch. good news comes from zeilan and tebet of the great conversion to christianity that is being effected there and in other regions, and that the faith of our lord jesus christ continues to increase. ruy freire went to besiege ormuz with some ships, and the viceroy told him that he was going in person with [_ms. holed_] ships to capture it. father geronimo perez [61] had cut down, at a residence, a tree which was called nino, in order to dispel the superstitions of the indians. that tree was twenty-five brazas in circumference, and there are other trees of this species whose trunks are used by the indians as houses. [62] father muxica writes from macan that father trigautio had come from china to macan, and said that there were many highborn and influential people in china who were being converted, and that they were living very exemplary lives. manila, july 5, 1628 [_sic_]. ii _a relation of events in the philipinas islands, and other neighboring kingdoms, from the month of july, 1628, to july,1629._ continuing my project begun last year, i will proceed in this account to relate the events which have happened this year, without observing any other order than that in which they occur to me. at half past one on the night of november 25, our church fell, with so terrible a crash that it seemed as if the heavens were falling. it was due to god's great providence that it did not happen several hours later, for without doubt some of our fathers would have been caught in the ruins. it is the third time that this church has fallen; for years ago, just as they finished saying the last mass, and locked the doors, the whole vault, which was built of brick, fell in a great earthquake. if it had happened an hour before, it would have wrought great injury, by imprisoning beneath it all the people who were in the church. then six years later, in the month of september, on the same day, just as they were beginning to decorate the church for celebrating the feasts of st. ignatius and st. xavier, one large pillar and two arches fell, leaving the roof in the air, without any means of support for more than eight yards--a thing which seemed miraculous; two of ours were caught, but neither received much harm. on this last occasion the ruin was greater, because one pillar, when it fell, carried with it half of the church. thus it remained, without repairs being possible; there was nothing to be done but to finish the work of destruction, and build a hut in which to accommodate our fathers in their ministries, until we finish the new church building and house--which is a very good one, and well on its way to completion. [63] on the twentieth of december, at eight o'clock in the evening, they omitted the holy sacrament in the cathedral church of this city, because it had been stolen, together with the monstrance in which it was kept. diligent search was made for it, arresting some and putting others to the torture, and making earnest prayers to placate the wrath of god, but no trace of the thief could be found in these or any other ways, even to the present day. [64] on the twentieth of june an eclipse of the sun began at eleven o'clock, and at thirteen minutes after twelve it was so far eclipsed that it could not be seen at all. it seemed as if it were night, and the stars were seen in the sky, so that we were forced to light candles in order to eat; for there was a dinner that afternoon, on the occasion of a certain feast. as far as i know, this eclipse was not seen in nueva españa; it is the most complete one that i have ever seen, though i have seen many. on the eighteenth of july last, in the village of guiguan, which is a mission of the society, an image of the immaculate conception of our lady with a gilded face, began to weep piteously--in the sight of all, and of the father who was expounding christian doctrine in that village--with a saddened countenance, to the great terror of all who were present. it seemed as if this was the announcement of the disasters and calamities which have been suffered by those poor islands of the pintados (which are in our missionary charge) from their enemies the camucones and the joloans, who have become very insolent--plundering many ships on the sea, some of them valuable; robbing and burning towns, capturing the people, and destroying the images, which the fathers have kept well until their flight and refuge in the mountains. it has been considered a singular providence that no one of our fathers has been captured (although there are fears about one, but nothing certain is known about it). the enemy suddenly landing, one father was surprised in bed, but made his escape almost in his shirt; they surprised another while saying mass, and he was obliged to make his escape in his chasuble, fleeing through the marshes; another they found sprinkling with holy water the whole population of the town in the church; another they met on the sea, and having given chase to his vessel, the father leaped overboard and finally escaped. the father provincial was in great danger several times, but in the end god preserved him and all the other fathers. the greatest hardship is, that it seems as if those who conduct the government do not endeavor to check these raids; may the lord do so by restraining the enemies. relief was sent this year to the malucas islands, as has usually been done in past years, in several pataches and a galley. the dutch enemy had at their malayo fort (which is almost within sight of our fort at terrenate), a very powerful ship which passed in front of our fort several times discharging their artillery as if defying us to come out and fight. after this bravado our men and pedro de heredia, governor of those fortifications, armed two pataches and the galley (a force much inferior to that of so powerful a ship) and went out to meet the enemy. he boarded it and began to attack the soldiers in it; the enemy, seeing that the fight was going against them, cut loose from our ship, and retreated or fled to their fort. there their people arrested the captain, because, although he had had the advantage on his side, he had not sunk our little pataches, but instead had taken to flight. some of the dutch and some of our men were killed in this fight. at xacatra, which is the capital of the dutch possessions in all these eastern regions, and at which their governor and captain-general resides, there have been many harassing wars this year, because king xabo with a very powerful army had besieged them for many months, seized and burned the suburbs, and killed many men. however, on account of the many winter floods, xabo had to retreat; but the dutch are left in considerable fear lest he will return, with the portuguese giving him assistance. on that account they have still further fortified their forts, made greater provision of all necessaries, and detailed there six galleons from the great fleet, which they maintain at ormus for the aid and defense of the persian, [65] in order that the portuguese, who are threatening that fortress, may not recover it. with the aim of relieving these islands and their natives from the suffering that they endured in building galleys and ships, the governor decided to send some spaniards to the kingdom of camboja, which abounds in fine woods, to establish dock-yards; this purpose was carried out. with the spaniards it was decided to send some of the society, but for certain reasons this was not done, nor would we permit it. the fathers of st. dominic, however, permitted it; and so some of them went there with the spaniards, and were very well received by the king of camboja. they immediately commenced to carry out their plans for the ships, while the religious built a church. the king gave them permission to baptize and convert to christianity any persons in his kingdom who wished it. i wrote last year, that, annoyed by the injuries which these islands had received from the king of sian, who had seized in one of his ports a ship of ours richly laden with silks, our galleons had gone there and made reprisals on some of his ships. the latest news is that a ship was sent there with some of the sianese who were captured, and some spaniards, to give an account of the affair; and to tell the king that our people desired to continue in peace and friendship, but that he must satisfy us for what he had seized from us, and in return we would satisfy him for what we had seized from his people. as yet we have had no answer from there, nor have we heard how the matter was concluded--much less if our fathers who reside there lost their lives when our galleons did so much damage to the sianese ships. the outlook for christianity in cochinchina was very promising, and in the year 1627 eight hundred adults were baptized; but this year we have had news that the fathers had encountered adverse fortune, and were fearing expulsion from that kingdom--but now they write that the tempest has already abated, and the skies are clearing. in late years, there have been many wars in the kingdom of tongin, which adjoins that of cochinchina; but the christians have been left in peace, and thus many have been converted to christianity. it is even reported that this same king and a brother of his had been or were to be baptized. would to heaven that it were so! although hitherto there has been no certainty of anything, because we have had no letters from our fathers, on account of the said wars. the tartars have again revolted against the chinese, who are so hard pressed that they have sent to macan for artillerymen and artillery for the war. the portuguese lent them two heavy guns, and thirty men to go with them, among whom was father palmerin, the visitor of that province [_in the margin_: in the secular habit], to visit, on this occasion, the houses and the residences in china. as to the condition of christianity in japon, i cannot better give account than by inserting here letters and relations sent from there. the first, dated 1627, reads as follows: "the persecution of the christians here, which was begun several years ago, continues without any remission of its vigor, but rather increases with every day--not throughout the whole kingdom, however, but in certain parts of the xymo or tacab, in which the christians are persecuted more than they have been hitherto. it commenced among the christian converts of tacacu and the lands of arima, by soliciting the tono of that region, gentir, to return to the favor of the lord of japon, of which he has been deprived for some time, and to dissuade from the faith all the christians who should enter his lands. an official was sent to all places with orders that they should not fail to go through every village, and to cause everyone, by any way or means whatever, to renounce the faith, in order that they might instead adopt one of the japanese sects. the officials obeyed their orders and searched out all, whether steadfast or wavering; and some, in order not to risk their faith, left their homes secretly. some of the strong ones were rigorously treated, and others gently, among whom some exiled themselves. those christians suffered, for their constancy, various and extreme torments never before seen in japon, which at the said tono's command were inflicted in order to subdue them--stripping both men and women, and hanging them in their shame; hurling them from a height into cold water, in the depth of winter; placing them near a fire so that they would burn; and burning them with lighted torches. two of them they roasted on burning coals, as st. laurence suffered. others were left so that they died in a few days. they also burned the men with a hot iron upon the forehead, leaving the word "christian" stamped upon it. they cut the fingers from the hands, even of children, inflicting other indignities that cannot be written. the inhuman pagan, not content with this, had some men and women conducted through the streets of certain villages with insignia of dishonor commonly applied among the heathen to criminals, but of great glory to our lord god, for whose love they suffered. when the servants of the lord arrived at some of these places, they bound them in a shameful manner to stakes, in order to frighten the christian inhabitants in this fashion; but with all their efforts they were not strong enough to conquer any christian, or make him recant. forty-seven, of all ages, were condemned to death; three were beheaded, and the rest drowned in the sea. eighteen others, of all ages, they took to a mountain, where there were some very hot baths; and, binding them with ropes, they put them into the water, asking them again and again if they would not recant. seeing their constancy, they bound them to stones, with which they were sunk in the sea. twenty-six others, of varying ages, they also took to the said baths; and having especially distinguished ten of these by torments, they kept them for some time on the edge of the baths, repeatedly asking them if they would give up their religion. at the same time they poured upon their shoulders jars of that boiling hot water, drawing from them cries of pain; until, becoming convinced of their constancy, they drowned them in the said baths. because the body of one of them was not burst open like the rest by the heat of the water, they cut it open in various places with a knife. in this torture he died, and, like the others, was flung into the baths. adding to these two others who died of the terrible torture inflicted upon them, the number of those who died in the province of tacacu, by fire, blood, and water was forty-seven. they went to rest and abide with christ, and will always be able to say with david: _transivimus per ignem et aqua e reduxisti nos in refrigerium_. [66] we would never finish if we undertook to tell in detail all the particulars of these martyrdoms, which we shall leave for a more extended relation, in which they may be viewed; and great consolation will be had from the fact that those christians have endured such atrocious and unheard-of torments with such constancy, for the love of christ. "let us speak of the persecution which another pagan tono set in motion against the christians in his lands, adjacent to those of tacacu. they buried three of the martyrs whom the tono of tacacu had condemned, and three others were captured who were going there; he ordered them to recant if they wished to save their lives, or else they would be subjected to various torments, but these they suffered rather than lose the life of the soul. besides this, the japanese persecuted the christians of that town, and others near by, trying every means in their power to divert them from our holy faith. some of them were steadfast, and others wavered. the tono, however, ordered them not to kill anyone then as a christian, and this order was obeyed--although two widows, named maria, gave a noble [_word illegible in ms_.] in order to show that they were more constant. they insulted these women in many ways, putting them to shame; and finally, as they were triumphant over every injury and torment, they were set free. then they hastened to the city of nangasaqui, the chief of christian communities in japon, where on august 16, 1627, they arrested and burned alive father fray francisco de santa maria, and the lay brother, fray bartholome, both franciscans, together with their servants and other men and women. others they beheaded, among whom the lot fell to a woman with three children, two of whom were two years old and the other older. on the sixth of september of the same year, they arrested and burned alive a japanese father of ours, together with two chiefs, his servants. the governor and president of that city was present at all these murders. he, in conformity with his orders, tried to make all the christian inhabitants recant, without respect to age or estate, and to persuade them all to adopt some one of the japanese sects, making use of many ingenious artifices for this purpose. seeing that he could not effect his purpose, he tried locking some of them in their houses, nailing up the doors, and depriving them of all communication with relatives and friends, to which end he set guards around them. some weak-spirited persons obeyed him; but the greater number, both chiefs and common people, resisted him. the governor, seeing that so many resisted, as he had no orders to take their lives, but only to send them as prisoners to the court, sent those whom he thought best, and among them fifteen of the most prominent persons. fearing because some of these were persons of rank, and had many relatives, and some of them were actually officials in the same city, in order to prevent any revolt from arising he asked the neighboring tonos for a large number of soldiers. a great many of these came, who were lodged throughout the city; but, seeing that there was no resistance he ordered them back to their fortresses, and, the confessors being much rejoiced, he sent them prisoners to the court. others are kept in captivity until the arrival of a decree from the court. four distinguished families were exiled to macan, with four hundred and thirty of the common people, who were driven to the neighboring mountains as a warning and intimidation to many others, and all intercourse and communication with them was cut off. it was ordered that no one should admit them to their houses. they were commanded not to build huts, even for the infant children, to defend them from the inclemencies of the weather. guards were set over them so that no one should grant them even a mat for their shelter, the persecutors hoping by this means to bend them to their will. although the confessors of christ undergo great suffering, they do so with joy and invincible constancy. others who were not banished were deprived of their employment, to force them to abandon their resistance. many fled for this reason, leaving the most populous city in japan almost depopulated, although it still contains confessors who ennoble it. [67] "on the twenty-ninth of july of this year (1627) they burned alive at omura, together with another who wished to accompany them, a dominican father and three domestics, who had been kept in close captivity since the year 1626. this persecution was begun because, having confiscated the property belonging to the franciscan fathers in nangasaqui, they found a list in which those fathers enumerated the servants and houses which each one possessed in the land of omura; and because they had sent a ship with a cargo of flour to manila, in order to bring religious to japon on its return--although those of omura were more than twice advised by the religious of nangasaqui to consider that it was against the japanese law, and that by so doing they were exposing themselves and others to the risk of destruction, by furnishing pagans and renegade christians with a pretext to persecute them, especially the religious at the port from which the ship sailed. twenty-five of the constant ones were murdered--of all ages, men and women--some for having displayed their constancy, and others for admitting religious into their houses. among others who died by burning alive, one, a good laboring woman, was especially distinguished, whom, because she was discovered to have admitted religious to her house, they exposed to public shame, taking her in this manner for more than twenty leguas round about. finally, she was burned alive, ever displaying the most remarkable constancy. the same fortitude was shown by three men, whom they buried up to their shoulders. another who saw some one being burned alive, displayed no less courage; for, filled with fervor, he voluntarily plunged into the flames, where he was entirely consumed. all these were martyred at omura for their faith, or for receiving religious into their houses. more than forty were executed for sending the said ship, and even now the punishment is not concluded. thus that christian community, one of the earliest in xapon, is greatly afflicted [_apparently some words missing in ms._] in order that it may be preserved and aided. "from the kingdom of figen, they passed to that of fingo. at amacusa, in fingo, there was no general persecution, leaving the chiefs and laborers, so that if it were conducted rigorously with all, some would be found to be weak-spirited. however, they martyred one man, who showed unusual constancy. at the end of this year 1627, this christian church had devoted one hundred and eight martyrs to the lord. in other parts of japon the christians and their ministers were left in comparative quiet, so that in the year 1626 their ranks were increased by more than two thousand converts who were baptized by members of our society, to say nothing of those who were baptized by religious of other orders. we believe that in the year 27 there will be a still greater number of converts in the kingdom of oxu, because in this kingdom (which is the farthest in japan) many of the people are well disposed. there are at present there four of ours, five franciscans, and one augustinian. may the lord assist them there in all xapon, opening doors so long locked, through which many others can enter." this is the first relation. the second is a letter from the father provincial of xapon, matheo de couros, dated february 25, 1626. it reads as follows: "the xongu [i.e., shogun] lives with his queen, obeyed and feared by all. there is no human hope of any change here. all these kingdoms enjoy considerable peace during the tempest, and christianity only is persecuted with fire and sword. from others you may have learned that the franciscan fathers sent a ship to the city of manila. this has more than twice resulted in the total destruction of christian work in omura; and its lord, although he is a child, runs the risk that they will behead him (or at least his governors), because the said ship was fitted out in one of his ports. we do not know how this will end. on january 21, they arrested father antonio of the franciscan order at nangasaqui. the embassy of the dutch had an unfortunate ending at the court of xapon, because it was known to be only a pretext. it is also said that one of the great governors of xapon remarked at court that it would be a great injury to that kingdom, were it said that they welcomed in their ports a people who came only to rob upon the high seas, and that it was taken ill in foreign kingdoms." in another letter, of november 28, 1627, it is said by father xacome antonio, after the departure of the galeotas, that "there is no news from these countries; the persecution at nangasaqui has ended, because the presidents had all gone to the court, and so at present there is comparative quiet. at first those who were banished to the mountains were not allowed, under the penalty of burning, imposed by the ministers of justice, to build any shelter from the inclemencies of the weather; but afterward they were allowed to build huts of straw. it was also granted that no minister of justice dwell among them, which is a great blessing. the christians who were sent to court arrived there in safety; and although at the beginning they found no one to welcome them the governors afterward ordered that houses be given them. they are well accommodated in a monastery of bonzes, who, beyond the kind treatment they accord them, are urging the governors to accord to them, and to the other christians at nangasaqui, liberty of conscience. the chief bonze of this monastery, a man of great authority on account of his dignity, is pushing this negotiation. besides this, these same christians presented a petition or memorial, asking the governors at this court to intercede for them, and procure for them such liberty at nangasaqui as they had had in the days of the daifu, so that their inhabitants might live there as christians. it was well received, and they were given hopes of a favorable decision. the same encouragement is given to all those who come to the court. even the heathen talk of it, and say that the permission will doubtless be accorded. may the lord grant it; for if it succeeds the whole country in the neighborhood of nangasaqui will remain in some peace." in another of march 16, 1628, the same father, xacome antonio, says that father fray juan de ribera, of the dominican order, while he was returning from manila to xapon, was left on the lechios [i.e., riu-kiu islands], where it is said that he was murdered in an attempt to rob him, though the motive is not certainly known. three of the same order came last year to japon, and when they were within sight of land, the chinese crews threw them overboard, on account of some superstitious fear. it was known afterward, because on their return a sudden squall struck the chinese ship two leguas from nangasaqui. the vessel was wrecked and many lost, eight saving their lives by swimming. this was a punishment for their sins, and for the large amount of silver that they took from the said religious, which they say must amount to two thousand sacks of treasure; [68] they took it on condition of returning the same amount at their return from the voyage. the last news we have from xapon is as follows: there was a great outbreak in the palace, in the emperor's anteroom, and a tono among great governors of the kingdom was killed. the emperor came forth at the noise, and, attempting to put his hand upon his sword, he was foully stabbed in the abdomen, an example showing how skilled they are in wielding arms. this death has caused much restlessness, and many risings, which will not be crushed for a long time. the indians of the island of hermosa sent ambassadors to the emperor of xapon, asking for assistance to help them expel the dutch from that port where they have their fortress. they were well received and help was offered to them, and they were sent back with assurances of friendship. the dutch themselves were arrested in xapon and their ships detained, because they owed large sums and did not pay; and there was talk of expelling them from the entire land of xapon. just then, unfortunately for us, news arrived there of the japanese ship that our galleons burned last year on the bar of sian, [69] whereupon the tables were turned; the prospects of the dutch improved, and ours grew worse. there was talk of making an agreement with them, and even of raising an armada of dutch and japanese, to proceed against our fort at the island of hermosa and even against manila--a matter which does not fail to occasion considerable anxiety, though it is not known how it will turn out. we have had no news from the island of hermosa, which keeps us in great anxiety, because more than two hundred thousand pesos were sent there from this city of manila to be invested in chinese silks. we do not know what has been done with it, or whether the money has been lost, an uncertainty which occasions anxiety to the merchants. in short, these philipinas islands are at present in a ruinous condition, with many powerful and triumphant enemies, our forces weakened, and our people in dread of other large fleets. may the lord remedy all this, and assist with his divine favor, in the preservation of the faith in these lands. manila, july 18, 1629. [a document of this same collection ("papeles de los jesuítas"), with pressmark "tomo 169 numero 2," is identical with the above relation, except for slight verbal differences which do not change the sense in any way. but at the end occurs the following additional letter:] _letter of father sebastian de morais_ since the letters carried by the little ship from india are lost, the following was learned from another letter. on the octave of espíritu santo, a sudden attack was made from fayal island to tercera island, as a little ship from india, called "san felipe," was making port there. that ship left cochin december 22, 1629, and reached fayal seven days after pentecost. there it was met by an english ship which mounted twenty-four pieces, many carrying balls of sixteen libras. it had sixty musketeers, while our ship had only thirty white men and twenty indians, and mounted fourteen small pieces of artillery. however we cut down the yard of the pirate's foremast with the first volley. they fought one day and night. they killed our master and two sailors, and our men killed the enemy's captain and many of their men, while the ship was so hardly used that it would have sunk but for the calking. our ship bore down upon it; but another pirate, of heavier burden, appeared within range. consequently, our ship retired to fayal, where some ships from the island of terceras went to get it. they cast anchor at that point with great rejoicing, our ship being quite like a sieve because of the balls that remained sticking in its sides and upper works. even that image of our patron saint, st. philip, had in it eighteen balls. the ship carries three thousand five hundred quintals of pepper for the king, and a quantity of merchandise. the ships of general roque senteno were going for it [as convoy]. a fleet of forty sail had gone to socotra against the enemy, with volunteer forces, who were encouraged by the sight of a crucifix which the enemy had insulted on a certain occasion. we had a glorious victory over many galleys of the [king] of achen, although our craft were very inferior. bibliographical data most of the documents in this volume are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated thus: 1. _report of spanish council_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes a dicha audiencia; años 1586 á 1636; est 67, caj. 6, leg. 1." 2. _letter from serrano_, 1625.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes dei arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 3. _letter from fernando de silva_, 1625.--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." 4. _letter from serrano_, 1626.--the same as no. 2. 5. _letter from fernando de silva_, 1626.--the same as no. 3. 6. _letter from sisters of st.clare_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de filipinas; años 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43." 7. _petition for aid to seminary_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en el consejo; años de 1628 á 16[34?]; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 40." 8. _royal decrees_, 1626.--(a) the first of these is in "audiencia de filipinas; registro de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." (b) the other two are taken from the archivo historico nacional, as noted below. 9. _importance of philippines_.--the same title as no. 7, but "años de 1565 á 1594; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34." (evidently misplaced.) 10. _decrees regarding religious_.--(a) the same as no. 8 (a). (b) also in the sevilla archives; but we have followed pastells's text in his edition of colin (t. iii, pp. 760, 761). (c) the same as no. 1. 11. _inadvisability of occupying formosa_.--simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20." 12. _report of appointments_.--the same as no. 3. 13. _letters from tavora_, 1628.--the same as no. 3. 14. _reasons for suppressing silk trade_.--the same as no. 7. the following documents are obtained from the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 8 (see no. 8, _ante_).--(b) "tomo 39, fol. 185," and "tomo 32, fol. 16," respectively. 15. _letter from king to tavora_.--"tomo 40, fol. 56 verso, no. 69." 16. _decrees regarding chinese_, 1627.--"tomo 39, fol. 87, and fol. 186 verso," respectively. 17. _decrees regarding chinese_, 1628-29.--"tomo 39, fol. 188 verso, fol. 189 verso, and 190 verso," respectively. the following document is obtained from mss. in the collection "papeles de las jesuitas," in the real academia de la historia, madrid: 18. _relations of 1628-29_--"tomo 169, no. 3," and "tomo 84, no. 13." the following document is taken from a ms. in the british museum: 19. _military affairs of the islands_.--in a collection of papers entitled "tratados historicos, 1594-1639;" pressmark, "(693. h. 17) / 65." the following document is taken from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_: 20. _royal decree aiding jesuits_, 1625.--in vol. iii, pp. 754, 755, (see also no. 10, _ante_.) the following documents are taken from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library): 21. _relation of 1626_.--in vol i, pp. 523-545. 22. _relation of 1627-28._--in vol. i, pp. 551-615. the following document is taken from _recopilación de leyes de las indias_. 23. _laws regarding the sangleys_.--in lib. vi, tit. xviii. the following document is found in a pamphlet entitled _toros y cañas_ (barcelona, 1903), in which is printed a hitherto unpublished original ms. in possession of the compañia general de tabacos de filipinas. 24. _royal festivities at manila_--pp. 9-25. notes [1] our transcript reads "reals," but both in this and in other instances in the present document, this is evidently an error of transcription for "ducados." it would be very easy for the error to arise from the extremely bad handwriting of many spanish documents, in which the spanish abbreviations for the two above terms might bear a close similarity. "ducados" is used later in the document, when speaking of similar instances. [2] these expeditions against the mediterranean moors were undertaken because of their continual depredations on spanish commerce and near spanish coasts. in 1602 spain and persia united against turkey, and in 1603 the marquis of santa cruz, with the neapolitan galleys, attacked, and plundered crete and other turkish islands. many operations were conducted against the moorish states of north africa, but no effective check was applied to their piratical expeditions. see hume's _spain_, p. 210. [3] spain has never recovered from the expulsion of the thrifty moriscos, who were the descendants of the old moors. the edict of expulsion against the valencian moriscos was issued on september 22, 1609, by the viceroy caracena. its political excuse was negotiations between the moriscos and english to effect a rising against felipe iii. "with the exception of six of the 'oldest and most christian' moriscos in each village of a hundred souls, who were to remain and teach their successors their modes of cultivation, every man and woman of them were to be shipped within three days for barbary on pain of death, carrying with them only such portable property as they themselves could bear." in six months one hundred and fifty thousand moriscos were driven from spain. in the winter of 1609-10 the moriscos were also expelled from aragon, murcia, andalucia, and cataluña, and other places. see hume's _spain_, pp. 210-213. [4] referring to the claim of isabella, eldest daughter of felipe ii, to the province of bretagne (or brittany), in france, as an inheritance in right of her mother, since the salic law was inoperative in that province. [5] francisco crespo, s.j., was born at ubeda, and entered the jesuit order in 1598, at the age of fifteen. he preached for ten years and resided for some years at the court of spain, in the capacity of procurator of the missions of the indias. he died at madrid, september 25, 1665. he was the author of two relations and the memorial mentioned in the decree. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque comp. de jésus_. [6] this was rodrigo pacheco y osorio, marqués de cerralvo, the successor of gelves (_vol_. xx, p. 127). he reached mexico in october, 1624, vindicated his predecessor in the public estimation, and quieted the disturbances in the country. he fortified vera cruz and acapulco, to protect them against the dutch, whose ships cruised in both oceans. cerralvo was an energetic and able ruler, who did much for the welfare of his people. he held the viceroyalty until september, 1635, when he returned to spain, and was given a place in the council of the indias. [7] these festivities celebrated the accession to the throne of felipe iv. although they occurred in 1623, this account is placed here because written august 1, 1625. [8] a reference to the celebrated university of salamanca, and used synonymously with learning or skill. [9] _el gran capitan_: an epithet applied to gonsalvo de cordova, commander-in-chief of the spanish forces under ferdinand of castile, in recognition of his services in 1495-96 against the french armies in calabria, italy--defeating them there and elsewhere, and compelling them to withdraw from italy. a treaty of peace between france and spain was the result; it was signed at marcoussis in august, 1498. the neapolitan kingdom was divided between france and spain in november, 1500; but quarrels soon arose between them, and their armies fought for its possession. under the leadership of cordova, naples was conquered for spain (1502-04). cordova was born in 1453, and died in december, 1515. [10] evidently an allusion to the procession made at manila, on certain occasions, in which the banner of the city was carried before the cabildo--to which allusions have been already made in various documents of this series. [11] a kind of lance or spear, used by bull-fighters. [12] the game of cañas was an equestrian sport engaged in by the nobility on the occasion of any special celebration. they formed various figures, which engaged in various contests. one side charged against the other, hurling their spears, from which their opponents guarded themselves with their shields. [13] in olden times, empirical healers or physicians cured with this stone the pain or sickness called colic--_hijada_, as it was then written, now _ijada_.--_rev. eduardo navarro_, o.s.a. _piedra de mal de hijada_: from the description, apparently made of some brilliant crystalline substance. [14] in the jesuit relation of 1619-20 (see _vol_. xix, p. 61), mention is made of a bull-fight in terms that would indicate that they had already become established in the islands. this fight of 1619 is evidently the one to which w. e. retana refers in his _fiestas de toros en filipinas_ (madrid, 1896). huerta (_estado_, p. 17), incorrectly states that the first bull-fight in the islands was on february 4, 1630. but chirino mentions these spectacles (_vol_. xii of this series, p. 182) as customary in both manila and cebú at least as early as 1602, which was the year in which he left the islands. [15] a letter from the king to governor tavora, dated november 21, 1625, refers to the latter the question of further attempts to work the igorrote gold-mines. reference is made therein to the report of alonso martin quirante on these mines; and the cost or his expedition thither is stated as forty thousand pesos. [16] ley xxix, lib. viii, tit. xxi, of _recopilación de leyes_, relating to the sale of offices in the philippines, is as follows: "we order that all offices be sold in the filipinas islands, which are regulated and ordained in accordance with the laws of this titulo, as in the other parts of the indias, observing the laws in regard to sales, and the condition of securing a confirmation--provided that, if any persons shall hold any of those offices comprehended in those islands, as a concession which shall have been made to them for life by us, or by the governors of those islands in our name, these must be sold, and shall be sold, as if they were rendered vacant by the death [of the incumbents]. they cannot resign them, for it is our will that they shall not enjoy that privilege, as they could have done had they bought those offices." [felipe iii, madrid, november 29, 1616; december 19, 1618.] [17] the same instruction is given after nearly all the following statistics, namely "idem," _i.e._, that they be entered in the book. consequently, we omit all following instances. [18] this dutch fort was on the southwestern coast of the island of formosa. see valentyn's descriptive and historical account (with map) of tayouan (or formosa), in his _oud en nieuw oost-indien_, at end of part iv. boulger says (_china_, p. 132): the dutch "had acquired their place in formosa by the retirement of the japanese from taiwan in 1624, when the dutch, driven away by the portuguese from macao, sought a fresh site for their proposed settlement in the pescadore group, and eventually established themselves at fort zealand." [19] interesting accounts of formosa and its inhabitants are given by george candidius (a dutch protestant minister who began a mission among the natives in 1626), in churchill's collection of _voyages_ (london, 1704), i, pp. 526-533; and j.b. steere, who traveled through the western part of the island, in _journal_ of american geographical society, 1874, pp. 303-334. the latter states that the chief city of formosa, taiwanfu, is built on the site of the old dutch colony near fort zelandia; and furnishes several vocabularies of native languages. [20] la concepción describes the spanish expedition to formosa (_historia de philipinas_, v, pp. 114-122) and the labors of dominican missionaries there; he says that the spanish fort was erected on an islet which they named san salvador, near which was an excellent harbor called santissima trinidad. apparently these localities were on the northeastern coast of the island. [21] this officer was a relative of governor juan de silva. a full account of this unfortunate expedition and his death in siam is given in the "relation of 1626," _post_. [22] this order of nuns, commonly known as "poor clares," is the second order of st. francis. it was founded by st. clare, who was born at assisi, the birthplace of st. francis, and she was received by him into the monastic life in 1212; she died in 1253. the order soon spread into france and spain; and a written rule was given to these nuns by st. francis in 1224, which was approved by the pope in 1246. some modifications of this rule--which was exceedingly austere--crept into various convents; and a rule, approved by urban iv, was drawn up in 1264, similar to that of st. francis, but somewhat mitigated. it was adopted by most of the convents in the order, this branch being known as urbanists; the minority, who followed the stricter rule, were called clarisses. the government and direction of the order were at first divided between a cardinal protector and the superiors of the franciscans; but, early in the sixteenth century, julius ii placed the poor clares entirely under the jurisdiction of the general and provincials of the friars minors. (addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_.) [23] geronima de la asunción, daughter of pedro garcia yanez, was born in toledo in 1555, and entered the order of st. clare in august, 1570. with seven nuns of her order, she embarked from cadiz on july 5, 1620, and arrived at manila august 5, 1621, where she founded the convent of la concepción. within two months, she received twenty girls into the novitiate, notwithstanding the rigorous and austere rules of this order. the provincial of the franciscans strove to modify this strictness, for the sake of the nuns' health in so trying a climate, but mother gerónima refused to yield, and finally triumphed, in the appeal made to the head of the order--although after this victory she permitted some relaxations of the rule. opposition arose to the seclusion of so many young women of manila in the monastic life; and even the diocesan authorities endeavored to restrain their zeal--even excommunicating mother gerónima for a time--but with little result. she died on october 22, 1630. see la concepción's account of her and the entrance of this order, in _hist. de philipinas_, v, pp. 1-17. [24] this man undertook, as a work of charity, to rear and educate orphaned or poor spanish boys, for which purpose he collected aims; and later he secured from the crown the aid for which these letters ask. having spent his life in this work, guerrero at his death (being then a dominican friar) placed this school in charge of the dominicans, who accepted it--on june 18, 1640, organizing it as the college of san juan de letran; it became a department of their university of santo tomás. [25] evidently referring to the city of cebu, of which christoval de lugo was then alcalde-mayor; this officer conducted an expedition against the joloans in 1627, in which the spaniards inflicted heavy losses on these pirates. [26] apparently meaning that he came with governor fajardo in 1618; for the present narrative must have been written as early as 1624. [27] that is, "the spirit of the lord came rushing." [28] the only jeronimo rodrigues, and who was probably the one in our text, mentioned by sommervogel was the portuguese born at villa de monforte. he went to the indias in 1566, and became visitor of the provinces of china and japan. he died while rector of macan. he left several letters and treatises, some of which have been printed. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [29] the old capital of siam was ayuthia (also written, in early documents, yuthia and odia). it was founded in the year 1350, and was built on an island in the river meinam--the proper name of which, according to m.l. cort's _siam_ (new york, 1886), p. 20, is chow payah, the name meinam (meaning "mother of waters") being applied to many rivers--seventy-eight miles from the sea. ayuthia was captured and ruined by the burmese in 1766, and later the capital was removed to bangkok (founded in 1769), which lies on the same river, twenty-four miles from the sea. crawfurd, writing in the middle of the nineteenth century, gives the estimated population of ayuthia at 40,000, and that of bangkok at 404,000--the latter probably much too large. see his _dict. indian islands_, article, "siam." [30] pedro de morejon was born in 1562, at medina del campo. he entered his novitiate in 1577, and set out for the indias in 1586, and spent more than fifty years in the missions of the indias and japan. his associates were jacques chisaï and juan de goto, who were martyred. in 1620 he was sent to rome as procurator of japan, became rector of the college of meaco in 1633, and died shortly after. san antonio (_chronicas_, iii, pp. 534, 535) gives a letter written by him to the franciscan religious martyred in japan in 1596 while on the road to execution; and he was the author of several relations concerning christianity in japan. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [31] antonio francisco cardim was born at viana d'alentejo, near evora, in 1596, and entered his novitiate february 24, 1611. he went to the indias in 1618, where he visited japan, china, the kingdom of siam, cochinchina, and tonquin. he died at macao, april 30, 1659. he left a number of writings concerning his order and their work in the orient. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [32] the name manados (now menado) was applied to a province (now called minahasa) in the northernmost peninsula of celebes; see colin's description of it in his _labor evangélica_ (ed. 1663), pp. 109, 110. jesuit missions were early established there (colin, _ut supra_, p. 820), from the island of siao. [33] there is apparently some defect in the text at this place, as if the royal comment or decision on tavora's request had been omitted. [34] this officer had been appointed to the post of warden, without any salary, by fernando de silva (see the latter's report of july 30, 1626); but tavora soon replaced him by another. [35] this law, dated ventosilla, april 15, is as follows: "notwithstanding the claims of the alcaldes-in-ordinary of manila, as to trying jointly the suits and causes of the parián, on the ground that it is within the five leguas of their jurisdiction, it is our will that the governor of the parián alone try in the first instance it suits and causes, with appeals to the audiencia; while in respect to the government of the parián, ley iv, título xv, libro ii, shall be observed." this latter law, dated november 4, 1606, is as follows: "inasmuch as the auditors of the royal audiencia of manila, under pretext of a decree from us dated december eighteen, one thousand six hundred and three, meddle in affairs touching the parián or the sangley chinese, and in giving orders and licenses so that they may reside in the filipinas islands; and inasmuch as the cognizance and ruling in these matters should concern our governor and captain-general, in whom the defense of that land is vested: therefore we order that matters concerning the parián of the sangleys be alone in the charge and care of our governors and captains-general, and that our royal audiencia abstain from discussing or taking cognizance of anything touching this matter, unless it be that the governor and captain-general commit something that concerns him to them. and in order that the advisable good relations should be held among all of them, and the parián be governed with more unanimity and satisfaction, the governors and captains-general shall be very careful always to communicate to the royal audiencia what shall be deemed advisable for them [to know]." law v of the book and titulo, from which the above laws of the regular text are taken, and which was promulgated by cárlos ii and the queen mother, provides that "in the government of the parián, and the jurisdiction, communication, and all the other things contained in ley lv, título xy, libro ii, what was enacted shall be observed." [36] see this law, _ante_, note 34. [37] this same law, with slightly different wording, is found in libro viii, título xxix, ley xi, under the same date as the first one above. the only material difference is in the additional words at the end: "concealment of any quantity; and very exact account shall be taken of everything, and the balances struck." [38] this is but one clause in the royal decree of november 19, 1627 (which see, _post_); and it would seem that the date here given, june 14, must be an error for that just cited. this and the following matter from the _recopilación_ show clearly the slipshod manner in which that work was compiled. [39] see this decree in full, pp. 164-166, _post_; it contains important matter which is here omitted. [40] referring to william adams, an englishman who landed in japan in april, 1600, and soon became a favorite with the ruler iyéyasu. he was in the employ of the east india company from november, 1613, to december, 1616; and at other times rendered various services to iyéyasu, traded on his own account, or acted as interpreter to the english and the dutch in japan. he remained in that country until his death, may 16, 1620. see cocks's _diary_ (hakluyt society's publications), i, pp. iii-xxxiv. [41] i.e., the chinese, not understanding scientific navigation, are not able to direct their course across the sea to points on the philippine coast where they could be safe and escape the dutch who were lying in wait for them; but they cross from island to island, by devious routes, making their way as their partial knowledge of sailing enables them, and thus cannot avoid die enemy. [42] la concepción states (_hist. de philipinas_, v, p. 131) that tavora desired, through martial ardor, to undertake some important expedition (for which he had made all possible preparations during the winter and spring); and that in a council of war three such were proposed--"to dislodge the dutch from the port of taiban [i.e., taiwan, in formosa]; to maluco, from [the fort of] malayo, to punish their insolent acts; or to obtain satisfaction from siam for the death of don fernando de silva"--of which the first was chosen. but, through various delays, tavora's voyage was begun too late, and defeated by the stormy weather that ensued. [43] the following note is a part of the original document: "_note_. while writing this relation, these forty spaniards arrived in a ship, less four sailors who wished to remain in the kingdom of camboja, whither went all those who remained in the lanchas after the galleons left them. that king of camboja protected them; and, although he suspected that they were spies, they were welcomed cordially and sent to manila, where they arrived july first." [44] this cruise by the spanish galleons is of much the same piratical character which the spaniards themselves ascribed to the dutch and english adventurers of that time; nor did they hesitate to attack peaceful trading ships, even those of nations against whom they had no grievance. [45] in 1627 the emperor tienki (a grandson of wanleh) died, and was succeeded by his younger brother, tsongching, who was the last of the actual ming rulers. in the latter part of his reign he was almost constantly at war with the manchus, who were ruled by taitsong, fourth son of noorhachu. in 1640 a revolt occurred in china, headed by li tseching, who four years later captured peking. tsongching, seeing that his cause was lost, committed suicide. taitsong, who had died in 1643, was succeeded by his son chuntche; the latter, after the fall of the rebel li tseching, became the first emperor of the manchu dynasty in china, and established his capital in peking. [46] this noted relic was dug up in the chinese city of singanfu, in 1625. it is a stone slab, containing various inscriptions in chinese and syriac; it was erected in the year 781, and is a monument of the early existence of the nestorian church in china. see yule's account of it in his _cathay_, i, pp. xci-xcvi, clxxxi-clxxxiii. [47] evidently referring to the manchu chief noorhachu, who from 1591 had harassed the northern frontiers of china; he died at mukden in september, 1626. [48] nicholas longobardi was born in 1566 at caltagarone, sicily, and admitted into the society in 1580 (sotwell says that he entered his novitiate in 1582, at the age of seventeen). he became a teacher in humanities and rhetoric. in 1596 he went to china, and settled in the province of kiang-si, where he was appointed general superior of the mission from 1610 to 1622. he died at peking, december 11, 1655, according to sotwell. father de machault says that he died september 1, 1654, according to a letter written may 7, 1655, by father francois clement; but the inscription on his tomb gives the first date. he had written a number of treatises, some of them apparently in the chinese language. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [49] the dominican provincial at this time was bartolomé martinez, who made his profession in 1602, and arrived in the philippines in 1611. in the following year he made an unsuccessful attempt to found a mission at macao; but on his return to manila was assigned to the chinese village of binondo, where he became proficient in their language, and afterward was vicar of the parián at manila. in 1618 he was shipwrecked on the coast of formosa, which he considered to be a gateway to the chinese empire. in 1626 he founded a mission there, and when his provincialate was ended he returned to formosa, where he died by accidental drowning, august 1, 1629. see sketch of his life in _reseña biog. sant. rosario_, i, pp. 335-337. [50] cf. the account by paul clain (manila, june 10, 1697) of a similar occurrence, natives of the caroline islands being blown by storms to the coast of samar. see _lettres édifiantes_, i (paris, 1717), pp. 112-136. [51] "in 1610, the dutch had built [in java] a fort, which they named batavia. this was besieged by the sunda princes of bantam and jacatra in 1619, and it was on their defeat in that year that it was resolved to build a town on the ruins of the native one of jacatra, and this took the name of the fort. batavia has been the capital of all the dutch possessions in india since its foundation in 1619." (crawfurd's _dict. indian islands_, p. 44.) [52] a native town in the northern part of gilolo (or almahéra) island; it was captured by juan de silva. [53] probably referring to the plant called "china grass" (_boehmeria nivea_), a shrub indigenous in india, and probably in china and other countries of eastern asia; also introduced by cultivation into europe and america. the chinese name for it is _tchou-ma_. the well known "ramie" is but a variety (_tenacissima_) of _boehmeria nivea_. the fiber of china grass is considered as a textile substance of the first rank. for description of this plant and its culture and use, see c.r. dodge's _useful fiber plants of the world_ (u.s. department of agriculture, washington, 1897), pp. 85-91. [54] this was the revolt of the moors in granada in the reign of felipe ii, which occurred in 1568-71, under the leadership of aben humeya. it was due to an edict restricting the liberties of the moors, and depriving them of the exercise of most of their distinctive customs. it was quelled under the leadership of the famous don juan, and the moon were expelled from their homes to other parts of spain. [55] this document, like so many existing in spanish archives, was printed, evidently for the greater convenience of the members of the council. the signature is in writing, as also the above two endorsements, which are in different hands. [56] fabricio serzale was born at naples, april 2, 1568. he was admitted into the society, december 10, 1586, became a teacher of grammar, and went to the philippines in june, 1600. he was superior of carigara; and his death occurred at manila june 30, 1644. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [57] this paragraph is written in the margin of the original document that we follow. the church here mentioned was that of the dominicans. [58] father fernando de estrada, a native of ecija, died at manila in the year 1646, at the age of forty-five. he was a missionary in naujan of mindoro, in ternate, and among the bisayans and tagáls. (murillo velarde's _hist. de philipinas_, fol. 194.) [59] this was juan de bueras, born in 1588; he arrived at manila in 1622, and for four years was rector of the college there. he was provincial from 1626 until 1636; and in 1644 he went to mexico as visitor of that province. see sketch of his life in murillo velarde's _hist, de philipinas_, fol. 71, verso. [60] juan lopez was born at moratalla, in the diocese of murcia, december 27, 1584. admitted into the society october 11, 1600, he went six years later to the philippines, where he was rector of carigara, manila, and cavite, associate of the provincial, commissary of the inquisition, and missionary among the indians; he also went to rome as procurator of his province. he died at manila, september 3, 1659. a probable error in name makes francisco lopez rector of cavite in 1637, for juan was rector of the residence there at that time. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_; and murillo velarde's _hist. de philipinas_, fol. 269, verso. [61] geronimo perez de nueros was born at zaragoza, in 1595. he entered the society in 1616 and became a teacher of philosophy, and also taught theology for nine years. he went to the philippines, whence he went later to mexico. he died at puebla, september 27, 1675. he wrote a number of relations, one on the life and martyrdom of father marcelo francisco mastrilo; while a piece of his composition was acted in the church of the college of manila, july 5, 1637. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [62] in the margin occurs the following at this point: "it is called _nonog_ in the language of manila." blanco _(flora,_ p. 106), after enumerating a number of native names given to this tree, says that it is called _nono_ at otaiti in the south sea. the chief uses of the _nino_ (_morinda ligulata, morinda de cintillas_--blanco; _morinda citrifolia_--linn.; _morinda tinctoria_--roxb.) are the making of red ink and dye, while the leaves, were used in making plasters for the relief of pain. the tree attains a height of ten or twelve feet, and has wide-spreading branches, and the leaves are eight or more inches in length. see blanco _ut supra_, pp. 105-109; and delgado's _historia_, p. 449. [63] pastells publishes in his edition of colin's _labor evangélica_ (iii, p. 755) the following letter from the manila audiencia: "sire: the fathers of the society of jesus of this city have been suffering signal discomfort and need, because of the falling of their church, and because the house in which they live is threatened with the same ruin, as it is dilapidated in many places; and, as it is propped up in many places, the religious are living in great danger. this city has grieved much over this loss, as the society is so frequented by all its inhabitants and is of so great benefit as it is in all the world. although they have commenced to build their new church, and a dwelling-house, they will not be able to finish these very soon, because of lack of funds; and their present need demands a more speedy relief. consequently, this audiencia is obliged to represent the case to your majesty, so that, with your accustomed liberality, you may be pleased to give an alms to the fathers for these works. since they were commenced with what your majesty was pleased to give them five years ago, it will be right that they be finished with another equivalent sum. the fathers deserve this aid, as they were the first to engage in the matters of the royal service in the building of galleons with the indians of their districts; while, in the fleets which are offered to them, they embark personally. and, in this respect, they are very attentive in all other things that concern year majesty's service and the public welfare. with the protection which they promise themselves from the piety of your majesty, they will continue successfully in this care. may our lord preserve your majesty many years, as is necessary to christendom. manila, july twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and thirty. _don juan nino de tavora_ licentiate _geronimo de legaspi_ licentiate _don mathias flores_ licentiate _marcos zapata de galvez_" [64] la concepción relates this occurrence _(hist. de philipinas,_ v, pp. 139-145), and its effect on the archbishop, serrano; he was so horrified and grieved that he fell into a profound melancholy, which ended his life on june 14, 1629. the disposal of the stolen articles was finally made known in the confessional by one of the accomplices in the theft. [65] the portuguese commander albuquerque had in 1508 seized the more important ports on the eastern coast of 'omân, which were then tributary to the ruler of hormûz--a petty principality on the southern coast of persia, afterward removed (about 1300 a.d.) to the island now called hormûz (or ormuz). the portuguese exacted tribute from these towns, and from the ruler of hormûz; and later coöperated with him in enforcing his authority over his tributaries, and defending him from foreign foes. they were expelled from 'omân by its imam, nâsir-bin-murshid (who reigned from 1624 to 1649)--except from máskat and el-mátrah, which was accomplished by his successor, sultân-bin-seif, by 1652. see george p. badger's _imâms and seyyids of 'omân_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1871), pp. xxii, 4, 46, 66-69, 74, 78-90. [66] i.e., "we have passed through fire and water, and thou hast brought us out into a refreshment." (psalm lxv, v. 12, douay bible; lxvi in protestant versions.) [67] many of these exiles went to formosa and other neighboring islands. [68] thus in original (_la mucha plata qe_ tomaron a los dichos religiosos, q_e_ dicen serian dos mil sacos de hazienda); but one would hardly expert that so large an amount of silver could have been borrowed, as the context would indicate, from the merchants of manila (apparently for an investment in japanese goods, from the proceeds of which the friars in charge of it might aid their persecuted brethren in japan) for conveyance by two friars on so dangerous and uncertain a voyage--doubly so, since the japanese authorities had strictly forbidden all trade between their ports and manila. [69] i.e., on the bar at the mouth of the river of siam (the chow payah, commonly called meinam). for account of the capture of the japanese vessel, see "relation of 1627-28," _ante_. in a letter of august 4, 1630, the governor says, regarding the question that arose on account of the capture of the japanese junk: "for the preservation of the commerce of the japanese with macan, which is interrupted by the capture of one of their junks by our galleons in the port of sian in may of 628, the investigations which i have written during the last two years have been made by my efforts. the japanese have become somewhat more softened, because they have understood that it was not the intention of this government to damage them. what i wrote last year to the king of japon was of considerable aid in that understanding, and that king made it known in japon. the city of macan lately begged me to write new letters to japon, and i have done it very willingly, with the advice of the audiencia and other experienced persons. our lord grant that it will have a good result." see pastells's _colin_, i, p. 242. the original of this letter rests in the sevilla archives; its pressmark, "est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxvii, 1637-38 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxviii preface. 9 documents of 1637-38 remonstrance of augustinians against the _alternativa_. juan ramirez, o.s.a., and others; manila, september 9, 10, 1637. 21 corcuera's campaign in jolo. juan de barrios, s.j.; jolo, march-april, 1638. 41 appendix: religious conditions in the philippines during the spanish régime laws regarding religious in the philippines. felipe ii, felipe iii, felipe iv; 1585-1640. [from _recopilación de las leyes de indias._] 67 jesuit missions in 1656. francisco colin; madrid, 1663. [from his _labor evangélica._] 78 the religious estate in the philippines. juan francisco de san antonio, o.s.f.; manila, 1738. [from his _chronicas_.] 104 religious condition of the islands. juan j. delgado, s.j.; 1751-54. [from his _historia general._] 163 ecclesiastical survey of the philippines. guillaume le gentil; paris, 1781. [from his _voyages dans les mers de l'inde_.] 192 character and influence of the friars. sinibaldo de mas; madrid, 1843. [from his _informe_.] 226 the ecclesiastical system in the philippines. manuel buzeta, o.s.a., and felipe bravo, o.s.a.; madrid, 1850. [from their _diccionario de las islas filipinas_.] 266 character and influence of the friars. feodor jagor; berlin, 1873. [from his _reisen in den philippinen_.] 290 the augustinian recollects in the philippines. [from _provincia de san nicolás de tolentino de agustinos descalzos_ (manila, 1879).] 300 present condition of the catholic religion in filipinas. josé algué, s.j., and others; washington, 1900. [from _archipiélago filipino._] 349 bibliographical data 369 illustrations title-page of _labor evangélica_, by francisco colin (madrid, 1663); photographic facsimile from copy in library of edward e. ayer, chicago 79 title-page of vol. i of san. antonio's _chronicas de la apostolica provincia de s. gregorio_ (manila, 1738); photographic facsimile from copy in harvard university library 105 view at naga, cebú; from photograph procured in madrid 155 title-page of le gentil's _voyages dans les mers de l'inde_ (paris, 1781); photographic facsimile of copy in library of wisconsin historical society 193 preface the present volume is, with the exception of one document, devoted to the religious and ecclesiastical affairs of the philippines--mainly in extracts from standard authorities on the religious history of the islands, combined in an appendix. beginning with the laws which concern missionaries to the philippines (1585-1640), we present accounts of the ecclesiastical machinery of that colony, the status of the various religious orders, the missions conducted by them, and other valuable information--showing the religious condition of the islands at various times, from 1656 to 1899. these are obtained from jesuit, augustinian, franciscan, and recollect chronicles, and from secular sources--the french scientist le gentil, the spanish official mas, and the german traveler jagor--thus enabling the student to consider the subject impartially as well as intelligently. only two documents appear here in the usual chronological sequence; they belong to the years 1637-38. the officials of the augustinian order in the islands inform the king (september 9, 10, 1637) that the archbishop is making trouble for them over the question of the "alternativa" in appointments to offices within the order; and ask the king not to believe all the reports that may reach him about this matter. they add a memorial on the difficulties which gregory xv's decree establishing that alternativa have caused in the philippines; and relate their action in regard to the faction in their order who insist that an insignificant minority shall have equal rights to offices with the better-qualified majority. the jesuit juan de barrios, who accompanied corcuera in his expedition against jolo, relates (march-april, 1638) the events of that campaign in letters to manila. the spaniards are repulsed several times in attacking the moro stronghold, and one of their divisions is surprised by the enemy with considerable loss to the spaniards. corcuera then surrounds the hill with troops and fortifications, and begins a regular siege of the moro fort; various incidents of this siege are narrated. on the day after easter the moros, starved and sick, send corcuera proposals for surrender; and finally they abandon their stronghold, and take flight, leaving the spaniards in possession of all their property as well as the fort. a letter from zamboanga (perhaps by barrios) adds further particulars of the surrender and flight of the joloans, the mortality among the spaniards, the garrison left there by corcuera, etc. taking up the general religious status of the islands, we select from the _recopilación de las leyes de indias_, lib. i, tit. xiv, the laws that especially concern the religious in the philippines, dated from 1585 to 1640. these persons may not go to china or other countries, or return to spain or mexico, without special permission from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. carmelites may go to the islands from mexico. the missions must be so assigned that each order has its own territory, separate from the others. the usual supplies shall be given to such religious as obtain permission to enter china and japan; and all royal officials are directed to aid the fathers in their journeys, and not to hinder them. religious who lead scandalous lives, or have been expelled from their orders, may not remain in filipinas. the papal decrees _de alternativa_ are to be enforced in the indias. the restrictions imposed on religious going to the japan missions are removed; all orders may go, but are charged to set an example of harmony and fraternal behavior. the missionaries are forbidden to engage in commerce or other business; the field shall be suitably divided among the various orders; and any bishops who may be appointed in japan shall be suffragan to the see of manila. clerics from eastern india are not to be allowed to perform priestly functions in filipinas, or even to enter the islands. the proceeds resulting from the sale of the bulls of the crusade must be placed in the royal treasury, and not used in trade by the treasurers of the crusade. the jesuit colin places at the end of his _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663) a statement--prepared, he says, in accordance with a command from the king--of the number of missions, houses, and laborers supported by that order in the philippines, a survey of its field and labors in the year 1656. he describes the scope, functions, and resources of the colleges in manila; the missions near that city; and, in their order, the residences and missions maintained by the society in the respective islands. an interesting account of the religious estate in the islands about 1735 is furnished by the franciscan writer juan francisco de san antonio. beginning with the cathedral of manila, he sketches its history from its earliest foundation, and describes its building and service, with the salaries of its ecclesiastics; and adds biographical sketches (here omitted) of the archbishops down to his time, and the extent of their jurisdiction. then follow accounts, both historical and descriptive, of the ecclesiastical tribunals, churches, colleges, and charitable institutions--especially of san phelipe college and la misericordia. san antonio enumerates the curacies in the archbishopric, and the convents and missions of the calced augustinians. he then describes the educational work of the jesuits, giving a history of their colleges of san ignacio and san josé, and enumerates their houses and missions; another sketch furnishes similar information regarding the dominicans, who have especial charge of the chinese residing in luzón. like accounts are given of the recollects, of the hospital brethren of st. john of god, and of the author's own order, the discalced franciscans. on the same plan, he surveys the religious estate in all the bishoprics suffragan to manila; and, finally, computes the numbers of the christian native population in the islands. another survey of religious matters in the islands is furnished (about 1751) by the jesuit juan j. delgado. he enumerates the ministries of souls in methodical order, beginning with those held by the secular clergy in each diocese--in all, fifty-three. those of the calced augustinians are noted in the same manner; then those of the franciscans, jesuits, dominicans, and augustinian recollects; and the convents and hospitals of the hospital order of st. john of god. among these are also mentioned the schools and colleges, and the hospitals, conducted by the orders. delgado states that the christian population of the islands actually numbers over 900,000 persons; adding to this the children under seven years of age, who are not enumerated by the missionaries, he estimates that it must exceed a million of souls. he enumerates the numbers of villages and of their inhabitants who are in charge of each of the respective orders. he estimates the number of tributes paid annually by the natives at a quarter of a million, and describes the requirements and mode of payment, and the allotments made from the tributes for the support of religious instruction. he then relates in detail the number and remuneration of all ecclesiastical offices, from bishop to cura. delgado then describes the ecclesiastical tribunals of the islands, the organization and good work of la misericordia, and other charitable institutions in manila, with the royal chapel, hospital, and college. the french scientist le gentil describes (from observations made during 1766-68) the religious conditions in the islands. he enumerates the benefices connected with manila cathedral, and the salaries and duties of their incumbents; and the ecclesiastical tribunals in that city--those of the archbishop, the inquisition, and the crusade. then he relates interesting details about the churches, convents, schools, and other institutions. among these are the royal chapel, the seminary of san felipe, the seminary of santa isabela, the confraternity of la misericordia, the universities, and the hospitals. le gentil describes the ecclesiastical machinery of the suffragan dioceses, and the convents therein--all more extensive and costly than the population and wealth of the country justify. the rest of his account is devoted to "the power and influence enjoyed by the religious in the philippines." he says: "masters of the provinces, they govern there, as one might say, as sovereigns; they are so absolute that no spaniard dares go to establish himself there.... they are more absolute in the philippines than is the king himself." they ignore the royal decrees that the indian children must be taught the castilian language; thus the friars keep the indians in bondage, and prevent the spaniards from knowing the real state of affairs in the provinces. they have refused to allow the visitations of the archbishops--a matter explained at considerable length by the writer. the natives sometimes revolt, and then the friars cannot influence them, but troops must be sent to punish the rebels. le gentil also relates the manner in which the friars punish the natives for not attending mass, by flogging them--not only men, but women, and that in public. sinibaldo de mas, a spanish official who spent some time at manila, gives in his _informe_ (madrid, 1843) a chapter regarding the character and influence of the friars--partly from his own observations, partly cited from comyn's _estado de las islas filipinas en 1810_, a valuable work, published at madrid in 1820. he relates the difficulties encountered in the attempts so often made to subject the friars to the diocesan visit. this has been at last accomplished, but, according to mas, with resulting lower standards of morality among the curas. he cites various decrees and instances connected with the controversies between the friars and the authorities, civil and religious; and then long extracts from comyn, which show the great extent of the priestly influence, and the causes therefor. comyn regards the priests as the real conquerors of the islands, and as the most potent factor in their present government--at least, outside of manila. he shows how inadequate is the power of the civil government, apart from priestly influence; recounts the beneficial achievements of the missionaries among the indians; and deprecates the recent attempts to restrict their authority. mas approves comyn's views, and proceeds to defend the friars against the various charges which have been brought against them. in support of his own opinions, he also cites fray manuel del rio; and he himself praises the public spirit, disinterestedness, and devotion to the interests of the indians, displayed by the curas, many of whom are friars. he argues that they even show too much patience and lenity toward the natives, who are lazy and indolent in the extreme; and it has been a great mistake to forbid the priests to administer corporal punishment to delinquent natives. mas is surprised at the lack of religious in the islands, while in spain there is an oversupply and the livings are much poorer than in the philippines. he enumerates the various dioceses, and the number of curacies in each, whether filled by regulars or seculars; and concludes with an extract from the jesuit writer murillo velarde, on the duties of the parish priest who ministers to the indians. a survey of the ecclesiastical system is presented (1850) in the _diccionario de las islas filipinas_ of the augustinians manuel buzeta and felipe bravo. as in preceding writings of this sort, the different sees are separately described--in each being enumerated the territories of its jurisdiction, and its mode of government and ecclesiastical courts; the number of curacies in it, and how served; and the number of other ecclesiastical officials, with professors, seminarists, etc. in the account of cebú is inserted a letter (1831) from the bishop of that diocese, appealing for its division into two. the german traveler feodor jagor presents (1873) an interesting view of the character and influence of the friars. he praises their kindly and hospitable treatment of strangers, and the ability and knowledge that they often display; and defends those whom he has known (mainly the spaniards) from the charge of licentiousness. he discusses the relations between the curas and civil alcaldes--the former being often the protectors of the indians against the latter. a survey of the field and labors of the augustinian recollects is obtained from _provincia de san nicolás de tolentino de agustinos descalzos_ (manila, 1879)--presented partly in translation, partly in synopsis. in it are enumerated the missions in charge of that order, with the number of souls in each; frequently occurs an historical account of a mission's foundation and growth, and biographical mention of especially notable missionaries--including those who in early days were martyrs in calamianes and mindanao. it ends with tables showing the numbers of tributes, souls, and ministers in the recollect provinces, at various times. a sketch of the religious condition in the islands in 1896-98 is furnished by josé algué and other jesuit fathers of manila in their compendious work, _archipiélago filipino_ (washington, 1900). statistics showing the growth of the christianized native population from 1735 to 1898 are compiled from various sources--a remarkable increase, which the editors ascribe mainly to missionary labors. then the various sees are enumerated, with their bishops, cathedrals, courts, seminaries, and priests; and the various houses, colleges, and other institutions possessed by the respective religious orders in the islands, besides the colleges of each in spain. considerable space is devoted to a characterization of the religious spirit that prevails among the filipinos; and to the conclusion that general freedom of worship in that archipelago "would be a fatal measure to any government that rules the destinies of filipinas," and might result in a politico-religious war. the american government is therefore warned not to allow such freedom in the islands. the editors july, 1905. documents of 1637-1638 remonstrance of augustinians against the _alternativa_. juan ramirez, o.s.a., and others; september 9, 10, 1637. corcuera's campaign in jolo. juan de barrios, s.j.; march-april, 1638. sources: the first of these documents is obtained from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the second, from one in the academia real de la historia, madrid. translations: the first document is translated by emma helen blair (except the latin part, by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.); the second, by james a. robertson. remonstrance of augustinians against the alternativa sire: in fulfilment of your majesty's commands and of the obligation that rests upon us as your majesty's loyal vassals and humble chaplains, we have every year rendered account to your majesty of the progress made by this province of philipinas of our father st. augustine; and [have told you] how the religious of the province--whom your majesty has sent to these regions, at the cost of his royal estate, for the conversion of these peoples and the direction of those who are converted--are and have been occupied, with the utmost solicitude, in fulfilling their obligations and your majesty's command by gathering rich fruits, both spiritual and temporal. it is now eight years, [1] sire, since this province received a brief from his holiness gregory fifteenth of blessed memory, that was obtained improperly, through the efforts of the religious who are in this province who are born in these regions. in it his holiness ordained that all the elections among the said religious, from that of provincial to that of the most petty official, should be shared between the religious of these regions and those who have come from españa at your majesty's cost. the execution of this decree was impossible, because the number of the said religious who were born in these regions was much less than that of the offices which, it was ordained, must be conferred upon them. on this account, appeal was made to his holiness, who was more clearly informed [about the matter]. nevertheless, these letters have caused great commotions in the order itself and in the community; for many persons in the colony, on account of being kindred of the religious of this country, and many others who, like those religious, were born here, have taken up the cause as their own--thinking that they are thus defending their native land. this is a difficulty that may give rise to many others; and these provinces have during all this time suffered many anxieties and losses, as will appear from the reports which we are sending to your majesty with this letter. this year it pleased our lord that another brief should come, from his holiness urban eighth, which revoked the former brief of gregory fifteenth. it was sent to the archbishop of this city of manila, so that he might--as the truth of the allegations made in rome by the father-general of our holy order was evident--annul the former brief, and leave the elections of this province in the liberty which our constitutions provide, without any discrimination between nationalities. we gave many thanks to our lord for the favor that he had granted us; for, with this second brief, we promised ourselves the peace and quiet that are necessary in order that we all may more freely occupy ourselves in our lord's service, and in fulfilling the purpose for which your majesty was pleased to send us to these lands. but such was not the case; for the archbishop was angry (according to what we can understand of the matter) because in the former year of 35 we followed the cathedral church, during his absence, in the observance of an interdict which he had laid on this city--a proceeding which he greatly resented because, he said when he returned to this city, the interdict had not been raised by his order or with his consent. now, as this business has come into his hands, he is giving us many opportunities for gaining merits; and although the narration made in the brief is so accurate and truthful that there is nothing more evident, he has displayed his cognizance of it by reducing it to the terms of an ordinary litigation, and has made plain his intention, which is to exceed the commission that his holiness gives him in the brief--to the very considerate prejudice and injury of this province and of the observance of our holy constitutions. by his conduct the opposition that we have thus far suffered from lay persons born in these regions has been continually stimulated--to such an extent that don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, the governor of these islands, saw that he had reason to fear some bad ending to such beginnings; and therefore, with the prudence and carefulness which he displays in all matters concerning his government, he suppressed the disturbances which were being stirred up. we do not know, sire, how this will result, although we strive in all things to possess our souls in patience; and we trust to the justice of the governor of these islands, that he will protect us in all that our just claims and rights shall permit. for we can have only this consolation in the present emergency, that violence is threatened against us; and that the protection which the governor of these islands has extended to your majesty's vassals in such cases, and his defense of the royal patronage, have been the occasion of the commotions and troubles which have occurred in this city during these last two years. for if the archbishop had chosen to avert them he could have done so, without losing anything of his jurisdiction, or failing to meet the obligations of a vigilant prelate. accordingly, we entreat your majesty not to give entire credit to all the reports about this matter that are written to your majesty from this country; for we know how persons regard our affairs at present, and that many are ruled by prejudice, and not by the facts in the case. the same risk is run in other matters, for there never was a judge who could please all persons. what we can assert and certify to your majesty is the great zeal which don sebastian hurtado de corcuera has always displayed in the service of god and your majesty, and in the increase of the royal estate. for in his own life he sets an example to the most devout religious; and in his personal attention to the duties of his offices he continues without being turned aside to anything else. his actions are guided by the law of god and the service of your majesty. he is vigilant in preventing all offenses against god, and in military discipline. it seems as if our lord has aided him, in consequence of this; for it is in his time that these islands of your majesty, and your vassals, find themselves in a condition of peace, without being harassed by so many enemies as neighboring nations have--who have inflicted on them so much damage through many previous years, with pillage, fire, murder, and captivity. and as the most powerful enemy was the king of mindanao, last year the governor went in person to punish him in his own kingdom; and he conquered that king and gained possession of two fortresses, the most important that he had, with many cannons, muskets, and other fire-arms. from this campaign the arms of your majesty have gained much reputation, and all the enemies of these islands are intimidated; while the vassals whom your majesty has in them are more established in their obedience. if that fortunate victory had not occurred as it did, there might have been much reason to fear for the allegiance that the peoples of these islands owe to your majesty. and don sebastian deserves that your majesty bestow upon him greater rewards, since in more important posts the services which he can render to your royal crown will be greater. may our lord guard your royal person, granting you the prosperity which your majesty's many realms ask from god, and of which they have need. manila, september 9, 1637. your majesty's chaplains, who kiss your royal feet, fray juan ramirez, provincial. fray cristobal de miranda, definitor. fray geronimo de medrano fray alonso de caravajal fray juan de montemayor fray manuel de errasti relation of events in the philipinas province of the order of st. augustine, and of the effects caused therein by the letters of his holiness gregory xv in which he commanded that the elections for offices, from the provincial to the most petty official, should be made alternately between the two parties--one, the religious who took the habit in españa and came to these islands for the conversion of the infidels and the direction of those who are converted; the other, the religious who have entered the order in the indias. this province of philipinas of the order of our father st. augustine has enjoyed, from the time of its foundation at the conquest of these islands, the utmost peace in its ordinary government; and it is by virtue of this that it has accomplished so great results in the service of the two majesties [_i.e._, god and the king of spain]--being always occupied in the conversion of these peoples, and in the direction of those who are converted; and devoting so much care to the fulfilment of its obligations, even when the results of their labors made their devotion so manifest. in this state the order was maintained, making great progress in the gain of souls, until the year 29, in which this said province received a brief from his holiness gregory xv, in which he commanded that the elections in the province, from that of provincial to that of the most petty official, should be made alternately between the religious who had come from españa at the cost of his majesty, and those who had entered the order in these regions. the brief was laid before the province; [2] but it had been obtained by misrepresentations, and its execution was impossible because the religious who had taken the habit in the indias were very few, numbering less than one-third as many men as were the offices which the said brief commanded to be given to them. for these reasons, the province appealed from the execution of the decree; but, although this appeal was so just and so conformable to law, the judge whom they had appointed to execute the decree [3] refused to allow it, declaring that we were publicly excommunicated. afterward, the royal audiencia here, to whom we had recourse with a plea of fuerza, declared that the judge had committed it against us in not allowing the said petition and appeal, that it might go before his holiness. then the judge, compelled by the royal audiencia, admitted the said appeal, and set a time when it should be brought before the authorities at roma. in order to serve better the interests of this province, we appeared, through our procurators, within the allotted time at roma, and furnished official statements presented by us, with all due solemnity. but this was not sufficient to make the religious who took the habit in the indias cease from disturbing the peace of the province; for they appointed, in the year 35, another judge to execute the said brief. he undertook to establish his judicature by proceeding against us with harsh and violent acts, and caused us much anxiety; for he was aided by nearly all the lay persons of this colony who were born in these islands, who took up this cause as their own. they caused many disturbances, and used language so offensive that they obliged the honorable and well-intentioned people of this city to come to our defense. this was done by the bishop of the city of santísimo nombre de jesus in çubu, who was then governing this archbishopric; for as judge of the ordinary he demanded from the said judge-executor the documents by virtue of which the latter had erected a tribunal within his territory. [4] under the compulsion of censures and pecuniary fines, the said judge-executor gave up the documents; and his lordship, having examined them, declared that they were not sufficient. [5] this declaration was supported and favored by don juan cereço de salamanca, who was at that time governor of these islands; and he also interposed the superior authority of the office which he filled, to calm and quiet in their beginnings these commotions--which threatened, if they should increase, much greater troubles. they were quieted for the time; but in the following year, 36, those religious again nominated another judge [6] to execute the said brief, who began to carry out this commission with even greater violence than the two former judges displayed. his conduct was such that we could not protect ourselves, although we protested that this cause devolved upon his holiness; and we offer here the authentic testimony of our statement presented in course of appeal, the tenor of which is as follows: "by this present public instrument be it known to all that in the year of the birth of our same lord jesus christ, 1631, the fourteenth indiction, the twenty-ninth day of march, and the eighth year of the pontificate of our most holy father in christ and our lord urban viii, by divine providence pope, the reverend brethren of the order of saint augustine resident in the province of the philippines, who made their profession in spain, have proceeded against the brethren similarly resident in the same province, who were received into the order in the indias. as filed in my office, etc. "to the petition in the memorial and brief as presented, the reverend father master peter ribadeneira, [7] assistant [general] for the spains and procurator for the indias [or philippines], made answer as follows: that his clients were not bound thereto, inasmuch as the said ordinances could not be carried into effect by reason of impossibility, since the brethren who were given the habit [of the order] in the indias are fewer in number than the offices [_or_ positions] to be filled [by the same]; wherefore the decree _de alternativa_ [8] cannot be complied with in the conferral of the said offices. moreover, that the said brief was obtained without a hearing of his clients, and therefore is surreptitious, besides being contrary to truth in that the charge was made therein that a sedition had taken place among the [brethren]. wherefore protest has been entered that no further steps be taken unless by [due process of law], etc. "whereupon i the undersigned, a notary-public, have been requested to have made and drawn up one or more public instruments in reference to all and singular the above, according as may be needed or demanded. "done at rome in my office, etc., of the rione del ponte, [9] in the presence and hearing and cognizance of don bernardino pacheto [10] and don jacobo francisco belgio, fellow-notaries and witnesses, especially called, requested, and summoned to all and singular the above." we also present an original letter from the general of our order, and another from the father assistant of the province of españa, in which they tell us how his holiness had already revoked the said brief; also another letter, from the procurator of this province at that court [_i.e._, madrid], in which he notified us that he had presented the brief of revocation in the royal council of the indias. but, notwithstanding these letters, the religious who had taken the habit in the indias persisted all the more in persuading their judge to hurry forward the legal proceedings and to urge on the acts of violence which he was executing against us; and in this importunity, and in the opposition which the said religious made to the letters and advices of the general and of the assistant in the spanish provinces, was admirably displayed the obedience and respect that they have for their superior. at this juncture also arose disturbances made by the relatives of the said religious, occasioning many scandals; and the friars, encouraged by the support which these people gave them, could not be corrected within the convent, and disturbed it to the utmost. they made promises to the lay brethren to ordain them as priests in order to draw these into their following; and _so_ far did they go that all of them together sallied out from the convent one morning--the second day of august in last year--more than two hours before daylight, and carried with them the doorkeeper and three lay brethren, leaving the gates of the convent open. roaming through the streets at those hours, with very great scandal, they went where they chose until daylight; and then they went to the palace, where they presented themselves before the governor of these islands, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera--demanding, under pretext of desiring freedom to prosecute their just claims, that he shelter them under the royal patronage, take them out of the [augustinian] convent, and assign them another where they could reside. the governor, with the prudence and great zeal which he displays in all the affairs of his government, rebuked them for this proceeding, ordered that the provincial be summoned, and charged him to take the religious back to the convent, but to treat them kindly; and, although recognizing the serious nature of their act, he requested the provincial not to punish them for it, and the latter acted in accordance with the governor's wishes. but those religious continued to cause much mischief and trouble, and there was reason to fear other and greater difficulties. the procedure of the judge was so violent that he went so far as to issue an act in which he represented the preceding [session of the] chapter as nugatory, and commanded the provincial, with penalties and censures, to surrender within two hours the seal of the province, so that it might be given to the person on whom the said judge should see fit to bestow it. they delayed notification of this act to the provincial until sunset, so that he could not reply within the time set; and as soon as morning came, they declared that he had incurred censures. the governor of these islands, as your majesty's lieutenant, interposed the authority of his office; and thus were prevented the great injuries that were beginning outside the order--and, within it, the disturbance and schism which had begun. this was done by means of an act issued by the judge, in which he suspended the former act, and decided that the trial of this cause should be deferred for forty days before the [next] chapter-meeting. therewith this province remained in peace and quiet, [11] and all the religious attended to their obligations--until the arrival, in this year of thirty-seven, of the bull for this province, passed by the royal council of the indias, in which our most holy father urban eighth revoked the brief for the _alternativa_; its tenor is as follows: "since, however, it has lately been reported to us by our beloved son, the prior-general of the order [12] of the brothers hermits of saint augustine, that in the aforesaid province nearly all the brethren of spanish blood of the said order resident therein were sent to those countries at the expense of our very dear son in christ, philip, the catholic king of the indias, in order that they might labor for the conversion of heathens and the instruction of converts; that moreover in the province and order of the aforesaid brethren in those countries there are very few [brethren] known as creoles [_criolli_], who are fit for the charge of those peoples: therefore in the letters presented as inserted ahead, in view moreover of the fact that it is impossible to have the law carried out since the creole brethren are not numerous enough to fill the aforesaid offices with the care of souls attached thereto, an appeal has been taken to us and to the apostolic see to have the said decrees set aside. hence the said prior-general has humbly petitioned us of our apostolic kindness to make due provision in the premises. "therefore hearkening to the petition of the said prior-general, desirous moreover of rewarding him with especial favors and graces [we hereby,] in order that these presents alone be carried into effect, do absolve him and declare him thus absolved from whatsoever excommunication, suspension, interdict, and other ecclesiastical sentences, censures, and penalties incurred by law or individual court, should he in any manner have been entangled thereby; moreover through these presents we charge and order your fraternity that, should the petition be grounded on truth, you interpret benignly and recall the letters inserted ahead, to the end that by our apostolic authority the elections for the future be free, in accordance with the constitutions of the said order, the same as if the letters inserted ahead had not been issued. the same letters inserted ahead and all other things to the contrary notwithstanding. "given in castel gandolfo [13] of the diocese of albano, under the seal of the fisherman, the eighteenth day of may, the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, and the eleventh year of our pontificate." this entire clause appears inserted in the brief, after the relation which is made therein of the brief which his holiness gregory xv issued in favor of the alternate elections--which is the one which his holiness [urban viii] revoked by the said letters, as appears by them. we presented this brief to the archbishop of manila, to whom its execution came committed, with the cognizance of the clause _si preces veritate nitantur_; [14] and with the said brief the attorneys for our cause presented three certified statements by the provincial and definitory of this province, drawn from its books, and sworn to and signed by all. in one of these statements is contained the number of the religious in this province who took the habit and made profession in the kingdoms of españa. of these there are ninety-three, among whom are two youths graduated in theology; ten lecturers in arts and theology; thirty preachers who completed their studies in the realms and universities of españa, and in that country received their diplomas as preachers; and twenty-four preachers who came to these islands before they completed their studies, and received that title in these provinces. in another statement is contained the number of the religious in this province who have taken the habit in the indias; these are thirty-three. six of them should be excluded: two of these are of portuguese nationality, sons of the congregation of yndia--who, by a decree of his majesty, and the decision of a full definitory of this province, are commanded to return to their own congregation. two others are prevented from saying mass--one by old age, and the other by having been insane more than fifteen years. another is of japanese nationality; and the sixth is a mestizo, son of a portuguese father and a japanese mother. at the foot of this memorandum is a declaration by the definitory that there are other persons on the list therein who are disqualified, legally and by our constitutions, from holding offices in our holy order--whom, if it should be necessary, they will make known. in the third certificate is contained the number of offices that this province furnishes; there are eighty-four of these, in which must be counted the sixty-six convents of the order which are residences of ministers, and three others which are communities. the archbishop accepted these certified statements, and commanded, by an act which he issued officially, that the two religious who acted as attorneys for the religious who had taken the habit in the indias should be notified of these statements; and that when they had examined and understood the papers, they must declare under oath whether these were authentic and legal, and if they had anything to add to them. after the said attorneys had examined and understood them, they declared that the statements were accurate and truthful; and likewise, by a juridical act of his lordship, the same notification was made to seven or eight other religious of the same faction of the yndias, who also under oath declared that the statements were accurate and truthful. notwithstanding this evidence, the archbishop began to allow petitions from the said attorneys for the party of the yndias, in which they promised to furnish evidence that the narration made in the said brief was false--saying that the word _paucisimi_ [_i.e._, "very few"], which is in the said brief, signified no more than two or three; and that the words _inepti ad administrationem populorum_ [_i.e._, "not fit for the charge of those peoples"] meant unfitness of the intellect; and they endeavored to prove that they were competent and capable for the offices that the province had. the religious of españa opposed this, evidence, saying that such was not the signification of those words; for _paucisimi_ was understood with respect to the offices, and _inepti ad administrationem populorum_ meant lack of strength in their numbers--as farther down the same brief explained it in the words: _quod dicti patres in numero suficiente apti non sint_, and _oficiorum prefatorum distributione_. [15] and as for the arguments adduced at roma when this matter was presented in course of appeal--which were stated in the testimony, as is most clearly evident--those religious did not oppose these allegations, or many others which were made to his lordship. to him were also presented several protests against the injuries which this province, in their general opinion and belief, had to suffer, and, as many individuals of their number thought, difficulties which might arise from furnishing the said information, as a reason why his lordship might fail to accept this statement of the case. these difficulties appear, and in fact have begun to make trouble with persons outside of the order. the religious of españa saw this; and they knew that the witnesses who gave their testimony in the case could not have knowledge of all the religious in this province who have taken the habit in the yndias, nor of their qualifications, nor for what offices they were suitable according to our constitutions; moreover, they heard that it was certain that the said fathers of the yndias faction were representing and alleging their own suitability [for those offices]--the purpose of these efforts being to establish by them new pretensions in the two courts [of madrid and roma], and with those representations to cause fresh disturbances and uneasiness in this province. to obviate this mischief, and to make clear and evident the justice in the claims of both sides, and to prevent gossip by persons outside of the order regarding the qualifications of the religious, the fathers of castilla presented a petition in which was inserted a memorandum of the religious in this province who belonged to the yndias faction; these are thirty-three, the same as those mentioned in the certified statement of the definitory that was presented earlier. constrained by necessity and the strait in which they found themselves, the fathers of españa testified, under oath and in legal form, in what manner fifteen of the religious mentioned in the said petition were disqualified or disabled, by law and the constitutions of our order, for holding official positions in the order. they also demanded that, of the eighteen who remained, the attorneys of the yndias faction should declare, for each separately and in detail, what learning and competency he possessed; whether he had been a student in any course of science or arts, and where and at what time; for what offices in the order he was competent, according to our constitutions; and in which of the four provinces which this province [of st. augustine] administers--in which it is necessary to know the tagál, pampanga, ylocan, and bisayan tongues, which are all different languages--each of those religious was a minister. [they were also asked to name] those who had sufficient fluency in the language to preach the gospel and declare the mysteries of the faith to the indians; and whether there were any religious of their faction who were qualified to be preachers in this convent of manila and in other spanish towns and convents; whether there were any such religious capable of teaching arts and theology (both moral and scholastic), or of deciding the difficult questions that are wont to arise regarding the administration of the sacraments in the provinces. the fathers of castilla stated that, when the truth of these matters should be ascertained, they were ready to make concessions, without the necessity of a formal investigation; and that in matters where there was any doubt, they would have the religious appear before his lordship [the archbishop], so that before him and the professors of the two universities of this city, or before the superiors of the religious orders, they might be examined by the official examiners of this province, and their qualifications be made evident. they have made no reply to this request, and we fear that the archbishop will not oblige them to answer it--inasmuch as in the number of the said eighteen religious not eight will be found who can in strictness be considered qualified to hold an office _cum cura animorum_ [_i.e._, "with the care of souls"], and not one for positions as professors or preachers in this city of manila, while only two are well versed in cases of conscience. the affair remains in this condition, and we do not know how it will end; for in this country justice and law do not secure, to one who seeks justice, the attainment of his object. done at this convent of st. augustine in manila, on the tenth of september, in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. fray juan ramirez, provincial. fray cristobal de miranda, definitor. fray geronimo de medrano fray alonso de carabajal fray juan de montemayor fray manuel de errasti corcuera's campaign in jolo in my last letter i wrote to your reverence of the result of the first attack--which was unfortunate, because the moros repulsed us, as i told your reverence. not less unfortunate will be the news that i shall now relate, [16] which it is yet necessary for me to tell, in order to fulfil my duty and to remove the clouds arising from rumors and letters that will go there. i am here and see everything; and there is never a lack of those who tell many new things, and exaggerate matters that are not so great as they will relate and descant there, where no one can report and declare what has happened. it is as follows. since that attack, we have made two others. the first was with five mines which we had made, with which we expected to blow up a great part of those walls. all of the mines were fired, and, thinking that they would cause the same effects as the others, our men retired farther than they ought to have done. four of the mines exploded, and did not a little damage among the enemy. they, full of fear, fled down from their position; but, as the mines did not make the noise that we expected, we did not, accordingly, get there in time, as we were quite distant because of our fear lest the mines do us harm. the moros retook their position, so that we were repulsed this time, as we had been the other--with the death of a captain, while some men were wounded. the fifth mine was left, and did not explode that time. hence its mouth was looked for, and having found it, we tried two days after that to make another assault. the assault was made after the mine had exploded. that mine was larger than the others had been, and caused much damage. but the moros fortified themselves again, with greater strength than they had the last two times; and defended themselves in their trenches, which had been fortified with many stockades and terrepleins, so that we could not enter. we lost some soldiers on that occasion, who tried to show that they were bold and valiant. among them was the sargento-mayor melon, who was struck by a ball which passed through him and carried him off in two days. may god rest his soul! thereupon, we retired to our posts, and endeavored to collect our men and carry away the wounded, who were many. we have lost four captains of renown in these three assaults--namely, captain pimienta, captain juan nicolas, captain don pedro de mena, and sargento-mayor gonzales de caseres melon. besides these three assaults, another misfortune happened to us, on st. matthew's day, which was as follows. captain rafael ome, going with forty-six men and two hundred indians to make a _garo_ [17] (as we say here), and having taken up quarters in a field, where there was a fortified house, arranged his posts at intervals and ordered his men to be on their guard. but since man proposes and god disposes, the posts were either careless, or god ordained it thus; for suddenly the enemy rushed upon our men, who could not unite, as they were by that time scattered through the forest. the enemy, having caught them off their guard, made a pastime of it, killing twenty-six men, and carrying off arms, powder, balls, and fuses. i regard that event as the greatest of all our losses. among those of our men killed there by the enemy was captain lopez suarez, a fine soldier. our men were not disheartened by these reverses, except such and such men. the governor well sustains the undertaking with [all his powers of] mind and body. he has surrounded the entire hill with a stockade and a ditch, and has sown the ground with sharp stakes so that the enemy may neither receive aid nor sally out from it. at intervals there are sentry-posts and towers, so close that they almost touch. there were six barracks along it, so that if any tower should be in need the soldiers in them could go to its defense. some of them have six men, others four, and those which have least three men, as a guard. the enclosure is one legua long and surrounds the hill. i do not know which causes the more wonder, the fort of the moros or the enclosure of the spaniards--which restrains the moros, so that they issue but seldom, and then at their peril. we are day by day making gradual advances. today a rampart was completed which is just even with their stockades, so that we shall command the hill equally [with the enemy]. god helping, i hope that we shall reduce their trenches, and then we shall advance from better to better. may god aid us; and _si dominus a custodierit civitatem frustra vigilat qui custodit eam_. [18] father, prayers and many of them are needed. will your reverence have them said in your holy college, and excuse me and all of us for what we can not do. i forward this letter, [hoping] for its good fortune in the holy sacrifices of your reverence, etc. jolo, march 31, 1638. to the father-prior of manila. _pax christi, etc._ i would like to be the bearer of this letter, and to fulfil my desires of seeing your reverence and all the fathers and brothers of your reverence's holy college. that is a proposition for which credit may be given me, but the time gives space only to suffer; and thus do we have to accommodate ourselves to it, and to check our desires, drawing strength from weakness. i must content myself with writing, which would be a pleasant task, if i could do it at my leisure, and not so hastily as i have made known in certain letters that i have sent to your reverence--not losing or neglecting any occasion at which i could write. and so that this opportunity should not pass without a letter from me, i have hastened my pen beyond my usual custom, and have written very concisely and briefly--although i could write at greater length, and give account of many things which i leave for a better occasion. that will be when it is the lord's pleasure for us to see each other. moreover, i have no pleasant news to write, since that which i could write would all be to the effect that we have not gained this enchanted hill; and that, at the times when we have tempted fortune, we have retired with loss of some men and many wounded. continuing, then, in the same style as the last letter, i declare that since the first assault, in which we were driven back with the loss of captain don pedro mena pando, adjutant oliva, and alférez trigita, we have made two other assaults. one was on the twenty-fourth of march, the eve of our lady of the assumption. the second was on the twenty-eighth of the same month. in the first, we trusted to the mines that had been made, by means of which we expected to make a safe entrance. we would have made it had our fear of receiving harm from them matched the little fear of the enemy--who, as barbarians, did not prepare for flight, although they knew our designs. of the five mines, four blew up; and as was seen, and as we afterward learned here from some captives, there was a great loss to the enemy. as soon as they saw the fire, they took to flight; but our men, being at a distance, could not come up to seize the posts that the enemy abandoned, until very late. that gave the moros time to take precautions, so that when we had come up, it was impossible to gain a single thing which the mines had given us. on that occasion both sides fought very valiantly. the wounded on our side were not many, and our dead even fewer; among the latter was captain pimienta. we were forced to return to our posts without having gained more than the damage wrought by the mines. the loss of those people was considerable, while not few of them perished because of the severity of our fire. but with the opportunity of the fifth mine which remained (which could not have its effect, because the fire-channel of the others choked it), the third attack was made inside of two days, by first setting fire to that mine, and by arranging the men better than on the day of the previous assault. they were set in array by the governor, who in person came up to these quarters on that occasion. they set fire to the mine, and more was accomplished than on the preceding days. many of the enemy were killed; but, as the entrance was so deeply recessed, it could not be forced so freely by us, for the moros were able to defend it from us, with so great valor that we could not take it. our men fought with so great spirit and courage that it was necessary for the leaders to use force with them in order to get the men to retire, when they saw the so superior force of the enemy. on that occasion they killed seven of our men, besides wounding many. among the latter was sargento-mayor melon, who was shot through the lung by a ball. he died on the second day, to the grief of all this army. thereupon his lordship made his men retire to their quarters, and commanded that the fort should not be attacked, but that they should proceed to gain it by the complete blockade of the enemy, as we are doing. by this method, i think that we shall make an entrance into the fort. already we have one bulwark, which we have made level with their entrenchments; and we are raising our works one and one-half varas above them, so that we are dislodging them with our artillery. they are retiring to the interior of their fort. by this means we hope to gain entrance into all their forts; and, once masters of them, i trust by god's help that we shall conquer their stronghold, and that they will humble themselves to obey god and the king. before those assaults, on st. matthew's day, captain raphael ome went out to make a _garo_, as they say here, and to overrun the country. in this island the level country is heavily wooded as nearly all of it is mountainous. [19] he took in his company about fifty men [_i.e._, spaniards] and two hundred caraga indians. the captain reached a field, and having lodged in a fortified house, such as nearly all those houses are (for those indians of the mountain, who are called guimennos, [20] build them for their defense), he placed his sentries and seized the positions that he judged most dangerous. but since _non est volentis neque currentis_, etc., either because of the great multitude and the wiliness of the enemy, or (as is more certain) because the sentries were careless, and the other men asleep, the enemy came suddenly and attacked our soldiers--with so great fury that they killed twenty-six men, among whom was captain lopez suarez, a brave soldier. the leader and captain, ome, was in great danger. he fought in person with so great valor that, although run through with a spear, he attacked and defeated his opponent, laying him dead at his feet. few of our men aided him, and many of them retreated immediately, thus allowing the enemy to capture from us twenty firearms, with fuses, powder, and balls. that was a great loss, and it is certain that we have not hitherto had a greater. and if any loss has occurred, it has been due to the neglect and confidence of the spaniard. today two bassilan indians came down from the hill to ask for mercy, and for passage to their own country. they say that they are sent by the datos in the stronghold who came from that island of bassila or taquima; and that, if permission and pardon were given to them by the _pari_ [_i.e._, corcuera], one hundred and thirty of them would come down in the morning. we regard this as a trick of that moro; and, although it may be as they say, we are taking precautions, and are watching for whatever may happen. it they should come, they will be well received; and that will not be a bad beginning to induce others to come from the hill. i shall advise your reverence of such event on the first occasion. what we know that they are suffering within [the fort] is the disease of smallpox and discharges of blood, together with great famine; because we have surrounded the entire hill with ditches and stockades, set with sharp stakes, which run around it for more than one and one-half leguas, and within musket-shot [of their fort] is a sentry-post [_garita_] or tower in which three men and three bantayas are staying. by that means the enemy cannot enter or go out without being seen; and, when they do that, they are given such a bombardment that scarcely does any one dare to go outside of their walls. the hill is a beautiful sight, and if it were enjoying holy peace instead of war, it would be no small matter of entertainment and recreation to survey the landscape at times. the moro does not like to see us, and is looking at us continually from his stronghold and yelling and scoffing at us--as they say sometimes that the spaniards are chickens; again, that they are sibabuyes; [21] and again, that they will come to set fire to us all, and kill us. the moro is a great rascal and buffoon. i trust in god that in a little while he will be ready for our thanksgivings [for the defeat of the moros]. will your reverence urge his servants to aid us with their sacrifices and prayers. those, i believe, it will be that must give us the victory, and that must humble the arrogance of this mahometan. his lordship is displaying great firmness and patience, as he is so great a soldier. already has he almost raised a stone fort on the beach, for he intends to leave a presidio here, and i think that it will be almost finished before he leaves. nothing else occurs to me. of whatever else may happen, your reverence will be advised on the first occasion. if i have gone to considerable length in this letter, it is because i have known, one day ahead, of the departure of this champan. i commend myself many times to the holy sacrifices of your reverence. this letter will also serve for our father provincial, etc. jolo, april 5, one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight. the moro has returned today with a letter from the queen and all the stronghold, in which they beg pardon and humiliate themselves. may god grant it, and bring them to his knowledge. i shall advise you of the result. i hear that dato achen is dead. if that is so, then the end has come. today, the sixth of the above month. _pax christi_ _deo gracias qui dedit nobis victoriam per jesum christum dominum nostrum._ [22] i have written your reverence another letter, by way of othon, telling you that it was our lord's pleasure to give us a joyous easter-tide, the beginning of what has happened. his divine majesty has chosen to bestow upon us an overflowing blessing, by the reduction of these moros so that they should come, abased and humiliated, to beg his governor for mercy; for, whether it was the latter's plan to go to treat for peace at basilan for their men, or whether they should send them all, that they might see how the governor viewed their petition, the following day they came with letters from the queen [23] for father pedro gutierrez and his lordship. therein she begged the father to protect her, for she wished to come to throw herself at the feet of the _hari_ of manila, and to beg his pardon for the obstinacy that they had shown hitherto. the father answered for his lordship, in regard to the pardon, that if they agreed to do what was right, they would be very gladly pardoned; but that in regard to their coming it was not time, until they would humbly give up the arms which they had taken from us, and the captives, vessels, and holy ornaments; and that, even though the queen had so great authority, so long as the king did not come, he must declare and show his willingness to accept what the queen had written. accordingly, the king wrote to the same father and to his lordship next day, begging the same thing and more earnestly. but he was not allowed to come--which he urgently entreated--until they should have given up the arms and other things of which they had robbed us. difficulties arose over this point, as to which of the two things was to be done first. the moro declared that he wished to treat first of the peace, and the points on which they were to agree; and therefore it was necessary to see the _hari_ of manila first of all. but don sebastian, as he was so experienced in these matters of war (in which god has inspired him with so wise resolutions, and given him even better results), held firm to his proposals. two days passed, but at last the king agreed to the terms, by giving up the pieces of artillery which he had captured from us. there were four iron pieces; and, in place of one which had burst, one of bronze was requested, which many mines had buried. afterward we found the broken piece, by opening the mouth of one of the mines; and he gave it to us willingly--saying that he had thus brought the broken piece, and that he ought not for that reason to give another in its place; and that that which had been asked from him had been bought for forty _basines_ of gold at macazar. in order that the spaniards might see what an earnest desire for a permanent peace was in his heart, and that he was greatly inclined to it, he sent also some muskets, although few and poor ones. in what pertained to the captives, he said that he would surrender those that he had, but that he could not persuade his datos to give up theirs; still he would ask them to give their captives. at most, he sent eleven christian captives, counting men, women, and children. he had already spent the holy vessels, for, since it was so long a time since they had been brought, he had sold them to the king of macazar; but he said that he and all his property were there, to satisfy the spaniards for any injury that they had received. the king petitioned his lordship to allow him to visit him; and his lordship granted such permission for quasimodo sunday. the dattos [_sic_] were very angry that the king was so liberal, and because he humbled himself so deeply; accordingly, they opposed his leaving the hill to talk with the governor. they tried to prevent it, but the king overruled everything by the reasons which he gave to the datos, and which father gregorio belin gave to him. his lordship gave hostages for the king, and ordered captain marquez and captain raphael ome to remain as such. they asked for admiral don pedro de almonte and two fathers, but that was not granted to them. finally they were satisfied with the two said captains, persons of great esteem and worth; and the king came down to talk with his lordship, accompanied by many chief men. his lordship received him with such display as he could arrange at short notice, under a canopy of damask, and seated on a velvet chair, with a cushion of the same at his feet. another cushion was placed at his side upon a rug. as the king entered the hall, his lordship rose from his seat, and advancing two steps, embraced the moro king; then he made him sit down on the cushion that had been prepared. then his lordship also seated himself beside the king in his chair, while at his right side was his confessor, and at his left stood a captain of the guard and the sargento-mayor. grouped behind the confessor were the fathers who were in the quarters on that occasion. there were two augustinian recollects, and one franciscan recollect, and a secular priest. then came father gutierrez, and father gregorio belin. the king requested permission to rest a little first, for he came, one of his servants fanning him [_haciendole paypay_], lifting up from time to time the _chinina_ which he wore--open in front, in order to catch the breeze, and to enable him to shelter himself from the heat, or to get rid of the fears with which he had come. his chief men seated themselves after him on that open floor, a seat very suitable for such nobility, who esteemed it as a great favor. then when the king was rested, or reassured from his fears, they began their discourses or _bicharas_, talking, after the manner of these people, by the medium of interpreters--namely, father juan de sant joseph, an augustinian recollect, and alférez mathias de marmolejo, both good interpreters. the governor set forth his conditions. the agreement made was: first, that the banners of the king our sovereign were to be hoisted on the stronghold; second, that the men from vasilan were to be permitted to leave the stronghold and go to their country; third, that the macazars and malays were also to leave and return to their own lands; and fourth, in order that the first condition might be fulfilled without the rattle of arms and the shedding of blood, all the enemy were to come down to our quarters, while the king and queen and their family could come to that of the governor. the moro king did not like this last point; but as he saw that matters were ill disposed for his defense, he had to assent to everything. but, before its execution, he begged his lordship to communicate the terms with his men and datos, saying that he would endeavor to get them all to agree to the fulfilment of what his lordship ordered; and that in a day and a half he would reply and, in what pertained to the other conditions, they would be immediately executed. this happened, for the basillans descended in two days with all their men and families--in all, one hundred and forty-seven. some fifty or sixty did not then descend, as they were unable to do so. the macazars refused to descend until they received pardon from his lordship, and a passport to their own country. therefore their captain came to talk with his lordship, who discussed with him what was to be done with him and his men. the latter are very humble and compliant to whatever his lordship should order. his lordship answered that he would pardon their insolent and evil actions, and they could descend with security of life; and that he would give them boats, so that they could go away. thereupon the captain, giving a kris [24] as security that they would come, returned, and immediately began to bring down his property and men. the malays came with them, for all those peoples had united against the castilians. they are the ones who have done us most harm with their firearms, and have furnished quantities of ammunition for all the firearms of the joloans. at the end of the time assigned to the king for answering his lordship in regard to the matters which he had discussed with him, he was summoned, in order that what had been recently concluded might not be hindered, as his lordship had many matters to which to attend. if he would not come, his lordship was resolved immediately to continue his bombardment and fortifications, saying that he would make slaves of all whom he captured. with this resolution, the queen determined to come to visit his lordship; and, so saying and doing, she summoned her chair, and had herself carried down to the quarters of don pedro de almonte--which is the one located on their hill, and which has given them so much to do. she sent a message to the governor, begging him to grant her permission, as she wished to see him. his lordship sent a message to her, to the effect that he would be very glad to see her, and that she would be coming at a seasonable time. she came to the hall borne on the shoulders of her men, accompanied by some of her ladies and by her _casis_, who was coming with pale face. she alighted at the door of his lordship's hall. he went out to receive her, and with marked indications of friendship and kindness led her to her seat, which was a cushion of purple velvet; and his lordship, seated in his own chair, welcomed her through his interpreter, alférez mathias de marmolexo. she responded very courteously to the courtesies of the governor; for the moro woman is very intelligent, and of great capacity. she did not speak directly to the interpreters, but through two of her men, one of whom was the _casis_; and often he, without the queen speaking, answered to what was proposed. the queen petitioned and entreated the governor to desist from entering the stronghold, for the women, being timid creatures, feared the soldiers greatly. and if his lordship was doing it to oblige her and the king her husband to descend, she said that they would descend immediately, with all their people. thus did she entreat from him whom his lordship represented; and i desired that she should obtain this favor. his lordship answered her that he would do so very willingly; but that he had an express mandate for it [_i.e._, to gain the fort] from his king, and that, if he did not obey it, he would lose his head. "i do not wish," said toambaloca (for such is the name of the queen), "that the favor which i petition be at so great a price and danger to your lordship. consequently, will you kindly grant me three days? and in that time i, the king, and our people will descend without fail." his lordship thanked her anew, and added that with this she obliged him to fulfil strictly what he had promised her. "indeed," said the queen, "i have no doubt of it; for, being in the gaze of so many nations that your lordship has to conquer, it is clear that you must fulfil what you have promised me; for your lordship's actions toward me would be understood by all to be those that you would have to perform toward all." this terminated the discussion. his lordship ordered a collation to be spread for the queen and her ladies; and then his lordship retired, so that they might refresh themselves without any embarrassment. then, having dined, the queen returned to her stronghold with the retinue that she had brought. before she left the quarters she was saluted by the discharge of two large pieces of artillery, which had been made ready for that purpose. she was greatly pleased by that, and the next day began to carry out her promises, by sending down a portion of her possessions. the macasars and malays also brought down their property with hers, and immediately embarked. i had written up to this point to this day, saturday, the seventeenth of this month of april, hoping for the end of all these incipient results and expected events regarding this stronghold; the issue has been such as we could expect from him who has also been pleased to arrange and bring it to pass. last night the queen came down to sleep in our camp or quarters, with some of her ladies. in the morning she went to report her good treatment to her people; for she was received with a salute of musketry and large artillery, and a fine repast. all that has been done to oblige her to encourage her people, for they were very fearful, to descend immediately. more than two thousand have now descended, and our banners are flying on the hill, and our men are fortified on it. may god be praised, to whom be a thousand thanks given; for he, without our knowledge or our expectations, has disposed this matter thus--blinding this moro and disheartening him, so that, having been defeated, he should surrender to our governor, and give himself up without more bloodshed. we are trying to secure dato ache; if we succeed in this, i shall advise you. now there is nothing more to say, reverend father, except to give god the thanks, for he is the one who has prepared and given this victory to us; and to beg all in your reverence's holy college to give thanks that the college has had (as i am very certain) so great a share in the achievements [here]. the governor is very much pleased, and we all regard him in the proper light. the men are full of courage, and even what was carefully done is now improved. i am your reverence's humble servant, whom i pray that god may preserve as i desire, and to whose sacrifices i earnestly commend myself. jolo, april 17, 1638. juan de barrios all the joloans descended, in number about four thousand six hundred, to the sea. finding themselves down and outside the enclosure, they all fled, under cover of a very heavy shower of rain--leaving all their possessions, in order not to be hindered in their flight. many mothers even abandoned their little children. one abandoned to us a little girl who had received a dagger-stroke, who received the waters of baptism and immediately died. there is much to say about this, and many thanks to give to god, of which we shall speak when it pleases god to let us see each other. today, the nineteenth of this month of april, 1638. barrios the governor sent messages to the king and queen by two _casis_, asking why they had fled. they replied that since all their people had fled, they had gone after them for very shame, but that they would try to bring them back and to come, and this was the end of the matter. the result was exceedingly profitable for our soldiers and indians; for the joloans, fearful because they thought that, if they became scattered, they would all be killed, abandoned whatever they were carrying--quantities of goods, and chests of drawers--which our soldiers sacked. above, in the stronghold, they found much plunder. it is believed that the king and queen will return, but not dato açhe; but this is not considered certain. _letter from sanboangan_ _pax christi_ i am not writing to anyone [else], for the lack of time does not allow me to do so. therefore will your reverence please communicate this to the father provincial, father hernandez perez; father juan de bueras, and the father rector of cavite. when our men were most disheartened at seeing that the fortress on the hill was so extensive, and that it was becoming stronger daily; that the mines and artillery had seemingly made no impression on it; that we had been repulsed four times; and that our men were falling sick very rapidly: in order that it might be very evident that it was [all] the work of god, ambassadors came from the hill to beg his lordship for mercy. he received them gladly, and asked them for the artillery that they had plundered from the christians, etc. they brought down four pieces, which they had taken from the shipyard, and brought to us some christians. next day, more than one hundred and fifty people from basilan descended, who surrendered their arms, and then about fifty macazars, who did the same; and all were embarked in the patache. next day the king and queen went down and slept in the camp of don sebastian. on the following day (which was the day agreed upon when all were to descend from the hill), seeing that it was already late, the king and queen said that they would go to get their people. the governor granted them permission, and went to a camp that was located opposite the gate of the stronghold. all the joloans descended, carrying their goods, arms, etc., to the number of about four hundred soldiers, and more than one thousand five hundred women, children, old men, etc. they reached the governor's camp and don pedro de francia told the king that they must surrender their arms. the latter replied that he would surrender them to none other than to the governor. thereupon, they went to summon his lordship; but the joloans, seeing that they were going to summon him, fled, under a heavy shower that was falling, and abandoned all their goods. a vast amount of riches, many pieces of artillery, and versos, falcons, muskets, arquebuses, etc., were found. the cause of the moros fleeing was their great fear that they were to be killed. on our part, since don sebastian hurtado held all their stronghold, and had left only thirty men in his quarters (in order that dato ache might not escape), and as that number could not resist so many people, the joloans were, on the contrary, allowed to go without any firearms being discharged. more than two hundred and fifty of the joloans have died, and they were perishing in great numbers from dysentery because the women and children were placed under ground for fear of the balls. that and the fear of the mines caused their surrender; for it was impossible to take their fort by assault. the interior strength of that stronghold is so great that the spaniards were surprised; and all recognize that it has been totally the work of god, and [a result of] the perseverance of don sebastian, who ever said that all must die or capture the stronghold. somewhat more than two hundred christians and more than one hundred moro women have come from the stronghold during this time. all the moro women are fearful. up to date eighty-three spaniards have died from wounds, and many of them from disease. _the killed_ sargento-mayor melon captain don pedro de mena captain juan nicolas captain pimienta captain lope suarez _died of dysentery_ captain don aregita martin de avila adjutant oliba adjutant calderon alférez concha alférez alonso gonçalez i shall not name others, as they are not so well known, and it will be known later. up to date about two hundred bisayan indians have died, most of them from diseases. don pedro cotoan died while en route from jolo to sanboangan, in order to take back the bisayans, who are a most cowardly race. those who have done deeds of valor are the caragas, and the joloans tremble at sight of them. don pedro almonte remains as governor and lieutenant for the captain-general at sanboangan, with one hundred and fifty spaniards, as has been reported. captain jines ros is to stay as castellan in jolo with one hundred and eighty men--captain sarria being fortified in the stronghold with eighty men, and jines ros on the beach in a stone tower that is already eight stones high, with one hundred men. captain marquez is going to buaren with fifty spaniards, although no succor had been sent to don sebastian from manila. all that has been supplied to excess is truly wonderful, for the winds have brought (and it is incredible) many champans, with more than twenty thousand baskets of rice, innumerable fowls, and pork, veal, beef, and cheeses from zebu, which have made a very excellent provision. they ask for father martinez [and] alexandro [25] at jolo [and] father carrion at buiaon, but without an associate. i say that, following even to the end of the world, i do not know to what to compare these moros of samboangan. they have paid all their tributes. this is a brief relation. i pray your reverence to pardon me and commend me to god, for indeed what i desire is necessary. sanboangan, april 23, 1638. [26] appendix: religious conditions in the philippines during the spanish regime laws regarding religious in the philippines. felipe ii, felipe iii, felipe iv; 1585-1640. jesuit missions in 1656. francisco colin, s.j.; 1663. the religious estate in the philippines. juan francisco de san antonio, o.s.f.; 1738. religious condition of the islands. juan j. delgado, s.j.; 1751-54 ecclesiastical survey of the philippines. guillaume le gentil; 1781. character and influence of the friars. sinibaldo de mas; 1843. the ecclesiastical system in the philippines. manuel buzeta and felipe bravo, o.s.a.; 1850. character and influence of the friars. feodor jagor; 1873. the augustinian recollects in the philippines. [unsigned;] 1879. present condition of the catholic religion in filipinas. josé algué, s.j., and others; 1900. sources: the material of this appendix is obtained from the following works: _recopilación de las leyes de indias_ (madrid, 1841), lib. i, tit. xiv; also tit. xii, ley xxi; tit. xv, ley xxxiii; and tit. xx, ley xxiv, from a copy in the possession of the editors. colin's _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663), pp. 811-820; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. san antonio's _chronicas_ (manila, 1738), i, book i, pp. 172-175, 190-210, 214-216, 219, 220, 223-226; from a copy in possession of edward e. ayer. delgado's _historia general_ (manila, 1892), pp. 140-158, 184-188; from a copy in possession of the editors. le gentil's _voyages duns les mers de l'inde_ (paris, 1781), pp. 170-191; 59-63; from a copy in the library of the wisconsin state historical society. mas's _informe sobre el estado de las islas filipinas en 1842_ (madrid, 1843), vol. ii; from a copy in possession of james a. robertson. buzeta and bravo's _diccionario de las islas filipinas_ (madrid, 1850), ii, pp. 271-275, 363-367; from a copy in possession of james a. robertson. jagor's _reisen in den philippinen_ (berlin, 1873), pp. 94-100; from a copy in the mercantile library, st. louis. _provincia de san nicolas de tolentino de agustinos descalzos_ (manila, 1879); from a copy in possession of edward e. ayer. _archipiélago filipino_ (washington, 1900), ii, pp. 256-267; from a copy in the library of the wisconsin state historical society. translations: these are made (partly in full, and partly in synopsis) by james a. robertson. laws regarding religious in the philippines [the following laws governing religious in the philippines are taken from _recopilación leyes de indias_, lib. i, tit. xiv.] law xxx inasmuch as some of the religious who minister in the filipinas islands are accustomed to go to china without the proper orders, leaving the missions which are in their charge, whence follow many troubles and losses to what has been commenced and established in the instruction and education of the indians because of the lack that they occasion, we charge the superiors of the regulars in the filipinas islands not to allow any of the religious of their orders to go to china, or to abandon the missions in their charge, without the special permission and order of the governor and archbishop, which shall expressly state that such religious is not going in violation of this law; and great care and vigilance shall be exercised in this. further, we order that the religious who shall go to the said islands at our cost, and who are assigned to live there permanently, shall not go nor shall they be permitted to go to the mainland of china, or to other places, without permission from the governors and archbishops, since we send them to fulfil our obligation to impart instruction to our vassals. no lay spaniard shall give them a fragata or ship's supplies without our special order, or the permission of the governors and archbishops, notwithstanding any privileges that they may urge. [27] [felipe ii--barcelona, june 8, 1585; toledo, may 25, 1596; felipe iv--in the _recopilación_.] law xxxv we order our viceroys of nueva españa to give license for the preaching of the holy gospel, the conversion and instruction of the natives, and for everything else that is usual, to the discalced carmelite religious whom their order shall send from méjico for that purpose to the filipinas islands, nuevo-méjico, and other parts; and in order that those religious may be encouraged and incited to serve our lord in that apostolic labor, the viceroys shall protect and aid them as far as possible. [felipe ii--madrid, june 9, 1585.] law xxv we charge the provincials, priors, guardians, and other superiors of these our kingdoms and of those of nueva españa not to prevent or obstruct the voyage of the religious who, after receiving our permission, undertake to go, together with their commissaries, to engage in the conversion and instruction of the natives of the filipinas islands. rather shall they give those religious the protection and aid that is fitting. [felipe ii--monzon, september 5, 1585.] law xxix in consideration of the expenses incurred by our royal estate in the passage of religious to the filipinas islands, of the need [for religious] caused by those who return, and of the place that they occupy on the ships, and the fact that some persuade others not to go to those parts, we order our governors of the said islands to meet with the archbishop whenever any religious shall be about to leave those islands for these kingdoms or for other parts; and, after conferring with him, they shall not grant those religious permission to leave the islands except after careful deliberation and for very sufficient reasons. [felipe ii--san lorenzo, august 9, 1589; felipe iii--madrid, june 4, 1620.] law xxvii we order our viceroys and governors of nueva españa, and charge the superiors of the orders--each one so far as he is concerned--to see to it with all diligence and special care that the religious sent to the filipinas islands pass thither without being detained. they shall not be allowed in other provinces, nor shall any excuse be accepted. [felipe ii--aranjuez, april 27, 1594; felipe iii--san lorenzo, september 17, 1611.] [the following law taken from título xv of this same libro is here inserted.] law xxxiii inasmuch as we have been informed that the religious sent on our account to the filipinas islands for new spiritual conquests will accomplish greater results if each order is set apart by itself, we order the governor and captain-general, and charge the archbishop, that when this circumstance occurs, and for the present, together they divide, for the instruction and conversion of the natives, the provinces in their charge among the religious of the orders, in such manner that there shall be no franciscans where there are augustinians, nor religious of the society where there are dominicans. thus each order shall be assigned its respective province, and that of the society shall charge itself with the [care of] missions; for it is under this obligation that they are to remain in those provinces, as do the other orders, and in no other manner. [felipe ii--aranjuez, april 27, 1594.] law xxxiv the audiencia of manila shall give what is needful in ships, ship-stores, vestments, and the other customary supplies, to the religious who shall have license and permission to enter china or japon, according to the ordinances. our officials of those islands shall execute and pay for what the presidents and auditors shall order and authorize for that purpose. [felipe ii--el pardo, november 30, 1595.] law xxxi it is fitting for the service of god our lord and our own that, when any religious are to go to preach and teach the holy catholic faith to the heathen who live in the kingdoms of china, japon, and other places, they shall not enter the country of those barbarians in such a way that the result that we desire should not be obtained. therefore we declare and order that no one of the religious who live in the filipinas islands be allowed to go to the kingdoms of china and japon, even though with the purpose of preaching and teaching the holy catholic faith, unless he should have permission for it from the governor of filipinas. whenever there is a question of sending religious to china or japon, or permission is asked for it, our president and auditors of the royal audiencia of manila shall meet in special session with the archbishop and the provincials of all the orders of the filipinas, and they shall consult over and discuss the advisable measures for the direction of that holy and pious intent. they shall not allow any religious to go to the kingdoms of infidels without a previous permission of the archbishop and governor, with the assent of all who shall be at the meeting. in order that this may be done, our president and audiencia shall give and cause to be executed all the orders that may be necessary. such is our will. [felipe ii--madrid, february 5, 1596; felipe iv--madrid, december 31, 1621; february 16, 1635; november 6, 1636; september 2, 1638; july 12, 1640; in this _recopilación_.] law xxvi our viceroys of nueva españa shall protect the religious who go to the filipinas islands by our order and at our account; and the officials of our royal estate and all our other employees shall give them speedy despatch and shall treat them well. they shall collect no duty for their persons, their books, and the warrants which are given them on which to collect the cost of the voyage. [felipe iii--madrid, september 18, 1609.] law xxxii his holiness, paul v, promulgated a brief at our request, dated roma, june eleven, one thousand six hundred and eight, in order that the religious of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine may go to japon to preach the holy gospel, not only by way of the kingdom of portugal, but by way of any other country; and it is advisable for the service of god our lord that that brief be duly fulfilled. we order our viceroy of nueva españa and the governor of the filipinas islands, and charge the prelates of the islands, to cause it to be obeyed and fulfilled, with the conditions and licenses ordained by the laws of this título. [felipe iii--madrid, february 8, 1610; felipe iv--in the _recopilación_.] law xxviii we order our governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands that if there are any religious there who live in great scandal, and not according to their rules, habit, and profession, and others who have been expelled from their orders, whom the provincials cannot drive from that province because of the difficulty of embarking them for mégico, that he hasten to remedy this, as is necessary and as is most fitting to the service of god, our lord, so that such religious may not remain in those parts. [28] [felipe iii--san lorenzo, september 17, 1616.] law lii inasmuch as briefs have been despatched by his holiness, ordering the religious of the order of st. augustine in some of the provinces of nueva españa to elect in one chapter some of the spanish religious who reside there, and in the next chapter religious born in the indias, we ask and charge the superiors and chapters of the said order to observe the said briefs and cause them to be observed, in the form ordered by his holiness--both in the provinces of nueva españa and in the filipinas--since they have passed before our royal council, and testimony has been given of their presentation. the same is to be understood in regard to the other orders and provinces of the indias, which shall possess briefs for the _alternativa_, and under the same conditions. [felipe iv--madrid, september 28, 1629; august 1, 1633; and in the _recopilación_.] law xxxiii although it was determined that no religious except those of the society of jesus should go to japon to preach the holy gospel for the space of fifteen years, and that the others who should try to go to those parts through the rules of their order or their particular devotion should be assigned the district to which they were to go, not permitting them to pursue their voyage by way of filipinas or any other part of the western indias, but by way of eastern india--notwithstanding that the precept for the propagation and preaching of the gospel is common to all the faithful, and especially charged upon the religious--we consider it fitting that the missions and entrances of japon be not limited to only the religious of the society of jesus; but that the religious go and enter from all the orders as best they can, and especially from the orders that possess convents and have been permitted to go to and settle in our western indias. there shall be no innovation in regard to the orders that are prohibited by laws and ordinances of the indias. those laws are made not only for eastern india but also for the western indias, in whose demarcation fall japon and the filipinas. it is easier and better for the religious of our crown of castilla to make their entrances by way of the western indias. we straitly charge those who thus enter, from either direction, to maintain the greatest harmony and concord with one another, and to regulate the catechism and method of teaching--so that, since the faith and religion that they preach is one and the same thing, their teaching, zeal, and purpose may be so likewise. they shall aid one another in so holy and praiseworthy an object, as if all lived under and professed the same rule and observance. if the nature of the country and the progress in the conversion of its natives permit, the orders shall be divided into provinces, making the assignment of those provinces as shall appear best, so that, if possible, the religious of the various orders shall not mingle. if any of those religious who shall have been chosen are removed, others shall be assigned in their place, so that, as workers of the holy gospel, they shall labor in this work which is so to the service of god our lord, each order separately. they shall not engage in quarrels or disputes, shall furnish a thoroughly good example, and shall avoid strictly all manner of trade, business, and commerce, and all else that shows or discloses a taint or appearance of greed for temporal goods. and since it will be necessary, in the further establishment and increase of the conversion in those provinces, to have therein three or four bishops, or more, from all the orders--in order that they may confirm, preach, ordain priests, meet whenever advisable, and discuss and enact what they think will be necessary to facilitate, augment, and secure for the conversion--they shall be suffragan, in so far as it concerns them, to the archbishopric of manila, because of the nearness and authority of that church. that division of districts and dioceses shall be made by our council of the indias. [felipe iv--madrid, february 22, 1632.] [a later part of this law is as follows:] further, we order our viceroys, presidents, governors, and corregidors to publish and execute the brief of our holy father, clement ninth, dated june seventeen, one thousand six hundred and sixty-nine, ordering that the religious of all the orders and the society of jesus, and the secular clerics, shall not be authorized to carry on, personally or through third parties, trade or commerce throughout the territories of the indias, or the islands or mainland of the ocean sea. in that number are included those who go to japon, as is mentioned in the said brief to which we refer. [carlos ii and the queen mother--madrid, june 22, 1670.] [the following laws bearing on ecclesiastical persons in the philippines are taken from other parts of the _recopilación_:] inasmuch as the seculars who go to the filipinas islands from eastern india to engage in their labors are generally expelled and exiled, and remain there, where many are employed in vicariates, curacies, and benefices, to the prejudice of the natives and the patrimonial rights of the islands, we order our governor and captain-general not to allow any of the said seculars from those districts to enter the islands, or admit them to the exercise of duties or allow them to give instruction. [lib. i, tit. xii, ley xxi; felipe iv--madrid, march 27, 1631.] the treasurer of the holy crusade of nueva españa has a substitute in the city of manila, in the filipinas islands, who performs the duties of treasurer. that substitute invests the money that proceeds from the bulls and many other sums, under pretext that they belong to the bulls, by which method he deprives the inhabitants of the city of the use and lading-space of four toneladas which he occupies in each cargo. that is contrary to the rulings of various laws, by which favor is granted the said city of the lading-space in the ships that are permitted, and not to any person of nueva españa or perú. we charge and order the viceroys of the said nueva españa to cause investigation of the sum resulting from the bulls distributed in the filipinas, and that, whatever it be, it remain in our royal treasury of the islands, and that so much less be sent to the islands from our royal treasury of mexico. the amount that is found to have entered into the treasury of the islands is to be given to the treasurer of the holy crusade who resides in the city of méjico. the money that shall be sent to these kingdoms from the proceeds of the bulls shall be registered on account of it. the treasurer and his substitute shall not export or import merchandise to those islands, nor from them to nueva españa, the viceroys imposing the penalties that they shall deem fit. we order the officials of our royal treasury of both places to observe, in the execution of this law, the ordinances which the viceroy [of nueva españa] and the governor of the islands (each in his own district) shall ordain. we order the governor to cause this law to be so obeyed that the sum resulting from the bulls be given into the possession of the royal officials of those islands; and that they advise those of méjico, so that the latter may send just so much less a sum of money to the islands than what they are obliged to send there annually. [lib. i, tit. xx, ley xxiv; felipe iv--san martin, december 21, 1634.] jesuit missions in 1656 [from colin's _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663), pp. 811-820.] _list of the number of religious, colleges, houses, and residences of the province of the society of jesus; and of the churches, districts, and missions of indians administered in these filipinas islands, this present year, m.dc.lvi._ the following list of the religious, houses, colleges, and residences contained in this province at present, and of the districts, and ministers for indians and other nations who are under its direction, was made in obedience to an order from his majesty (may god preserve him). it gives the amount of the incomes and properties that they possess, and the number of indians instructed. i have deemed it fitting to add it here, so that the readers of this history may thus he informed of the present condition of this province. religious the religious of the society who have come to these islands from españa and nueva españa at the expense of his majesty since the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-one, the time of the arrival of the first, are in all two hundred and seventy-two. one hundred and fifty-one of these were priests, one hundred and ninety-eight, student brothers, and twenty-three, coadjutors. [29] during the seventy-five years since the society entered these islands, one hundred and forty-three have been received and have persevered in this province. only three were priests; twenty-three were student brothers, and the rest coadjutors. the number at present in the province is one hundred and eight: seventy-four priests, eleven student brothers, and twenty-three coadjutors. colleges and houses the aforesaid one hundred and eight religious are distributed among five colleges, one novitiate house, one seminary-college for secular collegiates, and nine residences, or rectoral houses, with their missions--a total of sixteen. churches and villages the churches and villages in charge of the rectors of the said colleges and rectoral houses, and their missions, are seventy-three in number, besides others which are being temporarily conducted in other parts, where there is no established village, although the minister and instructor in doctrine visits them. the plan and distribution of these religious, colleges, houses, missions, villages, and churches, is as follows. the island of manila and the tagál province college of san ignacio of the city of manila it has generally about thirty religious--priests, students, coadjutors, and novitiates. it is the seminary of all the branches of learning, where the subjects of reading, writing, and arithmetic are taught, the humanities, arts, and theology; and has authority to confer degrees in arts and theology. it is the common infirmary and hospitium for the entire province, especially for those who come new from the kingdoms of españa, and even from eastern india, terrenate, china, and japon--whence more than forty exiled religious came one year, whom this college received as guests and maintained for a long time. the congregations or chapters of the province are held in it. it has those who take care of the sick and dying; preachers; and confessors to the spaniards, indians, negroes, and other nations--who come to those ministers throughout the year, especially during lent, when some days eight or ten religious go out to preach in various parts. this college recognizes as its founder and patron captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, former governor of mindanao, who endowed it with one thousand pesos income in certain house-properties and fruit-grounds, most of which have been lost with the lapse of time and the precarious character of incomes in these regions. it is at present maintained by alms, and by other new lands and properties which it has been recently acquiring, from which, although great diligence and care is exercised, the full amount necessary for its maintenance is not derived--a matter of five or six thousand pesos--and consequently debt is incurred every year. the old church and house fell, and it has been necessary to build another and new one, stronger and more comfortable. for that purpose his majesty (may god preserve him) gave us an alms, in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-five, of ten thousand ducados in vacant allotments of indians. that was carried into effect by governor don juan niño de tabora. later, he ordered that six thousand more be given to us, which is still to be carried into effect. until the time of governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, this college also enjoyed four hundred pesos and four hundred fanegas of cleaned rice, which his majesty ordered to be given for the support of four priests, who were to work among the indians, which was a great help. although his majesty in his piety and magnanimity orders it to be continued, the needs of the royal treasury do not allow this to be done in its entirety. college and seminary of san joseph this is for secular collegiates, theologians, artists, seminarists, rhetoricians, and grammarians. formerly, their number was thirty-five or forty; but now it has diminished to twenty or thereabout, because of the poverty of this country. it has a rector, two professors of the society, and two brother-coadjutors, who attend to its temporal affairs. its patron is the same captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa. its income does not reach one thousand pesos, and that sum is used for the support of the religious, and for repairs in the building and to the properties. the fellowships that the college obtains are maintained with the sum remaining. the rest of the students pay one hundred pesos per year for their tuition. inasmuch as the country is poor, and most of the inhabitants are supported by the king's pay, the fellowships are very few in number. for that reason, governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera tried to endow some fellowships in the name of his majesty, for the sons of his officials and for those of worthy citizens. that was not continued, as it was done without order of the royal council. [30] mission village [doctrina] of santa cruz this is a village of christian chinese, opposite the parian or alcaicería of the heathen of that nation on the other side of the river of this city, and of some free negroes and indians who work on the farm-lands of the college of manila, to which the above-mentioned mission village is subordinate. there are one or two priests who are interpreters in it. the number of chinese gathered in this mission village is five hundred tributarios, or a trifle less, and about one hundred indians and negroes. mission village [doctrina] of san miguel this is a village of tagál indians, and numbers about one hundred and forty tributarios. it has one priest who gives instruction. it is located outside the walls of the city of manila, and is subordinate to the rector of that college. a number of japanese, comprising influential men and women who were exiled from their country for the faith, have gathered in this village since the year fifteen. among them, the illustrious gentlemen don justo ucondono and don juan tocuan, with some influential women, have died with the lapse of time. the society has always maintained all those japanese with its alms, and with the alms given by various persons who aided them generously when this city was in its prosperous condition; but now they are living in penury. this house has been the seminary of martyrs since some of the european and japanese fathers have gone thence to japon, who obtained there the glorious crown of martyrdom. college of the port of cabite it generally has four religious, three of whom are priests, who labor among the seamen and soldiers and the inhabitants of that village--spaniards, indians, negroes, chinese, japanese, and people of other nationalities--and one brother, who attends to temporal matters, and conducts the school for reading and writing. the mission of two small villages of tagál indians near there--namely, cabite el viejo [_i.e._, old cabite] and binacaya, which have about one hundred and thirty tributarios--is subordinate to this college. the priests who are generally asked by the governors for the fleets of galleons that oppose the dutch, and those for the relief of terrenate, are sent from this college and the one at manila. its founder and patron is licentiate lucas de castro, who endowed it with an income of five hundred pesos, the greater part of which was lost on the occasion of the rising of the chinese in the year 39. house of san pedro this house is located about two leguas upstream from manila. it was established on a site suitable for the education of the novices of the province--although they generally live in manila, as they are few in number, and this house contributes to their support. its founder and patron is captain pedro de brito, [31] who gave a stock-farm and tillable lands for its endowment. two religious live there. it has sixty tributarios of tagál indians, who work on the estate, to whom the religious teach the christian doctrine and administer the sacraments. besides that, they exercise the ministries of the society among those who go to the said church from the lands and places near by--a not considerable number. residence of antipolo this residence has six villages, with their churches; but it has only two religious and one brother at present, because of the great lack of ministers. there are about five hundred tributarios, all tagál indians, now christians, with the exception of a few heathen who wander in the interior among the mountains. during the first years while the society had charge of this residence, about seven thousand were baptized. the names of the villages are antipolo, taytay, baras, cainta, and santa catalina. residence of silan this residence formerly comprised five villages, which are now reduced to three. they have their churches and three ministers. there are about one thousand tributarios, all tagál indians and christians. the villages are silan, indan, and marigondon. island of marinduque there are two religious in this island, and about four hundred and fifty tributarios. there are still some indians in the mountains to be subdued. in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-five, a priest died most gloriously in that mission at the hands of the heathen. [32] the island is about three leguas distant from the shores of the island of manila, opposite tayauas. it is about three leguas in diameter, and about eight or nine in circumference. the products in which the tribute is paid are rice, pitch, palm-oil, and abacá--which is a kind of hemp, from which the best rope and some textiles are made. there is a good port in the island where a galleon was built in the time of governor don juan de silva. [33] the island of zebu and its jurisdiction college of zebu formerly it generally had six religious, who labored among the spaniards, indians, and people of other nationalities. at present it has but four, one of whom is in charge of the boys' school. on the occasion of the insurrection of the chinese in manila in the year thirty-nine, this college had lectures in theology. it was founded by an inhabitant of that city, one pedro de aguilar. that college has in charge the mission of the village of mandaui, which is the family of an influential indian, in which there are about forty tributarios. it has its own church, where the sacraments are administered to the people at times; they usually come to the church at our college, as it is near. missionaries have gone from this college several times to certain districts of the lay clergy of that bishopric, and chaplains for the oared fleets which are used against pirates among the islands. residence of bool this island belongs to the jurisdiction of the city of zebu, and its mission is in charge of the society. it had many villages formerly, but now it is reduced to six, the three larger being loboc, baclayon, and malabooch, which have their ministers; the other three, smaller ones, being plangao, nabangan, and caypilan, which are appended to the former, being called visitas here. it has about one thousand two hundred tributarios. those are warlike indians, and have made plenty of trouble during the past years. however, they are reduced now, and are conspicuous among the other indians in the exercises of christianity. they pay their tribute in _lampotes_, which are cotton cloths. it is said that the tribute was formerly paid in gold in some part of the island; but gold is not now obtained there in any considerable quantity. jurisdiction of leyte in pintados this jurisdiction contains two islands, namely, leyte and samar--or, as it is called by another name, ibabao. the society has four residences in those islands, two in each one. leyte this island has a circumference of about one hundred leguas, and is long and narrow. a large chain of mountains cuts it almost in the middle. that and the difference of the two general monsoons, the brisas and the vendavals, cause there an inequality and a wonderful variety of weather and climate, so that when it is winter in the north, it is summer in the south, and vice versa during the other half of the year. consequently, when the sowing is being done in one half of the island, the harvest is being gathered in the other half. hence they have two harvests per year, both of them plentiful; for ordinarily the seed yields a hundredfold. leyte is surrounded by many other small islands, both inhabited and desert. the sea and the rivers (which abound, and are of considerable volume) are full of fish; while the land has cattle, tame and wild swine, and many deer and fowls, with fruits, vegetables, and roots of all kinds. the climate is more refreshing than that of manila. the people are of a brownish color, and plain and simple, but of sufficient understanding. their instruction and ministry is under charge of two residences or rectoral houses, namely, carigara and dagami. residence of carigara this residence has ten villages with their churches, and about two thousand tributarios. the names of the principal villages are carigara, leyte, xaro, alangalang, ogmuc, bayban, cabalian, sogor, poro, and panahon, which are adjacent islets. the products of the earth in which the natives pay their tribute are wax, rice, and textiles of abacá, which are here called medriñaques and pinayusas. six religious are occupied in the instruction of those villages and districts, besides those who have charge of the instruction in the shipyards for the galleons--which are generally built in this island and district on his majesty's account, and because of the great ease in procuring lumber there, and the convenient ports. two priests died gloriously in this residence, one at the hands of moro pirates, [34] and the other at the hands of the natives themselves in the district of cabalian [35]--who, being the natives farthest from the chief village, are less obedient and pacified than the others. residence of dagami it has about two thousand tributarios divided among ten villages, each of which has its church. those villages are dagami, malaguicay, guiguan, balanguiguan, palo, basey, dulac, tambuco, and abuyo. six religious are occupied in the instruction. they pay their tribute in the same things as those of carigara, except the inhabitants of the village of guiguan, whose products consist of palm-oil. opposite the village of leyte in this island is another small island called panamao, which has no people, but wild boars and other kinds of game, besides excellent woods for shipbuilding. some few years ago a mineral abounding in sulphur was discovered. [36] the island of samar or ibabao this island is the eastern extension of leyte, being separated from it by a very narrow strait, into which a ship can scarcely enter with the spring tides. on the eastern part it forms a strait with the island of manila. the latter is the usual channel by which ships enter these islands when they come from nueva españa. the famous cape of espíritu santo, [37] the first land of the filipinas to be sighted, and which is an objective point [for the ships], is located in this strait. the natives, the products of the land, the climate, and other characteristics differ but little from those of the island of leyte. the residences which the society own there are also [like those of leyte]. residence of cabatlogan [i.e., catbalogan] this residence has about one thousand four hundred tributarios, living in six villages, each of which has its own church. those villages are cabatlogan [_i.e._, catbalogan] (where the corregidor and commandant of the jurisdiction lives), paranas, caluiga, bangahon, and batan and capul--which is an islet located in the same channel, next to a smaller islet called san bernardino, which gives name to this channel [_i.e._, the embocadero of san bernardino], there are five ministers busied in the instruction of those villages. residence of palapag it has about one thousand six hundred tributarios, who are instructed by five religious. they are divided among eight principal villages, to wit, palapag, catubig, bobon, catarman, tubig, bacor, boronga, and sulat. the natives pay their tributes in the same products as those of leytey, and, in addition to those, some years ago they produced a quantity of civet. the greater part of this residence was in revolt some years ago, the authors of the revolt and insurrection having apostatized from the faith. two father rectors of the residence--very important religious--were killed in succession by them, giving up their lives willingly in the exercise of their ministry. [38] now the war which has been waged to reduce them has been concluded. the relief ships from nueva españa have made port several times at borongan, and, on occasions of encounters with the dutch and of shipwreck, the ministers of instruction residing there have performed very important services for the king and for the community. the two islands are much infested with pirates and hostile [moros]--mindanaos, joloans, and camucones--who take a great number of captives nearly every year. for that reason, and because of their labor in the building of galleons, and the epidemics that afflict them at times, although fifty-five years ago, at the beginning of the instruction by the society, there were more than twenty thousand tributarios, now they do not exceed six or seven thousand. when the society took charge of these two islands, all their natives were heathen; but now, through the goodness of god, they are all christians. college of oton and the mission village of ilog in the island of negros this college is located in the island of panay, in the hamlet called formerly arevalo, and now iloilo. it was founded by the alms of private persons, and consequently has no patron. there are six religious there and in the mission village of ilog in the island of negros, which belongs to it. in their charge is the chaplaincy of the presidio of the spaniards, and the mission to the natives and those of other nationalities belonging to this presidio. the mission village of ilog is also located near by, and is in the island called negros. between the two of them there are about one thousand tributarios. the society has had charge of this mission but few years during which time they have baptized about six hundred adults. the tribute is paid in rice. island of mindanao it is the largest island of the filipinas, next to that of manila. a great part of it is still unsubdued. in the portion that is subdued, the society has charge of the jurisdictions of iligan and samboangan. the latter is the principal presidio of the spaniards, where we are beginning to establish a college. college of samboangan this college has a rector, with five priests as workers. the villages that it instructs are those of the natives and lutaos of samboangan itself, who number eight hundred families. instead of paying tribute, they serve at the oar in our fleets, which are generally out on raids in defense of our coasts and for the purpose of attacking those of the enemy. the island of basilan, opposite the presidio of samboangan, and two leguas away, has about one hundred families--most of whom, attracted by the efforts, affection, and solicitude of the missionary fathers, come to receive the sacraments. when the tribute is due, fewer of them appear. the christian kindness of the spaniards, which is most concerned with the welfare of souls, passes that by, because those people are not yet completely subdued and domesticated, and because of the risk of losing everything if they oppress them too heavily. the same condition prevails not only in the mission on the island of basilan, but also in all the other missions of this jurisdiction of samboangan. in the region of mindanao these are: la caldera, a port situated at a distance of two leguas eastward from samboangan, with about two hundred families; bocot, two hundred and fifty; piacan, and sirauey, one hundred; siocon, three hundred; maslo, one hundred; manican, thirty; data, twenty-five; coroan, twenty; bitale, forty; tungauan, one hundred; sanguito, one hundred; all lying south of samboangan, and all giving a total of three thousand two hundred and fifty-one families. in this jurisdiction are included also the islands of pangotaran and ubian, a three days' journey from samboangan, whose inhabitants are nearly all christians. when the fleets pass that way, the natives give them some kind of tribute. _item:_ the islands of tapul and balonaguis, whose natives are still heathen. _item:_ there are many islets about basilan, the shelter of fugitive indians, many of whom are christians--who come to the fathers, at times, for the administration of the sacraments; and, at the persuasion of the latter, are mustered for service in the fleets. the island of jolo belongs also to the said jurisdiction of samboangan. there are many christians in that island, who remained there when the spanish presidio was removed. the father missionaries go to visit them at times, and endeavor to bring them back for the administration of the holy sacraments. reducing all those indians to families, there are about two hundred or so in pangotarán and ubian: one hundred and fifty in tapul and balonaguis; two hundred in the islets of basilan; and five hundred in jolo and its islets: in all one thousand families. jurisdiction of iligan, with its residence of dapitan this jurisdiction extends through the eastern part of the island. its district extends for sixty leguas, which includes the nation of the subanos, [39] which is the most numerous in the island, and well disposed toward the evangelical instruction, as they are heathen, and not mahometans as are the mindanaos. the village of iligan, which is the capital of the jurisdiction, and where its alcalde-mayor and infantry captain of the presidio lives, has about one hundred tributarios on the shore; and in the interior, in another village called baloy, there are about two hundred families, although only thirty come to pay the tribute. in another village, called lauayan, which is on the other side of iligan and on the bay of panguil, fifty [families pay tribute], although there are twice as many. then comes dapitan, which is the seat of the residence and mission, as the people there are the oldest christians of these islands, who went willingly to meet the first spaniards who came to conquer them, and guided and served them during the conquest, and have always persevered faithfully in their friendship. for that reason they are exempt from tribute. they number about two hundred families; while there are about two hundred and fifty more families in another and interior village situated on the headwaters of the same river. the villages situated on the coast in the direction of samboangan are dipoloc, with three hundred families; duyno, with six hundred; manucan, with one hundred; tubao, with one hundred; sindagan, with five hundred; mucas, with two hundred; quipit, with three hundred: with a total of one thousand seven hundred and fifty families, who are computed to be included in this residence, whose instruction is generally in charge of five priests. within a few years seven priests have given their lives and shed their blood in this island for the administration of the holy gospel, at the hands of the moros and apostates: two in the residence of dapitan, [40] and five in the district of samboangan. of these, one was in siao; [41] two in buayen, [42] a kingdom of the moros; and two others but recently in this current year of 1656, in the capital of the entire island--namely, the river of mindanao, in the settlement where king corralat lives and holds his court. [43] there are, besides, other lathers who have been captives, one of whom died in captivity; [44] and others who have died in the spanish presidio, at their posts as chaplains. the products of mindanao and its islands are in general the same as those of the other islands--namely, rice, palms [_sc._, cocoanuts], a quantity of wax, vegetables, civet, and wild cinnamon (which is used fresh). in the island of jolo, a quantity of amber has been found at times, and some large pearls. it alone of all the filipinas islands has elephants. mission to borney with the opportunity of the oared fleets of the presidio of samboanga, which--accompanied by a number of indian volunteer vessels from the district of dapitan, and others of our missions--have sailed during the last few years to this great island, and since our fathers have always accompanied them and acted as their chaplains, a mission has been formed there at the same time; and the ministries of the society have been exercised in those so remote parts, with not a little gain, and great hopes of numerous christians, since those baptized number seven hundred--among whom are some of the chiefs of the neighboring islands, who have already offered vassalage to the king our sovereign, and asked for ministers of the gospel. if god be pleased to let our arms in mindanao be free, and if this undertaking that has been begun in borney be continued, it will be without doubt to the great exaltation of our holy faith, and the advantage of the spanish state in these filipinas islands. for, besides freeing the islands from the continual invasions, fires, thefts, and captivities by those pirates, they will enjoy the fertility, wealth, and abundance of this island, which is the largest one of these archipelagos, having a circumference of four hundred and fifty leguas. it is the way-station for the commerce of the rich kingdoms of india _extra gangem_ [_i.e._, beyond the ganges], pegu, sian, and camboxa, upon which it borders. in respect to christianity, great increase can be promised; for the people are, as a rule, docile and of good understanding. although the faith of mahomet has made some headway in the maritime parts--but not with the obstinacy experienced in other islands--all the people of the interior are heathen. college of terrenate and its missions the society maintains a college in the island of terrenate, which is the head of the missions of that archipelago, which were hitherto subject to the [jesuit] province of cochin in eastern india. last year they were assigned to this province of filipinas by virtue of a royal decree despatched by the advice of the royal audiencia, by the governor and captain-general of these islands, on the occasion of, the revolt of portugal and india. [45] at present three priests are busied in this labor: one is the rector who lives in the house and college of terrenate, to look after the ministry of spanish and indians in the presidios of that island and that of tidore, and the village of mardicas. the other two visit in mission the many stations in their charge, as long as there is no minister belonging to each of these. the chief and oldest mission is that of the kingdom of siao, where there was estimated to be at the beginning, eleven thousand seven hundred christians, while today they do not number four thousand. the king of that place has many subjects, and allies in the islands of tabuco or sanguil bagar, [46] the talaos, [47] and in matheo or macasar. the talaos number about eleven thousand souls, and their chief is a christian. so likewise those of maganita, moade, tomaco, and sabugan in sanguil baçar. there are eight hundred native christians in calonga, the capital of the same island. a franciscan priest lives there at present, while the society, to whom that mission belongs, has no one to send there. from siao the mission of the province of manados, in the island of matheo or macasar, is also visited. formerly it had four thousand christians, but now christianity is almost wiped out (even the villages of our faith, and allied to us) by the raids of the dutch and the terrenatans, who favor another nation and one allied with the dutch and terrenatans. inasmuch as the land of manados is unhealthful, five members of the society have perished in the enterprise of its conversion. a short distance from manados is cautipa, a part of the same mainland of macasar, and subject to the king of siao, with about four or five thousand heathen families. the fathers lived among them and made some christians formerly. the former christian settlements in gilolo--sabugo, moratay, san juan de tolo, and others of batachina--which before numbered two hundred and fifty thousand christians, instructed by our fathers, are also destroyed by the same wars with heretics. may the lord bring it about that that door may be again opened to the cultivation of this vineyard, through the peace of españa and olanda. this vineyard is continued, by way of this district of batachina, by the papuans and thence by nueva guinea--whose farthest bounds are yet unknown, as well as the knowledge of what god has reserved for the evangelical ministers and the spanish empire in that unknown land. [48] father alonso de castro, a portuguese, was an illustrious martyr of christ in maluco, for whom, after he had preached the gospel there for the space of eleven years, the moros wrought the crown of martyrdom; in january, 1559--dragging him first through rough places, where he endured imprisonment, and giving him later many wounds; and, lastly, throwing his dead body to the bottom of the deep sea. at the end of three days the body appeared on the strand surrounded with emanations of light. see his life and martyrdom among the illustrious men of father eusebio. [49] china and japon the relationship with the provinces of japon and china ought also to be included among the ministries of this province, because of the communication that their nearness offers, and the present necessity of those fields of christianity imposes obligations on us. the ministers there have been assisted from here, these last few years, with some alms for their support--especially in the province of chincheo, which is the nearest--and wine for the masses, and holy oils, which those missions would not have if they were not furnished from here. they earnestly petition the aid of more ministers, as those who are there are few and aged. if many ministers come from europa, and we have an order for it, some shall be given to them. the religious estate in the philippines [this survey of religious affairs in the islands is taken from the _chronicas_ (manila, 1738) of the franciscan chronicler san antonio, vol. i, pp. 172-175, 190-210, 214-216, 219, 220, 223-226.] chapter xlvi ecclesiastical theater of the philipinas islands 510. who does not express wonder that the evangelical preaching in these islands (and more especially at manila) is so eloquent; that the worship in the temples has a veneration as perennial as it is ceremonious; that the holy orders maintain themselves in the most strict observance of their institutes and rules; that the christian church is so happily increased; that devotion is so well received; and that justice is so uprightly administered? for, if one considers without prejudice, these are certain precious gems, so resplendent and so exquisite, that the crown of españa can glory in adorning itself with them--even though it he, as is the fact, the spaniards who shape those gems from justice. all this so ennobles these islands that they are reported as extraordinary among all these lands. 511. this ecclesiastical theater of the city of manila demands huge tomes from justice for its history, which the limits of my history do not permit; and a very ingenious pen for its praises, which is not united with my lack of eloquence. i have seen some voluminous writings on this subject, which i have no time to follow. i have seen some that are written so meagerly, that my own interest [in the subject] is offended. may it please god that my design, which confesses itself debtor to all, may now find a proper medium. 512. the first church of manila was erected as a parochial church, under the title of the immaculate conception of our lady, at the end of the year 1571, when the adelantado and conquistador, legaspi, divided the lands and site of manila. although i have read in a certain manuscript that that first erection was made with four clerics, i cannot find in history anything that verifies this statement. for the printed histories of these islands state that when the adelantado legaspi divided the land, he summoned the natives of manila and their ruler, raja matanda; and, placing the fathers of st. augustine in their presence, told them that those were their true fathers, and their instructors in the law of the true god, who had come to teach it to them; and there is no mention of any secular. 513. further, i think that the licentiate don juan de vivero was the first cleric who came to these islands. although he came hither in the year 1566, in the famous ship "san geronymo," five years before the conquest of manila, it is not proved to my satisfaction that he was ever in manila; and it is more probable that he remained in zebu, the first land that was conquered. another cleric was the licentiate don juan de villanueva, of whom the only thing known is that he was a priest, and that he lived but a little time--and that after the erection of the church. another cleric who came earlier [than the latter] was don luis barruelo, who had been sent to philipinas by the archbishop of méxico, as associate of the above-mentioned don juan de vivero, so that they might be the judge-provisors and vicars-general of all the islands; for the archbishop thought that this provision belonged to his care and jurisdiction, as he was the prelate nearest to these islands. but don luis barruelo arrived at the islands in the year 1577, six years after the foundation of manila. therefore it appears that the augustinian fathers were the only ones who exercised the entire government _in utroque foro_, [50] and the parochial administration of manila and all the islands. to them succeeded, in the said government, the discalced franciscan religious, until the arrival of the most illustrious salazàr, first bishop of manila. 514. this church, when first erected, was poor. although with the lapse of time it had sufficient incomes, yet, with the fires and continual earthquakes, the church buildings were ruined. thus, because of the earthquakes of the year 1645, the church of la misericordia was used as the cathedral church from november 26, 1652, until june 7, 1662, when possession was taken of the new church. the latter is still standing, and was built by the zealous and costly efforts of the holy archbishop, don miguel de poblete, albeit he did not leave it entirely finished. his excellency placed the first stone april 20, 1654. it was a square slab, and bore the following inscription: "the church being under the government of innocent x; the españas, under king phelipe iv the great; and these islands, under don sabiniano manrique de lara, knight of the order of calatrava: don miguel de poblete, its metropolitan archbishop, placed this stone, april 20, 1654, for the building of this holy cathedral--its titular being the conception of our lady, and its patron, st. andrew the apostle." it was completed later (on august 30, 1671), by the dean his nephew, the master don joseph millan de poblete, who was afterward bishop of nueva segovia. it is a beautiful stone building. it is forty brazas long by fifteen wide, and five high. it has three principal doors, corresponding to the three naves of its structure. along the two side aisles it has eight chapels on each side [of the church], with two sacristies--one for spaniards, and the other for the natives of this country. the capacity of its choir is fifty-two. its stalls are of red wood. the steeple is high and beautiful, and has fourteen bells--a larger number and larger in size than the old bells, and lately cast anew--and has upper works of wood, which are not used. the church is under the personal care and watchful management of the archbishop of manila who is now governing. the houses of the ecclesiastical cabildo are contiguous to the church. [51] 515. gregory xiii was the one who erected that first parochial church into a cathedral, by his bull given at roma in the seventh year of his pontificate, namely, in that of 1578, at the petition of our phelipe ii, king of the españas. he assigned it twenty-seven prebendaries of whom the king appoints those who are necessary. they consist of five dignitaries--dean, archdeacon, precentor, schoolmaster, and treasurer; three canons (the fourth having been suppressed by the inquisition, as has been done throughout the indias); and two whole and two half racioneros, by virtue of a royal decree given in valladolid, june 2, 1604, countersigned by juan de ybarra, the king's secretary. with the above, and two curas, sacristans, master-of-ceremonies, verger, etc., this church is very distinguished and well served, and the choir is quite crowded at all canonical hours. at its first erection, the advocacy of the most pure conception was bestowed upon this church, and it has been preserved up to the present time. 516. the archbishops of manila receive the salary of 5,000 pesos of common gold, by virtue of his majesty's decree given at madrid, may 28, 1680; the dean, 600 pesos, by virtue of royal presentation; the four dignitaries of this holy church--namely, archdeacon, schoolmaster, precentor, and treasurer--each receive 500 pesos, for the same reason; the three canons--namely, the doctoral, the magistral, and he of grace--each 400 pesos, for the same reason; the two racioneros, each 300 pesos, for the same reason; the two medio-racioneros, each 200 pesos, for the same reason; the master-of-ceremonies, 200 pesos, by a royal decree dated february 22, 1724; the two curas of the holy church--one for the spaniards, and the other for the natives and blacks--each 183 pesos, 6 tomins, and 7 granos. chapter xlvii jurisdiction of the archbishopric 536. the archbishopric of manila extends its jurisdiction through the entire provinces of tòngdo, bulacàn, pampànga, taàl, or balayàn; even to mindòro and marindùque; all the coast of zambales, up to the point and bay of bolinào; laguna de baì, and its mountains, to mahàyhày inclusive; and the jurisdictions of cavite, marivèlez, and the city of manila. chapter xlviii ecclesiastical tribunals of manila 537. for the despatch of its business this archiepiscopal ecclesiastical tribunal has its provisor and vicar-general, with his chief notary and fiscals. it has a house which is used as the prison of the ecclesiastical tribunal, which has a capacious living-room, and separate lodgings for the seclusion of abandoned women. commissariat of the holy inquisition 538. there has been and always is in this city of manila a commissary of the holy office of the inquisition, appointed by the holy tribunal of méxico. [52] that commissary is the superior and superintendent of all the commissaries scattered about in the islands--namely, in cagayàn, pangasinàn, camarìnes, zebù, ilòcos, and the island of negros; and at manila another private commissary for the fathers of the society, who is always an honored cleric. the tribunal here is formed of the said superintendent-commissary with his chief constable and his notary. its council of ministers comprises various examiners of books and writings, counselors, and familiars. there are always three or four superintendent-commissaries appointed, so that in case of death or removal another may succeed promptly to the office; but only one of them exercises the office [at any one time]. from the time of the venerable martyr of syan [_i.e._, siam], fray juan de san pedro martyr, or maldonado, the first commissary in these islands (who died december 22, 1599), until the present commissary, the very reverend father ex-provincial fray juan de arechederra (a son of the convent of san jacinto de caracas, of the province of santa cruz of the indias, and graduated with the degree of doctor from the celebrated university of méxico), this office of superintendent-commissary has been vested in the religious of our father st. dominic successively, without other interruption than the short interval of seven years--when an augustinian, father joseph paternina, exercised the office, beginning with october, 1664, when he succeeded father fray francisco de paula, until july of 1671. then father fray phelipe pardo, afterward archbishop of manila, assumed the office, because of the dismissal of father paternìna from his office by a sentence of the holy tribunal of méxico, because he unjustly issued acts against and arrested the governor of these islands, don diego de salcedo. this commissariat has always been a post of great honor, authority, and credit, and is for that reason eagerly sought by the most distinguished members of the order. but, the tribunal of méxico having requested the fathers superintendent-commissaries to make investigations, in order to act as such, the dominican fathers excused themselves, as they live here without incomes, and were unable to make investigations because of their increased expenses; and father paternìna being in méxico on that occasion, he easily obtained the office which afterward cost him so much. tribunal of the holy crusade 539. the erection of the apostolic and royal tribunal of the holy crusade in the city of manila (as the capital of these islands, where the royal audiencia resides), had its foundation in the general decree of phelipe iii, given in san lorenzo, under date of may 16, 1609. [53] in consequence of that decree, that tribunal is composed of a commissary-subdelegate-general, who performs the duties of president, and is appointed by his majesty, with the advice of the supreme council of the holy crusade; an auditor, who is the senior auditor of the royal audiencia; and the fiscal of the same body--all of whom receive a special salary for their duties. for the computation of its accounts, the senior accountant of the royal officials serves, in accordance with the terms of the above-mentioned royal decree. for their business they have a secretary; a chief notary, with a salary; and four notaries, without any assigned salary, but who receive the fees from the business transacted by them. for the expedition of the bulls (which are published biennially in these provinces), the suitable number, and at all prices--bulls for the living and for the dead, _de lacticinios_, and of composition [54]--are sent from europa, with the bundles of despatches and instructions from his majesty and from the apostolic commissary-general. having been first examined and numbered before the subdelegate-general, they are deposited under good security in the royal magazines of this capital, where pay-warrants are issued for the treasurer-general or manager, into whose charge this business is given. 540. from the first foundation, it was established that the preaching of each biennial term should occur on the twenty-eighth of october. but with the beginning of the year 1736 that date was transferred to the first sunday in advent, by order of his excellency the commissary-general, so that the preaching might be on the same date in all the kingdoms and seigniories of the royal crown. 541. the management and despatch of this concession, and the collection of the alms and proceeds from it, were regularly included, annexed, in the agreements which were made with the royal apostolic tribunal of the city of méxico--the treasurer-general of the kingdom naming a substitute deputy, who should have in his charge the matters pertaining to these philipinas. when that was omitted, it was in charge of the royal officials of these treasuries, in accordance with the royal decrees which have so provided it. certain publications intervened, which were entrusted, by special arrangement, to the inhabitants of manila, independently of the treasurer-general of méxico. but lately, the dependence of philipinas on the arrangements of that kingdom having been dispensed with, a solemn agreement was made with the royal apostolic tribunal of this capital, for the six biennials of the thirteenth concession, by general don joseph antonio nuño de villavicencio, proprietary regidor of this city (who obtained a letter from his excellency the bishop, an inquisitor, and former apostolic commissary-general of the said holy crusade); and the said contract having terminated, a new one was made by general don diego zamudio, an inhabitant of the said city, who is charged with this enterprise for the six biennials of the current and fourteenth concession. [55] 542. for that expedition the said treasurers give bonds in sufficient form. they appoint the receiving treasurers, who attend to the expense of bulls in all the villages of the provinces that are included in this jurisdiction, and place the proceeds of this concession, as they become due, in the royal treasury of manila, or in those of méxico, according to the agreement at the time of contract. chapter xlix churches and colleges of manila royal chapel 543. inside the walls of the city of manila, and at the extreme northeast by north section of it, stands the royal chapel, which has the title of nuestra señora de la encarnacion [_i.e._, our lady of the incarnation], and contains the most holy sacrament. it is a very elegant structure, and was founded by governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera. it is used for the chapel functions of the royal audiencia, for the spiritual administration of the royal hospital for the soldiers of the army, and for their burial. for this last purpose, the chaplains go without any subordination to the parish church, wearing the cope, and with cross carried high, through the public streets to the said royal hospital for the bodies of the deceased soldiers, which they carry with all manner of solemnity to the royal chapel, where they are buried. for the above, and so that they may serve in the chaplaincies of the galleons in this line, and for the divine worship of the said chapel, the chapel has its chief chaplain, and a number of royal chaplains, sacristans, and other ministers, who serve it with great decorum and pomp. this is a rich church, and is beautifully adorned with altars, reredoses, pulpit, and sacristy; it has choir, organ, and a goodly band of singers; and rich ornaments, and sacred vessels of silver and gold--and, in particular, a monstrance of pure gold, valued at eleven thousand ducados. royal hospital 544. not very far from this royal chapel, and more toward the center of the city, is the said royal hospital, for the soldiers of the manila camp. it has its own chaplain, manager, physician, surgeon, apothecary, and all the other necessary provisions. royal seminary-college of san phelipe 545. his majesty asked don fausto cruzat y góngora, governor of these islands, by a royal decree of november 28, 1697, to inform him whether there was or was not a seminary-college for boys in manila, for the service of his cathedral church; and that, in case there were not, he should set about its foundation and building. he was to advise his majesty of the expenses necessary for it, and for its necessary maintenance. the governor reported; and, by another royal decree of april 28, 1702, the piety of his catholic majesty decided upon the foundation of a royal college in the city of manila, which should be a seminary for eight seminarists. the sum necessary for its building and maintenance was to be appropriated from the funds accumulating from vacancies in the bishoprics of these islands, and from the tithes; and, if necessary, from the funds of the royal treasury. all was to be done with the advice of the archbishop of manila, and his majesty was to be informed of all that was done. everything was carried out by the governor and master-of-camp, don domingo de zabálburu; and, with the approval of his excellency the archbishop, don diego camacho y avila, the plans for the building of the seminary were begun with all possible energy. by a general meeting of the treasury tribunal, held may 22, 1705, four thousand pesos were appropriated to general don miguel de elorriaga for the encouragement of this enterprise. 546. with the arrival at these islands of the patriarch of antiochia, cardinal don carlos thomas millard de tournòn, [56] in the year 1704, and with the stay of the abbot don juan baptista sidòti [57] in the islands, until he went to japon, that work was strengthened by various alms, which the said sidòti went about collecting for it, until he succeeded in giving it a stone foundation one vara high. the seminary was called san clemente, in honor of the pope. [58] then writing to madrid and to roma the progress that had been made--namely, that the seminary was already in operation, and that the number of the seminarists exceeded twenty, and attributing that glory to the said gentlemen and to their efforts, it was advised that the said cardinal should select those persons whom he thought proper for master and rector. pontifical commission was assigned him for that, and in fact, in the year 1707, the licentiate don gabriel de istùris was appointed rector, and the bachelor don hypòlito del rio as master of the seminarists. on november 28 of that year, the first eight seminarists were received by the governor of these islands, don domingo de zabálburu. the archbishop and governor of these islands helped in all these plans, and, in addition to the above alms, contributions were made from the revenues of the royal treasury. 547. having been informed of all this news, the apostolic nuncio at the court of españa presented himself before the catholic majesty in the name of the pope (who had been informed by the archbishop and the governor of manila), asking that his majesty would deign to consider as valid the said foundation in the aforesaid form in the city of manila--since it meant glory to his crown to have a seminary in these islands, from which so many advantages would follow for the spread of the catholic faith in japon, and china, and among other barbarous peoples, by rearing subjects in the said seminary in virtue and learning as evangelical ministers, of whom there was so much need. that was to be without any expense to the royal treasury, since some of its seminarists were supported with alms, and some with the revenues that belonged to their own houses. 548. his majesty consulted his royal council of the indias. from their examination of the matter a royal decree resulted, dated at madrid, march 3, 1710, and countersigned by his majesty's secretary, don felix de la cruz ahèdo, and with the rubrics of five members of the council of the indias. in it his majesty manifests his just anger at such innovations and prejudicial proceedings through the agency of foreigners, when his majesty had ordained it so long beforehand; and that, with what had been done, there should be given room for such progress to be attributed in the roman court to the active diligence of foreigners, when his catholic zeal had sent, at the cost of his royal treasury, and maintained in these parts the great number of learned regular missionaries [who are there] for the conversion [of the heathen], and the propagation of the holy gospel. he was angry also because this news had come to his royal ears by other vehicles than his vassals and ministers, and that foreigners had been allowed in these islands without his royal consent. 549. therefore, in the said royal order, his majesty commands that all the foreign seminarists be taken out of the said seminary, and that only the eight before decided upon be left, since those were his vassals. he allows at the most, sixteen boarders, and all those shall enter only by permission of the governor of these islands, as the vice-patron; and the building of the said seminary which his majesty had before ordered shall be promoted. if there should be persons, who in good faith would have aided the new seminary with buildings, incomes, and other gifts, it is asked that they consent to apply these on the building of the seminary intended and ordered by his majesty. in case that they do not agree to that, the just price of whatever can be useful for this desirable end shall be paid to them; and what is useless shall be restored to its owners, except such buildings as may not be necessary, which shall be immediately demolished. 550. by virtue of the royal decree to the royal audiencia, and those decrees which accompanied it for the archbishop and governor of manila, the building which (as above stated) was already begun was demolished, and today it is used as the summer palace of the governors; and all the orders expressed in the said decrees were carried out. on may 6, 1712, the course of arts was inaugurated in the royal seminary of san phelipe (for thus did his majesty order it to be called, and that the name of san clemente be erased), with the bachelor don bartholome caravallo, presbyter, as master. he was appointed by decree of the superior government, during the governorship of the count of lizarrâga, don martin de ursua. doctor don francisco fermin de vivàr was appointed master of theology on july 5, 1714. at his death, the master don ignacio mariano garcia, who is at present doctor in theology, canon of this holy church, and rector of the said royal college, succeeded to the office. after that time, they began to have public theological theses there, with the help of the communities of manila. still later, esteeming it advisable for the royal treasury, the offices of master of arts and theology were suspended, and only that of master of grammar is preserved. the seminarists who may choose to continue their scholastic studies, go to the university of santo thomas to hear lecturers there. that is the present course; and the said seminarists, after being present at the service of the cathedral church--their first duty--go to the university of santo thomas for the ordinary lectures which are given to them. royal professorships 551. in the year 1717, his majesty (may god preserve him) sent three professors to the city of manila, with suitable salaries, to erect and conduct three professorships--of canons, institutes, and laws: these were in fact, erected and conducted in this city, in one of its most notable and roomy houses. in the year 1724, because of the promotion by the king of don julian de velasco, one of the professors, to the royal audiencia of méxico, and as there were no suitable persons [for these chairs] the royal audiencia of these islands communicated that fact to his majesty on june 10, 1726, as well as the small results and increased expenses that were experienced from those professorships. therefore, the royal audiencia had made provision, while awaiting a new royal order, for maintaining the two professorships, with the same two lecturers who held them. however, there was some change, the professorship of canons being given to the very reverend father pedro murillo velarde, of the holy society of jesus; while the place where the lectures were given was changed to the college of san ignacio, of the same society, where its provincial generously assigned a room for the exercise [of these lectureships] and for literary functions. in view of that, the king ordained, by his decree of july 26, 1730, the suspension of everything enacted therein by that audiencia--doing away, for the time being, with the foundation of the royal university; and saving the royal treasury more than ten thousand pesos per annum, which had been fruitlessly spent. now, very recently, his majesty, by a decree dated san lorenzo, october 23, 1733, has determined that there shall be a chair of canons and another of institutes in the college of san ignacio; and he also determines that there shall be the same at the university of santo thomas. such is the present condition of the king's professorships, until a new order is given. royal seminary of santa potenciana 552. the royal seminary of santa potenciana was built in manila, where it is situated, in the year 1591. at that time don fray domingo de salazàr was bishop, and he aided it with his alms; while the governor of the islands was gomez perez dasmariñas. it was established in some houses and on a plot of ground given for that purpose by captain luis de vibanco, factor of the royal treasury. there also was built the church with the title of st. andrew the apostle, the patron saint of manila. that church is thought to be [on the site of] the ancient chapel of st. andrew which, as appears, was in that same spot, according to several papers which i have seen of the year 1580. the seminary has been, and is, used for orphan girls, the daughters of spanish parents, to give them good education and rearing. it is under the royal patronage; and his majesty takes care of the maintenance of the seminarists, and helps them as far as may be necessary. some pupils, some servants, and even some reformed women are received also. for the last named, licentiate don francisco gomez de arellano, archdeacon of manila, and provisor of this archbishopric, built a separate room. he furnished the reredos of the principal altar, and gave several other alms and support for the purpose of changing that seminary to a monastery of nuns; but he was unable to attain his purpose, for god cut short the thread of his life. they have their own chaplain, their rectoress, and their portress; and they live safely retired and with holy mode of life. royal brotherhood of the santa misericordia 553. the royal brotherhood of the santa misericordia of the city of manila is composed of the members of the most prominent families of manila. they have their overseer, twelve deputies, and a secretary, who form their executive board, besides other officers for their necessary transaction of business. they were established in imitation of the one which was erected in lisbôa, in the year 1498, by the most serene queen of portugal--doña leonor, at that time the widow of don juan the second, who had died in the year 1495 as appears in all the portuguese histories. their founder was a trinitarian religious of praiseworthy life, one fray miguel de contreras. the misericordia of manila is due to the pious and fervent efforts of that venerable servant of god. father juan fernandez de leon, a secular priest, a native of gibra-leon, in the county of niebla in andalucia, at the time when this archbishopric was governed by the very reverend father fray christoval de salvatierra, [59] of the order of preachers, and the philipinas islands by don luis gomez [_sic_: error for _perez_] dasmariñas. this holy brotherhood was established april 16, 1594, with the liberal alms of all the nobility of manila, and the above-named governor was appointed its first overseer. the three who coöperated for its establishment and the formation of its constitution, were father peréyra, of the holy society of jesus, father fray marcos de lisbôa, a franciscan, and don christoval giràl, all three of them portuguese. in the church of the society of jesus at manila met the most reverend father fray christoval de salvatierra, the venerable dean don diego basquez de mercado, and the said venerable juan fernandez de leon; the venerable fathers antonio sedeño and raymundo de prado, of the holy society of jesus; the venerable fathers fray agustin de tordesillas, fray marcos de lisbôa, fray alonso muñoz, and fray juan bautista, of this seraphic [_i.e._, franciscan] province; together with the magistrates, regidors, and superior officers of the army of the city, and other persons of education and talents, both ecclesiastics and laymen. 554. thus erected, and in accordance with its erection, the santa misericordia remained with the temporal management, and our province with the spiritual management, of the hospital, which from that time began to be called the misericordia [_i.e._, "house of mercy"] of the franciscan fathers--which before had been cared for by the venerable leon and our venerable fray juan clemente; and the erection of the said hospital in proper shape was considered. 555. they built a church with the title of "presentacion de nuestra señora" [_i.e._, "presentation of our lady"], and a house and seminary with that of santa isabel, in order to rear spanish orphan girls with thorough instruction in christian doctrine and with good morals. it had a rectoress to care for and govern it, and a portress. thence the girls go out with dowries sufficient for the estate [of marriage] to which they naturally tend, for which purpose the holy misericordia appropriates sixteen thousand pesos. the girls who study there, who all the time are supported with whatever is necessary, number about sixty, besides some pupils, six slave girls, and other servants. for their expenses and those of their chaplains ten thousand seven hundred pesos are appropriated. it is a seminary of so great reputation and honor that, although it has been used from its beginning as a refuge for girls--the daughters of poor spaniards, whom the brothers obtain from various houses and from santa potenciana--the best citizens of the community do not hesitate today to send their daughters there. thence they go out to assume the state of matrimony, or as nuns of st. clare. their church is very capacious, of beautiful architecture, and very richly adorned. it was used as the cathedral (as above stated) until the year 1662, when the cabildo took possession of its new church. 556. not only does this brotherhood have in charge today the support of this girls' seminary, and of the hospital of the misericordia (although the latter is at present under the charge of the hospital order), but there is no class of persons which does not experience the charity of this holy house, through the generous alms that its executive board distributes. if the royal misericordia of lisbôa boasts that 30,000 ducados of private alms and other sums, which are spent nearly every year for the redemption of captives, were distributed in one year, there is not a year that this great charitable institution does not spend 70,000 pesos in various purposes of charity, such as those already mentioned--poor spaniards who are unwilling to ask alms, and prisoners, and masses for the blessed souls--so that it is estimated that this holy house has given 3,448,506 pesos in alms from the year 1599 until that of 1726. that sum has been produced by the pious bequests that have been left for charitable purposes by the inhabitants of manila. to this should be added the advances that have been made to the general fund of these islands, in cases of extreme necessity and invasions by the enemy, in the years 1646, 650, 653, 663 to 668, and to that of 1735. the total, according to an accurate computation, amounts to 1,069,099 pesos. 557. the misericordia takes care of the financial affairs of twenty-nine collative and of ten laical chaplaincies; and, in the royal college of san joseph, of two fellowships. 558. it is governed by its own special rules, and their observance imposes the obligation of mortal sin. it has remarkable and venerated reliquaries. it enjoys many privileges from the supreme pontiffs, and innumerable indulgences. it is under the immediate royal protection by a royal decree of his majesty, dated sevilla, march 25, 1733, countersigned by don miguel de villanueva, the king's secretary. concession was granted in that decree to place the royal arms in their church and college; to go out as a corporation on holy thursday to make the round of the stations; and entire credit is to be given in all the tribunals to the instruments of the secretary of the executive board. other charitable institutions 559. there are other charitable institutions in manila in emulation of that of the holy misericordia, although not so wealthy: in the cathedral church, in the seraphic tertiary order of the convent of manila, in that of the convent of dilao, in [the convent of] st. dominic, in their convent of binondoc, in their beaterio, in the convent of the calced augustinian fathers, in that of the discalced augustinians, and in that of the society. all of them serve as a refuge for the poor; for from them is obtained money in proportion to good securities, and on pledges of gold and silver, at moderate rates of interest, for the trade of merchants, with which the poor spaniards engage in business and increase their wealth. their returns are used for the various charities purposed by the founders who placed their money there--such as divine worship; alms for the orders; dowries for poor spanish, indian, and mestiza girls, and for those of the cavite shore; alms for the self-respecting poor; hospitals and prisons; and suffrages for the blessed souls in purgatory--which are perennial. chapter l curacies and employments of religious in this archbishopric curacies 560. there are thirteen secular curacies and their visitas in all the archbishopric of manila. in the manila cathedral there are two--one for spaniards, and one for natives. in the province of tongdo is the curacy of santiago; that of la hermita de guia, and that of quiapo, the latter being an archiepiscopal house. in the jurisdiction of cavite, the curacy of that port and city, and that of the natives of san roque. in the province of balayàn, the curacy of balayàn and that of el rosario. in the province of laguna de bai, the curacy of tunasàn, that of tabùco, and that of santo thomas in the mountains. in the jurisdiction of mindòro, the curacy of lubàn. in all those curacies there are now administered about [_blank in original_] souls. calced augustinians 561. the calced augustinian religious have their convent and church within the archbishopric. it is all of stone arches, and is located in manila; and art has employed all its beauties in its building, and it is of special size and beauty. there live, as a general thing, fifty religious, all of well-known talents; and they have quarters for novitiates and study, for those who need them. this was the first order which (in the year 1565) conquered these islands; through their first prelate and father of them all, the venerable fray andrès de urdanèta, a biscayan, and a son of the convent and province of méxico. this convent of manila is the head of all the province of dulcissimo nombre de jesus, and of all the parochial convents that are possessed throughout the province by the augustinians, to wit, as follows: 562. in the province of tongdo: the convents of tongdo, tambòbong, malàte, parañaque, pàsig, and tagui. according to the last census, those convents minister to 21,959 souls. 563. the sanctuary of nuestra señora de guadalùpe on the river of manila, where there are no indians in its charge, and where only a few religious stay for the worship of that holy image. 564. in the province of bai, the province of san pablo de los montes, which has in charge 2,600 souls. 565. in the province of taàl or balayàn: the convents of taàl, with the holy sanctuary of the miraculous virgin, and of casàysày and its administration; that of bàuan, that of batàngas, that of tanàuan, that of salà, and that of lipà--with 14,628 souls. 566. in the province of bulacàn: the convents of the villages of bulacàn, dapdap, guiguintò, bigàa, angàt, baliuàg, quingua, malòlos, paombòng, calumpit, and hagònoy--with 23,303 souls. 567. in the province of pampanga: the convents of the villages of bacòlor, macabèbe, sesmòan, lubào, vauà, minàlin, bètis, pòrac, pueblo de méxico, aràyat, magàlang, tarlàc, gapàng, santòl (with its missions, and the new village of san sebastian), san miguel de mayòmo, candàba, cabacsà, apàlit--with 38,513 souls. 568. in the mountains of the same province of pampanga, within a radius of twenty-four leguas, there is a most flourishing mission of several barbaric nations, in which 4,500 souls are converted. [60] 569. the order of our father st. francis of the discalced religious followed the augustinians in point of their establishment in these islands; but i shall leave them for the last place in this book, in order to give precedence to the guests from outside, who honor my work. society of jesus 570. the holy society of jesus came to these islands with their two vigorous apostolic leaders, father antonio sedeño and father alonso sanchez--who were most helpful companions of don fray domingo de salazar, the first bishop of manila--in the year 1581. they have their principal college in manila, whose titular is st. ignatius. it is a sumptuous edifice, and head of all the colleges (which are eight in number, the houses proper of the order), and of all the residences and missions of these islands. in this chief college is situated the pontifical and royal university of letters. 571. it is assured that pope julius iii was the first to concede the power of granting degrees to the holy society of jesus, on october 22, 1552; but only to jesuit scholars. afterward pius iv extended this faculty to outside students, august 19, 1561. lastly, it was all confirmed by his holiness, gregory xiii, may 7, 1578, that pope declaring that the prefect of studies could give the degrees. urban viii, on petition of the sovereigns phelipe iii and phelipe iv, decreed that degrees could be given in the indias by the hands of the bishops, in the colleges of the society, as was once practiced in manila by archbishop serrano. and because it was not continued, that college of san ignacio availed itself of the privileges already noted, and of which mention is made in libro i, título xxii, law ii, of the _recopilación de indias_. [61] wherefore it appears that the holy society gave degrees in manila by pontifical and regal authority. later his holiness, gregory xv, by his brief _apud s. mariam mayorem_, conceded, on august 8, 1621, the same privilege, but with the following restriction, _præsentibus ad decennium dum-taxàt valituris_, and that decennial was completed in the year 1631. then on may 12, 1653, a royal writ of execution was issued, granting authority to graduate students from the college of san ignacio or that of san joseph. in the year 1718, the royal university was started in these islands, and it was maintained until the year 1726. as one of the professors was promoted to the royal audiencia of méxico, the chair of the morning classes in canonical law was given to the very reverend father pedro murillo velarde, of the same society, who had been professor of these branches in the universities of granada and salamanca, as a collegiate in the imperial university of san miguel of granada, and of the chief [college] of cuenca at salamanca. but on account of the increased expenses occasioned by this royal university, and as the benefits derived therefrom, as experience demonstrated, were little, this royal audiencia of manila determined that these professorships should be located--as it were, in trust--in the college of san ignacio of manila. that was in fact done, the society showing this courtesy to his catholic majesty--until, by a decree dated july 26, 1730, those professorships are now suppressed, and other provision has been made. now, very recently, the chief college of san ignacio has, besides the privileges above cited, two new chairs--one of canonical law, without a salary, directed by a religious; and the other of institutes, under a layman, with four hundred pesos of income, in accordance with a decree from the escorial, dated october 23, 1733. the college is authorized to grant degrees in canons, laws, and other branches by his holiness, clement xii, by his brief of december 6, 1735. many are taking those studies, and are deriving great advantages therefrom. their literary exercises are very excellent, and continue [throughout their course of study] under the careful guidance of the holy society, which is not a new thing. 572. the royal college of san joseph, contiguous to the above college of san ignacio, and near the royal gate of manila, has for its origin a royal decree of phelipe ii, dated june 8, 1585, wherein the governor of these islands--who was to confer with the bishop of the islands as to the means--was ordered to institute a college, and support religious who were to teach latin, the sciences, and good morals to those who should attend. in obedience to that decree, the said college of san joseph was founded in the year 1595. twelve fellowships were created, and one thousand pesos assigned from the royal treasury. a deed of it was given on condition that the college was to be called a royal college, and that the arms of his majesty were to be placed on it. a few years afterward, by the will left by estevan rodriguez de figueròa, governor and captain-general of the island of mindanào, this college was established from the foundations in his name. it had a sufficient number of students, and a continually brilliant exercise in the branches of learning, which is flourishing in these times. its antiquity, and its precedence to that of santo tomas, is defined by the royal council of the indias, in a contradictory judgment, which appears from a royal decree or writ of execution dated march 12, 1653. the title _real ad honorem_, with authority to place it on all its acts and despatches, and to place the royal arms on its gates, as we now see them, is a concession of our catholic king, by his royal order of may 3, 1722. therefore this college is held in esteem and has a remarkable popularity. 573. in the province of tongdo [the society has] [_marginal note_: residences or missions] in the villages of santa cruz, outside the manila walls, and in san miguel on the river of manila; up the river toward laguna de baì, in the villages of san pedro macatì, san matheo (with the missions of san isidro, and paynàan in the mountains), antipòlo, tàytày, caintà, mariquìna, silàn, and indàng. in the jurisdiction of cavìte, in the village of cavìte el viejo [_i.e._, old cavite], and in the port of cavìte, a college without administration. in that of marivèlez, in the village of marigondòng. in the jurisdiction of mindòro, in the island of marindùque, in the villages of boàc, santa cruz de nàpo, and gàsang. 574. there is a beaterio, in the city of manila, of respectable indian women with their mistress, who have withdrawn from the world, and are employed in holy living and exercises. although the fathers of the society do not have charge of it and its government, because of the prohibition in their statutes, it is, through the common error of the crowd, called "las beatas de la compañia" ["devout women of the society"], for they hear mass, confess, and receive communion in their church at the college of the society. 575. the number of souls in charge of the fathers of the society throughout these islands and the marianas, according to the latest computation (of which the fathers have informed me), is one hundred and seventy thousand. this is all the total that i know from this point on, for the other bishoprics, which are lacking. st. dominic 576. the first religious of the order of our father st. dominic who were known to have come to this archipelago were in the year 1581--the first bishop, don fray domingo de salazàr, and his associate, fray christoval de salvatierra, the only survivor of a very fine mission that his excellency brought. but the first mission that came to establish itself in manila consisted of fourteen religious, under their vicar-general, fray juan de castro, in the year 1587, on the eve of [mary] magdalene. this holy religion has the merit of being more strict in philipinas than in europa; for its members do not receive honorable titles or its convents incomes. their habit is of unmixed frieze, and there is nothing to be asked for as a dispensation in their regular observance. they have a very fine convent in the city of manila, which supports about thirty religious of virtue and learning. it is the chief convent of this most religious province of santissimo rosario. 577. the pontifical and royal university of santo thomas, incorporated in this holy province of santissimo rosario of our father st. dominic, must recognize as its origin that venerable servant of god, the most illustrious and reverend don fray miguel de venavides, of the same order, who while archbishop of manila, planned this so noble a work in the year 1610--giving all his library and about one thousand pesos, which was the amount of his property, to begin its foundation. he was followed by don fray diego de sória, of the same order, and bishop of nueva segovia in these islands, who bequeathed all his library and three thousand eight hundred pesos for the continuation of this work. consequently, by the year 1620 it already had lecturers and masters for the public teaching of the sciences, by order of the superior government and the audiencia of these islands, as appears from the _recopilación de indias_, libro i, título xxii, ley liii. [62] after that three pontifical briefs were obtained, each one _ad decennium_, empowering them to graduate students from the courses of philosophy and theology. but don phelipe iv by his letter to the count of siruela, his ambassador in roma, petitioned and obtained from his holiness innocent x the bull commencing _in supereminenti_, given at roma, november 20, 1645. in that bull his holiness erects a university in the college of santo thomas in due form, with all the exemptions and privileges that other universities have, under the care of the order of preachers. authority is given to the rector to confer degrees, establish statutes, and appoint officials, his holiness giving them the names proper of university, etc., until an independent university of general studies should be founded in manila. afterward the king, by a royal decree, dated madrid, may 17, 1680, admitted the said university under his patronage and royal protection; and ordered the governor, audiencia, archbishop, and orders to so regard it, and to observe its statutes and exemptions. by another decree, dated madrid, november 22, 1682, the king concedes authority for the erection of the chairs of laws and medicine in santo thomas. by another quite recent decree, dated san lorenzo, october 23, 1733, the king grants to the university of santo thomas two chairs--one of canonical law, which is held by a religious who receives no salary; and the other of the institutes, in charge of a layman, appointed by the royal audiencia, and assigned a salary of four hundred pesos per annum, payable from the royal treasury, and to be taken from [funds arising from] the vacant sees of the archbishop and bishops of these islands. the same favor is conferred upon the college of san ignacio of the society. at present these two chairs are being maintained in both places. a petition having been made to his holiness in behalf of the said university, that authority be conceded it to graduate students in the laws from it, his blessedness clement xii (who is at present governing the church), concedes this, granting said chairs to the university. his bull _dudum emanarunt_, promulgated in roma, september 2, 1734, in which he inserts the letter of innocent above cited, and the permissions and prerogatives there expressed (which are those of general universities), incorporates the said chairs, and those which may be founded in the future, so that the university may be able to graduate students in them, and so that the graduates may enjoy all the exemptions which are there mentioned. 578. thus does the order maintain that university, and it has men there of excellent learning and qualifications for public teaching. there are a sufficient number of students and collegiates who hear instruction, illustrated in the public literary exercises in the sciences, and with all the other aids necessary. its material edifice is very substantial and large and has a sufficient number of apartments and class-rooms of goodly capacity. it is located next door to the convent of our father st. dominic in manila. 579. the seminary of san juan de letràn was started by a spaniard of excellent life, called brother juan geronymo guerrero, who had in charge the rearing and teaching of poor and orphaned spanish boys--whom, partly with his own money but more with alms, he was supporting and had gathered in his house. for that purpose his majesty granted him an encomienda in ylòcos for the support of the said boys. when he became quite old and helpless he retired, with the permission of the archbishop, to the infirmary of st. dominic, where he died a religious, having renounced in due form his house, encomienda, and all his other property, so that he might give them to the order. the latter was to take charge of the education of the said orphans. so in effect the seminary of the said boys was given to the order of our father st. dominic with all the aforesaid incomes, besides a piece of land one hundred brazas long by fifty wide (which they were to choose) in the parián--free, and without paying land-tax to the city--as a help toward its support. that transfer was made by decree of governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuèra, dated manila, june 18, 1640, as appears from the first document in the book of the foundation of said seminary. in that book is seen its erection into a seminary with the advocacy of st. john of the lateran, as appears from the acts of the archbishop and provisor, and from the other solemnities, found on leaves 5-11 inclusive. their principal rule was the education of the said orphans, so that they might go thence as soldiers, and to occupy other posts in the community. now most of them become priests, studying the branches of philosophy and theology; and almost all the seculars of the bishopric of camarines, and many others in the other bishoprics of the islands, come from that seminary. from the said seminary, there have been already graduated with great credit four doctors through the university of santo thomas, two of whom are now canons of this metropolitan church--one, provisor of ylòcos; and the other, chief chaplain of the misericordia. some incomes in the royal chapel have been added to the said seminary, and a seraphic tertiary order with which fifty collegiates are regularly maintained in education for the order of our father st. dominic. 580. in the suburbs of manila, the dominicans have the hospital of san gabriel for the chinese, and the convent and church of santos reyes [_i.e._, "holy kings"], with the administration of the same christian chinese, who live and trade here. 581. in the province of tongdo, this order has charge of the village of binondòc and the convent of san juan del monte (but without any administration), up the river of manila. 582. in the province of pampànga, the convents and administration of the villages of abocày, sàmal, oriòng, oranì, with some visitas and missions. in these administrations they have in charge sixteen thousand souls. in the port of cavite, a convent without administration. 583. inside the city of manila, the royal beaterio of santa cathalina is incorporated with the province of santissimo rosario. it was established in the year 1695, in the house and on the ground given for that purpose by don antonio esguerra with some shops of the parián for its support. accordingly, some _beatas_ [_i.e._, devout women] lived there in retreat for some years, in the care of the dominican religious. later general don juan escaño took charge of the maintenance of the said beatas. he left a considerable portion of his property for that purpose, specifying that there should be fifteen spanish beatas for the choir, and sufficient lay-sisters to take care of the beaterio. today it is a house worthy of deep veneration and respect. the king has incorporated it in his royal patronage, with authority to have a public church with bells and a choir, and permission to celebrate the divine offices. they have a cloister, and profess the tertiary order of the dominicans. the only thing necessary to perfect their lives, and which they desire, is profession as nuns. discalced augustinians 584. the discalced religious of the great father of the church, st. augustine, entered manila in the year 1606. although they were the last evangelical workers, their apostolic zeal has extended in rivalry to the first ones, and they have attained abundant results from their labors, in the reduction of the most barbarous islanders, and in the exemplary lives of their reformed religious. the first convent in which they lived was the one now called san juan de bagongbáyan, outside the walls of the city of manila. it was established with the title of san nicolas de tolentino, which is still preserved (without administration), with the veneration merited, not only by their primacy but by the miraculous image of nuestra señora de la salud [_i.e._, "our lady of health"] who is venerated there. later, a convent was erected in due form under the ancient advocacy of st. nicholas of tolentino, that saint being today the titular of that most strict province. in that convent, which is inside and near the walls of manila, there are generally maintained thirty or forty religious. they have the reputation of being a community as well regulated as the best in castilla, and one in which have been known a great number of fathers of holiness and learning. from that convent they go out to perform their laborious ministrations in these islands. their houses in this archbishopric are as follows. 585. in the province of tongdo, the convent of san sebastian near manila, where the miraculous image of nuestra señora del carmen [_i.e._, "our lady of carmen"] is revered, and she has a confraternity of the holy escapular, with very fervent devotion. there are three hundred and thirty-six souls ministered to in that convent. 586. in the jurisdiction of marivèlez: in the villages of marivèlez, cabcàben, bagàc, mòrong; and they have administration between súbic and the point of bolinào, which is the country of the zambàles. they also have some missions in the mountains near by. in that district they care for 8,550 souls. 587. all of the island of mindòro is under the charge of those religious, where in various villages, visitas, missions, and settlements, they minister to 7,552 souls. 588. in the port of cavite, they have another convent, a dwelling for the religious without any administration of indians. [_in the margin_: "total number of souls, 16,438."] st. john of god 589. the hospital order of st. john of god, although their institute is the hospital and the treatment of bodies, have not a few times served as medicine for souls, under the spur of the apostolic zeal of those charitable religious. although it appears from a royal decree of february 10, 1617, that permission was given for ten religious for these islands, one cannot find evidence of the time of their entrance. they can only be found in the year 1649, with a hospital of convalescents in ragongbayan, outside the walls of manila, with their superior, the very reverend prior vicar-provincial, fray francisco de magallanes. [63] cession was made to him, as the head of his order, of the old hospital, which was founded by our fray juan clemente. the santa misericordia of manila, under the title of "hospital of the misericordia of the franciscan fathers," managed its financial affairs--as appears from the written statement of the said executive board of may 13, 1656, and from the permissions of archbishop poblete, of may 11 of the said year, and of governor don sabiniano, of march 22 of the same year. his catholic majesty approved that gift by his royal decree of december 5, 1659. that hospital continually suffered ever-recurring disasters, until the arrival at these islands of the very reverend father fray antonio arce, in july of 1726, as its head and superior. such has been his zeal and prudence that he has merited the glorious title of restorer of the hospital order in these islands, in its organization and affairs. for now, not only is it seen to be glorified by a very large, distinguished, and devout community, but they have built a sumptuous church from the foundations, excellent sick wards, and the house of the religious, almost to the extreme of perfection. they began so grand and vast a work november 28, 1728, when his excellency archbishop don carlos vermudez blessed the first stone, in the presence of governor marquis de torre campo (who began that building with two thousand pesos, which he gave that afternoon as alms), and the most noble and prominent people of this community. 590. there was another hospital in cavite, but it was swallowed up in the sea. at present a common house is used there as a hospital. the same thing is true of zebù. all that will be remedied, as is proved by experience, if the providence of god do not fail it, as hitherto it has not. discalced franciscans 591. our discalced religious came to these islands immediately following the augustinian fathers, in the year 1577. they were the founders of the custodia of san phelipe, which was later entitled san gregorio. now the province of the discalced franciscans has the same title. its first founder was the venerable fray antonio de san gregorio, and its first custodian, the venerable fray pedro de alfaro. possession was taken of the new convent of manila, august 2, 1577, and the most holy sacrament was placed in their church of santa maria de los angeles [_i.e._, "st. mary of the angels"]. that was the first receptacle [for the sacrament], or sacristy, that his majesty had in these islands. in this convent the community ceremonies are observed, in accordance with the rigor of the rules of españa. there is a well-served infirmary, and [opportunity for] studies, when that is necessary. it generally contains thirty religious, according as the climate and other accidents of this country permit. this convent is the mother and head of this holy province, whence go religious to minister to the places in our charge. they are as follows. 592. in the archbishopric of manila: in the province of tòngdo, in the villages of dilào sampàloc, pandàcan, and santa ana de sàpa--sanctuaries very famous for the miraculous images of our lady and of the child jesus--where 7,900 souls are ministered to. 593. in the province of bulacàn: in the villages of pòlo, meycauayàn, bocàui, with their visitas, where 19,500 souls are ministered to. 594. in the province of laguna de baì: in the villages of mòrong, bar-às, tanày, pililla, mabitac, cabôan, sinilôan, pangil, panquil, paète, longos, lucban, cauinti, pagsanghàn, santa cruz (with its infirmary), pila, maìnit (with the hospital of the sulphur-water baths), nagcarlàn, lilio, and mahàyhày in the mountains. and now lately, by cession of the augustinian fathers, the villages of baì, and binangonan de los ferros [_i.e._, "binangonan of the dogs"], with the settlement of angono. in all those villages, and their visitas, 40,534 souls are ministered to. 595. in the mountains of daraëtan, which extend from laguna de baì to the opposite coast of valèr, there is a mission with about four hundred converted souls, and many others to convert. [64] 596. there is another convent outside the walls of manila, at one legua's distance, called san francisco del monte, without administration, but used only for the spiritual retreat of the religious, which has its guardian. 597. near the royal magazines of manila stands the celebrated convent of the nuns of our mother st. clare. they are subject to this province, and are governed by their vicar, a religious of this province. its foundation and attending circumstances are treated in the body of these chronicles. 598. within the court or enclosure of our convent of manila, there is a very sumptuous chapel with the most holy sacrament, for the attendance and exercises of the venerable tertiary order, administered and governed by a religious, a commissary-visitor, a son of this holy province. 599. outside the walls of manila, near the village of dilào, stands the hospital of san lazaro, whose spiritual and temporal administration is, and has always been, in charge of the discalced franciscan religious. chapter li bishopric of zebu 600. it has been stated above, in the list of the archbishops of manila, that the bishopric of zebu is one of the three suffragans which pope clement viii erected for these philipinas islands by his brief of august 14, 1595. this is the most extensive, not only because of its territory in the islands, but because its jurisdiction also includes the marianas islands. the episcopal see is established in the city of dulcissimo nombre de jesus (before called san miguel)--founded in the month of april, 1565--in its very spacious wooden church, which is dedicated to the holy guardian angel (unless it be dedicated to the holy archangel, st. michael, as is so fitting, as he was the first titular of that village). that church has its sacristy, with its cura and sacristan. there is a provisor, and some secular clergy with benefices are located in some of the islands of its jurisdiction. in that city the order of the great father st. augustine has a convent, in which is venerated [an image of] the most miraculous child jesus, found at the conquest of the city; a college of the society of jesus; a convent of the discalced augustinians; and perhaps one or several religious of st. john of god. toward the eastern part of the island of zebù is located the city, with some spanish houses--although now only one or two spaniards live there with the alcalde-mayor, who is the governor, chief justice, general of the soldiers in pintados, and castellan of the fort in the same city; two alcaldes-in-ordinary, one lieutenant of royal officials, three regidors, two notaries, one city steward, and one chief constable. there is a district for the sangleys, who form a parián. the above is all that is most noteworthy regarding the city of zebù. jurisdiction of this bishopric 601. the bishopric of zebù extends, with its jurisdiction, throughout the province of lèyte; throughout that of zebù, with the adjacent islands, as above stated; the province of caràga; the province of panày, with the jurisdiction of ogtòng, and adjacent islands; as far as the calamiànes, and paràgua; the northern coast of mindanào; and the marianas islands. stipends of the bishops of these islands 602. his excellency the bishop of zebù receives an annual stipend of four thousand pesos of common gold, by virtue of a royal decree dated may 28, 1680. the cura of the sacristy of that holy church receives 183 pesos 6 tomins 7 granos; the sacristan, 91 pesos 7 tomins 3 granos. the other two bishops, their curas, and sacristans, receive the same stipends, and for the same reason. chapter liii curacies and administrations of the bishopric of zebù curacies 615. the sickness and death of the bishop, and the distance of that bishopric, have delayed the news that i had hoped to receive of the curacies in its district. therefore, i shall proceed with the administrations of the religious throughout that bishopric. administrations of religious 616. in the city of zebù is the convent of the calced augustinian fathers--the first temple and sacred repository of the miraculous image of the holy child that was discovered--where, as a rule, three religious live, without administration. 617. outside the walls is the convent of san nicolas, or zebù el viejo [_i.e._, "old zebù"], which was the first village conquered by the spaniards. hence its natives are reserved from tribute, and are ministered to by the augustinian fathers. the number of souls reaches 3,504. 618. the administrations of the villages of argào, bolohòn, cotcot (with liluan), in the island of zebù, whose souls number 8,666, have been lately ceded (in this year of 1737) to the fathers of the society, with the necessary licenses. 619. in the province of panày: in the village and capital of càpis, and in the villages of batàn, mambusao, dumalàg, dumarao, and the village of panày. in those administrations there are reckoned to be about 18,785 souls. 620. in the province of ogtong, in the villages of miyagao, antique, bugason, tigbaoan, cabutuan, laglag, passi, anilao, dumangas, the island of guimaras, hàro, ogtong, and guimbal--in which there are 52,906 souls. 621. in the two above-mentioned provinces of ogtong and panày, there are innumerable souls of the apostate cimarrones, the children of christian parents, who have fled to the mountains. much activity has been always displayed in their conversion, especially since the year 1731, and much gain is hoped from it. 622. the holy society of jesus has one of their colleges in the city of zebù, and near it the administration of mandabe. but lately the three villages of argao, bolohòng, and cotcot (with its annexed village of liluan), which were conceded to them by the augustinian fathers, have been added to them in the same province of zebù. and near zebù, in the small island of porò, the chief island of the three called camotes. 623. in the island of bohòl: in the villages of loboc, baclayon, dáuis, malabohòc, san miguel de hagna, talibong, and ynabanga. 624. in the island of mindanào: in dapitàn, with the mission of ylàya. in yligàn, with the missions of layànan, langàran, lubùngan, disacan, talìnga, and others, which are being reëstablished. in sanboàngan, the missions of bagumbàyan, dumalòn, siocòn, cabatàngan, caldèra, poongbatò, and sirauày. 625. in the island of negros, in the villages of ylog, cabangcàlan, with the mission of buyônan. in himamaìlan, cauàyan, ynayàuan, with the mission of sipalày. in iloilo, in the port, which is the capital, and in mòlo. 626. in the island of lèyte: in the villages of lèyte, palompòng, ogmùc, bàybày, hilòngos, maasim, sogòr, cabalìan, lilòan, hinundàyan, abùyog, dùlac, dagàmi, buràbuen, pàlo, tanàuan, hàro, alangàlang, carigàra, and barùgo. 627. in the island of samàr: in the villages of càpul, catbalògan, parànas, calbìga, umàuas, lalauìton, basey, balangìgan, gìuan, sùlat, tùbig, boròngan, làuang, palàpag, catùbig, bobòng, catarmàn, gibàtang, bangàhon, and tinàgor. 628. in the marianas islands: in the villages of two islands, called agàdña, agàt, merizo, pàgo, ynaràhan, umàtag, ròta, and seypàn, where there are about 2,697 souls. 629. the discalced augustinian fathers have a convent without administration in the city of zebù. their administrations in that bishopric are as follows. 630. in the islands called calamianes: in the island of paràgua, they have the villages of tàytày and paràgua. in the islands of dumaràn, calatàn, malampàyan, culiòn, linapacàn, busuàgan, cùyo, canèpo, alutàya, bejucày, and romblòn. in the island of bantòn, in tinàya and maìnit. in the island of simàra, the village of simàra. in the island of tablas, in the three villages of cabolòtan, odiòngan, and lalòuan. in the island of sibuyàn, in càuit, and cahidyòcan. in all those islands 21,076 souls are reckoned. 631. throughout the island of mindanào, and the province of caràga; in the villages of butuàn, linào, hibòn, hingòoc, habòngan, maìnit, ohot, tubày, tandàg, calagdàn, babùyo, tàgo, marihàtag, liànga, bislig, hinatòan, catèl, bagànga, caràga, higaquit, pahuntùngan, surigào, cagayàn, hipìnon, agùsan, manalàga (a new village), gompòt, balinùan, and tagolòan, with their missions. in the island of siargào, in the villages of caòlo, sapào, and cabònto. in the island of dinàgat, and in the island of camiguin, the two villages of guinsilìban, and catarmàn. those administrations number 21,635 souls. 632. since the fathers of st. john of god have no fixed convent, they likewise do not have any regularly-established religious. chapter liv bishopric of nueva cáceres in camarines 633. the bishopric of nueva cáceres was erected at the same time and in the same manner as that of zebù. its see is in the city of nueva cáceres, which is located in naga, and has its provisor, cura of its parish church, secretary, and sacristan. jurisdiction of that bishopric 634. in its jurisdiction it embraces the whole provinces of camarines and albay, and as far as and inclusive of the islands of ticào, masbate, burìas, and catanduánes; the province of tayàbas, as far as and inclusive of lucbàn; and, along the opposite coast of maubàn, [it contains] binangonan, polo, valèr, and casigùran. chapter lv curacies and administrations of the bishopric of nueva cáceres curacies 650. that bishopric possesses the curacy of the sacristy of the holy church of nueva cáceres; and in the province of camarìnes, the curacies of indàn, paracàle, capalònga, caramòan, and lagonòy, with several visitas. those curacies number 11,984 souls. 651. in the province of tayàbas, the curacies of pirìs, obuyon, and mulanày, with their visitas, in all numbering 5,161 persons. 652. in the province of albày, the curacies of albày, bulusàn, casigùran, sorsogòn, donsòl, tabàco, and malinào, with their visitas, in all 18,562 persons. 653. in the island of catanduânes, the curacies of bìga, and bìrac, numbering 6,471 persons. [65] administrations in charge of religious 654. the calced augustinian fathers possess in that bishopric, in the province of tayàbas, the administration of the village of tiaong, where 780 souls are reckoned. 655. the discalced augustinian fathers possess, in the island of masbàte, the sites of maboò, balinò, palanò, abuyòan, camasòso, buracàn, limbòhan, nauàngui, and baràga, in which they minister to about 3,345 souls. 656. in the island of burîas, the village of burîas, with 180 souls. 657. in the island of ticào, the village of ticào, with san jacinto, with 475 souls. [66] 658. the discalced franciscan religious of this province of san gregorio have administration in what they own in that bishopric, in a convent of the village of nàga, contiguous to the city of nueva cáceres, in the province of camarìnes. a commissary-provincial lives there, and they have a good infirmary. they also minister in the villages of canamàn, quípayò, milaòrd, minalàbag, bùla, and bào, nabòa, yraga, buhi, libòng, polàngi, oàs, ligào, guinobàtan, camarìnes, cagsàua, and ligmànan, where they minister to 52,555 souls. 659. in the province of tayàbas, in the villages of tayàbas, pàgbilào, saryàya, lucbàn, gumacà, atimònan, mayòboc, and macalìlong, in which 13,807 souls are ministered to. 660. in the mission of the mountains of lùpi, ragày, and the beach of bangon, with their village formed in lùpi, in the province of camarìnes, where nine hundred souls are ministered to. 661. in the same province, in the mountain of mangirin, in the village of santa cruz, formed from the people who are being gathered from the mountain, where 1,200 souls are ministered to. 662. in the province of tayàbas, in the mountains and coasts of the opposite shore, in the villages of binangonan, pòlo, valèr, and casigùran, which include the administration of the indians, with the missions annexed to them, and where 2,500 souls are ministered to. [67] chapter lvi bishopric of nueva segovia 663. the bishopric of nueva segovia is one of the suffragans of this archbishopric of manila, and it was erected at the same time as the others and in the same circumstances. its see is located in the village of làlo. there lives the alcalde-mayor, while the village has an infantry presidio, and a convent of dominican religious. it has its own provisor, cura, and sacristan for that holy church. jurisdiction of that bishopric 664. that bishopric which is called cagayàn includes under its jurisdiction the provinces of pangasinàn, from the point of bolinào; ylòcos; and cagayàn, to and inclusive of palànan on the opposite coast. chapter lvii curacies and administrations of the bishopric of cagayàn curacies 679. the curacies of the seculars in that bishopric are [as follows]: in the province of cagayàn, the curacy of the city and the village of lallo; in the province of ilòcos, the three curacies of vigan, bangued (in the mountains of labra), and that of san diego, a mission of the tinguianes--whose number i am unable to determine, although i have made extraordinary efforts to do so. all the rest of that bishopric is in the charge and under the administration of religious, as follows. administrations of religious 680. the calced augustinian fathers have, in the province of pangasinàn, the village of agoò, with san thomas and aringày, whence the religious go to the neighboring mountains to the conquest of the barbarous igorrote people; in the village of bàuan, with those of boua, dalandan, caua, and one other fine mission; in the village of bagnôtan, with that of san juan, and another fine mission. those administrations number 8,875 souls. 681. in the province of ilòcos, in the village of namacpacàn, with that of balavan, and a fine mission; in that of bangar with tagurin and another mission; in that of candong, with santa lucia; in that of narbacàn, with that of santa cruz; in that of santa cathalina; in that of bantay, with those of ildefonso and masingal; in that of cabogào, with lupog; in that of sinait, with badòc; in those of panay, batàc, san nicolas, leyrat, and dingras, with that of piric, and an extensive mission of heathen tinguianes in those mountains, from whom little fruit was obtained until the year 1730. (in the year 1735, through the visit of our father provincial, the very reverend father fray piego vergaño, they asked for religious very urgently, begging that some would live in their villages. a great harvest of spiritual fruits is hoped from that.) in the village of ilduàg; in that of bangui, with other small mission villages; and in that of bacarra with that of vera. all those administrations number 51,453 souls. 682. in the province of pangasinàn, the dominican fathers have their administrations in the villages of lingayèn (the capital of that province), binalatongan, calasiào, mangaldan, manaòag, cavili, malonguèy, telbàn, binmalèy, dagupàn, malasiqui, anguìo, salàza, sinapòg, panìqui, camiling, barùc, paniaguit, and pantòl; with some visitas, and missions of blacks. the number of souls in all those administrations amount to about 48,000. 683. in the province of cagayàn, in lallo (the capital of that province): pata, with cabacungan and bangan; pia, with maoanan; nasiping, with gataran; malaueg, with its mission of santa cruz; tuvao, with its mission of tuga; yguic, with its visita of amulong; fotòl, with its visita of san lorenzo, and its mission of capinatan; massì; the island of babuyanes, with the missions of the islands of batàn and calayan; cabàgan; tuguegarào; buguèy, with its mission of vuangàc; tabàng; ytugùd, with the mission of ziffun; ylágan, with the mission of tumavini; aparri; and camalayûgan. the number of soul is about 25,752. 684. the discalced franciscan religious possess the administration of the village of palànan, with 1,700 souls, on the opposite coast of cagayàn. 685. there is a fine mission of several barbaric people called irràyas, negritos, and aètas in the mountains of the same opposite coast; and on its shores, from palànan to casiguran. the religious are working in their conversion and reduction, at the expense of excessive hardships. the souls converted in various settlements there number about six hundred. chapter lviii general summary of all the christian souls among the natives of these islands 686. i have been unable to state separately the number of souls to whom the seculars minister in the archbishopric and in the bishoprics throughout these islands. i have seen them enumerated only in common. they number 131,279 and live in 142 villages. the seculars minister throughout this archipelago to 131,279 st. augustine, throughout the islands 241,806 the society, in all the islands 170,000 st. dominic, in all the islands 89,752 discalced augustinians, in all the islands 63,149 discalced franciscans, in all the islands 141,196 total 837,182 687. thus, the number of eight hundred and thirty-seven thousand one hundred and eighty-two christian souls, among the natives of these islands--who are ministered to spiritually in the above-mentioned provinces, villages, and settlements--is what i get from the special lists sent me for this work by the holy orders, made according to the last enumeration, that for the years 1735 and 1736. i have supplied those which have not been furnished to me (which i have solicited by various means) from the clergy of these islands, with the number mentioned, which is placed by the very reverend father pedro murillo on his map. [68] this, together with the account of the royal officials for the year 1735, are the citations that i offer for the proof of my account, if there should be any discrepancy between it and others. i reflect that no one can give a better account of the treasury than he who has continual care of it. it is doubtless true that all or any of them may have unavoidable errors; for the indians are continually removing, dying, or absenting themselves. consequently, i judge that the number of souls, of those who are at this time reputed to be natives of these islands, exceeds one million. the temples [of god] where the instruction is given in villages and visitas are in excess of seven hundred, as was represented to his catholic majesty by the royal officials in a report in the year 1720. as for the number of spaniards and foreigners, the computation is extremely difficult and uncertain; and therefore it is not safe to make a decisive statement. 688. after very painstaking efforts, at the time when this book is in press i receive information about the curacies of the seculars of zebù, in the following form. the curacy of the sacristy of the holy church, and that of the parián of the sangleys, in the city of zebú; in the island of zebú, that of bantayàn and baríli; in the island of negros, in dumaguète, binalbàgan, tucàuan, and tanghày; in the island of panày, in the city of arébalo, ahúy, aclàng, banga, ybahày, and culási. nearly all those curacies are very large and need assistants. throughout that jurisdiction and in the marianas there are various outside vicars, who are generally the religious of those regions. such is the information which i have obtained from the provisor of that bishopric; but he does not give the number of parishioners, as it is very difficult to ascertain it. religious condition of the islands [the following is from _historia general_, by juan j. delgado, s.j. (written in 1751-54), pp. 141-158. the chapters here presented are from part i, book ii.] chapter ii of the ministries of souls that pertain to the clerics in these filipinas islands in the assumption, so certain and evident, that the clerics, both seculars and regulars, had been the primitive apostles and preachers of the holy gospel in the orient and in these archipelagos, i commence with them to describe the ministries in these islands that have been commended to their zeal and care. in the archbishopric of manila, the curacies of the venerable clergy amount to sixteen, besides some visitas. there is one for spaniards, and one for natives, in the cathedral; that of santiago, outside the city; that of the chapel of nuestra señora de la guía; that of quiapo, which belongs to the archiepiscopal jurisdiction: these belong to the province of tondo. in the jurisdiction of cavite there are: that of the port of that city; outside the walls, that of san roque; not very distant, that of bacoor; and another, called las estancias [_i.e._, "the ranches"]. in the province of taal is that of balayán; the rosario, in the province of laguna de bay; those of san pedro, tunasán, tabuco, and santo tomás, in the mountains. in the jurisdiction of mindoro is that of suban. in the bishopric of santísimo nombre de jesús of cebú, there is one spanish cura in the city, and outside the walls is that of the parián of mestizos and sangleys; that of barili in the same island, and that of bantayán (of whose jurisdiction are the visitas of maripipi, panamao, and limancauayán); that of siquijor, in that same island. in the island of panay, the curacy of aclán, banga, ibajay, culasi, ajui, and that of the town of arévalo (which his excellency the bishop, don protasio cabezas, has lately conceded to the society of jesus). in the island of negros, that of dumaguete, with several visitas; and those of binalbagan, tugcaban, and tanhay. in the bishopric of nueva cáceres or camarines, in the city which is the capital and seat of the bishopric, there is one cura of the sacristy, who is provisor and vicar-general. in the same province are the curacies of indang, paracale, capalonga, caramoan, and lagonoy, with some visitas belonging to the same curacies. in the province of tayabas are the curacies of pyris, abuyon, mulanay, and their visitas. in the province of albay are the curacies of bulusan, casiguran, sorsogón, donsol, tabaco, and malinao, with their visitas. in the island of catanduanes are the curacies of biga and birac, with their visitas. in the bishopric of cagayán is the curacy of lalo or nueva segovia; in the province of ilocos, that of vigan, and that of bangar; and in the mountains that of abra, and that of san diego among the tinguianes, with some separate visitas. consequently, the venerable clergy in these islands have fifty-three beneficed curacies, which are new. chapter iii of the ministries of the reverend calced augustinian fathers the reverend calced augustinian fathers, the first founders of these missions, have one convent in manila, which is the head of all their province of santísimo nombre de jesús, and of all the other parochial convents. in the province of tondo, they have charge of the village of that name, tambobo, malate, parañaque, pásig, and taguig, with various visitas annexed to them. on the river pásig, they possess the convent and sanctuary of guadalupe, where several devout religious live who have charge of the worship of the holy image. further they have the ministry of san pablo de los montes, in the province of taal and balayán; the convents and ministries of taal, casay-say, bauang, batangas, tanavan, lipa, and sala. in the province of bulacán, they have the convent and ministry of that name, and those of dapdap, guiguinto, bigáa, angat, baliuag, quingua, malolos, paombong, calumpit, and haganoy. in the province of pampanga, the convents and ministries of bacolor, macabebe, sesmoan, lubao, vana, minalin, betis, porác, méxico, aráyat, magalan, tárlac, gapan, santor, together with some missions, and a new village called san sebastián; and in addition, san miguel de mayumo, candava, cabagsa, and apálit, with a mission of mountaineers. in the bishopric of santísimo nombre de jesús of cebú there is a convent called santo niño in the same city [of cebú] with its church newly built, where the vicar-provincial of all the visayas islands has his residence; and outside the walls the convent of cebú el viejo [_i.e._, "old cebú"], and the ministry of san nicolás. in the same island are the convents and ministries of the villages of argao, bolhon, cabcat, with several visitas; the ministry and convent of opón in the island of mágtan, with the visitas of olango, and pangalanan, and others on the opposite coast of cebú. the reverend calced augustinian fathers made a cession of the villages and ministries of bolhon, opón, and liloan to the fathers of the society of jesus, by their chapter of the year 1737; but afterward they recovered these, because of various just causes that they had for it, improved as to churches, houses, and silver ornaments--except that of liloan, a small visita which remained in the possession of the society, and was incorporated with the village of mandaui, as it was near by. in the province of panay are the convents and ministries of the capital city of cápiz, batan, mambusao, dumalag, dumarao, and panay; in the province of otón, in the same island, the convents and ministries of magao, antique, bugason, tigbauan, cabutuan, laglag, pasi, aanilao, dumangas, the island of guimarás, jaro, otón, and guimbal, with several missions of wild people [_cimarrones_] in the mountains, apostates and their children, in which the care and zeal of the same fathers has been exercised since the year 1731, and in which the gain and profit of many souls is not wanting. in the bishopric of camarines they have the convent and ministry of the village of tiaong, in the jurisdiction of the province of tayabas. in the bishopric of nueva segovia or cagayán, the province of pangasinán, they have the convents and ministries of agoo, santo tomás, and aringay, with several missions of igorrotes in the mountains; those of bauar, bona, dalandán, and cava, with another mission of mountaineers; and those of bacnotan and san juan, with another similar mission. in the province of ilocos, they have the convent and ministry of namagpacan, with that of balauan and its missions, and those of bangar and tagurin, with another mission; those of candón, santa lucía de narbacan, santa cruz, santa catalina, and bantay, with those of san ildefonso and nagsingal; that of cabugao with lapog; that of sinait with badoc; those of panay, batag, san nicolás, lecrat, and dinglas, with that of pirie; and various missions of tinguianes and heathen in those mountains, where the same reverend fathers are commencing to form villages to the great advantage of those souls. they have that of ilanag and that of bangui, with other visitas and missions, and those of bacarra and vera. all of those ministries and convents are adjudged to the same reverend fathers. chapter iv convents and ministries of the reverend franciscan fathers, the third to be established the reverend franciscan fathers reached the filipinas islands in the year 1577. in manila they have in their vigilant and watchful care, close to the convent, a costly and beautiful chapel of the tertiary order of penance, in charge of a religious who is commissary and visitor. there is also a convent of the nuns of st. clare in the city, who are subject to and governed by the same religious. they also possess another convent called san francisco del monte, one legua from the city; and a hospital called san lázaro, which they administer near the village of dilao, which belongs to the province of tondo; besides the villages and ministries of sampáloc, pandacan, and santa ana de zapa. in the province of bulacán, they have the convents and ministries of polo, meycauayan, and bocaue, with several visitas. in the province of laguna de bay, they have in charge the ministries and convents of morong, barás, tanay, pililla, mabitac, cabosan, siniloan, pangil, páquil, paete, longos, lucban, cavinti, pagsanghán, santa cruz, pila, and mainit (where there is a hospital, called los baños, because of the warm sulphur-charged waters in those regions, for the cure of various ailments). in that same province are the ministries and convents of nagcarlang, lilio, and mahayhay; and lastly, by cession of the augustinian fathers, the villages of bay, and binangonan, with the ranch of angono. in the mountains of daractán, which extend from the lake of bay to the east coast of the island of luzón, they have several visitas and missions. in the province of camarines, the convents and ministries of naga, near the city of nueva cáceres, the seat of the vicar-provincial, together with canaman, quipayo, milaod, minalambang, bula, bao, naboa, iraya, buhi, liban, polangui, oas, liyao, guinobatan, camarines, cagsaua, and ligmanan. in the province of tayabas, [the ministries and convents] of pagbilao, sariaya, lucbán, gumaca, atimonan, mayobac, and macalilon. the missions of lupe and ragay, in the mountains and along the coast of bangon, and another mission called santa cruz, in the mountains of manguirin. in that same province of tayabas, in the mountains and along the coasts of the opposite shore, are the ministries of binangonan, polo, baler, and casiguran. in the province of cagayán, the ministry of palanan, with a mission of aetas and irayas of those mountains. chapter v ministries of the society of jesus in these filipinas islands after the preaching of the apostle of the orient, st. francis xavier, in these archipelagos, as far as the island of mindanao and japon (as has been related already in its place), before the spaniards were established in these islands, the first fathers of the society of jesus reached these islands by way of the west or by the western indias, coming with the first bishop of the islands, his excellency don fray domingo de salazar, of the order of preachers--the city of manila having been already founded, and that colony established in some fashion--in september of the year 1581. the first founders were the fathers antonio sedeño and alonso sánchez, together with the lay-brother, nicholás gallardo, the student brother, gaspar de toledo--a legitimate brother to the illustrious doctor, father francisco suárez--having died on the voyage. for some years those fathers remained without any ministry to the natives which they could permanently carry on, busied only in preaching, hearing confessions, and aiding in what necessity or obedience ordered them. their first dwelling was in the convent of the seraphic father st. francis, until they obtained a house of their own in the suburbs of manila, in the location called aguio--whence, as facilities and opportunity came, they moved, and established themselves inside the city, in the year 1591. there the society has the chief residence of st. ignatius, and a fine church where they exercise to great and continual crowds all the ministries peculiar to their institute. in that residence, there is a pontifical and royal university, of which we shall speak later, together with a royal college of san josé, [69] and the college of the fathers, established near the royal gate of the city, in which are taught all useful learning and arts, commencing with grammar. in the province of tondo they have the residence [_colegio_] of santa cruz, lately admitted as such, which is jointly a ministry of sangleys, mestizos, and natives; the village and ministry of san miguel, on the river brink; and about one legua above, the residence and novitiate of san pedro macati, with a ministry of natives. in the mountains, the village and capital of antipolo, with the village and ministry of bosoboso, where the natives of two mountain missions, called san isidro and pamaan, are settled together, whose administration was [there] inconvenient, but who are now better governed and cared for. in the plains, the fathers administer the village of taytay, with a visita near by, called santa catalina; and the ministry of cainta, with a visita of creoles called dayap. besides, they have the village and ministry of mariquina, of mestizos, sangleys, and natives; and that of san mateo, the village and capital of the residence of silán and of indang. in cavite there is a residence of the society of jesus, and in its jurisdiction the village and ministry of cavite el viejo [_i.e._, "old cavite"]; in that of mariveles, the residence of maragondón; in the province of mindoro, the island of marinduque, with the villages and ministries of boac, santa cruz de napo, and gasan. in the bishopric and jurisdiction of cebú they have a residence in the city; the ministry of the village of mandaui and liloan; in the island of bohol, the ministries of inabangan and talibon, where is located the residence [_residencia_] of bohol with the villages and ministries of lóboc, baclayon, dauis, malabohoc, tagbilaran (a new village), and another on the bar of the river of lóboc, also new, named santísima trinidad [_i.e._, "most holy trinity"]; and, on the opposite coast of the island, the village and ministry of hagna. in the island of mindanao, the presidio of zamboanga, where residence has been begun, with a ministry, whose rector is the chaplain of that presidio; those of bagonbayan, dumalón, siocon, cabatangan, caldera, polombato, and siraguay. in the northern part of the same island the residence [_residencia_] and ministries of dapitan, iligan, layavan, langaran, lubungan, disacan, talingan, and various visitas and missions on those same coasts and the bay of pangue. in the island of negros, the ministries of ilog, cabancalan (with the mission of buyonan), himamaylán, cavayan, and the mission of sipalay. in the village of iloilo and the jurisdiction of oton there is a residence, whose rector is the chaplain of that presidio (as is he of zamboanga), and the ministry of molo; and lastly, by concession of his excellency master don protasio cabezas, the curacy of the town of arévalo, with the parián, was given to the society. in the island of samar, the capital and ministries of catbalogan, paranas, humavas, calviga, boac, bangajon, tinagog, calvayog; in capul, the ministry of abac; on the opposite coast in the province of ibabao, the capital and ministries of palapag, lavan, gatubig, catarman, bobon, sulat, túbig, and borongan; on the south coast of the same island, the ministries of guiguan, balanguigan, basey, and lalaviton. in the island and jurisdiction of leyte, the villages and ministries of carigara, barugo, jaro, alangalang, and leite; and on the opposite coast, the residence [_residencia_] and capital of hilongos, and the ministries of palonpon, poro, ogmuc, baybay, maasin, sogor, liloan, cavalían, and hinondayan; in the north of the same island, the residence [_residencia_] of banigo, with the capital of palo, tanavan, dulac, and abuyog; inland, damagi and burabuen. in the marianas islands (the jurisdiction of a governor for his majesty in temporal affairs, and, in the spiritual, of the bishopric of cebú), the ministries and capital of agaña--where there is a residence of the society, with a seminary of indian natives--agat, merizo, pago, guajan, inarajan, umata, rota, and saipan. chapter vi administrations of the reverend fathers of st. dominic in these islands the religious of st. dominic came to found a province in these islands with an excellent mission, in the year 1587, on the eve of st. maría magdalena. inside the city they have a sumptuous church and convent, which is the head of the most devout province of santísimo rosario. near the same convent is the college and seminary of santo tomás, with collegiates, which has its own rector. there are taught all the belles lettres, commencing with grammar. it is a pontifical and royal university, and is attended by a sufficient number of students when one considers the small size of this community. the pupils of another institution, called san juan de letrán--which was begun by a spanish resident, one brother jerónimo guerrero, who dedicated himself to the shelter and education of orphan boys and the sons of poor spaniards--attend the said university. after his death that seminary remained in charge of the same religious. within manila, there is a _beaterio_, [70] whose pupils profess the tertiary order of st. dominic, although they do not make religious profession. they are numerous and of exemplary life, and are subject to the same fathers. the latter possess a convent in the sangley parián, for ministration to those of this nation who are converted. on the other side of the river they possess the hospital of san gabriel, where sick chinese are treated; somewhat farther, the convent and ministry of binondo; and on the river brink the convent of san juan del monte, without administration [_i.e._, of converts]. in the province of pampanga, the convents and ministries of abucay, samal, oriong, orani, with several visitas and missions; in the port of cavite, a convent without administration; in the province of pangasinán, the convents and administrations of lingayén (which is the capital of that province), binalatongan, calasiao, magaldan, mananay, cavili, malonguey, telban, birmaley, dagupan, malasiqui, anguio, salaza, sinapog, paniqui, camiling, baruc, panglaguit, ipantol, and several visitas and missions in the mountains. in the province of cagayán, lalo (which is its capital); pata, together with cavicunga; bangban, pia, conmacananan, nasipin, together with gataran; malauig, together with a mission of santa cruz; tuvaco, together with the mission of capinatan; masi, the babuyanes islands, the missions of the batanes, and calayan; cabangan, tuguegarao, and buguey, with the mission of ibangac; siffun; ilagan, together with tumauini; aparri, and camalayugan. chapter vii convents and ministries of the reverend discalced augustinian fathers or recollects the recollect augustinian religious arrived at manila in the year 1606, and founded their first convent outside the walls of manila, in the suburb called san juan de bagonbayan. they afterward built a convent and church inside the walls, under the advocacy of st. nicholas of tolentino, which is the capital of their religious province. in the province of tondo they have the convent and ministry of san sebastián. in the jurisdiction and port of cavite, they have a church and convent without ministry. in that of mariveles, the ministries of cabcaben, bagac, moron, and the coast of zambales, with subic and several missions in the mountains. they also minister to all the island of mindoro, with all its villages, visitas, and missions. in the bishopric of cebú, outside the city walls, the church and convent of la concepción, without administration. in the island of mindanao, the province of caraga, with the villages of butúan, linao, hibon, hingoog, habongan, maynit, obot, tubay, tandag, calagdan, bayuyo, tago, marihatag, lianga, bislig, hinatoan, catel, baganga, caraga, hagaguit, pauntugan, surigao, cagayan, iponan, agusan, manalaga (which is a new village), gompot, balinuan, tagalban, with several missions. in the island of siargao, the ministries of caolo, sapao, and cabuntog; in the islands of dinagat and camiguin, the ministries of ginsiliban and catarman. in the islands called calamianes, [71] the same discalced religious have charge of [the following]: in paragua, the village and ministry of the same name, that of taytay with the islands of dumaran and calatan, the villages of malampaya, culion, linapasan, busuagan, cuyo, canepo, lalutaya, and bejucay; the island of romblón, with the ministry of banton and those of tinaya and maynit. in the island of simara, the ministry of the same name. in that of tablas, the ministries of cabolotan, oriongan, and laloan. in that of sibuyan, those of cavit, catudyucan, with other visitas and missions. in the island of masbate, in the bishopric of nueva cáceres, the ministries of mobo, bulino, palano, abuyoan, camasoso, buracan, limboan, navangui, and baraga. in that of burias, the village and ministry of the same name, with some collections of huts. in that of ticao, the village of that name, and the port of san jacinto, where the ships that sail to españa are provided with water and wood for the voyage. chapter viii of the convents and hospitals of the reverend fathers of st. john of god the order of st. john of god arrived at these islands in the year 1641. their religious founded their first hospital outside the manila walls, in the village of bagonbayan. in the year 1656, it was removed inside the city of manila, as soon as there was an opportunity for them in the place where they are at present--which had before been a hospital begun by the reverend franciscan fathers, and aided by the alms given by the brothers of the santamesa [72] and other pious inhabitants. the hospital brethren had the franciscans' old church--which was of good appearance, although the hospital was very dilapidated and threatened to fall--until the year 1726, when the very reverend father fray antonio de arce came to these islands, as prelate and superior of the order. by his energy, economy, prudence, and zeal, the church and hospital are now seen to be restored and built anew from the foundations, in an elegant and tasteful manner, as well as the convent and dwelling of the religious. those works were commenced in the year 1728, with the alms of the pious inhabitants of the city of manila; and in the year 1749, when i was in that city, i saw them finished and completed. in the village of san roque, outside the cavite walls, those same religious had another hospital, the land of which was encroached upon by the sea until they had to abandon it. in the said year 1749, when i was also in that port, the religious had their sick in a private house, in which they exercised their ministries, until god our lord provided them with a hospital by means of a benefactor who desired to coöperate in a work of so great importance and mercy. although they had no hospital in cebú, while i was there, there was one religious, who had charge of the poor sick people, in a low apartment, or room above the ground-floor of the episcopal residence. as the land is so poor there, it is very difficult to found and preserve a hospital; and more so since scarcely a spanish inhabitant of importance is to be found there now, for the reasons that were given in the proper place. [73] chapter ix general summary of the christians who compose the ministries of these islands i do not doubt that the souls ministered to throughout the islands of this archipelago, by the secular and regular priests, will exceed one million and many thousands additional, inasmuch as the children who are not yet seven years old are not found mentioned or enumerated in the registers [_padrones_] of the ministries. consequently, i shall give attention only to the reckoning made a few years ago. the ministries corresponding to those souls are first, as i have written, those of the venerable clerics, who have sixteen beneficed curacies, in the archbishopric of manila; in the bishopric of cebú, fifteen; in that of camarines, eighteen; and in that of cagayán, four. consequently, the clerics have fifty-three beneficed curacies, in the archbishopric of manila and the three suffragan bishoprics. in them there are, according to the best reckoning, one hundred and forty-two villages, besides the visitas, collections of huts [_rancherías_], and missions. this year of 1750 the christians therein are reckoned at one hundred and forty-seven thousand two hundred and sixty-nine. the calced augustinian religious have charge of two hundred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and sixty-three souls, in one hundred and fifteen villages. the order of the seraphic father, st. francis, of one hundred and forty-one thousand one hundred and ninety-three souls, in sixty-three villages. the society of jesus, of two hundred and nine thousand five hundred and twenty-seven christians, in ninety-three ministries. the order of st. dominic, ninety-nine thousand seven hundred and eighty souls, in fifty-one regular villages, without counting the visitas and missions. the recollect religious of st. augustine have charge of fifty-three thousand three hundred and eighty-four souls, in one hundred and five villages. consequently, in five hundred and sixty-nine regular villages, not counting visitas, groups of huts, and missions, nine hundred and four thousand one hundred and sixteen christians are ministered to in all these filipinas islands, as will be seen from the subjoined table. villages souls the clerics in 142 147,269 st. augustine in 115 252,963 st. francis in 63 141,193 the society in 93 209,527 st. dominic in 51 99,780 recollects in 105 53,384 total 569 904,116 in regard to the royal tributes, which the natives pay annually, although no fixed computation is possible because of their difference from year to year (notwithstanding the number which seems to me more regular and fixed from one year to another), on the hypothesis of the number of souls (the children who are not eligible for the list, as they have not reached the age of seven years, not being reckoned), and allowing five persons for each whole tribute--on that hypothesis, i say that the whole tributes which are collected in these islands amount to two hundred and fifty thousand, at two persons to each tribute who are eligible to be listed and of age sufficient to pay. that age is for married men fifteen years, and for single men twenty; for married women twenty, and for single women twenty-five; and until each, whether man or woman, has completed the age of sixty years. the appraisal of the tribute, according to the laws of these kingdoms, is at ten castilian reals--part in kind and part in silver, or more commonly in what the indian chooses to pay. rice is received for it, each fanega of which is valued at one real in silver among the tagáls, because of its greater abundance. it had the same price among the visayas, where it was abundant; and, where it was not abundant, two reals. five or six years ago, on account of representations made to the supreme government by the superiors of the religious orders, of the extreme poverty that the indians were suffering because of the severe _baguios_ and tempests--which had ruined their houses, fields, and cocoa plantations, and even the churches and the houses of the ministers--an order was issued by the said supreme government for rice, to be received in visayas at the price of three reals per fanega, which is the lowest among the natives. they also pay as tribute white abacá mantas, which are called _medriñaques_, four brazas long and one wide, valued at three reals; and also abacá in fiber, at the rate of two reals per _chinanta_, which is one-half arroba. that abacá is used to whip the strands of cables of the ships and boats instead of hemp. they also pay lampotes, a kind of white cotton fabric, four brazas long and one vara wide, at four reals. in ilocos they present thick mantas of cotton, which are called _ilocanas_, of which are made the sails for the ships and boats, both of his majesty and of private persons. in other provinces, the natives offer on the tribute account certain products (of which the alcaldes-mayor avail themselves) such as balates and sigay, and other products which are explained in their place; and these are valued at manila, if there are champans from china and pataches from the coast. for the balate (although we do not eat it), is eaten in china by the princes and mandarins. the sigay (which means certain shells that are gathered on the shore) is the money and coin that is current on the coast of bengala and all those mediterranean kingdoms. the natives give wax also in place of money, at the rate of ten or twelve reals per chinanta, according to its scarcity or abundance. some gold is paid in certain provinces, as those regions have placers and mineral deposits. the two hundred and fifty thousand tributes which i mentioned are collected annually throughout these islands, and are divided into two parts--one of the royal encomienda, which amounts to two hundred and thirty-one thousand five hundred and sixty-three whole tributes; while the remaining eighteen thousand four hundred and thirty-seven are from the encomiendas of private persons, whom his majesty has rewarded on account of their useful services, granting to them that part of the royal tributes. but, from those tributes granted them, they give his majesty two reals per whole tribute, that sum being called "the royal situado." they also pay to the ministers and parish priests, from their encomiendas, the stipends of rice with the alms in reals that belong to them--to the amount of one hundred pesos, and two hundred fanegas of rice, for every five hundred tributes administered, and one-half real from each whole tribute for the wine used in the mass. his majesty pays the same quantity to the said ministers from his royal encomiendas; he also gives annually one arroba of wine for masses, and ten of oil for each one of the lamps which burn before the most holy sacrament, in all the ministries of the islands. the stipends given by his majesty to the archbishops and suffragan bishops, the dignitaries of the holy church, and other ministers are in the following form. pope gregory xiii, by his bull given at roma in the seventh year of his pontificate (which was the year 1587 [_i.e._, 1578]), at the petition of the catholic king of the españas, don felipe second, erected the first parish church of manila, and assigned twenty-seven prebends to it, of which those that are suitable and necessary were accepted. they consist of five dignidades--namely, a dean, an archdeacon, a precentor, a schoolmaster, and a treasurer; three canons, the fourth having been suppressed for the inquisitors, according to custom in the indias; two whole and two half racions, established by royal decree given at valladolid, june 2, 1604, and countersigned by juan ibarra, his majesty's secretary. besides that, there are in the cathedral two curas, two sacristans, one master of ceremonies, one verger, and other officers; so that that holy church is well established and the choir crowded, and their functions and feasts are most splendid. the salaries given by his majesty to those who fill those offices are as follows. to the archbishops of manila, five thousand pesos of eight castilian reals per year, conceded by decree of his majesty given in madrid, may 28, 1680. by virtue of the royal presentations, the dean enjoys six hundred pesos; the four dignidades, namely, archdeacon, precentor, schoolmaster, and treasurer, each five hundred pesos; the three canons, namely, the doctoral, the magistral, and that of grace, four hundred pesos apiece; the two racioneros, three hundred apiece, and the two medio-racioneros, two hundred apiece; the master of ceremonies, two hundred pesos, conceded by royal decree of february 22, 1724; the two curas, one for the spaniards, and one for the natives, each one hundred and eighty-three pesos, six tomins, seven granos, besides their altar-fees, which are sufficiently generous. the bishop of cebú--whose extensive jurisdiction includes the islands of cebú, leyte, sámar, and ibabao; the provinces of dapitan and caraga in mindanao; the island of panay, with its two provinces of otón and cápiz; with the other adjacent islands even as far as calamianes, paragua, and the marianas--enjoy four thousand pesos per year, by virtue of a royal decree of may 28, 1680; the cura of the sacristy of that holy church one hundred and eighty-three pesos, six tomins, seven granos; the sacristan, ninety-one pesos, seven tomins, three granos. the same sums are enjoyed by the bishops of camarines and cagayán, with their curas and sacristans. those sums are paid annually by his majesty, the amount totaling twenty-three thousand and eleven pesos, two granos, besides the stipends, maintenance, and fourths of mass-fees, which the other secular curas receive. chapter xiv of the ecclesiastical tribunals of these filipinas islands and the city of manila the chief tribunal of the metropolitan church of manila is the archiepiscopal. it is composed of a provisor and vicar-general, with his notary-in-chief and fiscals. the said tribunal has a house which serves as a prison, and which has a separate and large part for lodgings for the seclusion of men and women; it has its corresponding officials. the second tribunal is that of the holy inquisition, which was decreed by the holy office of méxico. it is the superior of all the commissaries who are scattered through the provinces of cebú, camarines, cagayán, and the islands of negros--besides whom there is in manila another and special commissary for the fathers of the society of jesus, who is generally an honored secular priest. the commissary has his chief constable and notary. the councils are formed of various ministers--examiners, familiars, and consultors. there are besides three or four commissaries appointed by méxico, in order that there may be one who may promptly succeed to the office in case of death or resignation--although the said duty is always exercised by only one. that office has always been in control of the reverend fathers of st. dominic, successively, without other interruption than that of seven years, when the reverend father fray josé paternina, an augustinian, occupied it--who was summoned to méxico, as will be seen in due time. the third tribunal is that of the holy crusade, whose creation was the work of king don felipe iv [_sic_; _sc._ iii], as appears from his royal decree, dated san lorenzo, may 16, 1609. it is composed of a commissary-general-subdelegate, who exercises the office of president and who is appointed by his majesty, with the consent of the supreme council of the holy crusade; and a senior auditor of the royal audiencia and the fiscal of the same body who receive a special salary for those offices for the management of the accounts. as accountant serves the oldest royal official, according to the terms of the above cited royal provision. for the other business, there are a secretary and a chief notary who receive salaries, besides four other notaries who receive no salary, but only the fees for business transacted by them. the publications in these islands are made every two years. the day fell at the beginning on october 28, but since 1736 the publication was transferred to the first sunday of advent, by order of the commissary-general, so that the publications might occur at the same time in all the kingdoms and seigniories of españa. the brotherhood of the santa misericordia of manila forms another tribunal composed of the flower of the community. it has its purveyor, twelve deputies, one secretary, one chaplain, and other officials. in their charge is the administration of the charitable funds which are connected with that holy institution. the misericordia was erected in imitation of the one founded in lisboa in 1498 by the most serene queen of portugal, doña leonor, widow of don juan the second, by the advice of a trinitarian religious, named fray miguel de contreras. the circumstances attending that foundation will be given later. the first brothers built a church with the title of "presentación de nuestra señora" [_i.e._, "presentation of our lady"], and near it the seminary and house of santa isabel, in order that spanish orphan girls might be reared there with a good education in doctrine and morals. they have a rectoress to govern them, a portress, and several virtuous women of mature years. thence go forth the girls with sufficient dowries for the estate [of marriage] to which they naturally tend--for which this santa misericordia applies the sum of sixteen thousand pesos. the girls attending the seminary usually number sixty, besides some pupils, six slave women, and other serving-women. for their expenses and that of their chaplains ten thousand eight hundred pesos are set aside annually. many of the inhabitants and people of the community send their daughters to that seminary, so that they may learn good morals, because of the great improvement that is recognized in those who have been reared there. the said congregation is governed by special rules, whose observance does not impose the obligation of mortal sin. [74] it enjoys many privileges, indulgences, and favors conceded by the supreme pontiffs. by his majesty's decree, dated sevilla, march 25, 1733, and countersigned by don miguel de villanueva, his majesty's secretary, it is under the royal protection. in that decree the royal arms are ordered to be placed in the church and seminary. the brothers are ordered to go out in a body to make the stations on holy thursday, and entire faith is to be given in all the tribunals to the instruments of the secretaries of that holy executive board. the charitable works administered by that holy executive board are numerous; for, besides the support and rearing of the girls, it maintains the hospital of st. john of god, of the city of manila, with generous alms. it may be said that there is no estate that does not experience its charity; for it spends annually in alms and charitable works alone, more than seventy thousand pesos for the relief of poor, self-respecting spaniards, for those who are imprisoned, and for masses for the souls in purgatory--in such manner that from the year 1600 until the present one of 1751, in which this history is written, the alms that have been administered by that holy executive board exceed five million pesos, in addition to the supplements which it has made to the general fund of these islands in cases of extreme necessity, and at the invasions of enemies, which amounted between the years 1645 and 1735 to the sum of one million sixty-nine thousand and ninety-nine pesos. besides the above that holy executive board is patron of twenty-nine collative and ten lay chaplaincies, and maintains two fellowships in the royal college of san josé. there are other charitable institutions in this community, although none so universal and large. they have been founded in the cathedral church, in the tertiary order of the seraphic order [of st. francis], in the convent of dilao, in that of binondo of st. dominic and in their beaterio, in the convent of the calced augustinian fathers, and in that of the discalced augustinians. the society of jesus also administers some charitable funds, of which the proceeds are applied by their founders to various purposes of divine worship, alms for the orders and the poor, dowries for poor spanish girls, indian and mestizo women, hospitals, prisons, and suffrages for the blessed souls in purgatory. there is another royal seminary in the city of manila. it was established in the year 1591, while don fray domingo de salazar was bishop, and perez dasmariñas governor, in certain houses given for its foundation by captain luis de vivanco, ex-factor of the royal treasury. it has its own church, whose titular is st. andrew the apostle. it was intended for the rearing of orphan girls--the daughters of spaniards--in good education and virtue. they are under the royal patronage, and his majesty has the care of maintaining the students, and supplying them with all necessities. they also admit some pupils, serving-women, and women in retreat. a separate quarter was built later for the latter, at the expense of licentiate don francisco gómez de arcellano [_sc._ arellano], archdeacon of manila and provisor of the archbishopric. it has its rectoress and portress, and they live with great edification and holy customs. chapter xv other matters pertaining to the ecclesiastics of manila the city of manila has a rich and beautiful chapel of the incarnation of our lady, which was founded by governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, where the functions are performed and the feast-days celebrated that are peculiar to the royal audiencia. it serves also for the burial of the soldiers of the army, and the ministrations for the royal hospital. its chaplains are independent of the parish church and wear the cope and carry the uplifted cross, when they go for the corpses of the soldiers, which they bury with all solemnity in the said royal chapel. it has its own chaplain-in-chief and other subordinates, who, besides serving there, fill the chaplaincies of the galleons and armies, when there are any. it has its sacristans and other assistants for the service, propriety, and pomp of the worship; and a fine band of singers, with suitable salaries. the adornment, furnishings, ornaments, sacred vessels, altars, and reredoses correspond to the reality of the name. among all those things, the first place is given to a great golden monstrance which is worth eleven thousand ducados. the royal hospital is located near the royal chapel. the soldiers of the army of manila and the seamen of his majesty's service are treated there. it has a chaplain, superintendent, physician, surgeon, apothecary, and other followers with similar duties, and the employees required for the care and refreshment of the sick. there is another royal seminary and college in this city that bears the title of san felipe. it was founded in the time of governor don fausto cruzat y góngora, to whom an order, dated november 28, 1697, was given in a royal decree, to report how the said college or seminary could be founded, so that some boys might be reared there for the cathedral service. the said governor having reported, his catholic majesty, don felipe v, determined, by his royal decree of april 28, 1702, [75] to erect the college for eight seminarists. the amount of its building and maintenance was to be taken from the funds resulting from vacant sees of bishops of these islands and from the tithes, while the part lacking was to be taken from the royal treasury. the archbishop of manila was to have part in everything, and he was to inform his majesty of what should be done. the royal decree having been carried out, while the master-of-camp don diego camacho y avila was governing, it appears that four thousand pesos were paid by general council of the treasury, held may 22, 1705, for the building. full notice will be given of the events connected with that seminary and royal college in the body of this history. ecclesiastical survey of the philippines [the french scientist le gentil, in his _voyages dans les mers de l'inde_ (paris, 1781), pp. 170-191, speaks as follows of the ecclesiastical estate of the philippines.] ninth article ecclesiastical survey of the philippine islands the first church in manila was erected as a parish church in the year 1571, and dedicated to the immaculate conception. the augustinians and the discalced franciscans had charge of it until 1581, when the first bishop arrived. gregory xiii, by a bull, dated rome, 1578, erected the parish church of manila into a cathedral, and philippe ii, king of españa, established the chapter. it is composed of five dignitaries--dean, archdeacon, orecentor, schoolmaster [_écolâtre_], [76] and treasurer--two whole prebendaries; two half prebendaries [77] two parish priests [_curés_]; sacristans; master of ceremonies; and beadle. the divine office is celebrated in this cathedral with great state and majesty. the archbishop receives 5,000 piastres [78] (25,500 livres); the dean, 600 (3,030 livres); archdeacon, schoolmaster, precentor, and treasurer, each 500 (2,525 livres); the three canons--namely, the doctoral, the magistral, and the one of grace or favor--and the two half prebendaries, each 400 (2,020 livres); the master of ceremonies, 1,200 livres; and last, the two parish priests [_cures_], each 924 livres. the fixed revenue of these parish priests is, as one can see, very little, but they have a little in perquisites, as marriages, baptisms, etc. not more than forty years ago, one of the two parish priests had charge of the spaniards, while the other attended only to the indians. today this ridiculous distinction no longer exists. the parish priests alternate month by month in their duties as curates, and during that time they minister indiscriminately to spaniards and indians. the cathedral of manila was erected into a metropolitan in 1595. the bishoprics of zebu, camarinés, and nueva ségovia are of the same date, and were made suffragan to manila. this archbishopric has more than two hundred livings, of which only thirteen are served by secular priests--who are subject, say the friars, to visitation; the other livings, to the number of about two hundred, are administered by the religious, who, as they say, are not at all subject to the visitation of the archbishop. we shall discuss this subject and the rebellion occasioned by this matter in manila in 1767, while i was still there. tenth article of the ecclesiastical tribunals established at manila these tribunals are three in number: that of the archbishop; that of the inquisition; and that of the holy crusade. the tribunal of justice of the archbishop is composed of a vicar-general, one notary, and two fiscals. the archbishop has his prison, where there are lodgings for lewd women. there is not, properly speaking, a tribunal of the inquisition at manila, but only a commissary of the holy office, appointed to this place by the tribunal of mexico. he is the chief or superior of all the other commissaries scattered throughout the provinces. it is worthy of remark that the fathers of the society had a private and special commissary, who was always a secular priest. the office of commissary-superintendent has always been filled in the convent of the jacobins [_i.e._, dominicans]. there has been only one interruption, of seven years, during which a father of the convent of the augustinians had the commission, because the jacobin father who was then commissary was deposed, as we were told, for having unjustly brought suit against the governor of manila, and having had him arrested. [79] at present these commissaries have no right to bring suit against anyone at all, nor even to cause any arrest. they are under obligation to write to mexico, in order to inform the tribunal of charges and accusations. thereupon the tribunal renders a sentence, which it sends to the commissary, who has it executed. that sentence comprehends arrest. thereupon the commissary causes the arrest of the accused person, and ships him to mexico. the trial is conducted there, and the accused is sent back to manila for the execution of the sentence, if there is cause therefor. the tribunal of the holy crusade has nothing especially deserving that i should stop to mention it. eleventh article which contains details in regard to the churches and colleges of manila next to the cathedral of which i have just spoken, must be reckoned the royal chapel. it is used for all the feast-days and ceremonies of the royal audiencia. it has in charge the spiritual administration of the royal hospital of his majesty's soldiers; it is their parish church, and they are buried there. this chapel has a chaplain, who is, as it were, the rector. he has five other chaplains under him, besides sacristans and assistants. the divine office is celebrated there with great state. the royal chapel furnishes chaplains for the galleons. the royal hospital, which is located quite near by, has its chaplain, its administrator, its physician, its surgeon, its apothecary, and everything necessary. formerly the royal seminary of san felipe, composed of eight seminarists and one rector, was located at manila; theology and the arts were taught there. these two chairs have been suppressed, and those who wish to avail themselves of the schools go to the university of santo tomás. since the war this seminary no longer exists; that is to say, it is no longer maintained, so that it amounts to the same thing. its annual expenses were paid from the royal revenues, so that its maintenance depended absolutely upon the good-will of the governor. for that reason, i saw it, in 1767, without support. that lasted after the war, which caused great outcry at manila against the governor. the archbishop was never able to succeed in reëstablishing it, although he contended that a seminary was very useful in this capital. but the religious took the opportunity to oppose it secretly, for, as they wish to extend their authority, the fewer the priests who can be trained in the archbishopric, the more need will there be of religious to serve the curacies. in 1717, the king caused three persons to go to manila, in order to teach the institutes and laws there; and assigned them the suitable incomes, namely, one thousand piastres (5,050 livres). these three persons took one of the largest houses in manila, and in fact, began to teach there; but they generally had no scholars. the royal audiencia represented to the king that since there were two universities at manila, those three posts were useless, since the same branches could be taught in the universities. consequently, the king had to pay four places instead of three, for it was necessary to establish a chair of canon law and another of the institutes in the university of santo tomás, and the same in the university of the fathers of the society. the seminary of sancta potenciana was established in 1591; it served for young girls bereft of father and mother, who were reared and instructed there at the expense of the king. they had a mother superior, a chaplain, and a portress. the building of this seminary having fallen into ruins, archbishop roxo proposed to rebuild it, but the english prevented him from doing so. the bombs and bullets having finished its destruction, its pensioners were transferred to santa isabela. santa isabela is a sort of house or seminary designed for the rearing of young spanish girls and orphans. the church is dedicated to the presentation of our lady. that church and that house are dependent on a confraternity called the brotherhood of la misericordia, founded in 1594, on the model of that founded in lisboa, in 1498, by queen léonore, widow of jean [_i.e._, joão] ii, who died in 1495. that confraternity is composed of persons of the richest families in manila, and has a manager, twelve deputies, one chaplain, and some officers who take charge of affairs. the revenues of la misericordia are immense. they all come from legacies which zealous citizens have left, successively, for employment in charitable works. now these funds grow and increase considerably every year, for the confraternity invest them by furnishing moneys for the voyage to acapulco at a very large rate of interest. the cathedral, the third order of st. francis, [80] the franciscans, the dominicans, the augustinians, and the recollects, have also legacies or charitable funds; but their funds are insignificant when compared with those of the confraternity. the fathers of the society also have some. all those houses have been thriving for many years on that silver that comes on the galleons, from which one may judge of the immense wealth that they enjoy. we will give an idea of it here in the list of the revenues of la misericordia. the girls at santa isabela have a mother superior and a portress. when they are married, they leave the college with a dowry; and la misericordia, in order to dower them, has established a fund of 16,000 piastres (84,000 livres). there were about fifty girls aided by la misericordia when i was at manila. santa isabela also receives boarders; and for the expenses of all the necessary supplies for the support of the orphans, for the domestics, etc., la misericordia gives 10,700 piastres (56,175 livres). besides that, that confraternity has disbursed in alms according to a statement that i have seen for the years 1599-1726, 3,448,506 piastres (181,046,656 livres), which amounts to 142,556 livres of french money per year. furthermore, la misericordia has assisted the public in cases of extreme necessity, and when the city has been threatened by an invasion on the part of enemies--as happened in the years 1646, 1650, 1653-1663, 1668, and 1735. according to an exact account, it has given 1,069,099 piastres (5,612,769 livres). i say nothing of the considerable sum that it furnished in 1762, when the english captured manila. the house of la misericordia has its peculiar statutes, according to which it is governed. it has many privileges and, above all, indulgences, which the popes have successively heaped on it. finally, in 1733, the king took it under his protection. one may judge, from the sample, of the wealth of all the convents of manila, which, during the more than one hundred and fifty years while they have been established there, have profited from the money for charitable works, without having diffused it outside. the calced augustinians were the first religious estate to appear at manila; they went there in 1565. the convent has about fifty religious, and furnishes laborers to all the provinces where those fathers have livings. they have forty-five or fifty in the bishopric of manila alone. the church of the augustinians is a very beautiful edifice, being built of cut stone. it has suffered considerably from earthquakes. the fathers of the society went to the philippines in 1581. their principal residence was at manila, and was named the college of san ignacio. those fathers had so prospered in the philippines that they had eight other residences scattered throughout the islands. they were the spiritual masters of the marianas. they had twenty or thirty livings in the archbishopric of manila. monsieur de caseins [81] took them all to cadiz in 1770, on the "santa rosa," except five or six who remained, and whom don joseph de cordova took with him the following year on the "astrea," and with whom i journeyed from the isle of france to cadiz. the augustinians have inherited their possessions. the college of san ignacio is a very beautiful building; [82] in spite of its defects, it is without doubt the best built and the most regular in manila. the exterior of the church (which fronts on the calle real) offers an order of architecture very rustic, be it understood. the front, by way of retaliation, is frightful, without order or proportion. the interior of the church is very well planned; but the principal altar, although overloaded with gildings, does not correspond at all to the building; it is as poorly executed as the front. [83] there was a university, to which pope clement xii had granted, by a brief of december 6, 1735, rights without number. beside the college of san ignacio is that of san jose; it was founded in 1585, by felipe ii, for the teaching of latin. but since the existence of the two universities, that college is almost deserted. the marquis de ovando [84]--to whom navigation owes so much at manila, as i have said--having seen that there was no attention paid to navigation in the center of two universities (although those universities were in a maritime and commercial city), founded a chair of mathematics in 1750, for the utility and progress of navigation. he died in 1754, and his school died with him. as long as he lived it maintained its standing, but after him it declined; in 1767 that school was no longer frequented. manila gets the pilots for its galleons from nueva españa. the dominicans went to manila in 1587, in order to found a mission there. they have a fine convent, with about thirty religious. their university dates from 1610. the dominicans have only a dozen livings in the archbishopric of manila. the college of san juan de letran owes its institution to a spaniard of singularly exemplary life, who took charge of the orphan children of the spaniards, and those whose fathers and mothers were poor. he supported them and taught them at the expense of his own income, and when that did not suffice, he collected alms to assist the lack in his own funds. the king, in order to make it easier for him to exercise his humane acts, gave him an encomienda in the province of ilocos. at the approach of old age, he retired into the infirmary of the dominicans, with the permission of the archbishop, and died there a religious. he renounced his encomienda, his house, and all his possessions, in due form; and placed them at the disposal of the dominicans, on condition that they take charge of the rearing of his orphans. according to the act that was passed june 18, 1640, the house was erected into a college under the advocacy of st. john of the letran. the king added to it some revenues from the royal chapel; and the students who left that college belonged to the king, and had to enter his service, either in the military or otherwise. the dominicans have gradually changed those rules. the students of that college, to the number of about fifty who are supported there annually, are all or nearly all destined for the priesthood. consequently they study philosophy and theology in the university of santo tomás. opposite san juan de letran, on the other side of the street, stands the royal community of santa catalina. it has undergone various changes since 1695, the year in which it was founded. [85] the dominicans had charge of it at first; while now they have a mother superior, they follow, nevertheless, the third order of st. dominic. they have no church of their own, but the college of san juan de letran serves them as one. without celebrating there any office, they attend mass there, being separated from it by the width of the street, where they have a gallery which communicates from their cells with the church of san juan de letran. the recollects arrived at manila in 1606. they have built a fine convent there, and so large that two hundred religious could be very comfortable in it; however, they never have more than forty. they have a dozen livings in the archbishopric of manila. the hospital order of st. john of god obtained permission from the king in 1627 to send ten religious to manila. in 1656, the board of la misericordia made those fathers a present of their old hospital. the king approved that gift, but the hospital has fallen many times. in 1726, the archbishop undertook to reestablish it, and to rebuild it again on new foundations; and that has been executed. that hospital is a vast and elegant building. the church is beautiful. the wards for the sick are large, and filled with very comfortable beds, and there are plenty of religious. those fathers are very useful in manila, for they are very charitable to the sick. the spaniards of manila and its environs send their domestics there when they are sick; and they are given especial care, and treated gratis. those fathers are, beyond doubt, the most useful in manila; but, in spite of that, they are poor and often in want. they live only on alms, and without the confraternity of la misericordia that house would find it hard to subsist. i shall make here only one reflection, which the love for humanity tears from me. the confraternity of la misericordia have amassed immense wealth, but they scatter and spend it on the unfortunate who are in need: the state itself has often found aid there. the religious orders also have their treasures, but i have been assured that no one benefits by them; and that, on the contrary, like those treasures of the igolotes, their treasures only increase each year. also the _histoire espagnole_ [_i.e._, "_spanish history_"], that tells of the employment made by la misericordia of its charitable contributions, is silent as to what the religious orders do with theirs. the discalced franciscans went to manila in 1577. they are allied to the capuchins. [86] their convent is superb and immense. they generally have thirty religious, besides fifty others who are nearly religious and who fill a like number of curacies in the archbishopric of manila. inside the convent enclosure is to be seen a fine chapel, where the holy sacrament is continually kept. that chapel is intended for the exercises of the tertiaries. outside the walls of manila, and a gunshot from that city, stands the hospital of san lazaro; the franciscan religious have charge of its temporal and spiritual administration. that hospital is for lepers, many of whom are seen in manila. the spanish call that disease _el mal lazaro_. [87] article twelve of the bishops of the philippines suffragan to manila; and of the general number of christian souls in those islands. the bishopric of zébu is the first; it was created in 1595. its cathedral is built of wood, and is quite large; it is dedicated to st. michael. it has no canons. there is one cura there, one sacristan, one vicar-general, and several priests. the bishop is almost always a religious. when he officiates, he is generally accompanied by two mestizo [_mulâtres_] priests. [88] moreover, there is at zébu a convent of calced augustinians, one of discalced augustinians or recollects, one residence of the society of jesus, and one alcalde. there are generally three fathers in each convent, and that is the largest number that they have ever had. the city of zébu, which ought not to bear the name of city, is a collection of a few miserable straw shacks, like those of all indians; the convents, on the contrary, are finely built. the latter are immense buildings, and that for only two or three persons. that is true of all the convents of the philippines, which are seven or eight times larger than are necessary for the number of fathers whom they contain. it remains to ascertain whether that is the case because the number of religious is at present less in españa than it was one hundred and fifty or one hundred and eighty years ago; or whether those buildings were erected with the expectation and idea that they would some day be peopled and filled. i have been unable to learn which is correct. there was a quarter for the chinese at zébu, as at manila. the bishop of zébu receives a salary of four thousand piastres (21,000 livres), the curé, one hundred and eighty piastres (960 livres), and the sacristan ninety-one (472 livres). the bishopric of camarines dates from the same time as that of zébu, and was founded in the same manner. that city is not more beautiful than that of zébu. the calced augustinians, the recollects, and the discalced franciscans are established at camarines. the bishopric of nueva segovia was founded at the same time and in the same manner as the preceding. the city (if it is one) has a convent of calced augustinians, one of discalced franciscans, and one of dominicans. the secular priests, according to a list that i have seen, govern one hundred and forty-two livings, which include 131,279 persons. the other livings, to the number of more than five hundred and fifty, are divided among the augustinians, the fathers of the society, the dominicans, the recollects, and the discalced franciscans. the augustinians have charge of 241,806 persons the fathers of the society had 170,000 the dominicans have 89,752 the recollects have 63,149 the discalced franciscans 141,196 sum total 705,903 persons. the above sum is for 1735, and is very exact, as it is taken from the communities and from the statement of the royal officials. there may, however, be some error in it, due to the fact that the indians change their dwelling from time to time, or absent themselves for some time. mortality must also have some effect on it. it results always that the natives of the philippines, the subjects of the king of españa, form a colony about as numerous as the city of paris; and that that colony, if it were well governed and well directed, might become very flourishing. article thirteenth of the power and influence enjoyed by the religious in the philippines if the governor of the philippines is absolute, the religious orders form there a body that is not less powerful. masters of the provinces, they govern there, one might say, as sovereigns; they are so absolute that no spaniard dares go to establish himself there. if he tried to do so, he would succeed only after having surmounted great difficulties, and removed the greatest obstacles. but he would always be at swords' point: the friars would play him so many tricks; they would seek so many occasions of dispute with him; and they would stir up so many things against him, that in the end he would be forced to go away. thus do those fathers remain masters of the land, and they are more absolute in the philippines than is the king himself. in 1763 or 1764 an alcalde of manila, zealous for the public welfare, had a royal road lengthened two or three leagues from the city, and had both sides of it planted with trees. it produced a very beautiful effect, and facilitated the carriage of food to manila. the fathers of the society began a suit against the alcalde, because, they said, he had encroached upon the lands of the poor indians. the alcalde, and rightfully, paid but little attention to the suit. the fathers of the society, upon seeing that the matter was not turning out at all to their advantage, caused the trees to be cut down by the indians, and reduced the road to its former condition--that is to say, they administered justice themselves. will it be believed that the affair is left in this condition? however, nothing is more certain; it was still quite recent at my arrival at manila, and was related to me by several persons worthy of credit. according to an ordinance of the king, renewed, perhaps, a hundred times, the religious are ordered to teach castilian to the young indians. but his majesty, the spaniards of manila have assured me universally, has not yet been obeyed to this day, and has not been able to succeed in having the ordinance executed. public schools are to be seen at a half-league's distance from manila, where the youth are taught, but good care is taken not to teach them castilian. they are taught the language of the country. they have, it is true, little prayer-books written in castilian, and the youth are taught now and then a few words of that language; but the chief language that the teachers try to have them speak and read well is the language of their own country. so, go one league from manila, and you can scarcely be understood if you do not know the language of the country--a fact which i can attest, for i have experienced it. it is still worse in the provinces. thus are the friars the masters of the indians. a great abuse that follows from that is, that the spaniards themselves cannot get any knowledge of the condition of things in those provinces. they would have no safety in traveling, if they were not known to the religious, and if they did not have with them recommendations presented by the religious of manila. those recommendations are infinitely more to be preferred than the orders which the governor could give to the alcaldes or to those religious. the latter would probably not deign to receive them; while the alcaldes, who themselves need to keep on good terms with the friars, would give but faint response to the governor's orders. notwithstanding all the recommendations possible, it yet happens that the friar in charge of the people among whom you travel, allows you but rarely to speak alone with the indians. when you speak in his presence to any indian who understands a little castilian, if that religious is displeased to have you converse too long with that native he makes him understand, in the language of the country, not to answer you in castilian but in his own language. the indian obeys him; and, if you are not aware of that practice, you cannot guess his reason, inasmuch as you have not understood what the religious said. i have been assured of this by several spaniards, among them the engineer don féliciano marquès. he has several times complained to me that, in spite of his great desire to travel in the provinces, he did not dare resolve to do it, in view of the great difficulties that he saw to be inseparable from such an undertaking. we went together, he and i, several times, on the river in a _pangue_--the boat of the country. once we went up stream for three leguas. no one could understand us at that short distance from manila, for no one knew any castilian; neither did they even pay any attention to us. one would not believe that the spaniards were the masters of the country. that, i was told by the spaniards, was the result and the effect of the policy of the friars. if the religious in the philippines have resisted the temporal power in these matters, they have not been more docile, in another matter, to the ecclesiastical power; for they have been able, even to this day, to elude the visitation of the archbishops, and those prelates have never been able to succeed in that. the great obstacle in this matter is, that there are very few [secular] priests in the philippines, and the majority of those who are there are indians. the people, say the spaniards, have almost no respect or veneration for the latter. most frequently they are dressed like their compatriots, the other indians, in the fashion of the country. the friars, on the contrary, are necessarily more respected, and even though it were only by reason of their mode of dress, they would inspire more awe in the people than do the indian priests. those religious hold the people in a sort of dependence in which the priests of their own race, and clad as they, could not hold them. but so the religious, because they know that they are necessary in the present condition of affairs, have always raised an opposition when the archbishops have tried to visit them, so that the latter have never been able to surmount the difficulty. the religious are, so to speak, entrenched or fortified in castles (_encastillados_, to use the peculiar expression of the spaniards), so that all the zeal of the archbishops has been unable to reduce them to the footing of the other curas. as a rule, there are no difficulties at all in the other bishoprics; for, as the livings there are almost always filled by religious, the curas easily allow themselves to be visited by a person of their own class. it is true that, since the governors have not as yet taken sides with them, the archbishops have always been the weaker party. monsieur arandia, of whom i have already spoken, a man fit to govern a state, would have doubtless put an end to it had he lived. don manuel antonio roxo was appointed archbishop of manila under his government. don andrès roxo, nephew of that archbishop, told me several times that monsieur arandia was only awaiting his uncle's arrival to conclude that important matter. but arandia died before his arrival, and it is claimed that he was helped to die. however that may be, archbishop roxo, having lost his support, could not, although he became governor and captain-general of the islands, make the friars submissive. he wrote to the king that the briefs of the pope and the decrees of his majesty would always be without force and validity; and that the one and only way of succeeding in regulating that matter was to issue imperative commands to the general of each order in europe to direct their friars at manila to receive the visit of the archbishop. in the meantime, the war comes--manila is captured; roxo dies, and all is as before. roxo was replaced only in 1767. that year the court of españa sent an archbishop. [89] i saw him, and even went to make him several visits when he had made his [public] entrance. he wrote to all the communities that he was preparing to visit his diocese. he had, so it was said, left europe with the fullest authority for that purpose. he had bulls, briefs from the pope, and orders from the court. he thought that he would succeed with all these arms, but he did not know that there would be an answer for everything at manila. the friars answered then that they could not allow him to visit them; and such is their answer [to their superior]. they went, say they, first to the philippines; they have received the care of souls, under certain conditions and certain charges that cannot be set aside; [and they said] that the archbishop might, if he wished, take away all the livings in their charge and provide the same with secular priests. i have said that the archbishopric of manila contains more than two hundred livings, of which only thirteen are in charge of secular priests. consequently, there are about two hundred still occupied by the friars. now the case was very embarrassing for the archbishop, who did not then have two hundred priests at his disposal. as to the briefs, bulls, etc., consider the pleasant response that they made, and which their partisans scattered abroad in public; they said, then, that his excellency had not brought any new rulings with him from the courts of rome and madrid. it was very true that there existed a bull of the pope in regard to that matter, but it would have to be looked for in the books. in order that it might, on the other hand, become a law, it was necessary for the archbishop to give notification of it, legalized by notary in the ordinary manner. such, they said, were the laws of the kingdom, in consideration of the fact that there might be some difference in the books, either by the transposition of a comma, or by some other error that might have slipped into the printing. such are the intrenchments that the friars opposed in 1767 to the new archbishop of manila. in the beginning, the dominicans and augustinians were disturbed; the dominicans in fact submitted, and the archbishop's party already thought that he had the victory. but, toward the end of the year, some repented, and changed their minds; and, as a consequence, there was a schism in the convent. the augustinians also were divided, and they came even to blows among themselves. one of the chief actors was imprisoned in his room. however, the matter was arranged, and it was agreed that all of them should assemble and be reconciled, without saying a word of what had occurred. it produced a singular effect. at my arrival the dissension had again commenced, but i am not aware how the affair terminated. the other religious and the fathers of the society held firm. these last especially, in appearance, were very assiduous in visiting the governor [90]--and that at an hour when no one is received in the houses of manila, unless it be for matters which cannot suffer delay; that is to say, the fathers went just after dinner, at the time when all people retire to take their siesta. having gone one day during that time, just after his dinner, to see the governor about a pressing matter which concerned me, scarcely had i begun what i had to say when a father of the society appeared, who had ascended by a little private stair-way. i was unable to terminate my business. the reverend father took possession of the governor, who made an appointment with me for another time. i cannot be positive that that father had gone on the matter of the visitation; i only report that fact because it agrees with what was said then at manila in regard to the frequent visits which the fathers of the society made to the governor, at times when no one dared present himself at the government [house]. i must tell what side the governor took in so delicate a matter. on one side he was pressed by the archbishop; on the other he was solicited by the jesuits and the friars. during these contests i found him one evening when i went to see him, meditative and thoughtful. he had two letters in his hand, which the archbishop had written to him, successively, that same day. he told me, with demonstrations of feeling which showed his embarrassment, that the archbishop was writing to him letter after letter, on a matter that depended on him in no way at all. he said that he had no instructions on the matter, and that he could not exceed his powers. and, as he repeated that to me time after time, i answered him that, since he had no orders from his court, and especially since he had no secular priests at his disposal, it was in fact very difficult for him to proceed as the archbishop desired. it must be observed that i was living with a wealthy french merchant, one of whose daughters had married the secretary of the government; and i have often remarked that that secretary was not at all inclined to the archbishop's side. next morning, four _pasquinades_ [91] or injurious and very defamatory placards, were found posted in the city: one at the government offices; the second, on the gate of the parián; a third at la misericordia; and the fourth at our door. those lampoons stated distinctly that the governor for twenty thousand piastres (105,000 livres), had prevented the archbishop from fulfilling his duty. the secretary was beside himself at the boldness of the lampoon, and especially at the one posted at his door. he spoke of it as a crime which deserved the most severe chastisement. he added that it would be better for him who had done it, if he were discovered, that he had never lived. in fact, i am quite sure that sambouangam [92] (in the island of mindanao), which i have before mentioned, would have been his dwelling, and that he would not have enjoyed himself there very greatly. the friars in the philippines are, as can be seen, absolute in the provinces. it is quite true that, according to the ordinances, the governor ought to send the auditors there from time to time in the quality of visitors. but besides that that scarcely ever happens, these visitors, although members of the royal audiencia, are obliged to take recommendations from the convents of manila before their departure, in order to be well received. however, that great authority of the friars over the people does not prevent the latter from revolting very often in the provinces; and those revolts are nearly always followed by the death of some religious. then there is no means of restoring order except by sending troops to reduce the indians to obedience, for the eloquence of the religious can do nothing. such an emergency occurred in my time, at the end of 1767. several settlements about the large lake revolted, and carried their boldness even to the point of killing the friar curas. it was necessary to send a cavalry officer at the head of a detachment of fifteen men, to make those rebels submit. these disorders always happened when the provinces of the philippines had at their head, to govern them, only an alcalde and the friars. i believe that it would be necessary for the court to have four or five hundred troops (or at least a sufficient number), for the sole purpose of scattering them through those different provinces, in posts of only fifteen or twenty men. that number, besides being but inconsiderable and of little expense, would be sufficient to maintain the indians in their duty, since only fifteen men have appeased the disturbance in a considerable district near the lake. [the following, also from le gentil (pp. 59-63), treats in part of the ecclesiastical estate.] ninth article of the genius of the inhabitants of the philippines, and the peculiar punishments inflicted by the religious on the women who do not attend mass on the prescribed days. this article is the fourteenth chapter of the franciscan religious from whom i have extracted a portion of my details. but i believe that it will be important to reproduce here in exact translation the text of the original. [the extract is from san antonio's _chronicas_, vol. i, part of chapter xl of book i; it is not, however, an exact translation, but in part a synopsis. the meaning is not distorted; but we have preferred to translate this portion of the chapter, entitled in san antonio "of the characteristics and genius of the filipino indians," directly from the spanish, reproducing exactly the matter synopsized by le gentil.] "412. among the gifts with which man is adorned, those of the soul are the most noble and most important--for instance, the characteristics or bent, and the skill or understanding in the exercise of a man's reasonings and mental operations. and since the soul is so dependent on the body and on its sensations, the spiritual operations are tempered by the bodily characteristics. these characteristics (in the judgment of galen, plato, aristotle, and hippocrates), are such or such, according to the varying climate of the [different] regions. consequently, the difference of nations in bodily characteristics, and in disposition, genius, and morals, springs from the various climates of the regions, and from the difference in air, water, and food--in accordance with that maxim, _natura facit habilem_, [93] in its common interpretation. that makes evident (in distant regions) the difference between spaniards and french, indians and germans, ethiopians and english. it is experienced, within distances not so great, in the many provinces of españa alone. even in ubeda and baèza, only one legua apart, this diversity of men and women is found. there are more marked differences of this sort encountered in philipinas; for there are certain peoples at the mouth of one river, while at the source are others very different in complexion, customs, and languages. in the same province are found stupid and intelligent peoples; white, black, and brown; and those of distinct degrees of corpulency, and features according to the various temperatures and climates. it is a matter which is truly surprising, to see so great a diversity of temperatures and so great a diversity of men within so small a space. but that happens in districts here and there, for usually there is but little differentiation in these islands in characteristics and genius. if one indian be known, i believe that they are all known; but god alone can have this complete knowledge. "413. the very reverend father, gaspar de san agustin, an augustinian and a native of madrid, with the practical experience of forty years of life among those people, confesses, in a letter which he wrote concerning their characteristics--and which although in manuscript, deserves to be printed, for he understood those natives as far as it is possible to comprehend them--that it is so difficult to describe their characteristics that it would be more easy to define the formal object in logic; more feasible to compute the square of a circle; more discoverable to assign a fixed rule for the measurement of the degrees of longitude on the globe; and after the four knowledges of solomon could be placed this fifth, as impossible. [94] in fact, after so many years, he says that he has only been able to understand that _quadraginta annis proximus fui generationi huic, & dixi: semper hi erant corde_. [95] he speaks at length and from experience and with remarkable detail. although the letter is worth printing, my lack of space does not allow me to copy it. [96] "414. granting, then, as true the experiences that he writes, and reducing them to a brief summary i assert that _the character of these indians is a maze of contradictions and oppositions_; and i believe that this is not the worst of the descriptions. for they are at once proud and humble; bold in wickedness, and pusillanimous cowards; compassionate and cruel; negligent and lazy; but for their own affairs, whether evil or good, careful and watchful; easily credulous, but incapable of understanding, and fickle, after so oft repeated sacred teachings. they are very much inclined to attend the church, and its feasts and solemn rites, but it is necessary to oblige them by the rigor of the lash to attend mass on the prescribed days, and confession and communion when holy church orders; and are very reverent toward the ministering fathers because of the superiority that they recognize in them, while at the same time they mock them, murmur against them, and even deceive them. consequently, a religious called them jokingly 'the schoolchildren of st. casiano;' [97] for it is a fact that they go astray in all their resolutions without the government of the fathers, and it is necessary to treat them like schoolchildren in their instruction." [here we resume the narrative of le gentil, who italicises the words, "it is necessary to employ the lash in order to get them to attend mass on the prescribed days when holy church orders it, and to treat them as schoolchildren," and continues:] this is an abuse which reigns in the provinces. the religious give the lash to women and girls with a cat-o'-nine-tails, even in the presence of their husbands, and no one dares say a word. that is not practiced at manila, and the religious are not so absolute there as they are in the provinces; and, besides, one is able at times not to attend mass on sunday without that act of irreligion reaching the ears of the religious or the curés. i was intimately acquainted at manila with some army officers, with whom i had gone from the île de france to that city on board the "bon-conseil." although spaniards, they dared to revolt publicly against that ridiculous custom; others approved it. sometimes the religious or fathers have their own executioners, and the church is the place of the action. in this regard a singular chance procured me a knowledge of the following. a short league [_lieue_] from manila is a parish called las peñas (_les roches_) [_i.e._, "the rocks"]. it is under the charge of a secular priest, and has a very small church, built of bamboo and thatched with straw. it is a charming place, and pleasure-parties often go there to dine, or walk there after dinner. i went there quite frequently with father melo. one sunday, don andrés roxo and doña ana roxo, his wife, asked me to go there to dine with them. don andrés roxo had married one of the daughters of the marquis of villa-mediana, a distinguished family of spain. the marquis, who has died since my return to france, was then commandant of the troops in manila, and was to come to join us in the afternoon. as i was walking with monsieur and madame roxo in the country quite near the village, about four or five in the afternoon, we beheld a great concourse of people gathered about the entrance of that same village. we went in that direction, to ascertain what could be happening. it was a woman who had not attended mass that day, whom they were taking to the church to lash. she was led along by the executioner. he had a heavy cat-o'-nine-tails on his shoulder, which hung down to the middle of his back. the father, more black than white, went behind, and a crowd of indians followed, especially of indian women. doubtless they were those of the village, who were obliged to witness the ceremony, in order to teach them not to stay away from mass. madame roxo, seeing this sight, was touched with compassion. she left us, forced her way through the crowd, and easily succeeded in reaching the father. she asked clemency for that woman, which was obtained. at this juncture the marquis of villa-mediana arrived. from as far as we could see him we went to meet him. when he asked us whence we came, madame roxo told him what had just happened. but the marquis, far from approving the generosity of his daughter, put on a severe countenance, and scolded her for it roundly in my presence. he told her in express terms _that she had performed a very wrong action, which would be the cause of a greater evil; that that woman would not fail to commit that sin again, and perhaps several times, and the blame and sin for it would rebound on her who had asked for the pardon_. [le gentil concludes this article by a further translation and synopsis of the same chapter of san antonio, which relates entirely to the characteristics of the natives--matter which will, if space permit, be embodied in this series.] character and influence of the friars [the following is taken from volume ii of sinibaldo de mas's _informe sobre el estado de las islas filipinas en 1842_ (madrid, january, 1843).] the ecclesiastical estate shortly after legaspi had discovered the islands, came successively religious of st. augustine, st. dominic, and st. francis, who spread through the interior and founded convents in manila. they were the ones who accomplished most in the spiritual and temporal conquest, as is attested uniformly by writers, native and foreign, even the least devout. some years later, bishoprics were erected; and from that moment began a struggle between the bishops and the monastic orders as to whether or no the friar curas should be subject to the diocesan visit. innumerable are the treatises, opinions, superior decrees, and scandalous disputes, which took place on this account, as we have already seen in the chapter called "history." the arguments of the religious were founded on the fear of falling into relaxation of their regular observance, as they believed that they could not be good ministers without being good religious. the religious of the order of st. dominic, discussing this point in the year 1710, resolved that, if the lords ordinary [98] attempted to subject them to the diocesan visit, they would first abandon all their missions; _for the province regards it as certain and evident that the ruin of the ministering religious must follow the said visit; and of this opinion have been, for many years past, grave religious and zealous and superior prelates whom the province has had_. in the year 1757, governor don pedro manuel arandia claimed, with the greatest firmness, that the regulars should submit to the laws of the royal patronage in respect to the appointment of religious for the curacies, and that they should receive the canonical installation. he first directed himself to the provincial of the calced augustinians, even going so far as to warn him that, if he did not obey his behests and commands in this matter, the governor would proceed to his exile and the occupation of his temporalities. to that the provincial replied that he could not under any circumstances accede to his demands, adding that "he knew by proof in his establishment the ruin of their regular institute, with notable harm to souls;" and that "he was at the same time assured that the piety of the king (whom may god preserve) would not take it ill at seeing the aforesaid province [of augustinians] reduced to their profession and subject to the same laws of the royal patronage. those laws, although so just, do not bind the regulars to continue in their missions, which they obtain precariously, in case that all the royal patronage is impracticable to them with their institute." in the year 1767, and during the government of don simon de anda, there came an order from madrid, together with a bull from pope benedict xiv, requiring the curas to submit to the metropolitan. the religious of st. augustine still resisted, which caused anda to have all the curas in pampanga arrested, and to send the provincial and definitors to españa. in the year 1775 arrived a decisive order from the court, requiring all the regulars to submit to the visit and the royal patronage, and the restoration of the curacies of pampanga to the augustinians. they submitted, and from that time the regular curas have been subject to their provincial in matters _de vita et moribus_ [_i.e._, of conduct and morals], of the bishop in all that pertains to spiritual administration, and to the captain-general as the viceregal patron. according to a royal decree of august 1, 1795, it is impossible to remove a regular cura against his will without formulating a cause against him and trying him according to law, unless he is appointed to fill some office in the order; and even in this case it is necessary that the consent of the ordinary and the royal vice-patron precede, in accordance with the terms of another royal decree of september 29, 1807. perhaps this subjection of the curas to the bishops and vice-patrons will have resulted in great advantages; but there is no doubt that the relaxation of morals which the regular superiors foresaw has been verified. there are many, there are numberless faults which a director recognizes and knows positively, but which cannot be proved in a judgment, especially when one is conducting a cura of souls. further, in a cause, it is necessary to take depositions from the parishioners, and to make public matters which it would be highly important to keep secret; for scandal does more harm than the evil which one is trying to remedy, especially in a colony where the good man and the prestige of the religious is so important. and, above all, it ought to be remembered that since the will of three must unite to punish one cura, it will be very easy for the cura to find a means of securing favor from some of them. those evils would probably be remedied by rigorously obeying the commands of benedict xiv in his constitution beginning _firmandis_, given november 6, 1744, in which it is ruled that the regular curas may be removed from their curacies according to the will of one or the other superior, without its being necessary for either to declare to the other the causes of the removal. as a result of these continuous and obstinate quarrels between the regular curas and the bishops and civil authorities, and as if to cut the gordian knot, the government ordered, in 1753, that all the curacies be handed over to secular priests of the country. the execution of this decree presented so many difficulties, and raised so many remonstrances that it was decided in 1757 that, until it should be ordered otherwise, none of the curacies administered by regulars should be granted to a secular priest under any circumstances, until it was really vacant, and that then the viceroy and the diocesan should agree together whether or no it were advisable to make it secular; and the opinion of both should be carried into effect, and that in equal accord they should execute the decree of 1753. by this decision, the governor-general had the power to deprive the friars of their curacies at will, since the bishops have almost always desired or solicited that. cárlos iii, wearied at the obstinacy of the augustinian religious in not submitting to the diocesan visit, ordered by decrees of august 5 and november 9, 1774, that all the missions should be secularized as they fell vacant. the governor, then don simon de anda, in spite of being at open war with the friars--because they had intrigued in madrid against him when the government was conferred on him--and of his being, perhaps, the governor-general most hated by them, inveighed so strongly against this order, asserting that it was not advisable to the service of god and the state, that the same cárlos iii resolved that the decree of 1774 should not have effect, and that the curacies and missions which the religious had filled before the decree, should be returned to them. nevertheless the government of madrid was so annoyed and wearied at the continual strife which the friars maintained with the bishops and authorities, that it desired to cut the dispute short, at any risk; and in this same decree it was recommended that a body of filipino secular priests be formed, so that the curacies could be surrendered to these as they became vacant--thus carrying into effect the decree of 1757, when they should be ready for it. this same order was confirmed by another decree of december 11, 1776, and another of september 7, 1778--although in this last, in consideration of a representation of don pedro sarrio, which will be seen later, it was provided that there should be no innovation in what was contained in the decree of '76, without the express order of the council and of the king. in 1822, in consequence of a decree of the córtes, the curacies which fell vacant were presented at a meeting of opponents. in regard to the first, which was that of the village of malate, the superior of the calced augustinians, fray hilarion diez, made a representation; but the archbishop, don fray juan zulaybar, was interested in complying with the decrees of the madrid government. in 1826, order was given to return that curacy to the religious, and all [others] that they had, and what was declared to them by the decree of 1776; and that the secularization of any curacy should not be proceeded with except by express order of the king. i am going to insert what don tomás de comyn said about the religious of filipinas in a book which has not had the appreciation that it merits, and which is already rare. "the valor and constancy with which legaspi and his worthy companions conquered these natives would have been of little use, had not the apostolic zeal of the missionaries aided in consolidating the undertaking. the latter were the true conquerors--who, without other weapons than their virtues, attracted the good-will of the natives, made them love the spanish name, and gave the king, as by a miracle, two millions more of submissive and christian vassals. they were the legislators of the barbarous hordes who inhabited the islands of this immense archipelago, thus realizing with their persuasive mildness the allegorical prodigies of amphion and orpheus. "as the means, then, which the missionaries employed to reduce and civilize the indians, were their preaching and other spiritual instruments, and as, although they were scattered and working separately, they were at the same time subject to the authority of their superiors--who as chiefs, directed the great work of the conversion--the government primitively established in these provinces must necessarily have shared much of the nature of the theocratic; and there is no doubt that it so continued until, the number of the new colonists, as well the effective force of the royal authority, increasing with the lapse of time, it was possible to make the governing system uniform with that which rules in the other ordinary establishments of españa. "further, this same is deduced from the fragments which even yet remain of that first constitution in the islands of batanes and the missions of cagayan, which are administered spiritually and temporally by the dominican fathers; and from what can be noted at every step in the other provinces, by whoever gives the matter but a little attention. for although the civil magistracies are regulated now, and their respective attributes determined with all precision, it has been as yet impossible to lay aside, however much they have tried to show the contrary, the personal authority which the parish priests hold among their parishioners; on the contrary, the government has indeed seen itself constantly under the necessity of making use of this same authority, as the most powerful instrument to acquire respect and due subordination. consequently, although the parish priests are not today authorized to intervene by law in the civil administration, they become in fact the real rulers. "it certainly is the case that, since the parish priest is the consoler of the afflicted, the pacifier of families, the promoter of useful ideas, the preacher and example of all good; as generosity is conspicuous in him, and the indians see him alone among them, without relatives, without trade, and always engaged in their greater good--they are accustomed to live contentedly under his paternal direction, and to give him their whole confidence. master in this way of their wills, nothing is done without the counsel--or, to speak more correctly, without the consent--of the cura. the gobernadorcillo, on receiving an order from the alcalde, goes first to get the permission of the father; and it is the latter who, in strict terms, tacitly sees to its fulfilment, or prevents its course. the father concludes or directs the suits of the village; makes the writs; goes up to the capital to plead for his indians; opposes their petitions, and at times their threats, to the violences committed by the alcaldes-mayor; and manages everything by the standard of his own desire. in a word, it is impossible for there to be any human institution, at once so simple and so firmly grounded, and from which so many advantages can be derived for the state, as that (which is admired with reason) which is firmly established in the ministries of these islands. and by the same fatality it is very strange that since the true art of governing a colony like filipinas, which is different from all others, consists in the wise use of so powerful an instrument as secrecy, the superior government has been laboring under an hallucination for some years past, to the point of pledging itself to the destruction of a work that it is so advisable to maintain. "in this as in other things, one may very plainly see how absurd or how difficult it is to organize a system of government which is equally well suited to the genius of all peoples, regardless of what discordance may exist in their physical and moral make-up. hence, when one tries to assimilate _in toto_ the administrative régime of these provinces to that of the americas, he meets obstacles at every step which evidently originate from this erroneous principle. the regime, however much one may try to assert it, must either make itself obeyed by fear and force, or respected by means of love and confidence. and in order to convince one's self that the first is impracticable, it is quite sufficient to take into consideration the following circumstances and reflections. "the number of the whites in proportion to that of the natives is so small, that it can scarcely be set at the ratio of 15:25,000. these provinces, infinitely more populous than those of américa, are given into the care of their alcaldes-mayor, who take there no other troops than the title of military captains and the royal decree. besides the religious, no other whites than their alcalde-mayor generally live in the whole province. he has the care of the royal possessions; he attends to the punishment of evildoers; he pacifies riots; he raises men for the regiments who garrison manila and cavite; he orders and leads his subjects in case of an invasion from the outside; in short, he alone must do everything, on the word of alcalde-mayor and in the name of the king. in view, then, of the effective power that the fulfilment of so great a variety of obligations exacts spontaneously, and the fact that no one assists him with what is in his charge, who could deny that it would be to risk the security of these dominions too greatly to try to rule them by means so insufficient? if the villages are in disorder or revolt, to whom will the alcalde turn his face for aid in checking and punishing them? what other recourse is there for him in such a conflict than to flee or to die in the attempt? and if it is considered indispensable among cultured nations that authority always present itself accompanied by force, how can one expect that bare and unprotected law be respected among indians? "it is clear that it is necessary to appeal to force of another kind, and to employ means, which although indirect, are without dispute the most adequate under the peculiar circumstances of these lands; means which, by influencing the imagination, excite veneration, subjugate the rude intellect of the inhabitants, and lead them to endure our dominion without repugnance. and well can one understand, too, how ready these means are found, and how we are envied for them and have always been envied by all the other european nations who have aspired to extend and consolidate their conquests in both indias. "let one listen to la perouse, if he would know and wonder at the arms with which our missionaries captured the natives of the californias. let him read dispassionately the marvelous deeds of the jesuits in other parts of américa. and above all, let him go to the filipinas islands, where he will be surprised to see those remote fields strewn with spacious temples and convents wherein divine worship is celebrated with splendor and pomp; regularity in the streets; ease and even luxury in dress and house; primary schools in all the villages, and the inhabitants very skilful in the art of writing; paved highways disclosed to view; bridges constructed in good architectural style; and the greater portion of the country, finally, in strict observance of the provisions of good government and civilization--all the work of the union of the zeal, apostolic labors, and fiery patriotism of the ministering fathers. let him traverse the provinces, where he will see villages of five, ten, and twenty thousand indians, ruled in peace by one weak old man who, with his doors open at all hours, sleeps secure in his dwelling, without other magic or other guard than the love and respect with which he has been able to inspire his parishioners. can it be possible, on contemplating this, that by the efforts of foolish zealots, and by the vain endeavor that only those persons assigned by the general laws in ordinary cases shall intervene in the government of the natives, there should not only be a waste of the fruit obtained in so long a time and by so great constancy; but also that, scorning and repelling for the future a coöperation as efficacious as economical, the attempt should be made purposely to destroy the royal regulator, the principal wheel of this machine. such is, notwithstanding, the deplorable upheaval of ideas that has conduced in these latter times to the adoption of regulations diametrically opposed to the public interest, under pretext of restraining the excessive authority of the parish priests. "the superior government does not content itself with having despoiled the ministers of the power of themselves prescribing certain corrective punishments--which although of slight importance, contributed infinitely, when applied with discretion, to strengthen their predominance, and consequently that of the sovereign. but, in order more effectively to exclude them from and deprive them of all intervention in civil administration, the attempt has been made directly to destroy their influence, by arousing the distrust of the indian, and by separating, when possible, the latter from their side. in proof of this, and so that my statement may not be taken as an exaggeration, it is sufficient to cite substantially two notable measures which, by their tendency, were obviously intended to weaken the influence and good reputation of the spiritual administrators. "by one measure it is decreed that, for the purpose of preventing the abuses and notorious maladministration of the fund of the saints (especially attached to the cost of the festivals and the worship of each parish, formed from the principal and medium parishes--which are contributed by each individual tributario for that purpose, and are collected and administered privately by the cura), it should thereafter be kept in a box with three keys, one of which was to be in the possession of the alcalde-mayor, another in that of the gobernadorcillo of the respective village, and the other in that of the parish priest. by the other measure, it is declared, as a general point, that the indian who is or has recently been employed in the domestic service of the parish priest is disqualified for being chosen to any office of justice. "it is surely superfluous to make comments upon measures of such a nature, and which so clearly speak for themselves. the only thing that ought to be said is, that means could not more intemperately have been chosen, that are more harmful to the state, to the propagation of religion, and even to the natives themselves. it is, indeed, very strange that so much effort should have been exercised in impeaching the purity of the parish priests, by degrading in passing their respectable character, just at the moment when circumstances would make it appear natural that because on account of the mortality and scarcity of religious, the ardor and authority of even the few who remain ought to be encouraged by new stimulation. [this comes, too,] at a time when because the sending of missionaries to china has been suspended, and the spiritual conquest of the igorrotes and other infidels who inhabit the interior of the islands has been almost abandoned the said spanish laborers can neither give any help to the ordinary administration, nor prevent the transference of whole provinces to the hands of secular indians and sangley mestizos (as is happening)--who by their crass ignorance, disgraceful morals, and utter lack of decency, incur universally the contempt of their parishioners, making them, because of the tyrannies of these, sigh for the gentle yoke of their former shepherds. "if it is desired, then, to keep this colony subject, and to elevate it to the lofty grade of prosperity, of which it is susceptible, in my opinion the first thing that ought to be attempted is the efficient organization of its spiritual administration. i say again, that we cannot be blind to the fact that, if the local government is powerless, because of the lack of military force and the scarcity of europeans, to make itself duly obeyed through its own efforts, it is necessary to call to its aid the powerful influence of religion, and to bring new reënforcements of missionaries from the peninsula. for the latter differ essentially by their nature from the rest of public servants; it is well known that they neither claim nor expect any remuneration for their labor, aspiring only to obtain in the community the degree of respect to which they rightfully believe themselves entitled. let their jurisdictions, then, be preserved, let them be treated with decorum, and let the direction of the indian be entrusted to them; and instantly, they will be seen, in turn, reconciled, and the supporters of the legitimate authority. "nothing is more unjust, nor of which the ministering fathers complain with more reason, than the little discernment with which people have been accustomed to judge and condemn them, representing as common to all the body the vices of a few of the members. consequently, there is not one who does not read without shame and indignation the insidious motives and the defamatory expressions lavished against them in the ordinances of good government drawn up in filipinas in 1768 [99]--which, although ordered to be modified by his majesty, are now in force for lack of others, and are found, printed, in the hands of all. for even granting that in any case there can actually have existed a cause for complaint, what will it matter at the end that this or that father may have abused the confidence reposed in him, so long as the spirit that animates the whole body of the religious is in accord with the sanctity of their estate, and in accordance with the aims of the government? why must one forever pursue an ideal perfection, which cannot be obtained, and which is unnecessary in human society?" even though this be matter which pertains to a chapter on internal policy rather than to religion, i can do no less than say, succinctly and in passing, that in my opinion the ideas of señor comyn are very true; and that nothing could better qualify as men weak in affairs of state the governors or counselors who dictated the present ordinances and the above-mentioned measures and phrases printed in them against the religious. even supposing those sentences to be very just, wise, and merited, what need would there be, what gain would result from printing them and placing them in the hands of the filipinos? those who have no liking for the friars, censure them as egoists and buffoons; as living in concubinage; as gamblers and usurers; as arrogant, and ambitious for power. in respect to refinement, it is known that the majority [of the friars] are of obscure birth. they pass from the bosom of the family to their novitiate; thence in a boat to the convent at manila, and then to a village where there are no other spaniards than themselves. is it strange, then, that they are not more in the current of social forms? on that account one ought to overlook the fact that they do not know more, as is done with an honored artist or farmer. but other is the motive for this accusation of guilt. it is said that on the arrival of a spaniard at a village the friars do not offer him lodging, and they often will not drink his health in a glass of water--or, at least, do not go to receive him; while everything is open for a filipino. this is sometimes a fact, and has happened to me more than once; but everything needs explanation, and one must not pass judgment without hearing both sides. one must remember that there are at present many vicious and abandoned swindlers in the islands, especially of the class of creoles; and that such men very often form the plan to go to travel through the provinces at the cost of the curas, either to amuse themselves or to seek their fortunes. but, for amusement, the silver spoons and other trifles of one [of the curas] have been carried away. there are various others; especially among the recently-arrived military men, who, brought up among disturbances, and accustomed to insult the religious with impunity, have no scruples about telling them what they call "the truths of the coxswain." "who could eat free soup [100] as you do, father, without working?" "what matters to you the good or poor harvest, so long as you have fools to impose upon?" "how is the stewardess?" "how many children have you?"--and innumerable others of the same kind, and even much worse. anyone can recognize that it is very natural for these things to happen, and i myself have been a witness of them. there are more things--namely, that many of those persons who have been in the convents take delight immediately in publishing the weaknesses of the cura, abusing the confidence that the latter reposed in him, and (what is worse) exaggerating, and even mentioning things that never occurred. if the friar, carried away by the good humor born of the company of a compatriot, drank a little and became jolly, then he relates that the friar was drunk. if he saw a woman with a child in her arms who had come to speak to the friar on any of the innumerable matters that arise in the village, then he says that he knew the sweetheart and a child of the friar. if some curas of neighboring villages assembled, and engaged in playing _brisca_, or "thirty-one," [101] in order to pass the time, then it is said that they engaged in gambling. on that account the curas are so cautious of giving the freedom of their houses and their friendship to transient spaniards, that they will now scarcely receive anyone who does not bring a letter of recommendation; and, considering this sensibly, it does not seem that they are to be censured for this caution toward people whom they do not know, in consideration of the fact that in manila there is no police office, and a passport is easily given to whomever asks for it. in spite of all this, some curas--as for instance, father lorieri of paniqui--without having any notice of me, received me with gratifying and ready hospitality. for the rest, the convents are usually the lodging-houses and inns of the village. the friars in filipinas are quite different from those in españa. they are very glad to see a spaniard arrive, when they know that he is not a malicious person. they have traveled, and they have escaped from the conversations and meetings of the convent; they are more tolerant, because they have rubbed against many spaniards of liberal ideas; they have found that the lion is not so fierce as it is painted, and that there are respectable people in all parties, and men with good hearts--especially in that which takes for its goal the good of the country. how often would we abhor people less if we approached them and became acquainted with them! we must confess also that the hate cherished by the religious in españa toward the liberals proceeds in great measure from the personal insults which they have endured; while in filipinas these are very few and are neutralized by the tokens of veneration and respect which others pay them, because of circumstances which are entirely distinct from those of españa. a man without prejudice and with a suitable standard of judgment, who lives in the metropolis [_i.e._, madrid], sees in a friar the enemy of reforms, of progress, and of public prosperity; but, when he is in filipinas, he sees in this same friar the benefactor of the public, and the preserver of tranquillity and of the colony. consequently he considers and treats the friar differently than in españa, and is repaid in the like coin. from this it happens that many who come from españa with very exaggerated and preconceived ideas against the religious--even to the point of never having had relations or speech with a friar--and here have to come in contact with them, are surprised to find some (and even very many) of them very sociable, serviceable, tolerant, and worthy of all appreciation; and this has happened to me myself, both in filipinas and in palestina. in regard to their being gamblers, i can say that when several curas of the neighboring villages assemble on the feast-day of a village, they sometimes play to pass the hot hours of the day; but i have never seen in the houses of spanish religious what can be called play for gaining and losing money, and, in the convents of manila, cards are not even played for amusement. i know this positively. as for some of them leading licentious lives with women, i will not say that it is false, although i could not say that i know of such. i believe, indeed, that there is much exaggeration in this as in other things, and that not one quarter of it is to be believed. an official, not at all partial to the friars, and who lived several years in pangasinan, told me that he never could discover that any of the dominicans who minister there had a sweetheart; and that, if perchance any of them had one, he concealed it very carefully, since he himself had never known any trace of it. concerning that point, i will say, although it appears evil to many, that that offense is the most excusable, especially in young and healthy men, placed in the torrid zone. nature must struggle continually with duty. the garb of the filipina women is very seductive; and it is known that the girls, far from being untractable to the cura, consider themselves lucky to attract his attention, and their mother, father, and relatives share that sentiment with them. what virtue and stoicism does not the friar need to possess! let those who criticise them on this point imagine themselves to be living in a village without relatives or friends, or any other fellow-countrymen, at least with whom they can converse; and then let them be candid. don iñigo azaola told me that, meditating on the reason why so many spanish religious went mad, he thought that it had its origin in the continual struggle between nature and devotion. [102] in regard to usurers, there may be some among them who are addicted to trade, since the business carried on in the provinces consists chiefly in advancing money at seed-time, in order to receive the fruits at harvest time at a much lower price than is current in the market. surely the cura who embarks in these speculations not only fails in his most sacred duty, [103] but even gnaws at and gives a deathblow to the principal base upon which rests the prestige and veneration enjoyed by the religious of filipinas. nothing infuses these weak and greedy islanders with so much love, surprise, and respect as does contempt for gold and for earthly goods. the generous minister, he who gives, will be considered as good, most good, and will obtain whatever he wants from his parishioners. the greedy and avaricious, he who does what common and vile men do, will, notwithstanding the habit in which he is clad, notwithstanding the sermons he preaches, be considered as mean, if he does not end by being despised and abhorred. nevertheless, i can affirm that the religious who trade are very few, and among the dominicans, not any. and this, and their anxiety for saving their stipends and for making money, proceeds in great measure from the information which they receive concerning the wretched condition of the religious in españa, and their fear of falling into the same condition. in respect to their pride and ambition to govern, all men have that, for this is our most powerful instinct; and the priests of all times and countries have had it. the royal decrees and the articles of which we have spoken demonstrate quite clearly that those of filipinas have not escaped from falling into this sin. up to a certain point, one can affirm that the civil government itself--or, to speak more accurately, circumstances--have placed them in a position where they must take part in the temporal administration. in a whole province, there is no other spaniard in authority except the alcalde-mayor, and he never knows a word of the idiom of the country (see my remarks on the administration of justice). hence it necessarily arises that the alcalde-mayor does not know more than the natives allow him to know; and that the gobernadorcillos of the villages are masters, inasmuch as in everything they do whatever they think proper. in order to obviate these inconveniences, scarcely is any document asked in which the government does not require the supervision of the cura; and in this way it obliges him to be acquainted with matters quite at variance with his ministry. the cura possesses the language, resides in the village, has the means of the confessional, [104] and when he wishes there are but few matters, even the most trivial, that can be hidden from him. on the contrary the alcalde, not having any of these advantages, can have knowledge of but few things, if the parish priest does not communicate them. i shall quote here what father fray manuel del rio says on this point. "although the temporal government of the village that he administers does not belong to the obligation of the minister of souls, but it may, on the contrary, be prejudicial to his obligation and ministry for him to meddle too much in this; yet on certain occasions it is necessary for the minister to put his shoulder to the wheel so that the village may be well governed--now by directing the gobernadorcillos in its employ, now by encouraging them and giving them zeal and energy and courage in certain decisions which they, through their cowardice, do not dare to make unless an order or command proceed from the minister; now also by restraining the audacity of the greater against the less, in order to prevent the annoyances that the chiefs practice upon their _cailianes_ [105]--thereby protecting the cause of the wretched, which is one of the duties that the council of trent (in the place cited at the beginning of this work), commits to those who are ministers of souls. "there are two kinds or modes of annoyances which the indians who are more influential practice on those of lower rank. some are peculiar to the cabezas de barangay, with their cailianes; others are common to every kind of rich indian toward the poor. i shall first treat of those of the first class, and next, of those of the second. "first, the cabezas are accustomed to impose on their cailianes certain taxes of silver, rice, and other products, under pretexts that they there feign, of service to the church or to the village. perhaps, they cast the blame on the alcalde, who is most often unaware of such taxes and is not told of them. the remedy is that, when the minister learns of it, he causes the cabezas to be punished, and the silver to be returned to the cailianes. "second, when the father or some passenger pays the indian rowers or carriers, or tanores, through the medium of the cabeza or of the government, the silver generally does not reach the hands of the indians; but the cabezas keep it, under pretexts which they advance that the indians owe a certain polo or tribute, long overdue, or similar things. the same thing happens with the money which the father or passengers give them with which to buy provisions, and, with the _opas_ of those who perform personal duty for others. the remedy for all this is for the minister to solicit him to pay the money to all [the indians] into their own hands; and especially should he do that in what he buys [from them] or when he makes the indians perform any work. "third, that in the polos the cabezas exempt whomever they wish, without other justification than that they choose to do so; and because those persons contribute silver, tobacco, or rice to the cabeza, thereby exempting themselves from personal service throughout the year. in that way the yoke of the polos and personal service is loaded on those of less influence. consequently the personal service comes upon the indians more frequently; _e.g._, although the village can have two months of rest (if there is order and harmony), it is usual for lack of that to have a return [of the personal service] every month, or every six weeks, if the minister does not attend to it, or intervene in the distribution of the personal service, by investigating and showing up these frauds of the cabezas. "fourth, in the tree-cuttings that arise for the king or for the village, all those who are cited do not go, many redeeming themselves with money which they give to their cabeza or to the petty officer [who exacts the work], thus burdening with all the work those who go--from which it follows that the felling of the timber is extended in time, and lasts longer than is necessary; and also that the petty officers or the cabezas make the indians work for their own private interests. all of the above cannot be remedied unless the minister undertake to station secret spies, to advise him of the number of those who go, and also of those who work there more than is necessary for the king or for the village--so that those who shall be involved in such frauds may be punished, and so that they may be made to pay what they have usurped. "fifth, the gobernadorcillos of the villages appoint the officials whom they wish to help in their government. many of them buy off their personal attention to it with money, which they give to the gobernadorcillo, and only help on sundays with their authority, remaining the rest of the time in their houses. consequently, the personal service of the village falls on very few, because of these and other like exemptions by the gobernadorcillos and cabezas for money, by which they themselves alone profit. for this reason, one must assign a definite number of bilangos or constables, outside of which number the gobernadorcillo cannot assign others. it appears sufficient that in villages of five hundred tributes twelve bilangos be appointed, so that each week four may aid, together with their constable-in-chief and lieutenant. in smaller villages nine are sufficient, so that three may aid every week. in very large villages there may be fifteen or eighteen, so that five or six may assist every week. thus in all the villages the bilangos would rest two weeks, which is sufficient relaxation, since their personal duty is not very heavy. "sixth, in the collection of tributes, the cabezas perform many acts of injustice; for some are accustomed to collect the entire tribute of rice, and then to collect separately what they call 'the stipend of the father,' as if that were not included in the tribute. some collect from each person six gantas more than they ought to give; for in many villages they receive fifty-eight cates as a kind of half tribute, and in others they receive from one house sixty cates from one and fifty-five from another, and it amounts to the same. there is generally an inequality in the balances used for weighing there in the field, where only god is witness, and the cabeza or collector, who weighs according to his pleasure. not less is the deceit existing in the collection of oil, for double the amount asked from them by the king is usually taken, and the cabezas keep it; because they assess it among all the cailianes, although often half the barangay would be sufficient to obtain the assessment, and thus they could alternate between the two halves each year. all these troubles are usually encountered, and the worst is that they are often concealed so skilfully that the minister can learn of them but seldom; and for that reason i write them here, so that warning may be taken and the remedy procured--not only in respect to the charge on the consciences of those who occasion them, but in the matter of restitution to the sufferers, not neglecting to check these abuses, and to solicit that they be condignly punished by the civil authority. "seventh, others make their cailianes serve the entire year in their house or field, under pretext of paying their tribute for them. some deliver them to mestizos or to other indians, as if they were their slaves. in this way there are cabezas who hold many cailianes in slavery, making them serve in their houses for many years--without allowing them sometimes to hear mass or to go to the village, so that the father may not see them. "all public works, both great and small, ought to be consulted over with the village itself which has to construct and pay for them. but it is to be noted that the village does not settle upon them, but the cabezas only. rather they are a suspicious party, in this point, for if there is any work in the village, the cabezas are wont to have the greatest advantage from it. consequently, they are generally the first to encourage the government officials to undertake any work; for not only do they not have to work at it, but they hope to get some benefit from it by the methods which they know how to use." the reading of these instructions can give an idea of the internal government of a filipino settlement, and the impossibility that impartiality and efficient justice can rule, if there is no intervention by the cura. i will add that the latter regards the village in a certain manner as his own. he enjoys seeing its prosperity and its advancement, as he thinks that this is his work. he takes an interest in its having good roads, harvests, tools, irrigation, and everything that can enrich and beautify it. many curas spend all their money in public works, and on their churches. they rival one another, each striving to have in his own village the richest altars, the best houses, musicians, schools, and finely-dressed people. it is a sight worth seeing, a friar constituting himself overseer and director of a wooden bridge or of a causeway--administering a buffet to this one, a shove to another; praising that one, or calling this other a lazy fellow; giving a bunch of cigars to the one who stays an hour longer to work, or carries most bricks up to the scaffold; promising to kill a cow for the food of next day; and making them offers, often without any intention of fulfilling them, only with the object of encouraging them, and deceiving them like children. [106] but whoever knows the country can do no less than confess that this is the only means to get any advantage out of the lazy and childish filipinos, who have no needs; and that the cura has infinite advantages over the governor, for his buffets do not offend, his requests oblige, and his love to the village and his disinterestedness captivate and interest these people, and make them as wax. thus indeed can it be said that the cura is the soul of the village. in any province where its ruler is united with the curas, where the latter honor the alcalde and instruct him of all that happens, and he gives them the aid that is necessary to preserve their prestige--in that province, i say, there are no thefts, no disorders, no complaints, no tears, no insurrections, nor any other thing but a complete and durable peace, [107] and great submission and reverence to the spaniards. at the present time that may be seen in the provinces where the governor has the right desires and a clear understanding, and recognizes the error into which the government has fallen during the last few years, in trying to deprive the curas of the civil administration, by forcing them to reduce themselves to spiritual matters, and to tolerate irreligious acts. the province of pangasinan, for example, finds itself in this case under the orders of the worthy alcalde-mayor, don francisco de lila, a volunteer of the militia of manila and a very decided liberal: i have traveled through this province by night, with only one servant, without arms, and quite without fear, although there was not a soldier in the whole province. the horses and buffaloes were feeding in the meadows without herders; and, on my arrival at the capital, i went out with him in his carriage. in all the streets and from all the windows, we were saluted with great show of affection, and the children began to jump for joy, and to cry out, "good afternoon, father." the tears started to my eyes, and i said: "ah, simple people, how little do you know the blessing that you enjoy! neither hunger, nor nakedness, nor inclemency of the weather troubles you. with the payment of seven reals per year, you remain free of contributions. you do not have to close your houses with bolts. you do not fear that the district troopers will come in to lay waste your fields, and trample you under foot at your own firesides. you call 'father' the one who is in command over you. perhaps there will come a time when you will be more civilized, and you will break out in revolution; and you will awake terrified at the tumult of the riots, and will see blood flowing through these quiet fields, and gallows and guillotines erected in these squares, which never yet have seen an execution." "but is it not true also," i reflected later, "that this present happiness may be transitory up to a certain point, and that a changing of the captain-general or of the alcalde can cause great evils, and change the aspect of so pleasing a picture? yes, it is a lamentable truth; and i shall do what is in my power so that your lot may be less precarious, and so that the government which rules you may be so organized that you may be as little as possible subject to the injustice and avarice of men; and so that, wherever you see a spaniard, you may salute him with love and call him father." but returning from our digressions to our matter in hand, i believe that if it is useful and indispensable for the parish priest to know, directly or indirectly, the particular affairs of the village, it is evident that far from undermining his authority, it ought to strengthen it as much as possible. from the time of the conquest, the curas have availed themselves of the expedient of applying some lashes to the natives, when the fathers have believed it necessary in order to correct faults, whether religious or those of another kind; and it is known that this has contributed not a little to the preservation of devotion. it is also known that they have not been hated for this by the islanders; but, on the contrary, the friars have constantly merited their love and have enjoyed a prestige which no one doubts. everyone knows that if the friars have shown themselves exaggerated and unreasonable in anything, it has been in the protection of the filipinos--more, indeed, than they deserved and than healthy justice demanded. let us listen to the following words of fray casimiro diaz: "the old laws in regard to the execution of the tributes were harsh, even to the point of making slaves of the debtors, and even killing them with lashes, or mutilating them. and although these laws were abolished from the time of constantine as wicked, and have with the law of christ been moderated within judicious limits, this benefit has not been obtained by the indians. the indian is beaten for his tribute. the goods of the indian are sold for the tribute, and he is left destitute all his life. the indian is enslaved for the tribute; for the cabeza de barangay, under pretext that he is getting back what the indian owes, takes his house away from him, and, for the five reals that the indian owes, makes him serve one whole year. in short, the wrongs which the tribute brings upon the poor wretch are so many, that the greatest charity which the parish priest can show him is to pay it himself." the above shows how this good father grieves because the indian has to pay five reals per year--five reals, which a filipino can get by simply planting a cocoa or cacao tree at the door of his hut. how happy would be the spaniards, or the french and english, and any other europeans, if they had no more to pay than that! but it is not credible that father diaz was unacquainted with the people who so broke his heart, and that he did not know the measures resorted to in the country. a few pages farther on the same father says: "the poverty of these indians is not their curse, but it is their own idleness and laziness, and they content themselves with little. they are not ruled by covetousness; and, although there is some covetousness, their fondness for doing nothing tempers it, and they wish to live rather by providence than to dedicate themselves to work." what, then, would the good father diaz wish? that the filipinos should not be made to contribute even the little amount that they now contribute, and that the government of españa should send money there from the mother country in order to meet all the expenses of state, at the cost of increasing the heavy taxes which the spaniards already pay? and all this, for what motive? because the filipinos are very "fond of doing nothing, desiring rather to live under the care of providence than to dedicate themselves to work." for thus are the fathers all, often carrying this enthusiasm or mania for protection to a ridiculous extreme--for it is the same to touch one of their parishioners and the apple of their eye. at times they make use of unjust and compromising expressions: thus the tobacco monopoly is "an imposition" or "a bit of knavery." the impost for elections of gobernadorcillos, the signing of a passport, or any other accidental expense which is incurred [by the indian], is "a theft." the services for the repairing of roads and bridges are "annoyances" or "tyrannies." and so on all in this tenor. many would wish that the filipino be left stretched out at ease all day long, and that afterward the manna should fall, and he have no other work than to open his mouth. whoever has known the country, especially in former years, can do no less than say that there is not the least exaggeration in the picture which i draw; that the letters and remonstrances of the religious are what have been influential in dictating the laws of the indias--which breathe out in every one of their lines, so great piety and mildness that one would believe that they treat only of innocent and tender lambs which are found among wolves. these know, too, that this same spirit has always led the religious to support the quarrels that have arisen against the civil and military government, which have, for the greater part, given origin to royal orders against them, and to the indiscreet articles of the ordinances which we have cited. notwithstanding all this, during the last years certain new arrivals from españa, especially those of the class of auditors and governors-general, have been feverish on hearing that the curas of the villages have whippings administered; and decrees have been fulminated against many provinces, in order to check this. in fact, they have attained that object; but the result of this most fatal error has been the increase of impiety in an astonishing manner, and there are a great number of villages where few go to mass, and more than the third part refuse to take the communion--which is probably also the cause of the increase in criminality which has been noted. but a short time ago, during the government of general lardizabal, the religious presented a petition through the archbishop, asking that they be allowed to administer corrective punishment at the door of the church, as had always been their custom with those who were remiss in complying with the duties of religion. the government replied that the curas should avail themselves in such cases of advice and admonition, but that they should under no circumstances punish anyone corporally; and to complete matters, this ruling was circulated and communicated to the natives themselves, a measure that caused the greatest grief to the parish priests. the good señor lardizabal, who had an excellent heart, himself told me this incident, very well satisfied at the manner in which it had worked. we shall discuss this matter more at length in the chapter on "internal policy." there are regular and secular clergy in filipinas. the latter are more numerous, and include some mestizos, chinese, and many full-blooded filipinos. the bishops, in spite of being spanish, have almost always shown themselves hostile to the friars and patrons to the seculars. the origin of this partiality must be found in the old-time fight between the bishops and the regular curas--who defend their rights with tenacity; while the natives are submissive and most humble to the prelates and flatter them. notwithstanding the protection of the bishops, the seculars have generally had a very bad reputation; and many private persons, of every class and in every epoch, have openly declared against them. the religious now living in filipinas, excepting those of the order of st. francis, are not able to fill the curacies in their charge--although there are curas who take under their charge an extension which they are unable, notwithstanding all their efforts, to administer well. the cura of surigao has twelve visitas or dependent towns. from this condition there results, among other evils, this: that when there is any cura who is unruly or of evil conduct, there is no method of summoning him to the convent and replacing him with another. hence proceeds the laxity which is consequent on impunity. i have been not a little surprised to see that there is a lack of religious in filipinas, where they enjoy the thorough protection of the government, and great consideration in the villages; where all have at least what is necessary to live with ease, [108] since they are able to command more from their domestic servants, and from all the singers, sacristans, and other dependents of the church--and this while in españa there is such an oversupply of them, and they live so uncomfortably. the curacy is generally worth to the parish priest one peso fuerte [109] to each tribute. the ministers of villages which contain more than one thousand five hundred or two thousand tributes usually have one or more assistants, according to their wish, with the consent of the bishop. the parish priest generally gives the assistant a house, his board, and ten or twelve pesos fuertes per month; and leaves to him the fees for the masses, which are worth to him in excess of one peso fuerte every day--so that, besides his lodging and support, the assistant can count upon thirty-five or forty pesos fuertes per month. the administrative ecclesiastical division follows: there is one archbishop in the capital, and three suffragans--to wit, the bishop of nueva segovia, he of nueva cáceres, and he of zebú. the archbishopric includes the provinces of tondo, bulacan, pampanga, batangas, cavíte, laguna, bataan, zambales, and mindoro. it contains one hundred and sixty-seven curacies, of which ninety-five are served by religious, and seventy-two by secular priests. the bishopric of nueva segovia comprises the provinces of pangasinan, ilocos sur, ilocos norte, cagayan, and the missions of ituy, of pangui, of abra, and of batanes. it contains ninety-two curacies, of which eighty are served by religious, and twelve by seculars. the bishopric of nueva cáceres comprises the provinces of tayabas, part of nueva ecija, camarines sur, camarines norte, and albay. it contains eighty-four curacies, of which twenty-seven are served by religious, and fifty-seven by seculars. the bishopric of zebú comprises the provinces of zebú, iloilo, capis, antique, negros, caraga, misamis, zamboanga, samar, leyte, and marianas (three hundred leguas distant). it contains one hundred and forty-three curacies, of which eighty-six are served by regulars and fifty-seven by seculars. at present there are four hundred and fifty spanish religious in filipinas, and seven hundred filipino secular priests, or thereabouts. more than three per cent of the spaniards die annually; so that, in order that their present number may not diminish, it is necessary for fifteen to go there annually. as a conclusion to this chapter, i cannot resist the desire to insert the words of a wise religious of filipinas of former days, father pedro murillo velarde, as it may be useful to the ministers of the present time who may read these pages. "to take the mean of the proportion in the administration of the indians is one of the most difficult matters of the prudence. the parish priest must be in the village the loving father, the hospitable tutor, the master and diligent teacher of his parishioners; and as such he must not treat them as if he were a seignior of vassals. he must be dignified, but without affecting majesty. he should always strive to be loved, rather than feared. he must be affable, but not vulgar. he must not separate himself far from intercourse with his parishioners, nor be too familiar. he should visit them in charity rather than in affection. he should listen to their complaints, but not to their malicious reports. he should settle their controversies, but not in a partial manner. he should not be altogether credulous, nor despise everything. if one indian accuses another, he should ascertain, before all else, whether they have quarreled. he must not be all honey, nor all gall. he should punish, but not flay off the skin. if the indian knows that there is no whip near, the village will be quickly lost. a good beating at the proper time is the best antidote for all sorts of poisons; for, in the end, fear guards the vineyard. in punishments, let him show himself a father, not a hangman; and, in case of doubt, let him incline rather to mildness than to severity. let him hear quarrels and discussions with the alcaldes, but let him not allow them to fleece his sheep. let him defend his own jurisdiction, but not usurp that of another. let him not become an alcalde unless the alcalde tries to become a cura. if he is unable to settle the quarrels of the indians satisfactorily, he shall allow them to go to the alcalde, who will quickly render them harmonious by laughing at the matter of the quarrel. let him handle books, but not cards. [110] let him [not] direct the indians in the government of his village, but let him leave them to those who govern them; for the wish to command is a sort of itch in filipinas. consequently, let him leave to each one the care of what god has given him. let him check sins, but not lawful games and amusements, since thereby other and illicit amusements will be prevented. let him eradicate drunkenness, but not prohibit all use of wine to all; for, if the cura drinks wine, why should not the indian drink it in moderation? let him not pour out the wine or break the wine-jars; for who has given him any authority for that? because of some of these acts of imprudence, certain foolish laymen say that the ministers who come from europa to become martyrs, become more than kings in their villages. "let him attend to the affairs of god, and not obstruct those of caesar. let him be the mirror of the village, so that all may imitate him; but not a telescope, to register foolish trifles. let him get from the indian what the latter is able to give; for he who tries to get everything loses everything. if the indians learn that their sins are unpardonable, many will take to the hills. if the father is very harsh in the confessional, many sacrileges may be feared. in assigning penance, let him incline to mildness rather than to rigor, if he wishes the penance to be observed. let his diligence when he preaches be not long, but fervid; for one onza of gold is worth more than an arroba of straw. let him explain to the indians what is necessary for their salvation, and let him not play the discreet among them. let him use similes and examples in his sermons that they can understand, and not plunge into depths of abstract ideas, for that is a jargon which they do not understand; and they especially detest latin phrases. the statement that the indians have no faith is a pretext of the devil, to discourage the gospel ministers. let him do with fervor whatever he finds to do, that the corresponding fruit may not be lacking; and even when there should be no fruit, god will reward his zeal. let him not raise difficulties in taking the sacraments to the fields, but let it be with the reverence due. let him insist on the presence of the boys at the school, for the good that follows from that is great; but let him not urge them so much that he wearies them. let him receive the fees of the church, but let him not collect with the severity of a warrant-holder. let the indians know that the cura is looking after their souls, not their purses; and let him remember that he came from europa to remove disease from the sheep, not to take their wool. let him give alms, but let him not scatter the patrimony of christ uselessly. it will be a suitable alms to provide his parishioners with medals, rosaries, catechisms, and bulls [of the crusade]. [111] let him not permit idle spongers in the village, who are goblins of cursed consequences; and the whiter they are, the worse. let the cura be found more often in the houses of the sick and dying, than in weddings, games, and dances. he should let the customs of the villages alone, when they involve no grave disadvantages, for innovations alter men's dispositions; and more than anything else must he shun causing innovation in the prayer, and in matters pertaining to the church and the method of administration. let him encourage congregations, devotions, and novenas, frequent confession, daily mass, and the rosary, but let him warn the indians that these are not for obligation but for devotion, since perhaps they sin through ignorance, when there is no guilt. the soul of the missionary or parish priest has a thousand dangers in the solitude of a village; but with prayer and mortification he can overcome all. chastity is a flower so delicate that it takes but little to make it wither: the heart of man, the opportunity for temptations, the frequency of errors, and the ease with which men stumble, are as tinder and fire, which are kindled, whoever blows. do not believe that in this regard there is any caution that is too great in the indias. in the external encounters that may arise with alcaldes or with others, let the cura endeavor to conquer them by patience rather than by arrogance. let him remember that jesus christ says we should offer the other cheek to him who smites us; and let him reflect that in the tribunal of god, and even that of men, more is to be gained by humility than by valor. let him reflect that he is a secular or a religious; and that the weapons of such are tears, prayer, and penance." ecclesiastical system in the philippines [buzeta and bravo (_diccionario_, i, pp. 542-545; ii, pp. 271-275, 363-367) thus describe the ecclesiastical estate of the philippines:] archbishopric of manila manila is in this regard, as in all other departments, the metropolitan city of the spanish countries in the orient. its see is archiepiscopal, and has as suffragans the bishoprics of nueva cáceres, nueva segovia, and cebú, descriptions of which can be found in their respective articles. the territory over which it presides, as proper to itself, includes the ten civil provinces nearest to manila--namely, tondo, bulacan, pampanga, nueva-ecija, batangas, laguna, cavite, bataan, zambales, and mindoro--in addition to the small island of corregidor, which is found outside the said province, and which forms a military police commandancy. it is not so extensive, with these provinces, as are its suffragan sees; but it is the one that unites the greatest number of souls. the territory included in it extends about 100 leguas north and south and 29 more in breadth toward the west, the villages most distant from its capital being some 40 leguas to the north, and about 60 to the south. it is bounded on the north by the diocese of nueva segovia, and on the south by that of cebú. its western boundaries are maritime. the number of parishes of this diocese, the secular and regular curas who have charge of them, and the number of villages that they contain, will be seen in chart number 8. [112] for the more efficient ecclesiastical administration of the territory included in this archbishopric, the parish curas of certain villages also extend their jurisdiction to eighteen vicariates or outside districts, namely: in the province of tondo, that of mariquina; in the province of bataan, that of balanga; in the province of cavite, that of bacor; in the province of mindoro, those of calayan and santa cruz; in the province of batangas, those of taal, san pablo, and rosario; in the province of laguna, those of limban, calauan, and cabuyas; in the province of bulacan, those of quingua and marilao; in the province of zambales, that of iba; in the province of pampanga, those of san fernando and candaba; in the province of nueva-ecija, those of puncan and baler. the curas of the above-mentioned villages are the outside vicars of their respective districts. they receive orders and instructions indiscriminately from the vicar-general and from the diocesan, from each one in accordance with the attributes of his office. it must be noted that this division into districts is subject to continual variations at the will of the bishop who wears the miter--now in relation to the number, and again with respect to the village. when it is said that the outside vicars depend immediately on the vicars-general or provisors, one must not, under any consideration, understand that the latter constitute an authority or jurisdiction intermediate between the outside vicar and the archbishop; but that they are the means by which communication with the said archbishop ought to be held. the present prelate of this metropolitan church is his excellency the most illustrious and reverend don fray josé aranguren, member of his majesty's council, knight of the grand cross of isabel the catholic, senator of the kingdom, and deputy vicar-general of the royal land and naval armies of all our eastern possessions. he was consecrated on january 31, 1847. the cabildo of this holy and metropolitan church, the only such church in filipinas, is composed of five dignitaries, three canons, two racioneros, two medio-racioneros, and the suitable number of ministers, whose salaries may be seen in the following chart. chart of the revenues of the clergy of the cathedral of manila personal pesos reals of fuertes silver the archbishop, 5,000 the dean, 2,000 4 dignitaries, at 1,450 pesos each, 5,800 3 canons, at 1,250 pesos each, 2,690 [sic] 2 racioneros, at 1,100 pesos each, 2,200 2 medio-racioneros, at 915 pesos each, 1,830 1 master of ceremonies, 400 2 cura-rectors, at 500 pesos each, 1,000 1 sacristan, 250 another sacristan, 150 1 verger, 190 material for the archbishop's mail, 14 6 to the cabildo, for the music, church repair, wine, wax, and oil, 2,860 to the cura of the cathedral for oil and wine, 26 total, 25,410 [sic] 6 the ecclesiastical court is composed of the most excellent and illustrious archbishop, the provisor and vicar-general, the ecclesiastical fiscal, a recording secretary, a vice-secretary, an archivist, and two notarial treasurers of the secular class. the provisorial court is formed by the provisor, who is at the same time vicar-general and judge of the chaplains. he is charged with the performance of judicial acts in ecclesiastical matters, and is accompanied by notaries. this unctionary did not formerly have the investiture as licentiate of laws, and was assisted by a matriculated lawyer of the royal audiencia. the creation of the ecclesiastical fiscal was posterior to that of the ecclesiastical courts; and his institution is due to the authority of the pontiffs, who have especially charged said functionaries with the defense of the integrity of marriages, and other duties peculiar to their employments. the charge of provisor was at first exercised constantly by the augustinian fathers, by virtue of the _amnimodo_ authority granted by the popes; later, their attributes passed to the franciscan fathers, by agreement with them. but the archbishop of méjico, considering himself empowered to appoint ecclesiastical judges (who were to be the vicars and provisors of these dominions), sent two clerics with authorization to exercise the said offices. the governor, [113] however, with his rank as royal vice-patron, protected the regulars in their privileges, and ordered father alfaro to exercise the said office alone. afterward, when the suffragan bishoprics were created, and that of manila was erected to the dignity of a metropolitan, with the archiepiscopal hierarchy, the appointment of provisors was regulated. the spiritual administration of any of the bishoprics that fall vacant devolves upon the metropolitan archbishop, and the latter is the one empowered to appoint a provisor or capitular vicar. in case that the archiepiscopal metropolitan see should become vacant also, the government devolves upon the nearest bishop; and if there be two bishops at equal distances, it devolves upon the senior of these. in accordance with the terms of a royal decree dated april 22, 1705, it is ordered that the expenses incurred by the prelates on their episcopal visits are to be met by the royal treasury. the manner in which the _espolios_, [114] are collected was determined by a royal decree, dated june 24, 1821. the secular clergy is divided into parochial and non-parochial. in the latter class are included the persons employed in the metropolitan cathedral; to the same class belong the four provisors of the other dioceses. the provisor or vicar-general of this diocese holds the title of judge of chaplains, but that title is not held by the provisors of the other bishoprics. by a general rule, the provisors of the respective dioceses are directors of the conciliar seminaries; but that is not the case with the provisor of this archbishopric, who is at present dean of the cathedral. the presidents of the said establishments are, as a rule, also procurators of the same. the commissary of the crusade and the attorney-general of the ecclesiastical court are at present members of the choir of the cathedral of manila--as are also the rector of the college of san josé, and the secretary and the vice-secretary of the archbishop. but this circumstance does not constitute a general rule, as it is a purely personal favor. among the employees of the ecclesiastical court of manila are five chief notaries--of whom one is pensioned [_jubilado_], another despatches the business relative to the tribunal of the crusade, and the three remaining ones form part of the ecclesiastical courts suffragan to this archbishopric. there are, further, two secretaries of the diocesan courts of manila and cebu--the latter being a modern creation, as are also a vice-secretary of the archbishop, and a vice-secretary of the bishop of nueva cáceres; also an archivist of the archbishop, a commissary-general of the crusade, eight royal chaplains (inclusive of the chaplain-in-chief), one supernumerary, and the father sacristan; and twelve employees in the seminaries of the four bishoprics, with the name of directors, presidents, rectors, vice-rectors, lecturers, and sacristans. to this number one must add ten more who proceed from the three colleges and the university--who bear the titles of rector, professors, readers, secretary, and master of ceremonies--and thirty chaplains. in the latter number are included those who serve in the detachments of the army; those assigned for the colleges, hospitals, and hospitiums; and those who are paid by certain corporations, such as the audiencia, etc. in this number those of the royal chapel are not included; for their institution is to provide their divisions, and the boats of the fleet, with priests when those of the former class are lacking. their total amounts to ninety-three. coming now to the seminarists, their number cannot be determined, for it varies every year. but by adopting an average for the students in the conciliar seminary of manila in 1842 and 48 [_sic_; 43?]--namely, some twenty-five, counting priests, deacons, subdeacons, those who have taken the lesser orders, and those who have taken the tonsure--one may calculate that the four seminaries will contain about one hundred students; so that, adding these to the ninety-three preceding, belonging also to the secular clergy, the number increases to one hundred and ninety-three. there are also in each one of the bishoprics some secular ecclesiastics employed under the immediate orders of the diocesans, who bear the name of pages, cross-bearers, etc., whose number cannot be determined. one is also unable to calculate the number of those who have been ordained under the title of patrimony, [115] and chaplaincies [116] of blood or of class, etc. by a royal decree of june 1, 1799, order was given for the curas to pay the three per cent for the sustenance of the seminaries. before concluding this review, we must also show that there are some arrangements that are common to both secular and regular clergy--those which make it indifferent, for the discharge of certain duties or commissions, whether they are secular or regular priests. such are outside vicariates, and the chaplaincies of presidios, fortresses, etc. from the founding of manila until it obtained its first bishop there was a space of ten years. its first prelate was suffragan to the metropolitan see of méjico. but seventeen years after, and twenty-seven from the foundation of the city, in the year 1596, and by means of the bull of clement viii, despatched at the proposal of king don felipe ii, it was separated from that see, and was erected into a metropolitan, with the three suffragan sees which it has at present. bishopric of cebú cebú, formerly called sogbu, is a suffragan bishopric of the archbishopric of manila, which bounds it on the north. this diocese was created in 1595, at the same time as those of nueva segovia and nueva cáceres, at the request of the monarch, felipe ii, by brief of his holiness clement viii. its first bishop was don fray pedro de agurto, who took possession of this bishopric on october 14, 1598. he who at present occupies the see is his excellency don romualdo gimeno, who is governing the diocese worthily to the honor and glory of god, and the gain of the metropolitan see, having begun his office february 27, 1847. this diocese includes at present the civil provinces of cebú, negros, leyte, samar, capiz, antique, misamis, caraga, nueva-guipúzcoa, zamboanga, calamianes, and the marianas. among those provinces are counted one hundred and seventy-nine curacies, of which one hundred and twelve are held by regular missionaries, and fifty-five by seculars (either indian or mestizo clergy), as will be seen from chart number 6. [117] the ecclesiastical court is composed of a provisor and vicar-general, who is at present the priest don esteban meneses; of a secretary of the exchequer and of government, which office is filled by doctor don marcos del rosario; and of a notary, who is don pedro magno, a priest. in the following chart can be seen the revenues assigned to the parish clergy of the cathedral of cebú, and the expenses for worship assigned to the same. chart showing the revenues of the clerical cathedral of cebú, and their distribution for the services of divine worship classes pesos reals of maravedis fuertes silver one reverend bishop, 4,000 0 0 two assistant chaplains for the throne, at 100 pesos apiece, 200 0 0 two sacristans of the cathedral and curacy, at 91 pesos, 7 reals, and 6 maravedís each, 183 6 12 one chaplain of the fort, 96 0 0 expenses for the wine, oil, wax, etc., which are allowed to the chaplain of the fort or fortress, 52 2 0 for the alms assigned to the cathedral for divine worship, 438 4 17 _idem_ to the chapel del pilar of zamboanga for the festivities, 41 4 17 total, 5,012 0 46 the college seminary of san carlos, which is located in the city of santo niño de cebú--the capital of the island of its name and of those called visayas, and the residence of the most excellent and illustrious bishop, to whose authority and vigilance are submitted all matters relating to the spiritual part--has about eighteen or twenty pupils, counting seminarists and collegiates. in that institution are taught grammatical studies [_minimos_], syntax, philosophy, and moral theology, whose respective chairs are in charge of learned and industrious professors. the territory of the civil provinces which form this bishopric is divided into twenty-four outside districts for its better ecclesiastical administration, eighteen of which are in charge of the parish priests of the following villages: in the province of negros, those of jimamailan and siquijor; in the island of cebú, there is one in the city of that name, and the rest in danao, barilis, siquijor, and dimiao; in caraga, that of bacuag; in the island of leyte, that of jilongos or hilongos, and that of burauen or buraven--the first on the western coast, and the second on the eastern; in the province of iloilo, that of tigbauan (which also belongs to the province of antique), and that of mandurreao in the province of capiz, that of manga or banga, and that of mandalay or mandalag; in the province of nisamis, that of cagayan; and in the marianas islands, some three hundred leguas distant, those of agaña, agat, and rota. in this number are lacking those of the provinces of nueva-guipúzcoa, calamianes, and samar, which can all be thus calculated: at one parish in the first province, as it is of modern creation and thinly populated; three in the second, as it is composed of various islands; and some two in the last. this is a total of twenty-four vicariates or outside districts. the ecclesiastics, both secular and regular, appointed to discharge these duties, exercise, in addition to the functions peculiar to their ministry, the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the villages assigned to their respective outside districts, which are immediately subordinate to the vicar-general of the diocese, who is the provisor of the same. it is to be noted, in regard to this ecclesiastical division, that it is found to be subject to continual alterations, in regard both to the number of ecclesiastical vicariates, and to the curas who discharge these duties. the considerable extent of this bishopric, which is the largest in the filipinas islands--whose provinces are widely separated from one another, some of those provinces even being composed of numerous islets as its separate parts--has given occasion for various petitions proposing the division of this bishopric into two parts, as a matter of greater advantage to the church and to the state. apropos of this, the bishop of cebú, don fray santos gomez marañon, declared in a respectful representation which he addressed to his majesty, king don fernando vii, under date of cebú, august 25, 1831, the following, which we copy: "sire: "the bishop of cebú, in order to relieve his conscience, finds it necessary to relate to your majesty with the greatest frankness, that it appears necessary for the greater service of god, the welfare of souls, and [the service] of your royal person, to divide into two bishoprics this so extensive and scattered diocese of visayas--in whose innumerable islands there are, in his judgment, more than one million of christian souls, notwithstanding that the census of the past year shows no more than 858,510 souls. in addition to this there are a multitude of infidels, whom it would not be difficult to civilize and convert, were there two bishops among them who could take care of their conversion in an efficient manner; for one bishop alone has too much to look after in the conservation of so many christians, without other duties. there are three provinces in the island of panay alone, in which there are 54 parishes and many annexed villages, who have at least 378,970 souls, besides the heathen. if there were a permanent bishop in that island, their number would quickly be duplicated. "the prelate could easily visit and confirm the distant provinces of calamianes and zamboanga (whither no bishop has as yet gone, because of their great distance from cebú, and because it is necessary to consume several months [in such a trip] by reason of the monsoons, thus neglecting other things which require attention) from his see, which could be established in the well-populated village of jaro. [118] the islands of tablas, sibuyan, romblon, and banton, and the western part of the island of negros, would belong also to this new bishopric, and christianity would be considerably increased. the bishop of cebú would not on that account remain with nothing to do; for besides the island of this name, those of bojol or bohol, leyte, samar, the laborious island of surigao, misamis, and the eastern part of the island of negros (where a mission is already established), and various other smaller islands remain. thus he retains charge of at least 434,846 souls, besides an infinite number of heathen. "the bishop of cebú is addressing his king and sovereign with all sincerity and frankness; and he can say no less to your majesty than that it is impossible for one bishop alone to visit and confirm his people, and to discharge his other pastoral duties, in all the numerous and intricate islands of visayas, which have been in his charge until the present--especially in the so distant marianas islands, which have no communication with cebú. those islands ought to be assigned to the archbishopric of manila, with which capital is their only communication. even in this case, authority ought to be conceded to their ecclesiastical superior, with chrism consecrated by the archbishop, over all the christians who live there. "as soon as the writer was consecrated in manila, he set out to visit his bishopric. i visited the island of romblon, and the three provinces of the island of panay, confirming in those islands 102,636 persons; the island of negros and half of cebú, in which two districts 1 confirmed 23,800, as i inform your majesty by a separate letter. i have employed one-half year in this first visit, without the loss of a second of time, taking advantage of the good season. "i am intending to conclude the visit for the half of this island during the monsoon of the coming year; and to continue my visit to the islands of bojol, leyte, samar, surigao, and misamis. but notwithstanding the efforts of the bishop, and his desire to fulfil his obligations, he cannot visit zamboanga or calamianes, and much less the marianas islands--so many souls remaining without the sacrament of the confirmation and benediction of their bishop, as it is impossible to visit them. "with what conscience, sire, will you abandon him who dares to call out before your majesty's throne, asking you, as so catholic [a sovereign], and as the patron of all the churches of the indias, to remedy this evil? the bishop of cebú finds no other remedy than the creation of another bishopric, and the division into two parts of this most extensive diocese, as he has already declared. consequently he proposes it, in order to lay the burden of his conscience on that of your majesty; and so that he may not have to give account for his negligence to the supreme judge. if your majesty considers it fitting to approve this so useful and even so necessary proposition, your bishop is of the opinion, as he has already intimated, that the see of the new bishopric can be determined, and that it may be entitled the bishopric of panay or of jaro--which is a well-populated village, as i have said above. its foundation and administration belongs to the calced augustinian fathers, as does that of almost all the villages of that so fierce and fertile island. your majesty might show it the favor to allow it to be entitled hereafter 'the christian city.' "since the augustinian fathers have been the first conquistadors and founders of the greater part of the villages of visayas, and even of those of the island of luzon, it appears to be the most natural thing that the first bishop be a calced augustinian; and that he should know the language of the country, so that he can sooner establish this new bishopric in better order, civilization, and increase of christianity, and tributes. "accordingly, this aged bishop expects this, sire, from the pure catholicity of your majesty, and from your ardent zeal for the increase of the christian church and of prosperity in these your so distant dominions--which have always shown themselves so loyal and constant, even in the midst of so many revolutions, to their beloved king and sovereign; and he even dares, knowing your majesty's goodness of heart, to propose three augustinian fathers who have accomplished much for the happiness of these visayas islands, so that your majesty may choose one of the three; for any one of them would completely fulfil your royal desires. "the proposal is sent under other covers, and i am sending it to his excellency, the vice-patron, for his approval. but the decision of your majesty, on whose delicate conscience your bishop of cebú places this whole matter, and [thus] relieves his own conscience, will always be the most suitable one. may god, etc." if the creation of a new bishopric was considered as an absolute necessity at that time, in order that the christian church in the so numerous islands might be better attended to, with how much more reason cannot the present bishop and his successors solicit this grace from his majesty, since the population has increased to about double what it was then--and especially since new provinces have been created, and most of their wandering tribes, scattered throughout most of the islands in the jurisdiction of this diocese, conquered for god. we believe also, with that venerable bishop, that the division of this extensive bishopric into two parts is highly advisable (_for_ it is wellnigh impossible for any diocesan to visit his so numerous and scattered flock)--not only in the interests of religion, but also in those of the state, inasmuch as the former is preserved by their vigilance and authority purer and more incorruptible from the vices that have invaded it on more than one occasion; and the country will increase in wealth and prosperity, in proportion as the numerous nomadic tribes, who are yet wandering through the rough thickets, are reduced to the social life. [a list of the bishops of cebú to 1847 follows.] nueva cáceres nueva cáceres, or camarines, is one of the three of the present ecclesiastical divisions of the island of luzón. it includes all the eastern part of that island, and the adjacent islands, as we shall presently see. it extends from the sea on the west, at the mouth of the strait of mindoro, where it is bounded by the archbishopric of manila--as likewise in the interior, where pass its northern limits, the only boundaries that it has within the land--to the eastern sea in the extreme southeast of the province of caraga, [119] also the boundaries of the archbishopric. however, it has jurisdiction in the village of baler and in that of casiguran, in the province of nueva ecija; and those of polillo and binangoñan de lampon, in laguna. for the rest, it is surrounded by the sea and indented with numerous bays. beginning at the mouth of the above-mentioned strait (where it is bounded by the archbishopric), the first part of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of nueva cáceres is the bay formed by the point of galban, belonging to the province of batangas, and the headland of boudol. [120] it follows the bay of peris as far as guinayangan, which lies in the same angle of the bay, where the province of tayabas ends. then follows the village of bañgsa, which belongs to the province of camarines, next to which is found the province of albay. the bishopric follows the coast until it meets the bay of sorsogon. beyond that bay is seen that of bulsnan and then that of albay (which is beyond the embocadero of san bernardino), which is formed by the islet called baga rey and the point of montufar. then follow the bay of malinao and the point of tigbi, where the province of camarines begins again. this point and that of lognoy form the mouth of the bay of bala. past the point of san miguel is seen the bay of naga, where the city of nueva cáceres was located. that great bay is formed by the point of siroma, and is seventy-six leguas round to the point of talisay. six leguas from that point is the bay of daét, into which flows a river of great volume, which comes down from the highlands. following this coast there is a small bay into which empties a river which flows from the mountain of paracale, well known for its gold mines. about six leguas from that river is seen punta del diablo [_i.e._, "devil's point"], so called because of the shoals that run out into the sea, which are very dangerous. past that point is the river of capalonga, [121] where the province of camarines ends and that of tayabas begins again. at this point the sea runs inland and forms an isthmus only five leguas [wide] with the sea of visayas. that small gulf is found in the sea of gumaca; it is very rough, and along its coast are found the villages of gumaca, atimonan, and mambau [_sc._ maubán]. going north, one meets the island of polo [_i.e._, polillo?], the bay of lampon, and the villages of baler and casiguran, the last ones of this ecclesiastical jurisdiction--which, as we said, are situated in the province of nueva-ecija. then is encountered the point of san ildefonso, the boundary at which meet the bishoprics of nueva cáceres and nueva segovia. this bishopric was founded by a bull of clement viii, dated august 14, 1595. four thousand pesos' salary was assigned to the bishopric annually, payable from the royal treasury of méjico, as there were no tithes in filipinas because the indians did not pay them, and the spaniards cared but little for the cultivation of the lands. a salary of one hundred and eighty pesos was assigned to the cura of the cathedral, and ninety-two to the sacristan. two honorary chaplains were also created, to assist in the pontifical celebration; and they were assigned salaries of one hundred pesos apiece. the bishop resided in nueva cáceres, in the province of camarines, which was founded by the governor francisco de sande; but no other trace of that city has remained than the indian village called naga, which is the capital of the province and where the see is also located. it has a cathedral and episcopal palace of stone, and a conciliar seminary for the secular clergy of the country. its jurisdiction extends throughout the provinces of camarines (norte and sur), tayabas, and albay; the politico-military commandancy of masbate and ticao; the islands of burias and catanduanes; and the villages of baler and casiguran in nueva ecija, and polillo and binongonan de lampon in laguna. in this vast territory, the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of nueva cáceres includes the following provinces, curacies, and villages. [122] besides the assignments which were made from the beginning, as we have said, to this bishopric, and which are at present paid from the royal treasuries of the colony, there is allowed to the miter 500 pesos for the relief of poor curas; 400 pesos to expend on the building of the cathedral and other objects; 135 pesos 2 reals for wax, oil, etc.--the total amount being equal to 5,516 pesos, 7 silver reals, and 37 maravedís. the name of this bishopric is preserved solely in official documents, that of camarines prevailing, as it is the name of the province where the bishop lives. [the names of the bishops of this bishopric until 1848 follow.] the diocesan visits are to be made at the account of the royal treasury, in accordance with the royal decree of april 22, 1705. when the episcopal see becomes vacant, inasmuch as it has no cabildo its government belongs to his excellency the metropolitan archbishop, who appoints a provisor or capitular vicar. if the archiepiscopal see should be vacant at the same time also, the government would pertain to the nearest suffragan; and if distances be equal, to the senior of these. the form of administering and collecting the income was prescribed in a royal decree dated june 24, 1712, as has been stated elsewhere in this work. nueva segovia this is one of the three bishoprics of the island of luzon. it includes the provinces of cagayan, nueva vizcaya, pangasinan, union, ilocos sur, ilocos norte, abra, and the batanes islands. this diocese extends throughout the northern part of the island, from longitude 123° 21' on the western coast, where the point called pedregales is located, to 126° 5' on the eastern or opposite coast, where the point maamo projects; and from latitude 16° 17 to 18° 38'. it is bounded on the south by the archbishopric of manila, to which belong the provinces of zambales and pampanga, on the extreme west and northeast. on the southeast it descends to latitude 15° 30', to point of dicapinisan and to nueva ecija, with that of nueva cáceres or camarines in the upper limits of the province of tayabas. it is also bounded on the east by the archbishopric [of manila] in the above-mentioned province of nueva ecija. its boundaries on the west and north are maritime. beginning where this last province ends (which may be considered as the point of dicapinisan), the opposite coast offers nothing more noteworthy than the bays of dibut and baler until one reaches that of casiguran; and there is nothing worthy of mention. when one leaves this last bay, he must double the cape of san ildefonso, where the ancient ecclesiastical jurisdiction of this bishopric began. continuing north for a matter of some sixteen nautical leguas, one meets the port of tumango, the safest and most capacious of all this rough coast. a short distance from that port are found the village of palanan and the missions of dicalayon, and dauilican or divilican. thence, until one reaches the cape of engaño, [123] one finds nothing more than some small anchoring-places, which offer but scant refuge to the vessels, as they are all exposed to the vendavals. on the northern coast as well, which begins at the said cape of engaño (so called because of the deceitfulness of its currents), one does not meet bay or port until he reaches the village of aparri, some fifteen leguas away. this village is located a short distance from the ancient city of nueva segovia, which is known to the natives under the name of laen [sc. lal-ló]. a matter of fifteen leguas more from the above village of aparri, is encountered the beginning of the caraballos mountains, whose point, called balaynacira, or pata, projects into the northern sea and is the most northern point of the island. at this point ends the province of cagayan, and begins that of ilocos norte, in the village of pancian which is nine hours' distance from that of bangui. then one doubles the cape of bojeador, where the western coast of the island begins, and passes the provinces of ilocos (norte and sur), union, and pangasinan, which abound with many villages, until the cape of bolinao is reached--where this bishopric is bounded by the archbishopric, to which belongs the province of zambales. this see suffragan to the metropolitan of manila was erected by brief of his holiness clement viii, august 14, 1595. the bishop formerly resided in nueva segovia, the capital of the province of cagayan; but now he resides at vigan, the capital of ilocos sur, where the town called fernandina formerly stood. the endowment for this miter is four thousand pesos fuertes for the diocesan, one hundred and eighty-four pesos for the cura of the cathedral, ninety-two pesos to the sacristan, and one hundred pesos to each one of the chaplains of the choir. its jurisdiction extends, as we have said, through the eight provinces of cagayan, nueva vizcaya, pangasinan, union, ilocos sur, ilocos norte, abra, and the batanes islands. [124]... [the name nueva segovia is preserved only in official documents, and it is more frequently called the bishopric of ilocos, from the name of the province where the bishop lives. the names of the bishops until 1849 follow, and the article ends with information identical with that concluding the article on the bishopric of nueva cáceres.] character and influence of the friars [from feodor jagor's _reisen in den philippinen_ (berlin, 1873), pp. 95-100.] chapter twelve travels in camarines sur. description of the province. spanish priests. alcaldes and mandarins. [125] the convents are large, magnificent buildings, whose curas at that time--for the most part, elderly men--were most hospitable and amiable. it was necessary to stop at each convent, and the father in charge of it had his horses harnessed and drove his guest to his next colleague. i wished to hire a boat at polángui to go to the lake of batu; [126] but there was none to be had. only two large, eighty-foot _barotos_, each hollowed from a single tree-trunk and laden with rice from camarines, lay there. in order that i might not be detained, the father bought the cargo of one of the boats, on condition that it be immediately unladed; thus i was able to proceed on my journey in the afternoon. if the traveler is on good terms with the cura, he will seldom have any trouble. i was once about to take a little journey with a parish priest directly after lunch. all the preparations were completed at a quarter after eleven. i declared that it was too bad to wait the three-quarters of an hour for the repast. immediately after, it struck twelve, and all work in the village ceased. we, as well as our porters, sat down to table; it was noon. the [following] message had been sent to the bellringer: "the father ordered him to be told that he must surely be sleeping again; it must have been twelve o'clock long ago, for the father is hungry." _il est l'heure que votre majesté désire._ [127] most of the priests in the eastern provinces of luzon and samar consist of franciscan friars, [128] who are trained in special seminaries in spain for the missions in the colonies. formerly, they were at liberty to return to their fatherland after ten years' residence in the philippines. but since the convents have been suppressed in spain, [129] this is no longer allowed them; for there they would be compelled to renounce the rules of their order, and live as private persons. [130] they know that they must end their days in the colonies, and regulate themselves accordingly. at their arrival they are usually sent to a priest in the province, so that they may study the native language. then they first receive a small and later a profitable curacy, in which they generally remain for the rest of their life. most of these men spring from the lowest rank of the people. numerous existing pious foundations in spain make it possible for the poor man, who cannot pay for schooling for his son, to send him to the seminary, where he learns nothing outside of the special service for which he is trained. were the friars of a finer culture, as are a part of the english missionaries, they would, for that reason, have but little inclination to mix with the people, and consequently would not obtain over them the influence that they generally have. the early habits of life of the spanish friars, and their narrow horizon, quite peculiarly fit them to live among the natives. it is exactly for the above reason that they have so well established their power over those people. when the above-mentioned young men come quite fresh from their seminaries, they are incredibly narrow, ignorant, and at times ill-mannered, full of conceit, hatred for heretics, and desire to proselyte. gradually this rough exterior wears away; and their estimable position, and the abundant emoluments which they enjoy, make them kindly disposed. the sound insight into human nature and the self-reliance which are peculiar to the lower classes of the spanish people, and which are so amusingly revealed by sancho panza as governor, have full opportunity to assert themselves in the influential and responsible post which the cura occupies. very frequently the cura is the only white man in the place, and no other european lives for miles around. therefore, not only is he the curator of souls, but also the representative of the government. he is the oracle of the indians, and his special decision in anything that concerns europe and civilization is without appeal. his advice is asked in all important affairs, and he has no one from whom he himself can seek advice. under such circumstances all their intellectual abilities come into full play. the same man, who would have followed the plow in spain, here [_i.e._, in the philippines] carries out great undertakings. without technical instruction and without scientific help, he constructs churches, roads, and bridges. however, although these circumstances are so favorable for the development of the ability of the priest, yet it would be better for the buildings themselves if they were executed by professionals; for the bridges collapse readily, the churches often resemble sheep-folds, the more pretentious have at times most extravagant façades, and the roads quickly deteriorate again. however, each one does as well as he can. almost all of them have the good of their village at heart, although their zeal, and the course followed by those who pursue this aim, differ widely according to their personality. in camarínes and albáy, i have had considerable intercourse with the curas, and they have, without exception, won my esteem. as a rule, they have no self-conceit; and in the remote places they are so happy whenever they receive a visit, that they exert all their efforts to make their guest's stay as pleasant as possible. life in a large convent very much resembles that of the lord of the manor in eastern europe. nothing can be more unconstrained. one lives as independently as in an inn, and many guests act just as if they were in one. i have seen a subaltern arrive, who, without waiting until the steward assigned him a room of his own accord, took one himself, ordered his dinner, and only casually asked whether the priest, with whom he was only very slightly acquainted, was at home. frequently the priests in the philippines are upbraided about their gross licentiousness. [it is said that] the convent is full of beautiful girls, with whom the cura lives like a sultan. this might often be so of the native priests; but at the houses of numerous spanish priests whose guest i have been, i have never once happened to see anything objectionable in this regard. their servants were only men, and perhaps an old woman or two. ribabeneyra asserts: [131] "the indians, who observe how the discalced friars maintain their chastity, have come in their thoughts to the conclusion that they are not men ... and although the devil has endeavored to corrupt many chaste priests now deceased, and also those who still live, making use of the shamelessness of some indian women for that purpose, yet the friars remained victorious, to the great shame of the indian women and of satan." however, this author is very unreliable. he says further (chapter iii, page 13), that the island of cebu is known under another name as luzon! at any rate, his description does not fit the present conditions. the young priest lives in his parish as did the lord of the manor in earlier times. the girls consider it an honor for themselves to associate with him. the opportunity is very favorable for him, for he is watched over by no jealous wife; and, as the father confessor and priestly adviser, he has opportunity at discretion to be alone with the women. [132] the confessional must especially be a perilous rock for them. in the appendix to a tagál grammar (which is lacking in those copies intended for public sale), is a list of questions for the young priest who is not yet conversant with the language, which he must propound to the persons confessing. several pages of those questions relate to sexual intercourse. as the alcaldes are allowed to stay in a province only three years, they never understand the language of the country; for they are very much in demand because of their official business, and have no time (and usually no desire) to study the peculiarities of the province which they administer. the cura, on the other hand, lives in the midst of his parishioners, whom he knows thoroughly, and whom he also represents against the government. consequently, it happens that he is the real authority in his district. the position of the priests, in contradistinction to that of the government officials, is bespoken also in their dwellings. the _casas reales_ [_i.e._, royal buildings]--for the most part small, plain, and often dilapidated--are not in keeping with the rank of the first officials of the province. the convent, however, is usually a very large, imposing, and well-furnished building. formerly, when the governorships were sold to adventurers, whose only thoughts were to enrich themselves from that office, the influence of the priests was even much greater than at present. [133] the following ordinances point out their former position better than long descriptions. "although certain outrageous offenses have given fitting reason for chapter x of the ordinances, wherein governor don pedro de arandia orders that the alcaldes and justices shall have no other communication with the missionaries than in writing, and shall not visit them except in company, it is also nevertheless ordered that they shall not do the latter ... on the assumption that the prelates of the church shall employ all their energies in restraining their subordinates within the bounds of moderation.... the alcaldes shall therefore see to it that the priests and ministers of the above order shall treat the gobernadorcillos and officers of justice with the proper respect; and they shall not permit the latter to be beaten, chastised, or illtreated by the missionaries, ... nor shall they be compelled to serve them at table." [134] the former alcaldes who bought their posts, or obtained them through favor, and who had no previous training in official business, and often no education and intelligence, and who did not possess the necessary mental and moral qualities for so responsible and influential an office, received a nominal salary from the state, to which they paid a commission for the right to engage in trade. according to arenas (p. 444), [135] this commission was regarded as a fine on the alcaldes for transgressing the law; "for since all kinds of trading were forbidden to them by various laws, [136] yet also his majesty was pleased to grant a dispensation for it." [137] this irregularity was first suppressed by royal decrees of september 10 and october 30, 1844. the alcaldes were governors and judges, commanders of the troops, and at the same time the only traders in their respective provinces. [138] they bought in manila the goods that were needed in their provinces--usually with the money of the charities [_obras pias_] (see p. 14, note 17); [139] for they themselves came to the philippines without any property. the indians were compelled to sell their products to the alcalde, and to buy his wares at the prices which the latter established. [140] in such circumstances, the priests were the only ones who protected the indians against these bloodsuckers, when they did not (as sometimes happened) also make common cause with the alcaldes. at present the government sends men who know the law to act as alcaldes in the philippines, who are somewhat better paid and are not allowed to trade. on the whole, the government is endeavoring to lessen the influence of the curas, in order to strengthen the civil authorities; but that will be only very imperfectly accomplished, however, unless the tenure of office of the alcaldes be lengthened, and the office be so assigned that the alcaldes will have no temptation to make money on the side. [141] the augustinian recollects in the philippines [the following is translated and condensed from _provincia de san nicolás de tolentino de agustinos descalzos de la congregacion de españa é indias_ (manila, 1879).] archbishopric of manila in this archbishopric the recollect fathers have charges in the provinces of manila, cavite, laguna, the district of morong, bataan, pampanga, zambales, and mindoro. [in the province of manila, they have (1878) charges in the following villages: la hermita, with 1,767 1/2 tributes, and 6,747 souls; las-piñas, with 1,149 1/2 tributes, and 4,771 souls; and caloocan, with 2,166 tributes, and 7,511 souls.] district of morong this district, which is governed by a political and military commander (who is at the same time administrator of the public funds), takes its name from its capital village, which is located on the shore of the lake of bay. this district was created in the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-three. the villages of this district which are located on the lake are under the care of franciscan fathers; angono, cainta, jalajala, and bosoboso of seculars; and we ourselves possess the two following. [these are the villages of antipolo, with 1,074 tributes, and 3,547 souls; and taytay, with 2,479 tributes, and 8,435 souls.] province of bataan this province is located in the island of luzón, and is bounded on the north by the provinces of pampanga and zambales, on the east by the bay of manila, and on the south and west by the sea of china. it is governed by an alcalde, and is in charge of the dominican fathers, with the exception of mariveles, bagac, and morong, which are in charge of the recollect fathers. the missionaries of our corporation performed their first labors of conquest in this territory. here were founded the oldest villages on our list; and here took place the first persecutions of our long-suffering predecessors, who had the glory of watering with their blood the country that they were evangelizing, the one that furnished to the province of san nicolás their protomartyr. fray miguel de santa maria, accompanied by father pedro de san josé (who, although he had been a calced augustinian, had become a recollect in manila), and by brother fray francisco de santa mónica, were the first to leave the convent of san juan de bagumbayan; and prepared by prayer and penance, and full of the spirit of god, set forth to announce his mysteries to the idolaters and heathen, sent legitimately to the mountains of mariveles to illumine its inhabitants with the light of the catholic faith. they found those natives enveloped in the most barbarous idolatry, adoring the sun, the moon, the cayman, and other filthy animals. these people regarded certain old men, as corrupt and as deceived as the divinities whom they were serving, as the ministers of those deceitful gods. the customs of those people were very analogous to the doctrines that directed them. every kind of superstition was practiced; homicide was a praiseworthy and meritorious action; and their sacrifices on some occasions were human lives. in that vineyard so filled with wickedness the above-mentioned fathers announced the triune and one god, the mystery of the incarnation, and the eternal duration of the future life. the missionaries suffered more than one can tell from the inhabitants, who were opposed to and stubborn toward their teaching. in their bodies did they submit to hunger, and to the intemperance and inclemency of the elements; and in their truly apostolic spirit they suffered mortal anguish because of the blindness of their neighbors, which was in proportion to the great love of god and the zeal for his glory which glowed brightly in their hearts. [the recollects have charge of the villages of mariveles, with 588 tributes, and 1,852 souls; morong, with 870 tributes, and 3,154 souls; and bagac, with 496 1/2 tributes, and 1,743 souls.] province of zambales this province is located in the island of luzón, north of manila. it is bounded on the north by the gulf of lingayen and the province of pangasinan, on the east by the chain of mountains called mariveles, on the south by bataan, and on the west by the chinese sea; and is more than thirty leguas long in a north and south direction, and seven wide. the preaching of the recollects in this territory is mingled with the beginnings of that religious family in the filipino archipelago. one may say that this was the region where the first discalced missionaries and the parishes established by them tasted the first-fruits of their evangelizing zeal, those first-fruits being offered to the catholic church as a testimony of the purity of their doctrine, and submitted to the crown of españa as its most faithful and disinterested vassals, although they arrived at these shores in the year one thousand six hundred and six, in the following year they had already overrun this province--to whose inhabitants they taught the mysteries of our religion, and gave helpful instructions in the social life, in contradistinction to their barbarous state. the first who sowed the seed of the gospel in the province of zambales were the calced augustinian fathers. because of the lack of the above religious, the captain-general of these islands and their metropolitan cabildo entreated the vicar-provincial of the recollects to assign religious for the spiritual cultivation of that unfilled vineyard. in the year one thousand six hundred and nine, our laborers went to zambales, although visits had been made two years previously by those who were laboring in the province of bataan, in order to increase the gospel seed. the meekness and resignation of the fathers in the midst of so much wretchedness and hardship arrested the attention of those barbarians; and the fathers succeeded in catechizing and converting many through their gentleness and kind treatment, and reduced them to settlements. the recollect fathers were charged with the spiritual administration of this province until the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. in that year, being obliged to go to take charge of the province of mindoro, and to preach the holy gospel there, they were forced to hand over the missions of zambales--eleven in number--to the dominican fathers, who assumed charge of them. after the lapse of some years, and without explanation of the causes which could induce the above-mentioned dominican fathers to cease to give spiritual food to those christian communities with their accustomed zeal, it is a fact that the discalced augustinians again took charge of that province, by the month of october, one thousand seven hundred and twelve; and again undertook the direction and continuation of their spiritual conquests until the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, when they were compelled once more to leave it, for lack of religious. the secular priests assumed the missions, with the exception of the mission of botolan, which was retained by the recollects until one thousand eight hundred and fourteen. there was a residence for the missionaries in each of the villages, and even in various visitas there were suitable churches and convents of cut stone, when we left this province in the last century. on assuming it anew in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, the father provincial of the recollects, fray blás de las mercedes, attested that only ruins and desolation were found. since that time they have labored without ceasing in the beautifying and adorning of the house of god, restoring the old ruins and building anew; until they have succeeded in making the churches worthy the majesty of the catholic worship--already having, besides, suitable edifices for the residences of their missionaries. [the order has the spiritual charge of the following villages: subic, with 761 1/2 tributes, and 2,749 souls; castillejos, with 917 1/2 tributes, and 4,013 souls; san marcelino, with 1,165 1/2 tributes, and 4,847 souls; san antonio, with 1,053 tributes, and 4,722 souls; san narciso, with 1,564 1/2 tributes, and 7,597 souls; san felipe, with 1,262 tributes, and 5,063 souls; cabangaan, with 685 tributes, and 2,584. souls; iba, with 1,007 tributes, and 3,896 souls; palauig, with 761 tributes, and 3,380 souls; botolan, with 1,374 tributes, and 5,200 souls; masinloc, with 1,647 tributes, and 6,541 souls; bolinao, with 1,795 tributes, and 5,971 souls; bani, with 1,036 1/2 tributes, and 4,288 souls; santa cruz, with 1,753 1/2 tributes, and 7,366 souls; balincaguin, with 1,122 1/2 tributes, and 4,138 souls; alaminos, with 1,669 tributes, and 7,436 souls; agno, with 1,271 tributes, and 4,971 souls; dasol, with 781 tributes, and 2,697 souls; san isidro, with 597 tributes, and 2,337 souls; and anda, with 833 tributes, and 3,180 souls.] province of cavite coincident with the time of their arrival at manila, the discalced augustinians began to labor in the conversion of the infidels who inhabit the provinces conterminous to the capital. they dedicated themselves with apostolic zeal to the preaching of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments, with their gaze directed to the needs of the future. they paid attention to what would be found by experience, in succeeding times, to be a convenience and a necessity--namely, to have convents of the observance in the most important settlements of the archipelago, in order to give shelter to the religious worn out in the tasks of preaching; while at the same time those houses were to serve as the base for their premeditated plan, to establish in these islands the corporation of which they were members, in a perfectly organized condition. they founded the convent of cavite, by apostolic and royal authority, in the year one thousand six hundred and sixteen. it was dedicated to st. nicholas of tolentino, was constructed solidly, and was spacious, with a church which was suitable for the functions of worship. cavite was a suitable point, because of its great commerce and the foreigners who go there in throngs. thus, with their good example and indefatigable zeal, they could do much good to needy souls. this convent was at first supported by the alms of the faithful; and afterward it acquired some incomes of its own through the gifts of various devout persons, in houses, shops, and plots of ground. in the year one thousand seven hundred and nine, don pascual bautista and other inhabitants of that port founded the brotherhood of our father jesus in this church. the first prior of this convent was father andrés del espiritu santo, who was born in valladolid, in january, one thousand five hundred and eighty-five, his parents being don hernando fanego and doña elena de toro. he studied philosophy there, and asked for the religious habit in our convent of portillo in the year one thousand six hundred, and professed in that convent the following year. he devoted himself to the study of the holy scriptures in the convent of nava until the year one thousand six hundred and five, when he determined to offer himself for the conversion of the indians, in the mission that was about to go to filipinas. having been assigned to the province of zambales, he uttered the first words of his apostolic preaching at masinloc in the year one thousand six hundred and seven, where he succeeded in converting and baptizing two thousand people, in founding a village, and in erecting a dwelling and a church with the advocacy of st. andrew the apostle, november eighteen, one thousand six hundred and seven. in the year one thousand six hundred and nine, without abandoning his parish, he had to aid father jerónimo de cristo in the reduction of bolinao; and when after a short time the latter died, he was appointed vicar-provincial, although continuing to care for and to increase his flock at bolinao, where he succeeded in converting one thousand six hundred souls. he concluded his charge in the year one thousand six hundred and twelve; and in the year one thousand six hundred and fifteen he was elected vicar-provincial for the second time. in that term he finished the establishment of the convent of cavite, constructing an edifice of stone with a dwelling to accommodate ten religious. in the year one thousand six hundred and eighteen, at the completion of his term as superior, he was chosen commissary to the court of madrid. there he accomplished, with great success, not only the negotiations for despatches suitable for the mission, but the selection of the men whom he conducted [to filipinas] in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. as soon as he reached manila he was again elected superior [and held that position] until the celebration of the first provincial chapter, on february six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, when he was elected first definitor. in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-six he was elected provincial; he visited the ministries during his term, and began the missions of japon. he made great improvements and additions in the churches and convents of manila and calumpang; and labored greatly in repairing the church and convent of cebu, which had suffered from a fire. he was elected provincial for the second time, in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-two, and definitor in the chapter of thirty-five. in the year thirty-eight he asked to be allowed to retire to a cell, but was elected prior of manila. after the conclusion of that office, he was retired to the convent of cavite and then to that of manila, where he died holily at the beginning of one thousand six hundred and fifty-eight. he was seventy-eight years of age, and fifty-seven in the religious life, fifty-two of which he employed in the filipinas islands, establishing this province on a solid basis of religion. [the villages in charge of the recollects in this province are as follows: cavite, with 412 1/2 tributes, and 2,319 souls; imus, with 3,830 tributes, and 14,439 souls; cavite-viejo [_i.e._, "old cavite"], with 2,658 tributes, and 8,265 souls; rosario, with 2,005 tributes, and 6,906 souls; bacoor, with 3,959 tributes, and 13,827 souls; perez-dasmariñas, with 1,124 tributes, and 3,785 souls; silang, with 2,701 1/2 tributes, and 9,369 souls; bailen, with 931 tributes, and 3,697 souls; and carmona, with 904 1/2 tributes, and 3,101 souls.] province of batangas in this rich province of the island of luzón, flourishing through its products and its active trade with the capital, of extensive territory and densely populated, the discalced augustinians were not assigned with the intention of a permanent stay, in the olden times, to preach the gospel to those natives. however, present legislation regarding the service of parish churches in this archipelago has, at the same time while it has varied in a certain manner our traditional method of support, introduced us into some of the parishes of the province of batangas; and at the same time when we have been obliged to cede villages in visayas--which were our offspring, and had been converted by our predecessors, and whose history was identical with the ancient glories of our corporation--in exchange we have received parishes organized by the sweat and apostolic fatigues of ministers of the religion of jesus christ, who were not members of our religious family. [the villages administered by the recollects are as follows: rosario, with 4,259 1/2 tributes, and 17,040 souls; santo tomás, with 2,832 tributes, and 9,748 souls; lobo, with 805 1/2 tributes, and 3,200 souls; and balayan, with 5,434 tributes, and 24,154 souls.] province of laguna the territory of this province, whose coasts enclose the great lake of bay, had been administered by the franciscan fathers, in most of its extent, from the times of its reduction. but in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty-two, they invited us to share in the ministries on the opposite coast, in the neighborhood of the port of lampon; and although those missions were not very desirable, on account of the wretchedness of the country and the small number of tributes, they were received as very meritorious for heaven, although but little profitable when looked at from a worldly standpoint. the recollect fathers fray benito de san josé, fray francisco de san josé, and fray clemente de san nicolás having been assigned, with three other companions, to the village of binangonan, established the first house and church, with the title of san guillermo; and two religious remained there. afterward they went to the village of baler and established a convent, under the patronage of st. nicholas of tolentino. the third was the village of casiguran, with the advocacy of our father st. augustine. the fourth was established in palanan, with the title of santa maría magdalena. the discalced augustinians resided for forty years in those convents founded on the coasts of the pacific, exclusively consecrated to the service of god, and the sanctification of their neighbors, and they attained both objects with great spiritual advantages. we had religious there of pure virtue, who were imitating the virtues of the dwellers in the desert. from those missions went forth our father fray bartolomé de la santísima trinidad, son of the convent of madrid. he lived much retired from intercourse with men; and when he was elected provincial, in the year one thousand seven hundred and one--at which time all said that he was a person unknown in manila--archbishop camacho uttered these words: "the election of the discalced augustinians has been and is, properly, an election by god and by the holy spirit." while so great advance did the missionaries on the opposite coast make in their own sanctification, not less was the gain in the vineyard entrusted to their care. they made many aetas and heathen children of the catholic church, and directed those souls along the paths of eternal life. they had the special glory of numbering, among those whom they directed, some privileged women endowed with the gifts of heaven, and raised by the spirit of god to a height of christian perfection which confounds our lukewarmness in his service. one of these was sister juana de jesus, a native of the village of binangonan de lampon, [142] an oblate nun of our order, who elevated herself with the steps of a giant, even to the greatest and most complete purification of her spirit, by her abstraction from worldly affairs, by her heroic practice of all the virtues, by her fervent daily communion, and by the most lofty contemplation and the most clear vision that god vouchsafed her of the mysteries of our holy religion. in the lamentable period of the missions between the years one thousand six hundred and ninety-two and one thousand seven hundred and ten, when no religious came to us from españa, our recollect family was obliged to abandon this territory which it had in trust, for the lack of evangelical laborers. that action was taken in the provincial chapter of one thousand seven hundred and four, and the missions above mentioned, which we had served for more than forty years, were returned to the franciscans. at present we have only the following village in the province of laguna: [calauan, with 957 1/2 tributes, and 2,734 souls.] province of pampanga this province, lying north of manila--including the district of tarlac, which was separated from the province in the year one thousand eight hundred and seventy-three--is bounded on the north by pangasinan, on the south by the bay of manila, on the east by nueva ecija and bulacan, and on the west by zambales and bataan. in this province, which was begun by the augustinian observantine fathers (who still have it in charge), permission to found missions in the mountains of its territory which are on the zambales side was granted to the recollect fathers, by virtue of certain acts that were drawn up in the superior government without summoning the father provincial, because of the reports of certain persons and the instance of other private individuals. by those acts the conde de lizárraga, governor of filipinas, charged the father provincial, fray josé de san nicolás, to assign missionaries to the localities of bamban and mabalacat. the said father, because of his great experience of these islands and their inhabitants, explained to the vice-patron the impossibility of those missions living, and the little result that could be expected from them on account of the fierce and untamable nature of the mountaineers. his petition had no effect, and three missionaries of great merit and learning were sent. by dint of great hardships, and, by living in the same manner as the indians, they succeeded in baptizing many; but when they learned the fickleness of the indian nature, and that it was as easy for them to become baptized as it was to take to the mountains to continue their former mode of life, the missionaries proceeded more cautiously in giving them the benefit of the regeneration. [in this province the recollects minister to the following villages: mabalacat, with 2,627 tributes, and 11,163 souls; capas, with 564 tributes, and 1,923 souls; o'donnel, with 308 1/2 tributes, and 1,159 souls; and bolso, with 144 tributes, and 749 souls.] province of mindoro this province, directed by an alcalde-mayor, includes the island of the same name, that of marinduque, that of luban, and others less densely populated. its boundaries are: on the north, the strait of mindoro; on the east and south, the sea of visayas; and on the west, the chinese sea. in its extent, it is one of the foremost islands of the archipelago. its land is mountainous, its climate hot; and during the rainy season it also exceeds other provinces in humidity, whence results the richness of the soil. there are found all the products of the country in grains and foodstuffs. however, that most fertile country fails of cultivation in its vast areas because of the scarcity of laborers, and has not been touched by the hand of man. its conquest was begun in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy, in the district of mamburao, by juan de salcedo; and it was completed the following year, along the coasts from the cape of burruncan to that of calavite, by miguel lopez de legaspi. the rest, with the exception of the mountains in its center, has been gradually subdued by the zeal of the regular missionaries. the calced augustinian fathers began to diffuse the teaching of the gospel in this island, and founded the village of baco, from whose convent the religious went forth to the spiritual ministry of the converted indians, who were then very few. by cession of the augustinians, the franciscan fathers entered this island. the said fathers were not satisfied with preserving that already reduced, but extended the light of the faith through the districts of pola and calavite, until they were transferred to camarines and ilocos by the orders of their superiors. the fathers of the society of jesus came in to fill the breach left by the franciscans. they founded the village of naujan, which was governed to the great gain of those christians by father luis de san vitores, who left behind in that point a reputation for virtue and holiness which was retained for many years among the indians. that father was withdrawn, to begin the conversion of the marianas islands. his associates followed him, and the christian souls of mindoro remained under the direction of the secular priests who were placed there by the archbishop for their direction. when the recollect fathers had to leave the ministries of zambales which they had conquered and established at the cost of their blood and by heroic labors, an order came at that same time from the court of españa, decreeing that the island of mindoro be entrusted to a religious family chosen from those existing in this country. the governor of filipinas, by the advice of the archbishop, thought to compensate the recollects for the loss of their primitive religious conquests in the province of zambales, by conferring on them the parishes of mindoro. the recollects resigned themselves to this disproportionate change, since the exertions made to avoid it availed nothing. by virtue of the order issued by his excellency, the captain-general, don juan de vargas, directed to the province of san nicolás (decreeing that it should take charge of the missions of mindoro), the then provincial, fray josé de san nicolás, assigning laborers for that new acquisition. father diego de la madre de dios was assigned to the district of baco, which belonged to the bachelor don josé de rojas; father diego de la resureccion, to the curacy of calavite, taking the place of licentiate don juan pedrosa; father blas de la concepcion, to the parish of naujan, replacing the priest don martin diaz. all the above was effected in the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. the recollects entered upon the preaching in mindoro, in obedience to the orders of the government. that was their reason for believing that their stay in that territory was not to be transitory, but that they could contemplate the organization of that territory upon foundations intended for its increase and the greater welfare of its inhabitants. for that purpose they planned to make the best division possible of mother missions and those annexed, assigning for each of the regular missionaries the barrios and visitas which were nearest his residence, in order that he might aid all of them in their needs. the apostolate of the recollects in this island continued without interruption until the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, when the scarcity of men in the province of san nicolás forced them to renounce it. they reassumed their missions there in the year one thousand eight hundred and five, when the cause that occasioned their cession ceased to exist. [the villages and missions in charge in this province are as follows: calapan, with 1,335 1/2, tributes, and 4,495 souls; naujan, with 1,687 1/2 tributes, and 5,408 souls; puerto-galera, with 544 tributes, and 1,655 souls; sablayan, with 756 1/2 tributes, and 2,520 souls; mangarin, with 366 tributes, and 859 souls; and boac, with 3,117 tributes, and 13,562 souls.] bishopric of jaro the provinces of romblon, calamianes, and negros, which are administered by the recollect fathers, were formerly included in the spiritual jurisdiction of the bishopric of santísimo niño de cebú. at present they are comprehended in the bishopric of santa isabel de jaro, which was created by apostolic bull dated may twenty-seven, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five. that bull was issued by his holiness pius ix; it dismembered several provinces of the archipelago from the bishopric of cebú, and constituted the fourth bishopric of filipinas, which is suffragan to the metropolitan of manila. district of romblon this district, which is composed of a group of islands, today forms one politico-military commandancy, which includes the villages of romblon, banton, badajoz, cajidiocan, odiongan, looc, and magallanes. all those villages can be called the creation of the recollects, who, when they touched this territory, encountered a small number of christians scattered through the mountains of what is now the chief district. by exposing their lives (and also losing them when the honor of god, or the interest of the monarchy of españa, demanded it), they have succeeded in establishing many important villages from the wild settlements that they received. the few christians of those islands composed the annexed village or visita of the curacy of ajuy in the island of panay; and as it was very troublesome for the cura charged with their spiritual nurture to visit them, because of the risk that he ran in crossing over, and the strength of the currents, he maintained there a secular assistant who administered the sacraments. the priest don francisco rodriguez, charged with the unquiet and uncomfortable life in that benefice, being worn out, discussed with the father-provincial of the recollects, fray josé de la anunciación, a satisfactory exchange. he also renounced his right to the proprietary curacy, whereupon the bishop of cebú, don pedro de arce, with the consent of this superior government, gave us the spiritual administration of romblon, sibuyan, usigan (or the island of tablas), simara, banton, and sibali [143] (which is called maestro de campo by the spaniards). the province of san nicolás received those places, for they considered them as the entrance into the visayas islands, and a good stepping-stone for their religious to go to the lands of cebú and caraga. consequently, the recollects began to increase and organize what had until then been useless, in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. [the villages and missions in the recollects' charge are the following: romblon, with 1,341 tributes, and 5,858 souls; badajoz, with 711 tributes, and 3,356 souls; banton, with 1,181 1/2 tributes, and 4,717 souls; cajidiocan, with 1,304 tributes, and 7,132 souls; odiongan, with 5,705 souls; looc, with 5,449 souls; and magallanes, with 283 1/2 tributes, and 859 souls.] island and province of negros this island, located to the south of manila, is bounded on the north by the visayan sea, on the south by the sea which separates it from mindanao, on the east by the channel which separates it from cebú, and on the west by the sea that separates it from paragua. it is one hundred and twelve leguas from manila; its length north and south is forty leguas, and its breadth from east to west eleven. the centuries of the conquest tell us that already was the religious habit of the discalced augustinians known in this most fertile province; for in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-two, brother fray francisco de san nicolás, a native of cádiz, made a voyage from negros to manila. during that voyage he suffered terrible storms, escaping as by a miracle. that voyage was on business for the service of the church, which proves that, in its beginnings, the recollects had sown the seeds of the gospel in that territory. in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-two, father fray jacinto de san fulgencio founded the convent which was called binalgaban, and which exercised spiritual care over one thousand five hundred families. the said mission passed to the society of jesus. the divine goodness wrought some wonderful events for the conversion of this island of negros. [one of these is mentioned.] but that germ was to produce its abundant and wonderful fruits in the nineteenth century. the observation of the prodigious improvements which four religious who entered this island with the rich treasure of religion, to promote the spiritual and material welfare of their fellows, have been able to produce, was reserved, in the designs of providence, for our epoch. by the force of their preaching the catholic worship is receiving an increase of a hundredfold; the villages are dividing, and the parishes are multiplying; the population is assuming a new character of culture and civilization; those indians are becoming affable, industrious, and enterprising; and they are very rapidly attaining the moral and material recompenses due to their labor. his excellency, the most illustrious don fray romualdo jimeno, bishop of cebú, under date of april fifteen, one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, represented to the superior government the scarcity of native priests for supplying the curacies in this province, petitioning at the same time that the spiritual administration of the said province be entrusted to one of the excellent orders in filipinas. the governor and captain-general, don narciso clavería, conde de manila, assented to the proposition of the diocesan, and entrusted the island of negros to the province of the recollect fathers, by his decree of june twenty, one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight. the very reverend father-provincial, fray joaquin soriano, received such an arrangement with due thanks; and immediately sent the vice-patron his nominations for the curacies of siaton, cabancalan, and amblan--of which those chosen assumed possession in the following year, one thousand eight hundred and forty-nine. from that date the population has increased greatly. the barrios have risen to be settled villages, and what were visitas have become canonically-erected parishes. agriculture has received a rapid and enormous impetus; and the uncultivated lands, which were full of brambles, have been transformed into productive fields. that most fertile soil yields the rich products of sugar, abacá, and coffee, and that with an abundance unknown in other regions of this archipelago. churches have been built, and convents for the decent housing of the spanish priest and the holy functions of our order. roads have been built, which have made communication easy. solid bridges of great beauty have been constructed; the waters of the rivers have been taken to fertilize the fields; and in the neighborhood of the rivers a number of hydraulic machines and steam engines have been set up, the natural sciences being called in to adapt their most powerful aid to the work. the natives of this island, instructed and continually stimulated by their parish priests, have proved by experience the value of agriculture, when it is favored by nature and when they coöperate with their labor; and what labor can do when aided with intelligence that does not become weakened before troubles, but is directed with untiring constancy and endurance. [the villages and missions of this province in charge of the recollects are as follows: cagayan, with 1,251 1/2 tributes, and 4,521 souls; siaton, with 1,806 tributes, and 8,512 souls; zamboanguita, with 1,060 tributes, and 4,0150 souls; dauin, with 1,261 1/2 tributes, and 5,855 souls; bacong, with 1,816 1/2 tributes, and 8,020 souls; nueva-valencia, with 1,400 1/2 tributes, and 5,387 souls; dumaguete, with 2,806 tributes, and 12,824 souls; sibulan, with 1,222 1/2 tributes, and 4,817 souls; amblang, with 1,436 tributes, and 5,744 souls; tanjay, with 1,941 1/2 tributes, and 9,698 souls; bais, with 752 1/2 tributes, and 3,204 souls; manjuyod, with 841 tributes, and 4,063 souls; tayasan, with 987 1/2 tributes, and 4,009 souls; guijulngan, with 331 tributes and 1,441 souls; tolong, with 353 tributes; bayauan, with 51 tributes, and 291 souls; inayauan, with 95 1/2 tributes, and 316 souls; san sebastian, with 148 tributes, and 436 souls; escalante, with 2,133 1/2 tributes, and 5,429 souls; cádiz, with 1,187 1/2 tributes, and 3,842 souls; saravia, with 2,140 tributes, and 9,825 souls; minuluan, with 1,854 1/2 tributes, and 9,637 souls; bacolod, with 1,905 1/2 tributes, and 8,059 souls; murcia, with 1,400 tributes, and 6,500 souls; sumag, with 1,179 1/2 tributes, and 3,772 souls; valladolid, with 2,567 1/2 tributes, and 9,430 souls; san enrique, with 1,155 tributes, and 4,463 souls; la-carlota, with 1,131 tributes, and 3,068 souls; pontevedra, with 1,451 1/2 tributes, and 4,683 souls; ginigaran, with 2,185 1/2 tributes, and 9,728 souls; isabela, with 832 tributes, and 3,171 souls; gimamaylan, with 1,641 tributes, and 6,402 souls; and cabancalan, with 1,550 1/2 tributes, and 6,449 souls. the missions of inagauan, san sebastian, and bayauan, were established in 1868, while that of tolon had been established in 1855. in the twenty-eight villages above mentioned, there are about forty recollect missionaries, who are in charge of two hundred thousand souls. the fertility of the island of negros and the opening up of the country in modern times have caused a great increase in population from the near-by provinces of cebú, bohol, iloilo, antique, and cápiz. agriculture has been greatly advanced and other improvements brought in by the recollects.] province of calamianes these islands, located to the south of manila, form in their multitude an archipelago. many of them of small extent, are inhabited; others are the temporary habitation of the natives, who go thither to sow their fields, because those lands are suitable for farming; and others form a civil village and are religiously organized. the northern boundary of this archipelago is the chinese sea; the eastern, that of visayas; the southern, the island of paragua, which is included in this province; and the western, the chinese sea. the capital is about one hundred leguas from manila. it has a military government and an alcalde-mayor for its judicial business. as regards religion, all the parishes existing in calamianes belonged to the bishopric of cebú from the time of their reduction until the bishopric of jaro was erected, when all these parishes passed to its jurisdiction. in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-two, the numbers of the discalced augustinians were increased by the second and third missions who had come from españa, and by certain men who had taken the habit in the convent of manila. consequently, they were prepared to undertake new enterprises for the increase of the faith, and to go to points distant from the metropolis in order to spread the knowledge of the christian name to those people who were living in heathendom. [the early details of this mission have been fully given in previous volumes. the villages and missions of this province (a number of which are islands) in charge of the recollects are as follows: cuyo, with 2,392 tributes, and 9,475 souls; agutaya, with 519 1/2 tributes, and 2,258 souls; paragua, with 618 1/2 tributes, and 3,219 souls; dumaran, with 785 tributes, and 1,416 souls; puerto-princesa, with 573 souls; culion or calamian, with 871 1/2 tributes, and 2,438 souls; and balabac, with 581 souls. the recollect martyrs of the province of calamianes are as follows: francisco de jesus maría; juan de san nicolás, 1638; alonso de san agustin; francisco de santa mónica, 1638; juan de san antonio; martin de la ascension; antonio de san agustin, 1658; manuel de jesus y maría, 1720; antonio de santa ana, 1736. the fathers of this province held in captivity were onofre de la madre de dios, juan de san josé, francisco de san juan bautista, and pedro gibert de santa eulalia.] bishopric of cebu province of cebú [the recollects land at cebú on their first arrival from spain, and are later conceded a chapel by bishop pedro de arce near the city, where they found a convent. we translate:] ... in later times, the edifice has been improved and modified; the most notable of these changes was that of a few years ago, which has made the convent larger and more beautiful, thus making it possible for it to attain its object--namely, the entertainment of the religious who go to visayas, and of the sick, who are compelled to go to cebú to be cured of their ailments. the church is also very large, and suitable for the celebration of religious functions with the solemnity and splendor of the catholic worship. the faithful of cebú and of the immediate village of san nicolás attend that church, in order to fulfil the christian precepts and receive the sacraments. as there are always religious instructed in the visayan language, many devout persons daily frequent the church of the recollects.... in the beginning of its foundation, this convent had in charge the spiritual administration of the souls in the island of maripipi, by concession of the above-mentioned bishop; but later, through the force of various circumstances that occurred, the natives of the said island went to the curacy of bantayan, and the convent remained free and without any obligation so far as they were concerned. at present the religious of the community labor as far as possible in the welfare of the souls of those near by, moved only by reasons of charity, and by the greater glory of god, which they seek in its entirety. [the recollect villages in this province are as follows: danao, with 2,797 1/2 tributes, and 13,012 souls; mandaue, with 2,408 tributes, and 11,034 souls; liloan, with 1,385 1/2 tributes, and 6,962 souls; consolación, with 982 1/2 tributes, and 4,277 souls; compostela, with 3,830 tributes, and 4,856 souls; catmon, with 965 1/2 tributes, and 4,988 souls; carmen, with 4,259 1/2 tributes, and 5,588 souls; camotes islands, with 1,158 tributes, and 5,660 souls; pilar, with 1,145 1/2 tributes, and 5,600 souls; and san francisco, with 1,304 tributes, and 5,831 souls.] island of bohol situated in the center of the visayas islands, and bordered on its eastern part by the island of leyte, having the great island of mindanao on its southern side, and being very near the island of cebú on the north, bohol formed an integral part of the territory of that province until the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, when a royal order dated july twenty-two was received in which the creation of the new province of bohol was decreed. the true beliefs of our holy order were received in that territory from the first time of the preaching of the gospel in this archipelago. the people of bohol believed in the god of the christians as quickly as he was announced to them, and became docile sons of the catholic church without opposing that obstinate resistance to the good news which was experienced in the other islands, and which cost the life of one of its first apostles. if they remained in their first heathendom, it had not come to take the gross forms of a corrupted idolatry, applying the great idea of the divinity to despicable objects. free of this inconvenience, when the majesty and grandeur of our god was manifest to them, they revered his adorable perfections. even though there were perverse inclinations in the hearts of those natives, they were not given to polygamy; and when the holy law of god was explained to them, and the respect that the sanctity of marriage (which was elevated by jesus christ to the dignity of a sacrament) merits among christians, they received these doctrines without any repugnance, since they were already free from the great obstacles which perversity and corruption, elevated to their highest power--namely, to have polytheism and idolatry as their foundation and support--can present against those doctrines. in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, the jesuit fathers, torres and sanchez, [144] came to this island, and very soon established the catholic religion in baclayon. later, they founded a church and convent in loboc; and then went to a site called talibon, and overran the rest of the island, where they were able to conquer the difficulties which presented themselves in the way of submitting to their rule--born rather of repugnance to the spaniards than of systematic opposition to the christian faith. when legaspi passed by bohol and anchored at jagna [145] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, he already had occasion to observe that same thing; and the explanation given him by a moro from borneo whom he had found there trading, was, that two years before eight vessels from the molucas had committed great outrages, and those pirates had said that they were castilians; and since they were of the same color and bore the same arms [as the spaniards], the people of bohol imagined that the spaniards would do the same thing to them as the men of the eight portuguese boats had done. [146] when christianity had acquired a great increase in that island, hell, angered by those spiritual improvements, availed itself of the instrumentality of certain moros of mindanao, in order, if possible, to choke the seed of the gospel. knowing that the best means of attaining that object was to make them rebel against the spaniards, who had brought to them the happiness of their souls, hell stirred up a rebellion which had the same causes, and was invested with the same forms as the insurrection of caraga, and was of more lasting effect. the missionaries having absented themselves in order to celebrate in cebú the beatification of st. francis javier, which was celebrated in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-one, two or three criminals who were wandering through the mountains seduced the tribes, as the messengers of the _diguata_ [_i.e._, divinity], to refuse obedience to the spaniards, to abandon their settlements, and to unite together on the heights in groups, to make themselves feared. of six villages formed by the jesuit fathers, only two remained faithful [147] to the king of españa; while the rest took arms against the constituted authorities, and formed bands which displayed a hostile attitude in the hills and high places--so that it was necessary to employ force and violent measures, in order to make them return to the fulfilment of their duty. exemplary punishments were inflicted, which procured a partial result. but that subversive idea was one of fatal consequences, and produced some pernicious fruits so lasting that they have come down almost to our own days. entrance of the recollect fathers into the island of bohol if in the seventeenth century a rebel voice--which emancipated from their obedience and respect to the authorities many unthinking persons, who adhered to the sedition--sounded in the mountains of bohol, in the eighteenth century that voice, instead of having been completely extinguished, had continued to increase. we have admitted the valiant character of those natives, and granted their natural aptitude in the use of weapons; concurrent with these were various other causes which aroused and increased their disaffection, which had been extended to a very considerable number. captained by intrepid leaders--as for example, dagahoy, ignacio arañez, pedro bagio, and bernardo sanote--they had formed a body of insurgents in the mountains of inabangan and talibon. that gave the superior government plenty to think about, because of the many years that the insurrection was in existence; and because it always continued to increase until fathers lamberti (the missionary of jagna) and morales [148] (of inabangan) were sacrificed by them, a little after the middle of the past century. in such condition, then, was public order in the province of bohol; and the spanish name enjoyed so little respect in that restless and disorganized island when, inasmuch as the jesuit fathers had left all the spanish dominions, their administration was adjudged to us, in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight. father pedro de santa bárbara was assigned as cura of baclayon, and other recollect religious to the villages of loon, maribohoc, tagbilaran, dauis, jagna, dimiao, loboc, and inabangan, which are the eight missions existing in that island in the above-mentioned epoch. a most difficult undertaking was offered to the zeal and loyalty of the first recollects who entered bohol. a great prudence united with the greatest zeal, great valor with a knowledge of all the difficulties, and a foresight of all the results, were necessary to rise superior to that so difficult situation, and to fulfil their social and religious trust in so delicate circumstances, as was advisable to the service of religion and the greater dignity of our country. when the father vicar-provincial of our new ministries, who was then the cura of baclayon--a religious of great energy, of proved zeal, and of not common daring--found himself in peaceful possession of the spiritual administration of all the reduced villages, he thought seriously of probing to the bottom the beginning and progress of the rebellion, its actual condition, and the disposition of their minds. he established correspondence with the leaders, held several conferences with them, acquired their utmost confidence, and succeeded in obtaining the submission of dagahoy; and the other leader, bernardo sanote, also returned to the service of god and of his majesty. the recollects proceeded with so fine tact to make themselves masters of the wills of those untamable mountaineers, that, in a short time after their arrival, they no longer needed an armed force for the security of their persons--although until then pickets of soldiers were maintained in nearly all the villages for the defense of the ministers. consequently, the soldiers were able to retire from loay, maribohoc, and loon, but always remained in inabangan, jagna, and tagbilaran--not for the purpose of protecting the ministering fathers, but to prevent all devastation and disorder on the part of those who were not subdued. a general amnesty was granted to all the delinquents who had taken to the mountains. that produced many submissions, although it did not wholly extinguish an evil whose roots were so old, and which responded to so many causes as had contributed to its growth. its final consequences lasted until the beginning of the present century; and when it was believed necessary to obtain the complete tranquillity of the island and the entire extinction of the rebels, an expedition was formed in the time of general ricafort, composed of one thousand one hundred men--who were enrolled in cebú, and were embarked to fulfil their destiny on may eight, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven. the governor of cebú, don josé lázaro cairo, commanded those forces. he was accompanied by the ex-father-provincial, fray miguel de jesus, parish priest of danao; and by father fray julian bermejo, ex-provincial of the calced augustinians, parish priest of boljoon. the outcome of the expedition was all that could be desired; insubordination ceased to exist in the interior of bohol, and the last remnants of the emancipated came to an end in all parts of the island. the fruits of peace began to appear; and from that time all the inhabitants, at the same time while they acquired the habits of obedience and respect, began to experience a new era of prosperity, and the satisfaction consequent on the social life. from that time the population has greatly increased; and all the inhabitants remain faithful to their duties, very respectful to all authority, and faithful vassals to the king of españa. for more than one century all this island has been under the spiritual direction of our province. during that time the number of the catholics has increased in so prodigious a manner that it has been raised to a number almost triple what it was when we received it. at that time it was an integral part of the province of cebú. at present it forms a province by itself, and is one of the most populous of the archipelago; and its people are closely settled and compact, active and industrious, diligent and laborious. we received eight missions in this province, which were the eight regularly organized villages which then existed. their spiritual direction occasioned great sorrows to the ministers of that time, some of these even succumbing as victims to the insolence and obstinacy of their own children. today we count one hundred and ten years of our existence in that district, and we cannot write of those natives a single page like those of their old history, which was full of disagreeable, and some horrible, relations--whether because the recollects had an understanding of the peculiar dispositions of those indians, and the means suitable to gain their respect and obedience; or whether, perchance, one might say that the people of bohol have had sufficient penetration to observe in their conduct certain manners so considerate and so full of demonstrations of benevolence, which sentiments of compassion and interest in the adversities and lack of resources of their parishioners, would cause in the minds of their new parish priests. whichever of these may be accepted to explain the long period of our stay in bohol, exempt from all trouble, and the steady increase in our enjoyment of the consideration and confidence of our protegés, we shall always make known the facts--very surprising and very gratifying to our corporation--that were already begun to be observed from the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight, when the first recollects went to that island. they were received without any opposition, obeyed without repugnance, and were loved and respected; and these mutual relations have continued without any lapse until the present time. [the towns of this recollect province are the following: loon, with 3,097 1/2 tributes, and 17,202 souls; calape, with 2,627 tributes, and 8,187 souls; tubigon, with 2,109 1/2 tributes, and 10,008 souls; inabangan, with 1,568 tributes, and 7,024 souls; getafe, with 144 tributes, and 3,912 souls; talibon, with 1,089 tributes, and 8,558 souls; ubay, with 669 tributes, and 2,844 souls; candijay, with 738 tributes, and 5,030 souls; guindulman, with 1,994 1/2 tributes, and 9,600 souls; sierra-bullones, with 541 1/2 tributes, and 2,235 souls; duero, with 1,175 1/2 tributes, and 5,352 souls; jagna, with 2,431 tributes, and 11,829 souls; garcía-hernandez, with 1,225 1/2 tributes, and 6,847 souls; valencia, with 1,307 1/2 tributes, and 7,099 souls; dimiao, with 1,717 1/2 tributes, and 8,280 souls; lila, with 879 tributes, and 4,023 souls; carmen, with 749 tributes, and 3,575 souls; bilar, with 1,281 1/2 tributes, and 5,669 souls; balilijan, with 1,051 1/2 tributes, and 5,998 souls; catigbian, with 651 1/2 tributes, and 2,759 souls; loboc, with 2,469 tributes, and 11,430 souls; sevilla, with 996 1/2 tributes, and 4,835 souls; loay, with 1,759 tributes, and 8,171 souls; alburquerque, with 1,191 tributes, and 5,319 souls; baclayon, with 2,609 tributes, and 11,142 souls; tagbilaran, with 1,954 tributes, and 11,081 souls; paminguitan, with 5,705 souls; island and village of dauis, with 1,889 tributes, and 9,090 souls; panglao, with 1,457 tributes, and 6,543 souls; maribojoc, with 3,372 tributes, and 18,200 souls; island and village of siquijor, with 1,740 tributes, and 7,800 souls; canoan, with 1,465 tributes, and 7,082 souls; laci, with 1,180 1/2 tributes, and 5,403 souls; and san juan, with 1,143 tributes, and 5,280 souls.] the province of bohol at the present time after having mentioned in rapid survey the villages of which this province is at present composed, which are otherwise so many quiet groups of honest and industrious natives--who form, in the religious estate, the same number of parishes canonically established, each one with its own pastor, who is charged to watch over them through the functions of religion, and to dispense the sacraments and other benefits of religion to the souls of his respective parish--and having enumerated the communities that make up the general total of the population of what is now one of the most populous provinces of the archipelago: a meditative mind goes back about one century with the desire of ascertaining the state of the province in that time, since now we are seeing its condition in our own time. it has been stated above, in the introduction, that the villages having regular ministers were eight in number. in regard to canonical legislation then in force, those ministers had the character of missionaries, and not of parish priests. they labored in the salvation of souls with the apostolic zeal generally recognized (and denied by no one), which is characteristic of the fathers of the society of jesus. but the social state of those natives was a hindrance to the abundant fruit that ought to be expected from the fervent devotion and charity of so distinguished missionaries. the insurrections which took place in bohol in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had succeeded in forming a considerable body of malcontents who raised the banner of rebellion and disorder; and the disorder at the same time when it destroyed the obedience of most of their subjects to the authorities, also influenced very directly the advancement of catholicism, and gave as a result that all those who took to the mountains, thus being separated from the immediate neighborhood of the eight churches then existing, returned to the habits of heathenism at the same time when they passed to the camp of freedom. other things also were added to the causes which diminished the abundant fruits of the priestly ministry. that coldness of the people of bohol toward the spanish name, observed long before by legaspi at the time of the discovery, and certain opposition inspired by some captious natives who favored but little the very zealous ministers of jesus christ (who were sacrificing their own existence for the eternal salvation of those souls), placed this territory in an abnormal condition, taking from it the forces necessary for its advancement and prosperity. above all, peacefulness had left those shores, a loss which made it impossible to give signs of life and social and religious increase. one hundred and ten years have elapsed since the discalced augustinians first entered bohol. they did not go there as conquistadors; they did not go to preach the name of christ to heathenism and idolatry; they did not go to make new vassals for the king of españa of a people who had not sworn their obedience. the mission of the recollect fathers to the island of bohol was to continue the tasks of the jesuit fathers; to preach the divinity of our lord jesus christ, just as the jesuits did; and to present themselves to the observation of those natives in their apostolic and religious bearing, as worthy imitators of so zealous priests. they also had the thorny task of inculcating habits of gratitude and obedience in discontented minds; and of reducing a considerable number of rebels to the payment of the royal tribute, who had already begun a struggle, with some pretensions to triumph. the hope of religion and society in the discalced augustinians, in the difficult circumstances through which the island of bohol was passing when they took charge of its administration, was that peace would be extended to the remotest corners of its territory, so that the religious beginnings would have an efficacious influence on the misguided multitude, and spanish authority would completely dominate men and things which had been separated from its beneficent influence. facts are demonstrating with the greatest clearness that the recollects attained abundantly the end of all their aspirations. at present we are experiencing that the reality exceeds the hopes that could animate them when they entered on their task. the universal harmony that this province enjoys in the present century, and the state of prosperity in which all the natives live, as well as the growth of population, and the increase of culture, religious fervor, and instruction that they enjoy--all this speaks very loudly in favor of the preaching of the recollects in bohol. these considerations also demonstrate with the greatest clearness that, even if the recollects were not its conquistadors, they are without dispute the instruments employed by providence for its political and religious advancement; and that they are with all propriety the pacifiers and restorers of the beginnings of christian society in that island, which was in confusion until that time. as soon as they entered, a relation of sympathy was established between them and their protegés, as hidden as it was intimate, by virtue of which they were enabled to direct all their individual forces to the attempt at perfection and the improvements that they had planned. as they always directed these successfully, and were always obeyed with promptness, they were enabled to realize the material and intellectual transformation of that district newly entrusted to their care. there are at present thirty-three parishes in this province, according to the preceding relation. in each one of them has been erected a catholic temple, sufficient in itself alone to give glory to the hand that has directed it. in all of those parishes there is a parish house--more or less elegant, but always sufficiently solid and suitable--which is teaching to the present generation (and the future one also) the fatigues that the recollect must have endured who placed the first stone and finished the work, in each of those parishes (which are a like number of villages), public halls have been constructed under the direction of the parish priests. in all of them schools for both sexes have been erected, where religious instruction is given to them. since this exercises its proper influence on the minds of the youth, it has succeeded in forming the present generation--who are established in all the beliefs of our true religion, exactly observant of the practices which it imposes upon them, thankful and respectful to the ministers of jesus christ, and very diligent in the fulfilment of their social duties, all those who pay tribute to his majesty being comprehended in this obligation. the number of those who paid tribute in this island could not have been very large in the eight missions that existed when the island came into our possession, when one considers the state of insubordination in which that multitude were living, most of whom were separated from organized society and in revolt in the interior of the territory. in proportion as it continued to assume its normal state, and commenced to enjoy the peace that it has at the present time, its population continued to increase, and in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight was more than one hundred thousand souls; in one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two, the total of its population was increased to one hundred and fifty thousand; at present the island of bohol, which is a province, has a population of two hundred and sixty thousand souls. [149] this prodigious increase of inhabitants in an area so small, and amid conditions so little advantageous for agriculture, has no other explanation than the conscientious and constant labor of the regular parish priests, each of whom notes in his respective parish register with scrupulous niceness the heights and depths of his district, without any of the alterations that can modify the statistics of his village escaping his eye; and who assigns to their respective dwellings men and women, and youths and old people, with the correct date of their birth. from this patriotic labor it results that the obligations of the royal treasury are satisfied by all the people of bohol at the moment when they become of proper age. reflecting upon the advantageous conditions by which the character of those peoples has been modified, and how they have been completely withdrawn from those untamable and savage forms of life which lasted until the last century, and that they have at present become fond of work, respectful to authority, and grateful in their social intercourse, we can infer that the ministers of the order who are at present watching over the necessities of their souls are laboring tirelessly in the confessional, are preaching the word of god without cessation, and are consoling the sick in their most remote dwellings. in the midst of so many lofty occupations of the religious ministry, the recollects have been able to study even the physical necessities of their protegés, and the ingenious manner of making these lighter. to their direction is owing the different industries proceeding from the products of the earth, which, prepared and elaborated with due intelligence, furnish other kinds of business, permitted and honorable, which afford abundant means for the life and support of those natives. if agriculture does not furnish most abundant products, because of the nature of the soil in bohol, those natives do not for that reason sleep in inactivity; they go to seek their living where they can find it. they do not abhor work, which is the true fount of all means of subsistence. they undertake voyages by land and sea, with the praiseworthy purpose of making their living by virtue of their fatigues and labors. this is the exact description of the inhabitants of bohol; and this is what has been obtained from those people (from whom religion and the country expected so little) by the province of san nicolás de tolentino, by means of the worthy children of its bosom whom it sent to that land, and through those who have continued, furthered, and perfected the arduous attempt at the culture and civilization of those natives.... the recollects of mindanao [the entrance of the recollects into mindanao, and the earlier years of their preaching there, have been already given in preceding volumes of this series.] division of parishes in mindanao although it is clear that the fathers of the society of jesus entered this land in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-six to procure its spiritual conquest, by permission of the cabildo governing the vacant see of manila, and that the call of the gospel resounded in the site tampacan [misprinted jampacan], when our soldiers retired the fathers of the society had to do the same. in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the observantine augustinians took this vineyard in their charge, and father fray francisco xaraba [150] went to cultivate it with a companion; but undeceived, [and seeing] that only war could open the way for their preaching, because of the exceeding ferocity of the people, they abandoned the undertaking and returned to cebú. the missionaries of the society returned [to mindanao], and preached on the river of butuan; and those who were then converted by them formed a visita of a village in bohol. after the deed of arms above mentioned, the recollect missionaries, with the necessary permits from the bishop and the royal vice-patron, founded the first convent and village of tandag, and then the convent and village of jigaquit; a third village and convent on the river of butuan, whence they continued their conquests and went up the river of butuan to the interior of the island, to a lake called linao; and the fourth village and convent, fifty leguas from butuan. then they went to cagayan, [151] where they also founded a church and convent; whence they crossed to the island of camiguin, where they did the same; and lastly in the island of surigao and bislig. eight settlements, perfectly organized in the social order, with churches suitable for the public worship of our true religion, with convenient buildings for the habitation of their ministers--where they could practice the exercises of the monastic life, and whence issued the splendors of their edifying holiness to illumine the dark shades of idolatry and paganism, served as the original basis for the spread of the faith. after that, they continued to found many other villages dependent on the first, which were then considered as visitas or subject villages. some of those villages came in later times to be the residences of our recollect ministers, according to the available number of religious that the corporation possessed, or according as the necessities or growth of population in the said subject villages demanded. our predecessors also succeeded in getting to the lake of malanao, and the village of iligan, and bayug. as there were certain questions regarding the spiritual jurisdiction, his majesty defined them, marking out the limits of religious zeal between the two families (who were equally inflamed with the desire for the salvation of souls), by drawing a line from the point of suloguan to the cape of san agustin, and assigning the administration on its western side to the most religious fathers of the society of jesus, while our peaceful possession was marked on the eastern side. lastly, when the reverend jesuit fathers left the islands, the administration of zamboanga was adjudged to us in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight, as well as the villages of lubungan, dapitan, and misamis (and consequently their barrios--some of which, as time went on, came to be villages). present administration of the recollects her majesty doña isabel ii decreed the establishment of the house of loyola on october nineteen, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two, with permission to go to the missions of mindanao and joló. september ten, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, another royal order was issued, declaring that the missionaries of the society of jesus have exclusive rights in the planting and successive development of the effective missions in mindanao; and that the same were to take charge of the administration of the curacies and missions already reduced by the recollect augustinian religious as fast as these were vacated by the death or transfer of those who serve them with canonical collation or under title of temporary incumbent. her majesty, desiring at the same time to concede an indemnification, and to give proof of the appreciation with which she views the services bestowed on the church and on the state by the above-mentioned augustinian religious, has been pleased to grant to the province of san nicolás de tolentino the administration of the curacies of the province of cavite or of the diocese of manila which are served by the native clergy. may nineteen, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, another royal order was issued, dictating instructions for the compensation of curacies accorded to the province of san nicolás de tolentino in return for those in mindanao which they were to surrender to the jesuit missionaries. in that order it was decided that in every certified instance of a vacancy in mindanao, and its surrender to and occupation by the jesuit fathers, indemnification therefor was to be made to the recollect fathers, in cavite and the diocese of manila, with the curacy which might be vacant at that time, even if it were in charge of a temporary incumbent; and if there were more than one curacy vacant, then the wishes of the vice-patron were to be followed, after first hearing the very reverend archbishop, the provincial of the order, and the council of administration. should there not be any curacy vacant, then [indemnification was to be made] with the first which should become vacant. as obedient subjects to the orders of her majesty, from that date we relinquished, in the same order in which they fell vacant, the ministries that we held in mindanao; and we handed over zamboanga, tetuan, lubungan, dapitan, butuan, surigao, jigaquit, davao, bislig, cattabato, mainit, dinagat, balingasag, alubijid. in exchange we received the curacies in the district of morong--namely, antipolo and taytay; the village of la hermita, in the province of manila; calauan, in laguna; cavite port, and rosario, in the province of cavite; boac, in the island of marinduque; and the villages of rosario, santo tomás, balayan, and lobo, in the province of batangas. the sacrifice made by the recollect corporation by ceding parishes created by it and watered with the sweat and blood of its most eminent members, nourished by the doctrine of apostolic men to be revered by us, and very worthy of our imitation, is equal to the respect with which the recollects have always received the orders of their august monarchs, and to the obedience and adhesion with which they have always served in this archipelago as catholic priests, and in the shade of our spanish banner. [the recollect villages still in mindanao are as follows: tandag, with 1,783 1/2 tributes, and 3,957 souls; cantilan, with 189 1/2 tributes, and 7,366 souls; cabuntog, with 990 tributes, and 3,731 souls; numancia, with 862 1/2 tributes, and 3,366 souls; cagayan, with 2,585 1/2 tributes, and 11,499 souls; jasaan, with 1,2821 1/2 tributes, and 5,878 souls; iponan, with 1,078 1/2 tributes, and 5,570 souls; alubijid, with 1,210 tributes, and 4,989 souls; iligan, with 1,098 tributes, and 4,577 souls; misamis, with 1,561 1/2 tributes, and 6,419 souls; jimenez, with 2,178 1/2 tributes, and 8,616 souls; catarman, with 1,202 tributes, and 5,105 souls; sagay, with 1,218 tributes, and 5,482 souls; mambajao, with 1,684 tributes, and 5,246 souls; and mahinog, with 1,037 tributes, and 4,382 souls. in the time of la concepción (_ca._ 1750), the recollects had charge of thirty-six villages in mindanao and dependent islands; in 1852, they had charge of eighteen, and were showing rapid increase when they were ordered to transfer them to the jesuits. the martyrs and captives of the recollects in mindanao are as follows: juan de la madre de dios, killed 1723; brother juan de san nicolás, martyred; jacinto de jesus y maria, martyred; alonso de san josé, killed 1631; juan de santo tomás, killed 1631; pedro de san antonio, killed july 21, 1631; agustín de santa maría, killed may 16, 1651; lorenzo de san facundo, captured 1635; hipólito de san agustin, captured may 20, 1740; antonio del santo cristo, captured 1754; estéban de san josé, killed by moros, march 28, 1764; josé de santa teresa, killed in combat with moros in 1770; and josé de la santísima trinidad, captured 1774.] marianas islands [these islands were in charge of the jesuits, but after the expulsion of the society were given to the recollects, who had them in charge during 1768-1814, when they abandoned them because of their few laborers. the recollects reassumed that field in 1819, and in 1879 had there seven priests.] _tables showing tributes and number of souls in recollect provinces and villages, at various times_ _in 1751, as published by father fray juan de la concepción_ regular villages and provinces tributes souls ministers san sebastian 96 366 1 mariveles 643 2,005 3 pampanga 74 783 2 zambales 1,851 7,678 8 mindoro 1,540 10,912 5 calamianes 1,717 5,148 5 romblon 1,220 1/2 5,808 3 masbate 619 2,950 2 ticao 367 1,550 1 cebú 330 1,500 3 caraga 3,340 14,995 5 curregidorship of iligan 1,167 4,970 4 total 12,955 1/2 58,665 42 _in 1839, by the prior provincial, father fray blás de las mercedes_ regular provinces tributes souls ministers tondo 1,777 1/2 8,498 2 cavite 2,277 1/2 12,228 1 pampanga 744 5,781 2 zambales 4,171 1/2 19,997 6 mindoro 1,400 1/2 6,675 3 capiz 1,793 9,544 2 calamianes 2,959 1/2 15,342 5 cebú 22,285 123,503 20 misamis 5,046 36,591 7 caraga 6,140 29,292 5 zamboanga - 5,704 1 marianas - 6,982 3 total 48,594 1/2 278,137 57 _in 1851, by the prior provincial, father fray juan félix de la encarnacion_ regular provinces tributes souls ministers tondo 2,397 1/2 11,906 2 cavite 2,858 15,271 1 bataan 1,099 1/2 4,424 1 zambales 10,204 1/2 44,558 10 pampanga 1,289 1/2 6,087 1 mindoro 1,972 1/2 8,346 5 capiz 2,640 12,519 3 calamianes 3,251 1/2 16,031 4 cebú 34,299 186,028 24 island of negros 6,571 1/2 30,391 8 zamboanga 1,552 8,220 2 misamis 6,936 42,334 10 caraga 6,012 23,480 5 nueva-guipúzcoa 1,696 1/2 7,330 2 marianas - 8,435 2 total 82,762 430,360 80 _in 1878, by the prior provincial, father fray aquilino bon de san sebastian_ regular provinces tributes souls ministers archbishop of manila manila 5,083 19,029 3 district of morong 3,553 1/2 11,982 2 cavite 18,525 1/2 65,558 9 laguna 957 1/2 2,734 1 batangas 13,331 54,142 4 pampanga and tarlac 3,644 15,004 4 bataan 1,955 6,749 3 zambales 23,058 1/2 92,975 19 mindoro 7,806 1/2 28,592 6 bishopric of jaro romblon 7,136 32,661 7 island of negros 43,870 178,937 34 calamianes 5,186 1/2 21,861 7 bishopric of cebú cebú 14,214 1/2 67,808 10 bohol 52,600 1/2 255,706 35 misamis 14,925 62,746 10 surigao 3,744 14,463 3 bislig 1,783 1/2 7,571 1 marianas - 8,125 6 total 221,375 946,643 164 [a note at the end of the volume states that the recollects of the province of san nicolás of the philippine islands numbered, in 1879, 1,004 deceased friars who had labored there.] present condition of the catholic religion in filipinas [the following account is obtained from _archipiélago filipino_ (prepared by the jesuit fathers at manila; washington, 1900), ii, pp. 258-267.] the progressive increase of catholics in filipinas until 1898 in order to understand the present condition of the catholic religion in filipinas (we refer to the year 1896, before the tagál insurrection), it will be advisable to place before the eyes of the reader the growth of the christian population and the increase of the faithful from the coming of the spaniards until the present time. the number of inhabitants whom the spaniards encountered at their arrival in these islands is not known with exactness, but it is calculated by some historians as below two millions; and it will not be imprudent to affirm that they all scarcely reached one and one-half millions--whether idolaters, who admitted the plurality of gods; or moros, who although they professed (as they still profess) the unity of god, did not believe (as they still do not believe) the divinity of jesus christ, but who have, on the contrary, been instructed from their earliest years by their parents and pandits to hate christianity. the spanish missionaries arrived, then, and began the work of evangelization at the same time as the humanitarian undertaking to reduce them to a civilized life; for most of the indians and moros were living in scattered groups along the coasts, and in the fields and thickets in small settlements. what was the result of their apostolic labors? let us see. father fray juan francisco de san antonio, [152] chronicler of the franciscan missionaries, gives us the following data: _general summary of souls, reckoning only the natives that were reduced to christianity throughout the archipelago of filipinas in 1735_ in 142 villages in charge of the seculars throughout this archipelago 131,279 calced augustinians (in more than 150 villages) 241,806 order of st. dominic (in 51 villages) 89,752 the society of jesus (in 80 villages) 170,000 augustinian recollects (in 105 villages) 63,149 discalced franciscans (in 63 villages) 141,196 total 837,182 father delgado, who wrote in the year 1750, gives almost the same statistics, but adds the following: "i do not doubt that the souls that are ministered to, throughout the islands of this archipelago, by secular and regular priests, exceed one million and many thousands in addition; for, in the lists made by the ministers, the children still below the age of seven years are neither entered nor enumerated. accordingly, i shall base my count on the enumeration made a few years ago." in the work entitled _estado de las islas filipinas_, written by don tomás de comyn in 1820, and translated into english by william walton in 1821, the following is contained as an appendix: recapitulation of population in filipinas total number of indians of both sexes (catholics) 2,395,687 total number of sangley mestizos (catholics) 119,719 total number of sangleys or chinese 7,000 total number of whites 4,000 total population 2,526,406 comparison of the population in 1791 and 1810, exclusive 1791 1810 difference number of indians 1,582,761 2,395,687 812,926 number of mestizos 66,917 119,719 52,802 total 1,649,678 2,515,406 865,728 he concludes by saying: "the resultant difference of the foregoing comparison, founded on public documents, shows an excess of fifty-two per cent of increase in each eighteen years; and if a like proportion continues, the population of the filipinas islands will be doubled in thirty-four years--an increase which could be judged incredible if we did not have an extraordinary example in filadelfia [_i.e._, philadelphia], which has doubled its population in twenty-eight years, as buffon, supported by the authority of doctor franklin, affirms." the above assertion of comyn has been realized now in all exactness, if we are to judge by the assertions, in his published works, of don felipe de pan, a studious newspaper man of manila; for, according to that writer, the population of filipinas exceeded 9,000,000 in 1876. ferreiro, secretary of the sociedad geográfica de madrid [_i.e._, "geographical society of madrid"], also calculated the population of filipinas in 1887 at 9,000,000 approximately, a number which seems to be somewhat above actual fact. in an investigation finished in the last quarter of 1894, the population of the archipelagoes which composed the general government of filipinas appears in the following form: christian parish population 6,414,373 in concealment [_i.e._, refugees] 128,287 regular and secular clergy 2,651 indian and spanish military 21,513 those in asylums [_asilados_] 689 criminals [_penados_] 702 chinese foreigners 74,504 white foreigners 1,000 moros 309,000 heathen 880,000 total 7,832,719 finally, the secretary's office of the archbishopric of manila offers us the following enumeration with respect to the catholics existing in the archipelagoes of filipinas, marianas, and carolinas, in the year 1898, according to the following lists: number of souls by dioceses in the archbishopric of manila 1,811,445 in the bishopric of cebú 1,748,872 in the bishopric of jaro 1,310,754 in the bishopric of nueva segovia 997,629 in the bishopric of nueva cáceres 691,298 total number of catholics 6,559,998 to whom is due this increase of catholicism, and this growth of the population of filipinas in general, from the time of the conquest by the spaniards? it is due to the regular and secular clergy. one can scarcely ascribe any importance to the immigration into filipinas during the lapse of years. the chinese, and the europeans (including the spaniards themselves), can be considered, as a general rule, as birds of passage, who come to live here for a few years and then return to their own country. the filipino population has increased, thanks to the organization and good government at the centers [of population], which were established chiefly by missionary action, at the time when the natives of the evangelized territories became christians. the secular power, even when aided by arms, has not even attempted to form villages of the heathen; neither have the military posts become well populated or stable settlements. the center of attraction and of coherence in filipino villages has always been, and is still, the church and the convent. the parish priest (who is not a bird of passage) is, as a rule, the most respected authority, the chief guarantee of order and peace, and the most careful guardian of morality--an indubitable and most important cause of increase in the population of every country. the numerous and important settlements, which have now other powerful roots and elements of cohesion, began and were formed thus. if the center of union of which we are speaking be removed from them, especially if they are recent and young, one will see how families break up, and how the new citizens easily return to the life of the mountain. present state of the archbishopric of manila, and of the bishoprics of cebú, jaro, nueva cáceres, and nueva segovia in order to feed this flock of six and one-half millions of catholics, the church of filipinas relies on one archbishop and four bishops. the present archbishop of manila is don fray bernardino nozaleda, of the order of st. dominic, a wise and prudent prelate, who took possession of his see october 29, 1890. this archdiocese has a magnificent cathedral, and possesses a considerable cabildo, which was composed of twenty-four prebends in the time of spanish domination. the ecclesiastical court has its offices in the archiepiscopal palace. the conciliar seminary is a fine edifice, and is in charge of the fathers of the congregation of st. vincent de paul; [153] but it is at present closed, because of the condition of war prevailing in the country. the _obras pias_ of the miter amounted before the revolution to a considerable fund, and are in charge of an administrator. the archbishopric of manila has 219 parishes, 24 mission parishes, 16 active missions, 259 parish priests or missionaries, and 198 native secular priests for the aid of the parish priests. don fray martín de garcía de alcocer, of the order of st. francis, governs the diocese of cebú. he is a very worthy prelate, and is greatly beloved by all his diocesans. he took possession of his diocese december 11, 1886. there is an old cathedral in cebú, and another new one was erected when the revolution was begun. that city has, also, a conciliar seminary in charge of the paulist fathers, and two hospitals subordinate to the miter. the diocese numbers 166 parishes, 15 mission parishes, 32 active missions, 213 parish priests or missionaries, and 125 native clergy. by the death of don fray leandro arrué, which happened in 1897, don fray mauricio ferrero, an ex-provincial of the religious of the order of the augustinian recollects, has just been appointed bishop of jaro. the bishopric of jaro possesses a cathedral church, which is also the parish church of the city of jaro; and it has a court corresponding to it, and a seminary under the management of the paulist fathers. in the diocese there are 144 parishes, 23 mission parishes, 33 active missions, 200 parish priests or missionaries, and 73 native clergy employed in the parish ministry. the diocese of nueva cáceres has as bishop don fray arsenio del campo, of the order of st. augustine, who took possession of his see june 3, 1888. although it, like the dioceses of cebú, jaro, and nueva segovia, has no cabildo, nevertheless there is a cathedral church in nueva cáceres, an ecclesiastical court, a conciliar seminary in charge of the paulist fathers, and a leper hospital. the bishopric of nueva cáceres has 107 parishes, 17 parish missions, 124 parish priests or missionaries, and 148 native priests. the present bishop of nueva segovia is don fray josé hevia campomanes, a religious of the order of st. dominic--who is most fluent in the tagál language, and had been, for many years before, parish priest of binondo, which parish he enriched with a fine cemetery. he took possession of his see june 19, 1890, but was made a prisoner at the outbreak of the revolution; and he still lies, as these lines are penned, under the heavy chains of captivity, and not always treated as his holy character, his authority, and his personal qualities merit. [154] the diocese of nueva segovia has 110 parishes, 26 parish missions, 35 active missions, 171 parish priests or missionaries, and 131 native priests. the ecclesiastical court resides in vigan, where there is also a cathedral church; and a conciliar seminary which has been, until the present, directed by the religious of st. augustine. condition of the religious corporations the corporation of calced augustinian fathers owned, before the revolutionary movement, the magnificent convent and church of san agustín in manila, and those of cebú and guadalupe, and the orphan asylums of tambóbong and mandaloyan; and in españa the colleges of valladolid, palma de mallorca, and santa maría de la vid, with the royal monastery of the escorial, and the hospitium of barcelona--besides a mission in china. its total number of religious was 644. the corporation of augustinian recollect fathers owned (also before the war) in filipinas their convent and church of manila, together with those of cavite, san sebastián, and cebú, and the house and estate of imus; and in españa the colleges of monteagudo, of marcilla, and of san millán de la cogulla--the total number of their religious being 522. the religious of the order of st. francis possess in the filipinas their convent and church of manila, that of san francisco del monte, the hospital of san lázaro, the church of the venerable tertiary order at sampáloc, the hospitium of san pascual bailón, the infirmary of santa cruz of laguna, a leper hospital in camarines, the college of guinobatan, and the monastery of santa clara; and in españa, the colleges of pastrana, consuegra, arenas de san pedro, puebla de montalbán, almagro, and belmonte, with the residence of madrid; also a college in roma--and a total of 475 religious, and 34 religious women. the religious of the order of st. dominic, besides their missions of china and formosa, own in manila the convent and church of st. dominic, the university of santo tomás, the college of santo tomás, that of san josé, and that of san juan de letran; the college of san alberto magno in dagupan, the vicariate of san juan del monte, and that of san telmo in cavite; the beaterio of santa catalina de sena in manila, for girls; that of nuestra señora del rosario in lingayén, that of santa imelda in tuguegarao, and that of nuestra señora del rosario in vigan, also for the education of girls; and in españa the two colleges of santo domingo de ocaña and santo tomás de avila--with a total of 528 religious. the missionaries of the society of jesus own in manila a central mission house, the ateneo [_i.e._, athenæum] municipal, the normal school, and a meteorological observatory. they administer 37 missions, with 265 visitas or reductions, in mindanao, basilan, and joló. the total number of jesuits resident in filipinas was only 164; but the province of aragón, of which the mission forms a part, owns several training-houses, colleges, and residences in españa, besides those which it maintains in south america. the fathers of the mission, or those of st. vincent de paul, own the house of san marcelino in manila, and the conciliar seminary of that city, with those of cebú, jaro, and nueva cáceres. the capuchin missionaries have the church and mission-house of manila, the mission of yap in the western carolinas, that of palaos, that of ponapé in the eastern carolinas, and the procuratorial house of madrid [155]--the total number of their religious being 36. the benedictine missionaries occupy the central mission house of manila; the missions of taganaán, cantilan, gigáquit, cabúntog, numancia, and dinágit, in mindanao; and a college for missionaries in monserrat (españa). there are 14 of them resident in these islands. lastly, there are, besides the religious who live in filipinas, several houses of religious women, some of whom are dedicated to a contemplative life, as those of st. clare; others to teaching, as those of the asunción [_i.e._, "assumption"], the dominicans, and the beatas of the society; and others, finally, in the exercise of benevolence, as the sisters of charity or of st. vincent de paul, who have charge of the hospitals--although the latter also dedicate themselves, with great benefit, to the teaching of young women in the seminaries of concordia, santa isabel, santa rosa, the municipal school, loban, the hospitium of san josé of jaro, and santa isabel of nueva cáceres. religious spirit of the country after this statistical religious summary, we cannot resist our desire to explain, although briefly, what is at present and definitively the character or qualities of the religious spirit reigning in this country--which owes everything that it is, aside from the purely natural elements, to the catholic civilization of españa. this point is, on another side, very pertinent to the whole subject. it is not to be doubted, then, that the mass of the natives who have received the direct influence of spanish civilization are entirely catholic. the heathen natives are yet barbarous or semi-barbarous; and the moros, besides being without the civilization of the christian indians, do not retain either, from the merely external mahometanism, more than their innate pride and treachery, and some few formalities, known and practiced by a very few of their race. those in filipinas who profess, or say that they profess, any other positive religion (and more especially any other christian religion), distinct from the catholic, will be found absolutely only among the foreign element. therefore, catholicism is the religion, not only of the majority, but of all the civilized filipinos. it is also certain that the filipinos are sincere catholics. their religion suits them, and is congenial to their nature. they practice it spontaneously, and profess it openly and publicly, without any objection. far from all their minds is the most remote suspicion that catholicism is not the true and only religion capable of bringing about their temporal and eternal happiness. all of these indians are by nature docile to the teachings and admonitions of their parish priests and spiritual fathers. many good people approach the holy sacraments easily and frequently; and the fact that many others do not approach or frequent them so often must be attributed to neglect, to heedlessness, or to real difficulties, but never to aversion. the ceremonies and the solemnity of the worship attract them very powerfully, and so do the popular catholic exhibitions of great feasts and processions. they display without any objection, but rather with great pleasure, the pious objects and insignia of any devotion or pious association to which they belong; and in many places the women wear the scapular or rosary around the neck as a part or complement of their dress. it may be said that there is no house or family, however poor it be, that does not have a domestic altar or oratory. there are some careless christians among the filipino people, vicious and scandalous because of their evil habits; there are even some who are ignorant of the most necessary things of their religion: but there are no unbelievers or impious ones among them--unless some few, relatively insignificant in number, who have become vitiated and corrupted in foreign countries, and afterward have returned to their country. even these latter have hitherto, because of a certain feeling of shame that they retain, taken care not to let that change be seen, except among irreligious associates or those of another form of worship. finally, the tertiary orders, brotherhoods, and pious and devotional associations, old and new, have always had a great number of individuals enrolled in the filipinas, and even constant and fervent affiliated members. the catholic religion, always holy and sanctifying, works in those who adopt it, according to the natural or acquired disposition of the same. thus it is that the defects of character in the indians, if they are frequently moderated, thanks to the religion that they profess, wholly disappear but with difficulty, and generally even have some influence on the private life and religious character of the natives. since they are, therefore, more superficial and more impressionable to new things than those of other races, they would perhaps be less constant in their catholic practices, sentiments, and convictions, and would feel more easily than do others the evil influences of false doctrines and worships, if they had experience with these. they are readily inclined to superstitions, now by their former bad habits, now by their nearness to and communication with those who are yet heathen, now by their exceedingly puerile imagination, and by their nature, which is influenced by their surroundings. this we believe is, in broad lines, the religious character of the indians of filipinas. let us now see what has been said recently also in regard to this same point by another contemporaneous witness, with whom we almost entirely agree. mr. peyton, a protestant bishop, said, when speaking of catholicism in the filipinas, at a meeting of the protestant bishops of the episcopal church held at st. louis (united states), in the month of last october: "i found a magnificent church in every village. i was present at mass several times, and the churches were always full of natives--even when circumstances were unfavorable, because of the military occupation. there are almost no seats in those churches, while the services last--an hour, or an hour and a half. never in my life have i observed more evident signs of profound devotion than in those there present. the men were kneeling, or prostrated before the altar; and the women were on their knees, or seated on the floor. no one went out of the church during the service, or talked to others. there is no spirit of sectarianism there. all have been instructed in the creed, in the formal prayers, in the ten commandments, and in the catechism. all have been baptized in infancy. [156] i do not know whether there exists in this country a village so pure, moral, and devout as is the filipino village." granting the above, would freedom of worship be advisable for filipinos? since, then, the religion in filipinas, and consequently their morals, is so unanimous, would it be advisable to introduce freedom of worship into this country? if one understands by freedom of worship only actual religious toleration, by virtue of which no one can be obliged to profess catholicism, and no one be persecuted for neglecting to be a catholic, or that each one profess privately the religion that he pleases, that freedom has always existed in filipinas; and no filipino or foreigner was ever obliged to embrace the catholic religion. but if one understands by freedom of worship the concession to all religions (for example, to those of confucius, mahomet, and to all the protestant sects) of equal rights to open schools, erect churches, create parishes, and celebrate public processions and functions, as does the catholic church, we believe that not only is this not advisable, but that it would be a fatal measure to any government which rules the destinies of filipinas. if, in fact, this government should concede such freedom of worship, it would cause itself to be hated by the six and one-half millions of filipino catholics; for, even though such government should profess no worship, the filipino people would consider it as responsible for all the consequences of such a measure; and therefore it would not be looked on favorably by these six and one-half millions of catholics. these people are fully convinced that theirs is the only true religion, and the only one by which they can be saved. if any government should endeavor to despoil them of that religion--which is their most precious jewel, and the richest inheritance which they have received from their ancestors--even should it be no more than permitting the protestant or heterodox propaganda publicly and openly, then they could not refrain from complaint; and from that might even come the disturbance of public order, or perhaps some politico-religious war, accompanied by all the cruelty and all the disasters which, as are well known, are generally brought on by such wars. two serious difficulties can be opposed against the rights of catholicism in filipinas. the first is in the americans who are governing at present, and the second is in the filipinos themselves. the americans enjoy in america the most complete freedom of worship; why, then, should they not enjoy that same freedom when they go to filipinas? we answer, that every inhabitant must conform to the laws of the country in which he lives. the chinese enjoyed in china the most complete freedom to erect temples to buddha or to confucius; but for three centuries they have not enjoyed a like freedom in manila, although no chinese has been forced to become a catholic. we go farther and say that no chinese has had to boast of his religion in order to trade, become rich, and return to china. the same can be said of the english and americans. if it is necessary for the good order and government of six and one-half millions of catholics in filipinas, besides those who are not catholics (one and one-half millions, counting idolaters and moros yet to be civilized), not to permit or encourage freedom of worship, the government which rules the destiny of these islands ought to legislate along those lines, since the laws ought to be adjusted to the needs of the majority of their inhabitants. the americans themselves who shall take up their residence here ought to accommodate themselves to that law. no temporal or spiritual harm would result to them, for they could privately profess what their conscience dictated to them as the true religion. thus the english do in malta, where the catholic religion is in force; and although the island is so small, there are two thousand italian catholic priests in it, who are more content to live under the english government than under the italian. the other difficulty against catholicism in filipinas springs from the filipino insurgents themselves, who voted for freedom of worship and separation from the spanish church in their congress of malolos. [157] why, then, has not that freedom of worship been granted to the filipinos, if they themselves ask it? we reply that they also ask for independence. will the americans grant them the latter because of that fact? the majority of the filipino insurgent chiefs were inclined to masonry. they had bound themselves, for a long time past, to work for the expulsion of the friars; and, drunk with the wine of liberty, they asked for every kind of freedom, including that of religion. how many insurgents have abjured catholicism? their number does not exceed two dozen. the law of freedom of worship is unnecessary for them, since they profess no religion. the filipino people--that is to say, the six and one-half millions of catholics enrolled in the parish registers--do not ask or desire religious freedom, or separation from the spanish church. they are content with their catholicism, and desire nothing else; and they will not suffer their government to take from them their catholic unity. we have heard this from qualified and accredited defenders of filipino independence. they even deny that the vote at malolos was the true expression of the will of that congress, which was also very far from being the entire and genuine representation of the filipino people. the latter hold heresies, and all manner of religious disturbance, in horror. he who would introduce these into their homes would offer them an insult. consequently, it is demonstrated that freedom of worship in filipinas is not advisable, but adverse to the public peace. if it is said finally, that there are some points of public interest which demand some reform, in what pertains to the religious estate of the filipinas, we shall not be the ones to deny that. but the church has the desire and the means to remedy these supposed or recognized evils. if, peradventure, it do not remedy them through ignorance, let anyone who is interested, and the government of the country first of all, bring them to its notice. on the other hand, this matter has no connection with religious freedom. [from the same work (pp. 256, 257) is taken the following mention of the religious orders who recently established themselves in the philippines:] in all the dioceses the bishops looked after the founding of seminaries for the native clergy, not only because such were needed to aid in the administration of the sacraments in the large parishes created by the religious, but also for the occupation of some parishes which were reserved for them from very ancient times. the fathers of the congregation of st. vincent de paul, the capuchins, and the benedictines, come to the islands for the direction of some of these seminaries, the sons of st. vincent de paul came from españa in 1862, together with the brothers of charity, who took charge of the attendance of the sick in the hospitals, and of the teaching of young women. the capuchin fathers also came to these islands in the year 1886, for the purpose of taking charge of the missions of both carolinas and palaos, a duty which they have fulfilled marvelously, and not without the sacrifice of all human ambitions--burying themselves forever in those solitudes of the pacific ocean, for the love of the poor natives of the carolinas. finally, in 1895, the benedictine fathers, [158] of the monastery of monserrat in españa, landed in manila for the first time, in order to take charge of some missions on the eastern coast of mindanao. bibliographical data the following document is obtained from a ms. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _remonstrance of augustinians._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1629 á 1640; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." the following document is obtained from a ms. in the academia real de la historia, madrid: 2. _corcuera's campaign._--"papeles de los jesuitas, to 84, no. 27, 34." the following documents in the appendix are taken from printed works, as follows: 3. _laws regarding religious.--recopilación de las leyes de indias_ (madrid, 1841), lib. i, tit. xiv; also tit. xii, ley xxi; tit. xv, ley xxxiii; and tit. xx, ley xxiv. 4. _jesuit missions in 1656._--colin's _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663), pp. 811-820. 5. _religious estate in philippines._--san antonio's _chronicas_ (manila, 1738), i, book i, pp. 172-175, 190-210, 214-216, 219, 220, 223-226. 6. _religious condition of islands._--delgado's _historia general_ (manila, 1892), pp. 140-158, 184-188. 7. _ecclesiastical survey of philippines._--le gentil's _voyages dans les mers de l'inde_ (paris, 1781), pp. 170-191, 59-63. 8. _character and influence of friars._--mas's _informe sobre el estado de las islas filipinas en 1842_ (madrid, 1843), vol. ii. 9. _ecclesiastical system in the philippines._--buzeta and bravo's _diccionario de las islas filipinas_ (madrid, 1850), ii, pp. 271-275, 363-367. 10. _character and influence of friars._--jagor's _reisen in den philippinen_ (berlin, 1873), pp. 94-100. 11. _augustinian recollects.--provincia de san nicolás de tolentino de agustinos descalzos_ (manila, 1879). 12. _present condition of religion.--archipiélago filipino_ (washington, 1900), ii, pp. 256-267. notes [1] as gregory died in 1623, the despatch of this letter must have been long delayed at rome or en route. [2] see chapter xlii of medina's history of the augustinian order, in vol. xxiv of this series; also diaz's _conquistas_, pp. 384-386. [3] this was the archdeacon alonso garcía de leon. [4] pedro de arce (himself an augustinian), who twice filled vacancies in the archiepiscopal see of manila. [5] it is curious that diaz does not mention this; but he states (_conquistas_, p. 385) something omitted here--that archbishop garcía serrano interfered in like manner with the judge-executor of 1629 in this case, garcía de león. diaz may have given wrong names and dates for the one incident. [6] this was the new archdeacon, andrés arias xirón (diaz's _conquistas_, p. 385). [7] presumably pedro de ribadeneira, a spaniard of toledo; he was provincial of castilla, and assistant to the general of the order. about 1635 he was sent by felipe iv as his ambassador to the duke of modena and the republic of lucca; afterward he was named by the king bishop of cotrone (the ancient crotona), italy, but declined this honor. he died on august 20, 1643; and left various writings.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [8] there is frequent mention in canon law of _alternativa_ decrees by the holy see--a device in the interests of fairness, applied in the conferral of benefices and church offices, in order to do away with discords and displays of partisanship. thereby in elections the preferments, etc., were to go to the opposite party, according at times, to very singular rules, applicable, for instance, according to the month wherein the said benefice fell vacant. the usage of the "alternation" was introduced in the time of pope martin v. (a.d. 1417-1431.) the text of the present document concerns the extension of the _alternativa_ rules to the augustinians in the philippine islands, by force of which the offices in the order (distributed in provincial chapters every four years) were to be conferred one term on religious born in spain, and the next on religious born in the indias. the latter were known as creoles (_crioli_)--thus in the constitutions of the order, of 1685, where reference is made to decrees of gregory xv, dated november 29, 1621 (confirmed by urban viii in 1628), with regard to elections of the brethren in mechoacan, in mexico. as the _alternativa_ held in mexico and south america--in fact, in spanish colonies everywhere--these same papal decrees were presumably observed in all those colonies. later, in mexico, the statutes of the augustinians required that in provincial chapters religious of spanish blood should be chosen alternately with those of indian, in the election of provincials, definitors, priors, and other officers; but this plan did not operate very satisfactorily.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [9] the name (latin, _regio pontis_), of a ward in the city of rome. [10] so in ms., but an improbable name; more likely to be pacheco.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [11] diaz here says (_conquistas_, p. 385): "the fathers from the provinces of españa interposed an appeal from the fuerza [committed] by this act, saying that the said judge had not authority to postpone the matter, but only to execute [the decree]; and from this proceeded continual disputes until the time for the chapter-meeting." [12] the prior general of the augustinians in 1634, the date of this bull, was jerome de rigoliis, of corneto, elected may 18, 1630; he died (out of office, however) seven years later, in june, 1637, at the age of seventy and upwards. in 1636 (may 10), his successor in the generalship, hippolytus dei monti, was elected.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [13] castel gandolpho, a beautiful place in the alban hills, was the summer resort of the supreme pontiffs.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [14] _i.e._, "should the petition be grounded on fact." [15] _i.e._, "because the said fathers are not qualified in sufficient number," and "in the distribution of the said offices." [16] in the manuscript that we follow the letter of march 31 is given second, while that of april 5 is given first; we have arranged them chronologically. [17] garo: probably the same as _garita_; a fortified outpost? [18] the translation of this passage seems to be, "if god fights against a city, he who guards it watches in vain." the difficulty lies in "_a custodierit_," which we translate as "fights against." [19] sulu, the chief island of the group of that name, has an area of 333 square miles. it contains numerous mountains, some of them nearly 3,000 feet high; and their slopes are covered with magnificent forests. of the ancient town of sulu (the residence of the "sultan"), on the southern shore, hardly a trace remains; the present town of that name was built by the spaniards in 1878, and is modern in style. see _u. s. gazetteer of philippines_, pp. 842-850. [20] "four groups having different customs may be distinguished among the inhabitants of the archipelago: the guimbajanos, or inhabitants of the mountains, who are the indigenes; the malay and visayan slaves, whose descendants have intermarried; the samales, an inferior race, though not slaves; the true moros, who trace their origin from the mohammedan invaders, and who dominate the other inhabitants." "physically the sulu natives are superior to the ordinary malay type, and, according to streeter, are a strange mixture of villainy and nobility." (_u. s. gazetteer_, pp. 845, 846.) [21] _babui_, in their language, signifies "pig;" apparently they called the spaniards "swine," as expressing the acme of contempt for their besiegers. [22] "thanks be to god who has given us the victory through our lord jesus christ." [23] combés says (_hist. mindanao_, retana's ed., col. 264) that this queen, named tuambaloca, was a native of basilan, and that she had acquired such ascendency over her husband that the government of joló was entirely in her hands. this statement explains the presence of the basilan men in the joloan stronghold. [24] kris, a dagger or poniard, the universal weapon of all the civilized inhabitants of the archipelago, and of a hundred different forms. men of all ranks wear this weapon; and those of rank, when full dressed, wear two and even four. (crawfurd's _dict. ind. islands_, p.202.) at the louisiana purchase exposition, held last year (1904) at st. louis, the philippine exhibits contained malay weapons, in great number and variety--krises, campilans, lances, etc. [25] francisco martinez was born near zaragoza, february 25, 1605, and at the age of seventeen entered the jesuit order. joining the philippine mission, he labored mainly among the moros, and died at zamboanga on september 17, 1650. alejandro lopez, a native of aragon, was born in july, 1604, and at the age of nineteen went to mexico, where he spent several years in commercial pursuits. on august 28, 1631, he entered the jesuit novitiate at manila; and, accompanying corcuera in his campaigns, was long a missionary among the moros, and at various times an envoy to their chiefs in behalf of the spanish governors. it was on one of these embassies that lopez met his death, being killed by the moros, december 15, 1655. see combes's _hist. mindanao_, which relates in full lopez's missionary career; and sketch of his life in murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 94 _verso_, 235, 238-247. cf. montero y vidal's _hist. filipinas_, i, pp. 296-298. [26] this letter is unsigned; but the transcript of it made by ventura del arco places it with others ascribed to barrios. see detailed accounts of the expedition against jolo (sulu) in combés's _hist. mindanao y jolo_ (retana and pastells ed.), cols. 349-368; diaz's _conquistas_, pp. 388-401; murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 92, 93; and la concepción's _hist. philipinas_, v, pp. 334-351. [27] see also the instructions given by felipe ii to francisco de tello, at toledo, may 25, 1596, in our vol. ix, pp. 250, 251. [28] a note to this law in the _recopilacíon_ reads as follows: "this law was extended to all america for the same reason, by a royal decree dated madrid, march 28, 1769; and the prelates are not allowed to expel members of the orders except for just cause, while those thus expelled are to be sent to spain." [29] this totals up three hundred and seventy-two, instead of the number given in the text--evidently a printer's error. [30] corcuera's endowment of these fellowships raised a great storm in the islands, especially among the dominicans, who claimed that it was aimed at their college of santo tomás; while in spain the king and his council were equally indignant because they had not been previously consulted in the matter, an indignation that was carefully fostered and increased by the dominicans. the lawsuit in this case was bitter, and was conducted in the supreme council of the indias by juan grau y monfalcon, procurator of the cabildo of the city of manila; father baltasar de lagunilla, procurator-general of the society of jesus, for the college of san josé; and father fray mateo de villa, procurator-general of the dominican province of the rosario, for the college of santo tomás. the case was prolific in documents from all three sources. the dominicans remained masters of the field, and this case contributed to the downfall of corcuera, who was finally superseded in 1644 by diego de fajardo, who had been appointed some years before, but might never have gone to the islands had it not been for the lawsuit over the fellowships. see pastells's _colin_, iii, pp. 763-781. [31] pedro de brito was also a regidor of manila, whose post was adjudged to him at public auction for one thousand four hundred pesos of common gold, with the third part of what was promised from the increase. he took possession of his post june 24, 1589. see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 783. [32] this was the protomartyr of the society of jesus in the philippines, juan de las misas, who met death in the last part of november, 1624 (_not_ 1625). he was a fluent preacher in the tagal tongue, and entered the society in the philippines. when returning from tayabas to marinduque he was met by some hostile camucones and killed by a shot from an arquebus, after which he was beheaded, in fulfilment of a vow to mahomet. see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 791. [33] this was the galleon "san marcos." see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 791. [34] this was juan del carpio--a native of riofrio in the kingdom of leon--who had spent twenty years among the natives in the philippines. see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 792. [35] domingo areso, a native of caller, who was killed by an indian, april 10, 1745, because the father had censured him for allowing his mother to die without the sacraments. see _ut supra_, pp. 792, 793. [36] it was discovered by father francisco combés on the heights of boragüen, who reported the discovery to the alcalde-mayor of leite, silvestre de rodas, at dagame, november 18, 1661. see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 793, note 1. see jagor's _reisen_, pp. 220-223, where he describes this locality (which lies south of buráuen, on the southern slope of the manacagan range), and the process by which the sulphur is obtained. [37] thus characterized in _u. s. gazetteer_ (p. 512): "important point of approach from pacific ocean. high, and visible in clear weather 40 m., thus serving as excellent mark for working strait of san bernardino." [38] these were fathers miguel ponce and vicente damián. the first was killed june 2, 1649; the second october 11, of the same year. the former was a native of peñarojo in aragon; the latter, of randazo in sicily see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 794, note 1. [39] the subanes or subánon (meaning "river people"), are a heathen people of malay extraction living in the peninsula of sibuguey in west mindanao. see mason's translation of blumentritt's _native tribes of philippines_, in smithsonian _report_ for 1899, pp. 544, 545. see also sawyer's _inhabitants of the philippines_, pp. 356-360 (though it must be borne in mind that sawyer is not always entirely trustworthy). [40] these were fathers francisco de mendoza and francisco pagliola. the former was a native of lisboa and was born in 1602 of a noble family. he was killed by the moros in malanao, may 7, 1642. he had entered the society in nueva españa in 1621 and went to the philippines, while still a novice. the latter was martyred january 29, 1648. he was a native of nola in the kingdom of naples, the date of his birth being may 10, 1610. he entered the society february 6, 1637, at naples. on arriving at the philippines in 1643, he was assigned to mindanao, where he labored in iligan and the western part of the island, going later to the subanos, who killed him. see pastells's _colin_, iii, pp. 800, 801; and murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fols. 111 verso, and 154 verso and 155. [41] juan del campo, who was killed by the subanos january 25, 1650, was born in villanueva de la vera, in 1620. he went to mexico in 1642, where he began to study theology, completing that study in manila. see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 801; and murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 178. [42] the two martyrs of buayen were pedro andrés de zamora, december 28, 1639, and bartolomé sánchez, early in june, 1642. the former was born in valencia, and in 1616 entered the society in aragon, and went to the philippines in 1626. he was suspended from the society in 1629, but was readmitted upon showing full signs of repentance. he was sent while still a novice to the missions at buayen, where he labored faithfully and zealously until his death. the latter was born in murcia on st. bartholomew's day, 1613. in his youthful years, while attending the jesuit college, he became somewhat wild, but later reformed; and upon hearing of the martyrs of japon in 1628, he was fired with zeal to emulate them, and entered the society, being received on the ship that bore him to nueva españa. although he had resolved to return to spain in the same ship, because of the disconsolateness of his parents at his departure, he changed his mind, and finished his novitiate in manila. upon being ordained as a priest, he was sent to mindanao and was killed by manaquior while on his way with a naval relief expedition to buayen, after having been eleven years in the society. sec pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 801; and murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fols. 113 verso and 117 verso. [43] these two fathers, alejandro lopez and juan montiel, were martyred december 13, 1655 (_not_ 1656). the latter was a native of rijoles in calabria. see pastells's _colin_, iii, pp. 801, 802; murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fols. 233 verso-235 verso; and _ante_, p. 62, note 25. [44] the author alludes to father domingo vilancio, who died in 1634. he was a native of leche in the kingdom of naples. he labored among the natives of the philippines for more than thirty years. see vol. xxvi, p. 266; and pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 802. [45] after sixty years of spanish rule, portugal revolted (december, 1640), threw off the spanish yoke, and placed on its throne joao iv--who, as duke of braganza, was the most wealthy and influential of all the portuguese noblemen; and he was regarded as the legitimate claimant of the throne. spain made several attempts to recover this loss; but portugal has ever since been independent. [46] _i.e._, great sanguil. the auditor francisco de montemayor y mansilla says that sanguil is twelve leguas from siao and ten from mindanao, and has a circumference of six or seven leguas. "four chiefs rule this island, namely, those of siao (in the villages called tabaco), maganitos, tabucan, and calonga. the latter had two villages, calonga and tarruma, where there was formerly a presidio with ten or twelve spanish soldiers, solely for the defense of those two christian villages from the invasions of the moros of the same island. the village of tarruma after the dismantling of our forts, passed into the control of the dutch; and there are now, according to reports, some dutch there, and a dominie who preaches to them. the other village, calonga, which is governed by a father-in-law of the king of siao, still perseveres in the catholic faith and the friendship of the spaniards. it is visited, although with dangers and difficulties, by the fathers of the society of jesus who live in siao, when they go to visit the christian villages owned by that king in the island of sanguil." see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 814. [47] the same auditor (see note, above) says that the talaos "are four islands lying in the same district as those of sanguil and siao. the country is poor, the people barbarous and naked, and the islands abound in cocoas and vegetables, some little rice (on which they live), and some roots (with which they pay their tribute). two islands and part of another are vassals of the king of tabucan; the fourth island and part of that which pays tribute to the king of tabucan are vassals of the king of siao. they have their own petty chief, who was baptized in manila; and there are now eight hundred baptized families there." see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 814. [48] when father colin wrote, the dutch had already discovered, explored, and delineated in their maps with sufficient accuracy, the coasts of new guinea and new holland, or australia and new zealand. see pastells's _colin_, iii, p. 816. [49] alonso de castro was born at lisbon. sommervogel (_bibliothèque_) says that he labored for nine years in the missions of terrenate, and that he was martyred january 1, 1558. [50] _i.e._, "in both courts," meaning the outer court of ecclesiastical justice, and the inner court of conscience. see vol. viii, p. 278. [51] for further historical and descriptive information regarding the cathedral of manila (especially the present structure, completed in 1879), see fonseca's _reseña cronológica de la catedral de manila_ (manila, 1880). [52] _marginal note_: "in the year 1571 the first inquisition was established in méxico, and its first inquisitor was don pedro moya de contreras, afterward visitor, archbishop of méxico, and its viceroy; and later president of the royal council of the indias. see torquemada, in _la monarchia indiana_, book 5, chapter 24." [53] that decree organized the tribunals of the crusade, and made provision for their conduct and for the care of the revenues from the bulls. various laws on this subject are found in _recopilación leyes de indias_, lib. i, tit. xx; one of these may be found _ante_, pp. 76, 77. [54] among the media employed by the holy see in the restoration of one's conscience to its good estate, are the bulls of composition. in the case of persons in possession of ill-gotten goods, as prebendaries who have forfeited their canonical allotments, or trustees who have maladministered estates, and the like, an arrangement (latin, _compositio_) is sometimes made--only, however, when the rightful owners or heirs of the property in question are unknown (_si domins sint ignoti_), whereby the said "unjust steward" is allowed to keep for himself a moiety of what does not belong to him, on condition that the rest be handed over for the maintenance of church services, or institutions of charity, as hospitals, asylums, and the like. see ferraris's _bibliotheca_, art. "bulla cruciatae."--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. the bulls for the dead were placed on the heads of the dying, or in the hands of the dead--purchased by their friends or relatives in order to rescue then souls from purgatory. those _de lacticinios_ (literally, "for milk-porridges") permitted to ecclesiastics the use of certain foods at times when these were forbidden by church law. the bulls of the crusade were valid as dispensations only one year in spain; but according to solórzano they were extended to two years in the colonies, on account of the long time required for them to teach those distant places. see bancroft's _hist. mexico_, iii, p. 605. after the victory of lepanto, gregory xiii resumed the issue of these indulgences, and extended them to twelve years; and since then his bull has been renewed every twelve years, (e. h. vollet, in _grande encyclopédie_, paris, lamirault et cie.), xiii, p. 453. [55] apparently the "farming out" of this revenue, by the crown, to private persons. a law of may 30, 1640, enacted that all the expenses connected with the bulls of the crusade should be paid from its proceeds, the remainder being paid to the crown (_recopilación_, lib. i, tit. xx, ley xvi). [56] tournon was the papal legate sent to china for the settlement of the famous controversy regarding the "chinese rites," which had lasted some seventy years. the missions to china were entirely in the hands of the jesuits until 1631, when dominicans entered that country, and franciscans in 1633. the new missionaries soon began to accuse the jesuits of undue complaisance and conformity with heathen customs, and made complaint against them at rome. for a time the holy see permitted the practice of the chinese rites, but frequent contentions arose on this subject between the jesuits and the other orders, which were not definitely settled by rome for many years. finally, clement xi sent tournon (1703) to investigate the matter thoroughly, who condemned the rites in question as idolatrous and was therefore imprisoned by the chinese emperor. he died in this captivity (1710), but his decision was accepted by the pope, and all catholic missionaries to china were required to take an oath that they would resist those rites to the utmost. see full account of this controversy, with citations of authorities, in addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_ (meagher's revision), pp. 926-928. for accounts of tournon's stay at manila, and the dissatisfaction which he aroused there, see la concepción's _hist. philipinas_, viii, pp. 306-324; and zúñiga's _hist. philipinas_ (sampaloc, 1803), pp. 411-416. [57] sidoti (or sidotti) was an italian priest who came to manila with tournon, intending to enter the forbidden land of japan. in 1709, he succeeded in doing this, by persuading the captain of a spanish vessel to land him on the japanese coast; zúñiga says (_hist. philipinas_, pp. 420, 421) that nothing more had ever been learned regarding him. la concepción, however, writing somewhat earlier, says (_hist. philipinas_, vi, p. 82) that in 1716 news of sidoti's imprisonment and death arrived at canton--the latter being attributed to his continual fasts and austerities. but griffis relates (_mikado's empire_, pp. 262, 263) so much as may now be known about sidoti's fate, derived from a book--_sei yo ki bun_ ("annals of western nations")--written by the japanese scholar who examined the priest, which gives the facts of the case, and the judicial proceedings therein. sidoti "was kept a prisoner, living for several years after his arrival, in yedo (tokio), and probably died a natural death." [58] see la concepción's detailed account (_hist. philipinas_, viii, pp. 315-338) of the founding of this college. [59] this was only _ad interim_, during the absence of bishop salazar in spain, from 1591 to salvatierra's death early in 1595. he had come tu manila with salazar, whose provisor he long was; he also ministered to the indians, and went to maluco as chaplain with a spanish expedition. see _reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 50-52. [60] in the margin at this point occurs the following: "a total of 105,503 souls." [61] this law (which is contained in the book entitled, "concerning the universities, and general and private studies in the indias") is as follows: "permission is conceded for the cities of santo domingo in the island of española, santa fé in the new kingdom of granada, santiago de guatemala, santiago de chile, and manila in the filipinas islands, to have halls for study, and universities where courses may be pursued and degrees given, for the time that has appeared advisable. for that we have obtained briefs and bulls from the holy apostolic see, and we have conceded those universities certain privileges and preëminences. we order that what has been ordained for the said halls of study and universities be kept, obeyed, and executed, without violating it in any manner. those universities which shall be limited in time, shall present themselves before our royal council of the indias to petition for an extension of time, where the advisable measures will be taken. if no extension is granted, the teaching of those studies shall cease and end; for so is our will." a note to this law in the _recopilación_ reads in part as follows: "it must be borne in mind that the universities, seminaries, conciliars, and other schools of learning erected by public authority in the indias were declared to be under the royal patronage by a circular letter of june 11, 1792." [62] see this law in vol. xx, pp. 260, 261. [63] notwithstanding that san antonio states that the brothers of the hospital order of st. john of god arrived in manila at this comparatively late date, they had been often asked for by both the ecclesiastical estates. the following letter from the bishop of nueva segovia is such a request. the original of this letter is in archivo general de indias, with the pressmark: "simancas; ecclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de manila, a saber, nueva segovia, nueva cáceres, santísimo nombre de jesús ó cebú; años de 1597 á 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." it would appear from the endorsement on this letter that some brothers were sent at this early date; although this instruction probably remained a dead letter. (cf. vol. xviii of this series, p. 114, dated 1618.) "sire: "your majesty has a royal hospital here, which is one of the most necessary and useful things in this land for the health and treatment of the poor soldiers and of the other people who serve your majesty. although its income is but scanty, if it had some one to distribute it efficiently, and to care for it properly, there would be sufficient aid from the many alms given by the inhabitants who can do something. it is most necessary for its good government and maintenance for your majesty to send four or five brothers from the order called [st.] john of god, who should have authority from your majesty and from his holiness to be able to receive others; for now the matter is ready, and all that is necessary. those brothers could come with the religious whom your majesty is sending--either franciscans or dominicans--or your majesty could have them sent from the good brothers who are established in nueva españa. the latter would economize the expense, and the journey would be quicker and more certain. may our lord preserve your majesty long years, for the welfare of his church. manila, july 7, 1606. i kiss your majesty's royal hands, fray diego, bishop of nueva segobia." [_endorsed_: "manila, july 7, 1606. number 518. from the bishop of nueva segovia. september 24, 1607." "have the four brothers whom he mentions sent; have the matter entrusted to don francisco de tejada, so that he may arrange this with the chief brother of anton martin." "a copy was sent to don francisco."] a decree of felipe iv, dated madrid, november 30, 1630, thus regulates the foundation of these religious in the indias: "the viceroys, presidents, and auditors of the royal audiencias shall not allow any of the religious of st. john of god to live or reside in the indias, who shall have gone thither without our permission; or to found convents, give habits to any persons, or allow them to profess. those who may be living in the provinces of their districts, or shall go thither later with our permission, shall not take upon themselves the care of the hospitals, either of indians or of spaniards, or the management of their incomes and alms, unless by first binding themselves to give reports and allow inspections in this respect by the ecclesiastical, or secular judges who can and ought to make them. and they shall not be exempt from that by saying that they have a bull from the apostolic see to be religious, and that they are ordained with holy orders, and that therefore they are to be subordinate only to their regular prelate. neither shall they be exempt from the inspection for any other excuse that they may bring forward."--see _recopilación de leyes_, lib. i, tit. xiv, ley xxiv. [64] in the margin at this point: "total number of souls, 68,334." [65] in the margin at this point: "total number of persons, 42,178." [66] in the margin at this point: "total number of souls, 4,000." [67] in the margin at this point: "total number of souls, 70,961." [68] the number of christianized natives is stated, on murillo velarde's map, as 900,000. cf. the statement by le gentil (p. 209 _post_), of the number in 1735--so in his printed text, but perhaps a typographical error for 1755. [69] a full account of the jesuit college and university is furnished by murillo velarde in _hist. philipinas_, fol. 125, 140, 168-171. [70] _beaterio:_ a house inhabited by devout women. [71] evidently then the appellation of that part of the archipelago now included under the term "province of paragua," which includes not only the calamianes islands, but those of the cuyos group, and part of the island of palawan (or paragua). [72] literally, "holy table," equivalent to the modern "board of directors;" a reference to the confraternity of la misericordia, which, as we have seen in former documents, was the main charitable agency of manila. [73] reference is here made to chapter xviii, book i, of delgado's _historia_; following is his statement (from pp. 60-62) of the depopulation of cebú, and its causes: "near the middle of the southern coast of the island was established the city and original colony of the spaniards; but today it has become so depopulated that it has hardly enough citizens to fill the offices that pertain to a city, as are those of regidors and alcaldes-in-ordinary; and _not_ seldom has it occurred that some spaniards must be conveyed thither to supply the lack of people, going in place of these who died.... at present, the city is reduced to the church and convent of the santo niño, the church and residence of the society of jesus (a building which, although small, is very regular and well planned), and, midway between them, the cathedral--which is very inferior to those two churches, since it consists only of a large apartment thatched with palm-leaves. (the foundations were laid, however, for another and more suitable building, in the time when the diocese was governed by the illustrious bishop doctor don manuel antonio de ocio y ocampo [who entered that office in 1733]; but his death prevented him from completing the work, and it has remained in that condition ever since.) the royal building is well arranged and sufficiently capacious, serving as palace for the commander of the pintados fleets; he is also warder of a good stone fortress (triangular in shape) and commander of the port, and at the same time alcalde and chief magistrate of the entire province--which includes the islands of cebú, bohol, siquijor, and a great part of the coast of mindanao, with other smaller and adjacent islands. "the cause for the city's being depopulated, at present, of spanish inhabitants is nothing else than the cupidity of some persons who came from manila to the government of the province with appointments as alcaldes, whose greed did not allow any partnership, in spite of the oath that they take not to carry on trade, either in person or through another person, within the limits of their jurisdiction. these are indeed lands where no one can live without barter or trading; for not one of the spaniards applies himself to cultivating the soil, nor do they have fixed incomes from the country with which to meet their obligations. moreover, they have to buy whatever they need, with either commodities or money; accordingly, if the alcaldes-mayor forbid the inhabitants (as they do) from going out through the province to buy what they need, the latter find themselves in cebú in the condition of one who is shut up in a prison, where no one can search for or find him. if vessels arrive to sell their merchandise the alcalde-mayor, near whose house they anchor, is the one who first avails himself of everything--either for his own use, or to sell the goods again--leaving for the rest of the people only what is of no use to himself. if any one has energy enough to press forward to purchase what he needs, he is immediately threatened with imprisonment, seizure of his goods, flogging, and the loss of everything from which any profit was expected--as i have many times seen, because i lived several years in that country, where only recourse to god is near, or to superiors who are very far away. this is the reason why the spanish residents have withdrawn from cebú, to avoid continual quarrels and annoyances--going to manila, where they can live with greater peace and quietness, although not so profitably, on account of the choice commodities which they could obtain in the visayan provinces for the increase of their wealth. the only ones who remain and bear the heavy yoke are the mestizos and sangleys, who always have to share with the alcalde what they seek out with their toil and hardship, if they wish to live without unrest and fear. sometimes, but rarely, the alcaldes share with these people that which might bring them some profit; but usually they furnish the commodities which they bring from manila, at the very highest prices, receiving in exchange those of the provinces at the lowest and most paltry rates." [74] delgado has evidently borrowed much of his account from san antonio; but in this case he inserts _no_, without any apparent justification. san antonio says, _y oblige â culpa mortal su observãcia_ (_ante_, p. 128); and delgado, _cuya observancia no obliga a culpa moral_ (the last word apparently a misprint for _mortal_). [75] the two decrees here mentioned are, in the printed text of delgado, respectively 1692 and 1602--some of the numerous errors which render that text untrustworthy as to dates. [76] teacher of philosophy and belles lettres in a cathedral school. [77] the whole and half prebendaries are those called _racioneros_ and _medios racioneros_ in spanish cathedrals. [78] a spanish silver coin of eight reals, which dates from the reign of ferdinand and isabella. it is practically the same as the peso, or "piece of eight." [79] referring to the arrest (october 9, 1668) of governor diegode salcedo. le gentil is incorrect in saying that a dominican was responsible for this act; the commissary who arrested the governor was the augustinian fray josé de paternina, who held that office from 1664 till 1672, when he was summoned to mexico by the tribunal of the inquisition, and died on the voyage thither. [80] referring to the nuns of st. clare, affiliated with the franciscan order as a tertiary branch. [81] don juan de casens, who commanded the fragata "santa rosa." [82] see murillo velarde's description (_hist. philipinas_, fol. 198) of the jesuit residence and college. it was planned by father juan antonio campion, and furnished commodious lodgings for fifty residents, besides the necessary offices; but part of the main building was afterward overthrown by earthquakes. in murillo velarde's time, the college had become "an aggregation of buildings, added to the original edifice from time to time, forming a mass as bulky as architecturally irregular.... the library has no equal in the islands, in either the number or the select quality of the books, which include all branches of learning. in several of the apartments also are very respectable libraries.... in the printing-office are several presses, and various styles of type of different sizes; and there works are produced as accurate, well engraved, and neat as in españa--and sometimes with errors that are less stupid and more endurable. the gallery (in which there is a truck [_trucos_, a game resembling billiards] table for the holidays) is a beautiful apartment, long, wide, and spacious; and so elevated that it overlooks on one side the city, and on the other the great bay of manila. from it may be seen all the galleons, pataches, galliots, champans, and every other kind of vessels, which leave or enter the port, from america, china, coromandel, batavia, and other oriental kingdoms, and from the provinces of these islands. it is adorned (as also are the corridors) with paintings, maps, landscapes, and other things curious and pleasant to the sight.... there is a school, for teaching reading, writing, and arithmetic to the boys from without.... in the orchard is a house, with its offices, for the indian house-servants, and a church; they have their chapel, very fully equipped, in which they practice various devotions and receive the sacraments.... in charge of this, a sort of seminary, is a student brother; and in it the indians learn the doctrine, virtue, good habits, the holy fear of god, civilized ways, polite manners, letters, and other accomplishments, according to their ability. the principal patio of the college is a right-angled quadrilateral; in it there is a garden bordered with rose-trees, which bear roses all the year round, with other flowers, and medicinal herbs. there are other gardens and orchards, and seven deep wells of running water (and some of it is very good) for drinking purposes. in the library is a round table made in one piece, almost forty common palmos in circumference--an adornment worthy of the king's own library." [83] cf. the enthusiastic description by murillo velarde (_hist. philipinas_, fol. 195 v.-198) of this "magnificent temple." he says that its dimensions were 204 x 90 feet; and that it was surmounted by two towers, inclosing the façade--for which he apologizes, as loaded with inappropriate ornamentation; but it is, nevertheless, "a shell worthy of the pearl which it encloses." it was planned by father juan antonio campion (who died in 1651), and was built of stone obtained from "the vicinity of antipolo;" this doubtless refers to the marble-quarries of montalbán and binangonan, in rizal (formerly manila) province. this stone was of so excellent quality and texture that it remained, after more than a hundred years, uninjured by rain, sun, or air; and the walls were so solidly built, and the wooden timbers within so durable, that in all that time it had not been necessary to make any repairs in the framework, nor had any injury been done to the building by earthquakes or storms. the main altar was made of a single stone. the building cost 150,000 pesos; it was not consecrated until 1727. murillo velarde adds: "i have known men of fine taste, who had great knowledge of architecture, and who had seen the most beautiful of the famous buildings of europe, to be overcome, as it were, with admiration in this church." [84] josé francisco de ovando y solís, marqués de ovando, who was governor of the islands during 1750-54. le gentil here alludes to what he has previously stated (_voyages_, ii, p. 164) regarding ovando: "he made great improvements in the acapulco galleon; for before his time the manilans shipped their supply of water [for the voyage] in leathern bottles or in jars which they suspended in the rigging; the water often gave out, and they were compelled to have recourse to that supplied by the rain. the marqués de ovando had water-casks made, and ordered that enough of these be placed aboard to supply water for the entire voyage; he framed muster-rolls, and placed all the men on allowance. in short, the acapulco navigation was placed on the same footing as that of europe." [85] zúñiga says (_estadismo_, retana's ed., i, p. 230): "the noted beaterío [_i.e._, a house in which reside devout women] of santa catalina ... founded by doña antonia ezguerra in the year 1695; and general escaño increased its revenues so that fifteen beatas and some servants could be maintained in it. the beatas must be spanish women, assist in the choir, and take a vow of chastity." evidently these beatas were much like the béguines (founded in belgium in 1184, and still in existence). [86] regarding the franciscan order and its branches, see vol. xx, p. 91. the capuchins were originally observantine franciscans, and date from 1526, when their founder, matteo di bassi, of urbino, italy, obtained papal consent to live, with his companions, a hermit life, wear a habit with long pointed cowl (_capuche_, whence their name), and preach the gospel in all lands. at first they were subject to the general of the conventual franciscans, not obtaining exemption from this obedience until 1617. early in the eighteenth century the capuchins numbered 25,000 friars, with 1,600 convents, besides their missions in brazil and africa; but the french revolution and other political disturbances caused the suppression of many of their houses. at present, they are most numerous in austria and switzerland. [87] _i.e._, "the disease of lazarus," referring to the beggar at the rich man's gate, in the parable (luke xvi, v. 20), evidently a leper. this disease was regarded, in the absence of scientific knowledge of its nature, as a direct visitation or punishment from the deity. it will be remembered that many lepers who were christians had been sent from japan to manila. [88] the following law is taken from _recopilación leyes de indias_ (lib. 1, tit. vii, ley vii): "we charge the archbishops and bishops of our indias that they ordain mestizos as priests in their districts, if in such persons are united the competency and necessary qualifications for the priestly order; but such ordination must be preceded by careful investigation, and information from the prelates as to the candidate's life and habits, and after finding that he is well instructed, intelligent, capable, and born from a lawful marriage. and if any mestizo women choose to become religious, and take the habit and veil in the monasteries of nuns, they [_i.e._, the archbishops and bishops] shall ordain that such women be admitted to the monasteries and to religious profession, after obtaining the same information [as above] regarding their lives and habits." [felipe ii--san lorenzo, august 31 and september 28, 1588.] [89] referring to the noted prelate basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina. he died in december 1787. [90] this was josé raon (see vol. xvii, p. 298). [91] "pasquin (at rome) is a statue at the foot of which are fastened placards--sometimes defamatory, sometimes ironical, relative to affairs of the time."--le gentil. the word "pasquin" (pasquino) is derived from the name of a tailor, who was famous at the end of the fifteenth century for his lampoons. the group of statuary called pasquino (now badly mutilated) represents menelaus with the body of patroclus, looking round for succor in the tumult of battle. the square in which this group stands is also called piazza del pasquino. [92] le gentil says (_voyages_, ii, pp. 76, 77, 83) that zamboanga was very insalubrious, being shut in from the sea winds, and suffering great heat. "it is still a place of exile;" and "the earthly paradise was not there." [93] that is, "nature makes one skilful." rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a., says of this expression that it "was an old one, as old at least as the schoolmen, and means little else than the truism 'one's handiness comes as a natural gift.' according to san antonio the diversity among the races of men as regards their bodily endowments as well as those of mind, genius, and customs, arises from the diversity of climate, and the diversity of air, drink, and meat, whence the axiom that nature varies her gifts, or man's character is due in a measure to his environments." [94] the passage referred to is at the beginning of san agustin's noted "letter to a friend," which is printed (in part) in delgado's _hist. filipinas_, pp. 273-293. he says: "in this research i have been occupied for forty years, and i have only succeeded in learning that the indians are incomprehensible." the allusion to solomon is explained by proverbs, chap. xxx, vs. 18, 19. [95] see psalm xcv (xciv in douay version), v. 10: "forty years long was i offended with that generation, and i said: 'these always err in heart.'" [96] see vol. xxiii, p. 271, note 118. [97] st. cassian was a native of imola, italy, who was martyred under one of the roman emperors (decius, julian the apostate, or valerian). he was a schoolmaster of little children whom he taught to read and write, and his pupils denounced him as a christian. he was delivered over to his former charges, and they wreaked their vengeance on him by breaking their tablets over his head and piercing him with their styluses. his feast is celebrated on august 13.--t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [98] _ordinarios_: an appellation of ecclesiastical judges who try causes in the first instance, and, by antonomasia, of the bishops themselves, regarded as judges in their respective dioceses (dominguez's _dicc. nacional_). [99] these ordinances were a revision of former laws, and addition of new ones, by don josé raon, governor of the islands; they were promulgated on february 26, 1768. this code will receive attention in a later volume. [100] spanish, _comer la sopa boba_; literally, "to eat fool soup"--that is, to live at another's expense; perhaps alluding to the former custom of maintaining fools or jesters in the households of the rich. [101] these are games of cards, the name of the latter indicating the number of points which win the game. [102] "this argument for the reason of the insanity of many friars, seems to me completely false. it would be sufficient to compare the friars who are insane with the insane found also among the other spaniards, in order to declare quite the contrary. quite different do i believe the origin of the insanity, both of the religious and of the other spaniards. he who has had anything to do with the indian will have observed that his nature is quite contrary to that of the spaniard. the latter is generally lively, acute, and full of fire, while that of the indian, on the contrary, is dull, somber, and cold as snow. the spaniard who does not arm himself with patience and forbearance, is liable to become, i do not say insane, but desperate. another reason even may be assigned, in what pertains to the religious. as a general thing, their insanity has as its primal cause melancholy; and this is very common to the regular curas who are alone, and who, experiencing the ingratitude of the indian, his fickleness in virtue, and his indifference in matters of religion, think that their sacrifice for the natives is in vain. consequently, the curas need great courage in order to calm themselves and to persevere in the even tenor of their life. in my opinion these two reasons can fully account for the origin of the cases of insanity among many." (note by father juan ferrando, written on the margin of the manuscript of this chapter.)--mas. [103] mas here cites at length a writing by the augustinian casimiro diaz, which instructs parish priests in their duties; they are warned against trading or engaging in any business or manufacture directly or indirectly. [104] father juan ferrando, professor of canons in the college of santo tomás of manila, to whom i gave the manuscript of this chapter to read, wrote in the margin the following note, which is very just and timely; and as such i insert it, in order to counteract the statement which has given occasion for it, and which i wrote in the heat of composition, simply through heedlessness and inadvertence. "in no way can the cura make use of what he learns in the confessional for the exterior government. by its means one may better understand the character of the indian, but the cura can never make use of it for the investigations that the government exacts. 1 believe that it will be impossible to print this statement without doing harm to the confessional and to the curas."--mas. [105] "when juan salcedo conquered the ilocos, he found a caste of nobles amongst them who possessed all the riches of the country, and treated the _cailianes_, or serfs, with great rigour. "the common people [among the igorrotes] are in a kind of bondage to the nobles, and cultivate their land for them. in lepanto they are called _cailianes_ as in ilocos." (sawyer's _inhabitants of the philippines_, pp. 251, 256.) [106] the famous bridge which joins the capital with the barrio of binondo was directed by the recollect, fray lucas de jesus maria. another religious has lately constructed another bridge in iloilo, which is said to be very fine. the government sent him a cross on that account. his name was fray simon de san agustin. almost all the advances in agriculture and the arts which have made in the islands since the arrival of the spaniards are due to the religious, as was also the abolition of slavery.--mas. [107] spanish, _pax octaviana_, referring to the roman emperor octavian and the peaceful condition of his empire. [108] "this proposition, founded on the common opinion of those who have seen none except the curacies of the rich and well-populated provinces, cannot be maintained in any manner. in the environs of manila, where the food and services cost dearer than in the city itself, the cura in charge of a village which does not number more than one thousand tributes cannot live with decency. for here also generally fails what you say in another place, namely, that the cura's income can be adjusted at a peso for each tribute. in the distant provinces--as, for instance, cagayan and other distant parts--since food and services are very cheap, and the cura does not have to spend anything except on the things that he requests from manila, if the village reaches 500 tributes it will be sufficient for him, but not below the said number; and even in the first case, if he has a sufficient number of masses to apply with alms, which rarely happens. i pray you now to consider the fact that the majority of the villages of the archbishopric do not exceed 1,000 tributes, and those of the other bishoprics 500. what would you say it you knew what passes in the villages that even preserve the names of missions? the government gives them a small stipend, of less than 300 pesos, and a few cabans of palay. on this they have to support themselves, as well as the church edifice and divine worship, as there are no fees on the part of the village; for as missionaries they do not have parochial fees. consequently, if they wish to live with some comfort, they have to engage in stockraising; and those who do not possess a somewhat regulated conscience will have to devote themselves to unseemly traffic." (note of father juan ferrando, written on the margin of the manuscript of this chapter.)--mas. [109] _peso fuerte_ or _duro_, the "strong" or "hard" dollar; the "piece of eight," or peso of eight reals. see vols. iii, p. 177, and xii, p. 73. [110] spanish, _el_ [_libro_] _de cuarenta_; literally, "the book of forty leaves," meaning a pack of cards. [111] any man who is willing to work is able not only to live, but to become rich.--mas. [112] this chart appears at the end of the volume, and enumerates various villages of each province, and the curas in charge of them. we reproduce only the summary, which is as follows: provinces number of held by held by seculars regulars curacies tondo 26 15 11 bulacan 20 18 2 pampanga 28 15 8 bataan 10 7 3 zambales 12 9 2 nueva-ecija 17 6 6 laguna 35 27 7 batangas 15 7 8 cavite 12 4 11 mindoro 10 6 4 total 185 111 62 [113] alfaro was provisor in 1578-79 (huerta's _estudo_, p. 441), at which time the governor was francisco de sande. [114] _espolio_: the property which a prelate leaves at his death. [115] _patrimonio_: property peculiarly made spiritual, according to the needs of the church, so that anyone may be ordained on its foundation. [116] a chaplaincy is a pious foundation made by any religious person, and elected into a benefice by the ecclesiastical ordinary, with the annexed obligation of saying a certain number of masses, or with the obligation of other analogous spiritual duties. chaplaincies of this class are collative, thus being differentiated from those purely laical, in which the authority of the ordinary does not intervene. see _dic. nacional lengua española_ (madrid, 1878). [117] the summary of the above-mentioned chart is as follows: provinces number of held by held by seculars regulars curacies cebú 45 32 12 island of negros 14 4 10 leyte 14 7 7 samar 15 14 0 capiz 18 10 9 iloilo 29 22 7 antíque 11 4 7 misamis 7 7 0 caraga 4 4 0 nueva-guipúzcoa 3 1 1 calamianes 5 3 2 zamboanga 1 1 0 marianas islands 4 3 1 total 170 112 56 [118] the bishopric of jaro was separated, by papal decree, in 1865, from that of cebú, and contained the provinces of iloilo, concepcion, capiz, and antique (these four being included within the island of panay); also mindanao (excepting misamis and surigao, which are in the bishopric of cebú), calamianes, negros, and romblón. the marianas islands were assigned to the diocese of cebú; also bohol, leyte, and samar. "the diocese of jaro was created by bull of pius ix in 1865, and its first bishop was don fray mariano cuartero, who died in 1884. he was succeeded by don fray leandro arúe, a recollect religious, who died in 1897. in his place was chosen don fray andrés ferrero de san josé, a religious of the same order." (_archipiélago filipino_, ii, p. 256.) [119] an evident error, as caraga is in mindanao; probably the writer meant to say albay, as is indicated in his enumeration of parishes in the diocese of nueva cáceres, sheet [11] of appendices at end of vol. ii. the boundaries of provinces in luzon were formerly quite different, in many cases, from the present ones. see, for instance, the map in mas's _informe_ (1843), preceding his chapter on "territorial divisions;" albay thereon includes not only the present sorsogon, but the islands of masbate, ticao, and catanduanes. [120] this should be bondog; it is but one of the many typographical errors which detract from the value of buzeta and bravo's _diccionario_. bañgsa apparently means the present bangon; bulsnan, bulusan; tigbi, tiui or tivi; lognoy, lagonoy. we have corrected in the text several other names incorrectly spelled. [121] the present town of capalonga is at the mouth of the important river banogboc, which with its tributaries drains the western half of camarines norte; the lower part of the river is also known as capalonga. [122] chart [11] at the end of the volume gives a list of the provinces and villages of the bishopric, with the names of the incumbents of the various churches. the summary of the list is as follows: provinces number of held by held by seculars regulars curacies camarines sur 38 17 14 camarines norte 8 0 7 albay 35 8 22 commandancy of the islands of masbate and ticao 6 0 5 tayabas 17 9 6 total 103 34 54 [123] the extreme northeast point of cagayan province and luzón island, a landmark of approach for navigators to the eastern coast. it is a promontory at the north point of palaui island, and is 316 feet high. [124] a chart at the end of the volume shows the various provinces and their villages, with the names of the incumbents of the curacies. its summary is as follows: provinces number of held by held by seculars regulars curacies cagayan 20 14 1 nueva vizcaya 16 11 1 pangasinan 36 28 4 ilocos sur 25 11 8 ilocos norte 14 9 3 abra 7 3 3 batanes islands 6 4 0 total 124 80 20 [125] a comparison of the english translation of jagor (london, 1875) with the original text reveals the fact that the translation is inaccurate in many places, and that it was done in a careless and slovenly manner. consequently, it has been necessary to translate this matter directly from the german. [126] polángui is located in the province of albay, on the right bank of the inaya river, and eleven miles in a general southeast direction from lake bató (the batu of the text). this passage, in the english translation mentioned in the preceding note, is incorrectly rendered, "to cross the lake of batu"--an error probably due to ignorance on the part of the translator, of the location of polángui, although the language of the author is not at all ambiguous. [127] that is, "it is what hour your majesty pleases." [128] at this point jagor adds in spanish in parenthesis: "discalced minor religious of the regular and most strict observance of our holy father st. francis, in the filipinas islands, of the holy and apostolic province of san gregorio magno." [129] as many as 900 monasteries were suppressed in spain by decree of june 21, 1835, and the rest were dissolved by the decree of october 11, of the same year. the suppression, as might have been expected, was accompanied by excesses against the friars and nuns, and some of them were murdered, while parish priests and jesuits were hunted over the borders. [130] this passage is hopelessly confused in the english translation, and proves how entirely untrustworthy that translation is. the reading of the original (_da sie gezwungen sein würden, dort der ordensregel zu entsagen und als rentner zu leben_) is translated "for they are compelled in the colonies to abandon all obedience to the rules of their order, and to live as laymen"--a sin against actual history, as well as language. [131] _historia de las islas ... y reynos de la gran china_ (barcelona, 1601), chapter xi. [132] felix renouard de st. croix (cited by jagor) says, in his _voyage commercial et politique mix indes orientales, aux iles philippines, à la chine_ (paris, 1810; ii, p. 157), that the curas in his day were served by young girls. a franciscan of the lake of bay had twenty of them at his disposal, two of whom were always at his side. [133] jagor cites, in a footnote at this point, a portion of le gentil's description of the power of the friars in the philippines, which is to be found in vol. ii, p. 183, of that author; and _ante_, in our extract from le gentil, pp. 210-219. [134] _leg. ult._, ¡, 266, §§ 87, 89. [135] probably _memorias históricas y estadísticas de filipinas y particularmente de la grande isla de luzón_ (imprint from _diario de manila_, 1850), by rafael diaz arenas. [136] see _recopilación de leyes de indias_, lib. ii, tit. xvi, ley liv (dated: valladolid, april 29, 1549, cárlos i and the queen of bohemia; valladolid, april 16 and may 2, 1550, maximiliano and the queen; valladolid, may 9, 1569, felipe ii), and tit. vi, ley xxvi (dated: madrid, july 20, 1618, felipe iii; ordinance 139 of 1636, felipe iv), which forbid alcaldes and other officials to trade, to use the money of the communal funds of the natives, or to compel the latter to serve them. lib. v, tit. ii, treats in great part of the office of the alcalde, and ley xlvii (dated: madrid, july 10, 1530, cárlos i; valladolid, september 4, 1551, carlos i and the queen of bohemia; pinto, april 4, 1563, felipe ii; lisboa, august 31, 1619, felipe iii), declares that the alcaldes and others are included in the prohibition to trade. (cited by jagor.) [137] by royal decree of july 17, 1754. (cited by jagor.) [138] renouard de st. croix, ii, p. 124. (cited by jagor.) [139] this note is as follows: "the _obras pias_ are pious legacies, in which it was generally determined that two-thirds were to be loaned at interest for maritime commercial enterprises, until the premiums--which for the risk to acapulco reached 50 per cent, to china, 25 per cent, and to the indias, 35 per cent--had increased the original capital to a certain amount. then the interest of that amount was to be applied to the good of the soul of the founder, or to pious or charitable ends (arenas, _historia_, p. 397). one-third was usually retained as a reserve, to cover chance losses. these reserve funds were long ago claimed by the government as compulsory loans, 'but they are still regarded as existing.' "when the trade with acapulco came to an end, the capitals could no longer be employed in accordance with the request of the founder, and they were loaned at interest in other ways. by a royal decree, dated november 3, 1854 (_leg. ult._ ii, p. 205), an administrative council is appointed to take charge of the money of the _obras pias_. the total capital of five foundations (or rather only four, since one of them no longer has any capital) amounts to a trifle less than one million dollars [_i.e._, pesos]. from that amount the profit obtained from the loans is distributed according to the amount of the original capital--which is, however, no longer in existence in cash, because the government has disposed of it." [140] _ut supra_, ii, p. 336. (cited by jagor.) [141] the office of alcalde falls into three divisions--_entrada_ [_i.e._, entrance], _ascenso_ [_i.e._, promotion], and _termino_ [_i.e._, limit] (royal order, march 31, 1837, tit. i, i) the alcalde's term of service is three years in each grade (tit. ii, articles 11, 12, and 13). under no pretext can anyone remain longer than ten years in the magistracy of the asiatic provinces (article 16). (note by jagor.) [142] this town is on the pacific coast of luzón, and is provincial capital of infanta (now annexed to province of tayabas). it is near the port of lampón, which was used in the seventeenth century as a harbor for the acapulco galleons, as being more accessible than any port in san bernardino strait. see _u. s. philippine gazetteer_, pp. 553, 554, 578. [143] this name is still retained, as an alternative appellation of point concepción, which is on the southeastern coast of maestro de campo island, off west coast of mindoro. [144] referring to gabriel sanchez and juan de torres (vol. xii, pp. 301, 310-313). the former entered the society in its toledo province, about 1589; and, seven years later, went to join the philippine mission. he spent some twenty years in labors among the visayan natives; and died at palapag, aged forty-eight years, on january 1, 1617. juan de torres was born at montilla, in 1564, and entered the jesuit order at the age of nineteen. he came to the islands with sanchez, in 1596, and the two were colaborers in bohol. after many years of work in the visayas, torres was obliged by ill-health to return to manila; he then learned the tagál language, and labored among the mountaineers of bondoc. he died at manila, january 14, 1625. (see murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 11, 30.) [145] the name of a point and a village on the southeastern coast of bohol. [146] see legazpi's account of this, in vol. ii, pp. 207, 208. [147] these were loboc and baclayon; see murillo velarde's account of this rebellion (_hist. philipinas_, fol. 17, 18). it was put down by juan de alcarazo, alcalde-mayor of cebú, with fifty spaniards and one thousand friendly indians (1622). murillo velarde says: "the boholans are the most warlike and valiant among the indians." [148] giuseppe lamberti, an italian, was born november 25, 1691; and entered the jesuit order october 15, 1716. in the following year, he set out for the philippine missions; and finally was slain by the natives, january 24, 1746. sommervogel thus mentions him (_bibliothèque_, iv, col. 1412), but does not speak of morales. [149] the present population of the island of bohol is 269, 223, which is all civilized. see _census of the philippine islands: 1903_, bulletin no. 7, "population of the philippine islands" (washington, 1904), published by the department of commerce and labor. [150] pedro (according to pérez) jaraba was in manila in 1598-99, and went as a missionary to la caldera in 1603. in the following year, he died at manila. [151] the cagayán (river and town) of misamis, in northern mindanao. camiguín also here refers, not to the island of that name near luzón, but to one on the coast of misamis. bislig is on the eastern coast of surigao province. there is no present application of the name surigao to an island; the reference in the text is apparently to one of the two larger islands dependent on surigao province, which are dinágat and siargao. [152] this name is misprinted "juan francisco de san agustín" by algué. [153] the society of st. vincent de paul was founded in march, 1833, to perpetuate the work started about 1831 by bailly de surcey in the latin quarter in paris among the students--an organization known as "société de bonnes études" or "society of good studies," and which was designed primarily for the spiritual growth of its members. the immediate cause that led to the formation of the society of st. vincent de paul was the sneers of the non-christians and freethinkers among the students who contended that the spirit of christianity was dead. the objects striven for by the new society were greater spiritual growth, and charitable work--the latter extending to work among the poor and imprisoned, and the teaching of children. in 1835 the society was divided into sections, in order that the work among the poor might be carried on better from many centers. it grew rapidly, and received papal sanction in 1845. by 1853 the society had spread to england, america, ireland, spain, belgium, and palestine. in 1861, being charged with political bickerings, they were persecuted by the french government, and were ordered to accept cardinal morlot as the head of the general council which had been formed in 1853. the society refused this, and the general council was suspended. in 1875 there were 205,000 active members in france, and about 750,000 in the world. the significant fact in this society is, that it was founded by laymen and has always remained in the hands of laymen, though in union with and subordinate to the clergy. see _grande encyclopédie,_ and addis and arnold's _cath. dict._, pp. 844, 845. vincent de paul, from whom this society was named, was a french priest born in 1576, who was noted for his great altruism, philanthropy, and executive ability; he founded various charitable orders, notably the lazarists and the sisters of charity. he died in 1660, and was canonized in 1737. [154] note in _archipiélago filipino_: "he was freed from his captivity at the end of december, 1899." [155] the orders in the philippines and other colonies were wont, as still is their custom, to have head administrative quarters at rome and madrid, for the expedition of business with the pontiff or the king. the officer, always an expert in the management of affairs, was entitled the "procurador general," and his business was chiefly to attend to law problems in relation to the colonial missions, to guard against adverse legislation, and to promote favorable measures. his residence, whether at rome or madrid, was known as "la casa de la procuración" or at rome "la procura," of such and such an order. besides the "procurador general" the orders had single "procuradores"--one for each house--who were the business men of the convents, and saw to affairs of the outside world.--t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [156] note in _archipiélago filipino_: "this assertion must be understood of those who do not live in the active missions--that is to say, of the christian settlements and villages of more or less long standing." [157] referring to the insurgent government headed by emilio aguinaldo, erected when manila was captured by the americans, may, 1898. on september 15 of that year the insurgent congress assembled at malolos, which was chosen as their seat of government; but, in consequence of the advance of american troops, the capital was removed (february, 1899) to several other places successively. in november, 1899, the insurgent government was broken up, aguinaldo fleeing to the mountains--where he was finally captured, in march, 1901. [158] this order was founded by st. benedict, who removed his monastery from subiaco to monte cassino in 529. he prescribed neither asceticism nor laxity, but laid especial emphasis on work, ordering that each monastery have a library. the clothing was generally black, but was to vary with the needs of the various countries and climates. they were founded in france by st. maur, a disciple of st. benedict, and were introduced into spain about 633. in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries many relaxations crept into the order, in the reforms of which the congregation of st. vanne (1550) and the congregation of st. maur (1618) were formed in france. the order was entirely suppressed in france at the revolution, but was later reëstablished there. it was also suppressed in spain and germany, and has not been introduced again in the former country. the order was established first in the united states in 1846. see addis and arnold's _cath. dict._, pp. 74-76. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxvii, 1636-37 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxvii preface 9 documents of 1636 letter to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; cavite, june 30 21 letter to corcuera. felipe iv; madrid, october 11 36 royal decrees. felipe iv; madrid, august-november 45 informatory memorial addressed to the king. juan grau y monfalcon; madrid, 1637 55 documents of 1637 defeat of moro pirates. [unsigned; but probably written by pedro gutierrez, s.j., from dapitan, in 1637.] 215 auditorship of accounts in manila, 1595-1637. [unsigned; probably written at madrid, in february, 1637.] 227 conquest of mindanao. marcelo francisco mastrilli, s.j.; taytay, june 2 253 events in filipinas, 1636-37. juan lopez, s.j.; cavite, july 23 306 corcuera's triumphant entry into manila. juan lopez, manila, may-july 330 royal aid requested by the jesuits at manila. francisco colin, s.j., and others; manila, july-august 341 letters to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; manila, august 20 346 bibliographical data 365 illustrations les isles philippines, molucques, et de la sonde (map of indian archipelago); photographic facsimile of map by sanson d'abbeville (paris, 1654); from original in library of congress, washington, d. c. 74, 75 view of acapulco harbor, in mexico; photographic facsimile of engraving in valentyn's _oud en nieuw oost indien_ (dordrecht and amsterdam, 1724), i, p. 160; from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society. 163 weapons of the moros; photograph of weapons in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid 223 map of borneo; photographic facsimile of engraving in valentyn's _oud en nieuw oost-indien_ (dordrecht and amsterdam, 1726), iii, between pages 236 and 237; from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society. 317 preface the principal topics treated in this volume (1636-37) are the commerce of the philippine islands (especially with nueva españa) and the punishment inflicted by corcuera on the moro pirates of mindanao. the former is fully discussed by juan grau y monfalcón, procurator of filipinas at the spanish court; the latter is related in various documents, written mainly by participants in the mindanao campaign. certain minor documents relate to the administration of the islands and to the religious orders there. a letter from corcuera (june 30, 1636) gives a brief account of the great ecclesiastical controversy of that year; we present it here, not so much for the new information contained in it (which is not extensive) as for its being evidently the direct expression of the governor's own opinions, and not (like some others of his reports) dictated more or less by other persons. corcuera says that "the friars are lawless people, and he would rather fight the dutch in flandes than deal with them." he asks that the king will adjust these matters, or else send another governor to the islands, so that one of them may attend to ecclesiastical affairs and the other to temporal. part of cerezo's letter of august 10, 1634, to the king is answered by the latter (october 10, 1636) in his despatches to corcuera; it relates to military affairs--approving cerezo's action, and giving some directions to corcuera. a royal decree of august 14, 1636, commands the municipality of manila to reimburse their procurator-general, juan grau y monfalcón, for the time and money that he has spent in attending to their business at the spanish court. another document of this sort (november 6, 1636) gives corcuera orders regarding certain matters which his predecessor cerezo had laid before the spanish government. a third document (of the same date) approves the proceedings of pedro de heredia as governor of terrenate, and promises reënforcements for the spanish fort there. the noted _memorial informatorio_ (madrid, 1637) of juan grau y monfalcón, procurator-general for manila and the philippines at the spanish court, is here presented; it concerns the important and long-debated question of the restrictions imposed on the trade of the philippine islands with nueva españa. certain measures have been proposed to the spanish government which the procurator regards as dangerous to the interests of the philippines, and he hastens to urge against these proposals numerous forcible arguments. he claims that the adoption of the former must result in the ruin of the citizens. and thus the crown must either support the entire expense of the islands, or abandon its hold on them--the former a heavy tax on its means, the latter most damaging to its power and prestige. a royal commissioner has been sent to acapulco to investigate the revenue frauds alleged there, which greatly disturbs those who are engaged in trade, both in nueva españa and in the islands. the proposal to abandon the islands has been revived; the procurator rehearses the arguments advanced for this, and vigorously attacks them, urging that the possession of filipinas be maintained by the crown as is that of flanders. he proceeds to represent the importance of the islands, adducing many arguments to show this: the dependence of the malucos on filipinas, the size and number of those islands, the greatness and importance of manila, the mineral resources of the islands, and, above all, their commerce. the procurator describes this commerce, both domestic and foreign. under the former head he enumerates the chief products of the islands, the diverse peoples who inhabit them, and the number of indians and foreigners paying tribute to the crown and to private persons. he emphasizes the importance of the central location of the islands, and the restraint and hindrance that they constitute to the schemes of the dutch for gaining control of the oriental trade. considering next the foreign trade of filipinas, he represents it as far the most valuable part of that commerce, and gives a historical sketch of oriental trade in general, with an enumeration of the commodities and products obtained therein, and much valuable information regarding the origin, quality, and prices of many goods. he relates how the dutch were driven from maluco, but afterward regained much of the spice region, notwithstanding the efforts of the philippine spaniards to prevent this. a list of the dutch forts and factories in the archipelago is presented. from these data the procurator draws forcible arguments for the retention and support of the philippine colony by the crown. this is fully justified by the importance of the clove trade, which otherwise would be lost to spain; and by that of the chinese trade, of which filipinas enjoys the greater part. the maintenance of the philippines will result in preserving the missionary conquests in the far east, securing the safety of india, depriving the dutch of their trade, relieving the expenses needed to preserve the american spanish colonies, and maintaining the prestige of the spanish crown. the royal treasury alone cannot meet all the expenses of the islands, nor is it wise to allow them too much commerce with nueva españa; the king is therefore advised to combine these two methods of relief. for his guidance in this matter, valuable information is submitted by the procurator, regarding the expenses of maintaining and governing the philippines (under eight different headings--civil, religious, and military--sufficiently itemized to give a clear outline of expenditures under each, and summarized at the end), the revenues of the colonial treasury, and the real nature of the deficit therein. he claims that the islands contribute more than what they cost, since they have to bear the great expenses of maintaining and defending maluco against the dutch (which includes more than one-third of all the expenses of filipinas), and aid all public needs with their time, property, and lives, as volunteers--thus saving to the crown an enormous expense. the procurator asks that these services be duly rewarded by the crown, and recommends that for this purpose the magistracies in the islands be kept for rewarding such worthy citizens, and not sold, as heretofore, at auction. but chiefly he urges the importance to them of the trade with nueva españa which is chiefly based on that which manila carries on with china and india. efforts have been made in spain to suppress the former commerce, as being detrimental to that of spain and the indias. he admits that this last is decreasing, but claims that filipinas is not responsible therefor. the causes of that decline are, rather, the greatly lessened yield of the precious metals in america, the enormous decrease of the indian population in the colonies, the smaller consumption of goods among the spaniards therein, and the exorbitant imposts and duties levied on the merchants. to deprive filipinas of its commerce would be a measure both unjust and useless. the writer briefly reviews the history of that commerce, which at present is in a declining and feeble condition, owing to the many restrictions that have been laid upon it; and discusses certain misrepresentations that are current regarding supposed violations of the royal ordinances in the trade of filipinas and peru. some of these acts are greatly exaggerated, and others, being inevitable in all trade, must be overlooked. several instances are cited to show that even in sevilla violations of the royal ordinances are taken for granted, and sometimes condoned even when discovered; and the procurator urges that the filipinas be not more severely treated than other parts of the royal domain. he admits that their cargoes, like those from other colonies, contain some unregistered goods; but declares that the amount of this has been greatly exaggerated, for which he adduces various arguments. he also explains that the products of the islands themselves go to nueva españa outside of the amount permitted, which has been incorrectly represented. he again presents for consideration the additional two per cent duty imposed on philippine shipments, and with forcible arguments urges that it be abolished. the procurator even declares that the commerce of filipinas pays higher duties than does any other, and that the citizens of manila have lost in it more than they have gained--in proof of which he submits a list of shipwrecks, wars and military expeditions, insurrections, conflagrations, and other occasions of loss and damage since the foundation of manila. he then enumerates the goods sent to nueva españa from filipinas, which are necessary to the former country for supplying the needs of its people; compares these goods with those sent from spain; and discusses the effect of this chinese merchandise on the spanish silks. the memorial closes with a brief summary of the considerations and arguments therein contained, and a request for leniency in the imposition of duties on goods from filipinas. during the summer and autumn of 1636, a mindanao chief named tagal harries the coasts of cuyo and calamianes. returning homeward laden with booty and captives, these pirates are attacked (december 21) by a hastily-gathered spanish force of ships and men, and in this battle tagal and many of his followers are slain, and most of their plunder recovered. this victory is a great gain to the spaniards in maintaining their stand against the hostile moros, and many of the latter are rendered submissive for the time being. an account of these events is given in a letter unsigned and undated, but evidently written early in 1637, and probably by the jesuit pedro gutierrez. by order of the royal council a compilation is made (february, 1637?) of all information in the government records pertaining to the office of auditor of accounts at manila. the writer (some clerk in the government employ) gives a brief historical sketch of this office, its relations with the royal officials, the advantages and disadvantages connected with it, and the proceedings of the council regarding this office, up to 1637. the moro raids of 1636 arouse the spaniards to the urgent necessity of subduing those fierce and treacherous pirates; and corcuera organizes an expedition to mindanao, led by himself, for their punishment. several accounts of this campaign (which had far-reaching consequences) are presented--largely from jesuit sources, since members of that order accompany the governor, and it is their missions which are most endangered by the hostility of the moros in mindanao. one of these is a letter (june 2, 1637) from the celebrated martyr in the japanese missions, marcelo francisco mastrilli, who went to mindanao with corcuera. he relates with much detail the events of the expedition, which the devil strives from the start to hinder. the spaniards capture the moro forts at the mouth of the rio grande, killing several of corralat's best officers, and seizing many vessels and military supplies; then they destroy many villages belonging to him. on march 18, the spaniards storm a fortified height back of the port where they first entered. corralat is driven from it, and flees to a little village in his territory; and in the conflict his wife and many of his followers are slain. some recollect fathers, held captive by the moros, also perish--one of them slain by them, in anger at their defeat. corralat's treasure is seized, and divided among the soldiers; and much booty obtained by the moros in plundering the churches in their raids is recovered. after destroying all that can be found, corcuera returns to zamboanga, leaving troops behind to subdue another moro ruler, named moncay. the wounded spaniards--many of whom were injured by poisoned arrows--are cared for at zamboanga, so successfully that only two men out of eighty die, and these "because they would not let themselves be cured." mastrilli ascribes this success not so much to the antidotes that had been furnished from manila as to the virtues of a relic that he had, of st. francis xavier, and to the patients' faith therein. in due time, the detachment sent against moncay return, bringing that chief's brother as envoy to offer his submission, and a promise to aid the spaniards against corralat, and to receive among his people jesuit missionaries. corcuera returns to manila, after sending an expedition to reduce the villages on the western coast of the island, and arranging for opening a mission on the island of basilan and securing for its people (who desire to maintain friendship with the spaniards) the protection of the spanish fort at zamboanga. other moros along the southern coast offer to become the vassals of spain, and the joloans hasten to secure peace with the conqueror. all this opens a broad field for gospel work, and mastrilli urges that jesuit missionaries hasten to till it. the usual jesuit annals are continued by juan lopez (1636-1637). the archbishop is now on very friendly terms with the jesuits. the noted martyr mastrilli comes to the islands, and is regarded with much veneration by the people on account of certain miracles vouchsafed him; he departs from manila on his way to japan. certain dutchmen, prisoners at manila, are converted; some of these, and some discontented spaniards, undertake to escape from the islands, but most of the fugitives come to grief. the dutch are at swords' points with the natives of java and amboyna. the spanish relief ships sent to ternate encounter the dutch and gain some advantage over them. a chief in celebes and another in siao have sent their sons to be educated in the jesuit college at manila; and to the former have been sent some soldiers and a missionary. the camucones pirates were unusually daring in the year 1636, and carried away many captives from samar; but on their return to their own country many of them perished by storms or by enemies. the mindanao raid of the same year, and corcuera's mindanao campaign, are briefly described. the ruler of jolo is hostile, and corcuera is going thither to humble the moro's pride. in japan, all persons having portuguese or castilian blood have been exiled to macao. returning victorious from the mindanao expedition, corcuera makes a triumphant entry into manila (may 24, 1637), which is described by the jesuit juan lopez. the festivities, secular and religious, last during several weeks, and include processions, masquerades, illuminations, masses, music, and dancing--and, finally, a dramatic representation of the conquest of mindanao. the manila jesuits appeal (in august of that year) to the king, through the governor of the islands, for a further grant, to aid in erecting their buildings. this request is endorsed by archbishop guerrero. on august 20, corcuera sends the king his own account of his recent campaigns against the moros of mindanao; he promises to undertake next year expeditions to jolo and borneo. he asks the king to confirm his grant of extra pay to wounded soldiers; he also complains of the illegal acts of pedro de heredia, who has long been governor at terrenate, and asks that an official be sent from spain to take heredia's residencia. the editors june, 1905. documents of 1636 letter to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; june 30. letter to corcuera. felipe iv; october 11. royal decrees. felipe iv; august-november. sources: the first document, and the first of the three decrees, are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the rest, from the "cedulario indico," in the archivo historico nacional, madrid. translations: the first document is translated by emma helen blair; the second, by robert w. haight; the third, by james a. robertson. letter from corcuera to felipe iv sire: your majesty was pleased to present for archbishop of this city don fray hernando guerrero, formerly bishop of nueba segobia. i avow to your majesty, in all truth, that, [even] if i did not feel under obligation to give you an account of what is going on in these your islands, which are in my charge, i would not dare to inform any other person than my natural lord of the archbishop's harsh, unbending, and irritable disposition. by the galleons which arrived last year came his bulls, which, with the decrees of your majesty, he presented in the royal audiencia. he was admitted to his church, whose canons and dignitaries he had often threatened because they had not been willing to receive him before his bulls came. in the royal court of justice, before which he appeared to be presented [to his see], he swore upon the gospels not to interfere with your majesty's jurisdiction, to respect your royal patronage, and to be always your royal vassal. all this he has violated, three or four times; and during the ten months while he has governed the church he has not failed in each of them to annoy me and disturb the peace. the first occasion was, that an artilleryman had killed a slave-girl belonging to the sargento-mayor; she had formerly belonged to the artilleryman, and he had maintained illicit relations with her. the said archbishop took her away from him, and made him sell her. [then follows an account of the murder and the execution of justice on the criminal (the body of the latter "was borne to its burial by la misericordia"), and of the early part of the controversy with the archbishop.] a fuller account of this will be given to your majesty by the fathers diego de bobadilla and simon cotta, [1] who are persons of great truthfulness, and have much authority in their order; they are going, as its agents, to rome. from this your majesty may be assured that they will give you truthful information about whatever you may be pleased to know regarding these islands. i entreat your majesty, with all respect, that you will be pleased to command that their affairs shall be promptly and favorably despatched; for this religious order merits such favor for the services that they render to your majesty. they furnish chaplains for your galleons that sail to therrenate, on which service no one likes to go, on account of the danger. the said fathers are also rendering the same service in the galleons which go to castilla; they receive twelve pesos a month as pay, which has been assigned to them on account of the convenience of this service to your majesty--although the said fathers would serve without pay, most willingly, in order to show better the affection with which they always engage in your majesty's service. the said religious order, to defend themselves from the flagrant injuries which the said archbishop was inflicting upon them--although they sought means, and those the mildest, for peace--could not avoid the appointment of a judge-conservator. he defended their rights, and compelled the archbishop to withdraw the acts [which he had issued against the society], although the said judge-conservator allowed himself first to be excommunicated. here there is occasion for making a long relation to your majesty; but i will refrain from that, mindful that the said fathers will make a report to you. i made an offer to the archbishop to pay, out of my own purse, the four thousand ducados which the judge-conservator had sentenced him to pay for the crusade fund; and that i would take into my own charge his affairs, and the satisfactory settlement of them with the said judge-conservator. for this purpose i went to visit the archbishop at [the convent of] st. francis, to which he had retired; and in the presence of the provincial and of another religious (an augustinian, procurator for his order) i made him that offer--on the condition that he would detach himself from the religious orders, who, as i judged, were disturbing his mind with evil counsels. he would not accept my offer with that condition, preferring to remain [where he was] until affairs had gone through their proper course, and [thus] lowering himself from bad to worse. on the friday before christmas eve, he came to my lodgings after evening prayer, and with much feeling asked that, since i would give a furlough the next day to the prisoners in the jail, i would also release him from the affliction that he was suffering, and adjust his affairs. he had been declared to be suspended [from his office] for four years. i was embarrassed at this, and doubted whether i could do him any service or accomplish anything for his aid. i called together the learned jurists and advocates of this royal audiencia, that they might give me their opinions after having carefully studied the question whether i could demand that [relief for the archbishop] from the judge-conservator, and ask him to grant it for my sake. in this council were present the provincial and the rector of the society of jesus, the dean [of the cathedral] and other canonists, and the judge-conservator himself; and in it i asked this last, in virtue of the opinions rendered by the said lawyers, to restore the archbishop to his government, and to withdraw from him the pecuniary fines, which amounted to more than eight thousand pesos. i could not obtain a favorable answer then, nor indeed for more than a fortnight afterward--although i offered to the judge-conservator, and to his brothers and relatives, all the favors that i could show them not unworthily, in an official way. at this very time i am assigning a pension of two hundred pesos to a sister of his, a poor woman, the wife of don sebastian de herbite--to whom your majesty was pleased to grant, by one of your royal decrees, an encomienda of three hundred ducados. that decree has not yet been fulfilled, because he has not come from españa; and this sum has been given to his wife to aid in her support until her husband shall return, and your majesty's command regarding him can be carried out. to another officer (a brother-in-law of the said judge-conservator), who has ability, and deserves reward for his own sake and for the services of his father, i gave the office of alcalde-mayor for laguna de vay. i assure your majesty that the settlement [of this affair] cost me much care and effort, besides a thousand pesos in cash from my own purse which i spent for various matters. peace having been concluded, and the archbishop having been absolved and freed from the penalties, he went to his own house in my coach; and i conveyed him to the holy church, and even to the choir--where i knelt, in order to set a good example to all, to recognize his authority; and i went to my own seat, to hear mass. we remained in entire harmony about a month and a half. but the royal chaplain of your majesty for the seminary of santa potenciana rang the bell for the _gloria_, on holy saturday, a quarter of an hour before the cathedral bells rang; and for this the archbishop--although he knew that that chaplain is in charge of your majesty's seminary, and only removable by you, and that he has no authority to wreak his anger on him, as he does on the others, his own clergy--commanded that two pairs of fetters should be placed on the chaplain, at the house of his fiscal. i was informed of this by a memorial from the directress of the said seminary, saying that it was left without chaplain and without mass. i sent by my secretary a message to the said archbishop, entreating that he would have the kindness to command that the chaplain be released, on account of the deficiency which his absence caused in the seminary; but he began to reprimand my secretary, as if the latter were the one to blame. for that reason, i sent by an adjutant an order to the said chaplain to come to me, to give his account of the affair; and within one hour he was sent back to his prison. although the archbishop knew this, he left his house, going through the streets with a great disturbance, and attended with tapers, to consult with the religious orders whether he could excommunicate me; for he asserted that i had broken into his prison and taken away his prisoners. his fiscal hastened to tell him that the chaplain was already in his prison, at which the archbishop became quiet and returned to his house. he would not allow the chaplain to appeal to the bishop of camarines; so the latter appealed for royal aid against fuerza--the archbishop having detained him six or eight days in prison because he would not pay the twelve pesos which he had been fined for having rung the bells for the _gloria_ too early. the fine was paid by a friend of his; and thereupon he was allowed to leave the prison. after that, the archdeacon, don francisco de valdes (who had been presented for that dignity by don juan cereso de salamanca), finding that his health was impaired, and being offended at the abusive language that the archbishop used, whenever he felt so inclined, to him and the other members of the chapter, in the choir, handed to the prelate his resignation of the said dignity--as much because he could not fulfil its duties on account of his infirmities, as for the reason just stated. he also placed his resignation before the government. the archbishop replied that don francisco must aid in the church services until holy week and easter were past. after that time had expired, the archdeacon again demanded that the archbishop accept his resignation, and allow him to go to his own house to recuperate; but the prelate refused to accept it. don francisco therefore memorialized the government, placing the said resignation in your majesty's hands; and it was accepted from him in your royal name, for the reasons that he alleged therein. for this cause he again became disquieted, and displayed his former bad temper. the juris-consults had affirmed that the said prebend was vacant, and that the government could present another person in don francisco's place--as was done, by presenting master don andres arias xiron, cura of la hermitta (one of the best benefices outside the city walls), who was provisor of this archbishopric while the bishop of cibú governed it, and has always given a good account of himself. the archbishop disliked don andres because he did hot resign his office as provisor before that prelate entered upon the government of his church, so that the latter might bestow that office on don pedro de monroy--who caused so many disturbances in the time of don alfonso [_sic_] faxardo, excommunicating the auditors, and constraining the audiencia to exile him from the kingdoms. this man was made provisor when the archbishop began to govern, and he caused fresh disturbances when justice was executed on the artilleryman; and during the term of the judge-conservator the office of provisor was taken away from don pedro. as he left the city, through fear of the said judge-conservator--the ecclesiastical cabildo ruling [the archdiocese] and its dean being provisor--i gave orders at the city gates that the guards should not allow don pedro to enter them, to cause more commotions in the city. one day, at evening prayer, [his friends] brought him within the walls by a gate opening toward the sea, clad in the garb of a franciscan, walking between two religious of that order; and the dominicans received him into their house. the religious of both those orders, forcing their way through the guard and overpowering its commander, who was holding don pedro, smuggled in the latter through a little postern gate which the said dominican fathers had. through the hatred and ill-will which the said archbishop bears to the said don andres xiron, he refused to accept the presentation of the latter [to the archdeanery]; and in regard to this subject he has had so many disputes with the audiencia of your majesty over the fuerza which he committed against the said don andres, that he went so far as to excommunicate auditor çapatta for having rendered the decision that it was fuerza. by this act he excommunicated the entire audiencia, as çapatta alone remained of the auditors--for the rest of them are dead; the last one was don albaro de mesa y lugo, who died about six weeks ago--although it is true that, according to the concordant opinion of lawyers, the audiencia cannot be held as excommunicate. i called together the advocates in the audiencia, and named three for the defense of the case, who should continue to act with the authority that was given to them by the ordinance and iterative decrees of your majesty. the royal decree having been issued, the archbishop yielded, and absolved the said auditor, marcos çapatta. but as he continued his display of fuerza against don andres arias xiron, an act and an iterative decree were also issued against the archbishop, which he refused to obey in any case. in this stand he was aided by the friars--dominicans, franciscans, recollects, and augustinians--at the time when the alguazil-mayor of court proceeded to execute the royal decree which exiled the archbishop from the kingdoms and deprived him of the temporalities. a friar carried to his house the monstrance with the most holy sacrament; he was clad in his pontifical robes, and, holding the monstrance in his hands, the three religious orders being present, he awaited the said alguazil-mayor with the said royal decree. the latter, seeing this array, did not know what he ought to do. the audiencia commanded him to drive the religious out of the archbishop's house by force, with the assistance that he had, and to serve the royal decree. they ordered him to remain there with his soldiers, with all devoutness and respect, before the archbishop, and to wait until he should lay down the most holy sacrament, before executing the decree; also that he should not allow the archbishop to eat or drink, nor permit any one else to enter his house to give him food. the friars refused to go away, until the soldiers had to carry them away bodily. then, at eleven o'clock at night, they were going about the streets, and finally obliged me to take other measures, after i had sent, in the name of your majesty, protests to the provincial of st. dominic and the guardian of st. francis--informing them that their religious were gathered at the gate of the archbishop's house in the manner of a [religious] community, with lighted candles in their hands. the religious refused to go away until i gave orders that the soldiers should carry them in their arms to the convents. their intention was to stir up the community, and cause scandals and tumults in it; and in truth they would have succeeded in this if your majesty had not here your armed troops. for in these philipinas islands these friars are lawless people; and i would rather fight the dutch in flandes than deal with these friars, or have occasion for trouble with them. i will write further particulars about them in a separate letter and information to your majesty, in order that you may be pleased to command that some corrective be applied to these disorders; and so that the governor may be enabled to conduct the government and attend to the service of your majesty without being hindered by them. the archbishop remained in the island of maribeles--to which place he allowed himself to be conveyed for his disobedience--more than a fortnight. during this time the royal audiencia set affairs in order, after having written to the bishop of cibú (to whom pertains the ecclesiastical government [in such cases]) that the bishop of camarines--who is second in that succession, and was here in the city--was to govern the church. this he has done, removing the suspension of divine services, and absolving the excommunicated _ad cautelam_. the archbishop, before the alguazil-mayor of the court could arrive to notify him of your majesty's royal decree, had declared excommunication against the auditor çapatta and the governor of filipinas--as your majesty will see by the papers which i send, which were posted in the churches. however, all the matters that i have mentioned, and everything else, i will leave for the report which the said fathers of the society, diego de bobadilla and simon cotta, will make to your majesty, in your royal council of the indias; they will inform you of all the circumstances and details which here i omit. the royal audiencia, exercising the clemency, kindness, and affection with which your majesty treats your vassals (especially the prelates and ecclesiastics), issued a new royal decree to restore the said archbishop to your majesty's favor and to his archbishopric--all which has been carried out, for the sake of a good example to all the foreign peoples here; but making preëminent the authority of your majesty's jurisdiction in what concerns him. but we always remain hopeless that the said archbishop will govern his church peaceably, without interfering with the said royal jurisdiction or with your majesty's patronage; for he is instigated [by others], and cannot be obliged, on account of the extent of his authority, to punish the ecclesiastics and his cabildo. he unites himself, on every occasion, with the three religious orders aforesaid--who do not content themselves with giving opinions which are not for his good, but force him to carry out these. they act thus out of revenge for my being told, when i first came here, of their shortcomings by the said archbishop; and they cannot revenge themselves for this in any other way than by driving him into the same uneasy disposition. in order that your majesty may form some idea of the archbishop, i will tell you of what occurred on holy thursday. at half-past two in the afternoon, when he was in the choir to perform the ceremony of washing the feet of twelve priests, he began to put on his pontifical robes, and at the same time gave orders that the musicians should sing. the sub-chanter was not there, not having arrived at the church; and moreover the dignitaries (who do not have to put on their vestments with him) had not come. one of these was don francisco de valdes, who resigned the archdeaconry; he had treated these ecclesiastics so badly with insulting language that, on the last occasion of that, the said archdeacon resolved that he would not serve in the church during the term of the archbishop. as he did not possess your majesty's confirmation of his prebend, they all said that he could do so. at this time the singers came in, and began the offices; the archbishop became so angry (for he is exceedingly choleric) that he snatched the miter from his head and flung it on the floor. thus he went on, throwing down the rest of his vestments, one after another; and when he had stripped off all of them he went to his own house, snorting with anger, and uttering a thousand insults against all the prebendaries, and leaving all the priests sitting, barefooted, on a bench. such are the actions of the archbishop; and with his headlong tendencies, combined with the excellent counsels that the friars give him, i shall have plenty to do in keeping them all quiet, and endeavoring to live in peace. all these things demand from your majesty suitable and efficacious correction. for the honor of god and of your own service, will your majesty be pleased to command that all these matters be amended, or else to send another governor, so that one shall take care of ecclesiastical affairs, and the other of the temporal, for one man alone cannot do both; for the hindrances which these religious orders put in his way are many, and he has no time left for the political government or military affairs, or for considering the general welfare of the provinces. may our lord guard the catholic person of your majesty, as christendom has need. manila, on the last day of june in the year 1636. sire, your majesty's vassal kisses your feet. sevastian hurtado de corcuera i, alonso vaeça del rio, public notary, one of the number [allotted] to this city for the king our sovereign, attest and give truthful testimony to the persons who shall see the present, that today, friday, which is reckoned the ninth of may in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, at about eight o'clock at night, a little more or less, christoval de valderrama, notary of this archbishopric, stationed himself at the corner of the archbishop's house, near the dwelling of the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olasso, to read a document. this he did by the light of a taper, in loud and intelligible words; and at the noise i, the present secretary, and several other persons went to the windows in the house of captain luis alonso de roa (which forms half a square), on the side where the said notary was standing. continuing his reading, he said that inasmuch as the most reverend prelate of these islands had been making his official visitation on master don andres arias jiron, a beneficed cura for the district of la hermita; and in order to interrupt him, so that he could not continue that visitation, don sevastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands, had nominated the said don andres for archdeacon of the cathedral of this city; and besides, in order that the archbishop should accept him and bestow upon him collation and canonical installation, had issued against the said archbishop a royal decree in which he commanded him to give don andres the said collation--which was contrary to the bull _in cena domini_: [accordingly,] the said governor and the licentiate don marcos çapata de galves, auditor of this royal audiencia, had rendered themselves liable to excommunication; and he therefore commanded them that, within half an hour, they should withdraw the said royal decree--under penalty of four thousand ducados of castilla to be applied for the holy crusade, and of the major excommunication, _late sententia, ipso facto incurrenda_; and he would place them on the public list of excommunicated persons. the aforesaid statements--with another, that he would proclaim an interdict, and would today impose a wholesale suspension of divine services--are those which i could understand; and i came to give an account of it to the said governor. being in the apartment of the royal court, his lordship, having sent away all persons except me, commanded that i should make an official statement of the affair--with a solemn declaration (which i made) that this demand was made with no intention of proceeding against any ecclesiastic, but only for the purpose of rendering an account of this occurrence to his majesty and to his royal council of the indias. by this command i give the present; and it is witnessed by captain lope ossorio de soto, eugenio de rui saenz, captain diego diaz de pliego, captain luis alonso de roa, and alférez francisco mexia--who all were with me, the present notary, in the house of the said captain luis alonso de roa, when what i have related occurred; and they also heard it. and, as witnesses that i attest the present deposition, were present don pedro de arredondo aguero, alonso de çornoca, and antonio dias. this deposition is dated on this said day, at about nine o'clock at night, a little more or less; and i sign it, in testimony of the truth. alonço vaeça del rio, public notary. [then follows an attestation by other public notaries that the said deponent is an authorized notary, and worthy of trust. [2]] letter from felipe iv to corcuera the king: to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of my filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia thereof. the letter written to me by don juan zerezo salamanca, governor of those islands by appointment of the marqués de cerralvo, my viceroy of nueva españa, upon the death of don juan niño de tavora, on the tenth of august, 634, which treats of military affairs, has been received and examined in my council of war for the yndias and is answered in this. he says that the preservation of those islands depends upon not undertaking new enterprises, but keeping the indispensable garrisons well defended, and reducing those of less importance, whereby there will be troops in that camp sufficient to undertake large enterprises, as the governors did in other days. at present, on the contrary, for the reason given, they are contented with not losing anything that is in their charge. it has, therefore, seemed best to warn and charge you, as i do, to inform me very needfully in regard to this, and of what ought to be done for the greater efficiency of the government. he likewise says that to withdraw the forces from the island of hermosa would be a difficult thing, notwithstanding that it appears, by the explanation that he sends me in the letter which he writes me concerning affairs of government (a copy of which i send you with this), that this is expedient. accordingly, the force there should be reduced to only two posts, doing away with the expense of rations for the others--although, in his opinion, all that is being done is superfluous. after considering the said clause of the letter, you will inform me of what occurs to you in this matter, and what is advisable to be decreed. he declares that the fortress of that city is in a state of defense, although not with the completeness that was maintained in former times, and that the fortification of the city is a difficult task. the site of its settlement is admirable, because more than half of it stands on an arm of the sea, where it cannot be surrounded by any enemies, and another stretch of wall is bathed by the river. but the remaining side, toward the land, has some heights; and the ground is such that a trench can be opened up to the wall, which has no terreplein. the wall is seven palmos high; the redoubts are very small and irregular--on the contrary, being in the way of the casements. of the three cavaliers which the wall has, the moat is so filled up that there is hardly a sign that there was one. considering the great importance of that post, and the fact that building can be done very cheaply, at less cost than in any other part, he resolved to build a royal cavalier, by gathering up the remains of what stood there before to repair the fortifications, in modern fashion, at the weakest part of the wall. without drawing from my royal treasury, he had commenced the work four months before, and hoped to have it finished in two more. the ditch was being opened effectively at the same time, and to reduce the number of posts for the defense of this city, and that it might be better fortified, all the redoubts which disturbed the communication between the cavaliers were to be destroyed, and the wall would consist of merely four bastions. you will inform me as to what has been done, and what you may judge should be done. as for the careless storage of the powder; for [don juan says that] all there is on those islands is contained in a chamber of the fort of that city, and that in so prominent a place that it overlooks the wall; and that if by some accident (which may god avert!) this powder should explode, besides the risk to the city, there would remain no more powder in that whole country, nor material with which it could be made. to avoid so great a difficulty there would be built in some of the said four cavaliers two round towers, so that a large part of the powder could be divided and protected. supposing that you realize how important it is that a part of the powder should be safe, and free from the accidents which might be brought about by any of it igniting, i charge you strictly to carry out this matter pertaining to the safety of the powder, that it may be more secure and suitably placed. he says that one of the motives which led him to fortify the wall is that the religious orders have built churches close to it, so large that they are obstacles; and because one of the churches, which is called minondo, is near the parián where during the year there are settled twenty or thirty thousand sangleys (who are the people that rebelled in times past); and through mild measures the people of the parián have aided this work with four thousand pesos from the treasury of their common fund. this has appeared well to us, and you will take measures in it which you may judge most expedient, warning them that no height commanding the city must remain. if there is any difficulty, and the churches would receive loss, you will avert such injury; and will send a plan [of the building]; and for the future you will not consent that any work be built to the damage of the public. he says that he had informed me that the galleys were of little importance, and that of terrenate alone was worth maintaining; but that, having considered the matter further, he is of a different opinion. for they are necessary in order to reënforce with them terrenate on occasions of danger, but in the port of cabite, where they are lying, they are not so useful as they would be if they were taken to the province of pintados, in otón, or cibu, within view of the domestic enemies in mindanao, joló, and camocón--who are the ones who rob the natives. and he says that if he had only had twenty oared vessels that year in that region, the enemy would not have come out from their country, causing disturbances and terrorizing the provinces as they usually do. with the first relation which notified don juan zerezo to carry out this plan, in the past year of 635, i ordered you that, since the galleys caused great expense, you should do away with them; and that, if you found difficulties in doing so, you should advise me of it. in order that a decision may be made in this matter, i order and command you to inform me very fully of what occurs to you in regard to it, so that, having examined this, i may order such measures to be taken as shall be most expedient. he says that pedro de heredia, governor of terrenate, had advised him that many soldiers of that garrison were about to mutiny, and that he was letting the matter pass as well as he could, hoping that aid would arrive. this had been caused by the fact that father immanuel rivero, commissioner of the holy office, had published an edict which affected many of them, concerning the crime against nature, whereby he gave them two months' time to be absolved; and to this was added the fact that it was understood that the governor was instituting an investigation as to who were absolved, whence arose their despair. on this account, as well as because the dutch had a very strong galleon in malayo and were expecting others from chacarta, it was necessary that the ordinary reënforcements should be much increased; for, if only the usual number came, they would infallibly be lost. at the time when this advice was received, two galleons and a patache were getting ready, for the affairs which he had mentioned gave him more anxiety than the enemy themselves. several, in the council which they held, thought best that he should not take the risk or weaken his forces; and that this reënforcement should be sent in light vessels, and to the usual amount. but considering the condition and the danger of those forts, it was resolved to reënforce them creditably, sending the said two galleons manned with good infantry and first-class troops. he raised one company of volunteer soldiers from the camp, which was an important thing, and it is well that this should be done every year, so that no soldiers be forced to go; for, knowing that there will be many exchanged, they will go willingly. he appointed as commander admiral don geronimo de himonte [_sic_], who conducted himself extremely well, observing the orders which he carried, not to turn aside for other enterprises, but to place the reënforcements in terrenate, and to defend himself from whomsoever attempted to hinder him. the two [dutch] ships that the enemy were awaiting were on the way for this purpose: they were boarded and burned by indians of the votunes from the kingdom of macasan, who found them anchored, with the troops on land, and killed those who remained on board. but the ship from malayo, trusting to its strength and extreme lightness, attempted to attack the reënforcements all alone, taking this risk on account of the importance of the matter, knowing that the soldiers from the garrison of terrenate were awaiting the outcome of this affair before resolving to kill the governor and higher officials, according as they had plotted. the said galleon fought with the ships which brought the reënforcements eight days [_dias; sc. horas_] and escaped dismantled, with great loss. in the ships with the reënforcements seven persons were killed, including the chief pilot. after this, the reënforcements arrived safely, at the time when pedro de heredia had arrested a hundred and fifty persons; he had burned or garroted eleven, a number had died in prison, and forty more were sent back in the same ships which brought the reënforcements. the case on the first hearing was brought before don lorenzo de olasso, master-of-camp of the soldiery in those islands. although the charges against them were not sufficiently substantiated, and some were of opinion that they should be leniently dealt with; yet, considering that if these forty soldiers were guilty they might infect the garrisons in which they were stationed, and as the affair was of such public importance and within sight of so many barbarians and particularly sangleys--who are more than any other nation liable to this wretched practice, they ought to be proceeded against with much discretion and severity. the despatch of the reënforcements, and what was done in its execution and fulfilment, are approved. in regard, to removing the soldiers, i ordered you by my decree of the filth of november of 635 to send two companies to terrenate in two galleons, so that two others might be brought back from there; and in this manner that garrison would be exchanged every three years, and all the companies of the troops there would divide the labor equally. accordingly, i charge you to have the foregoing executed; and you will see to it that thanks are rendered to don juan zerezo for the care with which he prepared the reënforcements which he sent. as for the delinquents arrested, you will do justice to them as is most fitting to the service of god our lord and myself, proceeding very circumspectly. he likewise informs us that pedro de heredia wrote to him that the natives of the islands of terrenate, who hitherto recognized cachil varo as king of tidore, have refused him obedience, and crowned in his place another moro chief named cachil horotalo, saying that this one is the true heir of that kingdom and that cachil varo is an intruder. this makes him very anxious, because besides the fact that it is not his affair to disinherit kingdoms, the new one whom they pretend is the king has been hitherto retired in malayo under the protection of the dutch, fulfilling the duties of naval commander; and he had even sent him ambassadors, promising fidelity. little dependence is to be put upon his words, and cachil varo is a very valiant moro and my true servant, to whom hitherto presents have been given each year, and, before him, to his father. besides having become hispanicized, and an ally of this crown, he has retired to his fort in tidore, which is a more important one than those i hold, and he is obeyed by the people in general, with more than two thousand chiefs. this has appeared satisfactory; and i charge you particularly always to aid friendly kings with whom we have alliances and friendship. he says there is nothing in that government so important as that the port of cavite be well provided with the necessary naval supplies, and some person who is very competent and intelligent placed in charge of it. the other offices are given as favors, but for this one some person is sought who must be asked to accept it. such has been the case with him who is stationed there as commander of the fort and river-master--namely, captain juan de olaz, who attends to it in such manner that for many years the port has not been so abundantly supplied nor more faithfully administered--very different from the condition in which it was, lacking everything. you will give him many thanks on my behalf and let care be taken regarding his person, that favors may be bestowed on him when occasion offers. he says that the rewards in these islands are scant, and particularly those which he has had to give, as he has not had authority to appoint to encomiendas; and that, as well on this account as owing to the events which have occurred in his time, he has promoted some worthy soldiers with commissions as infantry captains--considering that they are the ones who perform the labor which is most necessary; and that they have, aside from their pay, only their simple place as before. several in consideration of this honor have settled down and become citizens, which is a thing much to be desired. the sons of principal men have been encouraged to enlist as soldiers, and have commenced to serve in the infantry, which was much run down. with especial care he has given none of these appointments to any servant of his--excepting his captain of the guard, as all the other governors did; and the offices of justice have been appointed from the veterans in service and the old settlers. in the foregoing cases you will observe the military ordinances. the other clauses of the said letter have been examined and at present there is nothing to answer to them. madrid, october 11, 1636. i the king by order of his majesty: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon royal decrees _ordering the city of manila to compensate grau y monfalcon_ the king: to the council, justice, and magistracy of the city of manila of the philipinas islands. don juan grau y monfalcon, your procurator-general, has reported to me that you had many serious matters of great importance pending in this my court, on which depended the conservation of that community. seeing also that the persons who had charge of these did not conclude them, you appointed him as your procurator-general; and, besides him, a regidor of that city council [_ayuntamiento_], who might come here to confer about those affairs, giving him a salary of two thousand pesos. the latter, coming to these kingdoms, died in eastern india. consequently, you again made a new appointment, [conferring it] on don diego de esqueta y mechaca, a regidor of that city, who is coming to this my court in the first trading fleet. all the papers, records, and instructions, which you gave to the said regidors for the despatch of the business having reached the hands of the said don juan grau, he has attended to its expedition with so great promptness, personal care, and interest, that he has indeed settled your affairs, so that when the said don diego de esqueta arrives here he will find nothing for him to do. don juan has attended to it all at his own cost, and since the time of his appointment as such procurator-general--more than six years--you have not sent him any of his salary, or anything for the expenses that he has incurred. he has expended considerable money from his own funds--something which few would have done, especially in so hard times--as he desired to give you entire satisfaction in regard to the matters with which you had charged him. by that means the great expenses that you might have incurred, if the said procurators had remained here with salaries so considerable, have been avoided. he petitioned me, in view of this, to be pleased to grant him the favor of a decree of recommendation, so that you may consider him as well recommended, in order to give him a reward for his service, past and present, in the said negotiations; and that you may assign him some fixed salary for his service in the future, for so long as he shall hold powers of attorney from you. he petitioned that he be remunerated for what he has spent, and that you also assign him a certain accommodation of lading-space in the ships that sail to nueva españa. this matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, where the care taken by the said don juan grau has been known and experienced; and after they had considered the aforesaid and the good account that he has given of the matters under his charge, with the diligence and carefulness of which you will have learned through the many despatches which he has sent and continues to send you; and because my will is that he receive in full the grace and favor which his care merits: i have considered it fitting to issue the present. by it i charge and order you that, since it is so just to make him compensation, you grant him that which he should have, in accordance with what you consider due him for his work, past and present, in your affairs and negotiations. you shall also pay him the sum which he shall have spent and what he shall spend from his own property in the said matters. what you shall thus determine, and what you think can be done for him, you shall give to the person who shall hold his power of attorney in that city. thus is my will. given in madrid, august fourteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon signed by the council. [_endorsed:_ "don juan grau. to the city of manila, ordering it to endeavor to remunerate, as it shall deem best, don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, for his labor in the expedition of its affairs, and for the expenses incurred by him in them."] _orders given to sebastian hurtado de corcuera_ the king: to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcántara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein. a letter written to me by don juan zerezo de salamanca on august 10 of the former year, 1634, while he was governor _ad interim_ of those islands, on matters pertaining to government and justice, [3] has been received and examined in my royal council of the indias. on the points therein that have needed to be considered, you are hereby answered. the said don juan zerezo declares that geronimo de fuentes, an inhabitant of that city, bid for a magistracy at auction. the judges of the auction knocked it down to him, and made out his title for it. some of the regidors opposed this, and appealed to the audiencia. the latter, in order not to make a precedent, so that the alcaldes or judges of the provinces should attempt the same with their successors, had the possession [of the magistracy] given to him, and left the party his right safe and in force. that is approved. by my decree of august 26, 633, i ordered that, in matters of government and the expenses of my royal treasury which should arise from the petition of litigants, my fiscal should be allowed to see all the enactments of my governors, so that he may take notice of what appears to [concern] him. i am informed that he is so doing; and that it would be advisable to order the said fiscal that, in disputes over jurisdiction with the audiencia, he shall defend the decrees which pronounce in favor of the government's jurisdiction. notwithstanding that i order that audiencia to observe and obey those decrees with special care. i have deemed it advisable to charge you--as i do--that you shall do what pertains to you in your offices, and shall observe the decrees, laws, and ordinances which are given for the good government of those islands. i have determined that the ships which are despatched to nueva españa shall sail without fail every year in the early part of june. don juan zerezo tells me that it could not be established in the year of 634. i charge you straitly to attend to the execution and fulfilment of this, with the earnestness that i expect from your zeal. as for the loan of sixty thousand pesos which the inhabitants of macan made, as you have understood it, to my royal treasury of that city--the payment and reimbursement of which my fiscal afterward opposed, saying that the portuguese were holding back considerable property of those citizens; and which was for that reason placed in a separate fund, where it is deposited--you shall order that those accounts be adjusted, and that what amount is theirs by right be paid to the parties, according to justice. he mentions also that word was received from the kingdoms of japon that the persecution of christians was greater than ever in the year 633, and that more than twenty religious from all the orders were martyred; and that it would be advisable that no religious go to that kingdom for the present, because of the little good that they do, and that, on account of this, the intercourse and commerce of that kingdom with those islands has been closed. since intercourse and friendship with them should not be lacking, and since you have understood how important this matter may be, you shall endeavor to attend to it with all the skill that is requisite; and you shall regulate yourself by the orders that are given, and in accordance with the needs of the church of japon, and the benefit and utility which may accrue from the labors of the religious in those districts. madrid, november 6, 1636. i the king by order of his majesty: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon _on terrenate matters_ the king: to pedro de heredia, commandant of the port of the island of terrenate and governor of the soldiers there, or the person or persons in whose charge it may be. your letter of may 13, 634, has been received and examined in my council of war of the indias. in it you state what soldiers are in those forts, and how inadequately they are aided with what is needful and requisite for their sustenance; while the infantry reënforcements sent from manila are of men who have no sense of duty (mestizos and other kinds of lineage), although men of courage should be sent; and that would be done, provided that one company of those who serve me in the camp of manila should be sent annually to those islands. for more than one hundred and twenty of the soldiers [there] seeing that they could not leave it, and induced by their evil dispositions, conspired to seize that fort; and while they were awaiting an opportunity to accomplish their designs, one of them informed you of it, and that they had chosen a sargento-mayor, a captain, and all the other officers that belong to a company; and that the circumstances which you mention had been overlooked, in order to defer to a better opportunity the punishment that it was advisable to inflict. desiring to get rid of this danger, you undertook their arrest, committing the matter to sargento-mayor juan gonzalez de casares melon, a prominent officer; and he carried it out with great expedition and adroitness. having arrested them, they made known the said conspiracy, and other abominable crimes, and that they had committed the sin against nature. having proved the accusations, you executed justice on the leaders of the said conspiracy and sent the others to my governor of the filipinas islands. although you had very few galleys in those forts, you sent the guard-galley of those forts to the island of fafares--which is inhabited by hostile moros, of the religion of terrenate, and by the dutch--with as many infantry as possible, accompanied by the king of siao and the sargento-mayor, juan gonzalez de casares melon. they took such good measures that they defeated the enemy, killing four hundred moros, with but little loss to our men, and captured about one hundred and fifty persons. the spaniards took from them ten pieces of artillery, and many muskets, arquebuses, and other arms; and left their settlements destroyed and burned, and their fort razed. i thank you heartily for what you have done in my service. you shall always be regardful of what may be most to my service, and shall strive for the conservation of whatever belongs to us. you shall see that the enemy are checked, and that they do not become powerful with new forts. in my name, you shall give thanks to sargento-mayor juan casares melon for the good management displayed in what he has done; and tell him that account will be taken of his person in order to grant him reward. i have ordered my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands to attend very particularly to all that concerns those forts. because of the great importance to their conservation and condition of exchanging the soldiers in those forts, i have ordered two companies to be sent in two galleons, and two others that are there to be taken back; so that in this way the soldiers of that presidio shall be exchanged every three years, and all the companies of the army shall share in the work equally. i have thought best to advise you of this, so that having understood it, you may, on your part, secure, in what pertains to you, the fulfilment of it all. madrid, november 6, 1636. i the king by order of his majesty: gabriel de ocaña y alarcon memorial informatorio al rey by juan grau y monfalcón, madrid, 1637. source: this document is obtained from a printed book in the academia real de la historia, madrid, collated with the ms. copy in the biblioteca nacional, madrid. translation: this is made by james a. robertson. grau y monfalcon's informatory memorial of 1637 _informatory memorial [addressed] to the king our sovereign, in his royal and supreme council of the indias, in behalf of the distinguished and loyal city of manila, capital of the filipinas islands, in regard to the claims of that city and of those islands and their inhabitants, and the commerce with nueva españa: by don juan grau y monfalcon, their procurator-general at this court. madrid, in the royal printing office, 1637._ [4] number 1. intention of this memorial, in which are discussed all the principal matters of the filipinas islands. sire: don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of the distinguished and ever loyal city of manila, capital of the filipinas islands, makes, by authority of that city, the following declaration. since the preservation of the islands is the most efficient means for that of all the states which this crown holds and possesses in eastern india and adjacent parts, and consequently [of all those] in the western indias; and as it is positively known that there is no other way of assuring this end except by the commerce conceded to the islands with nueva españa--which is in such a condition that by only reducing it, or by deranging it as regards its amount, or the manner in which it is carried on, it will be necessary that it cease; and that if the inhabitants lose what supports them, all the islands will be lost: some persons, and especially captain francisco de vitoria baraona, with less attention and knowledge than is requisite in treating a matter so remote, serious, and politic--which demands so much more than ordinary foundation for its proper understanding [on account of not understanding it--_ms._]--proposed to your majesty certain expedients or counsels; but, although these should be directed to the increase of the forces which the arms of españa maintain in the seas of the orient, in order to oppose them to the numerous enemies who are trying to overthrow our power in those seas, and have the desire to end it, one would believe that they were directed with especial purpose to weaken and obscure that power, and thereby to extinguish the best and most creditable [finest--_ms._] military post that this great monarchy possesses outside of europa. and inasmuch as the matter pertains not only to the conservation of those vassals, but also to the general subject of your majesty's service, your vassals, attending more to this consideration than to even that result--although the one does not suffer without the other, since some orders originating from the expedients proposed by the said captain francisco de vitoria, have begun to be put in force in nueva españa--and recognizing from their beginnings how much the issues are in danger and how important it is to heed in time the dangers that threaten, and successfully to prevent them, on account of the impossibility that they can be checked later (for it is easy, at the beginning, to overcome what, when it is once introduced, is usually impossible to conquer), are attempting to represent those dangers in this informatory memorial, which they lay at your majesty's royal feet. in it, taking occasion from that which is most important and weighty, all the affairs of the filipinas islands will be touched upon, and those of their conservation, government, and commerce--and all with the truth, thoroughness, accuracy and knowledge that ought to be used, not only in general, but in each one specifically; so that once explained, in a complete report of the disadvantages and advantages existing in each point, the decision most advantageous to the service of god and of your majesty, and to the welfare of those islands, may be made in them all. the claims made in behalf of the islands are reduced to the petitions which are presented in a separate memorial, through which the inhabitants hope to receive the favors that their necessities and condition demand. number 2. condition of the commerce of the islands, and dangers from any changes therein to begin with the fact that furnished a reason for so purposely discussing these matters: it is presupposed that the commerce of the filipinas to nueva españa was carried on with some degree of prosperity, although with all the restriction that could be endured--albeit the royal orders were in certain cases less closely observed than seemed desirable, and it was an obligation to attend only to what demanded correction, and to what was sufficient to adjust the commerce, and reduce it to its best method. but another method was proposed which would have completely checked or suppressed it, by advising measures that would so alter the former one that, even if there were any irregularities in the old method which are avoided in this, that is accomplished by impeding and ruining the commerce; so that it will become necessary, in order not to permit one slight loss, to cause many, so irreparable that either the ruin of the islands will follow from them, or the total expense of their conservation will fall back on your majesty's royal treasury. and although it is always right (and today more than ever) to take care that since your revenue is not increased, it be not diminished, it is not a successful expedient to represent the saving of expense and the increase of income, if from what is gained on the one side, results on the other, either the loss of what it is advisable to defend, or the addition of heavier expenses for its defense. for there are matters which have attained so even and regular an equilibrium and balance, that, from whichever of its parts one subtracts or adds, the other side inclining is unsettled, and the structure that they compose is destroyed. one can easily understand that if your majesty were to dispense with the payment of _avería_ [5] on the royal treasure that comes from the indias in the war and trading fleets of their line, there would be a clear gain annually of more than half a million, in both silver and gold; but from that gain would result the failure of means to maintain the principal. and if the freighters, and those who are interested in the rest [of the trade] can with just cause excuse themselves from attending to the avería; and it is necessary that this treasure, as well as that of private persons which is brought with it, be accompanied by an armed force sufficient to resist those who have so great desire to pillage it: the alternative is either that it come without that force, and thus liable to lose more in one year than the expense for its defense in ten, or that all the cost be loaded on to your majesty's treasury, by which doing away with the avería would be a greater expense than would paying it. who can deny that if the customs duties in the ports of españa were to go up to fifty or one hundred per cent, they would not be worth ten times more than they are worth at present? but who would say that such an expedient would ensure the duration of commerce, and the ability of your vassals and the foreigners to maintain it? if the immediate result of increasing the duties must be the loss of the principal from which they are collected, the ruin of trade, the desertion of the ports, the impoverishment of your vassals, the depopulation of the cities, and the ruin of everything, one can easily understand that this scheme would, under pretext of increasing the royal treasury, ruin it and destroy the kingdom. these examples are no different from what is observed in the commerce of filipinas. it is represented that, by the measures which are ordered to be put in force, the duties in the port of acapulco alone will be increased one million seven hundred thousand pesos; and although this calculation, as will be seen, has no foundation, supposing that it did have, that increase would result in such a decline of trade there that everything would go to ruin. [_in the margin_: "in numbers 83, 85, and 91."] [6] and if the wealth on which that trade depends should fail, either your majesty will alone sustain the filipinas, or you will have to abandon them. the first is almost impossible without spending twice as much as is now spent. the second has the disadvantage that will be explained. [_in the margin_: "in numbers 6-44."] therefore the execution of the methods proposed at once carries with it irreparable injuries, which, after they have happened, will be so difficult of remedy, that the return of things to their present condition may not be possible. as this [present] condition has become established during the course of many years, it is preserved both by the wealth that those who sustain it have acquired during those years, and by merely allowing it to continue. but, if those two requisites fail, first will be experienced the loss of courage in the ruin [that will ensue], as the return [of courage] can be seen in the restoration [of the present condition]. number 3. commissions given to licentiate quiroga, and their execution your majesty was pleased to order licentiate don pedro de quiroga y moya, who went to nueva españa the past year of 635, on this and other affairs, by instructions in regard to the commerce of filipinas, to establish a new system in the port of acapulco, which is the point where their ships arrive. and although it is understood that the mandate was general, in order to correct and prevent the illegalities which are committed at that port in the trade of the islands by taking greater quantities of silver away from nueva españa, and bringing in more cloth from china, than is allowed by the [royal] permission; and although he was ordered to attend to this with the greatest care--not only to investigate the past but to provide for the future--and that he should issue ordinances for everything, give instructions, and advise your majesty in the royal council of the indias, with full commission limited to certain times among both the officials and those who are not, with appeals to the tribunal whence it emanated: orders were also given him to go to acapulco to visit the ships from the islands, and ascertain whether they transgressed the law by carrying either more than was allowed, or without register what they were allowed to carry in the ship, in order to escape the royal duties. this is what is known of his commissions in general terms; and in detail some memorials were given to him and information of the damages, and of the remedies that could be applied; so that from these he could accept what was practicable, and might either execute or give advice of what he deemed most advisable, both in the increase of the duties, and in making the appraisals of the merchandise, in which consists the most serious and the most dangerous aspect of the matter. number 4. uneasiness caused in nueva españa, and what can be feared in the islands the innovation and disquiet caused by these commissions in nueva españa (where it is known that they have arrived) has been very great, and as notable is the uneasiness and embarrassment among the citizens and exporters of filipinas, who--without recognizing in themselves any guilt which accuses them, any crime which burdens them, or any proof which condemns them--have, for the sole purpose of not becoming liable to denunciations, [7] whether false or true (for all denunciations are troublesome), and to what ignorant witnesses, the evil-intentioned, or their enemies may depose, tried to serve your majesty beyond what their wealth allows and their abilities permit. on that account, so great has been the assessment on the inhabitants of filipinas, that it will be impossible to pay it without their total ruin, and they are not those who are guilty of the violations of law which some are attempting to prove. consequently, the inhabitants have petitioned that this assessment be not made. nothing is said at present of the other things that will result from it to [the harm of] the islands. [_in the margin_: "in numbers 45 and 87."--_ex. his._] this memorial will hint at some things, and time will continue to show them, if not by the causes that are now operating, then by the effects, which will reveal themselves. and even if these are less than those that may be expected, they will require very considerable attention and cause very sensible injury--as is usual with any innovation of the magnitude of this; for that which only changes and embarrasses the course of affairs, causes more damage than gain in what it reforms. [_v. purpose to which this memorial is directed.--ex. his._] in order to avert the dangers that threaten, it is the intention to present some measures and the reasons on which they are based; so that, without departing from what must be considered in the first place (namely, the service of your majesty), and then the conservation of those islands and of their citizens and residents, the evils may be corrected, the violations of law prevented, and the welfare of that so remote and afflicted community attended to--which, although so far away, attends so conscientiously to its obligations, ever preferring those duties to the possessions and lives of those who form and sustain that colony, risking and even losing them for the defense of that (although remote) very important part of this catholic monarchy. [_vi. proposition to abandon the islands, and its foundations.--ex. his._] the filipinas islands, which dominate the archipelago of sant lazaro, merit, for many claims, causes, and reasons, the esteem in which they have always been held. contrary to all these, it was represented already, in the times of the sovereigns your majesty's grandfather and father, that it seemed advisable to abandon the islands, and leave them to whomever cared to occupy them. it was remarked in the council of state, where the matter was ventilated, and where a consultation was held, the question being presented with the motives for this resolution, that those islands not only did not increase the royal revenues, but even decreased and diminished them, and were a continual cause of great and fruitless expense, as they are so many, so remote, and so difficult of conservation. the instigators of this proposition availed themselves, as says the author of the _history of the malucas_, [8] of the example of the kings of china--who being the sovereigns of the islands, and so near that they could reënforce them in a short time, as being so adjacent and near their great continent, abandoned them, in order not to be under obligation for the expenses and cares that were necessary to maintain them. they said that españa's method of governing them was very burdensome and prejudicial to the monarchy, and was without any hope of being improved, because of the great amount of silver that was sent to the islands from the indias on that account, both for the ordinary expenses of war, and for the conservation of commerce--all of that silver passing to assia, whence it never issued. they said that the states, so scattered and so weakened by so many wide expanses of water and remote climes, could scarcely be reduced to union; nor was human foresight sufficient to introduce union in that which nature itself, and the way in which the world was put together, separated by so distinct bounds. that was proved not only by reason but also by experience, which had discovered and proved how difficult and even impossible was the conservation of those islands, unless the cost were very greatly in excess of the profit--although, in this matter, one should first decide whether [questions of] honor and polity counted for anything. number 7. more attention should be paid to the conservation of states than to the increase of the royal revenues. these reasons, and others which were advanced, were originated and accepted by some who paid more heed to the increase of the royal revenues than to the advantage with which those revenues ought to be, and generally are, spent; for, although kings are obliged to regard that increase as the blood of the mystical body of their states, it must be without injury to the reputation of the states. for since, as is a fact, they must try to acquire riches in order to preserve their reputation and to increase their treasure by avoiding superfluous and little-needed expenses, it will not be a well-founded argument that, in order to avoid spending their revenues, they should allow what they already possess and enjoy legitimately to be lost. such a course would be to prefer the less to the greater, and the means to the ends; since we see not few millions spent on the conservation of a fortified post to which belongs, at times, nothing but the reputation of arms. if its defense is justifiable for that reason, it would be more justifiable if on such a place depends not only the reputation of the crown, but the preservation of many other reputations, which would be risked by losing that post, and which will be assured by maintaining it. such is the peculiar importance of the filipinas islands, as will be proved in this memorial. [_in the margin_: "in numbers 41, 42, and 43."] number 8. as, and for the reasons that, flandes is preserved, the islands should be preserved what state does your majesty possess that costs as much as flandes, although it is almost the least one of this monarchy? because in flandes all the reasons may be verified that are alleged in regard to the islands--namely, that they are costly, difficult to preserve, a drain of so much money, and separated from the other states--would it be prudent to influence [the crown] by those reasons to abandon that state? there can be no doubt that even the first proposition of such a nature would be condemned as imprudent, and lacking the basis of policy that such measures ought to have; and that from its execution would result, leaving aside other damages, the loss of many states of this crown, and their allies, which are now maintained by only maintaining flandes, although at the price of so costly a war. therefore, if the filipinas possess that same importance, and if the conservation of the two yndias results from their conservation--or at least from their being less exposed to notorious risks, which, were that flandes of the new world lacking, would threaten them--what more notable reason of state can there be for not deserting them, and for characterizing as justifiable and necessary all that is spent in them, as is above mentioned? number 9. resolution of preserving the islands well founded giving more heed to this than to all the propositions [made to him], king felipo [phelipe--ms.] second, not lending ear to so pernicious an opinion, resolved that the filipinas should be preserved as they had been thus far, by adding strength to the judiciary and military--one of which maintains and the other defends kingdoms--devoting and applying them both to the propagation of the holy gospel among those remote nations, although not only nueva españa, but also old españa were to contribute for that purpose from their incomes. and thus did that most prudent monarch declare, in order that it might not be understood that preaching was denied to them, and that he excused himself from sending them ministers for it, because of the lack of gold and silver, even though it should cost him other provinces. he put into effect that christian axiom, that kings possess some states because they need them, and others because those states have need of them. [9] well are these two propositions proved in the filipinas; for they were ordered to be maintained because their natives and neighbors need [to be under] the seigniory of this monarchy in order not to lose the faith which they have received, and to make it easier for others to receive it. also, as has been said, and as will be proved, [_in the margin_: "in numbers 19, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, and 43."] this crown needs those islands now more than then, in order to preserve other posts not less important, since in losing them much more would be lost than what is spent on them. consequently, both then and afterward, that talk of deserting the filipinas was and has been regarded as worth little consideration, and was ill received and considered unworthy the greatness, christian zeal, and obligation of the kings of españa; and accordingly it has sunk into eternal silence. number 10. the conservation of the islands is more necessary today if these reasons could so powerfully influence the devout minds of the so catholic princes in that epoch, much more should they influence that of your majesty in this, wherein they have not only the same but greater force, because of the many unexpected difficulties that have been encountered through the entrance of the rebels of olanda into so many parts of the two indias. consequently, if the filipinas be now deserted, not indeed for the sake of authority and reputation, but only for political convenience, the advantage that might result would be very doubtful, and the loss very evident. and although the effort is not at present made directly to have the islands abandoned, expedients are being or have been proposed from which one fears, not indeed the abandonment of them willingly, but what is worse, the loss of them unwillingly. before proving that the measures which are beginning to be executed may conduce to that end, the reasons on which their conservation, importance, and necessity are today founded will be discussed; so that, what is advisable being understood with all clearness and certainty--since it is not expedient to add to their forces, as that is now impossible, nor to deprive them of what force they possess--the reader may draw as a conclusion that, if the weakening of the islands follow from the orders issued, and their loss be risked, those orders may either be corrected or suspended, or the most prudent decision in all respects may be adopted. number 11. first reason of the importance of the islands: their discovery the first reason for which the filipinas should be valued is that of their discovery, which was made by hernando de magallanes in the year of 1519, after so many hardships, by the new navigation through the strait until then undiscovered, to which he gave his name. that expedition was not for the discovery of lands or wealth, as were others, but to obey the order and satisfy the desire of the emperor carlos v, of glorious memory--who, years before, had made known this desire and endeavored to carry it into effect; and at that time he succeeded in doing so, by making the agreement for that heroic voyage, which astonished and encompassed the world. it is to be noted that that discovery was directed toward the islands of maluco, so that the crown of castilla, which was then separate from that of portugal, might enjoy for itself alone the trade in the spices that grow there. that was obtained, and the vassals of both crowns having fought together for the conservation of those islands, their weapons were reduced to pens, and to various councils and disputes as to the situation and demarcation of the islands. although it was recognized that they belonged to castilla, according to the division of the world made by the apostolic see--as it then had no other lands or islands near those of maluco, from which to succor them, except nueva españa which is so distant--yet, as it was judged difficult to maintain them, in a region so remote, against the invasions of moros [10] and pagans, and against the obstinacy of the portuguese (who could never be persuaded that those islands were not theirs); and seeing that the action of abandoning them was unworthy of him who had spent so great a sum in their discovery, and in planting therein the gospel: it was accepted as a more creditable and expedient resolution to dispose of them in pledge [11] to the crown of portugal. that country held and maintained them alone, until the year 1564, when the castilians, under the command of adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi, continuing what magallanes had commenced, went to settle the filipinas islands, by the proximity and protection of which they recovered the islands of maluco; and more, when these two crowns had been united, was the mutual aiding of their vassals facilitated. in order to assure their defense, by the agreement of both countries (the circumstances of the transfer having become almost obscured) the malucos were detached from the crown of portugal and joined to that of castilla; and they became subject, as today, to the filipinas. consequently, the argument with which the author of the _history of the malucas_ affirms that if god had permitted the king of that time to exclude the filipinas from his monarchy, leaving them exposed to the power who should first occupy them, maluco would have so bettered the condition of its affairs that it would have been impregnable, is not very clear. that statement must be understood with reference to the moro kings, who would have been more powerful had not the proximity of the filipinas subjected them; since it is evident that, if when the emperor disposed of the one [group of islands], the others had been settled, he would not have made that bargain, but would have defended them and kept them all. that is verified, because when felipe ii, having succeeded to the crown of portugal, wrote to the governor of filipinas to reënforce the malucas and other places in india whenever he had an opportunity, that was a matter of so great fear to their kings that the king of terrenate, sultan babu, feeling himself oppressed by a greater and nearer force, sought defense in peace, and to secure it sent, as ambassador to these kingdoms, cachil nayque. from the above it is inferred that, if the first intent was to discover the malucos because of the wealth of their trade--which is now united with that of the filipinas, as will be seen; [_in the margin_: "in number 29."] and if the maintenance of the one group consisted in that of the others, even when they belonged to different crowns: now that they all belong to castilla, more necessary is the conservation of the filipinas, in order that the islands of the malucos may not decrease from what they were then. number 12. second reason for the importance of the islands: their size and number the second reason is that of their size and number. cosmographers recognize five archipelagos in that sea that is included between china, the javas, and nueva guinea [12]--namely, that of moro or batochina, that of the celebes, that of the papuas, that of maluco, and that of san lazaro, which is that of the filipinas or luzones. [the last name is given] because the principal island is that of luzón, whose form is that of a tenterhook, one hundred and thirty leguas along its longest side and seventy along the shortest. the islands renowned after that island are mindoro, luban, borney, marinduque, the island of cabras, the island of tablas, masbate, zebu [zubu--_ms._], capul, ybabao, leyte, bohol, island of fuegos, island of negros, ymares, panay, cayahan, cuyo, calamianes, parauan, tendaya [tandaya--_ms._], camar, catenduanes, mindanao, and burias, besides other smaller islands. they number in all forty, without counting the small and desert islands, which are many. among those named are some larger than españa, some as large, and some smaller. one of these it zebu, which is [13] fifty leguas in circumference. near to it are the islands of maluco, which are properly five in number, namely, terrenate, tirode [_i.e._, tidore], motiel, maquien, and bachian--although the last named is not one island, but a group formed of many small islands, which are divided by various arms, straits, and channels of the sea; but which are reckoned as one island, as they all belong to one king. that of tirode belongs to another king, and that of terrenate with the two remaining ones to another, as well as so many islands adjacent to these that they number in all seventy-two. those two archipelagos of maluco and filipinas occupy more than twenty-six degrees of latitude, running from two or three degrees south of the equator to twenty-four north of it; and extend more than four hundred and fifty leguas, while they are one thousand four hundred in circuit. number 13. grandeur and characteristics of the distinguished and very loyal city of manila the center of all that distant region is the famous city of manila, which on account of its remarkable characteristics deserves equal rank with the greatest and most celebrated cities of the world. it is located on the island of luzón, in the angle made by its two aides or points, with a capacious, deep, and strong harbor. it was anciently the settlement of the luzón islanders; it was occupied by the spaniards, and the government established there, in the year 1572. on account of its location, renown, and prominence, it was given by a royal decree of june 21, 1574, the honored title of distinguished and ever loyal, [14] together with that of capital and chief city among all the cities in those islands. by a decree of november 19, 1595, it was decreed that it could enjoy all the privileges enjoyed by all the cities that are capitals of kingdoms; and by another decree of march 20, 1596, it was granted a special coat-of-arms, which it uses; [15] while another decree of may 8, of the same year, allows it jurisdiction for five leguas around. however, it has greater jurisdiction in regard to government and superiority than any other of this monarchy, since the district of the royal audiencia resident therein, according to the declaration by provinces, of the fifth of may, 1583, and the twenty-sixth of may, 1596, consists of the island of luzón, with all the filipinas of the archipelago of china (including the five already mentioned [_i.e.,_ the malucos]), and the mainland of china, discovered or to be discovered hereafter, which is an immense distance. its inhabited part--although it has suffered great disasters, which will be mentioned later [_in the margin_: "in number 93."] and in spite of which it endures--is today very sightly in its buildings and plan, as they are mostly of stone, and as it is surrounded by a wall in the modern manner, with sufficient fortification. but what most ennobles it is the valor and loyalty of its inhabitants, who, notwithstanding their small numbers in proportion to those of the enemies, sustain the city with so much reputation and renown, that it is one of the best military posts in all the orient, and one in which the royal standards of your majesty preserve the valor and fame of spaniards--who are feared and respected by all the kings who rule in those islands and regions--and of all the fleets that plough their seas. all the above makes that city, and the region that it governs in the most remote places of the world meritorious; this crown, therefore, should preserve that city for its dignity, and maintain it as the daughter of its power. number 14. third reason of the importance of the islands: their native and acquired character the third reason is the character, both native and acquired, of the filipinas islands. that of luzón produces a quantity of gold, of which a quantity has always been found and obtained in its rivers. rich mines have been discovered, now more considerable than ever. by a decree of august 12, 1578, the [reduction of the] royal fifth to the tenth was conceded to the inhabitants. [16] that had some extensions later, from which it is inferred that metals were obtained. there are persistent rumors regarding the pangasinan hills, which are forty leguas away from manila, namely, that they are all full of gold-bearing ore. in the year 620, [17] alférez don diego de espina [españa--_ms._] [18] discovered the rich mine of paraculi in camarines. it extends for nine leguas, and it is hoped that it will have a considerable output. that has occasioned the command that the privileges of miners in those islands be observed, by a decree of september 22, 1636. they also abound in copper, which is brought from china with so much facility that the best artillery imaginable is cast in manila, with which they supply their forts, the city of macan and other cities of india, and it is taken to nueva españa; for the viceroy, the marqués de cerralvo, sent the governor, don juan niño de tabora, twenty-four thousand pesos, in return for which the latter sent him eighteen large pieces to fortify acapulco. of not less importance is the quicksilver of the filipinas, whither the chinese carry it in great quantities. it can be shipped--as is permitted and ordered by different royal decrees of august 15, 1609, and may 15, [19] 1631--to supply the deficiency of that metal for working the mines of nueva españa. number 15. commerce of the islands, domestic and foreign; and in what the domestic consists the greatest treasure of those islands, and that in which their wealth consists, is commerce, which demands a more extended treatment. it is divided into domestic and foreign. of the latter, which is the rich commerce, we shall treat later. [_in the margin:_ "in the year--_sc._: number--20 to 37."] the domestic, which is slight, consists in the fruits and commodities produced in their lands, which are cultivated by their inhabitants: rice in the husk, and cleaned; cotton, palm wine, salt, wax, palm oil, and fowls; lampotes, tablecloths, ilocan blankets, and medriñaques. these are the products in which the indians pay their tributes, and in nothing else--except some who pay them in taes of gold, of eighteen carats, which is that obtained in those islands, and which is worth eight reals. nutmeg, as good as that of borneo, is found in them, as is mentioned in a royal decree of october 9, 623, in which it was ordered to bring some to these kingdoms. [20] there is abundance of swine and cattle, deer, and carabaos or buffaloes. the coast waters are full of fish, the fields of fruits, the gardens of produce and vegetables. the most useful plant is the palm, from which an infinite number of articles are obtained. there are groves of them, as there are vineyards in españa, although they require less labor and care. from the rice they make the ordinary bread, which they call _morisqueta_. what most shows the wealth of the country is the gold that its natives wear; for scarcely is there an indian of moderate means, who is not adorned with a chain of this rich metal, of which the women use most. number 16. number and diversity of indians in the islands what most assures the provinces of the new world is the greater or less number of the natives. in that the filipinas are eminent, for there are the indigenous indians, who are tributarios; but these are not many, as not all of them are pacified. of those who have been pacified some, the larger encomiendas, have been assigned to the royal crown. there are other foreign indians whose number is great in manila and its environs, and where there are spaniards, to whose service the indians engage themselves for their day's wages. these include an infinite number of nations: chinese, japanese, champanes, malucans, borneans, joas [_i.e._, javanese], malays, and even persians and arabs. but those who are tributary to the royal crown are: number 17. indians tributary to the royal crown in the indias in the provinces of oton and panay, twelve chief villages, which have 6,035 tributes. in the island of zebu, three which have 2,529 tributes. in that of camarines, there are 87 tributes of vagrant indians and sangleys (who are chinese christians). in mindoro and luban, 1,612 tributes. in the province of tayavas, in five villages 1,343 tributes. in that of bay, in nine villages, 2,232 tributes. on the coast of manila, in twenty-eight villages, 4,250 tributes. the vagrant indians of manila and its environs amount to 781 tributes. the japanese foreigners, 218 tributes. the christian sangleys of the village of baybay, outside the walls of manila, 580 tributes. in the province of pampanga, in six villages, 3,650 tributes. in the province of pangasinan, in four villages, 899 tributes. in the province of ilocos, in five villages, 2,988 tributes. in the province of cagayan, in eight villages, 2,192 tributes. consequently, the royal crown has 44,763 tributes, as appears from an official statement made in the year 630. at ten reals per tribute, the amount reaches 53,715 pesos. among private persons there are distributed and assigned as encomiendas 48,000 other tributes, which for the 230 citizens of manila--without reckoning those of the cities of [santísimo] nombre de jesus, [nueva] caceres, and [nueva] segovia, and the town of arebalo, who number about 300 more--does not amount to 160 tributes per man. they amount to a like number of pesos of eight reals, for the two additional reals are for the royal crown. and even on the eight reals so many charges are made that there is left but six or a trifle more. this is the wealth, and natural and proper commerce of the filipinas. number 18. fourth reason for the importance of the islands: their location, as [21] is explained the fourth reason which persuades one to value and conserve them is the one drawn from their notable location, almost opposite this hemisphere of españa. consequently, some think that manila is the antipodes of sevilla. although according to the latitude of the world that is not exact--as it is in a different latitude from that required to be opposite by a straight line which passes through the center of the earth--according to the longitude the idea is not so far wrong; for although both cities are not on one great circle, their meridians lack only a difference of two or three hours to be diametrically opposite. from this it follows that, as the world has two poles upon which its frame moves and rotates, so does this monarchy also have two, one of them being españa, and the other the filipinas, which is the most remote part of españa's possessions. and although in respect to the indias, which led to the discovery of filipinas, they are called the western islands, yet if sought by the voyage by way of india, they are the most eastern, and the finest that have been discovered in that ocean--whose dominion belongs to them even by nature and by their relative position among all the islands of that hemisphere. therein they are surrounded by an infinite number of rich islands, which were formerly frequented; these promised great increase in the promulgation of the gospel, and no small hope based on the wealth of their commerce, before the rebels of flandes entered those seas and embarrassed their navigation and trade. the islands are also at equal or proportionate distances with the kingdoms which extend from the straits of sincapura [22] and of sunda (or sabaon), to china and japon. number 19. importance of the islands because they offer opposition to the dutch from this so unusual location results the best proof of the importance of those islands--an importance well understood by the dutch, who are striving, by means of immense military expenses, fleets, and numerous presidios, which they sustain in their seas and environs, as will be seen [_in the margin_: "in number 32."] to blockade, restrict, infest, and attack the islands, with no other end in view than their seizure. for they believe (and not without reason) that if they should attain this end, and remove that obstacle (which is the one that restricts the course of their fortunes in those regions), they would be absolute masters of all that extends on from the straits; and that they would cause from there so great anxiety and danger to india, that they would oblige its citizens to spend on its defense a greater sum than is now spent on the conservation of the filipinas. and now, when the dutch have been unable to gain a foothold in any of the islands because the arms of your majesty sustain that country with the same reputation as in flandes, the enemy maintain themselves by aggressive measures against the spaniards--usually keeping for that purpose in the seas of those islands forty or fifty armed vessels, which are used to pillage whatever they can find, and to guard the presidios which they have established, and the commerce which they have introduced of the most precious drugs and commodities valued by europa, whither they take them. however, that is done at a greater cost than they are willing to pay, because of the opposition made against them by the filipinas. in order for the dutch to overcome the filipinas, it has not been sufficient for them to unite and ally themselves with the moro and pagan kings of other islands and lands of asia, persuading them that they should take arms against the vassals of españa, whose defense lies in the filipinas alone. and if the banners of your majesty were driven from the islands, the power and arrogance of olanda, which would dominate all the wealth of the kingdoms of the orient, would greatly increase with the freedom and ease of commerce; while they would gain other and greater riches in europa, and would so further their own advancement that more would be spent in this part of the world in restraining them than is spent in driving them away in those regions [_i.e._, the orient]. consequently, those islands are the bit that restrains the enemy, the obstacle that embarrasses them, the force that checks them, and the only care that causes them anxiety, so that they cannot attain their desires--an evident proof of the importance of those islands, and a fundamental reason for their conservation. number 20. the foreign and general commerce of the islands makes them more valuable the above is not the sole motive of the dutch for desiring to gain control of the filipinas, but they recognize that they are, by their location, the most suitable of all the islands in the orient for carrying on the general commerce of these kingdoms and nations. already we have discussed the domestic and private commerce that is now conducted, which is scanty and limited; and we have stated that what most enriches the islands, and makes them most valuable, is the foreign trade. for it is rich and of great volume, and furnishes so great profits to the european merchants that, for the sake of these, in spite of the expenses, risks, and dangers of so long a voyage, the portuguese go to seek it by way of india, the castilians by nueva españa; the turks by way of persia, the venetians by way of egipto; and the dutch, now by the eastern route, entering india, or by the western, crossing the immense open stretch of the south sea, or even by way of the north and nueva zembla. number 21. estimation of the commerce of the orient, and its condition that commerce, then, consists, according to what the filipinas can enjoy of it, in different products and trades because of the difference of the kingdoms or islands with which they do or can communicate. and inasmuch as the explanation of this commerce is the chief part of the matter; and so that one may see in what estimation it has always been held, and what it deserves, and that there is no other medium by which to maintain this crown except by the conservation of india and the filipinas: we will here describe, as briefly as possible, the times through which that trade has run, and its varying conditions up to the present. now it all belongs to the two royal crowns of castilla and portugal, but it is usurped in part from both by the dutch, whose only aim is to secure possession of it; and this they will attain on that day when either of the two extremes presented [for which these--_ms._] which are maintained shall fail. [23] number 22. oriental commerce; why it is valued for many centuries has the oriental commerce been known as the foremost, and most valuable and rich in the world, as appears from divine and human writings. [24] the kingdoms of europa, asia minor, and part of africa produce, for their mutual intercourse, certain fruits almost the same, and commodities for merchandise, which differ rather in quality or quantity than in essence. but in asia and the regions of the orient, god created some things so precious in the estimation of men, and so peculiar to those provinces, that, as they are only found or manufactured therein, they are desired and sought by the rest of the world. accordingly, different voyages and routes have been taken, which have been varied by the change of monarchies, on which such accidents depend. number 23. beginnings of the oriental commerce by way of persia the islands of maluco, to begin with what is most suitable for my purpose, were peopled by chinese [_sic_] and jaos, who, with the practice of navigation, commenced to traffic in cloves, a precious and peculiar drug of the forests there, with india, there meeting the traders in pepper, cinnamon, and other articles; thus going from port to port and from nation to nation, all these spices reached the persian gulf. there came together various peoples, with still greater diversity of drugs, perfumes, and precious stones, which were brought into persia; and, being disseminated throughout asia, these commodities were imparted, although at a great price, to the eastern lands of africa, and to the south of europa. that commerce having become known for the precious and wonderful character of its wares, was at once esteemed so highly that it was one of the causes which induced alexander the great to direct his conquests toward india, in order to make himself master of the kingdoms which he imagined (and without error) to be the richest of the world, as from them originated the most precious thing that was known in it. number 24. commerce of the orient through the arabian gulf and other parts later, the monarchy of the persians having become extinct and ruined, a part of that commerce passed, on account of the division of the states and the increase of trade among the peoples, by way of the red sea to the arabian gulf. then, entering by way of the two arabias, the nations of asia minor snared the spices and drugs; and through africa they went down by the river nilo to egipto, stopping now in cayro by land, now in alexandria by water. as the latter was a frequented port in the mediterranean, the communication of that commerce was easy, almost without knowing from what beginnings it sprang. by that voyage, the commerce increased so greatly that the king ptolomeo auleta [25] collected there as many as one thousand five hundred talents in duties: if these were attic talents, they amounted to nine and one-half million castilian escudos. the romans came into the monarchy, and, having made egipto a province of the empire, they enjoyed that commerce by way of the arabian gulf--by which the spice-trade penetrated at that time (even to the city of arsinoe, or that of berenice), and by the nile, or went overland to alexandria, which came to be one of the richest cities in the world because of this trade. later, as the sultans of babilonia went on gathering power, until they gained possession of the best part of asia, the spice again came to have an exit more by way of persia and trapisonda [_i.e._, trebizond] to the caspian sea, whence it was taken down to the ports of the mediterranean, and in one or another place, was received by the merchants of italia, who imparted it, in the utmost abundance, to europa. in asia minor, the ottoman house succeeded, and the turks got control of that commerce, which they divided--directing it, through the cities of juda and meca, to the interior of their lands; and, by the gulf and port of suez, to alexandria. number 25. commerce of india confined to portugal the turks did not enjoy the commerce for many years, for after the year 1497 [26] the lusitanian banners in india conquered their coasts, and the portuguese, masters of the navigation of the orient, blockaded the ports of the two gulfs--the persian and the arabic--with their fleets, preventing the entrance of that commerce there; and, conducting it by the atlantic ocean, they made the great city of lisboa universal ruler over all that india produces. thither [_i.e._, to lisboa] resorted immediately not only the european nations, but also those from africa and asia, by which they despoiled the turks of the source of their greatest incomes, forcing them to beg from these kingdoms what all had formerly bought from theirs. the wealth of portugal increased so greatly by the commerce of india that, in the time of the king don manuel, payments of money in copper were more esteemed than those in gold. that trade furnished the profits with which to maintain wars, squadrons, and great presidios in the orient, with which the portuguese defended their coasts and seas, not only from the native kings, but also from the fleets that the turks sent up through the red sea in order to recover what they so resented losing. those fleets always returned either conquered or without the result for which they had sailed, until, having lost hopes of the restoration of that commerce through their lands, they desisted from the attempt--contenting themselves with some ships which, with the danger of encountering the portuguese ships, they take to certain ports and lade with such spice as the fear of robbers allows them to take. number 26. entrance of the dutch into india, and their commerce the commerce of the orient lasted in lisboa, without any other nation but the portuguese sharing it, for almost one hundred years, which appears to have been the fatal century of their career. but as always they set upon that trade the value which has been made known in the wars of flandes and the prohibition of trading with olanda, their rebels determined to try to secure it; and in the year 1595 their first armed fleet entered india, to carry a portion of the spice to their islands, imparting it through them to all the northern nations, and even to those of the levant by way of the strait of gibraltar. returning merchandise of great richness, they introduced a new trade, so remunerative as may be understood from the peril that they undergo, and from the expenses that they incur, in order to maintain it. whatever they have acquired by that voyage (and it is not little) they have pillaged from this crown. the dutch spreading through the orient, recognizing the wealth of those regions, established their business, took part in barter there, erected factories, built presidios, fortified ports, and (what can well cause more anxiety) collected sea forces, by which they have succeeded even in driving out the spaniards from their houses, in disquieting them, and, at times, in blockading them. they began to go out to the ocean with this trade, becoming the general pirates of the two indias--where there are those who affirm that they have pillaged more than one hundred and thirty millions in less than forty years. they established the chief seat of this commerce in bantan, [27] the principal port of java major, whither people go from all the islands--banda, maluco, gilolo, sumatra, amboino--and from the mainland of coroman [goroman--_ms._], siam, pegu, canboxa [ganboxa--_ms._], patan, champa, and china. turks, arabs, persians, gusarates, malays, jaos, egyptians, and japanese go there. consequently, with the presence of so many nations and so various sects (all of which are evil) bantan may better be called "the oriental ginebra [_i.e._, geneva]." there are two markets or fairs held there daily, at which more than thirty thousand persons come together to buy and sell. number 27. commerce of the orient, which the dutch carry on from ba[n]tan the commerce acquired by the dutch from that place is notable and large; for it consists of all the drugs, perfumes, and products found in those seas. the money carried by the dutch is castilian silver, as that is the kind that is most valued throughout the orient. the money that circulates in the country is that of the leaden _caxies_ [_i.e._, cash], of which one thousand five hundred are given for one real of silver. two hundred caxies make one _satac_, and five _sataques_ one _sapacou_. rice is carried from the islands of macaser, sanbaya, and others. rice forms the chief food bought by the dutch, not only for the supply of their forts and fleets, but as a means of gain in that same port. cocoanuts are taken [thither] from balamban; this is another product that is consumed widely, and is of great use. they go to the confines of the island for salt, which is very profitable in ba[n]tan [bamtan--_ms._]; and which is of greater profit, taking it, as they do, to sumatra [samatra--_ms._], where they exchange it for wax from pegú, white pepper, and various articles made from tortoise-shell. twelve leguas away lies jacatra, whence, and from cranaon, timor, and dolimban, they get honey; and from japara, sugar; from querimara [quarimara--_ms._], east of bornio, iron; [28] from pera and gustean, tin and lead; from china come linens, silks, and porcelains. their most abundant article of trade is pepper, for huge quantities of it are gathered in java and sumatra. and inasmuch as even those islands do not suffice to fill all their ships, they buy the pepper in other parts where they go: as on the coast of malabar, as far as the cape of comori--a land that produces whatever is taken to portugal, and that which the moors carry to the red sea; at balagate, that which goes to persia and arabia; at malaca, that which goes to pegu, sian, and china. the large variety comes from bengala and java, while the canarin, which is the least valuable, is gathered from goa and malabar. the best is bought at bantan, for forty thousand caxies (which amount to 27 reals in silver), per sack of 45 cates, [29] or 56 castilian libras, and it sells at one-half real [per libra?]. the ships which are unable to lade there--either because many ships go there, or because they are looking for wares that are not carried to their markets, or because they try to get them cheaper at their home market--go to other factories and places of trade. they go even to meca in the arabian gulf, and cast anchor in juda, twelve leguas away. for that voyage they carry drugs, food, and chinese merchandise, which they sell for silver money--of which there is a quantity stamped with the arms of your majesty in this kingdom, while the rest of the money consists of turkish ducados. with that they go to other ports, and buy very precious commodities, as money is more precious [in those ports] than anything else. they get the aromatic mace from the island of banda, which belongs to the filipinas, and where jacobo cornelio left the first factors in the year 600; and in that of 608, pedro guillelmo verrufio erected a fortress, although at the cost of his life. there, then, they barter the mace and the nutmeg, which is grown in no other part of the world, and obtain it there in so great quantity that they can lade annually one thousand toneladas of it. they take it dry, in order to carry it to europa; and to meca, ormuz, and all the orient in a conserve; for it is highly esteemed, as it is a very delicate relish. with mace, pepper, nutmeg, and other drugs they go to pegu and sian, where they trade rubies and wax in their factories. they barter those substances in sumatra for pepper, which they also carry to ormuz. there and at certain ports of cambaya, they buy indigo (a royal product, and of which there is a monopoly in india), manna (a medicinal drug of arabia and persia), and rhubarb. what they are most eager to buy at ormuz are the pearls that are fished from the persian gulf as far as besorà. they also get them between ceylan and comori, between borneo and anion, and in cochinchina. at ormuz they trade most for precious stones [30]--fine bezoars, turquoises, chrysolites, amethysts, jacinths, garnets, topazes from cahanor, calecut, and cambaya, copper wire, and not very good agates. they have a factory in patan, since--although they do not desire the trade of those people, as it consists only of silver money--a great quantity of chinese merchandise is found there; and, as the dutch cannot enter that country, they barter there [_i.e._, at patan] for silk in the skein and woven, porcelain ware, and other things, and for calambuco wood, which is found in sian, malaca, sumatra, and cambaya. they get ginger from malabar, not to take to olanda--where they have too much with what they plunder in the windward [_barlovento_] islands--but to take to ormuz, which with that from malaca, dabul, and bacain is traded in persia [percia--_ms._] and arabia. they trade cardamomum in malabar, calecut, and cananor, [that plant] being used throughout the orient to sweeten the breath. from the coasts of sofala, melinde, and mozambique, they get gold, ivory, amber, and ebony, which they also get from champá, whose mountains apparently raise no other [varieties of] woods. from bengala they get civet, and mother-of-pearl. the best benzoin is that of ceylan and malaca; but as the dutch have but little trade in those parts, they get along with that of the javas, which is not so good, and with some of fine quality that they obtain in fairs and ports. the same is true of cinnamon which they are unable to obtain at ceylan, except through third persons; accordingly, they secure but little, and content themselves with the wild cinnamon of malabar, although it is very poor. sandalwood was formerly the most profitable product in india, and was traded by the portuguese. it was obtained in the island of timor, where they had a fortress; but, as it is near bantan, the dutch have gained possession of it and its trade. this is the white sandalwood, for the red comes from coromandel and pegu. they buy snakewood [_palo serpentino_], [31] brought from ceylan [seilan--_ms._], in the fairs of sumatra; eaglewood from coromandel; camphor in sunda and chincheo, but better in borneo; myrobalans [32] in cambaya, balagate, and malabar; incense from arabia; myrrh from abasia [abaçia--_ms._]; aloes-wood from socotora; all of which they obtain at ormuz. they trade but few diamonds, for the fine ones come from bisnaga and decan, and are taken to the fair of lispor, between goa and cambaya; and since the dutch do not go thither, they have no share in them, but they get some at the fair in sumatra. number 28. commerce in cloves, and how the dutch entered it, and took possession of maluco the most noble product, and that which is must earnestly desired, as it is of the greatest profit and gain, is the clove. cloves are produced in the celebrated islands of maluco and that of amboyno; and a little in the islands of ires, meytarana, pulo, cavali, gilolo, sabugo, veranula, [33] and other islands adjacent to the malucas--which are the chief producers of cloves, and produce the best quality. as now, it was formerly the most valued product of the orient; and now it forms one of the royal commodities of its commerce. in the islands where it is grown, one bare costs 460 castilian reals. [the bare] has 640 libras, so that it does not amount to 25 [34] maravedis [per libra]; while it is sold for at least one ducado in europa, so that each libra gains fourteen, which is an excessive profit. from the time when those islands were sold to the crown of portugal, for the above-mentioned reason, for the sum of three hundred thousand ducados, that crown possessed them and the clove trade until the year 1598, when jacobo cornelio nec went to india with eight ships. dispersing those ships through its kingdoms, two of them went to terrenate, where they left six factors, the first that olanda had in that archipelago [_in the margin_: "in the year 11"]. in the year 601, of twelve other ships which entered the orient, seven went to amboyno, and by an arduous attempt gained the fort held there by the portuguese; and although it was immediately recovered by andres de mendoca furtado, commander of the fleet of india, and he, victorious, overran the islands of maluco, subduing those of tidore and maguso [magusié--_ms._], he was unable to enter that of terrenate [teranete--_ms._], where the dutch had taken refuge and made its king rebel--the reënforcement of two hundred soldiers sent (in one ship and four fragatas, in charge of captain juan galinato) by don pedro de acuña, governor of filipinas, being of no use. thereupon everything was in a ruinous condition. in the year 605 [_sic_] estevan drage, who went to india with twelve galleons, attacked amboyno and recaptured the fortress; and, going to tidore and the rest of the malucas, gained possession of them all. number 29. recovery of maluco by the governor of filipinas, and its annexation thereto that loss was felt keenly in españa. the difficulty of relief from india having been recognized--as that country was so distant, and its forces were so broken; while those of the filipinas, because they were greater and nearer, were more suitable--letters were sent to the governor of those islands, with orders that, aided by the portuguese, they should endeavor to recover maluco and restore it to this crown. don pedro de acuña, having determined to make that expedition, and being already in possession of the aid that india could furnish, assembled a fine fleet in iloylo, consisting of five large ships, six galleys, three portuguese galliots, another open galliot, four junks, three champans, two english lanchas, and fourteen fragatas; and with them thirty-eight small boats, one thousand four hundred and twenty-three spaniards, one thousand six hundred natives, seventy-five pieces of artillery, and everything else needed. with that he gained terrenate, reduced tidore, and subdued siao, sula, and tacome, gilolo, sabugo, gamocanora; and left those islands obedient. he moved the fortress of terrenate to a better site, and garrisoned it with six hundred spaniards, as it was the capital of all the other islands. thus he placed on the enemy a curb, which some disasters have [since] removed. inasmuch as the malucos had been recovered by the filipinas, and obtain from the latter the most certain succor, it was deemed inexpedient to return them to the crown of portugal, or to its viceroy of india, which is so far distant from them, by the consent of both crowns; and a royal decree of october 29, 607, ordered that all the malucas should remain, as at present, in charge of the governor of filipinas. number 30. the clove trade, which is carried on by way of india in regard to the clove trade, it was proposed that it be introduced by way of nueva españa, carrying to barter for it the products of the island of panay and the merchandise of china at the account of the royal treasury; and that with the 100,000 ducados that would be invested in that, one might trade for all the cloves that were gathered in those islands. in the five chief islands alone that amounts to 4,400 bares of cloves of prime quality (which is the selected spice). at 640 libras, that amounts to 2,816,000 libras, in which two millions are concerned annually, for the maintenance of those islands, and the gaining of large increases for the royal treasury. in regard to it a decree of instruction had been given february 16, 602; but it was not then considered advisable to disturb that trade of india, either because of the injury that the portuguese would receive, or in order not to cause a greater withdrawal of silver from nueva españa. however, that argument had little force; for, in exchange for the 100,000 ducados, two millions would be returned. accordingly, although maluco remained under the crown of castilla, it was ordered that the clove trade be carried on by way of india, by a decree of november 17, 607; and the portuguese go from india to buy the cloves at manila, and take them to malaca. only what is needed there it shipped to nueva españa, and the rest is conveyed to various parts and kingdoms of the orient which are convenient to manila and the malucas. the dutch have again attempted to usurp that trade, as will be told later. number 31. the dutch return to maluco; and the deeds of the governor of filipinas don juan de silva, who succeeded don pedro de acuña in the government, tried to preserve during his term what his predecessor had gained. immediately upon his arrival, learning that four ships from olanda were near manila, he prepared five ships and three galleys, and went to give them battle with one thousand spaniards. of the three ships that he found, one was destroyed by fire, and the other two surrendered; and their booty amounted to more than two hundred thousand ducados. that victory was not sufficient to make the enemy lose their liking for that commerce, and they returned in greater force to seek it. don juan de silva made an expedition against them, and went to find them in the strait of maluco; but that expedition did not have the desired success. having written to the viceroy of india, by a secret letter of arrangements, dated december [35] 13, 615, asking the latter to join with him to endeavor to drive the dutch from those seas once for all, he resolved to put forth his utmost efforts in order to accomplish it; and had he had the good fortune to carry out that plan as he desired, it would have been an exploit worthy of his great courage and valor. he built seven galleons of one thousand or one thousand five hundred toneladas, in addition to three others that he had; and cast one hundred and fifty large pieces of artillery--although, for lack of master-workmen, they did not turn out well. he sent to request ten other galleons and six galleys from the viceroy of india, and sent sixteen thousand pesos for the purchase of certain articles. that was taken by don christoval de azqueta and forty spaniards, who were never seen again, the disaster of that expedition thus commencing. the governor repeated the embassy by means of father juan de ribera of the society of jesus. the latter obtained a reënforcement of four galleons and four galliots, and a few poorly-disciplined men; and (what was worse) they left so far ahead of time, that they had to await don juan de silva at malaca before the season to arrive, and at the worst time possible; for scarcely had they entered port when the king of achen attacked them with four hundred boats. he fought with the four galleons of goa, and burned one of them, whereupon he desisted from the blockade. as soon as the jaos had gone, six galleons from olanda entered, and after fighting with the three galleons of portugal, burned them. learning that don juan de silva was coming, the dutch retired to their forts, in fear of the force that he was carrying. then the governor left manila with ten galleons, the best that have ever been on that sea, and four galleys, in the year 616. he learned of the loss of the portuguese, and although he ought to have attacked bantan, where the enemy were fearing him, he entered malaca without doing anything; and, while hesitating there as to what he could accomplish, he was seized by the illness from which he died. his fleet, being left without a leader, returned to manila, destroyed and conquered by itself. the disaster of that voyage was recognized not only in what has been said, but also in that if he had gone to maluco, as he had been advised, he would have accomplished an important feat of arms. if he had been a fortnight later in leaving manila, he would have prevented the depredations committed by the dutchman jorje spilberg. the latter--having entered the south sea, and fought the battle of cañete, near lima, which was of but little consolation for the peruvians--arrived at the bar of that city [_i.e._, manila], and then went to maluco, thinking that the governor had gone to their islands. hearing that he was in malaca, he took ten galleons from them, and went to look for him. not finding him, and hearing of his death, he caused the rebellion of all those who were peaceful. the mindanaos went out with sixty caracoas, and attacked the province of camarines, where they caused considerable depredation. having disagreed, the mindanaos divided into two companies--one going toward manila to join the dutch, the other to the island of panay. there captain lazaro de torres destroyed them with only seven caracoas; and, capturing four of the mindanao caracoas, made the rest of them take to the open sea, until they were all lost. the dutch, with their ten galleons, sighted the same island of panay, and captain don diego de quiñones with seventy soldiers fought with seven companies of them that landed, and made them return to their boats with great loss, and but little reputation, so much can a good captain do. the enemy went in sight of manila again, where the fleet taken out by don juan de silva had already entered; however, it was in so bad condition that it did not have sufficient strength to attack the dutch. finally six galleons could be prepared, to oppose the other six which were infesting the coasts. the battle was fought, and the flagship of olanda was sunk, and two galleons burned, while the almiranta, with two others, took to flight. but that victory had its diminution, for the galleon "san marcos," having become separated [from the others], met two dutch galleons which had not taken part in the battle. in order to avoid a new battle with them, and the captain losing courage, the "san marcos" was run ashore and burned. thus the spanish side was victorious, but weakened. the enemy, although conquered and having lost three galleons, went to maluco with the seven remaining ones, and were able to keep what they had acquired. it is recognized that maluco is of the importance that has been stated, because they have maintained it at the cost of so many losses, fleets, and men. number 32. dutch forts and presidios in the filipinas district the above is confirmed by mentioning the forts which they have established with presidios, and which they have now in the district of the filipinas islands, both for the defense by their arms and for the continuance of the clove trade. [36] in terrenate they possess the fort of malayo, which they call granoya. there lives the dutch governor, who has the rest of maluco in his charge. it is a regular city in which there was usually a garrison of 850 soldiers, but which now has only 150 [140--_ms._]. at a quarter of a legua is toloco, a strong site, in which there are, for garrison, one alférez with twenty soldiers. tacubo is also near malayo, whence they garrison it as is necessary. malaca is one-half legua to the north of malayo. tacome, which they call vuillemistat, [37] three leguas from toloco, is a principal fort, and has a garrison of one company. they had no fort in tidore formerly, from the time of the expedition of don pedro de acuña until the year 612, when they gained a small rampart where the governor of maluco, don geronimo de silva, kept an alférez with 14 [15--_ms._] soldiers. there the dutch built the fort called marieco the great, where there is a captain with sixty soldiers. however, they do not get any profit from that island. motri [morri--_ms._], which lies between tidore and maquien, became depopulated through the fear of the natives for the men of tidore. persuaded by the terrenatans, the dutch founded a fort there in its northern part, taking a colony from gilolo; the natives were thereupon assured of safety, and settled there. it has a captain with fifty soldiers. there are three forts in maquin or muchian, one legua from motir [morir--_ms._]: nofagia, at the north, with one alférez and forty married soldiers; tafazen, at the west, with one lieutenant of the governor, and one hundred married [38] soldiers; at tabelole, in the east, a small fort of but slight importance, with one sergeant and twelve soldiers. in bachian is the fort of bernevelt, with one captain and sixty soldiers. in gilolo or batochina, [39] three leguas from the fort maintained there by the spaniards, the dutch maintain that of tabori, with one alférez and fifty soldiers; and three leguas farther on is another fort, with one lieutenant and twelve soldiers. in amborino [_i.e._, amboina], [40] eighty leguas from terrenate, is a large fort, with a watered moat capable of floating a galley without its oars. its garrison consists of a commandant with one hundred soldiers. in siao, thirty leguas from terrenate, the dutch own sagu maruco [marico--_ms._]. a spanish alférez was there with five soldiers in the year 614 for a certain purpose. the dutch came, and after driving out the spaniards, fortified themselves in that place, as they always crave what españa possesses. a sergeant was stationed there with sixteen soldiers, although it is not a post of importance. they have two forts in banda: moçovia and belgio, each one with one hundred and twenty soldiers. although the natives are hostile, those presidios are kept up with the hope of reducing them, and because of the nutmeg which is gotten there, which is but little. in java major there are three factories, namely, in baatan, jacava, and japara. bantan is the chief stronghold that the dutch have in india. the governor or prefect lives there, in whose charge are all the forts of the orient. there is kept account of all that is laden and of the ships, so that it is the accountancy and register of their trade. there are two galleys and more than thirty barks, armed and garrisoned, in which they cross to jacatra, which is the arsenal and dockyard where their ships are repaired, as it is the first and last station that they make on leaving and on entering by the straits of sincapura and sonda. it is one day's journey from bantan. however, the english, in confederacy with the jaos, a few years ago seized certain of those ports. in the year 629, the king of matalan [_i.e._, mataram] besieged jacatra, where he remained for five months. they destroyed the city, and killed three hundred of the dutch, and the latter only retained their fortress. in borneo, which is the most westerly of the filipinas, and the largest, being five hundred leguas in circumference, the dutch do not possess fort or factory, but they are allowed to trade there. in the island of hermosa, between the filipinas and china, they have established a presidio and seized a port. españa has another fort there, each on its own point, as the island is long. that has caused anxiety, as the island lies on the way to china. accordingly, the governor [of filipinas] has been ordered to endeavor to drive the dutch away. in the island of sumatra, at the city of jambo in the strait of sincapura, they have a factory for the pepper trade, which is of great importance to them. in the kingdom of patan, they have another factory, which ranks with that of jambo; another in that of sian; another in camboxa; and another in cochinchina. they have no entrance into china; on the contrary, they are the declared and common enemy [of that country] because of the great piracies that they have committed against those natives. they have a factory in japon, from which they get food and ammunition, which is worth not a little to them. they have other ports, which they have abandoned as it was convenient for them to do so--as that of gemalanor, in gilolo; the forts of bouson, solor, and timor; the factories of gresco in java, and that of asqueo, because of a war which they had with their king. they abandoned another in macasar, in the island of the celebes, where they got a quantity of sago [_segu_], which is the bread of the country, and a quantity of rice. accordingly, they tried to return there, but were unable. in all those forts and presidios jorje spilberg found, in the year 616, three thousand regular soldiers; one hundred and ninety-three bronze pieces, and three hundred and ten of cast iron, with three hundred swivel-guns; and thirty war galleons, besides those galleons in which they made the journey to and from olanda. number 33. arguments based on the forts of the dutch from this account which has been given of the dutch forts in the seas of the filipinas, are deduced certain arguments that belong to the purpose of this memorial and the matters of which it treats. number 34. first argument: for the condition and danger of the commerce the first argument is the quality and importance of the commerce of the orient, its condition, and the risk to which it is exposed. number 35. second argument: participation in the clove trade of maluco the second is the special point of the trade in the cloves which are obtained in maluco, in which it is to be noted that the dutch share by means of the forts that they maintain. accordingly, they obtain 600 bares [misprinted _baus_] from the cloves of terrenate annually, or 384,000 libras; from motir, 700 bares, or 468,000 libras; from maquien, 1,400 bares, or 896,000 libras; from bachian, 400 bares, or 256,000 libras; from amboyno, 1,800 bares, or 1,152,000 libras. the total of the cloves obtained from maluco, exclusive of amboyno, is 1,098,000 libras. since the total yield from all those islands is, as has been stated, 2,816,000 libras, there is left for the spaniards, portuguese, castilians, and other nations who get some of it, 1,718,000 libras. even that is because of the protection and proximity of the filipinas; and if that protection were lacking, not only would all the clove trade belong to the dutch, but, not needing the presidios that they maintain for it, they would enjoy all the trade at a much less cost and with greater gains, as can be understood from what is here stated. number 36. third argument: the profits of that commerce, and the effect [on it] of the filipinas the third, the great profits of that commerce; since for its maintenance alone the enemy employ and support so many fleets and presidios. and although the states of olanda are so poor and of so little importance, when compared with the grandeur of the monarchy of españa, they obtain [from that trade] with only good management and the freedom with which they conduct it, so large profits that with that gain they maintain so great a force on the sea; and their profits would be much greater, if the dutch were not opposed by the force which your majesty has in the filipinas islands. for it is affirmed that when two ships and one patache were coming laden from india to their country, and the ships were wrecked, and the patache saved, from that vessel alone they made up the loss, and had a considerable gain. that shows how advisable it is that the enemy do not increase and that the [colony in the] islands be permanent, and be protected, and its citizens succored. number 37. [fourth argument:] commerce of china sustains the filipinas, and how it is carried on. returning to the commerce that the islands have and what they can have--namely, all the above and that of japon and other kingdoms of those regions--the first and chief thing in which consists the preservation of the filipinas is the chinese trade. although the commerce is shared by portugal, it is with great peril and danger, as the portuguese have to go through the strait of sincapura, which is always occupied by the dutch. it has this difference, that the portuguese go to china itself to get the goods, where they have a settlement in the city of macan; while the castilians enjoy the trade in manila, to whose port many ships come annually from china, laden with all the products, natural and artificial, that that great kingdom yields. governor don francisco tello granted permission to don juan zamudio, in the year 1599, to go to china, and to establish the trade as the portuguese have it. he went with a ship to the city of canton, and although he experienced not a little opposition from them, he opened a port for the inhabitants of filipinas. that of el pinal was assigned them, and a house in canton, together with chapas and passports, so that they might go to form a settlement there whenever they liked. don luis perez das mariñas being wrecked afterward on the coast of china, the chinese welcomed him, and the spaniards entered that port. although, as that was in violation of the royal decree of 593, a censure was sent to the audiencia, yet the governor was charged by a secret letter of october 15, 603, to call a council to consider the advisability of continuing that enterprise. from that conference it appears that the royal decree of july 25, 609, resulted, by which that trade of china and japon was permitted to the citizens of manila. however, it is a fact that they do not avail themselves of it directly, but that they are content to await the chinese who bring their merchandise to them, as the citizens have not the forces or the capital to go to their country for it. the chinese are allowed to sell the goods at wholesale, in accordance with the order that was introduced by governor gomez perez das mariñas. the goods are appraised in a lump by persons deputed for that purpose; and then the goods are divided and distributed among the inhabitants, so that all may have a share in the commerce. that method was approved by a letter of instructions of january 17, 593, and is the method called "pancada;" to the governor was left only permission to send one ship annually to macan, in order to buy military supplies and no other thing, by a decree of february 4, 608. for some little time past the portuguese of that city have begun going to manila, or sending thither merchandise from china. that is a great damage to the citizens, for the portuguese sell the goods dearer than do the chinese. formerly those chinese goods were taken freely to nueva españa, guatimala, and panamá, and passed on to perú; but on account of their cheapness and the extent to which they were consumed, and the profit made on their cost, they were a menace to those kingdoms, and the damage caused by them to the commerce of sevilla was regretted. accordingly, the exportation of those goods to guatimala and panamá was forbidden, and afterward their transportation to perú; and the permission was left only for nueva españa, as will be related, as that is the principal point under discussion. [_in the margin_: "from number 62 on."] number 38. fifth argument for the importance of the islands: their superiority in those seas concluding with the arguments that make the filipinas important, the fifth is the superiority that they have in the orient over not a few crowned kings. your majesty does not provide any post in all the kingdoms of this monarchy, that are equal in that region to that of governor of the islands, unless it be the viceroyalty of india. as such governor, the king of borneo, confessing himself, although a mahometan, a vassal of the crown of castilla, rendered homage to doctor francisco de sande. during the term of gomez perez das mariñas, the king of another island, siao, went to manila and rendered homage. don pedro de acuña took their king prisoner in the expedition to terrenate, and kept him in that city [_i.e._, manila]. when don juan niño de tavora went [as governor], he bore an order, by a decree of november 10, 626, to give that king his freedom if he considered it advisable; but he was not freed, and died a prisoner in 629, as did also his son shortly before. he was succeeded by a cachil who had been a prisoner with the king, and who remained hostile. the king of tidore is an ally, and recognizes the governor as his superior; and the arms of españa as his protection. a treaty of peace was made in the year 618 with the king of macasar, as that was important for the maintenance of terrenate. the watchfulness maintained with the king of mindanao is constant; and although he has been subdued several times--especially in the year 597, through the valor of don juan ronquillo, who had many encounters in that island with the natives--he has once more revolted. although he has been severely punished, never is there assurance of him except when he knows that there is a force in the filipinas. consequently, such a force is necessary, in order that he may not dare to commit greater depredations, for the mindanaos who shall be taken in war are declared to be by that very fact slaves, by a royal decree of may 29, 620. by a decree of july 4, 1609, it is ordered that peace be maintained with the emperor of japon; and harmonious relations were long maintained with him, by sending him a present annually and receiving his, and by admitting ships and commerce between the two countries. [this was done] until the year 634, when the dutch so angered him against the catholics that they roused up a new persecution against them in his kingdoms, and put an end to his friendship with filipinas. that is no small injury, not only on account of the cessation of intercourse with them, but because that barbarian is powerful, and the japanese are general pirates. peace with great china and its king has been better managed, and is maintained by means of commerce and some presents which are sent. doctor sande wrote that he would dare to conquer that kingdom, which was a very confident promise; he was answered on april 9, 586, that he was not to consider such a thing, but to preserve friendship with the chinese. accordingly, that has been done, and so many chinese are in manila that they have two villages: one that of vindonoc [_i.e._, binondo], which is near the city, and composed of married christians; and the other the parián--which is, as it were, an enclosed suburb--in which live those who bring merchandise, and all these are called sangleys. the kingdoms of champa, camboxa, and sian, which occupy the mainland, are frontiers of war. the conquest of champa is regarded as lawful, by agreement of the theologians, as its natives are notorious pirates on those who pass their coasts, and they have many christian captives; and because they consent to and defend the law of mahomet, and are nearly all moors, as is mentioned in a royal decree of october 13, 600. the king of camboxa is not so pernicious, and allows woods, which abound in his kingdom, to be taken [thence] for shipbuilding in filipinas, besides other products and valuable drugs. there is a history of the ambassadors whom the king, apran langara, sent to manila, whence went to him the reënforcement taken to him by captain gallinato, and the success that he had; consequently, that kingdom has always been well affected toward the spaniards. the king of sian is like him of champa; he holds more than fourteen thousand christians captive, from various nations. in the year 629, that king captured two ships from manila in his ports, and detained them. therefore the governor, don juan niño, sent two galleons, which inflicted a sufficient punishment along their coast; and then an embassy to demand satisfaction for the two ships, saying that, if it were not given, they would continue to collect it. the king was dead, and his son agreed to do what was demanded from him. thereby your majesty's arms kept the reputation that they have always preserved in those seas among so many moorish and pagan kings, and in presence of the forces of olanda and inglaterra. number 39. sixth argument for the importance of the islands: the effects of their preservation the sixth and last argument which shows and proves the importance of the islands, and how advisable is their conservation and maintenance, consists in the excellent and considerable effects that result from it, which, although they are numerous, can be reduced to five chief points. number 40. first effect of the conservation of the islands: the promulgation of the faith the first effect is the conservation of the catholic faith, and the continuance of its promulgation, which has entered the rich and extensive regions of the orient through the agency of both crowns of castilla and portugal. in that are seen so [41] miraculous advances that it would be for the kings of españa to disregard the obligation that they so much value, in [not] giving them the protection possible--so that while the faith does not advance, it may not decrease, nor lose what has been planted in the vineyard of god our lord. this will be attained (humanly speaking), as long as the two extremes on which this mean depends do not fail, those two extremes being the states maintained by the two crowns in the orient: that of portugal, in india; and that of castilla, in filipinas. as india is the gateway for all the kingdoms that belong to this part of the straits, so also are the islands for these kingdoms about them, such as great china, japon, the javas, nueva guinea, and the islands of salomon--for whose discovery three voyages had been made from lima at great cost, but with little result, although they could be reached with greater ease by sailing from manila. number 41. second effect of the conservation of the islands: the security of india the second effect will be to assure the safety of those states, of which as they are found today, one may understand that, if one be lost, the other will become endangered. india has declined in its commerce and wealth, and consequently, in its power, because of the relationship that there is between these two things; for when a kingdom loses its wealth, it loses its strength. both have been usurped by the dutch, as is proved; for they, commencing with the commerce, have appropriated it to themselves, as well as the strength that is annexed to commerce. therefore india needs to avail itself of the filipinas, and that not only for such special aid as was requested by the viceroy, conde de linares, in the year 631 (who was governing india with the care, prudence, and success that is known by the excellent results that he obtained, and by the great talent and valor of his person, experienced in that and in other charges), to whom governor don juan niño sent two galleons; but also so that the enemy, being diverted, may have less power. thus was he [_i.e._, the governor of filipinas] charged to do by decrees of april 4, 1581, and december 5, 1584. the same must also be understood of the islands, which although they do not now have less strength than for the last forty years, have more enemies and more to which to attend. if india should fail them, they would be maintained with greater difficulty. the portuguese aided in the expedition made by don pedro de acuña, and also in that of don juan de silva, but not with equal success in both; and it is ordered that the two forces unite for the recovery of the island of hermosa. the city of macan, in china, is so far from india that it would be in danger should the islands fail it. the governor of the islands had an order to aid that city, by a decree of december twenty, six hundred and twenty-three. he did so by sending it six pieces of artillery, with ammunition and other supplies, which were of so great importance that the portuguese averted their danger. that action is recommended by the good treatment and welcome that the men of filipinas receive in india--especially in cochin, where they go to buy ships and other things--as was written, in acknowledgment therefor, to don felipe mascareñas [mascarenhas--_ms._] in the year 630. number 42. third effect of the conservation of the islands: to deprive olanda of commerce the third effect is to deprive the dutch of a great part of their commerce, not only by españa maintaining it in the filipinas, which otherwise would all belong to the dutch, as has been said, [_in the margin_: "in number 36."] but also by forcing them to keep the presidios and fleets that have been mentioned, [_in the margin_: "in number 32."] in order to preserve what they have usurped; and thus, the expenses being heavier, consequently the profits would be less. it was already proposed, with arguments that gained no little approbation (thus they secured its execution), how advisable it was for a royal fleet to cruise among the windward islands. among the effects that were assured was one (and the most important), that of compelling the enemy who should go to infest those islands and commit piracies along their coasts, to erect a fort, and form settlements in some [of the islands], as they have done; and to do it with presidios and garrisons, because of their fear of being attacked and punished--and not as they usually do, when with two little ships carrying each six pieces and twenty men, they pillage what they wish; and with a hundred [common] laborers, and one captain to command them, without arms or defense, they settle on this or that island, confident that there is no one on the sea who can oppose them, or attack them ashore. for if they were in fear, and were obliged to carry an armed force, they would, as that requires cost and preparation, be unable to make so many settlements; nor would their profits be so great that they would not some time or other be ruined and take warning from experience. the filipinas are doing this in the orient, and are resisting the enemy in such manner that they not only compel them to maintain forts in their seas, but also to suffer so great losses in them that at times the losses, as is known, exceed the profits. on that account, it is understood that the east [india] company of olanda is less rich than formerly; and that, leaving it, they have established the west [india company]. as the latter does not consume [demand--_ms._] so much expense, although the profits are less, it is more appreciated. this is an argument that ought to be heeded in order to establish a fort in the windward islands, as there is in the filipinas, so that the same result might be experienced in the former as in the latter. number 43. fourth effect of the conservation of the islands: the relief of the indias the fourth effect is the relief of the western indias; for with the diversion and expense that the enemy encounters in the eastern indias and the posts of maluco, he is forced to pay less attention to the western indias, and to infest them with weaker forces--which would be greater if he could dispense with employing them in the orient to counteract the forces of filipinas; and the profits of commerce there increasing, he would, freed from the expense [of those armaments], be at liberty to occupy himself in the west. if the dutch should enter there with all their forces, they would cause much more anxiety [than now], and more costly means of defense than those which are made in filipinas. number 44. fifth effect of the conservation of the islands: the reputation of this crown the fifth and last effect is that this crown will sustain its reputation and renown, a consideration which so urgently persuades it to preserve a post so honored, avoiding the scandal that would result from losing it, or from abandoning as difficult and costly the most noble exploit that has been offered to any prince. that would [will--_ms._] persuade the enemy that it was for lack of forces, or that the gospel ministers whom españa sends only go where riches and advantage await them, and not where these are not found. that was one of the motives, if not the greatest, of the kings your majesty's father and grandfather; and your greatness has not only to preserve what you inherited by so many legitimate titles, but also to increase it as much as possible. number 45. means existing for the conservation of the islands granted, then, and declared by so many and so evident arguments, the importance of the filipinas, in regard to both its causes and its effects, it is to be noted that there are to be found but two means for the attainment of their conservation. one is for your majesty to supply from the royal treasury all the expense that should be necessary, without heeding what income they furnish. the other method is to concede to them the commerce with nueva españa, in such quantity and manner that, with what should proceed from it, there should be enough to defend the islands. each of these means is insufficient by itself, nor is it possible; for your majesty cannot spend all that is necessary for the maintenance of filipinas, and it is not advisable to permit their commerce to the extent that the duties derived from it may equal the expenses incurred for the islands. consequently, the least damaging and the most certain expedient seems to be to combine these measures so that your majesty may aid in part, and may protect that commerce in such manner that the islands having the means therefor, may attend to their own wants; since the greater the sum derived from the commerce, without increasing it too much, the less the expense from the royal treasury. number 46. points to which the execution of the means proposed can be reduced in order to adjust these two means, as they are the only ones for this end, it is necessary to make known what the filipinas are costing today. this will be the first of five points to which this matter is reduced. the second, what they contribute. the third, what commerce they exercise with nueva españa. the fourth, the present condition of this commerce. the fifth and last, what illegal acts are committed in this commerce, and how these can be avoided or corrected without ruining or destroying it. these points having been declared, the decision that can be rendered in regard to the petitions that are made in behalf of the islands will be clear. number 47. first point: of the expenses of the islands; and the first division of it, the administration of justice. in regard to the first point, namely, the cost and expense of the islands, it consists in what results from eight branches or main divisions to which it is reduced. the first is that of the justice which your majesty, as natural seignior, ought to furnish and administer to those vassals. the head of it is the royal chancillería which resides in the city of manila. it was first established (for everything is done with a foundation), by a royal decree of march 5, 582, with a president (who was to be governor), three auditors, and one fiscal. [42] the governor and president, who was then licentiate santiago de vera, was assigned a salary of four thousand _pesos ensayados_; [43] and the auditors and fiscal, two thousand. for the payment of those salaries, by a royal decree of may 10, 1583, twelve thousand [pesos] ensayados in tributes of the indians were ordered to be assigned (and they were assigned) to the crown. later, it having been understood through some less authentic reports that the audiencia was unnecessary in manila, it was suppressed by a decree of august 9, 1589; and gomez perez das mariñas, of the habit of santiago, was appointed governor and captain-general, with a salary of 8,000 pesos ensayados, and with authority to have a guard of halberdiers to uphold the dignity of the post (as is done by his successors to this day). it consists of one captain with 240 pesos pay (although this post is always held by an infantry captain who receives no more than the ordinary pay, which will be mentioned), twelve soldiers at 96 pesos, and one corporal at 108 pesos, making a total of 1,260 pesos of eight reals (all this account and summary being reckoned in pesos of that denomination). he was given a lieutenant-general as counselor, with a salary of 2,000 pesos ensayados. but scarcely was the audiencia suppressed, than results showed the unreliability of the reports which had led to that step. don francisco tello having succeeded to the government, the audiencia was again established, and he was given the title of president, on december 21, 595. there were four auditors and one fiscal, who was to be protector of the indians; and all were given the salary that they had before, except the president, who was left the 8,000 pesos ensayados that had been assigned him as governor. thus the audiencia is still maintained, with an expense of 18,000 pesos ensayados, or 29,000 pesos, 2 reals of common gold. to the court scrivener was assigned 300 [pesos]; to one reporter, 600 one fiscal solicitor, 300; to the captain, 350; to one herald, 48: a total of 1,898, to be paid from fines of the exchequer. the sum paid to corregidors is as follows: to two, for the island of mindoro and the province of catanduanes, at the rate of 100 pesos, to two, for the islands of mariveles and negros, at the rate of 150 pesos; to those of the islands of leyte, samare, ybabao, and to him of ibalon (who is also a sentinel), at the rate of 200. to twelve alcaldes-mayor of tondo, pampanga, bulacan, pangasinar, ilocos, cagayan, calamianes, zebu, camarines, laguna de bay, balayan, and atilaya, at the rate of 300 pesos; and to him of oton, who serves in the post of purveyor for terrenate, 700 pesos. therefore the total in this department is 37,077 pesos. number 48. second division: the conversion, preaching, divine worship, and the hospitals the second is that which pertains to the conversion, and to preaching, divine worship, and the hospitals. the first bishop appointed for the church of manila was fray domingo de salazar. he was succeeded by fray ignacio de santivañez, with the pall as archbishop--the church being erected into a metropolitan, and the three of [nueva] caceres, zebu, and [nueva] segovia into suffragans, in the year 596, although the latter have no prebends. the archbishop was assigned a competence of 3,000 ducados, and the three bishops each 500,000 maravedis, all from the royal treasury; the tithes enter into the treasury, as their amount is small. thus the four prelates receive annually, 9,637 and one-half pesos. to the dignitaries of the metropolitan church are paid: to the dean, 600 pesos; to the archdeacon, precentor, treasurer, and schoolmaster, each 500; to four canons, each 400; to two racioneros, each 300; to two medio-racioneros, 200; to two curas, each 50,000 maravedis; to two sacristans, each 25,000 maravedis. to the chaplain of the seminary of santa potenciana, which belongs to the royal patronage, 300 pesos. for four regular priests of st. dominic, four of st. augustine, and four of the society of jesus, who administer instruction in manila, to each convent are given, 1,072 pesos; and for four others, augustinian recollects, 697 pesos to their convent. to two secular assistants of the bishop of zebu, each 576 pesos, by a decree of march 14, 633; and a like sum to two of [nueva] segovia, by a decree of april 11, 635; and the same to him of [nueva] caceres. to twelve curas, and twelve sacristans, in the three cathedrals, and in nine other churches of those islands, each 50,000 maravedis, and 25,000 [respectively]. to two religious who administer the sacraments in the island of hermosa, each 536 pesos. to the convents of st. dominic and st. augustine, each 400; to that of the society of jesus, 200; to that of st. francis, 300; to the nuns of st. clare, 200. to two infirmaries, maintained by the dominican religious in cagayan and pangasinan, each 400. to the spanish hospital in manila, 3,000 pesos; to the physician, 300; to the surgeon, 400; to the barber, 312; to the apothecary, 200; to the steward, 182 and one-half, and one tonelada in the trading ships. to the hospital of cavite, 700; to that of san lazaro of the natives, outside the walls, 3,442; to that of los baños of nueva españa, of holy [44] waters, 1,472, and 100 more for medicines; to that of the sangleys of san gabriel [graviel--_ms._], 425; to that of terrenate, 1,000; to that of cagayan, 300; to that of oton, 250; to that of caraga, 50; to that of zebu, 250; to that of the artillerymen, 500; to that of the trading ships, 1,000. to some churches which have alms of oil are distributed annually 3,940 gantas, which are worth 760 pesos. [the expenses for] this department amount to 37,297 pesos. number 49. third division: the presents sent by the governor the third is but little, and consists of [the expenses caused by] the custom in those islands of the governor sending some gifts, donations, and presents to the kings of japon, camboxa, tidore, and others. these are necessary to maintain their friendship, and to keep them well-disposed for what is asked from them; for not one of them receives an embassy favorably, unless it is accompanied by some present. in the year 580 a present was sent from españa to great china, consisting of twelve falcons; twelve horses, with their trappings and saddle-cloths embroidered with the royal arms; and six mules, [45] with their wrought coverings, which carried twelve boxes, filled with various curious articles. for securing this amicable relation, there are spent annually one thousand five hundred pesos. number 50. fourth division: the management of the royal treasury the fourth division is that of the management of the royal treasury. to the three officials--treasurer, accountant, and factor--are paid salaries of 5,625 pesos. to eight greater and lesser officials, 2,300 pesos; to one computer-in-ordinary of accounts, 1,000; to his chief clerk, who is a royal notary, 450; to three other clerks of accounts, 900; to the assayer and weigher, 550; and to its officer of justice, 300. the full total is 11,550 pesos. number 51. fifth division: land warfare the fifth division is that of land warfare. there is one master-of-camp in the camp of manila, with 1,654 and one-half pesos pay; one sargento-mayor, with 990; two adjutants, with 360; one chaplain of the regiment, with 360; one field captain, with 180; one chief constable, with 96; one head drummer, with 126; ten substitutes stationed near the person of the governor and appointed by your majesty at different rates of pay, which amounted in the year 635 (the year when all this report was drawn up) to 6,675 pesos; one military notary, with 200 [20--_ms._]; and one procurator for the infantry, with 126. of the presidios of manila, the castellan of the fort of santiago receives 800 pesos, and his one lieutenant, 420; three wardens for the presidios of zebu, oton, and cagayan, each 300; their three lieutenants, each 96; one chaplain for oton, 180; one lieutenant of the captain-general of pintados, 800; one lieutenant of the governor and captain-general, for the presidio of the island of hermosa, 1,200; one sargento-mayor of that presidio, who is also a captain of infantry, has captain's pay; three adjutants of the sargento-mayor of oton [octon--_ms._], cebu, and cagayan, each 180; another in the island of hermosa, 250. the infantry of the camp of manila, which includes that of the island of hermosa, consists of eighteen companies--sixteen of them with a like number of captains, and the two which are commanded by the master-of-camp of the army and the castellan of santiago. all amount generally to 1,576 infantrymen, 88 men to each company. as to pay, the captains receive each 600 pesos; the alférezes, each 240; the sergeants, each 120; the corporals (there being four in each company), each 12 pesos over the common soldier's pay; the 56 infantrymen, including page, fifer, two drummers, and one standard-bearer, each 96 pesos; the [remaining] infantrymen, who are musketeers, each 126 pesos. to each company is given 30 escudos per month over the regular pay. the total expense in pay to each company amounts to 9,555 and one-half pesos. and inasmuch as they are never without crippled soldiers, who receive 72 pesos without serving, there is a fund of 1,000 pesos for them. there are 140 other soldiers of the pampango tribe, who are stationed in the presidios of manila, oton, zebu, cagayan, and caraga, who receive each 86 pesos per year. their captain receives 288, one alférez, 192, one sergeant, 96. consequently, this company causes an expense of 7,296 pesos. for the artillery, there is one captain who receives 800; four constables, in manila, the fort of santiago, the fort of cavite, and the island of hermosa, each 300; one hundred and ten artillerymen in the camp and presidios, each 200; the total amounting to 32,596. the total for this department is 229,696 pesos. number 52. sixth division: of the defense of maluco the sixth is for the war and defense of maluco. the castellan and governor of the forts of terrenate receives 2,750 pesos; two adjutants of the sargento-mayor, each 825. there are seven companies of infantry with 570 soldiers. the captains receive each 600 pesos; each alférez, 240; each sergeant, 120; each corporal, 30 pesos in addition to the regular soldier's pay; and the others as in manila. each company gets 30 escudos in addition to the regular pay. they were ordered to spend [the money for] four substitutes that they had, each of 440 pesos, and that pay was also given as additional pay. thus each of these companies causes an expense of 9,809 pesos. in addition there are two pampango infantry companies, with 200 soldiers. each captain gets 288 pesos; each alférez, 192; each sergeant, 144; and each infantryman, 72. the two companies cost 13,312 pesos. there is one surgeon who receives 664 pesos; one artillery captain, 480; one constable, 300; one field captain, 330; one war notary, 200; one accountant and factor, 1,150; one chief clerk, 400; another minor clerk, 150; one notary of the royal treasury, 250; one [book]keeper and paymaster, 523; twenty sailors, 150 [pesos] and one ganta of rice apiece; one cura, 50,000 maravedis; one sacristan, 25,000 maravedis; and seven religious, four of st. francis and three of the society, to whom are given 1,330 pesos. consequently, [the expense of] this department amounts to a total of 97,128 pesos, three reals. number 53. seventh division: the navy and marine works the seventh is that of the navy and what pertains to marine works. there are six galleys, used as a guard for the islands. they have one commander-in-chief, who receives 800 pesos; one lieutenant, 600; six captains, two of whom live in manila, two in the island of hermosa, each 422 pesos, and two in terrenate, each 699 and one-half pesos; one accountant, 400; one chaplain [captain--_ms._], 200. each galley has one leader, who receives 170 pesos; one master, 300; one boatswain, [46] 250; one boatswain's mate, 217 and one-half; one alguaçil, 230; one oarmaker, 230; three sailors, each 133. in all [six galleys] there are 1,080 convicts who receive 27 pesos and two reals, and three pesos in clothing. these six galleys cost 45,026 pesos annually. there are twelve pilots in the ports of cavite, the island of hermosa, and terrenate, each of whom receives 200 pesos when he is not afloat (for when afloat they receive more); ten boatswains [_contramaestres_] of as many boats, who are paid each 325 pesos; ten boatswain's mates, each 225. there are 520 sailors, each of whom receives 175 pesos, among whom are included those who sail to nueva españa, terrenate, and the island of hermosa, and other parts. there are 200 common seamen, each of whom receives 60 and one-half pesos; seven coopers, each 325; four indian coopers, each 72 and one-half; one diver, 350; one hundred and sixty sangleys (24 of whom are pilots), who serve as sailors in the champans and bring the food and war supplies, all of whom together get 7,504 pesos; twenty indians, who serve in the boat that acts as a scout-boat in the island of marivelez, who receive five hundred and forty pesos; one hundred and thirty lascars, natives of india, who are sailors and common seamen, 9,754 pesos; one master of ropemaking, one hundred and seventy-five pesos; two indian ropemakers, each 78 pesos; fifty indians who work at the rigging, each 24 and one-half pesos; six spanish carpenters, each 325; five hundred and fifty indians, carpenters along the cavite coast (six of them, who are bosses, each 97 pesos; 120 workmen and laborers, each 61; and the rest, each 49); 50 other sangley carpenters and sawyers, who are paid 4,220 pesos; seven spanish calkers, each 325; four slave calkers, each 47 and one-half; fourteen sangley calkers, who get 1,165 pesos; one master of the smithy of cavite, 425; another of the manila foundry, 375; another of the smithy of the army, 350; one hundred indian smiths, for the three smithies, get 5,377 pesos; thirty sangley smiths, ten of them bosses of forges, are paid 2,280 pesos. therefore this part amounts to 180,731 pesos. the ships that sail annually to nueva españa carry one commander-in-chief, or head, who, in addition to four rations that are given him, receives a salary of 4,325 pesos; one admiral, 2,900. although it is ordered in the royal decree for the grant of the last of december, 604, that these ships have an overseer and accountant, with pay of 2,000 ducados apiece, in order that they may keep account in their books of what is carried and taken, as in the last reports of expenses and salaries, those offices are not found. it is doubtful whether they are provided, and accordingly they are omitted. there are two masters, each of whom receives 400 pesos; four pilots, each 700; two boatswains, each 325; two boatswain's mates, each 225; two notaries, each 225; two keepers of the arms and stores, each 225; two calkers, each 325; two water guards, each 225; two surgeons, each 225; two constables, each 325; twenty artillerymen, each 225 (who ought to serve a like number of pieces, according to the seventh section of the royal decree of 604); six cahayanes [_i.e._, cagayans (indians)?], each 60; two coopers, each 325. these wages amount to 20,535 pesos, for sailors and common seamen belong to those whose posts are continuous. on the return trip [to filipinas], when the usual reënforcements are carried, there is a sargento-mayor, who gets 600 pesos; one adjutant, 412; one royal alférez, 865. it is ordered by a royal decree of december 14, 630, that the latter officers be aided with only four months' pay at acapulco, and that they be paid for the time of their service. furthermore, there is a shoremaster at the port of cavite, who receives 600 [650--_ms._] pesos; and although it was ordered by a royal decree of april 22, 608, that he should not receive this salary, that office must have appeared indispensable. there is one builder for ships and another for galleys, each of whom receives 690 pesos; one gunner to sight the guns, and an overseer of the royal works of cavite, 800; one manager for the artillery foundry, 500; one founder, 450; one powder manager, 500; another of the rigging, 272. one galley is built every year, on an average, which costs 20,000 pesos finished and ready for sailing, exclusive of the men who work at it. the purchase and equipment of 18 champans cost 2,300 pesos. therefore, according to the items above mentioned, the expense of this department amounts to 283,184 pesos. number 54. eighth division: the food, munitions, [47] and other expenses the eighth and last is that of the food and munitions. as much as 50,000 pesos are given annually to the factor of the royal treasury, for expenses and the purchases of food, and the pay for the careening and repair of ten galleons and six galleys. for flour biscuit for the voyage, besides the rations, are spent 5,000 pesos; for iron, 1,250; for wax, cotton, and other things, 1,300; for balls and fuses, 1,000; for saltpetre, and the making of powder, 4,000. a quantity of money is sent to the alcaldes-mayor and the persons who bring in the supplies for the provision of the royal magazines, the amount being estimated at 86,000 pesos. on extraordinary watchmen are spent 2,000 pesos. to the keeper of the magazines of manila is given 750 pesos; to his clerk, 222; to the keeper of those of cavite, 395; to his clerk, 212; to the keeper of that of jambolo in pangasinan, 173; to the keeper of the magazines in the island of hermosa, 300; to his accountant, 500; to his clerk, 200. the expense of this last department amounts to 153,202 [15,302--_ms._] pesos. number 55. summary of the expenses of the islands, and the persons employed the above is what is spent annually on the average, more or less according to the times, for all purposes in the filipinas islands, a summary of which (both of persons and money) is as follows. the first department, that of justice, supports 32 spaniards, and costs 37,077 pesos the second--the conversion [of heathen], worship, and hospitality in most of the convents, and the hospitals and churches--supports 73 spaniards, and costs 37,297 pesos. the third, the maintenance of friendly relations with the kings, costs 1,500 pesos. the fourth, the management of the royal treasury, in which 19 spaniards are employed, costs 11,550 pesos. [21,550--_ms._] the fifth, the land warfare of manila and its islands, in which 1,762 [1,702--_ms._] spaniards and 140 indians are employed, costs 229,696 pesos. the sixth, the war in maluco and its islands, in which there are 612 spaniards and 200 indians employed, costs 97,128 pesos. the seventh, the navy and marine works, in which 832 spaniards and 2,200 indians are employed, costs 283,184 pesos. the eighth, the commissariat, in which 8 spaniards are employed, costs 153,302 pesos. [53,302--_ms._] ------ 850,734 consequently, exclusive of the four convents and fourteen hospitals which are cared for, and the alms which are given for wine and oil to certain churches, your majesty pays in the filipinas islands and maluco, and in their navigations and trade-line, salary, pay, and special wages to 5,878 persons, 3,338 of whom are spaniards, and 2,540 are indians or men of various nations. the cost of all included in the eight departments here presented, as it appears, is 850,734 pesos of eight reals. number 56. second point: of that which the filipinas produce having seen what it costs to maintain the filipinas islands, the second point is to ascertain how far they aid in this cost, and with what they supply your majesty's royal treasury, in which notice is to be taken that there are eleven departments of revenue. 1. the tributes of the encomiendas which are assigned to the crown, paid by not only the natives of the islands but the chinese and japanese, are annually valued--in reals, and in products which proceed from 44,763 tributarios--at ten reals apiece 53,715 pesos. 2. in the encomiendas of private persons, who, as has been said, possess 84,439 tributes, there is a [royal] situado of two reals for each tribute--only eight being reserved for the encomenderos, which are valued annually at 21,107 and one-half pesos 21,107 pesos. 3. the licenses which are given annually to the sangleys, in order that they may remain for some time in the islands, amount to about 14,000, which at eight pesos that are paid for them as fees, amount to 112,1000 pesos 112,000 pesos. 4. the tribute of these 14,000 sangleys at five reals apiece--four for the tribute, and one for the situado--are worth 8,250 pesos 8,250 pesos. 5. the fifth and tenth of the gold that is collected from what is declared by the natives, is 750 pesos 750 pesos. 6. the ecclesiastical tithes--which are collected for the royal treasury, because all the clergy are paid from it, as has been seen--amount to 2,750 pesos. 2,750 pesos. 7. the fares for passengers, who leave the islands for other parts in royal ships, 350 pesos. 350 pesos. 8. the fines of the exchequer are worth 1,000 pesos annually. 1,000 pesos. 9. the customs duties on the merchandise of china, india, [48] and other parts, which are imported and exported, 38,000 pesos. 38,000 pesos. 10. the imposts and freight charges, customs duties, and other charges that are collected in nueva españa on the merchandise exported annually from the islands, are worth 300,000 [309,000--_ms._] pesos which is reckoned as income of the filipinas, for those islands cause it. accordingly, it is ordered by a royal decree of february 19, 606, that the proceeds from this department be remitted to manila, and that so much less a sum be sent from mexico; besides which they ought to make good to it 30,000 more, because of what in nueva españa proceeds from the traffic and commerce of this merchandise for the excise duty and other imposts. 300,000 pesos. [309,000--_ms._] 11. it cannot be ascertained what the mesada taxes in the ecclesiastical estate, and the half-annats in the secular, are worth; nor that concerning sales and resignations of office, and other petty transactions, for all of which a figure of 6,000 pesos annually is set down...... 6,000 pesos. these eleven departments of royal revenue amount to 573,922 pesos; and the filipinas produce that sum in revenue for your majesty. [49] [in the margin of _extracto-historial reprint_: "note--this sum seems to be inaccurate, because it should amount only to 543,922 pesos."] number 57. the excess of expenditures for the islands over the receipts it is ordered by a royal decree that the amount reported from the islands to be lacking for the total amount of situado be sent annually from nueva españa; and as the situado, according to the calculation set forth, is 850,734 pesos, there is an annual deficit of 276,512 pesos or thereabouts; [in the margin of _extracto-historial reprint_: "the deficit should be 306,812 pesos."] for this account is made for only one year, and is not fixed, although it it usual every year. in this matter it is to be noted that this [itemized statement] answers the current report that every year six hundred thousand pesos and more are taken from nueva españa for their expense. that report gives rise to the belief and understanding that they spend that amount in addition to their receipts. that is an error; for if from the tenth division the sum of 330,000 pesos is made good, which is collected in acapulco and mexico, and other parts of nueva españa (and this is recognized to belong to the islands by the above-cited royal decree of 606 and is therefore ordered to be returned to them), when 600,000 or more pesos are sent, not one-half that amount is supply of deficiency, and expense, since more than one-half is returns. and even this is counterbalanced somewhat by what is derived from the bulls of the crusade, the proceeds of which are ordered by a royal decree of december 21, 634, not to be taken to mexico, but to be kept at manila, and that to the treasurers in mexico a like amount be furnished. although this order is opposed by the crusade, as it is advisable it ought to be executed, and a second decree issued ordering its observance; thus two dangers might be avoided to this sum, one in going and the other in being returned--as is done with the possessions of deceased persons, by a royal decree of december 13, [of the year] 16, which are kept in the manila treasury, and paid into that of mexico. number 58. the islands contribute more than they spend from the expenses and contributions of the islands, and the excess of the debits over the credits, some, through lack of acquaintance with the matter, are wont to derive the main argument against them, imagining that the islands are of little use but of great expense. although the first of these propositions is quite confuted and answered by what is thus far alleged, the second also lacks foundation in the meaning in which it is put forward, which attributes to the islands more expense than profit; for the filipinas alone contribute more than what they cost. until the year 607, the islands of maluco belonged to the crown of portugal, which spent a great sum of money on them--as was necessary on account of the great distance from goa, upon which their government was dependent. although, nevertheless, those islands were maintained, that appeared impossible after the dutch entered the orient; for with their advent the expenses of maluco were so increased that the islands were lost, inasmuch as there was no money with which to maintain them. it was ordered that the filipinas recover them, and they did so. in order to assure the safety of the malucos and to economize expenses for the convenience of both crowns, they were joined and united to them [_i.e._, filipinas], imposing on the crown of castilla, and in its name on the filipinas, the obligation to attend to their wants, thus adding to filipinas at least 290,000 pesos of expense--the amount of what pertains to maluco from the second, third, and fourth departments, all the sixth, half the seventh, and a third of the eighth. if your majesty is petitioned for 276,000 pesos annually for both groups of islands, as is attested, and those of maluco alone cost 290,000, the deduction is evident that the filipinas _per se_ cost less than what they contribute--and more, if it is considered that the crown of portugal saves 400,000 pesos which the malucas must have cost it when they were under its charge. since the filipinas did not ask for that union, and were not a party in causing it to be made, they ought not to be charged with increase in expenses which those islands cause them. number 59. how and in what the inhabitants aid in the support of the islands but it is proper to remark at this point, what is the kernel of the matter under discussion, that the filipinas and malucas are not supported with the 850,000 [890,000--_ms._] pesos, which are the amount of their expenses. neither that sum nor a much greater one would be sufficient, if the inhabitants of manila did not serve, aid, and help with their possessions and lives on the occasions that arise, both extraordinary and ordinary. now [they serve] as soldiers in the wars when the enlisted and paid troops are outside, or are not sufficient to resist the enemy, standing guard and assisting in military duties with the [same] punctuality and discipline as if they drew pay; and although they are few, as has been said, they count for many in the valor, willingness, and generosity with which they serve. again, they give their slaves to labor on the public works and shipbuilding, and ordinarily for the levies for the galleys, as happens daily; and in the term of don alonso faxardo, had not the inhabitants furnished the crews, the galleys could not have sallied out, as they did, against the enemy. then they lend, when the aid from nueva españa is delayed or insufficient, very great quantities [of money] for any sudden expense--as was that above mentioned in the case of don alonso faxardo, to whom they lent at that time two hundred and fifty thousand pesos. so they do every year, and always without interest, the payments sometimes being delayed two or three years. in regard to that, there is a royal decree of february 29, six hundred and thirty-six, in which it is ordered that those who make such loans shall be promptly repaid, in order that the royal treasury may be accredited when it needs help. they help, too, with very large and continuous gifts of money, and food and products (which are generally more important than money), which the governor assigns for the aid of terrenate, the island of hermosa, and other posts. they also accept expeditions and embassies, by which they go at their own expense to the kings of those archipelagos. so have gone general juan xuarez gallinato, to the king of camboxa; gregorio de vargas, to him of tunquin [tumquin--_ms._]; juan tello de aguirre and juan ruiz de ycoaga, to him of siam; to whom also went admiral andres lopez de asaldegui; don luis navarrete faxardo; and afterward don antonio de arco, to the emperor of japon, at the cost of life; don juan zamudio to china; and others to other kings--each one spending ten or twelve thousand pesos to serve your majesty. in short, the occasions that the inhabitants of manila have for helping, and to which they respond as loyal vassals, are as many as will be seen in the future, and as one can imagine would be found in a post and frontier so infested by so many and so strong enemies--dutch, chinese, japanese, mindanaos, terrenates, zambales, and those of other nations, which keeps the inhabitants in arms continually. scarcely is there a year when the inhabitants do not engage in hostilities, and it necessarily costs them heavily. if it were all at the expense of the royal treasury, the cost of the islands would increase so that it would almost exceed their possessions. number 60. to what degree the inhabitants of the islands ought to be favored by all this is represented to your majesty what those vassals merit who are always and continually serving, not in posts and duties that increase their wealth and advance their households, but in land and naval warfare, in which they lose their lives and possessions--fighting now with the dutch, who harass them more sharply than in flandes, and make daily attacks; now with the numerous nations who surround them. consequently, they deserve that their services be considered, not only in consulting as to rewards, but in giving them; and that they be gratified with honors and rewards--if not equal to their services, as those are so great, at least equivalent to what good government permits, and to what the same land which they defend can support. that is in accordance with the royal decree of february 29, 636, in which the governor is ordered to observe the rules ordering that military offices and encomiendas be given only to those who shall have served under your majesty's banners, and always preferring those who shall have rendered most service. it will be proper and very consoling for the deserving citizens and residents of those islands, that the royal council of the indias--which, as it were a crucible for the new world, estimates services, approves merits, and deliberates as to rewards, with so much acumen, equality, and justice--allow the claims of filipinas before those of others who, by serving in flandes, italia, and alemania, try to get hold of the best posts, not alone of the indias, but even of the islands themselves which they never entered. for, if the latter do not exceed the former in the hardships, perils, and services that the citizens of the islands suffer and perform, for your majesty and for that colony, and those citizens should be preferred justly in the rewards of their own land, then they have sufficient ground for asking that they be not despoiled of this favor and privilege, which they try to merit by so many and so repeated acts of valor and loyalty; but that in the dispensing of that favor they may recognize that they may expect sure rewards for their children, by leaving them as an inheritance the blood shed and the property spent in defense of their king and the preservation of their fatherland. and since their services differ so widely in quality from those of others, who have no services, it will be just that their papers and claims be examined with a different kind of attention. number 61. it is not advisable that the magistracies of the islands be sold in this matter also it is to be noted that the magistracies of the city were formerly conferred by the governor on the most deserving and venerable persons who were to be found. they, because of their experience and zeal, accepted those offices, and attended to the duties of those charges as was demanded. in order that those offices might be held by them for life, it was sufficient for them to come to ask for confirmation of them from your majesty, in accordance with the royal decree of march 17, 1608, and february 8, 1610. and although, since they were ordered to be sold, persons of equal ability and position have bought them, and fill them and attend as they ought to the government of the community (which in this, above all else, has always been fortunate); and although the governor is ordered by a decree of june [july--_ms._] 12, 636, to employ the regidors of manila in charges and posts according to their rank and the competency with which they can serve your majesty, and that he honor, favor, and aid them in whatever else arises: the deserving men of that city cannot be prevented from expressing their resentment that, while there are so few rewards to which they can aspire, so many the occasions in which to serve, and so remote the qualification of their merits, that small part should be taken away from them, and that, in order to enjoy those offices, they should have to be bought. moreover, the command, by decree of june 3, 620, that the magistracies of the filipinas be sold only to conquistadors and settlers, or to their descendants (which was only recognizing that it was fitting to do so, but not assuring the reward), is no favor; for those to whom it is ordered to sell them, since it is so just that those who conquered and seeded should govern, are generally the poorest of all. and although they desire to enjoy the offices which belong to them, some of them do not possess the money with which to buy these; while others do not care to spend the little wealth that they have acquired for what is not of any use or profit to them, but rather a burden and inconvenience--since, by defending that community, they have had many contentions with the former governors. consequently, it is very advisable that the magistracies be given to men of years, and old residents in the colony, who have held military posts, and who can oppose the governors when the latter try to exceed the provisions of your majesty's decrees. for this and other reasons, it has been experienced that eight vacancies have existed in the magistracy of manila for many years, because there were no buyers for them, as appears from the royal decree of february 29, 636, in which it is mentioned. and since the greatest value of those offices is one thousand one hundred pesos, and, if one consider the twelve magistracies, they do not produce an income of five hundred pesos per year, that is so small a sum, and there are so many damages and disadvantages that may result from it, that it would be a gain for the royal treasury and a great service to your majesty to have the sale of the said offices stopped, and to have them given as formerly by the governors to the oldest residents, and to men of greatest experience and worth and as favors to individuals--that, while they do not give any profit, they may give honor to the citizens of manila. since there is not a city in all the indias of its rank, nor one in which the inhabitants render so much service and with less advantage, this measure will not be a conclusion of which others may avail themselves to demand the same. number 62. third point: of the commerce of the islands with nueva españa from the service rendered by the inhabitants of filipinas, one may deduce how necessary it is to maintain the rich, or to give them capital sufficient for them to attend to their business. for that the only method (and the third point of the five arguments proposed), is the commerce of the islands with nueva españa, for in the proportion in which that shall increase, their possessions will increase, and with that the defense and security of the islands. for there is no more powerful argument than that which establishes the conservation of a province in the strength, that is, the wealth of its inhabitants, and depends on the abundance of that for its conservation. commerce is a natural law of nations, by which they make common to all provinces what each one produces, grows, or manufactures--now by selling, now by exchanging. although commerce ought to be free, and was in the beginning, when kingdoms and seigniories were less powerful (for as they had narrower territories, so they had fewer matters to which to attend), as the monarchies increased and extended it became necessary to limit the commerce in parts, prohibiting it with some, in order to oblige or cause it to be maintained or increased with others. if that of filipinas with the indias were free and absolute, as it was immediately after their discovery, it is evident that they would enjoy the greatest prosperity; while nueva españa would have greater abundance of what was necessary to it, and peru of what it lacked. but the commerce of españa, which would perish and be ruined, was opposed to that; for since the goods sent thence to the indias were dearer than those of filipinas, if merchandise entered from both parts without restriction it would be to the advantage of the consumers to seek that from filipinas rather than that from españa; and the former commerce would continue to increase, and the latter to decline. accordingly, it was right and proper to restrain the one so that the other might endure, and that, heeding the principal thing, namely, the conservation of these kingdoms (the heads of the monarchy), trade to them might be free, and to the others restricted--maintaining such a proportion in this that in securing the prosperity of españa the ruin of the filipinas might not result; for natural laws influence us to concede what is to the advantage of another, when it involves no injury to one's self. and thus it is no considerable damage that the kingdoms do not increase as much as is possible, if they maintain what they have; for the former is a matter of gaining, and the latter of not losing, until each one is left what is sufficient, if from conceding more results the lack to others of what is necessary. accordingly, to perù [50] is conceded one ship annually for nueva españa; to nueva españa two for filipinas; and to españa the number that its commerce demands and is entitled to, in consideration of its amount--so that thus neither may the islands be lost nor nueva españa and perú be deprived of all the freedom of their trade, nor españa feel so much weakness in the trade of the indias that it should lose that; and that all may remain in suitable relations [to each other], since they are members of the mystical body of this monarchy. number 63. why the islands need the commerce of nueva españa this matter being thus explained, it is also supposed that the filipinas retain the trade above described with various kingdoms of the orient; and that all that trade is free and open without any restriction, except that of china, and that of the western indias, which they maintain and observe in a certain manner. for since all those different traffics require the return of suitable kinds of merchandise in order to sustain the exchange in which they consist, and the islands need them--for the rice, cotton, wines, blankets, textiles, and other products, are not desired by china, japon, sian, or any other pagan nation, because they abound in the same products, or have better ones--those different branches of commerce must necessarily cease, if there were not another foreign and different commerce, which, desiring the products of those regions, can extend and carry on another trade, which their nations desire and crave. this is that of the indias, from which is conveyed and bartered silver (a most noble commodity), in return for which are carried the drugs and merchandise that are produced in china and other oriental kingdoms and provinces, and traded in filipinas, by which all come to be sustained, united, and joined. number 64. commerce of the islands: why it is injurious to españa this commerce of the indias with the filipinas is to the prejudice of españa for two causes or reasons, from which result great disadvantages. the first, because the silver is withdrawn and conveyed to the islands, whence it passes into the possession of the enemies of religion and of this crown, moors and pagans; and finally remains in china--which, according to what we understand, is the general center for the silver of europe and asia. for as it always is current, gaining and increasing in value until it reaches that great kingdom, whence it must issue with a loss, it does not issue, and remains perpetually among those inhabitants. from that cause result many damaging effects: such as enriching our enemies, giving them the most noble product of all the commerce of the globe; making easy for them the possession of that which private persons among them maintain, and increasing their number; preventing that silver from going to españa so that the royal duties might increase thereby, the avería and the commerce be sustained; and, in short, making this crown lose and its enemies gain. the second cause is that, in addition to the aforesaid losses (which are obvious) from the withdrawal of silver, no less are the damages that are experienced on what is sent in return for it to nueva españa, and passes to perú--namely, a great quantity of the merchandise of china in textiles of gold, silk, and cotton, and other articles. [these are sold] at so low prices that, when the merchandise of these kingdoms arrives (which is worth more, as it is of better quality), it is not sold and has no outlet, as the country is full of the others [from china]; so that those who ship it lose. consequently, losses are multiplied; and from all results so extreme weakening of the commerce of españa with the indias, that it is almost extinct and will be diminished just as that of filipinas increases. number 65. reply to the damages of the commerce of filipinas; and to the first, regarding the withdrawal of the silver. these two reasons are [alleged as] those which hinder the advancement of the islands, and restrict its commerce. however, a reply is not lacking, which, if it does not destroy, weakens them. for to the first, regarding the withdrawal of the silver and its retention in china, answer is made, that on the silver which goes [from nueva españa] nine per cent [duties] are paid at manila, and at acapulco fourteen per cent, a total of twenty-three per cent. consequently, the duties on its transportation to españa are not lost, for they are paid there in larger measure. the effects are not those which are represented; for, although it is true that the silver goes from manila, it is for china, and for the very reason that it does not issue from that country, it does no harm. but the retention of what comes to these kingdoms is a greater injury, as it all goes to olanda, genova, and venecia [venencia--_ms._], and thence to turquia, while some portion goes to india by way of portugal, and those same dutch, and the persians, arabs, and mogores share the silver; and, although at last it goes to remain in china, it is after it has enriched the greatest enemies of this crown. that is not the case with what goes by way of manila; for, if it goes thence, it is through the hands of your majesty's vassals, and it does not reach the hands of the enemies. but even this reply is superfluous, for it is not necessary to the islands nor to their inhabitants that more silver be sent to manila than is permitted; rather is it important to them that the [amount for which] permission be observed and executed with rigor, as will be said. [_in the margin_: "in numbers 98 and 99."] therefore, of the damages caused to the commerce of españa by that of filipinas, only that to the merchandise should be made good; for the silver either is within the limits of the permission, and does not conflict [with this statement] (for neither does it cause any loss, nor can it be dispensed with), or it is in the illegal amount that is stated, and the citizens request that this be corrected and prevented. for if there is any damage to españa, it is not any advantage to them; but, on the contrary, destroys and ruins them, as will be seen. number 66. reply to the statement touching the merchandise exported from the islands as for the second reason--that of the merchandise, and the trade of the islands therein--it is not denied that it would have the effects that have been stated, if it were free, open, and without restriction; but these cease, because experience and good government have chosen a method such that neither the commerce of españa should be destroyed, nor that of the islands be annihilated, by permitting the commerce to one in such quantity that it should not prove damaging to the other. and although españa petitioned that the commerce from filipinas be totally suppressed, by which they thought that they would assure their own increase, it was also considered that the islands would surely be lost in that case; and that they would be settled by the dutch, who would make themselves masters of all the orient. consequently, that would not only expose india to evident danger, as has been proved, but would also, by increasing the forces of the dutch, render them more powerful in the trade of the indias, and in all the regions where they navigate and traffic. therefore, if the trade of [the merchants in] españa should increase for the one reason, their risks and expenses would be greater for another; and nearly all the trade of portugal would be ruined. thus from an imagined benefit would result damages so certain and considerable that, were they weighed as they ought to be, the present losses would be considered as more tolerable. such is the mutual relationship of states which are many and extended that, if attention to all of them be difficult, it is advisable that decisions be adjusted to the least harmful course. accordingly, it is proper that the islands should not continue to increase, but that they be allowed the commerce that is sufficient to maintain them; and that that of españa should not be increased in that region, but that the trade of the islands be restricted in such manner that it shall be as little obstructed as possible. for, by each kingdom losing a part of its right, all will be maintained and conserved. number 67. commerce of españa with the indias: why it is decreasing this will be more apparent with the conditions and the changes which the commerce of filipinas and that of españa in the indias have sustained and suffered. that of españa has decreased so much from its usual status that it appears to be less than the half of its former amount. although the fault is attributed to the filipinas, that is because the matter is not probed below the surface, and causes are not sought at their sources. the physician who understands only the effect of a dangerous illness, namely, the death of the patient, generally attributes the sickness to uncertain causes and sometimes so remote that they have no connection with the case in question; and, since he prescribes his remedies for such causes, the true, proximate, and essential causes which are working out of sight without any check, end, if not by killing the patient, by placing him in evident risk. all see and recognize that the commerce of the indias is in a feeble condition, that the merchants are losing, that the exporters do not obtain their capital [from what they ship], and that the ships which go are smaller, and return with poorer cargoes. although this loss is so well known, there are some who ascribe the cause of so great an effect to the filipinas, and not to the misapprehension of españa--which is persuaded that the wealth of the indias must be inexhaustible, and that the merchants can still gain on their investments the same amounts as fifty years ago, while the causal means of it all have been lacking, which have been noticed by few, and ignored by many. number 68. first reason for the decline of the commerce of the indias first, the abundance of gold and silver. so great was the abundance of these metals in the indias, that one could say the same as of jerusalem in the time of solomon, that they were regarded as the stones of the street. accordingly, articles were paid for at so exorbitant prices, as is apparent from the histories of their conquests. that region has failed, for the ores that yielded three hundred pesos per quintal by smelting, now yield eight or six by quicksilver, which costs more than smelting; and [such ores] are worked as good ones. potosi, which is the heart of the indias, is threatening to give out; for it alone yielded for forty years an amount that it cannot now yield, although aided by the opening of many mines which sustain its reputation. the mines of nueva reino [_i.e._, new granada] and of nueva españa have lost a part of what they had. the cost of mining is greater, the mines are poorer, and, consequently, the gains less, and less the amount obtained. therefore, since this was the first cause of the greatness of the indias, it is not remarkable that with its deficiency their commerce has declined. number 69. second cause for the decline of the commerce of the indias the second cause is the decrease of the indians and the increase of the spaniards. the latter number thirty times more than formerly; where there were five hundred, there are now three or four thousand. without exaggeration, there has been a decrease of the indians of more than six millions. although not all of them used spanish commodities, they consumed many, and to so great an excess that it became advisable to prohibit this to them and order them to dress as did their ancestors. what is most to be regretted is the cessation of the service for the mines, the cultivation of the fields, the gross sum of the tributes, and the local commerce of many provinces. with fewer people and less wealth, there must be less consumption and smaller profits; and, if everything diminish, it is impossible that trade should not do the same. number 70. third cause for the decline of the commerce of the indias the third cause has proceeded from the above two; for with the increase of the spaniards, not only has the consumption not increased, but it has been and is much less. for, besides the fact that so many stuffs and figured goods are no longer worn out in the indias as formerly, and he who clad himself in silk now contents himself with cloth, all bulky goods that are exported from sevilla are manufactured there [in the indias]--where with the number of people their necessity has increased, and with their necessity their skill. the consumers are fewer, and the officials more; there is little money, and those who seek it are many; and they seek it more eagerly as their courage is small, since their funds are already scant. the springs are drained dry, for there is less water, so that scarcely can they dampen what they formerly soaked. what few formerly shipped and many bought is now quite the contrary, and many send it and there are few who use it--as is evident by the wine which was and now is consumed by nueva españa. on that account it has been necessary that the former profits cease, and that the exportation and consumption of merchandise be restricted--not only on account of the goods which are manufactured there, but because of lack of consumers and lack of wealth, all of which are causal circumstances of the decline of the commerce. number 71. fourth cause for the decline of the commerce of the indias the fourth and last cause is the little favor extended to the indian trade, both in the indias, and in these kingdoms--either because of the straitness of the times, or because of other accidents--together with the burdens that have fallen upon everything, the imposts and duties increasing, although greater relief was needed as the amount of wealth was less. the avería, which increased from two and three per cent to six and seven, and was then judged to be so exorbitant that it seemed impossible for the commerce not to be ruined with that excessive tax, has increased so greatly that one year it rose to forty, and with the other expenses is never lower than twenty. what were formerly risks at sea are now great and evident losses, which, aided by the necessities of this crown--which force loans and considerable gifts, and the exchange for _juros_ [51] of what was formerly the capital for commerce--have so weakened commerce, that one is more astonished that it has not been entirely ruined, than that it has declined to its present condition. and all the more justifiable have been the reasons why this crown has profited from the exporters among the merchants of the indias, and from what has come from the indias, the greater the loss has been, as it was known to be unavoidable on account of what occurs on land, and more hazardous because of what is risked on the sea--by which some have been ruined, others have retired from trade, and others have changed their business; and all who take part in it are aware that this commerce is ruined, and with it whatever depends on it. it is certain, and has been observed in manila, that since the loss of the trading fleet of the year 629, and their unfortunate experiences with [storms in] the northern sea, the winterings, the disasters, the averías, the embargoes, the delays, and the burdens [imposed] at sevilla, the merchants in mexico have decided to export more to filipinas than to españa. and although these things are found by experience to be thoroughly damaging and irreparable, and [it is evident] that they demanded new exemptions and safeguards, by which the losses might be recuperated, and those who suffer them be encouraged, there has not been lacking a person to propose as an expedient that the duties and customs should be raised still higher in the indias, affirming that they are the most free, and that they pay less--although they really are quite the opposite, as is known. number 72. the filipinas do not damage the commerce of españa the above and many other causes which might be mentioned are those which have weakened and are ruining the commerce of the indias; and although it would be more advisable to counteract some of them, or to seek reparation for those which are most hurtful, the filipinas islands come to be the ones that suffer the penalty, without being implicated in the guilt. and although their commerce is in the lowest condition that it has ever experienced or suffered, yet even in this condition they are not allowed or permitted [to improve] it, and there are some who propose its destruction as a remedy, so that it may share in the universal destruction of all trade; and this is in so far as it touches the commerce of españa. number 73. beginning of the commerce of the islands the commerce of these islands began with their second discovery and the first settlement, which was in the year 565. [52] however, it was at the first scanty and of little weight, until during the government of guido de labazarris, in the year 576, the trade of china was introduced, and with it considerable profits, which extended it freely to nueva españa, guatimala, tierrafirme, and perú, by a royal decree of april 14, 579. as it continued to increase, it was believed necessary to restrict it; and accordingly, by a decree of november 11, 587, it was ordered that chinese cloth brought from filipinas should not pass from nueva españa to perú or to tierrafirme. that decree was later confirmed by others of february 13, and june 13, 599. and in order that what was prohibited in one way might not be obtained in another, decrees were despatched on february 6 and december 18, 591, ordering the total cessation of commerce between the islands and perú. that was later extended to tierrafirme and guatimala, by decrees of january 12, 593, and july 5, 595, forbidding the trade of china and its merchandise to all the indias, except to nueva españa, which was left open to the filipinas. number 74. permission for the commerce of the indias, and its final form the commerce of sevilla was not satisfied with even these orders and restrictions. that commerce continued to decrease, although the cause was unknown. they regretted the damage, and tried to apply the remedy, but in vain. as the trade of filipinas was already the stone of offense, they immediately descended on that. not only was the prohibition of commodities from the islands strengthened, but their quantity was limited, reducing it to a fixed amount that was permitted, and a certain form. it was ordered that only four ships should ply in that trade-route--two which should sail to nueva españa, and two to the islands, and all at the account of the royal treasury. in these could be carried two hundred and fifty thousand pesos' worth of such merchandise as they should have in manila; and in return they could take five hundred thousand in silver, including in this sum the principal and the profits. and inasmuch as this permission, from its beginning, was never in favor of nueva españa, but of the islands, it was declared that only the citizens of the islands could navigate and trade, as was already ruled by a royal decree of january 11, 593. in accordance with this, the commander [of the fleet] was despatched on the last of december, 604, with various instructions and declarations, which gave form to this commerce. and since his permission was for only the citizens of the islands, and those who were not residents of the islands but of nueva españa had begun to take part in it, it was ordered that the toneladas of the two ships which sailed should be distributed in manila by the governor, the archbishop (or the senior auditor), the fiscal, and two regidors. that order was confirmed by decrees of may 4, 619, and may 29, 620, and by others, which regulate this matter, and declare that the respective shares of the silver which must be sent back as returns for the merchandise must be allotted in nueva españa. number 75. administration of the permission for the islands for its citizens alone notwithstanding this last order, the citizens of mexico, who had before taken possession of part of this commerce, continued in it, availing themselves of certain underhand work and management--by which the citizens of manila perceived the damage that they were receiving, in that others were enjoying what had been conceded to them. accordingly, as soon as they received the decree of 593, which was the first decree that granted to them exclusively the permission and trade, they decided, in order that they might manage their cargoes, to appoint four or six men to go to nueva españa in the name of all, and there attend to the sale of the merchandise in the ships, and to the returns for it. that determination had no effect then, nor in the year 597, when governor don francisco tello ordered it executed by an act of january 24. it was again proposed in the year 623, when open cabildo-sessions were held in manila for that purpose, and persons appointed for it; but neither were they sent, because of certain obstacles in the way. but since the necessity became more urgent, because of the injuries experienced, the matter was undertaken more effectively in the year 629, and six commissaries, citizens of manila, were actually appointed and went to nueva españa, where they are today administering the commerce permitted to the islands. that has been examined in the royal council of the indias, together with all the acts which have been made upon it; and it was approved by a decree of march 25, 635, and extended for four years more than the six (for the one of 593 was for six years), by another decree of february 16, 635. the chief motives that induced the inhabitants of manila to carry out this resolution, were three. the first was, to prevent the consignments of silver which the merchants of perú and nueva españa made through their agents and correspondents, the result of which--to say nothing of the violations of the royal orders in sending silver in excess of the amount allowed--was so prejudicial to the citizens of the islands that it deprived them of the benefit of the permission, while those who were expressly excluded from it enjoyed it. the second was, that with the great amount of silver that entered manila the price of the chinese merchandise advanced so greatly that the inhabitants could not buy it. the third was, that prices fell in nueva españa for the same reason, so that the principal could scarcely be realized, as will be told. [_in the margin_: "in number 98."] [those were] damages that were repaired by the decisive action above mentioned. and lest that should not be sufficient, it will be advisable that, in the distribution of the licensed toneladas that is made in manila, measures be taken that no one have a share except the citizens [of the islands] in accordance with the third petition. [_in the margin_: "in number 103."] number 76. declaration of what is or is not included in the five hundred thousand pesos allowed. inasmuch as there were certain doubts in regard to the sum of the five hundred thousand pesos of the returns, it was declared by royal decree of august 19, 606, that it should include the legacies, bequests, moneys for charities, payments for service, wrought silver, and whatever else might be shipped, except by those who bound themselves to reside for eight years in the filipinas. such might carry their possessions in money, in addition to the general permission, as was declared by a decree of november 20, 608; and the seamen of that trade-route might take their wages in silver, registered, also in addition to the amount permitted. number 77. smuggled chinese goods shall not be sold in perú peru was excluded from the above-mentioned concession, and the former prohibitions forbidding the importation of chinese stuffs into perú remained in force, while the penalties were rendered more severe. inasmuch as from their enforcement it resulted that merchandise of this character, which was seized as forfeited and confiscated, was sold as smuggled goods, and thus the goods remained in the country, they were (although remaining with that warrant and reason) the cause of as much loss and damage as if they had been brought in either secretly or by permission; for the country was filled with these wares, at more moderate prices than those of españa. accordingly, it was ordered by decrees of april 18, 617, and july 30, 627, that chinese cloth which should be smuggled, and as such condemned as forfeited in perú, should not be sold in the provinces; but that, in the same form in which it had been seized, it should be carried to these kingdoms and sold here. number 78. permission to trade between perú and nueva españa, and its condition perú and nueva españa appealed from the mode imposed on the commerce of the islands, and from the above-mentioned prohibitions, representing certain disadvantages that resulted from barring them from the commerce that those two most opulent states had maintained between themselves, almost by nature, the chief one being that they were deprived, in this manner, of all the mutual relationship and dependence that they ought to enjoy. therefore another permission was conceded, for two ships: one to leave annually the port of callao de lima, and to carry silver to the amount of two hundred thousand ducados to the port of acapulco, in order to invest it in the products peculiar to nueva españa--of agriculture, stock, and manufactures--and in no others, even though they be products of these kingdoms; and the other, to sail from acapulco to callao with these returns. the prohibition of chinese cloth was left in force, and it was declared that no chinese cloth could be sent in the returns for the two hundred thousand ducados, nor beyond that sum. severe penalties were imposed for its enforcement, by decrees of the last of december, 604, june 20, 609, and march 28, 620, which gave final form to this permission. this last is now suspended and ordered to cease by a decree of november 23, 1634, without the reason that has inspired it being known, other than the expedients that have been proposed for the destruction of the islands. and this order, forbidding ships to go to acapulco from perú, is so menacing to the filipinas, that it alone may prove sufficient to ruin them. for if no ships go from perú to acapulco the islands are exposed to the failure of their succor, in any year when their ships should not arrive--whether because of having been wrecked, or having put back in distress, or having arrived late--since, in such cases, it is usual to supply their lack with the ships of perú, sending in them the ordinary aid of men and money. if the latter do not go and the former do not arrive, there will be no vessels for the above-mentioned purpose; and the islands might remain for several years without the succor that sustains them, and with evident danger of being lost. number 79. fourth, point: of the condition of the commerce between the islands and nueva españa in regard to the fourth point, which is to declare the present condition of the commerce of the islands, it is supposed that although all the orders above mentioned were to their evident injury--restricting their prosperity, if not prognosticating their ruin--that which was permitted to them was sufficient, when enjoyed by their citizens, to preserve the islands, as it has preserved them, although with some decrease. moreover, the enemy having increased the expenses and obligations of the islands, they needed, when the succor sent from india, and at times that from nueva españa, failed them, new favors and less strict trading permissions, in order not to be ruined as they fear--being exposed to a more continual and dangerous war than any stronghold of this monarchy endures, with resistance equal to the strongest of them, and with danger greater than that of those most harassed, as they have no other aid than what they themselves can supply. nevertheless, although it seems as if it were advisable, on account of the importance of their conservation, not only to [let them] go beyond the amount permitted, but also to increase still farther that favor, they find it is greatly restricted, and that their commerce is reduced to such condition and mode that it will be almost impossible for them to enjoy or to continue it. that which should be considered is, that this innovation does not originate as at other times, from sevilla--which now, undeceived as to the causes that weaken them, knows better--but from the counsels given for action in the matter by captain francisco de vitoria [victoria--_ms._]. he, with no knowledge of the past or heed of the future, judged only by a hasty conclusion that for the present a sum of money might be obtained where there is none--although from it may result the damage that can be understood, not only to your vassals, but to the whole monarchy, as if there could be distinctions and peril between the vassals and the monarchy that would not be common. number 80. allegations of transgressions of the permissions given for the islands and perú as an argument for that course, it is alleged that notable transgressions are committed in regard to the two permissions for filipinas and perú. although this memorial only defends that of the islands, the one is most completely verified by treating likewise of the other; and the illegal acts in both consist rather in the exaggeration with [53] which they are mentioned than in the arguments by which they are proved. who has ever said, or what possibility can there be, that the two ships which come every year from the islands to acapulco, whose permitted cargo is of 250,000 pesos (not of 500,000, as is affirmed), carry four millions in merchandise? that, even in pearls and diamonds, seems impossible to be contained in two small vessels; and how much more so in the goods of so great bulk as those that are carried in them! the schemer tries [to say] that those four millions are worth eight in nueva españa, or even ten for the returns [on investments]; and that that sum goes back to the islands with the 500,000 pesos allowed by the permission, with another 600,000 which is sent as the ordinary aid, granting the net profits at one hundred and fifty per cent, or at the least at one hundred per cent. were that so, those islands would be most wealthy in one year, for their citizens, as has been said, numbering 230 (counting married and single men), if ten millions entered their possession annually, which would be more than 43,000 pesos for each one, neither venecia [venençia--_ms._], genova, sevilla, nor lisboa, nor these four empires together, would equal their wealth. with the same extravagance does the captain talk of the ship that sails annually to [from--_ms._] perú, [saying that] its permission, which is for 200,000 ducados, extends to three millions of silver that goes unregistered. number 81. the violations of law in all commerce, and why they are not remedied one cannot deny, sire, that there are illegalities and abuses in all the navigations and commerces in the world, without excepting one; and that, under pretext of the permission and register that goes, which is not permitted and registered. this is known, and is not remedied for two principal reasons. the first is that it is impossible to remedy it, unless a greater damage results from the remedy; for if the bales and boxes were opened in sevilla, or in other ports of heavy trade, and the articles that enter and leave were measured, weighed, and counted in detail, the employees there would not suffice, nor six times as many; nor would there be time to despatch one-tenth of the trade. thus the salaries increasing, because of the greater number of administrators, and the trade being embarrassed by this method, it is evident that the damage caused would be greater than the gain acquired. the other reason is that in imposing the duties of import and export, the customs, the excise, the avería, and other similar duties, care is taken that it is not done with the strictness that is due; and thus they amount to more than it would be convenient [to obtain] if it were paid by measuring, weighing, and counting them all. it is a general decision of all who carry on commerce that, if something be not dispensed with in that direction, the trade and traffic cannot be maintained at all. accordingly, collection is made on the bales by the packings of the cargoes, by the memoranda of the ships, and by the registers, without making any other moral efforts to ascertain whether more is being carried than is declared--punishing what is discovered, but not discovering the fourth of what is hidden. number 82. tacit permission for what is secreted in the commerce many examples might be mentioned which prove this truth. let the first be the one that was disputed in sevilla by the exporters of the indias, namely, that they had not furnished sworn invoices of their cargoes. and although the administrators of the customs insisted upon that, the exporters secured [permission] to furnish, as they are doing, mere lists [of the goods]. nevertheless, they do not open the bales or boxes; and, although at times these contain cloths, silks, and fine holland linen, and other rich stuffs, they pass as coarse linen, [54] in great part, [55] and at most as rouen linen; and they pay as duties the fourth part of what they would have paid had the bales been opened. let the second be the existing ordinance that no bale be opened, until it is apparent by information that it carries more or different articles than are stated on the enclosures. that ordinance is observed in all ports of europa. the third, the custom that has been introduced into sevilla of imposing on every bale exported to the indias a certain duty above the amount of the invoice and measure of it that is presented. that can only be justified by the presumption from evidence that the bale carries different goods from what are declared. in the indias, in the appraisals that are made at cartagena for the collection of the customs, although it is apparent to the royal officials that the merchants are selling the entire invoices at a profit of ten or twelve per cent over the cost in españa, they add to them forty-four per cent of the cost that they [nominally] bear, and then collect ten per cent on the bulk of all. that would be an excessive burden and grievance, if it were not understood as certain that this is charged upon what is shipped registered and what is concealed by substituting some goods for others. let the fourth be the notable denunciation made in the year 624 by don christoval de balvas, while factor of tierrafirme, in which he gave information against seventy exporters and merchants concerned with the one fleet that went that year under command of don gaspar de azevedo bonal. he ascertained that they had carried and shipped to perú by the house of cruzes, located between puerto velo and panamá, besides 1,446,346 pesos which were registered, another 7,597,559 pesos, by which the royal duties were defrauded of 1,370,656 pesos. and when it was feared that for so flagrant a violation of the law there would be an equal punishment, the affair was all settled for 200,000 pesos, besides 6,000 which were given to the informant, whereupon the whole case and matter was relegated to silence; and there was no change in the despatch [of the ships], nor in the registers, nor in anything else of the previous practices. for if the burdens of your vassals are not eased in this manner, so that they can make up their losses, risks, injuries, expenses, and other damages that they suffer in so long voyages and so distressing navigations, everything will be ruined. if that has been experienced in sevilla, and in the trade of the indias, the magnitude of which is what is known, and where rigor would be more important than in acapulco (which can not at all be compared to the other), why, if the greater transgression is overlooked (although there is the same and stronger argument), should not the less be excused, and why should not the islands be treated like all the ports of the world? number 83. the illegalities in the two commerces of the islands and perú cannot be such as are alleged, in the withdrawal of silver. it follows that it is not to be denied that in the two traffics permitted to filipinas and perú the same illegal acts might be found as in the other parts where there is trade; but it is not conceded that these excesses are so enormous as are represented. nor are they greater than those in other regions, where, in the shadow of 200,000 ducados of silver, 50,000 go concealed, while in that of 250,000 in merchandise will come another 60,000; and perhaps both one and the other will be so much less that they merit no attention, and never [is the concealed merchandise] so much more that it exceeds the principal. some arguments can be advanced on this point. the first is that there is no place whence so much silver can be obtained that three millions of it should be sent from perú to nueva españa, and ten from nueva españa to the filipinas. for if six millions and upwards come every year from perú to these kingdoms, one remains in their land, and three go to acapulco, then their mines yield from ten to eleven millions. those of potosi never amount to six, [56] while all the others together do not yield two. consequently, the supposition that eleven millions are mined is false. that will be better proved by what has come [thence] and what shall come in the future; for since it is ordered that the ship that was permitted shall not sail from perú, it will be necessary for three millions more than usual to come from its provinces, since those who trafficked by way of the south sea cannot let their money remain idle, and must employ it on the northern sea. the same consideration ought to hold for nueva españa. three millions are sent [here] annually from that country, and one-half or one [no--_ms._] million remains there in the country. let us suppose that ten millions are sent to filipinas. it is proved that the three millions cannot be sent from perú; but admitting for the sake of the argument that they can be sent, it follows that it [_i.e._, nueva españa] alone yields another eleven millions from its mines--which is impossible, as is gathered from the royal fifths, and from the facts that in some years ships do not go to filipinas, and that more silver is not for that reason sent to these kingdoms, as would be necessary. number 84. the concealment of silver in the galleons argues for the two permissions all people say openly and believe that much silver is sent unregistered in the galleons of the royal armada for the trade-route of the indias, and as its vessels number eight, and sometimes twelve, and it acts as convoy to twenty or thirty other and smaller vessels, the highest figure named by those who exaggerate this excess is one million; but never, by dint of diligent efforts and the experience of so many years, has there been known, found, or discovered one-half million. therefore, if it can scarcely be supposed with probable foundation that thirty or forty ships, with a registered cargo of nine or ten millions, carry one million hidden, how can one believe that three millions can go unregistered in only one vessel (and that a small one), and that ten millions can go in two? the fact is, that he who is looking for transgressions does not think that he is accomplishing his purpose unless he increases them. besides, if three millions are sent from perú, it is in order to have them returned in investments in the merchandise of nueva españa (all of which are bulky), for those who send their money [there] will not do so for the purpose of having it remain there. and three millions of investments (which will amount to four millions in perú), in one ship of three hundred toneladas--[why,] there is no one who will even express an opinion that such a ship can be found that can hold so much. hence, it is inferred that the above sums are imaginary, fantastic, and fabulous, and consequently, [so is] whatever is based on them. number 85. excess in the merchandise, over the amount permitted to the islands, cannot be what is stated. in regard to the merchandise, the extravagance of the report is also recognized, namely, that what is carried in each of the two ships is worth four millions; for there is not another like sum in all the filipinas, even though the cities be sold, with whatever possessions are owned by their citizens and inhabitants. and that such an excess is impossible is apparent for many reasons. first, because the opinion [proposed] regulates the merchandise by the silver that it assumes as the returns. accordingly, on four millions, with a profit of one hundred and fifty per cent, it gives ten millions of silver; and if there is no foundation in this sum, as is proved, neither is there any in the other. second, that there is not enough merchandise with which to increase the permitted cargo of the ships, some years, and fewer toneladas are sent than those that are allowed to be distributed. it is improbable that there should be a deficit in the [amount sent by] permission, and yet that outside of it there should be sent four millions, or one, or a half-million unregistered. in regard to that, the islands make now the ninth petition, which will be seen [later]. [_in the margin_: "in number 109."] the third is the controversy in regard to the distribution of the toneladas--of which the citizens complain that some have been taken away from them, and given to those who are not residents. thus it is ordered, by the general decree of 604, that no toneladas be assigned to the officers, captains, soldiers, sailors, and artillerymen, and that such cannot receive or buy them. a decree of may 29, 620, orders that there be moderation in the toneladas given for their clothing and ship's stores to the commanders and chief officers. it cannot be believed that those who carry goods would go to law about two or four additional toneladas of allotment, if they were given as many as they wanted. the fourth is very much to the point. in the year 587, while the englishman tomas candi[sh] was sailing through the south sea to india and the malucas, he pillaged the ship "santa ana" on the coast of nueva españa, which was one of the most rich and valuable ships that has left the islands for acapulco [capuico--_ms._] the very report of the englishman himself says that nothing was concealed, and that the valuable merchandise that it carried was worth 122,000 pesos [57] of four english _sueldos_ [_sc._: shillings] apiece, besides some bales of so little value that they were left to burn with the ship. and since that commerce was then free and unrestricted, they could carry more than now, when the commerce is reduced to a certain amount permitted. the fifth is almost evident, because this merchandise comes in two ships of 300 toneladas. suppose that they are of 500 toneladas, and that they do not carry any products of the islands, nor any ship's stores, or spices, or anything else but silk, of which every six boxes make one tonelada; accordingly, the thousand toneladas of the two ships would mean 6,000 boxes. each box is worth 1,500 pesos, and therefore all would be worth 900,000 pesos. now if from this amount supposed be deducted the toneladas occupied by the men, artillery, ammunition, and food, those toneladas that the ships have below 500, and those toneladas which are of other kinds and not of silk (for those containing cotton cloths are estimated to have a value of 100 pesos and less, and usually exceed [in all] 2,000 and at times 4,000), it easily follows how impossible it is to carry four millions in merchandise in these two vessels--if indeed the three and one-half millions do not come in gold, pearls, and diamonds (products of which 20,000 pesos' value are not brought). number 86. permission for the merchandise of the islands: how it is understood there the sixth reason is founded on the truth regarding the commerce of the islands, namely, that in regard to the value of the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos allotted by the permission, the governors have granted favors in two ways. one is by admitting registers of more merchandise than is included in the permission, for certain reasons and motives that they have had, guiding themselves more by the burden of the ships and their toneladas, and by the volume of the goods, than by their intrinsic and real value. that has not been any fault or transgression in the citizens, nor in the government employees--of the former, because they are masters of what is allotted to them, but not of its restriction or its increase; of the latter, because it is clear that they must have had an order or sufficient reason for it--and even if such order or reason were lacking at the beginning, those who have succeeded and have found them in this practice and procedure, have not greatly transgressed in following it. the other method is by allowing the citizens to export more than the amount ordinarily allowed, in the products of their own land, which they get from their harvests or their encomiendas. such are white and yellow wax, and civet; _talingas_, _manteles_, _lampotes_ (which are cotton fabrics); and certain kinds of blankets [_mantas_] from ilocos, moro, and bemben. of these products, eight hundred piezas (which make one hundred toneladas) are generally sent; and they are declared and appraised at acapulco, as will be told of the rest. [_in the margin_: "in numbers 96 and 97."] that practice seems to have been introduced on the ground that it was considered probable that the permission was for the chinese cloth and other foreign stuffs, and not for those peculiar to and native to the islands; these latter were always admitted, and never needed any permission to carry them to nueva españa--both because of their little value, and because, as will be said, they do no harm to the commerce of españa. this is where the excess [over the permission] lies, and not where it is imagined by him who is not conversant with the facts. it is even to be noted that not eight hundred boxes of those products and commodities are always shipped, nor all of them outside the permission--but at times much less than is contained in the per mission, and sometimes very few, are sent; and these are registered and pay the royal duties, as do the others. number 87. imposition of the two per cent, and the reason why it should be repealed the seventh and last reason is that which is deduced from the imposition of the two per cent which an effort has been made to introduce, on the merchandise of those islands which is exported to nueva españa, and on the silver which is taken to them, by way of avería. it was ordered that this be collected, by the general decree for the permission of 604, and by another of april 22, 608. governor don rodrigo de bivero tried to execute the first, and don juan de silva the second, and both found so many disadvantages that they suspended it. in the year 625, the royal officials again insisted upon its observance, during the governorship of don fernando de silva, and later during that of don juan niño de tabora--who, recognizing that the motives that influenced their predecessors were more cogent than before, because of the greater decline in which they found that commerce, the poverty of the inhabitants, and the loss in their business, conformed to the earlier decisions. licentiate don francisco de roxas put forth more diligent efforts for the actual collection of the said two per cent, but he learned by positive evidence that that collection would mean the destruction of the trade of the islands. for their citizens were resolved not to export their goods, or to take advantage of the permission, as it was apparent to them that, if they paid this additional two per cent besides the three per cent that they pay and the other three per cent on the chinese merchandise, with the freights and expenses of the ships, the duties in entering acapulco, and afterward on the silver when they depart [thence]; and that, if without that two per cent, they are continually losing, with it they will be completely ruined, and will be able neither to advance, nor even to preserve their wealth for their support: therefore, the inhabitants have represented several arguments of not a little force to your majesty. first, that although it was a fact that the profits made formerly on the chinese trade were large, they were indeed quite small after the entrance of the dutch into those seas; for by their plundering the chinese merchandise its cost has so increased that the profit made on it is indeed very little, and there are so many risks in it that there are some years when the merchants lose everything. second, governor don juan de silva, seeing that it was difficult to enforce this imposition, supplied its place by the three per cent duty that he ordered to be collected on the chinese merchandise, whereupon its price again rose. third, because the duties paid and the expenses incurred by the commerce of the islands are very large. for each thousand pesos the citizens there and in nueva españa pay 270 pesos; and on freight, expenses and costs, 280 more--a total of 550 to the thousand. fourth, since the costs are so heavy, the profits cannot be large, while the perils are enormous; so that it is impossible for the inhabitants to maintain that commerce; and consequently, they will have to abandon it, and the result will be its total loss. fifth, the visitor, don francisco de roxas, understood this, and contented himself with getting four thousand ducados for that time, as a gift for suspending the execution [of the two per cent]. sixth, if from the collection of the two per cent would result the sure and certain cessation of the commerce, or its so great decline that it will bring in less with the greater duties than now with the less, it is better to leave it as at present. seventh, because of the decline into which the commerce has fallen since the dutch began to frequent the orient. eighth, the services performed, past and present, by the inhabitants of those islands, for which they deserve this and greater rewards. these arguments, although more at length, were presented to your majesty; and you regarded them as so cogent and sufficient that you were pleased to order that the execution of the decrees for the two per cent should be suspended, by another decree of june 13, 636--by which the inhabitants, on account of their shortness of means, should aid the crown with a gift, in accordance with the condition of the country and their funds. number 88. scanty profits of the commerce of the islands two things are inferred from the above. one is the scanty profits of the commerce of the islands, which are so greatly exaggerated by him who is proposing measures for destroying that commerce; for, were its profits half of what is alleged, it cannot be believed that vassals so loyal and so liberal in your majesty's service would hesitate so much about paying two per cent, and gaining less, when there is so great experience of the love and good-will with which they offer you their possessions and lives. this was not the only time in which this imposition was considered, since governor gomez perez das mariñas imposed an additional two per cent besides what was stipulated in nueva españa, [58] in the year 591, for the building of the walls of manila; and although it was confirmed by a letter of instructions of january 17, 593, orders were given, on account of the opposition manifested to it by the inhabitants, that that duty cease when the work was finished, by decree of march 12, 597, which was put in force. for it is certain that considering the expenses, the risks, the hardships, the shipwrecks, and the losses of that voyage from china to manila, and from manila to acapulco--so remote, so long, so troublesome, and so full of dangers, in which many ships have been wrecked, and the enemy have pillaged others, and not a few have put back in distress, and have suffered other disasters, as will be related [_in the margin_: "in number 93."]--the profits become very small and the gains so limited. this is recognized in the amount of wealth possessed by the citizens of those islands at the end of sixty years, which is the best and most evident proof; since if it were not indeed ten million annually, as has been imagined, but only that which is permitted, without any illegal gain, and the profits one hundred per cent net, the islands would be found in a very different condition from what they are in at present. number 89. the new resolution incompatible with that for the two per cent the second thing that is inferred from the proposed resolution for the two per cent is, that it seems to be incompatible with what it is claimed to introduce. for if there were so many difficulties in adding two per cent on the duties of the commerce, and its execution was suspended after forty-five years of dispute and attempt, and the arguments proposed were considered as sufficient for that step, and your majesty, yielding to those reasons, approved and confirmed them, how can an increase of duties be suffered now, which will cause so great an innovation in the manner and despatch of the commerce, which will result in so increasing the duties that what is being attempted is exceeded by this way, and did not seem advisable by the other? and [how is it] that the reasons and arguments which were sufficient in order not to impose the lesser burden are not sufficient to prevent the imposition of the greater? number 90. argument for the two per cent that was proposed in nueva españa that disadvantage was indeed set forth in nueva españa, although in a different manner, making an argument from this imposition of the two per cent to that which results from the present attempt to disturb the commerce. on account of the attempt of licentiate don francisco de rojas to enforce that collection, the citizens of filipinas resolved not to export [any goods] in the ships, nor even to avail themselves of the permission; as they believed that they were going to lose instead of gain, notwithstanding the fancied shipments in excess, as will be [if it is not--_ms._] apparent to your majesty by the reports of the visitor. the latter recognized therein that, if the duties went farther, all those now derived from that navigation would be lost, which, as has been seen, amount to more than three hundred and sixty thousand pesos [_in the margin_: "in number 56"]; and it would be necessary to supply them from the royal treasury, or leave the islands exposed to ruin. and they would have been ruined if the commissions borne by licentiate don pedro de quiroga had been fulfilled, as these were beyond comparison more rigorous and prejudicial to commerce; and the same effect would result to the inhabitants--as it appears, inevitably. for, not being able to suffer the lesser burden, they could ill endure the greater; and the damage would exceed the benefit by many odds, since in the two or three years that it would take to obtain the decision, even though it were as favorable as that regarding the two per cent, either it would have cost your majesty the loss of the filipinas, or you would have spent in their conservation almost two millions, without any recompense. and what is worse is, that those vassals would have become so impoverished that, even though the commerce were to be restored afterward to its first condition, the inhabitants could not enjoy or continue that condition, or get from the commerce in many years what it now produces and contributes; for, the substance and power in which it consists having been consumed, late or never could that be again accumulated. that is an argument worthy of considerable thought and reflection, which those who propose the measures in question do not answer, although they note and consider it, and they only justify those measures--although your majesty has a right to impose what duty you please, which is the only thing in which there is no doubt. but they do not avert, for they cannot, the damages which must result. number 91. the commerce of the islands pays more duties than any other by these statements it may be seen how groundless is the supposition that the commerce of the islands pays small duties (and it is seen that in this it not only equals but exceeds that of sevilla, according to the information concerning that); while in all the indias it is noted as an incontestable fact that in filipinas the boxes of the permitted lading are not appraised by the cheapest and worst goods, as is done in other ports, but by the best and those of highest quality and value. [_in the margin_: "in number 82."] for since there are among them those goods which will be hereafter mentioned, and since the most noble and esteemed is silk--as if all the other boxes contained nothing else, each one of them, whatever it may be, passes and pays [duties] for one pico of silk, the equivalent of five arrobas; and conformably to its cost at embarcation, according to the investigation that the royal officials make for its appraisal, the duties are paid and collected. on arriving at nueva españa, they increase its weight by the fourth or third part, and the pico is held to be about six and one-half arrobas of silk. then another report is made, of the kinds of silk that are received that year; and, distributing it proportionally through them all, the appraisal is made, and the customs duties are collected, higher than in any other port. for the whole cargo is considered to be silk, although there are in it many other articles, inferior in value and quality. licentiate don pedro de quiroga, as he had reported, had a box of those which pass for six and one-half arrobas weighed, and found that it contained ten--from which three were deducted and discounted for the wood, nails, tarpaulins, ropes, rattans, papers, and other things which have to be placed around the package to strengthen and secure it for so long a voyage. it was found that one arroba or thereabout was exempted, which, compared to the allowance made on what is sent from españa, is very little; and even that is compensated by making the valuation by the [standard of the] most valuable commodity, as above stated, although not all the boxes contain silk. each box, if of silk, is usually worth one thousand five hundred pesos. it pays as first duties and excise two hundred and thirty pesos, while it is a fact that no bale is sent from sevilla which pays so much as that, even though it be worth four or six thousand pesos. therefore the proposition that the commerce of the islands pays more duties than that of sevilla or any other port seems well proved. number 92. the profits [navigations--ms.] of the citizens of manila do not equal their losses but if these duties were less, and the profits greater, or even greater than what they are said to be, the city of manila would not be compensated for the damages and losses suffered there and in its trade, past and present--partly through serving your majesty, partly by being bound to danger and difficulty by their navigation (which is a circumstance that should be considered, since the same profit on what is sent from sevilla to the indias, or on that which goes from madrid to toledo, is not sufficient for filipinas), and partly because of the special disasters that have happened to it from its foundation. these damages and losses have been so excessive that if they were noted in detail with the attention that they merit it would seem not only inevitable that that city, as noble [notable--_ms._] as unfortunate, would be poor and ruined, but impossible that it should not be finished, destroyed, and deserted; and impossible that, struggling against so many disasters as it has suffered, it should still survive with some luster and wealth. inasmuch as it is the purpose to avoid in this memorial generalities that do not influence or persuade, the mention of the misfortunes that have happened to manila has two special and necessary ends. one is the presentation of the services, valor, and merits of its citizens; the other is the notable and lamentable recompense for the profits of its commerce and navigation, since it was necessary that the profits be much greater, to offset thereby the losses and expenses. their evil will be mentioned by years. many which are yet unknown, or which are minor, will not be mentioned; and it will be seen whether that city deserves to be protected, its inhabitants rewarded, its commerce aided, and its petitions decided in the most favorable manner that the matters and cases proposed will permit. number 93. misfortunes, losses, and damages that have been suffered by the city of manila and its inhabitants. the spanish government was established in the distinguished and very loyal city of manila, as capital of all the islands of those seas, in the year 1572. in the year 575, the pirate limahon, a chinese, attacked it with a fleet of seventy large warships. finding it in so incipient condition, and poorly fortified, he entered and sacked it. the spaniards defended it rather by valor than by number, in a small fort that they had built. in the year 578, while guido de labacarris was governor, the ship "san juanillo" sailed for nueva españa, in command of captain de ribera, in which it was thought to recover the loss inflicted by the pirate; but the loss became greater, for that ship was lost, and it was never known how or where. in the year 580, captain don juan ronquillo del castillo sailed for nueva españa, in a ship that carried no small cargo. after having sailed for many days, and having found himself in the neighborhood of nueva guinea, he put back in distress in a very bad condition. in this it is to be noted that among the losses which manila feels keenly, is that the ships of their commerce have to put back in distress; for in that year besides failing to obtain the profits of what they invest, and the investment of what is sent in return, they lose most of the principal, which they export--not only in averias, but in the costs and expenses. in the year 581, governor don juan ronquillo de peñalosa imposed a duty of two per cent on the merchandise exported to nueva españa, and three per cent on that carried by the chinese to manila. although he was censured for having imposed those duties without having any order for it, they remained. that year a fleet sailed from manila, in command of don juan ronquillo, to succor maluco and protect the portuguese who were then in possession of those islands; but after the cost, expense, and expedition, in which many of the inhabitants took part, it had no effect. in the year 583, on february 27, while the funeral honors of the governor were in progress, fire caught in the church of st. augustine; and as the edifices of that time were of wood, all of the city was burned and made desolate, and not a thing was saved--not even the fort, in which almost all the possessions of the citizens were lost--while some people met death. that was one of the greatest losses that that city has suffered. that year, building was recommenced; and, in order to avoid a similar damage, it was determined that all the houses should be built of stone. that caused the inhabitants the expense that one may understand, and the city became one of the most beautiful that can be seen. in the year 584, captain pedro sarmiento went to maluco with reënforcements, with another fleet, which had the same expense and effect as the first. in the year 585, another fleet sailed in command of captain juan de moron, from which, as from the others, manila derived nothing else than having incurred the expense. that year, an insurrection that the natives of the country were attempting was discovered. it was quieted with some damage, although less than it might have been. in the year 587, the englishman, tomas candi[sh] besieged nueva españa, and pillaged and burned the ship "santa ana," which was en route to acapulco very richly laden. in the year 588, the same pirate tried to burn a ship in the shipyard of the islands of pintados. he was resisted by manuel lorenzo de lemos, who was in charge of its building. some men were killed in this affair, and all the men of the islands were placed under arms. in the year 590 the royal audiencia of manila was suppressed. it had been established in the year 584, [_sic_] and its suppression must also be reckoned among the hardships of that city, because of those which it suffered until the year 597, when the audiencia was reëstablished. in the year 591, the commerce of japon--which was of great advantage, because of the provision of food which was taken thence to manila--began to be disturbed. that was occasioned by the barbarian emperor taycocama trying to make the governor of filipinas pay him vassalage and tribute. that peril lasted as long as the life of the emperor. the islands suffered from it, not only because of the lack of those friendly relations, but because it was necessary to place themselves in a state of defense against the tyrant, who was threatening them with his fleets. in the year 593, the two ships "san felipe" and "san francisco" sailed for acapulco. they put back in distress, one at manila, and the other at the island of zebre [zienbre--_ms._], very much crippled and wrecked. that year was even more unfortunate. for governor gomez perez das mariñas sailing for the conquest of terrenate with nine hundred spaniards and more than two hundred boats (reckoning galliots, galleys, fragatas, virreys, and other craft), and arriving at the island of caça, the chinese who were taken as rowers in the flagship galley mutinied, and killed the governor and forty spaniards who were with him. thereupon, the expedition ceased, and the expenses incurred by the citizens for it, as most of them had embarked in it, were lost. in the year 596, the galleon "san felipe," one of the trading ships, under command of don matias de landecho, made port in distress at japon, where it was wrecked. those pagans seized the goods aboard the ship, and martyred some of the spaniards, together with the religious and natives. the church has placed the latter in the list of the holy martyrs. in the year 598, don luis das mariñas left for the expedition to camboxa with two ships and one galliot, and two hundred spaniards. after many misfortunes he put in at china, where his vessels were wrecked and beached, some of the men being saved. in the year 600, two ships under command of juan martinez de guillestigui sailed for acapulco. both put back and were lost--the ship "santa margarita" at the islands of the ladrones. the natives entered it in the island of zarpana, as it was almost destitute of men, and pillaged all its cargo; and the men who were saved remained there some years. the ship "san geronimo" put in at the island of catanduanes, where it was wrecked although the men escaped. that year the englishman [_sic_] oliverio de noort came in sight of manila with war vessels, in order to await those ships which were expected from nueva españa. therefore it was judged advisable to drive him away. doctor antonio de morga, auditor and lieutenant-general of governor don francisco tello, sailed to attack him. he took one moderate-sized ship, another of less size, one patache, and one galliot, with one hundred spaniards in each boat. he attacked the pirate, and the flagship, having been conquered, was set afire. thereupon that of españa cast off its grappling-irons, but was so hardly used that it immediately sank. some of the men escaped in the small boat, and doctor morga reached an island by swimming; while the ship was lost, with the rest of the soldiers. the other ship conquered the english almiranta, and took it to manila. it was an important capture, but very costly. in the year 601, the galleon "santo tomas" en route from nueva españa, under command of licentiate don antonio de ribera maldonado (who had been appointed to the post of auditor), having been blown by a storm to the embocadero of capul and the bay of catamban, was driven ashore and was wrecked. however, the men and most of the cargo were saved. the latter was taken to manila overland and by sea, a distance of eighty leguas. in the year 602, captain juan xuarez gallinato went out in a fleet to attack the mindanaos, who were infesting the coast of manila. although he inflicted some punishment upon them, the cost was greater than the remedy. that year the ship "espiritu santo," en route to acapulco, after it had cast out all its cargo because of the gales that it encountered, put in at japon, where it was in danger of receiving the same treatment as had been given to the ship "san felipe." it was saved from that by the watchfulness of don lope de ulloa y lemos, its commander. the ship "jesus maria," with a like loss, put in at the islands of the ladrones; and, at the end of five months of navigation, both ships returned to manila, almost without crew and without cargo. in the year 603, on the eve of st. philip and st. james, some houses caught fire; and although many of the edifices were now of stone, the fire leaped to others which were built of wood, and so many were burned that the loss was estimated at more than one million. that year was one of misfortunes for manila. the mindanaos sailed out on a marauding expedition, and went in sight of manila, pillaging and burning some villages, and taking some spaniards captive. it was necessary to send a fleet against them, under command of gaspar perez, who made them retire. that year, on the fourth of october, occurred the dangerous uprising of twenty thousand chinese, who lived in the environs of manila. although they were conquered and punished after two months of war, it was at a great loss to the country and to the spaniards. in the first onset one hundred and fifty of the best spaniards were killed, almost all citizens, although there were not more than seven hundred citizens. the island was desolated and destroyed for more than twenty leguas round about the city, which was in danger of being lost. the inhabitants who were left had to sally out, and, pursuing the enemy, finally conquered and made an end of them. that year, of the two ships that sailed according to the permission, die flagship "nuestra señora de los remedios," after having cast out a great part of its cargo, and having lost its masts, put in at manila; while the "san antonio," most richly laden, and with many people who, in order to escape the hardships of that city, were going to nueva españa, suffered a greater hardship--for it was swallowed up by the sea, and no one heard what became of it. in the year 604 was despatched the general decree granting the permission to the islands, which restricted the commerce with nueva españa, as has been declared. in the year 606, governor don pedro de acuña made the maluco expedition, which, although it had a good outcome, was very costly for the citizens of manila, most of whom took part in it. he took five galleons, four galleys with poop-lanterns, three galliots, four champans, three fustas, two lanchas, two brigantines, one flat-bottomed boat, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. he had one thousand three hundred spaniards serving for pay, besides the volunteers and inhabitants, who were numerous. all incurred the expense that can be imagined in the expedition, without deriving other advantage than their service as loyal vassals. that year, while the governor was in maluco with all the force of the islands, the japanese revolted in manila, and the country arose in arms and was in great danger; but, after they had done some damage and caused much, they were subdued. in the year 608, two ships sailed for acapulco, under command of juan tello de aguirre, and the flagship was wrecked in the embocadero of capul, one hundred leguas from manila. in the year 609, three ships sailed under command of juan ezquerra. the flagship "san francisco" was wrecked in japon, and the ship "santa ana," which went to nueva españa the following year, put in at the same island. in the year 610, of the two ships that sailed in accordance with the permission, the almiranta returned to put in at filipinas. that year governor don juan de silva sailed with five ships and three galleys to attack four dutch ships and one patache which had been before manila for six months, pillaging all the vessels that entered and left, and holding the city almost besieged. he found only three of the ships, burned one, and captured the two others with a loss of many men; for those expeditions, although their outcome is favorable, are always a source of loss to the inhabitants, because of the many who are killed, and because of the expenses incurred in them. in the year 611, the governor built another fleet, with which he entered maluco--but without accomplishing more than the cost, which was heavy; and little was the reputation with which he returned. in the following year, 612, there was nothing with which to make the despatch of the ships to nueva españa, because of the losses and expeditions above mentioned, and an advice patache alone was sent. in the year 614, two or three ships from olanda burned and sacked the town of arevalo [arrebalo--_ms._] with all its [surrounding] country. in the year 616, governor don juan de silva made the disastrous expedition to malaca with all the force of the islands, of which mention has been made. he died there, and lost on that occasion all the sum that had been spent, which was so vast that it is affirmed that a million was left owing to spaniards and indians. to the extortions that were practiced for this, some attribute the ill-success of the expedition. that year, while don juan de silva was away with the fleet, the mindanaos came with sixty caracoas, and burned a ship and two pataches which were being built in the province of camarines, and pillaged the land, seizing and capturing many people. that year the trading ships, under command of don francisco de la serna, put back. fearful of the enemy, one discharged its cargo twenty leguas from manila, and carried the goods overland. the other went to the island of cibuyan. in the year 617, occurred the battle of playa honda, which was fought by the commander don juan ronquillo, with seven ships and three galleys pitted against six of the dutch. he sank the flagship, and one other ship, and another was burned. of the spanish ships, the galleon "san marcos" was run aground and wrecked, as above stated. [_in the margin_: "in number 31."] that year two ships sailed to nueva españa, under command of juan pardo de losada, and both of them put back. in the year 618, advice was received in españa of the straitened condition in which the islands were, through so many disasters, losses, and foes; and it was determined to send them a goodly reënforcement by way of east india. the commander, don lorenço de zuaçola, was given one thousand seven hundred soldiers with six huge ships, and two pataches, manned by seven hundred and thirty-two seamen and thirty religious. the fleet left cadiz, and after sailing twelve days was, on december 26, 619 [_sic_], struck by so fierce a gale that the flagship and almiranta, besides three other large ships, were lost. the ship which was left, with the two battered pataches, [59] returned to españa. thus deprived of the greatest reënforcement that has ever been sent to the islands, and when there was most need of it, the islands were greatly afflicted by that loss; but it was supplied by the valor of their inhabitants, who maintained themselves with their usual reputation at the risk of their lives, at the cost of their possessions, and in spite of their enemies. in the year 620, of the two ships that sailed under command of don fernando centeno, the flagship was lost, thirty leguas from manila, through the fault of the pilot, whom they hanged there, while the almiranta put back to manila. in the year 625, governor don geronimo de silva made an expedition, taking for it five galleons (two of which were of 1,400 toneladas), one patache, and two galleys. there were 2,269 soldiers, 152 pieces of artillery, and five champans, with food and ammunition in as great abundance as if they had sailed from sevilla to lisboa. in the year 631, the ship "santa maria madalena," while already laden with its cargo in the port of cavite, and about to sail, went to the bottom--drowning fourteen persons, and losing all the cargo aboard it, as it remained a fortnight under the water. the ship "santa margarita," which was left alone, sailed out, but put back with the losses of other times. in the year 634, the trade of the filipinas with japon was suppressed by the efforts of the dutch. that was a great loss, and it is not known that it has been revived. in the year 635, as the city of manila was so ruined and poor, it had no wealth with which to lade the ships of their permission, and hence the ships did not sail to nueva españa. these are the chief instances of which our knowledge can make relation, and in which manila and the islands have suffered misfortunes; and those disasters have been so many that of all the sixty-five years since its foundation only fifteen are free from loss and disaster; and some of those disasters are so great that the prosperity of other years was unable to make up for them. from all of them can easily be inferred the proof of the two propositions--namely, the services of their citizens, and the small profits in their commerce, if, as the former are qualified by valor, the latter are proportioned to the losses, risks, and hardships that they endure in order to maintain it. number 94. fifth point: in which is explained the commerce of the islands, according to its parts for the last justification and the final point, this commerce of the islands with nueva españa will be explained. it has two parts, one the coming with the merchandise, and the other the return voyage with the returns [from the merchandise] in silver. regarding both will be stated what profits they produce, and whether it will be advisable to suppress or restrict the commerce, or how illegal acts can be prevented. number 95. trade of the islands necessary in nueva españa, because of their goods in regard to the first part, which pertains to the merchandise, the trade of the filipinas is so necessary today in nueva españa, that the latter country finds it as difficult as do the islands to get along without that trade; and its lack cannot be supplied with merchandise from these kingdoms. the wares taken to acapulco are plain and figured velvets, satins, and damasks; grograms, taffetas, and picotes; headdresses and stockings; silk, loose and twisted, in skeins, that reeled on spindles, and woven; thread; _tramas_, [60] plushes, and other silk stuffs and textiles. of cotton, there are _sinavafas_, [61] fine glazed buckrams [_bocacies_], glazed linen [_olandilla_], fine muslins [_canequies_], and _semianas_; and of cotton and silk, beds, curtains, coverlets, quilts, and other pieces. [they also carry] civet, musk, and amber; gold and pearls; crockery-ware, cabinets, and articles made of wood, and other things; and the products of the islands themselves, of which mention has been made [_in the margin_: "in number 15"]. but the bulk of the commerce is reduced to the silk and cotton textiles; for there is but little else that is rare or elegant, or that has much export. from the skeined silk, and the silk thread, and trama are manufactured in nueva españa velvets, veils, headdresses, passementeries, and many taffetas, which were taken to perú when there were ships that went to callao, and to other parts of the indias--where the black, brown, and silver-colored goods that are sent from sevilla do not arrive in good shape, because the sea rots them. it is known that the skein silk of china is more even and elegant for delicate and smooth fabrics than is the misteca [62] which is produced in that kingdom; besides that, there is less of the latter kind than is necessary in the country. by this trade and manufacture, more than fourteen thousand persons support themselves in mexico, la puebla, and antequera, by their looms, the whole thing being approved by royal decrees. of the cotton textiles, linens [_lienzos_] are used in nueva españa more than any other stuff, as they are so cheap that they sell for one and one-half or two reals per vara. therefore, they are desired by the indians and negroes; and when these are lacking, even though there should be an over-supply of the linens of europa, they do not want them or use them, as those are dear and not so much used by them; and they get along with their own cloths from campeche or la guasteca, and others that they weave. hence the importation of these linens (which are brought from china) is now proposed as an expedient measure; if that be administered at the account of the royal treasury, it would gain annually more than one hundred and twenty thousand pesos, as is apparent from a decree of november 20, 606. number 96. distinctions in products from the islands, and their qualities with respect to those of españa. all these products that are trafficked from the islands are divided into six [_sic_] classes. the first is of silk, in skeins, thread, and trama. the second, the silk textiles. the third, the cotton textiles. the fourth, the products of the islands. the fifth, other small wares and articles that are brought. of these, the last class amounts to but little, and is not harmful to the commerce of españa, as it is composed of rarities and foreign products. the fourth class, namely, that of the products of the islands, by that very fact ought to be exported--a claim that is founded on justice; since it is not usual to prohibit to any province its own trade, and the exportation of its products wherever they may have a sale, even though foreign commerce be denied to it. besides, this sort has the characteristic of the third, namely, that these wares are so cheap that their like cannot be supplied from españa, as has been said, on account of the great difference of their prices. [_in the margin_: "in number 95."] hence, the wares of these kingdoms would not be used any more, even did those of the islands fail; nor less, even if there were an over-supply. for the indians and negroes care only for the linens of china and filipinas, and, if they do not have them, they get along without them; for they have no wealth to give eight reals for what costs them one and one-half reals. one thousand bales of linen which is shipped from sevilla in each trading fleet always finds a sale, and no more can be carried [to nueva españa]--because that would create a lack in españa, and it would, moreover, be too advantageous to the foreigners, to whom almost all this commodity belongs. [63] two thousand bales of cotton textiles exported from manila are also consumed [there]; and the fact that there is less or more does not cause any considerable loss in the linen made from flax and hemp, nor does it involve much money; for the two thousand bales of cotton are worth one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, while one thousand of fine linen are worth more than one million. number 97. damage caused to the [sale of] spanish silks by those of china the second and first classes of goods are those which may cause more damage, because they come in conflict with those same commodities that are exported from españa. since the latter are dearer, and the former cheaper, while the people are increasing daily, and the wealth decreasing, necessarily they desire the goods that have the more moderate price, even though it is not of the same quality. but this damage, which is the only one, is not such as is imagined. first, because the prohibition of sending textiles to perú causes a much smaller quantity to go to acapulco than formerly. second, because on account of the danger from the piracies of the dutch, few silks are shipped from china to manila, and those cost so dear that it is not the product in which there is greatest profit; nor can so much be bought, since he who formerly bought two or three boxes with one thousand pesos, now buys one. thus the merchants make the bulk [of their exportations] in cotton linens, and in the products of the islands. third, because nueva españa is now so full of spaniards, and they have so little money, that one can understand of them in regard to the silks, what has been said of the indians in regard to the cotton textiles--namely, that if they find those of china, they use them, and if not, they get along without them. where this is most true, and where it ought to be considered, is in the mines--where the _aviadors_ [64] do not and cannot use the cloth from castilla because of its quality and value; but that of china, as it is cheaper and more durable and serviceable. consequently, with one thousand pesos' worth of it they maintained their mining operations longer than they could with five thousand worth of that from españa. from that it follows that if [the supply of] it were to fail, the mines would necessarily decrease; and that would redound to the greater damage of the royal treasury, and to that of the country, your vassals, and commerce, than what is suffered today, even though what is stated be considered as accurate and true. if there was an over-supply of textiles when there were fewer people, and now much less rather than more is imported, and there are more consumers, there can be but little resulting damage to the goods that are carried hence. fourth, because the silk in skeins, as already said, is what is consumed; and, if it should fail, more than fourteen thousand persons who are employed and supported by its manufacture would perish. [_in the margin_: "in number 96."] fifth, because this [export from españa] is already very little, since a great quantity of the silk used by the looms of granada and toledo was formerly taken to sevilla; but, since the year 618, that has been decreasing so much that the workmen of that trade, through lack of silk with which to work, have gone to nueva españa. the cause that lies at the root of this injury is found in the navigation from china to manila, in which passage the silk is plundered by the dutch; they carry it to their country, and send it to castilla by the hands of third persons, and sell it at a great profit. it would be better to have it carried, as formerly, from manila by way of mexico, the vassals of this crown thus gaining the profit that its enemies gain. this is a matter of no slight importance, and one which has been advanced as a measure for securing a gain of one-half million for the income of the royal treasury--as appears from a decree of february 16, 602, which was sent to filipinas; and from the memorials furnished in the year 621 by oracio levanto, who tried to make a contract for it. [xcviii.--ex. his.] the damage caused by the silver that is sent to the islands is not at the charge of their inhabitants. fourth, in regard to the second point, which concerns the silver that is carried from nueva españa, it is not denied that it may be damaging and prejudicial to bleed that kingdom on that side; but it is denied that the excess in this is that which is alleged--as has been proved. [_in the margin_: "in number 83."] and if this be conceded, it ought to be noted that this commerce was granted in favor of the citizens of the islands, and not of others; and since most of them are poor, and cannot maintain a commerce of such value as those of nueva españa wish, the residents of mexico have entered and gained control of a great part of the commerce, under [cover of] the permission granted to the citizens of manila, and aided by certain persons. the violations of law have resulted from that; for, as the mexican exporters make those consignments and carry the returns for them--in violation of the royal decrees, and in opposition to the inhabitants of manila--they are hidden and kept not only from your majesty's employees (or they endeavor to keep these under obligations, so that they will not denounce them), but from the citizens of the islands, who are not guilty in that. on the contrary, the inhabitants desire and endeavor to obtain a remedy for this, because of the damage that it causes them, not only in usurping their permission from them (as it has in fact been usurped, by good or evil means), but because, if more silver than what their inhabitants carry goes in the filipinas ships, as that which exceeds [the permission], it belongs to the exporters of mexico. such money is sent for investment, and to be returned on the first voyage, and those who have it in charge try to buy on their arrival; and to shorten the time of their return, they will force prices in that place so high, that what is bought from the chinese for one hundred will immediately advance to two hundred. since the inhabitants have scanty means and considerable expense, in order that they may therewith support themselves their profits must be great; but on account of such proceedings their profits come to amount to nothing, and they become ruined. consequently, the whole profit is made by the inhabitants of mexico; and, as they have more money, and are not burdened with the obligations of the islands--their expeditions, wars, and reënforcements--their profits, although smaller, are larger for their commerce than for that of the citizens of manila; the latter lose, not only in the purchase, for the mexicans increase the prices of the merchandise, but afterward in the sale which they make in nueva españa. there they are compelled to sell more cheaply, in order to return immediately, or to take silver at high interest--which is not done by the inhabitants of mexico; for they remain in their houses and sell as they choose; for they sell slowly, and by that means make up the excess of the price in manila. the citizens of the latter place cannot enjoy that advantage, and hence return ruined, or with so little profits from so long voyages that, at the end, they scarcely realize the principal with which they commenced. besides, as the greater part of their possessions are those on which the duties are paid, as they come registered, while the others are concealed and unregistered, by that fact also their costs increase and their profits are diminished. number 99. intention of the inhabitants of the islands in regard to the excesses of the commerce therefore it is to be noted that it is not, and cannot be, the intention of the inhabitants of the islands to have the illegal acts that shall have been committed in that commerce remain unpunished, or that liberty be given for the continuance of these and the commission of greater transgressions. they are honest in this, as they ought to be in obeying and observing the royal orders and mandates, which they reverence and respect with so much more obedience, love, and good-will, as the distance which separates them [from españa] is greater, and it is more difficult for their great services (for they are great) to be seen and valued, and for them to obtain the rewards and favors which they deserve. what they solicit with the humility of vassals of so catholic a monarch, and represent under the arguments of expedients and good government which they propose (subject in everything, to what should be of greatest service to your majesty), is, that the past be punished in such manner that the penalty be not equal for those who have not been equally guilty--and if any have been, it was rather because they have been carried away by their need and hardships than for the sake of the profit of their business; since whatever they have acquired in their business (which, according to the wealth that they possess, is known to be little), has been spent and intended to be spent in your majesty's service, in ministering to and maintaining those islands, at the cost of their blood and possessions. they ask that, at present, attention be given to what is hidden and concealed; and that this be corrected and reduced to the amount that is permitted and ordered, without the inhabitants being proceeded against or punished for what they have done through ignorance, until it shall be known in the islands what they ought to do, and new orders issued. for the future they petition that the increase of duties on the goods within the permission be avoided, whether it be silver or merchandise; that there be no innovation in the appraisals of it; that their boxes be not opened or appraised in a different manner from that which has been observed, followed, and kept--since, as has been seen, they pay more than they are able, although not as much as they owe. [_in the margin_: "in number 91."] number 100. summary of what is alleged in this memorial therefore they once more represent to your majesty what is contained in greater detail in this memorial. the charges made against their commerce, inasmuch as these were based on malicious reports and on less knowledge than was required by the matter, have disturbed, changed, and altered it, so that it is in danger of being lost or suspended (which amounts to the same thing), and with it all the filipinas, whose importance is so well known. that can be understood from the strong arguments advanced for not abandoning them when they were less necessary than now, when the fact of that importance has been established by so decisive a resolution. to this can serve as new motives the extraordinary manner of their discovery; the greatness of their territory, and therein the notable and especial greatness of the city of manila--which, as the mistress of so many seas, and capital of so many archipelagos, is the second pole of this monarchy; and the estimation in which their qualities are held, both for the nature of their lands and from what has been acquired from their commerces, which, if they are small as regards their own products, [in their beginnings--_ms._] are most opulent as regards those of foreign lands. that is facilitated by their remarkable situation, which, as it is the center of so many islands and powerful kingdoms, is, if not in advance of all of them, superior to many, as it is the key of the ancient and ever rich commerce of the orient. that commerce, after so many changes, came into the possession of portugal, and through the filipinas was communicated to castilla. it has been usurped in part by the enemies of this crown (who now go to search for it, and carry it on in various ports of its origin), against whom india and the islands are defending and maintaining it. the islands especially protect the commerce of china and that in cloves, as they are now lords of the islands of maluco--which they recovered after they had been lost, and which they preserve, although infested [by enemies], at the cost of the blood and the possessions of their inhabitants. they are exposed always to the raids of powerful opponents, who in order not to lose what they have had the good fortune to acquire, the oriental trade and that of maluco (which is of the greatest value), spend the most of what they gain in forts, presidios, and fleets, that they may resist the filipinas. if the islands are important for that reason, not less important are they for the effects that result from their preservation. these effects are the promulgation of the catholic faith, and the extension of the gospel preaching through so extensive regions, and so remote kingdoms of pagans and moors--which in spite of the northern heresy, has been received by some, while others are ready to receive it; the assurance of safety for india, which has doubled its strength because of the nearness of the islands, which on all occasions reënforce it; the prevention and hindrance of the enemies from the trade in which they most wish to be absolute masters, and which they would obtain were it not for that valiant resistance, and that fortified camp; the relief of the western indias from their raids, which because of this diversion have rest; and finally, the maintenance of the reputation of this crown, in the most remote part of its domain. and since, in order to obtain these and other effects, it is sufficient that the filipinas be maintained in the force and renown that they have at present, for that only two methods are to be found, which consist either in spending from the royal treasury the amount necessary for them, or in giving them a commerce such that all the cost of the islands may be derived from it. each method is impossible alone, for the expense of the islands is considerable, and the amount that they contribute is not sufficient, as those of maluco are dependent on them, while the royal treasury is exhausted. the commerce ought not to be opened so widely that its duties supply all [the cost of the islands], because of the injury that this would cause to the commerce of españa, which is more important. the only remedy comes to be (and it is that admitted by experience) the union of both these means, each sharing a portion of the expense. with this the royal treasury will be relieved, the commerce permitted, and the islands maintained. in order to provide a guarantee for this obligation, it is advisable to favor the inhabitants of the islands, who have attended and are attending to their defense (as that is the chief part of their preservation) with so abundant aid and so liberal expense. for this, taking a middle course between the damages and the advantages, the restricted commerce with nueva españa, without which they cannot live, is permitted to them. and although results from that concession the withdrawal of a quantity of silver (which if it came to these kingdoms could enrich them more), and its passage to the foreigners, besides the bringing of merchandise from which results a less consumption of the goods of these kingdoms: as this is not the only cause that weakens the trade of the indias, but there are others very different from it, it is necessary, in order that that trade be not ruined, that this of filipinas be preserved, but not more than in the quantity that is sufficient for its maintenance, and that is not harmful. thus has the commerce been given its present form, conceding it alone to the inhabitants of the islands, restricted as to the amount of its merchandise and the silver for its returns, by imposing on both the latter and the former a fixed and determined quantity, as also on the ships which are to carry it. that is the condition least damaging to each part which, attentive to the state of so many kingdoms and the mutual relations of so many provinces, it has been possible to arrange. although great illegalities have been ascribed to this permission, which are not lacking in any part of the world, and are found in all commerces, and are tolerated--either because it is impossible to correct them, or because it is not advisable to reduce them to the full rigor of the orders--those that are found in this commerce are not greater than those of others; for [65] neither the silver nor the merchandise which is hidden can exceed the amount permitted so greatly as has been represented, as has been [herein] stated. if there is any violation, there are sufficient precedents so that it ought to be tolerated, and the greatest reason [for so doing]; for it is impossible for that commerce to last in any other way, or to have capital with which to maintain it. [this is true], not only because of the duties that are paid, which are heavier than those of sevilla; but because of the great amount that is lost in it by the risks, expenses, and hardships of its navigation, and by the special disasters that the islands and their inhabitants have suffered, and are liable to suffer--which are such and so many, that it is a wonder that they are not destroyed, ruined, and deserted by the onset of their disasters, losses, and diminutions, which it seems that the loyalty, the valor, and the constancy of their inhabitants have opposed. besides that, their commerce is no longer what it was formerly; nor does it cause the damage that is noted; nor is it such that it can be done away with, without the downfall of the islands, the suffering of nueva españa, peril to eastern india, the loss of its commerce, a greater infesting of the western indias, and the sorrow of these and those kingdoms for the result of this cause, as it is common to them all, as is proved. therefore, the procurator-general of the islands, reducing all their affairs to this memorial, petitions your majesty to grant them favor in the affairs and points which he will request in a separate memorial. don juan grau y monfalcon documents of 1637 defeat of moro pirates. [unsigned and undated; but probably written by pedro gutierrez, s.j., in 1637.] auditorship of accounts in manila, 1595-1637. [unsigned and undated; probably written in 1637.] conquest of mindanao. marcelo francisco mastrilli, s.j.; june 2. events in filipinas, 1636-37. juan lopez, s.j.; july 23. corcuera's triumphant entry into manila. juan lopez, may-july. royal aid requested by the jesuits at manila. francisco colin, s.j., and others; july-august. letters to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; august 20. sources: the first, third, and fourth of these documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid; the second and seventh, from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the fifth, from barrantes's _guerras piraticas_, pp. 303-310; the sixth, from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, iii, pp. 757-758. translations: the first of these documents is translated by arthur b. myrick and emma helen blair; the second, fourth, and sixth, by james a. robertson; the third, by helen e. thomas; the fifth, by alfonso de salvio; the seventh, by emma helen blair. defeat of moro pirates _a relation of the battle with the fleet from mindanao, and the victory of the spanish, off the coast of that island and the cape known as punta de flechas, on the day of the blessed saint thomas the apostle, december 21, 1636._ tagal, a chief of mindanao, [66] who was entitled captain-general of corralat on sea and land, had performed exploits in his service for many years, both in wars waged with the goloes and in various incursions, and on all these occasions came off with good fortune. in the past year of 636, in the beginning of april, he asked cachil corralat, king of mindanao, to give him four caracoas, with which he would go over to the islands of the castilians, and spend nine months plundering them--urging that he would return rich, with his ships laden not only with vissayans but castilians; and that he would bring him the god of the christians a prisoner; and other inducements. corralat gave him the vessels, and with them he went, in the said month of april, to the chiefs of taguima and jolo, urging them to accompany him. they excused themselves, saying that they were near neighbors of the spaniards, and desired no wars with them. no one accompanied him from those islands, but he, with the four joangas, entered among the islands of cuyo and calamianes, and the coast of mindoro, where he remained almost eight months, robbing and inflicting enormous damage. he plundered the churches of cuyo and calamianes, profaning the vessels and holy vestments, breaking the holy images, and capturing the ministers in these islands. he seized three augustinian recollect fathers, and captured the corregidor of cuyo [67] and another spaniard. the moro committed and uttered many blasphemies against our lord and his saints, and the holy images and consecrated things, calling out in a loud voice that mahomet had taken prisoner the god of the christians. having seized a chalice, with the paten that belonged to it, they used the latter for a plate for buyos, and the chalice to spit in. they made a hole through the linen cloth on the image of christ our lord, through which a man would thrust his head, wearing it as one would a scapulary, suspending it mainly over the breast and shoulders. they also kept the choristers' mantles, in order to wear them when they entered mindanao. returning, then, with much booty and many captives, their four large caracoas and three smaller vessels, seven in all, laden with the plunder which they had seized, the moro dared to go where his sins carried him, to pay for his arrogance and madness. although he had a large force, he did not choose to pass between jolo and the island of basilan, or taguima, as he had done in coming; but he actually passed, in the darkness of night, before the fort at sanboangan, in the strait which is made by the said island with basilan, for a distance of a league and a half, more or less, from the fort. this was astonishing audacity; and if, for our sins, he had returned unhindered to mindanao, they would have lost all fear of that fort and the royal arms. he actually passed the strait without being noticed, and at dawn arrived at a place where he could not be seen by our people. the day on which he passed before our fort was a wednesday, december seventeenth, on the evening of the expectation of our lady, about eight o'clock. the next day just as father gregorio belin [68] was preparing to say mass, there arrived a lutao indian, who has always displayed fidelity to the spaniards; and told him, as above, how that night the enemy had passed near there on their return, and that it would be easy to go forth in pursuit of them, because they were heavily loaded and weighed down, for they had been at sea for eight months. beside this, the mindanaos had a superstition or idolatry according to which all those who are returning to their land victorious are obliged to proceed to a hill that is encountered after doubling punta de flechas, [69] and at the point. each man brings from the ships one of the lances that they carry, made of bamboo hardened in the fire; and these are usually hurled into the ground on this hill, because it is of soft stone. the indian said that this superstition was so infallible and established among them that on no account would they omit going together to this place; and thus it was necessary that we should come to blows with them. the father placed the whole matter before sargento-mayor bartolome diaz barrera, governor of sanboangan, and sargento-mayor nicolas gonzales--who is an excellent officer, a captain of infantry in the garrison there. these men, overcoming many difficulties, prepared, in two hours, with incredible promptness and diligence, a fleet of six ships with one hundred infantrymen and one hundred and fifty volunteer bisayan warriors, with their cannon and all necessary supplies; and the said governor detailed sargento-mayor nicolas gonzales to pursue the enemy. the latter set out with his fleet, with such energy that although some of our vessels were mere rafts, and all had but scanty equipment, and let in much water, he allowed nothing to hinder him, but [kept on his course], overcoming many difficulties. on the first day he sent back to the fort one of his six vessels, because he saw that it was falling behind the rest on account of leaking badly; and with only the five remaining he pursued the enemy, with remarkable persistence, for three days and three nights. on the morning of st. thomas's day, father belin, at sanboangan, felt such impulses to expose the most holy sacrament that he was almost unable to restrain himself; and, although he could hardly overcome the difficulties arising from the inconvenience of the sacristy, he exposed [the body of] our lord, in supplication for the fleet. the governor was piously present, and the people adored the lord with supplications. at that very time (as has been carefully investigated) our fleet discovered two of the enemy's ships near punta de flechas, one rather small and the other very large. the smaller vessel, on account of its lighter draft, was able to run ashore--all those who were able fleeing, and leaving the ship, their captives and arms, and many other things in the hands of our men. aboard the large vessel was a chief named anpay apuy; with terrible fury and determination he attacked our capitana, fired three shots at her, and pierced her with one. but [the men of] our capitana with great gallantry and valor boarded her, and discharged several shots. the moros would not surrender, so almost all of them were killed; even those who escaped by swimming attacked our almiranta, which was assisting the capitana. many christian captives were rescued, with a large amount of plunder found at punta de flechas. our people sighted four other vessels at the place where they practiced their superstition, where they were casting their lances of burned bamboo. as soon as the enemy saw our fleet, they tried to escape by lightening their ships of the captives aboard them. two vessels which they had drawn ashore were captured, but the other two escaped on account of their lightness of draft, after receiving several volleys from our fleet. the darkness of the night helped them, as well as their having thrown overboard nearly all that they carried. at that place many of their christian captives were recovered. at this time, in the middle of the night, a strange thing happened, almost prophetic of the misfortune to those moros, and apparently a presage of their fall and destruction. there was an earthquake, so sudden and so terrible that it was plainly felt upon the sea; and a rumbling which sounded as if some aperture of hell were opening. all our soldiers were thoroughly terrified at so frightful rumblings and quaking, and fancied that they heard voices, or terrible yells; so they armed themselves with their rosaries, agnus dei's, and relics, commending themselves to our lord. during this earthquake, the hill where they superstitiously shot their arrows or lances fell into the sea, where it can still be partly seen. it is to be hoped that when it fell, or began to fall, it carried with it the pride of these mindanao mohammedans. our fleet at midnight sighted the enemy's capitana, which was standing out to sea with another little ship which served it for a lanpitao, as they call a boat for reconnoitring, or a tender. the sargento-mayor, who had ever conducted himself as a prudent and experienced man, did the same in this case, ordering every one to keep quiet and await that vessel which was coming into their hands, on its way to their place of worship, to shoot their arrows there. they were hoping that that flagship--which was a large one, and carried more than one hundred and twenty rowers--was heavily laden with captives, booty, and stores. at midnight, our men heard the enemy's vessel near us, whereupon our flagship went to attack the enemy's, followed by our almiranta; and our men boarded her at the stern. seeing that they would not surrender, a cannon was fired at them, which carlos (a good artilleryman and a good christian) had loaded with ordinary balls, an iron bar, and a lantern full of musket-balls. it swept almost all the men from the _bailio_, and a captive who was aboard that flagship said that this shot killed twenty men. this artilleryman made several other good shots, and in the meantime the infantry kept up a continuous fire, so that it is said that most of our men fired more than thirty shots apiece. twenty-four picked musketeers were stationed on our flagship alone. finally the [moro] ship abandoned resistance and was boarded by sargento-mayor nicolas gonzales--who killed with his own hand two men who still continued to resist. some leaped overboard, but it was impossible for them to make their escape, for the high waves and the strong wind carried them far out to sea, so that they presently drowned. father fray francisco de san joseph, of acknowledged piety, died here, well content that he had seen the side of the christians victorious, and witnessed the valor and courage of the leaders and soldiers of our fleet, for they behaved well and honorably. [70] the sargento-mayor, beside his usual valor, received assistance from the lord. although he had very poor health, yet from the moment that he hastened to go forth until the final fortunate outcome he enjoyed perfect health for all the hardships which he underwent before and during the battle. all this made the good father say that he was very content to die, and especially because he had not seen the abominations, blasphemies, and shameless acts of that rabble. there was one sick, tagal, who was the leader of the enemy's fleet, and on this occasion he ended his evil life, to commence payment for his atrocities, blasphemies, and daring. on the other hand, a younger brother of his who was mortally wounded asked anxiously for holy baptism, protesting that he believed the christian religion to be the true one, and that he had always had a pious leaning to it. they instructed him in the christian faith, and after baptism he died, our lord taking only this one to heaven out of all that number of dead mindanaos--three hundred, more or less. five ships in all were captured from the enemy. of the four large vessels one only escaped, although our men kept up a continuous fire at it, and pursued it for a long time. seventeen shots were fired from the cannon, to say nothing of the continuous musketry fire. the powder for one of the cannon was blown up by a shot, and they lightened ship as much as possible by throwing overboard captives who had been cut to pieces, in order to make their flight more rapid. one hundred and twenty of our people were rescued and fourteen mindanaos who desired to receive baptism were taken alive. according to their account the rest of the moros, full of rage and showing their teeth, fought to the death. a large amount of gold and many other things of value were found among their plunder. the soldiers, as good christians, declared all the church property they found--among other things, a gilded lunette, a chalice and paten, three chorister's mantles, and ornaments and images which had been misused. one ship was seized, because it was needed for the men who were crowded in the others; also two cannons with ladles [_pieças de cuchara_], two culverins, and thirty muskets and arquebuses; with campilans and lances, and much cloth. the victory did not cost the life of a single spaniard or indian. this victory has been of so much importance because it has terrified mindanao and jolo, and has been a strong incentive to the resumption of peace. the day when the fleet sailed, there was a juanga of joloans at sanboangan which was seen going out, and a little while afterward another was seen entering which came from zibu, carrying captain becerra; the rest of his company, consisting of thirty infantrymen, were in five vessels, which entered with great gallantry, all of which is to the credit of our side. hundreds of indians came out from the shore, from sanboangan as far as this place, [71] to meet the ship which bore the news, with demonstrations of great joy; they brought presents and refreshments for a father who was aboard the ship. the same thing happened along the shores of these our islands. the inhabitants of sibugay--which is the storehouse for corralat, who cannot get along without that town--and others of his subjects have offered tribute. thanks to the lord, and to the most holy sacrament which appeared in public--and, as it were, on the field of battle--and to the most holy virgin mary, our lady, on whose day the expedition was prepared and sailed. the joloans, by the agreement which they made in the time of captain juan de chaves through father vera and the queen (although it was in the interim government of licentiate de mana), made raids against the camucones, and, it is said, they have carried away more than six hundred [of those people] at one time. they have sold many [of these captives] in sanboangan, and they are bringing a number of them here in a champan. father belin says that he has sometimes talked to the joloans, asking them to give up the body of father vilancio. they answer that they would like to preserve it, because it is holy; and they say that it is uninjured. we are very glad [to hear this], although we do not mention it to those outside until we know about the matter with more certainty. the father prior of the recollects came the day before yesterday from cagayan. he says that those who have come there from mindanao say that corralat is quite destitute [_three words illegible_]. the ruler of buayen and his sons-in-law are making war upon him, in company with a brother of that gogo whose execution corralat had ordered, because he had corresponded with the spaniards at sanboangan. the peasants, and the people who dwell inland, are molesting him, and he scarcely trusts even his own men. he possesses no mounted cannon, and no arms in good condition. the mindanao prisoners say that he has not even means enough to arm three good caracoas. they write from oton, that they are hourly expecting the lord governor, because he has written that he would leave manila on january 26. he orders the pataches laden in sanboangan to wait for him, and the galleon and galleys to sail. auditorship of accounts in manila, 1595-1637 sire: the council, on examining in the hall of justice the [records of the] official visit which licentiate don francisco de rojas made of the audiencia and royal officials of the filipinas islands; and having examined therein charge three made against the said royal officials regarding the general account for each year to be taken from them by an auditor of accounts [_contador de cuentas_]--namely, that they have not given him sworn statements; and, in particular, that they refused to give a sworn statement of the amounts that ought to be collected, and of other things which the auditor of accounts ordered--commanded me to make a comprehensive report from what should appear in the records of the visit, and in the other papers resting in the secretary's office concerning the matter; so that, having been examined in the government where they are considering whether it is advisable or not to appoint one for life to that office of auditor of accounts in those islands, and with what conditions, the advisable measures may be taken. in fulfilment of that command, having attended to that matter as was fitting, i have drawn up this paper, in which, as briefly as possible, and as was required by the gravity of the matter, i have compiled what treats of it, dividing it for greater distinctness and clearness into the four following points. point 1. of the beginnings in those islands of the office of auditor of accounts, and of the variations and changes that have occurred in it, down to the present. point 2. of the litigations that have occurred between the royal officials and the auditor of accounts, in regard to the manner of exercising the duties of that office. point 3. of the disadvantages, as seen from the records of the visit, that arise from the existence of that office in those islands. point 4. of the advantages that are found for the existence of that office in those islands, and what has been enacted and decreed in the council regarding it, up to the present. [point 1] book 7, folio 284, verso. in regard to the first point, i presuppose that, as appears from the certification of the government notary of those islands, there is not in it the particular reason of an order from his majesty for the governor of the islands to appoint an auditor of accounts, as all the governors have done for many years past. what appears is, that in years preceding that of 1595 (although it does not appear when this practice was first inaugurated), the governor made an annual appointment of an auditor of accounts, in order that he might audit the general account of the royal officials for the preceding year--as is mentioned by the governor don luis perez dasmariñas in the first perpetual title that he gave as auditor of accounts, in the year 595, to bartolome de renteria, who was the first to whom it was given with this title. the governor says the following in regard to it: "inasmuch as his majesty has ordered the governor of these islands to audit the account of the royal official judges of the islands annually, by means of an auditor of accounts who should be appointed for that purpose, and to send each year the report that he should make to his majesty, as has been done; and inasmuch as i am informed of, and see, the disadvantages and dangers that result to the royal estate of having the governors appoint, as is their custom, a new auditor [_contador_] for the said accounts each year, in order to give him that profit that is due him for other services: there is no one in that calling as competent as is necessary. thence it results that the said accounts are not audited with the clearness and completeness that is advisable, or in the good order and style in which an expert auditor would leave them, and who would learn by experience and by special acquaintance from the times when he should have audited them before, or by his knowledge through the condition of other accounts that he might have audited, the condition of the royal estate. such a person will try to understand the royal treasury thoroughly, while he who audits the accounts once will do it more carelessly. all that carelessness would cease, as would many other disadvantages which experience has shown; and we could achieve the results that are desirable for the service of his majesty by appointing an auditor to audit the accounts every year, without changing or removing him for another, but allowing him to hold the said office continuously." the title continues with the appointment of the said bartolome de renteria as auditor of accounts, as long as it may be the will of his majesty and of the said governor in his royal name; and orders that the uncertainties, additions, and results [_resultas_] that shall arise be communicated to the said governor, so that they may be concluded and executed with his decision. the title assigns him a salary of five hundred pesos of common gold, payable from the royal treasury. book 7, folio 235. his majesty despatched a royal decree in the year 596, ordering the establishment of the audiencia of the said islands. in that provision were inserted the ordinances pertaining to this point, namely, the sixty-seventh, the sixty-ninth, and the ninetieth. [72] they read as follows: "ordinance 67. _item_: my president shall, together with two auditors [_oidores_], audit the accounts, at the beginning of each year, of the royal officials who shall have had charge of my royal treasury for the past year. they shall conclude it within the months of january and february; and when they are completed, a copy of them shall be sent to my council of the indias. i order that if the said two months pass, without the said accounts being completed, the officials of my royal treasury shall receive no salary until they shall be concluded. each of the auditors who shall be present at the auditing of the said accounts shall have a gratification of twenty-five thousand maravedis, provided that that salary or gratification be not given them--and it shall not be given them--except for the year for which they shall send the said accounts concluded to my royal council of the indias." "ordinance 69. _item_: i order that when my president and auditors commence to audit the accounts of my royal estate, in accordance with the provision in regard to it, they shall go first of all to my royal treasury, and weigh and count the gold and silver and the other things that may be there, and take account of it [_in the margin: "sic."_]. then they shall begin the accounts, and, having finished them, shall collect the balance within the time ordered by the said decree. [_in the margin_: "i do not find any account, in the records of the visit, of this provision which is cited."] the amount collected shall be placed in the chest with three keys; and orders shall be given that the balance from the past year shall not be made up from what shall be collected during the time in which the accounts shall be audited." "ordinance 90. _item_: the said fiscal shall be at all the meetings which shall be held outside the ordinary audiencia by the president and auditors, whether of justice or pertaining to my royal estate, with the officials of it, either for matters of government, or in any other manner." book 7, folio 239. in a royal decree of january 25, 605, directed to the royal officials of the said islands with the ordinances of their offices, the two following touch on this matter: "ordinance 29. the accounts that you shall be obliged to give of what is in your charge during the administration of your offices, shall be given annually in the accustomed manner. for that purpose, you shall deliver as an inventory to the person who shall audit them, all the books and vouchers pertaining to them, and those that shall be requested from you, and that shall be necessary for the clear understanding of the accounts. you shall continue the administration of your offices with other similar and new books. the accounts shall be balanced in the presence of my governor, and of an auditor of my royal audiencia who shall be appointed by the governor and the fiscal of the audiencia. should any doubts and additions result from the said accounts, the said my governor and auditor shall adjust and decide them, so that they may be balanced and completed." [73] "ordinance 42. you shall send annually the final account of the receipts and expenditures of my royal estate, declaring the same in its distinct heads. in case that an auditor of accounts appointed by the said my governor shall audit your accounts, he shall be obliged to have them made out in accordance with the aforesaid, for the said end." book 7, folio 2. august 24 of the same year 605, his majesty despatched a royal decree, ordering three tribunals of the exchequer to be established in the three cities of lima, santa fe [de bogota], and mexico, so that the accounts of all the provinces of their [respective] districts might be audited in each one. its beginning is as follows: "don felipe, etc.: inasmuch as the accounts of the income and duties that belong to us and which we are to receive in our kingdoms and provinces of our western indias, as king and seignior of them, have been and are audited by the persons who have been and are appointed for it by our viceroys and presidents of the audiencias of the said our indias, and by the corregidors and governors of some districts of them, who have been and are appointed for it; and inasmuch as they are sent to our royal council of the indias, so that they may be reviewed and examined therein; and inasmuch as the persons who audit the said accounts do not possess the skill and experience that is required for such an employment, and the accounts, as they are not furnished every year, do not show the accuracy, clearness, and distinctness that is necessary--whence have resulted many disadvantages and losses to our royal estate, as has been shown by experience: in order that such may cease now and henceforth, and the necessary precaution be exercised in everything, we have decided, after conference, examination, and discussion of the matter in our royal council of the indias, and in other meetings of ministers of great intelligence and long experience, that there shall be, and shall be established tribunals of the auditors of accounts who live and reside ordinarily in the said our province, so that they may audit the accounts of whatever pertains to us in any way, or that may pertain in the future to all or any persons into whose possession has entered or shall enter any of our possessions, of which they must and shall inform us. in order that this may be done as is fitting to our service, we have decided, and we will and command, that the following order and form be kept and observed." the said decree proceeds, by ordering in its first section that the said three tribunals be founded, in each of which there shall be three auditors [_contadores_], who are to be called and styled "auditors of accounts." they shall attend to their business by virtue of letters and warrants sealed with the royal seal. each tribunal shall also have two officers known as "arrangers of accounts" [_ordenadores de cuentas_] and other things that pertain to this. the following declaration occurs in section twenty-two: "furthermore, the said our auditors of accounts shall audit and conclude the final account of the said our royal officials and treasury of the said our yndias for the preceding year, in the year immediately following, without protracting or extending it under any considerations--except that of our royal officials of the province of chile, and of the persons into whose possession enters the money which we order to be supplied from piru for the expenses that must be incurred there; and that of the filipinas islands, which, as they are so remote and out of the way, must be audited every two years. all the said our officials of the said our royal treasuries in the said our western yndias shall be obliged to go, or to send persons with their powers of attorney and adequate documents, to render their accounts before the said our auditors of accounts." book 7, folio 28. the ordinance of the above section does not seem to have been observed; for on may 16, 1609, a royal decree was despatched which declares that inasmuch as certain doubts have resulted from the foundation of the three said tribunals, in regard to the exercise of the said offices and their jurisdiction, and other things, the following is declared and ordered anew. and in the said decree many of the ordinances contained in the above-cited decree of the year 605, are declared by sections. section twenty-four, which concerns this point, reads as follows: "section 24. having examined and considered the difficulties which have been represented in regard to [the officials] being able to go to give the accounts to the said tribunals, for the treasuries of the provinces or islands which are very remote and over seas, i have decided and resolved that the accounts of the provinces of chile and the philipinas islands shall be audited as heretofore, in accordance with the ordinances of the audiencias, notwithstanding any rulings of the said ordinances for the auditors of accounts in regard to sending someone to give it at the tribunals. the accounts which shall be thus audited in the said provinces of chile shall be sent to the tribunal of accounts at lima, and those of the philipinas islands and maluco shall be taken to that of mexico. at the beginning of each year, my officials of those treasuries shall send the lists and muster-rolls of the soldiers to the said tribunals." book 7, folio 247. in conformity with the above-cited section, the tribunal of accounts of mexico despatched a decree in the year 612, ordering the royal officials of the philipinas to observe and keep it. notification was given to them, and they obeyed it in the same year. book 7, folio 305. it appears in the fulfilment of the said royal decree, and of section twenty-four of it, that the governor of philipinas gave the title of auditor of accounts and results [_resultas_] to francisco lopez tamayo, october 6, 610, in the following words: "inasmuch as his majesty has ordered that the office of auditor of accounts be again established in this city, so that the accounts of the royal officials of all the royal estate and other royal possessions that ought to be given might be audited, etc." the title proceeds, appointing him for such time as may be the pleasure of his majesty and of the said governor in his royal name; and the latter assigns him an annual salary of one thousand pesos of common gold, to be paid from the royal treasury in accordance with the resolution made at the preceding meeting of the treasury on september 30 of the said year. the above-mentioned tribunal of accounts of the governor and two auditors has punctually fulfilled its duties; and, as well as the said office, still exists--although there has been a change in regard to the title of "auditor of accounts," as will be stated later. point 2 in case that your majesty may be pleased to order that this office exist, will you be pleased also to ordain and determine the manner and form in which it is to be exercised, in order to avoid the differences and encounters that there have been and that may occur between the auditors of accounts and the royal officials. i shall relate in general terms the litigations that they have had hitherto, and the decisions therein of that audiencia and the tribunal of accounts. book 7, folio 252. the first instance of litigation that i find was for the year 620, when the auditor of accounts claimed that the royal officials ought to deliver to him, not only the books and papers that he asked, but also the account in orderly form, in order that he might audit their general account of the preceding year. the royal officials answered thereto that they had never rendered that account, and that they were not bound to do so, but only to deliver to him the books and papers necessary for the verification [of accounts]. the tribunal decided in favor of the royal officials. book 7, folio 261, _et seq._ the second instance of litigation was in the year 625, the auditor of accounts claiming that the royal officials must deliver to him all the books, vouchers, and papers of the treasury for which he asked; and that he could take them to his house, without any time-limit in which they must be returned. the royal officials claimed the very opposite to the above. therefore, the audiencia decreed an act on january 2, 626, ordering the auditor of accounts not to take the said papers from the treasury, but to audit the said account there. the auditor of accounts (at that time luis de vera encalada) having entered a petition, the audiencia enacted on the twenty-seventh of the said month and year that, notwithstanding the above-mentioned act, the said auditor of accounts, in consideration of the ill-health that he alleges, may exercise his duties in his house; but that he may not demand any paper by act from the royal officials except in virtue of the act from the tribunal of accounts for this purpose which proceeds, in which he is under obligation to ask for the papers which shall be necessary. from those which shall be ordered to be delivered to him, he shall select what shall be necessary, and shall return them to the treasury in accordance with the ordinance. book 7, folio 344. the third instance of litigation was at that same period, on the question whether the auditor of accounts was to audit the accounts of private persons, who should have to account for royal revenues, or whether he was to review those concluded by the royal officials. the audiencia ordered that the said auditor of accounts should not audit accounts of that class. book 7, folios 77-79. after the year 628, the said tribunal of accounts ordered by an act that the auditor of accounts could make additions to and draw up results [_resultas_] from the accounts concluded by the royal officials, provided he do it in a separate blankbook without making notes in the royal books. the fourth instance of litigation was in regard to the question whether he was to be entitled "auditor of accounts" [_contador de cuentas_] or "auditor-arranger of accounts" [_contador ordenador de cuentas_]. the royal officials claimed that it should be the second, saying that the name "auditor of accounts" belongs only to those of the three tribunals of lima, santa fe, and mexico, according to the provision of august 24, 605, and the ordinances therein cited. the auditor of accounts claimed that this name belongs to him by virtue of his office, and because he has always been so called. the ordinances give him that name, as appears by ordinance forty-two given above, and in the warrants despatched by the governors. the audiencia decreed an act february 14, 626, ordering that he shall not be called "auditor of accounts," but "auditor-arranger of accounts of the royal treasury;" since the auditing of the accounts does not belong to him, but only the arranging of them, so that the president and auditors, the judges of the accounts, may audit them, and conclude and remit them, as is ordained. thus was he styled until the visitor altered it. the last and most acrimonious lawsuit was in regard to the form of the sworn relation which the royal officials must give to the auditor of accounts, in order that he may audit the general accounts of each year. upon this point arose the charge in the visit, the examination of which was the cause of my being ordered to compile this paper. in that contention, the royal officials have claimed that they do not need to give a sworn statement of the amounts that ought to be collected; but that the auditor of accounts must charge himself with that duty in the general account of each year. in case that the royal officials have to give a sworn statement, [they claim] that it is to be only of the debts incurred during their time; and that they do not need to give a general sworn statement, but only a statement of those kinds of royal revenue which are received into that treasury, and are current through their administration--and not of other things which, although they belong to his majesty, do not enter into that treasury; and which are disbursed before they enter it, and pass through other hands. they allege that in these islands a very different account of the royal revenue is usual from that furnished in other provinces. they availed themselves, for all three points of this claim, of the same sections of the ordinances on which the charge was founded, namely, the sections 14 and 22 of "tribunals of accounts, the decree of the year 605," and section 20 of the decree of the year 60 [_sic_] explanatory of the tribunals--which, copied word for word, are as follows: "book 7, folio 5, section 14. _item_: we ordain and command that at the time and when the said accounts are to be audited and completed, and before anything else, both the said our royal officials and other persons--of whatever estate, rank, and condition they may be--who may have received, and have had or have, the duty of receiving and collecting our revenue, must deliver--and they shall deliver--to the said our auditors of accounts, sworn statements, signed with their names, of all that they have received, and all that has been delivered to them, as well as what they have disbursed and distributed. they shall take oath, in the form required by law, at the foot of the said sworn statements, that everything therein contained is accurate, faithful, and true; and that they have not received more maravedis than those entered in their accounts, and that they have [actually] paid out all that which is entered therein as spent and disbursed. they shall bind themselves, with their persons and possessions, that if at any time it appear and be found that they have failed to enter anything of what they have received, or have entered as disbursed any sum in excess of what they have honestly and truly paid out, they shall pay such sum, together with a fine of a sum three times as large--to which we declare them immediately condemned, and order that the penalty be executed on their persons and possessions. one-third part shall be given to the denouncer, one shall be placed in our exchequer, and the remaining third shall be given to the judges who sentence and decide the matter." "section 22. furthermore, the said our auditors of accounts shall audit and conclude the final account of the said our royal officials of the said our indias for the year preceding, in the year immediately following, without delaying or extending the time, under any consideration whatever--except that of our royal officials of the province of chile, and of the persons in whose possession enters the money that we order to be supplied from piru for the expenses which shall be incurred there; and the accounts of the filipinas islands, which, as those islands are so remote and out of the way, shall be audited every two years. all the said our officials of the said our royal treasuries which we possess in the said our western indias, shall be obliged to go, or to send persons with their powers and sufficient authority, to render their accounts before the said our auditors of accounts, except those who shall audit the accounts of our royal officials of the imperial city of potosi, which shall be done as will be declared hereafter. and in the said accounts that shall be audited and concluded for all, entry shall be made of all the said our incomes and duties, which pertain and ought to pertain to us in any manner, in the said year as abovesaid, notwithstanding that they may say and allege that they have not collected nor can collect it; and the balances of their total shall be struck. if they shall present sufficient evidence from which it appears that they made the efforts necessary at the time when they were obliged, and that they were unable to collect it, they shall be given a brief respite from paying such balance, which, as above said, shall have been struck against them, which time shall be long enough for them to collect it or place it in the said our treasury. and should they, upon the expiration of that time, not have executed it or presented sufficient evidence that they have made the efforts necessary for its collection, they and their bondsmen shall be proceeded against by the full rigor of law, in order that they may place and deposit the amount due in the said our royal treasury. in regard to this action, the necessary executions and investigations shall be made, and by maravedis of our treasury. if it shall appear from the evidence that they shall present, that they have made the necessary efforts, and have been unable to collect, and that they have discharged their duty in this regard, the amount of their accounts shall be received on account, and the said our auditors of accounts shall make the new efforts that appear expedient for its collection, until it shall have been paid into the said our treasury." "section 20 of the explanatory decree. book 7, folio 16. by section 22 of the ordinances of the said auditors of accounts, and by other royal decrees, is ordained the manner in which my royal officials of my royal revenues, and of the rest of my estate which is in their charge, with obligation to collect those revenues, or show sufficient efforts, shall be held responsible. i have been informed that the said auditors of accounts undertake, when they audit the accounts of the said my royal officials, to proceed according to this order; but that the said my royal officials are generally accustomed to appeal from some things, and bring a suit. that causes delay and other troubles, for the correction of which i ordain and command the said auditors of accounts to audit the accounts of the said my royal officials, charging them with all my incomes and the other property which must enter into their possession with obligation of collecting it, or else proving [that they have made] sufficient efforts for what shall not have been collected, in accordance with what has been enacted by the said ordinances for auditors [_contadores_] and other decrees; and in no manner shall the said my royal officials be allowed to appeal to the law until what has been ordained regarding this matter be observed and executed." book 7, folio 87. on those three sections the visitor based his charge and the royal officials their rebuttal. the visitor ordered that, notwithstanding what they alleged, the royal officials should give a sworn statement of the collections made and of those still due, for the general account of the year 631. in charge 3. the disadvantage and loss to the royal treasury alleged by the visitor, because the statements are not so given, is that that has resulted in there being more than sixty thousand pesos of royal revenue to collect, of which results [_resultas_] have been made in the visit against the said royal officials, besides others that are being made. point 3 in regard to the inconveniences from having this office or tribunal in those islands, i do not find that the royal officials of the islands, who are the ones who could best make such a representation, have made it. they have only opposed the jurisdiction and authority that the auditor of accounts has possessed or claimed to possess for the exercise of his duty; and they declare that the tribunal of accounts of those islands, which is composed of the governor and two auditors [_oidores_] is the one that truly holds and exercises this ministry of the auditing department of accounts, and that the auditor [_contador_] whom they call "auditor of accounts" cannot be that official, and cannot be so called, but only "auditor-arranger of accounts." they say that it is not fitting for one man alone to be superior to the tribunal of the royal officials, for thereby is lost their authority and the superiority and influence that they ought to have for the efficient management and exercise of their duties; and that the expenses incurred with the said auditor of accounts and his clerks ought to be dispensed with, for the said reasons. in this regard what appears from the records of the visit is that governor don juan de silva, in a treasury meeting held in the year 610 (book 7, folio 301), resolved to assign to the auditor of accounts and results [_resultas_] (joining those two offices, which had up to that time been divided) a salary of 1,000 pesos of common gold per annum, payable from the royal treasury, for the work of both offices. until that time, it appears that the auditors of accounts had had only one official notary of accounts, with 250 pesos of salary per annum. by the said resolution it was raised to 300 pesos; and the clerks were increased by three, each with 200 pesos salary per annum--in consideration of the fact that there were many accounts in arrears to catch up with, and that the said two offices were joined into one. other appointments resembling the one aforesaid were made in the persons of pedro de leuzarra, in the year 618, and luis de vera encalada, in the year 620. at this time the said chief official notary of this exchequer was given a salary of 450 pesos, without its appearing when or why this increase was granted; and that same practice was continued. in the year 626, alonso garcia de la vega was appointed with the title of "auditor-arranger" (book 7, folio 65), in accordance with the act of the audiencia above mentioned. in the year 629, juan baptista de zubiaga was appointed [_in the margin_: "memorial, folio 266, book 1, folios 49, 128"] with the title of "auditor-arranger," and four clerks, of whom we shall treat at the end of this paper, its proper place. against the statements of the royal officials, in regard to its being possible to avoid those expenses, the auditor of accounts, luis de encalada, stated in the year 625, in the suit that he had with them, that they could not be avoided, for the tribunal of accounts, consisting of the governor and two auditors [_oidores_] cannot personally arrange or audit them, both because of their occupations and because it is outside their profession; and their only duty is to dispose of the uncertainties and results [_resultas_] which may be proposed to them by the auditor of accounts. [point 4] papers of the secretary's office. in regard to the advantages in having this office or tribunal, it seems that governor don alonso faxardo, in a letter of august 10, 619, [74] petitioned your majesty to have intelligent persons sent as clerks; and informed your majesty that he had appointed pedro de leuzarra, a trustworthy person, auditor of accounts, because of the incompetency of francisco lopez tamayo. the council, upon examining that letter, decreed, november 17, 620, that persons be named for that office, and that it was to be filled from that time thenceforth by his majesty; and accordingly the appointment by the governor must cease. that decree does not appear to have had any effect; for since that time and until the present, as has been seen, the governors have filled that office, notwithstanding that the council gave that advice in the said year, and your majesty granted the office to alvaro de revolledo. as it was then believed that the salary of this office was 500 pesos, the said alvaro de revolledo petitioned that it be increased to 2,000 ducados or to 510,000 maravedis, the same as that of the royal officials of those islands, so that he could exercise the said office with greater authority. no decision was made on the petition, and the said alvaro de rebolledo was afterward appointed to the accountancy of san miguel de piura, with a salary of 300 pesos ensayados. the tribunal of accounts of mexico state, in a letter of june 27, 625, that they have seen the necessity, from what they have examined of the accounts of the said filipinas islands, of sending a person to visit them who can adjust affairs pertaining to the expenses of the royal estate of those islands, and lay down a system [of conducting them] for the future. the person who must go should be of the ability, authority, and qualifications that the matter demands. he should be highly compensated and honored, in order that his office be respected and the end in view obtained. it is the most important action for your majesty's service, and has most need of reform. it appears that the said alvaro de rebolledo again petitioned, in the year 626, that his warrant be despatched to him, with the salary that your majesty might be pleased to grant him, so that, its value being known, he might be able to fulfil his duties. february 19, 626, it was decreed by the council that he should be heard. thereupon, the council ordered the viceroy to investigate this matter, and to submit a relation of whatever had happened in regard to the office of auditor of accounts of manila, and whether this office is necessary, whether it be for life, and what are its qualifications and duties; and of the tribunal of accounts. in obedience to this order, the viceroy, marquis de cerralbo, in a letter of may 22, 627, states that what he understands is that it is necessary that this office be permanent, and that very suitable persons trained in the tribunal of accounts and the other duties of the royal estate, should be found [for it]; and that it will be advisable that the official who should exercise it be approved by the governor of filipinas. the tribunal of accounts of mexico, in a letter of may 28, of the same year 627, sent a report regarding the aforesaid which had been drawn up, by order of the viceroy, by one of the auditors [_oidores_] of the tribunal, gaspar bello de acuña. in this it is declared that it is necessary that not only should the accounts of the royal treasury in manila be audited, but also the accounts of all the royal estate which should be in the keeping of any person whatever; for this was a thing that has never been customary there, or had regular course, because of the resistance offered by the royal officials. the said accounts are of much more importance than any others; and it is therefore important to appoint a person who is thoroughly competent and reliable to inspect everything pertaining to the royal estate of the said islands; for the accountants hitherto appointed have been remiss in their proceedings. that has arisen from the poverty of the country, and from all being united there; or because those who try to proceed with any show of thoroughness in your majesty's service do not find aid in those who can give it in a matter that is of so great importance; and because this office, from what is understood of the condition of the royal estate in those islands, is subject to ordinary occupation and residence, and has a salary of one thousand pesos per annum. since not more than one is appointed, he will need a clerk to help him in the methodical arrangement of the said accounts, and what is dependent on them. for the said office of accountant, a fully competent person, and one of abilities, will be needed. he should be well equipped, and honored with the necessary writs of prohibition for matters pertaining to his office, and with the privileges that may pertain to it. it is advisable that he should be sent as visitor of all things that concern the royal estate, to audit the accounts that are to be audited, and review those that are concluded, notwithstanding the visitor-general appointed; for the latter cannot have the intelligence, experience, and method which your majesty orders to be exercised in such matters--which are understood only by those who have gained their knowledge in the chief bureau of accounts of those kingdoms. such a person can be appointed with a time-limit, and, at the expiration of that time, he may return; and another man of skill and experience may remain as the ordinary and usual one, with the title of "auditor of accounts" for your majesty; and he should receive the ordinary salary that your majesty cares to grant him, and have a clerk to help him. the council, upon examination of the above-mentioned reports, decreed on december 6, 627, that the papers that occasioned them should be collected, and taken to the council. from that time, it does not appear that anything pertaining to this matter has been done in or out of the council until the year 631, upon the arrival of the visitor, licentiate don francisco de rojas, at the said islands. he having found juan baptista zubiaga holding the said office of auditor-arranger of accounts and results [_resultas_], by the appointment of the governor in the year 629, ordered the said juan baptista to cease to exercise his duties, and to bring the papers in his charge to the visitor's office; and ruled that there the said juan baptista and diego ortiz de vargas, auditor [_contador_] of the visit, should together review all the accounts of the royal treasury and estate, with four other clerks. they were to receive the following salaries: the said diego de ortiz de vargas, 2,000 ducados; the said juan baptista, 1,000 pesos, the same as he had received before [when exercising his office]; to one clerk 400 pesos, to another, 350, to another 300, and to the fourth 200. later, at the end of the visit in the year 633, the said visitor gave the said juan baptista de zubiaga the title of "auditor of accounts and results" [_resultas_] with a salary of 1,000 ducados per annum, increasing his salary [_in the margin_: "memorial, folio 266"] because of the extra work which he would have in collecting [the amounts due from] the results [_resultas_] which remained drawn in his possession. he was to get a confirmation from your majesty for the increase, namely, from the 1,000 pesos which he received before to the 1,000 ducados assigned to him by the visitor, within six years. besides the above, he was to have two clerks to assist him and commission to audit all the accounts, both general and private, pertaining to the royal estate. [_in the margin_: "the title is to be found in the collection of papers for the claim of this man in regard to the confirmation."] he made rules in regard to its execution, and ordered them to be obeyed and observed, and to be inscribed in the royal books for that purpose. although the royal officials were opposed to both things, the visitor ordered them to obey the enactment. because the said royal officials refused to inscribe the said ordinances in the royal books, he fined them five hundred ducados apiece, which remained in the royal treasury. he had those ordinances inscribed in the books, getting the books for that purpose from the royal treasury, for the royal officials refused to do it [_in the margin_: "memorial, folio 266"]. in the report made for your majesty by the said visitor in the year 634, regarding the visit, he states that he thinks that those islands have the greatest need of a tribunal of the bureau of accounts, so that the accounts of the royal treasury may be audited there annually for the preceding year, and results made of all for which warrants have been improperly issued, and that has failed to be collected, thus avoiding the delays which have occurred hitherto. it is very necessary to have not only the said auditor of accounts appointed by him in the said bureau of accounts, but also a greater force of men and more authority in the said bureau of accounts. if that course had been pursued hitherto, it is undeniable that so great a quantity of funds would not have been badly administered, lost, and uncollectible. in his opinion, those islands have much greater need of a tribunal or a bureau of accounts than of an audiencia, president, and auditors [_oidores_]. by a certification given by the said auditor of accounts and of the visit, juan baptista zubiaga, it appears that the results [_resultas_] drawn up against the royal officials and other private persons during the visit amounted to six hundred and ninety-five thousand and sixty pesos. the governor of filipinas, in a letter written to your majesty august 10, 634, [75] declares that it will be advisable that your majesty be pleased to send an auditor of accounts, and that such auditor should be a person of authority, who shall receive an adequate salary; and states that he who is holding that office _ad interim_ was a servant of one of the auditors [_oidores_] of those islands, and thinks more of spending his time in maintaining his friendships than in attending to what is necessary. he thinks that with the above appointment, and the correction of some recent ordinances, the condition of affairs would be improved. a report made from the secretary's office having been examined in the council on september 26, 635, regarding what appeared to be there on this matter, it was ordered that your fiscal should examine it; and that, after also examining what advices had been received concerning it and the letters of the visitor, he should inform the council in regard to it all. the said your fiscal declared that the ordinances and papers sent by the royal officials had come without authentication; and therefore, until they should come with that requisite, he had nothing to say. this defect no longer operates, for the above-mentioned ordinances have arrived duly authenticated, in the body of the [records of the] visit; and the officials, in a letter in which they set forth the objections to those ordinances, have sent some authenticated papers for the proof of their statements. on february 20, 637, the papers on the matter having been examined in the council, it was ordered that they be taken to your fiscal, with the rest of the papers concerning the visit that touch the royal estates and its accounts--so that, upon receiving his statement, the advisable decision may be made as to whether it is best to send an auditor of accounts to filipinas, or not. it does not appear that the said your fiscal has as yet answered. this is the condition that appears from the above-cited records; and your majesty will ordain the measures that seem best to you. the conquest of mindanao _letter from father marcelo francisco mastrili, [76] in which he gives account of the conquest of mindanao to father juan de zalazar, [77] provincial of the society of jesus in the filipinas islands._ _gratia, et pax christi, etc._ i would by no means have expected, father, your reverence's command to inform you of our expedition to mindanao, had you known that the letters which i wrote to father juan de bueras from lamitan had remained at sanboanga; because, since i recounted in them, with much detail, all the events of the conquest of mindanao, i asked him to read them to your reverence, so that, without fatiguing yourself with my separate letter, you might know what had happened. and now, having in obedience to your command, departed for taytay, i will here relate to you faithfully as much as i can remember. your reverence of course knows how don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor of these islands, having determined on the expedition to mindanao, called a general council of war, in which all were of adverse opinion, saving only his nephew, sargento-mayor don pedro hurtado de corcuera. in spite of this, constrained by desire for his own glory, and for the honor of the two majesties, the human and the divine, he resolved, notwithstanding the contrary opinion of the entire council, to persevere in his pious intentions. on the day, therefore, of the purification of our lady, february second of this year 1637, having with all the soldiers attended confession and communion in the chapels of the palace, he ordered them to embark in eleven champans, which were already provided for this purpose. father juan de barrios and i embarked in the flagship with his lordship, and sargento-mayor don marcos zapata, whom he brought for a companion, and to sit at his table. the priest don juan, chaplain of the fleet, sailed on the almiranta, with sargento-mayor don pedro hurtado de corcuera; and an augustinian friar came, as confessor for the pampangos, in lorenço ugalde's champan. the previous day a letter had come from the archbishop, stating that there were eighty hostile caracoas at the island of mindanao; so his lordship, in order to surprise them, sailed with five champans for the opposite and outer coast of the island, and directed captain ugalde to skirt the inner coast, with the rest of the boats, as far as point nasso, [78] on the shore of the island of othon. the fact that they found no trace of enemies anywhere, stamped the report as false, and as inspired by the effort of the devil for the purpose of hindering us in our journey; for we were compelled, by taking this route, to toil for more than twelve days in order to cover the distance of twelve leguas to this point nasso in othon, the brisas being dead ahead when we attempted to round the cape. one day when (an opportunity offering) we were trying to double it, the fury of the wind and the sea was so great that we broke the steering-gear, and there was great danger of the ship's foundering, and of our being drowned. i would have been drowned more quickly than anyone else, for, being at the stern, i became entangled with the sheets of the sail, [79] at the time of the furious and unexpected turn which the ship (being no longer under control) gave, through the force of the wind. so great, in fact, was the rage and pain which the evil one suffered on account of our expedition, and what he already feared [from it] that, as i afterward knew with certainty, he often complained to a certain person, speaking in an audible voice in the woods, saying: "why come ye? what do ye seek? who brought you here? curses on you; i will deprive you of life, and we will have done with this!" i did not believe this at the time, as coming from the father of lies; but he taught us later, by experience, how much he did to make his word good. now, although all these things were enough in themselves to cause some trouble, yet the most agreeable conversation of his lordship, with the pious division which he made of the hours of the day, left the evil one no opportunity. for, in the morning, father juan de barrios and i said mass; there with his lordship we recited the canonical hours, the office to our lady, matins, and the prayers for the dead; in the afternoon at vespers, the same prayers, and the holy matins, and the prayers to the virgin; in the early evening we had the _salve_ [_i.e._, "hail, mary"], with the public litany; and at night prayers for the souls in purgatory, usually relating some miracle, which was of great profit to many. nor need your reverence think that we lost any time because of the contrariety of the winds at point nasso that i mentioned; for orders were despatched to the pintados islands by the indian volunteers, and sent to othon with the _falua_ [80] by adjutant don francisco olozaran--who returned in a champan with the father rector of othon, father francisco angel, [81] and father gregorio belin. the latter was going from samboanga to manila to give his lordship the news of the victory won by sargento-mayor nicolas gonçalez over seven caracoas from mindanao, which were returning, with some slaves and sacred ornaments, from plundering the islands. the father rector brought with him from othon excellent provisions, and afterward he gave the whole fleet much better at iloilo. his lordship arrived at that place with the aforesaid father, in the falua, three days before we did, in order to have time to visit the fort, and see whether the boats of captain briones were prepared for the relief of our troops in mindanao. on the arrival of the champans, father angel disembarked, to return to his mission in the island of negros; and the father rector of othon embarked in captain martin monte's champan, with his lordship's orders for samboanga, which place we reached on the twenty-second of february. here his lordship commanded that neither the [cannon of the] fort nor the musketry should be discharged at his approach, in order not to make a noise and thus make his presence known; and for the same reason he ordered that no vessels should go out of the river. in spite of all this corralat soon knew of his coming, through the son of a chief of basilan, who at that time was imprisoned in the fort of samboanga, with orders that he was not to be released except upon urgent request by the [jesuit] fathers, so that in this way they might secure the goodwill of the moros. the next day general communion was proclaimed, together with an indulgence and full jubilee for the whole camp, for the first sunday in lent--his lordship obliging all the soldiers to give certificates of confession and communion to their officers; and he had his own servants do the same thing, for i found him one day collecting the certificates with his own hands. all this was done with great fervor, and with many general confessions, in which the continual discourses and sermons of those days aided greatly. all received communion on sunday with his lordship, the blessed sacrament being exposed, and all were present later at father berlin's [_sic_] sermon. in the evening, at the time of replacing the host, his lordship was again present with all the soldiery, because he had appointed me in the morning to preach the evening sermon on the reverence and devotion necessary to be observed in church, in the presence of so great a majesty. this i did to the best of my ability, at the end inspiring the soldiers for the campaign, and inciting them to battle by showing them, painted on canvas, [82] a figure of christ, whose feet and right arm the moros had cut off; in the middle of it they had made a large hole, using the cloth as a _chinina_, or small mantle. this a moro actually wore, and they killed him while he had it on, the day when nicolas gonçalez captured the caracoas. father berlin brought it with the sacred ornaments to his lordship; and he, knowing that i had been on the lookout for some such thing in manila, as soon as he saw it at point nasso, gave it to me. when i showed this image to the soldiers, and exhorted them to avenge with arms the injuries of the holy christ, such were the tears, and so great the tender devotion and holy desire for vengeance with which they were fired, that (as they afterward told me) they would, on leaving the church, have been willing to offer battle with all the world [against them]. the effects were very marked, and much tenderness [of feeling was displayed], so that at last it was openly said that the mother who had no sons in this glorious enterprise was very unfortunate. with this fervor and so excellent preparation, the champans departed on the trip to mindanao, [83] which is sixty leguas from samboanga, on the third of march, and on the fourth all the rest of us set out, with his lordship, in eleven caracoas. in all, four companies embarked, three of spaniards, and one of pampangos. his lordship's company consisted of a hundred and fifty soldiers; nicolas gonçalez had one hundred, and ugalde as many more, who were seamen; the master-of-camp had that of the pampangos. i would not fail to write of what happened on tuesday, when the champans departed. we all wished that his lordship would not go until saturday, that we might see whether some of the indian scouts would not return in the meanwhile; but i did not wish to ask it from him until i had commended the matter to god. i asked the father rector to say mass to st. francis xavier for my intention, and i also said it. then we withdrew into a room, and, after suitable prayer, his lordship opened the book of the letters of that saint (which i hold to be a divine guide), pointing out beforehand the part which was to be read, and these were the words: _many times we think that our own opinion might be better; nevertheless, we must leave affairs to him who governs them, if we wish to succeed._ the will of the saint was plain to be seen, nor did i desire to contrive further speech about the arrangements with his lordship. and truly all things were guided by heaven in order to give him the glorious victory which he attained--to the confusion of the moros and the undeceiving of the indians, who now know that the spaniards can, when they choose, fight in their territory without them. in the gulf of la silanga we met with a very severe and dangerous tempest, of which we rid ourselves by exorcisms and sacred relics, as is our way in dealing with things evidently planned by the evil one. here nicolas gonçalez waited with eight caracoas to tow the champans through la silanga, which is a strait of the sea two leguas long, between the great island of mindanao and another and small island. his lordship, with four of the caracoas, went to punta de flechas, so called from the ceremony and superstition of the moros in shooting arrows at one of its rocks when they are returning to their own country, to show their thankfulness to mahomet. here we remained for two days, awaiting the vessels of the fleet; during this time i said mass on shore, having beforehand uttered tremendous conjurations against the evil one, as holy mother church is wont to do, with her exorcisms, holy water, etc. then our people burned all the arrows, of infinite number, that were fixed on that headland, with a thousand other things--articles of food, such as fish, eggs, etc.--which, as a sign of their devotion, they are wont to leave fastened to the rock with black pegs. we set up a number of crosses in different places, and then the name of the place was solemnly changed to punta de san sebastian, in order that that saint, with his holy arrows, might complete the destruction of those infernal and accursed ones which for so many years have vexed us. the name was given also in commemoration of the fact that don sebastian [_i.e._, corcuera] has been the first governor to cast anchor here and to round this cape; besides this, the marvelous fall of this rock in the night when nicolas gonçalez fought within sight of it, we all attribute to this saint, who desired to give to don sebastian pledges for the glorious campaign of mindanao, since only that part of the rock fell which faced toward mindanao--as we all saw with wonder. while we were here, a light vessel came from the enemy to reconnoiter our fleet; our falua gave chase, but, being very far away, could not overtake it. we, however, encountered a small boat containing four of our indian captives who had fled from the enemy; they informed us that several javanese ships were on the point of departure from mindanao, laden with christian slaves. i confess to your reverence that this was not news to his lordship, but he was cut to the heart by the misery of so many souls, and he at once decided to sail night and day in order to overtake the ships. this holy zeal was the sole and true reason for his pushing on without halt till he came up with them, instead of waiting for his fleet; and he was well rewarded by heaven with so fortunate a victory, as your reverence will see. now the evil spirit, who for so many years had dwelt at this punta de flechas, undertook to oppose us and hinder our advance. for three times, by the violence of the wind and sea, we were turned back; and the fourth time, without any contrary wind, we remained motionless for more than an hour, although our caracoa had ninety _barrigas_ (as they call rowers on the pintados islands). thus the work of the evil one was plainly to be seen; but, by casting a few holy relics into the sea and pronouncing exorcisms, as before, we soon passed on. these deceptions and obstacles of the invisible enemy being overcome, we came in sight of mindanao, without recognizing it, on friday the thirteenth of march, with four caracoas. when i had finished saying mass--this was before dawn--his lordship embarked in the falua, and with only six soldiers went to reconnoiter the place, to sound the rivers and harbors of the coast, and to see whether any moro who could serve as a guide might be captured, for we had none. he pursued several of them up to their own shore, discharged two muskets at them, and nevertheless they fled up the river, abandoning their vessels. in response to these shots, the report of a cannon was heard from inland; this gave us much cause for fear, seeing that his lordship was so bold, and we dreaded lest he had engaged with the enemy. then we recited the litany, and other prayers; and, rowing as fast as possible, met them coming back. the governor embarked in his caracoa at eleven o'clock in the morning, and placed in order all four of the caracoas, with the two champans of our fleet--those of captains don rodrigo and ugalde, which had arrived three days before, and captured three caracoas from the enemy. [84] from another direction there came, under a white flag, a letter from the recollect fathers whom the moros held captive there, that [our men?] should inform them of what was going on. he cast anchor near the mouth of the river, where some huts were to be seen, without knowing what village it was; [85] and turning to me, said: "i will quarter my men in those cabins tonight." then he ordered all to eat; and having sent adjutant don francisco olazaran to land with twenty-five musketeers to seize the shore, and sounding the trumpets and the drums, discharging the ship's cannon in the direction of the harbor, his lordship disembarked, with all his soldiers--who, between spaniards and pampangos, amounted to seventy men. the sargento-mayor of the forces and the admiral of the fleet, don pedro hurtado de corcuera, drew up the forces on the beach, placing, at his lordship's direction, two field-pieces in the vanguard; and these were the terror of the enemy. here, after i had aroused and encouraged the soldiers with the [sight of the] miraculous picture of st. francis xavier on one side, and that of the holy christ (which i mentioned above) on the other--the two suspended from a lance--i walked between the vanguard and the body of the troops, with father juan de barrios, the augustinian father, and the chaplain of the fleet, which line of march we preserved during the whole campaign. at the time when we were disembarking one of our captive indians came swimming toward us from the land, and we learned from him that this was the port of corralat; but he was in such terror of the many musket-shots which the moros, on seeing us, fired at him from an ambuscade which they had prepared against our people, that he could tell us nothing more. and so we marched on without knowing whether in the aforesaid port there were any force of arms or soldiers; we took for granted that what had always been said of the place was true--namely, that all the defenses of corralat were upon the hill above, and not in the town below. yet because this was the cause of god, where human means failed, i besought his divine majesty, together with the saints, to illumine with especial light his lordship [the governor], so that, leaving the open road from the shore to the town, he should march with his soldiers by the road on the right. this route compelled us to cross the river twice, with considerable difficulty for the two cannon and for the person of his lordship, who plunged into the water with all the rest of the soldiers. in spite of all this, it saved us from two very great dangers: one of them the armed ambuscade on the left side of the road, in the thickly-wooded part of a little hill--which we could hardly have escaped, as the road was very marshy, and was blocked by reeds, fruit plantations, and houses. the other peril was even greater; all the cannon of the fort were trained in the aforesaid direction [toward the left], and could not harm us, because they could not be turned to the right. the truth is that they had trained two chambered culverins very low against our path at the foot of the fortification--which would doubtless have done us much injury, but, through their great fear and confusion, no one succeeded in firing them. after god had delivered us, without our knowing it, from perils so great, considering the small numbers of our expedition, his lordship was marching in the vanguard, by the road which he had miraculously chosen. we had crossed the river for the first time, and the artillery and musketry were soon clearing the field as far as a stockade near the river, where the moros made their first stand. here it happened that, upon his lordship's going forward for a moment to see what enemy lay behind the stockade, four moros set upon him with their campilans; he very swiftly faced about, to fire at them his gun, which a negro at his side always bore; and, not seeing the servant (for he had fallen a little behind), his lordship fell to with his sword, with such spirit that the moros, disheartened, soon fled. in spite of this, one of the moros--borongon, corralat's most valiant captain--going out most courageously from the other side of the stockade, tried to prevent our men (who were now ready to cross the river for the second time) from attacking the fort, which had been descried from this first stockade. he valiantly wounded two, and, for a third, attacked captain lorenço de ugalde who was leading half the troops in this direction--the rest, under captain don rodrigo, marching along the right bank of the river, where a great number of moros was now gathering. captain ugalde parried with his shield the first two blows of the campilan; and then, rushing in with his sword, gave borongon many wounds in the face, being unable to reach his breast because of the arms that the moro carried; but he forced him to retire. his retreat, however, availed but little, because of the furious musket-fire of our men; and finally don francisco olaceran's sword completed the work, and the moro captain went into the river. and now, after this man's death, our troops went on, without further resistance, to the fort. it was furnished with a new moat, and was full of arms; and it had eight pieces of artillery in bronze, twenty-seven culverins [_versos_], many muskets with rests [?; _de pinsote_], arquebuses, and other hand-arms. there was a garrison of more than two thousand moros for the fortress and the port, as we were told by sosocan (a moro friendly to us, and very well informed in regard to the equipment and strength of corralat). all this profited them little, however; for so pressing was our attack that very soon we were masters of all, and alférez amesquita raised his flag above the fort. many moros had been killed, and the rest fled badly wounded, as we learned on the following day from our prisoners. at this place we killed the commander of the fort, a grandson of corralat--the son of one of his daughters, who had married the lord of the lake [86] [country]--a very spirited youth, of whom his grandfather was very fond. he had that day vowed to mahomet not to abandon the fort until his death, and thus he fulfilled his promise. seeing now our flags on the enemy's stockade, we soon, with his lordship, crossed the river for the second time; and climbing up on the other side, i also raised my standard, that of christ and st. francis xavier. we all sang the _te deum laudamus_; and, after his lordship had given the name of st. francis xavier to the fort and had left alférez amesquita as its governor, with a garrison of soldiers, we advanced to the rear of a stockade which corralat defended with its one cannon, and to the mosque. here the moros had rallied for the last time, trusting in what their captain-general [_condestable_] had told them, that they were not to retreat until they saw him fall. he believed, by some witchcraft or other, that our bullets could not injure him; and he had had proof of this, for once a ball had broken the bone of his leg, crippling him, but without breaking the skin or drawing blood. in this confidence, he came out with his men to defy us, but captain zubire at once leveled his musket at him, and sent two balls through his forehead; this was the only portion of his body uncovered, the rest of it being protected by an english shield. the wretched man fell dead on the spot, and instantly all the rest in the stockade and the mosque lost courage, left their arms, and fled with all possible speed to the woods. at this same time don rodrigo, marching with his detachment between the slope of the hill and the river, charged the enemy so valiantly that by force he compelled them to abandon all their ships--which, for fear of us, they had hidden two days before in a broad inlet to this same river. here they thought the ships would be safe, because they had brought them in so quietly, and because the place was so far away from the mouth of the river. thus in a little more than half an hour we gained possession of all below [the hill], and we would have captured the heights above on the same day, had we had all our forces, for the moros fled in so great fright that corralat himself had covered his face with mud so as not to be recognized by our men. this was told us by one of his servants, a christian, who came to us the following morning, reporting a great number of moros wounded--especially the king of the lake, who was suffering with a bullet-wound in the breast; he had come to celebrate some marriage, that of a cousin of his with a daughter of corralat. from this captive, and others, we learned that corralat had desired, in any event, to surrender to the governor, but that the christians had not consented to this, and had persuaded him to make a defense, promising that they would fight in the front rank. this promise they fulfilled, especially the day of the assault upon the hill, for it was they who did us the most injury; but they paid the penalty of this advice, not only with the property which we took from their ships, but with their lives, which the moros themselves took in anger at their bad advice. after the fight, the soldiers commenced to sack the houses; and the governor, having seen all the ships as far as the river above, retired with those who had accompanied him, to the mosque. here the first thing that was done was to take the great chair of mahomet, with his books and other paraphernalia, and burn them. what we saw when we came to take out this throne certainly surprised us; for, before we reached the fire, two most venomous serpents came out from the feet of the chair, terrifying the soldiers greatly. and truly, nothing other than serpents and poison ought to guard the chair of the great devil of mindanao. when the chair was burned, together with all else that savored of superstition, we consecrated the mosque to our lady with the _salve_; and early the next morning (which was saturday, the fourteenth of march), having dedicated the church to god with the title of "our lady of good fortune," we commenced to say masses in it, at a very beautiful altar, which served us during the twelve days while we were there. this same mosque, being very large and conveniently situated, served for headquarters; his lordship and the other captains lodged there, the other houses round about being used for the soldiers--although our being on the bank of the river, very near the woods, and somewhat distant from the fort, brought it about that every night the moros attacked us. because of the continual showers of rain that fall at night, they might have given us a great deal of trouble (since we cannot use firearms when it is wet), if his lordship's wise arrangements and planning had not provided for everything; for after having fortified the road to the hill with a very strong ravelin guarded by soldiers, etc., great fires burned every night around the camp. the sentinels continually called out the watchword; and all the sargentos-mayor and captains, and often his lordship himself, made the rounds. the moros, therefore, seeing us always vigilant, dared not attack us openly, but a few of the bravest tried their fortune in attacking us, and these were often at the mouth of the river, when our men were going to or from the fleet. one night, returning from visiting the sick, i was there in a small champan, with only captain rodrigo and four sangleys--who, in their fear, not seeing the way ran the boat on a shoal. it certainly was a miracle of god that the moros did not notice this; for, if they had, they would surely have killed us. i escaped at that place another great danger, for, not knowing that by day the moros lay continually in ambuscade in some little huts quite a distance from the fort, i went each day among them; and it pleased god that they never saw me. when his lordship learned of these ambuscades, he ordered the huts burned. the vessels which were in the river the first day could not be taken to the fort until the next day, the tide being low. there were more than thirty of these ships--large, medium-sized, and small--the greater part of them laden with a thousand things, especially five or six very large vessels from java, full of wax, oil, rice, and other articles of merchandise. all our people had the benefit of these things, except of a certain quantity of wax, which was kept for the king, together with a great number of arms. there were eight cannon of bronze, with ladles; twenty-seven versos, a cast-iron pedrero, a great many chambers for versos, and more than a hundred muskets and arquebuses; and an infinite quantity of bullets, iron, powder, arrows, and _sompites_, a kind of little arrow which they shoot by means of blowpipes [87]--so poisonous that, unless very powerful remedies are soon applied, it kills in a few hours. other implements of warfare were found in the powder-house, which we used as barracks for the pampangos. the next day the rest of the champans and caracoas of our fleet began to arrive, and the governor at once appointed captain mena as head of the fleet for all the time while we should be at mindanao. for governor of fort st. francis xavier, he chose sargento-mayor palomino, who fortified it and put it in order, fencing it in on all sides, with its port-holes and defenses, and adding around it a hidden rampart with embrasures, so that it could contain two ranks of artillery and musketry. on this enterprise don pedro hurtado de corcuera worked very hard, for he is especially skilled in the flemish mode of fortification; and the governor himself gave the plan for the building and his hands for the work, turning the first earth with the spade. two days more, sunday and monday, were spent in making many sorties and in burning many neighboring places, captain rodrigo with his men traveling by land, and captain ugalde with his, by sea, until they reached the former dwelling of corralat, which is called puerto de las savanillas. [88] they burned all the houses, together with many other villages and some large ships which they found concealed in a river. the other soldiers who remained in the camp busied themselves in launching all the sunken caracoas (which were many) with which the moros were wont to make raids; and in searching out whatever was buried. this included many chambers for versos; also iron, wax, and three bells--besides the large one which stood at the door of the mosque, mouth upward, full of water in which the moros washed their feet before entering the mosque. on this sunday morning, his lordship sent also to samboanga a moro caracoa full of our christian prisoners and sangleys, who had been coming in great numbers to the camp since the first day, especially on saturday morning. at the same time, a boat came by way of the river with the indian who had been our prisoner for many years, accompanied by twelve others of his household--his wife, his son, his father-in-law, etc., most of them moros. at the stern of the boat was a large cross with a white flag suspended from it. this sight, you may be sure, drew tears of joy from us all, at seeing the spoils so valiantly snatched away from the great devil of mindanao. i was caused some anxiety by the coming that saturday morning of a certain moro, who appeared, his whole body covered with mud, and came up the river in a small boat with two fowls, asking to be taken to the señor aria (for thus they call the governor of these islands, this word meaning "king" in their language), for he wished to present the fowls to him with his own hand. questioned as to the cause and motive for his coming, he said he was driven by hunger and necessity, because they had nothing to eat up on the hill; so would all have to come [to us] in a few days. events showed this to be false, for a great quantity of provisions was found there later, confirming my suspicions and those of others. it must have been a trick contrived by the devil and his ministers against our captain-general, who, conducting himself on this occasion (as on others) with great prudence and diplomacy, commanded without seeing the man, that he should be handed over to sosozan--a moro who was friendly to us, and had come with us from samboanga--who was to hand him over to the governor of the fort. this was done, and thus, without knowing it, we were saved from a great danger. when matters at the fort and the port below were settled, and all the ships burned except three or four, which were kept to take back to samboanga, nicolas gonçalez arrived, on monday evening, the sixteenth, with the rest of our fleet. a great tempest had detained them after they passed la silanga, in which one caracoa was lost, under captain sisneros, but only a boy was killed. at once his lordship arranged affairs for marching upon the hill the next day. he ordered that biscuit and cheese for four days be given to the soldiers; and sargento-mayor don pedro, with adjutant don francisco olazaran, spent the whole night in making them confess--which confessions i received--not being content with their confessions at samboanga. at three o'clock in the morning masses began to be said, and at the end of the first his lordship made an address to the soldiers, in which he manifested his great zeal for the honor of god and his military experience. we had agreed that afterward i was to display [the images of] the blessed christ and st. francis xavier; but, to confess the truth to your reverence, i had no heart for it; and therefore i decided not to do so--as it were, a presage of what was to happen to us that day. when his talk was finished, his lordship sent sargento-mayor nicolas gonçalez with father melchor de vera (who had come with him from samboanga), with a hundred and twenty spaniards, thirty pampangos, and eighty indians to carry the packs, to cut off the enemy's retreat from the hill, and to descend by the same path to attack them. he assigned captain castelo to the advance-guard, and captain bererra with two famous spies (one a moro, the other a christian) to the rear-guard--ordering them to sound their trumpets beforehand, so that his lordship might attack at the same time from the other direction, and thus they could surround the moros. after nicolas gonçalez had gone, the governor drew up his troops, putting captain rodrigo at the head of the rest, and giving to each of the half-pay captains a troop of soldiers. the flags, a piece of artillery, the ammunition, and the provisions were with the body of the troops, and in the rear-guard were the pampangos; sargento-mayor don pedro was in the advance-guard, with captain don rodrigo; sargento-mayor palomino remained in the camp with a goodly number of soldiers, and with the father rector of othon as chaplain. the troops were drawn up, and at six in the morning we commenced our march very gayly. after going a legua and a half, we came upon a large town at the foot of the hill, very beautiful and quiet, full of fruit groves, bananas, and sugar-cane--but deserted by the moros on the previous night, as far as we could infer from the houses, and from the fire which was still consuming the king's fortified house; they had fired it, doubtless, for fear that his lordship would entrench himself in it, it being very well fitted for that. however, he ordered the adjutant, don martin, to fortify another house on the bank of the river with a good barrier, [89] a cannon, and a garrison of pampangos, to guard the packs and cover the retreat of the soldiers. then the rest of us crossed the river to reconnoiter the enemy's position; the water was breast-high. a little later, we crossed another creek, and commenced to climb a ravine full of coarse grass. here his lordship halted, and, seeing another road farther down, asked the guide whether that road also led to the hill. he said "yes;" but, upon being asked which was better, replied that both were very bad. then his lordship (a special light from heaven illuminating him) said: "if, in the opinion of this moro who is guiding us, both roads are bad, i prefer going by the other rather than by this one by which he is taking us." so he commanded the advance-guard to turn back and go by the other road. your reverence will soon see the special providence of god, and the protection of my glorious saint. at the other road (by which the moro was leading us) there were aimed three pieces of artillery, which could not be seen; and one of them might at least have destroyed the whole vanguard. when our chief gunner discharged the bronze cannon, which stood between two large iron ones, he found that it contained two great cannon balls, two crowbars, and three hundred musket-balls, with a double charge [of powder]. having escaped this danger we proceeded by the other road, by which, having crossed the river and the creek for the second time, we arrived at the foot of a hill. here we halted, and his lordship sent some of the advance-guard ahead to inspect the road, since from what could be seen at the beginning of the ascent it seemed very bad. they went to examine it, and soon word came back that after the first turn the road was better, so we all went up. the truth is that the overflowing courage, spirit, and desire for fighting which possessed the soldiers, those of the vanguard especially, made the road seem good to them; as a matter of fact, it was narrow, rough, and very dangerous on account of terrible precipices on each side. we had made two or three turns, up the hill, thinking to find some place where we could halt, when from two stockades on the right side of the mountain the moros commenced to fire upon us. a cannon ball came toward me, grazing me; but it was prevented by divine providence from inflicting any further injury than leaving its mark in the shape of a hole in my cassock. may god grant that by this wonderful escape i am reserved for some other and more glorious death! we all felt sure that there was no other stockade besides these two which we saw, when, at the third turn of the hill, the advance-guard came upon another, which we had not been able to see. they commenced to fight bravely from below it, but because the position of the stockade was very strong, and that of our men very cramped--hemmed in by formidable precipices, and exposed to all the guns and other weapons of the enemy (especially sompites, bacacayes, and stones)--no sooner would some of our men gain the little open place before the stockade than they would fall dead or wounded. for this reason, after having fought a good two hours, the fort could not be taken. during this time the four priests who went up the hill--father juan de barrios, the augustinian friar, the chaplain of the fleet, and i--remained at this place, confessing the wounded and encouraging the others. on the whole march, so far, i had not chosen to unfurl the standard of the holy christ and st. francis xavier; but at the time of the battle, my fervor and zeal being aroused, i did what the holy ghost bade me, and was thus constrained to give the banner to a soldier--who at my order went on ahead, further up the hill, to guard the person of his lordship, who had left me in order to reconnoiter the stockade from a nearer point. a ball came, which pierced the canvas of both the sacred pictures, but without touching the figures; at that time the saint was facing the stockade, and it has been positively learned (how, i know not) that that ball was intended by the evil one to kill a great personage, and the saint who stood before him saved him from it. i, seeing that our affairs were in such straits, offered on my part an earnest prayer to the saint; and afterward i said aloud to his lordship that he ought to make a vow to the saint that he would build him a chapel at san miguel. to this he replied with much spirit and generosity, "yes, father, and it shall be made very rich and very beautiful." i thought it best to designate that church, because it was that of the saint to whom st. francis xavier, when he was living, felt most devotion and love. i cannot deny that my heart was much troubled at this time, although not for fear of the bullets, which flew about us like mosquitoes, and made a terrifying noise in the trees; for i can truthfully assert to your reverence that i felt no trace of fear during this whole campaign, thanks to god, although i found myself in the greatest straits and perils of my whole life; and his grace comforted and aided me greatly in this emergency. forever blessed and hallowed be his holy name, _que attingit a fine, usque ad finem fortiter, et disponit omnia suaviter_, [90] who hath brought me by so many circuitous ways to a position so in accord with my life-long desires. thus, what distressed me on that day was not fear, but the sight of the bravest and most gallant soldiers either dead or wounded; nevertheless, it consoled me much to see them enter the battle with the names of christ and st. francis xavier on their lips, and die uttering the same words. over many was laid the standard containing these two images, which even bore some spots of blood. some were praying with their reliquaries and kissing them, others beseeching me for general absolution to prepare them for so glorious a death--obtained in avenging the injuries done to the holy christ (this was the common formula, as it were, of all)--and others at last, whom i could not reach, declared their sins publicly giving tokens of the great grief and contrition which they felt. there was one of these, in particular, who said three times: "sirs, tell such-a-one to pardon me; for money was given me in manila to induce me to murder him in time of battle, and i should have murdered him had not god brought me to this condition." truly, the depth of his contrition touched me greatly--only this one thing he had not confessed the night before; then i confessed nearly all the rest, and they received the sacrament with the utmost devotion. among the first wounded was captain ugalde, who had two bullet-wounds in his arms, and sargento-mayor don pedro hurtado de corcuera, with a musket ball which went through his right leg; so that this valiant cavalier, being no longer able to be upon his feet, remained for a long time upon his knees, encouraging the soldiers, although he was in great danger of being killed. he was in the very spot where they had wounded don rodrigo de guillestigui, who was a most distinguished soldier; for he fought continually, and remained all the time in the ditch of the stockade without coming out, even when he had a considerable wound. alférez amesquita succeeded in hoisting our flag over the fort, but with the utmost danger; for they nearly hurled him down, with a spear-wound in his head and several sompites in his throat. our men were fasting, and, besides that, laden with provisions and arms, and wearied by the march (which had been more difficult than long); but, like lions, they caused the moros much more fear in their death than if the port had been taken without bloodshed. the moros were terrified, too, by seeing our soldiers thus obstinately keep up the battle in a slaughter-house--for this place deserves no other name. and your reverence may be well assured that a million of spaniards could never have gained the height; for i believe that no one can possibly picture or imagine the strength of that place unless he were present at the attack. the truth is, that they passed from courage to rashness; for, by not ceasing to fight, they changed his lordship's orders (or else they heard them backwards) [as if he were] commanding the leaders to rally instead of ordering a retreat. then they counted on gaining the victory through the soldiers who were coming up behind (though most of them paid for this over-confidence with their lives), and were for a long time deceived with this hope. however, the real reason why the governor did not sooner order the retreat was that he was waiting for the instant when nicolas gonçalez should attack from above on the other side, for the latter had no more than three leguas to go; but, having found the road very bad, and being himself far from well, he could not get there till night. with these hopes, and with very many false tidings of victory, which were very often given, his lordship waited, and urged on the soldiers for full two hours in a very dangerous place, exposed to all the weapons of the enemy; but, seeing many dead and wounded, he pushed his way forward, and, with great danger to himself (and to all of us, if any mishap had befallen him), reached the little open space in full sight of the stockade. there he stood, in a furious storm of bullets, stones, bacacayes, and sompites, which killed and wounded many at his side--especially his armor-bearer, through whose helmet and skull they sent a bullet. now, having reconnoitered the place for more than half an hour, and seeing that it could not be taken by storm from this road (as a half-pay officer had told him a little while before), he expressed his annoyance at those who sought with lies to detain him and involve him more deeply, and ordered the retreat to be sounded. the enemy might, indeed, have done us much injury when we commenced the retreat; for the dead numbered eighteen, the wounded more than eighty, and the few who remained were very weary, and hampered by the aforesaid wounded men. besides this, the road was precipitous, and more difficult to descend than to climb. but god our lord, by the intercession of my glorious saint, blinded the enemy wholly; and the courage and prudent management of his lordship gave them no time to attack us. with the utmost courage, he went along as if nothing had happened, brandishing his naked sword--encouraging all; holding back the soldiers, so that they should retreat gradually; with his face always to the enemy, sending the men down; and having our drums and trumpets sounded, until we reached the house which adjutant don martin had fortified. when all were there, we saw on one side a great number of moros coming down a defile to prevent our retreat to the camp. a few cannon-shots were fired at them, and they quickly hurried back to the hill. his lordship wished to halt here and await the attack by nicolas gonçalez, but the smallness of his forces compelled him to retire, which he did, the drums beating, as before, until we reached the camp. the wounded were placed, for that night, in a cabin in front of the mosque; and in the morning we transferred them to the champans, burying three who had died. many were of the opinion that his lordship ought to retire that evening to the fort--a safer place, in case of attack--but he was not willing to display any weakness before the enemy, and so that night passed in great anxiety; for, if the moros were to come down, it would at least endanger the wounded. we learned from some of the captives that they really intended to attack us; but that, thinking the governor (for whom they mistook captain martin monte, [91] on account of his distinguished presence) had fallen on that day, they felt it necessary to give thanks first to mahoma for so great a victory, with many ceremonies and revels which they held that night, with the heads of our dead--as we ourselves guessed from the great number of lights which we saw at the same time on the hill. after this assault, when we retired at nightfall to the camp, the governor wrote to nicolas gonçalez, telling him of what had happened; and ordering him that if, by his position and the state of his troops, he thought he could take the hill, he should attack vigorously alone; but, if he thought that he could not succeed, he should contrive an honorable retreat to the camp, where they would arrange everything. he gave the letter to sosocan to send, but no one dared to take it, so it came back to the secretary. very early the next morning, i was saying mass, when cannon-shots and volleys of musketry commenced to be heard from the hill--a sign that our men were fighting. the whole camp was in a tumult, and his lordship ordered don pedro to march with all the able-bodied men by the same road that they had followed the previous day, in order to divide the enemy's forces, assuming that nicolas gonçalez was already engaged. i kept on with the mass, although with much difficulty, because of the many tears which the noise of the cannon called forth; and since the mass that i was saying was for our dead soldiers, i implored their blessed souls to obtain from god for us the victory for which they had spent their blood the day before. after mass, we said the full litany, and all engaged in prayer; it was an impressive thing to see the governor on his knees with tears in his eyes, his hands raised to heaven like moses of old, praying for aid, and that the victory might come to his troops. less than an hour had passed when two soldiers came with the news of the victory, and soon father melchor arrived with the enemy's flags. i will not write of the embraces, the merrymaking, and the joy in our camp, for your reverence can imagine it better than i can describe it. his lordship at once gave a banner to the soldiers who had brought the news, and by him he sent [the promise of] an encomienda to nicolas gonçalez. father vera related to us the story of the taking of the hill, as follows: they marched all day tuesday the seventeenth, the day of our attack, not because the way was so long, but so bad, as i have already said, and because nicolas gonçalez had to travel in a hammock. he was actually so weak and ill that, as he afterward admitted to me, his sword served him for a cane the day of the fight; and a boy had to support his arm, which he could not lift for the weight of his shield. they had various encounters with moros, but, in order to avoid noise, the order was given not to fight; and so on the way they killed only the cachice [_i.e._, kasis] of corralat, whom they found hidden in a thicket. they halted that night and fortified themselves in a height which overlooked the hill; and early on the morning of wednesday (the day of st joseph's vigil and of the glorious angel gabriel) nicolas gonçalez had urged on the soldiers, and told them that since there was no avenue of retreat open to them, there was nothing for it but to gain either the hill or heaven. they made a valiant attack upon the enemy, who were awaiting them behind a huge tree lying across the middle of the road--having no other stockades or ditches on this part of the hill, for they could not imagine that we would attack them there. they held their ground, fighting, for a time; but captain castelo, who was leading the vanguard, having crossed with some soldiers to the other side of the log, forced them to abandon their position. then he followed them with his troops, without difficulty or danger, on the rear as far as the stockades and forts, till he remained master of two of these with four pieces of artillery and the king's strong-house where he kept his treasure. many moros were killed, not only by our shots, but by rushing down in a furious and headlong flight through a very narrow ravine which was at the entrance of this very stockade where they expected us--falling, by a just judgment of god, into the very snares which they had laid for us. at the same time captain castelo met some moros who were coming to join the others--the garrison of the third stockade, which we had attacked the day before with our vanguard; and, with the same ease, he compelled them to flee and fling themselves down, he remaining master of the fort and its arms, which were muskets with rests, arquebuses, campilans, etc. the relatives and the men and maid-servants of corralat, with many of his people, who were taken prisoners on that day, said that the night before he had put under his feet a monstrance containing the blessed sacrament, which he had stolen, saying to all that there was nothing to fear, for he had the god of the christians already under his feet; and that, considering the great strength of his fortified hills and stockades, and the large quantity of provisions that they had, they would be quite safe, unless it rained men from heaven. but when, the next morning, they brought him word that our men were attacking from the rear, he said to his wife: "the spaniards have chosen a bad place for me" (reflecting that, as i have said, he had no defense for guarding the rear of the hill); "however, be of good courage, and wait here for me, for i am going to do to these what i did yesterday to the others." he went, and his wife, seeing that we were coming in, urged her women to fling themselves down with her, so as not to be captured. they, being more sensible, refused to do this, [92] and so they became our slaves; while the poor queen, with a child which she was holding in her arms, flung herself down and remained hanging from a tree. this was a cause of regret to us all, on account of the kind disposition which she possessed, according to the report given us by the father rector of dapitan, who knew her to be very friendly to our christian captives--sending them food secretly (especially to the religious), and reproaching her husband when he maltreated and abused them. after the queen had flung herself down, corralat, with a bullet-wound in one arm, came in search of her; and, seeing her already dead, he fled by one of those declivities, without being recognized, to some hamlets four leguas from the hill, where they say he is now recovering. none of our men died, thanks be to god; only seven or eight were wounded, and they are now well. don rodrigo--who had set out that morning, as i have said, with the other troops--learning en route of the victory, sent the soldiers to nicolas gonçalez as reënforcements, and himself returned to the camp. now your reverence will see whether we could ever have taken the camp by starvation, as they said we could; it contained grain-fields, banana patches, a brook of very pure water, and six or seven thousand baskets of rice--which for them was very extensive provision. nicolas gonçalez fortified himself with his troops in two places: captain bezerra, with fifty soldiers, occupied the king's house which had been set aside for his majesty [the king of spain], and nicolas gonçalez remained with the rest of the forces in the principal stockade where the artillery was; while they burned all the other stockades, and the houses, rice, and grain-fields, and brought down the four pieces of artillery. this they did in two days, to the admiration of all--even of the gunners, who held it to be impossible. those men would have abandoned them, if his lordship had not remained firm in his intention of not going until the cannon came down--not wishing corralat to say that the spaniards could not bring down what he had taken up, although he did it with two thousand indians, in six months, and our men did it in two days with four rowers [_barrigas_]. i cannot deny that the joy of that day was very great, but the death of the two recollect fathers distressed us greatly--his lordship having tried to the utmost of his power to deliver them from the moros. although they had captured three at pintados, one of them was killed by our own men [93] under nicolas gonçalez, on the day when he surprised the enemy's fleet at punta de san sebastian, formerly punta de flechas. one the moros killed on the day when we gained the lower port, because, when they were fleeing with their wives and captives to the upper fort, this good servant of god being unable to travel very fast on account of having been ill, they killed him with a shower of blows; and then hanged him, dead, from a tree so that we should see him from the camp. but, because we were at a distance, we could not, although we saw him, get possession of his body--especially as they took it away early the next day; and we were unable to find out what they did with it. the other father they killed on the hill, through rage, on the day that nicolas gonçalez won the hill--although he did not die until the following day, in the mosque below the hill, before the altar. it comforted him greatly to see already blessed, with the title of nuestra señora de la buen succeso ["our lady of success"], the building which a little while before had stood there dedicated to mahoma. five fathers whom we found at the camp were present at his death; and the next morning we buried him in the sea, not being willing to leave his sacred body to the hands of the barbarians. when i was washing him to prepare him for burial, i was astounded at the great number of wounds and cruel campilan blows with which they had mutilated his whole body; and then i wondered at his patience and endurance. the soldiers too admired the great zeal of this holy man, because, when they found him thus wounded in a corner of the fort, he did not complain, but immediately asked if there were any wounded soldier for him to confess. when he was told that he must not fatigue himself, and that we had brought a jesuit father for that very purpose, he was greatly rejoiced, and asked to have him brought so that he might confess to him; father melchor de vera came up at once. when, they brought him down to the camp, i was with the sick on the fleet; they told me (but not till evening, when i returned) that his lordship had performed acts of kindness for the father, in keeping with his devotion--helping to bring him in and place him in the bed, giving him food with his own hands, washing the blood from his wounds, and comforting him with tender and loving words, especially when the surgeon commenced to treat him. inasmuch as his clothing adhered to his wounds by reason of his having passed a day and a half without attention, the pain of pulling the garments away was very great; and, when he winced a little, his lordship was at once at hand with the story of the passion of our lord, and found it so efficacious that, as he afterward declared to me, the father did not utter another word, nor offer any other resistance, but exhibited the patience of a glorious martyr. i confess that i washed his wounds after his death more with tears from my eyes than with water from the river, in holy envy of the glorious way in which he had ended his pilgrimage. before he died, i begged him to beseech god for a like death for me, or even a more painful one, in defense of his holy law. the holy man promised it, and i hope by his intercession to obtain it--although not because i deserve it, unless in return for the relief i gave his glorious wounds in the last four absolutions which i gave him with my special consolation. surely those are fortunate fathers who have been able to show to the world, by their blood, the zeal and divine love which they bear in their bosoms. after burying the father the next morning, friday, march twentieth, two days after the victory, we went up the hill with his lordship; but so great was the stench from the dead moros in the ravines (although many still lived, judging by the cries and groans of many persons which were heard) that, almost as soon as we had reached the top and had looked at the king's house, we returned to the camp. his lordship then commanded that with the exception of the church ornaments, and the arms kept for his majesty, everything should be divided among the soldiers. his lordship did not reserve for himself or his friends even one blanca's worth--surely an action very justly applauded, certainly, and admired because it is not now practiced among the captains-general, and because it was, i believe, the first [of its kind] in these filipinas islands; and it confirmed the opinion that all held of the governor, as a wholly disinterested gentleman. an enormous amount was found and divided; they say that there were many cabinets full, and very heavy; what is certain is, that the whole of corralat's treasure was here, and whatever he had plundered during so many years. your reverence does not need to be told that the soldiers came back well satisfied, and many very rich. the campaign brought them great profit; and truly they deserved it all, for they all fought most valiantly. a great chest was filled with the ornaments of the churches--sacred vessels, such as chalices, patens, monstrances, censers, chrismatories, etc.--which we have now most carefully returned to their owners; so that your reverence was enabled to fill four floats with these ornaments, in the solemn procession which his lordship held in manila on trinity sunday, in thanksgiving to god for the victory. it troubled me, however, on the day when we climbed the hill, that i had not time to search for my beads, which i had lost on the day of the assault--when, to placate the wrath of god, i tore my cassock hastily down the middle. but the next day god chose to console me; for, on my return from visiting the sick at the camp, his lordship gave me my beads. he had recognized them in the hand of a soldier who had found them on his way down the hill, and had given the man i know not how many pesos for them. they certainly were worth it, because they were made from the stake at which the martyrs in japan were burned; and because they had touched the whole body of my most glorious patron saint francis xavier, at goa; these are the reasons why i prize them so highly. six whole days were spent in distributing, or burning and destroying, everything in mindanao; and thus on the twenty-fifth of march, the day of the blessed annunciation, we started on the return trip to samboanga. but the governor would not set sail before returning thanks at that very place to his divine majesty for so great a victory. he therefore arranged a solemn procession with the blessed sacrament, from the mosque to the fort--himself at the head, carrying the image of the holy christ and of st. francis xavier, patron of the expedition, and wearing the white robe of his order, in which he had received communion. the soldiers with their muskets, and the artillery at the fort, gave eight royal salutes with ball--which aside from doing honor to the procession, served to clear the two little hills of the ambuscade, which, without our knowledge, the moros had laid to prevent our embarkation. we found this out by means of the large number of dead bodies which captain juan nicolas discovered a little while after, when, returning from the bugayen river, he wished to see the place where we had attacked corralat. when the procession was over, we set fire to the mosque and the fort; and the troops commenced to embark in good order, in the small champans of the fleet. then sargento-mayor palomino was sent with five caracoas and a hundred spaniards, with father melchor de vera, who knew the language very well, to search for moncay, king of bagaien [_i.e._, buhayen] [94] and the real lord of the island of mindanao; this corralat, though his relative, was but the tyrant. bagaien is twelve leguas from the fort of mindanao. [palomino went] to make a treaty of peace with him whereby he should become a tributary and vassal to his majesty. while we were setting sail, one of our indian captives appeared on the shore. the falua brought him off to our champan, and he told us how he had fled from the enemy's grain-fields where they had kept him during those days; and that, passing through one of the ravines of the hill, he had found a vast number of dead moros. [95] two or three hours after leaving mindanao, we met captain juan nicolas and father gutierrez, [96] father rector of dapitan, who with forty ships and order for sargento-mayor palomino, in which he commanded that officer that, notwithstanding his previous instructions, he should make use of all the troops sent him to capture moncay, or at least disarm him. after this we continued our course, and on passion sunday we reached samboanga. the fleet and the army received their captain-general, returning victorious, with a royal salute; and father gregorio belin, in his cope, with the _te deum laudamus_. i, after accompanying them as far as the official buildings, went to arrange the hospital for the sick; for although i had attended them at mindanao and on the journey, and assisted them with all that his lordship provided, yet, on account of the discomforts of the ships in which they had had to be shut up, and because of the lack of fowls, they arrived in a very weak condition. i set out at once in search of beds--even taking those in the [jesuit] house. i collected in one room as many dainties as i could find, for the refreshment of the sick; and i shut up in our corral all the fowls which had come to samboanga from othon, which private persons had given his lordship, and he had turned over to me for the use of the wounded. with these provisions i remained in the hospital, to minister by night and by day to the bodies and souls of the sick, encouraged by his lordship's visits. by means of all this care, and by the confession and general communion in which all took part on palm sunday, the majority of the men, thanks to god, were quite well by saturday in holy week, at which time we left samboanga. truly anyone who saw the number and grievous nature of the wounds could not deny that it was a miraculous thing that out of eighty wounded only two died, aside from the three who succumbed on the night of the attack; for all the wounds contained poison, and many of them, moreover, were very deep and serious. thus we saw the effects upon our sick of the sompites, bacacayes, and bullets--which, although they were all deadly weapons, we found on the hill [that we attacked], placed in a jar filled with poison. it is true that i availed myself of some very effective antidotes which they gave me at manila; but the true remedy was to mix with them a little of a relic of st. francis xavier--which, in conjunction with the faith of those who were ill, worked wonders. captain maroto tested their virtues well, for he was already black in the face, and in his death-agony, when he called me to confess him and to administer the sacraments. better still was alférez amesquita, who ejected through his mouth three sompites which had pierced his throat three days before, during the attack. but best of all was the case of a sargento in the same company, to whom i gave extreme unction in great haste, because he had a bullet-wound in his stomach and most of his food passed out through the wound. there are many others too, who, grievously injured at mindanao, are now going about manila. only alférez romero and menchaca died at samboanga, and that was because they would not let themselves be cured. during this time, the governor was awaiting the return of sargento-mayor palomino and of captain juan nicolas from bugayen. in place of resting on those days, he went in person among the soldiers, working in a ditch which he had ordered to be dug to bring to the fort a stream of fresh water, which it lacked; and now they send word from samboanga that, by the grace of god, the water has reached them. before putting his hand to any other work he desired, like the devout gentleman that he is, to thank god a second time for the victory, with a fiesta in honor of the blessed sacrament. and because he lacked neither the valor nor the piety of that great captain, judas macabeus, he ordered that the next day the funeral honors should be solemnized for his dead soldiers--although, unfortunately for these festivals, it devolved upon me to preach at both. he also published a long bulletin of gifts, offices, and rewards for those who were wounded in the campaign; and in this way so attached all the soldiery to himself that now they talk of and concern themselves with nothing else but their captain-general--even the very seamen declaring that they do not wish to avail themselves of the privilege of crossing to nueva españa, because they would miss next year's campaign. in this way several days were spent, until our fleet from bugayen arrived--on wednesday in holy week; and the next day, with three caracoas came the brother of the king as ambassador, to treat with his lordship and confirm the peace negotiated by sargento-mayor palomino. the latter had done so because he was not able to execute the second order, which juan nicolas carried, who had come too late, bringing it when moncay had agreed to as many conditions as we could desire--even to stating publicly to his followers that he wished to be the friend and vassal of the king of españa, and that whoever did not desire the same must quit his villages. in accordance with this, the ambassadors offered five things to the governor in the name of the king his brother: to surrender all christian captives; to pay tribute to his majesty; to receive the jesuit fathers, so that they might publicly teach his subjects the law of jesus christ; that if the governor wished to maintain a fort with a garrison of spaniards in moncay's country, he would treat them as brothers; and that he would be the friend of their friends, the enemy of their enemies. consequently, he would do all in his power to put a stop to corralat's doings, dead or alive, and to deliver him into the governor's hands. his lordship received the envoy in great state, seated in a chair, surrounded by the most brilliant of the army, in elegant and splendid array. the ambassador sat on one end of the same carpet, astonished at the magnificence of our captain-general and his soldiers. the captain-general commanded the governor of the fort to entertain the envoy at his own house, and sent later, for his delectation, some cocoanuts and chickens. he gave him some very beautiful pieces of silk; but for a captured sargento whom the ambassador gave back in the name of the king his brother, he said that he would give nothing, because that soldier was a vassal of the king of españa. the ambassador was importunate that he should send moncay something, at least some of his own weapons. his lordship replied that up to this time moncay had been an enemy, and that, as such, nothing was due him; but that he must begin to give proofs of his friendship, by immediately sending us his captives, etc.; and then he would very soon experience the governor's liberality. he offered him two thousand pesos if he delivered up corralat dead, and four thousand if alive. this news was received by the moro with great pleasure, on account of the greed for money which possesses those people; so that i am sure, considering this, that corralat's days are few. on saturday in holy week, his lordship being ready to embark, he came to dismiss the ambassador, and to receive the documents and articles of peace, signing them in the envoy's presence. at the end, while his lordship, to do honor to him at the final farewell, was embracing him, the moro told him most gratefully that at the end of four moons (they designate months thus) he would come to see him at manila--news which consoled me greatly, because of the facility that it will afford your reverence to send workers to so abundant a harvest. then all the artillery was discharged, the fleet responding; and, when his excellency the governor had embarked, we set sail for manila, and the ambassador for bugayen. at the same time captain juan nicolas and captain juan de león departed with a company of a hundred spaniards and a thousand indians, with the command that, after having accompanied the ambassador of bugaien to his own land, they should go on and make the circuit of the island of mindanao, as far as dapitan, destroying and burning all the villages that would not submit to our arms. the father rector of dapitan, and the augustinian friar who had come as confessor for the pampangos, were chaplains for this fleet. on the same day father gregory belin with captain sisneros departed from samboanga for the island of basilan, for a reason which i will explain to your reverence. this island--lying in front of our fort, and two leguas away from it--has three or four thousand tributarios who pay to the king of jolo, although they have always desired to be tributary to his majesty. the chiefs of the islands came lately to render their obedience to the governor; he thereupon commanded that the governor of the fort should protect the aforesaid tributarios, and defend them from jolo, until the next year, when he would subject jolo also by force of arms to the same tribute. when this was proclaimed, two hundred joloan chiefs, with all their households, came to a near-by island, intending to cross over and live in samboanga and be our vassals. but they wished to know his lordship's pleasure; so the aforesaid captain with father belin went to assure them of their safety and take them to the fort, where, he trusted in god, they would now be well instructed and become favorably inclined to holy baptism. because his lordship had no fathers to send to basilan, he wrote to father francisco angel that, by virtue of the very far-reaching grant which he has from your reverence, he should at once cross from the island of negros to samboanga. here the governor of the fort would give him soldiers for his body-guard, and all else necessary for the promulgation of the holy gospel in the aforesaid island--where, as i have said, he had already gone most joyfully, as the father rector of othon informed me; for the principal motive of his coming from españa to these filipinas islands was the mission to mindanao. but that father could not minister alone to the whole island; besides, at samboanga there are but two fathers--father melchor de vera, who on account of his frequent attacks of illness can scarcely take care of everything at the fort which his lordship entrusted to him, as a person well skilled in such matters; and father gregory belin, [who is busy] in caring for the whole garrison, of which he is chaplain. so the many villages of moros that are in the vicinity of the fort, such as la caldera, etc., have no one to instruct them. the king also of sibuguey (a river [whose valley is] much more fertile and abundant than la panpanga) himself came, while we were in mindanao, to the governor to ask for terms of peace and for priests. his son has come now, with the [spanish] galleons from terrenate, to be educated in manila; and in like manner the other chiefs are coming every day, since the miserable downfall of the principal king of these islands, corralat, who held almost all in tyrannical subjection, and as tributarios. even the king of jolo sent dato achen (his especial favorite, and the most gallant and valorous captain that we have seen among the moros) with letters to his lordship, to confirm the terms of peace which his wife herself had come with our captain, to negotiate the year before--excusing himself for not having come in person by saying that he was expecting a fleet with which the king of burney was coming to make war on him, being an ally of his enemies the camucones. may your reverence's charity recognize what an abundant harvest offers in mindanao, and how destitute that field is in laborers; for where, in my opinion, forty would be few, there are only two of them. certainly this is to be regretted, for it is one of the most glorious missions that could be desired, lacking neither the evidence of great fruitfulness nor promise of most noble martyrdom. and finally, it is enough that st. francis xavier is its apostle, since it was he who first preached in it the holy gospel, [97] as is stated in the bull for his canonization. i trust that, through the divine compassion, the news of this glorious and longed-for victory and conquest of the great island of mindanao will move the hearts of those in his majesty's court and his royal council of the indias, to send many workers this year to this glorious harvest field. this is all that concerns our expedition to mindanao, except the return journey to manila--which, being long and dangerous, caused us much suffering. for if we came across any island, we had perforce to sail all the way around it; and if we wished to go in any given direction the wind instantly put itself dead ahead, with three or four _baguios_ [_i.e._, hurricanes]--which are violent tempests. at the islands of negros, mindoro, and marinduque it was a divine miracle, through the special protection of st. francis xavier, that we escaped all the dangers, especially the one that we encountered at mindoro. our mast broke, and a huge wave rushed over our stern so suddenly, so unexpectedly to the pilots and sailors that they, seeing it coming over the sea from a distance, hastily summoned me to exorcise it, which i did. it can assuredly have been of no other than diabolic origin, to declare as the author of so many attacks, hindrances, and contrary circumstances the great devil of mindanao, whom his lordship had just so valiantly wrested from his seat. but if the work of the enemy was evident in our dangers, much more manifest and clear was the divine protection and that of our saint in these same perils--as when it saved us from some rocky shoals just off manila, where we would inevitably have run aground; and from a champan which sprang a leak, from which, without knowing about the leak, we shifted our quarters a day before. there are many other instances which i will not mention, that your reverence may not be wearied. twice we stopped on the way for provisions to refresh the sick--once at iloilo, where our fathers entertained us; the other time at panay, at the invitation of captain and alcalde-mayor don francisco de frias. at last, since the winds were wholly contrary and his lordship had suffered so much on the way, he resolved to disembark in tayabas, with sargento-mayor don pedro, his nephew, and captain lorenço ugalde, both being ill and in need of a surgeon's services. from this place we traveled by land for two days, as far as the lake [_i.e._, laguna de bay]; going from there by the [pásig] river, we reached manila on may nineteenth. i halted at san miguel, and the sick remained at manila, while his lordship went on the same night to cavite, where the armada had orders to await him. the whole fleet, by god's protection, arrived safely within four days; and so on sunday the governor made his entry with the pomp and magnificence which your reverence saw. i know not whether many remarked on the events of that day, but this is the fact, that of all the champans but one was lacking--that of captain gabriel niño de tabora, which was carrying some large cannon of the enemy's; and when his lordship reached manila by one route, from cavite, to make his entry, don gabriel niño arrived, by another, from mariveles. in this it seems that god chose to show his special providence by bringing all the fleet in without the loss of anything, small or great, from the spoils. blessed and praised forever be his holy name, who through the valor, zeal, and christian devotion of this gallant knight, has glorified himself by granting at the same time relief to the islands, and punishment to the arrogance of these moros. events showed plainly the truth of the revelation which that holy servant of god received with regard to the coming of this governor, for the complete deliverance and salvation of this conquered land. may our lord give him life and health, that he may finish what he had undertaken with so much spirit and courage for the glory of his divine majesty. this is all that has suggested itself to me to write to your reverence of this campaign of ours in mindanao, as glorious as it was wonderful--except to urge that your reverence at once send many laborers [98] to sow the seed of the holy gospel and even to gather the harvest in many parts of the island, judging by the great readiness [to receive the faith] that i observed when i came away. only the great lack of workers which i perceived in this province of filipinas troubles me, for they are very few in proportion to the many missions and christian settlements which are in their charge--and much more now than ever, since so wide a door is opening. certainly, if god had not called me to another empire, [99] i should consider myself most fortunate if i might be employed, in accordance with my obedience, in the spiritual conquest of the kingdoms of mindanao. in spite of this, i trust in the intercession of my glorious saint, francis xavier, that since he was the first to labor in this island, and, although wounded, was the protector and patron of this expedition, he will not cease to prosecute the work in which he has so earnestly engaged, as we know; and that he will dispose matters in such a manner that many will come from europe in these years to employ their labors in so glorious a mission. therefore, since, as i have already said, i do not deserve to be chosen, i beseech your reverence to obtain from that saint, with your holy sacrifices and prayers, this boon for me--that for the part which i have taken in the conquest of this island, he will admit me into the number of the workers in some other island, and into its spiritual conquest; so that, all of us thus working in missions near to that of this great apostle to the east, we may together enjoy his special protection and support in this life, and be admitted among his devoted and beloved ones in the life to come, which may god through his infinite mercy grant us! taytay, june 2, 1637. the humble servant and obedient son of your reverence: [marcelo francisco mastrilli] [100] events in filipinas, 1636-37 _pax christi, etc._ father diego de bobadilla: i shall give your reverence an account in this letter, although very briefly, of what happened in these islands after your reverence left them; for many are writing long relations of special matters. the father rector of the college of manila, francisco colin, [101] arrived at manila at the end of july, and was received with great rejoicing by all in general, both by the inmates of the house and by outsiders and by the orders; and throughout the year he has had the same acceptance. he has aided the governor by his counsel; but he who has shown the greatest joy and happiness is the archbishop, who is receiving much help from him. his excellency has been notably won over, and has shown us extraordinary favors. he gave us the mission of quiapo, which we had so much desired because of its nearness to santa cruz. he continued the tuesday sermons during lent in our house, and honored our church on the day when the indulgence of the seven altars was published. on that day he dined in our refectory, and on all occasions has shown himself truly a father to us. on account of the said indulgence, the number of people who come to our church has greatly increased. father marcelo mastril, he of the miracle of our father st. francis xavier, arrived here with four other italian fathers, on the day of our father st. ignatius, 1636, in a galliot, aboard which was a knight of the order of christ, who came as captain-general of macan; he brought, as his auditor, another knight of the same habit. the matter occurred as i shall relate. two galleons left goa for macan. in the second was that polish father, the relative of the king of polonia [_i.e._, poland]. while passing through the strait of sincapura, they met three dutch vessels. the ship of the captain-general of macan took to the sea, and taking the best direction, escaped the dutch vessels; and the first land that they struck was the mouth of this bay. the other ship was captured by the dutch. two days later another galliot arrived from cochin, carrying a portuguese father named figueredo, [102] en route to maluco. when that ship passed, the dutch had already left. one would not believe the joy with which father marcelo was received; for the miracle had already become known, as i had brought many of the pamphlets from madrid. [103] all looked at him as at a man brought back to life; all were eager to learn of the miraculous occurrence from his own mouth; and in order to satisfy the whole city, he preached on the day of our father st. francis xavier, in our church at manila. many people were there. he preached very eloquently, and called forth tears from the audience at the narration of the miracle. the devotion of the people toward the saint has been greatly increased. they have all copied his pictures from a painting which the father had painted in portugal, and which he says greatly resembles the pilgrim figure in which he saw the saint. the portuguese found here a patache from macan; and consequently, their people went [thither] by the last of october, in the patache. in their galliot went the captain-general. father marcelo tried to proceed on his trip to macan; but, when he came to embark, don sebastian [hurtado de corcuera] pressed him strongly to remain this year, for ends that he said were very important for the service of god and of the king; and accordingly the father did so. the four italian fathers who had accompanied father marçelo embarked in the patache, and with them father juan de barrios, who took as his companion brother alonso bernal. father juan de barrios was going to negotiate matters of importance on behalf of the governor with that city. they left this port, and scarcely had they coasted along for forty leguas from this island, when so furious a storm struck them from the north, in which direction they were sailing, that they had to return. the galliot was saved, but the patache was driven ashore twelve leguas from here, on all saints' day, suffering about twenty-five drowned. among them were two priests--one a secular, and the other a friar. the rest escaped, although they suffered considerably. none of the money which they were taking to macan was lost. the captain-general went to macan later in his galliot, taking three fathers with him. father marcelo was in mindanao at that time, and another father in marinduque, and accordingly they remained here. it has been learned from chinese ships that they arrived safely. this month of july father marçelo embarked in a chinese ship, whose owner gave bonds that he would land him in a place where he could get to macan. may god grant him a safe voyage. he has left these islands greatly edified by the shining examples of admirable virtues that he has given, and all have universally regretted his departure. don fray diego aduarte came from nueva segobia to endeavor once more to unite the new congregation of san pablo with the ancient province of rosario. he returned without concluding anything, and died shortly after his arrival at his bishopric. a pilot and three other sailors--all dutch--escaped from this port the indians of yndan killed the three sailors, and captured the pilot, who confessed and was awaiting the gallows. but don sebastian pardoned him, and promised to send him to terrenate or the island of hermosa, if he wished; or, if he preferred to serve the king again, to give him employment. he chose to serve the king, and was very grateful. the three dutchmen whom your reverence left in our house were converted to the catholic faith. they came to this port, and were given places as sailors. one of them was one of those who ran away and was killed; the other two remain quiet. two pilots and sixteen spanish sailors fled in a champan; and another champan, with twenty soldiers, was sent in their pursuit. the latter encountered a large champan at playa honda, and tried to reconnoiter it, believing that it was the one in which the men had fled. the other champan, which was full of chinese, prepared for defense, and fought; they wounded the [spanish] commander and other soldiers with clubs, stones, and fragments of crockery ware. six of the sangleys were killed, and others wounded, whereupon they surrendered, and were brought to this port, where liberty was given to those left alive. nothing was heard of the other champan. but it is already known, by way of china, that they arrived at macan. another large gang of sailors were afterward discovered, who had a champan in the river of cañas [104] in order to flee. they were caught, and some of them were punished, although mercifully; as a result, those flights have ceased. a friar came here, clad as a secular priest, who had been punished and exiled by the inquisition at goa. he attempted here to flee to cochinchina with a number of negroes--one of whom was the one whom your reverence left in the office of the procurator for the province, and a good interpreter. they were caught, although by chance, while within the river, and are in prison. _the island of hermosa_ last year a champan left there for manila with seventeen spaniards aboard. a franciscan friar who had been for two or three years in china was also coming, who was still wearing his hair long. his name is fray antonio. [105] they suffered great storms and hardships, and at the end of twenty days they found themselves before the fort owned by the dutch in that island. they were captured and sent to jacatra, and from thence to maluco, with orders that they be set at liberty--but only on condition of a signed statement from the governor of those forts that a like number of dutchmen would be returned to them when opportunity offered, which was done. they came with the galleons that carried the reënforcements. i saw here fray antonio, who is a native of balladolid and who was still wearing his hair long. i have lately heard it said that he has returned to china with other friars. he affirms that it is very easy to enter ucheo, and that a hold has been obtained among the people; and that it is openly known that they are europeans and priests, without anyone molesting them. he said in regard to jacatra that the dutch have deeply offended the emperor of java; and that no dutchman leaves their fort without the natives cutting off his head. that prince has begged aid from the viceroy of india, in order to drive the dutch thence. he told, us also that while he was there, a fleet sailed for ambueno, where the natives had revolted, with the intention to reduce them by force. the relief ship which went last year to the island of hermosa was, while returning, wrecked at ilocos by the strength of the currents. no one was drowned. there is nothing else to narrate concerning that place. _maluco_ the relief ships for terrenate sailed in january of this year. their commander is hieronimo enriques sotelo, who sailed in the galleon "san luis." as admiral goes, in the "san ambrosio," don pedro de almonte, who came from acapulco as captain the year before. don alonso de acoçer was commander of the patache which came from acapulco as almiranta; and rafael ome was commander of a galley which had just been finished on the stocks, named "san francisco xavier." father marcelo mastril said mass in it and blessed it, on the day of its launching. a number of large champans went also. the dutch were awaiting them with two galleons; but seeing our fleet, they retired under shelter of their fort of malayo. the supplies having been disembarked, a feat never before performed was accomplished--namely, the galleons and galleys went out to fight with the dutch ships where they were stationed. our ships did some damage to them, and also to the fort of malayo. our almiranta also received some damage, but only one sailor was killed. considerable reputation was gained by this attack. the tidorans, our allies, were very proud and happy; and their king sent presents to the commander and admiral, together with his congratulations. the galleons and the patache returned; they brought no cloves, for there had been no harvest. the galley remained there, with another stationed at those forts. after the departure of the galleons, the two dutch ships left, and during a calm were attacked by the two galleys. one of them came near being defeated; but, a wind springing up, they escaped by the favorable opportunity thus afforded. on that occasion, don agustin de cepada was commander of the old [106] galley. he has two brothers who are in mexico, and your reverence will find another brother in our professed house at madrid. the above was learned from a champan which came after the ships of the relief expedition. in another champan, the last to leave those forts, came news regarding the king of manados, forty leguas from terrenate. manados is a point of macasar. he had sent to request help from the governor [of terrenate], don pedro de mendiola, against some who had revolted against him. he also sent his son and heir, some sixteen or seventeen years old, to be educated among the spaniards, and asked for fathers to baptize his vassals. the youth is being instructed in our house, together with the prince of siao, who is of his own age. the aid [which he asked] was sent, and father pantaleon, of our society of jesus. another contingent of dutchmen from malayo deserted to us, and were brought here by the relief galleons. _camucones_ many caracoas sailed out from this enemy this year. committing depredations, they went in among these islands so far that they reached and pillaged palapag, outside the embocadero, and passed the cape of espiritu santo. they captured in baco, in ybabao, more than one hundred christians. there they separated into two divisions, one of which went to albay. the corregidor, who was captain mena, of the order of st. george, sailed from the island of manila to attack them, with some spaniards and six franciscan friars. they pressed the camucones so closely that they drove ashore seven of their caracoas at capul, where they freed many christian captives, and some camucones were slain by the natives. the enemy abandoned three other empty caracoas on the high sea, after their crews had been transferred to other caracoas in order to get away faster. of our men, a musket-ball wounded only one friar, who died later. the father provincial went to visit pintados, and passed in sight of the camucones, as was learned afterward from a captive who escaped. but they did not pursue him, as they thought that it was an armed war caracoa of the spaniards. the other division [of the camucones] returned to the channel, and, coasting the island of ybabao, entered bangahun, where they captured more than one hundred christians. those two things have left us very full of wrath, both on account of the captives, and because we see that there is no place, however remote it be, that is safe. a caracoa of soldiers from zibu fought with this division, and some damage was inflicted on them; and some of the camucones were killed, and some captured. on returning to their own country, the camucones suffered a great reverse from a furious gale, while they were coasting along panay. three caracoas were driven ashore; and of those pirates who escaped alive, many are in galleys in this port. having crossed over to the calamyanes, while they were sailing in much confusion some spaniards captured two caracoas there, and delivered twenty captives from our mission of mindoro. fifteen caracoas were voyaging together, and while coasting along paragua, two days before arriving at burney, they met thirty caracoas of joloans, who for some little time have been hostile to the borneans. the thirty caracoas from jolo attacked the fifteen, and captured them all. they took captive in them more than one hundred and fifty camucones alive, and more than one hundred christians. the latter were ransomed at a moderate price at sanboangan. i have seen some of our missions, where i heard all about the affair. it is feared, however, that the camucones will make a raid this year also. accordingly, don sebastian is sending twenty-five soldiers to our missions of catbalogan, etc., so that, aided by other spaniards who are going there in some caracoas--which the indians have built at their own cost, and which are large and good--the camucones may be opposed and even chastised. _mindanao_ the captain-general of cachil corralat, one tagal, left mindanao with eight good caracoas [107] to pillage these islands. he remained among them for a matter of seven months, at full ease, committing many depredations. at cuyo he captured don diego de alabes, who was corregidor there. he also captured the father prior of cuyo, an augustinian recollect, and two other friars; and although they had hidden themselves with all their ornaments and chalices, that did not avail them, for the enemy knew not how to find them. tagal went to mindoro, and everywhere he pillaged a great quantity of goods, and took a great number of captives. he left don diego alabes in mindoro, so that he might come [here] to get his ransom and that of the three recollect fathers. they demanded two thousand pesos and thirty taes of gold--the latter amounting to more than three hundred pesos in addition--for each person. don diego arrived exhausted with his hardships, from which he died shortly after his arrival at manila. he narrated most insolent acts of tagal, who blasphemed greatly, and who threatened that he would enter this bay and pillage and burn its coasts. don sebastian already bore in his breast the resolution to go to mindanao, and this occurrence increased further his desire to humiliate that enemy. when the so great ransoms were proposed to him, he answered that he would like to raise them, but that until he should go, he would not discuss this point. even before anything had been ascertained, he sent bartolome dias de la barrera as governor of san boangan, and nicolas gonsales as captain and sargento-mayor. they set out at the beginning of november, and shortly after their arrival [at zamboanga] they learned that tagal had passed on the inside [108] of the island of taguima with eight caracoas [109] laden with captives and spoils. although the pirates were one day in the lead, the spaniards made haste, and inside of two hours equipped six caracoas; [110] and nicolas gonsales sailed in pursuit of the enemy, thinking that, as they were so heavily laden with booty, he could overtake them. this happened, for he met them at punta de flechas. it was called so because the natives believed that a great war divinity was there, who considers it a grateful sacrifice for them to offer him arrows; and this is the reason why they land at that point when they go out armed and on their return, discharging many arrows in honor of the divata or idol whom they adore there: nicolas gonsales and his men fought valiantly; they killed tagal, and captured the flagship and three other caracoas. the other caracoas escaped by taking flight. many mindanaos were killed, and only twenty were captured alive. in the flagship was the father prior of cuyo, who was so badly wounded by our balls that he died two hours after the defeat. a brother of tagal was also mortally wounded. he very anxiously begged baptism of the father; and, after his baptism, they both died. the other two fathers were in the caracoas which escaped. there were one hundred and thirty-two christian captives liberated there, and some others were also killed by our balls. not one of our men was killed. a remarkable circumstance occurred at the time of the fight--namely, that there was a great earthquake at that time, which caused in that height prodigiously loud roaring sounds, which terrified both our men and the enemy. the spaniards drew out their rosaries and reliquaries, and, holding them in their hands, begged god for mercy; and the cliff fell into the sea. that was an announcement of the fortunate victory which don sebastian was to have afterward, who gave this point the name san sebastian, both for his saint, and on account of the arrows with which that saint was martyred. among the spoils was found a large sheet on which was painted a figure of the christ, and before him st. augustine kneeling. the mindanaos had cut off one arm of the christ, and had beheaded st. augustine, in order to be able to make a mantle of it after their fashion--mocking, and saying that they were carrying the god of the christians captive. they spit in the chalices, and committed other outrages, and uttered other great blasphemies. before receiving this news, don sebastian left manila with twelve champans, in which were embarked his company, as well as that of the sailors of the port of cavite, and another company of pampangos. he chose st. francis xavier as patron saint of his expedition. with him he took father marcelo de mastril, which was the reason for his detaining the latter; he also took his confessor, father juan de barrios. he left on february 2, and passing by oton, landed at the city and fort, where he learned of the victory of nicolas gonsales, and saw the mutilated christ. his desire to take satisfaction for the insults offered to god increased with this sight; and, pursuing his voyage, he arrived at sanboangan february 22. [111] there in a very brief time, don sebastian arranged his voyage to la mitan, as the chief village of cachil corralat is called. although he had, it is true, been advised at pintados that captains juan nicolas and juan de leon, who were going with eighty spaniards and one thousand volunteer indians to take part in this war, had not even yet arrived, nevertheless with his champans and other oared vessels of sanboangan (in which went as captain nicolas gonsales, who was sick), he immediately set out, leaving orders for the volunteers to follow him when they arrived. on account of the contrary weather, the vessels were unable to go in a body; and hence don sebastian de corcuera arrived first, with only seventy spaniards in a few champans. the moro corralat had heard of the arrival of the governor, and talked of submission; but he was dissuaded from it by six javanese trading vessels that were stopping there. although those vessels were already laden and about to sail, they offered to remain and aid in the defense. thereupon they all took position ready to receive the spaniards and to fight with them. they had a fort in the village with good [112] pieces of artillery and a matter of ten versos, and many muskets and arquebuses. don sebastian, thinking that the rest of the fleet was delayed, had two field pieces disembarked; and with fifty spaniards, the remainder being left in the ships, he made an attack upon the enemy. it was a matter which was regarded as a miracle, that with so few men he should conquer so many moros. he gained the fort and the village, and sent the people in flight to the hill, which they had fortified. there was a great slaughter of mindanaos, but not one spaniard was killed in this fray. father marçelo was carrying the standard, which was placed on a spear--the mutilated christ on one side, and st. francis xavier on the other, back to back. there they found about three hundred ships, great and small, and a great amount of property. the governor set a guard over it; and, the moros having fled to the hill, the christian captives continued to come in, and the rest of the fleet arrived. the governor purified the mosque, and a solemn procession was made through the village with great pomp as a thank-offering; and mass was heard in the mosque. this village has a sheltered hill which the indians call ylihan; it is a natural fort. the moros had in it some pieces [113] with ladles, and sixteen or seventeen versos and other firearms. the ascent is very narrow, so that it is difficult to mount it single file. at its sides are steep precipices and heights. there corralat had taken shelter with all his men, and, confident in his arms and the ruggedness [of the place] was proudly awaiting the spaniards. at his rear was a rough and very secret ascent, which did not alarm our commander; for, six days after the surrender of the village, don sebastian had despatched nicolas gonsales with spies and good soldiers around by the rear, while his lordship was resolved to attack from the front, which was one and one-half leguas from the village. nicolas gonsales set out, although very much impeded, and don sebastian marched with his men, after leaving a guard in the village. the plan was to attack at the same time from both sides. on coming to the hill, the vanguard immediately attacked, with over-confident spirit. but as it was so well defended, and the moros were behind works, while the spaniards were in the open, and there was no path by which to mount, the spaniards began to fall dead and wounded; while the moros received no damage, until the arrival of don sebastian, who made them retire. about twenty valiant spaniards were killed. the moros, encouraged by this, were more careless of the other approach, by which nicolas gonsales mounted the following day, and gained the eminence before he was perceived. when they were discovered, corralat hastened to the defense, but he soon turned and fled, having been wounded in one arm. the others fled with him. his wife, with a child in her arms, threw herself over a precipice, as did many other people; and thus the hill was won for the king our sovereign. two recollect fathers [114] were found, all mangled with wounds that they had just received; one of them was already dead, the other lived two days. don sebastian was immediately advised of the result, and mounted the hill. the booty found there was immense. the houses were burned; the artillery and versos were taken down the hill. with those below, they numbered twelve pieces with ladles, twenty-seven versos and falcons, and one hundred and twenty muskets and arquebuses. many moros were captured, and many christians set free. la mitan and three other neighboring villages were burned, and their boats were burned, with the exception of some that were taken to sanboangan. this enterprise concluded, the governor returned with all his fleet, having first sent sargento-mayor palomino to cachil moncay--an own cousin to corralat and his keen antagonist, and a son of the great pirate silongan--offering him friendship, and asking that he would try to get corralat into his power. don sebastian met the volunteers under juan nicolas at sea. he ordered them to follow palomino in order that the treaty might be given greater encouragement. shortly after the arrival of don sebastian at sanboangan, they returned with a brother of moncay as ambassador. moncay offered to pay tribute, and to free all the christian captives in his lands. upon the conclusion of these matters, don sebastian returned to manila; of his triumphal entrance therein, with the thank-offering to god for the victory, and the honors made to the dead, i shall say nothing here, as i wrote a special relation of it which i enclose herewith. [115] don sebastian ordered juan nicolas, with the eighty spaniards and one thousand volunteer indians, to return to la mitan, and to sail round the island as far as caragan, committing all possible hostilities upon the people tributary to corralat. he did this admirably, pillaging and burning many villages, beheading many of the people because they defended themselves, capturing others, and burning a great number of ships. in consequence corralat has been greatly humbled, and all those moros are fearful. news was received later that moncay is sending us a number of captives, and others of the captives held by corralat are also coming. _xolo_ what has somewhat disturbed the satisfactory course of affairs is xolo. it is an island which is even nearer to sanboangan than the [village of] la mitan belonging to corralat. that moro has held as his tributaries the people of the island of taguima and basilan, [116] which is four leguas from our fort of sanboangan. after the many plundering raids which he has made among our islands, he was very desirous of peace. a letter was written to him, saying that peace would be considered; and among other conditions which were imposed on him was one, namely, that he should evacuate [the island of] taguima (which was to be tributary to the king), and that ministers of the gospel should be established there in order to baptize the natives. in fact, father francisco angel had been sent thither, so that he might administer to them the holy sacraments. to this he replied that he did not want peace, and with this declaration and action the joloans have fortified themselves. dato ache, who is the greatest pirate of that island, has gone to cachil corralat, in order to unite with him against the spaniards. as a result, the chiefs of taguima and basilan--who were apparently very contented, and were on very friendly terms with us--have retired; and father francisco angel writes that he has not been able to go there. the chiefs of the mainland of mindanao, who were dancing attendance on the spaniards at sanboangan, have become somewhat impertinent. but don sebastian is preparing for the chastisement of xolo, and intends to go in person by the end of december to conquer it, as he did the opposition of corralat. may god grant him a good voyage and a happy outcome. if this moro is humbled, all the island of mindanao will be very peaceable. _japon_ since ships have come neither from that kingdom nor from macan, we have not had any letters giving a detailed report of events. but we have learned from chinese ships that the portuguese of macan went to the fairs in that country, and made great profits. it is also said that the emperor has ordered the dutch that they shall not be permitted at any time or place to harm the ships of macan that sail to japon. a renegade mestizo priest--of a portuguese father and a japanese mother--gave as his opinion that, in order to extinguish more completely the christianity of that kingdom, they should exile all those who had any blood of the portuguese or castilians. that was done, and they were delivered to those from macan, so that these people might be taken to their city, and there be kept until further orders. they ordered that renegade also to go to macan, since he was also concerned by this. he begged them to send him to jacatra with the dutch, and his request was granted. it has also been said that a cousin of the king, [117] who is seignior of five kingdoms, is making war on him, and that many japanese are following him. _various_ a letter was received from the father of the society of jesus who is in camboja, a short time ago. he says in it that the dutch have established a factory in that kingdom, which has certainly given us much anxiety. the island of tabuca lies midway between mindanao and maluco; i have been told by the father guardian of st. francis, who came from terrenate, that on arriving at it on his way hither, to take in a supply of water, the chiefs of it told him that three caracoas full of men tributary to corralat had just arrived; that they were fearful because of what had happened to their seignior, and that they were trying to send a despatch to terrenate in order to establish friendship [with the spaniards], and to request priests to baptize them. the commander of the galleys, antonio carreño de baldes, died at this port; and that post of commander was given to nicolas gonsales, and he is at the same time governing the port. don francisco de balderrama, although so young a lad, went to mindanao with don sebastian; and, while near his lordship, it happened that a musket-ball struck the governor's page (who was at his side) in the flap of his helmet. the ball went in his cheek and came out through his mouth, and struck don francisco in the breast, knocking him down immediately. however, he received no hurt; for on examining him, it was found that the ball had passed through his clothing and shirt, and had struck in some altar-linens which he carried next his breast through devotion, without its having left any mark on them. that is esteemed as a miracle. this is what has occurred to me to write your reverence. i shall be careful to do the same, god helping, every year, providing that your reverence writes me of occurrences there. may our lord preserve your reverence, and give you a prosperous voyage, etc. cavite, july 23, 1637. [118] juan lopez [119] corcuera's triumphant entry into manila _an account of the reception given in manila to señor hurtado de corcuera, when he returned triumphant from mindanao._ [120] yesterday, a little before eleven a.m., we left cavite in a row-boat with don sebastian, and reached santiago at one p.m. a short time before our arrival, some japanese christians came out to meet him, in two champans--the sides of which were entirely surrounded with shield-shaped forms of white linen cloth adorned with green crosses; they bore also many white flags, with fresh flowers; and they welcomed his arrival with blasts from the trumpet that they carried. the governor received them very cordially; and they, falling behind, accompanied him. we landed [121] at the house of amaro diaz, where the military headquarters were located. from that place father juan de barrios and myself went to our house, where we found the father provincial father juan de bueras, father roa, [122] and father marcelo [_i.e._, mastrilli], who had all come to the reception, (but before i give an account of it, it is to be known that a quarter of an hour after the arrival of don sebastian, there came the champan of don graviel niño, the only one who was missing.) at the head [of the troops] marched nicolás gonzalez with his famous and victorious company of the buff doublets; around his shield-bearer walked many other pages, carrying the weapons that don nicolas had taken away from the mindanaos in the naval battle. we gave him a thousand congratulations for his notable success. this company was followed by that of the sailors under the command of alférez a. mezquita. they marched in two files, and between these went first the friendly indians and sangleys who had been delivered from captivity to corralat; and indeed the sight of some of these indians, of both sexes, moved us to compassion, as they walked carrying their rosaries. at a little distance behind them, in the midst of the same company, came the mindanao captives, of both sexes; the women and the children were not bound, but the men marched in chains and shackles. this company was followed by a large body of men who carried the weapons taken from the enemy: shields, breastplates, campilans, spears, and two war-trumpets which seemed to be of dutch make. then came the company of pampangos [123] who also took part in the expedition. captain carranza followed, on horseback; and as he is the captain of artillery, he was in charge of the carts with the firearms taken from the enemy. in three of these carts were the muskets and arquebuses; in one were the culverin-chambers and three small church-bells, and in another followed twelve or fourteen small culverins; then came a large falcon which could easily be taken for a culverin, and five or six gun-carriages, each carrying two small pieces and some falcons. these were followed by large artillery pieces, one by one, which the natives dragged with ropes; and the last and largest of these was drawn by four horses. all these weapons were accompanied by the artillerymen; and directly after them came six boys, carrying six flags taken from corralat. behind these marched the company of the governor with great splendor; don sebastian himself rode before them on horseback, in plain attire, and almost treading upon the flags of the enemy. behind him came his shield-bearer, carrying his helmet, on which was a large tuft of white plumes; his chaplain and his secretary followed, also on horseback. as the governor was seen advancing toward the city, a salvo of artillery was fired from the forts at the bagunbaya gate; and as he entered the city, a merry peal of bells rang from our house, the wind-instruments began to play, and the choir sang a festal song [_villancico_]. all the inmates of our house [124] stood, clad in our priestly mantles, waiting for him under a fine triumphal arch, handsomely adorned with silk and with scrolls containing verses. there we gave him welcome, and congratulated him on the victory won; to which he responded very courteously. as the governor came under the arch, don josepito de salazar, [125] elegantly dressed, came out from behind some screens which were on a platform, and recited a poem [126] written by brother liorri, in which he extolled the victory, thanked and congratulated the governor and his soldiers, and ended by saying that according to the name corquera--that is, _corda quærens_ ("seek for breasts and hearts")--he had found them in all of us who were there, since we held him in our hearts, and wished him all prosperity and happiness. the governor listened attentively to this address, and at the end he turned toward the fathers and thanked them. [127] then the procession marched to the square, where a squadron of six companies, under arms, was awaiting it. all of us, in order to see the affair, went to the balconies of the master-of-camp, pedro de heredia, arriving there in time to see the governor alight before the great church, where the royal audiencia and the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos awaited him. he entered the church and, humbly prostrated on the floor, offered a prayer of considerable length, attributing his entire success to god. again he mounted his horse, and approached the squadron; there, hat in hand, he addressed both captains and soldiers with great display of kindness; and the army answered him with a general salute, while the standard-bearers lowered the flags. then he proceeded to his palace; but when he was descried from the fort of santiago, its warden, general don fernando de ayala, saluted him with a volley from all the artillery of the fort. the six companies of the camp followed the governor's company; and thus ended this magnificent triumph, which has greatly delighted people of all nations. the master-of-camp, pedro de heredia, regaled us with a bountiful and choice repast, with several kinds of conserves; after which we returned to our house, thanking god for having seen what we have desired to see during so many years. the multitude of people who filled the streets, windows, and balconies could not be numbered; and words cannot tell the tender feelings which the joy and the sight of so grand and new a spectacle caused in every heart. there was scarcely a person from whose eyes the joyful tenderness of the heart did not draw tears. at night all the walls around were illuminated, as well as many other places both within and without the city. many sky-rockets were fired, and at about ten or eleven o'clock at night the soldiers in masquerade went through the streets on horseback with many torches, to display their joy; both men and horses were elegantly and splendidly adorned. may god send us many days like this, on which christ jesus may triumph over his enemy; and may he preserve your reverence, etc. manila, may 25, 1637. last night, may twenty-sixth, the city masquerade came out; it was so large and magnificent that, from whatever side it was viewed, it made a fine appearance. all the windows and balconies were brilliantly illuminated. before the door of our church huge bonfires were built, and we ourselves went down to see the procession a little nearer. this took place about nine o'clock at night. for those who died in the war, the governor caused solemn funerals to be held in the new military church, on june fifth. eight altars were erected, and, beginning before dawn, masses were said at these altars to which office all had been invited, both the secular clergy and those of the orders; and this lasted throughout the morning. to each priest who would accept it, a gratuity of a peso was given for the mass celebrated, but many refused to take this. at the proper time was celebrated a mass followed by a sermon, at which were present all the city, the clergy, and the religious orders. the sermon was very appropriate for the occasion, and was well delivered; it was preached by father francisco pinelo, of the order of st. dominic. his text was very opportune, taken from job 12, verse 6: _abundant tabernacula pradonum, et audacter provocant deum cum ipse dederit omnia_ [_in manus eorum_]--"the dwellings of pirates are full of riches; they become haughty and bold at their strength; they scorn and provoke god; but it is he who gives them success, in order to punish and correct the christians." [128] all this has happened in the present case; for the moros insolently ill-treated god and his saints in their holy images, cutting off the arms of the crucified christ, and saying that they had taken captive the god of the christians. the preacher added this from verse 13, which says: _apud ipsum est sapientia et fortitudo, ipse habet consilium et intelligentiam_, [129] etc.--"the wretched ones do not know that god unites in himself a council of state and one of war; in the former he decrees their ruin, and by the latter he carries it out," as has been clearly seen in this expedition. the thanksgiving fiesta was held on the seventh of june, in the cathedral, on account of the great concourse of people to hear it; but even that had not room for them. the procession started from the cathedral and passed through the same streets as it does on corpus christi day. these streets were all adorned with handsome arches and green branches, and many altars laden with decorations and rich ornaments. the final touch was given by the citizens, who adorned the streets with hangings. it is generally affirmed that never have there been seen in manila so many and so rich draperies, so that, even after seeing them, people hardly believed that the city contained so many of them, and so elegant and valuable--besides those which hung from the balconies, which latter were those that ordinarily have been displayed. from the balconies upward was erected an awning of bamboo, and that also was filled with hangings, and ribbons, and pieces of silk. in the procession marched a body of pikemen in two files, their pikes held aloft. between these files came first the captives who escaped from corralat's power; they were well dressed and marched thus, three soldiers, and then six captives, and so on, observing always the same order. then followed the citizens, and, after them, all the religious orders. the procession was enlivened by a great variety of dances and similar exhibitions, accompanied by various musical instruments and two portable organs. toward the end of the procession came four floats, so made as to form a sort of doubly-sloping roof. on the float were placed [the sacred things] which the mindanaos had plundered: on each slope lay the chasuble, choristers' mantles, frontals, and other sacred ornaments; on the ridge stood the chalices, monstrances and patens; and at the edge were hung the chrismatories and small bells. this sight moved the people to pity, and many tears were shed. the students in our college of san josé carried three of these floats on their shoulders, and the fourth was carried by our brothers who were students, clad in surplices. immediately after the floats came father marcelo mastril, with the banner which he carried when the town of cachil corralat was taken; he had also borne it in another procession, which was made there in thanksgiving after the surrender. on this banner were depicted, standing back to back, that figure of christ which had been stabbed and insulted by the enemy, and our father san francisco javier, the patron saint of the whole expedition, whose eyes were bent upon the blessed sacrament. then followed the royal standard, which was carried at first by the governor, and then in turn by the gentlemen of the royal audiencia and the alcaldes-in-ordinary. these were followed by the city magistrates, who carried the poles of a canopy under which advanced a stately car directed by robed priests, and bearing the blessed sacrament. when this car was seen entering the street, the blessed sacrament received a joyous salute from the nine ladled cannon and the twenty-seven culverins and falcons which stood in the plaza de armas. all these weapons, except three large pieces that were left in the fort of samboangan, had been taken from corralat. not less solemn and magnificent was the salute made by the corps formed of eight companies of arquebusiers in the city square. mass was celebrated by the ecclesiastical chapter, and sung with great solemnity; and father juan de bueras preached a very appropriate sermon in three quarters of an hour. the text on which the sermon was based was taken from genesis 14, verse 14--when abraham with three hundred and eighteen of his servants defeated the hostile kings who had taken captive his nephew lot; and took from them all the plunder and the captives, together with all the precious and valuable things they possessed. for this victory melchisedec, priest of the most high, in thanksgiving offered a sacrifice of bread and wine; and it is to be noticed that abraham asked nothing of the plunder for himself, content to give god the thanks for so great a victory. in order that there might not be lacking a pleasant interlude to so grave a drama, i shall relate what happened in this port of cavite on the same day, june seventh. on saturday afternoon, june sixth, the children, having been dismissed early from the two schools, went to play at the fort which has been begun at the outer edge of the town, and there began a game, some being moros and others christians--one party defending the fort, and the other rushing on to capture it. not satisfied with this, they made arrangements to carry on the game in a more fitting manner the next day. in the meantime they provided themselves with flags and with wooden and bamboo swords. he who played cachil corralat hoisted his flag on the fort, incited his men to defend it, and even insulted the christians by calling them "spanish blusterers," and "hens." the latter, eager to assault, boldly attacked them, but were so bravely repelled by the moros that some were wounded and roughly handled. this threw the christians into such rage that they furiously attacked the fort again, desisting only when they had gained entrance to it. cachil corralat, who fell into their hands, was flung down from the wall, and was badly hurt on the head, so much so that it required five stitches in dressing the wound; but now i see him walking the streets, but with his head bandaged. finally a very agreeable drama on the conquest of mindanao, written by father hieronimo perez, was presented in the evening of july fifteenth, in our church. [130] the play told the story of the campaign as it occurred--not, however, without certain devices in which was displayed the holy zeal, faith, and piety of the society of jesus. these kindled in don sebastian's mind the purpose to take vengeance for the insults offered to god, and to put a stop to the injuries which the christians of these islands, and especially our missions in pintados, are suffering. the play ended with a tourney-dance, for which prizes were given. thus everything was as well and splendidly performed as one could desire. the crowning touch was given to the pleasure of the audience by the news, which was brought to the governor while the prologue was being spoken, that the ships from castilla had arrived. _laus deo virginis mariae (sic)_ royal aid requested by the jesuits at manila most potent sir: i, father francisco colin, rector of the residence of the society of jesus of this city, declare that his majesty was pleased to order the issue of the royal decree which i present directed to this royal audiencia--ordering that it inform him of the condition of the work on the said my residence, what is still to be done, and whether the said my residence has enough funds to enable it to continue the said work without his majesty granting the ten thousand ducados payable in unassigned indians, which was asked from him on the part of the said my residence. in that work have been spent the ten thousand ducados which his majesty granted to the said my residence in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-five; and besides the said ten thousand ducados have been spent forty thousand six hundred and eighty-one pesos. in order to be enabled to meet the said expense, because of the great need in which the order stood of a house and church, and because it had no money with which to do this, it obtained a loan of twenty thousand two hundred, pesos, for which it pays one thousand and ten pesos interest annually. the other twenty thousand four hundred and eighty-one pesos this residence owes to various persons, who, because they wish us well, have lent those amounts to the said residence. besides that, all the legacies and alms that have fallen to it in the course of fourteen years have been spent, as appears more in detail in the certification which i present. as is evident and well known, the said work is yet to be finished. there still are lacking the construction of the porter's lodge, the principal stairway of the house, the school, and the infirmary, with which the said work will be preserved and extended. it is in danger of ruin from earthquakes, for a part of the said building is now open for lack of connecting walls, as appears more in detail from the certification of miguel sanchez marufo, architect of this city, which i present. therefore, i petition and beseech your highness to be pleased to make the said report, so that it may be despatched in this patache, paying heed to the fact that all the aforesaid in this writing is accurate and true. thereby will this residence receive grace and alms. francisco colin manila, at the meeting of august three, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. let his majesty be informed according to the royal decree. [the certification presented was as follows:] i, father francisco colin, rector of the residence of the society of jesus of this city of manila, certify that it appears, from the account-books for the work of the church and house of the said residence, that there has been spent on the works the ten thousand ducados which his majesty granted it in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-five, and which were collected in the time of governor don juan niño de tavora. in addition to the said sum, it also appears that there has been spent in the same work, forty thousand six hundred and eighty-one pesos, which this residence now owes: twenty thousand two hundred of borrowed money, on which it pays one thousand and ten pesos interest; and the other twenty thousand four hundred and eighty-one in coin, which are due to various persons, who lent them to this residence because they favor us; besides, the legacies and alms that have fallen to it, in the course of fourteen years since the first stone was laid, have also been consumed in the same work. all the above is apparent to me, both by the account-books of this residence, and because most of them were in my time and partly by my authority. and, inasmuch as this is true, i affixed my signature to the same in this residence of manila, july twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. juan [_sic_; _sc._ francisco] colin [the certification of the architect is as follows:] i, miguel sanchez marrufo, architect of this city, having examined at the petition of father francisco colin, rector of the residence of the society of jesus of this city, the work on the said residence, find that, although that part of the building which contains most of the residence-quarters of the religious is now finished, there is still another part yet to be constructed--namely, the porter's lodge, the principal stairway of the house, the schools, and the infirmaries, with which the quadrangle of buildings will be completed, and the said work will be extended and continued. what is finished is in danger of ruin from earthquakes, for, by lack of connecting walls, one part of the building finished is still open. this will cause greater injury if it be not remedied, making the edifice secure by completing the quadrangle of the said house. inasmuch as this is true, i affixed my signature to the same. manila, today, july twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. miguel sanchez marrufo [the archbishop, hernando guerrero, wrote the following letter in regard to the matter:] sire: by a decree of july ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, your majesty orders me to inform you on the first opportunity, and to send my opinion, in regard to an alms of ten thousand ducados in unassigned indians which is asked for in behalf of the residence of the society of jesus in this city of manila, for the work on the said residence and church, in addition to another of like sum which your majesty was pleased to grant it in june, one thousand six hundred and twenty-five, for the same purpose. having made the investigations in fulfilment of the mandate of your majesty, i find that the first ten thousand ducados have been consumed in the said work, as well as another large sum which citizens of this city have given as alms and loans. although the principal part of the building is finished, it is in danger because the fourth arch is wanting, which will join together what has been built. this ten thousand additional ducados which is now petitioned will be very necessary; and although the said residence has some revenues, i am informed that these do not cover the expense of their ordinary support, because it is the seminary for study, the infirmary, and the hospitium of all the province. consequently, i opine that it will be a work very proper for the royal kindness of your majesty, and for the service of the divine majesty, to grant the residence the alms of the said sum--or greater, if your majesty be so pleased. its being in unassigned indians, with which grant the soldiers are rewarded, is not a [mere] favor to the said fathers, since they embark with the soldiers on all the occasions demanding a fleet, and are employed in the rearing of the youth of this community, and all their ministers are engaged in the service of the community, gaining much fruit, and signalizing themselves among the other orders. with them and with me the said fathers are now in excellent harmony, and are the instrument of the peace between the tribunals, of which i am giving your majesty a special account, so that you might have in your royal council an account of the dissensions which, as i advised you, we had last year. may our lord preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty as he can, and as is necessary to christendom. manila, august six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven. fray hernando, archbishop of manila. letters from corcuera to felipe iv sire: when your majesty, through your grace and condescension, sent me to serve you in these filipinas islands, you were pleased to give me your commands in one of your royal decrees, dated at madrid, on the sixteenth of february in the past year, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five--issued on account of the information which you had from this royal audiencia of the losses which these islands have suffered, during the past thirty years and more, from cachil corralat, king of the great island of mindanao, from the kings of jolo and burney, and from the camucones. they have plundered the islands, and taken captive the poor christian indians, selling them as their slaves from one country to another, seizing the religious and the ministers of the holy gospel, burning the villages, and devastating everything. the royal audiencia has given your majesty but scant information of the great and excessive injuries which these poor islands have experienced from these moro enemies. for in the year when i arrived here, they did not content themselves with taking captive more than twenty-five or thirty thousand vassals of your majesty; at this time which i mention they seized and carried away captive from the island of calamianes don diego de alabez, your majesty's alcalde-mayor in that island and province, together with three religious, recollects of the order of st. augustine, who in various places were furnishing instruction to the vassals of your majesty. at the same time when they made this notable seizure, they sacked the churches, and afterward burned them, carrying away the monstrances with the most holy sacrament, the chalices, and other sacred vessels, with all the ornaments that they could find--even taking the bells. all together, this booty was worth more than two or three thousand pesos--which for churches so poor, and for poor indians, was a considerable loss. having made inquiries as to what measures had been taken by my predecessors in so many years to check such lawless acts, i was assured by this royal audiencia, and by all the oldest and most experienced residents of this colony, that in the past thirty-four years there had been expended from your majesty's royal exchequer more than two hundred thousand pesos, in equipping fleets in cebu, oton, this city, and other places, against these enemies. but these fleets were never able to come up with the pirates because of the swiftness of the moro vessels, and because of the negligence of the commanders who were sent on these expeditions; consequently, all that was accomplished was to go to the islands where these enemies had been, and to live on the tender chickens and other supplies which the poor indians had carried away to the hills. all these things, and the commands that your majesty was pleased to lay upon me in your royal decree above mentioned, constrained me to summon a council of war. it included all the old soldiers who are in this city, not only those in active service, but those on half-pay; also the royal audiencia, and the royal officials of your majesty. i told them how important it was to put an end to these raids, as your majesty had commanded, and proposed to go in person to punish these moros. all the members of the council uttered opinions contrary to mine, deeming it to be of greater importance that i should remain in this city. only one thought that i should go to render this service, and that was my nephew, captain and sargento-mayor don pedro hurtado de corcuera; and some one among them said that your majesty's power was not sufficient to conquer the height of mindanao, where the king cachil corralat was. considering what your majesty had commanded me in your royal decree, and the blasphemies which these moros had uttered--saying that by carrying away the monstrances with the most holy sacrament they were carrying the god of the christians captive, trampling upon them, and mocking them in other ways; spitting in the chalices; and using the patens as receptacles for the saliva from their buyo-chewing--all these things obliged me, sire, [to go on this quest]. after having sent to terrenate two galleons well armed, two pataches, and six champans, with two hundred infantry and two hundred mariners, to carry supplies to those forts, together with one new galley which the governor of those forts, don pedro de mendiola, had requested from me that it might accompany the one which he maintained there (of which enterprise and of those islands i will give your majesty an account in a separate letter), i embarked with eleven champans--vessels which were indeed frail and weak, but the other galley had not been completed. i had my own company of infantry, of one hundred and fifty soldiers; another, of a hundred pampango indians; and that of captain lorenco de orella y ugalde, containing another hundred men, mariners. with these two hundred and fifty spaniards and one hundred pampango indians, i sailed as far as the fort of camboanga, which (as i wrote to your majesty last year) don juan cereco de salamanca had begun, or had ordered to be built, in that very island of mindanao; by way of this port sail the ships which go to terrenate for the relief of those forts. i made the decision which i have stated to your majesty, in order to see if that port was of so much importance as they were all assuring me it was, and whether the expenses which that fort has caused your majesty were being checked; i also went in order to visit the rest of the islands, which lie on that route, and to repair the wrongs which certain persons are inflicting on the poor indians. a few months before, i had sent to that fort a new governor and a new commander, judging that those officers who had until then been stationed there had accomplished nothing of importance with their flotilla. after sargento-mayor bartolome diaz barrera arrived as governor, and sargento-mayor nicolas gomez as captain of both companies, those moros withdrawing [to their own country] with the rich prize of those religious and the consecrated vessels which i have mentioned to your majesty, and a friendly moro having informed us that the pirates had passed, two leguas from there, by the island of basilan (or taguima, for the island has both names), bartolome diaz barrera sent sargento-mayor [gomez] with five caracoas and his company of soldiers. they encountered the moros in the middle of their voyage, with their booty, and fought with them. one of our own balls, strangely, struck one of the missionary fathers, who tried to see how the spaniards were fighting; and he was killed. out of seven caracoas which were conveying the enemy with their spoils, the said sargento-mayor captured four and burned one; and he rescued more than one hundred and twenty christian captives, the rest being killed by our bullets. there were also some moros who, as those people are so stubborn, would not stop killing our men, and perished by drowning. as soon as our men captured two of the caracoas, the rest took to flight, and by hard rowing reached their own lands, with the two priests and the greater part of the sacred vessels which they were carrying away as plunder. in the province of camarines there was another piece of good-fortune; for don pedro mena, alcalde-mayor of that province, burned eighteen of the moro caracoas; and of the rest more than ten were wrecked by a storm, in which were drowned the moros and the christian captives whom they were carrying away. in the island of leite, two other officers, half-pay alférezes, sailed out in different vessels after the rest of the moro horde; and they captured from the pirates a caracoa, and slew many of their men. with these two successes, then, i arrived, sire, at camboanga with the troops whom i have mentioned; and from that fort i took sargento-mayor nicolas gomez, with his company. with these, i had a force of three hundred and fifty spaniards and one hundred and fifty pampangos, and with them proceeded to lamitan, the principal village of the king, cachil corralat; but only four caracoas and two champans could arrive at the same time with me, on account of stormy weather. confiding more in the goodness and mercy of god than in the number of my soldiers, and having left those vessels well guarded, i landed with about seventy spaniards and two small field-pieces (which they themselves fired). they engaged the enemy, in both the village and the fort; and god was pleased to give your majesty a great victory, although by the means of forces so weak and so few soldiers. the village and fort were gained in less than half an hour; in them were two pieces of bronze artillery, for sixand eight-libra balls respectively; thirteen bronze versos, and some forty or fifty muskets and arquebuses; and in the mosque were found two bells. in the river were more than three hundred barks and other vessels; four of these, belonging to some merchants, were laden with wax, oil, and other goods, which made rich booty for the soldiers. i reserved for your majesty only the wax and oil, and the arms. if i had had more men, i would have followed the king to the top of the height; and it might be that before he reached the height he would have fallen into the hands of your majesty's soldiers. i thought it best to give thanks to god for what had been accomplished, and to content myself with that until the rest of the men should arrive. this was friday, the thirteenth of the month; on the sixteenth the rest of the vessels arrived. having made all the soldiers confess and receive communion, i distributed among them ammunition, and biscuit and cheese for four days. i sent nicolas gomez with one hundred and fifty spaniards by way of the rear of the hill, two hours before daybreak, and fifty pampangos, and some indians to carry the supplies. i myself set out with about two hundred spaniards, fifty pampangos, and as many more indians, by the route in front, and arrived at the foot of the hill, a distance of about a long legua. i found a large village built below, and abandoned by the moros, who had retreated up the hill. i set out over the rugged slopes, and although the moros uttered many shouts and outcries, they did not interrupt my progress until we were at a musket-shot from their fortification. i had given orders to the captains who were leading the vanguard, lorenzo de ugalde and don rodrigo de guillestigui, and to my nephew the sargento-mayor, to make observations and reconnoiter when they reached the fort, instructing them to win the fight, with hearts all the more courageous since they had seen that in the assault on the village not one man had been killed, and no more than two or three wounded. they laid siege to the hill before i could reach the scene of conflict, to which i proceeded with your majesty's colors. the moros awaited us with a good supply of muskets and versos; at the first volley they killed some of the more daring soldiers, and wounded others. our men reached the stockade, shouting "santiago!" and asking for more men from the detachment which was still ascending the hill, by one of slopes and paths as rugged and narrow as any which i ever saw in the alarbes or the pirineos, or in any places where i have served your majesty. on account of the haste with which he had tried to reach me, captain ugalde had lost an arm; and captain don rodrigo de guillestegui, alférez in my company, had been several times struck by stones, so that he could hardly move. my nephew don pedro had received a musket-shot in the right leg, across the shin-bone. there were twenty-three killed, officers and men, and more than fifty wounded. although your majesty's soldiers fought with great valor, the enemy could not have received much damage, even from our musketry, on account of the great strength of their stockades, which were everywhere pierced with holes from our musket-balls; and, because we were unable to carry up the hill our two small field-pieces (which carry two-libra balls), the musketry could not accomplish much. seeing that we could not carry the fort, and the number of men i had lost, so that there were hardly a hundred effective men left, and knowing that on the hill the moros numbered four thousand, well armed, i took command of the rearguard, ordered that the wounded be carried away, and went down from the hill, uniting my troops with the guard of pampangos whom i had left with the cannon. although i desired to hold that post, i had not men for this; on that account, and in order that the moros should not harass me by cutting off the heads of the wounded men, i had to escort them as far as the fort of san francisco xabiel, which had been gained below. i reached it at night, with the troops discouraged, and reduced to the small number that i have mentioned to your majesty. on this occasion i had not the support of sargento-mayor nicolas gomez and his men--who went as the rearguard, on account of pains in his legs--although he had not more than three leguas to go from four o'clock in the morning to eleven, when the battle commenced. they were reconnoitering, carrying nicolas gomez in a hammock because he could not, on account of his foot, climb paths so rugged. he did not come back until the morning of the next day, when i had sent eighty men who survived from the vanguard, to which nicolas gomez had to go, setting out as soon as the men had heard mass. they went at that time because the enemy had not fortified the rear of the hill. captain gastelu, who led nicolas gomez's vanguard, gained a good position, and killed some moros who were defending a passage across which they had only felled a tree. captain gastelu passed this obstruction, and gained the top of the hill and the rear of the king's main stronghold, where he had his house, and four pieces of artillery. of these, one was bronze, with your majesty's arms on it, carrying an eight-libra ball; the three others were of cast iron, for sixand eight-libra balls. they were loaded up to the mouth with balls, chains, and spikes, in order [to destroy us] if we had gone up the hill by that route, on which the guide whom i took with me had already started us. but god influenced my choice, in order that we should go by the other road; for although i did not get off very cheaply, yet by this road it would have cost me far more dear. at the time when we were fighting above on the seventeenth of march, the eve of st. joseph's day, the eighty men whom i sent with captain rodrigo de guillestigui, my alférez, arrived at the foot of the hill on this other side; and, as a result of the pious haste which father marcelo mastrilo used in saying mass in order that we might pursue our march, the news was soon brought to me that the moros had flung themselves down from their heights in flight, and that your majesty's banners were flying over their three forts and our chaplains singing the _te deum laudamus_. other arms were secured there--twelve or thirteen versos, and more than a hundred arquebuses and muskets; everything else was given to the soldiers as booty, as a reward for their labors. thus your majesty gained a victory, as others will write you. as the king, cachil corralat, is very influential in those regions, i have made public an offer to give three thousand pesos for his head. the captives and his wife's servants tell me that the king was wounded in an arm by a musket-ball; with that, i understand, he will not be able to keep up his people's courage; and, if he does not go away into those rugged mountains, he will not escape me. his wife threw herself from the walls, with a little child in her arms; and many other women belonging to the leading families were sold here on your majesty's account--fifty of them, besides as many more men; while more than two hundred christian captives were set free. of the two augustinian fathers, one had been slain in revenge because we had killed, in the assault from below, the commander of that fort, who was a nephew of the king, and two others of their chiefs. on the day when the height was carried by our men, the moros, when they took to flight, inflicted so many wounds on the other father that, although they brought him to me alive, he had seventeen mortal wounds, so that within thirteen hours he died, in my quarters. his death left us all as envious as compassionate of his fate. thus all the three fathers, sire, have died, at various times. i brought away the ornaments and sacred vessels, and returned them to their owners, after having displayed them in a procession which was made as a thank-offering to the most holy sacrament--from which, as i firmly believe, your majesty received this favor [of the victory], on account of the fiestas which had been celebrated a few months before, in accordance with your royal decree. i send an official statement of this, in order that your majesty may know in what manner your commands were obeyed. i had intended to make this relation more concise, but i have not been able to do so. others will give a more detailed account of the campaign; but i am telling your majesty only the substance of the service that has been rendered to you. i returned to çamboanga, after i had sent sargento-mayor pedro palomino with five caracoas to the king of buayen, to reduce him to a vassal of your majesty, and to make him pay tribute, or else wage war against him as we had done to corralat. he yielded what was demanded from him, and became tributary to your majesty. he and all his vassals pay the annual tribute: every married man, three eight-real pesos; and each single man, a peso and a half. to some persons it has seemed that i have imposed a heavy tax on them; but they do not consider the great expenses which these moros have caused to your majesty's treasury, nor my granting them the favor, in your majesty's royal name, of remitting half the tribute to those who shall become christians. i doubt much whether they will do so; for they are a fierce and obstinate people. the king of buayen will allow the fathers of the society to supply instruction, under the condition that they baptize only children, and do not annoy or urge the adults; i granted this, as being so in accord with the holy gospel, since god does not bring any one by force to his holy law; and gradually both the children and their grandparents will become christians. i have therefore brought to settle and live in the fort of camboanga nearly four hundred moros; and i hope that within a year all that island (which is larger than the whole of españa) will pay tribute to your majesty. i sent captain juan nicolas with eighty spaniards and twenty pampangos, with a thousand fighting indians from among your majesty's christian vassals; and he harried all the coast of more than half of the island--burning villages and grain-fields, and destroying the trees, and cutting off more than seventy heads--until he reached the fort of caraga in the same island. that fort (which i have now finished) is built of stone, without any expense from the royal treasury of your majesty; and that at çamboanga will cost very little. thus, between juan nicolas and myself, we made the entire circuit of the island. this coming year i will go, or i will send some one, to explore the country inland to the lake of manala [_i.e._, malanao], around which there are more than seventy houses, i mean villages, containing many people. they are not supplied with firearms, although the moros are well provided with long arrows and other missile weapons. i hope in god to carry on that enterprise as promptly and easily as this other one; and even to bring down from his lofty stronghold the king of jolo, and reduce him to obedience to your majesty. and i will try to send an expedition--if not next year, then the year after--against the king of burney, who shelters and favors the camucones, who by themselves and alone are of no account. when that is done, in all this archipelago there will remain no enemy except the dutch. god knows that if i had a thousand more spaniards, i would give them enough in which to earn reward; but i have so much territory to guard, and in so many posts, that, with the small forces that there are in these islands, one thousand five hundred men, i cannot attempt to render your majesty this service. although your majesty has not authorized me to grant extra pay, when i saw how your soldiers fought in my presence, and how at the cost of their blood and their lives they won credit for your majesty's arms, i granted in your royal name an increase of pay to the wounded, to each one a peso more than his usual wages; and to some i gave two pesos. this will be, in all, ninety-seven pesos of extra pay. in order to compensate for this new expenditure from your majesty's revenues, i placed in the royal treasury two hundred and fifty pesos which will be vacant at this time in every year, in order that from this sum may be paid the twenty-one and thirty pesos which an adjutant had who died in the campaign; these amounts also will remain on the half-pay list. accordingly, the only extra expense thus incurred from your majesty's revenues is the other forty-six pesos; and from that i have cut out more than twenty pesos, by means of offices which i have given to those soldiers--while within a year, or sooner, i will have given offices to the rest of them, and thus will have canceled all the extra pay which i granted them. the royal official judges made objections to doing this, alleging their obligations. i replied that nevertheless they must confirm these grants, and that i would give account of them to your majesty; and that, in case you were not pleased to approve them, i would pay them from my own salary. for i consider it a grievous thing to see before me your soldiers fighting, and being crippled in your majesty's service, and i not able to encourage them with the reward of a peso of extra pay, which is very little gain for them. i entreat your majesty to be pleased to command that this be examined and approved; and, in case objection is made, to be pleased to let me know of it, so that--although in like cases i may grant other favors to the soldiers in your royal name--i may not give them extra pay; and so that the royal official judges may pay this amount from my salary, deducting from it what shall have been thus spent. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, as christendom has need. manila, august 20, 1637. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera sire: master-of-camp pedro de heredia has by your majesty's grace governed the forts of terrenate for twelve years, and you have commanded that his residencia be taken; but he has ingenuity and shrewdness, and always has been able to make gifts to my predecessors. it is reported that he is accustomed to say among the soldiers that he has 30,000 pesos to close one eye of any governor who shall send to take his residencia, and, if it should be necessary, as many more pesos to close the other eye; but he has found the door to this shut. he is availing himself of his ingenuity, as he has done before, to make the residencia which i have taken of his government suit his wishes. after i came here (or before), a portuguese resident in malaca demanded from him 60,000 pesos, which don pedro had seized from his property. i appointed auditor don antonio alvarez de castro as judge in this suit. the sentence having been pronounced, on sufficient evidence, that he must repay 12,000 pesos to this portuguese, simon texeira, don pedro appealed to your majesty's royal council of the indias; but as you have here your royal audiencia, the affair was placed in its hands. he challenged auditor marcos çapata and all the lawyers of this city; his plea was that in terrenate he had brought to trial sargento-mayor don marcos çapata, son of the auditor, because he had punished with the cudgel a subordinate of his for a certain shameless act, and because officially, without having complained to any one, he upbraided him for holding illicit relations with a married woman, without having corrected or punished him. this might be true, because, in order to cover up his own evil proceedings, there was not a captain, nor a commander of the relief ships, nor a private soldier, with whom he did not pick a quarrel, in order to keep that man under guard during his term there, defending himself by saying that they were his enemies, on account of his quarrel with them. besides this, sire, is the money which has come into his hands and those of the accountant during these twelve years, together with the military supplies of all kinds which are carried to him every year. the provisions he distributed among the soldiers, without charging these against their pay; and he has, according to assertions made to me, charged large quantities of supplies to many men who had fled to the enemy on account of the bad treatment that they experienced, and to others who had died of sickness; it cannot be known, therefore, whether these men actually received them. all these things are made public by the soldiers whom i have had exchanged from those forts, which have held these men as slaves for twenty or twenty-four years, without their being allowed to come to this city. on account of all these things, i have ordered that all the papers of the accountancy for those forts shall be brought here, so that it may be seen how so great an amount of your majesty's properly has been spent. since the old soldiers have come back, there is no end to the petitions against him--for having taken away from some of them honor, from others their possessions. as i found last year your majesty's royal treasury in a needy condition, and the citizens not only had no money to lend it, but instead had asked me for more than 60,000 pesos from the sangley licenses in order to relieve their own needs, i managed through an intermediary person to inform don pedro that he could make a donation to your majesty of 100,000 pesos, which would adjust his residencia and his affairs, rendering satisfaction to the parties concerned, so that his reputation might be saved and that he might have opportunity to receive grace from your majesty; for the universal opinion is that he possesses wealth amounting to 400,000 pesos. not only did he refuse to do this, but he even undertook to offer only 15,000 pesos; so i ordered that nothing more be said in this matter. this man is so subtle that if your majesty does not send an official to take his residencia, he will come out from it with everything just as he desires, as every one says. i assert that it is necessary for your majesty to send some one, because with all the officials here don pedro is so shrewd and crafty and suave that he sways every one at his will, and will attain all his desires. i have fulfilled my duty in placing this before your majesty; now you will be pleased to command what is most expedient to your royal service. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, as christendom has need. manila, august 20, in the year 637. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [_endorsed_: "manila; to his majesty; 1637. don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, august 20; contains particulars regarding the master-of-camp pedro de heredia." "february 5, 1639; hand to the fiscal." "the fiscal says that this letter comes alone, and without any accompanying proofs of the allegations. this residencia could be awaited, if an account of it comes in the fleet; and if it is delayed in the audiencia it can be entrusted to the auditor whom the council shall be pleased to appoint, so that the residencia may be taken in a thoroughly satisfactory manner and referred to the council for its decision. let the governor be informed that he must endeavor most carefully to administer justice in such cases, without giving any opportunity for composition of offences, which is so injurious to justice, which should be administered with the utmost equity and uprightness to all persons. madrid, february 22, 1639." "february 28; wait for the coming of the fleet, to see what information about this matter shall arrive; and if any comes, let it be brought with this letter."] bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _letter by corcuera, june 30, 1636._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador vistos en el consejo; años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." 2. _royal decrees._--the first of these is in "audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12." 3. _auditorship of accounts._--"simancas--secular; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1623 á 1641; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 30." 4. _letters by corcuer_, 1637.--the same as no. 1. the following documents are obtained from the academia real de la historia, madrid (the first being a printed book, the others original mss.): 5. _informatory memorial to king._--this is collated with the ms. copy in the biblioteca nacional, madrid--pressmark, "mss. 8990, aa 47, fol. 273-350." 6. _defeat of moro pirates._--in "papeles de los jesuitas; tomo 84, nº. 31." 7. _conquest of mindanao._--the same as no. 6, save "nº. 24." 8. _events in filipinas._--the same as no. 6, save "nº. 26." the following documents are taken from the "cedulario indico," in the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 9. _letter to corcuera._--in "tomo 39, fol. 219b, nº. 210." 2. _royal decrees._--the second and third decrees, "tomo 39, fol. 226b, and 225," respectively. the following document is taken from barrantes's _guerras piraticas_: 10. _corcuera's entry._--pp. 303-310. the following document is taken from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_: 11. _aid requested by jesuits._--vol. iii, pp. 757, 758. notes [1] "costa" in barrantes; but sommervogel gives the name of no jesuit, under either form, who could have gone from manila in 1636. [2] the mass of contemporary material in spanish archives on the contest between corcuera (the civil arm of the government) and the jesuits on one side, and the bishop and friars on the other, shows how important the matter was considered, and the virulence with which the fight was waged on both sides. the various documents relate the affair pro and con, and it is narrated in official, semi-official, and religious documents. the facts of the case are stated, somewhat succinctly, in a printed document, undated (although probably 1636 or 1637), signed by licentiate ruiz de la vega, and addressed to the king, in which many of the letters between the various parties concerned (all given in this series) are given in full or extract, but nothing new is told. this document is in archivo general de indias, at sevilla, in the patronato "audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas, vistos en el consejo; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." [3] see cerezo's letter of that date, in vol. xxiv, p. 308. [4] in the present translation we follow the printed original--using the copy belonging to the academia real de la historia, madrid--as per the above title-page. our transcript was collated with the manuscript copy in the biblioteca nacional, madrid, which may possibly be a contemporaneous copy of the original manuscript of the memorial; but this manuscript (which bears pressmark mss. 8990, aa-47, of which it occupies folios 273-350), which appears to have been done hastily, bears the mark of inaccuracies that make the printed memorial preferable. where the difference is considerable, the reading of the manuscript is inserted in brackets after the other reading, and signed "_ms._" these variations are here noted mainly as a guide to those who may use that manuscript. in almost every case the number of the paragraph is omitted in the manuscript, as are also sometimes the marginal headings of the paragraphs, and most of the other marginal notes. reference has also been made in the translation to the published edition of the manuscript memorial in _doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, vi (madrid, 1866), pp. 364-484, which has been edited somewhat; and to an evident reprint from the printed edition of 1637, in _extracto historial_ (madrid, 1736), folios 215-264. matter taken from the latter is signed "_ex. his._" [5] _avería_ was the tax or duty levied on goods shipped from spain to america, or from america to spain, to meet the expenses of the naval convoy to protect the fleet from pirates. see tit. ix of lib. ix, _recopilación de leyes de indias_ which treats of the _avería_, entitled, "of the tax, administration, and collection of the duty of _avería_."--edward g. bourne. [6] note in margin of _extracto historial_: "_note_: the numbers cited in these margins refer to this same memorial." [7] at this point the manuscript and printed original both contain a partial reduplication, as follows: _los vexinos y cargadores de filipinas, que sin reconocer--es digo por solo no verse sujetos á denunciationes._ it may possibly be regarded as a parenthetical expression added for the sake of force, and is translated: "the citizens and exporters of filipinas, who without recognizing--it is, i say, for the sole purpose of not becoming liable to denunciations." this clause is dropped in the _extracto historial_ reprint. [8] see vol. xvi of this series, pp. 225-227. [9] the manuscript at this point contains a duplicate or confusion of words, as follows: _reyes tienen vnos estados, porque los han menester, y otros digo el embiarles ministros della aunque los._ this proves the manuscript only a clerical copy, as does also the fact that it is copied in the same hand as other manuscripts of this same collection; and it shows the carelessness with which this copy was made. [10] the progress made by the mahometans in the eastern part of asia was very slow. the inhabitants of malacca were converted in 1276, those of the moluccas in 1465, and those of java in 1478, and those of the celebes one year before vasco da gama rounded the cape of good hope. nevertheless, after 1521, many of the inhabitants of these islands began to be converted to catholicism.--see _doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, vi, p. 375, note. [11] _empeño_: this transfer, as may be seen from the treaty of zaragoza (vol. 1, pp. 221-239), was part of the sale by spain to portugal of the spice-trade, right of navigation, and islands then in dispute between the two crowns; but various stipulations were made regarding it, so that the maluco islands were, in a sense, held as a pledge for the observance thereof. [12] this word is lacking in the manuscript. [13] at this point occurs a doublet of nine words in the manuscript--simply an error of the transcriber. [14] see this decree in vol. iii, pp. 250, 251. [15] see this decree, with illustrations, in vol. ix, pp. 211-215. [16] see vol. iv, p. 108. [17] this is the date in the original printed edition, but both the manuscript and the reprint in the _extracto historial_ give 1626. [18] at this point there is another _lapsus calami_ by the transcriber of the manuscript, resulting in another reduplication. [19] both the manuscript and the _extracto historial_ reprint say may 16. [20] see vol. xx, p. 257. [21] this word is omitted in the manuscript. [22] singapore signifies, in malay, "place of lions"--although it would be more apropos to call it "the place of tigers," which are so plentiful there (_doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, vi, p. 383, note). [23] this sentence is very blindly worded, but perhaps indicates, by anticipation, the point made in section 40, _post_--where india and the philippines are mentioned as the "extremes" of the spanish empire in the orient. or it may refer to the alternative presented near the end of section 2. [24] grau y monfalcón evidently made use of leonardo de argensola's _conqvistas de las islas malvcas_ in this review of oriental commerce. [25] referring to ptolemy neus dionysus, surnamed auletes ("the flute-player"), who ruled over egypt from b. c. 80 to 51. one of his daughters was the famous cleopatra vi, who so infatuated the roman cæsar and antony. [26] this date in the manuscript is 1457, which is misprinted 1417 in the reprint of 1866 (_doc. inéd._). [27] see sir henry middleton's _voyage to bantam_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1855); that voyage took place in 1604-06. [28] this word is missing in the manuscript. [29] the cate is equivalent to 1.8 english pounds; 87 pounds equal one quintal, 100 catés one pico, and 40 picos one koyan (_doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, vi, p. 390, note). [30] see the description and prices of precious stones found in the appendix to duarte barbosa's _east africa and malabar_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1866), pp. 208-218. [31] apparently referring to some plant of the genus _strychnos_, several species of it having the reputation of curing the bites of serpents. blanco says (_flora_, p. 61) that he himself has witnessed several cures by this means. [32] a dried fruit, resembling a prune, which contains tannin; formerly used in medicine, now mainly in tanning and dyeing. it is the product of various species of _terminalia_. [33] the manuscript is mutilated at this point, and contains only the first part of this name, "vera." [34] the manuscript reads "29." [35] apparently an error for "november;" see vol. xvii, p. 252. [36] cf. heredia's list (1618?) of dutch factories and posts, vol. xviii, pp. 107-110; and los rios's mention of them, vol. xix, pp. 288-290. [37] tacomma, where the dutch erected fort willemstadt. [38] this word is omitted in the manuscript. [39] the capital of the island of gilolo bears the same name. batochina is properly a part of the island (_doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, vi, p. 400, note 1). [40] the island of amboina was discovered about 1515 by the portuguese, and taken by the dutch february 23, 1603. see _doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía_, vi, p. 400, note 2. [41] this word is lacking in the manuscript. [42] see, in vols. v and vi of this series, the ordinance of may 5, 1583, giving form to the audiencia, the establishment of which was decreed by royal order of the above date (march 5). [43] an imaginary money used in the indias, which serves as a standard for valuing the ingots of silver; it is differentiated from the value of the real-of-eight, or coined peso, in order to allow for the amount of seigniorage and other expenses at the mint. (dominguez's _dict. nac. lingua española_.) in morga's time the governor received eight thousand pesos de minas annually (see vol. xvi, p. 188; also ii, p. 97, note 43). [44] spanish, _santas_; one would expect _sanativas_, "healing." [45] spanish, _seis mil aremilas_. _mil_ is an obvious error, probably typographical; and _aremilas_ is apparently a misprint for _acémilas_, "mules." [46] _comitre_: an officer in the galleys of that epoch, who had charge of the working of the ship, and the punishment of the rowers and convicts. see _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, vi, p. 421, note 1. [47] this word is omitted in the manuscript. [48] this word is lacking in the manuscript. [49] cf. financial statements of the philippine colonial government found in vols. vi, pp. 47-49: xiv, pp. 243-269; xvi, pp. 188-193; xix, pp. 248-250, 292-297. [50] the manuscript is much confused at this point, reading _y assi el real_ instead of _y assi al perù_--the idea of the copyist evidently being "accordingly the royal [council] concedes one ship annually to nueva españa," etc., which does not make sense with what follows. [51] annuity assigned upon the revenue of the crown. [52] grau y monfalcón leaves out of account the expeditions of loaisa and villalobos. [53] this word is lacking in the manuscript. [54] spanish, _angeos_; _i.e._, anjou linen, because it was obtained from that duchy; a coarse, heavy cloth of the poorer quality of flax. the linen of rouen was fine. [55] these words, _lo mas_, are omitted in the manuscript. [56] see cíeza de leon's account of the mines of potosi, in his _chronicle of peru_ (markham's translation, hakluyt society's publications, london, 1864), pp. 386-392. he says that he himself saw (1549) the amount of the royal fifths, 25,000 to 40,000 pesos each week; and that these for the years 1548-51 amounted to more than 3,000,000 ducados. cf. acosta's description, in his _history of the indies_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1880), i, pp. 197-209; he reckons the fifths as 1,500,000 pesos (of 13 1/4 reals each) yearly. both writers state that much of the silver was never reported to the royal officials. humboldt makes the statement (_new spain_, black's translation, iii, p. 372) regarding the yield of potosi from 1624 to 1634, that it was 5,232,425 piastres (or pesos; of eight reals each)--as translated, "average years," which presumably is intended for "yearly average." [57] see vol. xv, p. 293. [58] here occurs, in the manuscript, a later sentence copied in the wrong place. [59] this word is omitted in the manuscript. [60] _trama_: a kind of weaving silk. [61] _sinabafa_: material of the natural color, _i.e._, unbleached. [62] evidently meaning the silk produced in misteca (miztecapan), a province of nueva españa, now part of the state of oajaca. this industry appears to have been introduced there in consequence of a suggestion by the viceroy montesclaros in 1612 (see vol. xvii, p. 219). [63] apparently meaning that as linen must then be imported into spain, to make good this deficiency, an extension of their market for this commodity would thus be secured by the french and dutch, its chief manufacturers. [64] _aviador_: a term used in nueva españa to denote the person who supplied others with articles to work the silver mines. [65] this word is omitted in the manuscript. [66] montero y vidal says (_hist. piratería_, i, p. 162) that tagal was a brother of corralat. [67] these religious were fray francisco de jesús maría, missionary in cuyo; and fray juan de san nicolás, and fray alonso de san agustín, of linacapán in calamianes. see sketches of their lives, captivity, and deaths in luis de jesús's _hist. relig. descalzos_ (madrid, 1663), pp. 284-293. cf. "the martyrs of calamianes," in _prov. s. nicolás de tolentino agust. descalzos_ (manila, 1879), pp. 184-190. the corregidor (alcalde) captured at that time was diego de alabes. [68] gregorio belin (or belon) was born at madrid, march 15, 1608 (probably; misprinted 1628 in pastells's and retana's _combés_, col. 699); entered the jesuit order in 1625, and was ordained a priest january 6, 1633. in 1640, while in cebú, he left the society. [69] punta de flechas is the headland marking division between the great bays of illana and dumanquilas on the southern coast of mindanao, and is at the south end of boundary line between the provinces of cotabato and zamboanga. this cape was anciently known as panaon. [70] see combés's account of this battle (_hist. mindanao_, cols. 234-238), and that of la concepción (_hist. philipinas_, v, pp. 304-310). the latter states that the priest who died in the battle was fray francisco de jesús maría, the recollect captured in cuyo; he was on tagal's ship, and was fatally wounded by the spanish guns. [71] this letter was probably written by pedro gutierrez, from dapitan--of the jesuit residence at which place he was rector in the preceding year--which was at that time the chief of the jesuit missions in mindanao. it is located almost at the northwest point of that island. [72] arts. 67 and 69, here cited, are respectively 60 and 62 in the original document (may 5, 1583) founding the audiencia at manila--for which see vol. v of this series, pp. 294, 295; cf. duties of fiscal, p. 302. these differences of numbering, and some additional matter in no. 67, show that considerable additions to the old decree were required at the reëstablishment of the audiencia. [73] this ordinance is contained in the first part of ley x, titulo xxix, libro viii, of the _recopilación de leyes_. see vol. xvi of this series, p. 193, note 251. [74] see the letter by fajardo, here referred to, in vol. xviii, pp. 247-279. [75] see this letter in vol. xxiv, p. 301. [76] marcelo francisco mastrilli was born at naples september 14 (crétineau-joly says september 4), 1603, and entered upon his novitiate march 25, 1618. in obedience to the command of an apparition of st. francis xavier which he believed he had seen (that saint also miraculously curing him of a dangerous wound), he asked for the missions of japan. he left for his field in 1635, arriving at manila on july 3 of the following year. at the request of corcuera, mastrilli accompanied him in the expedition against mindanao; soon after the governor's triumphant return therefrom, mastrilli went to japan, where he was almost immediately imprisoned and tortured--finally (october 17, 1637) being beheaded at nagasaki. see murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 81, and crétineau-joly's _hist. comp. de jésus_, iii, pp. 161-163; the latter says that mastrilli went to japan to attempt the reclamation of the apostate christoval ferreira (vol. xxiv, p. 230 and note 91), and that martyrdom there seemed to him and other jesuits a sort of expiation for ferreira's sin. [77] juan de salazar was born at baeza, spain, december 26, 1582, and, while a student there, entered (october 26, 1598) the jesuit order. his studies were pursued at montilla and granada, and completed at manila, where he arrived in 1605. he ministered to various indian churches in luzón, and held important offices in his order, becoming provincial in 1637. he died in 1645. see murillo velarde's _hist. de philipinas_, fol. 142-147. [78] the southwest point of the island of panay, now called siroan. [79] spanish, _arpa de la vela_ (literally, "harp of the sail"); apparently designating the arrangement of the ropes attached to the sail, suggesting the strings of a harp; see engraving of champan in vol. xiv, p. 223. [80] _falúa_ (also _faluca_, english, felucca); a small open boat, or a long boat with oars. [81] francisco angel was born at san clemente, spain, april 14, 1603; and at the age of fifteen he became a jesuit novice. he reached the philippines in 1626, and spent a long and arduous life in the service of the missions there; a large part of his work was in mindanao and the adjacent islands. he died at catbalogan, february 24, 1676. see murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 353 verso. [82] this image had been taken by the moros from the recollect church on the island of cuyo. "it was a titular [_i.e._, an ¡mage of the titular (or patron saint) of that church] of our father st. augustine, and on a linen cloth represented the holy doctor, with jesus christ on one side, refreshing him with the blood from his side; and on the other the virgin, offering him the ["virginal," as la concepción words it] nectar from her royal breasts." thus luis de jesús, in his _historia religiosos descalzos_ (madrid, 1663). the figure of st. francis xavier was conjoined with this one, later, by the jesuits, to incite the soldiers. [83] retana says, in the preface to his edition of combés (col. lvi) that the ancient divisions of the island of mindanao were four: butúan, zamboanga, mindanao (or district of the moros), and caraga. colin states (_labor evangélica_, p. 42) that "the district of the moros begins at the river of sibuguey, and extends along the discovered coast, always to the south, for more than sixty leguas, until it encounters the beginning of the jurisdiction of caraga.... its furthest part is the bay of tagalooc" (_i.e._, davao, according to pastells, in his edition of colin, i, p. 43). the river above mentioned "discharges its waters into the bay of dumanquilas" (retana and pastells, _combés_, col. 761). [84] the ventura del arco transcript is here somewhat differently worded; and according to it the sentence would continue thus: "(and by another caracoa, which carried a white flag, a letter to the recollect fathers whom the moros held captive there, that they should inform them [_i.e._, our men?] of what was going on) should cast anchor," etc. [85] this place was lamitan, corralat's seat of government and court. the height to which that chief retreated after the capture of lamitan was named ilihan, according to montero y vidal (_hist. piratería_, i, p. 168). [86] probably referring to liguasan, a large lake southeast of cotabato, which forms a reservoir for the waters of the rio grande of mindanao--which river seems to have been the headquarters of the piratical moros of that island. the fort captured at this time was located at the mouth of that river. [87] _sarvatanas_ (or _zarbatanas_): a word of arabic origin, here applied to reeds or canes through which are blown poisoned darts--the _sompites_ (or _sumpitans_) of the text. (see retana and pastells's note in _combés_, col. 783.) [88] _sabanilla_, diminutive form of _sabana_ (english, "savannah"); a name given by corcuera's spanish soldiers to the fortress which was constructed, under the direction of father melchor de vera, at that point in mindanao, south from lake lanao. puerto de la sabanilla was anciently called tuboc, on account of the springs that flow there ... which form the river now named malabang. the etymology of this last name indicates the formation of land by the deposits made by the river, which may also be seen in the delta of the rio grande of mindanao. (retana and pastells, in _combés_, col. 760.) tuboc is the name of a modern pueblo on the eastern shore of illana bay. [89] spanish, _empuyado_, from _empuyar_, meaning "to fasten with sharp spikes." there seems to be no satisfactory english equivalent as a name for the defensive contrivance that has always been employed by the malays in the use of sharpened stakes (usually of bamboo) driven into the ground, point upward, and planted thickly in the spot to be defended; sometimes these are placed at the bottom of a trench and hidden by leaves, forming a dangerous pitfall. the use of _empuyado_ in the text suggests the possibility that the spaniards adopted this device to guard some exposed approach to the building, fearing malay treachery--a conjecture strengthened by the presence of the pampango auxiliaries, who probably were accustomed to the use of this sort of defense. see vol. xx, p. 273. [90] _i.e._, "who attains his ends with power even to the end, but disposes all affairs with gentleness." [91] combés says (retana's ed., p. 251) that monte was slain in the conflict. [92] luis de jesús says (_hist. relig. descalzos_, p. 290) that other women followed the queen's example, in order not to become captives of the spaniards. combés, however, states (_hist. mindanao_, col. 252) that the queen and her children escaped as did corralat; and that the earlier accounts were incorrect, based on hasty or mistaken reports. [93] this was fray francisco de jesús maria. the one slain by the moros was fray juan de san nicolas; luis de jesús says (p. 289) that this was caused by his rebuking corralat for his profanation of the sacred articles which he had pillaged from the churches, whereupon the priest was slain by the enraged heathen. the third, fray alonso de san agustin, was attacked at the same time, according to the above historian, and left for dead, but managed to make his way to the spanish camp. [94] the name then applied to the region situated some twelve leguas up the rio grande from its mouth, lying around the south-west part of lake liguasan. retana and pastells say (_combés_, col. 750) that buhayen signifies "the place where crocodiles live." combés says (col. 271) that moncay was generally supposed to be a mestizo, the son of a native "queen" and a spaniard. [95] see accounts of this campaign in combés's _hist. mindanao_, cols. 238-257; murillo velarde's _hist. de philipinas_, fol. 82-86; la concepción's _hist. philipinas_, v, pp. 310-328; montero y vidal's _hist. piratería_, i, pp. 165-173. [96] pedro gutierrez was a mexican; he was born at colima on april 24, 1593. he was sent to the jesuit college at valladolid, spain, for his education, which resulted in his entering that order, in may, 1611. in 1622 he arrived in the philippines, and labored long in the visayas. in 1629 he was assigned to the residence at dapitan, mindanao, from which he soon undertook the conversion of the savage subanos, and later of the lutaos of mindanao, with whom he achieved notable success. he visited the captive vilancio in jolo, and tried in vain to ransom him; but he gained the goodwill of the joloans. he aided in the establishment of the spanish fort at zamboanga, and accompanied the visayan fleet sent to mindanao to reënforce corcuera. in 1638 he went with corcuera's expedition to jolo, and afterward with others to various parts of mindanao. he filled important posts in bohol, zebu, and mindanao; and died at iligan, july 25, 1651. see murillo velarde's account of this missionary's life, in _hist. de philipinas_, fol. 198 verso-207. [97] "colin and combés say that he crossed from ternate to mindanao, about the year 1546; although garcia says that he went there later, on his way from japan to india. the former statement is more credible." (murillo velarde, _hist. de philipinas_, fol. 74 verso.) [98] in pastells's edition of colin (iii, p. 796) is published the following letter from corcuera to the king, obtained from the sevilla archives: "i gave your majesty an account last year of the need that the order of the society has for priests to act as ministers in the missions, now that i have gained two islands for your majesty, that of mindanao and that of bassilan. i have petitioned them to place ministers there, in the parts where they are so necessary, and they have commenced to do so. as they are few, they cannot give me as many as i want, although they are doing all that they can to coöperate with me, taking religious from other parts in order not to let so great a work cease, and one in which they will so well serve our lord and your majesty. this order renders much aid, sire, and with great affection and love. i entreat your majesty, with all humility and earnestness, to be pleased to command that at least thirty or forty priests be furnished to them; with that aid they will be able to give me the ministers whom i ask, and chaplains for the galleons of terrenate and other parts--as they are doing, serving your majesty without self-interest, and checking, by their teaching and good example, the loose conduct of the seamen and soldiers. it seems as if god has been pleased, ever since we undertook to fear god in these islands, as your majesty had ordered, to give us so many successes and victories, from which the arms of your majesty gain the luster and credit that is proper." [99] referring to japan, the field to which mastrilli was assigned. [100] in pastells's edition of colin (iii, p. 768) is printed the following letter from mastrilli to the king, dated july 8, 1637: "i have (clad already in japanese garb) written a long letter to your majesty this same day, bidding farewell to your majesty, and declaring that, whether alive or dead, i shall ever be your majesty's vassal, and most desirous of the increase of your empire and monarchy; and among the executioners and tortures of japon, and much more, if i die i shall be, in the heavens, an eternal intercessor. i left two things to request from your majesty by special letters: one for forty priests of the society of jesus to come to these philipinas islands, about which i have already written a letter; and the other, which i beg from your majesty in this letter--namely, that you favor with your royal munificence the schools of our society in this city of manila, and in especial the college of san joseph, by erecting in it twenty fellowships, as your majesty has done in the colleges of peru and mexico. this is the last thing that i petition, with all possible earnestness, from your majesty, in whose royal hands this letter will be placed when this matter is discussed in the council, so that your majesty may order it to be accomplished. may our lord preserve your royal person, and give you the years and happiness that we all desire and need." [101] francisco colin was born at ripoll, of a prominent catalonian family, in july, 1592. at the age of thirteen he was sent to barcelona for his education; he there entered the jesuit order, february 14, 1607. after his ordination he spent several years in preaching, in gerona, cardona, and other places; and afterward was an instructor in the college at zaragoza. desiring to labor among the heathen, he entered the philippine missions, arriving at manila june 28, 1626. about that time, the jesuits attempted to found missions in formosa and jolo, to which task colin was assigned; but, these proving abortive, he remained at manila, occupying a chair in the jesuit college, and acting as confessor to governor niño de tavora. after the latter's death, colin became rector of the college, and soon afterward was sent (1634) to the new mission of mindoro, where he spent three years. recalled to manila, he was rector of the college until he was chosen (1639) provincial of the islands--an office which he held a second time, according to pastelle. the latter years of his life were spent in literary work, preaching to the indians, and religious exercises; he died on may 6, 1660. among his writings the most important is his _labor evangélica_ (madrid, 1663), part of which will be presented in subsequent volumes of this series. see sketches of colin's life in murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 259-267; and pastells's edition of _labor evangélica_ (barcelona, 1904), pp. 225-230. [102] antonio figueredo was born at ourem, portugal, in 1586, and was admitted into the society in 1603. he was sent to the indias, and ministered at salsette; he was rector of chaul and of tana, and of the residence of san paolo vecchio at goa, where he died may 8, 1650. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [103] evidently referring to the vision and miraculous cure which are referred to _ante_, in sketch of mastrilli's life, note 76. [104] probably meaning the stream that falls into the sea nearest to punta de cañas, a point on the southwest coast of bataán, which is the small province of western luzon that encloses the western side of manila bay. [105] an evident reference to fray antonio caballero (or santa maría, his name in religion), a noted laborer in the chinese missions. he was born in april, 1602, at baltanás, south of valladolid, and entered the franciscan order march 24, 1618. he spent four years (1629-33) in manila, and then went to china. (his first convert in that country afterward became a dominican friar, and was finally (1674) consecrated a bishop, the first of his nation to attain that dignity--and, according to dominican authority, the only chinaman ever consecrated, up to 1890, as a bishop. this man's chinese name was lô, and he was baptized as gregorio lópez; he was sent to pursue his studies in the college of santo tomás at manila, where he received holy orders. he died at nanking in february, 1690, at the age of eighty; see account of his life in _reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 433-436.) after regaining his liberty, on the occasion mentioned in our text, he spent some two years in manila; and went in 1639 to macao, to act as vicar of the convent of st. clare there. in 1644 all the spaniards residing in macao were exiled by the portuguese, and fray antonio, with those nuns, sailed (october 10) for manila. they were driven by a storm to a port in cochinchina, and obliged to remain six months in that country, where they were hospitably treated; in may, 1645, they arrived safely at manila. four years later, fray antonio returned to china, where he labored until his death--which occurred at canton, may 13, 1669--having suffered imprisonment, exile, and many privations. he left many writings (some in chinese), mainly referring to the missions in china. see huerta's sketch of his life and labors, in _estado_, pp. 406-413. [106] in the original manuscript the word "new" has been crossed out and "old" written above the line. [107] in the margin is written: "others say with 7." [108] in the original manuscript the word "outside" has been crossed out, and "inside" written above the line. [109] in the margin occurs the note: "or with 7." [110] marginal note: "one of the 6 left [the fleet] because it was heavy." [111] in the original manuscript the date "march 1" has been crossed out, and the above date inserted above the line. [112] in the original manuscript the word "five" is crossed out and "good" inserted above the line. [113] in the original manuscript, the figure "7" is crossed out, and "some" added above the line. [114] marginal note: "one was said to have been killed in mican the day of the assault." [115] it will be found directly following the present document. [116] both these names are applied to the same island, basilan being the modern appellation. it is the largest island of a group of the same name; numbering fifty-seven, nearly all of them very small. [117] meaning the shogun iyémitsu, who reigned until 1649. he was an able and far-sighted ruler, who adopted many political and economic measures of great importance. see griffis's account of his reign, in _mikado's empire_, pp. 285-287. [118] this letter is published by barrantes in his _guerras piráticas,_ pp. 289-303; he states that it was written to fathers diego de bobadilla and simon costa, while they were traveling to rome, but he incorrectly gives the writer's name as francisco lopez, while retana (_bibliog. mindanao_, p. 21) as incorrectly ascribes it to alejandro lopez. in barrantes's version, a postscript dated september 15 is appended to the letter, describing the gift of money offered to the governor by the chinese on this occasion. this same statement will be found in "events in the filipinas, 1637-38," _post_. [119] juan lopez was born at moratalla, spain, december 27, 1584, and when fifteen years old entered the jesuit order. in 1606 he departed for the philippines, where he held numerous positions of trust in his order, and was for a time a commissary of the inquisition; he was also sent to rome as procurator of the filipinas province. he also labored in the missions of pintados and in mindanao. lopez died at manila, september 3, 1659. see murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 269 verso, 270. [120] it is the copy of a letter written by father juan lopez at cavite.--barrantes. [121] bobadilla's version of this letter (see his "glorious victories against the moros," _post_) says that they landed "at the beach of santiago de bagumbaya, a settlement in front of manila, an arquebus-shot distant." some additional details given by bobadilla will be used, like this, as annotations to lopez's own letter. [122] francisco de roa was born in 1592, in the city of mexico. at the age of fourteen, he went to manila, and became a student at the jesuit college of san josé. on may 18, 1609, he became a jesuit novice there, and after his ordination as a priest he was sent to the missions of pintados. afterward summoned to manila, he was a teacher in san josé for five years; he was twice rector of the manila house, and three times (1644, 1648, and 1659) was chosen provincial. going on an official visit to mindanao, the ship which carried him was lost, with all on board (january, 1660). see murillo velarde's _hist. philipinas_, fol. 267, 268. [123] bobadilla says of these natives: "they are a brave people, very faithful, and excellent christians, and handle their weapons very skilfully. they drill in companies in the camp at manila, among the spanish companies. in all the garrisons and expeditions they perform military duty well." [124] "our college is very near the gate, in the second square" (bobadilla). [125] "a young and very handsome gentleman, a son of his majesty's accountant, martin ruyz de salaçar" (bobadilla). [126] barrantes adds (pp. 310-317) copies of these verses, and of others which were evidently used on the arch above mentioned; and states that father lopez, at the end, informs his correspondent that these stanzas were composed, the scrolls lettered, and the address committed to memory, between seven o'clock at night and seven the next morning, on account of the short time available before the entry of the governor. [127] an abridgment of lopez's letter to this point is found in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library). the following additional remarks are presumably added by the compiler of that collection: "the relation nevertheless neglects to mention the reception by the city or municipal council, which apparently must have been very cold; for neither the audiencia nor the regidors awaited the governor at the gates of the city, although they should have gone out to the puerta real ["royal gate"]. neither does the relation state whether the city council paid the bills for any function in honor of corcuera and of the spanish arms. the only ones who celebrated these were the jesuits, the soldiers, the indians, and some private persons--a matter which demands attention." [128] a paraphrase, rather than a translation of the latin. the douay version reads: "the tabernacles of robbers abound, and they provoke god boldly, whereas it is he that hath given all into their hands." [129] in the douay version: "with him is wisdom, and strength, he hath counsel and understanding." [130] "among the spectators, and greatly enjoying the play, were the governor, the royal audiencia, the archbishop, and the principal persons of the city of manila" (bobadilla). gutenberg the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xlvi, 1721-1739 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume xlvi preface 13 document of 1721-1739 events in filipinas, 1721-1739. compiled from various authors, fully credited in text 31 bibliographical data 63 appendix: education in the philippines primary instruction. in various parts, as follows: i. first governmental attempts. vicente barrantes; madrid, 1869. [condensed from his la instrucción primaria en filipinas.] ii. organized effort of legislation. daniel grifol y aliaga; manila, 1894. [from preface to his la instrucción primaria en filipinas.] iii. royal decree establishing plan of primary instruction in filipinas. josé de la concha; december 20, 1863. [from grifol y aliaga's la instrucción primaria en filipinas; as are all the following parts.] iv. regulations for the normal school. josé de la concha; december 20, 1863. v. regulations for schools and teachers of primary instruction. josé de la concha; december 20, 1863. vi. interior regulations of schools of primary instruction. josé de la concha; december 20, 1863. vii. decree approving regulations of municipal girls' school.----echague; february 15, 1864. viii. regulations for the municipal girls' school. manila ayuntamiento; february 15, 1864. ix. circular giving rules for the good discharge of school supervision.----gándara; august 30, 1867. x. decree approving regulations for women's normal school.----malcampo; june 19, 1875. xi. regulations for women's normal school.----malcampo; june 19, 1875. xii. royal decree creating women's normal school. maría cristina and francisco romero robledo; march 11, 1892. xiii. royal order approving regulations for women's normal school. francisco romero robledo; march 31, 1892. xiv. regulations for women's normal school. francisco romero robledo; march 31, 1892. xv. decree elevating men's normal school to the grade of superior. hermenegildo jacas; november 1, 1893; and a. avilés and manuel blanco valderrama, november 10, 1893. xvi. regulations of superior normal school for men teachers. manuel blanco valderrama, november 10, 1893. xvii. school legislation, 1863-1894 67 dominican educational institutions, 1896-1897. [unsigned and undated.] 261 report of religious schools, 1897. [unsigned and undated.] 265 educational institutions of the recollects. [unsigned and undated; 1897?] 268 the friar viewpoint. in two parts. i. education. eduardo navarro, o.s.a.; madrid, 1897. [from his estudio de algunos asuntos de actualidad.] ii. eladio zamora, o.s.a.; valladolid, 1901. [from his las corporaciones religiosas en filipinas.] 272 education since american occupation. editorial, and compiled from various sources 364 illustrations plan of cebú cathedral; drawn by juan de siscarra, engineer, 1719; photographic facsimile of original ms. map in archivo general de indias, sevilla frontispiece autograph signature of joseph torrubia, o.s.f.; from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 35 title-page of dissertacion historico-politita, by joseph torrubia (madrid, 1753); photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 41 map showing new route from manila to acapulco, presented to governor fernando valdés tamón by the pilot, enrique hermán, 1730; photographic facsimile of original ms. map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 49 plan of infantry barracks in manila; drawn by the military engineer, thomas de castro y andrade, 1733; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 53 preface most of this volume consists of the educational appendix which is continued from the preceding volume. the only regular document presented shows the general history of the islands for the years 1721-1739 both politically and religiously. the greater interest in the volume centers about the appendix. for here we see the first systematic attempts at a universal education in the philippines, the first real though rude awakening of the inert mass of a people to the facts of broader life by the government establishment of primary and normal schools. as might be expected the paternal element is chiefly discernible in the laws and regulations made by the government. the complexities of the educational question, a problem that spain would have been many years in solving, are well shown by the two documents which give the friar side of the matter. a brief summary of the principal events from 1721 to 1739 contains several matters of interest. the murder of bustamante by a mob arouses much indignation at madrid, but the attempts to ascertain and punish the guilty ones prove ineffectual, and the affair drops into oblivion. the islands are regularly harassed by the moro pirates; punitive expeditions are sent against them, but these are often too late or too slow to accomplish any results. the coast villages are fortified, much of this being done by the priests in charge of the indians. in 1733 the royal storehouses at manila are destroyed by fire, causing great loss to the treasury. two years later, a dutch fleet demands satisfaction for the previous capture of a dutch ship by a spanish coastguard, but retires when the spaniards pay the value of the prize. a controversy arises (1736) between the recollects and jesuits over certain missions in northern mindanao, in which the jesuits gain the upper hand. in 1737, one of the auditors makes an official visitation of several provinces in luzón, and reforms many abuses therein. during 1738-39, a controversy rages in manila over the complaint made by the mestizos of santa cruz regarding unjust exactions imposed on them by the jesuits; the decision of the audiencia (sustained by the home government) is against that order. the remainder of this volume is occupied by the educational appendix, which is the continuance and conclusion of the review of education begun in vol. xlv. the first document, which comprises the greater part of the appendix, treats of primary and normal instruction in the philippines, after the government really took such education under its protection by special legislation. the subject is prefaced by extracts and synopses from barrantes which show the earliest legislation, beginning with 1839 and culminating in the decree of december 20, 1863. although the appointment of a commission is ordered in the former year to draft regulations for schools, such appointment is delayed until 1855, and a report is handed in only in 1861, the work of the commission being stimulated perhaps by the fact that the governor appoints an official in 1860 to draft regulations along the same line. the chief point of debate in the commission is the teaching of spanish, the vice-rector of the university of santo tomás declaring against such teaching but being overruled. the decree of december 20, 1863 is the greatest result of the work of the commission. the normal school created by the decree is formally opened january 23, 1865, although in operation since may 17, 1864. irregularity of attendance and vacations prove the greatest obstacles. barrantes, who defends the friars, concludes that the backwardness of primary education is due rather to the laws of the indies than to any class such as the religious corporations; that before 1865 primary education was only a shadow; and that the filipinos have not yet sufficiently far advanced to be granted the electoral right that they ask. the remainder of the document is from grifol y aliaga's book on primary instruction. an extract from the preface of that author shows that with the decree of 1863, new life is put into education, and that all the many decrees and orders issued later by the government are harmonious in effect and purpose; although they were in large part inoperative. next follows the royal decree of december 20, 1863, establishing a plan of primary instruction in the islands. its first part consists of the exposition addressed to the queen by the minister josé de la concha, stating the need of greater efficiency in the teaching system for the natives, in order that they may develop spiritually and intellectually. the aim is to diffuse the spanish language. it provides for a normal school under the immediate supervision of the priests. following the exposition is the decree proper, which decrees schools for each sex in each village, and gives various details of such schools. the regulations for the normal school of teachers for primary instruction end aliaga's book. they consist of twenty-eight articles which state the object of the school; and the rules governing the scholars in their manifold relations. next come the regulations, dated december 20, 1863, for schools and teachers of primary instruction for native filipinos, which consist of thirty-five articles. by these regulations, separate schools are established in all the villages for boys and girls; attendance is made compulsory for children between certain ages; instruction is to be in spanish, and the knowledge of that language especially striven for; tuition is free to the poor, and equipment for all; religious and ethical teaching is in charge of the parish priests. rules are given in regard to the teachers, and assistants, the textbooks, vacations, the establishment of sunday schools for adults, and the supervision, which is put into the hands of laymen--that duty having thitherto been performed by the parish priests, in so far as it was performed at all. the interior regulations, consisting of fourteen articles, for native primary schools, follow, as the preceding, dated december 20, 1863. they include rules as to the size of buildings, equipment, duties of teachers, manner of keeping records, sending of monthly reports, pupils and conditions of their admittance, attendance, system of merits and demerits, examinations, etc. religious exercises are found to fill a considerable portion of the day. a government decree of february 15, 1864, approving the regulations for a municipal girls' school in manila, is followed by those regulations of the same date, which consist of twenty-six articles. the school is to be in charge of the sisters of charity. religious and ethical training is given great prominence. the courses of study, comprising the elementary branches, and needle-work, is outlined. there are both required and optional studies. girls are admitted at the age of five, and admission is in charge of a member of the city ayuntamiento. rules are given governing the daily and term routine of the school in its manifold relations. examinations are both public and private. supervision is in charge of three women appointed by the governor of the islands. this is followed by a circular of the superior civil government, dated august 30, 1867, discussing, and giving rules concerning, school supervision--an important document, showing well the spanish love of philosophizing. commenting on the importance of the supervisory function, the circular states the duties of supervisors, for on them "depends the development and conservation of the improvements which are being introduced." since the supervision is partly in the hands of the ecclesiastical government, the outcome can only be the best. a rather lengthy quotation is made from a book on supervision, in which the duties and qualifications of supervisors are outlined. great stress is laid on temperateness of action. the most delicate power is the correction and suspension of teachers. suspension must only be for ethical and religious lack, and neglect of duties. the parish priests in their duties as supervisors must see that the heads of families recognize their responsibility in regard to sending their children to school. special privileges are to be given to those attending school and learning the spanish language--in which all instruction is to be given. primary instruction in the islands is in a backward state, because of the few buildings and teachers, and the want of uniformity among the children. statistics of march 1, 1866 show the number of villages in provinces or districts, the population, school attendance, schools possible, and buildings. the government pledges its support of the efforts put forth by the parish priests and the provincial supervisors. the former are to hold annual examinations, and are to have the children review their work when they confess and take communion. the provincial supervision of the alcaldes is to be exercised with the aid of a board composed of the bishop, parish priest, and the administrator of the public finances. reforms are needed in teaching and supervision, and the efforts of the parish priest must not be opposed. boards not yet appointed must be appointed at once, and monthly reports submitted. the government decree of june 19, 1875, approving ad interim the regulations for the women's normal school for primary teachers in nueva cáceres, is followed by the regulations. these number fifty-two articles in all. the object of the school is to train good moral and religious women teachers and to make this school a model for other schools. the practice school attached to it is an integral part of the public school system, wherein an education is given free to poor girls. those attending the normal school may or may not be candidates for a teacher's certificate. the program of studies shows elementary branches, and demands instruction in spanish and includes needle-work. the course lasts three years, though an additional year may be allowed to graduates; and the schedule of studies is to be sent annually to the governor for his approval. the time spent in the practice school is not to exceed four months in each year. teachers' certificates are to be given to those completing the course, and such graduates are to be given schools of the proper grades, the method of marking being given. the school is organized under charge of the sisters of charity, and the school of santa isabel is to be used. the staff and their duties are enumerated, among whom it is to be noted is a secular priest to administer to the ethical and religious needs of the pupils. pupils shall be both day and resident, the requirements for admission being stated. women teachers may be admitted to the institution, if not over the age of twenty-three. instruction is free, and provided for from the local funds. in proportion as the public schools are placed in charge of normal graduates, the number of resident pupils supported from the local funds is to be decreased to twenty-five, from whom vacancies are to be filled. resident pupils supported by local funds are to teach ten years in the schools of nueva cáceres, under penalty of making restitution of their expenses if they do not carry out their contract. general public examinations are to be held at the end of the term, when rewards are to be distributed. various other data regarding the running of the school in its different relations are given. the moral and religious supervision belongs to the bishop of nueva cáceres; secular supervision is in charge of the alcalde-mayor, the bishop, and the administrator of public finances, and one member of this board is to have immediate supervision for three months. a royal decree dated march 11, 1892 creates in manila a normal school for women teachers under charge of augustinian nuns. it is needed as is proved by that of nueva cáceres. the study of spanish is compulsory. expenses are to be met from the regular budget for the islands. among other data included in this decree, it is to be noted that the certificate for elementary teaching is given for three years' study and that for superior for four; and that a practice school, whose expenses are to be met by the municipality, is to be annexed to the normal school. this is followed by a royal order of may 19, 1892 approving the regulations for the above normal school, which is followed in turn by the regulations bearing the same date, and consisting of one hundred and fifty-four articles. this is a document of considerable interest, for it goes into much detail concerning the school in its relations to government, teachers, pupils, and public. it is divided into various sections designated as títulos, which are in turn divided into chapters. título i states in the first chapter the object of the school, and the subjects taught, which are both required and optional. the expense of equipment is to be approved by the general government. chapter ii relates to the teaching force, and enumerates their duties and names salaries. the total expenses are to be seven thousand nine hundred pesos annually. chapter iii gives in detail the duties of the directress, which are mainly executive; and those of the instructresses. chapters iv to vii treat of the duties of the secretary, the librarian, the assistants, and the necessary help. chapter viii deals with the board of instructresses, which is composed of the regular teachers, and outlines its functions. chapter ix treats of the disciplinary council, which must consist of five members at least, and is convoked by the directress. título ii deals with the economic management--chapter i treating of the annual budget, and chapter ii of the collection, distribution, and payment of accounts. título iii has as its main subject the teaching: of which chapter i deals with the opening of the school, and the term in general; chapter ii, of the order of classes and methods of teaching, etc.; and chapter iii, with the material equipment for teaching. título iv discusses the scholars: chapter i, treating of their necessary qualifications, entrance examinations, payment of entrance fees, and age of entrance; chapter ii, concerning matriculation, in which there is much red tape; chapter iii, of the obligations of the pupils, mainly in deportment; chapter iv, of examinations--an important subject--which are divided into ordinary and extraordinary, according to the time taken, and are oral, written, and practical; chapter v, of rewards; chapter vi, of certificates and decisions, and conditions under which they are given; and chapter vii, of discipline and punishments. título v, which is, like all this document, laden with red tape, outlines the conditions of the examination for degrees. the practice school annexed to the normal school has its expenses met by the municipality, and is a public school. for the present the normal school shall have only day pupils, but if necessary later, they may enrol resident pupils. the nuns in charge of the school have liberty to follow the institutes of their order. this document is followed by a governmental decree of november 1, 1893, elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in manila, and approving provisionally the new regulations of this school. this exposition by the reverend father director shows that this school, created as an elementary normal school by the decree of december 20, 1863, has been fulfilling its function since its creation, and has made progress in the process of better understanding between the filipinos and spanish authorities, has diffused the spanish language wider than ever, and encouraged the arts and industries. it has had a difficult path, because of the condition of its students who are far from homogeneous in preparation and ability. it has been necessary to lessen the age limit at which men may enter, because, as the average filipino leaves school at the age of twelve, he readily forgets what he has learned, and consequently when he enters at the age of sixteen into the normal school, he has to take a year in special preparation. the proposal to elevate the school to the rank of superior can be done without any extra expense, as it will be in charge of the same force as at present. the manila normal school compares with the best in spain. a petition by one a. avilés, asking for the extension, and the decree proper, both dated november 10, 1893 follow. certificates from this school are to have the same value and rights as certificates granted in spain. the regulations for the extension above-mentioned dated also november 10, 1893, follow. they consist of thirty articles, a number of which are similar or analogous to those of the regulations of december 20, 1863, establishing the elementary school. these regulations discuss the manifold relations of the school in regard to pupils, teachers, supplies, examinations, etc. the selections from grifol y aliaga are closed by a list of all the decrees, circulars, orders, etc., in regard to primary and normal education in the philippines from december 20, 1863 to july 20, 1894--in all one hundred and seventy-one. this is of distinct value, as the course of legislation can be followed easily, and one may note the new ideas that leaders were attempting to work out in this period of spanish unrest. a series of short documents regarding the religious schools follows. the first is a summary of the dominican institutions for 1896-1897. the university of santo tomás has a total enrolment in all courses of 3,059, and a total of 36 degrees are conferred. the college of san juan de letran has a total enrolment of 5,995, which includes professors, collegiates, day pupils, and servants; and has conferred in all 177 degrees. the college of san alberto magno in dagupan, has an enrolment of 947, counting teachers. the school of santa catalina de sená shows an enrolment of 223, including the teachers, who are nuns. a total enrolment of 83 is seen in the school of nuestra señora del rosario of lingayén; while the school of the same name in vigan has 79. the school of santa ymelda founded in 1892, completes the list, with an enrolment of 110. a report for the religious schools for 1897 gives various statistics of the following institutions: la concordia, santa isabel, santa rosa, and looban, the military hospital, the hospital of st. john of god, the municipal school [of secular foundation], and the hospice of san josé, all in charge of the sisters of charity in manila; and certain of the provincial schools. the third document in this series gives an account of the educational institutions of the recollects, probably for the year 1897. these are the beaterio of santa rita in san sebastian, in the suburbs of manila; school of san josé of bacolod, negros, opened in 1897, and under the auspices of the university of santo tomás; the seminary school of vigan, of which the recollects had charge during the years 1882-1895; school of santa rosa, of which the recollects were in charge in 1891. the friar side of the educational question of the philippines is well set forth in two selections. the first is a chapter by eduardo navarro, o.s.a., who spent many years in the islands, and who is, perhaps, one of the best representative men of his order, and moreover, of scholarly tastes. he introduces his subject in a somewhat philosophical manner. education and religion he declares to be synonymous terms when taken in their real signification. it is the duty of the government to choose the best educational method. the earliest laws passed by the spanish government in regard to the education of the american indians are extended later to the philippines, but they prove most unsatisfactory and unsuited to the conditions of those islands. they provide for the teaching of spanish to the aborigines, but in an inadequate manner. the theme of the present chapter is to prove that the friars are not responsible for the backward state of education in the islands. on the other hand they early pass laws that are more advanced than those passed by the government. their laws have always been consistent and have had but one aim. they have not endeavored to retard the learning of spanish, but they rather favored it. they have done their best with the useless laws of the government. they have founded and taught schools, paid the teachers, and have made the textbooks, notwithstanding their immense toil. they have also introduced many of the arts and crafts. the friars have gone farther than the laws for they provided for girls' schools before the famous decree of 1863. the passage of those regulations has robbed the parish priest unjustly of much of his supervisory power, which has been conferred except in so far as morality and religion are concerned, on the civil authorities. it belongs by right to the friars, who only use that power as it should be used. the parish priest knows the people thoroughly, and as no laymen do. the filipino cannot be identified with the spaniards notwithstanding all efforts of the spanish government. navarro enforces his arguments by quotations from escosura, whom he criticises harshly for his expressions. while modern ideas from abroad have made better sea communication, internal communication has become worse. good roads are especially needed and the small barrios ought to be merged together whenever possible. that the friars do not oppose education is shown by the many schools that they maintain in manila and the provinces. they should be allowed to establish normal schools under their own direction. the parish priest can best overcome the evil introduced by the free masons. the studies chosen for the filipinos must be fitted to their capacity. our author suggests the personnel of the superior board of public instruction, in which he places a majority of ecclesiastics, and this board should revise the school laws. the majority of the filipino students return to their homes with plenty of vices but little learning, although looked up to greatly by their fellow townsmen. this horde brings disaster and ruin upon the people. the rector of the university should have more power over the life and morals of the students, for only thus can the filipino students become really useful to spain. the second selection is a chapter written by fr. eladio zamora, also an augustinian. almost the last friar writer on the matter, since he writes after american occupation, his remarks may be assumed to be the present friar attitude. he begins with a quotation from the preface of grifol y aliaga to the effect that until 1863 there had been no real legislation concerning education, for the many decrees, etc., were isolated. it is rather the friars, says zamora, who are the first educators, teaching themselves or paying teachers from their own funds. after 1863, the friars continue to encourage education as supervisors. they build schools, and visit the distant barrios whenever possible. on sundays it is their custom to inspect the copybooks, etc. the distance of barrios and villages from one another makes teaching difficult. many of the priests become suspected as having a bad influence, for many criminals resort to the barrios. the government orders the fusion of barrios into villages, but the order is not obeyed. in 1863, the government takes control of the schools founded by the friars. under the new regime, so long as the parish priest has supervisory action, the schools flourish, but when that action ceases, so does progress in the schools, and attendance becomes only nominal and a record on paper. the intention of the government to have all teaching in spanish fails of its purpose, for the scholars can not understand it. the famous maura decree of 1893 gives the local supervision to local municipalities, a law that soon gives rise to serious trouble. many unjustly blame the parish priest for the ignorance of spanish, but he has no time to teach spanish amid the multiplicity of his duties. besides, it is easier for the few spaniards to learn the languages of the natives than for the filipinos to learn spanish. the friars have not shunned the teaching of spanish, as is proved by a citation from zúñiga. if the tagálog actors are allowed to use their native language in the theater, because they do not know spanish, is it consistent to demand that all sermons and teaching be in spanish? in spite of the early laws requiring spanish to be taught to the filipinos, it is impossible for spanish to supplant all the numerous dialects. zamora reproduces portions of an open letter by w. e. retana to minister becerra, in which retana decries the intellect of the filipino, and declares that it is absurd to think of teaching him in spanish, but that the best way of teaching it would be to settle 500,000 spanish families in the islands. zamora gives a résumé of the history of the university of santo tomás and the college of san juan de letran. the religious corporations have kept abreast of the times in the manner in which they have fostered education from the earliest period, and many schools are due to them, some being founded by the tertiary order of the dominicans. zamora criticises the capacity of the filipinos, asserting that they are teachable and quick in imitation, although they never attain excellence in anything, but that they are utterly devoid of originality. they have greater capacity than the american indian, and make fine clerks and the like, but they are lazy, and do not strive to rise beyond a certain point. they learn vices but not virtues. the augustinians are the last of the religious orders to take up superior education, by establishing an institute at iloilo, because a secular institution was planned for that place by minister becerra in 1887-1888. zamora emphasizes the importance of arts and crafts for the filipinos. the appendix to our volume is brought to a close with a very brief statement in regard to american education in the philippines since 1898. a bibliographical list of works treating of education will enable the student to follow the course of american work. the statement is concluded by the abstract of a philosophical address by dr. t. h. pardo de tavera before the american and filipino teachers in manila in may 1906, in which he points out the beneficent results of anglo-saxon teaching. the editors november, 1906. document of 1721-1739 events in filipinas, 1721-1739. compiled from various sources. source: this document consists of citations and synopses from various authors fully credited in the text. translation: the translations and synopses are made by emma helen blair. events in filipinas, 1721-1739 the marqués de torre-campo "brought with him commission to take the residencia of bustamante; [1] and as it found him already dead, many were the charges that resulted against him--which it would not be difficult to prove, since the minds of the people were so inflamed against him, as we have seen. some of his friends, it appeared, were accomplices in his delinquencies; some denied the charges, and, as these could not be proved against them, it was necessary to declare them innocent; others excused themselves by his violent proceedings, and by their fear that he would kill them if they did not obey him. don esteban iñigo, who was charged, among other things, with the exportation of rice, which caused a great famine in the islands, replied that he had undertaken this trade with the governor because he could not resist the latter, and feared that if he did not do so he would lose the rice and all his property. other persons alleged other [reasons for their] exemption [from legal process], always blaming the deceased--who, as he had no one to defend him, came out of this residencia the most wicked man that can be imagined." [2] (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, p. 469.) the council of the indias gave answer to the royal audiencia [of manila] that they had received the [papers in the] investigation of the death of the governor, and were giving the matter due attention; and at the same time came another order from the king to the marqués de torre-campo, in which the latter was commanded to take cognizance of this affair and punish the culprits. the governor, who, it appears, had little inclination to plunge into this labyrinth, a second time consulted father totanes [3] and the jesuits--who told him that, just as he had before stayed the execution of the first order, he ought to do the same with this one, until his majesty, advised of the governor's reply [to the first order], which had not yet been received, should make another decision. father totanes in his advisory statement exaggerated the ruin of the fortunes of the citizens of manila, the arrears [in the incomes] of the charitable funds, the scarcity of rice, and the lack of those who might give alms (on account of which, he said, many died of hunger), the cause of all these evils being the mariscal. the father expatiated on his acts of violence, and the consternation of the city, with which he strove to exculpate the action of the manila people, who had no other recourse, in order to escape from such a throng of calamities, than to depose the governor from his office. "but to what tribunal," he said, "were they to resort in order to deprive him of his office? he had suppressed the royal audiencia, and held the archbishop and the ecclesiastics prisoners; and the city [council] was composed of an alcalde-in-ordinary who was a nephew of the governor, and two regidors who were his henchmen. not having any one to resort to, they tried to arrest the governor, in order to free themselves from so many calamities; he resisted, turning his weapons against the citizens, who wounded him mortally in defense of their own lives; but this should be regarded as the misfortune of the mariscal rather than the fault of the citizens." this statement, which veritably is a seditious one, they presented to the king, in order to show him the erroneous opinions of the religious of philipinas; but it was a calumny, for father totanes was not the oracle of the islands, and most of the regulars thought as did the jesuit fathers--who, while condemning in their advisory report the act of the manila people, said only that the latter were worthy of the royal clemency. with this came to a halt all the severity with which at first this process was undertaken, and, the minds of people gradually becoming cool, the prosecution entirely ceased, and all these who were inculpated remained unpunished; the archbishop alone, he who had taken least part in these commotions and disturbances, was chastised [4]--a worthy prelate, who in imitation of christ carried on his own shoulders the sin of his people. (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 514-517.) [as soon as the spaniards abandoned the fort of lábo in paragua, the moro pirates renewed their incursions. when zamboanga was reestablished, they attempted to capture it, but were repulsed with loss. in 1721-23 expeditions were sent out against the moros, but they failed to accomplish anything. [5] the sultan of joló sent an ambassador to manila in 1725, to form a treaty of peace with the spaniards; this was accomplished in the following year at joló, the spanish envoy being miguel arajón, the alcalde-mayor of the parián at manila. by this treaty, among other provisions, the island of basilan was restored to spain. nevertheless, soon afterward the perfidious moros made several raids against indian villages, captured many vessels and burned them, and committed many acts of cruelty,--the worst probably being the case of a vessel from cebú, whose crew were all killed by the pirates, who then tortured to death the spanish captain. later, letters were received from radiamura (the son of maulana) and other friendly chiefs in mindanao, asking for prompt action by the spaniards against the moro pirates, who, they claimed, were threatening them with attack because of their friendship to the spaniards. governor torre campo organized a punitive expedition for this purpose, but the royal treasury was so depleted that the costs had to be met by donations from the citizens of manila and cavite. the armada was placed under command of juan angel de leaño, with directions to surrender the vessels and men to general juan de mesa when they should reach iloilo; and the governor gave the commanders definite instructions, and powers for forming a treaty with the "kings" of joló and mindanao. "the result of this expedition is not definitely stated, except that it was successful; the fort of la sabanilla at tuboc was taken, and a great number of the rabble [canalla] were slain, and among them some princes and datos (the remembrance of which still continues among them, to the honor of our arms); and a treaty for the cessation of hostilities was drawn up, which the moros, well punished, asked for." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 134-157, 184-198.)] [on july 23, 1726, the galleon "santo christo de burgos" was driven by a storm on the rocks at ticao, a long, narrow island adjoining san bernardino strait, and so badly wrecked that it could not be repaired. the auditor julian de velasco was on board the vessel, on his way to mexico; as the official of highest rank on the ship, he held a conference with the officers, pilots, seamen, and other persons of experience, and it was decided (after several vain efforts had been made to save part of the cargo) to burn the ship and its contents, great part of which were ruined by the water. this was a great loss to the citizens of manila, as all their investments for this year were thus destroyed. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 157-167.)] [torrubia enumerates the armed naval expeditions sent against the moro pirates during 1721-34, as follows: (1) an armada commanded by antonio de roxas sailed from manila on july 10, 1721; it seems to have accomplished little, but cost the treasury much. (2) another was commanded by andrés garcia; he fought with a moro fleet--date not given, but probably in 1722--at negros island, and won a notable victory. (3) in 1723 a fleet set out under command of juan de la mesa y aponte, warden of fort santiago at manila; they went to mindanao and captured from the moros the fort at la sabanilla, "slaying an immense number of that rabble, and among them several princes and datos." (4) in february, 1731, four galleys were sent from manila under command of ignacio irriberri; at zamboanga they collected the vessels already there--two fragatas, four despatch-boats or champans, one taratana, one falua, eight caracoas of bisayans and two others of lutaos--and went to attack joló, at which they found six forts defended by cannon. here they had a fierce battle with the moros, of whom many were slain, including two datos; then they ravaged the adjacent island of talobo, destroying its salt-works ("which are the entire livelihood of that people"); and laid waste the district of the dato salicaya, who, with many of his people, was slain. in the same year captain pedro zacharias villareal, with some vessels of the same fleet, attacked the island of capual, near joló, and burned three villages and many boats, and ravaged the fields, destroying their cattle and the salt-works there. (5) in november, 1731, zacharias was sent by valdés tamon with a squadron from manila to zamboanga; at that very time, the sultan of mindanao, maulana diafar sadibsa, was asking aid from the spaniards against his tributary malinog, who had rebelled against him and had secured the support of more than thirty of the principal villages on the rio grande of mindanao. this rebellion was caused by malinog's refusal to obey maulana's demand that he restore to the spaniards the captives and spoil which malinog, in conjunction with the joloans, had carried away in 1722-23 from negros and panay. it was learned that malinog was negotiating with the dutch for succor, which they were inclined to grant him. at a council of war (in which the jesuits were prominent) held in zamboanga, it was decided to send zacharias with a fleet to tamontaca, to aid maulana and punish malinog. the latter's fort--which, like that in joló, was constructed by a dutch engineer--at the entrance to his river, was captured by the united forces and large amounts of military supplies were destroyed. two leguas further up the river, they attacked malinog's principal town, defended by six forts; many of the moros (including their general, tambul) were slain, three of their villages were burned, and their lands devastated. returning to zamboanga, the spaniards harried the coasts of joló and basilan, so thoroughly that, later, "in order to terrify the moros, it is only necessary to say, 'here comes zacharias.'" (6) in january, 1733, a fleet under juan antonio jove went to aid maulana; but malinog made a sudden attack on tamontaca, which he destroyed with fire and sword, and slew maulana, whereupon the spaniards, disheartened, returned to manila. (7) maulana's successor, radiamura, asked aid from manila, which was granted; the citizens subscribed more than nine thousand pesos in silver, and a fleet of forty-eight vessels was equipped. under command of francisco de cardenas pacheco and captain (soon afterward made sargento-mayor) zacharias, this fleet left zamboanga on february 18, 1734, and went to tamontaca. at tuboc they attacked the sultan of tawi-tawi, but the bisayan auxiliaries of the spaniards fled, panic-stricken, and the moro allies of the sultan swarmed in upon the spaniards, compelling them to retreat. they then went against malinog at sulangan; at sight of the spanish fleet, he set fire to his village and forts, and fled up the river to libungang--a place which was strongly fortified by both nature and art. a fierce assault was made on this stronghold, but the moros could not be dislodged; they killed many spaniards with their unceasing discharge of balls and small weapons, and finally, by poisoning the water-supply, compelled the spaniards to raise the siege. then the latter went to sulungan, and remained there until that place was well fortified, and the passage of the river securely closed to malinog, who was thus shut in from his allies the joloans and camucones. on april 20, radiamura was solemnly crowned as king by the spaniards; and he agreed to allow the entrance of christian missionaries, the building of churches, and the establishment of spanish forts and garrisons, in his territories; also to acknowledge his vassalage to spain by furnishing a quantity of wax, cacao, and other products of the country. afterward, zacharias made a raid on basilan, devastated the lands, and seized much and rich booty; "so great was the spoil of the 'enchanted island' that, when the men had laden our armada and the captured vessels [which numbered over three hundred], they had to burn many articles because they could not carry them away." (torrubia, dissertacion, pp. 68-90.) cf. concepción's and montero y vidal's accounts of these expeditions.] [the marqués de torre campo, after eight years of clement and upright government, was succeeded by fernando de valdés y tamón, a knight of the order of santiago, who took possession of his office on august 14, 1729. as an experienced and able soldier, he gave his first attention to the fortifications and military equipment of manila, which had been sadly neglected. he tried to purchase 1,500 guns with bayonets, but the dutch refused to sell him these firearms. in may, 1730, the pirates of joló sent out a large expedition, with 3,000 men, against the islands of palawan and dumaran, where they plundered the villages and carried away many captives. they besieged the fort at taytay (the principal town in that part of palawan) during twenty days, but were obliged to retire with considerable loss, including some of their datos. as it was evident that the islands could have no peace or safety until severe punishment was inflicted on these pirates, an expedition with over 600 men was sent from manila in february, 1731, under the command of general ignacio de iriberri. this force attacked the town of joló, which was well defended with forts and artillery; and after a fierce contest the spaniards captured the place, and burned the houses and boats of the moros. they also ravaged the islands of talobo and capual, near joló, and destroyed the salt-works there, from which the pirates obtained much wealth; and returned to manila in the month of june. a prominent chief of mindanao, named malinog, had revolted against maulana diafar, sultan of tamontaca, securing the aid of many datos on the rio grande, and negotiating with the dutch for their aid; in november, 1731, a small squadron was sent from manila, in answer to maulana's petition for aid against the rebels; with the aid of the spaniards the rebels were routed, their forts destroyed, and their villages and plantations ravaged and burned. malinog, however, kept up the contest, so that another spanish expedition was sent (january, 1733) against him; but while his town was besieged by the tamontacans and the spaniards he slipped away with 300 pirogues and invaded tamontaca, where maulana was slain by his foes. [6] his son amuril asked governor valdés y tamón for aid against malinog, which was granted; and in february 1734 an expedition left zamboanga under command of general francisco cárdenas pacheco, who placed a detachment of the armada under pedro zacarías villarreal. their campaign against the moros was bravely fought, but was only partially successful, on account of the fierceness and overwhelming numbers of the moros. the latter committed numerous depredations wherever and whenever they could find opportunity, and the manila government took measures for the erection of lookout towers and fortifications at the coast villages, and for sending coastguard galleys and other vessels to the points most likely to be menaced by the pirates, so as to be ready to meet or follow up any moro vessels that might attack the indian villages or spanish forts. in 1735, 2,000 joloans and mindanaos attacked the fort at taytay, but they were finally repulsed with great loss. in this conflict, as often on like occasions, the native soldiers in the garrison were encouraged and incited by the friars in whose spiritual charge they were, to resist the fierce foe who attacked them. [7] in 1735, mahamad ali-mudin was raised to the sultanate of joló, in virtue of the abdication of his father maulana. the latter plotted to obtain possession of the fort at zamboanga by treason, but the scheme was unsuccessful; the news of this so angered maulana (who was then ill) that he hastened his own death. the new sultan of joló professed (1736) friendship to the spaniards, and even joined them in a campaign against the tiron pirates; but in secret he encouraged the latter, and sent them warning of the movements against them. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 438-452; his account is largely taken from concepción's hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 198-238, 337-375.)] [on june 18, 1733, the royal magazines at manila were destroyed by fire, with all their contents, which included the supplies for the two vessels which were soon to go to acapulco. the royal treasury had not the funds to make good this loss, and the galleons must sail at a certain time, in order to secure favorable winds; the governor therefore appealed to the citizens and merchants for help to meet the expenses of equipping the vessels. they responded with a donation of 30,000 pesos, which the governor duly reported to the king, asking that in view of the zeal and loyalty thus displayed by the citizens their interest might be cared for in the pending dispute regarding the manila-acapulco commerce. the losses sustained in the above fire were estimated by the royal officials at 66,807 pesos. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 226-230.)] the governor, not finding any corrective for the injuries which the moros were causing, held a conference of the principal citizens of manila. it was resolved therein that, so far as the funds in the royal treasury would permit, some small armadas should be despatched against the moros; and that the coast-dwellers should be gathered [into larger villages] at certain places, at the rate of five hundred tributes to each one, in order that they might be able to resist the pirates and build some little forts, which would inspire respect in the enemy. [8] this precaution had already been taken by some of the religious in charge of doctrinas--who, not finding any other remedy, had built some fortifications around their churches, in order to guard these and that the indians might take refuge there when the moros came. others had built some small forts on lofty places, in order to protect the villages from the affronts of those robbers; and at night the fathers would go to visit these posts, and watch lest the sentinels fall asleep, performing at the same time the duties of parish priest and military officer. as a consequence of this order [by the government], there was no coast village which did not build some fortification for its defense, but no aid was given to them from the royal treasury. but the religious ministers, out of their own stipends, paid the overseers and artisans; and by dint of entreaties, persuasions, and threats obliged the people to give the materials and the day-laborers [peones], expending much money and patient endeavor for the sake of building these little forts. when the alcaldes-mayor saw these fortifications, now completed, they began to wish to subject them to their own authority; and they secured that in every one should be stationed a warden subject to the alcalde's orders, and that a certain number of men for the service of the fort should be furnished to the warden by apportionment [from the respective villages]. the warden regularly sent these men to work on his own grain-fields, or compelled them to redeem the [compulsory] service with money. this they had to do, usually leaving the fort abandoned--which is, for this reason, very burdensome to the people; and here comes to be verified what señor solorzano says, that all which is decreed in favor of the indians is converted into poison for them. (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 526-528.) [in october, 1733, a spanish coastguard vessel captured a dutch ship near the southern coast of mindanao, and seized its despatches and instructions, "among these, the turban and crown which they were carrying as a present for malinog." when this event was learned at batavia, great indignation was aroused among the dutch, and they sent three warships, which anchored in manila bay (june, 1735) and demanded satisfaction; the dutch would not allow any vessel to enter or leave the bay, and threatened to seize the patache "san christoval," which was expected to arrive from acapulco. warning was immediately sent to the commander of the latter, at the embocadero; but the ship was already wrecked on the shoals of calantás. the silver on board, 745,000 pesos belonging to the merchants and 773,025 to the royal situado, was transported by boat to sorsogón, and the men removed the cargo to land and erected fortifications for its defense in case of necessity; the hull was then destroyed by fire, to prevent its being used by enemies. the manila government, seeing that it had no funds for defense against the dutch, and that the acapulco galleon imprisoned in the bay might lose the favorable winds for its departure, finally came to a settlement with the dutch, paying 6,500 pesos as satisfaction for the captured dutch vessel and its contents; the dutch ships thereupon retired. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 375-410.)] [in 1736, a controversy arose between the recollects and jesuits in northern mindanao. the indians of cagayan, and the recollect minister in charge there, fray hipolito de san agustín, maintained a close and friendly communication with the native chiefs of lake lanao, who finally asked the recollects (1736) to send missionaries to larapan, a malanao village, in order to instruct and baptize their people. the jesuits were jealous of the recollects, according to concepción, and incited a heathen chief named dalabahan in the mountains of the cagayan district to attack the malanaos, thinking that the latter would blame their cagayan friends for the hostilities; but the latter were able to exonerate themselves from this suspicion, and remained on amicable terms with the malanaos. the demand of these for recollect missionaries had to go to manila; the jesuits, hearing of it, opposed the request, alleging that the lanao territory belonged to them. the governor allowed the jesuit claim, and the malanaos appealed to the king himself; but "this remonstrance had no result, these unfortunate people being left in their barbarism--from which resulted to us most serious damages, as will be seen in due time." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 54-66.)] [in january, 1737, the new archbishop, fray juan angel rodriguez, took possession of his see; he belonged to the order of mercy, and was a native of medina del campo, spain. "he began to govern like an angel" (concepción; in allusion to his name). "he lessened the number of days for church processions, in order to give opportunity for the business of the courts, and for the necessary work of the people; he prohibited the processions at night, on account of the troubles which are wont to occur in them; he regularly attended the choir, and introduced the use of the gregorian chant; he taught the sub-chanters plain-song, which they did not know," etc. (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 535-536.)] in the year thirty-seven, governor tamon issued a commission and powers to the licentiate don joseph ignacio de arzadun y revolledo, in order that he might, in accordance with the royal laws, which decree that the provinces shall be visited every three years, fulfil that duty in those of pampanga, pangasinan, and ylocos. there he was to inspect the fortresses, and the arms, ammunition, gunpowder, balls, and other military supplies, also their condition and circumstances; and to review the troops in the garrisons. he must investigate the mode and form in which the wages due them were paid, and the fictitious enrolments of men in the garrisons. he must also make lists of the warrants which the alcaldes-mayor might have issued; and if he found that these had not been confirmed by the general government, he must annul them. he must abrogate the enjoyment of exemptions, proceeding against those who should be guilty, in such manner as he should find most convenient; he might allow claims, and render definitive judgment in those of less value and amount than twenty pesos, placing the others in a condition to be judicially decided. he received full commission for the exercise and office of the said visitation, being appointed deputy (and a warrant for his title thereto being issued) in the offices of governor and captain-general in the provinces which were entrusted to him, for whatever emergencies might arise or which he might encounter, with superintendence over the other deputies who might be in those provinces. it is true, this is the royal provision; but it also is a fact that the governors profit by their opportunities, when any auditor resists their unjust maxims, and the dread of this often constrains the auditors to unbecoming acts of compliance; and they live as parasites, dependents on that quarter, in order to secure a shameful liberty and an inactive sloth. señor arzadun set out on his commission, which he fulfilled with integrity; he was an unassuming and affable man. without causing injuries to individuals, he reformed many abuses; and by mild measures he added two reals to each whole tribute. this peaceable result ruffled some persons, and led to various disputes with the ecclesiastical judge, provisor, and vicar-general, which ended in favor of the said auditor. nor did he fail to have noisy controversies with some other persons; but all this ended as peacefully as possible. another controversy, no less disagreeable, occurred at that time between the fathers of the society [of jesus] and the mestizos of santa cruz. the latter complained, in a petition presented to the royal audiencia, that with occasion of undertaking to build a bridge across a lagoon which extends from their village to that of quiapo the fathers had compelled them to sign an obligation for two hundred and fifty pesos in favor of the superintendent of the work, for its cost and materials; and, for the payment of this, assessments had been levied in their village among the mestizos, and various persons had been arrested for not making their payments for this sum, part of which was not yet collected. on examination of this complaint, it was ordered that the auditor who was on duty for that week should proceed to the investigation of these statements; and the completion of such bridge was placed in his charge--for which he was to employ the means and measures that would be mildest, these being entrusted to his good judgment. in virtue of this order, the licentiate don pedro calderon henriquez, auditor of this royal audiencia, made the investigation and examined the witnesses, which resulted in verifying the complaint made. it appeared from the judicial inquiry that the land of that village belonged to the society; and the auditor drew up a formal statement, saying that the inhabitants of that village, who possessed no landed property, were paying ground rents that were exorbitant. he declared that the money for the cost of that bridge ought not to have been levied among the sangleys and mestizos, even though they belonged to that village; and that consequently the owner of the land ought to pay it--citing laws i and v of título xvi, book iv of the recopilación. [here follows a relation of the various legal proceedings in this controversy; after hearing all the evidence in the case the decision of the court was against the jesuits. it was shown that part of the land in question did not belong to them, and they were ordered not to disturb the tenants of it in their possession, and not to collect rents from them. they proved their title to other lands, but were warned that they must no longer exact, as they had been doing, three and one-half pesos as ground-rent for the sites occupied by the huts which the colonists erected within the grain-fields so that they might more conveniently cultivate the lands. "by this sentence the jesuits lost some three thousand pesos a year for the [rents of the] ground-plots of the houses; each married man had paid them three pesos, and each unmarried man and widow a peso and a half--and this, besides, for houses and lands which belonged to those people." the jesuits pleaded ecclesiastical immunity, and claimed that they had a right to the rents in question. a long and clamorous dispute arose, in which manifestoes were issued on both sides; it appears to have lasted from march 28, 1738, to july 1, 1739. the jesuits appealed to the king, but auditor calderon's sentence was sustained. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 79-89.)] bibliographical data the matter in this volume is obtained from the following sources: 1. events in filipinas, 1721-1739.--from various sources, fully credited in the text. 2. primary instruction.--in its various parts, as follows: i--from vicente barrantes's la instrucción primaria en filipinas (madrid, 1869), condensed from pp. 97, 98, 147-151, and 166-168 (from a copy belonging to the library of congress); ii--from daniel grifol y aliaga's la instrucción primaria en filipinas (manila, 1894), extract from preface (from a copy belonging to the library of congress); iii-xvii--from the above book, pp. 1-7, 11-16, 117-132, 148-157, 132-136, 41-52, 61-100, and 425-445, 401-405. 3. dominican educational institutions, 1896-1897.--from an unsigned and undated ms. belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. 4. report of religious schools, 1897.--same as no. 3. 5. educational institutions of the recollects.--same as no. 3. 6. the friar viewpoint.--in two parts. i--from estudio de algunos asuntos de actualidad (valladolid, 1897), by eduardo navarro, o.s.a., chap. vii, pp. 123-165; ii--from las corporaciones religiosas en filipinas (valladolid, 1901), by eladio zamora, o.s.a., chap. v, pp. 235-273, from a copy belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. 7. education since american occupation.--editorial, and compiled from various sources, fully credited in text. appendix: education in the philippines primary instruction. in various parts as follows. i. first governmental attempts. vicente barrantes; 1869. ii. organized effort of legislation. daniel grifol y aliaga; 1894. iii. royal decree establishing plan of primary instruction in filipinas. josé de la concha; december 20, 1863. iv. regulations for the normal school. ut supra. v. regulations for schools and teachers of primary instruction. ut supra. vi. interior regulations of schools of primary instruction. ut supra. vii. decree approving regulations of municipal girls' school.----echague; 1864. viii. regulations for the municipal girls' school. manila ayuntamiento; 1864. ix. circular giving rules for the good discharge of school supervision.----gándara; 1867. x. decree approving regulations for women's normal school.----malcampo; 1875. xi. regulations for women's normal school. ut supra. xii. royal decree creating women's normal school. maría cristina and francisco romero robledo; 1892. xiii. royal order approving regulations for women's normal school. francisco romero robledo; 1892. xiv. regulations for women's normal school. ut supra. xv. decree elevating men's normal school to the grade of superior. hermenegildo jacas; and a. avilés and manuel blanco valderrama; 1893. xvi. regulations of superior normal school for men teachers. manuel blanco valderrama; 1893. xvii. school legislation, 1863-1894. dominican educational institutions, 1896-1897. [unsigned and undated.] report of religious schools, 1897. [unsigned and undated.] educational institutions of the recollects. [unsigned and undated; 1897?] the friar viewpoint. in two parts. i. education. eduardo navarro, o.s.a.; 1897. ii. eladio zamora, o.s.a.; 1901. education since american occupation. 1906. sources: the above documents are obtained as follows: the first document is obtained in its various parts from the following: i--from vicente barrantes's la instrucción primaria en filipinas (madrid, 1869), condensed from pp. 97, 98, 147-151, and 166-168 (from a copy belonging to the library of congress); ii--from daniel grifol y aliaga's la instrucción primaria en filipinas (manila, 1894), extract from preface (from a copy belonging to the library of congress); iii-xvii--from the above book, pp. 1-7, 11-16, 117-132, 148-157, 132-136, 41-52, 61-100, 425-445, and 401-405. the second, third, and fourth are obtained from mss. belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a., of villanova college. the fifth is obtained from the following sources: i--from estudio de algunos asuntos de actualidad (valladolid, 1897), by eduardo navarro, o.s.a., chapter vii, pp. 123-165; ii--from las corporaciones religiosas en filipinas (valladolid, 1901), by eladio zamora, o.s.a., chapter v, pp. 235-273 (from a copy belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.). the last document is editorial and a compilation from sources fully indicated in the text. translations: these translations and compilations are made by james alexander robertson. primary instruction first governmental attempts a royal order of november 3, 1839 [9] prescribed that a committee be specially appointed to draft a set of regulations for the schools of the philippines. [10] the creation of this commission or board was delayed until 1855, being appointed by governor manuel crespo, february 7, of that year. the re-admission into the archipelago of the jesuits on march 21, 1852, had given a new impulse to the teaching of spanish in the schools, that organization always having been greatly inclined to the teaching of that language. [11] the instructions given to the commission appointed by crespo, were as follows: "1. to draft regulations establishing and making uniform the teaching in the schools; with expression of what is to be taught in schools of both sexes, paying especial attention in their measures to the encouragement of the castilian language. "2. to determine the number of men and women teachers who are to be appointed, this need to be regulated by the number of tributes of each village. "3. to report on the advisability of establishing a school for teachers in this city, without neglecting at the same time to state whatever is of service for it, and appears advisable for the end and object to which the expediency of this matter is directed. "the commission was also recommended 'to draft a plan and project for the establishment of a normal school in the city of manila, from which teachers instructed and suitable for teaching in the provinces might graduate.'" the report of this commission, march 7, 1861, shows but few meetings and but little accomplished, since its creation, until the year 1860. in the last months of that year and the first of 1861 their deliberations began to take form and were completed. already on august 10, 1860, governor solano had commissioned an official of the secretary's office to draft a project for reform along similar lines to the one which the commission was to draft. he completed that draft on the twenty-first of the same month, and his results may have spurred on the commission to finish its work. the fundamental points given to the above-mentioned official are as follows: "1. establishment in manila of a normal school, as a seminary for teachers. "2. that the pupils of such school, who are candidates for teachers, proceed from the various provinces in the proportion of one to each 50,000 or 60,000 inhabitants, their expenses to be paid from the local funds. "3. that in the normal teaching, the studies with application to industry and the arts predominate. "4. that the certificate shall not be issued to any pupil at the end of his course, unless he can write and speak castilian fluently. "5. regulation of schools in the villages, all of them to be supplied with well-endowed pupils from the normal school. "6. prohibition to teach to all who cannot prove their ability by the proper certificate and good deportment. "7. that the supervision in teaching belong to the provincial chiefs; and in regard to the moral and religious to the parish priests. "8. that the normal school have a practice school for boys, under the charge of the pupils." doubtless the commission was influenced by the work of the above-mentioned official. the chief point of debate in the meetings held by the commission was that of the teaching of the spanish language. one of the most influential and active members of the commission was fray francisco gainza, then vice-rector of the university of santo tomás. he voted against the teaching of spanish in the schools on the grounds that a unified language might open the door to protestantism in the islands, but he was overruled by the votes of all the rest, even fray domingo treserra, a dominican. governor lemery, who took charge of the islands in the early part of 1861, also charged the jesuit josé fernandez cuevas to draw up a project for educational reform. the next step and the greatest one yet attained in the matter of primary education was the decree of december 20, 1863, [12] with its attendant regulations (q.v., post). the normal school provided for by this decree was formally opened january 23, 1865, although it had been in operation since may 17, 1864. as might be expected it was found that there were more scholars from the island of luzón, who took advantage of this normal school, than from the visayas and mindanao, on account of the distance. on this account barrantes advocates the founding of another school in cebú. teachers from the normal schools were placed in charge of their schools with great ceremony, in accordance with an order of the government, july 18, 1868. the most serious obstacles against which the board of education had to struggle were irregularity of attendance and the matter of vacations, as it was necessary to designate a distinct period in each province, and it was utterly impossible to follow the regulations. also the management and supervision fails in great measure because it is diverted from the direct oversight into the hands of secondary officials. in 1836 there was but one school of primary instruction in manila, which was attended by 80 pupils. in 1867, there were 25 schools, with an attendance of 1,940 children, a number which advanced by 1868 to 30 schools with 3,389 children. the results in the provinces were also remarkable for the same period. in 1867, thirty-eight provinces showed 593 schools and in 1868, 684, with 25 more in course of construction. (pp. 147-151.) barrantes's conclusions (pp. 166-168) are interesting. among them are the following: "we believe that we have demonstrated that the backwardness of primary instruction in filipinas is purely relative, and cannot be imputed to the country or to any class, and much less to the ecclesiastical corporations, but to the spirit and letter of the laws of indias and the royal decrees, which did not succeed in giving legal life in that colony to a service which did not exist, or was not at that time understood, in the mother-country. "we have demonstrated that before 1865, primary instruction, properly so-called, was a vain shadow in the archipelago, since all the duties, all the administrative responsibilities of the department weighed upon public officials incompatible in purity with those duties and responsibilities; upon public officials, who, not being administrative, could and ought to drive out that imposition; upon public officials to whom no element or aid was given, while they were loaded with a leonine contract of an absurd and inconceivable character. and we have demonstrated this with the proof that the true responsibilities, in spite of the express text of the law, have not been exacted, because it was impossible to exact them or even the administrative public officials subject to them. "we have demonstrated that this confusion of principles could and ought to engender a struggle between classes in the eighteenth century, prejudicial at the bottom to primary instruction, whenever, in order to unburden itself mutually of unjust responsibilities, the administrative element threw the responsibilities upon the ecclesiastical element, accusing it of being hostile to the teaching of castilian; and this element not being able, in its turn, to investigate the accusation, acted in such wise that it appeared to accept it." there are not schools in almost every village, and the identification of the filipinos with the spaniards has not progressed so far as has been declared, especially in the matter of intelligence; and "it is not certain that the condition of the institutions of teaching authorizes one to believe the filipinos capable of making use of political rights so grave and so dangerous as the electoral right, in the form that they ask." [13] organized effort of legislation [in his preface to his book la instrucción primaria en filipinas (manila, 1894) daniel grifol y aliaga, who occupied an official post in the department of public instruction in the general division of civil administration, and was secretary of the administrative board on school questions in the philippine islands, speaks as follows.] until the end of the year 1863, [14] when the memorable royal decree, which established a plan of primary education in filipinas, arranged for the creation of schools of primary instruction in all the villages of the islands, and the creation of a normal school in manila whence should graduate educated and religious teachers, who should take charge of those institutions, was dictated, it can be said that there had been no legislation in regard to primary instruction in these islands; for, although it is certain that orders directed for the purpose of obtaining the instruction of the natives, and very especially, the teaching of the beautiful spanish language, are not lacking, some of those orders being contained in the leyes de indias and in the edicts of good government [bandos de buen gobierno], it is a fact that those orders are isolated regulations, without connection, and the product of the good desire which has always animated the monarchs of españa and their worthy representatives in the archipelago, for the advance and prosperity of the archipelago, but without resting on a fixed foundation, for lack of elements so that such foundation might exist. [15] before the above-mentioned epoch the reverend and devout [16] parish priests came to fill in great part, and voluntarily, the noble ends of propagating primary instruction through these remote regions, with the aid of the most advanced of their scholars themselves, who devoted themselves to the teaching of their fellow citizens, receiving scarcely any remuneration for their work and trouble, and without being regarded as teachers or having any certificate which accredited them as such. the above-mentioned royal decree of december 20, 1863, and the regulations of the same date, established and unfolded a true plan for primary instruction, which has served as a basis for the innumerable number of orders relative to the said department, which have been dictated from day to day, both by the government of the mother country and by the former superior civil government, by the general government, and by the general division of civil administration of these islands, in order to attain the degree of perfection which this most important department of public administration--the foundation of the culture and the welfare of the villages--obtains in filipinas today. that same accumulation of orders, [17] which have produced the rapid advancement of public instruction in this archipelago, has been the motive for a certain apparent confusion, which, in reality, does not exist, for there is observed in those orders an admirable harmony, which is explained if one bear in mind that they have all been dictated for one and the same end, with one desire, and for the same purpose: namely, that of obtaining the greatest advancement of education in this far-distant spanish province, and that of benefiting the noble class of teachers. the confusion to which we refer, which, we repeat, is in its essential no more than apparent, must disappear from that moment in which all the orders in regard to the matter are methodically compiled, arranging them so that they might give as a resultant that harmonious whole of which we spoke before. so we understood it, when we had to occupy ourselves in its detailed study, when we took charge of the department of public instruction in the general division of civil administration [dirección de administración civil]; and for the purpose of being able to fill the office which had been committed to us to the best of our ability, we undertook the work of compiling, arranging, and annotating all the orders relative to primary instruction in these islands. when we had made considerable progress in our task, it occurred to us that, by publishing the compilation which we were making for our own private use, we might, perhaps, be doing a good service to the teaching profession, to the local inspectors of primary instruction, and to all persons who are engaged in this department, by reason of their duty.... this book will also serve to make patent the very great interest with which the government of his majesty and the worthy authorities of the archipelago have viewed this important department, [18] dictating continuously orders inspired by the most genuine sentiments of patriotism, directed through obtaining the greatest degree of instruction and culture for the natives of this rich country, and above all, so that all of them might speak the harmonious castilian language, in order that that language may be one more bond of union between these islands and the mother country. royal decree establishing a plan of primary instruction in filipinas exposition madam: the constant desire and permanent rule of conduct of the august predecessors of your majesty have ever been to introduce into the territories under your glorious crown across seas, the light of evangelical truth, and with it the principles of a civilization suitable for their respective necessities. the governments and their delegated authorities, with the powerful aid of the missionaries, and of the clergy in general, both secular and regular, have tried to accommodate their policy in regard to the philippine archipelago to these principles. but the extent of so vast a territory, the character and customs of a portion of its population, and the lack of an organized system of primary instruction, have been the reason why the knowledge of the castilian language, and in consequence of the ignorance of that language, the propagation of the most elementary ideas of education remain in a remarkable condition of imperfection and backwardness. it is unnecessary to explain the evils that such a condition occasions to the natives in the casualties of social life, in their relations to the public authority, in the exercise of those relations which are confided partly to the said natives, in the onward march and progress, in fine, of that country so fertile in the sources of wealth. it is reserved for your majesty to bring to this condition of affairs the remedy suitable for it, which for some time the superior authorities of filipinas have been demanding, and in regard to whose urgent application the royal commissary, appointed to study the administration of said islands, has lately called the attention of the government. for this object is directed the subjoined project of a decree and the regulations which accompany it. they have been formed by the aid of the documents submitted by said functionaries. they agree in spirit, in tendency, and even in the prime basis of the solutions which they propose. said project setting forth from the necessity of broadening as much as possible the teaching of the holy catholic faith, of the language of the fatherland, and of the elementary knowledge of life, of creating capable teachers for that purpose, the lack of whom is the principal cause of the above situation, and that the basis of all education is the solid diffusion of our holy religion, establishes by means of its ministers a normal school under the care of the fathers of the society of jesus, whose pupils will have the right and express obligation of filling the position of teachers in the schools for the natives with pay, advantages, and rights during the exercise of that duty, and later after its honorable discharge, and who shall be capable of attracting the youth of the country to this now humble class [of employes]. it provides the means for joining teachers of both sexes until they graduate as teachers from that institution, and until a normal school for women teachers respectively is organized. it creates in all the villages of the archipelago schools for elementary primary instruction of boys and girls, with the obligation of attendance on the part of such, and with sunday classes for adults. [19] it confers on the parish priests the immediate inspection of said schools, with powers suitable to make that inspection effective, and the exclusive direction of the teaching of the christian doctrine and ethics is vested in the prelates. and as a complement to the system which it establishes, it demands for the future, although after the expiration of a suitable time, the knowledge of the spanish language as a necessary requisite for the exercise of public charges and duties, and for the enjoyment of certain privileges inherent thereto. the application of all progress in a country presupposes pecuniary sacrifices, and although not excessive, some are contained in the establishment of the projected plan. nevertheless, if the expense which is produced is divided among the different villages of the archipelago, and charged to their local funds, it is to be expected that it will neither be felt very sensibly nor will the general budget of the island be obliged for the moment to contribute an advance, certainly difficult today, when the calamities which have happened recently in one part of the filipino territory have caused so considerable and extraordinary an expense to bear down upon it. the minister whose signature is affixed, taking as his fundamental the above reasons, the council of state having been consulted, and with the concurrence of that of the minister, has the honor of submitting for your majesty's approval the subjoined project of a decree. madrid, december 20, 1863. madam, at the royal feet of your majesty, josé de la concha royal decree in view of the reasons which have been explained to me by my minister of the colonies, after having consulted with the council of state and with the concurrence of the council of the ministers, i therefore decree the following: article 1. a normal school for teachers of primary instruction is established in the city of manila, in charge of and under the direction of the fathers of the society of jesus. said school shall have the organization prescribed by its regulations and the expenses caused therein shall be defrayed by the central treasury of ways and means. [20] art. 2. spanish scholars, natives of the archipelago or of europa, shall be admitted into said school under the conditions prescribed by the regulations. after the termination of the studies prescribed by the said regulations, such scholars shall obtain the title of teacher. the pupils of the normal school, to the number and in the class designated by the regulations, shall receive a free education; and those who take advantage of such provision shall be obliged to exercise the duties of teacher in the native schools of the archipelago, for the space of ten years following their graduation from the institution. art. 3. in each one of the villages of those provinces, there shall be at least one school of primary instruction for males, and another for females, in which education shall be given to the native children and chinese of both sexes. the regulations shall determine the proportion of the increase in the number of schools for each village in proportion to its population. in all the schools there shall be a sunday class for adults. art. 4. the instruction given in said schools shall be free to the poor. attendance on the part of the children shall be compulsory. art. 5. the schools for males shall consist of three classes; to wit: entrada [i.e., entrance]; ascenso [i.e., promotion, or intermediary]; and termino [i.e., final], of the second class, and termino of the first class. they shall be supplied with teachers graduating from the normal school in accordance with the qualification which they shall have obtained at the conclusion of their studies, their promotions depending upon their seniority and merit combined. the schools of termino of the first class, namely, those of manila and its district, shall be supplied with teachers by competitive examination among the teachers, with the certificate from the normal school, with experience as teachers. art. 6. classification of the schools, in accordance with the preceding article, shall be made by the superior civil governor, [21] after consultation with the superior commission of primary instruction, and after the report of the chief of the province. once the respective classification is fixed it can be changed only in the same manner. art. 7. the teachers shall enjoy the salary and other privileges prescribed by the regulations. [22] said salary, as well as the foundation of the school, acquisition, and conservation of school supplies and equipment, and the rent of the building where there shall be no public building, shall constitute an obligatory expense on the respective local budget. art. 8. in the villages where the superior civil governor so decrees, as its small population so allows, the teachers shall fulfil the duties of secretaries [23] to the gobernadorcillos, enjoying for such duties [concepto] an additional pay proportioned to the local resources. art. 9. the teachers appointed from the normal school cannot be discharged except for legitimate cause and by resolution of the superior civil governor, after a governmental measure drawn up with the formality set forth in article 6, and after hearing the interested party. art. 10. examinations shall be held in the normal school at periodic times, and in the manner determined by the regulations, in order to choose a person with the title of assistant teacher. those who obtain such certificates shall manage the schools for the natives in the absence of teachers, and shall in all cases exercise the duties belonging to their class in the schools which are to have such assistants according to the regulations. said assistants shall have the salary and perquisites prescribed by the regulations, the first being an obligatory expense on the local budget. art. 11. the mistresses of schools for native girls need the corresponding certificate for the exercise of their duties. until a normal school for women teachers is established, that certificate shall be issued in the form prescribed with the fitness determined by the regulations. the salary and perquisites which they are to receive shall be fixed by the same regulations, the first being an obligatory expense on the local budget, as are the other expenses expressed in article 7 regarding the schools for males. art. 12. teachers and assistants shall be exempt from the giving of personal services so long as they exercise their duties, and after ceasing to exercise them, if they have exercised them for fifteen years. after five years of duty, the teachers, and after ten, the assistants, shall enjoy distinction as principales. [24] art. 13. the teachers of both sexes and the assistants shall have the right, in case of disability for the discharge of their duties, of pension under the conditions prescribed by the regulations. art. 14. teachers and assistants with certificates, who shall have exercised their duties suitably for ten and fifteen years respectively, shall be preferred in the provision of posts of the class of clerk, established by the decree of july 15 last, without the necessity of furnishing proofs of fitness, as well as in the provision of employments not subject to the abovesaid royal decree which are to be appointed by the superior civil governor, [25] and do not demand conditions of special fitness in which the above are lacking. art. 15. the superior inspection of primary education shall be exercised by the superior civil governor of the islands, with the aid of a commission which shall be established in the capital under the name of "superior commission of primary instruction." said commission shall be composed of the superior governor as president, of the right reverend archbishop of manila, and of seven members of recognized ability appointed by the first named. [26] the chiefs of the provinces shall be provincial inspectors, and shall exercise their duties with the aid of a commission composed of the chief, of the diocesan prelate, and in the latter's absence, of the parish priest of the chief city, and of the alcalde-mayor, [27] or administrator of revenues. [28] the parish priests shall be the local inspectors ex-officio and shall direct the teaching of the christian doctrine and morals under the direction of the right reverend prelates. the regulations shall designate the powers of the commissions and above-cited inspectors. art. 16. after a school has been established in any village for fifteen years, no natives who cannot talk, read and write the castilian language shall form a part of the principalía unless they enjoy that distinction by right of inheritance. after the school has been established for thirty years, only those who possess the above-mentioned condition shall enjoy exemption from the personal service tax, except in case of sickness. art. 17. five years after the publication of this decree, no one who does not possess the above-mentioned qualification, proved before the chief of the province, can be appointed to salaried posts in the philippine archipelago. art. 18. the superior civil governor, the chiefs of the provinces, and the local authorities, shall have special care in promoting the fulfilment of the requirements of this decree, adopting or proposing, according to circumstances, the necessary measures for their complete fulfilment. art. 19. decrees [cedulas] of petition and request shall be sent to the right reverend archbishop and the reverend bishops of the philippine archipelago, in order that they may arouse the zeal of the parish priests for the exact fulfilment of the duties vested in them by this decree, in what relates to the supervision of the teaching of the natives, and very specially to that of the holy catholic faith and the castilian language. art. 20. special regulations shall detail minutely the organization of the normal school and of the schools of primary instruction for the natives. given at the palace, december 20, 1863. it is rubricated in the royal hand. the minister of the colonies, josé de la concha regulations for the normal school for teachers of primary instruction for the natives of the filipinas islands [29] of the object of the normal school article 1. the object of the normal school is to serve as a seminary for religious, obedient, and instructed teachers, for the management of schools of primary instruction for the natives throughout the whole archipelago. art. 2. the scholars shall be resident, and subject to one and the same rule and discipline. for the present the number of day pupils fixed by the superior civil governor may be admitted, provided that their antecedents give hope that they can pursue their studies with advantage, and that their deportment corresponds to the good name of the institution. art. 3. in the same locality of the normal school, although with the fitting independence and separation, there shall be a school of primary instruction for non-resident boys, whose classes shall be managed, under the supervision of a teacher of the normal school, by the pupils of the same. of the branches and duration of the studies art. 4. education in the normal school shall comprise the following branches: 1. religion, morals, and sacred history. 2. theory and practice of reading. 3. theory and practice of writing. 4. an extensive knowledge of the castilian language with exercises in analysis, composition, and orthography. 5. arithmetic, to ratio and proportion, elevation to powers, and extraction of roots, inclusive, together with the decimal metric system with its equivalent of local weights and measures. 6. principles of spanish geography and history. 7. idem of geometry. 8. common acquaintance with physical and natural sciences. 9. ideas of practical agriculture with reference to the cultivation of the products of the country. 10. rules of courtesy. 11. lessons in vocal and organ music. 12. elements of pedagogy. art. 5. during the sessions of the normal school, the teachers shall speak only the castilian language, and the scholars shall hold their classes and other literary acts in the same language. they shall be strictly prohibited from expressing themselves in any other language, even in their daily recreations and common intercourse within the precincts of the institution. art. 6. the studies mentioned in article 4 shall run for three years, and during the six months of the last term [curso], the scholars shall have practical exercise in teaching, by teaching in the classes of the primary school annexed to the normal school, which is established by article 3. scholars shall not pass from one course to another without proving their efficiency in the general examinations, which shall be held at the end of each year. during the first four years of the installation of the school the studies shall be completed in two years. art. 7. the scholars of the normal school who shall have completed the courses of their studies and shall have obtained by their good deportment, application and knowledge, the mark of excellent [sobresaliente] in the final examinations for the three consecutive years shall receive a teacher's certificate, in which shall be expressed their creditable mark, and they shall be empowered to teach schools of ascenso. those who shall not have obtained the mark of excellent, but that of good [bueno], or fair [regular] in the above-mentioned examinations, shall also receive a teacher's certificate with their corresponding mark expressed therein and they shall be able to teach schools of entrada. finally, those who shall have failed in said examinations, if after they shall have repeated the exercise, shall have merited approval, shall only receive certificates as assistant teachers. art. 8. if any one of the scholars of the normal school shall desire to continue his studies for another year, in order to perfect himself therein, he may do so, on condition of paying from his own funds his annual board, if he shall be a resident student, and if, in the judgment of the director of the institution, no inconvenience arises from his remaining in it. of the scholars of the normal school art. 9. the resident scholars of the normal school shall be divided into regular [de número] and supernumerary [30] resident pupils. both those who aspire to the said classes and to the class of day scholars, so long as there shall be any of the latter, must have the following qualifications: 1. to be natives of the spanish dominions. 2. to be fully sixteen years old, that requisite to be attested by certificate of baptism or any other equivalent public document. 3. to suffer from no contagious disease, and to enjoy sufficient health to fulfil the tasks suitable for the duties of teachers. 4. to have observed good deportment which shall be proved by certification of the chief of the province and the parish priest of the village of his birth or habitation. 5. to talk castilian; to know the christian doctrine and how to read and write well: proof of which shall be made in an examination held before the director and teacher of the school. art. 10. the regular resident scholars shall receive their education free, and shall pay nothing for their support, treatment, school equipment, and aid from the teaching force. [31] art. 11. the regular resident scholars shall be obliged to fulfil their duties for ten years as teachers in the schools of primary instruction for the natives, to which they shall be assigned by the superior civil government. in case of not fulfilling that obligation they shall be indebted to the state for the expenses incurred in their education and teaching. the same thing shall happen if they leave the normal school before the conclusion of their studies without legitimate cause and by their own will or that of their parents, or are expelled from it for lack of application, or bad conduct. the model for calculating the expenses caused by said scholars during a given period shall be the board paid during the same period by a resident supernumerary scholar. art. 12. places as regular resident scholars shall be supplied by the superior civil government to natives of the provinces of the archipelago, in proportion to the respective census of the population. as the number of aspirants for the places of supernumerary resident scholars continues to increase, the class of regular resident scholars will continue to decrease, the reduction beginning with those belonging to the provinces nearest the capital. said class shall be suppressed when it happens that there are among the supernumerary [resident] scholars enough teachers with whom to supply the schools of the archipelago. in any event, the regular [resident] scholar, who shall have entered the school, shall have the right to keep his place, and such place shall only be suppressed when his course shall have been ended. art. 13. the supernumerary resident scholars shall pay the institution eight pesos per month for their board, and their rank in the school and other things will be equal to that of the regular scholars. art. 14. only those young men shall be admitted as day scholars who, besides possessing the requirements demanded from the resident scholars, shall live in manila or in its neighborhood, under the charge of their parents or in charge of a guardian and under such conditions that it can be assumed that they will find in their domestic hearth examples of virtue and morality. such class of scholars shall receive school equipment free, and if they are poor, their textbooks. of the director, teachers, and dependents of the normal school art. 15. the normal school shall be directed and governed by the fathers of the society of jesus. at the head of the same there shall be a director to whose authority shall be subordinate the teachers, scholars, and inferior employes, and such director shall have the duty of directing the education and teaching, presiding at the literary ceremonies, visiting the rooms, watching over order and domestic discipline, correcting those who infringe the rules, and expelling pupils in the cases and under the conditions expressed in the interior regulations of the school, and he shall inform the suitable authority of the extraordinary measures and determinations of a serious nature which he believes it necessary to take. art. 16. under the director's authority there shall be at least four teachers, one of whom must be at the same time spiritual prefect of the school, charged with directing the consciences of the scholars, with presiding at religious ceremonies, and with distributing the food of the divine word. under his peculiar charge also shall be lessons in sacred history, morals, and religion. another of the teachers shall fill the special post of prefect of customs, and his principal occupation will be to accompany the scholars and to have care of them in the ceremonies of the inner life of the institution. the other two teachers shall be occupied principally in the teaching of other matters. besides the director and teachers, the school shall have the brother coadjutors who shall be considered necessary. there shall also be one porter, and the other indispensable subordinates. art. 17. the salaries to be received by directors, professors, coadjutors, and subordinates, as well as the allowance for expenses of materials, shall be fixed by the superior civil governor by agreement with the right reverend archbishop of manila, information of which shall be given to the government for its approval. of examinations art. 18. at the end of each month in each one of the classes of the normal school, there shall be a private examination in all the subjects studied during that period. a like exercise shall be held at the end of the first semester each year, in regard to the branches studied during that time. at the end of the course, a general examination shall be held. this exercise shall be public and in the presence of the authorities and persons of distinction in the capital, and shall be terminated with the announcement and distribution of prizes. of holidays and vacations art. 19. the holidays of the normal school shall be sundays, feast days, ash wednesday, the day set aside for the commemoration of the faithful dead, [32] and also the saint's days and birthday anniversaries of their majesties and the prince of asturias, and the saint's day of the superior civil governor. the shorter vacations shall extend from christmas eve to twelfth-night, during the three carnival days, [33] and from holy wednesday until easter. during said vacations, the resident scholars shall remain in the institution. the longer vacations shall last one and one-half months, and shall be during the time of the greatest heat. the resident scholars may pass to the bosom of their families for the period of the longer vacations. the scholars may go once a month to the house of their parents or guardians. of rewards and punishments art. 20. the degree of excellence of the scholars shall be recompensed by honorable marks, which shall be kept in the book of the institution; and by annual prizes, whose solemn distribution shall take place at the termination of the public examinations. art. 21. punishments shall be: public censure; deprivation from recreation and the walk; banishment and separation from the other scholars; and if these are not sufficient, the definitive punishment shall be expulsion from the school. expulsion shall irremissibly take place because of any contagious disease, for notable laziness and lack of application, for serious lack of respect to the teachers, and for bad conduct or depraved morals. art. 22. as a reward shall also be the public reading of the marks of good deportment, application and progress; and as punishment the reading of the contrary marks. that shall be done monthly for that purpose, assembling in one place all the scholars with their teachers, in the presence of the director. of the interior regulations of the school art. 23. an interior regulation for the school shall be made, which shall specify the daily distribution of time on the part of the scholars, the order of their studies, and the division of classes, religious and literary exercises, conduct, food, and clothing, as well as the duties of the scholars respecting the teachers, and those of their parents and guardians in respect to the institution. of textbooks art. 24. the director of the normal school shall propose at the approval of the superior civil government, a list of books which can be used as textbooks by the scholars, to which the masters shall subject their explanation. such list shall be revised according as is advised by circumstances. the teachers shall give their lessons in the courses of which it is advisable for this system to make use, under the authority of the director. of special examinations to obtain certificates as assistant teacher art. 25. examinations shall be held in the normal school every six months, to choose those who shall be given certificates as assistants. those who present themselves at said examinations shall have the qualifications described in article 9, for those who aspire to enter the school. they shall be conversant with the matters prescribed in article 4; and their examinations shall be public and held before the director and teachers of the normal school. art. 26. there shall be no other mark in such examinations than those of passed or failed. of the issuance of teachers' and assistant teachers' certificates art. 27. the superior civil governor shall have the right to issue certificates as teacher and assistant at the proposal of the director of the normal school. art. 28. certificates as teachers shall contain the mark which shall have been obtained and the class of schools for which such persons are qualified. madrid, december 20, 1863. approved by her majesty. [34] concha regulations for the schools and teachers of primary instruction for the natives of the philippine archipelago article 1. the teaching in the schools for natives shall be reduced for the present to the elementary primary grade, and shall comprise: 1. the christian doctrine and principles of morality and sacred history suitable for children. 2. reading. [35] 3. writing. 4. practical teaching of the castilian language, principles of castilian grammar, with extension of orthography. 5. principles of arithmetic, which shall include the four rules for integers, common fractions, decimals, and denominate numbers, with principles of the decimal metric system, and its equivalents in the usual weights and measures. 6. principles of general geography and spanish history. 7. principles of practical agriculture, with application to the products of the country. 8. rules of courtesy. 9. vocal music. the primary teaching of girls will include the matters expressed by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, and 9, of the present article, and the needle-work suitable to their sex. art. 2. primary instruction is obligatory for all the natives. the parents, guardians, or agents of the children shall send them to the public schools from the age of seven to the age of twelve, unless they prove that they are giving them sufficient instruction at home or in private school. those who do not observe this duty, if there is a school in the village at such distance that the children can attend it comfortably, will be warned and compelled to do so by the authority with a fine of from one-half to two reals. [36] the parents or guardians of the children may also send them to school from the age of six years and from that of twelve to fourteen. art. 3. the teachers shall have special care that the scholars have practical exercise in speaking the castilian language. in proportion as they become conversant with it, explanations shall be made to them in that language, and they shall be forbidden to communicate with one another during class in their own language. art. 4. primary instruction shall be free for children whose parents are not known to be wealthy. that shall be proved by certification of the gobernadorcillo of the village, visoed by the parish priest. paper, copybooks, ink, and pens, will be free to all the children. the parents, and for lack of these, the children who shall be well known to be wealthy, in the judgment of the gobernadorcillo of the village, with the confirmation of the parish priest, shall pay a moderate sum monthly, which shall be assigned by the governor of each province after conferring with the parish priest and the gobernadorcillo. art. 5. the parish priest shall direct the teaching of christian doctrine and morality, and they shall be charged to give at least once a week the fitting explanations in the locality of the school, in the church, or any place which shall be assigned. art. 6. schools shall have two months of vacation per year, during the time designated by the superior civil government, at the proposal of the chief of the province. the vacations may be continuous or divided into two or three periods. of textbooks art. 7. the christian doctrine shall be taught by the catechism which is in use, and approved by ecclesiastical authorities. for reading, the syllabary prescribed by the superior civil governor, the catechism of astete, and the catechism of fleuri, shall be used. for writing, the muestras de carácter español [i.e., samples of spanish characters] by iturzaeta shall be used. [37] as a text for the other matters included in the teaching, according to article 1, a book shall be compiled which shall contain them all as clearly and concisely as possible, and in addition, ideas on geometry and common knowledge of physical and natural sciences. such book shall also serve for the last exercises in reading. [38] until the book mentioned in the preceding paragraph is compiled, teaching in matters not enumerated in the first paragraph of the present article shall be in the form prescribed by the superior civil governor. of the schools art. 8. in every village, if its population shall permit, there shall be a school for boys and another for girls. [39] those villages which have a population of 5,000, shall have two schools for boys and two others for girls. those which have a population of 10,000, shall have three schools, and so on, increasing at the rate of one school for each sex for every 5,000 inhabitants, whenever an average of more than 150 children shall have attended all the existing schools during the last three months. [40] in the visitas, very distant from the villages, whose population reaches 500 inhabitants, there shall also be a school for each sex, and if there is more than one visita, and together they have that number of souls, the schools shall be established in the most central. if the number of children of one school exceeds eighty there shall be one assistant, and if it exceeds one hundred and fifty, two. art. 9. schools shall be located in the most central part of the villages or barrios, and must be built well lighted and ventilated, with dwelling rooms for the teacher and his family; but such dwelling shall be independent [of the school] and have a special entrance. [41] art. 10. the schools shall conform to the classes fixed by article 5 of the royal decree of this date. of the teachers art. 11. the rank of teacher in the public schools of primary instruction belongs to the pupils of the normal school who are qualified with the suitable certificate, who shall be fully twenty years old, and possess the other requirements expressed in article 20. art. 12. teachers shall enter the schools of entrada or ascenso, in accordance with the right which their respective certificates give them, according to the terms of article 7, of the regulations of the normal school for male teachers, approved by her majesty on this date. after three years of teaching, the teachers may be promoted to the next class, whether of ascenso or término of the second class. when two or more teachers aspire to schools of higher rank, if their respective certificates are equal, he who has taught longer shall be preferred. if the certificates are not equal, he who possesses a certificate for a school of ascenso shall be preferred to him who has one for a school of entrada. art. 13. in case of the absolute lack of candidates with the necessary certificate, those who hold lower certificates may be appointed teachers for a school of the upper class, but it shall be ad interim, and they shall receive the pay belonging to the class of their certificate, until they complete the time of exercise with good mark, in which case they shall be appointed regularly. art. 14. for the lack of teachers with a certificate, those who are twenty years of age and have the other requirements prescribed in article 12, and have a certificate as assistant, may govern schools, and shall receive the pay of teachers of the third class. art. 15. for the lack of candidates possessing certificate as assistant, those who prove in the examination held before the provincial commission of primary instruction sufficient capacity and are of the abovesaid age, may govern ad interim the schools with the title of substitute, and shall receive the pay mentioned in the preceding article. art. 16. the position of teachers of the término schools of the first grade, namely, those of manila and its district, shall be supplied in the manner determined by article 5 of the royal decree of this date, to wit, by competition among the teachers with certificate from the normal school, and practice in teaching. the time of such practice shall be at least one year. the competition shall be held with preceding edict for the term of three months, before a commission composed of the director, or, in his absence, of one of the teachers of the normal school, one of the individuals of the superior board of primary instruction, another of the provincial board, the senior parish priest as local supervisor, and one member of the ayuntamiento. art. 17. a graded list shall be formed of the assistants, in which, without prejudice to the right which is conferred on them by article 14, they shall be promoted according to seniority, commencing with the class of entrada, and continuing to those of ascenso, término of the second grade, and término of the first grade. art. 18. the appointment of teachers and assistants shall belong to the superior civil governor. art. 19. the issuing of certificates of regular teachers and assistants shall be attended to by the superior civil governor, in the manner prescribed by article 27 of the regulations of the normal school of this date. the certificates of substitute teachers shall be issued by the same authority, at the proposal of the respective provincial commission, the examination papers of the party interested and the record of his examination first having been sent. art. 20. in order to be a teacher, assistant, or substitute, one must, in addition to the qualifications respectively expressed in the preceding articles: 1. be a native of the spanish domains. 2. prove his good religious and moral deportment. 3. be of suitable age. the assistants may begin teaching in the capacity of such in the schools at the age of seventeen. art. 21. positions as teachers or assistants cannot be exercised: 1. by those who suffer from any disease, or have any defects which incapacitate them for teaching. 2. by those who shall have been condemned to corporal punishments, [42] or are incapacitated for exercising public duties. art. 22. teachers of entrada shall receive from eight to twelve pesos per month; those of ascenso, from twelve to fifteen; those of término of the second grade, from fifteen to twenty. the superior civil governor shall fix, by recommendation of the provincial commission and report of the superior, the sum to be received by the teacher between the greatest and least amount assigned, keeping in mind as an average the material cost of living and the number of pay children who attend the school. teachers of término of the first grade, or those of the schools of manila, shall receive the pay prescribed in the municipal budget of that city. that pay must be at least equal to that which is assigned as a maximum to teachers of término of the second class. [43] art. 23. teachers shall enjoy in addition the following advantages: 1. a dwelling apartment for themselves and family in the schoolhouse, or reimbursement if they rent one. 2. the fees paid by well-to-do children. 3. the privileges and exemptions mentioned in articles 12 and 14 of the royal decree of this date. [44] art. 24. teachers shall have, in accordance with article 13 of the same royal decree, the right of pension and half pay after twenty years of service, and four-fifths' pay after thirty-five years of service, whenever in one or the other case they shall have reached the age of sixty years, or be incapacitated for the performance of the duties required by their profession. art. 25. assistants, when they perform the duties of such, shall receive pay of four, six, or eight pesos per month, according as the school is entrada, ascenso, or término of the second grade, or the amount assigned in the municipal budget of manila if the school is término of the first rank. they shall receive, in addition, the fourth part of the fees of well-to-do children; and shall enjoy the exemptions expressed by articles 12 and 14 of the royal decree of this date. they shall also have the right of pension in the same proportion and in the same manner as that prescribed for teachers. [45] of women teachers art. 26. women teachers for girls shall be twenty-five years old at least, and shall possess the other qualifications that are demanded from the male teachers. art. 27. for the provision of schools, women teachers with certificates shall be preferred. that certificate, until the normal school for women teachers is established, shall be issued by the superior civil governor, on the recommendation of the commission established by article 16, associated with a woman teacher with certificate and examination in the matters which constitute the teaching of girls. for the lack of women teachers with certificate, those who show sufficient ability before the respective provincial commission of primary instruction, shall be appointed as substitutes. art. 28. women teachers shall receive monthly pay of eight pesos if they have a certificate, and six if the contrary be true, and all the fees of wealthy girls. they shall also have the right to live in the school, and in case they do not live there, to a reimbursement to pay their rent. of sunday schools art. 29. teachers shall be obliged to take care of the sunday class which shall be established in each village for the teaching of adults. said class will be free with the sole exception of the wealthy. a special order of the superior civil governor, after a previous conference with the superior board of primary instruction, shall prescribe the duration and method of the above-mentioned classes. [46] of the supervision of the primary instruction among the natives art. 30. superior supervision will be in charge of the superior civil government, with the aid of a commission composed of the diocesan prelate and six and seven members of recognized qualifications, appointed by the former. the director of the normal school shall be a member ex-officio. [47] art. 31. the chiefs of the provinces shall be provincial supervisors, and shall exercise their office with the aid of a commission presided over by the same and composed in addition of the diocesan prelate, or, in his absence, of the parish priest of the chief city, and of the alcalde-mayor, or administrator of finances. the respective reverend and learned parish priests shall be the local supervisors of primary instruction. [48] art. 32. the duties of the local supervisors shall be: 1. to visit the schools as frequently as possible, and see that the regulations are observed. 2. to admonish those teachers who commit any fault, and suspend them in case they commit any excess which, in their judgment, does not permit them to continue in charge of the school, and to give information thereof to the provincial supervisor. 3. to promote the attendance of the children at the schools. 4. to give in writing orders of admission into the schools, with expression as to whether the teaching shall be free or paid. 5. to propose, through the medium of the provincial supervisor, whatever they believe advisable for the progress or improvement of primary instruction. 6. to exercise, in regard to the teaching of christian doctrine and morals, the direction expressed in article 4. art. 33. the provincial supervisors shall exercise, with the aid of the respective commission, their oversight over the schools of the province, and shall have authority, the said commission having been conferred with, to approve or disapprove the suspensions of teachers imposed by the local supervisors, giving account in both cases to the government, with remission of the record in the case. supervisors shall send to the above-mentioned authority monthly reports concerning the number of pupils of both sexes in each school on the last day of the month, with mention of those who pay, with the number of those who have entered and left, and the average attendance at the school during the month, with what remarks are deemed advisable. art. 34. the superior board of primary instruction shall consult the superior government of the islands: 1. in regard to the approval of textbooks. 2. on measures in regard to the dismissal of teachers, declarations of the grades of schools, and assignment of pay to the instructors. 3. in everything else concerning the execution of this plan, and especially concerning the doubts arising from the same. final resolution art. 35. instructions shall be compiled comprising the principal ideas of pedagogy, and explaining minutely the duties of teachers, and the details of school organization and the progress of instruction. a printed copy of these instructions shall be given to every schoolteacher of the natives, of both sexes, and they shall be charged to learn them and observe them. another copy shall also be sent to every provincial chief and parish priest. madrid. december 20, 1863. approved by her majesty, concha interior regulations of the schools of primary instruction for the natives of the philippine archipelago of the interior arrangement of the schools article 1. the edifice destined for a school must consist at least of a room proportioned in size to the number of children, an antehall, and a dwelling for the teacher and his family. the furniture shall be composed of the following chattels: one table with drawers, one chair, one inkwell, and one bell for the teacher; desks with one lid, and benches for the children, one inkwell for each two children, one blackboard with an easel, one clock, and four chairs. in the front of the hall, a crucifix shall be placed under a canopy, and under that the picture of the chief of the state. the schools for girls shall have the same fixtures, and in addition, scissors, needles, thimbles, and sewing thread. of the teachers art. 2. teachers and assistants must be in the school half an hour before classes begin, in order to prepare everything necessary for the teaching. the teacher will daily look after the cleaning of the schoolrooms, and all the furniture in them. he shall keep books entitled libro de matricula [i.e., matriculation book] and registro diario de asistencia [i.e., daily register of attendance]. in the first he shall note: 1--the number of matriculations; 2--the names and surnames of the children; 3--their age; 4--the names and surnames of their parents; 5--the profession of the latter; 6--whether they pay and what sum; 7--the date of their entrance into the school; 8--the progress of their instruction; 9--the date when they leave school; 10--remarks on their character and deportment. in the register of attendance he shall note daily the number of children absent and present, all in accordance with models which shall be drawn up. he shall also keep a book with the list of those present, in order to note those children who are late at school morning and afternoon, in accordance with the corresponding model. art. 3. before the fifth day of every month, the teacher shall send to the provincial chief a list of those children present in the school on the last day of the preceding month, in which shall be set down the names of those who pay for their education, as well as of those who have entered and left during the month, according to the respective model, and a copy of the registro diario de asistencia for the same time. these documents must be visoed by the reverend or secular parish priest, for which purpose the teacher shall present to him the books referred to above. of the pupils art. 4. children of both sexes will be admitted to the schools from the age of six to that of fourteen, but when they reach the latter age they shall cease to attend them. children shall attend school with clean faces, hands, and clothing, and shall not be received without fulfilling that requirement. art. 5. children who suffer from any contagious disease shall not be admitted. as soon as the teacher shall observe any disease in anyone he shall advise his parents or guardians so that they may cease to send him to school until he is completely cured. art. 6. every child who arrives at the school after the beginning of the class, without satisfactorily explaining the reason for his tardiness, shall be punished in proportion to the lateness of his arrival. when any child is frequently absent from school, without his guardians giving the reason therefor, the teacher shall call it to the attention of such guardians, and if such child continues to be absent in the same manner, the teacher shall inform the religious or parish priest thereof. art. 7. pay children shall meet their fees for the entire month, whatever be the day of their entrance and departure from the school. of school days and hours art. 8. school days shall be all those of the year except the following: 1--sundays, and feast days marked in the calendar with two or three crosses; 2--all-souls' day; 3--from christmas until the day after epiphany; 4--ash wednesday; 5--the six days of holy week; 6--the day of st. joseph of calasanz; [49] 7--the saint's day and the birthday anniversaries of their majesties, the king and queen, and of his royal highness, the prince of asturias; 8--the feast day of the village; 9--the saint's day of the superior civil governor and of the bishop of the diocese. art. 9. classes shall begin every season at seven in the morning, and shall conclude at ten; and in the afternoon they shall begin at half-past two, and end at five. during the months of april, may, and june, there shall be no school in the afternoon, but the morning classes will last one hour longer, ending at eleven instead of ten. of the progress of education art. 10. in the morning at the hour assigned by the parish priest supervisor, the teachers, both for boys and girls, shall assemble with their pupils in the church and shall hear mass, during which they shall recite a part of the rosary. after the conclusion of mass, boys and girls shall go out separately, formed in two rows headed by their teachers and with the cross in front shall walk through various streets, whenever they may do so, to their respective schools. at seven, the children shall enter their class, salute the teacher, form into two ranks, and the teacher shall inspect the cleanliness of their bodies and clothing. then they shall kneel down with their faces toward the front of the hall, and shall make the sign of the cross while repeating the prayers which the master shall say slowly. these prayers, as well as those which shall be said at the end of class, shall be those prescribed by the bishop of the diocese. the roll shall be called; the class in writing shall last until eight o'clock; the class in reading until nine; the grammar class until ten; prayers, as at entrance, and salutation; departure from the school whence they shall go to the church to leave the cross in the same manner as they took it. in the afternoon, the children shall also assemble at the church, and shall do the same as in the morning until reaching the school. at half-past two they shall enter, salute, have inspection of cleanliness, prayers, and roll call as in the morning; arithmetic class until half-past three, lessons in doctrine, ethics, and sacred history until half-past four; and what time is left they shall alternate day by day with rules of deportment, principles of geography and history, and principles of agriculture, until five. at the latter hour they shall leave the school, taking the cross back to the church, whence the children shall retire to their homes. sunday afternoon shall be exclusively employed in a general review of doctrine, ethics, and sacred history, lessons in vocal music, and in reciting a portion of the rosary, until the hour when the salve and the litanies are sung in the church, at which they shall be present accompanied by their teachers. on sundays and feast days marked with two or three crosses the children shall go to hear mass headed by their teacher, and then shall go to visit the regular or secular parish priest. conferences in regard to christian doctrine and ethics shall be at the hour that the latter prescribes. [50] every three months, on the day prescribed by the parish priest, the teacher shall take the children, who are ready for it, to confess and receive communion. of rewards and punishments art. 11. ordinary rewards shall consist of vales [i.e., merits], namely, a card or a bit of paper with the abovesaid word, and shall serve to liberate the scholars from the punishment which they deserve for slight faults. extraordinary rewards shall consist of letters of advice to the parents of those who excel in application and good deportment; and a letter of recommendation of those who are excellent to the regular or secular parish priest. art. 12. punishments will be in proportion to the degree of fault, and shall consist: 1--to remain standing or kneeling for the maximum time of one hour; 2--to do additional reading or writing; 3--to remain in the school writing or studying one hour after the end of the class; 4--in any other moderate and proportionate correction, at the judgment of the parish-priest supervisor, in accordance with the degree of the fault. in no case shall any punishment not comprehended in the preceding article be imposed. the teacher who infringes this rule shall be admonished twice by the parish-priest supervisor, and if he does not correct himself shall be suspended from his employment. of examinations art. 13. every year, at the time of election of justices for the villages, examinations shall be held in the schools. they shall be presided over in the chief provincial cities by the provincial commissions of primary instruction, and in the villages by the parish priest together with the gobernadorcillo and two persons appointed by the first. a reward according to rank, which shall consist of books, samples, thimbles, scissors, or any other object analogous to the subject, shall be given at the judgment of the examiners to the child who excels in the exercises of the doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic, and grammar. for this object each school shall contribute twenty reals per year. art. 14. the orders of these regulations may be modified by the superior civil governor, after the previous report of the superior commissions of primary instruction. the regular and secular parish priests shall inform that authority of their results and of the reforms which are necessary, especially in what refers to the duration of class hours and their distribution. madrid, december 20, 1863. approved by her majesty, concha decree of the superior civil government approving the regulations of the municipal girls' school of manila manila, february 15, 1864. having examined the regulations made for the municipal girls' school created in this capital and in conformity with the modifications advised by the government section of the council of administration, said regulations are approved. let it be communicated and proclaimed. echagüe regulations for the municipal girls' school proposed by the exalted ayuntamiento of manila chapter i object and character of the municipal school [51] 1. the object of this school in charge of the sisters of charity is to give the girls of this capital the inestimable benefit of a fine education and the elementary instruction, with all the solidity and amplitude advisable. 2. in their education is included the theoretical and practical teaching of christian religion and ethics, which our own self respect, and our respect due to our fellows impose on us. 3. therefore, so far as possible, the scholars shall hear mass and recite the rosary daily. they shall be obliged to confess and receive communion as soon as their age permits it, monthly, or at least every two months. they shall celebrate the act of communion on the day, and at the hour and place which shall be designated by the directress, after conferring with the superior. the feast of the immaculate conception and that of the presentation of the most holy virgin shall be celebrated in the school with all possible solemnity. 4. instruction shall embrace two kinds of subjects: the first the necessary, to which all the girls must attend in their respective classes; the others optional, to which they shall apply themselves according to the wishes of their parents. 5. the [required] subjects are: christian doctrine, politeness, reading, writing, castilian grammar, arithmetic, the decimal metric system, and the needle-work suitable for their sex, such as sewing, darning, and cutting. on the other hand, the optional subjects are: geography; general history; special history of españa; elements of natural history; embroidery in white, with silks, corded silk, beads, and gold, and other like needle-work. 6. to these subjects can be added any other subjects which experience shall advise in the future, and which is not outside the sphere of elementary knowledge. chapter ii pupils of the municipal school 7. all the children who so solicit, within the number permitted by the size of the building, and according to the order of their presentation, whenever their moral condition does not make them unworthy the company and intercourse of those who are well brought up, shall be admitted without distinction, from the age of five years. 8. permission to admit girls shall be in charge of a member of the exalted ayuntamiento, who, after having informed the corporation thereof, shall send for that purpose to the directress of the school a signed paper, in which will be noted the name and personal qualifications of the girl. 9. teaching will be free for all pupils in all necessary and optional subjects named in these regulations, without prejudice of which, in case of enlarging the scope of teaching to other optional subjects, which occasion expense, the quota which must be paid by the girls who receive lessons in the said subjects shall be assigned. 10. the directress of the school, conferring with the superior and commission of supervision, created by article 26, is authorized to dismiss any girl who deserves it, informing the member of the ayuntamiento who is charged with the admission. cases for expulsion shall consist of: a contagious disease, special laziness, and lack of application, stubbornness, and serious lack of respect toward the teachers, bad deportment, and morals harmful to the other scholars. 11. in case of a contagious disease, a medical examination at the wish and expense of the parents shall precede the resolution to dismiss the girl. for the cause of lack of application or stubbornness, the scholar who incurs these faults shall not be dismissed except after the attempt by reasonable means to correct her, and warnings, once, twice, and thrice, to the parents of the party interested. but when the deportment and irregular morals of any pupil concern the innocence of the other girls, she shall be dismissed without delay, with the advisable reservation. nevertheless, both in such case and in the preceding, all due consideration shall be observed toward the girl and her parents. 12. girls who, without any legitimate cause approved by the directress of the school, shall be absent from class thirty consecutive or interspersed times, in the same year, shall not receive a reward in their examinations. sickness, necessary absence from this capital, and the bad weather which makes the streets impassable shall be a sufficient excuse. 13. for the admission of boarders and half-boarders, the resolutions drawn up in special regulations shall be observed. until such regulations are published the directress of the school may admit half-boarders exactly in the manner in which pupils are received, namely, as arranged by articles 7 and 8 of this same chapter. chapter iii classes and studies 14. teaching in all the necessary subjects embraced in the municipal school is divided into three classes: lowest, intermediate, and upper. 15. in the lowest class shall be taught christian doctrine and the beginnings of reading and sewing. 16. in the intermediate class shall be taught christian doctrine, principles of sacred history, and the general history of españa, reading, writing, principles of castilian grammar, with practice in orthography, principles of arithmetic, and of the decimal metric system, overcasting, drawing threads, backstitching, gathering, and plaiting, darning, and sample work. 17. the upper class shall be taught writing, castilian grammar, orthography, arithmetic, history of españa, the decimal metric system, plaiting, making button-holes, crocheting, and cutting. chapter iv distribution of time for classes and studies 18. all classes shall begin in the morning at eight o'clock, and in the afternoon at two, and shall close at eleven in the morning and at five in the afternoon. 19. girls of the lowest class shall employ the first hour of the morning in sewing, the second in praying and christian doctrine, the third in reading; and the same in the afternoon. 20. children of the intermediate and upper class shall employ the first hour of the morning in writing; the second, in praying, reading, christian doctrine, and arithmetic; the third, in needle-work. in the afternoon of mondays, wednesdays, and fridays, the first hour shall be employed in grammar, general history, special history of españa, and exercises in orthography; the second, in reciting the most holy rosary, and in hearing the explanation of christian doctrine and sacred history; the third, in needle-work. tuesdays, thursdays, and saturdays, in the morning, the same as on mondays, etc.; but in the afternoon of tuesdays and saturdays, the first hour, in lessons in politeness, orthography, and the decimal metric system; the second, in reciting the holy rosary, and in hearing on tuesdays the explanation of natural history, and on saturdays that of the holy gospel; the third in needle-work. chapter v holidays and vacations 21. there shall be a holiday for all the classes on the afternoon of thursdays in that week that shall have no feast day; and in the morning and afternoon, the feast day in commemoration of the deceased faithful, the saints' days, or anniversary of the birthdays of our sovereigns (whom may god preserve), and the feast of st. vincent of paul. 22. there shall be thirty days of general vacation after the examinations which shall take place at the end of may, but the last fortnight shall have only holidays in the afternoon. chapter vi rewards and punishments 23. there shall be a private examination in the classes at the end of each month, and some reward shall be given. 24. at the end of the course, after the public examinations, the solemn distribution of prizes shall take place. these prizes shall consist of silver, and gilded medals, and of rewards of merit and religious subjects, and other like objects. 25. the punishments which shall be imposed on the pupils shall consist of detention and remaining on the knees for a moderate time, loss of place of honor in the class, occupation of a seat separated from the other girls, and tagged with a card declaring the fault. chapter vii supervision and oversight 26. a commission composed of three women appointed by his excellency, the superior civil governor, on recommendation of the ayuntamiento, one of whom shall be relieved annually, shall be created for the supervision of the school. the functions of this commission shall be those only of supervision and oversight. in consequence of that they must inform the superior authority of any fault which is noted with the fitting remarks for its correction. approved by his excellency, the superior civil governor, manila, february 15, 1864. circular of the superior civil government giving rules for the good discharge of school supervision the duties imposed by articles 30-33 of the regulations approved by her majesty, december 20, 1863, for the schools and teachers of primary instruction in this archipelago, both on this superior government and on the chiefs of the provinces and the reverend and learned parish priests, charging them in their respective spheres with the supervision of so important a service, cannot be easily fulfilled without a preceding conference between this directive center and its delegates in regard to the transcendental points of doctrine, and of detail which the supervisions are called upon to resolve. the briefest enunciation of the supervisory functions is sufficient to make its seriousness understood. the local functions especially, which are exercised in their villages by the reverend and learned parish priests, enclose the future of education. these are: 1. to visit the schools as often as possible, and see that the regulations are observed. 2. to admonish the teachers who commit any fault, and suspend them in case they incur any excess, which in their judgment does not allow such teachers to longer continue in charge of the schools, advising the provincial supervisor thereof. 3. to promote attendance at the schools by the children. 4. to give the orders of admission into the schools in writing with expression as to whether the education is to be free or paid. 5. to propose, through the medium of the provincial supervisor, whatever is thought to be advisable for the encouragement or improvement of primary instruction. 6. to exercise the direction which is expressed in article 4, in regard to the teaching of the christian doctrine and ethics. on the fulfilment of these sovereign requirements depends the development and conservation of the improvements which are being introduced into the department. without a supervision, exercised with assiduity and intelligence, one cannot imagine, and never will there exist without doubt, good schools or intelligent teachers. the happy fact of her majesty entrusting that supervision to the reverend and learned parish priests, assures its good outcome and shows well the foresight and practical spirit which shine forth throughout the regulations. so deep is this conviction in me, that i do not hesitate to direct myself under this date to their excellencies, the most illustrious prelates and the reverend father provincials of the religious orders, petitioning them in harmony with the request; and charge that her majesty directs to them in article 19 of the organic royal decree of december 20, 1863, that they incite the zeal of the parish priests for the exact observance of their duties in what relates to the supervision of instruction. besides this you, as chief and supervisor of that province, will please charge upon them the study of chapter ii, título vi, of the regulations dictated for the peninsula, july 20, 1859, as a text or legal precedent; and as doctrine the wise observations which the author of the diccionario de educación y métodos de enseñanza [i.e., dictionary of education, and methods of teaching] a very respectable authority in pedagogy, to whom the peninsula owes in great measure the progress of its primary instruction. "supervision," it says, "is one of the most efficacious means for the improvement of schools, and the acceleration of its onward progress toward perfection, but only when it is done with intelligence, faith, and perseverance, and at the same time, benevolent severity. the more serious are its consequences, the more difficult is the mission of the supervisor, and the more rare the qualities with which he ought to be adorned. "it is necessary for him who shall exercise this duty to know how to examine things in their most minute details. he must see them at the same time in their make-up in order to judge of the harmony or unity existing between the means and the ends to which they are directed. obliged to see and observe by himself whatever passes in the schools, he must for that reason descend to the level of the least intelligent teachers, and of the most dull and stupid scholars. "the self-love of some, the ignorance of others, and the indifference and coldness of the majority of persons with whom he will have to do, are obstacles which can only be destroyed by a zeal, a strength of indefatigable will, and a constancy which, instead of becoming weak, increases its power in proportion to the resistance which is offered to it. "the supervisor must have studied the schools and the legislation of this department very carefully, and further he must have a certain tact and delicacy in his intercourse with men, which can only be acquired by experience, and for lack of experience, by serious and profound thought. without that, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to accomplish all the good that the supervision may produce, and attract all the party of the commissions and of the intelligent and influential persons, whom it is of great importance to interest in favor of and for the profit of education." [52] so notable a synthesis of the honorable task charged upon the supervisors, and of the rules of deportment which must be presented, indicates at once the evolution which the requirements contained in article 32 of the regulations of december 20, 1863, will have to receive in practice. nevertheless, this superior government will explain them to you, point by point, so that you may all be able to penetrate more and more into the delicate functions which you are going to perform. i inspection of schools the ocular supervision, to which the first part of these rules refer, is chiefly an act of policy and good internal system. the supervisor shall observe whether the school is clean and well taken care of, in order to inspire the children with ideas of order and personal neatness, which may have so great an influence on their future life; whether the interior regulations approved by her majesty on the same date, and cited so often, are scrupulously observed; and whether the progress of the teaching is that prescribed by article 10. such supervision must be frequent, at the least semi-annual, when, in accordance with article 5 of the school regulations, they give lessons in christian doctrine and ethics to the children. on one of these inspections, combined with the communications existing between the village and the chief city of the province or district, the supervisor shall devote himself to the examinations of the matriculation and record books referred to in article 2 of the interior regulations, in order to viso in fitting time the monthly report of entrances and departure, or the movement of the school, which, in accordance with article 3, the teacher must send before the fifth of each month to the provincial supervisor. this report is very important, as it must serve as data for the compiling of the general information of the province which must be published in the gaceta de manila [i.e., manila gazette], [53] in accordance with the circulars of this superior government on the twelfth of the current month. lastly, if the supervisor is zealous, as is to be hoped, on the occasion of all inspections, in investigating thoroughly the progress of the children and the instruction of the teacher, he shall endeavor not to exact from either scholars or teacher things beyond their strength, and shall adjust his actions and words to the measure of good sense. he shall bear in mind that the result of his visit depends in that act on the impression which the supervisor produces on the teacher and on the children. in no case ought he to appear as a melancholy censor, or a too indulgent friend. his corrections must be mild when they are directed to the chief of the institution, in order that he may not become contemptuous in the eyes of his scholarship. if he merits an energetic correction, it shall be given with great reserve, bearing in mind that the second requirement of the above-mentioned article 32, places in his hand energetic means of action. in exchange, praises must be public, but not exaggerated, or told in such a manner that the teacher or the scholars shall grow arrogant. in a word, simplicity, prudence, and affability must rule these actions, the most transcendental of the supervisors' function, for they can render sterile in a moment the cares of the government, the sacrifices of the villages, and the lofty interests of the present and future, which the education of children represents for the country and for the families. ii correction and suspension of teachers this is the most delicate power which the regulations give to the supervisors. from the last paragraph preceding is inferred the frugality with which it ought to be used. faults of religion, public or private morals, or of zeal in the fulfilment of one's duties, will be the only things which authorize supervisors to initiate the governmental measure demanded by article 9 of the regulations for the discharge of teachers and assistants who have graduated from the normal school. the abandonment of the castilian language in the explanations or in the material ceremonies of the school, will also be considered as one of the most serious faults of the teacher, according to circumstances, in the tenor of law v, book i, título xiii, of recopilación indiana, animated and reformed by the imposition of heavy penalties in the concluding requirements of chapters 25 and 26 of the ordinances of good government of february 26, 1768, articles 5 of the regulations for normal school, and 3 for those of schools for primary instruction. as it would scarcely be right that the authority of correcting and punishing be not accompanied by that of compensating, especially since the reverend and learned parish priests are authorized by the fifth clause of the above-cited article 32, to promote the progress or improvement of education, they will also be empowered to propose annually after the examinations justifiable recommendations for the granting of a prudent number of medals of civil merit to the teachers or assistants, who have most distinguished themselves. the supervisor, consulting with the commission of the department, shall remit the document with his report to this government, which, consulting in due time the superior commission, will grant or refuse the recompense within the maximum limit of two medals per province. when extraordinary and excellent services are proved, the more honorable distinction may be obtained from the government of her majesty. this shall all be without prejudice to the promotions and rewards of organic character, that is to say, those which are granted to teachers by articles 11 and 12 of their own regulations. iii school attendance education is compulsory. this concluding requirement of the regulations exists in the laws of public instruction of almost all nations. nevertheless, in its application, the governments pay attention to the social circumstances of the country. in our country parents incur a fine who do not send their children to school, the fine being from one-half to two reals, according to circumstances (art. 2, of school regulations). before having recourse to this coercive means, a zealous supervisor has other means of greater efficacy. the parish priest, venerated by his parishioners, ought to excite the consciences of the heads of the family, and make them comprehend their responsibility before god and men in depriving their children of education. if an instinctive duty counsels them to give their children bread, the duty to give them an education (the bread of the soul) is a sacred one, without which christian man cannot live. the mothers of the family ought to be for the supervisor, under this point of view, the preferred object of their supplication, warnings, and tender and salutary counsels. the goad of their own interests so powerful in the human heart ought also to be excited for this noble end. the law has considered them very carefully and it is fitting for the supervisor to unfold before the eyes of the parents so that their simple intelligence may well understand that not only ought they, but that it is profitable for them to send their children to school, for after the schools have been established for fifteen years in the village of their habitation those who cannot speak, read, or write castilian: cannot be gobernadorcillos. nor lieutenants of justice. nor form part of the principalía; unless they enjoy that privilege because of heredity--a right which will continue to rapidly disappear, in proportion as the instruction develops, and as only those who possess an education become principales. lastly, after a school has been established in the village for thirty years, those who unite [in themselves] said circumstance can enjoy the enviable exemption of personal services. another more pressing thing must also be recalled to the attention of the parents daily and hourly if possible. five years after the publication of the regulations, no one who cannot prove that he can talk, read, and write castilian, can be appointed to any remunerative post in this archipelago. so important requirements of articles 16 and 17 of the organic royal decree of december 20, 1863, recommended by article 18 to this superior government and the authorities of its dependency shall be fulfilled with all exactness. from december 20 of the last year, 1868, no one who cannot prove in the terms expressed in article 17 that he can talk, read, and write castilian, shall be appointed in the archipelago, not even for the most insignificant and material posts of the offices of state or of the villages (such as agents, fagot-gatherers, tax assessors, collectors, etc., etc.). if these inducements, or those which their religious and social zeal inspire in the parish priests, do not produce the desired result, then is the time when the supervisors must have recourse to the gobernadorcillos for the imposition of the fines authorized by article 2 of school regulations. iv admission into the schools both clear and simple are the prescribed regulations in regard to this point. the supervisors perfectly understand the duties which are delegated to them and the best method of fulfilling them. without ever losing sight of the fact that education is free for poor children, they shall also bear in mind that this same principle of charity, which the state proclaims and which is imposed as an obligation, counsels them not to allow the admission of children under the term "poor" whose parents can and ought to bear some sacrifice. it is important for the gobernadorcillos to understand that if at any time they unduly issue certificates of poverty according to the tenor of article 4 of the regulations, the parish priests shall refuse to approve them, and the consequent permission for the child to enter the school. and in case this abuse is again committed they will inform the provincial supervisor. v propositions for improvements the just initiative conceded in this matter to supervisors by the regulations, must not be used without moderation, since innovations in public instruction are of great consequence. one single error is enough to lose a generation. fortunately, as has already been said, the fact that the functions of supervisors are entrusted to the reverend and learned parish priests is a guarantee for the state and the heads of families, that, in religion and ethics, the cardinal basis of all solid instruction, reforms of principle or method shall not be introduced arbitrarily. in regard to the equipment, of which the experience and development of the respective institutions continue to advise the supervisors, it is to be hoped that they will harmonize with the general profit, which does not always build upon the best, but on what is good and possible. a fertile field is offered by the lamentable condition of primary letters; by the scarcity of buildings for schools and teachers; by the grievous disproportion among the children who can and who cannot read; and between those who go and those who do not go to school, etc. some data collected by this superior government, in consequence of the circular of march 1, 1866, show the following picture which is recommended by its very nature to the study of supervisors, although its accuracy must be a matter of doubt on all points. report of primary education of these islands with relation to the data of approximate accuracy which were sent to this superior civil government by the chiefs of the provinces and districts herein expressed, in observance of the circular of march 1, 1866. provinces or number of number school number of buildings for districts villages of souls attendance schools possible boys girls boys girls schools teachers abra 8 23,140 876 569 10 10 albay 30 210,954 4,385 3,079 22 antique 19 88,243 1,930 1,663 21 21 16 bataán 12 45,177 1,005 704 16 16 10 batanes (isla) 7 8,639 632 336 6 6 2 batangas 20 279,930 3,340 80 85 33 1 benguet 27 11,587 29 1 1 bontoc 7,000 bohol 31 192,734 15,736 17,948 31 31 31 bulacan 23 241,698 6,485 2,162 47 55 17 burias 2 1,800 78 102 2 2 2 2 cagayan 19 63,059 4,093 5,451 22 22 14 camarines sur 33 95,630 1,176 6 36 camarines norte 9 26,499 480 9 9 8 capiz 31 191,818 5,072 4,436 35 28 cavite 6 65,225 2,045 713 16 16 16 1 cebú 45 314,517 6,734 4,414 45 calamianes 5 13,851 718 298 6 6 6 cottabato 7 3,913 128 70 3 3 corregidor (isla) 1 550 39 43 davao 2 937 107 81 1 ilocos sur 23 163,758 4,603 1,993 20 22 23 ilocos norte 15 135,868 2,440 1,056 30 30 20 iloilo 39 375,500 7,960 6,193 67 64 39 infanta 3 7,250 558 3 2 isla de negros 41 144,594 1,829 1,776 30 24 29 isabela de basilan 1 439 1 1 isabela de luzón 10 29,674 3,199 2,820 16 16 9 laguna 28 129,064 4,689 1,438 lepanto 48 8,851 4 4 leite 40 154,530 5,107 3,156 89 40 manila 29 275,218 1,940 903 25 13 marianas (islas) 8 6,308 511 440 10 6 6 masbate y ticao 9 11,716 425 425 56 56 9 mindoro 17 45,630 2,426 6 misamis 22 67,285 5,684 5,684 20 20 19 marong 12 49,859 934 558 12 12 9 nueva ecija 18 80,463 2,561 1,408 36 34 16 8 nueva vizcaya 6 12,091 1,481 1,764 6 6 6 pampanga 28 188,694 1,580 517 52 52 21 pangasinan 29 171,503 13,228 11,685 40 40 23 porac 1 6,950 60 35 2 2 1 principe 3 2,080 239 174 6 6 romblón 5 21,992 2,594 2,319 6 5 samar 35 138,799 2,585 36 36 35 surigao 30 29,158 2,522 1,686 30 30 30 tayabas 17 94,509 3,211 624 14 unión 12 91,089 6,333 5,525 26 26 12 zambales 21 72,506 1,080 832 21 21 20 zamboanga 3 8,982 231 100 2 1 -- ------ ------ ----- -- -- -- - total 900 430,316 136,108 91,608 840 783 650 61 to study and remove the causes of that lamentable statistics; to cause all the children who ought to attend the schools; to promote the development of neglected institutions and the rebuilding of those destroyed; to establish schools in villages which have none; to persuade the justices to protect them, and the heads of families to visit them: beautiful and never-failing task for a supervisor of primary instruction! a thousand times more beautiful and more fertile, if a father of souls exercises it with his ardent charitable spirit, with his wide experience in the moral needs of the villages! the fathers are also petitioned and requested to earnestly study and prepare for the installation of the sunday schools, or the schools for adults established by article 29 of the regulations. in regard to that article, by the tenor of the same, this government shall confer with the superior commission of primary instruction, when the local supervisors, having been established and working in the proper manner, the danger of such innovation complicating their labors, disappears. vi in respect to the direction of moral and christian teaching which that requirement fittingly gives to the reverend and learned parish priests subordinate to their respective prelates, this superior government limits itself to assuring them of its most decided support, and the support of the provincial supervisors of primary instruction. thus educated there is no doubt that the new generations will respond to what is demanded of them by so wise a law, which is destined to unite purity of religious sentiments which form the heart of youth with the duties of patriotism, dignity, and intelligence, which form the civilized man. i ought, lastly, to say a word on the transcendental act of the examinations, only in order to have the parish priests note that article 13 of the interior regulations did not take account of the royal order of august 28, 1862, which made biennial the period of the session of the ayuntamientos. they must then pay strict heed to the article in regard to holding examinations annually. it will be advisable for them to submit a short review to the children when they go to them every three months for confession and communion. the provincial supervision entrusted to the alcaldes by article 15 of the organic royal decree, shall be exercised with the aid of a commission composed of the diocesan prelate, or in his absence, by the parish priest of the chief city, and the administrator of the public finances. where the chief of the province is not the alcalde-mayor, he shall also form a part of the commission, but in the generality of cases, as is well known, he presides over it. although the above-cited article 15 refers to regulations for schools and teachers for the organization of the provincial center, article 31 of this last order has been limited to a repetition of that precept, almost in the same terms, leaving the dictation of measures which regulate their supervisory action to the judgment of this government. this would be a most important task if the organization of the provincial governments in the archipelago corresponded to the necessities of public administration in all its branches. it would be, i repeat, a most important task, if this superior government could lay aside the difficulties which it would create for itself for the future, by dictating principles of which it is the first to doubt the application, and even recognizing, as it does, the most exquisite care in all the chiefs of the province. to this consideration of a practical nature answers perhaps the indicated vacuity of the regulations for schools. on the other side, the organization initiated december 20, 1863, by its character of ad interim in so far as it refers to the directive centers of the provinces, seems now to feel the need of reform which afflicts those centers, when among other things it names repeatedly the provincial chiefs. this superior government ought, then, to limit itself for the present to inciting their zeal, so that they may energetically aid it in the noble work undertaken by it, namely, to establish the primary instruction in these islands upon a solid foundation, without demanding from them an initiative incompatible with their occupations. it is enough that they do not render sterile the occupation of the parish priests. enough on their part is the pure and simple observance of the royal decrees of december 20, 1863. the immediate installation of the provincial commissions, which has not been attended to at this date, will also permit the chiefs to delegate to the reverend parish priest of the chief city the functions which they cannot accomplish by their own efforts. only they shall be very careful to send monthly statements to this superior government, in accordance with the circular of the twelfth of the current month, explained by the communication to the alcalde of tayabas on the twenty-second of the same month; for this data will serve me in the exercise of the superior supervision with which the regulations have entrusted me. nevertheless, it is to be hoped that the provincial chiefs will make compatible with their many attentions those things which are so grateful to an intelligent man that they engrave their indelible memory on the heart of new generations. although i am also told that the condition of the country and the humble organization which primary instruction has at present, advise us not to expect from the supervision all the fruit which it is called upon to produce, when, placed under the immediate direction of an initiative and responsive center, it may exercise in regard to the matters of the department the oversight which belongs to it by right, this consideration, although a powerful one, does not prevent me; and it is impossible, in a mediocre organization of public instruction, to renounce the establishment of general supervisors, considered in all countries as the key of the pedagogical edifice. the royal order of june 6, 1866, supplementary to the regulations of the civil professions of the colonies, opens the door or combinations which permit, without great sacrifices to the state, or to the villages, the appointment annually or for the period which her majesty designs, of a public functionary of recognized ability to visit the provinces in the character of supervisor general and to promote, hasten, and give unity and scientific direction to the development which the institutions of primary instruction are acquiring. in this sense a respectful report will be sent to the government of her majesty in a short time. may god preserve your excellency many years. manila, august 30, 1867. gándara [54] decree of the general government approving, with the character of ad interim, the regulations for the normal school for women teachers of primary education in the diocese of nueva-caceres manila, june 19, 1875. in consequence of the provision of article 20 of the decree of this general government dated the ninth of the current month and at the recommendation of the general division of civil administration, i have ordered the approval ad interim of the subjoined regulations for the normal school for women teachers in the diocese of nueva-cáceres. let it be communicated, published, and brought to the notice of the government of his majesty for his approval. malcampo regulations ad interim for the normal school for women teachers of primary education in the diocese of nueva-caceres chapter i object of the school article 1. the normal school for women teachers in the diocese of nueva-cáceres has as its object: [55] 1. to turn out religious, moral, and intelligent women teachers for the schools of primary education in all the grades which are established in the villages comprised in the provinces and districts of the diocese of nueva-cáceres. 2. to offer, in the school of santa isabel, already destined as a girls' practice school of the normal school for women teachers, a model for all other public and private schools. 3. to serve those scholars who aspire to teaching, so that they may see and carry out for themselves in the said practice school, the application of the systems, methods, and processes of teaching. art. 2. the normal school for women teachers of the diocese of nueva-cáceres shall also serve to give to those young women, who do not wish to be teachers, the knowledge comprised in the program of the same. art. 3. the practice school shall form an integral part of the normal school for women teachers, and shall, at the same time, serve as a municipal public school for poor children of the capital of the province and the surrounding villages. chapter ii subjects taught and duration of studies art. 4. the teaching of the normal school for women teachers in nueva-cáceres shall be divided: 1. in teaching for candidates to the teaching profession. 2. in teaching for the scholars who are not candidates for teachers. 3. in teaching for girls. art. 5. the teaching for those included in paragraph 1 of the preceding article shall include: 1. religion, ethics, and sacred history. 2. theory and practice in reading. 3. theory and practice in writing. 4. knowledge of the castilian language, with exercises in analysis, composition, and orthography. 5. arithmetic, with the metric system of weights and measures and their local equivalents. 6. principles of geography, and history of españa and filipinas. 7. principles of hygiene and domestic economy. 8. general principles of education and methods of teaching, and their practical application in the girls' model school. 9. work of all kinds suitable for women, especially those of the most general utility and application to domestic life, such as sewing, weaving, embroidery, the cutting of garments, and ironing. 10. useful knowledge. art. 6. teaching for girls shall include the same courses with the exception of the general principles of education, and methods and processes of teaching, such processes extending to the elementary and superior grades. art. 7. in the lessons, exercises, and teaching practice, as well as during the hours of recreation, and in the common intercourse among the scholars within the school, only the castilian language shall be used. art. 8. the studies mentioned in article 5 shall be pursued for three years, in accordance with the schedule which shall be made out by the instructresses of the school. that schedule, after having been reported to the board of supervision and oversight, shall be sent annually for the approval of the general government. the course shall begin july 1, and end may fifteenth. art. 9. every lesson given to the pupils of the normal school shall necessarily consist of an explanation by the teacher, and of intelligent recitation and practical application by the scholars. art. 10. the schedule of the school, and the distribution of time and work during the same, shall determine the necessary practice of those aspiring to become teachers in the girls' school, both as supervisors of order and class, and as assistants or teachers, but always under the direction of the head teacher. the said schedule of the normal school shall determine the time which the pupils are to devote to the practice school, but such time shall never be less than four months for each term. art. 11. the scholars who are candidates for teachers may not pass from one grade to another without having proved their sufficiency in the general examination which shall be held at the end of every scholastic year. art. 12. when studies have been finished in the manner dictated by the schedule of the school, the scholars shall stand an examination in order to obtain the corresponding certificate, and for those exercises the fitting regulations shall be made. art. 13. if any one of the scholars who are candidates for teachers wishes to continue one year longer in the school in order to perfect and increase the knowledge which she has acquired, she may do so, but under condition of paying the annual board from her possessions, if she should be a boarder, and if it is not unadvisable in the opinion of the directress that she remain in the institution. art. 14. the scholars of the normal school who shall have completed the courses of their studies, and who shall have obtained for their good deportment, application, and knowledge, the mark of excellent in the final examinations of the three consecutive years, shall receive teachers' certificates, with expression in the certificate of their honorable mark. such persons shall be empowered to take charge of ascenso schools. those who shall not have obtained the mark of excellent, but that of good or fair in the above-mentioned examinations, shall also receive teachers' certificates, with the corresponding mark mentioned therein; and such persons may take charge of entrada schools. if those who shall not have passed in the said examinations, after the exercise has been repeated, shall deserve a passing mark, they shall receive assistant teachers' certificates. chapter iii of the staff of the school art. 15. the normal school for women teachers in nueva-cáceres shall be organized under the direction of the sisters of charity, and shall make use of the elements of the staff and equipment of the school of santa isabel. art. 16. the staff of the normal school shall consist of the following: 1. a directress, who shall have charge of the teachers, scholars, and inferior employes of the institution. in her charge shall be the economic part, the direction, order, and discipline of the same, and the allowances which correspond to it, according to the schedule and regulations of the school. the directress shall preside over the literary ceremonies of the school whenever the provincial chief, the reverend bishop of nueva-cáceres, or the board of supervision and oversight, does not attend them. she shall visit the classes and the practice school, in order to investigate the explanations of the teachers and the progress of the scholars. she shall correct those faults which she observes, and recommend to the board of supervision and oversight the expulsion of those pupils in the cases and conditions which are expressed in the interior regulations of the school, informing the above-mentioned board of the extraordinary measures which she believes it necessary to take. 2. a head teacher in the practice school, in charge of the communication of the teaching to the girls, responsible for their instruction, and for order and discipline in her department. she must employ herself in the direction and management of the teaching of systems, methods, and processes determined upon in the board of instructresses, always with the approval and under the presidency and immediate authority of the directress. the head teacher shall also have the duty of carrying out the orders of the schedule in reference to the practice of those scholars who are candidates for teachers, and shall explain the studies determined by paragraphs 2 and 3 of article 5. 3. three teachers for the theoretical and practical teaching of the studies included in the school schedule, except those which the directress, the regent of the practice school, and the professor of religion and ethics have under their charge. 4. two assistant teachers for the practice school, one for the upper section, and the other for the elementary section. 5. one virtuous and learned secular who shall be charged by the reverend diocesan bishop with the teaching of religion, ethics, and sacred history. 6. a sister to act as portress and the women servants or subordinates who are considered indispensable. art. 17. the interior regulations shall assign to each one of the teachers the duties which they shall have in charge for the moral and religious education of the scholars, whom they shall accompany, and watch during study hours, recreation hours, and during the other occupations prescribed by the same interior regulations. chapter iv of scholars and their admission art. 18. scholars in the normal school shall be resident and day pupils, and shall be divided into the following classes: 1. scholars who are candidates for teachers, and who are supported from the local funds. 2. scholars who are candidates for teachers, and who are supported by their parents or benefactors. 3. scholars who are not candidates for teachers, and who are supported by their parents or benefactors for the purpose of acquiring the education and teaching of the normal school, in order to apply them to the family and to the uses of domestic life. 4. girls who attend the practice school. art. 19. the scholars included in paragraph 1 shall always be boarders. those included in paragraphs 2 and 3 may be boarders or day pupils, whenever they possess the qualifications which are prescribed in these regulations. art. 20. in order that any resident scholar sustained by the public funds may be admitted, the following requirements are necessary: 1. she must be a native of the diocese of nueva-cáceres. 2. she must be fully seventeen years old, [56] and not past twenty-three. those requirements shall be proved by her baptismal register, or by any other equivalent public document 3. she shall not have any contagious disease, or any chronic disease or any physical defect which makes her ridiculous whether because of lack of respect or because it incapacitates her for teaching. 4. she shall prove good moral deportment by means of a certification, issued by the gobernadorcillo, principalía, and parish priest, of the native village or habitation of the party interested, and investigated by the provincial chief. 5. she shall talk castilian, know the christian doctrine, how to read and write, the four rules of arithmetic for integers, and have some slight smattering of castilian grammar, in order that she may pursue to good effect the lessons of the school schedule. 6. she shall be chosen by the provincial chief at the recommendation of the gobernadorcillo, of the parish priest, and of the principalía of the village in whose charge shall be the expense of her support in the school. 7. she shall be tested by an examination of the matters comprised in paragraph 5 of this article before the school tribunal formed by the instructresses of the same and necessarily presided over for this purpose by the reverend diocesan. the result of that examination shall be given to the president of the board of supervision and oversight, so that he may inform the provincial chief who has control of the village, for economic reasons. art. 21. the same requirements shall be exacted from resident scholars whose support is not taken care of from the local funds, except those included in paragraph 6 of the preceding article. these resident scholars shall pay to the institution a monthly board of six pesos, and shall receive the same teaching and the same treatment as those supported by the local funds. art. 22. only those young women shall be admitted as day pupils who, besides possessing the qualifications demanded of the resident pupils, shall live in nueva-cáceres or in its environs, under the authority of their parents, or under the care of a person of the family, in such circumstances that it may be assumed that she will find at the domestic hearth the necessary examples of virtue and morality, so that her deportment may not be harmful to the other scholars. art. 23. if the villages let three months pass without proposing to the chief of the province the young woman who ought to enter the normal school as a resident pupil supported from the local funds, it will be understood that they renounce this right, and the vacancy, after such announcement, shall be filled by the board of supervision and oversight. it must be kept in mind that the young woman chosen must possess all the qualifications prescribed in article 20, and, all things being equal, she who is a native of the province, to which the village belongs, will be preferred. art. 24. the women teachers already established, who desire to improve their education, or who shall be obliged to do so, after a preceding investigation and by accord of the suitable authority, may be admitted as resident pupils in the normal school, under condition of paying the board of six pesos per month. in order to be admitted as resident pupils they must possess the qualification of being single and of not exceeding the age of twenty-three. in any other case, or the size of the institution not permitting, they shall be received as day pupils, shall receive their instruction free and must submit to the requirements of article 22. art. 25. as soon as all the villages of the diocese of nueva-cáceres have a public school for girls directed by a woman teacher from the normal school, the number of resident pupils supported from local funds shall be reduced to twenty-five. with this number the vacancies, occurring through the death of the teachers in charge, or for other causes, shall be filled. art. 26. the resident pupils sustained from the local funds shall be obliged to fulfil their duties for ten years in the girls' public school of their own village, or of any other school which the general government assigns to them in the diocese of nueva-cáceres. they can only become exempt from this obligation by returning to the local funds, after the fitting measure has been taken, the sums spent on their support, education, and instruction. the same thing will be true when they leave the normal school before finishing their studies, without legitimate cause, and by their own wish or that of their parents, or are expelled from it for lack of application, or bad deportment. the standard for calculating expenses caused during the given period shall be the board which the village has satisfied for this purpose, plus 6 per cent annually, as interest on the sums advanced. chapter v of the directress of the school and the teachers of the same art. 27. the directress shall have charge of the interior government and administration of the institution. she shall have special care and shall be responsible for the instructresses, scholars, and subordinates performing with exactness their respective obligations. she shall watch over the conduct of the scholars, both resident and day. she shall cause the fulfilment of the study schedule, shall impose the punishments which are authorized by the regulations, shall have charge of the effects of the house, shall keep the books, shall render the accounts, shall form the monthly and annual budgets, and shall carry on the correspondence with the board of supervision and oversight and with the parents or guardians of the scholars. art. 28. one of the teachers shall act as substitute during the sickness and absence of the directress, being approved beforehand by the general government. another teacher shall exercise the duties of secretary. art. 29. the school teachers shall observe the class hours, the practical exercises, the conference, and the duties imposed on them by the regulations. chapter vi of examinations art. 30. at the end of each month, in each one of the classes of the normal school, there shall be a private examination in all the matters studied during that period. a like exercise shall be held at the end of the first semester, in regard to the matters studied during it. general examinations shall be held at the end of the course. this exercise shall always be public and presided over by the board of supervision and oversight. persons of distinction and the parents and guardians of the scholars shall be invited to it. at the end of the general examination the distribution of rewards shall take place. art. 31. the examinations of all classes prescribed in these regulations, as well as of those which shall be prescribed in the future, and in which the board of supervision and oversight intervenes, shall always be held in the building of the normal school. chapter vii of holidays and vacations art. 32. holidays in the normal school shall be sundays, feast days, ash wednesday, day for the commemoration of the faithful dead, and also the saints' days, and birthday anniversaries of their majesties and the princess of asturias, the saint's day of the governor general and that of the diocesan bishop. the short vacations shall extend from christmas eve to twelfth-night, the three carnival days, and from holy wednesday until easter. during the said vacations the resident scholars shall remain in the institution. the long vacations shall last one and one-half months, and shall be during the time of the greatest heat. the resident scholars may pass the long vacations in the bosom of their families. chapter viii of rewards and punishments art. 33. the directress shall keep a register with as many columns as there are subjects taught, as contained in the school schedule. in it, she shall note the degree of progress of the pupils, and shall make the necessary remarks regarding their character, ability, application, and deportment. this register shall be presented to the board of supervision and oversight at the end of each month. that board shall examine it, and in view of that examination, shall take the advisable measures. art. 34. the deportment, application, and progress of the scholars, shall be rewarded with marks of honor, which shall be placed on their certificate of studies and in the school book; and further, with the annual prizes, whose solemn distribution shall take place after the termination of the examinations at the end of the course. art. 35. the punishments which shall be imposed on the scholars shall be: 1. secret admonition. 2. loss of recreation and the walk. 3. censure in the presence of the scholars. 4. seclusion and separation from the other scholars. 5. strict suspension from course. 6. loss of course. 7. expulsion from the institution. the punishments included under nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4, shall be imposed by the directress. those included under nos. 5 and 6 [shall be imposed] by the board of teachers presided over by the board of supervision and oversight. that included under no. 7 shall be imposed by the general government on recommendation of the board of teachers, and after a report of the reverend diocesan bishop and of the board of supervision and oversight. art. 36. the rewards obtained and the punishments suffered by the scholars shall be noted in the school registers, and mention will be made of them in the certificates which are issued. chapter ix of textbooks art. 37. the board of supervision and oversight shall recommend, with the approval of the general government, a list of the books which may be used as textbooks by the scholars, and to which the teachers shall subordinate their explanations. this list shall be revised according as conditions warrant it. chapter x of the issuing of certificates art. 38. the general division of civil administration has the power of issuing, in the name of the governor general and in the tenor of the order of article 8, of the decree of september 9, 1874, teachers' certificates at the recommendation of the board of supervision and oversight. [57] art. 39. the teachers' certificates shall contain the marks which they shall have obtained and the class of the school for which the certificates entitles them. chapter xi of the interior regulations of the school art. 40. in the daily distribution of time on the part of the scholars, the order of the studies, the division of the classes, the religious and literary exercises, the intercourse [trato], food, and clothing, as well as the duties of the scholars toward their teachers, and the duties of the parents and guardians in regard to the institution, the teachers and scholars shall obey the interior regulations of the school of santa isabel, which were enacted by the diocesan prelate and approved by the superior government in the year 1868, until the interior regulations of the normal school for women teachers shall be drawn up by the board of inspection and oversight, and approved by the general government. chapter xii of the supervision and oversight of the school art. 41. besides the superior supervision which belongs to the general government, and to the superior board of public instruction in regard to the normal school for women teachers in nueva-cáceres, the reverend diocesan prelate shall exercise the moral and religious supervision which belong to him in accordance with the laws, and the literary supervision, and that of the internal organization, to which the fervent and evangelical zeal with which he has promoted the creation of the institution gives him a right. in this regard, he shall recommend whatever occurs to him for the prosperity and improvement of the same. art. 42. for the constant and active oversight and supervision of the school, there shall also be a board composed of the alcalde-mayor of the province of camarines sur, [58] as president, of the reverend diocesan bishop, or in his absence of the ecclesiastical governor, and of the administrator of public finances. art. 43. for the relations of the board of supervision and oversight with the reverend diocesan bishop, article 1 of the circular of the superior government, dated may 17, 1864, shall be observed. [59] art. 44. the board shall observe and cause to be observed with all exactness whatever is prescribed in these regulations, as well as in the regulations which are to be drawn up for the interior management of the school, in the matter of examinations for obtaining a teacher's certificate, and in the schedules of teaching. art. 45. the board shall visit the normal school for women teachers in a body at least once each three months; shall examine the affairs of the same; shall ask or cause the instructors to ask questions of the scholars in regard to the teachings of the schedule, shall note and make the remarks which it judges advisable for taking or recommending, according to circumstances, the measures which it judges fitting for the prosperity and better organization of the institution. art. 46. the board shall designate its member who shall be charged, in his turn, with the exercise of immediate and efficient oversight of the school for each month. art. 47. the board, or the member of it who shall be so chosen, shall execute, and cause to be executed, the measures of the same; shall oversee the observance of the regulations; shall visit the school frequently; shall assist in the professorships and at the practice school; and in examinations shall have the authority determined by the regulations. art. 48. the board shall inform the general government concerning the condition of the school every three months, and at the end of each course shall make a detailed report in regard to the results obtained and the methods which it is advisable to adopt, so that they may be more satisfactory. chapter xiii of the bookkeeping of the school art. 49. the staff and equipment expenses of the normal school shall be met: 1. by the sums assigned at present in the provincial budgets for the staff expenses of the sisters of charity charged with the teaching in the school of santa isabel, and with those which are included for the increase of two teachers. 2. with the sums which shall be assigned in the municipal budgets for the support of the scholars and the equipment of the institution. 3. with the sums which are at present included in the municipal budgets of nueva-cáceres for the practice school since it is a girls' public school. art. 50. the board of supervision and oversight shall report annually the budgets of receipts and expenses of the school. that report shall be made by the directress, and shall be sent to the general division of civil administration without prejudice to the obligation of the chiefs of the province to include in the municipal and provincial receipts and expenses the sums which belong to this object. art. 51. for the collection and distribution of funds as well as for the rendering and approval of accounts, the order prescribed by the laws in force and the special orders dictated by the general division of civil administration shall be followed. transitory regulations art. 52. the board of supervision and oversight shall draw up a project of regulations for the examinations to which those who are candidates for teachers' certificates must submit themselves, as well as for the placing and promotion of the same. art. 53. until the staff of the school is complete, the directress shall confer with the reverend diocesan prelate for the application in so far as may be possible, of article 16 of these regulations. manila, june 19, 1875. approved. malcampo royal decree creating in manila a normal school for women teachers in charge of the augustinian nuns of the assumption established in the royal school of santa isabel of madrid exposition madam: primary instruction in the philippine archipelago demands reforms for its invigoration, and to assure, at the same time, the teaching of the castilian language and the greatest facility possible for the religious education--the elements of culture which are the necessary basis for superior studies which are indispensable for the youth of that beautiful archipelago, without distinction of origin or of class. until prudent and meditated reforms, harmonized with the respect, which deep-rooted and traditional customs merit, succeed in establishing a complete organism in the management of public instruction, the undersigned minister esteems the creation of a superior normal school for women teachers in the city of manila as an imperative necessity, since experience proves, by that formerly created in nueva-cáceres, the undeniable advantages of a like nature in that country. since the two principal objects of primary education in filipinas is to inculcate in the heart of studious youth love for religion and the castilian language, it is certainly beyond discussion that whatever attempts in this sense to improve the qualities of intelligence and of the religious character which distinguish the filipino woman, [60] must redound, in consequence, to the greater degree of culture and of the well-being of that society, so intimately bound up with the destinies of the most glorious spanish traditions. for the attainment of this proposition, the undersigned believes that the most efficient form for the ends of an education, suitable for the habits and traditions, perfectly compatible with the greatest progress of modern culture, is to confide the direction of the superior normal school for women teachers in manila to instructors of well-known intelligence and excellent moral endowments, who give, together with testimonies of knowledge, examples of virtue and zeal in which that youth may be inspired. therefore, there is nothing more in harmony with this aspiration than to give the direction of the manila school to the congregation of the augustinian nuns of the assumption, who are established in this capital. their efficiency is proved by the long and brilliant period of teaching to which they have devoted themselves in the school of santa isabel in madrid. consequently, then, with personal fitness, adorned with the certificates which are requisite for teaching and of true ability for the same, the superior normal school for women teachers in manila can be founded upon secure foundations of the most brilliant future, which assure and prove the noble aspirations of a culture which so much distinguishes that country, for whose destiny and prosperity the government of your majesty is trying to the best of its ability to continue to establish as many beneficial institutions as necessity inspires. the undersigned minister, relying on the preceding considerations, has the honor to submit the subjoined project of a decree for your majesty's approval. madrid, march 11, 1892. madam, at the royal feet of your majesty, francisco romero robledo royal decree at the recommendation of the minister of the colony, in the name of my august son, king don alfonso xiii, and as queen regent of the kingdom, i decree the following: article 1. in order to attend to the necessities of primary education in the philippine archipelago, and with the object of turning out fitting women teachers, to whom to entrust the development, progress, and successful direction of the same, a superior normal school for women teachers is created which shall be established in manila. art. 2. the direction and personal oversight of said centre of education shall be in charge of the congregation of the augustinian nuns of the assumption, established in the royal school of santa isabel of this capital. art. 3. the sums for the staff and equipment of the above-named school shall be assigned in the general budgets of expenses and receipts of filipinas for the present year, and shall be distributed in the following manner: 7,900 pesos for the teaching force and management, and 4,500 pesos for equipment. art. 4. for the management of teaching in this school, there shall be five regular instructresses, two assistants--one of the department of letters, the other of sciences--one music and singing instructress, and another for hall gymnastics, and one professor of religion and ethics who shall also be the chaplain of the institution. art. 5. to obtain the post of regular instructress in the school created by this decree, the holding of a teacher's certificate of superior primary instruction shall be an indispensable condition. such academical studies shall have been carried on in the national normal schools. art. 6. the directress and regular instructresses shall be appointed by royal order by the minister of the colonies, from the aspirants who solicit said posts from the above-mentioned congregation of the augustinian nuns of the assumption. art. 7. the teachers' certificate which shall be given in this school shall comprise two grades--elementary and superior. the teaching corresponding to the first shall be in three courses. the second shall include one course more [than the first]. art. 8. in the three years included in the elementary grade, studies shall consist of the castilian language, expressive reading and caligraphy, religion and ethics, arithmetic and geometry, history, geography in general, and, in especial, that of españa and filipinas; principles of physics, chemistry, physiology, and natural history, principles of law in application to the common exercises of life, pedagogy, scholastic organization and legislation, special pedagogy applied to deaf mutes and the blind, principles of literature and the fine arts, general hygiene and domestic economy, french, english, drawing, and singing, gymnastics, needle-work, and practice in teaching. for the upper grade, the same studies shall be pursued, enlarged as may be advisable. art. 9. the division and extent to which the previous branches shall be studied, as well as the number of elections of each one, shall be prescribed in the regulations. art. 10. the conditions which shall be demanded from the scholars for entrance into this school, shall also be prescribed in the said regulations. art. 11. the courses shall commence on the first day of june of each year and close march 31 following. art. 12. to the normal school shall be annexed the corresponding school for girls supported by the municipality where candidates for teachers' certificates may acquire the practical knowledge indispensable to those who devote themselves to this profession. art. 13. all the orders which prevent the fulfilment of the contents of this decree shall be null and void; and the minister of the colonies shall be authorized to settle any doubts which may arise in the application of the same, as well as to dictate the measures which their observance demands. given in the palace, march eleventh, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-two. maria cristina the minister of the colonies: francisco romero y robledo royal order 241 of the ministry of the colonies approving the regulations for the superior normal school for women teachers in manila your excellency: in accordance with the order of article 13 of the royal decree, of the eleventh of the present month, by virtue of which a superior normal school for women teachers is created in manila, and for the purpose of facilitating the institution of said school, and of regulating the exercise of its functions from the beginning: his majesty, the king (whom may god preserve) and in his name, the queen regent of the kingdom, has considered it advisable to approve the subjoined regulations by which the abovesaid teaching centre is to be ruled. i inform your excellency of this by royal order for your information, and for the following ends, it being at the same time the will of his majesty that this resolution, as well as the regulations to which the same alludes, be published entire in the gaceta of madrid, and in that of manila, in accordance with the rulings of the royal decree of october 5, 1888. may god preserve your excellency many years. madrid, march 31, 1892. romero [addressed: "governor general of the filipinas islands."] cagayán de misamis, may 19, 1892. let it be fulfilled, published, and sent to the general division of civil administration, for the purposes abovesaid. despujol regulations of the superior normal school for women teachers in manila título first of the object of the normal school chapter i article 1. the normal school created by royal decree of the eleventh of the present month has as its object: 1. the turning out of suitable women teachers, who shall have charge afterward of the schools of primary instruction for girls, so that these will well and faithfully meet the necessities of the present time. 2. to serve as a model so that the scholars who attend it may acquire an exact knowledge of the methods, which must be employed with good results in directing and developing the intellectual, moral, and physical qualities of the girls who will later be entrusted to their direction and care; and in so far as possible also consider its establishment for good results in teaching according to the systems by which they may rule those girls who shall be entrusted to them at the end of their course. of the subjects to be taught art. 2. the subjects which must be the object of study for the pupils who attend this school shall be those described in article 8 of the above-cited royal decree, comprising the three courses for the elementary grade, and one additional course for the superior. the subjects which shall be taught in the normal school of manila are as follows: 1. religion and ethics (this course will include the explanation of the catechism and sacred history). 2. castilian grammar. 3. expressive reading. 4. arithmetic. 5. caligraphy. 6. general geography and the geography of españa and filipinas. 7. history of españa and filipinas. 8. hygiene and domestic economy. 9. needle-work. 10. geometry. 11. room gymnastics. 12. pedagogy. 13. natural sciences. 14. music and singing. 15. practice in teaching. 16. principles of literature. 17. designing, with application to needle-work. 18. principles of law and its application to the common exercise of life. 19. french. 20. english. 21. pedagogy for deaf mutes and the blind. 22. fine arts. elementary grade the first and second year shall include studies from 1 to 11 inclusive, and the same instructress may unite the pupils of both years in one class. the third year shall be an enlargement of the same studies, adding the studies from no. 12 to no. 15 inclusive. superior grade for the superior grade of the fourth year, all the subjects of the preceding years shall be studied in an enlarged form, adding the studies of nos. 16 and 17, and substituting geometry for drawing. from no. 18 to no. 22 the studies shall be optional, the study of all or any of them being at the desire of the pupil, after the conclusion of the studies of the fourth year. art. 3. lessons shall be alternate, weekly or bi-weekly, according to the importance of the subjects with relation to the course. each election shall last in general one hour, more time being given to the lessons in needle-work, which shall be daily, and in the other lessons to that which is believed to be for the advantage of the pupil. of school equipment art. 4. since the effort must be made to try to give to the teaching in this institution the greatest possible practical character, it shall be furnished with sufficient scientific equipment. accordingly then, it must have: 1. the equipment for teaching suitable for each subject whose budget formed beforehand by the directress, shall be submitted to the approval of the governor general, in order that the sum assigned for this purpose may be annually expended on it. 2. since the economic condition of some of the pupils of this center will not permit them to acquire a certain class of books, which it would be necessary for them to know, the governor general shall assign the said center a copy of the books, which have application to the school of which these regulations treat, and the ministry of the colonies shall send them for the encouragement of the public libraries. the books shall be submitted to the approval of the directress, and her permission shall be necessary so that the pupils can make use of them. she shall also make the necessary rules in order for their consultation, whenever she considers it advisable. chapter ii of the teaching force art. 5. the school shall have the teaching force prescribed in article 4 of the royal decree of the eleventh of the present month. art. 6. one of the regular instructresses shall exercise the duties of directress. her appointment shall belong to the minister of the colony on recommendation of the reverend mother superior general of the congregation of the augustinian nuns of the assumption. art. 7. the duties of secretary and librarian shall be filled by the instructresses appointed by the directress. art. 8. the appointment of assistant instructresses shall be made by the directress. art. 9. the appointment of an assistant professor of religion and ethics, who shall also be chaplain of the institution, shall be made by the directress, with the consent of the diocesan. art. 10. the teaching force of the school will receive remuneration in the following manner: pesos instructor-directress, with an annual salary of 1,000 five regular instructresses [profesoras numerarias], with a salary of 700 pesos each 3,500 one instructress of music and singing with an annual salary of 475 one instructress of room gymnastics 400 two assistant instructresses, one for the section of sciences, and the other for the section of letters, with an annual salary of 475 pesos each 950 one assistant instructor of religion and ethics, who shall also be the chaplain of the institution, with an annual salary of 475 ---- total 6,800 administrative force one secretary 250 one assistant clerk for secretary 200 one portress 200 three serving women at 150 pesos each 450 ---- total 1,100 chapter iii of the directress art. 11. the duties of the directress of the school are as follows: 1. to observe and cause the laws, decrees, regulations, and other superior orders to be observed. 2. to adopt the measures advisable for the conservation of scholastic order and discipline. 3. to see that the instruction is given in the proper manner, for which purpose she shall frequently visit the different rooms and take care that the material aids which each subject demands are not lacking. 4. to call and preside over the board of instructresses and the disciplinary council, and to execute their decisions or send those decisions for superior approval if they require it. 5. to appoint the instructresses and the subordinates whose pay does not exceed five hundred pesos, after informing the governor general of said appointments. 6. to send the requests of the instructresses, employes, pupils, and dependants, to the governor general with her report; with the understanding that the course of instruction will not be granted to those who do not submit their conduct [to her], in order that there may be no complaint against her. 7. to represent the school in judicial matters in which the school may be a party, or to delegate someone else to represent it. 8. to recommend the measures which she believes conducive to the growth and improvement of the school, and which are not among her duties. 9. to see to it, with the greatest of zeal, that the instructresses observe all the duties which are prescribed for them in the regulations which are to be drawn up by the cloister for the interior management of the school. 10. to preside over all the meetings held by the cloister and to direct their discussions. 11. to direct the teaching, in accordance with the schedules presented by the instructresses and approved by the governor general. 12. the administration of the economic part of the institution, receiving the sums which are assigned for its support, and distributing them in accordance with the approved budget, whose preliminary project must be drawn up in due time. 13. the formation of the schedule of teaching hours, and the designation of the place where it is to be carried on, after conferring with the instructresses, so that the result may be more satisfactory. she shall send to the general government a copy of the schedule made out for each course. 14. to inform the governor general opportunely of the pupils who have entered for each course, and to draw up the memoria anuario [i.e., annual report]. she shall send copies of these reports to the governor general and the minister of the colonies. 15. to form tribunals for the term examinations [61] and revalida. [62] 16. she shall confer directly with the governor general and must act through the medium of the latter when she shall have communication with the supreme government. 17. when vacancies occur in the teaching force of the school, the directress shall take the necessary measures so that the teaching may not suffer the least loss, and shall immediately inform the ministry of the colonies, so that they may be advised as soon as possible. 18. the directress of the school shall take the necessary measures so that the pupils may not be deprived of the frequency of the sacraments, of the holy sacrifice of the mass, and of other religious acts. of the instructresses art. 12. the instructresses shall be under the immediate orders of the directress in whatever concerns school matters. art. 13. they shall lend their aid to whatever the directress of the institution demands, endeavoring constantly to attain the greatest aggrandizement and splendor of the same. art. 14. in the absence or sickness of the directress, the senior instructress shall fulfil her duties, and if there should be two or more instructresses appointed at the same time, she who shall be designated by the governor general. art. 15. that instructress who shall fulfil the duties of directress for any of the above-mentioned causes, shall not receive any remuneration therefor, and only in case of vacancy shall she receive the difference in pay. art. 16. each one of the instructresses shall give a list to the secretary of the pupils who in her judgment may be admitted to the ordinary examinations, according to the number of failures, in the first fortnight of the month of march. art. 17. regular instructresses may use as a distinctive mark in all the acts which concern the institution the professional medal suspended from the neck by a cord made of the colors scarlet, sky-blue, and turquoise blue. art. 18. the medals mentioned in the preceding article shall be--that of the directress, of gilded silver, and those of the instructresses, white of that metal. chapter iv of the secretary art. 19. the obligations of the secretary shall be: 1. to inform the directress of matters which occur in the government and administration of the school. 2. to draw up papers, and record the reports and communications which are offered, according to the instructions of the directress. 3. to make the entries of entrance examinations, and term examinations of the pupils. 4. to petition and despatch the necessary resolutions for the attestation of the documents presented by the pupils. 5. to superintend matters of receipts and disbursements. 6. to fulfil the duties of pay-mistress of the institution; to collect and distribute fees for inscription [63] and academical fees. 7. to take charge of the archives, and of the classification of the documents under her charge. 8. to issue with the proper authorization and in accordance with the documents which are in her care, the certificates demanded by those interested or by those who legally represent them. 9. to record the minutes of the board of instructresses, and of the disciplinary council. 10. to keep all books and registers necessary for the successful progress of the institution. 11. to open a register in which shall be recorded both the merits acquired by each one of the scholars and the faults of any consideration which the same ones may commit during the course of their studies, and according to those data their study certificates shall be made out. 12. to record and sign all the certificates ordered by the directress and on which the latter shall place her o.k. art. 20. the secretary shall receive as a remuneration for her services one per cent of the receipts of the institution, and for certificates, the fees assigned in these regulations, in addition to the one per cent of the academical fees as a compensation for the loss of money and of the responsibility which she has in the collection thereof. art. 21. the secretary shall always be responsible for the correct drawing up of papers, and for the accuracy of the documents which she issues. art. 22. the regular instructress appointed by the directress shall act as substitute for the secretary during the absence and sickness of the latter and during vacancies. chapter v of the librarian art. 23. the duties of the librarian shall be: 1. to make an inventory of the works existing in the library, to classify the volumes, and stamp them with the seal of the institution. 2. to name, after conferring with the directress the hours during which this subordinate department will be open, and to watch after the good preservation of the books which are committed to her care. chapter vi of the assistants art. 24. the assistant instructresses shall have the following duties in the institution: 1. to act as substitutes for the regular instructresses in their absence and sickness in their respective section. 2. to take care of the classes and whatever belongs to the duties of any regular instructress, in case of a vacancy, until that vacancy is filled in accordance with the royal decree of the eleventh of the present month. 3. to aid the secretary in the extraordinary labors, and those suitable for that office when she asks it. in this task the two assistants in the sciences and letters shall alternate in each course. chapter vii of the subordinates art. 25. the portress shall have charge of the principal door of the building, and both she and the servants shall execute whatever the directress orders them in regard to the order, arrangement, and cleanliness of the institution, and its furnishings. art. 26. the help cannot leave the edifice so long at it is open to the public without express orders from the directress. art. 27. the help of the school are prohibited under penalty of discharge to receive any tip from the pupils for the services which they give in fulfilment of their obligations. chapter viii of the board of instructresses art. 28. the board of instructresses shall be composed of the regular teachers of the institution. art. 29. the directress shall consult the board of instructresses: 1. in the compiling of the annual and monthly budgets of the school. 2. in the making of the list of studies mentioned in these regulations. 3. in any other matters, both concerning the teaching force and the government and management of the school, in which she believes it advisable to hear their opinion. art. 30. she shall also convoke them: 1. for the annual opening of the studies. 2. when any matter is held in the school which in the opinion of the directress merits the presence of all the instructresses. 3. at least twice during each term [curso], so that the instructresses may propose whatever their experience declares to them as conducive to the perfection of teaching. art. 31. affairs shall be settled by a plurality of votes and in case of tie the president shall decide. art. 32. the secretary shall record the minutes, which, after approval by the corporation, shall be copied in a book, the president authorizing the copy with her rubric, and the secretary with her surname. in the margin of each minute, the names of those members who were present at the session shall be noted. art. 33. it is the secretary's duty to record the reports and communications in fulfilment of the decisions of the board. nevertheless, the corporation may, when it deems it advisable, charge any other of its members with the recording of any document of this class. chapter ix of disciplinary councils art. 34. the council shall be composed of at least five members. art. 35. the school secretary shall be secretary of the disciplinary council. art. 36. the directress shall convoke the disciplinary council whenever anything occurs which the council ought to know. art. 37. the decision of the disciplinary council shall be verbal and summary, and they shall always endeavor to decide definitively on the same day on which the matter is submitted to their hearing. the order of procedure shall be: hearing of the deed; deciding whether it is suitable for them to try; the examining of antecedents and witnesses in order to bring out the truth clearly; to hear the accused who shall be cited in the proper manner; and the rendering of the verdict. if the accused fails to appear of her own wish, the council shall settle the matter, judging the fault as an aggravating circumstance. after the minutes have been recorded and signed by the secretary all the members shall affix their rubrics to them. art. 38. the council shall not impose other penalties than those enumerated in these regulations, but they may punish the same pupil with several of them. art. 39. the verdict shall be published when and as the council determines; but immediate advice of the penalties imposed shall be given to each pupil, to her father, guardian, or care-taker. título ii of the economic management chapter i of the annual budgets art. 40. the directress of the school, in conference with the board of instructresses, shall annually compile the annual budgets of receipts and expenditures, both ordinary and extraordinary. art. 41. in the ordinary budget of receipts shall be included the amount of the fees for matriculation, degrees, and certificates. the extraordinary budget shall be composed of the funds which it is calculated will be received in the school in any other way. art. 42. in the ordinary budget of expenses, the following shall be included under its proper heading: 1. the salaries which shall be received by the directress, instructresses, employes, and help of the institution. 2. the amounts which are calculated to be necessary for the rent, preservation of the edifice, and its equipment. 3. expenses of the secretary. 4. expenses demanded by the teaching and conservation of scientific equipment. 5. one item for unforeseen expenses, which shall not exceed four per cent of the amount of the ordinary expenses of the institution. art. 43. in the extraordinary budget shall be figured the expenses which are believed to be necessary for the improvement of the edifice, for the purchase of school equipment or furniture, or for any other object not included in the preceding article. art. 44. the directress shall send the budgets to the general governor with a memorandum, if she believes it necessary. chapter ii collection, distribution, and payment of accounts art. 45. the school shall be guided in matters of collection, distribution of funds, and payment of accounts, by the general rule of accounts. título iii of teaching chapter i of the opening and duration of the term [curso] art. 46. the ordinary examinations of studies shall be held in the school from the first to the thirtieth of april, and the extraordinary examinations from the first to the thirtieth of june. the first day of july of each year shall be celebrated in the school by the opening of classes. all the instructresses and assistant teachers shall be present at the ceremony, and the authorities and corporations of the village and those persons who are deemed advisable, in order to give it more solemnity and pomp, shall be invited to it. art. 47. the opening ceremonies shall be presided over by the directress, whenever the governor general does not attend. art. 48. the ceremony having begun, the secretary of the school shall read a short and simple résumé of the condition of the institution during the preceding year, expressing therein the changes which have occurred in the staff of instructresses, the number of scholars matriculated and examined, the progress made by the teaching, improvements made in the building, increase in scientific equipment, the economic situation, and all the other bits of information which can contribute to give a complete idea of the progress of the institution. this document shall be printed and afterward inserted in the official newspaper of manila, publishing therein as an appendix the tables which will serve to prove what was explained in the memorial. this memorial, together with the inaugural address, which shall be read by the directress, or one of the instructresses, shall be made into a single volume, and copies of it shall be sent to the ministry of the colony, the general government, and scientific and literary corporations. art. 49. after the conclusion of the reading, prizes shall be distributed, and the ceremony shall close by the president saying: "his majesty, the king (whom may god preserve), and, in his name, the queen regent of the kingdom, declares the academic term of such and such a year open in the superior normal school for women teachers in manila." art. 50. lessons shall begin on the day following the opening of studies, and shall terminate on march 31. art. 51. lessons shall not be suspended during the course, except on sundays, whole feast days, saints' days, and birthday anniversaries of the king, queen, and prince of asturia, on the day for the commemoration of the dead, from december 23 until january 2, the three days of the carnival, ash wednesday, holy wednesday, thursday, friday, and saturday, and easter and pentecost. chapter ii of the order of classes and methods of teaching art. 52. five days before beginning lessons, a representative table shall be affixed in that place in the edifice assigned for announcements expressive of the studies which are taught in the school, the instructresses in charge of them, the textbooks for their study, and the rooms, days, and hours in which the lessons are to be given. art. 53. explanations in all classes shall be in castilian. art. 54. instructresses shall follow in their teaching the schedules approved by the superior government, in accordance with section 11, of article 11, and shall try to excite emulation among the scholars by contests which shall prove their progress. art. 55. the scholars seriously lacking in class in the respect due the instructress shall be expelled from the class by that act and judged by the disciplinary council. art. 56. the instructress shall note daily for the abovesaid purposes, failures of attendance in the scholars, and shall hand in a list of names whenever she thinks it advisable. she shall also note the manner in which they have answered in the lessons, and to the questions which she has asked them; as well as the acts of restlessness, and the pranks which they have committed. art. 57. at the end of each month the instructresses shall hand to the secretary a list of the pupils in their classes, with a note regarding the failure of attendance, lesson, and deportment, which they have incurred, and the qualifications of their memory, intelligence, application, and conduct, so that the persons in charge of them may understand their behavior. art. 58. at the end of each month, the instructresses shall also hand in a list of those pupils who have most distinguished themselves in their progress and conduct. art. 59. the instructresses shall endeavor to conclude the course of any studies at least twenty days before the conclusion of the term, in order to devote the remaining lessons to a general review which may prepare the scholars for the examination. chapter iii of material equipments for instruction art. 60. there shall be a sufficient number of rooms in the school, light, well arranged and ventilated, and large enough so that the pupils whom it is calculated will attend may be accommodated. the seats shall be arranged conveniently and the chair of the instructress shall be elevated so that she may see all her pupils and be distinctly heard. there shall be a blackboard or oilskin [64] near the chair of the instructress for writing and drawing the figures demanded in the teaching. rooms for drawing shall be arranged in the manner suitable for these studies. art. 61. in addition there shall be: 1. an image of our lord jesus christ, and a picture of his majesty, the king, in all the classes. 2. the globes, maps, and other objects which are required for the knowledge of geography. 3. the synoptical pictures which are required to facilitate the study of history. 4. a cabinet for physics with the apparatus and instruments indispensable for teaching this study profitably. 5. a classified mineralogical collection. 6. another zoological collection, in which shall be found the principal species, and if not, then plates which represent them. 7. a botanical garden and its herbarium systematically arranged. 8. a collection of all the solids and instruments deemed necessary for the teaching. art. 62. the directress shall see that collections in the cabinets of natural history are formed as completely as possible from the natural products of the archipelago. art. 63. each instructress shall have under her charge the conservation of the material equipment owned by the school for the teaching of her course of study. título iv of the scholars chapter i of the qualifications which the scholars must possess in order to be admitted to matriculation art. 64. in order that the studies of the normal school may produce academical effects, they must be carried on with strict submission to what is prescribed in these regulations. art. 65. in order to enter the superior normal school for women teachers, one must pass an examination of the branches of christian doctrine and sacred history, castilian grammar, arithmetic, geometry, geography, history of españa and filipinas, hygiene, and needle-work. art. 66. the exercises of which the examination for entrance shall consist shall be three in number, in the following form: written exercises 1. the writing of a letter or dissertation upon a theme of christian doctrine, and sacred history, hygiene, or the history of españa or of filipinas. 2. solution of an arithmetical problem. 3. execution of a simple geometrical drawing. oral exercise 1. explanatory reading of a complete sentence. 2. grammatical analysis of a sentence. 3. answer of a question in geography, and another in each one of the subjects of christian doctrine, sacred history, hygiene, and history of españa or of filipinas. if any one shall have submitted a theme on any one of these four matters for the dissertation of the written exercise, that subject shall be excluded from the oral exercise. practical exercise execution of needle-work, under the supervision of the tribunal. art. 67. judges of the entrance examination shall be three instructresses regularly appointed by the directress. the proofs of this examination shall be the same marks as those for obtaining a course [ganar curso]. the pupils shall pay two and one-half pesos for academical fees, which shall be distributed at the close of examination among the instructresses who are judges of the tribunals. art. 68. in order to be admitted to matriculation, one must have passed the age of fourteen; petition therefor must be made to the directress of the school; and the petition must be accompanied by the baptismal certificate of the petitioner, by the certificate of good conduct issued by the parish priest of her district, a medical certificate stating that she has proved that she does not suffer from any contagious disease or physical defect which incapacitates her for the duties of teaching, the authorization of her father, tutor, guardian, or husband (if the candidate should be married), and the corresponding personal cedula. chapter ii concerning matriculation art. 69. on the sixteenth of may annually, the matriculation of the school shall be announced in the official gazette of manila. art. 70. the announcement shall state: 1. the time when the school shall be open for those who have matriculated. 2. the necessary qualifications for admission to the school, and the manner in which these qualifications shall be proved. 3. the fees which must be paid by the pupils. art. 71. the matriculation which shall be open from june 1, shall be divided into ordinary or extraordinary, according as it is effected in the months of june or july. in the last five days of this term, the secretary's office shall be open from eight in the morning until four in the afternoon, and on the day which closes the matriculation period, until eight o'clock at night. art. 72. matriculation, whether ordinary or extraordinary, shall be made by means of cedulas of inscription [65] made in accordance with the model approved by the general government. the price of each cedula shall be 1.25 pesos, which shall be paid without distinction by the pupils in the secretary's office of the institution. art. 73. those who desire to enter the school, or come from another institution, shall have a written petition in the form prescribed in the preceding article. the passing of the entrance examinations and the date thereof in the school shall be entered in the registration of the first study in which the pupil is matriculated. art. 74. the pupils, who shall not have matriculated for any reason in the month of june, may do it in the month of july, by paying double fees. the extension of this last period of time is absolutely prohibited, and the tribunals of examination shall not allow that scholar to be examined whose matriculation is not in accord with this provision. art. 75. on july 1 of each year, all the fees paid by those who have matriculated in the term which closes on the day before shall expire, and in virtue of that those pupils who shall not have been examined at that date, as well as those who shall have been suspended, shall require a new matriculation for the following term. art. 76. the fees for matriculation shall be paid in two instalments in papeles de pagos al estado, [66] half at the time of matriculation, and the other half in the month of february. those halves of paper shall be united with the personal document of the pupil. art. 77. all the registers of matriculation of each term shall be closed on july 31, and, on the following day, the directress shall inform the general government of the result of the inscriptions in all the branches of study. art. 78. any scholar who shall have matriculated in the school may go to any other official school for the purpose of continuing her studies. those who so desire shall send a petition to the director, and she shall grant it whenever it is not for the purpose of escaping some punishment. the transfer of those who have matriculated from one institution to another shall only be conceded from the beginning of the term until january 31. if the necessity for such transfer is not proved, the superior government shall be consulted. it shall be accomplished by means of a special inscription for such cases, made out according to a model which shall be sent ex-officio and registered, together with the extract and the study sheet [67] of the one interested, to the institution to which the transfer shall have been asked. said cedula shall be free, and shall confer right to continue the course and be admitted to examination. art. 79. those who are transferred to other institutions shall pay beforehand the academical fees, in accordance with the special inscriptions made for that purpose. the upper part of the right hand section of these inscriptions shall remain in the documents of the student as a proof of her transference. the lower part [of the right hand section] shall be delivered to her, while the other sections which shall constitute the new matriculation of the pupil, shall be sent ex-officio in a registered package to the directress of the other institution. in the primitive inscription, said transference shall be noted by the secretary rendering useless at the same time and diagonally the examination coupons with a stamp [cajetín], reading "transferred." art. 80. the pupils transferred shall present themselves in the new institution within a fitting period. the inscriptions sent by post shall be united with the others of the same study with the number of order corresponding to them. art. 81. the fees for matriculation in the school shall be paid in two instalments: the first when the inscription of the respective studies is proved; and the second in the month of february. these fees shall amount to 7.50 pesos for all the studies corresponding to each term. art. 82. in order to prove the inscription of matriculation the secretary of the school shall follow the following rules: 1. the inscriptions shall be divided into as many groups as there are studies corresponding to each term, enumerating them in correlative order in those groups [i.e., from 1, up]. she shall authorize them with her signature and the seal of the institution, and shall note in addition the name of the study, the number of order in the upper part, leaving for the month of september its repetition in the other sections. 2. a printed paper in accordance with a model shall be supplied to the pupils in the lodge of the portress of the school, with the object of setting forth the group of studies in which they are to matriculate, taking care that after their names they write very distinctly their two surnames, both paternal and maternal. 3. such paper shall be handed to the secretary of the school, and at the same time the papel de pagos al estado. the one interested shall receive the coupon attached to the same, and the matriculation shall thus be legal, even if the respective inscription shall not be received until the following day. 4. according as the matriculation of each group is made, the list of the pupils shall be made in accordance with the correlative order of its numeration, so that on the second of july, at the commencement of all the classes, the instructors may have said list at their disposal. this list shall be completed with another list of those pupils who have matriculated in the month of july, and further with those transferred from other institutions, so that the list of the instructor may always be in accord with the book of matriculations in which shall be noted if possible the following: first, those who are to receive honor; second, those of ordinary matriculation; then, those of extraordinary matriculation; and lastly, those transferred from other centers of teaching; all with one single correlative numeration, so that the last number may always correspond to the total number of inscriptions. 5. after the matriculation has closed, charge shall be taken of the corresponding books, and it shall be ordered that the secretary devote herself during the months of july and august to finishing the details of each inscription, repeating the name of the pupil and that of the group as often as it is noted in the printed form, and noting on the other side the extracts of his study sheet, all with great neatness and distinctness. the directress shall communicate to the general government the result of the inscriptions on the first of august in the form prescribed. chapter iii obligations of the pupils art. 83. from the day in which the pupil is entered in the register she shall be subject to the scholastic authority within and without the institution. art. 84. pupils shall be obliged to be punctual in attendance at the class during the whole term. if they shall cease to be punctual for some time without there being any cause therefor which appears legitimate to the instructress, the latter may exclude them from the ordinary examinations, and when they present themselves for the extraordinary examinations in june they cannot aspire to more than a passing mark. art. 85. all the pupils shall be obliged to obey and respect the directress and instructresses, both within and without the institution, and to heed the admonitions of the help, charged with the conservation of scholastic order and discipline. art. 86. in the register of matriculation of each pupil shall be noted the rewards which she obtains and the punishments which she suffers, by virtue of the decision of the disciplinary council as well as those imposed by the directress and instructresses, if it be they who resolve to punish her. in both cases the fault, for which the penalty shall have been imposed, shall be mentioned. art. 87. the pupils shall be prohibited from addressing their superiors orally or in writing in a body. those who infringe this rule shall be judged guilty of insubordination. art. 88. pupils shall attend school decently dressed. the directress is authorized to forbid any jewel which takes away from the decorum which ought to rule in an institution of teaching. chapter iv of the examinations art. 89. the ordinary examinations of the studies shall be held in the school and at set periods, and the pupils shall pay for this purpose the academical fee of 2.50 pesos for each group. these fees shall be paid in hard cash in the secretary's office of the school during the month of march, and the pupils shall receive a receipt which shall authorize them without the need of any other academic document, to take the examinations, both ordinary and extraordinary, in the respective group. half of the amount of these academic fees shall be assigned to the scientific equipment, and as pecuniary aids to superior and poor pupils; and the other half shall be used for the formation of a common fund, which shall be distributed in equal parts among all the regular instructresses of the school. art. 90. the instructresses shall hand to the secretary ten days beforehand a list of the pupils who may be admitted to the ordinary examinations, and another list of those who shall remain for the extraordinary examinations. art. 91. on the first of april, the register books shall be distributed among the respective tribunals, the secretaries of the same taking charge of them. after examining them, the examinations shall be begun, commencing with the pupils with registers containing honorary marks, and by those who obtained the mark of excellent for the last term, without any suspension if they shall so petition in a request sent to the directress of the school. the others shall follow the strict correlative order of the inscriptions, the secretary of the tribunal seeing to it that the pupils sign in the place indicated for that purpose, and after the presentation of their personal cedula, [68] and the other requisitions which the tribunal may consider necessary, if there shall be any doubt concerning their personality. art. 92. examinations shall be announced sufficiently beforehand, as well as the locality, day, and hour, in which they shall be held. on each day, moreover, shall be announced the correlative numeration of those persons who shall be examined on the following day. those who shall not be present at the ordinary examinations shall remain for the extraordinary examinations. art. 93. each study shall be the object of a special examination and tribunals for term examinations, and competitions for ordinary rewards shall be formed by the instructress of that course and two other instructresses, also officials of the analogous branches designated by the directress, whenever they are not related within the third degree to the pupil. one of the judges may be replaced by the assistant instructresses. the term examinations shall consist of questions which shall be asked for at least ten minutes by the judges on three lessons of the schedule of the studies chosen at random. art. 94. the ceremonies shall be held in the following manner: 1. as many numbers as the lessons contained in the schedule of the study shall be placed in an urn by the judges. 2. the secretary of the tribunal shall draw three numbers in the presence of the pupil, and the three lessons bearing that number shall be the object of that exercise. the numbers which are drawn from the urn shall be returned to it at the end of the exercise. 3. in the studies of translation and analysis, two lessons shall be chosen by lot, and at the end of the examination on them, the secretary of the tribunal shall open the book which shall have served as textbook for these exercises and shall assign to the pupil the passage which she is to translate and analyze. 4. there shall be a blackboard or a square of oilskin in all the places where examinations are held, so that the pupils may write or make the figures which the judges order them, or which they may believe to be necessary in order to answer fully the questions asked them. moreover they shall have the apparatus and objects which may be deemed necessary by the tribunal. art. 95. at the close of the examinations of each day, the judges, in secret session, and in view of the marks which they ought to have taken during the exercises, shall rank the pupils examined. these marks shall be: excellent, notable, good, passed, and suspended. the secretary shall place a list in the lodge of the portress of the school during the days of the examination on which shall appear the marks which the pupils shall have obtained in the examinations. art. 96. the marks obtained in the examinations shall be immediately entered in the general register in alphabetical order which shall be started with all those who have matriculated in the school, on the first of september, according to the form approved by the general division of public instruction. in this way, before may 5, they can send to the general government the lists of matriculation as well as of ordinary examination, with their grades, in order that the general summary may be published in the gaceta on the fifteenth day of the same month. art. 97. pupils suspended and those who do not present themselves at the ordinary examinations shall be admitted into the extraordinary examination without other official document than the said voucher stating that they have paid the academical fees in march. if the first of july arrives without that having been attended to they lose all their fees, and shall have to matriculate again for the following course in accordance with the regulations. art. 98. having noted in the general register the grades of the ordinary examination, they shall proceed, under the supervision of the secretary of the school, to cut the second section of the inscription of the pupils who have passed, in order to join it on their respective documents. the same operation shall be repeated at the end of the examinations in june, except in regard to the pupils who have not passed, to whom the inscriptions refer. art. 99. the marks given by the judges shall be decisive and no appeal of any kind shall be received in regard to them. art. 100. those admitted to the extraordinary examinations shall be: 1. the pupils included in the lists of the instructresses as admissible to them. 2. those admissible to the ordinary examinations who did not appear. 3. those suspended. 4. those who desire to obtain a better mark than they obtained in the ordinary examinations. art. 101. all the rules relating to the ordinary examinations are applicable to the examinations held in june. chapter v of rewards art. 102. every year rewards, which shall be ordinary and extraordinary, shall be granted in the school. ordinary rewards shall be of two kinds: those of the first kind shall consist of matriculation of honor; [69] and those of the second in the payment of matriculation and academical fees, books, medals, etc. art. 103. two ordinary rewards shall be granted, one in each course, if the pupils do not exceed fifty in number. if they exceed that number by another fifty or the fraction of fifty pupils, an equal number of honorable mentions may be conceded to them. art. 104. the pupils who obtain rewards of the first class shall be entitled to ask the directress for matriculation of honor completely free in the following term and in the same school, whenever such persons do not have unfavorable marks or antecedents in their academical deportment. art. 105. the pupils who shall have obtained the mark of excellent in all the examinations of the same term, may become candidates for admission to the competitive exercises for rewards of the first class. in order to be admitted to the exercises for rewards of the second class, it shall be required that the candidates prove a lack of resources and shall have obtained three marks of excellent in the same term. art. 106. competitive exercises for ordinary rewards shall be held three days after the termination of those for term examinations of the studies, the judges for such exercises being the instructresses who shall have formed the tribunal, during the examination of the branch which was the object of the competition. art. 107. in the extraordinary examinations a certificate of honor and grace as teacher of primary elementary teaching, and another as superior shall be conceded. art. 108. the competitive exercises for these rewards shall be begun on the twentieth day of june, at twelve o'clock in the morning, before a tribunal composed of five instructresses, under the presidency of the directress. art. 109. those scholars who shall have obtained the mark of excellent in all the exercises may become candidates for the degree of elementary and superior revalida for extraordinary reward. art. 110. the cloister of instructresses shall prescribe the subjects in which the exercises for the rewards, both ordinary and extraordinary, shall be the object. art. 111. the tribunal shall adjudge the reward to the pupil who shall have handed in the best exercises; and the fact that she who does not receive a favorable mark has competed for a reward shall be noted as a special merit in her study certificate. art. 112. the judges shall not speak a word to the one taking the exercise. art. 113. the expenses occasioned by the judging of awards shall be paid from the amount arising from the inscriptions and academical fees, three-fifths being assigned for the pay of matriculation and the other two-fifths for the purchase of books and supplies. chapter vi certificates and decisions art. 114. the certificates of the academical studies of the pupils may refer to the branches of one single term, or those of two or more, and also to those of the whole course [carrera] with or without the corresponding title. the certificates solicited by the pupils, in accordance with the form printed for that purpose, shall be issued by the secretary, on the payment in hard cash of one peso and twenty-five centavos, if the certificate shall embrace the studies of one group; and two and one-half pesos, if it shall embrace more or those of all the course [carrera], the state seal which the regulations in force prescribe being on account of the secretary. art. 115. certificates made out with the object of a continuance of the studies or the receiving of an academical degree in another institution shall be sent ex-officio and registered, the suitable coupon only being delivered to such person. art. 116. certificates stating that the exercises for revalida, or rather that the respective titles have been issued, shall also be given upon the petition of those interested, for the payment of 1.25 pesos. art. 117. those pupils who shall have obtained three or four honorable mentions, and no conditions [nota de suspensa], shall be given all the certificates that they need, without other fees than the amount for the state seal. art. 118. half of the amount of the fees of the documents which are issued by the secretary of the school shall be assigned for printing, state seals, registration of mail, and other like expenses, and the other half shall be divided among the secretary and the employes of the secretary's office, whenever these amounts do not exceed a fourth part of their respective pay. if they exceed such sum, the remainder shall be employed in improving the archives and other dependencies attached to the secretary's office. chapter vii of faults against academic discipline and means of checking them art. 119. slight faults are: 1. inattention in regard to the [admonitions of the] help of the institution. 2. injuries and offenses of slight moment to other pupils. 3. faults of deportment in the schoolroom. 4. indecorous words and unquiet acts and pranks. grave faults against academic discipline are: 1. blasphemy, irreligious actions, and immodest actions and words. 2. passive resistance to superior orders. 3. insubordination against the directress and instructresses of the school. 4. grave offenses or insults which wound the other pupils. 5. any other action which causes grave disturbance in the academical order and discipline. 6. the second occurrence of slight faults, and resistance in suffering the punishment which shall have been imposed for them. art. 120. the checking of slight faults belongs to the directress and instructresses, but the hearing of grave faults belongs to the disciplinary council. art. 121. punishments prescribed for slight faults are: 1. private censure by the directress of the school. 2. idem, public before her companions. 3. seclusion in the institution for the space of several days, which may not exceed one week, but attendance at class and permission for the pupil to go home for the night. 4. increase of failure of attendance up to the number of five. art. 122. grave faults shall be punished by the following penalties: 1. public admonition, ex-cathedra, by the directress or instructress, according as may be prescribed by the disciplinary council. 2. loss of the [studies of the] term. 3. expulsion from the institution. 4. disqualification to continue her course. art. 123. punishments 2, 3, and 4, shall be imposed by personal action, which shall be declared by the cloister in full session, the one interested being heard for that purpose; but the confirmation of the governor general shall be indispensable. art. 124. the pupil who shall not present herself to undergo the penalties expressed in number 1 of the preceding article shall lose the term. the penalty of expulsion shall carry with it the loss of the term. the pupil expelled shall not be allowed to enter the school without the express permission of the directress. art. 125. if a punishable act shall be committed in the school by those who are subject by the laws to the judicial action, the directress, collecting the data and advisable information, shall inform the court so that it may proceed in accordance with law. art. 126. if the pupils, anticipating, or prolonging, their vacation, or for the reason of scholastic disturbances, cease to attend their classes, they shall not be admitted to the term examinations until the extraordinary examinations of june. that fact shall be noted by the instructresses and handed to the directress of the school. título v revalida examinations [i.e., examinations for a degree] art. 127. pupils may receive the degree of a teacher's certificate of primary, elementary, or superior teaching, to which they may be admissible, according to the studies which they have pursued during any time of the year, if it is not in the month of may, the time when the instructresses in all branches shall have their vacations. art. 128. those who are candidates for a degree shall present a petition to the directress accompanied by documents sufficient to prove that they have taken the course and passed in the necessary studies in due time and form. the petition shall be handed to the secretary so that she may give information of what appears in the books, and ask the decision if the pupil comes from another institution. art. 129. the paper having been drawn up, the directress shall grant admission to the exercises or shall refuse the petition. in case of doubt she shall consult with the cloister of the school. art. 130. the paper having been approved, the pupil shall pay six pesos for the fees of inscription, and having done that, the secretary shall appoint the day and hour for the first exercise. art. 131. exercises for academical degrees shall be made by means of inscriptions similar to those of matriculation, regulated according to the form approved by the government. in them shall be comprised the extract of the studies and the antecedents of the course of the one interested. these inscriptions shall give a right to the repetition of each one of the exercises of the degree in the case of suspension, but having been repeated in one such exercise, the inscription remains null and void, and another one is needed for a new examination. art. 132. the exercises mentioned in the preceding article shall not be held in distinct institutions, but each pupil shall begin and end them in one and the same institution. among the candidates for the degree at any time, those who shall have the best marks in their study certificate shall be preferred, for the order of the exercises. art. 133. the exercises for degrees shall be four in number--one written, one oral, and two practical--and shall last for the time deemed advisable by the tribunal. art. 134. the tribunal for each exercise shall be comprised of three instructresses, those of the branches examined, taking turns in composing it. art. 135. the written part for the candidates for the certificate of teachers of elementary primary instruction shall consist in the writing of a capital alphabet and another small alphabet on the ruled paper which is supplied to them; in the writing by dictation of one or more sentences, which shall occupy at least a fourth of the paper of the size of the stamped paper; in the solution of three arithmetical problems chosen by lot from among twenty prepared beforehand; and in the development of one pedagogical theme from three chosen by lot from an urn containing thirty, for this last part taking as a minimum half a sheet of paper the size of the stamped paper. four hours shall be allowed for these exercises. art. 136. the written part of the exercise of confirmation for the candidates to the teacher's certificate of primary superior education shall consist in the solution of three arithmetical problems chosen by lot from among twenty previously prepared, and the development of a pedagogical theme from three drawn by lot from an urn containing twenty, of the matter suitable for this grade, taking as a minimum one sheet of paper of the size of the stamped paper. five hours shall be prescribed for these exercises. art. 137. when there are several candidates they shall take the written exercises at the same time, but shall be conveniently located and watched so that they may not aid one another. art. 138. paper with the seal of the institution and rubricated by the president of the tribunal, shall be furnished to those examined for all the written exercises. art. 139. the oral exercises for those pupils who are candidates for the elementary teacher's certificate shall consist in answering nine questions on the three branches which shall be chosen by lot from among all the others constituting the general group of the studies of the elementary teacher; and for the candidates to the superior teacher's certificate, in the same exercise, and in like manner for all the branches studied in the four terms. art. 140. after the termination of the written and oral exercises the practical exercise in needle-work will begin. this last having ended, the tribunal in the practice school shall be constituted, in the elementary or superior section, according to the class of the pupil in point. each one of them shall draw a paper from an urn in which there shall be as many as there are branches of study included in the corresponding grade; that is to say, those studies of the elementary for the pupils of that class, and all the studies for the superior, except that of music and singing, which shall not form a part of this exercise. the subject having been chosen by lot, the one examined shall draw a new ticket from another urn from thirty prepared for that purpose. the number of that ticket shall indicate the point which she is to explain on the development of girls, the elementary spending ten minutes on the explanation and the superior fifteen. art. 141. immediately after the termination of an exercise, the exercise shall be passed upon by secret vote, for which purpose the president shall distribute to each one of the judges three tickets, one of which shall contain an s (sobresaliente [i.e., excellent]), the second one a (aprobada [i.e., passed]), and another one shall be blank (suspensa [i.e., conditioned]). art. 142. if each one of the judges deposits a distinct letter in the urn the president shall declare the graduate to have passed; in other cases she shall be qualified according to the vote of the majority. art. 143. in order to be admitted to the second exercise, one must have passed in the first; in order to be admitted to the third she must necessarily have passed in the second; and in order to be admitted to the fourth one must have passed the three preceding. art. 144. pupils conditioned in the exercises for confirmation shall not present themselves for new exercises until two months from the date of their condition. art. 145. the exercises to which the preceding article refers can be repeated indefinitely, whenever the above-mentioned time intervenes between each two times. art. 146. when a pupil repeats the exercises in which she shall have been conditioned, at least one of the judges who shall have participated in the condition shall form part of the tribunal. art. 147. for fees of teacher's certificate of superior primary instruction, candidates shall pay in papeles de pagos al estado the sum of forty pesos, besides presenting the fitting stamp which must be affixed to each certificate, and paying in cash two pesos for expenses of issuing the document. the above-mentioned sum of forty pesos shall be reduced to thirty-five when it is a question of a teacher's certificate of elementary primary instruction, and to seventeen and one-half for the change from elementary teacher's certificate to that of superior. half of the amount collected for the purpose of issuing the circulars shall be assigned for printing and other like purposes, and the other half shall be distributed among the secretary and the employes of that office. art. 148. the governor general, finding the documents regular, shall issue the certificates with the mark of passed or excellent, which shall bear in plain sight the coupon part of the respective inscriptions which the directress of the school sends him for that purpose, on which he shall note the approval of the exercises and the payment of the fees which the regulations in course prescribe, accompanying it also with a registered copy of the baptismal certificate of the graduate. of the practice school art. 149. a school of primary teaching, supported by the municipality, shall be joined to the normal school, and, if possible, shall occupy the same building with it, in which the pupils who are candidates for teachers can learn what a school for girls is and practice in it, following the most adequate method and procedure for the teaching of each subject, so that during their course they may obtain the good results which must be promised. art. 150. the practice school shall be divided into two sections, which shall be called the elementary and the superior grades. there shall be one teacher in charge of it with a superior certificate, and she shall be called "regent." art. 151. the regent shall have one assistant, for whom it shall be sufficient to possess a teacher's certificate of elementary primary instruction, since she shall be in charge of the section peculiar to the certificate which is demanded of her. art. 152. the practice school shall not lose its character as a public school for the girls of the village, and shall be supplied in the manner prescribed for others of its class. art. 153. the superior normal school for women teachers in manila shall have at present only day pupils, until the necessities of instruction in the archipelago counsel the admission of resident pupils exactly or in similar form as the normal school for men teachers. art. 154. the augustinian nuns of the assumption may establish at their account, if they deem it advisable, the admission of resident pupils in the same institution of the school, whenever that is not to the prejudice of the day pupils, or indeed in any other edifice contiguous to or distinct from the school. art. 155. all the orders which prevent the fulfilment of the contents of these regulations are abrogated, and the minister of the colonies is authorized to decide the doubts which may arise from the application of the same. additional article the directress and instructresses of the congregation of augustinian nuns of the assumption shall have complete liberty for the observance of the statutes of their order. madrid, march 31, 1892. approved by his majesty. romero decree of the general government elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in manila, and approving provisionally the new regulations of this school normal school of teachers: your excellency: the normal school for men teachers in manila, established by virtue of the royal organic decree of december 20, 1863, for the purpose of being used as a seminary for men teachers fit to take charge of schools of primary instruction for the natives throughout the philippine archipelago, has been fulfilling, since its foundation, the difficult task committed to it by the government of his majesty, filling the great space which was experienced in these remote provinces from the primitive times of the conquest. with the adoption of a system combining pedagogical instruction and education, at the same time that it has diffused, so far as has been possible, the use of the castilian language, knowledge of evangelical truths, and the practice of christian morals, it has propagated the germ of true civilization in all the islands, consolidating, with the most elementary principles of education, the civil life of the villages in their diverse relations in regard to the social organization, and especially with the diverse institutions which unite this archipelago with the mother country. the immediate truths of that foundation are the greater facility of communication between the natives and the civil, military, ecclesiastical, governmental, judicial, and administrative authorities, and the greater development in the arts and industry, in agriculture and commerce, and in the participation of the natives in the profession of letters and of sciences, and in the exercise of authority and other subordinate charges in the different state offices. such results have been preceded by an initial period of most laborious formation, for, although the normal school had to be ruled from the beginning by organic regulations adapted to the needs of the region and to the special circumstances of the time and of the individuals for whom it was founded, it had to limit its sphere of action to the most reduced horizons, in accordance with the remarkable state of imperfection and backwardness of the scholars entrusted to it, and of the little time allowable for their fitting instruction and education in the profession of teacher. the perfection of the normal teaching and of its regulation was left, therefore, for the provision of later supplementary orders. for, having seen the moral impossibility of its complete application, according to the ideal demanded of a perfect plan of pedagogical teaching, it had to be molded according to the pressing needs of the villages and to the lack of a staff fit to take charge from the beginning of all the schools of primary instruction in the archipelago. the absolute lack of suitable men teachers, with actual experience in teaching, was the reason for the studies in the normal school being reduced in the earlier years to supplying hastily the first intellectual and moral needs of the villages. those having been satisfied, the studies required in article 4 of the regulations for the acquisition of a teacher's certificate of elementary instruction were completed in three years. but although the resident and day pupils had to be fully sixteen years old for admission into the normal school, it resulted that, since the majority of them came from provinces where they generally cease to attend school after the age of twelve, the few ideas which they had learned in those schools were already obliterated from their minds, especially the use and knowledge of castilian. consequently, in order that the pupils might study the branches suitable for the teaching profession with understanding of the authors of the textbook, and the explanations of the instructors, it was indispensable to cause said studies to be preceded by a preparatory year, in order that the legal qualifications of ability to pursue their career might be obtained. at the beginning, the textbooks had to be chosen from among the shortest and most abridged, in consideration of the lack of development of the intellectual faculties of the pupils. that produced in due time the advantage that the new teachers, explaining to the children of their schools the same authors by whom they had been formed, afterwards came themselves better prepared to frequent the classes of the normal school. furthermore, having left aside the qualification of the young candidates being sixteen years old, in order to enter the preparatory class, the halls of this normal school were from that time filled by the most advanced pupils of the elementary primary schools of the villages, without any notable interruption in the progress of their studies from childhood until the completion of their course. to this spontaneous and natural modification of the regulations, was due the calling to the teaching profession of the most suitable and advanced pupils whom the normal school now possesses; and if to them be added the best students of the practice school who increased annually the number of the preparatory class, the result is that said selection must greatly redound to the very great advantage of the teaching force. it proceeded then to mitigate the harmful exclusiveness of article 11 of the regulations for the schools and teachers of primary instruction for the natives of this archipelago, permitting the exercise as teachers to the scholars graduating from this normal school of manila, who had acquired the teacher's certificate before reaching the age of twenty. indeed, that the most opportune time for exercising the duties of teacher with advantage and without loss of intellect is immediately after receiving the certificate, is evidenced by the fact that the matters recently learned remain yet fresh in the memory and in the mind of the young teachers; the will is then more active and ready to communicate those matters to the children, and enthusiasm consolidates in this case the vocation of the young teacher and moderates his mind with the habit of work, so that he will persevere in his profession for the rest of his life. granting the fondness of the native for instruction, and having seen the increase in this last third of the century of public instruction in filipinas, thanks to the multitude and variety of official and private teaching centers, it is more and more indispensable every day that the primary teaching of the archipelago be propagated, perfected, and consolidated, giving the greater extension and the preferred place to the pedagogical studies of the normal school for men teachers, by adding to the course of teachers of elementary primary instruction that of superior primary instruction. the intellectual progress of filipinas, and its hopes for the future, demand a greater development in the instruction and education of the children; and consequently, that the young men, who nobly aspire to become teachers, may obtain the certificate and prerogative of teacher of superior primary instruction. that such are the desires of the government of his majesty, are evident by the recent creation of a superior normal school for women teachers in manila, and the constant desire of enlarging the literary studies throughout the spanish domains. the necessity of also extending the teaching of this normal school for men teachers in manila has been so widely recognized, that for some years past the supplementary courses for obtaining the certificate of superior teacher of primary instruction have in fact been studies in said center. it is so much more easy to introduce said improvement, since it can be realized with the same teaching staff, without any greater expense than the actual budget, and even an increase in the years of study can be realized. for, during the first three years, the pupils would study the branches corresponding to the teachers' course of elementary primary instruction, in order to obtain, after passing the examinations of the third year, the certificate by virtue of the examination for degrees only those who shall have obtained in said examination the grades of excellent and passed, besides the fourth year being entitled to obtain the certificate of superior teacher, the studies of the normal school of manila comparing throughout with those which are pursued in the superior normal schools of the peninsula. to the professional exercise of the duties of teacher of superior primary instruction, belong privileges, prerogatives, and emoluments, distinct from those which are enjoyed by teachers of a lower rank. in such case the término competitions of the first and second class would have to belong exclusively to the teachers of superior primary instruction, and in the contests for the ascenso schools they must be preferred to the elementary. said competition must take place before a competent tribunal, and must be subjected to the official schedule of the various branches, whose study prepares one for the certificate of superior teacher indispensable for such competitions. the case foreseen by article 12 of the regulations, namely, of the existence among the supernumerary pupils of a sufficient number of teachers to supply the schools of the archipelago, having been realized, the suppression of the regular [de numero] resident pupils is now proceeding in this normal school. in accordance, then, with the previous exposition, he who affixes his signature has the honor to recommend to the lofty consideration and approval of your excellency, so that you may deign to bring, if you judge it suitable, to the notice of his excellency the minister of the colonies, the subjoined modification of the regulations of the normal school for male teachers of primary instruction for the natives of the filipinas islands approved by her majesty, december 20, 1863. may god preserve your excellency many years. manila, november 1, 1893. your excellency, hermenegildo jacas general division of civil administration: your excellency: so powerful and conclusive are the arguments which the right reverend father director of the normal school for men teachers in manila adduces, in order to petition your excellency that said institution enlarge the scope of the studies of its teaching, and have, therefore, in the future, the character of superior, which the director who affixes his signature, honoring himself in making them his own, recommends to your excellency that taking them under consideration, and in harmony with them, you deign to authorize the subjoined project for a decree. will your excellency decide. manila, november 10, 1893. your excellency, a. avilés decree general government of filipinas: civil administration. manila, november 10, 1893. this general government in the exercise of its powers and in conformity with the recommendation of the general division of civil administration on this date, declares the following: article 1. in order to heed the necessities felt more sensibly each day for broadening and perfecting the pedagogical studies for the purpose of forming suitable teachers to whom to entrust the development and progress of primary instruction in the archipelago, the normal school for men teachers of this capital is declared a "superior normal school." art. 2. teachers' certificates which shall be conferred in the future by this institution shall include two grades--elementary and superior. art. 3. the studies corresponding to the first grade shall be divided into three courses, and in the form established by the regulations, by which said institution must be ruled, in its article 4. art. 4. for the superior degree the same subjects shall be studied with the extension of those which are prescribed in the last section of article 4 of the abovesaid regulations. art. 5. the teachers' certificates, obtained in the superior normal school, shall bear equal rights and privileges with those obtained in like institutions in the peninsula. art. 6. the same instructors as those at present in the normal school shall be those charged to teach the subjects belonging to the fourth year. art. 7. the regulations drawn up by the director of the superior normal school for men teachers who shall begin to rule with such character, at the beginning of the next term of 1893-94 are provisionally approved. let it be communicated, proclaimed, and information thereof given to the ministry of the colonies for its approval. blanco regulations of the superior normal school for men teachers of the object of the superior normal school article 1. the object of the superior normal school for men teachers in manila is to serve as a seminary for teachers who may take charge of the schools of primary instruction in the archipelago. art. 2. the pupils shall be resident and subject to one and the same rule and discipline. for the present the previous entrance examination shall allow the entrance of day pupils provided that their number does not exceed sixty the first year, and if their antecedents give hope that they can pursue their studies to advantage and that their conduct will be such that it corresponds to the good name of the institution. art. 3. [this article is equivalent to art. 3 of the regulations of december 20, 1863 for the normal school; see ante, p. 86.] of the studies and their duration art. 4. the teaching in the normal school shall include two grades--elementary and superior. the adequate teaching for the acquisition of certificate of teacher of elementary primary instruction shall be distributed over three terms, and one term more shall complete the teaching required for the superior teacher's certificate. the scholars who are candidates for the certificate of teachers of elementary primary teaching must have studied and passed in the following branches: christian doctrine explained, in three courses. elements of sacred history, comprising two courses. castilian language, with exercises of composition and analysis, according to the four parts of the grammar, three courses. theory and practice in reading, two courses. theory and practice in writing, two courses. arithmetic, two courses. principles of geometry and surveying, one course. principles of geography and history for españa and filipinas, one course. principles of agriculture, one course. elements of pedagogy, one course. rules of etiquette, one course. elements of lineal and figure drawing, three courses. lessons in vocal and instrumental music, three courses. gymnastics, three courses. the courses in catechism, sacred history, reading, writing, castilian language, arithmetic, and geometry shall have lessons daily; every other day, geography, history, surveying, and pedagogy; bi-weekly the course in etiquette. there shall be daily lessons in the academies of music, gymnastics, and drawing. in order to obtain a teacher's certificate of elementary primary instruction, besides having passed in the branches belonging to the three above-mentioned courses, a revalida examination shall be demanded after having passed the examinations of the last course. in order to obtain a superior teacher's certificate, one is required: 1--to have obtained the mark of excellent in the revalida examinations for the teacher's certificate of elementary primary instruction; 2--to have taken the increased course in pedagogy, and in addition the legislation in force in regard to primary instruction in filipinas; 3--principles of religion and ethics, universal history, algebra, industry, commerce, and the ordinary phenomena of nature. art. 5. [equivalent to art. 5 of the regulations of 1863; see ante, p. 87.] art. 6. during the last six months of the third course, the pupils shall have practical experience in teaching, by teaching in the classes of the practice school annexed to the normal school established by article 3. pupils may not pass from one course to another without proving their fitness in the general examination which shall be held at the end of each year. an extraordinary examination shall be given to the pupils of the third course, who have not for any reason passed in the ordinary examination at the end of the course. art. 7. the teachers of superior primary instruction may select by competition the término schools of the first and second class; and in the contests which are held they shall be preferred in the management, as regular appointees, of the ascenso schools. art. 8. the pupils of the normal school, who shall have completed their studies in the elementary course for teachers, having passed their final examinations in proof of their courses, before receiving the teachers' certificates of elementary primary instruction, shall be obliged to stand another examination which shall be called the revalida examination; and in their certificates shall be noted the honorable marks which they shall have merited in said examination. teachers who shall have obtained the mark of excellent in the revalida examination, shall be empowered to continue their studies, and to become candidates for the superior teacher's certificate, and can also take regular charge of ascenso schools. those who shall not have obtained the mark of excellent in the revalida examination, but that of good or fair, shall also receive teachers' certificates, with the corresponding note, and shall be empowered to take charge of entrada schools. those who shall have failed in said examinations, if, after the exercise has been repeated, they merit approval, shall receive certificates as teachers of entrada. of the pupils of the normal school art. 9. both the resident pupils of the normal school, and the day pupils shall have the following qualifications for admission: 1--they must be natives of the spanish domains; 2--be fully thirteen years old, this requirement to be proved by baptismal certificate or any other equivalent public document; 3--not suffer any contagious disease, and enjoy sufficient health to discharge the duties peculiar to the charge of teacher; 4--have observed good deportment and prove same by certification of the parish priest of the village of their birth and residence; 5--speak castilian, know the christian doctrine, read and write well, know something of castilian grammar, as far as the regular verbs, inclusive, and the four fundamental operations of arithmetic. all of this shall be exacted in a previous examination held before a tribunal designated by the director. art. 10. only those young men who have the qualifications demanded of the resident pupils, namely, that they live in manila, or its environs, under the care of their parents, or the charge of a guardian, shall be admitted as day pupils, and in such conditions that one can assume that they have examples of virtue and morality at the domestic hearth. school supplies shall be given to this class of pupils free of charge, if they are poor. of the director, teachers, and dependents of the normal school art. 11. [the same as art. 15, of the regulations of december 20, 1863. see ante, pp. 91, 92.] art. 12. under the authority of the director there shall be at least six teachers, besides one instructor in drawing, one for vocal music, and one for gymnastics; three assistants, and the number of servants and dependents necessary for the school. one of the teachers shall be at the same time the spiritual instructor of the school, and shall have charge of the direction of the pupils and of presiding over religious ceremonies. under his peculiar charge shall also be the lessons in sacred history, ethics, and religion. another of the teachers shall discharge the special duties of prefect of morals, whose principal occupation shall be to accompany the pupils and watch over them in the interior matters of the life of the institution. the other four teachers shall be occupied chiefly in the teaching of other matters. the classes in vocal music, drawing, and gymnastics, shall be daily and last one hour. a superior término teacher of the first grade shall be appointed for the practice school which is joined to the superior normal school, and he shall guide it under the supervision of the director. art. 13. the salary to be received by the director, instructors, assistants, and dependents, as well as the expenses for equipment and the rent of a building, shall be assigned annually in the budgets of the local funds of the islands, in the proper chapter and article. of examinations art. 14. there shall be a review of all matters studied during that period at the end of each month in each of the classes of the normal school. every three months there shall be private examinations of all the matters studied during that time, with qualifications and promulgation of the marks obtained by each pupil. a general examination shall be held at the end of the term. this exercise shall be public and shall be held in the presence of the authorities and persons of distinction of the capital, and shall close with the proclamation and distribution of rewards. of holidays and vacations art. 15. the holidays for the normal school shall be sundays, thursdays, feast days, ash wednesday, the day commemorated to the faithful dead, and also the saints' days and anniversary birthdays of their majesties and the prince of asturias, and the saint's day of the governor general of the archipelago. the short vacations shall extend from christmas eve to january 2, and the three carnival days. during said vacations the resident pupils shall remain in the institution. the long vacations shall last from the close of the examinations at the end of the term in the second fortnight of the month of march until the first day of june. resident pupils shall pass the period of the long vacations with their families. concerning rewards and punishments art. 16. the merit of pupils shall be recompensed with honorable marks which shall be entered in the book of the institution, and with annual prizes, whose solemn distribution shall take place at the close of the public examinations. art. 17. punishments shall consist of public censure, deprivation of recess, and separation from the other pupils, and if this is not sufficient, definitive expulsion from the school. expulsion shall take place irremissibly for the cause of contagious disease, for remarkable laziness, lack of application, and for serious lack of respect toward the teachers, and for bad deportment or depraved morals. art. 18. the public reading of the marks of good deportment, application, and progress, shall also serve as reward; and as punishment shall also serve the reading of the contrary marks. this shall be done every three months, assembling for that purpose all the pupils in one place, with their teachers, under the presidency of the director. of the interior regulations of the school art. 19. [this article is the same as art. 23 of the regulations of 1863; see ante, p. 94.] of textbooks art. 20. [this article, consisting of two paragraphs, is equivalent to art. 24 of the regulations of 1863, except that it reads "general government" where the latter reads "superior civil government."] concerning special examinations for obtaining assistants' certificates art. 21. examinations shall be held four times each year in the normal school for the obtaining of assistants' certificates. those who present themselves for the said examinations shall have the qualifications established in art. 9, for those who desire to enter the school. they shall be conversant with some of the matters established in art. 4, in regard to the subjects suitable for the acquisition of teachers' certificates of elementary primary instruction, according to the schedule approved by the superior government. such examinations shall be public, and shall be held before the directors and teachers of the normal school. art. 22. [the same as art. 26 of the regulations of 1863. see ante, p. 95.] of the issuing of teachers' and assistants' certificates art. 23. the general division of civil administration has the right of issuing certificates as superior elementary and assistant teachers, at the recommendation of the director of the normal school. art. 24. [the same as art. 28 of the regulations of 1863. see ante, p. 95.] of the competitive examinations to obtain a regular appointment in the término schools of first and second grades. art. 25. the vacant término schools of the first and second grades shall be supplied by competitive examinations. such competitive examinations shall be held whenever the general division of civil administration considers it necessary. competitive examinations shall be announced three months beforehand, and all those who shall have obtained a teacher's certificate for superior primary instruction shall be entitled to participate in them. art. 26. the examinations shall take place before a tribunal composed of five judges, appointed by the director from among the instructors of the normal school, and shall be ruled by an official schedule drawn up by the same persons, and approved by the superior government. in that schedule shall be contained the matters of the studies peculiar to the teaching profession. art. 27. the examination exercises shall be oral and written. the oral exercises shall consist: 1. in the reply to questions chosen by lot in regard to religion and ethics, pedagogy, castilian grammar, arithmetic, principles of geography, history of españa and the world, principles of algebra and geometry, principles of physics and natural history, and principles of agriculture. questions in each one of these matters shall be prepared for this purpose in distinct lists, and numbered tickets shall be placed in an urn. the competitor shall draw three tickets, and after reading the questions on religion and ethics for those same numbers, shall reply to at least one of them. then he shall draw three other tickets for the examination in pedagogy; and so on, for the examination in the other studies. in the drawing of the questions for each subject, there shall always be twenty-five tickets. the questions which are answered shall be replaced by others. 2. in the explanation concerning the capacity of children, in a point relative to any of the subjects above named, the competitor shall read in a textbook of the schools the bit that shall be indicated by one of the examining judges, and shall proceed with the book closed to the explanation of what he has read. 3. in reading from a printed book and a manuscript. 4. in writing on the oilskin the sentence dictated by one of the judges, and then giving the grammatical and logical analysis of the same. written exercises shall consist: 1. in writing a page of capital letters according to the system of iturzaeta on the ruled paper given for that purpose, for which each competitor shall cut the pen which he shall use immediately before the exercise. 2. in writing at the same dictation a composition in castilian, which shall not be less than one page long, on a subject assigned by the tribunal. 3. in solving in writing the arithmetical problems which shall previously have been agreed on by the judges. paper bearing the stamp of the normal school, and the rubric of the president of the tribunal, and a writing desk, shall be furnished to the competitors for all their exercises. the first exercise shall last an hour and a half, from the time when everything necessary for the same is ready. one hour shall be granted for the second, and for the third the period deemed advisable by the director. in the marking of the first exercise, attention shall be paid only to the caligraphy, and in the third to the solution of the problems. in the second the writing, spelling, and especially the construction shall be marked. all the competitors shall perform at one and the same time each one of the written exercises under the eyes of the members of the tribunal, and placed so that they cannot aid one another. the competitors shall not be allowed to consult any book or writing for the second and third exercises. after the time assigned for each one of the exercises, the competitor shall sign his paper and hand it to the president or his substitute. art. 28. in case of tie in the exercises between two or more competitors, consideration shall be given to the marks of the certificate, to the years of experience, and to the greater merit contracted in the practice of teaching. art. 29. the schools obtained by competition shall be governed permanently by the teachers who obtained them, and such teachers shall be entitled to the emoluments prescribed in the budgets corresponding to their rank. art. 30. the competitors who shall not, however, have passed those examinations, shall be preferred to those of their own class who, although they have the same marks in their certificates, shall not have obtained approbation in such exercises. manila, november 10, 1893. approved. blanco school legislation, 1863-1894 plan of primary instruction in filipinas. see ante, pp. 76-86. normal schools december 20, 1863. regulations for the normal school for men teachers. see ante, pp. 86-95. july 22, 1864. royal order, declaring a ticket for the passage of the jesuit fathers assigned to the normal school of manila. november 24, 1864. decree of the superior civil government, in which are dictated some precautionary measures for the installation of the normal school. the number of regular resident pupils is fixed with expression of those who belong to each province of the archipelago in proportion to the respective census of the village, and that of supernumerary resident pupils. admissions of petitions of candidates for this class of appointments and matriculation for day pupils is declared open. november 29, 1864. circular of the superior civil government, directed to the chiefs of the provinces and of the districts, dictating rules for the provision of the places of regular resident pupils in the normal school for men teachers in manila. january 19, 1865. royal order, approving the allowances for jesuit fathers and brothers of the normal school, and for equipment of the same. may 30, 1865. royal order no. 175, of the ministry of the colonies, approving all the measures adopted by the superior civil government for the inauguration of the normal school for men teachers, and expressing the pleasure with which her majesty saw the zeal manifested in the installation of said institution. july 17, 1865. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that the corporals and sergeants of the army who so desire be admitted into the normal school for men teachers. march 13, 1866. decree of the superior civil government, dictating rules for the establishment of a school of primary instruction for boys in the normal school for men teachers. june 25, 1866. royal order, no. 293, of the ministry of the colonies, naming the sum of ten pesos per month as the board for resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers, and reducing the regular places to forty. december 24, 1866. decree of the superior civil government, ruling that the vacancies of regular resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers be filled by the pupils who attend the school of primary instruction, established within the normal school, and by others who may solicit them. march 22, 1869. decree of the superior civil government, arranging that the term in the normal school for men teachers begin in june and end in march, the examinations being held in the latter month. december 2, 1870. order of the supreme government, modifying article 4 of the regulations of the normal school for men teachers, of december 20, 1863; and arranging that the fees for matriculation in the normal school be reduced to six escudos per study. november 23, 1871. project of regulations for a normal school for women teachers in filipinas. january 11, 1872. royal order, ruling that the girls' school of nueva-cáceres be erected into a normal school and seminary for women teachers. june 14, 1872. decree of the superior civil government, reducing the places for regular resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers in manila to thirty. may 26, 1873. order of the executive authority, authorizing the one hundred villages of the diocese of nueva-cáceres to each send a young woman to the girls' school in said city, so that such young women may afterward direct the schools in their respective villages. may 4, 1874. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that no petition be sent to it for entrance into the normal school for men teachers without the requisites prescribed in article 9 of the organic regulations for said school, and that the petitions be sent through the medium of the provincial chiefs. may 21, 1874. decree of the superior civil government, reducing the number of places for regular resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers in manila to twenty. july 28, 1874. decree of the general government, reducing the number of places for resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers in manila to fifteen. august 17, 1874. decree of the general government, ordering that those pupils of the normal school for men teachers who have twenty voluntary failures of attendance, or thirty involuntary, be stricken from the list. june 9, 1875. decree of the general government, constituting in the normal school for women teachers of primary education the school of santa isabel of the city and diocese of nueva-cáceres. june 19, 1875. decree of the general government, approving, with the character of ad interim, the regulations for the normal school for women teachers of primary education in the diocese of nueva-cáceres. see this decree, as well as the regulations for the school, ante, pp. 142-160. june 30, 1875. circular of the government, directed to the governors of the provinces of the diocese of nueva-cáceres because of the inauguration of the normal school for women teachers in that city. april 2, 1878. decree of the general government, approving the examinations held in september and december, 1877, in the normal school for women teachers in nueva-cáceres, and ordering that a teacher's certificate be sent to those pupils examined. june 22, 1880. royal order of the ministry of the colonies, creating the chair of the elements employed in the normal school for men teachers in manila, and ordering that a permanent sum of money be assigned in the budget for this consideration. september 27, 1880. royal order, no. 875, of the ministry of the colonies, approving the definitive institution of the normal school for women teachers in nueva-cáceres and the regulations of the same, which were approved in the character of ad interim, by superior decree, june 19, 1875. september 27, 1880. royal order, no. 880, of the ministry of the colonies, ordering that twenty-five copies of the regulations approved by royal order, number 875, of the same date for the normal school for women teachers in nueva-cáceres, be sent to it. march 11, 1892. royal decree, creating in manila a normal school for women teachers in charge of the augustinian nuns of the assumption established in the royal school of santa isabel in madrid. see this royal decree, as well as the royal order following, and the regulations, ante, pp. 160-210. may 15, 1893. announcement of the superior normal school for women teachers, published in the gaceta, giving information of the opening for matriculation in that institution, the requirements for obtaining it, the fees to be paid for it, and the material for the entrance examination. november 3, 1893. decree of the general government, creating the post of professor of the practice school established in the normal school for men teachers in manila. november 10, 1893. decree of the general government, elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in manila, and approving provisionally the new regulations of that school. see this decree, with following regulations, ante, pp. 210-228. december 1, 1893. decree of the general government, extending to the superior normal school for women teachers the powers which the general division of civil administration has over that for men teachers. december 15, 1893. decree of the general government, dictating orders supplementary to the superior decree of november 10, 1893, and to the regulations of the superior normal school for men teachers approved on the same date. january 30, 1894. royal order, no. 135, of the ministry of the colonies, authorizing the continuance in the institution of the regular resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers in manila until the completion of their course. january 30, 1894. royal order, no. 136, of the ministry of the colonies, ordering that the rent of the house occupied by the normal school for men teachers in manila be paid from the budget of the local funds. february 23, 1894. decree of the general government, creating a pedagogical academy in the superior normal school for men teachers in manila. april 18, 1894. royal order, no. 280, of the ministry of the colonies, approving the superior decree which elevated to the rank of superior the normal school for men teachers in manila; the new regulations for the same; the supplementary orders dictated by the superior decree of december 15, 1893; and the appointment of a professor of the practice school established in it. april 30, 1894. announcement of the superior normal school for men teachers published in the gaceta, naming date and conditions for the entrance examinations into that institution, as well as for the examinations of assistants, and for the extraordinary examinations for the term of 1893-94. june 15, 1894. decree of the general government, modifying article 4 of the superior decree of november 10, 1893, which declared the normal school for men teachers in manila to be a superior school; and article 2 of the decree of december 15, of the same year. july 20, 1894. decree of the general government, approving the organic regulations of the pedagogical academy of the superior formal school for men teachers in manila; with citation of regulations. august 17, 1894. decree of the general government, declaring that the pupils of the normal school who have not passed in their examinations for confirmation which they have to take in order to obtain the teacher's certificate of elementary primary instruction, have sufficient aptitude to receive an assistant teacher's certificate. schools of primary instruction december 20, 1863. regulations for the schools and teachers of primary instruction for the natives of the philippine archipelago. see these regulations, as well as the interior regulations of the same date, and the decree of the superior civil government of february 15, 1864, approving the regulations for the municipal girls' school of manila, with citation of regulations, ante, pp. 96-125. march 15, 1864. decree of the superior civil government, appointing the members of the superior board of primary instruction. may 17, 1864. circular of the superior civil government, addressed to the provincial and district chiefs, giving rules for the better establishment of the plan for primary instruction established by royal decree of december 20, 1863, and the regulations of the same date. june 20, 1864. royal order, prescribing the model for the staff and equipment of the municipal school for girls in manila. october 19, 1864. decree of the superior civil government, authorizing the conference of st. stanislas kostka [70] of the society of st. vincent of paul, to establish a school for primary instruction for boys in the suburbs of san sebastian of manila. december 2, 1864. decree of the superior civil government, in regard to the special organization and powers of the provincial commission of primary instruction in manila. march 1, 1865. circular of the superior civil government, ordering the provincial and district chiefs to send two reports of the villages of the territory under their charge, in which schools for boys and girls could be established, determining their respective category in accordance with the accompanying models. january 6, 1866. royal order, approving the expense of 250 escudos, charged to the local funds for defraying the expenses of the prizes of the girls of the municipal school who show most progress in their examination. march 1, 1866. decision of the superior civil government, ordering the director of the normal school for men teachers in manila to assign an examination for assistant teachers for the first days in june of that year. march 23, 1866. decree of the superior civil government, fixing at one escudo per month the quota which must be paid by the children of wealthy families who attend the school of primary instruction established in the normal school for men teachers in manila. january 20, 1867. decree of the superior civil government, prescribing the rank of boys' schools according to the number of inhabitants in each village. february 15, 1867. circular of the superior civil government, to the provincial and district chiefs, in regard to the dwelling house for the men teachers, construction and repair of buildings for schools, and purchase of furniture and equipment for the same. february 16, 1867. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that the local funds pay the men teachers one peso per year for each boy who attends the writing class, for school supplies and equipment. june 22, 1867. decree of the superior civil government, prescribing when it shall proceed to establish in the villages schools for girls; and in regard to the appointment of women teachers to take charge of them. august 12, 1867. circular of the superior civil government, to the provincial and district chiefs, determining that they shall send monthly reports of the number of boys attending the schools. august 30, 1867. circular of the superior civil government, giving rules for the good discharge of school supervision. see this circular, ante, pp. 125-142. october 30, 1867. circular of the superior civil government, ordering the provincial chiefs to have the gobernadorcillos proclaim and, moreover, affix to the street corners and in the courts, an edict whose purpose is to stimulate school attendance and the teaching of castilian; with citation of edict. november 5, 1867. royal order, creating a girls' school under the advocacy of santa isabel in nueva-cáceres, in charge of the sisters of charity, under the supervision of the reverend bishop of the diocese. november 12, 1867. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that those who pass in the examinations for substitute women teachers and do not obtain a place for lack of vacancies, be authorized to occupy the first vacancy which occurs. january 4, 1868. circular of the superior civil government, recommending the provincial chiefs to send monthly reports of school attendance, and charging them to arouse the zeal of the provincial and the local commissions of primary instruction, so that castilian may be taught in the schools. march 14, 1868. decree of the superior civil government, revising article 26 of the school regulations, so that married women of any age and single women after they have reached the age of twenty years may be appointed teachers. march 14, 1868. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that publication of works in the dialects of the country, with the exception of prayer and devotional books and others similar to them, be only permitted when they are printed in two texts, namely, in the dialects and in castilian, and that such books shall never be assigned for use in the schools. april 26, 1868. circular decree of the superior civil government, in regard to the examinations of substitute men teachers; and approval of the regulations of the same, with citation of regulations. july 18, 1868. circular of the superior civil government, ordering the publication in the gaceta of a statistical report [ensayo] of the schools; and charging the provincial chiefs to send monthly reports showing the number of children present in the same, and stating that castilian is taught in the same. august 4, 1868. statutes for the college-school of santa isabel in the city of nueva-cáceres. título i. creation, object, and dependency of the college school. título ii. of the school of primary instruction for day-school girls; their admission, studies, school hours, and holidays. título iii. of the college and of the resident scholars. object of the college, conditions for admission therein, clothing, board, and food. título iv. interior life of the scholars. título v. studies; distribution of time. título vi. of the frequency of sacraments, attendance, spiritual exercises, holidays, vacations, and absences. september 2, 1868. decree of the secretary of the superior civil government, publishing by order of his excellency in the gaceta a pastoral of his excellency, the bishop of nueva-cáceres, in which the latter urges the parish priests of his diocese to observe very earnestly the duties imposed upon them by the legislation in force for the education of children and the progress of schools. september 4, 1868. circular of the superior civil government, to the provincial and district chiefs, charging them that the respective documents accompany recommendations for the issuing of certificates to teachers, and show the pay, between the fixed maximum and minimum in each case, which ought to be granted them. september 4, 1868. decree of the superior government, ordering that petitions for money in order to satisfy the rent of the house for men teachers, school equipment, etc., be sent to the sub-intendancy of ways and means. september 22, 1868. circular of the superior civil government, to the provincial and district chiefs, recommending to them the exact fulfilment of the circular and regulation for substitute men teachers of april 26 of the same year; that they compel the children of wealthy families to go to school and pay the teacher the prescribed fee; that they contrive to have edifices built for the schools in the villages where there are teachers; and that they inform the latter of their obligation to supply necessary free equipment for writing to the pupils, granting to the substitute as to the normal teachers, one peso annually for said expenses, so that they may be able to exact from them this obligation. september 30, 1868. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that substitute teachers be furnished with their corresponding certificates. october 24, 1868. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that in case of insolvency, the same methods be employed for the collection of the quotas to be paid by the wealthy pupils to the teachers, that are used for the realization of the public imposts. october 27, 1868. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that pupils may attend schools of primary instruction until the age of eighteen, voluntary attendance being from the age of fourteen. august 5, 1869. decree of the superior civil government, conferring a commission upon the member of the superior board of primary instruction, don josé patricio clemente, so that he may enter upon an extraordinary visit of supervision of all the public and private institutions of primary education of the province of manila. july 16, 1870. circular of the superior civil government, ordering that when the teachers ask leave to attend to their own affairs or because of a proved illness, they present paid substitutes for themselves. july 20, 1870. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that for the lack of assistants with circular, substitute assistants may be appointed for the schools that have more than eighty pupils, by the provincial and district chiefs, at the recommendation of the local supervisors, after conferring with the respective teachers. they shall be given eight escudos per month without right to any other fee. september 13, 1870. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that the women teachers shall be paid one peso per year from the local funds for each girl that attends the class in writing, for school equipment. november 5, 1870. circular of the superior civil government, recommending the provincial chiefs to request the necessary money for the payment of the teachers from the time that they begin their duties, their salaries, rental for their dwelling house and other emoluments. december 2, 1870. order, no. 1179, of the ministry of the colonies, approving the commission conferred by the superior civil government of these islands on don josé patricio clemente, for a tour of inspection of the schools of primary teaching in the province of manila. december 5, 1870. order of the supreme government, decreeing the appointment of a board ad interim of public instruction, and decree of "cúmplase" [71] of the superior civil government, dated february 23, 1871, in which the above board is appointed. december 7, 1870. decree of the superior civil government, authorizing the establishment of a free school of primary instruction for girls, in charge of the sisters of charity in the school of purísima concepción [i.e., the most pure conception] installed in the site called la concordia. december 17, 1870. decree of the superior civil government, prescribing that men and women teachers are entitled to receive their salary from the day on which they prove by means of the local supervisors that they have presented themselves and taken charge of the school which they have obtained. february 23, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, dissolving the superior board of primary instruction and ordering that all the antecedent decrees in its possession be surrendered to the ad interim board of public instruction. march 2, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that the ad interim board of public instruction of these islands, apply so far as may be possible, the regulations approved january 26, 1867, for the island of cuba; with citation of regulation. march 4, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, ordering the publication of the plan of studies dictated for the island of cuba, july 15, 1863, with commands to observe it, so far as might be possible and applicable. title of the above-cited plan referring to primary education. april 27, 1871. royal order of the ministry of the colonies, prescribing the sums which must be paid for the installation of the girls' school of santa isabel established in nueva-cáceres. may 7, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, in regard to the creation of schools and procedures which must be followed by the documents which are drawn up for this purpose; the formation of reports of the existing schools; the establishment of classes for adults and allowances for the teachers for this extraordinary work; the teaching of the castilian language; supervision of the schools; examinations of the same and rewards for the teachers and pupils who distinguish themselves in them; the pay of the teachers; construction of schools and dwellings for them; material and equipment which the schools must have; compulsory attendance at them; the teaching of castilian; charge that teaching be free to the poor; exact pay for the teachers. june 12, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that the men and women teacher substitutes be given their corresponding certificates. july 1, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, prescribing the textbooks which are to be used in the public schools of primary instruction. july 19, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, explaining article 14, of the seventh of may, of this year, relative to the pay of monthly quota by the presence at the school of the wealthy children. august 26, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, determining that the rights prescribed in articles 13, 14, and 15, of the seventh of may, of this year, alone be granted, and extended to the teachers graduating from the normal school, and to the substitutes examined with certificates. september 26, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, recommending to the provincial commissions of primary instruction, strictness in the examinations of substitute teachers, and that the mark which each one shall merit be placed in the minutes of examination. october 9, 1871. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that no petition be admitted asking for permission to print and annotate the text in these islands of works of different nature, whether literary or devoted to public instruction, unless such is directed by the proprietors or authors themselves or by those who are fully authorized by such. october 12, 1871. royal order of the ministry of the colonies, asking the superior civil government of these islands for the names of the teachers who distinguished themselves by their zeal for the good of teaching, their intelligence and power to work, in order to inform the ministry of public works [fomento], so that, if it deems it advisable, it may reward them as those of the peninsula, by sending them collections of books for the formation of popular libraries. january 13, 1872. [72] circular of the superior civil government, arousing the zeal of provincial and local authorities, and the parochial clergy so that they may urge forward the propagation and progress of primary teaching and the construction of ways of communication. february 14, 1872. decree of the superior civil government, ordering that the president of the provincial commission of primary instruction in manila be present at all the meetings held by the commission, with power to delegate for other urgent occupation his authority to the most important member of the ayuntamiento; that two members of the ayuntamiento be present as members [of the board]; that the secretary of the civil government of the province be a member ex-officio of said commission; that announcements be published for the convocation to a meeting; and that such meeting may be held by the president, three members, and the secretary. september 30, 1872. decree of the superior civil government, granting to the provincial and district chiefs, right of participation in the taking of possession and leaving by the teachers of primary instruction. february 21, 1873. decree of the superior civil government, in regard to the salaries of teachers, men and women, and their assistants. march 12, 1873. circular of the superior civil government, recommending that the castilian language be taught in the schools of primary instruction. may 27, 1873. circular of the superior civil government, ordering that the provincial commissions of primary instruction propose the most advisable measures so that teaching may be obligatory for all and gratuitous for the poor. may 30, 1873. circular of the superior civil government, ordering the provincial chiefs to send a report made in accordance with the subjoined model, in which shall be given the number of villages and schools in each province, the men and women teachers who taught in them, and the number of children who attended and those who studied castilian. june 10, 1873. circular of the superior civil government, charging the provincial chiefs with the exact observance of the superior decree of february 21 of the same year, in regard to the salaries of teachers and assistants. july 26, 1873. decree of the superior civil government, ordering the governors of the archipelago to send a detailed note of the names, qualifications, and circumstances, of the regularly-appointed teachers, who shall distinguish themselves most in each province, in order that he may recommend them to the government of his majesty, so that if he considers it well he may reward them with popular libraries according to the royal order of october 12, 1871. october 10, 1873. decree of the superior civil government, charging the provincial supervisors of primary instruction to acquire a quadro sinóptico de las islas filipinas [i.e., synoptical chart of the filipinas islands] by don leon salcedo, for teaching in the schools. september 9, 1874. decree of the general government, prescribing that appointments, issuing of certificates, licenses, promotions, and other things belonging to those functionaries, as well as in general all the affairs of government and progress, belong to the general division of civil administration. september 24, 1874. decree of the general government, ordering that the vice-presidency of the ad interim board of public instruction be held by the director general of civil administration. march 31, 1875. decree of the general government, ordering the provincial chiefs to construct schools and dwelling-houses for the teachers. october 29, 1875. royal order, no. 648, of the ministry of the colonies, copying the royal decree of the same date, in which among other extremes, referring to secondary education and to superior education, the powers entrusted to the ad interim board of public instruction be declared ended. january 15, 1876. decree of the general government, declaring at an end the powers entrusted to the ad interim board of public instruction. january 15, 1876. decree of the general government, ordering among other extremes bearing on secondary and superior education, that the matters referring to public and private instruction be managed and despatched by the general government in its functions of civil administration, and that the superior board of primary instruction be called superior board of public instruction of filipinas, with the organization which is prescribed. may 17, 1876. royal order, no. 388, of the ministry of the colonies, ordering that the zeal of persons conversant with the various dialects of the archipelago be stimulated, so that a grammar may be compiled in each dialect for the teaching of the castilian language in the schools of primary letters, for the purpose of obtaining the diffusion of said language; and that, with like object, the reforms which it is advisable to introduce in legislation in regard to primary instruction, be proposed. june 7, 1876. royal order, no. 324, of the ministry of the colonies, ordering among other extremes referring to secondary and superior education, that the superior board of primary instruction be reestablished in the manner prescribed in article 15 of the royal decree of december 20, 1863. july 22, 1876. circular of the general government, giving rules for the observance of royal order, no. 388, of may 17, of the same year. august 16, 1876. decree of the general government, reëstablishing the superior board of primary instruction, and designating the persons who were to compose it. june 5, 1877. royal order of the ministry of the colonies, approving the preceding decree. september 10, 1878. circular of the general division of civil administration to the provincial chiefs, ordering them to furnish localities for the schools, either by renting or constructing buildings; that the teachers be paid their salaries and fees promptly; that a proof report, in accordance with the subjoined form, be sent of the situation of each province, to the department of primary instruction; and that the petitions of the teachers, asking for some favor or demanding their salary, be sent to said center with the fitting information. november 6, 1878. royal order, decreeing that instructors of primary education in the colonies be paid half their salary during the time that they are on leave in the peninsula for sickness, and the other half to those who act as substitutes for them. may 20, 1879. royal order of the ministry of the colonies, in which is shown the pleasure with which his majesty heard that a boys' school had been started in nueva-cáceres, at the expense of the reverend bishop of the diocese. july 14, 1880. royal order, no. 625, of the ministry of the colonies, in regard to places for the taking of possession by the teachers, transfers, cessation of duties, and licenses that the same may enjoy. july 14, 1880. royal order, no. 668, of the ministry of the colonies, ordering that the provincial chiefs proceed to the construction of edifices for schools, with dwelling-houses for the teachers, by making use of the personal services [of the natives]; charging the gobernadorcillos of the villages with the keeping and conservation of the equipment; paying the expenses with the amount of a fourth part of the fee paid to the teachers by well-to-do children; ordering that the teachers be paid monthly a sum equal to the fourth part of their salary for school equipment; imposing on them the obligation to keep an inventory book of the apparatus and equipment of their respective schools, as well as other books of matriculation and daily attendance; ordering that the general division of civil administration make annually at auction the purchase of the necessary school supplies; and dictating other important measures for the purchase, distribution, and conservation of school equipment and supplies. september 1, 1880. circular of the general division of civil administration, animating the provincial chiefs to contrive to have castilian taught in the schools by all the means in their power. october 5, 1881. circular of the secretary of the royal audiencia of manila, communicating the decision of the entire tribunal of september 23, of the same year, by which it is ordered that the judges of first instance may avail themselves for written recognizances of the [services of] men teachers with certificates who have graduated from the normal school. december 27, 1881. decree of the general division of civil administration, ordering that the boys' schools of manila and its suburbs have a competitive contest. march 10, 1882. circular of the secretary of the royal audiencia, transcribing a letter of the supreme tribunal, in which it was communicated that the government assembly of the same had approved the decision of the entire tribunal of the abovesaid audiencia, of september 23, 1881, in reference to the fact that written recognizances be made by men teachers graduating from the normal school established in the villages. march 24, 1882. circular of the general division of civil administration, prescribing the salaries to be received by substitute teachers without certificates. september 12, 1883. decree of the general government, in regard to compulsory teaching of the castilian language in the schools; punishments of the teachers who do not keep it; annual inspection of the governors of the schools, giving account of the result in each one of them; examinations in the same, and the rewards and recompenses for the scholars and teachers who distinguish themselves in them; provision of the ascenso schools and término schools of second class for aid and correction to the parents of children from seven to twelve years old who do not attend the schools. declaration that those employes who cannot talk, read, and write castilian, cannot receive their prescribed pay. the provincial chiefs are ordered to send a proof report of the primary instruction in their respective territories and a secret memorandum in regard to the same matter. an assembly shall be called for a gathering, in which the authors of the best grammars written in the dialects of the country for the teaching of castilian shall be rewarded; it is recommended to the general division of civil administration that it study and recommend the increase which it is advisable to give to the pay of the teachers, and the creation of a special body of paid provincial supervisors. september 25, 1883. circular of the general division of civil administration, sending to the provincial chiefs the form to which the proof report of primary instruction in their respective territories, which they were to make by virtue of the order in the first transitory prescription of the preceding decree, must conform. september 25, 1883. decree of the general division of civil administration, convoking an assembly for rewarding the [authors of the] best castilian grammars written in the principal dialects of the country for the schools, and fixing the conditions of said assembly. october 6, 1885. decree of the general government, granting to the original hispano-tagálog grammar, of the right reverend father fray toribio minguella, [73] the privileges established in rule 6 of the preceding decree; holding a new assembly for the reward of castilian grammars written in the visayan, cebuyan, ilocan, vicol, pangasinan, or pampango; and marking the conditions of this new assembly. february 17, 1886. circular of the general division of civil administration, recommending to the provincial supervisors of primary instruction to immediately copy for the local reverend or learned supervisors the orders received from said center in regard to teachers. june 30, 1887. decree of the general government, encouraging the provincial chiefs and the reverend parish priests, to contrive by all means to have the castilian language taught in the schools, imposing on them the obligation of personally making the tour of annual inspection, at least to the schools, and another tour by the secretaries of the [local] governments, giving account afterwards of the progress in said teaching and recommending at the same time recompenses or punishment which the teachers deserve on account of their interest or neglect. july 11, 1887. circular of the general division of civil administration, charging the provincial chiefs with the exact observance of the orders dictated in regard to primary instruction for the purpose of having castilian spoken in all the villages; they shall employ rigor in the examinations of substitute teachers, and be careful that the assistant substitutes who are appointed be persons suitable for teaching. january 13, 1888. decree of the general government, declaring a competition in the boys' término school of the first class among teachers with certificates from the normal school, who shall have had one year's practice in teaching and giving rules for the holding of said competitions; with programs for the oral examination in said competitions. july 31, 1888. circular of the general government, addressed to the provincial chiefs ordering that they make an extraordinary inspection of the school, after which they shall remit to the said general government the various data which are expressed, so that an exact idea of the condition of those schools may be formed. january 16, 1889. decree of the general government, ordering that the allowances which they receive in hard cash for school equipment be not paid to the men and women teachers; and creating a board for the purchase of said equipment, and prescribing rules for the provision of the above-mentioned supplies to the schools. january 16, 1889. decree of the general government, ordering that the sums which are given in coin for the rewards of the pupils, cease to be given to the teachers, and that the administrative board of school supplies created by the preceding decree, purchase in the public market for said object, primers of agriculture, and then grammars, geographies and other useful books. january 29, 1889. royal order, no. 75, of the ministry of the colonies, enjoining the most punctual observance of the orders dictated for obtaining the diffusion of the castilian language among the natives of these islands, and ordering that the ministry be informed of the results of the visits, which the provincial chiefs are obliged to make to all the schools of the territory under their command, in order to be able to judge rightly the progress which is obtained, and to grant the due recompense to the teachers. february 4, 1889. decree of the general government, making regulations for the schools of primary instruction in the archipelago. division of the various schools into sections and subjects which are to be taught in each one of them; copy books; textbooks; compulsory attendance at the schools; class hours; classes in religion; books of matriculation; and daily register of attendance. february 4, 1889. decree of the general government, approving the schedule to which the examination of regularly-appointed women teachers must conform. february 5, 1889. decree of the general government, prescribing rules for the construction and conservation of supplies for the schools, making use for this of the services of the personal tax, and the gratuitous cutting of timber in the public mountains, and recommending the reverend parish priests to watch over the schools and see that this decree is fulfilled. february 9, 1889. circular of the general division of civil administration, prescribing the stamp tax which must be paid for the certificates of men and women teachers, and assistants, and for the credentials of the same. march 5, 1889. decree of the general government, prohibiting boys and girls in the schools from going out to receive the authorities; ordering that whenever any authority who may inspect the schools comes to the village, all the scholars of the same schools assemble therein with their respective teachers; and that the provincial governors impose a fine of ten pesos on the gobernadorcillos and teachers who infringe this decree. march 30, 1889. decree of the general division of civil administration, communicating the decision of the superior government, in which it is ordered that the teachers be paid their salaries, house-rent, etc., in the same villages of their residence, by the gobernadorcillos, with the sums collected by imposts of the local treasury, and prescribing rules for effecting said payment. december 14, 1889. circular of the general government, ordering the observance of what is prescribed by articles 31 to 34 of the regulations of schools in 1863; that the teachers keep a register of matriculation and another of daily school attendance in accordance with the subjoined forms, and an inventory book giving values of the equipment and supplies in their schools; another of the books given to the children as prizes, and a blank book, in which to copy the orders dictated in regard to primary instruction; that the admission of children to the schools be preceded by a written order of the religious or learned parish priest; that the teaching be divided into the section determined by the superior decree of february 4, of this year; that the class hours be from seven to ten in the morning and from half past two to five in the afternoon; that the provincial supervisors send monthly proof reports of the schools; that the teachers may sell the textbooks which are sent them at the price fixed by the board; that they may make petitions for the supplies that they need every three months; that instruction be compulsory for children from six to twelve years old, while those from four to six and from twelve to eighteen may attend voluntarily; and that private schools be subject to the orders in force for titular schools. june 30, 1890. decree of the general division of civil administration, recommending the observance of the circular of the general government, of december 14, 1889, and publishing it again in the gaceta. july 3, 1890. circular of the general division of civil administration, ordering that the copies written by the children in the schools be dated and signed by the same and conserved by the teachers. january 16, 1891. royal order, no. 58, of the ministry of the colonies, relating to the provincial and municipal budgets of these islands for said year, in which is ordered, among other extremes, the constitution of an administrative board of school supplies. may 1, 1891. decree of the general government, designating the persons, who being electors, were to form part of the administrative board of school material. march 2, 1892. royal order, no. 116, of the ministry of the colonies, approving the monthly allowance granted to the secretary and clerks of the administrative board of school supplies. july 29, 1892. decree of the general government, increasing the salaries of men and women teachers and assistants which were to be assigned in the projects of the budgets of 1893; and ordering the form of the provision of those places and the creation of territorial examining commissions of teachers in vigan, nueva-cáceres, cebú, and jaro. august 3, 1892. decree of the general government, giving information that the ministry of the colonies had authorized by telegraph the increase of the salary of the teachers proposed by said government. august 8, 1892. decree of the general government, giving information that the ministry of the colonies had given telegraphic authorization to increase the sum for school supplies to 100,000 pesos. august 11, 1892. decree of the general government, granting annual allowances to men and women teachers with good marks, and more than fifteen years of service. october 19, 1892. decree of the general government, ordering the constitution of territorial examining commissions of teachers in vigan, nueva-cáceres, cebú, and jaro, prescribing the persons who are to form them; as well as the creation of examining commissions, also of substitute and assistant teachers in the normal schools in manila and nueva-cáceres; said commissions giving rules for examinations of substitute and assistant teachers; and ordering that the provincial commissions of primary instruction cease their duties of examining them. december 8, 1892. royal order of the ministry of the colonies, approving the creation of a girls' school in yap (carolinas). february 27, 1893. decree of the general government, prescribing the distribution and classification of the schools of primary instruction of the archipelago, and giving rules for their provision; with a table of distribution and classification of the schools. february 27, 1893. decree of the general government, approving the schedules for the examinations of men and women teachers, substitutes, and assistants of primary instruction; with schedules cited. march 29, 1893. decree of the general government, declaring the book entitled el pez de madera [i.e., the wooden fish], [74] as a textbook in reading for the public schools of the archipelago. may 1, 1893. decree of the general division of civil administration, granting free examinations for obtaining certificates as elementary women teachers in the superior normal school for women teachers in manila, who shall be submitted to the schedules of that institution, and only during the first two years following its installation, namely, in the courses for the years 1893-94 and 1894-95. july 28, 1893. decree of the general division of civil administration, allowing competition between various boys' schools of the rank of término of the first and second class and término schools, and contest for boys' and girls' ascenso and entrada schools. august 21, 1893. decree of the general division of civil administration, allowing competition in the boys' school of bacalor (pampanga). august 23, 1893. decree of the general division of civil administration, continuing for a fortnight the period for the admission of petitions in the contest for teachers, decreed july 28 of the said year for the provision of ascenso and entrada schools. august 31, 1893. decree of the general division of civil administration, continuing the time for the admission of petitions of men and women teachers who wish to take part in the competitions announced by the decree of july 28, and august 21, of the same year. september 5, 1893. schedules for the competitions at the girls' término schools. september 29, 1893. decree of the general government, in regard to the pay of salaries to teachers' assistants. november 1, 1893. decree of the general government, declaring a pamphlet entitled sistema métrico decimal de pesas y medidas [i.e., decimal metrical system of weights and measures] [75] a textbook for the public schools of the archipelago. november 24, 1893. decree of the general government, allowing those who are more than sixteen years of age and less than twenty and have a teacher's certificate to manage schools in the character of ad interim. may 14, 1894. decree of the general government, declaring the book entitled cartilla higiénica [i.e., hygienic primer] [76] a textbook of compulsory reading for the public schools of the archipelago. july 20, 1894. decree of the general government ordering two previous payments to be made for traveling expenses to men and women teachers and assistants who may be appointed to the charge of schools located in provinces distant from those in which they reside, and who petition it. [grifol y aliaga's book concludes with two appendices. the first appendix contains several official documents concerning legislation in education, the titles of which are as follows:] may 17, 1864. circular of the superior civil government, to the provincial and district chiefs, giving rules for the better establishment of the plan of primary instruction established by royal decree of december 20, 1863, and regulations of the same date. november 29, 1864. circular of the superior civil government, directed to the provincial and district chiefs, dictating rules for the provision of the places of regular resident pupils of the normal school for men teachers in manila. may 20, 1865. royal order, number 175, of the ministry of the colonies, approving all the measures adopted by the superior civil government for the inauguration of the normal school for men teachers, and expressing the pleasure with which her majesty saw the zeal shown in the installation of said institution. [the second appendix consists of an enumeration of the textbooks for the superior normal school for men teachers in manila; for the normal school for women teachers in manila; and for the schools of primary instruction.] dominican educational institutions, 1896-1897 statistics of the students who studied in the colleges of the dominican fathers in the year 1896-1897 college and university of santo tomás the college was founded by the corporation of the dominicans in 1612, and its foundation approved by king felipe iv, in december, 1623, [77] as appears from the recopilación de las indias (ley liii, título xxii, libro i). it was declared a university by brief of his holiness, innocent x, in 1645, and king carlos ii received it under his protection and royal patronage in 1680. finally, king carlos iii, by a decree of march 7, 1785, conferred on it the title of royal, giving it the titles and honors of the universities of the spanish monarchy. the collegiates with beca (free) numbered thirty-six in 1896. pupils matriculated in 1896 in the different courses courses degrees conferred course in theology 15 2 ,, ,, canons 7 3 ,, ,, jurisprudence 1,298 17 ,, ,, the profession of notary 244 4 ,, ,, medicine 857 8 ,, ,, pharmacy 169 2 ,, ,, philosophy and letters 160 ,, ,, sciences 54 practitioners of medicine 205 ,, ,, pharmacy 38 midwives 12 ---- --- total 3,059 [36] college of san juan de letrán [78] this college was founded under the title of san pedro y san pablo in the year 1640, for the purpose of giving primary instruction to the poor and orphaned children of spanish parents. the most reverend master-general, fray tomás turco, confirmed its erection in 1644. the provincial chapter of 1652 accepted it as a house of the province at the request of the governor-general with the approbation of the archbishop of manila. in the year 1683, it was called the college of san juan de letrán, and it has been so called to our day. [79] course for 1896-1897 rector and father professors 13 brother masters of primary instruction 4 resident [internos] collegiates 220 half resident ,, 50 filipino assistants (servants) 8 -- [total] 295 class of day pupils matriculated in general studies for the bachelor's degree 5,363 matriculated for practical studies (specialists) 337 ---- total 5,700 titles conferred bachelor of arts 149 professors of secondary instruction 4 skilled agriculturalists and appraisers of lands 2 ,, merchants 17 ,, mechanics 5 college of san alberto magno this college was founded by the dominican corporation in the year 1891, in the village of dagupan, in the province of pangasinan. the building was from the first constructed for the purpose for which it was destined. course of 1896-1897 rector and teachers 8 brother master of primary instruction 1 resident pupils 96 matriculated 842 -- total 947 school of santa catalina de sena [80] this school is directed by the dominican sisters and was founded in 1698. in the year 1896 it had: nuns who acted as teachers 16 lay sisters 15 girls in residence 140 servants and florists 52 -- total 223 school of nuestra señora del rosario, of lingayén (pangasinan) (founded by the corporation, in 1890) nuns who act as teachers 7 resident pupils 53 non-resident pupils 13 servants 10 - total 83 school of nuestra señora del rosario of vigan (founded in 1893) nuns who act as teachers 7 pupils in residence 65 servants 7 - [total] 79 school of santa ymelda of tuguegarao (cagayán) (founded in 1892) nuns 8 pupils in residence 77 non-resident pupils 10 half pensioners 4 servants 11 -- [total] 110 report of religious schools, 1897 relation of the houses and number of pupils [81] whom the sisters of charity had in a school here in filipinas in the year 1897. 1. here in manila, they had all the schools which they have at present, namely, the school of la concordia, that of santa ysabel, that of santa rosa, and that of looban. 2. in the school of la concordia, there were 39 sisters and 300 pupils. in that of santa ysabel 14 sisters and 150 pupils. in santa rosa, 11 sisters and 200 pupils. in the school of looban, 11 sisters and 170 collegiates. 3. in addition, they had here in manila the military hospital, the hospital of st. john of god, the municipal school, and the hospice of san josé. in st. john of god, there were 27 sisters and 400 patients. in the military hospital, 24 sisters and 300 patients. in the hospice of san josé, 14 sisters and 250 destitute people, counting poor, patients, and orphan children. in the municipal school, there were 10 sisters and about 300 girls attended it. at present they still have these charitable houses with the exception of the military hospital and the municipal school. 4. besides these houses here in manila, they had in the provinces, the schools which they still have. in jaro (iloilo), the school of san josé, in which were 12 sisters and 150 scholars. in cebu in the same capital, the school of the immaculate conception, with 28 sisters and 200 scholars. they have also the hospital and the house of relief. in nueva cáceres (camarines), the school of santa ysabel, in which were 13 sisters and 170 scholars. in cavite they also had the hospital of st. john of god, and that of cañacao. in the former were 16 sisters and 170 patients, and in the latter 16 sisters and 200 patients. relation of the number of pupils in the seminary schools here in filipinas in the year 1897. 1. all the seminary schools were in charge of paulist fathers, except that of vigan. in the seminary of this city of manila there were 5 fathers and 3 brothers, while the pupils or seminarists numbered about 40. in addition they had the house which they own at present, in san marcelino. there were 6 fathers and two brothers whose efforts were devoted to propagating and extending worship, and directing as well the sisters of charity. 2. in the seminary school of jaro, there were, in the said year, 9 fathers and 2 brothers, and about 600 pupils of whom 200 were regular. 3. in the seminary school of cebú, there were also 9 fathers and 2 brothers resident, and the number of pupils was about 800, those resident numbering about 300. 4. in that of nueva cáceres there was the same number of fathers and brothers as in the seminaries of jaro and cebú, while the pupils numbered about 700. [endorsed in english: "congregation of st. vi[n]cent of paul."] educational institutions of the recollects beaterio de santa rita it is located on the ground plot of san sebastian, in a district of the same name, outside the walls of manila, where the augustinian recollect fathers have a convent whose foundation dates from the year 1621, and a magnificent iron church dedicated in the year 1891, in which is venerated the miraculous image of our lady of carmel. this beaterio, separated from the convent only by the portico which gives entrance to the church, was founded about the year 1730, and was due principally to our father fray andrés de san fulgencio, who, acceding to the reiterated urgings and petitions of some pious women, who desired to live in retreat from the excitement of the world, built them a house, and gave them the habit of manteletas, or tertiaries of the augustinian order. the preferred occupations in which those pious women who have had the good fortune to take our holy habit in this beaterio, have busied themselves, have been, and are at present, beside their own sanctification, the solid and christian instruction and education of a certain number of girls; the cleaning and renovating of our church of san sebastian; and the propagation of worship and devotion to our lady of carmel, for whom they act as the perpetual attendants. they lead a very austere life, and one completely abstracted from the world, scarcely ever leaving the beaterio unless to go to the church, and it is a very remarkable circumstance that in the two hundred years almost, which have elapsed since their foundation, no sister who has taken the habit has abandoned it in order to return to the world. the inspection and direction of the beaterio belong to the father prior of the convent of san sebastian, who, with the consent of our father provincial, dictates the suitable provisions for maintaining in that holy house the spirit of piety with which it was founded. school of san josé of bacolod, negros in the intermediary chapter, celebrated in the convent of manila, october 31, 1895, the installation (in bacolod, the capital of the island of negros) of a college of primary and secondary instruction, was determined upon. that determination of the chapter was approved by the most reverend apostolic father, commissary-general of the order, december 18, of the same year 95. january 28, 1896, the very reverend father provincial, fray andrés ferrero, now his excellency, the bishop of jaro, petitioned his excellency the governor-general to have the kindness to authorize him as founder of a school of primary and secondary instruction in the province of negros under the advocacy of san josé, in which they could establish all the courses, the study of which was required in order to obtain the degree of bachelor of arts. the superior government acceded to the petition by a decree dated february 21, of the same year, on condition of first receiving a favorable report from the very reverend father rector of the royal and pontifical university of manila. in june of the same year they proceeded to the opening of the school of bacolod, which was placed under the said university. the disasters that occurred in this archipelago in consequence of the insurrection, have been the cause of this school running for only two years. seminary school of vigan the corporation of augustinian recollects had in its charge the seminary of vigan between the years 1882 and april, 1895. during that time various courses were added, and, in july, 1892, the complete plan of studies for secondary instruction was established in the said seminary, and it was officially placed under the university of manila. school of santa rosa the foundation of this school having been authorized by a royal decree of september 22, 1774, its direction and government (besides that which by right belongs to the diocesan ecclesiastical authority) was committed to the senior auditor, who was afterwards called the president of the royal audiencia. he was aided by a council of four votes. thus it continued until december 17, 1891, in which in accordance with a royal order of october 6, of the same year, the general government of these islands appointed as president of the assembly the very reverend father provincial of the recollects. from that time all the intervention and authority which thitherto had been held by the presidents of the royal audiencia, were delegated to him. the individuals composing the administration board are appointed by the archbishop of manila, at the proposal of the father president. the board informs his reverend excellency, of the most important decisions which are made so that he may approve them. the friar viewpoint i education the truth in this matter. if the means are sufficient and efficacious, the ends will be obtained. uniformity in the method. there are matters of importance so transcendental in the progressive evolution of peoples, and which determine in so efficacious a manner the greater or less future and civilization of those peoples, that they cannot be less than regarded by men who govern with the most profound attention and persevering study, converting them into the object of their studies, of their zeal, and of their energies. perhaps nothing occupies the foremost place with more reason and right than education. the desire of happiness is as natural as it is legitimate in man. that desire is so noble and elevated an aspiration, and man feels that desire in the bottom of his soul with so irresistible a force than one may say without any kind of exaggeration, that even unconsciously he is dragged along by it. hence, every new step that he takes, every ray of light that he perceives, every unknown point that he discovers in that road, induces one to believe that it is one factor more for arrival at a safe port, one greater facility which he acquires for the attainment of that end. and since that end in man cannot be more than the highest end, hence it is that he feels in an invincible manner the necessity of its possession, which is that which constitutes the highest perfection of that privileged creature [man]. now, then, in order to attain possession of that end, it is necessary to know it, and in order that it may have a practical result, one must know the means which conduce to it, and perfect them so that the result may be complete. most marvelously is this trust filled by the teaching which has as its direct object the education and perfection of the faculties of man, which are the only means conducive to the knowledge and possession of god--the supreme end, hence, the highest happiness of man. education is the object and noble finality of teaching, the unfolding and perfection of the faculties of man, both in the physical order, and in the intellectual, esthetic, and moral; to develop the physical energies, producing the most perfect health and robustness of the body, to extend the horizons of the intelligence, the greater number of points of knowledge conducing to the discovery of truth proportioning it; increasing and ennobling man's sentiments for beauty, and directing the will along the road of the good and the just, and removing it from their opposites, the evil and unjust. it is the primordial object and noblest end of every man who governs to endeavor to broaden, extend, and perfect instruction among the peoples under the control of his government and direction. it is the most sacred duty of every gubernatorial authority to excogitate and choose the most suitable, safe, and correct methods of teaching for the attainment of so sacred an end. it cannot be even doubted that the authors of our traditional legislation for the indias had other motives than the accuracy and rectitude in the creation of the laws concerning instruction, or other primordial end in it than the knowledge and adoration of god, the supreme end of man on earth; and as a means, the knowledge of the divine mysteries, of the revealed truths, in a word, of the catholic religion, among the human beings of the new world. rapid without doubt was the progress which the catholic faith made in the immense territories of that unknown world, notwithstanding the interminable series of difficulties which our fervent missionaries, covetous to gain souls for god, were to meet in the evangelization of so many races and so numerous peoples divided by so diverse languages, which were so many other obstacles superable by their strong desire and never-satisfied zeal. in order to conquer those difficulties, and that that zeal might be more productive for the cause of religion, and more advantageous for the believers, fifty-eight years after the immortal colón had discovered this world full of marvels, the first law was dictated in regard to the creation of schools for the teaching of castilian, signed by carlos v while governing at valladolid, june 7, and reproduced july 17, 1550. such is law xviii, título i, book vi, which reads as follows. "having made particular examination in regard to whether, even in the most perfect language of the indians, the ministers of our holy catholic faith can explain themselves well and fittingly, we have recognized that that is impossible without committing great discords and imperfections; and although chairs are founded where the priests who shall instruct the indians may be taught, this is not a fitting remedy because of the great diversity of languages; and having resolved that it will be advantageous to introduce the castilian language: we command teachers to be given to the indians, in order to teach those who wish of their own accord to study it, in the way which will be of least trouble and without expense to them. it has appeared that this can be well done by the sacristans, as in the villages of these kingdoms they teach reading, writing, and the christian doctrine." but one can immediately understand that teachers who taught without any charge, who might be sacristans, and indians who wished to study voluntarily, were not fitting factors to attain the most praiseworthy end which the legislator proposed to himself; and in fact it could not have given the desired result since eighty-four years afterwards, law v, título xiii, book i, was issued by felipe iv, without indicating the means, in madrid, march 2, 1634, and repeated two years afterward, on november 4, which reads as follows: "we ask and request the archbishops and the bishops to provide and order the curas and missionaries of the indians in their dioceses, by the use of the mildest means, to arrange and direct that all the indians be taught the spanish language, and in that language the christian doctrine, so that they may become more capable of understanding the mysteries of our holy catholic faith and so that other advantages may be gained for their salvation, and follow in their government and method of life." the fulfilment of both laws [was] recorded by the royal decree of march 20, 1686, [82] and those laws were at the same time extended to filipinas, since the desire of the legislator was the same in both parts, namely, "to consult upon what is the most efficacious means for destroying the idolatries incurred at present by the majority of the indians as was true at the beginning of their conversion, etc.," as is said in the above-mentioned royal decree. from that decree one infers a wholesome instruction for filipinas; but it is no wonder that the filipinos have not learned castilian, and that they abandon their primitive superstitions with difficulty, when the americans of greater capacity than they, with greater means, with a powerful and constant stream of christian civilization, carried by numerous missionaries, and a greater european emigration, after two centuries did not know the castilian speech, and the majority were sunk in their idolatries, a thing which does not occur with the masses of the filipinos, although they are not a little superstitious, a quality exhibited in more or less degree by numerous peoples of europa after so many centuries of illumination. for the same end and filled with the same spirit was issued the royal decree of april 16, 1770, which, like the preceding one, was also extended to filipinas, as were also other later ones, all of which were animated by the most christian zeal, so that the indians might learn better the mysteries and doctrinal points of the catholic religion, for the easier and surer salvation of their souls. without danger of taking from these laws any valuable data, in accordance with the necessity which counsels it, let us reduce ourselves for the moment to a review of the orders given directly for filipinas which are found in the celebrated ordinances, first in those given by corcuera in the year 1642, revised by cruzat in 1696, and added to by their successors. among them is one, the 52d, of governor-general solis, marquis of obando, dated october 19, 1752. among other things that ordinance says: "through my desires of aiding with the greatest exactness the spiritual and temporal welfare of those vassals, supplying them with all the means of acquiring and consolidating it, i have resolved to order, as by the present i do order and command, said governors, corregidors, alcaldes-mayor, and other justices of these islands, that exactly and punctually, and without interpretation or opinion, they give and cause to be given the most opportune measures, so that in the villages of their districts they demand, establish, and found, from this day forward, schools where the children of the natives and other inhabitants of their districts may be educated and taught (in primary letters in the castilian or spanish language), seeing to it earnestly and carefully that they study, learn, and receive education in that language and not in that of the country or any other. they shall work for its greater increase, extension, and intelligence, without consenting or allowing ... this determination to be violated, or schools of any other language to be erected or started, under penalty of five hundred [pesos?] applied in the manner decreed by this superior government.... for that purpose, and so that it may have the fullest effect, i revoke, annul, and declare of no use and value ordinance 29, which declares that spaniards shall not be allowed to live in or remain in the villages of the indians; for in the future they must be admitted to such residence. the alcaldes-mayor and justices shall see to it that such people live in a christian manner and according to the commands of god; and they shall arrest, punish, and exile those who fail in this matter. this is to be understood of the schools which are to be supported and maintained at the cost of the villages themselves and of the funds which the communal treasuries shall have assigned for those of the languages of the country (for as abovesaid the latter must cease and shall cease in proportion as the schools for teaching in the castilian language shall be built and established); and for the attainment of the duties and posts of governors and other honorable military posts it shall be a necessary qualification that those on whom they are conferred be the most capable, experienced, and clever in being able to read, talk, and write, in the above-mentioned spanish language, and such posts must be given to such persons and not to others," etc. in accordance with all that which is faithfully quoted in regard to this particular, is ordinance 25 of the zealous raón in 1768, which reads as follows: "as it is very important that there be good schoolteachers for the teaching of the indians, and as it is advisable for them to learn the spanish language in order to know the christian doctrine better, and since the salary of one peso and one cabán of rice, which it is the custom to give them from the communal funds each month, is very little, it is ordered that the alcaldes, with the intervention of the curas, or missionary ministers, make a computation of the salary which can be given in each village (in proportion to its tributes) to the schoolteacher, giving an account thereof to the superior government for its approval.... for, with the increase of salaries, better teachers can be had and the end of law xviii, título i, book vi, as will be related hereafter, can be better attained." this is fulfilled at greater length in ordinance or article 93, reading as follows: "in accordance with section 52 of the ancient ordinances, and 17 of those drawn up by governor don pedro manuel de arandía, it is strictly and rigorously ordered the alcaldes-mayor, and asked and petitioned from the father ministers, that each one, in so far as concerns him, shall apply his zeal to the end that in all the villages there should be one schoolmaster well instructed in the spanish language, and that he teach the indians to read and write in it, the christian doctrine, and other prayers, as is ordered by the king, our sovereign, in his royal decree of june 5, 1754, because of the most serious disadvantages which result by doing the contrary to the religion and the state. for the attainment of so important teaching, the salary of each teacher shall be paid punctually from the communal funds, namely, one peso and one cabán of rice per month. permission is given to the above-mentioned alcaldes-mayor so that, in the large villages and in proportion to the capacity of said teachers, they may increase their salary by giving information thereof to the superior government for its approval, as is stated in section 25. the above-mentioned teachers shall be informed that, if they do not teach the indians, and instruct them in the spanish language, they will be condemned to make restitution of the pay which they shall have received, and shall be deprived of holding any post in these islands and punished at the will of said alcaldes. the latter, especially in their visit to the villages of their provinces, shall investigate with particular care the observance of the abovesaid, and shall inform the superior government.... it is to be noted that for any slight omission of the alcaldes in regard to this most important point, they shall incur the indignation of the superior tribunals, and shall be rigorously punished and fined in proportion to their lack of zeal and fulfilment of this section; for experience has taught that for particular ends and unjust laxity or neglect they have proceeded hitherto with little zeal and with total want of observance of law xviii, título i, book vi, which is corroborated and confirmed by many royal decrees and by the abovesaid sections of the ordinances preceding that law." since we are decided to make an exact and complete adjustment of accounts treating of this matter, we transcribe here, in order to attain that, whatever has to do most especially with both ancient and modern legislation, in order to remove at once the mask under which the detractors of the religious orders have been masquerading, blaming them openly for the backward state of the filipino villages, for their deficiency in education and especially for the ignorance of castilian, without other proof than the completely gratuitous assertion that those religious orders have constantly opposed the development of education and, in a resolute manner, the study of castilian. [83] in order to prove this supposed opposition, they adduce as an argument (which is negative, and, consequently, of no value) the fact that although the teaching (and with it the castilian speech) was ordered from the beginning of the conquest with evident insistence and under heavy penalties, the established laws have not given the abundant results which were to be desired. now, because those results have not been obtained, are the missionaries to blame? the supposition made in order to hurl this crimination upon the religious orders is not serious nor can it be cited by persons who esteem themselves as sensible and reasonable beings. before that criminal supposition and that groundless crimination it is fitting to ask: "were those laws, given with the most just desire and the most holy finality, as is that of christianizing those idolatrous souls and guaranteeing them in the faith of jesus christ, suitable for the production of the desired ends? were the means, which were proposed in those laws, conducive to the end which was being prosecuted? nay, more, granting the sufficiency of those laws and the propriety of those means for the american districts, since those laws were given for them, was it within the bonds of reason to adapt them with equal propriety and sufficiency to filipinas?" if it is impossible to grant the first, it is evidently impossible to assent to the second as certain. it has been shown that law xviii was given in the year 1550, or fifty-eight years after the discovery of the new world. one hundred and forty-two years later that order was repeated by means of law v, of 1634, the fulfilment of which was recorded in 1686, or one hundred and ninety-four years after our arrival on the american coasts. those laws had been, if not barren, of little fruit, whenever the cause for repeating that law was to banish the idolatries in which the majority of the indians are now sunk, as they were at the beginning of the conversions. how can that development in instruction be acquired "with indians who would like to learn, when taught by teachers without pay, and which, so that the teachers might not cost anything, could be well done by the sacristans," who would immediately be indians like the pupils, doubtless stupid in learning and incapable of teaching the catholic doctrine in castilian? now then, if those laws were inefficient in the american districts, a country more compact, could they be more efficient in filipinas, which is composed of many islands; could those means exercise more influence on the intellects of those islanders who are of less capacity than the americans, and the latter were directly invaded by a constant and powerful stream of civilization, catechised and administered by a numerous pleiad of missionaries when the islands of urdaneta and legazpi did not receive more than the residues or crumbs, which, both of the former and the latter, came by way of acapulco--in america with an invader who carried almost all before him, and who tended by his number to cause the pure primitive race to disappear, exactly the contrary to what occurs in the filipino country, where the native race, in an imposing mass, is above all absorption, this idea being sufficient only so that not even with very many means more powerful than those hitherto placed in practice can they attain the effects which the laws demand? consequently, the laws were not adaptable to that country for which they were not made, and not even was that country known when law xviii was given. neither have the means or factors which have been put in play since, been in relation, even remote relation, with the ends whose attainment is desired. on one hand, the great scarcity of missionaries scattered among so numerous islands (each one occupying a most extensive territory, with scarcely any communication [with one another], with a work both arduous and multiple, in all the orders, especially in the learning of so diverse and most difficult languages, and the adaptation of these languages in regard to their characters, phonetics, pronunciation, etc., to our characters, spelling, etc., a knowledge attained afterward by prolonged and constant phonological and philological studies), abandoned to their own resources and energies, since it is known that for many dozens of leguas there was no other spaniard than the missionary, occupied preferably in the administration of sacraments and evangelization and the conservation of so numerous fields of christendom; on the other hand the means which the laws granted them, entirely null and void, as has been shown, as is also the result obtained by the last royal decree of 1686, by which it is newly ordered "that schools be established and teachers appointed for the indians, in order to teach the castilian language to those who would voluntarily wish to learn it, in the way that may be of less trouble to them and without expense;" and with this clause of voluntary instruction, without trouble and without expense, since the natives were scattered in so many and so distant villages or reductions, and had no teachers, not since they knew the castilian language, but that they could not even know it except by a rudimentary method in their own language: was there any possibility even that that beautiful language whose knowledge would have freed the missionary from so many sorrows, from so painful labor, from so continual anxieties as the detractors of those orders cannot even imagine, could be taught? notwithstanding, it will be proved by unassailable documents that those missionaries with some useless laws, most of them deficient, have obtained what no one else could have obtained. those religious orders, then, have not been the enemies, but the great friends, of instruction. they have not been opposed, nor only slight lovers of its development, but decided well-wishers, and even enthusiasts in its greater development; and in order to achieve that, the missionaries and parish priests have done that which very few, perhaps no one, could have done: namely, to create schools wherever they preached the gospel; to support them by all means, and even pay them from their scant savings; to bring to a head all classes of philological work; to compile methods, grammars, innumerable dictionaries, books of doctrine, of doctrinal discourses, and many others which besides illuminating the understanding, strengthened the souls in the faith, in accordance with the spirit of those laws. furthermore, do the detractors of the religious believe that, if the alcaldes, corregidors, and justices, threatened with very severe penalties by those laws, were convinced of the fact that the missionaries were opposed to the teaching in that part which was viable or feasible, they would not have used their authority to punish, correct, or prevent, that opposition? the ordinances above copied are a copy of the laws given for america, as already mentioned, and suffer in great measure from their peculiarity and lack of application, especially in what regards the teaching of castilian. it was in every point impossible that, with the elements possessed by the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and governors, they could have observed ordinance 52 of the marquis of obando. that ordinance contains orders that are positively impracticable and even contradictory. on one side it is ordered "that schools be erected where the children of the natives may be educated (in primary letters in the castilian language) seeing to it that in this language and not in that of the country, or in any other, they study, be taught, and educated, and that schools of another language be not erected or started under penalty of 500 [pesos?] applied at the will of this superior government." this is ordered absolutely and without any limitation in immense districts where there is not a single school of castilian, nor methods, nor grammars, nor dictionaries, nor any other method of teaching that language, nor teachers to teach it, nor scarcely any indians who have been able to learn it, as they have not had any great familiarity with spaniards who were prohibited by ordinance 29 from residing in the villages of the indians. this happened in the year 1752. that prohibition was suppressed by the above-mentioned ordinance 52. by the same ordinance was prescribed the quota which the communal funds were to pay to the teachers, which makes one see immediately the contradiction of the finality of the preceding order with that stating "because as abovesaid, these languages must cease and shall cease in proportion as schools for the castilian language shall be erected and established;" the only ones who were ordered to pay. it results, therefore, quite evidently, both from the context of the latter ordinance and from ordinance 17 of arandía, and 25 and 93 of raón, that in the filipino provinces and districts there were no means of establishing instruction in castilian; and that the only schools which were ordered to be paid from the communal funds were those which should be established with that instruction. consequently, neither the alcaldes and other justices threatened with very severe penalties, and "the anger of the superior tribunals" nor the teachers "condemned to make restitution of the pay which they had received," and punished according to the order of the alcaldes, could make in their promises and villages those laws, given in the peninsula and in the official residence of the first authority of the islands, viable or practicable. how many laws are there which are very good and of elevated ends, but barren and unpractical, as they lack practical meaning! however, in the midst of so many contradictions and difficulties, in the midst of a work so toilsome and without rest, in spite of the penury and scarcity which god alone can, and knows how to, appreciate, in constant struggle with the elements and the moros, having to create it and conserve it all, it can be no less than contemplated with pride by every good spaniard that those heroic and humble sons of españa attended from the beginning of the conquest to teaching with a zeal worthy of all praise. a precious testimony of this is that mentioned by the erudite father augustín maría, o.s.a. in his historia del insigne convento de san pablo de manila [i.e., history of the glorious convent of san pablo in manila], which is preserved unedited in the archives of said convent, when he says: "in the same year (1571) was founded this convent and church of san pablo, which is the chief one of this province, the capitular house for novitiates, and of studies in grammar, arts, theology, and canons for indians and creoles, until the jesuits came and opened public schools." passing by those teaching centers created in manila by the religious orders scarcely yet born in those islands, omitting the introduction of printing, a powerful means for progress, by those orders, some decades after their establishment in the islands, and limiting ourselves only to the creation of schools and the progress of primary instruction, we do not fear to affirm that before our legislators occupied themselves in giving laws for teaching in filipinas, laws had been proclaimed in the assemblies of the religious orders. before the famous ordinances of obando and of raón had been published, the printing houses of the said orders had already printed works entitled: práctica del ministerio que siguen los religiosos del orden de n. p. s. agustín en philippinas [i.e., practice of the ministry followed by the religious of the order of our father st. augustine in philippinas]; and the práctica de párrocos dominicana [i.e., practice of the dominican parish priest]. before treating of one or the other it is a duty of historical justice to discard the two above-cited laws given for the new world, the first in 1550, fifteen years before the conquest of filipinas, and the second in 1634, and both recorded in the royal decree of 1686, [84] given likewise for américa and all extended to the archipelago of legazpi. now then, much before those last dates, the augustinian order in its tenth provincial chapter, held may 9, 1596, in which the reverend father, fray lorenzo de león, was elected provincial, among the acts and resolutions which it established, which are capitular laws, compulsory on all the religious of the province, was the following: "it is enjoined upon all the ministers of indians, that just as the schoolboys are taught to read and write, they be taught also to speak our spanish language, because of the great culture and profit which follow therefrom." that document was providentially conserved in the secretary's office of the convent of san pablo in manila, notwithstanding the devastation which that convent suffered and the loss of precious documents during the english invasion. they did not cease to hope for the abundant fruits which resulted from such wise rules as the above, and the schools were created and continued to increase in a remarkable manner. in order that there might be uniformity in the method of teaching, in the augustinian provincial chapter, held in manila in august 1712, the practice of the ministry prescribed in the [provincial] chapter of april 19, 1698, was ordered to be observed in definite terms. that was directed even in the chapter held may 17, 1716, in which it was ordered by minute 21 that the provincial elect, reverend father fray tomás ortiz "should make a práctica del ministerio" [i.e., practice of the ministry] and after it was made to send it through the provinces, "so that all the religious might observe it;" he did that, signing the circular which accompanied said práctica, at tondo, august 10, of the abovesaid year. from this práctica, we copy the following paragraph in regard to the schools: "number 79. not only by a decree of his majesty, but also by his own obligation, the minister must use all diligence and care in promoting and conserving the schools for children in the villages. and when he encounters difficulty in this, it will be advisable, and many times necessary, for him to make use of the alcaldes-mayor, so that they may obtain by their influence what the ministers could not obtain in this matter by their own efforts. and if the parents refuse to send their children, the ministers shall also be able to inform the alcaldes-mayor [i.e., sub-alcaldes] of it in order that the latter may force them to do it. and above all, the minister ought to be very happy in contriving to conserve the schools, and in suffering with patience the great resistance which is found among the natives to the schools. it will be well to care for them with some expenses for their conservation, for they are very useful and necessary." beyond this valuable paragraph are prescribed the days for school and the hours and exercises in which the children are to be employed. this same práctica del ministerio remarkably increased by its author, the reverend father fray tomás ortiz, was printed in "manila, in the convent of nuestra señora de los angeles [i.e., our lady of the angels], in the year 1731," and we copy from it, for the eternal and most valuable testimony in proof of our assertion, the principal paragraph, which reads as follows: "158. the father ministers, in fulfilment of their duty, are obliged to procure, by all means and methods possible, and, if necessary, by means of royal justices, that all the villages, both capitals and visitas, shall have schools, and that all the boys attend them daily. if the natives of the visitas refuse or are unable to support schools, the boys of those visitas shall be obliged to go to the schools of the capitals, for in addition to the schools being so necessary as are attested by ecclesiastical and secular laws, the absence of schools occasions many spiritual and temporal losses, as is taught by experience. among others, one is the vast ignorance suffered in much of what is necessary for confession in order that they may become christians and live like rational people. "in order to be able to conquer the difficulties which some generally find in maintaining schools, it is necessary for the father ministers to procure and solicit two things: one is that ministers be assigned with salaries suitable for their support; the other is that the children have primers or books for reading and paper for writing. when these two things cannot be obtained by other means than at the cost of the father ministers, they must not therefore excuse themselves from giving what is necessary for the said two things. for, besides the fact that they will be doing a great alms thereby, they will also obtain great relief in the teaching of the boys, and will avoid many spiritual and temporal losses of the villages, to which by their office they are obliged. and if the end cannot be obtained without the means, so also the schools cannot be obtained without any expense, or the teaching of youth without the schools, or the spiritual welfare of souls without the teaching, etc. for the same reasons respectively, endeavor shall be made to maintain schools for little girls, which shall be held in the houses of the teachers where they shall learn to read and pray, for which great prudence is necessary." another very notable paragraph, in which are prescribed the days for school, attendance, method, subjects, etc., follows this paragraph which is worthy of the highest praise. that paragraph imposes the obligation on the children of great practical sense, that after "mass is finished (which they were to hear every day) they shall kiss the father's hand. by this diligence the latter can ascertain those who do not attend, and force them to attend, etc." in order that one may see the rare unanimity existing among the religious corporations in a matter as transcendental as is that of education, it is very fitting to transcribe here some paragraphs of the instructions which the reverend father, fray manuel del río, provincial at that time of the dominicans, gave to his religious under date of august 31, 1739, which were printed in manila in the same year, and which we have entitled práctica del párroco dominicana [i.e., practice of the dominican parish priest] as the valuable copy which we possess has no title page. it reads as follows: "the king, our sovereign, orders that there be schools in all the villages of the indians in order to teach them reading, writing, and the doctrine. in those schools the ministers must work zealously and earnestly, as it is a thing which is of so great importance for the education and spiritual gain of their souls. schools shall also be established in the visitas, especially if they are large or distant from the capital, and in those visitas which are furnished with no schoolteacher because they are small or near the capital, the lads shall be obliged to attend the school at the capital. all the lads, whether chief or timaoas, must attend the school, and they, and their parents or relatives must be obliged to do so, so that they may not be exempted from that attendance by any excuse or pretext, except the singers, who will be taught to read and write in the school of the cantors. for the more exact fulfilment of this, a list shall be made of those who ought to attend the school, and a copy of it shall be given to the said teacher. this shall be read frequently in the school, noting those who fail in order to punish them. "in order to maintain said schools and the attendance of the lads therein without the excuses which some generally offer of not having primers, pens, or paper for writing, it is necessary for the minister to solicit the one who has those things for sale in the village, for those who can buy them. those who find it impossible to do so shall be furnished by the minister with those articles by way of alms, and in that, besides the merit acquired by this virtue, he will gather the fruit of the welfare and the gain of their souls. "girls' schools shall also be formed by causing them to go to the house of their teacher, so that they may learn to read and sew, and also learn the doctrine. but they shall not be obliged to attend church daily, as are the boys, but only on saturday or any other day assigned for the reciting of the rosary and the examination in the doctrine." it is to be noted that both provincials, as well as their successors, imposed on their subjects the obligation to faithfully observe what is prescribed in the práctica and respective instructions, which the ministers of the lord fulfilled with especial solicitude and constancy, since only in this way could they gather the most copious fruits which we all admire. the unity of thought and action which the religious corporations had in a matter so primordial as is teaching is also to be noted. evidently it is to be inferred from those beautiful periods that the religious were trying to pay the teachers, having recourse even to the alcaldes when that was necessary; and when that could not be obtained they themselves paid the teacher the fruit of his labors as well as supplying also the children with everything necessary for their instruction, such as primers, books, papers, pens, etc. for that, no quota was put in the budget, since, as is seen, that most essential datum is not mentioned in the laws, ordinances, and royal decrees above given. it is also to be noted that, in the rules above cited, there is no mention of other than boys' schools, but none for girls, while all were alike considered, both of those of the capital or villages and those of the barrios, with an equal vigilance by our missionaries, who from the first, established compulsory attendance as absolutely indispensable, in contradiction to the old laws, in which was noted the tendency to liberty or non-compulsion, as is inferred from the royal decree of november 5, 1782, [85] given for charcas (méjico) and extended to filipinas confirmed by the law of june 11, 1815, which cites it in its two extremes. in this way those humble religious worked out the laws as much as possible, although it cost them much, by rectifying what was not viable and by supplying the deficiencies of those laws, especially in the matters pertaining to the salaries of the teachers, and payment for school supplies, which, on account of the scarcity of funds from the treasury, the legislature was compelled to establish as is established in this last royal decree above cited: "that, for the salary of teachers, the products of foundations, where there shall be any, be applied in the first place, and for the others, the products of the property of the community, in accordance with the terms of the laws." but since the foundations, in case there were any, existed only in the capitals, which were at the same time the episcopal residence, and the communal funds were in general exhausted, it was the same thing as determining that the parish priests would continue to pay the expenses from their poor living, or find some means which would give that so desired and difficult result. this penury of the treasury which was felt equally in españa and in filipinas obliged his majesty to extend to these islands the royal decree of october 20, 1817, which reads as follows: "the existing state of exhaustion of my royal treasury does not permit that so great a sum be set aside for the endowment of these schools as would be necessary for so important an object; but the convents of all the religious orders scattered throughout my kingdoms may in great measure supply this impossibility...." there was no need to put this royal decree in force in the filipinas, since, in the majority of the convents or parish houses, schools for boys had already been established in their lower part, and those for girls in the houses of the women teachers, and other houses made for that purpose. it is but right to note how much the missionary always labored for the education of the woman whose better gifts he recognized always. he created numerous schools for her instruction, and paid for them from his living, quite contrary to the total inattention which the administration paid to the schools and teachers for girls, until the regulations of december 20, 1863 were formulated, the eighth article of which orders that "there shall be a boys' school and another school for girls in every village, whatever its number of souls." article 2 of these regulations, [86] quite distinct from the path of the ancient legislation, recognized, in accordance with the conduct and laws of the religious orders, the necessity of establishing compulsion in primary teaching; and firm in this principle, it ordered that "the primary instruction should be compulsory for all the natives, to the degree that the inattendance of the child might be penalized by virtue of art. 2, with the fine of from one-half to two reals." neither is the legislation exclusive with relation to the study of castilian, as is seen by the context of its art. 3; it ordains education gratis to the poor by art. 4; and the well-to-do shall pay the teacher a moderate monthly fee, which shall be prescribed by the governor of each province, after conferring with the parish priest and gobernadorcillo. paper, copybooks, ink, and pens shall be given free to all the children by the teacher, who, at the proper time, shall receive for this service one duro per month, for every child who writes, in accordance with the ruling made by a decree of the superior government, february 16, 1867. very suitable measures were to be taken, all in accord with the action of the parish priest, in order not to give any occasion for fraud. that was a very well taken resolution, for it stimulated the zeal of the teacher, who received on this account a sum not to be despised, which, together with the quota of the well-to-do children and the monthly pay which he received, according to art. 22, consisting of 12, 15, and 20 pesos, according as the school of which he was in charge was entrada, ascenso, or término, he received a pay quite sufficient for his needs, enjoying in addition, by art. 23, a free dwelling-house for himself and family, and in due season the pension prescribed by art. 24. article 32 determines the powers of the parish priest as local supervisor, which, although they were conceded with a certain timidity, were perhaps believed to be excessive or unnecessary, and it seems its abolition was clearly agreed upon by art. 12 in declaring the municipal captain "supervisor of the schools." this blow must be judged as a very strong one in the lofty governmental spheres of the islands, for the genuine representation of the parish priests in the villages is one of the functions most natural to their charge, both as teachers of the catholic doctrine and ethics, and in the role of traditional supporters of the schools, although in art. 102 was established the following as an explanation to art. 12 of the decree: "without prejudice to the supervision which belongs in the instruction to the parish priests according to the regulations of december 1863, whose powers are not at all altered, the tribunal shall watch carefully over primary instruction; shall demand the teaching of castilian in the schools; shall oblige the inhabitants to send their children to them; and shall stimulate instruction by means of adequate examinations and rewards. said tribunal shall place in operation the most practical means for the diffusion of the spanish language among the inhabitants, deciding upon those means in meetings with the parish priests and the delegates of the principalía." at first view one observes the good desire which the author of said article shelters when he says that the powers conceded to the parish priest as supervisor of schools by art. 20 of the regulations of the same shall not be changed in any point, without perceiving that directly afterward it created another authority in opposition to that of the parish priest, if not with all the powers of the latter, because those which he possesses as teacher in ethics and the doctrine do not admit of transmission, yet clearly of all the others, and in them with prior rank. it is evident that, by the context of this article, the power of "watching carefully over primary instruction" is conceded to the captain, which is identical with the first part of art. 32 of the school regulations conceded to the parish priest which reads as follows: "to visit the schools as often as possible." this is the first part of that article, and the second part "and to see that the regulations are observed," whose art. 3 orders that "the teachers shall have special care that the pupils have practical exercise in speaking the castilian language," is of identical meaning and effect with the power conceded to the captain, which declares, "he shall demand that castilian be taught in the schools." this power is followed by those of "he shall compel the inhabitants to send their children to the schools, and shall stimulate instruction by means of adequate examinations and rewards;" both powers similar to those which are conceded to the parish priests by the third part of said art. 32, which declares, "to promote the attendance of children at the schools." to supplement this with the compulsory virtue, he is authorized by art. 2, explained and ratified in no. 3 of the decree of the superior government of august 30, 1867, to be able to admonish and compel parents, who are slow in sending their children to the schools, by means of fines from one-half to two reals, and that which is conceded to him, in accordance with annual examinations, by art. 13, and art. 7 of the decree of the superior government, of may 7, 1871, which declares: "the reverend and learned parish priests, accompanied by the gobernadorcillos and by the principalías of the villages, shall visit the schools monthly, shall hold examinations every three months, etc." by this one can see that the parish priest conserves the first place, even in this, over the gobernadorcillo and principalía, by whom he is accompanied, in order to give more luster to the ceremony. that happens in no act or meeting of the present municipality, in which the parish priest has no other functions than those of intervention and counsel, included in that which is signified in the last paragraph of the above-mentioned art. 102, which says when referring to the municipal captain: "he shall put in force the most practical means for the diffusion of the spanish language among the inhabitants, agreeing upon those means in meetings with the parish priests and delegates of the principalía;" and although it is established that the creation of the sunday schools of which art. 29 of the regulations speaks, which are also of the intervention of the parish priest, as are the boys' schools, falls completely to his share, as the means, if not sole, yet the one most efficacious and of practical application, it would result as in all the other powers which have been enumerated as conceded to the parish priest by the school regulations and to the captain by decree and municipal regulations--it would result, we say--at each step in an encounter and rivalry in which the parish priests would come out second best, for the simple reason, repeated to satiety in innumerable articles of the decree and municipal regulations, that the action of the parish priest is nothing more than supervision and counsel, [87] with the added abasement that "his presence shall not be included in the number of those who shall concur in the validity of the deliberations," as is prescribed by art. 49 of the decree and 64 of the regulations. sad then, is, and at once, graceless, the function of the parish priest compared to the action of the captain and of the board which is executive. it seems unnecessary to say that the action and powers of the parish priest in his duties as local supervisor of schools result in the theoretical legal sphere of action, completely null and void, and that action carried to the practical field of action exposes it to continual rivalries, numerous frictions, and even deep quarrels between two authorities, who in that, as in everything which belongs to the multiple affairs of the village, ought to be in perfect accord, as is demanded jointly by the lofty interests of religion and of the fatherland, of the spiritual welfare and of the material order and peace of the villages. and as that duality, besides being shameful and lowering for the parish priests, is inviolable, and since by another part art. 12 of the decree and 102 of the regulations, both above cited, in the form in which they have been compiled, do not fill any need or space, as all that which is ordained therein is a repetition of what has been already decreed, there is no reason for their existence, to the evident common harm, and to the small shame of the parish priest, who deserves eternal gratitude for his labors, for his solicitude, and for the zeal which he has ever displayed, and in the midst of the greatest sacrifices, for the instruction. nearly three centuries, since 1565, when the first augustinians, the companions of legazpi and salcedo reached the filipinas shores, until 1863, the year in which regulations were first made for primary instruction, outlined only hitherto in numerous laws and royal decrees which it was impossible to fulfil, as is proved, for almost three centuries, we say, of bold zeal bordering on the inconceivable, of constant anxiety and watching, of unusual effort, which borders on the heroic, and with remarkable expenses never paid back, ignored by most people, and recognized and praised by very few: are these not sufficient, not only so that the liberty to exercise the noblest charge which church and fatherland have confided to them for centuries in the teaching of the schools, which is intimately associated with the teaching in the pulpit, be conceded to the parish priests, but that also by justice illumined by gratitude, the necessary law, moral force, aid, and support, for the exercise, with perfect repose and without any impediment, and more, without any asperity and struggle, of that sacred duty so full of trouble and bitterness for him, so full of results most beneficial for religion and fatherland, be conceded to him? if, then, one desire to concede to the parish priest the position which is in justice due him in education, if there is to be granted to the missionary that which the most rudimentary gratitude urges, it is of imperious necessity that that mortifying and abasing duality be radically destroyed, for it renders useless all the energies of the parish priest supervisor, and stifles his noble and disinterested aid offered without tax for the service of the holy ideals of god and fatherland. perhaps the parish priest is deprived of this salutary intervention because such intervention is believed unnecessary, superfluous or prejudicial to the lofty interests of the fatherland or of the well-being of the native? today necessarily more than ever, through the deep-colored dripping of the blood of the insurrection, [88] one can see with the clearness of noonday that the intervention of the parish priest ought to be established in all the orders, in order that it might again take the lofty position which was overthrown thirty years ago. is it, perhaps, because the intervention of the parish priests will be a barrier, or obstacle, even to the sustained mark of true progress in education in general, or of castilian in particular? but this is perfectly utopian, and even an argument now of bad taste. the religious orders enemies of true progress! perhaps they are not the ones who in their teaching have created everything today existing in filipinas? are not the religious corporations those who have always formed their ranks in the vanguard of science, and today especially both in the peninsula, and in the magellian archipelago, do not numerous colleges nourish with special predilection on the part of the public? as an incontestible proof of this truth, let one concede without difficulty what shall afterwards be proposed as a supplement of that existing today. the argument of castilian is a mythical argument of more than long standing, since it has been proved quite clearly during the preceding centuries that there has been an absolute lack of material for teaching it. the patronizing enthusiasts of the castilian, who think it to be a panacea, so that the indian may learn everything and obtain the social height of the peoples of another race and of other capacities, and who are persuaded, or appear to be so, that "what is of importance above all else is that the indian learn castilian in order to understand and to identify himself with the castila," are laboring under a false belief. we sincerely believe that the native, if he once come to understand the castila in the genuine meaning of the word, will never come to identify himself with them. thus it was explained by a distinguished man of talent, both illustrious and liberal, don patricio de la escosura, [89] the least monastic man in españa and the one most favorable to the friars in filipinas of his epoch, as he himself declared in most ample phrase; a man of government and administration, who throwing aside as was proper the vulgar opinion that the friars were opposed to the teaching of castilian, assigned in his famous memoria on filipinas "of the parish priests, i say, little must be expected in this matter;" in order to affirm as follows: "and by this i do not pretend, and much less, deny to them their apostolic zeal, their desire for the common good, and the importance of the services which they have lent to religion and the mother country, and are lending and may lend in the future;" and adding some years later in his prologue to the small work recuerdos [i.e., remembrances] which could better be entitled infundios [i.e., fables] of señor cañamaque: "let the friars in the archipelago be suppressed, and that country will soon be an entirely savage region of the globe, where there will scarcely remain a vestige or perhaps a remembrance of spanish domination. that is a truth, for all those who know and judge impartially concerning the archipelago, of axiomatic authority." and that truth established, he immediately asked: "why then is not that force utilized, in whose existence and supreme efficacy all agree? why are not the friars charged as much as possible with the responsibility of the immense authority which they in fact exercise by associating them officially and in reasonable terms with the governmental and administrative action in filipinas?" why? for a very simple reason. because governments, like ministers of the crown and royal commissaries in filipinas, like señor escosura, suffer prejudices and embrace opinions so original and vulgar as that of the opposition of the religious corporations to the teaching of castilian, a universal panacea as abovesaid, to knowing everything, and which will enable the native to conquer every sort of obstacle; for this most clear talent, and we say it truly, caused to be based on the ignorance of castilian "so much ignorance and so absurd superstitions at the end of three centuries, and in spite of the efforts of the spanish legislator to civilize the indians. so long as the indian," he adds, "speaks his primitive language, it is approximately impossible to withdraw him completely from his prejudices, from his superstition, erroneous ideas, and the puerilities belonging to the savage condition. so long as he understands the castilian with difficulty, ... how can he have clear notions of his duties, and of his rights--he who cannot understand the laws more than by the medium of some interpreter?..." what candor and how little understanding of the native, or what excess of political or party idea! that illustrious statistician believed that the knowledge of castilian and the unity of the language could not be in any time a favorable base for the insurrection, which was one of the contrary arguments which he was opposing, for, he was asserting in general that "neither the population through its number, nor the native race through its nature and special conditions, are here capable of independence at any time. this country is not a continent, but an archipelago. its diverse provinces are for the greater part, distinct islands; ... and so long as there is a spanish military marine in these waters, supposing that any serious insurrection should arise (which seems to me highly improbable) there is nothing easier than to circumscribe it to the locality in which it should be born, and consequently to stifle it in its cradle." a few lines afterwards he says: "the indians here, i repeat, can never become independent. they feel that also for the present, although perhaps they do not understand it; and furthermore by instinct they prefer at all times spaniards to foreigners, on whom they look moreover with unfavorable caution." what an illusion, and what an enormous disillusion! how great would be the deception of señor escosura if he would come to life in his grave! without troubling us with the argument of the castilian, or taking into account the circumstances that he lays down in regard to the multiplicity of islands which are extremely unfavorable for their defense, according to his way of thinking, what would he say now if he lifted his head and observed that the knowledge of castilian has been considerably extended--perhaps four times as much as when he went as royal commissary to filipinas, in order to write that memoria; that, if not the lawyers, the men of most letters and knowledge of castilian, the intelligent, and those of the most cultured native society, in which figures a numerous pleiad composed of advocates, physicians, pharmacists, painters, engravers, normal and elementary teachers, municipal captains, past-captains, cuadrilleros, [90] and hundreds more of those who understand one another and are in the way of identifying themselves with the castila, as señor escosura would say, are the leaders, are those who captain and direct the enormous native multitudes who are related to them in thought and action, and stimulate and spread that bloody rebellion which is spreading through all the islands like an immense spot of oil, in spite of the fact that they are so numerous and are defended by a respectable squadron; of that insurrection, which scarcely born and without arms, presents itself powerful, and armed in the greater part of luzón and certain other provinces, and latent or masked in all the remaining provinces; of that insurrection which without any preamble of liberties, and of little more than two years of limited exercise of municipal autonomy, is beginning to proclaim and demand independence, and passing to active life is establishing a government and is exercising perfect dominion for more than one-half year in an entire province a few leguas from manila, at the very foot of a strong fort and under the fire of its arsenal, in spite of the numerous squadron which touches its coasts. what would the author of that memoria, abounding in liberties and so ample in his criticism, say? he would say much of that which he then censured in his opponents. he would ingenuously and solemnly assert in the face of the bloody panorama of so enormous hetacombs that he had been deceived, and he would even add that it is at least rash to sow the winds, which become, as a logical sequel, fatal whirlwinds to finish us; that the implanting of a certain class of reforms and liberties is a rash work; and would adduce the reason which he gave in the above-cited prologue when treating in regard to the difficulty of implanting with result in those islands "certain literary and scientific professions;" namely, "that given the physical and intellectual qualifications of their race, it would be rash to expect that they would ever compare with europeans. the indian learns much more readily than we do; but he forgets with the same readiness, and retrogrades to his primitive condition." it seems impossible how a man of so clear judgment and so exact concepts in regard to persons could stumble so transcendently as is found throughout in his memoria. how powerful is the strength of consistency. the political ideal, like the sectarian, annuls the deepest and most righteous convictions. but let us turn backwards a piece to pick up an end not allowed to fall to chance. we said that, as a proof that the religious orders have neither now nor ever been opposed to the teaching, one would concede without difficulty what we are going to set forth as a supplement of what exists today. it is known by all, and is demonstrated quite clearly, that the traditional laws for teaching, if admirably penetrated by the spirit, profoundly catholic, of their epoch, were very deficient, and in no small measure impracticable in filipinas, because they lack almost all the means indispensable for the happy attainment which legislators and missionaries ardently desired; equally notorious is it, and also demonstrated, that the absolute lack of legal rules and regulations to facilitate their obligation accentuated more strongly the deficiency of those laws. we say legal, because the few regulations that there were, and which were practiced, were those of which mention has already been made in the práctica del ministerio of 1712, circulated as was compulsory, by their provincial among the augustinian parish priests, revised in the provincial chapter of 1716, and amplified and printed in 1731; and the instrucciones morales y religiosas [i.e., moral and religious instructions], [91] printed in 1739 for the use of the dominican fathers--a lamentable lack which disappeared with the publication of the regulations of december 20, 1863. this law which was successively perfected by numerous decrees of the superior government of the islands, especially by generals izquierdo, gándara, and weyler, who were filled with the praiseworthy desire for the teaching; this law together with the opening of the suez canal, which has produced a notable increase in the european population, [92] and by this and by the facility of numerous communications and most valuable commercial transactions, has been an abundant fount of education and progress, which must be perfected and heightened so that what ought to be an abundant and beneficial irrigation for so valuable possessions may not be converted into a devastating torrent. but even after this which we might call a giant's step in the history of the filipinas, their progress and their relations with europa, within the islands even, very much still needs to be done. it is a fact that the coasting trade steam vessels have acquired an increase more considerable than could have been imagined twenty years ago, while the sail-coasting trade has not been diminished for this reason, but increased. but just as the maritime communications have acquired great facility, communications by land have deteriorated not a little, and the neighborhood roads of all the islands have been falling into complete neglect since the day when the days of forced labor began to be reduced, and this tax became redeemable [in money]. if the greater number of roads in good condition with their corresponding log bridges over the creeks and the simple plank over the narrow valleys are absolutely indispensable for commercial transactions, for the advisable development of primary instruction, the capital is the constant attendance of the children at the school. in order that this may be attained, it is quite necessary to construct those roads, for in their majority they have no existence, and where they have fallen into neglect they must be made passable alike for the dry season and for the rainy season, prohibiting and rigorously fining the owners of the adjacent fields who cut the roads in order to make fields or runnels of water for the same. this being done, it is equally necessary that the small barrios and isolated groups of dwellings be grouped together, thus forming large barrios; or those already existing be united in such manner that they form districts of seventy to eighty citizens as a minimum. not a little labor and repeated orders will it cost to form these groups, since it is known that the native feels as no one else the homesickness for the forest, an effect perhaps of his humid temperament, perhaps the reminiscence of his primitive condition; and when this is done, to establish municipal schools for both sexes in all the barrios which consist of more than one hundred citizens, or uniting two for this purpose, which are distant more than three kilometers from the central schools or from the village, which is the distance demanded by the law for the compulsory attendance of the children. these schools, with the necessary conditions of ventilation, capacity, and security, ought to be erected by the respective municipalities, in accordance with the simple lithograph plans which must be furnished gratis by the body of civil engineers which shall be conserved, as was formerly done, in the archives of said tribunals, in order that they might be used when the time came. the men and women teachers who shall be normal [graduates] shall have the option of petitioning these posts, and if they should not be supplied with them, the former teacher may petition them under the condition of capacity, which they shall prove by a preceding examination held before the provincial board of primary instruction, in case that they shall not already have stood a prior examination. both of them shall be suitably paid according to circumstances, and that quota shall be completed with another small particular quota from each well-to-do child. it is of great convenience for the ends of fitness, and especially of morality, that men or women teachers shall not be appointed either in the villages or in the barrios of the villages, without a previous report of the parish priests of their native towns, to the effect that they do not fall short of the age of twelve years, and naming the villages where they shall have been resident; and that the parish priests have the power of suspending them, according to the tenor of the second authorization of art. 32 of the school regulations and the superior decree of august 30, 1867, informing the provincial supervisor for the definitive sentence, if this last measure of rigor shall have been used; naming or recommending, according to the cases of casual or definitive suspension, the substitute with his respective pay. an unequivocal proof that the religious corporations not only are not trying to escape the instruction, but that they are promoting it with all their strength, is that they believe and sustain both in manila and in the provinces, numerous schools and refuges for both sexes. and so that so praiseworthy desires, as the said corporations are found to possess in this matter, may have a happy outcome, and so that the provinces may reckon an abundant seminary of the youth of both sexes, which in due time shall be converted into an intelligent and capable staff of teachers, which shall have as its base morality and unconditional love for españa, who shall cause those two sacred loves--love of virtue and love of fatherland--to spring up in the hearts of their pupils, not only should the above-mentioned corporations be empowered but also furnished all the means of establishing normal schools for men and women teachers in the principal provinces of the archipelago, under the direction and care of those corporations, in order by this means to assure the catholic and social education, which carry with themselves a deep and abiding love for españa. no one, in better conditions than the religious orders, who by means of the parish priests are at the front of the villages, can proceed with more accuracy and knowledge of the cause in the selection of the youth who shall people those schools, for no one, better than the parish priests, has a more perfect knowledge of the moral and intellectual conditions of those youth and of their inclinations and ancestral inheritance from their forbears, the absolutely necessary factors for obtaining the beneficent result which it is desired to obtain, namely, the most complete moral, intellectual, and truly conceived patriotic regeneration, profoundly disturbed by a not small number of causes, which rapidly developing within the envenomed surrounding of masonry, and powerfully pushed forward by that impious sect, have produced grievous days for españa and filipinas, in which the precious blood of their sons has been abundantly shed, causing thereby enormous expenses to the peninsula, and a half century of retrogression for the islands, together with the infamous blot of the highest ingratitude of its rebellious sons. now more than ever is this means of regeneration demanded. and we faithfully believe that that means of regeneration ought to be placed in practice as soon as possible, the government removing on its part every kind of obstacle, especially of documents and information. that is the point on which these initiatives are wrecked, or are indefinitely detained, as happened to the zealous and untiring señor gainza in regard to his school of santa isabel--the normal school for women teachers in nueva cáceres--who after having struggled for a long time in the offices of the superior government, of administration, instruction, and engineers, was compelled to resolve his cherished project by presenting it personally to queen doña isabel, who fully and kindly acceded to his supplication, and even thus with the valuable license of her majesty communicated in due form, that eminent prelate still met all sorts of difficulties, from the provincial chief, which only disappeared with his departure from the same. in order that these labors might have a homogeneous result and those normal schools respond efficaciously to the concept of the fatherland, it is not advisable that the instruction in them be given by others than spanish corporations, and consequently, by spanish religious, who are the ones who can really impress that love, prohibiting, as a consequence of this standard, the teaching of the schools already established, be they private or not, from being given in any other language than the spanish, or in ordinary conversation, that any other language than the castilian be used, without this at all preventing other languages from being taught. for the better order, progress, and homogeneity, it is indispensable that one bear in mind the capacity of the natives, in order to assign the list of studies which they are to take. that must be proportioned in all institutions to their nature, and those studies, as is evident, must be suppressed, which either give an unadvisable or useless result, because of being outside the intellectual sphere of the native. still more evident is the necessity of the instruction for the natives obeying a uniform plan of method and social education, in order to avoid ill feeling among the teaching communities, and peculiarities and comparisons, which by themselves are always odious, and which cause not a little mischief among the natives, who, if they are not distinguished by their character and reasoning, yet are by nature very observant, and lay great stress on all external details, so that without troubling themselves in seeking the cause, they form their opinion or standard; and from that time on they will not be inclined toward those things which the masons and separatists are pursuing with the greatest of rancor by finding in those same things more obstacles for the attainment of their evil purposes. the list of studies, as well as the method of teaching and of education will be the first and immediate end of the studies, opinion, and formula which the superior board of public instruction shall bear to its conclusion with singular interest. this board shall form the consequent schedules and above-mentioned methods, which it shall subject to the approbation of the general government of the archipelago. the abovesaid superior board may be composed of the following gentlemen: the archbishop of manila; the intendant of the public treasury; the president of the audiencia; civil governor of manila; secretary of the superior government; one councilor of administration; the provincials of the augustinians, franciscans, dominicans, and recollects; the rectors of the university, of the normal school, and of the seminary. to it shall be submitted the revision of the present schedules, both for the normal schools and in so far as the schedules of the studies of primary and secondary and higher education need to be revised; and at the same time the method of teaching and of education for both sexes, the execution of which, as i have just said, will be accomplished under the character of its importance and immediate necessity. the attention of every studious and observing man, who has lived in residence in the filipino provinces, is not a little struck by the excessive number of young men, who having taken more or less courses in manila, but without concluding the course begun, or even taking the degree of bachelor, after their parents have spent considerable sums on them, return to their villages with very little or no virtue, but with many vices. at first sight one notes in these young men an irritating radical attitude and a freedom mixed with unendurable arrogance and vanity. their fellow countrymen, whom they disdain because they possess, although in a superficial manner, the castilian speech full of phrases and sounds, which would make the most reserved viscayan laugh, and of high-sounding words which they use without understanding their real significance, immediately look up to them as so many senecas. they are persuaded that they are perfect gentlemen, for by dint of seeing them practiced they have learned a few social formulas; they wear a cravat, and boots, and pantaloons of the latest style. for the rest, they are completely devoid of fundamental knowledge, and of the fundamentals of knowledge in the studies which they have taken, and have acquired only a slight tint of the part, let us say the bark of those studies, which they conclude by forgetting in proportion as time passes and their passions increase. these young men who forget what they have learned with so great facility, do not, as a general rule, devote themselves to any work, for they do not like work and cannot perform any; for the habits that they have contracted are very different--habits of pastime, idleness, and the waste of their paternal capital. in such condition are those who, as a rule, furnish the contingent of the staff of those who are employed without pay, of aspirants, and amanuenses with little pay of the offices and municipalities, while the most intelligent and skilful devote themselves to making writs for parties in litigation, a very handy matter, and one never finished among the natives, not even by force of many deceptions and the loss of great interests. and that our opinion is not formed from the smoke of straw, and lightly, is proved by the numerous lists of matriculations which accompany the conscientious and well written memorials by trustworthy dominican fathers, especially those which were published in the years 1883 and 1887, because of the expositions of amsterdam and filipinas, in madrid. we cannot resist the temptation to transcribe here a valuable paragraph, which wonderfully meets our purpose. it is taken from the writing signed by the excellent dominican, father buitrago, for the last-mentioned exposition. it is as follows: "the first thing which offers itself to the consideration of the reader, is the multitude of the inscriptions of matriculation, and the small proportionate number of approvals. on this point, the first thing that offers is to investigate the causes of that disproportion, which is a great surprise to those who are ignorant of the special conditions under which secondary teaching in this country is found. many of the young men who matriculate for it, have scarcely any or no desire to obtain a passing mark in their courses, their only object being to learn the castilian language, and to know, in order that they may afterward occupy a more important position in their villages, some of the customs of the spaniards. those who come to manila with the decided intention of terminating a literary career are relatively very few. in this matter their families exact but little also. and then there is added the method of living in this place, crowded together in their greatest part in private houses under the nominal vigilance of their landlords or landladies, as they call the owners of the houses in which they are lodged. consequently, not few in this capital are reared in idleness and learn the vices of europeans without taking on their good qualities. the rector of the university can do nothing on this point, for the rules allow students to matriculate two or three times or even more often, in the same course, in spite of their not passing in it." before such an inundation of wise men, whose scholastic modesty suffers with a serene mind and with immovable resignation [resignación de estuco] three and more failures in one study, there is no other means, since the lash cannot be legally used, or the oak rod of the oldtime dominie, than to put in practice a salutary strictness in the examinations of the secondary education, and to revise the regulations more strictly, in order thereby to free the provinces of that inundation of learning which parches the fields for lack of arms to work them, uses up the savings of the wealthy families, fills the villages with vampires who suck the sweat of the poor or careless with impunity, increases the lawsuits and ill feeling in the villages, makes of the municipalities and offices a workshop of intrigue, and gives a numerous contingent to the lodges and to separatism. and as the above-mentioned author of the said memoria adds: "it is apparent to us at times that (the rector) actively negotiated to subject the lodging houses for students to one set of regulations, in order to watch over their moral and literary conduct better; but such efforts have had no result;" it is thoroughly necessary to create a law, in which the rector shall be authorized to extend his zeal, vigilance, and action to such houses, and also to subject all the day students of manila, without distinction of establishments, to the university police of the rector and his agents, reëstablishing in this regard the ancient university right. for that purpose, full powers ought to be given to the rector, so that, now by himself in faults of less degree, and now by the university council in the greater, he may impose academical fines, and even ask the aid of public force in case of necessity, beginning by demanding from each young man who wishes to matriculate, the certificate or report of good conduct given by the parish priest of the village whence he comes. this requirement is of exceptional advisability, not only for the general ends of the instruction, but also for the more perfect selection of the persons who, on devoting themselves to the noble employment of teaching, shall form the understanding and the heart of future generations. only in this manner can we succeed in getting the filipino youth to acquire the conditions and habits of morality and study, until they reach the end of their capacity. only in this manner can we succeed in giving to the fatherland, grateful children, to filipinas, honored citizens, to society, useful members, to families, children who honor the white hairs of their parents, and to the public posts a suitable staff, without pretensions, and faithful in the performance of their duties; and that they shall be consequently, fervent catholics, who shall never forget what the parish priest taught them when they were children, in his simple doctrinal lessons, and who shall be heard afterwards to repeat to their teachers, to bless the divine cross which illumined their intellects and saved their souls, and to bless españa, which amid the folds of its yellow banner or crowning its standards, brought the cross triumphant to those shores, and with it christian civilization and true progress. ii "until the end of the year 1863 in which was dictated the memorable royal decree, which established a plan of primary instruction in filipinas, and which arranged for the creation of schools of primary instruction in all the villages of the islands, and the creation of a normal school in manila, whence should graduate well-educated and religious teachers who should take the foremost places in those institutions, it might be said that there had been no legislation in regard to primary instruction in these islands. for, although it is certain that precepts directed to the attainment of education by the natives, and very particularly the teaching of the beautiful spanish language, are not lacking (some of those precepts being contained in the leyes de indias, and in the edicts of good government), it is a fact that those precepts are isolated arrangements without conclusions, the product of the good desire which has always animated the spanish monarchs and their worthy representatives in the archipelago for the advancement and prosperity of these islands, but without resting upon a firm foundation for lack of the elements for its existence. "before the above-mentioned epoch the reverend and learned parish priests of the villages came to fill in great measure and voluntarily the noble ends of propagating primary instruction throughout these distant regions by the aid of their own pupils, the most advanced of whom dedicated themselves to the teaching of their fellow citizens, although they received but very little remuneration for their work and care, and there was no consideration of teachers or titles which accredited them as such." [93] in fact the religious corporations in filipinas were those who busied themselves with the interest which the matter deserved in primary instruction, which was abandoned almost entirely by the authorities until the year 1863, notwithstanding the repeated recommendations, orders, and laws of our monarchs and of the councils of indias. the religious were the first teachers of primary letters in filipinas, as they were afterwards in secondary instruction, in the superior teaching with faculties, and in the principal arts and trades which the indians learned. by the advice of the religious, the villages constructed the first schools. the religious directed the works; they gave the instruction, until they had pupils who could be substituted for them and leave them free for the spiritual administration of the faithful; and they, the religious, paid the wages of those improvised teachers, without official title or character as such, but sufficiently instructed to teach the tiny people their first letters, and to succeed in obtaining that seventy-five per cent of the inhabitants [of the filipino village] might learn how to read and write correctly. señor hilarión, [94] archbishop of manila, was able to say to the most excellent ayuntamiento of that city when provincial of the calced augustinians: "there are multitudes of villages, such as argao, dalaguete, and bolhoon, in cebú, and many in the province of iloilo, in which it is difficult to find a single boy or girl who does not know how to read or write, an advantage which many cities of our españa have not yet succeeded in obtaining." the pay that the religious could give to the teachers educated by them was moderate, but in faith none of the detractors of the monastic corporations of filipinas had given as much, or even the half, for so beneficial a work. the religious not only provided large, roomy, and ventilated places for the primary instruction of the two sects, and acted as teachers until the most advanced pupils could use something of what was supplied them in teaching, but also provided the schools with the suitable and necessary furnishings in which the industry and genius of the parish-priest regular came to aid their pecuniary appeals and the absolute lack of the materials for teaching. there was no ink, paper, or pens. the first was not necessary for the new papyrus, which was no other than the magnificent leaf of the banana, and the pen was a small bit of bamboo cut in the manner of a pen. from each leaf of the banana they could get twenty or thirty pages of a larger size than those of iturzaeta. on the other side of the leaf, covered with fine down and smooth as that of velvet, the indians wrote their letters with the bamboo cut in the form of a pen or of the ancient stylus. what was thus written was not very permanent, nor was there any need that it should be, for the copy pages were not kept as a justification of the expenses of writing allowed by the teachers according to rule later, because of the distrustful or cautious official administration. since the material was plentiful and free the children were allowed to write as many pages as they wished. more, in fact, they would be seen seated and writing at all hours of the day, not only in their houses, but also in the square, in the street, on the roads, for in all parts they had ready at hand bananas and bamboos, and a stone or any other kind of an object was used as a desk. and, since the aptitude of the native filipino is so remarkable for imitation, and his patience so great, they did not stop their writing until they imitated ours with the greatest perfection. the religious also wrote the books and primers for their reading, formerly in manuscript, then printed in their own dialect, so that they might profit from the maxims and doctrine, and history and religion, in proportion as they became proficient in reading. notwithstanding, after 1863, when the government took charge of education, and the normal school directed by the jesuit fathers provided the villages with normal teachers under official title and pay, the religious ceased to continue to foment education in their villages, yet not only as local supervisors, with which character they were invested by the memorable decree of that date--the foundation of all the circulars, decrees, and instructions which afterward fell upon that historical document in a vast jumble--but also since the boys and girls of the barrios distant from the villages twenty kilometers and sometimes more, were not able on account of the distance to be present at the official school, did the parish-priest religious, attentive and vigilant, hasten in their anxiety to supply with their pecuniary resources the official deficiencies in every barrio or visita. they had schools built of light materials but solid and well built, in which teachers, both male and female, appointed and paid by the parish priests, gave primary instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic; and sewing and embroidery to the girls. finally, the parish priests also supplied them with paper, pens, ink, books, thread, needles, and all the other materials needed in teaching. the said schools were visited by the parish priests, if not periodically, yet whenever the duties of their ministries would permit. all the boys and girls of the nearby barrios attended those schools. every sunday after mass, masters and mistresses, with their respective scholars presented to their parish priests their copy books, sums, sewing, and embroidery, which they had made during the week. in order to comprehend the significance of all that has been set forth to this point, one must bear in mind that the population in filipinas is found much scattered in groups of houses called barrios or visitas, more or less densely populated, and separated by a greater or less distance from one another. so true is this that of the fourteen thousand inhabitants of the village of ogton, verbi gratia, scarcely four thousand lived within the radius of the village. this scattering of the inhabitants throughout the jurisdiction of the villages, if it were meet and convenient at the beginning of the conquest, in order that the barrios or the visitas might become the nucleus of future villages, yet had no reason for existence, during the last half of the past century in the very densely populated provinces like that of iloilo and others. the inhabitants of the barrios distant from the village, from authority, and from the parish priests, could not be watched and attended to by the paternal solicitude of the latter, so much, or so well as those of the village, who lived under his immediate eye. many of the priests themselves were suspected by the authorities as breeders of evil doers and criminals, for in the distant barrios people of evil life gathered, combined their thefts, and concealed the thefts. they were the pests of the civil guard and of the local authorities, and the constant preoccupation of the parish priests who saw that they were not fulfilling their religious duties as good christians, and who, in order to administer the sacraments to them, had to go on horseback, by chair [horimon] or by hammock, whether it rained in torrents, or the equatorial sun melted their brains. many times, and in distinct seasons and occasions, the superior authority of the islands ordered that the barrios be incorporated into the villages. not being able to succeed in that, they ordered the small barrios to be fused into the greater, and roads to be opened which would put them in communication with the mother village. not even this could they obtain because of the inborn passivity of the indians. the one most harmed by that order of things was the parish priest who had the duty of watching over those scattered sheep, and giving them the food of the spirit to the danger of his health, and the exhaustion of his purse, by paying the wages of the teachers and for the materials used in teaching for the schools of the barrios. [95] when the schools were already running with regularity, and the fruits which were produced under the accurate direction and immediate inspection of the parish priests were plentiful, the superior government of the islands took possession of the department of education, and in the above-mentioned decree of 1863, gave official character to the schools instituted by the parish priests. it conceded titles as teachers ad interim to those who were then in charge of the schools appointed by the religious. it assigned them a moderate pay, but one much greater than that received from the parish priests, whose resources were certainly very meager, and with which they had to attend to other duties which their ministry imposed on them. but the government left in most complete abandonment the settlement of the barrios composed generally of two-thirds of the total number of souls. we have already related how and in what manner the parish priests supplied the governmental omission. teachers ad interim were gradually substituted by the normal teachers as they graduated from the normal school. indeed in the last years of the past century there were but few schools not ruled over by teachers of the normal school. did education gain much by the semi-academical title of the new teachers? did the language of the fatherland become more general? at first, we must reply with all truth that while the normal teachers remained under the immediate supervision of the parish priests, authorized by the official rules to suspend them and fashion them suitably, education made excellent progress. but when they were emancipated from the supervision of the parish-priest religious by the decree of sad memory countersigned by señor maura in 1893, creating the municipalities to which passed the supervision and management of the schools and the teachers, education went into a decline. [96] the presence of the children became purely nominal in the triplicate report which the masters and mistresses sent monthly to the government of the province. that report had to be visoed by the parish priests, but the governors received and approved them without that requisite, disdaining and despising the signature of the parish priests. in that the latter understood that the visto bueno [i.e., approval] was a farce, which, taken seriously, lessened the reputation of and gained ill will for them, without any profit to the teachers and municipal captains. consequently, it was all the same for the results whether they signed the said reports, or did not sign them. but if was painful to contemplate the empty benches in the school, from which those regular and interminable rows of four hundred or five hundred boys, and two other rows of as many or more girls, reduced afterwards to two or three dozen at the most, no longer went to the church after the afternoon class. that happened and we have seen it. it was one, and not of the least serious, misfortunes that came upon the country because of the unfortunate decree in regard to the filipino municipalities. on the creation of the normal school the government proposed as its principal object the rapid and quick diffusion of castilian as the bond of union between the mother country and the colony. the end was good and praiseworthy, but a mistake was made in the means by which it was to be obtained, for those means were neither sufficient nor efficacious. departing even from the false supposition that all the normal teachers constantly directed their efforts to teaching castilian to the children, nothing serious and positive could be obtained. in the schools the children read and wrote in castilian, learned the grammar by heart, and some teachers gave the explanation in castilian also. the teacher asked questions in castilian, and the scholars replied in certain dialogues, which they learned by heart. [97] but what was the result? the children did not understand one iota of the master's explanation. they answered in the dialogue like parrots, and the few phrases which they learned in the harmonious language of cervantes, they forgot before they reached home, if not in the very school itself, because they did not again hear them either when playing with their comrades or in their homes, or in the school itself. for the constant and daily presence in the school left much to be desired, especially during the last decade of spanish rule. before the creation of the municipalities to which señor maura gave the local supervision of the schools, the parish priests visited them frequently. every afternoon when the boys and girls were dismissed from school they went to the church in two lines, and the parish priest observed and even counted the number of those who were present, and when many of them were absent, they asked the teachers for their report of the absent children, called on their parents, and with flattery, admonitions, or threats, succeeded in getting the latter to see that their children were punctual in attendance. furthermore, they clothed at their expense the poor boys and girls who excused their non-attendance at school because they had no pantaloons, or were without a skirt with which to cover the body. later, with the municipalities, neither the municipal captains nor anyone else took care of the daily attendance of teachers and scholars in the school. if primary instruction in filipinas had gone on in this way for considerable time it would have pitifully retrograded. we have already seen the intervention which the parish priests had in primary education before the decree of 63, after that date, and also after the never sufficiently-deplored decree in regard to the municipalities, proposed for the royal signature by the then minister of the colonies, don antonio maura, in 1893. but, notwithstanding that, there are many spaniards who blame the parish-priest religious for the ignorance of the indians of castilian. why this charge, both gratuitous and unjust? some have argued that the parish priests should personally teach castilian to the native children. in order to understand the absurdity of so great a pretension, one need only bear in mind that the parish-priest regulars in filipinas had in their charge the spiritual administration of the villages, the number of souls in the smallest of which was not less than six thousand, and for the greater part reached ten thousand, fourteen thousand, and even twenty thousand, and more. for that work only a few parish priests had a coadjutor, and those among the tagálogs, two or three indian coadjutors, who aided them in the administration of the sacrament to the well and sick. it was also the duty of the parish priest to reply to consultations, give advices, direct communications, exercise the duties of alcaldes, justices of the peace, decisions, etc.; for in all that they had to take action, as neither the municipal alcalde nor the justice of peace of the village understood castilian, and least of all, understood the orders, reports, acts, and measures. and it is asked us, if, after attending to so varied occupations, some peculiar to their ministry, others imposed by charity and by necessity, the parish priests would have time, willingness, or pleasure, in officiating as masters of castilian without pay; however, there is still more. the parish priests were the local presidents of the boards of health and of locusts, public works, industrial and urban contribution, citizen and tributary poll, etc., etc., and we are asked, i repeat, if with all these trifles and mummeries the parish priest would have time even to rest, at the very least. others carried their pretension even to meddling with sacred matters of the temple and interfering with the parochial dwelling, demanding from the parish priests that the theological moral preaching, and the explanation of the christian doctrine be in castilian, as if it were the duty of the parish priest to please four deluded people, and not to instruct his parishioners who, not understanding castilian, would have obtained from the catechism and from the sermon that which the negro did from the story. the same is true of the demand that the religious should address their servants in our beautiful language. seeing that the indian servants did the reverse of what their spanish masters ordered them, and seeing the desperation of the latter for the said reason, why should the religious have to be subjected to like impatience when they could avoid it by addressing their servants in their own language? so general was the opinion that the religious were opposed to the indians learning castilian that governor-general despujols, in his visits to the ilonga capital, apostrophized the parish-priest religious harshly, who had gone in commission to salute him. "you," he said to them, "are the ones who oppose the diffusion of castilian in the country." such were the words of that catalonian, who claimed that a colony separated from the mother country by thousands of miles, and almost abandoned for that reason until the opening of the isthmus of suez, should know and speak the castilian, which is not known or spoken as yet in cataluña, or in other provinces of españa. it was very convenient for the spaniards who went to filipinas on business or as employes, and even necessary for them to understand the indians, and they demanded that the latter learn castilian. it was also very convenient and comfortable for the religious, since the learning of a dialect of the country cost them at least a year's study and practice. but was it not easier and more just that forty or fifty thousand spaniards learn the language of the country since they needed it to live and do business in it, than to make six or seven millions of indians, very few of whom needed to know it, learn spanish? father zúñiga [98] already declared in his time: "it has been ordered that books be not printed in the tagálog language, that the indians learn the doctrine in the castilian language, and that the fathers preach to them in that language. the religious, in order to observe that command preached to them in spanish and in tagálog, but to ask them to confess some indians who only knew the doctrine in a language which they did not understand and that the parish priests should be satisfied by preaching to their parishioners in a language of which the latter were ignorant, was almost the same as asking them for that which diocletian asked from the christians, and they would rather die willingly before fulfilling it.... in order that one may see the inconsistency of those who rule, it is sufficient to know their method of procedure in regard to plays. these indians, as i have said, are very fond of plays, and the most influential people are those who become actors. since such people do not generally know the castilian language, they petition that they be allowed to play in their own language, and there is not the slightest hesitation in allowing plays in the tagálog language in all the villages of this province, even in that of binondo, which is only separated from the city [of manila]. "and it is asked that the parish priests preach in spanish!" [99] in 1590, we find in the records of our province the following most note-worthy minute of the provincial chapter: "likewise, it shall be charged upon all the ministers of the indians that, just as the lads of the school are taught to read and to write, they also shall learn to talk our spanish tongue because of the great culture and profit which follow therefrom (archives of st. augustine in manila)." this was the rule made by the augustinian fathers in 1590, and still there are some who accuse the religious of having been opposed to the diffusion of castilian in filipinas. the decree in which the religious were charged to teach castilian in the kingdoms of indias is as follows: "by don felipe iv, in madrid, march 2, 1634; and november 4, 1636, law v. that the curas arrange to teach the indians the castilian language and the christian doctrine in the same language. "we ask and charge the archbishops and bishops to provide and order in their dioceses the curas and instructors of the indians, by using the gentlest means, to arrange and direct all the indians to be taught the spanish language, and that they be taught the christian doctrine in that language, so that they may become more apt in the mysteries of our catholic faith, and profit for their salvation, and attain other advantages in their government and mode of living."--book i, título xiii. "we could cite other dispositions [100] but these are sufficient to cause the noble propositions of our governors-general and the first apostles of christianity in that country to be appreciated. apart from the fact that in former times the friar could not alone carry the weight of the extraordinary labor, which is inferred from the teaching of a language which can be contained in the head of but very few indians, the aspiration that our language supplant the many which are spoken in filipinas can be only completely illusory." we cannot resist the desire to reproduce here some paragraphs of the carta abierta [i.e., open letter] which was directed through the columns of la época by señor retana to don manuel becerra, who was then minister of the colonies. [101] "i do not see, señor don manuel, that a single spaniard exists who would not be delighted to know that peoples who live many leguas from ours use the spanish language as their own language. why should we not be proud when we are persuaded that in both americas live about forty millions of individuals who speak our beautiful language? consequently, i esteem as most meritorious that vehement desire of yours to effect that there in filipinas the malays abandon their monotonous and poor dialects, and choose as their language that which we talk in castilla. very meritorious is it in fact among us to sustain so fine a theory; and i say, among us, for if you were english and set forth your laudable propositions in the house of lords, or the house of commons, of diffusing the language of the mother-country among the natives of unequal colonies, you may be assured, señor becerra, that on all sides of the circle there would come marks and even cries of disapproval. for it is a matter sufficiently well known in great britain and in holland; and in a certain manner in france also, it is not maintained, not even in theory, that it is advisable for the conquered races to know the language of the ruling race. the great macaulay, a liberal democrat, freethinker, a sincere and enthusiastic man, published his desire that christianity be propagated in india, but he never spoke of a propagation of the english language in the hindoostan empire. "think, señor don manuel, and grant me that if it were possible to please all the spaniards to have our language propagated in all quarters of the world, there may be some persons who, thinking like the english, may conceive that that propagation would be unadvisable, from the viewpoint of politics. "but by deprecating such tiquis miquis [102] since i hold, so far as i am concerned, that today our fellow countrymen who think in the english fashion in this manner are exceptional, let us come to the real root of the matter. it is an easy thing for you, don manuel, to see that it is practicable in a brief space of time to place the castilian in the head of seven millions of filipino indians. permit me to make a citation which is of pearls. not many months ago the director of the royal college of the escorial, or, to be more explicit, fray francisco valdés, a man of superior talent who has lived in filipinas for eighteen or twenty years, said: 'our language cannot be substituted advantageously for the tagálog, so long as the social education of that people does not experience profound and radical transformations.' and the same author adds: 'and since the total transformation of the customs and manner of living of a race is not the work of one year, much less of one century, hence, our firm conviction that great as may be our strength and much as the fondness of the indian for castilian may be exaggerated, the latter will never be the common idiom of filipinas.' "do you think of tearing out the entrails of seven millions of individuals by giving them other new ones in this manner all at once? for the peculiar idiom is born in the peculiar country, and develops with the individual, and there is no human strength, which in many years can tear it out. at one step from us lie cataluña and vascongadas, where no success is had in making the speech of cervantes common to individuals for whom the resonant drapery of our rich language is very loose, and whom it suffocates. much less could it be so [in filipinas]! "those who make the greatest propaganda are not, indeed, the masters. as many masters as there are in cavite, there are in bulacan, for example, or more, and in cavite the people talk fairly good castilian, while in bulacan they scarcely talk any. why? because in cavite there are many spaniards who live there, while in bulacan there are perhaps not fifty. for the rest another citation and the conclusion. the famous student of filipinas, now the bishop of jaca, fray francisco valdés, says: 'there are many indians who come to know quite well the material of the spanish word; but the internal signification and the logical character of our beautiful language is for them an undecipherable secret. our meanings [giros] and phrases are opposed to their peculiar fashion of conceiving and correlating ideas. from this discrepancy in the association of ideas, they produce literary products as nonsensical as the one below. this example is chosen from among innumerable others of the same kind, as it is the work of a master who passed among those of his class and was really one of the best instructed. the matter is an invitation elegantly printed and gotten up on the occasion of the mass called vara which the gobernadorcillos usually cause to be celebrated with great pomp on that day when they receive from the governor the vara or staff of command. it is as follows: on the nineteenth day, in the morning, and of the present full moon, the mass of my vara will be held in this church under my charge, for god has gratuitously granted me this honorable charge. i invite you, therefore, to my house, so that from that moment the vacancy of my heart having been freed, it may become full by your presence, until my last hour sounds on the clock of the eternal.'" come now don manuel, what do you say to this? [103] "we might extend our remarks to much greater length [104] in this important matter in order to prove that the 'ordeno y mando' [105] of those who govern always falls to pieces before insuperable difficulties, and therefore to accuse the religious of being the reason why castilian is not popular in filipinas when we have the most eloquent data that in the villages ruled by secular priests of the country, there is less castilian spoken than in the parishes ruled over by the friars, is an immense simplicity into which only the malevolent can fall or those who do not know those races by experience.--consult barrantes's la instrucción primaria en filipinas; and father valdés's el archipiélago filipino." [106] if the spanish government desired that the castilian language be rapidly diffused in filipinas, the normal school or the teachers who graduated from it were not the most efficient and suitable means, but the establishment in the filipino villages of five hundred thousand spanish families. the servants of those families, and familiarity and converse with the native families would have done in a short time, what never would have succeeded by means of the normal teachers, and which the other educational schools in which the native dialects would not be allowed to be spoken, would have taken centuries in obtaining. it was observed that in the ports and in the capitals where the spanish element was numerous, almost all the indians spoke castilian. consequently, this same thing would have happened in the villages in which fifty or one hundred spanish families would have been settled. neither was it the mission of the parish-priest religious to teach castilian to the indians, nor did they have time to dedicate themselves to it. neither would they have succeeded in that in a long time, not even with all their prestige and competency. nor did they need as parish priests that the indian should know castilian, although as spaniards they desired it, and very greatly. for, very strongly did it come to them that language, religion, and customs, are strong chains which united mother countries to colonies. no one could be in a position to know the needs of the country, to feel its forces and appreciate its progress as could the parish-priest religious. individual members of respectable communities consecrated to the spiritual and material happiness of the indians, passed, but the spirit which guided their footsteps toward so noble an end, without separating itself any distance from the preconceived plan, always existed. when the opportunity to give greater amplitude to education, and to open up new and vaster horizons to the studious youth of the country, came, the parish priests were the ones who recognized that need and satisfied it. by a royal decree of june 8, 1585, king don felipe ii arranged for the foundation of the college of san josé, which was destined for the education and teaching of the children of spaniards resident in filipinas. lessons in latin, rhetoric, and philosophy, were given in that college by distinguished jesuit fathers. the restrictions placed as to the number and quality of the pupils did not satisfy the need for more centers of learning, which the filipino youth urgently demanded within a little time. his excellency, the archbishop of manila, señor benavides, a dominican, projected the foundation of the college of santo tomás, aided by his excellency, don fray diego de soria of the same order, bishop of nueva segovia. [107] with the one thousand pesos fuertes donated by señor benavides and the four thousand by señor soria, and the acquisition of the libraries of both, the works were commenced in the year 1610. in 1617, the college was in condition of being admitted as a house by the province of the dominican fathers in the islands. in 1620, having been provided with professors, it opened its halls to the filipino youth without distinction of race. king don felipe iv took the college under his special protection by a royal decree of november 27, 1623. some years later, its royal protector obtained from his holiness, pope innocent x, the fitting bull given november 20, 1644, by which the said college was erected into a university, and the latter decorated with the honorable titles of royal and pontifical. by a royal decree of may 17, 1680, it was admitted solemnly under the royal protection, and his majesty, the king, was declared its patron. by another royal decree of december 7, 1781, the statutes approved by the government of the colony, october 20, 1786, were formed. it continued and is at present in charge of its founders, the learned and virtuous dominican fathers. that royal college and pontifical university has a rector religious, and all the professors except those of medicine and pharmacy are also dominicans. the studious youth who saw in the new center of teaching the glorious future which invited them by the golden laurels of learning, came in crowds to fill the cloisters of the new university, which, narrow and reduced for containing within their halls so many young men desirous of learning and instruction, begged the aid of another institution which should share with the university in the task of the teacher. the time urged, the necessity was pressing, there was no time to think of the construction of a new edifice for circumstances did not permit it. then there was fitted up as a college the school of primary instruction instituted by the illustrious spaniard, don gerónimo guerrero, of glorious memory, whose name should pass to posterity so that he may be blessed eternally by spaniards and filipinos, since he dedicated his wealth, his labors, and his care to their instruction and education, not only instructing them in the primary letters, but also supporting them and clothing them with his own resources and with the alms which other charitable persons who were desirous of contributing in so deserving a work gave him. the efforts of that remarkable spaniard deserved the protection of the government of the mother country and the support of the council of indias. the king remunerated them by granting him an encomienda in ilocos as an aid in that blessed establishment, and god rewarded it by conceding him the religious vocation which induced him to take the habit in the order of the dominican fathers. he ceded to the latter his schoolhouse, his encomienda, and all his goods, with the sole condition that the said fathers were to take charge of the gratuitous education and teaching of the poor spanish and native boys. the condition having been accepted by the dominican fathers the schoolhouse of the worthy spaniard and now virtuous religious was erected into a college under the advocacy of san juan de letrán, july 18, 1640, by license from the governor-general and from the archbishop. since that college was a school, it had also as its object the elemental instruction and education of abandoned and poor children, in order to make of them good citizens and excellent military men for the defense of the plaza of manila, and the colony. erected into a college, the students continued therein the study of philosophy, theology, and canons, in order that those who showed aptitude and merited that dignity, might be ordained as priests. later, all the young men who cared to devote themselves to the study of secondary education were admitted as pensioned inmates. at the end of that course, and after they had taken their degree, they went to the university of santo tomás to take up the higher branches. the above-mentioned college was always very useful and commendable. a blessed asylum in its origin, it has always been until today the institution of secondary teaching in which the dominican fathers, subjecting themselves rigorously to the urgent, although ancient plan of studies, have been able to mold themselves to the peculiar capacity of the natives, directing with exquisite prudence, their native qualities to the professional studies which most harmonize with them. thus, in proportion as the necessities for education were exacting, the monastic orders, ever attentive to every movement which could be of interest to the colony, continued to create centers of instruction: the jesuit fathers in the ateneo and in the normal school in manila; the dominicans in the university, letrán, and dagupan; the franciscans, in camarines; the augustinian recollects, in negros; the calced augustinians founded in iloilo colleges of secondary education directed by themselves, which promised to be the dawn of a new era of civilization and culture, if the last indian rebellion, provoked by the obstinate governors and supported by the americans had not caused its ruin with a secular work, the wonder of the world, with the colleges, with the spanish domination, with the country, and with all the existing things gained quietly yet at the cost of great hardships, and of enormous sacrifices in self-denial and virtue. [108] the weak sex also were attended to according to their merits by the religious orders. from before the middle of the eighteenth century dates the institution of the school of santa rosa, or of mother paula, as its foundress was called. she was a religious of the tertiary branch of st. dominic, who went from cataluña to manila to consecrate herself to the welfare of her own class. having arrived at manila, she saw that the greatest benefit which her flaming charity could produce was the education and instruction of the young indian women. in reality, she labored with pious and burning zeal, until she obtained a house, in which she made the foundation of the beaterio school in which the young indian women received a christian education. in the holy fear of god, they learned the doctrine and exercised themselves in the labors peculiar to their sex, in order to later dedicate themselves to god and to the moral education of their sex, or to become married, in which estate they gave application and example of the excellent maxims and sane principles which they learned from their glorious foundress. mother paula endured many persecutions which she suffered with resignation and patience. she gave her name to the beaterio, which continued as an educational institution and as a retreat for the girls who desired to embrace it temporarily. before the beaterio of santa rosa, or of mother paula, was founded that of santa catalina de sena. the former was the complement of the latter, which in its beginning only took charge of the education of young spanish women, it is said that its foundation was due to a certain number of women of the tertiary branch of st. dominic who retired to a house in order to devote themselves to pious exercises, and from which they went out only to hear mass. others attribute the foundation of that beaterio school in 1696 to the solicitude of mother francisca del espiritu santo, and to the reverend father, fray juan de santo domingo. the illustrious author, fray joaquin martinez de zúñiga, recognizes as foundress of that beaterio in 1694, doña antonia esguerra, but from any of those three opinions which we follow it will always result that the said beaterio school of santa catalina de sena was dedicated from its beginning to the education and teaching given by women religious to the spanish girls primarily, and admitted afterwards into its classes indian and mestizo girls. all learned to read, write, reckon, and the work peculiar to their sex. the prodigious increase of the filipino population and of the general prosperity of the country, and even more the advanced extension made by culture in all social classes made the above-mentioned beaterio schools insufficient, and, just as other monastic orders came to the aid of the dominican fathers when the needs of the times demanded it, so also, the sisters of charity came to the aid of the tertiary mothers, and founded the schools of luban and concordia in manila, in tuguegarao, pangasinan, camarines, iloilo, cebú, and ilocos-sur. the monastic orders, charged with the superior rule of almost all the literary profession, directors of the scientific movement of the country, could not have forgotten one class of the greatest utility at any time of the scarcity of religious, although it never corresponded as it ought to the desires of its professors, or to that which the high spiritual interests of the church and of the faithful demanded and hoped from it. the bishops of the country all proceeding from the monastic cloisters founded the conciliar seminaries directed by religious of all the orders, in which the native clergy was educated, instructed, and formed, as an aid to the regular clergy in the beginning, and as parish priests and administrators after the missions and ministries surrendered to the miters by the religious orders. all the above-mentioned centers of education gave a suitable increase for the end for which they were created. all attained in a short time so high a degree of splendor, that but seldom or never is seen in cultured europa. they counted their regular pupils by hundreds, and their day pupils by thousands. the confidence of the families in the solid instruction and morality of the religious professors, in the method and facility in the explanation by expert professors who knew the qualities and defects of the scholars, and even the language of the country, and in the moral and religious regimen to which they rigorously submitted both regular and day pupils contributed to so happy a result. with respect to the condition of education in the last third of the past century, some affirm that it was highly satisfactory, while others have asserted that its backward state and abandonment were pitiful. if we consider that the courses were made, if not by the rule of the statutes approved by the general government of the colony, october 20, 1786, at least by a plan of almost as respectable an antiquity, the secondary and university education had to result as deficient for modern times. if we add the small capacity of the indians for the sciences, the chronological defects will show up more clearly through the little gain of the scholars in spite of the enlightened efforts of the eleven doctors, and eighteen licentiates of the royal and pontifical university of santo tomás. as if led by the hand we have now come to touch upon one of the filipino problems discussed so often and with so great heat, and yet without result to the satisfaction of all. we speak of the aptitude and capacity of the indians for the letters and sciences. has the filipino indian that aptitude and sufficiency? before entering fully upon the question, we ought to advise that we have lived in several visayan villages for the space of twenty-three years; that we speak the language fluently; that, as a parish priest, we have necessarily had among our duties to treat with indians of all social classes, from the most enlightened to the rudest; that we have merited their confidence; that we have studied them and observed them at their domestic fireside and in public life; that we know their customs, their passions, their defects, and their good qualities. and if all this, and much more which we could add, is not sufficient to form an exact and definite judgment on the nature of the indian, we will say that we have consulted the experience of our predecessors, and the parish-priest religious brothers of the habit, friends, and associates who took part in the sacred ministry in villages of other provinces, and we have found our opinions upon this particular in accord with their more valuable opinions. we will say also, in order that our opinion may not be censured as partial, that by the divine grace we wear the habit of our glorious founder, st. augustine, the wisest and most universal of the holy fathers, the great figure of the fourth century, the wonderful ancient author, the admiration of the moderns, from whom we have inherited our love for study and the sciences, which with prayer and contemplation constitute the foundation and essence of our institute, as it was founded by a saint consecrated all his life to letters and converted to the faith by means of a book: tolle lege; tolle, lege. [109] lastly, we advise that the order of st. augustine, to which i have the good fortune to belong, also built a school in iloilo, dedicated to secondary education, in which it spent huge sums to make it the equal of the best schools of europa. now then, having set forth these preliminaries, we enter upon the question. more than two centuries ago, the university and the colleges of san josé, and san juan de letrán, in manila, opened their halls to the filipino youth. the indians annually matriculated by thousands in the various courses which were taught by erudite professors. how many scientific notabilities have resulted from the natives up to the present from the university cloisters? how many indian theologues, canons, philosophers, moralists [have graduated] from the conciliar seminaries? not even one by exception, which usually is found in any general rule. at the most we have heard of some good advocate, of some regular theologue, of some mediocre canon, of some advanced pharmacist, or of some clever physician. but those whom we can consider as exceptions to the rule, never reach the top rank of their equals in other countries. this lack is not attributed to the professors, for they were always picked men, and in the university of manila, the present bishop of oviedo, señor vigil, his excellency, the lately deceased cardinal ceferino, the archbishop of manila, father nozaleda, the illustrious father orias, and very many other dominican fathers who were the honor of their order, of their country, and of all the monastic orders, shone pre-eminently for their learning. we recognize more sufficiency in the european mestizo and the sangley or chinese mestizo, than in the pure-blooded indian; and the mestizos of those races are the ones who distinguish themselves, some notably, as authors, advocates, physicians, canons, and among other literary professions, in which not one single pure-blooded indian has been found. what does this signify, if not that the deficiency exists in the race, and not in the professors or in the books. [110] when we have tried to demonstrate to them some abstract truth, a mystery, a catholic dogma, some philosophical thesis, with the greatest simplicity, clearness, and precision, we have observed that the attention of the indian, excited and sustained at the beginning, gradually diminished, his eyes wandered, his distraction was manifest. giving another turn and another form to the exposition, we have succeeded in awakening those sleepy or tired minds, but always for only a few moments. by one example we obtain more than by the most exact dissertations, and by the most clear explanations; for their childish minds, their excessively acute sensibility needs something palpable to bring some light to the darkness of their understandings. we have observed that phenomenon also in the rude as well as the instructed indians who had learned to reason by logic, and have cultivated the mind by study as far as their mental strengths can go. it must be inferred then that the filipino indian is a grown-up child. as a child he cannot go beyond the elemental in the sciences, for his most limited understanding cannot mount in its flight to the heights of the metaphysical. examples, similes, and metaphors are the indirect means to make him understand the intangible, the spiritual, and the abstract. there can be no luminous philosophical dissertations, or brilliant theories, or abstruse problems, but examples, many examples to make him perceive the truth and the essence of things, causing him to touch, feel, and perceive, with eyes, ears, touch, and the other bodily senses. there have not been lacking those who have attributed the incapacity and insufficiency of the indians to intellectual laziness which corresponds to the laziness peculiar to an equatorial country, where the burning rays of fiery sun enervates the physical and intellectual forces. we neither affirm nor deny this, since it might well happen that the indians possess, like children, in the beginning in potentiality intellectual faculties in their germ equal and even superior to those of the white race, but we incline to the belief that the indian of pure blood can never reach in scientific culture to the level of the european. if he ever attains anything in the field of science, it must be because another blood inoculates in his own blood the divine breath of wisdom, and then he will be able to advance somewhat when the cross whitens his olive-colored face, has lowered his prominent cheek-bones, and elevated his flat nose a trifle. until that time comes, the indian will always be a grown-up child, as simple, as ignorant, and as credulous as a child, but with all the passions, vices, and defects of the adult. "in regard to the nature and understanding of the indians," says retana, "speaking in general, they are more clever than the american indians. [111] they readily learn any art, and with the same readiness they imitate any work which is placed before them. they make fine clerks and are employed in the accounting offices and other offices in that duty. for, besides the fact that they write well, they are excellent accountants, have capacity for directing a lawsuit, and very sharp in getting the parties to the lawsuit all tangled up. there are good stonemasons, and musicians among them. but in all these things, they only reach a certain degree which they never surpass, either because of laziness, or for the lack of intellect, which we must suppose to be sufficiently limited. for they never invent anything, and all is reduced to their skill of imitation. those who give themselves to the sciences never surpass a mediocrity in their comprehension. "he who has had to do with the indians of filipinas can do no less than assent to this truth. we find them more clever than ourselves in learning any mechanical work, but more stupid in whatever depends upon the understanding or on the imagination. in so brief a time do they learn the trade of artists, musicians, embroiderers, cobblers, tailors, and whatever is reduced to the mechanical, that they exercise it fairly well in little time. if they are not satisfied with it, they readily give it up and learn another trade. there are indians who have gone through all those trades, and they have filled them all well. but not one of them has ever surpassed mediocrity. there has never been an artisan who has invented any improvement in the trade which he learned. they are most ingenious in imitating what they see, but they never invent anything. if those men had the talents of europeans, why is it possible that one cannot find in three hundred years one who has added anything to what was taught him? "i can affirm of the filipinos with whom i have lived for more than sixteen years, that they are handy in every kind of mechanism which is shown to them. they are capable of imitating the most curious works, but they can invent nothing, for they lack imagination and fancy, and are very obtuse in the abstract sciences because they lack understanding. "some try to attribute this to the subordination in which the spaniards hold them. i will ask such people why does not that subordination and submission prevent them from making any mechanical work with a sufficient perfection? the soldiers learn the military exercise quicker than do the spaniards; the children learn to read readily; most of them write an excellent hand. the girls easily imitate the laces and embroideries of europa. why do they not imitate equally well our philosophers, our mathematicians, and our poets? why do they not make any advance in painting, in music, and in the other sciences which require imagination and understanding? [112] more than half of the seculars of the manila archbishopric are indians. there are some who have become alcaldes-mayor, officers in the royal army, and advocates in the royal audiencia. why have none of them gone beyond a very moderate mediocrity in the sciences to which they have dedicated themselves? just as among europeans individuals are found for all kinds of abstract sciences, it must be confessed that in the same manner nations are found who, because of the climate in which they have lived for a long series of generations, have contracted a certain tangency of understanding which disposes them very little to receive metaphysical and spiritual ideas." [113] this gives us the key to the fatal results obtained in education in filipinas. of the hundreds of students who matriculated annually in the colleges, fifteen per cent did not succeed in obtaining the degree of bachelor, and if those who gained a professional title in the university scarcely reached ten per cent, and of them the greater number were advocates without clients, and physicians without patients, they, united with those who abandoned their books and mutilated their career, were in the villages the greatest calamity that befell the country. they all pompously called themselves pilósopos for filósofos [i.e., philosophers], and they were no more than ignorant and presuming fellows, pettifoggers, intriguers, and lazy, haughty, and vain fellows, who neither could nor would work, or aid their parents in work or trade, but could dress as those in manila, prink themselves out like women, censuring everything, even the religious acts, in order that they might be esteemed sages. they were, through their vices, a grievous weight to the parish priests; by their laziness and viciousness, an insupportable burden to their families; by their lewdness and intrigues the mine which furnished suits to the lawyers, and for the disaffected and filibuster, as they were almost all of them affiliated with freemasonry, a danger to the government and to the nation. [114] all those evil students learned all the evil of the capitals and laden with vices, evil ideas, and morals, they were in the villages a scandal for the majority, a snare for some, and mischievous for all. "those deserters from the university," says escosura, "half instructed with incomplete notions of the sciences which, belonging to the superior education, require to be studied by persons of consideration and social prestige, and above all to be upright, in order that they may not be dangerous to the public safety; those deserters from the university form, i repeat, a class in filipinas, and are, above all, insatiable leeches who devour the substance of the indians, so many other founts of lawsuits and quarrels among their fellowcitizens." perhaps i shall be asked at this point: "why since you [religious] see and know all this, why did your religious devote themselves to, and encourage, education?" because it is very difficult to separate oneself from the influence of the time; for it is impossible to oppose the conquering current of opinion, as the monastic orders of filipinas did not arrange means to free themselves from the pressure of the government, and to reply to the unjust charge of having retrograded, which those who did not know the country even on the map fulminated against them; and lastly to avoid greater evils. the regular province of the augustinian fathers was the last to devote itself to superior education among the indians. when did it do that, and why? when señor becerra was minister of the colonies in the years 1887 and 1888, and that minister of sad memory planned an official institute in the capital of iloilo, the augustinian fathers saw in the plan of the minister a most grave danger for the country, and they went ahead to ward it off. all we parish-priest regulars of filipinas saw with pain the advances which freemasonry was making in the country by means of the abandoned advocates and physicians, unfit students, ambitious caciques, wealthy fellows, ruined by their vices or by play--we know the works of the spade against the foundation of spanish domination which were based on religion, prestige, and superiority of race. we all recognized and experienced the apathy and indifference of the authorities who were not ignorant of the frauds and plans of the lodges; and there were even governors of the provinces who protected them. and if to all that which we knew, recognized, and could not remedy, we had consented that señor becerra establish in iloilo an institute of secondary education with professors who might have been freemasons or atheists, the catastrophe would have been certain and imminent, for such institute would be a seeding place for filibusters and insurgents. in order to avoid that, the augustinian order planned and constructed at its own expense an edifice which it resolved to dedicate as an institute. that could not be carried out, for the last revolution of '98 came upon them before it was inaugurated. more beneficial for the country, more in accordance with the monastic traditions, more in harmony with the recommendations of our glorious founder, which were practiced by our virtuous ancestors, would have been the opening of schools of arts and crafts. in reality, although the spanish government established a few of those schools in manila, pampanga, and iloilo, it was so unseasonable that it was unable to gather the fruits which were promised in their founded hopes. such is the scarcity of indian artists and artisans, that of the former there are a few sculptors, engravers, and painters, etc., but of the latter, we can assert that almost all the trades are in the hands of the chinese, and only carpentry, cabinet-making, architecture, masonry, and some other trades, are exercised by indians, to whom the parish-priest religious taught them because they needed them for their works and constructions. it is known that the ancient monks divided their time among prayer, contemplation, study, and manual work. st. anthony [115] and his five thousand monks, as well as all those who afterward imitated the monastic life or that of the desert, employed part of their day in labor with their hands, weaving mats, making shoes, oars, boats, or small skiffs, and other similar labors. our father, st. augustine, desired his monks to also devote some hours of the day to manual labor. accordingly, our predecessors did it. it is true, that the spirit of the respective epochs changed the character of the bodily work, but the monastic corporations of filipinas, which recognized the incapacity of the indian for science and deplored the pernicious effects of science poorly digested by the natives, if they could not do away with the action of the governments, the influence of opinion, the pressure of the times, would have had to turn aside, by means of their parish-priest religious, the tendency of the indians to the literary branches, and to have directed that tendency to those branches of pure imitation, for which it is necessary to recognize, and we do that gladly, that the filipino indian has exceptional abilities. at the same time that the university was founded, and the colleges provided, schools and workshops ought to have been established for the natives, which would have obtained the preference in those narrow, dull, and lazy minds, with greater benefits to the country and less harm to all. all the monasteries founded by st. basil the great [116] had in charge an elementary superior school, and another of arts and crafts joined to it. that ought to be the model of the religious orders in filipinas, in spite of the governments of the mother country, of the demands of opinion manifestly gone astray on this point, and of the spirit of the epoch which could not have any influence in that country, most especially by their constitution, nature, customs, and government. had the religious corporations, thoroughly permeated with their christian and civilizing mission, proceeded in that manner, the contingent of sons with the three pointed design of the square and apron, [117] who left the halls of the colleges and became the petty leaders and chief revolutionists who betrayed the mother country and were also the greatest enemies of those who had taught them the little good that they knew, would not have been so numerous. the cholera, which made ravages in the filipino archipelago in 1882, left in the saddest orphanage many children of both sexes and of all the races. they, abandoned, and without resources, wandered through the streets begging public charity. the spanish women, moved by the disconsolate spectacle, which so many ragged and hungry children offered, formed a society, from which a committee was chosen, which went to the governor-general to beg for food and shelter for those abandoned children. the governor summoned the provincials of the monastic order, as being the natural protectors of the destitute, and creators of the centers of education and learning in the country. he petitioned them for support and aid. the father provincial of the augustinians, representing his order, took under charge of the province of santísimo nombre de jesús, the support, education, and teaching of the abandoned and orphaned children. the augustinian fathers assigned for that purpose local sites provisionally in the avenue of san marcelino, where they gathered the children who were wandering through the city of manila, and gave them shelter in the temporary barracks. but since the latter had no hygienic conditions, and were not large enough, they transferred the children to the lower parts of the convent of guadalupe, which were spacious and well ventilated. there they opened workshops of sculpture and ceramics, painting, and modeling, and there they remained until the year 1892, when the schools, workshops, and children were transferred to the building of the new plant constructed for that purpose in the village of malabon. that place united all the desirable conditions of solidity, decoration, size, and even elegance, which could be desired. there the augustinian fathers taught the orphans, in addition to their primary letters, painting, designing, sculpture, and modeling, printing, and binding, and indeed the printing plant was bought by the voluntary donation of some religious, through the economies practiced in the missions by dint of privations and of a life of poverty and mortification. we know one of those religious, respectable for his exemplary virtue, who gave for that purpose all his savings, consisting of two thousand pesos. we feel that his humility has prohibited us from placing his name here, so that he may be blessed by all who should hear of a charity and liberality peculiar to the sons of a st. augustine, who gave even his death-bed to the poor, and suitable also to those of santo tomás de villanueva, father of the poor. that asylum of the orphans, and of the unfortunates abandoned by its founders who had to flee from the ingratitude of the revolutionists, was burned by the shells which the americans threw to dislodge the indian rebels who had made forts of it, and being looted afterward by pillaging chinese who took away even the paving-stones of the lower floor, a cargo of which was surprised by the north american police in the pasig river, and returned to the augustinian fathers--the only indemnity which they have received up to date. the augustinian fathers also extended their charity to orphan girls. for that purpose they caused sisters of their tertiary branch to go from the peninsula, who took charge of the education and instruction of the children in the orphanage that was built in mandaloya at the expense of the said augustinian fathers. more than three hundred indian mestizo and spanish girls received a fine education there, so much so that their work in embroidery, sewing, and the manufacture of artificial flowers, took the prize in the expositions at madrid and manila. so excellent and fine was the education that the orphan girls received in mandaloya, that it was necessary to accede to the repeated requests of influential families who begged that the augustinian tertiary mothers receive as pensioners the daughters of many peninsulars and spanish mestizos. education since american occupation it is the chief glory of american connection with the philippines, that no sooner was their easy conquest an assured fact, than attention was directed toward the education of the peoples who thus came under the control of the western democracy. in spite of the more than three centuries of spanish rule, although many measures had been dictated by the government and by the religious orders, although the college of san josé, the dominican university of santo tomás, the college of san juan de letran, and various other institutions had flourished for the greater or less part of spanish domination, and especially, although the active government measures, beginning with the memorable decree of december 20, 1863, had induced a wider result in primary instruction, the educational methods in force in the islands were antiquated, often without result, and narrowing, and to a certain degree tended to shackle rather than to free the mind. the best work was done by the jesuits who had adopted the most progressive methods used in the islands during spanish occupancy. the religious orders are not without praise for having established, as early as they did, educational institutions where some filipinos could, to a certain extent, take on the advantages of the occidental polish and education which spain had to offer. but it must be remembered that spain itself has never, since the early days when the great salamanca university flourished as one of the most advanced outposts of education in the world, been renowned as a center of learning. hence, it may be said, whatever the cause for its deficiency, that spain gave to the philippines the best that it had in the way of education; with the reservation that the remoteness of the colony from the mother country gave opportunity for neglect and carelessness on the part of both official and ecclesiastic, and for the furthering of private or corporation ends, at the expense of and detriment to the colony. quite apparently, a country cannot give to a colony what it does not itself possess. had spain possessed a more modern and effective system of education, doubtless the same would have been true in the philippines. to determine the reason for the backwardness of education in the islands, therefore, one must examine the causes for its poor condition in spain, and the two will be found in great measure to be the same. the root of the matter will be found in the close connection between church and state--this connection dating back in greatest measure to 1493, when the ecclesiastical patronage of the spanish monarch became a settled fact, and church and state were irrevocably bound together--and a misconception as to where the educational function primarily resides--which we take to be a function of government. we cannot, in the short compass allowed, enter into the discussion of the factors involved, the most important of which is the question of the friar orders and the transference of their power in greater proportion even than in spain, into the philippines. suffice it to say here that those who would blame the friar orders exclusively for the backward state of the philippines in education as in other things, go astray; and the same is equally true of those who would excuse them altogether. the same remark holds true of the government. both the religious orders, or even more broadly, the entire ecclesiastical government, and the civil government, are to be reproached for the deplorable condition of philippine education. it is the results of the pre-american education that allows the following to be said: "the party which follows the intellectual leadership of leon guerrero (director of el renacimiento) is quietly resisting what they call the 'anglo-saxonization' of their people through the schools. these men are really spanish at heart (the older, mostly so in blood), and they have a spanish-latin feeling of hostility to the very name of 'anglo-saxon.' they prefer latin education and educational methods, and latin molds of civilization. where they go astray is in their assumption, entirely gratuitous, that they really represent the filipino people and filipino ways of thought, desires and aspirations which are to be 'squelched' by this new campaign of instruction in english. now, superficially, there are little evidences to corroborate this view, as would be inevitable, as the results of three centuries of tutelage according to spanish models. but the man who looks beneath the surface sees at once that the filipinos are not 'latins' and were not 'latinized,' and that these intellectual latins, floating at the top of filipino society are as mistaken as can be in assuming that they are representative of their people. the truth is, the filipinos, in the mass, are, as regards the purposes of any real education, virgin material to work upon. not only has their national and social life not been cast over in latin molds, but spanish influence was just sufficient, added to their undeveloped state at the time of the conquest, so that there are no 'filipino molds' of civilization. they are really just ready to be worked upon, and whatever fundamental elements of 'filipino nationality' there are latent, whatever inherent or acquired social traits properly constituting a 'filipino soul,' will come to the front with this new opportunity." [118] it is impossible to give a comprehensive résumé of american efforts toward the education of the filipinos. the captious critic will emphasize the mistakes which have been made and which will be made in the future, and it is yet perhaps too early to make a pronounced statement as to the results; but this much may be said, and in no spirit of american self-congratulation, namely, that the filipino is at present enjoying the greatest opportunity that has ever been offered to him to acquire an education. the chief problem of the philippines has well been said to be that of education. [119] chief among future developments must be industrial education, which will not only train rightly the great dexterity of the filipino, but also teach him the dignity of work with the hands, whatever his rank or station, and thus help to fit him for, and hasten the time when he shall enjoy greater self-government than he enjoys at present. below we give the direct available sources for a study of american education in the philippines, from which the student may be able to study the question in its many phases. it is to be noted that a study of the present-day education in the islands must always be made hand-in-hand with that of the past. as might be expected, the majority of such sources are government documents. public laws and resolutions passed by the united states philippine commission (published by authority of the u. s. philippine commission, manila). the various volumes of these laws contain the following acts concerned with education (number of act and date alone being given). 1900--3, sept. 12; 4, sept. 12; 11, oct. 3; 15, oct. 10; 32, oct. 24. 1901--69, jan. 5 (accompanied later in vol. by arguments of dr. t. h. pardo de tavera and others against the rector of the university of santo tomás, and the roman catholic church, in regard to the college of san josé; and appearing also in senate doc., no. 190, 56th congress, 2d session); 74, jan. 21; 93, mar. 4; 97, mar. 9; 110, mar. 30; 129, may 16; 156, july 1; 163, july 13; 180, july 24; 201, aug. 13; 222, sept. 6; 228, sept. 7; 239, sept. 25; 248, oct. 2; 264, oct. 14; 285, oct. 29; 291, nov. 2; 311, dec. 4. 1902--330, jan. 9; 339, jan. 28; 373, mar. 7; 407, may 24; 415, june 9; 446, aug. 15; 453, oct. 8; 490, oct. 27; 512, nov. 10; 514, nov. 11; 524, nov. 18; 532, nov. 24; 563, dec. 22; 565, dec. 22. 1903--600, jan. 27; 661, mar. 5; 672, mar. 7; 682, mar. 14; 686, mar. 17; 734, april 8; 744, april 8; 795, july 23; 807, july 27; 810, july 30; 832, aug. 12; 837, aug. 24; 846, aug. 24; 854, aug. 26; 858, aug. 27; 880, sept. 10; 904, sept. 25; 917, oct. 1; 919, oct. 2; 997, nov. 17; 1018, dec. 2. 1904--1048, feb. 6; 1049, feb. 11; 1057, feb. 20; 1085, mar. 10; 1133, apr. 28; 1175, june 2; 1188, june 29; 1199, july 19; 1216, aug. 17; 1225, aug. 31; 1231, oct. 14; 1251, nov. 25; 1275, dec. 6. 1905--jan. 12. of these the most important is act no. 74 (and its various amendments), establishing a department of public instruction in the philippines, and appropriating $40,000 for the organization and maintenance of a normal and trade school in manila, and $15,000 for the organization and maintenance of an agricultural school in the island of negros, for the year 1901. many of the acts are appropriations for various purposes. in addition to the above, acts touching archives and laboratories, as well as various other matters, may be considered as having educational value. reports of the philippine commission (washington). of chief value in this publication are the annual reports of the secretary of public instruction, such reports beginning for the year 1902. it is to be noted that these reports contain the following (we cite from the commission report for 1905, just issued): general report of the secretary of public instruction; report of the superintendent of education; report of the chief of the bureau of architecture and construction of public buildings; report of the public printer; report of the bureau of archives, patents, copyrights, etc.; report of the acting librarian of the american circulating library; report of the editor of the official gazette. special references in the various reports are as follows: 1900--i, pp. 17-42; 1901--i, pp. 133-148, ii, pp. 511-575 (appendix ff containing fred w. atkinson's report); 1902--first annual report of the secretary of public instruction, year ending oct. 15, 1902, ii, pp. 865-1049; 1903--second annual report of the secretary of public instruction, iii, pp. 667-985; 1900-1903--containing various general reports for those years, and which occur in the preceding volumes, pp. 121-129, 257-272, 399-434, and 685-721; 1904--third annual report, etc., iii, pp. 811-971; 1905--fourth annual report, etc., ending june 30, 1905, iv, pp. 369-652. in addition to the above much other educational matter will be found scattered through the other volumes for each year. these volumes are also published separately in the reports of the war department. reports of the commissioner of education (washington). several of these reports contain matter on the philippines, as follows: 1899-1900--ii, chap. xxix (in part), pp. 1595-1640, "intellectual attainments and education of the filipinos" (contains some spanish data, act. 74, of the philippine commission, a bibliography, and the tagálog alphabet); 1901--ii, chap. xxix, pp. 1317-1440, "present educational movement in the philippines," by fred w. atkinson; 1902--ii, chap. i, pp. 2219-2271, "education in the philippines;" 1903--chap. xlvi (in part), pp. 2385-2388, "education in the philippines" (taken from report of david p. barrows for the year ending sept. 30, 1903). bulletins of the bureau of education (manila, 1904 and 1905), as follows: no. 1, philippine normal school prospectus for the year 1903-4, (in both english and spanish); no. 2, course of study in vocal music (for vacation normal institutes); no. 3, philippine school of arts and trades (1904-1905, in both english and spanish); no. 4, philippine nautical school (prospectus for the year 1904-1905, in both english and spanish); no. 5, notes on the treatment of smallpox (for use of teachers); no. 6, report of industrial exhibits of the philippine schools (louisiana purchase exposition); no. 7, courses of instruction for the public schools of the philippine islands; no. 8 (?); no. 9, list of philippine baptismal names; no. 10, government in the united states (prepared for use in the philippine public schools); no. 11, courses in mechanical drawing, woodworking, and ironworking for provincial secondary schools; no. 12, advanced and postgraduate studies offered by the philippine normal school (preparation for entrance to american colleges and universities or to the university of the philippines; in english and spanish). municipal code (manila, 1905). contains matter on schools, teachers, etc. census of the philippine islands (washington, 1905), iii, pp. 638-669, "[education] under the americans," by prescott f. jernegan, of the philippine normal school (a short account through 1903). also, another division entitled, "schools: schedule; summary of statistics; classification; buildings; teachers; pupils; sources of revenue; expenditures," pp. 670-694. bulletin of the bureau of labor. no. 58, may, 1905 (washington, 1905), pp. 721-905, "labor conditions in the philippines," by victor s. clark. much of this will be found to have a bearing on education. books on the philippines atkinson, fred w.: the philippine islands (ginn and co., 1905); especially chap. xiv, pp. 373-412, "education." freer, william b.: philippine experiences of an american teacher (new york, 1906). leroy, james a.: philippine life in town and country (new york and london, 1905); especially chap. vii, pp. 202-245, "education and public opinion." most of this book has a bearing on educational matters. stuntz, homer c.: the philippines and the far east (cincinnati and new york); especially chap. xii, pp. 185-215, "educating a nation." willis, henry parker: our philippine problem (new york, 1905), especially chap. x, pp. 226-246, "american education in the philippines." see a criticism of this book by james a. leroy, in political science quarterly, for june, 1906. we shall bring this brief statement regarding american education in the philippines to a close with a short abstract of the recent address by dr. t. h. pardo de tavera, before the teachers assembled at manila in order to attend the summer institute, founded by the director of public instruction, and inaugurated this year, and published in the supplement of the issue of may 17, 1906, of el renacimiento. his point of view of true civilization and education is in the main that they are the resultant of not one but of many factors, and that those of one race may be debtors to another race and yet not lose their identity. true progress does not consist in exclusiveness but in the admittance of all that is good notwithstanding its source. by adopting anglo-saxon civilization and education, filipinos will not weaken, but strengthen themselves. the viewpoint of a people may change, and must change often in order that they may progress. to speak of special mentalities is vague and misleading. on whatever side the situation of the philippines be considered, he says, whether political, social, or economic, it is seen that "public instruction is the chief factor, to which we should direct the most vigorous action of our energies." progress is the direct and necessary result of education, and the filipinos realizing this desire the extension of schools. it has often been said that the filipinos need an education in harmony with their customs and traditions, in order that they may preserve their peculiar manner of existence, or "that the conscience called poetically 'the filipino soul' might not be changed or disfigured." let those who criticize the american method of education, on the ground that it is destroying the "filipino soul" define that term, and name the characteristic qualities belonging to it, which will disappear with the new education; and let them propose a system of education. some wish to preserve the traditional education of filipinos which is conservative and exclusive. the teaching of filipinos, since spain is a catholic monarchy, where the divine origin of rulers is a tenet, has always been dogmatic, and blind obedience is to be given to the government. such teaching produces a conservative and exclusive society, which is opposed to change. the filipinos desire a democratic government, but their traditions and education form in them a mentality quite opposed to democratic ideas. consequently, they must first change their mental viewpoint before they can become democratic. it must be a work of peaceful evolution, through free instruction. living as they are now under a democratic form of government, filipinos should adopt a form of education in accordance with the ideals of democracy. the two forces working in the formation of the character of individuals, and hence peoples, are conservatism and the reforming force, the latter of which means progress and constitutes education. those peoples who do not progress live under the laws of conservatism, inheritance, and tradition. those progress who have conquered inherited and traditional traits by means of education. some races are inferior to others, but that inferiority is not necessarily permanent. inferiority is purely an historical cause, and inferior races are those that preserve their national soul unchanged through the centuries. the spanish race is not inferior to the anglo-saxon, but its education is under a political and religious dogmatism which has made of spain a country with a traditional and truly conservative soul. italy has gone through and is even now going through a period of regeneration. in spain, men are struggling for better education based on anglo-saxon principles. [120] before the filipino revolution, many filipinos were sent to europe to study without any fear of destroying the "filipino soul;" but now that the civilization that they went to seek has sought them, under the form of anglo-saxon public instruction, there is a strange reaction. the franks and gauls who submitted to roman civilization have not lost their peculiar identity. had they not adopted the roman civilization, their condition would have been that of the malays under british domination, who are now inferior. since they did adopt it they were enabled to raise their coefficient of capacity. the filipino mentality has been already changed by spanish education, the customs and life of the two races having been quite distinct. civilization is the result of the contact of peoples by means of which the victories obtained in all departments of intelligence and morality may be increased, perfected, and transmitted from one to another. anglo-saxon education will not cause the filipinos to lose their desire for independence. the filipino revolution was started by men who received a spanish education. the entire filipinist movement was guided by men educated in europe and the university, the latter of which was spanish. they were broader men. the anglo-saxon education cannot make submissive peoples. it is destined to form individuals capable of thinking for themselves, and of working according to their own impulses. those civilizations that mark an epoch in history were the result of other civilizations. the anglo-saxon race today bear the torch of civilization formerly borne by the romans. the anglo-saxon civilization will extend, but not anglo-saxon domination. the japanese are an example of a race who have changed their standpoint in regard to civilization. filipino mentality is composed of good and bad traits. complete education must be arrived at by conserving the good and eliminating the bad. complete assimilation cannot take place. the filipino character cannot entirely change, for the instruction in the schools is not sufficient to cause such a radical change. happiness does not consist in seeking easeful and unresponsible repose, but in the struggle for existence that entails work. filipinos must learn that true progress comes through struggle and a show of energy. the filipinos are intelligent, easy to educate, and prepared by their spanish education of three centuries for the new education now offered them. education means advance. the greater means of communication that are to be established will aid in the work by destroying inequalities and composing differences. the various dialects are a great barrier to filipino homogeneity, and a common language is needed. the filipino people free and capable of self-government will be formed by the american and filipino teachers. "filipino soul" [121] is a poetical expression which reveals a poetical mentality in those who use it. such mentality is insufficient for the progress of a people along the true path of modern civilization. notes [1] the following summary of events, sometimes in full translation and sometimes abridged, is obtained from the histories of concepción, zúñiga, and montero y vidal, the source of each paragraph being indicated at the end. [2] "as the latter [i.e., bustamante] could not defend himself, and it was for the interest of the religious orders and of the principal citizens of manila that the blame for what had occurred should recoil upon bustamante, they accumulated against him numberless charges--most of them formulated by his assassins, by the officials who had defrauded the exchequer, by those who were debtors to the treasury, and by all who, instead of making amends for their offences in a military post, had been replaced in their offices by archbishop cuesta" (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 430-431). [3] sebastian de totanes was a noted member of the franciscan order in the islands. he was born in the village of totanes in spain, in 1687, and entered that order in 1706. after finishing his studies he gave instruction in the toledo convent for several years, departing thence (1715) for the filipinas missions, which he joined two years later. he held various high offices in the order there, among them being that of minister provincial (1738-41); he also administered the churches in sampaloc (1721-29), lilio (1732-35), and pagsanhan (1735-38). in 1746 he went to europe as procurator of his order to roma and madrid, and died at the latter city, on february 13, 1748. he left a grammar and manual of the tagálog language, which is regarded as one of the beat works of its kind; it was published at sampaloc in 1745. (see huerta's estado.) [4] "although the archbishop had not, in strictness, any direct connection with the assassination of the head of government of the islands, his connivance with the seditious element, the fact that the authority was entrusted to him, and his tolerance and lenity in the investigation and punishment of the criminals, aroused against him the wrath of the [home] government; and, in spite of his advanced age, he was transferred to the bishopric of mechoacan, in nueva espana" (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, p. 432). [5] "in order to curb these so bold and inhuman actions, it was necessary that the squadrons should sail from manila; for if they should be permanently stationed at samboangan the expenses would be insupportable in so barren a region. if this establishment had been fixed in yloylo, a fertile and abundant land, and sufficiently near to the moros, the consumption of provisions on the voyages would have been more endurable; while at the same time there might remain in samboangan a regular garrison of thirty-five men, and it would be a landing-place sufficient for our vessels when on a cruise, which from that port could go more quickly for any emergency. moreover, in samboangan there is not an adequate number of boats, nor is there in yloylo--enormous sums being spent on the walls [of those forts] alone, without their being able to hinder the passage of the moros, or prevent their infesting the provinces." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 184, 185.) [6] this account does not agree with the historical sketch given by n. m. saleeby in his studies in moro history, law, and religion (manila, 1905) pp. 57-59; but this is not surprising, as concepción probably had but inaccurate and second-hand information regarding the rulers of joló and mindanao. according to saleeby, manamir, a great-grandson of dipatwan qudrat (the corralat of the spanish writers), was declared sultan after the death of his father barahaman; but the government was usurped by his uncle kuda, and civil war followed, which must have lasted more than thirty years. kuda was finally murdered by some sulus whom he had invited to aid him against manamir, who therefore obtained the ascendency for a time. but the sulus fomented discord between manamir and his brother anwar, which brought on even worse hostilities and murders, weakening both sides. manamir was assassinated by his nephew malinug, and his sons pakir mawlana and pakaru-d-din were obliged to leave magindanao, and retired to tamontaka; and the larger part of the towns of magindanao and slangan were destroyed by fire. sultan anwar died at batawa and malinug assumed the sultanate after his father's death, and kept up the fight. "after a tedious, desultory war, malinug fled up the pulangi to bwayan. pakir mawlana then got possession of all the lands about magindanao, and peace was made soon after. malinug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited pakir mawlana." this account is cited from capt. thomas forrest's voyage to new guinea and the moluccas (london, 1779), a voyage made in 1774-76; forrest obtained his information directly from pakir mawlana himself. that ruler, however, could not have been the one mentioned in the text; mawlana is apparently an official or a hereditary title. from forrest's original account (pp. 201-206) we take the following items in regard to the above events: "the following short account of the history of magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of fakymolano, elder brother to paharadine the present sultan, and father to kybad zachariel, the present rajah moodo; they are wrote in the magindano tongue, and arabic character. i took it down from fakymolano's own mouth, who dictated in malay. "before the arrival of serif alli, the first mahometan prince who came from mecca to magindano, the latter had kings of her own. for the towns of magindano, selangan, catibtuan, and semayanan had, or assumed, the right of taking from the banks of the dano, that portion of earth, on which the sovereigns were to be consecrated. the towns of malampyan and lusuden, are said to have been the first who joined serif alli: the other four soon acceded. serif married a daughter of the last king of the royal line, and on this marriage founded his title to the crown. about the time that kabansuan son of serif alli reigned, a person named budiman, was pangaran (a title much used in sumatra, and inferior to sultan or rajah) of sooloo. budiman had a grandson, who became his successor; his name was bonsoo, and he was related to the family that governed at borneo: which family came also from mecca, and the head of it was brother to serif alli. bonsoo had two children; a daughter, potely, by a wife; and a son, bakliol, by a sandle or concubine. bakliol, the bastard, robbed his sister potely (a name which signifies princess) of her right, threw off his dependence on magindano, and assumed the title of sultan, his fathers having been only pangarans of sooloo. [potely's daughter, panianamby, married kudarat (the corralat of spanish writers), who was succeeded by his son tidoly; the latter had two sons, abdaraman and kuddy. abdaraman was succeeded by his son seid moffat]; but, being an infant, kuddy his uncle usurped the government, and went to semoy, carrying with him the effects of the deceased sultan. thence he invited the sooloos to support him against the lawful heir. [they, however, treacherously slew kuddy, and plundered his camp, seizing therein many pieces of heavy cannon. seid moffat's party then obtained control, but the country was torn by dissensions and civil war. finally, seid moffat was assassinated by his nephew molenu, but left two sons, fakymolano and paharadine; they were obliged to leave magindano, which town and selangan were nearly destroyed by fire, and the country was laid waste. after several years of petty war, molenu was driven up the palangy to boyan.] fakymolano then got possession of all the lands about magindano, and peace was made soon after, about thirty years ago. molenu died a natural death, leaving by concubines, two sons, topang and uku, also a natural daughter myong. fakymolano had about this time given up the sultanship to his younger brother paharadine, on condition that kybad zachariel, his own son, should be elected rajah moodo. topang and uku, for some time after the peace, visited fakymolano and his son; but afterwards, on paharadine's marriage with myong, their sister, they grew shy, as the sultan took them greatly into his favour. topang had from his father large possessions, which made him formidable to rajah moodo; he was also closely connected with the sooloos, and had married gulaludines, daughter of bantillan, once sultan of sooloo. by this time rajah moodo had got himself well fortified at coto-intang, which is within musket shot of the sultan's palace, and within cannon shot of the strong wooden castle of topang; both of which lie on the south side of the pelangy. the sultan paharadine has no children by his consort myong; but had by a concubine, a son named chartow, now arrived at maturity. whether myong, who is said to have entirely governed the sultan, favoured chartow, or her elder brother topang, is uncertain; but she was believed the cause of the coolness that prevailed between the sultan and rajah moodo; who, though duly elected, and acknowledged lawful successor, yet, when i came to magindano, in may, 1775, had not visited his uncle for above a year. fakymolano, rajah moodo's father, lived at that time, just without the gate of his son's fort." some of the allusions in this account need explanation, which is partly obtained elsewhere in forrest's pages. "the town, that goes properly by the name of magindano, consists at present, of scarce more than twenty houses. they stand close to, and just above where a little creek, about eighteen foot broad, runs perpendicular into the pelangy, from a small lake about one mile distant, and about half a mile in circumference. this small lake is called the dano; the creek i have just mentioned, is the rawass (or river) magindano; and from the banks of the lake or dano, a little earth is taken, upon which the raiah moodo (that is young king) must stand when he is consecrated sultan. the rajah moodo is elected by the states, and succeeds the sultan; similar to the king of the romans succeeding the emperors of germany. a watamama (that is, male child) is also elected, who becomes rajah moodo, when rajah moodo becomes sultan." "the town of selangan may be said to make one town with magindano, as communicating with it by several bridges over the rawass; it extends about one mile down the south side of the pelangy, forming a decent street for one-half of the distance. in the lower part the town extends about half a mile, in several irregular streets; where many chinese reside. in the town of selangan altogether, may be about two hundred houses; below the sultan's palace, about twenty yards, is a brick and mortar foundation remaining of a spanish chapel." the spelling of proper names in forrest's remarks is more or less phonetic and anglicized; the reader may compare them with the accurate spelling furnished above by dr. saleeby. in vol. xli of this series (pp. 280, 281) will be seen a map of the valley of the pulangui river, with the towns on its banks and its tributaries; the original is in the british museum, and is evidently the basis for two maps which forrest published in his voyage (at p. 200). (cf. these, and the map of the rio grande in u. s. gazetteer, p. 662.) the date given in vol. xli was furnished at the museum as approximately correct; but mawlana's map was given to forrest in 1775, and the latter says (p. 186) that it was deposited in the british museum. the sultan of mindanao ceded to the english, at forrest's request, the island of bunwoot, now called bonga; it forms the shelter to polloc harbor. the town of mindanao or magindano was at or near the site of the present cotabato--"population, 3,000. the chinese control the commerce of the place." (u. s. gazetteer, p. 475.) forrest says (p. 185): "the chinese settled at magindano are not permitted to trade higher [up the river] than boyan; the mindanoers being jealous of their superior abilities in trade." [7] the pay of native auxiliaries from bohol was (in 1733) reckoned at a monthly wage for each man of "thirty gantas of rice, four silver reals, a span [mano] of tobacco, and one chinanta of salt." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, p. 311.) "the indian's largest unit of weight is a chinanta, which they divide into 10 cates of the province, which are 20 of standard weight [de romana]; the cate contains 8 taels of the province, which are 16 of standard weight." (encina and bermejo's arte cebuano, tambobong, 1894, p. 159.) [8] the governor sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor that "all the rancherías or visitas close to the coast should be compulsorily united, either to the larger villages or to each other, so that even the smallest village should exceed, if possible, five hundred tributes--in consequence of which measure all should fortify themselves, as the lay of the land should permit.... all these measures were at that time admirable, and would have been thoroughly effective if the inclusion of the smaller villages in the larger ones, or their consolidation, had been carried out more energetically by those whose duty it was. for this undertaking, and to stir up the negligent and careless, the armadas were more necessary than for opposing and restraining the moros; they gave but little attention to the latter, and still less to the former, and everything was left in the same necessity, and the same condition, [as before]." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 364, 368.) [9] a royal order of november 19, 1815, provided for charity schools in the convents of friars and nuns, for primary education, to give instruction in the christian doctrine, in good morals, and in the first letters to the children of the poor, from the age of ten to twelve. (barrantes, instrucción primaria, p. 77.) [10] vicente barrantes, from whom these extracts are taken, was for some years secretary to the governor-general at manila. see report of commissioner of education, 1902, ii, p. 2219. [11] fred w. atkinson, formerly general superintendent of public instruction in the philippines, says: "the early work of the jesuits in training the filipinos was commendable, and along right lines in furnishing a common school education. it would have been productive of permanently good results if this order had not been supplanted by the local padres, under whose direction the common branches suffered through lack of attention." see report of commissioner of education, 1900-1901, ii, p. 1317. [12] july 27, 1863, several copies of the plan of public instruction approved for the island of cuba on the fifteenth of the same month were sent by royal order to the governor of the philippines, with the object of having the proper measure drawn up, and the advisable plan proposed to the ministry, in regard to the application of said plan to those islands. by decree of october 6, echagüe created a board of reform of the plan of studies, in order to meet the requirements of the preceding royal order. see montero y vidal, iii, p. 403. [13] see a summary of barrantes's book in report of commissioner of education, 1902, ii, pp. 2219-2224. [14] "before this date public schools were hardly known in the philippines, and instruction was confined solely to the children of parents able to pay for it." see census of philippines, iii, p. 576. [15] in the decree of the superior government, of may 7, 1871, occurs the following interesting description of conditions of the schools in the philippines: "there are at present an infinite number of villages without schools; there are entire provinces without edifices where schools can be located; there are also many schools, or rather all the schools of the archipelago, with the exception of a few in the capital, which do not possess the material equipment for education and teaching; the children have to sit on the ground, and remain there for hours and hours, packed together as if they were not what they are; books are not given to them; they have no writing desks; they are not given pens, ink, or books. those schools do not merit the name of such; they are not schools, sad it is to say so: they are pernicious collections of children, where since they do not gain anything morally or intellectually, they lose much, and most of all in their good physical development; in fine those schools are an expense, and show no result." the same decree states the need of economic and administrative reforms in the philippines, and the need of "roads, canals, ports, postal communications, both inside and outside the archipelago, telegraphs, professional institutions of superior instruction, an active life without fetters for industry, trade, and agriculture;" but all this must be for the greatest use of the greatest number, and all monopoly must be avoided. "to obtain it human means offer no other mean more energetic, more prompt, and powerful, than the creation and organization of the village school, and its supervision, and its location and erection in the most healthful and convenient place, clean, neat, and modestly furnished, so that it may attract the glances of all," and may thus be of the greatest good. see grifol y aliaga, pp. 218, 219. [16] the parish priests of the philippines were called "reverend" or "devout" according as they were regulars or native seculars. see barrantes's instrucción primaria, p. 10. [17] see the titles of these orders from 1863 to 1894, post. [18] the spanish government evinced a great interest "in giving the filipinos a primary education commensurate with the standing of a civilized nation; but the intentions of the government were frustrated by ... the religious orders." the "great error of the spanish nation" consisted "in placing in the hands of a few institutions [the religious orders] the future of her colonies in the extreme east, institutions which did not exist in their native country, and which sought only the private interests of the corporation or order to which they belonged. this entire plan of public instruction lived in the minds of the spanish legislators, but was never put into practice." tomás g. del rosario, in census of philippines, iii, p. 582. [19] by 1894 there were 2,143 public schools in the philippines, and 173 sets of provisions regulating them, or tending to the intellectual development of the people. these laws were only superficial. see tomás g. del rosario, census of philippines, iii, p. 593. [20] the central treasury of ways and means (grifol y aliaga, p. 3, note 2) having been suppressed, the expenses of this institution are at present [1894] defrayed as a charge on chapter 1, art. 1. of the budget of the local funds of the central treasury. in the budget of 1893-94, the appropriation of 10,450 pesos was set aside in the following manner: pesos 1 director, 800 6 professors, each 600 pesos, 4,800 1 drawing teacher, 600 1 vocal music teacher, 480 1 gymnastic teacher, 400 3 assistants, each 400 pesos, 1,200 15 resident pupils, each 120 pesos, for only three months, 450 wages of the attendants and servants of the school, 600 for office expenses, conservation, and innovation of furniture, and other effects, 1,120 ----- total, 10,450 [21] the last classification made of the schools of this archipelago was that approved by superior decree, february 27, 1893, which was published in the manila gaceta, may 10 following. (grifol y aliaga, p. 4, note 5.) [22] "what contributed greatly, also, to the general backwardness of primary instruction was the small salary paid teachers, as it was impossible for them to live on what was paid them.... the small salary paralyzed any good will and ambition to work." t. g. del rosario in census of philippines, iii, p. 595. see also, ante, p. 80, note 20. [23] commonly called directorcillos (grifol y aliaga, p. 5, note 2). [24] the principalia was formed of those natives who have occupied petty government posts in the islands. see vol. xvii, p. 331. [25] it is to be understood that the office of superior civil governor is equivalent to the present office of governor general (grifol y aliaga, p. 6, note 3). [26] this superior commission, appointed by superior decree of march 15, 1864, was suppressed by another decree of the superior civil government, february 23, 1871, in accordance with order no. 1183, of the ministry of the colonies, of december 5, 1870, by which was created the ad interim superior board of public instruction (grifol y aliaga, p. 6, note 4). [27] now judge of first instance (grifol y aliaga, p. 6, note 5). [28] now manager or subdelegate of the public treasury. [29] see wm. b. freer's philippine experiences of an american teacher, chapter viii, pp. 97-109, for an account of methods used in normal instruction after american occupation. [30] those pupils styled throughout this translation "regular" or in spanish de numero, are those appointed directly by the government, the "de numero" (of the number) indicating that a certain number were thus appointed. the supernumerary (literally, "above the number") resident pupils are all others. [31] the clothing recommended by a sub-commission of the superior commission of primary instruction, november 24, 1864, (grifol y aliaga, p. 20), for regular and supernumerary resident pupils of the manila normal school, was as follows: estimated price pesos fuertes centavos 2 pairs of white pantaloons, 3 0 2 pairs of colored pantaloons, 3 0 2 white jackets, 2 0 1 coat of black alpaca, 2 50 2 black ribbons for the neck, 0 25 1 black cap, with the initials e. n. in silver, according to model, 2 0 2 pairs of shoes, 2 0 1 pair of chinelas [i.e., heelless slipper], 0 50 10 white shirts, 10 0 2 colored shirts, 1 50 12 pocket handkerchiefs, 1 0 12 pairs of socks, 1 0 4 pairs of underdrawers, 1 25 1 mat, 0 50 1 pillow, 0 75 4 pillow-cases, 0 75 4 sheets, 6 0 2 bed covers, 2 0 clothesbrush, comb, scissors, etc., 1 0 -------- total 40 0 [32] i.e., all-souls' day. [33] the three days preceding lent. [34] the united states government continued this school, and gave it the support ($8,880, mexican) formerly furnished by the spanish government. see report of philippine commission, 1900, i, p. 36. [35] may 21, 1840, governor lardizábal communicated to the audiencia a royal order of october 4, 1839, in regard to the necessary conditions to be observed for the introduction and circulation of books in the islands, the previous designation of those deserving censure, given by his majesty's fiscal, a censor being later appointed by the government, and another by the archbishop, the fiscal again reviewing the qualification and the censure; and if "it should result that there was sufficient grounds to prohibit the circulation of any work, because it contains principles, maxims, and doctrines contrary to the rights of the legitimate throne, or to the religion of the state, the book is not only to be taken back, but shipped back immediately." in case of dispute between the two censors, the fiscal was to decide (royal order, november 19, 1840). see montero y vidal, iii, pp. 29, 30. [36] the important circular of the superior civil government of august 30, 1867 (concerning school attendance), treats of the manner of exercise of the supervision of the schools by the parish priests and provincial chiefs. various other acts of legislation refer to the same matter. (grifol y aliaga, p. 118, note 1.) [37] the first two books mentioned are: the catecismo de la doctrina cristiana, by gaspar astete, which has passed through many spanish editions; and the catéchisme historique, by claude fleury, which has passed through many different editions in many languages. josé francisco de iturzaeta has published several works on educational subjects. [38] james a. leroy (philippine life, p. 203) says of the textbooks used in the philippines: "after 1863, and up to the american conquest, the catechism remained the chief feature of daily work in the primary schools, often relegating all else to an insignificant place--much depending upon the preparation, at best a scanty one, of the teacher. a badly printed little 150 page textbook, prescribed by the government for the schools, was reader, writer, speller, arithmetic, geography, history of spain and the world (spain overshadowing), spanish grammar (quite commonly not taught, because the teacher knew little or nothing of it), and handbook of religious and moral precepts (many pages). this book, moreover, shows how pitifully inadequate was the filipino child's schooling at the very best; for often not even this textbook was employed, perhaps because the teacher was not prepared to use it." [39] the philippine school report for 1892, entitled "report of the children's schools for both sexes, at present in these islands, classified in accordance with the orders of his excellency, the governor-general, in his decree of july 29, 1892," gives the following data. the schools are classified by grades, i.e., into schools of entrada, ascenso, and finishing schools of the second and first rank; and the order in charge of each village or province is also given. we condense from this report (a manuscript belonging to rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.), the number of schools in the various provinces, and the order or orders in charge of the same. augustinians province no. of schools abra, 28 antique, 57 bontoc, 8 ilocos norte, 30 lepanto, 20 quiangan, 2 tiagan, 9 union, 35 augustinians and franciscans bulacan, 68 augustinians and seculars cebú, 120 capiz, 65 ilocos sur, 61 iloilo, 95 pampanga, 54 augustinians, franciscans, and seculars batangas, 46 nueva ecija, 49 augustinians and dominicans tarlac, 34 augustinians and all other orders manila, 84 franciscans albay, 88 burias, 4 camarines norte, 20 camarines sur, 68 isla del corregidor, 3 infanta, 4 franciscans and dominicans bataan, 36 nueva vizcaya, 16 franciscans and recollects misamis, 74 leite, 89 principe, 5 samar, 76 surigao, 59 tayabas, 45 recollects bohol, 94 cavite, 50 cottabato, 6 calamianes, 10 isla de negros, occidental, 56 isla de negros, oriental, 34 isabela de basilan (?) 2 masbate and ticao, 23 mindoro, 44 paragua, 6 romblon, 33 zambales, 48 recollects and capuchins carolinas, orientales, 4 carolinas, occidentales, 3 recollects and dominicans morong, 30 recollects and seculars zamboanga, 15 dominicans cagayan, 39 islas batanes, 14 isabela de luzón, 33 laguna, 56 pangasinan, 62 jesuits davao, 11 dapitan, 12 capuchins marianas, 4 [40] leroy, ut supra, pp. 203-204, says: "the advance in primary instruction from 1863 to 1896 was altogether notable, though the figures revealing it are largely superficial, after all, in their significance. the number of school buildings increased in the villages from seven hundred to twenty-one hundred, but the number of pupils did not reach two hundred thousand, in all probability, as against one hundred and thirty-five thousand in 1866." [41] notwithstanding this admirable prescription, tomás g. del rosario, writing in census of philippines, iii, p. 595, says concerning the sanitary qualities of the philippine schools: "the necessary sanitation was not observed in the schools, either to preserve the health of the children or for personal cleanliness, an important purpose of every educational system. many of the schools were in the filthiest condition. they had no water-closets nor play-grounds, and no instruction was given in physical culture or in social matters." [42] according to article 25 of the penal code in force in these islands, corporal punishments, in addition to that of death, are perpetual chains, perpetual imprisonment, perpetual exile, perpetual banishment, temporal chains, temporal exile, temporal banishment, imprisonment at hard labor, lesser imprisonment, confinement, absolute perpetual and temporal disqualification, and absolute and special perpetual and temporal disqualification for any public charge, right of active or passive suffrage, profession, or trade. (grifol y aliaga, p. 123, note 2.) [43] the provisions (grifol y aliaga, p. 123, note 3) in force in regard to the salaries of teachers and assistants is that of the superior decree of july 29, 1892, which prescribes the following monthly salaries: boys' schools pesos término schoolteachers of the first grade, 40 término schoolteachers of the second grade, 30 ascenso schoolteachers, 22 entrada schoolteachers, 17 assistants of the first class, 13 assistants of the second class, 8 girls' schools término schoolteachers, 26 ascenso schoolteachers, 20 entrada schoolteachers, 15 assistants of the first class, 12 assistants of the second class, 8 [44] the superior decree of august 11, 1892, conceded annual allowances to men and women teachers who had taught for fifteen years, and had a good record. by the decree of july 20, 1894, traveling expenses were advanced to them. (grifol y aliaga, p. 124, note 3.) [45] the post of assistants of the first class belongs only to boys' término schools of the first and second class, and in those of girls to término and ascenso schools. schools of other grades belong to assistants of the second class. substitute assistants, namely, those who have no certificate, are entitled only to the monthly pay of four pesos. (grifol y aliaga, p. 124, note 4.) [46] article 4 of the superior decree of may 7, 1871, rules that the teaching in the schools for adults shall last eight months per year, and be given at night, employing two hours every monday, thursday, and saturday of each week. for the increased work, an amount of pay equal to what they received during the day was assigned to the teachers. this decree, as is evident, took away the dominical character given to the adult schools by these regulations of december 20, 1863. notwithstanding the benefit of the increase of a fourth part of the pay to which teachers are entitled for the adult schools, very few such schools exist. in the budgets in force now, the figures for the payment of salaries for the teaching of adults only reach the sum of 573 pesos distributed among the provinces of abra, cebú, and pampanga, in the proportion of 318, 210, and 45 pesos, respectively. (grifol y aliaga, p. 126, note 1.) [47] this superior council of primary instruction was suppressed by decree of the superior government, february 23, 1871, in accordance with order no. 1183, of the ministry of the colonies, december 5, 1870, by which was created the ad interim superior board of public instruction, in the manner prescribed by this article and article 15 of the royal decree of august 16, 1876, approved by royal order, june 5 of the following year. (grifol y aliaga, p. 126, note 2.) [48] article 12, of the royal decree of may 19, 1893, relative to the municipal regulation of the villages of luzón and visayas, prescribes among the duties of the municipal captain that of "supervisor of the offices, schools, and municipal services." on account of this some have doubted whether the supervision of the schools was taken away from the parish priests to give it to the municipal captains. that doubt has been resolved by paragraph 4 of the provisional regulations of the said royal decree approved by decree of the general government december 9, 1893, for in said paragraph it is stated clearly and distinctly: "without prejudice to the supervision in instruction which belongs to the parish priest, according to the regulations of 1863, whose powers are not altered in any way, the municipal tribunal shall constantly exercise a watch over primary instruction, etc." in our opinion, the above-mentioned doubt has no call for existence, since the above-mentioned article 12 of the royal decree of may 19, 1893, refers, as one can see by its own words, to the municipal schools, and those which are established in the villages of the archipelago cannot have that character attributed to them, since their expenses are not met by the municipal tribunals, nor does the appointment of the staff belong to them, but both are in charge of the central management. we believe, consequently, that the municipal captains have not even the secondary or supplementary supervision over the present schools of the archipelago, which is given them by paragraph 4 of the provisional regulations of december 9, 1893. (grifol y aliaga, pp. 126, 127, note 5.) [49] josé de calasanz, or as he is sometimes called, joseph de calasanzio, was born at peralta, cataluña, in 1556, and became a well-known ecclesiastic. on the occasion of a visit to rome in 1592, touched with compassion at the neglected condition of the poor children, he renounced his ecclesiastical honors in spain and devoted himself to the work of teaching in rome. there he founded the congregation of the piaristes, consisting of regular clerics, about 1,600, whose object was the charitable education of poor children. the congregation was approved in 1617 by paul v, who permitted members to take the simple vows and adopt their own rules. in 1621 gregory xv gave them the title of "regular clerics of the poor, under the protection of the mother of god, for charitable schools." the work soon spread to the rest of italy, and to germany and poland. the mother house is at rome. its founder, who died in 1648, and was canonized in 1767, refused to accept the honors of bishop or cardinal. see grande encyclopédie. [50] article 9 of the decree of the general division of civil administration, of february 4, 1889, prescribes that on sunday after mass the boys shall assemble at the school for an hour, so that the religious or parish priest may give them the religious teaching that he deems advisable (grifol y aliaga, p. 131, note 1). [51] in 1868, the studies for the normal school for female teachers were given in this school. the report on the education of girls presented by the friars at the exposition at madrid in 1887 speaks as follows of it: "while strictly speaking there is no other normal school for female teachers than that of nueva cáceres, we believe, nevertheless, that this name can be given to the municipal school for girls of this capital, which is the only institution for young women supported from public funds--that is, from the funds of the municipality of manila. it is true that schoolmistresses can, and actually do, graduate from any girls' school of this capital, and even from any private school, as, according to the law in force to secure this title, the passing of the regular examination is sufficient; but we believe that the only institution of this character in manila which deserves the title of teachers' school is the municipal school, and we therefore include in the same chapter this school and that of santa isabel of nueva cáceres." see census of philippines, iii, pp. 615, 616. [52] in the madrid periodical nuestro tiempo of november 25, 1905 (pp. 317-331), is an article by eduardo sanz y escartin, of the royal academy of moral and political sciences, entitled "la instrucción pública en españa" ("public instruction in spain"), which gives a good résumé of the condition and needs of education in spain at present. [53] the gaceta de manila is the continuation of the boletín oficial de filipinas, [official bulletin of filipinas] which changed its name in accordance with a royal order of may 18, 1860. the first issue of the paper under the new name appeared tuesday, february 26, 1861, and by a royal order of september 26 following, it was prescribed that all the villages of the archipelago should subscribe for the paper. by a decree issued in february 1861, it was declared that "all the official orders published in the gaceta de manila, whatever their origin, are to be regarded as official and authentic text." the boletín was first issued in 1852, being the continuation of the diario de manila, first published at the end of 1848. see montero y vidal, iii, pp. 306, 307; and politica de españa en filipinas, iii, pp. 94, 95. [54] general gándara paid special attention to primary education, and very important measures are due to him in the years 1867 and 1868. he was ably seconded by the secretary of the superior government, vicente barrantes. see montero y vidal, iii, p. 491. [55] of the girls' school of nueva-cáceres, tomás g. del rosario says (census of philippines, iii, p. 616): "this school was founded by the bishop of that diocese, fray francisco gainza, who inaugurated the studies on april 13, 1868, as a primary school for girls. on june 18, 1871, the studies of the normal school for women were taught there, as they were in that of manila, by a decree of the government of king amadeo, of savoy. on may 26, 1873, the government of the spanish republic decreed that each of the towns of that ecclesiastical province should hereafter make allowance for a similar number of young girls desirous of obtaining the title of teacher. up to 1887, 177 girls had obtained certificates as teachers from this educational institution. the sisters of charity are in charge of the institution and of the education of the girls. this educational institution combined the characteristics of a school of primary instruction, a college for the education of boarding pupils, and a school for teachers, or normal school." [56] by decision of his excellency the governor general, november 18, 1889, this article was revised to the effect that girls could enter the normal school for women teachers in nueva cáceres from the age of fourteen, although those with the teachers' certificate could not teach until they reached the age of twenty, according to the regulations. however, those older than sixteen and less than twenty who hold teachers' certificates may have the charge of schools, with the character of ad interim, so long as there are not other teachers with all the legal conditions required; and they are confirmed in these posts when they reach the age of twenty, according to the royal decree of november 24, 1893. (grifol y aliaga, p. 45, note 1.) [57] this article (see. grifol y aliaga, p. 244) is as follows: "the issuing of teachers' certificates of primary instruction, both normal and substitutes, their appointments to discharge the duties of the public schools, prescribe promotions, licenses, and other things connected with these functionaries, are in charge of the director [general of civil administration]." [58] now the civil governor of ambos camarines (grifol y aliaga, p. 50, note 2). [59] this article (grifol y aliaga, pp. 401, 402) is as follows: "on the receipt of this circular, you shall have a meeting called of the persons who shall compose that provincial commission, in accordance with the above-cited art. 15 [of the royal decree of december 20, 1863]. therein shall be read the annexed regulations which shall be cited, and those of this circular; and that provincial supervisory commission shall be declared as installed." [60] of the position of woman in the philippines and its cause, leroy says (philippine life, pp. 49, 50), although perhaps a trifle too strongly, as woman in the philippines seems always to have enjoyed a certain amount of freedom, as compared to her sisters in other oriental countries: "the position of woman in the philippines is not that typical of the orient. if we may not say that the philippines are not at all oriental in this respect, at any rate it is perfectly safe to say that in no other part of the orient have women relatively so much freedom or do they play so large a part in the control of the family or in social and even industrial affairs. it is a common remark that filipino women, both of the privileged and of the lower classes, are possessed of more character, and often too of more enterprise, than the men. there seems every reason for ascribing this relative improvement in the position of woman in the philippines as compared with surrounding countries in the orient to the influence of the christian religion and the position which they have assumed under the teaching of the church and the directorship of the friars." [61] prueba de curso: the examination which is held at the end of each scholastic year or term, in the months of may and june, or (if it could not be held at that time, or if the student fails to pass) in the month of september of the new term. it must be taken by every pupil in order that he may matriculate the following term.--francisco giner de los rios, of madrid, of the free institution of teaching. [62] grado de revalida is the aggregate of exercises and examinations which must be taken by students (in spite of having been examined every year) on the completion of any course (for example that of elementary or superior schoolmaster or mistress), in order to obtain the certificate or diploma of their degree. there are many degrees: doctor, licentiate, bachelor, primary schoolmaster, etc.--francisco giner de los rios. [63] inscripción: the entering of a student in the school register. this word is also used in general for any record of a name, person, or thing, in a list or register.--francisco giner de los rios. [64] encerado: a square of oilskin, used as a slate or blackboard. see new velázquez dictionary. [65] cedulas de inscripción are the documents which are given to the students, certifying that they have been registered in the matriculation books.--francisco giner de los rios. [66] literally, "paper of payment to the state." this is a kind of stamped paper with its stamp authorized by the state, whose price varies according as the stamp represents the value of an impost which is collected in judicial and many other affairs. in the centers of state teaching, the fees which are to be paid by the students for their matriculation are not paid in money, but by presenting a special paper which is bought in certain shops.--francisco ginder de los rios. [67] hoja de estudios: the document on which are entered the studies which a student has had, and in which he has been examined, with their official value.--francisco giner de los rios. [68] cedula personal: an official document declaring the name, occupation, domicile, etc., of the bearer, and serving for identification. see new velázquez dictionary. [69] matrícula de honor: a reward obtained by the best students of each class, by virtue of the term examinations. by this reward they are registered free in the matriculation of the following year.--francisco giner de los rios. [70] st. stanislas kostka (or kotska) was born of a noble polish family in 1550. while pursuing his studies at vienna (1563-66), in the jesuit college, his predilection to the religious life was clearly manifest, but since the provincial would not receive him there without the consent of his parents, he ran away, and tried to gain admission to the jesuit order in dilingen, germany. to avoid the pursuit of his parents he was sent to rome, where he was received into the order by st. francis borja in 1567. naturally of a delicate constitution, the extreme bodily mortifications which he practiced in his youthful enthusiasm undermined his health, and he died august 14, 1568, at the age of eighteen. see baring gould's lives of the saints (london, 1898), xiii, pp. 322-325. [71] i.e., the decree of the government, ordering "let it be done." [72] governor izquierdo [1871-73] paid considerable attention to primary education, in which he was aided by josé patricio clemente, secretary of the superior government. see montero y vidal, iii, p. 621. [73] the ensayo de gramática hispano-tagala (manila, 1878) by the recollect, fray toribio minguella de la merced. retana says of this book (biblioteca filipina, p. 149): "in my opinion the method of this book is the most suitable for study by spaniards, who do not haze any knowledge of latin, studied after the ancient method." minguella published in 1886, methodo práctico para que los niños y niñas de las provincias tagalas aprendan á hablar castellano (practical method for boys and girls to learn to talk castilian). this latter book received a reward in public contest. [74] the author of this book is castor aguilera y porta. [75] its author is ramón irureta goyena. [76] by benito francia. [77] this law is dated nov. 27, 1623, q.v., vol. xx, pp. 260, 261. [78] in 1867 the college of san juan de letran was declared a college of secondary education. see montero y vidal, iii, p. 485. [79] this college was considered as the institute of the university (note on ms.). [80] the pupils of the schools directed by nuns are girls. [81] throughout the first portion of this document, by "pupils" must be understood "girls." [82] see this decree in vol. xlv, pp. 184-186, where it is dated june 20, 1686. [83] tomás g. del rosario, cited often in these notes, says (census of philippines, iii, pp. 594, 595): "a decree of the general government, issued october 6, 1885, provided for a competition to be followed by prizes for the best grammars written in visayan, cebuano, ilocano, bícol, pangasinán, and pampango, there being one already in tagálog. naturally these grammars, which were written in different dialects and taught in the public schools, made it more difficult (and that was the object) for the spanish language to become general. matters reached such a stage that teachers were punished and threatened with deportation, and some were actually deported, for teaching spanish." speaking on the same subject, leroy ("friars in philippines," in political science quarterly, for december, 1903, p. 673) says: "in proclaiming the law of 1893 [the maura law], governor-general blanco instructed the municipal councils to employ 'the most practical means for the diffusion of the spanish language.' the common assertion that the friars did teach the natives spanish is contradicted by these provisions and by the numerous decrees from 1585 on; those who frankly admit that they did not spread spanish, and who hold that it is impracticable to make the natives accept either spanish or english, have a fair argument to present." [84] see this decree in vol. xlv, pp. 184-186. [85] this is given by barrantes, instrucción primaria, pp. 69-71. [86] for this and following citations of the regulations, see ante. [87] speaking of the legislation of 1863, leroy (philippine life, pp. 202, 203) says: "most significant of all, local school boards of a civil and lay character were ordered established, a feature of the decree which had not by any means been realized when the municipal reform of 1893 was decreed, and which that reform itself did not accomplish. theoretically, the friars were left in supervision only of religious instruction in the public schools; practically, in four towns out of five, they managed everything about the schools to suit their own will, down almost to the last hours of spanish rule." [88] the tagálog insurrection broke out prematurely through betrayal of the plot in august, 1896. [89] patricio de la escosura, formerly minister and ambassador in berlin, member of the royal spanish academy, went to the philippines about 1863, as royal commissary. his memoria is important and worth consultation for the history of the islands. it has a prologue by cañamaque. the first chapter on the teaching of spanish argues that spanish be taught the filipinos. chapter viii is on the creation of a school of physicians and surgeons. the various chapters of this book, although written as letters to the president of the council of ministers, in 1863, were not published until 1882. see pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina. [90] see vol. xvii, p. 333. the cuadrilleros occupied in a certain sense, the position occupied now by the constabulary. [91] the author of this book was manuel del rio, who went to the philippines in 1713, where he labored many years in various villages of pangasinán. he was procurator-general of his order, definitor, and provincial; and was bishop-elect of nueva segovia at his death. a fuller title of his book is as follows: "instrucciones morales y religiosas para el govierno, direccion, y acierto en la practica de nuestros ministerios. que deben observar todos los religiosos de esta nuestra provincia de el santo rossario de philipinas del orden de predicadores." see peréz and güemes's adiciones y continuacion (manila, 1905), p. 114. [92] the opening of the suez canal, as much probably as any other factor promulgated modern ideas in the philippines, because of the vastly shorter route thus brought about between them and the mother country. [93] the above citation is from daniel grifol y aliaga's prologue to his book la instrucción primaria en filipinas (note by zamora, p. 235). [94] fray hilarion diez, o.s.a., who was consecrated archbishop of manila, october 21, 1827. his death occurred may 7, 1829. see ferrando's historia, vi, pp. cliii, cliv. [95] zamora, speaking in his chapter ix of the intervention of the friar, and discussing in general the accusations against the religious orders, says (pp. 408-452): "the spaniards in admiration of the sanity of life, of the austerity and purity of the morals of the religious; thankful for their good offices as intermediaries among themselves in their disputes, and among the indians during rebellions; convinced of the efficacy of their word, and of their intervention in all things; of the necessity of their active and diligent coöperation for the conservation and consolidation of the colony: began to respect, venerate, and recognize in them spontaneously, a certain right to intervene in their affairs, to settle their differences, submit to their judgment their quarrels, and respect their decisions with more submission and conformity than would proceed from the legitimately constituted authority. the governors themselves could not leave the religious out of account in all that they undertook." the indian learned to distinguish, says zamora, between the peaceful and helpful friar, who sought only his welfare, and the often brutal and harsh encomendero. "not otherwise was the origin of the prestige of the religious among indians and spaniards;" and the lapse of time furthered it. the governors made use of the friars as ambassadors, counsellors, and in other capacities connected with the government. "the religious were the ones who formed the villages and made a record of their parishioners on the tribute and citizen list." as the friars were the only ones who understood the native dialects and the natives were ignorant of spanish, the authorities were forced to work through the former, and consequently, the friars had the right of "visé" of the tribute and citizen lists. they became the presiding officers of all local boards, and so had all the power. in the provinces the dwelling of the parish priest was open to strangers who lodged there as in a hotel. the envy and maliciousness of certain people, however, conspired to take away the power of the parish priest, a reform that was rather agreeable than otherwise to him, as it left him more time for his ministry; but he deplored it as it seemed to threaten the country at no distant future. "the vigilant, noble, and disinterested intervention of the parish priests in all matters was the chief and necessary wheel of the gubernatorial, administrative, and judicial mechanism, in their multiple and complicated attributes and duties. that was exercised with regularity, until, in the last years of spanish dominion in that country, the impelling force restrained the impulse." the fruit of the "reform" was the contempt of the natives for the spaniards. "if the religious orders were the cause for the loss of these islands, they were so unconsciously and ignorantly, or consciously and maliciously." zamora argues that they were not in any way the cause for the loss of the country. "the religious communities knew that the ruin of the country was their own ruin, the end of the spanish domination, the end even of their existence in filipinas." "on three bases rested the spanish domination in filipinas with its institutions and organisations: religion; the prestige of the parish-priest regulars; and the superiority of race in so great accord with spanish nobility." to freemasonry was due the destruction of the high ideal of religion, and also the idea of the superiority of race; and to freemasonry is due, then, the loss of the colony. the friars have not committed the abuses with which they have been credited, and were not the cause of the revolution. they were always the upholders of spanish sovereignty, and protected the natives. [96] the municipal reform of 1893, the "maura law," in conferring a considerable degree of local autonomy on philippine towns, made the newly created municipal councils also school boards. it was a further step in taking from the padre the power to "visé" and supervise everything done, small and great, in a town. in promulgating the law, governor-general blanco (popular with the filipinos for his liberal measures) took pains to explain that the priest's school-inspecting powers, so far as religious teaching went, were to be the same as ever. as a matter of fact, this reform of minister maura, sent forth amid much accompaniment of proclamas in spain and the islands, was virtually made a dead-letter under succeeding governors. its non-enforcement, except in a few towns, was one of the complaints of the insurgents in 1896. see leroy "friars in the philippines," in political science quarterly for december, 1903, pp. 672, 673. [97] victor s. clark (bulletin of the bureau of labor, no. 58, may, 1905; labor conditions in the philippines), says (p. 854): "practically all the christian population of mindanao spoke spanish in 1883, which indicates that the statistics probably did not cover the remoter jesuit mission stations among the moros. in that year about 21 per cent of the total population reported for the islands could read, but less than 5-1/2 per cent could speak spanish. in other words, 75 per cent of the persons able to read could do so only in the malay dialects." [98] estadismo, chapter xiv (retana's ed.; note by zamora). [99] zúñiga (estadismo, retana's ed., i, pp. 299, 300), says of the natives of tondo province: "the language of these indians is somewhat corrupted, because a great number of spanish words have been introduced. that is the only benefit which they have derived from living near manila, since there are very few who know spanish. in the suburbs themselves, as well as in binondo and santa cruz, the tagálog language is spoken. the spaniards cast the blame on the religious for the indians not knowing the spanish language. but let them examine the villages of the seculars, and they will find whether they know more than those of the regular curacies. we cannot succeed in getting them to learn the doctrine, and it is wished that we teach them the spanish language. there are some spaniards who believe that we are opposed to them learning it, but this calumny was clearly destroyed in the time of señor anda, when it was ordered that no one could become a gobernadorcillo unless he knew spanish; and it was necessary in almost all the villages to take the servants of the fathers. now even, if there is any indian who knows spanish in the villages, it is because he has served some religious or some spaniard in manila. i know very well the method of introducing the spanish language into filipinas; but since i know that my plan will not be observed, i shall say only that hitherto, certain absurd means which would not have been used among barbarians, have been taken." [100] estadismo, appendix a (note by zamora). this citation is from vol. ii, pp. 59*, *60. [101] the issue of june 5, 1891 (note by zamora). [102] an expression used in ridicule, like the english folderols. it might be translated "utter nonsense." [103] the spanish for this invitation is as follows: "el día diecinueve de su mañana y del presente plenilunio tendrá lugar la misa de mi vara en esta iglesia de mi cargo que dios gratuitamente me ha concedido esta carga honorosa. invito á vd. tanto como á mi casa que desde luego se llenará el vacio acendrado de mi corazón en su asistencia hasta resonar mi última hora en el relox del eterno." some of the words are taken in the wrong acceptation. [104] this letter is given by retana in his edition of zúñiga's estadismo, ii, pp. *60-63*. [105] literally, "i ordain and command"--the form of opening often used in decrees, edicts, etc. [106] this last paragraph is not a part of retana's letter to becerra, but it is taken from retana's words following the letter in his edition of the estadismo, ii, pp. 63*, *64. [107] the friars virtually controlled secondary and higher instruction in the islands until they were lost to spain in 1898. the reaction that followed the liberal measures (some of them practical, some foolish) of 1863 to 1870 really strengthened the hold of the friars upon superior education (though one must take into account the competition from the jesuits in manila with which the disturbed dominicans had to deal in increased degree each year). see leroy's philippine life, p. 205. [108] "the friars maintained control of secondary and higher instruction till the islands were lost to spain in 1898. a reaction from the liberal policy of 1863 to 1868 was stimulated by the appearance of a radical party in the philippines, and by an insurrectionary movement at cavite, in 1872. the friar party declared these to be the natural consequences of 'reform' and when the government changed, as it soon did, the projects of educational reorganization were speedily nullified." james a. leroy in political science quarterly, december, 1903, pp. 673, 674. [109] i.e., "take and read." [110] the comments of victor s. clark, in his labor conditions in the philippines (bulletin no. 58, of bureau of labor), in regard to filipino workmen, are interesting, and show a somewhat different side than that presented by zamora. zamora has left out of account the filipino patriot, dr. josé rizal, who was executed by order of the spanish government, december 30, 1896. rizal was a pure-blooded tagálog, and attained highest rank in the orient as an eye specialist. in addition he was a poet, a sculptor, and a novelist of more than average ability, a wonderful linguist, a widely-read man, and a clear thinker. he studied in the ateneo municipal and in santo tomás. the two following selections, the first from his novel noli me tangere, often called the "filipino bible," and the second from el filibusterismo (both taken from leroy's philippine life in town and country, pp. 210-213, and 207, 208) are interesting criticisms of the education of the friars. the first is the reflections of the village philosopher, the second apropos of the teaching of physics in the university of santo tomás. "the country is not the same today as it was twenty years ago.... if you do not see it, it is because you have not seen the former state, have not studied the effect of the immigration of europeans, of the entrance of new books, and of the going of the young men to study in europe. it is true that the royal and pontifical university of st. thomas still exists, with its most wise cloister, and certain intelligences still busy themselves in formulating the distinctions and threshing out to the final issue the subtleties of scholasticism. but where will you now find that metaphysical youth of our times, with an archaic education, who tortured his brain and died in full pursuit of sophistries in some remote part of the provinces, without ever having succeeded in understanding the attributes of being, or settling the question of essence and existence, concepts so lofty that they made us forget what was essential in life, our own existence and individuality? look at the youth of today. full of enthusiasm at the view of wider horizons, it studies history, mathematics, geography, literature, physical science, languages, all subjects that in our time we heard of with horror as though they were heresies; the greatest freethinker of my time declared all these things inferior to the classifications of aristotle and the laws of the syllogism. man has finally comprehended that he is man; he refuses to give himself over to the analysis of his god, to the penetration of the imperceptible, into what he has not seen, and to give laws to the phantasms of his brain; man comprehends that his inheritance is the vast world, dominion over which is within his reach; weary of a task that is useless and presumptuous, he lowers his gaze to earth, and examines his own surroundings.... the experimental sciences have already given their firstfruits; it needs only time to perfect them. the lawyers of today are being trained in the new teachings of legal philosophy; some begin to shine in the midst of the shadows which surround our courts of justice, and point to a change in the course of affairs.... look you: the press itself, however backward it might wish to be, is taking a step forward against its will. the dominicans themselves do not escape this law, but are imitating the jesuits, their implacable enemies; they give fiestas in their cloisters, erect little theatres, write poesies, because, as they are not devoid of intelligence in spite of believing in the fifteenth century, they comprehend that the jesuits are right and will continue yet to play a part in the future of the young peoples that they have educated. "but are the jesuits the companions of progress? why, then, are they opposed in europe?" "i will answer you like an old scholastic.... one may accompany the course of progress in three ways, ahead of her, side by side with her, and behind her. the first are those who guide the course of progress; the second are those who are borne along by her; the last are dragged along, and among them are the jesuits. well would they like to direct her course, but, as they see her in the possession of full strength and having other tendencies, they capitulate, preferring to follow rather than be smothered or be left in the middle of the road without light. well now, we in the philippines are traveling along at least three centuries behind the car of progress; we are barely commencing to emerge from the middle ages. hence, the jesuits, reactionary in europe, when seen from our point of view represent progress; the philippines owe to them their dawning system of instruction, and to them the natural sciences, the soul of the nineteenth century, as it has been indebted to the dominicans for scholasticism, already dead in spite of leo xiii--no pope can revive what common sense has judged and condemned.... the strife is on between the past, which cleaves and clings with curses to the waning feudal castle, and the future, whose song of triumph may be faintly heard off in the distant but splendorous glories of a dawn that is coming, bringing the message of good-news from other countries." "the walls were entirely bare; not a drawing, nor an engraving, nor even any kind of a representation of an instrument of physics. on occasions there would be lowered from heaven an instrumentlet to be shown from afar to the class, like the holy of holies to the prostrate faithful: 'look at me, but don't touch me.' from time to time, some complacent professor came, a day of the year was assigned for visiting the mysterious 'cabinet,' and admiring from afar the enigmatic apparatus arranged inside the cases. then no one could complain; that day there were seen much brass, much glass, many tubes, disks, wheels, bells, etc. and the show stopped there, and the philippines were not turned upside down. for the rest, the students are convinced that these instruments were not bought for them; merry fools would the friars be! the 'cabinet' was made to be shown to foreigners and to high officials from spain, that, on seeing it, they may nod in approbation, while their guide smiles as if saying: 'you have been thinking you were going to find a lot of backward monks, eh? well, we are at the height of the century; we have a cabinet!' "and the foreigners and high officials, obsequiously entertained, afterward wrote in their voyages or reports: 'the royal and pontifical university of st. thomas, of manila, in charge of the illustrious dominicans, possesses a magnificent cabinet of physics for the instruction of youth.... there annually take this course some two hundred and fifty students; but, be it on account of the apathy, indolence, scanty capacity of the natives, or through any other cause whatsoever, ethnological or unperceivable, up to date there has not developed a lavoisier, a secchi, or a tyndall, even in miniature, from the philippine-malay race!'" [111] see p. 801 of victor s. clark's article in bulletin no. 58, ut supra, for a comparison between the filipino and the central and south american indians. [112] retana's praises of rizal, a full-blooded tagálog, in all these lines, as seen in his vida y escritos del dr. josé rizal, a series just concluded (october, 1906), in the madrid review, nuestro tiempo, are the best answer to his own question. [113] see retana's estadismo, appendix a (note by zamora). [114] according to eduardo navarro, o.s.a., the first freemason lodge established in the philippines was the one called luz filipina, about 1860, which was established in cavite under the gran oriente lusitano. it was in immediate correspondence with the portuguese lodges of macao and hongkong. shortly after another lodge was created in zamboanga of peninsulars and creoles resident in mindanao. some time after 1868, must have occurred the creation of another lodge composed of foreigners and dependents of the lodge of hongkong, of the scottish rite. into this lodge were admitted some peninsulars and filipinos. shortly after this many other lodges were created under the grañ oriente de españa. see navarro's asuntos filipinos (madrid, 1897), pp. 221-277. manuel sastron (insurrección en filipinas, madrid, 1901, p. 41), who represents the friar standpoint, says: "we believe and affirm in good faith, that, in our opinion, the origin, the primitive cellule of the insurrection of 1896 in filipinas, is to be found in masonry." the masonic movement was by 1890 widespread in the islands. see also sawyer's inhabitants of philippines, pp. 79-83. [115] st. anthony the great, who was an egyptian, born a.d. 356. his day is january 17. see baring gould's lives of the saints, i, pp. 249-272. [116] st. basil the great was a native of cappadocian cæsarea. his death occurred a.d. 379. his day is celebrated on june 14, except by the greeks who keep january 1 in his memory. see baring gould's lives of the saints, vi, pp. 192-202. [117] referring to the katipunan, or kataas-taasan kagalang-gálang katipunan nang mañga anac nang bayan, "sovereign worshipful association of the sons of the country." this society, of which it is yet too early to have definite and detailed information, was due in the main to andrés bonifacio, a warehouse keeper in the employ of fressel and co., of manila, who became its third president, although primarily founded by marcelo hilario del pilar. this society enrolled in its ranks the common people among the tagálogs. it is more than likely that the plan of the organization was copied from the masonic lodges, but the analogy stops here. the katipunan was not masonry. see sastron's insurrección, pp. 51-59; sawyer's inhabitants, pp. 82, 83; and the katipunan (manila, 1902), purporting to be by one francis st. clair, although it is claimed by some to have been written by or for the friars. [118] in a letter from james a. leroy, of june 27, 1906. [119] j. a. leroy: philippine life. [120] chief among these men may be cited francisco giner de los rios, of the madrid university, who has established the free institution of teaching in madrid for the training of teachers. he follows principally american methods. both church and state have opposed him, but he has persevered and his institution has had good results. [121] apropos of the "filipino soul," james a. leroy says, in the letter cited, ante, note 118, "no filipino on earth, if pinned down, could tell what the 'filipino soul' is today, as tavera hints." the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xiii, 1604-1605 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xiii preface 9 relación de las islas filipinas (concluded) pedro chirino, s.j.; roma, 1604 2 documents of 1604 letters to felipe iii. pedro de acuña; manila, july 15 and 19 221 decrees regarding religious orders. felipe iii, and others; valladolid, february-july 246 grant to the jesuit seminary at cebú. pedro chirino; [undated; 1604?] 251 decree regulating commerce with nueva españa. felipe iii; valladolid, december 31 256 documents of 1605 complaints against the chinese. miguel de benavides, and others; manila, february 3-9 271 letter from a chinese official to acuña. chincheo, march 287 letters from augustinian friars to felipe iii. estevan carillo, and others; manila, may 4-june 20 292 letter to felipe iii. antonio de ribera maldonado; manila, june 28 307 bibliographical data 317 illustrations autograph signature of pedro chirino, s.j.; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 215 autograph signatures of pedro de acuña and members of the audiencia; photographic facsimile from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 243 preface the larger part of the present volume is occupied with the _relacion_ of the jesuit chirino, begun in _vol_. xii, and here concluded. in this work is recorded the progress of the jesuit missions up to the year 1602, by which time they have been established not only in luzón and cebú, but in bohol, leyte, negros, samar, and northern mindanao. the arrival of the visitor garcía in 1599 results in new vigor and more thorough organization in the missions, and the numbers of those baptized in each rapidly increase. the missionaries are able to uproot idolatry in many places, and greatly check its practice in others. everywhere they introduce, with great acceptance and edification among the natives, the practice of flagellation--"the procession of blood." religious confraternities are formed among the converts, greatly aiding the labors of the fathers; and the latter open schools for boys, among both the spaniards and the indians. in time of pestilence they minister to the sick and the dying; and they gain great influence among all classes. they secure the good-will of hostile natives, quell a threatened revolt among those of leyte, and reclaim certain outlaws and bandits. the spaniards also receive their ministrations, especially in manila; the fathers adjust dissensions and family quarrels, and reform several dissolute persons. the college at manila prospers, and enlarges its curriculum. the labors of the jesuits effect certain important changes in social conditions among the natives. usury, unjust enslavement, and polygamy are greatly lessened, and sometimes entirely abolished, among the indians in the mission districts; and most notable of these results, the fathers have much success in gathering not only their own converts, but even many of the wild and savage mountaineers, into villages under their personal care and supervision. a new monastic order, the augustinian recollects, is permitted to send missionaries to the islands. little of importance occurs there in 1604; but among the spaniards there is much fear of an invasion by the chinese, in revenge for the late slaughter of their countrymen in luzón. yet the cupidity or laxity of the officials has permitted the number of chinese resident in the islands to increase beyond proper limits; and the archbishop of manila endeavors to secure strict enforcement of the laws against this dangerous immigration. the leading officials of the augustinian order complain (1605) of their provincial as unscrupulous and overbearing, and ask for relief and the suitable adjustment of the affairs of their province. chirino's narrative of the jesuit missions (here concluded) narrates events from 1598 onward. in june of that year father vera goes to obtain more missionaries from europe. in mexico he meets orders from the general of the jesuit order that diego garcía shall go with a reënforcement of laborers to the philippines. in manila, during that year, the jesuits meet much success in their ministries--especially in the confessional, in public preaching, and in various benevolent works. they also accomplish much in private affairs, reconciling enemies, preventing lawsuits, and checking licentious conduct. the annals continue with the progress of the antipolo mission during 1598. the mountain-dwellers continue to come to the mission, of whom many are baptized--among these some of the heathen priests. among the converts are formed confraternities which most efficiently aid the labors of the missionaries. the people have given up their pagan practices, and display great piety and devotion as christians. at cebú the bishop has greatly favored the jesuits, who have opened a school for his clergy and the sons of some citizens. their labors are chiefly among the visayan natives and the chinese, and meet much success. the writer relates some instances of especial virtue and piety among these converts; there, as in missions elsewhere, the women are distinguished in those respects. no less important are the labors of the jesuits among the spaniards of cebú, among whom they exercise great influence, even the bishop depending upon their advice; and they often preach in the cathedral. the bishop, "in imitation of manila," introduces the practice of flagellation at lent, and himself leads the "procession of blood." in the island of bohol the infant church continues to grow. the converts have entirely abandoned idolatry; and certain miraculous cures have kindled in them a most fervent piety. in butúan (in northern mindanao) "christianity is in a flourishing condition," according to father ledesma, whose letters are cited. conversions are steadily increasing: and several chiefs are to be baptized soon, although the most noted leader, silongan, is not yet cured of his polygamous inclinations. he is, however, most friendly to the fathers, and protects them in certain dangers. in alangalang, tomás de montoya (an american indian who has gone to the islands) has resumed the work dropped at the death of cosme de flores; he relates some instances of piety among his converts, and of punishment visited on the impenitent. at ogmuc much caution had been exercised in conferring baptism, and those who have received it show most edifying piety. in holy week occurs a procession in which "the most pleasing and touching sight was to see all the children disciplining themselves with scourges which they themselves had made for that day." the missionaries adjust various family quarrels, and put an end in the islands to the practices of usury and unjust enslavement. chirino here gives some account of these evils, but adds that they are abolished among all the christianized tribes in the islands. good reports come from carigara and paloc; the latter village is unusually prosperous because one of the jesuits has aided the people to construct better dwellings. they have abandoned their idols, and take pleasure in scourging themselves on fridays. at dulac many baptisms have occurred, and various diseases, among them leprosy, have been cured by this sacrament. a letter from father otaço, who is in charge at tinagon, shows that idolatry has been abandoned, and immoral customs are almost uprooted. he gives an interesting description of the methods pursued by the missionaries in their preaching, and by one of their native helpers in teaching his fellows. in june, 1599, diego garcía is sent to the islands as official visitor of the jesuit missions there, and he at once reorganizes and systematizes their plan and conduct. soon after his arrival there is a violent earthquake at manila, which injures two of the churches. the jesuits receive much aid for restoring their building--contributions from the spaniards, and services from the indians. in an epidemic of disease among them much good is done by the confraternity established among the converts, and the sick depend upon the fathers for spiritual comfort. when the people harvest their rice, their first care is to carry an offering of the first-fruits to the church. as usual, the jesuits here do much to better the lives of their penitents, both indian and spanish, reconciling those who were at enmity, and breaking up licentious alliances. the pestilence extends to antipolo and other villages near manila, and both the missionaries and their converts aid the sick and the dying in every possible way. the uprooting of idolatry in the taytay mission has been effectual; various instances of this are related by chirino, as also the cure of a lunatic by wearing an _agnus dei_. garcia, the official visitor, arrives at cebú in 1600, and makes arrangements by which the chinese there are cared for by other priests, the jesuits being thus free to labor among the indians. but the harvest of souls is far greater than the few laborers there can reap and more are urgently needed. chirino relates some instances of conversion and pious deaths in that mission. he then relates the progress of the mission in bohol, citing for this purpose the letters of the two missionaries there. the new converts display much devotion, and even the pagans receive the fathers kindly. many are converted, and some of their children are trained to instruct the people in the christian faith. sánchez procures the destruction of many instruments of witchcraft in a certain village; and relates some marvelous cures made by administering the sacraments, and some instances of feminine virtue. in butúan (mindanao) a rich harvest of souls is being gathered by ledesma and martínez; and even the infidels are very friendly to the new religion. the converts are very devout, and will not countenance any pagan practices. certain miraculous cures are recorded. the practice of flagellation is maintained in the jesuit church there, as in other places. the filipinos had formerly lived in perpetual warfare between the petty chiefs and their adherents; those who could remove migrated to new homes inland, and thus the mountain regions became settled. in order to reach the natives, the jesuits at alangalang bend all their efforts, which are soon successful, to gathering these scattered settlements into large villages--mission "reductions" like those which they had already made so noted in paraguay and other lands. their labors are thus more advantageously conducted, and many conversions result. at carigara their church services are greatly aided by a native choir, who sing in both their own and the european modes. a letter from father enzinas praises the purity of the converted indian women. father sánchez relates a notable case in his missionary labors at barugo. the progress of the church at ogmuc is related, with ardent praise for the piety and fervor of the converts. the infidels are steadily growing more inclined to receive the faith; and polygamy is being suppressed. a brief mission at paloc by father rodriguez results in fifty baptisms; and other subsequent missions there reap a rich harvest of souls. flagellation is a usual practice in lent; nearly all the people have received baptism; and the converted chiefs offer atonement to all whom they may have wronged. the record of the dulac mission shows seven hundred baptisms in one year; and the details of some conversions are related, especially that of two deaf-mutes, whose piety is most edifying. during holy week the converts practice flagellation; and on one occasion one of the fathers gives his flock a practical lesson in christian charity. in tinagon the jesuits baptize, during the year ending in april, 1600, nearly a thousand persons. the number of missionaries for this field is so inadequate that they send to some villages the indian boys who have been instructed, in order that they may teach the people the catechism and doctrine. accounts of missionary labors and of certain conversions are given in extracts from some letters written by the fathers. all the people are friendly to the new faith, and the prospect is most encouraging. chirino mentions the shipwreck of the vessels bound for mexico, and the conflict with oliver van noordt, in connection with which he describes the deaths and the pious lives of some jesuits who perished therein. in 1601 father gregorio lópez brings to the islands a reënforcement of nine missionaries; and their long and dangerous voyage across the pacific, safely accomplished through the intercession of st. ignatius, is fully described. in the same year and the next arrive also many missionaries of the other orders: chirino praises their devotion and zeal, the fraternal spirit among the various orders, the excellent influence exerted by their members among the spaniards in manila, and the religious spirit exhibited by the latter; and describes various exercises of piety practiced there--the institution of a religious congregation among the students in the jesuit college, and, later, one among the townspeople; the practice of flagellation every week during the year, as well as in lent; attendance at sunday afternoon sermons; the choice of patron saints by lot; etc. the particulars of certain conversions and virtuous acts are also related--especially the conversion of the dutch prisoners captured from van noordt. the indians in manila, who are largely in care of the jesuits, are devout by nature, and much inclined to confession and other pious exercises. a confraternity among them accomplishes many pious and benevolent works, and exerts a great influence on those outside it. in the taytay mission there is cheering progress, and many of the mountain indians, hitherto infidels, are converted and baptized. the visitor garcia has founded at antipolo a hospital, and a seminary for boys, both of great assistance to the missionaries' labors. toward the end of 1600 the bishop of cebú holds a council of secular clergy and missionaries, wherein their work is better planned and regulated, and various salutary enactments are made for the diocese. the jesuit fathers pay especial attention to the indians and the soldiers, giving up the charge of the chinese in cebú; an indian hamlet near that city yields them many converts. letters from valerio ledesma give encouraging reports of progress and gain in the bohol mission. he is successful in gathering the scattered settlements into mission villages--in loboc, "more than a thousand souls, gathered from the mountains and rivers, most of them people reared in war, robbery, and murder;" and on the viga river two wild hill-tribes, who had never before seen a priest. ledesma visits many villages in that island, finding the people eager to receive baptism, and hospitable toward the missionaries; and many conversions occur among the savage and fierce mountain tribes. on one occasion ledesma goes, alone and unarmed, to meet a hostile band (who had never before seen a spaniard); and by his gentle and kind demeanor, and some small gifts, induces them to depart in peace, after winning their friendship for himself and his converts. the harvest is great, and more laborers are greatly needed in that field. this is largely due to the policy of the missionaries in forming the mission reductions of converts. the savage mountaineers still continue to migrate to these mission villages; and heathen priestesses are converted to the faith. in the bohol mission there are now more than three thousand christians. the island is again menaced by the moro pirates of mindanao; in 1600 they ravaged other islands, but did little damage in bohol. various citations from missionary reports show the docility and eagerness of the natives in embracing the christian faith. at the request of the secular priest in charge there, the district of tanai (in negros island) is placed in the mission-field of the jesuits, and gabriel sánchez is transferred thither from bohol; he is welcomed by the people. his report contains accounts of numerous conversions and miraculous cures, as well as of a heavenly vision beheld by some converts. returning to tanai later, sánchez finds his converts steadfast, and most exemplary in their lives. in ibabao (samar), are conducted flying missions, from the central residence at tinagon, the indefatigable missionaries coasting along the shores of that and other adjacent islands "casting their nets for souls." during the year they have baptized nearly four thousand persons, most of them adults. six missions are formed, reports from which present many interesting accounts of the labors, methods, and achievements of the fathers. in the dulac mission (in leyte), the fathers are also gaining many souls; at the christmas feast alone, six hundred former infidels were baptized at paloc. various incidents are related of pious deaths, and of deliverance of those in danger. good progress is being made in the missions of leyte--alangalang, carigara and others; nearly three thousand persons were baptized therein during the years 1600-1602. at alangalang there are in the jesuit church three choirs of indians, who "surpass many spaniards." the christians at ogmuc are exceedingly fervent; and the children instructed in the jesuit school become, in their turn, teachers of their parents. the indians of the alangalang mission practice flagellation during holy week, "shedding their blood with such fervor that it became necessary to restrain them. nor was there less fervor among the children;" and these, when too young to be allowed to scourge themselves, invent another penance of their own. in leyte a notable disturbance among the natives, arising from the murder of a prominent chief, is quelled by the influence of the jesuits, who reconcile the different factions and restore harmony, besides reclaiming certain outlaws. while a ship is being built at panámao (now biliran), one of the fathers ministers (1602) to the workmen gathered there--spaniards, indians, and others. a spanish youth is slain by a negro; this sad event disposes the minds of all to religion, and the missionary gathers a rich harvest of souls. he is almost overwhelmed with his labors, but is consoled by the deep contrition and devotion displayed by his penitents, and twice defers his departure at their entreaties and for the sake of their souls' welfare. at the end of 1601, father francisco de almerique dies at manila, worn out with long and incessant toil in his ministry to the indians. chirino relates his virtues, labors, and pious death; he has rendered especial service by attracting the wild indians of the mountains to settle in the mission villages, thus bringing them under the influence of the gospel. the jesuit college at manila prospers; a course in philosophy is begun, and the two religious congregations stimulate religious devotion among their members. the spells used by certain witches in that city are neutralized by the influence of an _agnus dei_. in 1602 the taytay and antipolo mission grows rapidly, and more laborers are needed in that field. the devotions of lent are, as usual, emphasized by "processions of blood," wherein the devotees scourge themselves through the streets. the mantle of father almerique falls upon father angelo armano. the devotion of these converts is praised. the seminary for indian boys, and the hospital, are efficient aids to the labors of the missionaries. the mission of silan has been recently assigned to the jesuits; they find the people well-disposed and tractable, and soon have many, both children and adults, under instruction. in caring for these, they are greatly aided by a blind native helper, formerly a heathen priest. letters from the fathers in charge of this mission describe their arduous labors, the faith and piety of their neophytes, and certain miracles wrought by an image of st. ignatius. here, too, the missionaries pursue their favorite policy of gathering the natives into reductions. a chapter is devoted to the customs of the filipinos in bestowing personal names. surnames are conferred only at the time of marriage; but various appellations of relationship and endearment are given besides that chosen at a child's birth. chirino praises the fertility, elegance, and politeness of the tagál language. he says that formerly the natives did not adorn themselves with titles; but now "the wretched 'don' has filled both men and women with such vanity that every one of them who has a tolerably good opinion of himself must place this title before his name; accordingly, there are even more dons among them than among our spaniards." the bishop of cebú visits the island of bohol, accompanied by a jesuit missionary who briefly relates something of their experiences in this journey. the bishop confirms, in the jesuit missions, about three thousand christians, and wins their hearts by his paternal love and benevolence. the fervor of these converts is very great, and even the little children are full of zeal to learn the christian doctrine. the people are all well disposed toward the faith, and "the whole island would now be converted" if they had missionaries to give them instruction. there are islets adjacent to bohol, where the people are going to hell for lack of religious aid; but the jesuits cannot take care of them for lack of ministers. this difficulty is especially encountered in the island of samar; a journey of father juan de torres to a needy mission station is described at some length. at catubig a flourishing mission is established (1601); the headman of that village is converted, and shows his faith by many pious works. various instances of encounters with crocodiles, and some miraculous deliverances from danger or death, are related as occurring at catubig. chirino closes his narrative with an appeal for more laborers to be sent to the philippines, as a field where so great a harvest of souls awaits them. permission is given (february 23, 1604) for the augustinian recollects to establish themselves in the philippines. on june 3 the king sends orders to acuña to repress the high-handed proceedings of some of the religious orders there; and on july 30 he directs the archbishop to punish those of the teaching friars who abandon their mission fields and sell or exchange church furniture. acuña writes to the king (july 15) about various business matters. he asks for money with which to make restitution to certain chinese, and for royal favor to christoval de azqueta. much fear of a chinese invasion is felt in manila. trade with the japanese is in good condition; but acuña refuses to let them bring money to manila for investment. acuña makes various recommendations as to officials, their appointment, and the official inspection of their conduct; and asks that the royal treasury of the islands be properly inspected and regulated. in other letters of the same date, the governor urges at some length that the audiencia at manila should be abolished. the spanish population is so small that the audiencia has but little occupation; the auditors bring to the islands numerous relatives or friends, for whom they secure the offices and benefits which rightfully belong to the inhabitants; they appropriate the best of the chinese trade and of its profits, compelling the citizens to stand aside; and they tyrannize over the latter in many ways. the auditors interfere with the affairs of the military service, and hinder the governor from performing his duties. the expense of their salaries is a heavy burden on an impoverished country, and the treasury has not enough means to meet the demands constantly made upon it. the people are discontented and clamorous, and they ought to be freed from this encumbrance. a postscript dated july 19 refers to the king a dispute between the audiencia and archbishop regarding the seminary of santa potenciana. letters from pedro chirino (undated; 1604?) to the king ask for royal grants to aid the jesuit seminary for boys at cebú. in support of this request he cites the benefits derived from this school by natives as well as spaniards, and the ministrations to all classes by the jesuits in charge of it; and adduces the testimony of various witnesses, secular and ecclesiastical, to the same effect. his request is granted by the royal council. by a decree of december 31, 1604, the spanish government regulates the trade of the american colonies with the philippines. the substance of previous decrees is rehearsed, and felipe orders that the trade of the islands with nueva españa be continued, although under some restrictions. the commander and other officials are to be appointed by the governor and archbishop at manila, and chosen from citizens of the islands. the officials of the ships may not engage in trade, and the salaries of the two highest are fixed. provision is made for more rigid inspection of vessels and their cargoes, for equitable allotment of space, and for the safety of the crews. freight charges are to be moderated and regulated; additional duties on goods are levied, and provision is made for the care and expenditure of these, also for inspection of cargoes and money shipped at acapulco. no person may go to the philippines unless he shall give security for his permanent residence there. in february, 1605, a formal complaint against the chinese is made before the authorities at manila by archbishop benavides, supported by the depositions of several witnesses. the parián in that city, destroyed in the insurrection of 1603, has been rebuilt, and is again peopled by "infidel sangleys." these chinese are idolatrous, and exceedingly licentious and vicious; and in both these respects are demoralizing the indian natives, and drawing them away from the catholic faith. the chinese, moreover, are inclined to revenge themselves on the spaniards for the slaughter of their countrymen in the insurrection of 1603, and thus are a constant source of danger. he recommends that they be driven out of the city, except that they be allowed a place where they can live during the months while the ships for the mexican trade are being unloaded and freighted; and that they be not allowed to hold intercourse with the indians. the archbishop also denounces the japanese (who reside not far from the chinese quarter in manila) as being equally vicious and dangerous. for all these reasons, he causes a secret investigation to be made of the whole matter, which he has not been able to induce the governor to do. further testimony to the same effect is given by several witnesses. talavera, a cura of the natives in manila, states that he has been told that the mindanao pirates were incited to hostilities by the chinese; also that the archbishop had repeatedly striven, but in vain, to correct the evils arising from the proximity of the natives to these vicious foreigners. a sworn statement by francisco de avila (june 15) is appended, showing that chinese were then residing in the houses of prominent citizens of manila. a letter is written (march, 1605) by the officials of the chinese province of chincheo, to governor acuña, demanding investigation of the late sangley revolt at manila and redress for the killing of so many chinese. the leading augustinians at manila send to the king (may 4) a formal complaint against fray lorenso de león, whom they charge with arbitrary and illegal acts, and with scheming to gain power in the order, and with forcing his own election as provincial. they ask the king to induce the papal nuncio to revoke fray de león's authority, and to send a visitor to regulate the affairs of the order in the islands. this request is supported by a brief letter from the commissary of the inquisition (a dominican), one of the augustinian officials signing the above document, joan de tapia, writes another and personal letter to the king, giving further accounts of fray de león's illegal acts and general unfitness for his office. tapia also accuses him and one fray amorin of having appropriated to themselves various funds entrusted to their care; and says that león is investing in mercantile speculations money which must have come from the convents. one of the auditors, antonio de ribera maldonado, writes to the king (june 28); he complains of the conduct of governor acuña toward himself and others, and of his appointments to government positions. maldonado also asserts that acuña evades the laws regulating the mexican trade, securing for himself and his friends privileges which rightfully belong to the citizens at large. he asks that he may be permitted to remain longer at manila, instead of going to mexico. _the editors_ march, 1904. relacion de las islas filipinas (_concluded_) by father pedro chirino, s.j. roma: printed by estevan paulino, in the year mdciv. _source_: this is translated from the original printed work, for which purpose have been used the copies belonging to harvard university and to edward e. ayer of chicago. _translation_: this is made by frederic w. morrison, of harvard university, and emma helen blair. relation of the filipinas islands and of what has there been accomplished by the fathers of the society of jesus how father francisco de vera returned to españa for more fathers. chapter xxxvii. the men of the society remained in the rest of those pintados islands, occupied as we have already seen. in various places, during those two years, there had been newly erected to the glory of jesus christ thirty churches; but in all this the least important thing was the material gain, for the real success was in the continual increase of the body of christians in all those churches. in places where ours did not reside, each church had its own representative [_fiscal_], who took care of it and assembled the people, at least on feast-days, to recite the prayers and chant the christian doctrine. they did this, not only in the church, but in their houses; and even when journeying by water, or cultivating the soil, their usual recreation is to sing these exercises. in proportion at the fruit grew more abundantly, so did the need of laborers increase--until ours, exhausted by their lack of strength to reap such copious harvests, unanimously called for the succor of new companions. but as this aid must be sent from europe, which is so far away, and as they could not depend upon letters, it was agreed to despatch father francisco de vera, as a person who had been most successful in conveying the last reënforcement, so useful and so large--which, however, was now too small for so greatly increased a harvest, and more reapers were needed. the father set out from manila on this journey, in the month of june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight, in the ship "santa margarita," which, after a prosperous voyage of four months, reached nueva españa. soon afterward, orders arrived there from our very reverend father-general, claudio aquaviva, that father diego garcia, who had completed his term as rector of the college of mexico, should repair at once to the filipinas, to visit and console, on behalf of his paternity, ours who were there; and should take with him a reënforcement of earnest laborers in the vineyard of the lord, which was the same object for which father francisco de vera had gone. it seemed best to the superiors that the good father should remain there and obtain his much needed rest, and not undergo at once the fresh hardships of a second voyage to the filipinas. besides this, they desired to retain him in mexico, because his presence in that province was important, as it had been in the filipinas, and, still earlier, in madrid, and in alcala de henares where he had been superior. so the father-visitor departed, as we shall later see, with some companions for the filipinas. further transactions in manila up to the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight. chapter xxxviii. although in manila we had received novices from the very beginning, and although a goodly number of acceptable men of various ranks had entered our society there, and had proved to be zealous servants of god and very useful in our ministries, at the time of which we are speaking their number was greater. for there were seven novices--all very religious, humble, and devout--also three brethren of long standing, and six priests; all were busy, each according to his degree and vocation. the number of those who attended lenten services and the regular sermons continued to grow with the increase of the spaniards in manila, and our lord was pleased to give our fathers the immediate reward for their labors, so that they might be thus encouraged to toil with even greater ardor. besides the large number of ordinary confessions, many general confessions were made of great importance, and by persons who for many years had not confessed--at least, not as they should. in a single year one father heard forty general confessions; another, fifty; and another, two hundred. there were also many persons who desired, some to amend their lives, others to attain a higher degree of virtue, and who made retreat at home, in order to perform the exercises--especially persons serious and of high standing, such as the schoolmaster of manila, the commander of the fleet, and other captains and men of reputation. during lent and advent sermons were preached on sunday afternoons to the soldiers in the guard-room; and these were attended by many people of the city, as well as by the governor and some of the auditors of the royal audiencia. before commencing the sermon the children were, as usual, instructed in the christian doctrine, with questions and their answers. after the sermon was concluded, the soldiers were invited to make their confessions, which they did with alacrity. after that a kind of usury was abolished, which the soldiers, without considering it as such, were inadvertently practicing in their eagerness for gain. this was to sell certain things for a higher price, on condition that the purchaser should make his payments from what he might gain at play. this they called "putting into one's hands" [_dar a las manos_]. during lent, the discipline was practiced three days in each week, with so extraordinary a concourse of people that besides the indians, who came in large numbers, there were more than five hundred spaniards of all ranks and conditions--ecclesiastics and laymen, merchants, captains, soldiers, and men of other callings. various friendships were made in this way, especially between ecclesiastics and laymen, which were of great service to our lord. many needs of poor people were remedied, especially of those in the prison; and efforts were made to alleviate the hunger and thirst that they were suffering, and compassionately to settle their difficulties, so far as we had means and opportunity. efforts were also made to shelter in the seminary for girls some women who, on account of the absence of their husbands, were in danger. arrangements were also made with the governor, don francisco tello, to secure the marriage of certain other women, in which matter he lent assistance not only with his authority but with his money. upon one occasion he charitably bestowed a dowry of six hundred pesos upon a woman of noble parentage who, for various reasons, had gone from madrid to sojourn in that country. the brethren of la santa misericordia of manila also lend assistance in these matters with great solicitude and charity, conformably to their profession and the aims of the confraternity. the members are among the most noble and distinguished people in that community, and are most useful therein, to the great glory and service of god our lord. our fathers devote themselves at all hours to consoling and confessing the sick and afflicted, for these always have us summoned, even though far away. in this connection i shall relate a special instance. a sick man, having abandoned hope of life (for the physician had declared him past recovery), seeing that human remedies were of no avail, had recourse to the divine; and he sought aid from the mother of god, to whom he made a vow to betake himself for nine days to her chapel called ermita de guia, which, as i have said, lies without the city walls. having made the vow, he arose at once, just as he was, to fulfil it. a marvel of god! as the days went by, his health continually improved; and at the end of the nine days, he was entirely well. this meant health of body, but the two days following his recovery brought him life for both body and soul. an honorable woman lived in great suffering through the cruel treatment to which her husband subjected her; and she determined to free herself from this pain and anguish by putting an end to her life, which was passing in such bitterness. for this purpose, she placed a noose around her neck, the demon aiding her, and hanged herself. the noise which she made while in the pains of death was heard by one of her neighbors, who hastened to her, and, encountering this horrible sight, promptly cut the rope. the woman, when she came to herself, repented of her wicked act, and had recourse to one of ours for counsel; and, through the mercy of the lord, she now lives in peace and contentment. another married woman, likewise disheartened by the abuse and bad temper of her husband, resolved to leap into the sea and drown herself. collecting some of her goods, with tears and great sorrow she bade her daughter farewell, and set out to accomplish at once her desperate purpose. when she was on the point of throwing herself into the water, the lord, having compassion on her wretched lot, sent to her a voice which caused her to hesitate, and to realize what she was doing. "what art thou doing, woman? trust in god, for thy husband shall treat thee well." with this she was affrighted; but, as a proof that this deliverance had come from heaven, her husband came soon afterward, and began to caress her and to show her much kindness. then she grew calm, recognizing the great mercy which the lord had showed her. in this same year our students gave evidence of their intelligence and application, on the occasion of the safe arrival at manila of the most reverend archbishop and suffragans, whom they entertained in their schools with two ingenious dialogues, and other proofs of erudition. in that season arrived also some of the gentlemen of the royal audiencia who were visiting our schools for the purpose of showing them favor and honor. they greatly enjoyed a third literary exercise which had been prepared for them and were thus encouraged to carry out their intention of placing their sons in these schools, as they did. in time, these studies began to bear fruit, and some of our students even entered the religious life. the leading events at this time among the indians in manila. chapter xxxix. the ministries to the indians are those which are exercised with the greatest satisfaction in our college, for which occupation we had in that year three fathers who had gained a mastery of their language. if there had been many more, each one would have had something to occupy him, on account of the great number of the indians, not only within the city, but beyond the walls, in many villages which are in the vicinity of manila, and whose inhabitants attend our church. in that year our lord was pleased to favor this ministry with new tokens of his favor; for although in former years the conditions were such as are described above, in this year [1598] the attendance in our church for sermons and confessions was extraordinary--indeed, there was one father who heard more than three hundred general confessions. this was due partly to the increase in the number of fathers who knew the language; and partly to the cessation of the sermons which were formerly preached by other religious orders, through the press of other labors with which they ever busy themselves most zealously in the service of god. by these holy means we set aright many important affairs which concerned enmities and sinful lives. as an instance of this, certain legal proceedings were instituted for the separation of a married pair; these had made considerable progress, but were abandoned, and the husband and wife were reconciled, and again lived together in peace. efforts were also made to break up illicit relations, and separate those who lived therein; and the result was that, through the mercy of god, those persons have not relapsed into evil ways. although among these were some cases of special interest, i will confine myself to other matters which occur to me, which are cleaner and more agreeable. the first concerns an infidel indian woman whose conversion was a difficult matter, on account of her marriage with a chinese or sangley who was also an infidel; for her husband kept her, as is the custom among the chinese, under close confinement and guard. one of our fathers was desirous to gain this woman for christ; and, finding no other means, placed some christian indians where she could hear them talk about the things of god and the life eternal. the woman was so impressed by what she heard that, fleeing from her husband and abandoning her home and child, she came to our house and asked to be instructed for baptism; her request was granted, and by this means the husband was also converted. his conversion is a valuable one, since it is very difficult to incline the people of his nation toward the truths of our holy faith. some indian women, during a pest of locusts, erected in their sowed field a cross containing some relics; and our lord was pleased to honor the emblem of his death, as well as the faith of these, his new faithful ones, for the locusts passed on without causing them any loss. the owner of the land gave, in gratitude, all its harvest as alms--which he was able to do, as he possessed some wealth. although these incidents, and many others which are not here related, show that our lord is desirous of drawing these peoples to himself by the bonds of adam, namely, by love and mercy, he also chooses to show them that he is a god of justice. this he made evident in the dreadful fate of a man and wife who swore to be faithful to each other during his absence, and, supplemented their oaths with terrible curses which are in use among them. yet the woman, overcome by the devil, was false to her compact and promise of fidelity; and while the unhappy adulterers were thus sinfully engaged, both were struck dead, and were found thus by persons who told it to the father. by his orders the matter was suppressed, as much as was possible in so frightful an event. of the villages of antipolo and san juan del monte. chapter xxxx. so great was the increase of that mission throughout those two years [1597-98], by the continual arrival of people who came to us, as we have already stated, from those mountains and deserts, that besides two entire villages which were established near antipolo, at a distance convenient for the instruction of the people, more than a hundred persons came down from the mountains with some children, who were at once baptized. among these were three ministers of their idols, who, upon arriving at antipolo, went to father almerique, and, making avowal of the evil employment which they had up to that time practiced, renounced it before him and many others who were then present. they promised never again to resume it, and asked that this declaration be given them in writing, as a proof of their conversion, and that no one in times to come might attribute to them guilt for what they had done in the mountains when they had no knowledge of the true god. in each of these two villages there was formed a confraternity, which, besides other works of piety and devotion, practices two that act as a preservative against the two great evils of idolatry and intoxication--which, as we have already stated, were customary in cases of sickness or death--since in this confraternity are the people who are most prominent, most christian, and most trustworthy in those villages. moreover, they take the utmost care to ascertain who in the village may be sick or dying; and they aid the families of both the sick and the dead by frequent visits--in such cases not only exercising perfect piety and charity, but preventing the abuses, superstitions, idolatries, intoxications, dirges, music, and wailing which had been their own custom when they were pagans, as now among these others. these confraternities have rendered christianity in those regions most glorious, and for their good deeds are so highly esteemed that he is not considered a person of worth who is not received into one of them. on two special occasions they made processions, in excellent order, and with great solemnity and concourse of the people, and attended mass and preaching; and very many frequented the communion. one of these was at the foundation of a confraternity; the other was occasioned by a plague of locusts which had been devastating all those islands for two years. in order to obtain from god a remedy for this evil, they chose the most holy virgin mary as their intercessor, and made a vow to celebrate the feast of her most pure conception, and to give on that occasion liberal alms as aid for the marriages of the poor and the orphans. they fulfilled their promises, and our lord received their humble tokens of service and showed them that he was well pleased, by turning aside the locusts from their crops, and giving them that year very abundant harvests. all the people of the village have now directed to the church that recourse and dependence which they formerly exercised toward the ministers of the devil; and, consequently, when they experience any ill, however trifling it maybe, they summon the father to hear their confessions, or to have the gospel recited to them. hardly a day passes, while their sickness lasts, when they do not cause themselves to be conveyed to the church, at the time of mass; and when that is ended they approach the priest, to have him recite the gospel and sprinkle them with holy water. sometimes there are so many of them that, when the priest has done this for them, he is compelled to wait until they go away before he can leave the altar. they also carry first to the church whatever grain or seeds they are about to sow, to have these blessed, in return for which they offer the priest the first-fruits of their harvests. the leading events in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus. chapter xxxxi. as a result of the favors bestowed upon the six resident members of the society by the right reverend bishop of sebu, don fray pedro de agurto, a religious of the order of st. augustine (who entered this year into his church and erected it into a cathedral), the fruits of our ministries were at this time most abundant and prosperous. as i have already stated, these were exercised among the various nationalities who inhabit that city, or who resort thither from various regions for their business and traffic. likewise, at the instance of his lordship, a school of latin was opened in our college for his servants and clergy, who were joined by the sons of some of the citizens. this school was not only a common and general benefit, but also very useful as a retreat and aid for those who in the school for children were already advanced in reading, writing, and reckoning. although many of the boys remained in the lower school as pupils, a considerable number of students began the study of grammar with the new master, father francisco vicente puche, who as an initiation to the studies, and as a welcome to the bishop, gave with his students a two-hours' dramatic representation in the cathedral, in honor of his lordship, which proved most agreeable, learned, dignified, and devout, and gave extraordinary pleasure to all the citizens, who had never before seen such a thing in their city. there were two indian peoples among whom we were especially laboring at that time: one the bissayans, who are the natives of that country, to whom we preached, on sundays and feast-days, throughout the year, in their own language; the other the chinese--many of whom, coming from their own land into this (and many do come in the merchant-vessels), remain here. they have established in this city, near our house, a quarter of their own, which at that time was in charge of the society; and our fathers administered the sacraments to them and their families, including their women and servants--chinese, japanese, malucos, and bissayans. they repaired with great frequency to confession and communion, especially on days in jubilees and in lent; and we always had catechumens among the infidel chinese, whom we baptized only at the notable feasts, and with great solemnity--excepting on occasions when that sacrament was bestowed on persons at the point of death. the first confirmations which the lord bishop celebrated outside of his cathedral were in our church, where he most devoutly bestowed this holy sacrament upon our chinese and their families. on easter of this last year, he celebrated in the same church, as an encouragement and a favor, the solemn baptism of the catechumens, of whom there were a large number; and he was greatly delighted and edified to behold one of our fathers, his assistant on that occasion, conversing in the chinese language. the fruitful results of these ministries were displayed in many instances, more especially in regard to purity and constancy. i shall mention one case only, wherein it seemed to us extraordinary constancy which could inspire with courage for such resistance an indian woman whose former occupation, while she was a heathen, was so contrary to such conduct, as we have related. it happened in this way. one of those women was solicited by a wicked man whom she bravely repulsed. but he finally began cautiously to offer her money, urging her to receive it, and assuring her that he made no claim upon her thus. not less valorously than before did she reject his offering, saying that she desired no money which, when she must appear before god; would cry out against her, and be an accuser and witness against her; and she reminded him that this money, with which he was striving to wage such war against her, could serve only for her condemnation and chastisement. in proportion to her resistance, so did the furious passion of this wicked man increase, who gave himself no repose in devising projects for her downfall. attempting to accomplish this, on a certain occasion when she was alone, she uttered loud cries, at which someone came to her aid and delivered her from his violence. with that his love turned to hatred, and his cajolery to threats, which he carried out by accusing her to her masters, with false testimony. she went from their house, in great affliction and distress, but ever repeating, with much patience: "god sees it all." still further to exercise her virtue, god permitted that even her master, who was a person of high rank, instigated by the devil, should solicit her with great importunity. she answered him by saying that she would, under no persuasion, commit such a sin, and that he should consider that he would greatly disgrace himself, as a man of so high position, by seeking relations with her, a woman of lowly state. she added that, besides this, she kept before her the thought of god, in whose presence she dared not commit any vile act, or consent to it in her heart, knowing that god sees all things; and, moreover, she had consideration for her mistress, who treated her as her own daughter, and against whom she could in no wise commit such treachery. the man, irritated by this resistance, threatened her with harsh treatment; but she replied that even if he were to kill her, it was enough for her that god saw all that she was suffering to avoid sin. the evil man, notwithstanding, carried out his threat, annoying her and treating her with great harshness; yet this only increased the strength and virtue of this innocent and chaste woman. another indian woman, left a widow, was so devoted to the preservation of her chastity that, without the advice of anyone, she made to god a vow of chastity, and most strictly kept it. there are many other women who, though they make no vow, preserve intact their chastity and virginity. nor are the men behind the women in the fervor and contrition wherewith they make their confessions, and the rigor with which they scourge themselves and do penance. one of those indian women made her confession with so abundant tears and signs of true contrition, that the father who confessed her was greatly aroused and moved thereat, and afterward related that the feelings of devotion caused by those so fervent tears and true contrition remained with him for many days; and that when he wished to humiliate himself or enliven his piety he had only to remember what he had beheld in that indian woman. for it is vastly different to but talk of contrition for sins, and to contemplate its vivid image and reality in a soul. another woman came to the confessional and, without noticing the multitude of people in the church, began her confession, and continued it with so many tears and such grief for her sins that she could with difficulty speak. she was thereupon seized with a great longing to do penance, and desired to go at once through the streets of the city, publicly scourging herself, as many do here [in europe] throughout lent, in the early part of the night. a young man in the confessional experienced such horror at his sins that, incensed against himself, and without informing the father, he scourged himself through the streets with such severity that he fell down as one dead, and was considered as such. he came later to our house to confess his offenses, and was as disfigured as if he were recovering from a severe illness; but, not content with the former scourging, he desired to inflict on himself another--for, as he said, his heart was transfixed, as by a nail, with grief for his sins. the father, however, commanded him to cease for the present, and he obeyed. there were many other special instances which, for the sake of brevity, i here omit. not the least affecting among them were those where there was manifested the eternal predestination which has mercifully provided for many at the hour of death the resource of baptism. our ministries in behalf of the spaniards were no less fervent at this time. they repaired in great numbers to our fathers, especially during lent and on days of jubilee, when the results of their instruction were most apparent. there were, very commonly, consultations in cases of conscience, not only with laymen, but with ecclesiastics, and religious, and even with the bishop--who hardly took any step without the advice of our fathers, although he was a most learned and discreet prelate. it must have been from seeing that persons of so high standing held our society in so great esteem that the people conceived the idea, and made the resolve, of coming to our house for their confessions; and for that very reason they felt under obligation to lead better lives. with regard to this, one man said that during our absence he had endured many inward struggles on account of not having made his confession to ours; but that, after he had done so, he had, through the mercy of god, overcome them all. in short, no matter of weight or importance arose where the advice of the society was not sought with confidence and truth, especially when it was seen that the bishop had such confidence in us--which his lordship manifested on many public occasions and before many people, by words and deeds which could not then be heard or now repeated, without confusion and embarrassment. our sermons in the cathedral and in our own church were regular and frequent, and were all attended by the right reverend bishop, who also honored our church with a pontifical mass for our feast of new year's day, which was celebrated with much solemnity, many persons, from all classes of people, repairing to confession and communion. his lordship also preached at the titular feast of the same church (that of the glorious st. ildefonso), which was celebrated with the like attendance and devotion, in the presence of a concourse of people, and with many communions. his lordship was also desirous of introducing, in imitation of manila, the practice of scourging in the church during lent; and he actually visited it, on the first friday, with a considerable following. he began by preaching a very devout sermon, at the conclusion of which, seeing that, although night had set in, the church was still light with the rays of a full moon, he determined to leave it for the time, and accordingly returned after his choir had sung the _miserere_. on account of the heat in this region, the churches are so constructed as to be open and airy, and for this reason are poorly adapted for taking the discipline. accordingly he changed his plan and, inviting the children of the school, and the students, with these and many others of the town, he arranged for every friday of that lent a procession of blood, in which the bishop himself marched barefoot. this procession left the cathedral in the evening, and proceeded to the other church (of the immaculate conception of our lady), some distance away. in the meantime the rest were flagellating themselves, even to the extent of drawing blood; and while the choir was singing the _miserere_, the holy bishop scourged himself alone in the sacristy. how the christian religion extended in the island of bohol. chapter xxxxii. through the solicitude and fervor of the two fathers who were in bohol, who soon received the help of a brother, that new christian church was notably increased, especially among the old people, from sixty to eighty years of age. these--the world no longer for them, or they for the world, but for him who died for them--he did not disdain to receive into his church when their sun was setting, although they had not begun so early to follow and obey him as he had to seek and invite them; many of them died shortly after they were baptized, having left many tokens and proofs of their salvation and the sincerity of their faith. all of them--little children and grown men, youths and aged people, the well and the sick--all convinced and persuaded by the truths of catholicism, are certain that no other road leads to heaven; and so, without resistance or objection, they prepared themselves for holy baptism--although the fathers with praiseworthy prudence, restrained them by conferring the sacrament on those only who were well prepared, or really in need of it. many who received the holy sacraments were cured of their maladies, and, consequently, the earnestness and devotion with which they sought and received them were intense. even when they are in health, it is indeed marvelous to see the satisfaction and willingness with which they repair to all virtuous exercises, especially to confessions and masses. there was no scent or trace of vice or idolatry, or witchcraft, or of other evil customs practiced by them while they were pagans; and if, in confession or elsewhere, mention were made to them of these things, they became deeply offended, saying: "since we are now christians, how could we do such things again?" especially notable is the fidelity maintained by married people, which they observe not only in outward act, but in their hearts. i cannot mention without sorrow the many souls, in this and neighboring islands, who clamor for deliverance and have no one to give it to them. during this same year some chiefs came from one of the adjacent islands who asked, almost in tears, that one of the two fathers who were there would, for the love of god visit them at least once a week. in another island, called siquihor, or the island of fire, distant from bohol some four leguas, there are many so well inclined to the faith that, upon receiving the christian doctrine of one who went from that region to their island, they learned it very carefully, and the chiefs even came with the others to ask for baptism. they were all, however, appeased with the good prospects that were held out to them, although these did not suffice to console them in their sorrow at returning still hungry for the bread of heaven; or ours at seeing them with such righteous hunger for it, yet unable to procure it, and with no one who might give them a share of it with the many who in other regions have more than enough. the increase of christianity in botuan. chapter xxxxiii. what the other two fathers accomplished in botuan i shall relate in their own words; for, if i am not mistaken, he who has the task in his own hands can well declare it. father valerio de ledesma in one of his letters writes thus: "christianity here is in a flourishing condition, as is seen in the large attendance at divine services and in the silence and reverence displayed in the church (for even when it is crowded with many people it seems as if not one were there), and in the affection of the people for the sacrament of confession. in even their petty troubles, many repair to the confessional; and some have already begun to receive communion, concerning which sermons have been repeatedly preached. i trust in our lord that many will be ready by corpus christi; although in the beginning it is best to proceed very gradually that they may reverence the sacrament and know how to distinguish this divine food. the people attend the services more than ever, and on sundays a very large audience listens to the word of god. the doctrine is sung at night, and the heavens themselves seem to rejoice at music so sweet. in all the families there are many persons well-disposed to the christian faith; and soon a large number of adults will be baptized; among them some chiefs of high standing, although the largest fish of all is not yet caught. if it were not for the difficulty of learning the doctrine, it seems to me now that almost the whole village would come to us." thus writes the father. this "largest fish" whom he mentions is that great silongan of whom we spoke. although he divorced five of his wives, one of them holds him so in captivity that finally he is keeping both of them [_i.e._, this one and his lawful wife]. although every possible means of a gentle sort has been used to free him from this impediment, nothing could be done; and yet he showed a great desire to become a christian, and the utmost esteem for the things of god, as well as extraordinary affection toward our fathers--which he manifested by giving his son to their care, and on two occasions of special importance. one of these was when the inhabitants, in fear of their enemies, the ternatans, who were scouring their coasts, received the news that there were some ships at the mouth of the river, which, although they belonged to friends, were not recognized as such; the inhabitants, fearing that these might be enemies, accordingly armed themselves at once. it was then that this chief, with all the men of his district, all armed with lances and shields, crossed to the other side of the river, where our house stood; and there, upon learning the deception and recognizing the friends, silongan in front of our house performed some feats of activity to show his valor and strength, and said that it was he, silongan, who protected and defended the fathers and who, in trying circumstances, showed what should be done in their behalf. the other occasion was when one of our fathers, while going up the river, happened to encounter another chief who, on account of a murder, was plundering that district with many others who defended and guarded him. the father, dreading this man, sought the protection of silongan, who happened to be in the same locality. the latter, with his numerous slaves, surrounded the church where the father was, guarding it with great vigilance; and, when he returned, took, in his own boat the box of church ornaments and brought them all back in safety. the departure of father tomas de montoya for the doctrina of alangalang. chapter xxxxiv. to take charge of this christian community (which, as we have said, was bereft by the death of father cosme de flores), father tomas de montoya left manila, abandoning the instruction which, to their great profit, he was imparting to the students. he himself tells what he accomplished there, and i shall state it in his own words: "as a result of the good music that we have in the church, the divine services are celebrated with much solemnity, and to the great satisfaction of the natives. many solemn baptisms and marriages have been celebrated which were attended with great fervor, especially by the inhabitants of one village, who in this respect have had the advantage of the others. one of the women of this village received the sacrament with such devotion and joy that a few days after her baptism she made her confession, and persuaded her husband to become a christian; and she was one of those who practiced the exercises of the christians with most pleasure. an old man, already so exhausted by age that he could hardly stand upon his feet, came one day with the others to the church, and upon being enjoined to become a christian, that he might give to god the little of life that remained to him, told them to leave him in peace, for he was no longer fit for anything except death. seeing that for the time being nothing impressed him, i left him; and afterward caused him to come to my house, where i represented to him the benefits which he would gain in heaven by becoming a christian. this had such an effect that our lord moved his heart; and, unable to repress his satisfaction, with much gladness he urgently sought immediate baptism. i told him to go away and to reflect upon the matter for a time, for an affair of such moment could not be hastily settled. he again answered that it should not be delayed, as he desired baptism immediately; but, at last, the ceremony was deferred. while being instructed he made the most joyful answers, and afterwards received holy baptism with the same tokens of pleasure. during the remaining short period of his life his happiness was such that he imparted it to everyone who spoke to him. the great goodness and mercy of god were seen in the case of a new born babe whose pagan mother--an inhabitant of another village, far distant--gave birth to it in a village of this mission. to escape the burden and labor which she must sustain in rearing it, she took it in her arms and, descending to the bank of a river, was about to bury it alive. a christian chanced to see her and hastened to inform us. upon reaching the spot i found the child, so small that it was a cause for astonishment. i baptized it, and it soon passed away to the eternal rest of which the imprudent mother (worse than a step-mother) had recklessly tried to deprive it. but as god our lord showed to these the gentleness of his great mercy, so on others did he execute the rigor of his justice, chastising them for their obstinacy and hardness; and others he terrified, so that some day they might enjoy his mercy. one of ours had asked a certain man to receive baptism, following the advice of his father, who was an indian of high standing and governor of the village. he made excuses, saying that he did not wish to receive the sacrament until he had been married. but god our lord did not allow him to fulfil this desire, on account of which he deferred holy baptism until he paid for the delay by an untimely death. besides dying as he did, in his heathenism, and very hastily, the character of his death was violent and horrible; for he was carried away by a poison which caused the flesh to fall from his body in pieces. another man was continually ill, and, fearing that any day he might die, he asked me to baptize him. upon summoning him one day for instruction, he failed to appear, having abandoned his purpose. soon afterward he embarked for a neighboring island, where he died in his paganism. one day, the children of a village came together to be baptized, but one of the pagans refused to allow her child to receive the sacrament; neither entreaties nor arguments availing to soften her. accordingly, we had to give her up--our lord taking charge of this obdurate one, as he did, suddenly deprived her one night of life." but the event which caused among these indians the greatest surprise and terror, was the death of two of their most esteemed and respected chiefs. the first was an indian who in former days had married six wives. he was so arrogant and cruel that whenever he made a journey he sent indians ahead of him to cut the branches of the trees, in order that he might pass without bending his body; and if any of his followers neglected to clear away a branch he paid for his carelessness with his life. this chief became sick, and a father entreated him with much earnestness to receive baptism. this he refused, and, having no fear of death, said: "father, as yet i have sufficient strength in my eyes to see, in my hands to work, and in my feet to walk. leave me for the present, for, since thou art near by, i will send one of my slaves for thee if i find that i am in distress." the father left him, seeing that he would do nothing for us; and within two days was told that this man was dead, having gone where he must expiate his obstinacy as well as his pride and cruelty. for the better understanding of the second case, we must assume that one of the ways in which god has been best served in that mission is in persuading the indians who have two or three wives to abandon them and to content themselves with one. the means used to accomplish this end was to condemn polygamy, to the assembled natives, as a state unworthy of the nobility of man, saying that they ought not to make themselves beasts and brutes by having so many wives. our lord granted a fortunate outcome to this effort, for the men were thus persuaded to give up their wives. the indians were so impressed by this teaching that once when a swarm of locusts lit in the grain-fields of a certain village, they accounted for it by saying that god had sent this pest on the people of that village, because the men were wont to keep two wives. there was an indian chief of high rank in the island of leite, by the name of umbas, one of the most prominent among the chiefs on account of his riches and the good government which he maintained in the villages under his rule, and the thoroughness with which he fulfilled all his responsibilities; he was esteemed by not only the indians but the spaniards. all eyes were turned to him, and consequently, had he but become a christian, large numbers of people would have followed his example, for he was regarded by the rest, even in distant parts, as a pattern to follow. this indian had two wives, and being frequently urged, with many entreaties and arguments, to abandon one of them, so great was his love for his sons that he could not make up his mind to divorce one of the women, preferring not to be separated from their children. he was urged in the church, before all the people of the village, to divorce one of his wives; but he only answered that he had already been told this. many of our fathers, as well as his encomendero, therefore besought him with great earnestness to be baptized, but all in vain. but finally, seeing that all the rest (and especially one of his sons, also much esteemed and beloved) were abandoning their wives, he said that he would do the same after he had harvested his rice, for which the time had arrived--alleging as a reason that since he and they had toiled together in the sowing, they should together enjoy the harvest; and when that had been done, he would remain with but one wife. but the lord, who already had just cause against him, by his lofty judgments prevented him from carrying out this intention; for, very soon afterward, when he suspected no misfortune, he was stabbed by an indian whom he tried to seize. no second blow was needed, for he fell to the ground dead, thus ending his disobedience and obduracy. of the fervor of the christians of ogmuc. chapter xxxxv. our fathers in the residence at ogmuc, having proceeded with due prudence and caution, had up to this time baptized only eighty-eight adults. there was, however, a goodly number of catechumens, who were very earnest in seeking baptism. those who are baptized seem to have known for many years the things of our holy faith, to judge by their knowledge of its mysteries, especially those concerning christ our lord and his most holy mother. they highly esteem the confessional, and when they become sick they clamor at once for the father, and find relief in making their confession. a sick man said that day and night he thought of the father, who was absent, and desired him for confession, adding that what most aggravated his sickness was to know that he did not have the father at hand for that purpose. his relatives, desirous of taking him to another place, had no success, nor could they persuade him to go; for he maintained that they were about to take him where he must die without confession, and where there was no church in which he could be buried after death. as soon as he learned that the father had arrived, he went, although very ill, to make his confession, weeping for gladness, and never ceasing to render thanks to the lord that he had permitted the father to arrive at such a time; and he declared that he could die consoled, now that he had made his confession. during holy week there was a great concourse of people who devoutly attended the divine services, keeping the receptacle of the most holy sacrament handsomely adorned. on holy thursday, in the afternoon, after the sermon a very devout procession was formed, by which the people were more thoroughly instructed in the faith, and taught what christ our lord had done for our salvation. the most pleasing and touching sight was to see all the children disciplining themselves with scourges which they themselves had made for that day. at easter some spaniards chanced to be here, who augmented the solemnity of the occasion with salvos from their arquebuses. peace was restored between many married people who had been living in discord; and some abuses were corrected, especially two very baneful practices anciently common among them, namely, usury in loans, and enslavement through tyranny. in order that my readers may better understand and recognize the power of god, who has unrooted these evils, it has seemed to me best to describe them in greater detail. of usury and slavery among the filipinos. chapter xxxxvi. among other vicious practices common to these nations and proceeding from that fountain and abyss of evil, idolatry, one was that insatiable cupidity mentioned by the evangelist st. john as one of the three which tyrannize over the world. [1] this caused them, forgetful of that natural compassion which we owe to one another, never to lend succor in cases of need without assurance of profit. consequently, whenever they made loans (not of money, which they did not use or possess, but of other things, most commonly rice, bells, and gold--this last more than all else, for when weighed it took the place of money, for which purpose every one carried in his pouch a balance), they must always agree upon the profit which should be paid them in addition to the sum that they were to lend. but the evil did not stop here, for the profit or gain itself went on increasing with the delay in making payment--until finally, in the course of time, it exceeded all the possessions of the debtor. the debt was then charged to his person, which the poor wretch gave, thus becoming a slave; and from that time forth all his descendants were also slaves. there was another form of this usury and slavery, by which the debtor or his son must remain from that time a slave, until the debt, with all the usury and interest which were customary among them, was repaid. as a result of this, all the descendants of him who was ether a debtor or security for the debt, remained slaves. slaves were also made through tyranny and cruelty, by way of revenge and punishment for offenses of small account, which were made to appear matters of injury. examples of these are: failure to preserve silence for the dead (which we have already mentioned), or happening to pass in front of a chief who was bathing (alluded to in the fable of actæon), and other similar oppressions. they also captured slaves in war by means of ambuscades and attacks, keeping as such all those whom they did not wish to kill. since these cruelties were so usual among them, and, on the other hand, the poor are commonly oppressed by the powerful, it was easy to increase the number of slaves. consequently they used to have, and still do have, a very large number of slaves, which among them is the greatest of riches. this has been no small hindrance to their conversion, and has fettered the hands of many ministers of the gospel, and subjected them to great doubts and perplexities. but since, on the one hand, pious individuals have, although with difficulty, paid ransoms; and, on the other, the royal magistrates have ascertained the facts and provided redress for those thus tyrannically treated who seek their liberty; and, moreover, since god our lord has influenced many in their baptisms and confessions, an enormous number of ransoms have been given. usury also quickly diminished, the creditors being satisfied with the original interest, without expecting a continual increase. but now, through the grace of our lord, all that custom has been abolished, and the natives now proceed with mercy and christian charity, not only in ogmuc and throughout the island of leite, but in all the other islands where there is knowledge of jesus christ. what the christians accomplished in carigara. chapter xxxxvii. from the very beginning, the people of this mission showed their fervor; consequently, the christians continued to increase in numbers, although, as i have said, our fathers were very cautious in granting holy baptism. all those christians have frequent recourse to the confessional, prizing it highly and greatly benefiting their own souls. those who are not christians are all catechumens; and there is not one of them who does not desire holy baptism. there was formed in this church, and completed this year, a very delightful musical choir, composed of the children themselves, who are very clever in this exercise; and thus the divine services are celebrated with solemnity. of the remarkable increase in the mission of paloc. chapter xxxxviii. this village is one of the finest and best regulated in all the island, thanks to the labors of one of our fathers, who helped the natives to construct good houses. the christian doctrine is taught every day to the children in all the villages; and so many of them attend this exercise that it is necessary to appoint four chanters in order that they may be heard. every day the people attend mass, after they have had their lessons in the doctrine. one day of the week is set apart when all the christians come together to learn the doctrine and catechism; and, even without the presence of the father, they all assemble in every village. great benefit has been derived from this practice, for thus those who know the doctrine do not forget it, and those who do not know it may learn it. every night an indian goes forth with a little bell, warning all to prepare for death and to repent for their sins, and enjoining the christians to pray to god in behalf of those who are not, that they may know god. while he is uttering this message, perfect silence reigns, for they call this "the warning of god;" and, in truth, it has been so effective that there is not an indian who does not reflect on death and desire baptism. before lent some sermons were preached to them on confession, and they were taught that they must not conceal their sins; to enforce this, a very appropriate instance was cited, which had such an effect upon them that many persons, though they had left the church very late that night, returned the next morning to make another confession. although idolatry was formerly very common among these pagans, who practiced it on every trivial occasion, our lord has been pleased so to diminish it that hardly anything is now known of it. two children, whose mother was sick, took three fowls for the purpose of making a sacrifice to the demon. while on the way to the house of the priestess (who in that country is usually old, and belongs to a mean class), one of the children said to the other: "whither are we going, and what are we doing--we who are christians and know that god sees us? let us give up this purpose." with this they abandoned their projected sacrifice, and returning to their home, set the fowls at liberty. the practice of disciplining on fridays was begun, and was taken up by all the children and the adults of the village. on the first night when they assembled for this purpose, the father made known to them the spirit in which it should be done, and so profoundly impressed them that they soon named friday (which is the usual day for the discipline) "the day of atonement for sins." some notable incidents in dulac. chapter xxxxix. in this residence, from the month of june in the year ninety-eight to january in the year ninety-nine, there were solemnly baptized more than one hundred catechumens who greatly desired the sacrament and prepared themselves very carefully for holy baptism. this did not include the sick, who through the mercy of god had been but few that year; but among these sick persons, both children and adults, was experienced the virtue of this holy sacrament for bodily health. some persons who were covered with leprosy and their recovery despaired of, were restored by baptism to so good health that, although borne down by years, they were able to till the soil and sow their fields. i wish to relate the faith of a pagan woman whose husband, also a pagan, lay sick. believing his condition to be dangerous, she persuaded him to accept baptism. for this purpose she sent for the father, and, when the latter asked the sick man if he desired baptism or instruction, she helped him to make his answers. the father, observing her to be so capable and so desirous of the welfare of her husband, inquired if she also wished to become a christian. she answered affirmatively, saying that she had heard in the church that only the good christians went to heaven, and that those who were not christians must burn in hell; and that for the sake of retaining her husband's affection she was not willing to die an infidel, and come to so bad an end. finally, when it seemed that the sick man was well prepared, and his sickness was becoming dangerous, he was baptized, and then our lord was pleased to give him health--whereat the good woman was more than ever anxious to receive baptism for herself. after they were both baptized, they received the nuptial benediction, as do all the other married people who are baptized, renewing their marriage according to christian usage. i will also mention the death of a child, which was no less remarkable than the recovery of the other. the father was passing through a village late in the day, on his way to another settlement. he was hastening his steps, for the sun was setting and there still remained a considerable strip of road before he could reach his destination. but at the very entrance of the village a christian came out and called to him, entreating him to go and baptize a child, the son of infidel parents, who was very sick. the father went to the house and baptized the child; and, having offered a prayer for it, went away. no sooner had he gone, than our lord called the child to himself; and it seemed as if the little one was only waiting baptism in order to enter heaven immediately. the method of preaching which our fathers employed in tinagon, and the results thereby obtained. chapter l. what was accomplished at that time in tinagon is well related by father francisco de otaço in the following special account which he gave of his labors there: "it is wonderful to see how these people have all at once and generally abandoned their sins. for the greater glory of the lord, there has not been known, nor have i heard of, throughout this year, a single act of idolatry, and these formerly were so common. concubinage has been rare, and their drinking feasts so moderate that they do not deserve such a name. the knowledge of the things of our lord is ever increasing, as well as the pleasure of the people in them; and our fathers are steadily gaining their love and gratitude. a father once told them that for a certain feast it was their share to adorn the church; immediately they set themselves to the task, and the one who began it was a pagan, who did his share of the work. our method of preaching to these people is not so much by means of arguments and consecutive discourses, which make but little impression on them, as by a sort of spiritual conference, in which the father briefly presents to them one or two points, repeating these and asking questions concerning them. thus his hearers become proficient, and the result is plainly seen; more than seven hundred have been baptized this year--most of them in two villages, where the faith has penetrated with notable results, the people being well inclined to if. this has been especially evident in one village, where the fiscal is a chief acknowledged by all its people, whom our lord has been pleased to use as the instrument for much good to those souls. what he has accomplished and is still accomplishing in that doctrina causes me unusual edification and consolation; for in truth, if i may judge by what i myself see when i go there, and by the common account of all, both spaniards and indians, even one of our fathers who might have been stationed in that village could not have wrought such results as he has done. and this i say without exaggeration; god provides it all, and blessed be he! this village of paranas [2] is on the coast, and contains a few indian fishermen, but there are many indians in the mountains, divided, scattered, and far away; some of these have established their abodes on the coast, but they frequent it but rarely, and are (or rather were) a very churlish and fugitive people. yet don gonçalo (that is the name of the fiscal) has taken hold of them in such a way that he does what he will with them, and that, too, by so quiet, gentle, and efficacious means as to cause one to wonder. although it is exceedingly difficult to attract their young children from home (especially among those who dwell in the mountains) don gonçalo draws them to himself by the same means that i have already mentioned, and to such an extent that he usually has in his house nearly a hundred young boys; such was their number the other day, when i was there, and now he tells me that some twenty or thirty more have just come. he now has them so tamed, gentle, intelligent, and contented that, considering their former savage and terrible character, i know not how i can certify it. those who formerly knew little or nothing of the doctrine, at present are, by common consent, those who in this mission are most proficient. the fiscal maintains with them a regular plan and order: morning and evening, their prayers and procession; and at night before retiring, and in the morning before dawn, they also offer their prayers--so that the spaniards, their encomendero said, and the collectors are notably edified thereby. nor does this occupation depend upon the presence there of the father or of the spaniards, for it is always maintained. the older boys he sends to their villages for food and shell-fish, and the little ones remain to learn, as if they were in a school. what i especially value is, that it is all done through love; for both the children and their parents have so much affection for this man that, as i noticed the other day, the boys hardly give heed to the father, but are captivated by their don gonçalo, and it is he whose permission they seek. this man has received a special blessing from the lord, and what he does comes entirely from his heart. he not only looks after the knowledge and recitation of the doctrine, but even trains them in good habits, and punishes them gently when they are at fault. he brings together the adult indians in the church to pray on feast-days, and if it becomes necessary to do or undo anything in the mission, it is always entrusted to him. without doubt, if there were many men of this sort the lack of ministers here would be well supplied in many respects." the arrival in the philippines of the father-visitor, diego garcia, and how he began his visitation. chapter li. when affairs were in the condition which we have described, the father-visitor, diego garcia, very opportunely arrived in the islands, with some companions, [3] on the seventeenth of june in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. his arrival was a source of much consolation and joy, on account of the reënforcement which he brought us, and was of much importance and advantage to the internal government of the society in those parts, on account of the good order to which he reduced all our affairs, particularly in our ministries and in the methods of aiding those souls. upon careful investigation he learned that, during those four years while our fathers had given instruction in the islands of pintados, twelve thousand persons had been baptized, and that there were about forty thousand catechumens--not to mention many others who, although they were not on the list of catechumens, had also an inclination (or at least no repugnance) to receive the faith and the gospel. in accordance with this information, the father-visitor set about organizing the affairs [of the missions], and providing needed assistance, as we shall later see. before entering upon this, however, i will relate, in order to show the mercies of god toward our fathers, a special instance of this which his divine majesty displayed toward them and the vessel which brought them from the port of acapulco to the filipinas. the pilots were confidently sailing over their accustomed course, heedless that in it there were shoals. one evening at the hour when the _salve_ is wont to be repeated, and while all were devoutly reciting it, a young man fortunately (or rather through the singular providence and mercy of god) descried shoals from the maintop and immediately began to shout a warning. with that the crew--although everyone was agitated and fearful lest, with the freshening of the wind, they would be driven upon the shoals--hastened, some to the sails, ropes, and rigging, others to the helm, and the pilot to direct the ship's course. our fathers, meanwhile, repaired to their quarters and berths to invoke the most blessed virgin, to call upon god, and to pray for the intercession of the saints--all of them especially invoking that of blessed father ignacio, [4] a relic of whom the father-visitor carried with him. showing this to his companions while the rest were busied in the other occupations, he augmented the fervor with which they cried to heaven, and at the same time their confidence that by means of that holy relic our lord would deliver them from their danger. and so he did; for, upon steering so as to direct the vessel to one side, to avoid the shoals, the vessel, in spite of their efforts, would not obey, but, turning in the other direction, doubled the shoals. if their attempt to steer had been successful, not only could they not have passed the shoals, but they would have drifted hopelessly upon them; but, as it was, the flagship was saved. moreover, her lighted lantern (for evening had already arrived) guided the other ships, which followed behind her, through the channel, and in this manner all of them were saved. occurrences in manila at this time. chapter lii. in the latter part of june in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, the father-visitor and his companions were resting from the hardships of their voyage, and preparing to begin anew their labors--the father on his tour of inspection, and the others in the fishery for souls--for which purpose they had gone into retreat to perform the exercises, [5] and to allow themselves more leisure for solitary prayer. at this time there occurred in manila, as a result of the unusually dry season, a very violent earthquake, which injured many buildings. among these it rent and laid open the vault of our church; and in the church of santo domingo it loosened and tore apart the woodwork (which was very beautiful, and handsomely wrought), and crushed in all the walls in such a manner that it was necessary to tear down the building. we also were obliged to demolish the vault of our church; for whereas that of santo domingo could be left standing for a few days, we were compelled to begin at once to tear down the vault of our church, which was the part most injured. the spaniards came to our aid, with contributions amounting to more than a thousand pesos, to pay the workmen who were tearing down the church, and to aid in the expense of repairing it. the indians assisted us with their labor, helping us to remove the obstructions, and to clear the building from the ruins and from the earth and stones which remained from them. more than a thousand indians, without exaggeration, came to offer their services; men, women, and children; young men and girls, and old men; chiefs and common people--all busied themselves to such an extent that the place appeared like an anthill or a beehive. these were assisted by the inhabitants of all the neighboring villages, who, animated and encouraged by the religious of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, and by the clergy who had them in their charge, aided us to roof the church temporarily with canes and palm-leaves (which is the usage there). thus in four days was accomplished the work of twenty or thirty days; thus the church was made fit for service, and is being used thus until it can be properly roofed. the industry and good-will with which the indians assisted us on our church were soon repaid to them by our fathers, when a general malady prevailed among them, causing the death of many persons. then our fathers aided them, especially by hearing their confessions, and administering to them the communion and extreme unction, in the church itself; hardly ever during the day was it free from sick persons who had been carried thither on the shoulders of men that they might receive those holy sacraments. the devil, who slumbers not, seized the opportunity of this malady to sow the seeds of error among some wretched old women, his ministers--saying that at first the god of castile had vanquished their anitos, but that the latter were now the conquerors, and were chastising the people for having abandoned them. to counteract this evil, among others, a solemn procession and mass were ordered, wherein our lord was supplicated for the health of the people. inasmuch as a sermon was necessary, its preparation was assigned to father diego sanchez, at the instance of the canon, pablo ruiz de talavera, who is the priest of the indians in manila; he chose this father on account of his devotion to the society, and of the great affection of the indians for him, caused by his eloquence and the many and signal services that he has rendered them. the father, discussing in his sermon the above-mentioned error, refuted it, and expelled it from their minds and hearts with that admirable force of expression and persuasion with which our lord had equipped him; while he gave to the hearers grace and sensibility to perceive and be influenced by the truth, as since then has been evident on many, and notable occasions. in that very time of the malady, admirable evidence appeared of the importance of the confraternity which, as we said above, that people had instituted for the purpose of exercising themselves in similar pious acts. its members aided the sick with the utmost solicitude, striving to provide them with comforts and medicines; and when deaths occurred they kept watch over the corpses, and accompanied them to burial, to the great edification of all who saw them. as a natural result, the confraternity came to be much esteemed and valued, and many sought the intercession of influential persons in order to be admitted to its membership. it is proverbial among the spaniards that its members can be recognized by their quiet and modest address, for which they are much respected. not to mention other details, the devotion which they showed that year in the harvesting of their rice was certainly a source of great consolation; for they would not taste it until, after they had brought part of it as an offering to our lord in his temple, that part had been blessed which they must immediately use. their offering was a sort of grateful acknowledgment that god had delivered their grain-fields from the plague of locusts, and themselves from the sickness. care was taken to check offenses against our lord, and to break up vile illicit relations--some secretly, and others by other gentle means--by which many indian women were kept in bondage. these women, in their eagerness for worldly gain and kind treatment, were gratified by certain men, who maintained them in that mode of life without fear of god. indeed, there were two women who had killed their husbands that they might gain greater freedom in this respect. some, too, had lived during many years in this wretched state--one ten years, another twelve, another thirteen; and still another, twenty long years. yet god, in his infinite patience, had been waiting for them all this time, and at the end received them into his most gentle mercy. as in past years, our ordinary ministries were also exercised among the spaniards; in particular, many general confessions were made, and friendly relations were established between certain prominent persons. among these latter was one notable case concerning a prebendary of the cathedral of manila--whom, for certain good reasons, i do not name; but his noble conduct on this occasion gives him sufficient fame. knowing that another prebendary of the same church, an aged and venerable man, was offended at him, he secured an opportunity to meet him in the house of an auditor of manila, and in the presence of several dignified persons; there, after having expressed himself in such gentle and conciliatory terms as to appease all angry feelings, he knelt at the feet of his elder, and, taking his hand, kissed it. then they embraced each other; and thus began a very stable friendship between them, which i saw with my own eyes for many days--confirmed, months later, by their very intimate and fraternal intercourse. the progress in eradicating idolatry from taitai, and the piety and constancy of its christians. chapter liii. the pest, with its mortality, spread among all the indians of that region, even to the villages of san juan del monte, antipolo, and others. this kept our fathers busy night and day, caring not only for the welfare of souls, administering to them the holy sacraments with much fervor and concern, but for that of their bodies, aiding them with medicines and the necessary comforts--an important consideration with those people, in view of the value that they attach to kind treatment during illness and the pleasure that it gives them; indeed they often recover their health from very contentment at seeing that they are cherished and cared for. the confraternities of that village and of manila gave no less useful aid, on this occasion, to the sick and the dead, their members taking turns in caring for the sick and attending funerals, which were usually accompanied by more than two hundred persons bearing lighted candles; these attentions were especially bestowed on the dead who had belonged to the confraternity, who were also honored by special funeral rites. superstition and idolatry have been so thoroughly uprooted that there is hardly a trace or evidence of them left; if any had remained from former years, it was due to carelessness rather than to evil intent, and an end was put to them this year, through the favor of our lord. even the little plates and other insignificant articles which they were wont to use in making sacrifices they brought to the fathers, to be broken and burned. an indian owned, growing on his land, a very luxuriant clump of the great reeds which they call _cauayan_ [_i.e._, bamboo], which we have already described. this man came to notify us that this clump had formerly been offered to an idol, for whose service its canes had been cut; and he himself condemned it to be burned to the very roots, in order that it might not sprout again, and himself be thus reminded of an object which had been used for so evil purposes; accordingly, yielding to his feeling of devotion, orders were given that it be burned. others showed a little house that was dedicated to another idol, and requested that it should be burned to the ground, which was done. the first to show their abhorrence of idolatry (in which they surpassed the others) were the people of san juan del monte, where formerly this practice had reigned, and where there were so many priestesses of the idols, that there was hardly a street which did not contain three, four, or even more. but they have now turned their false superstitions into true religion and christian piety, repairing to the church so regularly that on certain week-days, while the bell is rung for mass, the church is entirely filled with those who come to hear. they are wont to complain that, as there are so few fathers, they are unable to attend, as often and as regularly as they desire, confession and communion--which they seek with loving eagerness, not once, but many times during the year, to their own edification and profit. as a result, the sweet odor of this christianity and esteem for the labors of ours, have, to the glory of our lord, reached other villages, so affecting and edifying them that the vicar-general of the archbishop, as well as other priests and religious, and even secular magistrates, have sent to that village for a few months, to be restrained, reformed, and kept in safety, certain persons who were sorely tempted. it has pleased our lord that by good example and suitable instruction these persons should be delivered from danger and their lives reformed; they have made general confessions, and given other satisfactory proofs of the change in their lives. among the mountains of this mission district, where the people are less experienced in the faith, there had remained a notorious catalonan, or priest, of a celebrated idol which had been hidden away, no one of those who knew about it daring to disclose the idol. this root was capable of producing many cursed shoots. but our lord was pleased that it should be discovered through the praiseworthy diligence of father francisco almerique, who obtained possession of the things pertaining to the adoration of the idol, and had them all burned. he was successful in converting the priest, and for greater security, made him live in a village where ours usually reside. the devil, the father of lies, now that credence is no longer placed in him or importance attached to his superstitions and follies, transforms himself into an angel of light, striving to deceive the simple-minded. in this way he deluded a woman of rank with many visions and revelations which seemed to her real and true, and in which, according to her statement, he appeared in the form of our lord jesus christ, taught her many things, and bade her instruct the people therein. the same father, as soon as he became aware of this, sought to undeceive her, enjoining her not to repeat those things to any one. but she paid no heed to this, and assembled secretly, at night, a number of persons; and, in order that they might go more willingly, she said that the father had told her to proceed. in this way she persevered in making known her fancies and illusions. those who were present, noticing that her method of instruction and speech was similar to that employed by the priestesses of the idols when they are possessed by the demon--making a thousand gestures and movements like those of a madman or deranged person (which was the method formerly employed by the devil in making answers through the mouths of the catalonans)--hastened to give information of this proceeding. the father, learning for the second time of this, which was again taking place, assembled in the church the people who had heard this woman speak; and, showing them what it really was, undeceived them, pointing out the falsity of all those things, and the wiles of the devil. by these means an evil was corrected which doubtless would have been very great if so timely and appropriate a remedy had not been applied. in another instance a poor fellow was relieved by an agnus dei [6] which one of our brethren gave him. the latter had sent some indians to cut grass, and one of them fled inland, among the mountains, as if terrified and beside himself; and wandered from hill to hill during an entire day, until he was found in that condition by some other indians, who conveyed him to his house. when the brother visited him, the indian said that he wished to confess, for the demons were harassing him in such a manner that he could not rest; and that, without any intention, and unable to control himself, he had wandered alone and in terror through the wilderness. the brother brought him to a father, who heard his confession; but afterward he again suffered in the same way. again he repaired to the brother, and told him of his trouble; and the latter advised him to have faith in our lord and confidence in the virtue of the holy agnus dei--making known to him the favors which our lord has granted to men, and the miracles which he has wrought through the efficacy of this holy relic; he then placed an agnus dei on the indian's neck. from that very moment the latter felt relieved, and our lord, in order to show that he had granted that favor by means of the holy relic, caused him, whenever the emblem was removed from his neck, even for a short time, to lose at once his reason, and go astray. the indian himself stated that, as soon as it was removed, he lost his wits and had no control of himself, but that when wearing it his mind was quite calm; so he gave many thanks to our lord, and related the efficacy of the holy agnus dei. some notable incidents that happened in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus. chapter liv. the fortunate arrival at this city of the father-visitor occurred in lent of the year one thousand six hundred. although he increased the number of our fathers in that city, he realized that their labors among the chinese were a hindrance to their work among the indians; he therefore entreated the right reverend bishop of that city to place the chinese in the care of some other order, which his lordship did. by this measure our fathers had less responsibility, but were not less occupied; for, not to mention the other peoples who, as i have said, resort to this port, the bissayans alone kept six fathers so busy during lent that the people hardly left them alone by day or by night. nevertheless, so great is the need, and at the same time the scarcity, of the bread of divine truth, for lack of those who may distribute it, that many people dwelling very near the city die in this hunger and cannot be assisted; for although the right reverend bishop of sebu and the few priests who are under him do much, and the fathers of st. augustine much more, neither the former nor the latter suffice for the care of so many children. after lent and easter, one of the fathers visited, by way of recreation (for such are the vacations which they enjoy there), some pagan villages which are about six leguas from the city. he remained there eight days, which gave him opportunity for the usual occupations. although the time was very short, our lord was served by some good results; for the father found many christians who, through lack of teaching and their constant association with infidels, had returned with these to their former idolatrous practices. by means of sermons and discourses he touched the consciences of these people, and, recognizing their wretched condition, they made a general confession; they received his instructions for their future conduct, and were very grateful for the good that had been done them. the infidels were so attracted and inclined to the things of our holy faith that they urgently besought the father to remain with them a few days more; but, as this was not possible, they contented themselves with the hope that he might soon be able to revisit them. after four months had elapsed, seeing that he did not return, they sent their messengers earnestly to entreat him to return for a short time to teach them the things of our holy faith, which they all desired to accept; but this could not be done, and so they were left in their hunger. in the city of santisimo nombre de jesus there was a malucan indian, the slave of a spaniard, who, although he had been a christian for many years, lived negligent of his salvation, and his masters had never been able to induce him to make confession and fulfil the obligations of a christian; he always displayed much unwillingness and obstinacy. this man became ill with a malady, apparently not very serious, accompanied by a slow fever; but within three or four days he suddenly lost the power of speech and seemed to be surely dying. a little food and some drink were offered to him but he could not be induced to take any; and finally became so low, that he lost all consciousness. some holy water was brought him from our house and a few drops were sprinkled over his face; some of these ran down into his mouth, and he began to lick them, so that he tasted the water. one of those present placed some of it near his mouth, and, opening his lips, he received the water. at once regaining consciousness, he said that it seemed as if someone had seized him and clutched his throat, and for that reason he was unable to speak; but drinking the holy water had, as it were, released him, and set him at liberty, and he gladly listened to what they said to him concerning his salvation. after he had received instruction, he made a general confession of his entire life; and our lord was pleased to restore him to complete health of body, as he had already deigned to give him health of soul. another indian, while very ill, was afflicted with horrible apparitions; when he was left alone, hideous and fierce black men appeared to him, threatening him with death. he asked his friends to summon our fathers; finally, after he had endured many sufferings, either he or the people of his house sent for a priest to hear his confession. the priest repaired at once to the sick man, and found him in great suffering. he gave him consolation, and after thorough instruction, the indian made a general confession, to his own great relief--from that time experiencing entire rest, and seeing no more of the visions that had tormented him. there was an infidel indian woman who lived near this city among christians. a serious illness attacked her, and she was carried to the house of another indian woman, who attended our church and led a most pure and edifying life, who persuaded her to become a christian. she sent for a priest of our order, who catechized her and so prepared her that she soon received holy baptism. during the remaining days of her life she gave tokens of the grace that she had received; for, although she suffered the utmost pain, hardly a word was heard from her lips, save "jesus, mary," or, "my god, have mercy on me." one day two of ours, chancing to pass through the chinese quarter, were informed that in one of the houses an infidel woman lay dying. they at once ascended into the house, and found her very near death, but very far from knowing the truth of our holy faith. but our lord, who had provided teachers, aided her in his great mercy, and with sovereign help; accordingly, she listened very willingly to what they said to her, and prepared herself in so short a time that they gave her baptism that very night, fearing her critical condition. she was greatly consoled by the sacrament, and grateful to our lord for the mercy that she had received, edifying those who were present by her words, which were all invocations for help to jesus and mary. with such good proofs of her salvation, she passed away on the following day. among the persons who, to the edification of the people and the service of our lord, have profited by the teaching of our fathers, was a woman advanced in years, and a native of china; her case is one of great importance, as her nation are so hard to reach, and so unwilling to receive the gospel; and so it does not seem beyond the scope of my plan to give some account of her conversion. this woman had married an honorable portuguese, who left her a widow some six years ago. most of her support is what she gains by the labor of her own hands, with the help of three slaves, in whose company she lives in a wretched house, apart from the crowd of the chinese, dwelling therein in great seclusion. her confessions and communions are frequent, with excellent results. she practices penance so severely that it has been necessary to moderate the rigors she inflicts upon herself, in long scourgings every night, and in fasts throughout the year, four days in every week; and even on the other two days she seldom eats meat. prayer is her one consolation, for which she has much natural aptitude in her excellent judgment, and supernatural aid in the gifts which the lord communicates to her. she is present every day in the church during the masses, hearing them always upon her knees. nothing so afflicts her as to know that god has been offended, especially if by those of her nation. in short, she has offered herself entirely to our lord, and he has plucked her with his own hand as a rose from among so many thistles and thorns. other interesting events, which occurred in bohol. chapter lv. in order to give a more detailed account of what took place at that time in the island of bohol, i shall avail myself of two letters from fathers alonso de umanes and gabriel sanchez, who were in that region; for in my opinion their account is given minutely and with pleasing and enjoyable simplicity. both of them, writing to the father-visitor, give him a detailed account of their labors, as is the custom in our society. the superior, father alonso de umanes, writes as follows: "as soon as we had returned from sebu in last year, ninety-nine, as it was the season of lent we busied ourselves in hearing confessions; and with remarkable devotion and promptness all this new band of christians, without any reward, repaired to the sacraments--even those coming to us who lived very distant from the village where we ordinarily reside. the christians throughout the island came together for the exercises of holy week, and many of those who were not yet baptized attended the divine services during all that week, with great devotion, also the feast of easter, when a goodly number of them received communion. having fulfilled our obligations as to confession, we set out to visit some of the pagan villages, in all of which we found the people well disposed. those who most attended our preaching were the inhabitants of panglao, a small island almost adjoining this; all the people came very willingly to hear about the things of our holy faith, and soon began of their own accord to build a church. as the first-fruits of christianity there, we first baptized the sons of the chiefs, in order that they might open the door for the others. their parents were greatly pleased at this, in token of which they held a feast that same day, with dancing and other festivities. this little island we visited again, at which time a considerable number of adults as well as a hundred children received baptism. the chiefs besought us to leave there someone who might instruct them, that they might thus learn more speedily all that was necessary. for this purpose we took from the island their brightest boys, so that they, after receiving instruction, might teach their people. thus we shall be able to supply, to some extent, the great need of men from our society, until our lord shall multiply our number. during a visit that was made to the village of lobo, an important event occurred which served to overthrow their errors and remove some great fears with which the devil had inspired them. an alguazil learned that in a little village near by there was a chief who kept in his house many small horns and little jars full of charms, and other instruments, which served for casting lots, for determining if in sickness sacrifice should be made to the devil, and for deciding other matters. father gabriel sanchez resolved to go in person to take away those cursed instruments. in fact, no other means would have been successful, because, upon arriving at the house, he was obliged with his own hands to unhang and heap together the bottles and horns; for the indians who had accompanied him did not dare even to touch them--fearing that, if they did, they would die; and that, if they threw them into the river, the caimans would be enraged against them--such was their belief in these delusions. but the father, having quieted their fear and removed their mistaken apprehension by himself touching those objects and yet remaining alive, induced them to seize the horns and bottles and expose them publicly. then he summoned the young boys who spat and trod upon them--actions which among those people, as among other nations, are a token of contempt, detestation, and infamy. he finally caused the charms to be burned, and thrown into the river. by these means they were all freed from error, and became more devoted than ever to our true and well-grounded catholic religion. "i cannot refrain from relating an incident that has just befallen us, as it was a source of great consolation to me. as soon as our people learned that your reverence had ordered us to go to sebu, fearful lest we might not speedily return, they all repaired to us to make their confessions, with such fervor that it seemed like the season of lent. those who had not received baptism came also, with like earnestness seeking that holy sacrament. thus, by way of farewell, we made a goodly number of christians." the account of father alonso de umanes ends here. father gabriel sanchez, in another letter to the father-visitor, writes thus: "glory be to our lord, christianity in this island is receiving much increase. they all frequent the most holy sacraments with great fervor at christmas, epiphany, and other leading feasts. so many were the confessions and the communions that it seemed to me like holy week. they possess great confidence and faith, and through the most holy sacraments and the sacramental offices they are sure to receive (and his majesty does bestow upon them even in temporal affairs) most signal favors. an old woman, a good christian, was so reduced by sickness, and brought so near to death, that she no longer possessed her senses, or power of speech; in short, there was no hope that she would live. the sacrament of extreme unction was administered to her, and at once she began to improve, and at last regained entire health. a few days ago they brought to us a sick man, so tormented and harassed by a severe malady that he could not even raise his head; he therefore made his confession while reclining, and with great difficulty. but, as soon as he had ended it, he began to feel better, with the result that in two days he came to the church to render thanks to our lord for the mercy that he had received, which he attributed to the holy sacrament of penance. a few days ago a child of four years--not realizing, as he was so little, what he was doing--waded into the sea, and, despite the haste with which he was taken from the water, was almost drowned. they brought him in haste to our house, that we might repeat the gospel over him, for they had no hope of preserving his life by natural means. when they brought him to us he showed almost no sign of respiration, his face was black, and his stomach much swollen with the water which he had swallowed. the gospel was read for him, and he was sprinkled with holy water; and then, in the presence of the many people who had assembled, he straightway recovered consciousness and became entirely well, in return for which they all gave many thanks to our lord. another incident, which occurred quite recently, i cannot refrain from relating. our lord has this day exercised his accustomed mercy in the case of two old men, very venerable and more than a hundred years old. the greater part of their long lives they had spent in diabolical acts of outrage, murder, cruelty, and lawlessness; and yet our lord had waited for them until now--when, illumining them with his divine light, they were marvelously converted. i was astonished at beholding the fervor, sincerity and grief with which they expressed abhorrence for their past life and sought baptism, which they received today after careful instruction. to see the perseverance and constancy of this people has given great consolation to me. i shall relate in brief a few things which certainly give strong evidence of that constancy. an unmarried indian woman was persecuted by a soldier with innumerable plots, yet she always resisted him valiantly. once in particular, he sent her by a servant some twenty escudos; but she drove the servant away, and threatened that if he should come again she would fling him and his money through her window. the soldier, rendered bold by the fury of his passion, as he had a headstrong disposition, and realizing that he could not gain his damnable purpose by bribes, had recourse to threats. as these did not suffice, he laid violent hands on her, seriously hurting her; but our lord came to her assistance, and she emerged victorious from the struggle, leaving the wretch in confusion and shame. another woman was no less persecuted, a man offering her, among other gifts, a gold chain that was worth more than thirty escudos; but she rejected all his gifts with christian courage. then, fearing the fury of her persecutor and her own great danger, she persuaded her mother to accompany her, and they fled to some grain-fields, where she remained in hiding until he who was molesting her had left the village. another, a young girl hardly eighteen years of age, and so poor that she could procure only a little rice for her support, was persecuted by many men, who offered her large sums of money to relieve her poverty; one of them offered her more than forty eight-real pieces. but she made answer that our lord, in whom she trusted, would relieve her need; that she did not care to live by any means that would offend him, but in serving him was well content in her poverty; and that she was confident that our lord would not abandon her. another poor woman resisted with equal courage no less vexatious importunities, refusing a quantity of gold worth more than eighty escudos, thus leaving her persecutor in amazement. another woman, fearing that she would have to defend her body by force from so many and violent importunities, removed it from danger, and herself from any occasion of offending god, by fleeing to the mountains, where she wandered about for almost four months, suffering, although with much satisfaction, many hardships and privations; nor did she return to the village until she learned that he who had brought her to such a plight had departed thence." the good conduct of the christians of botuan. chapter lvi. i shall, continuing as i began, relate the prosperous condition of christianity in botuan in the same words which father valerio de ledesma and his companion, father manuel martinez, used in writing this year to the father-visitor. the letter of father valerio gives the following account: "glory to our lord, the inhabitants of this town are well instructed. there are nearly eight hundred christians, and nearly all the rest of the people are catechumens, engaged in learning the necessary truths. we hold back these persons that they may prize more highly the mercy which god is showing them, and understand more thoroughly the christian doctrine and acquire good habits. all the rest of the people have the best possible inclination to receive our holy faith and come on every sunday and feast-day to hear the sermons and discourses; a large audience always assembles, and all of them, even the infidels, entertain a great affection for holy things. of their own accord they bring their children to be baptized, and their sick people, to hear the gospel read. they erect crosses in their grain-fields, and sing the christian doctrine with the christians, of whom there are usually some in every house. in times of sickness they come at once to be baptized; and as they are universally well instructed, and have sufficient knowledge of the things of our faith, it is easy to succor them upon such occasions, so that hardly any one dies without having first received holy baptism. an indian, seeing himself afflicted by a violent disease, asked to be baptized. they went to call the father for that purpose, but in the meantime the malady had gained such headway, that when he arrived he found the house in confusion and everyone bewailing the sick man as one dead. the father, seeing that he could not speak and seemed unable to hear, assured himself that he had asked for baptism; and, knowing that he was one of those who frequented the church, he asked for water to baptize him. then, speaking in a loud voice, he persuaded him to try to say 'jesus.' it seems that at the sound of that most sweet name the sick man recovered somewhat, and, making a great effort, pronounced the word. he soon regained breath, and made answer to the questions of the catechism, to the great wonder of all who were present. he received holy baptism, and soon afterward our lord granted him complete health. his parents, who were pagans, astonished at his recovery, attributed it to the virtue of the holy name of jesus, and to holy baptism. through the mercy of god, there is constancy among the faithful. in all the time i have resided here i do not know of any christian who has been present at a pagan sacrifice, although living among so many of them. the corregidor of this town related to me, with surprise, that although he had investigated many cases pertaining to this matter, he had never found any christian guilty therein. this same man related that he had [on official journeys] taken in his company, among other indians, some christians of this town; that in some places which were unsafe, on account of enemies, he placed sentinels; and, when it was the turn of the christians to go on guard, they were found praying, and singing the doctrine. he noticed, besides this, that they never let a day pass without reciting the rosary; and he greatly valued and praised such solicitude among persons so new in the faith." to this account father manuel martinez adds the following: "the esteem in which they hold holy baptism is universal. consequently, those who have not received it, and some who in health refused it, when they become sick ask at once for the sacrament, confident that by this means they will acquire health, not only for their souls but for their bodies, inasmuch as our lord has many times granted this to them. a little boy, the son of a chief of this town, was brought so low by sickness that he was thought to be dead; and as such they were weeping for him when an agnus dei and some holy water were sent to him from our house. our lord was pleased to restore him very soon to health, and his parents related it to every one, ascribing this result to the efficacy of the agnus dei and the holy water. a spaniard was exhausted by a violent pain that had been afflicting him for some time. seeing himself in such distress, he sent for one of our fathers, who read the gospel to him. immediately he began to improve, and in less than a quarter of an hour felt entirely well. he then gave thanks to god, and made it publicly known that he had recovered his health by means of the holy gospel. in advent and lent the practice of discipline has been maintained in the church, in which participate the spaniards who are wont to come to this town. sometimes public and bloody flagellations took place; and on holy thursday and friday there were two admirably arranged processions, in which many people accompanied the flagellants with torches. i will conclude this letter with two incidents, omitting many others, to avoid prolixity. the first concerns a pagan, who was grievously wounded by a wild boar while hunting. thinking that the hour of death was at hand, and remembering to have heard in the church that in our necessities we should invoke the most holy name of jesus, he fell upon his knees, and, folding his hands, repeated, 'jesus, have mercy on me.' our lord heard his prayer; and, soon healed of his wounds, he came to recount this experience, and asked to be at once baptized. with great devotion he relates to others this act of god's mercy, and says that he received it through having heartily invoked the most holy name of jesus. another pagan, affrighted by some terrible thunder, and fearful that some flash of lightning might strike him, invoked many times with confidence the sweet name of jesus, accompanied by all the people of his household; and all were protected and encompassed by one cross. a brilliant flash of lightning burst forth, accompanied by a frightful peal of thunder. the pagan, in his fright, fell to the ground, and all believed that their hour had come, and that they would be consumed by fire on the spot. but they noticed only a bad odor of something burning, and in the morning found that a palm-tree which grew close to the house was completely burned by the lightning. this incident filled them all with wonder, and they rendered thanks to our lord, who by means of his own sweet name and holy cross had delivered them." the number of people who were gathered into villages in the district of alangalang, and the result of our labors therein. chapter lvii. at no time did the filipinos have any form of towns with civic order and political government, such that at least one island, or a number of villages, recognizing one person as their lord, might live under his protection and rule; but he who was most powerful conquered others, and ruled over them. as there was not only one such, but almost all the chiefs asserted their authority, and conquered and ruled, the general result was that each chief remained apart from the rest, having his own followers, and fortified himself, keeping up an attitude of defense. consequently, they were usually at war with one another, neighbors against neighbors--perpetually engaged in petty warfare, with ambuscades, violence, robbery, murders, and captures. very seldom, if ever, did any of these bands become friendly and live in the same neighborhood or village, and aid each other and combine against enemies. even rarer were the lords who ruled large towns, such as sebu, manila, cainta, and a very few others. to this must be added the fact that those who were able to remove from the vicinity and danger of such turmoils, and flee to the mountains to spend their lives, would there build their houses and, close by, cultivate their groves and fields. as a result, in places and at times favorable to the enjoyment of this tranquillity, many persons migrated; and soon the country districts abounded with homes--so that in some districts, and even in many today, one may journey many leguas, all the way through dwellings and plantations (which are cultivated and divided into fields), in the same manner as, here in europe, the farm-houses and cottages are wont to stand. this was the condition of all those islands, and, in particular, of this island of leite; the greater part of the people everywhere divided and scattered in rural hamlets, in rugged, inaccessible, and mountainous localities. besides these, there were houses at considerable distances from one another, without any order, or any trace of streets or village, placed along the banks of the rivers, and surrounded by their grain-fields and groves. on account of these conditions, the first concern of father cosme de flores, upon entering the district of alangalang, was to gather all these settlements into one village, which he did; and this policy has been followed by those who have succeeded him in the charge of that mission field. this measure has been of no small advantage to those people; for in the year one thousand six hundred alone, two villages were established, containing each three hundred houses, and a third one with five hundred--all amounting to about four thousand five hundred souls, of whom more than a hundred were baptized in that year. during lent all the christians attended the services with eagerness, especially in holy week, when the people of the other villages joined them. they attended the divine services which were celebrated in as fitting a manner as possible. on the morning of holy thursday a sermon was preached to them concerning the holy sacrament; and in the afternoon the superior of that house washed the feet of a dozen poor persons (explaining in a brief sermon the signification of that holy ceremony), by which they were all greatly edified. toward evening a well-ordered procession was formed containing a large number of flagellants, with other persons who carried some large crosses. this procession was repeated the next day, after the sermon on the passion. on easter the people from other villages assembled, and, after the mass and sermon, celebrated the occasion with all the tokens of rejoicing that they could display. a very graceful dance was performed, and all the people made merry in the court of the church with dancing according to their custom. what especially pleased us was, that in so great a concourse of people, who amused themselves and feasted after their own fashion, there was not one person who was known to have taken wine, although formerly this was a very ordinary vice among those people in their feasts and merry-making. the condition of christianity in carigara. chapter lviii. our church here, although no older than five years, was both served and attended as if it were a church in europe. its services were rendered more magnificent by the choir of music, especially on feast-days; the musicians not only celebrated divine worship in consonance with the organ, but accompanied it with motets and other compositions in their own bissayan language. these latter were sung, some to the leading of the organ, others in the musical mode and the manner of the country. both methods greatly attracted the people, moved them to devotion, and caused them to learn willingly and with pleasure our sacred mysteries, thus couched in their own meter and style of music. in short, these were affected in the same way which the glorious doctor st. augustine mentions concerning himself; and we all experienced the same emotions. by these means those christians became fervent, and frequented with profit the holy sacraments. the fruit of their devotion was apparent in their lives, as father francisco de enzinas relates in one of his letters; therein he continually praises, as one who keeps this matter in his mind, and is personally concerned in it, the good disposition of those people, their readiness to accept the teachings of virtue, and their service to god, concerning which he relates the following: "it is a source of great consolation to see the purity that shines in many of these poor women. i know concerning some of them that, after being annoyed and even persecuted with liberal offers of money, neither by gifts nor threats were they in any way overcome. i also know of other women who, when, they have learned that lawless men have entered the village, have absented themselves from home and retired to their grain-fields, to avoid the danger of offending god. one of those soulless men promised a young boy, one of those who aid us at our house, that he would give him i know not what gift, if he would search after a certain woman for him. the lad answered that he could not, since he belonged to the house of the father, assist in such a matter. when he was told that the father would not know it, he replied: 'but will god fail to see it, even if the father does not know it?' at this reply the man became abashed and ashamed, and ceased to importune him. from easter-time until the date of this writing, which is about a month and a half, more than eighty adults have been baptized--the greater part of them very old, but well prepared--and with these about ninety who are younger. while journeying during lent, to the village of leite, we were overtaken by a storm so violent that it drove our boat upon the shore and compelled us to continue our course by land. this change, however, was not without the special providence of god; for, as we were passing by some grain-fields, an old woman lay very sick in her wretched hut. learning that i was going by, she had me summoned; and after i had given her instruction, i baptized her, with great consolation to both, and on the following day she died." the remarkable case of three old men, of whom two were converted, and the third, who was blind, refused. chapter lix. the village of leite, which the father here mentions, lies on the banks of a very beautiful stream of the same name; which gives its name to the whole island. the village lies at the very entrance of the island, as one goes eastward from manila, from which it is distant about one hundred and thirty leguas. the distance between carigara and leite is five leguas by land and ten by sea. the fathers usually make the journey by sea, to avoid the fatigue of crossing on foot the great mountain-ranges in that route. on the other side of carigara, proceeding along the coast of this island--which, as we have said, runs east and west--there is another river, called barugo, two leguas distant; on its shore are many dwellings, which, being united in a village, numbered three hundred houses (besides which there were many others). father mattheo sanchez repaired to the village of barugo, where at one haul he caught two of three fishes; the third remained in spiritual and bodily darkness. as the incident is a notable one, i shall relate it in the words of a letter from the same father, who writes thus: "in the village of barugo an event occurred by which our lord displayed to me the effects of his divine predestination, and how _cujus vult miseretur, et quem vult indurat_. i was summoned to baptize an old man who was very ill. upon entering his house, i found him in company with two other men, also very aged--one, indeed, so old that he did not go from the house, nor could he even walk. this last, hearing me instruct the sick man, began to exert himself, and approached us by creeping across the floor. then, with remarkable attention, he began to listen; and, very opportunely, he heard the catechism. seeing the satisfaction which the old man and his companion received from hearing the things of our holy faith, i remained a long time, explaining it to them. when i had baptized the sick man, the other began with eagerness and devotion to ask for the sacrament, saying that he had faith in all that i had said, and was desirous of salvation. he said that in no case ought i to leave him without baptism, since his old age gave him not many more days of life and those he wished to spend as a christian; accordingly, i baptized him. the third old man was blind; and all the time while i was catechizing his companions he spent in twisting some threads, and while the others were receiving so much pleasure and their hearts becoming softened, he was jesting and becoming more and more hardened. taking pity on him, i tried to incline him to conversion; but i could do nothing with him, and his soul remained as forsaken as was his body." how the christian church continued to increase in ogmuc. chapter lx. every one of these mission-fields [_doctrinas_] is truly a school of celestial theology; for just as, in the schools, are seen the students assembled at the lectures, and their eagerness in studying and reciting their lessons, and afterward their reception of degrees, so in these missions it is a cause for praise to god to see old men become again children, and the chiefs made humble--all learning, with eagerness, delight, and perseverance, the christian doctrine, and writing, repeating, studying, reciting, and singing it. as a final reward, they receive the degree of holy baptism, a blessing which those people as anxiously seek and desire, and receive with as much joy, as do students the degree of doctor or master. in some places they are assigned on one sunday the lesson they are to learn for the next; in others, without being assigned a lesson, they are questioned as to what they know. in some districts, as here in ogmuc, are formed as many classes as there are divisions of the christian doctrine, from making the sign of the cross to the act of confession, and each student, whether child or old man, continues to advance as he learns, until he takes his degree, and is graduated--that is, until he knows the doctrine--which, as we said, was done with the old men of antipolo. not only do they, as good students, write their lessons--mainly in their own characters, and using a piece of a reed [7] as a book of memorandum, and an iron point as a pen; but they always carry with them these materials, and whenever one ceases his labors, whether at home or in the field, by way of rest he takes his book, and spends some time in study. such is the fervor and zeal of these eager students in learning their supernatural and divine theology; and their ardor in learning is also evident in their demeanor and actions, for their lively faith enkindles and inflames their deeds, and after the ardent heart follows the eager and ardent hand. all this (omitting many other details, which might be related) is seen in their often frequenting the holy sacraments, with notable results in the amendment of their lives; and yet these are people newly born in the church, and but yesterday begotten in christ. they devoutly and confidently ask that the gospel may be read to their sick, and that holy water be given them; and our lord responds to their faith by frequently granting them complete health. accordingly, they acknowledge these favors from his hand, being thus confirmed in the faith, and abhorring the sacrifices which in their maladies they were wont to make to the devil. even the infidels are so undeceived concerning these vain illusions that scarcely a case is known of those accursed sacrifices which formerly were so frequent. many infidels have brought their sick children to be baptized, saying that by this means our lord would give them health. indeed it has often happened so, and their cure has been the cause of converting their parents. they are greatly devoted to the holy cross, and have upon occasions experienced its protection. one night, while some christians were reciting, as usual, the doctrine in their house, someone outside began to throw stones at the building, and made a great noise, and injured whatever was near the house. several times they sallied forth to discover who was doing them harm, but saw no one; yet, again entering the house, the same disturbance was made outside. thinking that it was an artifice of the devil, they persevered in prayer, and under this persecution confirmed themselves in the faith; and, as a defense, they erected a cross in front of the house. from that time, they were not in any way disturbed. the infidels are steadily growing more inclined to receive our holy faith; moreover, we are gradually uprooting that hindrance to conversion, so common among those people, and so difficult to remove, the practice of having several wives. they are easily persuaded that it is impossible and unseemly for them to have more than one wife, accordingly they have forsaken the others, although in doing so the husbands lose their property; for in marrying the women the men give them dowries, and if they leave their wives they must lose the dowries that they gave. to do this is no slight merit, for people who are not even christians. of some baptisms conferred in paloc. chapter lxi. in the absence of father christoval ximenez, this village was left alone; and while in this plight it was visited by father alonso rodriguez, who went there to hold a mission. what he accomplished in the few days that he could spend among them he himself relates in a letter, a section of which is as follows: "we held a mission at paloc; and the method of teaching the doctrine by decurias [8] so aroused the enthusiasm of all that within ten days many learned the prayers and gained all the knowledge necessary for baptism. such was the emulation among them that their prayers never ceased--at night, in their homes; and by day, in the church. as a result, on the feast of the glorious st. joseph i baptized fifty adults, among them the most prominent persons of this village. to see their leaders already christians is a strong incentive for the others to follow these. from many others i withheld baptism, as it was necessary to investigate their marriages, and this could not be done on account of the absence of the persons concerned. of these latter there is a considerable number, but i trust in our lord that within a few days not a man will remain unbaptized in this village; for already they are all catechumens and attend the church. at the same time i baptized also fifty children." the father proceeds to relate other devout exercises of those christians, which i do not repeat here, as they are similar to those which i have recounted of others. afterward, father juan de torres held another mission in the same town, and our lord made him joyful by granting him another rich haul, when he cast from the pulpit the net of the word of god, in order to fish for souls. this was a chief, one of the most powerful in that district; in imitation of the chiefs of botuan (although ignorant of what they had done), he arose like them in the congregation, and after earnestly asking for baptism, began then and there his preparation--by publicly asking pardon of all those whom he might have wronged, and offering full satisfaction, whatever might be the amount of his obligation; and (an act of much greater importance), by putting away one of his two wives. through this the spirit of truth, [9] which is uniform, swayed the hearts of the others to be like this man's, and brought them, most efficaciously and harmoniously, under the gentle yoke of christ, although he and they were so far away. but inasmuch as this divine spirit is present in all places, in all alike it operates as if they were but one, its strength and power being subtly and efficaciously active. a third mission was held in this village during lent of the year one thousand six hundred, by father melchior hurtado, who had gone to these islands in the previous year with the father-visitor. devoting himself to the study of the language, he used it effectively as we may judge from a letter written by him from paloc to the same father, as follows: "in the village of san salvador (which is the same as paloc) the number of those who had recourse to the discipline was greatly increased, especially on fridays, when it was necessary to exclude the children [from the church], to make room for the adults. many went out for the bloody discipline, and it was cause for edification to behold the fervor with which at the conclusion of a short sermon which was preached to them before the procession began, all the people fell upon their knees, asking in a loud voice pardon for their sins, with such emotion and weeping that we who were present were also brought to tears. they were all deeply impressed by the sermons on the various stages of the passion; and also when we pictured to them the life of christ our lord, from his childhood until he was fastened to the cross. they shed many tears thereat, and their minds were so impressed by those sacred events that for many days they talked of nothing else. on easter sunday a most joyful procession was formed, in which was borne the cross triumphant, handsomely adorned; all were clad in white tunics, and bore garlands of flowers. those who have received communion have set a notable example. they have a sort of brotherhood the members of which are the most assiduous in their attendance at church. there are two women, among the most exemplary and capable, who take care of the rest; and when any woman asks to receive communion for the first time, they instruct her how to approach it. the example of these few women has induced the rest of the people to ask eagerly for the most blessed sacrament. during this time some seventy adults have been baptized, among them six datos, or headmen of districts, with their wives. matters are in such condition that in a short time all the people of this village will be baptized. the baptisms are conferred by families, in order that the christians may not live intermingled with infidels, but may daily augment their virtue in the uniformity of the christian religion. it was a source of great edification to see with what sincerity the chiefs, before receiving holy baptism, asked from all the people pardon for any wrongs that they had done them in the matter of slavery--a common practice in their heathenism, for very trifling causes. they also besought those who had grievances against them to betake themselves to the father, for they were willing and prepared to give full satisfaction therefor." all of this is told by father melchior hurtado. of two mutes who were baptized in dulac; and other matters of special interest in that mission. chapter lxii. this year the baptisms in dulac reached the number of seven hundred, of which the most notable was that of a chief, whose conversion had (as is usual) much influence in bringing about that of an entire village, named bincai, inasmuch as he was its head man and governor. this chief came one day to the church and eagerly sought holy baptism, saying that his people were negligent and dilatory, and were waiting for him to be first baptized; and that it seemed to him that if he should become a christian many would follow his example. accordingly he urged that this blessing might not be withheld from him and from so many others. to test him, however, he was put off for several days, upon various pretexts; but each day he displayed greater constancy, and each day his desire grew stronger. but even more wonderful was the baptism of two mutes, who, besides their natural barbarism, were still further hindered in receiving human instruction by their lack of the usual qualification therefor, which, as the apostle st. paul declares, [10] is the hearing--which they, being mutes, lacked entirely. but god our lord, in order to show his great mercy, and to demonstrate that his law, as the royal prophet says, is "unspotted, converting souls," and that his divine word (as the apostle also says) is sharp-edged and piercing--so that, unhindered by the absence of the senses, it reaches "unto the division of the soul and the spirit," [11] and with hidden force instructs, illumines, and sanctifies the soul--wrought a supernatural marvel in these mutes, whom he made such (as in that other case of the blind man) [12] for the manifestation of his glory, not because of their own sins or those of their parents. there were then in dulac two mutes, who caused our fathers much regret, as they supposed it would be so difficult to baptize these persons on account of their lack of capacity for instruction. father ramon de prado, who was still our vice-provincial, determined, upon learning this, to instruct them by means of signs, believing that divine mercy desires that we should all be saved, and denies his grace to no one. [13] he undertook the task, persisted, and won success, our lord so operating therein that the father, and the father-visitor, and all who knew them, regarded these men as fit for baptism. nor were they deceived in this opinion; for the two mutes received the sacrament, and since then the divine grace which is communicated therein has been resplendent in them, with such tokens and effects as fathers francisco de otaco and melchior hurtado attest in some of their letters concerning this matter. in that written by father francisco de otaco to father ramon, he says: "i will not fail to inform your reverence in a special letter, of the two mutes whom your reverence catechized, and whom i baptized on the day following your reverence's departure. your reverence was deprived of much consolation in not being present on that occasion: for in all this land i have not seen another person receive holy baptism with greater demonstrations of devotion and joy, while thus setting an example for the others who received the sacrament in their company. they could not restrain their joy--especially the elder one, who seemed as if his heart were bursting with gladness. but it was not only during the baptism that these admirable tokens and results were evident, for they were continued in the church, these new christians attending mass upon their bended knees, with folded hands, and their eyes fixed upon the altar with extraordinary attention and reverence." here father francisco de otaco ends his account. father melchior hurtado, in another letter to the father-visitor, thus writes: "the baptism of the mutes whom the father vice-provincial catechized was performed with all possible solemnity, and with the utmost satisfaction that our lord had made good in these poor men their lack of hearing and speech. their expressions of devotion--and especially those of the elder, who was christened raimundo--were extraordinary, not only during the ceremonies at holy baptism, but when they were sprinkled with the water. so devoted has raimundo become that he seldom goes from home. he diligently attends to all the requirements of devotion, never failing to attend mass, carrying his rosary, beating his breast; and he lacks nothing save speech. we are convinced that god supplies much more than we can understand. during this holy week raimundo scourged himself in the procession, and it seemed to me that even had he possessed the power of speech and hearing, he could not have given more satisfactory tokens of his christian faith." the same father melchior hurtado solemnized another baptism, also of considerable importance, as occurring at the point of death. this baptism took place in a village near to dulac, called tambo, whither he had gone to visit and console its people. this incident and its attendant circumstances are depicted to the life by that father in another letter, in which he says: "we reached tambo thoroughly soaked, but with much consolation that we had so opportunely arrived; for at once we were hastily summoned to visit an old man who was dying, who desired holy baptism. immediately we set out for his house, where he lived in his grain-field, a little more than a quarter of a legua from the village. struggling through mud almost knee-deep, we reached his wretched abode, where we found the poor man in such extremity that speech had failed him. knowing that he was a catechumen, and considering the statements of all those present that he had sent for me in order to be baptized, and fearing that he might die on my hands, i at once baptized him, although wishing that i could have prepared him better for the sacrament. but the lord, who had inspired him with the desire to ask for baptism, i trust gave him what more he needed for his salvation; for he died soon afterward, on that same night." as we have stated, the other christians continued to increase together in numbers, as well as in virtue and edification, as may be seen from some special instances. at the beginning of advent, we preached to them about fasting and abstinence, which are practiced throughout the world by good christians in their piety and devotion. so earnestly did they set about this that one of them fasted four days in the week, in all that time eating only roots. throughout lent they repaired to the church, three days in the week, to take the discipline, the singers meanwhile chanting the _miserere_ to the accompaniment of the organ; and with the same devotion they attended the sermons which were preached to them two days in the week. during holy week there was a great concourse of people from the neighboring villages; and on holy thursday and friday they had well-ordered processions with many flagellants, in which some bore on their shoulders large crosses. the most blessed sacrament was kept in a receptacle adorned with many ornaments and jewels of gold; all the time while it was enclosed therein, the chiefs were present in behalf of their districts armed according to their custom. on this day a poor indian failed to appear with the others at the church for the divine services, having gone to the river to bathe; there, by divine permission, a cayman seized him, and well nigh caused his death. he was brought to the church covered with gashes, and in such agony that he could neither understand, nor hear, nor utter a word. on account of his precarious condition, and as he was one of the catechumens, he was at once baptized. being urged to invoke the most holy name of jesus, this man, who had not been able to speak one word, was granted such strength that twice he uttered distinctly, "jesus, jesus," and died with that honey on his lips. i will relate another and similar incident, equally interesting, although it occurred at a different time and in a different place. a poor indian one night, in his grain-field, suspecting no harm, received several knife thrusts, so grievous that it is considered almost a miracle that they did not instantly kill him; for all his abdomen was cut open, and his entrails lay on the ground. in this condition he remained until morning, when he sent another indian, who by chance left his route to pass that way, to summon the fiscal of the church, since the fathers did not reside in that village. the fiscal went, and found the poor man in such misery that some dogs were actually beginning to devour him alive. asking with great earnestness for the sacrament, he was accordingly baptized, whereupon he at once expired. it seemed that our lord would wait no longer to receive him to himself. but to return to lent at dulac: the good example set by a spaniard who happened to be there during this holy time, was most valuable. it was he who adorned, as we have mentioned, the receptacle of the most blessed sacrament, and who sent much wax to furnish its illumination; and he remained under arms, guarding the sepulchre, and marched in the procession with the indians, bleeding severely under the scourge. not content with this, he went a second time along the streets through which the procession had passed (a long distance), scourging himself. the indians were greatly edified at this, and, as i have said, hastened to imitate him. not less readily did they imitate a virtuous action by one of our fathers, who performed it in order to preach to them by deeds as well as words, that he might at once constrain them and render good deeds easier for them; and, by the grace of our lord, he succeeded in his purpose. those people are fastidious to such an extreme that they are annoyed and disgusted by any object offensive to the senses, especially to sight and smell. they are passionately fond, on the other hand, of fine colors and flavors, and eager to see or hear agreeable things. accordingly, they cannot endure foul odors, and have great aversion for persons who are wounded or bruised; among them such persons suffer, in consequence, great privation and neglect, bodily as well as spiritual. on this point, several sermons were preached to them; but, as the achievement of victory in such a cause is, in truth, arduous and heroic, the preacher, seeing that words were of no avail, determined to preach a sermon of deeds. they had one day in the week set apart when all the old, the sick, and the wounded assembled to receive instruction; and the father knew that some were not present because they had no one to carry them, or help them to come--among these, especially, there was a female slave who belonged to one of the chiefs; her masters had never been willing to carry her to the church, on account of their great loathing for her. at a time when many of these poor creatures were assembled, and the most notable of the people were present, the father took in his hands the feet of a poor slave who was covered with sores, kissed them, and placed his lips on the wound itself. there was another unfortunate whom they all held in great contempt, who himself did not dare to expose his countenance, on account of an ulcer which had eaten away his mouth, nose, and the greater part of his face; but the father drew this man to himself, spoke to him, and caressed him, even touching his face. this example made so great an impression upon them that, from that time forth, they have displayed great compassion for such unfortunates--aiding them in their necessities, and, when they cannot walk, carrying them on their shoulders to the church. one of the chiefs did this several times for his slave woman, although, before that occurrence, he had not been accustomed even to approach her. the governor of that same village, an indian of very high rank and much esteemed by his people, seeing that all refused to help a poor woman, who was in a very loathsome condition, to go to the church, placed her on his own shoulders and carried her thither, heedless of the stench and sores, and careless of staining a very elegant gown which he had put on that same day. when some persons attempted to restrain him, he responded that such was the obligation of a christian. the increase and fervor of christianity in tinagon. chapter lxiii. when the first fruits had been paid with a thousand christians, who, as we have said, died newly-baptized, in tinagon and its district, there were left, upon the arrival there of the fathers of the society, about eight thousand five hundred souls. of this number we baptized from the month of april of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, to the same month of the year one thousand six hundred, more than nine hundred and seventy persons, almost amounting to a thousand. for the rest of the catechumens, and for some christians besides who are scattered through various villages, the services of three fathers and three brethren did not suffice, although they were constantly occupied in instructing them. but our lord provided us with some boys, so well disposed and so intelligent in the things of our holy faith, that they have, upon various occasions, supplied the lack of priests and the need for catechizing and instruction in those villages. it was in this way that a native chief in one of those neighboring villages, having heard one of ours preach, became so enamored of the things of our holy faith, and so desirous that he and his villagers might know them, that he went straightway to his encomendero and entreated him to find for them some indian well instructed in our doctrine, who might impart to them the prayers and catechism. an indian was sent, as he had desired; they received him very hospitably, and all promptly learned the doctrine. they manifested their gratitude for such benefits by entertaining their teacher liberally during his stay and presenting some gifts to him at his departure. two or three times afterward, this same chief came to ask our fathers to send someone to his district to baptize his people, saying that they all desired to receive holy baptism. the earnest affection wherewith they asked for it was manifest in another indian whose baptism our fathers delayed until he should be better prepared for it: but each day his desire and fervor increased, and each day he became more fixed in his good resolution. one day a father asked him why he did not cut off his hair, since he desired to become a christian. at once he made answer with much affection: "the hair, father, and nothing more? do but grant me what i ask, and i will cut off, not only my hair, but even my arm, in return for baptism." this man was almost on the point of tearing out his eyes, or cutting off his hand or foot, to his own shame. but who can exaggerate the satisfaction and devotion wherewith they receive in their villages these servants of the lord, when the latter go to visit them? this will be seen in an account of such a journey, made by father juan de san lucar, who himself thus describes it: "i cannot express the satisfaction which was caused by our visits to all these villages. we reached the first one, called ibatan, in the middle of the night. the people had already learned that we were to go to their village, and, in spite of the late hour, they did not weary of waiting; indeed, they were all waiting on the shore, where they had lighted fires. as soon as we arrived, the leading chiefs cast themselves into the water in order to take hold of our boat; and we could not prevent them from carrying us ashore on their shoulders. in the two weeks that we spent there, great was the fervor of their attendance at our church, as well as the concourse of men and boys on certain nights for the purpose of scourging themselves; at the same hour the women throughout the village performed the same exercises at their homes. ten children and thirty adults were baptized, and to some holy communion was granted after they had been prepared by a sermon on that subject. all those who received the most blessed sacrament manifested great unworldliness and exemplary virtue. in this village there was an old woman, more than eighty years of age, blind, deaf, and so sick and crippled that she could not leave her bed. upon several occasions we had passed much time with this poor woman trying to persuade her to receive holy baptism; but she had never shown any desire for it, and even stubbornly resisted. but the lord took pity on her and enlightened her, at a time when i was most forgotten or distrusted. her husband came to me as many as eight or ten times to ask me to go to baptize her telling me that he loved her very much, and it would cause him much grief if she should incur damnation; he was therefore anxious that she should be baptized, so that she might enjoy god; and he added that such was already her wish. but i did not believe him, for my visits to her house had so many times proved useless. i told him that i would baptize her on the condition that she would come to the church, thinking that what i required from him was impossible. on his returning with this answer, the poor woman, in her desire to receive holy baptism, was so aroused that she, although formerly she could not even move her limbs, recovered strength, with the help of our lord, and came to the church. she listened to the instruction with pleasure and attention; and finally, as she was prepared for the sacrament, i granted her baptism. during all the time while i was administering this sacrament to her, she remained standing, to the wonderment of all the people. great was their edification at seeing how heartily she had sought baptism, and how our lord accomplishes more in one moment than we in many days. in the village of paet our lord moved the hearts of two women who were a cause of offense and stumbling on account of their dissolute lives. protected by certain profligate men, these women, although they were slaves, had become so arrogant that they despised the other women; and all the village felt ashamed to have among them so evil a company. these women came with deep grief to make their confession, and remained thoroughly reformed, to the great satisfaction of all the people. there dwelt in this village a young girl, the daughter of a chief, whom we had urged to attend the catechisms and the sermons, hoping that if she were baptized others would follow; but the devil hindered our efforts, for she either hid herself or was concealed by her parents. this time i made more diligent endeavors; she came to the church and, having heard a few sermons, earnestly asked for baptism. i gave her a teacher for the doctrine, promising that i would baptize her when i returned to that place--although so great was her desire for the sacrament that the least delay seemed to her very long; accordingly, she applied herself so closely to study that within the space of two days she knew the prayers and the catechism. on examining her, great was my surprise that she should have learned so much in so short a time; accordingly, with great satisfaction on my part, i baptized her and two other adults. in the village of cauayan there lives an indian woman of rank, already advanced in years, whom our lord has inspired with zeal for winning souls and for the conversion of her people. she devotes herself to persuading, preparing, and catechizing the indians for holy baptism; and whenever we visit that doctrina, she has a troop collected, and well instructed, for us to baptize. in this place i baptized twelve adults, and four or five younger persons. in all the other villages the people are very well disposed, and a great harvest will be continually gathered, with the help of our lord." in the measure of this fervor does our lord correspondingly bestow upon them visits and spiritual consolations, most liberally accorded by his divine majesty to these his new faithful. of these we have already given some general account, and now i will relate in detail one case, only, in the words of father francisco de otaco, who wrote from tinagon, before he departed thence to be superior in dulac: "there came today from catubig a christian indian, a youth of about sixteen years, to hear mass and make his confession; it was a long and toilsome journey. he showed much candor and goodness, and special affection for the things of christianity, speaking of them with intelligence and appreciation. he related to me an incident that had befallen him, which had been the cause of that interest and intelligence. he was sick, and, fearing that the hour of death was already at hand, he charged a companion of his to place at the head of his bed, at the last hour, a cross and some lighted candles. his end approached, so near that all regarded him as one already dead, and his companion fulfilled the charge that had been given him. then, he said, he became as one who dreams, although it seemed to him to be more than dreaming, and even quite different. there appeared at his right side a father of the society, holding in his hand a rosary of our lady: upon his head he bore a diadem of golden brightness and a halo of the same splendor encompassed his breast. the apparition, calling him by name in affectionate terms, said to him: 'turn this way, my son, to the right side, which is that of the elect, and count these beads. thou wert to die of this sickness; but, because thou art a christian, our lord has been pleased to give thee life and health; but it is only that thou mayest be a good christian, always remembering our lord, living in prayer and carefully guarding thyself from every sin--that is, from all that offends the sight of god.' having in a long discourse given him other profitable counsels, the figure disappeared; and the sick man regained his consciousness, as if he had been resuscitated (for all thought him really dead), and with sudden energy began to speak. he asked for food, and soon felt much better, to the astonishment of all who were present. these, terrified at such a change, inquired from him its cause, and he related to them the above occurrence--attributing his recovery to the singular mercy of our lord, and to the fact that he was a christian; and he often related the affair with no little benefit to his hearers. having heard him speak, for some time, so well and so affectionately concerning our lord and the observance of his holy commandments, i praised his discourse and meritorious sentiments. he answered that it was no cause for surprise, since all those things had been taught him in the aforesaid vision, and had remained deeply impressed upon his mind." the loss of some vessels, and in them of two of the fathers of the society. chapter lxiv. among other calamities and troubles which our lord has been pleased to send upon these islands in the form of loss of life, property, and ships, one was the destruction of two large ships (a flagship and an almiranta) which, in the previous year, six hundred, set out for nueva españa with cargoes of very rich merchandise. these vessels, after having sailed the seas for eight months, with violent storms, and encountered great dangers, and after having lost many men through hunger, pest, accidents, and the billows of the sea (which washed them from the vessel itself), were driven back and stranded--or rather dashed to pieces--on the shores of the ladrones and the catanduanes, where they were destroyed. but few persons were able to escape, who only served, like the servants of job, to carry the news of the disaster--which, following upon many other losses and misfortunes of war, was keenly felt and bitterly lamented. in one of these vessels, named "san geronimo," went father pero lopez de la parra, a professed member of our society, who after this long voyage and another, even longer, of thirty-seven years in the religious life, finally came to port, as we believe, in the fortunate land, toward which he was making his main voyage with good works. in nueva españa he taught the arts and theology, and was one of the first founders [of missions] who went thither from the society; and both there and here he exercised our ministries with good results. although we know no details concerning his death, it is believed, from his having been one of the last to die, and from his great devotion to confession and the care of souls, that in that hour of peril he must have been of service to all with much charity, as he always acted thus during his life. by another disaster and misfortune in these islands, we lost another father and a brother, if we may call those lost who, to win souls and aid their brethren, die with them in a righteous war. some heretic corsairs from the islands of olanda and gelanda went to those of filipinas, bent on plunder, in the month of october of the year one thousand six hundred; they had robbed a portuguese vessel in the north sea, and in the south sea, having passed the strait of magallanes, some fragatas from piru. these corsairs entered among these islands, committing depredations and threatening even greater excesses. for this purpose their almiranta and their flagship (in which sailed, as commander, a corsair named oliverio del nort) were stationed at a place six leguas from manila, where the ships from españa, china, and japon were obliged to enter, and where all the ships and vessels which leave that city must be inspected. against the two dutch ships went forth two others from manila, carrying more than three hundred men, the flower of the militia of those islands, with much artillery and military supplies. in the flagship went father diego de santiago and brother bartolome calvo, at the request of general antonio de morga, auditor of the royal audiencia, and other officers, who were wont to confess to the father, because he had a very affable manner, and could adapt himself to all persons. at the outset he heard the confessions of most of the men, and encouraged them, as well as he could, to make the attack and to fight valiantly. finally, on the fourteenth day of december, they sighted the enemy; and crowding on sail, in their eagerness to overtake him, both flagships grappled together, so closely that one could cross unimpeded from one vessel to the other. they finally succeeded in seizing the enemy's colors and hoisting them on our flagship, our men confident of success, and already shouting "victory!" but the ship, whether unsteady (for, carrying so many people on one side, it took in water through the port-holes of the lower tier of cannon), or laid open at the keel by the very weight of our guns (which were very large), or by the will of god, went to the bottom with all its crew--except a few men who seized the enemy's shallop and escaped in it, and some others who reached the shore by swimming. among the latter was the commander, who with the enemy's two flags gained the shore. our almiranta (which was a new galizabra), in charge of admiral juan de arcega, grappled with the enemy's almiranta, captured it, and brought it to manila, where justice was executed upon the corsairs who were in it. among the dead and drowned--who numbered one hundred and nine spaniards, the pick of the captains and soldiers of those islands; and one hundred and fifty negroes and indians--perished father diego de santiago. he died bravely, encouraging the men, and having heard the confessions of nearly all. seeing, a short time beforehand, that the ship was about to go down, he intended to save himself by swimming; but he heard the voice of a captain, who said to him: "father, hear me but a word, for it concerns my salvation." with much charity, he remained until the last moment, to hear the soldier's confession; and afterward neither the father nor his companion was seen. the father was twenty-nine years old, a member of the society for fifteen years, and a shepherd of the indians and spaniards. brother bartolome calvo was of the same age, attached to the society in these parts for seven years. he possessed much virtue and died through obedience, a quality for which he ever professed much esteem. nine new members of the society reach manila, having been saved from a ship-wreck--through the intercession, as is devoutly believed, of our blessed father ignatius. chapter lxv. in the month of may in the year one thousand six hundred and one, there arrived in the filipinas father gregorio lopez with a welcome reënforcement, of nine fathers of the society. [14] their arrival was most opportune for filling the places of the dead, and aiding the living who are ever clamoring for new companions to help them draw in the net of this spiritual fishery. it was an extraordinary consolation to hear of the mercies vouchsafed to them by our lord through the intercession of our propitious father ignatius--especially when they reached the opposite coast of that island of manila, near catanduanes--as i shall here briefly relate, referring to the judicial investigation of this disaster, which was made with many and competent witnesses, and was brought to rome for the honor and glory of god our lord, and of his saints. in the latter part of april in that year, 1601, when the galleon from nueva españa [15] (in which came the ten fathers of our society) reached the region of those islands, bad weather shut them in with heavy fogs and rains, so that, although in front and on both sides the land was not far away, it could hardly be descried or recognized as such. as soon as the weather cleared somewhat, they found themselves in a bay hemmed in by shoals and rocks, with a rugged shore, upon which the wind was driving them. in spite of their efforts they were unable to gain the open sea, for the force of the wind was driving them out of their course and upon the shoals. they then resolved to cast anchor, hoping in this way to gain some safety for the vessel, and thus they remained during an entire night in twenty-six brazas of water, exposed to great danger, and in fear of being lost. on the next morning, the auditor don antonio de ribera (who went as commander and chief of the vessel), seeing the great danger to which they were exposed, and considering all human means weak and useless, hastened to entreat the divine favor; and, recalling those which our lord had recently bestowed upon certain persons through the mediation of our blessed father ignatius, resolved upon this occasion to implore his favor and assistance, and to beseech our lord, through the merits of his servant, to give them at ten o'clock that day a propitious wind whereby the vessel might reach a place of safety. he added that he did not set that time as a limitation to the divine majesty, but because such answer to their prayer would show that the mercy bestowed upon them had come through the intercession of the blessed father ignatius, to whom they made an offering of the vessel and its deliverance. this petition and its conditions he called those to witness who were then present in the stern-cabin. the shallop was launched, to seek some refuge within the shelter of the shore where the ship might be anchored, and the men were ordered to give signals when they should find it. but while the shallop was reconnoitering the shore, the galleon began to drift from its moorings toward the shoals and the rocky coast, whither the force of the wind was bearing it. accordingly a cannon was fired, to call back the crew of the shallop, so that it might accompany the vessel and lend to its crew what assistance it could. the shot was heard a long distance on land, but those in the shallop could not hear it, although they listened attentively and observed the fire and smoke; they continued, therefore, their search for a more suitable landing. thereupon the men on the ship cut the anchor, and hoisted sail, aiming to get as far out into the sea as possible. at that moment a miracle occurred; the wind suddenly became favorable, shifting three or four points, so that they were able to steer the vessel to the only place which was secure and sheltered, where the shallop's crew had already found bottom and a place for anchorage. at the same time captain francisco cadena--a venetian, and an expert in nautical affairs--without knowing of the commander's petition, said with great surprise: "this is a great miracle; for just when we hoisted sail the wind shifted four points, so that we who thought ourselves lost may now hope to be saved." this unexpected shift in the wind was also observed by the chief pilot and other seamen. the commander, don antonio de ribera, beholding this change and good fortune, and recognizing god's mercy toward them at the very hour of ten which he had appointed, twice repeated with extraordinary tenderness and devotion what he had that morning sought from our lord--through the intercession, as they piously believed, of our blessed father ignatius. soon afterward he related the same incident, in his stern-cabin, to some augustinian and franciscan fathers, with many tears and great devotion; and those religious fathers, full of admiration, rendered thanks to the lord that he had chosen thus to honor his servant ignatius, by displaying in that hour of peril his great holiness and merits. on reaching shelter and casting anchor, the commander announced to all, publicly, what he had requested from our lord through the mediation of our blessed father ignatius; at which those who had been about to cast themselves into the sea, to escape, if they could, by swimming, and had seen themselves at the point of death, realizing that they had been saved by such means, offered many thanks to the lord and praises to his saint. both religious and laymen asked that the image of our blessed father ignatius be brought, and thereupon they all, of every rank and age, began to adore it--falling on their knees, and kissing it with great devotion, while all the religious chanted the _te deum laudamus_. in memory of this event, all, with one voice, desired that this place be called the puerto de san ignacio, which name it now bears. afterward, that our lord might reveal more clearly the merits of his servant--while the ship was at anchor in the very place where they had so marvelously been aided, and while they were about to leap joyfully ashore--a violent hurricane suddenly arose, on tuesday, the first of may, which toward midnight caused the galleon's single anchor to drag, so that it was carried toward the shoals and the perilous coast. at this, all feared the utmost danger, for peril seemed most certain amid the darkness of the night, and with so angry a tempest; but when they began to cry out and entreat the favor of our blessed father ignatius, then the vessel ceased to drift. thus invoking him in every danger--as they frequently did, both religious and laymen--the lord again bestowed upon them a special favor; for when the mainmast fell, which they were obliged to cut, its fall was not, as they feared, such as to sink the vessel, inasmuch as the yard and the topsail, falling upon the rocks, served as a support, and on that side held back the ship so that it could not drift to destruction. at the same time, as they were held by only one anchor, with so great risk of further dragging, or of the cable's being cut by the many submerged rocks, they urgently requested an image of the blessed father ignatius, and with great devotion and confidence, made it fast to the cable. it was wonderful to see how the cable was held in place during the rest of that night and a great part of the following day; and how, when they tried to improve the position of the ship by casting another anchor, they were able to raise the first one, which was very heavy, by working the capstan, although they found that the three cords of the cable were fretted, and only one remained entire--whereat they all were greatly astonished and proclaimed it a miracle. other devout practices which were augmented in manila, and edifying events which occurred therein. chapter lxv. [i.e., lxvi] in these vessels which arrived in the year one thousand six hundred and one, there were also many religious of the sacred orders of st. francis and st. augustine, and in the following year, of the order of st. dominic; they were men selected and well qualified for the succor of those souls. immediately they were assigned posts, each in his own province, that they might devote themselves with fervor to the conversion of the indians. i do not here describe their occupations, and the large harvest which they gathered and still are reaping; for that is not within my present scope, although there is much, and of great interest, to say about them. i will only say this, that the excellent example set by the religious orders in the filipinas is a most efficacious means for the conversion of those souls; and likewise serves to stimulate and maintain the christian spirit of former times among our spaniards. among these there are men and women who may serve as examples of virtue and piety from whatever point this may be considered, and who both profess and exercise piety with the utmost sincerity, and in perfection. i observed and noted in those people, without distinction of good and bad, three habitual virtues: they do not blaspheme, they hear mass every day, and they are present at every sermon. as for confession and communion, i may affirm that there is not a feast-day appointed during the year when they do not, almost every one, confess and receive communion; indeed, we hardly have leisure to administer those sacraments to them, for no sooner is one communion concluded than we must prepare for the next one. and this piety is displayed not only by select christians, of recognized virtue, but by almost all the people of the city; and they are constrained thereto by the saintly labors, example, and teaching of these holy religious orders. these, not to mention other virtues which make them conspicuous in that country, possess two which are especially notable: first, the strictness of religious observance and the purity of life which they all teach, and which, in truth, they exercise with great consistency; second, the peaceable and fraternal relations which they maintain among themselves--a virtue which is born from the first. for the likeness between them in this respect awakens and kindles, in the minds of their members, a readiness to esteem and value one another, and, in consequence, to take pleasure in the society and welfare of their brethren; and thus are born peace and harmony. of this and many other excellent things, much could be said. but to return to our ministries: with the reënforcement of that year, and the pious inclinations of the people of manila (which had been aroused and cultivated in them by the hand of the lord, through tribulations), we had excellent facilities for increasing the practice of pious exercises--not only maintaining those of former days, but adding others which were new--in return for which, some notable and edifying events occurred. first, the students founded the congregation of la anunciata in imitation of other colleges of our society, where it flourishes with so much distinction and piety. although those who began it were but six, it grew apace, inasmuch as it was a work of god and of his most glorious mother. as the rays of this light spread through the city, it ravished the eyes and hearts of many laymen of various conditions, filling them with desire to enter this congregation; and in less than eight months its membership grew so large that it was necessary to form two congregations from the one, separating the laymen from the students, and assigning to each congregation its officials. at public feasts, however, they assemble together, and celebrate their services in the chapel. these pious and devout exercises, with the example and sweet odor [of piety] displayed in their conduct, and the benefits resulting from it to their own souls, would require a separate narrative. the discipline, which formerly was practiced during lent, was now extended to every friday in the year; and on every day thus appointed, without missing one, many people of distinction, and those from all classes, repair [to the church] to scourge themselves. every sunday afternoon many people, whether or not members of the congregation, assemble in the church to hear a short sermon, in which are explained the divine mandates, accompanied by some pleasing example, an interesting story or edifying narrative. the father-visitor began these sermons with good results, which were soon realized in the changed lives of many persons--especially one, who, coming by chance to hear the sermons, was--although bent on leading a shameless life and giving loose rein to his appetites--brought to himself by one sermon and began to lead a new life. there was also begun, that same year, the devotion practiced by certain cities; namely, that of accepting saints by lot. this was done on all saints' day, with a great concourse of the citizens. there was a certain person who, falling into the sea, with many others who were drowned, in the expedition against the englishman, and being already overcome by the waves, remembered st. nicanor, who had fallen to him by lot; and calling out to that saint in a loud voice, from that moment, he affirmed, his courage and strength returned, and he felt a confidence that he would not be drowned. as a result, he swam nearly a legua, and reached the shore, to his own great surprise and with much devotion to that saint. several interesting cases occurred of fervor in these devotions of which i shall mention only two or three. a certain woman, to whom god our lord had communicated lofty purposes and sentiments of chastity and purity, was for a long time beset with gifts and importunities from wicked men. her refuge was to confess and devoutly to receive communion, arming herself with these holy sacraments. one day, after she had received communion in our house, one of these men lay in wait to seize her when alone; and, with a bare dagger at her breast, was about to slay her if she would not consent to his evil purpose. but she, fortified with the bread of the strong, and with the wine springing forth virgins, [16] told him that she was ready to die on the spot, rather than offend god. he abused her with words, and even handled her roughly, but left her, astonished and overcome by her chastity. another man lived for many years in great impiety, and, forgetful of his god, in mortal sins--especially a base passion so fixed and rooted in his heart that when one of our fathers talked with him, striving to convert him, he seemed mad and beside himself. in truth, he was beside himself, for he still remained with that evil companion with whom he had lived, nor did he seem to have feeling or thought for any other thing. it pleased our lord that by serious conversations and arguments he was induced not to visit his wicked companion; and after a reluctant "yes" had been drawn from him, almost by force, he did afterward abandon her, so entirely that it seemed as if he had never known her. he made a general confession, and began a new life, to the wonder of those who knew him. the corsairs from gelanda [zeeland] who had been brought as prisoners to the city of manila were condemned to death. the governor of those islands deemed it advisable that they should be distributed among the religious orders, to see if they would be converted to our holy catholic faith; our lord was pleased that twelve of the thirteen should be converted. the exception was the admiral, who died a heretic, while obstinately uttering a thousand blasphemies against our holy faith; he was executed by the garrote, [17] and thrown into the sea. the other twelve reflected, and, in great anguish for their sins, were converted to our lord. they professed our holy catholic faith and rendered obedience to the holy roman church. this was done with such sincerity that they entreated the religious orders of that city to give them the most blessed sacrament at the altar, which they devoutly received; as for the five who fell to the care of our society, and whom we saw die, i may affirm that they left us notably edified. with the utmost grief for their sins, they made a general confession and received communion with many tears. before receiving the latter sacrament, they made public declaration of their belief in the holy roman catholic faith, maintaining that they died within the church, and abominating the heresies of calvin, luther, zwingli, and other heretics. two days from that time, having asked pardon of all, they died with rosaries about their necks, and with the bulls of the holy crusade (by means of which they obtained absolution) sewed upon their breasts, each one holding his crucifix in his hands, devoutly adoring it. they embraced us all, and in great joy at seeing that, by such a death, they were expiating their sins, they suffered death, to the great edification of all. on the following morning they were buried with great solemnity by the confraternity of la santa misericordia, which was founded by the most prominent people of the city. but enough for the present concerning the spaniards; it will be desirable to make some mention of the indians. other edifying matters, among the indians of manila. chapter lxvi. [i.e., lxvii] that part of our employment and occupation which lies among the indians is no less important, since they retort to that city in numbers exceeding those of the spaniards, and their love and affection for us is more recent. usually they are a people inclined to make confession; and this would give, throughout the year, work for six fathers who know the language. the indians seek communion most eagerly, and thereby are their souls much profited, and they are aided in cultivating the virtues, especially that of chastity. all that concerns devotion and the ceremonies of the church makes a marvelous impression upon them, and they set an example to christians of long standing. they practice the discipline every friday in the year; and many more would come to these exercises, if the gates of the city (which separate their villages from the spaniards) were not closed at night. the confraternity which has been established among those natives arouses the rest to fervor; for its members are the leaven, with their good example leavening the mass of dough. at the christmas feasts they give food to all the poor whom they can assemble, and in such abundance that there is even a surplus for the prisoners (spaniards as well as indians), and also for another very needy class of people, those who work in the powder-house. after this repast they wash and kiss the feet of all the poor, who fall upon their knees and offer up prayers for those who have performed for them this charitable act. in company with those of our society, they betake themselves to the hospital of the natives, especially during advent and lent, to serve and entertain its inmates. they make the beds, sweep out the house and clean it thoroughly--which for them is a great deal, since the indians are a fastidious people, who are wont to remain in their homes to die, in order not to see the hospital; but with their fervor and devotion the members of the confraternity overcome this and other obstacles. they are greatly addicted to prayer and fasting; some, indeed, have passed whole weeks subsisting on bread and water alone. they have made retreat in our house, to make their general confessions, and perform similar exercises, greatly to their own profit and to the edification of the people. there was a christian woman who, in former days, had been made a captive by infidels who had taken her to the islands of mindanao and burnei, where the doctrine of mahoma is taught; and they carried her through many peoples of that infidel land, but never did she relapse from the christian faith. a certain indian had, with others, made his confession for the purpose of receiving communion; but he remained silent in regard to some circumstances of his sins. he says that in a dream he beheld a very beautiful child who seemed to desire to give him the communion; the indian excused himself from receiving it, as being so great a sinner. the child said to him: "it is true, thou dost not deserve communion, because in thy confession thou didst conceal this and that circumstance." on awakening, the indian betook himself to our house; and, communicating to one of ours what had befallen him, he said that he wished to make his confession anew, which he did. another indian, who was wont to take the discipline in our house, became through that excellent practice so accustomed to his prayers and scourgings that, while marching on an expedition with a company of soldiers, he left the camp at night in order to practice his discipline. one night, while the captain of infantry was going the rounds, he saw this man leave the camp, and followed him, believing him to be some soldier who was going out with some evil purpose. he saw the man go to a church cemetery, where, after offering his prayers, he began to scourge himself severely. when his penance was ended, the captain approached him, and recognizing him as an indian, was even more edified than before. asked whence he came, the indian replied that he belonged to one of the suburbs of manila, and that he made his confessions to the fathers of the society. the captain, impressed by this new converts solicitude for his soul, gave him some money and sent him home, saying: "take this and do not corrupt thyself among soldiers." the number of christians in the mission of taitai, and their exercises. chapter lxviii. of those who were christians in the year 1600--who might number six or seven thousand--in san juan del monte and other villages of that mission, one thousand five hundred were newly baptized in that same year, among the many infidels who were continually coming down to us from the mountains and thinly settled districts. our observation and experience among those people show, of late, greater devotion and more frequent attendance at the holy sacraments of confession and communion, and in processions, discipline, and works of charity; and every day may be observed constant progress and reformation in their lives. the father-visitor founded a hospital in antipolo, which has been most important to the welfare of their souls and bodies. on the day when it was opened, after a solemn mass and sermon (which was drawn from the story of the paralytic), the father-visitor rendered service to the poor, washing and kissing their hands while he knelt before them. in this he was assisted by the chiefs, whose wives performed, in a separate place, the same act of humility toward some sick women. a rule was made that the poor should be fed each day by four brethren of the confraternity, who aid them with much charity and pleasure. the father-visitor also began a seminary for boys, where they are reared in virtue and good habits, obeying the rules imposed upon them, according to their capacity, of christian and civilized living. this school is of great importance to the whole mission, for from these children must come the good rulers of the people; and it is an easy and gentle means for all reformation. some of the children (those who have some means) are fed with the rice which their parents give them, and others through alms. they are taught to pray, to assist at mass, to read, to write, and (most important of all) to be good christians. in san juan del monte it is customary to sing the _salve_ to our lady throughout the year. during fridays in lent, after some spiritual instruction, they perform the discipline in the church. it once happened that some indians, who were bathing, as is their custom, heard while in the river the bells calling to the _salve_ and the discipline; most of them at once made preparations to go thither. one alone played the obstinate, and, in ridicule of the others, said in his own language: _a coi ovian niño_ "bring back something for me," which in their mode of speech is a sort of mockery. the rest went to the _salve_, and this man remained alone; a caiman, or crocodile, seized and killed him, before he could be assisted or confessed. what most surprised me was that, although this animal is very voracious and always devours a man after killing him, or at least carries away a hand or foot, this man it left untouched, although dead; and thus he was found by the indians, to their great horror, and causing them to hold in great esteem the disciplines, and the _salves_ to our lady. the council held by the bishop in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus; and other events which occurred there. chapter lxix. the right reverend bishop of sebu, having through a residence of two years acquainted himself with the affairs of his bishopric, determined to hold a council [_sinodo_], composed of the clergy and religious who were busied in the conversion of the tribes, in order to regulate many things, and to agree upon the method to be used by them in giving instruction. their advice was especially desired in regard to the translation of the christian doctrine, in order to select, from the various versions of it which were current in the bissayan tongue, one which might serve as a vulgate and be generally used in the province of pintados. [18] before assembling this council, that great prelate chose to visit some of his flocks, which he did, traveling in person throughout a good part of his bishopric. in this tour our fathers were honored by his being their guest in the island of leyte--over which he journeyed on foot, although seventy years of age. he took up his lodging in our houses and residences, in as simple and familiar a manner as if he were one of ourselves; and confirmed our christians with the most holy sacrament of confirmation, and strengthened them by his example, and by the kindnesses that he showed them, with much charity and good-will. he was highly pleased with them, and with the excellent evidences of christianity which he beheld in them, especially with the chastity of the bissayan women--concerning whom he said that they had been unjustly slandered; for, although he had spent so long a time in nueva españa, he had not seen there so much reserve and modesty. he told ours that they might feel well content with their ministries, since that region was one of the most favored spots on earth, and, in his opinion, it was most pleasing and precious in the sight of god. he finally held his council, convening therein all the superiors of those residences; and after many very salutary regulations had been made for all classes of people in his bishopric, the council was concluded with great harmony, and to the consolation of all. during lent of that year the disciplines were commenced in our house, with a goodly number of persons and with the devotion of all the people. sermons and instruction were also begun in the barracks, on account of the soldiers who had been stationed there for the protection of the city; these were highly profitable to them, as well as to the people of the city. the indians have received more attention in our house this year than have any other class of people, because there was no priest in the city who could understand their language, save only three members of our society, any one of whom would have been sufficient to care for them. the following occurrence was considered by some as wonderful: a father went to visit a sick indian, to assist him when dying; the sick man was unable to speak, and had not yet made his confession. the father urged him to utter the name of jesus; he made a great effort, and tried to pronounce it as best he could, uttering the word, but in so broken a voice that it could hardly be understood. the father asked him to try to say it a second time, and as soon as he pronounced it he gained the power of speech; then he made a full confession, and on the following day was sound and well. part of the employment of our fathers in that city was with the sangleys from the kingdom of china; this was exchanged (and for the better) for labors among the natives of that land; and we took charge of a little settlement called mandavi, half a legua distant from our house; they are a simple people, docile and inoffensive by nature. father miguel gomez recently sent us, in a letter, this account of a visit which he made there: "i made inquiries, to learn who had not yet been baptized, and seventy were brought to me, besides some others whom the bissayans call _daotáñgatao_, which signifies, 'people who are good for nothing;' these people are wont to reply, when we preach to them the law of god: 'i am good for nothing at being a christian or learning the prayers.' i began to preach to all these people the truths of our holy faith, and the foolishness of their divatas, or idols. our lord was pleased that they should learn the doctrine in a very short time, although they were old men and obstinate, and ask for holy baptism with a devotion which caused my admiration. the day had scarcely dawned when old men and women, septuagenarians, were at the door, in order to become christians. i baptized sixty of these persons--among them the most influential chief of that district, a man seventy years old, andug by name--and six others, infant boys. all this has been a source of great consolation to me, and i hope in our lord that he will vouchsafe much to those people." many conversions are made in bohol. chapter lxx. from the end of the year one thousand six hundred to the spring of the year one thousand six hundred and one, that fire which the son of god, jesus christ our lord, came to earth to light, so earnestly desiring to set the world aflame, seemed to burn with great heat in the island of bohol--as may be seen by the letters of our fathers who at that time had gone thither. the most interesting letter, as giving the most detailed account, is, if i am not mistaken, one from father valerio de ledesma, rector of sebu, to the father-visitor; he writes thus: "in this letter i shall give an account of what our lord was pleased to accomplish in the island of bohol after i departed from sebu with father ximenez and brother dionisio, on the twenty-ninth of may in the year one thousand six hundred. when the council adjourned, i set forth to visit the island of bohol, as your reverence had instructed me. there i immediately undertook to unite and bring together the people, a very difficult task, but quite necessary for their instruction. i began with the people of loboc, who were dispersed and disunited; and, after many peaceful methods and forcible arguments, god was pleased to bring together more than a thousand souls, gathered from the mountains and rivers--most of them people reared in war, robbery and murder; until then, it had been impossible to bring them down from the hilly regions and inaccessible mountains where they dwelt. but _non est impossibile apud deum omne verbum_. encouraged by our good fortune in loboc, we sought to unite the tinguianes (or mountaineers) of dita and marabago, a wild people who had never before seen a father. we brought them together by blandishments and mild threats, and by other methods suited to their capacity, and it pleased our lord that we were able to persuade them to settle along the river which they call viga. there they have erected a church, and father gabriel writes me that on sundays it does not contain them all. he says that he began by baptizing more than one hundred and twenty children; and that the adults are not only tamed, but even ask for baptism with much fervor. at night they pray, and sing the doctrine; and in the day-time they chant praises to our lord. those who have dwelt in bohol, and know the unruly nature of that people, will appreciate the change which our lord has wrought in them. when we first begin to address them, your reverence might behold them on the bank of the river, armed, and so fierce as to arouse one's fear; yet, at the same time, desirous that i should address them. this i did, showing them so much affection that they and i became friends; and as hostages they gave me their children for baptism, preparing them to learn the doctrine and to receive holy baptism. having brought together the people of dita, when it seemed to me that they would have no difficulties in the small villages round about, it happened that, when least i expected, i saw as many as forty men coming, armed with lances and shields, whose design it was to break up the union by violence, especially if they should be ordered to assemble in any place not to their liking. realizing from their determination the danger to which the others would be exposed, i dissimulated as best i could, so that the others might not perceive their uncivil conduct, and feigned that my desire was the same as theirs--but with such conditions that i know that they will not fulfil them; and it is obvious, from this very incident, that he who has the authority and force to intimidate them can subdue them. i think, with father francisco xavier, of blessed memory, that a little gained in peace is worth more than much secured by war. thus was ended that disturbance; i did what i could, but not what i desired. they can, it is true, be instructed where they now are; but the task will be a hard one. "thence i returned toward sebu, passing through some villages where father miguel gomez had given instruction; and i can assure your reverence that while i tarried there i found more consolation, and gathered a greater harvest of souls, than i have ever before known. for theirs was so great a longing and hunger to hear of the things of god, and so ardent a desire to learn the doctrine that throughout the night could be heard in their houses, now here and now there, ceaseless songs and praises to god; and morning and night, in the field and in the church, nothing could be heard but praises of our lord. a chief said to me: 'would you believe, father, that all night long i did not close my eyes, i was so anxious and eager to pray?' accordingly, it appeared in eight or nine days that all the people had learned the prayers and other things needful for baptism. your reverence will doubtless ask: 'who inspired them with such warmth and fire, since they are a people so heedless by nature?' i know not what answer to give your reverence save, _digitus dei est hic_. what i can say is, that he whose heart is set on an end, also holds dear the means to that end. they were inspired by god to desire holy baptism, and for that reason they so heartily availed themselves of the means which we offered them to gain it, and heeded no difficulty in their way. upon the feast-day of saint anne, when the church was called together, our lord was pleased to make for us a goodly beginning in the conversion of an aged chief regarded by all as their father. while in the church, he fell upon his knees and said: 'father, baptize me, for god is calling me.' i said to him in a loud voice, while all the rest preserved silence: 'dost thou say this heartily?' 'yes, father, with all my heart do i say it.' 'does love for god and for thy salvation move thee?' 'yes, father; that and nothing else.' 'hast thou determined to abandon all the maganitos and to exchange them for the true god?' 'yes, father.' 'art thou resolved to serve the true god and to be a good christian, or dost thou ask this with thy mouth only?' 'there is nothing else in my heart.' 'that is well, then,' said i; 'i admit thee as a catechumen.' with this example those who were already prepared were so convinced, and others so deeply moved, that more than a hundred came, one after another, and knelt in the same way and asked for baptism. i, on my part, began to ask them questions, to confirm even more their faith; for this virtue, as well as other habits, grows and is increased by acts. brother dionisius and i returned home, astonished at such fervor and devotion among bissayans. at one time i baptized more than eighty-nine adults; a few days later, ninety-four, children and adults together; and, at still another baptism, the other people in that village. a few whom i did not baptize fell upon their knees and asked for the sacrament; but i deferred it until the next time when i should, god willing, return to them. "while we were passing, on the way from that village, over some mountains, the lord offered us, as a spiritual gain, twenty-nine children, who were like so many little angels [19] (which is a safe money); these we baptized, together with three adults whom i took on this journey with me that they might hear some masses, and be instructed, by word and example, in the things of christianity. although those people were mountaineers, they entertained us with the best that they had; and he was not held in honor by them who did not bring a banana, some papaya [20] fruit, rice, or a fowl. here i have learned by experience how important it is that we should not rear these indians in such [spiritual] aridity that they know not how to perform any act of charity. for admitting that they are poor, yet even in their poverty there is room for merciful and charitable deeds with the little possessions which are theirs; and by performing these they are made humane, and they find pleasure therein. on the other hand, they can be recompensed by us with other gifts, by which they are greatly pleased, and their hearts are more easily won for god. "from that place we set out for another little village which is called tobigu, where, in anticipation of our arrival, they had quickly erected a very convenient church. we cast our nets--or, to speak correctly, those of jesus christ--and the lord pressed into them all the fish there were. indeed, even if there were no other return than this, i would consider myself well repaid for having come from españa; for all--the headmen and chiefs, the children, old men, and women--prostrated themselves at the feet of jesus christ, making public confession and asking for the waters of baptism. the first time, we baptized a hundred souls; the second time, the rest of the people in the village, so that we did not know of any perverse one remaining--although, at the beginning, there were a few who resisted. when i arrived at the village, i heard someone say in a loud voice: 'i do not have to become a christian;' but he was afterward converted, being unable to resist the holy spirit. another savage, fierce and intractable in disposition, after having heard the sermon on salvation and hell, said that he would go to hell; and he maintained this so obstinately that he seemed to be possessed by the devil. he was arousing the same spirit in others, as he was an influential man, respected by those of the village. i told him of the terrible punishments of hell, and in return he asked what he was to do if his ancestors and parents were there, and he wished to be with them. i told him that he ought first to try the fire, to see if he could endure it, and i ordered some red-hot coals to be brought, that he might make this test; but his hands were as hard as his heart, and the fire had little effect on them. after a few days had passed, however, he turned over a new leaf, so completely that he went through the plains and grain-fields, calling together his people so that they might become christians and be baptized with him. he is now one of our good christians, and the most earnest one whom i have known among the bissayans. "the devil, envious of such success, sought to disturb our new christian community with rumors of war, which compelled us to return to the village of tobigo. there, while the people were wrought up to the most ardent fervor of prayers and conversions, forty-eight armed men descended upon the village, to plunder it and to burn the church. that night our people posted a sentinel, and kindled large fires, and so the enemy did not dare to enter openly; but they remained in the neighborhood to rob anyone who might enter or leave the village. on the morning of the next day, armed with better weapons than theirs--namely, with confidence in the lord, whose work we are doing--i set out to go where they were, taking with me brother dionisio (who has been, in all these experiences, my very faithful companion); and there i said to them: 'fear not, my children, for i am your father, not the alcalde-mayor; i come to do you good, not harm. what do you fear from a man unarmed and alone, who puts himself in your power? you behold me here. if you desire me for a slave, i will live with you in your village of tibor, and will serve you as a slave if you will in turn let me teach you how you may obtain salvation. i have compassion on you when i see you acting thus, for if the spaniards seize you they will do you much harm. let us be friends, and in token of our friendship, take this garment:' and i handed to the chiefs an elegant striped mantilla, asking them to give me also some pledge. they presented to me a necklace, and then we embraced each other and drank from the same cup. in short, we became so good friends that they promised me that whenever i might summon them to loboc, they would come, provided that they would bring but few people. they gave me a little fruit and some eggs, and i gave them a basket of rice. after expressions of friendship had been exchanged, i asked them to make peace also with my friends of tobigon; this they did, and departed abashed without having done any harm. may god bring them to a place where they can receive instruction; for some of them, when questioned, replied that i was the first spaniard whom they had ever seen in their lives. this took place near sebu; what must be the condition of affairs elsewhere?" another letter from father valerio to the father-visitor, dated october 4, gives the following account: "father gabriel writes me that he has baptized in loboc and dita more than four hundred souls, most of them children under the age of reason. in these three months i find, upon examination, that more than a thousand souls have been baptized, and that the ardor of numberless others is aroused. the fathers write me that the hour has come in which god is present in this island. may your reverence send us laborers, or at least one father, until those from españa arrive. fortunate is he who may come hither, for he will delight in the fervor of this primitive church." father gabriel sanchez writes thus, in a letter of october 5: "our lord has favored the plans and labors of the father rector and other fathers; for in uniting the villages, their people have been so thoroughly converted to the lord that i know not what to say, except that the lord, who created and redeemed them, has been pleased to call them with so special a vocation. of the people in those reductions there have been newly baptized in the last four months more than two thousand souls, and it seems to me that, if we had fathers, the whole island would be converted in one month. i am filled with devotion when i see people who are practically savages come from the mountains, and on their knees ask for baptism, and children as well, like angels, who have already learned the prayers, although i know not who are their teachers. today, for instance, one of them came down, a child about ten years old, whom i had never before seen; and yet he knew the catechism and the questions, and was most eager to be baptized. catolonas, or priestesses, also come to us, and have given so many proofs of their holy desire that we have not been able to deny them baptism. truly, my father, i am living in great consolation and joy; for here in these regions there is nothing more to be desired than that we may faithfully serve our lord, and that all the people may be brought into the presence of his divine majesty. on sunday we had in the church of loboc six or seven hundred souls, which is the usual attendance. if your reverence could see in the early mornings nearly a hundred children from the mountains, boys and girls but recently baptized, march with praises to god in a procession along the bank of this river, singing the doctrine with angelic voices that seem to come from heaven, i verily believe that your reverence would be moved to devout tears, at seeing how god has brought them down from these mountains and dragons' caves that they may praise and glorify him. during the last few days there were baptized in dita five hundred more souls, so that in this mission of bohol there are now more than three thousand christians. at the beginning, we had eight hundred, and now, with the blessing of god and the mercy that he has shown them, two thousand three hundred have been baptised. since god decrees it, may st peter bless it. amen." in another letter he writes: "for days i have been toiling alone; and when i depart from a village, a considerable time passes before i return to it. but it is evident that the spiritual benefit of those poor people acquits me for this delay, in order that your reverence may take pity on them. for this reason, my father, let fathers be brought from españa; and will your reverence send hither even twenty, for there will be a harvest for all of them. in loboc and dita in the last few days nearly four hundred little ones have been baptized; this has given me much consolation in the lord, for i find great satisfaction in these little creatures. the adults are learning the doctrine with such fervor that even until midnight the sound of their voices is incessant. we have received information that enemies are coming to attack this island, and the people are therefore greatly disturbed. would to god that we might be made captives for his love, and might die for pure love of him!" all this is from father gabriel sanchez. the enemies whom the father here mentions are indians from the island of mindanao which lies near the islands of terrenate and maluco, where the doctrine of mahoma is professed. in the year one thousand six hundred that people collected an armed fleet of sixty small vessels, which descended upon these islands subject to the government of manila, and wrought much damage. they laid waste the island of bantayan and the river of panai, and burned the churches. then they coasted along other islands, robbing and murdering, and finally carried away as captives one thousand two hundred souls. but it pleased our lord that when they came to this island of bohol, where our fathers reside, they should inflict no considerable losses, nor did they burn our church and house--which they could have done with impunity, for all the people fled to the mountains. yet they passed on without stopping, as father gabriel relates in part of his letter of november 16, which runs as follows: "in order that your reverence may aid us in rendering thanks to our lord for a great act of mercy which he has shown us, your reverence, as father-visitor, should know that on the twenty-sixth of october in this year, 1600, the enemy attacked baclayun just after our fathers had gone thence to sebu, summoned thither by holy obedience; for the father rector had sent in haste for the three of us who were in the island, and lo! the enemy were there. as evidence of the value of holy obedience, and to show how it exempts from dangers, as well as another token of mercy--the enemy committed scarcely any ravages in bohol, considering what was in their power to do. their approach was made known three or four hours in advance, and all, as i have been informed, fled to the mountains--except three old women and an old man, whom they killed; and three women and a man, whom they carried away captive. one of the old women whom they killed had been a notorious witch; but god our lord, who loved her soul, inspired her with so fervent a desire to become a christian and receive baptism that for three months she did not cease asking me for it. finally, on account of her importunity, i baptized her, after she had several times given evidence of her sincerity by expressing in public her abhorrence of her idolatrous belief. but she was fortunate indeed, for soon after she had been baptized they killed her, which is certainly a singular blessing from our lord. the other old woman who was about seventy years of age had also been baptized a little while before. they did no damage in our church, although i am told that they disinterred some bodies--why, i know not. here is another instance of god's mercy: although they passed very near the river of lobo, dita, and other little villages belonging to our newly converted christians, they neither visited nor attacked them; this seems miraculous, considering that they had, as your reverence well knows, committed so deplorable ravages in other places." another of our fathers held a mission in that island, during the vacation in the latin studies in the college of sebu; and, among other things, he writes thus about his short stay there: "so great is the heavenly influence which god sends upon this village of tobigon, and the abundance of gifts which he bestows upon it, that i have not dared to go hence, and cut the thread of a progress so auspicious, thinking it best to remain and behold the marvels of god. the church is full night and day, and there is no leisure to leave the building, and hardly to eat when i must; and it is necessary to have my food brought to me from a distance. all are eager to become christians and be baptized. during the two weeks that i have spent here, among those to whom we have been able to give instruction, one hundred and fifty adults have been baptized, and today we are to baptize about forty catechumens; the rest will be left until our return. their affection for us is great; they bring their children and sick that we may bless them, and in the street they fall upon their knees to receive the benediction. they make frequent use of holy water for their houses, at their meals, in their grain-fields, and for their sick; indeed, to drink a swallow of it they consider an efficacious remedy. in short, all that i see in them is piety and devotion--which is all the more precious since they are christians so recently converted. an old man asked on his knees for baptism, and, as it was necessary to defer the sacrament, he said with his hands crossed upon his breast: 'father, teach me how to invoke god, since i do not know how to pray and thou wilt not baptize me; for i truly reverence him in my soul, and desire to serve him:' another old man--a chief, whom all respect--who hitherto had been obdurate, has just asked me for baptism; he is very hoary, and so old that it seems as if he could not, from very age, utter a word. i go to his house to instruct him, for he is too feeble to come to the church. i shall soon baptize him, and another old man of his age; and it seems to me a certain proof of their predestination that god should have kept them so long, and now have inspired in them so ardent a desire to be saved. the lord be blessed, amen! for his marvels, who from the stones can raise sons of god and heirs of heaven, at the time and hour that pleases him, and by instruments most inadequate, so that all may know that it is the work of his power. up to this time we have in this island three thousand three hundred christians, and i am confident in the divine goodness that by next year there will not be one man who is not baptized." the mission held in tanai. chapter lxxi. tanai is a beautiful and thickly-settled river in the great island called negros, on the side which forms a strait with the island of sebu. this part of the island is under the parochial care of don diego ferreira, the bishop's vicar there, and first archdeacon of the cathedral of sebu. this priest, in his great affection for our humble society, and influenced by seeing the results of our fathers' labors in those islands--aided by the demand of the natives of tanai themselves, who had at various times asked for us--so urgently requested our presence there that at last the authorities were obliged to consent. overjoyed that they had assigned this field to father gabriel sanchez, whom he held in great esteem, the said don diego went in person to bohol with a ship, expressly to convey father sanchez, and carried him to their tanai. what this faithful minister of jesus christ accomplished there the indians themselves made known, and the archdeacon lauded it in various letters, being most grateful to god and to the society for this service that we had rendered him. we gave him therein no little aid in carrying his burden of the many souls which are under his care, alone as he is, without any other assistance or instruction than ours. but father gabriel sanchez, with his accustomed plainness, has written a more detailed account of some particular cases, while making a report of his labors to the superiors, as is the custom among us. in a letter to the father-visitor, dated in november of the year one thousand six hundred, he writes thus: "the archdeacon of sebu, who holds the benefice of tanai--a venerable and meritorious man, as your reverence well knows--went in person to the island of bohol, twelve leguas away, to beseech father alonso de umanes, our superior, to send, for god's love, a father to teach his people the law of god, since he himself did not know their language. i was chosen, and it pleased our lord to give us a good foothold in the island; on the very first day we found all the people gathered on the beach, awaiting us with music and other tokens of joy. we went to the church, and there i began to address them and discuss our holy faith. at the first or second sermon, your reverence might have seen almost all the people suddenly changed. indeed, as they had not before had any minister who could address them in their own language, they had not, as i learned, been able to form any conception of the things of god. when the light penetrated their souls, they were astonished; and, full of joy, they began to ask one another, 'what is this?' they gazed on me (poor wretch that i am), as on one descended from heaven. as the greater number of those who assembled there were christians, but had not made their confession nor did they even know _si spiritus sanctus est_, i discussed with them the remedy of confession, explaining its purpose, and arousing their affection for it. within one month about four hundred persons made their confessions, with the utmost sorrow for their sins; and many received communion, with such devotion that to behold them inspired a like emotion. i baptized about eighty, most of them infants, although there were a few adults. we instituted the procession of children which, in our doctrinas, is wont to march through the streets. we began, too, in the church to give instruction and ask questions, which so pleased them that the chiefs answered them, and were offended if we did not question them. "during our stay several incidents occurred which i shall relate. an indian woman, wife of the governor of the village, and of high rank, lay sick. one night her malady grew so violent that it left her without power of speech. believing her to be dead, they hastened to summon us late in the night. when we arrived she was speechless and unconscious, and they were bewailing her as one dead. it grieved me that the woman should die in that state; for she had been a christian for some years, and yet had not attended confession (although she led a blameless life) because there was no priest who knew her language. i was anxious that she should, if only by a sign, ask for confession, but she could not do even this. we repeated the gospel to her, sprinkling her with holy water; and god, the father of mercy, gave such efficacy to these means that we had not finished reciting the holy gospel when the woman regained consciousness and asked for confession, saying: 'jesus, have mercy on me.' many people were present on this occasion, and we gave thanks to our lord. within ten minutes the sick woman was as well as before her illness; accordingly, i would not confess her in her own house, but left her, directing her people to bring her to the church the next day. this was done, and on the following day she confessed, to her great consolation. another woman, also of rank, was attacked by an illness so violent that she could not be held, and even dashed herself against the walls. finally, she was dying, and they hastily summoned us; we read to her the gospel, as usual, and gave her holy water. then with much difficulty, on account of the many persons who were in the house, i began to confess her before she should die. but it was god's pleasure that, just as she began to confess, her malady and the pains of death should be mitigated--so fully that before her confession was concluded she was as well as before. the next day she went to the church, and there, before many persons, she made known the mercy which our lord had shown to her the night before. another woman was reduced by sickness to the point of death, so that she was speechless; her people hurriedly summoned us, saying that she was already dead, and we found her unconscious, and already lamented as dead. we recited the holy gospel, and gave her holy water; and we had not yet finished the reading when the woman regained her senses and said 'jesus.' she then made her confession, and even before we departed she had recovered health, and was offering thanks to our lord. "they also called us in to see two children who were dying. we went to them in haste, putting aside the confessions which we had on hand; and found both of them speechless and unconscious--one of them with no sign of respiration--and already bewailed as dead. we recited the holy gospel to them, and gave them holy water; and soon we left them so well that one of them, who was four or five years old, came down that same day to play with the other children, and the other one soon became well. we went to hear the confession of a man who lived a legua and a half away from the village; he was so sick that they could not bring him to the church, for his body was in such a state of corruption that no one would touch him. we went to hear his confession and found him in the condition which we have described; he could not even move from one side to another. we sought to induce him to confess, and repeated to him the holy gospel. this was on friday or saturday; on the following sunday, when i asked for him, they told me that he was sound and well, and had gone to another island in quest of food. we were informed that another, a pagan woman, was at the point of death; at her request, we went to baptize her. i gave her this sacrament in some haste, lest she should die on my hands; but after baptism she regained her health. all these things aroused in their hearts a deep affection for our lord, and they recognized that what had been preached to them was the truth, and that their idols are but demons. "i also desire to relate to your reverence how one night, about ten o'clock, while i was commending myself to our lord, round about the church i heard many persons weeping most piteously, yet in gentle tones, as if grieving for something which had been lost. fearing lest it might be some case of death, i sent out two boys to inquire what it was. some women of rank, the daughters of the master of the house, replied that they and the other women were weeping because on that night, having finished chanting the christian doctrine, while in a passage-way or corridor of the house and gazing toward the sky, they saw as it were one fastened on a cross with a crown on his disfigured but beautiful head. his body and breast were brighter than the sun, white, and lovelier than words can depict. this [vision of the] lord gradually receded from them, rising toward heaven, until it reached the moon, when it disappeared from their sight. this lovely vision aroused in them deep love, and, when it departed from them, sadness and sorrow. i sent to bid them calm their grief. on the following day, in the church, those same young women, with their servants and those of their household, arose before all the people; and when i asked them what that meant, they recounted what had occurred to them the night before. yet they are simple and artless people, who were quite bashful and timid when i questioned them. the next day we learned that this vision, or cross, had been seen at the same time in another village, one or two leguas distant from this one. what most impressed me in this incident was that those persons, although virtuous before it occurred, were afterward much more so, and in their exemplary and modest behavior are the example and pattern for the other women; for they pass many hours on their knees in prayer, they hear mass every day, and, while we remained there, they made their confession every saturday. the incumbent of that benefice wrote me, several months later, that they were persevering, and setting a rare example in virtue. "the time for my departure and my return from tanai arrived, in accordance with the orders of holy obedience. such was the sorrow, and so many were the tears of those poor people that i was constrained thereby to weep for compassion. they cast themselves at my feet, and upon their knees besought me not to depart, saying: 'if we again fall into sin, to whom shall we have recourse?' i consoled them as best i could; and they accompanied me as far as the river, where i embarked. then they plunged into the water, and surrounded the boat--men, women, and children--dripping with water, and shedding tears. they brought me for the journey their offerings of rice, chickens and other presents, which i did not accept, as it seemed to me more becoming not to take them. i left them with much regret at seeing so many souls exposed to danger and without a shepherd or minister who knew their language. may god our lord provide aid for them, according to his mercy." seeing the excellent disposition of those people, and the harvest which our lord was gaining from the missions, the same father gabriel sanchez held another one among those people which he briefly mentions in one of his letters. he says: "i found the people steadfast in their good intentions, and in the doctrine which i had taught them. when i asked them, on certain occasions, if they had committed such and such a sin, they would answer: 'jesus. father, would i be false to god? when we were taught last year that we must not sin against the divine majesty, would we dare to do so?' and their works confirmed their deeds, for their lives were like those of the primitive church. there were women who, although they were offered chains of gold and presents of great value, could not be influenced thereby to consent to sinful acts. others suffered insults, and harsh treatment until their blood was shed from the blows and wounds they received, because they would not consent to offend our lord. many instances of this could be related." the fruits of other missions in the island of ibabao. chapter lxxii. as the inhabitants of the island of ibabao are scattered along the coast and shores of the sea, it has been necessary to despatch thither, on missions, three fathers and three brethren, during most of the year, who instruct the people with the excellent results that are wont to accrue from such missions. in these the harvest has been very large, the divine grace corresponding to the earnest desires of those fathers, and with their labors and perils. nearly all the time they are journeying by sea, sailing along the coast of this and other adjacent islands, and crossing from one to another, never without danger. they have become fishermen of souls, casting their nets for the heavenly catch--from these journeys returning to tinagon, where, as we have said, is the house of their residence. this residence cares for fourteen villages, large and small. during the year, there have been baptized therein three thousand six hundred and eighty persons, most of them adults. father alonso de umanes, superior of the residence, father manuel martinez, and father juan de san lucar formed six principal missions, each father with his companion being assigned to certain villages. father alonso de umanes writes that in the first mission two hundred and sixty-nine persons were converted to christianity, eighty of whom were children, and the rest adults. in this mission two small and isolated islands were visited, concerning which father juan de san lucar writes to the father-visitor, as follows: "knowing the satisfaction which your reverence receives when we render to you an account of our missions, i will now tell you of the last one which i made in the two little islets of maripipi and limancauayan, which for more than two years had not been visited by any priest. the people were most eager to have some father to instruct them; and when they knew that brother francisco martin and i were going to them, they made a great feast, and adorned with branches of trees the streets of the village, and the shore as far as the church. the boys and girls came forth, singing the doctrine and bearing a cross, which was to me a most gratifying reception. afterward, in the church, i thanked them with tears for the affection which they showed us. from the time of our arrival until we departed from those islands, they were continually bringing us gifts from the products of the land, such as wax, rice, and bananas, and other articles of more value. when i undertook to make a list of those who sought baptism, they asked me not to do so, since all those who were not converted (who were very few) desired to become christians; so i did as they wished. the old men, who elsewhere are usually obdurate and stubborn, and answer that they are now too old to learn the doctrine and begin a new manner of life, here used this very same argument to induce me to baptize them, saying: 'father, consider that we are already old, and soon shall end our lives; do not let us die without baptism, since we are so anxious to be christians.' with this good disposition on their part, i began to preach to them, and our lord was pleased that they should all become christians. they not orly learned the doctrine, but discussed together the sermons and instructions in the church and in their houses; indeed, so concerned were they about this matter that they seemed to pay no attention to anything else. "we were greatly aided in facilitating their instruction by the method of [learning by] decuries which your reverence imparted to us. dividing them by tens, as if in classes, some learned the _pater-noster_, others the _ave maria_; and thus they came to acquire with much facility and ease all the prayers of the primer. i baptized one hundred and forty persons, some of whom were old men of rank. one of them was very anxious that his mother should become a christian, and on the day when our lord accorded him this mercy he was greatly rejoiced; he made a great feast, inviting the people to eat at his house, and furnished to them a bountiful repast. we celebrated the octave of corpus christi with a solemn procession, in which we bore the most blessed sacrament through the streets, which were decorated and adorned for the occasion with as much splendor as was possible. they laid all their riches and gold chains on the platform; and although it was all insignificant enough, greater was the good will and love with which they offered it. "with the report that those two islands had been converted to the faith, the island of cauayan and others of samar were led to ask for fathers to instruct them. i repaired to cauayan, and in fifteen days i baptized, after some instructions and sermons, one hundred and seventy adults, with four or five little children. i inquired if any one yet remained to be made a christian; they replied that only one was left, an old woman, outside the village, but that i need not concern myself about her, for, on account of her great age (she must have been more than a hundred and thirty years old), she had not sufficient understanding or judgment to penetrate into the things of god. i had her conveyed to the village with great care, and they brought me a clod of clay, which had only a little perception, and hardly any understanding; sight had forsaken her, and her hearing was very dull. she had no more power of motion than a stone, for wherever they placed her, there she remained without stirring. she had great-great-grandsons living, and i believe that the descendants extended even further. i began to catechize her, or rather to test her, to see if she had the use of reason; but for the time i could not convince myself whether she had it or not. i had her conveyed to the house of a worthy christian, an indian woman of much judgment, by whom the old woman could make herself understood; and i asked her to talk with the old woman very carefully about the things of god, and to draw from her all that she could. relying upon what this good woman told me (she acted as my interpreter in the church, and as catechist in her own house), i was finally persuaded that the old woman had the use of reason; but when i began to instruct her in the things that were absolutely necessary, the christian woman told me that, as for the other truths, it was morally impossible, on acount of the old woman's limited capacity, to give her further instruction. i then baptized her, with much consolation, being persuaded that god had preserved her for that hour. i am convinced that she has a very short time to live, but i trust, in the mercy of god, that in the other life she will obtain eternal blessedness through the merits of our lord jesus christ, who gained it for her with his precious blood. from cauayan i went to a little hamlet called cotai, where i baptized eighty-three persons. from that place i went to paet, where i baptized one hundred and twenty, all adults; thence to canauan, where i baptized one hundred and forty. according to my reckoning, then, more than five hundred persons have been baptized, all of age, besides twelve children. what i especially value in this is the sight of the fervor and devotion with which they received baptism, their horror of sin, and their zealous desire that other neighboring peoples should become christians. they often take the initiative with those people, and preach to their friends with a fervor and power that astonish me. i am also much gratified at having brought about more than eighty marriages within the church, for i suspect that the alliances formed by those people are not marriages, but rather the taking of concubines, considering the readiness with which they divorce and marry again, according to the custom of the country. "it seems to me that the road to the conversion of those natives is now smooth and open, with the conversion of the chiefs and of the majority of the people; for the excuse which they formerly gave, saying, 'i will become a christian as soon as the rest do,' has now become their incentive toward conversion, and they now say: 'we desire to become christians because all the rest are christians.' while i was passing through canauan, one of the chiefs was enraged because a slave woman of his had become a christian, and rebuked her angrily for it; but recently he brought her to me with all his slaves, and he, with his wife and all his family, have become christians. another chief prevented his wife from hearing the divine word and becoming a christian, which she desired most heartily to be. being unable to go to the church, as she was kept at home, she sent a message to the father informing him that her husband was using this violence toward her. orders were given to arrest him, and, this done, the woman was baptized. but she obtained from god, as i believe, the conversion of her husband; for within a few days he returned to the church, subdued, and was baptized. this occurred during the first mission. "another mission was held at catubig; this village is farthest from the residence, for it is at the extremity of the island of ibabao, which is very large. the indians are very well disposed, and among them are some christians, who lack instruction; and all are desirous of having a father to teach them. there are more than four thousand souls who only await the coming of ministers of the holy gospel to distribute among them the bread of heaven. if we had chosen to open the door for baptism many might have received that sacrament; but during that mission only one hundred and fifty-four children were baptized, the others being reserved for a better opportunity, when our lord might be pleased to send them those who would preserve them with the food of instruction in the new life which, with the divine grace, they would receive. "in the third mission, there were baptized in three months eight hundred and thirty-seven persons; seven hundred and five of these were adults, and ninety-two children. at first, the men encountered great difficulty in putting away their many wives; but finally the divine majesty made the outcome propitious, softening the hearts of those pagans, and they brought their undertaking to a glorious end. "in the fourth sortie or foray, six hundred and thirteen were baptized; in the next, two hundred and seventy; and in the last, two hundred and fifty-four. with these and other baptisms in this residence alone, three thousand six hundred and eighty persons were therefore made christians, as i stated above; and many more might be converted if the earnestness with which they ask for baptism were appreciated. but our fathers proceed by inspiring them first to desire baptism, and to give proofs of their desires, and constraining them to learn the doctrine, to attend the church, and to abandon all their heathen rites, their paganism, and their polygamy; thus they become more thoroughly acquainted with and rooted in the faith." instances occurring in the mission of dulac. chapter lxxviii. the year one thousand six hundred and one also gave evidence of great increase and perfecting in the christian community of dulac, effected through the ordinary labors and occupations of four fathers and three brethren. these laborers, making their retreat at the appointed times, to practice the spiritual exercises (as is the custom in all those residences), repair thereafter with greater courage to their ministry to souls; and the results of their work thus correspond to their fervor. but, of all the means that they have employed, we must attribute their good fortune in winning souls to their exposing the most blessed sacrament in our churches, thus stimulating the devotion and respect with which it should be regarded; celebrating with solemn processions the feast of corpus [christi]; and inviting the faithful to the table and feast of heaven. as a result of these measures, the people were so fond of holy communion, and so greatly enjoyed receiving it, that on some feast-days the crowd was as great as in cities of europe; and with so thorough preparation, by fasting, discipline, prayer, fervor, and confession, that it seemed to be a primitive church. thus their esteem for our holy faith is so increased that few are those who do not ask for or desire baptism. indeed, there are so many who seek it that during the two weeks of advent and easter in 1601 more than seven hundred persons were baptized; and from the easter of the previous year, 1600, there were counted in this mission-field more than two thousand and twenty persons baptized--and all this with great fervor, eagerness, and esteem for the new law which they profess with holy baptism. the residence of dulac has in its care, among many others, the two large villages called dagami and san salvador (which is paloc), both populous; their people are well instructed and submissive, and our fathers have labored among them with great success. father melchior hurtado writes that in san salvador, during the celebration of the christmas feast, almost eight hundred infidels were baptized, and that the confessions and communions were such as might be expected in españa--so many, that the fathers could not attend to them all. this is occasion for much glory to our lord, especially in a land so new, which the society had entered but six years before to instruct its people, and had found them so obdurate, as i have already stated. from the letters of this father, and from others of father juan de torres and father francisco vicente, some special incidents have been drawn, which i shall here relate. a father, passing through a little village belonging to that residence and inquiring who were christians, was told of an old man who lived out in the country, alone in his little hut, and remained there unable to walk. the father gave orders that this man be brought to his presence, and asked him concerning his life, not expecting him to recall much of the doctrine; but he gave so good an account of himself as to leave the father astounded. among other things the old man said: "although i remain in this life with my body, my desires are in heaven; and so much so that at night i dream only of the things of the other life. there i see all the dwellers of heaven covered with splendor, and especially one, who excels all the others in brightness. o, father, would that i might be there, freed from this decaying and burdensome body!" the father showed him a print of the judgment, in which heaven was depicted with splendor and beauty, and then asked him if it looked like what he had seen. he answered, _abà_, which is one of their words of surprise, and, as it were, of disdain. "that and nothing more, father? much more, much more!" then the father wondered as he beheld the riches which god our lord had deposited in that clod of earth; and he felt sure that, as the old man said, his only occupation thereafter would be to repeat "jesus" and "mary"--which would never leave his memory or his lips, until he should end this life and begin that which is eternal. two of ours, passing a wretched hut, found a man, who must have been more than eighty years old, stretched upon some reeds, unconscious and dying. so thin was his body that it was hardly more than skin adhering to bones; and so wasted that he seemed the living picture of death. in their pity for him they prayed our lord to have compassion on that poor soul. in a short time he recovered consciousness, and gladly asked for the waters of holy baptism, which he greatly desired; this was plainly evident in the ardor with which he declared his belief in our holy faith. after being baptized, his senses were entranced, and he very sweetly invoked the most blessed name of jesus, and that of mary; and then he died. one of our fathers desired to visit another sick man (who had, when in danger of death, been baptized by the schoolmaster of the village), but, with his many confessions and other duties, he had forgotten to do so. afterward, while resting, he had heard loud wailing and outcries, such as they are wont to utter for their dead; and they came to tell him that the man had died. the father could not refrain from going to see him (although he left all the people in the church), deeply grieved that he had not seen the sick man before. but with great confidence (although everyone said that he was already dead), he approached the unconscious sick man, and said: "clement" (such was his name), "dost thou hear us, my son?" he opened his eyes and said: "yes, father." then the father bade him invoke the most blessed name of jesus, and the most sweet name of mary, and aided him with some nourishment; the sick man regained consciousness, and some strength, and at the end of a few days made his confession, and died in the lord. ours had been asked to visit a sick man, and, when the visit to him was ended, the father, while descending from the house, was seized with the desire to ascertain if there were any other sick person in the vicinity. in the next house he found an old woman, an infidel, ninety years old, although not very sick; he approached her, gave her instruction, and baptized her. on the following day, when he was setting out from the village at the same hour, his heart would not allow him to depart without first visiting his sick people. he gained the little hut, and found therein a dead person, shrouded. he inquired who it was and they told him that it was ana (the name of the woman whom he had baptized the day before). he continued his way, praising the divine providence and judgments of god, who had thus predestined the lot of that soul. we were informed that a sick man lay at the point of death, far out from the village. the road thither was hard to descry in the darkness of the night, and abounded with serpents, which were continually encountered, stretched out in the road. in addition to this, a very broad river must be passed, with rapid current and full of crocodiles--which, when they become ravenous, rush upon anything. yet all these obstacles were of less importance than one soul redeemed by the blood of jesus christ; so the father went to visit his sick man, and, with a certain medicine, in the name of jesus christ our lord, cured and comforted him. but the marvel was that on the way he found another sick person, a woman, apparently in less danger; he baptized her, and she died immediately, while the sick man, for whom the father had undertaken all that hardship, was healed. an indian, finding himself in the clutches and jaws of a crocodile, covered with wounds, and almost dead, began to invoke the most holy name of jesus, which a little before he had heard in the sermon of a father; and our lord was pleased that the savage beast should release him. this befell a father and a brother while journeying along a sandy tract, greatly fatigued by the heat of the noonday sun, without any restorative or food, and parched with thirst--in short, deprived of everything that might serve them as a relief or comfort; yet enduring their suffering and with devout meditation offering to god that hardship, even desiring that it might be increased if his majesty might thus be served. unexpectedly and suddenly they descried a man seated in the midst of the sand, with a collation of fresh cocoanuts and other fruits; and so gracious and serene was his appearance that he inspired admiration and pleasure. when the fathers and those who accompanied them accepted from him those delicacies, refreshing their heated bodies and appeasing their hunger, this man displayed unusual satisfaction and joy, inviting them to partake of more, since what he possessed was theirs, and he was a servant of the spaniards. with this they continued their journey (which otherwise would have been very wearisome), giving thanks to him who had thus succored them in their dire necessity. although at the time the father took little notice of this incident, afterward recalling the circumstances, as well as the gracious manner of the man, he became convinced that he must have been some angel. nor was he far out of the way, considering the occasion on which he succored them, when they could not go any farther on account of the oppressive heat of the season, and the lack of food; the spot where they had encountered him, a place where it had never occurred that they found an indian so solitary and, moreover, unknown; and then his gracious manner and serene countenance, and his generosity and liberality in sharing with them what he had, saying that it all belonged to the fathers, and that he was a servant of the spaniards (at a time when there was not one spaniard in the island): all this induces the belief that the incident was something more than ordinary, or, at least, a token of our lord's especial providence. there can be no doubt that the incident was most pleasing to him, on account of the unusual and extraordinary harvest which he permitted to be gathered in the village from which the father had that day set out. i shall not relate this in detail, in order not to repeat the same events, and to pass on to what yet remains to be narrated, which is much. the many conversions to the christian faith in carigara and its district. chapter lxxiv. we deem it a special providence of our lord that while the native language of the indians of our various residences is the same, and it is easy for our workers to remove from one place to another, since they are not, in doing so, obliged to learn several tongues--there is, at the same time, such variety in the stations and missions. some of them may be visited entirely by sea, such as those of tinagon or samar; others wholly by land, as the mission of alangalang. again, others may be reached partly by sea, partly by land, such as dulac, carigara, and bohol. this is a great convenience, in assigning the missionaries according to the abilities and temperament of each, allotting to those who cannot journey by land, stations on the coast, and inland posts to those who can endure the hardships of the roads. there is enough of such hardship in the residence of alangalang, where four fathers and three brethren are employed, toiling in the vineyard of the lord--journeying on foot (as is our custom there) under sun and shower, through swamps and rivers, with the water often waist-deep; yet with much consolation and joy in the lord, for whose love are undertaken these and like hardships. our brethren live in those villages well content at seeing that our lord is continually gaining souls to himself, and inclining to his holy law the hearts of those who but a few years ago were living without god and without law. from the year 1600 to the year 1602, when i departed from those regions, two thousand six hundred and ninety-four persons had been baptized in that mission. they attend with great punctuality the sermons, masses, and other divine services, which in that mission are celebrated with greater splendor and more punctiliousness than in others, through the advantage which it has in three choirs of indians, who [in this service] surpass many spaniards. they are wont to sing the _salve_ to our lady; on some days, the litany; and on the fridays of lent the _miserere_ to accompany the discipline--all of which indicates the faith which burns and glows in their souls. to that residence of alangalang are annexed those of ogmuc and carigara, with seven or eight other villages; through these our fathers have dispersed (having made their retreat, in the course of the year for the [spiritual] exercises), being assigned [to certain villages] to instruct their people. the superior, father mateo sanchez, took charge of the newer villages, in order to build there churches and establish stations convenient for the affairs of those christian churches--as he did in the village of lingayon, and in others. on the way, he baptized in barugo twenty-five adults, and in carigara sixty-three. at the residence of ogmuc we had completed a church, one of the finest in that island, through the diligence and labors of father alonso rodriguez, who spent a long time there. father francisco de enzinas went to that residence, and baptized one hundred and two persons; of these eighty-one were adults, and among them some old men. these last asked for baptism, as it seemed, with reason, saying that they were already at the gates of death, and they ought to be most favored since they were most needy. they asked questions about the life eternal; and while the father was explaining to them the resurrection of the body he was aided, by a man recently baptized, with the simile of the serpent, which sheds and then renews its skin, and with other comparisons of that sort. on his road the same father visited a little village, called baibai, and baptized there ninety persons, of whom eighty-seven were adults. father alonso rodriguez held another mission in a little village called ugyao, where he baptized twenty-eight persons, among whom was the wife of the chief of the village; she was afterward an instrument for the conversion of many. he also sojourned in a village called leite, whence he writes a letter to the father-visitor, which runs as follows: "the lord bishop was greatly consoled at the aspect of this village. the indians seemed to him very tractable, and submissive to the things of our holy faith. they are continually in the church, morning and evening, frequenting the services to such an extent that the time i spent there seemed like a jubilee. i noticed among the chiefs much zeal in bringing me pagans that i might baptize them. during this visit and the next that i made there, i baptized one hundred and thirty-seven persons, who were children and old people. i was in alangalang and was much pleased with the people there; indeed, everything in that island seemed to me to be from heaven. i cannot sufficiently thank our lord for the signal favor that he has granted me in bringing me to this land, and employing me in this catholic ministry--of which i feel myself most unworthy, often acknowledging this before our lord, with tears and humiliation. i regard it as most lavish pay for many faithful services that our lord should consent to employ one in these missions, and that one may behold his mercy toward these new christians. i have just visited the people of ugyao, and to live among them, enjoying the mercies which god conters upon them, seems to me like paradise." such is the father's general account; i will illustrate the details by only two instances. while a father was sojourning in one of those seacoast villages, there arrived in a little boat a solitary indian, to the astonishment of all, as he had neither feet nor hands. but god and his good angel aided him to steer the boat, and so he reached that place where the father was, and urgently asked him for baptism. the reason for this was, that he had heard a spaniard say that those who were not christians went to hell. the father baptized him with great satisfaction, and gave praises to our lord that he had preserved this man on the sea, and had guided that little vessel and a man who was alone, and bereft of hands and feet. there were some persons--especially a spaniard in whose charge he was--who earnestly desired that a certain indian should become a christian. this spaniard sought to convert him by arguments and inducements, and by other efforts; but apparently he became steadily more hardened. at that time one of our brethren chanced (although it was not without divine providence) to speak to him of the things of heaven; and all at once that soul turned in earnest toward our lord. at his baptism the spaniard acted as his godfather, and was much gratified at seeing his pious desire fulfilled. great benefits have resulted from the schools and the education of the children; for these pupils are, in their homes, teachers to their own parents, and in the villages through which they are scattered they arouse the people to devotion. a young boy, one of the singers in the church, thus replied to a spaniard who communicated to him his evil desires, in order that the youth might help him to attain them: "sir, i know of an excellent remedy for this temptation which thou art suffering. do thou repeat a rosary to the virgin mary, and i will say another in thy behalf; thus thou wilt drive away these evil thoughts." thus he who should by right have been the teacher was himself instructed by this new christian. other events in the same residence of alangalang and in carigara. chapter lxxv. when a certain father was setting out from one of the villages that he had been visiting, in order to return to the chief town [of the mission], an incident befell him which the father himself relates, in a letter which is in part as follows: "in this village there was a sick man, an infidel, whom the father had visited, and provided with someone to instruct and catechize him for holy baptism. as the father thought that the malady was making but slow progress, he left the sick man thus. but god, who chose to comfort that soul so desirous for its salvation, caused such a change in the weather that, although the sky was serene and clear when they went to visit the sick man, a rainstorm suddenly arose, so violent that it seemed as if our lord were constraining the father (as he did the glorious st. benedict) to halt and abandon his journey in order that that soul might enter by the true way into heaven. with this he began to instruct the sick man very slowly; and, having taught him what was sufficient, gave him holy baptism, to the great consolation and joy of both. at once the rainstorm ceased, and the sky became so clear that the father, leaving that poor man much consoled--or, more correctly, rich in celestial gifts--made his journey very comfortably. a few days having passed without his making any inquiry about the sick man, an indian came to the father, and said to him: 'father, that indian whom thou didst baptize, coming hither, our lord has taken.' "during lent and holy week they performed their penances with great devotion, shedding their blood with such fervor that it became necessary to restrain them. so strong and ardent was their desire to do penance that those who could not procure woolen shirts would not go in the procession, waiting for those garments already stained with blood, in order that they might bathe these anew with their own. nor was there less fervor among the children, who sought permission [to take the discipline], even at a very tender age, and became disconsolate indeed if it were denied them. these new christians practiced another sort of penance during the last two weeks of lent, which caused great edification. in the early evening they went out, clad in their woolen shirts; their hands extended in the form of a cross, were bound to a piece of wood; and from each hand hung a very heavy stone. in this manner they went about the village, halting finally at the church whence they had set out. there they remained a long time on their knees, offering their penance to god our lord. the children had practiced this penance before; for during the shrovetide festival (at which time there are so many disorders among our christians of long standing) they formed themselves in pairs, and went forth with great devotion, having their hands extended, in the form of a cross, on a piece of wood, with heavy stones hanging at each side. for this purpose one child bound the other, accompanying him until he returned to the door of the church; there, unfastening the other's bonds, he himself took the stick and stones, and thus they again went forth, and he who had first borne the stones now accompanied the other. thus did each one acquit his obligation to the other, with more devotion and understanding than the shrovetide season demands from persons of greater age, judgment, and obligations. in this way does our lord bestow upon them his mercy--as happened to a young boy, whose story, as it is very attractive, i am unwilling to omit. there was a child, about five or six years old, who was suffering from a disease of the eyes; the little one in his pain went to a father, to whom he tenderly made his plaint. the father, inasmuch as a few days before he had taught the child the _ave maria_, bade him enter the church, and on his knees to say that prayer and offer it to the most blessed virgin, our lady. the child did thus, and when his prayer was concluded went out from the church, and began to play contentedly with the other children of his age. the father, perceiving him so merry with the rest, called to him and asked him if he were well. he answered that as soon as he had said the _ave maria_ to our lady, the pain left him and he became well." among the occasions when ours have gone to make excursions into the country, and to despoil the enemy of his former possessions, there is one which father mateo sanchez describes in a letter to the father vice-provincial, as follows: "the voyage of the fathers who were sailing for ogmuc and sebu proved to be unfortunate; for they suffered many hardships through contrary winds, being finally driven into a small bay, where they remained as long as their provisions lasted. when these were consumed, they determined, as the weather remained unfavorable, to return to carigara. the two of us who remained had made, in the meantime, some important visits, especially in tunga, where the village was in great excitement on account of some murders among the indian chiefs. it pleased our lord that our fathers should begin to calm and soothe the respective factions, and reconcile their differences, and establish friendly relations between them. although this was not accomplished at once, the affair made gradual progress toward settlement; and even the murderers came to our fathers for protection, so that through our agency, peace might be restored and established. this affair was one of the greatest importance, for the island [of leyte] was well-nigh in a state of insurrection, and overrun by bandits. our lord was pleased that by means of the gentleness and love with which we approached them, this condition of affairs should pass away like smoke, and the bandits be dispersed. there were twelve criminals, who, on account of the various murders that they had committed, were roaming in bands through the mountains and highways, sheltering the slaves and fugitives who joined them, as well as base women and notorious witches--who accompanied them either through love for evil, or in fear of punishment for their own heinous crimes. all these people have been reclaimed, and have come to our fathers--not only the men, but the women--asking for protection, pardon, and penance. only one has failed to come, and he was the beginning and, as it were, the source of all this disturbance; but i hope that god, in his great mercy, will bring in this man. in truth, it will be very difficult for him to effect a reconciliation with the parties concerned and obtain a pardon, on account of their rank and wealth; for the murdered man (whose name was humbas) was one of the most noted and valiant indians in the island, and always had been, and was at the time, governor of the village of ogyao [_sic_]. but since his sons were all christians, and the eldest, don philipe tipon, is an excellent man, greatly attached to us, and well instructed, and informed in the christian religion, i promise myself that it will not be very difficult to obtain from him a pardon for this man, and reconcile them, and settle this affair as we have desired and sought for the greater glory of god." thus writes father mateo sanchez. [21] the mission in panamao. chapter lxxvi. panamao [22] is one of the islands which lie adjacent to leite, on its northern side, and is almost a continuation of the latter, since they are separated only by a strait so narrow that a ship can scarcely pass through it. as it contains a great abundance of trees, it is well adapted for shipbuilding, as are many others of these islands. on this account workmen were building there, in december of the year one thousand six hundred and one, the ship in which i departed from those islands, early in july of the year one thousand six hundred and two. as many spaniards, indians, and other peoples had gathered there for this work of construction, they furnished sufficient occupation to father francisco vicente of our society, who came from carigara, or alangalang, to visit them and provide for them spiritual consolation. the father arrived there at a juncture when our lord had undertaken to prepare the hearts of all those people. they were indeed prepared, as by the divine hand, by an occurrence which affrighted and horrified them. there was a spanish speaking negro who entered the service of the captain there, and was accompanied by his wife. it became necessary for him to go away, to procure some articles necessary to the progress of the work. returning one night, he found his wife with another man, and, maddened by jealousy, he killed the adulterer with a lance and wounded the woman, leaving her for dead. this was a deplorable occurrence, for the murdered man was a youth of comely parts and beloved by all; and to see him thus slain--a reputable man, without confession, and in such circumstances, by the hand of a negro--was sufficient to lead all to do penance. for assistance in this, it was necessary for father francisco vicente to proceed to panamao; and he, finding the harvest ready, was soon reaping, with his sermons, discourses, and confessions, the now ripened grain--as that father reports in one of his letters, which runs as follows: "i reached panamao, on saturday before the last sunday of advent, and we were welcomed by the captain with much affection and kindness. it is a large population which has been gathered there, of both indians and spaniards, and among them god our lord gave us a goodly harvest of souls. on arriving there i sought to speak to them and show them my affection. at the outset, i undertook to have a church built; and this was done so that we said mass on the following day. i also preached to them on matters relating to sin, explaining to them its hideous and injurious nature--especially by recalling to their minds that recent example or sermon which our lord had preached to them a short time before. they were all deeply moved, and resolved to ask me for confession and the cure for their souls. in order that so rich a prize should not be lost, i labored assiduously, preaching now to the spaniards, now to the indians. on that sunday i preached three sermons, and tried, moreover, by special discourses to attract the headmen and chiefs, explaining to them how they ought to make confession. when they understood that i must go immediately after the first day of easter, they entreated me to remain, if only until the third day, in order that they might make their confessions as they should. i consented to this; and from that hour, all the people, spaniards as well as indians, began to consecrate themselves with such devotion as to make me ashamed. i did not lose this opportunity--now encouraging and consoling them, now removing their difficulties, now instructing them; and striving most heartily to assist them. the confessions began before dawn, about four o'clock in the morning; and the people came with general confessions for a whole life or for many years, uttering them with tears and sobs. indeed, it was necessary to loosen the reins and encourage them, for it was not necessary to seek, as is usually done, incentives to contrition and grief. during this mission some of the spaniards were obliged to go away to another islet; some of them, in order not to lose this opportunity, hastened to confess, making up for the shortness of the time allowed them by their great devotion; others, who were deprived of even this satisfaction, deferred their confessions until my return, to their own great sorrow and with holy envy for those who remained. in truth, god knows best what went on in those souls: what i can say is, that i have never seen such tears, or conversions so sincere. there were persons who spent entire nights in weeping, with the crucifix in their hands. during the easter season they were so withdrawn from worldly concerns that it seemed to be holy friday; and they did not leave their houses except to go to mass or to confer with me about the welfare of their souls. in their silence and downcast looks, and the grief which they felt within, they gave evidence of the mercies which our lord had showed them, and the light which he was bestowing upon them, as they went from and to their houses. i experienced a thousand scruples in regard to calming and satisfying their consciences; but i gave a thousand thanks to god our lord for having brought me to that place for the great good of so many souls. certain persons assured me that they had never before seen the like. we continued to hear the confessions, so that they might be better prepared for easter. certainly, had i to purchase by dint of toil those moments of consolation, when i was administering to each one the sacrament of communion and seemed to read his very heart, a thousand journeys from españa were little to give for that. i was to go on the fourth day of easter, but that was impossible, for with earnest solicitations they entreated me to remain--and some, moreover, had not finished their confessions; it was therefore necessary to wait until sunday. on that day we effected a reconciliation between the murderer and the adulteress, who embraced and pardoned each other and made their confession with much devotion. on monday morning i was obliged, on account of my departure, to say mass shortly after two o'clock; and yet the service was not so secret as to prevent them from attending it, all being present, and manifesting great devotion. with tears and words they expressed their great regret at my departure, and made me promise that i would soon return to console them; and with this i came away, glorifying the lord. i left, in process of erection, a little hospital for the sick and poor, which all aided with charitable offerings and personal attendance. glory be to our lord jesus christ, from whom proceed all things." the death of father francisco almerique, and other events in manila. chapter lxxvii. at the end of that year, one thousand six hundred and one, father francisco almerique ceased his labors, death claiming him while he was busily occupied, and full of joy and consolation therein. he had no illness save that occasioned by his very excessive labors, which for a period of almost twenty years had been so wasting and reducing his energies that the coming of hot weather carried him off, without strength to resist, in five days. at the time of his death he was engaged in forming villages, some of indians and others of blacks. these latter are in manila called itas; he had lured them from a rugged mountain region, and persuaded them to settle in a lovely, peaceful spot, fertile and pleasant, about two or three leguas from antipolo, giving to the new settlement the name of santiago. first in manila, and afterward in the mission of taitai, he busied himself with the study of languages and the care of souls, to the very great satisfaction (as we have already said) of all those who had relations with him; for, on account of his great humility and gentleness, he was loved and sought for, followed and obeyed, honored and respected, and regarded as a saint. he never spared toil when the aid of souls was concerned, nor did he heed times and seasons; by day and by night, in rain or the sun's heat, and both far and near, forgetful of himself and his health, he indefatigably rendered his services to whomsoever called him. his most important occupation was to bring the people down from the mountains and thinly settled districts, drawing them by cords of love and gentleness. such was his grace in this that as we have said, on more than one occasion entire villages would come to him; and, leaving to the care of others those whom he had already won, he devoted himself to winning and inviting other and new souls. not a feast day or sunday passed when he did not preach a sermon; and often he said mass twice and delivered two sermons, in two different villages. inasmuch as those people usually had recourse to the father with all their affairs, it always happened at the end of mass that he remained to answer and console his indians, with untiring patience, without touching food until past midday, or even two or three hours later. his soul went out toward some one of those poor creatures, and the meaner the indian, the greater was his love. in this exercise and occupation, god our lord communicated with him most familiarly and affectionately, the father holding him ever before his mind by frequent and fervent prayer. this power he acquired in so high a degree that those who were in close intercourse with him affirm, in the words of the glorious st. dionysus, that, _erat divina patiens_; and it called forth our admiration to behold in him the gift of prayer so lofty and sublime, united to a power of action so incessant and effective. in harmony with these characteristics was his peaceful and easy death, joyful and full of heavenly consolation. he died on the first sunday of advent at the college of manila (whither i had taken him for medical treatment), after having received the most blessed sacraments with great devotion. his death occurred just as all the churches were ringing for the _ave marias_, on the second of december, 1601, the day of the glorious departure of the blessed father francisco xavier, whose true follower he ever was. his death was deeply felt and lamented, and his obsequies were celebrated with tears and solemn ceremonies; his body was deposited in the main chapel of our church at manila, before the steps of the great altar. at that time we were still pursuing our occupations in manila among our neighbors, where our lord was continually forwarding the progress of all our ministries, not only in those that pertained to divine worship and the salvation of souls, but in those which concerned learning and letters. to the latin studies was added a course in philosophy, which was begun in that year by father miguel gomez, who had previously taught it in gandia. at the first lecture, which served to open the studies of that year and which was itself grave and learned, there assembled a goodly number of students, clergy, religious, and persons of other ranks; and dignity was lent to the occasion by the presence of the governor, president, and magistrates. the course was continued, with a membership of many students, and with the theses, conferences and other exercises which are customary to that branch of learning, wherein the students gave excellent proof of their talent and ability. the two congregations of la anunciata (composed respectively of students and laymen), who continually emulated each other in their devotion and service to the most blessed virgin, celebrated together the feast of the annunciation with great splendor and dignity, and much devotion on their part and that of the people. the youth of this city were in the utmost need of a seminary where they could be withdrawn from the world and reared in virtue. although this had been desired for years, it had been impossible to carry out the plan until the preceding year [_i.e._, 1600], when, with the divine favor, a seminary was begun, which chose as its patron the glorious st. joseph. the institution was placed in charge of two members of the society, a father and a brother. on the day of its foundation were assembled the royal audiencia, [those who direct] the vacant bishopric, the religious orders, and many other people of rank in this city. the collegians were clad in mantles of husi, which is a thin fabric like picote, [23] inclining toward violet, with insignia of red braid extending to the feet. they went out at the gate of the college to receive the royal audiencia, and soon afterward in the chapel the archdeacon of manila said the first mass, the acolytes being two of the above-mentioned collegians, don pedro tello de guzman, nephew of the president, and don antonio de morga, son of don antonio de morga, auditor of the royal audiencia. at the conclusion of mass, two other collegians made harangues, giving an account of what was intended in the foundation of this college; wherewith they were well satisfied, and pleased with the work which the society had undertaken. the collegians at the foundation of the institution were thirteen. that number has continued to increase until it has reached twenty, as at present, which is not an insignificant beginning in so new a land. many people came to visit the college and its apartments, admiring its good order and plan, and praising this work, so serviceable to god our lord, and to this commonwealth. they attend with punctuality the devotional exercises and the divisions of time according to the arrangements of the college, and thus derive profit in letters and in virtue. the indians, too, repair to ours, as they would to parents; and with the confidence of faithful children they make known their doubts and give account of their affairs. for instance: an indian, on the day of the birth of christ our lord, was in his house contentedly repairing his boat and preparing to make a voyage the next day for matters concerning his occupation, when a certain person chanced to pass his house, who said to him: "how now? dost thou dare to work on christmas day?" the other answered him, in jest: "oh, yes! i have permission from jesus christ to do this." but his chastisement was not long delayed, for just when he was making ready for his voyage on that very day a violent and mortal illness attacked his family, sparing neither wife nor children, and laying him at the door of death, so that for three months he could not leave his house. he came to us in remorse, and acknowledging his guilt; and after telling us these things asked for advice, made his confession, and prepared for communion, through the efficacy of which he recovered his health, and was able to accomplish those things which, on account of his sins, our lord had prevented him from doing. while one of our brethren was sojourning in an indian village far from that city [of manila], two incidents occurred whereby was seen and manifested the supernatural virtue of the holy _agnus dei_, so famed for many other great miracles. two women were quarreling, as is usual among barbarians and vulgar people. one of them was a famous witch, and in anger and passion she threatened the other woman with summary vengeance through her charms. she went home; and the poor indian woman, entering her own house without fear of evil, was seized with a violent trembling throughout her body. in this paroxysm she arose from her husband's side while they were eating their food and fought desperately to throw herself down from the window. the husband ran, in his consternation, to save her, and called loudly to his neighbors for help. three persons ran to her, and were hardly able to hold her. our brother sent to ascertain what this disturbance meant, and when he learned what had happened he called the husband and gave him a little piece of the _agnus_ in a reliquary, exhorting him at the same time to have faith, and promising that his wife would soon be healed. then, upon his knees, the brother prayed our lord to deign to grant his request, for the greater strengthening of the faith of those new christians. the husband went home with the _agnus_, and no sooner had he applied it to his wife, than she was freed of the trembling and terror and remained quite calm. this occurrence soon became public, and another indian, who had been bewitched by the same indian woman, on seeing this marvel was convinced that god granted health to those who invoked him; accordingly, he asked for the same relic, and the result was conformable to his faith. thus the people were confirmed in their faith, and grateful for the benefits received from the bounteous hand of the lord. the number of villages in the mission of taitai, and the events therein of the year mdcii. chapter lxxviii. the villages of san iuan del monte, antipolo, and others, were instructed by father francisco almerique and father tomas de montoya, with the help of another priest who desired to enter our society, and who busied himself in assisting us in this work to the great profit of the indians, of whose language he had an excellent knowledge. these fathers were joined by father angelo armano, who had gone hence two years before and had been detained in manila compiling the history of the saints, whose relics, as we have said, had been deposited in our church--a work which this father made very learned and eloquent. having completed this task, he went to antipolo, where he began the study and practice of the native language, with admirable results in all of those villages. on the death of father almerique (who was stronger than the rest), the burden of work so exhausted the others that, falling sick one by one, the entire load fell upon father angelo, who bravely sustained it for several months. this mission contains three principal villages, all of which are capitals of their respective districts, other villages being annexed and subordinate to each of these three. each one of these villages requires and needs at least two priests with their usual assistants, in order to give adequate care to so many souls. san iuan del monte, which is a village of about four hundred inhabitants, has near it dalig and angono. antipolo contains seven hundred houses, and has the two villages of santa cruz and maihai. santiago was then being settled, with more than four hundred inhabitants, and had in its vicinity other villages, especially two inhabited by blacks, or itas. all those people were in charge of father angelo armano, who, during lent of the year one thousand six hundred and two, maintained them in great devotion and fervor without their losing sight, on that account, of their devotional exercises throughout that season, especially in holy week. during the latter period, the divine services were celebrated with great solemnity, and there were processions of blood in the two churches of san juan and antipolo, with a goodly number of confessions and communions. another father--a middle-aged man, who knew the language--came from manila to help in this work, with orders not to remain more than one week, on account of the need of priests in manila. however, on the second day of easter, the rector of manila came with two other fathers who knew the language, on their vacation, very opportunely for concluding the confessions and communions in those villages. during the month that we spent there, there was a notable concourse of people who came to confess, and great was the number of communions. at that time there occurred to father pedro de segura, who was one of those who had gone thither from manila, an extraordinary incident in connection with the image of our blessed father ignatius. one morning, at daybreak, he was summoned in behalf of a woman who lay in a critical condition from childbirth, and wished to confess with father segura. while the father was dressing himself to go, he sent for an image of our father, to whom he professed great devotion--which had been increased by the outcome of the shipwrecks which we have described, in which he himself had been present. there was some delay in bringing the image, so that the father reached the sick woman first; and after he had confessed her the image arrived. the poor woman was much exhausted, and, according to the midwife, in extreme danger. the infant was dead, and as it lay obliquely in the womb, the mother could not obtain relief by expelling it. the father exhorted her to have confidence in our lord, and placing the image before her, left her calling loudly to heaven in her anguish. a second time they called him to hear her confession; and the father, having done so and encouraged her as before, went away. as he was descending from the house the woman expelled the infant, to the wonder of all at seeing the dead child, and the mother living and free from so great a peril. the people of antipolo celebrated with great solemnity the feast of the most blessed sacrament, which was attended by the people of our mission as well as of many others. a dialogue in the tagal language was spoken by the children of the seminary with much cleverness and indication of ability, and to the satisfaction and pleasure of the hearers. this seminary is making great progress in both spiritual and temporal affairs. it is aided by the indians, with generous alms for its maintenance; and (what is of even greater value) they act with such harmony and edification that they may well serve as an example to the spanish youth. some of these pupils are of signal virtue, and our lord shows them many favors. every day they go to hear mass, or, in case there is no one to say it, to commend themselves to our lord in the church. they regularly go from their houses reciting aloud the christian doctrine; and, upon reaching the church, they conclude it upon their knees. they celebrate the feasts with much solemn pomp and music (for the seminary can furnish good music); and they practice there reading and writing, and other honorable and virtuous exercises. the hospital is making excellent progress, and the confraternities assign each week those of their members who are to care for the service of the sick, doing this, as i have said, with great alacrity and devotion. the new residence of silan and its christians. chapter lxxix. this new field of silan was assigned to the society of jesus from the year 1599, as the people of those villages, among whom were some christians, were without a priest to minister to them, although they were but a day's journey from manila. [24] there are five villages, which contain about one thousand five hundred inhabitants, besides the many other people who, as is their custom, are separated and dispersed through the country districts, in their cultivated lands. these villages are in the tingues, as they call them, of cavite, among some mountains; the climate there is very moderate, and in no season of the year is there excessive heat--rather, the mountains render it cooler. the people are simple, tractable, and well inclined toward all good things. the first members of the society who went expressly to instruct them and to settle there were father gregorio lopez and father pedro de segura, who went in the year 1601. in previous months and years some of us had gone there for a short time, as we had visited other places, on a mission or by way of recreation; and by the friendly reception that they gave us and the results which, by divine grace, were accomplished among them, we were encouraged to establish among them in that year a regular mission, stationing there the two fathers whom i have mentioned. through the teaching and good example of those fathers they abandoned some of their evil practices, and applied themselves to the christian customs with good will and pleasure; and many (for there were no christians among them) received holy baptism. not only do they attend their own mass and sermon on sundays (never missing one of these services), but on saturdays they go to hear that in honor of our lady, which is said for them with as much solemnity as that on sundays. they were greatly encouraged in the observance of these masses and feasts by the following incident which occurred at that time: a woman, who was very eager to finish the weaving of a piece of cloth, sat down at her loom one sunday to work thereon; afterward, upon returning to her task, she found the cloth all eaten away by moths. she herself made this known, with the full knowledge that it had been a chastisement and penalty for that offense of hers. to assist us in instructing the large number of catechumens in those villages, and in teaching the doctrine to the innumerable children who assemble at the mission from all the settlements, our lord provided for that work an indian blind in body but truly enlightened of soul, who, with great faith, charity, and love for the things of god, instructs those who wish to be baptized, catechizing them morning and night in the church. he is so expert in the catechism that none of us could excel him therein. consequently, they come from his charge marvelously well instructed; and, although he is blind, he is so watchful over the large number of catechumens in his charge, that he notes if even one person is absent, and reports it to the father. the first time when he received communion, which was on the feast of our lady, he displayed such profound respect and reverence that his body trembled while receiving the holy sacrament, and so great devotion that the sight of it inspired that emotion in others. this man deserves all the greater credit for what he is doing, for having gone from one extreme to another; formerly he was one of the heathen priests, whom they here call catalones, and now he has become a preacher of our holy faith. this he relates, while uttering fervent thanks and exalting the great favors and benefits which god has bestowed upon him. the increase of this mission has been very great, although it requires arduous labors on the part of the fathers, who have been obliged to go forth among mountains and rugged cliffs seemingly inaccessible; for they go to seek the people in their huts and grain-fields, where it seems as if the devil, in order to deprive them of instruction and gospel truth, had persuaded them to seek wild and rugged places which can be reached only with the greatest difficulty. in this work the fathers have spent the greater part of their time, and have gathered into settlements (to the consolation of their own souls) a great number of people, of all classes. old persons who seemed the living and fearful images of death, men, women, and tender little children, of all ages, have in this way become acquainted with gospel truth; and as they see that we act disinterestedly in all things, even aiding them in our poverty, they are attracted to us, and soon are ranked in the number of the faithful. the fathers have succored them in their sickness; and during a pestilence which was prevalent in one of the places visited from this mission, they went there twice to confess the people, although the distance was great, and the roads so difficult that in the going to that one place one must go through nine or ten precipitous ravines, to pass which, as it was then the rainy season, they must walk barefoot, the mud in many places being knee-deep. the fathers heard the confessions of all the sick, some of whom our lord soon took to himself. while returning from this village the father passed through a little hamlet of christians not dependent on this mission, which lay within some very rugged ravines; and among all its people there was not one who had in all his life made confession. they welcomed the father with great joy, going more than a quarter of a legua out of the village to meet him; and when he departed from the village they accompanied him to a like distance. he heard the confessions of some, and all were desirous of removing to our mission-village; they put this desire into execution, at the end of four months, by breaking up the entire village, and proceeding with their families to silan. this and other beneficial results from that residence of silan are well described by father gregorio lopez in a letter written by him for the father-visitor, thus: "early in my stay there, the people told me that in caibabayan was a catalona, or priestess; and in order to cut the thread of evil, and to gain a knowledge of those distant fields and peoples, i went thither, desiring to act toward them as a father rather than as a judge; and the lord, who is the true father of all, fulfilled my desire. finding no present evil, but only the report of past things, i sought to reëstablish the reputation of the person whom they defamed. i found in one of the most distant fields, an old man about seventy years of age, who was crippled and had been sick for days. i baptized him, giving him the name of ignacio, and invited many others who had not even been baptized--encouraging in them the desire for so great a good, helping them to learn what was necessary, to which they commonly give attention. word was sent from one to another among those mountains and plantations, and those people followed me about with tokens of love and offered to entertain me. afterward were baptized there many persons of all ages--children, youths, and old men. a few days ago i was informed that in the villages of malabag, balete, and dinglas there were many sick persons who needed help. i set out in the morning after saying mass, thinking to return in the evening; but when i arrived there and saw the needy condition of the people, i changed my plan, for i found in malabag many sick persons. after i had cared for them i heard the confessions of many who were infirm and old, and those who wished to guard against the malady which was attacking many of them--and perhaps not a few that they might profit, at little cost, by the presence of the new confessor in their village. i passed on to balete and found that it had become a hospital. i went through all the houses to hear confessions, but could not finish them on that day; so i continued this task on the following day, and then went to dinglas, where i found the same needs. all, both the sick and those in health, were greatly consoled by my visit; and finally i returned to silang in the night, with the fiscal and others, who accompanied me. i had occasion to make other and shorter trips among the plantations in the vicinity of silang, as they contained sick persons who were in need; i also desired to ascertain what houses and persons were in those country districts. moreover, i thus did something to further my plan of removing them to the village and to have them carry thither their rice and their little possessions, desiring to accomplish what your reverence so desires, and which is so expedient for the proper instruction of those people. the great activity and solicitude of the father, who is my companion, was of great value to me in this as in all other matters; and the coming of the father rector and father diego sanchez, who assisted us here until lent, was most valuable, adding more energy and ability to our forces, and consoling and encouraging those people with suitable instruction. "after christmas i was summoned back to manila, but in lent was sent again to the village of silang. at that time i found the mission greatly increased by the many natives whom the fathers had recently brought together; they were coming to us each day from other villages (the entire village of indan had joined us), all of them very needy, and almost half of them unbaptized. on the feast of st. gregory i baptized twenty-five persons, only one of whom, a sick woman, was of adult age, and on the feast of the annunciation twenty-one, of whom nineteen were adults; at present another goodly number of them are being prepared. the number of those baptized this year is about two hundred, and the confessions very numerous; and the number of those admitted to communion is about fifty, the choicest of whom are members of the confraternity. we erected our altar of the sepulchre [25] as skilfully as we were able, and celebrated the offices [appropriate to the occasion], by the help of which this new people gained new light upon the services of holy week. those who took the discipline, going forth in a formal procession, were on holy monday, the singers, who did this by way of preparation; others desired to march on holy tuesday, but, as the day was stormy and the winds violent, i forbade them to do so. they had their procession on holy wednesday; and others, in greater number, marched on holy thursday. our most important procession was on holy friday, in the evening; two images were carried--one, a small crucifix (for we had no larger one); the other, an image of our lady--while the choir sang the litanies. when this procession ended, people gathered in sufficient number to form another; this was caused by the lack of [woolen] tunics, which were removed by their wearers and lent [to those in the second procession]. in all the processions except the principal one, the music consisted of the christian doctrine, sung by the children as they walked. "i must continue the account which in other letters i have written to your reverence of the favors which the lord communicates by means of a print of our blessed father ignatius; for he is continually bestowing these favors upon those new christians, on account of their strong faith in him. a woman was brought in to us, sick and unable to speak, and was dying before us without our being able to obtain from her a word or sign so that we could give her absolution; the statement of her friends, moreover, that she had asked for confession, was doubtful. i was therefore anxious and grieved, until i brought her an image of our blessed father, and i said mass for the sick woman, and when i returned she was able to speak, and made a good confession; but utterance again failed her, and she died in peace. "when i returned the second time, i was called in haste to visit a sick woman, great with child, who was suffering violent pains and torment. we went to see her, and it aroused our compassion to behold her in convulsions of pain, both she and the infant (which was entering the ninth month) being in danger of death. i sent for the image of our blessed father, and then left the sick woman with diego, our good blind man, and his wife, who performs the duties of a midwife. so good service did they render, in conjunction with the intercession of our blessed father ignatius (to whom they were greatly devoted), that very soon they sent for me to baptize the child, which was born alive. i baptized it, but it died; and the mother regained her health. "on holy saturday a young man came to me in alarm, saying that a demon was trying to choke his sister. i went to her house and found her suffering from an oppression in her breast and throat, and distressed by fear. i asked for the image, and when it was brought, i heard the sick woman's confession; she was at once relieved from the oppression and anxiety. for her greater consolation i left the image in order that she might have good company. "on the following day, the lord accorded us a most joyful easter sunday. in the morning there came to me a man, but recently arrived from indan, who said that his wife was in a very exhausted condition from the pains of childbirth. i sent him with a boy to take the image of our blessed father and carry it to his home. he departed at once, and when the image was carried into the house his wife brought forth her child. it seems that the lord has chosen to confirm this newly-converted people in their recent coming to him, and in their faith. a few days ago, a bilango came to us in haste to ask for the image in behalf of a woman who was in childbirth; and as soon as it was brought to her, she gave birth to a child. in santiago also the fiscal, remembering what he had heard about our blessed father, entreated his aid, as his wife was in a like critical condition, and her life in great danger. immediately her infant was born alive, and, while receiving the water of holy baptism, passed on to the bliss of eternal light." thus far i have cited the letter of father gregorio lopez; he could easily have related therein many other unusual events and marvelous incidents which occurred among those new believers. he omitted them probably for the sake of brevity, and because many of them are quite similar--for which reason i too omit them. but i must not fail to mention one incident which occurred during the absence of father gregorio lopez, at which time his companion, father pedro de segura, remained in silan. two indians came to this father one night, seeking relief for a woman who was the wife of one and a relative of the other. she was suffering violent pangs in childbirth, and was in a most critical state, being unable to expel the child. the two indians earnestly entreated the father, in their simplicity, for some blessed beads. he gave them his own reliquary, and as they were carrying it away he bethought himself of the image of our blessed father ignatius. immediately he summoned the fiscal (who is always a man of mature years and trustworthy character), and gave him the image to be carried to the sick woman. the indian woman, when she beheld the image, took it in her hands with devotion and love, and at the same moment gave birth to a child as beautiful as an angel, to her own great joy and the wonder of those who were present. soon afterward she named the child, on this account, maliuag, which signifies "difficult;" and again, at the baptism, ignacio, in memory of so signal a favor. the name which this woman gave her child at its birth gives me occasion to describe the custom of these people in giving names. the manner in which names are conferred among the filipinos. chapter lxxx. when a child is born, it is the mother's duty to give it a name; and whatever appellation she gives it must remain its name. the names are most often conferred on account of certain circumstances--as, for example, maliuag, which means "difficult," because the child's birth was such; malacas, which signifies "a man of strength," because the mother thinks that the child will be strong, or desires that it be so. at other times they name it, without any symbolism or special reason, by the first word which occurs to them--as, for example, daan, which signifies "road;" babui, which means "pig;" or manug, which signifies "fowl." all persons are called by these names from birth, without using surnames until they are married. the first-born son or daughter then gives his or her name to the parents; for until they die they call the father ama ni coan, "father of so-and-so," and the mother ina ni coan, "mother of so-and-so." the names of the women are distinguished from those of the men by adding "in." thus, while the name of a man and of a woman may be practically the same, that of the man is left intact, and to the woman's is added the [termination] "in;" for example, hog (which means "river") being the name of two persons of different sex, the man is called hog, the woman hoguin. in naming children they use diminutives, just as we do; but in order not to exceed the limits of my narrative, or to enter those of grammar, i shall not enumerate these, or the other appellations more personal, more intimate, or more elegant, which those people use for nearly all the degrees of relationship. for instance, _ama_ means "father;" thus the son, in speaking of him to a third person calls him _ang amaco_, that is, "my father." but the son in addressing his father directly does not call him _ama_, but _bapa_, which is a more intimate and affectionate term; nor does he address his mother as _ina_, but _bai_. on the other hand, the father and mother in familiar intercourse call their sons, brothers, uncles, and other near relatives, not by the common appellations of such relationship, but by others more intimate and personal, which signify a like connection. this is but another illustration of the fertility, elegance and courtesy of the tagal language, which we described in chapter 16. the children of those natives were reared in such respect and reverence for the names belonging to their parents that they never called them by these, whether the parents were living or dead; they believed, moreover, that if they uttered these names they would fall dead, or become leprous. at first, i was much often annoyed at these superstitions, because, as i did not know the secret, i would upon occasions of affability or flattery, or necessity or obligation, inquire of the son for his father; and, as he gave me no answer, i remained confused and abashed. but, with the aid of divine grace, this and other bad customs and errors were banished and forgotten; and we played a game--our fathers, and the little children, and even the adults--in which each one told the name of his father, i also telling them the name of mine. not only this, but anyone would name the parents of another--a thing which they consider a great incivility and insult. it is a general custom among all these nations not to have any special family names, titles, or surnames; using, as i have before said, but one appellation. now, besides the christian name, juan or pedro, they use as a surname that which the mother gives them at birth--although there are mothers so christian and civilized that they will not use this latter name, but prefer that both christian name and surname be conferred in baptism; this we often do. the wretched "don" has filled both men and women with such vanity that every one of them who has a tolerably good opinion of himself must place this title before his name; accordingly, there are even more dons among them than among our spaniards. the visit which the right reverend bishop of sebu made to bohol, and the fervor and growth of those christians. chapter lxxxi. the right reverend bishop of sebu, in the course of his visits among his flocks, determined to go for this purpose to the island of bohol--which, as we have said, is about eight leguas to the south of the island of sebu--taking as his companion father francisco gonzalez of our society. we learned of the outcome of this visit through that father's account of it in one of his letters, as follows: "i think that your reverence knows of the visit which his lordship made to the island of bohol; but, as it was my lot to accompany him, i shall relate to your reverence, if only in outline, something of what befell us there. he visited in the island of bohol eight villages which are instructed by the fathers of the society, and confirmed therein three thousand christians, spending about twenty days in the visit. most remarkable was the fervor which resulted from it, for the christians made excellent preparation for receiving the sacrament, many of them, in all the villages, making their confessions. besides this, he had previously trained and examined them, all being assembled in the church, in the catechism, causing them to repeat aloud the principal mysteries of our faith. a sermon was preached them wherein they were exhorted to feel much grief at having offended our lord. at the conclusion of the sermon, they all fell upon their knees, and offered audible acts of contrition and of love to god. they were next asked if they desired to receive the sacrament of confirmation; and they answered aloud that they desired it, in order that our lord might pardon their sins and strengthen them in the faith. then, his lordship confirmed them, with a short exhortation at the end of the ceremony, by which they were all greatly consoled and fortified in the truth of our holy faith. this result was greatly aided by the love and so paternal affection which the lord bishop manifested to them not only in the church but in their houses--going to visit the sick, and confirming them in their very cabins; giving alms, ransoming slaves, and clothing the poor; and performing many other deeds of mercy. his lordship was especially delighted at beholding those new flocks of his so well instructed, when they were answering the questions on catechism, which was done in the presence of his lordship." such is the brief account given by the father. all these are but flames of that celestial fire which we said had taken hold of this island, and with which even the little children are ablaze. thus in each of those villages nearly two hundred children assemble every day, uttering praises to the divine majesty, acknowledging his greatness, learning the christian doctrine, and imparting it to their parents and elders. the confessions cannot be enumerated, for they are as many as there are christians. no one fails to make his confession during lent, even though he may have confessed many times during the year; and with like ardor the other exercises of piety and devotion are performed. this was especially evident on holy friday of that year, one thousand six hundred and two, during the adoration of the cross, in which they displayed deep emotion; they even removed the rings from their fingers and the jewels from their ears, to make offerings of these. as father gabriel sanchez has been the usual laborer in that island, i shall here set down a part of one of his letters in which, with his usual simplicity, he gives some account of the island and of christianity therein: "our lord has been well served this year in the island of bohol, with the fruits gathered from the conversion of those pagans, for in this barren waste we have set out a beautiful garden of new plants which our lord has planted. many people have been brought together and induced to settle in villages, wherein they are instructed. at the time when i am writing this, we are in a village on the coast, whither there came down to us yesterday two other villages of the tinguianes, or mountaineers, asking us, of their own accord, to allow them to live here. as an earnest of their desire, they brought as many as forty children that we might baptize them, which we have done. we value this all the more because these two villages have up to this time been the most obstinate and stubborn in all the island: but god has now been pleased to soften their hearts. may he be blessed and praised that, if there had been fathers for all of them, the whole island would now be converted; for, although there are actually in this mission no more than four thousand christians, its people are so well disposed that on the day when they shall have someone to teach and baptize them they will all be converted. the very villages that we are unable to teach come frequently to ask that we will go to instruct them and unite them into one, and give them baptism. but, as so few fathers have been in this island, we have not been able to succor them; and so they remain until god shall send them a reënforcement of fathers--of whom they themselves are so desirous that they have already built us houses and churches, before a priest has been brought to them, or even mentioned, to my knowledge. may god, whose plantation this is, send workmen hither, since there is harvest enough in all this island; and when they shall undertake to extend their labors further, there are, near by, some little islands in extreme spiritual want, and entirely deprived of any human succor for their conversion. therein might be held some missions most acceptable to god, all the more so because those people are so forsaken; for, as those are insignificant little islands, no one cares for them. those people are on the road to hell, if we do not succor them; and we do not aid them for lack of ministers. one of these islands is called isla de fuegos ["island of fires"], and is a half day's sail distant from here. several times its chiefs have come to ask that we would go thither. the people already know how to recite the christian doctrine, and yet not one has been baptized there (although they are calling for that sacrament), for there is no one who may distribute the bread, and thus they are perishing of spiritual hunger. "but, to return to our island, there is great cause to glorify our lord in seeing the esteem with which its people regard the christian religion, and the fervor with which they one and all fulfil their obligations as christians, in confession and communion, and in their pious and general affection toward the things of god. a week ago, there was in our house a young man, an infidel, who had come from another village to see us. he was laughing and enjoying himself with the others, although quite modestly; yet another lad who was there, a christian, said to him: 'how is it that thou, who art not a christian, dost laugh and sport?'" thus writes the father; he adds that the new baptisms during this past year amounted to four hundred. the number was no larger, because they did not dare to baptize converts in other villages until those people could have fathers to maintain them in the faith and in christian customs. the growth of christianity in catubig. chapter lxxxii. the same want of gospel ministers is felt by other residences (as is plainly evident from what i have thus far said), but especially in the island of samar, where for that very reason the exercises of holy week and easter were celebrated this year in one village; and there were many confessions and communions together with the feast and procession of the institution of the most blessed sacrament--both of which were conducted with devotion and grandeur, although with some inconvenience, as they were not celebrated at their proper time. nevertheless, on account of the extraordinary and crying needs of catubig--which, as we have said, is in the eastern part of the island of ibabao, bathed by the south sea--father juan de torres, accompanied by a brother, was constrained to go thither from tinagon at the end of the year one thousand six hundred and one. for a year and a half no one had visited catubig, because there was no one who could go there; and now, although this caused a lack of service at other stations, the greater needs of catubig compelled us to leave them [for the present]. well did our lord exercise them in their journey, so that upon arriving they might enjoy the pleasant fruit which they afterward gathered; for besides the rivers and swamps--through which they journeyed with the water, in some places, and the mud in others, to their knees--the slopes and mountains were so rugged that it was impossible to advance except by using their hands as feet. but consolation was not long delayed; even before they reached catubig, on their very way, our lord aided them, as the father himself describes in the following words: "one night three villages met together, rejoicing at our arrival, and, thinking that it would be appropriate, i told them about the things of the other life, the immortality of the soul, and the existence of god; and of the reward for christians, and the torment for those who are not. i am sure, my father, that among the many people who were there you would not think that there was one who had not faith, to judge by what they said and the questions they asked, and the way in which they encouraged one another to receive baptism. they soon made arrangements to build a large church, and gave me a list of all the inhabitants, including the children, of whom there are an infinite number. god knows what my grief was at seeing them in the arms of their mothers; for they appeared to me like unto the ripe fruit hanging from the bough, which, if the gardener neglects it, is either stolen or decays, and thus is lost." refreshed by such consolation, the father continued on his way, crossing the entire island of ibabao, as far as the river of catubig, where he found the whole people busied in their grain-fields. accordingly, he went farther to some small islands lying adjacent in the broad sea, where the people had already gathered in their rice crops. in one of them, called batac, he made a short stay, and the people from all the neighboring islands assembled there to celebrate the christmas festivals, and attend to the things pertaining to their salvation. when they were about to return home, advice was given to the women in other matters relating to civilized ways and to modesty--especially in regard to their mode of dress, which, on account of their being a rough and barbarous people, was not quite decent; but after they were taught, they adorned and covered themselves more modestly. they had built, in anticipation of the father's coming, a church and house and even a confessional for the women. after a goodly number had been made christians, the father returned to the principal station, which is catubig; and at his departure these poor creatures besought him earnestly not to leave them so forsaken, now that he was going away, but to teach some christian the form and ceremony, so that he could baptize them in cases of necessity. the father did so, and left them with much grief in his heart. but these pains, which in truth are more intense than those of childbirth, we often suffer there, since the harvest is so great and the laborers are so few. so many were the baptisms in catubig that the father, fearing lest the blessed oil and chrism would give out, carried the water of baptism from place to place, in order not to prepare it so often. [26] among the notable conversions in this mission, which amounted to seven hundred, the most distinguished and remarkable of all was that of a chief some sixty years of age, and highly esteemed in that region. in this case much time was needful to extricate his conscience from the former robberies and tyrannies which we have already described. he gave their freedom to many slaves, and, in order to settle other obligations which were not defined by the church, presented to us a handsome house, so large that, together with the church (a building about fifteen brazas long), it serves us a commodious habitation for our fathers who are there; and finally, after a thorough preparation, baptism was conferred upon him. he was governor of the village, and yet as a catechumen he attended each morning the sermons for the children. there he encouraged all, both children and adults, exhorted them to adopt christian customs, and rebuked in them anything that seemed to be opposed to these. when the father reminded him that all his household should be baptized, he attended to that matter with surprising energy. he himself conducted them to the church, and with efficacious arguments persuaded them to be baptized. in this way the greater number of his household were baptized, the rest being deferred. another conversion no less notable also occurred, which i shall relate. an indian chief from another island happened to pass through a village where the father was sojourning. he went with the press of people to hear the father speak, and our holy faith so convinced him that he did not for a moment leave our fathers, asking them questions about his salvation. so pleased was he with the instruction that they gave him, that without saying a word, keeping to himself this new secret of his vocation, he went back to his island, where he became a new preacher. he persuaded his wife, children, and relatives, actually carrying away all his kindred; and went to the place where the father was, in order to enjoy the light of the gospel, which had not shone on that country of his. he went in quest of the father, and carried him as a gift a turtle, the shell of which required two men to lift it--so monstrous in size are the turtles in those seas; some of them i have seen and eaten. this chief often made known to the father the state of his soul, and sought spiritual aid in very exact and clear terms; and if he forgot anything therein, he told of it in the same maner on the next day. his preparation continued thus until, having given full evidences of his faith, he entered with all his household--wife, children, sons-in-law, and servants, in all, twelve persons--through the gate of holy baptism, into the flock of the great shepherd of souls, jesus christ our lord. he was a man of great valor, as will be seen from an incident which we learned concerning him. a large crocodile often came to the neighborhood of his house; and the indian, angered thereat, determined to punish the hardihood of the beast. for this purpose, abandoning the usual means of catching those animals (that is, with a large hook), blinded by rage and trusting to his own valor, he assembled as many as twenty persons; and while they stood watching him, he leaped alone into the water, and swam toward the beast with a knife in his hand. then, diving beneath the crocodile, like another valiant eleazar, [27] he gave it several knife-thrusts in the belly and killed the beast. and, as a greater trophy, he was not, as was eleazar, buried in his triumph, [28] but remained alive and sound--without a wound, or any lesion beyond two insignificant scratches, one on his forehead, and one on his leg. at this instant his followers hastened toward him, and dragging the beast to the shore, were hardly able, with the strength of all, to land it, although it was floating on the water. they saw (and told me of it) a monster of incredible size, the largest that i have ever seen there, or heard of. the animal measured, from its shoulders to the tip of its tail, five brazas, [29] and from the shoulders to the mouth one braza--making its total length six brazas; and across the breast alone measured a full braza. there was another crocodile, smaller than this one, which inflicted loss on the household of a reputable spaniard of manila; and this man came therefore to our house to entreat that ours would provide him with a father who would make his indians christians. the affair occurred thus: this spaniard was in his encomienda, where his house stood on the shore of a river much infested by these beasts. while he was dining one day, a youth, one of those who waited on the table, went to the river to wash some plates; but he did not finish his task, for a crocodile suddenly sprang upon him and swallowed him. the people [in the house] saw this tragic event, and the good man left the table, grieved that the youth should perish without baptism, and desirous to see if there might be some means of giving him the sacrament before he should die in the belly of the crocodile. he soon decoyed the animal by means of a little dog, a food of which these beasts are very fond; and, having captured the crocodile and landed it on the shore, he cut it open and found the boy within, whole but dead. this man, who measured the beast (which was not a large one) told us that it was fifteen [spanish] feet in length, but that the capacity of its stomach was extraordinary: for within it were found, besides the corpse of the boy, a great number of eggs of various animals, and fifteen human heads. grieved by this sad event, he had come to entreat that instruction might be supplied in his villages; but this could not be done, as there was no one to give it. but to return to catubig: i shall conclude my account of this mission with the miraculous experiences of two children, which gave us more consolation than did the incident which we have just related. while some indians were on their way to visit the father, one of those fierce beasts attacked their boat, and seized a boy by the arm, carrying him away before anyone could rescue him. the boy, following the pious custom that those people have of invoking jesus and mary, when he found himself in the water in the power of the crocodile, cried aloud: "jesus and mary, help me!" and the marvelous thing was that the beast at once let him go practically unharmed, for the few scratches that he had received from the nails hurt him but little. rejoicing at this, and strengthened in the faith, they drew the child from the water into the boat, praising god for his mercies toward them. one night the same father was summoned in behalf of another child, who was very sick. his parents were very sorrowful, for, although but ten days old, he had not sucked his mother's breast for three days. they were anxious for his recovery, but desired, even more, that he should not die without baptism. the father went, and baptized the child; and the next morning, when he inquired about it, they replied that the infant was already well, for holy baptism had immediately cured it. let this suffice concerning that mission, and at the same time conclude my narrative, since i have now related the most notable events, and those which seemed most important and edifying, up to my departure from those islands--which, as i said in the beginning, was in the month of july of the year one thousand six hundred and two. [30] i trust that the progress of events from that time until the present, a period of almost two years, may give no less satisfaction and consolation, and that of the future even more; and i hope that it will have a more able chronicler; indeed, any one in the society can do it better than i. it is enough for me that i have tried to render some service to the society by this humble work, which although a small one, has cost me much effort. this, and that other and greater task of undertaking so many and so long voyages (made not for my own pleasure, but in response to the claims of obedience), i think deserve the reward which i desire and claim for them, which is nothing else than the object to which those labors were dedicated--the increase and extension of the holy catholic faith in those so remote islands, by the conversion of so many souls who are so ready to receive it. may your paternity and all those who are able to come to their aid take pity upon them, so that ministers of the gospel may distribute to them the bread of heaven, for the hunger from which they are dying. it is a sorrowful thing, more sorrowful than can be told, to see them die without relief. at roma, march 5, 1604. _father chirino_, of the society of jesus. documents of 1604 letters to felipe iii. pedro de acuña; july 15 and 19. decrees regarding religious orders. felipe iii, and others; february-july. grant to the jesuit seminary at cebú. pedro chirino; [undated; 1604?]. decree regulating commerce with nueva españa. felipe iii; december 31. _source_: all of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: these are made by robert w. haight--excepting the third, which is by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin. letters to felipe iii from pedro de acuna on the sangleys sire: the two ships which came this year from nueva hespaña arrived in sight of these islands on the tenth of last month, and the captain made the port of cavite on st. john's day. the almiranta, not being so good a ship, could not follow him, and remained on the shoal of mindoro until the fifth of the present month, which caused great loss. the viceroy of nueva hespaña writes me that the cause of these ships leaving acapulco so late was because they had met this despatch and that of the conde de monterey for peru, and that for the coming year he will see to it that it is earlier. this is necessary, for it has likewise been unavoidable, on this account, that those who were going back to nueva hespaña should be late in leaving here; for the sangley merchants, taking warning from the many losses which they have suffered, and the neglect of the spaniards to pay them during years past, will not give up their cloth without first seeing the silver at hand. accordingly they waited until the money came before buying the goods and making up the packages and cases, all of which used to run on credit. i wrote your majesty by way of yndia, in november and december past, of the uprising by the sangleys, and the outcome of it, with what up to that time had occurred to me, which your majesty will have ordered examined when this arrives. in case my sheets may have been lost, duplicates of them will go with this. in that despatch i informed your majesty that i was considering sending a ship to china with information of the event, so that if any ship belonging to the rebels should arrive there and try to place on us the blame for their loss and ours, they might be made aware of the truth. this was done, although with some opposition, and was of so much use that when certain captains learned that this ship was in macan they determined to come, although with little merchandise--for they came with some hesitation, as they afterward said, as they do not wish vengeance to be executed upon them for the loss which the others had caused by the said uprising. i had the property which was deposited returned to them (which i think amounted to more than [_ms. defective_] pesos), which was to them a strong proof of our innocence; this was done that they might not credit in china what those rebels who arrived there had published, for they said that, in order to seize the property for ourselves, we had taken the lives of those sangleys. these goods deposited belonged to quiet chinese merchants, reputable persons, who were not in the uprising--and even for the most part had hanged or suffocated themselves, at seeing what a plight those of their own nation had put them in, and that their own countrymen were robbing and maltreating them, as is told in the relation of this affair. from the said deposited property had been appropriated, by my order and that of the audiencia and the council on finances, a sum amounting to more than thirty-six thousand pesos, to aid the troops; and when the affair was over i was quite unprovided and embarrassed, as there were likewise other expenses for fortification and for the exigencies of the service of your majesty, and there was no other place whence it could be supplied. we cannot satisfy the chinese at present, as we have not the means to do so; this troubles me much, as i should wish to be able to fulfil the offer i made to the viceroys of china by my letters, which was the restitution of this property, which would remain on deposit until it was surrendered to the owners. as the necessities have been so great since then, we could not avoid deferring this; it appeared best to carry out our agreement with these people by giving them the money, since they had the cloth to sell, but it has not been possible. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to order that the viceroy of nueva hespaña send us this amount for this purpose, as i doubt much if the obligation can be satisfied here for many years. this commonwealth has been greatly consoled at seeing that the chinese have chosen to continue the commerce, of which we were much in doubt; but they have actually done so. this was made easier by sending the information, and the entire failure of one year; in many ways this loss cannot be repaired. nevertheless, the lack of money is felt in the treasury; for the duties on the entry and clearance of the goods from china, the royal officials tell me, amount to forty thousand pesos less this year than the year past. i believe that in the coming year we will have many goods here; for the little which they brought this year has sold very well, and they are content and quite satisfied at the freedom allowed them in their traffic, and that nothing is taken from them without their consent, as they were not before favored in this manner. i have responded to almost all the points of a paper which your majesty ordered me to write on the sixteenth of february of the past year 1602--as your majesty will command to be examined in my answer, to which i refer you, merely saying that there i explain everything which might be said in this. christoval de azqueta, captain and sargento-mayor of this camp, has passed more than twenty-eight years in these islands. during all this time he has been occupied in the service of your majesty in the affairs of war, and a very good account of him has been given. he is one of the most serviceable men i have for this employment; for, besides being a very good soldier, he has wide experience in all the islands and their ports. likewise i was very well satisfied with his person on account of his having so well and so industriously attended to his duty as sargento-mayor at the time when the sangleys had invested this city. it being understood that a great body of them had fortified themselves at san pablo and another at batangas, and that they were in a region where much food could be obtained on short notice, as it was near the harvest time in those provinces, it was resolved that some person of tried valor should go to punish them, being provided with a number of indian arquebusiers, archers, and other soldiers, and a few japanese, with one hundred and fifty spaniards, and the necessary munitions for that purpose. i chose for this the said sargento-mayor, christoval de azqueta, and he left with his troops. he went about it so skilfully that the undertaking was successful, and all the sangleys were left dead except a few whom he brought for the galleys. therefore, considering the condition in which this colony was, and the risk which he ran in this service, it was one of the most important which have ever been performed in these islands for your majesty. i have desired to give the sargento-mayor some testimonial for his honor and gratification, but i have not done so because i had not the means to do so. i have therefore offered him this, to give him a good encomienda; and accordingly it will be given and allotted to him in the name of your majesty, at the first opportunity. he has, moreover, earned it by the services which he performed long ago. it is fitting that it should be known that your majesty favors and honors those who serve him, so that others may be encouraged to do the same. it has seemed best to me to give an account of this to your majesty and to beseech you, as i do, that you should be pleased to command that the affairs and claims of the sargento-mayor always be favored, and that honor and grace be done him; for in this affair i can assure you, the service which he has done here was greater than appears by this writing. the punishment of the sangleys being accomplished, there remains to us another care no less great, which is the suspicion we have that within a short time a great fleet is to come from china to take possession of this country, as i wrote your majesty last year. this arises from the coming of the mandarins, and from information that some of those chinese who were punished for their guilt in their uprising were trying to circulate. accordingly all the people were persuaded that this rebellion depended upon that; and at one time a rumor was current to the effect that seven hundred chinese ships had been seen not far from here--on which occasion it seemed best to me to put things in order as thoroughly as if i had certain advice that the said fleet was on this coast. among other precautions which i took, i appointed for the company left vacant by don tomas brabo (my nephew, whom the sangleys killed in the uprising), captain juan de villaçon, as he is a soldier who has spent many years in flandes, and during that time had been the alferez of don luis brabo de acuña, my brother; and because he has had experience in the conduct of war in besieged cities--as it was expected this one must be so in a short time, and as we had very few or none to whom we could have recourse in such a case. it was necessary for me to urge and coax him, and he accepted it because it was on such an occasion, and to please me. although the auditors were in the midst of so many cares, and i was hard at work fortifying the weak places, erecting bulwarks and opening trenches, they issued an act in which they commanded me to make appointments according to the royal ordinances, and that in the meantime there should be no changes--as if that were the time for such offices to be filled by whomsoever the auditors wish and ask to do it, or in which to be considering ordinances, instead of what was most fitting for your majesty's service and the good of the cause. it was necessary in order to make them understand this, or make them willing to understand it, to use much time and energy; and they finally approved of it as if they were doing me some great honor. by this event your majesty may see to what tune the affairs of war were going, with demands and responses. god was pleased to bring it about that the information which i sent from macan caused the chinese not to collect any fleet in china for the present, and that the merchant ships came; i accordingly dismissed captain villaçon, giving him his discharge, seeing that the reason for his accepting the said company had ceased; i have thought best to give an acount of this to your majesty, that you may be informed thereof, and may have given such order as may be expedient in similar cases which may arise in the future. the decree which your majesty ordered to be sent to me with the declaration of the places which must be taken in the processions and public acts by the president, auditors, and prelates when they take part therein together, arrived at a very opportune time, and has been necessary to avoid the troubles which have arisen with the archbishop in this regard, as he would not be persuaded that this was the will of your majesty; but he is satisfied with the decree. we are on good terms with the emperor of japon, and likewise with his vassals who come here to trade and to make money on flour, hams, tunny-fish, nails, iron, weapons, and other things which they bring to sell. they go back with loads of deerskins and chinese merchandise, as they have always done. this year, owing to the loss of the ship from macan, they brought some money and spent it. i have overlooked this for the present, and allowed it to be done in order not to displease them. but i have warned them not to bring any more, or i shall not give them any chance to employ it. the accountant juan de bustamante, who acts in that capacity for the royal exchequer of your majesty in these islands, is very old, infirm, and crippled, for which reason the affairs of his office are not so well expedited as they should be. i last year besought your majesty to order him retired and pensioned, and to appoint a person in his place. at present i shall again make the same suggestion, as it appears to me important for the service of your majesty. the marques of montes claros, [31] viceroy of nueva hespaña, last year made the allotment of the money which your majesty has graciously permitted to be assigned to the citizens of these islands. as this cannot be done punctually in mexico, and there are in that country interested persons--perchance the very ones who are apportioning the money, or giving their advice therein--there have been many complaints. this could not be otherwise, as mexico is so far away and they cannot know there what each of the citizens here has and deserves, and what ought to be given them. the viceroy writes that he did the best he could, and could do no better, and accordingly i believe him. he likewise wrote me to send him some information in regard to this matter. what i have done is to appoint eight persons from the most honored of this colony, and disinterested in the matter of partnership, to make the allotment among the citizens, as is done with the cargo, considering what is most expedient and most just and satisfactory for the people; and it has been so done. i have allotted to the distributers themselves their own part because i was not willing that they should allot it. i have sent the memorandum to the viceroy. your majesty will be pleased to order that the said allotment be made in accordance therewith, as well as the licenses; and that, this be continued from year to year; for it is most expedient, and with it there will be less uncertainty and fraud. the royal treasury of these islands is in great need of inspection and reform. it should be put in good order and well regulated; for, according to the officials, there are no ordinances, nor is there proper government and administration for the property. although i do what i can to maintain it, some measure must be taken in this regard which will be more radical and put it on an entirely different footing from the present one. the original inspection made in past years was by the factor, francisco de las missas, alone. i have this in my possession, and a copy of it was sent to the council by doctor morga, who took it. as the commission for the inspection of the other officers--delivered to me in order that the late licentiate cambrano, might make it--covers only the time of four months (which is not even a long enough period to look over the papers), i instructed them to take a further adjournment, so that this vacancy in the inspector's office should not cause the neglect of necessary work; and accordingly i am doing so at present. your majesty will command according to your pleasure. it has likewise seemed best to give your majesty an account of the inexpediency of appointing as inspector of the auditors any of their companions, especially those who have exercised that office at the same time with them, and given judgment in the same affairs; for if one of them has acted unjustly, the other one may have done so as well, and might not perform his duty in reprimanding or inspecting those whom he should. your majesty will order as is most expedient. in the despatches which i have sent from here since i arrived via nueva hespaña, i have advised your majesty of the great difficulty which lies in the appointment by the viceroy of mexico of persons there, as the commanders, admirals, and other officials who come and go on the ships; and how important it was that they should be appointed here from those who have here served your majesty, for the reasons which i there gave, as your majesty will command to be examined. the same matter confronts me now, and every day i am coming more to see the great injury which this commonwealth suffers, without finding any means for its redress. i promise your majesty that i am not moved to this step by the greater importance which this office will then have, but only for the service of your majesty, and by seeing that this is as i have said in my other letter; and that there is great need of reform, in order to ward off disaster at all points, for it is very near. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, in the prosperity which is necessary for christendom. manila, july 15, 1604. _don pedro de acuña_ it is not expedient that there should be an audiencia in the philipinas. sire: for a long time i have been reflecting upon the matter which i shall here mention, and many times i have resolved to give your majesty an account of it, and of others as important. i have been kept back and restrained, by fear that it might or could be suspected that i was moved by some personal interest or passion; but owing to the difficulties which have confronted me in one way and another, having consulted and conferred with serious religious and other persons, both ecclesiastical and lay, who look at the matter dispassionately [_ms. defective_] resolved not to delay any longer, for it appeared to me that otherwise i did not act in accordance with the obligations of my office, or the favor which your majesty has done me by putting me in this position. your majesty has a royal audiencia in these island with four auditors, one fiscal, and other officers, whereby your majesty spends each year sixteen thousand five hundred pesos. it seems that this might be dispensed with for the reasons set forth in the paper which goes with this, and to which i refer, only adding (what i may say in all truth) that, although this commonwealth is in the greatest trouble, through the many causes of death, wars, conflagrations, afflictions, shipwrecks, and the destruction of so much property, as your majesty has learned, there is nothing which it feels more keenly today, or which afflicts it more, than to have the audiencia here judging, and with it to lack all freedom of person or property. the name of auditor is so odious here that it alone offends; and we have come to such a state of affairs that because i, in conformity to what your majesty has ordered, have attempted to maintain and have maintained amicable relations with the auditors; and have shown, on various occasions, more patience and endurance than the people considered right; and more than seemed fitting to my situation, in order not to give rise to scandal: some have conceived hatred for me, publicly saying that, to comply with the expenditures and opinions of the said auditors, i was neglecting to look after them, and that i could correct the evil which the audiencia was doing. but as i cannot do that, it has seemed to me the best means to let the public see that there was good feeling between me and the audiencia, and to give an account to your majesty now of the reasons which lead me to this conclusion, in a letter separate from other matters, as i am now doing, and to which i refer you. i shall end by saying that i remind your majesty that no private interest moves me to take this step, but merely the obligation and zeal which i have always had and now have for the service of your majesty. this is vouched for by the fact that, a year ago, i sent my brothers the order and authority to beseech your majesty to be pleased to grant me the favor of commanding an appointment for this charge, and giving me permission to go to españa, where i might continue my service more nearly in the sight of your majesty; and although i hold it certain that this was not neglected, i would again on this occasion lay on them the same obligation, and beg your majesty to be pleased to command that my request be favorably regarded. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty through many long years, with the prosperity necessary to christendom. manila, july 15, 1604. _don pedro de acuña_ [_in the margin_: "let it be answered that his letter is received, and have him thanked for his zealous interest and care in all that he mentions. respecting what he says of abolishing the audiencia, suitable measures have been taken, and for the present nothing will be done in regard to it. as to the general statements made in his report, in regard to the trade and traffic which he speaks of and the proceedings of the audiencia, let him give particular information of what auditor or officer is trading in this way, and whatever is worthy of correction--so that, having considered it in the council, fitting measures may be taken."] [_endorsed_: "manila, to his majesty; 1604. don pedro de acuña, on the fifteenth of july, concerning the inexpediency of having an audiencia in the philipinas. july 20, 1606, examined and decreed within."] reasons why there should be no audiencia in the filipinas islands, and why the one there should be abolished. in all the islands there are not more than twelve hundred spaniards; and the suits are so few that for the greater part of the year the audiencia has nothing to do, and there is no business to be despatched therein, and the auditors are dismissed after having passed judgment on a few petitions from indians--and sometimes not even these, because none are presented. the administrative session is just the same, and most of the time only exists in name. there are no cases here of importance which cannot be adjudged by the alcaldes-in-ordinary; and if we had a lawyer for a lieutenant-governor, as we used to have before the said audiencia was established, that is sufficient for business--which would be despatched with less difficulty, and without the audiencia being missed; for when there is any suit of importance, which seldom happens, appeal can be made to the audiencia of mexico, as was formerly done. it must be taken into consideration that each auditor or fiscal brings with him, his household, wife, children, and relatives, who are drawn by the idea of coming to the yndias, and has other creatures and connections; and for one and all of them he must procure aid and favor so that they may become rich; for this is the aim and intention with which they come here. accordingly, although your majesty has commanded that the livings and offices of these islands be given to the old citizens and those deserving of these rewards, the auditors and their wives bring it about that the said relatives, dependents, and other persons whom they bring with them are the first to be provided for. if the governors do not consent to this, the auditors dislike them, and seek means and expedients whereby the worthy persons to whom the said offices and livings are given shall not be received therein. accordingly the governors, in order not to displease the auditors, give up their claims and dare not insist upon them. the said creatures and connections of the said auditors trade and traffic a great deal in merchandise from china; and the citizens complain that it is with the auditors' money (their own, or borrowed), and that with the favor they receive they cause great injury to the commonwealth, for they take up the whole cargo. they desire to be preferred therein, and in buying the cloth, and in every other way, try to take advantage. if the president wishes to remedy this they do not cease to offer him little annoyances; for the auditors know how to magnify themselves, in such a manner that they give one to understand that any one of them is greater than he; and they attain this by saying that what the president and governor does they can cancel, and that what the auditors decree has no appeal, recourse, or redress. this country is not at peace but at war; and it is therefore more fitting for the time being to attend particularly to military affairs and to the government, for our defense, than to keep courts of high justice. for in countries so new the rigor of the law should not be applied in all cases; and, when some punishment must be applied, they say that it shall not be done, and are of no use except to undo what the governor and captain-general orders (as well in matters of war as of government), although these things may be quite just. all the resources of this land are scanty, but if there is anything good the auditors also say that they want it for themselves; and when there is a chinese embroiderer, tailor, carver, or other workman, they proceed to take him into their houses and have him do much work--in such a way that the sangley himself has no freedom. such benefits do not extend to the citizens; but rather, if any of these things are available, the said auditors demand them and by entreaty or intimidation get possession of them. it is the same thing in regard to jewels, slave men and women, articles of dress, and other things--in such manner that, as experience has proved to me since i have considered it very well, when there were very few officers in this colony affairs went more smoothly, and the affairs of the service of god and your majesty in a more orderly manner. aid could be given to the one or the other, and to the defense of this land, with fewer hindrances and less difficulty; for in my opinion there is no one who in one way or another is not seeking his own gain and private interest, and the more there are of them the greater injury is wrought. we are compelled to overlook these things, and others of more importance, that we may not experience worse trouble; for we are unable to do more, as your majesty is five thousand leguas from here, and redress comes so slowly. the same trouble arises in the matter of provisions, each one looking after the care of his own house without considering the needs of others or of the poor, who should be looked after; consequently nothing can be heard but complaints and clamors from the people--poor and rich, and of all conditions--loudly asserting that the auditors are seeking everything for themselves. since in what regards the payment of their salaries they consider and assert that these must be preferred and the first paid even if it be from the stated fund for the religious orders, bishops, ministers of instruction, and for the military forces, who are before them in order--they have difficulties and misunderstandings with the royal officials; and as the said auditors do not care for the great importance of paying the soldiers, and look only to their private interests, i have had many complaints from the said royal officers, as they must have written you. the soldiers, captains, master-of-camp, and military officials are greatly discontented and grieved at the ill-treatment which the said auditors accord them; and at seeing that they are hindered by them, an auditor commanding at his will the arrest of a captain, official or soldier, without cause or reason, and interfering in all the details of service--even going so far as to inspect their quarters, and send them to the public prison, for very trivial affairs, against all military precedents. if affairs are going in an orderly and concerted way, it is when the auditors do not meddle with them; for all this concerns primarily the chief commander and officers provided therefor. judging by the state in which things are in the filipinas today, and in the opinion of right-thinking men, soldiers are of more use and benefit in the commonwealth than are judges, for the former do more than their share, and the others are deficient. considering the evil which results to the soldiers from seeing themselves punished and checked by so many magistrates; the hardships which they so commonly endure, and the occasions which are every day arising where these are necessary; and in view of the scant and poor pay which is given them, and as they are the defenders of the land, and are so far distant and little favored; and seeing the great hindrance which the audiencia is for military affairs--for they will give no opportunity for the execution of edicts, nor do they attend to what is necessary, as it appears to them that they are sufficient for everything; and that they can manage this matter like those which they have studied--we may fear some irreparable injury. we should immediately prepare for this, especially as the enemies which we have here are not like those in other parts of the yndias, but much greater in number and more skilful in war, and accordingly more adroitness and prudence are necessary to maintain us; and the soldiers must be content and well paid, and ordered by their leaders, of whom they should not have so many. the property which your majesty has here is very little for the ordinary expenses which every day arise; and if it is not brought here from mexico with more care and punctuality than hitherto, affairs cannot be maintained here in any way. even with that which is sent we suffer much hardship; and accordingly it is necessary to avoid expense, so far as is possible. that which is incurred for the auditors and audiencia is not so insignificant, as it is not less than sixteen thousand five hundred pesos, not counting other expenses; and then the fines from condemnations, which they apply to suit their own convenience. these amounts, taken altogether, would be enough for an armed fleet, with which to help in the defense of this land--which is needed badly enough, but which for lack of money we cannot equip--and many other things could be remedied. in the future there will be still more difficulty in this matter, because of the extraordinary expenses which have resulted from the uprising of the sangleys, and the deficiency which on this acount has this year resulted in the royal duties on merchandise from china, which goes as high as thirty-five to forty thousand pesos; and there is a further loss of five or six thousand pesos each year, which is the amount of the tributes from the sangleys--an income that we formerly received, which is now at an end. consequently, i do not believe that the audiencia will be of any use at all, but rather it will cause great injury to the service of your majesty and the welfare of this commonwealth. even if the two were not rivals, i doubt very much if the audiencia could be maintained without there being great deficiency in everything else, if their salaries are to be paid here. i consider it more advantageous and safe to spend what the said audiencia draws in salaries, to aid in paying the soldiers and maintaining the fleet of galleys which [_ms. defective_] we defend, and not the presence of the said auditors and audiencia, as they themselves assert who were of the opinion that the audiencia should again be established; for this country is not even in a state to be able to bear such a burden, as it is so ill provided, as i have said, and so borne down with troubles and even with war. likewise another difficulty is presented, as the treasury is always straitened; and, on account of the great care which the auditors take to collect their salaries, as it cannot be so prompt as they would wish, they seek borrowed money from the citizens--who give it to them, willingly or unwillingly, each one according to his means or designs. from this follow difficulties, to which they pay no heed; as some of them demand these loans from persons who are parties to suits at the time, who grant these to the auditors in order to place them under obligations, and profit by them. the difficulty which presents itself to me in this matter is that, if the audiencia is abolished and everything left in charge of the governor, there will be but slow and poor remedy for the grievances and disorders which may occur. for they must be taken to the audiencia of mexico, which is so far away that the aggrieved ones would consume both life and property before the business was settled. several difficulties occur to me, which are connected with this; but having informed myself fully on this point as to what has happened in the past, all say that they consider government by one person the best, when he governs justly. these men know what the governor can do without the audiencia, and with it; and they believe that it is better when there are not so many to command them, for they have never seen the audiencias redress illegal acts by the governors. i therefore consider it better, before god and my conscience, that your majesty should choose for this charge some gentleman and soldier who has proved trustworthy, and whose mode of governing and procedure has been learned and tried in other offices. he should be a good christian, and, above all, not greedy; for if he is affected with this last the country is ready and eager for an alteration of its condition, whereby the same losses which we have seen in other cases might be caused here. i am likewise confronted with another difficulty, which is redress for violations of the law by the ecclesiastical judges; but these are cases which seldom happen, and it does not seem just, in order to settle an affair of this sort, that others of a different nature should be deranged, and that an opportunity should be given for so many troubles as result from the contrary--especially as we might attend to such a case by some suitable means, referring it to trustworthy persons here, who would take it in charge. although there is no doubt that much of what this paper recounts occurs in other regions where there are audiencias, it must be remembered that in this country, which is the newest of all and more engaged in war than any of the others; and where the hardships of conquest and maintenance are so omnipresent; and your majesty has little profit or advantage, except the cargo of cloth which goes to nueva hespaña, and which is divided among all; and as the resources of the country are so scant that there it no place to go in order to seek a livelihood outside of manila: there is much criticism in this matter, and the people are much grieved at seeing themselves in the utmost part of the world, harassed and troubled by so many magistrates and officers and their dependents, and at having so many to satisfy; and that matters are in such a state that he who has an auditor for a protector may, it appears, go wherever he wishes and with as much as he wishes, and he who has not must be ruined. dated at manila, july 15, 1604. _don pedro de acuña_ sire: there is in this city a seminary named sancta potençiana, of which your majesty is the patron, where the daughters of the citizens of these islands are sheltered, and carefully taught and instructed. it has been visited by the archbishop of the islands, don fray miguel de venavides, and when he observed the custom that obtained of allowing the wives of citizens to enter within the seminary, he issued a decree with censures, ordering that no person, without any exception, should have entrance there. the fiscal of your majesty considered this a matter for complaint, saying that it was not in the said archbishop's power to do this, as the matter did not concern him. the case came before this audiencia as one of fuerza. when the proceedings were examined, he was charged to raise the said excommunication, and leave the matter as before, as it was purely a case for the [secular] government, and concerned the governor of these islands, who represents the royal person of your majesty by virtue of the royal patronage. various controversies regarding this having arisen, and answers on the part of the archbishop, this audiencia continually overlooked his actions that they might avoid a rupture with him, as your majesty will see by the documents that accompany this. since it is most expedient that in the future he should be restrained from issuing such decrees, and that scandals should not become necessary, we beseech your majesty that, after having examined this matter, you will take such action as is expedient for your royal service. [_in the margin_: "santa potençiana. take this clause in the process cited to the reporter." "elsewhere provided for."] on two voyages from nueva españa don diego de çamudio manrique has come to these islands as admiral and commander. he has enjoyed our entire confidence, and has discharged his duties to the entire satisfaction of all in these islands; nor has anyone ever said anything about him other than that he is a good servant of your majesty. all this, and the great ability displayed by him in so few years, constrain us to make this representation to your majesty, as we have no authority to reward him. may the lord protect the catholic person of your majesty. july 19, 1604. in session. [_in the margin_: "recommendation of don diego çamudio manrique, telling how meritorious he is, and how worthy to receive reward."] _don pedro de acuña_ the licentiate _don antonio de ribera maldonado_ the licentiate _tellez almaçan_ the licentiate _andres de alcaraz_ the licentiate _manuel de madrid y luna_ decrees regarding religious orders sire: the order of the recollects of st. augustine [32] desire to be established in the indias, and have entreated your majesty to order that permission be given therefor, and that several religious may go for that purpose, and to preach the gospel, to nueva españa, the philippinas islands, and china. this request having been examined in the council, it has appeared desirable that--as this concerns the mendicant orders, so highly esteemed, pious and strict in religious observance, and as they can accomplish much good in those regions by their teaching, preaching, and example--your majesty, if such be your will, might give them permission to go to establish themselves in the philippinas islands, where there is most need of ministers of the gospel; and these religious are fitted for so new a country by the poverty and strictness which they profess. valladolid, february 23, 1604. [there are nine signatures, apparently those of councilors.] [_endorsed_: "council of the indias, february 23, 1604. that permission may be given to the augustinian recollects to go to establish themselves in the philippinas." _in a different hand_: "since this order wishes to send religious to the indians, notify the superiors to take care that those who go be learned men, and of mature age."] the king: don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there: in my council of the indias has been examined the clause of a letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo of the church there, a copy of which accompanies this, wherein was recounted the transactions in relation to the taking posession by the religious of the order of st. augustine of a certain chapel of nuestra señora de guia, which had been erected into a parish; and how the friars of the order of st. francis, on their own authority, and without any permission, had established another church in the village of dilao; and the freedom with which the said fathers of st. augustine acted, and the arrogance shown by them in not receiving a visitor of their order. as these are matters that should be carefully looked after, i charge and command you neither to allow nor give opportunity for such irregularities, and to take measures to check and correct them, with the utmost discretion, and by the most expedient means possible, advising me of all that may occur. valladolid, on the third of june of the year one thousand six hundred and four. _i the king_ countersigned by joan de ybarra; signed by the members of the council. [_note at beginning of ms._: "to the governor of the philipinas, directing him to take effective measures to check and correct in future the high-handed proceedings of the augustinian religious. corrected."] the king: most reverend father in christ, the archbishop of manila, and member of my council: a letter from you has been received and examined in my council of the yndias, from which has been learned your advice to the effect that when it is necessary to summon councils to discuss reforms in certain matters, the religious of the orders do not attend them as they should, availing themselves as they do of the privileges which they hold; and that some of them abandon the missions of indians which they have already instructed and baptized, and dispose of and exchange the appurtenances and furniture of the churches where they administer the sacraments. i thank you for the care and zeal for the service of our lord with which you ascertained this, and have given me an account of it. however, in so far as concerns the councils, measures will be taken to have his holiness order a brief to be issued directing the said religious to attend the said councils when the prelates summon them. as for the exchanges and sales of the properties of the churches which you say the teaching religious make, you will check these by the remedies of the law, excommunicating and punishing those who oppose you. accordingly i charge you to do this; and to be watchful for the preservation and instruction of the natives, so that what they need may be furnished to them everywhere, for this is the principal thing that should be looked to by all the ministers of the gospel. valladolid, on the thirtieth day of july in the year one thousand six hundred and four. _i the king_ countersigned by joan de ybarra; signed by the members of the council. [_note at beginning of ms._: "reply to the archbishop of manila in regard to stopping the bartering and sale of church furniture by the religious who give instruction."] grant to the jesuit seminary at cebu sire: i pedro chirino, of the society of jesus, and procurator thereof for the philipinas, affirm that the said society, as a result of its desire that there may be in these islands persons who during their youth may engage in exercises of virtue, to the end that letters may flourish there, founded a residence [_colegio_] in the city of el santissimo nombre de jesus eight years ago; [33] and that in it there are such religious as are needed for the purpose not only of teaching religion to the natives, but also of giving instruction in reading and writing to their children and to the spanish children; and that also latin is studied there--from all of which great good has resulted to the natives, as well as to the spaniards. since the country is very poor, and since the said residence has no income, it suffers from great need; and in order that the said residence may advance and may be able to carry on these laudable exercises in learning still further, and may include the study of other subjects of knowledge, i offer my petition to your majesty that you will be pleased to bestow a gift of one thousand pesos of annual income for the support of the said religious who regularly reside therein for the said purpose, charged against the royal treasury of mexico or against the proceeds of the saleable offices which are received there. _father pedro chirino_ i offer my petition to your majesty that you will make a grant against the following sources of income: in the first place, against the royal treasury of mexico, and especially against the saleable offices; against the royal treasury of manila; against the dues collected on the merchandise brought to manila by the chinese and japonese; against the tributes collected from the chinese in the island of manila; against the dues and tributes collected from the chinese in cebu and oton; against the indians who are assigned to the royal crown, so long as funds remain in the treasury of the fourth. [34] the camara [_i.e._, council]; let this be now examined. at valladolid, january 14, 1605. the licentiate _alonzo fernandez de castro_ i, pedro chirino, of the society of jesus and procurator thereof for the philipinas, affirm, in the name of the residence of the said society in the city of santo nombre de jesus, that when your majesty had examined the official reports conveyed in letters from the royal audiencia of manila and from the bishop of the said city of santo nombre de jesus, and the _ex parte_ statement made at the request of the said residence, your majesty decreed that the matter should be considered at the present time. since the present necessity of the residence is so urgent, as appears from the documents presented, and since the service which it will perform to our lord god and to your majesty is so great, provided that the grant desired for the said residence shall be given, i supplicate your majesty anew to be pleased to consider again the documents which in virtue of a royal decree of your majesty were made and have been presented. from the four statements of testimony officially presented, will plainly appear the care and attention with which the religious of the said society have attended and do attend to the administration of the holy sacraments, and to preaching and hearing confessions, not only from the spaniards of the said city of el santo nombre de jesus but from the natives and sangleys. they give their assistance in all the necessities of the people, both spiritual and temporal, with special care; and the said residence has schools in which their children are not only taught to read and write, but also receive instruction in good morals and habits, and, for all those who desire it, in latin also. there are many students, from whose education and instruction results much good and advantage to all that country. at the same time, the aforesaid residence is very poor, since it has no fixed income to sustain it. the result is that it suffers great need; and if it receives no assistance there is no doubt that the necessity in which it at present is will be increased, since the country is very poor, and the gifts which are made to it are extremely small. at the same time the expenses are heavy; and it is now housed in a very small, old, wooden building, which at the present time is decaying and is in great need of repairs. the members of the said society receive for the masses, administration of the sacraments, preaching, reading and all their other ministries to their fellow-men nothing whatever, but do all these things gratis. it should further be observed that the citizens of the said city of santo nombre de jesus are few and very poor, and are unable to aid the said religious with any gifts or alms. in addition to the aforesaid affirmations, which are contained in the official evidence, there are other statements in the _ex parte_ testimony in which the same things are said by twelve witnesses, one of whom is bishop don fray pedro de agurto. besides the above, he has written a letter, which is enclosed herewith, in which he declares as an eye-witness the great service done to our lord god in those regions by religious of the aforesaid society; and the great value of their residence there, from which great profit results to the said city and all that province of cebu, distant from manila one hundred and fifty leguas by sea. this said residence is, as it were, a nursery and asylum for all the missions and centers of teaching that are under the charge of the aforesaid society in that province. there are two letters from the royal audiencia in which they state that which they consider necessary to relieve the wants of the aforesaid residence, and the excellent use to which such a grant would be put. i pray your majesty that, in view of these considerations, this favor may be granted, by giving commands that a regular income of two thousand ducados of eight reals may be allowed, as has been requested, for the support of the religious who reside therein. the aforesaid sum is to be charged against the royal treasury of mexico, from the proceeds of offices which are sold, deposited therein; and therewith the society will receive a great grace from your majesty. _father pedro chirino_ granted by the camara, may 26, 1607: the licentiate _alonzo fernandez de castro_ decree regulating commerce with nueva españa the king: the king my lord and father (may he rest in peace!) by various decrees prohibited trade and commerce of the western indias with the philipinas islands and china generally, to obviate the loss that resulted therefrom to these kingdoms and to their trade and commerce; and he ordered and commanded that no vessel whatsoever should go from the provinces of peru, tierra firme, guatimala, or any other part of the western indias, to the said kingdoms of china and the philipinas islands, under the penalties which were for that purpose imposed. but further, considering the importance of the preservation of the parts of those lands that are reduced to our obedience and to the christian faith (which had been established there), and likewise for the greater extension of the gospel and of our holy catholic faith, he allowed and gave permission for two ships to go each year from nueva españa to the said philipinas islands, each of three hundred toneladas, in which were to be conveyed reënforcements of troops and other things necessary, and the goods for trade which were to come thence to nueva españa, and which were shipped on account of the royal exchequer; the cost of sending these ships was to be taken from the freight-moneys for the goods, and the quantity and value of the goods freighted each year was not to exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of eight reals, nor the return in money five hundred thousand for principal and profit, this trade being restricted to the citizens of the said philipinas islands. all the said goods must be consumed in the said nueva españa, or brought to these kingdoms; and in no case might they be taken to peru nor to any other part of the indias, [35] under the penalties imposed for such violation, as more fully explained in the decrees cited, to which we refer. although it has been ordered by other decrees at various times that these should be observed and complied with, i have been informed that this has nut been done, and that the quantity allowed has been and is being greatly exceeded in the amount taken each year, with the knowledge and permission of my viceroys, audiencias, and governors--goods to the extent of more than two millions of ducats being registered and openly sent, besides what is secretly shipped. all this money finally makes it way into infidel kingdoms, whereby their power is increased; and from this have resulted great losses to our exchequer and to the commerce of these kingdoms with the western indias. those chiefly interested in this trade are the citizens of nueva españa, peru, and other provinces; they have taken the said merchandise there against the provisions and commands of the said decrees, and the warnings sent to the said viceroys, audiencias, and governors, and the measures that have been and are now being taken are not sufficient to prevent these violations. as the correction of these lawless acts and a remedy for the greater injuries that may be expected, are of so great importance and moment (all these difficulties having been represented to me), and as i have been petitioned by the prior and consuls of the mercantile corporation of sevilla, and other persons who are zealous in behalf of my service that, in order to stop this, i should command the entire prohibition also of the trade of the said nueva españa with the said philipinas islands: having discussed and considered this in my royal council of the indias, and consultations being held on all that should be considered in this matter, as it appears that they desire to prevent and avert future losses, and likewise aim to secure the preservation and growth of the christian religion in the said islands, and the neighboring kingdoms, wherein the service of our lord is so greatly concerned, i have decided that for the present the trade and commerce of the said philipinas islands with nueva españa should be maintained according to the ordinances; that the quantity of merchandise which may be carried each year from the philipinas islands to nueva españa is by no means to exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of eight reals, as is provided; and the return of principal and profit in money is not to exceed five hundred thousand pesos, which i have permitted. for no pretext, cause, or reason to be alleged therefore is this to be exceeded, and the traders in every case must be citizens of the said philipinas islands, and none others whatsoever, as is likewise ordered by the royal decrees of the king my lord, and under the penalties therein provided. these i command to be executed without fail against the trangressors, without there being any exemption or excuse. further, in order that this may be better accomplished, and to remove the opportunities for shipping a great deal of merchandise, and likewise that the crews may go and come in safety, it is my will and i permit that there be four ships in this trade, each of two hundred toneladas burden, and no more; and they shall be my vessels, and shall sail on my account, two each year; and the others shall remain in port making ready for the voyage of the succeeding year, as is ordered--for in this way they will sail at the proper time, without waiting for one another; nor shall they exceed this number and capacity. these ships shall be built expressly for that route, of the said size and of the required strength, on account of the inconveniences that have heretofore resulted from the ships being large and having been navigated on the account of private persons, in whose charge they were placed--which last must without fail cease. furthermore, in order to avoid such large expenses as have hitherto been incurred on that route, owing to the large number of agents and officials who have gone in the ships thereon, it is my will and command that from now on there shall be only one commander of the two ships, and one lieutenant, who shall be admiral. each vessel shall take not more than one captain of war, besides the ship-master, and there may be as many as fifty effective soldiers in each ship, drawing pay; and the sailors who shall be necessary to go and return. these shall be kept under discipline, that they may be effective and practiced. there shall be two examined pilots and one assistant pilot for each vessel, of the necessary qualifications. for the present, and until further orders, i desire, and it is my will, that since the property to be traded will be that of the citizens of those philipinas islands, all these officials--commander, lieutenant, captains, masters, and pilots--shall be appointed by my governor and captain-general of the said philipinas islands and the archbishop of manila, the present or the future incumbents of those offices, notwithstanding that they have heretofore been appointed and furnished by my viceroy of nueva españa; and him i command to cease doing this from now on. if the said governor and archbishop do not agree in this selection, i command that they shall join with them the senior auditor of the audiencia, and the decision of the majority of these shall be carried into effect. the persons appointed for these offices shall be chosen among the principal and honored citizens of the said islands, and the fittest to be found for the duties that they must perform. they shall give securities in the form and amount that may seem best to the said governor and archbishop, for the greater security of what may be in their charge. their residencias shall be taken for each voyage by the auditors of my said audiencia of manila; and i command that they shall not be allowed to make a second voyage until they shall have given the said residencia, and account satisfactorily for what was in their charge. as i have been informed that there have been many infractions and irregularities during past years on the part of the commanders, admirals, and officers of the said ships, in the matter of carrying money and bringing back great quantities of merchandise on their own behalf; and that they have caused serious grievances to the traders, especially to the citizens of the said islands: for the present i forbid and prohibit them in any case to trade or traffic, or to occupy or lade the said ships during the voyage made in their charge, in small or great quantity, under their own or any other name, in any article whatsoever; nor shall a single tonelada be assigned to them, as to the other citizens; nor can they buy or take from others any space for freight--under penalty of a perpetual deprivation of the said offices on the trade-route, and confiscation of the goods which they may have laded, carried, or taken, which on investigation may be found to be theirs. i consider it well, and so decree, that, in order that the said officials may be maintained according to their station and the obligations of their offices, there shall be give to the said commander a salary of four thousand ducats, and to the admiral three thousand, for each voyage out and back. and i permit and allow the said governor and archbishop to give to the captains, soldiers, sailors, and artillerymen who shall go in the said ships for each voyage, the wages that they may assign as their earnings, and as just, for the said voyage; for to these no more [than to their superiors] shall permission be given to lade, or cause to be laded, merchandise in quantities small or great, under the said penalties. and as it has been understood that in the past more commanders than necessary have been appointed for the ships on the said route, and they have carried in the posts of artillerymen and sailors many who were not such, it is my will that this should cease and be corrected henceforth; and that for each piece of artillery that the ships carry, there shall go one artilleryman, and no more, nor shall wages be paid to superfluous men. and in order that there may be the fitting account and regularity in all things, all proceedings shall be conducted equitably and with great precision in the matters ordered. it is my will and command that there shall be in the said vessels, and sail with them, an inspector and an accountant, to keep account and system in everything. and they shall inspect the articles laded as merchandise, and carried back on return in the said ships, and account for them in their books. the said inspector and accountant shall be appointed by the governor and archbishop in the same maner as they select the commander, admiral and other officers, and with the same intervention of the senior auditor of the audiencia in case they do not agree. they shall take care that these be persons of approved qualifications, satisfactory, and worthy of confidence; and shall assign them such salary as may appear sufficient and just, provided that it does not exceed two thousand ducats a year to each man for each voyage, for they must not ship goods [for themselves] either little or much, under the penalties provided for the commander and admiral. and the said inspector and accountant must sail, one in the commander's ship and the other in the admiral's ship, alternating each voyage. the said governor and archbishop shall give them the instructions and plan which they must follow on the voyage, and they must give residencia like the other officers of the said fleet, before they embark again for another voyage; and the consciences of the said governor and archbishop are charged with the selection and appointment of all the said ministers and officials. and since, on account of the overloading of the vessels which thus far have plied on the said philipinas route, we have seen that many have been wrecked, with the men and goods which they contained, and as it is fitting that this be remedied and prevented, we command that in future care be taken that the tonnage to be carried in the said ships shall be conformable to their capacity, leaving the space necessary for the men who sail in them, and the supplies they take--which must be sufficient so that in case of the lengthening of the voyage, for any cause which may arise, the men may not perish for lack of them. great care should be taken that they be not overloaded or encumbered, so as to put them in danger of wreck or some misfortune; on the contrary, they should be lightly laden, and in such manner as will secure their safety against storms or enemies that may be encountered. the tonnage which, as aforesaid, is to be laden in them shall be allotted by my governor, the archbishop of manila, the senior auditor and the fiscal of my said audiencia, and two regidora of the cabildo of the said city of manila, among the citizens of the said islands who may have property to invest. this allotment shall be made in the most equitable manner, and without aggrieving anyone (as we are confident they will do), for it is just that all should enjoy this benefit and convenience for their maintenance and benefit; and their object should likewise be that the country be peopled with useful colonists, such as will remain there. i also command that my viceroy of nueva españa and the governor of the said philipinas islands, each so far as this concerns him, shall moderate and regulate the freight charges to be paid on what is laded in the said ships on their voyages to and fro, according to the expenses thereof--conformably to the reduction that is made in the tonnage of the said ships and the number of men who are to sail in them, and the other expenses incurred--in such manner that no superfluous or unnecessary expenses shall be incurred (but not so that necessaries or conveniences shall be lacking), and that it shall not be necessary to supply anything from my exchequer for the expenditures for the said fleet. for this reason the duties now levied and collected on the merchandise shall be raised two per cent, and that on silver another two per cent, by way of avería [36] as is done on that carried from the indias via the northern sea in the fleets and armed vessels; for this is conformable to the profits of those that trade in the said philipinas route. the proceeds of this shall be a special fund, with a separate account carefully kept, in the said city of manila, to be used for the expenses contracted for the said ships and their crews; with this shall be placed the freight charges which may be collected conformably to the order which will be given, as has hitherto been done; and in all things the necessary order and system must be maintained by the said accountant and inspector, and by my royal officials of the said philipinas islands. i charge and command my viceroys of nueva españa, both present and future, to take especial care in the accomplishment and execution of all the foregoing; and to station in the port of acapulco, besides the royal officials who are now there, a person of great integrity, trustworthiness, and competence, with a commission as alcalde-mayor, so that this decree may be suitably enforced in all respects; and no more money may be carried [in the ships] than the amount permitted, whether with or without license. in the said port the registers of all that is brought from the said philipinas islands shall be opened by the person to whom that duty is entrusted by my viceroy and by the officials of my royal exchequer at the said port of acapulco. they shall also together inspect and check off the bales and chests, with the scrutiny and care necessary to ascertain what has come without registry and contrary to permission. the said registers are to be sent to mexico, as usual, with the results of the investigations made in the said port of acapulco, by a person of integrity or by one of my said officials. in mexico everything shall be again checked off, and appraised; and the duties that belong to me shall be collected and proper measures shall be taken to ascertain and learn what has come registered, and whatever shall be found to have come without registry, and whatever is carried contrary to the said prohibition, shall be confiscated: but no permission or opportunity shall be given for committing, in this procedure, or under pretext or occasion thus afforded, any injury or act of injustice against the owners of the said property. and i command that the same care be taken at the port of acapulco in examining the royal silver and other articles which may be embarked and carried to the said philipinas islands. the royal officials of the said port shall take account of them, and shall inform my governor thereof and the royal officials of the said islands, sending them the registers, and giving them all necessary information. as the majority of the persons who go every year from nueva españa to the said islands do not remain there, but return immediately, investing what money they possess, i command my viceroy of nueva españa to give permission to no one to go to the philipinas islands, unless such person shall give securities that he will become a citizen and resident there for more than eight years, or unless he shall go as a soldier, sent to the governor; and against those who violate this decree, and their bondsmen, he shall execute the necessary penalties without fail. and as it is my will that all the aforesaid should be complied with, observed and executed inviolably, as also the decrees which were ordered to be despatched by the king my lord, which are hereinbefore mentioned, concerning the said trade, in so far as they are not contrary to what is decreed and ordered, i command my viceroy of the said nueva spaña and my governor and captain-general of the said philipinas islands, and my audiencias there, and my other judges and magistrates, and all private persons whomsoever--each in so far as concerns him--to observe and comply with, and cause to be observed and complied with this decree, with exactness, and to execute the said penalties without any exemption or remission. and in all cases of remissness or carelessness which these my ministers shall display in the fulfilment and execution of the said orders, i command that the penalties be executed against them, and the example which the affair demands shall be made; for this reason i command that, when the residencias of their offices shall be taken, they shall be made responsible for such matters. and that these commands may come to the notice of all, and none may pretend ignorance of them, i command that this my decree be publicly proclaimed. issued at valladolid, on the last of december of the year one thousand six hundred and four. _i the king_ countersigned by _pedro de ledesma_; signed by the council. [_note at beginning of ms._: "your majesty's decision and mandates concerning the trade of the philipinas islands with nueva españa. corrected."] documents of 1605 complaints against the chinese. miguel de benavides, and others; february 3-9. letter from a chinese official to acuña. march. letters from augustinian friars to felipe iii. estevan carrillo, and others; may 4-june 20. letter to felipe iii. antonio de ribera maldonado; june 28. _source_: all of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first and fourth are translated by robert w. haight; the second and third, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin. complaints against the chinese in the city of manila, on the third day of the month of february in the year one thousand six hundred and five, the most reverend señor don fray miguel de benavides, archbishop of these islands, member of the council of the king our lord, etc., declared that, since the uprising of the chinese sangleys who were formerly settled in this city, in a market [_alcayçeria_], or large town (which they call parian) that was situated there, the said parian and town has been commanded to be built, and has now been built anew, and is at this time again peopled with the said infidel sangleys. the said sangleys are infidels and idolaters, and a most pernicious and injurious people to be settled among the christian natives, newly converted to our holy catholic faith; for the said infidel sangleys are most vicious, both with women and in an unnatural manner, and are extremely liberal in spending money for their purposes and desires, and artful and crafty for every form of evil. moreover, these indian men and women of these islands, especially those of the neighborhod of manila, are very easily persuaded to carnal sins, in short, as natives of so hot and humid a climate; although it is a crime against nature, this they do not know, and in some regions did not even have a word for it in their language, until these infidel chinese made this sin known to them. these native indian men and women are very greedy, and as they are but lately made christians, and are not thoroughly instructed, a great many of them find it very easy to leave not only christian morals, but even the catholic faith as well, and embrace the superstitions and rites which the idolatrous infidels desire to teach them. likewise--and this is very important, considering the state of the faith here, and upon what depends the peace and preservation of these islands (namely, the faith in god and obedience to the king our lord), and the extreme danger and peril in which these infidel sangleys placed us in the previous year of one thousand six hundred and three, in the month of october, from which we were delivered only by the mercy and infinite power of god, by which alone we could be freed--their desire to slaughter all of us spaniards, and to make themselves masters of this kingdom, is much inflamed now at seeing so many thousands as were here of their fathers, sons, brothers, and kinsmen, and of their friends and countrymen, slain; and how so great an amount of their property here was destroyed. with this so open enmity, hatred, and thirst for vengeance so aroused, they will seek, great in cunning and craft as they are, to sow discord between us spaniards and the indian natives of these islands, and separate us, mind and heart. for this purpose they promise and give them articles of value; for of all known people they best understand how to bribe, and they will contrive to know all secrets. and all this they can easily accomplish, if they succeed in maintaining dishonorable carnal intercourse with the indian men and women. to stop all this, there is no other means out to send all the said infidel sangleys out of this city, and give them only a place to live and dwell in during the two or three months of april, may, and june, while the trading and lading for nueva españa is being carried on; or, if it seems best to his majesty, to give license to a few of them, even though they be such cruel and open enemies of him and of god; and to give an order that no indians, men or women, shall settle near them, but shall remain at a considerable distance from the settlement or market where these infidel sangleys may dwell. his most reverend lordship, considering these things from the point of view of a person who has known the sangleys so many years, is acquainted with their language and customs, has been in that country of china for a long time, and has noticed that since the said rebellion and war which the said sangleys set on foot and waged against us, some of the natives have made a settlement on a part of the site where the market and parian formerly stood, in which dwelt these infidel sangleys; and that the new settlement of the said natives adjoins the new market and parian which has been erected for the said infidel sangleys, in which they now are, and at present dwell. the said natives are so near to the said infidel sangleys, that it is not more than a rivulet, no wider than a narrow street, that separates them; and it has a foot-bridge of timbers, which affords passage from one side to the other. and even this is not the only evil and danger, but as the said parian of the said infidels is midway between manila and the said new settlement of the natives, every time when those indian men or women have to come to this city, they must do so by passing through the street of the said parian of the said infidel sangleys; and at morning, noon, and night the latter can securely plan and execute all their misdeeds. what is perhaps the worst is, that from birth the indians of this country, men and women, grow up in the water, bathing and swimming. the said sangleys see them naked in the said creek, or at best in the river which is there, close to both districts. what with this unavoidable chance for caressing them, and particularly for attracting the boys with fruits and other little presents, they must draw them into their own vices. this is particularly so as these boys actually go upon the bank in the district of the infidel sangleys, and there disport, and enjoy themselves; and they are usually naked, or, if dressed, they are almost the same as naked. it is very noticeable with these sangley people that they intermix with any other people who are here, in a very singular fashion; for at once they intermarry with the women of these nations, adopt their customs, and live like indians. these are not the only evils connected with the said settlement of the said natives remaining there, but there are even other injuries, perhaps greater, at any rate as great. one is that the said settlement and district of these said indian natives is very close to another district and market, that of the japonese, so near that they are only about a stone's throw from each other; and the japonese are fully as bad as the sangley infidels, both on the score of the infamous sin, and as concerns the need of protecting ourselves from them as from enemies. for on the banner that the infidel sangleys raised when they rebelled and made the late war against us, so endangering us, there were written chinese letters, which declared the sangleys to be friends of the japonese; and in the rebellion about sixteen years ago, when the former royal audiencia of these islands commanded and caused to be executed don agustin and don martin panga, indian chiefs from tondo, they found a japonese implicated in the plots and the rebellion, and hanged him in the plaza here at manila. there is no one that does not know the well-founded rumors and suspicions that have been afloat to the effect that the king of japon wished to come against this city. it is likewise a matter of importance that these natives of this new village and district before mentioned, neither sow grain nor have lands for that purpose, but can only act as peddlers and wanderers; and as such, must be ready for any ill deed, especially if there be profit in it--as there will be, and that a great one, as has been pointed out. his most reverend lordship, considering that he stood alone, has done his utmost to persuade the lord governor of these islands, don pedro de acuña, to provide a remedy for an evil so greatly developed (or rather for so many evils), by removing the said natives from the vicinity of the said infidel sangleys; but the said lord governor would not do it. when his most reverend lordship commenced to point out the great evils attendant on having the said natives so near the said infidel sangleys, the remedy was easy and without difficulty; for the said district and settlement of natives had but just begun, and they had not even commenced to build the new parian of the infidel sangleys. thus, each day the said settlement grows larger, and its destruction grows every day more difficult; and later it will be a greater damage to the said natives to remove them. therefore his most reverend lordship, desiring to check so enormous sins, and to avert the so evident dangers from them, and the destruction and end of this kingdom--both in faith and morals, and in loyalty to the king our lord--commanded and commands that there be drawn and received an investigation of the said matter, to seek and apply the remedy, if in justice and right that be fitting; and that the witnesses received shall declare the truth in all matters, under oath, and under penalty of major excommunication, _late sententia, ipso facto_, incurring [_word illegible in ms._] canonical admonition and [_word illegible_]--as only this said penalty and oath will secure secrecy so that they will not tell that they were cited for this purpose, or what they declared, or any part thereof, or that this investigation is being made, or anything concerning or touching the matter. accordingly i so provide, command, and sign; and they shall declare, under the said oath and penalty, not only whether there have not been infidel sangleys here, since his lordship has taken up this matter of separating these natives from the said infidel sangleys in the district of the said parian; but likewise whether they were not living there in the said quarter of the said natives, until his most reverend lordship was constrained to make known the truth, and cause them to be removed from the place--for it had already become an intolerable thing, in the sight of any man whatsoever. _fray miguel_, archbishop of manila. by command of his most reverend lordship: _francisco de carranca_ in the city of manila, on the fifth day of february in the year one thousand six hundred and five, his most reverend lordship, don fray miguel de venavides, archbishop of this said city, caused to appear before him the canon pablo ruiz de talavera, cura for the natives of this city, from whom he took and received oath _in verbis sacerdotis_, placing his hand upon his breast. having done this, he swore to tell the truth; and being questioned after the tenor of the caption of this document, declared that this is what he knows, and what is occurring. after the uprising and rebellion of the sangleys which occurred on the fourth of october in the previous year of six hundred and three, as the settlement and parian built by the said sangleys was burned--which stood outside the walls of this city, at about an arquebus-shot from them, where the first houses began--all the site on which the said sangleys had thus settled was abandoned. as it was thus depopulated, several indian natives of this country, with some servants of captain and sargento-mayor christoval de asqueta, settled in several houses close by and adjoining the said site of the parian, so that there is nothing but a creek between (so small that at low tide it is almost dry), with a wooden bridge; and on the further side, a stone's throw more or less, is the site of the parian of the sangley merchants (or _auhaes_), where the xaponese are at present settled. this witness, as a person who has been in this country more than thirty years, and who is an interpreter of the natives, knows that the said sangleys are a very pernicious people, and are cunning in all evil. they are especially so in the unnatural sin, which they practice commonly among themselves, and likewise with women, with whom they commit the same sin. for this they are very generous, and readily give bribes for the fulfilment of their desires. likewise he knows that the natives, especially those of this district, are very vicious, and the indian women very facile and unchaste in regard to offending god. moreover, among themselves they never knew of the unnatural sin, and they had no word or name for it, nor would they know of it, until these chinese came to this country; and from them they have learned it. further, this witness knows that indeed these said natives are but lately converted to our holy catholic faith, and therefore are easily approachable; for they easily give up not only the good morals that have been taught them by the ministers of the gospel, but likewise our holy catholic faith, that has been taught them with so much pains, and is being taught them from day to day. and if they communicate and have dealings with the chinese, it will be an easy matter to persuade them to abandon their obedience to his majesty, as they did when the said sangleys rebelled in the previous year of six hundred and three, when the chinese gardeners of the village of huiapo, where this witness holds a benefice, persuaded many indians to rise in rebellion with them, saying that they were good people and the spaniards bad. and the said indians, not wishing to fall with them, gave information to this witness, as their cura, which he communicated at length to his most reverend lordship, bringing the indians to him so that they might tell him. and shortly after this the sangleys rebelled, and placed this city in so great straits that if god our lord had not miraculously delivered us, they would have killed all the spaniards, and remained in possession of the country; and the catholic faith would have perished here, which has cost so much to the king our lord for its establishment and support. owing to the loss of life inflicted on them so justly at that time, they have become irritated, both those who remained alive, who now maintain the new parian--which has been built on a part of the site of the old one, close to the village of indians above referred to--and likewise those that live in great china, where their brothers and kinsmen are. these also had a part of their property burned. and this witness knows that the said chinese are a people full of craft in all they undertake, and that they can in one way or another turn the mind to any rebellion or uprising. this witness heard ensign christoval gomez--who was sent as ambassador to the province of myndanao by the governor of these islands, don pedro de acuña, and who came back to this city--say concerning a ship of infidel chinese, which was in myndanao and came armed to the port of this city, where it at present is, that the infidel chinese of this ship while they were in mindanao persuaded the said people of mindanao to come to these islands in an armed fleet, encouraged them to do this, and gave them many supplies of war, catans, and metal to make artillery, powder, and battle-axes; and the said ensign added, to this witness, that these chinese were great rascals, and that they ought all to be in the galleys. further, he told this witness that they did not come to the port of this city of their own will, but were forced to it by winds; and that another vessel had gone to the island of xolo for the same reason. and, both, for this and on account of the hatred they bear for us, this witness knows that they will do all in their power to stir up the indians against us--which will be easy for them, with the bribes that they give the indians; and easier still if they have committed the crime against nature with them, and with their women. and it appears to this witness that there is no other remedy than to drive the chinese out of the country, and allow them here only during the three months of the year while their trade lasts, and then let them go back to their own country. and if it should appear best to his majesty to give permission to some few of them to remain in this land, he should order that no indian men or women be settled near them, or near the market where dwell the infidel sangleys. and this witness knows that his most reverend lordship is considered to know the language and customs of the chinese, having been acquainted with them for many years past, and that he has spent a considerable time there in china. he also knows that the indians of the village above mentioned are so close to the new parian of the chinese that they must pass through it in going and coming, when they are obliged to come to this city; and there they have opportunity to talk with the said sangleys, to concoct their misdeeds and sins. this witness knows that the said houses and village of the natives, as has been said, are also near the parian of the japonese, a pernicious people, who, like the sangleys, do great harm through practice of the infamous sin; and they are a more restless and warlike people than the said sangleys. they have always been threatening this country with war, and they have molested it and its coasts by their ships, with which they come to plunder; and they bring sangleys as pilots and sailors. in a native rebellion organized sixteen years ago by certain indians, at which time several chiefs who were implicated were executed, they were in communication with the japonese, and one japonese was hanged. this witness likewise knows that at the time when the sangleys rebelled, in the said past year of six hundred and three, there was taken from them a banner, with an inscription in the characters which they use, which was examined and read by one who understood it; and he said that in the said inscription the said chinese declared themselves friends of the xaponese. besides, it is easy to see the loss that would result from the intercourse of these natives with the said xaponese and chinese. and this witness knows (for he was present and saw it) that at the time when they were commencing to rebuild the parian of the said sangleys there were present his most reverend lordship, with the president and all the auditors of this royal audiencia, the regidors, and many other persons, on the site of the parian--at which time they were considering its rebuilding, it being on the first anniversary of the burning of the said parian, which was on the sixth of october of the said year six hundred and three. this witness saw that the lord archbishop opposed it, saying that it was inexpedient to build it for many reasons, until an account of them had been given to his majesty. and finally he called to this witness, and said to him that those houses of the indians--pointing out to him the said village above mentioned--would better be moved back and taken from that place; for it was not good that they should remain there, and particularly when they were considering putting sangleys so near. this was heard by the lord governor, don pedro de acuña, and other persons who were there. and this witness knows that on that same day the lord governor and both the cabildos, the secular and ecclesiastical, were in the church of san andres, where mass was being chanted in honor of the patron saints of this city, in thanksgiving for their aid, which, on such a day as this, had given us victory over the chinese; and the said lord archbishop preached, and in the sermon discoursed at length concerning the inadvisability of a second parian, owing to the many offenses against god there committed, and the great danger in which it would again place this city. notwithstanding this and other measures which the said lord archbishop took in the matter--such as sending to tell the lord governor, don pedro de acuña, with captain pedro de ortega, alcalde-in-ordinary of this city, that this village of the natives should be removed, as it was so near to the parian, in order to avoid the offenses that would there be committed against god our lord--so far as he has learned, they have not up to the present day removed the said village. and this witness knows that in the said village of the said natives, there was a house of sangleys, in which this witness saw three sangleys; for this witness, as cura of the natives of this city, was commanded by his most reverend lordship to investigate their way of life, and see whether there were any infidel sangleys among them. in compliance with what his most reverend lordship commanded, he went to the said village, with señor geronimo de alcaraz, and both together saw the said three infidel sangleys, who were living there; and, when asked how long they had been living there, they answered "three months." likewise this witness asked the indians of the said village and another indian--a chief from mindoro, who frequently went to the said village--whether there had been more sangleys. they answered that as many as six other sangleys had lived there, in this said indian village, for more than two months. this witness knows further that, by a strenuous effort made by the said archbishop, the said chinese were removed from the said village. this procedure was public, as was also the fact that the said archbishop had informed señor don pedro de acuña, governor of these islands, that the chinese were among these indians, and that the said lord governor sent to investigate this an ensign of the guard, who returned and told the said lord governor that the said sangleys were not there; or at any rate the said governor so understood the said ensign. but as the lord archbishop was certain of the truth, he told the said lord governor, in the presence of all the people, that they were deceiving him, and that the said infidel sangleys were among the said natives of the said village. as the lord governor was not yet satisfied, he himself went in person to the said parian, and, from the bank of the stream, called for the sangleys who were living in the said village with the natives; immediately the said three infidel sangleys came into the presence of the said lord governor. this witness asked them how long they had been there, and they answered that they had been there three months, and had come from çebu. this was heard by the lord governor, who was present, and by other persons who were accompanying him. then the said lord governor ordered the said sangleys to leave the said village straightway. and the said village of the said natives is, at this very day, as has been said, in the danger explained in the document heading these proceedings, and in this statement and declaration. and this is the truth, by the oath he has taken, which he affirmed, ratified, and signed; and he says that he is about thirty-five years of age. _fray miguel_, archbishop of manila. _pablo ruiz de talavera_ before me: _francisco de carranca_, notary. [on the ninth of february of the year one thousand six hundred and five, the archbishop caused to appear before him for the said investigation, the canon diego de leon, who, having been sworn in the manner before described, made a declaration in every way similar to that of the preceding witness. he mentioned as an instance of the bad faith of the chinese, the death of gomez perez das mariñas, and the many good soldiers that they then killed. below the formal closing of the declaration, but before the signature, he adds the following to his testimony:] this witness further says that in his opinion, if the infidel sangleys were to come only for purposes of trade to these islands, and none of them were to remain here, the kingdom of china would be altogether friendly toward us for the sake of our trade; and if none of them remained here, the spaniards would have no occasion to injure them, and they would not have time to acquire influence over these natives, who are quick at learning a new language, and are excellent soldiers, shooting even better than do the spaniards with arquebuses, and possessing very good weapons. _fray miguel_, archbishop of manila. _diego de leon_ before me: _francisco de carranca_, notary. i, francisco de carranca, canon of this holy church of manila, appointed notary by his lordship, by his command caused this copy of this information to be made from the original, which was drawn before me, and remains in the archives of the notary-public of this archbishopric. it is a certain and true copy, to the best of my knowledge, and i refer to the original. witness its copying, correcting, and comparison, thomas de cardenas and juan camacho de el hello, residents of this city of manila, where it is dated, on to the seventh of july of the year one thousand six hundred and five. _francisco de carrança_, notary. [we append to this document the following affidavit:] sworn statement to the effect that there are sangleys in manila in the present year 1605. in the city of manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of june in the year one thousand six hundred and five, the schoolmaster don luis de salinas, whom i affirm that i know, declared that it was necessary for expediency's sake that i, francisco davila, notary of the king our lord, should testify on oath that today, on the said day here given, there live, exist, and reside infidel sangleys in the houses of the citizens of manila, or in some of them. it should be known that they are in the house of the master-of-camp pedro de chaves, and in the house of the master-of-camp augustin de arceo, who is at present exercising the said office and military rank in this camp--and the said houses form one side of the palace, and front on the plaza de armas--and in the houses of the dean don juan de bivero and those of antonio de spinosa, which are on the plaza of this said city; and in a number of others belonging to the most prominent citizens--that is, those of the highest life and rank in the city. the said notary requested me to give the said testimony, and by these presents i ask that there be witnesses, that i the said francisco de avila, give my word and truthful testimony that i have seen today, on the said date, the said sangleys in the said houses, selling their merchandise and being present therein as if in their own homes. and in accordance with the said request i have given these presents in the said city of manila on the said day, month, and year, being witnesses thereto the prebendary tomas de cardenas, antonio baçan, and alonso cano, residents in manila. and therefore i have set my seal in witness of the truth. _francisco davila_ we, the notaries who have here signed our names, certify and give faith that francisco de avila, by whom the statement above is signed and sealed, is a royal notary, and to the acts and instruments which have been or are drawn before him full faith and credit are given, in and out of court; and that this may be apparent we have given these presents, in manila, on the sixteenth day of the month, of june in the year one thousand six hundred and five. _bartolome de quesada_, royal notary. _alonzo gomez_, his majesty's notary. _francisco de alanis_, notary-public. letter from a chinese official to acuna (translation of a letter from the inspector-general of chincheo in the kingdom of china, which was received in this year 1605, addressed to don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands. the address is to the great captain-general of luzon. the same letter was sent by the viceroy of chincheo and the eunuch of the same province; and since they are all three identical, without any discrepancy except in the signatures, this copy stands for all of them.) learning that the chinese who went for purposes of trade to the kingdom of luzon have been put to death by the spaniards, i have inquired into the cause of these deaths and have prayed the king that he will do justice upon the person who has been the cause of this great evil, that redress for it may be undertaken and that the merchants may enjoy peace and quietness. some years before i came here as inspector, a sangley, by name tionez, [_sic; sc._ tiognen] [37] went by permission of the king of china with three mandarins to luzon, searching at cabite for gold and silver. the whole thing was a lie, for they found neither gold nor silver; accordingly the king directed this deceiver tionez to be punished, that the strict justice done in china might be known. during the time of the preceding viceroy and eunuch, tiognen and his companion, named yanlion, told this lie; and i, after i came hither, begged the king to have a copy made of all the documents in the case of tiognen, and to command the said tiognen to be brought before him with the record in the case. i myself saw the aforesaid papers and caused him to see that the whole thing had been a deceit uttered by the said tiognen. i wrote to the king declaring that on account of the deceits of the said tiognen the castilians had suspected us of intending to make war upon them; and that on this account they had put to death more than thirty thousand chinese in luzon! the king did as i asked him and therefore punished the said yanglion by ordering him to be killed, and the said tiognen, by commanding his head to be cut off and suspended in a cage. the chinese who were put to death in luzon were innocent, and i with others discussed this matter with the king, that we might learn what was his will in this grave affair. there was also another matter of importance to be considered, which was that two english ships had come to this coast of chincheo, a very dangerous thing for china. this we did that the king might learn what was to be done in these two matters of such importance. we also wrote to the king that his majesty should command the two sangleys who pointed out this port to the english to be punished. after we had written the aforesaid letter to the king he answered us that since english vessels had come to china, they should be commanded to go away immediately to luzon, for fear that they had come for piratical purposes; and that they should carry word to the inhabitants of luzon not to give credit to a deceitful and lying set of chinese, he also commanded the two sangleys who had piloted the english to be immediately executed. as for the other things that we had written to him he declared that our will should be done. immediately, after having received this document, we--the viceroy, the eunuch, and i--sent these documents to the governor of luzon, that his lordship might know the greatness of the king of china and of his realm (for they are so great that he governs everything upon which the moon and the sun shine), and likewise that the governor of luzon may know the great justice with which this vast realm is governed. it is long since anyone has dared to give offense to this kingdom; and although the japonese have endeavored to disturb corea, which is under the government of china, they have been unable to succeed therewith, and have been driven from the said kingdom, and corea has remained in great peace and quiet, as the peoale of luzon know well from what has been told them. [_at the beginning of this paragraph, and on the margin_: "they knew that the english are our friends."] last year, after we learned that, as a result of the deceit of tiognen, so many chinese had been put to death in luzon, many mandarins assembled to agree upon urging the king to take vengeance for all these deaths. we said that the land of luzon was a wretched land of little importance, of old inhabited only by devils and snakes; and that, as a result of the immigration there a few years ago of so many sangleys to trade with the castilians, the country has been enriched to the extent to which the said sangleys have labored therein. they have built the walls, and made houses and gardens, and other things of great advantage to the castilians. nevertheless, the castilians had no consideration for these things, and have felt no gratitude for these good works, but have 60 cruelly slain all those people. although we wrote this statement two or three times to the king, he replied to us that, although he was grieved by what had happened, there were three reasons why we should not avenge ourselves or make war upon luzon. the first was that the castilians had long been friends of the chinese in this region; the second is that it was uncertain who would be victorious, chinese or castilians; and the third and last reason, that the people slain by the castilians were a base people, ungrateful to china, their native country, to their parents, and to their relatives, since so many years had passed during which they had not returned to china. the king said that he did not consider these people of any value, for the aforesaid reasons; and he merely commanded the viceroy, the eunuch, and me to write this letter sent by this ambassador, that the people of luzon may know that the king of china has great kindness, great patience, and great pity, since he has not commanded them to make war against the people of luzon. his justice is plainly to be seen, since he has punished the deceit of tiognen. as the spaniards are a wise and prudent race it must be that they would be grieved for having put so many people to death, and will repent thereof and will show justice to the chinese who have survived. if the castilians show justice to the chinese, send back the sangleys who have survived the war, and pay the money due for the goods taken from the sangleys, there will be amity between this kingdom and that, and merchant vessels will sail there every year. if not, the king will not permit merchant vessels to make the voyage, but will command a thousand vessels of war to be built with a force of soldiers--relatives of the deceased, and inhabitants of the other nations and kingdoms that pay tribute to china; and, without having mercy upon anyone, they will make war, and afterward the kingdom of luzon will be given to that people which will pay tribute to china. [_on the margin_: "those who pay tribute are siang, cochinchina, and corea."] (the letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of the second month, which, according to our reckoning, is march of the [_blank in ms._] year of the reign of bandel. [38] the letter of the eunuch was written on the sixteenth of the same month and year; and that of the viceroy on the twenty-second of the same month and year.) letters from augustinian friars to felipe iii sire: this province of our father st. augustine in the philipinas enjoyed a fortunate and prosperous season as a result of the care, zeal, and strictness in religion of the provincial, who (to my great sorrow) has just completed his term, and was chiefly inspired by the advice, directions, and commands which your majesty has sent us in your letters, all of which have been scrupulously obeyed and respected. during this happy time there returned to this province fray lorenso de leon, [39] a man who after having been provincial here went on business of the province to españa and roma for six years, as your majesty has been fully notified. this father fray lorenso de leon came, then, to disturb all this good, having sought and pursued nothing but his own personal interest and desires, with his notorious vanity and ambition, and having wholly neglected the general advantage of this forgotten province. he arrived last year, one thousand six hundred and four; and up to the present time (our provincial chapter having been held in the interim) his only occupation and efforts have been to bring it about by unfair contrivances that he should attain his own pretensions and advancement, as is evident by the result. in the face of the requisitions and notifications made by our assembly of definitors, he, although he was under solemn oath, concealed the papers and documents which he brought with him, and brought them forward only in this present chapter. these documents, although they were nothing but simple letters from our father-general, were accepted there, in order to avoid contentions and scandals; and accordingly, as they directed, he presided in the chapter as vicar-general, the same authority being valid for all chapters and congregations [of the order] at which he might be present. thus he has taken this ancient and rightful name from our provincials of castilla, to whom it was granted by his holiness; and this without command from your majesty and your royal council, to whom all this is subject. we pray will all humility that such assumption of authority may be permitted to go no further, in order that the evils thus begun in such a decay of this province (of which your majesty will be informed in this letter) may no longer continue. after the majority of the chapter, including those most worthy of confidence, had agreed and determined, for the greater peace and quiet of the chapter, to elect as provincial a deserving religious of the qualifications required by our rules, we proceeded peacefully with the election, until the said father fray lorenso de leon took control of it. although he had no right to be present in spite of his being president, he eagerly seated himself so near the clerk who gave out the blank ballots that, whether by fear or affection, he certainly by this, and with his gestures and signs, being himself a candidate, affected and changed the wills and intentions of some of the electors, contrary to the freedom of the election. moreover, he was present at the counting of the votes and ballots with the three tellers. when he discovered that he had some votes, at which time he ought to have departed, and that another (whom he feared) was receiving more than he was then, so as to be sure of the election--and that candidate is said certainly to have had it--exceeding his authority, he barred the votes and commanded the counting to cease, declaring the election to be void. he showed--as a pretext, as will later appear from all this--a ballot or vote somewhat torn, in order to force a new election. hence followed much ill-will, which he manifested on his side. in order to compel a new decision, as a result of the fear and change of purpose which he intended to cause in their minds, he delivered deceitful and satirical speeches (with which he is provided), in which he let them know that there was no one else in the chapter who could be elected except himself. he declared that he was not obliged to confirm him whom they might elect, making this declaration for the benefit of him who presumed to be most fit to be chosen. although he was challenged and called upon to declare the impediment or incapacity of that man or of any other, he was not willing to do so, since in truth there was no such disability. as a result of this and other acts of tyranny, he forced a new election and new vote, to the great disgust and astonishment of the chapter. this sufficed to elect him (as he was in fact elected) provincial. he caused himself to be confirmed by one of the definitors; and, as the chapter had begun by siding with him, so it was continued. he now saw himself provincial, president, and vicar-general; and all this encouraged and enabled him to take our courage and spirit away from us in all elections, both small and great. thus they all resulted in accordance with his will, and with the promises which he had made to those of his party, and to those from whom he had asked votes. this he had done through some laymen, a thing which makes the matter worse. the result is manifest in the holders of all the better offices and convents. they are chosen from the friars of his province of mexico, and from those who have assumed the habit here--unlearned, dissipated, and worthless boys. at the same time he has put out of office those whom he has oppressed, solely because they have come, being sent out by your majesty from the provinces of españa. the hatred and division among ourselves arising from his party cannot be remedied unless you majesty take prompt measures to cure it from there, so completely have these fathers who are not from españa obtained possession of the province, which is not very lucrative under their control. all the rest of us remain in discouragement and unhappiness to see such things, so opposite to good government and the christian religion, and so full of peril to consciences. the result has been that some religious have not been willing to accept priorships in this chapter, for fear that they cannot hold them securely, inasmuch as the said father has not in their view been elected as a lawful superior, considering the coercion in the proceedings. taking warning from past experience, fearing to cause public scandal and the rumors that result from disputes and investigations in such matters, and timid because of the little redress that can be had here, we have endured this affliction, and will suffer the harm within our own gates. for the whole series of proceedings is in violation of law; yet we have not, although your majesty has many just counselors in this his royal council, entered our plea for justice and liberty before the council; for we desire to avoid scandals, and the governor of these islands has shown himself to be greatly biased in favor of the provincial elected. this is due to the activity and unlawful proceedings of the sargento-mayor christoval de asqueta, long since an agent for father fray lorenso de leon. such a relation is completely contrary to the rule of our order and our withdrawal from the world. our only redress is in recourse to your majesty, prostrate before whose feet we send our petition from this remotest province to our patron, defender, and gracious king, praying for justice, relief, and liberty in this case and in all other cases in which oppression is brought upon our good purpose and holy zeal, which were taught us in the convents in the provinces of españa. we assure your majesty that we who make this earnest and truthful report are the most prominent and sound part of the chapter; and that we are moved solely by the purpose of serving our lord god and of promoting the advance of our holy order in credit and reputation, to the benefit of the royal crown and to the spiritual desert of your majesty in these regions. we feel certain that your majesty will soon send the remedy for all these evils, as we entreat, by interposing the authority of the nuncio of his holiness, that he may by his official censure revoke all documents, rights of preëminence, or letters of our father-general which the said father fray lorenso de leon may have, since it is entirely improper that he should take advantage of them. by this means and by the decrees which your majesty will issue, this province can be assembled anew for an election--that is, those of it who have the right to vote--free from domination, under the presidency of a bishop of these philipinas islands. that which is supremely necessary is, as we have often prayed your majesty, that there may come here from that province of castilla a religious to inspect this province and set its affairs in order. if need be, he should have plenary authority to govern it, without allowing other elections; and he whom your majesty shall send should come accompanied by religious fit to restore and preserve this province. like a young vine, it is in need of such laborers, and not of such as dry up its moisture and pluck its fruit, like the friars who come here from mexico. they have no other care, imitating in this their head; for it is evident that the said father fray lorenso de leon has always acted in this way, since for his own private claims he has taken almost ten thousand pesos in past years and at present he has begun to collect the same a second time, in order to satisfy these claims entirely. we are eye-witnesses that in his behavior, desires, possessions, and unlawful wealth [40] he lays claim to great things. according to rumor and his beginnings, he aims at a bishopric; and this is made certain by the saying that he brought back here, when he complained that he would have received the bishopric of manila if some persons had not written against him, and declared that he brought letters with him which would cause him to be feared, and that he would be provincial, by fair means or foul. may your majesty be pleased to abate this evil by causing him to leave this province, and by granting us this boon and redress for which we pray, and which will conduce so greatly to the restoring of this province. be assured that we make this truthful representation without any sort of malice or evil purpose, but only with wholesome and well-founded zeal. your majesty will have satisfactory proof of this in the letters and advices which will be sent from the government, the community, and the religious orders here, all of which will furnish information in the case. the cause is that of god and of your majesty, and this will give us calmness and courage, in certain hope of receiving this great grace and protection. we remain your majesty's humble chaplains and faithful servants, praying our god to grant your majesty many years of happy life with all spiritual gifts, to the increase of your royal estates and christian seigniories. dated after the session of our chapter in our convent of san augustin in manila, on the fourth day of the month of may, one thousand six hundred and five. _fray estevan carrillo_, definitor. _fray bernabe de villalovos_, definitor of guadalupe. _fray miguel garcia_, visitor. _fray jhoan de tapia_, associate of the late provincial and secretary of the province [?]. _fray francisco serrano_, sometime visitor. _fray miguel de siguenza_, sometime visitor. _fray mathedo daças_, prior. _fray jhoan de pineda_, prior, and lecturer in theology. _fray diego pardo_, procurator-general. _fray jheronimo de salas_, prior. _fray jhoan de rojas_, sub-prior of manila. _fray miguel de san marco_ _fray bartolome de aguirre_ _fray ambrosio de leon_, procurator. [_endorsed_: "september 12, 1606. considered; the decree on a separate paper."] sire: the order of st. augustine in these islands has for years been in need of reform, and many letters have been written to your majesty on this subject. during the provincialate which has just come to an end, that of fray pedro arce, some reforms were accomplished as a result of his good example, for he is a friar who follows the rules of his order very scrupulously; but as he had no one to carry this beginning to perfection, for lack of friars such as himself, he did not achieve what he desired. his successor is named fray lorenzo de leon; and he has begun to overthrow everything which his predecessor established, by oppressing the castilian friars and encouraging the creoles, [41] who are utterly shiftless and a set of fools. from this will necessarily follow the entire ruin of the province. the only means of remedy is that your majesty should send religious from castilla and those provinces of españa in order that this province may lift its head and be reformed. the religious of the said order will write to your majesty. there are very zealous ones among them, especially fray pedro de arce, [42] the late provincial, to whom entire credit may be given. may our lord keep your majesty for the good of your many kingdoms. manila, june 1, 1605. _fray bernardo de santa catherina_, commissary of the holy office, of the order of st. dominic. [43] sire: in spite of the fact that i am one of those who joined in signing a common letter which was sent to your majesty by the majority of the chapter of this province of our father st. augustine in the philippinas, i cannot satisfy my conscience or manifest the zeal which i ought to possess, without giving personal notice to your majesty of certain things with which as associate of the late provincial and as secretary of the province i became acquainted, and which still continue to exist, to the great harm and diminution of the province. i am encouraged to do this, although it is the first time that i address you, by reasons which demand a remedy; and by considering, with the certain proofs which i have, that your majesty as a king and father most benevolent and most christian will not be indignant that a chaplain, servant, and vassal such as i should give information, by means of these and other just suggestions, in order that reform may result from them. ever since father fray lorenso de leon returned to this province, it has steadily degenerated from the harmony and influence which it had previously gained, as a result of the great improvement shown in all things under the control of the virtuous superior of the previous term. it now grows worse and worse the more it has of him who is at present the superior, the father already mentioned. the plan and the tricks with which he was elected i do not write to your majesty, since they have already been recounted in a common letter, to which i refer. as a result of his election the religious from mexico who are here, and have assumed the habit in this country have recovered their strength. they are nearly all of little ability, ignoramuses, uncontrolled, and of most perverse inclinations. out of the respect and reverence due your majesty i do not enter into details; i only state particularly that the games of cards have been revived among them. the one who has especially distinguished himself is a certain fray jhoan de amorin, who with the said father fray lorenço de leon went from this province to the province of mexico, returning again with a very bad reputation and the name of having a restless disposition, ambitious and injurious to all, and personally vicious and dissolute, unrestrained in all respects. the said father being in mexico took under his charge the conduct of some religious intended for this province, and recruited from that one. he was in charge of the clothing and other possessions of these religious, and even of the fund granted from your majesty's treasury of that kingdom for such conveyance of friars. he deceitfully affirmed that it has been spent, but rendered no account for it; and tells different stories about it, such as to condemn him. he has always been under the protection of the said father leon, who has received his pay from the great amount which the other has obtained for him, during this last chapter, by means of secular and religious persons belonging to his party. as the climax of all this, he has appointed the said father amorin prior of the convent of tondo, in the sight of all this community. the common people have objected and murmured much, since in that village they have previously had special proofs of our disinterestedness and purity of motive. of the many things which were taken in charge by father lorenço de leon to be attended to in the kingdoms of españa and roma, for the benefit of this distant province, not one of the least importance or necessity has been concluded; yet he has spent, just as if he had carried everything through, the assessments and additional contributions which were given him in common by the province. he has cared only for his private interests and his private claims, as is manifestly shown by the titles that have been lavished upon him ... master, though he has not sufficient learning; and president and vicar-general for all chapters and assemblages, to the manifest injury of the members of this province. he was received as such, although in violation of law, only in order to avoid contention and scandal. but he has assumed still more authority, as a result of the liberty which he has, and in the documents which he issues adds the title of provincial and vicar-general. all this is without the command of your majesty and of your royal council of the indias, and is contrary to the grants made to our provincial fathers of castilla who have so long exercised a similar office. this is right, since this province was established and is maintained by them and the honored friars who have come out hither from españa. we have greatly suffered from the lack of such spanish friars, since it is now six years since religious were sent out to us here. the cause has been the fact that the said father fray lorenzo de leon went thither, and although he might have brought back a noble shipload of them, he did not undertake the work with sufficient diligence--expecting to obtain friars from mexico, and to convert to his own use the grants made for such conveyance in sevilla from your majesty's treasury. the fact is, that although he received a decree and allowance to bring eighteen religious from those provinces, he actually brought only seven to whom the habit of our father st. augustine belonged. the other eleven he supplied with laymen who were traveling secretly to the indias, and he received from them special bribes, putting upon them habits of the order, that they might in this way get as far as the registry in vera cruz and afterward return to their own condition. the said father thus retained in his hands all the allowance which he had received. i would not dare to make this statement to your majesty if i did not know it from the relation of those very seven religious whom he brought hither from españa. additional evidence is a letter (which i saw) from dr. antonio de morga, written soon after his arrival in mexico, in which he gave this information to persons from there. nothing has been done in this matter because of the fear and subjection in which the said father leon has placed those of us who might speak and demand justice for this and other most unjust acts of which he has been guilty. i testify to your majesty that his cell and manner of dress are like those of a trading merchant, and not of a poor and abstinent friar; and, through the trade conducted by the chinese here, i know that he has invested a great amount of money in sending merchandise to mexico. now this he could not do except at the expense of the convents; for in the larger and richer houses he has granted offices to those of his party and those under his control, while he dislikes and ill-treats the virtuous and grave religious from españa. all this causes us sorrow and affliction, especially because of the offense committed against our lord god, and the loss to our order and the disservice of your majesty and of your majesty's holy zeal, and because your majesty's directions are not fulfilled. may your majesty be pleased to put an end to all this by exercising your authority and sending as promptly as possible an inspector from the province of castilla, accompanied by religious like himself. such a one may amend this and take these two religious from here, depriving them of the titles of which they have made so bad a use. i beseech your majesty to pardon my boldness in having dwelt so long on this matter. i may have failed, in my manner of writing, to observe the respect and form due to my king and lord, but i believe that i have not been at fault in purpose or zeal. i am now occupied in the service of your majesty as chief chaplain and vicar of the galleys and fleets of your majesty in these kingdoms, upon the important expedition which is now being made. [44] in this and in all things i am the meanest servant and vassal of your majesty. i kiss your royal hand and pray that god may keep your majesty in a long and happy life with the increase of every good. manila, june 20, 1605. _fray jhoan de tapia_ [_endorsed_: "june 22, 1606; to the count of lemos." "september 12, 1606; examined; no answer."] letter from maldonado to felipe iii sire: on every occasion which has arisen i have regularly advised you of whatever seemed desirable for the proper service of your majesty, which is my only desire. accordingly, last year i sent a letter by the two ships which were despatched, a duplicate of which i send in this, with other matters that have come to my notice. your majesty will be pleased to have this examined, as it treats of some affairs which demand remedy; and in regions so remote many difficulties arise when due provision is not made--as will be seen in some papers which are sent with this, concerning the little respect which the soldiers and troops of war show toward the auditors, as the governor claims that we are not their judges; and regarding the galleys which the governor has built, and their excessive cost, which is the ruin of this country; likewise will be seen therein the many offices and positions of profit which the governor has given to his creatures, against the decrees of your majesty and the instructions for his office, so that all those who have served here feel very indignant over it. these things, and the obligation of my office, have constrained me to give this report, and to try to secure the remedy which the vassals of your majesty hope for, when your majesty shall cast your gaze upon this land which was so cared for and favored by his catholic majesty (whom may god keep!) which your majesty is still caring for, with the great favors which your majesty grants it for the spiritual and temporal good which is your object. the royal [estate] in these islands is in debt for a large sum of money in gold, as your majesty has been informed; on this account all those who draw salaries and stipends therefrom are in the utmost need--so much so that we have not been able to pay this year the president, auditors, archbishop, bishops, prebendaries, or ministers of instruction and justice, not having the means to pay them. most pitiable of all has been the plight of the soldiers, who are suffering the utmost extremity, without there being any resources with which to aid them. all this has been caused by the excessive cost of the galleys, and the great expenses incurred by some expeditions made with them without anything being thus gained. in the interim, until your majesty be pleased to order some provision, we shall take great pains to do what is most expedient so that these expenses may cease and the country be defended without them. [_in the margin of this paragraph is written_: "no answer to be given."] this year it will be very necessary to appropriate a considerable loan of money from what comes from nueva spaña--because the viceroy of mexico has not sent the usual aid, and it is impossible to get along without obtaining it from private persons--that the land may not go to ruin; for i can assure you that it has come to this extremity. last year i advised you of the many offices which the governor had granted, and in this he has continued--going so far that, observing the general complaint of all the meritorious persons, i have tried to restrain him. at this he showed little inclination to favor my efforts, and offered me some affronts--which i shall not mention, as they were of such a nature as to affect only me personally and not my office or its authority. but, because it appears to me expedient to inform you concerning one such case, i shall do so, as it is a matter which touches the preëminence of the officers whom your majesty maintains here, so that your majesty, if you please, may order it to be set right. [_on the margin of this paragraph_: "concerning the offices which the governor has filled; join this relation which don antonio de ribera sends to that which the governor writes concerning the offices, and have it all brought."] by the ordinance of this royal audiencia it is directed that an audiencia building be erected in which the president and auditors shall live; and by a later decree it is ordered that there shall be a royal building, very imposing, so that these infidels may see the authority with which your majesty is served and which the officers who serve in these offices must possess. i, as the senior auditor, lived in the royal building, whence, on the occasion when your majesty directed the treasury of the royal exchequer to be established in the royal building, the governor ordered me to move, in order to make room for the treasury. as this wrong was done to me, i laid it before the audiencia, saying that he was exceeding the commission given by the royal decree; and that, in accordance therewith, it was not the will of your majesty that my place of abode should be taken from me, as it had been occupied from the time when it was built by the president and auditors. this was shown to the governor by the [audiencia's] record of proceedings; and it was decreed in the audiencia that in the royal building where i was two main apartments should be cleared out, in which the treasury and the books of the royal exchequer should be accommodated. the governor, in spite of this action, took all my apartments from me and lodged therein a royal official; whereupon, as there is a great lack of houses in this city, i was obliged to move into a house of wood and thatch, which was unsuitable to the last degree, and attended by much danger because of the frequent fires which occur in this city. accordingly, in the two fires which have occurred this year i have been obliged to go with my effects and books from one place to another, until at last i rented for them and my papers an apartment outside of my house in a building of stone belonging to a citizen, where i keep them. besides experiencing so great inconvenience, this country is so warm that i assure your majesty, with all due regard for truth, that my health is failing; and i fear that i shall lose my life, through the poor appointments of the house and on account of the intemperate heat from which i suffer in going to the audiencia. but so great is the dislike which the governor has taken toward me, that neither the injustice and wrong, nor the danger of fire, nor the failure of my health has moved him to give me a lodging; nor is one to be found at any cost. i beg your majesty that, even if it may not be necessary for me, you may command what is to be done in regard to the other auditors, for he has depreciated my authority and maltreated me in such manner that i would consider it a great neglect of duty to your majesty if i did not advise you of it, and this has led me to give so detailed an account. [_in the margin_: "no answer to be given."] in the letter of last year which will accompany this, i communicated an expedient which has occurred to me whereby this land might be maintained in abundance, with only the property which the royal treasury has in these islands, without there being any need of aiding it from the royal exchequer of mexico; and the paid soldiers could be increased, and other good results might be achieved. i beseech your majesty to have it examined, as it appears desirable to both the archbishop and the bishop of nueva segovia, to whom i have communicated it, and who thought it very good. [_in the margin of this paragraph is an order which says_: "let the governor and the audiencia inform us concerning this plan, sending them a copy thereof without issuing any decree; and let them send an account of the advantages and difficulties which may have occurred to them, with their opinion."] it is more than eight years since your majesty was pleased to do me the favor of giving me a post as auditor of mexico, with an order to establish the audiencia in these islands. i sat therein four years, and i am now advised by way of nueva españa that the place in that audiencia which was occupied by the licentiate francisco alonso de villagra, who passed on to the royal council of the yndias, has been given to me. although the time for which i was to serve here is already past, i have not dared to leave these islands this year, as i have no order expressing the wish of your majesty; and likewise because the governor, don pedro de acuña, is obliged to go on the expedition to maluco, and, if i go to nueva españa, only three auditors will remain. the eldest of these, who, according to the ordinance, must take up the duties of the captain-general, is so burdened and his health so poor that he cannot attend to the affairs of war. on this account, and because i understand that your majesty would be better pleased to have me in this country, i have not gone to enjoy the favor which has been extended to me in mexico--which is very great, and a notable promotion--although the greatest favor that i can receive is to let me serve in this audiencia at a time when important affairs may occur, whereby i may show my desire. i beseech your majesty that what i am doing in staying here to further serve your majesty be permitted and approved. [_in the margin is this order_: "let him go immediately, in accordance with the decree which was sent him." [45]] during the whole time since i have been favored with this post in mexico, i have been occupied in your majesty's service, and with sitting in this royal audiencia. i beseech your majesty that, since in similar offices of justice all the privileges are enjoyed from the day of the nomination, as if the office were being exercised, the favor may be done me that i may not lose my seniority, from the day when your majesty was pleased to appoint me auditor in mexico (especially as i have been occupied in what i was commanded to do), as was done with doctor francisco alonso de villagra when he went to fill the same post at mexico; he was detained by an official visit at santo domingo, and did not lose his seniority, [_in the margin_: "what he asks is unreasonable."] last year two ships were despatched somewhat late, and the flagship arrived in a dismantled condition at the end of four or five months of sailing, with little damage; but the other was lost on the opposite coast of these islands, without any person or any part of her cargo being saved. this was a great pity, and especially so after so many wrecks as we have had in years past. god was pleased to bring hither in safety two other ships, which go out this year, which has been some relief to the citizens and merchants of this city. [_in the margin_: "no answer to be given."] the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salcedo, fiscal of this royal audiencia, is dead. he leaves his wife in very poor circumstances and a daughter who is without any resources, which is a great pity. in a letter of last year i told your majesty how the sargento-mayor went to la laguna, which is about fifteen leguas from this city, in pursuit of the sangley rebels. as they were in two bodies of at least two thousand each, unarmed, wounded, and fatigued, and without any means of defense; and the sargento-mayor had two hundred spanish arquebusiers, and three hundred others from pampanga who are natives of these islands, armed with arquebuses and muskets, and eight hundred well-armed japonese, besides five or six thousand natives with lances, pikes, halberds, partizans, javelins, and bows and arrows, their strength was so great that, without the sangleys facing them, the natives killed them--attacking first one troop and then the other, with perfect safety and not the slightest danger. in this affair twelve or fifteen days were spent in the going, the work, and the return, and for this he claims more remuneration than if he had pacified the states of flandes; and he is not even contented with the governor having given him an excellent encomienda in the vicinity of this city, besides another good one which he possesses in pangasinan. at present he is enjoying both of them contrary to the instructions of your majesty, and they are among the best in the islands. i advise you of this so that the service which he has rendered, the time spent, the danger of the expedition, and the risk that he personally ran, may be known, so that the reward may be conformable to that and not to the favor which the governor extends to him and the claim which he makes. for he dares not ask to have investigations made in the audiencia, nor should an opinion be given in it as your majesty orders by the royal decrees; for it is not known in the royal council how little he did, that it was not a service of such importance as to demand more reward than what he held in the first encomienda. all the welfare of this land, for its maintenance and the prosperity of those who reside in it, lies in the cargoes of the ships which are despatched to nueva españa, with which your majesty favors the citizens of this city and the settlers. i assure your majesty with the truth that i desire to employ, that much wrong is done them, and that the ships are laded for the dependents and connections of the governor, by which they are benefited with great riches; and the same thing is done by the commanders and admirals who come from mexico, who, as they are persons from the household of the viceroy, are the ones who get the benefit. the governor will not allow the audiencia to interfere in this; and thus the persons to whom this favor was extended suffer, and those enjoy it who were prohibited from doing so, and counted undeserving. i communicate this, that your majesty may be pleased to order it corrected; for it is a matter which affects all with much grief and resentment. [_in the margin_: "no answer to be given, for suitable provision has already been made."] the plan which appears suitable for this (which i humbly beseech may be looked into, according to my desire) is what your majesty has commanded by his royal decree--that there should be sent each year to the council a report of what is laded in the ships, and to what person it belongs; and this is not done. in order that this should be carried out, it is expedient that an auditor should be sent by the royal audiencia--and not by the governor, as that is not fitting--who should take, on the oath of a notary, account of everything which enters in the ship, nothing being laded without his presence and supervision. in this manner the freighting will be justly done without the freighters who are appointed having a chance to sell the tonnage, as they do today. thus they leave the citizens without the share which belongs to them, defrauding the royal customs, as would appear if this plan were observed--at which i know your majesty would be very glad, and all the citizens would enjoy fully the favor which has been granted them. god protect the catholic person of your majesty. manila, june 28, 605. the licentiate _don antonio de ribera maldonado_ bibliographical data _relacion de las islas filipinas_, by pedro chirino (concluded).--see bibliographical data at end of _vol_. xii. full details regarding this work will be given in the bibliographical volume at the end of this series. all the rest of the matter contained in this volume is obtained from original mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; their pressmarks are as follows: 1. _letters from acuña._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." the postscript regarding santa potenciana--"simancas--filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á [1612?]; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." 2. _decrees regarding religious orders._--(a) the first: "simancas--audiencia de filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes á dha audiencia desde el año de 1586 á 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1." (b) the second and third: "audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años de 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." 3. _grant to jesuit seminary._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos y misioneros en filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1569 á 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37." 4. _decree regulating commerce._--the same as no. 2, (b). 5. _complaints against the chinese._--"audiencia de filipinas; simancas--eclesiastico; cartas y espedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años de 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 6. _letter from chinese official._-the same as no. 1. 7. _letters from augustinians._--"simancas--eclesiastico; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1608; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 42." the letter from santa catherina--the same as no. 5. 8. _letter from maldonado._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1606; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." notes [1] marginal reference: "i john, 2." [2] a town on the western coast of samar, ten miles east of catbalogan. [3] these were father melchor hurtado and francisco gonzález, and the brother coadjutor diego rodriguez. they were sent from mexico in march by francisco váez, the provincial of nueva españa.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [4] referring to ignatius de loyola (1491-1556), the founder of the jesuit order, and afterward a saint; he is here mentioned as "blessed," as he was not canonized until 1622. [5] the religious exercises recommended by loyola, and composed by him while in retirement near manresa, spain, in 1522; they from a book entitled _exercitia spiritualia_ ("spiritual exercises") which has ever since been a text-book of the jesuit order. [6] "the figure of a lamb stamped on the wax which remains from the paschal candles, and solemnly blessed by the pope on the thursday after easter, in the first and seventh years of his pontificate." (addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, pp. 17, 18.) [7] apparently meaning the interior pellicle of bamboo (_bambus arundo_; _vol_. xii, pp. 189, 190, note 44), used in eastern lands as a substitute for paper. [8] _decurias_: alluding to a custom in spanish schools of placing the pupils, by tens (or sometimes in smaller numbers), under the charge of the most competent of the older students, under the supervision of the master of the school. [9] marginal reference: "wisdom, 7." [10] marginal reference: "romans, 10"--evidently to the seventeenth verse of that chapter, "faith then cometh by hearing; and hearing by the word of christ." all citations from the holy bible, and references thereto, made in the translations for this work, are taken from the standard editions of the english douay bible. [11] marginal references: "psalms, 18," and "hebrews, 4." [12] marginal reference: "john, 9." [13] marginal reference: "i timothy, 2." [14] these were fathers gregorio baroncini, fabricio cersali, tomás de villanueva, diego laurencio, pedro de segura, and angel armano; and the brother coadjutors francisco simon, martin sánchez, and diego zarzuela.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [15] this was the "santo thomas;" a full account of its voyage, and of its wreck at the catanduanes islands, is given by la concepción (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 428-435). he says that at the ladrones ribera found the survivors of the ship "santa margarita," which had been wrecked there only a month before; of these he ransomed four, promising to send from manila for the others, later. he mentions, as a part of the cargo, "horses, sheep, goats, and cats." at the end of this account, he states the pressing need of better ships for the long and stormy voyage to nueva españa. [16] marginal reference: "psalms, 77; zacharias, 9." [17] a punishment by which the culprit was strangled with an iron collar. [18] la concepción gives (_hist. de philipinas_, iii, pp. 409-411) a summary of the proceedings of this council. they appointed a committee to provide a vernacular translation of the catechism (of which the christian doctrine had already been rendered into the visayan tongue), in harmony with the tagal translation of that book. they also appointed a representative to go to manila and confer with the audiencia on various matters concerning the royal jurisdiction--especially regarding the proposal to enact statutes suppressing polygamy among the natives. in the council complaints were made by the ecclesiastics against the encomenderos, that they treated the indians with injustice; in return, the encomenderos attacked the priests, and the bishop was obliged to interfere between them to quell the dissensions, reproving the encomenderos. [19] spanish, _angelitos_; a play upon words, apparently alluding to the gold coin known as _angelot_ (from the figure of an angel thereon), used in the low countries in the sixteenth century. a similar name (_angelet_) was given to one of the coins struck by english rulers of france in the period 1150-1460. [20] a delicate and refreshing fruit, the _carica papaya_; sometimes called "papaw," but is not the same as the papaw of north america (_asimina_). crawfurd regards it, however (_dict. ind. islands_, p. 327) as having been introduced in the philippines by the spaniards, from tropical america. see descriptions of the papaya in delgado's _historia_, pp. 520, 521; blanco's _flora_, pp. 553, 554; and u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1900, iii, p. 280. [21] la concepción gives a similar account of this episode in _hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 67-69. [22] panámao is the ancient name of the island of biliran, off the northwestern extremity of leyte, and is still applied to a mountain in the northern part of biliran. [23] _picote_: a sort of silken fabric, very lustrous, used for garments. _jusi_ (_husi_) is thus described in the u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1900, iv, pp. 55, 56: "the especial product of philippine looms, especially those from the towns of caloocan and iloilo, is jusi. these philippine jusis, celebrated for their lightness, beauty, and delicate patterns, are made from silk alone, or more commonly with the warp of cotton or pineapple fiber and the woof of silk. pieces are made to suit the buyer. these pieces are usually 30 or more yards in length, and from three-quarters of a yard to a yard in width, and beautifully bordered in colors. this beautiful cloth, which varies in price from 50 cents to $1 a yard, compares favorably with fabrics of european manufacture." [24] the present silang is nineteen miles south of cavite. [25] spanish, _monumento_; an altar erected in churches on holy thursday which resembles a sepulchre. [26] water blessed in the font on holy saturday and the vigil of pentecost, which must be used at least in solemn baptism.... the priest then pours oil of catechumens and chrism into the water." these are two of the three kinds of "holy oils;" chrism is composed of olive oil mixed with balm. see addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, pp. 64, 152, 616. [27] marginal reference: "i maccabees, 6." [28] marginal reference: "st. ambrose, _de officiis clericorum_, i, chap. 40." [29] equivalent to about twenty-eight feet, u.s. measure. [30] he left cavite on the seventh day of july, in the vessel "san antonio," which was built in the island of panámao. this vessel was lost in 1604, while making its second voyage from cavite to acapulco.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [31] juan manuel hurtado de mendoza y luna, marques de montesclaros, who held an important office in sevilla, was made viceroy of nueva españa, arriving at mexico in september, 1603. this office he held until 1606, when he was made viceroy of peru. he died in 1628. [32] spanish, _recoletos_: the barefooted branch of the augustinians, known also as _descalzos_ in spain and its former colonial possessions. the origin of this brotherhood is due to a reform movement in spain in the sixteenth century, started by the venerable thomas de jesús, who was for many years a captive among the moors in africa. he, with other lovers of primitive observance of the augustinian rule, essayed to reintroduce divers customs no longer common among the brotherhood, as frequent fasts, midnight prayers, wearing beards, and going with uncovered heads. in 1588. at a chapter of these brethren held at toledo (the general of the order presiding), luis de leon, the famed scholar and poet, was commissioned to draw up constitutions for the observants, and these were approved by rome. in 1614, the new branch known now (as then) as "discalced" were freed from dependence on the general of the order; and in 1622 pope gregory xv approved their constitutions. in 1589, the reform movement (as above) spread to some of our nunneries; these sisters were, like their brethren, established as _descalzas_, with their first house at madrid under madre maria de jesus (or covarubias) as superioress--the first house of the recoletos being at tatavera de la reyna. in 1606, the recoletos entered the philippines, where their first house was at bagungbayan, with the title of s. juan. in 1602, by decree of november 16, the general of the augustinians, fulvius of ascoli, sanctioned the division of the philippine fathers of the order into two provinces--those who held with the old rule to be known as augustinians of the province of santísimo nombre de jesús; the discalced, or recoletos, as those of the province of san nicolas de tolentino; so when the recoletos went to the philippines they bore the name of their home province with them to malaysia. in manila the famous puente de españa ("bridge of spain") was projected and built under the superintendence of a recoleto father. (thus zamora, in _las corporaciones en filipinas_, p, 358.) in 1726, the discalced were dispensed from wearing beards; in 1746, from going barefooted. their earliest form of dress resembled the capuchin habit, except that its color was black. in 1736, the _beaterio_ of s. sebastián at calumpang, in luzón--which seventeen years previous had been established by four indian maidens, who were devout to nuestra señora de carmel--was handed over to the care of recoleta sisters; it is not known when these first came to the islands. the province of the recoletos in the philippines bears the title of san nicolas de tolentino. in spain the recoleto study-houses of their philippine missionaries are (or were in 1897), at alfaro, monteagudo, marcilla, and san millan de la cogolla.--_rev. t.c. middleton, o.s.a._ [33] cf. the document in _vol_. xi, "grant to jesuit school in cebú," dated december 11, 1601. see note thereon regarding translation of _colegio_. [34] referring to the fund arising from the fourth part of the tributes in encomiendas where no religious instruction was given; this fourth was reserved for the benefit of the indians. see _vol_. viii, pp. 29, 160. [35] in legajo 2637, sec_a_, de est_o_. of the simancas archivo is a document recording the proceedings at a session of the council of state on july 20, 1604; among the questions discussed was this one of trade between the american and the oriental colonies. the councilors gave their opinions separately. their conclusion was that the prohibition of trade in chinese goods then in force between peru and nueva españa be made general; and that a period of only six or eight months be allowed for the consumption of such goods already on hand, instead of the two years recommended by the council of the indias. "it is desirable to do this promptly and rigorously; but merchandise brought for use in the churches and in divine worship should be excepted from this prohibition--save that in the future neither this nor any other exception should be considered, but the door to this trade should be closed by all means. the marques of montesclaros was recommended as the proper person to carry out these instructions, as he had not been concerned in that trade. one of the councilors advised that the appointments of the commanders on ships in the philippine trade be retained by the viceroy of spain, rather than given to the governor and archbishop at manila. [36] literally, "average;" a certain duty levied on merchandise in the india trade. [37] see account of this affair in _vol_. xii, in the first document 1603; this name is there given as tio heng. [38] apparently a corrupt phonetic rendering of the name of wan-leh, then emperor of china (_vol_. iii, p. 228). as he succeeded his father in 1572, the blank date here must refer to the thirty-third year of his reign (1605). [39] lorenzo de leon was a native of granada, and entered the augustinian order in mexico where he made profession in 1578. four years later, he entered the philippine mission, and spent twelve years as minister in indian villages in luzón. he was then advanced to various high offices in his order, among them that of provincial (1596). he was a religious of exceptional abilities, and the general of the order, as a recognition of his great endowments in virtue and knowledge, appointed him master and president of provincial chapters. after his second election as provincial (1605) he was at the intermediate congregation deposed from this dignity by the fathers definitors. accepting this rude blow with humility and christian resignation, he withdrew to the convent of san pablo de los montes, where he spent the following year in prayer and pious works. returning to mexico in 1606, he died in that city in 1623. this account is condensed from pérez's _catálogo_, p. 29. [40] spanish, _propiedad_: property enjoyed contrary to their vows by members of religious orders. [41] as the word "creole" is often used in a vague or inexact manner, it seems best to state that, as used in our text, it means a person of pure spanish blood, born in any of the spanish colonies. [42] pedro de arce was born in the province of vitoria, in spain, and made his profession in the convent at salamanca, in 1576. he came to the philippine islands in 1583, and ministered in various indian villages, then filled several high offices, finally becoming bishop of nueva cáceres (1609) and bishop of cebú (1613). after a long and laborious career, he died at cebú, on october 16, 1645, at the age of eighty-five. [43] bernardo navarro de santa catalina was one of the first dominican missionaries, arriving at manila in july, 1587. his labors were principally among the indians of pangasinan (in whose language he composed many short devotional works), until he became provincial of his order in the islands, june 15, 1596. when the term of this office expired, he was appointed commissary of the inquisition; and in 1616 was again elected provincial. undertaking soon afterward a journey to cagayan in the rainy season, he was made ill by fatigue and exposure, and died at nueva segovia (the modern lal-ló or lallo-c), on november 8, 1616. see sketch of his life in _reseña biog. sant. rosario_, pp. 80-86. [44] the enterprise here mentioned was an attempt to regain possession of the maluco islands, which had just been seized by the dutch. in june, 1605, arrived at manila the commandant of the portuguese fort at tidore, with some of his soldiers, accompanied by three jesuits and many native christians--all of whom had been expelled from amboyna and tidore by the dutch. at the same time came a reinforcement of a thousand troops from spain; and acuña resolved, with this aid, to prepare an expedition for the recovery of the spice islands. in february, 1606, a powerful fleet set out for this purpose, carrying more than one thousand three hundred spaniards, who were aided by six hundred indian auxiliaries; they were successful, under acuña's personal command, in recapturing amboyna, tidore, and terrenate, and carried to manila as a prisoner the petty king of the last-named island. see la concepción's account of this expedition, in _hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 20-93. [45] in july, 1606, rivera sailed for mexico to fill his post in the audiencia there; but an epidemic (probably ship-fever) on the ship caused the death of eighty persons, among them rivera. see la concepción, _hist. de philipinas_, iv, p. 108. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xli, 1691-1700 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xli. preface 9 documents of 1691-1700 extracts from jesuit letters. juan de zarzuela, and others; manila, 1691 and 1694 33 discovery of the palaos islands. paul clain, s. j.; manila, june 10, 1697 39 recollect missions in the philippines, 1661-1712. pedro de san francisco de assis; zaragoza, 1756. juan de la concepción; manila, 1788 57 bibliographical data 273 appendix: moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century. [compiled from various historians.] 277 illustrations title-page of vol. vi of lettres édifiantes (paris, 1723); photographic facsimile of copy in library of wisconsin historical society 41 map of new philippines or palaos islands, 1710 (?); photographic facsimile of original map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 45 map of palaos islands, discovered by joseph somera, 1710; from original manuscript map in biblioteca de vittorio emanuele, rome 53 map of magendanao (mindanao); drawn by fakynolano, elder brother of the sultan of that place, ca., 1700; photographic facsimile of original manuscript map in the british museum 280, 281 preface the main part of this volume is a record of the recollect missions in the philippines from 1661 to 1712; these are conducted mainly in western luzón, mindanao, and calamianes, and assis's account contains much information of interest regarding conditions in those regions. "moro raids in the seventeenth century" summarizes the principal events connected with that topic; and the jesuit clain presents an interesting account of the discovery that the islands called palaos exist within range of the philippines. extracts from letters written by manila jesuits in 1691 and 1694 furnish some items of news. governor cruzat y gongora is making rigorous exactions upon the alcaldes-mayor and the tributary indians; he engages in trade, and accepts gifts from office-seekers. in 1692, two richly-laden vessels from manila are lost; and in 1694 another, which contained all the available wealth of the manila citizens. various ecclesiastical squabbles continue as echoes of the pardo controversy. a letter from the jesuit paul clain (june 10, 1697) gives a vivid description of the arrival in samar of some strange people, driven from their homes in the palaos (or pelew) islands; and reports the information gained from them about that hitherto unknown group in the broad pacific. these foreigners receive kind treatment from the natives of samar, and religious instruction from the missionaries there; and they desire to open communication between their own islands and the philippines. the chief part of this volume is devoted to the recollect missions in various portions of the philippines, the period treated in general being included in the years 1661-1712, although some few remarks touch a later period. the main portion of the account is taken from the chronicle of pedro de san francisco de assis, the author of the fourth part of the recollect historia general; the second and subsidiary part from vols. viii and ix of juan de la concepción's historia, this portion being designed merely to supplement the preceding account. san pedro de assis describes cursorily the insurrection in pampanga (there scarcely more than an attempt) and the more serious uprising in the province of pangasinan and zambales, and the part played by the recollects in restoring peace. the revolt in pampanga arises, like so many minor revolts in the past, through the injustice of lesser officials--this time the superintendent of the timber-cutting. under leadership of one francisco manyago, a native military official, the pampangos attempt to gain freedom, and plan a general uprising among various provinces. but though the most warlike of the filipinos, they are at the same time the most reasonable, and are, consequently, easily quieted by the personal efforts of the governor, assisted ably by the various religious orders. more difficult to eliminate, however, is the leaven of discontent injected by the pampangos into the other provinces of ilocos and pangasinan. these northern provinces begin to think of a union for the purpose of securing liberty, and of a central government of their own. our author chooses as his field more particularly the story of the revolt in zambales, which he calls a district of the province of pangasinan, and which is a recollect mission territory. the revolt of pangasinan is under the leadership of andrés málong, who aspires to kingship and who gradually gathers an army, some say, of 40,000 men. he intrigues through certain relatives and adherents in zambales to compel the zambals to declare in his favor, but notwithstanding the many in sympathy with him there, his attempts are bootless, for the recollect religious work so strongly and courageously against his machinations that, in the end, entirely conquered by the troops sent against him from manila, he meets the fate of other insurgent leaders. the efforts of málong, through his relative sumúlay, in the village of bolináo, are frustrated by the vigilance and courage of juan de la madre de dios, the vicar in charge of the convent there, but his church is burned by the insurgent sympathizers. the fathers and loyal natives, notwithstanding repeated threats of death, under the active leadership of the above father hold to their post, although one of the fathers, luis de san joseph, would have gladly abandoned the place. this same priest, however, performs brave feats in his delivery of messages from the vicar of lingayén (who describes the revolt in pangasinan, and asks aid from manila), to the convent of masinloc. thence those messages are taken to manila by bernardino de la concepción, accompanied by three loyal chiefs, who are suitably rewarded for their services. with the absence from masinloc of the three loyal chiefs above-mentioned, treason shows its head in that village, its immediate outbreak being due to an inopportune rebuke administered by the prior to a chief who had neglected to attend mass. the religious and loyal natives are besieged in the convent, but escape by stratagem, by seizing a boat in which some natives have come to the village. reaching the village of bagác, they meet there the three loyal chiefs who are returning from manila, and with their aid and that of thirty men gathered by the prior of bagác, they recover the village of masinloc from the insurgents. the majority of the inhabitants receive pardon, but three of the ringleaders are put to death. in the village of cigayén, a chief, sirray, acts as agent for málong, but failing to succeed in his plan to murder the religious there, finally joins málong with twenty-five followers, while the father retires to manila, and the village is abandoned by its other inhabitants. the village of agno is quieted by the efforts of the recollect luis de san joseph; and the chief, durrey, the cause of the trouble there, and twelve of his partisans are forced to flee. in bolinao, the flames of insurrection break out once more, for the vicar, juan de la madre de dios, is now alone. málong sends an emissary, one caucáo, to deliver to him a letter, demanding that the place be turned over to him. the father, however, is enabled by the chance arrival of a champan with some religious, spaniards, and natives, who are fleeing from ilocos, to outwit his enemies for the time being. the quiet of bolinao lasts only so long as the above-mentioned champan remains there. after its departure málong tries to secure the murder of the religious through durrey and sumúlay. the former is dissuaded from the attempt, and the latter persisting, is in turn attacked by the father, and wounded, although he escapes by the connivance of some of the inhabitants of bolináo. meanwhile definite arrangements are made in manila--and that more speedily than is the custom there--for sending troops to put down the incipient rebellion. the aid consists of a fleet under felipe de ugalde, and an army of 200 spaniards, and 400 natives, under francisco de estebár. these joining and assisted further by some zambals, quickly break up organized hostility. punishment (too severe some think, but our author justifies it) is meted out to the leaders: málong is shot; sumúlay, caucáo, sirrey, and durrey are hanged; while another leader in order to escape the death-sentence kills himself. thus the insurrection, which has lasted but a portion of the years 1660 and 1661, comes to an end, and this attempt, perhaps the earliest in which various tribes or peoples of the filipinos (although but waveringly it is true) show any desire to act in concert, is recorded only as a failure. the sangleys, who have openly encouraged the insurrection, and have even fought in their ranks, also attempt to revolt, partly in response to the efforts of the pirate kuesing; but their plans, both in 1661 and 1662, come to naught, divine providence each time allowing the recollects to act as agents. but the second attempt is put down only after the shedding of much sangley blood. probably in the year 1662, the first work of the recollect on the coast of luzon opposite manila begins, with the invitation of the franciscans who are engaged in work there, but who must give up that field, a poor one, because of a scarcity of religious. quickly accepting the invitation, the recollects enter upon the work with enthusiasm, and found the convents of binangónan, valér, casigúran, and palánan. in that district much fruit for heaven is gathered; but in 1704 the dearth of religious (for none pass from spain to the philippines from 1692 to 1710) causes the order to restore the district to the franciscans. continuing, the deaths of the missionaries juan de san antonio and joseph de la anunciation in the years 1663 and 1664 are recorded, and synopses of their lives given. in chapter viii, assis, going back somewhat, gives a résumé of the sufferings of the recollects between the years 1640-1668. these sufferings and persecutions come mainly from the moros, who by their continual raids make themselves the scourge of all the philippine mission villages; and such is the boldness of those pirates that they do not even hesitate to carry on their operations in sight of manila itself. added to the terrors of the moros is also the active injury inflicted by the dutch, those heretics allying themselves even with the moros to cause injury to the true catholic faith. the peace between spain and holland comes as a most welcome relief to the colony. the recollect villages and missions being in the very midst of the moro territory are the worst afflicted by that scourge. their pitiful petitions for aid fall on deaf ears, for at manila, self interest rules, and trade is the syren of the hour, not religion. the recollects, too, are not without their martyrs for the faith as the result of moro persecutions, while others succumb to the hardships of the missionary labors. the work among the zambals is again taken up by our author in the year 1670. the inhabitants of that district are a fierce people, those in the mountains being more so than those dwelling along the coast and on the plains, where they have had intercourse with other natives and with spaniards. the mountain population contains many apostates and heathens, while many negritos wander homeless and in utter barbarous condition through their fastnesses. although all those people are hostile among themselves, they unite against the spaniards, for their common hatred to the latter draws them together. all the orders have had a share in the reduction of those fierce people, but the recollects with the greatest success. the fierceness of the people leads the recollects to employ gentle means, and thus by adapting themselves to the genius of their flock they gain many converts--the most abundant being during the years 1668-1671, when the provincial cristobal de santa monica appoints nine religious for the work. as a result of their labors 2,000 people are reduced to a christian and settled life, and others also adopt the faith. the new villages of iba (formerly called paynavén), subic, and mórong are formed from the converts, while all the old villages increase in population. two new convents are established--one in paynavén, and the other in bagác. all this is accomplished by the year 1670. in 1671, joseph de la trinidad makes great gains for christianity in the zambal district, and, on becoming provincial in 1674, takes especial care of those missions. but unfortunately the recollects clash with the dominicans, whose administration lies in the district of batáan; and although the recollects resist, they are at length (1679) compelled by the archbishop, felipe de pardo (who covets the entire district for his order) and the governor to cede the zambal missions to the dominicans, and to take in exchange the island of mindoro, which has been for many years in charge of the seculars. following is told in synopsis the life of miguel de santo tomás, most of whose mission life has been spent in the province of caraga. the general chapter of 1672, meeting in spain, assigns definitors and discreets to the philippine province. chapter iv of the ninth decade of the history carries us into mindanao, where the work among the heathen tagabalòyes is reviewed. these are a heathen people living in the neighborhood of bislig in caraga, the recollect mission center farthest from manila, in the mountains called balooy (whence their name). they are a domestically inclined people, courageous and intelligent, faithful in their treaties and promises, and said to be the descendants of the japanese. not much can be done among them until the year 1671 because of the moro wars, the little government aid received, and the scarcity of religious, the two in the district being unable to extend their labors much outside of their regular duties. but in 1671, juan de san felipe, the new provincial, who has been a missionary in bislig, appoints a religious especially to look after the conversion of the mountain people. that religious aided by the other two, has baptized 300 adults by 1673, besides 100 others who die immediately after receiving that sacrament. by 1674 the district of bislig has increased from 200 to 800 whole tributes. this conversion has been aided by certain miraculous occurrences. in 1674, joseph de la trinidad the provincial increases the mission forces by the appointment of special ministers who visit the various districts continually, carrying aid to the most needed parts of the districts assigned them, and thus easing the burden of the missionaries already established in the various villages by giving them more time to attend to their regular duties. his greatest efforts he expends in the mindanao provinces of butuan and cagayan, where christianity, in consequence, makes vast gains. the faith is carried among the manobos of the linao district, and the population of the villages increases. the three religious working in the mountains of cagayan, and in toward lake malanao, reduce more than one hundred tributes to christian villages in spite of the hostility of the moros, the conversion being aided throughout by manifest miracles. the ninth chapter of the ninth decade relates the work in the new field of mindoro. the mission work of that island (of which and its people a brief description is given) is first begun by the augustinians, who cede the district to the franciscans. later the jesuits maintain a number of missionaries there and found the permanent mission of naojan, which is maintained until luis de san vitores goes to the missions of the ladrones or marianas, when the island is turned over to three seculars. the district is a poor one, and the seculars, although zealous in their duties, cannot be adequately supported. finally in 1679, as related above, the recollects, after their glorious record in the philippines and their flourishing mission work in the zambal district, take up the mindoro mission field, after a vain protest at being ousted from their zambal missions. the transfer is speedily concluded by chaplaincies being provided for the seculars, and the recollects, taking possession of the new territory, immediately put six religious to work. the new leaver is felt instantly and the number of christians increases from 4,000 in 1679 to 8,000 in 1692, and to 12,000 in 1716. although the moro depredations lessen that number later, in 1738, san antonio still chronicles over 7,000. the first convent established at baco is later moved to calapan. convents are also established at naojan, calavite, and mangárin (which is later removed to bongabong, because of its unhealthy site and the raids of the moros), all of which have their visitas. a mountain mission established later results in a great increase to the christians of mindoro. the succeeding chapter deals with the resumption of the recollect missions in calamianes which have been abandoned in 1662 because of the chinese pirate kuesing, and the consequent withdrawal of the support of the military. all but two of the missions, those in cuyo and agutaya, which are retained by the recollects, have been given into the care of one secular priest, and this arrangement is maintained until 1680, when the recollects (although somewhat unwillingly on their part) again accept the ministry of those islands. in november of 1680 three religious are sent there, the possession of the recollects is given royal confirmation in 1682, and in 1684 the arrival of a new mission allows them to assign other workers to the field. there are plenty of hardships to suffer, but the fruit is great. new missions are established, and by 1715 the number of christians has risen from 4,500 in 1680 to 18,600; and in 1735 calamianes and romblón contain 21,076 christians. certain missionaries are named and praised for their work. incidentally an interesting description is given of the training of the native children for the service of the church, by which our author refutes the charge that the religious have many servants. notwithstanding their efforts, several times all but successful, the recollects are unable to extend their evangelization to the great empire of china, as is related in chapter ii of decade x. the succeeding chapter tells of the recollect missions sent from spain to the philippines during the three decades covered by this history (1661-1690). the first leaves spain in 1660 under the leadership of eugenio de los santos, and consists of twenty choristers and two lay-brothers. one of the entire number reaches manila in 1662, and fourteen others the following year. the second mission is in charge of christobal de santa monica, who has been appointed procurator in 1663. all of that mission of twenty-four religious which sets sail in 1666 reaches manila in 1667, except two who remain in mexico. the third mission is collected in 1675 by juan de la madre de dios, who takes the twenty-six religious composing it to mexico, but there hands them over to another religious while he himself returns to spain. they reach the islands in 1676. in 1680, cristobal de santa monica is sent to spain as procurator, reaching his destination in 1681. in 1683, he sails from cadiz with a mission consisting of nineteen fathers, nineteen choristers, and five lay-brothers. all of that number, except one who dies at sea and two who desert at puerto rico and return home, reach the philippines in april, 1684, and are distributed among the convents. the general chapter of 1684 held in spain elects definitors and discreets for the philippine province. most of chapter v of decade x treats of the life of juan de la madre de dios, which we give by synopsis and extract. he is one of the most active and able workers whom the order has had in the islands, where he has held many offices in the order and has also worked valiantly in the missions. he is one of the most untiring of idol-worship destroyers, and even dares to venture alone to the places where heathen assemblies are held for the purpose of their nefarious worship. of a political nature also, so far as the order is concerned, his work is by no means slight, and he obtains much for his province in spain. his death occurs in the latter country in 1685. this same chapter relates also the life of thomás de san geronimo (given by us in synopsis), a missionary in the visayan region. he is elected provincial in 1680, and so well is he liked that he is again elected in 1686 against his will. his death occurs the same year. in chapter viii of decade x the recollect labors in the islands of masbate, ticao, and burias are reviewed. these islands which have been conquered during the early years of legazpi's arrival in the archipelago are an important way-station for ships plying between nueva españa and the islands. the faith is introduced into masbate by the augustinians under alonso jimenez, who is called the "apostle of masbate." the augustinians, however, abandon that island and ticao in 1609, and seculars have charge of the mission work there from that year until 1688. in the latter year the recollects are substituted for the seculars in accordance with the plan of the bishop of nueva cáceres, that the district be given to a regular order. a decree of august 13, 1685 grants the islands to the recollects as well as certain villages in luzón. the latter are resigned by that order to the franciscans, as they can be administered more easily by them, but the islands of masbate, ticao, and burias are accepted by them in 1687. in 1688 the cession is made by the secular in charge at mobó in the island of masbate, to the content of the natives who welcome the recollects. a good convent is founded in mobó and three new villages, in addition to the six existing when the recollects enter, are established. in 1726 another convent is founded in the district after the wreck of a galleon in order that the image of the santo cristo of burgos which is carried by that ship and which is saved through the diligence of one of the passengers on the vessel, julian de velasco, may be properly housed. in reply to a petition of the recollects in 1724 asking royal confirmation of the masbate missions, a report on their work there is ordered. it is found that the number of families has increased from 187 in 1687 to 585 in 1722, an increase of 398 families or 1,592 persons. in 1738, there are 5,000 persons in the islands, and three new villages, one in ticao, and two in masbate. this means that the order has formed six villages and brought 3,252 persons to the bosom of the church in the time that they have had control of this district. the number has been lessened by the invasions of the moros. the conversions have been made among heathens, apostates, refugees from other islands--all of whom represent the worst elements. the recollects have had to fight against the forces of nature, the moros, and sorcery. they have persevered in the face of all manner of hardships--hardships that cause some of the missionaries who have been there to say that the masbate territory offers more suffering than any other mission field. the extracts from concepción cover in part the same field as the history by san francisco de assis; except the third, which tells of the restoration of the missions of zambales to the recollects, and gives a brief account of the judicial proceedings between that order and the dominicans. the first extract concerns the enforced transfer of the zambal missions to the dominicans. this comes about directly from the representation made in the council of the indias by diego de villaroto, to the effect that the conversion of the island of mindoro would progress much more rapidly if given to the religious order best suited therefor, and if the seculars in charge of the curacies there be appointed to chaplaincies. royal attention is given this petition and in 1677 a royal decree orders the governor and archbishop to make the transfer. in consequence, felipe pardo, the archbishop, quick to seize the opportunity, aided by the governor, compels the unwilling recollects to give up their missions among the zambals and take the island of mindoro, in order that the dominicans might take the former. such an arrangement is very convenient for the dominicans, as it enables them to better concentrate their missions in pangasinan, and affords them easier communication among their various missions. the protests of the recollects that the zambals prefer their order and that the people of mindoro will prefer their old missionaries the jesuits, and that the two districts will be disturbed and restless has no weight, and the governor sees that they are kept quiet through the spanish officials there. the three recollects assigned to mindoro are diego de la madre de dios, diego de la resurrection, and eugenio de los santos, and they are each given one assistant. a description of mindoro and its people follows, and a résumé of its early conquest and of missionary labors there. since the jesuits have abandoned that field (with the going of luis san vítores to the marianas) the seculars have had ecclesiastical charge of the island, but it is a poor place and scarcely can any secular be found who cares to accept it. after the entrance of the recollects, the number of christians steadily rises, evangelization making progress among the mangyans, negritos, and other peoples. four convents are established, each of them with several visitas, and the mission to the mangyans on the bay of ilog, in the last of which none of the apostatized christians are allowed to enter lest they pervert the new plants. "but that fine flower-garden [i.e., the island of mindoro] has been trampled down and even ruined by the moros." the dominicans bend their energies to the work in their newly-acquired missions of zambales. with malicious satisfaction, concepción reports that their efforts have resulted mainly in failure. believing that the eleven villages which they have received from the recollects are too many for the best administration of the district, they endeavor to consolidate and move some of them. bolinao, which under the recollect regime was located on a small island off the coast of zambales, is moved across the channel to the barren coast where "many inconveniences but no advantages" are possessed. agno is moved inland from the coast; sigayen is also moved, the only advantage made by the changed site being the river of fresh water on which it is located. paynavén is moved inland to the site of iba, to which its name is changed, and iba becomes the capital of the district, but in order that it may become so, some families are moved from bolinao. the villages of cabangán and subic are made from the consolidation of several others, and the places left vacant by refugees are tilled by families from pangasinan, whence the natives can be moved easier as that province is so densely populated that there is not sufficient room for all of them. the inference is that the evil caused by the administration of the dominicans is greater than the good, in discontent among the zambals and the flight of many families to ilocos and to the mountains. the second extract recounts, quite similarly to the version given by san francisco de assis, the work in recollect missions in the islands of masbate, ticao, and burias. these islands are a part of the bishopric of nueva cáceres, and are under the civil control of the alcalde of albay. masbate, the largest, has traces of gold and some fine copper mines, but the gold has never paid well. all three islands possess excellent timber and many civet-cats. the early history of the islands and their early spiritual conquests are told. through the efforts of the bishop, andres gonzales, o. p., the islands are given to the recollects, the secular priest in charge there being given a chaplaincy instead. certain villages of luzón, which were also to be given to the recollects, are given instead to the franciscans who contest them with the former. the islands are important both from a secular and religious point of view, for they are a way-station for the acapulco ships, and also for the recollect missions in cebú and mindanao. as related above, the recollects ask royal confirmation of the missions of these islands in 1724, and the subsequent report rendered shows that their work has resulted in great progress, and that they have made the islands a safe place where before they were most dangerous both on the coast and in the interior. the third extract concerns the work of the dominicans in the missions of zambales and the restoration of that district to the recollects. from concepción's account (which must be read in connection with that by salazar, the dominican), the dominican order did not have the success of their predecessors among the fierce zambals, and ended rather in alienating them by their aggressive treatment; while the recollects have, on the contrary, employed gentle means by which they have won the hearts and minds of the zambals. the presidio at paynavén which has been increased, is injudiciously allowed to make raids among the natives upon any occasion. the trouble comes to a head with the murder of the nephew of one of the chiefs, dalinen, by another chief calignao, the latter of whom appears to have been a thoroughly unreliable and malicious man. dalinen, in order to avenge the murder in accordance with zambal traditions, takes to the wilds, but with his followers, is pursued by the soldiers of the garrison. as calignao has not fled, the missionary domingo pérez, o.p., in order to win him over, indiscreetly announces that the murder of dalinen's nephew has been by command of the government, which has ordered that all those who refuse to reduce themselves to village life be killed. calignao, as another act in the tragedy, plans to kill dalinen, and by the aid of a negrito, accomplishes that design. then, in order to show in full light his character, he compasses the death of domingo pérez, wounding the latter so severely that he dies through lack of efficient care. although the dominicans claim certain miraculous occurrences as happening at the death of the above father, concepción disproves them all. the remainder of the extract has to do with the suits between the recollects and the dominicans in regard to the zambal missions, which last spasmodically from the time the recollects are compelled to abandon them until the time of their restoration in 1712. the recollects claim throughout that they have been despoiled unjustly of the missions, and that although they accepted the missions of mindoro, they have had no other alternative, and have not accepted them as a compensation for the loss of the zambal missions. indeed they have never renounced their claim to those missions, but have regularly appointed ministers for them (who of course have not labored in those missions). the dominicans, on the other hand assert that they have merely taken over those missions in response to commands from the archbishop and the governor to that effect. the suit drags on wearily, each side asserting its rights, and the matter being delayed by such proceeding until it seems unending. finally the dominicans, with a change of procurator, shift their tactics, and allege that they are not at all a parry to any suit, and since they have received the missions at the order of the governor, they are ready to resign them if requested so to do. the recollects maintain the opposite, namely, that the dominicans are a party to the suit; and the verdict is at length given to them, and the dominicans are ordered in 1690 to appear before the audiencia within three days to plead their right. the summons is neglected until the year 1710, when the attorney for the recollects again stirs up the matter, and notwithstanding the fact that the dominicans still adhere to their former statements that they are not a party to the suit, the matter is brought to court, and the missions of the zambals turned over to the recollects by special sentence. through nearly all of the spanish regime in the philippines, those islands, especially and most the visayan, suffered greatly from the frequent and cruel raids of the moro pirates from mindanao and other islands south of it. some account of these is a necessary part of this work; but our limits of space will not allow us to reproduce verbose and detailed relations like that of combés (in his hist. de mindanao), especially as this and some others of similar tenor cover but a short period of time. in an appendix to this volume we present a brief summary of this subject, down to the end of the seventeenth century; the first part is an outline merely, drawn from our previous volumes, giving full citations therefrom, which show the relations existing between the spaniards and the mahometan malays from 1565 to 1640. the second part covers the same subject for the rest of the century; it is composed of the accounts given by murillo velarde, diaz, and other historians, arranged in chronological order--sometimes synopsized, sometimes translated in full, according to the prolixity or the relative importance of each. from the beginning were evident various elements of hostility--racial, religious, and commercial--between the spaniards and the moros, which were soon aggravated by the spanish desire for conquest and the moro greed for plunder and bloodshed. the unfortunate natives of the northern islands who had been subjugated by the spaniards were unable to defend themselves from their enemies, and the spanish power was often inadequate to protect them or to punish the invaders. the pirates were intimidated and curbed for a long time by corcuera's brilliant campaigns in mindanao and joló (1637-38); and other punitive expeditions had a like though often temporary effect in later years. in the latter part of the century peace prevailed between these enemies for a long time, probably because no one of the moro chiefs had the ability and force of the noted corralat. in 1639 almonte subdues the fierce guimbanos, a mountain people in sulu. later, they and the joloans rebel, and in 1643-44 agustín de cepeda again chastises them, defeating the natives in several battles and ravaging their country. one of these expeditions is related in detail by a jesuit in joló, who, as usual, ascribes the success of the spaniards to the favor of st. ignatius and the virgin mary. in mindanao, corcuera's invasion (1637) long restrains corralat; but in 1655 he treacherously causes the murder of three spanish envoys sent to him and attempts (but in vain) to stir up the other moro rulers to rebellion against the spaniards. the latter are not strong enough to wage war with him, and therefore overlook his insolence; this encourages him to begin anew his piratical raids against other islands. at this, several attempts are made to curb them, most proving ineffectual--although in january-february, 1658, esteybar with a squadron of armed vessels, destroys several mindanao villages. finally (in 1662) the manila authorities decide to abandon their forts in mindanao and joló; this causes the loss of spanish dominion there, and the christianized moros soon relapse into their former heathenism. some of the joloan chiefs make unauthorized raids on the northern islands, but their king punishes them and restores the captives. corralat meanwhile, in his old age, maintains peace, and charges his heir to do the same--an example which is followed by the king of joló. the camucones are kept in awe by the light galleys which are built at manila for this purpose. thus the latter part of the century is a time of comparative peace, so far as the relations of the spaniards and visayans with the moros are concerned. the editors july, 1906. documents of 1691-1700 extracts from jesuit letters. juan de zarzuela, and others; 1691 and 1694. discovery of palaos islands. paul clain, s. j.; june 10, 1697. recollect missions in the philippines, 1661-1712. pedro de san francisco de assis; 1756. juan de la concepción; 1788. sources: the first of these documents is obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 1-3, 69-72; the second, from lettres édifiantes (1st paris ed.), i, (1717), pp. 112-136, from a copy in the library of the wisconsin historical society; the third, from the historia general de los religiosos descalzos de san agustin, part iv, written by pedro de san francisco de assis (zaragoza, 1756), from a copy in the library of congress. translations: the first document is translated by emma helen blair; the second, by frances b. marshall; the third, by james alexander robertson. extracts from jesuit letters, 1691-94 [from a letter by father juan de zarzuela, [1] june 19, 1691.] the governor don fausto cruzat y gongora is a royal official in these islands, who makes every endeavor to collect the revenue of his majesty. he has a hasty disposition, and no one dares oppose him; consequently there are few who wish him well, and there is no one who desires the office of alcalde, on account of the burdens that he imposes on them (never customary here), of completing every year the royal revenue and its accounts, and filling out the quota of what they must collect, even though they do not actually collect it. the result is, that the alcaldes contribute from their own stores what they had not collected; for, no matter what efforts they make, they cannot during the year finish the collections, on account of the extreme poverty of the indians. the governor has for counselors or intimates only andaya and antonio, for whom he does many things and confers many offices. it is not known how much it costs them. his lordship brought over a great amount of silver from the viceroy, which is necessarily sent as an investment; and there will be many who complain of this, because [the goods procured by] it will occupy the greater part of the ship. for this reason no one wished to accept command of the ship, for it will be nothing more than to go in the governor's employ; and finally it was given to don josé mato rayo. it is a new ship which is sailing; it was built by andaya as contractor, and superintendent of the whole--whom the governor obeyed, as one who was necessary to him, because there was no ship that could be sent. that is, the "santo niño" was in such a condition that it could not be repaired; and, as the time was short (it was then only nine months), it was necessary to multiply the exactions [sacas]. thus silang, which has two hundred and twenty-seven and a half tributes registered, had one hundred and twenty men at one time outside of their village; others had seventy, eighty, or more out--without being able to take care of their grain-fields. afterward, because there was not enough rice for the king, through lack of foresight in the royal officials, they levied another assessment of rice on the natives [in cavite] as also in la laguna, the king paying but one-half of what the indians could sell it for later, and leaving them under the necessity of buying the grain at double price. the worst thing is, that now the rice has become so scarce that it is worth nine and ten reals, at which price it is sold in the [royal] magazines; and the tribute which is given by the very indians on whom this purchase was levied is sold at the magazines, without being placed therein, to the rice-mills. this gentleman very willingly accepts what people give him for the offices. at the beginning, it was understood that he would not receive gifts; but with five children, a wife, and a sister-in-law, and heavily indebted, the office costing him so much, and he coming so great a distance, how can he avoid looking out for money? he is not opposed to the society [of jesus], but we are under no obligation to him. our order has no kindly feeling toward thieves, and it is thought most probable, as nearly as can be guessed, that he will not speak [of us] very favorably to his majesty. he says that he will despatch the balandra [2] this year; but i do not know how this will be, because they have not begun to get it ready. [from a letter by father magino sola, june 19, 1691.] on the twenty-fifth of july, señor fausto cruzat y gongora took possession of the government. when don juan de vargas was ready to embark this year, the city brought a new suit against him, and seized the little that he possessed. [from a letter by father juan de montemayor, dated july 4, 1694.] he says therein that information had been received in manila that the dominicans would not be promoted to bishoprics in the filipinas islands, a statement that had been well received. the bishop of troya had attempted to regain the government of the archbishopric, founding his claim on a royal decree in which he was charged to surrender it to the person who had been presented by his majesty (from which he inferred that the king approved his government), but slighting the imperative order [ruego y encargo] that he should set out for españa. he demanded that the governor send him the official correspondence from españa for the governor of the archbishopric; but the governor replied that he would send him that which should go to the name of his illustrious lordship. [letter by father pedro de silva alencastre, july 20, 1694.] [he says] that for three years past no letters from the islands reached mejico, because in july of the year 1692 the patache which was going to the marianas, with more than twenty thousand pesos, was burned while in the very port. in the same year the ship "santo cristo" sailed for acapulco, and had to come back to this port from the thirtieth degree of latitude. then she sailed in july of 93, from the port of naga; and up to the present time nothing is known about her fate. in 1694 a galleon was built that was 72 cubits long [de 72 codos de quilla], an audacious attempt. it set sail on the eve of st. peter's day; and on the following saturday, while off the shore of maragondon, it went to pieces. it was laden with more than twelve thousand packages; for all the citizens had invested whatever they possessed, in order to lade this ship, and even the wrought silver and the jewels of the women had been sold in order to invest their value in stuffs. the letter was sent by the patache which the governor was despatching as an express, so that they might know in mejico and españa that the islands were not destroyed. [letter by father gaspar marco, [3] july 27, 1694.] the bishop of troya was going on, thinking that the government of the archbishopric belonged to him, and did not ordain the clerics who presented dismissory letters from the cabildo of manila--assuming that the king regarded him as ecclesiastical governor--and that, in spite of the permit for absence which commanded him to return to españa. the cabildo had brought suit against doctor nicolas caraballo, sentencing him to exile in nueva españa. he embarked in the year 1692; but, the galleon having come back to the port of naga in the province of camarines, the bishop of that diocese not only received and entertained caraballo, but absolved him and qualified him to hold any office or benefice. the cabildo of manila, who had sent a person to conduct caraballo to that city, endured this slight and said nothing, when they knew of the conduct of the bishop of camarines, in order not to arouse another dispute. the bishop appointed caraballo governor of the bishopric of cebu, on account of the death of its prelate, in 1692. he began his rule by visiting and punishing the curas, until he removed the cura of aclan, named salazar, and seized his goods, without allowing him any appeal to the metropolitan. salazar escaped to manila, and informed the cabildo of this; and they commissioned the cantor, don esteban de olmedo, to arrest caraballo. the bishop of camarines had information of all this, and went in person to protect him. he arrived twenty-four hours after olmedo, and arrested the latter; he passed sentence on him, with the counsel and opinion of caraballo himself, and carried olmedo to camarines with a pair of fetters, where he remained until the date [of the letter], without the cabildo having taken any steps for his liberation. discovery of the palaos islands letters written from manila, june 10, 1697, by father paul clain [4] of the society of jesus to reverend father tirso gonzalez, general of the same society, on the new discovery that has been made of thirty-two islands, south of the marianas islands. after the departure of the vessel which was commissioned with the letters which i wrote during the year past to your paternity, there arrived another which brought me the order to accompany the reverend father antonio fuccio, [5] of sicily, the new provincial of this province. making with him the circuit of our houses, i have taken a survey of the country of the pintados. there are large islands separated from one another by arms of the sea, in which the tide renders navigation difficult and dangerous. there are in these islands seventy-seven thousand christians, under the spiritual direction of forty-one missionaries of our society, who have with them two of our brothers who provide for their subsistence. i can scarcely express to you, my reverend father, how i have been moved at the sight of these poor indians, of whom there are many who die without receiving the sacraments of the church, in great danger of their eternal salvation: because there are so few priests here, that the majority of them have charge of two villages at the same time. when it happens that they are occupied in one place, fulfilling the functions of their ministry, they are not able to assist those who die in the other. i have been still more greatly moved by the forsaken condition in which we found several other persons, who died in the islands that are called pais. although these islands are not far from the marianas, their inhabitants have no intercourse with those of the latter group. the discovery of this new country has this year been made certain, as is here recounted. in making the visitation with the father provincial, as i have already said, we arrived at the village of guivam, [6] on the island of samal, the largest and southernmost island of the eastern pintados. we found there twenty-nine palaos, or natives of these newly-discovered islands. the easterly winds which rule over these seas from the month of december to the month of may had blown them three hundred leguas from their islands to this village on the island of samal. they had come on two small vessels, that are called here "paraos." this is how they relate their adventure. they had embarked, thirty-five persons in all, intending to go to a neighboring island, when there arose a wind so violent that they were not able to gain the island where they wished to land, or any other in the neighborhood, and were carried out to the open sea. they made many efforts to land on some shore or some island known to them, but without avail. they sailed thus at the will of the winds during seventy days without being able to make land. finally losing all hope of returning to their country, and seeing themselves half-dead with hunger, without water and without food, they resolved to abandon themselves to the mercy of the winds, and land on the first island they could find toward the west. scarcely had they taken this resolution, when they found themselves in sight of the village of guivam on the island of samal. a man from that village who was on the seashore saw them, and, judging by the structure of their little vessels that they were some strangers who had lost their way, he took a piece of cloth and made them a signal to enter by the channel that he indicated, in order to avoid the rocks and the banks of sand upon which they were about to run aground. these poor men were so frightened at seeing this stranger that they began to put back to sea; however much effort they made, they were not able to turn about, and the wind blew them a second time toward the shore. when they were near, the guivam man made them understand by signs the route that they should take; but, seeing that they were not taking it, and that they would surely be lost, he threw himself into the sea, and swam to one of those two small vessels, with the design of acting as pilot and of conducting them safely to port. scarcely had he reached the vessel when those who were on board, even the women carrying their children, threw themselves into the water to gain the other vessel, so much did they fear the approach of this stranger. this man, seeing himself alone in the small vessel, followed after them; and, having entered into the second, he cleared all the rocks and piloted it safely into the harbor. during this time the poor people remained motionless, and gave themselves up to the guidance of the stranger, whose prisoners they considered themselves. they landed on st. innocent's day, the twenty-eighth of december of the year 1696. the inhabitants of guivam gathered on the shore, received them with charity, and brought them some wine and some food. they ate eagerly some cocoanuts, which are the fruit of the palms of this country. the meat in them is somewhat like that of chestnuts, except that it has more oil, and that it furnishes a kind of sweetened water which is agreeable to drink. the natives presented them with rice boiled in water, which the people use here and in all of asia, as one does bread in europe. they looked at it with wonder, and took some grains of it, which they immediately threw on the ground, imagining that they were worms. they exhibited much pleasure when some of the large roots that are called palavan were brought to them, and eagerly ate them. meanwhile the natives brought two women whom the wind had thrown upon the same shore at guivam some time before. as they knew a little of the language of this country, they served as interpreters, and it is through them that we learned what i am about to relate. one of those women found among these strangers some of her kindred, and they no sooner recognized each other than they began to weep. the father who had charge of this village, having learned of the arrival of these poor people, had them come to guivam. some, when they saw him and perceived the respect that was shown him, imagined that he was the king of the country, and that their lives and their fate were in his hands. in this belief they threw themselves upon the ground to implore his mercy, and to beg that he would grant them their lives. the father, touched with compassion at seeing them in such great desolation, did all that he could to console them; and, to mitigate their fears, he caressed their children, of whom three were still at the breast, and five others a trifle older, and promised their parents to give them all the help that was in his power. the inhabitants of guivam vied with each other in offering to the father to take the strangers into their houses, and to furnish them with all things that they needed, both food and clothing. the father committed the strangers to them, but on condition that they should not separate those who were married (for there were some married ones among them); and that they should not take less than two together, for fear that those who were left alone would die of grief. of thirty-five who had come aboard the ships there now remained no more than thirty; five had died during the voyage, because of the lack of food and the privations of the long journey. a little while after their arrival still another died, who had the good fortune to receive holy baptism. they said that their country consisted of thirty-three islands. they cannot be very far from the marianas, to judge from the structure of their vessels, and by the form of their sails, since these are of the same style. there is strong indication that these islands are farther to the south than the marianas, in eleven or twelve degrees north latitude, and upon the same parallel as guivam; since the strangers came straight from the east to the west, and landed on the shore at this settlement. there is also ground for believing that this is one of the islands that was discovered from afar some years ago. a vessel belonging to the philippines (in 1686) having left the customary route, which is from east to west upon the thirteenth parallel, and having veered somewhat toward the southwest, saw it for the first time. these people called this island carolina, in honor of the king (charles ii, king of spain); and the others called it st. barnabas, because it was discovered on the day when the church celebrates the feast of this apostle. this island was seen last year by another vessel that the tempest had blown out of its course, in going from here to the marianas islands. the governor of the philippines had often given orders to the ship which went nearly every year to the marianas, to seek for this island and the others that were thought to be near; but these orders had been useless, god reserving to this time the discovery of them, and as we hope, the complete conversion of these people. the strangers added that of these thirty-three islands there were three which were inhabited only by birds, but that the others were thickly peopled. when asked what was the number of the inhabitants, they took a grain of sand or of dust, and intimated to the father in this fashion, the innumerable multitude of men who lived there. these islands are named pais, lamululutup, saraon, yaropie, valayyay, satavan, cutac, yfaluc, piraulop, ytai, pic, piga, lamurrec, puc, falait, caruvaruvong, ylatu, lamuliur, tavas, saypen, tacaulat, rapiyang, tavon, mutacusan, piylu, olatan, palu, cucumyat, piyalucunung. the three which are only inhabited by birds are piculat, hulutan, and tagian. lamurrec is the largest of all these islands. it is where the king of all that country holds his court. the chiefs of all those settlements submit to him. there was found among these strangers one of the chiefs with his wife, who is the daughter of a king. although they may be half-naked, they have manners and a certain air of dignity, which makes one recognize well enough who they are. the husband has all his body painted with certain lines, the arrangement of which forms various figures. the other men of this tribe have also some similar lines, some of them more than the others; but the women and the children do not have them at all. there are nineteen men and ten women, of different ages. the contour and the color of their faces are very similar to those of the natives of the philippines. the men have no other dress than a kind of girdle which covers their loins and thighs, and which is wound several times about their bodies. they have upon their shoulders more than an ell and a half of coarse cloth, of which they make a kind of hood, which they tie in front, and allow to hang carelessly behind. the men and the women are dressed in the same fashion, except that the women have their wearing apparel a little longer, descending from the waist almost to the knees. their language is different from that of the philippines, and resembles that of the marianas islands. their manner of pronouncing words is something like that of the arabs. the woman who appears to be of highest station has many rings and necklaces of tortoise-shell, that are called here carey; and others of a material that is unknown to us. this material, which somewhat resembles ambergris, is not transparent. this is the manner in which they lived upon the sea during the seventy days while they had been at the mercy of the waves. they threw into the sea a sort of weir, made of several small branches of trees tied together. this weir had a large opening to allow the fish to enter, and ended in a point to prevent their going out. the fish that they caught in this manner were all the nourishment they had, and they did not drink any water except that which the rain furnished them; they caught it in the shells of cocoanuts--which are the fruit of the palms of this country, as i have already said; they are of the shape and size of a man's skull. there are no cows in those islands. the natives tried to run away when they saw some cows browsing the grass, just as when they heard a small dog bark in the house of the missionaries. there are neither cats nor deer, nor horses, nor, in general, any four-legged beast. there are but few birds, except those which live on the sea. they have, however, fowls which they eat; but they never eat their eggs. in spite of this lack of all things, they are happy and content with their lot. they have some songs and dances in tolerably regular time. they sing all together and make the same gestures, which has a pleasing effect. they are surprised at the government, the politeness, and the manners of europe, of which they have no knowledge. they admire not only that august majesty of the ceremonies by which the church celebrates divine worship, but also the music, the instruments, the dances of the spaniards, the weapons which they carry, and, above all, the gunpowder. they admire also the whiteness of the europeans; for the inhabitants of this country are all of swarthy complexion. they appear until now to have had no knowledge of god, nor do they adore idols. we have noticed in them only a life altogether barbarous. all their care is to seek for food and drink. they have a great deference for their king and the chiefs of their villages, and they obey them with the greatest exactitude. they do not have regular hours for their meals. they drink and eat at any time and wherever they may be, when they are hungry and thirsty, and when they find wherewith to satisfy themselves. but they eat little at a time, and one of their meals is not enough to suffice for all the day. their civility and mark of respect consists in taking the hand or the foot of the one to whom they wish to do honor, and in rubbing it gently over their face. they have among their possessions some saws not made of iron, but of a large shell that is called here taclobo, [7] which they sharpen by rubbing against certain stones. they have also one of iron, as long as a finger. they were much astonished on the occasion of a trading-vessel being built at guivam, to see the great variety of tools for carpentry which were used. they looked at all these, one after another, with much wonder. they do not have metals in their country. the father missionary gave them each a good-sized piece of iron, which they received with more joy than if he had given them so much gold. they had so much fear that it would be taken away from them that they put it under their heads when they wanted to sleep. they do not have any arms except lances or darts made of human bones. they are very peaceful among themselves. when it happens that there is a quarrel among them, it is settled by a few blows of their fists upon each other's heads. but this rarely happens; because, if some wish to come to blows, others separate them and make them stop the dispute. they are not, nevertheless, stupid or heavy; on the contrary, they have fire and vivacity. they are not as stout as the natives of the marianas islands, but they are well proportioned, and of nearly the same height as the philippinos. both men and women let their hair grow, which falls upon their shoulders. when these strangers learned that they were to be conducted into the presence of the father missionary, they painted themselves all over the body with a certain yellow color, which they consider a great adornment. they are so satisfied at finding here in abundance all that is necessary to life, that they have offered to return to their own country in order to attract here their compatriots, and to persuade them to enter into intercourse with these islands. our governor is much pleased with this design, in view of the fact that he has subjected all this country to the king of spain; and this would open a wide door for the propagation of the gospel. the eldest of the strangers had once before been thrown upon the coast of the province of caragan in one of these islands; but, as he found only some infidels who dwelt in the mountains and along these deserted shores, he had returned to his own country, without having known of the abundance and the riches of these islands. he had been more fortunate in this second voyage. the children have already been baptized, and the others have been instructed in the mysteries of our religion. they are very skilful in diving; and it is said that they recently found, while fishing, two large pearls in the shells, which they threw back into the sea, because they did not know their value. [8] i write you all this, my reverend father, persuaded that you will be glad to learn news so advantageous to those of your children who have the good fortune to carry the faith into this new country. we have need of workers, for there is much work to do. we hope that you will have the kindness to send some workers to us, and will not forget us in your holy devotions. i am with profound respect, my very reverend father, your paternity's very humble and obedient servant and son, paul clain, missionary of the society of jesus. at manila, june 10, 1697. missions in the philippines 1661-1712 i general history of the discalced augustinian fathers, by fray pedro de san francisco de assis [9] [from this work, as in the three preceding parts of the general history of the discalced augustinians, we translate the important matter relating to the philippines, with synopsis or mention of matter omitted.] decade eight chapter i mention of the insurrections of some provinces in philipinas, with the labors that began for our religious. the exemplary lives of some, who died holily in their convents. the year 1661 § i one insurrection having been put down in pampànga, another one follows in pangasinàn. mention of the great sufferings of our religious in zambàles, in keeping their villages duly loyal to god and the king. ... 2. from the beginning of the year 1660, the indians of pampanga, a province not far from the city of manila in philipinas, incited by many grievous annoyances unjustly caused by the superintendent of timber cutting, which was ordered to be done within their boundaries by the governor of the islands, don sabiniano manrique de lara, determined to withdraw themselves from the yoke of the spanish dominion. although that dominion is very mild per se, some subordinate government employes generally make it intolerable, for tyrannically availing themselves of the name of the king, they endeavor to trample everything under foot. the pampangos elected as leader a master-of-camp of their own nation, one don francisco manyàgo. he clutched the staff of office as though it were a scepter. although this insurrection caused considerable fear in manila at the beginning, since the pampango nation is so warlike, yet since at the same time, its individuals are the most reasonable of the islands, the governor hastening thither in person together with many religious of various orders (for the religious form the most powerful army for quieting the indians) the whole disturbance was readily quieted by means of negotiation. justice was done them in their grievances, while no punishment was omitted, and was administered to the seditious leaders. fathers fray joseph de la annunciacion, and fray juan de san antonio, ex-provincials of our family, together with fathers fray carlos de jesus, and fray juan de san diego, were of considerable aid in that pacification. those fathers, exposing themselves to not few dangers, had the boldness to go to some of the principal indians, who were their acquaintances, whom by dint of their persuasion, they succeeded in bringing back to reason. and by their means, discussion and friendly agreements having been introduced, those so harmful insurrections were put down. 3. but at the beginning of their insurrection, the pampangos had written many letters to the provinces of pangasinàn, ilòcos, and cagayàn, which lie farther north in the island of luzon. in those letters they assured the inhabitants of those provinces that they had risen with so great force that they had no doubt but that they could gain manila by force of arms. they besought those people to heed the common cause, for once that the spanish yoke was thrown off, they could all get together in firm friendship and relations, and maintain their liberty, by electing a king to govern them, or become feared by the other nations under the form of a republic. those were counsels which like a cancer in the human body, continued to spread in the civil affairs of those provinces, and the majority of the indians followed them with only too great rapidity. hence, when the indians of pampanga were quieted they were incapable of extinguishing the fire that they themselves had kindled. 4. in pangasinàn, ilòcos, and cagayàn, the flame acquired too much force because of the fierceness of the well arranged combustibles, which were applied by several indian chiefs, who endeavored, under the specious name of liberty, to oppress in the most intolerable manner the ones who did not recognize the blessings which they had while they had the good fortune to call themselves a part of the spanish monarchy. but in order that this history may not wander into parts that do not belong to it, we shall treat only of what happened in the province of pangasinàn; for one part of that province, namely the territory of zambàles, which is composed of ten villages, was then, and is also at present, cultivated in regard to spiritual matters by our holy recollect order. on that account our religious necessarily suffered considerably, and they aided in the pacification of the indians, as did the other holy orders in the villages entrusted to their care. 5. at the end, then, of the year 1660, the insurgents of pangasinàn elected as their leader an indian chief of the village of binalatòngan, one don andrès màlong. he having usurped the title of king, went to campaña, escorted by nine thousand indian warriors. this number was increased enormously within a few days; for it was either a boast of the rebels and they so published it, or it was a fact, his army was composed of forty thousand men. an indian noble, by the name of don francisco sumùlay, a very near relative of màlong, was living in bolinào, a village within our administration. on account of that relationship he looked upon his progress as his own, and helped him as much as he could to attain his purposes. he, in order to incite bolinào and its environs to revolt, spared no effort that he considered fitting. but the father prior, fray juan de la madre de dios (or blancas), opposed him openly and in secret, destroying with cunning whatever sumùlay wrought deceitfully. no sooner did the restlessness and excited condition of the indians force him to take prudent precautions, than he caused ten soldiers to disembark from a champan which was on its way to cagayàn. the latter obeyed him for the captain agreed thereto, and because they knew how much the governor of the islands favored the above-named religious, and that he would approve whatever was done with the latter's advice. the father found himself somewhat ready to offer resistance with those soldiers and with the faithful indians, who by dint of his persuasions were not few; but he had not sufficient forces to attack the rebels or to seize the wicked sumùlay, who was the cause of all the disorder. 6. the latter starting a rumor that the hostile mindanàos were in the neighborhood, imagined that by that false report, and by setting fire to the convent and church at night, the soldiers would flee to the mountains, and that the religious and the loyal indians of the village would imitate them. it would then follow that, since he would remain behind with the insurgents who were already thoroughly advised, he would be able, after having conquered the port and settlement at his safety, to kill all who were not of his party. those ideas were not very badly conceived, and had they arrived at the desired success, would have been only too potent for the attainment of his malicious purpose. for, after the surrender of bolinào, would doubtless follow that of all the territory of zambàles, and then, the great difficulty of maritime aid from manila to pangasinàn, a circumstance which gave great strength to the revolt. but the same arguments also served the father prior to procure the preservation of bolinào with the greatest watchfulness. hence scarcely had sumùlay fired the edifice, when the soldiers and loyal indians protecting it, and fortifying themselves as well as they could, maintained the village in the faith for their god, and in the loyalty due their king. it is a fact that while attending to that, the church was reduced to ashes, as were the sacristy and most of the convent. but that was considered as a little loss as it was well employed, so long as the enemy did not attain their purpose. 7. the above happened in the early part of december, when authentic tidings were not known in bolinào of the insurrection, and only various movements were descried in the indians which provoked fear. however, they had been compelled to dissimulate through lack of forces. but on the twentieth day of the above-mentioned month, the conspiracy was finally published in the village, and simùlay and his associates notified the religious in the following manner. in front of the cells of the father prior and of his associate father fray luis de san joseph, were placed two bamboos and at the end of them two cocoanuts. that is a barbarous ceremony of those countries by which to threaten one with decapitation. simùlay thought that that would be sufficient to frighten the fathers and make them abandon the village, and especially since they now had no soldiers, as the soldiers mentioned above had proceeded on their way. but he was mistaken in his reckoning, for although father fray luis was of that opinion, and indian chiefs were not wanting who supported him, either because they were already infected with the rebellion, or, perhaps, in order to assure the lives of the fathers, were carried away by their good zeal, the father prior resolved to die rather than fail in his service to god and the king. he did not change his decision, however much the sign was repeated the following day. on the contrary, he considered the time suitable to ascertain and establish with cunning the degree of the fidelity of his parishioners. he convened the indians in the atrium of the convent, and in eloquent and powerful arguments gave them to understand that god having entrusted their souls to him, he would not leave their land, although he knew that he was to suffer a thousand martyrdoms. "i am not ignorant," he said, "that the aim of those who occasion these insurrections is to apostatize from the catholic faith, and to return to their former paganism; but for that same reason, i must oppose myself to that with the greatest strength. go ahead, send news of my constancy to the partisans of the rebel màlong, if perchance there are any in the village, so that they may not tire themselves with threatening me with death. assure them that i shall consider myself very fortunate, if i transform myself into a good martyr from so poor a priest. but meanwhile, i warn you, that i shall know by each one's actions who are the rebels and who are faithful; and that accordingly the proper reward or punishment will follow each one, when the manila fleet, which will not delay, subdues affairs properly." by that effort some who were wavering in their loyalty were confirmed in it, while those who were on the side of the seditious ones did not dare to put their treacherous thoughts into execution. 8. very soon did experience show the great importance of the firmness of so valiant a religious. for on the night of that same day, after the convent was locked, some of the loyal indians, who were guarding the outside of it, captured a strange indian, who declared that he was bringing a message to the father prior, which was to be given into his own hand. he was taken into the father's presence after observing the necessary precautions, where he delivered the message. it was from the father vicar of lingayèn and contained extensive notices of the insurrection of pangasinàn which had broken out, the murder of the alcalde-mayor, and the devastation of that part of so flourishing a province. he sent letters for his provincial and for the governor of the islands, in which a speedy relief was asked in order that the sedition might be stifled at its beginning. he besought the father prior to send them quickly to manila, as it was impossible to send them from pangasinàn overland. and now it is seen that if the father prior, fray juan de la madre de dios, had retired from bolinào as fear persuaded him, that despatch would have been fruitless, and perhaps had those advices been unknown in manila, pangasinàn would have been endangered; but since he remained inflexible against the incentives of fear, he was able to take the fitting means, in order that the promptest and most efficacious aid might be obtained. 9. it was not considered advisable to entrust the conveyance of such letters to the indians of bolinào, and accordingly it was resolved to despatch father fray luis de san joseph overland to masingloc under the pretext that he was going on affairs connected with the spiritual administration, but his real purpose was to deliver the messages to the minister of the said village, in order that the latter might despatch them. the religious exposed himself to evident danger of death; for the village of agno, through which he could not avoid passing, was almost entirely in insurrection, and because in the stretch extending from the territory of agno to that of bàlcac, it was necessary to take the rough sea in a small fishing boat which carried no sail and only one oar with the religious himself at the helm. at last he reached masingloc, after conquering so great an obstacle. thence, not without the most serious dangers, the minister sent the messages to manila, arranging to have them carried by father fray bernardino de la concepcion, accompanied by three of the most faithful chiefs. one of those chiefs was appointed master-of-camp by the governor as a reward for so excellent a service, another, sargento-mayor, and the third, captain of the militia of his village; and they were exempted for life from paying tribute. and since the father vicar of lingayèn despatched a second mail to bolinào in case that the first should fail, the father prior, fray juan de la madre de dios, despatched the letters in a chinese vessel which made a way-station there, and was on its way from the island of hermosa to manila. but while the army and naval fleet are being prepared in that city, in order to take relief to pangasinàn, let us return to our villages of zambàles, in order to see what is happening there, and the dangers by which our religious were afflicted. § ii continuation of the foregoing matter, with the declaration of what happened to our religious in masingloc, cagayàn, agno, and bolinào. 10. with the absence of the three said chiefs in masingloc, the prior found himself greatly troubled and persecuted, for those who favored the rebellion, who had thitherto not dared to show their faces in public, showed openly the most foul face of treason on the day of st. stephen. they threw the village into such consternation that if god had not aided it, it would have been impossible to restore it to its former quiet. it happened that, as some indians had not been at mass on either the eve or day of the nativity, the prior meeting one of them afterward who was most esteemed for his bravery, chid him for his fault, although with demonstrations of paternal charity. he had no intentions of exasperating him, for he knew quite well that the indian was inducing his countrymen to swell the number of the insurgents by persuasion and threat. but the indian would not suffer the mild rebuke for that sin, which in other circumstances would have made him experience the severities of punishment, and deeming the occasion very suitable for the revolt of the village, he began to pretend implacable annoyance because the father admonished him. following this, he became excessively angry, and hurled many insults at the evangelical minister, and concluded by crying out: "long live màlong! death to the spaniards and the fathers!" 11. by that means the indian obtained his desires, for more than fifty armed companions gathered about him. they proclaimed the traitor màlong as king; hacked the spanish coat-of-arms which was placed on the site where the principales met to administer justice; and they obliged the prior, whom it was a miracle of divine providence that they did not kill instantly, to retire to his convent, where a guard was established by means of some indians who could be gathered together, while many others who were of the loyal party, were oppressed in their homes. there they held the prior and those who accompanied them besieged, and did not allow them to communicate with the outside, and refused to allow any kind of food to be taken to them, trying by this means to restrict them to the heighth of necessity. within the danger was so much greater, as it was less known by the loyal villages near by which could have sent them some aid. if the rebels did not attack the convent in order to kill the loyal ones, it was because they were afraid of some few arquebuses with which those of the inside threatened them. but they endeavored to set fire to the convent and church three times without being able to succeed, notwithstanding that the material of the building was but little less combustible than tinder, for it was all constructed of wood, bamboo, and nipa. those who tried to burn that edifice, regarded that as a miracle. moreover, one can well understand the necessity that they suffered for they had no place whence to get relief, not even for the necessities of life. consequently they were placed at the will of the divine providence, who as is his custom with those in tribulation, very quickly declared his patronage. 12. having passed the time in this way until new year's eve, it was noted then that a medium-sized vessel was anchored not far from the convent, and that almost all of its indians having landed, engaged in a very interesting conversation with the insurgents. on that account, the prior and his men had an opportunity, to leave the convent without being perceived, to go to the beach, and make themselves masters of the above-mentioned vessel. they set sail without loss of time in it. thus freed from their peril they took their course toward manila. but as they were in need of food, they put in at bagàc, where they met the three chiefs who had guided father fray bernardino, and were now returning to their village. they recounted to those chiefs the deplorable condition in which they were; and considering that the remedy for wrongs generally lies in quickness, they determined to take thirty well-armed indians, whom the father minister of bagàc prepared, and who were fortunately at that place; and then retracing their way, to attack masingloc suddenly. they hoped that if they attacked the rebels when they appeared to be most secure, it would not be difficult to reduce them all to their former quiet. so did it happen, for the season favoring them, they disembarked on the night of the third of january in a bay one-half hour's distance from masingloc, and went overland to that village. at dawn of the fourth, they surprised the insurgents so completely, that overtaken by fear, the latter could not put themselves in a state of defense, while they even had no opportunity for flight. they were all seized, and the prior, although he was full of grief at the robbery of the sacristy and church, interceded for the prisoners, and succeeded in having all except three set at liberty. those three were the leaders and later paid for their wickedness on the gallows. 13. in cigayèn (a village which had decreased very sensibly in houses and inhabitants since the violent death of the venerable father, fray alonso de san agustin, in the year 1612), was father fray francisco de san agustin, an especially zealous minister, who was applying all the persuasive powers of his eloquence to retaining the remnants of that great settlement in due fidelity to god and the king. but a chief, called don antonio sìrray, desired the contrary, in order to keep things in confusion for his own profit. knowing that he would have no opportunity so long as father fray francisco was living, he tried to kill him twice, but the religious man was delivered from his ambushes, for god took his part in a very visible and special manner. in the discussion that the two had together, (one persuading to good, and the other inducing to evil), it happened that sìrray and all his partisans went to swell the army of màlong. the loyal indians with their families and possessions went to another village; father fray francisco retired to manila. with that the village was completely abandoned and no more thought was expended on its rebuilding. such harm do dissensions cause, when, because there is no strength to attack them, they increase to the highest degree when agitated by violence. 14. in agno (a visita or annex of bolinào), there was a chief called don juan dùrrey, a very near relative of sumùlay, and consequently he was bound up very closely to the rebels. three spaniards reached that place on christmas day, who were fleeing from the insurgents of pangasinàn. they showed the indians a diamond ring, as a reward or payment for something to eat, for they were suffering dire need. but scarcely had they sat down to table, when dùrrey inhumanly killed them. as father fray luis de san joseph (who was returning from masingloc whither he had taken the messages as related above), was passing in the afternoon toward bolinào, he noted the loud shouts in the village, caused by the feasting and dancing that they made according to their custom with the heads of the three spaniards. he attempted to approach nearer in order to check their inhumanity, but an indian instigated by the devil, scarcely saw the father when he threw two spears at him. it was regarded as a miracle that the father escaped the blow and was not wounded. thereupon our valiant religious lifted up his voice, and loudly condemned so unjust actions in a fervent sermon. according to circumstances, the words on each occasion must have served as does music on the ears of the tiger. but in the midst of the necessary disturbance, he was enabled to tell them with the help of god, such things that dùrrey with twelve others who followed him, had to leave the village. the others, humble and obedient to the voice of their shepherd, surrendered the heads in order that he might give them ecclesiastical burial. from that moment agno remained in the greatest quiet, like the sea, which shows the most exquisite quietness and serenity after the most terrible storm. 15. but the place where the rage of the insurgents was felt more was in bolinào. màlong regarded its minister, father fray juan de la madre de dios, with irreproachable hatred, for he was not unaware of his great labor in restraining the zambals. they are so warlike a nation that they have always caused themselves to be respected not only in pangasinàn, which province they glorify as a not despicable part, but also throughout the philipinas islands where they have been able to acquire renown through their arms. having, then, as we have related, sent his associate to masingloc, he considered that the indians left him alone in the convent, and that they were going about cautiously talking one with another. he summoned one of the chiefs to him and chid him for that coldness. he learned from the indian that don francisco caucào, a cousin of the usurping king, had arrived from binalatòngon with an order to the effect that the zambals should declare against the spaniards, under pain of being treated as rebels if they did not do so. the indian added that caucào was staying in sumùlay's house, and they were afraid that he intended to conquer their countrymen, and that was the reason why they were all so confused. without allowing, then, the talk which generally increases dangers beyond what they are in themselves, the religious father set out for sumùlay's house in order to have an interview with caucào, as well as for the purpose of examining and exploring the village, in order to see whether there were any ambuscades about it. 16. after he was assured that there were no strange enemies, he went into the presence of the indian, who received him seated, without showing him the least sign of respect. the father asked him why he came, and he answered haughtily that his cousin don andres màlong, the powerful king of pangasinàn, looking with love on the zambal nation, and not desiring to treat them with the greatest rigor of war, sent him to inform them to recognize him as their seignior, and that on that same day some papers were to be read in the church in which that would be intimated; and that the father was to reply to a letter written by his cousin the king, conceding whatever was asked of him, for if he did not do so, it would cost him his life. another of less valor than father fray juan would doubtless have been intimidated at the sight of such arrogance, especially when it be considered that he could not be sure of the people of the village. but the very injustice of the indian giving the father courage, he said to the chiefs who had accompanied him: "what is this? what is this? can it be possible to write of the loyalty of bolinào, that a traitor, sent by a rebel to god, and the king, publicly induces you to insurrection, and that he remain unpunished? come, seize him. but no, it is to his advantage to have been found in the house of sumùlay, whose nobility is worthy of this attention. but i warn you, o wretch, that you do not leave the house which serves you as a sanctuary, and that you do not sow any discord in order to pervert the fidelity of the zambals, until i have answered this letter of your vicious cousin; for if you disobey my order, and these men do not tear you to pieces, i shall be able to send you to manila laden with irons and chains, where you will pay for your treason on the gallows." 17. caucào, sumùlay, and all the others were full of dismay at hearing the argument of the prior: caucào, because he thought that the village sided with the spaniards since the father spoke with so great assurance; sumùlay, because he imagined the same, and because he thought also that the prior was ignorant of his evil designs, since he spoke so lovingly to him; and the others, because a rumor that had been shortly before cunningly spread to the effect that a fleet was already coming from manila to punish those who had declared for màlong, was thus corroborated. for, they argued, if it were not so, a poor religious would not have the courage to do so much. in short the father prior obtained his wish, namely, to puzzle them all in order to gain time. that done, the venerable man retired to his convent quite perplexed. opening the letter, he beheld that màlong expressed himself in the same manner as caucào had done. he deemed best not to answer it, for while he was thinking how he would dismiss the messenger, he was advised that a champan had just anchored in the port, in which were two religious. he proceeded thither in order to receive them, and was met by fathers fray juan de bergàra and fray juan de fisla, who were retiring from ilòcos, where the rebels were committing innumerable acts of cruelty, and had inhumanly taken the life of father fray joseph arias, all of our observance. 18. he led them to the convent, arranging also that two spaniards and six tagálog indians who could be withdrawn from the champan without their loss being felt therein, should accompany them with firearms. then seeing that he was in a state of defense if anything should be attempted by the rebels, he had caucào and sumùlay summoned. they came at the first notice, but curiosity brought all the people of the village. then the father tearing the letter of màlong to pieces in the presence of the multitude, said: "this is the reply merited by such an arrogant method of writing, and especially since it is the letter of a traitor. you," he proceeded, addressing caucào, "who have had the shamelessness to come on so insolent an embassy, well merit being sent a prisoner to manila, and in order that i might do so, god has, perhaps, presented me with this champan. but since you would go to the gallows, the kindness of my estate does not allow me to cooperate in the death of my neighbor. therefore, get you gone immediately to binalatòngon, and tell your cousin that i pity him, since the fleet of manila is already on its way to punish him. assure him that his threats make me laugh; that his demand for obedience from the zambal nation is irrational; and that i am sending him his relative sumùlay in order to increase his army, besides twenty-five indians of this village, who are, according to appearances, looking upon him with too much affection." the father designated those persons by name, and added with a show of great anger: "not a single one of those whom i have just named will remain in bolinào, under penalty that whoever refuses to obey, he and the one who hides him shall be sent to manila without fail, where justice will punish his resistance." thus did he say, and then turned his back with a show of so great anger that no one dared not to fulfil his orders. on the contrary, all those comprehended in the order, left the village immediately, for they feared the threat of punishment. by that means after thus getting rid of the evil humors of that body politic that troubled it, it remained in its former health, and the great and estimable blessing of peace followed. 19. after the execution of so heroic an action, the father prior endeavored to welcome his new guests, whom he provided with all that was needful for the continuation of their journey to manila. they set sail december 26, leaving ours behind especially sad, because we were defenseless if the traitor màlong attempted any new persecution. they were not deceived in their judgment, for the rebel angered at the lack of effect produced by his letter, sent an order to don juan dùrrey, chief of the hamlet of agno, to cut off the head of that illustrious man without fail and to send it to him. that chief went to bolinào accompanied by another valiant indian, and entered the convent for the feast of the new year. he found the prior praying outside of his cell, and the good religious imagining that he was come to ask aid, began to exhort him especially to be loyal and offered him pardon in the king's name. god giving force to these words, dùrrey changed his intention, and refused to kill the father of his spirit. but the indian who accompanied him, shutting his ears, like an asp, to the voices of health, seeing that his chief would not do the deed, unsheathed a weapon called igua in those parts, and approached quickly in order to strike the father. but since the chiefs of the village who had come to speak with the prior on a matter of moment, entered at the same time, the indian was completely embarrassed and both of them were greatly confused. thus can god, by so casual happenings, set a hindrance to even greater fatalities, making use of the very occurrence of secondary causes in order to free his servants from the dangers that threaten them. 20. it appears that màlong was not entirely satisfied with the order that he had despatched to dùrrey; for, aroused to anger he also ordered sumùlay to return to bolinào in order to cut off the prior's head, as well as the heads of all the other religious whom he might find there. sumùlay obeyed instantly, for he was confident that he still had some well inclined to him in the village. he arrived at night, and waiting until the morning of january 3, entered the convent at the time that the venerable minister was about to go out with a rattan staff in his hand in order to go to confess a sick man. sumùlay attacked him with a short sword, without any waste of arguments. the poor religious, seeing himself involved in the worst kind of a conflict, but infused with valor by the divine hand, beat back the first blows with his cane, and defending himself with it, just as he might have done with the best kind of a sword, seeing that no one came to his aid, passed to the offensive. the cane had a long sharp steel point and the father gave the aggressor so powerful a blow or thrust in the breast, that he brought him to the earth grievously wounded. then the prior called out, whereupon the village chiefs came up. however, they were remiss in arresting sumùlay, but on the contrary favored his retreat, and allowed him to go away after he recovered from his wound. consequently, when the prior returned from his confession (whither he had not omitted to go, despite all the confusion), sumùlay no longer appeared. the prior had to put a good face on regarding the ill behavior of his parishioners, in order not to put the village in a worse condition, which, at least publicly, did not aid the seditious ones as much as they could have done. § iii arrival of the manila fleet which was aided by our religious. destruction of the rebels. 21. having now related what happened in the villages of zambàles, and the dangers which our religious suffered, let us turn our eyes toward manila, and see what preparations the government was taking in order to meet so many depredations. scarcely had father fray bernardino de la concepcion delivered his messages, when don sabiniano manriquez de lara, governor of the islands, with extraordinary quickness mustered an army of two hundred spaniards, besides four hundred other soldiers, consisting of pampàngos, negroes, mulattoes, and mestizos. as general he appointed the master-of-camp, francisco de esteybàr, a visayan noble, who in addition to his credit as so fine a soldier, appeared a most observant religious in his habits. he was ordered to march overland to pangasinàn without loss of time. a fleet consisting of four champans, two galleys, and six medium-sized vessels, which were manned with many good soldiers, and a goodly supply of all sorts of firearms were also prepared. this fleet was put in command of general don phelipe de ugalde, who was ordered to set out on the voyage at once, and go to the port of bolinào, where he was to confer with the father prior, fray juan de la madre de dios, whose counsel he was to prize greatly. he was advised that he was not to attempt anything ashore, until the arrival of esteybàr, and their forces were united. 22. everything was done in so short a time (to the contrary of what is generally written of spanish aid), that the father prior was advised by the bantàyes or sentinels at dawn of january 5, that several vessels were seen to be headed to the port, which as was judged from their direction appeared to be from manila. at nine in the morning the fleet anchored in the port of bolinào, which is about one-quarter legua from the village. the father prior flew thither, with the rapidity of one who is in search of consolation, for he was most afflicted. scarcely was he descried on the beach, when the general sent a skiff for him. he was taken by the skiff to the flagship, where he was received with repeated salvos of artillery. all the men expressed mutual joy, which sprung from the bottom of the heart, and were not superficial and born from the habit of deceit. father fray bernardino de la concepcion returned as chaplain of the fleet, because he urged the father provincial that he might do so, for he considered his absence from the field of battle, where his comrades were accomplishing so much for the crown, dishonorable to his valor in the spiritual militia. when the mutual congratulations which were exchanged between the father prior and those who composed the relief were exhausted, the general gave the former a letter from the governor. it read as follows: "my dear father fray juan: very sad has been the news that we have had here of your reverence and of the other fathers, and we were even assured that you had all been killed. consequently, the news from your reverence served me as a special source of joy, notwithstanding the melancholy information contained therein of those insurrections. i trust implicitly through god that your person will be kept safe for the service of both majesties. and i hope that that fleet which i have been able to assemble quickly will keep you safe and that it will have your reverence's advice which i have ordered the general to receive as you are a person of experience in that district. the army in charge of general esteybàr is ordered to make forced marches. and next to god, i look for success in all things to your reverence because you are there. may god preserve you, etc. manila, january 2, 1661. don sabiniano" 23. the general and the prior then discussed many points in regard to the order that was to be followed in the war. it was known that the weapons of the insurgents were poisoned arrows which caused death irremediably no matter how small a wound they made. and although there is not wanting an antidote to counteract that danger, yet that secret is known only by certain indians who refused to disclose it because they desired the insolent multitude to conquer. but the vigilance of our religious had already shown its foresight in a matter of so great weight, and availing himself of a chief of bolinào, one don antonio dàcap, he had obtained from him the recipe for making the antidote; and he had even prepared a large quantity of it, which he gave to the general, in order that the latter might distribute it among the men of the fleet, so that they might suffer no harm from the arrows. ugalde asked for some things which could not be prepared in manila on account of the haste [of their departure]: namely, bamboo and cowhide for making parapets, small boats for use in shallow water; rice for the crew; spears such as the indians use, and certain shields or bucklers which are called caràzas, in order to make use of them in default of the firearms. he was provided with all that he asked immediately. after these arrangements were made, the father prior advised the general, notwithstanding the forced delay of the army as it was coming overland, to go immediately with his fleet to the port of suàl; for although he could not begin operations until the arrival of esteybàr, yet his appearance with his vessels in pangasinàn in sight of lingayèn, would be of great use in terrifying the rebels, and in encouraging the loyal. 24. the general did so, and although the prior desired to accompany the fleet, the former would not consent, alleging as a reason therefor that since bolinào was so important a post, its conservation was considered necessary, and the presence of the father religious was inevitable for that, and also to provide the fleet with necessities in the accidents of war. on that ever propitious and sacred day of the epiphany, after mass had been said, which was celebrated in the flagship by the father prior, the fleet left the port of bolinào. at five in the afternoon it came within sight of lingayèn, to the joy of the religious of st. dominic, who had retired there from almost all of pangasinàn, as it was the least exposed place. until that moment they had been besieged by constant frights. the general did not dare to go ashore, as many crowds of people were seen on the beach, who appeared to be hostile; as well as because he had yet no news of the army, without which he had orders not to do anything, and he had no forces for that. on that account the fleet kept tacking to windward on one tack and another for the space of three days. but at the end of that time, a felucca was seen to cross the bar of lingayèn headed toward the flagship. the father vicar of the said village came aboard and informed the general that the indians of that district, although they had risen, were maintained in their insurrection with great difficulty, and that without making pacts or contracts, desired to surrender to the piety of the king, according to the arrangements that he had already discussed with the chiefs. consequently, in his opinion, the men could disembark without the slightest fear. 25. a council of war was called to discuss the matter. the said father vicar, and the father chaplain, fray bernardino de la concepcion, were given a vote with the others, as was right. all were of the opinion that the general should land with all his soldiers in order that he might place himself in a position of defense for whatever might happen. but that was unnecessary, for the indians received him with the greatest proofs of surrender, and from that time the village of lingayèn, which is the capital of the province, was one of the most safe villages. the rebels who were there fled, as they were fearful of punishment. but at that same time, the sedition was very much alive in the rest of the province; for màlong treated those who refused obedience to him with the utmost rigor unless they had forces with which to resist him. this rigor was seen in his native place binalatòngan, which he reduced to ashes, and allowed his soldiers to sack, as the indians fearful of the spaniards opposed his purposes. in ilòcos and cagayàn, the provinces lying next to pangasinàn, was another indian don juan manzàno, who acted as màlong's agent, and who was general of his armies. he burned villages, killed indians, and reduced everything to the most fatal pass, because he claimed that they denied obedience to our king. 26. on that account, ugalde knew that the sword would be necessary in order to cut the gordian knot of so obstinate an insurrection. he, believing that since the zambals were so valiant and were especially experienced in the mountains, where the rebels had their haunts, they could be of great use to the army, wrote the father prior of bolinào to procure a goodly levy of them, and send them out as soldiers, with the assurance that he would give them help. that famous hero went through the villages of zambàles with the greatest diligence, and collected about three hundred of the most faithful, valiant, and well-intentioned indians. they, furnished with their accustomed arms, and the above-mentioned don antonio dàcap, being appointed master-of-camp with the necessary captains (whose titles the general confirmed, as did afterward the governor, as a payment for their good services) were despatched to lingayèn, where they arrived on the eighteenth of january. and in order that the joy of the fleet might be complete, on the afternoon of that same day, the desired news was received that the army of esteybàr had entered the district of pangasinàn without having met any considerable disaster in its difficult march. thereupon, ugalde arranged his troops, in order to go to join him. when the two armies were united they began to work together. they attacked màlong first, and after several engagements, the traitor was obliged to retire together with those who remained of his men, to certain inaccessible mountains, where they imagined that they would be safe. but here the valor of the zambals shone forth, for directed by father fray bernardino who never deserted them, they pursued the rebels through crag and thicket, so that they compelled them, defiling gradually one after the other, to surrender. finally màlong himself fell into an ambush which was boldly set for him, and he was seized on february 6 whereupon the pangasinàn war ended. 27. but in order not to leave this matter without conclusion, we must add that our army, immediately increased by some companies of pangasinans (a nation that declared itself entirely favorable to the spaniards as soon as màlong was defeated), resolved after holding a council of war to go immediately to ilòcos for the purpose of destroying manzano. but he with few men because many had been lost in several frays, retired to some desolate places where he built a fort. our captains attacked him, however, full in front, and inspired by their example the soldiers and indians, and conquered him. many of the enemy were slaughtered, and we on our side did not fail to lose many, because the resistance was especially obstinate. manzano escaped thence with some few of his men, and hid in certain mountains, but the zambals, pangasinans, and cagayans pursued him, and finally, the justice of our arms prevailed. for, in order that no spark might be left which might kindle a new fire, he was also seized on march 22. thus was that difficult war ended, which had caused manila many terrors, for it caused not a few fears to the spaniards. thereupon, the provinces continued to become pacified. the governor don sabiniano, in obedience to the action of the royal audiencia, despatched a commissary-general of causes, so that, forming a tribunal together with esteybàr, ugalde, and other necessary ministers, he might make a process in regard to those who had been most active among the rebels; and after giving such persons the necessary punishment, publish a general pardon, which would comprehend the remainder. it was reported then that the judges proceeded with too great rigor, but i should not be so bold as to impute that guilt to them, for they aimed to spread a warning, without it ceasing to be very necessary. 28. the least thing that was seen in the disorders of so unjust a rebellion was the deaths that were caused, notwithstanding that they were numerous. there was seen vengeance clothed with zeal; ambition usurping the staff of justice; tyranny proclaiming liberty; treason applauded with adoration; and he who never knew the law of reason, making laws. there were seen thefts, conflagrations, profanations of the temples, persecutions, scorn, and the evangelical ministers killed sacrilegiously; the catholic religion abandoned in great part; and the door opened to apostasy and infidelity. for what time, then, is the purpose of inexorable justice, if it is not applied at such a time? that was no sickness that could be cured by mild means when only iron and fire were found capable of reëstablishing that vast body in health, rigor exercised there being a preservative medicine for the rest. and if, perchance, any innocent one paid what he did not owe, one must reflect that public vengeance was inflicted by the hands of men, who, although they try to work with equity, are after all only men, and that they would cease to be men, if they proceeded without the least defect in all things. at last among many others who suffered the last punishment, màlong was shot in lingayèn, caucào hanged in binalatòngan, sumùlay in bolinào, sìrray in masingloc, dùrrey in agno, and manzàno, in the village of bacàrra, killed himself in order to escape the hand of the hangman. but if some of them left the marks of treason in the zambal nation, which is ever valiant and loyal to the king, most of them in number and rank, washed away that stain more than clean. everything yielded the great praise to the discalced augustinians, who were able, by their exhortations, to restrain and maintain the loyalty of so many indians of their districts, despising for that purpose many perils. § iv relation of the insurrection of the sangleys or chinese and how our religious aided in bringing about peace and victory. 29. outside the walls of the city of manila, under the cannon of the plaza, there is a very thickly populated settlement called the parién, where a large number of chinese live. those people are known there under the name of sangleys. although heathen they have been allowed to reside there for the sake of commerce and because they are employed in almost all the mechanical trades. it cannot be denied that that nation fomented and maintained with aid and cunning the rebellions of the indians which we have just related. that is apparent, because, when the alcalde-mayor don francisco pulido was killed in pangasinàn, some sangleys were found among the rebels, who contrived that under cover of the small boats they might capture the large vessel where the alcalde-mayor was defending his life very gallantly; and on the arrival of our naval fleet to explore the beach of lingayèn, there were seen there many armed men, consisting of sangleys and indians, as is affirmed by father santa cruz, in volume 2 of his dominican history of the philipinas. [10] but it is still more fully shown by the many bodies of sangleys which were found in the field whenever there was an engagement with the rebels, for on all occasions they served the indians as auxiliaries. let us examine the motive for the chinese taking part in a war that concerned them so little. [here follows a brief description of china and an account of the victories of the tartars about this time, the alliance of the pirate kuesing with the legitimate chinese king junglie, and following the latter's death, the retreat of the pirate to formosa whence he expels the dutch. his design to make the conquest is also related, and his embassy by father victorio riccio to manila, demanding "prompt vassalage, and a huge tribute from the islands, and threatening the most bloody war if spaniards and indians did not obey this obligation and recognize him as king." the chinese in manila, hating the tartars and favorable to kuesing, begin to raise disturbances. their anger is also further aroused by a commercial treaty between the spaniards and the tartar emperor of china. but little attention is paid to the chinese of the parián, however, but both interior and exterior fortifications are strengthened and constructed in case of an attack by kuesing. the narrative continues:] 34. for this purpose some scaffolds were built outside the wall so that the pioneers might work comfortably. this, which was a means for fortification, might, had not the divine aid intervened, have been the cause of the loss of the city, the center of the faith in assia and a firm column of the catholic religion. for the sangleys determined with the utmost secrecy not to let the opportunity slip, but, on the contrary, to seize time by the forelock, and to climb in great numbers by night by means of those scaffolds which were not guarded in proportion to the danger. they thought that if they did so, and first gained the wall by an unexpected and furtive rush they could obtain the mastery of the city immediately without any opposition. in fact they would have planned well had it not been that god tied their hands. it happened, then, that the father sacristan of our convent going down one morning to arrange the altar of the santo ecce homo (an image of which mention was made in volume iii, [11] as well as the great devotion that governor don sabiniano had for it), found at its divine feet a message reading as follows: "governor, guard thy city, for they are trying to take thee by surprise." the sacristan immediately put that message into the hands of the father prior. the latter, considering that no one had to hide himself in order to give such advice, (for, if it were true, any person would be assured of a not small reward), he formed the concept that that notice came from the hand of god; and above all that it would be well to inform the governor of it. for where there are so many enemies, the most careful watch is none too much. 35. consequently, he took the message to the governor, to whom he told the manner in which he had found it. the prudent superior not only esteemed the caution, but he doubled his care and vigilance by visiting the walls and sentinels hourly. but on the morning of the following day, another more detailed paper was found in the same place, which read as follows: "governor, guard thy city. remove the scaffoldings from the walls, and do not trust anyone, for the enemy are very near thee." the father prior also took that message to the governor, alleging that because of his quality as a good vassal, he could not avoid giving him that annoyance. but the governor was not annoyed but instead thanked him again and again, and in his presence had an adjutant, one don joseph zamora, summoned, and ordered the latter to remove the scaffolding of the walls, and double the guards in all the posts. it was afterwards learned how important the arrangement that has been practiced had been, for it was discovered when the deserved punishment was meted out to the insurgents that the surprise of the city was to have been attempted on the night following that day, but that they had not succeeded because what was to have served them as a ladder had been removed. 36. the sangleys seeing the destruction of their designs, resolved, at the beginning of the year 1662, to arm suddenly one day, with the weapons which came first to hand, and to take the city openly, for they trusted too much to their valor. there is a gate in the city called the gate of the parián, which gives on the sangley settlement, and innumerable numbers of that nation enter the city through it hourly. they would find it easy if some of them were to make themselves masters of this gate, for the others to enter the city armed. by a special providence of god, as brother fray diego de santa ana, one of our religious lay-brothers, went to adjust an account with a certain sangley, on the morning of the day on which they had resolved to make the attack, he observed that the chinese were in great disorder, and he even heard some words indicative of arrogance, and that they were premeditating some sedition. the brother understood the chinese language somewhat, and having conceived the said suspicion, he went about the parián carefully and joined in conversation cunningly with several sangley acquaintances. by that means originated the confirmation of his fears. he advised a captain of everything, who took him into the presence of the governor so that he might inform the latter. upon receiving that information, the guards of the gates and of the walls were doubled without any confusion, and most opportune orders were given secretly for the artillerymen and soldiers to be prepared to resist any attack. 37. scarce six o'clock could have struck, when the sangleys advanced to the gate of the city in a confused mass, with such violence that doubtless they would have gained it, had our men not been so prepared for its defense. with the regular discharge of the artillery, and with the muskets of the guards, many of them were killed. at that misfortune the others retired as furiously as they had begun the attack. but honoring our discalced religious greatly the governor was wont to say whenever he saw brother fray diego, that next to the patronage of the santo ecce homo, the defense of the city was due to his opportune advice. the enemy having been repulsed in this manner, a portion of them, about two thousand, threw themselves into the river in order to cross it. about three hundred of them having perished there, the others fled to the mountains. as they passed it, they left our convent and church of san sebastian reduced to ashes. its building had been finished but a short time before, as it had been burned during another insurrection. it could not but cause time and trouble to reduce those rebels, but it was accomplished at last although accompanied with the shedding of much blood. they were pursued on one side by the pampango indians and on the other by the zambals, who were led and captained by our religious. the remaining sangleys, who reached the number of ten thousand, took their stand on the field in front of the walls, thus causing not a little anxiety to manila. but they were so disposed that, anticipating a general pardon, conceded by the governor, with the exception of some few leaders, before nightfall they were all subdued, and that troubled sea was totally calm. 38. father palanco, [12] a dominican, declared very truly in the memorial which he presented to the king, on that rebellion of the sangleys, "that all the orders worked and aided with singular vigilance on that occasion exposing their lives to the service of both majesties." for the individuals of all the orders endeavored to excel, as ever, in their zeal and deeds, now by taking arms to go to the defense of the walls, just as the most ordinary soldier might do; now imploring divine clemency with supplications and prayers; and anon assisting with advice and information. but there is no doubt that, as is inferred from the abovesaid, our recollects had a great share in that victory, and that they shared considerably in the dangers of the war. thus are they able without failing in their obligations as evangelical ministers, to serve their earthly king on all occasions, as professors of both militias. [sections v-vii relate the lives of various recollects, both priests and lay-brothers, who died in spanish convents at this time. no one of them had been in the philippine missions.] chapter ii our province of philipinas extends its apostolic preaching to the districts called contracosta [i.e., the opposite coast]. fatherfray agustin de san ildephonso, a learned and holy religious, dies in tobòso. the year 1662 § i the missions of the contracosta, whither the preaching has spread, are received into our province of philipinas, and four convents are founded. 64. [the philippines, says our author, may be regarded as the limits of the earth, and hence the text of isaias xviii, 2, may be regarded as spoken of the philippines, in which the gospel is to be published.] 65. in obedience to the insinuation of that text, even before the roots necessary for its subsistence had been fixed our discalced congregation despatched apostolic missionaries to the above-mentioned islands, in order that they might be illumined by the splendors of the evangelical doctrine, and enriched by the examples of its angelic perfection. it was not content with that first squadron, for the undertaking commenced has been prosecuted at various times, and a great number of its sons have been sacrificed to an undertaking as arduous as useful. we have already seen in the preceding volumes, the greatness of their actions in the conversion of the most terrible peoples of that archipelago, in zambàles, carahaga, calamiànes, and the islands of romblòn. in this volume we shall treat of the spread of the faith, which was extended into other villages, a proof that new zeal has ever been gathered, also born of the salvation of their neighbors. but at present we shall speak of a new field, which was handed over to the cultivation of our ever sure workers in the island of luzòn and the contracosta of manila. and although that field was abandoned afterwards for lack of evangelical ministers, there is no reason why endeavors so meritorious should be forgotten. let our pen, therefore, be busied in the relation of these labors. 66. the island of luzòn, which is the largest and chiefest of the philipinas, has the appearance of an arm somewhat bent, according to the description of father fray juan francisco de san antonio. [13] it has a circumference of more than four hundred spanish leguas, and lies between twelve and nineteen degrees of latitude. not far from the point of san tiago, which we shall pretend to be the elbow of this arm, journeying thence toward cape bogeador, lies the great bay of manila, in the center of which this city is located. it is the capital of all the possessions of the spanish scepter in these islands. lapping the walls of manila is a large river which empties at that place into the sea. by it one ascends to the lake of bay, and on the opposite shore of that lake one finds the village of sinilòan. thence to the port of lampòn, which is located on the contracosta of manila, and comes to be as it were, inside of the arm, one need only pass the mountains of daraètan, and cabòan, which is a crossing of five or six leguas. consequently, in order to go by sea from manila to the port of lampòn, one must sail about one hundred and forty leguas; but by ascending the river and crossing over the lake to sinilòan, and crossing the mountains of daraètan and cabòan there is scarce twenty leguas of distance. 67. in the environs, then, of the port of lampòn, following the coast opposite the bay of manila, are the districts of binangònan, balèr, casigùran, and palànan composed of various villages and collections of huts. the first three belonged at first to the alcaldeship or province of mindòro. since in the year 1588, the discalced franciscan fathers fray estevan ortiz and fray juan de pòrras were destined to that jurisdiction, they gathered most seasonable fruits in the above-mentioned districts, having sown there the seed of the catholic name. however, having been called to other parts by their obedience, they could not further the church in those districts, much as they desired it. the venerable martyr, fray francisco de santa maria, completed the perfection of the work, by forming the three above-mentioned missions with a sufficient number of the faithful who were withdrawn from the darkness of paganism by the influences of a zeal so seraphic. afterwards other workers of the same family extended their missions down the beach toward the province of cagayàn or nueva segovia, and founded the village and district of palànan. with that there were four missions situated on that contracosta, and the franciscan province kept the administration of them in their own hands for many years. they hoped that, although there were but few people and conveniences, as the mountains which were peopled by pagans were near by, they could continue ever to increase the flock of christ, as they did do without ceasing, the sword of the evangelical preaching fencing with the advantage gained by repeated triumphs. [14] 68. but since in this time with which the history is concerned, the boat of the above-mentioned province found itself with a great quantity of fish in its nets, and with few fishers in its number for the support of the work, they called to their aid the individuals of our holy province. nothing more than a sign was necessary to make them hasten thither, expressing their thanks for the opportunity. although i have been unable to ascertain the year with certainty, i have foundation for the conjecture that in the chapter celebrated in the year 1662, the franciscan fathers invited our recollect family to take the above-mentioned missions of the contracosta. they alleged that they were unable to attend to so many villages, whose care devolved upon them, because of the lack of religious. they promised to cede those missions to the recollects, and not to retain any right of reversion. those missions were not very desirable, both because of the wretchedness of the earth, and because of the small number of tributes that they contained. for, although they had increased greatly with the new conversions, they only contained 4,800 christian souls in the year 1738, as was asserted by the historian of that seraphic province. [15] but our recollect order has obtained a writ which was gained in philipinas to occupy the least profitable posts so far as earth is concerned, but the most meritorious in the heavens. consequently, those zealous fathers received that work immediately, and forthwith assigned evangelical ministers to cultivate the new vineyard, increasing the rational vines in it with the care and zeal which the seraphic workers had managed to exert thitherto. 69. in consequence of this, the province chose father fray benito de san joseph, fray francisco de san joseph, and fray clemente de san nicolàs, with three others whose names we have been unable to discover. they took formal charge of the districts and founded the following convents. near the bay and port of lampòn, somewhat inland toward the mountain, is located the village of binangònan, and there the first house and church was established with the title of san guillermo. two religious were left there. the tagálog language is spoken in that territory, although it belongs to the province of tayàbas and to the bishopric of camarìnes, or as it is called, nueva càceres. the ministers assigned to that village attended to various scattered collections of huts along the bays of lampòn and umirèy, as well as to the reduction of the infidels which extends along the neighboring mountains for the distance of twelve or fourteen leguas. going thence following the coast to the north, one meets the river and village of valèr. another convent was founded there, titular and patron of which was st. nicholas of tolentino. it belongs to the same language, province, and bishopric, as the other. only one religious was stationed there, although afterward, according to the times, two lived there. they tended to the mission which was very laborious because of its size, and labored in the conversion of the aetas, heathen of the neighboring mountains, which allow passage from valèr to the province of pampànga through the territory of patabàngan and santòr, by a not long, but very rough road. 70. sailing along the same coast toward cape engaño one comes to the bay of casigùran, which has a circumference of twelve leguas. on its shore is located the village of the same name. the third convent was erected there and was given the title of our father st. augustine. it belongs also to the tagálog language, the province of tayàbas, and the bishopric of camarìnes. two religious resided there generally, and sometimes three, for they extended their administration to many leguas of coast, and their zeal for the spread of the faith to the extensive mountains near by, which being filled with aètas, blacks, and calìngas heathen gave worthy although most toilsome occupation to the messengers of the law of grace. from one extremity of the bay of casigùran, the point called san ildephonso protrudes three leguas seaward. at its head end the province of tayàbas and the bishopric of camarìnes. having doubled that point, and after one has navigated ten or twelve leguas northward one comes to the village and district of palànan, which belongs to the bishopric and province of cagayàn or nueva segovia. the fourth convent is founded there, and bears the title of santa maria magdalena. and although all the religious who could be assigned to that mission illumined it, considering the lack of them from which this holy province usually suffers, yet notwithstanding this, it could always be said that the harvest was great and the laborers few. for besides the christians already reduced, the fathers had to contend with an innumerable number of heathen who overran the neighboring mountains for a distance of more than thirty leguas from the point of san ildephonso to cape engaño. 71. i assert that i have several times heard from fathers fray valero de san salvador and fray silvestre de la purificacion (who passed a considerable portion of their well-employed lives in those missions, and whom i knew in manila, and who attained a venerable and exemplary age) that from the admission of that territory by our province to the year 1704, the multitude of infidels who were turned by the preaching of our brothers from the unhappy liberty of paganism to the mild yoke of the catholic faith, was vast. for, notwithstanding that there were three or four epidemics in all those villages in the above-named period, which occasioned the death of an excessive portion of the old christians, the settlements were replaced by those newly converted. consequently, the lack was not observed, for the same number of tributes were collected for the king during the latter years as during the first. this same thing is attested by the documents and depositions that i have before me, which designate the recollect religious who lived on the contracosta with the character of laborers in the living missions because of the many souls that their apostolic zeal drew to the sheepfold of the church. 72. but notwithstanding that, the fruit must have caused entire consolation as it was so visible, and given greater earnestness to continue. that fatal interruption of missions in which no workers of our recollect family passed to philipinas from españa from the year 1692 to that of 1710, having occurred, the province found it impossible to give, as it had done hitherto six or eight religious for those missions because their exhaustion made them needed for other missions. although our brothers were more than men in their zeal, in material work they could do nothing more than men. therefore, it was impossible to look after so great an employ as they had in their charge, since they had so few subjects. and already it is seen that if necessity obliged them to abandon any district, it must be that of the contracosta. they did not regard that as a conquest proper, but as received in trust. it was so, for in the provincial chapter held in the year 1704, after that apostolic province had possessed those doctrinas and convents for more than forty years, it was resolved to abandon them all, and return them to their first masters, the religious of st. francis, as they could not attend to their administration. those seraphic workers, learning the reason; took new charge of those souls in order to attend to them with the bread of the instruction. on this account, the above-mentioned convents do not now belong to the order, and the villages of the contracosta are not in our charge. but the narration of the so plausible readinesss practiced by our oldtime heroes has been deemed indispensable. in due time, namely, the year 1703, when the prodigious life of the venerable mantelata [16] juana de jesus, whose virtue sprang from the teaching of our religious, is related, one will see that with that fruit alone all their evangelical attempts can be considered as well employed. [the second and last section of this chapter deals with the life of fray agustin de san ildephonso, who died in the convent of toboso, spain, during this year 1662. he was never in the philippines.] [section i of chapter iii treats of the seventh general chapter of the order, which was held in alcalá de henares in 1663. sections ii and iii narrate the life of fray juan de san antonio, an ex-provincial of the philippines. born of a noble family in granada, he early showed great precocity and attained proficiency in his studies while very young. being strongly called to the religious life he entered the recollect convent at granada, september 13, 1617, at the age of twenty and professed the following year. after a short course in theology he went to mexico in 1619, whence after another course in theology in that city he was sent to manila, where he was ordained priest after a third theological course, in 1621. the following year found him master of novitiates in manila convent. although his parents obtained permission for him to return to spain, in 1624, he preferred to remain in the field which he had chosen. that same year he was prior of the convent of igaquet and was later occupied in many missions, especially in calamianes. in 1635 he was elected definitor, and desirous of preaching the gospel in japan, made two attempts to penetrate that empire, both of which were failures, the second time sickness not even allowing him to leave the philippines. he was elected prior of manila convent in 1638 and after his three years' term worked again in the missions of calamianes and composed two hooks in the language of that district, one of moral sermons and the other an explanation of the catechism. in 1644 he was elected provincial almost by acclamation. his term was a busy one, and a number of churches and convents were erected during it. during the disastrous earthquake of 1645, he rendered distinct service. he began the repair of the recollect church and convent of manila, which had been partially destroyed by the earthquake. at the end of his term he retired to his cell in manila, but became implicated in some way with the civil-religious troubles that rose during the governorship of diego faxardo, and he was arrested in 1651 and sent to marivelez. with the change of government, he returned to manila, and then retired to the cavite convent, where he died from an illness in january 1663. he was pure minded and austere in his devotions. the fourth and last section of this chapter narrates the life of a recollect who died in 1663 at the convent of zaragoza, spain.] [chapter iii recounts the lives of three recollect religious who died in the year 1664, only the first of whom was in the philippines. this was fray joseph de la anunciacion, and his life is discussed in the first two sections. he was born in madrid and took the recollect habit in that city, october 8, 1615. he was chosen for the philippine missions and arrived at manila in 1623. most of his work in the islands was as spanish preacher, and his work lay principally in the convents of manila, san juan, san sebastian, cavite, and cebú. he did considerable work among the native filipinos, the chinese, mestizos, negroes, and mulattoes, ever in the spanish language, but he was able to adapt himself well to their degree of intelligence. his preaching was especially effective in the city of cebú which was more densely populated in his time than a century later. his influence was far reaching among all classes. twice he was elected provincial of his order--april 8, 1635, and may 7, 1650. his terms were active and productive of good work. recollects began their work in the island of romblon under his directions, and he attempted to send missionaries to japan. during his term also recollects were successful in pacifying many disaffected districts. his death occurred in the cebú convent of which he was prior at the time.] chapter viii treating of the hardships endured by our religious in philipinas, because of various persecutions that occurred in our fields of christendom. the year 1668 § i abridged relation of the persecutions of our holy faith in philipinas, from the year 1640 to the year under consideration, 1668, and which are not mentioned in the preceding volumes. 307. he who would like to know what manner of province is ours in philipinas and its height of love to god and its neighbor, which that lord has given to it, who is so well able to inculcate charity, must not be governed only by the immense zeal of its individuals in alluring souls into the sheepfold of the church but as well by the continual persecutions which they have suffered in order that they might maintain that field of christendom in the purity of the faith, despising their lives at each step in order to preserve it. the lack of fear of death, by which those valiant soldiers of the god of armies have sustained the field of battle against all the power of the gates of hell, is doubtless one of the greatest of miracles which divine providence has hung in its temple in this world, to the no small glory of these provinces of españa, that have become such marvels of charity through so good milk, that they consider and have considered it an honor to suffer and even to die, in order to defend that harassed church. many events in confirmation of this truth are drawn with most accurate brush in the preceding volumes of this history. by them one may see that our brothers have left us examples worthy of imitation by incessantly placing in practice the highest perfection of exposing their lives to death for the assistance and consolation of certain poor indians, that they might encourage them in the continual invasions of the moros. but notwithstanding the great skill that accompanied the painters of so idealistic canvasses, i find in a lower degree not a few pictures worthy of immortality, for without doubt the colors of the notices were lacking, which are so indispensable to form the pictures in the painting of history. i having obtained trustworthy relations of the many misfortunes that assaulted our fields of christendom and their directors from the year 1640 until the present of 1668, which is under consideration, it would not be laudable to leave such trophies buried in forgetfulness, although the copy, which would have been most accurate if done by the brushes of the other writers, be disfigured. 308. to continue; don sebastian hurtado de corcuèra, governor of philipinas, thought that by building and garrisoning some strongholds in tolò [i.e., joló], an island which is given over to the perfidy of mahomet and is the nesting place of the robbers of the whole archipelago, he could restrain its inhabitants by preventing them from going to our villages with their fleets as they had done until that time, with the sequel of innumerable depredations. he put that idea into practice in the year 1638, after the conclusion of the war with the koran, in the beginning of which when the sword was drawn the scabbard was thrown away. but neither his valor nor that diligence were sufficient for the attainment of his end. for in the year 1640, now by the joloans themselves, and now by means of the borneans their allies, and now by making use of their vassals who inhabited the adjacent islands, they tried to find in sea surprises some betterment of their fortune or some havoc by which to temper it. with that object they attacked missions belonging to our reformed order both boldly and treacherously in the districts of calamiànes, butuàn, and cagayang; and it is a fact that we always had the worst of it in those wars. they committed depredations very much to their liking, with the boldness that their greed gave them and with the severity which their hatred to the evangelical law inspired in them. the captives who were taken in our villages on that occasion numbered three hundred and more. the churches were ruined, the holy images profaned, the evangelical ministers became fugitives in the mountains, the sheep were scattered as their shepherds could not attend to them with their watchful eye, the villages were reduced to ashes, and all of those fields of christendom became the necessary object of the most bitter lamentation. 309. they did almost the same thing in the three following years, and there was no means of taking worthy satisfaction from enemies so inhuman who, like wild and hellish beasts, destroyed a great portion of the rich patrimony of christ which had flourished in that country under the care of our discalced order. the devastation was so general that it appears to have been presaged by heaven with very extraordinary portents. for on the fourth day of january, 1640, a volcano suddenly burst forth in the island of sanguiz, not far from the cape of san agustin in the island of mindanao, which showed very rare and unusual results. for the ashes, rocks, and burning material which it cast up traveled for many leguas as far as zebù. noises like artillery were heard, which caused the spanish garrisons to get under arms, and the day grew dark from ten in the morning, so that it seemed pitch black night. the same thing happened in another volcano in an islet opposite the bar of the river of jolò. there was a furious hurricane in the island of luzòn up toward the province of ilòcos in the part where the igolòtes live. that hurricane was followed by the most frightful earthquake, and the earth swallowed up three inaccessible mountains with as many settlements which were located at the foot of the mountains, and in the space left a large lake was formed. such was the noise at the dislocation of the huge mass of those mountains, that it was heard not only in all the philipinas islands and in malùco but also in the kingdoms of cochinchina, china, and cambòja, throughout a circumference of more than nine hundred leguas. so great was the persecution that it was believed to have been announced by the so great heaping together of surprises and misfortunes. [17] 310. but the time when the moros gave full rein to their barbaric fury, was from the beginning of the year 1645, for then they were freed from the terror that had been caused them by corcuèra who had just been succeeded in the government of the islands by the master-of-camp don diego fajardo. the arrival also of two ships well manned with dutchmen at jolò and which had been asked for by prince salicàla, the heir to the scepter, for the purpose of destroying the strongholds which the spaniards held in the said island, gave them at that time a motive for employing greater power in their piracies. although the commandant of those strongholds, don estevan de orella hugalde, caused the enemy to return to their factories badly the losers, and without having obtained the end of their attempt, the joloans were able, through their protection, to launch three squadrons which filled our villages with fear and confusion. it is no new thing in that continent for the heretics to lend arms to the pagans and to the mahometans in order to put down the christian name. a savage end it is to pit themselves for the private ends of trade and in a religious war, on the side of the koran and of idolatry, which they themselves condemn, against the gospel, which they persecute with fury. the three fleets went out then, for their campaign, and not having anyone to oppose them, the enemy filled their boats with what they called spoils, took about two hundred captives, persecuted our religious as ever, with mortal hate, and destroyed fifteen villages, almost all of them of our spiritual administration, and they filled calamiànes especially with bitterness and grief. 311. the dutch were not content with protecting the moros, in order that they might persecute the name of christ, but they themselves tried to drive that name from all that archipelago. among all the disunited members of the spanish monarchy, which the dutch have endeavored to cut off from it, (in order that their power might wax more formidable at the expense of another) they have ever cast their eyes on the honorable and wealthy dominion of the philipinas islands. that country is such for their designs and trade, that better could not be desired: both because from there they were assured of all the trade of china, japòn, cochinchina, cambòja, and the malùcas; and because they were guaranteed the best woods for the building of their ships that can be found on the whole round earth. for that reason, the dutch have left no stone unturned in all times if it pertained to the maxim of their desire, as can be deduced from several passages which are to be found in the previous decades and are necessary for the intelligence of the history that is treated in them. [18] the year, then, of 1646, they were seen with fifteen warships. with five of them they besieged the district of playahònda, while seven of them were stationed in the embocadero or strait of san bernardino, and the remaining three filled the islands of the pintados with fear. our villages of masìnloc, iba, marivèlez, romblòn, bantòn, and surigào, suffered more harm and vexation than usual, of which the greater part touched the religious ministers. 312. two galleons left cavìte and fought first with five ships and twice afterwards with seven, and obtained three victories which were clearly miraculous. for they destroyed the enemy, without receiving any special damage, and the enemy were compelled to abandon their attempts for the nonce. although father fray balthassar de santa cruz attributes all of the prodigy to our lady of the rosary with sufficient foundation, [19] we, while confessing the might of so holy a warrior, must suggest that st. nicholas of tolentino had no small part in it, whom the soldiers, persuaded by two recollects, as is mentioned in volume 3 of this history, who served as chaplains in our small fleet, also invoked as the sworn patron of those seas. [20] but under shelter of the dutch enemy, who continued their attempts with no more success the two following years, the moros, always emboldened, transgressed all bounds, attacking ceaselessly the villages of the spanish dominion. for, although corralàt, king of mindanào, kept quiet during so dangerous a season for reasons of his own convenience, and had even acted as mediator so that butria bòngso, king of jolò should make peace with our arms, which was done april 14, 1646, none of all that was sufficient to give quiet to that field of christendom. mahometan perfidy took the pretext that the joloan prince salicàla and paguyàn cachile, prince of the guinbanos, [21] and seignior of tuptup in bornèy, should refuse to sign the peace. with that excuse those princes, aided in secret by those kings, peopled the sea with boats and caused unspeakable damage to calamiànes, camiguìn, and romblòn. 313. that was not the only fatal consequence that followed from those inhuman premises which were set by the dutch. for if we had thitherto seen the aliens fighting against the faith, from the year 1649 the very sons of the church worked for its destruction. the dutch incited the indians, already christian and subject, to withdraw themselves from the mild yoke of spain, the country which had drawn them from the darkness of paganism, and kept them on the road to salvation. nor were they deaf to the voices filled with the fraud most difficult to recognize, for since they carried the agreeable sound of liberty, they secretly induced them to undergo the most tyrannical subjection; and god permitting by his secret judgments excessive flights to audacity and shamelessness for the credit of the virtuous and the crown of the just; the most cowardly of nations were seen with surprise and the nakedness of the indians was armed against the invincible sword of the spaniards. the insurrection began in the village of palapàg in the province of hibabào in the island of sàmar, whence the good outcome of the first action traveling on the wings of unsteady report, found minds so ready throughout the islands of pintàdos, that (just as if the counsel were common, and they were only awaiting the signal in order to do it), the temples were burned in many places, and sacred things profaned. the evangelical ministers fled, and the rebels retiring to the loftiest mountains, imagined that they could defend their former barbarity there. 314. our reformed order had enough things to bewail in those revolutions; for in addition to the tragedies of linao, which are related in volume 3, [22] the villages of cagayàng, camiguin, hingòog, romblòn, bantòn, and cibuyàn added wood to the fire of the sedition. if the promised help of the dutch had come over and above the boldness of the indians, it is inferred that what had taken so many years to conquer would have been lost in a few days. but god who always punishes as a father those who try to serve him, measured the times so accurately, that amid the echoes of the insurrection, the proclamations of the peace which had been arranged between españa and olanda resounded in manila. with that the catholic arms were freed from their chastisement, and all things returned to their pristine quiet. that was not the case with the moros, who were then and for many years after, the perennial enemies of that afflicted field of christianity. barbarously blinded in their treacherous gains as if it were a thing done, they made a practice of going every year to take captives in the islands of our administration, often outraging the temples sacrilegiously and not a single one that was near the beach escaped profanation and they utterly abused everything intended for religious worship, with great scorn to the name of christian. they cut the sacred vestments, into robes and other garments [capisayos], and they destined the ciboriums and sacred chalices to the dirty use of their wine, tobacco, and buyo. 315. but it did not so happen, i return to say. for notwithstanding that they were a terror every year from that of 1649 to 1655 because of their piracies, now in some and now in other parts, they remained without the due punishment although so sacrilegious insults demanded it so justifiably. without fear of our arms, they overran those seas at will, trusting their security to their swiftness; for their boats were built on purpose for piracy, and ours compared to theirs of lead. it happened not once only that they were taken because of carelessness between the bars of the rivers with forces sufficient to make one consider their destruction sure; but they got out laughing on one side or the other, amid the discharge of their artillery. and the forces of manila, zebù, zamboàngan, and carhàga, which were not despicable squadrons, served no other purpose than to scare off the evil, so that the persecution might be enormously expanded. they carried their insolence so far that two small vessels with but small crews, dashed into the bay of manila one of the above years, and almost in sight of that capital, seized a caracoa from iloilo with the rich cargo aboard it. then they went out haughtily, and no one could take their prize from them, or punish their arrogance. in view of this one may infer how harassed were the distant villages, and how filled with tribulations were our religious ministers, who ever occupied the most advanced and dangerous posts. 316. it even transcended the tragic representation of so doleful misfortunes, when in the year 1655 corralàt, king of mindanào, proclaimed war against the christian name. he began his treachery by the inhuman murders of two fathers of the society whom their rank as ambassadors, which is so greatly respected by the law of nations, did not aid. that prince was in philipinas what gustavus adolphus, king of suecia, was in alemania, namely, the thunderbolt of lucifer, the scourge of catholicism, and the attila of the evangelical ministers, who never practiced courtesy toward them except when force or some reason of state compelled him so to do. for his private convenience he had pretended that he was peaceful in public during the preceding years. but now with no other reason than his fury, he gave license to his vassals to infest the christian villages; and they did it like a river which overflows its bed, after having rid itself of the embarrassment of its dikes. he was not content with that, but in order to give greater flights to his impiety, he excused it among the neighboring moros under the name of a religious war; and under that title he invited to it the borneans, tidorans, and joloans, so that confederated with him into one body they might unfurl the banners of the perfidious mahomet, without stopping until they utterly destroyed the law of grace. 317. he incited so great an uprising against that straitened field of christendom that, although the previous persecutions that the moros had practiced against it were so inhuman, (as may be seen in the places of this history cited in the margin) [23] they were all assuredly less intolerable than those which were now incited; for now fury and barbarity were carried to the extreme. that was so fierce that disinterested pens did not hesitate to compare it with the last of antichrist; so persevering, that until the year 1668, of which this history is treating, and the year when the relations which we follow end, there was not a single instant of rest; so shameless that ruin was seen almost at the very gates of manila; and so universal that but few villages of our administration escaped being the theater of war and the lamentable object of its misfortunes. this is a brief compendium of the tragic events which happened in the philippine church, which was surrounded on all sides by the waters of contradiction, as is the territory of those islands by the salt waves of the sea. this is a sketch of the cold winds, which, notwithstanding the heat of its climate, parched in great part the wavy exuberance of that leafy garden, so abounding in the flowers of christianity and the mature fruits of virtue. let us now consider with the most possible brevity, a concise sketch of the glory which was obtained by our discalced order in return for the hardships which overwhelmed its evangelical workers at so calamitous a time. we warn the reader that we shall follow no other chronological order than chance offers. § ii of the hardships of our religious during these persecutions. the venerable father, fray antonio de san agustin, dies at the hands of the moros, in glorious martyrdom. 318. in the above-mentioned pillaging, [24] which god permitted for so many years, the moros were triumphant, the catholic arms rebuffed, the christian villages without other defense than that of heaven, and the indians drowned in the sea of tribulations. moreover, as the sword of the persecutor, also that of greed and vengeance, was moved by the hatred of our holy faith, the direction of its greatest force was toward the sowers of the gospel. daily did religious who had been driven from their ministries and missions bring to manila news of entire villages ruined, the outcries of priests who had been captured, and letters which announced the death of others. all was confusion, all lamentation, all chaos, where the enemies of god were trying to elevate their throne in the darkness upon so bloody and confused injustice. it has already been seen that our recollects had to suffer greatly, since they occupy the vanguard of the army of god in carhàga and calamianes; but that was irremediable in so disastrous a storm. the ship was seen to be buffeted hither and yon by the waves; and it was impossible that the sailors should not suffer from the buffeting. the winds were both violent and hostile; the ship could not but be dashed from one side to another. the hurricane was both furious and fierce; necessarily the pilots had to suffer greatly. 319. our provincials called out for relief, exciting pity by the relation of their churches which had been burned and profaned; of their sheep that had been scattered, and many of them lost; and by their subjects who had been killed or captured, or at the least obliged to hide in the mountains, where deprived of all necessity, they suffered indescribable misery, traveling in the inconveniences and darkness of the night in order to fulfil their obligation as missionaries. but manila is, as a rule, the place where least attention is paid to the wretchedness of the poor indians and to the misfortunes of the gospel workers; for, since the citizens are busied in their asiatic and american trade, the only thing that troubles them is any opposition to their profits. very few are the spaniards who risk themselves in small boats to seek profit from island to island; and consequently, they hear of misfortunes, which ought to cause the greatest horror, quietly and without any special disturbance. the passages from some islands to others being occupied and even embarrassed by moro craft, the latter cause those who sail thither innumerable ruin; but many of the inhabitants of manila have very little or, perhaps, no feeling. if news arrives that a religious has been killed or captured, some insolent tongue is not wanting to break out with the ballad as infamous as ancient, that the king brings us for this, namely, to suffer and die in defense of the law of god; as if it were compatible with the royal piety to abandon the defenseless ministers of christ, however much they may expose themselves with heroic mind to endure a thousand martyrdoms. nothing in short, matters to those people, if it do not touch their persons or interests: neither the misfortunes nor the violent deaths of their neighbors, nor the outrages of his majesty's vassals, nor the losses of his royal treasury in the tributes which are lessened by such confusions, because the indians are lost by the thousand. 320. although the captain-general tries, as a good minister, to attend to such wrongs, it is quite common that he is unable to do all that he tries; now because of the depletion of the royal treasury, whose funds do not suffice to meet the calls upon it; and now since he must proceed with the advice of the council of war in which those have many votes who understand only what pertains to the exercise of merchants, although they sign their names with military titles. if the vessels in which they are interested are in danger, all difficulties are conquered, for there is no one who does not hasten with vote and money to fit out fleets to oppose the enemy. but if not then each proposition is a labyrinth, whence he who makes it cannot unravel himself, although ariadne gives him a thread to guide him. hence it follows, either that squadrons are not prepared of size sufficient to warn the aggressors, or if they are prepared, they set sail when it would be better for them not to, for they only occasion the vassals new trouble. let no one imagine that the matter of these two numbers includes imagination or lack of truth. this is proved by authentic documents in what touches the past; while so far as the present century is concerned (during which the same persecutions have been repeatedly shown), experience has given me knowledge of such injuries, when i, as procurator-general and secretary of the province of philipinas, found that i had to solicit relief for the persecuted indians and for the afflicted religious. it is also certain that the same thing happened in almost all the wars of which we are speaking, so that our oppressed missionaries had no other consolation than that of god, in the pains that it was indispensable for them to suffer, and which we shall now begin to relate. 321. we have already mentioned in various parts of this history, that when our recollects arrived at the philipinas islands, in order to illumine them with the splendors of the faith, and to fight like well-ordained astral bodies against the sissara of the abyss, they chose with apostolic strength the most difficult districts, the islands of the most barbaric people, and the places where, if the light of the gospel had shone, it had allowed itself to be seen only in fitful gleams. hence it is that our ministers are the most exposed to peril and danger among all those of the archipelago; for they are very distant, not only from manila, but also among themselves from one another, and surrounded by enemies to the christian name. each district consists of many villages and even of distinct islands. since all of them have a right to the bread of the doctrine, which is the only food for souls, the religious, in order to attend to that obligation, has to be in continual movement. he must travel by sea threatened by so many dangers to his life, among frights and chance; and he who considers it of value to endure them and despise them, can only form a just opinion of them. they do this without other profit than the spiritual, enduring to the uttermost penury, and the lack of necessities, in order to teach and instruct certain poor peoples whom they are alluring from the most wild barbarism in order to get them to live like men in a civilized christian society. 321. let one add to all the above bodily hardships the lack of one to employ himself in so great charity, to whatever serves in this life as a consolation to the spirit. for there our religious is properly a hermit, although he may live among many people. now, it is because he is deprived of the company of his brothers, for he is almost always alone in villages that are too large, and the nearest minister is fifteen or twenty leguas away and separated by rough seas, or inaccessible mountains, which render it impossible most of the year for them to have the comfort of seeing one another, or even to have communication with one another by means of letters, in order that they might console one another in their mutual troubles. now, it is because the indians make them no company for the blessings that human association brings with it, but serve only for an insupportable martyrdom; for, in addition to the fatigues incumbent on them as missionaries, they must attend to all their quarrels, grudges, necessities, and troubles. for these reasons and others that cannot be expressed at present, the governor of philipinas, don fausto cruzàt y gòngora, when addressing the king in a report, did not hesitate to affirm that the discalced augustinians, even in times of peace, and after the subjection of the villages of their administration, suffer the same hardships as do missionaries in the lands of the infidels. his excellency, the bishop of zebù, don manuel antonio de ocio y ocampo, was wont to say, as i have heard from his own mouth, and not only once, that if he had authority for it he would not hesitate to canonize any recollect, who happens to lose his life among the fatigues of his calling, while completely fulfilling his obligation in the missions of those islands, as is the case with many. 323. and if this is endured in only the hardships annexed to the spiritual administration, what must it not be when the destructive tempests of the persecutions of the moros, the greatest part of which assail our laborers, happen to come? then there is no other relief than to flee to the mountains in order to live in passes and caves, seeking their preservation, not so much for their self-love, but because of that for others. there, through lack of food, too much heat, continual rains, and many other discomforts, they are generally so disfigured and so weak that rivaling job, they only live because of a skin loosely stretched over their bones. how many contract incurable diseases there, who dragging along all their life with them prove themselves to be stages of the greatest pity! how many by trampling under foot evident dangers, in hastening to the consolation of their sheep, to confess the sick, to aid the dying, either gave themselves into the hands of the enemy to be the victims of their cruelty, or offered themselves a willing sacrifice to the precipices of the mountains and to the shipwrecks of the seas! how many, since the world is unworthy of their noble and christian intercourse, and, it seems, tried to cast from itself, wander for months at a time, naked, an hungered, persecuted, followed on all sides by the shadow of death, without other consolation than that of god, in whose hands they desire to finish their lives, delivering to him their wearied souls! and how many, finally, obtained the precious crown of martyrdom, after having coursed the sands of so many hardships, which were ended either by the edge of the sword, or by a spear-thrust, or at the spindle of hardships, or at grief at seeing holy things so outraged, or by the inundations of penalties in atrocious captivities! mention has been made of many in the preceding volumes, but some who will serve to ornament this volume were omitted. [in the remainder of this section are contained accounts of several who suffered the martyrdoms above mentioned in their war of the faith, and all of whom are mentioned by combés in his historia de mindanao, who is cited at length by our author. [25] the first martyr (see combés, book vi, chapter xiv) is not even named by combés, nor can assis give anything more definite of him. he was captured by the moro pirates (presumably in 1645) and taken to their home. induced by desire for a good ransom, his captors took the father to the joló fort, but no agreement could be reached. father juan contreras, then chaplain of the fort, tried to aid him in effecting his escape, but in vain. the captive was thereafter treated so harshly that he became ill, and in spite of a pitiable letter, which aroused great sympathy for him in the spanish joloan fort, and spurred on the soldiers to beg that he be ransomed at their expense, he remained in captivity until alejandro lopez of the society went to joló from zamboanga and ransomed him for 300 pesos. in 1649 (see combés, book vii, chapter xii; and santa theresa, no. 271 ff.), the father prior of linao in caraga, fray agustin de santa maria, was killed by the insurgents; and in the same troubles the father prior of camiguin, whose name is not given, was captured and maltreated. in 1658, (see combés, book viii, chapter viii), the moros caused fray cristobal de santa monica to flee, and killed fray antonio de las missas, or de san agustin (his religious name). this latter happened while san agustin was returning from a trip to cuyo and calamianes as visitor. san agustin was born in manila, his father being captain francisco de las missas, and his mother fabiana de villafanne, both spaniards. he took the recollect habit july 14, 1612. he served in several important posts, having as early as 1624 been prior of bolinao and of cebú. he was sixty-six years old at the time of his death.] [the remaining two sections of this chapter continue with the persecutions of the moros and the deaths of various recollects. the first, francisco de san joseph, was born in jaca, aragon, and shortly after professing (june 12, 1632) he went to the philippines. he was soon sent to the visayans, where he held several important posts. he suffered greatly from the moro raids for he was compelled more than once to hide in the mountains from that fierce folk. he was elected provincial in 1653 and during his term was a vigilant worker. at the completion of his term he was sent to the village of cuyo as associate to the prior. his death occurred in the island of romblón, where he was mortally wounded by the moros, while endeavoring to repel an attack in the fort built by the famous padre capitan. he published an explanation of the catechism in 1654 in manila, and left numerous manuscript works in both spanish and visayan. the father reader, fray francisco de san juan bautista, was born in alagon of rich and noble parentage. he professed in the zaragoza convent, october 8, 1614, and went to the philippines in 1619. he read philosophy and theology in manila, and after the completion of a course in the arts was appointed secretary to fray onofre de la madre de dios. he served as prior of the villages of marivelez, cuyo, bolinao, calamianes, and tandag, during his mission work there learning three languages thoroughly. he was essentially a worker and did not care to remain in either manila or cavite, but desired the mission fields where danger was thickest. he did not seek office, and it is related of him that he once delayed his return to the chapter meeting because he heard that there was talk of electing him provincial. though he was twice definitor, he still sought the hardest work, laboring among both infidels and christians. the moros were especially vindictive to him and gave him many chances to acquire merit. finally he fell sick on the desolate island of paragua, and after reaching manila through the efforts of some natives who braved the risks of the moros, he died in that city. another active worker was fray domingo de san nicolás, who was born at alcalá de henares. the place of his profession is unknown, but he is first met in the philippines. he labored in the provinces of calamianes and visayas, performing marvels until his feet having swollen on account of the damp, he was ordered to retire to cebú convent. there, however, instead of resting he engaged in the work of the missions, for the laborers were few. he worked in many villages, and finally met his death in consequence of exposure from a shipwreck on the coast of bohol, whither he had accompanied a vessel hastily fitted out to secure information concerning a recent raid by the malanao moros in cagayan village. although some of the other occupants of the boat were drowned, the friar with others was saved by the natives of bohol, and sent back to cebú, where he died in a few days. fray bernardino de la concepcion (whose family name was durán) was born in madrid, and took the habit in the same city, december 8, 1636. he went to the philippines in 1651 with fray jacinto de san fulgencio. his mission field was principally in the south, and he served in the villages of bislig, cagayan, and caraga. his work and the necessity of opposing the moro mahometans so wore upon him that he became unwell, but still he persevered in his labors for lost souls. the treacherous mindanaos won over his servant one day in caraga, and poison was administered through the agency of the latter, who also apostatized. the attempt failed, however, but fray bernardino was sent to the province of zambales for a season. there he was of great use in aiding to quell the insurrection. the quiet that ensued after their pacification not proving to the liking of this intrepid warrior of the faith he begged and obtained leave to go again to the province of caraga. resuming his former vigils and labors there, he again fell sick and this time died, being at the time prior of cagayan. he could speak the visayan, tagálog, and zambal languages. fray carlos de jesus, son of nicolás léconte, was born of flemish parents. after various fortunes he went to madrid, and although a brilliant life was offered him, for he was a scholar and fine mathematician, he took the recollect habit in the convent of that city, january 2, 1648, being already at middle age. he also accompanied fray jacinto de san fulgencio to the philippines in 1651. he worked in calamianes and caraga, where his military genius as well as his missionary traits shone out. he recalls the famous padre capitan by his exploits, for he drilled and led the indians as well as looked after their souls, and his name became a terror to the moros. in the village of busuagan, however, his native followers fled when attacked by the moros, and fray carlos was forced also to take refuge in a swamp filled with brambles and thorns. for five days (the length of time that the victorious moros stayed in busuagan) he remained in the swamp up to his middle in water, and wounded by thorns and molested by swarms of mosquitoes. having retired to manila because of illness brought on by such events, his recovery found him anxious to return to his mission field. the prudence, however, of the superiors, dictated his remaining in manila as prior of the convent of that city which was then vacant. with his old-time ardor he threw himself into the work there, but the effort was too great for one in his weakened state and another illness seizing him he passed away. the lay-brother, fray francisco de san fulgencio, the son of diego de covarrubias, was born at simancas. he adopted the life of a soldier, and after serving in spain went to nueva españa in the same capacity. thence he went to manila as alférez of one of the companies raised for the islands. a religious life appealing to him he adopted the recollect habit (december 17, 1620), and shortly after his arrival in manila, he was sent to caraga to aid the fathers who were laboring in the missions there. at the time of the insurrection, he was captured in the village of bacoag, but after four months of almost unendurable captivity, was ransomed. after this he remained several years in caraga, but was finally recalled to manila. his life was most active, for he made five trips to caraga, and three to calamianes, with despatches or to accompany the fathers going to those posts, and often meeting with moros on the way, was in continual danger. he was twice wounded and twice shipwrecked. his death occurred in the convent of bagungbagàn.] chapter x our religious propagate the catholic faith in zambàles, a province of philipinas. two religious die in españa, with great marks of holiness. the year 1670 § i information is given of the preaching of ours in zambàles; and that many indians came newly to the church. 396. ...some people here in españa imagine that the first illustrious champions of our reformed order who went to those countries [i.e., the philippines], reared and finished the sightly structure of that church, and that the missionaries, their successors, have been and are quite comfortable, and have no other occupation than to maintain what the first ones built. it is a fact that, according to the philosophic axiom that the conservation is equivalent to a second production, that would not be doing little even did they do no more. but as a matter of truth it must be said that if so holy a province rests in the conservation of the conquests acquired, it also labors without end in the building and planting of other new conquests. to this point the history has shown many of them, [26] and i shall narrate others below. but this year we have the profitable and difficult expedition which our ever tireless and laborious province made into the zambàles mountains, for the sake of obtaining not little growth for the christian faith. 397. the mountains called zambàles extend a distance of fifty leguas from mount batàn to the plains of pangasinàn in the island of luzòn. they are peopled by an innumerable race, who defend themselves from the spanish arms almost within sight of manila, because of the roughness of the ground, and maintain along with their heathenism, their barbarous customs. who these people are can be seen in volume i, to which we refer the reader, [27] we only warn him that the indians of whom that volume talks, inasmuch as they live in the beaches and plains extending from marivèlez to bolinào, and being, consequently, needed in the trade with spaniards and civilized indians, are not so ferocious as those who without these mitigating circumstances, inhabit the rough mountains of which we speak. not a few natives of several nations are found in that place. some of them are born in the dense thickets and are reared in the most barbaric infidelity. others are called zimarrònes, and have apostatized from the catholic faith, after having fled from the nearby christian villages. there is also an incredible number of blacks who, without god, without king, without law, without civilization, without settlement, live as though they had no rational soul. all of those indians, notwithstanding that they wage most bloody wars among themselves, generally unite to oppose the spanish arms, when the spaniards have attempted their conquest, and stake their greatest reputation in shedding human blood. 398. the evangelical ministers have always fought with the sword of the divine word against that wild forest of men almost unreasoning, and with all the means dictated by charitable prudence, in order to convert it into a pleasant garden by means of the catholic faith. the dominican fathers stationed in the district of pangasinàn, and in the villages called el partido, which are located on the opposite side of manila bay, have always cast their net, and obtained not few hauls of good fish. the observantine augustinian fathers have also done the same from their missions in pampanga, which border the above-mentioned mountains. the fathers of the society have done the same from the village of san mathèo, which is situated almost on the brow of the said mountains on the manila side. and our discalced recollects, equally with those who have done most, have labored in this undertaking at all times, without despising occasions. they have great opportunity for doing that, for, as a general thing, ten or twelve laborers live in the fifteen reduced villages of the zambals, who occupy all the coast for a distance of forty leguas from bolinào to marivèlez, and surround all the above-mentioned mountains by the sea side. 399. thence, then, did the illustrious champions of our holy reformed order generally issue in order to overrun the rough territory of the mountains so that they might seize multiple spoils from the enemy of souls, and direct them to eternal life. as those people are very ferocious and difficult to convert, it was necessary to use gentle methods there, making use of caresses rather than of noise and din. notwithstanding, on several occasions very many conversions of indians, zimarrònes and heathen, who were reduced to villages formed by the indefatigable solicitation of our religious, were obtained. then, as appears from four letters of the definitory of that holy province, which were written to our respective fathers vicars-general--the first, june 20, 1646; the second, july 2, 1655; the third, june 14, 1658; and the fourth, july 4, 1668--more than one thousand five hundred souls (at the date of the last letter) had been drawn from the mountains, freed from the darkness of the heathen, and illumined with the splendors of the catholic faith. and it has been impossible to discover who were the illustrious laborers who obtained so wonderful trophies, in order to enrich history with their names. 400. but the most abundant season of those fruits was seen to be during the triennium of april 21, 1668, to 1671. our father, fray christoval de santa monica, governed the province during those three years. he having heightened and ennobled the missions of zambàles, when other superior employments gave him the opportunity, had placed there the whole of his affections. on that account, in addition to the great zeal that he had for the salvation of souls, from the very chapter, he made up his mind that during the term of his government, the utmost effort should be made to unfurl the standard of the faith in the zambàles mountains, and to have salvation carried to its inhabitants on the wings of charity. for that purpose he managed to have father fray joseph de la trinidad, a native of zaragoza, a religious born, one would say, for the missions, elected prior of bolinào. later he appointed him vicar-provincial of the jurisdiction of zambàles. that man, then, together with fathers fray martin de san pablo, prior of masinloc, fray agustin de san nicolàs, prior of marivèlez, and six other religious, who were appointed as helpers, fought against idolatry so tenaciously, that our holy faith was incredibly advanced. 401. he arranged the attack upon that proud jericho (more impregnable because of the obstinacy of its inhabitants, than by the wall of its inaccessible mountains) by ordering that it be assaulted at the same time by several parts by different soldiers of so holy a militia with the bugles of the divine word. one began the conquest by the side of bolinào, another at masinloc, two by playahonda, and two others by sùbig and bagàc. the father vicar-provincial went to all parts in order to direct actions, and to fight in person with his accustomed success. the father provincial also, with his secretary, then father fray diego de la madre de dios, made it a point of honor to take part in so dangerous a field, whenever the tasks of his office permitted, and they both fought as valiant soldiers. for the expenses which were heavy for the maintenance of many missions and for the other things which accompany like expeditions, the province acted as proxy, for they did not wish to have recourse to the royal treasury which generally supports such undertakings. and to the labors which are indispensable in wars of that quality, and which were excessive there, those illustrious warriors set their shoulders, well armed with endurance, for they had already been exercised in other conquests and had always been victorious. 402. thus did they work constantly until the end of the year 1670, and with so good result, that they converted that bitter sea of idolatries and superstitions in great part into a leafy land of virtues. on account of the insurrections which so great acts of wickedness caused in pangasinàn, zambàles, and pampànga, as i have already written in chapter i of this decade, many whole families had fled from the christian villages to the mountains, together with a very great number of indians, who having abandoned the faith and subjection, lived there as the declared enemies of god and of the king. of those it appears that more than two thousand souls were reduced, and another great number, which is not specified by the relations, of other people of several nations, who had either been born in heathendom, or had formerly deserted the catholic camp. the evangelical workers were greatly elated with that fruit and rewarded for their unspeakable labors, and were encouraged beyond all manner to follow up such conquests and even to undertake other new ones. for, it is a fact that when the fruit of one's preaching can be seen, it causes such joy in the missionaries, and gives them so great courage for other undertakings that that alone can serve as a worthy reward in this life and infuses valor for other more difficult enterprises. 403. those zealous laborers formed anew from the people whom they allured from the mountains, the villages of iba, or as they are also called, paynavèn, cavangaàn, sùbig, and mòrong. in addition to this the ancient villages increased in population. until the present time, there was not along all that coast, that belonged to our administration, more than three convents or ministries--one even in bolinào, another in masìnloc, and the third in marivèlez--with the exception of that of cigayàn, which was destroyed. but now two new convents were established, which were necessary for the greater convenience of the spiritual administration--one in paynavèn, under the title of nuestro padre san agustin, to which were assigned three annexes or visitas; a second in bagàc with the advocacy of our lady of the pillar of zaragoza (which was moved to mòrong some years later under the same title), and to it were assigned three other villages as visitas. all the above was completely accomplished in the year 1670, with which this history is concerned. that year can be marked by a white stone by that holy province and indeed by our whole recollect congregation, because of the so great progress that was obtained in the propagation of the faith, the only aim to which their desires were expended. next to god, successes so happy are due to the tenacity with which these zealous missionaries worked, for they trampled all dangers under foot, and to the good arrangements and holy wisdom of the father provincial, fray christoval de santa monica, as well as to the zeal, courage, and care of his vicar, father fray joseph de la trinidad. 404. in order to conclude this matter we must add that the same activity proceeded in the immediate years with equal fruit. for, as in the chapter of 1671, father fray joseph de la trinidad was elected definitor, he besought the father provincial, fray juan de san phelipe, very urgently, to allow him to make a mission to the zambàles mountains. permission having been obtained, he went to the convent of paynavèn and gave a new beginning to the conquest on the side toward babàyan with results so favorable that he tamed the wild and inhuman hearts of many zimarrònes and heathens. hence, during the three years of his definitorship the recently-created villages were greatly increased by a considerable number of souls who were allured from the mountains and brought into the church. as payment for this service, and in consideration of his many merits, he was elected provincial in the chapter celebrated in the year 1674. the first care of his successful government was to see that those missions should be kept up. he sent two of the best religious to continue that undertaking and finished the leveling of so impenetrable and rough thickets. 405. those laborers (whose names will be written in the book of life, since, due to the omissions of the relations, they are lacking in the book of history) penetrated into the mountains of zambàles in such manner, that they arrived within a short time at the contrary part of them toward manila bay. by so doing their approach to the villages of the district of batàn, the administration of which, as we have already stated, belongs to the dominican fathers, was indispensable. the latter, reasonably, as they thought, took what had been done ill, saying that ours were sowing the seed in a field whose territory did not belong to them; for, in these bodies of militia, more than in any other, it is easily perceived that triumphs are taken from the hands of the one to advance others in their obligations. their father provincial, fray phelipe pardo (later archbishop of manila), assumed charge of that litigation, alleging before the royal audiencia, that the conquest of that part of the mountains belonged to his province, as it was contiguous to their ministries. he petitioned that our discalced religious be ordered to retire. but our father, fray joseph de la trinidad, opposed that demand so energetically that justice was compelled to decide that if the extension of the catholic flock followed, it mattered very little which instruments were used, whether these or those ministers. 406. divine providence usually permits such rivalry, certainly holy in itself in the holy squadrons that serve the god of armies for the spiritual conquest of the world. whenever judicial authority has determined in this way, experience has demonstrated that great progress follows in favor of the catholic faith. for each side with the incentive of the other, dares to undertake greater enterprises, and repeated triumphs are obtained. so was it now; for seeing the door locked to their demand in the above-said court, the father provincial, fray phelipe pardo, resolved to assign two religious of his order, so that they might, with the zeal that he infuses in all of his holy institute, make a mission thither by way of mount batàn. they began that mission in the month of october, 1675, as is affirmed in his history of philipinas by father fray balthassar de santa cruz, although he says nothing as to the reason for the expedition. [28] accordingly ours went to another part, thus leaving a sufficient field for the dominican fathers, for truly, there is room enough for all. this strife being the origin of the obstinate work of the missionaries of both families, who labored with all their might, they reduced many zambals to the bosom of our holy faith, and filled their respective villages with new converts. had so laudable a rivalry continued, excellently founded hopes that so glorious a conquest would be ended would have been conceived. but it was god's will to have all the territory of zambàles shortly after left for several years in charge of the fathers of st. dominic, while our laborers went to the territory of mindòro, as we shall relate in chapter ix of the following decade. thereupon the strife entirely ceased, and even the fruit, so far as our reformed order is concerned. 407. father fray joseph de la trinidad finished his provincialate in april, 1677, and then immediately went in person to continue the expedition that cost him so great anxiety. he penetrated the mountains on foot in various places in order to seek sheep there whom he might convey into the flock of christ. exposing himself to the will of their barbaric natures, without any fear of the perils or caring for the dangers to himself, he persevered there until he had to retire two years later for the reasons given above. as we do not possess the necessary manuscripts, we cannot state the number of souls that were drawn down from the mountains from the year 1671 to that of 1679. the relations which we follow only assure us that as it was not considered advisable at that time to form settlements in the wildnesses of the mountains many reduced families were withdrawn thence, in order to live in the coast villages. those villages have been augmented in tributes and inhabitants, to such a degree that those ministries were constituted with a great abundance of people and were the most flourishing of the province, as they were so thickly populated by souls who embraced the catholic faith with fervor. in due time (decade 13, in the year 1741) this history will show forth another most fruitful expedition, which was made into the same mountains by our recollect family, founding there villages and convents in order to attend to whatever pertained to them in the conversion of those indians. now we shall end this relation by giving due thanks to god, for he has in all times infused into our brothers a spirit fervent in undertaking, and in proceeding in such obligations. [the second and last section of this chapter deals entirely with recollect affairs in spain.] decade nine [the first four sections of the first chapter which covers the year 1671 deal with the life of the father lector, fray miguèl de santo thomàs. nothing is known of his early life, not even his birthplace or his family name, nor the date or convent of his profession. by some he is called miguèl de san agustin. his life in the philippines was almost all spent in the province of caraga. he shunned publicity, although he did fill several priorates. he worked in the villages of bislig, tàndag, siargào, and butuàn where he accomplished much, and where he was greatly beloved by the natives. he endeavored to induce industrious habits in the natives, and reclaimed many of them from the apostasy into which they had fallen, besides strengthening old christians and converting heathen. he was especially devoted to the virgin, to st. augustine, and to st. nicholas of tolentino. he is said to have been the object of several marvelous occurrences which can be traced to his devotion. to him also was vouchsafed at times the gift of prophecy. he labored fearlessly in the insurrection of linao and surrounding districts, braving death more than once in his endeavors to pacify the indians. the sexual sin which was offered him failed to move him as did all other dangers. his death occurred in butuàn and he was buried in the church there. the remainder of this chapter does not concern philippine affairs. the first section of chapter ii contains a notice of the eleventh general chapter of the order held in calatayud convent in 1672. fathers fray alonso de la concepcion and fray joseph de la circuncision were elected definitors for the philippines; and fathers fray manuel de san agustin, and fray lucas de san bernardo, discreets. the remainder of chapter ii and the following chapter do not contain philippine matter.] chapter iv the catholic faith makes new progress in philipinas through the preaching of our religious. death of some religious in españa of great reputation. § i a great multitude of heathen tagabalòyes who lived in the mountains near the district of bislig, is converted in the island of mindanào by the preaching of our tireless laborers. 600. [the author draws a parallel between the capture of jericho by the hebrews and the evangelization of the philippines. when god pleases, the walls of idolatry must fall.] this maxim has followed our reformed order in the philipinas, and has been proved many times. for contending almost continuously with paganism fortified in the mountains contiguous to the districts reduced to their administration, although they were disappointed by not few fatigues, without being able to sing victory, they were at last crowned with triumphs when it appeared fitting to divine providence. we have seen and shall see several activities that prove this truth. at the present we are offered the feats performed in the mountains of bislìg. 601. the district of bislìg, which is the last and most distant from manila among those possessed there by our reformed order, is located in carhàga, in the island of mindanào and consists of five villages. these are bislìg, which is the chief one, hinatòan, catèl, bagàngan, and carhàga. at its beginning the province was named from the last one, as it was then the settlement of the greatest population. two religious only are generally designated for the spiritual administration of this district, and they have too much work in the exercise of it. for the villages are located at great distances from one another, the people are especially warlike, they are contiguous to the moros, those irreconcilable enemies, while the sea of those districts on which they have to travel from one village to another, is extremely boisterous, rough, and at times impassable, and on its reef in the dangers already mentioned, several religious have lost their lives, as will be patent further on in this history. but, notwithstanding that the two religious assigned to those villages can scarcely attend fully to the direction of the christian indians, and although because of the dearth of religious from which our reformed order almost always suffers in those islands, but rarely could more subjects be employed there, those few following the maxim practiced there of one doing the work of many, they did not cease to solicit ever the conversion of the surrounding heathens, who are very numerous in those mountains. 602. there is especially so great a number of heathen indians and barbarous nations in certain mountains that extend along the coast, from opposite carhàga near bislìg (a distance of about twenty-five leguas, while it is not known how far they extend inland), that even the christian indians do not know them all. the nearest nation to our villages is that of the tagabalòyes, who are so named from certain mountains which they call baloòy. they live amid their briers without submission to the catholic faith or to the monarchy of españa. those indians are domestic, peaceable, tractable, and always allied with the christians, whom they imitate in being irreconcilable enemies of the moros. they are a very corpulent race, well built, of great courage and strength, and they are at the same time of good understanding, and more than half way industrious. that nation is faithful in its treaties, and constant in its promises, as they are descendants, so they pride themselves, of the japanese, whom they resemble in complexion, countenance, and manners. their life is quite civilized, and they show no aversion to human society. all those of the same kin, however extensive, generally live in one house, the quarters being separated according to the families. those houses are built very high, so that there are generally two pike lengths from the ground to the first floor. the whole household make use of only one stairway, which is constructed so cunningly, that when all are inside they remove it from above, and thus they are safe from their enemies. many of those tagabalòyes live near the christians, and those peoples have mutual intercourse, and visit and aid one another. they do not run away from our religious, but on the contrary like to communicate with them, and show them the greatest love and respect. hence any ministers can live among them as safely as in a christian village. 603. it is now seen how suitable are all these districts to induce so docile a nation to receive our holy faith. but for all that, very little progress was made in their reduction until the year 1671, and then it was that the care and the continual preaching of ours obtained it. besides the will of god, whose resolutions are unsearchable, there were several motives of a natural order, which made the attempts of the evangelical ministers fruitless. the first was the continual wars with the moros. that fact scarcely permitted the christians and even the tagabalòyes to let their weapons out of their hands. with the din of arms the catholic religion, always inclined to quiet and peace, can generally make but little progress. the second consisted in the little or no aid rendered in this attempt by the alcalde-mayor, the military leaders of catèl, and even some chiefs of the subject villages. all of the above were assured of greater profits in their trade and commerce, if those indians were heathens than if they were christians; and it is very old in human malice that the first objects of anxiety are the pernicious ideas of greed, and the progress of the faith is disregarded if it opposes their cupidity. 604. but the strongest reason for the failure of the desired fruit was the third. this reason is reduced, as we have already mentioned, to the fact that there were but two religious generally in the said district, and of those no one could be in residence at the villages of catèl or carhàga, the nearest ones to the said mountains, and they only went thither two or three times per year. consequently, although they wished never so strongly to labor in the conversion of the heathen indians, they could not obtain the fruit up to the measures of their desires. it happened almost always that the minister was detained a fortnight at most, in the said villages, the greater part of which was necessarily spent in instructing the christians. and although, by stealing some hours from sleep, the minister employed some of them in catechizing the heathens, since his stay was so short, he could not give the work the due perfection, and left it in its beginning, as he had to go to the other villages. he charged some christians to continue in preparing and cultivating those souls so that they might be ready on his return to receive baptism. but human weakness, united to the sloth, which almost as if native to him, accompanies the indian, was the reason that when the religious returned after an interval of four or six months, instead of finding the work advanced, he found that which he himself had done in it lost. and idolatry always triumphed, notwithstanding that he did not cease to make vigorous war upon it. 605. thus time rolled on, and the church obtained very little increase in those mountains, for the three above-mentioned reasons. the order could not conquer the two first, and there was less possibility for the third. for however much the order desired to apply on its part the only means whereby the desired fruit could be obtained, namely, the assignment of a religious to reside in the said places, who should look after the reduction of the tagabalòyes, without attending to any other thing, it was continually unable to effect that, for in philipinas the harvest is very great and the laborers few. i have detained myself in the consideration of these obstacles, which threaten the total devastation of the heathendom of philipinas, and are transcendental to all the holy orders, who are striving to spread the faith in the said islands. for some believe (and more than two have expressed as much to me here in españa in familiar conversation) that the reason why the heathenism of those countries has not been ended, is because the missionaries do not work with the same spirit as they did at the beginning. but they are surely deceived, for in addition to the many other reasons that may be assigned, the three above-mentioned suffice to render the most laborious efforts vain. the same tenacity, zeal, and courage of the first laborers accompanies those who have succeeded them. let the obstacles be removed, and one will see that (as has been experienced many times) belial having been destroyed and cut into pieces, although many render him adoration, the catholic faith triumphs in the ark of the testament. this happened at the time of which we treat in the mountains of bislìg. 606. the year, then, of 1671 came, in which that holy province held their chapter and father fray juan de san phelipe, a native of nueva españa, who had taken our holy habit in the convent of manila, was elected provincial. that religious had lived for some years in bislìg, and had known by experience how necessary it was for a missionary to live in residence near the mountains, where so great infidelity was fortified, in order to establish there the health-bringing dogmas of our catholic religion. scarcely was he elected superior prelate, since he had a sufficient number of subjects in order to attend to all parts, when he resolved to place one of them in residence at catèl, and to order such an one solemnly that he should from there procure the reduction of those heathens by all means without engaging in other cares, however useful they seemed to him. he also gave very rigorous orders to the father prior of bislìg to the effect that whenever they could without any omission in the spiritual administration of the other villages, he or his associates should go to reside in the village of carhàga, and be there in residence as much as possible, all three religious concurring in that great work and aiding one another mutually for the attainment of so well conceived desires. finally he arranged matters with so much acumen that if the lack of religious had not rendered it impossible after such ideas had been put into practice, it is probable that they would have subdued all the heathens of those mountains. 607. in august 1671 that project was begun to be put into operation; and although we have not yet been able to get detailed information of the laborers, who were employed in it, on account of which we cannot place their names in this history, we shall have the consolation of knowing that they will not be omitted from the book of life. it is certain that all three religious conspired together in bringing to the delicious net of the church those misguided souls, and they shirked no toil that might help in their object. they made raid after raid into those mountains; one from catèl, one from carhàga, and one from bislìg, penetrating to their highest peaks, and their deepest valleys in all their extent from the promontory of calatàn nearly to the cape called san agustin. all three of them at the same time were careful to assist the christians in the spiritual administration. they preached, catechized, attracted the people by argument, by art, by prudence. and as some truce occurred in the war with the moros at that time, and as they obtained at the same time a very christian alcalde-mayor who aided them and caused all his subordinates to aid them in so holy zeal, so much fruit was obtained that when the father provincial went on his visit in february 1673, he found that they had already baptized more than three hundred adults without reckoning those who had been purified in the waters of grace in sickness and had immediately died. the latter were as many as one hundred counting great and small. 608. thus did the above-mentioned father provincial, fray juan de san phelipe, write to our father vicar-general under date of july 5, of the same year. and after, on june 26, 1674, he adds that, according to the relations sent to the chapter by the father prior of bislìg, that district had increased by two hundred tributes. this, according to the reckoning in vogue there, means eight hundred souls. they had all been allured from the mountains and from the horrors of their paganism to become inhabitants of the villages already formed, and to live in civilized intercourse among the pleasant lights of the christian name. this well premeditated idea has since then been followed as has been possible by the successors of our father, fray juan de san phelipe, whenever the small number of religious has not rendered it impossible. for in some chapters of that holy province, repeated determinations are seen to place a minister in residence at catèl, so that he may exercise the means conducive to that end. hence it is that father fray juan francisco de san antonio has inserted the following narrative in his seraphic chronicle. he says: "some of the tagabalòyes are living now in old villages who have become christians, and others are being reduced by the zeal and cultivation of the discalced augustinian fathers, who hold them as inhabitants of bislìg." [29] and it is confirmed that although the district of bislìg was formerly one of the smallest in the number of its parishioners, it is now one of the largest in mindanào, and there is no other reason for its increase. [the two following sections of this chapter detail several miraculous happenings that aided not a little in the conversion of the region inhabited by the tagabalòyes. in 1662 when the spaniards abandoned the island of ternate, because of the chinese pirate kuesing, one of the religious images taken away with them was of the virgin. that image was given by the governor of ternate to the alcalde-mayor of caraga, who in turn gave it to the garrison of catèl. from its position there it was known as "la virgen de la costa" or, the virgin of the hill, "for costa in the language of the country, is the same as castillo [i.e., redoubt]." the influence of this image was far reaching and it distributed many blessings and favors to its devotees in times of drought, in plagues of locusts, and during epidemics, and performed other miracles that gave it lasting fame. another image of the christ crucified was revered in a village near bislìg, and was later given a place in the recollect church at manila. it was a small ordinary image such as was used on the altar during mass. as it was very ugly and misshapen the priest determined to bury it, ordering some of the natives to perform that task. but when the hole was dug, and they went to get the image, in its place they found the most beautiful and symmetrical image that they had ever seen, and nailed to the same cross. the transformation was announced to be of divine origin, and this image was accordingly revered as miraculous; and it proved itself to be so in the future. on account of the miracles that occurred in the caraga district the people became more devout christians and many abandoned their ancient practices. the remainder of this chapter does not deal with philippine matters; as do neither of the two following chapters.] chapter vii the catholic faith is advanced by the preaching of ours in various places in the philipinas. the death of two religious in talavera de la reyna with great reputation. the year 1677 § i the evangelical trumpet resounds in various territories of philipinas, and especially in the ridges of linao, and in the mountains of cagayàn, in the island of mindanào, by the means of our missionaries; and many heathens are converted to the christian religion. 714. it has ever been a very common complaint among historians of the order, and all make it, of time the destroyer of all things and of the neglect in leaving advisory news thereof. there is no doubt that for these two reasons the memory of many valiant deeds of excellent religious, who have filled our discalced recollect order with honors in the philipinas islands, who have extended the catholic faith untiringly at the cost of unspeakable hardships, and destroyed the abominable altars of heathen blindness, have been lost. but never more than at present does that complaint appear justifiable, when we begin to treat of the progress of christianity in the districts of linào and cagayàn, villages of the island of mindanào, one of the philipinas. there was the evangelical trumpet heard by dint of members of our reformed order, with memorable fruit.... let us pass then to mention what we have been able to bring to light from the confused memories which time excused. 715. in the year 1674, father fray joseph de la trinidad, a native of zaragoza, was elected provincial in philipinas. that apostolic laborer had always had great zeal for the conversion of souls. agitated by that sacred fire that burned without consuming his heart which fed it, he worked in his own person, as much as he who did most, so that all the heathens of that distant archipelago should embrace, believe, and reverence the faith of the true god, in whose name only is found salvation. for that purpose he went not only once into the highest peaks of zambàles, in order to illumine their darkness with the catholic light or to lose his life in so heroic an act of charity. he desired with unspeakable anxiety to be given the opportunity to make a sacrifice of his blood by shedding it in so good warfare, in confirmation of the truth which he was preaching. "when shall i have the desirable happiness," he exclaimed to his pious fellow countryman, san pedro arbuès, "of being made a good martyr from a bad priest by the merciful god?" that desire we see already had made him leave every fear; and consequently, without any horror of death, notwithstanding that it represented itself to him as to all, full of bitterness, he placed himself in excessive dangers, in order that he might whiten with the water of baptism the souls of the inhabitants of those ridges, so that in their darkened bodies they might obtain the beauty of grace. thus was his practice throughout his life, not only in the above-mentioned district, but also in other places of the many which are entrusted to us in those vast territories, and if he did not effectively obtain the crown of martyrdom, yet the merited reward will not be lacking to such prowess. 716. he did that when he was not the superior prelate, but afterwards when he became provincial, he flew with his cares to undertakings of almost infinite breadth. he beheld very near the great empire of china, peopled by an incredible multitude of souls, almost all of them seated in the shadows of death, and their acute intellects ignorantly disturbed in the obscure darkness of their errors. the mission so often craved by our reformed order to those countries, was the first object of his zealous heart. he could not be satisfied with trying to send others as evangelical laborers, but he tried with the greatest seriousness to abandon the glory of the provincialate, in order that he might be employed personally in an expedition so much to divine service, and his inability to accomplish it cost him many a bitter sob. he became a sea of tears, when he thought of the distant kingdoms (also almost in sight) of japòn, bornèy, sumàtra, tunquìn, cochinchina, mogòl, tartària, and persia; for most of those who have their wealth and amenities live but as mortals basely deceived by their brutish worships, in order to die eternally in the more grievous life. to some of those places and especially to japòn, he had practical ideas of sending missionaries, and even of going thither in person, and he made the greatest efforts for that purpose. and although he did not obtain the end of his desires, because of the obstructions which the common enemy is wont to place to such works, such eagerness cannot but be praised very highly; and consequently, they will have been rewarded with great degrees of glory, because of what he was trying to communicate to the souls of others. 717. since, then, he could not accomplish so well conceived love which extended itself to the salvation of the whole world, he set in operation the maxims which his burning charity dictated to him in regard to the extensive limits entrusted by the lord of the vineyard of the philipinas for the cultivation of our holy discalced order, with a so visible utility to the church. in the first place he arranged with admirable prudence that certain missionary religious should incessantly travel through the villages of our administration, like swift angels or like light clouds in order to preach the obligation of their character to the christian indians. they were to advise them at the same time to take the sacraments frequently, of the horror of idolatry, of the love of the faith, of obedience to the church, and to the appreciable submission to the catholic king from which so many blessings would follow to them, and by which they would be delivered from innumerable evils. for that purpose he assigned two religious of the visayan language, one of the tagálog, and one of the zambal--all of the spirit that such an occupation demanded. he ordered each one of them to make continual journeys through the large and small settlements of the district of his language, preaching the mission with the same formalities that they are wont to observe in europa. he also ordered the father priors of the respective districts to give such fathers every aid for that apostolic ministry, both temporal and spiritual, as such was for the service of god and the greater purity of our catholic faith. 718. the profits and good effects that followed that undertaking happily instituted, and reduced to fact with rare success, cannot be easily explained. oh would that the lack of religious almost transcendental in all times in that province did not prevent the prosecution and perpetuity of so holy a custom by which unspeakable harvests of spiritual blessings were obtained, although some temporal riches should be spent in it. it is true that the ministers of parish priests of our said order who live continually in the villages, attend to those duties without avoiding any toil. but since they always live among their parishioners, and treat them so near at hand, and since they exercise over them a certain kind of authority, greater than that which the curas in españa possess, it will not be imprudent to observe (considering human weakness, and the cowardice of the indians), that some will not go to confess to those said parish priests without great fear, the common enemy infusing them with fears lest the parish priests perhaps will punish them for the sins that they might confess. let us add to this that there are no other confessors on whom to rely, especially in the districts which are at some distance from manila. also it is almost impossible as our ministries are located, for the indians to go from one village to another for that purpose. for these reasons, i myself have experienced, and i have heard it asserted by many curates that too many sacrilegious confessions are made, for sins are kept hidden out of shame, to the deplorable ruin of souls. all the above impediments cease undeniably so far as the missionaries are concerned. hence one can infer the great fruit that would be gathered in spiritual matters by means of the profitable idea which was invented by our father fray joseph and put in practice in his time with the utmost ardor. 719. besides that, by causing his subjects to multiply, since not in number, at least in their courage for work, the vigilant superior ordered those who were in the ministries to perform with the utmost effort what they had always done, namely, that they should not be content with directing the souls of the faithful to heaven, but should strive with might and main for the conversion of the heathen. and since the fire of love as regards god, their provincial, and their neighbors, burned with intensity in those gospel laborers, one can not imagine how greatly the activity of that fire, strengthened with the breath of the exhortation of so worthy a prelate, was increased and worked outside. we can assert without any offense to anyone else what has already been suggested in other parts of this history, namely, that our discalced religious in the philipinas islands, outstripped all the other religious in the so meritorious quality of suffering hardships. [30] the villages most distant from manila, those that offer less convenience for human life, those with the most ferocious people, and all surrounded by moros, by heathens, and by other barbarous indians, in regard to whom any confidence would be irrational, are the ones in our charge. and adding to this that one minister generally has charge of many settlements, which are at times located in distinct islands, one can easily see how many fatigues, sweatings, and how much weariness will be caused by the spiritual administration of those who are enlisted in the catholic religion. what will all that be then, if they have to attend also to the reduction of so great a number of souls, who live lawless in idolatry in sight of the law of grace! i repeat that our recollects, equal in their zeal to the other gospel laborers, exceed them there without difficulty in the necessary opportunities for suffering. moreover, if our brothers have the advantage at all times in this regard of other missionaries, those of the triennium of which we are speaking, excelled themselves, for they labored more than ever in the administration of the faithful and in the conversion of the heathen. 720. but the greatest efforts that the venerable father provincial put forth, and the places where the religious assigned for that work labored with excessive fervor, were in the districts of butuàn and cagayàn, which are located in the island of mindanào. there was a heathen indian called dato pistig matànda, who had been living for many years on the banks of the river butuàn between the villages of linào and hothìbon. he was of noble rank, a lord of vassals, and had great power and a not slight understanding, although he was corrupted with an execrable multitude of vices. he, instigated by the devil, had caused all the efforts of the evangelical ministers to return fruitless for many years; for idolatry maintained not only in the castle of his soul, but as well in all the territory of his jurisdiction, the throne which it had usurped, and the continual assaults which were made without cessation against that obstinate heart by the members of our discalced order had no effect. several religious had endeavored to make him submit to the sweet yoke of the evangelical law, and they availed themselves with holy zeal of all the stratagems which, as incentives, generally attract the human will to reason and open the door to grace in order that it may work marvels. especially did the holy father fray miguèl de santo thomàs, make use of all the means that he considered fitting to reduce the indian chief to the true sheepfold as well as those who were strayed from it in his following, during the whole time that he graced that river by his presence. but experience proved that god reserved the triumph solicited on so many occasions for the happy epoch of which we are treating at present, for his own inscrutable reasons. at that time then the divine vocation working powerfully and mildly, and availing itself as instruments of our religious who resided in butuàn and in linào, softened that erstwhile bronze heart and he not only received baptism, but also tried by all means to have his vassals do the same. hence, leaving out of account a great number of children, the adults who were reëngendered in the waters of salvation and became sons of god and heirs of glory, exceeded three hundred. 721. at the same time another father, who had a residence in the village of linào, notably advanced our christian religion in places thitherto occupied by infidelity. the mountains of that territory are inhabited by a nation of indians, heathens for the greater part called manòbos [31]--a word signifying in that language, as if we should say here, "robust and very numerous people." when those indians are not at war with the spaniards, they are tractable, docile, and quite reasonable. they have the very good peculiarities of being separated not a little from the brutish life of the other mountain people thereabout; for they have regular villages, where they live in human sociability in a very well ordered civilization. although the above qualities, as has been seen, are very apropos for receiving the faith, notwithstanding that fact, although some of them are always reduced, they are very few when one considers the untiring solicitude with which our missionaries unceasingly endeavor to procure it. the reasons for so deplorable an effect are the same as we have mentioned in regard to the conversion of the tagabalòyes indians. but during the provincialate of our father fray joseph de la trinidad, either because those obstacles ceased, or because divine grace wished to extend its triumphs, the results were wonderful. a very great number of those manòbos were admitted into the church--how many is not specified by the relations which we have been able to investigate, but we only see that they were many; for it is asserted that while the district of butuàn, to which linào belonged, consisted before that time of about three thousand reduced souls, its christianity increased then by about one-third, the believers thus being increased for god and the vassals for the king. 722. in the mountains of cagayàn, shone also the light of disillusionment, without proving hateful but very agreeable to rational eyes, for it caught them well disposed. the zealous workers of our institute, shaken with the zeal of the venerable father provincial, devoted themselves to felling that bramble thicket which was filled with buckthorns of idolatry and even with thorns hardened in the perfidious sect of mahomet. three religious, who glorified that district, attended to so divine an occupation, stealing for it from the rest of the moments that were left to them from the spiritual administration which was the first object of their duty. they extended their work toward the part of tagalòan, and even penetrated inland quite near the lake of malanào through all the mountains of their jurisdiction. there like divine orpheuses they converted brutes into men by the harmonious cithara of the apostolic preaching and those who were living, in the most brutish barbarity to the christian faith, which is so united to reason. thus did they reduce more than one hundred tributes to the villages of the christians. that was a total of five hundred souls who were all drawn from their infidelity or apostasy. that triumph was so much more wonderful as at that time the war of the malanào moros against the presidio of cagayàn was more bloody, and it is verified by experience that in all contests, the catholic faith generally advances but little amid the clash of arms. but their increases, which we have related (as obtained in the triennium of the venerable father, fray joseph de la trinidad, which was concluded in april, 1677) appear from several letters written in manila by the most excellent religious in june and july of the above-mentioned year, and directed to our father the vicar-general, fray francisco de san joseph, which have been preserved in the archives of madrid. [section ii of this chapter relates a number of miraculous occurrences in the villages of butuàn, linào, and cagayàn, and their districts--miracles which were greater than the recovery of health on receiving baptism, at the reading of the gospels, or after drinking the water left in the chalice after the sacrament, all of which were very common and little regarded. those miracles had great weight in reducing those people to the christian faith. for instance the dato above mentioned, putig (or pistig) matanda, was converted after the successful exorcism of demons that had troubled his village. it is related in this section that "for reasons that seemed fitting, the convent and church of butuàn were moved to the beach from their previous location; but it was afterward reëstablished there, one legua from the sea upstream." one of these years also the village of cagayàn suffered greatly from the scourge of smallpox which was formerly so common in the philippines. section iii treats of spanish affairs. section iv deals with the life of fray melchor de la madre de dios who died in the recollect convent of talavera de la reyna, spain, may 30, 1677. he was born in nueva segovia or cagayan in luzón, his father being juan rodrigues de ladera. while still young his parents removed to manila where he studied until the age of twenty the subjects of grammar, philosophy, and theology. although he was apt, he found himself below others not so clever as himself because the pleasures of the world appealed to him too strongly. consequently, he quit his studies in disgust, and gave himself to trade, "the occupation of which is not considered disgraceful there to people of the highest rank." but his evil courses still prevailed and during his several trips to acapulco he succeeded only in wasting his money. returning to manila after his final voyage, he gave up some of his worst vices, but still kept a firm grip of the world. he must have taken up his neglected studies again, but almost nothing is known of him until he reached his thirty-third year. it is said by some that he became a priest before joining the recollect order, but there is a lack of definite knowledge on that score. at any rate he did not abandon his rather loose way of living. in the midst of his vices he had always been greatly devoted to st. augustine, and his conversion finally occurred on the eve of that saint. then a vision of the saint who appeared to him caused his conversion and an enthusiasm that never left him. he became a novitiate in the recollect convent of manila that same year 1639 and professed in 1640. after preaching with great clearness and force in manila which had been the scene of his excesses, he was sent as missionary to the visayan islands, where he worked faithfully and well. but breaking down in health because of his strenuous life in the snaring of souls, he was compelled to retire to the convent of cebú and then to that of manila. it being impossible for him to accomplish much work longer in the philippines because of his health, he begged and received permission to go to spain for the remainder of his life. when he went is uncertain, but it was after 1656, for that year he was in siargao in the province of caraga. after his arrival at madrid he was assigned to the convent of talavera de la reyna, where his memory was revered after death for his good works.] [chapter viii notes the twelfth general chapter of the recollect order held at the convent at toboso. philippine votes were lacking, due probably to the non-arrival of delegates in time. the remainder of the chapter does not concern the philippines.] chapter ix our province of philipinas takes charge of the spiritual administration of the island of mindòro where several convents are founded. several religious venerated as saints, end their days in españa. the year 1679 § i description of the island of mindòro, and considerations in regard to its spiritual conquest, which was partly obtained before our discalced order assumed its administration. ... 785. mindòro is located in the center of the islands called philipinas. it is surrounded by all those islands, and is encircled by them in a close band as the parts of the human body do the heart. it has a triangular shape whose three ends are three capes or promontories, one of which is called burruncàn and looks to the south, another looks to the north and is called dumàli, while the third which looks to the west is called calavìte. in regard to its extent, mindoro comes to be the seventh in size among all the islands of that great archipelago. [32] it is about one hundred leguas in circumference. its climate is very hot, although the continual rains somewhat temper its unendurable heat. in its rains it exceeds all the other nearby islands. however this relief bears the counterpoise of making the island but little favorable to health, because of the bad consequences of the heat accompanied by the humidity. but for all that it is a very fertile land, although unequally so because of its rough mountain ranges, and the thick forests. there are many trees of the yonote, [33] and of the buri, from which sago is made, which is used for bread in some places. there are also wax, honey, the fruits of the earth, flesh, abundance of fish, and rice where the people do not neglect through laziness to plant it. that island was formerly called mainit, but the spaniards called it mindòro from a village called minòlo which is located between the port of galeras and the bay of ilòg. [34] 786. its inhabitants had sufficient courage to cause all their neighbors to fear them. especially at sea were they powerful and daring as was lamented at different times by the islands of panày, luzòn, and others, when they were attacked by the fleets of mindòro which they completely filled with blood and fire. but at the same time they showed a very great simplicity, which was carried to so great an extreme, as is mentioned by father fray gaspàr de san agustin, that when they saw the europeans with clothes and shoes--a thing unknown among them--they imagined that that adornment was the product of nature and not placed through ingenious modesty. [35] that simplicity produced in them the effect of their not applying themselves to the cultivation of the earth, but of contenting themselves with wild fruit and what they could steal as pirates, or better said, robbers. the sequel of that so far as their laziness is concerned, has lasted even to our own times; for as says father fray juan francisco de san antonio, all who have discussed the matter, agree that they are the laziest people and the most averse to work of all the inhabitants in those islands, notwithstanding that they are corpulent enough. [36] however, my experience of the philipinas obliges me to say that so blamable a peculiarity is only too common to all of them, almost without any distinction of more or less. neither could that courage of theirs save them from subjection to españa, and if they earlier considered that subjection unfortunate in the extreme, now they regard it with the light of the faith as their greatest fortune. 787. a beginning in its conquest was made on the mambùrao side in the year 1570 by captain juan de salcèdo. [37] that conquest was completed so far as the seacoasts are concerned from the cape of burruncàn to that of calavìte at the beginning of the following year by the adelantado, miguèl lopez de legazpi. the balance of the island has been subdued gradually by dint of the evangelical laborers with the exception of the mountains which are located in its center. from that time, then, the seacoast indians of that island have been subject to the mild yoke of the spanish crown, and have given signs of extreme loyalty. for, although the great chinese pirate limaòn attacked the philipinas in the year 1574, in order to seize them if possible, there were some signs of insurrection in mindòro, which was put down very quickly, even before one felt its effects which are generally very painful in popular uprisings. that good fortune was due to the moderation of the natives and to the temperance of captain gabriel de ribera, who knew how to sweeten with very pleasing acts of kindness the bitter crust of justice. for that reason of the indians being entirely well inclined to the spaniards, the encomiendas of that great island were very desirable to the primitive conquistadors. in spiritual matters the island belongs to the archbishopric of manila. in regard to civil matters, it is governed by a corregidor and captain of war, who generally has residence in it and extends his jurisdiction to the neighboring islands of marindùque and lucbàn. 788. let us now speak of its spiritual conquest, which is the principal object of our consideration. in the year 1543 the observant religious, the sons of the best beloved benjamin, our common father, san agustin (to whom fell the first and greater part of the possession for the conversion of the heathen, so far as that archipelago is concerned) made the philipinas islands happy by their presence by commencing to establish their apostolic preaching; [38] and later in the year 1565, they settled in order to complete what they had begun. like stars rain-laden with the evangelical doctrine those most zealous ministers fertilized their philipinas inheritance with their voluntary showers. so much did they do so, that when the new laborers, the sons of the seraph francisco arrived at the field, there was scarce an island which had not produced most abundant fruit for the granaries of the church because of the work of the first sowers; as is shown in several places of his history by father fray gaspàr de san agustin; [39] and that lover of truth, father fray francisco de san antonio confesses it, thus honoring as he ought the augustinian hiermo [sic]. the island of mindòro also shared in this good fortune. in its cultivation were employed fathers fray francisco de ortèga and fray diego de mòxica. they, after having founded the village of bàco, endured innumerable misfortunes in a painful captivity, hoping for hours for that death, which they anxiously desired in order to beautify their heads with a painful martyrdom. but in order that one might see that although the former worked above their strength, much remained to be done by their successors, i shall cite here the exact words of father fray gaspar de san agustin in his historia. "the convent," he says, "that we had in that island [of mindòro: added by assis] was in the village of bàco. thence the religious went out to minister to the converted natives. the latter were very few and the religious suffered innumerable hardships because of the roughness of the roads and the bad climate of some regions." [40] 789. the discalced sons of st. francis (minors for their humility, but greatest [maximos] by the fires which they could cast from themselves in order to burn up the world) arrived in manila in the year 1577. thence like flying clouds, whose centers were filled with very active volcanoes, they were scattered through various parts of the islands. they were received with innumerable applauses of their inhabitants, who regarded them as persons who despised the riches of earth, and thought only of filling the vacant seats of glory. one of the places where their zeal for the salvation of souls was predominant was the land of mindòro which had been ceded by the calced augustinian fathers. there, not being content with what had been reduced, they extended the lights of the catholic faith at the expense of great efforts, in the direction of pola and calavìte. those who labored most in those places to communicate the infinite blessing to souls were fathers fray estevan ortìz and fray juan de porras, who were great leaders among the first religious of the seraphic discalced order who went to philipinas. [41] but since the fire is kept up in matter in proportion as it abounds in commensurate inclinations, various fields having been discovered in other parts which were full of combustible dry fuel most fitting to receive the heat of charity, which gives light to the beautiful body of the faith; and seeing that that rational fuel of mindòro would not allow themselves to be burned for their good, with the quickness that was desired: they thought it advisable to abandon the little for the much, and to go first to ilòcos and secondly to camarines where they hoped for more abundant fruits in return for their holy zeal. 790. in the year 1580 the religious of the holy society of jesus arrived at the islands. they, in the manner of swift angels ennobling and glorifying those hidden plains, expanded the habitation of japhet, in order that he might possess the famous tents of shem. immediately, or very near the beginning, the superior detached excellent soldiers of that spiritual troop for the island of mindòro, so that they might with the arms of the preaching destroy the altars dedicated to belial by giving roots to the healthgiving sign of the cross. they obtained much; for after having penetrated the roughest mountains in search of heathens and cimarrones they founded the village of naojàn, with some other villages annexed to it. they enjoyed that ministry a long time with their accustomed success. the one who excelled in the missions of that island was father luis de sanvictores, whose glorious memory and reputation for sanctity was conserved for many years among those indians. they, notwithstanding the rudeness of their style, never spoke of him without praise. but that father having retired in order to begin the conquest of the islands of ladrones (which were afterward called marianas), where he with glorious martyrdom gave the utmost encouragement, although others followed his attempts in mindòro with great zeal; the society finally abandoned that island into the hands of the archbishop. [42] we cannot give the exact time of their resolution or the reasons which could move so zealous fathers to it, although we regard it as certain that they did it in order to employ themselves in other places where the evangelical fruit was more plentiful. 791. his excellency the prelate immediately formed two curacies of the entire island, which he handed over to the secular clergy so that they might aid those souls. later as the two could not fulfil that, a third cura had to be appointed. they carefully maintained what had been conquered, a territory that included the coasts along the north side extending from bongabong to calavìte. but because there were very few christians, since it is apparent that they did not exceed four thousand, who were scattered throughout various settlements or collections of huts along a distance of eighty leguas of coast, it was not to be supposed that those missions would produce enough income for three ministers. consequently, they had necessarily to be aided with other incomes, which were solicited from the royal treasury, and with other pious foundations. neither was that enough, so that at times it was very difficult to find seculars to take charge of those districts. those ministries were, it is true, scarce desirable, both because of the smallness of their stipends, because they carried with them unendurable hardships, and because of the unhealthfulness of the territory. but finally, moved, either by charity or by obedience, there was never a lack of zealous seculars who hastened with the bread of the instruction to those indians. the curacies were consequently maintained there until the year 1679, when our discalced order took charge of the whole island for reasons which we shall now relate. § ii being obliged to abandon the ministries of zambàles by force, our province of philipinas assumes possession of the ministries of mindòro, and obtains rare fruit with its preaching. 792. in the year 1606, that grain of mustard arrived in manìla, and although it was small, it produced the tree of most surpassing magnitude. i speak of our first mission which was composed at its arrival of a small number of religious. by preaching the glory of god and announcing the works of his power, so few men founded the greatness of that holy province among the illuminations of blind heathenism. it cannot be denied that by that time the sound of the word of god had reached all the philipinas islands, which had been announced by the illustrious champions who had preceded us in that vast archipelago, to wit, the calced augustinians, the discalced franciscans, the jesuits and the dominicans. but there cannot be any doubt either that, notwithstanding that all the above orders had worked in the conversion of souls, with the most heroic fervor, some new locations in which they could enter to work were not lacking to ours. the harvest was great and the laborers few; and since, however much those destined for that cultivation sweated in continual tenacity, they could not go beyond the limited sphere of man, hence it is that the recollects on reaching that great vineyard at the hour of nine, equaled in merit those who gained their day's wages from the first hour. and in truth this will appear evident if one considers that even now, after so many years in which the sacerdotal tuba of the apostolic ministry has been incessantly exercised, not a few places are found in the said islands where the individuals of all orders are employed in living missions, and struggle with the most obstinate paganism. 793. the district where ours first spread the gospel net was in the mountain range called zambàles, in the middle part of which extending from marivèles to bolinào they obtained fish in great numbers, as has been told already in the preceding volumes. those villages of zambàles are located between ministries of the reverend dominican fathers. for, since the latter held along the great bay of manìla on the side called el partido almost at the foot of mount batàn, several missions contiguous to marivèles and on the other side of bolinào, the best portion of the alcaldeship of pangasinàn, they also included in their midst the settlements of the zambals now reduced to a christian and civilized life by the missionaries of the augustinian reformed order. for that reason the dominicans had desired and even claimed without going beyond the boundaries dictated by courtesy and good relationship that our prelates yield that territory to them, as it was suitable for the communication of the dominicans among themselves between pangasinàn and manìla and would make their visits less arduous. but since that was a very painful proposition to those who governed our discalced order, namely, the abandonment of certain indians who were the firstborn of their spirit, and a land watered by the blood of so many martyrs, the claim could never be made effectual, however much it was smoothed over by the name of exchange, our province being offered other ministries, in which was shown clearly the zeal of its individual members. 794. the one who made the greatest efforts in this direction was father fray phelipe pardo, both times that he held the dominican provincialate in the years 1662 and 1673. although all of his efforts were then frustrated, he obtained great headway by them to obtain his purposes later. for may 30, 1676, his majesty presented him for the office of archbishop of manìla. thereupon he formed the notion that the new marks of the ecclesiastical dignity would be sufficient to add authority to argument. for, because of the respect to his person, surely worthy of the greatest promotion, we did not dare to condemn his attempt as unjust; and more even, when he obtained it, making amends to our reformed order for the wrong we received by a recompense which was fully justifiable in his eyes. a chance offered him a suitable occasion for his project in the following manner. don diego de villatoro represented to the council of the indias that the island of mindòro was filled with innumerable heathens all sunk in the darkness of their paganism; and that if its conquest were entrusted to any order, it would be very easy to illumine its inhabitants with the light of the faith. therefore a royal decree was despatched, under date of madrid, june 18, 1677, ordering the governor of the islands, together with the archbishop, to entrust the reduction of mindòro to the order which appeared best fitted for it, before all things settling the curas who resided there in prebends or chaplaincies. that decree was presented to the royal audiencia of manìla by sargento-mayor don sebastian de villarreal, october 31, 78, and since his majesty's fiscal had nothing to oppose, it was obeyed without delay, and it was sent for fulfilment to the said archbishop, december 14 of the same year. on that account, his excellency formed the idea of taking zambàles from us in order to augment his order and give the island of mindòro to our discalced order. 795. he began, then, to discuss the matter without the loss of any time, and he did not stop until his designs were obtained, notwithstanding that he had to conquer innumerable difficulties. for, in the first place, our provincial, then father fray joseph de san nicolàs, opposed it very strongly. the latter alleged that it would be a violation of the municipal constitutions of the recollects to abandon the ministries of zambàles, for the constitutions expressly stated that none of the convents once possessed should be abandoned except under certain conditions, which were not present in the case under consideration. besides that the indian natives of mindòro, both christians and infidels, scarcely knew that there was a question of giving them minister religious and begged jesuit fathers with great instance, for they preserved yet the affection that they had conceived for them, since the time that the latter had procured for them with their preaching at the cost of many dangers their greatest welfare, omitting no means that could conduce to their withdrawal from the darkness of their paganism. and when the zambals heard that the recollect fathers were to be taken from their villages, in order to surrender them to the dominicans, they declared almost in violent uproar that they would not allow such a change under any consideration, for they were unable to tolerate, because of the love which they professed for their spiritual ministers, to be forever deprived of their company, by which they had obtained so great progress in the catholic faith. 796. but the archbishop found means in the hidden recesses of his prudence by which to conquer such obstacles. for in unison with don juan de vargas hurtado, governor and captain-general of the islands, he softened the provincial, fray joseph de san nicolàs, and obliged him to agree to the exchange. he quieted the natives of mindòro by means of their corregidor, so that they might receive the ministers of our discalced order, and availing himself of the services of the alcalde-mayor of pangasinàn, he silenced the zambal indians so that they should take the privation of their recollects gracefully, and lower the head to the admission of the dominican fathers. thereupon, the sea of opposition having been calmed, and after the three seculars who were administering to mindòro had been assigned fitting competencies, which were provided for them in manìla, an act of the royal audiencia provided that our reformed order should be entrusted with the administration of the said island, with absolute clauses which established it in the said royal decree, and without the least respect the abandonment of the zambal missions. then immediately preceding the juridical surrender of them, which was signed by the above-mentioned father provincial, although it was protested by only the father lector, fray joseph de la assumpcion, and father fray francisco de la madre de dios, a second act was passed by which the missions were assigned to the fathers of st. dominic. thus did the archbishop have a complete victory. 797. by virtue of those decrees, which were announced to our provincial, april 17, 1679, that holy province was dispossessed of all the zambal mountain range, which then contained eleven villages. they were also dispossessed of the missions which father fray joseph de la trinidad was then fomenting in the nearby mountains by the far-reaching fruits of his apostolic preaching, as we have mentioned worthily in another place. [43] the individual members of the province of santo rosario hastened to take charge of the ministries and missions of the zambals which had been surrendered to them by ours without the least disturbance being observed publicly, although almost all of those governed by the said father trinidad threatened violence. those juridical measures, with what was done in manìla, served much later for the recovery of zambàles without the loss of the new possessions of mindòro. the necessary papers were also despatched directed to the corregidor of mindòro, ordering him to deliver the ministries of that island to the discalced augustinians. without loss of time, the father definitor, fray diego de la madre de dios, assumed charge of the district of bàco, while the bachelor don joseph de roxas who possessed it left it. the curacy of calavìte was taken possession of by father fray diego de la resurreccion, who took the place of licentiate don juan pedrosa. the parish of naoyàn was taken charge of by the father definitor, fray eugenio de los santos, the bachelor, don martin diaz, being removed. all that was concluded before the end of the year 1679 without disturbance, lawsuits, or dissensions. 798. the above-mentioned religious were accompanied by three others of whose names we are ignorant. immediately did that holy squadron commence to announce the testimony of christ, with sermons founded on the manifestation of virtue, spirit, and example, and not on illusory persuasion which is built on naught but words, which are confirmatory of human wisdom. they considered especially that they had to give strict account of those souls whose direction had just been given them. consequently, they watched over their flock, hastening to their sheep with the right food, without avoiding the greatest fatigue. hence could one recognize the great good fortune of the island of mindòro, for in the territory where three seculars at most, and generally only two, lived formerly, six evangelical laborers had enough to do. they were later increased to eight, and that number was never or but rarely decreased. each of them on his part produced most abundant fruits at that time, and under all circumstances the same has been obtained. for although the common enemy diffused much discord during the first tasks of their apostolic labor in order thereby to choke the pure grain of the divine word by making use therefor of a man, namely, admiral don joseph de chaves, encomendero of almost the entire island, at last by ours exercising their innate prudence and their unalterable patience, the grace of god was triumphant, while the attempts of satan were a mockery. 799. father fray juan francisco de san antonio remarked very forcibly of our discalced religious that, "although they were the last gospel laborers in philipinas, they have competed in their apostolic zeal with the first laborers in the fruits that they gathered from their labors in the reduction of the most barbarous islanders." [44] and the father master, fray joseph sicardo, adds very fittingly, that "our discalced religious having received the great island of mindòro, increased the christianity of its natives by means of so zealous ministers." [45] then, as appears from juridical instruments before me, although the christians throughout the island when our reformed order assumed charge of it did not exceed four thousand, in the year 1692 they already exceeded the number of eight thousand, and in the year 1716 arrived to the number of twelve thousand. it is a fact that the persecution by the moros happening afterward (of which something was said incidentally in volume three, [46] and which will in due time add much to this history) the number of believers was greatly lessened; for some retired to other islands, where the war was not so cruel, others were taken to jolò in dire captivity, and others surrendered their lives to so great a weight of misfortune. notwithstanding that, in the year 1738, when father fray juan francisco de san antonio printed his first volume, it appeared by trustworthy documents that ours administered seven thousand five hundred and fifty-two souls in the various villages, visitas, missions, and rancherías in that island. [47] hence, one may infer that our zealous brothers have labored there especially in destroying paganism and reducing the many zimarrònes or apostates who, having thrown off all obedience, had built themselves forts in those mountains. and if not few of both classes remain obstinate, it does not proceed certainly from any omission that has been found in our zealous workers, but from other causes which are already suggested in other parts of this present volume. 800. neither can one make from this progress of the catholic faith which was attained by the preaching of our religious, any inferences against the other laborers who began to subdue the island, or against the secular clergy, who administered it afterward. the observant fathers, as a rule, employed there no more than one missionary or at the most two. the number of the fathers of st. francis was no larger, and they had charge at times of the district of balayàn as well as of mindòro. since the fathers of the society had so much to attend to in so many parts, two or three of them took care of mindòro and marinduque. consequently, one ought not to be surprised that so small a number of laborers did not do more, but, that they had done so much must surely astonish him who considers it thoroughly. in the same way the parish priests, who succeeded them, were very few, and since the reduced indians occupied so extensive a coast, they had scarce enough time to administer the bread of the doctrine to the christians, so that they had none left to penetrate into the mountains in search of the zimarrones or of the heathen manguiànes. [48] but, on the contrary, from the time that that island was delivered to our teaching, the number of missionaries has been doubled or tripled. it is evident that victories must generally increase in proportion to the increase of the soldiers in the campaign, even in what concerns spiritual wars. 801. this argument has more force, if it be considered that the evangelical laborers having increased afterward with so great profit, they asserted that at times the greatest strength accompanied by gigantic zeal was given up as conquered, by the continual toil indispensable in the administration of the faithful, for to that task was added the care of the conversion of the heathen. that toil was so excessive that the night generally came without the fathers having obtained a moment of rest in order to pay the debt of the divine office. at times they had to neglect the care of their own bodies in order to attend to the souls of their neighbors. they were always busied in teaching the instruction to children and adults; in administering the holy sacraments, although they had to go three or four leguas to the places where the dying persons were; and in penetrating the rough mountains in the center of the island, in order to allure the heathens and apostates to the healthful bosom of the church. to all the above (which even now is, as it were, a common characteristic of all our missionaries in philipinas) is added the extreme poverty there, and the lack of necessities that they endured. for, the reduced product from those villages, in regard to the ecclesiastical stipend, which was formerly insufficient to support two or three curas with great misery, was now sufficient to support six or more religious. consequently, they endured it with the greatest hardship. § iii information of the convents which were founded in that island, and the miracles with which god confirmed the catholic religion which ours were preaching. 802. trampling under foot, then, the above discomforts and others which are omitted, those illustrious champions attended to the exact fulfilment of the spiritual administration, employing themselves in the exercise of missionaries in order to reduce the heathens to the catholic sheepfold. in the belief that it would be very conducive to the extension of the christian religion to establish convents in the new territory which they were cultivating, they began to set their hands to the work. the first foundation which they established was in the village of bàco, where the corregidor was residing at that time, although that convent was later moved to calapàn. two religious were placed there in residence, and they looked after the spiritual administration in several rancherías. those rancherías have increased with the lapse of time to a great number of christians, and have become villages that are not to be despised, having been formed anew by the zeal of our apostolic laborers. the villages comprehended in that district in the year 1733 are the following: calapàn, which is the chief one, where the convent is located; bàco, subàn, ilog, minòlo, and camoròn, which are annexed villages or visitas, as they are called there. our church of calapàn is enriched with an image of christ our lord, which represents him in his infancy; and on that account it is called the convent of santo niño [i.e., holy child]. that image is conspicuous in continual miracles and is the consolation of all the indians of mindòro. for a long history might be written by only relating the marvels which the divine power has worked by it; now giving health to many sick unto death; now freeing villages from locusts which were destroying the fields, now succoring not a few boats which driven by violent storms were running down the marinduque coast, whose sailors were in the greatest danger of being drowned in the water, or the ship of grounding on the shoals of the land. 803. [one miracle is related of a recollect in calapàn who having acquired two hundred pesos determined to send it home to spain to his mother who was very poor, without saying anything to the provincial as he was in duty bound to do. being very observant in his outward duties, he said mass before the image just previous to sending the money to america on a ship which appeared opportunely, but the image turned its back on him. thereupon, being convicted of sin, he burst into tears, and was thereafter free from such temptations.] 804. the above case happened years after when the convent was established in calapàn. let us now examine other marvels, which happened at bàco, near the beginning, which were of great use for the extension of the catholic name. the father definitor, fray diego de la madre de dios, who was the founder of that house, was surely a holy man, and was venerated as such in manìla. notwithstanding that, however, a corregidor took to persecuting him by word and deed. the servant of god bore the personal insults with great patience, although it pained him to the soul to see that the corregidor's contempt was resulting in prejudice to the catholic religion. he practiced several secret efforts ordered by charity in order to restrain the corregidor's tongue, but seeing that they were insufficient, generally chided in a sermon the evil employment of sacrilegious mouths which, taking the gospel laborers as the object of their detractions, prevent the fruit of their preaching, although they should aid in the attainment of so holy an end. the chief culprit was present, toward whom without naming him the father directed his aim; and since, after one has once left the hand of god, he precipitates himself easily from one abyss to another (angered by the pain which was caused him by the medicine, which was being applied prudently in order to cure him of his pain and indiscreetly abusing the authority which resided in his person), he rose in anger, with the determination to impose silence on the father who (if he was talking) it was, for his own [i. e., the corregidor's] good. "sacrilegious preacher" he exclaimed, but when he attempted to continue his face was suddenly twisted, and he could not utter a word, and he was extremely disfigured and was attacked by most intense pains. he was taken to his house, where the venerable father attended him, and by his only making the sign of the cross above the corregidor's mouth the patient was restored to his former state of health in body, while in soul he was completely changed. the courage to make public penitence for his public crimes, and to return his credit entirely to so holy a religious did not fail him. 805. [the same father although very sick with fever did not hesitate, aided by spiritual forces, to go to a distance to administer to a sick person who had urgently requested his presence--a fact that conduced not a little to the conversion of the natives round about.] 806 [and 807]. the second convent was founded in the village of naojàn by the father definitor, fray eugenio de los santos, and st. nicholas of tolentino was assigned it as titular. besides the said principal village, it had in its charge six annexed villages of visitas, namely, pòla, pinamalayàn, balente, sumàgay, maliguo, and bongàbong. however, with the change of the district of mangàrin, of which we shall speak later, there was some variation in the distribution of those settlements. that ministry is one of the first in authority in the island, because of the great number of parishioners to which it has increased, because a great multitude of heathen manguiànes who have been converted to our holy faith, have gone thither to live, as well as a not small number of apostate christians, who were wandering at liberty through those mountains. all that was obtained by the preaching of our laborers by whose efforts three of the said villages were reëstablished. [two prodigies or miraculous occurrences which are related aided in the christianizing of this convent.] 808 [and 809]. another and third convent was established in the convent of calavìte by the efforts of father fray diego de la resurreccion, and its titular was nuestra señora del populo [i.e., our lady of the people]. it has the annexed villages of dòngon, santa cruz, mambùrao, tubìli, and santo thomàs. of those settlements, those that are on the coast which extends from calavìte to mangàrin, have been founded for the most part by dint of the zeal of our religious. they formerly had many christians, although at present they have suffered a remarkable diminution because of the persecutions of the moros which we have already mentioned. [an epidemic that was raging throughout this district when the convent was founded was checked miraculously. in the same district, a heathen manguian chief who had opposed the new faith surrendered to the personal solicitation of fray diego de la resurreccion, and became a good christian, and afterward aided in the conversion of many others. the district was miraculously cleared of the pest of locusts which were destroying all the fields.] 810 [and 811]. the fourth convent was erected in the village of mangàrin under the advocacy of our father, st. augustine. its prior also governed the villages of guàsig, manàol, ilìlin, and bulalàcao. however, the provincial chapter of 1737 ordered that house removed to bongàbong, for reasons that they considered most sufficient, namely, because mangàrin was ruined by the continual invasions of the moros, and because of its poor temperature, which put an end to the health of almost all the religious. for that reason, the distribution of the annexed villages of naojàn, mangàrin, and calavìte in another manner was inevitable, so that the correct administration of the doctrina might be more promptly administered. but the convents above mentioned always were left standing, and serve as plazas de armas, where those soldiers of jesus take refuge in order to go out in the island to war against the armies of satan. it can be stated confidently that the district of which we have been speaking, has been conquered by our reformed order; for when we entered mindòro, scarcely was the name of christ known there, while at present there are many souls there who follow the banners of the cross, and all the power of hell, incited by mahometan infidelity, has not availed to destroy the deep roots of its faith. on the contrary we have wondered greatly at the power of the divine grace in those neophytes, for after their belief has been proved many times, as gold in the crucible, in the fire of the most raging persecution it has gone up [a number of] carats in value and purity. [this district was also the scene of a miracle or prodigy that showed the force of god and the faith.] 812. besides the above-mentioned convents, a mission was begun some years later in the mountains of mindòro for the purpose of reducing the manguiànes heathen. although many of them had been converted, allured by the zeal of various religious, still not a few remained in the darkness of paganism for lack of ministers, who could busy themselves without any other occupation in busying themselves in illumining them with the evangelical light. that was so abundant a field that it could keep many laborers busy. thus the project was formed by the province to keep at least three subjects busy in it, so that each one, so far as he might be able, might put his hand to the plough, and without turning back, cultivate so extensive a land, which was capable of producing an infinite amount of fruit for the table of glory. but since the missionaries maintain themselves there at the cost of the royal treasury, which is almost always in a state of too great exhaustion, so well conceived a desire had to be satisfied with one single preacher, whom the superior government assigned for that purpose, although the province assigns others at its own expense, when its too great poverty does not prevent, or the lack of men, so usual there. the residence of those missionaries in the village of ilog was determined upon and a suitable convent was established there. from that place, entering the mountains frequently, they began to fell their rational thickets, in order to fertilize them with the waters of irrigation of the divine grace, so that the seed of their apostolic preaching might be received. by means of the laborious eagerness of the sowers who have succeeded them, a great portion of that arid desert has been transformed into the most charming garden. when i left philipinas in the year 1738, it still existed as a most fruitful mission and there were well founded hopes that if apollos water the plants established by paul, it will receive the most abundant increase from god. [49] 813. [the way was blazed also in the mountain mission with miraculous occurrences that proclaimed the true god.] it appears impossible that their inhabitants should not come to know god and should not run breathless after the odoriferous delicacias of his goodness. there is still much to do in this regard, for a great number of infidels still live in the said mountains, and if thirty missionaries were assigned there, they would not lack employment. but let us praise god for what has been accomplished, petitioning him to crown so memorable beginnings with a good end. [the fourth section of this chapter does not treat of the philippines.] chapter x the province of philipinas again receives the ministries of calamiànes, which it had previously abandoned. abundance of fruit is gathered there. some religious die in españa. the year 1681 § i our religious begin again to preach the faith in the islands of calamiànes; and the great fruit which they gather in the conversion of many heathen. 823. [the recollect missionaries of philipinas can rightly be called apostolic because of their zeal.] 824. in the year 1661, the chinese pirate kuesing sent an embassy to the philipinas islands, demanding nothing less than the vassalage of them all, and threatening the spaniards who did not comply with what he called their obligation that they would feel all the weight of war on themselves. we have already treated of this matter in another place. [50] so far as we have to do with the matter here, various measures were taken in the islands because of the fears caused by the threat, in order that they might be defended in case that kuesing fulfilled it. one of those measures was the abandonment of the presidios of terrenàte, zamboàngan, calamiànes, and others, in order that they might be able to employ their troops, artillery, and munitions of war in defending the most important places. that decree was opposed very strongly, but the objections although they were thoroughly based on reason could not prevent such action being taken. consequently, at the end of 1662 or at the beginning of 63 the presidios were actually withdrawn, and the christian villages were left more exposed than ever to the invasions of the moros. that so fatal resolution was also necessarily accompanied by the withdrawal of the evangelical ministers, for the fathers of the society abandoned zamboàngan and other sites, and our recollect family the calamiànes. although no special regret was shown for that action at that time by the superior government of manìla, to whom belongs the duty of furnishing spiritual ministers to the subject villages, yet years afterward the wrong was recognized, and the remedy was procured in due manner. 825. the most fruitful preaching of ours in the islands of calamiànes has been already related in volume ii; [51] as has also the conversion of their inhabitants, until then heathens; the marvels which divine omnipotence worked there; the convents which were established for the extension of the catholic faith; and the hardships endured by the missionaries in spreading it. now, then, it must be noted that eight religious were well employed in all the islands of that jurisdiction, who looked after the spiritual administration of the christian indians and the conversion of the idolaters who were not few. but when they withdrew, only two remained in charge of the islands of cuyo and agutàya while the six betook themselves to manìla or wherever their obedience assigned them. the place occupied by the six (where they labored to excess, as there were many indians and they were spread out into many islands and settlements) was given to one single secular priest. he having his residence in taytày, did as much as he was able in the other villages. but it is more than certain that he could do very little, if he did perchance succeed in doing anything. in this regard one can visibly see the spiritual wrong which followed those vassals of the king. even an undeniable loss resulted to the royal treasury, for in a few years the indian tributes were lessened almost by half. but notwithstanding that, neither governor don diego de salcedo nor the bishop of zebù, to whom it belonged in its various aspects to supply the remedy of one and the other wrong, would manifest that they understood it. 826. thus did things go on for seventeen years until the year 1680, when the indian chiefs of calamiànes having united among themselves, presented a memorial to governor don juan de bargas hurtado. in it, after mentioning the wrongs above mentioned, and the love which they always professed to our religious, their first ministers, they urgently petitioned that the augustinian recollects be assigned them as parish priests. the fact that the cura, don antonio de figueròa, the only missionary in calamiànes, in addition to having been presented for the curacy of tabùco in the archbishopric of manìla, had now been sick for two months and unable to administer the sacraments, lent force to that representation. on that account he petitioned with double justice that a successor be sent to him, but no secular ecclesiastic could be found who knew the language of the country, nor would risk the mission which was now of but very small profit. for those reasons, the abovesaid governor despatched an order to our provincial on may 11 of the said year, asking and charging him, and even ordering him in the king's name, to assign religious of his order, in order that they might go to reassume possession of the villages of calamiànes, so that they might attend to its spiritual administration. he hoped that by means of their wonted zeal, that province would be restored to its former splendor through their direction and teaching, and that the number of the christians would increase in the proportion desired. 827. but notwithstanding that, the father provincial negotiated with his definitory in order to interpose a supplication in regard to the said act, and refused to send evangelical laborers, the total cause of such action being the lack of religious. he alleged, then, that since his province had assumed charge of the ministries of the contracosta and of mindòro, where many subjects were employed; and in consideration of the lack of men which the discalced order suffered there, which could not be helped: not only was it clearly impossible for him to assign missionaries to calamiànes, but also that he saw that it was necessary for the reformed branch to reiterate his petition made previously to the royal audiencia, in regard to withdrawing the two ministers who were occupied in the island of cùyo, as there was a notable lack in other villages. that allegation was sent by decree of the superior government to don diego antonio de viga, of the council of his majesty and his fiscal in the audiencia of manìla. on the sixteenth of the same month and year, he maintained that notwithstanding the representation made by the father provincial (since no other order contained ministers who understood the language of the calamiànes), the necessary provision must be despatched, in accordance with the second and last warning, ordering the recollect province to establish missionaries in calamiànes and not to withdraw those of cùyo. he was confident in the apostolic zeal with which they have ever applied themselves to the ministry, that notwithstanding their small number they would accomplish the task which demanded many laborers. 828. the governor conformed to the plea of the fiscal. consequently, on the same day he despatched in due form a second decree in the king's name, ordering the superior prelate of our province, in consideration of the extreme necessity of the islands of calamiànes, to immediately establish the necessary ministers therein for the spiritual consolation of those indians. he added that don fray diego de aguilar of the order of preachers, the bishop recently appointed for zebù (to whose miter the said islands belonged) despatched ex-officio his decree also charging our province with the administration of all the christian villages established in calamiànes, or that were to be established in the future; and says that he does so in consideration of the apostolic zeal of our reformed order and the spirit that always assists them in trampling under foot the greatest fatigues, so that many souls might be gathered into the flock of the catholic church. thereupon the father provincial, fray thomàs de san geronimo, could offer no more resistance and sent father fray nicolàs de santa ana as vicar-provincial of calamiànes, with two associates. the alcalde-mayor of the said province, don diego bibièn henriquez, placed them in possession of the ministry of taytày (which is the chief one of them all) on the first of november, 1680, to the universal joy of the indians. the latter showed by extraordinary festivals their joy at seeing that the direction of their spirits was in charge of the same fathers who had engendered them through the gospel. the king, by his decree dated december 24, 1682, confirmed the said possession at the petition of the father commissary of philipinas, fray juan de la madre de dios, with great signs of his royal pleasure. 829. of the three religious newly assigned, father fray nicolàs established his residence in taytày; the second was located in the island of dumaràn; and the third in the village of tancòn. from those places they labored according to their strength, until the arrival at philipinas of the band of missionaries which was conducted by the father commissary, fray juan de la madre de dios, which entered manìla in october 1684, when a greater number of missionaries could be assigned, as was very necessary for the direction of so many indians. for the extensive territory which was formerly administered by only one cura, has later given worthy employment to five, six, or seven of our religious, to say nothing of the two at the least, who have been stationed continually in the islands of cùyo. hence one may infer how much the catholic faith has been extended there, now by reducing into the villages the many natives who had fled to the mountains, after abandoning almost entirely their christian obligations; now by undeceiving others who lack but little of becoming moros, because of their nearness and intercourse with those people; and now by penetrating into the roughest mountains of paràgua in order to draw the souls from the darkness of paganism to the agreeable light of the christian religion. 830. in regard to these particulars, we consider it necessary to reproduce at this point a portion of a letter written may 28, 1683, to our father vicar-general, fray juan de la presentacion, by the recently-elected father provincial of those islands, fray isidoro de jesus maria, a person well known in europa for the literary productions which he has published. he speaks, then, as follows: "the urgings of the indians of the province of calamiànes to the ecclesiastical and secular government and to my predecessors, have availed so much, that this province has judged that the precept of christian charity demands us to return to that administration, trusting in god our lord for the relief of the very great disadvantages which had compelled our religious who had administered and reared that field of christendom from its beginning, to withdraw from that province. at the present it has increased by more than two thousand souls who have been drawn from the mountains in less than three years, as can be seen from the relations sent to the chapter. greater fruits are hoped for, because in the past year of 82, the ambassador of the king of borney in the name of his prince, arranged with the governor of these islands for the cession of a not small amount of land and number of settlements, which are subject to the said bornèy--one in the island of paràgua, one of the islands of calamiànes. the confirmation of the pact with his ambassador is awaited from bornèy, so that that district may really be incorporated with the rest which is subject to the king our sovereign; and consequently, to introduce by means of our religious, the catholic faith among those new vassals of his majesty." 831. then he goes on to treat of the unsupportable hardships suffered in calamiànes by the evangelical ministers. i have thought it best not to omit his relation, in order that one may see how much merit is acquired in the promulgation of the faith amid such anxieties. "but the devil," he continues, "who watches that he may not lose the souls of which he finds himself in quasi possession, has raised up at this time a cloud of dust, by which he has prevented and is preventing in many of these remote parts the obtaining of many souls and is occasioning the loss of others. for as i am advised by the letters of the religious of calamiànes, under date of the eighteenth of the current month and of the twenty-second of the past month of april, that the alcaldes-mayor who have governed that jurisdiction (and even more he who is governing it at present, who is a lad of 21, a servant of the governor and of these islands) cause so great and continual troubles both to the father ministers and to the natives of the country, that the latter, although christians, have retired from their villages of taytày, dumaràn, and paràgua to the mountains in order to escape their intolerable oppression. they exclaim that they are not withdrawing from obedience to his majesty and that they do not intend to abandon their profession as christians, but that they do not dare to live in the more than enslaved condition in which the alcaldes-mayor, carried away by their insatiable greed, confine them. the father prior of taytày writes me that he has entered the mountains with every danger from the enemy, in search of his terrified and scattered sheep; and notwithstanding all the efforts and warnings that he has made and given them he has not been able to succeed in getting them to return to their villages, unless another alcalde-mayor be assigned to them, and relief offered for the extreme oppression that is offered to them. they answer the arguments of the father by telling him not to tire himself, 'for we can ill hope,' they say, 'that he who tramples on the sacred dignity of a priest, will have any moderation with regard to us.' they assert this because they saw that the last alcalde-mayor lifted his cane against father fray domingo de san agustin, and struck him while he was putting on his clerical robes to say mass; and that the present alcalde-mayor treated the religious with indignity even to the point of taking from them the one who takes them their necessary support, so that they have had to find for themselves the water that they drink. he has taken from them the sacristans and other servants of the church without leaving them even anyone to aid them in the mass. he has forbidden the indians to enter the convent or to assist in any of the things to which they are obliged. he has forbidden them to go out as they ought to the visitas, and to confess, preach, and catechize. it is all directed to the end that the indians might not be busied in anything else than in getting wax for the alcalde-mayor. hence this is the source and beginning of the troubles suffered by the poor indians. they are not only not permitted to make use of their natural right, but are prevented from giving the due execution to his majesty's orders, from entering and going out, from trading and trafficking one with another, and one village with another, for if they have anything to buy or to sell, it must be entirely for the alcalde-mayor. these notices are necessarily communicated in the lands of the infidels. just consider, your reverence, what will be the condition of their minds, when we try to reduce them to the knowledge of our good god, and to the obedience of the king our sovereign. i have informed the governor in regard to this, and since i do not expect any relief from his hand, i entreat your reverence to procure it from the royal piety with the memorial and documents adjoined. if not we shall have to appeal to god, for such troubles are of very frequent occurrence in various parts of these islands. we never cease to wonder when we see some spaniards here who are so destitute of christian considerations, and so clothed in greed, god so permitting by his lofty judgments, in exchange for the martyrdoms that are lacking to us religious in japòn." 832. we believe, although we are not altogether sure, that the suitable relief was given on one and the other side, for in the following years, we find that the catholic faith made very extraordinary gains in calamiànes. this is proved by the reëstablishment of the ancient convents and ministries. it appears that the chapter of 1686 erected a new mission in the village of tancòn which was later moved to the village of culiòn. the chapter of 1695 established another distinct mission in the island of dumaràn, and that of 1698 a third one in the island of lincapàn; and we see that that of 1746 has added two other ministries, the first in the island of alutaya, and the second in the village of calatàn. that is sure proof of the increase of the christians, when the evangelical laborers are so increased. in regard to the above we must mention what appears from acts and judicial reports which the superior government of manìla sent to the council of the indias, and which are conserved in its secretary's office in the department of nueva españa; namely, that when our province of calamiànes was again given to us, all the islands contained only 4,500 christian souls, but that in the year 1715 they amounted to 18,600. and even after the continual and furious persecution, which is mentioned briefly in the third volume [52] had intervened, with which it is undeniable that the number of believers had decreased greatly, father fray juan francisco de san antonio notes in the history of his province of san gregorio de philipinas [53] that there were 21,076 christian souls in the islands of calamiànes and romblòn in the year 1735. hence subtracting about five thousand from that number for those of the island of romblòn, there is a remainder of about sixteen thousand for calamiànes. [54] let us give praises to god who thus maintains the zeal of those fervent laborers and crowns their fatigues with so abundant fruits. [section ii of this chapter mentions the virtues and holiness of some of the indians of the missions of calamiànes. the first mentioned was one joseph bagumbàyan, a native of taytày, who was reared in the convent of that village by the recollects. the rearing of such children is described as follows: "the holy orders of philipinas are wont to take account of the sons of the chief indians of the villages under their charge, in order to teach them good morals from childhood, and rear them with those qualities which are considered necessary to enable them to govern their respective villages afterward with success, since the administration of justice is always put in charge of such indians. they live in the convents from childhood in charge of the gravest fathers. the latter are called masters, although in strictness they are tutors or teachers who would right gladly avoid such service. in this meaning, and in no other, must one understand whatever is said about our religious having servants in the philipinas. i have heard scruples expressed here in españa over this bare kind [of service], when it ought to be a matter for edification to see that in addition to the truly gigantic toils that our brothers there load upon their shoulders, they voluntarily take this very troublesome one of rearing a few children who serve only to exercise the patience." joseph strove to imitate the fathers as much as possible, in self sacrifice and austerity, and desired to become a donné, "which was the most to which he could aspire, since he was only an indian." that, however, being denied him, he was enrolled in the confraternity of the correa or girdle, and admitted as a spiritual brother of the recollect order. he acted as teacher of boys for over fifty years, teaching them reading, writing, arithmetic, and music. at his death he was buried in the recollect church at taytày. one of the boys taught by joseph was bartolomè lingòn. at the age of fifteen he was appointed to assist fray alonso de san agustin or garcias, who arrived in philipinas in 1684 and was sent immediately to calamiànes. although he desired to remain unmarried, he was married at the request of the missionaries to a devout woman named magdalena ilìng. he acted as the chief sacristan of the recollect church in taytày, ever taking great delight in the service of the church and his duties therein. he survived his wife three years, dying in january 1696. his wife had been born in laguna de paràgua but had lived in taytày most of her life with a christian aunt. although she wished to devote her life exclusively to religion she was persuaded by the religious to marry bartolomè. her devotion led her to teach the girls of the village without pay. of a gentle disposition she was yet unyielding on occasions of necessity and although tempted by an alcalde-mayor who was enamored of her beauty and made improper proposals to her, she ever maintained her virtue. at her death by cancer of the breast, she was buried in the recollect church. the last two sections of this chapter have nothing on the philippines.] decade ten [the first chapter of this decade does not treat of the philippines.] chapter ii our province of philipinas attempts a mission to great china. the life of the venerable brother fray martin de san francisco. the year 1682 § i relation of the anxiety which our province of philipinas has always had to extend its apostolic preaching to china; and the great effort made in 1682 for that purpose. [the story of the recollect attempt to evangelize in china is one of failure, notwithstanding the earnest efforts made by that order to send laborers to that empire. shortly after the closing of japanese ports to all missionaries in 1640, the philippine recollects began to work up the foreign mission field, but it was not until 1650 that they were able to present memorials to the roman court, which proved unavailing as the italians and french were already on the ground in many of the asiatic countries. in 1667 the father provincial, fray juan de la madre de dios, received decrees in blank ordering him to send laborers to china, but the royal treasury was in no position to aid them, and the wars both in the islands and in china also prevented the proposed spiritual invasion. many other mandatory decrees from the king met the same fate, but in the chapter of 1680, the order determined to make the mission if they had to supply all the funds themselves. three men were told off to study the language in order to prepare for the work in china, and in 1682, one did actually get as far as macan, but the opposition of the civil authorities there proved the deathknell to all hopes at that time. again in 1701, and in 1704, abortive attempts were made to enter the great empire, the last being coeval with the arrival of the apostolic visitor cardinal tournon.] [the second section of this chapter treats of spanish matters.] chapter iii a fine mission leaves españa for philipinas; and the venerable father fray christoval de san joseph leaves this for the eternal life. the year 1683 § i of the missions of our religious who reached philipinas during the years of these three decades, and in especial of the mission which made its voyage this year 1683 to the not small luster of the catholic religion. ... 908. the third volume has already related that a mission left españa in the year 1660 in charge of father fray eugenio de los santos. [55] he brought in that mission, however, only eighteen choir religious and two lay brothers whose names i have been unable to ascertain, as the instruments with which i would have to do so have not come to me from españa. they all reached mexico in the above-mentioned year and since because of various accidents that happened during the voyage, in the islands and in the port of cavite no ships came from philipinas to nueva españa, either that year or the two following, the mission had to stay in the said city all that time incurring the expenses and fatal consequences that one can understand. in the year 1662 the viceroy of mexico despatched a boat to the islands to get a report of their condition, for there was fear that they had been invaded by enemies. one of those missionaries ventured in that boat, and arriving at manila it caused not a little rejoicing to the inhabitants there. the next year ships from philipinas were seen in the port of acapulco, and as a consequence fourteen religious took passage in them and arrived at manila in august 1663, and not in 1684 as was wrongly reported in volume three. the five others remained in nueva españa, but they afterwards reached their destination and all served in those fields of christendom where they were of great use. 909. father fray christoval de santa monica, after having been provincial of philipinas, to which dignity he was elected in the year 1656, was appointed in 63, to come to españa in order to collect and lead a mission. he came then, having received on the way not a few favors from st. nicholas of tolentino--favors which he received under the appreciable quality of miracles, but which we cannot specify for lack of documents. he negotiated in madrid as successfully as could be desired, and collected a mission of twenty-four religious, all generally of good qualities and with the characteristics that are desired in that province. he set sail with that valiant squadron june 16, 1666. [after various miraculous happenings on the way, the vessel reached vera cruz in safety, whence the passengers went across the peninsula to acapulco. august of 1667 the recollects all reached manila save two who remained in mexico for another year because of sickness.] 910. in the year 1668, the venerable father fray juan de la madre de dios, of blancas, was elected president of mexico in the provincial chapter of mexico, and father fray agustin de santa monica, commissary for españa. the latter died aboard ship, and on that account, when the former arrived at mexico, he found an order within two years to go to the court of madrid in order to discuss some matters of not small magnitude, and to give his vote for the province in the general chapter. the authority and money for the conduction of a mission were long delayed, but at last he received them both at the end of 1674, whereupon he displayed so good zeal that he took passage with twenty-six religious in june 1675. he reached mexico with his gospel militia, where he was ordered by the province to return to españa to conduct certain matters that could only be entrusted to his person. thereupon, sending his accounts to philipinas, the mission went to the islands in the year 1676 in charge of another prelate, and father fray juan bent his steps toward his new destiny. 911. another father, fray juan de la madre de dios, a native of cuenca, had gone to philipinas in the mission of father fray christoval de santa monica; in the year 1680, that definitory appointed him commissioner to españa. he sailed the same year from the port of cavite in the galleon named "san telmo." [after a voyage tempered with the mercy obtained by st. nicholas of tolentino, in several dangerous situations, the father arrived at acapulco, january 22, 1681, and was detained some time in nueva españa by the fever. reaching spain in november of the same year, he hastened to lay his supplications at the royal feet, and was given a decree calling for a mission of forty religious fathers and five lay brothers. "he also obtained a royal decree dated april 16 of the abovesaid year [1682] in which his majesty continued the annual alms of one hundred and fifty pesos for the medicines which are used in our infirmary of manìla; and another of the thirtieth of the same month, in which he also continued the alms of two hundred and fifty pesos and a like number of fanegas of rice per year for the maintenance of the four religious of ours who were in charge of the indians in manìla."] 914. in view of this, the edict for the mission was published by our father vicar-general. an excellent mission was collected at sevilla for the purpose of taking passage in the fleet which was about to sail to nueva españa in charge of general don diego de saldìvar. thereupon the mission sailed from cadiz on the fourth of march, 1683, and consisted of the following religious. 1. the father commissary, fray juan de la madre de dios, native of cuenca. 2. the father vice-commissary, fray fernando antonio de la concepcion, native of aldea del cardo, of the bishopric of calahorra. 3. the pensioned father reader, fray juan de la concepcion, known as moriàna, an andalusian. 4. father fray agustin de san juan bautista, a native of leganès near madrid. 5. father fray juan de la encarnacion, of talavera. 6. father fray francisco del espiritu santo, of xarayz in la vera de plasencia. 7. father fray antonio de san agustin, of madrid. 8. father fray juan de san antonio, of alcalà de enares. 9. father fray juan de san nicolàs, of daymiel in la mancha. 10. father fray alonso de san agustin, of villa de garcìas in estremadura. 11. father fray joseph de la encarnacion, of la nava del rey. 12. father fray francisco de la ascension, of madrid. 13. father fray francisco de la madre de dios, of malaga. 14. father fray pablo de san joseph, of tobòso. 15. father fray joseph de san geronimo, of calcèna in andalucìa. 16. father fray juan del santissimo sacramento, of logroño. 17. father fray vicente de san geronimo, of lupiñèn, near huesca. 18. father fray sebastian de san marcos, of tobòso. 19. father fray gaspàr de san guillermo, of villanueva messia. brother choristers 20. brother fray alonso de la concepcion. 21. brother fray diego de san nicolàs, of madrid. 22. brother fray antonio de la encarnacion, of xetàfe. 23. brother fray joseph de la madre de dios, of tobòso. 24. brother fray juan de san agustin, of oràn, africa. 25. brother fray francisco antonio de la madre de dios, of alcantara. 26. brother fray francisco de santa maria, of madrid. 27. brother fray ignacio de san joseph, of buxaralòz, aragon. 28. brother fray joachin de san nicolàs, of añon, aragon. 29. brother fray joseph de santa getrudis, of villafranca de panadès, cathaluña. 30. brother fray joseph de la trinidad, of urrea de xalon, aragon. 31. brother fray joseph de santa lucìa, of caspe, aragón. 32. brother fray francisco de san joseph. 33. brother fray pedro de san miguèl, of porcuna, kingdom of jaen. 34. brother fray raphaèl de san bernardo, of berja, kingdom of granada. 35. brother fray manuel de la concepcion, of sevilla. 36. brother fray juan de la ascencion, of moral, in the archbishopric of toledo. 37. brother fray alonso de san joseph. 38. brother fray juan de santa monica. lay brothers 39. brother fray pedro de la virgen del pilar, of barcelona. 40. brother fray agustin de santa monica, of ecinacorva, aragon. 41. brother fray roque de san lorenzo. 42. brother fray joseph de jesus. 43. brother fray juan de jesus, of alcazar de san juan, la mancha. 915. all the above, minus the one named at number 22 who died at sea, and those included under numbers 9, 12, and 14, who hid in puerto rico, in order that they might return to their provinces, as they did do, arrived with the great good-will of the fleet, at vera cruz, june 1, 1683, whence they went to mexico with all possible haste. there they comported themselves with the greatest rigor, observance, abstraction, and example, so that the hospitium appeared a desert. thus they succeeded in obtaining the favor of the viceroy, the count of parèdes, [56] and the venerable archbishop don francisco de aguiar y seyjas, who visited the fathers in the hospitium, and that not only once. during that winter those who had not completed their studies, continued them, and in that the father lector, fray juan de la concepcion and others who were not lectors, but were worthy to be, worked with especial zeal. by the fifth of march, 1685, they began to go out in bands to acapulco, whence they set sail april 4, in the almiranta, called "san telmo." they anchored in the port of sorsogòn, in philipinas, on the fourteenth of july, and arrived in manila some time in august. there they were given a fine welcome and were allowed some time to rest after so long a voyage. but they afterward began another greater work in that vineyard with the fulfilment which was hoped of not resting until they obtained their reward in glory. [chapter iv, treating of the general chapter of 1684, notes (p. 457) that the first definitor chosen for philipinas was father fray francisco de san nicolàs, and the second definitor, fray miguèl de santa monica; as first and second discreets (p. 458), were chosen father fray blàs de la concepcion and father fray nicolàs de tolentino.] [most of chapter v is taken up with the life of father fray juan de la madre de dios, called also blancas. he was born in the town of blancas, aragon, of honorable parentage, his family name being garcias. from his early years of a religious turn of mind, he at length attained the height of his desires by professing (june 15, 1635) in the convent of borja. in 1650, after having preached very acceptably at the convent of zaragoza, he enlisted in the philippine mission organized by father fray jacinto de san fulgencio. on his arrival at manila he preached at the convent in that city and engaged in other work (being also the confessor of the governor sabiniano manrique de lara) until december, 1655. at that time his health giving out because of an accident, he went with the then father provincial, father fray francisco de san joseph, to the convent at bolinao in the zambal district, leaving behind with the governor a folio ms. book which he had written during the preceding two years entitled governador christiano, entre neophitos (christian governor among neophytes), for spiritual guidance in all sorts of matters. in bolinao, the change of climate and work restored the father's health in a short time, but he remained in that place until the new provincial chapter in manila. at that chapter he was chosen prior of the manila convent against his wishes. again in 1658 ill health compelled him to go to bolinao, where he remained this time four years. his efforts to keep the natives there quiet during the times of the insurrections were of great fruit. he labored zealously in that district even visiting the schools in addition to the regular duties of a missionary. he received a number of devout women into the tertiary branch of the order. he was untiring in his efforts for both the spiritual and corporal good of his charges.] § v father fray juan de la madre de dios founds a village of indians, converted by dint of his zeal. he is elected definitor and retires from the commerce of men to adorn himself with the perfection of his virtues. ... 984. in a site called cacaguàyanan which means "the place of many bamboos," six leguas or so from bolinào there were for years back a not small number of indians, who had fled from the surrounding villages, and who are there called zimarrònes. they having abandoned in its entirety the faith which they had received at baptism, and accompanied by many heathen, not only rendered vain the attempts of mildness and of force which had several times been practiced to reduce them to a christian and civilized life, but either by declared war, or by means of skilful cunning, did not cease to cause constant depredations in the catholic villages which were subject to spanish dominion. so true is the statement contained in various parts of this history, that our ministers of philipinas, although they dwell in mission fields already formed, go forth to living war against infidelity, and although the christianity of zambàles was the first one converted by our discalced order, even there our religious have no lack of meritorious occupation. from the first time that our venerable father was in bolinào, he worked with his accustomed zeal in order to place those people in the pathway of their eternal salvation. he had obtained from them that the christians should be obedient to the law, and that the heathen should leave the opaque shades of paganism, so that it was conceded to him to found a new settlement in the island of pòro with them, with a general pardon and the accustomed privileges. moved by so good hopes the father went to chapter, and since he had so much influence with the governor of the islands to whom the giving of such licenses pertains, he procured one for the founding of the village which he was attempting, with all the privileges that those zimarrònes and idolaters could desire. but since the religious to whom it was charged, did not succeed in finding the means prescribed by prudence to unite spirits dissimilar in other regards, not only was the project not obtained, but their good-wills having been irritated, the desired attainment came to appear impossible. 985. so passed affairs, when renouncing the priorate of manìla, as we have said above, that gleaming sun returned to illumine the hemisphere of bolinào, and not being able to prevent the activity of his light, he immediately shed his reflected light even to the darkest caves where those indians were taking refuge in the manner of wild beasts, fleeing from their own good and blindly enamored of the most unhappy freedom. again did the father establish the compacts for their conversion. in the first step that he took in the undertaking, he made the greatest sacrifice of himself, by exposing his life to a danger which might make the most courageous man tremble, if he were less holy. for when he heard that the fugitive christians and a great number of heathens and some chinese idolaters were celebrating a solemn feast to the demons, in the above-mentioned place of cacaguayànan, he determined to go thither in person with the intrepidity suitable to his valor, and almost alone to oppose so sacrilegious worship and at the same time reduce those who paid that worship. in these ceremonies called maganitos in the language of the country, intoxication is the most essential part of the solemnity. and since the zambal indians are extremely warlike, esteeming it the principal part of their nobility, unless they are illumined with the catholic faith, to lessen with inhuman murders the species of which they consider themselves as individuals, adding to this that they consider it as an attention paid to their religion, to take away the life of any christian who approaches their district, where they pay such adorations to their deities, then one can conjecture the great risk that beset that soldier of jesus, when he attacked such an army of infernal furies, in order to withdraw them from a darkness so dense into the refulgent light of the catholic religion. 986. but its good outcome deprived the action of the censure of temerity, which showed that it was governed by a special motion of the holy spirit, whose impulse at times trespassing the lines of what the world calls prudence, causes one to undertake projects which our finite reason qualifies as rashness. the fact is that when the venerable father arrived at the dense part of a solitary thicket in whose melancholy shades those indians had gathered to worship as a god one who is not a god, he met them with the qualities of meek sheep, when he might have feared to find them like ferocious wolves, who would consider it a sport of their cruelty to rend him to pieces. beyond any doubt the hand of god, who wished to preserve the life of one who despised it for his sake, was in this; for since the infernal fury with which the heathen clothe themselves on such occasions is assured, one cannot attribute their gentleness on this occasion to natural causes. that most zealous minister put his hand, then, to the double-edged sword of the preaching, and fighting with it according to his wont so skilfully, made himself master almost without any resistance of those hearts which were filled with apostasy and infidelity, setting up in them the banner of our holy catholic faith. the complete attainment of so famous a victory was retarded somewhat, because of the outbreak of the insurrection of pangasinàn. in him was verified what experience has always demonstrated, namely, that a very quiet disposition is needed so that the divine word may be born in souls by the faith. but at last when all the heads of that monstrous hydra were cut off, the blessed father had the happiness to obtain the fruit of his zeal by constructing a new village in the site called mangàsin. that was the most suitable place in the island of pòro, and was called by another name cabarròyan. from the beginning he counted eighty houses in it and a like number of families, all drawn from the captivity of the devil to the perfect liberty of the kingdom of christ. [the father preached many sermons to the zambals in their own language, which he had begun to learn when he first went to bolinào, so many in fact that they formed two ms. volumes in quarto; and of them copies were made for the use of those not so well versed as himself in the zambal tongue. in april 1662 he was chosen definitor at the provincial chapter, and lived for the three years of that office in the manila convent. at the following chapter in 1665, father fray juan was elected provincial against his will. his term was one that needed his strong rule, for there were troubles with the governor, diego salcedo, who offered obstacles to the smooth ordering of affairs. he materially advanced his order and brought some new stability into the body which had suffered in the recent earthquakes, and the chinese and native insurrections. at the completion of his triennium he was chosen president of the recollect hospitium in mexico. setting sail for his destination, july 4, 1668, the port of acapulco was reached only on the twenty-second of the following january, after a voyage replete with storm and sickness. proceeding to his destination the father entered the hospitium of mexico on the twelfth of february of the same year. in 1671, as related above, father juan de la madre de dios was ordered to cast the vote of his province in the general chapter held in spain in 1672, and also to attend to various matters for his order. there his stay being somewhat prolonged because of lack of funds and other things he was made visitor general of certain spanish convents, and was later elected to high officers of the order in aragon. returning to nueva españa with a band of missionaries he was again sent to spain on business of the order, but a broken arm received while on his way from sevilla to madrid, caused his retirement to the zaragoza convent, where he died january 10, 1685, at the age of 68. throughout his life, he was most humble and led an austere existence.] [section ii of the following chapter treats of the life of father fray thomàs de san geronimo. this father was born at the village of yebenes, in the archbishopric of toledo, his family name being ayàla. he took the habit in the madrid convent, july 28, 1646. upon going to the philippines he was sent to the missions of the visayas. devoting himself there to the study of the languages he learned several of the visayan tongues, especially the cebuan, "the principal visayan tongue." in that language he translated the catechism, which was printed at manila in 1730; compiled an explanation of the christian doctrine, which was printed in 1730; and composed a vocabulary in the cebuan tongue, and another in the dialects spoken in cagayàn and tagalòan. in addition he left two volumes of sermons in the vernacular of the country. he served as prior for six years in the convent of billig, mindanao; six years in cagayàn, and various times at the island of romblon, and finally in siargao. in 1680 he was elected provincial, and served his term so faithfully and well, visiting and working assiduously, that he was reëlected in 1686 against his will. but he was destined not to fill that office again for death took him may 19, 1686. after his first term he served in the island of romblòn. he was a most zealous missionary. the remainder of the chapter and chapter vii following do not deal with philippine affairs.] chapter viii our missionaries illumine the islands of masbàte with the preaching. the fourteenth general chapter is held. two excellent religious die in the province of aragon. the year 1688 § i our province of philipinas takes charge of the spiritual administration of three islands, namely, masbàte, ticào, and burìas, with no little luster to the catholic religion. ... 1108. in the great archipelago of san lazaro, as one enters the philipinas from marianas, the islands of luzòn, mindòro, panài, zebù, and lèyte form among themselves an almost perfect circle which has a circumference along the beaches from the center of about two hundred leguas encircling the above-named islands, which are very near one another. within this circumference, toward the part of mindòro and panay, are located the islands of romblòn, and toward the part of lèyte those of masbàte, ticào and burìas, which belong to the bishopric of nueva càceres in ecclesiastical matters, and to the alcaldeship of albay in political matters. masbàte, which is the chief island, is sixty leguas southwest of manìla. it lies in a latitude of about sixty degrees, has a circumference of fifty leguas, a length of nineteen, and a breadth of five or six. [57] the island of ticào is about nine leguas long, four and one-half wide, and about twenty-three leguas in circumference. [58] that of burìas has a circumference of twenty-six leguas, four wide and twelve long. [59] masbàte has the reputation of having the richest gold mines that were found by the first spaniards, and from which they benefited to a great extent. their working has not been continued, either for lack of people suitable for this work or for other reasons which do not concern us. that of buriàs abounds in the palm called buri, of whose fruit and even of whose trunk, the indians make an extraordinary bread. that of ticào produces many woods, excellent for the construction of medium-sized boats. the natives of those three islands are of the same qualities as the rest of the philipinas. however, they have become very sociable because of the almost continuous intercourse that they have with the spaniards, on account of the many who pass on their way to other countries. 1109. those islands were reduced to the crown of españa in 1569 by don luis henriquez de guzman, a knight of sevilla, whose conquest made them thoroughly subject in everything to captain andrès de ibarra. thereupon, scarcely had the way been opened by arms, when the venerable father, fray alonso ximenez, an observant of our order, entered masbàte to preach the law of grace. he, as is asserted by father fray gaspàr de san agustin, may be called the apostle of that island, in consideration of the great amount of his labors therein for the extension of the catholic faith. other apostolic workers of the same institute followed his tracks later, and they went to ticào and burìas. consequently, in the year 1605, the province of santo nombre de jesus founded a mission composed of the above three islands. the first prior appointed was father fray francisco guerrero, instructor of christian doctrine, who was of well-known zeal. but our calced fathers kept the care of their administration only until the year 1609, when the intermediary chapter resigned that district and its villages into the hands of the bishop of nueva càceres, don pedro de arce, in order that he might appoint secular clergy as he wished, who could attend to the christian indians with the bread of the doctrine. [60] from that time until the year 1688, various curas had successive charge of the administration of those souls in order to teach them the road of glory. but notwithstanding that that district had only two hundred and fifty families when they took charge of it (as the above-cited father gaspar confesses) whose number continued to decline afterward because of the moro invasions, one cura could in no way be maintained, and scarce could one be found to take charge of that church. 1110. things were in this condition, then, when the most illustrious master, don fray andrès gonzales, who deservedly ascended to the bishopric of nueva càceres from the ranks of the order of preachers, represented to the king on may 28, 1682 that in order that the villages of his diocese might be rightly administered spiritually, it would be indispensable to assign its curacies in another manner and give some of them into the charge of religious. in consideration of that he petitioned his majesty to commit the approbation of the new plan considered to his governor of those islands, so that as vice-patron, he might proceed in it. the king conceded what that prelate asked by his decree dated madrid, august 13, 1685, and his excellency presented the new formation of districts to the governor with all its changes. by it he applied to our province all the mission of masbàte, and its adjacent islands, as well as the villages of ingòzo, catanavan, vigo, and the rancherias contiguous, all located in the island of luzòn, which hitherto had belonged to the curacy of pìriz, so that another new mission might be formed under charge of our discalced order. the governor was the admiral of galleons, don gabriel de cruceleygui, knight of the habit of santiago. by an act of november 26, 1686, he approved in toto the idea of the bishop, and, as a consequence, the assignation made to us of the above-mentioned villages, so that we might administer them as curas. however, because of several troubles that resulted, our province accepted only the mission of masbàte, and renounced the right that they might have had to the other villages of the island of luzòn, for they could be administered by the fathers of st. francis with less trouble. 1111. the constant reasons for the acts by which the bishop assigned to us the above-mentioned district were reduced to the fact that there was but one secular priest in it, and he was insufficient for its administration. for it was proved that only four persons had died with the sacraments within the long space of four years, while those who had passed to the other life without that benediction numbered one hundred and eighteen. add to this that the baptism of small children had been delayed many months as the parish priest did not go but very seldom to visit the distant villages. this ought not to induce inferences against the well-proved zeal of those venerable priests, that they had neglected their duties in attending to the obligations of the ministry. for since there was but one ecclesiastic in all three islands, and those islands occupy so great an extent, and the villages are so distant from one another, how could he attend to so many parishioners with the pastoral food? it is a fact that even after our religious had entered there and three or four were kept busy continually, scarce could they fully attend to all their duties as spiritual directors, without some inculpable lack being evident; and that notwithstanding that each one labored as many, for not few of them have lost their health because of the work, as we shall see hereafter. consequently, one ought not to be surprised if those indians were poorly administered before, for it is undeniable that one person cannot attend to so many laborious cares, as can many, although he may equal them in zeal. 1112. the bishop and governor convinced, then, in this matter, despatched the fitting provisions in november 1686 in order that our reformed branch might take charge of those souls. this plan was of great moment to the province, for the said islands, besides being the necessary passage way and very suitable station for those who voyage from manìla to carhaga and zebù, are the stopping place of the ships which sail from cavìte to acapulco and return from nueva españa to philipinas. it is very common for the ships to stop in their ports to get fresh supplies, and await suitable winds. on that account there originated the greatest convenience in possessing them in our custody, because of what makes for the spiritual: for the provincials, when they sail out upon their visits; for the commissioners when they come to españa for missions; for the missions themselves when they arrive at the islands; and for the multitude of our religious who journey from one part to another, employed in the holy commerce of souls. without doubt those reasons somewhat aided the zeal with which our tireless workers in those countries have always procured the good teaching of the faithful, and the conversion of the faithless, at the cost of their own very great fatigue and of great penalties. on that account it was determined in the intermediary chapter of 1687 to accept the charge of that reasonable territory to whose labor god called them by the mouth of the bishop. and more when it was learned that, although the number of the christians was greatly diminished, the interiors of the islands of masbàte and burìas were densely inhabited with innumerable indians, apostates from the faith and assembled there not only from their villages, but also from other parts, in whose reduction a great service would be done to god and the king, and with this fruit the sweatings of the spiritual administration would be eased, which by themselves alone gave much to grieve over. 1113. finally matters having been arranged, fathers fray juan de san phelipe, the outgoing provincial, and fray juan de la encarnacion, with another associate, of whose name we are ignorant, left manila in may 1678 [i.e., 1688] to take charge of the above-mentioned district. they went to the village of ticào, where they met the cura, then bachelor don christoval carvallo, who had been notified by the suitable acts in the month of august. the latter agreed without the least repugnance to surrender the churches and his administration. he did it gracefully on september 2 of the same year in the village of mobo, a site in the island of masbàte, which was, and is, the chief village of all the others, and that mission remained from that time on subject to our discalced order. the indians received the religious with signs of the greatest rejoicing. it is a fact that they knew our holy habit some years before, because some of our gospel missionaries had stopped in their port on account of storms, when they were passing by masbàte on their way to their destinations, and had attended to instructing them and even administering them the sacraments. from that came the almost general joy with which the discalced augustinians were received there; and from that reception originated the great fruit which they obtained with their preaching. the fathers endeavored to have the love shown them by the indians increase, not being unaware that the good-will of the hearers is a very plausible disposition so that the work of the preachers may be useful. knowing also that the good opinion of the evangelical minister gives great force to his words, in order that theirs might be increased they aimed to confirm them with works. they bore themselves as saints in private and public in order to give a good example in all things. with that method, one can believe the great number of christians that were gathered to catholicism in the said islands, as we shall relate later. 1114. but since it was necessary for this attainment to found some convent, they erected it that same year in the village of mobo, which had the most inhabitants. it has nuestra señora de los remedios [i.e., our lady of remedies] as titular, and a very costly church is being built which abounds in reredoses and other adornments with a sacristy provided with vestments [? jocalias] and ornaments. the house is very capacious and has all the necessary rooms and has moreover cells for the religious who generally live in it. that convent was the refuge of the gospel ministers who lived in it in suitable number to look after the christians in spiritual matters and to allure the apostates to the bosom of the christian religion which they had abandoned. thence, as swift moving clouds, they went out to fertilize the other villages with the water of their doctrine and having become hunters of souls, to overrun the deserts and mountains. although there were not more than six villages in the three islands when our discalced religious entered to administer them, in a few years they established three more where they could shelter those who were being reduced to our holy faith. and hence the workers of that mission with inexplicable toil cared for a great number of souls who dwelt in the capital of mobo, and in its annexed villages or visitas of ticào, burìas, balino, palànog, habuyoàn, tagmasùso, buracàn, and limbojan. in that extensive territory not few times did god explain his mercies with repeated miracles in confirmation of the faith which ours were preaching. some received with baptism the health of the body, and others found themselves freed from their pains by the prayers of the ministers, accompanied by the laying on of hands. however, inasmuch as the manuscripts give us these notices without specification, we cannot name the individual miracles. 1115. a very lamentable event for the islands which happened in the year 1726, was the reason for the founding of another convent in ticào. it happened as follows. the galleon "santo christo de burgos," while making its voyage to nueva españa, anchored at the port of ticào in order to await good weather before taking to the open sea. but it was shipwrecked there by a storm which came upon it. on board that vessel was don julian de velasco, a minister assigned to the audiencia of mexico. he managed to obtain his spiritual improvement from that disaster so transcendental to all classes of philipinas by the practice of good works. he did not care to return to manìla, although he could have done so, but remained with all his family in the said port until he could get passage the next year. among what he was able to save of his lost possessions, he placed his first attention in seeing that the holy image of the holy christ of burgos which was on the ship as its titular, should not be lost; for it was his intention to place it at his own expense in some church, so that it might have public veneration for the benefit of souls. scarcely, then, did he have that celestial treasure in his hands, when he exposed it to worship on the high altar of the church of ticào with ornaments suitable to his devout affection. thereafter followed the assignment of some income so that there might be a resident evangelical minister there, both so that a chaplain might not at least be wanting to the holy image, and so that the indians might not lack more continual teaching. for that reason, the province afterward determined to found a convent in ticào. to it were assigned the villages situated in the islands of ticào and burìas, and to the convent of mobo those of the island of masbate. the ministers were thus able to obtain more relief because their number had increased, although they still had much to do in order to attend to everything. § ii relation of the progress made by catholicism in those islands by the preaching of our laborers; and the great hardships that they suffered for that end. 1116. in the year 1724, the province of philipinas begged the king to confirm, by special decree, the possession that had been given them in his royal name of the islands of masbàte. his majesty ordered the governor of philipinas and the bishop of nueva cáceres, on the eleventh of february, 1725, to make no innovation in regard to the spiritual administration of the said district until he should provide what was needful in his royal council. he ordered them also to inform him of the progress that had been made by the faith in that territory since it had been in our charge. on that account some juridical investigations were made in manìla in order to inform the king with acts. by them it appeared that, although there had been only one single parish priest in all the district of masbàte before, since it had been placed in charge of the recollect fathers, three religious at least had always lived there; and that, as was proved by the books of the royal treasury, in the year 1687, anterior to our possession, there were only one hundred and eighty-seven families in the whole mission, while in the year 1722, there were five hundred and eighty-five: so that in the space of thirty-four years they had increased by three hundred and ninety-eight. for that reason the governor, marquès de torrecampo, gave his king june 30, 1727, a very favorable report of our discalced order in the terms of this honorable clause. "the district of masbàte, in charge of the discalced augustinians, has had an increase of 398 whole tributes through the apostolic zeal of those ministers. they, not only in that district, but also in the rest of these islands, dedicate themselves to the propagation of our holy catholic faith with the greatest toil and with the most visible fruit." 1117. these increases will be of greater moment if we consider that, if the families be reduced to the number of four persons each, as is customary there, the said district consisted, at the time it was given to us, of 748 souls, and in thirty-eight years it had increased to 2,340, the increase amounting to 1,592 persons. but sixteen years later (namely, the year 1738, when father fray juan francisco de san antonio printed the first volume of the history of his seraphic province of philipinas), those increases were almost doubled. [61] then directing his pen to the end that leads to truth, he assures us that there are new villages in the island of masbàte with three thousand three hundred and forty-five souls; in that of ticào, two, with four hundred and seventy-five persons; and one in that of burìas, with one hundred and eighty. whence it is inferred that three more villages were newly established: namely, in masbàte, those of navangui and baraga; and in ticào, that of san jacinto, at the port so named, where the ships now stop for fresh supplies, before taking to the open sea. also the number of souls has increased to one thousand six hundred and sixty by the impulses of the preaching of our reformed branch, aided efficaciously by divine grace. all the increase of this district since it has been in our charge has been six newly-created villages, and three thousand two hundred and fifty-two souls brought to the catholic bosom. and we even ought to infer that many more have been converted, for by the invasions of the moros, which are told at length in the third volume, [62] the number of the christians could not but be lessened. 1118. it only remains now to ascertain whence proceeded those indians who so increased the above-mentioned villages. it was stated in another place in the third volume [63] that there was a great number of mountain indians in the islands of masbàte and burìas, who are there called zimarrones. they were feared, for they lived without god, or king, and were given up to the liberties of paganism. those were certain men, if they can be called so, who having apostatized the faith, had taken to the deserts and high places, where they defended their native barbarity at every step, against those who were trying to reduce them and to procure their own good. they had gathered there, either they or their ancestors, from the villages of the same islands, as well as from zebù, leyte, and others, to escape the punishment due them for their crimes. consequently, they were people especially fierce. among them were found to be many heathens, as they had been born in those places where the sound of the preaching did not penetrate. the others were still worse, as they had abandoned christianity. they did notable damage to the villages, and they even robbed the boats that were anchored in the ports or bays, treacherously taking many lives. the matter had assumed such proportions that one could not cross those islands by their interiors; and to approach their shores was the same thing as putting in at an enemy's port. but at present all the zimarrones are reduced to the faith, and to the obedience of the king without any exception. hence one can travel through the islands without the slightest risk, and boats can go thither even to the uninhabited places. from that and from no other beginnings have come the increase of that church, and there is not small praise to our reformed branch from it. 1119. that progress of the faith was preceded by many hardships that were suffered by the religious, some of which i shall state, noting that innumerable others are omitted, in order not to bore our readers by their relation, and because they resemble those that we shall relate. it has already been stated, then, that for the space of more than thirty years there was but one convent in the three islands, which was established in the village of mobo, whence the gospel laborers went out to administer all the settlements of the district. for that purpose, it was absolutely necessary for them to sail many leguas by boisterous seas, or to travel by land in some parts by rough mountains, threatened in the one place with shipwreck and in the other by continual dangers. since the new convent was established in the island of ticào, the administration is more tolerable, although it is always accompanied by indescribable fatigues. for the religious of mobo have to sail completely about the island of masbàte in order to fulfil their obligations, or if they prefer to journey by land, as they are able, to one or two villages, they have to do it afoot with the greatest discomfort, through inaccessible mountains, and exposed to dangers wellnigh insupportable. the missionaries of ticào, besides having to coast a great part of that island have to go many times during each year to that of burìas, crossing the very stout currents of the sea from the rapidity of which some of the missionaries have found themselves in the utmost consternation. on the other hand, all the time that the indians remained zimarrones, they allowed no passage to the zealous laborers without them risking their lives to innumerable dangers; and even after they had been reduced, the moros were a substitute for them on the outside, and inside many sorcerers, who tried, some by violence, and others by their diabolical arts, to drive thence, and even from the world, the ministers of souls. and who can tell all that they suffered from all these causes? it was so great that some religious, never more alive than when they were dead, came to die in the campaign like good soldiers. 1120. father fray ildephonso de la concepcion was one of those who sweated most in that ministry, and one of those who entered to cultivate it in its early beginnings. by the ardor of his zeal, by the example of his life, and by his apostolic preaching, he reduced many apostates to the catholic faith. some of them were gathered into the villages already established, and others, up to the number of eighty families, founded through his influence, another new village on the opposite coast from mobo. going then, from one to another part of the islands, the solicitous fisher of souls had the boat in which he journeyed swamped twice, one-half legua from shore, while another time his boat was driven by storms on some reefs and dashed to pieces; dangers in which many of those who accompanied him were lost, while the father escaped miraculously with his life after having endured a thousand anxieties. the zimarrones, infidels, and bad christians, given up to doing ill to whomever procured their total welfare, now as declared enemies, and again as wily friends, placed him almost continually in monstrous danger of exhaling his last breath. in order that he might visit promptly the new village which he had erected, he opened a road from mobo to it through the interior of the island. he crossed it many times on foot, it being necessary for him to traverse very lofty mountains exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather. he suffered indescribable things for the faith, with the great hardship that his vast zeal occasioned him, and which those indians caused him with their obstinacy. finally he fell grievously ill, his pains originating from the penalties of the said road which he frequented several times in the course of a single month, as well as from the heat and showers which he endured when going through the mountains in search of those rational wild beasts. he died through the apostolic zeal, in the manner in which all gospel laborers ought to depart this life. 1121. father fray benito de la assumpcion, a religious who seemed born for the labors and successes of the spiritual administration, followed that laborer in the care of that vineyard. he believed that, without passing the limits of prudence, it would be very seasonable for the souls of his parishioners to reduce them to living closer together in a fewer number of villages, and he thus tried to bring it to pass. especially did he propose to himself the plan that the indians shortly before reduced to the new village which we have mentioned in the preceding number, should move to the capital or chief village of mobo, for he formed the correct judgment that they would be better christians if they had at all hours the good example of their ministers before their eyes. it is not so difficult to move a whole village in philipinas as it would be in europa; for the indians build their houses without cost and easily. they also find in all parts lands suitable for their cultivation without any expense from their pockets. yet notwithstanding that one cannot easily tell the vast labors, watches, and afflictions that come upon the religious when they attempt such reductions of the indians. the latter desire with too great endeavor, to have their residence where they cannot be registered, in order to work with greater freedom, and excuse themselves if possible from all human subjection, and even from divine law, without caring greatly for their own spiritual interests, but each one going at will to his rancheria or field where it is not easy for the father minister to visit them or assist them with the holy sacraments during their sicknesses. for that reason all hell is conjured against the teacher of the doctrine, if he tries to place such reductions into effect, from which many spiritual interests would follow. that venerable father suffered so much with his undertaking that he caused universal wonder that it did not cost him his life, and the worst thing was that he could not see it accomplished. 1122. not only in this, but also in other projects of known utility, did he have much to endure and much from which to gather merit. with the zeal of elias did he relentlessly persecute divine offenses, while he at the same time loved the persons most especially. it was the same for him to discover any trace of superstition or the slightest vestige of the badly extinguished infidelity, and to fly to its destruction with all his power. amid continual risks of losing his life, he exercised his gigantic charity for many years in directing the souls of those islands to god, without any fear of death whose scythe he saw upon him many times. the moros with their stealthy attacks, the infidels or apostates with open malice, and the evil christians with their subterfuges and deceits made him almost continually suffer for justice. but he worked on manfully as one who had the refuge of his life in god, and consoling his weakened heart with the divine grace he supported the persecutions from which the lord wove him a crown. in the above-named village a chief indian named canamàn irritated by the attempted reduction, and because the father checked him publicly for a certain scandalous concubinage, raised his head in open mutiny. with many followers he sought the father and persecuted him in order to deprive him of life. at that revolution the venerable religious was sorely grieved, and it was considered as a special prodigy that he could escape from so sacrilegious hands. finally, for the same reason another indian of the village of ticào (exasperated by the just reprehension and punishment which that famous minister had applied to him as an indispensable medicine for his faults) caused him to be the holocaust of his burning zeal for the good of souls, by the hidden method of poison, through the potency of which father fray benito lost his life, in order to obtain a better one in glory. 1123. after the above fathers, father fray diego de san gabriel entered to take up the toil with the profit of increased fruit in the cultivation of that field. he was the amazement of charity in regard to god because of his care for self-perfection, and in regard to his neighbor, because of the way in which he desired his salvation. in order that he might attain that end he pardoned no toil, if it were fitting for the spiritual welfare of the indians. he showered favors upon his parishioners by trying to take them to the kingdom of heaven. and although for this the latter loved him more, some were not wanting among so many who persecuted him, returning him evil for good. but like another david when they troubled him with their injuries, the venerable father clad himself in haircloth, humbled his soul in fasting, and occupied himself in prayer. by that means he delighted himself in god, taking pleasure in hardships as if they were the fountain of health. in order to induce his parishioners to the devotion of the most holy mary he composed and published in the visayan language a book of the miracles of our lady of carmen; and the most sweet virgin repaid his good zeal by liberating him with circumstances that appeared miraculous from several shipwrecks, and from other innumerable multitudes of dangers. on the beach of the village of balino a certain indian gave him a cruel wound with a dagger, because he checked some faults in him. the father recognized as a favor of the mother of mercy, not only the fact that he was not quite killed, as might have happened, but also the cure of the wound, almost without medicine. but at last, as he was sailing as secretary, which post he had obtained later, to visit those villages and others of visayas, a storm coming down upon him swamped the boat and he was drowned, together with the father provincial, then our father fray juan de san andrès. 1124. and now in order to conclude in a few words, a matter that we can not even with many words consider adequately, we add that the venerable fathers fray antonio de santa monica and fray thomàs de san lucas said many times without a trace of boasting that, although they had been many times in the doctrinas and missions, in none of them had they found so much to suffer as in that of masbàte. father fray francisco de santa engarcia was twice in imminent danger of death; first in shipwreck and later because an indian tried to kill him, for the reason that he had tried to get him to give up a certain concubinage. but god having freed him from those dangers, allowed him to perish in another through his occult judgments. it was a fact that that father when attending to the fulfilment of his obligation gave motive that certain of the zimarron indians whom he was endeavoring to establish soundly in the catholic faith gave him certain death-dealing powders in his food, which although they did not deprive him of life rendered him insensible and he became most pitiably insane. many other religious, whom we shall not mention for various reasons, suffered so much while ministers of those islands, by shipwreck, bad weather, and persecution, that if they did not obtain the crown to which they aspired by death, they were left with their health totally lost, and lived amid continual aches and pains, until their last breath opened for them, after some years, a pathway to heaven in order that they might enjoy the reward of their well endured conflicts. [the remaining sections of this chapter and the two final chapters of the book do not touch philippine matters.] ii extracts from juan de la concepcion's historia [it is thought advisable to append to the above extracts from the historia of pedro de san francisco de assis, the following extracts from concepción's historia. the first extract is from vol. viii, pp. 3-16, and includes a portion of the first chapter. it treats of the transfer of the province of zambal to the dominicans, and the occupation of the island of mindoro by the recollects.] 2. continuing with the events of this government, we must note that don diego de villaroto represented in the supreme council of the indias that the island of mindoro had a vast population who still retained the dense darkness of their heathen blindness; and that if the spiritual conquest of that island were given to some order, it would be easy to illumine its inhabitants with the true light. that representation was met by a royal decree, dated june 18, 1677, ordering the governor of these islands, together with the archbishop, to entrust the reduction of mindoro to the order that should be most suitable and fitting for that ministry; and that the curas employed in that island should be appointed to chaplaincies or prebends. that royal decree was presented to the royal audiencia of manila by sargento-mayor don sebastian de villa-real in october, 78. his majesty's fiscal offered no objection to its observance, and prompt obedience was rendered to it. it was directed to his excellency the archbishop, then don fray phelipe pardo. that most illustrious gentleman, during the two times when he was provincial of his order or province, urged as a thing greatly to be desired and demanded by his brethren the dominicans, that the augustinian recollects yield them the province of zambales, as it was very fitting for communication with their province of pangasinan, and of the latter with manila, and of those religious among themselves, who could thus make their visits more comfortably, by always crossing through their own ministries, thus avoiding the voyage through the territory of others, which they regretted. notwithstanding that those matters were discussed with great courtesy (as is the case at present) yet that was a demand that offended greatly the discalced augustinians, who regarded the zambals as the true sons of their spirit, and the land as watered with the blood and sweat of many of their members, and a land which, being their firstborn, was most tenderly loved. the dominicans could never obtain their demand, although softened by exchanges, for ministries were offered in which there was even more than enough room for zeal. 3. by reason of the said royal despatch, his excellency formed the idea of completely removing the recollects from zambales and giving them in exchange the island of mindoro. he set about that with great zest. the recollect provincial resisted, alleging that it was contrary to their constitutions to abandon thus the province of zambales. that would mean treating it as their own possession. it would be better to recognize it as a territory distributed by the universal patron; and, admitting that it was impossible to surrender it without his royal consent, individual laws communicate no right, especially when such mission fields are ad interim. he also pleaded that the indians of mindoro, both infidels and christians, had as soon as they heard that regular ministers were to be given them, urgently requested jesuits. on the contrary, the zambals, when they were notified that it was the intention to withdraw the recollects from their midst in order to introduce dominicans, almost declared their opinion in a terrible tumult. the recollects preferred, therefore, that such a change should not take place. but the archbishop was firm in his resolution, and trampled all obstacles under foot. he united with the governor, and both of them together forced the recollect provincial, fray joseph de san nicolas, by threats, to agree to the change. the governor pacified the indians of mindoro by means of his corregidor, so that they should receive the recollect fathers; and the zambals by means of the alcalde-mayor of pangasinan, so that they should allow the dominicans to enter. thereupon, the three seculars who had been in charge of mindoro were accommodated by suitable chaplaincies, and an act was passed by the royal audiencia, charging the recollect fathers with the administration of that island, with absolute clauses based on the royal decree, without any provision or obligation to leave the missions of zambales for it. that decree was accepted when it was announced, and was extended to the judicial cession of those missions, when signed by the provincial of the recollects, although protest was made against it in the name of their province, by two influential religious. on that account a second act was enacted in which those missions were adjudged to the fathers of st. dominic, for the archbishop was very much in earnest in those arrangements. 4. those decrees having been announced and accepted, the dominicans assumed possession of the cordillera of zambales. that province had on its coast eleven villages with actual missions, which were increased in the neighboring mountains. the recollects handed over that administration without making any public disturbance, although all the religious who had labored there protested vehemently, all of which appeared in the judicial reports. the augustinian recollects went to mindoro with the fitting despatches for that corregidor ordering him to deliver the administration [of that island] to them. father fray diego de la madre de dios, then definitor, was given charge of the district of baco, after it had been resigned by bachelor don joseph de rojas, who held it; father fray diego de la resurreccion of the curacy of calavite, in place of licentiate don juan pedraza, its parish priest; while the curacy of naohan was taken possession of by the father definitor, fray eugenio de los santos, who was exchanged for bachelor don martin diaz. the whole transfer was completed before the end of the year 79. three other religious remained with the above three religious as associates and coadjutors, and those six ministers began to scatter throughout the island. that island is in the center of this vast archipelago, and was formerly called mainit; but the spaniards gave it the name of mindoro from a village called minolo, located between puerto de galeras and the bay of ylog. it is triangular in shape, its angles being three promontories: that of calavite, facing west; that of dumah or pola, facing north; and that of burruncan, facing south. in size it is the seventh of the more important islands, and is about one hundred leguas in circumference. its temperature is naturally hot, but is tempered by the great dampness arising from frequent rains. the height of its mountains aids also in that. on account of such circumstances it is a very fertile land, and, although not very healthful for strangers, good and favorable to its inhabitants. the latter made themselves feared by their neighbors, especially on the sea, where they attacked the most powerful, carrying blood and fire everywhere. notwithstanding, they were of great simplicity, for when they saw the europeans wearing clothes and shoes--which they did not use--they imagined that that adornment was natural to them. they are but little given to the cultivation of the soil, and are content with wild fruits; sago, which they get from the palm and which is a good food for them; the flesh of wild animals; and fish, which the rivers and seacoast offer them in great plenty. they have little rice, on account of their sloth in sowing and tending it, for they make up that lack sufficiently in roots and fruits. if they are weak, although corpulent, it is because of their transcendent vice in being hostile to work. 5. captain juan de salcedo made a beginning in the conquest of the district of mamburào, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy. that conquest was completed from the point of burruncan to that of calavite by the adelantado miguel de legaspi, in the beginning of the following year. gradually the remainder was subdued by the missionaries, by whose treatment the rudeness of the manners of those people was softened. consequently, the encomienda of that large island was very desirable. the observant augustinian fathers were employed in its spiritual cultivation and founded the village of baco. the discalced fathers of st. francis also labored there for some time, it being ceded to them by the observant augustinians. they worked along the calavite side to pola, which they abandoned either because those natives were not at all disposed [to accept the faith], or because those fathers had slight esteem for that island when compared with what was offered them in ylocos and camarines. the jesuits also labored there, but always by the method of temporary missions, from time to time, and had no stability. it only appears that they were more continual in naohan (which they founded), as long as it was preserved by father san victores. when the latter went to the marianas, the jesuits resigned that portion into the hands of the archbishop. it is probable that the latter was señor poblete. [64] he immediately formed two curacies for the secular clergy to look after those souls. although there were but few souls, the extent of their territory was so vast that it was necessary to establish a third parish. those seculars maintained what was conquered, but that district did not yield a sufficient recompense for the three ministers, and they were paid from the royal treasury and from other pious funds. it was also even difficult to find seculars who cared to take charge of such districts, which were truly little to be desired. but obedience caused that there never was a lack of seculars there, who maintained themselves until the year 76, when the recollects went there to take their places. as the latter immediately placed six ministers there, they furthered the conquest and reduction greatly in all parts. hence, while they only received about four thousand christians, those were multiplied in a few years and the number rose to eight thousand, and in 1716 they reached the number of twelve thousand. there are still a great number of people in the mountains, which are inhabited by wild men. some of those men are quite light-complexioned, and are believed to have originated from the chinese and japanese established there for the convenience afforded by the island, or who have put in there because of shipwreck, or been driven thither by the winds. others are cimarron negritos, who are the first inhabitants, and, as it were, more native. trustworthy persons say that those people have a hard little tail in the proper place for it, which prevents them from sitting down flat. if it is true (and i do not doubt it, notwithstanding that it is disputed), it is not so strange that i have no examples of it. those prominences of the sacral bone are considered as rare; but a beginning having been made in one, it could have become natural in its propagation. 6. thus did those recollect religious find that island, and, believing it to be important for the reductions, they continued to establish their regular administrations. the first was in baco. there, inasmuch as it was the capital, lived the corregidor, but the capital was later moved to calapan. in that district they formed the villages of calapan, baco, suban, ylog, minolo, and camoròn, with a number of annexed villages or visitas. the second was in naohan, which was extended into six annexed villages, namely, pola, pinamalayan, balete, sumagui, maliguo, and bongabon. the third was in calavite, which formed the visitas of dongon, santa cruz, manburaò, tubili, and santo thomas. the fourth was in mangarin, which was extended into its dependencies, guasic, manaol, bulalacao, and ililin. they also began an active mission in order to reduce the heathen mangyans, which had no other work than to employ itself in those glorious reductions and conversions of grace. for one single man it was an immense work, but the superior government gave no more stipends. that mission was established on the bay of ylog, and ministers and infidels were pledged not to allow [there] any of the former christians, who might pervert the conversions. by that arrangement it grew to a very large village, and there were practiced some of the old customs that belonged to the primitive church. all that fine flower-garden has been trampled down and even ruined by the moros, as will be related in due season. 7. the dominican fathers also applied themselves to the work in the province of zambales. that province had already eleven villages formed, although they were small, because that province has but few people. it appeared to the new fathers that that number of villages made their administration difficult; consequently, they tried to reduce their number by uniting some of them. that incorporation was difficult; hence they increased the troops and arms of the presidio of paynaven, the center of that province. through the protection afforded by those troops, they broke up the whole province. the village of bolinaò, which had a fair population, was located on an island, which is separated from the land by only a channel, which forms its famous and secure port. [65] it was fertile and pleasant. they moved it to the mainland, to a sandy shore, useless for anything, even for the ordinary fields. its lack of water they supplied with wells which they opened. there they obtained some water, but it was thick, and in the time of the dry season it entirely disappeared. the indians who were harmed by this measure were so angry at that moving, that many families retired to ylocos. in truth, that site is despicable. an eminence which looks upon and almost dominates the port would have been much more suitable, and they would have obtained better air there; while their boats, which cannot navigate by the channel to the village during the blowing of the north wind, so that the cargo has to be carried for a long distance on the shoulders, would have obtained shelter. there are many other inconveniences but one cannot think of a single advantage. they moved the village of agno [66] from the coast into the interior, to a site which is a swampy mudhole when there is the least rain. the village of sigayan was moved to another site, where the only advantage was a near-by river of fresh water which was unnavigable. they left masinloc [67] on its pleasant site, while the village of paynaven was moved inland to a site called iba, [68] from which the new village took its name, moving that village in order to get it away from the commandant of the fort, whose proximity was annoying to them. they did not regard it as a recompensable hardship for the minister of that village to go on feast-days in order to say mass in the presidio, and to repeat it afterwards in his own church. in order to increase that place and give it the name of capital, they brought families from bolinaò, who formed a large barangay. it has already been seen that they made use of the fort in this, and that those who were moved were not very well pleased. the dominicans also founded, or better, made from other villages, the village of cabangaan [69] in an obscure site, which was rough and surrounded by dense mountains, and suitable only for a hermit and solitary life, but so far as others were concerned, a place of profound melancholy. they also formed the village of subic [70] from other villages, which had only the advantages of its port to recommend it, while in other respects it was most unpleasant. they also filled the vacant places left by the many families who retired to the mountains as a result of the violence exercised, with others whom they brought from pangasinan, a province abounding with people, who because they are so numerous, and there is no room for all, leave their homes more easily. in fact, they did that, too, in order to be surer of the zambals, in whose severe and warlike minds they did not have the greatest confidence. thus did they soften those people, or let us say frankly, checked their vehemence. the reduction of the people of the mountain, however much it is talked about, is not known, as neither is the place where they could form villages or a village from them. let us leave then exaggerations, which, when they offend by comparison, cannot fail to be odious. we shall treat of the restoration [of that province] below, in its proper place. [71] [the following extract is from the same volume, and includes pp. 135-144.] chapter v the augustinian recollect fathers assume the spiritual government of the islands of masbáte, ticao, and burias. a geographical description of those islands is presented. 1. under the metaphor of husbandmen, the prophet amos describes those who are employed in the cultivation of souls. the chroniclers of the augustinian recollect fathers describe those fathers for us as zealous and laborious in their never-ceasing application in planting and cultivating the word of god in humble hearts. the recollects assumed charge, in addition to the fields already mentioned of the island of masbate with the neighboring islands of ticao and burias. those islands belong to the bishopric of nueva caceres in ecclesiastical matters, and to the alcaldeship of albay in political affairs. masbate is sixty leguas from manila, in a latitude lying between twelve and thirteen degrees. it is about fifty leguas in circumference, nineteen leguas long and five or six broad. it was formerly famous for its rich gold mines, which, when they tried later to work them, it was found did not produce expenses. the island also has fine copper mines, samples from which in very recent times were excellent. information was given of them by don francisco salgado; and when everything necessary and expert chinese for working them had been prepared, he abandoned them, for he saw that they had much less metal than he had thought. the island of ticao is about twenty-three leguas in circumference, nine long, and more than four wide. that of burias extends its circumference to twenty-six leguas, twelve in length, and four in width. these calculations must be understood only approximately, for they had not been exactly determined. all three possess excellent timber, from which pitch is distilled in plenty, and makes excellent pitch for vessels. one of those trees produces the fragrant camanguian; [72] another very abundantly a kind of almond, larger than that of europa, for which it is mistaken in taste. they have many civet-cats; civet is a drug which was obtained there long before this time, and had a good sale in acapulco, although that product is not in so great demand now. 2. don luis henrriquez de guzman, a knight of sevilla, reduced those islands to the crown of españa in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine. their conquest was finished and they were left thoroughly subdued by captain andres de ybarra. protected by arms, father fray alonso ximenez, an observant augustinian, introduced the evangelical law. in that he did excellent work and obtained much fruit in masbate. other religious, imbued with the same spirit and of the same institute, followed, and spread the work into ticao and burias. by that means a suitable mission field was established, and the augustinians conserved the administration thereof until the year six hundred and nine. at that time they resigned that district into the hands of the bishop of camarines, who employed seculars instead of those regulars. there were various seculars in charge of the administration there, until the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight. the district handed over by the augustinian fathers had two hundred and fifty regular families; but that number was diminished by the terrible invasions of the moros, so that the corresponding stipend was not sufficient for the maintenance of one cura, and no one could be found who was willing to take care of that district. on that account his excellency, master don fray andres gonzalez of the order of preachers, their bishop, represented to his majesty that it was absolutely necessary to apportion the curacies in another manner for the just spiritual administration of his bishopric, by placing some of them in the charge of regulars; and he petitioned that his majesty approve his new plan, by ordering his governor of those islands to proceed in it as vice-patron. the king consented to what the prelate asked, and despatched his royal decree, under date of madrid, august thirteen, eighty-five. with that order his excellency presented to the governor the new distribution of districts, with the changes necessary and fitting. in that distribution he applied all the ministry of masbate to the province of san nicolas of the augustinian recollects, and also on the mainland of luzon the villages of ingoso, catanavan, and vigò with its neighboring rancherías, of which was formed the curacy of piris. the governor, don gabriel curuzalaegui, by an act of november twenty-six, of eighty-six, approved the plan conceived by his excellency the bishop, and informed the said recollect fathers of the part of the distribution that pertained to them. they accepted the assigned administration. in the territory on the mainland disputes were imminent with the franciscan fathers in regard to the ownership of those territories. accordingly the recollects only accepted the district of masbate, and resigned the right that they could have had to the village on the continent of luzon to the franciscan fathers, who could administer them with greater ease. by that means all rivalry was checked. 3. the parties [i.e., the recollects and franciscans] having come to an agreement, and between themselves the governor and bishop, the two latter despatched suitable measures so that the recollects could take charge of those souls. in the distribution the recollects had their proportionate advantages, for those islands are a way-station which is necessary to pass in going to caraga and zebù, where this order had distant missions. the bishop obtained them [for that order] because, that district having been reduced to one single secular, the latter proved insufficient for its administration. consequently, in the space of twelve years, only four persons had died with the sacraments, although one hundred and eighteen had passed from this life without that important benefit. the baptism of children was postponed for many months, as the cura went to the visitas in the distant villages but seldom. for it was not easy for one single individual to acquit himself of so laborious cares; consequently, this is not to admit that they were ill administered. the government was interested in them, as was also commerce, as ticao was an anchorage for the acapulco ships in its famous port of san jazinto, [73] on both the outward and return trips, where fresh supplies were procured, wood and water provided, and winds awaited to take them out of the dangerous currents of the embocadero of san bernardino. the recollect fathers accepted that charge, and were received affectionately by the indians. they founded their headquarters in mobo, [74] a famous village of masbate. they built a church there, under the advocacy of our lady of remedies. it was a costly edifice, adorned with good reredoses, and had a sacristy well supplied with vestments, besides a capacious house with its suitable quarters and dormitories for the resident and transient religious. thence they made their apostolic excursions for the conversion of the heathens, who were still numerous, and the reduction of fugitive apostates. the settlements already established numbered six, and three new villages were established with the increase of those who settled down. 4. this province of san nicolas petitioned his majesty in the year one thousand seven hundred and twenty-four to confirm that possession which had been conferred on it in his royal name. his majesty ordered the governor of philipinas and the bishop of nueva caceres to make no innovation in the spiritual administration of that district until his royal council should provide what was suitable. he also ordered them to report on the progress of the faith in that territory since it had been under their charge. judicial investigations were made in manila by the government, in order to inform the king with reports. from them it appeared that, although the entire district of masbate had formerly had only one parish priest, since the recollect fathers had taken charge of it, three religious at least had lived there. it was proved also by the books of the royal accountancy, that in the year preceding their possession, that is, in the year eighty-seven, the entire ministry contained only one hundred and eighty-seven families; while in the year seven hundred and twenty-two there were five hundred and eighty-five families. consequently, the present governor, the marquís de torre campo, reported that the district of masbate had had an increase of three hundred and ninety-eight whole tributes through the apostolic zeal of those ministers. the recollects not only in those districts, but also in the remainder of these islands, devote themselves to the spread of our holy catholic faith with the greatest toil and with the most visible fruit. 5. that progress was not made without great toil and hardship. they had to do with a great number of mountain indians and zimarrones, who became fearsome when abandoned to liberty. apostates from the faith and from civilized life, they had taken to the deserts and to the roughest mountains, where they defended their barbarous mode of life at all hazards, by resisting with arms those who tried to reduce them. various people had also gathered there from other islands, fleeing from the settled villages and from the punishment due their atrocities. consequently, the latter were extraordinarily fierce. many heathen were numbered among them, accustomed long since to that rudeness of life and savagery, and they were all the worst kind of people. they committed notable depredations on the civilized villages, robbed the boats that anchored in the ports and bays, and treacherously committed many murders. their boldness rose to such a pitch that one could not cross through the interior of those islands, and to arrive at their shores was the same as to make port in a land of enemies. it was also a laborious and dangerous task to navigate along the coasts, trying to find those rancherías. consequently, father fray ildefonso de la concepcion was twice overturned in the sea, and another time had his boat dashed to pieces on some reefs. in that shipwreck he miraculously escaped with his life, although some of his companions perished in the water. those dangers came to him in his visits to a new village established on the opposite coast. in order to avoid such dangers and visit that village more frequently, the father opened a road through the interior from mobo over rough mountains, where many other risks were run because of the heathens. in that continual crossing the father fell grievously sick, his pains having originated from the hardships of such a road, with the showers and heat. he died at last, succumbing to such fatigues. but those sufferings were continued by others, who conquered that stubbornness by their constancy and fervent application, although with the well-known risk of losing their lives. consequently, those ministers who were there in the beginning say that, although they have been many years in other doctrinas and missions, they had not so much to suffer and endure in any of them as in that of masbate. [the third extract from concepción's historia is from vol. ix, pp. 123-150, and comprises all of the fourth chapter except the last paragraph.] chapter iv by sentence of the royal audiencia, the province of zambales is restored to its first conquistadors, the discalced augustinian recollect fathers. 1. the zambal indians, of an intractable disposition, people of wild customs, and little or not at all content, were furious with the dominican ministers in the reductions; they were groaning under the yoke of a life more regulated than their inclinations permitted. this made them think of insurrections and uprisings. the presidio of painaven, well reënforced, restrained them; and the raids of the commandant, with detachments of men, into the mountains, intimidated them in their plans. they thought that the government of the recollect fathers was milder, and hence they sighed for it. those fathers tolerated their barbarous customs among a people so ferocious, and succeeded by their patience in softening and reducing them. not so with the dominican fathers, who learned the zambals' tenacity at their own cost. in the village of balacbac was an indian chief named dalinen; although he lived in that village, he kept his valuables in the mountains under charge of a nephew. another indian, a cimarron, named calignao, killed the latter treacherously. in order to avenge that murder, dalinen retired with many of his followers to the dense woods. father fray domingo perez, [75] who was the minister of that mission, tried to prevent that flight, but was quite unable to remedy it; for seventeen families fled with dalinen. the commandant of the fort attacked them with his men and burned the ranchería of aglao, the next village to balacbac, to which the murderer and the injured man belonged. 2. calignao had an extensive and strong kindred. because they did not flee with him, father fray domingo endeavored to win them over. he asked for an adjutant's staff from the commandant of the fort, and dignified calignao with it. then in order to restrain the other side, it was published that the murder of the nephew [of dalinen] was by the command of the government, which had ordered that all who would not reduce themselves to village life should be killed. that method, however, was insufficient to quiet them, but, on the contrary, roused the factions to a higher pitch. to please the commandant and to give stronger force to his faction, calignao promised to assault dalinen. he went into the mountain to put that promise into execution, and after a short time, dalinen was killed by a negrito. his relatives were persuaded that the father had had a hand in that murder, and determined to pay him back. the same calignao offered to do the deed, for this is what it means to benefit apostatized evil-doers. he sought an opportune occasion for the execution of his wicked intent, and found it in a journey which the father made to baubuen to visit a communal house which he was building for strangers, and in order to confess father fray juan de rois, [76] who was the minister there. during the absence of the father, calignao descended the mountain, visited his relatives, and was informed that the minister would return in three days. he left his relatives, and in company with a faithless negrito went to await the father at the bank of a large river, by which it was necessary to pass. when father perez reached that place, calignao discharged an arrow, which passed before the father's breast without doing him any harm and lodged in a neighboring tree. when the father quite naturally turned his head to see who was firing at him, the negrito quibacat discharged his arrow, which, entering the father's body three fingers below the left breast, came out more than four fingers at the right side of his back. it was a twisted arrow, and when father fray domingo pulled on it, the wound became worse. with the most intense pain that he suffered, he broke out into "jesus, be with me! let them commend me to god, for i am dying." 3. he spurred on his horse, which ran until the father perceived that sight was failing him. then he alighted, stretched himself at the foot of an agoso tree, [77] and, amid the outpouring of his blood, begged pardon from god for his sins. an indian who accompanied him came up to him, and found him unconscious from great loss of blood. the father recovered consciousness, but for so brief a time that he could not tell the indian what to do. he fainted once more, so completely that the indian thought that he was yielding up his life. he again recovered consciousness, and sent the servant to balacbac in order to get people to carry him thence. the indian went to carry out that instruction. meanwhile a man and three women arrived, and stayed with the father until the arrival of the men from the village who were very slow. for the indian who had been sent could find no one who cared to take that charitable office upon himself, either the ministers of justice, the fiscals, or the sacristans. he was able to get three serving-lads in the convent, who made a hammock from a blanket, and carried the wounded religious in it. the latter, charging his messenger to go to baubuen to advise father rois of his mishap, set out on his way to his village, where he arrived at nine o'clock at night. father rois, as soon as he received the news, got ready to go to the relief of his associate. after many frights, for everything was in an uproar, and his person ran no less risk [than that of father domingo], he reached the village at daybreak. he entered the cell of the wounded father, whom he found embracing a holy crucifix, and bathed in tears. father rois asked him "what is this, father vicar-prior?" "this means death," answered the sufferer. "i shall die; there is no relief." he was confessed, and received the sacred viaticum. he lived three days after that, without having his bed made, for his extreme pains would not permit it. had they tended him well at the beginning, he would have recovered, for the wound was not mortal, and the indians have medicines which cure other things more dangerous. but the greatest care was not exercised in this. the third day after nightfall, the pains attacked him much more fiercely, and convulsions and paroxysms followed. he received extreme unction, after which he lost his speech, and remained remarkably quiet; and in that calm he yielded his spirit to the creator. 4. the malicious calignao, after having wounded the father, went to balacbac, and made an effort to enter the convent in order to kill the servants of father fray domingo. the servants barred the doors on the inside until the wounded father arrived, and during all the three days while the latter lived, the murderer remained in the village, without anyone daring to raise a hand against him. during that time calignao assaulted the convent several times, but could effect nothing, because of the vigilance of father rois. the commandant of the fort desired to go in person to punish the treachery, but he was prevented from it by the other religious, for the reason that if he were killed the fort was in danger; and, if that presidio were captured by the zambals, there would not be a father or a spaniard in playahonda who would not be sacrificed to their fury. he sent indeed a detachment of men, with orders to arrest or kill calignao; but they were unable to do so, as all the village was interested in his liberty. they were present at the funeral, which took place in the church on the following day, with all possible propriety. a year and a half later the father's bones were moved to the church of his convent at manila. 5. it is said that god honored the place of his death or where he was wounded, by marvelous occurrences. for instance the large river on whose shore he was shot, dried up, and was swallowed up by the earth, and no trace of it was ever found later, neither did it take a course elsewhere; while the bed of the river became full of agoso trees. and although the above tree is large, and needs more than ten years to grow tall, those trees grew up in so short a time that that place appeared a dense forest, so that they choked and parched the reed-grass, which never sprang up again. it was said that the earth which was dyed with his blood has never allowed any grass to grow since, although the grass about the agoso at whose foot the father fainted is abundant and very green. that tree is always more flourishing and luxuriant, so that in comparison with it the other trees seem like withered things. also another smaller river which ran past aglao and baubuen dried up, and the earth was left very sterile. it is true that these things were said, but without any foundation. the large river still remains and flows in the same course, and that of aglao has the same course, and there is no notice or tradition that it had ever dried up; and it is not possible that so remarkable a thing could be forgotten. it was true that the agoso under which he rested was preserved and is still preserved; but in that story are not registered the exaggerated circumstances, such as that of the grass and of the reed-grass. i say this with assurance because i have seen it at various times, and i have passed the large river with some risk. on the bank of that river i was shown the spot where the father was wounded, and the agoso in question, in which i found nothing worthy of wonder. in regard to the other agosos and those newly produced, i proved that there are both old and new trees, for they are produced without any cultivation, and are conserved from time immemorial, and their very great age is recognized by their failing condition. [78] 6. the augustinian recollect fathers, who had not left that administration [of zambales] voluntarily, although they could not resist the change with mindoro, asked for testimonies that they might present them at court. they protested in due form, and appointed ministers in their chapters, of whose election they apprised the dominican fathers in legal form. their recourse to court had the result that the parties [in the matter] were referred by the council of the indias to this royal audiencia. the testimonies were brought to it, and it became sufficiently public. on that account the father procurator-general of the order of st. dominic, fray juan peguero [79] appeared before the superior government. he stated that his excellency the archbishop and the governor had removed the order of the augustinian recollects from the province of zambales for reasons that they considered just, necessary, or reasonable, in accordance with the rulings of the laws of the new recopilación, [80] and had given it to his province, they on their part having first made no efforts to get it. his order had received it only that they might serve god and the king. the recollect fathers had received the island of mindoro as a recompense, without offering any objection, and had expressly given up their rights to the province of zambales. nevertheless father fray juan de la madre de dios had presented a writing before the supreme council, which was sent to this royal audiencia, where as yet, more than eight months after the arrival of the galleons at the islands, it did not appear to have been presented. without petitioning in any tribunal, [he said], a rumor was spread to the discredit of his province and to the prejudice of the propagation of the faith among the zambals. the latter, in the hope which they had received from their former ministers that they would soon return to take charge of them, were fleeing to the mountains to become infidels, apostates, and idolaters, as they were formerly. consequently, the ministers of his province found themselves hindered in the conversions and the administrations of the sacraments, as they were so disturbed that it was necessary for the commandant of the fort to seize some persons who returned from manila and spread such a report. not even this was a sufficient relief for the continual flights of the natives. on that account he petitioned his lordship, in the name of his province, to be pleased to employ suitable means, and what he believed best, for the avoidance of those scandals. his lordship furnished a copy of the judicial proceedings [81] to the recollect side, ordering that they, with the reply that they should make, should give account of the royal decree mentioned in the allegation [aforesaid, by fray juan de la madre de dios]. notification of this was communicated, on may 2, 1685, to father fray joseph de jesus maria, procurator-general of the discalced religious of st. augustine. the latter said that he heard it and would answer in due form. 7. he did so, and presented himself with the copy authorized in public form, of the proceedings of the royal and supreme council of the indias in the cause prosecuted by the father procurator-general, fray juan de la madre de dios, asking that his province should be restored to its former possession of the ministries of mariveles, masinloc, bolinao, puquil, and playa-honda, and the rest of the province of zambales. the decision thereon, as appeared from the said proceedings, was referred to the royal audiencia of manila. in regard to the contents of father peguero's memorial, notwithstanding what he might petition, it should be refuted as outside the truth, as a calumny, and as grievously offensive to his province--which with excessive and continual work, and equal zeal in the service of both majesties, had assisted in the administration of the christians and the conversion of the infidels in the aforesaid districts, from the year one thousand six hundred and seven to the year one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine, when it was despoiled actually and contrary to law, and the dominican religious introduced into those missions. notwithstanding the above, the said memorial, proceeding by malicious reports, and with a lack of accurate information, says that in the year seventy-six the said father peguero informed the government of these islands that the conversion and reduction of the zambals--both the light-complexioned ones and those with the kinky hair, on both sides of the mountains that extend from batan to pangasinan, especially in the localities of aglao, buquil, alupay, and culianan, and many others--had not been thitherto in charge of any of the orders of these islands. in consideration of that, he petitioned that that care be assigned to his order. despatches were given him in accordance with the terms of his petition, without summoning the party of the recollect province, which was in possession [of that territory] from the time mentioned above. that order was then especially extending its labors, and working in the reduction of the infidels of those very same places, and in the administration of a great number of christians in those districts, who paid tribute to their encomenderos. his order having offered opposition, and having made a petition before the royal audiencia to be protected in its ancient possession, this was done, and the order of st. dominic was excluded from its demand, as appeared from royal provision and proceedings, which would be presented if it were necessary. after his order had been placed in charge of the administration of mindoro, the dominicans succeeded in getting the governor, then don juan de vargas, to ask the father provincial, fray joseph de san nicolas, to make a renunciation [of those districts]. the father provincial did it unwillingly, for it was a thing that he neither could or ought to do in regard to such districts, in order that other religious might be instituted--as were those of st. dominic, in the year eighty. two grave [recollect] religious protested in the name of their province, against the renunciation made by their recollect provincial; and all the ministers of zambales protested against the violence with which they were despoiled of that administration, without their province having until then made any other judicial or extrajudicial effort than the conservation of their right, in order to demand it where and to what extent it may behoove them to do so. the provincial of his province had formally ordered his subjects not only not to solicit the natives of those districts to ask for, or allow them to ask for, these or other ministers; but they were to admonish them always to live consoled and contented, and to understand that the instruction which they received from the fathers of st. dominic was the same, and [given with] the same zeal for the welfare of their souls. that order was obeyed, and there was no notice of its infraction. on the contrary, information was received that the present dominican ministers told the natives that they were returning to carry forward what had been commenced by the recollects. that proved that the recollects did not keep their convents and churches, which they had abandoned to the dominicans; as does the suggestion that father fray raymundo verart [82] said that captain marcos de rosales, encomendero of marivelez, had made to him, for the latter earnestly entreated him to ask that the recollects should be restored to the possession of those ministeries. he offered to make that request to him in writing. 8. even though the religious of his province had represented to those natives that they would return to their ancient administration, one could not argue from that that any injury to the propagation of the faith, or to the credit of so holy an order [i.e., the dominican] would follow, as the memorial declared--in formal prejudice to his own order [i.e., the recollect] (in regard to which that order was protesting, in order to demand whatever was proper for its side). the proposed hopes of the restoration, however, would hinder the flight of the natives, which, it was known, proceeded from other reasons, through a great part of the villages of zambales having been depopulated. that they had been living in idolatry from their first conversion, besides being an implicatory proposition, did not appear from the sentence of a competent tribunal, nor was it credible of all. and it was no new thing, that after some years, a few superstitions should be discovered [among the indians], as was usually the case, and happened at every step; for it was not an easy thing to reduce mountain infidels to a civilized life, in which task the ministers must acquire thorough knowledge of their customs. consequently, it had been impossible to eradicate their barbarous ferocity in committing murders, as they had done to a religious of the order of st. dominic. and because his province had shirked no labor for the service of god and the king, in the welfare of souls, especially in the administration of the zambals during the space of sixty years, it desired to reap the fruit [of the harvest] that had been commenced; wherefore in furtherance of its claim he prayed his lordship to order and command that the pleadings which had been presented be referred to the royal audiencia, to the end that whatever should be ruled therein be considered as law. the decree enacted (with the opinion of the assessor) was, that the cognizance of the entire matter be referred to the royal audiencia, so that the parties to the suit might there plead their claims in equity, and in fulfilment of the decree of the supreme council of the indias. the recollect procurator general having been notified, appeared before the royal audiencia with his claim together with the rest of the papers annexed, which, having been presented, were considered as referred to that tribunal for official action therein. notice of that decision having been given to father fray juan peguero, he said that he heard it, and pleaded that the papers be given him for his reply as was done. but i shall not give his answer here, because of the irregularity of his pleadings, his rashness of speech, his boldness of opinion, and his disrespect for the royal power, since his majesty does not allow causes to be conducted in rude fashion, especially when they do not bear on the case in point, while personal defects of ecclesiastics were not under consideration in the present case, nor in the cause which was being prosecuted, as it concerned ministries only. 9. in conclusion his reply was that while maintaining the contrary of what was advanced by the recollect fathers, as their province was not a party [to the suit]; he petitions and prays that his highness deign to issue a citation on the party [of the recollects], to the end that an investigation be made of all the aforesaid, as was necessary, and becoming, etc. the ruling was that the decree be communicated to the father procurator of the recollects, who answered as follows, namely, that he acknowledged the indecorous manner in which, in view of the sovereignty of the royal audiencia, the good name of his side and his subjects was injured. but that although he could answer point by point, he would avoid doing so, as it was a matter in which, leaving aside the requirements of law, which were to be complied with, the subject matter was getting to be a bone of contention, and a partisanship dispute--a matter which ought to be held in abhorrence by religious, who are placed as models for all in these regions, and because law enjoins the manner in which one ought to speak in the royal courts of justice, where it is expressly forbidden to bring forward incriminating libels in place of actions of laws; for these wound not only the sacredness of the religious orders, but even the sovereignty of such a tribunal, to which is due the highest respect. on that account they ought to order the withdrawal of the two allegations presented by father peguero as being indecorous, and notice ought to be given to the said father to answer as was fitting, by representing the authority that his province had in the administration of zambales; in default of which, the court was to record them as having been duly pleaded. to this motion, the gentlemen [of the audiencia] agreed that the decree should issue, and the clerk of the assembly summoned the said father peguero in due form for the examination, who thereupon refused such style of procedure until he had presented his grounds for opposing such action [i.e., the above decision of the audiencia]. 10. the said father procurator pleaded before his highness that doctor calderon, the senior auditor, during his week had refused to sign a paper in which he [i.e., the recollect procurator-general], pleaded in regard to the pending article; and having been ordered to present himself in the royal audiencia, he did this by means of two religious at a time when the said doctor was the only member present in the audiencia, because of the illness of his associate judges. there a decree was entered which ordered that the writ and other papers pertaining to this matter be presented by a procurator of the royal audiencia, who could be punished in default for his negligence. and in view of the fact that he considered this measure burdensome and harmful to his order and person, as he was condemned before sentence was passed on the point, and the order was prevented from prosecuting this or any other cause in the royal courts, because of their well-known poverty, he prayed his highness to deign to repeal the said act, and to allow his province the liberty of having it prosecuted by its own prosecutors. a decree to that effect was passed and the trial set for the first day, when the said doctor don diego calderon should be present. 11. the auditor, in order to justify his act in the royal audiencia, related that father peguero had brought a paper to his house for him to fill out to the effect that the petition, which as he declared, he was going to present to the royal courts, should come before him, the said auditor, during his week; and that in consideration of the fact that it was a matter that concerned priests against priests, of religious missionaries against religious of the same institute, it could not set forth allegations that were wanting in fraternal charity and profound humility. this he signed without reading it, while charging the father procurator to present it in the royal courts, as was done on the day when his lordship was the only member present [in the audiencia]. the petition was granted and an order issued to have the papers served on the recollect father procurator, who was bid to file his answer thereto; furthermore, in order to determine this point, the abovesaid auditor ordered that the case so far as concerned the examination of the same be laid before him. peguero, not content with what was done, presented another petition in regard to the same cause, that it might be signed officially and passed. but having glanced over it, he found that this should not be done, as it contained other unbecoming expressions based on the one that had been presented previously, and therein at variance with the laws and ordinances of the royal audiencia, wherefore he told the said father procurator to hand his petition back and present it when all the members [of the audiencia] were assembled. the result was that their illness still continuing, two lay-brethren, religious of the order of preachers, entered the chamber and requested that the petition that they presented be granted, which was the same as had been presented by the father procurator peguero, in which his highness was able to recognize the irregularity of the statements, and his inability to sanction such proceedings, through his desire for public peace, and to the end that such holy orders be not embarrassed with injurious writs. consequently, in order to prevent disrespectful petitions from being presented in those tribunals, his highness had to decree what was most in consonance with loyalty to both their majesties, and the public peace. 12. this decree was as follows: "decision of the royal court this day, september eleven, one thousand seven hundred and five. [83] the measure passed by señor calderon is approved, and in accordance therewith, a decree to that effect shall be issued. because of their great poverty, only the first petitions of the indians shall be received without attorney." 13. the decree so enacted had the effect that the office of procurator-general of the province of santissimo rosario was changed and given to father fray domingo escalera, [84] who together with the procurator-general of the recollects, presented a joint petition to his highness to deign to have the preceding writs annulled, as they were not suitable and germane to the case, nor respectful to the royal audiencia and the parties [in the suit]. this was handed to the fiscal for review, who said that, because of their joint agreement, and moreover, because the writs were not germane to the case in the chief point of the pending suit, greater harmony would result to the two orders which were at law, and to the public cause, and that if the writs were juridically annulled because of their contents, his highness could order the execution of what the parties petitioned, and such decree would be valid and efficacious--an opinion however that had no definitive result. then in regard to the writ presented by the recollect procurator father escalera rejoined that, inasmuch as such ministries were handed to his province by the government, if his highness were pleased to order that they be restored to the plaintiff province his province was ready to do its part, and for that purpose he renounced this copy of the proceedings, and any other, as he had nothing to petition or plead. therefore, in consideration of the decrees already passed in which he considered himself as cited, his highness should deign to issue an order for whatever should be his pleasure. consequently, a decree was drawn up embodying the ordinances that had been made in which the parties were recorded as having been cited, as they considered themselves as cited, and the recollect procurator presented proofs to the effect that his province had never renounced such ministries, but had always violently protested against the fact of their having been despoiled thereof, in support of which it had been prosecuting the cause in the council. for the dominicans, their prior provincial, father fray christoval pedroche, answered the citation by saying that his province had held those ministries in encomienda and trust in the name of his majesty through the vice-patron, and consequently, if any act of spoliation had been committed, his province was not a party thereto, just as it was not a party to the present proceedings. therefore he was ready to return them whenever his highness so ordered; and hence he did not oppose the claim of the recollect fathers. in answer to their statement that they had elected priors for those missions in all their provincial chapters, and that therein they had no other consideration than the service of god in those missions and the spiritual welfare of souls, he petitioned that his province be adjudged as not a party in the said suit, protesting moreover that he would not plead, or in any way oppose his highness's decision. when the parties were cited, an order was issued by the court that with these decrees be united those which were enacted by the master-of-camp, don juan de vargas hurtado, for the assignment of the zambals to the dominican fathers. the decrees having thus been brought together, various motions were made, in which proceedings the dominicans always by joint action refused to be recognized as a party thereto. whereupon the members of the court having examined the proceedings after their previous examination by the fiscal, declared, that notwithstanding the reply of the father provincial of the order of preachers in which he petitioned that his order be declared not to be a party, they maintained, as they now maintained, that he was a legitimate party in these proceedings; moreover that they ordered him, as they now repeated their order, that he notify the father procurator-general of the said order to answer to the summons within three days, and to make full return thereto. he was also warned that if, at the expiration of said limit, he had not done so, the royal courts would declare the proceedings so far as taken as sufficient, and the case would be prosecuted in them. the dominican procurator having been cited and notified, said that he obeyed the decree of his highness, that he heard it, but that there was no answer to be given, as he was not a party, as he had already declared, and that in case that it was necessary he would repeat the same answer of his father provincial. this occurrence took place on november twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and ninety. 14. thus this matter [expediente] rested until the year one thousand seven hundred and ten, when the alférez, nicolas guerrero, one of the ordinary attorneys of the royal audiencia, presented a certificate empowering him as the chief authorized agent of the province of san nicolas, to act as their attorney in the matter in hand. thereupon, he declared that in maintenance of the claim of the said province, it was advisable to examine the minutes of the proceedings hitherto conducted in the royal courts, in regard to the restitution of their former missions of zambales and everything pertaining to them. accordingly, he prayed his highness to deign to order the secretary to produce the said minutes, which on being given to the said attorney, he appeared before his highness and stated that in accordance with the last royal order of six hundred and ninety, whereby the other party was required to answer fully, this had not been done, but that the party had merely referred to its former pleadings, and that any other answer had not been made during the space of twenty years, so that the suit had been unduly prolonged; and moreover, that the matter having been recently investigated, his side has a paper (which he now presents with all solemnity), namely, a private letter from the father provincial of the dominicans, fray pedro mejorada, [85] in reply to one from the provincial of the recollects, fray francisco de la madre de dios, in which he declares, that he answered in the same manner as his province had done on former occasions; that he would not oppose the abandoning of the said missions as he was not a party thereto, for his province had taken these under their charge solely in compliance with the orders of governor don juan de vargas and archbishop don phelipe pardo; that, moreover, at the present time when his province was so straitened through the lack of religious, if they were not succored in that regard it would be necessary for them to take other steps. wherefore (he added), so far as matters have now gone he might do what he pleased, for his province would offer no opposition, and was prepared to give up those missions if so requested and charged to do. in this letter, moreover, among other points, it was inferable that his province was ready to leave the said missions of zambales. therefore the attorney petitioned and prayed his highness to deign to have the case brought up for final trial, declaring his client as entitled to the possession of such missions, to whom they should therefore be restored. thereupon the judges decided that the measures so far taken together with that letter should be acted upon; that the trial should be proceeded with without prejudice to whatever had already been decided, and that all the papers in the case be handed over to the fiscal of this royal audiencia, for his opinion (within three days) of what steps it was advisable to take. thereupon, for reasons given, the latter replied that what had been advised by the fiscal of the royal and supreme council ought to be carried out, and hence a similar order might issue from this royal audiencia, with notice to the reverend fathers provincial, parties in interest, that so far as concerned their spiritual care the natives might be relieved promptly. in accordance with this, the judges ordered that all parties should proceed to the chamber for final sentence. thereupon their decision was that the reverend fathers provincial should be apprised of the sentence as given in this cause for their judgment in the exercise of their rights; and that whether they assented or not, they should appear to hear the decision to be given. 15. the parties being notified, and a report of the proceedings having been proclaimed, sentence was then given as follows: "in the city of manila, october twenty-two, one thousand seven hundred and twelve: the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancilleria of these islands assembled in the royal courts thereof, having examined in relation the proceedings prosecuted on the part of the recollect province and religious of san nicolas de tolentino of these islands, against the province of santo rosario and the religious of st. dominic in regard to the restitution of the spiritual administration of the natives of the province of zambales, hereupon declared that they ought to restore--and they hereby have restored--to the said recollect province, and religious of san nicolas of these islands the spiritual administration of the natives of zambales, in the same manner as they held it at the time when the very reverend and devout father provincial of the said order, fray joseph de san nicolas de tolentino, resigned, handed over, and separated them from his administration in the former year one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. in consequence whereof they moreover ordered--and they have so ordered--that there be made out in due form for the party of the said order of san nicolas a warrant to that effect. thus was it decreed, ordered, and subscribed to in the presence of his majesty's fiscal. doctor torralva licentiate villa the fiscal" in the presence of antonio de yepes y arce, notary-public. their decision was heard and obeyed promptly by the party to the suit, and proper warrants having been received, the spiritual administration of the zambals was peacefully restored to the province of san nicolas of the augustinian recollects. perhaps the very reverend father chronicler, fray domingo collantes, [86] did not have at hand these original documents when he penned the fourth part of the chronicles of his province of santissimo rosario which has been recently published; and this must be the reason for the so great diversity in the [story of the] restoration of zambales, and for the minuteness with which it is discussed here. bibliographical data the documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. jesuit letters.--from ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 1-3, 69-72. 2. discovery of palaos.--from lettres édifiantes (1st paris ed.) i (1717), pp. 112-136, from a copy in the library of the wisconsin historical society. 3. recollect missions.--from pedro de san francisco de assis's historia general de los religiosos descalzos de san agustin (zargoza, 1756), all that relates to philippine missions; from a copy in the library of congress. also juan de la concepción's historia de philipinas, viii, pp. 3-16, 135-144, and ix, pp. 123-150; from a copy in possession of the editors. 4. appendix: moro pirates.--from combés's historia de mindanao, iolo, etc.; murillo velarde's historia de philipinas; diaz's conquistas; and other works, as is fully indicated in the text. appendix: moro pirates moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century. sources: this account is compiled from various historians--combés, murillo velarde, diaz, concepción, and montero y vidalas is fully indicated in the text. translation: this is made by emma helen blair. moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century i [in previous volumes have appeared various accounts of the piratical raids made, down to 1640, by the mahometan malays of mindanao and other southern islands against the spaniards and the native tribes whom they had subjected in the northern islands. a very brief outline of that information is here presented, with citations of volumes where it appears, as a preliminary to some further account which shall summarize this subject for the remainder of the seventeenth century.] [when legazpi first explored the philippines, he sent some of his officers to open up trade with mindanao, then reputed to be rich in gold and cinnamon (vol. ii, pp. 116-118, 147, 154, 209, 210). at the outset, much jealousy arose among the spaniards against the mahometan malays (whom they called moros) of that and other islands in the southern part of the eastern archipelago, for two reasons--the moros were "infidels," and they far excelled the spaniards as traders (vol. ii, pp. 156, 159, 186, 187; iv, pp. 66, 151, 174). moreover, the natives were everywhere hostile to the spaniards because the portuguese representing themselves to be castilians, had previously made cruel raids on some of those islands, notably bohol (vol. ii, pp. 117, 184, 207, 208, 229; iii, p. 46). in that first year, 1565, a bornean vessel was captured by the spaniards, after a desperate fight; but hostilities then went no further (vol. ii, pp. 116, 206). the moros of the rio grande of mindanao proffered (1574) their submission to the spanish power, apparently being in some awe of it (vol. iii, p. 275). governor sande had expansive ideas of spanish dominion, and in 1578-79 undertook an expedition for the subjugation of borneo, mindanao, and joló; he obtained a temporary success, but the moros again asserted their independence as soon as the spaniards departed (vol. iv, pp. 125, 130, 148-303; xv, pp. 54, 132). this expedition was partly caused by piratical raids made by the borneans (vol. iv, pp. 151, 153, 154, 159; vi, p. 183), and the joloans (vol. iv, pp. 176, 236) against the northern islands. apparently this punishment intimidated the moros for a time; the next important raid by them was in 1595 (vol. ix, p. 196; xi, p. 266). in 1591 esteban rodriguez de figueroa had made a contract with gomez p. dasmariñas for the conquest of mindanao (vol. viii, pp. 73-77). the island had then been partly explored and much of it assigned to spaniards in repartimiento; some of these allotments are mentioned in vol. viii, pp. 127, 128, 132 (a list of those bestowed in 1571 is found in the pastells edition of colin's labor evangélica, i, p. 157, note 1). instructions were given to figueroa on november 13, 1595 (vol. ix, pp. 181-188), and in the following spring he set out with an armed force; but hardly had he begun the campaign when he was slain by a moro (vol. ix, pp. 195, 196, 263-265, 276, 277; xv, pp. 89-93; xvi, pp. 270-272). juan de ronquillo succeeded him, and for the time "pacified" the hostile moros (vol. ix, pp. 281-298; x, pp. 41, 42, 49, 168, 169, 214, 215; xi, p. 236; xv, pp. 95-100; xvi, pp. 273, 274); see his own report of the campaign (vol. x, pp. 53-74) and tello's (vol. x, pp. 219-226; cf. vol. xi, pp. 135-139). in 1599 the spanish fort at la caldera was dismantled (vol. xi, pp. 138, 139, 237; xv, pp. 190, 191); this emboldened the moros to renew their piracies, and from 1600 on they harassed the visayan islands and even luzón--not only the mindanaos but their allies the ternatans, and the joloans (vol. xi, pp. 238, 239, 292-301, 303; xii, pp. 32, 39-41, 134-137; xiii, pp. 49, 146, 147; xv, pp. 192-196, 209, 265-267; xviii, pp. 185-187, 331, 333; xix, pp. 67, 68, 215-218, 223-225; xxii, pp. 89, 90, 203-206; xxiii, p. 259; xxiv, pp. 35-37, 102-104, 139, 142, 143, 329; xxv, pp. 86, 105, 152-154, 199; xxvi, p. 285; xxvii, pp. 215-226, 316). similar raids were made by the camucones, moros from some small islands near borneo (vol. xviii, p. 79; xxii, pp. 89, 132, 133, 202, 296-298, 303; xxiv, pp. 97, 138; xxv, pp. 154-156; xxvii, pp. 314-316; xxix, pp. 31, 200). these attacks kept the peaceful natives in constant fear; their villages were burned and plundered, and their fields ravaged; and thousands were carried away to be sold as slaves, being thus dispersed among the malay islands. in 1621 hernando de los rios coronel stated that ten thousand christians were held captive in mindanao (vol. xix, p. 264). at times the spaniards sent armed fleets in pursuit of these pirates, but the latter would escape, on account of the superior lightness and swiftness of their vessels. punitive expeditions were sent to their villages, some of which were futile, but others inflicted on them severe punishment--jolo: 1602 (vol. xv, pp. 240-243, 264, 265), 1626 (xxii, pp. 207-210), 1628 (xxii, pp. 293-295; xxiv, pp. 143-145), 1630 (xxiii, pp. 87, 88, 98; xxiv, pp. 163-165); and mindanao: 1625 (xxii, pp. 116-119, 218, 224). it was proposed to enslave any moro pirates who might be captured (vol. xvii, pp. 187, 296, 331; xxix, p. 269), and this was sometimes done (vol. xxii, p. 134). finally, corcuera undertook to chastise them effectually; and in 1637 he led a large and well-equipped expedition to mindanao, which captured corralat's stronghold and devastated nearly all the coast of that island, driving out corralat as a fugitive and intimidating other chiefs who had intrigued with him against the spaniards (vol. xxvii, pp. 253-305, 319-325, 346-357; xxix, pp. 28-30, 60, 86-101, 116-134). corcuera followed up this success by another in joló, in 1638 (vol. xxvii, p. 325; xxviii, pp. 41-63; xxix, pp. 32, 36, 43, 44, 135, 136), and in the following year a spanish expedition severely chastised the moros around lake lanao, in mindanao (xxix, pp. 159, 161-163, 273-275); further military operations in joló and mindanao, on a smaller scale, occurred during 1638-39 (vol. xxix, pp. 141-166, 198-200). it may be noted, further, that the jesuits established missions there at an early date, evangelists of that order going with figueroa in 1596 (vol. xii, pp. 313-321; xiii, pp. 47-49, 86-89; xxii, p. 117; xxviii, pp. 94-99, 151, 171); and others were founded by augustinian recollects (xxi, pp. 196-247, 298-303; xxiv, p. 115; xxviii, pp. 152, 175, 340-345).] ii [the second reduction of joló--by almonte, in 1639 (vol. xxix, p. 143)--subdued all of that archipelago, save the guimbanos, a fierce moro people inhabiting the mountains of sulu (joló) island, who were hostile to the joloans of the coast. when almonte ordered them to cease disturbing the pacified joloans, the guimbanos made an insolent reply, telling the spaniards to come to their country and learn the difference between them and the joloans. almonte therefore sent (july, 1639) troops, under luis de guzman and agustin de cepeda, to subdue these proud mountaineers; and after a fierce battle the guimbanos retreated, leaving four hundred dead on the field, and three hundred captives in the hands of the spaniards--of whom eight died, including guzman, besides twenty indian auxiliaries. (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 96 b, 97.) after the departure of almonte from joló, affairs went ill, morales being unfit for his post as governor of those islands, although he was valiant in battle. having abducted a beautiful girl, daughter of a chief named salibanza, a conspiracy against him was formed by the enraged father; this was discovered, and the leaders seized. this, with several arbitrary and hostile measures of morales, stirred up the joloans to revolt, and an affray occurred between them and the spaniards, in which morales was wounded. juan ruiz maroto was sent to relieve him from office, and tried to pacify the natives, but in vain; he then sent pedro de la mata vergara to harry all the coast of joló, who burned many villages and carried away three thousand captives. mata, being obliged to return to mindanao, was succeeded by morales, who rashly attacked (near párang, sulu island) a force of moros with troops exhausted by forced marches; the spaniards, although in numbers far superior to the moros, were ignominiously put to flight, thirty-nine of their number being slain, including morales and another officer. at this time cepeda was governor of joló, and he soon found it necessary to chastise the natives, who were encouraged to rebellion by their recent victory. (combés, hist. de mindanao, col. 402-412; murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 121-122; montero y vidal, hist. piratería, i, pp. 175-181, 199-211.) an account of his exploits in this direction is furnished by letters of the jesuit miguel paterio to father juan lopez, regarding the expeditions of cepeda (to whom combés dedicated his book), written in 1643-44 (ut supra, col. cix-cxv); we present them here as a specimen of the proceedings in these punitive expeditions.] relation of the exploit which was accomplished in the villages of paran by captain and sargento-mayor don agustin de zepeda, warden of the forts in jolo. after the disaster to admiral morales, the guimbanos of the villages of paran were very arrogant and haughty, so that, however much they were invited, with assurance of peace and pardon, to lay down their arms before those of our king, and to restore the spanish weapons that they were keeping, they paid no heed to it. seeing this, sargento-mayor don augustin de çepeda, the better to justify the expedition that he intended to make against them, sent word to them through other guimbanos who were our friends, that they must restore the arms that they had taken from the spaniards, and that if they did not restore these he would wage war against them. to this they replied that those arms were converted into lances, and that nothing would be given up to the spaniards, whether don agustin marched against them or not. the captain and sargento-mayor received this reply on tuesday, december 29, and on wednesday, the thirtieth of the same month, he determined to make a daylight attack on them with the utmost secrecy. accordingly, at four in the afternoon, almost all the soldiers made their confessions, and the sargento-mayor exhorted them to rouse all their courage, as brave soldiers, since they were fighting for both the majesties [i.e., the divine and the royal], and they had the sure protection of the mother of god, our lady of good success. then they set out from the hill of jolo with only twenty-five spaniards and three officers, [cepeda's lieutenants being] adjutant diego de los reyes and alférez gaspar de chaves; and twenty-two pampangos and cagaians, with their officers, also ten or fifteen servants with their pikes and shields. of this infantry the captain formed three divisions, giving to each one its own watchword--to the first one, "jesus be with all;" to the second, "our lady of good success;" to the third, "saint ignatius"--and each division was ordered to render aid according to its watchword, and as the enemy should sound the call to arms. with this order, they began their march, and proceeded until nightfall, when they marched in single file, since the road and the darkness gave no opportunity for doing otherwise. they passed rivers, ravines, marshes, and miry places, until they arrived at a village of a guimbano chief named ulisten, near which they heard coughing in the houses; and [they moved] so cautiously that they were not perceived. the sargento-mayor did not choose to enter this village, not only because the chief had showed his friendship for the spaniards, but because his only intention was to punish the people of paran, who had merited this by their acts in the past and by the haughty spirit that they showed. for the same reason, he would not enter another village near this one, belonging to another chief, named sambali--who, if it were not for the purpose that the commander had in mind, deserved to lose his head for his rebellious disposition in not being friendly to the spaniards. from the hill to these two villages may be a journey of about two leguas and a half; the road is very bad, and of the sort that has been described, [passing through] marshes and rough places; and, with the darkness of a moonlight night, to go among trees, thickets, and tangled briers was intolerable and full of difficulty. not less wearisome was the road which they still must take to reach the people and village of paran, and even more difficult: but neither the one nor the other could weaken or diminish the tenacity, spirit, and valor which not only the captain but his soldiers displayed. they traveled all night in this way until a little before daybreak, when they mistook the road, and took another, which did not lead to the village where they meant to go; but god chose that the people of that very village should serve as guides [to the spaniards], by furnishing them light--for on account of quieting some infants who were crying, they kindled lights in the houses. the sargento-mayor ordered them to march toward that place, where they arrived at daybreak; and there they remained about half an hour, waiting for the dawn to brighten so that they might break the countersign [87] and make the daylight attack [dar el albasso] on the said village, which they did. for when it became light, and the day was brightening, they broke the watchword, which was "st. ignatius;" and the division to which that belonged made the first attack on the houses, jointly with the vanguard, which went ahead to reconnoiter. all the forces united to make this assault on the houses, and to break through the defenses of the village and enter, all in order, with lighted matches and to sound of drums, as they did. in their houses this occasioned a great tumult; some were slain by musket-balls, some by lance-thrusts; others escaped naked, fleeing without thought of their kindred or their possessions, abandoning their weapons and whatever they had; others, finally, were burned to death in their houses, to which our men set fire--the natives remaining in them either through fear, or that they might not fall into our hands and be slain by our lances. they hid themselves, therefore, for the greater protection--only to have their houses, and their granaries of rice, and their bodies burned [here], and finally their souls in hell. besides this, their cultivated fields were laid waste, set out with all the plants that they rear--bananas, sugar-cane, and other plants which furnish them with food; and our men did the same with these, destroying and burning everything. this done they looked about, scanning the country in all directions, and saw an impregnable height; and when the commander understood that this was (as it proved to be) the citadel of the enemies, he gave the order to march thither. they proceeded by a path or trail so narrow that they were obliged to ascend in single file; and when they reached the top of the said hill they found a plateau, more spacious than that of our hill of jolo, on which were houses, some fortified and some small ones. the former were full of provisions and contained some guimbanos. these, seeing our men and recognizing them as enemies, immediately abandoned the houses and took to flight, throwing themselves headlong from the heights. our men entered the place, and burned the houses with the rice and other things contained in them; and they laid waste the fields and destroyed what had been planted in them, as they had done in the villages before ascending the hill. our men were occasioned no little anxiety by their failure, after this exploit, to find the road by which to leave the hill; for, as it had in every direction precipices and rugged heights, they had great difficulty and hardship in getting away from the hill, on account of not being able to strike the path by which they had entered. but finally the blessed virgin who hitherto had been our lady of success, chose to show also that she was our lady of good success--which she did by enabling our men to depart in safety from the hill. for the alférez, going to make a hasty reconnoissance with four arquebusiers, and some servants armed with pikes and shields, saw [traces of men's] work among the trees that covered the hill; and, upon reaching the place, ascertained that there was a path by which he could descend. notifying the troops of this, they went down the hill by this path, and thus returned to the houses that they had burned, all marching in regular order. they approached the seashore through a level field, passing near the harbor where the natives had slain admiral morales; and, as they advanced through the open country, they encountered four guimbano indians, shouting [or grimacing?--haciendo carracheo], who came from a grove that was growing on the said seashore. when our men tried to get near them, these indians took to their heels, retreating toward the grove--where, it was understood, they had an ambuscade; and as it was now eleven o'clock, the sargento-mayor did not think it best to delay [his return] longer. accordingly, they marched in the same order, and to the sound of drums, toward the fortification that stood on the seashore, going through fields and mangrove thickets, and along beaches and pools of water, another two leguas and a half, until they reached the harbor where they had provided some boats. in these the sargento-mayor and all his troops embarked, and returned to these forts, with great satisfaction and rejoicing at so complete a success, without losing one of our men, or encountering any danger. many salvos were fired from the boats in which they came, and from the forts, in honor of their protectors, jesus, mary, and ignatius. from this expedition and victory i have learned some things about guimba which are worth mentioning here. the first is, that two days afterward the people of paran made war on the chiefs ulis and sambali whom we mentioned above, complaining that these chiefs had not warned them that the spanish troops had passed close to their villages, and even because they had allowed the spaniards to pass them. may god establish them in peace, and grant them light and a knowledge of the truth. and after this expedition, as i have said, one of the chiefs in the villages to the east named suil, complained that the sargento-mayor had not informed him of it, so that suil with all his men might have accompanied the spaniards. although he may not be sincere, thanks are returned to him, and probably his offer was prompted by the admiration and high opinion that he entertains for our men since this exploit; or because he feared lest the like fate might befall him. he and other chiefs beyond guimba to the east have sent to tell me that, although those who killed the sargento-mayor are their brothers, they will not for that reason fail to be the friends of the spaniards; and that they will come to the village of the lutaos who are in this fort [i.e., at joló] to talk with the father and treat of peace. and it cannot be denied that there has been a great disturbance among them since this expedition, and it has caused among them all not only fear, but astonishment also, to see that so few spaniards could dare to traverse almost all of guimba, marching almost all the way among the settlements, without being seen. in this affair not only the caution of the spaniards, but their courage in penetrating among so many barbarians, the most valiant in all these islands, is causing great admiration--which is increased at seeing how so few spaniards made so great a number of enemies take to flight; for in all the villages there are nearly a thousand barbarians who carry arms. it is certain that, considering the circumstances of this exploit, it adds prestige to several others that have been performed; and i even venture to say that it is astonishing, if we consider what occurred in one night, the perils that they went through, the daring of so few soldiers among so many enemies, and, finally, their accomplishing what they did in destroying and burning the villages and their people, without injury to any one of our men. all this causes the moros who see these occurrences close to them to wonder and fear, and apparently they are talking in earnest of becoming friends and vassals of his majesty. [marginal note: "for father juan lopez, rector of cavite."] [another letter by father paterio, written from jolo, february 28, 1644, relates the particulars of another expedition by zepeda into guimba, six days previous to that date. the native chiefs on the east side of the island are intimidated by the punishment inflicted on paran, and are inclined to submit to the victorious spanish arms; but those on the west desire to take revenge for the massacre of their tribesmen. a conference of the latter chiefs is accordingly held at the village of ulis, where they talk of making an attack on the spanish forts at jolo. they invite suil, one of the friendly chiefs, to join them; but he sends word to the spaniards (february 9) of the plot against them. zepeda is then absent in zamboanga, but returns soon afterward; and another warning from suil being received ten days later, zepeda decides to inflict summary punishment on the plotters. he therefore leads an expedition against the village of ulis, on february 21, and, as before, attacks the village at daylight. this time, the natives have had warning of the intended assault, and attempt resistance; but they are defeated with considerable loss--among the slain being ulis, "who was the idol of that island, and whom all obeyed," and three other chiefs. in this fight the spaniards lose but four lives--a soldier, an officer, and two servants. this causes even more fear and awe than even the former expedition, and brings the recalcitrants quickly to terms--suil and other chiefs proposing to leave their homes and go to dwell near the spanish forts. later, the spaniards complete this castigation by ravaging the country, burning and destroying all before them, "by which the spanish arms have acquired greater reputation and glory than that which they had lost on former adverse occasions." then other islands adjacent to jolo are intimidated, and two battles are fought with their natives, who lose many men therein. as a reward for his services, zepeda is honored by corcuera with the governorship of zamboanga.] the joloans remained at peace, as thoroughly chastised as were the mindanaos, curbing their haughty arrogance, and repressing their hatred in consideration of the advantages of the time. among the agreements for the peace, they accepted one that a fort for the spaniards should be erected at their harbor-bar; this was maintained with many difficulties and little advantage, unless from the pearl-fishery, which yielded many and valuable pearls. [88] the island of joló abounds in these, so that on the dutch hydrographical maps they have given it the name "island of pearls," on account of the many fine pearls which the joloans sent in those years to nueva batavia by ambassadors from their king, asking their alliance, and aid against the spaniards. the dutch granted them protection, those valuable gifts arousing in them greater desires for profit--although afterward the first aid that they furnished the joloans cost them very dear. but in this year of 1641 the joloans had a fortunate opportunity for recouping themselves for past expenses, with a mass of amber [89] as large as an ox's body, which the sea cast up on their shores, which yielded them great profits, and increased the reputation of their island. this sort of find is usually very frequent in those islands, since they are beaten by many currents which flow from the archipelago; and thus goes drifting on the waves what the sea hurls from its abysses, along with other debris, under the fury of the wind--this so precious substance, whether it be the excrement or vomit of whales, or a reaba which the sea produces in its depths. but in joló it is apt to be more often found, because those islands are scattered and their coasts prolonged for many leguas opposite many currents and channel-mouths. and for this reason some amber is usually found in capul, an island beaten by so many currents--as the ships which come on the return from nueva españa know by experience--and also in guiguan and on the beaches of antique. near punta de naso the sea cast up, in the year 1650, an enormous piece of amber, although it had not the fine quality and excellence of that which comes from japón. (diaz's conquistas, p. 447.) [for several years after corcuera's expedition against the mindanaos (1637), various military operations were conducted in that island by the spanish forces, notably under pedro de almonte. corralat and other moro chiefs were sufficiently reduced to render them nominally peaceful; but they formed various plots and conspiracies against the spaniards, and, on the other hand, these availed themselves of the jealousies and personal interests of the mindanao chiefs to separate them and neutralize their efforts. the foolish arrogance of a spanish officer, matías de marmolejo, caused an attack on his detachment by corralat and manaquior; all the spaniards save marmolejo and six others were slain (june 1, 1642), including the jesuit bartolomé sánchez, and the survivors were captured by corralat. but when corcuera heard of this encounter he was so angry that he ordered marmolejo to be ransomed and afterwards to be beheaded in the plaza at zamboanga, for disobedience to his orders. he also ordered that the fort at la sabanilla be demolished, and the men there be sent to punish corralat, which was done. that chief, to revenge himself, intrigued with the people of basilan to secure possession of the spanish fort there; but its little garrison defended it against the moro fleet until aid could be sent them from zamboanga. as soon as diego fajardo became governor of the philippines in corcuera's place, he endeavored to secure peace in mindanao, and finally (june 24, 1645) a treaty of peace was signed by corralat and his leading chiefs, and francisco de atienza and the jesuit alejandro lópez. this treaty settled questions of mutual alliance, of boundaries of possessions, of trade, of ransom of captives, and of freedom for the ministrations of jesuit missionaries. christian captives in corralat's domain should be ransomed at the following rates; "for men and women, in the prime of life, and in good health, each forty pesos; for those who were more youthful, thirty pesos; for aged and sick persons, twenty pesos; for children at the breast, ten pesos." in this very year salicala, son of the king of joló, had gone to batavia to seek aid from the dutch; the latter sent some armed vessels, which cannonaded the spanish fort at joló for three days, but finally were obliged to depart without having accomplished anything. this occurrence increased fajardo's anxiety in regard to the cost and danger incurred in attempting to maintain three forts in joló; and he sent orders to atienza, commandant at zamboanga, to withdraw the garrisons from joló and demolish those forts--an embarrassing command, since both joloans and dutch were then making raids among the northern islands. both fajardo and atienza relied on the jesuit alejandro lopez to bring about the pacification of both the mindanaos and the joloans, a task which he accomplished so successfully that on april 14, 1646, a treaty was signed, by atienza and lopez, [90] with raya bongso of joló (the same who, with his wife tuambaloca, was conquered by corcuera's troops in 1638) and the envoys of corralat. combés gives the full text of both this and the former treaty. a dutch fleet attempted to make a landing near zamboanga, but were repulsed by the spaniards with much loss. corralat and moncay came to hostilities, and the former implored the aid of the spaniards; atienza sent an armed force to succor corralat, and moncay fled. salicala of joló and panguian cachilo of guimba undertook (1648) to raid the visayan islands; but the latter was attacked and slain by a spanish squadron, which so intimidated salicala that he hastened back to joló. meanwhile, a notable event occurred in mindanao, the conversion of corralat's military commander, ugbu, to the christian faith--which of course tended to strengthen the ties between corralat and the spaniards; and ugbu afterward rendered them efficient service in the palapag insurrection, which caused his death. salicala died (1649) and his parents, bongso and tuambaloca, were thus able to maintain the peace which they had established with the spaniards; that queen afterward left joló, retiring to basilan. moncay also died, soon afterward, and was succeeded in buhayen by balatamay, a manobo chief who had married moncay's daughter; he joined corralat in alliance with the spaniards. in january, 1649, pedro duran de monforte went with an armed fleet to northeastern borneo, to punish its people for aiding the joloans in their raids; the spaniards plundered several villages, burned three hundred caracoas, and carried away two hundred captives. the expedition was accompanied by jesuits, who afterward opened successful missions in borneo. the insurrection of 1649-50 spread to joló and mindanao, but was quelled by the spaniards (see vol. xxxviii). (combés, hist. mindanao, col. 269-348, 425-498; murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 149-153. cf. concepción, hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 205-281; montero y vidal, hist. piratería, i, pp. 182-189, 212-231.)] [in 1653 don sabiniano manrique de lara succeeded to the government of the philippines.] one of his first undertakings was to establish peace with the ruler of mindanao, cachil corralat, whom it was expedient to assure for the sake of the tranquillity of the pintados islands--which were more exposed than the others to the incursions of their armed fleets, since manila had not enough soldiers and vessels with which our people could go forth to hinder the operations of the moros. the governor sent as his ambassador captain don diego de lemus, and father francisco lado of the society of jesus, who were very kindly received by the moros; and he gave them to understand that no one desired peace more than he did, since the warning was still fresh that had been given him by the war which was waged against him by governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera in person--which had obliged corralat to wander as a fugitive through the lands of his enemy the king of buhayen, exposed to many perils. it seems as if the desire which corralat showed to maintain the peace might be regarded as sincere; for if he had chosen to avail himself of the opportunity afforded by the past years, when all our forces and power were fully occupied in resisting the cruel invasions of the dutch, without doubt he could have made great ravages in the villages of the pintados islands; and therefore this must be attributed to an especial providence of the divine mercy. all [these dealings with the envoys] were cunning measures of the shrewd moro to lull [91] our vigilance with feigned appearances of peace, for never was he further from pursuing it--partly through greed for the booty of slaves, a great part of which belonged to him; partly because his captains and other persons interested in these piratical raids persuaded him to avail himself of the opportunity furnished by the weakness of our forces. corralat determined to renew his former hostile acts, and began by preparing vessels and supplies; and in order to cover up better his damnable intention, he sent to the governor of manila an ambassador to confirm the peace. this man was called banua, and was no less fraudulent than simon the greek. on the route he left many tokens of this; for in the village of tunganan, among the subanos, he treated very contemptuously [92] the father minister, miguel pareja of the society of jesus--who, as the pious religious that he was, turned the other cheek, as the gospel commands. banua arrived at manila in the year of 1655, where he discharged very well his office as ambassador, and even better that of spy--and well he knew his double trade; for among other things he demanded that restitution be made to corralat of some mindanao slaves, and of the pieces of artillery which don sebastian hurtado de corcuera had taken from him in war; but this and other petitions of the ambassador had no satisfactory issue. banua returned [to mindanao], and don sabiniano manrique de lara despatched to accompany him captain don claudio de rivera, and father alejandro lopez of the society of jesus, who went with holy zeal for establishing in mindanao the preaching of the true faith. they arrived at zamboanga, where they had sufficient warnings of the danger to which they were going; but with fearless courage they continued their journey until they reached corralat. he received them without any of the ostentation usual for an embassy, but rather with frowns and displeasure; and when he read the letters from the governor of manila--which were excellent for an occasion in which our strength might be greater, but the present time demanded shrewder dissimulation--the moro king was much disturbed, and displayed extreme anger. the end of this embassy (of which an excellent account is given by father francisco combés in his historia de mindanao, book viii, chap. 3) was that corralat ordered his nephew balatamay to slay father alejandro lopez and his associate, father juan de montiel, and captain claudio de rivera. [93] corralat sent the letters of the governor to the kings of joló and of ternate, to incite them to make common cause in defense of their profession as mahometans, but they did not choose to risk breaking the peace; on the contrary, the king of ternate handed over the letters to the governor of our forts there, francisco de esteybar, who restored them to the governor of manila. (diaz, conquistas, pp. 549-551.) corralat, fearing the vengeance of the spaniards, wrote to the governor of zamboanga throwing the responsibility for what had occurred on his nephew balatamay, whom he could not chastise on account of the latter being so powerful. he also wrote to manrique de lara, attributing the deaths of the jesuits and other spaniards to imprudent acts committed by father lópez, and entreated the governor that, mutually forgiving injuries, affairs might remain as they had previously been. but his complicity in the event came to be discovered, through another letter directed in june, 1656, to the sultan of joló, exhorting the latter to unite with him for defending the religion which both professed. the joloan monarch sent his letter to the governor of zamboanga in order to demonstrate his loyalty. similar assistance was solicited by corralat from the dutch and from the sovereigns of macasar and ternate; and to the latter, in order to stimulate him more, he sent the original letter of manrique de lara, presenting the question under the religious aspect only--a letter which the spanish governor of ternate was able to recover, and he sent it to its author. the captain-general of filipinas, not considering his forces sufficient for waging war on the powerful sultan of mindanao, notified the governor of zamboanga [94] to accept corralat's excuses as sufficient until he could ascertain whether reënforcements were arriving from nueva españa and they could avenge so many injuries. the sultan, seeing that his insolent conduct did not receive the energetic and effectual punishment that it deserved, gained new courage, and sent out his people to make raids through the coasts of zamboanga and basilan--terminating the campaign by looting tanganan, where they took captive the headman of that village, named ampi, and twenty-three persons besides. in the calamianes islands also the mindanaos committed horrible ravages. the governor of the moluccas, don francisco de esteybar, received orders to go to zamboanga, conferring upon him, besides the command of the said post, the office of governor and captain-general of all the southern provinces of filipinas. on the second of december of the said year 1656 he arrived at zamboanga. when this valiant chief was informed of what had occurred, and learned that the pirates were equipping at simuay [river] a squadron to invade the visayas, he declared war on corralat, without stopping to consider whether his forces were inferior or not to those of the enemy, trusting to the courage of his followers and the justice of his cause for the issue of the undertaking. in this document he ordered that ten caracoas should set out, under command of don fernando de bobadilla; and these vessels went to sea on december 30. this commander detached admiral don pedro de viruega at the village of sosocon, and sargento-mayor don félix de herrera at point taguima. through his spies, corralat knew of the departure of the squadron, and declined to send his boats against the spanish armada; and during twenty days bobadilla waited in vain for the pirate vessels. during this time the dato of sibuguey, mintun, went to zamboanga, offering the aid of his people against corralat, perhaps in order not to be the leader in paying for the losses of the war. it was reported that the sultan had sent four vessels to the village of that chief for rice, and bobadilla set out to intercept this convoy (january 2, 1657). on arriving at la silanga, [95] two small caracoas went ahead to reconnoiter the place; these boats conquered a large vessel; but their crews intimidated the lutaos who were in the spanish ship, telling them that they would soon be destroyed by corralat, who was expected in mintun with fifteen vessels. as the lutaos of bobadilla's squadron were inclined toward the sultan, or were afraid of falling into his power, they threatened the commandant that they would abandon the field when the battle was at its height, if the spaniards compelled them to fight against corralat. in view of this, bobadilla was obliged to return to zamboanga, losing so propitious an opportunity to avenge the wicked perfidy of the old sultan. nevertheless, he seized a considerable number of small boats, full of rice, and forty captives. the sultan, now a declared enemy, and attributing to our weakness the failure to punish the murder of the ambassadors, commanded his squadrons to commit piracies, under the command of prince balatamay. that deceitful moro, after committing the most outrageous acts of violence in marinduque and mindoro, returned to mindanao with a multitude of captives and very rich spoils. while balatamay was raiding the above-mentioned islands, a splendid squadron sailed from cavite by order of the governor-general, in command of an officer whose name is not told in the histories, from whom brilliant conduct was expected, to judge from the valor of which he boasted in drawing-rooms; but, far from fulfilling his duty, he lingered in balayan under pretext of securing supplies of rice, and then in mindoro, carrying out his cowardly purpose of not encountering the moros, notwithstanding that the forces under his command were more than sufficient to destroy the pirates. to the end that he might operate in conjunction with the said squadron, esteybar ordered alférez luis de vargas to scour the coasts of mindanao; but as the commander of the squadron failed to carry out the instructions that he had received, vargas, as he could not find him, confined his efforts to burning a village on the bay of simuay, where he seized several captives. bobadilla reduced to ashes the old capital of corralat, lamitan, its inhabitants having fled to the woods. also in the said year of 1657 the dato salicala of mindanao scoured the seas with his squadron; the natives in consternation abandoned their villages without daring to resist him, and he carried away as captives more than a thousand indians--his audacity going so far that he sailed into the bay of manila. esteybar then equipped a small squadron of caracoas and vintas, which departed from zamboanga on january 1, 1658, resolved to chastise the pirate severely. he spread the report that they were going to sibuguey. he reached that river in seven days and, placing part of his forces in charge of sargento-mayor itamarren, he destroyed the village of namucan, and at luraya burned many boats. four pilans captured the joanga which had carried father lópez to simuay, manned by moros from mintun. suddenly changing his course, he took the route to punta de flechas, in order to go to the capital of corralat, but sent beforehand thirty spaniards, with captain don pedro de viruega, to the district of butig. its chief matundin, at the head of five hundred men, was defeated, the grain-fields ravaged, and the village reduced to ashes. the tilled land of this district was exceedingly rich, since it is the principal source of supply for rice in mindanao. great damage was also done in la sabanilla by captain don juan gonzález carlete. on the nineteenth of january the squadron encountered a large dutch ship surrounded by some pirate vessels. esteybar attempted to secure a free passage without bringing on a contest, to which end he hoisted a white flag; but the commander of the dutch ship displayed a red flag, firing all his cannon against the spanish vessels. then, without heeding the superiority of the enemy, bobadilla came against the ship, all his men rowing as hard as they could; and esteybar attacked it at the stern. the spaniards then were going to board the ship with a rush, when a ball fired from the vessel of esteybar set on fire the santa barbara [i.e., powder-magazine] of the dutch ship, thus blowing it into pieces. only twenty-four of its crew survived, and these were drawn out of the sea and made prisoners. esteybar continued his voyage to simuay, the bar of which was fortified with heavy stockades; moreover, at its ends were two forts, garrisoned by malays, macassars, and dutchmen. this did not frighten esteybar, and he made preparations to capture the posts of the enemy, in spite of advice to the contrary from his captains. while he was deciding the best method of accomplishing this, he passed with his squadron to the river of buhayen, sending in by one of its entrances the valiant bobadilla with some vessels, and by the other sargento-mayor itamarren. the former sacked the villages and ravaged the grain-fields of tannil and tabiran, the latter those of lumapuc and buhayen; they destroyed a powerful armada which had been prepared for raiding the islands, and carried away as spoil many versos, muskets, campilans, crises, and all kinds of weapons. in the village of buhayen resided prince hamo, son of moncay, from whom the kingdom had been usurped; he mounted a white flag and a cross above his house, being desirous of forming an alliance with the spaniards, but they, being warned by experience with the treasons of the moros, continued the hostilities, without attaching any importance to that signal. while they constructed rafts with which to attack the fortress of corralat, captain antonio de palacios went to destroy the village of tampacan and its environs; and adjutant antonio vázquez disembarked with orders to cut off the retreat of the enemy's spies. these were twenty in number, thoroughly armed; vázquez rushed upon them, and at the first encounter killed five and wounded six of them, and the rest were shot to death in the woods. esteybar returned to the bar of buhayen; he knew that at a day's journey from there was a village of lutaos, called maolo, and, desirous to chastise that settlement and obtain information about that coast, he sent sargento-mayor itamarren--who, finding it deserted, set fire to the village, killed four moros, and captured two others, the only ones who waited for the attack. notwithstanding these provocations, and others that were directly offered to corralat in the environs of his fortifications, it was impossible to draw him out into the open country. having constructed a number of rafts, on which were placed pieces of artillery, the governor went aboard the largest of them, and with the aid of the vessels cannonaded the fort of corralat for the space of four hours, but he defended it well. it was evident that the difficulties of assaulting it were insuperable, and that the artillery was operating with but little result, on account of the condition of the sea; accordingly it was decided to retire to the bar of buhayen. the squadron went to la sabanilla on the seventeenth of february; here esteybar received orders to return to molucas, and he proceeded to zamboanga. notwithstanding the well-known valor of this chief, and the injuries inflicted on the moros during the two months of the campaign, this retreat gave much satisfaction to corralat, since it freed him from [the danger of] going as a wanderer through the hills, as on previous occasions. the valiant esteybar had been replaced as governor of the military post of zamboanga by don fernando de bobadilla--a chief no less courageous and resolute--with the same titles and preeminences as the former. corralat, in order better to secure his dominions against the aggressions of the spaniards, made namu, king of buhayen, establish a fort at the mouth of the river, the opposite shore of which was likewise fortified by corralat; he entrusted to marundin the defense of the bar of simuay, and to the basilan chiefs ondol and boto the construction of a fortification at the entrance of the estuary of zamboanga. don diego zarria lazcano took the place of bobadilla, the former remaining at the head of the armada. the datos linao and libot of joló, and sacahati of tawi-tawi, with thirteen vessels, scoured the coasts of bohol, leyte, and masbate. near luban they put to death father fray antonio de san agustin, who on account of his ailments could not retreat to the interior of that island as did the rest who were going with him in their vessel. a squadron sailed from manila in command of don pedro duran de monforte; they went to luban, mindoro, panay, and gigantes without discovering the pirates, and returned to the capital. the moros were able to return to joló with many spoils and eighty captives; but the sultan of that island sent back the said captives, in order to prove that he desired peace with the spaniards. (montero y vidal. hist. piratería, i, pp. 236-244. cf. combés, hist. mindanao, col. 533-549, 570-587.) great were the calamities suffered by the filipinas islands in these years of 1657 and 58, which might have occasioned their entire ruin, if divine providence had not manifestly preserved them, at the expense of miracles and prodigies. even the arrogance of the dutch recognized this, when they saw their proud forces humiliated by the unequal strength of ours; and it was acknowledged by the inhabitants of these islands, recognizing the divine clemency. in the former of those years the scourge of divine justice was the great armada of mindanao corsairs, which, commanded by salicala, a moro of much valor, infested the pintados islands; and their insolence went so far that they came in sight of the great bay of manila. the poor natives who groaned under the yoke of captivity to these pirates amounted to more than a thousand; and as it was impossible for most of them to furnish ransom for their persons, they usually died as slaves of the moros. i have not been able to learn the reason why no assistance was given to deliver them by going out to find those pirates--although i do not believe that it was the absence of compassion in governor don sabiniano manrique de lara, but rather his lack of means, and his being engrossed with more pressing affairs. this was followed by the plagues of innumerable locusts, which, laying waste the fields, made general havoc, occasioning the famine which was the worst enemy of the poor; this was followed by its inseparable companion, pestilence, which made great ravages with a general epidemic of smallpox. (diaz, conquistas, p. 556.) general don agustin de cepeda went to zamboanga as governor (june 16, 1659), without any events worthy of mention occurring during the time while he exercised that office; afterward he went to assume the government of molucas. he who took his place [96] experienced great annoyances with the jesuits, who in their histories relate in great detail how much he tried to injure their interests; but don fernando bobadilla was again charged with the government of zamboanga (february 15, 1662). the authorities and citizens of manila were the victims in may, 1662, of a fearful panic, on account of the claim by the powerful chinese pirate kue-sing that the little realm of filipinas should render him homage and be declared his tributary, under penalty of his going with his squadrons to destroy the spaniards--as he had done with the dutch, expelling them from formosa. this embassy, which was brought to manila by the dominican father fray victorio ricci, and the consequent indignation against the chinese, were the origin of an insurrection by those who resided in manila, which was subdued; and the conference of authorities resolved to expel them from the country and repel by force of arms the aggression of kue-sing--the governor-general making ready great armaments, and whatever preparations for defense seemed to him necessary that he might come out victorious from the tremendous danger that threatened the island. but the most important and most far-reaching of the measures adopted by the council at which manrique de lara presided was the abandonment of the advantageous post of zamboanga--the advanced sentinel of our domination over the coasts inhabited by the fierce malay mahometans--and those of la sabanilla, calamianes, and iligan (which were also important in the highest degree), with the intention of concentrating in manila all the forces which garrisoned those posts (may 6). this notification caused, among the spanish subjects of those lands, or it may be among the lutaos, profound sorrow and the utmost fear. they complained bitterly of the unprotected state in which they were left, remaining exposed to the vengeance of the moros--who no longer could consider them as belonging to their race, and bore a mortal hatred to them for having become christians. [97] these just complaints, and the knowledge of the damages which would result from the withdrawal of the spanish forces, impelled the governor of the fort, don fernando bobadilla, and the learned father combés to entreat the governor-general to revoke his mandate, both explaining to him the very cogent and strong reasons which prompted their advice. the news that the spaniards were involved in so tremendous a conflict encouraged the joloans to repeat once more their terrible incursions. the datos of joló, tawi-tawi, lacay-lacay, and tuptup, equipped sixty vessels, and, dividing their forces into several small squadrons, sacked and burned the villages of poro, baybay, sogor, cabalian, basey, dangajon, guinobatan, and capul. they killed captain gabriel de la peña; they captured an official of the same class, ignacio de la cueva, and the jesuit father buenaventura barcena; they went even to the mountains in pursuit of the religious; and all the indians whom they caught they carried away as captives to their own country, killing many of all ages and classes. the governor-general of the islands sent a squadron to pursue the pirates, but they accomplished nothing. from zamboanga adjutant francisco alvarez went out alone to encounter them; he captured the caracoa of the pirate gani, a relative of salé, and of thirty captives whom the latter was carrying away. alvarez freed twenty-two--afterward going to an island of joló, where he captured twelve moros. bobadilla, in answer to his message, on november 8 received pressing orders to return to manila without loss of time, the governor yielding so far as to allow that he might leave in the fortress of zamboanga at most fifty spaniards. this was equivalent to condemning those unfortunates to a sure death, and the jesuit fathers protested against it, saying that necessarily they would incur the same fate; but finally the supreme authority of the islands decided upon the total abandonment of the posts above mentioned. nevertheless bobadilla, with the object of encouraging the lutaos and leading the moros to believe that he was not abandoning the post, sent in pursuit of them don juan de morales valenzuela, with two caracoas, to the islands called "orejas de liebre," on january 2, 1663; but on the fourth of the same month he received a new and more positive order from the captain-general, dated october 11, that without delay or any excuse he must abandon zamboanga. at sight of this, bobadilla warned morales that the withdrawal must be made, as was done on the seventh--as promptly as possible fulfilling the said imperious mandate, convinced that it was now altogether impossible to oppose so plain a decision. the governor of zamboanga made a solemn surrender of the fort to the master-of-camp of the lutao natives, don alonso macombon, receiving from him an oath of fidelity to hold it for the king of españa and defend it from his enemies; but don alonso refused to include among these the sultan of mindanao, on the pretext that he had not sufficient strength to oppose the dreaded corralat. the governor, fearing his defection, did not leave him any artillery. the jesuits also surrendered to macombon their houses and churches, carrying away the images, ornaments, chalices, and books; and six thousand christians remained in zamboanga exposed to the rage of the mahometans. some lutaos, although not many, decided to go to the province of cebú, or to that of dapitan; others scattered through joló or mindanao in search of safety, returning to their former religion. the abandonment of our military posts in mindanao was, although it is excused by the embarrassed condition of the capital of the islands, an exceedingly imprudent measure, since, in order to provide for an uncertain danger, the visayan islands were left exposed to another which was more immediate and real--to say nothing of the retrogression that must necessarily result to our domination among the natives of mindanao, where at that time over seventy thousand christians lived. the pirate who could cause such a panic in the authorities of manila, and occasioned so great losses to the undertaking of subduing the mahometan malay pirates, died without carrying out his threats. during the government of don juan de vargas (1679), the sultan of borneo sent an embassy to ask that mercantile dealings might be established with filipinas; and vargas in his turn sent another and a very distinguished one, headed by sargento-mayor don juan morales de valenzuela. in 1701 occurred in the south of filipinas an event as tragic as unusual. the sultan of joló went to visit the ruler of mindanao, for greater ostentation taking with him as escort a squadron composed of sixty-seven vessels. at sight of such a retinue the sultan of mindanao, cutay [98] (the successor of the noted corralat), feared that the other had designs that were not peaceable, and commanded that the mouth of the river should be closed; but the sultan of joló, offended thereat, dared the other to a personal combat. this challenge was accepted, and the two sultans engaged in a hand-to-hand contest, so fierce that each slew the other; and immediately war was kindled between the two peoples. the joloans, breaking down the stakes which closed the river, retired to their own island with many weapons and spoils. the new ruler of mindanao asked aid from the governor of manila, don domingo zubálburu; but the latter advised that they should lay aside their dissensions, and for that purpose sent the jesuit father antonio de borja, who was able to attain his object. (montero y vidal, hist. piratería, i, pp. 244-252. cf. combés, hist. mindanao, col. 610-640.) the king of joló, on the contrary, had for many years maintained peace and friendly relations with the spaniards, much to the resentment of his chiefs and captains, who derived much more profit from hostile raids than from trade and peace; therefore by means of their confidential agents they spread the report that the king of joló was talking of sending an armed fleet of twenty joangas to plunder these islands. the principal author of this was a joloan named linao, who was on intimate terms with the spaniards, and a guimbano named palía. but the king of joló was very far from thinking of such changes, and it would have been better for us if we had not so readily believed it. at this information don fernando de bobadilla despatched his armada against joló, under general don pedro de viruega; but when he reached that island he found that the story that they had spread abroad against the king was false, and don pedro, having talked with him, went back to zamboanga well satisfied of his peaceable attitude. but it was not long before the former rumors against the king of joló were again current; the author of them was linao, who desired a rupture [with the spaniards], so that he with other pirates might go out on raids against these islands--in which enterprise he was more interested than in the peace of his king. this plan he carried out in company with two others, libot and sacahati, who went cruising with several vessels and did much damage in the islands of pintados and masbate, until they reached the limbones; [99] from that place they chased the corregidor of mariveles, and captured the provincial of our discalced augustinian religious and those who were accompanying him, on his return from visiting the christian villages of bolinao--although these persons escaped by jumping ashore. but there was one who could not do this, father fray antonio de las misas (also a discalced augustinian), who was coming from cuyo and calamianes to visit those convents. this religious might with good reason be regarded as a martyr; for with his blood only were the hands of the renegade linao stained, as he spared the lives of all the rest in his greed for ransom. although the pirates knew that the ransom of this religious promised them more profit [than that of an ordinary captive], their hatred to the faith prevailed over their greed, which in these barbarians is great. this opinion is confirmed by the cruelty with which they treated an image of our lady of the people, which this religious was wearing, on which they used their crises with furious rage. this religious was an old man, and greatly esteemed for his virtue; and in the order he had held positions of honor--prior of the convent at manila, vicar-provincial of cebú, and other posts in caraga. he had a brother, a lay member of the society of jesus in these islands, who also suffered the same kind of death at the hands of the barbarous pirates called camucones--a nation as cruel as cowardly, two qualities which always go together. great was the injury which these pirates inflicted on the islands, and although the alcalde-mayor of balayan went out against them with some armed vessels they could not be found, either by him or by some other vessels which went from manila for this purpose with a considerable force of men, on account of the adroitness with which the moros concealed themselves, avoiding an encounter--to such an extent that the belief was current in manila that these were not outside enemies, but insurgent indians of the country, until a spaniard who had been seized by the enemy at the shoals of mindoro made his escape from them, and his account undeceived the people of manila. the governor despatched an armed fleet in command of admiral pedro durán de monforte, a soldier of long experience, but this remedy came too late; for the pirates, satiated with burning villages, plundering, and taking captives, had returned to their own country. accordingly the armada, having vainly scouted along lubán, mindoro, and panay, returned to manila, having accomplished nothing save the expenses which were caused for the royal exchequer, which is the paymaster for these and other cases of negligence. the distrust which was felt regarding the maintenance of the peace by the king of joló perhaps occasioned anger that he had not prevented these injuries; but he, knowing that if he did not make amends it would be a cause for justifiable hostilities, sent an embassy to the governor (who was don diego sarria lazcano), exonerating himself and promising to chastise linao, libot, and sacahati; this he did, and many captives were restored, which was no slight [amends]. king corralat raised his false alarms, as he was wont to do when that suited him, and also made some trifling raids through the agency of the people of sibuguey, and threatened the zebuans at dapitán. but all became quiet when the office of governor of those coasts was assumed (june 16, 1659) by don agustín de cepeda, a great soldier--who died in decrepit old age as master-of-camp of these filipinas. corralat knew, much to his sorrow, the valor of this able officer, and therefore did not dare to anger him, content that the spaniards should leave him in peace. don agustín, as a prudent man, determined to try measures to secure peace; and, conferences having been held, those measures were carried out, with very advantageous arrangements for our forces. the frequent raids of these moro pirates, both mindanaos and joloans, were one of the greatest hardships which these filipinas islands suffered through many continuous years; they were the scourge of the natives of the islands of pintados and camarines, tayabas, and mindoro, as being nearest to the danger and most weak for defense. these people paid with their beloved liberty for our neglect to defend them--not always deserving of blame, on account of the mutations of the times. few spaniards have been the prey of these vile thieves, except some who were very incautious; but amends have been made for these by many religious and some secular priests, ministers in the indian villages, who have suffered rigorous captivities and cruel deaths. no small amount of expenditure has fallen on the royal exchequer; for those pirates have caused innumerable expenses in armed fleets, most of them useless because the news of the loss did not reach us until the pirates were returning unhurt to their own lands. at times it has given even the governors and captains-general of these islands plenty to do in defending them from these pilfering thieves, as we saw in the first part of this history, in the case of don sebastián hurtado de corcuera and others. all the life of cachil corralat--which was a very long one, for it exceeded ninety years--and that of his father bahisan kept our vigilance continually on the alert, and caused us to found and maintain the fortified posts of zamboanga, sabanilla, malanao, and others--which caused so much expense and no profits; for the forts defend only a small space, and the sea has many roads, and thus they did not hinder the moro fleets from sallying forth whenever they chose. moreover, corralat had all the lutaos for spies, on account of their great reverence for him, and because they were in secret as much mahometans as himself; for never is a lutao found who has not been circumcised, or one who eats pork--and it is this which constitutes their mahometanism, as also having many wives and being enemies of christians; for in other respects they are atheists, and do not know what the koran is or what it contains. and, as i have heard from military men who have experience in these wars, the only restraint upon these joloan and mindanao enemies is in armed fleets, which go to search for them in their homes and inflict on them all the damage they can, without going inland; for the spaniards will not find any one there on whom to avenge themselves, since the inhabitants are safe in their thick forests and on impregnable heights. after so many years of misfortunes the divine mercy took pity on these poor natives, on whom the cruelty and greed of the moros had so long fattened, selecting as an agent the very corralat who had been the cause of the past havoc. with old age and experience he came to see the injury which was resulting to his people (and most of all to the kings of mindanao) from having enemies so valiant as the spaniards had proved to be; and therefore while he lived he maintained peace with manila, with friendly relations and the benefit of commerce on both sides. and when his death arrived, which was at the end of the year 1671, he left his nephew and heir, balatamay, strictly charged to keep the peace, with heavy curses and imprecations, according to their custom; and his people obeyed him so well that for a long time no raid was heard of; nor was there any by the camucones, who are subject to borney. the king of joló, paguián, has preserved the same peace and friendship; for all the moro tribes of these regions reverenced corralat as if he were mahoma himself. for he was a moro of great courage, intelligence, and sagacity, besides being exceedingly zealous for his accursed sect, and a great sorcerer--for all of which he probably has met condign punishment. (diaz, conquistas, pp. 564-567.) the governor [i.e., manuel de león, in 1674] commanded juan canosa raguses, a skilful builder of lateen-rigged vessels, to construct two galleys; these sailed very straight and light, and did good service in frightening away the camucones, pilfering and troublesome pirates, who in most years infested the pintados islands with pillaging and seizure of captives. these are a barbarous, cruel, and cowardly people, and they cannot have one of these traits without the others. they inhabit a chain of small islands, which extend from paragua to borney; some of them are mahometans and others heathens. they have done much harm to the islands of bisayas, which they ravaged quite at their ease--so much so that in the year 1672 they carried away the alcalde-mayor, don josé de san miguel, as we have mentioned elsewhere. they have a great advantage in the extreme swiftness of their vessels, which enables them to find their defense in flight. their confidence and boldness went so far that they ventured to infest the coasts of manila. the provincial, fray josé duque, while going to visit the convents in the islands of pintados, came very near being captured with his companion, fray alvaro de benavente; for they were attacked by a squadron of these pirates near the island of marinduque, where they would have been a prey to moro cruelty, if they had not been favored by the divine kindness. [this acted] through the agency of captain francisco ponce, a veteran soldier, who killed the captain and another of the pirates; and also of a sudden wind, which gave wings to the champan for placing itself in safety. with the building of these galleys the camucones were inspired with such terror that for many years they did not venture to sally out for their usual raids, so much in safety as before. the first time, sargento-mayor pedro lozano went out to scour the seas through which the camucones might come to make their raids. in the following year, captain don josé de novoa went out--a brave galician, the encomendero of gapang--and as commander of the second galley captain simón de torres, an able soldier from maluco; and they scoured the coasts of mindanao, committing some acts of hostility, their sole object therein being to cause more terror than harm. and thus it was, that with the fear which those piratical tribes had conceived of the galleys neither joloans, mindanaos, nor camucones dared, so long as these lasted, to commit their former ravages. the same thing occurs whenever there are galleys, even though they do not go out to sea and are shut up in the port of cavite. it is therefore very expedient to keep vessels of this sort, in order to be free from the invasions of those pirates. in view of this, governor don domingo de zabálburu built two other galleys, which was the cause of the joloans, mindanaos, and camucones remaining, throughout his term of office, within their own boundaries, although they had been in previous years, as we have seen, a continual plague to these islands. (diaz, conquistas, p. 711.) [100] notes [1] juan de zarzuela was born in argete on february 11, 1640. when sixteen years old, he entered the jesuit novitiate, and ten years later went to the philippines. he was rector at iloilo, and vice-rector at cavite; rector and vice-rector at san josé during seven years, and procurator of the province during five; and filled other posts. he died in manila, may 27, 1706. (murillo velarde, fol 394 b.) [2] a light sailing vessel, with one mast; a sloop. cf. dutch bylander, a coasting vessel. [3] gaspar marco was born in biar, valencia, january 25, 1660, and became a jesuit novice in 1682. seven years later, he came to manila, and was for fifteen years procurator of the college there. after filling other offices, he was sent as procurator of the province to madrid and rome. he was taken ill in spain, and died on september 8, 1716. (murillo velarde, fol. 406.) [4] paul clain (originally klein) was born at agra, bohemia, and entered the jesuit order september 14, 1669. in 1678 he went to mexico, and four years later to the philippines; he there was rector in several colleges, provincial, professor, and missionary. he died on august 30, 1717. (sommervogel, ii, col. 1197.) [5] antonio tuccio (misprinted fuccio in our text) was born at messina, april 16, 1641, and became a jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. after completing his studies, he was a teacher during five years; in 1672 went to the philippines, where he was rector at cavite and manila, and twice provincial. he died at manila, february 4, 1716. (sommervogel, viii, col. 265.) [6] guiuan is the name of a village and port on the extreme south coast of samar; it has a good anchorage for vessels, even in typhoons. [7] taclobo: the tagálog name for the enormous shells of the giant clam (tridacna); they sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. the valves are frequently used for baptismal fonts, and are sometimes burned to make lime. (official handbook of the philippines, part i, p. 153.) [8] full accounts of the earlier knowledge of these islands, unsuccessful efforts to locate and discover them, and the organization of a mission to go there for the conversion of the natives, are given in murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 375 b., 379; and concepción's hist. de philipinas, ix, pp. 151-171. both these writers use clain's letter, more or less closely following his account. gregorio miguel, in his estudio sobre las islas carolinas (madrid, 1887), p. 32, cites a ms. at sevilla, dated 1567, written by juan martinez (see our vol. ii, pp. 149-150), to show that the palaos islands were first seen in 1566, by the captain of the spanish ship "san jerónimo," pero sanchez pericón. it was not until 1710, however, that they were actually discovered. the name palaos (corrupted to pelew) was given them on account of the vessels, called paraos (cf. javanese prau), used by the natives. for description of the islands, their people, and the customs and mode of life of these natives, with a vocabulary of their language, see miguel, ut supra, pp. 32-60. [9] following is a translation of the title-page of this work: "general history of the discalced religious of the order of the hermits of the great father and doctor of the church, san agustin, of the congregation of españa and of the indias. volume four. by father fray pedro de san francisco de assis, pensioned lecturer, calificador of the holy office, apostolic missionary, father of the province of aragon, ex-definitor-general, and chronicler of the said congregation. dedicated to st. nicholas of tolentino. containing three decades, extending from the year 1661 to that of 1690. zaragoza; printed by francisco moreno, in the year 1756." [10] a sidenote at this point in the original is as follows: "historia de la provincia del santo rosario, volume ii, book ii, chapter xv." the reference is of course to baltasar de santa cruz's book. [11] a sidenote in the original refers to volume iii of the recollect history by santa theresa, decade vii, book i, chapter iv, section vii, folio 241, nos. 507-515. the philippine portion of this book appears in our vol. xxxvi, pp. 113-188. [12] juan polanco (not palanco), was a native of the burgos mountain region, and professed in the dominican convent of valladolid, july 13, 1639. as he showed evident signs of a brilliant mind he was sent to the college of san gregorio of valladolid, after graduating from which he returned to the convent as lecturer in philosophy. thence he went to the convent of trianos as master of students, but later joining the philippine mission arrived at those islands in 1658. destined for the instruction of the chinese he was sent to the chinese missions as soon as he had mastered the language. his two years in china were years of continual suffering, imprisonment, and torment. recalled, although against his will, to become procurator for his province in madrid and rome, and to act as definitor in the general chapter, he gave up his mission work. always of a humble and obedient disposition, when he was ordered to return immediately to spain on one occasion after he had just conducted a mission to mexico, he obeyed without hesitation, but he had scarcely reached the convent at sevilla, when he died, december 2, 1671. at the chapter held at rome 1668, he petitioned the beatification of the japanese martyrs. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 1-3. [13] a sidenote in the original at this point refers to the chronicas of san antonio, i, book i, chapter xvii. [14] a sidenote of the original reads: "all this appears from father fray juan francisco de san antonio, ut supra, book ii, chapter xviii, folio 364, and chapter xix, folio 372." [15] a sidenote of the original refers to san antonio, i, book i, chapter lv, folio 220, and chapter lvii, folio 224. [16] so called perhaps from the long robe probably worn by women who were allowed to take partial vows. [17] a sidenote at this point refers to father nieremberg's oculta y curiosa philosophia, last treatise, folio 431. this book is rightly named curiosa y oculta filosofia, and was published in two parts in madrid, 1643. juan eusebio nieremberg was born in madrid either in 1590 or 1595. his father was a tyrolese, and his mother a bavarian. educated at the university at salamanca, he took the jesuit habit in the same city in 1614. he became known for his learning and ability and for fourteen years filled the chair of natural history at the royal school at madrid, and for three years after that lectured on the scriptures. at the same time he was held in high esteem as a confessor, and was solicited by many prominent people as such. in 1642, he gave up teaching entirely because of an attack of paralysis. his death occurred at madrid, april 7, 1658. he was the author of many works in spanish and latin, some of which have been translated into french and arabic, and other languages. see rose's new general biographical dictionary, and hoefer's nouvelle biographie générale. [18] sidenotes at this point in the original refer as follows: "volume i of this history [i.e., the volume by andrés de san nicolas, for extract from which see our vol. xxi], decade ii, chapter ix, folio 452; volume iii [i.e., the volume by diego de santa theresa, from which appear extracts in vol. xxxvi, pp. 113-188], marginal numbers, 233, 257 et seq., 530 et seq., 540, 596, and 649." [19] there is a a sidenote reference here in the original to santa cruz's historia, part ii, book i, chapter xxiii. [20] a sidenote of the original refers here to santa theresa's historia, marginal numbers 649 and 651. [21] see vol. xl, p. 179, note 78. [22] a sidenote here refers to santa theresa's historia, no. 259 ff. [23] the references in the margin at this point are to san andrés's historia, folios 451, 452; luis de jesús's historia, folios 39, 40, 44, 45, 70, 282, 284-295, and 353; santa theresa's historia, marginal numbers 250 ff., 366 ff., 519, 522, 534, 599, 603, 615-629, 646 ff., and 740 ff. [24] subhastación: literally, sale of goods at public auction. [25] our author also refers in sidenotes at this place to luis de jesús's historia, folios 45, 167 ff., 284-295, and 353; and to santa theresa's historia, marginal numbers 328, 522, 534, 648, 741, and 1153. [26] a sidenote reference at this point reads: "see volume iii of this historia [i.e., santa theresa's], marginal numbers 737-742." [27] the reference is to volume i of the series of histories of the recollect order, the volume by andrés de san nicolás, decade 2, chapter vi from folio 419. [28] a reference here in the original is to santa cruz's historia, folio 499. [29] a sidenote refers to san antonio's chronicas, i, book i, chapter 39, no. 407, folio 139. [30] a sidenote refers at this point to santa theresa, nos. 239 ff., and 737 ff. [31] see vol. xl, p. 123, note 46. [32] mindoro has an area of 3,851 square miles, according to the estimate of the census of the philippines, i, pp. 65, 66. it has a maximum length of 100 miles and its greatest width is about 60 miles. though represented as having two mountain ranges those who have crossed the island say that it has but one. the highest elevation of that range is mt. halcón, about 8,800 ft. high. the island has much valuable timber. the settlements are mostly confined to the coast, and are small, while some wild people live in the interior. [33] of "yonote" colin (labor evangélica, p. 29) says: "they [i.e., the inhabitants of mindoro] pay their tribute in yonote, which is a kind of black hemp, produced by certain palms. it is used for the larger cables of ships, which are made in the rope factory of the village of tal." cf. bonote, vol. x, p. 58; and vol. xiv, p. 257. [34] san antonio, i, p. 102, notes that the island of mindoro was formerly called maìt. its chinese name was ka-may-en (see vol. xxxiv, p. 187, note 15). [35] our author refers in a sidenote to san agustin's conquistas, book ii, chapter i, pp. 216, 250. the first page makes no mention of the "simplicity." [36] the sidenote reference to san antonio is to his chronicas, volume i, p. 103. [37] a sidenote reference is to san agustin's conquistas, pp. 216, 224, 292. [38] see vol. ii, p. 59, note 22. [39] sidenote reference: san agustin, ut supra, p. 292. [40] sidenote reference: san agustin, p. 250. [41] sidenote references: father fray marcelo de ribadeneyra, in his historia, folio 84; father fray juan francisco de san antonio in his chronicas, volume i, folio 20. [42] murillo velarde (folio 123 verso, no. 306) records that two jesuits were sent to mindoro to work in the field of the seculars in 1640. juan de polanco, o.p., notes that about 1645 there were four or five jesuits in mindoro who worked among the people of the uplands (see pastells's edition of colin's labor evangélica, iii, p. 735). san antonio notes (i, p. 203) jesuit residences in the jurisdiction of mindoro. [43] a sidenote reference is to nos. 400, 715, ante. [44] our author refers in a sidenote to san antonio, i, p. 207. [45] a sidenote reference is to folio 80 of joseph sicardo's christiandad del japon, ... memorias sacras de los martyres de las ilustres religiones ... con especialdad, de los religiosos del orden de s. augustin (madrid, 1698). [46] a sidenote refers to santa theresa, no. 740 ff. [47] a sidenote refers to san antonio, i, p. 207. the present total population of mindoro (according to the census of the philippines ii, p. 407) is 28,361, of which the civilized or christian people number 21,097. the native peoples include bicols, ilocanos, mangyans, painpangans, pangasináns, tagálogs, visayans, and zambals. the wild people are all mangyans. [48] see ante, note 47. see also the census of the philippines (i, pp. 472, 473, 547, 548), which says that the mangyans are probably a mixture of negritos with other native peoples, and possibly some slight infusion of white blood in some localities. [49] the reference is to i corinthians iii, 6. [50] a sidenote here refers to nos. 32-38 ante. [51] the original refers at this point to luis de jesús, folios 36, 42 ff. [52] a sidenote reference is to santa theresa, no. 740 ff. [53] a sidenote reference is to san antonio, i, p. 215. [54] the present population of the island of romblón is 9,347, all civilized. this must be differentiated from the province of romblón, which contains a number of islands, and has a population of 52,848. the calamianes or culión group is located in the southwestern part of the archipelago between mindoro and paragua between lat. 11° 39' and 12° 20' n., and long. 119° 47' and 120° 23' e., or a sea area of 1,927 square miles. this group consists of well over 100 islands, islets, and mere rocks, many of them unnamed. the largest islands in the group are busuanga, calamian, and linacapan. the population of calamianes is given as follows for a number of years: 1876, 16,403; 1885, 21,573; 1886, 17,594; 1887, 16,016; 1888, 14,739; 1889, 16,876; 1891, 18,391; 1892, 18,053; 1893, 19,292; 1894, 18,540; 1895, 16,186; 1896, 15,620; 1897, 15,661; 1898, 14,283. while the falling off in later years may be accounted for possibly by the movements of population during the insurrectionary period, it must be assumed that the returns for the earlier years are incorrect, for they would not naturally vary so greatly from year to year. see u. s. philippine gazetteer, pp. 412-415; and census of the philippines, ii, pp. 197, 198, 405; and iii, pp. 12-16. [55] a sidenote refers to santa theresa, no. 1228. [56] tomás antonio manrique de la cerda, conde de paredes, marqués de la laguna, and knight of the order of alcantára, took office as viceroy of mexico, november 30, 1680. the chief events of his term were the piratical raids, chiefly by french corsairs. his residencia was taken in 1686, and about two years later he returned to spain. see bancroft's mexico, iii, pp. 190-207. [57] the island of masbate has an area of 1,236 square miles. it is mountainous, the mean elevation ranging from 2,000 to 2,500 feet. its present total population is 29,451, all civilized, and the great majority visayan. see census of the philippines, i, p. 66, ii, pp. 30, 392, 407. [58] ticao belongs to the present province of masbate. it is very small, containing an area of only 121 square miles. in shape it is long and narrow, and not of great elevation. its present population is 10,183. the chief known occupation is agriculture. see ut supra, i, p. 66, ii, p. 30. [59] the same general description as that of ticao fits burías. like that island, it also belongs to the province of masbate. its area is 197 square miles, and its population 1,627. see ut supra, i, p. 66, ii, p. 30. [60] sidenotes at this point refer to san agustin's conquistas, book ii, chapter i, p. 215; book iii, chapter xxv, pp. 515, 516, 529. [61] a sidenote refers to san antonio, i, folio 219. [62] a sidenote reference is to santa theresa, no. 740 ff. [63] a sidenote refers to ut supra, no. 739. [64] miguel poblete was archbishop of manila from 1653 to 1668. [65] bolinao is now located on the northeastern end of the zambal peninsula. before being moved by the dominicans, it must have been located on the island of santiago or purra, just across the channel from its present location. its present population (see census of philippines, ii, p. 244), is 5,397. [66] today located on the coast. its present population is 6,139. see census of philippines, ii, p. 244. [67] masinloc (see ut supra) has a present population of 3,230. [68] iba, now the capital of the province of zambales, is located on a river a very short distance from the coast. its present population is 4,482. see census of philippines, ii., p. 244. [69] the modern cabangán is located on the coast road a few miles south of iba. its present population (see ut supra) is 3,015. [70] the village of subic is located on the northern side of the bay of the same name, and its present population (see ut supra) is 2,525. subic bay is one of the best natural harbors in the philippines. [71] see the dominican account of their missions among the zambals, as given by salazar, in vol. xliii. [72] i.e., incense, or storax. the word is spelt "camangyian" in the tagálog dictionary of noceda and sanlucar. [73] the port and village of san jacinto are located on the east coast of ticao island toward the north. the village has a present population of 4,845. see census of the philippines, ii, p. 232. [74] mobo is an inland village in the northeastern part of masbate, located on a river a short distance from the capital village called masbate. its present population is 2,657. see census of the philippines, ii, p. 232. [75] domingo pérez was born in santa justa near santander, in 1636. entering the convent at santillana, he professed as a dominican there, october 14, 1659. refusing the offer of a college education in alcalá de henares, he went to the philippines, after teaching philosophy for a time at mexico. reaching manila in december 1666, he taught philosophy until the following year, when he was assigned to the province of bataán, at the convent of oriong, which was declared independent of abucay in that same year. three of his five years there he acted as vicar. from oriong he went to samál, and thence to abucay in 1675. somewhat later he was sent to balacbac, but remained there but a short time because of the complaints of the recollects, who claimed that the dominicans were usurping their territory. in 1677 he was appointed vicar of abucay, where his capacity for work and his zeal were conspicuous. in 1678 he was appointed vicar of binondoc, remaining there one year. when the dominicans were given charge of the province of zambales in 1679, he was made vicar of that whole district. he was conspicuous throughout the province for his efforts in destroying idol worship, and his opposition to that and all manner of vices finally ended in his murder, as related in the text. he died on november 15, 1683. he was the author of a relation on the customs and superstitions of the zambals, which existed in the dominican archives at manila. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 34-43. [76] juan rois (roes, ruiz) was a galician, and professed in the dominican convent of lugo, september 2, 1679. arriving at the philippines that same year, he was assigned in 1680 to the house at masinloc, and in 1682 to that at nueva toledo. in 1684 he was again assigned to masinloc, and in 1686 became vicar of paynaven and vicar-provincial of zambales. he was sent to the batanes islands with father mateo gonzález, in 1688, where he died that same year from the unhealthfulness of the region and his hardships. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 216, 217. [77] possibly the agos-os, or ficus pungens, which is used occasionally in house construction. see official handbook of philippines, p. 341; and ahern's important philippine woods (forestry bureau, manila, 1901), p. 8. [78] see salazar's historia, pp. 275-313, for the dominican account of the missions of zambales, the incidents of calignao, and the life of father domingo pérez. concepción evidently had before him this account in compiling his own. [79] juan peguero, o.p., was born in estremadura, and professed in the seville convent, november 1, 1659. after arriving in the philippines, he was assigned to the province of bataán, where he labored in the convents of samal and abucay. he was associate in binondoc during the years 1671-1673, when he became vicar of san juan del monte, serving also in the latter in 1680 and 1686-1691. he was vicar of oriong 1677-1680, and became procurator, along with his other duties, in the latter year. his death occurred at the manila convent, may 21, 1691. he wrote a compendium of the history of the province, and a biography of domingo pérez, the latter of which he dated and signed on february 1, 1691, and which was conserved in the dominican convent at manila. one of his works was to construct an aqueduct from the pasig for the better water-supply of manila, but an earthquake totally destroyed his work. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 81, 82. [80] doubtless the recopilación de las leyes de los reynos de las indias, first published at madrid, 1681. [81] traslado: the reference or act of delivering written judicial proceedings to the other party, in order that on examination of them he may prepare his answer. appleton's new velázquez dictionary. [82] raimundo berart, o.p., was a native of cataluña, and professed in the convent of santa catalina virgén y martir, in barcelona, at that time being doctor in both laws at the university of lérida. he arrived at manila at the age of twenty-eight, in the year 1679. he speedily became associate to the archbishop, felipe pardo, in whose defense he wrote several manifestos which remain in ms. in 1681 the ecclesiastical cabildo asked that the archbishop give him up, and probably in answer to that demand, he was assigned to the convent of abucay in the province of bataán. in 1684 he became vicar of that convent, and in 1686 he was appointed rector and chancellor of the college of santo tomás in manila. he left the islands before july 13, 1689, and from that time until 1696 was in charge of the hospitium in mexico. in 1696 he was sent to spain as definitor in general chapter, and died in that country in 1713. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 195-206. [83] this date cannot be reconciled with the dates that follow. it may be an error for 1685. [84] domingo de escalera was a native of andalucia, and professed in the dominican order at madrid, september 10, 1665. he was a deacon at his arrival at the philippines. he was first assigned to the house of san gabriel in binondo; became vicar of sámal in the province of bataán in 1680, and in 1682 of abucay, after which he was again at binondo. during the years 1686-1690, he was procurator-general, and during part of that time (1686-1688), had charge of the natives in the manila convent. in 1690 he was definitor and acted as vicar again of binondo, where he remained until 1698, when he became president of the college of san juan de letrán. he was appointed president of the hospital of san gabriel, and procurator-general of the province. although assigned as vicar of the convent of san telmo in cavite in 1702, he resigned that office in november of that same year, and went to the mission at ituy. his death occurred on the nineteenth of the following month, and resulted from the unhealthful region. during the year spent among the mountains of zambales, he formed the village of malso. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 169, 170. [85] pedro mejorada, o.p., professed in the convent at salamanca, and on going to the philippines was assigned to the tagálog district. he ministered four years in binondo, then the same period in sámal, in the province of bataán. in 1694, he was assigned as lecturer on theology at the college of santo tomás in manila, where he remained for four years. the following eight years were spent in abucay and oriong. in the year 1702 he received the title of calificador of the holy office, and in 1706 was appointed rector and chancellor of the university, which position he filled until 1710, when he was elected provincial of the order. on the termination of that office in 1714, he was elected regent of studies in the college of santo tomás. in november of that same year, however, he resigned in order to return to his convent at salamanca, arriving in madrid in 1716. although lie was elected prior of the salamanca convent, he was not to be allowed to enjoy that position, for a royal appointment as bishop of nueva segovia caused him, howbeit unwillingly, to return to the philippines. entering those islands once more in 1718, he assumed the duties of his office, but died in vigan in june of the following year in the sixty-third year of his age, and after a residence in the islands of thirty-one years. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 230-234. [86] domingo collantes, the author of the fourth part of the dominican history of the philippines, was a native of villa de herrin de campos, in the bishopric of palencia. he professed in the convent at valladolid, in 1764, and arrived in manila, july 8, 1769. he held several conventual posts in his order there, among them that of provincial. the bishopric of nueva cáceres was later given to him. his death occurred in manila in 1808 at the age of sixty. see pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina, p. 107. [87] spanish, romper el nombre; "to cease using the countersign of recognition, when daybreak comes, for which purpose the drums, cornets, trumpets, or other musical instruments give the signal with the call named diana" (dominguez); cf. french reveille. [88] in sulu roadstead; anchorage is north of the town. in channel between sulu roadstead and marongas is a pearl-oyster bed, which employs many boats. this is an important industry, pearls and pearl-shells being the chief articles in the export trade of the island. (u. s. philippine gazetteer.) [89] colin (who was at that time in joló) says of this (labor evangélica, ed. 1663, p. 49): "there was found near the island of joló a piece [of amber] which weighed more than eight arrobas, of the best kind that exists, which is the gray [el gris]." retana and pastells regard combés's ambar as meaning amber, the vegetable fossil; but it is possible that all these writers mean rather ambergris, which is supposed to be a morbid secretion of the sperm whale, and has been used as a perfume. [90] it was lopez who soon afterward, having gone to manila to report results to governor fajardo, secured (largely through the influence of venegas, who was very friendly to lopez) permission for six jesuits to labor in the islands of the south, the rebuilding of their residence at zamboanga, and the exemption of the lutaos from tribute, and the appointment of rafael omen de azevedo as governor. (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 151 b.) [91] in the text, desvelar, "to keep awake"--but from the context, apparently an error of some sort. [92] spanish, dió una bofetada, literally, "gave a blow in the face"--in the spanish a play on words which it is difficult to retain in english. [93] this order was carried out by balatamay, on december 13, 1655. see combés's detailed account of this tragedy, as cited by diaz. [94] pedro durán de monforte; his term of office began in 1649, and lasted until esteybar's arrival at zamboanga (dec. 2, 1656). [95] "la silanga, which is a strait that is formed by the island of tulaya with the land of mindanao" (diaz, p. 561). retana and pastells, in their edition of combés, make tulaya the modern tulayan, near sulu--an evident error, from diaz's statement. [96] referring to the governor ad interim from november, 1661 to february, 1662; combés describes at length his "persecution" of the jesuits at zamboanga (col. 591-609), but does not mention his name. [97] "hardly had morales reached the islands, when a new despatch arrived from manila, repeating the same orders. the silence of the spaniards [i.e., regarding their first order to leave the fort], and the hurried preparations that were made that very night for the withdrawal of morales, inflamed the injured feelings of the lutaos, nor could any argument repress them. the governor did not attempt to do more than console them, in order that they might prudently decide what they should do; he told them that the spaniards would never forsake them, and that if the lutaos would follow them there were places in the islands, with equal and even greater advantages, where they could live; that corralat was friendly, and the spaniards would charge him to maintain friendly relations with them, which they could with good reason expect, as he was of the same nation as themselves; that if he should not fulfil this obligation, occasion would not fail the spaniards to avenge them. he also said that they could, with the forts which he left to them, easily defend themselves from their enemies; and finally, that they should await the ultimate decision which would be brought by general don francisco de atienza on his way to maluco, since it might improve the condition of affairs. "little impression did these arguments, which the spaniards offered by way of consolation, make on the lutaos. the tyrannies that they would experience when left to their own government had no respect for kinship, nor was there any law save that of might. to leave their homes was most difficult, and to transplant their villages was to ruin them. to defend the fort supplies of ammunition and food were required, and they had no fund to meet these costs. they gave way to lamentations and complaints that, as they had served the spaniards with their lives, they had roused in their neighbors a mortal hatred; that, notwithstanding they had become christians, they were left abandoned, in the power of the moros, without instruction, or defense, or honor. they recounted their services, and their sighs grew heavier, while they declared as false the promises made to them in the beginning, which drew them away from obedience to their natural king; and that with such an example [as this of the lutaos before them] the peoples [of mindanao] would not change sides in order to please a nation so unreliable [as the spaniards]. the subanos also presented their piteous remonstrances that as a people of the hill-country, and of timid disposition, they were exposed to greater misfortunes. they went to the fort and renewed their importunities, saying that the spaniards were deserting and abandoning them [notwithstanding] their humble submission, and leaving them to be slaves of their enemies; that although they had maintained the spaniards with their tributes, provided their houses with their products, and embraced their faith, contented with the freedom which followed spanish protection, yet now their liberty remained at the mercy of greed, the spaniards profiting by their lives for the sake of keeping up intercourse with the macassars and malayos; and that it was too much to be endured, to leave in such infamous subjection vassals so obedient as they. the governor, his heart pierced by their pathetic expostulations, could give no other satisfaction than his own anxious hopes. in the midst of these limited and sad consolations, with the arrival of the succors for terrenate came anew the severe orders [for abandoning the forts]; the governor was now unable to give them courage, for lack of means, and all were disconsolate; but it was necessary to execute the rigorous order--those who remained being as sorrowful at it as were those who were going away, and each one endeavoring to make his decision and to suit it to this emergency. some went to mindanao, others to joló, and others to basilan; many dispersed in the coasts of zamboangan, the people of don alonso macombon remaining here with him; and a few determined to follow the fortunes of those who retreated thence, going to settle at dapitan and zebù.... in the vessels had to be placed more than a thousand souls, and the military supplies. it was a grievous abandonment, by which more than a thousand christians were left exposed to the cruelty of the moros.... in great part it was due to the obstinacy of the jesuits, who, regarding the allowance of fifty men as insufficient, compelled its total abandonment. such garrisons have been and are sufficient to oppose the moros in the remaining presidios; and the same would be enough in zamboangan if the great extent which must be guarded, on account of the size of the fort, were reduced to a little, demolishing the less important part [of the fortifications]. but their profound thoughts feared lest that fort would afterward remain thus scantily garrisoned, and that it would not make so much show or its administration be so conspicuous; nor would there be expended in the allowances [for it] so large sums, which they converted to their own advantage.... soon there were representations made at the court of injury resulting from its desertion, and consequent royal decrees for its reconstruction, which did not take effect until long afterward." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 93-97.) [98] this name is curay in concepción's historia. [99] an island and point at the entrance to patungan bay, in batangas, luzón. [100] it is evident, from the above statements by diaz, that barrantes is incorrect in saying (guerras piráticas, p. 17): "in this manner, so melancholy for filipinas, ended the seventeenth century." he has made this hasty and unfounded conclusion through failure to search for material to supply the gap which occurs at this point in the narrative which he has used as the basis of the work above cited. this is a ms. narrative of the moro wars, for an account of which see our vol. xxix, p. 174, note 40. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxix, 1638-40 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmv contents of volume xxix preface 9 documents of 1638 events in the filipinas, 1637-38. [unsigned; probably written by juan lopez, s.j., at cavite, in july, 1638.] 23 letter to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; manila, august 21. 50 letter to felipe iv, from the treasurer at manila. baltasar ruiz de escalona; manila, august 31. 52 relation of the filipinas islands. hieronimo de bañuelos y carrillo; mexico, 1638. 66 glorious victories against the moros of mindanao. diego de bobadilla, s.j., and others; mexico, 1638. 86 royal orders and decrees, 1638. felipe iv; madrid, march 15, and september-december. 102 fortunate successes in filipinas and terrenate, 1636-37. [unsigned; published in madrid, 1639.] 116 value of corcuera's seizures in jolo. [unsigned and undated; probably 1638.] 135 documents of 1639-1640 events in the philipinas from the year 1638 to that of 1639. [unsigned; probably juan lopez, at cavite, 1639.] 141 letters to the holy misericordia. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; manila, december 4, 1637, and october 26, 1639. 172 the university of santo tomás. felipe iv; madrid, november 9, 1639. 175 royal orders and decrees. felipe iv; madrid, 1639. 178 events in the filipinas islands from august, 1639, to august, 1640. [juan lopez?]; cavite, august, 1640. 194 relation of the insurrection of the chinese. [unsigned and undated; probably in march, 1640.] 208 ecclesiastical and augustinian affairs, 1630-40. casimiro diaz; manila [1718?]. [from his conquistas.] 259 relation of the filipinas islands. [diego de bobadilla, s.j.; 1640.] 277 bibliographical data. 313 illustrations view of city of manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in mallet's description de l'univers (paris, 1683), ii, p. 127; from copy in the library of congress. 67 view of one of ladrones islands; photographic facsimile of engraving in hulsius's eigentliche und wahrhaftige beschreibung (franckfurt am mayne, m.dc.xx), p. 66; from copy in library of harvard university. 169 portus acapulco (view of harbor of acapulco, mexico); photographic facsimile of engraving in arnoldus montanus's nieuwe en onbekende weereld (amsterdam, 1671), p. 246; from copy in library of harvard university. 188 archipelagus orientalis, sive asiaticus (eastern or asiatic archipelago); photographic facsimile of map by joannis blaeu (amsterdam, 1659); from original map in bibliothèque nationale, paris. 279 preface the present volume (1638-40) is largely occupied with the annals of those years, and the hostilities of the moro pirates. this period is a troublous one; "wars and rumors of wars," conspiracies (among both chinese and natives), storms, shipwrecks, and disease, disquiet the colony. the chinese revolt of 1639 is described at length. corcuera administers the government with a high hand, and arouses many enmities. two interesting descriptions of the islands are furnished, by a spanish officer and by a jesuit. the jesuit annalist at manila contributes (1638) the news of the past year--apparently the contents of his note-book or diary, as written therein at each occurrence or arrival, and free from the "improvements" of any official editor, in which fact lies its especial value. this document strongly resembles in this respect, and in its scope, the famous journal des jésuites of quebec. to some extent, the same remarks are true of all the annals written, actually or presumably, by juan lopez; but the present document is unusually fresh and primitive in style. he relates the depredations committed by the dutch on spanish and portuguese commerce, especially about the strait of malaca. the dominican faction of "barbones" has been suppressed. the chinese at manila present a large sum of money to corcuera, with which a gift for the king is purchased. information is given regarding several priests and other persons. the settlement at formosa is being abandoned, and the missionaries there are going to china. the camucones have attempted to raid the visayas, but are repulsed by the indians and spaniards. the jesuit mastrilli has been martyred in japan, and funeral honors are paid to him in manila. corcuera has gone to punish the joloans. the jesuit church at cavite, and that of the dominicans at manila, have been entered by thieves. there are a few slight encounters with the dutch. in china, persecutions of the christians have begun, due largely to the imprudence of the friars. the missions in siam and adjoining countries are endangered by the machinations of the dutch. the joloan stronghold is captured by corcuera; two of his best officers are sent home to regain their health, but are slain by their chinese crew. jesuits are conducting a successful mission in the island of hainan. the japanese are growing weary of their persecutions against the christians; only three jesuits are left there of all the missionaries and nothing certain is known of these. corcuera arrives at manila on may 23; he brings back many captives, of whom a considerable number died en route, but "it is a cause of great consolation that no moro has died without baptism." a triumphant entry is made into manila by the victorious army. in mindanao moncay is killed, and corralat is no longer aided by the ternatans; the moros generally are in wholesome fear of the spanish power. the missions in china are doing well, and are aided by the emperor. lopez notes many little items of news, of all sorts, about matters civil, ecclesiastical, and foreign, with various gossip, some of the cloister, some of his seaport. a short letter from corcuera to the king (august 21, 1638) states that he has appointed luis arias de mora "protector of the sangleys;" this man (a lawyer) also acts as counselor for the archbishop, exercising a wholesome restraint upon that prelate. a letter from the royal treasurer at manila to the king (august 31, 1638) laments the injuries and losses caused to the royal estate by corcuera's reckless and extravagant management. he is blamed for refusing to send the trading ships to mexico, for establishing a force for the nightly patrol of the city, for forming several companies of indian soldiers, for paying certain salaries which are claimed to be needless, and for building a church for the soldiers. escalona declares that the trade of the islands with mexico is neglected and unregulated, and thus the colonists are being financially ruined. he asserts that the expeditions against mindanao and jolo had cost much unnecessary expenditure of both money and lives; and that corcuera has attempted to cover up these expenses under specious pretexts. the treasurer complains that the governor has spent too much on the royal hospital, and has interfered with the duties and rights of the royal officials; and entreats the king to see that he is restrained within due bounds. an interesting description of the philippine islands is furnished (mexico, 1638) by a spanish admiral, hieronimo de bañuelos y carrillo; it is addressed to the president of the council of the indias; the original is, so far as known, no longer extant, and it is found only in the french version by thevenot. bañuelos finds life in manila "altogether delightful," as it has abundance of all supplies and comforts. he describes the parián, and praises the ability of the chinese; but he asserts that they are injuring the islands by their illicit connection with the mexican trade. the condition and character of that trade are here presented, in a description very different from that furnished by grau y monfalcón. this writer objects to the silk trade between filipinas and nueva españa, which only benefits the chinese, the portuguese of macao, and the mexicans. moreover, "the encomiendas are ruined," while the natives are not instructed in religion, and are hostile to the spaniards. the malays of ternate and other outlying islands are in league with the dutch, and the trade with them is going to ruin. bañuelos proposes a new plan for the filipinas commerce; he would (still limiting its amount) restrict it mainly to raw silk and cotton, which could be manufactured in mexico; he enumerates the advantages that would result from this course. the japanese trade need not be considered in this question, as it is closed to the spaniards on account of religious persecution; of this last and its effects bañuelos gives some account. he again urges that the trade in chinese stuffs be suppressed; and makes recommendations as to the manner in which it should be conducted, describing various abuses and scandals which he has discovered therein. the jesuit bobadilla published (mexico, 1638) a "relation of the glorious victories ... against the mahometan moros;" it contains mastrilli's letter of june 2, 1637 (published in vol. xxvii of this series), and other matter obtained from letters which the editor had received from manila; we present here such part as is new. bobadilla prefaced this compilation by a short address to governor corcuera's brother iñigo (a military officer in mexico), in which he takes occasion to eulogize the virtues of both in glowing terms. the first section of the book is occupied by a relation (here only briefly outlined) of the miraculous cure wrought upon father mastrilli, and his entrance into missionary work; then follows "an account of the great island of mindanao," partly descriptive and partly historical. the piratical raids of the mindanaos upon the spanish settlements and the visayan coasts are briefly recounted, with mention of the establishment of spanish missions and forts in mindanao; also the raids made by the camucones, joloans, and borneans. then follow a description of the naval battle at punta de flechas, mastrilli's letter describing the mindanao campaign, and lopez's account of corcuera's triumph--all of which we have previously published. various royal orders and decrees issued in 1638 are here presented. corcuera is warned (march 15) to proceed cautiously in regard to the free negroes whom he has removed from the city, and to obtain royal permission henceforth for any important measures that he may contemplate. a decree of september 2 imposes restrictions on the religious orders in the islands, and permits the governor to use secular priests as missionaries. the king orders him (october 2) to appoint to new missions native secular priests instead of friars; also to treat the nuns of st. clare with more consideration, and to pay them for certain inconveniences that he has caused them. he is authorized (november 8) to take such measures as are necessary to maintain the seclusion of the inmates of santa potenciana. the viceroy and audiencia of mexico are ordered (december 8) to report whether it will be best to increase the amount of trade allowed to the citizens of filipinas with nueva españa; and other decrees of the same date give the officers of the galleons authority to punish any infractions of law committed by their men while in port, and require stricter enforcement of the regulations in regard to lading those vessels. a printed pamphlet, "fortunate successes in filipinas and terrenate" (madrid, 1639), gives a brief outline of the moro raids into the philippines during several years, and corcuera's successful campaign against those pirates; it is evidently written by a jesuit, or largely compiled from mastrilli's letter. at the end is a description of the encounter between spanish and english ships at malayo. we append a short document enumerating the spoils seized in the jolo campaign by the spanish forces, with the value assigned to each item; the expenses of the expedition are covered thereby mainly by the proceeds from the sale of moro captives. "events in the philipinas during the year 1638-39" are recorded, as before, by a jesuit, presumably juan lopez. the news from mindanao and jolo is not encouraging; the moros are revolting, and in jolo a plague and epidemic is feared; besides, the commandant there has proved unfit. a letter from the jesuit gutierrez relates events in mindanao; these relate mainly to the measures taken by the spanish commandant to control and pacify the disaffected moros. spanish friars exiled from china have arrived in formosa, but hope to reënter china. the jesuits of macao also indulge the hope of gaining foothold anew in japan. the writer gives various interesting news items about the arrival and departure of the ships at the port of cavite; and the escape, on several occasions, of moro captives held at manila, and the recapture of many of them. a letter from father alejandro lopez describes the attempt of the men of jolo to recapture by treachery their stronghold from the spaniards, and the severe punishment inflicted by pedro de almonte upon the rebels. chinese pirates commit depredations on the luzón coasts; and plots of the resident chinese against the spaniards are discovered and punished. a revolt by the indians of nueva segovia is also quelled. recent news from mindanao and jolo tells of increasing spanish ascendency, but at a fearful cost to the moro natives--slaughtered people, devastated lands, and consequent deaths by famine. one of the trading ships to mexico has been wrecked, which is a great blow to the colony. a fierce hurricane causes great damage at cavite and in its vicinity; and there have been epidemics of disease in luzón, in which many persons have died. it is feared that both of the acapulco galleons have been lost at sea; and all these things fill the people with sadness. the small remnant of the crew of a spanish galleon wrecked the preceding year among the ladrones islands arrive at manila. letters from corcuera to the confraternity of santa misericordia ask (december 4, 1637) their prayers for the success of his jolo expedition; and (october 26, 1639) that they will take into their house two moro hostages, to train them in the christian doctrine. letters from felipe iv to rome (november 9, 1639) ask that the college of santo tomás at manila be erected into a university. a group of royal decrees issued during 1639 is presented. the governor's action in stationing religious ministers in mindanao is approved. the municipal authorities of manila are ordered to retain grau y monfalcón as their agent at the royal court. the newly-appointed governor of the islands, diego fajardo, is ordered to correct (but with mildness and prudence) the augustinians in trading and in oppressing the indians; and to restore to the secular priests quiapo and other districts assigned to the jesuits by corcuera. the bishop of camarines is ordered to return to his diocese, and the royal officials to withhold his salary until he shall do so. directions are given to the viceroy of nueva españa regarding the inspection of philippine vessels at acapulco, and the necessity of sending more colonists to the islands. answer is made to various points in a former letter from the archbishop; and the audiencia are commanded to treat the indians more justly. events in the filipinas islands from august to november, 1639, are recorded by the jesuit annalist of former years (presumably juan lopez). the arrivals and departures of ships form the chief of these events, and the writer furnishes much interesting news in connection with them. a fierce storm delays the galleon to nueva españa, and wrecks two chinese junks, drowning many of their men. the two acapulco galleons arrive, about this time, at nueva segovia, and are wrecked in that port, with much loss of life. the recent conquest of jolo is being completed. the king of macasar is friendly, and has sent provisions to the portuguese colony at malaca. a dutch squadron sent against the city of goa has been almost destroyed by the portuguese. the people of tidore and ternate are leagued together, which causes the spaniards to fear a revolt against their control. the moro chiefs in mindanao are plotting together against the spaniards. nearly half of this document is occupied with an account of the chinese insurrection late in november, 1639; it is soon quelled, with the slaughter of many sangleys. a detailed account of this episode, presumably the one mentioned in the last note on lopez's record, is here presented; it is a valuable if not altogether edifying document, especially for its revelations of human nature. lopez's statement that the revolt was soon over was premature; it lasted nearly four months, and caused great loss of property to the spaniards, and of lives to the insurgents. most of the chinese population in luzón was exterminated, thanks to their lack of cannon and firearms and "the special protection of our lord over our army," which lost not even fifty men. it is a sickening record of slaughter--not only in so-called battle, but in the cold-blooded, deliberate, and systematic butchery of unarmed men, taken by surprise or lured by treacherous promises. the most striking instance of this is the cruel slaughter, caused by a blind and panic fear, of the house-servants and other chinese in manila; another is the burning of the parián, with all the rich merchandise stored therein; while in cavite several hundred chinese are deliberately taken out by tens and beheaded. in both cases, however, opportunity is kindly provided for the wretched victims to receive baptisms, if they were infidels, or to make their confessions, if christians. peace is finally made with the small remnant of the insurgent force, who are taken to manila and carefully guarded within a stockade. the writer describes their method of warfare; and enumerates the villages burned by them, and other damages committed, during the revolt. the history of the augustinian order in the philippines, presented in vols. xxiii and xxiv of this series from medina's historia, is here continued for the decade 1630-40 by an extract from diaz's conquistas (written about 1718), partly in synopsis and partly in translation. he relates the contest over the vacant see of manila, finally settled (1630) in favor of fray pedro de arce; the election of gerónimo de medrano as provincial in 1632; the persecutions in japan, the lives of martyrs there, the controversy between corcuera and the bishop, biographies of noted augustinians, and various secular matters (all of which we omit). there is an interesting relation of the life and labors of a useful missionary, alonso de mentrida, among the indians in panay island; he wages unceasing war against the devil and his agents, the native priests of idols--the former often appearing in visible and hideous form. a similar account is given of the life of juan de medina (above cited). in 1638 fray martin errasti is elected provincial. the visayas islands have been, of late years, harassed by the moro pirates; but a notable expedition is undertaken (1639) against those of the lake lanao region, in which the recollect missionary known as "padre capitan" is a prominent figure. for the time, those moros are awed and warned. diaz recounts the main events of that time--corcuera's expedition to jolo and the insurrection of the chinese. errasti dies in 1639, and his vacant office is assumed by fray juan ramírez, the past provincial. in 1640 the jesuit bobadilla writes a description of the philippines and their people. the former is but a brief outline; most of the document is devoted to the indian natives, and the natural products of the islands. the father writes of the custom of slavery among them; their religious beliefs, customs, and superstitions; the practices of their priests; their physical appearance, and dress; their customs of tattooing, filing the teeth, and bathing; their language, writing, and music. he describes their marriages, houses, occupations, boats, and weapons; and their medical practice and mortuary customs. then he considers the climate of the islands, the culture and uses of rice, and the natural products--animals, minerals, and fruits, especially the palm and bamboo. he describes the buyo, so commonly used there; also various peculiar animals. bobadilla then mentions the manner in which the spanish colony is governed; their garrisons in the islands; and the bishoprics therein. he describes briefly the city of manila, the trade of filipinas, the relations of the spaniards with the chinese and other peoples, and the voyage between manila and acapulco. the editors july, 1905. documents of 1638 events in the filipinas, 1637-38. [unsigned; probably written by juan lopez, s.j., in july, 1638.] letter to felipe iv. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; august 21. letter to felipe iv, from the treasurer at manila. baltasar ruiz de escalona; august 31. relation of the filipinas islands. hieronimo de bañuelos y carrillo; 1638. glorious victories against the moros of mindanao. diego de bobadilla, s.j., and others; 1638. royal orders and decrees, 1638. felipe iv; march 15, and september-december. fortunate successes in filipinas and terrenate, 1636-37. [unsigned; published in 1639.] value of corcuera's seizures in jolo. [unsigned and undated; probably 1638.] sources: the first and seventh of these documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid; the second and third, and two of the decrees in the sixth, from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the rest of the sixth, from the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the fourth, from thevenot's voyages curieux, t. i, part ii--from a copy belonging to the library of harvard university; the fifth, from a book in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid; the eighth, from pastells' edition of colin's labor evangélica, iii, pp. 528-533. translations: these are made by james a. robertson--except the second and part of the sixth, by emma helen blair; and the fifth, by arthur b. myrick. events in the filipinas, 1637-38 the patache for españa left here august 24. it had a propitious season [for departure], and therefore it has apparently enjoyed favoring vendaval blasts. [1] a short time before that, the patache had left for the island of hermosa; its commander was don alonso de alcoçer, and the governor of that island, sargento-mayor pedro palomino, sailed in it. on the fifth of september, a xalea arrived from yndia on its way to macan, which had been obliged to put in here on account of the weather. it left malaca august 16, in order to advise the inhabitants of macan to be on the lookout, for there were many dutch in the strait. now they are going in the galleon "san juan baptista" under command of juan lopez de ariduin, to buy materials of importance for his majesty's fleets. the xalea remains here to be used for the expedition to xolo, for which it seems well fitted. they report as news that goa was almost surrounded by dutch vessels. six galleons went out to attack them and sank three of the dutch vessels. the latter retired after three days of fighting, with the intention of returning to jacatra and getting a larger force. on the way they met eleven portuguese fustas, which took shelter in a river. the dutch employed strategy in fighting them, and captured seven of the fustas, while four escaped. one of the latter was an excuse for a galley. in consequence [of that victory], the enemy are now committing great depredations in the strait. it is also reported that the malabars with seventeen paroos [i.e., praus] attacked last year a ship from macan with a crew of thirty portuguese, and carrying great wealth, a thing never before seen. it is reported that the dutch there have shown great anger at what the relief galleons did this year with their ships and the fort of malayo; and that, for the coming year, they are intending to send out a squadron to punish the jest that was played on them. it is reported that a portuguese, named antonio carnero, has taken up arms together with others, and that they have adopted the calling of pirates, and are committing depredations on moros and christians. when the king of achen was about to go to attack malaca with a fleet, he died. the kingdom was inherited by the king of paon, an old-time friend of the portuguese. he has renewed friendship with them--a great piece of news. fray antonio del rosario, the ancient of macan, of [the order of] st. dominic, bishop-elect of malaca, died on the way [to that city] before being consecrated. the fathers who accompanied father marçelo, who were captured last year by the dutch, together with that famous polish father, are now at liberty. father antonio magallanes, procurator of the province of goa, whom i saw at roma and madrid, was to conduct father marçelo and his companions; but he remained in españa to finish some business, has been elected bishop of japon, and they are awaiting him in yndia. among the portuguese of that xalea is one who is a lay-brother of st. francis. he came last year from lisboa as companion of a bishop, the friar francisco froan de benavides, who was once in the mission of nuevo mexico. he died on his arrival at goa, and this religious is trying to pass to españa by way of these islands, with papers left him by the bishop. this is the principal news brought by the portuguese. on the morning of the seventh of this month, fray juan de subelço [2] came here from the province of the rosario, to ask assistance by virtue of an order that he brought from the governor. this was given to him [by the authorities], and he entered the convent, took possession of it for his province, and sent to manila the father rector, fray francisco pinelo, who surrendered the house peaceably and quietly. the day before, with the same aid, they had taken possession at the same time of minondo, the hospital, and the parián, and conveyed father collado and the other fathers to their convent. the community received them at the door of their church, amid the chiming of bells, the playing of organs, and with candles lighted on their altars; thence they took the fathers to their cells. as a thank-offering they began a novena, on november 7, of masses and salves, accompanied by fine music, the chiming of the bells, and a goodly crowd. all the people rejoiced because they were at peace. your reverence will be pleased to know how this happened. collado wrote bits of satire against the governor, calling him filius diaboli flagellum dei et alia hujus modi. [3] his original letters were returned to hands that placed them in those of don sebastian. finally the governor allowed the claims of the province of the rosario to stand. that province had made fray andres del santisimo judge-conservator, who summoned collado to show his despatches that had been passed by the council [of the indias], but he did not answer. the judge-conservator cited him for the second time, but there was no answer. the judge-conservator proclaimed the cause at an end, and sentenced his province to be suppressed. aid was asked for the execution of the order and was given, etc. on saturday, the twelfth of this month, excommunications were read here in four churches against those who had or knew of moneys, clothing, books, or other things of the bearded fathers, [4] unless they gave them up to those of the rosario. almost two thousand pesos were declared here belonging to pinelo, who had deposited them with a friend. he came to manila instantly, and begged protection from don sebastian, saying that they were his--five hundred pesos received from a berth on ship, given him by his lordship for mexico, and which, with his lordship's permission, he sold when he remained; one hundred and seventy pesos from a pay-warrant which his lordship had ordered to be paid to him; and he had been given one thousand or more pesos, which his nephew the reader ochoa (whom he brought with him as a witness) had given him. all this did he state, for even as he left here, he tried to go to españa in this galleon by way of macan, which was conceded to him. the governor wrote to fray juan de subelço to let him have that money, which was proved to belong to pinelo. he gave him another and very stringent letter for his provincial in manila that declared the same thing. father fray juan, who narrated the matter to me, went to talk with him, and told him that the books showed that the expense was more than eight hundred pesos ahead of the receipts; and that, besides this, he had just received two hundred pesos belonging to a deceased man, and one hundred and seventy pesos belonging to another, and that he will have to give account of this--besides which, in any event, it all belonged to the order, and nothing was his. he answered that they should have it there, and that he would write to his provincial; and that, notwithstanding his letter, fray juan should do his duty, in conformity to the rules of his order. i have now learned that they gave up all the money to pinelo, which he carried away. the galleon sailed september 19. of their own accord the sangleys offered the governor [5] a gift of six thousand pesos, giving the following reasons for so doing: first, because he had redeemed thirty-one of their people from the captivity of corralat; second, because he had made the seas free and secure for their ordinary trade; and third, because he maintained them in peace and justice. consequently, the expense of the war of mindanao, taking into account the artillery, and the pillage which pertained to his majesty, and the above-mentioned six thousand pesos, was not only covered, but there were also one thousand five hundred pesos left over, as i was told by his majesty's accountant. the latter also adds that the golden water-jug and plate that had belonged to auditor alcaraz were bought for the king our lord with those one thousand five hundred pesos; and the governor don sebastian added to that sum more than two hundred pesos as a gift from his own purse, in order to make up the cost of the said water-jug and plate. dated at cavite, september 15, 1637. september 27, sentence was declared in favor of the augustinian fathers of castilla, and that sentence makes a complete end to the alternative. a sentence was also given in which the will of espinosa el tuerto [i.e., "the one-eyed"] was declared null and void. the property has been delivered to the fund belonging to deceased persons, and those who have any right to it are to demand their justice. i had a letter from father melchor de vera, [6] in which he says that the people who escaped alive from the six large javanese ships which were at lamitan were accommodated in one caracoa, and passing before basilan, full of fear of the spaniards in the fort of sanboangan, talked with the chief men [of basilan], and told them that they were those who had been driven from the hill, and that many more than they had thought had been killed; and that there was no one in mindanao who did not mourn a person of very near kin--the father for his son, the son for his father, etc. i shall add here what occurred last year in the month of september, and which i did not learn until the same month of this year 1637. the captain and commandant of caragan was then juan nicolas godino. he went with a fleet to commit depredations on the tributaries of cachil corralat. he met six caracoas at sea, which he attacked and conquered--although most of the enemy escaped to land, as they were near the shore. however he killed some of them and captured others. he also did much damage in a village that he attacked. he returned to his fort laden with plunder and with one hundred and twenty captives. among the dead was one dumplac, who had formerly killed alférez blas gonzalez, and had done great damage to the christians of our missions and those of caragan. among the captives was a very famous chief, who was regarded as a brave man, and who killed captain pedro baptista in the insurrection of caragan. october 24, the patache from the island of hermosa entered the port, and it brought back most of the people in those forts. they say that the franciscan friars are all going to china, as are all the dominicans, except one who remained there. it is reported that they are suffering famine, and that no ships from china go there. the day before, the twenty-third, sargento-mayor don pedro de corquera, the governor's nephew, died at manila. the governor had reared him from childhood in flandes. he was well liked and respected in these islands, for his affable manners had obtained for him much popularity. three or four days before, a galley-captain, named n. ramos, and some other discontented spaniards had deserted in a boat with a topmast, for their provision robbing two sangley champans. the master-of-camp, pedro de heredia, died at manila november 5. he left all his property to charity. but the audiencia sequestered it all immediately, until the end of his residencia. captain don diego de miranda also died from an accident, which carried him off in thirty hours. news was received on november 15 that the enemy were passing the mindoro coast. that same day, don sebastian despatched some vessels to attack them. alférez arexica went from this place to attack them with fifty firearms in the xalea and two brigantines. he also despatched his company from manila in champans, to pursue and punish them. shortly after, father hernando de estrada [7] arrived here from marinduque. he states that he met some champans which had been pursued by the enemy, whom they thought to have been camucones. the two brigantines returned on the night of november 24. on account of the wind and rain they had lost the xalea, which was the flagship, the night that they had left. they went to balayan, where they learned that the camucones had attacked lobo, but that they had done no damage, for the indians resisted them; whereupon the pirates had taken their course toward their own country by way of the sea side of mindoro. the xalea returned november 29, without having met the enemy. then came news that one night the flagship and one other of the champans that had sailed from manila had collided. the shock was more severe on the flagship, which sprang a leak and went down. only one spaniard and one sangley were drowned. the champan that carried father marçelo mastril did not go to china, but to the lequios, which are subject to the king of saxuma. some japanese accompanied the father. accordingly they made use of the following stratagem. those of the champan talked with the lequians, whom they told that those japanese had been wrecked on an island, and that they had rescued them; and that, if the lequians would give them some provisions, they would leave the japanese there; but, if not, that the latter would return [to manila]. the lequians gave them some food, and immediately despatched the father and the japanese, as they wished, in a funea, while the champan returned here. they learned there that the dominican fathers who had tried to go to japon last year by way of the lequios had been seized, and sent to the king of saxuma by the tono of that land. yesterday, december 9, don sebastian set out from manila for xolo. he sailed in the galley flagship. with him went the xalea, brigantines, champans, and the two galleons for terrenate, under the command of geronimo enriquez; and as admiral don pedro de almonte, the same as last year. the second galley was launched yesterday, and the commander of the galleys, nicolas gonzalez, will leave here in it in a week, in order to follow don sebastian. admiral andres lopez de [word partly illegible; nozadigui?] will govern this port in his absence. a patache arrived at manila on december 27 from macan, laden with five thousand arrobas of iron for captain juan lopez de ariduin. it was bought from some english, who were near macan with three galleons and this patache. it brought news of the remarkable martyrdom of father francisco marçelo mastril, who reached japon september 19. having left manila on july 10, he landed at the kingdom of saxuma with only one companion. he immediately went inland to go to the emperor's court. but he was seized october 4, and, having suffered most cruel tortures, he was beheaded october 17 with his aforesaid companion. since i translated the relation from portuguese into castilian, and enclose it herewith, i shall only add that the bells in our church and others were rung as soon as the news arrived. in the afternoon a notable te deum laudamus was sung. the dean again put on his clerical robes. the archbishop came, as did the royal audiencia, and a great crowd of people, and the orders, as well as the master-of-camp, don lorenço de olaso, and the flower of the soldiery. from our house they went to [the church of] st. dominic to sing another te deum for three martyrs of that order. at night there was also a chiming of bells and an illumination. the entire city celebrated the glory and virtues of the holy father marçelo, with tender tears; for he was generally loved and regarded as a saint. among the dominican fathers died a mestizo of binondo, son of a chinese and a tagál woman. he was prosecuted by justice, in order to hang him for his crimes; and he embarked with the fathers, in order to escape with his life. arriving at the lequios, and his other companions remaining in the boat, he refused to return, but wished to continue with the fathers. they tell and do not finish telling of the valor, fervor, and courage of that holy mestizo, who suffered cruel tortures with a rare constancy, ever preaching the divine law of god. it was learned, at the coming of that patache, that those fathers who had accompanied the holy father marçelo who went with the captain-general of macan had arrived safely; and that the champan which had fled hence with eighteen sailors had made port at that city. it was also reported that the portuguese have not been well received in japon either this year or last, and all that is because of the preachers who go. it is learned also that father alberto de polonia was brought to cochinchina, and that he is now in macan, where for some time he suffered from a most severe illness. a champan, which had sailed from the island of hermosa some years ago with a load of people, and had been given up as lost, made port at sian because of the violence of the wind. that king treated them well, and gave them the means with which to return. afterward they were driven upon the coast of the kingdom of patani by other fierce tempests--where, having been supplied and sailing near the strait of sincapura, the dutch followed them. they landed, and at length made port at macan, whence some of the men have come, while the others will come in the galleon "san juan baptista." it is said by those who come in this patache, who had gone in the galleon "san juan baptista," that, on discovering the english ships, lanchas came from them to reconnoiter them; and the english, having heard that it was a galleon belonging to the king of españa, threw up their caps into the air joyfully, and eagerly cried out, "hurrah for the king of españa!" then they took the news to their own ships, which fired many salutes, and by way of toasting the health of the king our sovereign, fired a hundred pieces of artillery. they told our men that the daughter of their king [8] was in españa for all her lifetime. father fray francisco de pinelo and other religious who went from here to pass to españa embarked in these english ships, on condition that there should be no disputes on matters of religion. news came through the fathers of st. augustine at panhay on january 15, 1638, that one of the champans which left manila to attack the camucones became separated from the others. it fell in with the camucones, and did them great damage, sinking their flagship and almiranta. twelve borneans were captured, and six christians were freed. the enemy's loss was a hundred counting drowned and killed. sargento-mayor pedro de fuerçios was commander of that champan. almost all the month of january and that of february was taken up with prayers in various churches, for the fortunate success of don sebastian. now we are not the only ones to offer them, as we were last year; but all make them, both the secular clergy and the friars. the sangleys have said very solemn prayers in their parián church, of their own accord, as an expression of thanks for the peace and justice in which the governor maintains them. don sebastian had sent those borneans and camucones from otong to manila, ordering them to serve the various orders and hospitals, so that they might be carefully catechized and made christians. when they reached maribeles, an old morabite [9] persuaded the others, and they rose against the spaniards who were bringing them. there were two spaniards in the champan who were wounded, but they killed the morabite and wounded some of the others. some of them were thrown into the sea, where they were drowned, and with this fortune they reached manila. on the night of february 10, robbers entered the church of this residence at cavite, and stole two silver lamps. they set a trap in the stairway, so that the first one who should descend, if the robbers were perceived, would undoubtedly be killed. it has been impossible to find any trace of the robbers. a week later, about two thousand pesos' worth of jewels were stolen in manila in [the church of] st. dominic, nuestra señora del rosario. but the thief (who was a spaniard) was discovered, and most of it has been recovered. letters were received march 19, announcing the governor's arrival at sanboangan and jolo. the news therein contained is in a separate paper. a despatch was received from the governor in the middle of april from jolo, from which it was learned that he was pressing as closely as possible the siege of the stronghold, which the macasars and joloans were defending with great obstinacy. there are things worthy of history, which will go [in a letter] by themselves. it was learned from the same despatch that the terrenate galleons had already returned to sanboangan, and that they had arrived safely with their reënforcements, without the dutch enemy having shown them any resistance, although the latter had vessels of great burden. six dutchmen deserted to our men; the three who were aboard the flagship, where father pedro hernando de estrada was, were converted to our holy catholic faith by his efforts. one of them is a fine student, and very talented. he knows latin and greek, and had studied the whole course of arts, and some years in law, in flandes. a patache which left macan some days after our galleon "san juan baptista," arrived from that city on may 4, and they expected to find the galleon here; however, experienced persons say that it is not late. there are six brothers in the galleon--students who are to be ordained--and father bartolome is coming with them as superior. that patache brings two franciscan friars, castilians, who have been driven from china. they say that the chinese have driven them away through love of us, saying that ours preach christ risen, and those fathers christ crucified--a reason that i do not understand. the statement of the pilot of the patache is that they have been driven out because they proceeded in the preaching with but little caution, and i regard that as true. some nine months ago, i heard a prudent and experienced man say that a great persecution was feared in china, because of the little caution of the preachers. one week after the arrival of the patache, i received a letter from father antonio cardin, [10] commissary of the holy office for macan and china, who gives me the following news: "section of a letter from father antonio cardin, dated macan, april 15, 1638 "i shall relate here the news of the missions that your reverence desires to know. japon is a thing of the past if god do not, in his mercy, aid it. china was increasing greatly in christianity during these years, but with the entrance of the friars, it is being thrown into confusion; for all the religious have been exiled in chincheo, and the churches destroyed, where they and we were [laboring] in a flourishing christian church. for as the friars treat of conquests, saying openly that china can be conquered with four thousand spaniards, such talk can have no good effect on the natives, who immediately tell it to their mandarins, and we are all lost. "the fathers have been restored to their former liberty in cochinchina. the old king died, but his son has given the dutch a factory, and they are doing as much harm as possible. in tumquin that christian church is increasing greatly; but the dutch are now there, and, although the king has not conceded them a factory, they say that they will do us as much harm as possible in order that we may be exiled. father raymundo de govea is arranging matters in tumquin, in order that he may go to the laos. there is no news from siam. they killed father julio cesar there, and until now they have been at war with malaca. they now send to ask for peace, and they also tell me that they will ask it from manila. it is said that they are doing this through fear of the dutch, who they fear are going to seize their kingdom. father lope de andrada was ordered to retire from camboja, on account of ill health, and father antonio capechi was sent there. the sending of a large ship directly to lisboa is being discussed here, but this is so great a blessing that i doubt whether it will be done." at the closing of the hour of prayer on may 13, the day of the glorious ascension of our lord, news arrived of the capture of the [fortified] hill of jolo. it is a matter of the greatest consolation for all nations; at least, all joined in the festival with great appearances of rejoicing. the bells of all the churches were rung, and the te deum laudamus, so due to god, was sung in some of them as a thank-offering. there was a great illumination at night, and more ringing of bells. i refer to the history for particular. the above news was received on the occasion of the arrival of five or six ships from great china, laden with merchandise, which was needed in the islands. they give as news that eleven other and more powerful ships have been given chapas. that has been of the greatest consolation, for in the last two years those ships have had so little custom, because of the small amount of silver that had been sent from mexico, that it was feared that the chinese would not come this year. [11] the commander of the galleys, nicolas gonçalez, and captain carrança, who was general of the artillery, having fallen very sick at jolo almost at the beginning of the siege, were sent away by don sebastian so that they might recuperate. they arrived at octong safely more than two months ago, and this their delay was already causing anxiety. today, may 17, i have been told that the chinese of the champan in which they were coming [to manila] killed them through greed, in order to rob them, and five other spaniards with them. one they cast into the sea badly wounded, where some indian fishermen rescued him, to whom he related what had happened. scarcely had they reached land before he died. some influential men were killed in the assaults on xolo, among whom were sargento-mayor melon, captain juan nicolas, alférez aregita, etc. yesterday, may 16, while talking with the commandant of macan, a very honorable portuguese, of the order of santiago, i asked him some questions, the replies to which i shall state here, as they have some interest. he says that the kingdom of tumquin is a part of great china, but has a different king; and it differs in language from china, as does galicia from castilla. he asserts the same of cochinchina, although there is a greater difference in language. tumquin is ninety leguas from macan, and is reached by traveling between the island of ainao [i.e., hainan] and the mainland of china. cochinchina is one hundred and twenty leguas [from macan], and is reached by going outside that island. one of four ships that sailed recently from macan to various kingdoms, which was en route to macasar with two hundred and fifty persons, was wrecked on this island of ainao, but only fourteen persons were drowned. the commandant added that the society of jesus is now preaching in that island, and that the people are rapidly embracing christianity. the fathers had brought six boys, sons of the most influential men, to macau to be educated better, and they show signs of great ability. when i asked him about the exile of the preachers from chincheo, he only replied that the castilians, as they are prepared to hold subject all the indians of their conquests--as mexico, peru, and these islands--enter into other kingdoms with great bragging and boasts, which is the occasion of their ruin. i have learned from some fathers of st. dominic and the cura of nueva segobia (which is, one hundred and thirty leguas away from here) that fray diego collado wrote a paper to don sebastian, after the reunion of the fathers of st. dominic, which was entitled "deceits, tricks, and plots of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera," in which he made disgraceful remarks to him. his lordship sent it to his provincial, and the latter retired the father to the house of nueva segobia. he remained some months in prison, where he could neither hear nor say mass; and he is now locked up where he can hear it through a church gallery. today, may 20, at two o'clock, quite without our expecting it, and without the fires in maribelez having announced it, the galleon "san juan baptista"--which had taken fifty days to come from macan, a voyage which the patache made in nine--arrived. god delivered them from a great danger on some shoals, to which the currents were taking them swiftly during a calm. the fathers assert that they invoked the holy father marcelo, the martyr of jesus christ, with great faith in the greatest danger. thanks to the lord, who has allowed them all to arrive safe and happy! father bartolome roboredo has told us glorious things of the christendom of tumquin--where, this year alone, nine thousand have been baptized. he says that there are some fathers and a bishop even in etiopa; and that the rulers do not molest the catholics. the fathers of jentafee, tibet, and the kingdoms of potente and siranagar, have suffered various fortunes. in the court of the megor [i.e., mogul], the church was destroyed, and the fathers seized by those moros, because they were confirming in the faith those christians who had been taken captive from bengala. but now affairs have begun to brighten; they have been granted liberty, and are aiding the christians. by that means it is to be hoped that there will be at some other time a gateway into tibet and siranagar, the way to which must necessarily lie through [the country of] the megor. it has been learned from japon, from the very ones who are in power, that they are now tired and weary of killing christians; and that they are not well satisfied with the dutch and their trade. he adds that, because of what the holy father marcelo declared to them in his martyrdom--namely, that they were rendering their nation infamous and obscuring their fame by the tortures that they were inflicting upon the private parts of christians--the japanese are generally angry, and do not wish that to be done. all the priests in japon at present are three of the society of jesus, all japanese. it is not known where they are wandering, and no letters have been received from them, because of the severity of the persecution. there is one other father, a european, named juan baptista porro. they do not say that he is alive, for, although his death is not known, it is presumed that he is dead; for he was very old and worn out with labors, and it is several years since letters have been received from him. it is also said that there are hopes that that persecution will soon cease. would to god that it might be so! yesterday, may 23, the day of the holy ghost, don sebastian arrived at this port, having left tanaguan that morning--a distance of ten mortal leguas. he came in the terrenate galleons, which, as the weather was bad, he left at the landing at mindoro. he, as well as father juan de barrios, was fatigued, which we could see was from the hardships that they have suffered; but, thanks to god, these have been well recompensed in service to god and to the general welfare of these islands. the chaplain don pedro de francia died of fever in the ship, and, six days later, captain don lope de barahona, of the same sickness. upon the arrival of don sebastian, the bells in our house were rung for a long time, as a mark of rejoicing. later the bells were rung in the cathedral church, and that night there were illuminations in all the houses and convents. yesterday, may 27, the galleons of the terrenate relief expedition anchored at this port. father hernando de estrada says that twenty persons of various nations (for the galleons carried joloans, basilans, and the bisayans who were freed from the captivity of xolo) have died in the flagship since their departure from sanboangan, and that sickness was caused by their close quarters; and that a goodly number have died in the almiranta and the patache; but it is a cause for great consolation that no moro, male or female, has died without baptism. yesterday, may 31, don sebastian made his triumphant entrance into manila, in the same manner as he had done, the year preceding, upon his arrival from mindanao. i wrote concerning it, by the patache; and will only state here the number of pieces--namely, eleven of cast iron and one bronze culverin, these being large pieces. among the medium-sized pieces and falcons there were fifteen. the best falcon had the arms and name of king don sebastian [of portugal]. there were eleven smaller versos. the crowd of people in the windows and streets, the illuminations of the night, and the masquerades of the city, were the same as i wrote last year. june 3, corpus christi day, the procession of thanks for the victory was united with that of the most holy sacrament, as i wrote last year. that same day the xalea which had been left in xolo arrived. it brings news that the king and queen, who had fled from the stronghold with the other joloans, have sent to say that they desire to settle in whatever place may be assigned to them, and to pay tribute to his majesty. they promise to obey the conditions imposed on them by don sebastian. monday, june 7, the honors for those killed in war were performed in the soldiers' church with the same solemnity as those of the past year. the father rector, francisco colin, preached to a generally appreciative audience. friday, june eleven, the flagship galley entered this port with a round sail, but no bastard; for a flash of lightning, which struck it, had torn it from top to bottom and killed two men. it brought some bronze artillery of the pieces captured at jolo, in addition to what i mentioned in the triumph--as was told me by a man who comes from there, and who is well versed regarding artillery. the pieces with ladles mounted in the stronghold numbered in all eleven of cast iron, and eleven of bronze; also eleven other large falcons, besides the ordinary versos. he says of dato ache, who is the greatest pirate, and the one who has done most damage to the christians of all those of jolo--and who is the one who persuaded the king and the others to fortify themselves, and to refuse to surrender to the spaniards--that a mine which exploded and killed fifty joloans, also caught him, so that he was completely buried. with only power to move one hand, he beckoned imploringly for help; his men hurried to his assistance, and got him out, much hurt. he recovered afterward, and when the others descended from the stronghold, he, with some other malays, who were steadfastly of the opinion that they should not surrender, escaped, and left the island in great dudgeon at the king. sunday, june 20, when we celebrated the feast of the most holy sacrament, father francisco rangel chanted his first mass in this college. he was one of the six who came from macan to be ordained, and since his residence here has told us some remarkable things that happened four or five years ago, and, as i believe that very few there have any knowledge regarding them, i shall relate them here. first, he says that the island of ainao is as large as the island of çicilia; and that it has its own natives, who are white-complexioned, and have a different aspect from that of the chinese. the latter conquered the seacoast many years ago, and the natives retired to the mountains, whence it is their custom to descend to harry the chinese--who are scattered, and have never subjected the natives to the payment of tribute. while father bento de matos was in that island, two remarkable things occurred to him. in a city of the chinese, where no means have yet been found whereby to make an entrance to instruct the natives--both because the language is special, and because they are always at war--it happened that the father, having no lodging, learned that there was a good unoccupied house, for, because of fear at i know not what noises that had been heard in it, no one would live in it. the father determined to enter and to live in that house, although his friends dissuaded him and told him their fears. he lived there quite a number of days, at the end of which, in the darkness of the night, a dead man appeared to him in the habit of a mandarin. the dead man told the father to look well at him, and note well his marks, and to go to the mandarin so-and-so, who was his brother, and tell him to disinter his body, which was buried in such and such a place near the altar; for it was the will of god that there should not be the body of a condemned heathen in a place where the holy body of his son jesus christ was offered to him in acceptable sacrifice. the father gave the marks to the mandarin, who recognized that it was his brother. they dug in the place noted, and found the body entire in a casket and preserved with precious spices, with which it had been embalmed, and carried it to a separate place. the other circumstance is, that every day when the said father said mass there, it was heard by a devout christian, who, after rising suddenly, appeared so joyful and happy that the other christians came to consider and even to believe him as mad. they resolved to censure him, and to advise him to have more moderation and modesty in the presence of so great a lord. he answered them that he could not do otherwise than he had; for, on rising from the eucharist, he saw two most beautiful youths kneeling before the most holy sacrament, amid such lights and splendors that they bathed his soul in joy so great that it overflowed in its abundance to his body, and he could not restrain himself from manifesting it. it happened to that same father that, while on a mission to chincheo, some literati suddenly entered a chapel in which he was, to make a jest of him and of the god whom he was adoring. he kneeled down before a crucifix and said "lord, do not abandon me among thine enemies." the holy crucifix answered "no, son, i shall not abandon thee; but i am always with thee to aid thee." thereupon the literati, thunderstruck and full of fear, left the father, and went out of the chapel. in one of these recent years, during a great baquio or typhoon, eighteen dutch ships were wrecked on the coast of chincheo. the chinese beheaded some of those who escaped alive, and, having seasoned those heads with salt, took them with the other men whom they left alive to the court of paquin, where they were all beheaded. for the aversion of the chinese to people with blue eyes is great; and the reason is that it is said that there is an ancient prophecy that men with eyes of that color will conquer their kingdom. about two years ago, six out of seven ships that left olanda with reënforcements for india were sunk in the open sea, and only one arrived. the king of china is commonly regarded by his vassals as a christian: 1st, because he has only one wife; 2d, because he only adores the god of heaven; 3d, because he has tried to exterminate the bonzes. among other plans [for the accomplishment of that], he employed that of having six thousand bonzes enlisted for the war against the tartars. he sent them under the command of a great war mandarin, and all the six thousand died in the war. the captain alone escaped, and he was shortly after baptized; he is a very devout christian, and is known as doctor miguel. the manner in which the king [12] became a christian is said to have been that the famous doctor pablo (who is now dead), having free entrance into the palace, often conversed with the king, whom he converted and baptized. the king has shown ours favor by giving them a large convent of the bonzes in paquin, and has given them lands for their support. july 6, father melchor de vera passed by way of this college, en route from sanboanga. he gives us some particulars which it is well to know. cachil moncay attacked the new village which cachil corralat had built. he killed or captured about one hundred of his men, but corralat escaped. afterward when dato siqui brought his customary tribute to corralat from the island of little sanguil, he attacked moncay and killed him and others, so that the number of killed and captives reached eighty. father vera met on his way here a champan from terrenate, which tells him that corralat, seeing himself expelled [from his towns] by don sebastian, sent messengers to the moros of terrenate, to beg for aid; but that the latter had refused it to him, as they had enough of their own affairs to attend to. the men of that champan also told him that the petty king of great sanguil talked with them, and said that he wished peace with the spaniards, and would pay tribute to his majesty. for greater security he gave them the young prince his son, so that they might give the boy to the governor as a token of peace. all these are the results of the two victories of mindanao and jolo. today, july 11, a large champan, which had sailed from the port of macasar at the beginning of lent, arrived at this port. they relate many acts of affection and favor which the king has shown to the spaniards. those aboard the champan assert that the king will be very glad of whatever ill-treatment don sebastian accords to the macasars of jolo, because they have taken arms against the vassals of his brother the king of castilla. today, july 18, the patache sails with the reënforcements for the island of hermosa, under the command of don pedro fernandez del rio. yesterday, july 23, at dawn, a macan patache anchored in this roadstead. it comes from camboja laden with rice, camanguian or benzoin, and other drugs. letter from corcuera to felipe iv sire: last year i informed your majesty that i had appointed don luis arias de mora as protector of the sangleys in the parián; he is a lawyer well known in this royal audiencia, a man of virtue and of excellent abilities. on this account, with the salary of that office of protector (which he draws from the communal treasury of the said sangleys), he is obliged to act as counsel for the archbishop in affairs of justice, in order to prevent the troubles that the friars brought upon him last year--inducing him to issue acts against the order of the society, and excommunicating the royal audiencia and the governor of filipinas. since he promised that he would issue no mandates without the signed approval of this counselor, we have lived in peace, without there having been the least annoyance, or any interruption of our harmony; for the said counselor will not sign any act or document which the said archbishop causes to be drawn up if it contravenes the patronage and jurisdiction of your majesty, or encroaches in any way upon your rights. for these reasons, and on account of the said luis arias de mora's long service as advocate in this royal audiencia, and his excellent reputation for learning and talent, i entreat that your majesty will be pleased to grant him the favor of confirming him in the said office of protector of the sangleys, until some greater favor be bestowed upon him; any office will be well served, if conferred upon him. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, as christendom has need. manila, august 21, 1638. sire, your vassal kisses your majesty's feet. sebastian hurtado de corcuera [endorsed: "february 26, 1639; provision is made for this."] letter to felipe iv from the treasurer at manila sire: if my so great obligations to your majesty--not only since you are my king and natural sovereign, but since you have honored me so generously in these islands by employing my person in the post of official judge-treasurer of your royal estate--necessarily and strictly did not oblige me to inform your majesty of the manner in which the said royal estate is administered here, its condition, and the so great ruin that it has suffered and is suffering since it was your majesty's pleasure to have don sebastian hurtado de corcuera come to govern these islands in the year thirty-five, i should have to arouse myself and take courage to place before the pious eyes of your majesty this memoir of disasters; for no other title or name can be given to the calamities that have rushed pellmell both on the said royal estate, and on us afflicted ministers who have it in charge, to the so great peril and discredit of our persons. the matter, sire, is a very long drawn out one, and hence it is impossible to compass it in a few lines; and i in my rashness will weary your majesty's ears. but the love and zeal which move me will perhaps avail to remove from me censure for my boldness. don sebastian hurtado de corcuera entered this city in the latter part of june, 635, to assume this government. he showed apparent signs of an endeavor to excel, in his honest and careful attitude toward your royal estate; but we were soon undeceived by his so unexpected and inconsiderate resolution not to despatch the ships which your majesty has ordered, by so many decrees and ordinances, to be sent annually to nueva españa with the property of the inhabitants of this city--so that the usual situado might be sent back in them to these islands from the proceeds of your royal duties, and serve as a help to the great and numerous expenses which your majesty is incurring annually in the increase and preservation of so many of the faithful as have in these regions deserved to receive the holy water of baptism. yet it was a fact that don juan cereço de salamanca (who was concluding his governorship, to which he had been appointed by the viceroy of nueva españa), had prepared two ships, and their cargoes were aboard--the lading-space having been allotted, in accordance with the orders given by your majesty, among the inhabitants of this city. the losses and damage that have resulted, both to your royal estate and to the property of the merchants of these islands, are so considerable and momentous that i would not dare to name them. your majesty's ministers in mexico, in whose charge is the management of your royal estate, will have already reported them to you, for they will be able to do it with more accurate knowledge and certainty; and, consequently, i think that they will already have come to your majesty's ears. a few days ago the governor introduced in this royal camp of manila a cavalry company of twenty-nine men or soldiers, with their captain, one lieutenant, one alférez, one standard-bearer, and one corporal; each soldier was to receive 168 pesos' pay per annum, the captain 1,200, the lieutenant, 480, the alférez, 380, the corporal, 216, and one trumpler, 120--the total amounting to 7,248 pesos. it was for the sole purpose of being employed nightly in squads to close the gates of the city and to patrol it; and it was all to spare the infantry from fatigue, although the latter had until then been employed in that duty with much more security to the city, and with the correction of many lawless acts which we have been experiencing here since, and which have been committed by the very men who are deputed to obviate them. when the said governor ordered us to inscribe that new order in the royal books, and to furnish the papers to the said soldiers with pay so increased, we, seeing of how little importance and effectiveness the said company was, and that there was no order from your majesty for its creation, warned him of that--besides giving him other reasons which will already have been seen by your council, for we enclosed a copy of both of them in the letters that we wrote in the year 1636. still, notwithstanding that, the governor ordered the command to be obeyed. accordingly we did so, and the command has been, and is being, observed; and the governor refuses to recede in so pernicious a decision as is the increase of [expenses with] pay so large as this, and so unnecessary, and, moreover, when your royal treasury in these islands has so many and so great necessities. although there was, upon the arrival of the said governor, as much infantry in this city and these presidios, as in the times of previous governors, and even more, inasmuch as he had brought in those ships a very large and fine consignment of men (for they numbered more than five hundred men)--a considerable reënforcement, and sufficient to have garrisoned and manned your majesty's forts--he raised two companies of ninety-six pampango indians apiece, on his own counsel alone, and unnecessarily, so that they might take part with the spaniards in the guard and watch of this city. the following pay [was assigned]: the captain, 240 pesos per annum; two drummers, each 24 pesos; the alférez, 120 pesos; his standard-bearer, 24 pesos; the sergeant, 84 pesos; the four corporals, 60 pesos apiece. hence, both companies have an annual expense of 10,728 pesos, for those two companies are paid monthly the amount of their pay. not only are those companies still kept up, but they have also been augmented since the past year, 637, by two other companies--one for this camp, which is here at present; and the other in the new presidios of jolo and camboja--besides 72 other pampango indians, who are stationed in the fort at the port of cavite. all together mean an expense of 25,092 pesos per year to the royal treasury. i assure your majesty that this matter ought to be looked at with the greatest attention, in order that things might not be so managed; for it is a useless and needless expense when, as i have said, your royal treasury suffers so great losses as it does, by the so terrible and irreparable damage which the province from which those indians are drafted has suffered, as they are all tillers of the soil, and tributaries of your majesty. many losses to your royal estate follow, because they and their wives are exempted from paying the tribute during the time while they serve in their posts as soldiers. besides, as this province [of pampanga] abounds so plentifully in rice, and your majesty needs so much of it for the rations of so great a number of persons as are employed in the building and repairing of the vessels in the port of cavite, and for the sailors and soldiers, it is obvious that the said province will be diminished; for it is necessary to allot the vendalas and repartimientos upon the few who remain, instead of on the many, so that with a few exactions of this sort the poor indians will be driven to the wall, and will find it necessary to desert their huts and take to the woods. that would mean the total ruin and destruction of that district, which is the support of this colony. as the governor immediately undertook to despatch the usual reënforcement and situado to the forts of terrenate, he appointed a chief commander with 3,000 pesos, and an admiral with 2,000--although until then there had been no such officers as commander-in-chief and admiral; but only one commandant, who received 60 ducados of eleven reals per month, while those who were placed in command of the other pataches received very moderate pay. we remonstrated, as we were bound to do, warning the governor that there was no order from your majesty for the creation of such salaries. he referred the decision of this matter to the treasury meeting, where we found two auditors and doctor juan fernandez de ledo (who was exercising the duties of fiscal), and the factor and treasurer. all except the said doctor juan fernandez de ledo, who was of the governor's opinion, opposed the said pay, giving very powerful and cogent reasons therefor. notwithstanding that, the governor ordered the said salaries to be made good, and said that he would report the matter to your majesty. hence, sire, he will by no means listen to any proposition which is made for the benefit and use of the royal treasury, if it is contrary to his opinion. the same thing happened in the said meeting when they were assigning the salaries to the chaplains whom he appointed in the said galleons of terrenate, and in all the others that sailed from these islands for any place. it was an expense as avoidable as the others which he has introduced, for it is a fact that religious are always ready to serve those posts because of the accommodations that they receive in the galleons, especially in those that sail to nueva españa. for when the religious sail in them as passengers they must obtain permission, and the accommodation of a berth, and, as this costs money and trouble, it is found to be no little convenience to give them the posts as chaplains; and they have not claimed or demanded any pay, and they have been employed in this ministry in all the past. therefore one can understand how superfluous is that expense. there are five convents of religious within the walls of this city of manila, and one of nuns; the church of la misericordia, the seminary of santa potenciana, the cathedral church, and the hospital for the spaniards or soldiers. that makes ten churches in all, and they are so near and close to one another that the divine offices can be heard from one to another, if one pays moderate attention. so small and narrow> is the district of the city, and so few the people in the churches, that if there was no more than one convent of religious and the cathedral church, they could be sufficiently taken care of and without too great fatigue [to the priests]. although this was the fact of the case, the governor, a very few days after his arrival, began to build a church for his soldiers, saying at the beginning that the expense for the building was to be taken from the soldiers' own pay, and that no expense would be incurred by the royal treasury. but he did not keep his word, although the said church was fully built, together with some barracks and quarters for the said soldiers to live in. in the erection of it, more than eighty thousand pesos have been already spent, while the amount charged to the infantry is not in excess of sixteen thousand pesos. consequently, it has been necessary that the remaining funds should be supplied from the royal treasury, although it would be more proper to expend that sum in building galleons to carry the goods of this city to nueva españa. for with galleons the royal treasury will be increased, and thereby will the governor obey the many and urgent orders which your majesty has been pleased to issue in this regard; and the vassals and inhabitants of these islands would not be so ruined, and so hopeless of returning to their former state. it was all occasioned by the governor's resolution not to despatch any ships during the year of 635 and that of 637; and even next year, 639, there is little assurance that he will despatch them, for there is no money with which to prepare them. if that were done, we could entertain stronger hopes; because, as i write this, the usual succor from mexico has not yet arrived, as only one very small patache was despatched last year, and there is doubt that it was able to reach port. on that account we are so perplexed and afflicted that it is even a special providence of god that we are able to breathe. the ships which are being despatched this year are sailing without a register; for, as yet, the inhabitants have not registered a shred of cloth with which to lade them, as they do not know the condition of their property in nueva españa. as they are so ruined as regards their capital, they are, according to my way of thinking excusable. but i have been unable to find any excuse in any way for the governor, who has, by his so extraordinary and unadvised resolutions, placed this city in the last straits; and has paid no attention to those who, with foresight, have represented to him these great damages, besides those which have followed and will follow to the royal estate of your majesty. for this year alone (and i do not speak of former years), more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos have been spent on these ships, both for the preparation that has been necessary, and for the pay of the commanders, pilots, and other seamen and other officials who sail in them, and for the food. your majesty will never be reimbursed for that sum, for, as no cargo goes in the ships, there can be no duties collected; and it is from these duties that the funds for these expenses must be obtained, as your majesty has ordered and commanded. hence, sire, it becomes necessary to say that it seems as if your majesty had sent the governor to these islands to ruin and destroy your royal estate, rather than to increase and preserve it. this conclusion, if relief does not come speedily, will be seen to be verified with the great loss of all, and the special sorrow of us who, as your majesty's faithful ministers and servants, are bound to strive for the increase of your royal estate. in the past year, 637, because these coasts were being infested by the kings of mindanao and jolo, with great loss and damage to the christian indians and your majesty's vassals, the governor left this city with two fine large fleets--the first on february two, and the second on december eight. both were despatched against the advice of all the soldiers who were experienced in this country--both because of the risk to which the governor exposed his person, and because of the so heavy expenses that it was necessary to incur; and furthermore, since there are very honorable soldiers in these islands, to whom these expeditions can be entrusted with the hope that they will give an excellent account of them. and thus he would have avoided a very large part of the expense, and even of the loss of very brave soldiers who died in both expeditions; for more than four hundred spaniards died, among whom were many persons of high standing [in this colony]. that is a loss which ought to be wept with many tears, because of the lack that they will create when they will be most necessary. in the first expedition, 9,867 pesos were spent from your royal estate; and in the second, 47,171 pesos. he has tried and is trying to cover the expense of both expeditions by the value of the slaves, and other things of little account, which he took as booty in both expeditions; and by other communications, which will be seen in your council, according to the relations or certifications which he has given to us. most of it can have but little foundation, as there is nothing more than what the governor has been pleased to give. but it will be well to consider that although the fifth part of any booty taken belongs to your majesty (as is a fact), he has ordered all the artillery, and other war supplies and ammunition to be valued and adjudged as part compensation for the expense incurred. that is a thing which, according to my understanding, could not be done; for he is attempting to persuade your majesty that he is giving you something. since that is clearly yours by law, there is no reason for [thus] adjudging it, under any of the pretexts of which, [to judge] from appearances like these, he always avails himself to accredit his own actions. beside the building of the church, barracks, and quarters for the soldiers, he has constructed other buildings of not inconsiderable extent, and of the same necessity and importance as the aforesaid, at the royal hospital of this city. he has bought some houses that are near it for eight thousand pesos, in order that the chaplain, apothecary, and physician may live in them. your majesty has assigned them a very sufficient remuneration, and they have always been contented with it, and have not asked for houses in which to live. the governor has also added a room to the said hospital (where the religious of st. francis had their living apartments before his arrival), without sense or reason. he has spent a great sum of pesos in its building; and a great sum has also been and is being spent in the support of the sick of the said hospital--although they were supported most abundantly in past years with two thousand five hundred or three thousand pesos at the most. now seven thousand pesos and upward are spent, and we cannot see in what this increase consists, although we are not ignorant that the sick are less carefully attended and nursed than before. a portuguese nobleman, an inhabitant of macan, by name don diego de miranda enriquez, came from that city to this during the former year of 636, with a quantity of arquebuses, muskets, nails for the ships, and rough iron. having sent for us that we might bargain and pay for it, we did so, availing ourselves for that purpose of the recent example that we had for it in the previous year, 1635, which was accredited and approved by the said governor. nevertheless, after several months the governor fined the factor and me (for we were the ones who made the said contract and rendered payment, as the accountant was then living in the port of cavite) without our knowing what crime we had committed, in the sum of two thousand one hundred and thirty-three pesos, five tomins; for he said that we had not observed his orders in the said contract. after he had conferred over the matter with your auditors, and they being of the opposite opinion, nevertheless, holding his own even to the end, he had us notified of the act imposing the said fine. we appealed from it to your audiencia, where we were freed from the prosecution. the said governor was indeed very angry at that; and he even gave your auditors to so understand, and that, in matters of justice, he even was trying to tie their hands. at the very beginning of his governorship, the said don sebastian hurtado de corcuera tried to change the inferior employees of the tribunal of your royal officials. among the others whom he appointed was the weigher of coins, notwithstanding that we opposed that. for your majesty has been pleased to honor us with your special decrees, in which you order that we ourselves choose our employees, so that they may be to our satisfaction; and that your governors give their titles to those whom we should thus propose to them. [we also opposed it] because the said governor ordered us to admit the said weigher to the enjoyment and exercise of his office without bonds, although all those who had thus far exercised that office had given bonds in the sum of four thousand pesos for the security of your royal estate, as it is an office that requires great faithfulness because of the many and continually-recurring opportunities that present themselves for him to make considerable thefts without your royal officials being able to put a stop to it. that has been proved to us by experience, for, notwithstanding all our efforts in watching him, at the end of a year and slightly more (for so long a time did he hold the said office) we found that he had stolen more than three thousand five hundred pesos from your royal treasury. we began a prosecution in your royal audiencia. the said governor, seeing that the weigher was proved to be a criminal by what was enacted, and by his confession and deposition, in order that he might not be completely exposed, had a memorial presented [to the audiencia] through a father of the society of jesus--in which it is stated that a man had declared in confession that he was the thief, and that the said weigher was not guilty; and had given him a certain number of pay-warrants with which to satisfy, by way of restitution, the [claim for] three thousand five hundred pesos. the said governor ordered that this reparation should be accepted; and although the pay-warrants had no justification--as their owners had been dead for many years, and the papers contained no cessions or powers by virtue of which receipts should be given and signed--we had to receive them, because, as they had been examined before the auditor of accounts, and attested by him, they were [technically] entirely sufficient, and could and ought to be received. thereupon, the said weigher went scot free from prison. the said governor immediately sent him to macan, in order to remove him from the danger that might meet him at any time in this city. in this manner, sire, was so serious a crime as the aforesaid punished; and in this wise does the governor protect his henchmen, for there is no human strength which can oppose his. this is a consideration that causes not a little sorrow to your majesty's servants and ministers; for only that name is left us, for we have been stripped, for the sole purpose of being able to depreciate and even disaccredit us, of all the power and authority which your majesty was pleased to give us in our titles, and in the ordinances and many other decrees. however, i think and trust, god helping, that that will not be attained, however vigilant the governor may be; for we are and shall be always in your majesty's service, and hope that, as our pious king and sovereign, you will always examine our causes, and that you will pity us for the calamities and miseries that we are suffering for the sole reason of being so far from your royal presence, and that you will take what corrective measures are most pleasing to you. with that hope we receive new courage, although in the midst of so many perils, to fulfil our obligations, as faithful and grateful vassals and ministers of your majesty, whose royal person may our lord preserve, with the increase of greater and more extensive empires, as is necessary to us all. manila, august 31, 1638. don baltasar ruiz de escalona bañuelos y carrillo's relation relation of the filipinas islands, by admiral don hieronimo de bañuelos y carrillo [13] the city of manila is the chief city of the islands of luçon, or the filipinas. it lies in a latitude of fourteen degrees thirty minutes, is fortified on one side by the sea, and on its land side has a castle called santiago, although that castle furnishes no great defense. the artillery of that castle points seaward, in order to prevent the entrance of [hostile] vessels--which can, however, enter there, without the cannon doing them any great damage. the chief port of these islands is called cavite, and there the ships from nueva españa are anchored. that port of cavite serves as a refuge for our sailors; it is sheltered from the heavy winds, and very secure. manila, on the contrary, is an open bay, beaten by the north winds. the anchorage there is very poor, and the entrance very difficult; but, on the other hand, it is very well supplied with all that is necessary for commerce and for war. one may say that it serves as a magazine for the richest commerce in the world. there is abundance of bread, flesh, and wine there; and although the wine is not so good as that of españa, those of the country who are accustomed to it do not hesitate to prefer it to that of goa, or that of mexico--although those are used only for the mass, and that of españa for the tables of the richest men. the portuguese of goa also send abundance of provisions there, so that they can be bought in manila at a very good bargain. there are one hundred and fifty fires [i.e., households] in manila. the houses of the city are so suitable and those of the country so charming that life in those islands is altogether delightful. at one musket-shot from the city can be seen the parián, the lodging of the sangleys or chinese merchants. there are about twenty thousand of them, all merchants whom business has attracted to that place. it is a very curious place to see, because of the fine order in which they live. every kind of merchandise has its own separate quarter, and those goods are so rare and curious that they merit the admiration of the most civilized nations. [14] although that parián is built only of wood, and the chinese who live there have no weapons, we do not fail to keep a strong guard on that side. we even have some pieces of artillery pointed toward that city, for the chinese are a very spirited and bold nation. we have experienced that heretofore, and are still threatened [with danger] in that hour that we are not so closely on our guard. there is no spanish house where nine or ten of these merchants cannot be seen every morning, who take their merchandise there; for all the traffic passes through their hands, even all that is used for the sustenance of the spaniards. there are some men who say that they mix a slow poison in our food, which works its effect chiefly on the women. it is a fact that a woman who reaches the age of twenty-six years is seldom seen. those persons add that their intention in doing that is to prevent the spaniards from fortifying themselves more strongly in that island, and that the chinese would drive them out entirely. that would be very easy for them, by employing such means, if it were not for the interest that they have in the commerce of the silver of nueva españa. these people have a subtle and universal intelligence. they imitate whatever one presents to them, and they make the article as well as do those who invented it. the riches of manila, and the felicity of existence there, are steadily decreasing. i shall relate here the causes for it, having regard only to the service of god and of the king. the chief cause for the ruin of these islands is the great trade that the sangleys carry on. the king has permitted the inhabitants of the manilas to export a portion of their capital to nueva españa. in the merchandise of that country. the spanish inhabitants daily lend their names to those sangleys and to the portuguese of macao, so that they may enjoy the freedom of that commerce. these people do not attempt to hide the fact that they are acting as agents for the inhabitants of mexico; and these last years they sent such a quantity of merchandise to peru and to nueva españa that no sale could be found for it. that is a hindrance to the voyages of the trading fleet. the king of china could build a palace with the silver bars from peru which have been carried to his country because of that traffic, without their having been registered, and without the king of españa having been paid his duties, as has been well shown by dom pedro de quiroga y moya. that silver was sent at the account of influential persons, who do not reside at the manilas. the two vessels which left in his time paid more duties to the king than all the other ships put together which had made that voyage before; that clearly shows the neglect of the other officials commissioned to receive the duties from his majesty. they have attempted to conceal this truth, by saying that those ships were richer than the others because dom sebastian hurtado de corcuera had written, in the preceding year, that he would not send the vessels that year; and that he had even detained and caused the unlading of those that had been on the point of sailing on the voyage to acapulco. i do not know his reason for so doing, but i know well that he wrote that resolution at the embocadero of manila--that is to say, eighty leguas from the city--and that without having consulted the inhabitants of the manilas. those of the country are agreed that that delay has been their ruin; for they all know that they cannot maintain themselves against the dutch or against the mahometans except by means of the regular succor that is sent them from nueva españa. the marqués de cadereta [15] came at that time to act as viceroy of nueva españa. he sent a large reënforcement to the islands very opportunely, under command of general don andres cottigllo. the latter brought news that don pedro de quiroga had arrived at mexico to inform against the officials of his majesty, and that he would go to acapulco to inspect the ships and regulate the chinese commerce. the inhabitants of the manilas and the factors of the portuguese tried to get back their merchandise that they had already laded on the vessels, being fearful of that news and that name of visitor. but having finally recovered courage, they laded the two vessels that the governor had detained the preceding year, which were worth about five millions in gold. nevertheless those of the country affirmed that they were not so richly laden as those which had sailed before, for one of the chief merchants [16] had not put a single box aboard. they report another reason for obscuring so apparent a truth. they say that don pedro de quiroga had specified among the orders that he had drawn up as a remedy for the disorders of the past, that for those ships; and that it was he alone who prevented their sailing. but he himself says that that is false, and that he had heard that those who had encomiendas [fr., commanderies], and the merchants of mexico, had resorted to entreaties to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera (for i cannot believe that they were in compact with him); and that they had represented to him the great quantity of chinese merchandise then in mexico, and declared that, if new vessels were sent there, a market could not be found for that merchandise, and that the merchants of mexico and nueva españa would lose a great amount by it. don pedro de quiroga adds that having learned that the governor of the filipinas had given his word not to have any new vessels sail, in order to better carry out his majesty's service, he had employed this expedient--namely, that if they entered the port that year, they would enjoy the benefit of the rules which had been made during that time; but that, if they came only the following year, they would not enjoy these, and that they would pay the king's duties in all strictness. that plainly showed that he was advised of the promise which the governor of the islands had given to the merchants of mexico, to detain the vessels and the merchandise that ought to have been sent that year. the transaction was, in truth, greatly to the interest of the inhabitants of mexico, and of the spaniards who have encomiendas--although to the great prejudice of the islands, which cannot get along without the reënforcement which they ought to have annually from mexico; and to the decrease of his majesty's duties, which are an aid in the discharge of the expense for that succor. in fine, if the marqués de cadereta had not reënforced the islands as powerfully as he did, they would have fallen into extreme need. it would be easy for me to show here other consequences of that delay of the vessels which don juan cereço y salamanca had prepared to sail that year, as is done every year; and it will not be more difficult for me to demonstrate the other damages that we suffer in that commerce. the inhabitants of the manilas have nothing on those vessels; their cargoes belong entirely to the chinese, to the portuguese of macao, or to the mexican merchants. if the king does not put a stop to it, the chinese will absorb all the riches of peru, and the subjects of the king in those islands will be forced to abandon them. i will go on to represent to your excellency the other disorders in the government of those islands, as far as i have been able to learn them in the short time that i have spent there. the encomiendas are ruined. formerly the king rewarded soldiers with them, and now the islanders, who were formerly assigned under those encomiendas, have become our enemies. there has been failure to instruct those innocent people in the catholic faith, and that is the only title under which the king of españa holds that country, which does not belong to his patrimony. instead of making them our friends and brothers, we have made them our domestic enemies. we have received the sangleys in their place, with whom the profit of the traffic always embroils us. let one consider what damage has been committed since by the inhabitants of the island of mindanao. they have overrun the shores of these islands with their caracoas or little boats, and the governor was forced to leave the city in the hands of the sangleys, in order to leave the island and to go to make war on them, where he lost more than one hundred and thirty spaniards, without being able to bring the war to a successful end. in this it cannot be said that he was not greatly to blame; for one of his officers named nicolás gonzales, at the first war cry, forced one of their best positions without the loss of a single man, whence the governor had been unable to drive them with all his forces. [17] we have also as enemies the people of jolo and those of terrenate, who are also more to be feared on account of the help that they get from the dutch. they declare themselves neutral, but they help the dutch underhandedly on all occasions. the chiefs of those indians take the title of kings, but they are among the kings who go quite naked and who live by their labor. true, those of macassar, of cochinchina, and of cambaya, are more powerful. but for all that, it would be enough for us, for the little help that we can get out of them, to become the arbitrator of their differences, and thus to keep them favorable to our side. but since they have seen that we have made this friendship with the sangleys, with the inhabitants of martavan, of borneo, and other neighboring islands, they have broken off all trade with us, and have begun to take all the products of their country to the dutch, so that they do nothing except at their orders. if for that reason also the king does not prevent the trade with the sangleys, the filipinas are lost. i come now to the remedy that can be applied to this disorder. among all those one hundred and fifty families who are settled at manila, there are not two who are very rich. my plan would be to allow those inhabitants to export chinese merchandise to the value of two hundred and fifty thousand escudos, the greater part of which should be raw silk and cotton bolls, so that they could be manufactured in this country [i.e., mexico]. for there is less [chance for] trickery in that sort of merchandise than in the stuffs manufactured in china, which ought never to be allowed to be taken to manila. the permission of trade to that sum would also be proportioned to the ability of the manila merchants; and they would get more than five hundred thousand escudos in return for it, for the profits of that trade are exorbitant. today even, when there is so much of this merchandise, four hundred per cent is gained on the poorest quality exported. by that means the spaniards could be employed in manufacturing that silk, the textiles would be better, and they would secure innumerable other advantages. accordingly, the inhabitants of the manilas would not charge themselves with the commissions of mexico, and they would get all the profit derived from those islands, which is now quite universally in the hands of foreigners. further, as their affairs in the country became more prosperous, they would become more interested in its conservation; and they would be more careful to have the indians, who have been assigned to them in encomiendas, instructed and held in subjection. they would save what they give to their agents in mexico, who often ruin them. they keep their merchandise two or three years, and it has a poor sale in mexico, because of the great quantity that is taken there; and trading only at acapulco, and conducting their own business, they alone would enjoy, and that every year, the profits of that traffic. fifty thousand escudos could be employed in white mantas, unbleached [cruës] and of excellent quality; that is a kind of merchandise very largely used among the indians, and mexico has great need of it. that would be the right commerce that ought to be carried on by pilots and sailors; for some of it can always be sold, and those people are obliged to sell it quickly. care must be taken that only that quantity be carried, and that any surplus be confiscated; and the governors and other officials should be very careful in this. in order that your excellency may see that i am not trying to weaken the commerce of those islands, as some might believe, i will state here that the inhabitants of the manilas should be allowed to export as many shiploads as possible of the products of their country--such as wax, gold, perfumes, ivory, and lampotes. those they would buy from the natives of the country, thus preventing them from carrying those goods to the dutch. thus would the people become friendly, and would supply nueva españa with that merchandise; and the silver taken to the manilas would not be exported thence. i may be told that the king of china does not use that silver to make war on us; but even if it is used only to swell his treasury, it is as lost to us as if it were at the bottom of the sea. your excellency should consider that one and one-half millions in gold are sent annually to china. if what i have just said be closely observed, the merchandise of the manilas will be sold to good advantage, and the natives of the country will become our friends; while their neighbors will leave the dutch, who are deriving heavy profits from them; for there is scarcely a place in those islands where the dutch do not possess a factory. thus have they become the masters, and they give arms to the natives to make war on us. add to all these considerations that the spaniards inhabiting the islands will not be obliged to be continually on their guard because of twenty thousand sangleys or enemies, whom they have in a corner of the world where the spaniards can muster scarcely eight hundred men. perhaps your excellency will be told that, if we break with the sangleys, they will go to live in the island of formosa, or in some other place among the dutch, and will carry to them the trade that they have with us; and that, having enjoyed the trade of japon as conveniently as we have that of the western indias, they will still carry their merchandise to nangazaki, the chief port of japon, from which they will also obtain silver. to that i will reply that the kingdom of china is so full of merchandise, and the sangleys are so shrewd in commerce, and so keen after gain, that they know what quantity of that merchandise is needed by the english, how much by the dutch, and what quantity ought to be sold in all of japon--and that with so great exactness that a tailor, after once seeing the figure of a person, decides how much goods is necessary to clothe him. they do the same in regard to us, and, knowing that only two ships sail annually to nueva españa, they generally have in the parian the quantity necessary to lade those ships. if the inhabitants of the manilas had trade with japon, they would derive great profit from it; but a secret judgment of god has broken the communication that we had with those islanders, and has given it into the hands of the heretics, after having permitted them to destroy our churches there, and their having put to fire and sword all the spaniards or japanese christians there. hence we do not believe that a single religious is now left in all the country; and the people are compelled, under pain of death, to come to denounce those whom they know to be christians. our religious go there no longer, for it means certain death to them to go to japon. the following is the manner in which that persecution was reported. a vizcayan captain, named sebastian, [18] having sailed from the port of acapulco for an island called ricca doro, [19] was blown by a heavy gale to the latitude of that island; and, not being able to anchor, put in at japon, and with the curiosity of a seaman sounded the ports of that kingdom. that novel proceeding made the japanese suspicious. they asked an englishman who was then allied to them what could be the design of that spaniard. he told them that the spaniards were a warlike nation, who were aiming at universal monarchy; that they always commenced their conquest by means of the religious; that after the religious of that nation had been permitted to preach there, and to build churches, they considered the conquest of that kingdom as secure; that that vessel had come to reconnoiter the country, and the entrance of the ports, and that it would be followed by a great army, which would complete that design. at that juncture a tono [20] or prominent lord of the country died. the emperor had formerly tried to buy from him a house built for recreation; but that lord, who was fond of that place, refused to sell it. he was a catholic, and left it at his death to the jesuits, whereupon the latter thought it best to pay their respects to the emperor by offering it to him. that prince reflected that what an emperor could not accomplish, the jesuits his subjects had compassed. putting that reflection with the advice of the englishman, he determined to exterminate the catholics. that resolution was so executed that there are no christians in japon, except only the portuguese from macao. i am too much ashamed to name the conditions to which they submit, in order that they may be received there. since that time all the trade of that island has fallen into the hands of the dutch, english, portuguese, and sangleys, although the king of china has forbidden the last named to have any communication with the inhabitants of japon, under penalty of death, because the japanese had formerly revolted against china, of which they had formed a part. but for all that, their greed for silver makes them go there as they do to the manilas, so that japon does not lack any of the goods that pass through the hands of those peoples. as for the silver, the dutch do not carry any more to china or to japon, because those countries get all the amount that they can buy by means of the sangleys who live in the manilas. it would be very advantageous to the inhabitants of the manilas and to his majesty to break off that commerce with the chinese, and it is unnecessary to say that by that means advantageous disposition may be made of the silver of peru and the silks of the filipinas--for in truth the king does not find there his account; the silks would come to mexico with greater advantage, and the islanders and his majesty would get more profit from it, and that at the admission of all informed persons. as for the governor, he should possess the following qualities: he should be discreet; his distance from madrid, and his authority as governor, should not make him presumptuous, but should serve rather as a check than as a cause for vanity; he should be a fine seaman, and very sedulous in despatching and making the ships sail every year. all the exports should be registered. in order that the islands be better reënforced, the ships should be of five hundred toneladas, and they should have two decks, better equipped than they have as yet been; for if they are poorly equipped they take much time in making their voyage, and have been the cause of great expense to his majesty. besides, the viceroy of nueva españa has been unable to make them depart by the first of april, as would be necessary. those vessels ought only to carry seamen. the offices of the ships ought not to be sold to merchants, but given as a reward to those who have served well at sea. great disorders have happened from that, which was the former custom, and because the offices of pilot, boatswain's mate, and steward have been sold. in the year 1637, when i was about to set out as admiral of the vessels that were to take the reënforcements to those islands, i went to the port of acapulco. there i found the vessel "san juan bautista," which had come that year from those islands, and which had lost its mast on the way. i endeavored to get don pedro de quiroga to advise the marqués de cadereta of the poor condition of the masts and other rigging of the vessel. he refused to permit it, and compelled me to embark, telling me that if we failed to embark by the first day of the month of april, we would run the risk of losing our voyage. while at sea, i asked the boatswain's mate for an inventory of the sails and rigging. i found that there were no spare sails, but one single cable, and one other old cable, which was used to make fast the pieces of artillery that were rolling about the ship. ordering him to bring me also the inventory of what there was when they left the islands, i found that it had been equipped with three spare sails, five cables, and a quantity of rigging. he answered me that the sea had carried away the sails and that the ship had lost its cables as they left san bernardino. without pressing him further, he confessed to me that he had used the money that had been given him for that purpose in buying merchandise, in order to discharge a debt of three thousand escudos that he had paid for his post of boatswain, but that he had not found his account in that merchandise. i endeavored to punish him. he appealed to the commander-in-chief, and the latter ordered me not to prosecute him until i should have arrived at the manilas. at the manilas he was excused, because they said that he had paid three thousand escudos, although he had made the king lose more than sixty thousand. those who furnish the provisions for the crew put in food of poor quality. the pilots cram their room at the stern with merchandise, thus endangering the vessel. had i encountered a capful of wind during that voyage, i could scarcely have finished it. i had to take a capstan at maribeles to lift my anchor, and to make the port of cabite, which is three leguas from that place. thus for the twenty thousand escudos that is drawn from the sale of those offices, thirty thousand are lost, and the fleet is in danger of being lost--which means, of losing those islands. it is not sufficient to give the offices to sailors who deserve them; it is not at all necessary to compel them to perform the functions of soldiers when they have no inclination for it, or to punish them when they gamble, as is done. it is of great importance to have galleys on these coasts; that is the means of keeping away from them the dutch, and the indians from mindanao and jolo--who do not cease to be hostile to the spaniards, although they have neither courage nor discipline; for one spaniard has been seen to put twenty of their caracoas to flight with only one shot from his musket. the enemy most to be feared are the dutch, who have taken possession of that sea. it is easy to manage the oared vessels of that country, and they have been used in several emergencies to tow the vessels, which otherwise would have been in danger of being wrecked. besides, those boats are more suitable for a sea like that, full of islands, than vessels with high freeboard. it would also be very much to the point to have work done in camboya in the building of new vessels, as the wood of those parts, and that of angely, resist the seaworms and decay better than other woods, and especially those of the filipinas. in the year 1637, when i arrived at the islands, there were no vessels ready for nueva españa. they were obliged to send a small vessel of one hundred toneladas to advise the marqués de cadereta of their wretched condition, and to entreat him to send the usual reënforcement--notwithstanding the prohibition of the commerce with peru, and their knowledge that there were no vessels at acapulco. that showed how important it is to be continually building vessels for the filipinas, and for the governor to be a seaman rather than a soldier of the low countries. it is also important for the governor and the archbishop to live in harmony. the spiritual government in these countries is the one thing of greater consequence than the political government, because of the scandal that the indians receive from it. it is also important that those sent by the viceroy be men of merit and service, and that they be well treated in the islands. the observation of all the above points will be of use to us in keeping off the dutch, who are the most terrible enemy that we have; and who will become absolute masters of the manilas, if they can attain their ends. españa, by observing those things, will triumph over its enemies. for my part, i will fulfil my duty as a subject by doing my utmost for the service of my master, and for the welfare of my country; and at the same time i shall discharge my obligation toward your excellency of serving you. glorious victories against the moros of mindanao to the master-of-camp, don iñigo hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of santiago: [21] the despatch-boat which this year arrived from the filippinas islands at acapulco, a port of this nueva españa, was destitute of the silks and other costly goods that the ships are accustomed to bring each year from china, for it carried nothing of that sort. nevertheless, it came richly laden, with the news of the happy and fortunate successes of the arms of spain in that archipelago, directed by the valor and prudence of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and captain-general there for his majesty, and a worthy brother of your grace. i received in all many different relations--although all of them agreed, for truth is always one--from different persons, well worthy of confidence, both ecclesiastic and secular. every one--not only the citizens of this great city of mexico, the capital of this kingdom, but those of all the other cities and towns--desired to see these letters, and made urgent requests for them. to satisfy the desires of so many, and give them pleasure, it was the opinion of many that they should be printed. the truth is, that i was perplexed and in doubt as to which one to use, because, as i have said, there were several. after careful consideration i decided to print one by father marcelo francisco mastrillo, a letter written to father juan de salazar, provincial of the society of jesus in those islands, signed by father marcelo himself and sent to me. it gives a detailed account of every event. no one could give a better account than the father himself, for he was a witness of everything that happened, as he always accompanied don sebastian with the standard of st. francis xavier. in the simplicity and sincerity with which he recounts these things, the truth shines more resplendent; so it seemed best not to alter his style. in order that it may be better known who this servant of god is, we will describe the miracle wrought upon him by our father st. francis xavier in the city of naples, and the occasion of his journey to the filipinas and his stay in mindanao. we shall give some information about the latter island, of the hostility which those mahometans have displayed for so many years to the spaniards, and of the friendly and subject indians. we shall also give a description of the naval battle which preceded the expedition to mindanao. then we shall insert the letter of father marcelo, and conclude this document with a description of the triumphal demonstration with which don sebastian hurtado was received in the city of manila, the rejoicings in that city, the thanks rendered to our lord, and the honors paid to those who died in the war, so that there will be a complete account of everything. besides the aforesaid reasons, i was impelled to this on account of the obligations of our society of jesus to don sebastian hurtado (and especially by my own); for we are always sensible of these, and our hearts will always keep them alive, with perpetual acknowledgments. besides, it seems to me that one could not give your grace a richer present, a more precious jewel, an ornament of greater worth, than the exploits and triumphs of such a brother, in whom one finds zeal for religion and the service of god, appearing in all he does. the prudence with which he governs his province, the unwearied solicitude with which he orders affairs, the disinterestedness with which he serves the king our lord--well worthy of the favor which his majesty has shown him (in making him a member of his council of war, and sending him two [appointments in] orders for his two nephews), and of those which i expect his majesty will yet grant him; the valor with which he defends those islands, the grand courage with which he exposes himself to the greatest perils, although his person is of such importance: all these are especially praiseworthy, to say nothing of the admirable example by which he encourages his soldiers to great undertakings, and the compassion with which he watches over the indians who were so harassed by so many enemies. in short, your grace will see in don sebastian hurtado a copy of your own holy zeal, prudence, care, disinterestedness, valor, magnanimity, and many other virtues conspicuous in your grace's own heart. in him your grace will see a true brother--as tulio [22] said (book 3, epistle 7), frater quasi fere alter, "a brother is naught else than a counterpart of the other brother;" so that they are hardly two, but rather one soul divided between two bodies, as quintilian said (declamation 321), [23] quid est aliud fraternitas quam divisus spiritus? [i.e., "what else is brotherhood but a divided soul?"] so that your grace's own valor, prudence, piety, and religion and don sebastian hurtado's are one; from that which god inspired in you, may be inferred that of don sebastian; and in the virtues of this great cavalier and captain-general shine those of your grace, to whom i offer a thousand congratulations on the triumphs of so glorious a brother, whose exploits i offer to your grace, and humbly place in your illustrious hands. may our lord watch over your grace as this your humble chaplain and servant desires. mexico, february [25, 1638]. diego de bobadilla [folios 1-9 of bobadilla's work are occupied with a long and detailed account of a miraculous cure experienced by father mastrilli, and its result in sending him to labor in the foreign missions. its substance is as follows: in 1633-34, mastrilli was in naples, and assisted, as a priest, at one of the altars erected for a solemn feast in honor of the virgin mary. after the ceremonies were over, mastrilli was accidentally wounded in the head by a hammer dropped from a workman's hand. his life was despaired of; but an image of st. francis xavier, miraculously endowed with speech, promised to restore his health if he would go to the indias. mastrilli vowed to do this, and to renounce country, friends, and all else that he held dear, for the sake of that employ; and the next morning found him cured and sound. in fulfilment of his vow he went to spain, and set out for japan; but (as related in previous documents) he was obliged to land at manila, and accompanied corcuera to mindanao.] an account of the great island of mindanao, and the hostilities committed by those mohammedans in the filippinas islands. the great island of mindanao is one of the largest in the archipelago of the filippinas islands, which seem to be almost innumerable; and it has even been said that there are over eleven thousand of them. [24] i believe that if one counts islands large and small, inhabited and desert, the above estimate is not far from the truth. in size, mindanao rivals the island of manila, the chief and head of the others, for it is almost three hundred leguas in circumference. esteban rodriguez de figueroa, one of the first leaders in the conquest of those islands, and one of the most valorous soldiers who has been in them, made an agreement with his majesty to conquer this island at his own cost and charges, and subject it to his royal crown--his majesty awarding him as tributary vassals, ten thousand of the first mindanaos whom he should subdue and choose for himself, and granting him other favors which he sought. his majesty accepted the agreement; and, with the title of governor and captain-general, don esteban assembled at his own cost a goodly army of spaniards, which (as i have heard) numbered about four hundred, and over four thousand indians. they were all embarked in a fleet of caracoas, which are oared vessels much used in the filippinas, carrying from fifty to one hundred rowers apiece. there are larger ones, which are called juangas, and carry from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty rowers. they sailed from the island of oton, where the fleet was fitted out and collected. they reached mindanao and the army disembarked. when the enemy saw such a force, they began to flee, and a victory was declared for españa; but our satisfaction was soon disturbed, for a wretched mindanao audaciously resolved--it is said, after he had taken opium, with which these people intoxicate themselves--to assassinate our captain-general, even though he should die in the attempt. the deed was to be done with his campilan, a weapon something like a cutlass, with a lead weight at the hilt. the weight makes its blows so terrible that it will cleave a man through the middle. he hid in some bushes near the road on which our men were marching in triumph. when general esteban rodriguez de figueroa reached a place abreast of the bush where the mindanao was hidden, the latter leaped out unexpectedly and struck the general so fierce a blow on his head with his campilan that it cleft his skull from ear to ear. i can account myself a witness of this, because, although i did not see that event, and did not go to the filippinas until many years after, yet in 1632 i saw the skull, when they disinterred the bones of this famous but unfortunate captain from the old church of our college at manila (which he founded, and where his body was brought for burial), to transfer them to the church which we have recently built. the skull shows very plainly the cruel blow of the campilan, so that even i said, as i held it in my hands, with great grief, "our founder will not deny the blow of the campilan." those who accompanied our general killed the mindanao on the spot, without much difficulty. they sounded the retreat, and abandoned their pursuit of the enemy. this was the origin and the beginning of the misfortunes and calamities which for so many years have caused us so much sorrow in the filippinas. our army, having lost its leader and captain-general, did nothing further. the spaniards retreated, and fortified themselves in a place on that river, where they remained in garrison; and father juan del campo, a fervent man and a great minister of the gospel, gave instruction to several villages, until he died there. many of the indians along this river had rendered obedience, and were paying tribute to his majesty. afterward the garrison moved to another place, called la caldera, where the spaniards remained several years. although they made no conquest of that country, they served as a check to the enemy, because the latter could not sail out with their fleets on plundering expeditions. as don pedro de acuña afterward decided, when he was governor in the filippinas, this garrison was withdrawn from la caldera, which resulted in the utter ruin of the islands, because land and sea remained in the possession of the enemy. at that time the island was ruled by a moro named buysan who claimed the entire seacoast as his. another moro, named silongan, ruled the well-populated district along the river. these two moros conspired together, and called to their aid other friends, and even in certain ways their subjects--as those of the island of sanguil and sarragan; and the caragas, who inhabit the further [i.e., from manila] shores of this same island of mindanao, which from that side faces our islands of pintados. they gathered great fleets of caracoas and jungas, which at times numbered over one hundred and even one hundred and fifty vessels--arming them with several large guns, many culverins, a large number of arquebuses and muskets and many other arms; and manning them so heavily, that they could land six to eight thousand soldiers. in this way masters of the land and sea, they infested the high seas, capturing all our ships that navigated those waters, robbing and burning towns, sacking churches, carrying off the ornaments and consecrated vessels, committing a thousand desecrations on the sacred images, breaking them into pieces and insulting them, and capturing christian indians in so great number that it would break one's heart to tell of it; for one time those whom they carried away numbered over two thousand and five hundred. the spaniards had no better fortune; for some were killed, and others carried away as slaves. in the year 1616, they set sail with a powerful fleet, after effecting an alliance with the dutch, who came with ten galleons, and entered the bay of manila on all saints' day. they were, however, defeated and destroyed in the following april, 1617, by our fleet under the leadership of general don juan ronquillo. while the dutch aided the mindanaos, the latter worked dreadful havoc, capturing, massacring, robbing, and burning everything there was. they came as far as balayan, a large and rich town on the island of manila, and not far from the city itself. they attacked the shipyards at pantao, where a galleon and a patache were in process of construction, and indeed almost finished. these they burned, and murdered almost thirty spaniards--among them captain arias giron and captain don juan pimentel, who were in command of the yards. others, besides many indians, they made prisoners. they captured from us a large quantity of firearms and some artillery, and inflicted on us great damage. even the fathers and ministers of the gospel have not been exempt; for, on the last occasion of which i have spoken, they captured and murdered two franciscan fathers. before that, on other occasions, they captured father hurtado, who was kept a long time in captivity in mindanao, and father pasqual de acuña, who was a prisoner at caraga and still lives. before and since the time of his captivity, he has labored gloriously for the space of almost forty years in the islands of pintados--teaching those indians until his great age and his failing strength obliged him to retire, and end his life in the fulness of his years, devoting himself to god alone. the other fathers and ministers crossed the mountains to escape the cruelty of these mahometans, enduring great hunger, hardship, and distress. to king buysan succeeded cachil corralat, his son, who with great sagacity and cunning set about making himself much more powerful. several times he made peace with the spaniards, but his word was ever a moro's. it was soon known that he could not be trusted, for he made and broke treaties with equal readiness. he infested the seas with his fleets, sending out his own as he did in the year 1633, when he sent out a large fleet which plundered and burned several large and wealthy cities on this very island of manila. but where he did most harm was in our island of pintados; for in the town of ogmuc alone he slew or made prisoners more than two hundred people--children and women, as well as men. they captured the minister there, father juan del carpio of our society, and cut him into pieces, of which his head was the smallest. cachil corralat gave orders to his followers not to carry to him a single father alive, but to slay them, in fulfilment of a vow which he had made to mahomet during a serious sickness, not to leave a father alive if his health were restored. god, in his just judgment and to punish us, chose to grant his prayer. other mahometans, their neighbors, joined the mindanaos--tribes from the island of jolo, who at one time paid tribute and then rebelled, killing all the spaniards. although that island is very small, and there cannot be more than three thousand men able to bear arms, yet they are very valiant, and they have very plainly proved it to us when they have sailed forth to scour the high seas--especially one chief, called dato achen, who can be compared with the most destructive african pirates. this man once attacked a shipyard which we had established in the province of camarines, in which several galleons were being built. after the usual robbery and burning, he slew or made prisoners many spaniards and indians. he carried away artillery and firearms, with which he strengthened his defenses in his own country. he overran the pintados islands and did a great deal of damage there. at cabalian he captured father juan domingo vilancio of our society, a native of luca--a holy man, and known as such by indians and spaniards, and even by the moros themselves. as such, the latter revered him and did not ill-treat him in their own country, where they carried him. while efforts were being made for his ransom, it was our lord's pleasure to give him complete liberty by freeing him from the prison of this [earthly] body, and giving him in heaven his reward for his faithful labors. he toiled thirty years or more in the conversion of the pagans, to the remarkable edification of all; and he displayed heavenly sincerity, which secured him the love of god and men. the moros buried him on their island of jolo. although we have asked for the body, they will not give it up, saying that they would rather keep it because it is holy (for sanctity and virtue are pleasing even to moros and infidels). they allege other things in proof of his sanctity, which i shall not refer to, because they are not thoroughly investigated. the lord will make them clear later, to his own glory. returning, however, to the joloans, they are grown insolent with their fortunate successes, no less on land than on the sea; for, although we have gone there three times with powerful fleets, they have come off with credit and singing victory. in short, we have returned without accomplishing anything. there was one time, however, when don christobal de lugo, lieutenant for the captain-general in the pintados islands, went there with a fleet, and sacked and burned the principal town, and did considerable damage; but they have always escaped, and repaid to us their losses. they put their trust in a hill very difficult of access, which they have well fortified with artillery, to which they retreat whenever they are attacked. the evils that are suffered at the hands of these two enemies, the mindanaos and the joloans, never were avenged, because, although the governors sent out fleets after them, they did not encounter the pirates on account of the great multitude of islands in the archipelago; or else, if our ships did meet them, the moros escaped, for their vessels are remarkably swift and so have a great advantage over ours. then, to remedy so grievous injuries, don juan cereço salamanca, who was then governor of the filippinas, in the beginning of the year 1634, overcoming remarkable difficulties which arose, with a holy zeal for the service of god and of the king our lord, ordered a position to be occupied on the island of mindanao, at a place which they call samboangan. there he began to raise a fort which should be a check to the mindanaos and the joloans, who came past that place when they sailed forth on plundering expeditions. although they could pass us by standing out to sea, or in the darkness of the night, without being seen from our fort, they would not so lightly dare to leave behind their houses and lands with the spaniard so near a neighbor--for the latter could do them great injury by carrying off their children and wives, and all their possessions, if their towns were left unprotected when the men went away in their fleets; or at least the spaniards could await them on their return and knock them in the head. the moro king, cachil corralat, was much disturbed at the proximity of the spaniards; since now he could not make raids in safety, as before; and he called upon the joloans, the borneans and the camucones to sail from various points to plunder our island, which they did. the camucones are a nation inhabiting some islands subject to the king of burney. sometimes alone, and sometimes in company with the borneans, they have infested our seas with their fleets, pillaging our islands, capturing many indians, and killing all the spaniards whom they took, because they did not wish to carry these alive to their own country; accordingly they granted no spaniard his life. they are a base and very cruel people. these robbers began as petty thieves, with a few small vessels; but with the captures which they have been continually making, they have grown so powerful that they send out great fleets upon the sea, and do a great deal of damage. in the year 1625, while the archbishop don francisco miguel garcia serrano was visiting the district of bondoc, these camucones attacked the town one morning, and the archbishop had no little trouble in escaping over the mountains; they stole whatever they could carry away, with the silver and the pontifical vestments. that same year, they captured father juan de las missas of our society, who had come from tayabas to preach and was returning to the island of marinduque, which was in his charge. they killed the father, and captured all who were aboard his ship, except perhaps some one who escaped by swimming. they did much more damage, continuing their depredations up to the year 1636, when, as i said, they sailed with a large fleet, at the solicitation of the king cachil corralat. they entered so far among the islands, that from them they sailed out upon the high sea--an act of great daring. they arrived at and plundered palapag, a mission of our society. they rounded cape espiritu santo, and captured over a hundred christians at baco. there they divided into two bands. one passed over to albay, on the island of manila, where they were met by the alcalde-mayor, captain mena, of the order of st. george, with several spaniards and six franciscan friars. the spaniards pressed the camucones so hard that seven of their caracoas went ashore on the island of capul, where many of their christian captives were set free. the natives of the said island slew some of the camucones. three of their caracoas they abandoned on the sea, going aboard others to make their escape more easily. not one of our men was killed in this encounter, except that one franciscan father was wounded by a musket-bullet, and afterwards died of his wound. the other band went out to sea again, coasting the island of ybabao. they entered a town called bangahun and made prisoners there more than one hundred other christians. this troop fought a battle with a caracoa full of soldiers from the city of zebu, who inflicted some injury upon the moros, killing and capturing some. these camucones, returning afterward to their own country, while they were coasting the island of panay, were overtaken by a sudden storm, which drove three of their caracoas ashore. those who escaped with their lives were captured by the natives, and many of them are now on galleys at the port of cavite. other caracoas stealthily ventured to the calamianes islands, where some spaniards came out to meet them, and captured two of their ships, and set free twenty captives from the island of mindoro who were among their prisoners. fifteen other caracoas were coasting the island of paragua in company; and, two days before arriving at borney, they encountered thirty caracoas of joloans, who had recently quarreled with the borneans. the joloans attacked the camucones and borneans, captured their fifteen caracoas, and made prisoners many camucones and more than one hundred of the christians carried off by the camucones; these latter were ransomed at samboangan, at a moderate rate. after these pirates cachil corralat sent his fleet, which did considerable damage in our islands. in order to stop it and check all these enemies, the governor, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, decided to go forth in person and make an expedition to mindanao, to begin the punishment of this enemy, because they were most powerful--as we shall soon see, describing first the naval victory given us by our lord over the fleet despatched hither by cachil corralat. [the next part of this compilation is an account of the naval victory over tagal's fleet in december, 1636; it is practically the same as that which we have already presented in our vol. xxvii, although rewritten and much abridged for publication. then follows mastrilli's letter to his provincial (june 2, 1637) which also we have published; bobadilla states that he reproduces it verbatim, save for the correction of "a few words which are not quite in accord with our ordinary language, as he was a native of the city of naples." the document ends with a description of corcuera's triumphal entry into manila, evidently compiled (with some additional details) from juan lopez's letter on that subject, already presented to our readers.] royal orders and decrees, 1638 removal of negroes from manila the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia resident therein. in a letter which you wrote me on the last of june, 1636, you declare that shortly after your arrival at those islands, that city petitioned you to have the free negroes and the freedmen, who number about four hundred or five hundred, removed from it, because of the disorders that they were creating within the city, as well as the thefts that they were committing in union with the slaves--the former receiving and taking to other places to sell what these said negroes had stolen. you declare that that city demanded that the negroes should go to live nine leguas away from there, but that that measure has not seemed advisable; and the fathers of the society gave you an islet which they possess in the middle of the river, in order that they might settle the negroes there, with the obligation to give them instruction--but there would be no obligation to give the fathers any stipend for that purpose beyond what is given them from the communal fund of the sangleys whom they have in santa cruz. those sangleys also render me aid by giving me six reals per annum, besides the general license, so that they may be allowed to live there with the fathers. they number from about eight hundred to one thousand chinese. the fathers minister to those who have become christians from this number, as well as to the negroes--the latter being separated from the former by an arm of the river. also the chinese pay all his salary to the alcalde-mayor from their communal fund, which has been a saving to my royal treasury. you declare that, in your desire to economize and avoid so heavy expenses, you have deemed it best to give the commander of artillery, who receives seven hundred pesos monthly salary for his duties, the office of alcalde-mayor of the parián; for during the time while he should hold that office, there would be an annual saving of seven thousand two hundred pesos to my royal treasury. you also ordered the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olaso, to go to live at the port of cavite with his company, and to serve there as castellan, chief justice, and governor of that port, with the same salary as at present, as you say that the sargento-mayor would be sufficient for you in that city. the above you reported to me, so that i might understand it; and you say that by the aforesaid measures and your method of governing, and provided that no one steals from my royal treasury, you will entirely clear my royal treasury of debt, and govern those islands from the proceeds of them. the matter having been examined in my council, it has been judged best to tell you that it is thought that you will have given careful consideration to the removal of the free negroes and freedmen from that city and their settlement on the islet which was given you by the brethren of the society of jesus; and the rest that you mention in the said letter touching the said matter is neither approved nor rejected here, for the present. it is to be feared, however, that those negroes, having been removed from the city, and settled with the chinese on an uninhabited island, may commit more serious damage. consequently, you shall watch carefully so that you may remedy what needs correction; and you are to note that in the matter of government, the best is not [always] the easiest to execute, nor its results satisfactory. hence, for that reason, no new thing can be entered upon suddenly; and you will, therefore, not carry out the execution of these new measures until you shall have first reported to me all the things that you shall see to be for my service, so that orders as to your course of action may be issued to you. in the meanwhile, you shall not carry out your proposed change of the persons of the commander of artillery and of the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olaso; and i charge and order you, that, jointly with the session [of the audiencia], you shall inform me, both in this regard and in others, of what changes should be made from the past government, so that in everything decision may be made as to what measures may be taken. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon restricting the religious orders the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my audiencia therein: your letter of june 30, 636, touching ecclesiastical matters, has been examined in my royal council of the yndias, and answer is [hereby] made you. you say that the religious of the order of st. augustine need to be reformed, for they pay no heed to the bulls of his holiness, or the decrees despatched in regard to the rotation; and that it would be advisable not to give them any more religious for eight years--both because they have many, and because of the causes that you mention for such measure. i have thought best to charge you to have the rule for rotation put in force strictly, without allowing more religious in each mission station [doctrina] than, in accordance with my royal patronage, shall be necessary for it; and that the others be occupied in missions [misiones] and in preaching, for which purpose they were sent. in regard to what you write me concerning the advanced age of the archbishop of those islands (who is so aged that his hands and head tremble), namely, that it would be best to give him an assistant; and that you are arranging to give such assistant an income of two thousand pesos in addition to the four thousand pesos enjoyed by the said archbishop, without taking that sum from my royal treasury, or from my vassals: i charge you to explain to me the method or means by which you can get that money without damage to my royal treasury and the vassals who serve me, so that, if it be worth while to allow it, you may execute it. so that the order of st. dominic, and the other orders resident in those islands, may live with the regulation and good example that is proper, and so that they may not increase the number of mission stations granted them by my decrees, you shall allow no new elections in them, which shall not be in harmony with my patronage. with the advice of the archbishop, you shall endeavor to unite some of the stations; and in those that shall be newly founded, you shall endeavor likewise to have secular priests introduced, if you find them intelligent and competent. madrid. september 2, 1638. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon appointment of secular priests to missions the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: in one of the sections of a letter which that city [of manila] wrote to me on june 27 of 636, it is stated that there are two colleges in that city--one that of santo tomas, with religious of the order of st. dominic; and the other that of san josef, with religious of the society of jesus--both of which have possessed, for several years past, authority to confer degrees in all the sciences. it is also declared that, with this opportunity, many students have excelled in those studies, and especially various sons of poor citizens, who have graduated in all the degrees; but that, since they have no beneficed curacies on which they can depend for support, their studies bring them no advantage. it is said that this is caused by certain religious orders, who have acquired from the archbishop, bishops, and governors the aggrandizement of their orders with many benefices which formerly were administered by secular priests; and that this might be remedied if i would decree that all the benefices which have been annexed to the religious orders during the last twenty years should be restored to the [secular] clergy, and that edicts should be issued in the form which i have ordained. this matter having been considered in my royal council of the indias, i have thought it best to issue the present, by which i command you that in the new missions that shall be established, you shall--except when they are in a territory assigned to the religious--it being understood that there are virtuous secular priests, take pains to appoint them to such missions; for such is my will. [madrid, october 2, 1638.] i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon compensation to nuns of st. clare the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: in a letter which the abbess and nuns of the convent of st. clare in that city wrote me on the thirtieth of june, 636, they make the following statements: that the said convent was established so that they could live in it, with all decorum and humility, with certain alms from the citizens; and their house and church were built close to the wall of the said city that lies next the river--a place that seemed most separated from the business quarter, and so closely shut in that little save the sky could be seen. that in front, on the other side of the street, is the royal hospital for the spaniards, which from the time of its foundation has been administered by the religious of st. francis; and that in the hospital the religious who was vicar of the said convent [of st. clare], and administered the holy sacraments to the nuns, had a cell, and they helped to support this religious out of the alms bestowed upon them. that you, without any occasion or just cause, drove out the religious from the said hospital by force and violence, with armed soldiers--saying that the hospital should be managed by a secular priest whom you took thither with you. that the said vicar was thereby compelled to find shelter in the convent of st. francis, which is at a great distance from that of st. clare; and consequently, with the inconveniences of the excessive heat and the violence of the rains in the wet season, he cannot go to hear confessions and administer the holy sacraments at st. clare, especially at night. that their greatest annoyance is, that you are constructing in the hospital a ward for convalescents, on the side that faces the said convent; and that it is so high that it looks down upon the convent, notwithstanding the enclosure of the latter, and from the windows of that ward may be seen the beds of the nuns in their infirmary and dormitory--a matter which requires thorough reparation. they say that on the other side of their house is a space between the houses and the wall (which was formerly a street), which is a passage to the convent, and is useful to it; but that you have closed this way, and are building another house, which abuts upon their own ground-plot, for barracks and stables for the cavalry troops. they entreat me that i will be pleased to command that a check be placed upon this undertaking, and that, considering their poverty, i order you to pay them the amount of one hundred and twenty pesos in certified pay-warrants on the treasury there, which they hold, which sum will be a great benefit and charity to them. the complaint of these nuns has been considered in my royal council of the indias, and the damage which they say has been caused to them by closing up the street and by their being in sight of the ward that was built in the cells [at the hospital], and by the stables and barracks that have been placed so close to their house. i have therefore thought it best to ordain and command you, as i do, that you shall not in any way cause injury or inconvenience to the said nuns; and that the pay-warrants which they say they hold, you shall cause to be paid--provided they are duly certified--in their due value and at such time as the said nuns desire; for such is my will. [madrid, october 2, 1638.] i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon regulating the seminary of santa potenciana the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia resident in the city of manila of the filipinas islands: it has been reported in my royal council of the yndias that there is in that city a seminary named santa potenciana, of which i am patron; that it was established for orphan girls, and for the reception of married women when their husbands are occupied in my service in various parts; and that for some years the custom has been introduced of sheltering in the said seminary certain women who live scandalously. [i am also told] that, since this is of so great service to god our lord, you, my president, have given orders to the mother rector of the said seminary not to receive in the seminary any woman sent by the archbishop of that church, or by his provisor; and that no one of its inmates may leave it. it has been judged best to order you (as i do hereby) to take what measures appear to you most advisable in this matter, considering all ends. given in madrid, november eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight. i the king countersigned by don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon, and signed by the members of the council. [endorsed: "to the royal audiencia of manila, in regard to the order given by the president of the audiencia to the mother rector of the seminary of sancta potenciana of that city, that she should not receive therein any woman sent by the archbishop or his provisor." "ordering that the president take what measures appear most fitting, considering all ends."] commerce of the islands with mexico the king. to my viceroy, president, and auditors of my royal audiencia resident in the city of mexico, of nueva españa: don juan grau monfalcon, procurator-general of the filipinas islands, has reported to me that the permission possessed by those islands of two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of merchandise, and five hundred thousand for the returns thereon, is very small, as that was conceded thirty-four years ago, when the citizens and inhabitants were fewer, the duties and expenses not so great, and the islands less infested by their foes. because of this latter, their needs have increased so greatly that, if the said permission be not increased, it will be impossible to maintain them, or for their citizens to support themselves. he tells me that some illegal acts may have resulted from the present narrow limit of the permission, both in the lading of the merchandise, and in the returns of the silver. in order that those violations may be avoided, and those islands and their inhabitants maintained in a less straitened manner, he has petitioned me to have the goodness to concede an increase of the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of the merchandise to four hundred thousand, and also of the five hundred thousand pesos of silver to eight hundred thousand. for, besides the above-mentioned advantages, my royal duties will thus increase, to supply the expenses of the said islands; illegalities and frauds will cease; and the inhabitants will increase in wealth. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, inasmuch as i wish to know what permission the said islands enjoy, and that of the count and duke of san lucar, and whether it will be advisable to enlarge the permission of the said islands; and considering their needs and expenses, and other advantages: i order you to inform me very minutely in regard to it all, so that, after examination, the advisable measures may be taken. given in madrid, december eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight. i the king countersigned by don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon, and signed by the members of the council. [endorsed: "don juan grau monfalcon. to the viceroy, president, and auditors of the audiencia of mexico, ordering information as to the permission [of trade] for the filipinas islands, and that conceded to the count and duke; and as to the advisability of increasing the amount permitted to the islands."] jurisdiction over seamen the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, or to the person or persons in whose charge that government shall be: in a letter which i wrote to you on the second of last september, on various matters, there is a section of the following tenor: "i have considered the arguments that you bring forward for its being so expedient that the commander and the admiral of the ships shall have authority and jurisdiction in the port of acapulco, when he is not on shore, to punish his sailors and soldiers; and that the warder of the fort there shall not interfere with them by undertaking to punish them on shore (regarding them as his subordinates, as hitherto they have been) as they are persons of ability and good qualifications--since from the time when the ships cast anchor, during all the time while they remain in port, the men do not respect or obey, as it is right they should, the said commander or admiral. desiring to avoid this difficulty, so that those officers may punish the culprits in such cases, i have decided that what you propose may be done, with the conditions that you mention; and, by a decree of the same date as this letter, i am sending to the viceroy of nueva españa advices to that effect. [i have told him] that as this seems to be a general complaint, to judge from the instances [reported] here, he must give the necessary orders for the execution of this decree, unless some difficulty shall arise that may oblige him to defer it; for when those men commit any disorderly acts on shore complaint can be made against them, and the matter referred to the said commander and admiral." and now a report has been made to me, on the part of don juan grao monfalcon, procurator-general of that city of manila, that it is very advisable that the said commander and admiral of the ships possess all necessary jurisdiction for punishing the men aboard them--as is done at cartagena, portovelo, and other places; and he entreats that i be pleased to command that this be accordingly done. the matter having been considered in my royal council of the indias, i have thought it best to issue the present, for such is my will, that the usage which i have mentioned be put in practice in the islands, as well as in nueva españa, since that is advisable for my service. [madrid, december 8, 1638.] i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon on the lading of the galleons the king. don juan grau y monfalcon, procurator-general of the philipinas islands, has reported to me that certain citizens of those islands, to whom were allotted toneladas in the amount [of lading] permitted, have, for lack of means to ship the goods, sold that space--which has thus been secured by the merchants of nueva españa and peru, who for that purpose have their agents in manila. he states that this practice is overlooked [by the officials], although, after the first distribution of the permitted lading space has been made, and the toneladas allotted, the citizens who through poverty or other causes are unable or unwilling to lade the goods which belong and are allotted to them cannot give, sell, or transfer that space to any other person, unless they again declare the toneladas before the bureau of allotment. the bureau again shares the space which was thus declared among such citizens as ask for it, or who can occupy it to better advantage; and these must pay for it, giving for each tonelada the amount appraised, according to the season and the circumstances, by the bureau itself. the proceeds from the said toneladas shall be given and paid to the owners who had declared them. thus poor persons will obtain relief, and the citizens [of the islands] will have the benefit of the entire amount of trade permitted to them, while those of nueva españa will be excluded from it. [the said procurator] entreats me to issue a decree in accordance with these facts, including therein adequate penalties to secure its execution. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, and the above statements carefully considered, i have approved [the said procurator's request]. i command my governor and captain-general of the said philipinas islands who now holds or shall in future hold that office, and the auditors of my royal audiencia therein, and other persons who shall have in charge the allotment of the said toneladas, and the bureau for the said allotment, that they observe and fulfil, and cause to be observed and fulfilled, exactly and inviolably, what is ordained in this my decree, without in any way contravening or exceeding its tenor or form. and those who disobey this decree are warned that such act will be charged to them in the visitations and their residencias, and they will be punished according to law; for such is my will. [madrid, december 8, 1638.] fortunate successes in filipinas and terrenate, 1636-37 fortunate successes which our lord has given by sea and land to the spanish arms in the filipinas islands against the mindanaos, and in the islands of terrenate against the dutch, in the latter part of the year 1636 and the beginning of 1637. filipinas these filipinas islands, subject to the catholic king our sovereign for the past thirty years, have been so harassed and terrorized by invasions, robberies, and fires caused by the moros (mindanaos, joloans, burneyans, and camucones), that one could not sail outside the bay of manila without manifest danger. not a single village was now safe, nor could an evangelical or royal minister perform his duty undisturbed. these pirates--some at one time, others at another, and sometimes all together--set out every year from their own lands, and at first attacked the islands which are called the pintados, for these were the nearest; and afterward, becoming more impudent, they came to coast along the island of manila itself, and once they even came to the suburbs of this city (although without making their presence known). the christians captured by them on these raids were numberless; some were spanish but the majority were natives, who, sold afterward either among the enemies themselves, or among more distant unbelievers, either abandoned the faith, or suffered living death in a wretched slavery. the villages which they had ravaged were pitiful to see, being either burned to the ground or abandoned and deserted; for those inhabitants who were able to escape from the hands of the enemy hid themselves in the thickets of the mountains, among wild beasts and venomous serpents, without other food than a few roots and wild fruits. and what is impossible to relate without shedding tears, the gospel ministers were compelled to flee in this same way, to endure the same calamities, and suffer the inclemencies of sky and ground, in order not to fall into the hands of mahometan cruelty. even thus they were not always able to flee, for some, cut to pieces, fell into their hands; others were captured and ransomed at great cost, or died of ill-treatment in their captivity. those barbarians did not spare the churches, but rather plundered them with an infernal fury; burned them, and trampled under foot the ornaments; broke the images and profaned the vessels; and impiously clothed themselves with the sacred vestments. the most unbearable thing of all was to see all those evils unchecked, our friends disheartened, the enemy unresisted, and the villages defenseless. for, although the governors sent fleets in pursuit of the enemy, nothing was effected--partly because the latter hid themselves from our men among the numerous islands, and partly because of the great speed of their boats, in which respect they had great advantage over us. finally, in the year 1633, the king of mindanao, named cachil corralat, sent out a very large fleet which did signal damage in the islands. to put an end to this, don juan cerezo de salamanca, who was governor of the islands at that time, surmounting many difficulties, commanded a certain position to be taken and a fort to be begun in samboangan, on the island of mindanao, and occupied by a spanish garrison; for that point was well suited to the purpose of restraining from there the mindanaos and joloans, as they were forced to sight it when they went forth to pillage. soon the enemy corralat felt the damage done him by the new post of the spaniards, and since he could no longer sally forth at his safety, he called upon the burneyans, joloans, and camucones to set out in various directions to pillage--which they did. he himself sent out after them, in the beginning of april, 1636, a large fleet in command of a moro chief named tagal. this fleet, as our garrison was but recently established, was able to proceed to our islands, and attacking many places, to make many captures--among them three recollect religious of the order of st. augustine, and a spanish corregidor of the island of cuyo; to pillage much property, and to plunder the churches. they carried away the ornaments and vessels, and destroyed the images, and especially the cloth of a sacred crucifix, from which corralat made himself a cape. thereupon he became arrogant, and boasted that he was carrying away the god of the christians a prisoner, because he had taken from among the sacred vessels a monstrance and a lunette with the most holy sacrament; and he returned to his own land, where they were already mourning him as lost, because he had been absent from it for eight months. this last invasion, more than all the previous ones, afflicted don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, who at that time had been proprietary governor of the islands for a year. inflamed with a zeal for the honor of god and his king, he determined, after surmounting the numerous difficulties and oppositions, to avenge in person the insolent acts of those barbarians. but first of all he sent out, as governor of the presidio at sanboangan, sargento-mayor bartolome diaz barrera, and, under his orders, sargento-mayor nicolas gonçalez, so that they might be making preparations and sweeping the seas of those corsairs--a very important matter, as will be seen subsequently. he then fitted out a good fleet of champans (sailing vessels of moderate size, which are used by the chinese); and, embarking in one of them, made sail on the day of the purification of our lady, the second of february, of this year 1637. at oton (which is about half-way) he received definite information that tagal was returning to his own country with eight very well laden ships. the commander of the garrison at sanboangan was informed of that; and, preparing in two hours a squadron of five caracoas (which are swift craft with oar and sail, which are used by these indians) and placing in command thereof nicolas gonçalez, the sargento-mayor of that presidio, he set out to round a very steep cliff, in which a small mountain terminated, projecting out into the sea, and distant about thirty leguas eastward from our fort. it was necessary for the enemy to stop there, in order to discharge numerous lances and arrows at the cliff (for it was their custom to sail by that point when either outward or homeward bound)--a superstitious custom of those barbarians. on account of this the place was known as "the point of arrows" [punta de flechas]. the result was that which our men desired for on the morning of the day of st. thomas, the twenty-first of december (at the time when prayer was being offered up within the fort), the enemy was sighted; and both then and on the following night our men made such an attack upon the enemy that, in spite of a desperate defense, they surrendered. of the eight ships only one worthy of mention escaped, and that one in such a condition that in order to escape, they cast overboard all its merchandise and slaves. the other ships, heavily laden with merchandise, fell into the hands of our soldiers and were plundered. there were not many firearms, but they contained the vases and sacred ornaments, which were declared, in order to be returned to their rightful owners. there died tagal, the commander of the enemy, with more than three hundred other moros--so obstinate and furious that they preferred death rather than surrender, although they were offered their lives. better was the course of one of tagal's brothers, who, when badly wounded, surrendered, protesting that he had always regarded the faith of the christians as the true one, and begging for baptism, after receiving which he died. his example was followed by fourteen other moros, who surrendered and besought baptism. thus also there were recovered a hundred and twenty christian captives and among them a recollect father, one of those whom the moros were taking away with them; but he was so badly wounded that he soon died, although greatly consoled to have seen with his own eyes the bravery with which our captains had punished the insolence of the barbarians, obtaining so signal a victory as that, to the honor of jesus christ and of the spaniards, without its having cost even a single man to our side. in that we began to enjoy the benefits of the fort of sanboangan; for if it had not been there, we could not have encountered the enemy--who were none the less frightened by a miracle which occurred on the very night on which the victory was won. for having commenced by a terrific trembling of the earth and sea, with a great noise of groans and screams, which were heard by some, and which terrified all, that cliff--which we have mentioned as an infamous place, both on account of the superstitious rite of shooting arrows at it and many other things, and because there was a tradition among the natives that the devil had been actually seen there--became loosened from the land and fell with a great crash into the sea, our lord giving to understand thereby that the impiety so strongly intrenched in that island was to fall and give place to our holy religion, as events are constantly demonstrating. the shore has already been consecrated to god with the name of point san sebastian, so that the superstitions by which that place was contaminated may be transformed by his holy arrows. the governor was highly elated with these tidings, and still more when he received the ornaments, sacred vessels, and images which had been recovered; and was moved to deep pity by the maltreated holy crucifix, which had been made into a cape. [25] he ordained the latter as thenceforth a standard for that expedition, as he did also with the miraculous painting of st. francis xavier which was carried by father marcelo mastrillo, well known in the greater part of the world for the so great mark of favor shown him by the lord through the agency of that great apostle of india. this father, while passing from malaca to macan, a port of china, in fulfilment of the vow which he made at napoles, met with the dutch corsairs, from whom the lord delivered him by a sudden wind which, while it turned him from the course which he was pursuing, miraculously carried him, without a pilot who knew those regions, into the bay of manila. they anchored at the port of cavite, on the day of st. ignatius of last year, for the signal consolation and edification of all these islands, and for the good success of this expedition (in which consisted the complete relief and remedy of all)--especially to the benefit of the sick, of whom he took charge during the entire course of the expedition. our fleet reached the port of sanboangan on february 22, of this year; and all the men in it having been confessed and having received communion, and having been so encouraged (as they made evident to the father) by seeing from the pulpit, the outraged image of the crucified one, they cried out that they would attack the whole world; and that the mothers were fortunate who had employed their sons in so glorious an undertaking. then the soldiers returned to their vessels; they were divided into three companies of spaniards, and one of panpango indians. without awaiting the spaniards and the volunteer bisayan indians they began to lay their course toward lamitan, on the fourth of march, in order not to allow the enemies time to prepare themselves. at that place corralat had his principal village. the governor preceded the entire fleet, with only four boats--both because the weather was contrary, and because he had heard that there were some moro merchantmen on the sea from java major, very full of christian slaves. without the loss of an instant's time, by sailing night and day, he came within sight of lamitan, on march thirteen. there the same man, in company with only six musketeers as a guard, personally reconnoitered the coast and river, with great valor and risk. having fully ascertained that the beach and the low grounds were safe, he disembarked with the men of his four boats, as well as those of two others, that had already come up at that time--in all, about seventy soldiers. he placed these in battle-array, and marched with them to attack the village, without knowing that it was so well fortified as was the case, as he understood that all their force was about one and one-half leguas inland on a high hill. it was an especial providence of our lord, and a brilliant stratagem, to leave an open road along the beach (on which, as was afterward seen, the enemy had planted all their artillery), and to deceive the enemy by taking another road on the opposite side. this was very difficult and dangerous, both because of the ambuscades which the enemy had prepared in the thickets (which were quickly cleared by our men, by means of two field-pieces which were in the vanguard), and by the swamps and river--which the soldiers forded twice, with the water up to their breasts, with incredible valor. they were encouraged by the example of their captain-general, who was the first in all these hardships, as he was also later, when attacking two large stockades, one after the other. those stockades, notwithstanding the fierce resistance made by the moros in their defense, he entered with his men, ever proving himself not less prudent in commanding than spirited in attacking--personally encountering several moros, who set upon him with extraordinary spirit. thereupon, they caught sight of the fort with which corralat had defended his village. it was exceedingly well fortified with a new ditch, with eight pieces of artillery, twenty-seven versos, many muskets with rests, and other lighter arms, and with more than two thousand warrior moros. but that was of little use, for so gallant was the assault of the spanish, notwithstanding their small number, that they instantly gained possession of the fort, killing a goodly number of moros--among whom was their castellan, who obstinately fought to the death--while the others fled very badly wounded. from that place a portion of our men went on ahead to a stockade which, with one piece [of artillery], defended the house of corralat, and it soon fell into our power; for after the commander who had charge of it (and who until then had kept them in good spirits by his vain and superstitious promises) had been killed, those who accompanied him lost heart and fled, while many of them were left there dead. the other body [of the spaniards] attacked the river at the same time, and, putting the moros to flight, captured more than three hundred craft, great and small. of these they sacked some large javanese merchantmen which were heavily laden with goods, and set free their christian slaves. some boats which were suitable for our men were kept, and the others were burned, without a single one being left. had the fleet that left sanboangan been all together on that day, they would have finished matters with the moro king corralat, who, with as many men as possible, withdrew to the hill which he had fortified, disguised and borne on the shoulders of slaves. the governor after having given the village over to sack, having gathered all the arms of the enemy--which, as aforesaid, consisted of eight bronze pieces with ladles, one swivel-gun of cast iron, twenty-seven versos, and more than one hundred muskets and arquebuses; besides a very great number of cannon-chambers, and iron, balls, and powder; campilans (what the indians call by this name resemble certain cutlasses), lances, javelins, and many other kinds of poisoned missile weapons; and also after having repaired the fort which the enemy had (now called san francisco xavier) with new and suitable fortifications, which he planned, and himself commenced with his own hands to execute; and having lodged his men without the loss of even one (for only two servants deserted): he retired to a large mosque, where he established a bodyguard. he first had the mosque blessed, and a chair and some arabic books of the cursed koran burned. quite necessary was the garrison and watch set by the vigilant governor during the days of his stay there, while awaiting the rest of his fleet, in order to drive away some false and pernicious embassies, and to defend themselves from the continual surprises which the defeated moros sprang upon them, especially at night. our men did not receive much hurt from them; on the contrary, various bodies of troops, leaving their posts, overran the country, burning the villages, and committing other damage on the enemy. many christian captives fled from the enemy on this account, and were immediately sent to sanboangan. on the sixteenth of the same month, sargento-mayor nicolas gonçalez came to join the governor with the rest of the fleet, which sailed from sanboangan. the governor immediately began to prepare his men with all temporal and spiritual equipment with which to invest the hill on the next day. there was well seen the military prudence and skill, and the zeal for the divine honor, of the captain-general, in the so well arranged and efficacious address which he made to his soldiers, and in the so definite orders that he issued. he divided his men; and, committing about one hundred and twenty spaniards, thirty pampango indians, and some other bisayans as carriers, to sargento-mayor nicolas gonzalez, ordered him to surprise the enemy by the rear of the hill, first sounding his trumpets, so that he himself might attack the front at the same instant by this means dividing the enemy's forces, and weakening their defense. in accordance with these orders, the sargento-mayor began his march. the governor, with the rest of the army (after leaving a sufficient defense of soldiers in the fort and boats), marched toward the hill at six o'clock the following morning. at its brow was a very fine deserted village, where the governor fortified a good house, and had a piece of artillery planted and a garrison of pampangos established, to be used as a place of refuge for his men. commencing to ascend the hill by the road which the moro who was guiding them showed him, he stopped near where there was another road; and, having asked the guide whether that road also led to the hill, and which of the two was the better, the moro replied in the affirmative, and said that both were poor. "then if both are poor," said the governor in reply, "let us go by the other, and not by the one along which the moro is guiding us." that was the inspiration of heaven, and very good military counsel, and so did the outcome declare it; for that first road was taking them point blank into a cavalier, garrisoned with three pieces, one of which was of bronze. it was found afterward that, besides a double charge of powder, the piece was loaded with two plain artillery balls, two crowbars, and more than three hundred musket balls--with which, no doubt, at least all the vanguard would have been swept away. now freed from that danger, and marching with great difficulty up the hill, the governor sent some of the vanguard with orders to reconnoiter only the road, and to halt at some fitting place in order to await the signal of those who were to attack the enemy in the rear. in truth the road was so difficult that it could be ascended in some places only with great difficulty, by clambering up and laying hold of the shrubs with their hands. it was narrow and very steep, and had precipices in all parts, so that they could not mount upward except one at a time. and, above all, it was so well commanded at the top by three forts--which were inaccessible, both by the great height of their location, and by the defenses of ditches, very stout stockades, and a very large supply of weapons--that very few of the enemy, without receiving any hurt, could with the use of only stones kill a million men who might attack them in that part. notwithstanding this, those who were sent to reconnoiter the road were so blinded by their overweening valor and spirit (truly spanish) that, thinking that they could easily gain all, they went ahead to attack one of the three forts, without heeding the order that the general had given them; thereby they encountered, for themselves and the rest of the vanguard, great damage from the three forts, without doing anything to the enemy. more than twenty [of the spaniards] were killed and more than eighty badly wounded. much greater would have been the destruction of our men--for, not considering those who were falling, they continued to involve themselves and the others further, with false rumors of victory--had it not been that the governor, placing himself in the greatest danger, where the balls were raining down, and where they wounded his squire (and others who were very near him fell dead), and recognizing that victory was impossible in that part, and prudently hiding the disorder which had happened, in order not to discourage his soldiers, caused them all, both whole and wounded, to retire. this he did with so great ease and gallantry on one side, while on the other he confronted the enemy with so great valor, with sword in hand; had he not done that not a single man would have remained alive, since the enemy were numerous, the road full of precipices, and our men badly impeded with the wounded and more than two hours of fighting. that night the governor passed, with those who remained unhurt, in the retreat at the brow of the hill--at the greatest risk of perishing, if the enemy had made a sally, however vigilant our men had been. but god delivered them from that danger; for the enemy did not make a sally, because they made a great feast that night over the good result of having, as they imagined, killed the governor. already by this time the sick were in the camp, in which miraculous cures of very deadly wounds occurred. one had been shot through the head from temple to temple; another was shot through the mouth by a ball that passed up through the stomach; another had several poisoned dart-points (here called sompites) left sticking in his throat; and both those and all the others, excepting two or three who did not allow themselves to be treated, are today alive and well. they, and all, attribute their miraculous health to the special favor with which god chose to repay the holy zeal with which all risked their lives for his divine majesty. on the following day, the eighteenth of the same month, while the governor was hearing mass, the rattle and roar of artillery and musketry was heard on the hill, which increased his anxiety. suspecting that nicolas gonzalez was fighting, he sent him, as a reënforcement, a company of soldiers under command of captain don rodrigo de guillestigui. and it was so that, the said sargento-mayor, nicolas gonzalez, not having been able to arrive the day before at the assigned place because of the great difficulty of the road, it was our lord's pleasure that, after conquering many difficulties and great obstacles, he gained possession of an eminence which dominated the enemy's forts in the rear. thence he started to invest them, with such intrepidity that, although the king, leading his men in person, began to resist him furiously, he could not however withstand our charges. consequently, they were compelled to abandon their three forts, one after the other, leaving an infinite number of dead moros, who perished partly by the balls, and partly through falling over precipices in escaping, as the way was narrow. among those who escaped by flight was corralat; he fled, badly wounded, to some small villages that he owned, which were four leguas distant from the hill. the queen his wife, and many others of his servants threw themselves over the precipices of their own accord, in order to avoid falling into our hands. many of the enemy were captured and the christian captives there freed. among the latter was found alive one of the recollect fathers, who, as he had been badly mangled, was judged to have lived as by a miracle until the day following, when he died as a saint in the camp, after receiving all the sacraments with great consolation. the third [recollect religious] was killed through the fury of the moros, and it is not known where they threw his body. the three forts, then, with all their arms (namely, four pieces of artillery, and other numberless weapons of other kinds), having fallen into our hands, as well as a great quantity of food, and a quantity of wealth, and a suitable guard having been placed, the governor was advised of everything. he was waiting anxiously in camp; rejoicing over the good news, and more that no one of our soldiers had been killed, he ascended the hill. in two days' time having taken down to the camp with very few men the pieces which it had taken the enemy six months to take up with more than two thousand indians; collecting many sacred vases and ecclesiastical ornaments which were found; giving the house of the king over to sack, and others, very large and full of riches, by which many spaniards were greatly advantaged; and having burned the buildings, and leveled the forts: as he was no longer able to endure the stench which arose from the [dead bodies of] the enemy who had been slain and those who had fallen over the precipices, the forces returned to camp--leaving the moro king entirely ruined, as a chastisement for the many outrages which he had impiously committed on the true god, on his priests, and other christians. from there, after having given thanks to our lord with a mass, and a solemn procession with the most holy sacrament on the day of the incarnation, they set sail for sanboangan. when they left, the governor sent sargento-mayor pedro palomino with one hundred spaniards to cachil moncay (the legitimate king, although he had been oppressed by the tyranny of his uncle corralat), in order to tell him that, if he wished to be protected by the spanish arms of his majesty, he must render homage and pay tribute to the catholic king our sovereign, wage war by fire and sword on corralat and his allies, free the christian captives, and admit gospel ministers. the king offered in person to do all that, and afterward through his ambassador and brother-in-law, at samboangan, to the governor. the latter having issued the fitting orders in that presidio, and having received the homage offered to our sovereign by many--especially by the inhabitants of the island of basilan, to whom he immediately assigned gospel ministers, as they asked for them--he entrusted one hundred spaniards and more than one thousand volunteer indians (who had now arrived, although after the battle), with orders to coast along the island, doing all the harm possible to the enemy, and helping the spaniards' friends. the said captain performed all the aforesaid excellently, coasting along the island from sanboangan to caraga. and although the moros had retreated inland, being terrified by the news of the victory, still the captain did them considerable damage. he burned as many as sixteen villages, and many other collections of houses, laid waste the fields and gardens, destroyed more than one hundred ships (counting large and small), and seized others for the use of the fleet, whose need he abundantly supplied with many provisions which he collected. he also beheaded seventy-two spirited moros, who defended themselves against him, whose heads he placed on pikes, in various places along the beach, in order to terrorize the others. he made prisoners some others, whom he took alive, with which the whole land became fearful. while that was being done, as has been said, the governor set sail toward manila. he entered that city in triumph on the twenty-fourth of may, with his four companies in battle-array, with the prisoners in their midst, and with fourteen wagons heavily laden with many important arms of the enemy, together with the banners which had been captured dragging in the dust. there was general applause and rejoicing by the spaniards and natives. that was an affair well calculated to inspire fear in the numberless infidels by whom we are surrounded. finally, his lordship, having shown certain very splendid honors to those who had so gloriously perished in the war, and having ordered a great number of masses to be said for their souls, ended the celebration most happily on the seventh of june (the sunday of the trinity), by a very solemn procession of the most holy sacrament as an expression of thanks. in front marched the ransomed christians, very handsomely clad, carrying candles and rosaries. four long paces behind them were many sacred vases and ecclesiastical ornaments, which were recovered from the possession of the barbarian. by that sight the hearts of catholics were moved to great compassion; and the people gave many thanks to our lord for the sight of that which they had desired for so many years. they entreated him that the work might progress until, the enemies who remained in those regions having received the faith of jesus christ, they and the other long-time christians might enjoy the desired peace and quiet. terrenate the governor's great care and vigilance in preparing and arranging the fleet of mindanao did not cause him to forget the other enemy--infested posts that his majesty possesses in this archipelago. at the same time, he despatched another very good fleet, consisting of two large ships, one patache, and one galley, under command of general geronimo henriquez, as a guard to a number of champans which were taking the succor to the forts of terrenate. two excellent ships of the dutch enemy were awaiting them at the entrance. when they saw the courage of our men the enemy retired in flight to the shelter of their fort of malayo, without daring to await them. the spaniards were so keen for fighting that, hastily leaving in safety the aid which they were taking, they started in pursuit of the hostile galleons, and did not stop until they met these under the enemy's fort, where they had gone. there they fired so many volleys, both at the ships and at the fort and village, that (as was learned afterward from some who took refuge with our ships) very considerable damage was done, without the dutch daring to sail out, or being able to do us any damage of importance. that was a very great cause for scoffing against the enemy, and they lost as much reputation among those moros, as was gained by the spaniards, especially with the king of tidore, our friend, who very joyfully thanked the commander henriquez and the admiral, don pedro de almonte, with presents for that action of so great valor and gallantry. one month after that fleet had returned to manila, don pedro de mendiola, governor of terrenate, heard that two dutch ships were becalmed not a great distance from there. he instantly despatched two galleys, which together spiritedly attacked the better of the two ships. after it had been entirely defeated, and our men were about to board it, a strong wind which suddenly arose snatched it from their hands, although it was badly crippled by the discharges from our galleys. the latter received no considerable damage. thereupon that enemy were greatly terrified; the moro natives received a very exalted idea of the spaniards, while the latter were very joyful at beholding the arms of the king our sovereign, even in these most remote bounds of the earth, shine with the luster and splendor that they merit. with license. in madrid. printed by diego diaz de la carrera, in the year 1639. value of corcuera's seizures in jolo [under date of manila, august 2, 1638, the city cabildo of manila write the king a detailed account of corcuera's campaign in joló, which was begun in december, 1637. inasmuch as this letter covers ground sufficiently treated in documents already presented in this series, it is not here given. the original is conserved in the archivo general de indias with pressmark, "est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32;" and it is presented by pastells in his edition of colin (iii, pp. 528-532). pastells (iii, pp. 532, 533) follows this letter by a document showing the value of the artillery and other things seized from the joloans, and the money value of the captives who were sold as slaves. this document is conserved in the same archives and has the same pressmark as the above. it is as follows:] the relation of the expense incurred on his majesty's account during the expedition made to the kingdom of joló by don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, in december, 1637; also the value of what was seized and gained from the enemy; and the net gain. subtracting the one from the other, the result is as follows: pesos tomins granos gained from the enemy, 28,345 7 0 expenses of the expedition, 26,314 5 4 net remainder of gain, 2,031 1 6 the value of what was gained from the enemy can be analyzed in the following form: [a list, partially duplicate, of the artillery taken from the joloans follows, of which we present only the final summary, in order to avoid such duplication. it appears that the artillery when taken to manila was appraised by one melchor pérez, royal chief of artillery and artillery-founder.] bronze artillery, useful pieces weight in quintals and libras make weight of ball in libras value of one quintal in pesos total value in pesos 1 english 11 3 30 330 1 falcon of king don sebastián of portugal 11 4 28 308 2 of king don sebastián of portugal 15 10 26 390 1 manila, of the time of tavora 26,80 10 26 670 21 cámaras [26] 124 bronze artillery, useless, appraised merely at the value of the copper 1 english 11 3 12 132 1 siamese 4 1 12-1/2 54 10 versos 14 12 168 cast-iron artillery 1 english 7 35 3 12-1/2 91 1 macao 12-1/2 4 12 156 1 english 11 4 12-1/2 137 1 dutch 10 88 12-1/2 136 1 english 12 25 5 12-1/2 153 1 dutch 12 25 5 12-1/2 153 1 english 10 45 5 12-1/2 130 1 english 14 63 7 12-1/2 182 1 dutch 18 9 12-1/2 225 1 english 21 33 9 12-1/2 266 1 dutch 24 97 11 12, and 1 tomin 312 1 iron base [roquero] 4 firearms pesos 3 vizcayan arquebuses 12 10-1/2 macao muskets 31 11 vizcayan field muskets 66 1 dutch arquebus 4 19 macao arquebuses 57 16 dutch muskets 64 1 musket de pinote of macao 4 2 vizcayan arquebuses 10 7 arquebuses from macao 21 7 japanese small guns [escopetillas] 21 2 vizcayan field muskets 12 5 dutch arquebuses 15 10 dutch muskets 50 1 bit of a vizcayan gun [escopeta] 1 besides the above, in cloth or money, 2,866 [pesos]; in small darts and blowpipes, 50 [pesos]. lastly, from 192 captive indians--men, women, and children--sold as his majesty's slaves at royal auction, 20,815 pesos. of this amount 10,375 pesos were in cash, in coin; and the 10,440 remaining were charged to the pay due the infantry and seamen. documents of 1639-1640 events in philipinas, 1638-39. [unsigned; probably juan lopez, 1639.] letters to the holy misericordia. sebastian hurtado de corcuera; december 4, 1637, and october 26, 1639. the university of santo tomás. felipe iv; november 9, 1639. royal orders and decrees. felipe iv; 1639. events in the filipinas islands, 1639-40. [juan lopez?]; august, 1640. relation of the insurrection of the chinese. [unsigned and undated; probably in march, 1640.] ecclesiastical and augustinian affairs, 1630-40. casimiro diaz; [1718?]. [from his conquistas.] relation of the filipinas islands. [diego de bobadilla, s.j.; 1640.] sources: the first of these documents is obtained from a ms. in the academia real de la historia, madrid; the second, from a ms. volume in the library of edward e. ayer, chicago; the third, and the eighth decree in the fourth, from the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the fourth (except the above-mentioned decree), from the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the fifth and sixth, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library); the seventh, from diaz's conquistas, pp. 267-444; the eighth, from thevenot's voyages curieux, t. i, part ii--from a copy belonging to the library of harvard university. translations: these are made by james a. robertson--except the fifth, sixth, and seventh, and two decrees in the fourth, by emma helen blair. events in the philipinas from the year 1638 to that of 1639 today, august 14, i learned that thirteen macasars and basilas, of those who had been sold as slaves, had fled in a small boat, and that they had been furnished with arms. some suspected that the lascars aided them. a few days before, six of them had fled, but they were captured and brought to this port by the indians of maragondon. at the end of september nuestra señora del rosario [i.e., our lady of the rosary] was robbed. only three jewels were taken from her--a diamond of the value of one thousand two hundred pesos; a cross of smaller diamonds; and a gold rosary. the holy image was found in a prostrate condition. it is said that there are some indications of the robber. a portion of the robe was found in the possession of a soldier; but he says that he found it on the ground, and it has been impossible to prove anything else. in the beginning of october came a despatch from sanboangan, in which it is declared that although the spaniards tried to constrain cachil moncay to make his men pay the tribute, he replied that he would not do so, but that he would take arms and declare war. in fact, he retired to the mountains and took captive father francisco angel; but another chief, his opponent, had the boldness to take the father from him and deliver him to the spaniards. we are advised from jolo that many of our men have been killed; and that the islanders who have remained there have suffered great famine, and consequently, an epidemic and plague is feared. it is also said that panguian a cachil, together with dato ache, has retreated with almost all the brave men of jolo to the island of tabitabi, [27] where they have fortified another hill, and are preparing ships to go out to pillage our tributaries. the king and queen are in jolo without anyone paying any attention to them; and panguian cachil is trying to make himself king of the joloans. three ships left this port for macan: the macan patache, on the thirteenth of october; on the fourteenth, that from camboja; and on the sixteenth, that which came from india. it has to return here to collect its goods which it left here [for sale] on commission [fiada], and will go hence to goa. october 26, a champan from sanboangan arrived, in which was father gregorio belin, seeking the reformation that is especially demanded by affairs in jolo, whose commandant [28] has prevented many good results and been the cause of many evils, by his bad government and scandalous conduct. don sebastian [hurtado de corcuera] removed him, as he was already well informed of what has taken place there. father pedro gutierrez informs us about mindanao in a letter which he writes to the father provincial, as follows. letter from father pedro gutierrez "these three posts of sanboangan, jolo, and mindanao, were left so destitute, for lack of the little fleet that was here at the beginning, that i am surprised that the commandant, don pedro de almonte, has been able to attend with so great promptness to the necessities that have arisen. the time when the [lack of the] fleet began to be felt was when a soldier and a pampango were brought badly wounded from basilan. in order to remedy the damages that might ensue from not inflicting punishment, it was necessary to equip a caracoa with pampangos and servants of the spaniards. the matter was entrusted to adjutant cristoval de las eras, who had the two evildoers shot in basilan. then, seeing that the spaniards who were in basilan were poorly accommodated, and without any defense, he advised the commandant, don pedro; and, by virtue of the order sent him, he built a fortified house in a very good position. after the people of the mountain (some of whom had absented themselves through fear) had calmed down, he returned to this port. "during that time the commandant, don pedro, was already getting ready a small fleet among the lutaos, in order to attack the joloans who had gone to tabitabi and other islands. that he might accomplish this, he requested a good juanga which was at dapitan, whence it was brought with fifty indians. with one that he procured from those that his majesty had here, and those which he had made by the lutao chiefs, he had five caracoas with four pieces of artillery, besides three other small boats called pilanes, all of them excellently equipped with infantry and ammunition. "while the fleet was on the point of being despatched, news arrived from mindanao of various acts of treachery which moncay, chief of buayen, had attempted against the spaniards; and that he had seized father angel; and that after the said father had escaped from them, they fell upon the food and the household effects that the father left, thus declaring themselves. but the commandant, don pedro, seeing the danger in delaying help, and knowing that if corralat and manaquior were to unite with moncay much damage might be done, determined to send the fleet that was prepared for jolo to mindanao. for greater abundance, he added a champan with food and ammunition for the said fleet, and as an aid to the fort at buayen. he charged adjutant cristoval de las eras with all this, on account of his experience as a good soldier, and his knowledge of wars with the indians. in addition he charged me to go in the fleet, so that i might see corralat and manaquior; and as that was my affair, and the spaniards were not to meddle in it, it was made certain that those chiefs would not unite with moncay. we came near to lamitan, where corralat was living, and i found father carrion, who was with corralat, and who was coming to sanboangan to ask for an order to make peace with manaquior, to make war on moncay, to talk to corralat, in order that he should not unite with moncay, and to request succor in some things. i told him that the commandant don pedro had already prepared for all that he wanted, and more; and that he was sending that fleet, collected as if by a miracle. the father was very much surprised by that, and even told me that if they saw what had been done, they would not believe it in buayen; for, as they know the limited resources in sanboangan, they had not dared to ask for a single soldier. "i landed alone, and the fleet went to await me at la zabanilla. i talked to corralat, and he promised me all that i wanted. for greater security, he told me that he would give two caracoas to guard me. he offered me four, but i did not desire more than two, which he sent after me. it was diverting to hear the mindanaos say that on no account must they separate from my caracoa; and when i told them, as we were returning, to stay behind and look for food, that did not avail, for they told me that they were not to leave me until i should return, and they kept their word. "we arrived at the fort. i informed adjutant eras of the condition of affairs. according to his orders, manaquior was summoned; and he made a treaty of peace with captain marquez. for a beginning, he offered an iron piece that uses a ball weighing three libras, which he handed over to the said adjutant eras. we continued to ascend the river to quiet the villages that the hostile moncay had taken from manaquior, and which he had fortified. but when they learned that the spaniards were coming, they discarded their foolish ideas, and, as sensible men, abandoned the village, which was excellently fortified. they set fire to a part of it, but were unable to burn it all because of their haste in escaping. they went to join those who were fortified in a village higher up the same river, which was the village which prevented those who could have done so from carrying refreshment to the fort of the spaniards. the spaniards went up the river, and before they arrived the natives deserted that village also, and that so hastily that they were unable to burn more than one house. we went up as far as the village of manaquior, where we were well received. we took five days to reach that place from the fort. manaquior said that the inhabitants of the two villages had united with a third, in order to fight, and that they were on an arm of the river. the adjutant with his fleet, and with manaquior, who had always accompanied him, descended the river; and, arriving at the entrance of the said arm, as one of the caracoas was large, the adjutant left it there (it was the one in which i was embarked), and ascended with the rest. before his arrival, the enemy also fled and said that all those who had abandoned the other villages were going to fortify themselves in another position farther up the river. thereupon, those who accompanied adjutant eras tried to persuade him not go any farther, since those moros did not await them, and the river was becoming narrower. the adjutant refused to do anything else but pursue them, and did so for two days by that arm of the sea. he reached the last site, where the enemy were fortifying themselves with an excellent stockade. there must have been a great force of men, since they had done so much in so few hours. they did not hold their ground there, either, but according to the track that they left went to the mountains in two divisions. thereupon we returned to samboangan, after having reënforced the fort with food and ammunition. "two bronze versos were found at that last site, which had been hidden in the river. the adjutant seized them, and is sending them, i believe, to don sebastian. i have been in various fleets, and have seen in none of them what i have seen in this one--namely, that although those people had never encountered spaniards before, there was not a single soldier who ill-treated any indian, while the latter came very willingly. perhaps the cause for it was the speech that adjutant eras made to the spaniards--who, as they know that he treats them with great courtesy, and that for that reason he will stand no nonsense, did not wish to give him cause for anger. as we were returning, i saw corralat, and tried to ascertain from him his intentions. he does not wish to fight with the spaniards; but, on the other hand, he makes impertinent demands--namely, that the country from sibuguei to near catel (a region about two hundred leguas in circuit), and the lake of malanao, be left to him. as my intention was not to make any agreement with him, except that he should not unite with moncay, i told him that i was writing to don sebastian, as i did, whose letter i am despatching now. "all the mindanaos fear the castilians, especially don sebastian. corralat's whole anxiety was lest he might come here, and he asked why he should come, when it would be sufficient to send a captain; and he said other things in this manner. may our lord arrange matters as is most fitting to his holy service; and may he preserve your reverence, to whose holy prayers and sacrifices i earnestly commend myself. sanboangan, september 30, 1638." section of a letter written in manila "father belin took with him about eighty christian captives of those who have come to our soldiers--both in that entrance which was made in the villages, and of those who have been escaping from the moros since the time of the arrival of don sebastian, who exceed one hundred and fifty christians. among them, at times, were some moros who requested holy baptism. the eighty who arrived here were disembarked at the gate of saint dominic, where the sargento-mayor was awaiting them with the captains and adjutants and the company of the governor, who marched them down in their midst. when the procession or march was ended, the alcaldes and father belin went through the street which leads to [the house of] the master-of-camp and [the convent of] st. augustine, to the palace. having gone round by the parade-ground, they went up to the governor, where father belin thanked his lordship for the liberty that had been obtained through his mediation. his lordship ordered them to be lodged in the city; and directed the father to bring the chiefs to the palace next day, as he intended to clothe them as he had those whom he sent to basilan. among them is a moro who is a christian, who is accompanied by more than twenty persons of his relatives and household. all of them have resolved to be baptized, and to live among christians in cabuyao. [29] that was the chief who brought father angel to the fort, and withdrew him from captivity when he came to our people. the fact was that that chief captured a girl about twelve years old in that village of cabuya, whom he has married during this time, with the intention of making her his chief wife until his death. she, having seen the love that he showed her, told him that if he wished her to live in his company willingly, not only was she to be a christian, but he was to become one also, in order to be her true husband and live among christians. in short, she won him so that he determined to come with her to her village. he persuaded his men to do the same, and in accordance with that they have come. in the champan, he told his tagal wife that she should not tell the castilians that he had captured her, lest they kill him or do him some harm; but that she could say that she was bringing him and all his people to captivity, as was a fact. don sebastian, influenced by reasons of expediency, orders that that family return to live in mindanao." october 31, the patache from the island of hermosa entered this port. it brings as news that five or six franciscan and dominican friars are there, who have been exiled from china; and that they hope to be able to reënter that country. the report that the dutch had occupied the post of tanchui, which we had left, is said to be false. on the contrary, the inhabitants of tanchui came to beg friendship and spaniards, to which the only answer given was that they should come with safety to the fort with their drugs, which would furnish them a safe passage. a champan also arrived from terrenate at the end of october. it brought news that the sargento-mayor, francisco hernandez, made an important raid into the country of the enemies, with good result. he found in macasar the spaniards who deserted from this place last year with captain ramos, whom they had already killed through anger. francisco hernandez begged the king for permission and aid to arrest them; and, being given it, arrested them and placed them in the galleys. a small vessel, called a cho, came from macan november 2. it brings more authentic news of the conversion of the king of china, than what i wrote by the ships. the fathers say of him that he is earnestly considering becoming and living as a christian. word is also received that the fathers of the province of macan, which is the same province as that of japon, formed a congregation; and that, because they have strong hopes of the opening of the door for the conversion of that kingdom, in which the faith has been so severely persecuted, they have elected two procurators to go to europa by two different ways--father antonio cardin, in the first place, who goes by way of goa; and father reymundo de gouca, who is about to come to manila in order to go by way of mexico. at midnight on november 10, so fierce a gale of wind came from the south that it broke five of the moorings of the flagship "san luis," which was about to set sail to terrenate, having been already laden and with its artillery aboard. the wind carried away its shrouds, and grounded it in the sand near palañaque, but in such a manner that it could be floated off after five days. the wind also drove the second galley ashore, but without doing it any damage. at dawn on the morning of the eleventh, the ship from india, which was the last to go to macan, anchored in the bay. it lost most of its masts by the fierceness of the storm, and the others were disabled. that storm struck them after they had already anchored. had it struck them outside, all think that no one would have escaped, to judge from the way in which the ship is disabled. news arrived on the night of november 20 that the second patache, which was going to octong to get a cargo of rice for terrenate, was driven ashore some leguas from here by the gale of wind above mentioned, but that all the crew were saved. early on the night of november 21, the two galleons, "san luis" as flagship and "san juan" as almiranta, left for terrenate. the commander-in-chief is don pedro de almonte, and the admiral don alonso de alcoçer, although with the title of governor of the almiranta galleon. the commander of the flagship as far as sanboangan is don pedro fernandez del rio, who is captain and sargento-mayor for the voyage. a despatch [-boat] arrived from sanboangan on the last of november, which carried some joloan captives. it happened in this wise. the king of jolo, desiring to recover his hill, and to fortify himself anew with the arms that the spaniards had there, set a snare for them with this bit of treachery. he caused an indian (who was a clever leader of the fishermen), called cahapitan, and his men to become very friendly with the spaniards and to sell them fish--a thing that our men, not knowing his intentions, valued very highly, because of the privation that they were suffering. after some days he came with a message from the king, to the effect that he wished to submit and to pay tribute, and that he was sending indians to be registered. in the meantime the fathers [30] were warned by a certain capot, a christian, who had escaped, that the king was beyond all question plotting treason, and they advised the commander of those forts of it. he replied that the fathers were entertaining fears, and that no attention was to be paid to it. he allowed cahapitan, as well as those who were to be registered, to enter the fort with as much security as if they were in old castilla. eight hundred indians having registered, a day was assigned for many more to come. the moros chose that day for the execution of their treachery. cahapitan arrived, with the word that he was bringing three hundred more, who should be allowed to enter with him in order to be registered. by that time there were already about two thousand moros in ambush, while others were in ships on the sea, in order that they might, on seeing the signal, do their part--namely, kill the spaniards, and seize the fort. and that would have happened just as they wished, if god in his ineffable providence had not obstructed it; for, at the time agreed upon, the commandant caught a high fever, and accordingly answer was sent them to return on another day, as he would not register them [that day]. the moros urged strongly that they be registered, and their urging caused suspicion. accordingly, a resolute answer was sent that he would not register them until next day. seeing themselves frustrated in their principal intent, they went to the stone-quarry, where the force of twenty-three galley negroes and some sangleys were getting stone, being guarded by only five spaniards. alleging peace, they landed; and, attacking them, killed two spaniards, three negroes, and one sangley, and wounded two spaniards, who, with the other one that was unhurt, escaped; and they captured the others--to the number of thirty-eight persons, counting dead and captured. the commandant, having learned of the treachery through those who escaped, sent a despatch to sanboangan asking for help. it was god's pleasure (and that was another of his wonderful providences), that the commander don pedro de almonte should have determined of his own accord to visit jolo with a small fleet, which he had difficulty in collecting. he was met at sea by the despatch-boat. he made haste and arrived at so opportune a time that he met cahapitan and all his men. cahapitan, hiding his treason, went to meet him with a white flag. the commander don pedro received him cordially, but told him that he should follow him to the fort, in order to be well assured that he was free from guilt. he followed the commander very securely with thirty-six persons; for he had so deceived the commandant at jolo that he was persuaded that cahapitan was guiltless, and thus he assured the commander don pedro. that deceit was brought about by his having entrusted to cahapitan a quantity of goods in order to trade them for drugs of the country. yet the commander, don pedro, although he freed cahapitan and two old men at the persuasion of the commandant, in order that they might carry a letter to the king of jolo (for the commandant petitioned the commander, saying that he would advise that, and the traitor [i.e., cahapitan] desirous of performing another act of treachery, facilitated it), detained all the other men. cahapitan went straight to a place where he had three negroes and two sangleys, who had fallen to his share as the principal author of the deed. he ordered them to be killed, and his men killed four more of them; but one, a sangley, attacked him, and killed him with his own dagger. the sangley came all bloody to the fort, and disclosed the whole evil plot. thereupon the commandant awoke as from a profound slumber, in which his self-interest had buried him. afterward he confessed that he had done wrong in not believing the fathers; thereupon the commander, don pedro de almonte, sent his boats under captain gaspar de morales, to overrun the island. in that raid much harm was done to the enemy, to the profit of their allies, who secured rich pillage. almost all the people escaped; but those people who were captured, together with those of cahapitan, were made slaves. they numbered in all fifty, besides three who were killed. that punishment made them tremble, and many have concluded to settle quietly and to give hostages. all the above i have taken, in summary, from a very long letter of father alexandro lopez, who took part in the whole affair; and was in the fleet that went round the island. at christmas came news that the chinese pirates were pillaging these neighboring coasts. a fleet was sent to attack them, under command of captain maroto, which returned on the second of january, 1639. the report he gives is, that some chinese of the parián of manila fled in a champan. they attacked another champan on the sea beyond mariveles, pillaged it, and sent it to the bottom. they attacked another anchored in a port, and pillaged and burned it. after that they put out to sea, in order to cross over to china. our men brought in the chinese who had escaped from both champans. later, at the beginning of january, news came that the same men were pillaging, although in more remote districts where they had captured some boats and killed many spaniards and indians, who were sailing quite unsuspicious of danger. consequently, a few champans under command of don pedro bermudez were again sent against them. january 15, general don geronimo de sumonte took possession of [the post of] castellan and other offices at this port. on january 18, news was received that the fleet of our champans encountered the pirates in the entrance of mindoro, eight in number. they were pursuing a boat of the augustinian fathers. the spaniards attacked the pirate's flagship, a champan, which, after our men had damaged it considerably, escaped, with one other vessel. the rest were either sunk entirely, or driven ashore with the loss of all their men. of those driven ashore, some chinese were captured alive, and they were executed by various rigorous modes of punishment. [31] our men did not follow the two other champans, as it was already night. the latter returned toward the coasts of this island of manila, where other of our boats were sailing, and committed some depredations. january 27, a violent north wind sunk a boatload of joloan captives who were fleeing from manila, six of whom were captured. february 24, an advice-boat arrived from macan with news that the portuguese had done a thriving business in the fairs of japon, but that the japanese were very particular that no priests should go there. accordingly they came to request that the fathers in these islands wait patiently, and that no priests go there until god gives a better opportunity. march 4, the father provincial arrived from the visit to pintados. two days previous they had been attacked by two champans of chinese pirates--who were beaten off, however, because our vessel had sufficient defense. later however, they saw that the pirates were pursuing another champan, and that of the father provincial hastened to aid the latter, with which aid that vessel escaped safely--which, had he not aided it, would infallibly have been captured. march 20, came tidings that large pieces of planking, masts, and the ribs of a vessel which had suffered shipwreck had been found on the coast of paracali, opposite manila. from appearances, it is thought that it is the almiranta "san ambrosio," which sailed for mexico from these islands last august, quod deus avertat ["which may god forbid"]. in the middle of march, the ship from india set out for goa. it was the one which had come from goa, and after setting out for macan had returned disabled to put in at this port. the cho from macan returned to its city by november. the four fathers of the society who belong to that province are going. don pedro bermudez sailed once more, with three champans, to attack the chinese pirates who were harassing the coasts of this island, and had committed depredations. they attacked the flagship champan, which was a large vessel; they killed sixty sangleys in it, and seized and sent to manila the others. these men have disclosed extensive treacheries that the chinese were plotting in order to stir up the country. the authorities have been making arrests and investigations, and they are still doing so; and in the middle of april they hanged six of the sangleys. they declared that they were building two champans on the pangasinan coast, of the heaviest planking, and suitable for fighting. the spaniards went for these vessels, and brought them to manila with the carpenters who were working on them. god had great pity for these islands. on april 18 came the flagship and patache of the terrenate relief ships; they say that the almiranta was driven to leeward of them near macasar. the soldiers remained with the commander don pedro de almonte, in order to make an expedition in mindanao, together with other squadrons of ships that have sailed from caragan and bisayas. from xolo they write that the inhabitants have attempted to plan other acts of treason like the past. the leaders have either been killed or are in the galleys. father melchor de vera writes of the moros near sanboangan that some of them are being baptized, and that there are hopes of a great conversion. on may 30 arrived the almiranta from terrenate. they have suffered many hardships, especially of thirst, which was so great that some of them even drank salt water. they bring as news from mindanao that our men are building a fort at la zavanilla, in the country of corralat; and that he, as well as moncay, has retreated. manaquior is daily becoming more friendly. with the ships of terrenate came one hundred and fifty siaos and fifty terrenatan christians, to take part in this war. they were already about to enter the lands of the enemy. the commander, don pedro de almonte, also sent a portion of a fleet to coast about the island of xolo; for a report was current that dato ache was getting ready to go out to pillage. to mindanao had already come one hundred and twenty valiant caragas, who had always accompanied corralat from the time when they killed the priests in their land, [32] and to whom don sebastian had sent a pardon. news of a new revolt came from nueva segobia. the natives killed seventeen persons, counting soldiers and their wives. they did not wish to kill the father who instructed them, as he was a mild-mannered man. don marcos zapata went to attack them, and killed thirty and captured thirty others. the rest retreated to the mountains. it is learned from a ship from macan, that the second patache, in which were two of the recently-ordained fathers, and which sailed from here in november, has not arrived at that city. during the last few days the report has been current that both it and the vessel from india (which sailed again from here in march) have been pounded to pieces on the shoals of paragua, and that great bits of wreckage have been washed up at calamianes, whence they write this. these losses will be a great calamity. news came on may 23 that, our men having arrived overland at the lake of malanao, [33] in the island of mindanao, two thousand five hundred armed indians were waiting for them in battle array. they could not sustain the discharge of our firearms, and retired to the lake. our men had carried six boats in pieces, to fit them together and navigate in them. when the malanaos saw them on the water, they gave themselves up as lost. some five thousand of them fled, while more than one thousand remained and offered homage and tribute to the king our sovereign. they were all registered, and began immediately to render allegiance. they admitted ministers of the gospel, and gave hostages and security in everything. doubtless those who fled and hid will soon appear and submit. the fathers write from jolo that dato ache has been entirely unable to do anything since the occurrence at lami, in which he was buried. [34] it is added that since these things are so, all the joloans are perishing from famine. they will never humiliate themselves or give signs of surrendering. in some raids that have been made, the spaniards have killed and captured some of their chiefs. among them was a pirate who captured the beneficed priest francisco vazquez, and refused to give him up for less than two thousand pesos. now he is paying it in the galleys, where he has been put at the oar. father alexandro lopez writes from jolo that the commandant of that island [i.e., xines ros] begged pardon in public from god and the fathers for the insults that he had uttered, and for the injuries that he had done them; and that he was building the church for them with much fervor, before his successor should arrive. a champan arrived here on may 30, with fifty arrobas of nails which had been taken from the wreckage of the ship which, as i said, had run aground on the coast of paracali. those whose opinion is most accurate in that matter have examined it, and believe that it is all from the almiranta "san ambrosio." on that account the profound sadness that was general in april and may has ceased; for it had been reported that indubitable signs were found that the flagship had been wrecked. on june 17 arrived a despatch from sanboangan. the news brought by it will be told by a letter from father pedro gutierrez. "on setting out for terrenate, the commander, don pedro de almonte, left an order that, when the boats of the volunteers arrived at samboangan, they were to skirt the coast of jolo. six caracoas did that, as well as six other boats from basilan, under command of adjutant cristoval de las heras, and manned by some spaniards. inside of a fortnight, they coasted about the island of jolo and came to another small islet near by. they burned many boats, killed some joloans, and brought back a goodly number of captives, without having lost any of our men. they did not delay longer because a fixed time had been assigned to them. the said commander don pedro came back from terrenate on the sixth of march. as the almiranta had not arrived, he despatched sargento-mayor don pedro del rio to la zabanilla with most of the fleet, so that he might fortify himself in la sabanilla and reduce a village of caragas who had formerly come to corralat, when fleeing from the spaniards. thereupon, as soon as the said sargento-mayor arrived at la zabanilla, he began to build the fort, which was finished in good shape, and he reduced the caragas; and, when the general arrived, he was already holding them in la zabanilla. as the almiranta did not arrive, the commander don pedro came with the rest of the fleet. while he was in la zabanilla, a despatch from captain don francisco de atensa was brought. it gave advices that he had arrived at the lake of malanao, [35] having entered by the gulf of pangi [i.e., panguil] with the spaniards whom he had in caraga, as well as with caragas and butuanes; and having fought with those of the lake, the moros fled, and immediately, on the next day, the chiefs began to come in to submit to the spaniards. they all did that except one, named mancaya. in order to accomplish that, the commander sent sargento-mayor don pedro del rio, with his company and about five hundred indians. they all reached the lake where they found it unnecessary to stop, as captain don francisco de atensa had pacified all the inhabitants of the lake, and mancaya; and they had given hostages and firearms, and had registered themselves to pay tribute to the number of one thousand tributes. they promised to receive fathers. thus those villages of the lake were already reduced, and had also given up some christian captives whom they had taken. the lake of malanao is of a cold rather than a warm temperature, and the people have plenty of rice and native fruits. between the lake of malanao and la zabanilla there are three chiefs who were related to borongon; those chiefs proceeded to some very rough mountains near the lake. it is said that they have about three thousand warriors, who are devoted to corralat; and as he was not a declared friend of the spaniards, they gave us plenty to suffer on the return. for, as the road was in such shape that it was necessary to go single file, some of the indians who accompanied the spaniards were wounded. but although the enemy made several ambuscades, they could not inflict more damage, because of the care with which the march was made--until holy saturday, when it began to rain; when a great number of them attacked us from ambush and killed one spaniard, who was without [fire: crossed out in mss.] arms, as he was sick. they also killed four indians, and wounded four others. it was our lord's pleasure that, notwithstanding the rain, the arquebuses of the spaniards, who were near, were not without effect. with that, no more damage was done us; the enemy fled, dropping about thirty shields in their flight, and they received some damage. the troops of sargento-mayor don pedro del rio arrived at la zavanilla, where captain pedro navarro had been left in command of the infantry, which was in the fort. the commander, don pedro de almonte, had gone to buayen with the rest of the fleet; and, having sent a message to moncay, the latter answered that he would fight. in order to seize the posts of the enemy, the commander, don pedro, sent two boats to the mouth of a creek, by which reënforcements could be taken, so that they could not reach moncay by that way; and also to a lake which was up the river of buayen, which was not only an entrance to buayen, but also where the enemy had their retreat in an excellent fortification. the best fortification was in a swamp. on that undertaking, the commander, don pedro, sent captain juan lopez luçero with his company, and our ally manaquior and his men. that was all very necessary, because of the great number of men that the enemy had. they fought for three days, at the end of which, it was our lord's pleasure to let our men dislodge the enemy with heavy loss. of our men only one spaniard was wounded and one or two of manaquior's men were killed, and one or two others wounded. our men burned all the houses and fortifications. "at that same time the commander, don pedro de rozas, marched from the spanish fort to that of moncay, which was very strong; for, besides being surrounded by swamps and water, and by a dike that had been made, and besides the fort (which was built long ago) of stone, there had been added ditches, terrepleins, and stockades with their bulwarks. having reached it, our men planted two bulwarks upon fascines with which they could bombard the enemy's fort. at the end of three days, a white flag was displayed; and there was a cessation in the hostilities, for the time being. moncay, having declared that he wished to become a friend, abandoned the fort that night, after setting fire to some of the houses. next day our men finished burning what was left. not a little wonder was caused, and thanks to our lord, at seeing that so strong a fort had been gained with the loss there of one spaniard and two wounded, one of whom died afterward; and four wounded indians, of whom one died. besides that, they burned many fortified houses, and destroyed palm-trees and sago plantations. some days afterward, the commander sent don agustin de çepada to reconnoiter the creeks. the latter came upon a well-fortified house, which he burned. he sent sargento-mayor pedro de la mata to coast along the shores, and do all the damage possible to the enemy. he found a fortified hill also, and it was regarded as a miracle that it was taken without any loss of our men. it is thought that the chief man in the post was one who was in the bulwark; for as soon as he was laid low by a volley from the spaniards, all the enemy fled, and the spaniards burned all the fortifications and the neighboring houses. "the commander, don pedro, also sent captain don francisco del castillo to an islet which was situated opposite the bar of buayen. he captured some lutaos, destroyed a great number of boats (and the same was done by adjutant don albaro galindo, who destroyed some boats); but found no people. he sent the chief manaquior to discover whether there were any means of finding moncay, and returned at the end of fourteen or fifteen days. as there was no way of being able to pursue moncay, and as the season was advanced, and many were falling sick, and as he had to go to jolo, the commander, don pedro almonte, went with the rest of his fleet to la zabanilla, after having planned that the spaniards who remained in the fort of buayen, and the men of manaquior, should continue to pursue moncay--all being under the order of captain juan lopez luçero, castellan and captain of the said post. "the inhabitants of basilan, who had gone to jolo to do all the damage possible to the joloans--in company with six spaniards, under command of alférez juan de ulloa--returned with seventy-seven captives and some of our bisayans, who had been seized by the enemy. they destroyed about two hundred boats, counting large and small, first selecting for themselves fifteen of the best. they reported that a lutao chief of jolo, named lohon, had taken to the fort of jolo fifty other captives, with which, necessarily, the [forces of the] joloans must be exhausted. "the commander, don pedro de almonte, coming from buayen, reached the passage of the river of sibuguei; and datan, the chief of the river, registered eight hundred tributes, and handed over the arms and bisayan slaves that he had there." we received news here, on the twenty-fifth of june, that the sea of camarines is continually floating ashore more fragments of the wrecked ship, which some think that they recognize as belonging to the flagship. consequently, it has begun to be rumored again as more probable that, if only one ship has been wrecked, it is the flagship. but others are of the opinion that the wreckage shows unmistakable signs of the two ships, both flagship and almiranta. that casts a gloom over all the land. if that has happened (which may god not have permitted), it is thought that it will be impossible for these islands to recover in many years. june 27, a destructive hurricane came down upon this port from the northwest, and veered about to almost all points of the compass. it overturned some houses, and did great damage in all the others and in the churches. it blew the tiles through the air as if they were bits of paper. the galleons along the shore were a great cause for anxiety; and the commander, don geronimo de sumonte, and captain pedro muñoz hastened to them quickly, with the prominent men of this port, all of whom worked valiantly. that was very necessary; for the galleon "san juan baptista," although held by eleven cables, came dragging upon "la concepcion," which was being made ready to sail to mexico. they would infallibly have been dashed to pieces, had they not been attended to so carefully and diligently. of the other smaller craft, some have been wrecked; and some men were drowned. it was god's pleasure to allow the wind's fury to last only four hours. had it blown with the same violence during all the twenty-four hours while it lasted, no ship would have escaped, and not a house or church would have been left standing. two hundred houses were overthrown in the village of the indians. but what caused most fear to those natives (and the old men say that they have never seen such a thing, or heard it told by their ancestors), is that the hurricane carried into the air the small boats that they use, which are called bancas and resemble canoes. it is said that they were blown about like paper, and that when they fell again they were broken to pieces. the hurricane blew with the same violence in all the surrounding villages, and caused the same damage; it blew down one hundred and seventy houses in palañaque. since july 7 there have been very severe storms of wind and rain. on the nineteenth the passage boat [36] was wrecked in the bay and it is said that eighteen persons were drowned. many illnesses have occurred during that time, in which a great number of people of all nations have perished. because of this, and because many have been persuaded that the two ships of the past year have been wrecked--not only because of the signs that the sea has thrown up, but because news of their arrival is so belated--there is a universal gloom and sorrow over all the country, such as it has never had before. may god in his mercy console the land. on july 19, a letter was received from the alcalde-mayor of nueva segovia, which states that two english galleons had anchored in a port of that coast, and that they are coming to this port of cavite to trade; if the weather permits them to reach this place, their intentions will be known. in the afternoon of july 24, six of the men who had sailed in the flagship of last year, which was wrecked september 20, 1638, by the fury of a tempest in the ladrones islands--on an island thirty-five leguas away from the islands where our ships generally land on the voyage--arrived here. besides those who were drowned, many were killed by lance-thrusts from the natives. those who escaped went from island to island to those of uan and harpana, [37] where they have been well treated. the reason alleged for that was, that the spaniards are good men, and leave them iron when they pass there. from the island of uan the natives despatched six spaniards and two indians in two boats, furnishing them with food from what they had. they commended themselves to god, crossed the open stretch of more than three hundred leguas, which they did in but one fortnight--a wonderful thing, if one will but consider those small boats which are of much less burden and steadiness than pirogues and canoes, and even smaller than they. they arrived almost dead with hunger, thirst, and lack of sleep. our fathers of the society of jesus received them in palapag, and cared for them for several days; after that they recovered, and immediately set out in a champan with a good supply of food. the indians of uan sent those spaniards, so that they could give the news and send a boat for the other twenty-two spaniards who are there alive, with some indians and negroes, and carry them iron, etc. as soon as the tidings were told in this port of cavite, the sobs and cries were so many that all were stunned, for there is no one who has not lost a son, a father, a brother, a brother-in-law, a father-in-law, a son-in-law, or a husband. the loss has been one of the greatest that has ever visited these islands, because of the loss of men and the poverty of the islands. [38] good news is received of the almiranta, for they say that they saw it but shortly before they were wrecked, sailing on a good tack; and that it was a swift sailer, and seaworthy. consequently it is thought that it has arrived at nueva españa. may god grant that it has so happened. letters from corcuera to the holy misericordia gentlemen of the financial board of holy misericordia: although we must always have recourse to god in our troubles, the necessity for so doing that offers itself to me at present, in the expedition that i shall commence on the day of our lady of the conception, is very urgent; and obliges me to avail myself not only of the regular and ecclesiastical communities, where we are all friends, but also of that holy house. [39] therefore, i beg your graces, with all the persuasion in my power, that you cause god to be petitioned with all earnestness in your holy confraternity of la misericordia and in your residence, to give me favor and good success in this expedition; for, besides its being for the common service of god and of the king our sovereign, i shall, in so far as pertains to me, if it be the will of his divine majesty that i return with life, demonstrate my thanks and favor to that holy house, as far as may be possible to me. and in order that this petition may carry some merit, i send to that house one hundred pesos in alms, as an aid in the many alms that it distributes among the poor. i would be very glad were i more wealthy, in order that my affection and good-will might be seen. may our lord preserve your graces as i desire. the palace, december 4, 637. sebastian hurtado de corcuera to the purveyor and deputies of the financial board of the holy misericordia: of the hostages brought from jolo by general don pedro almonte, twenty-odd moros with their servants live here, and the others are going [back] with the conditions for the peace that they have made and the tribute which they are to pay. i have thought it best to petition your graces to be pleased to receive two of those chiefs in the house of the holy misericordia, in order that they may be instructed in the christian doctrine, and be gradually converted and become christians. this is a work that is befitting to that house, until the time when all the other inhabitants of jolo become quiet and are reduced to obedience. two or three will be assigned in the same manner to the orders. if any needs arise with the lapse of time, i beg your graces to have me advised, so that i may have them supplied; and also to entrust the instruction of those chiefs to a careful person. may our lord preserve your graces as i desire. the palace, october 26, 1639. [40] sebastian hurtado de corcuera the university of santo tomas letter to the spanish ambassador at roma the king. to the illustrious marqués de castel rodrigo, my cousin, member of my council, and ambassador in roma: the bearer, fray mateo de villa, of the order of preachers, procurator of the province of santo rosario of the filipinas islands in my western yndias, has informed me that his province has a college called santo tomas in the city of manila, of which i am the patron, where there are thirty secular collegiates; that for some years past that college has been a university through royal permission; that bulls have been conceded twice for its conservation; and that grammar, rhetoric, the arts, and moral and scholastic theology are studied there, with especial profit to the children of that community. he petitions me to issue a royal decree authorizing the said college to become a university, with the same qualifications and [right of] perpetuity as the others of his order in the convents of santo tomas in avila and santiago at pamplona, in these same kingdoms. the matter having been examined by the members of my royal council of the yndias, in consideration that the city of manila of the filipinas islands is more than three thousand leguas from the nearest universities--namely, those of lima and megico--and that the said university suffers some restriction, i have considered it fitting to lend my royal consent for this case; and this concession shall continue, for the present. consequently, if in the future there should be a disposition to found a separate university, it may be done, as in the cities of lima and megico, so that it may be a general university, in order that students may be graduated from it in all branches, and that its degrees may be recognized everywhere. accordingly, i charge and order you in my name, and in virtue of the letter of credit that i am writing, to supplicate his holiness to be pleased to concede a bull, so that the said college may be a university with the same qualifications and [right of] perpetuity as those of avila, santiago, lima, and megico; for there is not a university of that rank in those islands and provinces, and this is therefore expedient for my service and the general welfare of those regions. you shall give the matter the care that i expect from you, so that the said bull may be immediately drawn up; and therein you will render me a service. madrid, november nine, 1639. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don graviel de ocaña y alarcon signed by the members of the council. [endorsed: "duplicate. college of santo tomas of manila. to the ambassador at roma, ordering him to petition his holiness to concede a brief so that the college of santo tomas of manila of the order of preachers may become a university."] letter from felipe iv to urban viii most holy father: i am writing to my ambassador, in that court, the marqués de castel rodrigo, to petition your holiness in my name to concede a bull, so that a college of the order of preachers in the city of manila of the philipinas islands, in my western yndias, may become a university, with the qualifications and [right of] perpetuity of the others which that order possesses in avila and pamplona in these my kingdoms, as well as those of lima and megico; and so that, if there be a disposition to found a separate university in the city of manila, it may be done, because there is a distance of three thousand leguas to the other nearest universities, which are lima and megico. i petition your holiness to grant him audience, and to give entire credit to what he shall say about this matter and propose in my name; and that you order his affair to be despatched with all promptness and with entire fulfilment [of the petition]. thereby i shall receive a special favor from your holiness, whose very holy person may our lord preserve, and may he increase your life for the good and prosperous government of his universal church. madrid, november nine, 1639. [endorsed: "college of santo tomas of manila. to his holiness, petitioning him to concede a brief so that the college of santo tomas of manila of the order of preachers may become a university. duplicate."] royal orders and decrees, 1639 missions in mindanao the king. to don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: a letter of august 21, 637, has been examined in my royal council of the indias, in which you advise me that you have stationed ministers of the gospel in the islands of mindanao and bacilan--not only for the instruction of the infidels who are in those islands, but for administering the holy sacraments to the castilian soldiers whom you leave there--and that you have assigned them such stipends as you considered necessary. i approve what you have done in this matter. moreover, to provide for future increase [in the number of infidels converted], the necessary mission stations [doctrinas] will have to be established; but in this you must avoid unnecessary expense, and, conformably to my royal patronage, confer regarding such establishments with such persons as you should consult. i trust in you that you will carry out my intentions. [madrid, february 3, 1639.] i the king by command of his majesty: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon in behalf of grau y monfalcón the king. to the council, magistracy, and municipal body of the city of manila in the philipinas islands: don juan grau y monfalcón has reported to me that in the past year, one thousand six hundred and thirty, you appointed him as your procurator-general; and that during all that time he has attended to your business affairs, with the utmost intelligence, personal attention, friendly interest, and promptness (as is generally known). he states that you assigned him a salary of a thousand pesos a year, paid in that city, which was to come here, invested, at his account and risk; but that, even when it arrives in safety, he can realize very little from it that remains free from the costs. he regards a thousand pesos as a very small salary for his continual occupation [in your affairs], and on this account claims that it be increased. moreover, besides the many negotiations that he has despatched, he has been occupied nearly two years in preparing and composing the printed memorials which he has presented, and which have been examined in my royal council of the indias; and has given them much labor and solicitude, since they embrace so many, so diverse, and so important considerations for the conservation of those islands and their commerce, in order that they may be presented clearly and distinctly. he has furnished from his own funds all the money that has been spent for these books, and has never received one real on account of that expense. this sum amounts to much more in times so straitened as these, and should be highly esteemed. it would be a great disappointment to him if, after he had proceeded in all matters with the greatest tact and discretion possible (as is proved by the many negotiations which he has concluded for the benefit of that city), the powers which he has held from the city should be revoked--as usually happens, and as has been done with others, his predecessors, solely through interested motives and for the personal ends of some of the governors who go to that country. they, being well-affectioned to the correspondents whom they leave here, urge that city to entrust its affairs to those persons--for which no opportunity should be given, since that advice is influenced by various motives and considerations. to obviate this, and because it is not right that some other person should secure that for which he has toiled and incurred expense with so much zeal and solicitude, he has entreated me that i would be pleased to command you not to revoke, without legitimate cause, the powers that you have given him; and that you shall, before enforcing such revocation, state what reasons you have for doing so. the matter has been examined in the said my council, where have been and are very evident the personal care, interest, and solicitude with which he has been and is attending to your affairs aforesaid--as also you will have understood by my decrees of the ninth of october in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, and the twenty-first of october in six hundred and thirty-seven, to which i refer you for all this; together with what you wrote me in regard to this in a letter of the fourteenth of june, six hundred and thirty-six. in that letter you express your satisfaction with the promptness and care with which he furthers your affairs, and ask me to confirm the salary which you assign him of the said thousand pesos a year, from the funds belonging to that city. i have thought it best to issue the present, by which i approve and confirm the salary which you have assigned to the said don juan grau as your procurator-general, in order that it may be paid to him from the day when it was voted to him. and it is my will that this salary be not revoked, either now or at any time, while he shall attend to your affairs at this my court, unless there be legitimate and sufficient cause for doing so; also that the said my council be first notified of such cause, so that, having considered it in their sessions, they may declare whether or not it is legitimate; and the said salary shall always be paid to him, until some other decision be made. i also command my governor and captain-general of those philipinas islands, both him who now is and those who shall hereafter be in that office, and the president and auditors of my royal audiencia which resides there, and yourselves, that you all observe and execute, and cause to be observed and executed, exactly and inviolably, the commands contained in this my decree, without contravening or exceeding its tenor and form in any manner; for such is my will. [madrid, march 29, 1639.] i the king by command of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon restraining the augustinians the king. to don diego faxardo, whom i have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein. it has been reported in my royal council of the yndias that the religious of the order of st. augustine are trading in merchandise with whomever they please; and that they make use of the natives of the regions and districts wherever they are and reside, for whatever they need, without paying the poor men who work in their service, or giving them anything else (employing violence for this), and thus obtain great wealth for [their houses in] these my kingdoms. this is all considered to merit severe correction, both because of the traffic and trading that they openly engage in, and because of the oppression that many of the said natives receive. i have thought best to tell you to be very careful in this, and to provide, by the most gentle and prudent measures, all that may be necessary for the correction of those transgressions. you shall regulate yourself by the decrees and orders that have been issued in this regard; and you shall cause those decrees and orders to be observed according to their tenor. madrid, june 2, 1639. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon [from another transcript made from the copy of this decree in the archivo general de indias--its pressmark, "audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de dicha audiencia; años 1635 á 1672; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 2, libro 4, folio 122 verso" we take the following endorsement: "to don diego faxardo, whom your majesty has appointed governor of the filipinas islands, advising him of certain things touching the religious of the order of st. augustine, which require a remedy; so that he may know them, and take what measures are advisable, in accordance with the orders and decrees that have been issued regarding it." this transcript states also that the decree was signed by the members of the council.] regarding ecclesiastical districts the king. to don diego faxardo, knight of the order of santiago, whom i have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands: report has been made to me, on the part of the archbishop of that city of manila, that don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, your predecessor, gave the district of quiapo (which belonged to the seculars), and the indians who were reserved for the service of the cathedral and of the archiepiscopal house (which was the sustenance of the cathedral), to the fathers of the society of jesus, because of the great pressure that they exerted on him for it, on account of the advantages that would follow to them, as they have many estates of importance near that district. one of the conditions of their removing the said archbishop's exile, was that he must consent to have that district given to the fathers of the society. in order to relieve himself from his distressed condition, the archbishop feigned, under compulsion, assent to this--regarding it as certain that, as such action was to the prejudice of my royal patronage, i would not consent to it. he also petitioned that i would be pleased to have my royal decree issued, ordering that the fathers of the society be despoiled of the said district of quiapo, and that it be restored to the seculars, together with the adjoining districts of san anton and santa cathalina--which the bishop of camarines separated from the said district, in the time while he governed the archbishopric during the exile and absence of the said archbishop; and which he gave to the cura of santiago, who was his creature; also the district of nauhang, on the island of mindoro, which has always belonged to seculars. by negotiations effected by the fathers of the society, those districts have been set aside for them, to the prejudice of so many poor seculars. the matter having been examined by my royal council of the yndias, as well as what was written to me concerning the same matter by the said archbishop, i have considered it fitting to issue this my decree. by it, i order you, immediately upon its receipt, to place those districts, exactly, and without admitting any excuse or other reason, in the same condition that they always had and have had, notwithstanding the contract signed by the said archbishop, at the instance and petition of the said my governor and of the auditor then in my audiencia. you shall advise me at the first opportunity that you have carried out my order. madrid, july 8, 1639. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de acaña y alarcon rebuking the bishop of camarines the king. to the reverend father in christ, bishop of the church of camarines of the filipinas islands, and member of my council: i have been informed that you are not living in your bishopric, [41] and that you are residing in the city of manila, where your free life is giving offense; and that you have attempted to erect a tribunal of appeals, without leave, declaring yourself to be an apostolic judge by a brief from his holiness. inasmuch as your residence outside of your church may occasion troubles, besides your necessary obligation to live there, i have decided to charge you (as i am doing), to leave the city of manila or any other place where you are residing, as soon as you receive this decree, and to go to govern your church. if you do so, i shall consider myself well served by you. in order that you may not offer any excuse in this matter, i am ordering the royal officials of my royal treasury not to pay you any of your stipend from my royal treasury so long as you do not comply with what i here order you. i have been surprised that you should have attempted to hold a tribunal in the said city of manila, under pretext or title of appeals. madrid, july 8, 1639. i the king by order of his majesty: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon the king. to the officials of my royal treasury of the filipinas islands: inasmuch as it was reported in my royal council of the yndias that the bishop of camarines resides in that city of manila, where he attempts to hold his court under pretext of certain appeals, i charge him, by another decree of the date of this, to go immediately to his own church, because of the deficiency that his person may cause in its government. in order that he may offer no excuse in this matter, i order you to grant him nothing from my royal treasury on his salary, unless he shall obey my orders; for so is my will. madrid, july 8, 1639. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon inspection at acapulco the king. to marqués de cadereita, my relative, member of my council of war, and my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of the provinces of nueva españa: in a letter written to me by the royal officials of the port of acapulco under date of last february 24, of this year, [they stated] that you sent the auditor [contador], christoval de medina, to that port with a salary of twenty-three ducados which was distributed among himself, the constable, and the notary, to investigate the merchandise that came from philipinas this year in the patache that was sent from those islands; and that my royal duties scarcely amounted to four thousand ducados. since i have three satisfactory and trustworthy officials in the said port, they have petitioned me to have the above three men removed from that place. they say that by the going of such judges they themselves serve only as witnesses of what is public, since no other thing is permitted them; and that such an action deprives them of the authority and exercise of their offices, and they are disaccredited and left without respect and reputation, as all think and believe that you did it because of some incapacity in them. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, together with what you wrote me in regard to it, i have considered it fitting to issue the present. by it i give you authority to send such ministers to acapulco whenever any extraordinary causes shall arise; but that, if there are no such causes, this may be dispensed with, because of the expenses that are incurred by my royal estate, especially since don pedro de quiroga was there so short a time ago. inasmuch as the commerce of those islands has been reported to be in great distress, i charge and order you to try to encourage and aid it by all possible means. since some change has been made in the amount permitted to them, you shall see what can be done for their greater relief, until the arrival at those kingdoms of don juan de palafox y mendoza, [42] of my royal council of the yndias, to whom the settlement of those matters is committed. madrid, september 16, 1639. [i the king] colonists needed in the islands the king. to marqués de cadereyta, my relative, member of my council of war, and my viceroy and governor and captain-general of nueva españa, or the person or persons vested with its government: in a letter written to me by the city of manila, under date of august two of the past year, six hundred and thirty-eight, in regard to various matters, and which has been examined in my royal council of the indias, there is a section of the following tenor: "this kingdom finds itself in great need of inhabitants at the present time, as a result of the said campaign; for they are dying off, and it is many years since people have come to live in these islands as citizens. that has been understood to arise from the loss that the citizens have experienced, both in the affairs of this commerce and in the execution of the favors and rewards that his catholic majesty phelipe second, our king and sovereign (who is in heaven), was pleased to grant to such citizens. for at present, with those of account in this community, the citizens do not number ninety. this is very pitiful, and it is fitting that your majesty please to have it corrected by ordering the said viceroy to use all possible and effective efforts in sending as many citizens as possible every year. they should be persons of good standing and ability, both for the service of your majesty and for the greater renown and authority of this kingdom." and inasmuch as it is proper that you attempt to relieve such necessity, i order you to try to procure this by all possible ways and plans, and with all the mildness and prudence that is fitting. by so doing i shall consider myself well served by you. given at madrid, october three, one thousand six hundred and thirty-nine. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon signed by the members of the council. [endorsed: "to the viceroy of nueva españa, ordering him to endeavor by all the means possible to send to filipinas every year as many citizens as possible who should be of good standing and ability."] directions to the archbishop the king. to the very reverend father in christ, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila: your letter of july 31 of the past year, 1638, has been examined in my royal council of the yndias, and i shall answer you in the present in regard to some points that have been decided. you state that, although the mode of the presentations for the missions has been resolved upon and determined, the decrees are not obeyed; that there is a very great need of seculars for those missions, and those who are there are but youths who do not understand the language [of the natives]; and that hence you have deemed it advisable not to assign any mission to seculars: you state that having conferred on this point with the audiencia, they resolved that no innovation should be made until the arrival of the governor, who had gone on the jolo expedition. it has been deemed best to tell you that when the governor shall arrive, and shall come to a decision, you shall advise me of the results of it. in the meanwhile you shall observe the decrees, unless serious troubles result from doing the contrary. the prebends that you state are vacant in that church have been provided with incumbents, as you will have heard. my royal council of the yndias will take care of the names which you present to me, for the occasions that arise. in regard to the property of don fray francisco zamudio, bishop of nueva caceres, who died on the twenty-seventh of last april, you shall cause the orders that have been issued to be observed, so that his creditors may be heard and paid, in accordance with justice, and upon legal proof of their claims. i have read what you wrote about the great exhaustion and distress experienced by the natives of those islands through the many assessments that are made continually, throughout the year, on all the products of the country. i am writing to the governor and audiencia not to make any innovation in these matters, so that this evil may be corrected; and under no consideration to load any new troubles or burdens on the indians. madrid, december 16, 1639. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon oppression of the indians the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila: in a letter written to me by the archbishop of that church, july 31 of the past year, 638, he states that the natives of those islands are greatly exhausted and burdened by the many assessments made on them every year, in all the products of the country, by my governors. the latter take the products from them at a loss, gathering and collecting them with great trouble to the natives, and no money is given them; while they are seized and beaten, and thrust into prison for many days, because they do not give what they do not possess--although the goods can be bought at a somewhat higher price in the market-place. on account of this, and by the hardships consequent on sending them to the forests to cut wood, the natives are being exterminated, and are dying off. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the yndias, i have considered it fitting to issue the present. by it i order you not to make any innovation; and you shall not, under any consideration, cause new troubles or burdens to the indians. madrid, december 17, 1639. i the king by order of the king our sovereign: don gabriel de ocaña y alarcon events in the filipinas islands from august, 1639, to august, 1640 on the fourth of august, 1639, orders were given that the ship "concepcion," built in camboja, should leave the port for her voyage to nueva españa; and in the afternoon of that day began a furious vendabal, which lasted three days. this compelled the ship to ask for aid by firing two cannons, as its people feared some danger; but when the storm was over, the ship began its voyage. at that very time, five large ships had sailed from manila, on their return to great china; and two of these were driven ashore by the great force of the wind, four leguas from manila. six hundred china-men were drowned, although a still larger number escaped [to land]; for, on account of the lack of succor in these two years, [43] many were returning, leaving their houses and shops deserted. on the seventh came the unexpected news of the relief-ships; their arrival was celebrated with the utmost joy, and all the bells were rung. the people were revived by this news, all the more because these ships were the almiranta of last year, and the patache of two years ago--which, with so great injustice and excessive harshness, had been detained at acapulco--the [sort of] injury of which this country has complained to god and to the king for many years. wives who had put on mourning for their husbands took off those garments, giving thanks to god and receiving from his hand their husbands, as it were, restored to life. the chinese, who learned the news on board their ships, disembarked, and returned to their shops and their trading. there was also a circumstance in this coming of the ships, in which god displayed the providence that he exercises over this country; for they arrived at the port of nueva segovia, from which had just departed two hostile dutch galleons, who had pretended that they were english and friendly [to us]. on the eleventh of august arrived from maluco father manuel carballo, rector [there] of the society; he came on behalf of the governor, don pedro de mendiola, to ask for aid, because the kings of tidore and terrenate had formed an alliance--a thing which we had never expected, because those peoples were more hostile to each other than dogs and cats. the reason which the king of tidore gives for this unfriendly act against the spaniards is, that the present which the governors [of filipinas] were wont to send every year, in the name of his majesty, to the kings of tidore his ancestors, has not been sent to him for the last four years. the father rector of maluco says that this may be true, and is perhaps the ostensible reason; but that the king has other and hidden reasons, which go deeper and give more cause for anxiety. now francisco de figueroa is going [there] as proprietary governor, and he will aid in soliciting the proper assistance for any emergency. on the fifth of august, captain cristobal marquez set out for hermosa island; he is going as successor to sargento-mayor pedro palomino, who is governor there. the warder of this port of cavite is sargento-mayor alonso garcia romero, of the order of santiago; [he fills that office] to the great satisfaction of all. on the twenty-first of august, at daybreak, a spaniard arrived here from nueva segovia; he says that the two relief ships from mejico were wrecked at that port, and one hundred and fifty persons were drowned, which has been a severe punishment from god upon the past; [44] and with this news the people have returned to their former sadness. the ships were lost on the fifth of august. it was afterward learned that the succor despatched by the king had been taken out of the ships before they were wrecked; but that the property of the citizens that has been lost will amount, in luxuries [45] and money, to five hundred and fifty thousand pesos. at the end of september, general don pedro de almonte arrived from joló, where our affairs have been steadily improving. the natives of the island remain subdued; almost all their chiefs who would undertake to defend themselves are dead; and even those who never paid tribute to the king of joló are now registered and are our subjects. all the pirates have fled, and the king is hiding in the mountains; and our men have taken more than three hundred captives during the last three months. on the sixth of october, the cho (craft) which came last year arrived here from macasar. it came loaded with slaves, and pepper, and various kinds of cotton cloth. its people say that the king was sorry that he had not put to death those of his vassals who fought against the spaniards in jolo; and that if any of them should go there, the king would take his life. knowing that malaca was expecting to be blockaded by the achenese and the dutch, and that the city had not sufficient provisions, the king had ordered his people to collect a quantity of rice--two hundred coyos, each coyo containing thirty-two fanegas--and had sent it [to malaca] in his galleys; it is not yet known what success they had. those people say, moreover, that in macasar they have heard the english and the dutch themselves say that in the independence and strength of holanda there are solid foundations for believing that that state will make strong efforts to extend its power from the year 1640 on. they also relate, as news, that the dutch were at the entrance to goa, with fourteen ships; and the portuguese came out in staunch galleons to fight them, sending eleven of the dutch vessels to the bottom; while two of their own were sunk. it is also stated that the patache which was purchased at macao from the english, and despatched from here for yndia, was seized by the dutch in the strait of sincapura; its captain, one carballo, remained in macasar, and it was he who related this misfortune. ytem: [it is said] that a man named caldeira went from malaca as an envoy to the king of achen, regarding himself as quite safe; but that the king gave orders that his men should arrest the envoy as soon as he should enter the palace. when they tried to carry out this command, this man and the other portuguese placed themselves on the defensive; all the men on the ship hastened to their aid with fire-balls, [46] and with these they killed many achenese; and the palace was set on fire, being entirely consumed. they estimate the losses of the king at five millions. all the portuguese there were killed. on the last day [of october], a ship from terrenate arrived at manila. its people say that the tidorans and terrenatans, aided by the dutch, had put to death cachil naro, the former king of tidore--a very regrettable event. he was deposed by the master-of-camp pedro de heredia; and recently had come an order from his majesty that our people should restore naro to power, because he had given more evidence of friendship to us than had the present king. indeed, the authorities were endeavoring to accomplish that change, even if this order had not arrived. extensive revolts are feared there; and on this account reënforcements are being sent, together with galleys, which are very effective in those islands. it is also said that the dutch will lie in wait for these reënforcements; so, in order to circumvent them, we shall endeavor to send the relief earlier than ever before. by this ship comes some news from mindanao: that moncay had captured a brigantine from our then and slain all the spaniards (who defended themselves bravely)--except their commander, who was soon laid low by them, and remains a captive. ytem: they say that moncay is making great efforts to form an alliance with corralat; who has answered moncay that he must try to gain over manaquior, and that, if the latter shall declare himself against the spaniards, he [i.e., corralat] will garrison his forts against them. those chiefs have assailed manaquior with their entreaties, urging him to desist from aiding the spaniards; and it is reported that he already shows himself lukewarm in his friendship to us. from joló we are informed that the islanders are in such haste to be enrolled for paying tribute that now very few of them are missing from the list. the rest of the news will be told by extracts from the following letters. in one from father alejandro lopez, of the society of jesus, dated at joló on august 9, 1639, sent to father luis de pedraza of the same society: "on the second of august, i baptized two women--one a lutao, the other the slave of another lutao," etc. in one from father andres de zamora, of the society of jesus, in mindanao, at la sabanilla, august 13, 1639, to the same father pedraza: "in buhayen, thanks to our lord, our affairs are prospering. on the occasion of an expedition which lucero made to taulan, the spaniards obtained by a clever plan and stratagem a crowd of captives, both men and women. part of them are going in this champan, and the rest will go with the brigantine--which captain lucero sent, in order that some reparation might be made to them; i baptized them all. the spaniards who were with manaquior went down to the lake with the dato; and balatamay was there with five hundred moros, waiting for the spaniards, to fight against them. but they did not remain there, recognizing that our troops were stronger than they. our men killed twenty-five of the moros, and carried five to the fort. one man, who came mortally wounded, asked for baptism, and died within twenty-four hours. on the eighth of october, captain don pedro bermudez set out with fifty spaniards, in two champans, to be stationed in the presidio at the lake of malanao in mindanao; father gregorio belin goes with him. at the same time, don pedro will pursue the camucones, who have appeared on a piratical expedition with sixty boats. it is known that they have captured some vessels and the licentiate raymundo de quiñones." in this month of october came from hermosa island sargento-mayor pedro palomino, who was governor there and goes with the same office to samboangan. of the two champans that went with captain cristobal marquez, one foundered in mid-ocean, with its men and the money. on the return voyage of those who came with palomino, one was separated from the rest by a storm, and up to this time has not arrived at manila. the patache "san nicolas" is going with the relief for terrenate; its chief pilot is captain machado, a pilot of long standing and great experience. this vessel has orders to go, on the return voyage from terrenate to the ladrones islands, in order to carry away the spaniards and other people from the wrecked ship who are there. on the fifth of november the relief for terrenate left this port; it carries an abundant supply of men and provisions, and is under the command of captain andres de urbina. on the same day we learned of the depredations committed by the camucones; and it is believed that dato ache is coming, who was in borney, urging the king to send a large armed fleet against these islands. on the twenty-first of november, in the morning, confused reports reached us that the sangleys had revolted at calamba; and all the rest of the day they spent in strengthening their forces. they killed the alcalde-mayor and two priests, and burned the church; and destroyed other churches in neighboring villages. don sebastian received the news on the twentieth, at night; he had the gates of manila opened, although keeping them under close watch, in order that the people living outside the walls might take refuge within, with their goods. that very night, he despatched by land captain pedro martin de aduna with his company of horsemen, in order to find out how the matter stood, and punish the insurgents. on the morning of the twenty-first, they encountered the sangleys, who, they said, amounted to three thousand men, while the spanish cavalry numbered only thirty. the captain and three others carelessly advanced into a marshy place, where they could neither extricate themselves nor be aided, and were slain. the rest, after killing some chinese, retreated, as they were so few and their horses were tired out, to parañaque, to await the orders of the governor; and this was the condition in which affairs remained yesterday. it is said that the sangleys attack like mad dogs, and that the weapons that they carry are the sickles with which they cut their rice, fastened to poles, and some lances. at this port of cavite the chinese have remained peaceable, and with the indians and japanese they very willingly dragged out some pieces of artillery, with which sargento-mayor alonso garcia romero, who is in command of the port, armed two small forts, which are at the end of the village. with these and other precautions of an excellent soldier, we all consider ourselves very safe. the natives, although they have not forsaken their village, have sought shelter, as far as possible, with the religious orders. the japanese, blacks, and indians are full of courage, whatever be the outcome; i believe that they will rejoice, if the opportunity arise, to satiate themselves for once with killing chinese. in order that the origin of this disturbance may be understood, it must be noted that don sebastian, desirous of augmenting the estate of his majesty, set a great number of chinese at work in some large meadows which are watered and rendered fertile by certain rivers, and are called calamba. many of these men were levied by force, and entirely against their will; many of them fell sick during the past months, and it is said that more than three hundred of them died. accordingly, they became desperate; and it is well known that the season is an unwholesome one. the time came for the chinese to pay their license money and rent, which in all was more than twenty-five pesos for each one. the officials harassed them for the pay, and they had not the means to pay what was due; accordingly they have broken loose in this revolt. the rents from the lands, too, have proved to be unprofitable, from the manner in which they have been let; while, if they belonged to individuals, they would be a source of gain. since the twenty-second of november, when i wrote the above, i have purposely omitted to write an account of current events, for along with the facts were reported a thousand lies; but today, the twenty-eighth of the same month, everything is now known and manifest. after the chinese killed captain martin de aduna, they came close to manila, rousing to revolt all the sangleys whom they encountered. they arrived at san pedro de macati, the novitiate's residence of the society of jesus. as the church there was strongly built, and vaulted, father francisco vicente and the brothers esteban de oliver and raimundo alberto, who were the only inmates of the house at that time, went up into it. some mulattoes and house-servants had also taken refuge there, as well as over one hundred persons from the native village. these made some resistance to the enemy, but, as they had no other weapons than tiles and bricks, finally the multitude of the sangleys (who numbered more than three thousand) broke down the doors of the church and the house, and set fire to the buildings. those who were in the church, tormented by the smoke and flames, within twenty-four hours came to an agreement with the insurgents, who assured them of their lives and kind treatment. some of the mulattoes and natives came out with the father and the brethren; the chinese treated the father well, and manacled the brethren, but they killed all the rest (fifteen in number), on the spot. at this sight, those who had not come out of the church held back, and refused to leave it; and this saved their lives, for at that time the sargento-mayor, don juan de arceo, arrived, with two hundred spanish infantry and eighty horsemen. he also had a hundred pampango and four hundred tagal indians, all carrying firearms; and two field-pieces. these began to do damage to the enemy, but only for a short time; for the sangleys asked for a truce, which was granted them. the sangleys sent father francisco vicente to negotiate a peace for them with the spaniards. by a special providence of heaven, at that very time arrived, by way of the river, adjutant benavides with twenty-five men. he dashed upon them like a lion, and with his men made so fierce an attack upon the crowded sangleys that many of the enemy were slain. the sangleys who were engaged in discussing a peace sent brother alberto to tell the spaniards who had come from the river not to do them any harm, because they were already making an agreement for peace. arriving, he saw that some of the enemy were beginning to make some resistance, and he called aloud, "spaniards, at those who are fleeing!" but they had no need to do so, for the enemy were already in flight; the spaniards followed them and dislodged them from the church, and all the sangleys, in confusion, began to disperse. in this confusion, brother esteban was able to make his escape, and those who were in the church could now leave it. the troops of don juan de arceo seized their weapons, and also fell on the conquered ones; and the latter were quickly dispersed through the fields, leaving some three hundred sangleys dead. the mulattoes and indians from manila killed many, and captured more than three hundred; most of these are here in the galleys. more than a thousand sangleys must have been killed in these encounters. don juan de arceo, thinking that most of the enemy would go back toward calamba, went after them. at this time don fernando galindo, who was then at los baños, assembled five hundred indians, to fall on the sangleys. but the sargento-mayor arrived, and learned that fifteen hundred sangleys had fortified themselves on a lofty hill [47] that is above calamba; and they agreed that their men should ascend this hill, the indians on one side, and the spaniards on the other. this was accordingly done; the spaniards reached the top first, and overcame the enemy, killing more than thirteen hundred sangleys. the rest broke away on the side where the indians were, and have been driven into the mountains; a company of spaniards and some indians have gone in pursuit of them. with this encounter, which was on saturday, the whole affair has come to an end; and therefore on yesterday, which was sunday, the te deum laudamus was sung in manila. among those who distinguished themselves in this last combat were juan de montoya, lezcano, and ugalde. this last one came here this year; although he had received three lance-thrusts, he pursued the enemy, fighting valiantly. don fernando galindo, moreover, did valuable service in urging forward the men to the attack. among those whom we mentioned above as being killed with aduna in the marshes of viñan was alférez don antonio tornamira, who fell senseless when they attacked him with clubs, and they left him for dead. later, he came to himself, and while he was looking for some place where he could hid himself he came upon a sangley, who also had hidden in a thicket; he did not wish to go with the insurgents. they agreed together to seek for some way of escape, and the sangley advised the spaniard to dress himself in chinese garb; he did so, and finally the two reached manila. the governor, don sebastian, gave alférez tornamira a suit of his own garments; and to the sangley he granted an exemption [from tributes?] for several years. the latter declared that he wished to be baptized. yesterday and day before yesterday, the entire revolt was regarded as suppressed and ended, without there having been any disturbance on the other side of the river. this morning, the twenty-ninth of this month, we saw many large fires toward manila; we knew not what to think, until we received a letter in which we were informed that from the other side of the river from the river san mateo, many new insurgents had come, who were burning everything; and the fires that we saw were meyhaligue [48] and santa cruz, on opposite sides of the river. from the parián alone different troops of soldiers, both foot and horse, have sallied out against them; we are hoping for their entire success. we are informed that people are talking very earnestly of taking steps to prevent such things from ever happening again; for this purpose there was held yesterday a general conference of all the civil, military, and religious. [49] relation of the insurrection of the chinese its causes and beginning desires for the increase of the royal revenues, which don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor of those islands, always tried to carry out, with greater exactitude in intention than success in the outcome, gave occasion to the chinese of the city of manila and its environs to attempt an insurrection, the destruction of that country, and the complete extermination of the spaniards there. i do not mention other causes, [50] in order to reduce them to those that have existed and those which the sangleys have tried to assign as a pretext for their insurrection. that which surpassed the others, as being the greatest in their estimation, was that many laborers saw that they were obliged to live in a new village which the governor built in the lands of calamba, [51] for certain advantages to the royal service; the object was, to produce there the rice sufficient for the presidios of these islands, by which his majesty would be spared a great expense, and the government employees the neglect and difficulty [usual] in its provision. the good intention of the one who made this arrangement was recognized, if it had also been so on the part of those on whom its fulfilment depended. its execution was not without hardships, which occasioned all the more resentment the more the comforts experienced in their old villages, attracted them. the exemptions promised by the government, with the desire of keeping the chinese contented, because of the advantage that accrued to his majesty in obtaining the necessary food from those lands--by which the chinese could gain greater profits, and the indians, being exempted from such burdens, could make extraordinary gains--were sufficient to overcome those difficulties. attention was given to both of those peoples in the change. but as it caused many of them to fall sick in a short time, and more than three hundred died because of the unhealthful climate, a great disturbance was caused in their minds--which was greater because they were oppressed by the alcalde-mayor with continual extortions and punishment. consequently, desirous of lifting so heavy a yoke from their necks, they rushed on to the last risk, whether to themselves or to others; and determined to kill him who ruled them there, and to go ahead, committing all the damage possible in all the indian villages, and on the possessions of the spaniards, until they came in sight of manila, where they would call out the other chinese from the parián and the villages round about--if they did not rise before, of which it has not been possible to gain certain information; for, the cause being their own, they all would force the governor, who had but few infantrymen, to pardon their deed; and, if they did not succeed in this, confident in their multitude, they would go forward to besiege the city. then, in conformity with the resolution adopted, they assaulted the house of the alcalde-mayor [52] on november 19. he was entirely unguarded, the more for [having no] fears of so fatal an outcome. they treacherously killed him, manifesting their cruelty against him, as in revenge for the cruelties that they were shortly before lamenting as caused by him on themselves. they burned the village, ordering their wives to hide in the mountains, while they went to try their fortune--saying that, if they found a good one, and gained the victory over the spaniards, they would return for them; or, in case of adverse fortune and their own defeat, their families would remain alive and safe in their place of retirement. advice is given in manila. first assault of the enemy, and its result news of the insurrection reached this city on the night of november 20; and warning was given to the entire city and its environs by two cannon that were fired. the gates were opened, although with care and caution, so that those outside could seek shelter, and those who wished could guard their property. inasmuch as the importance of the matter did not admit of any delay, the governor despatched captain martin de aduna that same night overland, so that with his company of cavalry, he might go to see what was being done, and mete out the suitable punishment to the enemy, since people here were on the outlook because of the news with warning. the governor also sent advices to the castellan and chief magistrate of the port of cavite, namely, sargento-mayor alonso garcia romero, so that he might be on the watch. captain aduna left manila immediately, and taking thirty horsemen with him, he came within sight of the enemy on the morning of the following day, to the number of more than three thousand. all were armed with spears, or with bamboos hardened in fire, and on these were fastened the blades with which they harvest their rice. they defied the spaniards to come on and fight. their own guilt, the number of men, and the fortified position that they were occupying--which was certain swamps in the lands of viñan, whose houses and churches they had burned--caused them to be bold. our captain attacked them with greater valor than prudence, for, not heeding the danger, [53] he advanced into the swamp, where, finding it impossible to manage his horse, he and three others who followed him in the same enterprise were killed. the others having killed more than two hundred chinese, and being but few in number, retreated (since the horses were tired, and they were in a position where they could not be aided) to the village of parañaque, to await the governor's orders to whom a father of the society, who had accompanied the captain to confess and encourage our men, went to give advices. the enemy advance to san pedro. they are pursued, and are defeated in calamba the news of the death of captain martin de aduna caused disquiet and sadness in the city, for he was well liked there. greater damages were feared if they did not immediately summon all their forces, in order to deprive the enemy of their strength and hobble their feet. in order to do that the governor sent out his sargento-mayor, don juan de arceo, with two hundred infantrymen, eighty cavalrymen, one hundred pampangos, and four hundred tagal indians, all with firearms, and two pieces of cannon. they were being prepared with all possible rapidity in manila, when the enemy began to march toward san pedro, the house of the novitiate of the society of jesus, doing all the harm possible along the way. they had about four thousand men, and were joined, either through force or willingly, by those of calamba and the farm-lands round about. that same day, november 21, they reached san pedro, where a father and two brothers were then living. the father confessed all the people of pasay, a village whose people had, in order to escape the danger, taken refuge in that house. the brothers, with some of the more courageous indians, tried to put themselves in a state of defense; and, although with only tiles and bricks, they wounded many sangleys, and killed some. however, the fury of the multitude was greater than that of the resistance; and accordingly, the doors of the church having been battered down, the sangleys entered it, whence they penetrated into the house, to which they set fire. thereupon those above, in sore straits, surrendered after twenty-four hours with assurance of their lives and of good treatment--although, not trusting to the promises of the enemy, many remained upon the vaulted roof of the church. on account of the fire, in a short time these could not descend, nor could the insurgents climb to the roof; consequently the former escaped with their lives, which [otherwise] they would have lost through the barbarous cruelty of the infidels. this was further displayed [by the chinese] in breaking the promise that they had given; for they put to death those who had descended with the father and the brothers, who numbered some fifteen persons. they bound the father securely, carrying him to their own camp, and manacled the brothers--the chief leaders of the sangleys not daring to treat them more severely, as others claim, in order not to provoke further the anger of the governor and the spaniards against themselves. by this time the spanish forces, not only troops of infantry but horsemen, had reached the enemy's camp, and began to skirmish with them; the chinese lost some men on their side, but we none. an entire stop was put to this presently, by the arrival of a great number of sangleys from manila to treat for peace. in order to settle the terms of peace, the insurgents sent to the governor the father of the society. the suspension of hostilities lasted but a short time; for the adjutant benavides (now captain), having no knowledge of it, or of the discussion that was going on, arrived at san pedro by way of the river, with twenty-five spaniards. these attacked with such fury that, suddenly falling upon the chinese where they least expected it, the latter immediately fled; the spaniards went in pursuit of them, and the enemy left three hundred dead [scattered] through the fields, while as many more were captured by the indians who were scouring the country, and were taken to the galleys at the port of cavite. on account of the chinese being surprised by this unexpected attack, the brothers of the society who were their prisoners had an opportunity to regain their liberty; they took refuge among the twenty-five spaniards, and coming with them reached that same night their college at manila, both wounded, although not dangerously. when the governor knew that the enemy were marching back to calamba, he ordered the sargento-mayor to go there with his men in pursuit of them. by this time admiral don fernando galindo, who was at los baños, seeing how the country was disturbed, collected five hundred indians to attack the sangleys. but when the sargento-mayor arrived, and learned that two thousand of the latter had fortified themselves on a hill, in the ruggedness of which they placed their main hope of defense, [the two spanish leaders] determined to attack them in various places [at once]--sending by some paths troops of indians, by others spanish infantry and pampangos, and horsemen with both these parties. as soon as our men came in sight of the enemy, they saw how difficult was the task; but spanish valor conquered it. the spaniards arriving first, with the pampangos, began to climb the hill so courageously that the chinese, although at first they thought to beat back our men with stones and lances from the ascent, finally, losing courage and judgment, rushed down from the hill, those who escaped from our infantry encountering our horsemen. thus some one thousand five hundred of them were killed in a short time; and those who remained alive tried to escape into the most hidden ravines and passes of the mountains, but even there they did not find themselves safe from the spaniards and the courage of the indians. this was the first victory that was obtained over that enemy; and it was generally understood that it had put an end to the insurrection, and taken away the courage of those who had caused these first disturbances. it was proposed to sing the te deum at manila, by way of thanksgiving that a fire which threatened so great destruction had been so easily extinguished, by means of the company and soldiers of sargento-mayor don juan de arceo, to whom the lord had given so brilliant a victory without any cost. this result was greatly aided by the experience and courage of don fernando galindo and of the captains who took part in the combat--don rodrigo de guillestegui, juan de montoya, [francisco] lezcano, [estéban] [54] ugalde, and don martin de ocadiz. the pampangos behaved nobly and courageously. [55] the chinese of sagar and santa cruz rebel in proportion to the satisfaction which the news of this victory caused in manila was the resentment of the sangleys when they heard of the death of their comrades. eager for revenge, those on the lands of sagar [56] rose in arms, and hurried that establishment; and then they summoned [to join them] the chinese who were scattered among the other estates, as far as manila. a large number of them arrived at daybreak on tuesday, november 29, at the residence of meyhaligue, to which they set fire. at the same time when we heard of this new enemy, we learned of the arrival of sargento-mayor don juan de arceo, victorious, with all his men; and orders were immediately given to him that, without entering manila, he should proceed to santa cruz, to occupy that post and check any commotions among the sangleys who were there or those of the parián--preventing them from joining and uniting their forces by way of the river. in order to be ready for everything, the governor also went to santa cruz with master-of-camp don lorenzo de olaso, on the possibility that the enemy (who were running, not marching) would attempt an entrance by way of santa cruz--as they actually did, not having had warning of the arrival of our troops, or knowing how ready the city was to resist them without the soldiers. the chinese at santa cruz who were friendly were told that they might go down the river, with their vessels, to the shelter and protection of the fort; and those who were not were told to do as they pleased, so that they might be thoroughly aware how little importance was attached to their revolt. many others went on board their boats, to the number of some two hundred; professing to be loyal, they asked permission to go out and fight their own countrymen, in order to drive them back. those who had charge of them had strong suspicions of their undertaking and intentions, but the governor gave his consent; and in his very sight those chinese approached and joined the traitors, and began with them to take possession of santa cruz--now declared enemies to us, although they had a little while before been pretended friends. half the street they held as their own, the careful arrangements of the governor giving them all this space so that our men might manage their guns more safely. the spaniards began to fire these so skilfully, and to oppose the enemy so valiantly that, many of the chinese being killed, they found themselves compelled by the force of our resistance to turn and run, displaying no little swiftness in their flight. the governor left their punishment to general don juan de esquerra and his brother, admiral don francisco--the first with some horsemen, the second with his infantry company and some other footmen, who intercepted the enemy on the rear--at the same time ordering the master-of-camp to fortify himself in the church of santa cruz, planting in it some strong artillery, so that he might be well prepared for resisting the insurgents, and for checking the designs, suspected although not manifest, of the chinese in the parián. immediately all that company [of infantry] fell apart, so as to give room for the free handling of the cannon; and, the village of santa cruz being set afire, the spaniards and indians pillaged it. [57] in it were the troops from manila; and when they reached the lands of meyhaligue the horsemen, infantry, and japanese attacked the sangleys; the latter fighting with barbarous desperation, were aided by the great number of their men in stations and ambuscades. they killed some of our men, among these captain agustin tenorio, captain juan martin[ez] de avendaño, adjutant cristobal de saldado, and alférez pedro de soria; and others were wounded. thirteen [58] japanese were killed, who could not be relieved [in time] by the valor of our horsemen--which, although great on all occasions, in this one even surpassed itself. those who died sold their lives dearly, and those who survived risked their lives nobly. the danger was alike for all, and their courage equal; but their fate was not the same. finally, those who remained alive thought themselves fortunate that they could retreat, considering the great number of those who attacked them, the exhausted condition of their horses, little used to such raids, and the advantage of position which the insurgents had over them. the latter, although they saw many of their men stretched on the field, held that loss as gain--since they were so numerous, and constantly saw more men joining them--on account of the decrease of the spaniards' number by death, of which they made haughty boasts, cherishing hopes of greater successes. the governor commanded that the troops and artillery that were in santa cruz should that night be withdrawn to the city, in order not to leave manila in danger from a sudden insurrection in the parián, which was momently feared; also to leave the enemy in perplexity--having seen that fortification by day, and not being aware of the [spanish] retreat so that they might not dare to approach the river, or attempt to pass it, in the night. he commanded that the bridge over it should be removed, and the boats that were there broken up, so that the chinese [of santa cruz and the parián] might not cross to each other; at the same time he gave orders that, if there should be any tumult in the parián, it should be demolished by the artillery on the city walls. the whole city remained in suspense and uncertainty, which was greatly increased by seeing how numerous grew the forces of the insurgents. these, made arrogant by their recent exploit, roamed through all the [surrounding] districts, nothing escaping their cruelty. several times they attacked the church and convent of tondo, [59] which was fortified; but our people in it were prepared for them, so that, having lost many men, they saw themselves obliged to desist for the time from their intention. they undertook to make themselves masters of the church at binondo, [60] but with the same result; for the sangley mestizos who were in the church, desirous of giving proof of their loyalty, resisted the enemy, who accordingly regarded their attempt as impracticable, or [at least] exceedingly difficult. the sangleys of the parián revolt from the twenty-sixth of november to the second of the following month the insurgent sangleys continued to be so elated that every day we saw them from manila, on the other side of the river, with many little banners which they proudly waved, daring the bolder of our men to fight; for they thought that even if every spaniard cost them fifty of their own men, they would finally remain conquerors, and masters of the country, on account of the smallness of our numbers, the many men in their camp, and the accession of those who were continually joining them. our artillery quickly made them disperse and retreat; but the decision was reached that it was not expedient to sally out against the enemy, on account of the little confidence that was felt in the sangleys of the parián, and because our army could not hold these in check [no les cogiesen por las espaldas] if it were engaged in a campaign. but on the second of december, the day of the great apostle of india, st. francis javier, between ten and eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the suspense came to an end, and our uncertainty regarding the fidelity of the parián was cleared up. for those sangleys, seeing that the insurgents had more troops than on former occasions, and that they were more daringly undertaking to make an attack at one side, also raised the banner of revolt, and sallied out from the shops in which they were; and they killed some negroes and indians, and a few soldiers who were stationed near the church of the parián itself. they raised an outcry, "for the bridge!" and "to arms against the spaniards!" desiring to join their countrymen by way of the bridge, which for this purpose had been replaced. the sargento-mayor went out against them with the infantry which were in garrison on that side, and made them turn back, retreating toward the church of the parián; and because the greatest danger was at the bridge, the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olaso, went to defend that passage. although his men were few, with gallant defiance he repulsed the main body of the enemy; but he saw that he was in great danger, and his very courage extricated him. immediately they began to demolish the parián, and to throw down their houses on the land side. the governor went to the walls, to give orders as to what must be done in view of the present necessity; and, since there was so great need of men, all the ecclesiastics and religious were obliged to go with arms to guard the walls, as it was suspected that the enemy might attempt to scale them. at that time the city was full of confusion and tumult; for as there were even in the [spanish] houses so great a number of sangleys, the people within these saw that they were in danger if the sangleys escaped outside. to free themselves from this, the cry was made, i know not by whose order, that, under penalty of treason all should kill the sangleys whom they kept, [61] which immediately rendered active the indignation or the hatred against them. through all the streets the sangleys were seen lying dead; and everywhere were heard their outcries or their weeping, causing in all natural compassion, [even] in the midst of the general danger. in the fort were many sangleys who had been seized in various sallies, who, seeing death so near, tried to escape it, defending themselves even in the place where they were imprisoned; but they all died there, slain by arquebus-balls. the artillery continued its fire from the walls, killing thus a great number of the sangleys. others flung themselves into the river, but immediately fell into the hands of some of our men who were guarding it in boats, and perished miserably. fire was set to the parián; it immediately began to burn, and a great quantity of wealth was reduced to ashes by the flames. [62] many persons who had concealed themselves were burned to death; others, who thought it a less evil to be the object of our men's harshness than to become the prey of the flames, rushing from the buildings, threw themselves upon the sharp swords. thus in a few hours the costly structure of the parián [perished], and its beautiful church alone was left [63] as a memento of what had been there--the pillars of stone which remained standing being monuments, as it were, which proclaimed, "here stood troya." the number of those who died that day in the city and fort, in the parián, and in the river, amounted to three thousand, according to the statement of those who make the most moderate estimates. on the morning of the following day, some two hundred traders came out from some marshes and miry places that were behind the parián; they had buried themselves in the mud there, in order to preserve their lives in the general misfortune of their countrymen. all came with crosses in their hands, entreating mercy; this could not be denied to them by christian charity, all the more when it was known that these men were not accomplices in the insurrection. command was therefore given that they be conveyed to the fort, where they were kept under guard; and they were aided with their support in a time of so great need, in which they were utterly destitute. many of those who died had time [allowed them] to become christians first, and those who already were such, to make their confessions; others were deprived of this by their own obstinacy, or by the sudden anger of our people. events at the port of cavite and other places at this time there was anxiety at the port of cavite when they heard the cannon from manila, and saw the clouds of smoke from the parián; then news of the result arrived, with an order to the warden of the fort, sargento-mayor alonso garcía romero, to put to the sword all the sangleys who were in that port. [64] hardly was this information guessed at when all the people--spaniards, indians, japanese, sangleys, and mulattoes ran in dismay through the streets; all suspected one another, and all tried to secure their own safety. the women and the more valuable articles of property were collected in the churches; and there prayers were offered aloud, entreating god for mercy. in the present tumult, the prudence with which the warden acted was of great value; for he restored tranquillity among all, especially the sangleys, who were most disturbed. within half an hour he gathered about a thousand of them in the royal buildings, making it known that this was for the purpose of securing them from the public fury. they were satisfied with this, closed their houses, and proceeded to take refuge in the buildings assigned to them. while the ave maria was ringing, the warden went to all the religious orders, requesting that priests should go to baptize the infidels and hear the confessions of the christians, since all of them must die. they went immediately; and the warden commanded that the chinese should be taken out by tens, on the pretext that the governor had summoned them to manila. in this way, they cut off the heads of as many as three hundred sangleys, many of them receiving the sacrament of baptism, and many who were christians that of penance. at this time a spaniard made the mistake of cutting off the purses which the sangleys always carry with them; this was seen by some, who immediately called out that they were taking the chinese away to kill them, and that the rest would better put themselves on the defensive, and either save their lives or sell them dearly. the spaniards who were inside at once tried to escape, and did so, although with some wounds from stones, taking the precaution to close the gate of exit--a prudent act of great importance, because the rest of the spaniards, running up to that place, began to fire their arquebuses wherever they could. the sangleys then set fire to the royal building, close to the gate, in order to make an opening by which they could escape; others, climbing above, began to throw stones and tiles at the spaniards, and broke in pieces an ivory image of the blessed christ, with which they wounded some of our men. many indian women had been sheltered in these buildings the day before, thinking that they would there be safe, and seeing themselves suddenly in extreme danger. only three of these, with one child, died on this occasion, at the hands of the sangleys; another woman and another child flung themselves down from the windows, but, falling upon some dead sangleys, they received no injury of importance. nor did the rest of these women, who, seeing their danger, did the same; they threw themselves down and remained safe, although bruised by the fall. the fire was now seizing on the entire building; [65] and those within, with death so near and in their sight, broke down the wall on two sides, and as many as four hundred flung themselves through this opening, the rest remaining among the flames. here they were opposed by the spaniards and japanese, whom the sangleys confronted with such mad fury that, although armed only with stones and clubs, they strove to make way for themselves, wounding some of our men (among these the warden), and killing two japanese. finally they took the road to the beach, and, being pursued thither, many of them continued to fall until, being hindered by a fishing corral in which they were crowded together, they were a mark for the bullets of our soldiers, and for the balls from a blunderbuss which was fired from the fort of la magdalena, and thus thirty of them died. those who remained alive went out into the country, continually pursued by our soldiers at short range, so that few escaped; and most of those were caught next day by the ranchmen. others hanged themselves from the trees; and, according to the best information that can be obtained, only twenty three were left who could carry the news to those in manila. the slaughter continued on the following day, since there were many who were hidden in the houses. this success was a great mercy of god; for it was afterward known that the sangleys of the port had agreed upon an uprising for that very night; they had planned to set fire to the village in all parts of it, which they could have executed all the more easily because their houses were very near to those of the spaniards. in the house of a rich chinese christian was found the banner to which they were to rally. many kept hidden in the fireplaces pincers with which they intended to torture certain spaniards by tearing away their flesh piecemeal, in revenge for the sangley pirates who were punished by that torture in manila in the past year. [66] the number of those who died in the port of cavite reached one thousand three hundred. immediately afterward all the sangley laborers on the lands in that district revolted, of whom some five hundred perished at the hands of the indians and ranchmen--not to speak of others who were scattered in maragondon and silan, probably four hundred and fifty. many were also killed in the neighboring jurisdictions: in bulacan, three hundred; in pampanga, six hundred; in pangasinan, two hundred; in taal and balayan, five hundred. besides this, the corpses of more than six hundred sangleys have been encountered in the villages and coasts of zambales, the coasts of maderas, and other places. [67] encampment of the insurgents; damages which they inflict; levies of men to oppose them the damages which the sangleys continued to commit--which were especially seen among the recent arrivals in the parián--have been very heavy. they set fire to many houses of spaniards and of religious; and they burned the villages, with the churches, profaning all that was sacred [68]--hacking the images with knives, wearing the chasubles, and making from the altar-coverings garments to cover themselves, and flags. some of these articles were taken from them, in encounters which the spaniards had with them. the villages which, with their churches, were burned were: santa cruz (although they did not entirely destroy it), quiapo, meyhaligue, sampaloc, san sebastian, san francisco del monte, and part of san juan de la penitencia. they also burned the ranches of santiago castelu (or gastelu), general asaldegui, admiral ezquerra, and others; and a large part of the villages of tondo and binondo. they arrogantly continued these forays, and they were further confirmed in their notion that they were masters of the field by having therein more than twenty-six thousand fighting men, and knowing that the spaniards who could be assembled hardly amounted to three hundred. accordingly they formed their encampment opposite manila, with fortifications at intervals, where they remained about twenty days, without our men crossing the river to attack them--the spaniards contenting themselves with depriving the sangleys of boats, so that the latter might not cross from the other side; and they waged war on us in two directions. it was our prudent decision, and its importance was recognized by the insurgents, not to let our force of soldiers be weakened; and they exerted all their strength to overcome it, sparing no effort in order to carry out their intention, and in one case almost succeeding. only by their great [number was it] [69] possible, and their natural ingenuity; they undertook to intercept the river, although it was so broad and deep, with a causeway of stone--a work which they were able to complete in a short time, by each sangley carrying only one stone. with this they were masters of the river as regards its passage, which they prevented to the boats which were coming down with provisions from laguna de bay; but they were checked in this by the diligence of those who had in charge the safety of those supplies. these were general asaldegui and captain ugalde, who had various skirmishes with the sangleys to keep them back from the passage of the river, killing many of them without serious loss of our men. by that time, recognizing the dangerous character of the war, and that it would apparently be a long one, the governor continued to make provision of all sorts of munitions and food; and raised levies of men from pampanga [70] and other jurisdictions--not only arquebusiers, but indians armed with arrows, lances, and shields. at this summons, all showed their fidelity to the king, their affection for the spaniards, their hatred to the chinese, and their promptness in obedience. the pampango indians quickly rallied, constrained not only by their ancient loyalty but by the present need; in this they were not a little encouraged by seeing the spirited conduct of their women whom they left behind, who offered to come with them to fight. as it was impracticable to accept this offer, they were ready, even at the cost of their lives, to defend their homes and villages, in case the insurgents should undertake to enter these. the enemy are dislodged, and pursued as far as bocaue the new soldiers who had come to the succor of manila, desirous of encountering the enemy--for which there was not yet opportunity, according to the arrangements of the governor--made forays through the open country, in small bands, always with good success. [71] they were encouraged to these sallies by the reward which the governor offered to any one who should bring in the head of an enemy; as a result, many heads came in to the city every day. a large number of men having been collected, the governor resolved to post troops close to the very camp of the insurgents, in order to surround them; and although they tried to prevent this, they were unable to do so. instead, they found themselves, in all the attacks that they made, compelled to retire with losses always of many men--although on one occasion, when the governor with the master-of-camp and some spaniards undertook to reconnoiter a position, the sangleys came about them, placing them in such evident danger that they were very fortunate in being able to escape. this was secured by the coming, with succor, of captain sebastian de gastelu, who was stationed at a neighboring post, with his men. some took the governor for the master-of-camp. the sargento-mayor, don pedro de jara, and captain gastelu peppered them well with the artillery, which caused them so great loss that even within their very camp they were not safe. preparations were now made [on our side] for attacking them on a set day; but it seems that the enemy, guessing this plan, and the disastrous result which they might expect from it, since they were surrounded on all sides by towers and redoubts, concluded to take flight. this they did on thursday, december 29, at night, with so much silence (since the [word in ms. missing] was so great) that there was no indication or suspicion of their resolve until, on the morning of the next day, certain knowledge of their departure was furnished by our noticing that they did not sally out into the open country. the governor, who was in our camp, immediately commanded that the enemy's camp be delivered over to pillage; in it they found more than ten thousand fanegas of rice, by which not only the spaniards but the negroes and indians of the surrounding villages profited. the governor went in pursuit of them with his men, and got sight of them between the villages of pasig and san mateo, to which they had gone with the intention of crossing the river on rafts, for which purpose they had cut there twenty thousand bamboos. they were prevented from this, and our people prepared to give them battle on saturday, december 31; but the chinese did not wait for them, but took to flight that night also. our troops continued to pursue them, [72] and reached them at nightfall, finding them encamped in the village of san jose, a visita of bocaue, which is a mission village of the fathers of st. francis. when the governor was asked there where our men were to be lodged, he replied, "where the enemy are." our soldiers were so honorably obedient that, crossing a stream that separated the two forces, they dislodged the sangleys from their camp, compelling them to flee; the enemy left behind the supper that they had prepared, as spoils [for our men, disregarding] the opportunity, and its importance for the hungry and needy condition in which they were. [73] on the first of january, 1640, in the morning, the sangleys were attacked by our men, and forced to do as they had done the night before--although with greater loss, since many in their flight rushed head-long into the river, where they perished. the rest took the road to pampanga, intending to secure through that province a passage to that of pangasinan; but, after fighting their way, and receiving damage on all sides, they fell back to bocaue. this move caused anxiety among our people, who feared that the sangleys did this with the intention of again crossing the river of manila, in which case they would destroy, as they had already done on the side opposite [manila], the churches and villages on the other side. seeing, then, the danger at this time of need, and considering that the soldiers were with the governor and the citizens acting as garrison, and that in no place could the forces be divided, since everywhere they were so small, father fray juan ramirez, the augustinian provincial, offered to keep guard over the river with his religious, and asked the other religious orders to help him in this with such men as they could spare. all willingly gave their aid, and the governor also sent the commander of the galleys, andres lopez de asaldegui, for the same purpose; and, aided by so many religious, he kept the river safe for our trade, and prevented the enemy from crossing it. at bocaue the governor was confronting the enemy, and having various skirmishes with them, being sometimes the attacker, sometimes the attacked; and although usually these occasioned loss to the enemy, sometimes also our people lost--especially one day when a large troop of indians, with a number of spaniards, sallied out against the sangleys. the latter resorted to the artifice of setting fire in all directions to the patches of sedge (or rather the fields of cogon [74]), which were a great cause for fear; and the indians, unexpectedly surrounded by fire, took to disorderly flight. this was the cause of some few spaniards being left there dead; their firearms were seized by the sangleys, who with these did considerable damage to our men. on this occasion the governor was in notable danger; for he, considering that the enemy's encampment was in an advantageous location, convenient to food-supplies, and having plenty of water (which our camp lacked), determined to dislodge them from it. for this purpose, on the night of january 9 he erected a tower near the enemy's camp, defended by ditches, spikes driven into the ground [empuyados], and a stockade, and well furnished with artillery. he appointed as its commander the chief captain of the artillery, juan bautista de molina, with captain gastelu [as second]; and placed in it two artillerists, twenty soldiers, and a hundred indians armed with arrows and arquebuses. when the sangleys, in the morning, saw the new fort, so unexpected to them, they rushed with great fury to carry it by assault; but those within defended it valiantly, making great havoc among the enemy. hearing the report of the cannon, the governor and the master-of-camp hastened to give them aid. before they could arrive, the enemy turned their backs and fled to their camp; the governor and those who accompanied him therefore returned to their quarters. at one o'clock the sangleys again endeavored to seize the fort; they found the same resistance and valor among our men as in the morning, and many of their people were killed, without any loss to us, except that a bullet wounded captain gastelu in the knee. at the time, this injury was not considered dangerous or likely to last long; but finally, at the end of five months it caused his death, to the sorrow of every one that his majesty should lose in him a valiant and energetic officer. the governor and the master-of-camp came, as in the morning, to the aid of the fort; but the enemy were now retreating, and, the governor sending four men on horseback to reconnoiter their course, god inspired such fear in those who were retreating that they began to flee in a disorderly crowd, leaving in their camp their weapons (lances and arquebuses) and a large quantity of provisions. some of our men followed them for the distance of half a legua, and in that space killed more than one thousand five hundred of them; and when the soldiers of our force were called together, the affair could be considered by them all as concluded. it was regarded as a great victory, on account of the great fear which had filled the minds of the sangleys, the utter disorder and confusion with which they fled, and our having gained from them an encampment so convenient, with the death of so many and the booty of so many weapons; and the news of it was sent to manila at ten o'clock that night. it was received with general satisfaction and the ringing of bells; and on the following day in all the churches solemn masses were said before the most holy sacrament, by way of thanksgiving for so fortunate a success, and in supplication to that same lord that he would continue that favor to our forces. the enemy return to sagar and san mateo the governor had no information of the road that the enemy took in their flight; accordingly, while he was waiting for this, he endeavored to have his army take some rest in the village of bocaue. but little rest did the insurgents have; for, seeing the misfortunes that pursued them, and so many of their men (in whose numbers they were trusting to make themselves masters of the country) dead, or wounded, or disheartened, they resolved to remove from [the vicinity of] our camp. returning to their familiar haunts of sagar and san mateo--which is a visita of the village of pasig, belonging to the fathers of st. augustine--desirous of avenging their defeats and the loss of their dead, and feeling safe on account of our troops being so far away, they sent some bands of their people to burn the church and village of pasig, which they did. other sangleys, roaming through the hills, found among them some tiny hamlets of the natives, where they had concealed their valuables, and their children and wives, to save them from the common danger; and these were in very great danger of falling into the hands of these enemies. our lord delivered these people, although the sangleys took possession of what they found in the huts. then their scattered bands being reunited with those whom they had sent to hunt for provisions, they formed their camp on a hill, and the various bands built shelters for themselves. as soon as the governor knew where the enemy were now encamped, he went in pursuit of them, and on the twelfth [of january] he halted on the river san mateo. the next day he went in person, with some few horsemen, to reconnoiter, and on the way encountered a troop of about a hundred sangleys; fifty of them were armed, and the rest were laden with rice and other provisions. our men attacked them and killed twenty or more of the sangleys, without any loss on our side--although captain juan fiallo found himself in great danger. on this as on other occasions he displayed honorable proofs of his valor; for, having wounded a sangley in the forehead with a lance-thrust, and felled him to the ground, the latter, suddenly raising himself from between the horse's feet, slashed at him with a japanese catana, with which at one thrust he wounded both the captain and the horse. the captain quickly turned his horse about, and securing room for using his lance, ran it entirely through the sangley's body, at one side; it pierced so deeply that it was impossible to pull out the weapon, so he had to leave it sticking in the body. but the sangley, with the anguish or the desperation of death, eager to avenge it rather than endure it, with his own hands drew out the lance, and, bracing himself with it on the ground, attempted to attack the man who had wounded him. but at this moment he was himself attacked by a lay religious belonging to the society of jesus, who rendered good service in the war throughout its active period--and at this time with especial good fortune, since he freed the captain from danger by completing the killing of the sangley. all the rest of the sangleys fled, and the governor returned to his camp, to give orders for the attack on the enemy, who during all the time while they remained in the hills never ceased from inflicting damages. they burned the church of san mateo, and that of taytay, a house and church of the society of jesus, and a visita of antipolo; also santa cruz and mahayhay. according to what many of them said, their chief incentive to setting these fires was what happened to a certain sangley. desiring to become a christian, he buried an idol which he had, of which they relate fables very similar to those about mars, calling it "the god of battles." this christian sangley was one of the insurgents, and, desiring to appease this god, managed with others to disinter it, entreating its protection on the present occasion. they say that the idol spoke to them, saying that it considered itself appeased and satisfied for the previous injury done to it; and promising them, besides this, its favor, provided that they would burn all the churches, profane all that was sacred, and inflict on the christians all the harm that they possibly could. success of our troops, and defeat of the enemy in antipolo the enemy, not regarding themselves as safe in the mountains where they had hidden, managed to retreat to those of antipolo, as being more suitable for the fortified post which they built there. on account of the extent of the place, the greater part of their people had gone into it, after burning the village and the residence of the society of jesus; they attempted to do the same with the church, but could not accomplish this, as it was built of stone. some remained behind, and, desirous of reconnoitering the place, and doing the enemy some damage, captain juan fiallo went out with as many as thirty horsemen, and a large number of indians with lances and bows. the roads were exceedingly rugged, and both footmen and horsemen had to trust to their own exertions for success. they commenced to make their way through the mountains, with more spirit than reflection, for at the middle of their journey they found themselves unable to go on. the enemy were on their rear, and at either side were precipices and deep ravines--all the fault of ignorant guides. it was impossible either to advance or to retreat; and so they fell in death, one after another, their courage ineffectual, and without room in which to make resistance. accordingly, they rushed to fling themselves down the precipices, abandoning some their horses and some their weapons, and all in this danger losing their presence of mind. the enemy had the opportunity to put an end to all of our men, if god had not blinded their eyes. five or six spaniards, with their arms and horses, returned to the camp and gave news of this disaster; and within a few days some others returned, unarmed and on foot; as for the rest, the sangleys disposed of them as we shall see later. the governor, grieved at this result, collected more horses from the neighboring ranches, and, sending to manila for saddles, equipped his men anew, all eager for vengeance. this consumed much time, which gave the enemy leisure to fortify themselves in four places, in the village of antipolo and in the mountain region thereabout; but it deprived our troops of [the opportunity of] marching against the enemy until they arrived in sight of the new fortifications. the difficulty of the attack was very evident, for the enemy held the heights, and had stones with which they had built their enclosures, by hand-work, very strong and well-arranged, as was remarked by our men. in this work, the great number of their men, and their strenuous efforts, had made up for the lack of time. no less active were our men in making ready [for the attack]; and the more difficult the undertaking, the more their courage rose. the indians displayed great gallantry, with a few spaniards making themselves masters of the first two strongholds or intrenchments--from which the enemy retreated with the loss of some of their men; the rest, a crowd of armed men, taking refuge in the other two defences, at the highest part of the fortification, regarded these as impregnable, and accordingly kept in them provisions of all kinds, enough to last a long time. there they awaited our men, who marched in good order, and attacked the first intrenchment on three sides. they were everywhere preceded by indian shield-bearers, in order that these might with their shields stop the stones and other missiles that the sangleys were throwing; the indians did this valiantly, being thus very helpful to the rest of the army; for the spaniards, being able to use their firearms without hindrance, with them everywhere drove back the enemy. the latter, discouraged at the death of so many of their number, and seeing our soldiers ascending the hill, took to flight. this gave new energy to our victorious men, who in order to complete their conquest at once continued their march, with the same good order and precaution, to the innermost fortification, the strongest and most difficult of all, and the most skilfully built and best provided with supplies. nothing withstood the perseverance of our men, flushed by their recent success, and stimulated by the sight of their governor, who was present throughout the action; they eagerly attacked the enemy, who valiantly resisted, replying with their firearms to the volleys from our arquebuses, and with stones to the javelins and arrows [of our indians]--relying on these weapons alone, as they had the advantage in position. but their courage alone could not equal that of our men; and, seeing that ours were now pressing them hard, and, almost on their hands and knees, steadily gaining possession of their last height, the sangleys, having little strength to defend it, turned their backs and began to flee. our men kept up the pursuit of the enemy for more than a legua, until they drove out the fugitives from their hiding-places, and many of the latter flung themselves over the cliffs in those mountains--where the enemy, although at the outset he had been well defended, was on this occasion thoroughly defeated. those [of the spaniards] who were killed in this combat and assault were about twenty; and as the victory had been so glorious, not only by the strength of the enemy but by the valor of our soldiers, all the bells were rung in manila, and on the following day, at the governor's request, solemn mass was said in all the churches, and the most holy sacrament was exposed, in thanksgiving for so fortunate a success. in the enemy's camps were found large quantities of supplies and arms; and on the ground were many books which they had taken from the religious houses that they burned; from these they made breastplates and other defensive armor. in the cemetery of antipolo, which was the quarters of their leaders, were found several of their proclamations, in chinese characters; these were fastened to the trees, to serve for the proper government of their forces. there were twenty dead horses who had fallen into the ravines, with their saddles broken; and three spaniards were found whose heads had been cut off. these were part of those who had flung themselves from the precipices; among them was a lay religious of the augustinians, who had accompanied the soldiers on that expedition. these bodies, although they were putrid, were so tightly bound that the cords had cut into the flesh, all indicating the cruelty of the sangleys. although this moved our men to deserved compassion and just indignation, they felt much more keenly the discovery of many fragments of holy images that lay on the ground. in especial, there was found a carved figure of the holy christ, three palmos in height, among the embers and ashes of a house which the sangleys had undertaken to burn; the fire had been content to blacken the image a little, in order that it might testify to the miracle--since all regarded it as such, that the image should remain unhurt in the midst of so hot a fire. the soldier who found the image presented it to the governor, who at sight of it was deeply moved, as were the army also when it was raised on high, [made] by him who had abased it more glorious than before; and all entertained hopes that the army which should fight under such a banner would annihilate the enemy by a signal victory. injuries which the enemy committed during their flight it is characteristic of cowards to affect courage when they meet no opposition or do not fear resistance; the enemy did not encounter this in the ranch of antipolo, whither he went when he emerged from the mountains and hollows in which he had taken refuge from our attacks and the slaughter which he could not make among our troops. for the latter were marching accompanied by the governor, who was desirous of catching the enemy in the flat country that he might offer them battle there, when they would not be able to avail themselves of the ruggedness of the mountains or the depth of the ravines; the armies faced each other, now ready to come to blows, and the enemy were almost surrounded by our troops on all sides. although without realizing how little they could depend upon their hands, they trusted to their feet; they now placed their main defense in flight, burning the village and church of baras--valiant for only such acts of cowardice. our men kept at the heels of the enemy, although it was one of the greatest hardships of this war to have to march so long through very rough roads amid the inclemencies of heat and rain. the insurgents pursued the route toward the village of tamar, whither also our army proceeded, in order to compel them to give battle, or else to harass and disturb them by never allowing them opportunity to have any rest. our men reached the flat top of a hill, and halted on the summit, without having any knowledge of the enemy--who were so near that even their voices could soon be heard. when our men perceived the enemy, and saw how few they were (for at that time they did not number two thousand), they began to surround the sangleys in order to attack them; and the battle began with such fury that the enemy, in desperation, came close to the mouths of the spanish arquebuses. our men defended themselves valiantly, at little cost to themselves but with much loss to the enemy; since, although the battle began with great risk [to us] on account of their multitude, our weapons were well plied on both sides [of them]. when the enemy had attacked our position and would have gained the advantage, don rodrigo de guillestegui arrived, whom the governor had sent with a company of horsemen and five hundred indians, sounding the alarm to them through the rearguard. at the sound of the drums, and when the enemy saw themselves attacked on both sides, and knew that the rest of our army (which had been absent) was there, they already used their weapons with less spirit; and, their hopes of gaining the victory being dashed, they began to retreat, so as not to give it to our men--but with much loss of their own--and as they were in a place where the cavalry could range freely. the damage that they received was much greater [than what they inflicted], and was sufficient to enable those of their number who had more prudence to urge more strenuously, from that time on, negotiations for peace--of which they had begun to talk a few days before, but with little, if any, effect. garrisons are placed in the churches, and peace is discussed when the governor saw the destruction that the enemy had wrought in the churches, and that he could not check it because the army that was fleeing always had the start of the other, he determined to put the churches in a condition of defense, and accordingly assigned to each one a number of soldiers who should confront the sangleys--so that, since the people of the villages could not deliver themselves from the enemy's fury, the temples and the dwellings of the religious, which were most important, might be saved. the governor also sent them word, threatening that he would put all the sangleys that were left in the country to the sword, if they did any more damage to the villages or the churches, since it was a token of cowardice to wreak vengeance on him who was not to blame, or who made no resistance. they replied that they did no harm where they were not harmed, and that they would leave the villages in peace if the roads were left free to themselves by which they were intending to pass to los limbones, in order to build champans there to make ready for [their return to] china. this reply was less haughty than the tone of their earlier bravado. from that time they did not burn any church, although they burned the village of santa maria and that of siniloan, with a visita of pangil, because the indians had been stationed there and many of the sangleys slain. after this, they continued their march to cainta, and the governor in pursuit of them to the post of mahayhay--a place through which the enemy must necessarily pass if they would go to los limbones--in order to fight there with the enemy the battle which was impossible in the mountains which the enemy had selected for their encampment. many from the enemy's camp came every day to ours asking for mercy, alleging [that they had been coerced by] violent measures on the part of their leaders in the revolt. they readily found mercy, and with this and kind treatment they were sent back to manila. the opinions of the rest were as vacillating as their courage, many of them lacking confidence in the governor. thinking that they did not deserve pardon for their offences, they preferred to persist in these obstinately, rather than to yield to the governor's mercy and surrender; and although there were embassies from one side to the other, this intercourse was carried on with little confidence on either side. on ours, negotiations for peace were carried on by a father of the society of jesus, [75] who was a minister to the sangleys, and general geronimo enrriquez, their alcalde-mayor of the parián, for whom they had the utmost affection; on their side, by some of their leaders, with the mandarin--although not with so much privilege, [76] on account of having been created for their purpose--the lieutenant-commander of the sangley forces. he was a boastful and audacious man, who resisted the negotiations for peace, and had with his own hand killed several men because he was suspicious of their being concerned therein. but the father of the society, anxious that peace should be secured, in order that the shedding of so much blood might be stopped--especially for the sake of the many sangleys who were there more because they trusted others than to carry out their own purpose--laying aside any consideration of his own life, went many times, at the evident risk of death, to confer with the mandarin and the leaders, assuring them, on the part of the governor, of pardon and kind treatment to those who laid down their arms and surrendered themselves to him. he answered their complaints, the chief of these being that the governor had commanded that their comrades who were scattered through the provinces should be slain, when they had committed no offence. the answer was that the very people in their own camp who had been caught by our men had revealed that those others were accomplices in their guilt, and cognizant of the revolt; for they had confessed that it was general throughout the provinces. he said that there was therefore no wisdom in leaving some of the sangleys free while we were fighting others in the field, since the former would take up arms against us at the first opportunity; and finally that they should avail themselves of the present opportunity, as being invited to make peace, and should not constrain the governor to an extreme demonstration of his anger, as that would result in the entire destruction of them all--as they themselves could see by the few who had been killed on our side, and the thousands that had fallen on theirs. persuaded by these arguments, they undertook to hold another council and give an answer on the following day. peace is concluded, and both armies return to manila after thorough reflection, while those of our camp were waiting for the enemy to submit and give up their arms, the latter saw that the conditions demanded for making peace did not depend on him whose strength had been broken, but on him who was able to boast of his advantage and superiority; and how, if the negotiations for peace arose more from the needs of the case and from our strength than from mercy and compassion, the governor would have closed, as it were, the gates of mercy with the determination to destroy them, if he had not checked his anger, and given to the religious in whose hands was this affair time for endeavoring to convert them to a more prudent decision. finally, they agreed that all should surrender themselves and give up their weapons. a place was appointed at a little distance from our camp, between which and theirs was a river; at its crossing stood our men in two ranks, before whom the sangleys passed, laying down the weapons that they carried. as soon as all of them, some eight thousand in number, had reached their station, arrangements were made for their return to manila, the governor charging the master-of-camp to set out with the two armies. this was done, and they marched until they arrived in the parade-ground at bagumbayan, opposite the city, on the evening of friday, march. 15. the governor arrived that same evening, and the two armies encamped there for the night. at dawn of the following day, the drums sounded for the march, which was conducted in this order. in the vanguard went captain juan fiallo with the cavalry, to the sound of trumpets; next some companies of pampango infantry, those of the cagayan indians, the zambal archers, and the indians who carried javelins and shields in the battalion. next came all the sangley forces, and in the rearguard the spanish infantry, with the master-of-camp. the halberdiers of the governor followed, and in their midst was one on horseback, who carried as a standard the image of the blessed christ from antipolo, mounted on a staff. last of all came the governor, accompanied by his suite, and by many volunteer horsemen who had gone to the war. in this order they proceeded along the causeway to the bridge over the river, and across it to tondo; and there our troops left the sangleys inside a stockade which they had built as a precaution, with soldiers guarding them on all sides. the governor went thence to his palace by water, and the master-of-camp marched with his soldiers to the city. the people received them with great joy at seeing the war ended, as it had caused them so much anxiety and lasted so long a time--for it began on november 20, 1639, and came to an end on march 15, 1640. the slain in both armies; the enemy's weapons and mode of warfare; and the damage committed by them. those who make the most careful estimate of the deaths on both sides state that the number of spaniards who died in the war, from its beginning to its end, were about forty or forty-five, and of indians three hundred; and it was always the main care of the governor to watch over his men. on the side of the enemy, they make the number of deaths approximate twenty-two thousand to twenty-four thousand--including therein those who died in the provinces. [77] thus is made very evident, by the unequal and disproportionate number [of deaths] on both sides, the special protection of our lord over our army--a fact acknowledged even by the very infidels. the weapons that the sangleys collected, besides some few firearms, were: javelins and japanese catanas, fastened to poles (and some were made in manila), some of these weighing more than an arroba, which will indicate the force with which they could be used; sickles and pruning-hooks, also fastened to poles; iron tridents; and bamboos with sharp points hardened in fire, four or five brazas in length. they also carried away the iron from the houses and churches that they burned, and whenever they were left undisturbed in any encampment, they set up their forges and made weapons, in order that no one might he unprovided with them. the men were divided into tens, like [the roman] decurias, so that the exact number of their men was known; and, of each ten, six fought, and four were responsible for their food, in order that the fighting men might be entirely relieved from that work. [78] they did not fight all at one time, but only three from each decuria, in order that while these were fighting the others might rest, and thus always they could have men who could enter the battle in fresh condition. they employed stratagems in fighting--in the beginning, when they had not so many arms, they made sham weapons, covering these with cloth, so that they looked like steel. in their camp near sanpaloc, [79] in some towers that they built they placed straw figures of sangleys, so that our infantry might fire at these and use up their bullets, and then the sangleys could, without risk of being hit, rush to attack our men. the damages which they committed throughout the period of the insurrection are very great. they made havoc among the sacred images and utensils, besides which they burned the village of calamba and its church; the village of taluco, [80] in charge of secular priests, with a wooden church and a stone clergy-house; houses and property in viñan; the house of san pedro, belonging to the society of jesus; the house and church at meyhaligue and santa cruz; the village and church of quiapo, belonging to the society of jesus; many houses in the villages of tondo and binondoc; the village of sanpaloc, with a house and church of stone belonging to the fathers of st. francis; the village of taytay, with house and church of stone belonging to the society of jesus; the villages of mahayhay, santa cruz, antipolo, and baras, belonging to the society of jesus; the villages and churches of san mateo and pasig, belonging to the fathers of st. augustine; the villages of santa maria and siniloan, and some visitas, belonging to the fathers of st. francis. they also burned ranches and country houses belonging to [the fathers of] st. augustine, the society of jesus, captain gastelu, general don juan claudio, alférez medrano, general azaldegui, admiral ezquerra, and admiral juan alonso; besides other stone houses and property belonging to private persons. the persons who most distinguished themselves in our army from the very outset of the war the governor was active in it, not sparing himself from any of its dangers, which were very great. if any proof were needed of his energy, valor, executive ability, and military circumspection, the present emergency would have furnished it. distinction was honorably gained by the master-of-camp, don lorenzo de olaso; he was always the first in dangers--none of which he shunned, although he experienced several attacks of illness, and even lay stretched at the foot of a papaw tree--escaping from them, or being drawn out of them by his brave heart and valiant spirit. many personages of manila in private life displayed their courage, adding merits to their former ones by their service in the army, and causing the enemy to recognize their bravery in the skirmishes and assaults, that they might relate how they had conducted themselves in these; it is sufficient to mention who they are. the commanding officer of the artillery, juan bautista de molina, was present in some of the engagements, and the rest of the time he was directing his artillery in the city. general geronimo enrriquez, lieutenant of the master-of-camp, and general in the army, having been appointed on new year's day alcalde-in-ordinary, preferred to fight in the campaign rather than to remain in manila in the quiet and repose of his house, although opportunity to do so was given him by so honorable a title. general don juan claudio de verastegui, who fulfilled the obligations that he had inherited by birth and acquired by military service. admiral don francisco ezquerra, who, sometimes accompanying his brother, general ezquerra, and sometimes following the army, everywhere gave proof of his valor. captain don rodrigo de guillestegui, his deeds making him appear like a veteran soldier, although he was so young. all the encomenderos and citizens of manila also played the part of veterans, either guarding the city by day and by night, or serving in the camp, being present in various notable encounters, wherein the cavalry distinguished themselves. the company of captain juan fiallo, who with his men was the terror of the enemy; captain juan de montoya, and alférez alfonso gomez. the ranchmen and mulattoes, as being accustomed to the management of horses and skilful in hurling javelins, caused the greatest losses to the enemy on all occasions. the spanish infantry, with their captains don manuel de rivera and n. [sic] de ugalde (who are worthy of the highest praise), always fulfilled their duties with good results. the pampango infantry was not without glory--the archers and shield-bearers from pampanga, whose leader besides their captains was father fray juan de sosa, prior of the convent of betis, always as thorough a religious as he was, on occasion, valiant and courageous; they never returned to our camp without leaving tokens of their presence in that of the enemy. the zambal archers, who went under the orders of fray antonio de las misas--a recollect religious, and a person who was in all respects such as the emergency required--always endeavored to win a reputation; and if they were previously known by report, they were now by their deeds. the companies of cagayans and terrenatans, as war was not a new thing to them since they were born and trained in it, did not hesitate to risk their lives, at the cost of a great number of enemies whom they left dead behind them. the tagal indians of all this province accompanied their valor with their loyalty, which was so great that, although their losses had been so considerable in villages, houses, and possessions, forgetful of all these, and remembering only the treason plotted, the sacrilege committed, and the design of the sangleys to make themselves masters of the country, [81] these indians took up arms against them most of the villages serving in their companies, and by so honorable an act giving proof of their fidelity toward god, and of their affection for the spaniards, tokens also of their loyalty, subjection, and obedience to the king our lord and his officials. the activities in manila during the time of the war, not only in defense of the city, but in prayers in proportion to the anxiety which the war occasioned was the solicitude that was felt in the city for its protection; no citizen shunned the performance of the duty that was allotted to him, and all were [in turn] continually serving on the walls. the direction of the fort [82] was in charge of the commander and castellan, don fernando de ayala; the cavalier [i.e., tower] of san gabriel was in the keeping of general don juan de ezquerra; and the gate of the parián, in that of sargento-mayor don pedro jara, until he had to take his station and plant artillery against the enemy at sanpaloc. at the new gate, captain don gregorio mujica commanded; at that of dilao, sargento-mayor palomino--and afterward captain mena of the cavalier, whom they call de carranza; in charge of san pedro, captain lorenzo lopez. admiral luis alonso de roa attended to the foundry [for artillery]; and captain aumada, to emergencies [del inmediato]. alférez orgaz was in charge of the gate of santa lucia; and alférez bernave martinez and sargento-mayor don marcos zapata of that of santo domingo. but, as the spaniards were few in number, it was necessary that they should be aided by the ecclesiastics and the students. the clerics were placed in charge of a cavalier; the students or collegians of santo tomas were under the orders of the fathers of st. dominic; those of the other, san jose, under the [fathers of the] society of jesus. they wore the clerical garb all the time while the war lasted, with that of the military. the religious hastened to take arms and defend the walls on the day of the attack; and, every night when there was cause to suspect another, they were found at the posts assigned them. the city was provided with a new moat, which continuing with the old one by the side of the foundry, extended almost to the sea--a celebrated work which was completed in a very short time, all due to the assiduity and personal attention of the master-of-camp of the artillery. its commander, general don juan zapata de molina, gave much attention to this work; it was greatly aided, and new inventions and devices for [the use of] fire were furnished, by the solicitude and experience of captain geronimo de fuentes [cortes]. there was no one who did not, on occasion, render all kinds of service. a company of free negroes [83] was formed, who were very useful within the city, being distributed through the cavaliers for the effective management of the artillery. duties were assigned to the slaves, but with discreet caution, on account of rumors which had been current (although without foundation) that they were making great plans when they saw the sangleys in revolt; this was done partly [to give them] occupation, and to deprive them of any notions of undertaking another insurrection to the injury of the colony. but as its citizens recognized that its main defense must come from the supreme power, they did not neglect to raise their hands toward heaven, everywhere offering continual petitions to our lord for the fortunate result of the war, and for the repose and pacification of these islands. in the cathedral was begun a novenary [i.e., nine days' prayer] to the glorious st. joseph, all the [religious] communities repairing thither, each on its own day, to recite solemn mass to him. the fathers of st. dominic, at the request of the city, celebrated another mass to our lady of the rosary, all the religious orders also going thither to say mass before her image. on the last day, [the image of] the glorious patriarch st. francis, who so loved this city, was carried in procession to the cathedral, with supplication for favors through his agency--which have been received heretofore, as is acknowledged, in the first insurrection; and finally a procession was made in honor of the immaculate conception of the virgin, and other prayers were offered. [the following additional points regarding the chinese insurrection are taken from a pamphlet entitled relacion verdadera del levantamiento de los sangleyes (i.e., true relation of the sangley insurrection), which was printed in madrid, by catalina de barrio y angulo, in 1642 (our transcript of the same having been made from the original existing in biblioteca y museo de ultramar, madrid): "calamba is twelve leguas from manila. the chinese corresponded with a chinese pirate named yquan sanglus; it was arranged that he should come to aid them on christmas eve, 1639 (the day set for the treason), and to capture the galleons from new spain. there were 35,000 licensed sangleys in manila and its vicinity, besides 10,000 more in remote provinces. in manila at this time there were thirty foot-soldiers, thirty horsemen, fifty japanese, and seventy siyaos. the value of the goods destroyed in the parián was 5,000,000 pesos; and the houses (built of molave wood), with the church and the stone houses, all together were worth 2,000,000. twenty champans brought to mariveles the sangleys from neighboring provinces, to join the manila insurgents; but a spanish and pampango force went out against than, who sank eleven of the champans and killed six hundred and fifty men. among the troops levied by the governor were a company of japanese, and two of sangley mestizos. chinese prisoners confessed that their general had offered, to each sangley who should bring in a spanish head, a large reward, including a spanish woman to be his wife. a body of religious from all the orders, aided by some indians and ten soldiers, undertook to defend the passage across the river, and killed many of the enemy. on february 24, 1640, the starving sangleys surrendered, to the number of 7,793."] ecclesiastical and augustinian affairs, 1630-40 [in vols. xxiii and xxiv of this series was presented the history of the augustinian order to the year 1630, as written by fray juan de medina. continuing that history to 1640, we give (mainly in synopsis) the most important matter on this subject in the conquistas of fray casimiro diaz (valladolid, 1890), book ii, pp. 267-444. as usual, the parts synopsized or merely referred to are printed within brackets; these will be readily distinguished from words or phrases supplied in translation, which are printed in the same manner.] chapter vi after the death of the lord archbishop don fray miguel garcía serrano, the ecclesiastical cabildo of manila attempted to interfere in the government of the vacant see--alleging for this purpose that the brief of paul v, and the royal decree, had been obtained by underhand means and misrepresentations. the bishop of cagayán, don fray hernando guerrero, also brought forward his claim to the vacant post; accordingly, both parties presented the arguments in behalf of their respective claims. the decision thereon was deferred for some time, the cabildo always resisting don fray hernando guerrero's efforts to take possession of the see, and denying not only the claim which he preferred, but also the right which the bishop of cebú, don fray pedro de arce, had--which he, moreover, had yielded to señor guerrero. this contest lasted two years in the royal audiencia; then, the auditors having declared that the government of the archbishopric belonged to don fray pedro de arce, the cabildo appealed to the council of the indias. nevertheless, the royal audiencia and the governor sent for the bishop of cebú, who reached manila on the twenty-second of january, 1630. the cabildo having been commanded, by a royal decree, to hold a session, don fray pedro de arce presented himself at that meeting, and made the following proposition: "sirs, it is well understood, as you will satisfy yourselves, that my coming to this city, and just now to this cabildo, is quite contrary to my own inclinations; for i desire and love a quiet life, and i hold very dear the sheep of my bishopric. the example [of this that i have given] is very evident; for fray hernando guerrero having gone to my diocese so that i might confer upon him the orders for which he had been consecrated, i also transferred to him the right to the government of this archbishopric that i hold in virtue of a brief from his holiness paul v, issued by him on january 7, 1612. but the claim of the said bishop of nueva segovia was not allowed, for reasons which you know. after that, don juan niño de tavora, governor and captain-general of these islands, wrote to me so urgently in the name of the gentlemen of the royal audiencia, sending me his majesty's royal decree, and laying a burden upon my conscience if i did not accept this duty, that i could not refuse it; accordingly, i come to this city, certainly against my own wishes, and to the injury of my health in my advanced years. but, sirs, it has seemed to me expedient to come, as a measure of peace and love, to expostulate with you, and ask that you carefully consider all these motives and reasons. i ask that, without delay or opposition, you at once admit me to the government of this archbishopric, to which his holiness and his majesty call me, considering that my earnest desire and intention is to strive to labor in the service of both majesties, and to promote, for yourselves and all this commonwealth, the welfare and harmony which should prevail, and which are right." thus spoke don fray pedro de arce; and answer was made to him by the dean, don miguel garcetas, in behalf of the cabildo. he said that they all fully appreciated the bishop's kindness, and that all were entirely satisfied of his good intentions in this matter, and of his great virtue, prudence, and learning; but that, in order that they might proceed in this matter with all harmony, certainty, and deliberation, it was necessary that all the members of the cabildo should assemble (for some were not present at this meeting). the dean added that in all their acts they would follow the rulings of the sacred canons and the constitutions of the cathedral church, and that his lordship might be certain that all of them confessed themselves to be his affectionate children, and desired to render him service; and that they entreated him to show them the bulls and other documents that he possessed, in order that all these might be duly fulfilled. to this the bishop replied that the bulls were already before the cabildo, and by virtue of them he had been admitted to the government of the archbishopric by the death of don diego vazquez mercado; accordingly, they must settle the matter without delay because, if they did this amicably, they would find in him a father and protector; but if not, he would enforce his claims by the severe measures which he could by law employ. the cabildo met on the twenty-ninth of january, and decided that, after having consulted learned persons, they were of opinion that the cabildo ought not to surrender the government; but that, on account of the many and serious difficulties [that might arise from this], they would yield under protest. accordingly, they received don fray pedro de arce on the same day as ruler of the vacant see, although the cabildo took much umbrage at it; and from this affair originated continual strife and dissensions. at the outset, they denied to don fray pedro the seat in the choir, the cabildo asserting that the bishop was not competent to possess it because he was not a proprietary bishop; and that, although he had been consecrated, it was in another diocese, and one suffragan to that of manila. the prudent bishop felt this slight keenly, for they had given him this seat when he first administered the vacant see; but finally they gave him the seat (to which he was legally entitled), as they had done before. don fray pedro de arce ruled with the prudence and uprightness which in him were so eminent, which together with his virtue and piety, made him a most accomplished prelate, and truly a father to all. in the course of his government he made enactments very important for the conduct of the church; in especial, he imposed the cuadrante [84] for the choir in the cathedral of manila with great exactness--aiding the prebends with great readiness in their choir, the subsidy that they receive being still so small that some of them have hardly enough for their support. [the rest of this chapter is mainly occupied with secular occurrences, which we omit here because they have already been fully related in other documents for that time--the fruitless expedition against jolo under lorenzo de olaso, shipbuilding in cambodia attempted, the despatch of an envoy to india to secure portuguese coöperation against the dutch, the coming of the royal visitor don francisco de rojas, and the death of the governor niño de tavora--and the relation of various miraculous cures and deliverances performed through the santo niño (or image of christ) in the church of cebú. the following paragraph states the proceedings at the meeting of the augustinian provincial chapter of 1632:] the year 1632 having arrived, the provincial chapter was convened in the convent at manila, on the first day of may; the president at this session was father fray juan de tapia, and the election [for provincial] resulted, with the general consent of the entire province, in the choice of father fray gerónimo de medrano--a very courteous and discreet religious, who governed this province well. as definitors were chosen the fathers fray juan de montemayor, fray francisco de mercado, fray luis ronquillo, and fray juan ramirez; and as visitors, the fathers fray alonso carbajal and fray antonio de porras. they made regulations very useful for the proper government of the province; and as its procurator for españa was appointed father fray diego de ordás, at that time prior of the convent of santo niño at cebú. he made the journey that year, and, having performed it very successfully, returned [to the islands] in the year 1635. chapters vii-xiv [these chapters are occupied with accounts of the persecutions in japan, and the biographies of augustinian priests who were martyred therein.] chapters xv-xxxiv [these chapters relate the coming of corcuera as governor, his controversies with the bishop, and the exile of the latter; biographical accounts of various noted augustinian missionaries, some of whom were martyrs in japan; and the final incidents of the persecution in that country, so far as diaz could learn of them, up to about 1715. nearly all of this matter is either a repetition of what we have already presented in previous volumes, or irrelevant to our purpose; but we select occasional passages which properly belong to the history of the islands, especially its ecclesiastical aspects. in our vol. xxv may be found extracts from diaz's work regarding the contest between corcuera and guerrero (chapters xv-xviii). chapter xix is devoted to the opinion of "a learned auditor of manila" on the banishment of the archbishop; the editor of diaz, father tirso lópez, prints this opinion, in order to reproduce all of diaz's history, which is his only reason for not suppressing "this conceited, most tedious, and ill-digested document." chapters xx and xxi are devoted to the biographies of two augustinian missionaries, fray alonso de mentrida and fray juan de medina respectively. the former excelled as a linguist.] [pp. 353-355:] he composed a curious and ingenious grammar [arte], by which the main difficulty in [learning] those languages was surmounted in a short time. he also composed a copious vocabulary of the languages of the two islands, panay and cebú, which are quite distinct. in the mountain region of ogtón a very harsh language is spoken, which they call halaya; and along the coast another, more polished and elegant, which is called hileygueina. this work [i.e., the vocabulary] cost him much labor, and is very useful to the ministers. he left it complete, and after his death it was published by father fray martín claver. [85] he [fray alonso] composed a brief catechism, accurately written, in the bisayan language, which is very useful for instructing those natives in the mysteries of our holy faith; this was printed twice, in order that there might be an abundant supply of a work so important for the welfare of souls. he also published the ritual by which the holy sacraments are usually administered in these islands; and this work is deserving of esteem, since one finds therein a compilation of what is strictly necessary for the more safe administration [of the sacraments]. it is so highly regarded by the other religious orders that, although two large editions of the work have been printed, it is now necessary to issue a third, since all are trying to obtain this book. [86] father fray alonso de mentrida spent many years in the provinces of ogtón and panay, [87] where he gathered much fruit in the conversion of those souls, especially in the district of ogtón--which in those times was, in the greater part of its mountain region, shrouded in the darkness of error. there the devil was well entrenched in those rugged mountains, having solidly established his kingdom and worship among those simple natives--who, influenced more by fear than by any other consideration, prostrated themselves before that demon, and gave him their worship and adoration. his crafty designs were successful among them through the agency of many priests and priestesses (in the bisayan idiom called babaylanes), who, being especially assisted by that infernal spirit, concoct certain frauds and delusions, with which they deceive the simple bisayans. these priests, moreover, secure much advantage from this mode of life, since by it they make their living, and are feared and looked up to; for most of them have a compact with the devil, by means of which they wreak such evil as they can on those persons on whom they try to be revenged, or whom they wish to injure because some one else has done them harm. against this infernal horde father fray alonso de mentrida waged continual battle, roaming through those mountains on foot, and accompanied only by one servant, a very good christian, who aided him much in his work. this man died at a great age (more than one hundred and ten years); he lived in the village of guimbal, of which he was a native, and his name was vilango. they journeyed so destitute of human aid that they carried in their pouches only some roots, cooked, which in that country are very common, called camotes, with a little rice, eaten cold and half-cooked. this sort of abstinence was so continual in father mentrida that he ate nothing else than the vegetables and pottages of the country, with a little fish when he wished to appease his more pressing hunger; and it is not known that he ate meat until, in his old age and in several attacks of illness that he suffered, the duty of obedience compelled him to moderate so austere a diet. in such a mode of life this apostolic man wandered through those mountains, preaching to the infidels the word of god, and persuading them to leave their straggling hamlets [rancherías] and settle in some small villages, that he might more advantageously call them together and instruct them, separating them from their errors and blindness. with great benefit to their souls the simple mountaineers of ogtón received the gospel preaching, as they all are gentle and well-inclined people; the father's only opponents were those ministers of satan and children of perdition, the babaylanes, who with their lies sowed their diabolical tares upon the grain of heaven, and easily smothered the seed that took root in piously-inclined hearts. those priests artfully suggested to the natives the anger which their divatas (thus they name the spirits to whom they give adoration) felt against them, and on their own part uttered threats against them, menacing either their lives or their poor property--which is a scanty grain-field of rice; and by these shameless acts they terrorized the people, and caused some of them to lose their solicitude for attending church. father fray alonso de mentrida spared neither hardship nor effort to bring back to the fold of the church those whom these malicious ministers had, through their crafty methods, caused to backslide; and he held with those priests extraordinary discussions, from which, in place of gaining good results, he obtained only their plots. with these they tried, on several occasions, to deprive him of life by their arts and witchcraft; but the lord, who watched over his servant, did not permit them to succeed in their damnable attempts, and, for the greater humiliation of the common enemy [i.e., the devil], held back the father from the greatest dangers. during the time when this apostolic minister was preaching in the mountains of ogtón, there were visible apparitions of the devil, standing upon a rock and teaching superstitions and giving laws to a great multitude of indians, who, deceived by him, followed him. moreover, in those mountains are many demons, who appear to the natives in horrible forms--as hideous savages, covered with bristles, having very long claws, with terrifying eyes and features, who attack and maltreat those whom they encounter. these being are called by the indians banuanhon, who are equivalent to the satyrs and fauns of ancient times. even at this day these hideous monsters are wont to appear to the indians, some of whom remain in a demented condition for months from the mere sight of them; others go away with these demons, and are lost for a long time, and then will return in a terrified and fainting condition, few of them failing to die soon afterward. i would have much to tell and relate if i should stop to mention what has occurred with such monsters, who have been seen not only in the mountains of ogtón and panay, but very frequently in the province of taal. they are called in the tagal language tigbalang; and many persons who have seen them have described to me, in the same terms, the aspect of the monster. they say that he has a face like a cat's, with a head that is flattened above, not round, with thick beard, and covered with long hair; his legs are so long that, when he squats on his buttocks, his knees stand a vara above his head; and he is so swift in running that there is no quadruped that can be compared with him. [diaz proceeds to relate several incidents connected with these demons, and the difficulties encountered by mentrida, caused by the hostility of the native priests--who much resembled the "medicine-men" of the north american indians; and adds (p. 356): "in these holy occupations he passed much time in that mountain wilderness, as his companion vilango has told me; and gradually those hearts, hard as diamonds, were softened, and they were converted to our holy faith. he proceeded to gather those people into villages, founding those of agra (with the advocacy of st. nicholas), baong, santiago, limao, san pedro, taytay, and catingpan--which remain to this very day, and in my time preserve the memory of this apostolic man, to whom, as they recognize, they owe the knowledge of the truth." mentrida remained in the missions until 1618, when he was summoned to manila, to become prior of the augustinian convent there; and in 1623, he was elected provincial. the rest of his life he was afflicted by age and broken health; and he died at manila, march 22, 1637.] [diaz sketches the life and labors of juan de medina (whose history of his order in filipinas we publish in vols. xxiii and xxiv of this series), giving the following summary of his achievements: "it is not easy to relate in full the great labors of this religious in the conversion of the indians in the province of ogtón, when they all, on account of the coming of the dutch the first time to the point of iloilo, took refuge in the mountains, forsaking their villages, so that it was difficult for several years to bring them back to a sedentary life. during that time, this religious traveled, carrying little more than his staff, through all the mountains of ogtón, preaching to the people that they might be converted, and maintaining a continual battle with the devil--who had, through the agency of his ministers the babaylanes, persuaded the people that the spaniards could not deliver them from the dutch. during that time he suffered many dangers through the plots of those infernal ministers, who at various times tried to take his life--divine providence delivering him from them all, for the greater gain of those christian communities. amid those dangers did this religious convert most of the peoples in ogtón, xaro, baong, and pasig. in all places where this minister went, he left an especial reputation for his virtue and apostolic teaching. he visited some nine times the entire province of bisayas, and usually held the office of vicar-provincial--obedience obliging him to accept it, on account of the great importance of his direction for the greater glory of the order." after twenty years spent in these labors, he obtained permission (1631) to go to spain, and miraculously escaped from the wreck of his ship in the very port of cavite. he then returned to the visayan missions, but again set out for spain in 1635; while crossing the pacific, he was carried away by disease. chapters xxii-xxv are devoted to the persecutions and martyrdoms of christians in japan; chapter xxvi treats mainly of the controversy within the augustinian order regarding the "alternation" of offices between the friars sent from spain and those who had taken the habit in the indias (already related in our vol. xxviii). the following paragraphs are of interest here.] [pp. 386-388:] after the father provincial fray juan ramirez (who was one of the best superiors of that time) had governed this province very successfully and judiciously, the time arrived for the provincial chapter; it was held at the convent of san pablo in manila, on the twenty-fourth of the month of april, 1638. father fray jerónimo cornuetano, the general of the entire order, presided over the meeting; and it resulted in the election, by unanimous consent, of father fray martín errasti, a religious who was much endeared to all the rest by his many fine qualities. the definitors elected were fathers fray juan de trexo, fray jerónimo venasque, fray francisco de madrid, and fray francisco de villalón; and the visitors, father fray juan de boan and fray jerónimo de paredes--all being religious of recognized abilities, and men to whose care the interests of this province could be confided. it was decided to send to españa a procurator to conduct a party of religious to this province, although the choice of one was not effected until the following year; this fell upon father fray pedro de quesada, prior of the convent of bulacán, who had recently arrived, driven back by stress of weather, from [a voyage to] the kingdom of japón--whither he went with some religious of st. dominic; but stormy head-winds obliged them to return to manila, divine providence keeping them in reserve for another ministry. the moro pirates of mindanao and joló did not cease to infest the pintados islands every year with their armed fleets--capturing the natives, burning the villages, plundering the churches of the consecrated vessels, and then destroying those temples by fire. so far had gone the boldness of corralat--who came to those islands, subjected to his anger, without the spaniards displaying any purpose to defend them, or going out to hinder those injuries--that he soon attributed this negligence to cowardice, and to the fear of him which the spaniards felt. this so increased his boldness that his little fleets were daring enough to approach even the bay of manila. they experienced no resistance, save only in the province of caraga--[whose natives are] a warlike people--and this was due to the valor of its alcalde-mayor, captain don francisco de atienza y bañes, a native of toledo; and to the great courage of a discalced augustinian religious named fray agustín de san pedro, who was very celebrated in those times, and feared by the pirates, [who was known] by the name of "father captain" [padre capitán]. [88] the exploits of this religious in defending the villages where he was a minister of religious instruction, and in going out to find the enemy in their own country, would be material for many chapters of history. he was a religious of great virtue, and of zeal for the welfare of souls; and, besides this, god had given him extraordinary courage, and a genius worthy of scipio and hannibal. accordingly, seeing that those who ought to conduct military operations remained with folded hands, without going out to the defense of those harassed peoples, he determined to do so himself. on one occasion he went out from butuan, where he was prior, with some spanish soldiers, and men whom he gathered in caraga; and with them he faced and put to flight an armed fleet of corralat. when don francisco de atienza saw what aid he had in the valor and experience of father fray agustín, the two laid their plans to perform an exploit that should do them credit; and, manning some caracoas with the best soldiers from the presidio of tanda, both spaniards and caragas, and providing two boats which could be taken to pieces and carried overland in sections, and afterward be again put together and framed, don francisco, accompanied by father fray agustín, took the route to the lake of malanao, [89] which was under the jurisdiction of corralat. this lake is in the island of mindanao, opposite the island of bohol; from north to south it is eight leguas long, and it is four leguas wide. its shores are thickly settled by several tribes, some mahometan and others heathen (although all of them are vassals of corralat); but they are people who are very poor in all except foodstuffs, of which they have a great abundance. don francisco de atienza and father fray agustín de san pedro arrived at this lake; and, as the water at its entrance was very low and there were many miry places, they took the four [sic] vessels to pieces and placed them on the lake, where they again [put them together and] manned them. by this means the spaniards went through that region, carrying on hostilities among those tribes, and leaving them subjected to the crown of españa--although this submission did not last long, for corralat again reduced them, because the spaniards had not left behind a fortified post. this conquest was not one of much profit; but it was enough to leave the moros warned for some time by this punishment. [chapters xxvii and xxviii are occupied with the expedition of corcuera against joló, already described in our vol. xxviii. chapters xxix-xxxiv are devoted almost entirely to the chinese insurrection in manila and its environs in 1639, and to an historical account of former disturbances caused by them in the islands, from the time of the pirate limahon down. a brief paragraph mentions the death of the provincial of the augustinians, and his temporary successor: "in the middle of the year 1639 occurred the death of the father provincial fray martín de herrasti, a loss which was keenly felt by all the province on account of his many endowments and lovable qualities. he was a native of guipúzcoa, and a son of the convent at burgos. having come to this province in the year 1617, he was assigned, by his obedience, to the ministry in pampanga, where he remained, an excellent missionary, for a period of twenty years--until the province, satisfied as to his virtue and discretion, chose to employ so worthy a minister to govern it, and elected him provincial, although it enjoyed but little of the direction of so excellent a superior. the government of the province was assumed by father fray juan ramírez, as the most recent past provincial; and thus was somewhat lessened the general grief caused by the loss of the deceased provincial."] relation of the filipinas islands by a religious who lived there for eighteen years [90] the islands called filipinas, because of having been conquered during the reign of felipe ii, were discovered in the year 1521, by hernando magallanes, a famous portuguese, who gave his name to the strait. that great pilot, after having forever perpetuated his name by a navigation so new and so difficult, landed on one of the filipinas islands--a very small one, named matan--where he was treacherously killed by the indians. ruy lopez de villalobos sighted the islands again after him in the year 1539. [91] finally they were pacified in the year 1571 by the adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi. it is a cause for surprise that the portuguese, who had discovered the malucas, china, and japon, some years before, and had made their homes there, did not know anything about those islands until long afterward, although they are, as it were, the very center and middle part of their other discoveries. they knew well the island of borneo, which is the last of those islands toward the south, but they had never stopped there while en route to the malucas--urged, perhaps, by their too great greed for the spices and drugs which are produced so abundantly in those islands. the geographies say that there are eleven thousand islands in that great archipelago of which the filipinas are a part, and that they are adjacent to asia as are the canaries and the terceras to africa. they cross into the torrid zone and extend along the coasts of china and india. south of them lie the malucas, and on their northern coast, japon. more than forty of them are subject to the king of españa, the largest and most important being manila and mindanao. manila is the capital of all the others, the residence of the governor and the archbishop, and the seat of the royal audiencia. those two islands are each six hundred miles in circuit; they are full of mountains, have rivers and dense forests, and lie in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude. the other islands are not so large, some being one hundred miles in circuit, some fifty, and some even less. almost all of them are inhabited by indians, and those which are not are used by the indians for their crops, and for the chase of deer and wild boars, and for the gathering of wax, with which the islands most abound. the islands not yet under the dominion of the king of españa have their own kings, who are mahometans. the island of borneo, three times greater than the whole of italia, is the largest of all the islands. those subject to the king of españa are manila, zebu, oton, mindanao, bohol, leite, samar, mindoro, marinduque, the island of negros, the island of fuegos, calamianes, masbat, jolo, taquima, capul, la paragua, the island of tablas, verde island, burias, tiago, maripipe, panama, panaon, sibuian, luban, bantajan, panglao, siquior, catanduan, imaras, tagapolo, banton, romblon, similara, cuio, cagaianes, marivelez, poro, babuianes, the island of cabras (which is distant from the others), and other smaller ones. in the islands subject to the king of españa, every married man pays ten reals of tribute, and he who is unmarried five. nearly all of them have received the gospel, and hence there are few heathen. however, in the islands of mindanao, taquima, and jolo, conquered but recently, most of the people are moros or heathen; but it is hoped that the zeal of the missionaries will convert them very soon to jesus christ. before the conquest of those islands by the spaniards, the natives of the country were subject to the chiefs among them, who were recognized as nobles, and all the others obeyed them. those chiefs possessed a great amount of gold, and slaves in proportion to their nobility. i knew two chiefs, one in bohol, and the other at dapitan, a village of mindanao, who had more than one hundred slaves apiece. they are not foreign slaves, as those of angola who are in europa, but of the same nation. it was a lamentable thing to see with what violence and for how little a thing, these chiefs made slaves. for, however small a sum one owed to another, the interest, for lack of payment, amounted to so great a sum that it was impossible to pay it; and consequently, the person of the debtor being pledged for the debt, he became the slave of his creditor, together with all his posterity. they also made slaves, with unusual tyranny and cruelty, for crimes of slight importance, such as not keeping silent at the graves of the dead, and for passing in front of the chief's wife when she was in her bath. those captured in war were also all made slaves. now with baptism, all those acts of violence and tyranny have been suppressed--although there still remains one very peculiar custom among them, which does not follow that general rule, namely, partus sequitur ventrem; [92] for there are some who are wholly slaves, and others who are only half slaves. the former are those born of a slave father and mother; the others who are born of a slave father and a free mother, or vice versa. in some villages it is the custom that, if the father is slave and the mother free, one of the children is free and the other slave. the privilege of those half slaves is that if they pay a certain sum of money to their master, they may oblige him to grant them their liberty--an advantage that is not possessed by those who are wholly slaves. all the religion of those indians is founded on tradition, and on a custom introduced by the devil himself, who formerly spoke to them by the mouth of their idols and of their priests. that tradition is preserved by the songs that they learn by heart in their childhood, by hearing them sung in their sailing, in their work, in their amusements, and in their festivals, and, better yet, when they bewail their dead. in those barbarous songs, they recount the fabulous genealogies and deeds of their gods, of whom they have one who is chief and head of all the others. the tagáls call that god bathala mei capal, which signifies "god the creator." the bisayans call him laon, which signifies "time." they are not far from our belief on the point of the creation of the world. they believe in a first man, the flood, and paradise, and the punishments of the future life. they say that the first man and the first woman came out of a reed stalk which burst in sumatra, and that there were some quarrels between them at their marriage. they believed that when the soul left the body, it went to an island, where the trees, birds, waters, and all other things were black; that it passed thence to another island, where all things were of different colors; and finally that it arrived at one, where everything was white. they recognized invisible spirits, another life, and devils hostile to men, of whom they had great fear. their chief idolatry was in adoring and regarding as gods those of their ancestors who were most remarkable for their courage, or for their intelligence. such they called humalagar, or, as is said in latin, manes. each one, as far as possible, ascribed divinity to his father at death. the old men even died with that conceit, and that is why they chose a remarkable place--as did one in the island of leite, who had himself placed on the seashore, so that those who went sailing should recognize him as a god, and commend themselves to him. they also worshiped animals and birds. they regarded the rainbow as a sort of divinity. the tagáls worshiped a totally blue bird, of the size of a thrush, which they called bathala, which was a name of the divinity. they worshiped the raven, which they called meilupa, meaning "the master of the earth." they had a great veneration for the crocodile. [when] they saw it in the water, they called it nono, or "grandfather." they offered to it prayers regularly, with great devotion, and offerings of what they carried in their boats, in order that it might not harm them. there was no old tree of which they did not make a god, and it was a sacrilege to cut it. i have seen a very large one called nonog, [93] in the island of samar, which a religious ordered to be felled, in order to destroy all those superstitions. he was unable to find an indian who would undertake it for him; and it was necessary for some spaniards to go to fell it. they also worshiped the stones, rocks, reefs, and promontories of land which jut into the sea; and made offerings to these of rice, fish, and other like things, or fired their arrows at them in passing. between la caldera and the river in the island of mindanao, a great point of land runs into the sea, which makes the coast dangerous and very high. the sea beats violently against that cape, which is very difficult to double. the indians in passing offered it their arrows as a sacrifice, praying it to allow them to pass. they shot them with so great force that they made them enter the rock, and hence it is called the punta de flechas. one day the spaniards burned a number of those arrows to show their hatred of so vain a superstition; and in less than one year more than four thousand were found there. when don sebastian hurtado de corcuera conquered the island of mindanao three years ago, [94] he ordered that that point be called no more punta de flechas, but san sebastian. they had innumerable other superstitions. if they saw a snake or a lizard, or if they heard a bird that they called corocoro [95] sneeze or sing, they took it as a bad sign, and did not go farther. they had no remarkable temples, and no festivals of days of public sacrifices; but each one made his offerings to the humalagar or divata (which was the name of their god) in private, according to their purpose or need. although they had no temples, they had men and women who acted as priests, who were called catolonan by some and babailan by others. those priests were most inclined to allow themselves to be deceived by the devil, and to deceive the people afterward by a thousand tricks and inventions--chiefly at the time of their sicknesses, when they are depressed, lose courage, and crave a prompt remedy; and give all their possessions to him who promises it to them. there are some priests who have special communication with the devil. he speaks to them through the mouths of their little idols, and makes them believe that these are the voices of their ancestors, whom they worship. sometimes the devil passes into the bodies of their sacrificers, and, during the short time of the sacrifice, he makes them say and do things that fill the bystanders with fear. they take that order of sacrificers from among their friends or their relatives, who wish to learn the mystery of it from them. their blindness causes them to esteem that rank greatly, for besides the reputation and respect that that employment brings them, they also receive large offerings. all who have been present at the sacrifice make them gifts, one cotton, one gold, and one a fowl. the sacrifice takes place in their houses. the victim is now a hog, now a fowl, now some fish or rice; and the sacrifice is differently named according to the various victims. it is performed by the sacrificer stabbing the victim amid certain ceremonies, which he performs to a cadence marked by a drum or a bell. that is the time in which the devil takes possession of them. he causes them to make innumerable contortions and grimaces, after the end of which they tell what they believe they have seen or heard. as for their persons, those people are well built, have handsome features, and are light-complexioned. they are clad in a garment that falls to the ankles, which is made of striped cotton of various colors. when in mourning, they wear white; however, that mode of dress is not so general. those called pintados, and those of the island of mindanao, wear short white, yellow, or red tunics, which hang to the knees, bound in by a girdle one vara wide and two and one-half brazas long; this is, as a general rule, white or red, and always falls to the knees. they wear neither stockings nor shoes; and instead of a hat they use a bit of cloth, which they wind twice or thrice around the head. their whole adornment consists in having very rich and beautiful necklaces, earrings, and gold rings or bracelets. they wear those bracelets above the ankle; some wear these of ivory, and others of brass. they also have little round plates three fingers in diameter, which they pass through a hole that they make in the ear. in some of those islands, the men formerly marked all the body with figures, whence comes the spanish name "pintados" ["pictured," i.e., tattooed]. that operation was performed in the flower of their age, and at the period when they had most strength to suffer that torture. they had themselves adorned in that way after they had performed some illustrious deed. the masters of that art first trace on their bodies the design of the picture, which they next follow up with pricks from very sharp points, and throw on the blood which comes out a powder which never fades away. the whole of the body is not pricked at once, but bit by bit; and formerly, in order that one might have the right of making it for each part, it was necessary to perform an illustrious deed, and to show new prowess. those pictures are pretty, and well proportioned to the portions of the body on which they are made; and, although they are of an ashen color, they are nevertheless agreeable to the sight. the children are not tattooed at all. the women do not bear the marks of that adornment except on one hand and on some part of the other. in regard to their teeth, they imitate the men in everything. they file them from their earliest childhood; some making them even in this way, others filing them into points, thus giving them the appearance of a saw. they cover the teeth with a black, glossy polish, or one that is flame-colored; and thus their teeth become black, or as red as vermilion. in the upper row, they make a little covering which they fill with gold, which shows off to advantage on the black or red background of that polish. the women as well as the men are continually in the water, and they also swim like fish. they need no bridge to get over rivers. they bathe at all times of the day, as much for pleasure as for cleanliness. women who have but recently given birth cannot be prevented from bathing, and bathe in the waters of the coldest springs. as soon as the child has issued from its mother's womb, it is placed in the water; and on taking it from the bath its head is rubbed with ajonjoli [i.e., sesame] oil mixed with civet. they do that also on other occasions, and to show politeness, especially the women and little boys. they bathe also during their sicknesses, and have for that purpose springs of hot water, especially at the shore of laguna de bay, which is in the island of manila. [96] there is no one language that is general for all the islands, but each district has a special one. true, they have some relation between one another, such as exists between the lombard, sicilian, and tuscan. there are six dialects in the island of manila, and two in the island of oton; while there are some languages which are spoken in several islands. the most general are the tagál and bisayan. the latter is very rude, but the former is very polished, and most remarkable. thus a religious, who was well versed in those islands, was in the habit of saying that the tagál language had the advantages of the four chief languages of the world: that it was mysterious, like hebrew; that it had the articles of the greek, both for appellatives and for proper names; that it had elegance and abundance, like the latin; and that it was not less suitable than the italian for compliments and business. [97] they have only three vowels, but these serve as five. they have only a dozen consonants, which they express differently by placing a little dot above or below, as can be seen in the following figure. marginal note: "the consonants not marked with any point are pronounced with 'a;' if they have a point above, they are pronounced with 'e,' or 'i;' if the point is below, they are pronounced with 'o' or 'u.'" they have learned to write from us [98] by making their lines from left to right, instead of their former way of writing from top to bottom. reeds or palm-leaves serve them as paper, and the point of an iron style is used instead of a pen. they use their writing only to letters from one to another, for they have no histories or books of any learning. our religious have printed books in the languages of the islands, concerning the matters of our religion. in the malucas, they have a very pretty method of writing to their friends. they collect flowers of various colors, and make a bouquet of them; and he who receives the bouquet understands, on beholding the varieties of flowers and their colors, as if they were so many different characters, the thoughts of his friend. they have not sufficient capacity to apply themselves to learning, and they content themselves with being good carpenters, and with working gold and iron well. they have been employed during these last few years in making silk and cotton stockings; in writing and reading our characters; in singing and dancing; and in playing the flute, the guitar, and the harp. the strings used for those last instruments are made from twisted silk, and produce as agreeable a sound as ours, although quite different in quality. they formerly had an instrument called cutiape, which some of them still use. it bears a close resemblance to a hurdy-gurdy, and has four copper cords. they play it so cleverly, that they make it express whatever they wish; and it is asserted as a truth that they speak, and tell one another whatever they wish, by means of that instrument, a special skill in those of that nation. most of those islanders have only one wife, but it is not true that there are not some places in the country where they have several, especially in the island of mindanao. it may be said that the husbands buy their wives there, since they generally make some present to their parents according to their rank: that of dato, for instance, which signifies "a man of rank;" of tinaua, which signifies "free;" or oripuen, which signifies "a slave." the women in the islands of the pintados are called binocot, or "woman who is in the room;" for bocot signifies "a room," and the women go outside but rarely, and even are carried then on the shoulders of their slaves. i have seen one woman of dapitan, a settlement of the island of mindanao, so delicate and so fine, that she always had herself carried to church on the shoulders of her slaves whom she best liked. it is a mark of politeness among those women always to keep the right hand in front of the mouth when they talk to a man. [99] those people live in houses thatched with straw, with the leaves of trees, or with large reeds which, divided into two, serve them as a tiling. there is but little furniture to be seen in their houses. but rarely are chairs seen there, for they always sit on the ground, or on carpets made from reeds. they have neither beds nor mattresses, as their reed mats serve as both. they eat on the ground or on very small low tables, but the tables are used only among the chiefs. banana leaves, which are one braza long and one-half braza wide, serve them as napkins. their employment consists of agriculture, the very abundant fishing along their coasts and in their rivers, and hunting wild boars and deer with dog and spear--an employment to which their agility and their skill renders them very suitable. they also go to gather honey and wax in the mountains or in the trees, where nature has taught the bees to make both those substances. the arms of some are spears, of others arrows; the campilan, which is a large cutlass; the kris, or poniard; the zompites or blow-guns, through which they blow little poisoned arrows; and bacacaies, or little reeds hardened by fire at the end. to defend their grain from animals and from men who could harm it, they scatter caltrops, which the old men call tribulos, [100] made so that one of the four points of which they are composed is always up, and those who pass there get caught without perceiving the traps. but now the spaniards have taught them how to use firearms, and they get along very well--especially a nation called the pampangos, many of whom are enrolled in the spanish troops. these men serve with great fidelity, and well second the courage of which the spaniards set them an example in their combats by sea and land. they are very fertile, and i have seen but few married people without children. when these are born, they name them according to the incidents that happen at the time of their birth. one will be called maglente, because of the thunder that sounded at the time of his birth; for lente signifies a clap of thunder. another will be named gubaton, because the foes appeared on the coast at that same time; for gubat signifies enemy. they esteem nobility; and i have known a woman called vray--that is to say, "fine gold"--who had been given that name because of the nobility of her lineage. in some of the islands they were accustomed to put the head of a new-born child between two boards, and thus pressed it so that it would not be round, but long; and they also flattened the forehead, in their belief that it was a mark of beauty to have it thus. [101] at the birth of a child to one among them who is of the highest rank, they hold a festival of a week, during which very joyful songs are sung by the women. they lose courage when they are sick. they do not use either bleeding or other remedies, except certain medicinal herbs, of which there is abundance in these islands. they use the cupping-glass; but it is not made of glass, for there is no glass in that country, but of small shells or the small horns of deer. they drink the liquor of cocoanuts after it has been kept some time in the evening damp; and that liquor is so healthful that their continual use of it keeps them from gravel, a disease of which the name is unknown among those peoples. when anyone dies, the music of the mourning and lamentation begins immediately. some weep because they are truly touched by their loss; others are hired by the day to weep. women are usually chosen, as they are most apt for that music. they wash the body of the deceased to that sad cadence, and perfume it with storax, and other perfumes which are used among them. after bewailing the body for three days, they bury it. they do not place it in the earth, but in coffins of very hard and incorruptible wood, which they kept in their houses. the boards of the coffins are so well joined that the air cannot enter. they placed a piece of gold in the mouths of some, and adorned their coffins with precious gems. moreover they were careful to carry all sorts of food to their grave, and to leave it there as if it were to be used by the deceased. some they would not allow to go alone, and it was necessary to give them some male and female slaves to keep them company. they killed the latter after having given them a fine repast, so that they might go with the deceased. with one of their chiefs of the country they once encased a galley equipped with rowers, so that they could serve him in the other world. the most usual place of burial was the house of the deceased, in the lowest story, where they dug a hole to place the coffin. sometimes the burial was in the open field; and in such case great fires were made below the house, and sentinels were posted there, for fear lest the deceased should come to take away those who were yet alive. the tears and lamentations were finished with the burial; but the feasts and orgies lasted a greater or less time, according to the station of the deceased. the tagáls wore black as a sign of mourning; the bisayans wore white, and shaved the head and eyebrows. when a person of rank happened to die, silence was observed throughout the village, until that the interdict should have been removed--which lasted a greater or less time, according to the quality of the deceased. during that time not the least noise could be made. but the mourning of those who had been killed in war or by treachery lasted a longer time, and did not end until their children and relations had killed many others--not only those who were known as enemies, but even strangers or unknown men; for their fury having thus been assuaged, they thought that they could put an end to their mourning, and solemnize it by great festivities and prolonged feasting. they are for the most part good sailors--i mean for the navigation among the islands; for, as they do not use the compass, they do not get along so well on the open sea. they use various kinds of craft, which are propelled by sail and oar. the largest craft of the second class are called caracoas. although these are not very large, they do not hesitate to put one hundred indians in them; for there are three banks of rowers on each side. they make use of those craft for trading among those islands; and they lade them with dried fish, wine, salt, wax, cotton, cocoanuts, and other like merchandise. they are cowards naturally, and more apt to make an ambuscade than to face their enemies. upon that is chiefly founded their submission to the spaniards, for they do not serve them out of affection. they readily received our religion. their meager intelligence does not permit them to sound the depths of its mysteries. they also have little care in the fulfilment of their duties to the christianity which they have adopted; and it is necessary to constrain them by fear of punishment, and to govern them like schoolchildren. intoxication and usury are the two vices to which they are most addicted. the piety and care of our religious have not as yet been able to make them lose those habits altogether. the climate of manila and most of the other filipinas islands is very warm. the difference between the seasons is not perceived, for the heat is equally great all the year. the rains commence at the end of the month of may and last for three or four months without interruption; but beyond that time it rains but rarely. in the months of october, november, and december, the country is subject to hurricanes, which the natives of the country call vaguios. they are furious winds which make the entire round of the compass in twenty-four hours, commencing at the north. they break the palm-trees, uproot the largest trees, overthrow the houses, and sometimes carry persons into the air; and some have been seen which have hurled vessels a musket-shot inland. at the extremity of the island of manila, near the embocadero, where the vessels en route from nueva españa enter, there is a volcano or mountain whence often issue flames, and always smoke. [102] in those islands there is neither grain, wine, nor olive-oil, nor one of the fruits which we have in europa, except the oranges, of which i shall speak later. rice grows there in great abundance, and serves instead of bread. they have two kinds of it. one kind is sown in places always under water, and the other on the mountains, where it is moistened only by the water from the sky. their drink also is made from rice, by soaking it in water; or it is taken from palm-trees, or cocoanuts, or from another variety of small palm called nipa. they keep those liquors in large crocks, and draw from them only on holidays and days of rejoicing. those liquors mount to the head and intoxicate, as much as does the wine of europa. the horses and cows in those islands have been carried thither from mexico and china, for there were none there formerly. the flesh of swine is their most usual food, and there is a great abundance of it; it is very healthful and savory. there are also innumerable fowl, deer, wild boars, goats, and civet-cats; also plenty of beans, cotton, strawberries, and even cinnamon--which is found only in the island of mindanao, and which does not begin to be as good as that of ceilan. they have no silver mines in those islands, and the little silver seen there has been carried from mexico, in return for the merchandise exported there annually. there are gold mines in the island of manila, and on the river of butuan in the island of mindanao. there is truly not sufficient to satisfy the desires of the spaniards; but the little that there is of it sufficed the indians, who value it only for the little use that they make of it, since it does not enter at all into trade. there is a quantity of honey and wax in their mountains; and since the spanish have lived there they have built many sugar mills; and sugar is so common there that one may buy twenty-five libras of sixteen onzas apiece for one teston. they have three varieties of fruit that are most common: bananas, santors, and birinbines. [103] there are fifteen or sixteen kinds of bananas, some of them are sweet, but that sweetness has an admixture of bitter in others. some of them smell good, but all of those varieties are very agreeable to the taste. i know of no fruit in europa to which to compare them, unless it be the musas which grow in sicilia. the birinbines and santors are eaten preserved more often than in any other way, because of their tartness; when prepared in preserves, they taste like plums. if they are allowed to ripen on the tree, they smell like quinces, although they have no other resemblance to quinces at all. those islands have many other trees which grow wild. their mountains furnish them with roots, from which they draw their most usual nourishment; these are called pugaian and corot. [104] they have other roots which they cultivate, such as the apari, the ubi, the laquei, and others which they call camotes, which are the potatoes [105] of españa. the spaniards use the last named, as also do the indians. but the most useful tree of all is the palm--not that which bears the date, for they do not have that species, but those which bear cocoanuts, of the size of an orange. those nuts are filled with a very sweet liquor, which is very good to drink. they make wine, vinegar, and honey of it; and when that fruit becomes dry as it ripens, that liquor changes into white meat harder than an almond. it is from that meat that oil is extracted and a milk resembling that extracted from almonds. the cocoanut has two coverings. the first, which is less hard, is used for tinder when dried; also for the rigging and smaller cordage of the ships, or as tow for calking them. the other covering is harder, and is used for drinking vessels, or as dishes in which to prepare their food. the palm-leaves are the tiles with which their houses are thatched. the trunks of the same trees are used to support the houses, and in making the pillars. they have one other tree which is no less useful to them, for it serves them as a perpetual spring, and furnishes water to an entire village--which, being located on a very high and dry site, has no other water than what they get from that tree by making incisions in its trunk, and in its largest branches; for a clear sweet water flows out of it. the trees of those islands are always green, and there are only two species that shed their leaves, one called batelan, [106] and the other dabdas. the reeds [i.e., bamboos] of those islands have the following peculiarity, namely, that they are as much as three palmos in circumference and eight brazas in length. they are used as the materials out of which to build a whole house. the pillars, the lintels, the stairs, the floors, and the walls are made from them. they are used as rafters for the roof, and split into several parts, as tiles for covering the roof. they have no other saucepans in which to cook their food than those reeds, and no other wood to burn; for the trees serve them as material with which to build their little boats--or rather, rafts--with which they carry for traffic their rice, cocoanuts, and abacá, the hemp of that country. those islands have a great abundance of various kinds of oranges, peculiar to those countries for their good taste. i have seen them so large that they were four palmos in circumference. some were red as scarlet inside, and very sweet. there are some which contain another little orange in the place of the seeds; and these are called on that account "oranges which have children." [107] i will place in the list of vegetables a sort of leaf which serves them for nourishment, or rather for refreshment. it is used very commonly among the indians, both christians and mahometans, and even among the spaniards. a mixture is made of it which is called mamuen, into which three things enter: one is this leaf, which is called buio, which is smooth, and resembles in color and size a large ivy leaf, but it is not so thick. it smells very good, and is aromatic. it is planted under some dry tree, on which it climbs. the other fruit that enters into that mixture is called bonga, and it is as large as an olive. lastly, they mix in a small quantity of quicklime. a little cornucopia is made of the leaf, the bonga and lime are placed inside, and it is all chewed together. that mixture colors the saliva as red as blood, and the lips the most beautiful vermilion ever seen. it preserves the teeth, strengthens the stomach, and produces a very good breath. eighty of those leaves can be bought at manila for one real. nevertheless, so great a quantity is consumed that it has been ascertained that it was sold in one year to the amount of ninety thousand reals, of seven and one-half sols apiece. there are many snakes in those islands, which are very dangerous; some of them, when they have young, attack people. [108] the bite of those called omodro is very dangerous, and those who are bitten by it do not live one-half day. it is from that effect that it derives its name, for odro signifies one-half day. there is another very large snake called saua. i have killed one of that species which was two and one-half brazas long. the skin of another, which measured thirty-two [spanish] feet in length, was brought to our residence at manila. the sauas hang to the branches of trees along the roads, whence they dart down upon people, or deer, or on any other prey. they wind themselves three or four times around the body, and after having broken the creature's bones devour it. but god has provided a number of herbs in those islands which are used as antidotes to all kinds of poisons. roots and herbs are found in the mountains, which are so many specific remedies against snake-bites; the chief ones are manongal, manambo, logab, boroctongon, maglingab, ordag, balucas, bonas, bahay, igluhat, dalogdogan, mantala. there are also animals in those islands of which i ought to give a description. the civet-cat is found in the mountains. its skin resembles that of a tiger, and it is no less savage than the tiger, although much smaller. it is captured and bound, and, after its civet is obtained, which is contained in a little pouch under its tail, it is set at liberty to be caught once more. the crocodiles, of which their rivers are full, are so huge that when their jaws are open, a man of the largest size could stand upright between the two jaws. the crocodile is quite covered with scales; has scarcely any tongue; and its teeth are set closely together, and are very sharp, and arranged in several rows. the teeth of the middle lower row fit into holes or breaks in the others which correspond to them in the upper jaw; and consequently, when it seizes its prey, there is no force that can make it let go. it lays a great number of eggs. in the water it is furious, and attacks boats. it is not so greatly feared when ashore--where it goes sometimes to seize some prey, or to sun itself. the woman-fish [109] is so called because its face and breast are quite like those of women, whom it also resembles in its manner of copulation with the male. that fish is as large as a calf, and its flesh, of which i have eaten, tastes like beef. it is caught with lines as thick around as the finger, and when the line becomes fast within [its mouth] it is killed by javelin-thrusts. its bones and teeth have great virtue against all sorts of dysentery, especially against bloody discharges. some have tried to assert that those fish were the sirens of the sea, so celebrated among the poets; but they have nothing of the beauty of face and of the voice that is attributed to sirens. i will end [this account], finally by a description of the tabon, an ashen-colored bird as large as a hen, which lays eggs three times as large as those of hens, but which lays them in a peculiar manner. it chooses desert islands and those full of sand, where it first makes a hole one or one and one-half brazas deep; and after having laid its eggs, it covers them over with sand. the chicks break the shell, and gradually turn up the sand that covers them with their feet. if any of those chicks is so unfortunate as to break the egg at the lower end, it does not succeed so well, and dies for lack of strength to overturn the sand. sometimes one hundred and fifty of the eggs are found in the same hole. i have eaten those eggs often when i have had occasion to stop at those islands during my voyages. there is cinnamon in the island of mindanao; and pepper at patani, and at champan, a country lying on the mainland of china. the political government of those islands is the same as that of other provinces subject to the crown of castilla. the governor resides at manila, and is president of the audiencia; while, as captain-general, he has charge of all the posts of peace and war, as well as of the encomiendas of one or two thousand indians [each], who pay their encomendero the tribute that the other indians pay to the king. but the encomendero who has been appointed by the captain-general is obliged to get the confirmation of his grant from madrid within three years. the governor establishes the corregidors and alcaldes-mayor, or governors of the provinces into which these islands are divided. he appoints the captains and the admirals of the fleets which sail to acapulco and terrenate annually. he takes cognizance of civil affairs, on which the royal audiencia pronounces the decisions or decrees. that audiencia is composed of a president (who is always the governor), four oidores or auditors, and one procurator-fiscal. there are four cities in the filipinas--manila, zebu, [nueva] caçares, and nueba segovia; and one town, called arevalo. there is a garrison at manila and at cabite, which is the port where the warships enter, six miles from manila. there are also garrisons at zebu, otong, carouga, lanbuangang [sc. zamboanga], jolo, nueva segobia, the island of hermosa, and the malucas. all those ports are fortified, and have their redoubts mounted with artillery. whatever is necessary for those garrisons is sent from manila. it would be a very difficult task to mention the names of all the different peoples among the indians, and in those islands, who are subject to the king of españa. there are fully three hundred thousand families, who might count one million souls. the archbishop of manila has three suffragans, those of zebu, [nueva] caçares, and nueva segovia. they have no other income than what the king gives them; that of the archbishop is three thousand ducados, while each of his suffragans receives one thousand five hundred. the city of manila is small, but it is beautiful and well fortified. its houses are all built of stone, and are spacious, and very airy. its streets are long and straight, and one may walk in the shade all hours of the day. the churches are beautiful. there are five convents: that of the augustinians (which is the oldest); that of the franciscans, that of the dominicans, [110] and that of the discalced augustinians. there are two universities, one in charge of the fathers of st. dominic, and the other in that of the society. those religious are also distributed among the islands, where they have charge of the instruction of the indians. the city is enclosed by a fine wall and moat; and its redoubt and its ramparts are well garrisoned with artillery. at the foot of its wall flows a river, which is navigable; over this is a wooden bridge, with stone pillars. there are two thousand spaniards in manila (counting soldiers and inhabitants), and twice as many indians. there are also twenty thousand sangleys or chinese, who practice all the arts needed in a community; and every year they pay nine escudos and six reals of tribute. galleons much larger than those which sail the mediterranean are built at manila; for there is a great abundance of wood, pitch, and abacá--which resembles european hemp, and of which good rigging is made for the ships. the anchors are imported from goa; and the iron for the nails comes from china in little bars, and is very serviceable. the spaniards of the manilas trade throughout the islands of that archipelago, at borney and camboa, whence they carry wax, butter, camanguien or storax, ivory, and bezoar. they formerly traded in japon, before the persecution of the christians was begun. thence were carried iron, flour, all sorts of fruit, and little boxes, and cabinets, varnished [i.e., lacquered] and very well made. nangoza [sc. nagasaki], which was the port where that trading took place--and for which it was very suitable, because it is not distant from manila--is now closed to us; for the emperor of japon believes that people are entering his country, under pretext of that trade, to preach the gospel, the thing that he fears most of all. we trade also with the portuguese of macao, who come to the manilas every year with two or three ships, and bring here silks, musk, precious stones, and eagle and calambac wood--which is a sweet-scented wood that is very valuable. the inhabitants of the manilas also go to macao sometimes, to carry their merchandise there; but their chief trade is with the chinese, who come annually, at the end of the month of december and the beginning of january, with twenty or thirty vessels, laden with products and valuable merchandise. they sail usually from ocho and chincheo, ports of anay, a province of china which faces the filipinas. they carry small oranges, nuts, chestnuts, plums, raisins, and chicuei--a fruit resembling an apple, very round, transparent, and, when it is ripe, having the color of yellow amber; its peel is very loose, and its flesh very sweet and very pleasant to the taste. [111] they also bring all sorts of cloth stuffs, and some of these are as fine as those which come from france and the low countries; and many black stuffs of which the indians make their clothes. they bring silk, plain and twisted, of all colors; damasks, velvets, tabbies, and double taffetas; cloths of gold and silver, galoons, and laces; coverlets, and cushions; and porcelain--although not the finest variety, as the trade in that is prohibited. they bring pearls and gold; iron, in little bars; thread, musk, and fine parasols; paste gems, but very beautiful to look at; saltpetre, and flour; white and various-colored paper; and many little fancy articles, covered with varnish, and gold in relief, made in an inimitable manner. among all the silk stuffs brought by the chinese, none is more esteemed than the white--the snow is not whiter; and there is no silk stuff in europa that can approach it. the chinese return in the month of march, and carry to china silver in return for their merchandise. they also take a wood called sibueno [112]--that is, brazil-wood, which is used in making their ink. those chinese merchants are so keen after gain that if one sort of merchandise has succeeded well one year, they take a great deal of it the following year. a spaniard who had lost his nose through a certain illness, sent for a chinese to make him one of wood, in order to hide the deformity. the workman made him so good a nose that the spaniard, in great delight, paid him munificently, giving him twenty escudos. the chinese, attracted by the ease with which he had made that gain, laded a fine boatload of wooden noses the following year, and returned to manila. but he found himself very far from his hopes, and quite left out in the cold; [113] for in order to have a sale for that new merchandise, he found that he would have to cut off the noses of all the spaniards in the country. besides the chinese merchandise that is brought into the islands, there is wax, cinnamon, civet, and a sort of very strong cotton cloth which is called campotes [misprint for lampotes]. all those goods are exported to mexico, where they are sold at great profit, and on the spot. i do not believe there is a richer traffic in the world than that. the duties that the king gets out of it are large, and, with what he gets from the islands, amount to fully five hundred thousand escudos. but he spends eight hundred thousand in the maintenance of his governor, the counselors, the archbishop, the bishops, the canons, those who possess the prebends, and the other ecclesiastics. the greater part of that sum is employed in the equipment of the galleons that are sent to mexico and to the malucas, and of those which are kept in those seas to resist the dutch. a considerable sum is spent on the maintenance of alliance with the kings of those districts--especially with the king of one of the malucas, called tidore. consequently, the king of españa rather holds those islands for the conservation there of the faith, as was stated by felipe the second in a certain council-meeting, than for the profit that is derived from them to this hour. the dutch have been unable to get a footing on those islands, although they have attacked them many times. they have a considerable city [i.e., batavia] on the island of java major, whence they send what their garrisons at the island of hermosa, amboina, and terrenate need. they have made an alliance with the inhabitants of that island, and they secure the greater part of the cloves of the malucas. they trade in japon, in a port called firando. the chinese have refused to have trade with them, because of a tradition current in china, that blue-eyed men will some day conquer them. the voyage from manila to mexico lasts four, five, six, or seven months. manila, which lies in thirteen and one-half degrees, is left in the month of july, during the vendavals. the course is taken to the north, until the ship reaches thirty-eight or forty degrees. the pilots take that course because they are more certain of finding winds; for otherwise they would run the risk of encountering calms, which are more to be dreaded in long voyages than are the most furious gales. from the time that the filipinas are left until almost the coast of nueva españa is reached, no land is seen, except a chain of islands called the ladrones, or la sapana, [114] which lie three hundred leguas from the embocadero of the filipinas. the people who inhabit those islands are barbarians, who go quite naked. when our vessels pass there, those people carry to them fish, rice, and fresh water, which they exchange for neither gold nor silver, but only for iron, which they value much more, because of the use to which they put it in the manufacture of their tools, and for the building of their little boats. the first land sighted after that is the island of cedros, quite near the mexican coast. the open expanse between that island and those of the ladrones is subject to great storms, which are to be feared especially near the japanese islands--which are passed, however, without being sighted. during the whole course of so long a voyage, scarcely a day passes without seeing a bird. there are usually some birds that live in the sea, and many large whales and porpoises are seen. as the [american] coast is neared, at a distance of sixty, eighty, or one hundred leguas signs are to be seen in the sea by which it is recognized that the ship is within that distance. those signs consist of long reeds, brought down by the rivers of nueva españa, which being massed together resemble a kind of raft; and on those reeds are to be seen monkeys--another sign that they are approaching the coast. when the pilot discovers those signs, he immediately changes his course, and instead of continuing east he puts the nose of the ship south, in order to avoid getting caught in the land, or in some gulf whence he would have a hard time to get out; but, when he has sighted the coast of nueva españa, he follows it to the port of acapulco, which lies in eighteen degrees. acapulco is a fine port, well sheltered from all the winds, and defended by a celebrated redoubt. there the passengers and goods are disembarked, and are afterward carried by mules to the city of mexico, which is eighty leguas distant thence. the way is desert and bestrewn with mountains; and the pest of mosquitoes is suffered, as well as the extreme heat. in order to go to españa from mexico one goes to the port of vera cruz, a journey of eighty-five leguas; en route is passed the city of los angeles, which has about six thousand inhabitants, and whose bishop gets a salary of sixty thousand escudos. the reefs and rocks at the mouth of the port of vera cruz defend the entrance better than the fortress that commands it, although that fort is an excellent one. at that port anchor the trading fleets that come from españa, laden with wine, olive-oil, cloths, wax, cinnamon, paper, and other european merchandise. those trading fleets formerly passed the winter there, as they arrived [formerly] in the month of june, and remained there until the same month of the following year. now they reach that port in the month of may, and leave about the month of august. they take as a rule three months to go to españa. for my part, i took one hundred days in making that voyage. the port of havana in cuba, which is the best port of the western indias--and which is very safe, and defended by three redoubts--is touched at. there the two trading fleets--that of mexico and that of tierrafirme--are united with the galleons. thence, after having coasted along the shores of florida, and of nueva francia, they make the cape of fineterre [finisterre] or san vincent, in order to lay their course toward cadiz, which is the end of their voyage. that will also be the end of this relation, which i have written in order to be obedient to a person to whom i earnestly desire that it may prove agreeable. bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid--in the collection "papeles de los jesuitas:" 1. events in filipinas, 1637-38.--in tomo 84, no. 35. 2. fortunate successes, 1636-37.--in tomo 32, no. 17. 3. events in filipinas, 1638-39.--in tomo 4, no. 34, fol. 268. the following documents are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 4. letter from corcuera.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1629 á 1640; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." 5. letter from treasurer.--the same as no. 4. 6. the university of santo tomás.--"audiencia de filipinas; registro de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12." (in this same legajo may be found two of the decrees of 1638, those of november 8 and december 8; and that of october 3, 1639, has the same pressmark, save "leg. 2, lib. 4.") the following documents are obtained from the "cedulario indico," in the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 7. decrees, 1638.--the first four, in "tomo 39, fol. 235b, 225b, 262, and 267," respectively; (the fifth and sixth, see no. 6, ante;) the seventh, in "tomo xxxi, fol. 144b;" the eighth, in "tomo 7, fol. 352b." 8. decrees, 1639.--in the same order as printed, these are found as follows: in "tomo 39, fol. 276b; tomo xviii, fol. 55; tomo 39, fol. 281; tomo 31, fol. 142b; tomo 39, fol. 285b and 285; tomo 2, fol. 315b;" (for october 3, see no. 6, ante;) "tomo 39, fol. 290b and 290." the following documents are obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), vol. ii: 9. events in the filipinas, 1639-40.--pp. 167-184. 10. relation of the chinese insurrection.--pp. 185-250. the following document is obtained from a rare printed pamphlet in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid: 11. glorious victories against moros.--part of this is synopsized in translation. the pamphlet is designated in the museo-biblioteca by the number "111, 21-2a." the following document is obtained from a ms. volume in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago; the volume is undated, but is supposed to be written in 1835, and is entitled, demostración historica de cuantas depredaciones llevan cometidas las moros, etc.: 12. letters to misericordia.--in fol. 6b, 7, and 8. the following documents are taken from printed works: 13. relation by bañuelos y carrillo.--from thevenot's relations de divers voyages curieux (paris, m.dc.xcvi), tomo i, part ii; from a copy belonging to the prescott collection in the library of harvard university. (the original printed pamphlet by bañuelos y carrillo is supposed to be no longer extant.) 14. value of corcuera's seizures.--from pastells' edition of colin's labor evangélica, iii, pp. 528-533. 15. ecclesiastical and augustinian affairs.--from casimiro diaz's conquistas, pp. 267-444. 16. relation of the filipinas islands, by a religious.--the same as no. 13. notes [1] spanish, buenas collas de bendabales. in august the prevailing winds at manila are from the southwest, the vendavals. it often happens that in the months of june and july there develop in northern luzón centers of minimum pressure so slowly that they appear to remain stationary for many days, followed, as is natural, by continuous currents and showers of rain from the third quadrant, known by the native-born residents as "collas" (report of u. s. philippine commission, 1900, iv, pp. 229, 236; this chapter is furnished by the jesuit fathers in charge of the manila observatory). [2] juan zubelzu, a native of biscay, and a novice in the dominican convent at mexico, came to the philippine islands in the mission of 1615. after his ordination, he ministered to the indians in bataán, and in cavite and manila--where he died, december 14, 1657. he built a stone church in samal, for which, it is remarked, he did not harass the indians, although they were few in number. (reseña biográfica, i, p. 350.) [3] "son of the devil, scourge of god, and other similar things." [4] spanish, padres barbados; also known as barbones, from their practice of wearing long beards; they came in 1635, with corcuera, headed by collado, and formed the congregation of san pablo (for mission work only), by "warrants fraudulently obtained." a royal decree of february 21, 1637, commanded the dominican provincial at manila to suppress the barbones; it is the execution of this decree which is described in our text. see reseña biográfica, i. pp. 338, 391, 420. [5] this statement about the sangleys is printed by barrantes as a postscript to lopez's letter of july 23, 1637 (q.v., vol. xxvii). internal evidence indicates juan lopez as the author of the present document, and that it was written at cavite, where lopez was in charge of the jesuit house. [6] melchor de vera was born in madrid about 1585, and entered the jesuit order at the age of nineteen. two years later, he departed for the philippine mission, and after his ordination labored in the missions of visayas and mindanao. he was for a time minister of manila college, and afterward rector of carigara, and superior at dapitan and zamboanga. he was well versed in architecture and military defense, and several forts were built (especially that at zamboanga) under his direction. he died at cebú, april 13, 1646. see murillo velarde's hist. philipinas, fol. 153 verso; and combés's hist. mindanao. [7] fernando de estrada, a native of ecija, spain, was a missionary among the bisayans and tagáls, and at ternate. he died at manila in 1646, at the age of forty-five. see murillo velarde's hist. philipinas, fol. 193 verso. [8] charles i sought at various times to play spain against france, but his spanish policy was, on the whole, a failure. [9] morabites: the name of a mahometan sect, founded by the son-in-law of mahomet. the name was also used among mahometans to indicate a wise man or a mystic. [10] antonio francisco cardim was born at viana, portugal, in 1596, and entered the jesuit order in february, 1611. seven years later he went to india, and labored in japan, china, and other countries until his death--which occurred at macao, april 30, 1659. sommervogel describes several missionary reports and other writings by cardim. [11] that is, the small amount of their returns from mexico prevented the manila merchants from making their usual large purchases from the chinese traders, and it was feared that the latter would not think it worth while to bring their goods to manila. [12] this was tsongching (vol. xxii, p. 197, and note 44), the last emperor of the ming dynasty; he was favorable to the jesuits, but can hardly be called a convert to the christian faith. by "father pablo" is probably meant paul siu (or sin, according to crétineau-joly), a chinese official of high standing, who was converted by father ricci, and served as an evangelist among his people, besides aiding the missionaries with gifts and his influence at court, and revising their writings in chinese. see crétineau-joly's hist. comp. de jésus, iii, p. 172; and williams's middle kingdom, ii, pp. 302, 304. [13] a marginal note reads: "translated from the spanish relation printed at mexico in the year 1638; dedicated to don garcia de haro y abellaneda, count of castilla, president of the royal council of the indias." [14] marginal note: "the rules of this traffic, which will be found at the end of the relations of the filipinas, elucidate this point." this evidently refers to the spanish originals. the "list of relations and voyages" at the beginning of thevenot's work contains this title: "three relations of the philippine islands, with a large map of china," etc. to correspond with this, the text contains: the "relation" of bañuelos y carrillo; the "relation and memorial" by hernando de los rios coronel; and a "memorial in behalf of the commerce of the philipine islands," by juan grau y monfalcon--all with consecutive pagination; and apparently abridged or paraphrased to suit the editor. these are followed by (bobadilla's) "relation of the philipine islands," and an "account of the great island of mindanao" (which contains a letter by mastrilli)--also with their own and consecutive pagination; these, however, are not mentioned in the list above referred to. we translate from thevenot the documents by bañuelos and bobadilla; but for the others we have recourse to the spanish originals. [15] lope diaz de armendariz, marquis of cadereita, the sixteenth viceroy of mexico, was appointed (1635) to succeed the marquis of cerralvo (who was removed at his own request, because of poor health). his term of office was quiet, and only marked especially by his quarrel with the archbishop, with whom the royal audiencia seem to have sided. he was removed in 1640, his successor being diego lopez pacheco cabrera y bobadilla, duke of escalona and marquis de villena. see bancroft's hist. mexico, iii, pp. 93-98. [16] marginal note: "bartolome tenorione." [17] the following letter from the sevilla archives ("cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1629 á [1640]; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8"), contains an interesting reference to bañuelos's relation, and also suggests the well-known deficiencies in thevenot's "translations." it is to be feared that he has omitted much valuable matter from bañuelos's account; but no other source is available: "i return the paper which your lordship sent me, concerning the military exploit in mindanao, which was written and sent, as appears, by father marcelo mastrili. although its contents must be true, and it is well written, yet as your lordship knows, the council thought it advisable not to have it printed until they could compare it with the letters that the governor had written about the same exploit, and with others written by various persons, which make it out to have been of little value and importance. they even attempt to say that we have lost rather than gained in that campaign--particularly in a discourse or treatise printed in mexico by don geronimo de bañuelos y carrillo, and addressed to your lordship. in it he declares that those who were conquered were not moros, but certain poor indians; i do not know whether [he says this] from zeal for the truth, or because he has little affection for the governor. he wounds him quite to the quick in this and in other things. i was making an abstract of them in order to report to the council, as i was ordered; but today, on going out, don juan grao monfalcon told me that he is at present printing another report, to oppose that of bañuelos. i do not know who has given permission for it, nor that, in the care of the relation of father mastrili, there is anything that is not well understood. what the council discussed was (as i have said), only whether it is exact and faithful to what happened; and of this i have not yet been able to form a sufficient judgment or idea. i am getting new documents hourly from the secretary's office, and i shall detain them until the one that i am now enclosing is returned, if convenient. may god preserve your lordship, as we your servants desire. today, tuesday, february eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-nine. don juan de solorzano pereira" "the count, my master, has ordered me to send again to your lordship the enclosed relation of his success from the governor of filipinas, in order that there may be progress in the deliberations of the council on this question. may god preserve your lordship, as i desire. buen retiro, february 16, 639. antonio carnero" "i return these papers to your grace, so that you may continue what you were doing. may god preserve your grace. my house, february 16, 1639." [18] referring to sebastian vizcaino (vol. xiv, p. 183). the englishman here referred to is doubtless will adams (vol. xxii, p. 169, note 39), then high in favor with iyéyasu. regarding the expulsion of religious at that time, see vol. xviii, p. 81. [19] a marginal note reads as follows: "ricca douro is an island which was discovered by a vessel from macao. they landed there in order to repair their galley fireplace, and a week later they perceived that that earth had been converted into plates of gold. i suffered a violent tempest in the latitude of that island, as the maps show it; and there are few vessels that sail in that latitude, without having trouble." see also notes in vol. xiv of this series, p. 183; and vol. xvi, p. 204. [20] in the margin is the following note: "tono in the japanese language signifies a person who holds the rank that a duke of cardone or a marquis of carpio would have in españa." this means a daimio, or feudal lord (see vol. xviii, p. 216). [21] following is a translation of the title-page of the book from which this account is taken: "relation of the glorious victories on land and sea won by the arms of our invincible king and monarch, felipe iiii, the great, in the filipinas islands against the mahometan moros of the island of mindanao and their king cachil corralat, under the leadership of don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, knight of the order of alcantara and one of his majesty's council of war, and governor and captain-general of those islands: drawn from various relations sent from manila during this year (1638). 1638. with license. mexico; at the press of pedro de quiñones, opposite the professed house." [22] tulio (misprinted fulio), for tullius (cicero). apparently there is some error in the reference given in the text, for this citation from cicero is not found in the place indicated by it, in the standard editions of his epistolæ. [23] attached to the editions of quintilian's works are 164 declamations, which remain out of a collection consisting originally of 388 of these compositions. it is supposed, however, that these were written by various persons, at different periods of time. [24] "it is believed that the number of islands exceeds 1,400, although thus far no one has stated their number with exactness." (archipiélago filipino, p. 6.) the latest information (census of the philippine islands, washington, 1905, i, p. 185), gives the total number of islands, however, as not less than 3,141, although the exact number is still unknown. [25] this is the literal translation; but it will be remembered, from previous accounts, that the figure of christ here referred to was painted on a sheet of linen or cloth; it was this sheet which was used by the moro as a garment. [26] camaras were tubes or cylinders which received the charge and were introduced into the breech of the cannon, sometimes fitted by pressure, at other times by screwing (see diego ufano's treatise on military; brussels, 1617). some of the ancient pieces of ordnance had these spare chambers, so that, after a charge had been fired, the chamber could be changed and operations carried on more rapidly. thus they served as do the cartridges of modern breech-loading guns. some camaras were used independently of the cannon, for firing salutes. see stanley's vasco da gama (hakluyt society publications, london, 1869) pp. 226, 227, note. [27] tawi tawi is the largest island of a group having the same name, in the extreme southwest of the philippine archipelago, nearly 700 miles distant from manila. it contains over 100 islands, mostly very small; but five of these contain ten or more square miles of area. the island tawi tawi contains 187 square miles; its surface is one of fertile plains interspersed with forests, and broken by five peaks ranging from 736 to 1,941 feet in height. the islands are thinly populated (estimated at 1,815 fighting men) by malayan tribes supposed to have migrated thither from borneo--the suluanos, camucones, and tirones. navigation among the islands is difficult and dangerous, except for the small, light native craft; and they have been the hiding-places of pirates from the earliest times. [28] referring to captain gines ros y aviles, who had been left by corcuera as governor of jolo. combés gives a detailed account of all this affair (hist. mindanao, retana's ed., col. 369-395). ros applied himself, after corcuera's departure, to the profits of trade, and was deceived by the moros, who pretended submission but planned to surprise and kill all the spaniards. the officer next in command, gaspar de morales, with the two jesuits, finding their warnings unheeded, sent word to the governor's lieutenant at zamboanga, pedro de almonte--who immediately went to jolo, again subdued that island, and placed morales in ros's post as governor. cf. la concepción's account, hist. philipinas, v, pp. 348-359, 412-427. [29] a village in laguna, luzón, on the southwest shore of laguna de bay. [30] the two jesuits who remained in jolo as missionaries, fathers alejandro lopez and francisco martinez. [31] "of these [sangleys] several champan-crews armed themselves to infest the seas; and, occupying the narrow passages of marivelez, they captured various vessels which came from bisayas and other provinces to trade.... armed ships were despatched against them from manila, and, despite their resistance, several of their champans were seized; and the pirates were punished with death, as their insolence deserved--several of them being baptized, by dint of exhortations, just before their torture." (la concepción, hist. philipinas, v, pp. 429-431). one of these "rigorous modes of punishment" is mentioned post, on p. 226--that of tearing away the flesh with pincers. [32] probably referring to the revolt of the caragas, 1629-31, and their murder of several recollect missionaries at tandag. [33] combés describes very fully this and another spanish expedition into the region of lake lanao in 1639; and "a third and last one," which was unsuccessful, and compelled the spaniards to retreat, in 1640. see his hist. mindanao (retana's ed.), col. 145-177. [34] referring to the injury sustained by this chief in the explosion of a mine at the siege of jolo; it is described by lopez in his chronicle for 1637-38 ante, pp. 44, 45. [35] see combés's description of lake lanao (hist. mindanao, retana's ed., col. 145-147); lanao means simply "lake," and malanao, "people of the lake." cf. a. h. s. landor's description--in gems of the east (new york and london, 1904), pp. 303-308--of the lake legion and its people. in 1902 the american military authorities constructed excellent highways from the seacoast to lake lanao, from malabang on the south to iligan on the north. a description of this work, with valuable observations on the character and habits of the malanao moros, appears in the atlantic monthly for december, 1903, from the pen of major r. l. bullard, u. s. a., who directed the building of one of these roads. the malanaos were never conquered by the spaniards or any other people. the present district of lanao contains part of the rangaya range of mountains, 5,000 to 8,500 feet in height; and its eastern part is traversed by the pulangui river (rio grande). the lake is twenty-two miles long and sixteen miles wide, and its outlet is iligan river. [36] apparently referring to the boat which carried passengers from manila to the port of cavite. [37] also zarpana, the modern rota. uan apparently means the present guam. the place where the ship was wrecked was, according to diaz (conquistas, p. 402), the island of seypán. [38] diaz states (conquistas, p. 402) that this galleon ("nuestra señora de la concepción") was "the largest one built up to that time," and that it contained the greatest wealth of the islands. the few men who escaped to land were afterward rescued by spanish ships, and taken back to manila--save one, a chinese blacksmith, who spent the rest of his life there and acquired great influence over the natives. [39] la concepción states (hist. philipinas, v, p. 351) that when corcuera returned to manila in triumph, the confraternity of la misericordia gave him 100,000 pesos from its treasury, for the expenses of the jolo campaign. "for governor corcuera to secure, even in part, the successful result that he desired in this conquest, he was obliged to resort, for the necessary succor, to the treasury of santa misericordia; for in this emergency he found closed on all sides the gates of resource for the accomplishment of his so laudable designs. he found this aid, as prompt as liberal, in the sum of 104,609 pesos, two tomins, and one grano, which the brethren carried to him at the royal offices, as a loan, to aid his needs and enable him to push forward this conquest, which depended on such aid." this statement is taken from the demostración historica (ms. in ayer library; see following note), fol. 7 verso. [40] these two letters are obtained from a ms. volume in the library of edward e. ayer, of chicago, entitled: demostración historica de cuantas depredaciones llevan cometidas las moros desde que se incorporaron estas yslas á la monarquia española; inedidas de toda especie tomadas por el gobierno para contenerlos; y indicasiones que se presentan para hacerles la guerra con mejor fruto que hasta aquí, á fin de que las visayas se vean libres de las continuas opresiones qe. sufren--"historical exposition of the many depredations which the moros have committed, from the time when these islands were incorporated with the spanish monarchy; the measures, of all kinds, taken by the government for curbing them; and indications that suggest how war may be waged upon them with better results than have hitherto been secured, to the end that the visayas may be freed from the continual cruelties that they suffer." this work (evidently intended for publication) is undated; but the conjectural date "1835?" appears on the fly-leaf, which is headed "1a. parte." as appears by the introduction to the book, it was written by one of the members of the sociedad económica of the philippines--founded by basco y vargas in 1780, and reëstablished by folguera in 1819; and his "only motive in writing it was to meet his obligations to that society." the ms. is contained in a plainly-bound volume of 291 folios (582 pages), and displays fine, round, legible, and beautiful handwriting, from several different hands. folios 1-11 cover the period antecedent to 1750; the rest of the book, that from 1750 to 1806--more than two-thirds of this part being dated after 1788. the writer evidently had access to valuable original documents, some of which, as these letters to la misericordia, he cites directly; and his narrative is well and carefully written. [41] this was fray francisco de zamudio, who had come to manila in 1636, and acted as provisor-general during the temporary exile of archbishop guerrero. [42] the great visitor-general of new spain and the bishop of puebla. he had a "special commission to take the residencias of cerralvo and cadereita, and to investigate the commercial relations with peru and the philippine islands." he was of noble family, although illegitimate, but was legitimized by his father. he was a man of great abilities, which won him speedy recognition and high offices until he decided to enter the priesthood (1629); and, after serving in various capacities in spain, he went to mexico in 1640. he was energetic and impartial in the exercise of his duties, and before long this embroiled him with the indolent and easily-influenced viceroy. finally he was offered the archbishopric, and at the same time ordered to assume charge of the government. he refused the archbishopric, but accepted the latter, and in 1642 assumed that office--which he held for five months, during which he ruled well and impartially. after retiring to his bishopric he had various troubles with the jesuits, the new viceroy, the archbishop, and others, until he was ordered to retire to spain in 1648, where he died bishop of osma in 1659, much regretted by the people of his bishopric. see bancroft's hist. mexico, iii, pp. 98-136. [43] meaning that the failure to receive the usual supplies of money from mexico had rendered the manila merchants unable to buy the goods brought by the chinese traders--the latter being thus unable to maintain their shops in manila, and obliged to return to their own country. [44] apparently some words have been omitted in ventura del arco's transcription; probably it should read, "upon us for our past sins"--or possibly, "for the past two years." [45] spanish, regalos; referring to the articles (mainly those of luxury) imported from mexico by citizens of the islands. [46] shells or hollow balls, sometimes of clay, sometimes of heavy canvas, which were filled with combustible substances; when kindled, they were shot or hurled against the enemy, either to cause injury by their explosion, or to set his works on fire. [47] "a mountain called socol, distant from calamba a short league" (diaz, conquistas, p. 406). [48] this was an estate belonging to the jesuits (diaz, conquistas, p. 408). [49] pastells' transcript of this document (colin's labor evangélica, iii, p. 129) contains a few lines of additional matter, as follows: "of the whole affair a full relation will, i think, be printed; so i leave it here, entreating our lord to look with pity on these islands, which are so full of misery and poverty." [50] in passing through mexico señor corcuera found so much cloth from this [chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the chinese found less silver [in the philippines] than their business required. it also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the chinese were greater and more exacting--not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies." (la concepción, hist. philipinas, v, p. 429). [51] diaz states (conquistas, p. 403) that besides the chinese of the parián, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of calamba. la concepción says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 chinese living in the islands--too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604. [52] this was luis arias de mora, an advocate belonging to the manila audiencia; according to diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldía of la lacuna, and so oppressed those chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him--which they did with much and barbarous cruelty. [53] diaz says (p. 404) that the jesuit villamayor, who accompanied the spaniards, tried to persuade aduna not to pursue the chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death. [54] the names in brackets are obtained from diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source. [55] diaz states (p. 406) that the augustinian friars of comintan (the ancient name of batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered sangley fugitives. [56] a visita of the augustinian mission station at pásig. [57] according to diaz's account (p. 408), the sangleys of santa cruz attempted to seize corcuera's person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. to check their advance, a detachment of spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of moros, "aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from sanguyl." olaso was soon recalled to manila, leaving santa cruz defenseless--an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, "since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the parián." [58] diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen. [59] diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at tondo gathered the natives within the convent, "which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 indians." [60] "in binondoc father fray francisco de herrera was fortified, with the sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 christian sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them." (diaz, p. 413.) [61] diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; "they killed a great many chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed." [62] "by the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city." (diaz, p. 412). [63] diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only. [64] "on december 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the sangleys in them--although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed." (diaz, p. 412). [65] "they burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons" (diaz, p. 413). [66] see p. 156 and note 31, ante. [67] diaz's figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). "in cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. in pampanga, where santiago gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. in the province of bulacan, where there were more sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without captain juan diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... in the province of tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. in the province of bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in calamba. in the province of taal they slew others.... in pangasinan they beheaded 500 sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, captain don fernando suarez deza; and in that of ilocos, which was governed by sargento-mayor pedro de tursis, as many as 100 were slain. the same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked." [68] "the leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the christian sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess." (diaz, p. 412). [69] the bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original ms. [70] "on december 7 captain santiago gastelu arrived from pampanga with a large reënforcement of men, and in his company was father fray juan de sosa, a religious of our father st. augustine, and minister of the village of porac, who came with 800 zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers." (diaz, p. 415.) [71] some of these are described by diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed. [72] "on the way, our people heard how the aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 sangleys--of whom they slew seventy, the aeta band losing only one of their seven men." (diaz, p. 418). [73] diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the augustinian friar juan de sosa, who offered to dislodge the chinese from their camp with his indian archers--the spanish troops seconding the attack of the indians. [74] "cogon (saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. the areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching." (u. s. gazetteer of philippines, p. 71.) e. d. merrill's dictionary of plant names (manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name as imperata arundinacea. [75] this was onofre esbry (esvri--incorrectly made esbín by diaz's editor); he was a native of tortosa, and entered the jesuit order at the age of fifteen. at the time of this insurrection, esbry was but twenty eight years old. in 1647, while sailing to macao, he was slain by chinese pirates, near sanchon island. see murillo velarde's hist. philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso. [76] the statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of "mandarin," which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. s. wells williams says (middle kingdom, i, p. 326): "the word mandarin, derived from the portuguese mandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in english as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere." see his account of the chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the chinese people (pp. 322-352); also winterbotham's description of the "mandarins of arms," or military officers, in his chinese empire, ii, pp. 8-10. cf. note on civil mandarins, in vol. xix of this series, p. 44. [77] "for more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh." (diaz, p. 427). [78] "every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. this was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day." (diaz, p. 423.) [79] in the ms. here and elsewhere, "s. paloc"--evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint. [80] in diaz, "tabuco, a visita of quingua." [81] diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the spaniards, and take possession of the city. this was frustrated by the premature rising at calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day. [82] in the ms., guerra; probably a transcriber's conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requires fuerza--referring to the fort of santiago at the mouth of pásig river. [83] according to diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged. [84] the name of the smallest coin current in former times, the word meaning literally "one-fourth." apparently, the bishop imposed a slight tax on all who attended mass, for the benefit of the poor prebendaries. it will be noticed that the word coro has several different meanings. in this sentence, it means the body of clergy in the church who chant the sacred offices; above, referring to the bishop's seat, it meant the place which the clergy occupied during the church services. [85] the title-page of the bocabulario states that additions were made to it by claver before sending the work to the press. this friar came to the philippines in 1624, and was assigned to the visayan missions, where he labored until 1639, when he was sent as procurator to madrid and rome; he died at madrid, in 1646. claver wrote several books, the most important being a history of the augustinian province of philipinas, which has been lost. see pérez's catálogo, p. 105, and t. h. pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina, pp. 262, 263. [86] for bibliographical account of mentrida's works, see pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina (washington, 1903), pp. 262, 263. they are as follows: bocabulario de la lengva bisaia hiligvoyna y haraia (manila, 1637), and another edition (manila, 1841); arte de la lengua bisaya hiliguayna (manila, 1818), possibly this was a second edition; and ritual para administrar los santos sacramentos (manila, 1630), reprinted in 1669. pardo de tavera says: "he died in 1637, leaving various works which have since been lost, not having been printed; father agustín maría says that he had an opportunity to see these in panay, about 1770 to 1780." [87] colin says (labor evangélica, pastells' ed., i, p. 31): "for greater convenience in governing it, this island of panay is divided into two jurisdictions: the territory belonging to that of panay is all of the northern coast, from the point of potol to bulacabi; the rest of the island belongs to the jurisdiction of otón, the principal [spanish] post in which, at this time, is at iloílo--a point which projects into the sea on the southern coast, between the two rivers of tigbauan and jaro; and makes, with the island of imaras, a strait half a legua wide and an open harbor." this would make the jurisdiction of fanay correspond to the present province of cápiz; and that of otón to the provinces of antique and iloílo. the boundaries between these present divisions are the rugged mountain chains which fill a great part of the interior of the island, their peaks ranging in height from 3,500 to 7,200 feet; they render traffic between the provinces almost impossible, except as it is carried on by way of the sea. the island of guimarás is 26 1/2 miles long by 12 miles wide, and has important fishing and agricultural industries. [88] one of the most notable names in philippine missionary annals is that of agustín de san pedro (his family name rodriguez), born in portugal in 1599. he was a student in the university of salamanca, but, desiring to enter the religious life, he assumed the habit of a recollect augustinian at valladolid, and made his profession at the age of twenty. three years later, he set out for the philippine mission, and soon after reaching manila was sent to mindanao. there he labored with the indians in the districts of butuan, habongan, linao, cagayan, tandag, and romblon; and accompanied the expedition of atienza ibáñez (1639) to lake malanao. retana and pastells (in their edition of combés's hist. mindanao, col. 725) state that this missionary converted some 10,000 natives to catholicism. more than that, he aided in the defense of his converts, several times fighting at their head against their heathen and piratical enemies; and, having been as a student proficient in mathematics and military science, he constructed forts in the christian villages which enabled them to repel their invaders, and taught the natives the art of fortification. fray agustín died in romblon, in 1653. see accounts of his life and exploits in prov. s. nicolas de tolentino, pp. 290-292; and la concepción's hist. philipinas, v, pp. 362-391 (which will appear in a later volume of this series). [89] this expedition, departing from tandag (on the north-eastern coast of surigao, the easternmost province of mindanao), sailed northwest to the point near the town of surigao, then, passing through the strait of that name, southwest into iligan bay on the north shore of the island. ascending the iligan river (which is the outlet of lake lanao), they reached the lake, after a journey of sixteen and one-half miles. now, as then, the valley of the river and the vicinity of the lake are thickly settled, and the moro inhabitants carry on extensive industries in agriculture and commerce. on the jesuit atlas de filipinas (washington, 1900), map no. 27, appears a village named p. capitan--evidently in memory of the soldier-missionary fray agustín; but no such name is given in the u. s. gazetteer of the islands. [90] marginal note: "this relation has been translated from a spanish manuscript existing in the library of don carlo del pezzo." this relation is unsigned, and undated, but rev. pablo pastells, s.j., said during the course of a conversation with one of the editors, in 1903, that the author was undoubtedly father diego de bobadilla; and in his edition of colin's labor evangélica (barcelona, 1904), he says (iii, p. 798, note): "this father [i.e., father bobadilla] was the author in 1640 of the famous relation which was translated by melquisedec thévenot." [91] see our vols. i and ii for the history of these early expeditions. it will be noticed that the author of the present relation is inaccurate in regard to the date of the voyage of villalobos, and that he omits mention of some of the early voyages. [92] that is "birth follows the womb." [93] see vol. xxii, p. 300, note 61. [94] for this expedition to mindanao by hurtado de corcuera, see previous documents. this reference proves the present relation to have been written in 1640, as the expedition above mentioned occurred in 1637. [95] visayan name (also colocolo, elsewhere) of the fishing gannet (sula piscatrix). delgado says (historia, p. 820) that he had a tame one in his house, which would bring home fish that it had caught, and carry them to the kitchen. [96] french, estang du roy ("the king's pool"); evidently referring to the hot springs near laguna de bay (see vol. xiv, p. 211), and the word roy is probably a misprint for bay. [97] it is chirino who is here (although inexactly) cited; see vol. xii, p. 236. [98] see chirino's account, in vol. xii, p. 241; he says that the art of writing was imparted to the visayans by the tagals. [99] marginal note: "prudish" (melindrosa). [100] that is, "star-thistles"--the common name of a genus (tribulus) of plants, which bears prickly fruits, very injurious to the feet of animals or men. the military instrument called "caltrop" resembles that fruit, from which it may have been evolved; and the appellation tribolo is one of the etymological elements in "caltrop." [101] see the cleveland reissue of the jesuit relations, lxv, p. 131, for a description of head-compression by the north american indians. [102] mt. bulusan, near the center of the province of sorsogón, luzón; at present "almost extinct, but at times emits an abundance of watery vapor and sulphurous fumes" (report of u. s. philippine commission, 1900, iii, p. 149). [103] also called balimbín; the fruit of averrhoa carambola; used for food and sweetmeats, and also has medicinal qualities. see blanco's description, flora, p. 274; and delgado's historia, pp. 505, 506. for note on santor, see vol. xvi, p. 87; on banana (musa), vol. v, p. 169. [104] the corot (dioscorea triphylla) is very common, with leaves one palmo long, and very small flowers. its sap is yellow and very poisonous, and has cleansing power which is utilized to whiten abacá. the root is very large and is eaten cooked by the indians, after having soaked it in the water for three or four days. the ubi is the dioscorea alata, and the plant grows rather high and is widely disseminated. the root is violet in color, and often attains a great size; it is eaten cooked. the best variety is that known as the cebú ubi or ube, which comes from bohol, and which makes a delicious jelly. the ubi and analogous roots must be carefully prepared, or else they prove poisonous. see blanco's flora, and u. s. gazetteer of the philippine islands. delgado (p. 763) enumerates eight varieties of this root. the apari is perhaps the apalia or paria (montordica balsamina), a climbing plant, which bears a fruit which is rather bitter to the taste, and eaten in salads. the juice of its leaves is used instead of soap. the ripe fruit soaked in olive, cocoa, or beneseed oil makes an excellent balsam that is used for medicinal purposes. [105] french, patanes, apparently a misprint for patatas. the camote or sweet potato (convolvulus batatas, linn.; now named batatas edulis) is extensively cultivated in the islands. blanco (flora, p. 69) cites mozo as saying that this plant was carried to the islands from nueva españa; but blanco regards it as indigenous in the philippines. delgado (pp. 766-768) enumerates twenty-nine varieties of camote. [106] the batelan is perhaps the balete; see vol. xii, p. 214, note 56. for note on dabdab, see ibid., p. 215, note 57. [107] apparently a reference to the variety of orange known at the present day as navel oranges. [108] for a treatise on the snakes and poisonous animals of the philippines, see delgado's historia, pp. 889-907. he describes the omodro as the odto (hemibungarus collaris)--from the word meaning "half-day" or "noon," and given to it because the bite proves fatal if given at noon, but at no other time. it is of various colors and very furious at the hour of noon. the saua (python reticulatus) is the largest snake of the islands and is often domesticated, and is not poisonous to man. [109] the dugong (a word corrupted from the malay name duyong); not a fish, but a marine mammal (helicore australis). crawfurd says (dict. indian islands, p. 125) that it is found in the shallow seas of the malayan archipelago, but is not often captured; and that its flesh is greatly superior to that of the green turtle. this creature is one of those from which originated the fable of the mermaids. [110] thevenot has translated the spanish term for franciscans (padres de san francisco or padres franciscanos) into the popular french term cordeliers, so called because of their girdle. similarly he has translated the term for dominicans (padres de san domingo or padres dominicanos) as jacobins, also the popular french appellation, so called from the name of the church of st. jacques, which was given them in paris. see addis and arnold's cath. dict., article "franciscans," p. 356; and chevin's dict. latin-français, p. 353. either thevenot the translator, or the author, omits mention of the convent of the society of jesus, only the four above mentioned being given. [111] the persimmon; see vol. xvi, p. 180. [112] a misprint for sibucao (vol. iii, p. 196; xv, p. 256). [113] there is evidently a play of words in this passage. the french reads mais il se trouua bie loing de ses esperances, & auec vn pied de nez. pied de nez (literally "a foot of nose") is an exact equivalent of the spanish phrase palmo de narices, and the french expression demeurer avec un pied de nez is equivalent to the spanish idiom quedar con un palmo de narices, which signifies "the frustration of one's hopes," or "to be left out in the cold." [114] apparently a corruption of zarpana, the name given by its inhabitants to the island of rota, one of the mariannes or ladrones islands. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxxvii, 1669-1676 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvi contents of volume xxxvii preface 9 miscellaneous documents, 1669-1676 events in filipinas, 1668. [unsigned; francisco de figueroa?]; manila, january 15, 1669 23 the dominicans in the philippines, 1641-69. baltasar de santa cruz, o.p.; 1676. [from his historia.] 64 the augustinians in the philippines, 1641-70. casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; manila, 1718. [from his conquistas.] 149 manila and the philippines about 1650 (to be concluded). domingo fernandez navarrete, o.p.; madrid, 1676. [from his tratados historicos.] 285 bibliographical data 307 illustrations map of the philippine islands, showing province of the order of the hermits of st. augustine; photographic facsimile of engraving in lubin's orbis augustinianus ... ordinis eremitarum sancti augustini (paris, 1639), map 37; from copy in library of congress. 147 plan of manila cathedral prior to 1750; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla. 201 plan of manila cathedral, showing the new structure building in 1754; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla. 205 preface most of this volume is occupied with accounts of the dominican and augustinian missions in the islands during the period 1641-70; they are enabled to maintain fairly flourishing activities by the aid of new reënforcements. these chronicles also contain, as usual, much interesting secular information; the most important occurrences in the secular affairs of the islands are the rise and fall of governor fajardo's favorite venegas, and the arrest of governor diego salcedo by the inquisition (at the instance of auditor bonifaz, who then usurps the government). the latter incident is related in detail by a spanish officer imprisoned by the usurper. a document of especial human interest is a letter (january 15, 1669) written from the dungeons of fort santiago in manila, by an unnamed officer imprisoned therein by the usurping auditor bonifaz. he relates in full the arrest (1668) of governor diego de salcedo by the commissary of the inquisition, the usurpation of the government of the islands by bonifaz, and the imprisonment of himself and other loyalists on suspicion of attempting to rescue the governor from durance. the attitude of the writer is unusual, for at the outset he announces his gratitude and loyalty to his patron, salcedo's predecessor, manrique de lara, then under charges--from which he was later acquitted--in his residencia; and he speaks of salcedo without any blame or resentment, although the governor had deprived him of his military command. this document is freely annotated from another contemporary account, long and diffuse; the two cast much light on political and religious affairs in manila at the time, especially on the possibilities for evil embodied in the inquisition. extracts from santa cruz's historia (zaragoça, 1693) cover the history of the dominican order in the philippines for 1641-69. fray francisco de paula is elected provincial in 1641, at which time the order has barely enough religious to fill its actual ministries--a lack which is afterward supplied as an answer to prayer. the location of the parián is changed, in 1640; and the entire quarter is destroyed by fire, two years later. in 1644 diego de fajardo comes to the islands as governor--under whom they "tasted all sorts of government." the chief events of his term of office are recounted, and the more important transactions of the dominican chapter-sessions of 1647 and 1650. in the former year dies the aged provincial, fray domingo gonçalez; he is succeeded by fray carlos gant. in 1648 a patache reaches the islands in safety, although it has to be burned, immediately after unlading, to save it from the dutch; but those enemies thereupon leave the islands, which they have not since infested. this vessel also brings a reënforcement of thirty dominican religious, which greatly encourages the missionaries; and various ecclesiastical favors and concessions. santa cruz recounts the more important acts of the provincial chapter-session of 1650, and furnishes biographical sketches of many dominican missionaries in the islands. he then proceeds to relate the arrest and death of fajardo's quondam favorite venegas. in 1652 fray pedro de ledo becomes provincial; at this same chapter-session is formally announced the erection of santo tomás college into a university; and the mission of ituy is more fully organized. the savage mountaineers of that region are well described by our author; their conversion is a difficult matter. in 1653 distinguished personages arrive at manila, including governor manrique de lara and archbishop poblete. the dominican chapter enact that every lecturer in their university must know at least one of the native languages. in 1654 attempt is made, but fruitlessly, to send a mission to japan; finally, five missionaries succeed in reaching china, where they labor zealously to convert the heathen. the provincial chosen in 1656 is fray jacinto gali, but he dies soon afterward, while visiting cagayán; his place is taken by fray lucas montanero. on august 20, 1658, occurs an earthquake, itself more severe than that of 1645, but its succeeding shocks being lighter. the dominican convent is badly injured, and the friars with difficulty find lodgings. a large reënforcement of missionaries arrives in this same year. at the chapter-session of 1659, the dominicans refuse to permit their missionaries in china to accept offering of lands, fearing that the chinese may regard them as actuated by selfish motives. at that of 1661, fray felipe pardo (afterward famous as commissary of the inquisition and as archbishop of manila) is elected provincial. two years later, arrangements are made for printing a ritual for use by the missionaries of the order. in the same year (1663) salcedo arrives at manila as governor; his career is briefly reviewed. the provincial elected in 1665 is fray juan de los angeles; and in the following year thirty-nine more dominicans join their brethren in filipinas. the ship which brings them is detained by bad weather on the coast of sámar, where a jesuit missionary shows them all most generous hospitality, refusing any compensation. a letter from the head of the dominican order to morales is reproduced. in 1667 archbishop poblete dies at manila, after fourteen years' service. in that year the intermediary chapter-session is held, at which measures are taken to restrain the members of the order from unauthorized interference with, or censure of, the civil government. two more dominicans arrive from mexico in 1668, and the remarkable escape of one of them, with several other spaniards, from death by shipwreck is related. several friars proceed, amid great difficulties, to the chinese missions. the dominicans are laboring among the zambales, many of whom become christians and settle in mission villages; and they hope that they may soon do the same for the heathen irrayas. an account of the augustinian friars in the philippines for 1641-70 is furnished by casimiro diaz in his conquistas. at the chapter-session of 1641, fray gerónimo de medrano is elected provincial. soon afterward, archbishop guerrero dies; a sketch of his life and character is presented by diaz. three years later, medrano is succeeded by fray alonso carvajal; and diego fajardo comes as governor of the islands, his personal and official character being outlined by our writer. the threats of the dutch, and their conquest of hermosa, fill the spaniards with great anxiety. unfortunately, fajardo is dominated by the influence of a favorite, venegas, to which very ill results are attributed. the peace made with the moros is only temporary; for when they see the spaniards so harried by the dutch they again infest the visayas. the acapulco galleons arrive safely, although the dutch ships lie in wait for them. one of them carries the new archbishop of manila, who dies just before reaching the islands. in 1647 the augustinians choose fray diego de ordás as their provincial. soon afterward, they decide to establish in mexico a hospice for their religious who must halt there on their journey from spain to the philippines. in this same year the dutch finally cease to molest those islands; and in jolo they are, although favored by the natives, unable to dislodge the spaniards. they are also foiled in an attack on zamboanga. an augustinian friar is killed by the negritos, of which people diaz gives an interesting description; this murder is afterward avenged by heaven, all concerned in it becoming lepers. diaz mentions in forcible terms the unhappiness, suffering, and terror caused in manila by the harsh measures of fajardo's favorite. another great misfortune is the loss of the galleon "encarnación," which brings ruin to many citizens of manila. in 1650, medrano is elected provincial of his order for the third time. with much difficulty, the augustinians finally succeed in despatching a procurator to spain to obtain a reënforcement of missionaries. diaz relates the events of 1651-52, mainly including the harsh and illegal acts of fajardo's favorite, venegas, and the latter's downfall--this being brought about by the courage of the augustinian provincial medrano, who makes complaint of venegas to the governor. in 1653, fray andrés de verdugo is elected provincial; and the new governor, manrique de lara, arrives, with archbishop poblete, and bishops for all the three suffragan sees. fajardo is sent to spain, but dies on the voyage; his favorite venegas dies in prison, and all his property is confiscated. the new governor and archbishop do all in their power to remedy the sad condition in which they find manila. the latter, however, attempts to enforce the right of episcopal visitation of the friars in charge of parishes, whereupon those posts are abandoned by the religious orders. the matter is referred to the audiencia, who enjoin the archbishop to suspend the visitation in such cases until the council of the indias can take action on the question; that council did not support his claims. diaz discusses quite fully the subject of such visitation, largely from the practical standpoint; he argues that the system in vogue in nueva españa cannot be properly applied in filipinas, where conditions are so different. poblete devotes his energies to rebuilding the cathedral, which had been ruined in the earthquake of 1645; but many obstacles hinder its completion, and it is not dedicated until 1671. in 1654 a reënforcement of augustinian missionaries arrives, who are greatly needed in the province. brief notices of these are presented; all of them are natives of nueva españa. diaz relates the oppression of the natives in the building of ships for manila, which has been the cause of several past insurrections; the loss of some galleons by shipwreck is considered by many a judgment from heaven on the cruelties practiced on the natives in building those vessels. in 1656, alonso quijano is elected provincial; during his term, many members of his province die, and its burdens are very heavy. ordás is again elected provincial in 1659. diaz relates the great losses of the philippine people during manrique de lara's term, mainly by shipwrecks, which bury men, money, and ships. insurrections of the natives occur, which are quieted, but at much loss and cost. in 1662 fray alonso coronel is elected provincial; especial attention is given by the augustinians to their missions in northern luzón. the galleon sent out that year reaches acapulco in safety; this gives opportunity for the new governor salcedo and an augustinian mission, who have been waiting long in mexico for a ship, to pass over to filipinas. a recollect mission also arrives in the same expedition. compelled by storms to land on the coast of cagayán, they all make their way overland to manila, experiencing great hardships. diaz presents brief notices of all the new missionaries of his order, and relates the more important events in the early years of salcedo's term of office. dissensions arise between the two new auditors, which later result in disaster to the whole community. manrique de lara is sent back to spain, and exonerated from the charges made in his residencia. salcedo accomplishes much in shipbuilding and the extension of commerce. fray alonso quijano is reëlected provincial of the augustinians in 1665; that chapter again refuses the governor's demand for lists of its priests who act as curas, the dominicans also declining to furnish such information. in that same year the augustinians begin a mission to the apayaos, in charge of the fervent fray benito de mena; he succeeds after many labors and hardships, in establishing three villages of these converts. salcedo determines "to undertake some conquest that would result to the honor of god and extend the spanish government;" the council that he summons for advice on this point agree (both military officers and superiors of religious orders) that the most promising enterprise of this sort is the conquest of the igorot tribes in northern luzón. diaz gives a brief sketch of these peoples, and relates their conquest by a spanish expedition (1668), and the subsequent conversion of many heathen there by augustinian missionaries. salcedo causes a galleon to be built at albay, the largest and best yet made in these islands. diaz complains of the practice of sending criminals from mexico to filipinas. in 1667, the first mission to the marianas islands sets out; it is composed of jesuits, under the leadership of sanvitores, later famous for his martyrdom in those islands. the provincial elected by the augustinians in 1668 is fray dionisio suárez, characterized later by our writer as being "more angel than man." the number of missionaries in the order is far too small for its needs (a lack shared also by the other orders), and they are rejoiced when a reënforcement of seventeen religious arrive in that same year at manila. certain shipwrecked people from some remote and unknown island are driven at that time on the shores of capul island; and some spaniards are drowned while trying to cross the embocadero. salcedo governs five years, incurring great enmities among prominent persons in the community, which end in his arrest by the inquisition, and a harsh imprisonment until his death. diaz, who often visited salcedo while in durance, gives an interesting sketch of him, and praises his pious resignation and patience in affliction; but he carefully refrains from further comment on the events connected with salcedo's arrest, or the persons engaged in it. diaz mentions very briefly the assumption of gubernatorial authority by the auditor bonifaz (whom he commends as discreet and disinterested), and some of his notable acts during his brief rule. at one time, he nearly loses his life by a musket-ball, whether fired intentionally or not is uncertain. salcedo is twice embarked for nueva españa, but is driven back by storms on the first voyage, and dies while on the second. in 1669 arrives the new governor, don manuel de león. his government is praised, as establishing in the islands peace and plenty; commerce flourishes, and there are no wars or revolts. with león also arrive thirty-two new laborers for the augustinian missions, a welcome addition to their forces. the usurper bonifaz takes refuge in the franciscan convent, where he remains until his death. the council of the indias pronounces sentence against him, and renders decision in favor of the auditor coloma. in the spring of 1670 occurs a religious function which had been long in disuse, the publication in the cathedral of manila of the edicts of the inquisition; this is accompanied by processions and various ceremonies. the augustinian province is enabled to conduct its labors much more satisfactorily, and with greater results, by the aid of its new missionaries. a rambling, gossipy account of manila and the philippines in the middle of the seventeenth century, with much entertaining information regarding persons and events therein, is furnished by the dominican friar domingo f. navarrete, in his tratados historicos (madrid, 1676); it is from relations of this sort, and on account of these characteristics, that the student gains additional and valuable side-lights on the history of any time or country. the tratados is mainly devoted to the empire of china, where its author was a missionary during 1658-69; we present here (in both translation and synopsis) such part as relates to his stay in the philippines (1648-53). navarrete describes the journey thither, in picturesque and lively fashion. acapulco has "an infernal climate." the missionaries are obliged to make the journey from lampon to manila by land, a trip full of hardship and danger; but they are delighted with the beauty of pasig river, adorned with palaces, gardens, and villages. at the time, the islands are governed by diego fajardo, who "had great gifts for government, for he had a horror of money and of women." navarrete censures corcuera for many things, among them the impositions levied on the natives, which he describes in full; these occasion so much oppression and extortion that the indians flee from the islands, or refuse to sow their fields. he mentions various instances of this oppression. in rambling and discursive fashion he relates the leading characteristics of the natives, the occupations of the missionaries, the changes in official circles, etc. this document will be concluded in vol. xxxviii. the editors march, 1906. miscellaneous documents, 1669-1676 events in filipinas. [unsigned; francisco de figueroa?]; january 15, 1669. the dominicans in the philippines, 1641-69. baltasar de santa cruz, o.p.; 1676. [from his historia.] the augustinians in the philippines, 1641-70. casimiro diaz, o.s.a.; 1718. [from his conquistas.] manila and the philippines about 1650 (to be concluded). domingo fernandez navarrete, o.p.; 1676. [from his tratados historicos.] sources: the first of these documents is obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), ii, pp. 643-692. the second, from santa cruz's historia del sant. rosario (zaragoça, 1693), pp. 44 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. the third, from diaz's conquistas (manila, 1890), pp. 444 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of james a. robertson. the fourth, from navarrete's tratados historicos (madrid, 1676), pp. 299-332; from a copy in the library of congress; this document will be concluded in vol. xxxviii. translations: the first document is translated by emma helen blair; the remainder, by james a. robertson. events in filipinas, 1668 copy of a letter written by a citizen of manila to another at the court in madrid it is notorious among all the people of these islands that don diego salcedo, [1] as soon as he took possession of their government, deprived me of the command that i held as captain-general of the artillery therein--without any further reason than that i was a follower of don sabiniano manrrique de lara, his predecessor. the latter governed these islands with ability as his works show--bestowing honors with liberal hand on all the citizens of this state; and rewarding all whose standing and services deserved it, and even many more. how little gratitude he received for these favors may be learned from his own confession and statement. he suffered much in the residencia which he furnished of his government; although he deserved to leave it with laurels, he experienced intolerable severities inflicted by those whom he had most benefited. don diego was not content with depriving me of my command, but desired to inflict further injury upon me, and one which would result in more annoyance to don sabiniano manrrique de lara--to whom i owe what i am; and i have striven to repay, to some extent, by personal service the much that i owed him by attending to the business matters that came up in his residencia, and providing an outfit of stores for his voyage. in order, therefore, to remove me from don sabiniano's side, don diego commanded me to go with some infantry to protect the coast of the province of tayabas; he said that he had news that the armed fleets of borney and mindanao were roaming about infesting the villages of the island of mindoro, and that they comprised 170 vessels. his object, as above stated, was evident in the scanty equipment of men and supplies that was furnished to me. i remained there until don sabiniano entreated that i might be withdrawn [from that post], since the time of his embarkation for nueva españa was very near, and he desired to settle with me some matters relating to his outfit, as his lordship could not do this with any one else. but my permission [to retire] came so late that when i arrived in this city don sabiniano was already at the port of cavite to go on shipboard; and i had only five days in which to aid his lordship, when the ship set sail. i bring forward all this in order to show that i am not governed by prejudice. now, stating the case, i declare that on october 9 of this present year at one o'clock at night the palace was entered by the father commissary of the holy office, fray jose paternina, with the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, general sebastian rayo and don nicolas de pamplona, sargento-mayor diego de morales, and captains don gonzalo samaniego (a nephew of the commissary) and don juan de vargas--both citizens who hold that office in this royal camp, each commanding a company; also don juan de robles, and three or four others. twenty other men remained in various offices of the palace, and eighteen or twenty friars of st. francis all armed. these visitors seized don diego immediately placing on him a pair of fetters; he was in his shirt just as he was sleeping, and without giving him time to put on his white drawers they thrust his lordship into a hammock, and carried him a prisoner to the convent of san francisco. there they shut him within a cell with soldiers as guards to secure his person. the company who were on guard in the palace, on hearing the noise, were ready to spring to their arms; but the master-of-camp--who was don agustin de zepeda, whom i have already mentioned, went to make the guard-room safe, and gave orders that no one should stir, because the inquisition had been performing its duty. by morning the news of this unheard-of occurrence had spread around; and by the time the city gates were opened the people were in amazement, which could only be understood by one who should know by experience the greatness and power of a governor of these islands. i was alcalde-mayor of the province of tondo, and it gave me no little anxiety to notice the mutterings of the indians who seemed to be rising out of a deep lethargy. [as for the question] whether the holy office could act without the coöperation of the supreme authority here, since [the governor is] a personage who represents in these islands the royal person, there is not a learned person in the two religious orders of st. dominic and the society who will not answer it in the negative. and as the loyal vassal has no greater obligation than to obey the commands of his king and natural lord, and in regard to the faith, that which is taught by our mother the roman catholic church, without [giving it] any other interpretation than that given by the holy doctors of the church, i know not what to say, since i will not withdraw from this or retract one jot. the disputes which don diego, when he came from nueva españa to govern these islands, had with the father commissary fray jose paternina over some differences and grievances were public and notorious; and those whom the father commissary carried with him [for this arrest] were nearly all enemies of don diego. it is not a rash assumption by those who are more inclined to reflect that this affair was thus hurried through more through passion than through virtuous zeal. i base my opinion on the following reasons, not to mention many others which i reserve for their proper time, as i have not leisure at present for writing more at length--submitting myself to the correction of the holy office; for i am, and am proud of being, a christian catholic and a descendant of the catholic knights. the first, as i said, was that the father commissary was at outs with his lordship on account of disputes between them during the voyage. moreover, the father commissary was poor and his provincial, father fray alonso quijano, had not provided him with any post as prior in his order, and had not treated the commissary as the latter wished. then too, the governor had given no office to captain don gonzalo samaniego, the commissary's nephew--whom his uncle the commissary so valued, and so endeavored to provide for; and, although the nephew was appointed a captain in this royal camp, he was not captain of any company on account of the scarcity of men, since the reënforcements sent by the viceroy of nueva españa to his lordship were very limited. the master-of-camp was a declared enemy, because a few months before don diego had arrested him and placed him in the castle of santiago at the port of cavite, and brought suit against him--from which he afterward came out free. [the same is true of] general sebastian rayo for the following reason: that during the five years while don diego was governor don sebastian was twice arrested--once by order of don francisco coloma, former judge of the residencia of don sabiniano, on account of matters pertaining to the said residencia; and because on corpus christi day, when it was celebrated this year, he refused to allow the captain of the guard, don juan de ezquerra, to walk in the place belonging to the alcaldes. [general sebastian rayo], not wishing the captain of the guard to retire from his place accompanying the procession, turned toward his lordship, and in a loud voice said to the [officials of] the city of manila, "only his majesty and those who represent his royal person can settle this matter, and no one else can do so with proper zeal." his lordship was displeased at the manner in which he spoke to him in so public a place, while walking in the group of the audiencia with the honorable auditors, and regarded his speech as disrespectful. when the procession was ended, the governor ordered the general to be arrested and placed in the castle at the port of cavite, bringing suit against him. during this interval, the said general rayo was at the point of death; for he was in distress from the dampness of that locality and the disease of beri-beri from which he suffered. at his petition the governor removed the general to the city, so that he might stay in his house as a prisoner, until the conclusion of his suit; but the imprisonment of his lordship occurred before that time. captain don nicolas de pamplona, the second alcalde, also bore a grudge against his lordship--partly on account of the said imprisonment of the master-of-camp, don agustin de cepeda, his brother-in-law; and partly because his lordship had imprisoned him also, because complaint had been made to his lordship by father fray pedro bautista, former provincial of the order of st. francis, that the said captain while alcalde-mayor of the province of bulacan had levied a repartimiento of indians to cut timber for building his house in the city. sargento-mayor diego de morales was also resentful because his lordship sent him to the province of cagayan for military service, and it is not long since he was recalled thence. the provincial of st. francis, fray francisco solier, was a man of very little discretion although virtuous; and the [franciscan] guardian, fray mateo de la asuncion (who was quite uneducated) came two years ago with a shipment of forty religious of his order. the other fathers, his subordinates, did not conceal their anger against his lordship for having commanded them to take out of the ship that sailed this year for nueva españa the custodio [2] whom they were sending thither; they did not consider the grants that his lordship had made to their order--at one time giving them 5,000 pesos by means of which they were able to complete their church, which had a representation of paradise. they talked so indiscreetly about the governor that many persons were afraid to hear them. similar things could be said of the rest who were present at the seizure of his lordship. having arrested the governor, that very night the father commissary wrote a letter to the auditors, who had met in a session of audiencia, informing them of the imprisonment of the governor and demanding that they open his majesty's decrees, in order to carry out the royal will--since his majesty commands that in an emergency when there is lack of a governor, either through death or for other reasonable cause, the royal audiencia shall govern in civil affairs, and the senior auditor in military matters. don francisco coloma undertook to assume the military government as the senior auditor in the court; but this was opposed by don francisco mansilla, who claimed that he was the senior because he took the oath one week before señor coloma did so. he said that although afterward he allowed señor coloma to take precedence, it was through his fear of the governor, don diego de salcedo--because the latter came from españa on very intimate terms with señor coloma, and his lordship desired señor coloma to take precedence and never surrender his rank as senior. señor coloma alleged the fact that he was in possession, and other arguments, and nothing was settled; and as the desire and the ambition to command were shared alike by all, the cunning of don juan manuel de la peña bonifaz [3] was employed for his appointment as judge of the controversy. this he soon obtained, [the others] thinking that he would quickly settle the difficulty. he said that he had no notes of the acts which had been issued regarding this case, and, that he might come to a clearer understanding, these should be handed over to him; and stated that in a few days he would announce his decision regarding the difference in priority. all agreed to this; but immediately another and more important question arose--who was to hold the [disputed] authority in the interval while don juan manuel was deciding the question of seniority? the latter, as one who was sagacious, finding himself now the umpire of the dispute, told señor coloma that his position would be aided by depositing the authority in his hands [i.e., don juan's]; and he said the same to señor mansilla. as each one of the claimants desired to propitiate don juan in behalf of his respective claims, both agreed that the authority should be deposited in his hands--not heeding the numberless difficulties that might result from this, as was actually the case. for, finding that he possessed the military command, he began his schemes that very morning--paying compliments to the officers and displaying great kindness to the soldiers, pitying them for their many privations. then, taking the money of governor don diego de salcedo which had been seized, [4] on that very day, the night after don diego's arrest, don juan ordered the signal to be given for calling the soldiers together, and paid the infantry their arrears of wages. all, delighted with the money then received and the greater amounts that they expected afterward, rendered thanks to the possessor, or rather usurper of the new post of command; for it has ever been that novelty is applauded by the common crowd. the two claimants continued their efforts to assert their rights; but, without hearing them or waiting for anything more, the new commander issued an act after consulting two advocates, the licentiates don eugenio gutierrez de mendoza and don juan de rosales, [5] without consulting or even noticing the fiscal of his majesty, whom by right this matter concerned--for as the parties had a year or two before referred the decision regarding this seniority to the royal council, his majesty [alone] could not settle this point; and accordingly until the royal and supreme council should render their decision, the [disputed] authority must remain ad interim in his gift. don juan ordered tomas de palenzuela y zurbaran, a notary-public and his confidant, to proceed to notify the parties and the fiscal. señor coloma, for reasons and motives of his own, consented to the act; señor mansilla replied that he had arguments to bring forward, and the same reply was given on the part of the treasury. during this interval the self-appointed governor made every effort to transfer his sway to the palace; and by the advice and opinion on this damnable intention given by his two confidants--don francisco de figueroa, a crafty man of a perverse disposition; in conjunction with the turbulent nature of his second confidant, the notary zurbaran--he, chosen by himself, commanded the companies of the soldiery to march, and with a squadron of horse took possession [of the palace]. the people were amazed, not knowing what to do at sight of so monstrous an act; and he who was most ambitious was most silent at seeing the new and hasty introduction of the auditor don juan manuel [into the government]--astonished that this man (although he was the most recent of the auditors, and his majesty commands that in case of the governor's death or other emergency, the senior auditor should direct military affairs), although excluded by the said decree, could usurp the government by the power which he had in a few hours obtained. from that time the minds of some persons were continually inflamed with anger, although it was dissimulated on account of the distrust which very properly prevailed toward him; but i will leave this for a later account. don juan manuel continued his rule apparently in peace, although many persons were greatly irritated at his conduct; but, as conscience pricked him, he lived in fear and with more anxiety than was necessary, for the companies of soldiers were all stationed near the palace where he now lived as the superior who had gained entrance therein. [6] a very few days later, the gentlemen of the royal audiencia with the fiscal of his majesty went at day-break to take refuge in the house of the society of jesus in this city--availing themselves of the sacred house for the greater peace and quiet of the community. there, seating themselves in a suitable apartment, they held a session [of the audiencia]; and for this purpose had made arrangements to carry with them the small seal which the chancellor, don tomas de castro, had procured. from that place the audiencia summoned the city [council], who immediately went thither in obedience to this call--the two alcaldes and the regidors--as also did the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp of the garrison. this being learned by the usurper--because not all went, as would doubtless happen--he immediately commanded that the soldiers be assembled; and he issued a proclamation that all under penalty of death and being considered traitors to his majesty, should resort to the palace where he was, and not to the house of the society of jesus where the auditors were. this was promptly obeyed, because don juan was found to be the commander of the troops. herein the people did not sin through evil intentions, for they are very loyal to his majesty, but through ignorance, not knowing whom they ought to obey, or what was most to his majesty's service; and as they heard proclamations summoning them all to the palace, under penalty of incurring treason to the king, they quickly obeyed. the usurper being hindered by warlike preparations, the gentlemen [of the audiencia] occupied themselves in issuing orders addressed to all persons of high standing and to the military officers, [7] that they should immediately, under penalty of being considered traitors to his majesty, proceed to the house of the society of jesus. when the usurper learned this, he forestalled their intentions by sending a large body of infantry, who completely surrounded the college on the outside--with the strictest orders that they should not allow any person to enter it of any class whatever, nor would he even allow their ordinary provisions to be carried in--using sophistical arguments to assure the common people that no one was required by obedience to go there, for the meeting of the auditors was of no account since they did not hold it in the accustomed place and hall. in order to prevent disturbances, the auditors desiring peace and general tranquillity issued a royal decree in order that the usurper might become obedient [to their authority]. therein they stated that as don francisco de montemayor y mansilla had surrendered the right of seniority that he claimed, the authority of captain-general had in the name of his majesty been handed over, and its possession given to don francisco coloma for the government of military affairs, in fulfilment of the royal will. [8] the delivery of this royal decree into the hands of the usurper was entrusted to the zeal of the society of jesus, which always has been steadfast in the royal service; for no layman dared do this, seeing him so carried away by the desire to rule and in possession of the military force. some of those fathers went to the palace (father geronimo de ortega, lecturer in theology, bearing the decree) and gave themselves into the power of the usurper--who, ignorant of their mission, at once received them; he answered the fathers with insolence, using offensive language toward them. the speaker [i.e., father ortega] explained to him that the colleges of the society always stood and would stand with open doors to receive the king our sovereign, for its members are his loyal vassals; for that reason the religious while awaiting the decision of the usurper, patiently endured not only the epithets cast at them by the ignorant rabble, calling them "traitors" and "rebels," but also the language of even fray francisco solier who spoke to them very rudely. there were also other annoyances which i must omit, and which should be imputed to fray francisco and his guardian and to the commissary of the holy office; for although each one of these ought to have been attending to his duty, ambition kept them all three at the palace, which they did not leave for a moment. the usurper, carefully seeking arguments for a reply to the auditors in order to justify his purpose--and on one side being stimulated by conscience to the blind obedience which he ought, as a vassal of his majesty, to give to the royal decree; and on the other, being dominated by self-love and the ambition to gain power and riches, which distracted his mind--tried to obtain from some of his mercenary confidants those arguments which were best suited to his desires, as among those who surrounded him there were not lacking some in whom depraved purposes had the ascendant. don juan preferred the advice of his special confidant, don francisco de figueroa, who counseled the usurper to notify the people that the royal audiencia which was at the house of the society because the auditors had gone there to organize it, had sent to the palace to summon him under penalty of treason to his majesty if he did not at once render obedience; that accordingly all should consider whether or not it was expedient for him to go. [he advised him], as is proper in a community, to go about but a little while waiting for those persons of highest station who form its head. figueroa showed his cunning by notifying some of his intimates to reply (as they actually did) that it was not expedient for the usurper to go to the society's house; but that the auditors should come to hold their sessions in their customary and proper place, the hall [of the audiencia], and that then he was under obligations to obey [the summons]. thereupon the rest agreed with this opinion of the first speaker; and, in order to justify his evil conduct and impute it to the people, he caused them all to assemble together--although some recognizing the mistake avoided this by going out without being noticed, being overlooked among those who were discussing the affair; and with the above decision they sent away the religious. the usurper tried in various ways to break up the assembly of the auditors and the city officials, who were at the society's house. the first was a plan to beguile with promises captain don nicolas de pamplona, one of the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, to induce him to leave the house; and this succeeded, on account of his lack of sense. for, carried away by those promises, he asked the auditors' permission to go to his house and visit his wife--who, as they informed him, was in the pains of childbirth--protesting that he would return; but as soon as he went out, he went to see the usurper, who ordered him not to go back under penalty of being a traitor to his majesty--without heeding that don nicolas was an alcalde-in-ordinary and could not be subordinated to him, even if he were legitimately the military governor, but only to the auditors, who directed the civil government. it was not so easy to persuade his companion, general sebastian rayo, who, as a man of ability in these matters, knew that the royal person resided in his court and not in the usurper. the latter, in order to trample on any opposition to his plans, committed the greatest iniquity than man's imagination can conceive; this was to avail himself of his intimate friend the commissary of the holy office, to take general rayo under pretext of [a requisition from] the inquisition from the society's house. the commissary, carried away by his own personal aims and his ignorance and taking advantage of the peace and quiet prevailing among the people (which, he hinted, was [the result of] his own religious zeal), gave orders, as commissary of the holy tribunal, to don geronimo de leiva, commissary in the province of ylocos, and to captain don luis de monrroy, notary of the holy office, to go with their badges displayed and in behalf of the inquisition. they summoned the said alcalde, sebastian rayo, who as a catholic christian immediately obeyed--much to his cost; for the usurper, annoyed that he had to employ the holy tribunal in order to secure the general, availed himself of the suit that don diego de salcedo had brought against him, and kept him a long time prisoner in his house under the guard of soldiers. the city council being thus broken up, the royal court still remained entire, which gave the usurper no little anxiety in plotting the means most suitable for securing the object of his longing. for this purpose he sent a message to the auditors that they must within a very limited time hold their sessions at the palace, under penalty of death if they did not obey, since they were causing disturbances and were violating the peace; and he declared that he would aim the artillery at the college of the fathers. in these and other unheard-of evil acts the usurper and his counselors continued; and the auditors went on issuing writs to the more prominent citizens commanding that they should, under penalties of death and being considered traitors to his majesty, render obedience to the auditors, since the royal person resided only in his court. these efforts were useless, for the guards posted by the usurper permitted no person to leave or enter the house; but the auditors spent two days and a night in these occupations without descending from their tribunal for a moment--with courage enough to render up their souls in the service of his catholic majesty. the usurper was surprised to see his designs frustrated, and, knowing the great love that don francisco de coloma had for his wife, made arrangements, availing himself of the cunning and subtlety of his counselor general don francisco de figueroa, that the latter should go in company with general francisco garcia del fresno in his name to talk with the wife of señor coloma, giving her to understand that if the auditors did not depart [from the society's house] within the limit of three hours, he had already resolved to end the affair in blood. the unhappy lady, as soon as she heard this decision from the envoys, entered her sedan-chair and went to the society's church; she sent some one to call her husband, and they remained alone in conversation. the result of this meeting was, that don francisco without being seen by any one entered his wife's chair, leaving her in the church, and went to his own house. thus the wickedness of general figueroa, the usurper's counselor, succeeded in breaking up the royal court, since the only persons remaining were señor mansilla and his majesty's fiscal. that the usurper might better take vengeance on don francisco de mansilla y montemayor, he assured him through the agency of the father vicar-provincial fray diego de san roman, and the schoolmaster fray juan de paz (who were shining lights in the dominican order), that señor de mansilla and the fiscal could go with all safety to their own houses, and that he would do them no injury; consequently they began to feel relief from the extreme hardship that they had suffered. on the next day the auditors were unable on account of their fatigue to repair to the audiencia; and immediately, on that same night, [the usurper] ordered the arrest of don francisco de mansilla by the soldiers, placing him in the castle at the port of cavite. he ordered the guards under severe penalties not to allow señor mansilla to speak to any person, and this lasted many days. at the entreaties of the superiors of the religious orders he was allowed to receive communion, but not to leave the castle--where i will leave him, in order to continue with other things that were happening. the tyrant had obtained his greatest desire, and terrified [any who might oppose him] with the example of señor coloma. the usurper proceeded with his rule, rewarding most those who most deserved punishment for their enormous crimes. he appointed persons to offices giving the chief and best one, which was that of calamianes, with the title of sargento-mayor of the fleet of yloilo to captain don gonzalo samaniego, the only nephew of his best friend, the commissary of the holy office--who also recommended those who showed themselves most prominent in the arrest of don diego de salcedo. this the tyrant readily and gladly followed, giving the charge of the sangleys' parian to captain diego de palencia, and honoring with new appointments as admirals captain don juan robles y cortes and captain don juan de vargas machuca; and he rewarded not only the others who assisted in the said imprisonment, but those who most aided the usurper for their own private advantage. as the usurper was supplied with a large quantity of money--that which he had seized from don diego, and the situado [9] which had just arrived from nueva españa--he undertook to be generous at the cost of his majesty in order to conciliate others, issuing money-orders and making payments at his pleasure. accordingly, the first business which he despatched was to issue a warrant to himself, not only for what the king owed him, but, as that was not sufficient for him, [he added] several thousands more on account of what would yet be due for his official services; [10] and for his son, a boy of eight or nine years, who held a military office--which, as it was needless, don diego would have abolished--he ordered the certification and payment of the entire amount. to satisfy those whose support was important to him and to justify himself to the people, he ordered that all the arrears [of pay] which the royal treasury was owing to the auditors be paid in full; and afterward [only] what he allowed was paid to them. nor was anything paid to such persons as were not concerned with the arrest of don diego, or at least [approved] his detention in prison. as so much property had been seized from don diego, [11] especially in jewels and gold, there was occasion for temptation to the most upright man when the inventories were made; and, after it was placed in the royal treasury, for cunning schemes to acquire many ducados with this wealth. [12] the first scheme, which was adroitly planned by the usurper's confidant general figueroa, was that all the gold which had been seized should be sold--alleging the pretext that if it were kept for a later time it would depreciate in value, and his majesty would incur great loss; for at this time, as the foreign ships were here which came to procure gold, it had [a greater] value. without any one's understanding the matter, all the gold whether wrought or not was sold at auction to the said general figueroa at the rate of fourteen pesos a tael (which is a weight of ten silver reals) for the wrought gold, and thirteen pesos a tael for the unwrought; but he had previously bargained with the foreigners to take all the gold, at seventeen pesos a tael for the wrought and fifteen for the unwrought. [this was done] so that the usurper might divide up the surplus with a profit of more than 14,000 pesos, the proceeds on the quantity of six thousand taels (counting wrought and unwrought) which was placed in the royal treasury. as i remonstrated that this baseness had been committed against god and the king, they were fearful and reopened the auction on the following day, saying that the usurper was unwilling that all the gold should be sold to one man only--as if it would be difficult for craft to arrange that the gold should be divided up among ten or twenty persons, all tending toward the same end, that of their selfishness and greed. recognizing their object, i alleged that--granted that their intention is that all the gold should not be sold to one citizen only, for which reason the sale of the preceding day was annulled--after i asked the price of the gold, i desired to obtain 1,000 taels of the unwrought gold, offering on the spot fourteen pesos a tael for the said gold, and saying that, if i were allowed to carry away all the unwrought gold at that price, i would take it. they showed surprise and were annoyed at me, but finally concluded the sale at the said price of fourteen pesos. only some 1,400 [taels] were sold, leaving the rest for other auctions; and it was not certain, [to judge] by those that afterward were held, whether all the remainder of the gold was sold at the same price of fourteen pesos; for some lots were knocked down at thirteen pesos. for these and other evil acts fortune supplied the usurper, for a notary with the man who has the worst reputation and most malicious designs of any in these islands, named tomas de palenzuela y zurbaran, who is well known to everyone. the usurper prepares his documents and despatches with this man only, in whom he has great confidence and by whom due form is given to his unjust and illegal acts. further, the fiscal of his majesty has demanded by repeated letters, that [the gold] be not sold; but he has never answered these or numberless other letters which the said fiscal has written regarding the imprisonment of don francisco de mansilla, and on various other matters which he has demanded (as he is continually doing). and as the fiscal was ill, the usurper appointed licentiate antonio quijano, an advocate in this royal audiencia, that he might be present, as he has been on behalf of the fiscal, at the auction sales which have been made of the goods of don diego. the religious orders persisted in asking for the release of the auditor don francisco de mansilla, as also did many influential persons; but they did not succeed. they caused the usurper, however, much sorrow at seeing that the auditor had so much popularity, while his own tyrannical disposition desired that all the citizens should countenance his iniquitous conduct in the unjust imprisonment of the auditor--which his own fears had accomplished, since the session of the royal audiencia could not be held without señor mansilla; for no one was left except señor coloma, and he could not constitute the audiencia alone and without another auditor. it is clear that his ambition craved adulation of his evil act, for tyranny always experiences profound fears and suspicions, which conscience stimulates. to palliate his wicked conduct toward the innocence of señor mansilla, he schemed to bring suit against him for trafficking in barter and merchandise--although the poor gentleman never intended or even imagined engaging in that pursuit--bringing forward witnesses according to his own liking. among those who were sworn was one who was the most malicious intimate of general don francisco de figueroa; and he testified before the above-mentioned notary, tomas de palenzuela y zurbaran, the declared enemy of the imprisoned auditor. it was a divine providence that señor mansilla was not accused of an infamous crime, for that would have gone through very easily. the usurper became tired of the said letters from the fiscal of his majesty, who, sick as he was and is, in order not to fail in the obligations of his office, was continually at work at the evident risk of his health in requiring the information that was due him--although without any result; for, as i said, they now did not answer his letters, and their only care was to find some way of exiling him, declaring that he was a disturber of the peace. indeed, i think that no long time will elapse without his being suspended from the exercise of the office that was conferred upon him by his majesty; and the cause of that will be [the usurper's] wicked intentions. the tyrant knew well that among so many there could not fail to be some loyal hearts who, as they could not for lack of power check his insolent acts, did not openly express their desire to avail themselves of whatever opportunity time might present to distinguish themselves in the service of both majesties; and even if they could not do so with deeds, at least they would write to his majesty giving him an account of all that had happened, so that the prompt remedy that so difficult affairs as these require might be applied, and the islands not be exposed to destruction. although these islands are in the view of so many nations, nothing of what i have related leaked out, so deep was his mistrust; for he took precautions by detaining here the ships from all the neighboring kingdoms without permitting one of them to depart until the middle of january--at which time no one could reach the english and dutch ships, which sail every year from batavia and ba[n]tan for europa in the middle of december--in order to hold this government for a longer time (of which we who are loyal desire [to give] information) instructed by his confidant, the traitor general figueroa. the losses and expenses which he caused to the ambassadors of kings, the owners of private ships, by this detention cannot be estimated; nor can i relate the complaints which all uttered regarding this unexpected action. for the greater suffering and punishment of the community, the demon kept the usurper so blind that he concluded that he could with money perpetuate himself in the government. accordingly he opened the door for greed by means of his chaplain, who is an outcast carmelite from mexico. this man, on account of serious disturbances which he caused in his province and the murder of their provincial by some of his associates, with another man of his faction was, with them, banished to these regions, their sacred habits being taken from them. as soon as this man arrived at these islands, the tyrant, who was then an auditor, sheltered him in his house; his name is don gabriel coronel; and the agreements in lawsuits and the gifts of all the traders are settled with him. [complaint was made by] the ambassador of the king of siam and his factor--who came to take care of the goods which he carried on account of his king, in order to dispose of them profitably in this city--and another moro, a citizen of the said kingdom, named juan guaroni, who came with the ambassador as administrator of the property which the ruler of the said kingdom had surrendered to don diego de salcedo. it was demanded from him for purchase, [and comprised] thirty-two cates and nine onzas of musk; thirty-two onzas of ambergris; ten bezoar stones, and one of porcupine; six pieces of sarasas; [13] six [word omitted?] of cocoanuts; and eight pieces of chintz--altogether worth 3,500 pesos, for which they had not been paid. for, a few days before the imprisonment of don diego, these goods had been handed over, and the contract had not even been solemnized; and then, as the said arrest occurred, they proceeded to the presence of the commissary of the holy office asking that the said goods be returned to them or else that they receive satisfaction for their just value. he commanded that a copy [of this demand] be given to the party [concerned], who immediately acknowledged the entire amount; besides, they proved by a great number of sworn witnesses that the said goods had been handed over to don diego, and no payment had been made for them. the affair being so thoroughly verified--as will appear by the said acts, to which i refer--the said commissary refused to give any orders until the ambassador and the others understood the road [to be taken] and availed themselves of the expelled carmelite, the usurper's chaplain; and an agreement was reached with him, and they purchased justice for seven hundred pesos--five hundred pesos for the usurper, and the remaining two hundred for his intimate friend, the commissary of the holy office. they handed over the silver by the hands of the said don juan guaroni, the said ambassador and all being scandalized at seeing persons of so high position committing so shameless acts--especially the commissary. as a proof of his lack of sense, he went out one day through the public streets with his badge exposed, hanging from a bunch of little gold chains; and during a period of more than two months continuously all the officials of the holy tribunal went about wearing their badges displayed, to the offense and general dread of all the people. as for the condition in which these islands are, i leave it to the most moderate person to consider [what it must be] when they are governed by an usurper--[and that] through his chaplain, a man expelled from a religious order so austere as is that of the carmelites of the city of mexico; he is also a friend of father paternina, a revengeful man, who for his own private purposes accused, by writing, before his provincial a religious of his own province named fray cristobal de leon, a native of monforte de lemos. [this fray cristobal] had attained in his order all the most honorable positions save that of provincial; [but father paternina accused him] of practicing usury and being a jew, [pursuing him] with such persistency and hatred that he did not halt until he had caused fray cristobal's death by a rigorous imprisonment. for this religious, in view of the unjust treatment inflicted on him, taxed the said commissary with being disqualified for being his own relator, [14] since he had been a galley-slave sentenced by the general of his order at the convent of burgos. witnesses were brought forward, men who had served on that very galley--in particular, a religious named fray diego gutierrez, a son of the convent of san felipe el real at madrid, who related the affair with abundant proofs and affirmed that it was true; indeed, i had several times before heard it from witnesses worthy of confidence. the tyrant remained in constant mistrust at seeing that although he held the auditor don francisco de montemayor a prisoner in the castle at the port of cavite, he was distant not more than three leguas from this city, and that he might make his escape some night and cross the bay in some little vessel and come to join señor coloma; then they could form a quorum of the audiencia and punish the lawless acts that he had committed. in order to prevent such a suspected emergency, he determined to exile the auditor [15] to the province of oton, or to some other at a distance of more than 200 leguas from this city; and this was done, the blow being inflicted on december 30 of the past year 1668 (the tyrant adopting the nefarious scheme of his notary, tomas de palenzuela y zurbaran) with a party of paid soldiers without the poor devil knowing where his voyage ended. for this purpose, the notary carried to the castellan of the said port of cavite [16] (a confidant of the usurper) an order that he should, as soon as he had received it, command his sargento-mayor, captain juan gomez de paiba, to go with a sufficient number of soldiers and the notary to take away from the fort the auditor don francisco de mansilla and place him aboard the champan which was already prepared for this voyage. when they undertook to execute the said order against the person of the said auditor, the latter notified the sargento-mayor not only once but several times to be careful what he did, since a mere sargento-mayor was not the person to arrest a councilor of his majesty; that this matter belonged to no inferior official, and that he would not go without an order from the royal court. he declared that if his person were treated with disrespect, he would regard the officer as a traitor to the king; and as the civil governor (which he is) he ordered him to summon the castellan, for he already imagined evil to himself. the sargento-mayor went out, and came back with the same order--adding that if the auditor refused to go on board willingly they would place him in the ship by force. they had stubborn controversies; then the father vicar of st. dominic at the said port came up and advised the auditor what was best for him at the present time, regarding which they did not agree. finally the sargento-mayor ordered, since his castellan had thus commanded, that four soldiers, the strongest in his detachment, should attack the auditor. the latter defended himself for a long time with a small staff that he had in his hand, declaring and protesting that any man who should dare to injure his person was a traitor to the king; but finally he gave up exhausted, and they carried him aboard the champan--which immediately set sail without giving him opportunity to take with him anything, whether clothing or comforts, for his personal use. all this occurred at nine o'clock at night on the said day, december 30--the poor gentleman leaving his house and his family of marriageable daughters unprotected, in unending affliction and tears, without knowing to what place their father had been banished. [17] the usurper made strenuous efforts to learn who had consented to his having, by securing the command and authority, trampled on the obedience that was due and which he ought to give to the commands of the royal court; and, as he succeeded in learning that i was one of those who most keenly resented his acts--with some other gentlemen, although not many--and that i had rendered obedience to the royal decree which the auditors had sent me and had very carefully observed it while they were in power, he conceived a special hatred against those who were of my opinion. this was particularly directed against me on account of my not having displayed and showed to him the royal decree, which, as i say, i hold; another reason was, because i had said as i now say, that the commissary of the holy office could not carry out the arrest of don diego without consulting the supreme authority--except in a case where he feared the flight [of the accused]. and even if any governor intended to act thus, the [interference of the] holy office was not necessary, since the royal audiencia was more than sufficient to secure his person. but i do not say that the father commissary may not have sufficient authority to make, as he did, the said arrest. for this reason, and because i am a loyal vassal of his majesty, with a few other gentlemen toward whom the usurper felt no good-will, he [treated us as he did] without further cause than the deposition of a captain named don juan manuel de corcuera. this man declared that his comrade, captain don luis de matienzo, had told him that don diego had sent to a lady a list containing the names of those who were loyal, in order that they might release him from the rigorous imprisonment in which he was and is, [18] and replace him in his command and government. he said that the said captain luis disclosed it to him, and showed the said list to general don fernando de bobadilla, charging him to make me acquainted with it, in order to make arrangements for setting his lordship at liberty. the usurper found [in this a] means for his vengeance, and accordingly gave immediate information to the father commissary, his intimate friend--who on december 13 of the past year 68, about eight o'clock at night, ordered that all of us concerned therein or on the [above] list should be arrested. [19] this order was executed during the day-break watch, and we were placed in this fortress of santiago--general fernando de bobadilla, a well-known gentleman of sevilla; sargento-mayor don nicolas sarmiento y paredes; and myself. in other dungeons, in the guard-house, they confined admiral juan de ytamarrin; the captain of cuirassiers, don antonio lopez de quirós (who was in flandes); and captain don luis de matienzo, a dependant of his lordship. the strictest orders were given [to our guards] on penalty of death, that no one could see us or speak to us, and besides, to keep us all in strongly-riveted fetters, and in dark and close dungeons. as all men went about in fear and amazement at what they had seen, the infliction of harsh treatment and imprisonment on the said don francisco de montemayor without his prerogatives as councilor of his majesty and one of the civil governors availing him, it was not necessary to know more than that the usurper sent to summon any man at an unseasonable hour of night in order to have him promptly taken within the church [i.e., for sanctuary]. accordingly as soldiers went on the night i have mentioned asking for general don diego cortes and his majesty's factor, sargento-mayor juan de verastian, those persons knew that they were under suspicion, and were smuggled into the convent of san nicolas in this city belonging to the discalced augustinians; the convent was immediately searched. he secured that the church was of no avail to them, since those persons were also proscribed [i.e., by the inquisition]; however, the soldiers did not come across them. the prisoners spent one week thus confined and harshly treated, and at the end of that time they conveyed us all closely guarded and [exposed] to public shame to the tyrant's palace--which was full of people, who came to see what had never before been seen--men of rank and station conveyed in such guise and with so great clamor. the guards proceeded through the halls passing us from one to another until we reached the next to the last--where sat the usurper with licentiate manuel suarez de olivera, whom he appointed as associate judge, and who was receiving the confessions of all. without any blame resulting [to us from these] and without giving us a copy of the charges, they notified us of our banishment and stated that this was done at the request of the father commissary of the holy office, for the greater security of the custody and person of señor diego de salcedo. immediately they sent on shipboard general don fernando de bobadilla and sargento-mayor don antonio lopez de quirós; and as i replied that they must give me time in which to settle the accounts of his majesty's royal income, since i had just been exercising the office of alcalde-mayor of tondo, they granted me only ten days. as for the cause of our imprisonment, he said that it was because we had intended to rescue don diego and kill the usurper and the master-of-camp. i was not ignorant that the usurper had no authority to try my cause--even though he were the legitimate military governor, and i had committed a crime--since i did not hold a military post. it was the civil governor who should try this cause, all the more if the crime is that of taking human life; moreover, [the usurper] introduces himself as judge of his own cause. much less [should he try the cause] if the crime [alleged] belongs to the holy office, since it has exclusive jurisdiction--not to mention other arguments, which i here omit. the other [prisoners] fearful of irritating further a man who is riding so with loose reins--so violating the laws, both human and divine, following only that of sic volo, sic jubeo, [20] etc.--but protesting that they would oppose him when a suitable opportunity arose--. [21] i would write numberless other things here, if my condition would permit me the opportunity; but this i have not, since even to write these lines it was necessary--since i remain in this rigorous imprisonment, surrounded by guards who watch the steps that i take and the words that i speak--to write by snatches with the utmost caution and care that the guards should not notice what i was doing on account of the evident danger to which i shall expose myself if the usurper knows it; and when i finished a sheet i sent it immediately to the college of the society of jesus. i ought to be pardoned, therefore, for the blots on my manuscript, and other defects, since i had to keep my attention on the door, lest the guard should enter and catch me at this. it is no wonder that hostile tongues condemn the father commissary, fray jose paternina, as having acted with passion in the imprisonment of his lordship, for various reasons. first: his lordship, before coming to these islands, while he was in the city of mexico had carnal intercourse with a woman who was a relative of the said commissary. the latter came to know this, and declared himself the mortal enemy of his lordship; and thus arose and began, while they were on the voyage to these islands, a strong aversion, which was kept up during the voyage, and was public and notorious. after arriving at this city they were on very bad terms; and besides, the commissary is ambitious, greedy, and not of exemplary life. moreover, he is very revengeful, keeping the city stirred up with the word "inquisition," and summoning [before it] men for matters of little importance--to the scandal of the community and the discredit of those thus summoned, for no one knows for what purpose they are arrested; this is keenly felt among our countrymen, since we boast of being [good] catholics, as we are. another reason: he was greatly displeased at seeing that the profitable position of alcalde was not given to his nephew don gonzalo samaniego (whom he loved and valued highly) nor even to his own paternity a priorate to his liking; indeed, his provincial, fray alonso guijano kept him in the convent on account of recognizing his evil disposition, and as fray jose did not know the language; besides, the provincial had other religious of long standing and ability with whom to fill the priorates. the commissary attributed this to the dissensions which he had had with his lordship in nueva españa and on the voyage; and fancied that it was don diego who had arranged the matter with his provincial, as those two were friends. there is proof of this [my] statement; for as soon as he secured the imprisonment of don diego, the first and most important office that was filled was given to his nephew, conferring on him first the rank of sargento-mayor of the armada of oton. for himself, he made arrangements with the usurper to receive his strong recommendation to the priorate of the convent in this city, which was immediately given to him by the provincial. finally, it is he who rules the usurper; for there is a mutual understanding between them on account of what they could make known regarding the great amount that is lacking and does not appear in the wealth which was seized from his lordship--coin, ingots, and [wrought] articles of gold, and diamonds. and he [i.e., the commissary] is at present rich and honored, respected and feared, succeeding with whatever he wishes, pleases, and purposes. as i have not time for more, i will set down the names of those who had most to do with the imprisonment of the governor, don diego de salcedo; they are the following: first, the master-of-camp of this royal regiment, don agustin de zepeda, who as master-of-camp maintained the guard with a company of spanish infantry, who was and is on duty, as is customary, in the palace. the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, general sebastian rayo doria and captain don nicolas de pamplona. the latter seized his lordship by the arm while he was sleeping, which caused him to awake and sit up in his bed; and don nicolas held him so tightly that his lordship feeling the pain told him that he must not hurt him like that. the other replied arrogantly that don diego had oppressed all the people, and that they had had enough of him; and his brother, a religious of st. francis, fray geronimo de pamplona, allowed himself to say to his lordship, "let us have no arguments." his lordship replied to this that he must be more civil; and that even if the holy tribunal arrested him he would not allow any one to treat him with insolence, because he represented the royal person. [22] the sargento-mayor juan jirado, or tirado; they say that he held a dagger at the breast [of don diego], and as a reward they elected him this year alcalde-in-ordinary. the unemployed captains don gonzalo samaniego (nephew of the commissary) and don juan de vargas, whom they made admiral and gave him the office of tayabas; he is my brother-in-law. captain don juan de robles cortes; he only remained with the commissary, who asked that don juan should not leave his side; they afterward made him admiral of the caracoas, and he was chosen this year alcalde-in-ordinary. captain diego de palencia, my brother-in-law, as alguazil-mayor of the holy office, placed the fetters on don diego. captains don luis de morales and grabiel de la jara; they went with six other men and seized the halberds; and when the halberdiers tried to get their weapons, these men had already gained possession of them all. others remained at various stations in the palace. the provincial of st. francis, fray francisco solier, with the guardian of that order, fray mateo de la anunciacion, who went with a naked sword; and sixteen other religious of st. francis. all of them carrying arms entered the apartment; and the two first named were the ones who made the most noise. those who countenanced the usurper don juan manuel when he failed in the obedience which he ought to render to the royal audiencia when that court summoned him are the following: in the first place, the commissary, fray jose de paternina. [23] the provincial of st. francis, [francisco] solier, and the guardian, the aforesaid fray mateo; they never left his side or the palace, for which reason the government was taken by force. general don francisco de figueroa who, as his confidant, and being so subtle, has counseled whatever the usurper has done. he went to the house of the society and treacherously professed obedience to the royal audiencia; then by craft, under the pretext of subduing the usurper, he gained permission to leave the house and returned to the palace, where he gave information of what he had seen, in every way acting [as one] without god and without king. then followed in his very steps the notary tomas de palenzuela y zurbaran--a man who is liable to commit any wickedness whatever on account of his evil nature and ambition. the alcalde don nicolas de pamplona, who, being in the house of the society and having with the city [officials] in a body rendered obedience to the king our sovereign, as represented in his royal audiencia, carried away with his own shallow mind and great ambition, left the house with the false assertion that he would return, and presented himself before the usurper, rendering obedience to him; this man they made commander of the armada. the commander of the artillery, francisco garcia del fresno, for with him and the following that he had, he authorized and encouraged and was joined with the crafty don francisco de figueroa. these two terrorized the wife of the auditor don francisco de coloma, so that she should draw away her husband within three hours, fearing lest he should risk his life with the other auditors--who were maintaining the organization and existence of the audiencia in the library of the society of jesus--because they were going to demolish that house with cannon-shots. the good lady went out in much fear and proceeded to the house of the society; and from her visit followed the departure of her husband [from the house], and the organization of the audiencia was broken up. all the military officials, except the master-of-camp, whom the auditors already held, and the sargento-mayor of this royal regiment, don nicolas sarmiento y paredes, who obeyed the mandate of the auditors. the usurper, angry at this, conferred that command on sargento-mayor diego de morales, who is still serving therein. the licentiates juan de rosales and don eugenio gutierrez de mendoza; they were the two judges appointed by the usurper to decide the question of the seniority claimed by each of the two auditors, don francisco de coloma and don francisco de montemayor y mansilla; and, having obtained the opinions of these judges, the usurper adjudged the authority to himself. all these were the men who were most active on account of their being the most influential persons--not to mention many others of less rank; or the people who sinned through ignorance and not through evil intention, for they knew not whom they ought to obey. as they heard repeated proclamations of treason to the king, who was at the society's house, [with command that] they should not go to the palace, they all took the path of obedience, as loyal vassals of his majesty--as they would have done without any doubt if the usurper had given opportunity to the royal audiencia so that the auditors could command that a proclamation be published. but as for those in authority, on account of their rank and station, who received the royal decree and failed to obey it, and others who carried it to show to the usurper, i do not say of such that they are free from blame. i set down the names of all those who were present in both encounters with full particulars, and without being moved by prejudice; and i name my two brothers-in-law, so that no inquisitive person may accuse me of being prejudiced. many other names i do not place here, since the rest are persons of less importance. [note, apparently by ventura del arco: "the letter concludes with an account of his services--as sargento-mayor of the royal camp, purveyor-general of pintados, deputy of the captain-general in the said provinces, and captain-general of the artillery. he was an encomendero; and he must have written this in the fortress of santiago, on january 15, 1669 (which is its date)."] the dominicans in the philippines, 1641-69 [translations and synopses have been made from santa cruz's historia, in vol. xxxv. such translations and synopses are here continued, the design being principally to show the religious history of the dominicans so far as it touches the philippines. chapter x contains an account of the establishment of the college of san juan de letran, a subject which will receive adequate notice in due time, and hence omitted here. chapter xi treats of chinese affairs. chapters xii and xiii relate to the life of father fray baltasar fort, the sixth provincial of the dominicans in manila (see vol. xvii, p. 93, note 18).] chapter xiv of the election of provincial in the person of the father commissary fray francisco de paula; and of religious worthy of note who died during that time. father fray carlos clemente gant having completed his term of office with great glory, a chapter was held in the convent of our father santo domingo in manila, on the twentieth of april, 1641, the reverend father fray francisco de paula, commissary of the holy office, preacher-general, then lecturer in morning classes in our college of santo tomas, vicar-provincial of this district of manila--a son of the noted convent of san estevan of salamanca, and native of segovia, of noble parentage--whose superior talents will be told in due time, was elected provincial with much satisfaction. there was a great lack of religious in the province, for no mission had come for six years, except that brought by father fray diego collado. although some of those religious were incorporated with the order, still many of them were dissatisfied. in short, so long as the province does not have a number of religious in excess of the actual number of ministries, it is a great anxiety and a cause of sorrow for our souls that there is no supply in cases of sickness and government, and the burdens of many are laid upon few. further, all this gives the devil a gleam of hope that is important to him, and most harmful to the common welfare; and occasion is given for the ministers to be sold very dear, and a very high value is placed on their abilities and knowledge of languages. therefore, a regiment of religious, which would be too much, is never more than enough; for in this beautiful judith, the garments that apparently drag one down are the most necessary. the most efficacious means, and in fact the only one that ought to be used in such straits, was the one which the father provincial-elect immediately put into effect; namely, to have recourse to our lord and the intercession of the saints, laying most stress on his efforts with our father st. dominic, who is the keystone of all this edifice, in whose name are held firm these religious stones. a novena of solemn masses was immediately begun to the saint at his altar of soriano. the first one was chanted by the father provincial, and he also despatched patents throughout the province ordering the same supplications to be made in the convents for the said reason, and for the field of christendom in japon--which was then in its death throes, our religious having been killed and exiled, and only a scattering of priests of other orders being left there. the miraculous result of those prayers in regard to the coming of our religious will be told later. [that chapter framed a memorial on the death of father fray diego quero, who died in the dominican convent at manila. he took the habit at the island española [i.e., san domingo] and lived a life of great austerity and poverty. being of an advanced age when he went to the philippines, he was employed as master of novices, and afterward as a minister. other religious who have yielded up their lives in the mission work are the following: lorenço alduayen of the province of aragon, son of the convent of san pedro martir at calatayud (spain), who labored in the province of cagayan, where he was greatly beloved. juan del moral, son of the convent of san pablo in cordova, native of la rambla, who died at the manila convent in 1642, where he had been master of novitiates. geronimo de belem, who died march 31, 1642, was a native of beya, portugal, and had fled to the indias on account of a murder which he committed in his youth, taking the habit in the mexican convent of the augustinians because the dominicans refused him. however, he was soon dismissed or left that order, and shortly after was given the dominican habit in la puebla de los angeles; and on reaching the philippines became a laborer in bataan. he held several important positions in the order, being vicar-provincial, twice definitor, and minister in the province of tagalos for many years. he was sent on an evangelical mission to camboja, and after various other employments met his death by accident in an augustinian convent in pampanga, to which province he had been sent to adjust some repartimientos that had been imposed on the natives. manuel de berrio was a native of the town of santa maria el real of nieva, and son of the convent of santa cruz el real at segovia. he accompanied diego collado in his mission when still a young man, but deserted that body immediately upon his arrival. he was sent to nueva segovia in cagayan, where he was well known for his virtue. he was vicar of fotol at the time of his death. chapter xv treats of certain troubles in 1642 growing out of the late chinese insurrection. the governor had ordered the new parián to be built on the other side of the river northeast of manila in a barrio of the village of binondo, between the sea and an estuary called la estacada by the spaniards, and bayuay (or baybay) by the natives. [24] although it occasioned grave disadvantages to the city, as the people would be inconvenienced in going thither to supply their needs, and the natives would be in danger with so many infidels near by, the change was ordered; but in 1642 the parián was accidentally destroyed by fire, with great wealth belonging to the spaniards, and a large part of binondo. this chapter recounts also the loss of the island hermosa, which has been fully treated elsewhere.] chapter xvi a shipload of religious reaches the province; and notices of events in china are given after the fearful round of so many calamities, our lord hastened to open the treasury of his mercies by bringing to this province a band of chosen religious in the year 43. although they were not many, yet they were all of estimable qualities; and they have greatly honored this province as well as all the order. the circumstance of the time of their arrival made that mission all the more precious; for it was not thought that the province of the king our sovereign, felipe fourth the great, would fathom our necessity at a time when the wars with portugal and cataluña kept him much embarrassed, and his royal treasury empty. but god, who moves the hearts of princes, places in their hearts those works of charity, in order to render eternal the grandeur of their monarchies. david's zeal and reverence to god conquered more for him than did the sword; while the sword served roboan [i.e., rehoboam], who had neither zeal nor reverence for god, rather for embarrassment, and ten kingdoms in ten provinces fell away from his crown at the first movement. [certain pious reflections follow. continuing, santa cruz says:] that mission was arranged in españa by father fray francisco carrero, procurator for this province. he conducted it to mexico, where, reënforced by valiant and suitable men who arrived there, he committed it to father fray joseph de la madre de dios; for the said father procurator could not come here, and hence left them where they embarked at acapulco. the mail-packet and letters of the ship arrived on the ninth of july; and on the twenty-first, eve of the glorious magdalena, our patroness, the said mission entered manila. the religious included in it were as follows: the father vicar, fray joseph de la madre de dios (alias de la vega), a native of rioseco, and son of [the convent of] san pablo at burgos; father fray pedro de la fuente, lecturer on the arts in the province of españa, son of the same convent, fellow of san gregorio, and native of the bishopric of logroño; father fray francisco de molina, son of [the convent of] santo tomas at madrid, and native of the same city; father fray juan pabon, son of our convent at truxillo, and native of montanches; father fray bernardo lopez, son of [the convent of] san pedro martir el real at toledo, and native of a town near the said city; father fray juan lopez, native of the town of martin muñoz de las possadas, son of [the convent of] san estevan at salamanca, who afterward became the most illustrious bishop of nombre de jesus [i.e., cebú] whence he ascended to the archbishopric of manila, and of whom we shall treat in due time; father fray domingo del castillo, son of [the convent of] san pablo at valladolid, and native of the mountain region of burgos; father fray geronimo de sotomayor, son of [the convent at] mexico, lecturer in morning classes in the college of porta-celi, and native of the said city; father fray juan cuenca, son of [the convent of] la puebla de los angeles (where he lectured on theology), and native of the same city; father fray antonio de velasco, son of the convent of mexico, and native of the same city; father fray juan marquez, of the same convent and city; father fray diego de figueroa, son of [the convent of] santo domingo at mexico, and native of the same city; father fray felipe muñoz, native of mexico, and son of our convent of santo domingo in the same city; brother fray antonio sanchez, an acolyte, son of the convent of santo domingo of la puebla, and native of the same city; brother fray jacinto altamirano, a lay-brother, son of [the convent of] santo domingo at la puebla, and native of that town. from the province of andalucia came only father fray raymundo del valle, son of ronda, from our convent of san pedro martir. it is not known here where he was born, for he was soon sent to the province of china, where he is at present. we shall discuss him later. in that mission came also a boy named sebastian galvan, a brother of archbishop don fray juan lopez, who took the habit on arriving at a proper age. an intermediary chapter had been held on april 25 of that year 43. our lord, beholding this his province so sad, was pleased in his charity to visit it by sending the said mission as well as the other small mission that came by way of macasar. allowing for their misfortune, it proved a great consolation to see our so beloved brothers come safely through the storm, although they came swimming and naked; for immediately they honored us greatly in the employment in which obedience placed them. [the remainder of the chapter concerns chinese affairs.] chapter xvii a new governor comes to these islands. events in the province; and life and death of the father commissary, fray francisco de herrera. in the year 1644 don diego faxardo, a valiant and noble knight of the habit of santiago, ex-master-of-camp in europa, and governor of the terceras, came with appointment as governor and captain-general of these islands. he made his solemn entrance into manila and assumed his government on the day of st. lawrence in that said year. he was more than sixty years old, so that with his grave aspect and disposition, and what is greater, his reputation, this city promised itself a very favorable government. but in the course of nine years it tasted all sorts of government. in regard to his character, don diego furnished a good example; he was very disinterested, and died poor. in regard to other things, the troubles of the times made him unfortunate. at first he began to rule vigorously, but afterward developed an unusual fondness for retirement, and was always very inflexible--which truly causes extreme hatred in these regions; for in a presidio like this, where most of the people live, although in their own land, yet under a foreign sky, and bearing the grievous weight of an exile so remote [from their native country], the pleasure of superiors comes to be considered much less, and it is resented more than is possible in other regions. everything should be ruled with moderation. that gentleman was an upright man and one of great impartiality, but he began to rule with the reputation of a peevish and reserved man; and, even though he performed miracles afterward, he could not cleanse himself from that reputation. or perhaps it was because he went to extremes in the residencia of his predecessor, which he performed so rigorously that he kept him in the fort in prison for five years, until he received an order from the council to send him a prisoner to madrid. [25] in regard to the ecclesiastical estate he carried himself to the acceptation of all, and with a christian heart; we in our province found him very pious, and he was very urgent in sending religious to china and other kingdoms, and aided greatly in the consolation of our ministries. we presented to him a royal decree which we had obtained from his majesty, ordering the demolition of a college founded by his predecessor and styled "royal." [26] having been very clearly informed of the great disadvantage [of that college], he duly observed the terms of the said royal decree and abolished the said college then and thenceforth. it had been erected without any necessity, and even not without casting dishonor on the two ancient seminaries of this city--one in charge of the society of jesus, the college of san joseph; and the other in charge of our order, the college of santo tomas. those two colleges are quite sufficient for the small spanish population here, and for those who apply themselves to the church. to erect a similar college amounted, in good romance, to shining without any expense, and to try to cause himself to be remembered as a founder, although it was all paid for out of the royal treasury. it was maintained by the aid that he wrung out of the poor soldiers, and we complained at that. but now that obstacle was removed by the said decree; and eleven thousand pesos were restored to the royal treasury, and both patron and patronage were effaced at once. the great earthquakes of manila happened during the term of that gentleman, and the wars with the dutch (all of which will be related). in all of them he showed sufficient proofs of his magnanimity, prudence, and zeal, and that he was a good commander; and although, as a man, he must have had his imperfections, and a favorite who destroyed much of the governor's credit with the too freehand given him--however, the governor in time learned to know the favorite, and threw him into prison--he always showed that he was good by his example and deeds, and, without presumption, his desire was to do right. god aided his good intention and brought him safely through it all. on the ninth of august of that year died the father commissary fray francisco de herrera, whose exemplary life could fill many chapters and even books; but we are in haste, and the substance will suffice. [he was born of honest parentage in a village of little report near la peña de francia, in the bishopric of salamanca; and professed in the convent of la talabera in the ecclesiastical province of spain. later, he studied in the valladolid convent of his order. he arrived at the philippines in 1600, and immediately began to learn the chinese language, and later learned also the tagálog, becoming fluent in both languages. he served many times as prior of various convents; vicar of batan, of binondoc, and of the parián; prior of santo domingo; vicar-provincial, and vicar-general, during the absence of the provincial; and commissary of the holy office. in 1629 he succeeded to the office of provincial. "in the office of provincial he exercised great zeal, and not less prudence; and as he was so capable and had been in the province so long, he knew all the religious of the province very well, and gave each one the employment that fitted his nature, which is truly the gift of governing." he was austere in his observance, and charitable to all, and visited the sick. he sent missionaries to china during his term. at the completion of his office he was elected rector of santo tomas college, which he held for two terms, being then elected prior of manila. lastly, he ministered in the hospital, where he died, being buried in the manila convent.] [chapters xviii-xxi treat of china, and the wars with the tartars.] chapter xxii events of those times; the election of provincial in this province, and the earthquakes at manila. [in 1644 urban viii died. he had been especially solicitous for the chinese and japanese missions. santa cruz continues:] the following year, namely that of 645, the provincial chapter was held in the convent of santo domingo at manila, in this province. in it was elected for the second time the reverend father commissary, fray domingo gonzalez, a septuagenarian, whose resistance and the argument of his advanced age did not avail to let him escape the charge. had he been content with acting moderately the first time, he would have avoided the agonies of the second term. but although he was a man so fearful of god and so prudent that he even fled from extremes and always aimed at the mean of virtue, yet in the part which subjects the government to the beginnings of charity, he was not contented, but must go to extremes and become too charitable. consequently, since he was so charitable, that did not avail him to become exempt from the office of superior. he filled the office for nearly three years, until death had pity on him, since he did not resist it in the fulfilment of his obligations, nor could his brethren excuse him from the weight of it. in due time we shall relate the characteristics of that glorious column of this holy province, for there is much to tell. in that chapter were received the ordinances of our most reverend rodulfo of happy memory, given in roma in the former year of 640, in which the houses which were to have a vote in the intermediary congregation (whose first deputation was made in the provincial chapter of the year six hundred and thirty-three) were changed. [we also received] other ordinances. but another form was finally given to this in the conference of the year 650, where opposition arose [27] to the acts abrogating the said ordinances, made by the most reverend fathers turco and marinis [28] in regard to the vicariates lasting for four years, providing at the request of this province that their term be no more than two years. the authority of the acts of the general chapter of roma was given afterward to that decision, in that same year of 650. that chapter also confirmed it in the title of the ordinances of this province. doubtless that is a very important and useful arrangement, not so greatly for the spiritual case of the indians, who rejoice to see themselves cared for by many different fathers, as for our own use; for the good pilot must not keep to one ship, but serves god better when free and less when bound down. [this chapter gives also a relation of the disastrous earthquake of 1645, which has been described in full elsewhere. santa cruz takes occasion to give a short summary of the early history of the philippines and manila. chapters xxiii-xxv deal with the troubles with the dutch during these years, and recount various miracles wrought by our lady of the rosary. chapters xxvi-xxx treat of chinese affairs and the missions of the dominicans in china. chapter xxxi is an account of the life of father fray francisco diaz, who died in the year 1646. he had arrived at the philippine province in 1632, and went to china in 1635, where he passed the remainder of his life.] chapter xxxii of the intermediary junta; and of the life of the father commissary, fray domingo gonçalez. the intermediary junta was held may 25, 1647, in the convent of santo domingo in manila. in that junta were passed some special declarations, although only three, and the rules were only repetitions of the past ones. as ever, this holy province has proceeded with great caution in imposing laws, for it is careful lest many new laws confuse the memory of the old ones; and lest one embarrass the other, if there are a multitude of laws. laws are the walls of the order; but there may be so many of them that they bind the order too much, and smother it, or make a labyrinth--especially since the religious are few in number and ready to obey to the letter, without its being necessary to talk with the community, so that one single individual considers himself as comprehended by it, even though the law appears unjust to him. but if there are many laws, the order becomes afflicted. in that junta it was declared that the obeisance need not be given to vicars-general as a right but that it can be given as a sign of reverence if the provincial is absent. that has always been the custom and appears to be an excellent one. it was also declared that the rules which are not general, only bind rigorously in the chapter in which they are instituted, and not in the following ones in which they are confirmed; for the declaration that they are confirmed is only that they may be observed, and that they may not be regarded as obsolete so soon. the venerable and ancient provincial, fray domingo gonçalez, commissary of the holy office, was present at the junta, and he left that second station, which is one of great anxiety, with soul greatly refreshed for the prosecution of his duty. but although he did not leave his office imperfect he did not finish it; for the lord, having been satisfied with his pious desire, took the burden from his shoulders in the month of november following the said junta, in order to let him pass to the better life, regarding as good his seventy and more years (of labors from his youth up). he died on the fifth of the said month, leaving great sorrow, not only to the religious, who lost an excellent father--one of the most loving that this province has had, and one who has most illumined it--but also to outsiders, both religious and laymen, by whom the father was greatly revered. [he was born in madrid, and took the habit in the convent at guadalajara, being afterward sent to study in the convents at salamanca and valladolid. after serving in various posts in spain he went to the philippines in 1602, where he almost immediately attained renown. being sent to nueva segovia to learn the native language, he applied himself so well that he became most fluent in it, and used it with the natives for five years. finally returning to manila, he became an active and efficient worker there. he was the first regent of the college of santo tomas, and lecturer therein, also acting as rector various times. he became provincial for the first time in 1633, and during his term was most careful in the visitation, going even to the island hermosa.] [the following chapter continues the same matter. the great fervor and devotion of the father gave him the commissaryship of the holy office. during his second provincialate he was also assiduous in the visitation, and died shortly after the intermediary junta of 1647 at the age of seventy-three. he left many writings in scholastic and moral theology, which were widely used after his death.] chapter xxxiv of the election of provincial; the mission that arrived from españa; and the despatches that it brought. after the death of the father commissary, fray domingo gonçalez, the province was left in tears and orphaned, because of the lack of columns of that kind in the spiritual edifice; although it is true that such loss will not be the cause of its ruin, for god is the only foundation. but necessarily such losses leave the province sorrowful and wounded; and one who can fully supply the vacancy left by a father who looked after his causes with so great love, and whom all obeyed with so great satisfaction, is not found so easily. notwithstanding, the foresight of our elias was able to provide a successor already experienced, a disciple of his own spirit, who succeeded him the first time; [29] and he now charged the fathers before his death to make that man provincial, although he was very aged, being sixty-six years old, albeit a person of good health. accordingly, he was elected provincial on the second of may, 648, in the convent of santo domingo without any opposition. the choice was loudly applauded, both by the province and by the city, for the new prelate was well liked by all, because of his great authority, his impartiality with affability, his zeal with discretion, and his prudence attested by proofs. although it is true that years usually imprint their changes on men, yet ability makes them superior to the laws of time; and since they are, in addition, on a road that they have traversed, they enter it immediately with many advantages, and act definitely from the beginning--thus avoiding the suspension of government with which necessarily those who do not know the path must begin. in order to govern the definitors, and to dispose of the offices, it is very important to have an acquaintance with the persons and to have visited the provinces and villages, in order to be free from arbitrary notions, and to enter upon the functions of his office from the first with a master's experience. the prior of santo domingo was vicar-general, and presided at the election. when he finished his term of office, that same year, the fathers of the convent chose as their prelate the father commissary, fray juan de los angeles. he, by great importunity and the influence which god gave him in the minds of devout persons, freed the convent, which was then deeply in debt; and rebuilt the church which had been in ruins since the earthquake. he left that church very strongly built of stone, and greatly beautified by its corridors and galleries, and its many windows--which make it very sightly, and give it much light, extent, and beauty in the choir. it still remains today one of the best churches in the city. as the said father is still living, it will suffice to tell in due time all that he has done in this province, which has been much. it is certain that the province owes him a great debt for the honor he has conferred on it, and his works, although his love for it does not permit him to be idle. in july of that same year a patache came to these islands, quite beyond the scanty hope that we had. but the providence of god--which, as we have said so many times, measures the stability and preservation of this field of christendom with a distinct rule, and not with ordinary ones--placed in the heart of the viceroy of nueva españa (since it had been two years since any ship had gone hence) to make the said patache go down to acapulco from realejo. [30] there he put aboard of it the situado and necessary supplies, and entrusted the vessel to general christoval romero, a perfectly satisfactory person, who had had experience in these lands, who was then detained at mexico. it was our lord's pleasure to grant him good winds, so that he reached these islands, although with the anxiety that one can understand; for he feared that already the spanish name had been blotted out of them. the reason why no ship had sailed was that which we have said regarding the dutch enemy; and for two years we had done no little in defending ourselves from their stubborn hostility. the said commander made port at the harbor of lampon, either because it was suitable, as he feared the enemy, or because he could do no more. he learned there that the dutch were still committing piracies along those coasts and endeavoring to recoup themselves for some of their past losses. everything was a miracle, and no less than had happened many days in those ports; and the day when the said patache entered, god covered it with the shade of a cloud so dense that it was sufficient to hide it from the enemy. as soon as they anchored, they put ashore the money and supplies, and sent it all as quickly as possible to manila. they had need of all their diligence, for, the cloud having been taken away, the dutch hastened to search the anchoring-places. finding that the said patache had escaped them, and that it had already cast anchor in a safe port, they launched their small boats well manned with crews and arms and some versos. our commander having seen that as he had no men to receive them, and his ship was of poor sailing qualities--as it was the only means left to him in his necessity, after seeing by the mercy of god his men and the money safe, set the patache afire at its very moorings, and then with the few sailors who had remained with him retired to the mountains whence he made his way to manila. the enemy, who saw the ship converted into ashes, seized, as a small revenge, only some small pieces [of ordnance] that the fire left, for nothing else remained. it was the last admonition that god's powerful hand was immediately defending these islands. with that the dutch left the islands, and have not had the slightest inclination to return to them. the reception given in manila to the said commander (and truly, on account of the circumstances of that time, this had been the most welcome succor which these islands had received since their discovery) was to incarcerate him in the fort of santiago. keeping him in very close imprisonment, a suit was commenced against him for lack of courage, because he had burned the patache before it was necessary. the trial proceeded in such fashion that the judge-commissary, who was a lawyer of the royal audiencia, sentenced him to decapitation (although in the universal belief he deserved a monument), without his allegations that he had burned the patache because he had no men with whom at least to show front, and that those whom he had were worn-out and undisciplined, not being of any avail; nor did they heed his statement that the king lost but little in an old boat without arms or equipment, and that he considered that it would be rash to have shown any opposition to the enemy. the sentence appeared too severe to the royal audiencia, but not ill-founded, as reputation had been lost, and that is the most delicate gift and the most priceless. thus can one see in these matters the fear in which we live here. the matter was taken by the advocate to the audiencia in degree of appeal. the common opinion was that the people were grieved that so great a service should be paid with such harshness, and that, to attend to reasons of state, one should break with the holy laws of gratitude. the whole matter was examined in that most just assembly, and it was decided to moderate the above sentence and measures so that justice might not complain. in that way did god favor the said commander, and he obtained his liberty, and has since held honorable charges in the service of his majesty. today when this is written (the year 676), he is castellan of the presidio and forts of cavente [sc., cavite], which is one of the best ports in these islands. we all had part in the consolations and advantages of that fortunate patache; but this holy province had more than all, for a large mission came for it. that vessel brought thirty religious, [31] who were in charge of father fray juan bautista de morales, who, as we have said, and as we shall tell more at length when we write his life, went to europa by way of east india in 1640. now he returned with this fine company of soldiers, selected by the hand of god for these missions of his. he came also with many benedictions and favorable despatches from roma and españa. he brought to the convent of manila the jubilee [32] of the forty hours for fifteen years; it was assigned from the fifteenth of september, and care is taken to ask in time for its continuation by the apostolic see. he brought one also for san juan de letran and another for san juan del monte. he also brought an apostolic bull, from his holiness innocent tenth of blessed memory, for the erection of a university in the college of santo tomas of manila, and letters from the king our sovereign (of which we shall treat later); and the resolutions which were taken in the holy city of roma in regard to the administration of the fields of christendom in china (which we shall also tell). he also brought many other despatches and rules which concern the order, which will be mentioned when this history demands them. the religious who came in that mission are as follows: [33] the vicar-general, fray bautista de morales; father fray felipe pardo, son of [the convent of] san pablo in valladolid, and master of the students in the same house; father fray pedro benitez, son of the [convent of] santo domingo in xerez, fellow of santo thomas in sevilla, and teacher of writing there; father fray salvador mexia, son of [the convent of] san pablo in sevilla, and fellow of santo thomas in the same city; father fray benito perez, son of [the convent of] san pablo in sevilla,and formerly lecturer in the humanities at santo thomas; father fray juan camacho, son of the convent and college of nuestra señora del rosario in almagro; father fray juan de paz, son of [the convent of] san pablo in cordova, deacon, fellow of santo thomas in sevilla, and teacher of arts in the same college; father fray domingo de navarrete, son of the convent in peñafiel, fellow of san gregorio in valladolid, where he lectured on arts; father fray pedro camacho, son of [the convent of] san pablo in sevilla; father fray victorio riccio, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in fiesculi [sc., fiesole] and lecturer; father fray timotheo de san antonio, son of [the convent of] san marcos in florencia; father fray justiniano de san jacinto, a pole, who went from the province of españa; father fray bernardo cejudo, assistant lecturer, son of the convent and college of nuestra señora del rosario in almagro; father fray domingo coronado, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray luis gutierrez, son of [the convent in] almagro; father fray manuel rodriguez, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray thomas de santa ana, of andalucia; father fray thomas de castroverde, son of [the convent in] almagro; father fray christoval poblete, son of [the convent in] almagro; father fray diego de quintana, son of [the convent of] portaceli in sevilla; father fray francisco varo, son of [the convent of] san pablo in sevilla; father fray juan zambrano, son of [the convent of] san pablo in sevilla; father fray francisco castellanos, son of [the convent in] almagro; father fray christoval tamayo, son of [the convent in] ossuna; father fray diego de ordaz, son of the convent in oaxaca; father fray juan de fontidueña, son of the convent of san jacinto in mexico, a house belonging to this province; father fray diego sanchez, son of the same house as the last; fray antonio de la cruz, of andalucia, a lay-brother; fray alonso benitez, a lay-brother, son of [the convent of] san jacinto in mexico; fray luis de estrada, a lay-brother, son of the same convent. that fine mission was received with the charity and pleasure that can be understood, especially as there was a great need of religious--who, when there are but few of them, experience great hardship and sorrow; and, after having suffered these when their number was few, they now attached no importance to them. but god helped them in their greatest need, and the father provincial who began to rule fortunately had a very encouraging beginning in his office, and promised himself that he would accomplish not only the half of his work, but all with the aid of god, and with that of sons and associates who were so courageous. he went about distributing them among the various languages and places of labor, and immediately commenced his visits, which is (and rightly) the matter of greatest care. it will not be well to pass by in silence both the excellent reputation enjoyed by our sacred order of this holy province, and the aid that it receives by the help of the divine grace in preserving itself in humility, and free from worldly considerations and dignities, which do not fail to make some stir in the silence of the cloister. it is a fact that in the most general chapter held in roma in the year 1644, in the warrant that concerns this province (number 12) favor was granted to it by which those who should have lectured in arts and theology for twelve years in the college of santo thomas of manila should have a vote and place after the fathers who should have been provincials, inferior to them and among themselves respectively. also (in the same chapter), preachers-general are instituted with a vote and concessions, if they have been ministers to the chinese for twelve years in the hospital of san gabriel. the province received those favors and indults with all the due expressions of humility and thankfulness. but it petitioned from them in consideration of the fact that it had been founded without those special rules; and in that manner it was going joyfully on its way to its object--namely, the employment of all its cares in the welfare of souls, in the learning of which (for the will has its schools also) all the other faculties live here subordinated. on that account, in each chapter or junta all the ministries are changed, and with the same facility the other offices, without consideration or pretext of reward, or any dispute arising. and although those appointed to the said occupations serve god and the order well, yet since the province thought that that might possibly distract them, or make them consider with less resignation, the changes which are continually made, therefore the province petitioned our reverend father-general and the ensuing general chapter to be pleased to revoke the said concession. the arguments having been examined, this petition was allowed in the general chapter at roma in the year fifty; and the said concession was revoked with great praise and edification, which is made evident therein; for the chapter praised the zeal of this province, which thus cares for conserving itself in a holy simplicity and readiness, so that the care of its authorized employments may not confuse its principal end--namely, that all of them engage equally in the work until death, so that when death comes they may await all the reward together, when they will not be defrauded of a high place and will be paid in better money. [one of the despatches received by the province was of deep import. this consisted of the decisions rendered by the congregation de propaganda fide in rome, on certain questions asked by juan bautista de morales in regard to chinese missions and mission work, the method of administering the sacraments there, and the preaching of the faith. these questions and answers (translated into spanish) follow in chapter xxxv, and are followed by a decree of approbation passed by the propaganda on september 12, 1645. the "resolutions," as they are termed, are for the sake of securing uniformity in the administration of the sacraments and the preaching of the faith in china, "among all and any missionaries of whatever order, religious body, or rule of life, and also among those of the society of jesus." these were aimed especially at the jesuits. chapter xxxvi gives an account of the apostolic and royal erection of the college of santo tomás of manila into a university. this event will be noted fully hereafter. chapters xxxvii-xlii relate the life of father fray francisco de capillas, who suffered martyrdom in china in 1648. continuing, chapters xliii-xlix treat also of chinese affairs.] chapter l of the events of this time within and without the province, and the deaths of some religious of renown. [the chapter opens with a notice of the so-called "holy year" or jubilee of 1650, proclaimed at rome. that same year the general chapter of the dominican order was held at rome, and resulted in the election of fray juan bautista de marinis as general of the order.] that same year this province celebrated a junta and intermediary chapter of the second provincialate of the father commissary fray carlos clemente gant, in the convent of santo domingo at lalo, in nueva segovia or cagayan, as was ordered by number one in the general chapter of 1647, at valencia, for this province. this was to the effect that the chapter-sessions should be held alternately between the convent of santo domingo of manila and the aforesaid convent of lalo, for reasons alleged by the ministers of that bishopric. they had to sail, every two years, one hundred and more leguas exposed to very great dangers and violent seas [in order to attend the chapter], and thus left their missions discommoded; and they needed a great sum of money to procure large boats, to pay the rowers and sailors, and for the other things that they considered. notwithstanding that, experience, the mistress of prudence, afterward disclosed great inconveniences, and that those were only the opinions of a few religious and that they themselves experienced the greatest dangers that follow. for although it is a fact that the voyage is dangerous, yet if it be made at the proper season and the return be made by the first of may, without making any way-stations, the sea is quiet. by god's mercy, prosperous voyages have always been made; and the fathers provincial make them two or three times during their four years. it is also advantageous for the religious themselves [to make that voyage to manila], for then they can get what their houses and churches and the indians need; and they can arrange it personally, and satisfactorily to themselves, and they act as agents for those who remain there. the chief advantage is that the chapter-sessions have the authority that they require in the capital of manila, where all the orders and their congregations hold them with more definiteness and less trouble in general. although some individuals do suffer somewhat, yet with that they acquire merit; and absences are easily filled in their ministries, for vicars-general remain who attend to that. for the above and other reasons, a petition was made in that general chapter of roma in that year 1650, where the reasons were stated, and the said order was revoked (titulo pro provincia filippina, number 4); and it was confirmed in the general chapter held in the said holy city (number 1). consequently, from that time thenceforth that difficulty has been removed, and all the fathers come [to manila] very willingly. some letters were received in that junta from the most illustrious fray domingo [sic] de marinis, then vicar-general of all the order; and others from our most reverend father, fray tomàs turco: they annul a decree of the most reverend fray nicolàs rodulfo given in the year of 40, ordering that the vicariates last four years. being informed of the reasons which were alleged, it was recognized that such measure was not advisable (we have already touched upon this matter above, and there will always be something to say about it). this is a holy government for all, which, well considered, redounds to the greater utility of the houses and villages, where he who is a perfect religious is not troubled at changes--for he is quite unconcerned whether he serves god in this or in that ministry; and wherever he is there is work to do, and a place where he may well employ his courage. as for him who regrets to leave a house it is better for him to leave it after he has served his two years. he should endeavor to fulfil his obligation and to gain a reputation as one who does not mind such things, without embarrassing himself with thoughts of changing from one vineyard to another, which generally obscures talent. our profession holds us captive to obedience, but leaves us free in regard to all temporal considerations. the minister has great self-love, more than the indians, and thinks that he will not be disturbed after two years, however much the wretched beings say to him and flatter him.... the said revocation was confirmed by the said chapter in that holy year [of 1650] (number 2 of the ordinances concerning this province). item: vote was given to the rector of santo tomàs in provincial chapters and juntas; and likewise other letters-patent so that any vicariate that should be vacant should give a vote in the junta. between the chapter and the said junta, the provincial shall appoint another vicar after consulting some of the fathers. but if it shall become vacant between the intermediary chapter and the election, a consulting junta shall be held, in the province of manila, of the fathers-counselors and the rector, in order to institute the said vicariate, which can have vote in the ensuing election; but if the vicariate be instituted in any other way, it shall not have a vote. thus they were presented in the said junta and were received. the ordinances of the above-mentioned chapter of valencia of 1647 were also accepted. in regard to the orders contained in them touching the provinces of indias in general--in ordinance 6, that neither the provincials nor the chapters can give permission to the religious to return to their provinces of españa, petition was made to our most reverend general, in behalf of this province, to exempt it from that observance for reasons that were advanced. in consideration of those reasons, his reverence and the general chapter of roma conceded us that favor in the said year of the jubilee, in the section treating of this province (number 3), granting permission to the father provincial who should be in office at that time that, the reasons of the religious who wished to return having been examined, he might assemble the council of manila and represent the matter to it; and, in accordance with their vote, the religious shall be or shall not be sent, without its being necessary to have recourse to the reverend generals. of a truth, it was a most just arrangement, not only because we are twice as far [from roma] as are the other provinces of indias, but in accordance with the special rule and ordinance of this province. although there is always a great need of religious in it, yet he who is rendered disconsolate is superfluous, and willingly becomes a violent soldier who gives and receives signal injury--although god does not wish that they complain of what is given to them. the illness of the man is learned in this consultation, and the remedy is immediately applied without exigency or delay, which is not slavery. those who return to españa and do not keep this holy province much in mind are very few, when they are undeceived, and find that that bad humor was in themselves, was not the fault of the land, and that they must live with unrest in this world; for the center of our desire is heaven, for which we are born. in no place can we live with greater freedom and, consequently, with less fear and more quiet unless we go hunting for encumbrances to put in it. unusquisque in suo sensu abundet. [34] [the deceased religious mentioned in that junta are as follows: the lay-brother fray juan de san jacinto, who died in 1648, was a son of the convent of valencia, and on account of his good work was sent to japan. after his return to manila he was sent to spain (1630) by way of east india, and returned by way of nueva españa. christoval de leon, of the royal convent of granada, died at the age of seventy in the province of pangasinán, that same year. he had filled some important offices in the order, among them being definitor (1633), and prior of the manila convent, returning thence to his labors in pangasinán. geronimo de sotomayor orato, a native of mexico and son of that convent, and tomàs ramos, son of the convent of san vicente in plasencia, who had been captured by the dutch, died at sea while being sent back to manila. pedro benitez died in 1650; he had been assigned to the nueva segovia missions, where he was studying the language at the time of his death.] [chapter li continues the mention of certain deceased religious. francisco de la trinidad died as bishop of santa marta, in the indias, in 1663. in 1651 he had been sent as procurator from the philippines to spain and rome, being at that time prior of the manila convent; and he served as definitor for his province at rome in 1656. he was a native of vizcaya, and had taken the habit in the philippines. martin real de la cruz died in the bishopric of cagayan in 1651. he was a son of the convent of carboneras in the province of españa, and became a fellow in the college at valladolid. after arriving at the philippines he was sent to the bishopric of nueva segovia, where he learned the language perfectly; and he wrote many sermons and discourses, which were preserved in manuscript and copied for the use of the order. he became rector of the college of santo tomás at manila, and at the same time first rector and chancellor of the university erected in that college in 1648. on the completion of that office he returned to his missions in cagayan, and died in the remote missions of the babuyanes islands. in the same bishopric died also during that period lucas garcia, at the age of seventy-six. he had a perfect command of the language, and was a sympathetic and arduous missionary worker. he acted more than once as a vicar-provincial, and went to the island of hermosa, where he labored among the natives and spanish soldiers. after serving as rector of the college of santo tomás he returned to his missions in cagayan, where death met him. the lay-brother francisco de san agustin died in the village of lalo, in the same province, a helpful and humble worker. in the convent of san jacinto, outside the walls of the city of mexico, died in the year 1651 sebastian de oquendo, a native of oviedo in castilla. he had been minister to the chinese of the parián, and had lectured in the arts and theology in the college of santo tomás. the manila convent of the order was served by him in the office of prior; and he also preached in that city with great success, leaving many writings in manuscript on scholastic theology, which were used long afterward. at death he was buried in the convent of san jacinto, where he was serving as prior. his body was found uncorrupted, in 1658, by some dominican missionaries en route to the philippines.] the most novel event in the year 1651 in the city of manila was the imprisonment, by order of governor don diego faxardo, of the person of the master-of-camp, manuel estacio benegas, who then filled that office at manila. that happened on september 16 of that year, and his property was confiscated at the same time. he was a native of granada, and came to these islands as captain of infantry in the service of the king. because of his blood, which was said to be noble, and his excellent conduct, he was well married here, and had many sons and daughters who have always managed to preserve themselves with splendor and to keep up their reputation with [official] employments and equal marriages. his arrest was a very great innovation, for from the time when the said governor assumed his office he had honored the master-of-camp, arriving [at the islands] thus, with notable standing, the governor, seeing him capable and experienced in all matters, almost made him his hercules, and placed in his hands the keys to everything. he made the master-of-camp the only and necessary go-between in all his arrangements and secrets. that was followed, as its inseparable corollary, by what is called a change of fortune; for he thought that he had mounted so high while the impetus of his wheel remained very low. although the master-of-camp made many friends, he raised up against himself a greater number of enemies--either querulous or discontented at seeing that a superior whom god made a sun because of his office, so that he might be a universal and [un]mistakable cause, had been appropriated and set apart for himself. that alone was enough to affront and offend the most retired inferior. and although hercules cannot prevail over two, much less over so many, his enemies made such attempts to secure his downfall and studied over the matter so much that they laid a scheme to embroil him with the governor, who had purposely shut himself up and extinguished all the lights--one of warning, while behind it entered the rest of the troop. he was immediately thrust into a very close and dark prison, and all his property was sequestered; and gratitude and confidence, taking the part of the many who were aggrieved, became the plaintiffs who made the most criminal charge. therefore, since the said governor was a just man, and without any doubt upright and even inflexible, he was not satisfied with aggravating the imprisonment, but had torture applied to the prisoner--which was very severe, and more so in a man as corpulent and as delicate as he was. the cause, charges, and acquittals proceeded, but before the sentence was reached the master-of-camp died in prison, giving tokens of being a true christian, and with a great submission to the will of god, who had without doubt disposed him for that road for salvation; for he was a very intelligent man, and his capacity availed him there greatly. and what do we know might have happened to him had he died in a condition of prosperity? incomprehensible are the ways of divine mercy. [chapter lii, the last chapter of the first book, treats of chinese affairs.] book second of the second part of the first century and history of the province of santo rosario of the order of preachers, in filipinas, japon, and china. chapter first chapter, and election of provincial; and events in those times on april 20 of the year 1652, the members of the chapter were assembled in the convent of santo domingo in manila, and elected as provincial the reverend father fray pedro de ledo, then prior of that said convent and vicar-provincial of tagalos. he was a person of all good qualities, a native of mexico, and of noble parentage in that city. he took the habit and professed in this convent of santo domingo in manila. in his studies he gave so good an account of himself that he lectured in arts and theology, and became regent in our college of santo tomas. he always had the name of an excellent student and learned man. on that account, and because of his great prudence, known to us by experience, the religious elected him to the post of provincial, which he filled very successfully and with great credit. among the special events of that chapter was the announcement of the new university of santo tomas and its apostolic erection by a bull which his holiness innocent tenth, of blessed memory, was pleased to promulgate at the instance of the king our sovereign, felipe fourth the great. his majesty, as sole patron, was pleased to put his hand to that--an honor very worthy of publication by the chapter; and, although it was current in all the province, that solemnity was still to be performed. the house of san miguel of ituy, in the province of nueva segovia, was also accepted. that is a great stretch consisting of heathen settlements for the greater part, although there are some christians among them, some of whom are those who flee from other villages. it lies on the eastern border of the province of cagayan, and extends from some high mountain chains to the coast; and, as it is so rough a land, it has not yet been possible to conquer it, although many attempts have been made, the religious going sometimes with and sometimes without soldiers. missionaries have also been appointed on various occasions; but although they have baptized many persons, they have not been able to convert them all. as vicar of the said house, the chapter then appointed father fray teodoro de la madre de dios, and gave him some priests as companions. they went thither with a presidio of spanish soldiers at the command of the governor, who so ordained it. many of the soldiers and two of the religious--father fray bernardo cejudo and father fray manuel rincon--died because of the poor climate or poor food. they all remained there, that time, for two years, and baptized many people there; and those natives long continued to embrace the law of god. but either because of the sickness, which had developed into a plague; or because those indians were at war continually with other people of the interior, more powerful, who greatly persecuted them, and the faith of christ: for all those causes, and because they could not cope with so many dangers and troubles so long as the natives were not quiet, the presidio that was still left retired to cagayan, and the fathers returned, as they had lost hope of obtaining more fruit. however, our religious are accustomed to return there every little while, where some are baptized, and those who have made their decision do not fail to come; and the province does not lose sight of those posts, for the time when the lord shall be pleased to summon them, and when they shall respond with resolution. they are numerous; and, since they live so far inland in this same island, it is well seen that it is very pitiable to behold them so buried in their darkness--or not to see them, for they flee from the light. it is not easy to form a judgment on what passes in this very island; for, since it extends for almost two hundred leguas, and all of the seacoast in all parts is subdued, all the fastnesses of the mountains are inhabited by numerous peoples of various nations and languages, morally impossible to subdue, although great efforts are being and have been made. the reason therefor is, that since it rains so much in these lands, in addition to the so powerful heat of the sun, and there is so little stone, such thickets and undergrowth spring up that one can penetrate them with difficulty, and [it is even difficult] for the very animals of the forest. consequently, nature has defended those people with a thousand walls. then too they are children of idleness, and live on roots, the fruits of trees, and the flesh of game. they have no other granaries than those of their own bellies, nor more clothing than that which they get from their mothers. at the most, they wear a bajaque or breechcloth made from the bark of a tree, and which conceals but ill the token of their sex. they have no villages, but live in rude collections of huts or in camps, and in certain shacks which rise a vara above the earth, where they take refuge when it rains. when they feel the cold too keenly, they light fires and sleep in the ashes. their life is as follows: when they rise in the morning, the robust ones go hunting the deer with arrows or dogs. if they kill one, they take it to their camp; and there they all eat it, half raw, half roasted, without salt or bread. if they do not have meat, they find roots and fruit, and so do they satisfy their hunger without further exercise of reason. and, since they are totally without reason, they have no form of religion or worship, except certain superstitions concerning the flight and songs of birds. such is their wretched existence; and therefore do they grow up with the understanding of brutes, without care or foresight. some descend the mountain to trade with our christian indians. the latter approach them, and carry iron for their arrows, and rice and other things which they know well--especially tobacco, but which they are not accustomed to sow. neither do they accustom themselves to any other kind of work. this island so abounds with these people that they are encountered at six leguas from manila. by means of such communication they hear our christians, who talk to them of our holy faith, and they approve it. but when they hear that the christians pay tribute and bandalas, and that here are personal services (which it is necessary to have, for a civilized and domestic life) they return to their liberty. some are reduced, but it is generally a fact that this becomes continually more difficult so long as the lord who died for them does not drive from their side that enemy who makes them daily more obstinate and hard. late in july of the year 1653, the ship from nueva españa anchored in the port of cavite, more fortunate than most of the vessels that have been seen since the discovery of these islands. it brought four personages--no less than the archbishop, the governor, the bishop of cagayan, and an auditor. it had been some years since a ship had entered cavite, for they all had to put back to other ports because of the bad weather. and although, wherever they finally enter, they discharge their cargo and assure the safety of the money, yet doubtless it is always a considerable loss that the ship does not come direct to cavite, and, being laden with expenses and averías, at least one-third of its good fortune is dissipated. it had been twelve and more years since these islands had had an archbishop; for one who came to them consecrated during that time, namely, his excellency don fernando montero de espinosa, was obliged to come overland, as the ship anchored in the port of lampon; and, when he arrived at the lake of bay six leguas from this city--whither some persons from the cabildo had gone beforehand to receive him--he was suddenly overtaken by a severe illness, from which he soon died without the church, his spouse, having enjoyed anything except letters and good news. and, lastly, came the evil of its widowhood before he had taken possession of it or seen it. for that reason all through that period there was considerable trouble, wherever trouble exists. but there is more here, where before a successor is obtained another six or eight years elapse. now indeed did the lack become doubly felt, for not even one of the three suffragan bishops of this metropolitan was left; for if there are any bishops it is a great consolation. for then, although it is after the trouble of making voyages, students, religious, and secular priests are ordained, and there is recourse for all that episcopal dignity demands, and it is the shadow of a great relief for all christians, although the bishops are distant. it was god's will to allow his excellency doctor don miguel de poblete--a native of mexico, in whose cathedral and in that of la puebla de los angeles he had held the greatest dignities--to arrive at that time. he was received here with great demonstrations of joy. the governor was don sabiniano manrique de lara, knight of the order of calatrava, a native of malaga. he filled his post excellently, and was generally well liked by all; for he was very affable, pious, and not at all harsh like the former governor. he had his troubles, of which we shall speak; and having governed for more than ten years his residencia was satisfactorily finished, and he had the good fortune to return to his country. the bishop of cagayan was his excellency, master don fray rodrigo de cardenas, of our holy order and from the province of perù, of whom we shall speak in the proper place. the auditor who came in that ship was don salvador de espinosa, a learned and zealous man; and so much so that he began to work at matters of government before the proper time. for he immediately, seeing that there were but few spaniards in the country, thought that he had learned all about it in a short time; and went about passing sentences and issuing manifestos, more a result of his erudition than from any necessity for it. his last offspring bore the character of admonition and was printed. all estates were grievously wounded by it--a serious matter when there is no one to take up the defense. his zeal might have been useful, but assuredly no service to god or the king followed; for his majesty does not desire his vassals to be maltreated, but will consider it a great service if his ministers employ their great erudition in maintaining justice, observing it in all the villages, and honoring all, especially the ecclesiastical religious, and not in saying pretty things (with which they load one down when they consider that it will make their own dignity more estimable)--especially with these printed papers, which, since they are printed, give us more permission to make public complaint. like that of another paper which was printed in the year 1671--which finally brought its author to the earth, even before knowing the names, it left persons both ecclesiastical and religious badly besmirched. in order to vaunt his erudition, he despoiled the living altars of their best ornament, namely, honor; and he did not hesitate to dedicate and send it to the feet of the greatest majesty. but he will have had his answer already. the other admonitory pamphlet, when it was issued, seemed so foul to its very author that he himself went about collecting and burning it. supposing the first an arbitrary statement, the second was catholic and made by a person erudite and desirous of salvation. he lived for a while, for a mortal accident happened, and he paid his debt and had himself buried in the convent of santo domingo. to the great luck of so fortunate a ship, which brought so grave persons and those of the greatest distinction for these lands, was added the relief of money, which was larger than usual, as well as that of individual persons.... [this chapter records the death (in 1653) in the manila convent of father fray juan del villar, a native of luzena, and son of the convent of san pablo el real in cordova. he went to the philippines in 1635, and applied himself to the study of chinese and taught in the college of santo tomás.] among other ordinances passed by that chapter, as they were necessary, was one that declared that no one could be employed in the office of lecturer in our college of santo thomas unless he first learned some one language native to that country--not because there is any logic in it, which must precede the sciences, but, since the first foundation of this province is that of the preaching and missions, all must know a language. he who does not know one, even if he be a very learned theologian, does not render all the service that he can; and he does not have the good fortune to be sent by his prelates or to have a change of climate, which is perhaps important to his health. on arriving from españa it is the custom for all to be divided, according to the arrangements made by the prelate, in the study of the various languages. with their pious desire and the master that is given them, he who can not learn enough in one year in order to make himself understood as a preacher and confessor in a language must be very dull. with such sound beginnings they are not embarrassed afterward in other occupations, since, when a place in the ministry becomes suitable, the greatest difficulty is found to have been conquered. of greatest use on the sea is he who knows the duties of sailor and artilleryman; and as time goes on it becomes a matter of disconsolation for a religious to find himself without a language, and at an age when it is impossible to learn it, while it is a matter that might have been overcome in a brief time at the beginning. [chapters ii-iv treat of chinese affairs and missions.] chapter v of the intermediary junta, and of a new mission sent to the kingdom of china in the junta held in the convent of santo domingo in manila in the year fifty-four, there was no new ordinance to pass; for all matters were well ordered, and this holy province always refrains from making new laws, which (like the impositions of new tributes) the obedience of the subjects always considers with more annoyance than respect. for since they are the life of the monarchy, when there is any need, and its health, so also are they generally feared when they can be avoided; and when new ones are imposed, the old ones become distasteful. the provincial (who was then father fray pedro de ledo, a man of great devotion and zeal), seeing that no ministers had left these islands for japon since the year thirty-seven, as the gates had been shut to them and even walled up for our sins and those of that wretched land, tried to get together a mission for it; and, in order that he might not have cause to envy the explorers, he determined to go himself as prelate. but he always urged secrecy in the plan as the essential part, and only revealed it to those interested--namely, father fray raymundo del valle, father fray pedro de ansa (an oldtime minister of cagayan), and father fray antonio de barrios. he also shared the secret with the person who was to remain as vicar-general during his absence. with that intention, which was facilitated by his courage and pious desire, he bought a champan under pretext that it was to be used for the service of the province of cagayan, and that he was lading it with supplies and ship's-stores for the said province (as was a fact). he spent a large sum in that, and even despoiled some churches of their money. that was without any doubt a harsh measure; for although the property of the convents is common here, and the provincial can take from one to aid another, in accordance with the ordinances of this province, yet that kind of goods and property are generally bought with the alms of the natives of the villages, given by them especially for their churches. consequently an injury was done, even though it be as was alleged on that occasion, namely, that he thought that there was a superabundance of alms. since all the adornment of the tabernacle and of solomon's temple falls short for divine worship, and these natives do not remember or take much note of leaving or not leaving their property in immemorial writings, their memories are indelibly impressed by seeing that they have given it by their sweat to the church, and they leave an honorable luster on a lamp and some candlesticks which they gave, and which remain, making a barangay honorable. the father-provincial, who was a prudent and erudite man, must have considered it all; yet notwithstanding, as he thought that the common right of a mission so important as japon was greater than are the alms and the said gifts, the matter could not be regulated, and he used it all. the end was most lofty, the means which he chose very fitting--as were the three religious, who were the most suitable in the province; and the champan was staunch. all being concluded, the essential wheel of those plans was lacking, namely, the will of god without which one can never succeed. [the efforts to attain the japanese mission proved fruitless, but the provincial succeeded in sending five missionaries to china. the remainder of the chapter treats of chinese affairs.] [chapter vi relates in part the work of the mission to china. chapter vii mentions certain missionaries who have died. the lay-brother raymundo de la cruz died gloriously after earnest labor. geronimo de zamora died in cagayan province after a ministry among the natives of thirty-eight years, besides serving as commissary of the holy office. his native city was zaragoza, and he professed in the convent of that city. he was rector of the college of santo tomás, definitor in the year 1652, vicar-provincial four times in cagayan, and ordinary in nearly all the houses of that province. juan de las casas also died in the same part of the province. bernardo cejudo died while engaged in the conversion of ituy. he had reached the philippines in 1648, and his life was one of austerity and earnest endeavor. matias de armas also died in 1655 in the province of cagayan. he was born in the island of tenerife in the city of laguna, where he took the habit. in the philippines he became a master of the cagayan and tagálog tongues, acting as vicar in cagayan, and as vicar of abucay in 1645. in the years 1638-39 he was in the island hermosa, where he studied that language while awaiting an opportunity to go to china (which was unsuccessful). at his death in 1655 he was vicar of afulug. alonso navarro, president of the chinese hospital of san gabriel, died that same year in the manila convent. during his thirty years in the dominican province he ministered to the filipinos (being very fluent in the tagálog language); served as definitor, vicar of many houses, and vicar-provincial; and built the church in the village of binondoc. in cagayan also died that year pedro de aniza, an earnest missionary who had acted as vicar-provincial and ordinary of many houses. he solemnized many baptisms among the hostile people of irraya and those in the mountains.] in 1656 father fray jacinto gali of the province of aragon, son of the convent at girona in cataluña, was elected provincial. by his excellent qualities, and the proofs that he had shown of his great prudence and devotion in the course of the twenty-four years that he had spent in this holy province, he was worthy of the supreme dignity of its government. he learned very perfectly the difficult language of the chinese, to whom he ministered often in the parián and in binondoc. he also knew the tagálog language thoroughly; and thus accomplished much in both languages. the province, desirous of elevating to the highest pinnacle the one who would advance their order with the activity and integrity that such an office demands, elected him their head. his election was well received both within and without the house, for all were acquainted with him and knew that his merits had called for so honorable an occupation many years before. he began to exercise it, but god, satisfied with his holy desire, blocked his steps in a short time; for at his first departure, when he went to visit cagayan, having arrived there a mortal illness attacked him in lalo. there, after he had received the sacraments, and had taken farewell of his province with most tender and paternal speeches--not unaccompanied by the sobs of all the religious, who had hastened at the report of his illness--he gave his soul to the lord in the eighth month of his provincialate, on new year's day of the year 1657. that [such was his death] is understood by the tokens that his great virtue and devotion left to us. that was a perfect new year's day for his soul, which will never grow old in his time. before he went upon the said visit, governor sabiniano manrique de lara and the royal audiencia, urged by their narrow-minded zeal as ministers of his majesty, put a new pressure upon us. through the fiscal of the king it was intimated to us and to all the orders that we were to make a presentation of the lists of the chapters, as is done in the other provinces of the rest of the indias. this is a very delicate thing to treat in a history, and it has cost many entreaties before god and his most holy mother our patroness--not because of the inconveniences that are feared from the royal piety of his majesty, the king our sovereign, nor of the impartiality and justice of his ministers, who will know how to govern this matter with that fear of god and with prudence, as they do other matters; but because we ourselves fear in these conversions which are so tender, where perhaps the tying of the hands of the mother will mean the loosening of those of the children, which will render them restless, with greater difficulty in subduing them than in other provinces less remote from relief and remedy. what happened in that case was that we petitioned with due submission, and stated our reasons (although all our reasons cannot be taken to so lofty and grave courts); and as a consequence the royal audiencia allowed us to continue our present custom, which we maintain not only from our rules, but from the foundation of this province, and sent the records to the royal council of the indias, where the matter was examined. in that year the province sent as definitor to the general chapter father fray juan lopez, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca, lecturer in theology, and regent of the college of santo thomàs of manila. he later became the most illustrious bishop of zibu and ascended to the archbishopric of the said city of manila. we shall discuss him more in detail in the year of his death, which occurred lately, to the universal sorrow of these islands. authority as procurator-general was given to father fray francisco de la trinidad in order that he might accompany the former. he was already in madrid, and afterward became the most meritorious bishop of santa marta. the provincial having died, the prior of the convent of santo domingo of manila, where the chapter of the coming election was to be held, namely, father fray lucas montanero, became vicar-general according to our rules. having called the conference or junta of the province, he set the time and day for the following chapter, namely, april 21, 1657, and it was held by arrangement of the said conference and its vicar-general. [chapter viii deals with the life and death (july, 1656), of diego rodriguez in china, and chinese affairs. chinese matters are discussed also in the three following chapters.] chapter xii great earthquake of san bernardo's day; and the mission which arrived at the province in the year 1658, when the father commissary fray juan de los angeles was prior of the convent of santo domingo of manila, another great and formidable earthquake occurred on the twentieth of august. in the opinion of all it was worse than that of the day of st. andrew which we have related, which occurred in the year 1645; except that this one came alone in the quality of its greatness (for the shocks that accompanied it were much less severe than in the former; it is a natural thing to have these earthquakes come with a retinue, and they are among the evils that can never come singly). the second reason why this one was less was based on the fact that the city of manila was in a sad condition, and those lofty edifices of stone were on the ground, which then robbed the city of much of its pride. therefore, although some people were killed and many met with accidents and bodily injury, it was not so bloody. however it did not fail to exercise its commission, and many edifices were violently overthrown and great disorder was occasioned not only in manila but in all these islands.... our convent of santo domingo was hardly used; and as the religious had no cells, as those which were left were full of water, they went along that street seeking corners where they could stay, even at great inconvenience. when the mission (of which we shall speak immediately) arrived, lodgings had to be arranged in the galleries of the new church, where beds and curtains were distributed among the various collateral naves. a better manner of lodging could not be found for many days, because the rainy season (which was a great drawback) had set in. the convent was very fortunate in having there its superior, who repaired so great a disaster with all courage and fortitude, and encouraged his subordinates by repairing their house with great skill and energy, notwithstanding that it was under heavy expenses. god performed miracles by his hand, and has continued the same in the other posts which he has held. truly he is one of the most careful and indefatigable workers of this holy province, and as he is yet living, this remark must suffice. that year arrived an excellent mission which had been collected in españa by father fray francisco de la trinidad, who had remained there as bishop-elect of santa marta, and father matheo bermudez, who conducted it to mexico, where he remained as vicar of san jacinto. the latter entrusted his office to father fray juan de polanco, who brought that mission safely to filipinas to the great joy of all the religious. the mission consisted of thirty-eight, [35] and their names, occupations, and native places are as follows in order of age: father fray joseph duriach, son of the royal convent of santa catalina martir in barcelona, former lecturer in the arts in girona; father fray luis alvarez, son of [the convent of] san pablo in valladolid, former fellow of san gregorio, and lecturer in the arts in the said his convent of san pablo; father fray juan polanco, son of [the convent of] san pablo in valladolid, former fellow of san gregorio, and former master of students in santa maria la real at trianos, who came as vicar of that mission from mexico; father fray alonso de leon, son of [the convent of] san pablo in palencia; father fray domingo de san pedro, son of [the convent of] santa zita in palermo, lecturer in arts in the said his house; father fray pedro de santo domingo, son of [the convent of] san pedro martir in mantua, and lecturer in arts in the said his house; father fray diego de san roman, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in victoria, and lecturer in logic in santa maria la real in trianos; father fray antonio calderon, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca, and fellow of santo tomàs in alcalà de henares; father fray francisco sanchez, son of [the convent of] san pedro martir in toledo, and fellow of san gregorio in valladolid; father fray felipe leonardo, son of the preachers in valencia; father fray tomàs butiel, son of [the convent of] san pablo in hipra [i.e., ypres] in lower germania; father fray salvador de santo tomàs, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in guzman de san lucar; father fray domingo de villamide, son of [the convent of] santo domingo at santiago in galicia; father fray martin de trigueros, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in ocaña; father fray pedro del barco, son of [the convent of] la madre de dios in alcalà de henares; father fray jayme berge, son of [the convent of] corpus christi at luchente in the kingdom of valencia; father fray juan teodoro, son of [the convent of] san vicente at calcha, in the province of flandes; father fray agustin garcia, son of [the convent of] santo tomàs in madrid; father fray diego serrano, son of [the convent of] san pedro martir in toledo; father fray joseph de noriega, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray leonardo marquez, son of [the convent of] san agustin in padua; father fray nicolas merlo, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray antonio martinez, son of the convent of santo domingo at santiago in galicia; father fray tomàs de leon, son of [the convent of] santo tomàs in madrid, and brother of father fray alonso de leon above mentioned; father fray fernando de melgar, son of [the convent of] san pedro martir in toledo; father fray lorenzo del rosario, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in guzman de san lucar; father fray bartolome de quiroga, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in lugo; father fray victorio de almoynia, son of [the convent of] santo domingo at santiago in galicia; fray bernardo alvarez, dean, son of [the convent of] san pablo in valladolid; fray estevan de rivera, son of [the convent of] santa maria la real in trianos; fray melchor vigil, dean, son of the said convent in trianos; fray lucas de san vicente, lay-brother, native of salamanca, son of the convent of santo domingo in manila. those who remained sick in mexico came the following year. they were as follows: father fray manuel de guzman, son of the convent of san pablo in sevilla; father fray gregorio ortiz, son of the preachers in zaragoza; fray domingo de flores, dean, son of the convent of santo domingo in zamora; fray andres de los angeles, lay-brother, son of [the convent of] santo domingo in oajaca. that fine mission arrived very opportunely, composed of religious who possessed so excellent abilities; they were young, and well fitted to advance the credit of this holy province. after the joyful congratulations which welcomed them, they were assigned by the arrangements of the prelate, then the father commissary, fray francisco de paula, to the study of a language. they have gone forth as excellent ministers and missionaries, both those who are living and some who have already died. [chinese affairs again engross our author for the remainder of this chapter, as well as for the thirteenth.] chapter xiv junta of the year 1659; father fray juan bautista de morales goes to take part in it; and prior events in zubinkeu. the intermediary junta was held in 1659 in our convent of santo domingo in manila. among other matters that were decided there, we must not pass in silence the response made to the fathers of china to a question or memorial presented by them. [this memorial, in view of the disturbed state of china and the slender support that was received by the missionaries in china from the province in the philippines, asks that whenever cultivated lands are given them as an alms they may accept them. the memorial or petition was not allowed, for the bad effects that might ensue from it; as the chinese might misconstrue it and imagine that the missionaries go to their country for the sake of the lands alone, and not for the welfare of souls--the decision giving great satisfaction to juan bautista de morales, vicar-provincial of china. the remainder of the chapter relates wholly to chinese matters.] [the insurrections in the provinces of pangasinán, ilocos, and cagayan of the year 1660 are discussed in chapters xv and xvi (the latter treating also of the chinese pirate kuesing). they will be sufficiently related elsewhere in this work. chapter xvii is a summary of the life of father fray joseph de madrid, who was born in cebú. after studying at santo tomás in manila, he entered the order in that city. he was soon sent to the chinese missions, but was unable to remain there on account of the climate and hence returned to manila, where he died a violent death at the hands of the chinese of the parián--who had revolted on account of the threatening messages of kuesing in the year 1662. he was a natural linguist, speaking fluently cebúan, visayan, tagálog, and the language of ituy, beside the most difficult dialect of the chinese, namely, that spoken about canton. chapters xviii and xix treat of the chinese pirate kuesing and chinese affairs. chapter xx contains accounts of the lives of various religious who died in the dominican province during this time. carlos clemente gant died in the province of nueva segovia at the age of more than seventy, having arrived in the philippines in 1611. he was a native of zaragoza, and professed in the same city. his mission field was in the province of cagayan, whither he returned both times after his terms as provincial (1637, and 1648). he also became commissary of the holy office after the death of the commissary fray domingo gonzalez. joseph de santa maria (or navarro), a son of the convent of san pedro martir at marchena in andalucía, went to the philippines in 1648. he was vicar of the islands of babuyanes, where he fell ill and had to go lalo-c for treatment; on returning to his convent he was killed by the insurgents. pedro de la fuente, son of the convent of san pablo of burgos, served as lecturer in theology in the college of santo tomás in manila, and regent and prior of the manila convent, and was minister in various places in cagayan. at his death he was vicar of the village of pata. the father commissary, fray salvador mexia, son of the sevilla convent, went to the islands in 1648. he acted as vicar-provincial of pangasinán, and was remembered for his zeal. francisco martir ballesteros, of the convent of santo domingo in murcia, died in the province of pangasinán at the age of more than seventy, being vicar-provincial of pangasinán. he was a zealous minister, and left a number of sermons and other pious writings which circulated among the friars in manuscript. rafael de la carcel of the province of aragon, a native of mallorca, who went to the philippines in 1632, also died in pangasinán. among other posts that he held he was prior of the manila convent, for a while prior vicar-general, and vicar of calasiao. his death occurred soon after the disaffection of that village, and was probably hastened by that loss. rodrigo de cardenas, bishop of nueva segovia, died in may, 1661. he had arrived at the philippines in 1653, and held the office of bishop for eight years. he died greatly regretted by all.] chapter xxi the holding of the provincial chapter for the election; death of kuesing; father fray victorio [riccio] returns to china with the reply to his embassy. the father commissary, fray francisco de paula, ended his term as provincial, and on april 7, 1661, the father commissary, fray felipe pardo, then prior of the convent of santo domingo of manila, was elected in that convent. that was the first time when he rose to the government of this province as provincial. he filled that office so well that after twelve years (in 1673) he was elected for the second time, and is at present in that office. he came to this province in the mission of 1648, for which he left his convent of san pablo at valladolid, where he exercised the office of master of students. the province always kept him employed here in the offices of lecturer of morning classes, regent, and rector of the college of santo tomas; president of the hospital, and prior of manila. although he has filled all of them with great credit to his person, and has been useful and creditable to the order, yet the honor of commissary of the holy inquisition has given him greater prestige--both because any service for that holy tribunal (and especially that of commissary), means so much, and because of the circumstances of the time. for he was the first commissary elected after the disturbance, as famous as harmful, which was occasioned in these islands by the preceding commissary, who arrested the governor at that time without those orders that he ought to have awaited after having consulted--or, more correctly, having informed--the holy tribunal of mexico. the father provincial commenced his first government with so much spirit and energy that much and even most of it was left for his second government. for the already-mentioned insurrection of the parián happened in his term, as did the incident of our ambassador, [36] together with the measures taken in the offended provinces of the insurgent indians, although those provinces are now quiet. in that and in the sending out of missions, in which he has always manifested his great love and inclination, and in maintaining them with aid, he could well boast of his great zeal and capacity--besides [carrying] the usual weight [of the province] which is always heavy. he sent father fray jayme berge (who came in the mission of the year 1658) to become an associate to father fray victorio riccio, and ordered father fray pedro de santo domingo, who desired it, to come to manila. at the same time he gave orders and letters commanding father fray juan polanco, whom the chapter had appointed definitor for europa, and procurator-general, to come [to manila]. he also conveyed a generous aid to our religious, as well as what the order of our father st. francis gave him for their religious. that did not have the success that was desired, for the greater part was lost in the conveying of it through that so disturbed country. [the remainder of the chapter treats of chinese affairs.] [the four following chapters also treat of chinese matters, including political and missionary affairs.] chapter xxvi of the intermediary junta; the arrival of a new governor in filipinas; affairs of china; and of mother maria de jesus. the intermediary junta was held in our convent of santo domingo, on april fourteen, one thousand six hundred and sixty-three. besides the usual arrangements, no especial thing was ordained in it except to entrust to the father provincial the printing of the ritual, and, when that was done, to see that the religious used it and no other. that is a very important provision, and one in which the zeal of our superiors is very well occupied, so that our procedure may be uniform, as we are charged in the beginning of our holy constitutions. it is not advisable that this matter of ceremonies be free, since they are so necessary; and piety and opinion have no vote in this matter, in which the decree of the superiors has explained their decision. the worst results will follow if neglect occasions it, since the administration of the holy sacraments is the most essential point of the ministries; and they need rules and regulations, care in their study, and punctuality. in the year 1669, a very suitable ritual was published, which was quite uniform with the roman ritual of paul v.... that year of 1663 our governor, the master-of-camp don diego de salcedo, came to these islands. he was a worthy soldier of flandes, where he had attained honorable posts; and since he had filled them so well his majesty entrusted to him the influential post of captain-general and governor of these islands. if these islands were three thousand leguas nearer, that office would doubtless not be second in importance to those of america. the ship put in at nueva segovia, and consequently the said governor came overland--being received very hospitably by our ministering religious and those of our father st. augustine, who are established along the way. on that journey also they were received by the natives with feasts, dancing, and music, in which they are very entertaining. his lordship gained a good name in [receiving] those tokens of welcome, inadequate as they were, by the great affability and generosity that he displayed to the natives. he reached manila and assumed his office amid great acclamation and pomp on the festal day of september eight, the day consecrated to the birth of the most holy virgin. that was a great consolation to all people, and good auguries were indicated although not all of them were fulfilled to the letter. he was beyond doubt a capable man, and one of great intellect. in but few days he understood whatever concerned his obligation, and never departed from it so long as it concerned the king's service. he made the despatches of the ships to españa very punctually, and with foresight; for he recognized that the ship that left here annually to get the situado is the one that ought to have the greatest care, and demands activity [in preparation] so that it may not be pushed for time, but that one or two months shall be gained. consequently, there always was a ship [on that line]; and god took charge of them and brought them in, seeing that people here were doing their utmost. [37] in respect to the good fortune with which he began [his term], he became faint-hearted, and cared little for being liked, for that post cannot be free from cause for harshness. the devil entered, upon seeing the necessary wall of love somewhat fallen; and he put complaints into the minds of the traders, which soon spread to the other estates. that enemy sowed dissension, which is his own seed; and the number of those disaffected increasing, much opposition to the governor arose. at the end of the year 1668 (october tenth) the governor was arrested by the commissary of the inquisition, fray joseph de paternina, an augustinian.... [further references to the chinese missions and politics are made, and the chapter ends with notices regarding a spanish beata or devout woman, maria de jesus, who died in manila in 1662. her parents, albaro de angulo tobar and isabel de morales, were old settlers in the islands, who had lived first in cebú; and their daughter was born in arevalo, in the island of panay. the latter took the habit of beata in the tertiary order of the dominicans, somewhat against the will of her parents. she gave many alms, spent the greater portion of her wealth in the building of the church of santo domingo, and reared orphan girls in her house.] [the life and labors of the famous missionary to china, juan bautista de morales, who died in 1664, fill chapters xxvii-xxxii. the following chapter is devoted to fray francisco de paula, commissary of the inquisition and twice provincial, and other fathers. the former was born in segovia and took the habit at salamanca. enlisting in the philippine mission in 1618, on arriving there he began to study chinese in the parián; but was soon transferred to the college of santo tomás, where he taught for eighteen years. he was a successful and eloquent preacher to the spaniards, and in consequence was elected preacher-general of the manila convent. the office of vicar-provincial, as far as manila is concerned, was conferred on him; and in the year 1641 he was elected provincial. in 1647, while exercising his duties in the manila college of santo tomás, whither he had returned after his office had expired, he was elected commissary of the inquisition. in 1657 he was again elected provincial. pedro de santo domingo, who took the habit in milan, italy, went to the philippines in 1658, at the age of forty, and was sent to the chinese missions; but, being unable on account of his age to learn the language, he was sent back to manila and became vicar of the convent of santelmo in cavite. illness, however, pressing on him, he was assigned as vicar to the philippine hospice of san jacinto in mexico, but died ere reaching his destination.] chapter xxxiv the election of a new provincial in the person of the father commissary, fray juan de los angeles; and the great troubles in china. the capitular members assembled in the year 1665 to elect a provincial, as the father commissary, fray felipe pardo, had completed his office. on the twenty-fifth of april they elected the father commissary, fray juan de los angeles, of the province of andalucia, and a son of the convent of santo domingo del campo in the village of zafra in estremadura. he had come to this province in the year 1635, and had been minister of tagalos in the district of bataan, and afterward in the island hermosa, where he remained six years (the time when the dutch captured that fort and drove us from the land). he returned to manila by way of jacatra and macasar, and to his former ministry of tagalos. he was rector of the college of santo tomas, twice prior in our convent of santo domingo of manila, at various times vicar-general, and definitor in 1661 and 1673. in the year that we mentioned, the province elected him as its prelate, to the general satisfaction of all. this is as much as we can say at present, for he is still living. we can also say that since being provincial, he has undertaken the charge of the college for boys of san juan de letran. he has provided for them a very suitable and spacious house within the walls of manila, that has gained repute and esteem for the pious education in virtue and the studies of those children, which is the object [of that college]. this holy province was struggling manfully at the time of that election, but both hands were busy in wiping off the tears that were shed before god for two reasons. [the first reason was the effort of the governor to make the orders publish the lists of ministries, [38] as was the custom in the other parts of the indias. in 1665 the vessel which arrived brought his excellency, don fray juan lopez, consecrated bishop-elect of cebú. he brought with him the acts of the general chapter held in rome in 1656; the execution of the measures for the government of the indias in general were suspended, as the philippines were not included in them unless mentioned specially. the second great trouble of the province was the cruelty practiced on the missionaries in china. the chapter ends with accounts of china and the work there.] [chinese affairs are continued in chapters xxxv-xl.] chapter xli a new mission arrives in the province; and events of these times in filipinas and china. the bishop don fray juan de polanco (who was not yet bishop-elect) went to españa with the usual powers conferred by the province, following don fray juan lopez, bishop of zibu and afterward archbishop of manila, who had gone the preceding year with the same powers. but because of accidents, and since the province was so lacking in religious, a second procurator was despatched. that was an excellent measure, as the result showed; for the bishop of zibu was embarrassed by his new promotion and by his despatches, so that he could not get the mission ready, although he had made a good start at it upon the arrival of don fray juan de polanco. the latter was very well received in the provinces of españa, and all of them showed him great love and reverence because of the good impression that he gave by his virtues, which have without doubt the greatest attracting power for those spiritual soldiers. the commission is one of danger which only the loftiest object and obedience can make peaceful; for besides being the sample, as they say, of the cloth, such a person is not only looked at but spied upon by all; and it is necessary above all to bear god in mind and keep oneself acceptable to him for so long and even almost desperate voyages, so that he may give health in so many hardships, climates, and paths of the earth, and [enable him to furnish] a good example for so many different kinds of persons with whom one must confer and voyage, in the midst of so many cares as he always has in his charge. the task of making religious is that of the greatest difficulty; for so long as the men [sought] have the greatest abilities, their convents, who have reared them, feel it more, and say farewell to them to see them no more, where natural love does its duty and the devil is not careless--although, in fine, our holy provinces have always nourished this daughter of theirs in the belief that to give her a religious is to make god careful to send her many, and to preserve them with the wealth of their virtues. they send their sons to this honorable warfare, and the latter gain new blasons for them and get their first share of the spoils in the service of god and the welfare of souls. therefore, the procurator who is securing men needs many lights of virtue, prudence, and affability, and great patience, for accidents that happen, and for the suitable choice of routes, and for guidance when they go astray; then the essential part of presenting the things in his care to the princes, and the latter's councils and counselors to whose questions he must make answer with truth and candor. the fear of god is master in all; for, if he swerve from that line, he cannot make a good voyage. for the other despatches by tribunals and accountancies, he needs to attend upon them without being troublesome, and enduring delays, civilities, and courtesies; for they are ministers of the king and worthy of all esteem, and he must await his time amid the so many cares entrusted to them. just at present we all enjoy the ministry of a perfect procurator of filipinas in our venerable bishop don fray juan de polanco, who must have been a model of procurators; for by his example and virtue alone, he found himself freed from all the difficulties that accompany that honorable office. in their very beginnings he found them solved and conquered; and he made the very judges of his causes, and even those who were opposed to him, his attorneys. this is not imagination but the pure truth; and there are many witnesses still living now in the holy city of roma (where he went as definitor in 1668), and in the royal court of madrid--where he was favored by princes, and esteemed and respected as an apostolic and holy man in their councils and tribunals; where he was listened to as a learned orator of this province; and where his causes were heard with the notable grace that god gave him wherever he went, and with the highest honor in both the said courts. the time will come for recounting his life and death, and then a longer account will be given of his virtues. suffice it to say for the present that he collected two famous missions for this holy province, which he accompanied to mexico (which is the rough place in the ascent of the hill), and returned for the third time [to españa] for more soldiers--[whom he would have brought] had not the giant footsteps of envious death intercepted him in sevilla. he entrusted the first mission to one of its religious, namely, father fray baltasar de santa cruz. they reached manila safely in august, 1666, and their names in order of age are as follows: father fray juan de velasco, son of [the convent of] san pedro martir el real in toledo; father fray baltasar de santa cruz, son of [the convent of] santa cruz el real in granada, and master of students, who was then in the convent of san lucar; father fray joseph de isussi, son of the convent of san pablo in burgos and fellow of [the convent of] san gregorio in valladolid; father fray diego nuñez, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray christoval de montenegro, son of the convent and college of nuestro señora del rosario in almagro, fellow of santo thomas in sevilla, and teacher of logic there; father fray arcadio del rosario, son of [the convent of] san pablo in sevilla, and lecturer in logic there, former fellow of santo thomas of alcalà de henares (this father remained in mexico because of illness, and came the following year); father fray christoval pedroche, son of the convent of san pedro martir el real in toledo; father fray juan romero, son of the convent of san pablo in sevilla and fellow of san gregorio in valladolid; father fray juan de la cueva, son of [the convent of] santa cruz in granada; father fray pedro de alcalà, son of the same convent in granada; father fray manuel de mercadillo, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray alonso blasco, son of the convent of santo domingo del campo in estremadura; father fray domingo perez, son of the convent of santa maria de trianos, fellow of alcalà [de henares]; father fray juan peguero, son of the convent of porta coeli in sevilla; father fray pedro ximenez, son of the convent of la peña de francia; father fray joseph de solis, son of [the convent of] san pablo in palencia; father fray francisco de olmedo, son of the same convent in palencia; father fray pedro sanchez, son of the convent of la peña de francia; father fray antonio de san juan, son of the convent of santa cruz in segovia; father fray agustin garcia de ortega, son of [the convent of] san estevan in salamanca; father fray pablo marchan, son of the same convent of san estevan; father fray andres gonzalez, son of the convent of san pablo in valladolid; father fray bernabe rodriguez, son of the same convent in valladolid; father fray francisco de villalva, son of the convent of san pablo of burgos; father fray pedro de alarcon, son of the convent of nuestra señora de atocha; father fray antonio rego, son of the convent of san estevan in salamanca; father fray andres lopez, son of the convent of san pedro martir in toledo; father fray diego de castro, son of the convent at santiago in galicia; father fray joseph de san jacinto, son of the convent of santa cruz in segovia; father fray joseph de la torre, son of the convent of san pedro martir in rio seco; father fray juan de santo domingo, son of the convent in ocaña; father fray juan de santa maria, son of the convent of san pedro in sevilla; father fray pedro gonzalez, son of the convent of aranda in duero; father fray juan de castellanos, son of the convent of santo domingo in logroño; father fray bernardo de noriega, son of the convent of san pablo in palencia; fray antonio de la purificacion, lay-brother, of the convent of santa cruz in granada; fray joseph de la villalva, lay-brother, son of the convent of san pablo in valladolid; fray juan fernando, lay-brother, son of the convent of san pablo in burgos, who remained in our hospice of san jacinto [in mexico]; and fray sebastian del rosario, lay-brother, son of the said convent of san jacinto in mexico. in all they number thirty-nine. [39] this fine mission came in the ship "la concepcion," that year of 1666. the same ship also brought two other missions, one of our father, st. francis, and the other of the society of jesus; two religious of st. john of god, and secular priests; also captains, and very honorable persons--in charge of the commander joseph de zamora. the ship was unable to make the embocadero because the vendavals which had set in prevented it. therefore it was very fortunate in making the port of palapa, which is located on the southern side. [40] they anchored there on the day of st. lawrence, and it was considered a very special providence of god that they disembarked there on that land, for all arriving in great need and worn out after four months and more of continual navigation, they found, especially the religious, that they had arrived at the land so oft desired and the land of promise. they found in that village, which is in charge of the fathers of the society, a father rector whose charity challenged the needs of all of them and was victorious. this was the ever venerable father melchor de los reyes, a native of puerto rico, who, although very poor in that ministry of his, yet settled the difficulty as a very rich man. he lodged eighty religious without even remotely expecting one. he received them all with the ringing of bells, with playing on wind instruments, and music. he supported them abundantly and daintily until boats were found to take them to manila (which could not be done in a few days). he also succored the ship with rice and other supplies, and with dainties, according to their persons. ours were the best served, for boats were not found; and although it was thought that the ship could soon proceed upon its voyage, the bad weather was so obstinate that it was unable to sail until march of the following year. therefore they remained in that holy house with the same satisfaction that they could have had in the most wealthy convent of our order. sufficiently accommodated in those lodgings, they all said mass; and then those who wished had their breakfast. all the food was supplied abundantly, with the utmost cleanliness and punctuality. they were sheltered in the choir and galleries with great quiet. a pleasant and crystal river flowed near the college, for recreation and bathing. there were books in great abundance, according to the taste of each one. above all was the affability of the holy religious, and of the others who attended to those residences belonging to their ministry. truly there are no words to imagine the consolation that the lord gave there to our tired religious, or the obligation under which all this province remained at so generous charity. the religious who served as superior of ours, seeing the length of time that they were staying there, and the so excessive expense that was being incurred, although fearful of a bad outcome, finally, to satisfy his ill-founded fear, took one hundred pesos from the scanty hoard of the mission, and resolved to give them to the father rector. they were not sufficient even to cover the cost of the rice, but in the end would be some aid in meeting the expenses. he followed the rector alone into his apartment, and, changing color, after some arguments which he endeavored to offer he concluded by asking pardon, and asked him to please take that trifle to pay at least the porters and cooks, since our mission was detained so long there. the father rector assumed a serious countenance then, and in brief, sorrowfully proceeded to give the father a severe reproof, by telling him that nothing worthy of payment had been done there; that the father vice-provincial had ordered him to attend to that obligation; that the fathers of his residences had brought the supplies, each in accordance with his several ability; that, thanks to god, nothing was owed to the indians; that god was giving for everything; and that he rather was the gainer, for, without knowing how, he found his pantries full; that during those days two dugongs had been caught (a thing which had not been seen before since he had been there, for never had those fish been seen there, for it was by a great miracle). thus did he minimize all that he had done; but our religious, still insisting and placing the hundred pesos on the table, witnessed that the venerable father fell on his knees, and clasping his hands, with tears in his eyes, said to him: "no, no, father, you must not leave that money here for me. i beg that of you in the name of the most holy virgin. she will not permit your reverence to give me such affront, at least for the good-will with which i have served you." thereupon, the religious begged pardon, and kept his money without knowing how to pay that debt, unless it be paid in the divine treasuries of god, for whom it was all done. our religious went out in seven bands, and for each band the rector solicited a boat, a good pilot, and a store of supplies for some days. all came [to manila] singing the praises of so religious an alexander, who was finally reared in so holy a school as that of the society of jesus--where, although one is taught all kinds of knowledge so completely, we can say that charity is that which is not taught, because it is inspired. god will now have paid that pious father, for already has he taken him to himself. the religious consumed two more months in going from palapa to manila because of the bad weather. however, they passed almost always through ministries belonging to our father st. francis, where they found themselves detained and hindered more by the great love with which they were welcomed, and the regret with which they were allowed to depart, than by the roads and the difficulties of travel. they arrived at the desired place at last and were received by the father provincial, then the father commissary, fray juan de los angeles, with that paternal love which his natural affability and his obligation dictated to him. when he saw that they were rested, he began to assign them occupations. on september 27 of the former year 1665, our most reverend father-general, fray juan bautista de marinis, wrote a loving and thoughtful letter from roma to the venerable father fray juan bautista de morales. that letter reached the province in 1667, and, although the father was dead, it will be proper that so precious a thing--to the credit of the paternal providence of its author, and of the reputation that this noble although so retired a member had gained with the supreme head of the order--shall not perish or be lost; and it is also to the credit of this holy province, for they so hold his name in memory as to honor it through its sons, our supreme heads. the letter reads as follows: "reverend father in christ: health, and grace from the holy ghost. the news that i have received from the father provincial of that our province of the filipinas is a great consolation to me. he gives me news of your reverence's health, and of the perseverance with which you are aiding in those conversions without any relaxation to your labors in your so advanced age. i thank the lord therefor, from whom comes all good; and applying to your reverence the sufferings of all the order, and giving you the benediction of our glorious st. dominic, i thank you again and again for having served in our ministry for the conversion of souls, which is the object of our institute, and which your reverence and your companions are, with the divine grace, accomplishing. forty-two religious sailed in the mission which left cadiz on july 5 of this year, for which the father lecturer, fray juan polanco, procurator of the province, worked zealously and diligently. the consolation that i have had in the selection of those missionaries will increase if your reverence will take them under your teaching, and encourage and exhort them so that, as sons of so good a father, they may give bread to those who, desirous of spiritual sustenance, beg it. may god please that it be so, for such is my desire. in regard to the labors of government, it will relieve us to receive letters from your reverence, and to have news of the progress of so loving sons as it has been god's pleasure to give me. i have sent breviaries and a formulary of devotion to the twelve associates of your reverence, which is as a token of my love, so that you may be mindful of me in your prayers, and ask god to give me the success that i desire in the fulfilment of my obligation. i am sending to your reverence documents containing the many thanks that the holy apostolic see has given us; and i inform you that his holiness in our lord, alexander vii, who is auspiciously governing this church, is granting us very loving favors; and i hope to receive even greater ones from his munificence. i shall give him an account of the extensive labors of your reverence, and of the happiness that we may expect because an entrance has been made into the island hermosa, whence the passage to china and to japon will be facilitated. may god continually preserve and accompany your reverence and all those my sons--to whom i say that the cause of the holy martyrs of japon is proceeding felicitously; [41] and that i hope that the laurel of their martyrdom will be a motive to the others, so that, if it should prove necessary for the maintenance of our holy faith to suffer as martyrs they may do so with gladness. roma, september 27, 1665. "fray juan bautista de marinis, master of the order." this is the letter written ex-officio by the general of the order to a poor missionary under him, giving place to this care before so many and imperative cares as claim his attention--so that one may see even in this life the honors that god has prepared for those who are employed in so apostolic an occupation. in the year 1667, on the day of the immaculate conception of our lady, december 8, the most illustrious doctor don miguel de poblete, archbishop of manila, died in that city, to the universal sorrow of all these islands; for during the time of fourteen years while he had occupied the see, he acted as the loving father and pastor of his church. he was a very amiable man, pious, and possessed of great charity; for notwithstanding the poverty of this archbishopric, and its dependence upon the condition of a royal treasury that is so poor and has so many creditors, he gave liberal alms, which he took from the sustenance of his own person, his household, and his family. he was very anxious for the building of his cathedral, which he found completely ruined since the earthquakes. with grave importunity and the amount that his majesty ordered to be paid to him, he left a church that was very sumptuous (as much so as these islands permit), almost finished. it has three naves, all of free stone and rubble-work masonry. it was finished a short time after his death; and its venerable dean and cabildo occupied it to the great consolation and credit of the city. on the day of his death occurred the ceremony of taking the oath of allegiance to the king our sovereign, carlos second; [42] and god made that occasion propitious for us, for with that his venerable body, embalmed, was exposed for three days, and the faithful had time to go with tearful piety to say farewell to their most loving shepherd, whose hands and feet they kissed until he was buried with due pomp. it was the common report, and an established fact, that he died a virgin, and beloved to the utmost degree [43] for his so beautiful virtue. this and his piety, not at all embarrassed by personal considerations, were sufficient to compose a palm [44] for him; and after it was placed it appeared very fitting. god will give his fame a special history, as ours cannot go into greater detail. in those two years god took from us valuable associates of long experience, who served this holy province much by their example and work for the welfare of the indians. father fray juan de arjona, son of the convent of san pablo el real in cordova, [was one]. he had been occupied with great earnestness in the ministries of pangasinan and ytui, and there he performed great deeds for the service of god, as those ministries were new. he died at an advanced age in the convent of santo domingo in manila. father fray juan pabon, native of montaruches in estremadura, son of the convent at truxillo in the province of españa, was most accomplished in the language of nueva segovia, and suffered great hardships in the conversion of the indians of irraya and in the administration of other villages. the love and respect of all who came in contact with him was very great; and the province entrusted to him many posts of honor, and grieved not a little at his death, for he was a model for ministers, and in every respect a pattern of his obligation. chapter xlii of the intermediary junta of the year sixty-seven; and of other news of this period of our history. on april thirty of the year 1667 was held and celebrated the intermediary junta [in the term] of the father commissary fray juan de los angeles, in our convent of santo domingo in manila--and with new vigor because of the fervor imparted to the province by the fresh nourishment received from its late reënforcement. they proceeded to arrange the ministries, and one more which it seemed advisable to separate, namely, san miguel at orion, in the district of bataan. after knowing the new soldiers for a year, the old and new stones were assigned to their places in order to render this spiritual edifice firm and beautiful. the new rules made were but few, but they were very carefully thought out. the first was that no inferior or subordinate official of the order should visit or write to the alcaldes and superiors of the provinces, and least of all to the governor, without first making known his intention and explaining it to the father provincial--or, in his absence, to the vicars-provincial--respectively. that was and ought to be a necessary measure; and the attempt to carry out the decisions that each minister reaches in his seclusion may be the cause of greater troubles. we must not make a passion of our zeal for defending the indians, for that is a virtue that essentially demands to be moderated by prudence. an angry letter, or (what is worse) a visit, founded perhaps on a misrepresentation, generally disquiets a superior. he, in his own opinion offended, is vexed; and the indians themselves, and the rest of the religious, are wont to pay doubly [for the intrusion]. consequently, it is proper that such matters be managed with much caution and in accordance with obedience, and in the council [of the order], keeping in view the object, which must be the first aim of every good intention. everyone does what he is able in his ministry and profession, and the apostle says that we should give offense to no one. the heads of the province, being in an exalted position, discover many things and efficient remedies for all troubles; and hence it is necessary to place such affairs in their hands. for the same reason and one greater, that junta repeats the order that no one should preach against the government and the persons busied in it without consulting with the same superiors. for that means consultation with god, because words are very important in that most lofty and consecrated place--where by favor of the sovereign principles of a wisdom whose master is the fear of god, and general doctrines, one may say whatever there is to say. our father san vicente ferrer did not preach more than the judgment, but he reformed the world, kings, and chiefs. and only a st. john the baptist, who by credit of his virtue pointed out with his finger a divine person, could point out from the pulpit a person so wicked and scandalous as a herod; for the latter was, in fine, king, and his dignity protected him. god placed our superiors in their positions (and kings rule through god) and gave that honor to their councils and magistracies; and consequently it is proper for ministers to honor them without flattery (which is another and worse extreme) without curing them with salt, and with respect where the community does not feel it--so that by preaching to the people at large, they will know where their pain is. we have already touched on this point in another place; but, since our province repeats it so often in its ordinances, the historian is also permitted to repeat it, since it is advice so important. a petition was addressed to our most reverend father not to allow dispensations to be introduced into our provinces, nor anything that savored of [differences between] individuals or degrees. for since it had seemed to his paternal piety that the procurators-general who went from this province to those of europa had immense work therein, he planned to grant to them officially some sort of reward, by conferring on them the rank of the more recent fathers of the province. receiving this favor with submission and gratitude, they nevertheless protested in this junta against it. at the same time don fray juan de polanco made a humble resistance in roma, as he knew that the order had already been sent. but he obtained that new favor from our most reverend father; and, before our petition arrived, the said grace was revoked. in the following year of 1668 two relief ships reached these islands, which came from nueva españa. in one of them came father fray antonio calderon, who had obtained permission to return to españa the preceding year, because of illness. but later, as he regained strength in nueva españa, and as he knew the lack that one religious makes here, and the need of the province, he was filled with no small doubt, seeing that this was coming to be a second vocation. therefore, he determined to return, and did so; and entered the province for the second time with great courage and went to his ministries in nueva segovia, where he is and was an excellent linguist. the devil is very subtile, and, because he sees the evil that is caused him by this province, he causes sickness, and makes sufferings greater than what they are in themselves. since also the magnanimous nature of man falls short, and he takes it ill to see himself set in a land like this--as shut out from intercourse and repose as contrary to the liberty of our españa--with the little attention given to him, he imagines insuperable hardships in the rules, aggravates his sickness in so great retirement; and by a door that is lawful, he disturbs the common cause and even endangers that of the individual. the said father now found himself strong, and consequently chose to return, to exercise his strength in this his province. in the other ship came father fray arcadio del rosario, who had, as we have remarked above, remained in mexico sick, and was now coming very strong and well--to a place where the only consolations and pleasures that went out to meet him were a peril and sudden catastrophe, which would have been the last had not god aided him almost miraculously. because of the difficulty that the ship had in entering the strait or embocadero of san bernardino--and those difficulties are very great and usual in those seas in that season--the father took a small boat called a caracoa; and, embarking in it with a father visitor-commissary of our father st. francis, who was coming as visitor, and another, his associate, with rowers and other spanish passengers, they tried to cross the strait, in order to continue their course to manila more quickly than they could by the ship, if they waited for it. those boats are not only swift but weak, and, in order to give them greater safety, some long timbers are crossed at intervals over the sides; at the ends of these they suitably place some bamboo sails called cates, so that, by thus making the vessel wider, they may better resist the waves and sustain them. they were beginning their crossing, which is a distance of about six leguas, and in the very middle of it so strong a gust of wind struck them, as well as so opposing currents--which, in those regions, are such that they will turn a ship of high free-board clear around, with or without favorable winds, moving it from side to side and disarranging the [trim of the] sails, with the accompanying horror that only sailors can imagine--that that boat (for it was not even a patache, but a very weak vessel) capsized, because of the currents and the violent wind that they encountered in the midst of the open expanse, after a few contrary blasts, and filled with water. it was the lord's will that the buffeting of the sea should soon strip it of weight, carrying away whatever it contained. thereupon the men in it remained astride of the said timbers and cates, and many of them were up to their breasts in water, rigging it. in such wise they allowed themselves to drift along with the said current, wherever it chose to take them, sustained only on those timbers poorly fastened together with rattan. night came; day followed; and in all that time they were unable to make the land--on the contrary, the currents carried them away from it. when they got out of one current they were seized by one opposed to it, so that they were continually going, round and round in those waters. father fray arcadio, who was still convalescent, suffered the most; and doubtless would soon have given up, had it not been for the said father commissary. a bamboo enclosure was made as well as possible on those timbers and there the father found some retreat from the water, mainly in the arms of the said father commissary. the latter's name was fray antonio godinez, son of the religious province of san diego in mexico. with the same suffering did they pass the following night--without water to drink in the midst of so much water, nor more food than a few grains of rice, which the wrath of so rigorous a fortune that assailed those miserable beings had forgotten. at last, on the third day, the lord, as a father of mercy, listened to them and they reached the land; where, more beaten by the waves of the sea than assisted by what the rowers could do, they reached the sacred sand in a stripped condition. three men were drowned, who tried to quit the boat too soon, and the sea made them pay for their ingratitude with their lives; for their weakness had already forbidden them [from reaching land]. it is always a rule of sailors that only wood can swim on such occasions. all is as god ordains; but already deposit was made of life, and a good account, by means of his majesty, must be given. our religious landed, or rather those who shared his fortunes drew him ashore half dead. but the land performed its miracles, and they hastened to the first village, where they all recovered and were despatched to manila. the pious commissary lost there all the papers of his commission, so that, when he reached the province, great difficulties were raised, and he returned without making his visit. father fray arcadio reached this our province, where he was gladly received, and the prelate assigned him to the study of the chinese language, in which he took the courses that will be related at the end of this chapter. [the provincial receives a letter dated roma, february 19, 1668, from the father-general of the order, juan bautista de marinis, in which concessions to the order by pope clement ix are related. the beatified luis beltran and mother rosa de santa maria have been canonized; universal prayer ad libitum to san vicente ferrer has been conceded; and other concessions of general importance to the order are granted. august 1, 1673, four religious embark for the chinese missions--namely, arcadio del rosario, pedro de alcala, pedro de alarcon, and alonso de cordova. the rough weather experienced causes the superstitious chinese crew to imagine that it is caused by the fathers; but after many hardships china is finally reached in twenty-four days. after various adventures they return to manila, may 4, 1674. two dominican religious, namely, arcadio del rosario and francisco lujan, and two franciscans, namely, miguel flores and pedro de piñuelo, sail for china on corpus christi day, 1676.] at the same time, religious are being occupied in two glorious missions in this same island of manila. one near the city, to the north, is to the zambals, whom we have not yet been able to subdue. now two of our religious are there, and are bringing in those of the mountains to form villages. they possess churches and many of the people are converted. the religious write that they have been received very well, and it is hoped that this will be a grand work for the service of god and for these islands, for those people are very courageous and bloodthirsty, and have always done great harm to those who go to other provinces and to the villages near them; and, if the faith of christ once subjects them, great advantages present themselves for all. the other mission is located in the same region, in the province of nueva segovia, in the district of the mountains called irraya, of which this history has already given repeated notices. most of those people are heathen, although there are many christians among them who have fled from our villages. they have been subdued at times, but their misfortune has immediately roused them to rebellion. now we are considering how to attract them by love, and with security; and our religious are moving alone in this matter, with none of the horrors that soldiers bring. consequently, we trust that they too will be subdued. such is our special vocation in this holy province, where we profess especially to fight the wars of god. and thus as the good soldier loses spirit when peace is declared, and is inspirited at the rumor of a battle, it is an evident fact that these spiritual soldiers are aroused to unusual ardor when the arms of the missions are in use, just as the silence of these voices depresses them. and, if their sufferings and efforts reached at least half as far as do their desires, there would be no province in asia now which had not yielded to god and to his holy faith in accordance with the honorable designs with which the beautiful sky of these islands inspires them. this news has been anticipated, because it is so recent; but the history only relates matters to 1669, so that the third part [45] will begin with the provincial chapter celebrated on may 11 of the said year, when the reverend father fray juan camacho was elected provincial. [the chapter ends with the recital of certain benefits that have been received by the order at large, in canonizations, beatifications, etc.] the augustinians in the philippines, 1641-70 book second of the second part of "conquests of the filipinas islands and chronicle of the religious of our father st. augustine." chapter xxxv of the second election to the provincialate of father fray gerónimo medrano,and the life and death of archbishop don hernando guerrero. as there are no events worth mentioning in the year 1640, outside of what we have noticed in the prosecution of the war with the sangleys, let us pass to the year 1641. on the nineteenth of april of that year was celebrated the provincial chapter, which was presided over by father fray juan de trejo, [46] the senior definitor of the former chapter. father fray gerónimo de medrano was elected for the second time as provincial. the definitors elected were father fray juan gallegos, fray pedro mexia, [47] fray diego de ordás, and fray diego tamayo. [48] the visitors were fathers fray felipe tallada and fray cristóbal enríquez. [49] very suitable ministers were stationed in all the villages of this province, as it had then a great plenty of religious. [here follow accounts of the wars in mindanao and joló, and the founding of the royal college of san felipe by sebastian hurtado de corcuera, both of which are treated elsewhere.] after the archbishop, don fray hernando, had governed his church of manila during his time with the troubles and anxiety that have been mentioned in their proper place, and many others which afterward continued to exercise his patience and tolerance (which, to one of his many years, were a great weight to place on him at the end of his life), he fell sick from various accidents, which prostrated him in a short time and reduced him to his last illness. this occurred during his visitation of the village of balayán, where he had remained a long time busied in the confirmations of that entire province. the vigilant prelate was unwilling to lay aside his bodily labors, as he was by nature very active. he celebrated mass every day, until his attendant, recognizing that his illness was becoming aggravated, induced him to retire to manila in order to take better care of his health. he reached the city in the middle of may, where he was shortly prostrated by his illness which made the physicians think that he was going to end his days very soon. all the remaining days left to him, he busied himself fervently in preparing for his last hour, abstracting himself in religious thought during all the time that either the care of his medicine or the compliance of his attendants permitted. but, coming to the last pass, he ordered that all the holy sacraments be given to him. he received them in public with great fervor, and to the edification of all the people. the people were very sorry to lose a shepherd so zealous for the welfare of souls, who had suffered so much to defend the immunity of the church. day and night was his archiepiscopal palace never free from the religious, who loved him dearly as the defender and protector of them all. not less was the sorrow of the cabildo, who loved him as a true father; for although he had had various conflicts with them, he was their consolation and defense as well as that of the clergy, among whom he performed all the offices of love and piety possible. he succored the poor and sheltered the needy clerics, for he was very zealous for the honor of the ecclesiastics. finally, laden with merits and years, he rendered up his soul to his creator, july 1, 1641, at one o'clock at night, at the age of more than seventy. his death caused general sorrow to all, especially to those who had borne most part in the sorrow that that great prelate had experienced. don fray hernando guerrero was a native of the town of alcaraz, although doctor juan pérez de montalbán represents him as born in madrid. he was the legitimate son of don fernando guerrero and of doña isabel de la barreta, both of noble blood. he received the habit of our holy religion in the convent of san felipe in madrid, where he professed july 26, 1588, during the priorship of father fray antonio de velasco. later he came to these islands in the year 1595 with the mission that was sent from españa by father fray francisco de ortega--who died afterward in mexico, when returning as the ambassador of king don felipe ii to the emperor of china. he was minister of the provinces of tagalos, where he built the convent of tagui; it was a magnificent work before it suffered ruin in the earthquakes of 1645, which overthrew the most sumptuous edifices. he obtained the most honorable posts in the order next to the provincialate, as a reward for his great merits; and, had he not been presented by his majesty as bishop of nueva segovia, he would also have filled the post of provincial. that was due to his many services to this province; for he went to españa twice and brought over two excellent missions of religious. special mention is made of this archbishop by the father master fray tomás de herrera, on folio 243 of the first part of his alfabeta agustiniano [i.e., "augustinian alphabet"]; and on folio 297 of chapter 43 of the first part of the history of our convent of salamanca. he is said to have received despatches to act as governor of these islands, although that is not clear to me. it may be true that he had a decree to act as governor ad interim; but as there was no vacancy in the government of these islands, he never had occasion to use that favor. in a rare book preserved in manuscript in the treasury of the holy cathedral church of manila, on the lives and deeds of the archbishops of the city, there is a very long relation of the government of don fray hernando guerrero and of his great sufferings in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity. speaking of his death, the following is added: "his death was greatly regretted, for the poor loved him dearly for the many great alms that he gave them both publicly and in secret. the rich esteemed him, for, besides his being very courteous and kind, they never gave him anything, however little, that was not recompensed with something greater. the orders venerated him, because the delicacy with which he gained the good-will of all was extreme; and he obtained that by his paternal affection and affability. although his cabildo showed him little kindness, he did not for that reason cease to esteem them. he succored the poor presbyters and the clergy by giving them alms sufficient to clothe themselves; for he sorrowed excessively at seeing that they did not have the proper vestments. he bought them bits of silk and chanlés for cassocks and cloaks, so that they might appear properly. he bought some houses, very elegant in their time, on the square of this city, and fitted them up for the archiepiscopal palace; but, as his debts were so heavy that he could not pay for them, they were bought after his death by manuel estacio venegas, [50] who made them into a palace, in which the governors and captains-general now live. [51] that prelate was an excellent man in all ways; and his disgrace resulted from the adverse fortune that he experienced--although he well merited the crown with which god must have rewarded him, because of the great prudence and patience with which he bore himself, while he was never heard to utter a harsh or hasty word. the cause of that was, that it fell to his lot to rule [the church] during the government of governor don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, a gentleman well known to be capricious and hard to deal with--who by his natural severity and harshness greatly harassed that prelate. but his greatest glory (worthy of all applause) was the fact that he suffered in defense of the immunity of his church; so that we may properly and with acclamation give him the aureole of martyrdom, and chant a song of victory for that holy warrior, [52] the defense of the manila church. his funeral was celebrated with due ceremony and he was buried amid tears and grief in the convent of his great father st. augustine in this city of manila; and his body was placed in the presbytery of the high altar at the gospel side. he ruled that archbishopric for five years, eleven months, and nine days. he was grave of aspect and spare in figure, of good proportion and stature, somewhat bald and hair somewhat curly. he was temperate in his eating, indeed eating very little. he spent much time in vigils. in his conversation he was very affable. he slept on the ground, the bed that he had--well furnished with handsome coverlets, on account of his dignity--remaining untouched. in short, he was in all things a perfect prelate."... third book of the second part of the "conquests of the filipinas islands and chronicle of the religious of our father st. augustine." chapter first provincial chapter; the arrival of governor don diego fajardo; and death of don fray pedro de arce. father fray gerónimo de medrano had governed this province with great success during his second triennium, and all were sorry when his term ended, and were desirous to have his life last so that he might be elected for the third time, as happened after in the year 1650; for that religious, who was so worthy of that office, left a great memory to posterity of his exalted virtue and prudence. thus, the time prescribed by our holy rules having arrived, the provincial chapter of this province was celebrated april 16, 1644, in the convent of san pablo at manila. father master fray teófilo mascarós presided at that chapter by the letters-patent of our very reverend father master, fray hipólito de monte-final, general of all our holy order. master fray alonso carvajal, the oracle of these islands at that time, was elected provincial. the definitors were fathers fray alonso de lara, [53] fray antonio gimenez, fray cristóbal de león, [54] and fray alonso quijano. [55] the visitors were fathers fray juan gallegos, and the lecturer was fray diego de ochoa. [56] in the ship that came from nueva españa that year, came as governor don diego fajardo chacón, knight of the order of santiago, an illustrious scion of the house of the marqués de los velez, and nephew of governor don alonso fajardo y tenza. that gentleman had been reared in the family of the most serene prince, manuel filiberto, the duke of saboya, whose captain of the guard he had been. [57] later by various promotions acquired by his valor in war, he came to be governor of perpiñán and afterward of the terceras islands. he was a gentleman of great abilities, which, had they not been accompanied by an excessive severity, uncommunicativeness, and too great rigor in his punishments, would have rendered him equal to the greatest governors, not only of these islands but of the whole world. for he was very intelligent in military affairs, but chaste, truthful, and modest, and so free from anything that can touch covetousness that in that respect he rather resembled a most observant religious than a military gentleman; for he was never known and he never presumed to receive anything--not only no jewel of value, but not even a present of any food. he began to govern august 16 and remained nine years in the government, during which the citizens suffered many misfortunes and many annoyances; for that so upright and honorable gentleman, having surrendered to the dictum of one single private individual, an oldtime citizen of manila, disappointed the many pledges that the post of governor has a right to claim. as soon as he assumed the government, he moved the parián of the sangleys to its present site. it had no greater accommodations than before, but he was ordered to do so by a royal decree. he ordered that a considerable sum which the governors received from the gains of the sangleys in gambling be placed in the treasury. those are the most sinful receipts that are deposited in the royal treasury in these islands, and the cause, to the sorrow of many, of the little benefit arising from the many sums that enter by other channels this public treasury of filipinas. that sinful practice thus introduced, lasted a considerable time, the selfish interest of the very persons who should have checked this evil causing them to ignore the many difficulties [resulting from it], until his majesty don felipe v ordered those [gambling] games to be suppressed, because of the report of the archbishop, don diego camacho y avila. in the residencia of his predecessor, don sebastián hurtado de corcuera, don diego fajardo conducted himself so uprightly that because of the charges that resulted from it, he imprisoned the former in the redoubt of santiago for five years, until order was sent by his majesty to send don sebastián to españa, which was done. [58] the ship that sailed for nueva españa that year put back, after having suffered great storms, thus commencing the disasters and hardships that have followed during these latter years. the ship "san diego" also put back to cavite, because the dutch enemy had entered the embocadero of san bernardino--returning to cavite, where it served as a great defense against the dutch in the year 1647, as will be seen. the threats of the coming of the dutch were heard continually; and we in the islands were very anxious because of their new proximity in the island of hermosa, a suitable way-station for any purpose. as was learned later by advices from jacatra in the former year 1643, they had been waiting the ships from acapulco in the embocadero of san bernardino, until they could not withstand the violent storms of that year. all their plans were to descend upon manila and drive the spaniards from this archipelago. a double reënforcement of men had been sent from holanda for that purpose, and a greater number of small vessels, besides the two hundred ships with high freeboard that they had in these seas, scattered from the cape of buena esperanza to the island hermosa. although forewarned for any of these things that might happen, don diego fajardo began to do less than he ought; for he kept himself in seclusion the greater part of the time, and would not give that personal attention to the management of affairs which a government so extensive demanded. that was given to the charge of a private individual, to whom he had given the management of everything to suit himself; and that was the cause of great misfortunes. for the first undertaking was to place the necessary boats in the shipyard; and thus, when the occasion arrived, there was so scanty forces collected that the happy success of our arms gainst the dutch was clearly a miracle. one of the first precautions was to send don francisco de atienza y báñez, a native of toledo and a soldier of excellent judgment, as governor to zamboanga, so that he might by his prudence procure a settled peace with the mindanaos--who, being domestic enemies, had greatly diverted the spanish arms in curtailing their pride. a peace was easily obtained with the moro king, corralat, for he had been greatly frightened by the past successes of the spaniards. the forts of joló were in great part occupied by soldiers, but the batteries were not in condition to be deserted, for it was presumed that the dutch were about to assault them--as happened afterward in june of the year 1648, although with less benefit than they believed they would have in the beginning. consequently, it was necessary to preserve them on that occasion, although peace had been obtained in the year 1646 with their natives by means of the same captain don francisco de atienza. thus the spanish arms were somewhat more free for anything that might happen. however, when the moros afterward beheld us involved in greater anxiety with our defense against the dutch (who were so hostile to us during the years of 1646 and 47), they began again to invade the islands with their piratical raids, and infested the province of pintados, where they pillaged and captured. [in 1645 occurred the death of the prominent augustinian, pedro de arce, who had arrived in the philippines shortly after 1580 in a mission brought by andrés de aguirre. the remainder of the chapter is taken up with his life.] chapter ii events of the year 1645, and of the band of religious who came to this province, and of the earthquakes which occurred that year. the year 1645 was disastrous for these islands--so much so, that to this day the misfortunes with which that year ended are bewailed; and together with that the beauty of the edifices that made manila celebrated among the most sightly cities, as its ruins, the shapeless skeleton of its beauty, proclaim it at present. the origin of those misfortunes is reserved alone for the divine judgment, but much could be conjectured if one saw the hold that vices had taken on this community. however, let us venerate the divine decrees, and not examine the secrets of his divine justice. the two ships "encarnación" and "rosario," which were expected from nueva españa that year with the reënforcements, arrived as by a miracle in july. the flagship anchored at the port of lampón after having escaped three dutch warships which had sailed from the hermosa island to take that prize. in order to assure their enterprise, they were strung out from the cape of espiritu santo to the embocadero of san bernardino. but the divine mercy willed that they were not to obtain their evil purpose, for our ships did not sight the cape. by means of some advices which the alcalde-mayor of leite sent in light vessels, the flagship received notice and deflected its voyage to lampón. some say that it discovered one of the hostile ships near palapag, and believing that some spanish ships had come from cavite to escort them, the ship held on its course to the embocadero. the dutch ship pursued it, by which cristóbal márquez de valenzuela, who was commander of the vessel, recognized them as enemies and prepared to fight. the dutch ship overtook them and fired a piece to make them lower sail and surrender. cristóbal márquez having seen that, and that there was no other recourse, waited until the enemy was nearer, when he fired some pieces at it--with so great accuracy that the dutch vessel considered itself too weak to prosecute that undertaking alone, and retired. our flagship continued its fortunate voyage to lampon. the dutch left that position with the purpose of assembling all three ships together. during that time and ten days later, came the almiranta, ignorant of what had happened. having met an advice-boat of the alcalde of leite, which communicated the fact that the dutch enemy was in the embocadero of san bernardino waiting to catch them, the almiranta put in at palapag, and both galleons were saved as by a miracle. doctor don fernando montero came to these islands in the said flagship. he was a native of burgos and the consecrated archbishop of manila; he was a man of great learning, and one celebrated as an eminent preacher. he had been a preacher to his majesty, and, while he was exercising the honored post of chief chaplain of the royal discalced nuns of madrid, he was given appointment as bishop of nueva segovia; but while in nueva españa, already consecrated and about to embark, his promotion to the archbishopric of manila arrived. but god did not permit manila to gain so great a prelate, for he died suddenly in the village of pila, located on the lake of bay, when they were awaiting in manila to receive him with triumphal procession. his dead body arrived, and was brought in by the same gate whence his predecessor, don fray hernando guerrero, had gone in exile; and this occurred on the same day of thursday, and in the same month and at the same hour, exactly nine years after that tragedy, which is still so greatly bewailed. thus the chimes, which were expected to be joyful, were changed into sadness twice over, and all the preparation became gloom. the church of manila was widowed for eight years more, until the year 1653, when archbishop don miguel de poblete entered. they buried archbishop don fernando montero in the cathedral, above the steps of the high altar, at the side of archbishop don fray miguel de benavides. a band of fourteen religious arrived at this province that year. they had been conducted by the father lecturer, fray pedro de quesada, who died in méjico. they entered manila, and were received as sons of this province on august 7, 1645. father fray luis de amezquita, [59] a native of alba de tormes--a son of the convent of san felipe in madrid, where he received the habit of our holy order in the year 1641--came also on that occasion. he was a religious of great virtue, and a man of the first magnitude; and one could write many chapters of his marvelous life, his austere penitence, his continual prayer, and his extraordinary death. i feel great sorrow that the sequence of time cannot be anticipated so that somewhat of the great favors that god gave to that grand servant of his during this life can be published. during his life he was the wonder of all who had known him in the years of his youth, when he was more given to the pastimes of the world and the vigor of youth, before god called him to the austerity and extraordinary mode of life which he observed for ten years constantly until his death. that event was hastened by the austere penance which he continued until it came. god took him to himself in the forty-sixth year of his age, june 26, 1667, he himself having pointed out beforehand the day and hour of his happy transition. [the balance of this chapter and the following one deal with the disastrous earthquake of 1645, and earthquakes in general. chapters iv, v, and vi treat of the troubles with the dutch. these matters are sufficiently covered in vol. xxxi (q.v.).] chapter vii of the provincialate of our father, fray diego de ordás; and of the second coming of the dutch, and the ruin that they caused in abucay. the father master fray alonso de carvajal governed this province during his triennium with general acceptation and credit, and he increased the regular observance there by example rather than rigor. the time having arrived for the new provincial chapter, it was held in the convent of san pablo in manila, may eleven, one thousand six hundred and forty-seven. father fray alonso de lara, senior definitor of the preceding triennium, presided, as no letters-patent had been received from our most reverend father-general to enable any one else to preside. father fray diego de ordás was elected provincial with the greatest harmony, by the fathers voting. he had been a minister for many years in the province of bisayas, and had come to these islands in the year 1624. in the year 1635 he had brought a fine mission of religious, as we saw in its proper place. the definitors elected were father fray jerónimo de paredes, [60] fray andrés de fuentes, [61] fray pedro valenzuela, [62] and fray gaspar lópez. [63] the visitors present were those of the preceding chapter, father fray juan gallegos and the father lecturer fray diego de ochoa. for the near future were elected fathers fray pedro de mejía and fray tomás de villanueva. [64] afterward, in a private meeting of the definitors, on may 18, father fray martin garcía [65] was chosen procurator-general in españa, and definitor of this province for the general chapter of the near future. he was given the authority to appoint a discreto. it was determined to buy a hospice in méjico for the care of the religious who come to these islands on the missions that are conducted from españa. but that was not put into execution until many years after, when father fray juan de borja [66] obtained it by buying some houses which belonged to onofre de lorenzana along the highway of tacuba, where the hospice is located at present. neither did the embarcation of father fray martín garcía take place, because the dutch fleet was in the embocadero of san bernardino, waiting both for the galleon from españa and for the one about to sail from cavite for the port of acapulco. for the same reason the provincial was given dispensation so that he was not required to go to visit the bisayan provinces, in order that he might avoid the same danger. [the troubles with the dutch in the year 1647 follow. they are sufficiently treated in vol. xxxvi. diaz adds:] this was the last exploit of the dutch enemy in these islands, which they had infested for many years with extraordinary pertinacity. it may be that, tired of the little benefit that they secured from their hostilities, and affrighted by the vast expenses caused by the equipment of so many fleets and by the many men that they lost, they were undeceived in thinking that the defense of these islands does not rest with divine providence, which preserves them more by miracles than by human force. the rebel dutch arms derived no better success in the undertakings that they had attempted during those times in joló and zamboanga, guided by the chief salicala (who was hostile to the spaniards), and bribed by a rich present of amber and pearls so that, the joloans being protected by their favor, the dutch could take joló as their own, and the joloans would not try to look for a better opportunity for safety. the dutch sent two well armed war-galleons from batavia, so that they might have more than enough forces to oppose the few spanish forces of whom salicala had informed them. they reached joló in the middle of july, 1648, and after having dug their trenches they demanded the surrender of the place from the sargento-mayor, esteban de orella ugalde, a brave biscayan, who was governing that fort. he was given a limit of four hours, but he replied with so great valor, showing his intention to defend the fort, that the dutch began to bombard it with three pieces of artillery, on the twenty-seventh of the said month. our fortress, although small, played its artillery too, so successfully that many of the dutchmen were killed, and among them the admiral of the expedition. the bombardment lasted for three days, but their shots were unable to demolish our forts, although these were so weak that our men afterward destroyed them with clubs. the joloan moros, seeing the lack of advantage gained by their allies, grew mistrustful of their patronage; and the dutch withdrew, tired and angry. the peace made by don francisco de atienza with the king of jolo followed that attack; and on that pretext the fort was demolished and the spaniards retired, as it was a useless undertaking and one of no advantage. the dutch greatly regretted the peace made between the joloans and the spaniards; for they had already prepared for that undertaking, and for the attack on zamboanga seven of the strongest galleons armed with picked men and many munitions of war. in order not to lose so great reputation, they went to attack zamboanga, where don francisco de atienza, a brave toledoan, was governing; and they remained in sight of the channel, in order to await the relief-boats for ternate, which were returning to manila in charge of general juan de chaves. but, having had contrary storms, those vessels arrived so late that the dutch had set sail eleven days before, in despair of succeeding in the undertaking. before leaving, the enemy tried to land men in zamboanga; but our artillery did them so much damage that they retired to the port of la caldera. captain pedro durán monforte followed them on land with fifty spaniards and many pampangos, in order to prevent them from disembarking; and the enemy, therefore, contented themselves by destroying with their cannon the hills, on which they wasted more than 600 balls. they thought that their opponents' camp would be quite demolished by that; and they assured themselves by landing their small boats with some experienced men. but our men received them so spiritedly that they made the dutch retire to their ships, whence they returned twice with new reënforcements. but all of them were driven back with like slaughter, until they gave over their obstinacy, and sought the shelter of their galleons with the loss of a hundred men; while our men suffered no other loss in this encounter than a single man killed when zamboanga was bombarded--namely, captain don luis de rojas, whose head was carried away by a cannon-ball. the dutch, despairing of being able to come out of the matter with credit, retired to the port of la caldera, and returned thence to batavia thoroughly scared. pitiful was the disaster that befell the father definitor, fray pedro de valenzuela, in the year 1648. our father provincial, fray diego de ordás, had entrusted to him the annual visitation of the province of ilocos. if one goes there by land, he must inevitably pass through a stretch of unsettled country for a day's journey, between the province of pampanga and that of pangasinán, from the village of magalang to that of malunguey. one cannot pass it with security without an escort of zambals, who are, like the pampangos of those elevated villages in that province, a brave people. the reason is, that all that unsettled portion is exposed to the incursions of the blacks from the mountains of playa honda, who are the cruelest of all that scattered nation. those blacks are the ancient inhabitants of this island of luzón, which is the chief and largest island where manila is established; for the other nations of the indians are lately come from the adjacent islands of borney and sumatra. they are not so black as those of africa, but have a color much clearer, although they are alike in their curly hair. that race is especially wretched and unfortunate, and cowardly and treacherous. they live in the mountains like wild beasts, naked, and without villages or houses. they wander about continually, and sleep on the ground in the open, or in the hollow of some great tree. their best shelter is formed of some leaves hastily arranged. they excel in hunting, for deer, wild boars, buffaloes, and mountain carabaos abound in these mountains. their arms are the bow and arrow, in which they are very skilful. their paganism almost amounts to atheism, for they have no idols or sacrifices, but only some vain superstitions--in which they are so tenacious and blind that if any of them would become a true christian it would be regarded as a miracle. they are so fond of that manner of living (in which they are not at all different from the brutes) that not only do they not desire to live in settlements like men, but some of them who have been reared from childhood in manila and other places, run away, and return to the wretchedness of that life when they are grown, and to their nakedness and poverty. [67]... among the evil inclinations of those unfortunate creatures, the greatest is a ravenous appetite for killing people and cutting off their heads--first of their enemies, but even of their friends and relatives--and that for very slight cause. that cruelty is for them honor, nobility, and estimation. but it is a greater glory to cut off the head of a spaniard; and, after performing their dances and superstitions before it, they use the skull as a drinking vessel in their greatest feasts. the father definitor, fray pedro de valenzuela, found himself among those barbarous people in the most dangerous part of that wild region, which is a site called puntalón--a precipice between hills. he refused to take an escort, for he was overconfident; and thus he paid for his carelessness by being shot through with many arrows. those people cut off his head, which became the occasion of great banquets, dances, and revels. but all the blacks concerned in that act of treachery were overtaken very soon by the punishment of heaven; for they all caught a disease which is called that of st. lazarus [i.e., leprosy].... that horrible disease has been inherited by their descendants, and the blacks recognize and confess that it is their punishment for the murder of fray pedro valenzuela. from that time, they have not dared to kill any priest; but they only rob them of what they carry. in my time, a religious of st. john of god was able to escape death among those blacks by uncovering his tonsure while passing that dangerous and unsettled district. some years later, the same blacks killed general don felipe de ugalde, a brave biscayan, in the same place, because he trusted in his great valor. but the number of the enemy was greater, and they drove so many arrows through him that he bled to death, after he had first killed many of the blacks. they cut off his head, which they held in high esteem as a trophy of such a victory, until it was possible to ransom it and bury it with ecclesiastical rites. many other spaniards have been killed by their carelessness and great confidence; and consequently, that unsettled stretch is very dangerous. chapter viii events of those times, and the provincial chapter of the year 1650. the insurrection of the indians of palapag, and their pacification. that whole triennium was very happy for our province, because of the prudent government of our father, fray diego de ordás, who was one of the most perfect religious that it has ever had. he was very observant in the rules of the order, and zealous for the welfare of the souls of the natives; and he had been an excellent evangelical minister in the bisayan provinces of panay, ogtong, and cebú. he was very mild toward his subjects, but very austere toward himself. if it were not my purpose in writing this history not to be prolix in writing the lives of the religious, in order not to expose myself to the belief that i dwell on my own order too much, the life of our father fray diego de ordás would furnish sufficient material for several chapters. those who had to do with him told me much of his continual penitence and prayer, and especially of his poverty and disinterestedness in temporal affairs, for which he was notable. his presence in the choir in his extreme old age was the admiration of the youngest and most robust. consequently, he was always venerated by all this province as a father. he was also much esteemed by the other orders, and by the entire community of manila. but very different was the condition of this community during all the term of the government of diego fajardo until the year 1653, because of the calamities and troubles which occasioned the earthquake on st. andrew's day in the former year of 1645, and because of the frequent comings of the dutch. and although the divine mercy willed to humble their pride by giving us miraculous victories, yet the anxiety and expenses were very great; and the burden of the provinces was increased greatly, because of the cutting of timber for the building of ships and galleys, and other precautions that had to be taken for defense. but the greatest horror suffered by the community of manila was the internal war of fears and sudden surprises, of imprisonment, embargoes, and exiles, which were continually occurring, and were such that they exceeded past troubles. don diego fajardo was a gentleman of great valor and integrity, and wholly disinterested and free from covetousness--qualities that would have been sufficient to have made him a great governor, had it not been for the counterweight of other peculiarities that rendered them abortive. for he secluded himself so much that it became difficult to hold communication with him, and he was very much feared; from this it resulted that he was so rigorous in the observance of justice that he would not allow mercy any play, as if the two virtues were opposed to each other. that natural fondness for retirement, injurious to so extensive a government as is that of these islands, forced him to admit an associate for his negotiations, which is always a dangerous thing in worldly affairs. consequently, among those few who gained his good-will, a rich citizen of manila well related by marriage gained great control over him. that man became so much the master of the governor's actions that the latter neither did nor commanded other than what his favorite desired. since this name is given by the world to the tyrants of the wills of princes, therefore i have desired to suppress the name of that man for the sake of his honored posterity; for, although it will be indelible in these islands, it may be at least somewhat unknown outside them. [68] the disposition of that favorite was very ambitious and proud, which greatly resembled that of the harsh and austere governor. consequently, that sympathy [in characteristics] conciliated the will of the governor to such an extent that he gave the favorite complete control of the government--giving him more confidence than he ought, in order to sink farther into his natural retirement. he decreed what this man ordered to him, and executed only what was directed by the favorite's influence. thereupon the latter began with that license to avenge certain passions and arrogated to himself all the grandeur, fear, and respect which was due only to the supreme character of the governor. master don josé de poblete, [69] who died as bishop-elect of nueva segovia, wrote a printed relation at the order of the supreme council of the indias, and in accordance with a decree of his majesty don felipe v, of happy memory, in which his majesty ordered that an exact relation be given of the condition of those islands, in order that he might give notice to his chronicler-general, don tomás tamayo de vargas, for the general history of the islands which he was composing; therein he uses these words, when describing the condition of manila at that time: "but although the decrease of wealth and the general poverty had afflicted this kingdom, accustomed at other times to great opulence and affluence in all things, yet that which most grieved the minds of its inhabitants were the acts of violence, imprisonments, embargoes, exiles, and other terrifying exhibitions of rigor which began to be introduced into it after the year forty-four, as will be told later. all this, being yet in its violent beginnings, kept not only this city of manila, where the thunderbolts strike nearer, but all the islands of its jurisdiction, full of horror and gloom; and there was no chink that was not closed to consolation, when all gates were seen opened to misfortune." the author of this relation, after having described the earthquake which happened in the year 1645, proceeds as follows: "all those plagues, penalties, and wretchedness above mentioned were not the most grievous matters that afflicted this community. worse were the domestic afflictions and secret tragedies that it suffered during these last years. those were the hidden pest that infected men's hearts and poisoned the blood, which instead of giving vital strength to the members caused them mortal shocks. these were the slow fever, which, insidiously taking possession of the principal part of the body, destroyed the harmony of its actions and disturbed its powers. with the progress of that disease, the hourglass was so disordered that there was no hour for clemency and fortune, and all times were given over to misfortune. already so great was the number of those thrown into prisons, dungeons, and obscure cells, that all the places set aside by justice for the punishment of criminals were filled; and other new and frightful places, sites, and methods of delayed punishment were found inside the city. and when those places were also full, it was necessary to divide the prisoners among the provinces, villages, and presidios of these islands." thus far don josé millán de poblete, in the above-cited relation, which was dedicated to the conde de peñaranda, president of the supreme council of the indias. in matters so criminal and full of grief, i have not been willing to trust to my own poor wit and lack of polish, nor to leave my reputation to the judgment of others. the worst is, that those disasters continued with greater rigor to the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-three. those misfortunes were succeeded by another, causing universal sorrow and pain, namely, the disastrous loss of the ship "encarnación," which was returning from nueva españa laden with very great wealth belonging to the citizens of manila. it sighted the land of filipinas late, and, very severe vendavals having seized it, it was driven ashore on a beach of the island of leite called bula. striking through carelessness on a shoal, a storm overtook the ship, which made kindling-wood of it, although it had been already lightened of much of its cargo, and all the money was taken out. afterward the artillery was taken ashore, and much of the iron in its construction was used. but the loss of that galleon was great, because our lack of ships kept these islands threatened by the frequent coming of the dutch enemy--who, protected by their nearness in the island hermosa, lost no opportunity to do us all the harm possible. that misfortune was followed the next year by the putting back to port of the galleon "san diego," which was badly injured by the storms that it had suffered in northern latitudes in the month of october--which is the most dangerous month for navigators in all seas. the three years of the prudent government of our father, fray diego de ordás, having been concluded--to the general sorrow of this province, which was desirous to reëlect him for the second time, and oftener if possible--the fathers who had a vote assembled in chapter in the convent of manila, may nine, 1650, and elected as provincial for the third time our father fray gerónimo de medrano. the senior definitor, fray gerónimo de paredes, presided. as new definitors were elected fathers fray lucas de aguilar, [70] fray sancho de moncada, [71] fray dionisio suárez, [72] and fray diego tamayo. the visitors were fray pedro mejía and fray tomás de villanueva. fraternal relations between our order and the fathers of the society were settled at that chapter, and the feasts of the two holy patriarchs were celebrated alternately. it was accomplished by ours saying mass on st. ignatius's day, while the same was done by the fathers of the society in our convent--they preaching and celebrating mass on the day of our father, st. augustine. that holy concord and harmony lasted for several years, until the enemy of the peace destroyed it. [73] as the father-procurator, fray martín garcía, had died on the voyage, father fray juan lozano, [74] apostolic missionary in the bisayan provinces--where the memory of his great virtue, acts of penance, and contemplation still lasted when i went to the said provinces in the year 1671--was appointed in that chapter meeting. but that appointment failed to go through; for the father-procurator did not embark, as he was prevented by governor don diego fajardo--or rather, by his favorite who was governing; for the latter feared that he was carrying reports denouncing his operations, which had thrown those islands into the final degree of consternation. accordingly, father fray cristóbal enriquez was appointed, and he sailed that year. however, in the year 1652 they succeeded in sending father fray juan lozano as procurator to bring some religious, even if it should be from the provinces of méjico and mechoacán, for the need that we were suffering was very urgent; but he died on the way to acapulco. our father fray diego de ordás presented a petition to the definitorio, yielding and renouncing the right that he held according to our rules, as immediate outgoing provincial, to be able to assume the government of the province in case of the death of the recently-elected provincial, who was very aged. that resignation was accepted in order to console him and because of the many entreaties therefor which he proffered. all the fathers were edified at beholding him so free from ambition, although they forced him in the following chapter to receive the office of provincial, which he accepted very reluctantly. since the pacification of the insurrection of the indians of palapag (in the province of leite) in pintados was finished in that year of one thousand six hundred and fifty, i shall here insert some notice of that insurrection, leaving the historians of the society of jesus to deal with it more particularly--who as they were eyewitnesses of it, will have more individual information about its events. [diaz's account of this insurrection will appear in another place.] another very considerable misfortune happened at that time, namely, the loss of the galleon "encarnación," under command of general don lópez colíndrico. it was broken to pieces at a place called balón, because it left acapulco late, and because, having lost the better season of the brisas, the favorable winds, ran aground at bagambog, on the coast of caraga in the island of mindanao--a place where no ship had passed since the year 1542, when general ruy lópez de villalobos anchored there with his fleet. the governor sent orders to andrés lópez de asaldigui, his chief lieutenant, to go to investigate the loss of the galleon "encarnación." chapter ix events of the years 1651 and 1652. [manila had been in distress for some years because of the loss of various galleons, and because of the unfortunate temperament of the governor, diego fajardo, and his consequent governing through his favorite.] that internal war lasted for seven years in the afflicted community of manila, and no one dared to undeceive the severe governor regarding the injuries committed in his name by his favorite, who made him hated in the community, and guilty of the imprisonment and exiles that were executed not only on laymen but also on the secular clergy and religious. for in order to have control of those whom the church exempted from his jurisdiction, he succeeded in removing the dean, doctor don juan vélez, from the post of provisor and vicar-general of the vacant see, and having it given to his intimate friend and confederate, doctor don francisco fernández ledo. with that same diligence he contrived and obtained the exile of doctor don diego de cartagena y pantoja [75] and other secular clergy to macasar. those who suffered most from his harsh and violent acts were the [fathers of the] order of our father, st. augustine, the cause of his wrath being that they had refused to elect as provincial one of their members who was acceptable and dear to him. although the abilities of that father made him merit the office, yet it was not allowable that it be conferred by that method, so strictly forbidden by the sacred counsels and canons. consequently, his wrath was aroused against the order of our father st. augustine, and he sent malicious reports against it to his majesty in the royal and supreme council of the indias, in letters apparently signed by governor don diego fajardo--who, when he waked from that lethargy, declared under oath that they were not his. at our petition, the following governor, don sabiniano manrique de lara, made a full investigation before auditor don álvaro garcía de ocampo, the commissioned judge, in january, 1654--which proved that all that was charged by the said favorite against the order was false. he sent that report to the said royal and supreme council, and a copy of it is kept in our archives. the divine clemency did not choose that the troubles of afflicted manila should go further. therefore he encouraged and strengthened our father fray jerónimo de medrano--who had been provincial of this province of ours for three terms, and was its true father--to penetrate the deep retirement of the deluded governor (in whom the father's virtue and age had inspired some affection and considerable veneration). he informed the governor of the truth with efficacious arguments, showing him the deceit in which the cunning of the favorite had kept him buried, while he yielded to the violent operations of the ambition and cruelty of that man, injuring his own reputation. divine providence permitted him to open the eyes of the deceived governor, because of the favorable idea that the latter had formed of the accuser; and, seeing that his honor and his conscience were being endangered, he made the investigations on his part that were necessary, in order not to discredit his determination as being precipitate. he found all that father fray jerónimo de medrano had said, and much more, to be true. thereupon, he resolved to come to himself, for the sake of the community of manila, and had his favorite arrested, september 16, 1651. formulating legal proceedings against him for the crimes that he had committed, he questioned him under torture, in which the prisoner answered nothing--either because of his great courage, or because he had taken some confection of opium, which they purposely gave him to drink, and which has so narcotic a virtue that it renders those who drink it insensible to pain. among many other injuries that the said favorite had done to the citizens of manila was this, that he caused the governor to hold back the reward that his majesty granted to general don pedro de almonte, [in appointing him] master-of-camp, with the bestowal of the habit of santiago, for his great services in ternate, mindanao, and joló (some of which we have mentioned before in this history). [don diego did so] because that favorite had risen to the said post (the second after the governor of filipinas), as the regularly-appointed master-of-camp, don fernando de ayala--a brave soldier of flandes in the time of the count of fuentes, who added so great luster to the spanish arms--had died in the beginning [of his term]. the governor surrendered the appointment to don pedro de almonte, and put him in possession of the government of the army as its master-of-camp. also, as a professed knight of the order of santiago, he gave him his habit in the convent of santa clara for the consolation of a daughter who was a nun there. the prior of our convent of manila, fray dionisio suárez, was present at the ceremonies that were celebrated at the said function. afflicted manila began to take breath and that so long storm died down. for although the governor was by nature so retiring, he was very upright, and in the highest degree disinterested--a quality that rendered his harsh rectitude tolerable. many who had been exiled to the presidios of ternate, zamboanga, and other forts in these islands, began to come back to their homes. many citizens were released from the prison where they were confined, and returned to attend to the common welfare, the governor substituting methods of more peaceful operation, which tempered the austerity of his integrity. the favorite remained in prison until the new governor, don sabiniano manrique de lara, gave sentence in his cause. [76] chapter x of the election of our father fray andrés verdugo as provincial; and the arrival of governor don sabiniano manrique de lara and archbishop don miguel de poblete. ... the time for holding the chapter-session of this province arrived. the voting fathers assembled in the convent of san pablo in manila, on may three, 1653. the senior definitor, father fray lucas de aguilar, presided; and they unanimously elected as provincial the father lecturer, fray andrés de verdugo, a minister of the province of tagalos, a prominent religious, and one who was very learned, prudent, and affable. he bore the name verdugo [77] by antiphrasis, according to his characteristics, which were suitable for the office of father and superior. the definitors elected were the fathers master fray alonso de carvajal, fray francisco de madrid, [78] the lecturer fray francisco de villalón, and fray josé de la cuesta, [79] who was very learned in the greek language. the visitors who were present were fathers fray lorenzo de figueroa and fray josé de betoño [80] (substitute for father fray tomás de velasco, [81] who had returned to españa). in a private meeting of the definitors which was held in the convent of tondo, december 22, father fray francisco de victoria, [82] prior of that convent, was appointed procurator to españa with the same commissions and authority which had been borne by father fray juan lozano, who died the preceding year on the voyage to acapulco. but father fray francisco de victoria had the same fortune, for he embarked the next year and died on the high sea, en route to nueva españa. that voyage is very dangerous to those who are accustomed to the climate of the philippines, because of the great change which is experienced as the galleon ascends to a high northern latitude (sometimes as high as forty degrees), and then again descends to sixteen, in which lies the port of acapulco. therefore, that so sudden change is the cause of many dying on that voyage, which is the longest, most tedious, and most dangerous in all the seas. it is undertaken in the most stormy season, when navigation is denied to the rest of the world; and, in that time, the months of october and november are the season when our galleons are battling with the greatest tempests. if it were not for the great strength of the galleons and the quality of their timbers, that so dangerous navigation could not be performed; and above all is their safety due to divine providence, in whose charge is the conservation of these islands, where there is so numerous and excellent a christian people. they apparently serve as a counterpoise to the ingratitude of the european nations of the north, who, at the same time when these islands were discovered, had been seduced by various heresies, and denied obedience to the roman catholic church and their legitimate kings. the ship "san francisco javier"--which had wintered at acapulco, as it had arrived late and very hardly used--left that port march three; and, having had a very fortunate voyage by the help of divine clemency, and having profited by the entire monsoon of the brisas, arrived at so good a season that it entered the embocadero of san bernardino june 26. the mail was sent on from the island of ticao, in order to rejoice manila with the glad news of the treasure which was coming in that galleon, to wit, the following persons. as governor and captain-general of these islands was coming don sabiniano manrique de lara, knight of the order of calatrava, a native of malaga, late castellan of acapulco. he was a brother of the count of prigiliana, and uncle of his excellency don rodrigo manuel manrique de lara, count of aguilar and prigiliana--who was a member of the council of state and governor of that of aragón, viceroy of valencia, of andalucía, the coasts of the ocean sea, and the royal fleet. he is a gentleman worthy of eternal renown in these islands, since, if he was not the best, he is not left behind by any of those who are most remembered for piety, devotion, and zeal for the service of god and their king. in all things he had a clear understanding and an admirable eloquence; he was very jovial by nature, and easily pleased all men. accordingly, he left behind not only a lasting memory of his eloquence and disinterestedness, but also of his discretion. [on his return to malaga he becomes a priest.] doctor don miguel millán de poblete, the consecrated archbishop of manila, also came. he was a native of the imperial city of méjico, and was an excellent theologian and canonist, doctoral canon of la puebla, magistral prebend in the cathedral of méjico, and rector of its university. he had refused to accept the bishopric of nicaragua. he was highly esteemed by don juan de palafox, who consecrated him and gave him the pallium.... with him he brought his nephew, master don josé de poblete, who, after having been dean of manila, died bishop-elect of nueva segovia. there came also the most illustrious master, don fray rodrigo de cárdenas of the order of preachers, a native of lima, preacher to his majesty, and consecrated bishop of nueva segovia. as it has been his lot to be celebrated by the most skilful pen of the reverend father master fray baltasar de santa cruz in the second part of the history of the province of santo rosario, he does not need the rude tracings of my pen. there came, elected and appointed as bishop of cebú, the dean of manila, doctor don juan de velas; and as bishop of nueva cáceres or camarines, the very reverend father fray antonio de san gregorio, [83] lecturer and calificador and commissary of the holy office. he was also provincial of that province of san gregorio of the order of st. francis, because of the death of don fray antonio de zaldivar, a religious of our father st. augustine, of the province of méjico--who died without having been consecrated, in the year 1649, after he had governed that church for little more than one year, his death causing great sorrow in all quarters because of his great virtues and learning. as auditor came licentiate don salvador gomez de espinosa, an eminent jurisconsult; and, to act as his majesty's fiscal, don juan de bolivar y cruz, father of doctor don pedro de bolivar y mena who was auditor and came to an unfortunate end in our time; for his associates made him an accomplice in the exile of the archbishop don fray felipe pardo of the order of st. dominic. two missions came in that galleon, one of our recollect religious, and the other of the society of jesus. some very notable people came, so many that those who came in that galleon amounted to six hundred persons. their journey was so propitious that only three persons died on the voyage. the devil was very angry at the great war that he would have to wage because of the holy prelates and religious who came on that galleon "san francisco javier." accordingly, what he could not do on the high sea he managed to do from the embocadero to manila. for the winds rebelled against the ship at the island of mindoro, and so frightful a tempest arose that the galleon was all but lost, and in danger of going to pieces on some high reefs about that island. they cast anchor, and the archbishop conjured the storm, which immediately calmed itself. that galleon suffered three similar storms among the islands before they reached the bay of manila and cast anchor at cavite, july 23--although the governor and archbishop landed the day before that in a falúa which was sent to the middle of the bay by the castellan of cavite, the commander lorenzo orella y ugalde, so often mentioned in this history. [the governor causes the archbishop to disembark first, in order that he might bless the land; as if in return for this, the sardines, which had deserted the bay of manila at the exile of archbishop guerrero, again entered that bay. the governor, disembarking on the twenty-second, pays homage to the archbishop. the latter makes his public entry into manila on the twenty-fourth and the governor the next day. the recollects bring a holy picture (an ecce homo) which becomes an object of veneration in their convent of san nicolás at manila, where the new governor attends. the first work of the latter is to take the residencia of his predecessor, which is entrusted to the direction of auditor sebastián caballero de medina. the charges preferred are those of harsh conduct, but he is so free from covetousness that "it is recounted of him that he only drew for his expenses five hundred pesos monthly out of the pay of thirteen thousand pesos granted to the governors of these islands; and accordingly, the balance, a considerable amount, was afterward paid to his heirs." he appeals from all the charges to the council of the indias, and is sent to spain, but dies during the voyage, over seventy years of age. fajardo's favorite is condemned to be beheaded, to vast fines, and to the confiscation of his property. he appeals to spain, but the sentence is there confirmed. before the execution of the sentence, however, he dies in prison, in poverty. his money and movable property are confiscated by the treasury and his houses on the square opposite the cathedral are used later as the governor's palace. the prelate and the governor work hand in hand in the regeneration of manila.] the first employment of don sabiniano manrique de lara in the beginning of his government, was to appoint the brave francisco de esteybar governor of the forts of ternate, [84] and the commander don francisco de atienza of those of zamboanga, for the credit of the arms of españa against the dutch and against the king of mindanao, cachil corralat. he sent father magino sola, of the society of jesus, to the city of macan as his ambassador, to make a treaty of commerce and trade. [85] he set a galleon upon the stocks, but he was unable to do as his great zeal wished because the royal treasury was exhausted by the lack of supplies from nueva españa, and because the trading galleons, which communicate vital strength to all these islands, had put back so many times. [the people of manila recognize that the evils that have been visited upon them are due to their sins, and accordingly an appeal is made to the pope, innocent x. the latter absolves them from all the censures and interdicts they may have incurred, and concedes them plenary indulgence and absolution for their sins; "and he blessed the land, and ordered the archbishop to perform in public the ceremony of the solemn benediction." the archbishop, who has brought that despatch with him, sets the twenty-second of march for those ceremonies; and before that date a great religious fervor sweeps through the city and its suburbs. "on the sunday assigned, the mass was chanted in the cathedral before the holy sacrament, and the archbishop preached a learned and fervent sermon, such as the season demanded--which was afterward printed, as it was worth being published to all the world." in the afternoon, the blessing of the land and the benediction in the name of the pope follow. at the governor's request, the archbishop also blesses the "fatal gate called puerta de los almacenes ('the gate of the magazines'), through which don fray hernando guerrero had gone into exile." the governor lives in great harmony for the ten years of his service in the philippines.] chapter xi the archbishop tries to visit the missions of the religious, but suspends that effort, and builds the cathedral of manila. the archbishop, don miguel millán y poblete, came here with the firm determination to pursue the plans of don juan de palafox y mendoza, bishop of la puebla de los ángeles, who had consecrated him. those plans had caused great disturbances in nueva españa because of their novelty, and had divided that country into the two divisions of palafoxistas and palancas, [86] who were no less mischievous than the guelphs and ghibelines in the time of federico barbarroja [i.e., frederick barbarossa] when determinations issued forth to combat with understandings. don juan de palafox tried to reduce the ministries of the missions (which the orders had possessed in nueva españa since the conquest) to regularly-appointed curacies with canonical institution and collation, so that they could be administered by ordinary jurisdiction, to the suppression of the delegated jurisdiction. this was done in order that the ecclesiastical hierarchy might be one whole in its proportionate parts; and that the episcopal dignity might possess entire dominion over the shepherds of its sheep, by visiting them and sitting in judgment on their excesses in the office of parish priests, which they exercised by virtue of the concession of st. pius v and other worthy pontiffs. his great perseverance obtained that in the form established at present among the orders, who desired to retain some ministries of the missions--leaving others, because that subjection to the bishops did not seem to them to be in harmony with the institutes of the orders. i shall not mention the disturbances and scandals that the common enemy of souls compassed during that time for the ruin of many--which filled the world with gloom, and gave perfidious heretics the opportunity to blaspheme against the catholic priests--for they are very well known. the archbishops of manila tried to establish that kind of ecclesiastical hierarchy in filipinas, but as he was so holy, and only desired to promote the greater honor and glory of god (qui cogitationem pacis et non aflictionis habet) [87] he found considerable inconveniences and even impossibilities in effecting what he was attempting. for don juan de palafox had a great plenty of secular priests who were very suitable in learning and virtue for choosing and presenting for the missions, which the orders were abandoning, because they refused to submit to the rigor of the canonical collation in the appointments to the missions. but the archbishop found a great lack of secular priests in these islands, for scarcely are there enough in this country to fill the choir of the cathedral of manila, with prebendaries and chaplains for the royal chapel, and some few curacies which the clergy hold in this archbishopric. for the spaniards in this country multiply but slowly, and very few of their sons apply themselves to following the ecclesiastical life, either secular or regular. that is so true that the orders could not maintain themselves if it were not for the continual missions that are brought from the kingdoms of españa. thus, the clergy is composed of the sons of the spaniards of this country, and with these is maintained a cabildo in this cathedral of manila, so distinguished that it might belong to one of the first churches of españa; for most of them are doctors in sacred theology, after having graduated first as masters of arts. he who has the least degree is a master. all of them are very learned and of known virtue, which is a cause for admiration, as they live so far from reward that one rarely passes from the sphere of the dignities of the said cabildo. for although some have attained the episcopal dignity, these are very few--as, for instance, this year their dean, doctor don domingo de valencia, was promoted to the bishopric of camarines, [88] but at such an age that he cannot obtain the dignity for a long time. however, in order to comply with his obligation, and to give the orders an incentive to represent in judicial form what they had to allege, the archbishop resolved to place the visitation in execution. he began with the mission at binondoc, outside the walls of the city of manila, belonging to the religious of st. dominic, who immediately abandoned that mission; and the same was done by the other orders, who left the missions in their control in the hands of the governor as vice-patron. the latter referred the consultative vote on a so great and weighty matter to the audiencia in the royal assembly. it was thoroughly discussed by the auditors of the audiencia, who were all very eminent jurisconsults; and they, recognizing the impossibility of placing in execution in these islands what don juan de palafox had established in nueva españa, as the system in vogue in these regions is very different, despatched a royal prohibition to the archbishop, ordering him to hold his right in reserve, and to suspend what he had begun until the royal and supreme council of the indias should be informed, and should take suitable measures. the archbishop was notified by the first and the second royal prohibition; and he obeyed it, and suspended the visitation, after making his protests. from that time the orders found him a most loving father and protector. he referred the case to the royal council; the orders also [did the same], by the authority which they gave to the most reverend father master fray juan polanco of the order of preachers, the procurator of the province of santo rosario at court. all the orders renounced the missions in their charge. the president [of the council] was the count of peñaranda, don gaspar de bracamonte y guzmán, a minister of great talent and experience in very difficult negotiations, as he showed in the peace of nimega, [89] where he was the plenipotentiary of don felipe iv. that most erudite senate having examined the matter, and having penetrated like lynxes the most hidden difficulties, imposed silence for the time being on that innovation. the perverse spirit of discord which had in charge the incitement of that litigation in which the prince of darkness profited by a great number of scandals, discords, and tumults, was suspended and remained as if asleep for forty-four years--until it awakened, in the year 1697, because of our sins. archbishop doctor don diego camacho y avila, [90] a native of badajoz and former magistral canon of that holy church, and fellow of the chief college at cuenca in salamanca, came to these islands [in that year]. he was a great prelate, and very vigilant in his pastoral office. he died later (the year of 1712) as bishop of guadalajara and was well remembered for his zeal and integrity. [here follows an account of the attempt of archbishop camacho to enforce the visitation of the regulars, which we omit in this place, as it will be sufficiently noticed later.] in the beginning, the provinces of américa were founded entirely in accordance with the regular institutes of communal houses and convents, with a great number of conventuals; they did not need to take these from the provinces of españa, as they could choose plenty from the country. on the contrary in filipinas we have no more than the convents of manila, cebú, and guadalupe as communal convents--although only the convent of manila preserves that character; while the others, more than seventy-four in number, are only missions where one single religious lives, and, in a very few, two ministers, according to the size of the village and the ability of the province. the latter is wont often to consist of as many priests as missions, until reënforcements of religious come from españa; and if that reënforcement is very slow, then there are generally more missions than religious as priests. what i say here of our order is the same of all the others. it is not so in américa, perú, and nueva españa, where the convents are established totally independent of the missions. they have plenty of religious, and those who belong to the land itself, so that they do not have to send to españa for them. those convents have their incomes by which they are sustained, so that they do not need any of the fees of the missions; and consequently, the orders who wished to retain some missions subject to the ordinary could do so very easily, by assigning some religious to that mission who knew the language of those villages. such religious are presented to the vice-patron, who presents them to the bishop. the latter examines them, and gives them the collation of the curacy in regular appointment. they administer that office in subjection to the priors of the convents, and to their visitation and correction in matters concerning the order; and in subjection to the bishops, who hold jurisdiction and visitation over them in regard to any transgressions in their office as curas. those religious are maintained perpetually in their offices, and the chapters cannot change them to other convents; for they cannot leave their curacies without the intervention of the vice-patron and bishop, who are very loth to change them because of the investigations demanded by the presentation, examination, and collation. those religious (who are very few) having been dedicated to that office of curas, the others, who consist of almost all the religious of the province who are exempt from that occupation, hold their chapters and change their priors according to the constitutions of the order. it is not so in these filipinas, where, as i have said, there are so few religious. supposing that the plan of don juan de palafox were to be inaugurated, and that all the religious submitted to receive the canonical collation of the curacies in proprietary appointment, the conservation and continued supply of religious would cease. the chapters would cease, for they could not remove the religious from the villages where they were acting as proprietary curas; and it would be necessary to keep them where they had their parishes. very great difficulties would ensue from that. the province would cease to send procurators to españa to bring back religious; and if the generous motive of coming as apostolic missionaries ceased, they would leave their provinces and fatherland--all the more because of being subject to the bishops, a burden so far from the exemption of the regulars that we watch so carefully. that subjection would have to be not only to the bishop but also to the ecclesiastical governors of a vacant see. there have been so many of the latter in these islands, that in manila they had them for fourteen years; and in cebú, cagayán, and camarines, for twenty years. the provincials would have nothing left but that name, and would not have entire control over their subordinates. the above and many other representations were made to archbishop don millán de poblete, and they availed so well with him that he suspended his resolve. the same things were represented to don diego camacho, and these same reasons moved the gentlemen of the royal council of the indias to moderate that subjection--leaving it only in the visitation, with the limitations already mentioned, thus enjoining perpetual silence, in regard to erecting the missions into curacies, and to allowing the orders to abandon the ministries of those missions. the archbishop having put aside his doubt in regard to undertaking the visitation of the regulars, dedicated himself, as a true prelate, to his other obligations. the first one was the building of the cathedral, because of the ruin that occurred in it on the fatal night of st. andrew in the year 1645; the church of the girls' school of santa isabel was being used as a cathedral. he placed his shoulders very earnestly to that so chief obligation, although the poverty of the times made it difficult for him. he set about collecting materials, and the order of our father st. augustine lent him the lime-kilns of birabira, where the best and strongest lime of all the islands is made. the pious and catholic governor, don sabiniano manrique de lara, was the one who conquered the greatest difficulties by collecting a generous alms from the citizens of manila, and by giving his aid to the archbishop. the building was commenced, and, after the trenches for the foundations had been made, the archbishop clad himself in his pontifical garments and on the twentieth of april, 1654, blessed the first stone, which was carried by general don pedro de mendiola. the master-of-camp, don pedro de almonte, carried on a rich tray a bronze plate with the inscription of the erection of the church. captain don nicolás sarmiento carried on another tray five silver coins, and captain diego castellanos a box of lead. all went in procession to the place where the stone was to be placed, and the governor and archbishop set it in position, while the litanies were being chanted. in a hollow already made in the stone were placed the plate and coins. the inscription on the plate is as follows: "while innocent x was governing the church, king felipe iv the españas, and don sabiniano manrique de lara, knight of the order of calatrava, the filipinas islands, this stone for the building of this holy cathedral--its titular being the conception, and its patron st. andrew the apostle--was placed in position by don miguel de poblete, metropolitan archbishop, april 20, 1654." the building of that cathedral proceeded, as the time, which was very full of troubles, allowed; accordingly it lasted for many years, two or three years having passed without any work; and its dedication services were held on september 8, 1671. it is of doric architecture and has three naves, and is very strong, as it is built of heavy stone. it has a reredos of the finest sculpture in these islands. it was completed by archbishop don diego camacho y ávila, who built a very beautiful high tower that contains some very fine bells. [91] he also built the sacristy and other parts which were wanting for the completion of the cathedral, and adorned it with a quantity of wrought silver and very rich ornaments and lamps, which he sent from guadalajara, for he was not forgetful of his first spouse. chapter xii wreck of the galleon "san diego;" the mission that arrived from nueva españa; and the feast of the conception of our lady. this province of ours was very deficient in religious to fulfil its charge of the instruction and teaching of so many villages, which were commended to our care as the first spiritual conquistadors of these remote islands. nine years had already passed since the last mission had reached this province (in the year 1645), during which sixty religious had died; and, besides, the procurators who had been sent to españa to get new missions had suffered the same fate. father fray cristobal enriquez, although he reached madrid, and presented himself before the royal and supreme council of the indias for that purpose, did not obtain a favorable despatch. for, permission having been given him to conduct thirty religious to these islands, and trusting to that and having assembled and conducted many from the provinces of españa to sevilla (in which he had spent the little that he had for that purpose), a new decree was issued in which he was ordered to suspend the transportation of the thirty religious who had been allowed to him, under pretext of inability to equip them because of the many war expenses of that time. the religious who were assembled in andalucía returned to their provinces; and father fray cristobal enriquez, having spent all his supply money, died in the city of cáceres, which was his birthplace. with these losses the province found itself in the greatest need because of the lack of workmen for the missions in its charge, until the arrival in 1654 of the galleon "san diego" in charge of the commander pedro villarroel de la cuesta--which was wrecked in the beginning of june near the harbor and bay of manila, as it went aground on an unknown shoal. however, only the hull of the ship was lost and all the men and the cargo were saved. that galleon brought fifteen religious, who had been sent by the provincial of the province of méjico, by virtue of the authorization given him by the last procurator of this province, fray francisco de victoria, who died in méjico. the said religious were admitted into this province at a private meeting of the definitors held on june 13 of the said year 1654. they are as follows: father fray gerónimo de la serna, who was in charge of that mission, forty years old, and twenty-five in the habit. he had been a prior with vote three times in his province, and died in the year 1668. father fray josé polanco, a theologue. he was an excellent minister to the tagálogs and ilocans, and served in this province for many years with great credit, for he was an able minister and skilled in both languages. he died in the year 1681, in a grievous manner; for, when coming in a champan from the province of ilocos, where he was prior of the convent of bauang, the vessel went to pieces and he was drowned together with sixteen persons in the same boat. father fray josé de la cruz, minister of the province of pampanga, where he rendered much service to the order, and left a lively remembrance of his zeal in the churches of candaba, betis, and méxico, which he built from the foundations with great beauty and strength. he died in the year 1695. father fray francisco jordán, an excellent theologue, who was afterward given the title of lecturer. he was a successful minister to the ilocans, and a good preacher. he died in the year 1666. the father lecturer fray lorenzo de cisneros, who had taken the habit after he had been a secular priest for many years. he was an able theologue, and had been one of the household of don juan de palafox, whom he had served considerably in his litigations with the regulars of nueva españa. that religious was minister to a christian village some time in ilocos; but afterward his mind failed him, and he lived so for many years, suffering the troubles and hardships that so troublesome an infirmity causes. i knew him for many years, and he was never furious, but very mild and gentle. consequently, he was always left unshackled, and gave no other sign of the infirmity from which he was suffering than his outbursts of greatest nonsense. he was ever very affable and courteous. a few days before his death, he recovered his mental faculties; and, after having received all the holy sacraments, he died in great calm in 1662, at an age of more than seventy. father fray pedro de la plaza, fifty-three years old, an excellent theologue, who had also been a secular priest for many years, and only had three years of profession. he died in 1665 in the convent of manila. the brother chorister, fray antonio de quesada, twenty-two years old, a student in the arts. he seems to have been a minister in the province of pampanga, and very skilful in that language. he died in 1661. brother fray josé de sotomayor, who was a minister in the province of ilocos, and died in the year 1665. brother fray bartolomé de la torre, twenty-two years old, who had completed his studies. afterward he became lecturer in arts in the convent of manila, and was sent to the province of bisayas, where he was an able minister, definitor, and vicar-provincial. he died in 1684. brother fray marcos zapata, a theological student, twenty-two years old and five in the habit; he was a minister in the province of ilocos, where he died in 1673. brother fray francisco flores, of the same age and [length of time in the] habit, was minister in the province of tagalos, and died in 1675. brother fray josé de mendoza, twenty years of age, was minister in the province of ilocos, and a fine preacher in that language. he died in the convent of manila in 1678. brother fray luis de montujar [or montufar: pérez] twenty years old, was an excellent minister in the province of tagalos, definitor, president of the chapter, and my predecessor in the office of commissary of the holy office of the inquisition. he was a very observant religious, and died in 1690. brother fray domingo de san miguel, twenty-four years old, a student in the arts. he was a fine religious, of much modesty and great virtue. he served much and well in the province of ilocos. he became visitor, and died in the manila convent in 1677. brother fray miguel de quesada, nineteen years old. i can find no notice of the province in which he was minister, or of his death. fray antonio de salcedo (or san nicolás), a lay-brother, of great virtue and simple humility. he served the manila convent well, and died in 1690. [92] all those religious were natives of nueva españa, and sons of the province of santísimo nombre de jesús of méjico. before admitting them as sons of this province, many and great difficulties were experienced. [continuing, the author discusses these difficulties, with citation of various authorities. the religious of nueva españa and peru administer the sacraments by authority of the ordinary; while in the philippines it has been delegated by the popes to the definitors, who sub-delegate it to the various religious. in order to go to the indias, the consent of the general and of the king is necessary, and is obtained through the royal council of the indias. the difficulty arises, then, because these religious have not been previously presented in the above council. necessity, however, rules the day, and they are admitted--although the precaution is taken by the heads of the order in the islands to state their intention of obtaining, within six years, the consent and approbation of the royal council of the indias to that admission.] the loss of the galleon "san diego" was felt keenly, as there was a great lack of ships in these islands because of the repeated shipwrecks of preceding years. but all knew that it was apparently permitted by divine providence so that they might not have a ship which was built by so many extortions on the natives. that is an irremediable difficulty in the shipyards and in the cutting of timber in these islands, as was seen in the building of that galleon "san diego," which was built in the time of the most disinterested governor, and one who had the cleanest hands that can be imagined; such was don diego fajardo, who was a wonder in that way. also as superintendent of its building was appointed the commander don pedro de mendiola, a man as creditable in this particular as the governor. yet with all that vigilance, great vexations, wrongs, and expenses were heaped on the natives. the chief cause was the foreman and master of the building, who was a moro named nadir, who assuredly was the very opposite [93] from the disinterestedness of don pedro mendiola. this man, from one thousand two hundred indians who were drafted monthly from the provinces of tondo, bulacán, balayán,and tayabas, occupied scarcely four hundred in the work, and sometimes five hundred. the [service of the] remainder he reduced to money, in which they redeemed their oppression. a curious person, having reckoned the cost of that galleon, found that it had cost the king sixty thousand pesos, and the natives more than one hundred and fifty thousand. this is an evil that has been seen to be irremediable; for it is impossible to build galleons in any other way, because the cutting of the timber must be managed by sailors--a class of men who lack pity, and have too much greed--and because the indian natives are so weak and so hostile to work that they prefer their ease to all advantage to themselves. this has been the cause of the tumults and insurrections, such as that of palapag in 1649, and that of the province of pampanga in 1660; and, in the time of governor don juan de silva, that of 1614, because of the considerable felling of timber which was occasioned by so much shipbuilding as was caused by the undertaking against the dutch. then, most of the provinces of these islands mutinied and almost rose in insurrection; and there was danger of a general outbreak, had not the religious who were ministers in the provinces reduced the minds of the natives to quiet; for they, overburdened by so heavy a load, were at the point of desperation. [in december of 1654 is celebrated the feast of the immaculate conception of the virgin--which was formally proclaimed as a dogma of the roman catholic church, december 8, 1854. the celebrations in manila extend over a number of days, and all take part in them. the papal permission for the feast has been obtained from innocent x by the entreaty of felipe iv.] chapter xiii wreck at boronga of the galleon "san francisco javier;" and the election of our father fray alonso quijano as provincial. [the loss of the galleon "san francisco javier" in the port of boronga, in the island of leyte--one of the best harbors in the philippines--is keenly felt in the islands; and, together with the putting back in 1655 of the two ships "victoria" and "santiago," which had sailed for nueva españa, is provocative of much misery. the people of the first-named vessel are all saved, but all the cargo and money are lost. the filipinos along that coast are the only gainers of the wreck, for they recover much of the money. the loss is investigated by the auditor, francisco samaniego cuesta, who shows himself unnecessarily severe in his investigations. the wreck is looked upon by people generally as a punishment from heaven for the cruelties practiced on the natives in the building of the "san francisco javier." the islands are reduced to a wretched condition "both for the lack of money (although some was recovered from the 'san francisco javier'), and because the reënforcements of infantry were delayed which the governor had requested from the duke of alburquerque, "who was governing nueva españa; as well as through the fact that trade with china had greatly fallen off, because of the lack of the food which preserves it, namely, mexican pesos."] our father provincial, the lecturer fray andres verdugo, finished the term of his governorship to the universal satisfaction of all because of his great prudence; and all were desirous to reëlect him after the six years had passed, which is the length of time assigned by our rules before the provincial as well as the definitors and visitors can be reëlected. the time for the chapter meeting having arrived, the fathers assembled may 6, 1650, in the convent of manila. father fray josé de la cuesta, the only definitor (as the other three first ones had died) presided over the chapter. as provincial they elected our father fray alonso quijano, a native of corral de almaguer in la mancha, a minister of very long standing in the provinces of visayas; he was a man of great prudence and wisdom, and great knowledge, and very skilled in the difficult science of commanding. as definitors were elected fray dionisio suárez, the lecturer fray baltasar de herrera [94] (who afterward joined the order of st. francis), the father master fray lucas ortiz, [95] and father fray juan de torres. [96] the visitor of the preceding triennium, father fray alonso clemente [97] and fray pablo maldonado, were present. they passed acts very suitable to the excellent administration of the missions in our charge, and for the better observance of our rules. after that chapter had been concluded, not only our order but also the fathers of st. dominic and our discalced recollects (who had celebrated their chapters on the same day) were confronted by a great exigency. [this is an order by the governor and royal audiencia requiring the presentation of the lists of the chapters, as is done in the other parts of the indias. the audiencia being petitioned allows the orders to continue their former practice in this regard, after sending an account of the matter to the council of the indias. after a digression called forth by this exigency, the author proceeds:] as soon as the new governor, don sabiniano manrique de lara assumed his office, and had performed his first duties, and had taken the residencia of his predecessor and given sentence in the cause of the latter's favorite, he devoted himself with great activity to carrying out such measures as were possible for establishing the prosperity of his government. he found the community of manila greatly afflicted and weakened by its past troubles and wars, and its wealth exhausted by the lack of commerce with nueva españa, because of the so repeated return of the ships in distress and the wrecking of the galleons. in that year of 1654 was lost a large galleon which was being built in the kingdom of camboja at great expense to the royal treasury; it was dashed to pieces near luban, fourteen leguas from manila, when it was coming here after having been completely finished. [the remainder of the chapter is concerned with mindanao affairs, which will be sufficiently noted elsewhere.] [chapter xiv treats of the chinese pirate kuesing, and of the answer sent him by the governor of the philippines; chapter xv of the earthquake at manila, august 20, 1658, and the embassies from siam and other kingdoms to the governor; and chapter xvi of mindanao and joló affairs, all of which will be noted hereafter.] chapter xvii second election as provincial of our father fray diego de ordás; loss of the galleon "victoria;" and insurrection in pampanga. during all his three years in the government of this province, our father fray alonso de quijano proved himself a prudent and devout superior--and such were needed in times so calamitous as were those of which we are writing; for a great deal of misfortune fell to the lot of our province, as we were very short of religious to serve in the hard work of the missions. for as an offset to the small reënforcement that had come in the year 1654 from nueva españa, twenty had died--among whom were the former provincial fathers, fray jerónimo medrano and fray andrés verdugo, who were equivalent to the loss of many, as they were two firm columns of this province. the procurator who was sent during the past years, fray cristobal enriquez, had died in cáceres, his birthplace, before obtaining a mission, because of the many difficulties that he had to encounter, and that is the main cause of his early death. father fray juan de torres, who had been despatched after him, died in this southern sea while sailing toward acapulco. thus did this afflicted province find itself reduced to so short a number of religious that they were unable to sustain so great a weight. that lack of religious was suffered not alone by our province but by all the other orders, who complained of the same affliction; for the loss of so many galleons, and the difficulty in securing despatches in españa because of the many war expenses, delayed the reënforcements necessary for the aid of the missions. the worst was, that as they were so few and carried the work of many, more of them died; for they were worn out by the too heavy load which necessity laid upon them. all those adversities were tempered by the wisdom and great prudence of our father fray alonso quijano during his afflicted triennium; for his peaceful countenance quieted the most severe storms, and gave proofs of the great wealth of prudence and sagacity which reposed in his breast, so that he left all the province desirous of again placing him in the foremost place of the command whenever they had an opportunity of making so wise a choice--as happened in the year 1665, which will be related in its proper place. when the term of the three years of his government had expired, the day assigned by our rules for the celebration of the new provincial chapter in the manila convent of san pablo arrived, namely, may three, 1659. father fray dionisio suárez, senior definitor of the former chapter, presided. our father fray diego de ordás was elected for the second time as provincial, by universal accord; but with many objections on his side, for he made as many efforts as possible to escape the election. but the urging of all the capitulars--or, to speak more truly, the great prudence and religious zeal with which he had governed the first time when he was elected, in the year 1647--was opposed to his resistance. this province has always been very cautious in not handing over the helm of its government to new pilots, even when it has possessed such, skilled and experienced; for more often the election results with but little satisfaction if one trusts to appearances, which are wont to be costly to good government.... the system and composition of this province is very different from those of the others in europa, and needs another kind of competency than what they demand; and so one learns by the road of experience, in which there is usually less error. there is no greater assurance for victory than having already conquered. [some further reflections similar to the above follow.] as definitors were elected fathers fray pedro mejia, fray pablo maldonado, fray juan de borja, and fray josé duque. [98] the visitors elected were the father lecturer fray antonio carrión [99] and fray isidro rodríguez. [100] they enacted some very useful ordinances for the good government of the province, and the better prosecution of gospel preaching, to the observance of which great attention was paid during their triennium. ["all the ten years' term of the government of the prudent and magnanimous governor, don sabiniano manrique de lara, were a fatal period of troubles and disasters, such as these islands had never suffered, so great and continued were they." a eulogy and partial sketch of the governor follows. losses of ships, men, and money, and the scanty reënforcements sent from nueva españa--only a hundred soldiers having arrived, while as many have died on the way--are dwelt on. "in addition to that, four galleons had been wrecked, which buried more than five hundred men in these seas--a loss which was the final blow to the prosperity of these islands.... one million pesos was all the aid that don sabiniano received in ten years, although in years when there were fewer demands on the treasury five hundred thousand were sent from nueva españa annually. and the least cost of the construction of a galleon is sixty thousand, and they are very frequently wrecked because of the turbulence of the seas." the author mentions a number of disastrous shipwrecks occurring at various times in the islands, describing especially that of the "victoria" in 1660, which had been sent to zamboanga and ternate with reënforcements of men. that wreck occurs while sailing from iloilo to zamboanga, and all hands are lost--among them being three jesuits, father francisco roa, [101] the provincial of the society, father josé pimentel, [102] and the lay-brother, lorenzo de alba. [103] the chapter closes with the beginning of the insurrection of the pampangos in 1660, "the most warlike and noble people in these islands, and near manila."] [that insurrection is continued in chapter xviii, and that chapter and the two following deal also with the insurrection of the pangasinans in 1660-1661. chapter xxi deals with the raid of the pangasinans and zambals into the province of ilocos in 1660-61, and the insurrection of the latter people is continued also in the three following chapters. all of these insurrections will be dealt with later in this series.] chapter xxv second election of the father provincial, fray alonso coronel, and of the events concerning the pirate kuesing (pompoán). (1662) under the mild and pacific government of our father provincial fray diego de ordás, this afflicted province was able to lift the burden of so many troubles as the adversity of the times and the great lack of religious occasioned. that lack increased to the pass that many were giving out under the heavy burden that necessity forced them to assume; for those most privileged by their age and by sickness carried burdens that were enough for two, and most of them the burden of three, so that many succumbed and made the lack greater. with these disasters came the time for the celebration of a new chapter, to the great sorrow of all the province at taking farewell of the mild and prudent government of our father fray diego de ordás. they also grieved because there were few experienced persons to substitute in his place; for a time so full of dangers needed a pilot experienced in the government of a province so assailed by its adversaries. the capitular members assembled in the manila convent, and all were unanimous in [their purpose to] elect as provincial father fray josé de la cuesta, prior of bulacán, an able religious. he was very learned and experienced in the greek language, which chair he had filled by substitution in the university of salamanca, because of the death of his father, master andrés de la cuesta olmedo, the regularly-appointed professor of that subject. but that hope was frustrated, for god had taken him to himself two days before the chapter, to the general sorrow of all the province--especially of our father fray diego de ordás, who had brought him from his province of castilla in the fine mission that entered this province in the year 1635. accordingly, the chapter was convened under the presidency of father fray juan de borja, the third definitor, because of the deaths of the [two] others, fray pedro mejía and fray pablo maldonado. our father, fray alonso coronel, [104] a religious of great virtue and prudence, and such an one as the times needed--also of the said mission conducted by our father fray diego de ordás--was elected, april 29, 1662. the definitors elected in the chapter were fathers fray gonzalo de la palma, [105] fray luis de medina, [106] fray isidro rodríguez, and the lecturer fray antonio carrión, and the visitors, father fray juan de vergara [107] and fray juan de isla. [108] they passed the acts necessary for the efficient government of the province and for the administration of the doctrinas where were missions of new reductions of people, especially on the outskirts of the province of ilocos--which is also the farthest [from manila] in this great island called luzón. there father fray benito de mena [109] was progressing finely with the conversion of the indians of aclán and vera in the mountains contiguous to cagayán, of which we shall treat more fully hereafter. [all the past dangers and difficulties are now overshadowed by the attempts of the chinese pirate kuesing, the recital of which takes up the rest of this chapter and the following one. chapter xxvii deals principally with the rising by the chinese of the manila parián, and their punishment (1662-63); and chapter xxviii, with raids of the joloans and mindanaos among the visayas (1662-63), in which father fray francisco de mesa, o.s.a., [110] loses his life. these various topics will be sufficiently treated hereafter.] chapter xxix arrival of the new governor, don diego salcedo; and of the mission of religious which came the same year. (1663-64) it was the will of divine providence that, after so many and continual returns of the galleons to port, as aforesaid, the ship "san josé" which had left the port of cavite in the past year of 1662 under charge of commander francisco garcia del fresno--a native of cadiz, and very skilful on the sea; and afterward artillery general for his majesty--should reach nueva españa in safety. the viceroy of nueva españa was the conde de baños, marqués de labrada, [111] who, after he became a widower, left the vanities of the world, took the discalced carmelite habit, was ordained a priest, and died, bequeathing fine examples of virtue and admonition. his example was later followed by his son, don juan de leiva, who received the habit of a lay religious of our father st. augustine in the convent of san felipe in madrid. the successor of don sabiniano manrique de lara, namely, the master-of-camp don diego salcedo, a native of bruselas--a son of a spanish gentleman (a native of cuenca) and a flemish lady--was then in the city of méjico. he had been a very brave soldier in the low countries for many years, and for his services had been made master-of-camp of an army of walloons. [112] for that reason, and because he was a favorite of don juan de austria, whose captain of the guard he is said to have been, he was granted the government of these islands. on account of the fact that so many galleons had put back [to these islands] he had been detained in méjico for several years. in the same city was also found father fray josé de paternina, [113] a son of the convent of badaya, who had been detained for three years with a mission of ten religious who had been sent from the province of castilla by the procurators of this province of filipinas, the father masters fray gaspar de lorenzana and fray francisco de aguilera. that mission was conducted with the money which was left owing to this province by its procurator and definitor, fray cristóbal enríquez, who had died in the city of cáceres, his native place. at that time our most reverend father-general of all the order of st. augustine, the master fray pablo luquino, was at the court of madrid. he had gone to visit the provinces of españa and portugal. moved by his great zeal, he aided greatly with his authority in the collection of that mission, which was small because of the scarcity of means for its transportation, but large because of the great lack of religious in this province. as his vicar and prelate of that mission, he appointed father fray diego de jesús, a son of the convent of salamanca and a native of béjar, and then master of novices in the convent of san felipe in madrid. but the latter having petitioned our most reverend father-general to be excused from it, because of legitimate reasons that he had, father fray josé de paternina, a native of the town of álava, and son of the convent of santa catalina in badaya, was assigned for that duty in his place. he conducted eleven religious of the province of castilla and of this province, as they were given the habit in order to pass thither. [114] they reached méjico, where they were detained three years because of the lack of the galleons from these islands, as we have related. at the same time don andrés de medina, with a peruvian gentleman, a man most skilful in astrology, mathematics, and cosmography, had arrived at méjico from madrid. he had offered to his majesty to discover the islands called salomón because of their great wealth. [115] these are the islands which adelantado alvaro de mendaña y neira went to discover in the year 1595, with four vessels which he took from callao in april of the said year. his chief pilot was pedro fernández de quirós, who is mentioned in the first part, book 3, chapter 16, page 476. [116] after having endured many hardships, and after the adelantado had died, his men reached the port of cavite under command of the adelantado's wife, doña isabel barreto, in february of 1596, and later returned to nueva españa in the galleon "san gerónimo." mention of that discovery will be found in the relations of doctor don antonio de morga, which i omit here, as it is foreign to our subject. don andrés de medina brought royal decrees ordering the viceroy of nueva españa to give him vessels in the south sea, and men, for that discovery and conquest; but it was impossible to do so at that time, because of the lack of ships, which is constant on the said sea. however, in order to content him, because of the letters and decrees that he bore, the viceroy, conde de baños, appointed him commander of the galleon "san josé," after removing its commander, francisco garcia del fresno, who had brought the galleon from filipinas. that was contrary to the royal ordinance, which prohibits the viceroys to change the commanders (unless the commander has died), and those who have the future succession to the governorship of the filipinas. when the time arrived, governor don diego de salcedo embarked, taking with him the most distinguished train of people that has been seen on any occasion. for of captains alone there were twenty-six, and i think it advisable to inscribe their names here, because of the great honor and prestige that they brought to the community of manila. they were as follows: don antonio sanchez de quirós, ex-captain of cuirassiers in flandes; juan martinez corrionero, alférez and adjutant in flandes; don francisco de moya, don juan de briones, and don tomás de castro andrade; [117] don pedro de la peña maceda, a soldier of flandes; don antonio xigundi; don francisco and don martín de tejada, brothers; don luis matienzo, don juan de guzman, don pedro mendiguerren, and don josé alsara; don josé cornices, and don gonzalo samaniego; juan de alquica, a brave vizcayan; juan de palomares castro, don juan de pimentel, don feliciano velázquez, and don joaquin ramírez; don francisco vanderváez, don alonso valdés, and don juan giménez; don pedro de la mancha, don diego castañeda, and don miguel de alegría; the chief pilot, leandro cuello; and others. two auditors embarked, namely, licentiate don francisco de coloma maceda, and licentiate don francisco de mansilla montemayor; and many other persons of account. father fray josé de paternina, whom the inquisitors of méjico had appointed commissary of the holy office for the city of manila, embarked with eleven of our religious; and father fray cristobal de santa mónica, of the discalced religious of our father st. augustine, with another fine and more numerous mission--among whom was that virtuous and erudite preacher, fray isidoro de jesús maría, one of the best preachers of that century, whose sermons might arouse admiration in europa. where he surpassed, moreover, was in those that he preached, for twenty consecutive years, on the sorrows of most holy mary. but his sermons did not have the good fortune to be printed, except the first on that subject, and a few others on other festal occasions. governor don diego was very angry at the affront that the viceroy had put upon the commander, francisco garcía del fresno, without any authority for it beyond the mere authority of viceroy. therefore, as soon as the galleon left the port of acapulco and had lost sight of land, he ordered the drums to be beaten, and deprived the commander don andrés de medina of his office, which he restored to francisco garcía. when that was learned in the royal and supreme council of the indias, his majesty approved of it, and issued a new decree ordering the viceroys of nueva españa not to change the commanders or those who were to succeed in the second place [as governor]. don andrés de medina, being a wise and prudent man, made no resistance, except that he retired to the quarters of the boatswain, from which he did not emerge until the galleon after many months cast anchor at cavite. the galleon "san josé" sighted these islands late, and, as the vendavals had set in, could not make port in either palapag or lampón. after having suffered many storms they were obliged to make port in the most remote and unsuitable harbor--namely, that of pasipit, in the province of cagayán, which lies in 19 degrees north latitude. the governor, the auditors, and the two missions disembarked, and after many hardships traversed five provinces by land, three of which (ilocos, pampanga, and bulacán) were in our charge, and two (cagayán and pangasinán) in charge of the religious of st. dominic. our small mission was so unfortunate that three of them died in the province of ilocos: namely, father fray tomás de villanueva, a religious already aged, of the province of castilla; brother fray bartolomé de grecia, a native of la mancha; and father fray juan de ezquerra. the other eight reached manila after so long a journey; and these were received there [with the demonstrations] that the great lack of religious in the province demanded. they were as follows: the father-commissary of the holy office, fray josé de paternina, son of the convent of badaya, forty years old. he became prior of manila and guadalupe, and died at sea in the year 1674. father fray juan garcía, of the convent of burgos, and a native of álava. he was an excellent and efficient minister in the province of ilocos. he went to españa and roma as procurator for this province, whence he returned with a plentiful mission of religious in the year 1679. he returned to the province of ilocos, where he died in the year 1699 with the reputation of great virtue. father fray pedro martínez, son of the convent of burgos and native of las encartaciones; [118] an able minister in the province of ilocos, where he was vicar-provincial, and came to be definitor of our province. he was a religious of great virtue, mildness, and peaceableness. his death occurred in manila, in the year 1683. father fray juan de guedeja, native of salamanca, son of that convent, and thirty years old. he was a minister in pampanga, and very skilful in that language. he was a religious of various capacities, and was greatly beloved for his gentleness. he was occupied in honorable posts in this province, and died in the year 1689. father fray francisco muñoz, son of the same convent of burgos and native of álava, thirty years old. he was a zealous minister in the province of ilocos, where he died in the year 1687. father fray diego gutiérrez, native of madrid, son of the convent of san felipe, twenty-eight years old and eight years in the habit. he was an excellent minister in the province of tagalos, and died in the year 1676. father fray nicolás de la cruz, native of zalaya, son of the convent of san felipe, twenty-eight years old. he was a minister in the provinces of bisayas, and died in cebú in the year 1675. brother fray diego de la puente, native of madrid, son of this province, twenty-one years old. he was a minister in the province of pampanga, and very fluent in that language. he was a religious in whom were reposed great hopes, which were disappointed by his early death in 1677. brother fray juan de ibarra, native of durango, son of this province. he was a minister in ilocos for a short time; most of his life (which was very long), he passed in the convent of manila, where he was an example of poverty and humility, and where he died in 1713, aged 75. [119] of the two auditors the senior in rank, by concession of his majesty, was don francisco coloma. but don francisco mansilla, as he was stronger and younger went on ahead in forced journeys, and took possession of his seat in the royal audiencia. after a considerable time, don francisco de coloma arrived, and demanded the seniority that belonged to him by precedence in their appointments as auditor. don francisco de mansilla alleged the act of prior possession; and that gave rise to a suit that caused great trouble, as will be seen later. [120] the sentence was sent to the supreme council of the indias, and the preference was given to don francisco de coloma, in whose favor the declaration from españa came after a number of years. [one of the first acts of the new governor is the taking of the previous governor's residencia which is entrusted to auditor coloma. many complaints are made by the citizens; for the government of filipinas "as it is more absolute, is more apt to create dissatisfaction," arising from the governor's severity, or from envy. he is, however, cleared of all charges in spain; and 60,000 pesos that he has been compelled to deposit are returned to him from the treasury of mexico.] don diego salcedo commenced his government with the disaster of the return in distress of the ship "san sabiniano," under charge of commander juan de chaves. that caused great affliction, since no galleon had succeeded in making its voyage to nueva españa in safety. but divine clemency willed that better success should be experienced by the first galleon that he despatched during his government, namely, the "san josé"--the vessel in which he had come, and in which don sabiniano manrique de lara returned to nueva españa. that galleon was the most fortunate of all that have been built in these islands, for it never had to put back in distress, and lasted for many years. it brought two governors to filipinas, don diego de salcedo and don manuel de león; besides taking back in safety the other, don sabiniano. [andrés de medina, who had been deposed by the new governor on the high sea from his ill-gotten command, obtains permission from the latter after their arrival in the islands to go wherever he wishes, to secure treatment for the illness from which he is suffering. he has a ship prepared secretly, and goes first to bolinao, "where he discharged and paid the rowers. with the aid of father fray juan de la santísima trinidad--a discalced augustinian religious who was minister of that village, and afterward provincial of that province of san nicolás--ship's-stores and all else needed for the voyage were prepared, and they crossed the sea toward the west to the mainland of cochinchina, where it appears that they arrived; and where the natives of that country murdered them for the sake of robbing them." some of their merchandise, and some of the mathematical instruments belonging to medina are afterward offered for sale to some portuguese who go to cochinchina.] governor don diego de salcedo was a man of great intelligence and wisdom, and commenced to govern to the satisfaction of all. his first measure was to place on the stocks the galleon "nuestra señora de la concepción" a work of the great master, juan bautista nicolás. he sent ambassadors to the surrounding kingdoms to build up the commerce which is the mainspring of the community of manila and all these islands. he sent the commander don juan de vergara to the kingdom of camboja, accompanied by captain fernando quintela, to discuss the building of galleons in that kingdom. that mission had no effect, however. he sent don josé de la vega, a native of manila, treasurer of the royal exchequer, a man of great intelligence and capacity, to the kingdom of banta; and don francisco enríquez de losada to the kingdom of siam. all complied with the obligation of their duty, which was directed to the establishment of commerce and friendly relations. he also sent don juan de zalaeta to batavia to buy anchors for his galleons, as there were no smithies in filipinas where they could be made of the size demanded by those galleons. that commerce was very good in his time, and captains juan de ergueza, diego de palencia, and others made repeated voyages, and brought back quantities of cinnamon and spices which are very profitable to the commerce of nueva españa. in these and other arrangements and provisions the whole year 1664 passed during which time no event of consideration, or any worth writing, occurred. chapter xxx second election as provincial of our father fray alonso quijano; conversion of the villages of aclán and vera; the undertakings of admiral pedro durán against the igolotes; death of our father the ex-provincial fray diego de ordax; and other events. (1665-67) our father fray alonso coronel having completed the term of three years of his government--which was filled with fears and hardships, because of the unfortunate events that we have just related in the threats of the pirate kuesing pompoán--the time assigned for the celebration of the chapter in the convent of manila arrived, namely, april 25, 1665. the senior father definitor, fray luis de medina, presided at that chapter, in which our father fray alonso quijano was elected for the second time, as he was a person of whom this province had experienced the worthiness of administering the government of it; for he had ruled so efficiently during the triennium when he was provincial the first time. as definitors were elected the following fathers: fray tomás de villanueva, fray cosme de hiz, [121] fray francisco del moral, [122] and fray enrique de castro. [123] the visitors of the past triennium were present, fathers fray josé de mendoza, [124] and fray francisco de medina de basco; [125] and as new visitors were elected the father lecturer fray cristobal marroquí [126] and fray carlos bautista. [127] they passed very useful acts for the efficient government of the province, and such that one recognizes the care and vigilance that were taken in preventing the slightest neglect in matters pertaining to the regular observance, and in the care for better administration in the office of parish priest. in that chapter was renewed once more the urgent request of the governor for the list of the appointments of prior-ministers. but it was resolved not to establish such a precedent and they were aided in that by the fathers of st. dominic, who also held their chapter on the same day--when they elected as their provincial father fray juan de los ángeles, who was worthy of that name because of his many virtues. the new provincial, seeing the lack of religious from which this province was suffering, on account of its failure to receive large missions, which would furnish abundant workers for the maintenance of so many and remote convents and missions as were in its charge--for, although diligent efforts had been made to remedy that lack, three procurators who had been sent to españa had died; and the third, father fray josé botoño, after having been forced to put back to port twice, died during the voyage, the third time when he embarked--appointed for that duty father fray isidro rodríguez, a native of madrid and minister of the province of pampanga, of whom we have given a memorial in the [relation of the] insurrection of the said province. that was an excellent appointment, for he made his voyage successfully, having embarked on the galleon "nuestra señora de la concepción," under command of the commander josé de zamora. he brought back the most numerous mission that had thus far entered these islands. on june 17, 1665, the fortunate galleon "san josé" arrived at the port of cavite, with the most illustrious bishop of cebú, already consecrated, the master don fray juan lópez, of the order of preachers, native of martín-muñoz de las pasadas. he was a prelate who gave great consolation to the christian people of these islands--both in the bishopric of cebú, where he remained for seven years; and in manila, where he died archbishop-elect in the year 1674, after having suffered many cares. he was a very learned and affable prelate, and was accordingly greatly beloved by all. in the same galleon came also the auditor licentiate don juan de peña bonifáz, a native of segovia, of whom there will be much to say in due time, because of his beginning to govern the military department in the year 1668, which was the origin of great disturbances. near the boundaries of the province of ilocos, in the mountains of cape engaño, near the province of cagayán, belonging to the mission of the convent of bacarra, the conversion of the natives of the villages of aclán and vera (now bangbanglo) was commenced that year by the ardent zeal and diligence of father fray benito de mena, a native of manila and son of our manila convent san pablo; he was a religious of great virtue, and one very fluent in the tongues of ilocos and cagayán. those villages are more than twenty leguas distant from the central town bacarra; and their people are a barbarous and spirited nation, and for that reason are feared by the indians round about. they are known by the name of payaos. [128] that nation had not received the light of the holy gospel, because of the ruggedness of their mountains. they were living in the darkness of their blind paganism, protected by the inaccessibility of those lofty mountains, and exempt from the yoke of subjection--the only means by which one is able to introduce the evangelical preaching among barbarous nations. for since they are the last nations whom the celestial paterfamilias invites to the banquet of glory, which so many noble and civilized nations have despised, in them is verified the command to make them enter by means of force: compelle intrare, ut impleatur domus mea. [129]... father fray benito, moved to piety by his great zeal at seeing how difficult it was for those natives to receive the knowledge of our faith in that way, as they were remote and invincible, having first consulted with god in prayer, determined to enter those mountains, accompanied, in order to remove suspicions, by only the few whom he could take. he went to the village of bañgui, the last visita of bacarra, where he established a military base [plaza de armas] for that spiritual conquest. bañgui is distant four long leguas from the first settlement of the payaos,and one must ascend a river with a strong current. wisely repeating his entrances by means of that river, he introduced himself gradually among them, and preached the holy gospel to them, which they heard without any difficulty, as they are a people who have but little tenacity in holding to their heathen ceremonies. they only practice various superstitions, auguries, and a servile worship to the souls of their first progenitors--whom they reverenced not as gods, but like the indigetes [130] of the romans, to whom the people offered sacrifices to keep them propitious. this method of worshiping deceased ancestors is very common in these filipinas, and very difficult to stamp out, even in those who are to all appearances faithful christians. for in this regard fear has a great influence over them; and most of them believe that it is not opposed to the christian faith to place on one and the same altar the ark of the testament and the idol dagón.... but scarce a trace of this malign belief is to be found in the villages near manila. [many miracles and prodigies influence those rude people to receive baptism. especially efficacious for the faith is the resurrection of a child who has died, and who after receiving holy baptism dies again (five hundred and two persons becoming baptized in consequence). a leper is also healed with the ceremony of baptism. the chief seeks salvation in the holy waters before his death. the new converts prove exceptionally clever in learning the prayers and the christian doctrine, a night or a day often sufficing.] great were the troubles that father fray benito de mena suffered in that conversion, because of the steepness of the mountains, and because there was no lack of ministers of satan among the payaos who endeavored to dissuade the people from what that religious was teaching them. but he, persevering in teaching them the truth until the year 1668, attained the fruit of his fatigue; for he converted so many that he was able to found the three villages of aclán, vera, and bangbanglo, which were administered in the church that he built in the village of aclán under the advocacy of st. catherine, virgin and martyr. those villages are today a part of the ministry of bañgui, the most remote of all this island of manila. a settled minister is assigned to it when there are plenty of religious in this province for such work. when there is the greatest lack of religious, the administration is under the charge of the prior and minister of the village of bacarra. the villages of aclán and vera are very useful as frontiers opposed to the calanasas, a cruel heathen nation; and for that reason the governors of manila have exempted them from paying tribute. that religious fray benito de mena was an able evangelical minister, and obtained much fruit in the province of ilocos. he was much given to prayer and mortification; and a long chapter could be written of his life, if the notices of the curious prodigies that happened to him had not been lost--events in the conversion of the indians of the mountains of aclán and vera, and in other villages of that province, where he died holily as prior of the convent of bacarra in 1676. don diego de salcedo, having heard of the remote nations who were living free from the yoke of political subjection in the larger and better part of the island of manila, and who possessed the best lands of the fertile forests of ilocos--the worst thing being that they were living in the cimmerian darkness of paganism, and that so many souls were being lost because of our neglect and carelessness; and seeing that the islands, harassed for so many years by the insurrections of those natives and the threats of foreigners, seemed to be quiet (for the gates of the temple of janus were shut in his time, which had been open during all the terms of his three predecessors): planned to undertake some conquest that would result to the honor of god and extend the spanish government. he assembled the most experienced and skilful captains of those islands and the provincials of the orders, as they were the ones who would have the greatest part in the preservation and continual increase of what would be conquered. all thought that the best field of conquest in which to employ their arms with some profit was the mountains of ilocos, where the igolotes lived in broad and fertile lands, abounding not only in food but in minerals rich in gold--which the natives themselves bring in great plenty to pangasinán and ilocos to barter for clothes, salt, and other things which they need. the igolotes [131] are a barbaric race of scanty intelligence. they are of lighter complexion than the other natives, both because they are born in a cooler climate and because they are descended, according to their own traditions, from chinese who were shipwrecked on those coasts long before the spaniards arrived in those islands, as say their barbaric and confused accounts. that assertion is proved by the closeness with which their customs approach those of the chinese although they are not provided with a regular government, or civilized, as are the latter. for they are deceitful, cunning, and cruel, a sign of their cowardice. accordingly, they never undertake any warlike deed unless it promises them perfect security; and to such an extent is that true that it is sufficient for one to fall to make them all seek safety in flight. therefore they do considerable harm in the villages of pangasinán and ilocos alone, by setting fire to them, or by means of very safe ambushes. they have but little adherence to their false religions, but are very superstitious and practice divination. in that respect they greatly resemble the payaos and calanasas [132] above mentioned. they are opposed in all their customs to the abacaes [133] and italones [134] of the mountains of santor in pampanga. they practice bigamy [sic] for they marry many women; and they regard theft as great cleverness. their usual weapons are arrows, and some chiefs carry lances and balaraos [i.e., daggers] which they buy in other villages with their gold. father fray esteban marin, [135] a religious of ours, suffered martyrdom among that race in the year 1601, as is mentioned in the first part, book 3, chapter 22, folio 502. [136] having made the preparations for that conquest, the governor appointed admiral pedro durán de monforte, a brave and experienced soldier (of whom repeated mention has been made in this history) the chief commander of it. he gave him the title of lieutenant captain-general, and a sufficient number of soldiers, both spanish and pampango. the sargentos-mayor blas rodríguez and don josé de robles cortés accompanied him, as did also captains gabriel de la jara, francisco de espinosa, don pablo de la piedra, and lorenzo rubio, and adjutants pedro bravo, juan de mercado, and francisco de la jara--all leaders and veteran soldiers. he asked our father provincial, fray alonso quijano, to appoint evangelical ministers to go to the preaching and teaching of the villages which would be conquered. the provincial appointed father fray lorenzo de herrera [137] (former prior of narbacán in ilocos), father fray luís de la fuente, [138] and fray gabriel alvarez, [139] for that mission. the governor also appointed the commander don felipe de ugalde as purveyor and paymaster for those troops, giving him four thousand pesos for that purpose. don felipe, however, did not accompany the army, but went later; and his self-confidence was the cause of his death. for at the point of the uninhabited district the zambals went out against him; and, although he defended himself with great valor, a valiant zambal named tumalang killed him. that man became a christian after the event of pignauén, and was named don alonso. he cut off the purveyor's head, as we have mentioned in another chapter, [treating] of the year 1656. pedro durán marched with his men by short stages, because of the inconvenience to the infantry and baggage, and for fear of the ambushes which could be set against him in the many defiles that offered along the road. he always had spies who knew the roads, and pampanga scouts, and friendly zambals together with sargento-mayor blas rodríguez and the adjutant francisco de la jara, and some spaniards. without the occurrence of anything worthy of consideration, they arrived at the first two villages of the igolotes--called cayang, [140] of one hundred and fifty houses; and lobing, of a few less. they found these deserted, but they remained there to await the rest of the convoy. the site of cayang was very pleasant, and suitable for a military post, as it was the nearest to the villages that had been subdued. consequently, pedro durán determined to build a fort for his defense until, by means of the zambals and ilocans, the igolotes should become quieted and reduced to their houses. he treated the natives well, and the soldiers who might transgress by offering them the least injury he punished. gradually many of the chief igolotes came, and showed themselves to be obedient, and friends of the spaniards, and well inclined to profess the evangelical law and be baptized. a church was built of such materials as could be found in those mountains, because of the difficulty of finding bamboo near there. the same and greater difficulty was experienced in building a fort of palisades and a terreplein; for all that land was bare, and had no forests of timber. therefore it cost the soldiers considerable labor to find timber and bring it from afar, as they did, without any disaster having happened to them. that exploration was made near the end of 1668, the time when the spaniards were in those parts. of their doings in detail, only very short and confused accounts have remained. it is only reported that they explored one hundred and fifty villages, from the heights of cayang to the mountains of cagayán. most or them are located on the shores of large rivers, all of which flow into the great river of cagayán, which empties [into the sea] at lalo. it is the largest river that is known in all the filipinas islands; and is said to be larger than the danubio [i.e., the danube.] the spaniards did not neglect to look for gold-mines, for the working of which they took along miners and plenty of tools. but although they found mines in the latitude of 17 degrees, from which the igolotes extract very fine gold, our miners could not obtain any in all the assays that they made; for all went up in smoke. that was one of the reasons that made that conquest drag on, as it was very costly and very remote. the names of the villages which rendered obedience were the following: cayang, lobing, masla, sumader, anquiling, balugan, maguimey, tadián, balococ, caagitan, otocan, bila, cagubatan, guindajan, banaao, pingar, pandayan, naligua, singa, banao, payao, agava, lobo, madaguem, balicoey, bilogan, balicnon, biacan, pangpanavil, gambang, mogo, leodan, dugungan, sayot, calilimban, sanap, sabangan, alap, and a valley called loo, with nine villages. but those which paid something as recognition were peglisan, tanon, maynit, guinaan, amtadao, malibuen, bucog, balignono, balián, malibcon, dingle, datalan, agava, malibuen, talabao, and others--whose names i omit, as they are of little importance, and which exceed one hundred in number. the governor, in order that that conquest might be made more easily, ordered that the fort of pignauén be established in zambales, with a sufficient garrison of soldiers and some small pieces of artillery. as its commandant he appointed sargento-mayor blas rodríguez. afterward, in the term of governor don juan de bargas jurisdiction was given to the commandant who then was captain alonso martín franco; he is still living to govern the villages of zambales, nuevo toledo, and others, in which he places justices and governors. that fort is the check that restrains the raids of the zambals of playa honda, a cruel and barbarous race, who consider their highest good the cutting off of heads, which is their great badge of nobility. the fruit obtained by fathers fray lorenzo de herrera, fray luís de la fuente, and fray gabriel alvarez in that conquest was considerable, for they reduced entire villages to the knowledge of our holy faith; in the beginning, they succeeded in inducing many children and old people who were about to die to have the good fortune to die as christians. but they bore themselves with great caution and prudence, for they feared that it would be very difficult to preserve that field of christendom unless those people were reduced, and removed to a more suitable site, secure from the continual wars which some villages waged against others. thus many were led to settle in the villages of ilocos, and others in those of zambales. but what most hindered that so important reduction was the frustration of the hopes for the rich gold mines which so incited greed; for all those who went on that expedition were boasting that they were already croesuses and midases. it is certain that there are very wealthy mines and placers in the rivers, whence the igolotes get the great quantities of gold which they have brought down to sell to the provinces of ilocos and pangasinán; but it appears that divine wisdom does not choose that they shall fall into our hands, for it was very certain that we would make an ill use of that benefit.... [great sorrow is caused to the province by the death of fray diego de ordáx, august 12, 1666. he was a native of the city of león, and had come to the islands in 1635. he became a missionary in the bisayas, and was twice prior of manila, and twice provincial. most of his life in the islands was passed in the convent at manila. in 1666 are celebrated the funeral ceremonies for felipe iv, who died september 17, 1665.] governor don diego de salcedo, considering the many oppressions that were experienced by the provinces near manila from the continual cutting of timber and building of galleons--a necessary evil, and one in which the wrongs that are committed in it can be obviated only with great difficulty--very prudently determined to build the galleon "nuestra señora del buen socorro" in the province of albay. he entrusted its execution to the commander diego de arévalo who was most experienced in maritime matters. he appointed him alcalde-mayor of the adjoining province of camarines, for the better expedition of the timber-cutting, putting him under greater obligations [to do well] by the future reward of commander of the galleon which he was about to build. in order that that galleon might be built more quickly and finished sooner, he sent as chief overseer his lieutenant master-of-camp, don agustín de cepada carnacedo, who was then master-of-camp of the army of these islands for his majesty, in order that he might live in the port of albay. he did that with so great care that in little more than one year the largest and best galleon that had yet been seen in the islands was built--and very few so large have been seen in european seas, and extremely few that are larger. for that purpose the woods of filipinas are the best that can be found in all the universe; because for the inside work, the ribs and knees, the keel and rudder molave is used--which is the hardest wood known; and at its disintegration it is converted into stone by being kept in the water. lavang [141] is used for the sheathing outside the ribs; it is so strong and of such a nature that no artillery ball will pass through it; and the greatest harm that the ball can do is to stick in the wood without entering inside the ship. on account of that advantage the galleons of these islands are so formidable to the dutch; for each one is a strong castle in the sea. when the galleon "nuestra señora del buen socorro" was finished, it sailed from albay, august 28, 1667, under command of diego de arévalo, with juan rodriguez, a portuguese, as its chief pilot. the patache "san diego" left cavite to accompany it, under charge of admiral bartolomé muñoz. they had a fortunate voyage, and arrived in due time at the port of acapulco. the ship "concepción," which had sailed from these islands in the previous year of 1666, in charge of commander don juan de zalaeta--who remained in nueva españa, where he took the habit of santiago, and was alcalde-mayor of the city of la puebla de los angeles, and castellan of acapulco--also arrived in safety at these islands. (afterward don juan returned to these islands, in the year 1684, as judge of the residencia of governor don juan de vargas hurtado. that residencia was very tedious and occasioned that judge great troubles.) on that voyage he had taken with him the famous and valiant commander francisco de estéybar who also remained in méjico, where he lived blind for many years.... on its return trip that galleon carried doctor don diego de corbeta, his majesty's fiscal, and doña maría jiménez, his wife. a mission of the discalced religious of our father st. augustine also came. the galleon was in great danger, for some of the criminals who were being sent in it for the galleys and presidios of these islands tried to mutiny; but this was checked in time, and the guilty were punished. those and other like troubles have occurred in filipinas because so many criminals and persons who have committed various crimes have been sent from méjico, and form in these islands the sink [of the iniquity] that prevails here. for those who sometimes merited the punishment of the gallows are confined here, under pretext that they are sent to serve in the galleys, of which we generally have none. and since the need of men is so great, because of the lack of spaniards, the authorities are compelled to enlist them as soldiers; and from that they continue to advance to the highest military rank, for they are the ones to whom fortune is more favorable than to others who are more worthy of taking precedence of them.... it is true that there is some relief from that abuse at present. for, on petition of the governors of these islands, the viceroys of nueva españa now send those condemned for such crimes to the conquest of pansacola [i.e., florida], which was discovered in the time of the conde de galber [i.e., galves]. that year the galleon "buen socorro" sailed from albay after it was completed, under its commander diego de arévalo and its chief pilot juan rodríguez. it sailed august 28, and was in great danger for it ran aground as it left the harbor; but it was gotten off easily by the great energy and skill of the commander. the galleon was the best that was ever built thus far in these islands; and its size, beauty, and swiftness were amazing. it had two tanks of water, so large that one of them was more than enough for the entire voyage to acapulco, and the other served for the return, and a quantity of water was left--a great convenience for the sea, when one suffers so great lack of water. from this it is inferred that the water of filipinas does not become foul, either going or coming, as the english say of the water of the river támesis of londrés [i.e., thames, of london]. the patache "san diego" left the port of cavite, under command of admiral bartholomé muñoz,to go in its convoy--the fortunate argo that was to conduct those chosen heroes, the apostles for the marianas islands, the associates of the venerable father diego luís de san vitores. [the following chapter contains the biography of the augustinian father fray luís lópez de amezquita, who died june 26, 1667.] chapter xxxii election of our father provincial fray dionisio suárez; of the mission that arrived that year; and the imprisonment of the governor. (1668-69) the time assigned by our sacred rules for the election of a new provincial came. the fathers who had votes, having assembled in the manila convent, held their chapter on april 21, 1668, under the presidency of father fray tomás de villanueva, as he was the senior definitor of the preceding chapter. he was assisted by the rector provincial, our father fray alonso coronel. our father fray dionisio suárez a celebrated minister of the provinces of tagalos, son of the convent of salamanca, who came to these islands in 1627, was elected provincial, to the general satisfaction of all. as definitors were elected fathers fray juan de vergara, fray francisco de medina basco, fray andrés de salazar, [142] and fray pedro de mesa. [143] the visitors, fray josé de mendoza, and fray josé duque, were present--in whose place were elected fathers fray cristóbal marroquí and fray carlos bautista. they enacted ordinances and statutes of great utility for the better administration of the missions in our charge, and for the better government of the province, which, as they were so good and proved so useful, have been reënacted in many subsequent chapters. at that time this province was in great need of religious to serve in the ministry of the missions. consequently, it was necessary to pile work upon them till they were overburdened (that addition being the most grievous part of the load); and therefore many fathers were entrusted with two districts, and only one was placed in other large districts that needed two or three. the other orders were suffering from the same diminution, and the secular clergy was almost a cipher. consequently, there was no recourse but to abandon some missions, so that those which remained in our charge might be better administered. but divine providence hastened to our relief in that great affliction with an abundant reënforcement, the greatest that this province had obtained since its origin. in the middle of july 1668, the galleon "nuestra señora del buen socorro," in charge of the commander don diego de arévalo, sighted the first land of filipinas, namely, the cape of espiritu-santo. that vessel carried seventeen religious who were sent from españa by the father procurator of this province, fray isidro rodríguez as part of [a band of] fifty priests and choristers, and in addition three lay-brothers of the mission, whom he had obtained from the queen-mother, who was acting as ruler. they were not all able to embark, partly because the fleet which was to sail to nueva españa had been broken up, and partly because the religious could not be accommodated in two ships of the windward fleet--which was in charge of don agustín de yustigue, knight of the habit of santiago, its commander--which were to carry back quicksilver for the mines. for don diego espejo with his family was crossing [the ocean], with the appointment of corregidor from méjico; and he presented a royal decree ordering that one-half of the poop, in which some of the religious had to come, be given to him. for that reason only twenty-two could embark in the flagship, where they suffered great discomfort. two of them died in nueva españa and some remained there sick, so that only seventeen sailed in that ship "buen socorro." in the following year of 1669, father fray isidro sailed with the rest. the patache "san diego" took father diego luís de san vitores and his associates to the islands of marianas to begin that spiritual conquest. he was an apostolic man, and even to look at and talk to him infused an inner joy and consolation--as i confess happened to me in acapulco, where i had the good fortune to know and talk to him. two dominican religious [also came], namely, father fray antonio calderón, who came as chaplain, and father fray arcadio del rosario; besides father fray antonio godinez of st. francis, who came as his associate and secretary, [144] to visit this province of san gregorio. i cannot refrain from mentioning what happened to that galleon when it was at capul, an island of the embocadero of san bernardino; namely, that when the nineteenth of july dawned the galleon was joined by a craft of peculiar shape--somewhat like those used by the indians of the marianas islands, painted with the same color of vermilion earth, but larger than four of their boats. it held six persons, whose entire bodies were painted [145] black. but they were so weak that they seemed to be living skeletons, except one of middle age who was fat and robust, tattooed, and with a long beard. they ascended into the galleon without showing fear or distrust; but no one understood their language, although we had a sailor who knew the language of marianas well, as he had been shipwrecked in the galleon "concepción" in the year 1636, and had lived for some time in those islands. it could only be conjectured from the signs that they made that they had come from the south. they remained in the galleon, where they were relieved in their necessity, which was lack of nourishment. they ate nothing that had touched the fire; but rice and fish, all raw. all of them died except the boys, of whom the commander and pilot took charge. after some years, when they knew our language, they said that they came from an island near nueva guinea--without doubt the garbanzos, columnas, jardines, or others which the maps show; or the islands of the palaos, in the discovery of which father andrés serrano of the society of jesus toiled so much, until he lost his life by drowning, with other religious and many spaniards, in the year 1711, after having gone to roma, madrid, and paris, to negotiate the affairs of that discovery and the conversion of those souls. but he will have already received the reward for his holy zeal and great labors. the religious of the mission disembarked at capul july 20, and the flagship "buen socorro," after weathering many storms, made the harbor of lampón. the religious reached manila in groups all through the month of august, after making their voyage by land, and receiving the greatest attentions from the religious of the order of st. francis--in whose vigilant care are the provinces of camarines, tayabas, and laguna de bay; and they showed the fervent charity which was left them as an inheritance by their seraphic patriarch. that mission was a great relief, although it was small; for most of the choristers were very soon ordained, dispensation for their age being granted through the omnimodo authority conceded by his holiness adrian vi to the prelates of the mendicant orders of indias in his famous bull given at zaragoza in 1522, the first year of his pontificate. that privilege has been very useful for the conversion and instruction of the natives of the indias; and it is still in force, as it was conceded to the emperor carlos v, although foreign authors have tried to destroy it by saying that it was revoked--authors such as angelo maría berrecili, fagnano, [146] and others. the death of our father fray alonso coronel was regretted deeply in this province (he died in manila, august 9 of that year 1668), for he was one of the prudent superiors that this province has had, and a very learned and able religious. he was an efficient minister in tagalos for the period of thirty-three years that he spent in these islands. father fray manuel quintero, [147] accompanied by the father visitor fray antonio godínez, his two associates, and father fray arcadio, embarked in a caracoa to cross the embocadero of san bernardino, to land in bulusan. in crossing there one must leave affairs to the disposition of the indians of the country, pilots who know the time when one must cross--namely, when the tide ceases to rise, and has stopped--for then one can pass without the slightest difficulty. but if one chooses another time, no ship of high freeboard, [even] with all its sails and with a favorable wind, can resist the current, which is so strong that it will cause the ship to spin round and round. those fathers being newly come, were unwilling to leave themselves to the management of indians, or to await the point of the tide, but obliged the indians to cross. in the midst of the passage the boat overturned; and a spaniard, the nephew of father fray manuel, named don gregorio quintero, and two other spaniards were drowned. father fray manuel and the secretary of the father visitor, a vizcayan, who were fine swimmers, reached land with great difficulty. the father visitor, his associate, and father fray arcadio did not abandon the craft, and accordingly were saved by the indian rowers; but they reached land after being sadly buffeted about. the father visitor lost his letters-patent and papers, and consequently did not make his visit. he returned to nueva españa after having passed many seas and suffered many troubles, and after having been obliged to put back to port in the year 1669. he was later provincial of the province of san diego. the currents of that embocadero are so terrible that the roar of the tide when it is low can be heard for many leguas. [148] the reckoning of its flow and ebb is so variable that great mathematicians who have given themselves to that speculation have not been able to understand it.... shortly after their arrival at the manila convent, in the month of october, the lord was pleased to take to himself his devoted servant father fray jerónimo de ramos, 84 years of age, a native of castilla la vieja, and son of the convent of burgos, who came to this province in the year 1627. [149] he was a tagálog minister, and was indefatigable in instructing his parishioners. he was much given to mortification and prayer, so that most of his time was passed in that holy exercise in the choir. for many years he had lived retired in the manila convent, without leaving the house; and he was the example and wonder of that community. he suffered very patiently from a very troublesome illness for the space of twenty years. no word was heard from him except those of great edification and full of love of god, and hence his death was like his holy life. during all of don diego salcedo's term of office, which lasted for five years, there was little satisfaction for the community of manila, for the commerce of china which is the most necessary thing was very slight, because of the wars which sipuán, the son of kuesing, waged with the tartars; and consequently the champan that came from china was very rare indeed. the inhabitants of manila were very greatly dissatisfied with his government, for they thought that he was hindering their interests by preferring his own--the ordinary complaint against the governors. since the merchandise was but little in that time, all could not be satisfied--a matter almost impossible for those who govern, and especially in these islands, where he who has the supreme command is regarded as guilty of all the disasters. added to this, he had had disputes with the municipal corporation of the city; for he tried to give his captain of the guard, don juan de ezquerra, a public seat with the cabildo, and he had arrested the alcalde-in-ordinary, general don sebastián rayo doria, over that matter. but what the citizens regretted most keenly was the loss of their wealth--for the governor bought at wholesale most of the merchandise, by the hand of his factor gaspar ruiz de aguayo--and the repeated voyages which juan de ezquerra made to batavia at his account, in which they had no part or profit. it is certain that a fine intelligence was wasted in that gentleman; but his mind swelling with pride on account of his great authority made the citizens despise him, and from that he finally became hated. [150] consequently he had a fatal end, namely, arrest by the holy office of the inquisition through the father commissary, fray josé de paternina. [151] and inasmuch as i am in duty bound to mention that imprisonment, i shall only relate what belongs to the matter, as my obligation includes nothing else. at eleven o'clock at night on october nine, the father commissary of the holy office of the inquisition went to the governor's palace, accompanied by brother fray juan de panos. [152] in their company they took captain francisco de vizcarra, alguacil-mayor of the holy office; the commander sebastián rayo doria and captain don nicolás muñoz de pamplona, alcaldes-in-ordinary of the city of manila; sargento-mayor don juan de morales, and captain juan tirado; captain don luís de morales camacho, captain don tomás de castro y andrade, and captain don gonzalo samaniego. besides these, entered captain miguel de cárdenas, and captain diego de palencia; alférez antonio de monroy, familiar of the holy office; the reverend father fray francisco solier, provincial of the order of st. francis; and fathers fray mateo bayón [153] and fray francisco de pamplona of the same order, of the friars minor. the master-of-camp, don agustín de cepeda carnacedo, who had purposely placed on guard in the palace his nephew, don miguel de alegría, with his company, was there beforehand waiting for them. they all went up to the sleeping-apartment of the governor, while the master-of-camp remained in the guardroom and gave orders to the soldiers not to stir even if they heard some noise above. the father commissary, the alcaldes, the religious, and some of the company went upstairs, while the others remained below with the master-of-camp; and the former reached the sleeping-apartments of don diego de salcedo. they summoned a servant maid to open the door, telling her that the factor juan de verastein, who was bringing the silver from the ship "buen socorro" which was at lampón, had arrived; and the maid opened the door without mistrusting danger. [154] all of them entered the apartment and, reaching the governor's bed, awakened him. at the same time they cut the fastenings of the bed-canopy, which, falling down upon the governor in his half-awake condition, left him enveloped in it, and unable to make the slightest movement of defense. they had planned to do this, in order that the governor might not be able to make use of a rack well supplied with firearms, which he kept loaded and ready at his bedside. at that juncture the commissary arrived, and told the governor that he must surrender to the holy office of the inquisition, to which the governor in his confusion had no other answer to make than "yes," and saying that he yielded himself a prisoner. a pair of manacles that they had prepared were placed on him. as they were riveted home don diego de salcedo said "do not hurt me;" to which one of the bystanders answered "your lordship has hurt us more." that appeared very wrong to the others, and they checked the lack of respect which that person showed. that man, it is said, was the commander and alcalde-in-ordinary sebastián rayo doria. [155] a hammock was brought, and, half dressed as he was, the governor was placed inside it. descending by a private stairway, and taking him through a rear door quite remote from the guardroom, they took him to the convent of st. francis, [156] where he stayed one day. next day he was taken to the house of captain diego de palencia, where he was kept for some days until he was removed to the convent of our father st. augustine. there he was imprisoned in a high, large, and comfortable room, which was used by the religious for the view and for recreation. he remained there until he was embarked on the patache "san diego;" and while there his custodian, steward, and servant was captain miguel de cárdenas, who looked after his comfort with great care. that captain embarked with him and tended him until his death, which occurred in the year 1670, in the second voyage that he made; for the patache "san diego" had put back to this port, under charge of admiral don francisco de vizcarra, alguacil-mayor of the holy office. after the eve of the nativity, the father commissary, who was appointed prior of the convent--as the father-definitor, fray pedro de mesa, who had been prior, had resigned--ordered that don diego be fastened to a chain. the reason for chaining him was, that many signs showed that his servants and adherents were trying to rescue him on the night of the nativity. it was even reported, but not believed, that poison was first to be given to the prior and the commissary and to the religious of the convent, by means of a splendid collation which was to be sent them. don diego de salcedo sustained that so grievous blow with so great steadfastness that he caused admiration in all people; for he was never heard to assign another reason for his imprisonment than that it was a present which god was sending him for his many sins. for it is considered certain that if he had cried out, when he was arrested, to the halberdiers of his guard, and if they had called upon the soldiers of the guardroom, a great disturbance would have happened, however much the master-of-camp tried to restrain them. i am witness of that, for i went often by order of the father commissary and prior to amuse him when he was sick. i admired his great courage and prudence, as well as his strong mind; and it seemed as if he had no resentment that could give him anxiety. one may believe that so great conformity to his most holy will was gained by the aid of god. that which i always heard to be a fact must have been true, namely, that that gentleman had great love and special veneration for the most venerable father diego de san víctores, [157] of the holy society of jesus, whom the governor aided considerably by coöperation [with him] in his entrance into the marianas islands. it is said that he requested the said venerable father to ask god to give him in this world his purgatory for his sins. the venerable father replied that he should think well what he was asking, for the lord's aid is necessary when he bears down his hand, in order that one may not refuse to endure his paternal correction. the father told him that time after time, but don diego de salcedo always persevered in asking the same thing. the venerable father must have obtained that heroic petition from god; for when he bade farewell to him on going to the mission of the marianas islands, it appears that he gave don diego de salcedo to understand that the lord had granted his petition. therefore, that very submissive spirit and the prayers of the venerable father diego luís de san vítores,one can believe, were the cause of his great patience and resignation. such was the imprisonment of governor don diego de salcedo, and the evil lot of that gentleman who possessed so great endowments of valor, discretion, and urbanity, besides his personal qualities; for he was tall and well-proportioned in all parts of his body, and his face was handsome, serious, and modest. his flowing hair was very long and white; and his mustache, a distinction in the men of that time, was very black. his complexion was very light, and his eyes blue, and all gave him a grave and noble appearance. nothing could be seen in him that was not very chaste, and only in his covetousness was any transgression recognized in him. as covetousness is the root of all evils, his lukewarmness in attending to many obligations belonging to a christian governor proceeded from that. the consequences of his imprisonment lasted for twenty years, counting imprisonments, embargoes, exiles, and refuge sought in the sanctuary by those who took part in that imprisonment. the father commissary, fray josé de paternina, was summoned to méjico by the inquisitors; and the reverend father master fray felipe pardo, of the order of preachers, afterward archbishop of manila, was appointed in his place. father fray josé de paternina died on the voyage to acapulco, and we only know that the tribunal of the holy inquisition of méjico celebrated public and honorary funeral services for him. the rest of the matter does not concern me; it was my part only to refer to the fact of this imprisonment, in order to follow the thread of my history. the alcaldes-in-ordinary and the municipal corporation of the cabildo informed the gentlemen of the royal audiencia [of the arrest] that same night, in order that they might fulfil their obligation, which was to appoint the senior auditor to the government. the auditors--licentiates don francisco de coloma y maceda, don francisco de monsilla y montemayor, and don juan manuel de la peña bonifaz--and doctor don diego de corbera, the fiscal, met in the assembly hall. they discussed the question of who was the senior auditor; for don francisco de coloma had held that office longer, but had assumed the office later, because don francisco mansilla (as we have mentioned before) had gone on ahead from cagayán. the controversy waxed very bitter, for neither would yield; and the third auditor, don juan manuel, and the fiscal sided with neither of the contestants. finally don juan manuel treated the matter so ably and wisely that he made them agree to give him charge of the government until the controversy should be decided. the two other auditors and the fiscal assenting thereto, the charge of military affairs was given to don juan manuel de la peña bonifaz; and the master-of-camp took possession of the army, and the city received his oath. on the same day, don juan manuel arranged the camp to suit his own pleasure. he appointed don juan de morales valenzuela sargento-mayor, after removing don nicolás sarmiento; he made his own son, don juan manuel, captain of his guard, and changed many of the infantry captains. it seems that the two auditors coloma and mansilla feared some violence; and for greater harmony retired, together with the fiscal don diego de corbera and the secretary of the chamber, tomás de palenzuela zurbarán to the college of the society of jesus, and convened the audiencia in the library of the said college. they despatched a number of royal decrees ordering don juan manuel to govern and rule as they two determined, since it was they who owned that right, which was still in litigation. but it appears that don juan manuel had no such intention, and so much was he able to do by his sagacity and the interposition of grave persons (in which intervened fathers javier riquelme, [158] the rector, miguel solana, and pedro de espinar [159] of the society of jesus)--and of lawyers, such as manuel suárez de olivera, don eugenio gutiérrez de mendoza, and don juan de rosales, that after many controversies, which have no place here, the two auditors and the fiscal were confined to their homes. when one would have thought them safest, don juan manuel arrested them all in their own houses. he sent don francisco de coloma to the village of bay with an order to the alcalde-mayor don antonio quijano to watch over his person; and doctor don diego de corbera, the fiscal, and his wife doña maría jiménez to the island of luban, fourteen leguas from manila--where he died in a few months, i know not whether of sorrow or illness. he ordered don francisco mansilla [160] to embark in a champan for octong, delivering the care of his person to a brave mulatto--a native of sevilla, and a soldier of ternate--named simón de torres, whom he made captain of the fleet of iloilo, sending a very stringent order to the sargento-mayor francisco prado de quirós not to allow don francisco to leave that presidio. he did so, and the auditor remained there until the new governor, don manuel de león, ordered that he be recalled thence. don francisco de coloma remained but a short time in bay, for, like the good christian that he was, he submitted himself, yielding to the condition of the times, in order to avoid scandal. thus don juan manuel withdrew him, and the two ruled over political matters, don francisco coloma signing first, and don juan manuel de la peña governed in military affairs. all that government of the usurper don juan manuel was very peaceable; for he was a wise and prudent man, and of very excellent intentions. if the desire to command misled him into pushing himself into the government, which did not belong to him, the fault ought not to be attributed to him, but to those who allowed themselves to be deceived because of their passions.... the first thing that he did was to bring from cebú that great soldier, so often appointed in past years, the commander don francisco de atienza y báñez--who had retired, and was passing his honorable old age in quiet; and don juan availed himself of his counsels for military arrangements. he treated the soldiers very well, and increased their pay, and paid them a sum of money on account of what was due them for their services. in that way he exhausted the royal treasury; and it was this which created most hostility against him in the royal council. he must have thought that his government would last a longer time, for don diego de salcedo had served five years in his government, and, according to the length of time that his three predecessors had governed, a long time was still left for don juan. but this reckoning ended ill; for governor don manuel de león was in méjico, because authentic information had reached the royal council of the indias of the irregularities committed by don diego de salcedo. at that time the bishop of cebú, don fray juan lópez, arrived at manila on matters pertaining to his church concerning the result of the visitation which he had made in the province of ogtong. but as he found the governor very busy in strengthening his intrusion, while the royal audiencia was much in need of ministers, he could get nothing done except the issue of some pontifical acts regarding orders and confirmations, and to return to his church. however much don juan manuel de la peña tried by diligence to please all, he was not without danger of his life through the malice of assassins or the neglect of undisciplined soldiers. for while he was one afternoon watching the marching of the companies which are changed daily as guards at the gates of the city, it happened that when an obsequious military officer was ordering that a general salute to him be fired, a musket ball passed over don juan manuel's right shoulder, and was embedded in a brick wall of the window from which he was leaning. investigations were instituted in order to get at the cause; but they were all in vain, as those who fired were so many, and it could not be learned who had loaded with ball. the governors have many such dangers because of the carelessness of the undisciplined soldiers. don sabiniano manrique de lara was in danger of being killed in another salute like that; and the ball passed clear through the hand of licentiate manuel de olivera, who was at the governor's side. the pens of jurisconsults were not lacking to defend the government of don juan manuel de la peña as legitimate. among others, licentiate don juan de rosales, a lawyer of the royal audiencia and alcalde-mayor of tondo for the new governor, published a printed manifesto of which many copies may be found in possession of persons who are curious. but afterward, at a safe time, he published another manuscript against his antagonist licentiate manuel suárez de olivera, in which he not only accuses don juan manuel of being a usurper, but also as guilty of lese-majesty. tot capita, tot sententiae. [161] chapter xxxiii coming of the governor don manuel de león y sarabia; and arrival of a plentiful mission of religious. (1669-70) the government of don juan manuel de la peña lasted for eleven months, amid great quiet for the community of manila, as he was very prudent and peaceable, and, above all, disinterested--which appears to have been lacking in his predecessor, on which account there was so great discontent with the latter's government. [162] he despatched two galleons to nueva españa--"nuestra señora del buen socorro," in charge of the same commander, diego de arévalo; and the flagship "san diego," in charge of don francisco vizcarra, alguacil-mayor of the holy office, who had arrested don diego de salcedo. the latter was served by captain miguel cárdenas, juan de alquiza, and others. but neither of the two ships made the voyage; for the flagship, which sailed from lampón, put back at cavite, and the almiranta, which sailed from cavite, put back at lampón. they placed don diego in the convent of guadalupe, whence, as he was sick, they took him to los baños on laguna de bay. he left there the following year, in order to prosecute his voyage to acapulco; and he died in the northern latitude, very well prepared, and as a good christian--leaving behind great hopes for his salvation, as one whom our lord had brought back to obedience by the road of tribulation, through so grievous a stroke. the galleon "san josé," which had left cavite the year before, returned from acapulco in the month of july; and as the vendavals had prevented its making that port by way of the embocadero, it was obliged to anchor, and to seek safety in the port of palapag in the province of leyte. that galleon brought the new governor, master-of-camp don manuel de león y saravia, a native of paredes de nava, a valiant soldier from his youth in the countries of flandes, galicia, and other parts. he had begun the rudiments of the military art in the celebrated battle of lutzen, in which died that thunderbolt of the north, gustavo adolfo, king of suecia, in the year 1632--who caused so great destruction in alemania [i.e., germany] by his captains gustavo hom, bernardo de veymar, bautis gratz, and other heretics until the battle of norlinguen, fought by the cardinal infante in the year 1634, [163] which battle also don manuel de león participated; and the latter had been in other famous battles of those times. he had been an infantry captain for fifteen years in flandes, and was afterward sargento-mayor and master-of-camp. he was moved from flandes with his army to the frontiers of galicia to fight against portugal in the year 1660. there he gave so good an account of himself that he was called "the iron leader" because of his valor and daring. he was governor of munzón and valencia in galicia. while he was soliciting an office in madrid, the queen-mother and her associate governors tried to send him to be governor of cádiz; but he elected to come to filipinas, retaining the office of master-of-camp and the reward of the habit of santiago. we can believe that divine providence made him desire that charge so that he might be the consolation and remedy of these islands; for in his time the islands enjoyed the greatest quiet, happiness, and plenty that they had enjoyed for many years. for the voyages from nueva españa were more secure and not a single galleon was lost; and commerce with china and macán was very flourishing, as it was likewise with the coast of coromandel, this latter being established in his term. there were no wars with the dutch, nor with any other foreign nation; nor did any province revolt. the mindanaos did not make their usual raids, and there was perpetual peace because of the quiet behavior and the death of cachil corralat. there were only some incursions by the camucones, who are thieving pirates subject to borney. the fruits of the earth were very plentiful, and no earthquakes or other disasters occurred. the community of manila, which had been living for so many years in continual fear, thought now of nothing else than of their trade and merchandise, and of feasting and rejoicing. to that happiness was added the fact that don manuel de león was by nature very benevolent, pious, simple, and very even in disposition; and, above all, far removed from cupidity and self-interest, and desirous that all should enjoy peace and quiet. he brought an excellent household, who afterward proved of great honor to the community of manila. among the more illustrious were his nephew don alonso de león, who was an excellent citizen; don tomás de endaya, a native of san sebastián, who was thrice commander of the ships on the nueva españa line, and afterward master-of-camp for his majesty in these islands for many years, until the year 1715, when he died; don josé de medraza, native of écija, twice commander on the nueva-españa line, and regularly-appointed castellan of the fort of santiago in the city of manila, sargento-mayor don josé de castellar, native of valladolid, his secretary; captain don juan de cabrera; don agustín crespo; and many others. in his company came don laureano de vera, factor, and don antonio de egea, accountant, of the royal treasury, able ministers, and zealous for the king's service. the governor made his way through the provinces of camarines, tayabas, and laguna de bay, and entered manila to assume his office on september 8, the day consecrated to the nativity of our lady the most holy virgin, the mother of god. in the company of that governor came the largest reënforcement that had thus far arrived--namely, thirty-two religious, whom the father-procurator, commissary, and vicar-general, fray isidro rodríguez, had brought with him. it was the balance of the mission that he had sent the former year--which, all told, reckoning it as one mission, was the most goodly and numerous mission that had come to this province from its foundation; for it consisted of forty-eight religious and three lay-brothers. they entered the convent of manila on october 4, the day of st. francis. as soon as don manuel de león assumed his government, auditor don juan manuel de la peña bonifaz appeared as a refugee at the porter's lodge of our convent of manila, with which the suits that were expected were avoided. [164] however, he was hardly safe here, for a strenuous effort was made to drag him out of the sanctuary. for that attempt a very criminal opinion was given by licentiate don manuel suárez de olivera; but the new governor, for greater assurance, referred the matter to doctor don francisco de pizarra y orellana, judge-provisor of the vacant see of manila, and formerly the consecrated bishop of nueva segovia. he and the orders gave their opinion to the effect that don manuel ought not to be taken from the sanctuary, as his crime was not lacsae majestatis in primo capite [165] which don manuel suárez imputed to him for having usurped the government and for the diminution of the royal treasury. don juan manuel passed considerable time in that retreat, until death with his scythe cut the gordian knot of that litigation. some years later, the resolution of the royal council of the indias was received, in which all that don juan manuel had done was annulled, as also were the concessions and military titles that he had conferred, as the rules laid down in the famous law barbaribus philippus ii de offic. praetor had no place. it is said that capital sentence came for him, but death had executed it. his wife and children were left very poor; but that has always been experienced with the children of auditors in these regions. that plague or punishment is seen in the citizens of manila, for scarcely can one find a son who attains preëminence by inheritance from his parents. in the daughters alone is that penalty found to be diminished, but it is finally executed on the grandchildren. the suit between the two auditors was also decided by the supreme council of the indias in favor of don francisco de coloma, and he accordingly assumed the government at the first vacancy. the community of manila began to breathe under the peaceable and disinterested government of don manuel de león, who tried throughout to fulfil his duty. first he established order and discipline in the camp of manila, by abolishing many abuses. he appointed don juan de robles cortés, a very noble citizen, as sargento-mayor, and veteran soldiers as captains. he placed the galleon "san antonio" on the stocks, and constructed galleys for the fleet, as such vessels had been of great service for defense on the occasions when manila had been invaded by the dutch arms. [166] as commanders of the galleys he appointed pedro lozano and don josé de novoa, a valiant galician. the latter went out the second time to pursue the hostile camucones, in company with the valiant mulatto simon de torres, whose color alone prevented him from being the commander of the galleys. but those camucones, as thievish enemies, carry out their enterprises in safety, and trust their retreat to the swiftness of their craft, which is remarkable. the governor ordered don pedro de la peña to withdraw from the presidio of orori on the frontier of the igolotes, as that presidio was entirely useless and only an object of expense, without any profit. for the igolotes, who are today friendly and subject, rebel tomorrow, and their villages disappear; and we controlled a few only, who were gathered in the villages of bauang, bangar, and narbacán, where many souls of those who were baptized were obtained. that year a function was solemnized which had not been performed for many years, namely, the publication of the edicts of the holy office of the inquisition in the cathedral of manila, on the first sunday in lent. the father commissary, fray josé de paternina, was present, as were also all the officials and servants of the holy office, who were but few in that time. the new governor and the royal audiencia were present, and father master juan de paz preached. on the following sunday the letter of excommunication [anatema] was read, in the form usual to this holy tribunal, against those who have not denounced within the term of one week those who had committed the crimes against our holy faith which are mentioned in the edicts. that solemn function was not again repeated every three years, as is ordered by the inquisitors; this was not done, not only within three years, but not for forty-nine, and until the present year of 1718, in which this history is written--the commissary being the reverend master and father presentado, fray juan de arichedera, of the order of preachers; and the governor, the mariscal of the army, don fernando manuel bustillo bustamente y rueda, in his first year. that religious ceremony was performed with the greatest solemnity that has been seen in these islands by the many ministers, commissaries, and calificadors, belonging to the secular clergy and orders, whom the holy tribunal had. the most eminent persons in the community acted as familiars; at the order of the inquisitors of méjico, these were present not only with banners, but also with the white and black cross (the insignia of this holy office) on their capes and mantles--the religious wearing it on their cowls, worked in gold and silver. on the evening of saturday, march 12, the procession marched through all the city, the standard of the faith setting out from the convent of st. dominic, carried by sargento-mayor don domingo bermúdez, a citizen of manila, who had been alcalde-in-ordinary the preceding year. the regidors and most eminent citizens accompanied him, dressed in gala attire and on gaily decked horses, and followed by many lackeys wearing rich livery (which is less costly in manila than in other places). the father commissary rode a mule with trappings, and was accompanied by the servants of the holy tribunal, both ecclesiastical and lay, the alcaldes with their maces, and the drums, and followed by the other officials, all on horseback. the second sunday of lent, march 13, the same parade was held from the convent of st. dominic to the cathedral. the father commissary was there, under a canopy in the chancel on the gospel side; and the ministers of the holy office in the body of the church, on their benches on the epistle side. the above-mentioned governor was there, and was the head of the city, as there was no royal audiencia. the father secretary, fray francisco de contreras, read the edicts, and the father lecturer varela, of the order of st. dominic, preached. after mass the standard of the faith was returned, and the father commissary and all the tribunal went to the convent of st. dominic, accompanied by the governor and captain-general, and by the rest of his retinue of the preceding day. the following sunday, march 20, the father commissary and all the tribunal left the convent of st. dominic, and went afoot to the cathedral, where the serious and fearful ceremony was performed of reading the letter of excommunication against those who do not denounce persons whom they know to have fallen into heresies and the sins mentioned in the edicts. that is a ceremony that strikes fear and terror into the hardest heart; its tenor and details i omit, as it is long to tell and terrifying to hear. that ceremony was performed with the greatest solemnity and gravity possible. inasmuch as it is not my intention, nor ought i, to come down to these present times with my records [in this history], i have thought it advisable to mention that matter in this place as a memorial of so holy a ceremony. our province was greatly advanced in that triennium by the great prudence and affability of its provincial, our father fray dionisio suárez, who was more angel than man. with the abundant aid that had arrived in that year and the preceding one, plenty of ministers were appointed for all the convents; those convents which had been united with others were separated, and ministers placed in them; and in the large and populous places two [ministers were stationed]. the work was so apportioned that it could be endured; for the overwork occasioned by the lack [of ministers] had been the cause of many dying and others falling ill. divine providence also assisted by communicating grace to the newcomers, and facility in learning the languages of our provinces. therefore, after a few months many of the latter found themselves sufficiently qualified in that respect to become ministers, alone and without company, in the missions. this province became renewed and flourishing with the abundance of religious, and the study of the arts and theology was greatly assisted in the convent of manila. ministers were placed in the missions of those who were recently converted in the hill-country of ilocos, in the villages of aclán, vera, and bangbanglo, father fray benito de mena assisting them all the days of his life--which lasted until the year 1695, after he had founded the mission called bangi, on the outskirts of the province of cagayán. manila and the philippines about 1650 [the following is translated and synopsized from domingo fernandez navarrete's tratados historicos, [167] pp. 299-332.] sixth treatise on the voyages and navigations made by the author of this book [chapter i relates the voyage from spain to nueva españa, in 1646, the ocean trip to vera cruz lasting sixty days. thence journeying toward mexico city (chapter ii), they reached the dominican hospice of san jacinto de tacuba, outside the city walls. the last land journey, the one to acapulco, was undertaken november 3, 1647. in chapter iii navarrete gives a description of acapulco. its houses are all low, "the best ones built of mud, and all thatched with straw. notwithstanding, for ours they demanded from us four hundred eight-real pieces. this seems incredible; but for me, who paid the money, it is more than certain." "the port is the best and safest in the world, as was daily asserted by those persons who had seen many other ports. of all that i have seen, and those have not been few, there is not one that can equal it. the fort is excellent, and has a battery of twelve first-class pieces [apostolado], so that it is impossible for any ship to enter the port without being sent to the bottom. the climate is infernal, in accordance with the name that it bears." [168] after much delay a patache was finally secured which was going to carry the usual supplies to the philippines, the religious (thirty in number) embarking april 8, 1648. the usual discomforts of the voyage were experienced, but the patache at last anchored at lampon.] at midnight the vendaval blew violently, and, as it came from the land, our anchors dragged, and we were driven out to sea. one would believe that a special providence of god sent that wind in order to prevent the enemy from entering and seizing everything. next day the money was made safe, as were also the goods of his majesty and those of private persons; and an attempt was made to hide the patache back of an islet so that the enemy could not discover it, even though they might enter the same port. we [religious] set out for manila, and along the way heard of the singular joy caused by our unexpected arrival, which had been hoped for or imagined by no one. that great joy was somewhat tempered because the enemy quite accidentally discovered the patache, and hastened against it with men and arms. our men being poorly prepared, and not in harmony, and the commander being but a sorry soldier, they burned the patache before they ought to have done so; and in one half hour his majesty lost 36,000 pesos, and those in the patache some credit and reputation. [8]. we continued on our way for four days, on foot--not by the road, for there is none, but over inaccessible high rocks, crags, and passes. we crossed several rivers by swimming, and forded others with the water up to our breasts. in the mountains (which are very high, and covered thickly with trees) we found so many leeches that we could find no relief or means by which to free ourselves from them, and there was no one who did not lose blood from his body. i affirm with all truth that i saw one which was burrowing, head first, half-way through my shoe, and i cried out to some persons to look at that prodigy; and in fact they did look at it in surprise at such a thing. the rain fell in great streams from the sky. at the coming of night, we halted where it overtook us. the indians covered over some rude huts with palm leaves, and there we slept upon the grass and the ground soaked with water. on the last day we descended a hill two leguas in length, although some said it was longer. although it took us three days to ascend that ridge, we descended it in one. it was very rough in parts, and the rain came down steadily, so that we slipped at every step without being able to do anything else. i assert that i saw some of my associates who sat down and allowed themselves to be carried, not a small distance, by the currents of the water. and yet they were so joyful and happy that one cannot easily imagine their delight. 9. we reached apanguiel (where there is a very fine convent of our father st. francis) so wet, dirty, tired, and hungry, that all the welcome that was shown us there was needed in order that we might remain men visible to human eyes. the reception accorded us was, i presume, in accordance with the charity of those servants of god. next day two fathers came thither from manila, and we had thereupon another consolation. another, the father guardian fray lucas de n. took four of us to his convent. he had a very fine church, and a good enough house, while the site was the best and pleasantest that could be thought of or imagined. it is located on a height, and the whole lake of bay (which is thirty leguas in circumference) and some islands in its midst, could be seen from a balcony. land and mountains could be seen on all sides, with thickets, palm-groves, banana-groves, rivers, and creeks, which was wonderfully pleasing to the sight. after that we visited other convents; and all that we saw was novel and wonderful to us. we departed for manila in two boats, and, crossing the bay, spent the night at binangoa, where the father guardian, fray francisco n. gave us a fine welcome. next night, we continued our voyage to the entrance of the lake, where ten boats from manila were awaiting us, which were manned by chinese, mestizos, and indians. we said mass, and, having embarked, descended the river to the festal accompaniment of fire-crackers, small gongs, and arquebuses. the gongs of the chinese were very amusing to us; for, though they were no larger than a barber's basin, they made as much sound as a large bell. it is a wonderful instrument. the river is one of the most beautiful in the world. that of goa is wider and deeper, but the former is more adorned with palaces, gardens, villages, and churches. we entered some palaces which would be a wonder to any european. we reached the bridge of manila, which is a famous work. we saw it filled with people of various nationalities. we entered our convent amid the pealing of bells, and there we immediately visited the most sacred and miraculous image of our lady of the rosary, the consolation of all that community, and of all those islands also, in all extremities and necessities. its sight alone cheered our souls, and made us forget all our past hardships. the father provincial conceded to us, as a great treat and privilege, one week of matins. the fathers of other missions say that only three days had been set aside for them, so that the time given to us seemed very liberal. in truth, some assisted in the choir that same night; but my spirit was not so fervent that it ventured to so much. chapter iiii of my stay in manila 1. don diego faxardo chacon was governor of the islands. that gentleman had great gifts for government, for he had a horror of money and of women. one day father fray andres gomez, a religious of my order, took him a bit of the lignum crucis [i.e., wood of the cross] set in gold. he valued it highly, but refused to receive the relic until the gold was taken away. he was very retiring, and gave ear to no one save manuel estacio de venegas. the latter grew so haughty by reason of the favoritism and power that he possessed, that he dominated everything as a despot. he was feared by all people, no less than was nero in his time; but well did he rue it afterward. don diego faxardo had kept don sebastian de corcuera a prisoner already for five years. strange reversal of fortune that! don sebastian was the most feared, and the most haughty and absolute governor that has ever been in those islands. in his time happened that exile of the archbishop which caused so much comment among all those nations. he undertook the jolo war, in which the nobility of manila were destroyed. the island of hermosa was lost by his neglect and carelessness in sending reënforcements, as was stated by all people there. he amassed untold wealth. he was sent a prisoner to nueva españa, and then to madrid, where it is said that he negotiated advantageously. they were expecting in manila different news from that which arrived, of the condition of his affairs. i know well that they have written that he was a very disinterested man, but the author does not prove the statement further than by saying so. i read in a document that don sebastian de corcuera purged himself of that charge by saying that he had amassed his wealth with the pay given him by his majesty. but another document presents the following argument. first, that governors cannot trade and traffic with the pay given them by his majesty. second, that it is impossible to gain with his pay what he spent in the monstrance which was recently taken to his majesty; what was lost in the ship wrecked at the ladrones, and what was burned at acapulco; and the money that he possessed in mexico, with the large sums taken from him in burgos. nor can it be inferred that he was a good governor, because he acted as a good christian after he left the islands. nor does there follow any other inconvenience from making known the truth with good zeal than the fact that those who do not wish to know it are not pleased to hear it. while estacio de venegas was a citizen of manila, he was liked by all; but, when he became the favorite, he was hated. it makes a great difference whether one is in the position or not, in order that he may govern himself according to his natural disposition. don sebastian was the one who instituted the vandalas (this is a name given by the natives, and signifies repartimiento), which have destroyed all the indians. in order that one may understand what they are, i will explain them here in a few words. i assume, at the start, that it is a great piece of ignorance to attribute this repartimiento to don sabiniano manrique de lara, or to make him its author. when that gentleman assumed the government, the indians must have been paying the vandalas for fourteen or more years; then how could he have originated them? for, in the term of that gentleman, pampanga rose in insurrection in order not to pay that tax. someone, or several people, new to the country, must have invented what was afterward declared with the mouth. it is true that that insurrection caused don sabiniano to give the indians a great sum of pesos on account of what was owing to them, as i was told afterward; but that was to pay [their just due], which has nothing to do with saying that he invented that imposition. in fine, after the indian has paid his tribute, helped in the cutting of wood, and rendered personal services (which are numerous), levies on the provinces are made each year. for example, pampanga is assessed twenty-four thousand fanegas of rice at the price of two or two and one-half reals per fanega, as it is for his majesty; and it is placed on credit until such time as god pleases. [169] that quota [of rice] is apportioned among the indians of that province, and is collected with great rigor, and with many deceits which the officials [170] who exact it practice. [this levy] costs him to whom three fanegas are allotted at least one-half fanega more than he gives in his measure; and him who gives six, one fanega more, and so on. this is what is called vandala, and this is what they [i.e., the spaniards] have paid for so many years--whence it follows that the indians leave the islands, as i shall relate in another part, and that they refuse to sow their fields, as i myself have heard. it is an evident fact that if once in a while that assessment were to be levied on the account of the tribute, or if they were exempted from personal services, the indians would be very happy and satisfied. but how can this continue all the years? and how can there be money in the treasury to pay the employees, officials, and leaders, and to meet other expenses, when there is never any money to pay for what is bought from the indians? if the indians die on account of this and other things, of what use will that country be, and what will the spaniards do there? 3 [i.e., 2]. the greatest hardship that we religious endure in the villages of the indians is the sight of their sufferings, and the effort to seek means and methods to console them. it happens (as it happened in my time) that the rice-crop in a village was ruined (this is a quite usual occurrence, because of the rats which eat it, and at other times for the lack of water, and at others because the sea rises and overflows their fields) so that it was impossible to pay even the tribute. that was explained to the alcalde-mayor, and a petition was presented to the governor. but nothing had any effect, and the indians had to purchase the rice at four reals per fanega, and gave it to his majesty on credit that would never be paid, at two and one-half reals [per fanega]. surely, the paternal compassion of our most catholic kings would not permit such things if they had any knowledge of them. it would be better for the indians that the governors should support them, and that they should work during the whole year for the tribute and vandalas, than that they should be treated as they are today. it is a great misfortune that the tartar protects so well the chinese, his vassals, while our people try to escape from caring for the vassals of our king and sovereign, although his will has been so often declared and charged upon them. it is no wonder that those islands are so exhausted, although it is a land which in every way is exceedingly good, abundant, and fertile. [3]. if i were to mention special cases i would never finish. in my time i know well that an alcalde-mayor of ilocos squeezed fourteen thousand pesos from his district in two years. in how good condition must the indians and their land have remained! it would be well for those who write and have written from there to speak clearly and specifically of things and persons, and not in general and in loose terms, thus giving opportunity to blame the innocent or to clear the guilty. that ought to be a special end or desire. everyone knows how disinterestedly our province lives and has lived in that land, and that it has never allowed the slightest income as dues of the indians whom it administers. it has never received them, but has always been satisfied with the alms which both the spaniards and the natives of the country freely give. in that way have they maintained themselves, while with the alms given them by his majesty (may god preserve him) they have clothed themselves, and nothing has been wanting. it is necessary to declare who does it, in order not to injure all.... 4. one year a certain governor wrote against ours of pangasinan (he was at one time affectioned to ours and at another averse, for so wags the world) that they had burned some forests whence wood had to be obtained for the shipbuilding, etc. what effects would such a letter cause if seen in the council of the indias, and one written by a governor? if one wished to burn the hundredth part of one single forest with the help of ten thousand indians, he could not do it in a whole year; to whomever has seen the forests of philipinas this remark is not only true but most true, and the proofs are more than evident. the effect produced by the negrillos who live in the interior of those and other forests, although they are numerous and make fires daily, is never noticed or heard of. in the island of mindoro, where i made two journeys, i saw with my own eyes what the indians do there. they have no lands for sowing. in order to get rice they set fire to a bit of forest. after days of labor in it they continue to fell and cut down the small trees together with the branches; then they again set fire to it and burn it all. they set fires at the foot of the large trees, until gradually the thick ones are consumed. as the trees are so hard-wooded, it is necessary to take a week and even longer to arrange and feed the fire. after an indian has worked from morning to night for two months, he manages to clear an obrada [171] of land. then how could a vicar and a few indians burn whole forests? if this were not so, i would not write it; but, since the case is quite forgotten, i will refrain [from enlarging on] it--except that, for others that may happen, it is advisable to know this one, so that no one may inconsiderately believe what is in reality incredible. don sebastian cavallero de medina, while fiscal for his majesty in manila, in order to show his zeal or to gain reputation, wrote about the excessive fees which the religious collected from the indians. people here would believe that such an offense was common to all. he ought to have made known what was in it, and not place the innocent in danger of being declared guilty by not explaining the fault of some persons. 5. a week after our arrival we were divided among various provinces in order to learn the languages, and be able to minister to the indians. i remained in the province of manila, where i learned the tagálog language in company with others without much difficulty. if the grammar or other handbook were studied in europa with the earnestness with which we study languages there, any person would become learned in a very brief time. within five months we were all confessing and preaching, and in one year we were very capable in both, and in discussing the affairs of the indians with them. during that time, besides the occupations of the choir and church, we diverted ourselves with no other thing. all that time we spent in humbling ourselves to the elements and rudiments of extraordinary languages, for the maintenance and advantage of those souls. if the temperature were not so unlike that of our own country, we could have done twice as much. in order to relieve ourselves from the excessive heat, we made use of baths and of the fruits, which are very delicious; but, as time went on, we experienced sickness. the indians always seemed fine fellows to me. they are not changeable and rough like those whom we saw in mexico, but tractable and urbane and of especial intelligence and fine ability. among them are some famous writers, painters, and sculptors. they are very adaptable for any mechanical work, and, above all, docile and very submissive to the priests. in regard to understanding the precepts of our holy faith, they can rival many here and surpass others. they possess fine books in their language, which have been printed by the religious. they are fond of reading in these, and to our labor and their docility is this fact owing. the indian women are very devout and composed, and frequent the sacraments with great fervor. there is no feast, great or small, at which there are not a large number of confessions and communions. i said often that the fervor of the old [christians] of castilla had passed to the indians (both men and women) of manila. often the indians celebrate the feasts well. rarely is one of them found who does not dance beautifully. consequently, they have dancing and music in the processions; they play the harp and guitar excellently. his majesty furnishes eight singers in every church. they have certain privileges, as they are busied in the divine office. they sing excellently, and, as there are always candidates, the number is always in excess. but only the eight who are assigned enjoy the privileges conceded. the adornment of the churches is quite sufficient, and is neat and tasteful. since there are plenty of roses, other flowers, and fragrant herbs throughout the year, these things go far to furnish suitable adornment for the churches. 6. the indians are much given to the use of the bow and arrow, especially the indians called cambales and those who live in the mountains. their offensive and defensive weapons consist of such arms. i heard the old priests tell of many acts of skill in the use of them, which i was unable to believe until i had the opportunity to see it thoroughly for myself. people should not be so ready to believe whatever they hear, nor yet so obstinate as i have been at times. one day i came across a band of indians from the mountain, among whom were four of seven or eight years of age or thereabout. i took an orange (a fruit of which there is an infinite supply there) and threw it up into the air as high as possible. then said i, "there, my lads, shoot me that orange." instantly all four shot it in the air, and it fell in bits. another new religious and myself stood stupefied, while the old one who had told us about it laughed at us. i saw that with my own eyes in the small village called abucanamataas. this is a sufficient proof that they are good archers. 7. during my stay in the islands, i attended to whatever obedience ordered me. i ministered to the indians, lectured in our college and university of santo thomas, and preached--although i was always in poor health, for during two years the [climate of the] country affected me terribly. during that time some remarkable things happened; but i shall relate only a few of them, in order not to be too prolix. the master-of-camp, don lorenço laso--a fine and valiant soldier, and a giant in presence and stature--was governor of terrenate. he was not liked by manuel estacio. he was accused of some traffic with the dutch (pure nonsense that); his arrest was ordered, and he died on shipboard somewhat suddenly. his death was imputed to estacio, and the latter was charged with it; i do not know how he cleared himself. don lorenço's death was felt keenly, and was suspicious. he was well liked by all the community, and so feared and respected by the chinese infidels that he alone, with sword and shield, in the insurrection that occurred during the term of corcuera, held back a mob of chinese on the bridge, who were entering by that way, as did horatius cocles on a similar occasion. admiral sebastian lopez, a portuguese and a most brave soldier, was living in manila; he had performed wonders in the victories that we gained over the dutch. he died very suddenly, and apparently by poison. his death was also imputed to manuel estacio, as were many other deeds that were current here. 8. as the dutch had committed depredations in that land in preceding years, and raided the districts of batan (which are administered by religious of my order), and, because of our lack rather than their own valor, had taken possession of the churches, the government determined to demolish these. the principal mistake consisted in having allowed [the destruction of] those buildings already erected and finished; for they could be of no use to the enemy, since they had no seaport nor anchorage for their ships within one legua, nor yet a safe way by land if they had tried to journey that way. our cowardice allowed the enemy to enter, and determined the ruin of those buildings, in which the natives suffered great hardship; for not only did they work, but all the timber (which was considerable, excellent, and their own) was taken from them, without giving them a single maravedi for it. even of the stone manuel estacio made gifts. if the materials, since they were theirs, had been left to the indians, so that they could have made use of them, they could have destroyed the churches and had more than enough money and time for their sowing and ordinary work. many hardships came upon the poor wretches because of that; the least was that the enemy took some of them captives, as well as two of our religious, who were able ministers in the tagálog speech. when don lorenço laso died, don lorenco de ayala became master-of-camp. he had been castellan of the fort of santiago. he was a very amiable gentleman, and there was no one in manila who did not love him dearly. doña ana tellez, his wife, was a saintly woman; and the couple were known as "the good married pair." each of them was more than seventy years old. estacio was not satisfied at that, for the proud fellow could not endure to have anyone ascend higher than himself. he heaped troubles upon don lorenço and the good old man ended his days to the general sorrow of all who knew him. the staff of office then passed to don pedro de almonte. for some time past that gentleman had been exiled from manila; he was not of estacio's following, and consequently, it was feared that he would be cheated out of the office. but since the governor already had his eyes on estacio because the latter had done a bad turn to don juan de saraos, he summoned don pedro and gave him the command, as well as the habit of santiago which went with it. the community was overjoyed at that, while estacio was very sorrowful, and somewhat anxious about his fortune; for since he had been so exalted, and that with no small acts of violence, he could fear that a fall would follow his steps.... on the day of the holy cross in september, a quiet rumor spread through the city that he was arrested. all the people kept mute and did not dare to move their lips; for, if it were not true, he who uttered a single word would pay well for it. the news was confirmed, and it was ascertained that he had been imprisoned in the fort of santiago. the city breathed and was relieved from so heavy a cross that had rested on it for so many years. he commenced on that day to take what god sent him; cum in honore esset non intellexit. [172] he did not understand or know how to retain his power. [173] much of his property was seized, but he had hidden a vast quantity both in manila and in mexico. he suffered and endured, and finally died, after some years, in a dungeon. he would better have contented himself with his first fortune as merchant and citizen of manila, in which every one liked him. he is the man who said he could stop the mouth of any governor who might succeed don diego with one or two hundred thousand pesos of eight. he deceived himself basely. 10. on corpus christi day of 53, a not small disaster happened to me, namely, that a bolt of lightning fell on the house of batan, where i was then stationed. the lord saved me and the other religious and the men of the convent. one week later another fell and fired off two muskets belonging to the house, killing a negro and an indian who had gone out hunting. that disaster caused me a great fear; until then i confess that i had had little or no fear of thunder, but since then i have feared it so much that i could not fear it more. a little while after that, on the eve of st. barnabas, when we were taking our collegiates of santo thomas to their vacations, as we were crossing the river the wind blew with great violence, so that the boat overturned and we all fell into the water. the waves were running so high that, as we firmly grasped the planks of the small champan, for it was overturned, it dragged us forward as if we were chaff. our danger was great; and accordingly i was careful to absolve all, although with great hardship and tribulation. i had no one to absolve me, and almost no feeling or warning to lift my heart to god. the people who were looking at us, without being able to help us, were innumerable. it was god's pleasure that they should launch some canoes; and, although these were also overturned, they saved us. i was in the greatest danger, because of the weight of my habit. two negroes who came up to me were they who, next to god, saved my life. we all returned to the wharf; our clothing and other things were lost. but the flask of wine for the mass, with only a little of its contents lost, was washed ashore, where it was recovered. our lord was pleased to deliver me, by his mercy, from all those accidents. 11. at that time word reached us of a grievous misfortune which had happened in cagayan to one of my mission named fray luis gutierrez, a native of almagro, and a most excellent religious. on the day of the purification of our lady in that year, he had said two masses in different villages. there was another village three leguas away. for the consolation of those indians, and so that they might not be left without the mass on so solemn a day, he determined to go thither to say the third, and went by boat through a creek, which was most dangerous because of the crocodiles. in a certain place it was seen that one appeared disturbed. the indians of the boat aroused themselves and tried to force the craft forward and to make a loud noise with voices and oars. but nothing availed them, for with two cruel blows of its tail against the boat the crocodile overturned it completely, so that they were all thrown into the water. the indians, being lighter and unhampered by clothing, were able to reach land easily. the poor religious, weighted down by his habit and little used to swimming, was left to be overtaken by that fierce and bloodthirsty animal. it seized him, and the poor man was buried in its fierce entrails.... 13. at times i saw most cruel and terrifying crocodiles--especially one morning when, going down to say mass at a village, i was descending the river to the sea. the indians began to cry out "crocodile, crocodile!" i looked about me in every direction, but could see none. they pointed it out to me with the finger, but even then i could not be sure that it was one. it was a fact that i did really see it, but, since it was so large and horrible, i could not persuade myself that it was a crocodile, or that there was so large a crocodile in the world as the mass that they pointed out to me. we approached nearer, and i finally saw and distinguished it most clearly. it was sleeping on a sandy islet near the mouth of the river. it seemed to be as large as the mainmast of a ship, and i had before imagined that mass to be some huge tree carried there by the current of that great river. i saw others afterward, although they were not equal to that one in size. their aspect is most horrible, for they have four eyes, two above and two below. there are a countless number of them in the lake of bai. during the dry season the larger cattle are pastured near there, for that place abounds in fine pastures. when the bulls and horses are feeding, and as they wander about in their grazing, the crocodile comes out of the water and carries off one today and another tomorrow with as great ease as the cat carries off a rat. 14. a short time before my arrival in the islands, a very peculiar thing happened. some indians had been married, and, as they were about to eat, the bride was desirous of going down to the river to wash her feet, as they are in the habit of doing every day and every hour. the house stood partly over the river, as is their custom. while she was washing, a crocodile attacked her and carried her off. at her cries and the noise, some of the people ran out and saw the poor girl in the teeth of the crocodile, which was making off with its prey. the bridegroom, who beheld with his own eyes such a spectacle, blind with love and aroused by anger, with dagger in hand (but more rashly than prudently) threw himself into the water, and followed the beast that was carrying off his beloved prize. he overtook it and fought with it; he recovered his wife and returned triumphantly with the spoil in his arms, but she was already dead and lifeless. the bridegroom came back a widower, and sad and mournful, and with tears was that wedding ended. that was a notable and very memorable occurrence. many indians have escaped from those monsters. it has been learned by experience that they are very sensitive in the eyes. consequently, those who do not lose their presence of mind attack them in that part, on which occasions the crocodile flees as best it can in order to escape. it is said by all the people of that land that when the female lays its eggs, it always goes to some place where there is a current of water near by. the young animals having been hatched go down into the water, where their mother is waiting for them with open mouth. as many as she can catch she eats, but all that escape her, by one side or the other, remain free and alive. this they say is the reason why not all the rivers are full of those animals, although there are many rivers where they abound. i shall return to the crocodiles on another occasion. [the chapter closes with the account of the baptism of an infant who had been abandoned and thrown into the sea by its mother.] (to be concluded.) bibliographical data the sources of the documents in this volume are as follows: 1. events in filipinas.--from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), ii, pp. 643-692. 2. dominicans in the philippines.--from baltasar de santa cruz's historia del sant. rosario (zaragoça, 1693), pp. 44 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. 3. augustinians in the philippines.--from casimiro diaz's conquistas (manila, 1890), pp. 444 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of james a. robertson. 4. the philippines about 1650.--from navarrete's tratados historicos (madrid, 1676), pp. 299-332; from a copy in the library of congress. notes [1] while in mexico on his way to filipinas, salcedo personally raised the sum of 100,000 pesos, and spent it in procuring soldiers for the islands--paid and voluntary enlistments, not convicts. "and in order that the officials at mexico might not hinder or obstruct the despatch of the situado (which that year amounted to 220,000 pesos), he agreed with them that they could deduct in their own favor 30,000 pesos, which they were to invest in merchandise in manila and china, and remit to the persons who drew up the document, ... to which governor salcedo had to accede, since in no other way could he have obtained the succor [for the islands]." (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 494, 495.) [2] a dignity among the franciscan friars, inferior to that of provincial (dominguez's diccionario national). [3] he came to manila in 1666, as auditor. although in mexico he had received two years' pay, he reached the islands so poor that he had no money for paying the first third of his media anata; at this, salcedo pitied him, and compounded his debt with the royal officials. bonifaz then proceeded to scheme and intrigue for his own selfish ends, occasioning much scandal and commotion in manila. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 512-516.) [4] when salcedo was arrested, all his property was seized, and the commissary of the inquisition took possession of all his papers--including letters, royal decrees, and official documents--books of accounts, and papers in lawsuits against various citizens. these last the commissary, induced by gifts and bribes, surrendered to the persons concerned without keeping any record of such suits. the commissary gave many jewels and other valuable articles seized from salcedo to his relatives and friends, especially to the usurper bonifaz. the latter appointed diego de palencia, one of the conspirators, as alcalde-mayor of the sangleys and their parián, "which is the most profitable office that can be bestowed in these islands," and royal depositary--in virtue of which latter office a considerable part of salcedo's wealth was placed in his hands, part of it being placed in the royal treasury. later, the commissary secured possession of most of what palencia held; and the usurper spent most of what had been placed in the treasury for paying the soldiery and securing the friendship of the citizens. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 578, 579.) it is possible that the author of this document is francisco de figueroa, who was alcalde-mayor of tondo in 1660 (diaz's conquistas, p. 575). [5] rosales was a lawyer, whom the usurper released from jail, where he was placed for crimes deserving death, and made an alcalde. he was one of bonifaz's most unscrupulous advisers and abettors. (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 605.) [6] the tyrant, fearful of attempts to deprive him of his usurped authority, not only maintained a guard of bowmen--making his son, ten or twelve years old, their captain--but stationed in his house two companies of musketeers from the royal troops, each of a hundred men, all being paid from the royal treasury, "something which no proprietary governor had ever done." besides this, he sent an escort of twelve soldiers every day with his son to the school where he was learning to read and write. (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 580.) [7] all the military forces, both soldiers and officers, sided with the usurper bonifaz, except the commandant of fort santiago, lorenzo de orella y ugalde. later, bonifaz changed nearly all the important military offices, conferring them on his favorites and supporters. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 556, 557, 563.) [8] in ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 619-625, is a copy of the document by which mansilla ceded (october 14, 1668) his right of seniority to coloma--followed by a notary's attested statement that this cession was made effective. on pp. 627-641 may be found the proceedings of the audiencia thereon, in its sessions at the jesuit college, and its decree issued to the loyal citizens. [9] this amounted to 400,000 pesos, although 500,000 were needed for the expenses of the islands (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 611, 617). [10] within less than six months the usurper drew from the royal treasury 8,000 pesos as salary, and 9,000 in gold ingots from salcedo's sequestered property. (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 612.) [11] "it is also suspected that, with the information and account that the father commissary will send to the tribunal of mexico, they will seize there the great wealth which the said governor had during late years sent to his correspondents, which, according to common report, exceeds 200,000 pesos; and this consignment of funds entirely refutes the suspicion that the said governor might intend or attempt to flee to holland by way of batavia, as the father commissary and his accomplices in the governor's imprisonment have tried (although without reason) to induce people to believe, [as a pretext] for his arrest." (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 586, 587.) [12] the royal officials of that time are accused of plundering and defrauding the royal treasury--especially the treasurer, josé manuel de la vega, who drew from it 40,000 pesos, which he used in trading at batavia, making no return to the treasury--and altering entries in the books, to cover their steps. these acts, however, were notorious to the public, and the auditors and fiscal attempted to secure redress; but the usurper bonifaz (who aided the plundering officials) availed himself of legal quibbles and public calumnies against the auditors and fiscal to shut off proceedings by them. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 573-575, 591. [13] the name sarasa is applied by blanco to a shrub, justicia ecbolium, also called morado; he does not mention it as of use in medicine, although he ascribes such properties to other species of the same genus. the official handbook of the philippines (manila, 1903), pp. 395, 399, says that sarasa is the tagálog appellation of the visayan pasao (graptophyllum hortense); its leaves are used "in topicals for the maintenance of fonticulus [a small artificial ulcer]." if this be intended in the text, piezas may be translated "packages;" but sarasas (evidently some product of siam) here may have some other meaning. [14] apparently referring to the technical use of this word (vol. xi, p. 43), the legal office of relator being transferred to the ecclesiastical court. [15] mansilla's release was ordered by coloma; and on christmas eve the superiors of the religious orders and the dean of the cathedral went to demand it from bonifaz. this excited the tyrant's fears, and he determined to banish the imprisoned auditor. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 601, 602.) [16] the above-cited document in ventura del arco mss. states (p. 601) that this post was held by francisco de figueroa. [17] mansilla was shipwrecked near verde island (between luzón and mindoro), to which he escaped in a half-dead condition; on january 27 news of this was received at manila, and champans were immediately sent to convey him to iloilo, where he was kept in prison under guards. he managed to escape from this durance a few months later, and found refuge in a jesuit church there. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 602, 603, 613.) [18] the commissary was accused of ill-treating salcedo while in prison--even going so far as to refuse him permission to draw up a will, to confess, and to receive the sacraments, although salcedo was very ill, and his physician reported that he was in danger of death; and during at least a part of his imprisonment he was kept in fetters, and fastened to a chain. (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 590.) [19] on st. lucia's day, december 13, the usurper and the commissary of the inquisition arrested more than twenty persons of high standing, who had disapproved of his illegal acts and had adhered to the audiencia. these men were fettered and placed in dungeons, and their goods confiscated. they were proclaimed as traitors, and their relatives and friends were regarded as suspects. many other arrests and acts of oppression were prevented by coloma's interference. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 594-600.) [20] i.e., "thus i will, thus i command." [21] apparently a sentence left incomplete by the writer after some interruption of his task. [22] not only pamplona, but palencia and several others who entered the governor's room used insulting and opprobrious language to him, and even ill-treated him. (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 531.) [23] the order of st. augustine, to which the commissary belonged, laid claim to more than 100,000 pesos, which they said was due them from salcedo; if they gave him that money, it was that he might overlook their lawless acts, and give them what they desired. those friars availed themselves of salcedo whenever they chose to disobey their provincials and other superiors; and in their chapter-meetings their proceedings were controlled by his wishes and commands. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 584, 585.) [24] the burning of the parián in the insurrection of 1630-40 rendered it necessary to build a new one; this was placed at la estacada (so called because the site was stockaded for this purpose), farther from the gates of manila, but within range of the guns of fort santiago. notwithstanding the inconveniences attendant on this measure, and the risk of demoralizing the indian converts, the government refused to locate the chinese elsewhere; but they remained there only two years. one night when they were worshiping their ancestors, a house accidentally caught fire; as a result the entire parián was burned, with great quantities of goods belonging to the citizens of manila, who had placed these there on sale. a great part of binondo was also destroyed by this fire. (diaz's conquistas, pp. 456, 457.) [25] accounts of corcuera's residencia may be found in domingo f. de navarrete's tratados historicos (madrid, 1676), trat. 6, ch. 4; murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 136 b-138; la concepción's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 188-195; ferrando's hist. de los pp. dominicos, ii, pp. 450-453; and montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 265-267. [26] referring to the institution founded by corcuera, styled san felipe, of which more detailed information will be given in a subsequent volume. [27] "in the acts of the said congregation [of 1650, held at nueva segovia] is also mentioned a decree by the most reverend marinis, which expressly annulled the mandate of the most reverend turco, providing that the vicariates which possess votes in the chapter-sessions shall last only two years. this law of the province has suffered some modifications, according to the circumstances of the times. since the intermediate sessions or congregations were suppressed, the office of vicar lasts four years--or, more correctly, the vicar is removable at the pleasure of the superior of the order, because the reason of his irremovability, which was the vote in the chapter, no longer exists. from this modification, however, must be excepted the rector of the college of santo tomás and the vicar of cavite, who still enjoy that right." (ferrando's hist. de los pp. dominicos, ii, p. 608.) [28] these generals of the dominican order were, respectively. fray tomás turco and fray juan bautista de marinis. [29] alluding to carlos clemente gant, who had been provincial during 1637-41. [30] a town in nicaragua, on the pacific coast. [31] twenty-seven, according to the list in reseña biográfica. [32] the term "jubilee" is adopted by the catholic church from the jewish, and proclaims from time to time a "year of remission" from the penal consequences of sin--a plenary indulgence granted to those who repent and perform certain pious works. (see addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 488.) [33] see sketches of the lives of all these friars in reseña biográfica, i, pp. 455-478. [34] i.e., "let each one abound in his own understanding." [35] thus in the text; but the list counts but thirty-six names, including the four who remained in mexico. see biographical sketches of all in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 1-17. [36] referring to fray vittorio ricci, the dominican missionary who carried to manila the message of kue-sing, the chinese corsair. [37] salcedo is commended for having despatched the acapulco galleons so promptly, and so well equipped, that during his term of office they made the voyage every year, without being driven back by storms or compelled to winter at acapulco; and the voyage to that port--formerly eight or nine months, often with shipwreck and great loss of life and property--was reduced to four or five months. (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 507.) [38] that is, of the posts filled in the islands by religious, in which they act as parish priests; the presentation of these lists to the royal patron practically reduces the aforesaid religious to employees of the government, and subjects them to episcopal visitation--a procedure which the orders always strenuously opposed. this subject is fully discussed by santa theresa, ante. [39] biographical sketches of all these may be found in reseña biográfica, ii,pp. 17-100. [40] a port and village on the northern coast of sámar--that is, south of the embocadero. [41] alluding to the process of canonization for the japanese martyrs, then before the proper authorities at rome. for description of this process, see addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, pp. 113, 114. [42] spanish, jura publicada. felipe iv had died on september 17, 1665; and he was succeeded by the infant cárlos ii, who reigned (under the regency of his mother, mariana of austria, until his fifteenth year) until the end of the seventeenth century. [43] spanish, amantisimo por extremo. dominguez says (diccionario nacional) that amantisimo is used, in mystical and erotic language, in the sense of muy amado ("greatly beloved"); our text here implies that poblete was very dear, on account of his purity, to god and the virgin mary. [44] the palm was a symbol of victory and triumph--in religious language, especially of triumph over the infernal powers; and, by extension, of virginity. [45] i.e., the third part of the dominican history, written by father fray vicente de salazar, o.p. (manila, 1742), and treating of events from 1661 to 1690. [46] juan de trezo (so called by pérez) was a native of extremadura, and became prior of the convents of santo niño de cebú (1620) and of otón (1623). he ministered in the villages of taal (1631), sala (1633), taguig (1635), and malolos (1636); and was definitor (1638), president of the capitular province (1641), and minister of otón and caruyan (1644-45). he died in 1650. see pérez's catálogo, p. 91. [47] pedro mejia was a native of la mancha, and professed in the convent of valladolid. he became prior of guadalupe in 1621 and was later definitor and visitor. he was also minister of narvacan in 1611, and of the tagálog villages of calumpit, bauan and guiguinto until his death in 1659. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 94, 95. [48] diego tamayo was a native of la mancha, and professed in andalucia. he was subprior of the convent of manila in 1635, procurator-general in 1636, minister of bacolor in 1638, prior of manila in 1647, and definitor in 1650. pérez says that he was again incorporated with his province in 1682. see pérez's catálogo, p. 109. [49] cristóbal enríquez, a native of cáceres, was minister in the villages of dumalag (1620) and san pedro (antique; 1627)--being later transferred to the province of tagálos, where he ministered in batangas, tanaoan, and baoan (1635, 1639, 1645, and 1648), passing thence to tambobong, sala, bigaá, and lastly to malolos (1650). he acted as definitor, assistant counselor (discreto) of the province, and commissary-procurator in madrid; and died in trujillo in 1659. see pérez's catálogo, p. 94. [50] manuel estacio venegas had been regidor of manila, and became later master-of-camp (see pastells's colin, pp. 487, 493). he became the favorite of governor diego fajardo y chacón, who allowed him to exercise great power, in which he proved himself to be an arbitrary and cruel man. finally the eyes of the governor were opened to his character; and he was arrested september 16, 1651, and died in prison. see montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 266, 290, 291. see also concepción's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 195, 297-301, where a dark picture is drawn of venegas's venality. [51] buzeta and bravo say (diccionario, ii, p. 219) that this edifice was reconstructed about 1690, being greatly enlarged. [52] spanish, guerrero--a play upon his name, which signifies "warrior." [53] alonso de lara was subprior of the convent of manila in 1638, prior of the convent of guadalupe in 1641, definitor of the province in 1643, procurator-general in 1648, and minister of guagua in 1650. he died in 1651. see pérez's catálogo, p. 109. [54] cristóbal de león was a native of galicia, and went to the philippines in 1628. he was minister of tagudín (1635 and 1638), narvacán and batác (1642), and laoag (1647). from the last village he went to the villages of bay (1650, 1659), taal (1654), tondo (1656, 1665), and bulacán (1662). he was definitor and procurator-general in 1641, and died in manila in 1668. see pérez's catálogo, p. 109. [55] alonso quijano, a native of corral de almaguér in la mancha, was an excellent linguist in the bisayan, and served in the missions of dunangas (1632), jaro (1633), laglag (1635), and panay (1638). he was definitor in 1644, provincial in 1656, prior of the convent of guadalupe in 1659-62, and provincial again in 1665. his death occurred in 1667. see pérez's catálogo, p. 108. [56] diego de ochoa was a son of the convent of san felipe el real in madrid, and lecturer on sacred theology in his province. after going to the philippines he became minister of the villages of méxico (1638), macabebe (1641), and betis (1644), being also visitor for some time. he died in the year 1648. see pérez's catálogo, p.113. [57] a reference perhaps to the grandson of emanuel philibert, duke of savoy (who died august 30, 1580)--who bore the same name, and the titles chevalier of malta, grand prior of castile and león, prince of oneille, viceroy of sicily, and commander of sea-forces for the king of spain, whose nephew he was. his death occurred in 1624 at the age of thirty-six. moreri mentions no duke of savoy by this name in that period. see moreri's dictionnaire. [58] the dominicans resolved in a council called by their provincial september 11, 1644, not to bring any charges against corcuera, but to pardon the affronts he had given them. "the friars hated corcuera for his partiality to the jesuits." see montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 265, 266. cf. ferrando's hist. de los pp. dominicos, ii, pp. 451, 452. [59] luis de amezquita studied greek under the jesuits. he was admitted to the augustinian convent of san felipe el real where he took his vows in 1641. arriving at the philippines in 1645, he labored in the tagálog villages of bauan (1650), tiaong (1654), tanauan (1656), batangas (1659-65), caruyan and sala(1662), and again in tanauan (1666). he died at manila june 26, 1667, at the age of forty-five, leaving several writings, including a catechism in the native language, sermons, and certain commentaries. the catechism has been printed. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 119, 120. [60] jerónimo paredes was a native of castilla and professed in the convent of pamplona. he was prior of ternate (1621-25), at the cession of that island to the portuguese augustinians. on returning to manila he labored in pampanga, in the villages of pórac (1629), apálit (1632), macabebe (1633), guagua (1635), aráyat (1638), and méxico (1645). he presided at the provincial chapter of 1651, and had before been visitor, prior of santo niño (1644), and definitor (1647). his death in 1651 was universally bewailed. see pérez's catálogo, p. 93. [61] andrés de fuentes, a religious of the province of castilla, was a notable orator, and the zealous minister of calumpit in 1632. he was procurator-general in 1635, minister of barbarán in 1636, and preacher-general in 1638. this last year he went to malate, but afterward ministered in san pablo de los montes (1641), taal (1644), tondo (1645), lipa (1650), and again in malate (1653). his death occurred in 1653. see pérez's catálogo, p. 106. [62] pedro valenzuela was a native of castilla la vieja, where he professed. after going to the philippines he was assigned to the villages of bangui (1624), santa cruz (1627 and 1632), narvacán (1630), purao (1636), and dingras (1641). he was elected definitor in 1647, and was appointed visitor of the ilocan provinces by diego ordás, meeting his death at the hands of the zambals while attending to the duties of the visitation. see pérez's catálogo, p. 100. [63] gaspar lópez, a native of castilla, an eminent orator, and a missionary in tambobong (1630), pórac(1633), sesmoan (1635), santor (1638), apálit (1639), gapán (1641), méxico (1644), macabebe (1645), and bacolór (1653), was definitor in 1644-47, and died at bacolór (1655). see pérez's catálogo, pp. 106, 107. [64] tomás de villanueva was a native of villanueva de los infantes and professed in the burgos convent. having been assigned to the bisayas islands, he labored in carcar (1627), baong (1632), tigbauan (1633-35), jaro (1636), barbarán (1638, 1641, 1659, 1662), panay (1644, 1656), and mambúsao (1671), and candon and dingras in ilocos (1650-53). he died in 1674 so poor that his burial expenses were defrayed by his parishioners. he was visitor and master of novitiates in 1647, and prior of guadalupe in 1657. see pérez's catálogo, p. 95. [65] martin garcía professed in the convent of arenas in 1629 and arrived in the philippines june 29, 1635. he became preacher and confessor in manila whence he went to santa cruz in ilocos in 1641. in 1647 he was appointed procurator-general, but without assuming that office, sailed for spain may 18, 1647, with appointment as commissary-procurator. his death occurred in madrid in 1649. see pérez's catálogo, p. 110. [66] juan de borja, a native of osuna, professed in that city. he became fluent in the bisayan tongue, and labored in the missions of mambúsao (1640, 1659), barbarán (1644, 1656), otón (1645), and batan (1653); being prior of the convent of santo niño (1657), definitor (1659), president of the chapter (1662), and prior of the convent of guadalupe (1665). in 1665 he commissioned the founding of the augustinian hospice for the philippines in mexico, known as santo tomás de villanueva, of which he was superior until his death in 1683. he wrote a religious treatise in the bisayan language, while many of his letters were preserved by the order. see pérez's catálogo, p. 112. the hospice was actually founded in 1667, under the advocacy of the santo limosnero of valencia [i.e., "the charitable saint of valencia"--alluding to st. thomas of villanueva; he was bishop of valencia, and died in 1555]; it was used by the augustinians until it was confiscated by the mexicans at the time of their revolution, in 1818. see pérez, ut supra, note. [67] see vol. xxxvi, note 33. see also revue des deux mondes for 1869, vol. 81, article "l'archipel des philippines" (pp. 932-964), by edmond plauchut. on pp. 937-939, is described an incident illustrating the "unsubduable passion for liberty" of the negritos. an infant of three was once captured by the spaniards, who was about to be buried alive by his mother as she was impeded in her flight by reason of her child. this negrito, being taken to manila, was adopted by an american and baptized pedrito. in due time the young savage was taken to europe and america by his adopted father, and learned to speak spanish, french, and english, returning after two years of travel. about two years after his return, pedrito disappeared, and joined his own wandering tribesmen. he was seen later by a prussian naturalist, a relative of the famous humboldt, who ascended the mountain of marivélez, and who talked with the "reclaimed" negrito. this occurred in 1860. [68] the master-of-camp, manuel estacio venegas (see ante, note 50), who was a relative of the recollect friar juan de san antonio. see montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, p. 265. [69] josé millán de poblete was a mexican, and went to manila with his uncle, the archbishop of that name. he was head chaplain of the troops in filipinas, an advocate for prisoners in the inquisition, and finally bishop of nueva segovia in 1671, dying on june 25, 1674, in his diocese. (pardo de tavera, biblioteca filipina, p. 268.) [70] lucas aguilar was a missionary in ilocos, to the villages of purao (1620), sinait (1621, 1626, 1644), dingras (1624, 1638), bauang (1633), bantáy (1641), and narvacán (1647). he was appointed definitor in 1650, and retired to the manila convent, where he died in 1654. see pérez's catálogo, p. 95. [71] sancho de moncada, a native of toledo, professed in that city in 1613. he labored in the tagálog villages of bigaá (1636), caruyan (1638), malolos (1641), hagonoy (1644), tanauan (1645), taguig (1647), and calumpit (1653). his death occurred in 1656. see pérez's catálogo, p. 113. [72] dionisio suárez was a native of porto alegre, in the province of alentejo in portugal, and professed in the convent of salamanca. he was one of the most illustrious men of his order in the philippines (serving as prior and rector-provincial in 1668 and 1672), and many acts of great use to the order were published during his terms of government; and many churches and convents were rebuilt, among them san pablo of manila of which he was prior four times (1653, 1665, 1671, 1675). he was missionary to the villages of taguig (1630), bauan, parañaque (1638-50), lipa (1656), taal (1659), tondo (1674), and malate (1677). his death occurred in 1679, and he left a tagálog ms. of three volumes. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 107, 108. [73] in 1860 when the fathers of the society of jesus were again installed at manila, that amity was again established at their petition, thanks to the hospitality that the augustinians showed them in their convent at manila, and afterward in that of guadalupe, until they acquired a house of their own.--tirso lopez, o.s.a. [74] juan lozano was an excellent visayan preacher, and ministered in the villages of dumangas (1635), jaro (1644), panay (1647), and passi (1650). he died in 1659, according to pérez's catálogo, p. 108. [75] doctor diego de cartagena, a priest expelled from the society of jesus, obtained from the king a prebend in the ecclesiastical cabildo of manila. the cabildo and archbishop opposed this, but, under pressure of threats by governor salcedo, they finally admitted cartagena under protest. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, p. 333.) [76] "we omit the rest of this chapter, as it contains some information referring to [the favorite's] evil acts, which although almost all taken from official records and documents, cannot be sifted by a severe and impartial critical review; while on the other side their publication has absolutely no interest." (tirso lópez, o.s.a.) it is to be regretted that the above editor saw fit to curtail this chapter, or at least that he did not give it in synopsis, however short. [77] verdugo means, among other things, a hangman, executioner, or very cruel person, hence the allusion in the text. [78] francisco de madrid was a missionary in ilocos, at tagudin (1623), candon (1624), dingras (1629), batác (1633), and matolos (bulacán; 1635). he served twice as definitor (1638 and 1653), was prior of manila (1650), and of candon (1651, 1654), and died at the manila convent in 1654. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 92, 93. [79] josé de la cuesta professed in the salamanca convent, and was an eminent greek scholar. he was assigned to ilocos, and ministered in the villages of bantay (1638), pasig (1645 and 1647), tambobong, and bulacán (1659). he was definitor and visitor in 1653. in 1639 he defended the convent of tondo against the chinese insurgents. his death occurred in 1662; and he left two mss., one of mystical sermons and the other on the study of greek. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 111, 112. [80] josé betoño was a native of madrid, and professed in the convent of san felipe el real. he labored in the missions of minalin (1647), lubao (1651, 1659), and gapán (1653). he acted as subprior of manila in 1650, visitor and prior of lubao in 1652, and was elected commissary-procurator for madrid in 1660, but died while on his voyage to spain in 1664. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 116, 117. [81] tomás velasco was from andalucia, where he was a confessor and preacher for some years. in the philippines he was subprior of manila (1644), and worked in the missions of baoan (1645), san pablo de los montes (1645), malolos (1648), and quingua (1650). see pérez's catálogo, p. 192. [82] francisco de victoria took the habit in the salamanca convent. after going to the philippines he became subprior of manila (1644, 1651), and was missionary in the villages of tanauan (1642), calumpit (1645), and tondo (1653). in 1653 he sailed for spain as procurator, returning to manila in 1656, after which he labored in taguig and tondo (1659). he died in 1661. pérez's catálogo, pp. 112, 113. [83] antonio de san gregorio, a native of saelices de los gallegos, took the franciscan habit march 10, 1611, and went to the philippines in 1621. the following year he was appointed a confessor, and in 1624 lecturer in the arts. later he administered the village of polo; and was elected definitor (november 18, 1628), commissary of the franciscan tertiary order of manila, and lecturer in sacred theology. in 1630 he was in the village of meycauayan, and was elected provincial january 17, 1632, the chinese missions being opened in his time. he sailed for mexico in 1635, returning thence in 1639. september 16 of that same year he was elected vicar-provincial, holding that office until february 4, 1640. he then administered the village of santa ana de sapa until 1649, when he went to polo. in january of that year he was again elected provincial; may 8, 1649, he was appointed bishop of nueva cáceres, which office he did not assume until some time before june, 1653. he died in 1661 at naga. see huerta's estado, pp. 428, 429. [84] ecclesiastical affairs in the moluccas had been in charge of the bishop of malacca. after the separation of the spanish and portuguese crowns in 1640, that arrangement was deemed inexpedient; the two portuguese ecclesiastics in ternate were taken to manila, and two jesuits were left in their place, under charge of the archbishop of manila. see conceptión's hist. de philipinas, vi, pp. 415, 416. [85] concerning the commercial relations with macao, concepción (vi, pp. 416, 417) says: "the city of macan had sent an hidalgo, one don diego hurtado de mendoza, to manila to establish mutual commercial relations between the two nations [i.e., portuguese and spaniards]. don diego faxardo, either for the satisfaction of common injuries, or because the negotiations seemed suspicious, imprisoned, or rather, detained him. don sabiniano, more indulgent, sent him back to his port of macan. as soon as he arrived, the city [of macao] sent the jesuit father, maginò sola, as don diego did not wish to expose his person to new risks. the father obtained from the kindness of the governor what the city desired." [86] referring to the controversies between palafox (vol. xxix, p. 189) and the religious orders, especially the jesuits; these culminated during the years 1647-49, ending in the peremptory recall of palafox to spain. see account of these troubles in bancroft's hist. mexico, iii, pp. 120-133. [87] "who entertains thoughts of peace and not of affliction." [88] apparently meaning that he was placed on the list for promotion at some future vacancy of that see--which he attained in august, 1715 (according to buzeta and bravo). [89] the treaty of nimwegen or nimeguen was concluded in that city (located in the netherlands) in 1678-79, between france and the other european powers; it marks the culminating point in louis xiv's career, and made france the leading european country. the peace between france and spain was concluded, september 17, 1678. [90] the quarrel between camacho and the friars waxed deep and bitter, and many manifestoes were published on each side. this controversy will be dealt with in a later volume. [91] this tower resisted all the earthquakes, even the terrible one of 1863, until 1880 when, as it was becoming dilapidated, it was torn down in order to give new form to the cathedral.--tirso lopez, o.s.a. [92] for notices of all the above augustinians, see pérez's catálogo. [93] literally, "he was the nadir of the zenith" of mendiola's goodness--a pun on the mora's name. [94] baltasar herrera was a native of extremadura and took the habit in the salamanca convent. he joined the philippine province in 1642, and afterward ministered in sala (1644), quingua (1645, 1656), tanaoan (1647), calumpit (1650), and parañaque (1653), and was definitor in 1656. he joined the order of st. francis, in which he held honorable posts. his death occurred september 2, 1675, before his consecration as bishop of nueva cáceres, for which he had been presented. he left various sermons in the tagálog speech. see pérez's catálogo, p. 183. [95] lucas ortiz, a native of salamanca, professed in the convent of that city; and ministered in the philippines in bay (1641), tambobong (1645, 1657), bulacán (1647), pasig (1650, 1654, 1659, and 1665), and sala(1656). his conduct while definitor (1656) and prior of manila (1662), was such that the general of the order gave him the title of master of sacred theology in 1663. he died in 1667. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 114, 115. [96] juan de torres was a native of navarra, and professed in the toledo convent. in 1641 he was subprior of the manila convent; in 1644 definitor and prior of guadalupe; and among the tagálogs, minister of the villages of taal (1644), hagonoy (1647), tambobong (1656); and tagudin, in ilocos, in 1653. he defended the village of pasig against the chinese insurgents of 1639. in 1656 he was appointed procurator-commissary to madrid, but died on shipboard in 1658. see pérez's catálogo, p. 114. [97] alonso clemente was a minister to the bisayan villages of tigbauan (1629), otón (1633, 1650, 1656), laglag and carcar (1645), san nicolás (1647), dumalag (1653); and the tagálog village of parañaque (1659). he died in the bisayas in 1663. see pérez's catálogo, p. 109. [98] josé duque,a native of oropesa, in the province of toledo, professed in the convent of san felipe el real in madrid. he labored in gapán (1650), candaba (1653), pasig (1656), sesmoan (1659, 1677), guagua (1661, 1671, 1681); and was definitor in 1659, prior of guadalupe and cebú in 1662 and 1668 respectively, and provincial four times (1674, 1683, 1688, and 1692). he died in 1695. he had aided in the pacification of pampanga in 1660. see pérez's catálogo, p. 117. [99] antonio carrión became fluent in the bisayan, ilocan, and tagálog tongues. he labored in san nicolás de cebú (1645), tigbauan (1648), otón(1653), dumangas (1656), lauag (1657), quingua (1662), and batác (1665). he was prior of santo niño (1650), and definitor and prior of manila (1660), and died in ilocos in 1665. see pérez's catálogo, p. 192. [100] isidoro rodríguez was born in madrid and took the habit in salamanca in 1639. he ministered in macabebe in 1653, in guagua in 1656, in sesmoan in 1662, and in bacolor in 1665. he was commissary-procurator to madrid and rome in 1666, returning to manila in 1669, when he was appointed definitor. he died in 1671. he was a prudent missionary and did good service in the pampanga insurrection of 1660. see pérez's catálogo, p. 119. [101] francisco roa was born in mexico october 9, 1592, and went to manila at the age of fourteen. he entered the society may 18, 1609. he worked in the bisayan missions, and was prior of the manila convent for six years. during his third provincialate for the philippine province, he set out (january 6, 1660) to visit the missions and colleges of zamboanga, but met his death by shipwreck. see sommervogel's bibliothèque, and murillo velarde's historia, fol. 267-268 verso. [102] josé pimentel was born at portillo, near valladolid, september 20, 1607. he entered upon his novitiate april 24, 1624. while still a scholastic he went to the philippines where he taught grammar. he became procurator of the province and rector of cavite, otón, and antipolo, and master of novices. his death occurred as above. he left a tagálog dictionary and other works. see sommervogel's bibliothèque, and murillo velarde's historia, fol. 268 verso-269. [103] correctly, lorenzo de iba. he was born in caller de cerdeña, and arrived as a lay brother in the philippines in 1651. he was twenty-two years in the society, and on account of his abilities had accompanied miguel solana to macao. see murillo velarde's historia, fol. 269. [104] alonso coronel was a son of the convent of burgos, and after going to the philippines, ministered to the villages of lipa (1639), guiguinto (1642), caruyan (1648), malate (1650), bay (1657), and tambobong (1659), and was preacher in cebú for some time. elected provincial in 1662, he founded new missions in the mountains on the confines of cagayán, and inspired his religious to oppose kue-sing. after his provincialate he lived retired in the manila convent until his death in 1668. see pérez's catálogo, p. 111. [105] gonzalo de la palma was born in toledo. he ministered to the ilocan villages of santa cruz (1636) and bacarra (1638), and was procurator-general in 1642. after having been appointed commissary to madrid in 1644, he returned to the philippines, and was prior of cebú and of sesmoan in 1653; was procurator-general in 1653, and had charge of the villages of malate and batác in 1657 and 1659 respectively; of the priorate of guadalupe, while definitor in 1662; and of the villages of betis (1666) and lubao (1668). he aided in the pacification of the insurgents of 1660, and wrote a book on volcanoes. his death occurred in 1687. [106] luis de medina professed in the sevilla convent in 1630, and went to manila in 1650. that same year he was appointed procurator-general, and afterward directed the ministries of laoag (1654) and dingras (1662). he presided at the chapter of 1665, and died in 1667 of a mental disorder. see pérez's catálogo, p. 122. [107] juan vergara was born in madrid and took the habit in the same city. he labored in agoó (1641), narvacán (1644), bantay and batác (1653 and 1668), candón (1665), lipa (1659), and pasig (1662 and 1671). the office of definitor fell to him in 1668, and he was prior of the manila convent in 1669 and commissary of the holy office. he died in manila in 1675. see pérez's catálogo, p. 111. [108] juan de la isla, native of écija and son of the province of mechoacán, became a minister in aráyat (1645), sesmoán (1647), batác (1650), candón (1653 and 1657), candaba (1656), bantay (1660), bauang (1665), and tagudin (1666). in 1648 he was procurator-general in manila. he died in 1669. see pérez's catálogo, p. 112. [109] benito mena salazar was a native of vigan, the son of a spanish encomendero, and took the habit in manila, june 2, 1659. he ministered in the provinces of ilocos and cagayán, being fluent in the languages of those districts. he made many conversions among the apayaos, and founded the villages of bangui, adán, vera, and bangbang; and ministered in the villages of bacarra (1666 and 1671), sinait (1668), and candón (1669 and 1674). he died in bacarra in 1676. see pérez's catálogo, p. 202. [110] francisco de mesa was born in mexico and professed in manila october 31, 1644. his field of labor lay in dumalag (1656) and laglag (1659). he was killed in 1663 in malonor, a visita of laglag. see pérez's catálogo, p. 199. [111] juan de leiva y de la cerda, marqués de leiva y de la labrada, conde de baños (or, as he is also called, juan de la cueva leiva y labrada) was the twenty-third viceroy of new spain. he committed various arbitrary acts, and otherwise proved his unfitness for his position. his rule lasted, from september 16, 1660 (although he arrived at vera cruz in july) to june 1664, when he was superseded by archbishop osorio. see bancroft's history of mexico, iii, pp. 164-167. [112] the body guard of the spanish monarch was formerly of walloons and was known as the walloon guard. [113] josé paternina, a native of bastida in the province of álava, professed in the convent of badaya. in the philippines he became prior of the convents of san pablo of manila and of guadalupe (1668). he served as commissary of the holy office for some years, but was removed from that post because the tribunal of mexico censured his conduct toward governor diego salcedo (see account of his proceedings against salcedo ante, pp. 23-25). his death occurred in 1674, while en route to nueva españa. see pérez's catálogo, p. 126. see also vol. xxviii, p. 112. [114] before the foundation of the college of valladolid, the father-commissaries of the filipinas admitted youths to the religious habit, and placed them in the novitiates of españa, until they made their profession, which was received by the above-mentioned father-commissaries.--tirso lopez, o.s.a. [115] see vol. xv, pp. 102, 103, note 66; and pp. 102-116. [116] i.e., in san agustin's conquistas de las islas philipinas (madrid, 1698). [117] in the archivo general de indias at sevilla are two manuscript plans (one of manila and the other of cavite) which were made about 1762 by a man of this name, evidently a descendant of the man mentioned here. [118] these are certain villages in the mountains of burgos, adjacent to the domain of vizcaya--the privileges granted to which are enjoyed by these villages, in virtue of letters and concessions from the kings. (dominguez's diccionario nacional.) [119] for sketches of the above religious, see pérez's catálogo, pp. 126-128. [120] a long and unsigned document in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library) ii, pp. 493-618, gives minute details of these events in 1668, and explains thus the controversy between the auditors: salcedo's galleon landed on the cagayán coast, and it became necessary for him and his retinue and soldiers to make the overland trip to manila, carrying thither the money and treasure that he had brought. the trip was long, wearisome, and dangerous; mansilla pushed ahead by other routes to reach manila first, and had his priority officially recorded at once. moreover, mansilla bought up warrants for arrearages of pay due the soldiers, and turned in these for his media anata (see vol. xxiv, p. 307) to the royal treasury; "and with less than 300 pesos he made good his entire media anata, each third of which [alluding to the payment of the year's salary in three instalments] amounted to 909 pesos 7 tomins." but the governor learning of this, obliged him to make good the sum due, in cash. a suit for the priority claimed arose between the auditors, which was decided in favor of coloma. [121] cosme de ays (sic in pérez, not hiz) was a native of valencia, and after going to the philippines labored in the ilocan villages of purao (1641), agoó (1647), tagudín (1650), narvacán (1650-56), bantay (1659), candón (1660), and baoang (1662). he became definitor in 1665, and probably died about the end of 1667, as no further mention is made of him in the books of the order. see pérez's catálogo, p. 114. [122] francisco del moral was a minister to the tagálogs in batangas (1651), bay (1654 and 1668), san pablo (1656), pasig (1666), and malate (1661); and died insane at manila, in 1672. see pérez's catálogo, p. 192. [123] enrique castro was born in madrid. his labors in the philippines extended to the villages of pórac (1647), candaba (1648), apálit (1654), macabebe (1655), méxico (1656), betis (1668), and bacolór (1671). he served as procurator-general in 1654 and was elected definitor in 1665. his death occurred in 1676, and he left several volumes of sermons in the pampango language which are no longer in existence. see pérez's catálogo, p. 116. [124] josé de mendoza was born in 1634, and took the habit in 1651. he ministered in the missions of tanauan (1653), hagonoy (1654 and 1666), parañaque (1656), malolos (1657), tambobong (1669), bauan (1674), purao (1674), and batác (1677). he was elected definitor in 1671, and prior of the manila convent in 1679, where he died that same year. he was an excellent ilocan orator. see pérez's catálogo, p. 125. [125] francisco de medina basco, a native of toledo, performed mission work in the filipino villages of pórac (1642), lubao (1647), guagua (1650), betis (1656), candaba (1657), bacolór (1659), and taguig. he served as definitor for the triennium beginning in 1665, as provincial secretary in 1667, and as provincial in 1671 (being confirmed in that office by the general of all the order, although his election was contested by some as being anticanonical). he died at cebú in 1672. see pérez's catálogo, p. 112. [126] cristóbal marroquín (sic) was born in sevilla and professed in the convent of lima, where he became a lecturer. in the philippines he labored in santa cruz in ilocos (1648); and in the tagálog provinces in tiaong (1651), bauan and minalin (1659), and later at parañaque, bay, pasig, and quingua. he died in 1674. see pérez's catálogo, p. 116. [127] carlos bautista, a native of mexico, professed in manila, october 25, 1642. before his death at tondo in 1681, he had labored in caruyan (1656), sala (1657), tambobong (1662), malate (1663), parañaque (1665, 1674, 1676), taal (1672), quingua (1680), and tondo (1681), besides being definitor in 1680. [128] these are the apayaos, a non-christian tribe living in the district of ayangan, in the comandancia of quiangán (census phil. islands, 19o3, i, p. 469). blumentritt (tribes of philippines, mason's translation) describes them as headhunters and living in the northwestern portion of cagayán in luzón, and adjoining portions of ilocos norte and abra. [129] luke xiv, v. 23. [130] heroes elevated to the rank of gods after their death, and regarded as the patron deities of their country. [131] see albert ernest jenks's excellent monograph "the bontoc igorot," in vol. i of ethnological survey publications (manila, 1905). [132] probably one of the small collections of natives in north luzón. [133] not mentioned by census of philippine islands. blumentritt (tribes of phil.) says that they were originally a heathen malay tribe living in the dense forests of carabello sur in luzón, who were warlike and probably headhunters. they were christianized in the eighteenth century, and although they have a distinct language (sawyer says it has died out), they have become thoroughly tagalized. [134] blumentritt (ut supra) reports this tribe as a headhunting malay people inhabiting the mountain wilds of nueva vizcaya in luzón. they are heathen, only a small portion having embraced christianity. sawyer (inhabitants of philippines, p. 268) says that they resemble the igorots in their customs and religion. [135] estéban marín was a native of the city of mexico, where he professed. he went to the philippines in 1584, and was sent to the igorots and zambals, where he established the villages of bolinao and masinloc and ministered in those of batác, laoag, tagudin, and bantay. he was killed by the igorots in november, 1601, having been sent thither with the punitive expedition (under command of matheo de aranda) by governor francisco tello, while endeavoring to pacify the insurgents by peaceful measures. he left a manuscript grammar and dictionary of the igorot language, a grammar of the zambal and spanish, and several sermons in zambal. see pérez's catálogo, p. 32. [136] referring to the conquistas de las islas philipinas (madrid, 1698) of gaspar de san agustin--of which history diaz's is a continuation. [137] lorenzo herrera was a native of mexico, and professed in manila, october 15, 1643. he worked in the villages of agoó (1656), bocarra (1657, 1668), purao (1659), and narvacán (1665). he performed many notable deeds on the expedition outlined in the text. death met him in 1671. see pérez's catálogo, pp. 198, 199. [138] luis de la fuente was a mexican, and professed in the manila convent, january 25, 1655. he ministered in the ilocan villages of agoó (1659), purao (1662), sinait (1663, 1677), dingras (1666), bocarra (1669), and candón (1675). he was captured in the uprising of the pangasináns and zambals in 1660, but was freed. his death occurred in 1680. see pérez's catálogo, p. 201. [139] gabriel alvarez was born in manila, and professed there september 27, 1663. he was minister in the village of sinait in 1665, when ordered to accompany the expedition under pedro durán de monforte, returning thither in 1609 and dying in 1671. see pérez's catálogo, p. 204. [140] since 1880 permanent missions of the augustinians have been established in cayang and other neighboring tribes.--tirso lopez, o.s.a. [141] lauan (anisoptera thurifera: blume) of the family of dipterocarpaceae, used for shipbuilding and house construction. [142] andrés salazar ministered in gapán (1647), aráyat (1648), pórac (1650), minalin (1653), apálit (1656), betis (1657), caodaba (1662), macabebe (1665), bacolór (1668), and hagonoy (1674). he was elected definitor in 1668. during the insurrection of 1660 in panipanga, he aided in the pacification of the insurgents. he died in the manila convent in 1674. see perez's catálogo, pp. 121, 122. [143] pedro de mesa was born in valverde in the province of burgos and took the habit in valladolid in 1635. he labored in carcar (1651, 1659), guimbál (1654), tigbauan (1656), jaro (1663), panay (1665-71), dumarao (1664), lipa (1669), and malate (1680, 1689). he was subprior of the convent of manila in 1662, prior of the same convent (1668), visitor and vicar-provincial, and twice definitor (1668, 1678); and died in the manila convent, in 1692. see perez's catálogo, p. 118. [144] so in the printed text; but there is apparently a hiatus, a name being omitted--that of the visitor's companion. cf. the account here given by diaz of the shipwreck suffered by godínez, in which his secretary was drowned. huerta does not mention antonio godínez. according to reseña biográfica, the dominican calderon first came to the islands in 1658. [145] spanish pintados; it may mean "tattooed." [146] perhaps the celebrated prospero fagnani, a canonist of the seventeenth century who was regarded at rome as an oracle on all legal questions. he was secretary to several popes for about fifteen years. blindness seized him at the age of forty-four, but he composed his commentaria super quinque libros decretalium (rome, 1661) after that time. he died in 1678. see rose's new general biographical dictionary (london, 1848). [147] manuel quintero went to manila in 1669, where he was appointed conventual of guadalupe. see pérez's catálogo, p. 185. [148] numerous currents are set up, through the passage among the islands, by the great equatorial current which crosses the pacific from east to west, dividing east of the philippines. surface drifts are also set in motion by the southwest wind in summer and fall, which make the currents in various directions among the islands at certain times of the year. these small currents have much influence on the climate, those in the san bernardino strait affecting the peninsula of sorsogón and the north coast of samar. tides in the philippines are exceedingly irregular, varying greatly in different places, owing to the directions in which tidal waves move, and differing also greatly at different times of the month. see census of philippine islands (washington, 1905), pp. 56, 90, 91. [149] jerónimo ramos had labored in the missions of taguig (1650), malolos (1653), and bauan in batangas (1654-62). in 1662 he retired to the manila convent, where he died in 1668. see pérez's catálogo, p. 109. [150] the previously-cited document in ventura del arco mss. ascribes (pp. 502-512) salcedo's unpopularity to his being unable to satisfy the extravagant expectations of persons who demanded from him offices and opportunities for gain; dislike of him by the priests and friars; the resentment of traders with whom his proceedings interfered; jealousy of his flemish dependents; his severe enforcement of certain decrees; the plots and schemes of bonifaz and others; and his own arrogance, and self-will. [151] salcedo's enemies concocted the scheme of imprisoning him, "on the pretext of his arrest being made by the inquisition, and on a complaint [of his acting] contrary to the christian faith," as this would silence all opposition or any attempt to rescue him. they gained over the master-of-camp, zepeda, who on the appointed night stationed his nephew's company on guard at the palace, to which he himself repaired--allowing the conspirators to reach the governor's room unhindered. through the friars who were concerned in the plot, they summoned many of the leading citizens--under penalty of excommunication for any one who should reveal the matter, or fail to be present that night at the augustinian convent at a set (and unusual) hour--to assist the commissary of the inquisition in the arrest of a prominent but unnamed personage on charges concerning the holy faith. in order to give further coloring of reason for this arrest, they consulted beforehand the auditors bonifaz and mansilla, and the audiencia fiscal, doctor francisco corbera y mejia--"not as officials of the audiencia, but as lawyers"--all of whom were enemies of the governor. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 528-531.) [152] the lay-brother juan panés was born in rota in the province of cadiz, and took the habit in manila, may 3, 1652, being appointed procurator in the manila convent. he died august 6, 1695, from mental disorder. see pérez's catálogo, p. 200. [153] this man is thus characterized in ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 512: "in the same ship sailed [to manila, 1666] also father fray mateo vallo [elsewhere ballon], commissary of the band of religious of st. francis that it bore. he belonged to a foreign nation, and had a turbulent disposition. after having roamed about the world while he was a layman, he came to these islands as a trader, where, during the government of don diego fajardo, this man was sentenced to the gallows. having accidentally escaped that punishment, he took refuge with the order of st. francis, where he assumed their habit; and in course of time his order sent him to españa, to bring over the said religious." [154] montero y vidal says (hist. de filipinas, i, p. 335): "father patermina [sic] threatened with the terrors of the holy office an old woman who looked after the governor's comfort, commanding her to open the door of his chamber at a signal agreed upon." [155] cf. the account of salcedo's arrest given ante, pp. 23-29. [156] salcedo was taken to the franciscan convent, and immediately the conspirators celebrated the event with suppers and the drinking of toasts through the night, according to previous arrangements made by them. "in this manner did the fathers of st. francis return his pious act, and the alms of 5,000 pesos which he had just given them for the building of their church." ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 532.) [157] diego luis de san vítores, s. j., was born at burgos, november 12, 1627, and entered the society july 25, 1647. after having taught philosophy at alcalá de henares, he sailed for mexico, may 14, 1660, and in 1662 went to the philippines. he became the greatest missionary to the mariana or ladrone islands. he was killed april 2, 1672, at guam. he left a number of writings. his life was written by francisco garcía and published at madrid in 1683. see sommervogel's bibliothèque; and murillo velarde's historia, fol. 314-331 verso. the evangelization of the marianas will be treated separately in this series if space permit. [158] xavier de riquelme was born in murcia in 1619, and became a jesuit novice at the age of fifteen. he came to the philippines in 1643, and taught in the jesuit college some ten years. he was rector at zamboanga three years, and held various official positions in his order, among them that of provincial. he died at manila, may 24, 1692. (murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 369.) [159] pedro de espinar was born at toledo, march 27, 1630; at the age of seventeen he entered the jesuit order, and in 1653 he came to the philippines, where he professed in 1664. he ministered in the visayas during ten years, and was procurator of his province eight years. going to madrid and rome as procurator-general of the province, he afterward exercised that office for the indias--first in sevilla, where he spent eight years; and afterward in madrid, where he died in 1695. (murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 369 verso.) [160] on february 26, 1669, the minor children of mansilla presented a petition demanding their father's release. the usurper, suspecting that corbera, the royal fiscal, had drawn up this document, arrested him and confiscated his goods; then brought suit against him, employing false and bribed witnesses. on the night of march 2, corbera, hearing that bonifaz was preparing to banish him, escaped through a window, and fled for refuge to the jesuit church at san miguel, without the walls of manila, where he remained in the sanctuary. on june 25 he died, his death being hastened by the anxiety and suffering caused by bonifaz's treatment of him. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 604, 605, 613, 614.) [161] i.e., "as many opinions as there are persons." [162] of interest in the controversies aroused by the usurpation of the governorship of the philippines after the arrest of diego salcedo is the following document, issued by the franciscans of manila. similar documents were issued also by the recollects on june 10, and by the dominicans on june 11. all three originals are owned by mr. edward e. ayer of chicago, and we translate directly therefrom. "we, father fray pedro bautista, calificador of the holy inquisition, and provincial minister of the province of san gregorio of the philipinas islands of the discalced religious of the glorious father st. francis, and father fray juan de jerez, lecturer on sacred theology, and guardian in this convent of manila of the same order, testify that we personally know licentiate don francisco de montemayor y mansilla, member of his majesty's council, and his auditor in the royal audiencia and chancilleria resident in the islands. he is very upright and disinterested, and shows great prudence and energy in the despatch of all causes and business. on all occasions he manifests the great facility that his long study and experience have acquired for him. he is modest and peaceable in behavior, and thus of easy access to all who go to him. he gives an ear to their affairs very willingly, and with all justice, for with his grace nothing is more esteemed than justice. consequently, his able and honest method of procedure in the duties in his charge, and especially his close attention to the duties of the audiencia and the other things in his care, make him beloved by all the community. in the many commissions that have been charged to him, we have seen him despatch them with great expedition and maturity of judgment. we have heard all the above declared by several persons on certain occasions; and, inasmuch as we feel what all men feel we most solemnly asseverate it, and attest that thus we do believe. we give the present with our signatures attached, in manila, june nine, one thousand six hundred and fifty-five. "fray pedro baptista, provincial minister. "fray juan xerez, guardian of manila. [portion of signature illegible.] "in testimony of truth, "nicolas de herrera, public and royal notary." this is followed by a notarial attestation, signed by three notaries, declaring the validity of all documents that pass before alférez nicolas de herrera. [163] the battle of lützen, in which gustavus adolphus of sweden was slain, occurred on november 16, 1632. that of nördlingen was fought (september 5-6, 1634) by the swedish troops under gustav horn and bernard, duke of weimar, against ferdinand of hungary, son of emperor ferdinand ii and fernando of spain, a brother of felipe iv--a cardinal in the church as well as a prince (infante) of spain. at nördlingen the swedes were defeated with great loss, including the capture of their leader horn. [164] the new governor, manuel de leon, reached manila on september 24, 1669. he at once recalled all the refugees and exiles. mansilla came back december 6, and promptly made complaint before the governor against the usurping auditor and his accomplices. bonifaz accordingly took refuge in the franciscan convent, where he continued to cause disquiet and commotions among the people. (ventura del arco mss., ii, pp. 614-617.) [165] i.e., "lese-majesty in the first degree". [166] the usurper, with little experience or ability in matters of government, accomplished little that was of use, but spent much money; but "he oppressed and burdened more than ever the provinces and the indians, under pretext of cutting timber for building ships and for making the port of cavite secure with palisades--a task of the utmost hardship for the poor wretches." (ventura del arco mss., ii, p. 581.) [167] the translation of the title-page of this book is as follows: "historical, political, ethical, and religious treatises on the monarchy of china. a brief description of that empire and curious instances regarding the emperors and magistrates of that country. accompanied by a diffuse narrative of various events and singular things in other kingdoms, and various voyages. the pontifical decrees and propositions authorized in roma for the chinese mission are added, and a bull of our most holy father clemente x, in favor of the missionaries. by the father master fray domingo fernandez navarrete, professor of morning classes in the college and university of santo thomàs of manila, apostolic missionary in great china, superior of those of his mission, and procurator-general in the court of madrid for the province of santo rosario of filipinas, of the order of preachers. he dedicates his work to the most serene don juan of austria. year 1676. with license. madrid, in the royal printing-house. printed by juan garcia infançon. at the expense of florian anisson, bookseller." domingo fernandez navarrete, a native of peñafiel in the province of valladolid and diocese of palencia, and a son of the convent at the same place (december 8, 1635), after having studied in the college at valladolid became lecturer on philosophy in the same institution. on arriving at the philippines he was first assigned to the tagálog missions, and immediately appointed lecturer in theology in the college of santo tomás of manila; but he was sent to the province of bataan because of his poor health. soon, however, his superiors were compelled to reappoint him to the chair in the college, for the same reason. taking advantage of the summer vacation, the zealous father went to the mindoro missions, where he labored and suffered considerably; and in 1653 he went to macasar, whence he had to return without accomplishing anything. his ill health continuing, he was forced to try to return to his convent in spain. he was detained for some time in macasar, and there, fearing the long journey ahead of him, determined to go to china by way of macao--reaching the city of fogan november 3, 1658, after many sufferings. applying himself to the study of the chinese language, he mastered it in both the written and spoken forms. although he could have escaped at the outbreak of the persecution of christians in 1664, he refused to do so, and was arrested in february, 1665. july 8 of that year he was taken to peking with other dominicans. being condemned to exile, he left peking, september 13, 1665, and remained in canton until 1669, when he secretly set out for manila. on reaching macao, he determined to return to europe instead of to manila, finally arriving at lisbon in 1672. he reached madrid in may of that year, and rome (his objective point) on january 6, 1673. after his return to madrid (within sixteen months), he exercised the duties of procurator-general for the philippine province. in 1677 he was appointed bishop of isla española, where he arrived in 1678. he died in 1689, aged over seventy. he wrote three volumes of his voyages, but only two of them were printed; these appeared in several languages. he also wrote various things in the chinese language. see reseña biográfica, i, pp. 455-459. [168] near the end of the preceding chapter, our author states that the name acapulco "means, in the language of that country, 'mouth of hell.'" [169] that is, the native has to supply the rice, and is (at least nominally) credited with it on an account; but he receives no return for it until the royal officials choose to pay. [170] spanish arraezes: a term applied to the captains of moorish vessels; here probably referring to the captains of the champans or other small vessels sent to convey the rice, etc., levied from the natives. [171] as much ground as two mules or two oxen can plow in one day. [172] i.e., "when he lived in honor, he did not understand." [173] spanish, assegurare en los estriuos--literally, "to keep himself safe in the stirrups." the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xiv, 1606-1609 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xiv preface 9 documents of 1605 complaints against the archbishop. pedro de acuña, and others; manila, july 1-4 29 relations with the chinese. pedro de acuña, and others; manila, july 4 and 5 38 letters to felipe iii. pedro de acuña, manila, july 1-15 53 documents of 1606 the dominican mission of 1606. diego aduarte, o.p., and others; 1604-06 81 the dutch factory at tidore. joan ----; tidore, march 16 112 the sangley insurrection of 1603. miguel rodriguez de maldonado; sevilla, 1606 119 letter from the audiencia to felipe iii. telles de almaçan, and others; manila, july 6 140 letter from the fiscal to felipe iii. rodrigo diaz guiral; manila, july 149 the terrenate expedition. council of the indias; san lorenzo, august 5 and 15 173 decree establishing a way-station for philippine vessels on the california coast. felipe iii; san lorenzo el real, august 19 182 chinese immigration in the philippines. pedro muñoz de herrera, and others; july-november 189 letter to acuña. felipe iii; ventosilla, november 4 193 documents of 1607 petition for a grant to the jesuit seminary in leyte. madrid, january 18 199 artillery at manila in 1607. alonso de biebengud; manila, july 6 201 letter from audiencia to felipe iii, on the confraternity of la misericordia. pedro hurtado desquivel; manila, july 11 208 trade of the philippines with mexico. madrid, december 18 214 passage of missionaries via the philippines to japan. conde de lemos, and others; madrid, 1606-07 218 documents of 1608-09 annual receipts and expenditures of the philippine government. pedro de caldierva de mariaca; manila, aug. 18, 1608 243 decrees regarding way-station for philippine vessels. felipe iii; [aranjuez.], september 27, 1608, and san lorenzo, may 13, 1609 270 letters to juan de silva. felipe iii; may 26 and july 29, 1609 278 expeditions to the province of tuy. juan manuel de la vega; passi, july 3, 1609 281 petition of a filipino chief for redress. miguel banal; quiapo, july 25, 1609 327 despatch of missionaries to the philippines. diego aduarte, and others; [1608-09?] 330 bibliographical data 339 illustrations aqvapolqve (view of harbor of acapulco, mexico); photographic facsimile of engraving in levinus hulsius's _eigentliche uund wahrhaftige beschreibung_ (franckfurt am mayne, m. dc. xx), p. 60; from copy in library of harvard university 103 view of japanese champan; photographic facsimile of engraving in t. de bry's _peregrinationes_, 1st ed. (amsterdame, 1602), tome xvi, no. iv--"voyage faict entovr de l'univers par sr. olivier dv nort"--p. 42; from copy in boston public library 223 preface the documents here presented range from 1605 to 1609. many of them concern the chinese revolt of 1603 and its results, of which much apprehension still exists; but the threatened danger passes away, and the ordinances excluding the sangleys from the islands are so relaxed that soon the parián is as large as in 1603. the usual difficulties between the ecclesiastical and the secular authorities continue; and to the religious orders represented in the islands is added a new one, that of the discalced augustinians, or recollects. acuña conducts an expedition to drive out the dutch from the moluccas, and soon afterward dies. various commercial restrictions hinder the prosperity of the islands; and the new fiscal, guiral, complains of various illegal and injurious proceedings on the part of officials. the expenses of government are nearly double the amount of the revenues. the province of cagayán is explored by certain private adventurers, attracted by the prospect of gold-mines. in july, 1605, several letters of complaint against the archbishop of manila are sent to the king, acuña writes that benavides is arrogant and self-willed, and quarrels with everyone; and suggests that hereafter bishops for the islands be selected more carefully. the provincial and other high officials of the augustinian order state that the archbishop's rash utterances had much to do with precipitating the chinese insurrection, and that his quarrels with the governor are unnecessary and notorious--moreover, he opposes their order in every way; and they ask the king to interpose his authority and restrain benavides. at the same time the audiencia complain that he interferes with their proceedings, treats them with little respect, and assumes precedence of them to which he is not entitled. interesting documents of similar date touch on the relations of the colony with the chinese. the archbishop appeals to the audiencia, in memorials presented june 10 and 13, to accede to the demands of the chinese emperor by making restitution to the chinese merchants for property of theirs left in manila at the time of the insurrection and sold by the spaniards; and by sending back to their own country those chinese survivors of the revolt who were sentenced to the galleys. the letter sent to acuña in march, 1605, by a chinese official is now answered by the governor (apparently at the beginning of july). he blames the portuguese of macao for not having delivered the letters to chinese officials which he wrote after the sangley insurrection of 1603; and claims that the chinese slain therein were themselves to blame for their deaths. to maintain this position, he cites the kindness with which the chinese in the islands were treated by the spaniards; and declares that they revolted without provocation, and killed or abused many spaniards and indians, and that the survivors were punished with great leniency. he sends a part of the money due to chinese merchants who owned property in the islands, and promises to send the rest next year. a letter from one of the auditors at manila informs the king that the number of chinese allowed to remain there is now (1605) restricted to one thousand five hundred. letters from acuña (july 1-15) to the king give his usual yearly report of affairs. reënforcements of troops have arrived from mexico, very opportunely for the expedition which acuña is preparing for the recovery of ternate. he details these preparations, and the condition of his troops and ships. he complains of the opposition which he has encountered from the archbishop and the auditor maldonado. various private persons have volunteered to go with him, carrying their own provisions. he plans to leave panay in february, 1606; and has been informed that the dutch are preparing a large fleet to drive the spaniards from the maluco islands, and to establish themselves more firmly there than before. acuña needs more money, to pay his troops in the maluco campaign; he asks for further supplies, urges the desirability of cutting off the dutch from their treasury of the spice islands, and recommends a vigorous prosecution of hostilities against them. he recommends better adjustment of the soldiers' pay. in another letter acuña reports the failure of this year's trading voyage to mexico, one of the ships being compelled to return to port and the other being probably lost--which causes the utmost distress and poverty in the islands. acuña relates the non-residence in the islands of gabriel de ribera, in consequence of which his encomiendas have been taken from him and given to others. the moro pirates are apparently disposed to make peace, so acuña is discussing this with them; but he has little confidence in their promises, except as he can inspire them with fear. the difficulties arising from the slaughter of the chinese in their revolt of 1603 have been a source of much anxiety to the spaniards; but these are in a fair way to be settled. the fiscal, salazar y salcedo, has died; and the audiencia has appointed temporarily to that post rodrigo diaz guiral, whom acuña highly commends. the governor complains that the archbishop has been meddling with his appointments of chaplains for the galleys. he also asks for money to maintain galleys for the defence of the islands. in a third letter acuña complains of the unjust and tyrannical conduct of the auditor maldonado, and asks for redress from the king. this evil conduct has been especially noticeable in maldonado's efforts to secure the hand and property of a wealthy minor heiress. a group of documents relating to the dominican mission which reached the islands in 1606 depict the difficulties, besides the long and toilsome voyages, which the missionaries encountered on their journey to the other side of the world. diego aduarte, one of the most noted of the dominican missionaries in the far east, is in charge of a reënforcement to go to the philippines, and applies (at some time in 1604) to the officials of the treasury in spain for the money necessary for their expenses in this journey; a grant for this is made. he furnishes a list of the friars who are to go with him, with the names of the convents that send them. in a document written by aduarte (january 20, 1605) he relates at length "the difficulties of conducting religious to the philippine islands." the hardships and perils of the long voyage daunt many at the start, and he who is in charge of them must use great discretion in managing them. at the court, he cannot get his documents without much importunity, locomotion, and red tape, and long and tedious delays. the sum of money allowed for the traveling expenses of the missionaries to sevilla is far too small; and, arriving there, they encounter more red tape and delays. besides, the amount granted for provisions on the voyage is utterly insufficient, as is also the allowance for the friars' support while waiting for the departure of the fleet. the royal council requires that the list of missionaries be submitted to it for approval which cannot well be done in the short time which they spend at sevilla; besides, they are unnecessarily annoyed by the examination to which the council subjects them. those who finally reach the port of departure are confronted by extortionate demands for fees, which are renewed in mid-ocean, and again on landing in nueva españa, at mexico, and at acapulco; and at all these places, the missionaries encounter afresh the annoyances and hindrances which had beset them in spain. aduarte makes vigorous complaint about these difficulties, and requests the government to make less rigorous rules and more liberal allowances for the missionaries; this petition is partially granted by the authorities. while the spanish expedition to the moluccas is at tidore, one of the dutch prisoners is interrogated (march 16, 1606), and his deposition gives various interesting particulars as to the plans and actions of the dutch in the spice islands. he explains the treaty made by them with the ruler of tidore, the goods brought by the dutch for this trade, and their intention of establishing a colony in those islands. another account of the chinese insurrection of 1603 is here presented (at this point, because printed in 1606), written by a soldier in the philippines, but edited by one maldonado. he describes, in a plain and simple narrative, the circumstances of that revolt; and many of these are not found in the official reports (see _vol_. xii). for instance, he relates that a great many religious took part in the defence of manila; he gives details of each battle with the chinese, and tells of their attacking the city with machines which overtopped the walls; and describes the sack of the parian, the slaughter of the chinese in the villages beyond, and the execution of the ring-leaders. at the end of the narrative of the insurrection some additional information is given. the governor sends an envoy to china with the news of this tragic affair. the writer relates bits of news which have come from china to manila--of ravages occasioned therein by floods, earthquakes, and a war with the japanese. in a letter dated july 6, 1606, the audiencia informs felipe iii of the death of governor acuña. new regulations for the commerce of the islands have been received from spain, of which complaints are made. the amount of the mexican trade has been limited to two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and the returns therefor to five hundred thousand pesos; the citizens of the islands claim that this restricts their profits too much, and that they should be permitted to invest a larger sum. this liberty will tend to increase not only their prosperity, but the number of new settlers in the islands. the proposal to send on each ship from the islands fifty soldiers is quite impracticable, as the ships are too small and crowded. instead of paying to the men and subordinate officers the salaries and wages proposed by the government, it is better to continue the present system of allowing each to do a little trading for himself. the auditors recommend that some changes be made in the duties levied on goods, which are onerous on the merchants. by the same mail goes a letter from the new fiscal, reporting to the king the condition of affairs in the islands. he complains that the sangreys are allowed to remain in manila, and that this is done by the audiencia without heeding the remonstrances of the city officials and himself. many chinese also come without registry, evading even the slight restrictions heretofore imposed. their number is steadily increasing, and the parian is now as large as it was when the revolt occurred. he advises further and more severe restrictions on the chinese immigration. guiral also notifies the king that the laws regarding the succession to encomiendas are being constantly violated; and recommends that all which are wrongly held shall be declared vacant and be reassigned. the encomenderos resent his enforcement of the royal decree that they should furnish to the priests who instruct their indians wine for celebrating mass. he recommends that the matter of granting offices to small encomenderos be further examined. the increase in extent and number of the cattle-farms near manila causes much damage to the indians and guiral recommends that these farms be abandoned within a certain distance of all towns. the peaceful pampango indians are frequently harassed by the head-hunting zambales; the only way to stop this is to allow the latter to be enslaved by anyone who will capture them. certain questions regarding the status of children of slaves should now be settled. guiral makes various recommendations as to the sale of offices and the use of certain funds. the seminary of santa potenciana recently lost its house by fire, which has since been rebuilt; the king is asked to aid it. a public-spirited citizen of manila has established a hospital for spanish women, and royal aid is asked for this also. the hospital for spaniards is not properly cared for, and the king is asked to send over hospital brethren of the order of st. john of god. the guardians of minors often prove unfit for such trust, and they should be called to account by the audiencia. disputes having arisen over the rights and prerogatives of the audiencia in case of their succession _ad interim_ to the government of the islands, guiral asks for the royal decision of such questions. the fiscal complains of the tyrannical conduct of many friars, especially among the augustinians, toward the indians; he has opposed this as much as possible, but asks further redress from the king. the coming of the discalced augustinians (recollects) has been a useful check on the other branch of that order, especially on its arrogant provincial, lorenzo de león--of whose unlawful acts guiral complains, and demands an investigation. he has obliged the stray indians about manila to return to their native places; and he asks that those who are retained for the service of the religious orders shall be kept within the allotted number, and that the friars be compelled to pay these servants fairly. the audiencia has allowed gabriel de ribera to resume his encomiendas, vacated by his illegal absence from the islands; and the fiscal asks for correction of this procedure. he advises the king to refuse the claims made by figueroa's heirs for release from the debts incurred by the conquest of mindanao; and states that tello and morga are the ones responsible for part of these expenses, and for others which were paid from the royal treasury by the audiencia. guiral ends by requesting permission to leave the islands as soon as a permanent appointment to his office of fiscal can be made. proceedings in the council of the indias (august 5 and 15, 1606) deal with acuña's effort to recover the maluco islands, from, the dutch, summarizing his letters of july 1-7, 1605, and recommending the measures to be taken by the spanish government in regard to it. later advices emphasize acuña's statements as to the gravity of the situation in the spice islands. the council commend acuña's action, and advise the king to further his efforts and supply him (from mexico) with troops and money. the council of state act thereon, seconding these recommendations, and advising that the archbishop and the audiencia of manila be warned not to meddle with affairs of war. of special interest to american readers is a royal decree (august 19, 1606) addressed to governor acuña, establishing "a way station for philippine vessels on the californian coast". the king recounts the results of vizcaino's exploration on that coast in 1602, and the advantages of monterey as such station. it is believed that gold abounds in that region, and that many other advantages would accrue from a settlement there. the king appoints monterey as a way-station for the philippine vessels, and vizcaino as the commander of the expedition to establish it; and directs acuña to send with him two men from the philippines to learn all that is necessary about the new station, so that they may command the next galleons from manila. the chinese immigration to the islands continues, the official statement for 1606 showing that over six thousand five hundred land at manila in that year. on november 4 following, felipe iii sends warning to acuña not to allow any more of them to remain than are necessary for the service of the community. the king also writes a letter of the same date to the governor, commending his action in sending troops to defend samar from the moros, in reducing the expenses of government, and in various other matters; and gives directions for rebuilding the hospital and for certain other measures. on january 18, 1607, the request of the jesuits for confirmation of a grant in aid of their seminary for the indians in leyte is approved by the royal council. a report is made (july 6) by the chief of artillery, showing the number and description of pieces which are mounted on all the fortifications at manila--in all eighty-three pieces, of various sizes and power. at the king's command, the audiencia furnish (july 11) a statement of the aim, scope, and labors of the charitable confraternity, la misericordia, at manila. it has one hundred and fifty brethren; they have established and maintained a hospital for women and a ward therein for slaves, besides their principal labors for the succor of the poor and needy of all classes. they provide food and water for the poor prisoners, aid to the inmates of santa potenciana, and homes for orphan boys; and assist many transient persons. they also settle many quarrels and reclaim dissolute persons. the question of restricting trade between the spanish colonies is discussed by the council of the indias (december 18, 1607); they think it necessary to restrict trade to some extent, but hesitate to take too vigorous measures. at various times (1606-07) the council of the indias deliberate on the question whether religious shall be permitted to go to japan via the philippines. certain objections to this are stated (may 30, 1606); that the japanese suspect the spaniards of desiring to conquer their country; that the constant flow of mexican silver to china should be stopped; that the jesuits, who are already established in japan, desire to exclude the other orders from that country; and that the portuguese desire to keep out all spaniards from both japan and china. the council answer all these objections, and recommend that religious be required to go to japan via manila, but to embark there in japanese, not castilian, vessels. ten months later (march 31, 1607) the same matter is again brought forward; and, as before, the council of portugal object to the entrance of castilian religious into japan. the council of the indias oppose this view, citing the profitable commerce of the philippine islands with japan, recently begun; the successful work of the religious orders there, and the need of more missionaries in that broad field. they adhere to their former opinion regarding the passage of the religious to japan, and recommend that the philippines be allowed at least a moderate trade with that country. both these reports are discussed in the council of state (september 7 and december 20, 1607), where complaint is made against the methods of the jesuit missionaries in japan; and the king is advised to allow religious from other orders to enter that field, and to prohibit trade from the philippines to japan, the king thereupon requests from rome the revocation of the briefs obliging friars to go to japan via india, and a new one placing this matter in felipe's hands. an itemized statement of the "annual receipts and expenditures of the philippine government" (august 18, 1608) enumerates these. the receipts comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenths of gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and fines from the courts. all these sources of income amount to over one hundred and twenty thousand pesos. then are mentioned, in order, the expenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and other local magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, and others; supplies in the ship-yards, etc., and purchases for various purposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churches and missions. to these are added "extraordinary expenses:" the cost of embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors of tribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers; and salaries to the wardens of forts. all these expenses amount to over two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more than twice as much as the income. felipe iii writes to velasco, the viceroy of nueva españa (september 27 1608), regarding the proposed way-station for philippine vessels. after summarizing a letter on this subject from velasco's predecessor, montesclaros, the king approves the latter's advice to choose, as such way-station, the islands called rica de oro and rica de plata (afterward found to be fabulous) instead of monterey; and orders velasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, the enterprise to be conducted by sebastian vizcaino. another decree (may 3, 1609) states that, as velasco has not carried out this order, and advices have been received that the said exploration and settlement should be made from the philippines, the king decides upon this latter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands of the governor of the islands. letters from the king (may 26 and july 29) to juan de silva, the new governor of the islands, direct him not to allow the indians to pay their tributes in personal services, and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the dominicans to found a college in the islands. explorations have been made at different times along the rio grande de cagayán, in the northern part of luzon. an account of these, with later information, is compiled by juan manuel de la vega (july 3, 1609). he gives a brief summary of the efforts made by lavezaris, vera, and dasmariñas to bring this province under spanish control. the third of these (july, 1591), under the command of luis dasmariñas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of the rio grande. he secures the submission of various native villages, and treats the natives with great leniency. a few weeks later, francisco de mendoca follows on the route, and finds the indians hostile, refusing even to sell him food. not finding dasmariñas (the main object of his expedition), he follows the rio grande to the city of nueva segovia, thus ending his journey. in november of the same year, pedro sid goes with some soldiers to tuy, and now finds the natives friendly. he finds gold among them, which they tell him is brought from the country of igorrotes. he makes some further explorations, and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. three years later, luis dasmariñas sends toribio de miranda (october, 1594), with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the province of tuy. the natives are apparently peaceable, but several instances of treachery occur, and the spaniards are obliged to be on their guard continually. as in the other accounts, mention is made of each village visited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. at anit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals; "such was their custom". at bantal miranda builds a fort, and requires hostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. at agulan the little children are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, "good enough to be worn in madrid". at tuguey and some other villages the natives resist the entrance of the spaniards, but are terrified at the sound of firearms, and quickly yield submission. retracing their route, the spaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are now revolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, and send him to manila. the governor feasts him there, and sends him back to his own village, apparently well pleased with the spaniards. miranda searches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick and discouraged, as also are his friars, returns to manila. captain clavijo is sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, being assaulted by more than a thousand indians. in 1607 many chiefs from tuy come to manila and offer their submission to the spaniards; but the audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. later, those chiefs send requests to manila for protection and religious instruction. the richness and fertility of their country is described; and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacent mountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by the natives. these are igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs some mention is made. as they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry, it will be easy to make christians of them. there is great reason to believe that the igorrote country abounds in gold. to this account are appended several others bearing on this subject. one of these relates the circumstances which induced dasmariñas to explore tuy; another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him by his father the governor. these are followed by a curious document, apparently written by vega on behalf of himself and others interested in the conquest of tuy and the igorrote gold country, and addressed to some high official in spain--perhaps lerma, the favorite of felipe  iii. it contains further stipulations, in matters affecting the interests of these parties. a suitable reward shall be given, in the form of small shares in the galleon's cargo, to the officers and men who serve in the expedition to tuy; and these must be used only in certain specified ways. these promoters ask for authority to appoint the officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conquered country, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided from the royal treasury. if they have important despatches to send to spain, they wish to send them directly from the pacific coast of luzon, rather than via manila. if they shall succeed in pacifying those barbarous tribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas, at their own pleasure. they also ask for commutation of the royal fifth of gold to one tenth. still another list of stipulations is given, also over vega's signature. the promoters of the tuy scheme demand that answer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be released from all obligations. the cost of this conquest should be borne by the royal treasury. vega commends himself and his associate--some man of affairs--as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royal sanction be speedily given to it. the boundaries of the province of tuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding the encomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be granted to vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers. on july 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by miguel banal (a descendant of the moro ruler dispossessed by legaspi at manila), praying for redress against the jesuits for depriving him and other indians at quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate this matter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. the dominican missionary aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, but of 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to the mission of 1606 had remained in nueva españa, instead of completing the voyage to the philippines. some died on the way, some failed to reach the port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionaries was too small to carry all of them. aduarte remonstrates against the embarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionaries have had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowance made for their traveling expenses--illustrating this from his own and others' experiences. this is followed by a request from the discalced augustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to send more of their friars to the philippines. _the editors_ april, 1904. documents of 1605 complaints against the archbishop. pedro de acuña, and others; july 1-4. relations with the chinese. pedro de acuña, and others; july 4 and 5. letters to felipe iii. pedro de acuña; july 1-15. _source_: all these documents are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first letter in the second document, and the first two in the third, are translated by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the remainder, by robert w. haight and emma helen blair. complaints against the archbishop sire: ever since i began to have dealings with the archbishop don fray miguel de benavides, and have recognized his temper, i have perceived the difficulties that he would cause me; accordingly, i have always acted with great moderation and care. but the occasions which he gives for such caution are so many that great patience is necessary to bear them; for he persuades himself that everything, both spiritual and temporal, pertains to him, and that there is not a king, or patronage, or audiencia that can change his will as to what he will do. it therefore results that he very often has quarrels with the audiencia, with me, with the orders, and with all those of his church; and nothing occurs in connection with the patronage which he does not desire to adjudicate, so it is on that subject that he has had controversies with me. his scruples are insufferable, and they are continually increasing; accordingly, we dread the lengths to which they may carry him. notwithstanding that he is a religious who is greatly respected, and one of learning and exemplary life, and has always had this reputation, i believe that he would be better in his cell than in the archbishopric or bishopric; and that it would be much better for his conscience and peace of mind, and that this commonwealth would gain much thereby. it is noticeable that his order, knowing him as they do, and regarding him as of good character and reputation, as i have said, have never employed him in any way in their government, as they do not find him qualified for it. i beg your majesty to be pleased to order that he shall not meddle in those affairs which do not concern him, and that he shall be quiet and treat me and the auditors with respect; and that he avoid disputes and quarrels, since from them can result nothing but evil to the service of god and your majesty, and scandal to the public. your majesty may believe that what i write here is stated with the utmost moderation, considering the outrages which he has committed. i therefore doubt not that many complaints of his proceedings will be sent. the audiencia have grievances, and sometimes have been so provoked that they have been at the point of sharply correcting him; but some of them are afraid of him for private reasons, and dare not do so. in order not to stumble against such obstacles, i take it to be an efficacious remedy, for the future, that your majesty should not appoint to the archbishopric or bishoprics of these islands friars who have been trained in these islands without first obtaining a report from the audiencia of their qualifications and experience in government. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, according to the needs of christendom. manila, the first of july, 1605. _don pedro de acuña_ [_in the margin_: "have all the letters which treat of this, and those which concern the archbishop placed together, and have them taken to the council."] [_endorsed_: "manila, to his majesty; 1605, don pedro de acuña, the first of july; writes about the archbishop." "july 21, 1606, examined, and decreed within."] sire: in countries so remote as are these philipinas islands, and which lie so far from the royal presence of your majesty, we are bound, not only by our obligation, but in conscience as well, by our feelings in regard to the sights that every day meet our eyes, and by the commands laid upon us by special instruction from your majesty and your presidents and auditors, always to give information [of affairs here]. we do so, likewise, in order to secure the aid of the relief which faithful vassals ought to look and hope for in their hardships and calamities from their natural king and lord--whose light, like that of the sun, ought to be equally communicated to all; and whose fatherly protection it is just that we should recognize on all occasions which arise, since we cannot appear personally before the feet of your majesty. yet doing what we can in this, we present ourselves with due submission, giving information that is reliable, and derived from experience, of the injuries both to the public and to individuals which this commonwealth, and we the religious of the order of our father st. augustine, are suffering from the presence of don fray miguel de venavides, archbishop of this archiepiscopal see--who, we believe, should be occupying a cell in some convent of his order in exemplary and peaceful life, as he did before he rose to the position of bishop and to the dignity which today he holds. in that position, [1] either because he wishes to assume more authority in the [ecclesiastical] government than is his due, or on account of some grave scruples which, continually increasing, so harass and disquiet him that were not the valor and prudence of don pedro de acuña, governor of these islands, so great, and the royal audiencia which your majesty has here composed of councillors so wise, christian, and moderate, fear would often have arisen (and with good cause) of various scandals for which the said prelate has given occasion. for with his revelations and prophecies, of which your majesty has been informed, he publicly stated that the chinese were about to rebel, from which it resulted that poor soldiers, and other persons who belong to peoples that resort here, were eager for such an opportunity; and it is believed that the cowardly chinese were thus led to mutiny and rebellion, putting this whole land in danger. all this arose from the fears of the archbishop, which were not communicated to the person who could, without exciting comment, have taken precautions and prevented the trouble--namely, the governor, with whom he has usually had collisions. these were principally in matters concerning the royal patronage, which loses footing out here; [such conduct is therefore] the less to be tolerated. your majesty will have heard long ago of some ill result, for the governor has tried to manage the archbishop with due gentleness, treating him with respect, giving him a wide range in affairs, and temporizing with him in order to avoid contention. during his sicknesses, which are frequent, the governor has entertained him as a guest in his own house, keeping him there a long time. this has been of so little use that he takes every opportunity to disturb, and sometimes without opportunity disturbs, the general peace--at which all of us, not only ecclesiastics but laymen, are so distressed that there is no way of expressing it to your majesty. we believe that if it were possible for you in españa to see how we suffer here, your majesty would immediately remedy it; for we are led to think that you do not realize the trouble which this matter is causing, or else that it is one which is not to be discussed as it should be, on account of the archbishop's many scruples. as a result, the condition of affairs is intolerable, which is a most unfortunate thing and one of great importance. accordingly, as he is a prelate and we are religious, we are writing to your majesty's grandeur; and we make these statements with great circumspection, that it may not seem as if passion were carrying us away. coming, then, to what concerns us, not even the least important incident has occurred in which he has not shown himself opposed to an order such as ours, causing us infinite annoyance--as if it were not we who discovered these regions for your majesty, and founded with infinite toil this new church, and by whose industry your majesty has innumerable vassals. every day, too, we are expecting to open up a greater conversion [of the heathen]; and we continue what was begun by those first fathers who trained us here. we desire not only that the number of the faithful be multiplied, but that the royal crown of your majesty be increased. to this end, there has been no expedition in which we did not send religious for the consolation and encouragement of the troops. and on the so sudden and dangerous occurrence of the rising of the chinese, we doubt not that the governor has given your majesty an account of our proceedings; for in public and aloud he thanked us in your majesty's name for our humble services, though our desire was great for the service of our king and lord. not a fortification has been made upon land, nor a ship or galley built, where we have not rendered service; and in ministries to the indians and spaniards, we believe that no religious order has surpassed us. in spite of all this, the opposition which the said archbishop displays toward us in everything is well known. thus we find ourselves without protection and in a very wretched state, whence we hope to extricate ourselves with the aid and powerful protection of your majesty, who will consider himself pleased with these his household, and will command that we be treated in all matters as is right. if it were not for the president and royal audiencia, who restrain these acts of violence, this poor commonwealth would be separated by five thousand leguas from its real deliverance and father, who is your majesty--whom may our lord prosper, and increase his realm, according to the desire of us his faithful vassals. dated in this your city of manila; [undated]. _fray lorenzo de leon_, provincial of the augustinians. _fray jhoan baptista de montoya_ _fray estevan carrillo_, definitor. _fray pedro de aguirre_, definitor. _fray roque de varrio_, new definitor. [_endorsed_: "no. 6. manila; to his majesty. no date; the religious of the order of st. augustine."] sire: considering its importance to the service of your majesty, it has seemed best to this audiencia to give an account of the manner in which the archbishop of these islands proceeds; for he is harsh of temper and resents the acts of the audiencia which declare that he has committed fuerza. [2] he has often said, for this reason, that they treat him very ill, and put him in such a position that he must retire to his cell and give up his office altogether; for they do not esteem him nor allow him to administer justice. the audiencia having declared him guilty of fuerza in having imposed excommunication on those who without his permission entered the house of retirement of santa potenciana--which was established by your majesty's order and at the expense of your royal exchequer, that orphan girls and poor maidens might be sheltered there, and instructed and taught, and remain there until they should be married--he would not obey the act of the audiencia, thus imposing on them the responsibility of employing the correction and severe measures which your majesty commands by his royal laws; but if these were executed in a land so new as this it would cause a scandal, which would result in much harm that could not be remedied. to avoid this, it was agreed to send the record of their proceedings and to make a report to your majesty, so that you might command what should be most expedient for your royal service. [_in the margin_: "let this clause, with the proceedings referred to, be taken to the official reporter; provision and decree have been made elsewhere."] he treats the audiencia with less respect than he ought to, and desires to be preferred in matters of authority; for he will have it that those who preach, when the audiencia and archbishop are present, should bow first to him and not to the audiencia. when the holy water is given on sundays, he has ordered it to be taken to the choir, or wherever he may be; and, after he has received it, he who is giving it shall go back and give it to the audiencia. as this seemed to be derogatory to the authority which the audiencia represents, a proposal was made to him that two vessels of holy water should be carried--one to the choir for him, and the other to be left for the audiencia; but he would not agree to this. he has ordered that the pax which is given to the audiencia and the archbishop should be given to him by the deacon, and to the audiencia by the subdeacon; and he says that they should be thankful that he has consented to give them the pax, for there is no reason why it should be given to them. in public he places his seat before those of the audiencia; and, as they felt that consent to this ought not to be given, a message was sent to him by the court clerk on st. potenciana's day--since, as she is patron saint of this city, the audiencia and cabildo go to celebrate mass in her church on that feast-day--to notify him that it was not proper to put his seat in front of the audiencia. he answered that he must place it there, as his holiness and your majesty ordered and permitted it. when this determination of his was known, it was agreed that the audiencia would not go [to mass] on that feast-day, in order to avoid another encounter of this sort; and to maintain a firm attitude in regard to what your majesty commands to be done in his service. he is quite at variance with the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the prebendaries in particular make many complaints of him; and it would be well worth your consideration that this should be checked. both they and others demand this from your majesty, and you will be pleased to grant such relief as is most expedient. may our lord protect your catholic person for many years. manila, july 4, 1605. [_in the margin_: "have the decree for santo domingo and nuebo rreyno [3] brought, so that it may be examined and the proper decree issued."] _don pedro de acuña_ the licentiate _tellez almacan_ the licentiate _manuel de madrid y luna_ [_endorsed_: "manila; to his majesty, 1605. 58. governor and audiencia." "january 15, 1607, examined, and decreed within."] relations with the chinese _restitution of chinese property_ _official statement of the memorials presented in the royal audiencia of manila on the part of the most reverend archbishop of the filipinas, concerning the demands of the king of china_. most potent lord: the archbishop of these filipinas declares that, as such archbishop, he is under obligation to look after the condition of these islands and of the christian religion in them; and, as a member of the council of his majesty, to protect the interests of his royal crown, and of this his dominion--all of which, according to the counsels of prudence, is at the present moment in great danger. this danger is one of the greatest that could be, for the powerful king of china has threatened us with an enormous fleet of ships, saying that there will be a thousand of them if we do not grant what he demands in regard to two things. one of these is clearly just; for it concerns a great quantity of property which was brought into this city by the chinese merchants last year, six hundred and three, when the sangleys rebelled against this city. your governor commanded that the said property, as belonging to enemies (as those who brought it here were), should be kept, and taken into custody, and should be given back to them. a great part of this property was afterward sold among the spaniards and more than thirty thousand pesos of the proceeds of the said goods came into the possession of diego de marquina, general depositary of this city, by whom it was all (or nearly all) turned over to your royal treasury. the rest of the chinese property came into the possession of captain sebastian de aguilar, and any other person who may have received into his keeping and custody other goods belonging to the said property. the other thing which the said king of china demands is, that certain chinese (of whom there are not many) who remained alive after the war and were at that time taken prisoners, and are in the galleys, should be given their liberty that they may go back to their own country. this is a matter for your highness to examine carefully, to ascertain whether this be a just demand, and whether it can be justly exacted. even if it were clearly and evidently just that the said chinese should remain as convicts in the said galleys, this demand requires much consideration, on account of the condition of the faith and of the realm, whether this commonwealth must be forced to break with so powerful an enemy and enemies as he would be. he brings forward his arguments with much reason and consideration; by one of his demands--which of itself is not very important, although more so when, arriving at the question of justice--he brings up another doubt as to whether it is just for the said chinese to be condemned to the galleys. this is questionable, in the first place, because they are not vassals of his majesty, and therefore were not traitors; and likewise whether they should, on account of the hostilities which the chinese were generally committing, immediately be condemned, without recourse, to the galleys, without being heard individually or their exceptions being received--especially as no one doubts that the said uprising and rebellion was not voluntary on the part of all the chinese, but was contrary to the will of many; and it may be that some, and even a considerable number, of those who are on the galleys were not captured in war, but while hidden in the country districts and on the mountains. to say that the said chinese are necessary to work the galleys which your governor must take on a certain expedition, which it is said he must make, does not affect the proposition; for the said expedition is not made by the will of his majesty, but in his very exact instructions he neither requires nor permits the said expedition to huaca [_sic; sc._ maluco] with the said chinese. moreover, they are so cunning and shrewd that perhaps they will again do what they did to gomez perez, and even worse; and they may be the cause not only of the disastrous ending of the said expedition, but even of our complete ruin. there can be no doubt from the relation sent, as to the attitude of the king of china; for the three greatest magistrates whom he has in the province and dominion of oquen (to which belongs the province of chiencho)--that is, the viceroy, the inspector-general and the eunuch--write this, each one of them, in two letters, one of which is for the said archbishop and the other for the said governor of these islands. in view of these considerations, i entreat and beseech your highness to command that the said property [of the merchants] be immediately sent to the said kingdom of china, either by suitable messengers, or by the chinese captains who are at present about to go there. the most certain and the first which should be sent would be that which comes into the royal treasury of his majesty from the proceeds of the said goods of the said chinese, even if it be necessary to ask for this a loan from the citizens of this country, or to economize, or to go without other things. as for giving their liberty to the said chinese who are in the galleys i beseech your highness to order that this be decided and examined into in great detail, especially as concerns justice; it should also be examined to ascertain the rights of the state. for this purpose, both in this affair and in other things which are presented before his majesty's council, some one who has great experience in chinese affairs should be associated with them, and say what he thinks. the archbishop demands justice, and an attestation of this petition, and of what may be decreed in this matter, and of the entire proceedings; and that the decision may be made at once, so that these chinese ships may convey the appropriate answer. as for our reputation, nothing will be lost by sending back the said chinese, especially those who are not found to be very guilty; for no one loses reputation by doing justice, and the king of china and his ministers know very well that the decision of justice, and the separation of the innocent from the guilty, in so grave a case has demanded all the time which has elapsed up to the present. finally his majesty the king, our sovereign, [must be considered]; what he requires is that this colony, as the chief of all [his possessions here], where he has established so much good, should not be placed in danger by other matters which might be of uncertain success--especially for this consideration, which is of so little importance. rather it is fitting to set free these chinese, as far as possible, as experience has always proved to us, with so much cost of our blood, and so great danger of the ruin of this land. _fray miguel_, archbishop of manila. at manila, on the tenth of june, 1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancilleria of the filipinas islands, being in session, this petition was read, and examined by the said lords. they commanded this petition to be joined with the ones presented by the chinese in this matter, and brought to the session on monday. before me: _pedro nuñez de herrera_, notary royal. most potent lord: the archbishop of the filipinas declares that he has presented a petition, discussing therein what is demanded on the part of the king of china in a letter from certain of his ministers, as is explained more at length in his said petition to which he refers you. he now says that, of the two things which are demanded, although the money is a matter of importance to the chinese, yet what most grieves them is the men who, as they see, are here in the galleys, with such hardships and in a climate so hot and oppressive as this is--especially as they have parents, children, wives, and relatives in that country who are continually beseeching the chinese magistrates and people. and he seeks the liberty of those who are here in our power, captive and condemned, and begs and entreats from your highness what he has sought in the other petition. and more particularly he asks in this other if your highness will order that especial attention be given to this; that even if it be true that the king of china will not make war upon us, as he threatens, yet i am warned by those chinese who are our best friends that they know, from their own histories, that it is quite probable that the king of china will at least cut off the trade with these countries, under the heaviest penalties, which would be the total ruin of this commonwealth. the king of china did this to the japanese, who formerly had trade and commerce with the chinese between the two countries, the chinese going to japon and the japanese going to china. the king of china, seeing that the japanese did not maintain their trade with the care and honesty that they should, did not make war upon them, but took away their trade and commerce under a singularly vigorous penalty--which is, that if any chinaman trades with the japanese not only he but his father, mother, and relatives shall be put to death. this has remained the law up to the present, inviolably; and no chinaman has transgressed it, unless it be some villainous and desperate man. this is one of the most important considerations to be judged in the present case. he begs and entreats your highness to command that this be considered, and commands me to give an attestation of this petition and procedure. _fray miguel_, archbishop of manila. in the city of manila, on the thirteenth day of june of the year 1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these filipinas islands being in session, this petition was read; and, having considered it, they decreed that the depositaries should be commanded to render an account as soon as possible, of the property which they have held on deposit, so that it may be surrendered; and that, when the ships shall have arrived from castilla, what is owing shall be paid into the royal treasury. as concerns the chinese who are in the galleys, the matter is being examined, so that suitable measures may be taken in the matter, and that a decision shall be reached and a decree issued before the chinese leave. the attestations which he asks will be given to the archbishop, in the manner that he desires. before me, _pedro hurtado desquivel_ in fulfilment of which i, pedro hurtado desquivel, notary of court for the king our lord in his royal audiencia and chancillería of these filipinas islands, have given this copy of the said petition and command, which is certified to be a true copy, corrected and compared with the originals which remain in my possession. witnesses to the examination, copying, correction, and comparison: pedro nuñez de herrera, geronimo de peralta. manila, the seventh of july, of the year one thousand six hundred and five. in witness thereof, i have set my seal in attestation of truth. _pedro hurtado desquivel_, court notary. letter from acuña to the viceroy of ucheo don pedro de acuña, etc. by the hands of captain juan san i received the letter of the lord viceroy in which he informs me that news has been carried to china that the sangleys who came to trade with this realm of luzon have been put to death by the spaniards. he states that after having investigated the cause of their death, and having asked the king to execute justice upon the author of so great a wrong, he learned that on account of the lies uttered by tioguen we had suspected that the sangleys were going to make war against us. on this account, as he was informed, we had put to death more than thirty thousand chinese. the king had punished tiogueng by commanding his head to be cut off and hung up in a cage, and had ordered anglion, his companion, to be executed. he declared that the chinese who had been slain in luzon were not in fault. i reply to this that that which happened in this case is as stated in the accompanying letter--which i sent as soon as the event occurred, with a ship and a proper messenger, by way of macan to the portuguese who live there, who are vassals of our king. it was my intention that they should give it to the viceroy; and i sent similar letters to the eunuch and to the mandarins who were there. but the portuguese were not well disposed to us, solely on account of their belief that the chinese were in close friendship with us because of the trade and the large amount of commerce which we had with them; and that this is the cause why they are not able to buy merchandise at very low prices, as they would certainly do if the trade from here were to come to an end. hence they brought it about that these letters were not delivered; and thus the truth of this matter could not be known in china, nor the fact that the sangleys were greatly to blame for the losses which they incurred. if these things had been known the chinese, well disposed as they are to the execution of justice according to law, and desirous that crimes should be punished, would certainly have regarded the fault of those people as greater than the punishment which was inflicted on them. the penalty imposed on the sangleys who piloted the two dutch ships that were on the coast of chincheo was very just. these dutch are not friends of the castilians, but bitter enemies; for, although they are vassals of the king of the hespañas, my sovereign, they and their country have revolted, and they have become pirates like liamon in china. they have no employment, except to plunder as much as they can. hence they did not come to luzon; and, if they should come, i would try to capture and punish them. as for the statement that the letter is sent to let me know the greatness of the king of china and of his realms, and that they are so great that he governs all upon which the moon and the sun shed their light; and the other statement that he desires me to be acquainted with the great wisdom with which that kingdom is governed, vast as it is, and that no one should dare offend it, and referring to the war in corea--to this i answer that the spaniards have measured by palmos, and that very exactly, all the countries belonging to all the kings and lordships in the world. since the chinese have no commerce with foreign nations, it seems to them that there is no other country but their own, and that there is no higher greatness than theirs; but if he knew the power of some of the kings with whom my sovereign, the king of the hespañas, carries on continual war, the whole of china would seem to him very small. the king of china would do well to notice that from here to the court of hespaña the distance is five thousand leguas; and that on the voyage thither are two kingdoms, nueva hespaña and peru, whose teiritory is so great that it is almost equal to that of china, without mentioning very large islands in those seas. at the same time i know that the kingdom of china is governed with much wisdom, and all the people here know, and i know, of the war in corea. the sangleys who were killed here when they revolted were not thirty thousand, or even half as many. as for the statement that after the death of the sangleys was known in china, many mandarins joined in a concerted petition to the king that they might be allowed to avenge those deaths--accusing the spaniards of being cruel and ungrateful, and charging us that after the chinese had aided us to erect our walls and other buildings, and in our gardens (all to our profit), we ought not to have done this--to this i reply that the spaniards are not cruel of heart, and never make war upon anyone without just reasons. we regard ourselves as a just people and as having a standing in the world; and we would be greatly grieved if it could be said of us with truth that we have done wrongs or injuries to anyone--especially to our friends, and to those who are sincerely friends to us. thus in the case of the sangleys who were here, we treated them as brothers and sons; and, without any precaution, we permitted them to enter our houses at all seasons and at all hours, as if they had been spaniards. so true was this that, if god had not delivered us by revealing their treachery, they might for that very cause have been able to succeed in it. i have noted the answer given by the king of china to letters written by the viceroy and others with regard to this matter. i think that he ought to be fair in all matters, and that he should not be influenced to make war on luzón without first knowing whether we are in fault or not; for if he should do otherwise we could not say, as we have said, that china is prudently governed. the viceroy also writes to me that, since the spaniards are a sensible and prudent people, we must therefore be grieved for having slain so many people, and repent thereof. he also informs me that if we deal justly with the chinese return the sangleys who have survived the war, and pay the money due on the goods taken from the sangleys, he will maintain amity with us and will send merchant vessels every year. if not, the king will not permit ships to come, but will command a thousand war-vessels to be built, manned with soldiers--both the relatives of those who are dead, and men from the other nations and kingdoms who pay tribute to china; and, without mercy on anyone, they will make war upon us, and afterward the kingdom of luzón will be given to that people which pays tribute. to this i answer that, although in truth we are grieved for the loss which the chinese suffered, we have nothing to repent of therein; since what we did was to put to death those who would have done the same to us (although we had given them no reason for it), and who would have done so if we had not anticipated them. when we were living in great peace they rose in revolt against us, simply because they were wicked; left their parián for a fort which they had built without my knowing anything of it, and sallied out thence against the farms to kill spaniards and indians. this they succeeded in doing by catching them unawares, and they inflicted very great cruelties even upon the spanish women and upon their slaves, both male and female. since this is true, as the very chinese who have survived will declare, let the viceroy judge what could have been done, and what he would have done if such a thing had happened in china. the crime is such that all of them justly deserve to die for it; but, moved with pity, i permitted some few to serve in the galleys of the king, which is a punishment inflicted by us upon criminals to avoid putting them to death. after they had been placed in the galleys, i get free some of them who, as it afterward appeared, had not been so much in fault; and others furnished some slaves, who received the same treatment. it is well known that kingdoms and provinces where crimes are not punished cannot maintain themselves; and if this crime were not punished, and the chinese were to see that they received their liberty even when they had committed so great a crime, another day they would do the same thing. hence i have not yet set at liberty those sangleys who are condemned to the galleys, that they may go to china and even convey to the viceroy knowledge of what has happened. i am certain that when he knows the facts he will regard their punishment as very slight in view of their crimes; but, if he should deem otherwise, let him inform me of his will. the property which was in existence during the past year, for whom owners or consignees appeared, was surrendered to them; there was a great quantity of it, and now they take [_blank space in ms_.]. this is the amount which i have been able to send from the royal treasury, where some of the property of the sangleys was deposited for which an owner was not to be found; next year i will endeavor to send the rest. during the past year one ship arrived; and the other, which was on its way to castilla, was lost with a very great quantity of chinese stuffs and other goods. for this reason it has been impossible to discharge this obligation in full at the present time. let the viceroy notice that this is and will be done because it is just, and not because he has written that unless the people and the goods are sent he will make war on luzón; for i am sure that the king of china and his ministers, being prudent, politic, and discreet persons, will not wage war for causes so light. still, if they desire to do so, the castilians are well able to defend their lands from all who may attempt to take them away; and they even know how to attack their enemies and to seek them out in their own dwelling-places, when their opponents suppose that they have them conquered. as regards the licenses for ships coming from china to trade with luzón, it is not so dangerous to grant such permissions that the king [of china] or other persons there will consent to lose the great advantage which they possess in the large quantity of silver which is carried hence every year; for this remains in china, without a single real leaving there, while the goods which they give us in exchange are consumed and used up in a very short time. hence we may say that in this trade the chinese have as great an interest as the castilians have, or even more. chinese immigration restricted sire: by commission from the royal audiencia, i have this year attended to the investigation of the chinese ships, and the sangleys who have come to this city. i myself went to examine them, in order to avert the injuries which might be inflicted on them. eighteen ships having arrived, with merchandise and five thousand five hundred chinese on board, besides five hundred more who remained in this city from last year, i ordered the cabildo and regimiento of the city, if chinese were necessary for the public service, to enter petition therefor within four days, giving a memorandum of the number necessary and the duties that they were to perform. as they did not do as i had ordered, for a number of days, and as the ships wished to return to china, and i to despatch in them all the infidel chinese who were here, i reported the case to the royal audiencia here. considering what great lack of service there is in this city, and how necessary workmen are for its restoration, as it has been ravaged by two fires--more than a hundred of the houses formerly standing having been destroyed during this year of six hundred and five, and more by the other fire that occurred in the year six hundred and three--they determined to have one thousand five hundred infidel chinese stay here for the rebuilding of the burned part, and the service of the city. they commanded me by an act to give permission to the said number of infidel chinese, choosing them from the crafts which should appear to me most necessary. this i did with exactness and fairness, being personally present, and not entrusting this task to any other person. in this way, the said number will not be in any way exceeded; it has appeared necessary and sufficient, and it will be important for the service of god and of your majesty that this number be not exceeded in years to come. may god protect the catholic person of your majesty. manila, july 5, 1605. the licentiate _manuel de madrid y luna_ [_endorsed_: "to his majesty; manila, 1605: the licentiate manuel de madrid y luna. july 5." "that, by commission of the audiencia, the inspection of the ships of the chinese sangleys has been attended to; and by order of the said audiencia, considering the great necessity of labor and repairs, permission was given for a thousand and five hundred of them to remain in that city, as they are very necessary. and in compliance with this they will be allowed to stay for this purpose, without the said number being exceeded. march 22, 1607. this measure is in the letters of the governor."] letters from pedro de acuña to felipe iii sire: on the twenty-fifth of february of the current year, 1605, there arrived in the port of cabite a ship from nueva hespaña, and in it brother gaspar gomez of the society of jesus, with news of the decision which had been reached regarding the matter of maluco; the order for this military service also came. there were, besides, in the said vessel about two hundred infantry, in two companies, of those who are to go on the expedition. their arrival was very seasonable and caused much rejoicing in these islands, because it occurred at a time when we had received news by way of macan that an army was being prepared in china to come here. [4] the diligence shown by the viceroy of nueva hespaña in despatching these advices, and informing me of the condition of the embarcations there, was of great value in assisting me to prepare some necessary supplies; for nearly everything has to be obtained from different provinces, while some supplies must be imported from distant kingdoms, as china and japon. hence time is requisite for this purpose--and, indeed, even more than we have; but all will be made ready although with some difficulty. the master-of-camp, juan de esquivel, arrived at the opening of the strait of capul june 11, and came to cabite june 17, after having disembarked the forces in the port of ybalon--where he received my order to do this, and found ships in which to send them on to the island of panay, where provisions for them are provided. the number of troops who have come with the master-of-camp are six hundred and fifty men, including thirty who came afterwards in a small vessel which had been left behind. these men had gone from acapulco to tehuantepeque for four pieces of artillery which were cast in nueba hespaña for this expedition. the forces for which i asked from nueva hespaña for this undertaking were one thousand five hundred men, including sailors and soldiers. as for the five hundred who have served in old companies and are not altogether new recruits, i was told by the master-of-camp, that those from his regiment are for the most part good soldiers. what i can assert is, that the troops in the two companies who arrived first, and the troops of the master-of-camp who are here, have satisfied me very well. from this garrison and from the paid soldiers as large a force will be formed as can be spared, in order to leave matters here with a safe guard; since on account of the importance of this enterprise i must, if god gives me health, go on this expedition in person. i intend to take with me some panpango indians and some indians from this region, among whom there are many good arquebusiers and musketeers. in company with spaniards, they prove to be very good soldiers. i asked for five hundred quintals of powder; and your majesty informed me that the viceroy would send them. although he did not send the whole amount, two hundred and thirty-five quintals of powder and a hundred quintals of saltpetre arrived. we shall be obliged to use what there is in the royal magazines here, that we may not lack so necessary a thing; yet the whole is but little. the said viceroy wrote me that the troops came paid for a year, and that from the wages of the troops he had retained sixty-five pesos in the case of each soldier. the total amount is forty thousand pesos, which sum was sent under registry on the account and at the risk of the said forces. this is a piece of excellent foresight; for if the total amount of wages had been paid, as is customary, they would have gambled and spent the whole in two days, and would be in need the whole year, from which great evils would follow. for the expedition the viceroy sent sixty thousand pesos, without considering that the treasury here is in such a state that, even if the whole amount should be paid into it on account of these islands, there would not be enough to pay unavoidable debts and the loans which have been taken throughout a whole year from private persons, some of which were granted on my credit. i was expecting some good quantity of money on a separate account; and i also hoped for the ordinary soldiers who are sent every year to supply the places of those who are drowned and those who die of disease and in battle. we are continually waging war in one province or another, and sometimes at home. but i have been disappointed in all this, and must expend my efforts to get on as best i can, using some methods to prevent the service of your majesty from failure. as soon as i was informed that your majesty would be pleased to command this expedition to be undertaken, i began on the very day when i arrived here to busy myself with the preparation of the materials and other things necessary to build the galleys and also to keep them in proper condition. i regard them as the most effective means of defense for this kingdom, on account of the causes which i have previously written to your majesty. accordingly, i have five equipped. the flagship has twenty-two benches, the second in command [_patrona_] and another have nineteen each, and two others seventeen each. one of these two which have seventeen will be launched within a fortnight, and has the necessary supply of rowers. these vessels are not made larger, being thus more suitable for these regions, because there are many shoals here; and when they are of this size they are sufficient for the contests which they have to carry on with the oared vessels employed by the enemy another reason is the advantage of keeping down the number of rowers and reducing the expenses, as i have written your majesty. these galleys have turned out very well, because i found here a good foreman; and although he died a few days ago, i have had the good fortune to find a second, a genovese, a good workman. he is well known in cartagena, where he built a galley. i have met with much opposition from the archbishop and from the licentiate don antonio de rivera maldonado, auditor of this royal audiencia. if i had had to follow the opinion of either of them so that they could restrain my hand, the first stick of wood would still have to be worked. god knows what i have had to undergo in this, and what i am still undergoing; and he knows the evil results which follow from such a state of things in a region so distant from your majesty, when those persons undertake to correct matters of war, and to meddle with them, who do not understand them and have nothing to do with them. i expect to take with me on the expedition four of these galleys, and a vessel which has arrived here just now from acapulco, which was made here and has capacity to carry a large amount of troops and provisions; it is of seven hundred toneladas. this vessel i will have fitted and put in good order. i expect also to take another of moderate size, of two hundred and fifty toneladas, which i have had built in the province of camarines. i shall have three moro ships from perú. these will be very light, the largest being of a hundred and fifty toneladas, and the other two of a hundred and thirty each, more or less. thus in all there will be five, in addition to seven brigantines and five lorchas, vessels built after the fashion of china and japon. these are very good with both oar and sail, and have greater capacity and accommodation for carrying provisions than any other kind of vessels with which oars are used. i expect that this expedition will include the foregoing vessels and galleys on account of your majesty; and that in addition there will go seven or eight other ships belonging to private encomenderos and other persons. these will be ships of moderate size, with a high freeboard, in which their owners will take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine, meat, and other supplies; these will be of great assistance, since a number of volunteers will go. this provision made by private persons is of considerable usefulness, and on that account i have had it made. to induce them to go it is absolutely necessary to encourage them to it, and to urge upon them the service which they will render to your majesty. this i have had to undertake, since in view of the losses and misfortunes which they have suffered, they are poor and discouraged. they finally volunteered to go with a good will, and their going will be an assistance of no little consequence; as a result of it, i am certain that we shall have provisions for more than a year. i have commanded the whole of this body of vessels to assemble in the island of panay, at the town and port of oton, where the infantry is on shore. when they have assembled there they will proceed, and i will leave this city after the day of st. francis, taking advantage of the north winds. i shall attend to whatever shall be necessary there, and get it all in order by the end of january or the beginning of february. that is the season best suited for the voyage to maluco. it will then be most likely that we shall have the benefit of the monsoon which is likely to blow with gentle and favorable brisas. in this way i shall not be forced off my course by vessels with a high freeboard; this accident happens very often, because of the great number of currents among these islands. i have no doubt that we shall encounter some vessels from olanda and gelanda, and more this year than others, since this is the year of the clove monsoon more than the two previous years; for in the third year the clove-trees bear much more heavily. the fruit is like olives, and the trees resemble olive-trees in their leaves and in their size, as i am told. [5] i had further information from enrique de castro, a fleming, a native of amberes [_i.e._, anvers?], a man of good reputation, able to speak several languages, and very sensible; he told me that he came as a soldier in one of the companies brought by the despatch-boat which reached here february 25. he said that he had left olanda fifteen months before, from the city of nostradama [_i.e._, amsterdam]; and that there, and in another city in the same country of olanda, they were preparing twelve or thirteen large vessels with the purpose of coming to the yndias. he was told that they were to seize ambueno and the maluca islands, and that they were carrying a large number of men, besides lime and cut stone in ballast, to make a fortress. i am much afraid that this is true, because of what i have previously written to your majesty with reference to the advices which i have received from the king of tidore. he states that the king of terrenate had sent to invite the dutch, offering to permit them to build a fort and a factory in his country, in order to make them willing to assist him against the said king of tidore, against the portuguese, and against us. accordingly the forts there and in ambueno are in danger. the one at tidore is a matter for jest; and the commandants, as well as the commanders of galleons, think of nothing but merchandise and of making their fortunes. the same thing is true throughout the whole of yndia. if this news should prove true, there would be much difficulty in this enterprise. may god turn all things well for his cause. the forces of the regiment of the master-of-camp, esquibel, have received their pay for a year in advance, as the viceroy informs me by his letter. at the present time more than half the year has passed, and by the time they leave oton the whole year will have been completed. inasmuch as in the order for this expedition which your majesty commanded to be given, i noticed that the marques de montes claros was directed, in case the forces should be retained in the service of your majesty for a longer period than the said year, to send me money to pay them in case i advised him thereof, it seemed well to me to advise him of this matter immediately, and to tell him that during the coming year he should send me what is needed for a thousand men in addition to the sea force. it is plain that this will be necessary for by the time that the fleet leaves these islands the [soldiers'] year will be at an end. i therefore beseech your majesty to be pleased to give him imperative commands to fulfil this requirement; since soldiers in a country of enemies, and so far from their own country, serve badly if they are in need. thus many important opportunities might be lost, and even considerable disadvantages might be experienced without there being any possibility of remedying them. if the enterprise turns out prosperously--as by the grace of god i hope it will--i expect that it will provide the means for maintaining the conquest, for paying all the expenses which have been and shall be incurred, and for affording a large quantity of cash surplus in addition to the expenses, besides repairing the losses incident to this affair. in particular, i think that to drive the enemy from the maluca islands and from the inlands of banda will be of great advantage for our affairs in flandes, since the rebels of olanda and gelanda harvest the product of these islands and draw from them great wealth, by means of which they carry on war and become rich. i, therefore, again beseech you to be pleased to give commands that this expedition may be adequately provided with supplies. i also beg that what is necessary for the expenses of the fleet and for other requisite objects may likewise be sent. i further request that for the regular expenses of the government a liberal supply may be placed in the treasury of the islands on a separate account, since the treasury is so needy and so heavily burdened with obligations. weapons and gunpowder are always opportune, and generally the lack of these causes a great deal of trouble. i accordingly beg your majesty to be pleased to command that as large an amount thereof as possible may be sent, and that the forces at manila may also be supplied. i suggest that although what is now of most importance, and what must primarily be considered, is merely the regaining of the fort and island of terrenate, still the care and attention which will be necessary to protect and sustain the conquest, at least for the first few years, will not be small. during that time it will be necessary for us to keep it under control with arms in our hands. we shall have contests every day with the natives of the country, and likewise with the dutch, who will not at once be willing to abandon it without testing the defense which it can offer, for the reasons which they publish there and in the other maluca islands, and in the islands of banda. with regard to this matter i have written to your majesty. we must be on the watch everywhere, making terrenate our center. by the first section of the orders which your majesty was pleased to command to have sent to me for this expedition, it appears that the captains who come on the expedition receive sixty ducados a month and the privates eight, whether they were recruited in hespaña or in nueva hespaña. i was commanded that if this rate of payment for the soldiers might be moderated in view of what is paid the soldiers here who are of the same rank, i should reduce it, but with fairness. i have to state that the pay of a private in this garrison is six pesos a month. this is little, in view of the fact that the country is incomparably more expensive than when their rate of pay was fixed, as i have previously written your majesty. the eight ducados which the soldiers of the expedition receive is high pay; and accordingly, in my judgment, it would be well to pay the infantry in both forces at the rate of eight pesos (of eight reals) a month, in addition to the thirty ducados of extra pay which are allowed every company in hespaña and other regions. i should advise that the captains of both forces should be paid at the rate of fifty pesos, the ensigns at twenty pesos, and the sergeants at the rate of ten, as they are now paid here. the captains here receive only thirty-five pesos, while those of the expedition are paid sixty ducados, which amount to eighty-two pesos and six reals. your majesty will give such commands as you shall be pleased to issue. until we receive the decision of your royal will in this matter, the accounts of the members of the expedition will not be closed. may our lord keep the catholic and royal person of your majesty, as christendom has need. manila, july 1, 1605. _don pedro de acuña_ [_endorsed:_ "the requests in this letter were honored, in virtue of advice given to his majesty by the council, august 5, 1606."] sire: in two ships which left here for nueba hespaña last year, 1604, general, don diego de mendoca, of my order, [6] wrote to your majesty in duplicate, giving information of all the events which had happened here. it pleased god that the flagship should return to port, after having suffered from a tempest during which it was obliged to cut off the mainmast. it returned to this port today, four months after it had left it, although without any loss of the property which it carried, [_marginal note_: "let him be informed that this letter has been received and that the council has been advised of what he reports."] the ship "san antonio," the almiranta, which left port first, has not been heard from up to the present time. it is regarded as certain that it was lost, by having struck upon some desolate island or some shoals as it was driven by the tempest. a few days before the arrival of the flagship, there were seen on the coast of this island opposite manila, and on the babuyanes, which are some islands in the province of cagayan, a quantity of bales of cloth from the lading of the almiranta. it is accordingly inferred that the ship was lost on its way to port here, during some very severe storms which took place during that season and in that region. still, some hopes were entertained that it might have made its way to nueva españa, although with a very small amount of cloth; but these hopes were lost with the coming of the two ships on which arrived the master-of-camp, juan desquivel, and the officers of the expedition for maluco. these vessels, having left acapulco on the twenty-second of march, reached cavite on the seventeenth of the present month, and reported that they had no news of the said almiranta. this has been a very great loss and one which has thrown this kingdom into almost incredible misery. the return of the flagship has added to its wretchedness, because the citizens have nothing from which to obtain money from nueva españa, since their goods have not arrived there. the documents which were sent in the flagship last year go in it again; and in this ship i send duplicates, which your majesty may give commands to be shown to you. the matter of the payment of the indian tributes was settled by the audiencia, by me, and by the archbishop and the religious orders, in conformity with the directions given me by your majesty. the assessment which was made accompanies this letter; and therewith will cease many wrongs which have been inflicted upon the natives, and the encomenderos and collectors can satisfy their consciences, if they desire. [_marginal note_: "let this section be filed with the papers which gave occasion to it, and with the report which has been sent, and let the whole be delivered to the fiscal."] by a royal decree of your majesty, dated october twenty-fifth of last year, 1603, i was advised that your majesty had given commands for permission to be granted to the mariscal graviel de rivera that, in spite of the fact that he has indians in encomienda on these islands, he may be permitted to live in the city of mexico, where he is at present, for two years, on condition that during that period he shall maintain eight musketeers in this garrison at his own expense. i was enjoined to fulfil this command and to see to it that the musketeers should be serviceable men. on the part of the said mariscal, the fulfilment of this decree was demanded, the aforesaid permission being presented; and, although i answered the demand of the mariscal by stating to him the condition of affairs in the island, i have thought best to refer the matter to your majesty. as soon as i arrived in these islands to undertake my office, i was handed the instructions given to the governor and captain-general who had previously filled them, don francisco tello de guzman. by section 47 of these directions, it was ordained and commanded that if, when the said don francisco tello should have arrived at nueva españa, the said mariscal should not have returned to the said islands, his encomiendas should be confiscated and should be assigned to others, without permitting reply or excuse; and if any other procedure was followed it was directed that it should be held as null and void. i made inquiries to find out if the said don francisco tello had complied herewith. i discovered that, although he found the said mariscal in mexico, he had not complied with the commands given by the said section, but that he had brought him with him to this city, and in a short time had given him permission to return to nueva hespaña for three years, under color of having business to do for this city. i also found that the said mariscal had appealed to the audiencia, affirming that the time was too short, and i learned that he received license to remain for an additional year, making four in all. in truth, however, the power of attorney held by the said mariscal had been revoked by the city before he left it in the year 1600. upon this, i wrote to the said mariscal in mexico that, since he was aware of the decree of his majesty with regard to his absence, he should return to fulfil the duty of residence to which he was obliged in these islands, as soon as the time of his license had expired. if he should go beyond the period allowed, i informed him that his encomiendas would be vacated and would be assigned to others. since he has not fulfilled the requirement of residence, and since the said term is at an end, therefore, in virtue of the said section of the instructions and in fulfilment of what is decreed by another and separate royal decree, i have commanded that the encomiendas should be vacated, and that one of them, the encomienda of bonbon, should be granted to general don juan rronquillo del castillo, a man whose merits, services, and abilities are known to all. this encomienda is at the present time in his possession. the income from the other encomiendas i have commanded to be placed in the royal treasury, which is being done. as for the report of the said mariscal, made to me in mexico, that he was there with the permission of the audiencia and governor on business for the city, i wrote your majesty, in a letter on the second of november of the year 1601, that it seemed to me proper for permission to reside in nueva españa to be given him, in view of his services and age, since he was serving with eight musketeers in defense of this country. after i arrived here and saw how this matter had been arranged, in view of the aforesaid facts, and of the great inconvenience which results from the non-residence of encomenderos in this country, i vacated the said encomiendas, as it seemed to me that your majesty would not be served by giving a dispensation to the said mariscal in this matter; and i would not have made the report which i made in mexico if i had previously seen the documents. [_marginal note_: "let this be filed with the papers which deal with this matter."] although, as i have said, i assigned the said encomienda to the said don juan ronquillo, appeal was taken on the part of the said mariscal and his son (who was successor to the encomienda) to this royal audiencia. in this case, after command had been given that a copy of the documents should be furnished to the parties and to the fiscal of your majesty, and after testimony had been taken as regards the claims of all parties, it was declared that i had authority to vacate the encomiendas of the said mariscal; and it was decreed that the parties should exercise their rights of justice, in conformity with the law of maliñas. [7] it was further decreed that the said general don juan rronquillo should give bonds that, if at any time it should be decreed that i did not have this authority to assign the said encomiendas, he should return the income which he should have collected therefrom. this decree was, on review, confirmed in all points, and the case is being prosecuted. i may say to your majesty that general don juan rronquillo is one of the most deserving men of the islands, and one of the highest rank and services here; and further that he is one of those who received the least rewards. he deserves that some favor should be shown to him, as i have previously written. i may add that on account of the aforesaid grant i have discharged him from the office of commander of the galleys, which had been granted to him with eight hundred pesos of yearly salary. if this sum is not paid to him, it is certainly necessary that some compensation should be made to him; and if in this matter that is not carried out which is ordained by the royal decrees--which were formerly so closely followed, especially in this country--much harm will result. the affairs of christianity in japon are in excellent condition, as your majesty will see from the letters of two religious which are enclosed; but the dissensions between the bishop and the religious orders with regard to those who go by way of these islands to engage in that ministry cause me great anxiety. they have reached a very high point, as your majesty will learn from the statements which all of them are certain to write to you. in so new a country, governed by heathen kings, to have wrangling and lack of harmony among the religious who instruct them cannot fail to cause scandals and difficulties. your majesty will command the proper remedy to be applied. inasmuch as i see the necessity of ministers of the gospel in that kingdom, and the great results which they have obtained, i have not hindered the passage of religious from these islands to that country, especially as i have seen no decree of your majesty and no brief of his holiness to the contrary. [_marginal note_: "let this be filed with the other papers dealing with this matter, and let don pedro de acuña be informed that his report has been considered, and that attention is being given to it."] the chiefs of mindanao have treated for peace; and, although i had determined to attack them this year and to put an end to them, with the aid of the ordinary reënforcements in men and money, which i was expecting from nueva hespaña, still i have thought it best on account of the expedition to maluco to listen favorably to them; and i shall try to pacify and reduce them by gentle means, since they themselves have offered such means and have sent a representative to treat for peace. i have accordingly agreed to what they desire; yet, since they are indians, who when they take a whim cannot be restrained from trying to gratify it, i have little confidence that they will keep their promises, since there is no holding them to account except so far as fear will oblige them to it. still, it seems that this year they have not made any piratical expeditions to these islands, although i am informed that they have attacked some of the other islands in various provinces with a great fleet of caracoas. being in some doubt, i have kept the provinces of pintados in a state of defense with two galleys, which i have sent there, with other vessels; for, as i say, there is little confidence to be placed in the treaties of these tribes. [_marginal note_: "the council has been informed of this matter."] when the sangleys left here last year they brought but little cloth, as i wrote at the time to your majesty. this they sold, at the same time offering to come again this year with some vessels, and very early. for this cause the country remained entirely without any sort of merchandise, although the citizens had considerable money, as they had no opportunity to invest the returns which had come [from mexico]. since the chinese are very avaricious, it was regarded as certain that some vessels would come without fail, and the swift ones would arrive here much earlier than they ordinarily do in other years: but this did not happen, for it was the end of may before we had any news from china. for this reason and on account of the news which we received from macan (as i wrote previously) that the sangleys were coming to these islands to avenge those who died at the time of the revolt, the city was in great anxiety and fear. yet it pleased god that eighteen vessels should come with a large amount of cloth, which relieved us of our fear; and it now seems that this arrangement had been agreed upon. however, demands had been made upon me on the part of the chinese for the sangleys who survived the uprising, whom i had placed in the galleys. the viceroy of ucheo and an inspector and eunuch, who are two other mandarins who keep constant watch over him, sent me a letter, which will go with this; to this letter i refer, as also to a copy of the answer which i have made, with the approval of the audiencia. the style is not very polished, because those who translate it are not very skilful in both languages; and, in order that they may understand it, it is better that the letter should be written in these terms, as experience has showed. we are striving to maintain our friendship with that king, since he is very powerful; and we sustain our position here only by the reputation that we have. [_marginal note_: "this statement of his has been noted."] the licentiate geronimo de salaçar y salcedo, fiscal of this royal audiencia, died two or three months ago. no great loss will result hereby to the affairs to the royal treasury, since he paid little attention to them in his office. for the interim before your majesty shall appoint a person to fulfil the duties of this position, the audiencia has appointed the bachelor rodrigo diaz guiral, a man of learning, integrity, and responsibility--such a man as might be desired for this office. my acquaintance with all these qualifications in him has constrained me to call your majesty's attention to them, so that you might be pleased to favor him; for surely, in my opinion, it would not be possible to find another man more suitable for this office. he has property of his own, and claims and suits give him no anxiety. accordingly, i have made special efforts to induce him to accept the position; for it is necessary to seek persons like him for such offices. since he has had so much experience with the business of this office, i have no doubt that he will give a good account of himself. [_marginal note_: "referred to the council."] the commanders of the galleys which your majesty has in hespaña, italia, yndias, and other regions appoint for the said galleys a chief chaplain and chaplains. after these are approved and have obtained a license from the ordinary to carry on their ministries, the archbishops and their vicars and the bishops do not trouble themselves about the chaplains. this is a settled and recognized custom, so that no one pays any attention to it except the archbishop of this city, because there is nothing with which he does not meddle. he has handed in a document, maintaining that this is not a concern of your majesty's but belongs to him, and that he has the right to nominate and approve the chaplains to these positions if he desires, or to decline to approve them. accordingly, after i had nominated an approved religious, a preacher of the order of st. augustine, as chaplain of these galleys, the bishop directed him, under pain of excommunication, not to fulfil this ministry, declaring that i had no authority to make the nomination. certain other religious who had been chaplains of galleys in spain, and general don diego de mendoça, and others who had sailed in galleys there, and who were acquainted with the system followed in them, all gave testimony; but this was not sufficient to restrain him from carrying out his purpose. i beg that your majesty will be pleased to give command that since this matter does not concern him he shall not meddle with it, nor with the other things which are outside his jurisdiction. [_marginal note_: "referred to the council of war."] in other letters i have reported to your majesty the great importance, for the security and defense of this country, of maintaining a supply of galleys, and i have also reported the number which i have supplied with arms. since they cannot be kept up without an allowance of money sufficient for them, i beg your majesty to be pleased to command that there shall be set aside twenty thousand ducados from the treasury of mexico, or else from the ten per cent duty levied at acapulco upon the merchandise exported hence. the purpose of this fund shall be to maintain four or five galleys, which are necessary here. this is the same amount that is spent in cartagena for a single galley, and your majesty may trust me, as one who has looked carefully into the matter, that this is necessary; and that expenditures without this only waste funds and consume lives in gaining nothing. [_marginal note_: "referred to the council of war."] i shall examine some despatches which have been received here this year, which as yet i have not been able to do because of the necessity of concluding this despatch, and i shall answer them at the first opportunity. may god keep the catholic person of your majesty, as christendom has need. from the port of cavite, july 8, 1605. _don pedro de acuña_ [_endorsed_: "august 2, 1606. examination and decree within"] sire: many are the labors of this charge, both bodily and spiritual, and almost without surcease must be the cares of him who holds, on his own account and for your majesty, the protection, defense, and preservation of a kingdom and provinces so far from your royal person, and amid so many nations, so great in numbers and so powerful, who have so extraordinary tendencies, laws, and customs. from these we promise ourselves, in time, with the help of god, excellent results for his greater glory and the increase of his church. no one of these things has given me so much anxiety as the conduct of the licentiate don antonio de rivera maldonado, auditor of this royal audiencia. this man, with his temper, his haughtiness, and lack of understanding, has given and is giving so many occasions for annoyance to the people, to me, and to his companions--and particularly to the soldiers, and the military and royal officials--that i have had more ado to moderate, adjust, and set right his affairs than all others in my charge. his arrogance is terrible. the citizens, even the most powerful of them, fear him, for they realize that in his position as senior auditor he has the boldness to attempt any design to their harm that comes into his mind, or suits his desires, and that he carries out his plans. consequently, all cry out to god for redress for his unjust acts. for there is no redress here, and it comes but tardily from your majesty, owing to the time necessary for it to reach this country. i do all that i can, but he gives me so many provocations that it is a wonder some great quarrel has not occurred. to obviate the difficulty in regard to the troops, i have ordered that the companies of the guard shall not enter in angular order, but in troops, as has been done now for more than five months; for it appears that he was carefully awaiting an opportunity to rout them, horse and foot, with all his blacks. i refer to the two informations, sent herewith, which concern this, and the rest. although i did not choose to make investigations, for the sake of greater secrecy, and to avoid the annoyances that the witnesses of lower rank might suffer if the said don antonio knew that they swore against him therein, measures will be taken to find out what there is in the affair. the said don antonio has persistently striven to bring about his marriage with doña margarita de figueroa, daughter of captain esteban rodriguez de figueroa, and has employed many instruments to accomplish this. several suits have been brought before the royal audiencia on the part of the said doña margarita and her sister, both of whom were minors, against the royal treasury, some of these involving large sums of money, as did that which concerned the conquest of mindanao. these girls had many suitors, and there were differences of opinion as to where they could reside with the most security and privacy, so that there should be no negotiations concerning their marriages; for they were very rich, and had near relatives to claim guardianship over them--as their grandmother, the wife of the accountant of the royal exchequer; and captain francisco de mercado, whom the father of the minors left as their guardian, and in whose hands was the said property. the said don antonio, with this object, began to favor the causes of the above-named persons, and communicated his intention to andres duarte de figueroa, their uncle, the brother of their father--whom he considered a safe person, as he was his intimate friend, and a claimant for the guardianship of the girls. he proceeded so artfully that the guardianship of the minors was denied to all the others by the audiencia, who commanded that they be given over to the said andres duarte, who was an unmarried man. owing to the pretensions which the said don antonio entertained in regard to this marriage, he decided the said cases in favor of the said minors, which greatly pleased their uncle, and caused much complaint on the part of those who were present. he used to go at night to visit the said minors, causing a great deal of talk by his intentions. although his purpose was well understood by the public, it became more apparent when don juan de tello was negotiating a marriage with the said doña margarita, who is now his wife. on this account the said don juan, fearing that don antonio will be as much opposed to him in the said suits now, as he was formerly favorable to the said minors, has accused him, and is furnishing information against him. my proceedings in this case, and in one of those which i mention in a paragraph before this, are sent by this mail, by which your majesty will see the results of the investigation. it is held as certain that the said don antonio has brought great pressure to bear on the said andres duarte that he may not betray him in the matter of the said marriage, but shall say that he was asking it for his brother, and not for himself; and that the said andres, on account of his friendship, and, knowing don antonio's temper, fearing that the latter will do him some harm, would not declare against him. i believe that he is going to españa, where perhaps he will make this matter known, as he will be free from the jurisdiction of the auditor; but here what he swears under oath only hinders the matter. the troubles arising from the pretensions of the said don antonio are not confined to this matter; for, furthermore, when the uprising of the sangleys occurred, and the auditors were obliged to lay aside their robes and put on short cloaks, as they did, the said don antonio went about with a gilded sword. then, when occasion for this was past, the other auditors put on their robes; but the said don antonio seemed to think that he represented a different person from an auditor, and was not obliged to do as the other auditors did. he kept on his short cloak and sword, and appeared thus in the halls of justice, possibly because he thought it suited his affair of the marriage, as it was at this time that he pressed it most. and as i thought that it was not right that he should try to distinguish himself in so unfitting a manner, and that it ought not to be permitted, and as remarks about it had been made in public, i told him of it, and asked him to put on the robe. the answer he gave was what your majesty may learn in the document which accompanies this, to which i refer you--adding only that your majesty may judge by this matter how other things must go, and his manner of behavior, in which he goes so far as to say, and let it be understood, that he alone can do these things, and must command everything. your majesty will decree the remedy which is expedient and so necessary. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty with the happiness needful for christendom. manila, july 15, 1605. _don pedro de acuña_ documents of 1606 the dominican mission of 1606. diego aduarte, o.p., and others; 1604-06. the dutch factory at tidore. joan ----; march 16. the sangley insurrection of 1603. miguel rodriguez de maldonado. letter from the audiencia to felipe iii. telles de almaçan, and others; july 6. letter from the fiscal to felipe iii. rodrigo diaz guiral; july. the terrenate expedition. council of the indias; august 5 and 15. decree establishing a way-station for philippine vessels on the california coast. felipe iii; august 19. chinese immigration in the philippines. pedro muñoz de herrera, and others; july-november. letter to acuña. felipe iii; november 4. _sources_: all these documents are obtained from foreign archives: the third (a printed pamphlet) from the real academia de historia, madrid; the sixth, from the archivo general at simancas; the seventh, from the british museum; the last, from the archivo historico nacional, madrid; all the rest, from the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_. the first, second, fourth, fifth, and eighth of these documents are translated by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the third and seventh, by james a. robertson; the sixth and ninth, by norman f. hall, of harvard university. the dominican mission of 1606 i, fray diego duarte, [8] of the order of st. dominic, affirm that his majesty by his royal decree, which i present herewith, commanded that in addition to the thirty religious and four servants whom in accordance with his said royal decree i received permission to convey to the feliphinas islands, i should conduct ten other religious, making forty in all; and that for the despatch of all of them your lordship should give me what was necessary at the expense of his royal treasury. this allowance is to be in conformity with the report mentioned in the said decree (which your lordship has sent to the royal council of the yndias), which states the cost of the passage to the yndias of each religious. since the time is now far advanced, it is necessary for me to receive the payment for the said religious in order that they may make their voyage in the fleet which is about to be despatched to the province of nueva spaña, and that his majesty's commands may be fulfilled. this cannot take effect unless your lordship provide me with the money necessary to buy clothing and ship supplies, and what else is needed. therefore i beg and pray your lordship to give commands that, in addition to the seven hundred and seventy thousand seven hundred and fifty-two maravedis which the treasurer don melchor maldonado has been commanded to deliver to me, in conformity with the said royal decree issued from the royal council of the treasury, for the despatch of the said religious, there may be delivered and paid to me the amount which, in conformity with the said report sent by your lordship to the said royal council, shall be necessary and sufficient for the despatch and maintenance of the said ten religious whom, as i have said, his majesty by his said royal decree commands me to conduct to the said islands in addition to the said thirty religious--for whom only your lordship has given commands that allowance shall be made to me. thus your lordship will do service to our lord, and will fulfil his majesty's directions. for this, etc. _fray diego duarte_ the aforesaid members of the council, having considered this petition, give as their decision that a warrant has been delivered for the amount for which he possesses the necessary papers; and that as for the rest for which the said fray diego duarte offers his prayer, he shall receive the papers needed; and they, accordingly direct that a warrant shall issue in conformity with the ordinance of the treasury. before me. _adriano de siguença_, notary. your lordship: fray diego duarte of the order of st. dominic declares that in accordance with the commands received from your highness directing him to seek religious of his order in order to conduct them to his province in the philippinas islands, he has exerted himself to do so, and will take the number of forty. he offers his petition to your highness that you will be pleased to command that he shall accordingly be given what is necessary in order that they may go aboard and also what they need to convey them to sevilla, since [his majesty] by don francisco de tejada, of his council, gave his royal word to provide him with it. [without date or signature.] [_endorsed_: "let him receive the two hundred ducados which were decreed to be given. january 11, 1605." "let father fray diego duarte receive what is needed for himself and thirty religious; and, if he conducts more, for as many as forty, in accordance with the new estimate and report; and let him receive in addition two hundred ducados beside the two hundred which were given him for the living and conveyance of the said religious on their way to sevilla. decreed in full council; valladolid, january 19, 1605."] _list of the religious who go to the province of the holy rosary in the philippinas with father fray diego aduarte during the present year, 1605_ _from san esteban at salamanca_ father fray diego del aguila, son of the same convent and at the present time preacher in it, a native of escalona; aged forty-eight years, thirty-two years in the order. father fray marcos de los huertos, son of the same convent, a native of astudillo; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; his studies completed. father fray pedro de armeiun, son of the same convent, a native of calahorra; aged twenty-eight years, nine years in the order; his studies completed. father joan de vera, a son of the same convent, a native of berlanga; aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; his studies completed. father fray martin de la anunciación, a son of the same convent, a native of aldea nueva de la vera; aged twenty-nine years, seven years in the order; in the third year of theology. father fray francisco de santa maria, a son of the same convent, a native of fuente de cantos; aged twenty-eight years, seven years in the order; in the third year of theology. father fray matheo de la villa, a son of the same convent, a native of asturias; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; his studies completed. father fray diego gomez, a son of the same convent, a native of the district of avila; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; in the second year of theology. father fray lorenzo de ponis, a son of the same convent, a native of the district of burgos; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order; his studies completed, since before he assumed the habit he was far advanced in them. brother fray gaspar de casa-blanca, deacon, a son of the convent of nuestra señora at peña de francia, a native of the town of fresneda; aged twenty-three years, six years in the order; in the first year of theology. brother fray antonio de salazar, sub-deacon, a native of salamanca and a son of the convent there; aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the first year of theology. brother fray roque benito, a son of the convent of san pedro martir at calataiud; aged twenty-one years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology; a native of ateca in aragón. brother fray antonio vazquez, lay brother of the same convent, a native of vittoria; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order. brother fray joan zilarte, lay brother of the same convent, a native of aldea nueva de la vera; aged thirty-two years, eight years in the order. _from san yldefonso at toro_ father fray lorenzo campo, a son of the convent of santo domingo at ocaña, a native of corral de almaguer; aged twenty-six years, seven in the order; in the second year of theology. brother fray diego lopez, deacon, native and son of plasencia; aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the second year of theology. _from santo thomás el real at avila_ father fray francisco del barrio, native and son of victoria; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; in the third year of theology. father fray gabriel perez, native and son of ocaña; aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology. _from sancta cruz at segovia_ father fray ambrosio de huerta, a son of the convent of santo domingo at ocaña; aged twenty years, three years in the order; his studies completed. brother fray manuel de ledesma, a son of the same convent, a native of segobia; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology. brother fray gabriel de zuniga, sub-deacon, a son of the convent of yepes, a native of ocaña; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology. brother fray francisco rodriguez, a son of the same convent, a native of guadalaxara; aged thirty years, ten years in the order. he is a lay brother. _from sancta cruz at carboneras_ father fray jacinto lopez de san gerónimo, a son of the same convent, a native of torrejoncillo de huete; aged twenty-eight years, eleven years in the order; his studies completed. father fray joan de cuebas, a son of the same convent and lecturer on the arts therein, a native of cardenete; aged twenty-five years, nine years in the order. _from san pedro martyr at toledo_ father fray joseph de san jacinto, a son of the convent of ocaña, a native of salvanes; aged twenty-five years, eight years in the order; in the second year of theology. brother fray pedro gomez, deacon, a son of the convent san ginés at talavera, a native of the same place; aged twenty-three years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology. _from san pablo at valladolid_ father fray jacinto orfanel, a son of the convent of santa catalina at barcelona, a native of the district of valencia; aged twenty-eight years, eight years in the order; his studies completed. _from the college of san gregorio at valladolid_ father fray pedro balberde, a native of the district of córdova, a son of the convent of san pablo at cordoba; aged twenty-five years, seven years in the order; his studies completed. _from the college of santo thomás at alcala_ father fray melchor mançano, a native of villaseusa de aro, a son of the convent of santo domingo at ocaña; aged twenty-six years, nine years in the order; his studies completed. father fray joan de leiba, a native of la rioja, a son of the convent of nuestra señora at atocha; aged thirty years, ten years in the order; his studies completed. father fray andres de velasco, a native of la rioja, a son of the convent of san pablo at burgos; aged twenty-eight years, ten years in the order, his studies completed. brother fray joan ordima, deacon, son of the convent of san pedro martyr at toledo, a native of the same place; aged twenty-four years, eight years in the order; his studies completed. brother fray juan rodriguez morcillo, deacon, son of the convent of la madre de dios at alcalá, a native of madridejos; aged twenty-three years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology. _from santa maria at nieva_ father fray domingo del arco, a native of the district of guadalaxara, a son of the convent of la madre de dios at alcalá; aged twenty-six years, six years in the order. he is not far advanced in his studies, but is very well fitted for this expedition. _from santiago in galicia_ father fray garcia oroz, a native of the district of pamplona, a son of the convent of nuestra señora at atocha; aged fifty years, thirty years in the order. this father has been in nueva españa. i ask for a dispensation that he may have permission to accompany me, for he will be of great use in this expedition and to that province. _from the convent of la magdalenaat alfararin, in the kingdom of aragón_ father fray domingo vicente, a son of the convent of preachers in zaragoza; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; a native of the district of calatayud; his studies completed. _from the convent of san pedro martyr at calatayud_ brother fray jacinto francin, deacon, a native of caspe and a son of the convent there; aged twenty-three years, five years in the order: in the first year of theology. _from the convent of corpus christi at luchente_ father fray dionisio de rueda, a son of the same convent; aged thirty-two years, sixteen years in the order; his studies completed. he is a native of valencia. in addition, i expect from the kingdoms of cataluña and valencia as many as twelve other religious who, as i certainly know, are very suitable persons for this mission, but i do not know their names. i shall not be able to learn these names until the religious reach here, which will be very late. i beg your highness to be pleased to send me a license, so that i may have authority to take all of them; for, in the confidence that i should receive that permission, i have searched them out and disturbed them in their convents. i swear, on the faith of a religious and a priest, that those whom i have assigned so far are the aforesaid. _fray diego aduarte_ with regard to nearly all of those whose names appear in the list i am certain that they are religious of approved life and holy zeal, and that they will be able to do good service to our lord in the conversion of the kingdoms and countries of the indians. many of them i saw on the road to sebilla going on foot, to the edification of others, and in the order of sanctity. in the case of two or three i have found no one who knew them; but i trust in god and in the excellent zeal and choice of father fray diego duarte that they will be like the rest. this is what i know; and in testimony of its truthfulness i have signed it with my name. in the convent of san pablo at valladolid june 4, 1605. _fray garcia guerra_, master [9] and procurator. [_endorsed_: "let the documents necessary for the expenses of these religious be issued. valladolid, on the sixth of june, one thousand six hundred and five.]" to diego de vergara gaviria, receiver of oaths in this council: from the sums in your charge received for court fines give and pay to fray diego de duarte of the order of st. dominic, two hundred ducados, amounting to seventy-five thousand maravedis, which it has been commanded to give him in addition to two hundred ducados which by warrant of this council, dated august 31 last, in the year 604, we commanded you to pay him. this is on account of the expenses which he is obliged to incur in the conveyance and support of the religious. take his receipt, with which and with this warrant the accountants of his majesty who aid this council shall receive and credit you on account the sum which you shall thus pay him. at valladolid, on the thirty-first of august in the year one thousand six hundred and four. [10] signed by the council. _a true report of the difficulties of conducting religious to the philipinas, because of the severe restrictions imposed by the decrees of his majesty in regard to the matter_. although taking religious to any part of the indias is a very arduous undertaking, it is incomparably more so to convey them to the philippinas, since the journey is much longer, and there are more places on the way at which it is necessary to have dealings with royal officials. accordingly, this voyage offers difficulties twice as great as the others. not only is it necessary to cross two great seas--those of the north [atlantic] and, of the south [pacific]--besides the difficult journey across the country of nueva españa from one ocean to the other, but in addition his majesty obliges us who make this journey to pass through so many hands and through so many registries as are certainly intolerable. if affairs be always conducted thus, it will be truly impossible to make the voyage according to the very severe regulations laid down by his majesty, and with the very slight assistance given by his officials to the religious. i do not expatiate upon the great difficulties in obtaining religious, on their own side, as they are the sons of many mothers; and as soon as they begin the journey they hear a thousand things in regard to the evils of the country where they are going. even if nothing more is said of it than that there is neither bread nor wine therein, that is enough to daunt a giant. then those who by their strength of character overcome these difficulties at the edge of the water are frightened at the sea, and at the dismal prophecies that are usually current, that the fleet will be lost on account of sailing very late (as it almost always does) from españa. thus many of the religious have not courage to embark; while those who overcome this difficulty and do go aboard, being new to the sea and seeing themselves in so narrow a space as is that of one ship, and being very seasick--indeed, there are many who during the whole voyage cannot raise their heads--are delighted to find themselves on shore alive. then having set foot on the land of nueva españa, from which they understand that they are obliged to pass anew through all that they have already suffered, and over a much larger ocean, they are put to the test by the climate; some die, and others find themselves attacked by a thousand sicknesses. they get there no better report about the country to which they are going than they had in españa--indeed a much worse one, as it is received from eye-witnesses, both laymen and friars; and they dare not go on farther. all these difficulties have to be conquered by the commissary who conducts them, by means of his prudence, of which he needs a goodly supply. he is obliged to conduct them with love, for the religious are not of a character to be treated with rigor and violence, especially in a matter contrary to flesh and blood, when they exile themselves to those distant countries, so hot and so sterile, leaving their own land, which perhaps they can never forget. hence, if they were to be treated with violence the result which your majesty desires would not follow, that is, the service of god and of your majesty's self in the conversion of souls. not only would they, if thus treated, destroy more than they would build up, but they would serve only to disquiet those who were there occupied in the building up of that great church. these difficulties themselves are not so small; but it is reasonable to add the other and greater ones, such as are those of sending the religious away, and those which are stated in the following paragraphs. _what occurs at valladolid in despatching this business._ the first of the difficulties is in the first steps taken to bring the journey before the council at the court. these steps are many; and anyone who goes thither without money--and those who come from the philippinas to treat for this matter generally have no money--will find it necessary to take a great many more steps, since the officials regard that time as lost which they spend upon despatching the business of a man who offers them no advantages. accordingly, it is not possible to obtain documents from them except by dint of importunate prayers, and these necessarily require much going about; this in the streets of valladolid in winter is a very arduous task, especially for religious, who cannot leave their convent whenever they please. still, to avoid this going from place to place is impossible if the business is to be carried on. after obtaining an order from the council of the indias, which one cannot generally get at the first request, it is necessary to obtain a second order from the council of the exchequer with regard to the allowance for the journey, and both of these must be recorded by the accountants of both councils. although this may be necessary to give further security to the decrees of his majesty and to relieve them from any suspicion of forgery, still, as those which are given to religious persons, and for so pious a purpose as this, are free from such suspicion, they may well be privileged in some respects and need not be obliged to pass through so many registries. on account of the great number of matters which are attended to in valladolid, documents cannot pass through all the registries without taking much time. accordingly, much trouble is necessarily caused in the hospices [_i.e._, guest-houses] of the convents where they lodge, and the commissioner who takes charge of this business is also obliged to suffer even more inconvenience--finding that for business so much to the advantage of our lord the king, and requiring so great labor and responsibility on his own part, and in which there is not a trace of profit to himself, it should be necessary to make such exertions at the very beginning. i confess, for my part, that i would have given up at this first station on the route if i had not supposed that all the hindrances to this voyage that i could encounter in the direction of his majesty would have ended at this point; but later it will be seen how completely deceived i was in this notion. however, it is as well that all those who concern themselves with this business should be so deceived at the beginning, for if they were not they would give up this work, pious as it is. _the smallness of the allowance for conducting the religious to sevilla._ further, the amount which your majesty commands to be granted in valladolid for conveying the religious from their convents to sevilla, is insufficient by far for the expense thus incurred. i conducted the religious who accompanied me to sevilla in the greatest poverty, for many of them went on foot, and he who was best equipped rode an ass. yet i arrived in sevilla burdened by a debt of more than two hundred ducados, merely from the expenditure which i was obliged to make on their account. _in sevilla._ in sevilla, which is the second stopping-place, another troop of difficulties are encountered. in general, it is customary at the house of trade to make some additions to the decrees of his majesty; in order that these be accepted a great number of requirements must be fulfilled, the lack of any one of which is sufficient to invalidate the documents. usually some one of these is lacking, from which it is easy to understand the embarrassment in which he must be who has charge of this matter, when he finds himself and his companions already in sevilla without sufficient means for their support. this happened to me, and i am certain that i was not the first, and that he who follows me will not be the last, thus situated. i found myself in such embarrassment as the result of this that i was almost on the point of abandoning the enterprise at that time. _the small allowance for provisions on the voyage._ moreover, the amount granted in sevilla for the entire support of the religious is far from sufficient for this purpose. if the amount commanded to be granted to them is divided into vestments, bedding, carriage of books, and freight-charges from sevilla to sanlucar, the amount allowed for the ship supplies for each person comes to only twenty-two ducados, which is all that they actually had. it is easy to see that it is impossible to obtain with this, or even approach, all that is necessary. it is certainly true that for bread and wine alone, i spent almost all of what the king granted me for supplies on the voyage; and that i had to encroach upon what was granted me for vestments and what clothes the friars themselves used for apparel. in addition, i was unable to pay all that we owed in sevilla to the convent for the days during which we had remained there; accordingly, when i left it i was out of favor with the prior and the other brethren of the convent and yet i reduced to a very limited amount the supplies for the voyage. this is the statement of facts _in verbo sacerdotis_; for it may be evident in what straits we were, to anyone who has received as allowance for this purpose no more than that which the king gives, as ordinarily those who come from the philippinas have only that amount. _the requirement that the council shall approve the religious who are to go is severe and useless._ after all this, the requirement of making the voyage under the very severe rule that the council shall approve the friars who are to go to the indias brings the whole undertaking within obvious risk of failure. if the list of names of the religious who are going must be certain and accurate, it cannot be sent to the council before they are all assembled in sevilla; for up to that point it is very uncertain who are to go. even then it still remains uncertain, for many come back from sevilla. the ordinary state of affairs is that all are gathered there a few days only before the departure of the fleet, for, if they go much sooner, there is no means for their support; for his majesty gives commands to provide a real and a half daily for every religious, while the contribution demanded from the convent is three reals a day for each one. now, if the list of names of the religious cannot be sent to valladolid earlier, even if it should be approved there at the very moment--and usually business there is despatched quite otherwise--it is necessary that the approval shall come back from valladolid immediately, or else the fleet will have departed, or be on the point of going. in the meantime the religious are in suspense, without knowing whether they are to make the voyage or no; for in the house of trade at sevilla they either refuse to give them the grant necessary for their support until the approval of the council arrives, or, if they grant it in advance, they require a bond which the poor commissary does not know where to find--and which even if he could find it would be unwise for him to give, since he has no means by which to satisfy it in case the council decree some other thing than what he expects. if, on the other hand, the house of trade allows the grant after the appropriation arrives, the time is so short that it is impossible to provide the supplies for the voyage, except very poorly and in great haste, and at a very high price, since one must purchase without time for examination. besides this, the religious are greatly hurt to find themselves subjected to an examination at the hands of the council with regard to their life, their habits, and their family, just as if to permit them to go to the indias were as much as to appoint them to bishoprics; this has greatly cooled their ardor. if the commissary who conducts them is not a man of great prudence, so that he can gild and smooth over this annoyance, it is certain that not one of them will go farther. much more is it true that, if the rule should become known in the provinces of castilla and aragon, whence the religious for these missions usually go, no one would enter them; for if a man is required to leave his own country and his relatives and friends, and exile himself to the end of the world, at the risk of being excluded from the missions by the council of the indias, that would be the same as to put on him an eternal _sanbenito_ [11] in his order. indeed, who would voluntarily subject himself to an interrogation of this sort? may it please god that, even if the bridge be made of silver, they shall be willing to go, all the more for so long and hard a voyage as that to the philippinas, which in itself involves so many difficulties that only the arm of god can overcome them. it would be well to entrust to the commissary who conveys them this examination into their life and habits, for, if he is a conscientious man, he knows well that he lays a burden upon his conscience if he conducts ministers who will not unburden the conscience of the king; and, if he is not conscientious, these ordinances are ineffective, for, as they are so rigorous, he will evade them with very little trouble and at no expense to himself, for the whole matter must rest upon the honesty with which he is willing to act. _registry fees in sanlucar._ in sanlucar is the third stopping-place. here, however well a man may have managed his business in getting out of sevilla, there are never lacking hindrances; for whenever religious are registered there for passage they always meet with some obstacle, if it be nothing more than being asked for fees. these fees are demanded by the clerk of the registry and by the inspector of the ships, who is usually an official of the house of trade at sevilla. this demand for a fee for every religious who goes through is a very base thing. as for me, i was asked for three reals apiece by the clerk. as i thought that the act was an injustice, i went to the accountant and reported the case to him; it seemed even worse to him, and he told me that he would correct it. he did so by telling me on the following day that i should give the clerk what he asked for, and a real and a half more for every one; and that, if i did not do so he would not permit me to go aboard. this is the truth, _in verbo sacerdotis_. it seems to me that since the king does not require us to pay fees for our books and clothes, still less ought we to be asked to pay fees for our persons. i sent a complaint to the duke of medina, who was greatly offended, and condemned the act, so finally they gave me my despatch for almost nothing. _fees on the northern sea._ at sea there is another registry at the time of the inspection of the ships, which generally takes place in mid-ocean at some time when the wind is fair, at the pleasure of the commander of the fleet. in truth, it seems as if it were invented solely for the gain which the officials obtain from it. they exact twelve reals from every passenger; and since the poor are usually by that time drained so dry that most of them go on board without a single real--having spent everything on expenses in port, the king's fees, and the ingenious exactions of the custom-house officers and excise-men--they suffer more from this than from everything else that they have previously spent. in my case they did me the honor to excuse me from the fees for the religious, but refused to do so for the servants whom we brought with us. finally, however, we brought them to the point of agreeing to this because it was plain that we all had come by the order of his majesty. this affair was the cause of no small embarrassment and resentment for all. _from san joan de lua to mexico._ in the port of san joan de lua [12] in nueva españa is the fourth station on the route. it is not the most comfortable one, although it ought to be so, since all arrive there much exhausted and worn out by the voyage. there one begins anew to deal with royal officials, to whom money must be given. thus after we have passed the ocean the torments begin, which have no mercy upon those whom the ocean has many times spared. at that port it is very necessary to have something left over from one's sea-stores, for the expenses are very great in this country. the vicar must not be niggardly in distributing them, if he has to transact any business; or he must arm himself with patience, which is very necessary. his majesty commands that the religious be provided there with what they need from his royal treasury for the journey which they must make to méxico. they allow them only ten days for the journey, and provide food only for that period. the road is eighty leguas in length and is very rough, so that it takes a well-mounted horseman with a light load all of ten days to make it. how much more must it take for people going in company, and with a string of pack animals (as the religious ordinarily travel), who do not expect to go more than five or six leguas a day. moreover, they are traveling in countries of varying climates; one of these being hot and the next cold, they often fall ill on the road, and some cannot travel farther. it is no small achievement for those in health to reach méxico in twenty days. that which is allowed them for ten days' journey is not enough, as is very certain, in this country; how, then, will it suffice for twenty? _in méxico_. in the city of méxico, which is the court of nueva españa, is the fifth stopping-place, where all of the difficulties which have been experienced at the court of our lord the king and in the city of sevilla are renewed; because here one has to deal with royal officials in order to obtain money, and with the officials of his lordship the viceroy regarding the formalities necessary for the second embarcation. and both classes of officials make themselves so much the owners of the poor religious who has need of them that, when they again commence their demands here, he would, even if he had the patience of a job, need all of it because of the many occasions which are here offered for his losing it. although i arrived at méxico burdened with the expenses of the journey, and had no food and no place from which to get it, the royal officials are not obliged to pay a single maravedi until all the party have passed through their registers. this will be done when they please. they inquire from the religious where their homes are, and who are their parents--a very unpleasant thing. one requires great assistance from heaven in order not to resent it bitterly. they put so little confidence in his word and oath that what they do not see with their own eyes it is not worth while to swear to them. it happened, on the day when they registered me, that i did not have with me three religious, who were lying sick in the city of los angeles, which is on the route hither. although i told the royal officials of this and swore it _in verbo sacerdotis_, that did not avail to make them give me the subsistence which i was obliged to send to those sick men. after this, since the stay in mexico is long, lasting for almost a half a year, they asked money whenever they paid the tri-yearly allowance, and for every warrant they charged ten pesos, which comes to eighty [13] pesos. the payment is made in silver, to exchange which for current money causes a great deal of loss. thus all of these pilferings consume the little which is given to the religious. i pass over the fact that it is impossible to collect money due without taking many steps and hearing many rude answers and sometimes insulting language. at one time when i was making such claims, one of the mexican accountants uttered to me, before respectable witnesses, an insult which cut me to the heart, because i felt it as a man; and if he had uttered those words to one of his slaves, it might have wounded him. _in acapulco_. at the port of acapulco is the last stopping-place. i do not even know what happens there, for at the time of writing this report we have not arrived there; but i have sufficient evidence that it must be the most burdensome of all. it is about three months since i have had three religious there, being obliged to send them in advance that they might prepare there what is needed for the voyage. one of them with my power of attorney requested the royal officials there to grant them a house, as is usual and customary, that they might collect there the ship-stores which are on the way from mexico, and might lodge the friars there when about to make the journey. they presented for this purpose your majesty's decree which i possess, and the officials replied that they would not grant them the house without a command from the viceroy. i sent this to them, and they made i know not what additions, and so have sent it back to me. during the two months and more that have been occupied with these demands and answers, the poor friars have slept on the ground, without having anyone to take them into his house--except that, being taken ill, they were received in the hospital. it is with all these hardships and difficulties that this voyage, so much to the service of god and of his majesty, is taken, besides those experienced in the voyage itself, which are enough to make the beard of the bravest tremble. his majesty requires, in spite of all this, that all of the religious who go from españa to philippinas must proceed thither, without permission being granted for any to remain in nueva spaña; but there is no means less suitable to gain that end than obliging them to pass through so many difficulties. they come out of them so much grieved and humiliated that their courage and good will in serving his majesty has come to an end. to transport them by force most certainly is no profit to his royal service, much less to the service of god. it does no good to the cause of religion, as i said in the beginning. besides this, if your majesty is pleased that we religious shall pass through so many registries without having our word or oath believed in them, because of the fraud that might exist in the amounts allowed to us from his royal treasury--if we are not to be trusted in this matter, much less shall be so in regard to the relief of his conscience, for which he sends us to those regions. hence it seems that sending us might be dispensed with; the more since his majesty entrusts this matter to his royal officials to whose direction and command he subjects us religious. they, perhaps supposing that by showing themselves rigorous in a matter of such piety they are likely to be regarded as zealous for the protection of the royal treasury in all other matters, draw the string until it breaks. but it is evident that there are royal officials in the indias who maintain princely houses, perhaps without having inherited means for this from their parents. with regard to them it is plainly known that they serve the king solely for their own advantage; yet his majesty trusts more to them than to disinterested religious who ask for nothing but their food and lodging on the road. if this costs much, it is because the journey is so tedious. although at this point it might be said that the accounts of the royal officials have to be audited in due time, and that therefore they are more to be trusted, i, who have seen much of the world and know what happens in it, know also what is the fact in this matter. it is, that he who goes out of office richest at the time of the residencia goes out the best justified; hence, for fear of that, he never fails to make his profit. i do not mean to say that there should be no order or system in regard to the grant allowed by his majesty to the religious for these missions; but i mean that his majesty should command his officials to believe them at least on their oath, and that when they are obliged to give their oath they should not be annoyed as they have been hitherto. the only objection to this is the irregularities of the fathers commissaries who have taken religious to the indias. these, it is said, have obliged his majesty to impose such restrictions in this matter, and as a safeguard against irregularities which may occur in future--because there have been commissaries who have taken fewer religious than the king provided for, thus defrauding his royal treasury by spending on a few that which was allowed for many. to this i reply, first, that there is no fraud upon the royal treasury, inasmuch as the allowance made by it for four is insufficient for the support of three, as appears from the previous statements of what happened to me in sevilla. hence there is not in this the evil design which seems to exist. the second point is that, as a result of these oppressive orders, the condition of things is sure to be much worse, since many mare friars are certain to remain in sevilla and nueva spaña, even after they have received money from the royal treasury for their ship-stores. after this has once been paid none of it can ever be restored to the treasury, even if a great excess were left; since whatever would be restored to the treasury, of all this which has been obtained from it with so many documents and precautions, would not go to it but to its officials. this would be the more true inasmuch as they, however justified they might be, would be unwilling to accept the things in kind, for fear of being obliged to give an account of them afterwards. this might subject them to great danger of loss. above all, if the commissary were to reveal this matter to the officials, they would put an embargo on the whole affair, and he would undergo the risk of being unable to undertake the voyage. this happened to me once, for, being very fond of following truth and honesty, i told the royal officials of this city of mexico that two religious of my company had received my permission to remain here, as that was expedient for the service of god and of his majesty, and declared that i did not require living expenses and ship-stores for them. the officials, in place of trusting me at seeing that i proceeded without fraud or falsehood, cut off the provisions for all of my company, refusing for more than twenty days to give me what his majesty commanded to be allowed for the support of the religious. thus i was almost on the point of being unable to make the journey; for i used up on their living in méxico all of the ship-stores which i had provided for the sea. accordingly, in their desire to prevent two from remaining here, they incurred the risk that all of us might be compelled to remain. i stated this to the royal officials and the viceroy in a petition, and gained nothing by it. this is the kind of inconveniences which follow from practicing honesty with regard to the decrees of his majesty. as for the aforesaid, i, fray diego aduarte, vicar of the religious of saint dominic who are going to the philippinas, swear _in verbo sacerdotis_ that it is true, and i sign it with my name. at mexico, january 20, 1605. _fray diego aduarte_ [_endorsed_: "february 12, 1607, referred to señor don francisco de tejada to examine the papers and report thereon to the council." "february 16, 1607, examined; the decrees, within."] [_endorsed_: "let the house of trade state why dues are collected from every religious who goes on his majesty's account to the indias, and let it give an account of the amount charged for registration; and in the meantime, and until further orders, let it take no fees, and issue a decree that the officers shall not levy these dues. "let the approval of the religious conducted by father fray graviel de san antonio to the filipinas be entrusted to señor don francisco de vaste; and on the credit of this alone let the house of trade, for this one time, furnish him with provision for the friars' support during the voyage. "write to the viceroy of nueva españa to direct the royal officials and all other officers to despatch with promptitude and treat with kindness the religious who go to the filipinas by command of his majesty and at his majesty's expense; and let them take no fees for the despatch of their persons and their books, or for the warrants for collection of the expenses which they incur on the journey. "in regard to everything else contained in this petition and report from father fray diego aduarte, let that be decreed which is fitting to the service of god and his majesty."] (most powerful sire: i, fray gabriel de san antonio [14], vicar of the religious who by order of your highness are to go this year to the philippinas, declare that father fray diego aduarte, who conducted the religious who last went to the said islands, found, in spite of the liberal grant made by your majesty to him, some difficulties which greatly hindered his voyage, as appears from his report herewith enclosed. of all these difficulties the gravest are three. the first is, that the officials of the house of trade at sevilla are unwilling to pay to the commissioner or vicar who conducts the religious the money which your highness commands to be given for their voyage, unless he first gives good and sufficient bonds that he will return the money in case the religious do not embark; the second is, that the convent of san pablo at sevilla and that of santo domingo at sanlucar, where the religious are entertained, demand from them three reals a day, although your highness grants only a real and a half; the third is, that the registry clerks are unwilling to record the grants to the religious unless they receive three reals for each person. as a result, since that which your highness grants for the voyage is but little, they put so much difficulty in the way that the religious are unable to go on, and the commissary or vicar who conducts them is prevented, to that extent, from fulfilling his obligations and the service of your highness. he prays your highness, in view of the service which he has done for your highness in the philippinas, in eastern indias, and in sending out the religious whom he, father fray diego aduarte, conducted, and in that which he is now about to undertake in his own person, and considering how small is the allowance granted to the religious for their voyage, that your majesty will be pleased to make an allowance for additional expense for himself and for the religious whom he conducts with him; and he prays your majesty that, in order to relieve the difficulties referred to, you will decree that which is most suitable to your royal service and to the prompt despatch of the religious. _fray gabriel de san antonio_) the dutch factory at tidore _testimony of a dutchman named juan who was taken in the factory at tidore_ in the port of tidore, on the sixteenth day of the month of march, in the year one thousand six hundred and six, the captain and sargento-mayor christoval asqueta minchaca of the regiment of the master-of-camp joan de esquibel, the royal commander of this fleet, declares that the said master-of-camp, joan de esquibel, sent to him in his ship a foreigner, whom he found with others in the factory [15] at tidore, that he might undergo examination. the following interrogatory was put to this man: "what are the names of this declarant and his companions? in what vessels did they come? how many are there in maluco and in these eastern yndias? in what regions have they been, each of them, and how long in each region, and in what vessels did they come? to whom do these vessels belong? who equipped them? on whose account did they make their voyage? and for whom is this factory conducted? are this factory and that of terrenate all one, belonging to the same owners? with what permission did they come to these regions?" he said that he was named joan and was a native of amberes, a christian, and had been baptized in the said city. of his companions, the factor, named jacome joan, is a dutchman, a native of the city of absterdaem; the second is named pitri, a native of yncussa in the islands of olanda; a third is named costre, by his last name, and this declarant does not know his first name. he is a native of campem, of the states of olanda. this declarant came to these regions in the ship of the [dutch] vice-commander, which voyaged in company with the other four; and they seized ambueno and this fort of tidore. it is eight months since they left him on this island, and two months before they had anchored in the said port, the said five ships had halted for supplies in java, where they remained fifteen days. jacome joan, who is at present factor of this island of tidore, has spent five years in terrenate. the declarant does not know from what place he came. the merchants of jelanda of the city of millburg--named joan comne, another burriel, and another muniq, natives of amberes--are known to this declarant, and have other associates in olanda in the city of ambstradama, in cuyssem and in horrem. [16] all of these together have a common purse, and it is all one amount; it is they who have equipped these vessels for this expedition. the names of the citizens of these cities of olanda and gelanda are known to one of the associates of this declarant, the one named costre. the factories of tidore and of terrenate are all one, owned by the same persons. in ambueno, in java, in banda, in sunda, in pajani, in achi, on the coast of vengala, [17] and in some regions the names of which are not known to this declarant the said merchants have factories, under such an arrangement that the whole affair is all one thing, owned by the same proprietors. of these fleets none set sail except by permission of the prince of oranje, to whom is given the part which pertains to him as lord. and this is his answer. he was asked, "what ship is the one which was met by this fleet? whence comes it? what arms and artillery, powder and provisions does it carry? whence are they obtained and provided? and where have they their factory?" he answered that the ship about which the inquiry is made is one of the five which came with this witness when they seized the said forts of ambueno and tidore. the captain was a certain gertiolfos, a native of olanda. he set sail from yncussen with money and provisions for only two years. he has been cruising about these islands for ten months, and in the opinion of this declarant the said ship carries at present forty seamen, more or less; while the exact number of the forces in the said ship will be stated by costre and pitri, since they came as seamen in her. this declarant does not know that they carry more arms than are needed to arm all the men on board her. their weapons are muskets, arquebuses, and half-pikes. when this declarant went aboard the ship, it seemed to him she had twenty-nine or thirty pieces of artillery. as for her provisions they get them in places where they have factories. he does not know how much gunpowder they carry, except that they came out from olanda and jelanda provided with it. he was asked what treaties they had with the king of tidore and the king of terrenate, and what oaths the king of tidore had made to them; he replied that the treaty which they had made is of the following nature: the king of tidore at the time when they took this fort told the commander of the fleet, who was called cornieles bastian, that they should leave here forces and that he would build a fort where these might be kept, so that if portuguese or castilians came they might be able to defend the country; while he would assure them that the country should be for the dutch. the commander answered that he had not a sufficient force to be able to leave any to defend the country; and the said king asked him to leave three or four dutchmen, that they might carry on their trade and barter. when the commander asked with what security he could leave them, and what the other would do, the said king then caused the books of his mahometan religion to be brought; and, laying his hands upon them, made an oath after his custom that he would protect, favor, and defend the dutch as if they were his own sons. in the same manner he swore that he would sell cloves to no people except to the dutch, unless extreme need of food should force him to sell them to some other people, in which case he would not sell them except to java. in this manner was carried out that which is contained in this interrogatory. being asked if the kings of tidore and terrenate were at peace, and how and under what conditions, for how long a time, and who intervened in forming the peace--he answered that it is a matter of public knowledge in this region that they have not made peace or amity, but that both kings are at war. when asked what goods they have in the factory on this island of tidore, what amount of cloves is due to them, who they are who owe the dutch, and how many the king owes--he answered that the goods which they have in the factory are bales of cloth--such as fine muslins and linens, gauzes [_word illegible_] and iron. this declarant knows that the king of tidore owes the factory a great amount of cloves, and that some of the people of tidore likewise owe some. he refers to the accounts of the factor. being asked who or which of them keeps the book of accounts and reckoning of the factory, that he might exhibit it, he answered that the factor, named jacone joan, had it, and he referred to him. being asked with what intention they remained in these islands, when they expected to leave them, and whether they intended to maintain a permanent trade there--he responded that this declarant and his companions remained in order that commerce with the people of tidore and terrenate might be opened, and that they were waiting for ships from olanda in which a commanding officer and troops would come to remain as colonists and inhabitants, like the portuguese, and to carry on commerce with the islands from olanda and jelanda. and this is his answer. being asked what offer they had made to the kings of terrenate and tidore as to aiding and assisting them against the spaniards: he answered that the king of tidore had agreed with the commander that if the spaniards came with such a fleet that he would be unable to resist them he would be obliged to yield the country; and by consequence, if the dutch had a force sufficient to take it from the spaniards or portuguese, he was not sufficiently powerful to defend the country against them. he knew that the commander had written to java that six vessels which he had been informed were to go to java should come here; after this had been done, the said commander went back to patan, but the ships had not come. this declarant does not know that more vessels have arrived or set out than the five of which he has spoken. being asked if they expect any ships, how many there are, when they are to come, how many came out in a fleet from olanda, and at what time they set sail--this declarant replied that he was certain, now that the commerce here had been begun and this fort established, that vessels would come. he does not know the number, but the said factor will have an account thereof. when this man who is making his confession set sail, there set out from olanda and jelanda twelve ships. they were divided after the following manner: two of them separated from the others at the cape of buena esperanza [_i.e._, good hope], at the island of sant lorenço, and two others at masanvique [_i.e._, mozambique]; three remained in ambueno, to go to banda to be laden with pepper; and the five others came to these islands. it may be two years since they left olanda and jelanda. this declarant does not know what course they followed, more than as a common sailor who went on board to get his livelihood. being asked of what he knows of affairs in terrenate, and of the state in which they are, and of the fort and defenses there--he answered that the artillery was not inside the fort, but in a house intended for the sole purpose of protecting the artillery against the water. the height of the wall is four estados, as he thinks. this declarant thinks that the city where the fort is contains as many as two thousand men of war, armed with arquebuses, muskets, campilans, cuirasses, and helmets. this is his answer and it is the truth, under the penalty imposed upon him who testifies falsely; and he has signed this with his name. [signature is lacking] the sangley insurrection of 1603 _true relation of the sangley insurrection in the filipinas, and the miraculous punishment of their rebellion; and other events of the islands: written to these kingdoms by a soldier who is in those islands, and abridged by miguel rodriguez maldonado._ [18] [_marginal note at beginning of ms._: "chinese sangleys who remained in this island to enjoy the liberty of the gospel, many of whom afterward failed in their duty."] on september 26 of the former year 603, it was reported in this city of manila that a negress had declared that on st. francis's day there would be a great fire and much bloodshed. investigations were made in regard to her statement, and the time passed until friday, october 3, of the said year, the eve of st. francis. in the afternoon, don luys de las marinas sent to governor don pedro de acuña to ask for thirty soldiers, as he perceived that the sangleys living in tondo and minondo, where he usually lived, were in rebellion. he had learned that a band numbering three hundred had assembled, mostly gardeners; and, although he wished to reconnoiter them, he did not dare to, because of the few men that he had. the messenger reached don pedro de acuña, and a little later came a christian sangley, one baristilla, then governor of the sangleys, both christian and pagan. he craftily informed don pedro de acuña of the news, and was heartily thanked, as the matter was not understood. the spaniards immediately called a council of war, where it was resolved to send the help asked by don luys de las marinas. that same day the reënforcement left, and all the companies were assembled with the utmost silence, in the guard-room, and were given their orders. some of the inhabitants were ordered to be on their guard, and to sound the alarm if they perceived any extraordinary excitement. accordingly, it happened that the alarm was sounded very suddenly, between one and two o'clock that night; they had been obliged to give it because of a fire that they saw near the city. there was a great commotion, as there were so few inhabitants in the country. every man hastened to his banner, and all went to the guard-room, where they were ordered to take their stations. having manned the walls, and keeping on the alert, it was discovered that the fire was in certain summer-houses, where captain estevan de marquina was living with his children and wife. a troop of four thousand sangleys went to this house, and killed him and his wife, four children, and twenty slaves, with great cruelty, although he defended himself as a good soldier and spaniard. he had confessed that afternoon, for it was the jubilee of st. francis. only one little girl, his daughter, escaped from his house, whom a slave carried out in his arms, although she was badly wounded and burned. having inflicted this damage, the sangleys invested another house near by, where the archdean, francisco gomez de arellano, was living, as well as the father-commissary of the holy office, and father fernando de los reyes. the sangleys were very determined to kill those men, but they, hearing the noise, fired two loaded arquebuses. when the enemy perceived that they were firing arquebuses, imagining that they had many of them, they passed by, and at one-half legua reached a village called quiapo. there they set a large fire, and then immediately extinguished it. half an hour later they built a larger fire, which lasted a longer time. this was a signal for the sangleys in the parian to assault the city, and take it. although the sangleys of the parian saw the fire, they did not then dare to attack the city; for they were divided into factions, as the wealthy merchants did not wish to risk their property. but as those who had little to lose were in the great majority, they forced them to attack, and calling to the mob, they assailed the city. [19] it is said that they saw over the gate opposite the parian (which they were about to attack) a crucified christ dripping blood, and at his feet the seraphic father, st. francis, with face uplifted toward him. on this account they became so faint-hearted that they were forced to retire, without being observed from the city, as it was night. those in quiapo set fire to it and burned it. they killed some natives, whose moans and cries were heard on the city walls. at this juncture day dawned, and it was seen that the enemy were marching to their camp, in order to fortify themselves in a chapel called san francisco del monte, two leguas from the city. there they established themselves, and fortified a stronghold built of stakes filled in well with earth, to a man's height, and furnished with two ditches of fresh water. it seemed suitable for twenty thousand men, and had very skilfully laid-out streets. this means that more than two hundred sangleys were building it for more than a month, but with so great quietness that it was never known; for it was a district little frequented by spaniards, as it was swampy. the men began to gather there again, so that at noon on saturday, the fourth of october, the enemy had more than ten thousand men in camp. on that day the christian sangleys of tondo and minondo rose. when don luys de las marinas saw this, and the help that he was awaiting having arrived, he attacked them with great spirit and killed many of them. but as he perceived that his men were about to be attacked by a great number of people, he requested the governor to send him a second reënforcement quickly. the governor hesitating as to whom to send, captain don tomas bravo de acuña, his nephew, begged to be assigned to this task, and to take his company, numbering seventy good soldiers--musketeers and arquebusiers, a picked body of men. besides this almost all the soldiers of the country offered to go with him, as it was an expedition of so great justice and honor. the governor was urgent in ordering that no others than don tomas and his company should go. but he could not help it, and accordingly the following persons went on the expedition. [here follows a list of the principal officers who accompanied the governor's nephew. they contained such names as captain juan de la isla, captain villafaña, captain cebrian de madrid, and pedro de benavides, besides a number of citizens who are unnamed.] they came in sight of the enemy on this day, saturday, and having joined don luys de las marinas in tondo and general juan de alcega, they attacked the enemy. the latter were in three squadrons, of forty companies of one hundred and eighty men apiece; and most of them were ambushed with their colonel. our men were not dismayed one whit by this; on the contrary, they were animated by their justice in the matter and by spanish spirit. they made so furious an attack that they forced the enemy to retire very quickly. eager for victory, our men went pressing on after them, so that, when they saw the trickery of the enemy's retreat and wished to do the same, they were unable to--on the one hand, because they had entered a swamp, and were up to their knees in the bog; and on the other, because the enemy had surrounded them, and they were unable to use their arquebuses and other weapons. thus they were all killed with clubs and cutlasses, and only four escaped, who had retreated when they saw the multitude of the enemy. this event was indeed one of lamentation and grief, and news of it immediately spread all over the country, whereat great grief was felt. however, the truth was not known with certainty for a week, in accordance with the governor's command, in order not to cause so great pain suddenly. the enemy sought shelter in their camp, whither they took the heads of our men strung on some bejucos. the three principal ones--namely, those of good don luis de las marinas, general juan de alcega, and captain don tomas--were placed above the gates of their camp, and they made great merriment, while waiting the night. then they took the heads of the others, and carried them to the parian, opposite the city. there many revolted with them, but more than one thousand eight hundred sangleys remained in the parian--mostly merchants and mechanics--who cautiously wished to be on their guard, in order that, if those of their nation should gain the land, they might join these; but if the spaniards should obtain the victory, they would say that they were guiltless in the insurrection. on sunday, and until noon of the following monday, the governor, accompanied by all the audiencia, visited the parian, where he gave what orders seemed advisable. the sangley merchants told them that they were friendly to the castilians, and that his lordship should decide what he would command to be done with them. the governor answered to this that they should place their property within the city, and that a location would be assigned them where they would be safe under their guards. the sangleys did not wish to accede to this, but placed a great amount of property in the city. the governor, seeing that they did not wish to enter, ordered each one to be given a certificate granting him life; and had them told that he who did not have one of these would be regarded as one who had come from the enemy's camp. after this resolution the governor and audiencia left the parian on monday at noon. on the morning of that day, some spaniards and four hundred japanese had left the city, at the governor's orders, to attack the enemy. they did so and killed more than fifteen hundred men, and burned all their food. this obliged them to break camp and to return toward the city, marching in three squadrons, numbering fifteen hundred men. every moment they were joined by bands of two hundred and three hundred. they assembled in a town called dilao, situated about three musket-shots from the city, at twelve o'clock in the morning. they united all their forces, and carried on operations from a very strong large stone house, which was the chapel of nuestra señora de candelaría. two days before, her image had been carried into the city in most solemn procession. on that day it rained heavily, and as those in the houses were fearful lest the enemy would set fire to their dwellings, they had removed the nipa [20] with which they were covered. in the houses built of stone and tile there was not standing-room, as all or most of the people gathered there, both women and children, and those incapable of bearing arms. all was confusion and lamentation, because of this, and since more than sixteen hundred sangleys were in sight of the city. most of the people distributed themselves along that part of the wall; and in the cavaliers and ravelins were mounted pieces of artillery. until now no resolution had been taken whether to put to the sword those sangleys who remained in the parián, or to set the parián afire, or to let the people benefit from the sack of it, which was worth more than eighty thousand pesos. however there was no opportunity for this, as the enemy's camp was so near, that now those sangleys in the chapel were communicating with and going to those in the parián, and those in the parian to the chapel. consequently it was resolved to burn it. this was done with great haste, for divine justice was apparently showing that such sins as were committed there were deserving of such a penalty. when the sangleys who had remained in the parián perceived that it was burning, they packed up as much of their possessions as possible and went to the other side of the river, where stood the residences of the wealthy merchants. that afternoon a council of war was held in the enemy's camp. they determined to send late that night sangleys in pairs to the walls, to ascertain whether we had any artillery, and whether all the people manning the walls were spaniards; for they thought that this was not possible, unless we had brought the images of the saints which were in the church. they did not think wrong, either way, for they were a thousand holy religious, who had laid aside their holy habits for such an occasion, and they were encouraging all with holy words and valorous deeds, and now with musket, now with arquebus, pike, or spear, and sword and buckler, were standing as sentries and helping on the walls day and night. the enemy began to make grimaces and gestures within musket-range, making obeisances, and doing other things worthy of their shamelessness. in reply, they remained there as if born there, so that of the many sangleys who came, it was found that only one escaped, and that all were killed with the balls fired at them from the walls; for both day and night, no one took his eyes from the enemy, who went retreating to the river in the midst of his camp, for the other side of it was defended by a wall, and that precaution was not a bad one, if it had availed anything. thursday morning, on the seventh or the said month, the governor and council of war determined to attack the enemy. between eight and nine o'clock, one hundred and fifty spanish arquebusiers and five hundred japanese left the city, under command of sargento-mayor gallinato, who was accompanied by other captains. attacking with greater spirit than concert, the japanese entered in the vanguard, and the spaniards in the rear, and assaulted the sangleys. they gained the gate of the river, and the chapel, where the camp was situated. they killed five hundred men, besides wounding many others. they gained possession of the enemy's flags. then the sangleys, perceiving that the spaniards were becoming greedy, attacked them on both sides with more than fourteen hundred men--and so vigorously, that the spaniards were compelled to retire, in spite of their disinclination, when they saw the japanese retreating as rapidly as possible. consequently they were forced to turn and retreat to the city, and to lose what had been gained. the enemy with loud cries went to attack in their course the gates of the city and the lowest and weakest part of its wall. all the army hastened to that side, to the assistance of those on the walls. they kept their matches ready, and, with each pikeman between two arquebusiers, sargento-mayor gallinato retreated to the city. as soon as he was in safety, the artillery began to play, and gave the enemy a shower that softened their fury, and compelled them to halt upon recognizing their danger. sargento-mayor gallinato, encouraging his men, attacked anew, issuing with his men by the lower gate, and the city was very joyful on that account. as soon as they had cleared the country, they halted, in order that the same thing might not again happen as before. had they not been near the city walls, and had not sargento-mayor gallinato with only ten soldiers defended the bridge with great spirit, they would all have been killed. after this gallinato sent to the governor asking for orders, for the men were fatigued and the sun extremely hot, while he was badly used by two wounds with stakes that he had received. such are the weapons used by the sangleys; and they first wound with the point like a spear and then draw it through from behind, with so much force that they cut a man all to pieces. the governor ordered them to retire, and they did so accordingly. having informed the governor of what had happened, a spark fell into a flask full of powder and burned three people. from that another spark fell into a jar full of powder and burned five more soldiers. and had not the sargento-mayor been so agile, it would have injured him. meanwhile those in the parian were not rejoicing when they saw that, the day before, half of the parian had been burned. as men determined to conquer or die they came that night in two machines that they had made with so great skill that one side was low and the other high so that they overtopped the walls of the city; thus they could with very little trouble throw thirty men into the city each time when they attacked. behind these machines came a great throng of sangleys, of whom the fury of the artillery killed a great number. at the same time the artillery broke up the machines. at this juncture reënforcements of one thousand men entered the city--pampanga indians, comprising arquebusiers and pikemen. they sallied out with some spaniards and attacked the enemy. they killed more than a thousand of them and set fire to the rest of the parian. in the fire three hundred of the most important and richest merchants were burned. these, in order not to die at the hands of our men, hanged themselves and burned themselves alive with their belongings. the japanese, seeing that the pampanga indians were destroying and sacking the parian with great fury, gradually joined them. together they killed all the chinese whom they met, and went away, this man with a chest, this one with a pair of breeches, [and others with] bags filled with silks and rich articles. but no spaniard had any leave to take part in the sack. however, some who took part in it, at all hazards, profited very much from the enemy. the sack lasted all the afternoon and part of the night. the enemy, upon seeing the parian burned in every part, and their goods lost, were discouraged. having held a council that night, they very silently went to a village called san pablo. they were pursued by don luys de velasco with five hundred spaniards and one thousand indians, by order of governor don pedro de acuña, before they reached san pablo. the sangleys killed of our men six spaniards and four japanese, but it cost them fifteen hundred of their men. so great was their number, and the confusion among all of them, that our men did not hesitate to kill as many of them as they met on the road and elsewhere. the governor immediately sent word to his majesty's villages and ordered them not to spare any, but to put to the sword whomsoever they found. of all the chinese, except thirty who were taken to the city--and who died christians, to all appearances, for they asked for the water of holy baptism--no others are known to have taken the road to salvation, out of more than twenty thousand who were infidels. the governor having seen that they were killing all the sangleys in the islands, ordered, for just reasons, that none of those coming to the city should be killed. as soon as this news was given out, about four hundred came. had they been ten thousand, they would have been received, for they were needed in the city. they all accused bautistilla, a christian, who, as above stated, was their governor, saying that he was the cause of the insurrection, and that he had been made king of all the country. they also accused miguel onte and alonso sagoyo--both christian sangleys, and the chiefest men. having taken their depositions, and through the sufficient proof that was furnished, since all blamed bautistilla, the latter was condemned to be hanged and quartered, and his head set in the parian. he was declared a traitor, and his property confiscated for his majesty. his houses were razed and their sites sown with salt. this sentence proceeded from the royal audiencia, and was executed on the eleventh of the month of october. at the foot of the scaffold he said that that death was not due him for his conduct, and that he had always been a loyal vassal of his majesty; and that god knew what was in his breast, and the thoughts of his heart. he died with the marks of a good christian. then on the fifteenth day of the said month, the two christian sangleys were executed. they were condemned by the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp. one of them, in order to save himself, declared that the mandarins had come with the cunning purpose of spying out the land, and that the insurrection had been by their orders. he said that they were coming soon to attack the city, and that the spaniards should not neglect to act very carefully. accordingly the governor set about taking all necessary measures. he and the sargento-mayor worked in a way wonderful to behold. may god strengthen their hands! four days later, when the enemy had fortified themselves quite strongly in san pablo, captain don luys de velasco went out at the head of sixty spaniards. having reached the _calaco_, he attacked so spiritedly that the sangleys retreated. he entered the camp of the enemy in his eagerness, whereupon, uttering loud cries, they returned in a large mob to attack him, so that it cost him his life and those of four soldiers. the others, on seeing their captain killed, retreated and went down the mountain. this news reached the city, whereupon sargento-mayor ascoeta went out with 220 spanish arquebusiers, 400 japanese, 2,000 pampanga indians (of whom 1,500 were arquebusiers and musketeers, and the others were armed with spears, swords and arrows), 200 monos, [21] and 300 blacks, who came as friends to take part in this war. after having gone only seven leguas, they met the enemy, and having rested four days, they formed their camp. after having found where the enemy could retreat, and holding them at every point, they attacked the sangleys, of whom they killed more than four hundred. their master-of-camp retreated to a little elevation near by, after defending himself with great courage. our men rested until morning of the next day, when they went to give them the "santiago," and killed fourteen hundred. three hundred fled, and hid in the thickets and woods there-about. our men fortified themselves with the food that the enemy had there. on the morning of the following day they went in pursuit of the three hundred who had hidden and attacked them, and not one of them was left alive. this victory was obtained without the death of more than twelve christian indians. our camp rested for three days, and on the fourth began to march to another village, on the seashore, called batangas. there they found a troop of twenty-five hundred hostile sangleys with ships and boats, with the intention of going to their own country. after five days' march our leader sighted the enemy, whereupon he ordered a halt and drew up his men. on the morning of the next day he gave battle with great fury, and killed one thousand one hundred and two sangleys. the rest, badly crippled, sought refuge in the mountains in the interior. the spaniards did not go in pursuit of them, for they were very tired after their six hours of fighting, while some were wounded. consequently sargento mayor ascoeta sent an indian chief, one don ventura de mendoça, with two hundred pampanga indians, to pursue them. in a few days all the sangleys were killed. after this good result and victory the sargento-mayor retired with his camp, without losing a man outside of twelve indians and one japanese, while seventeen spaniards were wounded. the most dangerously wounded was the captain of the guard, martin de herrera, who was wounded with two spear-thrusts through the thighs. he has proved himself a very honorable and gallant soldier on all occasions. the sargento-mayor immediately sent a messenger to the governor, to tell him of the victory. this was on the twelfth of november, at eleven o'clock on st. martin's day. after the arrival of this news another piece of news, of no less importance to this country, was received, namely that the king of mindanao wishes peace with us. as security he sent his son and his nephew as hostages, and with them all the christians captive in his land. he offered to help the governor as a true friend. it is a notable thing that even the animals have tried to show the mortal hate that ought to be extended toward this canaille. many thanks have been and are given to our lord for all. hence the most holy sacrament has been exposed for forty days. every monastery has observed its octave with great solemnity and processions, accompanied ever by their good mother [_i.e._, the virgin] and the propitious st. francis, by whose help we have obtained the victory on all occasions offered us. the plans of the sangleys were as follows. on the day of st. francis, both workmen and merchants were to enter as usual into the city, some of the merchants with shoes and others with clothes. the barber was to attend to his duties. then with four sangleys in each house, they were to put all the spaniards to the sword, reserving the spanish women. these they had already distributed, the young girls for their enjoyment and the old women to serve in the house. for this purpose each of them was to carry a catan, or sort of cutlass, under their long robes. besides this they had ordered a body of five hundred to assemble, who were to assault the monastery of st. francis, and leave no one alive there. doubtless they would have killed all according to this plan, if god our lord had not been pleased, in his divine mercy, to disclose it, the day before. although there had been some rumors of the insurrection nine days before, the spaniards would never believe it; for the life of the spaniard is all confidence, and he thinks no one can dare to do such things. the cause of the enemy dividing into so many troops was the factions among them, so that out of the more than 22,00[0] sangleys in all these islands, not 800 have survived. [22] on the twenty-fourth of october they began to dig the trench about the city wall, at which three hundred men, all sangleys, worked. the one thousand moros were engaged in other works, not only on the fort and in the new retreat, but on the wall and the supplies for it. the ditch is seventy feet wide and two estados deep. as soon as the war began, three hundred sangley christians who lived in tondo and minondo embarked in some small boats with their wives and children, and went down the river to the governor, to whom they said that they had no wish to revolt. these were sent away safely, and returned to their houses. the spaniards are living with great caution toward them, for they are treacherous and cunning in what they do. they exercise their trades in this city. each of them is considered as well employed, in exchange for which they must not commit offenses as in the past, which were great and numerous. on the fourteenth of november, sargento-mayor ascoeta entered this city, marching in good order with his camp, both spaniards, and the pampanga indians and japanese. they brought in the banners won from the enemy. they were very well received by the governor and audiencia, and by all the city. don pedro showered a thousand compliments on all the pampanga captains for their good services. they were much pleased at this, and offered their persons, lives, and possessions to the service of his majesty. the japanese and pampangas had a share in all the wealth of the booty, and it was large, for it consisted mainly of gold, silver, reals, and pearls. i do not mention the stratagems of war, the instructions, and the orders throughout the course of it, in order not to prove wearisome, and, moreover, to leave them for one who can write them in a better style. only, as an eye-witness, i affirm what i have here told, and that all in general have behaved themselves very well as honorable soldiers (especially the leaders), both of the ecclesiastics and of the laymen; and that in this, as in other matters, our lord has shown us a thousand favors. among the enemy's flags were two that contained characters in the sangley language, which, translated into our castilian vernacular, read as follows: "the leader and general of the kingdom of españa ... [23] so that all the chinese take part together in this affair and obey us by destroying root and branch these hostile robbers, whom we have against our will, both castilians and japanese. we the sangleys swear that after the conquest of this city we shall share the lands, even to the very herbs, with equal shares, as brothers." that which gave the traitor bautistilla more courage in undertaking so great a treason was a stratagem and subtilty which he employed to know those on his side. this was to order each sangley to bring a needle and deliver it into his hand. this they did, and he put the needles in a little box. he thus ascertained that twenty-two thousand one hundred and fifty sangley indians could gather in manila on the last of november, the day of st. andrew, patron of this country. he had determined and ordered that the insurrection be made on that day both in this city and in the other districts of these islands. but upon seeing the governor raising the wall and taking other precautions, because of the many rumors about the mandarins (who had departed to their own country, and which the governor did not believe), the traitor determined to make the attempt on the day of st. francis, since our lord permitted it thus for our welfare. blessed be he forever! amen! on the tenth of december, captain marcos de la cueva left this city as ambassador to the kingdom of china, accompanied by one hundred and forty spaniards and two friars, in order to inform the eunuch who is the viceroy at canton of the above events. many thought that he ought not to go, for if the matter were learned there, and war-vessels were to come, then the island would be supplied with men to be able to receive them in the same manner; and if they came for peace they would be received in peace. in the latter case they were to be informed of the truth of the matter, to which the christian law binds us, and told that we did not intend to take their possessions, or refuse to pay them what was owing them. nevertheless, he went, ordered to do the contrary by the council. may god direct everything for his holy service. on the seventeenth of february of 604, the said ambassador, marcos de la cueva, put back to port on account of a storm that struck him, which caused his vessel to spring a leak. he was again sent out in another and very good vessel with one hundred and fifty picked soldiers, under the leadership of captain cueva, a very honorable and brave soldier. he left on thursday, the twenty-fifth of the said month, in the ship "santiaguillo," which was quite well equipped for whatever should happen--a very necessary thing. he arrived at the trading-post where there are portuguese who trade with the chinese, and delivered his letters to them, in order that they might be given to the eunuch. for the period while he stayed there, no reply was received to the letters, but he was put off with words; whereupon, growing impatient, he returned to manila, leaving affairs in that condition. with the vessels that came from china this year of 605 to this city, the eunuch sent three letters--one to the governor, another to the audiencia, and the third to the archbishop. all were similar. the eunuch stated that he had received the letters taken by the ambassador. the people who had been killed were very properly killed, as they were an abandoned people. by the information that he had received from some sangleys he learned that many sangleys had been condemned to the galleys. he asked for them in his letters since they were still living, asking that they be sent with the property that had been taken from them. if not, then he would go there with a war-fleet of one hundred armed ships and conquer their land, and give the same to others who better merited it. [24] the governor, with the advice of the others, answered this letter to the effect that he refused to send the sangleys; and that before the one hundred armed ships reached here, he would go to meet them with five hundred, for he would rejoice to put an end to such canaille, and had enough men to do it. this letter was given to a sangley, one juan de san, a prominent man among them, and very wealthy, who had lived many years among us, that he might give it to the eunuch. this man and others who came in this year of 605 brought news that in [the province of] canton, three hundred leguas in the interior, a river overflowed so that it drowned two hundred thousand sangley indians, and much property was lost. it was also said that earthquakes had occurred, two hundred leguas in the interior, and as far as canton, which lasted for two months. they were so terrific that they shook the very strong palaces, while other houses and mosques were overthrown. this misfortune and plague has been by the permission of heaven. at another part, the japanese of great corria have revolted, and are warring with these chinese, so that four hundred thousand of them have banded against the latter, by which the chinese are receiving great injury. [25] thus, by these and other things, the chinese are being consumed and finished, although much time is needed for it. may god be mindful of us, as he is able, and ever give us his protection. [a list of the chief spanish inhabitants of manila who were killed during the chinese insurrection follows. it contains such well-known names as luyz perez de las marinas, juan de alcega, juan de la peña, captain villafaña, juan de ybarra, marcos diaz, luys de vetasco, estevan de marquina, tomas bravo de acuña, besides many others, both officers and men, among them a number of friars. [26]] letter from the audiencia to felipe iii sire: by the death of don pedro de acuña, governor of these islands, who died on saturday, june 24, this audiencia succeeds to their government. in it has been considered a new order which your majesty commands to be followed in sending out the merchant ships that are to go from these islands to nueva españa. since those which are to go this year are already laded, and must set sail within three or four days, it has not been possible to put your majesty's commands into execution for the present year. although this city has prayed for this new order and for the decrees which have been granted in pursuance of it, yet on account of the many fires which have occurred in this city in recent years, the wars, the forced return of some ships, and the loss of others, by which a great amount of property has been lost, the inhabitants of these islands are burdened with heavy afflictions and necessities, which render them unable to pay the new duties imposed by the royal command. although these necessities are well known, the new order of your majesty will be followed next year, in spite of the fact that some details involve much difficulty, and that some sections might well be moderated and limited in the form in which each one is stated. this matter is of importance to your majesty's royal service, and to the welfare of the inhabitants of these islands. in the first section your majesty commands that only the inhabitants of these islands and no others may ship the merchandise which is to be transported to nueva españa, and that the amount invested therein shall not exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of eight reals, as was previously determined by other orders and decrees; while the returns from this shall not exceed, in principal and profit, five hundred thousand pesos. as for this section, it deserves serious consideration that after the expenses of sending out a cargo--including the fees to be paid here and in nueva españa, which amount to thirty per cent in all, with the addition which the new decree imposes--it is impossible to recover from five hundred thousand pesos the principal and the [present] profits on the investment of the said two hundred and fifty thousand pesos which are granted by this permission. to reach this amount, it is considered necessary that at least three hundred and fifty thousand pesos be spent on the cargo. in addition to the charges referred to, many expenses fall upon the inhabitants of this city for the maintenance and provision of their houses, and thus are consumed and expended a part of the profits made on the investments which they make here. if your majesty were pleased to permit that the amount of these investments might be at least three hundred thousand pesos, wherewith all expenses might be paid, then the permission to bring back five hundred thousand might well stand. until it is known what decision will be reached on this point, your majesty's commands shall be fulfilled. care will be taken that the investment shall not reach three hundred thousand, or pass far beyond two hundred and fifty thousand. it should also be considered that when his majesty, the sovereign of the realm, who is now in heaven, granted this permission, it was at a time when these islands were beginning to be settled. then there were no inhabitants who could invest so great a sum, while now there are many. they do not send as much as they might lade in the vessel; and if this condition of affairs continues to increase, there is no other means of support than this trade, nor does the country produce those means. if it shall diminish, the people who come to live in these islands will likewise become fewer in number. if it should increase somewhat beyond the new grant, so many more people will come to the colony here. this population, however great it is, is all very necessary, in view of the way in which this country consumes the whole of it, no matter how many come. the second section provides that four freight ships should be built, each one of two hundred toneladas; and that two of them shall make the voyage every year, very early, while the other two lie in port, ready for the following year. in this matter your majesty's will shall be fulfilled, and the first ships that shall be built will be of this tonnage. the third section provides that there shall be only one commander for the said two ships, with a lieutenant who shall be second in command. the intention of this section is to avoid the great expense which has previously been incurred in this voyage. the section also provides that each vessel may carry a military captain in addition to the master, with as many as fifty effective and useful soldiers on each ship, who shall receive pay. they may also have the necessary seamen, a certificated pilot, and an adjutant. if this section is to be fulfilled in this form, then, instead of avoiding many expenses, it will be the means of increasing again many others which are much greater. such will be the result if fifty soldiers sail in each vessel, since because of the requirement that the capacity of the vessels shall be so small, they cannot carry so great a number of people. the voyage is so long that five to seven months are spent in it, and the seasons are very severe. many people die at sea; and it is necessary to carry so many sailors and ship-boys that a great amount of provisions must be taken for them and the other men. for this reason the late governor of these islands kept down the number of permissions to go hence to nueva españa to a very small number. he granted them so seldom that he did not allow the tenth part of those who asked for them to go. yet in spite of all this, the commanders of the vessels were obliged, on account of the great amount of space occupied by the necessary ship stores, to send on shore, before leaving these islands, some of the few passengers who had received official permission. in the despatch of the ships this very year, our experience is of the same sort. there had returned from the expedition to maluco many captains, ensigns, and soldiers detained on shipboard, whom it is necessary to send back again to españa. it was found very difficult to put more than thirty soldiers on a ship of the capacity of four hundred toneladas, although its cargo amounted to no more than three hundred and fifty. as for this number of fifty soldiers voyaging [in one ship], the regulation cannot be carried into effect. if it were to be done, it could only be at the risk that most of the men on board the ship should perish, while all would travel in great discomfort. further, at the time when the ships are sent out, it would be hard to find in the city two hundred soldiers having the qualifications necessary for them to be useful in any battle. it would be a serious evil for this garrison to be left with so small a number of people. it is considered as beyond doubt that those who go away from here will not return again to this city; this will also cause others to abandon the idea of coming here. hence it seems that on this point it is not desirable to make any innovation upon that which has hitherto been done, as that would be of little advantage, and cause much expense. when the ships return to these islands they are of much use in defense if they come well supplied with arms and ammunition, with a hundred soldiers in each as reënforcements for the troops in these islands. as for the regulation that the officials who are to go on these ships are to be appointed here, and that they shall be chosen from among the most influential and most honored citizens of these islands and those best qualified for such posts, and that they shall give bonds and that residencia shall be exacted from them, your majesty's decrees shall be fulfilled. as for the fourth section, it provides that the commanders and seconds in command, and the officers of the said ships, shall have in the voyage no trade or commerce, either small or large. as regards the commanders and seconds in command, your majesty's decrees shall be executed; as for the other officers, we refer to the following section. the fifth section deals with the salary paid to the commander, being four thousand ducados, while the second in command receives three thousand for each voyage, including the going and the coming. it seems that this might be reduced, and that it would be sufficient to allow the commander three thousand pesos and the second in command two thousand. as for allowing salaries and regular pay to the captains, soldiers, seamen, and gunners who sail in the said ships with the regulation that they shall have no trade or commerce, it seems, with reference to the pay of the captains and soldiers, that for the reasons referred to in the third section these expenses might be avoided. it would be sufficient to give wages to the gunners and seamen, without prohibiting them to trade; for the amount of their trade is very small, and with the permission to take two bales of cargo granted to each of the seamen and gunners the whole of their small capital would be expended. under these circumstances, if the ship were to be in any peril from storm they would obey commands with greater zeal and willingness because of their share in the treasure of the ship. without such bait as this, which induces many seamen to come to these islands, without doing any harm to the residents, it would be difficult to find anyone willing to come here. if this permission were taken away, the wages alone would not be sufficient to support the men. the sixth section provides that only so many officers shall be appointed as may be needed, that no one shall go as a gunner who is not one in fact, and that only one gunner shall go for every piece of artillery carried on the said vessels. in this matter your majesty's commands shall be obeyed. the seventh section provides that an inspector and an accountant shall go on the said ships to take the accounts and inventory of all the cargo. it directs that they shall keep books, in which they shall enter the merchandise shipped from these islands and that which comes back on the return voyage. it would seem that this expense also might be avoided, since this account and inventory are taken by the royal officials of these islands, and also by the royal officials of the port of acapulco. by their account it is possible to know the cargo which goes there, and what returns. from here is sent to the viceroy of nueva españa a statement in which is contained the amount of the merchandise sent in the cargo, and the names of the consignors, in order that in conformity therewith license may be given, to the citizens who have shipped the goods, for sending back the money which their merchandise shall have yielded. in this way the account and inventory required by your majesty are obtained, since only the inhabitants of these islands send consignments, and the proceeds thereof are returned to them and no others. the eighth section provides that the vessels shall be no more heavily laden than they ought to be, and that room be left in them for everything that is necessary for the men that sail in them. this section also provides that sufficient provisions shall be carried for this long voyage, so that the men may not perish for lack of food. this section also decrees that the vessels shall not be overladen and thus embarrassed and endangered; but that they shall be laden so as to be buoyant, and able to meet dangers from storms and enemies. it is also provided that in lading the vessels a proper division of the space should be made. in all these matters your majesty's will shall be carried out. the ninth section decrees that the freight charges to be paid on cargoes in the aforesaid vessels, for the voyages both going and coming, shall be determined and regulated in proportion to the expenses of the voyage, no more being charged than is necessary to meet them without any supply being required for this purpose from your majesty's treasury. the section provides that for these expenses the duties shall be increased--by two per cent on the goods carried in the ships, and another two per cent on the money sent to these islands as proceeds from the shipment. it provides that this fund shall be put in a chest apart, and kept in this city, to meet the expenses of the said ships and the men in them. this sum is to be kept together with the freight charges collected. the contents of this section require careful consideration. when the ships return to these islands, they come laden with the forces intended for this military district and garrison, and artillery, arms, and ammunition; and with the religious, and the colonists who come to settle in these islands, in addition to other things required for the service of your majesty. although they do indeed bring the money for the citizens of this city, they at the same time bring much required for the reënforcement of the military establishments here. if these freights are to be apportioned as your majesty commands, there will be a large amount which might fall upon your royal treasury. hence it seems that, if your majesty should be pleased, it would be well for the present not to change the custom which has hitherto been followed; and that only to assist the expenditures which your majesty incurs in sending out these vessels should the citizens of these islands be charged two per cent on the merchandise which they ship, and two per cent more for the money sent them in return. for, although it is said on the other side that the profits are large, they commonly are not; while the freight, fees, and duties are very great. from these profits there is paid to your majesty in this city five per cent, including the new increase, and in nueva españa sixteen per cent; while the expenses of the ships which had to put back to port, and the goods lost in those which have been wrecked since the year one thousand six hundred, come to more than a million. it will take many years for the profits to make up for such a loss. may god keep the catholic and royal person of your majesty. manila, july 6, 1606. the licentiate _telles de almaçan_ the licentiate _andres de alcarez_ the licentiate _juan manuel de la vega_ letter from the fiscal to felipe iii sire: last year, sixteen hundred and five, during which i began to serve your majesty as fiscal of this audiencia, and as protector of the natives [27] of these islands by appointment of the audiencia, i sent a statement of everything of importance which within the short time of my service i was able to discover. since that time i have considered with care and attention the things of greatest consequence to your royal service, and have found that i ought to give your majesty an account and statement of the condition in which i found affairs, and that in which they are at present. i reported to your majesty the uprising of the sangleys in the year sixteen hundred and three, leaving military matters to the official reports which i knew were sent. i reported to your majesty that it was well to consider with care what was necessary to be done for the good government and protection of this kingdom. afterward i saw that, just as if the said uprising had not occurred, permission for sangleys to remain in this city continued to be given. they were allowed to have habitations, dwellings, and shops--a permission which has caused much comment and discussion. the reason is that the audiencia took upon itself the administration of this matter, assigning it year by year in turn to each auditor. with the course of time the permission has been extended, not by the will of the auditor alone, but by the decree and direction of the audiencia itself. the audiencia granted of its own free will and pleasure, without the assent of the city and its cabildo, permission to the sangleys to remain. the city and cabildo remonstrated, but the audiencia granted licenses to as many as it pleased. in the year sixteen hundred and four, there were 457; and in the year sixteen hundred and five they had increased to 1,648, as is shown by the official statement which i enclose. from this it will be seen that during this said year of sixteen hundred and five there came from china 3,977, and that 3,687 returned; so that 290 remained here, making with those of the previous year a total of 747. there actually remained 1,648; hence it is evident that, besides those who were registered, 901 came here. this has been done by granting licenses to many to live and make their abode outside of the city, among the mountains and in other places, where they easily receive those who disembark before the vessel has come here, or after the ships have set out on their return voyage. in view of this disadvantage i petitioned the audiencia that no sangley may have permission to be absent at any time, especially when the ships are arriving or setting out. although this demand was so just, they did not take action as i requested; and affairs remain as they were before. inasmuch as the despatch of the vessels is not yet completed, i do not now make a statement of the evil results which i expect to follow, until i am able to state them with accuracy. all this results from a failure to observe the ordinance of the audiencia with regard to the number which each ship may carry; for, although the number allowed was limited to two hundred in the largest vessel, one ship of no great size has brought about five hundred, so that this year six thousand five hundred and thirty-three sangleys have arrived, of which i send a sworn statement. these, added to the almost two thousand of the previous year who remained, make up a great number. this is within two years and a half after so dangerous an uprising, and it promises more danger to follow. therefore, in order to set this matter right, i reported that since this city and commonwealth could not allow and did not desire the sangleys to remain, and had remonstrated against it (although it would be for their service) i therefore demanded, since this was necessary for the safety of the kingdom, that not one sangley should [be allowed to] remain in these islands. i also asked that the number of ships to come from china each year and the number of men to be carried in them might be definitely stated, this number being made as small as possible, and severe penalties being assigned to anyone who should violate the rules. although the community requested that what i asked for might be conceded, and the city confirmed what it had previously said (of which an account has already been given to your majesty), the audiencia has commanded that this year one thousand five hundred sangleys shall remain. i fear that many more will stay, since they are scattered in the provinces, in the rural districts, and among the surrounding mountains, from which they could be brought out only with difficulty. the reason for so many sangleys being brought in the ships every year is, that the penalties are so light and the execution of them is so relaxed. as it is to the advantage of the owners of the ships to get large returns from their vessels, they are not troubled at being obliged to pay the small fine levied on them by the city. in spite of the fact that the city declares that it does not wish sangleys to remain, they have built many shops on the site of their old residence, named parián, as will appear from the official statement which i send; and in every one of these live three of four persons, and in some are many. i opposed the building of these shops and caused it to cease, because if they were not under restriction the parián would become very large. it is now as large as before the uprising. this evil result follows from the fact that your majesty granted the city the income received from these shops; and many ducados are received for them, as is manifest in the said official statements. to remedy this wrong, it is desirable that your majesty command the number of shops to be definitely limited, and direct that in one shop one man only may live, who shall have some known occupation and be a christian. it would be well also to limit the number of ships which may come and the number of persons that they may carry, commanding that when the number is full no more shall be received into the port, and that no vessel shall be admitted which carries more than the appointed number. it would be well to provide also that if the city exceed these limits, in the number and kind of the shops, the grant allowed for the same be revoked. when i entered upon the functions of this office, i discovered a serious irregularity in the succession to encomiendas of indians. your majesty commanded that such encomiendas should descend from father to son or daughter, and, in default of children, to the wife of the encomendero, definitely stating that the succession should come to an end there. yet without attracting the attention of anyone, important as the matter is, the wife has succeeded to her deceased husband, and then after she has married a second time and has then died, the second husband has succeeded the wife, and so on _ad infinitum_. thus it has come about that nearly all the encomiendas are far from their original assignment, the majority being in the hands of undeserving persons. the result is that it is a marvel if an encomienda is ever vacant; for none has been regarded as vacant unless the possessor has died without being married or without issue. since this wrong is universal, and is of great importance--affecting, as it does, the common interests of all the islands--i have deemed it proper to advise your majesty of it, in order that you may ordain that which shall be most to your majesty's service. this may be carried out by commands given by your majesty to the governor to declare all encomiendas vacant in which the rule of succession shall have been transgressed. then since some of them are in the hands of deserving persons, in spite of the improper way in which they have been obtained, they may be regranted; while many others will remain unassigned and open for granting to soldiers who have served, but who remain in poverty and almost in despair of ever receiving a reward. the only reward in these islands is the encomiendas; and, as they are perpetuated in the way described, one is never vacated except in very unusual circumstances--unusual, that is, for this country. here, for a woman to be of advanced age is not enough to prevent her marriage, so much is the succession to her encomienda coveted. the reason for failing to institute proceedings against all these people is, that they are in possession; and if proceedings follow the law of malinas the cases can take no less time than would be consumed if your majesty were to command them to be declared vacant, as i suggest. as for those which have been vacated during my term of office, i have begun to put a stop to this improper custom, and shall continue to do so until i am informed of your majesty's commands. it is desirable that these be sent very promptly and clearly, since correction of this evil will be rendered very difficult if there is any uncertainty. the same illegality occurs in another way: an encomendero dies, and is succeeded by his wife; if she marries and has children, these have succeeded her, and even, when they are married, their wives or husbands succeed them. this is contrary to the statute that the succession shall end with the wife of the first encomendero. for all this your majesty will make suitable provision. by a section in a letter from your majesty to don pedro de acuña, late governor of these islands, your majesty commands that the wine for celebrating mass which was provided to religious in charge of the instruction of indians on private encomiendas shall not be given by the royal exchequer. this decree has caused resentment on the part of those concerned. they instituted legal proceedings against the execution of the command, claiming that the previous usage should prevail, and affirming that the wine is thus furnished in mexico and piru. i presented decrees showing that this is a grant made by your majesty to the religious of those provinces for a limited time; and the audiencia, on appeal, directed your majesty's commands to be executed. the encomenderos declare that your majesty should meet this expense, and are sending documents on the subject. i give this information in order that your majesty may be assured that this is entirely an act of bounty on your majesty's part, and that your majesty has many obligations and expenses on these islands, which must be met; and that since your majesty gives the wine on the royal encomiendas, they can and should provide it on their own. your majesty has commanded that no offices or places of profit shall be given to those who hold indians in encomienda. there are some encomiendas so small that they are insufficient as a means of support, and sometimes these are held by persons very well fitted for such offices as are to be granted. it would be well if your majesty should command that which shall be most to your service on this matter, that no doubt may exist. the fiscal my predecessor, whenever offices were given to such encomenderos, was accustomed to begin suit appealing from the governor's appointments; and he likewise appealed and brought suit against some of those to whom the governors made grants, on the ground that they were against decrees and the instructions of the governor. this was a fruitful source of irritation, the governors declaring that the offices are thus granted for the good of your majesty's service, although it appears that the appointees are making gain of them. since that which has occurred and that which may occur is of moment, your majesty will ordain according to your royal pleasure, observing that the governors are subject to residencias, and that it is difficult to bring a lawsuit with reference to every one of their decisions made after this manner, or to undertake to settle the question whether or no such decisions are proper. this city of manila is very near the villages of some indians who support themselves by agriculture. if there are any places unoccupied they use them as sites for dwellings. they make use of the grass to cover their houses and also to cover their fields, for they always keep these covered thus during the time while the crops begin to grow. these indians have suffered great oppression, for there have been established in the vicinity of this city more than twenty-four cattle-farms. from very small beginnings they have multiplied so greatly that in some there are more than four thousand head, while all of them have more than a thousand. these cattle, on account of their number, spread and wander out of bounds, and do much damage. finding this wrong in existence when i assumed office, i began some suits to cause the cattle-farms to be abandoned. on one of the farms, which belonged to captain pedro de brito, near the villages of capa, namayan, and santana, the audiencia on appeal decided that he must keep his cattle within bounds; and that such cattle as might be found straying might be killed by the indians who found them in their fields. being a wretched race, they dare not do this, and suffer much from this and other causes. there are some persons who charge indians with having wronged them, and who take the indians into service that they may work off the damage done. so far is this custom carried that the service is converted into slavery. there is now a great abundance of cattle outside of this district, and so many cattle-farms are not needed. it would be well for your majesty to command that all of them within three leguas of towns and cultivated areas should be abandoned, in order that this molestation may cease. the province of panpanga is twelve leguas hence. it is the most fertile in all the islands, and the inhabitants have done more in your service than have any others. it lies low and is bounded by some mountains which slope down to it. the natives of the mountains are called zambales. they are a race that live like beasts, without settled habitations; and they are so murderous that their delight is cutting off heads. for this purpose they come down upon this province, and, as its inhabitants are a race entirely devoted to agriculture, they take them unawares, and have wrought and do work great outrages upon them. the effort was made to put a garrison in their country, and some spanish troops were stationed there. since the country is rough and mountainous, it is impossible to march in it; and as there is no certain day on which the attacks of the mountaineers can be anticipated, it is impossible to prevent them. the panpangans have often asked for permission to destroy these others, by killing or enslaving them; but no decision has been given them in all the years during which the matter has been discussed. the remedy for the evil is easy, for if they be given for a time as slaves to any man who can capture them, this will encourage the making of inroads upon them. this has not been done, because of your majesty's commands not to enslave any of the inhabitants of this archipelago and island. this would he a temporary slavery, and by it much or all of this evil described would be corrected; and the expense which it causes would be prevented. the same thing happens in the mountains of yllocos and in other regions, for every day the mountaineers attack and murder members of the tribes at peace--who, as they have no permission to kill them and no hope of making use of them, permit them to return and harass them. in this matter of slavery there has recently arisen anew a great problem. this is that among these indians there is a custom that while [in spanish law] the child follows the womb, among them it likewise follows the father by half. thus the son of a free mother and a slave father was half slave, like the son of a slave mother and a free father; so there were slaveries of the fourth and eighth part. the former audiencia, regarding this as absurd, commanded that the rule should no longer be observed, and that the son of a free mother should hereafter be free. this decision, being accepted without difficulty, produced no opposition, and many were in the enjoyment of liberty who had been married as freemen, and were such. but now, in a late case, the audiencia has decided that the old custom shall be observed. hence much disquietude has resulted; for, in addition to the infinite number of suits as to freedom, there is now much trouble as to marriages. this race is very fickle in that matter; and some who were married as freemen are already talking of having their marriages annulled by saying that they are slaves. since in all these years there has been no disturbance regarding this matter, i trust that your majesty will ordain that the disposition of the former audiencia may stand. on the death of francisco sarmiento, who held the office of government secretary of these islands, and on the renunciation of it by gaspar de azebo, who bought the office in the time of the former audiencia, the governor, don pedro de acuña, granted the office to antonio de ordas, who acted as his secretary. this was at a time when your treasury was in very great need, and suffered most urgent demands upon it, especially for the building of a ship to go to sea that year. the governor planned to sell this office, and for that purpose the said antonio de ordas surrendered it; but when they set about executing the governor's purpose this city interposed with objections, and presented a petition that it might not be sold but might be given as a grant. the basis of their contention was that your majesty had commanded in one section of the instructions given to gomez perez as to the sale of clerical offices that they should be thus managed, and should be given as grants to the well-deserving. it was urged that this should be understood of all such offices, not only of government but of the court of the audiencia. i opposed the city, and found a special decree to the effect that these two offices should be sold. this decree was issued in the time of the former audiencia, and in conformity with it this office was sold. alleging that the said ordas, although he had already received that grant, renounced it so that the office might be sold, and a way be found for meeting urgent necessities, i succeeded in effecting the sale, which was made for seventeen thousand pesos to gaspar albares, who paid down that sum, with which many matters were attended to. it was distributed in accordance with the decision of the audiencia in meeting the most important demands, and especially in paying for the building of the said vessel, which would otherwise have been impossible. i also brought forward the argument (which i refer to your majesty) that an office of such value is a very large grant in these islands; while those who are entitled to receive favors--that is to say, soldiers--are not fitted for such offices. i add that your majesty is very poor here, and needs to take advantage of all resources. thus your majesty will command that which will be most to your service; for all these measures have been taken on condition of receiving your majesty's approval. among the irregularities which i discovered was the following. although your majesty has commanded that clerical offices shall not be resigned more than once, and that the resignations shall be confirmed within a limited time, still, of four public notaryships which are in existence here, three have been resigned three or four times, without receiving any confirmation; but from the sales and resignations it has been customary to place a third part in the royal treasury. i entered an action to have them declared vacant; and after having carefully considered the question, i found that if they were to be granted as a royal bounty, and then were vacated, your treasury would be the loser by being obliged to return the thirds which it had received. on this basis, it is better that things should continue as they are. i have arranged that if they should be vacated they may be sold; for the demands upon the treasury are many. if this plan shall receive your approbation i shall bring the cases to a conclusion; if not, i shall suspend them until your majesty gives such commands as are most for the good of your service. when these notaryships have been resigned they have brought eight hundred pesos, and latterly one thousand two hundred. they are now worth more than three thousand, so that with a single one it would be possible to pay everything due for the thirds on all. this will remedy something of the much which requires remedy. the same thing can be done with the clerkships of registry, which will be worth more than eight thousand; and with those of probate and of the estates of deceased persons, which will be worth another good sum; and they have all been given for nothing. it has been very unfortunate that the funds which your majesty has commanded and decreed to be set aside for special objects have been employed for other purposes. this has been especially the case with the fund for prebends and for the payment of troops, which should be performed with the utmost regularity. i have done all i could to put this in order; but since the current from the past was very strong it was impossible to accomplish my purpose. the reason given was that one fund ought to aid another. the evils resulting are serious; for both ecclesiastics and soldiers perform their service, and all they get is nothing but poverty. hence they lament with reason that their salaries are not paid to them. this is a reason that the soldiers are wretched and poor, some of them going about begging for alms. an attempt will be made to correct this when new officials of your exchequer enter their offices; and more certainly your majesty will provide relief in this direction, so that the soldiers' pay may not fall into arrears. if the audiencia had not assumed authority to set apart in the treasury the money which came [from mexico] during the preceding year, one thousand six hundred and five, for persons who had died in previous years in the war with the sangleys and in other conflicts, to be used to pay the soldiers, it would have been a very great misfortune. with this the matter was set right, and the pay has been kept up; but your majesty has been obliged to remain in debt for the sum which was taken for this purpose. the president and the auditors have likewise suffered in their salaries, which are at the present time due them for more than a year. although for these salaries certain specified encomiendas had been set apart, the returns from these have been mixed with other funds. during the term of the former audiencia, your majesty commanded that for this purpose certain encomiendas should be assigned to the crown; but no more than six thousand pesos was thus realized. since the number of encomiendas above referred to will have to be vacated, your majesty can decree that some shall be set aside for this purpose; then the treasury will be in a somewhat easier condition. one of the most important institutions possessed by your majesty in these islands and in this city is the seminary of santa potençiana, in which care is taken of orphaned and poor girls, the daughters of conquistadors; there are in it more than a hundred. the seminary prevents many evil results. the girls leave it, when entering the married state, respected and instructed; and the seminary also serves as a shelter for other women during the absence of their husbands, and for many other good purposes. your majesty is its patron, and hence, ought to remember it. during easter week the house, which was very well built, and roofed, was burned to the ground, and its inmates were dispersed. since it was under the patronage of your majesty, and on account of the good work that it was doing, the archdeacon of this diocese and i determined to ask for subscriptions in order to rebuild it. the city zealously entered into the work, and we collected about two thousand five hundred pesos, with which we immediately began to build the structure. god was pleased that by the feast of pentecost we were able to have the greater part of the inmates sheltered, within narrow quarters but under a roof. the work has been continued ever since, and i hope that soon it will be established in its previous condition. still the institution is very poor, and is in great need. i trust that your majesty will command that some indians be assigned it, or that some grant be made to it; for great service is done to god by this institution, through its good works and by preventing the evil which would result in the community if its inmates were left without shelter. this city was also in need of a hospital in which care might be taken of spanish women, of whom there are now many here. so great was their need that some were cared for in a hospital maintained by la misericordia for the care of slaves. god aroused the zeal of a conquistador of this country, by name joan ximenes del pino; and, encouraged by his own zeal, by suitable measures he bought a building next to the royal hospital for the spaniards, which could be connected with the latter, and which he has given to the hospital for this purpose, that women may be cared for in it. it cost him five thousand pesos; and besides this he assumed the expense of putting it into a proper state for this purpose, with which intent he placed in my care a sum of money which is being spent. in view of the fact that the expense is increasing, the said hospital will require some grant of aid. i beg your majesty to give it, for all these institutions are under your protection. the hospital of the spaniards also suffers from inadequate service, for lack of attendants; and it is necessary for your majesty to provide a remedy, which can best be done by sending for this purpose brethren of st. john of god; [28] for although franciscan friars live there they attend only to the administration of the sacraments, and of everything else there is a lack. [29] since men here are placed in danger they are continually giving out, and when any of them die others take under their guardianship the children of those who are left. sometimes the guardians give sufficient bonds, and sometimes not; but with the progress of time these cases have grown steadily worse, and the poor minors lose their estates. there are many thousands of ducados in the hands of guardians; and although the alcaldes-in-ordinary have tried to make them render accounts, no accounts have ever been finished during the three years since they were begun, for they are all banded together. this is a wretched state of affairs; hence, in order to correct this, it will be well for your majesty to give commands that the audiencia shall take charge of this matter. it should be committed to one auditor, for it can be done in no other way. this community suffers from this evil. the governor, don pedro de acuña, being obliged to be absent from the city on the expedition to maluco, appointed as his lieutenant in the governorship and in matters of war the licentiate christoval tellez de almaçan, second auditor of this audiencia. as soon as the governor left the city the licentiate don antonio de ribera maldonado asserted that he, as the senior auditor, had the right to command in war and the audiencia to direct the government, in conformity with the decree which declares that if the governor shall become unable to perform the duties of his office, the audiencia shall govern, and the senior auditor shall perform the functions of captain-general. with regard to this the audiencia determined that the licentiate don antonio should fill the office of captain-general, under certain limitations which were set, while the governorship should remain as the governor don pedro had left it. if it were necessary to carry out the decree, and if the chief command in military affairs should have to be given to the senior auditor, it ought not to be with limitations. likewise the audiencia should assume the functions of the governor. accordingly, i give a statement of that which has happened, as i am looking to the future. an explanation of the said decree is needed to determine whether, when the governor is absent from the city without leaving the jurisdiction, he shall have authority to appoint whomsoever he chooses, or if the decree must necessarily be carried out. the decree states that, in case the governor thus fails to act, it is necessary to send a report of the facts to your majesty, that you may take suitable measures; and it seems to refer to the event of death. for deciding this question, it must be considered that it might happen that the abilities required for the conduct of military affairs would be lacking in the senior auditor, while they might be found in the one whom the governor should appoint. from this it will be clearly seen that for the conduct of military affairs--especially in the condition in which these islands and the new conquest of maluco at present are--it is undesirable not to be provided in this jurisdiction with a person of much distinction and experience in the conduct of war. since your majesty is at such a distance, and the remedy for these difficulties must come so slowly, there is no one to correct certain ecclesiastics. their superiors sometimes pay very little attention to the complaints made against them, and hence there have existed and do exist serious acts of impropriety, especially among the religious. since there is no one who has authority to investigate their cases or to write reports regarding these, matters are in a most lamentable condition, and mainly to the injury of the indians. the religious make assessments on the natives under the name of benefactions, and employ them at their will, without limit. i have striven to find means to correct this, and have entered suit against the agents whom they employ to carry out their plans; these are called fiscals, and are cruel executors of the will of the religious. i offered my plea, and accordingly the audiencia decided that none of them should have the right to hold indians in service or should collect any contributions; and a certain amount of abatement of this unjust practice seems to have resulted. those who are most notorious in this matter, and who are worse than all the others, are the members of the order of st. augustine. they are practically incorrigible, on account of having as provincial fray lorenço de leon, a friar of much ambition and ostentation. he left these islands to ask your majesty for bounty, and now he is striving to go again, and for that purpose has collected a large amount of money. he has even taken the silver from some of the mission churches of his order; and when he visited the province of ylocos, he even carried away the monstrances for the most holy sacrament from ylaguan, vantay, candon, tagudin, and other places. it will be well for your majesty to decree and grant authority to the audiencia, that it may cause official investigation to be made into these matters and others which may arise, and that it may proceed as do the viceroys of piru and mexico. for, so soon as friars are interfered with in any respect, they begin to declare that ecclesiastical censures have been incurred and disturbances are raised, which give occasion for scandal to the common people. when i saw this, i petitioned the said audiencia for some correction of the unlawful acts of the said provincial; and they directed that the bishop of nueva segovia (who was present in this city) and the vicar-general of this archbishopric should make an official report in the matter. this they have done in a secret document, stating the great transgressions of this friar. when i petitioned that some decree should be passed in session of the audiencia, it was decided that a remedy should be provided; but i have not learned that anything has been done. i inform your majesty of this, that you may take such measures as shall be necessary. a great aid in making a beginning in correcting the unlawful proceedings of these religious of the augustinian order has been the coming of the discalced friars of the order. they have been very well received and several of the others have begun to join with them, intending principally to escape the tyranny of their provincial. in this way the others and he himself, will be corrected, when the good result of their coming shall be evident in this effect, and in the conversion of souls which your majesty has so much at heart. i have aided them in so far as to provide them with a house, where they now are. in the vicinity of this city, and within it, there are indians without number who have come from their native places to escape the labor of tilling the soil and raising animals as they have been commanded. they make their living by buying and selling provisions and other things, to the great damage of this community. i have brought suit that they may be compelled to return to their native places; and finally they have been commanded to do so, a certain number of them being retained for the service of each religious order; these are gathered by the religious into villages. the execution of this decree is very necessary, and your majesty accordingly ordained it at the suit of this city. your majesty will please command that this decree be enforced without exception, especially by directing that these villages for the service of the religious orders be broken up. each order having been allowed as many as thirty indians, that number has greatly increased by the protection given to them. the reason why they protect them is, that the indians serve them either for nothing or at less than the ordinary rate of pay, and the sum allowed them for these indians who serve them is distributed among those who remain; but, in order to get these servants cheaply, the religious contrive that there shall be many of them. if those who are necessary are permitted to remain, it is but just that the religious should pay them the regular rate. your majesty has commanded that no one shall enjoy any positions of profit in these islands without being resident here; and that if encomenderos are absent they shall not receive the tributes. in particular, your majesty has decreed by your royal letters, at the suit of this city, that the encomiendas of the mariscal gabriel de ribera, who has long been absent, shall be vacated. the governor accordingly vacated them, giving part of them to don jhoan ronquillo, and placing part of them under the administration of the royal treasury. after this had been executed and settled, another royal letter arrived in which your majesty granted to the said mariscal the privilege of receiving his tributes during his absence. when his attorney presented this letter i opposed it, and declared that it had been obtained by some improper statement, as i now allege, and as will appear by the documents which i send. nevertheless, they commanded that the encomiendas in charge of the treasury should be returned to him, bonds being taken; accordingly, they were given to his attorney, because he himself did not come to demand the fulfilment [of the audiencia's decree]. with regard to this matter your majesty will take such measures as shall please you--considering that there are many here who, although they have seen service, still suffer need; and who are discontented that others should be rich and, even while absent, enjoy what these men are protecting at so great risk. the expedition against mindanao having been arranged during the year ninety-five with captain estevan rrodriguez de figueroa, who was under obligations to carry it out, he began to do so, going thither in his own person; but in the year ninety-six he died, at the first assault. the army being unprovided with a commander, the governor of these islands, don francisco tello, selected one. for the continuation of this expedition a very great expense was incurred by the command of the said governor, with the assent and advice of dr. antonio de morga, his assessor and lieutenant. a suit from the heirs afterward followed, on the ground that they were not obliged to continue the expedition, and were not responsible for the expenses thereof. the audiencia, as a court of appeal, revoked the governor's command, and declared the estate free from obligations. i appealed the case to your majesty, and sent the original documents. this i did, not only that the principal case might be decided, but also because the heirs claim that your majesty should cause them to be paid for the expenditure of their property. i offer the advice that even if they were not obliged to carry out the conquest, your majesty is not their debtor, since you have commanded that such conquests are not to be made on your account and at your cost. hence these expenses are owing by him who commanded them to be incurred. since i have been in your majesty's service i have placed this matter in a clear light, as was not previously the case. when claims were made for wages and other expenses, the audiencia commanded them to be paid from the royal treasury; and thus many such payments have been made on the account of those who really owed them. at the present time the judges, being informed in regard to these claims, have decided that they are not due from your majesty. accordingly your majesty is not only not obliged to pay them, but has a right to claim satisfaction, for the expenditures from the royal treasury, from the property of the governor don francisco; and, in case it is insufficient, from the property of the assessor by whose advice they were incurred. as to the provision of an incumbent for this office, it should be noticed that most affairs in this country depend upon it--especially the proper care of the indians, which is most important; for with this office is united that of being their protector. i have always striven to attend to this matter carefully, as i have done in other matters pertaining to your royal service. this i shall continue to do in these islands until an appointment is made: and i petition your majesty to grant me, when that shall come, permission to leave this kingdom, the governor that shall be in office making me a sufficient allowance for my passage hence. god keep the catholic personage of your majesty, with the increase of your realms. manila, july, 1606. the licentiate _rodrigo diaz guiral_ the terrenate expedition sire: in the council of war for the indias there have been presented two letters from don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of the filipinas, written to your majesty on the first and seventh of july of the year 605 just past, copies of which are enclosed. in them your majesty, if so pleased, will see in what condition is the expedition for the capture of terrenate, and how the governor went in person with it, with a great deal of confidence in a favorable outcome, on account of the excellent reënforcement that had been sent to him under the command of the master-of-camp, juan desquivel. although they were fewer in number than what he had asked for, nevertheless he was pleased with the companies that he had seen, and he expected to join with them some men from that garrison and some other available men, and some indians (panpangas and others from that vicinity) among whom are excellent arquebusiers and musketeers, who approve themselves very well when in company with spaniards. he says that he foresaw this undertaking as soon as he began that government; and for that reason he had built five galleys, as he considered them to be the vessels most effective for the defense of that realm. he wrote that he would take four of them, and five ships and seven brigantines; and besides this five lorchas, which are very good vessels after the chinese and japanese style, for both oars and sails, and are more capacious and better suited for carrying food than any other kind of oared vessel. he thought, then, that he would make that expedition, taking with him all these galleys on your majesty's account, and providing that for the private persons and the encomenderos there should go seven or eight other medium-sized vessels, with high freeboard, in which their masters should take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine, meat, and other things--which would help greatly, because a large number of volunteers were going. he had made every possible effort in urging these latter to go, representing your majesty's service to them; and he said that they greatly needed this opportunity, on account of the losses and troubles which they have suffered, and because they are poor and much disheartened. with this force he thought that he would set out from manila, after st. francis's day, for the town at the port of oton, in the island of panay, where the infantry was stationed, in order that the whole fleet might sail from there at the end of january or the beginning of february of this year, which is the best time for maluco. he says that he has no doubt of encountering vessels from olanda and zelanda, and more this year than in others--according to the reports which he has that in the city of nostra dama, and in another near to it, they were getting ready twelve or thirteen large vessels with the intention of coming to the indias to capture ambueno and the malucas; and that they were bringing a large number of men, and also lime and cut stone, as ballast, with which to fortify themselves. he says that he fears greatly that this may be so because the king of tidore informed him that the king of terrenate had sent to the dutch, offering to permit them to build a fortress and factory in his land, in order to keep them satisfied so that they should help him against the aforesaid king of tidore and against the portuguese and castilians; and that for this reason the forts there and at ambueno were in great danger. don pedro says that, if this is true, there will be a great deal of difficulty in his undertaking. this report by the king of tidore seems to be confirmed and made more sure by another which he sends with the aforesaid letter of the seventh of july, a copy of which is enclosed. this was made by a portuguese of ambueno and a religious of the society of jesus, both of whom were living there. it tells more at length of the state of affairs in maluco, and of the lawlessness of the hollanders, and their motive in going there with twelve large ships well equipped with artillery, in the year 604 just past; and how they came to ambueno on the twenty-third of february of 605, with eight ships and six pataches, and captured the fort which was there, and took possession of the portuguese town--because, those within it, seeing the great number of men and pieces of artillery which they carried, made no defense. then, with the brick, lime, and stone which they had brought they began to rebuild the fort which the portuguese had, and they left there about one hundred and thirty men as a garrison. the same thing may be learned from the brother gaspar gomes of the society of jesus, who has come from the filipinas, sent by the aforesaid don pedro de acuña and bearing letters from him. he says that the aforesaid don pedro had told him that, when the affair of maluco was accomplished and the land made safe, he intended to go quickly to settle affairs in ambueno, because he had heard that the hollanders who had obtained foothold there were expecting a son of don antonio. [30] on this account he desired, as quickly as possible, a special order from your majesty; and he, the brother gaspar gomes, comes to ask for it in the name of don pedro. this should be considered with great care, and also what he says in that letter about the king of japon, in regard to keeping friendship with him--as your majesty, if you are so pleased, may examine in greater detail in the letter. it is well to note also what he says about the delay that there might be in his receiving succor because your majesty is so far away, and the great hindrance that it would be to him if they were not very careful and prompt in sending him from nueva españa more men, arms, gunpowder, and munitions in plenty, and also money; for, although the men had been paid for a year, already more than half had passed, and when he shall have started from oton the year will be entirely completed. it is also necessary that another goodly amount of money be sent to the treasury of the filipinas islands, on a separate account, because it is so empty and depleted. the garrison also is lacking in men, and this should be provided for in part. all this having been reviewed and examined with the attention which a matter of so much importance requires, it appears that don pedro de acuña has the terrenate undertaking well under way, and that he should be thanked for it, as well as for going thither in person, on which account it seems that that matter will have better support, and that better results may be expected from it, on account of the good judgment and experience which he is known to possess. the information which we have of the care with which the rebels are fortifying themselves in those regions and getting control of the trade with them is very important; for from this results very great loss to your majesty's exchequer, and great benefit and increase to that of the enemy, which may be the greatest support they have for the war which they are carrying on. if god grants good success in the terrenate undertaking, as is hoped, and if don pedro can put that stronghold in a state of defense with a sufficient garrison for safety, and if it appears to him that, with the remainder of his men and what fleet may be left to him, he can regain ambueno and drive the hollanders out from that island, as he has given notice that he can do (relying on what the aforesaid brother gaspar gomes has said), the aforesaid don pedro de acuña might be commanded to do so, and to place it in such a state of defense and security as is necessary to that stronghold--which is of the greatest importance for the preservation and security of the trade of the crown of portugal, and for obstructing and hindering the designs of the enemy. since that nation [_i.e._, the dutch] has more steadiness and courage in its military actions than the indians, and as it is quite a different thing to fight with them, it is of great importance that don pedro should not lack sufficient forces, and that he should be succored from mexico immediately. for this purpose the marques de montesclaros should be written to, and a despatch-boat sent to him, ordering him that without loss of time he should proceed to help don pedro with the men, arms, gunpowder, munitions, and money which he requires for this terrenate expedition, and whatever may result from it, so that the expense which has been already incurred in this may not, for any lack of these things, be put to risk, and that the holland rebels may not be allowed to get a foothold and establish strongholds in that land; for the honor of the state is imperiled, and very great loss to your majesty's exchequer is made possible through the hindrance of the trade in spices, if they get it under their control. what should be still more thought of and defended, since it is in greater danger, is the catholic faith, because the land is infested with heretics, and the indians are a very pliant and changeable people. don pedro should be informed of what the marques has been commanded to do for his help, in order that he may understand, and arrange and provide for everything as is best, in order that the desired result may be obtained. dora pedro writes also, in regard to the pay of the men who were sent to him for that expedition, that it seems to him that what a soldier of that military department gets--namely, six pesos a month--is little, when the fact is considered that the country is incomparably more dear than when the pay was fixed; and that the eight ducados which the soldiers of the expedition earn are a great deal. he thinks, therefore, that it would be well if both were paid at the rate of eight pesos of eight reals a month, besides the customary thirty ducados which are regularly given in addition to each company in spain and other regions; and that the captains should earn at the rate of fifty pesos a month, and the sergeants ten, as they do now. as the captains of that region get no more than thirty-five pesos, and those of the expedition get sixty ducados, it seems best to him that these salaries should be adjusted in the way that he states--giving to each at the rate of eight pesos of eight reals a month, and the customary thirty additional ducados a month which are usually given to each company in spain and elsewhere; and that the captains should receive equally at the rate of fifty pesos a month, and the ensigns twenty, and the sergeants ten, as he says they receive now. thus all will have pay that is equal and well adjusted, by taking away from some and adding to others, in the way which don pedro has proposed. your majesty will examine and consider all this, and will order what is best for your service. in madrid, august 5, 1606. his majesty orders that the enclosed report of the council of war of the indias concerning the terrenate undertaking be considered in the council of state, and that he be informed of what it shall decide. god keep your lordship. st. lorenzo, august 15, 1606. _the duke_ the honorable secretary, _andres de prada_ sire: the council, having seen that your majesty sent for the enclosed report and the papers of the council of war of the indias, voted as follows: the cardinal of toledo--that if the injury which the rebels are causing in india were seen here nearer at hand it would cause great commotion; and that because it is far away it should not be regarded as of little importance, but rather, in order to secure a remedy, we should consider that it is very near. accordingly, we should attend to it with the greatest diligence, and agree to what has seemed best to the council of war of the indias and to don pedro de acuña--to whom many thanks are due for the good courage with which he prepared for the undertaking and the care with which he gave notice of the things that were necessary for it, from which, with the favor of god, we may expect good results. the completion of the undertaking is of the greatest importance for the state and for its good repute. this consists in helping don pedro with all that he needs, in order that for lack of it he may not leave the work unfinished, and that what has been gained may not be lost again; for the greater the foothold that the rebels get in those regions, and the stronger they grow there, the harder it will be to remedy the matter, and the greater will be the harm which will come from them to your majesty's realms and to their honor. it is well to order the marques de montesclaros to assist and help don pedro de acuña in every way that he needs, and to do it so promptly that he shall not fail to succeed in the undertaking for lack of it. besides, he thinks it well that your majesty should favor don pedro in matters which are so properly under his charge as the matters of war are, so that the archbishop and the audiencia may know that in these things they are to respect him and allow him to do what he thinks best; and that don pedro should be advised that in matters which concern government and justice he should have a great deal of respect for the archbishop and the audiencia. the constable of castile--that he has nothing to add to the report of the council of war of the indias since the importance of the matter shows how proper it is that the marques de montesclaros should give prompt assistance to don pedro de acuña, and that it should be ordered exactly so. he thinks that it is very well that the archbishop and the audiencia should not be mixed up in matters of war, since they do not understand them. in regard to what concerns portugal, he supposes that your majesty probably has had notice sent to that council; and if not, that it would be well to do so. the conde de olivares agreed to all that has been said; and he thinks it well that the ship which the report mentions should be sent at once to nueva españa, informing the marques de montesclaros of the importance of the expedition, and ordering him to supply don pedro de çuniga _[sic]_ with all that he needs for the proper execution of it, in such manner that he shall have no excuse for evading such requisition. he also would command the archbishop and the audiencia not to meddle in matters of war, and to order don pedro to keep the friendship and good understanding which he has with the king of japon, and to hang all the rebels that he shall capture. your majesty will ordain, in all matters, what shall be most to your service. decree establishing a way-station for philippine vessels on the california coast the king: to don pedro de acuña, knight of the order of st. john, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein: you have already heard that don luis de velasco, former viceroy of nueva españa--in view of the long navigation from the port of acapulco to those islands, and the great hardship and danger of navigation in that voyage because of having no station wherein to repair the ships, and to supply them with water, wood, masts, and other requisite and necessary things--determined to explore and mark out the ports of the coasts from the said nueva españa to those islands. he ordered that this effort should be made by a vessel called "san agustin;" but, as that vessel was lost, the said exploration was not then effected. you know that afterward the conde de monterrei, who succeeded him in that government, finding the same inconveniences in the said navigation, and thinking it advantageous to remedy them by making anew the exploration that don luis de velasco had attempted, wrote me in regard to it. he said that, in his opinion, it could be made by small vessels sailing from the port of acapulco; and that the reconnoitering of the coasts and ports of the bay of the californias might be included in it, as well as the fisheries. in reply i ordered, on the twenty-seventh of september of five hundred and ninety-nine, that letters be written to him in my name that i considered the demarcation and exploration of that coast and its ports very desirable, and that he should accordingly set about it immediately; but advising him not to undertake the exploration of the californias except in passing. in pursuance thereof, i appointed sebastian vizcayno for that purpose as he was a man experienced in maritime matters, and careful and skilled in those of that route, and as he was one with whom i was thoroughly satisfied. having given him for the voyage two vessels, a lancha and a barcoluengo, [31] with the sailors and soldiers, ammunition and provisions, necessary for a year, and a cosmographer, skilful and versed in geometrical tables, in order that he might very minutely and accurately place and set down what should be discovered on a map and chart. after having received his orders and instructions, he set sail on the fifth of may, in the year 602, from the port of acapulco to make the above mentioned exploration; as i was advised by the said conde de monterrei and sebastian vizcaino. [32] these afterward wrote me by several letters (the most recent of which were dated on the last of april, 604) that sebastian vizcaino spent eleven months in that voyage; and that he began, from the same port, to delineate and sound the coast, ports, bays, and indentations up to the thirty-seventh degree, with all the precision and exactness needful and required; and that from the thirty-seventh degree to the forty-second he accomplished nothing beyond sighting the land. he had been unable to take so particular care there as he had done up to the thirty-seventh degree, because many of the crew fell sick, and the weather there was very contrary. he said that that whole coast, as far as the fortieth degree, extends northwest and southeast; that the other two degrees remaining in the forty-two degrees extend practically north and south; and that from the mouth of the californias up to the thirty-seventh degree, he found three very excellent ports on the mainland--namely, san diego in thirty-three degrees, and the second, of less excellence, near it. that of san diego is very large and capable of holding many vessels; and it has water and wood. the third is better and more suitable for the chinese vessels, and as a station for the ships of the line from those islands. it is called monterrei, and lies in thirty-seven degrees. it has water and wood, better and in greater quantity than the other port. it is excellently sheltered from all winds, and abounds in pines along the coast, of whatever size one may wish, for use us masts. that port is very suitable so that the vessels on returning from those filipinas islands may go there without there being any necessity of going to japon by reason of storms, as vessels have done several times, losing thereby a very great amount of property. the vessels from china generally run along in sight of this place, for which purpose it is also very suitable. for, if that port be known, then vessels will not port until reaching it, when necessity would otherwise compel them to go to japon and to those islands, since the work and trouble necessary to reach those places would take them to the said port. besides, they report that the country is of a mild climate and very fertile (as is seen by its numerous trees), and very thickly inhabited with people of very mild and docile disposition, and whose reduction to the holy gospel and to my royal crown will be very easy. it maintains itself, and the food is of many different kinds of grain and of flesh of game, with which the country is exceedingly well supplied. the dress of the indians of the coast is made of the skins of sea-wolves, which the indians tan and dress very well. they have abundance of thread made from castilian flax, hemp, and cotton. by these indians and by many others whom the said sebastian vizcaino discovered along the coast in the more than eight hundred leguas of his voyage, he was everywhere informed that there were great settlements inland, and silver and gold. this is considered to be true, because veins of metals were discovered in some parts of the mountains of the mainland. if the seasons of the summer were known, one could enter the interior through this place and locate those metals, for it promises great wealth. also the rest of the coast might be explored from that port, for it extends past the forty-second degree where the said sebastian vizcayno went, and which was named as his limit in his instructions. the coast extends even to japon and the chinese coast. he said that he could not enter the mouth of the [gulf of the] californias, on his return and while passing, as i had sent him orders, because many of his crew had fallen ill and were dying rapidly, and because his provisions had suddenly become bad, which obliged him to hasten his return. after examination of this in my royal council of the indias, together with the surveys and relations that were sent with the description of each port, singly, of those discovered by the said sebastian vizcaino, and after having listened to the cosmographer andres garcia de cespedes, they advised me; and after considering the great importance, for the safety and security of the ships coming from those islands--a navigation of more than two thousand leguas of open water--of their having a port on the voyage, wherein to be repaired and to take in water, wood, and provisions, and that the said port of monterrei, lying on the thirty-seventh degree, will be a half-way station, and that it has all the good qualities that may be desired, i have deemed it advisable that all the vessels from those islands, since they approach that coast, shall enter that port, and there be repaired and reprovisioned. in order to initiate this and establish it as a fixed and well-known practice, i have ordered marques de montesclaros, [33] my present viceroy of the said provinces of nueva españa, by another decree of the date of this present, to have the said sebastian vizcaino, if now alive, sought with all care and diligence, since he has made the said exploration, and has coasted from acapulco to cape mendocino; and, as soon as he shall have been found, to order him to go to those islands. sebastian vizcaino is to take with him his own chief pilot, or the chief pilot of the admiral; and in order that his voyage may have the effect intended, and be accomplished with all possible promptness, as is desirable, i have ordered the said marques to despatch the ships that are to sail to those islands in the coming year, 607. he shall despatch them in the usual manner, and as has been done hitherto, as you probably can not have any vessels constructed there of the two hundred tons capacity which is necessary for the trade, in accordance with the new decree that i had issued in this regard, because of the short time since it was given. the marques is to appoint the said sebastian vizcayno commander of the said fleet; and, as his admiral, the one whom he had in the discovery of the said port [34]--if both are living. if either of them is dead, then he shall send as commander the one of them still living. as chief pilot, he shall send the said sebastian vizcayno's pilot or that of his admiral, so that, having the vessels in charge on the return voyage, they may ascertain in what manner the said port of monterrey can be colonized and made permanent; and can show its bay, and the manner of making that navigation, [35] to the pilots and crews of the said vessels, and especially to two men whom i order you to send with the said commander sebastian vizcayno from those islands. these men are to be possessed of all the good qualities, knowledge, and experience necessary, so that they may reconnoiter the said port, and may be given commands as commander and admiral of the vessels that are to sail from acapulco to those islands in the year 608, since the said sebastian vizcayno has to go to colonize the said port. it is my will that these two men and the said sebastian vizcayno and his admiral--and i shall consider myself as served if you favor and honor them in every way possible--have and be paid the usual salary that the other commanders and admirals of the said line have had; and that it be paid to the former in the same form and manner as it is paid to the latter. in order that all the above commands may have the end and effect intended, as is necessary, i strictly charge you that you assist on your part, in whatever pertains to you, with the care and diligence that i expect from your prudence and great zeal; and you shall advise me of what is done, so that i may have full information thereof. given in san lorenzo el real, august 19, 1606. _i the king_ countersigned by juan de sivicay; signed by the members of the council. chinese immigration in the philippines _official report of the ships from china which came this year 1606 and of the men in them._ i, pedro muñoz de herrera, official receiver of testimony for the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands, and notary of the commission on the sangleys, give my certificate and testimony, based upon a memorandum of the inspection of the ships which have come this year from china to this city, made before me, the said notary, and the ensign pedro gra. prieto, deputy of the said commission, as to the number of the ships which have come, and the men in them, in the form and manner following: the ship of captain pinyon brought three hundred and twenty-two sangleys 322 the ship of captains binçan and quinten brought two hundred and ninety-four 294 the ship of captain yantin brought three hundred and forty-five 345 the ship of captain onsan brought three hundred sangleys 300 the ship of captain sanagu brought three hundred and twenty-four 324 the ship of captain cuheran brought two hundred and eighty-four 284 the ship of captain selhuan brought three hundred and sixty-seven 367 the ship of captain nohu brought two hundred and forty sangleys 240 the ship of captain sousan brought four hundred and twenty-three sangleys 423 the ship of captain guarquico brought three hundred and twenty-three sangleys 323 the ship of captain unican brought two hundred and thirty sangleys 230 the ship of captain ay pagu brought two hundred and four sangleys 204 the ship of captain onray brought two hundred and sixty-five 265 the ship of captain cime two hundred and fifty 250 the ship of captain yansan two hundred and ten 210 the ship of captain ciggan one hundred and forty-one sangleys 141 the ship of captain zuan one hundred and sixty-three sangleys 163 the ship of captain ciray four hundred and ninety-two sangleys 492 the ship of captain ciquey brought two hundred and sixty-one sangleys 261 the ship of captain tzutian brought one hundred and sixty-three 163 the ship of captain tongon two hundred and fifty-nine 259 the ship of captain tzontzan two hundred and twenty sangleys 220 the ship of captain biçan brought seventy-five sangleys 75 the ship of captain buyan brought three hundred and one sangleys 301 the ship of captain licbeu brought seventy-seven sangleys 77 2,011 [36] as appears and is stated at greater length in the said memorandum of inspection, to which i refer. that the same might be officially verified, at the request of his majesty's fiscal the royal audiencia, and at the direction of the president and auditors thereof, i have made this report, manila, july 4, 1606, before geronimo de peralta and miguel de vemaga as witnesses. in witness of the accuracy hereof: _pedro muñoz de herrera_, notary and official receiver of testimony. _felipe iii to pedro de acuña_ don pedro de acuña, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands: i received your letter of july 10 of last year, in which you inform me of the coming to these realms of some religious, among them hernando de los rios coronel and fray pedro de san francisco and others, who are acquainted with many details and circumstances of the uprising of the sangleys in the year 1603. from them, as you suggest, i can command full information to be given me concerning the whole matter, since they are persons of approved reputation and entitled to credit. i am pleased that you have sent me this information, since in due time i shall command the proper proceedings to be taken with reference to these persons. ventosilla, november 4, 1606. _i the king_ certified to by juan de civica, and signed by the council. don pedro de acuña, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands and president of my royal audiencia thereof: by various letters and reports which have been received in my royal council of the yndias, i have learned that there have entered and are living in the city of manila three or four thousand sangleys. it has seemed to me that although, for the convenience of supplying necessary things for the country, it is well that as many should remain as are needed, still the most careful attention must be given to the evil results which have previously been perceived, and to the very great injuries which have followed from the permission that so many should enter and remain in the country. i accordingly charge you that you pay heed to this matter, and that you permit to remain no more than are absolutely necessary, having respect to no other consideration; since nothing can be so profitable as to compensate for the damage which may follow from the contrary course. bentosilla, november 4, 1606. _i the king_ certified to by juan de civica, and signed by the members of the council. letter from felipe iii to acuña the king: to don pedro de acuña, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. your letter of the fifteenth of july of 604, which is in reply to and in satisfaction of some points in another of mine dated the sixteenth of february of 602, has been received and considered in my royal council of the indias. i am glad to see the care with which you say that you are trying to avoid all the expenses that are possible to my royal exchequer; and, since all your care is necessary on account of the present and future occasions for necessary expense in those islands, i charge you to keep before you what i entrust to you. i was also pleased to hear of the importance of the voyage of francisco rodriguez de avila and his men to the island of camar, in order to pacify the natives for the harm which they received from the people of mindanao, and to defend them if they should come again; and the care which you took in this matter and in all the rest which you advised concerning this uprising in mindanao. i thank you, and charge you that, on occasions which may arise in the future, you do the same. you say that you have consulted with the audiencia there, and with the archbishop and the religious, to see if it is proper that the indians pay their tributes, or part of them, in kind; and that you would try to have them reach a decision, in order that you may inform me of it on the earliest occasion. i charge you to do so, fulfilling what i have commanded you in regard to this matter. you have done well, during your administration, in not paying false musters, as you informed me; and in not allowing gratuities or salaries to be paid to the captains, ensigns and other war officers who were appointed by don francisco tello, your predecessor, for the people of the villages. i have seen what you say concerning the lading and despatching of vessels for nueva españa and the care which you take that in this matter, and in the allotment of the amount allowed [by law] there should be the equity, accurate account, and method which is proper; and although i am satisfied with this, nevertheless i have thought it well to charge you, as i do charge you now, that you should use the greatest care in this matter, informing me of all that occurs; and i am grateful for the matters which are in your care. you have done well in ordering my royal officials not to give wine at the expense of my royal exchequer for celebrating mass in the encomiendas of private persons, but rather to oblige the encomenderos themselves to provide it; and you will try to have them do so, since it is just that this should be at their expense and to their account. you say that you did not find sufficient evidence that there were illegal methods in the election of the twelve regidors that are in that city, and that you feared that, if you investigated the matter, there would have arisen uneasiness which might have been followed by trouble, and so you resolved to let it be; and also because, as they are being vacated, the four offices can be done away with which are in excess of the number which i have ordered that there should be. as it has appeared that this was a good decision, i have chosen to refer to you what concerns this particular case, in order that you may do what seems best to you--provided, as i have said, that you observe and fulfil what i have commanded, whenever occasion arises. regarding what you said, that it did not seem best to you that an auditor should go to visit the country, for the reasons and causes which you mentioned, you will try to see that what has been provided for in regard to this be followed and executed. i have seen the trouble which has been caused you in carrying out the order that no more money should be taken to those islands than that which is allowed, although you promptly executed the order; and all that you say in regard to its being better not to press this matter very much for the present, not only for the population of this land, which is of so much importance, but also for the increase of trade. nevertheless it has seemed best to me to command you to follow what i have ordered, without deviating from it in any way. i have seen what you say regarding the business of the three royal officials of those islands, and that the office of treasurer cannot be dispensed with because it is so necessary on this account; all that you have told me in this regard is satisfactory to me, and i am informed in regard to it. you will inform me (if, as you say, you have not done so), of anything that you may observe in regard to the persons whom my aforesaid royal officials are stationing in the warehouses, according to what i have commanded you. i have been pleased to hear of the improvement in the orders regarding the good treatment of the natives, and the very great care which you exercise in looking after them, and in seeing that they be relieved from all hardships which can be avoided; and i command you to continue to do so. i charge you also not to relax in the efforts which you say that you are making that the work on the great church may be urged on; and that you gather materials and begin to rebuild the hospital for the spaniards, which was burned in the fire in the year 1603--although difficulties will not fail to arise therein, in accordance with the poverty which you say exists in that country. i thank you for the care which you have taken of the seminary of santa potenciana, and that its inmates should live in due seclusion; and i have been pleased to hear that you should make efforts to have me send orders to the viceroy of nueva españa to send some religious women thither for the improvement of the seminary. it will be well if you have my royal arms placed on the houses of the cabildo of that city, as you say that you will do. ventosilla, november 4, 1606. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ziviza_ documents of 1607 petition for a grant to the jesuit seminary in leyte. january 18. artillery at manila in 1607. alonso de biebengud; july 6. letter from the audiencia to felipe iii, on the confraternity of la misericordia. pedro hurtado de esquivel; july 11. trade of the philippines with mexico. december 18. passage of missionaries via the philippines to japan. conde de lemos, and others; 1606-07. _sources_: the first three of these documents are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the last two, from the archivo general at simancas. _translations_: the first document, and the third paper in the fifth, are translated by james a. robertson; the second and third, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the second paper of the fifth, by norman f. hall, of harvard university; the remainder, by robert w. haight. petition for grant to the jesuit seminary in leyte sire: the religious of the society of jesus of the philipinas islands, considering that that country was so new, and that it was advisable that the indians be reared from its beginning in good customs and christian civilization, founded a seminary in the island of leyte, located in the province of pintados. there they instruct the native children of the island in good customs and in the matters of our holy catholic faith, and teach them to speak spanish, and other things which conduce to virtue. inasmuch as the governor of the said islands was made cognizant of the above, he ordered in the year 601 that one hundred pesos of common gold and two hundred fanegas of unwinnowed rice be given the said religious annually for four years, for the support of the said seminary, to be taken from the fund of the fourths [_i.e.,_ fourths of the tributes] of the city of manila--provided that the jesuits could obtain a decree in which your majesty should give your consent to this grant. on behalf of the said religious it has been represented that excellent results have been attained from the foundation of the said seminary, which still continue; and that it is advisable that it be maintained. they entreat your majesty to consider the matter, and have the above-mentioned gift approved, and the said alms continued to them for ten years more; for otherwise it cannot take effect. having examined this in the council, we think that, because of the great need for the said seminary in that country, the provision of the governor for a grant to them for four years may be confirmed; and, in order that the seminary be preserved and continued, that the concession of the said one hundred pesos of common gold and the two hundred fanegas of rice, taken from the fund of the fourths, may be made for ten years more, as they petition. the governor should be ordered to have it all very carefully distributed for the said purpose, and give advice thereof. your majesty will order as suits your pleasure. madrid, january 18, 1607. [four signatures follow.] artillery at manila in 1607 _memorandum of all the artillery in the fortifications of manila, june_ 20, 1607 _fort of santiago_ one half-culverin, old casting of manila, choke-bored, caliber fourteen libras, twenty calibers in length. one full-sized saker of the same casting, caliber ten libras, length thirteen calibers. another of the same casting, a paterero, [37] caliber eleven libras, length fourteen calibers. another paterero of the same casting, caliber ten libras, and thirteen calibers in length. two bastards, casting mexican--one of twenty-seven calibers, and the other choke-bored--of twenty-four calibers, caliber ten libras. one saker, old manila casting, caliber six libras, length thirty calibers. one culverin, caliber nineteen libras, old manila casting, choke-bored, twenty-nine calibers in length. one demi-saker, mexican casting, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty-two calibers. one bastard saker, genoese casting, caliber six libras, length twenty-four calibers. one paterero, portuguese casting, caliber eleven libras, length fourteen calibers. one demi-saker, cast in piru, caliber three and a half libras, length twenty-nine calibers. one saker, caliber six libras, cast in flandes, thirty calibers in length. another saker, cast in mexico, caliber six libras, thirty-four calibers in length. one paterero, old manila casting, caliber eight libras, length fourteen diameters. another similar paterero. two catapults, new manila casting, caliber twenty libras. one paterero of the same casting, caliber fifteen libras, length fourteen diameters. one saker, cast in mexico, caliber five and a half libras, length thirty calibers. one cannon, old manila casting, caliber thirty-seven libras, length twenty calibers. one demi-saker, cast in flandes, caliber four libras, length thirty calibers. one demi-saker, cast in flandes, caliber four libras, length thirty calibers. one demi-saker, cast in piru, caliber three libras and a half, length twenty-nine calibers. one demi-saker, old manila casting, caliber four libras, length thirty-one diameters. one paterero, cast in portugal, caliber thirty-one libras, fourteen calibers in length. in all, there are in the said fort twenty-six pieces. _breastwork of s. gabriel in parian of the sangleys_ one paterero of portuguese casting, caliber fourteen libras, length thirteen calibers. one demi-cannon cast in manila, old style, caliber sixteen libras, length twenty-two calibers. one passe-volante, cast in flandes, caliber five libras, length four calibers. one paterero, cast in manila, caliber thirteen libras, length thirteen calibers. one demi-saker, old manila casting, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty-two calibers. one saker cast in mexico, caliber five libras, length thirty calibers. in the said breastwork there are six pieces. _breastwork of dilao_ one demi-saker of three libras caliber, old casting of manila, length thirty-three calibers. one saker, old casting of manila, caliber seven libras, length twenty-nine calibers. another saker, cast in mexico, caliber one libra, length thirty-two calibers. one paterero, cast in portugal, caliber thirteen libras, length thirteen calibers. in the said breastwork there are four pieces. _breastwork of s. andres near the foundry_ two patereroes, new casting of manila, caliber eight libras, length thirteen calibers. one demi-saker of the same casting, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty diameters. another demi-saker, old casting of manila, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty calibers. one passavolante [_i.e._, small culverin], cast in flandes, caliber five libras, length forty calibers. one saker, cast in mexico, caliber seven libras, length twenty-eight calibers. in the said fort there are six pieces. _breastwork of s. pedro near the new port_ one saker cast in mexico, caliber five libras, length thirty-two calibers. one demi-saker cast in manila by sangleys, caliber three libras, length thirty calibers. two patereroes, new casting of manila, caliber eight libras, length thirteen calibers. one demi-saker, new casting of manila, caliber three and a half libras, length thirty-one calibers. one demi-saker of the same casting, caliber two libras, length thirty diameters. in the said fort are six pieces. _fort of nuestra señora de guia_ one demi-cannon, old casting of manila, caliber sixteen libras, length twenty-two calibers. two sakers, old casting of manila, caliber six libras, length twenty-eight calibers. one paterero of the same casting, caliber twelve libras, length eleven calibers. another paterero, new casting of manila, caliber eight libras, length thirteen diameters. one bell-mouthed piece, caliber six libras, length twelve calibers. one demi-cannon, old casting of manila, caliber sixteen libras, length twenty-two calibers. in the said fort there are seven pieces. _curtain on the water-front_ one paterero, new casting of manila, caliber eight libras, length thirteen calibers, in front of the palace. one saker, cast in mexico, caliber six libras, length thirty-one calibers, in the middle of the curtain. there are on the water-front two pieces. _plaza de armas_ one demi-saker, cast in acapulco, caliber three libras, length thirty calibers. one saker, cast in acapulco, caliber three libras, length thirty calibers. one saker, cast in yngalaterra, caliber eight libras, length twenty-eight calibers. one demi-saker cast in flandes, caliber four libras, length thirty calibers. another demi-saker, of the same casting and the same style. another demi-saker, old casting of manila, caliber four libras, length twenty-eight calibers. another demi-saker of the same casting, caliber four libras, length thirty calibers. there are in the said plaza six pieces. _in cavite_ there are two sakers which came from terrenate--one cast in manila, caliber six libras; and the other in flandes, caliber seven libras. there are also four falcons, large patereroes, which were brought in the said ship. in the magazines there are two or three falcon patereroes. _flag-ship of the galleys_ one piece, one-third cannon caliber, cast in acapulco, caliber eleven libras, length twenty-two calibers. two small culverins [_moyanas_]--cast one in ynglaterra, caliber three libras; the other in manila, caliber two libras. four catapults, two discharging stone balls of twenty-five libras, and the other two of thirteen libras, new casting of manila. on the said galley there are seven pieces. _second galley, "san lorenço"_ one piece, one-third cannon caliber, cast in acapulco, caliber eleven libras, length twenty-two calibers. two catapults, new casting of manila, caliber seventy-three libras. two small culverins [_moyanas_] of the said casting, caliber one libra. on the said galley are five pieces. _recapitulation of the artillery_ fort of santhiago 26 pieces breastwork of s. gabriel 6 ,, breastwork of dilao 4 ,, breastwork of s. andres 6 ,, breastwork of s. pedro 6 ,, fort of nuestra señora de guia 7 ,, curtain of the water-front 2 ,, plaza des armas 6 ,, cavite 2 ,, in the said cavite, falcon patereroes 4 ,, magazines, falcons 2 ,, flag-ship galley 7 ,, second galley 5 ,, 83 ,, i, alonso de bienbengud, commander of the artillery of our lord the king in this his royal military station of manila in the philipinas islands, certify that the artillery declared in this list and memorandum is placed and distributed in the forts, breastworks, traverses, and other places named therein, and that it is of the character described; in witness whereof these presents are signed with my name. manila, the sixth of july, one thousand six hundred and seven. letter from the audiencia to felipe iii _on the confraternity of la misericordia_ your majesty gives commands in a letter dated the seventeenth of april, 1606, for information to be sent regarding the nature of the confraternity of la misericordia of this city, when and with what official license it was organized, its constitution, the amount of its income and the manner in which the income is distributed, the good results which have followed from the establishment of the confraternity, and what are its constitutions [_i.e._, rules of organization]. your majesty also asks that a copy of these constitutions be sent, and information as to whether the present income of the confraternity is sufficient for its purposes, and whether some grant may properly be made to it; and, if so, the amount and form of grant that would be suitable--so that your majesty may be furnished with full information on the whole matter. since, as has been stated, the departure of these vessels is so near at hand, a copy of the constitutions of the confraternity is not sent, but a summary of them, which is enclosed. your majesty will see by this abstract that the works to which this confraternity is dedicated are those of great charity and of service to god our lord. to all such works it attends with great fervor, using the charitable gifts which are bestowed for this purpose. although this audiencia asked the brethren of the confraternity to make a statement of the manner in which your majesty might make them a grant, and as to the amount thereof, they were unable to discover any way in which the grant could be made; nor could this audiencia perceive any, so much exhausted and indebted is the treasury of your majesty. accordingly, your majesty may make such grant as shall please your majesty, which will be well employed by them, and much to the service of god and your majesty. [_in the margin_: "there is no answer. let a copy of this section be given to the secretary, señor contreras, that he may know the deliberations and decree."] the activity of the confraternity of la misericordia in this city began fourteen years ago. at that time the governor associated with himself some twelve of the chief persons here, and they gave every week from their own households what was necessary for the support of widows, the poor, persons in secret distress, and others in pressing need. this they continued to do until they received the rules governing the confraternity in the city of lisboa, where it was first established. by these rules they have been governed ever since, the number of brethren being now a hundred and fifty. 1. in the first place, knowing that women, both spanish and mestizas, suffered greatly in case of sickness, for lack of a hospital in which to be treated, the confraternity determined to establish one, which is still called the hospital of la misericordia. they bought land and erected a building with the money given in alms; and they pay the expense of keeping a physician and a surgeon, of medicines, and of the maintenance of two franciscan religious, who administer the sacraments and care for the welfare of the souls of the patients. in addition, the confraternity has made up for the lack of a hospital for slaves by setting apart some rooms where slaves go to be cared for, and are attended to with special care of both their bodies and their souls. 2. the principal matter to which the confraternity gave its attention from the first was the succor of needy persons who committed themselves to its protection--as widows, married persons, orphans, cripples, and deserted persons of good life. to them the confraternity give what is necessary for their daily support. this matter is attended to once a week by two brethren who give them aid in their own houses, within and without the walls of the city, doing the work with all the secrecy in the world. upon this are spent weekly sixty or seventy pesos, more or less, according to the amount of contributions received. 3. the confraternity has always attended to the support of the poor in the prison. a brother is assigned to this duty, who causes food for the poor prisoners to be prepared daily at his own house, and takes care to have it sent to them with great regularity. he also provides the said prison with water sufficient for the prisoners, which is their greatest want. [38] thus they alleviate the misery of the prisoners. the said prison is always attended by one of the brethren of high station, that he may attend to the care and prompt decision of the cases of poor prisoners. 4. this confraternity attends to providing a shelter for the daughters of poor conquistadors and colonists, and for other women whom they consider thus in need; and has placed them in a seminary in this city, supporting them there until they enter the married state, and then it gives them assistance according to their rank. 5. the confraternity takes great care to place orphan boys where they may be cared for, and to protect them. those who desire to give themselves to exercises of virtue and learning it places in a college of the society of jesus, paying for each one a hundred pesos for his board. 6. the confraternity also aids with clothing, which it collects from charitable persons, which the said brethren give to both men and women, who would suffer greatly without this assistance and care, from lack of clothes. many women would not go to mass for lack of cloaks and other things needed, if this alms were not given them. 7. it gives aid to many sick persons who, as incurable and beyond remedy, are discharged from the royal hospital--the physicians directing them, if they wish to recover, to go to certain baths about twelve leguas from the city. [39] they are assisted to do this, that they may recover their health. 8. every week when they hold their meeting and assembly they give assistance to many persons who do not receive continued assistance, and they also aid many who are on their way to nueva españa--discharged ensigns, sergeants, and soldiers. these are assisted in proportion to their rank, as their need and their service to your majesty are known. 9. the confraternity has also given aid outside of this city, by sending to the provinces of pintados much aid to the portuguese, of both the higher and the lower classes, who by the destruction of maluco and ambueno by the dutch have been obliged to come to these regions with their families and households. without this assistance they would have suffered severer privations. 10. it has undertaken to provide persons to go [_i.e._, to the scaffold] with those who suffer under the law, and to bury them; and it takes up the dismembered bodies of those who have suffered, and the bodies of the drowned, burying them in consecrated ground with much care, and showing honor to their bodies and bones, thus greatly edifying the natives. 11. it attends with the necessary secrecy to securing reconciliations between persons at enmity--sometimes of husbands with their wives, and sometimes between other persons; and thus the brethren bring to an end many evils and prevent injuries. they likewise correct many persons of vices of which they have secret knowledge, which without doubt greatly redounds to the service of god our lord. 12. it attends to the execution of many wills, which are entrusted to it by persons who leave their property to be distributed for pious works and for chaplaincies. leaving the matter in the care of this confraternity, they feel certain that their trusts will be executed forever. it is a great consolation to them to know that the execution has been accepted by the confraternity. in particular, the execution of the wills of poor persons who leave heirs in nueva españa and españa, and in yndia, is accepted by the confraternity. 13. all of these works of charity are performed by the said confraternity from the alms which are received from the citizens, from the brethren, and from persons who at death leave them bequests because they see how well is allotted and spent that which is collected. the income is obtained with much pains, because of the smallness of the population. should your majesty make a grant to the confraternity, it could accomplish more in caring for cases of need which every day occur, requiring aid and claiming pity. _pedro hurtado desquivel_, clerk of court. this is an accurate copy of the original section: _juan lopez de hernani_ trade of the philippines with mexico _report from the council of state_ sire: your majesty was pleased to order that the enclosed reports from the council of the indias and that of portugal be examined in the council, and that they should make such recommendations as they deemed proper; and having examined them, the members gave their opinions as follows: the chief comendador [40] of leon, in a meeting held at valladolid, insisted that it was not desirable that there should be trade from nueva españa to the filipinas on account of the great drain of silver thus caused; it is occasioned by the large profits obtained by investing the silver in the merchandise which comes to those islands from china--partly through the cheapness of these goods, and partly through the great value of silver. he also stated the difficulties which are presented, in that, through this trade, the need for the merchandise from these regions would cease, and with it the dependence of those colonies, which it is so important to preserve. it should be considered that, although the trade of nueva españa with china should be prohibited, this would be of no use if trade with the philipinas were left open; for by that means the chinese will have an outlet for their merchandise. accordingly it seemed best that this should be prohibited, so that there would be no trade from nueva españa with the philipinas. but, as it must also be considered that the total prohibition thereof would cause a hindrance to conversion and would put an end to settlement, he thought it best, in order to maintain both the one and the other, that two merchant ships should be permitted to go each year from nueva españa to the philipinas, of the capacity and under the conditions which are at present in use there. since, if the people of the philipinas are able to trade with macan, there will be the risk of their introducing through that channel a trade with china, and consequently a drain of silver from nueva españa, it seems best not to give an opportunity for this. on the contrary, the decree should be observed which was despatched in the time of the king our lord (who rests in glory), prohibiting the trade between macan and the philipinas, for it is to be believed that this was issued after mature deliberation and reflection; for that conduct would be greatly to the satisfaction of the portuguese, and we would avoid the difficulties of opening that port to the trade from china, as it is so important for these kingdoms to maintain what they hold in peru and nueva españa. but it would be very desirable to order that there shall be considerable understanding and correspondence between the governors, so that in case the ships from one region make port at the other, driven by the weather, they may be well received and treated; and also that they may help each other in times of need, with money and whatever shall be necessary of provisions, munitions, and other supplies pertaining to the defense of the land and operations against the enemy. the marques de velada said that if the trade of nueva españa with the philipinas could be kept within moderate bounds, and if nothing came from china to the philipinas except what was needed there, he would consider it good; but he regards this as difficult, and therefore supports the chief comendador of leon. the conde de chinchon said that the preservation of the indias consisted in this, that, through their need of articles which are not produced there, they always depend upon this country; and it would be the means of losing them if their wants could be supplied elsewhere. to think that if there were trade between nueva españa and the philipinas there would cease to be any with china would be an evident mistake, and therefore it should be closed. in so far as concerns macan, order should be given that the decree which has been issued be observed, as the chief comendador of leon has said. in this state of affairs it has seemed best to him to advise your majesty that it ought to be carefully considered whether it is expedient that each year there should be carried to eastern india a million eight-real pieces for articles of so little importance as are those which are brought thence; and what plan could be made to obviate this drain of silver, as we are in such need of it here. the constable of castilla said that the reports [from the other councils] discussed only the trade of the philipinas with macan; and it seemed to him that the plan which had been followed should be maintained, as it ought to be changed only after having examined and considered well the pros and cons, and there should be very urgent reasons for making such change. your majesty will order this to be examined and such measures to be taken as shall be most satisfactory. madrid, december 18, 1607. [_endorsed, in the king's hand_: "all has been carefully considered, but the remedy is not easy."] passage of missionaries via the philippines to japan _report from the council of the indias_ sire: the duke de lerma has written to me, the conde de lemos, that your majesty orders to be immediately examined in this council the enclosed report from the council of portugal concerning the question whether religious from the philipinas should pass to japon; and that, with the consideration which the matter demanded, you be advised of his opinion. complying with what your majesty orders, it has appeared to us that, in order that the fundamental facts might be understood, it is proper to answer the reasons advanced by the council of portugal as a basis for their report, which is in conformity with the decrees issued by their holinesses gregory xiii and clement viii, and by his majesty who is in heaven, and by your majesty: these are to the effect that no religious shall pass to the provinces of japon from these kingdoms, or from the western indias or from the philipinas, except as they go by way of yndia, and commanding that if any had passed they should return immediately, and that the governor of the philipinas should be immediately notified to put this into execution. the council of portugal states--conformably to what the bishop of japon writes, who is one of the society [of jesus]--that dayfusama, universal lord of those realms, continues in the same suspicion that his predecessor taycosama had of the spaniards from the philipinas islands, and those who go from nueva españa, that they ate people looking for conquests. he thinks that their principal aim is directed to making themselves lords of the country, as they have done in the philipinas themselves and in nueva españa; and that what they call preaching the gospel is an artifice, and a means of conquering, as taicosama wrote to the city of manila. on this account, also, he had caused the franciscan religious to be crucified as spies, whose intention was to conquer kingdoms; and therefore no more should be sent there. to make this the stronger, they add an example, in the entrance made there in the year 1602 by sixteen franciscan, dominican, and augustinian religious, who say that they were not well received by the heathens and christians who were there. the second reason is, to cut off the communication of nueva españa with japon and china, which results in the diversion of a great part of the silver from nueva españa into those kingdoms, on account of the great profit which there is in that trade, to the great prejudice of these kingdoms. reply is to be made, presupposing as a certain thing that discalced [_i.e._ franciscan], augustinian, and dominican friars have at various times been readily admitted into japon, obtaining great results in conversion; and that in the year 1594 there had come a well-known japanese named faranda to the city of manila, who asked for friars. moreover, gomez perez de las mariñas, governor of the philipinas, sent in the capacity of ambassador father fray pedro baptista, a discalced franciscan, with several religious of his order, to whom dayfusama, universal lord of the japanese, extended many favors, and whom he permitted to build a convent in usaca--a very large city near that of miaco, where his court is--so that he might preach the holy gospel. afterward, in october of the year 1597, when the japanese undertook to destroy, in a province of japon, the galleon "san phelipe"--which was going from the philipinas lo nueva españa, laden with merchandise from china of great value, and having more than a hundred spaniards and other men in the crew--the said taycosama, to have some excuse for appropriating to himself the contents of the said ship (as he did), gave us to understand that he was suspicious, as has been said, of those spaniards. it has been learned, however, that a seaman from the said galleon gave occasion for this feeling, when he was asked how the spaniards had conquered so many countries. thus far we have not been able to learn with certainty in regard to this, except that it is said that some portuguese spread this news through the kingdoms of yndia, for the sake of their own private interests. in confirmation of the suspicion or fear which the tyrant has shown, he has ordered the publication of an edict, in which it is provided that no one should be a christian; and has crucified the six discalced friars (whom, as before stated, he had treated with favors) and twenty converted japanese, in the neighborhood of nangasaqui, to which place the galleon resorts, which ordinarily goes each year from macao for the japanese trade. it was there, with one hundred and fifty portuguese; and the bishop of japon then officiated publicly, and there were more than twenty thousand christian japanese and a principal college of the society--whence it is supposed that the reason was greed, under color of a reason of state. for if the intention of the tyrant was to exclude at all points christianity and its ministers from japon, he would not have permitted so great a number of fathers of the society as were residing in that country, with their prelate (several of whom were known to him), and hundreds of thousands of christian japanese, contenting himself with the persecution of these few. this is especially so as, in the year following this martyrdom, the conversion of more than 60,000 japanese was affirmed, a greater number than for many years past taken together. it may be believed that god worked this miracle through the blood shed by those martyrs and their intercession. since that event, on various occasions religious have entered japon in the ships of the japanese themselves, who go to the philipinas to trade, and express a desire that some religious from the orders there should go. the same dayfusama, who is now reigning, sent an embassy to the philipinas seeking friars in order that one of the ports of his island, called quanto, might be settled by spaniards. to further this claim, he sent later fray jeronimo de jesus,--a discalced friar who had survived his companions the martyrs, for the consolation of the converted, and who had been hidden; accordingly the audiencia of your majesty which resides in manila ordered religious to be sent. to the second reason, it is answered that thus far it is not known in the council that there has been any trade from nueva españa or from the philipinas to japon, nor does it even appear that those who are occupied in trade have any need thereof; for to the philipinas islands themselves there come so great a number of junks and ships belonging to the chinese from chincheo, that there is always a superabundance of merchandise, and to limit this trade your majesty has already decreed what appears most expedient for his service. what is known is that the fathers of the society do not desire other orders than their own to enter into japon, giving as a reason that others would not know the method which must be followed in preaching to those heathen, whose perversity has need of cunning to overcome it. this the fathers say they know, as they have been occupied in this conversion for fifty years; and they say that there would be great occasion for weakening the belief of the natives in the doctrine which is preached to them, if they saw a diversity in the vestments, rules, and ceremonies. accordingly, with these arguments they obtained by entreaty the above-mentioned briefs; and, having been opposed by the dominicans and franciscans before his holiness, they finally obtained a brief that in case religious of other orders were to go, it must be by way of yndia. this is the same as prohibiting it altogether; for in the domains of portugal the missionaries are not supplied with maintenance, including everything that they need on the journey, as they are in castilian lands. the road, too, is much longer, and strewn with difficulties; and in it care is taken to embarrass them, and not let them pass--as has been seen several times when religious have gone by way of yndia, several dominicans and augustinians having been stopped at goa, even after part of their sea-stores had been placed on the ship. in the year 1602 the franciscan friars of yndia said in response to fray pablo de los martires, who came to seek friars, that they could not send them to japon. this is answered by saying that the catholic faith is already old and widely spread in japon, and it would be a dangerous thing to exclude from its preaching the method which christ our lord has left in his gospel, which the mendicant orders observe, and through which have been converted the nations of the greatest power, genius, and learning in the world--among them the romans, who held dominion over it. and it appears that not without much harm to conscience can obstacles be put in the way of ministers who preach in 66 countries, disposed to receive them, where it is impossible that the fathers of the society should be sufficient, even to maintain the faithful who are there; for it is understood that [in japan] they number more than 600,000, and they have not had in past years even 150 fathers, for which reason it was necessary for them to say daily three masses each, and then fail in the service of the sacraments on account of the great number of the faithful and the distance between the places. as for the difference in vestments and rules of the orders, this is answered by the fact that the japanese have already seen them many times, and now see these in their own country, yet with especial profit. moreover, those who are continually going to the philipinas are, it is understood, not only not scandalized by this, but even--considering that in the diversity of religious orders and multitude of religious there is but one confession of faith, one set of sacraments, and one law alone, all submitting to the supreme pontiff as the universal head of the church--draw therefrom a very strong argument for the truth of the gospel law which is preached to them, especially by people of such ability and understanding as the very fathers who direct the japanese certify that they are. the emulation of holiness and virtues among the religious orders is of great importance for their benefit and that of the public; and this will cease where there is only one order. the persecution against the faithful could not have taken place, if religious from the other orders had gone there; for it is certain that there would have been other and very severe persecutions before this, if the fathers of the society alone had been preaching in japon. the portuguese of yndia have great interests at stake, according to their opinion, in this measure; for it seems to them that, as the presence of the fathers has been a means for their trade with japon (which amounts each year to more than a million and a half), and the religious from castilla must be favorable to nueva españa and the philipinas, and as the traders of those provinces pay for the merchandise, on account of the abundance of silver which they have, a third more than is paid by those from india, they must either be shut out from this trade, or buy so dearly that the profit would be very little. thus far, as has been said to your majesty, it is not known that this has happened; but in order to provide for this, and at the same time for the principal aim which your majesty has, the spread of the holy gospel in regions so remote, and where experience has shown that there is so great a disposition to receive it, and for the preservation of the states which your majesty holds in the western and eastern yndias, it has appeared best to the council that your majesty should be pleased to order his ambassador who is present in rome to represent to his holiness the reasons which exist for opening the way for preaching in japon, for such religious as may be approved by their superiors and the council; and therefore he should ask for the revocation of the briefs which oppose this object, leaving it to the general disposal of all the provinces of the world. they also suggest that your majesty should order that from no part of his kingdom should religious go to japon without first making port at the city of manila in the philipinas islands, where the governor of the islands and the superiors of the orders, as those who manage this business, shall ascertain at what time and opportunity, and what religious, it is expedient to send over to preach in japon; and these and no others shall go. the said governor should command that the religious who are to go to japon shall go in ships belonging to the japanese themselves, as it is understood that those who have gone up to the present time have done, without permitting that other ships than those of the crown of castilla should go, under this pretext, to the provinces and realms of japon--severely punishing those who violate this order. your majesty will order what shall be most for the royal service. valladolid, may 30, 1606. _report from the council of the indias_ sire: the duke de lerma has written to me, the conde de lemos, that your majesty orders that the enclosed report from the council of portugal be examined in this council, in regard to the order that there should be no passing to japon by way of the philipinas, and that your majesty be advised of what seems best. in this report the principal purpose seems to be that commerce should be prohibited, by your majesty's command, in order that the philipinas may not maintain it with china or japon. this matter depends very much on what the same council of portugal has claimed, and now brings forward as foundation for its claim, which is the prohibition of the entrance of castilian religious into japon to preach. at your majesty's command, the council replied, in the past year, to another report from the council of portugal, in which it proposed in detail the arguments on which it founds its claim. therefore it seemed best to return the report to your majesty, together with a letter written to your majesty by francisco peña, auditor of rota, from which it is apparent how this matter is considered in rome, and how much that opinion is in conformity with what this council has advised your majesty, adding what we have learned since the aforesaid report was sent, from letters from the governor and audiencia, and investigations made before the aforesaid audiencia and the archbishop of manila, and other trustworthy papers which came from the philipinas and japon. the emperor of japon sent to the governor of the islands, asking him very earnestly to send religious to settle in the land of quanto; and some were therefore sent, and they were very kindly received. land was given them for houses and hospitals; so they have founded two residences, where they are making great headway in the conversion of the japanese, and the religious are very well treated. as the emperor himself has for three years desired and insisted upon the commerce of the philipinas with his realms, a ship has accordingly been sent each year from the islands to those of quanto, with merchandise from china, and various articles of which they have more than enough in the aforesaid [philippine] islands; and it brought back in return much silver (with which the land of japon abounds), wheaten flour, dried beef, hemp for cordage, iron, steel, powder, and hafted weapons and other things of great value for the provision and preservation of the aforesaid philipinas islands. in those islands it appears of the greatest importance that this commerce be introduced and preserved; because, besides the provision of the aforesaid goods, it is well to keep the king of japon friendly by this means. for if he were not so he would be the greatest enemy that could be feared, on account of the number and size of his realms, and the valor of the people therein, who are, beyond comparison, the bravest in all india--as has been experienced in the aforesaid islands sometimes, with pirates who have overrun those coasts, doing great harm and hindering the commerce of the other nations. japon is so anxious to assure and facilitate friendly relations with the said islands that, the king having heard that some japanese were molesting them with their vessels, he ordered them all to be crucified; and he gave chapas, or decrees, to some religious, in order that with these the ships which went from the islands to japon might be safe. also it was understood that when the bishop of japon (who belongs to the society) desired to make known to the religious who were in those lands the last brief of his holiness, in order for them to depart from the country in fulfilment of it, it was represented what great difficulties would result from the publication and execution of it, in order that he might wait for an appeal to be taken to his holiness. for the orders of st. francis, st. dominic, and st. augustine have nine convents and four hospitals, where they have achieved great results in the conversion; moreover, they were admitted and called thither by the emperor. they find a great number of people disposed to receive the gospel law, and it would be impossible for the fathers of the society (who are in some kingdoms of japon) to be sufficient as workmen in so broad and fertile a vineyard. on this account, it would cause great scandal among the converted and those to be converted, to see the opposition of one order to the others, since previously they held them all to be uniform in the purpose of the spreading of the gospel, and the religious to be vassals of one king and subjects of the one and only head of the church. but in spite of the statements of the friars, the bishop ordered the said brief to be published and made known, with its penalties and censures. councils were held by the orders in the philipinas and japon, and they thought that they ought to appeal from the said brief to his holiness; this was done before the said bishop, in order that his holiness might understand the state in which affairs were in those lands, and, being better informed, revoke the brief. it seems important, for the decision of this matter, that it be understood, from the description of japon and from trustworthy accounts, that the preaching of the fathers of the society, in the more than fifty years since they entered japon, has not reached to within a hundred miles of the kingdoms of quanto, where there are some convents of discalced franciscan friars, nor has the merchandise of the portuguese done so; but on the contrary the emperor--having a particular fondness for those kingdoms, as being a patrimony of his--at great cost has caused to be carried by land some of the merchandise which the portuguese brought from china to japon. so then, neither is the society limited in the bounds of its preaching, nor is the crown of portugal in those of its trade; for even if six ships went there, instead of the single one that now goes from macao each year, all that they should carry would still easily be consumed in the lands which are more than a hundred leguas distant from those of quanto. for from the island where nangaçaqui is, until the ship reaches quanto, there are more than two hundred and twenty leguas of very thickly settled mainland. granting the prohibition which your majesty has made that no merchandise beyond a certain stated amount should go from the philipinas to nueva spaña, on account of the great difficulties which result otherwise, it seems well worthy of consideration that goods bought from china in those islands of your majesty should be diverted to japon, from which so much silver is and may be obtained for the benefit of your vassals and the increase of their wealth and of your majesty's exchequer--at least making unnecessary in the philipinas that which is and may be brought from the lands of piru and nueva spaña, with benefit to both those colonies and the islands. for the ships which go from the philipinas to nueva spaña it is of the greatest importance to have a safe harbor in japon, in which to repair and supply themselves with the necessities for so long and dangerous a voyage--because, for not having had it hitherto, great losses have been suffered; and some, such as that of the galleon "san phelipe," amounted to more than a million. it is more fitting for this purpose and for others that our ships should go to japon than that theirs should come to the philipinas, because when they come to those islands they buy from the chinese, who come there to sell, the merchandise which the castilians would have bought, enhancing the prices of it, and giving the chinese for it the silver which they would have given to the subjects of your majesty; nor is there any remedy therefor, although it has been sought. as for the entrance of religious, the council persists in the opinion of their last report, a copy of which is subjoined; but in regard to the prohibition of commerce it changes the opinion which it had reached, on account of the new information. it thinks that for the present your majesty ought to allow one or two ships to go each year from the philipinas to the kingdoms of quanto, at the same time warning the governor that he should manage this matter with the care and prudence necessary, so that your majesty's purpose may be attained in facilitating and spreading the law of the gospel, and keeping your vassals and realms in peace and quietness, in order that thus they may serve god and your majesty. since the council of portugal, in its last report, begs your majesty to discuss this matter jointly with it, that might be done, if it please your majesty, in order that, the arguments for and against being presented by persons whom your majesty would choose from both councils, the decision might be made with greater satisfaction and understanding of the situation, as the magnitude and importance of the matter demand. your majesty will command what may serve you best. madrid, 31st of march, 1607. [ten signatures follow.] _report from the council of state_ sire: your majesty was pleased to order the council to examine a report from the council of yndia resident in lisboa, dated december 4, 1605, and another from the council of portugal, dated january 31, 1606, which treat of the inadvisability of religious going to the kingdoms of xapon from the philipinas, for the reasons advanced; and two others dated may 30, 1606, and march 31, 1607, from the council of the yndias, which allege the contrary. the council after examining these, and calling to mind what was advised on the occasion of other reports from the council of portugal and of certain briefs of the pope, which were laid before them, advised your majesty of its opinion in this matter--namely, to examine the report and what your majesty was pleased to decide. and inasmuch as the said advice was given november 2, 1604, in valladolid, and your majesty was pleased to answer the council of portugal in regard to it, and decreed what was resolved thereon; and now since we have come to advise your majesty: we advise that, in order to express our opinion, as your majesty orders, it would be advisable to examine what your majesty resolved then. accordingly if your majesty please, you might order the conde de salinas to send your majesty the resolution taken upon the report of that council of the year 1604, which was accompanied by the briefs of his holiness, so that after examination in this council, we may more reasonably advise your majesty of our opinion. madrid, september 7, 1607. [six signatures follow]. [_endorsed_: "+ officially; september 7, 1607. the council of state in regard to certain reports from the councils of portugal and of the yndias, of castilla, as to whether or not religious are to go to japon by way of the philipinas." _in a different hand_: "the accompanying report from the council of portugal will give information on what is asked here. also other reports from the same council, and from that of the yndias, in regard to matters of the filipinas, and of macan, are enclosed. they should be examined together in the council, and the council should advise me of their opinion regarding the whole matter."] [one signature, evidently that of the king, follows]. _report from the council of state_ sire: conformably to what your majesty was pleased to order, there were examined in the council the reports and papers which are returned with this, and opinions were expressed as follows: the chief comendador of leon said that from the accounts and investigations which the reports from the council of portugal disclose, it is gathered that in the preaching of the gospel which is being carried on by those of the society who reside in japon, they practice, contrary to its spirit, worldly artifice; for it is said, on the one hand, that they are preaching in secret, and, on the other, that they maintain a ship in trade and traffic for their support. he considers it very unsuitable that the gospel should go in disguise, and believes that those who preach it should emulate the poverty of the apostles, and should carry on no manner of trade or profit, so that they may attract and convert by the example of the purity of their lives, with no worldly ostentation. this is very fitting for the reputation of the faith and those who preach it, that those who oppose it may not say that they trade. if they adopt this plan, and are so numerous that they can attend to all parts of the country where it is necessary, the going of other orders thither might be dispensed with. but if they are not sufficient to attend to all parts, and that king begs that franciscan friars should go, the comendador knows no reason why they should not be sent; and the bishops of the filipinas should be charged to send such religious as are fit for the ministry of preaching. the governor of those islands should be ordered to send them in small vessels, which should only take sufficient provisions for their support, expressly prohibiting that they carry any kind of merchandise, and the trade of the filipinas with japon should cease entirely; for in this way would be obviated the difficulties which are represented on the part of the portuguese, and the desired end of the conversion of souls would be better attained. it would be an easy thing to obtain from the pope that he should revoke the restriction that none could go except by way of portuguese yndia, leaving to the choice of your majesty all that concerns this affair; for his holiness may be sure that your majesty, as the best informed of all, will do what is most fitting for the propagation of our holy faith. what the portuguese allege in regard to the religious who went to japon being missed in the filipinas is not sufficient; for there will certainly be some who, without being missed there, could go to japon. thus, if personal interests and differences would cease, those religious might attend solely to the conversion of those heathen, with the discretion and moderation which is fitting, so as to relieve that king from the suspicion he has, that in that way they are trying to take away his kingdom. for if he is assured of that, and sees that no other than religious come, and that these are engaged in no other business than that of conversion, it is to be hoped in our lord that he will not hinder it; since by those same documents it is evident that the reason for his having made martyrs of the franciscan friars was the suspicion which he had that they had other objects to the prejudice of his state. it is likewise fitting that all the religious maintain friendly relations with one another, and be united, and that their duties be not ill performed. for quarrels between them will be of much greater injury and less edification for the heathen than is the diversity of their garb; and, when it is seen that they are all working toward the same end, it will be recognized that all profess the same faith, and that religion is one. the marques de velada said that the reports from the council of portugal are at variance with those from the council of the yndias; for the former say that in japon they do not desire franciscan friars, and the others that they are asking for them. it therefore appears best to him that your majesty should secure from the pope a revocation of the clause in the brief which prohibits other religious from going to japon unless it be by way of yndia; and that his holiness leave it to the choice of your majesty to send them by the way which shall seem most fitting, as, in regard to the principal point--which is that they should go, whether it be by yndia or otherwise--they are in accord. whether they are to go by that or some other route is such a minor consideration that it ought not to depend on that. accordingly he would order don juan de silva [41] to investigate whether it be true that the king of japon is asking for franciscan friars; and if this be so he should not fail to send some, in the manner which has been stated by the chief comendador of leon. and even if the king does not seek them, let it be known that he will permit them. moreover, all kinds of trade should be totally prohibited, and the passing of any other people from the filipinas to japon, except such religious friars as are not only holy, but judicious and discreet--although these qualities were not displayed by those friars who told the king of japon that by means of them the western yndias had been conquered, because that was sufficient reason for causing their martyrdom, fearing that by the same means his kingdom would be taken away from him. accordingly it is fitting that those who go should be fully warned not to speak of this, before assuring that king of the amity and kind feeling of your majesty, and that you will never attempt anything to his injury. the members of the society will have an advantage over the friars, in having been so many years in that country, but the latter will have an advantage in not having ships for trade; and it is very fitting that this should be remedied, since the purity with which the gospel ought to be preached will not allow of such sources of profit. the conde de chinchón said that the ill-feeling in those regions between the castilians and the portuguese has lasted many years, because the portuguese have been and are suspicious that the profit of the trade will be taken away from them; and if the fathers of the society who are in japon proceed with the caution that they use in england, it is no wonder that they are troubled by the fact that others go [to japon] who, without underhand measures, endeavor to establish the faith as it should be done, and not in private, or with any mixture of worldly interests. the first thing which it appears to him ought to be done is to procure the revocation of the brief, as has been said, so that it will remain at the free disposition of your majesty to send religious to japon when and by such route as your majesty may judge expedient; and, having procured the revocation, there should be no prohibition of certain franciscan friars from the filipinas going there, in the manner in which the chief comendador of leon has suggested--totally prohibiting commerce, and the passing of people other than religious. in this manner he believes that the portuguese will be satisfied, and that the fathers of the society will agree to it, if influence be brought to bear upon the superiors of both orders, so that they may secure agreement between the orders. the constable of castilla said that for the present he would not change the order which was given that religious friars should not go from the filipinas to japon, and he would only consider the revocation of the brief in which they were prohibited from going by any other route than that by yndia; because that was nothing else than an attempt of the council of portugal to tie your majesty's hands with the authority of the pope, and tacitly to exclude the castilian religious from going there. it is expedient that your majesty should have this matter at your own disposal, to send them when and by what route is expedient. this would serve as a check, so that those of the society would take great care as to what they do. it would also be desirable to urge, through the council of portugal, that those fathers should enjoy no trade or profit; and to prohibit totally the trade of the filipinas with japon. in this way the suspicions and apprehensions of both parties would cease, and by this means your majesty might be better informed, and by impartial persons, and time would show what was most expedient. your majesty will have this examined, and take measures according to your pleasure. madrid, december 20, 1607. [_endorsed, in the hand of the king_: "i am advised concerning all this that i may decree, by one way or another, what is most suitable. write today secretly to the marques de aytona that he shall ask the pope in my name for the revocation of the order of which mention is here made; and that he shall order another one despatched, leaving to my choice to send the religious who are to go to preach, by the route which appears best to me according to the state of affairs; and charge the marques to have this despatch sent immediately, as secretly as possible."] documents of 1608-09 annual receipts and expenditures of the philippine government. pedro de caldierva de mariaca; august 18, 1608. decrees regarding way-station for philippine vessels. felipe iii; september 27, 1608, and may 13, 1609. letters to juan de silva. felipe iii; may 26 and july 29, 1609. expeditions to the province of tuy. juan manuel de la vega; july 3, 1609. petition of a filipino chief for redress. miguel banal; july 25, 1609. despatch of missionaries to the philippines. diego aduarte. and others; [1608-09?]. _source_: all these documents are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: the first, fourth, and fifth documents are translated by james a. robertson; the first decree in the second, by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the rest, by robert w. haight. annual receipts and expenditures of the philippine government statement of the annual incomes and sources of profit of his majesty in these philipinas islands _tributes from his majesty's encomiendas_ tributes common gold 3u359 in the encomienda of the coast of this city of manila, his majesty has three thousand three hundred and fifty-nine tributes. the tributes are each one peso, besides the two reals for the _situado_, and amount to the same number of pesos. 3u359 pesos, -tomins. u533 in the encomienda of the villages of çapa, santa ana, and caruya, there are five hundred and thirty-three tributes. u533 pesos, -tomins. u100 from the wandering indians of the said coast and of this city of manila, a greater or less sum is collected annually, which accordingly approximates to one hundred tributes annually u100 pesos, -tomins. 805 in the encomienda of the villages of san miguel and san francisco, in laguna de bay, there are eight hundred and five tributes, or a like number of pesos. u805 pesos, -tomins. u894 in the encomienda of lumban, pacte, and longos in the said laguna, there are eight hundred and ninety-four tributes. u894 pesos, -tomins. 1u364 1/2 in the encomienda of nayun and tayavas there are one thousand three hundred and sixty-four and one-half tributes, or one thousand three hundred and sixty-four pesos and four tomins. 1u364 pesos, 4 tomins. u275 in the encomienda of calilaya there are two hundred and seventy-five tributes, or a like number of pesos. u275 pesos, -tomins. u711 in the encomienda of tuley and maragondon there are seven hundred and eleven tributes, or a like number of pesos. u711 pesos, -tomins. 2u091 in the encomienda of mindoro, there are two thousand and ninety-one tributes. 2u091 peso, -tomins. 4u307 1/2 in the encomienda of la panpanga there are four thousand three hundred and seven and one-half tributes, or four thousand three hundred and seven pesos and four tomins. 4u307 pesos, 4 tomins. u824 in the encomienda of the villages of agoo and alingayen, in the province of pangasinan, there are eight hundred and twenty-four tributes. in this province the tributes amount each to ten reals, thus making a total of one thousand and thirty pesos. 1u030 pesos, -tomins. u431 in the encomienda of binalatonga, in the said province of pangasinan, there are four hundred and thirty-one tributes, which, at ten reals, amount to five hundred and thirty-eight pesos and six tomins. u538 pesos, 6 tomins. 4u785 1/2 in his majesty's encomiendas in the province of ylocos, where the tributes are also ten reals, there are four thousand seven hundred and eighty-five and one-half tributes, which amount to five thousand nine hundred and eighty-one pesos and seven tomins. 5u981 pesos, 7 tomins. 2u668 in the encomiendas of camarines there are two thousand six hundred and sixty-eight tributes at one peso. 2u668 pesos, -tomins. in the province of cibu, his majesty owns the encomienda of the island of compot and cagayan, the tribute of which has not been collected for three years, as it is in revolt. 2u400 in the encomienda of bohol and bantayan in the said province of çebu--which was apportioned to the royal crown this year, one thousand six hundred and eight, because of the death of don pedro de gamboa, its former owner; and which his majesty enjoys since the twenty-second of january of this said year--there are two thousand tour hundred tributes at one peso. 2u400 pesos, -tomins. 3u624 in the encomienda of panay and oton there are three thousand six hundred and twenty-four tributes at one peso. 3u624 pesos, -tomins. u382 in the village of baybay, on the river of this city, three hundred and eighty-two tributes are collected from christian sangleys. u382 pesos, -tomins. 1u500 there are always a varying number of infidel sangleys living in the parian of this city; as for the last collections, they amount to one thousand five hundred tributes. 1u500 pesos, -tomins. ----- ---------------------32u395 1/2 33u906 pesos, 5 tomins. _situados of all the encomiendas in these islands_ common gold the situado [42] of his majesty's encomiendas above mentioned amounts to eight thousand and ninety-eight pesos and seven tomins, at the rate of two reals for each tribute--the tributes amounting to thirty-two thousand three hundred and ninety-five and one-half 8u098 pesos, 7 tomins. the situados of the encomiendas of individuals in these islands amount to twenty-three thousand two hundred pesos. 23u200 pesos. --------------------- 31u298 pesos, 7 tomins. _tithes of gold_ the tithes of gold (of which the tenth is taken in these islands) are worth on an average, considering former years, eight hundred pesos. u800 pesos, -tomins. _ecclesiastical tithes_ of the ecclesiastical tithes of this archbishopric of manila and of the three bishoprics of the islands, there are collected annually, on an average, one thousand pesos; for, although they have been worth one thousand one hundred pesos or one thousand two hundred pesos, in certain years, they approximate to the said sum, according to the present. 1u000 pesos, -tomins. _import and export duties_ the import duties on the chinese merchandise entering this city, amounted, this said year of six hundred and eight, to thirty-eight thousand, two hundred and eighty-eight pesos, four tomins, and two granos. in this matter no exact figures can be given, because it is more or less, according to the amount of merchandise brought annually by the sangleys. 38u288 pesos, 4 tomins, 2 granos. the import duties and freight-charges on the goods brought from nueva españa, and entering this city are usually worth five hundred pesos, or thereabout, because the citizens of these islands to whom the goods are consigned have received the concession of not paying duties on goods to the value of three hundred pesos for the married person, and one hundred and fifty pesos for the single person; and because the bulk of these said goods is to be used for their households and comfort. u500 pesos, -tomins. the duties on the goods exported from this city to the said nueva españa are usually worth fourteen thousand pesos. in this matter no exact figures can be given, for it varies according to the value of the merchandise. 14u000 pesos. 52u788 [pesos], 4 [tomins], 2 [granos]. _fines forfeited to the royal treasury_ seven hundred and eight pesos have been paid into the royal treasury this year from fines forfeited to the royal treasury. u708 pesos, -tomins. _expenses of justice and courts_ from the expenses of justice and courts, sixty pesos have been paid into the royal treasury this year. u060 pesos, -tomins. amount of the tributes. 33u905 pesos, 5 tomins. the situados. 31u298 pesos, 7 tomins. the tithes of gold. u800 pesos. ecclesiastical tithes. 1u000 pesos. import and export duties. 52u788 [pesos], 4 [tomins], 2 [granos]. fines forfeited to the royal treasury. u708 pesos. expenses of justice and the courts. u060 pesos. --------------------------------- 120u561 pesos, -tomins, 2 granos. all the above incomes total one hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and sixty-one pesos and two granos of common gold. statement of the ordinary expense incurred by his majesty in these islands common gold the president, governor, and captain-general of these islands receives an annual salary of eight thousand pesos de minas, or thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty-five pesos and two tomins. 13u235 pesos, 2 tomins. four auditors and one fiscal receive each two thousand pesos de minas, which total sixteen thousand five hundred and forty-nine pesos and six granos. 16u549 pesos, 6 granos. one chaplain of the royal audiencia, three hundred pesos. u300 pesos. three royal officials with five hundred and ten thousand maravedis apiece, which amounts to five thousand six hundred and twenty-five pesos. 5u625 pesos. one chief clerk with a salary of three hundred pesos. u300 pesos. another clerk, for military affairs, with a salary of two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. another clerk, for matters of trade, with the same salary. u200 pesos. one executioner, with one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos. one notary, with two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. one galley-purser, with one hundred pesos. u100 pesos. _alcaldes-mayor and corregidors_ the alcalde-mayor of tondo, with a salary of three hundred pesos. u300 pesos. of bulacan, with another three hundred pesos. u300 pesos. of la panpanga, the same. u300 pesos. of laguna de bay, the same. u300 pesos. of calilaya, the same. u300 pesos. of balayan, the same. u300 pesos. of pangasinan, the same. u300 pesos. of ylocos, the same. u300 pesos. of carmarines, the same. u300 pesos. of arevalo, the same. u300 pesos. of cibu, the same. u300 pesos. corregidor of calamianes, with two hundred and fifty pesos. u250 pesos. of maribeles, with one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos. of mindoro, one hundred pesos. u100 pesos. of catanduanes, one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos. of ybalon, two hundred pesos, because it serves also as the outpost of capul. u200 pesos. of panay, another two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. leyte, one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos. butuan, two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. alcalde-mayor of cagayan, three hundred pesos. u300 pesos. _various salaries_ one assayer and appraiser, with four hundred pesos. u400 pesos. one navy storekeeper, two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. one clerk, for the warehouses of this city, with one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos. one shore master, with a salary of six hundred pesos. u600 pesos. one clerk, for the warehouses of cavite, with one hundred and forty pesos. u140 pesos. one chief of galley construction, with five hundred pesos. u500 pesos. another carpenter, with two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. one hundred and sixty indian carpenters at one-half real and their board daily; their wages amount annually to three thousand six hundred and fifty pesos. 3u650 pesos. one master blacksmith, with five hundred pesos. u500 pesos. the indian smiths who serve in the smithies for various wages, now more and now less, which amount to one thousand one hundred pesos. 1u100 pesos. the charcoal used in the smithies and in the founding of artillery will amount to one thousand pesos. 1u000 pesos. one artillery and bell-founder, with a salary of one thousand pesos. 1u000 pesos. in the said founding eight hundred pesos will be spent yearly in paying the indians who work at it, and in other petty expenses. u800 pesos. one master powder-maker, with six hundred pesos. u600 pesos. in the manufacture of powder, twenty or twenty-five mortars are used, which are manipulated by slaves of private persons, who place them there for evil conduct; and nothing but their board is given them. four coopers and one workman--the former with wages of three hundred pesos apiece, besides their rations of rice; and the workman, with forty-eight pesos: all together amounting to one thousand two hundred and forty-eight pesos. 1u248 pesos. six calkers, with wages of three hundred pesos apiece, besides their rations of rice, which amount to one thousand eight hundred pesos. 1u800 pesos. at the time of careening and repairing the ships, and for other extraordinary matters in this trade of the calkers, some receive daily wages of two pesos and two and one-half pesos apiece, which will amount to one thousand five hundred pesos annually. 1u500 pesos. there are sixty sailors, or two more or less, who are kept here. as for those who come in vessels from nueva españa, they serve in the port of cavite, and in the warehouses; and sail in fragatas used to carry rice, rigging, pitch, and other articles which are offered and taken to the said warehouses. they receive wages of one hundred and fifty pesos, besides the rations of rice, which amount to nine thousand pesos. 9u000 pesos. there are also other sailors and other workmen who come in the ships from nueva españa, and take from here a certification of their services here, by virtue of which they are paid in mexico; while nothing more than their rations of rice are paid them here, which amount to three fanégas of unwinnowed rice apiece per month, and some additional aid from year to year, and between the departure of the vessels. the total will amount to eight thousand pesos. 8u000 pesos. there are three pilots, who are experienced in the navigation between these islands and the mainland, for some voyages that are usually made to the mainland near these islands, and who receive six hundred pesos apiece, or one thousand eight hundred pesos. 1u800 pesos. in the royal warehouses of this city, ten indians generally serve from month to month. they receive apiece one peso per month, and their board, which amounts to one hundred and twenty pesos. u120 pesos. in the fragatas and other vessels of his majesty which ply amid these islands eighty indians are employed from month to month, each receiving one peso per month and their board, which amounts to nine hundred and sixty pesos. u960 pesos. for the service of the port of cavite and its vessels, sixty indians are generally drafted each month. they are paid six reals per month and their board, a total of five hundred and forty pesos. u540 pesos. to three indian rope-makers who assist in the rope-factory at manila, where the hemp rigging is made, are paid total annual wages of one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos each month thirty indians work month by month in this rope factory, to whom are paid six reals per month and their rations of rice, a total of two hundred and seventy pesos. u270 pesos. _purchases_ the black rigging and that made from abaca in balayan for the ships and galleys will amount to four thousand pesos. 4u000 pesos. every year hemp brought from japon is bought for rigging, which from year to year will amount to one thousand five hundred pesos. 1u500 pesos. one thousand six hundred quintals of pitch, at ten reals per quintal, are also used annually, which amounts to two thousand one hundred and twenty-five pesos 2u125 pesos. the saltpeter purchased for this camp will average from year to year one thousand eight hundred pesos. some years it will amount to more or less. 1u800 pesos. the bonote [43] purchased to calk the vessels [going to new spain?] and other ships will amount to two hundred and seventy pesos u270 pesos. arquebus fuses, one hundred and fifty pesos. u150 pesos. the cocoa-oil purchased for the churches where the sacraments are administered amounts to two hundred and fifty pesos. u250 pesos. the fish-oil and galagal for the careening and repairing of the ships amounts to nine hundred pesos. u900 pesos. six hundred picos of iron, at various prices are used in addition to that brought by sail from nueva españa, which will amount to two thousand pesos. 2u000 pesos. _item_: four hundred picos of nails, which, at the least price, is seven pesos [per pico], amount to two thousand eight hundred pesos. 2u800 pesos. the canvas bought annually for the sails of the ships and other vessels, exclusive of those for the galleys (which is included in gross expense of those vessels), amounts from year to year to six thousand pieces at three reals apiece, which makes a total of two thousand two hundred and fifty pesos. 2u250 pesos. for the other trifling expenses incurred in building each year, to which, as they are various, no name can be given, are spent two thousand pesos. 2u000 pesos. the purchases of timbers and ribs and their carriage to the port of cavite and other ports, for the ships made and repaired, will amount to two thousand two hundred pesos. 2u200 pesos. likewise for the food supplies bought annually for the voyage of the ships to nueva españa, and other trifles, are spent eleven thousand pesos. 11u000 pesos. the rice purchased yearly, and collected from the tributes, amounts to fourteen or fifteen thousand pesos for the support of the people in [government] service, and is given them in place of board and rations. to each one is given the amount that he must have according to his work and contract. six thousand fanégas of this is given to the orders and hospitals, which his majesty has ordered to be given them annually. of the above quantity of fifteen thousand pesos, two thirds, or ten thousand pesos, are not mentioned here; for the other third is used in the galleys, of whose expense a report is made later, and in that report enters this third part which is still to be mentioned 10u000 pesos. the artillery balls bought annually from japon amount yearly to six hundred pesos. u600 pesos. the lead bought for the musket and arquebus balls amounts on an average to one thousand five hundred pesos. 1u500 pesos. the copper used in founding the artillery is computed at one thousand pesos annually. 1u000 pesos. the tin and other metals for the mixture amount to another thousand pesos. 1u000 pesos. _salaries and expenses among the ecclesiastics, and in the churches and doctrinas_ [_i.e., missions_] archbishop of manila, with an annual salary of four thousand one hundred and twenty-five pesos 4u125 pesos. bishop of cibu, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight. 1u838 pesos. bishop of cagayan, the same 1u838 pesos. bishop of camarines, the same 1u838 pesos. the dean of manila, six hundred pesos u600 pesos. the archdeacon, five hundred pesos u500 pesos. the precentor, another five hundred pesos u500 pesos. the schoolmaster, another five hundred pesos u500 pesos. the treasurer, another five hundred pesos u500 pesos. four canons, with salaries of four hundred pesos apiece, which amounts to one thousand six hundred pesos 1u600 pesos. two racioneros [44] with three hundred pesos apiece, amounting to six hundred pesos u600 pesos. two medio-racioneros, [45] with two hundred pesos apiece u400 pesos. one chaplain of the college of santa potenciana, with three hundred pesos u300 pesos. to the convent of san agustín in this city, six hundred pesos and six hundred fanégas of rice, for six religious who are engaged there in instruction; given by decree of his majesty u600 pesos. to the above convent, seven hundred pesos annually, which sum is the situados from two encomiendas, given for the building of the convent, until the fulfilment of three of his majesty's decrees--one of which grants ten thousand ducados, another six thousand, and the third two thousand u700 pesos. each of the two convents of st. dominic and of the society of jesus are given four hundred pesos and four hundred fanégas of rice for four religious, which amount to eight hundred pesos u800 pesos. and although his majesty orders the same to be given to the convent of st. francis they neither accept nor wish it. to the convent of santisimo nombre de jesus, in cibu, are given annually two hundred pesos and two hundred fanégas of rice. that convent was the first one founded. u200 pesos. in the doctrinas of the encomiendas belonging to his majesty in these islands (which were mentioned in the statement of the incomes), there are fifty-eight religious who administer instruction therein; and, according to the stipend given to each one, the total amounts to seven thousand and seventy-one pesos 7u071 pesos. to six parish priests and their sacristans, located in the six spanish settlements--namely, manila, caceres, segovia, arebalo, villa fernandina, and cibu--are given salaries of fifty thousand maravedís to each priest, and twenty-five thousand to each sacristan, making a total of one thousand six hundred and fifty-four pesos, three tomins, and two granos 7u654 pesos, 3 tomins, 2 granos. three other parish priests and two sacristans, for the towns of cavite and la hermita de guia, and for the natives in manila and those outside its walls, receive a total of seven hundred pesos u700 pesos. it appears that there has been excessive expense hitherto in the building of churches; but at present there is not so much, because there is not given to any church that is being rebuilt that part [of the expense] pertaining to his majesty--and which his majesty should have paid--in the encomiendas of private persons. for the churches in the lands of the royal crown the amount averages four thousand pesos annually 4u000 pesos. for the ornaments given to the doctrinas of the encomiendas apportioned to the royal crown, exclusive of missal-books and other articles from nueva españa, six hundred pesos u600 pesos. to the three convents of st. augustine, santo domingo, and the society of jesus, are given medicines according to his majesty's decree. this amounts annually to six hundred pesos u600 pesos. _item_: six hundred castilian ducados, given to the manila cathedral, by decree of his majesty--five hundred for music and the verger, and one hundred for the building of the church. u85 pesos. _item_: four hundred pesos, to be given annually to the said cathedral, by decree of his majesty, for six years, for wine, wax, and other things u400 pesos. _item_: five hundred ducados, given annually by order of don luis perez dasmariñas, former governor of these islands, to the native hospital of this city. this amounts to six hundred and eighty-seven pesos and four tomins. further, one thousand five hundred fanégas of rice, one thousand five hundred fowls, and a number of coverlets for the sick u687 pesos, [tomins] _item_: to the hospital of cagayan, three hundred pesos annually, by order of doctor santiago de vera, former governor of these islands u300 pesos. _extraordinary expenses_ on his majesty's account, a vessel is annually despatched to the kingdom of japon with an embassy and present to the king. this, with other embassies to various other kings and lords, and many other trifling matters, will amount to six thousand pesos annually 6u000 pesos. likewise there is another expense of the two salaries paid at the same time to a governor, auditor, or royal official; for from their departure from españa until their arrival here the salary of each is paid to him, as well as to the official here, so that two salaries are paid at the same time for one office. these amount annually to about two thousand pesos 2u000 pesos. the salaries paid to the agents who collect the tributes of his majesty's encomiendas, and the situados of individuals, in accordance with what each one collects, and the commission given him, amount to one thousand six hundred pesos [1u600 pesos] _expenses of the soldiers and their officers_ one master-of-camp, with a salary of one thousand six hundred and fifty-three pesos. 1u653 [pesos] this camp of manila has five captains, each receiving a salary of four hundred and twenty pesos, which amount to two thousand one hundred pesos. [2u100 pesos] five alferezes, with a salary of two hundred and forty pesos apiece, which amount to one thousand two hundred pesos 1u200 [pesos] five sergeants with one hundred and twenty pesos apiece, which amount to six hundred pesos u600 [pesos] five drummers, with seventy-two pesos apiece, which amount to three hundred and sixty pesos u360 [pesos] five fifers, with the same pay u360 [pesos] five shield-bearers, with the same pay u360 [pesos] also five standard-bearers, with the same pay u360 [pesos] at present there are also two captains, two alferezes, two sergeants, two drummers, two fifers, two shield-bearers, and two standard-bearers, who all receive the same pay as those above--but they do not draw it in the lump but only for extraordinary expenses--who were appointed for the reënforcement of the pintados. _item_: one commanding officer of this reënforcement, with eight hundred pesos' pay annually. [800 pesos] _item_: one sargento-mayor, with the same pay as the captains above-mentioned. his adjutant, with the same pay as that of this camp. according to the last musters made, there are five hundred and sixteen foot soldiers, of whom one hundred and four lately departed for the said reënforcement of the pintados. among them are included fourteen corporals, twelve halberdiers of the captain-general's guard, and those serving in the fort of santiago. at the rate of six pesos apiece per month, this amounts to thirty-seven thousand one hundred and fifty-two pesos annually 37u152 pesos. _item_: at the option of the captain-general, one thousand pesos is distributed among all the soldiers, ten pesos being given to each soldier whom the captain-general wishes to favor. 1u000 pesos. _item_: there are one hundred musketeers among all this soldiery, each of whom receives two pesos more each month than the pay of the arquebusiers of infantry. this amounts to two thousand four hundred pesos 2u400 pesos. _item_: there are fourteen corporals, each of whom receives twelve pesos more per year than the pay of the infantrymen. this amounts to one hundred and sixty-eight pesos u168 pesos. there is an artillery-captain in the camp, with an annual salary of four hundred and twenty pesos u420 pesos. an adjutant of the sargento-mayor, with one hundred and eighty pesos' pay u180 pesos. one campaign barrachel, [46] with the same pay u180 pesos. one head drummer, with seventy-two pesos u072 pesos. one captain of the guard of the captain-general, with two hundred and forty pesos. u240 pesos. one corporal of the said guard, with eighty-four pesos u084 pesos. in the presidio of the town of arevalo are one sergeant and twenty-nine infantrymen, with the same pay as the others, which amounts to two thousand two hundred and eight pesos 2u208 pesos. in the presidio of cibu are a captain, alferez, sergeant, drummer, fifer, shield-bearer, standard-bearer, and eighty-three infantrymen, all with the pay above mentioned for the others. the total amounts to seven thousand and forty-four pesos 7u044 pesos. _item_: one adjutant of the sargento-mayor, with ninety-six pesos u096 pesos. in the presidio of cagayan are a sargento-mayor, and another sergeant, each drawing ninety-six pesos; and forty-seven infantrymen, with the same pay as the others. the total amounts to three thousand five hundred and seventy-six pesos. 3u576 pesos. in this camp there are usually twelve artillerymen, who serve in the fortresses, ships, and on other occasions of the camp. they draw pay of two hundred pesos apiece, the total amounting to two thousand four hundred pesos, beside their rations of rice. 2u400 pesos. in the districts of calamianes and leyte are eight infantrymen, whose pay amounts to five hundred and seventy-six pesos. u576 pesos. by virtue of one of his majesty's decrees, brought by governor don pedro de acuña, and of a clause of the instructions received here by don francisco tello, the said don pedro de acuña began to rebuild the galleys, and, as appears, built four galleys. after having often adjusted the expenses incurred by his majesty annually in salaries, food, and other expenses of galleys, the expense is found always to reach six thousand pesos per galley. at present there are two eighteen-bench galliots, the expenses of which, likewise adjusted, amount to four thousand five hundred pesos apiece, a total of nine thousand pesos. 9u000 pesos. _item_: there is usually one sentry-post in the island of maribeles, which receives two hundred and forty pesos for the pay of the indians serving in it, besides the rice given them as rations. u240 pesos. _castellans_ one castellan of the fort of santiago in this city of manila, with a salary of eight hundred pesos annually. u800 pesos. one lieutenant, with pay of three hundred pesos. u300 pesos. _item_: one sergeant, with one hundred and twenty pesos; one corporal, with eighty-four pesos; a drummer and fifer, with seventy-two pesos' pay apiece; all amounting to three hundred and forty-eight pesos. u348 pesos. in cagayan, a governor of the fortress, with title of captain, who draws a salary of two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. one lieutenant, with ninety-six pesos. u096 pesos. in arevalo there is another governor of the fort, with two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. in cibu is another governor of the fort, with two hundred pesos. u200 pesos. one lieutenant with ninety-six pesos. u096 pesos. expenses. 255u578 pesos, 1 [tomin], 8 [granos]. incomes. 120u561 pesos, 2 [granos]. excess of expenses over incomes. 135u017 pesos, 1 [tomin], 6 [granos]. the incomes total one hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and sixty-one pesos and two granos; and the expenses two hundred and fifty-five thousand five hundred and seventy-eight pesos, one tomin, and eight granos of common gold. in conformity to this, the said expenses exceed the said incomes by one hundred and thirty-five thousand and seventeen pesos, one tomin, and six granos. the above statement was drawn from the royal books in our charge, at the order of don rodrigo de bibero, president, governor, and captain-general of these islands. manila, august eighteen, in the year one thousand six hundred and eight. _pedro de caldierva de mariaca_ _alonso despia ssaravia_ decrees regarding way-station for philippine vessels the king: to don luis de velasco, [47] my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of the provinces of nueva españa. your predecessor in the government of those provinces, the marques de montes claros, informed me by a letter of may 24 of last year that he had received my decree of august 19, one thousand six hundred and six, in which were contained the directions to be followed by him in the opening to navigation and the settlement of the new port of monte rey, discovered by sevastian vizcayno on the voyage from nueva españa to the philipinas islands. he stated that the decree could not be carried out in any respect, since it reached his hands when the trading fleet for those islands had already set sail, and since sevastian vizcayno--whom i had commanded to undertake that voyage and found the colony, as being the discoverer of the said port--had departed for that kingdom in the fleet of that year. he stated that with a view, above all, to reaching a decision in regard to what must be done for the prosecution of this business, it seemed to him well to inform me of what he had heard, and of what had been brought before him with reference to the matter. he took for granted that it was of great importance to discover a port where the ships returning from the filipinas might stop to refit; for on so long a voyage the greatest part of the danger is due to the lack of a place where the injuries received in the voyage may be repaired. if no more suitable place should be found, he said, it would be advisable to make use of the port of monte rrey, of which he had been notified; but, to understand better the importance of this port, it would be well to notice that according to the survey made by the said sevastian vizcayno it seems to be in latitude thirty-seven, on the coast known as the coast of nueva españa, which runs from cape mendocino to acapulco. now while it is true that most of the ships on his voyage sight land within one or two degrees of that place, still, it must be understood that they always regard themselves as being at the end of their voyage and out of danger on the day when they reach there. this is so true that there have been ships which, when they were at the mouth of the harbor of monte rey, decided, as soon as they recognized it, not to enter it, but kept on their voyage with all sails spread. they felt that as soon as they sighted land anywhere they could go on, and, with favorable weather, reach the harbor of acapulco in twenty-five or thirty days. the accidents and injuries caused by hurricanes--which are the things that place ships in jeopardy, and which oblige them to return to their port of departure, with so much loss--ordinarily occur from the time when they pass the cape of spiritu santo on the island of manila, all along the chain of the ladrones until they pass the end of japon at the point called the cape of sestos and reach latitude thirty-two or thirty-three; consequently, the ship which receives such injuries always does so before entering the great gulf of nueva españa, and can find no place of refuge without returning to japon or to the philipinas. if its condition should permit it to sight the coast of cape mendocino after fifty days (the usual length of time), its troubles would be practically over. on this account, and since the harbor of monte rrey is so situated that when the ships from the philipinas reach it they feel that their voyage to the harbor of acapulco within twenty-five or thirty days is certain, as has been said, and since it has never been known to occur that a ship after sighting land has been obliged to put back, therefore the marques declares that, as the object is to provide ships with a harbor where they may land, or at least touch and refit, the harbor should be provided, or at least be sought, where it may be of use before the vessels enter the great gulf of nueva españa. this he urges the more because there are two islands in latitude thirty-four or thirty-five, named rrica de oro and rrica de plata, [48] to the west of the harbor of monte rey and in almost the same latitude though very distant in longitude. those who have undertaken that voyage and have made it declare that both these islands are very well suited to be places of refitting for the ships from the philipinas, and that it would be advantageous to find them again and colonize one of them for this purpose. regarding this as certain, the marques thinks that the exploration and colonizing in question should be mainly at these islands, being committed to some person of competence, care, and fidelity. for this he judges that the said sevastian vizcayno would be suitable, because he would know, as well as anyone could, the way to the harbor of monte rrey, being already acquainted with it. if the commission were entrusted to him, it would be well for him to go from acapulco as commander of the ships for the philipinas, returning from manila with two small and lightly-laden ships for no other purpose than the discovery; for if he were to return as commander [of the trading fleet] the merchandise and stuffs of the inhabitants of manila would run great risk of being detained on the voyage, and of suffering some loss, and the owners would have a right to recover damages from my royal treasury. then after the new harbor which is affirmed to exist shall have been discovered, sevastian vizcayno may go as commander in the year following, and may make a beginning of refitting a station there with the trading ships, so that the navigation may be opened. after this report had been brought before my council of the yndias and my council of war for those lands, and had been discussed there, both sides having been considered by me, the suggestions of the said marques of montes claros were approved by me. therefore i command you that since he declares that the two islands, rica de oro and rica de plata, in latitude thirty-four or thirty-five, will be much more suitable than the harbor of monte rey as a port in which the ships of the filipinas trade may refit, you shall suspend for the present the opening to navigation and the settlement of the harbor of monte rey. i command you that, in conformity with the opinion of the said marques of montes claros, you shall give the charge of the expedition to sevastian vizcayno; and shall cause to be undertaken the discovery, settlement, and opening to navigation of a harbor in one of the said islands, rica de oro and rica de plata, as shall seem best and most suitable for the purpose intended. for the present i intrust to you the choice of all that concerns the matter. on account of my trust in your prudence and caution, and my confidence that you will not permit any excessive expense, i license you to expend from my royal exchequer, for all the aforesaid and for the arrangement of all other requisites, all the money needed, drawing the same from my royal treasury of the city of mexico. i sanction and command the granting by you to the colonists of the same privileges that were granted in my decree of august 19, one thousand six hundred and six, to those who should go to colonize the port of monte rey. in case it seems to them that the latter port is entirely preferable to either of the two islands referred to, you will execute the decree previously issued with reference to the said colonization and opening to navigation of the said port of monte rey; and by this my decree i command my accountants for my council of the yndias to record this command. dated at [_word partly illegible_; aranjuez?] september 27, one thousand six hundred and eight. _i the king_ certified to by juan de civica and signed by the members of the council of war of the yndias. the king: to don luis de velasco, my viceroy, governor and captain-general of the provinces of nueva españa, or to the person or persons in whose charge the government may be. having understood that as a way-station for the vessels in the philippine trade, one of these islands, rrica de oro and rrica de plata, would be more suitable than the port of monte rey--which had been explored, and for the opening and colonization of which orders had been issued--because the former are in a better situation: by a decree of the twenty-seventh of september of the past year, i commanded you to suspend for the time being the opening and settlement of the said port of monte rey, and to undertake the exploration, settlement, and opening of one of those two islands, rrica de oro and rrica de plata, as it appeared better and more suitable for the object desired; and you were to spend from my royal exchequer whatever money was necessary for this, and settle other matters, as should be expedient. you were to concede to the settlers the same privileges as were accorded to those who were to go to settle the port of monte rey; and in case it still appeared to you that the latter was better fitted than either of the two islands, you were to execute what i had ordered you to do in connection with its settlement and opening, as is explained more at length in my said decree, to which i refer you. but now hernando de los rios coronel, procurator-general of the said islands, has represented to me that in any case it is best that the said exploration should be made from the filipinas, and not from nueva españa--both to avoid the great expense which would fall on the royal exchequer, if the ships for this expedition were built there, as all marine supplies are very dear in your country, and difficult to procure; and also because it would be necessary to make that voyage at hazard, mainly, and there would be great danger of not finding the islands and of losing the results of the voyage and the expenses incurred. for they are in a high latitude, and far distant from your country of nueva españa; and, besides, as all those who should go on this expedition would necessarily take a large amount of money to invest in the philipinas (for, as the ships are to go back empty, they would take the opportunity to lade them with merchandise), they might, in order not to lose their goods by going on the exploration, draw up an information on the ship (as has been done at other times), saying that on account of storms, or for some other reason, they were unable to make the islands. but if the said discovery were made from the philipinas, all these difficulties would be avoided; for it is evident that the cost and danger would be much less, as the two islands to be discovered are so near at hand that they can almost go and take them with their merchant ships. all the rest may be arranged merely by ordering that, having made the discovery, they shall come back to the philipinas without going to nueva españa; for in this way there will be no reason for them to lade their vessels with merchandise. furthermore, there are in the philipinas trustworthy persons for this affair, to whom it may be entrusted; and the sailors there are more competent, since they have more experience. having again considered this in our council for the yndias, it has seemed best to command you, and you are so commanded and ordered, that if you have not begun to carry out the preparations for this exploration, as i have ordered you to do, and if you have not so advanced them as to make it inconvenient or very expensive to abandon it, you shall examine and consider with especial attention whether, for the suitable execution and less cost of the exploration, it would be expedient to place it in the hands of my governor and captain-general of the said philipinas islands, so that he may proceed to undertake it from those islands. and if it appear to you that this plan is expedient, you shall send at the first opportunity to my said governor the letter which will accompany this, for him, in which he is so ordered; and at the same time you will remit to him the money that in your opinion may be necessary, which is not to exceed the twenty thousand ducats, which i had granted for the settlement of the port of monte rey dated at san lorenzo el real, on the third of may of the year one thousand six hundred and nine. _i the king_ countersigned by juan de civica; signed by the members of the council. letters from felipe iii to silva _personal services from the indians_ the king: to don juan de silva, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia of manila; or to the person or persons in whose charge that government may be. having been advised from various parts of the yndias, of the great vexations suffered by the indians who pay tribute to their encomenderos in personal services, i have despatched decrees to all the viceroys, presidents, and governors of the yndias, commanding that the encomenderos, judges, or commissaries of assessment shall not commute, or be paid in personal services, the tributes of the indians. this same is my wish and my will, and is to be observed and executed in all provinces that are or may be under your charge; and you will not tolerate the said commutation, from the abuse of which have resulted so great evils and complaints as was the case when personal service was maintained; it must be entirely done away with in that region. for this good object you will immediately give official notice to the indians who now pay their tributes in this form; and whatever they are to pay shall be received from them in produce that they possess and gather from their own lands, or in money, as may seem the least oppressive and most convenient for the indians. for the same end, if any encomendero shall violate in any manner any of the provisions of this clause, he shall incur the loss of his encomienda; and any royal official who shall be guilty of this, or of concealing it, shall be deprived of his office. at aranjuez, on the twenty-sixth of may, of one thousand six hundred and nine. _i the king_ countersigned by juan de cívica; signed by the members of the council. _proposal of dominicans to found a college_ the king: to don juan de silva, my governor and captain-general, and the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the philipinas islands: the bishop of nueva segovia wrote to me in a letter of june 20, 1606, that he and the former archbishop had discussed the founding of a college there, where there could be as many as twenty collegiate students of theology and the arts. for this purpose, before the death of the archbishop, [49] he outlined a plan to purchase some buildings near the convent of santo domingo, in which the college could be established. in the mean time, while the work was being carried out, or until i should otherwise decree, it should be administered by the order of saint dominic. in order to avoid certain difficulties, one of the articles of foundation was that the writings of st. thomas should be read, as is done in the reformed universities; and the income derived from the indians was to be devoted to the support of the collegians, the college being under obligation to attend to the lawsuits and causes of the indians, soliciting for them, and making their petitions, and aiding the protector whom i had appointed for them. the chairs were to be two, one of arts, and the other of theology; and the professors were to be appointed by the archbishop and the governor, one or two auditors of the audiencia there, and the provincials of orders whom i should approve. for the present, as it is so good a work, the lectures were to be given by the incumbents without remuneration, since it is certain that more austere orders give instruction without it; and the degrees could be given as is done in the convent of santo thomas de avila, also of the dominican order. by this plan a university with its expenses may be dispensed with, and dignity and assistance be conferred on that country. as i wish to know from you what is your opinion on the subject, i command you, when you shall have examined and considered it with attention, to inform me in regard to the whole matter in great detail, so that, having examined it, suitable measures and decrees can be provided. at segovia, july 29, 1609. _i the king_ countersigned by juan de cívica; signed by the members of the council. expeditions to the province of tuy _relation of the information that we possess regarding the province of tuy, and the wanderings of those who went to explore it, each singly; and the condition in which the said exploration was left. what is known of the characteristics of the said province, and the great importance of completing the exploration of it all, and pacifying and colonizing it, for the preaching of the holy gospel; of its fertility and the excellent disposition of the people, of whom it is understood that they will readily accept the holy catholic faith, because it has pleased god that the cursed sect of mahoma, which is being extended through this archipelago, has [not] yet arrived there_. _guido de lavaçares_. when guido de lavaçares was governor of these islands, he sent an expedition to explore this land, as he had learned of a densely-populated and very fertile province eighty leguas from the city of manila, in the northern part of these islands. for this exploration he sent captain chacon; but the latter managed the affair so poorly that, after having covered half the distance and reached the place called bongavon, he returned to the city of manila with his men, under pretext of having no guides, without bringing any account. _doctor santiago de vera_. doctor santiago de vera, who succeeded to the said office, having been informed of the same region, sent an indian chief, named don dionisio capolo, who is still living. he gave the latter one hundred indians for the said exploration. this man returned after having gone sixty leguas from manila--twenty more than the former expedition--on the said exploration. he reported that indians of the country, his acquaintances, upon learning his errand, advised him not to proceed farther, for the people whom he was going to discover were numerous and warlike, and were hostile and would kill him. and inasmuch as he had no order to fight, and had but few men, he returned. _gomez perez dasmariñas_. in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, gomez perez dasmariñas, governor of the said islands, sent his son, don luis perez dasmariñas, with seventy or eighty spanish soldiers, and many indian chiefs of la pampanga, who were going with their arms and men to serve with don luis, to explore the province now called tuy. the chiefs took more than one thousand four hundred indian bearers. don luis, having reached the river called tuy, [50] which is at the entrance of the said province, ordered a cross to be made there on a tree, rendered thanks to god, and took possession, in his majesty's name, on the fifteenth of july of the said year. on the sixteenth, after having told the inhabitants of that village, which was called tuy, that he came in order to make them friends of the castilians, and to have them render homage to his majesty, so that the latter might take them under his royal protection, and so that they might be instructed in matters of the faith--for which he [don luis] had brought religious; and after having given them a few small articles, as pieces of cloth, garments, beads, and combs: they accepted the situation, and promised to pay tribute and recognition in due season. they swore peace after their own manner, which consisted in don luis and another another--a chief, who spoke for all--each taking an egg, and throwing the eggs to the ground at the same time; they said together that just as those eggs had been broken, so they would be broken, should they not fulfil their promises. _bantal; bugay; burat_. that same day, don luis summoned other chiefs of the villages of bantal, bugay, and burat, and after the same ceremonies as on other occasions, ordered them, since they were friends and vassals of his majesty, to bring their wives (whom they had placed in the mountains) to the villages. although he so ordered them twice, they declined, saying that they were keeping them in another village in order to amuse them, and give them time to rest from the care of their houses, and that it would be impossible to bring them at this time. another chief, named tuy--after whom the province was thus named, and who had not taken part in making peace--as soon as he knew this, reproved the indians severely for having made peace; and he caused them to break it by hostilities. don luis also heard that a great number of armed indians were in the mountains. he attacked the trenches of the fort built by a troop of indians, who declared with loud boasting that they desired no peace, even if the spaniards were to go farther to see other villages. the natives set fire to the village of tuy itself, which was totally burned, with the houses within the fort--although all the means possible were exerted, and some soldiers risked their lives--as the houses were all roofed with nipa and were built of wood, compactly constructed and built, with their streets evenly laid out. _a notable case_. all the village having been burned, together with some houses near a cross, the latter did not catch fire on the front side facing the street, but only at the back. and although the rattan that fastened the arm of the cross was burned, the arm did not fall, or destroy the shape of the cross. and while there was not a single stick left unburned in the village, the fire did not leave mark or stain on the front of the cross, but it retained the same color as when set up. alonso vela, notary of the expedition, testified to the truth of this. _tuy, sixty houses; bantal, thirty houses; burat y buguey, with five hundred houses_. don luis afterward arrived at three villages, one of sixty houses, another of thirty, and the third of five hundred. there were no people there, but he learned of two provinces, one called danglay and the other guamangui; and that inhabitants of the above villages had gone to join those of the said provinces, although before that time they had been hostile to them. the chiefs of sicat, barat, tuy, bugat, and bantal begged pardon of don luis for the past, promising peace and the payment of the tribute in products of the land. they took oath according to another custom--each chief taking a candle in his hand and don luis one in his, and saying that so would he, who failed to keep his promise, or who broke his promise in whole or in part, be consumed even as that candle was consumed. then they extinguished the candles, saying that just as that candle expired and was consumed, just so would he who broke his promise be slain and perish. then the tribute for that year was conceded to them, whereat they were very happy. _acknowledgment: tuy; sicat; ybarat; bugay; bantal._ on july 29, the village of tuy paid its acknowledgment, consisting of seven little trinkets of gold in the shape of necklaces; that of sicat, three maes of gold and two canutos of rice; barat, six little gold trinkets in the form of necklaces of the value of four maes, and two canutos of rice; bugay, thirteen small gold necklaces valued at eight maes, a small string of beads, and two canutos of rice; bantal, five small gold necklaces valued at three maes, and two canutos of rice. _dangla province_. on the thirty-first, don luis left tuy, going down the valley, following the course of the principal stream, a large river, which at cayan gives a passage to the province of dangla. the chiefs of the province came to see him, whom he informed that the inhabitants of tuy, bantal, and other villages, accepted the peace. they took the oath, with the ceremony of the egg, and rendered acknowledgment in small gold necklaces of the value of eight maes, and ten _bandines_. _japalan; tugai; bayaban; balayan; chiananen; yabios; bayalos; banete; lamot; bolos._ from the second of august until the eighth of the same month, don luis remained in the villages of japalan, bugai, [_sic_], bayaban, balayan, chicananen, yabios, bayocos, banete, lamot, and bolo. the chiefs of these villages and the indians rendered homage, took the oath as the others had done, and gave as their recognition small trinkets of gold necklaces, _cornerillas_ [cornerinas?], [51] and other trifles. the indians of boloc alone seized their weapons and fled to the open fields. by the sixth or seventh of august, they had already consumed the food that they had brought, and what they had seized at tuy and other villages; and they had seized some without paying for it, as appears from the original. don luis reached three little hamlets, and, calling an indian, the latter told him that his chief was gone to make peace with the spaniards who were coming up the river; and that if spaniards came both up and down the river, they were to escape. don luis saw also the old village of yugan, which was then divided among the three hamlets above, for they did not dare to live in the village after killing seven spaniards, who had come up the river from cagayan with assurances of safety. don luis returned to the hamlets, and, after summoning the chiefs, four of them came. these, together with some indians, rendered homage, and promised to pay tribute; and by way of acknowledgment, they pardoned the damage committed by don luis in one of the hamlets. when they offered to ransom some women and children who were in the camp, don luis gave these to the indians freely, so that they might understand that the spaniards did not come to harm them. the indians swore, with the candle ceremony, to remain obedient and to pay tribute. the province of tuy, it seems, ends at that place. on the ninth or tenth of august, don luis embarked on the river of tuy, which is the same river as cagayan, otherwise called nueva segovia. it appears that he did no more than the above. _relation of what don francisco de mendoza did in the exploration of the said province_. _gomez perez dasmariñas_. at the beginning of august of the same year, gomez perez dasmariñas sent don francisco de mendoca with a troop of soldiers after don luis dasmariñas, his son. having reached tuy on the nineteenth of the said month, the chiefs gave him a cordial reception, and he traded with them, especially with one of the principal women. thence, accompanied by this woman, and other indians of her village, who aided him in carrying the burdens of his stores, he went to bantal. there he found a cross erected, and the inhabitants of the village drawn up near it with lance and shield, as if about to offer him battle. he asked nothing from them, and they gave nothing. he did not stop there. a chief went with don francisco of his own accord to buguey, where he found its inhabitants stationed in the passes with the same preparation of arms. the people making an effort to fool him with some bundles of grass, he begged them for rice in return for money, but they refused him. he seized by force two chiefs, and took them with him. these men, having seen the injury done him by the inhabitants of tuy, took it upon themselves to guide the expedition to the hamlets where don luis had been before going to dangla. don francisco tried to get rice in dangla, offering to pay for it; but as they refused to sell it to him, he seized a chief. he entertained this chief and his wife and had them sleep near him. when morning came, the chief offered that if don francisco would allow him to go to the village, he would bring him rice; but as soon as he was at liberty he took flight, and had the village put under arms. the inhabitants went out to meet don francisco armed with spear and shield, so that he was obliged to fortify himself during one night, as they insolently molested the spaniards. _balabat; pao; palali; lamot; nacalan_. don francisco went to the villages of balabat and pao. the two chiefs in his custody escaped from him there. thence he went to the village of palilamot, which he found under arms. from this latter place he went to the village of nacalan, which he found deserted. in that place he embarked in certain small boats on thursday, the twenty-ninth, and voyaged along the river until the thirty-first of august. on that date he reached three small villages, which he found deserted and their approaches strewn with straw. he reached some farms on the first of september, where don luis had been, opposite yugan. he offered several indians pay to guide him, but they refused. on the third of september, don francisco reached a river, that of cagayan. embarking on it, he reached the settlement of purao, where he seized some supplies. on the sixth of september he reached the presidio of san pedro y san pablo [st. peter and st. paul] where he found some spaniards from the province of cagayan. continuing his voyage in search of don luis, along the said river, he reached the city of nueva segovia. [52] it is understood that he was sent from manila to look for don luis, since throughout his journey he proceeded on the road that he had taken, without stopping to attend to anything pertaining to the exploration and pacification. _expedition made by pedro sid to the province of tuy in the year 591_. _gomez perez, november 16; tuy._ in that same year of 91 gomez perez dasmariñas sent pedro sid and a number of soldiers to make explorations additional to those made by don luis, his son. it appears that on the sixteenth of november, he arrived opposite the settlement of tuy, near bantal. he found that place deserted, but after he had informed the inhabitants that he had not come to harm them, they returned to their village. the chief of tuy, accompanied by many other indians, went to his camp. he received them with much show of affection, asking them whether they desired religious to instruct them in the faith. they replied that they did not know what that was, but that the spaniards should do as they wished. don pedro had some bits of cloth, bells, rings, needles, small strings of beads, and combs given to them. when he asked if there were any other settlements, they replied that there were several thickly-settled valleys back of a mountain to the left. he told them that his majesty wished no tribute for the present, but only what recognition they were willing to make as a sign of homage; and that they should settle and cultivate their fields and grow their products, in order to have the wherewithal to pay their tribute when it should be asked. they answered that they would do so. when he asked them where they obtained the gold that they possessed, they answered that they obtained it from the villages of yguat, panuypui, and bila, which were located behind a range of mountains opposite them. the inhabitants there obtained it from the village of bayaban, located near the town of yguat, close to the ygolotes, where the gold mines were situated, and where the gold was traded. they gave as recognition two fowls and a small quantity of rice, and very heartily bade don pedro farewell. _bantal, marangui._ after this, chiefs came from bantal and the village of marangui; and with them the former scenes were reënacted. they gave as recognition some fowls, a little rice, and sugar-canes. it appears also that chiefs came from bugay, accompanied by other indians. after the same dealings with them as with the others, they said that pedro de sid should be bled with them in order to make the peace sure, and that each should drink the other's blood. this was accordingly done, whereupon they gave as recognition a small string of red beads, together with a little rice, gold, and a few fowls. _dungla._ it appears that don pedro went afterward to the village of dungla, where he was received by the chiefs and a number of indians. the same ceremonies were enacted with them as with those above, and blood friendship was made. their recognition was one cock, three chickens, and rice. _pamut._ he also went to pamut, where the same things occurred as with the others, and he was bled with them. _palan; pao; balabat; payta; balavad; yanil._ the inhabitants of the villages of palan, pao, balabat, and paita did the same. they gave, as recognition, hens, chickens, swine, and rice. it appears that he shifted his course at the village of balabad, and went up the river. after half a day's journey he reached a village called yanil, which he explored anew. the indians received him gladly, and declared their pleasure at becoming acquainted with the castilians. they confirmed the peace by bleeding themselves as those above had done, and gave as recognition two fowls and rice. _saguli._ on the afternoon of that same day, don pedro came upon another village named saguli, which is located in the same valley. the chief and the indians went out to meet him with expressions of their joy at becoming acquainted with the castilians. they made peace after the manner of those above, and don pedro advanced the same arguments with them as with the inhabitants of the above-named villages. _pintian._ next day don pedro discovered the village of pintian, where the same proceedings occurred as with those above. they received him gladly and gave as recognition, venison and sweet potatoes. he took possession of that place and those above mentioned, as he had rediscovered them. after a four days' march through very rough roads, and without knowing his bearings, don pedro reached the village of ayubon, through which he had passed on his way up. that place is located between the province of la pampanga and that of tuy. there his expedition ended, on the thirtieth of november of the said year 591. don luis dasmariñas, don francisco de mendoza, and pedro sid made this exploration so hastily that all three expeditions were made between july seven, five hundred and ninety-one, and november 30 of the same year: for don luis began his on the seventh of july of the above year, and finished it, and left the said province on the eighth of august of the same year. don francisco left on the sixth of august of the said year, and finished on the sixth of september. pedro sid began his expedition on the fourth of november, and finished on the thirtieth [of november] of the same year. _relation and treatise of captain toribio de miranda's deeds in the exploration and pacification of the said province of tuy, in the year 1594._ _year 1594. don luis dasmariñas._ by commission of don luis perez dasmariñas, who became governor of the filipinas upon the death of his father, gomez perez, captain toribio de miranda was sent in the year 594 with eighty spanish soldiers, four franciscan religious, and the necessary indian bearers, to pacify and complete the exploration of the province of tuy. he reached the valley of dumagui, which the religious called todos santos ["all saints"], near the village of guilaylay, which lies in front of tuy, on the second of november. a chief went to meet him, whom captain miranda received courteously, and gave to understand the reason for his coming--namely, for their good and protection; and told him that he had fathers to instruct them in the faith. the captain gave him some small articles, and he gave the captain two fowls and a sucking pig. he said that the settlement consisted of forty houses, and went away happy. _anit; 70 houses._ that same day the captain reached the village of anit, which consisted of seventy houses. from the houses were hanging the heads of people and animals. on being asked why they did that, the people answered that it was their custom. the captain dealt with the chief and indians as with those above named. they said that they would receive instruction, and three of them gave rice, a sucking pig, and three chickens. they were quite satisfied. _bantal; buguey._ the chiefs went to meet him, among them one ybarat. the captain gave them some presents, whereat they were satisfied, and ybarat promised him rice, but did not keep his word. the captain built a fort, which he called san jhoseph, and suspecting that ybarat was planning some treachery, seized him several days later, when he came with a sucking pig and four jars of rice. on this occasion the captain heard that the chiefs were waiting in the village of buyguey in order to kill the spaniards. chief ybarat was so insolent that he could not be induced to bring provisions either by requests or threats; and, as our men lacked food, it was determined to go out to obtain rice, by orderly means, among the tanbobos; it was brought from the village of bantal and the fort was supplied. this was done without any resistance, for the village was deserted. one of the principal women, the mother of chief tuy, the friend of don luis, brought two baskets of rice and two sucking pigs. the captain made much of her and gave her several articles. having told her that the fathers were coming to give instruction in the faith, she was overjoyed. she told the captain of a village called tulan, whose inhabitants she declared to be knaves and excellent archers. she visited the fathers, while in the fort. the captain told ybarat that he would set him at liberty, if the latter's children would remain as hostages. as soon as their father told them this his children said, with great humility, that they would do as he ordered. the captain did the same with a chief who had been arrested as a disturber of the peace. the latter gave his only son, and the youth obeyed with cheerful face and great resolution, remaining as prisoner in his father's stead. the captain ordered another chief, who had been arrested, to do the same; but the latter refused to give his son as hostage. ybarat requested the captain to free his children when he should fulfil his word, and the captain, trusting his word, restored them to him. on november 16, the captain reached the valley of dangla. a chief with his timaguas went out to meet him. the captain received him well and said that he was coming to treat them well, and brought fathers to instruct them in the faith, and told them to treat the fathers with great respect. chief ybarat guided them, having done so because the captain had gained his good-will. the captain asked them for some provisions, to be supplied for pay and on the account of the future tribute. they replied that they did not desire pay. they gave two hogs and two baskets of rice. the first village which he reached was called agulan and consisted of eighty houses. it is to be noted that many little boys and girls were observed in that village who wore gold necklaces of as good quality as those of the moros of manila, and good enough to be worn in madrid. when they were asked where they had obtained these, they replied, "from balagbac," which was the customary reply to all such questions. the captain went to another village called yrao, which consisted of sixty houses, at a quarter-legua's distance from the former village. a chief gave the spaniards a cordial reception, and called himself their friend. he said that he had not gone to visit them because of sickness. they asked him for some rice, and he gave them three baskets of it, and two hogs. in this town were seen chased gold necklaces, and armlets reaching to the elbow, and anklets. their earrings were of fine gold. thence the captain went to the village of palan. a chief and some indians went out to receive him and carried him a hog and rice. this chief was ybarat's brother-in-law. they asked, since the latter was the friend of the spaniards, why they also should not be friends of our people. the captain presented them with some articles and asked them for rice; and because they did not give it to him, seized it and paid for it in cloth. that village had eighty houses. _tuguey; 112 houses._ the captain went from that village to the village of tuguey, crossing a lofty mountain to which the spaniards gave the name altos de santa zicilia ["st. cecilia's peaks"]. notwithstanding the stout resistance of the indians, the spaniards entered the village. the natives hearing the discharge of the arquebuses came to make peace. they gave six baskets of rice and six sucking pigs. the captain made the same statements to them as to those above, and they were satisfied. the village has one hundred and twelve houses. _giarin; 40 houses._ thence the captain went to the village of giaren. the inhabitants are excellent archers, and with their bows and arrows tried to resist the spaniards' entry. after forcing their way into the village, the spaniards assured them with friendly talk, and gave the people some trifles, so that they lost their fear of the spaniards. the village contained forty houses. _pao; 40 houses_. the captain went thence to the village of pao, which contained forty houses. he used with them the same arguments as with the others, and they gave two hogs and some rice. _balagbac, with 120 houses; another village, of 12 houses._ thence the captain went to the village of balagbac, which consists of one hundred houses. on the way he passed another of twelve houses, called bizinan, dependent on balagbac. as he was passing that village, the people shot some arrows at him from a thicket, and, in the camp, it appeared that a cagayan, who was acting as guide, was killed; but it was not ascertained who killed him. the captain informed them of the purpose of his expedition, and that he had fathers to instruct them in the faith. he gave them some trinkets, and they gave rice and hogs, and were satisfied. thence he went to the village of paytan, which he found deserted. three indians came with a little rice and a hog; and although he assured them, so that they might call their people, they returned to the village and their chiefs. only one chief came, and the captain detained him, to act as guide. _palali; buya, with 30 houses; batobalos; apio, with 180 houses._ on the twenty-eighth of november, the captain went to the village of palali, which he found deserted. from that place four [_sic_] other villages were seen: buya, with thirty houses; batobalos, the population of which was not known; and apio, with one hundred and eighty houses. the indians seemed to be much disturbed, and with threats warned the spaniards to depart from their country, since all the valley was uniting in order to kill them, and that the pogetes, who are indians in the more rugged parts of the mountain, had joined the others. at that place, they killed an indian guide with a volley of arrows. this loss was felt deeply, for he had promised to show the spaniards the mines of yguat. an extensive ambuscade was discovered, whereupon the captain ordered a musket and four arquebuses to be fired at the same moment. with this volley a great noise was heard, and the people fled. from this point the captain returned to his fort with all his men, for lack of guides, ammunition, and provisions, and with some sick men. a guide informed him of certain villages located in the mountain to the left, called piat, pulinguri, malias, ybana, and aplad. their population is not known. by the flight of chief ybarat, the captain feared lest he should go to incite to rebellion the villages that he had left quiet behind. going to them, he found the inhabitants of the village of balagbac in insurrection, and that of paytan deserted, while the village of bugay was also deserted. upon reaching the fort, the captain found that the said ybarat was inciting the people of his village to assault the fort; and those who were inside the fort were very fearful, and some of them sick. after the captain had provided some necessary things in the fort, he made another sally and remained away for two days. during that time he discovered certain very small villages among the mountains. on his return to the fort, he captured ybarat, and sent him to manila. don luis dasmariñas had him feasted and delivered him to don dionizio capolo. after some days don luis visited ybarat and those who accompanied him, and then sent him back, well satisfied, to his own country, in charge of the same don dionisio. the captain again made a trip, to look for some mines that were reported to be situated among those mountains, and a golden goat [53] which people said that a chief had abandoned. it was all found to be false. the captain requested permission from don luis to return, as he was sick, although the friars had first made the same request, notwithstanding that they had promised great perseverance at first. in his place, don luis sent captain clavijo with orders to go on farther in order to discover the mines of the ygolotes. although that captain left the province of tuy in search of the ygolotes, he turned back on the way, because he was assaulted by more than one thousand indians. the latter wounded his guide, don dionizio capolo, very severely in the face; and it is reported that the captain was forced to return because he had no one to guide him. after his arrival at the fort, it was determined that the entire camp should return to manila, as they had no provisions and the soldiers were sick, without making any further efforts for the discovery of the tuy ygolotes. in the year 607, when the audiencia was governing, two chiefs of that province [tuy] came to the house of don dionisio. this man had been in all the above expeditions, where he had served with great fidelity. he took the two chiefs to the audiencia and said that those chiefs were coming to render homage to his majesty, and wished to pay tribute, and would make others come. this was regarded lightly, for the most part, although the audiencia took care to make much of them and to feast them, in order to get news of their land from them. finally permission was granted to don dionisio to return with the chiefs to their land, in order that they might bring in more indians who might wish to come. he accomplished this so well, that he brought seventeen chiefs, whom he took to the audiencia. these were received with the same coldness as the two chiefs, and no more was given them, nor any interest in them displayed. and inasmuch as a citizen encomendero came with the report that those chiefs were peaceful and belonged to his encomienda--which was a notorious falsehood, as they lived more than forty leguas from his encomienda, and were hostile, as appeared but a few days ago--this was sufficient completely to extinguish what little interest the audiencia had displayed in the matter. in order that the prevarication of the encomendero may be understood, it is to be noted that about one year ago, the inhabitants of the encomienda of this man and other fellow-citizens of his attempted to make an incursion into the land of these tuy chiefs, under the leadership of three spaniards; but the inhabitants of tuy attacked them and killed more than one hundred, among whom were more than twenty chiefs and the spaniards. from that occurrence the encomendero's falsehood is manifest, as well as the coldness and neglect of the audiencia, although not of all that body. don dionizio attests that he has gone to the province of tuy sometimes with seven or eight indians; and as they were acquainted with him in the past, and knew that he had entertained chief ybarat, they have received him very hospitably and entertained him. they request him earnestly that some officer may go to protect them and receive their submission to his majesty, and for fathers to teach them. they show by their deeds that they desire just what they say, for they begged a servant of this chief to teach them the prayers and christian instruction. they learned these in the tagal language and went to pray before a cross raised by the same chief. it is reported that their land is quite capable of sustaining the burden of the ygolotes and the spaniards who should go there to discover and work the mines; and would be of great service in the discovery of them and the pacification of the mountaineers, because of their communication with the latter, as the said province borders on the said ygolotes. the land contains many settlements and many level plains, while its rice is the best that is grown in the yndias. the nature of that land is for the most part good. it is an upland situated between two mountains, and is covered with grass, like castilla. there is abundance of water and trees; and there are many valleys and broad, pleasant plains. it has many deer and carabaos, or buffaloes. sugarcane is grown, and produces abundantly, and it attains a much larger growth than in other regions; and even, where moisture is obtained, many trees grow. there are many bare mountains, thought to be composed of minerals. the highest mountains are very rugged. the region explored by those who have gone there hitherto has been only the valley of tuy, and part of the headwaters of the river of the same name. this river becomes of great volume, and terminates at the city of nueva segovia, or cagayan. it contains numerous fish, and the best ones that are found in the island of luzon. this valley and province are said to be forty leguas long, and end at the mountains of the ygolotes. its width is unknown, except that it extends from the province of pangasinan to the sea, from which one may infer that is a greater distance than the forty leguas. _relation of what has been known from old times, in these districts, of the rich mines of the ygolotes--both from seeing the great amount of gold that the indians of those mountains have extracted without skill, and are still obtaining, and which they sell to the neighboring provinces, and trade for food; and by persons (spaniards as well as indians) who have been in the mines opened by those mountaineers._ first, it is to be taken for granted that they are located in the mountains and ridges called ygolotes, at somewhat less than eighteen degrees of latitude; it is an upland situated between two mountains, and is covered with grass, like castilla. there is abundance of water and trees; and there are many valleys and broad, pleasant plains. it has many deer and carabaos, or buffaloes. sugarcane is grown, and produces abundantly, and it attains a much larger growth than in other regions; and even, where moisture is obtained, many trees grow. there are many bare mountains, thought to be composed of minerals. the highest mountains are very rugged. the region explored by those who have gone there hitherto has been only the valley of tuy, and part of the headwaters of the river of the same name. this river becomes of great volume, and terminates at the city of nueva segovia, or cagayan. it contains numerous fish, and the best ones that are found in the island of luzon. this valley and province are said to be forty leguas long, and end at the mountains of the ygolotes. its width is unknown, except that it extends from the province of pangasinan to the sea, from which one may infer that is a greater distance than the forty leguas. _relation of what has been known from old times, in these districts, of the rich mines of the ygolotes--both from seeing the great amount of gold that the indians of those mountains have extracted without skill, and are still obtaining, and which they sell to the neighboring provinces, and trade for food; and by persons (spaniards as well as indians) who have been in the mines opened by those mountaineers._ first, it is to be taken for granted that they are located in the mountains and ridges called ygolotes, at somewhat less than eighteen degrees of latitude; and as the land in itself is so lofty, it is cold, although its inhabitants go naked except for some garments made from the bark of trees. this region lies between the provinces of cagayan, ylocos, pangasinan, and tuy. the people are light complexioned, well-disposed, and intelligent. [54] it is reported that about eighteen or twenty thousand indians use lance and shield. they are at war with their neighbors up to certain boundaries. beyond those boundaries those peoples trade with one another; for the ygolotes descend to certain towns of pangasinan with their gold, and exchange it for food--hogs, carabaos, and rice, taking the animals alive to their own country. until that food is consumed, or but a little time before, they pay no heed to securing any gold. then each man goes to the mine assigned to him, and they get what they need, according to what they intend to buy, and not any more. they are a people as void of covetousness as this; for they say that they have it there at hand for the times when they need it. it is probable that the mines here are very numerous and rich; and it is a well-known fact that for these many centuries the greatest quantity of gold, and that of the finest quality, in these islands has been and is still obtained there; and at the present time this industry is as active as ever. although gold is obtained in certain parts of these islands, such as the island of masbate, catanduanes, paracali, and the pintados, yet none of it is in such quantities as that here; and this has been always, and now is the general opinion. consequently one cannot doubt that a great treasure could be secured with expert men and the order to work those mines, since rude indians, without any skill except in washing, obtain so great a quantity. it is said that one can obtain more gold in the rewashing of what the indian leaves than the latter obtains. it is also said that the wealth of these mines lies in certain mountains, in a district of four or five leguas in extent, and included between two large rivers which flow into the province of pangasinan. the natives do not cultivate the land--for one reason, because of its great sterility, and the lack of ground to cultivate; and, on the other hand (which can more easily be believed), because, confident in their gold mines, they have thereby sufficient to purchase whatever they wish from pangasinan, where the nearest abundant supply of provisions is to be found. the richest and chiefest among them is he who has more heads hanging in his house than the others; for that is a sign that he has more food, and gives more banquets. these mountains contain large pines, and other trees found in castilla. don luis dasmariñas, as above stated in the relation of captain miranda, sent captain clavijo to discover those mines; but he did nothing therein, because his guide was wounded on the road. it is not known that these people have as yet received any evil religious sect. accordingly they are pagans, and but little given to pagan rites, at that. on the contrary they are very lukewarm in their idolatry, and consequently it will be easy to inculcate in them the holy catholic faith, as they are a race uncorrupted with pagan rites. one may greatly hope, with the divine aid, that their souls will be stamped with the faith, like a clean tablet. the same is said of the inhabitants of tuy. don gonzalo ronquillo, former governor of these islands, sent juan pacheco maldonado to discover those mines. it was said of this man that he was of little diligence and intelligence, and that he remained two months amid those mountains, in which period he could not catch a single indian except only two women. at the end of that time, he returned because his provisions were all consumed. he brought a quantity of earth with him, which he declared to be from the mines. a charlatan--who had been brought from españa, at a salary of one thousand ducados, as an assayer--having made the test, found no gold in this earth. they say that the reason was, that he threw salt into the mass that he was about to smelt; and that salt should not be thrown into gold as is done in smelting silver. as then but few men knew of that, they did not investigate this difficulty. that test was, accordingly, worth nothing, since the experience of so many centuries and that of the present prove that those mines contain quantities of gold, most of it of twenty-two carats; for almost daily those ygolotes go to a village of the province of pangasinan, as to an emporium, to buy provisions in exchange. of this one cannot doubt in the least. this race and the inhabitants of tuy, and those of many other provinces and mountains, have a cruel, barbarous custom, which they call "the cutting off of heads." this is quite usual among them, and he is considered as most valiant who has cut off most heads in the civil wars waged among themselves and with their neighbors. this race are ruled by certain superiors whom they call "chiefs," who are the arbiters of peace or war. the above relations follow the fragments of certain old papers that have been found, and the narratives of persons acquainted with these matters. from them one can easily infer the lack of care among those who have ruled the country, to know the truth concerning the ygolotes; but in no event would that have been work lost. on the contrary, according to the opinion of many men who have lived a long time in the country, it is regarded as very probable that a wealth of gold would have been discovered, like the silver of potosi. [55] the same is true of tuy, even if no other wealth should be attained beyond the inestimable one of having reduced to the faith of christ a province so vast, and which is said to number more than 100,000 souls; that would be a most lofty and divine work and one accompanied by great temporal advantage. after having reached this point in the present relation, i saw the men who made the test of the earth brought from the ygolotes. they were two men sent by joan pacheco from tuy to don gonzalo ronquillo. they tried to deceive the latter by bringing some bars of very fine gold, which they said was taken from the mines which had been discovered. some doubt having been expressed at this, the governor had the metal or earth pulverized in their presence, and had the said men make the test. being ignorant of that business, they did not obtain a grain of gold. on being urged, they said that those bars had truly been obtained from the indians of the mines of the ygolotes; accordingly, they did not come from the earth that had been brought. thereupon juan pacheco came, without any clearer explanations, which sufficiently demonstrates his lack of intelligence, since he was unable, in so long a time, to catch any indians in order to talk with them. if the indians descended to the plain daily, as they do at present, for food, as would seem necessary, they could have caught many of them; for, as above stated, the natives resort to pangasinan, as to a market or fair. given in passi, july three, one thousand six hundred and nine. _doctor juan manuel de la vega_ _relation of how gomez perez dasmariñas, governor of the philipinas, heard that the province of tuy was unexplored, which induced him to undertake its exploration; and his authorization to his son, don luis perez, to make the said exploration._ governor gomez perez dasmariñas learned from certain religious of the order of st. augustine that this island of luzon, where is located the capital of all the islands--namely, the city of manila--was not yet completely explored or conquered, as it was suspected that the interior contained hostile and very valiant indians; that the country was exceedingly productive, temperate, and fertile, and contained many cattle; that it was called the province of tuy, and was contiguous on one side, as was imagined, to the farthest territory of the sanvales [_i.e._, zambales], and on the other to the source of the river flowing to cagayan. this last was one of the reasons why cagayan had always been hostile, and the indians never weary of continuing the war; for they went inland by way of the river--where, the spaniards did not know, beyond the fact that they were supplied from that region with provisions and other things, which the spaniards took from them, in order to reduce them. when the governor asked the spaniards the reason for so much neglect--why, for twenty years, they had made no attempt to go inland, since that was so important for the pacification of what was discovered--they did not know what to answer, except that a certain number of spaniards had once ascended the cagayan river, seven of whom were captured by the indians. since then, they said, the ascent had not been again attempted. the governor, having found that, although he tried to obtain from the spaniards more definite information of the nature and characteristics of the said new land of tuy, they were unable to give him any account of the said province, tried to gain information of that land by means of some of the natives. this he did by sending two indians thither with all secrecy. one of them only, the more clever of the two, reported that beyond the farthest village of the sanbales toward the north, he had learned with certainty that there were three or four villages of very well-disposed indians, and that the country was excellent. he recounted some details of it, adding that he believed that the river of that province ended in cagayan. the governor realized the importance of the expedition from this relation, and through two indian women (by the medium of two interpreters from that land); and saw that the sure pacification of all cagayan and of this island of luzon, and the removal of errors by ascertaining with certainty what it contained, depended on that expedition. there was also reasonable ground, from the indications and reports adduced, for expecting that there must be many undiscovered indian settlements. accordingly he determined--although against the advice of the spaniards who had lived longest in the country, who declared that the country was thoroughly explored and that there was nothing else to explore in it--to send his son, don luis dasmariñas, thither to make the said new exploration of tuy. the latter was to be accompanied by the captain and sargento-mayor, juan xuarez gallinato, captain don alonso de sotomayor, and captain cristoval de asqueta (all old residents), and seventy soldiers, most of whom the governor had brought new with him from españa, besides certain of the governor's servants and some other soldiers who had been here in the country. the said don luis was accompanied also by two fathers, religious of the order of st. augustine, for the greater justification both of the expedition and of the mildness with which he was to proceed. one was the definitor, fray diego gutierrez, and the other, fray mateo de peralta. juan de argumedo, and even many soldiers and others, private persons, who came to the governor to ask permission to go with his son, accompanied don luis halfway, but halted in la pampanga, as they did not appear to be needed. to these latter the governor refused the permission, although very much pleased at seeing so great willingness and readiness in all of them to follow his son, and to take part in this or in any other expedition that might offer, and which for lack of system and resolute action could not be continued throughout, as was fitting, according to the arrangement and outcome of affairs. the title of lieutenant to the captain-general was given to the said don luis, with the following orders and instructions. he was instructed especially to tell his father in detail all that should happen. _warrant of don luis perez dasmariñas for the exploration of the province of tuy._ gomez perez dasmariñas, etc. inasmuch as i have been informed by the relations of persons of credit that about three days' journey from mungabo, a village of la pampanga, lies a densely-settled district, very fertile and prosperous, called tuy, which extends to the confines of the province of cagayan; and although many things have been told of it and of its vast population, no exploration has as yet been made therein, nor has possession been taken of it in his majesty's name; and although his majesty's royal and holy intention is the preaching of the holy gospel; and since--so that these nations may learn of the true god, and be saved by means of our holy catholic faith--it is advisable to explore and colonize the said province, and establish therein the holy catholic faith and obedience to his majesty, for which it is necessary to send religious to preach the law of god and the christian doctrine, and soldiers to accompany and protect the religious: therefore, by this present, i order my son, don luis dasmariñas, hereby appointed by me as lieutenant of the captain-general in this camp, to undertake the exploration, entrance, and new pacification of the said province and district of tuy accompanied by the said fathers, religious of the said order of st. augustine, and those soldiers who will be assigned to him. he shall fulfil and observe the instructions that shall be given him with this my order, in the expedition and exploration. for all the above and for all annexed and pertaining to it, i grant him authority and power in due legal form, and as i possess and hold it from his majesty. given at manila, july three, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one. _gomez perez dasmariñas_ by the governor's order: _juan de cuellar_ _instructions for this expedition given by gomez perez dasmariñas to his son._ granting that one of the reasons for the hatred and hostility of the indians toward us is the collection of tributes, especially when it is not accomplished with suitable mildness and moderation, this question shall by no means be discussed with them in the beginning. rather, if the indians should be fearful of what should be collected from them, and should place obstacles in the way of their reduction and our principal end, that of their conversion, good hopes shall be offered them that all satisfaction shall be accorded them in this matter, and that the tribute shall be only what they choose to give. 2. you shall under no consideration allow any soldier to seize any gold or any other article of value from any indian, in case that any of the said indians should flee through fear or any other reason, and abandon their gold or other property to the power of the soldiers. it shall immediately be sent to its owner, to show them, as above stated, that the expedition is not being made there for their gold. on the contrary, you shall endeavor, before the indians, to attach very slight importance to gold, alleging that it has but little value and esteem among us. in all the above, and in whatever else may come to your notice, you shall always govern yourself by, and conform as far as possible to, the opinion of the undersigned members of the council of war. you shall endeavor to direct everything that you do with the great energy and resolution that can and should be expected from your wisdom and prudence. in all things you shall regard the service of god and that of the king our sovereign. 3. rivers, so far as possible, shall be crossed only on well-made rafts, and without any danger to the soldiers or overturning them in the water. 4. on entering the country, possession of it shall be taken by notarial attestation in his majesty's name. the summons and protests made shall be made through an interpreter, and by the religious fathers, and by those others whom you deem most moderate. 5. as soon as you shall have come in sight of the district that you are to seek, you shall send your message and protests, with show of great love and moderation, so that the natives will admit our trade and friendship, as above stated. you shall under no consideration permit any soldier to violate any woman, or to offer to either mother or daughter any uncivil or rough treatment. rather you shall see that no ill-treatment, or offenses to god, occur. you shall give the natives some silks or gifts of slight value, which will be highly esteemed among the indians, and which will be a partial way of making them understand that we do not go there only for their property, but in order to give them ours, so that they will admit our friendship and trade, which is beneficial to them. 6. you shall appoint what governor and other officials you deem necessary in that district that shall render homage to his majesty. you may leave there some spaniards, if you think that they will remain with safety. this is left to your judgment. 7 if the natives will give the tribute peacefully, and without trouble and willingly, you shall assign them the usual tribute ordered to be collected by his majesty, namely, ten reals. you shall send a census of the people, and a description and plan of their location, and a relation of the special features of the district, together with the nature of ports, rivers, grain-fields, and any products that may be mentioned. _title of lieutenant of the captain-general of don [luis] of the camp of the philipinas._ from the same document it appears that gomez perez dasmariñas appointed his son, don luis, as his lieutenant of the captain-general, two days before, in order to send him with authority on this expedition, as appears from the title itself, dated july first, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, and which was drawn before juan de cuellar, government notary. the writ for it does not accompany the present, because of its prolixity. _the villages reporting gold from the ygolotes_ although not stated in the relation, for the sake of brevity, the natives were asked from how many villages they obtained the gold that they paid as a recognition, and deposited. they replied that it was obtained from one village in the mountains of the ygolotes, where gold was bartered; and that there were thirteen villages. this is to be noted so that one may understand how widespread everywhere, and among people that we do not know, is the knowledge of gold mines among the ygolotes. _doctor juan manuel de la vega_ _additional conditions and stipulations in regard to the conquest and pacification of the province of tuy, and the discovery of the mines of the ygolotes._ most potent sir: inasmuch as the conditions contained in the present paper, additional to those which were given over our signatures in a former paper, seem to us advisable and necessary, in order that the end desired in the conquest and pacification of the province of tuy and the mountains of ygolotes may be better attained, and his majesty better served, we add these others. 1. first, inasmuch as many clauses of the first conditions entreat his majesty to order the governor and captain-general, the audiencia, and the royal officials, to observe, and that exactly, the requirements therein set forth; and inasmuch as by not doing so, the pacification and exploration will not be obtained without the imposition of a larger fine; and inasmuch as it is advisable to prevent mischief, when the remedy is so remote: in order that no occasion may be taken from this, as some ill-intentioned persons desire, to discontinue the pacification and exploration, it is advisable to impose a large fine on each and all who do not observe it, with the injunction that his majesty will also consider such conduct as displeasing to himself. 2. _item_: that all the officers and soldiers engaged in this conquest, either on pay or as volunteers, who had while in manila any right to receive a share in the lading, [56] shall retain and preserve that right while engaged in the said conquest. to the volunteers--whether married or single, without distinction--shall be given [space therein] to him who has no capital, at least one _pieza_; and to him who has capital, in proportion to that capital, and to his length of residence here. thus many may be induced by this _pieza_ to take service, who otherwise would not serve, but would be wandering about idly, and gambling, to the corruption of the community. 3. _item_: inasmuch as the envy of two or three men, who try, by means of trickery, to prevent and thwart any affair or action of another, is very usual and well known in this country; and it is to be presumed of these men that they will not, even if they can, pardon this conquest; and as they say slyly that the share of the citizens in the cargo may be so large that there is no one who can buy any of the tonnage, or use other artful means, or say that at least the tonnage must be sold cheaply, at less than fifty pesos a share--in order that, as the proceeds therefrom will be slight, the conquest and exploration might not be made: to correct the above, it is necessary to ordain that no one, under heavy penalties, can sell the piezas granted to him until the eighty toneladas are sold--which are given them, in accordance with the royal decrees, not to be sold, but for export purposes. we might make public by proclamations, public criers, or edicts, the provisions regarding this matter, and order the officials who regulate the cargo not to lade any pieza without certification by the receiver of the freight, of what one shall have sold, given, or transferred to another in any way, under penalty of losing his office as manager of the cargo, and one hundred pesos' fine for each pieza thus laded. 4. _item_: in order that volunteers may be induced to serve on this occasion, a moderate ration of rice and wine shall be given them from that bought with the money received for the tonnage. this is a matter of slight importance, since in a whole year, even if there be a hundred and fifty volunteers [_aventureros_], the sum does not amount to one thousand five hundred pesos. 5. _item_: that we may build the forts and fortresses of stone, or wood, as was determined by the council of war, or sun-dried mud bricks, for the preservation and defense of what is obtained from the price of the tonnage, or from the tributarios that shall have been pacified in the said province and mountains of ygolotes, measures for this purpose being taken by three councils of war on different days. that we be authorized to appoint wardens, their deputies, and the other necessary officers in order to govern, defend, and faithfully guard the said forts and fortresses in the name of his majesty, together with what garrison soldiers are necessary--to whom we may assign pay in proportion to the importance of the stronghold, after consultation with the council of war. the pay of these shall be a charge on the royal treasury, and be paid on their presentation of their title and appointment as wardens, assistants, and other officers and soldiers. 6. _item_: that if, in the opinion of the council of war, it should be necessary for the service of the camp to appoint other needful officers, besides those specified in the other conditions, we be authorized to do so, assigning to them the adequate pay from the money received for the tonnage; and, if there is no money in that fund, from the royal tributes of the conquered country. 7. _item_: that, if there be any good result, such that it is worth while to advise his majesty of it, we be authorized to send it by way of the sea of the said provinces--that is, the sea by which the voyage is made to nueva españa--without being obliged to have recourse to the governor and audiencia. this is to be done at the cost of the royal treasury, taken from what is conquered, or from the money received for the tonnage; because, as that region is more than one hundred leguas distant from manila by land, and it is necessary to guard against the tardy despatch that is usually made, and the later necessity of sailing among islands for another hundred leguas, which is the most dangerous navigation between these islands and nueva españa. in that course the ship "santiago," and another vessel that came with advices from nueva españa, were wrecked last year. on the other hand, the coasts of tuy and ygolotes are the most advanced points toward españa, so that he who sails thence will be halfway on his journey before he who sails from manila has reached the open sea. 8. _item_: that, if, by our care and diligence, we allure the chiefs of the yogolotes together with the other chiefs by means of presents, kind words, and mild treatment, to descend to the plain, or to live quietly in settlements in their natural habitat, submissive to his majesty, paying their tribute, and abandoning the barbarities that they have been wont to practice on their own children and those of the lowlands; and if they accept the faith and are quiet and pacified: we receive permission to distribute and apportion them in encomiendas--assigning one-third to the royal treasury, and another third to the soldiers engaged in the conquest, while we be awarded the remaining third as our exclusive property; for the indians will be few, and reduced after many days and great toil. 9. _item_: that we beseech his majesty to concede this favor to us, that we pay the tenth of the gold obtained from the mines to be worked by our order, instead of the fifth. the same is to be understood in regard to the mines of silver, quicksilver, and lead that shall be discovered and worked by our order; and that in all mines we be excused from clause 31, law 5, title 13, book 6, of the _recopilacion_, [57] so that we may have more than two mines in one vein, if there is only a slight space between the different mines, in order to keep the measure of one mine. _doctor juan manuel de la vega_ _additional conditions and notifications in regard to the conquest, pacification, and exploration of the province of tuy and ygolotes._ in the last or next to last of the former conditions we make two statements: one, that it is unnecessary to wait for advice or investigations from here, for the reasons and causes assigned in the condition; the second, that an answer must be given us as to the acceptance of our offer, in the same year when our despatches are received, and by the first advice-boat; and if this shall not be done immediately, then we shall be free from all obligations. it remains to answer the silent criticism that may be opposed to each statement: to the first, that it seems a senseless thing for us to proceed according to our own judgment, without ascertaining whether it is advisable or not and that there are others who may make a better contract; and to the second, that our offer may be solely to fulfil appearances and not real. 1. in regard to the first, we reply that it has already been determined to be advantageous to make the said conquest, pacification, and exploration, by what each of the governors, as declared in the relation, tried to do during his administration, and what was lastly and courageously determined by the great governor, gomez perez dasmariñas, to whom the spaniards now living in these islands owe their lives. he undertook the exploration of the province of tuy, and held the same in great esteem, since he entrusted it to no less than the person and valor of his only son, don luis perez dasmariñas, sending with him the best captains of this camp and sargento-mayor juan xuares gallinato. he was moved by the reasons given in the first chapter of the relation of this conquest, the literal copy of which accompanies these conditions, as it is believed that no advice can be given his majesty or your highness that will be as forcible as this. the importance of the matter is superlative; and it is all the more advisable to undertake it, as that was done by a most truthful knight and one most zealous for the service of god and of his majesty. and it is quite well known, as is said unanimously by all this community, that it was seen and could well be believed that, had not death taken him so suddenly, he would have finished the conquest. lastly, don luis perez dasmariñas, who became governor at his father's death, followed in his footsteps; and desiring to enjoy and attain what his father had himself begun to discover, sent captain miranda. although the latter exerted himself, yet he did it without any system. if he had had the discernment and sound judgment necessary for the permanent pacification of the lands explored, he would have remained there with the soldiers working thus night and day and through rain and wind; but at the very best time, he had to abandon all. then, touching the mines of the ygolotes, this serves also as a good relation, for the news of them that both don gonzalo ronquillo and don luis dasmariñas had received obliged each one to make his greatest efforts; and the knowledge of those mines was widespread, both among barbarians and spaniards. as to the opinion that this should not be done at the cost of the royal treasury, as the former expeditions were made, we believe that it cannot be done more mildly and without prejudice to a third party, and it is better to do it at the expense of this commonwealth; for this year the community has allowed, without any remonstrance, the owner of a small vessel to lade, for the freight-charges, eighty toneladas for whomsoever he wished, besides the tonnage allotted to the citizens. consequently it may be believed that the community will not object to applying the freight money to this conquest; but rather that it will be done to the great satisfaction of all the public, if no other burden is imposed, as in the past. then in regard to there being some person who would accomplish this enterprise more advantageously by loading upon his own shoulders a so heavy burden, there is the risk of his having to keep it for these four or five years without any greater profit than the ordinary pay. the emoluments, gains, and advantages to be derived from the enterprise are very large. it seems very probable if it be not done in any other way, or through us, it can be done only by those occupying the positions that we now fill. for as regards the position of auditor, the person appointed to the charge of the mountains [_montaraz_] could serve in that capacity [_i.e._, as auditor], (although with great inconvenience), in the labors of both peace and war, and can remain quietly at home. but he cannot do that, except with great zeal for the service of both majesties. as for the position of captain of this camp, it can serve on this occasion, thus relieving the royal treasury of his pay and of that of all the company--which, agreeably to the stipulations, has to be paid from money received for the eighty toneladas. in regard to our persons we shall be ready for it, and trust that the divine majesty, who placed this thought in our hearts, will give us the needful ability--to one to counsel, aid, and govern, since the pen never blunts the spear; and to the other to execute with valor and courage what is most fit for these states. and it is to be expected of him that he will do it well, since, before he was twenty years of age, god made him once alferez and twice captain, more by reason of his ability than of his being the son of his father. from the age of twenty-three he must have been very capable for any occasion. hence, we believe, after considering these reasons thoroughly, that no further reports or relations are needed, and that we are not unreasonable in asking that answer be made to us without awaiting them--especially since they are so dangerous in this country, where the zeal for god's service and that of his majesty and the public welfare is so lukewarm, and self-interest so strong. a further consideration is, that serious harm to the conversion of those people may result from delay; for those people are very indifferent, and the accursed sect of mahoma is gaining a foothold among them. this sect is spreading throughout this archipelago like a pest, and once established, as it is so contagious, it will be, in order to eradicate it, more difficult to convert ten moros than to reduce a thousand pagans. likewise touching the service to be performed by doctor de la vega, ordering him to do it would result in loss, because from sixty years on, every man weighs more than he did before that age; and it is not good for him to ascend and descend mountains, even with the aid of another's feet. 2. touching the second point, that reply must be made to us whether or not our offer be accepted, in the same year when the despatches are received, where we are not free. replying to that, we may contradict the opinion that in requesting an answer to so serious a matter in so short a time, our offer is more apparent than real. we declare, sir, that we are going on the supposition that the relations which were sent to his majesty and to your highness are truth itself, and were made by persons who have seen what they relate, according to the papers which have been found, the summary of which composes the relation which is being sent there. i believe that those of gomez perez and his son, and common tradition must be as fresh in the minds of people as if their expeditions were taking place, and that these were true reports of those former governors; and that they proceeded with so great zeal, that their zeal served to make us determine to thank them by responding. but this, forsooth, must furnish opportunity for entertaining so sinister a suspicion, that we are offering what we do not intend to fulfil in one, two, or three years, and what would be of most service to his majesty--although it is of great importance to consider that any delay in the conversion of those souls means great loss, especially if meanwhile one should succeed in binding them more closely together. 3. inasmuch as there might occur some uncertainty and strife among those encomenderos possessing encomiendas within the boundaries of la pampanga, canbales, pangasinan, ylocos, and cagayan, in order to avoid these it is advisable to state definitely the points where the province of tui begins and ends, in every direction, that a specific declaration may be made of the boundaries; and in case that anyone should have been entered on the list without any warrant, or with a greater number of natives than had been assigned to him, or should he not have pacified or instructed the greater number of the natives that belong to him by his title, a statement of what he ought to do shall be made. in respect to the first the province of tuy commences, as the documents state, and as gomez perez dasmariñas declares, as one goes from la pampanga to the said province from the end of the çanbales to the beginning of the tui river; thence following its course to the villages of datan, lamot, and duli to the end of the province of tui, and the commencement of that of cagayan; and, cutting this line, by a cross-line from the end of the province of pangasinan to the sea, on the coast opposite manila. as to the second, the encomiendas which shall be within the confines of the said province and shall have any part in the province of tuy--that the encomenderos retain what they have thus far held and collected by the register, quietly and peacefully, without exceeding the number of natives assigned to them; and in such case they may remain in the province of tuy and be distributed according to the conditions and agreements. in case that any one's concession and title indicate a greater number of natives than he possesses, he must keep only those whom he himself has conquered, pacified, and had instructed, and no more; for it is not right that he enjoy those who were hostile when the concession was given him, those conquered or instructed here later, if others have shed their blood in the conquest of these, and they have been won at his majesty's expense. 4. _item_: we believe that the condition stated in the first clause of the first [agreement] can be emended, granting that authority is to be given to doctor de la vega to be able to appoint the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of cagayan, ylocos, and pangasinan, and take their residencias. this gave opportunity to the governor to complain that, inasmuch as none of this pertained to doctor de la vega, a part of his [the governor's] office was being taken from him. this was necessary for the proper accomplishment of his majesty's service; but in order not to give any occasion for ill-feeling in the other affairs that will arise daily with the governor, it seems a sufficient remedy to give the said doctor de la vega commission, so that these alcaldes-mayor be subordinate to him, as all the justices in the adelantamientos [58] of castilla [are subordinate]. also the said doctor de la vega and his deputies should be authorized to try the causes, as stated in the first clause herein cited of the first conditions, leaving their appointment and the taking of their residencias to the governor, or to whom that may pertain; and the said doctor de la vega should have full power, in case that they do not exactly fulfil any orders sent them, to punish them, and to execute upon them the penalties to which he shall condemn them, even to suspension or exile. for if they know that that can be done, they will act more carefully, in order to give no occasion for such action. by decree of his majesty, it is ordained that the inhabitants of this city may export the products of the country without formal allotment in the lading. we beseech his majesty to be pleased to allow the cakes of wax possessed by the volunteer soldiers who shall go to serve and who actually do serve in this expedition, to be exported; and that our certification and that of each one be sufficient for the official laders to stow it in the vessels as soon as they, or anyone in their name, may arrive, under severe penalties. the same we beseech for the piezas of the cargo which should be given to them, when it shall likewise appear, by certification, that they are engaged in this expedition. _doctor juan manuel de la vega_ petition of a filipino chief for redress sire: in former years the archbishop of these philipinas islands, on petition of the natives of the village of quiapo, which is near this city of manila, wrote to your majesty, informing you that the fathers of the society of jesus--under pretext that the former dean of this holy church of manila, whom your majesty has lately appointed archbishop, [59] had sold them a garden lying back of our village--have been insinuating themselves more and more into our lands and taking more than what was assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcely any land remaining in the village for our fields, and even for our houses. the petition begged your royal majesty to remedy this and protect us under your royal clemency, since we are indians, who cannot defend ourselves by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would be a matter with a religious order. your royal majesty, as so catholic and most christian, sent a command to the royal audiencia resident in these islands to gather information of the details of this matter, and to redress it, and not allow injuries to be inflicted on us. we have heard that the royal audiencia has advised your majesty; but we do not know what they have advised, for nothing was told us. now this present year, i, who am the chief, and claim that the lands which are in dispute with the fathers are of greater extent, built a house in my fields. one of the fathers [_i.e._, jesuits], named brother nieto, came with a numerous following of negroes and indians, armed with halberds and catans; and of his own accord, and with absolute authority, razed my house to the ground. this caused great scandal to those who saw a religious armed for the purpose of destroying the house of a poor indian--although, after seeing his intention to seize all my property and bind me, i did not raise my eyes to behold him angered, because of the respect that i know is due the ministers who teach us the law of god. although the alcalde-mayor of our village (namely, the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves) was angry, as was proper, at the little attention they paid to the royal justice of your majesty and of your servants; and went immediately on that same day to the destroyed house, and did not leave the village until he knew that another small house had been rebuilt for me in place of the one destroyed--yet, as all the fathers had threatened me that, as often as i should build a house there, they would return to raze or burn it (and this they have declared before the alcalde-mayor himself and the canon talavera, our minister), and as i am a poor indian, i fear the power of the said fathers. for i fear that i can find no one to aid me in the suits that the fathers are about to begin against me, or who will appear for my justice, since i have even been unable to find anyone who dared to write this letter for me. this letter is therefore written by my own hand and in my own composition, and in the style of an indian not well versed in the spanish language. but i confide my cause to your royal majesty's great kindness, and, prostrate at your majesty's royal feet, implore you to protect me with your royal protection, by ordering the royal audiencia and the archbishop to inform your royal majesty anew, and to summon me in order that i may inform them of my claims to justice. also in the meanwhile will you order the fathers not to molest me in the ancient possession that i have inherited from my fathers and grandfathers, who were chiefs of the said village. i trust in the royal clemency and exceedingly great christian spirit of your majesty that i shall be protected and defended in what should have justice. this i petition from your royal person, whom may our lord preserve during many happy years, for the protection of these poor indians, your majesty's loyal vassals, and for the increase of this new christian community. from quiapo; july 25, 1609. the useless slave of your royal majesty, _don miguel banal_ [_endorsed_: "have the governor and the audiencia investigate, and in the meanwhile provide suitable measures."] despatch of missionaries to the philippines _information by father fray diego aduarte, concerning the journey that he made in the year 1605 from spaña to the philipinas, with 38 religious of his order; and, further, that made by father fray gabriel de san antonio in the year 1008; and, further, what is necessary that there should not be failures in such journeys_. by command of señor don luis de belasco, viceroy of this country of nueva spaña, in compliance with a clause of a letter from his majesty--whereby he was commanded to advise his majesty of the religious who, going under his orders to the philipinas, have remained here, and what was the occasion of it; and in particular of those who remained of my company, two years ago--i, diego aduarte, declare as follows, having come as his vicar; and i call god to witness that in all i tell the truth. in the month of july of 1605 i sailed from spaña, with thirty-eight religious of my order, whom i was empowered by his majesty's decrees to convey thither; and none were lacking. among these there were only four lay brethren; and of the rest, who were priests (they being the majority), all except one were preachers and confessors; and those who were not such had studied sufficiently to be ordained as priests for mass--as all of them now are, and actual ministers, who preach and hear confessions in various languages which they have learned, much to the service of god and the increase of his church. i arrived in this country of nueva spaña with all the said thirty-eight religious, where two of my priests died. one of them was named fray dionisio de rueda, who had come from valencia, of which he was a native; the other, fray pablo colmenero, who came from salamanca, and was a native of galicia. [60] both of them were religious of excellent abilities. i embarked at the port of acapulco for the philipinas, with only twenty-eight. although it is true that at the time of embarkation some nine were absent, who had not yet arrived at the port, yet even if they had arrived they could in no wise have been embarked; for the ship which was given me was very small, and had accommodations for no more than twelve friars at the most. so true is this, that the treasurer of his majesty of this city of mexico, one birbiesca, who was then at the port to despatch the ships by command of the marques de montesclaros, told me not to embark more than twelve. this i swear to be true _in verbo sacerdotis_. i left in that very port several religious, with permission and order to return to mexico until they could go to the philipinas; and i was many times sorry for those whom i had embarked, on account of the poor accommodations that we had. four of them died at sea, between here and the philipinas (three of these being priests, and the other not), all of them being friars from whom much was hoped. i have made information of all this before the notary of the ship itself (who was called francisco de vidaurre), with witnesses who were aboard--which, with the favor of god, i myself shall take to españa, as i am now on the way there. this was in the year of 1606. the very next year two religious of my company--priests, confessors, and preachers, fray jacinto orfanel and fray joseph de san jacinto--went to the philipinas with don rodrigo de mendoza, nephew of the marques, who was commander for two patajes; and this year, 608, i sent four others of the same qualifications with the lord governor, don rodrigo de bibero. thus of all my company, except six who have died, only one has failed to go to the philippinas. to this one, i confess, i gave permission to remain; and he is at present in the province of oaxaca as minister and interpreter, and so has not been obtained for it unfairly, since religious go from spaña to this province also at the cost of the royal exchequer. it was at the time expedient and even necessary to give the permission; and if his majesty should try to tie the hands of him who takes the religious in charge, in this matter, it would be the occasion of many grave injuries to his royal service, and still more to that of god, for the new church in the philippinas can be entrusted only to ministers with the apostolic spirit. for, in order to persuade to the faith, the lack of miracles must be made good by the life of the minister, which, when apostolic, is so much the more a power, as the ability to work miracles is less; for the force of example, and that of miracles which the apostles had to convert the world then, must now be contained in the life of the minister. in truth this is more important for the heathen than are miracles, if it be what it ought. but it is impossible for the superior who takes them in his charge to become acquainted with them before he engages them, as there is no opportunity for that in spaña, or hardly even to know their names; for after procuring his decrees at court, almost all his time is necessary, up to the embarkation, to get his ship-supplies in sevilla and set affairs in order there. and if he must go about seeking religious in one house and another, through all castilla and aragon, as far as barcelona, how can he have time to become gradually acquainted with them, as he should do? although it is true that, if he supplies religious to this country by his authority, when he has become acquainted with them, it is a loss to the royal exchequer, to the amount that he has spent for them without carrying out his majesty's intentions; yet, if they should go on farther, that purpose would be much less successful, and the expenses would be greater. it is less harmful to spend some money ill, than a great deal to the loss, perhaps, of souls, whose welfare is the object of these expenditures. in the government of man, to attempt to flee from difficulties is the greatest hindrance of all; accordingly, the difficulties that may be encountered in this matter can best be avoided by not entrusting this work to anyone except some very trustworthy religious; then his majesty, being thoroughly informed in regard to him, can place entire confidence in him. for as he must do this with men in his royal service, there is no reason why he should not do as much here, for his agent is a priest and a religious, with greater obligations to keep his conscience pure than has a secular minister; nor is he ignorant of the fidelity which he owes his king and lord, and how great a sin it would be against justice, and what obligation there would be for restitution of money ill spent. the truth is that anyone to whom his majesty entrusts this could, if he did not proceed with great exactness, very legitimately excuse himself by saying that what was ordered to be given him for the despatch is not enough, by far, and so he is spending on a few what is given him for the many; since it is hardly enough for even the few--having recourse, for the external forum, to equivocal answers. it is actually true, that the provision that his majesty orders to be given, in sevilla and in mexico, for supplies on the two seas, and for the support of the religious in these two cities, is extremely scanty; and if his majesty does not increase it he can have no just complaint against the religious who may act thus. in sevilla he orders that two reals be given for each religious, every day; but three are necessary, at the least. in mexico, he orders that four be given; but it is certain that six to each man would be little for their food, clothing, and shoes, and for the ordinary expenses of a house. in sevilla there is assigned, for the supplies of each religious on the voyage, 22 ducats; whereas 40 at least are necessary, and, if it be a year of high prices, 50. in mexico, for supplies on the other sea, and to pay the charges to the muleteers who transport the goods to acapulco, and the expenses of the journey to that point with the religious, there is given for each one 150 pesos; but 200 are needed, and even that does not suffice. the reason for all this is, that these rates were set a long time ago, when things were much cheaper than at present; for goods could be bought for these sums to a much greater amount. this would be cause for the religious to plead that the [actual] expenses incurred for him should be allowed; and there is no other way [in which this difficulty can be settled]. of both things we have illustration enough in this journey which was begun by father fray gabriel de san antonio (whom may god keep in heaven), for, on account of the scanty aid that was given him at sevilla, he left there a debt of one thousand two hundred ducados; and if his majesty does not pay this, i know not whence his creditors will procure it. then, as he had not the necessary freedom to dispose of his friars, seeing that there was no fleet that year, which is a second instance, he did what he should not have done--namely, among twenty-four religious whom he embarked with him, he took seven laymen, and, of the rest, one was insufficiently educated, and others were ill suited for the work in the philipinas; so that counting those who were well fitted to go, they would not number twelve. it seems that he wished only to make it appear to the council that he was embarking with friars, since this was commanded so insistently. he had, as i have been told, thirty religious quite suitable for the journey, ready to embark in the fleet; but as there was no fleet, and they saw that according to the orders of the council they must embark in the heart of winter, and in weak craft, they, being discreet, returned to the houses from which they had come; and father fray gabriel, to comply with his orders, sought others in their places, most of whom did not fill the places of the others, or come near doing so. from this resulted many expenses that might have been avoided; for if those who returned had been left in the convents of andalucia, to come over in the fleet this year, all the expenses that were incurred would be obviated, and they would arrive at the proper time to go to the philippinas, as they would come in the patages. even if not all came, most of them could come, and none of these would have to be refused, as we have to do now--for, if the lord viceroy does not give permission to leave some, there is no use to consider sending religious there. then i, who am going to seek them in españa, for the second time, with so many labors and dangers, would find them half way, without the least cost to myself. supplicate and beg this from his excellency, by the bowels of christ. the objection raised is that it will not be expedient for them to go; but i hope through god that it will be so, and that it will be explained to his majesty that it is very important for his service. this is the truth, which i am bound to tell my king and lord, as his faithful vassal and servant, which i am. _fray diego aduarte_ _jesus, mary_ father fray antonio de santo angel, procurator-general of the order of the discalced friars of our father st. augustine, declares that in the year 1608 your majesty gave permission to father fray pedro de san fulgencio, of the said order, to return to the philipinas islands, taking with him thirty religious of his order, and six servants for their service. in the said year he was obliged to go to rome to secure some favors and jubilees from his holiness; but an illness attacked him, and our lord saw fit to take him unto himself. for this reason his embarkation for the philipinas did not take place, as he died on the way; and the funds that were given him for the purpose were lost. since it has pleased the divine majesty that the discalced augustinian religious who are in those parts [61] should succeed in so satisfactory and exemplary a manner, preaching the holy gospel and giving the light of our holy catholic faith, and so earnestly striving for its increase--as your majesty is informed by the archbishop of manila, and the city and cabildo, and the bishop of santissimo nombre de jesus. for all point out to your majesty the great importance of sending religious of this holy order to the philipinas; and that it is better to maintain there those who have been discalced, than those who enter from among the calced and are not instructed in the austerity to which the discalced are obliged. for this reason our very holy father, paul v, separated and divided us from the calced fathers; and accordingly our father-general sent them a notification that his holiness had separated them, and had sent an order that they should form a chapter and appoint a provincial--as will appear from the papers which i present, and from the letters of the archbishop of manila, and from the bishop of santissimo nombre de jesus, and from the letter from the city of manila. from the letters of the religious it will be plain to your majesty how important it is for the service of our lord to have a head and superior of the same penitent mode of life, so that this reformation may be preserved, and they may with fervor continue to gain souls for heaven and the increase of our holy catholic faith. i therefore beg your majesty to grant us the same despatches that were given to us for the said voyage, so that we may receive the favor of it. i likewise present the letter written by the audiencia of manila, in which your audiencia states what are its intentions when anything is asked on the part of the recollects. bibliographical data all the documents contained in this volume are obtained from original mss. in various foreign archives--excepting only that the _relation_ of maldonado (1606) is from a printed pamphlet. most of them are from the archivo general de indias, sevilla, their pressmarks as follows. 1. _complaints against the archbishop_.--(a) letters from acuña and the augustinians: "simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." (b) letter from the audiencia: "simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." 2. _relations with the chinese_.--(a) memorials by archbishop: "simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." (b). letter to viceroy of ucheo: the same as no. 1 (a). (c) chinese immigration restricted: the same as no. 1 (b). 3. _letters from acuña_.--(a) letters of july 1 and 8: the same as no. 1 (a). (b) letter of july 15: the same as no. 1 (b). 4. _dominican mission of 1606_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros en filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1569 á 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37." 5. _dutch factory at tidore_.--the same as no. 1 (b). 6. _letter from the audiencia_, 1606.--the same as no. 1 (b). 7. _letter from the fiscal_.--the same as no. 1 (b). 8. _chinese immigration_.--(a) report of ships: the same as no. 1 (b). (b) letters from felipe iii: "audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficio reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." 9. _petition for grant to seminary_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes á dicha audiencia; años de 1586 á 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1." 10. _artillery at manila_.--the same as no. 1 (b). 11. _confraternity of la misericordia_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20." 12. _receipts and expenditures of philippine government_.--the same as no. 1 (a). 13. _decrees regarding way-station for vessels_, 1608-09.--the same as no. 8 (b). 14. _letters to silva_.--the same as no. 8 (b). 15. _expeditions to tuy_.--the same as no. 1 (a). 16. _petition of filipino chief_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en el consejo; años de 1607 á 1613; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 36." 17. _despatch of missionaries_.--the same as no. 4. the following is from the real academia de historia, madrid: 18. _relation by maldonado_, 1606.--"papeles jesuitas, tomo 92, núm. 40." (a printed pamphlet.) the following is from the british museum, london: 19. _decree regarding way-station for vessels_, 1606.--"papeles varios de indias; mus. brit, jure emptionis; 13,976 plut. cxc.d; folios 469-472a." the following is from the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 20. _letter to acuña_, 1606.--"cedulario indico, t. 38, fol. 114, no. 89." the following are from the archivo general, simancas: 21. _terrenate expedition_.--"secretario de estado, legajo 205." 22. _trade with mexico_.--"secretario de estado, leg. 2637." 23. _passage of missionaries_.--the same as no. 22. notes [1] the sense is here somewhat incomplete; there may be some omission in the text. [2] _fuerza_: injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge; see _vol_. v, p. 292. [3] apparently a reference to the organization of "el nuevo reino ['the new kingdom'] de granada," afterward known as nueva (or new) granada; a name applied in the nineteenth century to the country now known as united states of colombia. this region was conquered by gonzalo jiminez quesada in 1537, its capital (established august 6, 1538) being santa fé de bogota. [4] in the original there is a brief summary at the head of each paragraph, for the convenience of the council in considering the document. [5] the botanical name of the clove is _caryophyllus aromaticus_. see crawfurd's excellent account, both descriptive and historical, of this valued product, in his _dict. of indian islands_, pp. 101-105. cf. the account by duarte barbosa, in _east africa and malabar_ (hakluyt soc. publications no. 35, london, 1866), pp. 201, 219, 227; he says, among other things: "and the trees from which they do not gather it for three years after that become wild, so that their cloves are worth nothing." crawfurd says: "it is only in its native localities, the five small islets [moluccas] on the western coast of the large island of gilolo, that it is easily grown, and attains the highest perfection. there, it bears in its seventh or eighth year, and lives to the age of 130 or 150." he also states that the dutch, in their attempt to secure the monopoly of the clove trade, exterminated the clove trees from the moluccas, and endeavored to limit their growth to the five amboyna islands, in which they had introduced the clove. [6] referring to the military order of st. john of jerusalem, to which acuña belonged. [7] the spanish form of the name of mechlin, an important city of belgium, between antwerp and brussels. the reference in the text is probably to some law enacted by the emperor charles v while holding his court at mechlin, during his long stay in the netherlands. [8] diego aduarte was born at zaragoza, about 1570, and at the age of sixteen entered a dominican convent at alcalá de henares. in 1594 he joined the mission to the philippines, arriving at manila june 12, 1595. in the following january aduarte accompanied the expedition sent by luis dasmariñas to cambodia (see _vol_. ix, pp. 161-180, 265, 277); the result of this was disastrous, and after many dangers and hardships, and a long illness, he returned to manila on june 24, 1597. two years later he went to china, to rescue dasmariñas (stranded there after another unsuccessful expedition to cambodia), and remained until february, 1600. soon afterward he went to spain on business of his order, arriving there in september, 1603. there he obtained a reënforcement of missionaries for the philippines, arriving at the islands in august, 1606. he was again despatched to spain (july, 1607), where he remained until 1628; he then returned to the philippines with another missionary band. he was seen afterward elected prior of the convent at manila, and later became bishop of nueva segovia; but exercised the latter office only a year and a half, dying in the summer of 1636. aduarte's _historia de la provincia del sancto rosario_ (manila, 1640) is his chief work; we shall present it in later volumes of this series. see biography of aduarte in _reseña biografica de los religiosos de la provincia del santísimo rosario de filipinas_ (manila, 1891), pp. 148-172. [9] master (latin _magister_, spanish _maestro_): a title of honor given to religious of venerable age or distinguished services; see du cange, _s.vv. dominus ordinis, magister ordinis_. [10] so in the ms., but apparently an error of _cuatro_ for _cinco_ ("five"), as the evidence of this and the other documents of this group indicates that this warrant was given in 1605, not 1604. [11] the garment placed by the tribunal of the inquisition upon persons who, after trial, became penitent and were reconciled to the church. [12] san juan de ulua (or lua, also ulloa), in mexico, was thus named (1518) for st. john and in honor of juan grijalva, one of cortés's officers, who in that year discovered yucatan. in the summer of the following year, cortés founded, not far from this place, the city of vera cruz. [13] in our copy of this document (the official transcript) the text reads _que son 80 pesos_; but as in half a year but two of these tri-yearly payments would be made, it seems more probable that this was intended for _20 pesos_. [14] gabriel quiroga de san antonio came to the philippines in 1595, and was assigned to the mission among the chinese in binondo; but he could not learn their language, and, becoming discouraged thereat, returned to spain. finally, being troubled by his conscience for having abandoned his post, he obtained permission from his superiors to conduct a band of new missionaries to the islands. embarking with them, he was overcome by sickness and the hardships of the voyage, and died before reaching mexico (1608). he was appointed (apparently after his departure on this journey) bishop of nueva caceres. [15] the word "factory," as here used, refers to the place where the factors, or agents, of a commercial company reside and transact the business entrusted to them. [16] these names are merely phonetic renderings of the names of certain dutch cities. absterdaem and ambstradama are for amsterdam; yncussa (and probably cuyssem), for enkhuysen (or enchuysen); campem, for campen; amberes, for antwerp; millburg, for middleburg; horrem, for hoorn. olanda and gelanda are for holland and zeeland. [17] that is: achin (or acheen), in sumatra; pajang, a province in java; and bengal, in india. [18] at the end of this pamphlet is the imprint, showing that permission to print it was given to clemente hidalgo on may 9, 1606; and that it was printed by him in the same year, at sevilla. it was sold at the establishments of melchor goncalez and rafael charte. [19] in the margin: "the parian, establishment and residence of the sangleys, on the other side of the manila river." [20] the leaves of a species of palm (_nipa fruticans_), used as thatch to cover houses. [21] probably a misprint for moros. [22] cf. la concepción's account of this insurrection, in _hist. de philippinas_, iv, pp. 52-64. [23] at this point, in the printed original, follow the words _tribuleco llamadotin_--evidently some typographical error. [24] this letter will be found in _vol_. xiii, pp. 287-291; morga also gives it in his _sucesos_ (which will be presented in our _vols_. xv and xvi). [25] korea had been conquered by the japanese in 1592, but soon afterward was partially regained by the chinese (_vol_. viii, pp. 260-262; ix, pp. 36, 44, 46). the death of the japanese ruler hideyoshi (1598), and the consequent recall of the japanese troops, left affairs between the three countries unsettled; finally iyeyasu, ruler of japan, made peace with korea and china, in 1605. [26] another account of this insurrection is given by gregorio lopez, s.j., in a letter dated april, 1604; it is substantially the same as those already presented in this series, but lopez relates in much fuller detail the final pursuit of the sangleys. he also states that the chinese juan bautista de bera (vera), whose heathen name was hincan, had lived in manila since the time of limahon; and that in the conflict there were twenty stalwart sangleys to each spaniard. he enumerates the spanish citizens slain by the sangleys, mentioning the place where each died. a copy of this letter is contained in the ventura del acro mss. (ayer library)--for account of which collection see _vol_. vi, pp. 231, 232--in vol. i, pp. 121-272; it is accompanied by the statement that the original ms. is in the real academia de lit historia, madrid--its pressmark, "jesuitas, filipinas; legajo no. 7." [27] _recopilación de leyes_, lib. vi, tit. vi, ley viii, contains the following law in regard to the appointment of the protector of the indians; "the bishops of filipinas were charged by us with the protection and defense of those indians. having seen that they cannot attend to the importunity, and judicial acts and investigations, which require personal presence, we order the president-governors to appoint a protector and defender, and to assign him a competent salary from the taxes of the indians, proportioned among those which shall be assigned to our royal crown and to private persons, without touching our royal treasury, which proceeds from other kinds [of taxes]. we declare that it is not our intention by this to deprive the bishops of their superintendence and protection of the indians in general." (felipe ii, madrid, january 17, 1593, in a clause of a letter). [28] the hospital order of st john of god was originally founded by a portuguese soldier (named joan), who at the age of forty years devoted himself, as a religious duty, to the care of sick persons. he began a hospital in his own house at granada (1540), and his bishop permitted him and his associates to wear a habit. after his death (1550) similar hospitals were formed in spain, and even spread to italy. in 1585 all these were organized into an order, with constitutions, under the papal sanction; this order is still in existence, and has establishments in many countries. it did not reach the philippines until 1649. [29] fray diego aduarte, bishop of nueva segovia, wrote to the king (july 7, 1606), as follows: "your majesty possesses here a royal hospital which is one of the most necessary and useful things in this country for the welfare and care of the poor soldiers and others who serve your majesty. although the income which it has is small, it would be sufficient aid, with the many alms given by the citizens who are well to do, if there were some one who could distribute it well and take it in charge as his own affair. it is a most necessary thing for its good government and maintenance that your majesty should send four or five brethren of the order called juan de dios, with the authority of your majesty and his holiness, and with power to receive others. for the institution is already founded and everything necessary supplied; and these brethren might come with the religious whom your majesty sends here, either franciscan or dominican; or you might command that some of the excellent hospitallers who are settled in nueva españa should come to these islands, which would economize in expense and hasten their coming, and make it more certain." [_endorsed_: "september 24, 1607. have the four brethren whom he mentions sent, and entrust the matter to señor don francisco de tejada, that he may arrange it with the elder brother of anton martin. have a copy sent to señor don francisco."] [30] evidently referring to antonio, prior of crato, pretender to the crown of portugal (see _vol_. i, p. 355). he died at paris, august 25, 1595; and left six (illegitimate) children whom he commended to the care of henri iv of france. it is probable that the son mentioned in our text was cristoval, his second son (born in 1564); he assumed the title of king of portugal, and with this pretension might easily undertake to fight against spain (as usurper of that crown), in aid of the dutch. cristoval died at paris june 3, 1638. [31] _lancha_: a small vessel navigated with sails and oars; cf. english "launch." _barcoluengo_: an oblong boat with a long bow, its only mast being in the center. [32] the capture of the "santa ana" by cavendish in 1588, and the difficulties and risks of the long pacific voyage for the richly-laden galleons from manila, made it evident that some halting-place for them should be provided on the california coast. the vessel "san agustin" was despatched from manila in 1595 to search for such a place, but was wrecked in the present drake bay. in the preceding year velasco had made a contract with sebastian vizcaino for the exploration and occupation for spain of california; but he did not begin his task until 1597, when he was sent out by monterey. this expedition accomplished little; but vizcaino was selected to command the one mentioned in our text, which had the same object as that for which the "san agustin" was sent, and the pilot of that vessel accompanied vizcaino. there appear to have been four vessels in this expedition, which carried nearly two hundred men: there were also three carmelite friars, one of whom, antonio de la ascension, kept a diary of the voyage, and assisted the cosmographer, gerónimo martin palacios. they returned to acapulco in march, 1603, having explored and mapped the coast of california beyond cape mendocino, and discovered the bays of todos santos, san diego, and monterey. vizcaino made another voyage (1611-14), which was originally intended for the establishment and equipment of the port of monterey as a station for the philippine vessels, but was diverted to the pacific ocean and japan. see bancroft's account of these explorations--with abundant citations of sources, and reduced copy of vizcaino's map--in his _history of north mexican states_ (san francisco, 1886), i, pp. 147-163. [33] see _vol_. xiii, p. 228, note 31. [34] this admiral was toribio gomez de corvan. [35] the route of vessels to and from the philippines is described by morga at the end of his _sucesos_ (_vols_. xv and xvi of this series). [36] this total is as found in the ms., but is inaccurate. the correct total is 6,533. [37] also written "pederero"--from old spanish _pedra_, "a stone;" so named because of the use of stone for balls, before iron balls were invented; a swivel-gun. for descriptions and illustrations of various kinds of artillery, see demmin's _arms and armor_ (london, 1877). [38] cf. "foundation of the audiencia," _vol_. vi, p. 37, sec. 295. [39] referring to the famous hot springs and health resort of los baños, situated on the southern coast of laguna de bay, thirty-five miles from manila, at the foot of the volcanic mountains maquiling and los baños. see chirino's account of these springs, in chap. x of his _relacion_ (_vol_. xii of this series). cf. the more detailed accounts by la concepcion (_hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 134-151), zuñiga (_estadismo_, i, pp. 180-185), and buzeta and bravo (_diccionario_, ii, pp. 168-179). the virtues of these waters were first made known by st. pedro bautista, the noted franciscan martyr (_vol_. viii, p. 233), in the year 1590; and he undertook to found there a hospital, but for lack of means this project languished until 1604, when it was duly organized, under the charge of a franciscan lay brother, fray diego de santa maria. various grants were made to this institution, at different times, by colonial and local authorities; and in 1671 large and suitable buildings of stone were erected--which, however, were destroyed by fire in 1727. the hospital seems to have retrograded, in extent and management, early in its history; zúñiga found it in very poor condition, at the end of the eighteenth century. see chapter on "minero-medicinal waters" of the islands in u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1900, iii, pp. 217-227. [40] the name applied to any knight of a military order who received one of die ecclesiastical benefices called _encomiendas_. these were suitably-endowed dignities conferred on knights of those orders. [41] after acuña's death, rodrigo de vivero was sent from nueva españa to govern the philippines _ad interim_, where he arrived june 15, 1608. he remained less than one year in this poet, and was then made governor of panama. in april, 1609, arrived his successor, juan de silva, a member of the order of santiago; and distinguished by military service in flanders. he governed the philippines for seven years, and died at malaca, on his way with an expedition to the spice islands, on april 19, 1616. [42] _situado_ is used here to mean the extra income from the encomiendas which is obtained by increasing the tribute from eight reals to ten. this was done at the time when gomez perez dasmariñas was sent to govern the philippines; see his instructions (_vol_. vii, pp. 145, 146), and cf. morga's _sucesos_, chap. viii (_vol_. xvi of this series; and hakluyt society's trans., pp. 325, 326). the two reals thus gained were to be thus applied: one-half real, to pay the obligations of the tithes; one and one-half reals, for the pay of soldiers, etc. prof. e.g. bourne says: "many of the spanish colonies received regular situados from the crown to make up their annual deficits. the word may mean subsidy, appropriation, rent, or income, according to the context." humboldt mentions--in _new spain_ (black's trans.), iv, pp. 228, 229--the situados, "remittances of specie annually, made to other spanish colonies" from the treasury of mexico, which in 1803 amounted to 3,500,000 piastres. these remittances from mexico of course ceased when that colony revolted from spain and became a republic (1823). still another meaning of _situado_ is given by bowring (_philippine islands_, pp. 98, 99): "as it is, the philippines have made, and continue to make, large contributions to the mother country, generally in excess of the stipulated amount which is called the _situado_." [43] the husk surrounding the cocoanut; it is used for making cordage and calking vessels. [44] a prebendary who enjoys the benefice called _racion_. [45] the prebendary immediately subordinate to the racionero. [46] _barrachel_: the alguacil-mayor. this word is now obsolete. [47] he had filled this post before, during 1590-95 (_vol_. vii, p. 230); he succeeded montesclaros on july 2, 1607, and governed nueva españa until june 12, 1611, when he returned to spain as president of the council of the indias. already aged, he did not long survive this promotion. he established many reforms in nueva españa, and showed great humanity in his treatment of the indians. [48] that is, "rich in gold," and "rich in silver;" two mythical islands, often mentioned in documents of that time; thus named, according to gemelli careri, because some earth taken from them, accidentally heated on a ship, was found to contain grains of precious metal. there is an interesting mention of these islands on la frechette's "chart of the indian ocean" (published by w. faden, london, 1803). they are placed thereon in 32° and 34°, n. lat., and in 160° and 164° e. long., respectively, with the following legend: "kin-sima, la rica de oro, or gold island. gin-sima, la rica de plata, or silver island. these two islands, which are known to the japanese, are laid down according to the report of the former spanish navigators; they did imagine till the middle of the last century, that gin-sima and kin-sima were the land of ophir, since it could not be found in the isles of solomon." [49] referring to the archbishop benavides; he bequeathed his library and the sum of one thousand pesos for the foundation of the college of santo tomas at manila. [50] the route of this expedition was evidently up the rio grande de pampanga, northward through the present provinces of pampanga and nueva ecija; the headwaters of this stream are separated by the ridge of caraballo sur from those of the rio grande de cagayan. crossing these mountains, the spaniards found themselves, at the southern end of nueva viscaya, at the sources of one of the two great branches of the latter river, the magat river--the one which is named tuy in our text. it joins the main stream of the rio grande de cagayan, a few miles above ilagan, in the province of isabela, and the united streams flow northward through the entire length of that province and of cagayan, falling into the sea below aparri, on the northern coast of luzón. see the short account of this expedition given in _vol_. viii, pp. 250, 251. [51] a species of orange-colored agate, of great beauty. [52] this city is no longer in existence; it has been replaced by the town of lalló, formerly only a district of that city. [53] in the ms., _cabra_; but this may be only a copyist's conjecture for an illegible word. [54] the igorrotes first appear under the name ygolot, which was applied to the inhabitants of benguet; and those people probably represent the original tribe. the name was later applied to all the head-hunters of northern luzon, then collectively to all in the philippine islands, and is now almost synonymous with "wild." the district assigned to the real igorrotes is a matter of controversy among various authors, as are also their various characteristics, and their origin. certain characteristics point to infusions of chinese and japanese blood. comparatively few of them have embraced christianity. they live in villages of three or four hundred, with a chief in each, who is usually the richest man, and whose lands the common people cultivate. they are generally monogamous, and respect the marriage tie highly. they believe in a supreme being whom they call apo or lu-ma-oig; his wife bangan; his daughter bugan; and his son ubban. there are two inferior gods cabigat and suyan. their priests are called maubunung and they heal sickness with charms and incantations. they believe in two places of abode after death: one pleasant and cheerful, for those who die a natural death; the other a real heaven, for warriors killed in battle and women who die in childbirth. they bury their dead in coffins in a sitting position, in clefts or caves, and often dry the corpse over a fire. ancestor-worship is prevalent. they are an agricultural people, but do not breed cattle. they have worked the copper mines of their districts and extracted gold from the earliest times. as yet, however, exact and scientific knowledge regarding them is slight, as is true of many other filipino tribes, owing to the confused state of philippine ethnology. see smithsonian _report_, 1899, p. 538, "list of native tribes of philippines" by ferdinand blumentritt (translated by dr. o.t. malon); blumentritt's "über den namen der igorroten" in _ausland_, no. 1, p. 17 (stuttgart, 1882); sawyer's _inhabitants of the philippines_ (new york, 1900); pp. 254-267; and foreman's _philippine islands_ (london, 1890), pp. 212-215. [55] the city of potosi in bolivia is situated on the slope of the cerro gordo de potosi, a mountain 16,152 feet high, which contains silver mines of a richness that has become proverbial; they were discovered in 1545, by an indian. it is estimated that the silver obtained from this mountain, up to the middle of the nineteenth century, amounted to $1,600,000,000. humboldt gives the figures for its yield, from 1566 to 1789, amounting to 60,864,359 pounds troy; see his _new spain_ (black's trans., london, 1811), iii, pp. 171, 172. he also endeavors to estimate (pp. 353-379) the value of the total yield from its discovery to 1789, which he places at 5,750,000,000 of livres tournois (£234,693,840 sterling). the mines now are almost abandoned, and the annual yield is about $800,000. [56] referring to the allotment of space for freight in the regular trading fleet sent yearly to mexico. as has been shown in preceding documents, this privilege, as the source of much profit, was restricted by the government to the citizens of the islands, among certain of whom the space was duly allotted by toneladas, each shipping goods to that extent--although many frauds were practiced, often by royal officials themselves. the stipulation in our text secured, to persons having the right to a share in this trade, the exercise of that right while absent on the tuy expedition, the same as if they were present in manila when the ships were laden. the _pieza_ mentioned in this paragraph was the bale used as the unit of capacity in lading the vessel (see bourne's introduction to this series, _vol_. i, p. 63). a letter from andres de alcaraz to the king (august 10, 1617), which will be presented in _vol_. xvii, gives further information regarding the pieza. from this document it appears that the tonelada was reckoned at eight piezas; the pieza would then be estimated at ten arrobas, or two hundred and fifty libras. [57] evidently a reference to a compilation of spanish laws. there is nothing in the _recopilacion de las leyes de indias_ answering to this. [58] the district of the governor formerly called adelantado. [59] archbishop benavides died on july 26, 1605, and was succeeded by diego vazquez de mercado--although the latter did not take possession of the see until june, 1610. he was a native of arevalo, castilla, and a relative of gonzalo ronquillo, fourth governor of the philippines. he was the first dean of the manila cathedral, serving therein for sixteen years; then went to nueva españa, and, having obtained a doctor's degree from the university of mexico, held a benefice at acapulco. he was appointed bishop of yucatan, but was transferred to the archbishopric of manila; this post he held until his death, in 1618. he completed the cathedral edince, applying to that work much of his patrimony. [60] rueda's name alone is contained in the list furnished by aduarte in 1605 (see "dominican mission of 1606," _ante_). the names of those dominicans who actually reached the philippines in 1606, twenty-six in number, are found (with biographical information) in _reseña biog. sant. rosario_, i, pp. 328-333; but the list of those who died on the way (including rueda and colmenero) is on p. 335. [61] also known as recollects (see _vol_. xiii, p. 246 and _note_). when they arrived in the philippines (1606), they established themselves in a suburb of manila called bagumbayan. see the detailed account of the circumstances attending the despatch of friars thither from this order, and of the beginning of their work in the islands, in la concepción's _hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 189-265. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xii, 1601-1604 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xii preface 9 documents of 1601-1602 expedition to the malucas islands. arias de saldanha, and others; 1601-02 29 principal points in regard to the trade of the filipinas. alonso fernandez de castro; [undated; 1602?] 46 various documents relating to commerce. fray martin ignacio de loyola, and others; [_ca._ 1602] 57 letter to felipe iii. antonio de morga; manila, december 1 76 documents of 1603 three chinese mandarins at manila. geronimo de salazar y salcedo; manila, may 27 83 resignation of his office by the bishop of nueva segovia. miguel de benavides; manila, june 4 98 letters to felipe iii. miguel de benavides; manila, july 5 and 6 101 letters to felipe iii. pedro de acuña, and others; manila, july-december 127 the sangley insurrection. pedro de acuña, and others; manila, december 12-23 142 relacion de las islas filipinas (to be concluded). pedro chirino, s.j.; roma, 1604 169 bibliographical data 323 illustrations map of china and east indies (original in colors), in _voyage ofte schipvaert_, by jan huygen van linschoten (amstelredam, m. d. xcvi), p. 22; photographic facsimile, from copy in boston public library. 90, 91 title-page of _relacion de las islas filipinas_, by pedro chirino, s.j. (roma, m. dc. iv); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of harvard university. 171 preface the general documents contained in this volume cover the years 1601-03; they are followed by chirino's _relacion_, which was published in 1604, but the events related therein end in 1602. the two notable occurrences in this period are the great fire, and the chinese revolt in manila in the year 1603--the latter ending in the slaughter or expulsion of almost all the chinese in the islands. pirates are still raiding the shores of the northern islands; but the available forces of the colonial government are diverted to the assistance of an expedition from india which attempts (but unsuccessfully) to drive the dutch from the spice islands. commercial difficulties still affect the prosperity of the islands, caused mainly by the unauthorized share of mexican speculators in the profitable trade between the philippines and china; and various expedients are proposed for the regulation of this commerce. the great fire is a heavy blow to the spanish colony, and the people fear the vengeance of the chinese for the slaughter of their countrymen. the new archbishop of manila complains that the religious orders are in much need of inspection and reform; some neglect the indians to whom they should be missionaries, others keep the infidel chinese on their lands, and allow the indians to be corrupted by the vices of the former. after the chinese revolt is quelled, vigorous protests are sent to the home government, especially by the ecclesiastics, against the laxity hitherto prevailing in the enforcement of the laws restricting chinese migration to the islands. these documents are followed by the noted and rare work of the jesuit pedro chirino, _relacion de las islas filipinas_ (roma, 1604). it is mainly intended as a history of the missions in the islands conducted by the jesuits, begun in 1581; chirino himself arrived there in 1595, and gives a full and detailed account of the missions from that time until his departure in 1602. not only this, but he narrates many things of interest and importance regarding the people, their customs and character, their language and state of civilization, their religious beliefs and worship, and the results of missionary labors and influence upon them. much of this information is of special value as one of the earliest records regarding the filipino peoples in their primitive condition, before they had had much contact with the white men; for the jesuits went even beyond the outposts of spanish civilization, among tribes who sometimes had never seen white men before. chirino's _relacion_ is here presented for the first time in an english dress; and the editors are fortunate in securing for this publication some valuable annotations from the hand of rev. pablo pastells, s.j. of barcelona, spain, who was for some eighteen years superior of the jesuit missions in the philippines. chirino's work is begun in the present volume, and will be concluded in _vol_. xiii. the presence of van noordt's fleet in the oriental archipelago renders the spaniards apprehensive that their possessions therein may be attacked, especially that of the rich spice islands. accordingly the viceroy of india determines to send a fleet to drive out the dutch from those seas; and (may 5, 1601) notifies tello of this. on september 1, 1602, a council of war is held at manila, which decides to furnish aid for this expedition against the dutch; its commander has already captured and subjugated amboyna. this is followed by a list of the supplies furnished to the portuguese fleet; their value amounts to over twenty-two thousand pesos, including eight months' pay for two hundred soldiers and a number of seamen. an official statement (dated october 2) enumerates the proceedings of the manila authorities in raising these troops and supplies, and notifies the portuguese envoys to be ready to convey this aid to the fleet. on october 26, governor acuña writes to the king a report on the piracies committed by the moros. they have made several successful raids, and it is necessary to provide defenses for the islands against these attacks. an expedition had been planned against the moro pirates; but the governor and his military advisers have deferred it, for the sake of aiding the maluca expedition. acuña is going to arevalo, to despatch the ships and men for that purpose. he is doing all in his power to aid the enterprise, but fears that it will be a failure. acuña asks permission to aid sick and needy soldiers from the royal treasury. alonso fernandez de castro, a lawyer, furnishes (1602?) a paper containing "principal points in regard to the trade of the filipinas." he notes the decrees forbidding mexicans and peruvians to trade with the islands, and their violation; the result of this illegal trade is disastrous to spanish commerce. complaint is made that the appointments of officers for the ships are made in mexico, thus causing great and unnecessary expense. the ships lost in the philippine trade, and the causes of such loss are enumerated; and the kinds of merchandise therein are mentioned. the citizens of the philippines are discontented at the partial diversion of their trade to the american colonies. a violation of the royal decrees is interpreted by the mexicans to be not a mortal sin, accordingly they disregard them; castro advises more leniency in both the prohibition and the penalty. some ecclesiastics recommend that the holy see be asked to decide whether such transgression be a mortal sin. the viceroy of mexico has ordered an increased duty on goods coming from the philippines, to pay the cost of soldiers and artillery to guard the merchandise on the voyage. the trading vessels lost in the pacific are being replaced by new ones built at acapulco; and the viceroy has sent over some ships "in trust" of private persons--a plan which is censured. mexico should not be allowed to trade with the south american colonies in chinese goods. a group of documents on commerce (_ca._ 1602), although somewhat fragmentary, contain much interesting information regarding the trade between spain and her colonies. fray martin ignacio de loyola, bishop of rio de la plata, writes his opinion regarding colonial administration in the spanish empire. the colonies should be kept in a dependent and subordinate position, and their high officials should be sent from spain. commerce should be maintained between the colonies and the mother-country. at present the conditions and results of this trade are ruinous. loyola advocates the establishment at manila of a "consulate" of trade, like that at mexico; strict prohibition of mexican participation in the china trade; and its monopoly by the inhabitants of the philippines. letters from the viceroy of mexico state that the merchants of peru who trade with spain are being ruined, on account of the long time during which they must wait for returns on their money, and the excessive duties charged on their goods. as a result, they are sending their goods to mexico; and they demand permission to trade direct with china. monterey recommends that this be allowed to a limited extent, and that no restrictions be placed on the use of chinese goods in nueva españa. he has used severe measures in regard to infringements of the ordinances regarding commerce, but there is evidently remissness in the customs inspection at manila. another paper gives an abstract of certain points in a petition sent from the philippines. it is requested that the officers of vessels trading with nueva españa be inhabitants of the islands; that no space in the ships be sold; that peruvian merchants be not allowed to go to the philippines; that the troops be paid from a special and separate account; and that the lading of the trading ships be placed in charge of the manila cabildo. all these points are commented upon by certain bishops whose advice is apparently requested by the council of the indias. various memoranda follow, on the trade between the philippines and nueva españa; these include recommendations for a commercial consulate at manila, diminished coinage of money, allowance of a limited amount of trade to peru, government custom-houses at acapulco and manila, etc. a letter from morga (december 1, 1602) informs the king that governor acuña has aided the expedition sent from india to seize maluco; and that some of the trading ships sent to nueva españa have returned without crossing the ocean, after great losses by storms, and having risked seizure on the japanese coast. in may, 1603, three chinese mandarins visit manila. salazar y salcedo, the fiscal, informs the king of this, and sends him a translation of the letter presented by the mandarins to the governor (in which they explain that they have come in search of a mountain of gold, of which report had reached them); also a copy of the complaint made by the fiscal to the audiencia regarding the manner in which these mandarins have administered justice, according to their own usages, to the chinese residing in manila. the governor forbids them to continue such procedure, and takes measures to fortify the city against possible chinese invasion. fray miguel de benavides resigns his bishopric (july 4), to become archbishop of manila. on the next day he reports to the king his arrival at manila, and the present condition of affairs in the islands, which is very disheartening. the mindanao pirates have ravaged the coasts, and carried away many captives. the richest part of the city, including the merchandise stored in the warehouses, has been destroyed by fire; and the ships from mexico arrived too late for the merchants to ship goods thither this year. the people are full of anxiety over a possible war with the chinese; and the archbishop deprecates the laxity of the royal officials in allowing so many chinese to live in the islands. they are so numerous that their presence is a menace to the spaniards, and they are corrupting the natives with their own vicious practices. he urges that most of the chinese be expelled from the islands, and that the conduct of the civil officials be investigated and punished. on the next day, he writes another letter to ask that certain matters in the islands be set right. the trade upon which the people depend for support is being taken from them by unscrupulous spaniards from mexico and peru. the archbishop has been urged to excommunicate those citizens of manila who are engaged in this illegal traffic, but refuses to do so, not thinking this the right procedure in such a case; and his efforts to secure redress from the audiencia are fruitless. he also complains that offices are given to friends of the auditors; that the latter and their women-folk monopolize the best seats in the church; and that various irregularities have crept into the church at manila. benavides criticises the religious orders in the islands, saying that they often neglect their duties to the indians; and asks that the friars be not allowed to leave their charges at their own pleasure. the dominicans and franciscans maintain strict discipline, but neglect the indians. the augustinians are in great need of inspection and reform. the jesuits lead exemplary lives, and are excellent instructors; but the indians complain that these fathers have taken from them their lands and property. benavides asks the king to redress this wrong. they also keep infidel chinese on these lands, who are corrupting the indians. the bishop demands that he shall be consulted by the governor in regard to the assignment of charges to the religious orders; and that priests shall be tried not by the audiencia, but by the ecclesiastical courts. he asks various favors for the city and its people, and that military aid be sent to the island from mexico. the cathedral needs repairs, and the episcopal residence is very small and inadequate to the archbishop's needs. the jesuits should not be allowed to have a university, nor to obtain the funds which were given by the old soldiers in order to make restitution to the conquered indians. the audiencia of manila make a report (july 2, 1603) of various matters and events. two new auditors have arrived at manila, and morga is transferred to mexico. they recount the dangers and the safe return of the ship "rosario" from japan; and the losses incurred by fire at manila, half of the city being destroyed. they note various matters about which they have received the royal commands, the most important of these referring to the personal services rendered by the indians--which, the audiencia state, are exacted only when necessary, and then paid for at fair rates. two days later (july 4) the fiscal advises the king that it would be well to make the archbishop of manila the president of the audiencia--a request which is ignored by the government. acuña notifies the king (july 20, 1603) of the failure of the portuguese expedition against maluco, and urges that the king take prompt measures to conquer that fort. on november 29, 1603, the king sends instructions to acuña to deport the chinese residing in the islands, and to restrict the immigration of others, until no more than three thousand are left--these to be only such workmen as are needed for the service of the country. as a result of various restrictions imposed upon them, the chinese revolt (october 9) and attack manila; but the spaniards subdue them after several sharp engagements, many of the chinese being slain, and the ringleaders are executed. one of the jesuits in manila, gregorio lopez, writes to the king (december 10, 1603) to ask for reënforcements to be sent to the islands, in order that the mindanao pirates may be driven back; they are raiding the visayan islands, and endangering the existence of the christian communities formed there by the jesuit missionaries. a letter from the cabildo of the cathedral (december 11) informs the king of the revolt of the chinese, and the subsequent conflagration in manila. the dominican provincial complains (december 15) that the colony is going to destruction because the royal decrees have not been observed, especially those restricting chinese immigration, and calls for a rigorous investigation of the conduct of the colonial authorities--to be made preferably by an ecclesiastic. bishop benavides writes, at the same time, a brief letter to the king, similar in tenor to that of the provincial. with his commendation of fray diego de guevara to the king go other credentials for that envoy. letters relating the events of the chinese insurrection are sent to spain by the governor and the audiencia (december 12 and 18, 1603). the fortifications of manila are being pushed forward, and an envoy has been sent to china to explain the recent revolt and its punishment. acuña has also endeavored to procure military supplies from that country to supply the present deficiency; he dreads lest the trade with china may be cut off, which would ruin the philippine colony. acuña has enlisted several military companies among the indians, who have done good service in quelling the sangley insurrection. he recounts his difficulties in equipping a small fleet for the defense of the islands. the mindanao pirates have again raided the islands; but the chinese insurrection made it necessary to recall the troops who had been sent to check the pirates. acuña relates the chief events of the past year in the mindanao campaign, and the present state of affairs there. he complains of the lack of funds, and entreats that money be promptly sent from nueva españa. a postscript to this letter, dated december 23, asks that the conduct of the royal officials at manila be investigated, as they had illegally allowed so many chinese to take up residence there. the chronological order of our narrative is here interrupted to survey the course of the jesuit missions as related by pedro chirino in his _relacion de las islas filipinas_. after a brief prefatory note, he begins by describing the location of the islands and their discovery and settlement by spaniards. the finding of the santo niño in cebú in 1565 is related at length, with an account of the miracles and the veneration connected with it; and the patron saints invoked by the spaniards are enumerated. among these is especially prominent st. potenciana, chosen as their patron and protector against hurricanes. chirino briefly describes the dress, customs, and character of the natives, and the game, fish, and fruits which serve them as food; and, at some length, the wonderful bamboo plant. he enumerates the imports into the philippines from surrounding countries, and the occupations of the people therein who come to the islands; and praises the wealth and comfort of that region. chirino then mentions the coming to the islands of the various religious orders, especially recounting the labors and privations of his own order, the jesuits, and the beginning of their settlement at manila. five priests, with one lay brother, are the founders of that work; suarez dies from overwork, sanchez goes back to europe, and sedeño conducts the affairs of the mission--laboring for the good of the colony in all matters, both spiritual and secular. the jesuits exert considerable influence over the chinese and japanese who come to manila. in chapter vi are enumerated the names of the larger islands in the filipinas, and their extent is compared with that of spain. chirino next defines the bishoprics and religious provinces in the islands--inserting in this account a description of the process of tattooing; and proceeds to relate how the jesuits extended their labors to the indian villages outside of manila. in the district of balayan, they have baptized some seven thousand natives within ten years. the village of taitai is removed, by chirino's influence and the superstitious fears of the natives, to a more secure and healthful site. he describes the customs of the natives in bathing, which is a universal and frequent practice among them. on the shore of the lagoon of bai are hot springs, which have already become a noted health resort. various trees native to the islands are described at length, as well as the chinese method of reducing a large tree to a dwarf pot-plant. interesting particulars are given regarding the bisayans and negritos who inhabit panay, and of a petty war between those peoples. the jesuits have done excellent missionary work there, in the district of tigbauan; some particulars of this are related. one of their number, martin henriquez, dies from overwork, and chirino is ordered to return to manila. in june, 1595, eight more jesuits come with morga; and the missions of the order are now extended into cebú, leyte, and samar. a chapter is devoted to the pious labors and death of father antonio sedeño. in 1596 a large reënforcement of jesuits arrives at the islands, headed by francisco de vera; and the work of the order there receives new impetus. the missionaries in all the religious orders are able to master the native languages with so little difficulty that "it seems a gift from heaven." chirino gives some account of these, illustrated with specimens of three--tagalan, harayan, and visayan--with the alphabet used by the filipinos. he also praises the politeness, in word and act, of the tagalos, and gives them credit for much musical ability. a chapter is assigned to the native alphabet and mode of writing. all, women as well as men, write and read; and they have already learned to do so in the spanish language as well as in their own. chirino relates the progress of the jesuit mission during the year 1596-97. the curriculum of the manila college is enlarged, and its church (which is described in detail) is completed. a minute account is given of a nine days' fiesta in honor of the relics of saints which are deposited in the church. at this time is begun the practice of self-scourging as a voluntary penance. the jesuit church is frequented by the indians in great numbers, not only on special occasions, but throughout the year: and they display the utmost devotion, even forming among themselves a confraternity in honor of the relics. their piety shows practical results, especially in the modesty and virtue of their women, qualities which the heathen neither value nor desire; chirino narrates some instances of triumphant virtue. an account is given of the foundation and progress of the girls' seminary of santa potenciana: and of the various ministrations of the jesuits in the hospitals and elsewhere in manila. the writer relates the methods of conducting the mission of taytay, and events there during the year 1597. three fine churches are erected, and the missionaries gain the good-will not only of those indians, but even of the savages in the mountains; the taming and conversion of one of these, the fiercest of his tribe, is narrated. after him, entire villages come to live near the mission, the father in charge helping them to establish their homes there; he even converts all the heathen priests of one tribe. not only the tagalos but the negrillos resort to the mission, and many are converted. chirino laments the idolatries and superstitions which still linger among even the more civilized natives; and proceeds to recount their religious and superstitious beliefs. all their religion is based on tradition and custom, and is handed down in songs. their beliefs regarding gods, demons, etc., are mentioned; chirino reduces most of these to their adoration of their ancestors, in whose honor they worship various images. they also worship animals, birds, and other natural objects; and have many superstitions. chirino demolishes the little buildings dedicated to the anitos. among those people their priests are also their physicians, or "medicine-men;" and in both rôles they deceive the credulous and ignorant votaries of superstition. the mode of offering sacrifices is described. in the mission village at taytay, certain idolatrous rites have been secretly practiced, under the influence of the heathen priestesses; but this is revealed by the faithful among the natives to the missionaries, who promptly eradicate the evil and demolish the idols. all the heathen priestesses are converted, and now lead exemplary christian lives. chirino remains alone in cebú after sedeño's death (1595). he not only maintains the usual services in the jesuit church there, but undertakes to instruct the chinese, whose language he soon learns sufficiently for that purpose. he works in great harmony with the augustinians of the city, who aid him in times of need; and with those of other orders who sometimes come to cebú. in september, 1596, some of the recently-arrived jesuits are assigned to that city, and great activity ensues in their mission, including a school for children. the jesuits extend their labors to leyte, which island is described by chirino; he praises the hospitality and fraternal feeling which prevail among its people. five mission stations are established there, and many conversions are secured. a sketch of the mission labors for 1597 in each of these posts is given--dulac, carigara, paloc, alangalang, and ogmuc. in dulac a church is erected, and a school opened, and many are converted. the station at caligara is also flourishing, and especial mention is made of two remarkable conversions there, one of a boy five years old. at paloc the fathers encounter some dislike, apparently inspired by the heathen priests; but this is soon replaced by affection and religious ardor. some miraculous cures occur here. at alangalang, cosmo de flores forms a large mission village from many scattered hamlets; but dies soon after its foundation. the fathers are welcomed in ogmuc, and a school for the children is at once begun; they are delighted at the cleverness and docility of these little ones. many of those people are converted, including several chiefs. here chirino again digresses to an account of "marriages, dowries and divorces among the filipinos." he "had lived in the filipinas almost ten years" before he knew that some of the natives practiced polygamy, which was not a custom in manila, panay, and other islands where the spaniards had long dwelt, but had some currency among the visayans. in certain parts of mindanao, the woman has two husbands; but monogamy is the prevailing custom of the archipelago. the first degree of consanguinity is the only one which bars marriage. various betrothal and marriage ceremonies are described, and their usage regarding dowries and divorces. chirino thinks that polygamy in those islands has been derived from the "cursed doctrine" of mahomet. he next relates the entrance of the jesuit missionaries into the island of ibabao (now samar); they find the people well disposed toward the christian faith, and soon have churches and schools established. on one occasion, all the people of the island of maripipi come to the fathers for baptism, and receive it, as they show themselves well prepared for it. a mission is begun at catubig, in the eastern part of samar; but for lack of workers it has not been maintained. another mission has been established in bohol, where their efforts are greatly aided by the prevalence of monogamy among the people, who suddenly abandon their idols and drunken feasts. chirino here describes the funeral and mortuary customs generally prevalent in the islands. the natives practice a sort of embalming of the dead. the dead person is usually buried in the lower part of his own house; and the funeral is succeeded by feasting and carousing--the immediate relatives, however, fasting. at the death of a chief, a curious taboo is placed upon the entire village, silence being imposed upon all, under penalty of death. if a man be slain by violence, his death is avenged by his relatives, the innocent as well as the guilty being slain by them. chirino draws curious parallels to all these customs from the history of various nations, as recorded by both sacred and profane writers. he devotes a chapter to the description of "feasting and intoxication among the filipinos." they eat little and drink much; but, even when intoxicated, they do not become frenzied or incapable. the labors of jesuit missionaries in the island of bohol are further recounted. they find the people unusually well disposed toward the christian religion, and very earnest and devout; all their idolatrous and immoral practices are soon abandoned, lest they displease the missionaries. many are converted, and in an epidemic the lives of these christians are preserved by their using holy water as a medicine. chirino gives some description of the island of mindanao and its characteristics. he praises the bravery of its people, of which he relates some instances. the jesuits ledesma and martínez open a mission in the southern part of the island, and soon obtain many conversions, including those of several chiefs; the circumstances of some of these are narrated. juan del campo and a lay brother accompany figueroa on his expedition to the rio grande of mindanao, where the governor is slain; soon after, the priest dies, of whose life and virtues chirino gives a brief sketch. the thanks of the editors, for useful information, loan of books, and other valued favors, are extended to the following persons: edward e. ayer, chicago; rev. e.i. devitt, s.j., georgetown college, washington, d.c.; james h. canfield, librarian of columbia university, new york; asa c. tilton, school of history, university of wisconsin; herbert e. bolton, department of history, university of texas; william beer, librarian of howard memorial library, new orleans; roland g. usher, boston; james a. leroy, u.s. consul, durango, mexico; david p. barrows, superintendent of public instruction, manila; t.h. pardo de tavera, member of u.s. philippine commission, manila; rev. a. coleman, o.p., and arthur s. riggs, manila; rev. anthony huonder, s.j., editor of _katholischer missionen_, luxemburg; rev. francesco ehrle, s.j., prefect, and mons. mariano ugolini, of vatican library, rome; mons. wenzel, vatican archives; rev. alphonse giroux, s.s., colegium canadense, rome; rev. antonio ceriani, prefect of the biblioteca ambrosiana, milan; paul lemosof, société de géographie, paris; antonio graiño y martinez, madrid; josé maria de valdenebro, university of sevilla; josé gonzalez verger, archivo general de indias, sevilla; c.j. zulueta, collecting librarian for the government of the philippine islands, now at sevilla. also to officials of the following libraries: british museum, london; bibliothèque nationale, paris; biblioteca vittorio emanuele, rome; école de ste. genevieve, paris. favors have also been received from many of the persons to whom acknowledgment was tendered in _vol_. i of this series. _the editors_ february, 1904. documents of 1601-1602 expedition to the malucas islands. arias de saldanha, and others; 1601-02. principal points in regard to the trade of the filipinas. alonso fernandez de castro; [undated; 1602?]. various documents relating to commerce. fray martin ignacio de loyola, and others; [_ca._ 1602]. letter to felipe iii. antonio de morga; december 1, 1602. _source_: all these documents are obtained from the archivo general de indias--from mss., except the second, which is a rare printed pamphlet. _translations_: the first document is translated by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the second, by josé m. and clara m. asensio, and emma helen blair; the third, by james a. robertson; the fourth, by norman f. hall, of harvard university. expedition to the malucas islands letter from the viceroy of india to the governor of the philipinas in addition to the necessary occasion for the service of his majesty which has arisen, i have desired an opportunity for your lordship's service since, by command of his majesty, i assumed the governorship of this state. [1] my chief instruction was to put an end to the navigation of the hollanders in all these regions of the south, their commerce being injurious to the service of god and of his majesty, and to his majesty's vassals. as this was the most important thing, i did not fail to undertake it, as soon as i took possession of this state, although i lacked all kinds of needful supplies. but, putting god before me, that i might with his aid prosecute this great enterprise, and fixing my mind on its great importance, i ordered an armed fleet to be prepared--the most powerful one that has departed from this state to any other region; and i appointed as its commander andres hurtado de mendoça, on account of whose christian character and good fortune i hope god will give him success in carrying out his majesty's intentions. he took six galleons, five galliots, and one galley, with thirteen hundred combatants, and two thousand non-combatants for service. of this it seemed proper to advise your lordship, so that if the commander should be in need of any assistance you may give orders to provide it at his request--in order that his majesty's purpose may be more thoroughly accomplished, and that the great sum expended for this fleet may not be lost. i feel assured that there will be no failure on your lordship's part; on the contrary, i look forward without question to the entire success of the undertaking, with your assistance and favor. i trust that his majesty will regard himself as having received better service from what your lordship may do in this matter than by the much that i have done in this state; and in behalf of his majesty's service i am under obligations to your lordship. our lord guard, etc. (written on may 5, 1601; received october 1, 1602.) decision of a council of war at manila to send aid to the maluco fleet at manila, on the first day of september, one thousand six hundred and two, there were present at the royal buildings in the said city don pedro de acuña, knight of the order of san juan, commander of salamanca, and president, governor, and captain-general of these islands; doctor antonio de morga and the licentiate tellez de almacan, auditors of the said audiencia; the commandant of the camp, agustin de arzeo; don juan ronquillo, commander of the galleys; the sargento-mayor, captain christoval azcueta; captain juan de bustamante, adjutant; the quartermaster, francisco de las misas; the treasurer, ventura de santillana; don bernardo de sande, warden of the fort at the point; captain gomez de machuca, captain francisco de mercado, captain gaspar perez, and captain esteuan de prado. the said president announced and declared that by letters received from the portuguese viceroy of yndia and from andres hurtado de mendoça, and by the report of captain antonio de brito fogaca, and of father andres pereyra of the society of jesus, who brought the letters, he had been informed that the said andres hurtado had come by order of his majesty to get control of the malucas islands, which the kings thereof had usurped, and of other islands after the hollanders had gained possession of them. for this purpose he had already proceeded with a large fleet to amboyno, where the said andres hurtado had already subdued that island and placed it under obedience to his majesty. thence he had despatched the aforesaid persons to report to the said royal audiencia and his lordship how he had proceeded; and in what need the fleet was of provisions, ammunition, and other supplies. he begged with great urgency that they would provide and aid him with the same, as appeared from the said letters, which were read before the said assembly. accordingly the president requested them, after considering the matter and its nature, together with its great importance, to state their opinions upon the proper course to pursue under the circumstances. _don pedro de acuña_ before me: _antonio de ordas_ immediately and directly the said commandant of the camp, commander of the galleys, and other captains, after discussing and conferring upon the aforesaid, declared unanimously that their opinion was in favor of assisting the said andres hurtado de mendoça with two hundred men, which was the number asked for by word of mouth by the said captain antonio vrito fogaca. they agreed to this, notwithstanding that for this year the expedition to the river of mindanao, already agreed upon, must be given up; because after considering the importance of reënforcing the naval expedition, and its usefulness in facilitating the said attack on mindanao and causing apprehension in other islands, they regarded the aid of the said fleet as the more important enterprise for the present. they also decided to send as much assistance in the way of provisions and ammunition as was possible, and as his lordship should direct; and to despatch everything as promptly as the weather would permit, considering that terrenate is the principal point for the security of these islands, and the place where have originated the mischiefs done by the mindanaos and joloans. to this they affixed their signatures. assistance sent by the governor of the filipinas to the maluco fleet sent out from yndia memorandum of provisions and ammunition which by order of señor don pedro de acuña, knight of the order of san juan, commander of salamanca, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia which sits therein, were sent by the official judges of the royal exchequer to the islands of maluco, in aid of the fleet sent out by the lord viceroy of india, under commander andres hurtado de mendoça: _rice_. five thousand fanegas of clean rice, a little more or less, at three reals a fanega--the price at which it is received in tribute, although at present the market price here is a peso and a half a fanega. total: one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five pesos. _meat_. three hundred young beeves, at six pesos each, including salt and earthen jars. total: one thousand eight hundred pesos. _wine_. two hundred jars of wine, at ten reals apiece, including the jars. total: two hundred and fifty pesos. _nails_. eight hundred quintals of nails and spikes, at seven pesos a quintal. total: five hundred and sixty pesos. _gunpowder_. forty quintals of gunpowder, at two reals and a half a libra--the price at which it is given to the infantry because of the small pay they receive, although it costs his majesty more than four reals a libra. total: one thousand two hundred and fifty pesos. _cloth_. three hundred pieces of cloth from ylocos at four reals and a half. total: one hundred and sixty-eight pesos, and four tomins. _idem_. seven hundred varas of castilian sail-cloth at six reals a vara. total: five hundred and twenty-five pesos. _needles_. a hundred sail-needles, at a real: twelve pesos and four tomins. _thread_. three quintals of cotton thread, at eighteen pesos a quintal: fifty-four pesos. _oil_. thirty jars of oil for galagala, [2] at a peso and a half: forty-five pesos. _infantry_. two hundred private soldiers, one hundred and sixty-five being arquebusiers, at six pesos a month; and thirty-five musketeers at eight pesos; their pay for eight months comes to ten thousand one hundred and sixty pesos. the pay of the commandant and two captains, with their officers, for the said eight months comes to two thousand pesos. _seamen_. twenty-two seamen to go with the ships carrying the reënforcements receive a hundred and fifty pesos a year, and rations. total for the said eight months: two thousand two hundred pesos. a pilot, whose pay, at six hundred pesos a year, amounts for eight months to four hundred pesos. a master, whose pay, at three hundred pesos a year, amounts for eight months to two hundred pesos. three gunners in the ship "santa potenciana," at two hundred pesos a year, and rations; for eight months, four hundred and fifty pesos. twenty indian deck-hands, at two pesos a month. total: three hundred and twenty pesos. grand total: twenty-two thousand two hundred and seventy pesos. _francisco de las missas_ _jhoan de bustamante_ _ventura de st. tillen_ official statement in regard to the re-enforcement at maluco (_to be sent to his majesty_) in the city of manila, on the second of october, one thousand six hundred and two, don pedro de acuña, knight of the order of san juan, commander of salamanca, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia and chancillería which sits therein, made the following declaration. a month ago, or thereabouts, he received news and information from señor andrés hurtado de mendoça that he was in the fortress of ambona with a force which he had brought from the city of goa to conquer and seize the kingdom of terrenate, and that to complete the enterprise he was in great need of assistance from these islands in men, provisions, and other things. he accordingly requested such assistance, and to this end had sent father andres pereira of the society of jesus and captain antonio de brito fogassa, as appears from the letters and advices in their possession, to which reference is made. his lordship, the auditors and fiscal of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these said islands, and the officers of the royal exchequer--to whom by one of the ordinances of the said royal audiencia had been committed by his majesty the provision for such cases without waiting to consult his majesty personally--considered the importance, advantage, and benefit to our lord the king, and the profit to these islands in the peace that they would enjoy if this project were carried into execution and the desired assistance were sent. with the unanimous approval of the members of the council of war he had commanded that the ship "santa potenciana," which is one of his majesty's vessels, be immediately fitted out and provided with everything requisite, with a view to sending in it and in some other smaller vessels what has been prepared. at present the said ship is ready to sail to the island of panay and the province of pintados to receive the provisions, the troops, and the other supplies to be sent on the said expedition. likewise, at the request and desire of the said father pereira and captain brito, he has given them a pilot, vicente dias, a portuguese, to go in the said ship--one of the best pilots now in this city. since everything is ready, the season far advanced, and promptitude is important, he ordered and does order that notification of the whole matter be given to the said andres pereyra and captain antonio de brito fogassa, as persons who came for the said assistance and are to return with it. his lordship now has the said ship "santa potenciana" ready and fitted out with all things necessary to the voyage, and they are immediately or at a proper time to embark in her to go to the island of panay, in the province of pintados, where his lordship is going in person to hasten and direct in the best manner the said assistance; and to give and deliver to them the infantry, provisions, and other supplies which they were to take for that purpose. and since they are provided with everything necessary, let them attend to and carry out the undertaking accordingly. the supplies are not deficient; on the contrary, he has provided them, and he demands that if by a failure to carry out the enterprise, or by not departing in season with the said ship, the said assistance does not attain the desired end, or some loss occurs, or any other evil result follows, it shall be charged to their account and be at their responsibility, and not at that of his lordship. for he on his part has complied with everything asked from him, by word of mouth or in writing, by the said señor andres hurtado de mendoca; and has done it with the good-will and care requisite in a matter of so great importance and consequence, and of so great service to the royal person of the king our lord, and the advantage and peace of this kingdom. thus i order, direct, and attest. let an official copv of this declaration and the answer thereto be made, that for all time the zeal with which i have attended to the affairs of the royal service may be made plain. _don pedro de acuña_ before me: _francisco sarmiento_ _notification_ in the city of manila, on the third of october of the said year, i, clerk of the government, read the above official act, communicated it word by word, and gave notice of it to father andres pereyra of the society of jesus and to captain antonio de brito in person. when they had heard the contents thereof they declared that they were ready to undertake the direction and completion of the enterprise, and that in execution thereof they would go on the following day, or the second day at latest, and embark in the said vessel at the port of cauite for the island of panay, as they were directed. this they gave as their answer. as witnesses there affixed their signatures: father diego sanchez, of the society of jesus; general don juan ronquillo; and the sargento-mayor captain christoual de azqueta. _andré pereyra antonio de brito fogassa francisco sarmiento_ i, francisco sarmiento, clerk of the government of these philipinas islands for the king our lord, was present at that of which i make mention above, and caused this copy to be made of the said official act which was in the archives of my said office, with the notification to them of the request made by señor don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of these said islands. this is a corrected, exact, and faithful copy. witnesses of the correction and accuracy are: geronimo suarez and juan de aldabe, citizens of this city of manila. made therein, on the seventh of october, one thousand six hundred and two. interlineations: _nao, el, vala_. in testimony of the truth, i have affixed my seal. _francisco sarmiento_ gratis. letter of pedro de acuna to felipe iii sire: by the ships that left these islands this year for nueva hespaña i wrote for your majesty, in duplicate, an account of my voyage and arrival here, and of the other events which have happened to me; and as a ship was about to depart for malaca i was unwilling to let slip the opportunity to write these lines and to send them in it by way of yndia, that your majesty might be informed of what other events have taken place and have come under my notice. in my previous letters i gave your majesty a detailed account of the state of affairs in mindanao and jolo, and sent a report of the retreat to pintados of captain juan xuarez gallinato with your majesty's force that was at dapitan. the reason of this retreat was the information received that the enemy were preparing a great fleet to attack pintados, which rendered it desirable to place the force at a point whence it could better be transported to the region where it might be needed. the result showed the importance of the retreat; for the enemy, being informed of it, dared not go to the said islands of pintados, but advanced with a squadron of ships against cuyo and the neighboring islands, distant from pintados, where they pillaged everything and killed and took captive more than seven hundred persons. [3] this is misery enough; and, as i wrote your majesty, this unfortunate condition of affairs _cannot be remedied except by arming galleys [underlined in original]_ or large galliots, with which it will be possible to hasten from island to island. in many regions the mere knowledge of their existence will be sufficient to put a bridle on the audacity of these barbarians; and with them it will be possible to hunt out the enemy at home. with garrisons no beneficial results can be expected, in view of the great number of the islands; if we put soldiers wherever they are needed, the whole force of these provinces would not suffice--no, nor many more. even if we had the troops, the cost would be enormous and the gain nothing; for the moros come by sea, seize their booty, and take flight, without waiting to come to close quarters, understanding well how to accomplish their purposes and desires. since it is impossible to get to close quarters with them, i am making all possible haste to build the galleys. for two i have the wood already cut, and for two others the wood will be cut next month. i am making plans to provide them with a complement of rowers; and i believe i shall be able to put them into such order that we can live with much more quiet than hitherto. [_in the margin_: "for the council of war--there is no answer;" _and, lower down_: "again no answer."] [4] it was agreed at a council of war that the fleet under captain gallinato should be prepared and put in order, to go on the expedition for the occupation of mindanao. it seemed that this was the best means of putting an end to the great harm done by the inhabitants of that island and of jolo and terrenate, and their confederates, to your majesty's vassals. while the orders in regard to the preparations necessary to that end were being given, two letters arrived, one from the viceroy of yndia, and the other from commander andres hurtado de mendoca. copies will be enclosed, from which your majesty will understand the condition of the fleet made up in yndia for maluco, and its need of aid. your majesty will also learn from the report of captain antonio brito fogaça and of father andres pereyra of the society of jesus, who brought the letters, that although the fleet to which the viceroy refers in his letter set sail from yndia, it put into harbor in distress and part of it was lost, as is made plain from a statement by the said captain brito, of which a copy is also enclosed. a great reduction of the strength of the fleet must of course have resulted; and we considered the importance of the undertaking and the great service that would be done by it to our lord god, and which your majesty would receive from its success, since the king of terrenate is the principal defender in these regions, of the accursed sect of mahoma. we considered these things and were moved by the disturbances to which your majesty's vassals are subjected by the necessity of preparing a defense against the enemies of our true law--especially against the english and the dutch, with whom the moros make regular treaties and alliances, not only for the commercial advantages thus obtained, but for their favor and assistance against us. we also took into consideration your majesty's commands and decrees to the effect that when occasion should arise we should give aid and succor to the vassals of your majesty in the states of yndia, _as appears from the royal decree_ [5] [_underlined in original_] of which also a copy is enclosed. the whole matter was considered and discussed in two councils of war, held with the audiencia, the master-of-camp, and the captains; and it was agreed that for the present the expedition to mindanao and the occupation of that island should be given up, together with all the preparations made or about to be made therefor; and that aid should be sent to the said fleet, as the more important matter, in the manner laid down in the formal votes of the councils of war, _copies whereof are enclosed [underlined in original]_, together with a memorandum of the forces sent. i have had a ship of your majesty's made ready, that there may be no lack of what is requisite. in it may be transported the soldiery, the provisions, and the rest; and assistance will be given by the other vessels, which will supply what is not taken in the ship. it has already been despatched to the town of areualo, since on that island (namely, panay) are to be collected and prepared the greater part of the said supplies. since the expedition seemed to me of the importance that i have ascribed to it, i was unwilling to entrust the despatch of this reënforcement to anyone but myself; and to attend to it with the greatest care, promptitude, and haste, i depart today for the said town of areualo, which is ninety leagues from this town of manila. while there, i shall give all my energy to the matter, that not an hour of time may be lost. the result that can and should follow is in god's hands. should it be the contrary of what we desire, life in this archipelago will be attended with many hardships. when the expedition is despatched, i shall visit the fort in octon, which is the one at areualo, and thence i shall proceed to cebu; and in both places i shall give the necessary directions for their security. since those places are the two capitals of pintados, from which the indians of these provinces receive aid and protection, it is essential that those positions should be properly prepared and garrisoned. [_in the margin_: "let a copy of this section and of the summary sent be transmitted to his majesty, and let him be informed of the diligence displayed, in order that his majesty may know of the sending of the reënforcements, and of the friendly relations between the portuguese and the castilians in the filipinas."] from the very day on which captain brito arrived, which was the seventh of last september, he began to give orders for the despatch of his fleet. since the weather has been unfavorable to navigation to maluco, he has not been able hitherto to depart. now that the bendavales [_i.e._, southwest winds] are moderating, and all is quiet, and so favorable that unless there is a monsoon, as the portuguese call it, nothing is lacking, it seemed best to me to make all possible haste with them, as your majesty will learn by the report which i send; so that, if there be any delay, it may be known that it has not been by my fault. i wished to make this statement to your majesty, so that you might give orders to be informed in the matter because of what may happen in terrenate. in my opinion the coming of a fleet from yndia to maluco incurs the difficulties of which i wrote to your majesty from mexico. the voyage is long and dangerous for galleys and galliots; and the worst is, that the enemy knows that they are remaining three or four months in ambueno, waiting for favorable weather. hence i fear that evil results may follow, because the troops and other requisites for defense may be made ready in advance by the islands subject to terrenate and by the other friends of their sect. in these islands there are many veterans who have done good service. some are sick or wounded; and since there is here no occupation or support for them all, and since they are at such a distance from your majesty that they cannot come before you to ask that you will show them favor in return for their services, some suffer the extremity of want, and feel greatly discontented and discouraged at seeing themselves in such misery, without anyone to turn to for relief. hence it seems that it would be just if they were to receive rewards and gifts as your majesty commands, and as is done in españa for those who come from other regions to ask for such bounty. inasmuch as affairs of greater consequence are entrusted to me, i beg your majesty to be pleased to give me authority to aid such persons from the royal treasury of these islands, bestowing upon them annually such an amount as their service to your majesty shall have deserved. i beg also for authority to give some false musters to such as deserve them, that they may be able to live and maintain themselves. such a course, in addition to being worthy of your majesty's greatness, will have the important effect of animating the others to do good service on occasion, stimulated as they will be by the hope of reward. our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty in the happiness necessary to the good of christendom. manila, the twenty-sixth of october, 1602. _don pedro de acuña_ [_endorsed_: "manila. to his majesty; don pedro de acuña, the [twenty-sixth] of october. let it be seen if this is a duplicate, and if the original has been filed." "filed and registered within. let attention be paid to the part on which a consultation is directed." "two sections have already been epitomized, and were sent on to the council of war in valladolid, on the twenty-eighth of june, 1605."] principal points in regard to the trade of the filipinas first point _the quantity of merchandise which may be traded with; and that which, contrary to the prohibition, is brought from the western indias to the filipinas._ by decrees of his majesty, of january 11, 93, and of july 9 and 5, 95, the trade of the western indias with china and the filipinas islands is prohibited. it is only permitted therein that the citizens of the filipinas may trade with nueva españa; and that two ships, each of no more than three hundred toneladas, shall sail from nueva españa every year, in which may be sent 250,000 pesos of tepuzque [6] in coin, and which may carry back the proceeds thereof in merchandise, which, under fixed penalties, shall not exceed another 250,000 pesos--that is, in all, 500,000 pesos. notwithstanding these prohibitions, and although the same is also commanded by other decrees to be strictly observed, two million reals are usually taken out of the indias for the filipinas, according to advices from the viceroy of nueva españa, and from señor don bernardino de avellaneda. second point _to whom it is permitted to trade and traffic in the filipinas islands._ by the aforesaid decree, it is permitted solely to the citizens of the said islands, for the space of six years. this license is not to be renewed, and trade and commerce is unqualifiedly prohibited to any other person whatsoever of the western indias, under the penalty of confiscation of his merchandise. nevertheless, under cover of commissions, the citizens of both piru and nueva españa engage in trade, and they send their money in the ships going from nueva españa--some registered, and some secretly. third point _that chinese merchandise be not brought to piru._ by the same decree it is ordered that the merchandise brought to nueva españa from the filipinas be not taken to piru and tierra firme; and that the goods which had already been brought be disposed of within four years. by another decree of the same date, like commands were given; and that the merchandise brought to nueva españa be either consumed there or sent to españa. nevertheless, this merchandise is taken to piru under pretense of being that of castilla. hence arise many difficulties, and the commerce of españa with piru and tierra firme is ceasing, and merchandise from españa is not sent to piru. if this be not checked within a few years, it is agreed by all that the trade of españa in merchandise with tierra firme, piru, and nueva españa will cease. fourth point _the ships which must be used in the trade, to whom they shall belong, and what has been permitted by the viceroys._ by the decree of january 11, 93, it is permitted that for this trade two ships, each of no more than three hundred toneladas, may sail annually from nueva españa to china. they may bring in return the property which is to come, and no ships belonging to private persons shall be sent. there shall be three ships, in order that one may remain at the port of acapulco for repairs. they will sail at the expense of his majesty, and the cost will be paid by their freight-charges and the cargoes that they carry. this order was altered by the viceroy, the administration of two ships having been given to private persons in 99, for this trade, with the power of appointing the officers thereof, with salary, and license to take freight, as will be stated later under the twelfth point. fifth point _the appointment of the commanders and officers of said ships, and their number; the expenses incurred by them; and the question whether it will be expedient to reduce their salaries._ by the decree of his majesty referred to in the letter of january 11, 93, sent to gomez perez das mariñas, governor of the filipinas, permission is given to the viceroy of nueva españa to appoint the pilots and officers of the ships bound for the filipinas. complaint is now made of this, from the islands, that there is great expense to the royal exchequer, in that the viceroys, in order that there may be offices in which to place their followers, multiply those of the ships; and, although they have the right to appoint one pilot to a ship, they appoint a captain-general and many accompanying him, an admiral, and many captains of infantry, a sargento-mayor, a royal sub-lieutenant, sub-lieutenants of the companies, and a royal alguazil. all these are persons of little experience, who are going to seek their fortunes in the filipinas at his majesty's expense; and they deprive the citizens of their offices. information is given, by a letter from the fiscal of the filipinas, that but one pilot is sufficient for the ships; that the troops should be under the command of the captain or master of the ship, without increase of salary to said captain or master. thus the aforesaid officers of the troops may be dispensed with, and one gunner suffices for each piece or every two pieces of artillery. sixth point _the losses of ships which have been employed in the filipinas trade, and the cause thereof._ through news brought by the ship "santa potenciana" in the year 601, it seems that the ships "san geronimo," and "santa margarita," which sailed in the year 600, lost their masts in a storm; and the "santa margarita" drifted to the island of the ladrones, and the "san geronimo" to luzon, near catanduanes. both were driven ashore in february, 601, without being able to save themselves. this loss is attributed by some to disagreement among the officers, and by others to the late sailing of the ships, and to a lack of sailors, and (what is more nearly correct) to the general overloading of the vessels. the ship "santo tomas" was lost also on the voyage out, near the channel at catanduanes; the hulk was lost with some supplies, small wares, and two millions or more of silver, besides the 500,000 pesos which were allowed to be carried. seventh point _what property may be taken to the filipinas, and where it goes._ by the sixth point it appears that in the ship "sant tomas" alone, which was lost at the entrance of catanduanes, there were over two millions besides the 500,000 pesos allowed. this and all else which is carried is placed in the power of the infidels, who receive it as the price of the chinese merchandise; and it can therefore be returned neither to the indias nor to these kingdoms. silks, damasks, taffetas, needlework, hand-mills, cotton stuffs, earthenware, wax, nails, and other merchandise of little profit are carried to those regions, thereby depriving his majesty of his dues. eighth point _the discontent of all the islands, on account of depriving them of the profits which might be had from the purchase of this merchandise; and the lading of it which his majesty has granted, by his decrees, to the citizens of peru and nueva españa._ the citizens of the islands, except one here and there, are very poor. they wish to abandon the islands, as there are no means of gain or profit except in trade and commerce. they are deprived of this by the citizens of mexico and peru, who bring over a great quantity of money, with which they do not hesitate to purchase merchandise at excessive prices. then, in order to ship these goods, they hasten to pay high rates for the tonnage, and thus succeed in occupying the space which belongs to the citizens; and when the latter ship their merchandise it is so little that it is not sufficient for their support. on the other hand, the portuguese pass from acapulco to china with their money, and do not return to nueva españa. they either remain there, sending cargoes therefrom, or they send merchandise to portugal, by way of the ports where the portuguese trade, thus defrauding the native-born citizens of their rights. ninth point _that the royal decrees prohibiting trade with the filipinas are not observed, chiefly on account of the opinion of doctor sacedo, a citizen of mexico, that the violation of royal decrees involves the penalty thereof, but is not a mortal sin. thus the citizens of mexico may carry on commerce in the filipinas, and those of the filipinas may invest money which is sent to them, without burdening their consciences, or being obliged to make restitution._ the opinion of doctor juan de sacedo, a citizen of mexico, replying to the decree of january 11, 93, states that this decree does not show clearly, and with the explicit statement necessary, that it was his majesty's intention to bind strictly to an eternal punishment those on whom he imposes a pecuniary penalty; or that by its transgression are obligations to make restitution laid, in conscience, _ipso jure non expectata judicis sententia_, upon the people of mexico who trade with the islands, or consign their property to citizens of manila--either goods sent in exchange for the merchandise of the latter, or money which they remit to these--although both of these are prohibited. if these things are conceded, they make a profit and have the means of support. the reply thereto is incumbent upon his majesty, from whom the decree emanated. until his majesty shall make further declaration, the decree is purely a penal ordinance, and nothing more. it involves only the penalty and condemnation to which the transgressor is exposed, and does not burden the conscience with mortal sin or restitution. for that, it is necessary that there be an explicit declaration--one conforming to the most lenient interpretation, which avoids fetters on men's consciences, and constraining transgressors by only a temporary penalty, and not by restitution or eternal punishment. the religious orders of st. dominic and st. francis at manila, and the cabildo of the metropolitan church of that city, ask that this matter be adjusted. the religious assert an opinion contrary to the above, saying that a mortal sin is involved. they beg that his majesty declare his royal will, and provide a person who shall enforce obedience to the royal decrees and punish the transgressors. the cabildo of the church declares that no one in the islands will be sufficiently powerful to enforce the decrees, unless his holiness would undertake to decide what the faith teaches, regarding the authority which the mandatory as well as the penal laws possess in this matter. they request, therefore, that effective measures be taken by his holiness in declaring and deciding the catholic truth in this particular; and whether it will be a mortal sin to transgress the laws of the kingdom when that which is decreed is something very useful to the commonwealth. [7] tenth point _his majesty has granted favor to the citizens of the islands, by permitting two ships, each of three hundred toneladas, to sail annually from nueva españa to the filipinas; and they may carry therein from the filipinas such property as is to be transported. there shall be three ships, in order that one may remain in dry dock at the port of acapulco. they shall sail on his majesty's account, paying the expenses thus incurred from their own earnings._ the viceroy and don pedro de acuña, governor of the filipinas, are of the opinion that this tonnage should all be utilized, so that each ship may carry three hundred toneladas of lading, six hundred toneladas between the two ships; and these should be the toneladas of the southern sea, which are larger than those of the northern sea. there should be three ships, all alike and of the same model, each containing four hundred short toneladas of the northern sea, which amount to three hundred. the citizens of manila shall lade on each ship two hundred toneladas and no more, which consequently will amount to six hundred toneladas in all the ships, in order that the goods may be distributed to better advantage, and the ships may carry more mariners. under this arrangement the expenses are greater, as there is one ship more, as well as the increased cost of the escorts of soldiers, and the artillery for the protection of the ships. therefore the viceroy orders that henceforth in the southern sea, instead of paying thirty-two pesos on every tonelada, there shall be paid thirty-two ducados on every tonelada of stuffs coming from the filipinas. this increase will amount to 12,000 pesos, more or less, with which may be defrayed the expenses of the infantry who return as guard of the ships and property which come from the filipinas islands, thereby assuring greater safety. eleventh point _that ships be bought on his majesty's account; and those which have already been bought._ until the new ships shall be built, the viceroy has supplied the line with ships in place of those which were lost. he commanded one to be bought from the mariscal gabriel de ribera. that and the "santa potenciana" were conveyed [to the islands] by don pedro de acuña; also two ships from piru were in his convoy, moderately laden with freight. grace was granted, in the name of his majesty, for some permissions for carrying money and a quantity of freight. this was given as to private persons, but not that the ships should be navigated on their account or under their administration, or that they should exercise any more authority than that of a passenger. this did not deprive the city of manila of any of the six hundred toneladas which could be shipped, but merely utilized the surplus space of the ship, thereby doing no damage to the citizens of manila. twelfth point _that the ships of the filipinas line may be assigned by contract._ the viceroy made the experiment in the year 99, of giving two ships in trust to don fernando de castro and alonso de torres, with the privilege of appointing officers, a salary of one thousand pesos, and permission to place in the cargo twenty or twenty-five toneladas of their own goods; they were obliged to give bonds, and to keep correct accounts of the profits and expenses. if the profits should exceed the expenses, the excess should belong to his majesty; if the costs should amount to more than the profits, the trustee must supply the deficit from his own purse. the officials of his majesty at the port of acapulco oppose this plan, and say that it is very unprofitable, and to the injury of his majesty and the royal exchequer, in that the trustees attend only to their own profit. it is the universal opinion that the "santa margarita" did not come here on account of having been sent out thus in trust. thirteenth point _that a limit be placed on the merchandise brought from china._ fourteenth point _that there be trading and voyaging to eastern india._ there are also the general points, that the commerce of nueva españa with piru and tierra firme in silks and chinese merchandise be prohibited, without any discrimination of persons, as being a great damage and injury to the trade of españa and defrauding the royal dues. the licentiate _alonso fernandez de castro_ various documents relating to commerce rule 45 on the leasing of the import duties of sevilla, and likewise the ordinances made by the prior and consuls [8] of mexico in regard to this trade of the filipinas, are to be considered by the assembly discussing the trade of the filipinas, in order to decide what is best to be done. letter from fray martin ignacio de loyola _jesus_ as i could not be present, i have written out my answer in my memorial on the filipinas, and it accompanies the present letter, by which your lordship will see what i advocate. i assert that, beyond all doubt, what i here point out would be the only remedy. this morning when i went to receive your lordship's blessing, and offer my respects, it was already late; and i believe that i shall not be able to do it tomorrow. therefore i beseech your blessing in this, as one whom i hold in so great esteem, and to whom i owe so much. upon all occasions i shall advise you of my affairs and matters of importance. as from one from whom i have experienced it, i shall receive all kindness. may our lord preserve your lordship, as i desire. from san diego. your lordship's chaplain, _fray martin ynacio de loyola_ [_endorsed_: "no date."] opinion of fray martin ignacio de loyola in order that the yndias may not be ruined, they should be dependent upon and subordinate to españa, and there should be close relationship between the different parts. this subordination and relationship consists in two things: first, in what concerns the government--political, spiritual, and temporal, and therefore it is advisable that the viceroys, governors, bishops, vicars, and commissaries-general should be sent from españa. true, those who have gone from these parts and fulfil their duties properly there, should be rewarded since they have worked, and merit this favor more than those going from españa. by reason of the lack of this subordination and relationship, we know that many kingdoms which were converted to the faith returned to paganism. a good example of this is furnished in eastern yndia, where the apostle st. thomas converted innumerable souls in the kingdom of bisnaga, cuylan, cochin, and caratuete. but after the death of st. thomas, as there was no communication either with palestina or roma, in three or four generations there was not one christian. until now, for two hundred years babylonian bishops have gone there; and now there are many portuguese. the second thing essential to the relationship between the yndias and españa is that there should be commerce and trade between those kingdoms. this is extremely needful, for, if commerce should cease, then communication would cease; and, should the latter cease, within a few generations there would be no christians there. that which causes most inquiry to this commerce and communication, is the diversion of the commerce between the yndias and españa to other kingdoms, not belonging to his majesty, but heathen and pagan; such is now the case between nueva españa, peru, and the filipinas, which receive annually two million pesos of silver; all of this wealth passes into the possession of the chinese, and is not brought to españa, to the consequent loss of the royal duties, and injury to the inhabitants of the filipinas; and the greatest loss, with the lapse of time, will be that rebounding upon the yndias themselves. all the projects and prohibitions that have been devised to remedy this loss serve but to inflict still greater injury, and to cause universal ruin. as long as the viceroy of nueva españa continues to appoint the captains and officials of the vessels sailing to the filipinas, the fitting reform cannot be instituted; for, it is clear that, as such officials go from mexico, they will not hesitate to take their money and that of their friends; and even if other prohibitions may be issued, they will not cease to do so. the fitting remedy for this matter consists in having a consulate in manila, and in providing there the said officers, and in assigning to each citizen of the islands the amount of goods that he may export. by this method, a complete remedy for this evil will be provided, and the inhabitants of the islands, for their own benefit and interest, should endeavor to keep the trade themselves, and prohibit trading or sending consignments of silver from mexico or peru. the trading in, and consignments of silver to, the filipinas by the inhabitants of mexico causes great detriment to the inhabitants of the islands; for, because of the mexicans sending so much silver, the price of chinese silks and merchandise has risen, so that, while for twenty years, when only the inhabitants of the islands were permitted to trade, they were wont to gain one thousand per cent, now they do not gain one hundred, whence results much resentment in the filipinas. therefore it is most certain that, if the trade be conceded to them alone, with a just limitation, they will desire to be the only gainers; and hence will endeavor to see that no mexicans send any silver, and will execute whatever penalty his majesty imposes on the mexicans. this they will do, because clearly much advantage will accrue to the islanders thereby, by the lowering of the price of the merchandise in manila and a rise in mexico. if this reason be examined closely, my assertion will be quite clear. i maintain the same in regard to the port of buenos ayres; and what has been ordained but lately i think was by divine ordination; for hitherto, notwithstanding the prohibition that there should be no trade, ships entered and cleared, and traded between brasil and potosi, and between potosi and brasil and españa. and, although six judges were sent to enforce this prohibition, they were unable to effect a remedy, until the governor, don diego de baldes, gave permission, as he considered it an extreme necessity, and the ultimate remedy, for the citizens of buenos ayres to reap some slight portion of the profits--although he erred in this, as it was done without his majesty's permission. however, now that this license is confirmed, the matter, in so far as it touches this port, is remedied; for the amount of flour which they take cannot be of sufficient consideration to damage the commerce of tierra firme; and the citizens, as they profit thereby, will prevent anyone from trading outside of the port, and will execute the penalties imposed by his majesty on those who try to trade. i relate all the above because i think great things will result therefrom to the service of our lord and of his majesty. _fray martin ynacio de loyola_, bishop of rio de la plata. [_endorsed_: "+ memorial from the bishop of rio de la plata, in which he declares what reform should be effected in the commerce of the filipinas and mexico; and asserts that the action of the council in buenos ayres has had very good effect."] extracts of two letters from the conde de monterrey the merchants of the corporation of the city of los reyes, peru, declare that, in the commerce between that kingdom and this one of [nueva?] españa, they regard it as so necessary, that should it cease, it would mean complete destruction. on this account it must be preserved, and to this end all the means possible must be sought out. further, they declare that the merchandise brought to the kingdom of peru from china is not the cause of this decline of commerce between the yndias and españa, but the inadequate regulation of the war and merchant fleets, and the winter seasons, which are the utter ruin and destruction of the merchants. this is plainly evident, since before the wars with ynglatierra, when this matter was properly attended to, the commerce was extensive and profitable--although there was no need of so much merchandise as there is now, when the population of peru is so much larger than at that time--and the merchants not only of españa but of peru were amassing wealth. but now they are not doing so, for the reason that is here named. all is going to destruction: payments cannot be met when due; and duties are excessive, for in order to send money to españa, the shippers pay seven and one-half per cent for the galleons to guard the money, and when goods are shipped from sevilla, they pay as much as three and one-half per cent. the principal cause of this loss is the time [required to transact business]; for from the day when the money leaves callao (the port of lima) until it returns in merchandise to the same point there is an interval of at least three years, counting the winters; and before they can secure returns from the merchandise another year, or even a year and one-half, must pass, for not all the merchandise can be sold for cash. consequently this money can gain its profit only once in four years, when it could, as formerly, be thus handled twice in that time. and however great the amount of the profit, it cannot approach that of the two profits [in the four years], especially with the loss involved in the aforesaid duties for the fleets, and the new impositions of duty for the armed vessels that carry, in the south sea, the money from lima to panama--and this is in addition to the duties paid to his majesty. thus it results that the merchants of lima, who were formerly very rich and had ample credit, have become debtors; and this is the reason why the merchants of sevilla do not make the same profits as formerly. therefore there is a cry against chinese goods, as they imagine that to be the cause of their loss. this is evident likewise, because the commerce existing formerly between peru and nueva españa was very slight and now has increased greatly, and the peruvian merchants prefer to go to nueva españa to make their investments rather than to españa, because they can make the voyage to nueva españa in one year; and therefore can make many investments with their money. and although it is true that they bring chinese merchandise in their shipments from that which arrives in that kingdom of nueva españa, still the greater part of the cloth bought by them is from españa. although this costs them more, the shortness of the time is of so great importance to them that they consider it more profitable than going to españa, for the reason expressed above regarding the delay in time. thus, with suitable arrangements regarding galleons and merchant-vessels, commerce is prosperously carried on. further, they declare that the kingdom of peru has greatly increased, during the last twenty years, in its spanish population, both in spaniards born there, and in those who have gone thither from españa, so that there are at least three times as many people. all these people live very luxuriously. all wear silk, and of the most fine and costly quality. the gala dresses and clothes of the women are so many and so excessive, that in no other kingdom of the world are found such; so that if four merchant-vessels went to peru annually, all the cloth goods would be sold, as well as everything else of the cargo. because vessels go there only at long intervals, the people make use of goods from nueva españa and china. however, in the case of the chinese goods, they are worn only by the very poor, and the negroes and mulattoes (both male and female), sambahigos, [9] many indians, and half-breeds, and this in great number. the silks of china are much used also in the churches of the indians, which are thus adorned and made decent; while before, because of inability to buy the silks of españa, the churches were very bare. as long as goods come in greater abundance, the kingdom will feel less anxiety, and the cheaper will be the goods. the increase to the royal exchequer will be greater, since the import duties and customs increase in proportion to the merchandise; and this increase cannot take place, if the fleets are laid up for the winter, for by this delay the merchant-vessels cannot be despatched annually--on which, and upon their money not lying idle, depend the profits of the merchants. therefore the merchants of peru declare that commerce should be opened with china, and that they should be permitted to send one million [ducados] annually in two vessels, and that this million bring back merchandise to the same port of callao. this merchandise will yield six millions, of which ten per cent, paid to his majesty, will amount to six hundred thousand ducados. and if the license for one million is not given, it should be for one-half, the duties on which would be three hundred thousand ducados. further they declare that, if this be not conceded to them, they should be permitted to buy and carry to peru the merchandise taken from china to nueva españa. there the duties on this merchandise would be imposed, and they would pay seven per cent on them, notwithstanding that only five per cent is paid in nueva españa. paying seven per cent on the merchandise from china bought in mexico, it will be seen of what little importance the four to six millions of ducados that sevilla pays to his majesty are to the royal estate, because it does not consent that goods from china may enter peru. and i assert that, should his majesty ask me for my opinion, i would tell him that, if it is true that the chinese merchandise can in no way injure the commerce of españa, while its benefit to peru is certain--especially to the poor and common people, of whom there is a great number--and since it seems desirable, for the adornment of the churches of the indians, that there should be goods from china, my opinion would be that license should be given for only one-half million (ordering under heavy penalties that this sum be not exceeded), to be used in the following manner: four hundred thousand ducados' worth of merchandise should be brought, and one hundred thousand worth of gold bullion. the latter is likewise merchandise in china; but traders do not like to take it as it yields them no more than fifty per cent, while on the other merchandise they make five hundred per cent and upward. thus if this silver should be allowed to them, they would obtain gold, and this one-half million would yield three millions in peru from merchandise which will be worth three hundred thousand ducados in import duties to his majesty, besides the other dues imposed on the aforesaid goods. thus the customs will increase, and, as said, these five hundred thousand ducados need not to be considered, as it is thought that this amount cannot diminish the commerce with españa; for every year the merchandise of peru yields six or seven millions, and if the trading fleets and armed galleys are sent at the same time, much more money will go to españa, which on this account does not go there. these five hundred thousand ducados have, in previous years, always gone from china to peru by way of mexico; and as the merchants say truly, the winterings and increased duties and expenses of the winterings are causing the commerce to deteriorate. this is proved by the above arguments of the merchants, evidently cited from actual facts. thus, if the merchants were provided with money, and were able to dispose of their cargoes every two years, and with the proceeds thereof begin new commercial enterprises, they would not be only exhausted and ruined, but rather they would be placed in easy circumstances and the country would be relieved from its difficulties by the gains thus made. with more goods, it is evident that the royal exchequer would benefit more as aforesaid. therefore it would not be advisable to prohibit all commerce with china. and at the very least, the five hundred thousand ducados should be granted, so that the merchandise taken to mexico from china can be purchased in mexico. collecting in peru the customs on these chinese goods purchased in mexico, seven per cent would be levied thereon, which plus the five per cent paid in mexico, makes twelve per cent. the kingdom would feel greatly aggrieved if they were deprived entirely of this commerce. and if mexico continues to have trade with china, a considerable quantity of chinese goods will, however many precautions will be taken, be hidden in the mexican ships for peru; while but very little of it will be seized, and his majesty will lose almost four hundred thousand ducados, because the goods do not enter publicly. therefore it would be advisable that this license be granted perpetually, with the above limitation. + a great lack of money has made itself felt in this colony; and, after having thoroughly investigated the cause thereof, it has been ascertained that it proceeds in part from the very great sum taken out annually for china. it is also attributed in part to the issue of the money from the treasury--not that it has been less than in other years, but it has always been much more limited than it might be, and than is advisable for a commerce that is increasing in extent and value so much as is that of this kingdom. and since it would be greatly to the advantage of the treasurer to coin more money, they impute to him that, by not spending something at present, he is thus niggardly in making the necessary provision, and that by this he loses much and the state more. these two difficulties are reënforced by another--that since there have hitherto been, for various reasons, very few traders who were inclined to buy silver from private persons and send it to the mint to have it coined on their account, it has resulted that four or five men have made themselves the masters of this traffic; consequently there has been a great increase this year in the loss incurred by those who sell their silver in order to be furnished with coin. all this has been observed at the time of the vessels and trading fleet; and it is a matter of much moment, in which it has seemed best to me to inform your majesty, inasmuch as i have undertaken to institute a reform. this, please god, will be made with energy, as in breaking open a package. when the correctives usual in this region (which are mild) do not suffice, i will propose to your majesty other and more severe measures, which might be adopted by the council, and one might be of sufficient advantage to your majesty. however, it were not advisable to discuss this, but that the necessity of the public government demands it and invokes it, since only at such times can it be called just or used as an argument. i consider your majesty's permit in regard to the money going to the philipinas as liberal and beyond the excess of what is carried as contraband, which is a very large amount. it is almost impossible to put a stop to this, notwithstanding that i do not give permission, expressed or tacit, in that commerce for one real more than the amount allowed; and i have ordered vigorous investigations on this point at the time of the despatch of the vessels. but if it is easy to hide the money, there is little to fear in the penalties, although orders are given that they be executed. accordingly, in case of the cloth that can be brought to and unloaded at acapulco, i think that, as it has bulk, it can be locked up in some warehouse and examined, or (which would be more efficacious), that no limit be placed on the use of this class of goods in nueva españa, so that those persons whom the viceroy considers needy might not be restricted in wearing it. i fear greatly that in the case of the money, as it is so easy to hide, no sufficient reform can be instituted for this evil, as i see that there is no remedy in other things of like nature, either in the armed ships or the trading vessels from those kingdoms. there, however, is less damage; for this is all in money which goes to infidels and never returns, and thus militates against this country, and that [españa], and greatly weakens the commerce of both. i recently made arrangements with don pedro de acuña (as i wrote to your majesty on another occasion) for making a personal inspection at acapulco; it was decided that i should reject the money, and, because there have never been confiscations that cause fear, that some part of each one's share should be actually applied to the treasury, and that the same should be done in manila. since letters received from there state that goods are very dear because of the great quantities of money that go there, it must be that this inspection was not promptly made; and i fear that there is too much laxity there. for it would appear that those islands should grow rich with the increase of money, and that if they buy at high prices they must sell the goods here at high prices; and on this account regard and favor for that land must not give the governor and audiencia opportunity to take severe measures toward this region. i intend to use rigor at the coming of the ships this year; for this is demanded by the prevalent excesses and our actual experience of the difficulties that result therefrom. [_endorsed _: "copies of parts of letters from the conde de monterey, [10] written to his majesty, may 15, 1602."] points in the petition from the filipinas islands in regard to their commerce _first point_ that the commanders, captains, and officers of the vessels plying on the line, be inhabitants of the said islands, and not of nueva españa, so that the losses, frauds, and injuries that they cause in loading their goods, and in the transportation by the ships of enormous sums of pesos in consignment and trust, may cease. this would save for his majesty's treasury the salaries paid the officers of the vessels, and would benefit the islands. the citizens of the islands would receive such posts, when it should pertain to them, as a reward for their services, as the governors have been ordered to grant them to meritorious men. the bishops of paraguay and nueva segovia declare in information given on this matter, at the order of the council, that for its remedy and the aid of the islands, it would be very advisable to establish a consulate in manila; and that the [royal] ships, together with the vessels of the merchants, should go on its account. his majesty should be given the hulls of the ships, and the masters and officials appointed in the said islands, to whom money from mexico should not be committed, nor should it be given them in trust. the expense caused to his majesty by them would thus be saved. _second point_ that the governors be ordered not to sell tonnage in the ships plying in the line to nueva españa, no matter what expenses are incurred. the bishops assert that it is not advisable to sell any space, but that, in case of great necessity, it be done by the consulate; it would be better, however, not to sell it, for if it is sold, then there will be no freight-money for navigating the vessels. _third point_ that the viceroy of nueva españa be ordered not to give permission for any piruvian merchants to go to the islands from piru, under pretext that they are going to become citizens of the islands--because of the injuries that the islands receive therefrom; because of those merchants carrying, as they do, large sums of money belonging to themselves and others, and to companies; and because they only come to invest the same and return. on this account the prices of merchandise have risen more than fifty per cent. after investing their money, the commanders and masters, because of a money consideration, take these merchants back to nueva españa, without it being possible to institute any reform. the bishops say that it is advisable that they should not go [to the islands] unless for the purpose of becoming actual citizens, for there the difficulties referred to in this point exist. _fourth point_ that the fund for the pay of the troops be placed in the treasury on a separate account, and that the said troops be paid therefrom, and from no other account, in order to avoid the disadvantages that result, and the many offenses and injuries committed by the soldiers under stress of their necessities and the opportunities that arise. this would provide a source for what money might be necessary, not only for the equipment of ships, and provision of ammunition and other military supplies, but for the pay of the soldiers, which is now spent in other things. the bishops declare this to be inconvenient, and that the half-real which is given for the prebendaries should also be placed in the treasury on a separate account. _fifth point_ that the cabildo, magistracy, and regimiento of manila be ordered to allot annually the lading of the vessels to the citizens of manila, for much harm has resulted to the citizens from the governor allotting it--the lading being made illegally, and the governor having allotted it to many of his servants and relatives to the prejudice of the citizens and those born in this country. by this method the allotment would be honestly made without wrong to any one. the bishops say that if his majesty orders the consulate to be established in manila, in such case it would be advisable for the consuls to make the allotment; and the governor cannot feel aggrieved thereby, since the consuls must navigate the vessels with the freight-money. however, if there are no consuls, it should be determined that the cabildo make the allotment, even though the governor be aggrieved. the licentiate _alonso fernandez de castro_ various memoranda the question of limiting and restricting the trade between the philipmas and mexico has been discussed recently, and two points touching this have been determined: one, that it is not advisable for this trade to take place by way of yndia; the other that it is not expedient to prohibit all trade between pyru and nueva españa. there still remain five other points to be decided concerning this matter: (1) how many vessels shall take part in this trade. (2) how many toneladas shall be allowed. (3) what persons shall be permitted to take part in this trade. (4) whether those who go from mexico to the philippinas shall be permitted to return. (5) whether the sending of sangleys to manila be limited. _filipinas_ to lessen the coinage of pieces of four and of eight reals. [11] it should be noted that 200,000 and 400,000 ducados have been minted. to grant a portion of what is confiscated to the informer. to regulate the merchant-fleets. to increase the dues, and impose customs. the first four sections [12] refer to what is ordained in regard to this trade. the fifth declares the irregularity in the appointments of officers for this fleet. the sixth, seventh, and eighth treat of the disadvantages which result from not observing the ordinances, and of their violation. from the ninth to the thirteenth and last, are given the remedies that appear suitable for the correction of these evils. five points of the recent document look to the correction of illegal acts, and aim at securing the observance of the ordinances and the accomplishment of other things. it is noted that the ordinances permit merchandise to be sent by way of rio de la plata, which the sevilla merchants have violently opposed. the tranquillity of the indians. other remedies proposed by the conde de monterrey, who states that he will send others, showing the violations of law. this is in his letter of may 25, of this year. the conclusion was, the relationship between the said kingdoms, and the increase of trade. it is readily seen that the increase in the manufacture of wines, and in the production of grains, olives, and other foods, and the maintenance of stock-raising by means of the cultivation of grain--all aim at the same object. it should be noted whether it would be advisable to forbid the coinage of pieces of four and eight, beyond a certain number and quantity--namely, only that necessary to supply the needs there, and for what must be brought here. to make arrangements for the despatch of the fleet. to ascertain whether the bishop of yucatan was the one who had those contentions with the governor, and of whom the friars are talking. he is proposed for the bishopric of mechoacan. _remedies_ considering that the trade should be preserved, and that the officials on the ships should be inhabitants of the filipinas, and appointed there. that there be a consulate there, which should control the pancada. that the coinage of money be diminished. that the third part [of confiscated goods] go to the informer. that the duties be increased. that if peru be allowed to trade, it be to a limited amount; and that dues and customs be imposed. that the trading fleets and armed vessels act in concert. that there be a warehouse in acapulco, wherein to register the merchandise, and where violations of law may be detected; and that the same be done in manila, with goods sent there. to forbid the use of stuffs for clothing from china. letter from morga to felipe iii sire: in the ships which came this year to these islands from nueva españa, came the president, don pedro de acuña, who thereupon took up the government; and in the ships which were afterward despatched to nueva españa, account was given to your majesty of this, and of what else occurred on all sides. a few days afterward, the president supplied himself with ships, military stores, and fighting men in the provinces of pintados, in order to go against the hostile mindanaos and joloans--who, with the help of the terrenate moros of maluco, are infesting them and overrunning those islands every day, with a great deal of damage. just then word came from andrea furtado de mendoca that with a number of galleons and a fleet of your majesty's, he was descending upon the fortress of terrenate to capture it; and conformably with a letter to the president from arias de saldaña, viceroy of india, which he sent at the same time, he begged that reënforcements of vessels and some men, which he needed, might be sent him, in order that the purpose of the undertaking might be assured. recognizing the great importance of this, and considering that, if that fortress were taken, besides the great profit from the cloves, [13] these regions would be safe from so fierce an enemy as that which is harassing and overrunning it, and especially that these islands would root out those mindanaos and joloans--it seemed to him expedient and necessary that part of what had been prepared for pintados should be sent to the aforesaid fleet. in order to carry this out well, the president decided that he would go in person to the island of sibu. may fervent prayers be offered to our lord that he may give them the good fortune which is needed, in order that by it service may be rendered to him, and that of your majesty may be entirely fulfilled. of the ships which this year set out from these islands for nueva españa, the flagship and one other put in at these islands at the end of four months of stormy sailing, having lightened a quantity of merchandise and then having suffered damage to the goods, very much to the sorrow and loss of the residents of this realm. the commander of the flagship, don lope de ulloa, a relative of the conde de monterrey, and an experienced and courageous knight, thought to make repairs in xapon and from there, having made ready, to continue his voyage. so he went in search of a harbor in that kingdom, in the province of toca, near the place where, in the year 96 just past, the galleon "sant felipe" entered. the natives gave him assurances of safety and all facilities for his departure; but when he had entered a harbor there came a governor of dayfusama, with a number of fighting men--arquebusiers, musketeers, and archers. after having given the men on the ship the same promise of security, and after having had six spaniards sent to miaco with a present for dayfusama, [14] according to the custom of the country, he captured on land some religious and some other spaniards who had ventured to go out from the ship; and then made extraordinary efforts to stop the entrance of the harbor and to seize the ship with all its cargo. seeing the deceit and violence which was being committed, it became necessary for the spaniards to defend themselves, and to get out of the harbor by fighting, with loss to both sides and with great difficulty; and so, through the mercy of god, they came to these islands. when the japanese saw themselves deprived of the capture of the ship which they doubtless already thought their own, we do not know what decision they may have reached regarding those who remained on land--nor, above all, what dayfusama may have done. it appears only that all friendship with these infidels is dangerous, and that at least the religious who interfere in this, and consider it certain, allow themselves to be deceived easily by their ardent desire to enter these lands, which is caused by their zeal for the conversion [of the infidels]; and thus they facilitate certain matters, and are more confident in them than is desirable. it seemed to be necessary, considering the absence of the president from this city and the arrival of the two ships of this expedition, to give an account to your majesty of what was to be known about these matters, by way of india, in a portuguese ship which is setting out from here for goa. in this i have been influenced only by what is for the service of your majesty and in order that your majesty may be informed of what is being done in these remote regions, by every route. i beg your majesty to pardon my boldness, and i pray our lord to guard your majesty for many long years. from manila, on the first of december in the year 1602. _doctor antonio de morga_ documents of 1603 three chinese mandarins at manila. geronimo de salazar y salcedo; may 27. resignation of his office by the bishop of nueva segovia. miguel de benavides; july 4. letters to felipe iii. miguel de benavides; july 5 and 6. letters to felipe iii. pedro de acuña and others july-december. the sangley insurrection. pedro de acuña, and others; december 12-23. _source_: all these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. _translations_: these documents are translated by robert w. haight--except the second, by josé m. and clara m. asensio. three chinese mandarins at manila the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salcedo, fiscal for your majesty in the royal chancillería of the philipinas islands. in the month of february or march of each year there usually come from the kingdom of china to this city of manila thirty ships, and sometimes more, with merchandise from that kingdom. this year they were detained until the middle of may, and only fourteen ships came. in one of them were three mandarins, who are the same as those whom we call "governors." three or four days before they arrived at this city, the chief of them sent a letter to don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal audiencia thereof. a copy of the translation of this letter will be sent with this. in this they gave us to understand that oyten, a chinaman who had been in these islands, told their king that in the port of cavite there was a great hill of gold which had no owner, and that the people of that vicinity availed themselves of it to obtain a great quantity of gold. their king had sent him to learn the truth, for there had been those who contradicted this; and therefore the governor should have no apprehension, and might rest secure. on the twenty-third of may the three mandarins landed in this city, with many insignia of justice which they are accustomed to wear in china, attended by alguacils, executioners, and other officers, with wands and cords, and receiving much reverence. they had a small box in which were carried the patents of their offices. while i was on that day in the company of the governor, all three mandarins came in to visit him, and we saw them coming from a window. i told the governor that those mandarins could not be allowed to carry their insignia of justice; but he answered me that there was nothing worth notice in that. a short time after this, pedro hurtado desquivel, clerk of the court of the said royal audiencia, in behalf of the auditors thereof told the governor to take notice that he could not consent that the mandarins should bear the insignia of justice in this city. he answered in the same manner as he had replied to me. the mandarins having taken up quarters in houses which were made ready for them, i had information that they were sending thither chinese and flogging them, in form of justice, according to the chinese usage. this moved me to enter a petition in regard to it in the royal audiencia, demanding that this be stopped. i was ordered to give an information, and i did so, as fully appears by the copy thereof which accompanies this. when the governor learned of this, he was much angered at me, and complained bitterly of me--saying that this proceeding was in opposition to him; and that i should have first given him an account of what i wished to petition, which i should have done very willingly [_illegible in ms._] had i thought it of any use. but as he had seen what occurred, it appeared to me--with the report of the audiencia, and what i had before said to him in regard to the mandarins not bearing insignia of justice--that any further discussion of the subject with the governor might be dispensed with, and that it was my duty to petition as i did. the audiencia took no action, because the governor issued an act commanding that the mandarins should not administer justice, or bear their insignia of chastisement through the streets. the audiencia commanded that this act be joined with the information which i had given, and the mandarins went back to their own country. as it appeared to me well that your majesty should know of this affair--of which you will find full details in the information of which i speak--i have thought it best to give an account thereof to your majesty, so that your majesty may be pleased to command that the procedure be established in the case of mandarins coming from china to this city, and direct in what state they are to go through the streets; for the tokens of authority which those mandarins bore were excessive. i have even gone so far, in order that this may be better investigated, as to have a picture made of the style in which they went about, a copy of which will go with this, since the brief time prevents me from having another copy made. i have also had placed upon it what each figure signifies, the explanations being in the petition which i placed before the audiencia, a copy of which goes with the documents above mentioned. on the twenty-ninth of april of this year it was god's will that there should be so great a fire in this city that, within two hours, there were burned one hundred and fifty houses, among them the best of the city, and the thirty-two built of masonry, one of which was mine. [15] not having any people to help me, i could not save its contents, and only with the greatest difficulty did i save my library. the cause of the lack of people to aid in putting out the fire, and taking out from several of the houses what they could, was that the governor had ordered the gates of the cities locked so that no chinese or indians could enter--although they would have been of much use, as they have been in other fires which we have had. in the passion of my grief, for i had lost more than six thousand pesos, i said that my house had been burned through the lack of people and the order to shut the gates of the city. this coming to the ears of the governor, he became angry about this also, although he has never said anything to me about it; for the resolution which he adopted of locking the gates could only be based on the idea that the chinese should not enter, lest they might possess themselves of the city. this could have been guarded against by letting what seemed to be a safe number of chinese enter--as they never carry arms, and are a wretched and miserable people--and by then shutting the gates of the city and having soldiers to guard the sangleys who were going about on the inside; and so everything would have been provided against. these occasions of annoyance to the governor might induce him, as he is somewhat hot-tempered, to write to your majesty concerning me, seeking to discredit me--which i do not deserve, considering the desire which i have to accomplish much in the service of your majesty, whom i also beseech to be pleased to have me heard in regard to whatever is imputed to me. may god protect your majesty according to his power, with great increase of your kingdoms and seigniories. manila, in the philipinas islands, july 5, 1603. the licentiate _hieronimo de salazar y salcedo_ [_endorsed_: "manila; to his majesty, 1603. the fiscal hieronimo de salazar; july 5. examined on the second of july, 1604. no response to be given."] _copy of a letter which chanchian, the chief mandarin of the three who came to this city of manila from the kingdom of china in the month of june of the year one thousand six hundred and three, wrote in the chinese characters and tongue to don pedro de acuña, governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands for the king our lord, and his president in the royal chancillería thereof, four days before the said mandarins arrived in the said city; translated from the original of the said letter by a dominican religious._ chanchian, of the lineage of au, who governs the warriors of the province of hoquien, the envoy of the king of the realm of china, and servant of the eunuch of the lineage of cou. because tio heng, who is considered a reputable man, has gone to the king of china [16] and told him that from this kingdom there could each year be taken for the king of china a hundred thousand taes of gold and three hundred thousand taes of silver at his expense, so that his vassals should not pay tribute or be molested, the king has sent a eunuch who is called cochay to take charge of those who have said that there was gold. this tio heng with five companions say that outside of the boundaries of hayten in a place called lician there is a mountain which is called heyt coavite, one lonely mountain in the midst of the wide-spread sea; and that there is no realm to which it belongs or to which the inhabitants pay tribute. in that place is collected much gold and silver. the vassals of that mountain spend gold as freely as if it were _garbanzos_ [17] and lentils. he has seen that the vassals of that mountain of cavite dig and gather it from the earth, and in every house of cavite he saw, if it were a poor one, a _medida_ (which is three gantas), and in those of the rich a hundred gantas of this gold; and they store it up in order to trade with the sangleys who come there to trade, so that they may buy their property. and he said: "at present you have no gold within your house to spend, and you have no place whence to get it, and it would be much easier to go and get it from that said place than to ask it from your vassals. it is true that i have seen it; and now i have come to tell you this; and i do not ask that you shall give me anything for going for it, but that you should give me permission to go for it. i alone will find the people, and spend what may be necessary to go and dig it. and this year, when they have brought this gold, you can go to see the gold which the captains and merchants have brought who come each year from luzon. in two years from now i will give you twice the gold and silver that i have promised you, and with this you may be satisfied; and the kingdom and the vassals will rejoice. this affair is serious and of great importance." the king gave permission that this should be done, and the eunuch named cochay, with these mandarins, is accompanying tio heng to luzon to reach the mine of gold and see whether there is or is not such a mine, when they will go back to the king and inform him. from all provinces there came people to the king to tell him that this kingdom of luzon was as small as a cross-bow pellet; and that they have never heard that there was gold there, as tio heng says, but that he is lying. on this account the merchants of hayten did not go to seek permission, nor did they dare to go to luzon; but the judge of chiochio ordered that they should fulfil their contracts with the said tio heng, and see whether there was gold or not. this is all their business, and therefore the governor of luzon may rest secure, and without apprehension or suspicion of evil. i am quite certain that tio heng is lying, and command that they shall go immediately to learn whether there is gold or not, and order that an interpreter [_naguatato_] should go with them to see whether or not there is gold. they say that they wish to hasten their departure, and that they do not wish to stay in this land, giving occasion for complaints, and, believe me, you cannot detain us. dated the thirty-first year of the reign of landec, on the tenth of the fourth moon, which is the present month of may according to their reckoning. [at the beginning of the spanish translation are the following sentences, apparently memoranda by some clerk or interpreter:] copy of the letter which the chief chinese mandarin of the three who came to manila wrote at sea to the president, governor and captain-general of the filipinas. mandarin is the same word as governor in castilla. the viceroys of the kingdom of china are for the most part eunuchs, and to that end the king bring up a number of them in his house; it is said that there are fourteen thousand from whom he may choose. cavite is the principal port of the filipinas, and lies three leagues from manila. luzon is the name of the island on which manila is situated. _copy of the petition and information given by the fiscal of the royal audiencia of the filipinas concerning the three mandarins who came to the city of manila_. most potent lord: the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salcedo, your fiscal in the royal chancillería of the philipinas islands, will relate this as best he can. on friday, which i reckon to be the twenty-third of this present month of may, there entered into this city three infidel sangleys, who came in the last-arrived ships from the kingdom of china; and they wear the garments and caps which are usually worn in that kingdom by the great mandarins--for it is thus they call those who serve their king in some high office of justice. they say that they came by his order to see if there is a hill of gold in the port of cavite; for he has been informed that his chinese vassals who trade and traffic in these said islands bring a quantity of gold on which they do not pay him duty; and, that they may pay it, he wishes to know the truth. the said three sangleys, who claim to be mandarins, go out from their houses on their way to this city, seated in chairs upon the shoulders of four sangleys; and, attached to their persons, on each side go six of their guards armed as archers. before them walk two sangleys who bear suspended from their shoulders a porcelain case in which it is said they carry their chapas which indicate that they are mandarins, which is the same that we here call "decrees" and "royal commissions." behind them goes another sangley on a horse, who is said to be the secretary of the three mandarins. before them go in file six sangleys with staves upon their shoulders, on the ends of which are white tablets with characters of gold, which is said to be the insignia of alguacils. six other sangleys carry little banners of different colors, with characters written upon them in the chinese tongue, which are said to indicate the great authority and wide jurisdiction of the said mandarins. one sangley, who they say is a minister of justice, bears a piece of cane as thick as one's arm, lacquered in black. among these goes a sangley with two small kettle-drums and four others with canfonias and other musical instruments which they use, all of them playing. before all these people go six sangleys, two of whom carry two iron chains, which are said to be to put on those whom they are ordered to arrest; two others carry two cords tied to sticks upon their shoulders, which are said to be to tie those whom they are ordered to flog; the other two, who are called _upos_, which is the same as executioners in españa, bear two half-canes four dedos wide and a braza long, with which they flog the delinquents, whom if they wished they could kill with a few strokes. between these go two sangleys each one of whom cries out in his own language from time to time, with loud shouts; and it is said that they are calling out, "make way, for the mandarins are coming," and as soon as they come out of their houses, and until they enter them again, these cries are kept up. when the sangleys meet the mandarins, they flee from them and hide themselves; and if they cannot do this they bend their backs very low with their arms extended upon the ground, and remain in this position while the mandarins pass, which is quite in the form and manner which is customary in the said kingdom of china. sunday afternoon in front of the house of one of the said mandarins they [_ms. torn_--whipped?] an indian or mulatto in the street before the house of the said mandarin (the latter being at the window), in judicial form according to the chinese usage. yesterday, monday, they flogged a sangley in his own house; and another one they put to the hand-torture, quite according to their usage. two of those who are said to correspond to alguazils, bearing the said banners as a sign thereof (just as the long staves of justice are borne in españa), seized a christian sangley in the [_ms. illegible_] of the licentiate christoval tellez de almaçan, your auditor of the said royal audiencia, saying that they were going to take him before a mandarin, who had ordered them to seize him; but when they were outside of the house of doctor antonio de morga, an auditor of the said royal chancillería, he came to a window at hearing the noise, and stopped them. he did so because this is administering justice, and all these things are insignia thereof--whence no little scandal has arisen in this city of manila, on account of the grave offenses which have been committed here by the said persons who call themselves mandarins, and by the others whom they have with them. i give information of this so that suitable action in this matter may be decided upon and decreed, and which, if necessary, i offer my services to investigate. i beg and beseech your highness to command and decree whatever may be fitting in such a case, and that information may be given concerning this my petition, and concerning what may be decreed in regard to it, in order to inform thereby the royal person of your highness for which, etc., i demand justice. the licentiate _geronimo de salazar y salcedo_ in public session on the twenty-seventh of may in the year one thousand six hundred and three. let the investigation be immediately made, and committed to the secretary, and the results brought up for judicial action. _esquivel_ [then follows the above-mentioned investigation--depositions by various persons, corroborating the statements of the fiscal; and a decree by the governor, forbidding any chinaman to insult or molest the mandarins, and the latter to exercise any rights of justice in spanish territory.] resignation of his office by the bishop of nueva segovia in the city of manila of the philippine islands, on the fourth of july in the year one thousand six hundred and three, before me, the notary and the undersigned witnesses. the most reverend señor don fray miguel de benavides, the first bishop of nueva segobia of the said islands, member of the council of the king our lord, declared that--inasmuch as his royal majesty don philipe the third, our lord and king, had been pleased to choose him, and present him to the notice of his holiness the most holy father, the roman pontiff, as archbishop of this archbishopric of manila, and appreciating so fully the grace shown therein by his majesty, and desiring to fulfil the royal will and pleasure as a faithful vassal, and for other reasons important to the service of god and that of the said king our lord, and for the good of the souls in this land--from the present moment he did relinquish the said bishopric of nueba segobia. this he has done as soon as he can and ought, and in conformity with law, in order that his majesty may present for the said bishopric whomsoever he shall please; and he accepted, and does accept, in such form as is authorized and required by law, the archbishopric of manila; and he took, and does take when necessary, the duties and obligations thereof, and its government upon his shoulders, corporally and spiritually, in order to administer them conformably to the requirements of canonical law. and as he makes the said resignation and the said acceptance, he desires me, the present notary, to make public declaration thereof in due form, and asks that those present shall witness and sign it. the witnesses are: the father provincial of the order of st. dominic, fray juan de santo tomas; the father fray juan bautista, guardian of the said order; and the father fray pedro de san vicente, vicar of the christian chinese. _fray miguel_, bishop of nueba segovia. i, benito de mendiola, apostolic notary. by the apostolic authority of the holy office of the inquisition in this archbishopric, i was present with the other witnesses at the above notarial act, and at the end affix my signature, in testimony of the truth thereof. _benito de mendiola_, apostolic notary. we, the undersigned, do hereby certify and declare that benito de mendiola who has sealed and signed this instrument, is the notary of the holy office in this archbishopric, and exercises his office of apostolic notary for any documents which may be presented to him. therefore entire faith and credit must be given to all documents which have passed or do pass before him in or out of court. that this may be evident, we give the present; at manila, on the fourth of july in the year one thousand six hundred and three. _fernando de alanis_, public notary. _francisco de valante_, public notary. _jhoan fernandez de aparicio_, public notary. letters from benavides to felipe iii sire: i arrived in this city of manila, having accepted the favor, so signal, which your majesty has conferred upon this his most insignificant vassal and servant, by the royal decree of your majesty; this was presented to the dean and chapter of this church, who complied with it promptly, and delivered to me the government, in which i am now installed. i find this city and country in so afflicted and ruined a condition, and the minds of many of the spaniards, including the principal ones here, so anxious, and desirous of leaving this country, that it causes me much concern. i am not overcome at confronting the very great and continuous hardships which result; but, without counting those dating back to the time of don francisco tello, those of this year alone are enough to put us in great straits. even the indians have taken such courage against the spaniards, that they came from mindanao in battle array, to harry our coasts; and they have taken captive spaniards, and even two priests--to say nothing of innumerable indians, whom they seize to sell into slavery among infidels, where it is very likely that they will abandon the faith. they have destroyed villages and churches, and taken away much valuable spoil; and at one time it was only through the mercy of god that they failed to capture the governor, don pedro de acuña. other indians, called camucones, [18] a wretched people, have also brought misfortunes upon our people. there arrived this year two of the ships of those which went to nueva españa. the cloth sent in one of them came back badly wet, and ruined. on this day, the first of may, occurred in this city a conflagration--a most grievous loss, for, according to the account of those who were present, it was no ordinary fire, but burned the richest quarter of the city, and the convent of st. dominic (which was the largest here), and the royal hospital for the spaniards. it all happened in so singularly short a time that no goods or property could be gotten out of the houses; accordingly, much of the merchandise which arrived in the ships was consumed. this was especially disastrous as this poor spanish people, who were expecting some alleviation of their misfortunes through the returns from their property sent to nueva españa this year, lost even that consolation; for the ships from mexico for these islands this year were despatched thence very late, and arrived here at the time when those from here were departing. these are already very late, and are in great danger that what has happened in years past will occur again--that is, to return to port, or be lost in these seas. this is not the only evil, for very little of the money which has come belongs to the citizens of this country, whereas there is much belonging to mexicans and peruvians. it is said that not more than a hundred and fifty thousand pesos has come of the citizens' money, for all the islands, out of all the amount graciously allowed by your majesty for this country, which amounts to five hundred thousand pesos; and that all the rest belongs to peruvians or mexicans. the calamity is so great that for some of the residents of these islands their agents in mexico bought licenses at a high price, so that they might send them their own money. it is very certain that the viceroy of mexico is not to blame for these things, as he is well known to be an excellent christian; but some one or other is deceiving him, to the ruin of this community. to all these troubles of ours is added another, which causes anxiety enough. one of the chinese who came here, a chair-maker and carpenter, returned to china. he must be a man of courage and ambitious designs; for he went to the court of the king of china and, with others like himself, proposed to trouble our peace. they found a man of note, who by birth inherits from his ancestors, in the succession due the eldest son, the right to be captain of the guard of the king of china. his lineage is called liang, and his office pacu, while his own name is yameng. he must be something of a spendthrift (for he is very poor), and restless in temperament. he gave ear to the said chair-maker, named tienguen, and to his companions. the opportunity seemed to them favorable: and they decided to petition for the conquest of this country under the cloak and pretext which the situation afforded them, saying that there was a mountain here called keit and that this mountain is entirely of gold, and other things--which your majesty may examine, if you so wish, in the petition and memorial in this matter which was presented to the king of china, and a copy of which, translated into castilian, _de verbo ad verbum,_ i am sending your majesty. this keit is the port of this city, which we call cabite, the chinese calling it keit. they imagined and told a thousand lies to one word of truth, all with the intention and desire of having the king of china give them permission to get together troops and go out to sea, and once there, either to come to conquer this country, or to become pirates and rob, in china itself or wherever they could. the king of china demanded pledges that what they were seeking was real, and not a deception by which they were to become robbers and pirates; and as this liang paou is a man of such standing, he furnished three hundred or more men as surety. all the viceroys of the realms and provinces of china and their councils (who reside with the viceroys)--to the number of thirteen great realms and provinces, which they call pouchenti, beside the two powerful provinces and courts [or "circuits "] which they call kin, one called lam kin, which means "the court of the southern region," and the other pac kin, [19] which means "the court of the northern region"--all the said viceroys and councils wrote to the king, trying with many arguments and examples to persuade him that what these deceivers said was false, and that he should beware of them; all this your majesty may see, if you are so pleased, by the documents, which i send translated into castilian. but the devil, who seeks his opportunity, furnished these evil men with a king so filled with greed and so overpowered by it that he is almost mad on the subject; and his actions indicate this, for he has had men made of gold and women of silver, and has them at his feasts and gives them drink. he sent to every one of his realms one of his eunuchs, who, in order to secure gold and silver for the king, exacted great tributes from the vassals. the empire of china feels very much oppressed by this, as the chinese here tell us, without any secrecy, that they believe that there will be within two years, more or less, conspiracies and rebellion in china. as the king is such a man, and the adventurers furnished the said sureties, he was not willing either to follow the advice of the viceroys and their councils, or entirely to reject it. he commanded certain judges and mandarins to come to examine keit personally, and see whether what was said of it was true or false. accordingly, there came this year, in this month of may, three mandarins in all their majesty, to this city of manila. governor don pedro de acuña received them and treated them very courteously and very prudently, although to some persons this seemed unreasonable; and it certainly was an irregular proceeding to give them permission to go to cabite to see whether there was gold or not. they went there, and took with them the said chair-maker and carpenter tienguen, whom they brought from china for this purpose. the mandarins commanded tienguen, when they arrived at cavite, to show them where the gold was and have done with it. the man answered with good courage, in a word, and said to them, "if you choose that this be gold, gold it will be; but if you do not, it will not be gold. i tell you that you should cut off the heads of the indians of this country, and you will find their necks all covered with chains and necklaces of gold; and this is the gold that i told you of." finally the governor sent back the said mandarins, apparently satisfied; and he wrote to the viceroy, the eunuch, and the inspector of the town and kingdom to which the chinese who came here belonged. by one of these men governor don pedro de acuña wrote a very discreet letter concerning the matter. now we are waiting to see how the greed of the king of china and of his eunuch will be affected by these things, and what measures the captain of the guard and the sureties will take to right their falsehood and save their lives; for, if they are declared impostors, they will lose their lives. we hope in the lord, that he will look upon this christian community which is being founded here, and will calm the feelings of the chinese in this region; and that, if they come, they will find that the governor has the country so well prepared that either they will not go back, or will return in such a state that they will not desire to come here again. this country could be with little difficulty, if the viceroy of mexico provides sufficient aid, put in such a condition that this war need not be greatly feared. i was the first one who learned of this matter, and who protested. i informed the governor of the matter, and afterward, on st. dominic's day and on st. francis's day, i likewise explained the whole affair to the congregation, quite publicly in the pulpit, so that the truth might be known--as well as the importance in which i held this, being a man who knows the language of these chinese, and is acquainted with many of their affairs and customs in china, having spent many months there. i also did this that the affair might be taken up prudently and carefully, as there might be counselors to advise ill in the matter, not understanding it. with this affair, and its many misfortunes, this country is much troubled; and there is great need of aid on the part of your majesty. likewise, of late years, there have not been wanting omens and warnings in this country. a notable warning that they tell of, is two stars that fought with one another, going backward and then returning to the encounter--a thing which seems supernatural; finally, one of them moved toward manila, and the other one toward china. i do not count these things for much; but this thing is of much importance, namely, a sadness and depression on the part of the spaniards, which is so great that discreet and christian people have remarked it. what makes me fear much, sire, is not what i have told of, but what i shall now tell your majesty--although i know that your majesty will say that i am unreasonable, and will feel much aggrieved that i am so intrusive. the first matter is the continual sodomy which the chinese practice in these islands to so great an extent, and communicate to the indians--which is the worse, for the indians were formerly most clean in this matter, so far as can be learned. god will consume us all with fire some day, or in some other way destroy us, since we, a christian people, are tolerating and supporting in our own country a people so given to this vice. each year one of the auditors takes in charge the expulsion of the chinese, and this comes to no purpose except that such auditor gives a living or enrichment to some friend or relative of his; since for every license that they give for remaining here they take, besides the tribute for your majesty, two reals from each chinaman; this is a large tribute, as there are always eight or ten thousand of them. this is without counting the additional payments which, if the auditor or the person he appoints wishes to open his hand to receive, will amount to a great deal. while i am writing this, i am in receipt of a note from the commissary of the holy office, in connection with this matter, which, as it is so much to the purpose, i will give here in full. it is as follows: "jesus be with your lordship. several sangleys tried to persuade me to procure for them licenses to remain in the country, but i would not consider the matter. a few days later they came with the licenses, and told me that each one had cost them twenty reals, amounting to five tostons. if this goes on in this way, what they tell me of past years appears probable--namely, that the licenses cost seventy thousand pesos, since there was more fraud. may our lord protect your lordship." these are the words of the said commissary. [_in the margin_: "so great an excess seems to be an exaggeration, and it did not occur at a time when the auditors could attend to this."] these two reals from each chinaman for the license, each year, ought to be expended to pay the salary of the man appointed by the auditor, and for other matters. these chinese are never effectually driven out, nor is their number diminished, and i fear that these chinese will not be driven out until god, for the sins against nature which we permit in this country, has destroyed us; for it is our greed which maintains them. the jesuits [20] alone, have on their cultivated lands about two hundred and fifty chinese, each of whom is worth and pays to them each month four reals and a fowl (which is worth four more), and each friday a certain number of hen's eggs, and an equal number of goose eggs. besides this, the chinese give either fruit or garden truck, and are made to plant fruit-trees. this is in a single small settlement, called quiapo, situated near this city. the jesuits have other fields also in this neighborhood. the augustinians have many other fields in the village of tondo, which lies directly across the river from this city; i am told that they have in these two hundred and fifty more chinese. the master-of-camp, pedro de chaves, and other persons, also have farms, all full of this sodomy. with the protection of these and many other persons, these men are maintained, and this vice is kept alive in this your majesty's land. lord, have mercy; lord, have mercy; lord, have mercy! i beg of your majesty to have compassion upon us, and, since your majesty has conferred upon me the gift of this archbishopric, to favor and aid me; for greed is most puissant, and, if there be no fear of punishment, it will support the sodomites and heretics. the governors and the auditors all are glad to have the religious write favorably of them to your majesty and to the auditors of the royal council of the indias; they will therefore, tolerate much, for they are unwilling to displease the religious orders. i must speak the naked and evident truth, sire; and, for the love of god, those who are guilty of this vice should be sent out of the realms of your majesty, and this black parian be taken from them. they should all go forth and return to their own country; and those who come here for commerce should remain in their ships, at least at night. there are already enough married christian chinamen here who can and will care for the fields, and they will engage in other employments. if it be impossible to maintain all the buildings with the promptness and abundance of laborers and craftsmen that they have at present, yet this is a small matter, and such as occurs in hespaña and ytalia. for if your majesty gives permission for a hundred to remain here, ten thousand will remain; for the governors, auditors, religious, and confessors who are interested, and the captains likewise, will take advantage of the opportunity that your majesty leaves open, with a thousand evasions, and arguments that since your majesty gives permission for a hundred, it should also be given for other hundreds and other thousands. accordingly, for the love of god, let there come a decree and with it a reiterated injunction from your majesty similar to the most catholic and potent decision of the catholic monarchs, don fernando and dona ysabel, your majesty's progenitors, putting an end at once to these evils and driving these people from the lands of your majesty, as did the said sovereign monarchs. not even considering their royal tributes, at one stroke they drove all the moors and jews from hespaña, and that deed they considered as their glory. your majesty must not think that these people are only in or about manila, for they are through the whole country and scattered all about; and they are spreading this diabolical crime and other vices throughout the whole land, and even their evil doctrines. in spite of this even the religious, as well as the others, tolerate them for the temporal advantages in building and other affairs, which they find in the chinese. if we be not very pure toward god and justice and reason, a thousand will lead us to love and take pleasure in temporal affairs and interests. the second cause for these heavy punishments is the excessive wickedness which exists among the spaniards and indians in the sin of carnality. the third cause is the disregard of your royal decrees and mandates. this has brought ruin upon the country; and as, in truth, just laws are the strong walls of kingdoms, so on the contrary the violations of such laws are the breaches through which enters ruin. besides this, into this country has come a doctrine of evil theologians and jurists and confessors, who, weakening the force of the laws of the kings in their relation to the conscience, open a very broad field for the violation of what your majesty so justly and prudently orders. [_in the margin_: "i say this in regard to the decrees which concern commerce between these islands and mexico, as well as several others."] the fourth cause is a neglect of punishment against the alcaldes-mayor; nor is any investigation of importance carried on against them, nor are they in any way punished. this is a great pity, and as those who are going to be their successors take their residencias, they accommodate one another, and the indians dare not speak. other persons, more shrewd, even say that they will make any claims during the residencias, since that is of no use except to point out the way to robbery which the predecessor trod, so that the successor may follow him. these things have always caused me grief; but now that i have these souls in charge it weighs upon me much to see these evils and the little redress which comes, sire, from your majesty's powerful hand. i seek from your majesty no more show of authority for the correction of these evils than belongs to me by right of office, in order to make no display of ambition; for even in matters which belong properly to my office i feel that my powers are very limited and not at all adequate to its demands. but i hope in the lord that he will inspire in the heart of your majesty a desire to introduce some effective remedy sufficient for these evils, since their character is self-evident. manila, july 5, 1603. _fray miguel_, archbishop elect of manila. sire: i have written another more detailed letter to your majesty, and in this i shall give a brief account of several matters that should be set right. i express the desire for this under a greater sense of obligation, and the more confidently, because your majesty has so considered this minister, vassal, and servant of yours in appointing me archbishop of this city--which appointment i have received, and have delivered to the chapter of the church your majesty's letter to that effect and announcing that i had been given the government of it, and its occupancy. this city and these islands are most poverty-stricken, and harassed by a thousand troubles from heaven--what with the fires, and the enemies, and (worst of all) our own friends and brothers, the vassals of your majesty. the people from mexico have borne down on this unfortunate country this year, in a very inundation. to repair the ruin which the mexicans and peruvians are bringing upon us, and in order to discover and rid ourselves of those here who are in partnership with them, the cabildo of this city, through their procurator, presented me with a petition asking me for this purpose to excommunicate such persons. i, who hold the name of excommunication in great awe, when it is placed generally upon this land (where there is not so much fear of god as in españa), did not grant the excommunication; but i drew up a petition, and presented it to the royal audiencia. to this they issued the reply which i beg your majesty to have examined together with my petition; i am sending your majesty a copy of the aforesaid petition and of their action thereon. if the members of this royal audiencia were auditors, and not court alcaldes, i would not have recourse over there, but here, as to alcaldes of court, giving information and denouncing a crime amounting to public robbery, and opposed to the general welfare of all this community--for the loss and thievery falls on all alike, and is greatly against this realm--which can be so easily proved; and since the proof is so easy, i do not dare enter with the power and sword of the church. this response, saying that they will inquire about it, is not a thing of today only. i am surprised at such a response in a criminal case, (for in this matter i have proceeded not only _ad petitionem partis_, [_i.e.,_ "as a private-suitor"] but also _ex oficio_), on acount of both the publicity of the wrongdoing, and the authority of the denunciation. i see here no evidence of the functions of the court alcaldes, although it is a country where this authority and this office is very necessary. if i speak in these matters, they can tell me that i am a theologian; and, in short, they will act as they please. accordingly i present this to your majesty, so that, if what i say has any weight, redress for this evil may be obtained. it is certain that even if it were only to keep anyone from imagining that this concerns any of the audiencia, or any of their friends or kinsmen, it would be well to investigate this matter. indeed, i do not know who could singly bring an action against the individual members of this company, but this should be done against all, for they all cause the loss to all. in short, the matter will remain without investigation, and the partnerships undisturbed, while our ruin will increase. although i see this, i know not if i shall dare in spite of all this to impose an excommunication; for i have little faith in the consciences of some persons here, especially in matters touching their profits. it is very necessary that your majesty should order by royal decree and reiterated injunction [_sobrecarta_] in the immediate future, what you have already so justly ordered--namely, that the offices and profitable positions in the country be not given to the servants and kinsmen of the governors and auditors, who certainly obtain them from time to time. such people alienate the residents here. although i may appear impertinent in saying it, it is true that i fear it is of more advantage to be a servant, or married to a servant, of an auditor, than to be bishop. i say this not alone regarding those who are here, but also on account of the connection of the viceroy of mexico with affairs pertaining to this country. on this subject i am sending, together with this, a clause of a letter written to me a few days ago by the fiscal of your majesty, the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salcedo, who went to inspect the ships which have just come from mexico. it is very important for the royal exchequer of your majesty, and to everyone, that neither the viceroy of nueva [españa] nor the governor here should have any authority in such affairs, nor in any in which they have an interest, or which concern the auditors; and all matters in this state should be removed from their power. i am informed that the cabildo of the church and that of the city have written, and are now writing, in regard to the seating of the wives and daughters of the auditors, and what should be conceded to the city officials. it certainly appears unfitting that in the main chapel of the cathedral, which is not very large, the priest, the ministers, and the archbishop or bishop, when they are in the most exalted part of the ministration at the altar, should encounter immediately under their eyes, handsomely dressed women and girls. i do not think that this is in accordance with the sacred canons, or with the lofty contemplations which alone are fitting at the altar, and the devil greatly prizes all that he may gain there. this has come to such a pass that even the alcaldes-mayor desire that, in their own districts, their wives should enter into the main chapels, even though the bishop be present. one of them had a fierce quarrel with me over the matter, but both he and his wife paid for it to god, a short time after, and are still suffering for it; and we know not when their punishment will end, for they pay with their honor and peace of mind. further, it is not right that the wives of the auditors should be placed ahead of the city officials. they tell me that even the children and brothers-in-law of the auditors are sometimes seated on the bench of the city, and in the best seats. i am told that in the days of the former audiencia neither the wives of the auditors nor that of the governor entered the chapel. certainly it seems that to have them enter (particularly in holy week) when the offices are celebrated below the steps of the great altar, cannot be endured. moreover, in this time of _sede vacante_ [21] a concession has been obtained from the clergy that is not customary, as i am told, in the chancillerias of valladolid and of mexico. i beseech your majesty to have me advised of your will in all respects, and to be pleased to have much consideration given to the fact that the altar and its ministers are in much confusion, and that things should not be introduced which are vanity, but only such as are fitting to the grandeur due to the office of ministers of your majesty. as for the cities, they too are representatives of your majesty, and it is just that, as such, they should be honored. what i mention as allowed here _sede vacante_, which is not customary in valladolid or in mexico, is the giving, as is reported, of the pax [22] to the auditors. the religious orders are generally defective in a matter pertaining to the instruction; it is a most serious defect, and demands your majesty's interference. i fear that at times it occurs through ignorance or want of reflection; and i am not sure if there be not mixed with it, now and then, a lack of affection for the indians. they are wont to maintain certain mission villages, where they have baptized several, or even a goodly number; and then they leave them, and the bishop has no one to station there; thus souls are lost, and those baptized return to their idolatries and old ways of life--as is the case even now. it is possible that if they abandoned missions of some value, some secular clergyman might be found to go to them. but they only abandon those that no one desires--unless it be the devil, to take them away with him to hell. we are not taught to do this by the theologians and the jurists in matters of distributive justice, wherein they say that in certain times of need the less valuable benefices are to be given in turn to the most worthy of the priests, on account of the greater need of faithful ministration among the souls in the poorer benefices. some of the religious, too, who are good missionaries and good linguists, leave here--their superiors giving them permission, as they find that they are restless, and cannot be quieted by kind methods. but this is a great pity: in the first place, on account of the religious, who thus go astray in soul; and, again, for the poor indians, so needy as they here are. neither is it right that your majesty should go to such expense to bring religious here, and then have them depart one after another--perhaps because they are not chosen as superiors in their respective orders, and for other trivial reasons--or that the superiors of the religious orders should have power to give them permission to go away. on the other hand, it would be of great advantage to make arrangements with the governor that he should not give them passage; if your majesty would give the governor notice of this, it would be well. the orders of st. dominic and st. francis here maintain very strict discipline among themselves, for which many thanks should be rendered to god. in the matter of instruction they are doing wonders in teaching, by word and deed, and in every way are very exemplary. they are, too, no great burden on the indians, which is a serious consideration; but in the matter i mention, of leaving some missions, and abandoning them to perdition, those fathers are the most lacking, which is a very serious evil. there is no lack of friars to go to other realms, yet to relieve the royal conscience of your majesty (for which purpose they came to these islands) and the consciences of the encomenderos, and aid these poor indians to be saved, to take in charge mission-houses, and sustain the children that they have baptized--for these are their children indeed, to whom they are under greater obligation in spiritual matters than if they were their fathers in the flesh--these things they do not attend to. this gives me great sorrow, and particularly as i find that my friars are not very faithful in these matters, and the devil has disturbed them of late years with a spirit of unrest. there is not, and has not been discovered, a people better disposed to conversion than the indians of these islands--i mean, as god has now disposed affairs. it is very necessary that your majesty should send a visitor for the religious of st. augustine. he should be a friar from over there in hespaña, a man of great ability, very observant, fond of poverty, etc. he should not come alone, but with a considerable number of similar religious. he must not come as visitor and vicar-general for a limited time--for the affairs of this order here are not such that they can be set right in two, three, or four years--but as some friar named de montoia went to portugal. if things are as reported--and they must be so, in large part at least--affairs are in a ruinous condition. the one thing that most needs remedy in these islands, sire, is this matter of the order of st. augustine. at present one of these fathers, [23] named fray juan gutierrez, is being sent by their superiors to the feet of your majesty. he has been definitor, and has had three offices in his order, and it has been proposed to make him provincial. i consider him a very modest and religious friar, who will earnestly plead with your majesty in this matter of the inspection and improvement of his order. i beseech your majesty to favor and aid him in all ways. the religious of the society live here in an exemplary manner, which is necessary here, and carry out well the indian missions in their charge. they are reputed excellent in some of their methods of instruction, but it is very necessary that your majesty should curb them in some matters. your majesty should command that what i here relate be investigated. near this city there is a small indian village, called quiapo, which is assigned, it must be by the governors, for the service of the great church of this city. it is pitiful indeed to see how bare it is of every advantage. these indians feel much aggrieved at the society's religious, saying that the latter have taken from them their lands and inheritances, to their very houses. the poor indians are in a most poverty-stricken condition, and certainly one must shut his ears, in order not to listen to what he hears in this matter. it is a great pity that some poor indians are complaining against the religious having taken from them their paltry property. the said indians are writing to your majesty in the matter; i beseech your majesty to command that it be noted that these are the children, grandchildren, and relatives of the former king of this city, who was here when the spaniards captured it. he was called raja soliman. they only ask your majesty to protect them from the jesuits, [24] and to cause their lands and inheritances to be returned to them. they consider all laymen as prejudiced judges; for certainly the governors as well as the auditors usually are not willing to incur the displeasure of the religious, as they do not write anything against them either to your majesty or to any of your council. if this matter could be entrusted to some religious of st. dominic or st. francis, who have no income or property in this country, as the augustinians have, or in the lands and property of the indian villages; the former know the indian language, and have no need of interpreters--and it is these last who often defeat justice. it would be a great thing if your majesty could entrust to some of these fathers the affair of these indians against the fathers of the society. they tell me even that one of the jesuit fathers, who went from here as their procurator, is about to claim on their behalf, the donation of the benefice and doctrina of the said village of quiapo. the name of this procurator is father chirinos. they do not make this claim for the sake of the mission or benefice, for it is a very small hamlet; but only because, if they hold the said village as a mission, the indians will not dare to make any claim against them, or to speak. for the love of god, your majesty should right this, for the affair itself demands an effective remedy; and at least we, as ecclesiastics and religious, should not scandalize or oppress the poor indians, or take their property from them. the worst of the matter is that the fathers of the society maintain with infidel chinese the lands of these indians, on which there is only a sodom. i believe that this infection has been communicated, to some extent at least, to the houses of the indians; for their proximity, and the teaching that the indians are receiving, are quite evident. but i have already written at length to your majesty of this in my other letter, and all that i have written there is little in comparison with the gravity of the matter. a proceeding that may cause much annoyance is, that the governors assign houses and hospitals to some of the religious without consulting and asking the opinion of the ordinary, and agreeing with the latter in the matter. for the governors, either to find someone to confess them and overlook these things, or to write to your majesty and your councils in their favor, or not write to their prejudice, wish to satisfy the religious, and at times in a very unreasonable manner. your majesty is already informed of what don francisco tello did here, giving the augustinian fathers the chapel [25] of nuestra [señora] de guia, where a secular priest was teaching, and some place or other at the port of cavite, which came near resulting in great troubles. for the love of god, your majesty should not leave our peace in the power of the ambition or the personal interests of a governor, but command that this be done immediately, as i understand your majesty has already disposed and ordered. it is very necessary that your majesty should order that if any secular priest commit some transgression, your royal audiencia should not immediately summon him, but should give notice to the prelate and ordinary to remedy it. this should apply to complaints sent by the alcalde-mayor against the clergyman; the alcades-mayor are not so abject that they would not have even then their share of the fault. in short, they are ecclesiastics; and it seems just that in the meantime the prelates should not be behind in punishing them, and in righting matters. the secular clergy should not go, on information that may often be false, before audiencias and tribunals that are not ecclesiastical; for thus the ecclesiastical state is much injured. the liberty of the cabildo of the city, and due secrecy for matters discussed there are very necessary; and if any secretary or regidor has failed in this matter, it would be highly desirable that your majesty command that he be punished. if this be not done, your majesty cannot be informed, or right matters. for the love of god, will your majesty favor in all matters the city and cabildo, and not leave this matter of favoring them to the governors and auditors; for it is clear that these persons will not be pleased that there should be anyone who can have power to advise your majesty, or oppose them. i beg your majesty to be pleased to issue your royal decree so that the city may rent out the privileges of the commission exchange, which they hold by your majesty's favor; and that provision be made for them to rent it to the chinese. further, this concerns the trade of the chinese, as there is no other trade here, and nothing else for which the said exchange could serve. these men, too, are in great need of aid, both for the marriages of their daughters and for the payment of their debts to the chinese. your majesty should command that permission be given them to have all their money brought from mexico, as it has remained there these two or three years--which is a great pity, in the condition in which this city is, and with the impaired credit of the spaniards in their relations with the chinese. the chinese merchants, too, are being ruined, because the spaniards are not prompt with their payments. they weep, and say: "if we owe anything to the spaniards, we are straightway thrown into prison until we pay; and if the spaniards owe us anything, we cannot collect it." by my other letter and accompanying documents, as well as the letters of others, your majesty will see how necessary it is that this country should always be in a state of defense. for not only do we fear the japanese, but the chinese also seek to disturb our peace. don pedro de acuña is a good soldier, and god will aid him; may your majesty be pleased to command the viceroy of nueva españa to aid with troops, powder, munitions, etc. in case of the removal of don pedro, and always, it is necessary that a good soldier should come here as governor; and if he were that, and supported, not by many powerful persons in hespaña, but by his own valor and virtue alone, it would be a great advantage. the great church of this city is without ornaments, and greatly needs to be repaired, lest it fall to the ground. the services of worship there may cease, for there are only four salaried prebends who are obliged to come to the services of the said church, for the offices of the canonical hours, and to be vested at the altar, and to say the high masses and those for your majesty. even these four possess very little; and, if one of them should become sick, services could not be properly carried on. your majesty has already been advised of all this by way of the cabildo, and, i believe, through the royal audiencia. i beseech your majesty to have it remedied. at the first founding of this city, a site was set apart for the episcopal residence. the place was very convenient, as it is close to the church; but it is very cramped, not containing in all more than about thirty-seven paces in width, and about seventy-four in length, which is not sufficient for an ordinary citizen's house, which should have a small court. with greater reason there is not room for a prelate, who cannot go out on the plazas for his health and recreation, to take a little air, but who must find some relief within his own house (especially in so hot a climate as this); and who must have apartments for servants, a prison, audience-chamber, and other rooms. i beg your majesty to send an order that at any rate the archbishop should be assigned a site on which to build a suitable house. as for the building, your majesty knows well that i have not enough for it unless i be aided; nor have i, either, sufficient to pay six hundred pesos for the hire of a house. the fathers of the society claim that your majesty should give them a university for these islands. this your majesty should not do, unless you grant the same to all the orders and the secular clergy as well. this is especially true now, among these intrusive machinations. if your majesty were pleased to entrust to me the regulating of these matters i should endeavor to do so. still less should the claim of the said fathers of the society be granted, nor can it, in conscience, be allowed, that they appropriate for themselves, on the plea of using them for these chairs [of instruction], certain revenues from the funds left here by some of the old soldiers as restitutions to the indians. with these moneys great good has been done for the poor indians--now redeeming captives from those who carry them away to sell them among the moros and other infidels, where they lose the faith; again, aiding them in their sickness, and famines, and the like. indeed, i am unable to comprehend the consciences of men who would attempt to take this money from the poor indians, and put an end to so good works. may god grant his light to us all. it has been reported here that your majesty, or your royal person, is being consulted in regard to the religious going to japon by way of india. for the relief of my conscience, knowing so much as i do of this, i must say that those who propose such a thing either know nothing of affairs here; or else they know a great deal, and are talking very artfully in the matter, and for the sake of this country intend that the religious should not enter japon; at any rate, saying that the religious must go through india to preach in japon is the same as saying that they shall not go to japon. sire, the clear and evident truth is that by way of india there is little or no thought of preaching or conversion. let none deceive your majesty, our king and lord; for they are gravely in the wrong who would deceive you and not tell you the truth sincerely. manila, july 6, 1603. _fray miguel_, bishop and archbishop elect of manila. letters to felipe iii letter from the audiencia of manila sire: with the letter which your majesty graciously sent to this audiencia informing it of the fortunate birth of the most serene infanta [26] our lady, we have received the great satisfaction which should be experienced by all the vassals of your majesty. since so great a part of the grace which our lord has vouchsafed us has fallen to our share, measures will be taken with great care and diligence for the arrangement of celebrations and feast-days, in grateful recognition of so great a good, and of the obligation which your majesty lays upon us. [_in the margin:_ "there is no answer."] on the twenty-third of this month this audiencia received as its auditors, in accordance with the commissions which they bear from your majesty, the licentiates andres de alcaraz and manuel de madrid y luna. doctor antonio de morga, who was an auditor thereof, and to whom your majesty has extended the favor of promoting him to the place of alcalde of the criminal court of the audiencia of the city of mexico, will leave with these ships to take up the duty which your majesty commands and orders him. [_in the margin: "idem."_] last year, the ships called "jhesus maria," and "el espiritu sancto," left the port of cavite of this city. after having sailed for a long time and encountered many hardships, the ship named "jhesus maria" arrived at the said port, having lightened much of its cargo, at sea, and having been at the point of being lost. the ship "rosario" (which was the flagship of their commander, don lope de ulloa) arrived, without masts and dismantled, at a port of japon called tosse, where it entered at great risk. when it had come there, it appeared that the people of that land were inclined to be friendly with them, and to give them what was necessary to go on and continue their voyage. the said general finding this to be so, and being prudent, as he is an experienced mart, and one who has done his duty in all other voyages to everyone's satisfaction, held a council with the religious and the most trustworthy persons in the ship. it was agreed to send a present of several articles which were in the ship, and which were most suited to that country, to the emperor of japon. this was put into execution, and the present was sent to the said emperor. the japanese who had gathered in this port at the news of the coming of the ship, moved by their great greed, made an attempt to seize the ship. to accomplish this, and to keep the spaniards from going away, they began to close the harbor with timbers and trees. they showed their evil designs by giving occasion to the ship's people to quarrel with them. when the said commander learned this, without awaiting the response, with all diligence he managed to get together the men who were on land, and sailed from the port, preferring rather to submit to the risks of the sea than to the grave one which confronted him in this treachery which accompanied their departure. but when the japanese saw that he was going out of this port and that their design was known, they had recourse to arms, trying to do by force what they had not been able to do by cunning. but our men defended themselves so well, inflicting some loss on those of that kingdom, that they returned to these islands, which was a very fortunate outcome. those who were left there, not being able to embark with their commander, have all returned on the ships which come here to trade, together with those who took the present to the emperor. the latter say that they were well received. [_in the margin: "idem_."] on the eve of the feast-day of st. philip and st. james, our lord saw fit to visit this city with a conflagration of such magnitude that before nightfall half the city had burned, including one hundred and fifty-nine buildings, many of stone and others of wood. among them were the dominican convent and the hospital for the spaniards of which your majesty is patron; and almost nothing that was in them was saved. according to the investigations which we have been able to make, the loss will amount to a great sum. it has caused general consternation. great care will be taken to procure safety from these fires, with which we have been much afflicted. [_in the margin_: "let this be done."] your majesty commands by decree of february 16, 92, that this audiencia should give information concerning the expediency of having more of the churches in these islands of stone than of wood, as the latter decays and does not last long. having investigated and considered this matter, the conclusion is that, although in some parts it would be much better to build the churches of stone than of wood, as the materials are found near at hand, yet in other parts it would be more expedient to make them of wood and tiles, as these materials are abundant there and the stone is at a distance. beside, the cost which the stone buildings entail would generally be much more than those of wood; and, as your majesty's treasury here is so embarrassed, it could not bear the cost of building expensive edifices. it therefore seems best that the governor should continue providing for this in the manner most convenient. [_in the margin_: "no answer to be given."] we received another decree, of the said month and year, directing the order to be observed in the renunciations of clerical offices, which will be executed as your majesty commands. [_in the margin_: "let it be so done."] we have received another decree of your majesty, of the fifteenth of the said month and year, to the effect that cases in which your viceroys and prelates have by common consent vacated benefices shall not be heard in the audiencias of the yndias. in so far as regards this audiencia it shall be so done. [_in the margin_: "the same."] likewise there were received two other decrees, in which your majesty demanded information as to whether it were well to sell the offices of depositaries of this city and of secretary of the cabildo thereof. the office of depositary is of so little importance that it is certain that no considerable price will be paid for it. that of secretary of the cabildo brings three hundred pesos salary--which, as they have no other funds worthy of consideration, the cabildo gives from its own income and property. besides, deserving persons are kept in the office who have served in this country, where there is very little to reward them with. your majesty will order according to his pleasure. [_in the margin_: "let the governor appoint to these offices only deserving persons who have served his majesty and are very trustworthy, until his majesty shall have ordered otherwise; and let him inform us concerning the person whom he shall appoint."] your majesty ordered by another decree of the sixteenth of the said month and year that this audiencia inform him whether it would be expedient to deposit with the royal crown of your majesty the sum of about twelve thousand pesos, to pay the salaries of his servants. as this despatch arrived so close upon the departure of the ships, there was no time to make definite answer to your majesty's command. the number and value of the encomiendas in these islands are not exactly known. on the first opportunity they will be ascertained, and your majesty advised thereof. [_in the margin_: "let this be done, and let them send the information if they have not done so."] the decrees concerning personal services of the indians, which are dated november 22, 602, were received in this audiencia. in all its district there are no indians held to personal service except when there is wood-cutting and the like to be done for the equipment of ships, or when some expedition is being made for the service of your majesty, in which case a few indians are taken. this cannot be dispensed with, because transportation in these islands is entirely by sea, and it is necessary to make levies for rowing the vessels. the same necessity obliges the encomenderos, the religious, and other persons who go from one part to another, to do the same thing. they are always paid justly for their work, and thus far it is not known that any grievance has been done them in any manner, nor have they been left unrecompensed. great care will be taken that affairs shall be so conducted that they will live content, and the work be secured without harshness. may our lord protect your majesty many years, according to the needs of christendom. manila, july 2, 1603. [_in the margin_: "let it be done as they say that they are doing."] _don pedro de acuña_ the licentiate _don antonio de ribera maldonado_ the licentiate _tellez almacan_ the licentiate _andres de alcaraz_ the licentiate _manuel de madrid y luna_ [_endorsed_: "philipinas: to his majesty; the audiencia, july 2, 1603. examined june 30, 604; provided within."] letter from the fiscal sire: the licentiate geronimo de salazar y salcedo, fiscal for his majesty in the royal chancillería of the philipinas islands. the most important reason why the said royal audiencia is necessary is to redress the wrongs which the governor and captain-general may commit. although he who is now in the office acts in a prudent manner, he may be succeeded by another who will not do so, and, if this were the case, nothing could be so suitable as that he who was governor and captain-general should not be president; for if he is so, he will be present at the hearings and meetings, in which case neither the auditors in decreeing, nor the fiscal in petitioning, use the power which they hold. an easy remedy for this would be that the archbishop of manila should be the president of the audiencia, his salary being somewhat increased, and that of the governor and captain-general decreased. he would be glad to do this and would not neglect the affairs of his archbishopric, which are not so pressing as to make it impossible for him to take up the duties of the presidency. i might well cite some things which i have seen, which appear to me to demonstrate the inconveniences which might follow from all three offices being joined in one person, but i prefer to pass them over. it is especially so as we are five thousand leagues from your majesty, and those of us who are imprudent proceed under the impression that what we do here will not be known there. it is evident that the presidency would be better filled by the archbishop than by the governor; for when the latter is president he has means, if he so desire, to keep the auditor from judging and even the fiscal from petitioning, if they be lacking in courage. your majesty will order this to be examined, and provide in regard to it as may be most expedient. may god protect your majesty according to his power and the needs of christendom. manila, july 4, 1603. the licentiate _hieronimo de salazar y salcedo_ [_endorsed_: "manila, to his majesty; the fiscal, hieronimo de salazar, july 4, 1603. no answer to be given to this letter; june 30, 1604."] letters from various officials and ecclesiastics sire: on the fourth of the present month there left this port the ship "nuestra señora de la antigua," one of the two from peru that i brought in the convoy last year, with the reënforcements of troops, arms, and military supplies which came to these islands. on the morning of the next day the other ship, called the "san alifonso," left; and in the afternoon arrived the advices and despatches from general andres hurtado de mendoca, who has in charge the armed fleet which your majesty ordered to be sent to maluco, and from captain juan xuares gallinato, who conducted the reënforcements sent by me. by these i was advised of the result of the encounter there, as your majesty will be particularly informed by the copies which accompany this, to which i refer you for the whole matter, merely adding that it has caused me much grief and anxiety, owing to the dangerous and embarrassed condition of affairs there--not only from the dutch, whose trade is so well established there, and who are so prosperous; but from the encouragement which it will give to the people of terrenate and mindanao, and to others, their confederates and allies, to do all the mischief that they can in those islands. if, while the said armada was at the maluco islands the mindanaos have dared to commit the hostilities of which i have written to your majesty in other letters, we may fear worse things now that their friends the terrenatans are victorious, and more skilful and expert through what their experience and the dutch have taught them. may god in his mercy prevent this danger. i would again remind your majesty of this matter of maluco and the punishment of the people there, and its importance--as well as of what i wrote concerning the matter from mexico, and how much evil may result from attending to the matter from india; for that ends in nothing but expenditure of money, waste of men, and the loss of prestige, and results in giving more strength to the enemy. this affair urgently demands promptness, and a person who will give it careful attention. i make offer of myself again, and am right willing to sacrifice myself in the service of your majesty on this occasion; and i believe that my desire to be of use will cause me to succeed in the fulfilment of my obligations. with this goes a memorandum of matters which occur to me as necessary, and which, after due examination and consideration, with much thought and reflection, it has seemed best to me to send to your majesty. the most important thing in these matters is promptness and secrecy, and the latter is most necessary in hespaña, since there watch can be kept upon the dutch, so that seasonable preparations can be made in spain, and they be prevented from becoming masters of maluco, before we can do so--which would be a very great loss, and one very difficult to repair. may god grant success as he may, and protect the catholic person of your majesty, according to the needs of christendom. port of cavite, july 20, 1603. _don pedro de acuña_ [_endorsed_: "draw up immediately a succinct relation of what resulted from this fleet that went from yndia, to deliver to----." "examined june 14, 1604; no answer to be given."] _jesus_ sire: the universal need of these philipinas has influenced not only the governor and captain-general, the royal audiencia, and the city government of manila, but the religious orders as well, to call upon your majesty, as rightful lord and king of all, seeking humbly the remedy which must come to us from the royal hands of your majesty. as for the uprising of the chinese, i will only say that it might have been averted, if the decrees of your majesty had been obeyed that prohibit so excessive a number of infidels, accustomed to treachery and perverse habits, from remaining here; and if they were plotting another conspiracy with those that ordinarily come from china, they have been blinded through the great mercy of the lord, who by their downfall leaves us wiser and with fewer enemies. the damage and robbery inflicted by the people of mindanao in these islands could have been prevented if the garrison of spaniards in that island, which held the pirates in check, had not been recalled. at present the need is all the greater, as they are encouraged by their victories, and our bisayans are dispirited. in the islands where our humble society of jesus teaches, they caused great loss; and during the past month they attacked leyte, and captured two of our religious, and more than eight hundred natives besides. this was at their first entry, and gave them courage to continue ravaging other neighboring islands, where the members of our society are also in danger. this was written me from zebu, by our provincial who is visiting those islands and missions, where there are many good christians--and this at great risk to himself. it is a great pity that so new a christian people should be molested by those from mindanao, who are infected by the doctrine of mahoma. it would be easy for your majesty to give us remedy in this by ordering troops and aid sent from nueva españa, wherewith don pedro de acuña may show his valor and accomplish his wishes; for his services are of great importance here, as your majesty knows. captain and sargento-mayor christobal azuleta [_sic; sc_. azcueta] menchaca, who always has been an excellent soldier, likewise distinguished himself greatly in this affair of the chinese sangleys, achieving two noteworthy victories, wherein were killed more than five thousand of the enemy without the loss of a single spaniard--of whom he took great care, as they are so few and precious here. a complete relation of all matters will be given to your majesty by fray diego guevara [27] prior of the augustinians of this city, who, as a person of so much religion, experience, integrity, and veracity, is going on this mission on behalf of these islands--where we are all beseeching god our lord to protect us, and to prosper your majesty for many years, with good measure of his choicest gifts, for the greater glory of his divine majesty, etc. from this college of the society of jesus, manila, december 10, 1603. _gregorio lopez_ sire: during the month of june just past, in this year, we, of this metropolitan church of manila, the vassals and chaplains of your majesty, advised you by the ships which left these islands for nueva españa of the matters that seemed best for your royal service, and for the welfare and usefulness of both this church and this commonwealth, at that time; and to that we at present refer you. as new occasions have come to light, we inform your majesty, in accordance with our bounden duty, that on the eve of st. francis' day last past the chinese sangleys, who live in the outskirts of this city, rose against it, to the number of twenty thousand, setting fire to the houses, and killing several spaniards and indians who lived without the wall. they fought with some of our men, killing one hundred and thirty spaniards, including many of the most prominent men. they attacked the city, stationing themselves in a large stone church building, which was being completed by the friars of st. francis, standing three hundred paces from the wall--a very bad situation for it. the city was in great danger from their attack, for there were hardly a thousand spaniards in it. our men set fire to the alcayceria of these same sangleys, which stood about twenty paces from the wall. our lord was pleased to deliver us from the many and great dangers in which this, your majesty's city, found itself; for its loss would have destroyed the filipinas, and the christian community and faith of jesus christ our lord in them, if he had not miraculously delivered us. the enemy abandoned the situation that they had seized, on account of the damage that the artillery did them, and retired to the country inland, where our men pursued them, cutting off and killing them in a very short time. thus did our lord remove the danger in which this city and these islands of your majesty have been so many years, because the governors preceding the one we now have would not comply with and observe the royal decrees and mandates of your majesty, although they were urged and advised to do so, both in private and from the pulpit. for the good government of this country it would be well for your majesty to be pleased to provide some efficacious means for the observance and execution of your royal decrees and mandates; since from the failure to do this has resulted the loss we have mentioned, and perhaps still greater is yet to come. we also dread a very large fleet which is expected to come from the kingdom of china against this city. may our lord, in his mercy, defend and protect this, his cause, and not permit this new plant to be killed. toward the end of the past month this city took fire; and, as the wind was strong, half of its houses were burned, including those of the richest citizens and merchants, and the royal warehouses. through this loss and that of the ships this whole community, both ecclesiastical and secular, is in great straits, hard pressed and very needy. on this account your majesty will favor it by your royal power, that it may not be ruined altogether. we are confident in the lord, that if this letter reaches your majesty's royal hands, with information in the other matters above mentioned, our lord will be served, and this commonwealth and the filipinas islands aided and favored by your majesty--whom may our lord protect during many long and happy years, for the welfare and increase of his dominions. manila, december 11, 1603. the chaplains and vassals of your majesty: _don juan de bivero_, dean of manila. _sanctiago de castro_, precentor of manila. the canon _diego de leon_ the licentiate _marcos maldonado_, canon. the canon _ranullo de cartagena_ the canon _pablo ruiz de talavera_ _francisco de cavrança_ sire: this order has thought best to send to españa, to negotiate its affairs, father fray diego de guevara, prior of this house at manila, as your majesty will be informed. this has pleased me much, for, besides that business, i have communicated to him things which intimately concern the service of god and your majesty, which he will explain to you--particularly the need for reformation in this province. i beseech your majesty, if such be your pleasure, to give him audience, and to remedy without delay the matters concerned. in my opinion, the most important thing is to have some person come here from hespaña, who is zealous for both services--a man of great energy and integrity, and sufficient power so that, with another of the same qualifications, to be chosen here, as the former there, they can settle this matter aright, for it is very necessary. i refer you to the said father procurator, who will make a complete report concerning this and other matters here. i will say no more than that i am taking this measure because it touches my obligations, and my bounden duty to your majesty's service. if this be done, i am certain that all will be in fitting order. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, according to the needs of christendom. from your majesty's convent of san pablo, at manila, december 17, 1603. _fray pedro arce_, provincial. sire: the order of the illustrious st. augustine which resides in these islands, has need of austere [28] friars from castilla to carry on the conversion which they have wrought in this land, and have commenced in japon. some friars of ability will be necessary to help them, considering that those who become friars in mexico are not esteemed in this country. for this reason the said order is sending father fray diego de guevara, hitherto prior of the convent in this city, to bring religious here. he is a thorough religious himself, and zealous for the good of his order. this convent of your majesty, and of the minor friars of our father st. francis, deprives itself of him for the greater good. i humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to command that the said father be sent back, without delay, so that he may continue to carry out his earnest desires; for in this he does great service to god and to your majesty, whom may our lord protect for the welfare and growth of christendom. manila, from this convent of nuestra señora de los angeles; december 19, 1603. _fray joan de garrovillas_, definitor and guardian. the sangley insurrection letter from the audiencia sire: by way of nueva españa this audiencia has informed your majesty of occurrences up to that time; and although this letter will be very uncertain, as it must go by way of portuguese india, it has seemed best to write it, giving an account of what has happened since, as it is so important. by the last letter of this audiencia, dated on the fifth of july of this year, we gave your majesty an account of three mandarins from the kingdom of china who had come to this city, and the innovation which they had instituted, on account of which the governor and captain-general considered the plan of fortifying this city, and providing, in case anything should happen, the supplies necessary and suitable for its defense and safety. this caused some disturbance among the chinese, who began to confer among themselves, in secret, concerning the means of insurrection. although great care was taken by this audiencia and the governor to keep them quiet, and to relieve them of the fear which they were said to have on account of the aforesaid precautions, it was not sufficient, and following their resolve, on the night of the last st. francis' day, at about eleven o'clock, they revolted. they chose for their leader a christian sangley named joan untae, who, according to the investigations made in regard to him by this audiencia, appears to have revolted in the name of one joan baptista, governor of the chinese. on him and the others exemplary justice has been rigorously visited. the chinese gathered on the other side of the river of this city to the number of ten or twelve thousand, many other people remaining in their parian and fortifying themselves as well as they could. on this night they burned several houses, and the orchard of a citizen of this city named captain estevan de marquina, with whom they commenced, killing him and his wife and four children and several servants. from here they went to a village called quiapo, on the other side of the river, which they burned, killing several indian children and women. the governor and captain-general noticing this, and knowing what had happened on the preceding days when there had been considerable disturbances, notified don luis dasmariñas, formerly governor of these islands, who lived in a place called minondog, sending him some troops so that he might keep watch of the enemy. on the next morning don luis was reënforced by a number of people picked from the citizens of this city, and with these he went to meet the enemy in the place where they were located, which was very near the village of tondo. the spaniards went out from there, and having fought with them, as it was a country where there were many thickets and heavy woods, and which was mountainous, the enemy surrounded them with such a number of men that they could not retreat; and at last don luis was killed, with more than a hundred spaniards. later, the next monday, the enemy met, and after their custom drew lots, as usual in war; and finding these in their favor and learning from them, as they say, that they would take this city, they decided to go on to the parian, and united with the people who remained there. with great force and impetuosity they attacked this city, in several parts of the wall, with many contrivances which they brought along to assault it. those inside defended themselves well, killing many of the chinese and doing all they could in our defense. the spaniards succeeded in setting fire to the parian, obliging them to retreat to a stone chapel, the erection of which had been begun, twenty paces from the wall, named avocacion de nuestra señora de la candelaria, where our men made a sortie to meet them and caused them great loss. when the chinese saw that they could not maintain themselves there, they divided into three bands and went inland, doing much damage. an attempt was made to reach them still, for which purpose one of the old captains of this city, called don luis de velasco, was sent with a good force of soldiers. he attacked them one morning at dawn and killed more than three hundred. on the same day, when he returned with the intention of doing them more damage, he went so far into the enemy's country that they killed him there with four or five other soldiers and two franciscan friars. the enemy placed and fortified themselves in a very strong place called san pablo de los montes, about fifteen leguas from this city, more or less. they sent to meet him there the captain and sargento-mayor of this camp, christoval de axqueta. he, with a hundred spaniards, a number of native indians, and some japanese whom he took with him, having located them and had a few engagements with them, invested and took their fort, killing many of them. those who could escape fled, and all those who had remained were overcome and killed. thence he went on to the other army which was situated in a place called vatangas, about six leguas from the first. there our men used their utmost efforts to overcome them. finally, both on account of the laudable efforts of the captain, as he is one of the best soldiers of this camp, being a veteran and a good warrior, and likewise by the good behavior of the soldiers and the help of the natives, they killed all the enemy without losing a man, which was a very fortunate ending. this was the end of this incident, but it has caused much anxiety as to what may be expected from china. on this account provision is being made and everything necessary is being put to rights and the fortifications are being repaired. the governor and captain-general is aiding with great pains and diligence, and he will give a longer account to your majesty of this incident, to which account we refer you. the citizens of these islands have been very ready on this occasion in lending aid, as have likewise the natives of this district, particularly those of the provinces of panpanga, laguna, and bulacan. father fray diego guebara, prior of the augustinian convent of this city, is going [to spain] on the affairs of his province, by which he was chosen and elected for that purpose, as he is a religious of much virtue, learning, and most christian life, for which reason he was sent to establish the order in xapon. he did so very satisfactorily. from him your majesty, if you be so pleased, may order information on the affairs of this country, of which he will give a full account, as he is well informed in all things. there is nothing else which we can report to your majesty. may our lord protect your very catholic person according to the needs of christendom. manila, december 12, 1603. _don pedro de acuña_ the licentiate _don antonio de ribera maldonado_ the licentiate _tellez almacan_ the licentiate _andres de alcaraz_ the licentiate _manuel de madrid y luna_ [_endorsed_: "manila; to his majesty; 1603. the governor and audiencia; december 12. september 26, 1606. examined, and to be joined with the other papers which treat of this matter."] two letters from ecclesiastics sire: this country is greatly in need of relief, for it is rapidly going to destruction. all its injury and loss is due to this, that the decrees and orders of your majesty, sent for the good government of these islands, are not complied with. if these were observed, there would be no more prosperous city in all your majesty's dominions. situated here in sight of so many heathen, it would seem that the lord had set it here to be a new rome, whence the gospel would go out through all these kingdoms. the worst of the matter is that there are not lacking persons here who maintain that the decrees of your majesty are not binding on the conscience, which gives opportunity for some to violate them without any fear. it is nearly seventeen years since the order of st. dominic was founded here; and in all this time they have always preached the importance of obeying the royal decrees, and that, if they were disregarded, the country must be ruined. the truth of this has been seen this year, for our sins; for this country was on the verge of ruin through the uprising of the sangleys, who attempted to make themselves masters of the city. they were emboldened to this by seeing themselves so numerous, for they were more than sixteen thousand; and these, added to those in the fleet when it came from china, amounted to twenty thousand. the city was very hard pressed, and in danger of being lost, together with the faith here (which has been established at such a cost to the royal exchequer), and the hopes for the increase of the church and its extension through our new worlds. it could be clearly seen that the lord alone led the war for the destruction of this enemy--so pernicious for the spread of the gospel, and averse to natural law, for they were a very sodom; and with their intercourse with the natives, this cancer was spreading. it is certain that if the sangleys had had a concerted leadership, they would have been masters of the city with little enough opposition; for they could have entered as they usually did on their business, and taken possession of the weapons of the citizens, which were all left in the houses without being guarded, as the people lived without fear or apprehension. the sangleys are clever at all things, but the lord blinded them so that this might not come about. if your majesty should ask who is to blame in this so serious matter, we should say that it is they that have not kept the decrees of your majesty; for your majesty commanded years ago that no sangleys should be left here except those strictly necessary for the service of the city, [29] and its cabildo has repeatedly petitioned that only three thousand be allowed. this has not been complied with; but, on the contrary, each year more and more have been allowed to stay, until the said sixteen thousand have gathered here. finding themselves so numerous, they plotted the said treason. your majesty's decree providing reformation for the future was the occasion for so many remaining; for, as licenses in writing were given to those who remained and paid the said license fees, this vicious profit was the cause for this evil. in one of the past years i heard that these licenses had cost sixty thousand pesos, which seemed to me almost incredible. this year its possibility was demonstrated by an incident that happened to me. there came to me several sangleys recently arrived from china, and besought me to procure licenses for them to remain in the country. i told them that i would not do so; but within a few days they returned and showed me the licenses that had been given them, for which five tostons each had been exacted. when i recounted this occurrence to a god-fearing person, he told me that there were licenses that cost as high as seven and eight pesos, and others sold at five or six. for the punishment of past acts, and in provision for the future, your majesty must send a rigorous inspection, in order that those who have put the country and the faith in such danger may be punished. your majesty should not trust the various papers that come from here, for it is evident that those who feel themselves in the wrong, will attempt to clear themselves of the blame. some person should come to make the investigation who is zealous for the honor of god and the service of your majesty, that he may punish the guilty and provide better things for the future. we, the servants of your majesty, pray to the lord of light and to your majesty to send such a person; but we believe that if he be not an ecclesiastic, all will remain in darkness; for, as your majesty is so far away, there is not here due fear of punishment. one of the auditors of these islands told me years ago that the judges in castilla ordinarily performed their duties well because they were seeking honor, and this they could not gain except by such behavior; but that in the yndias it was the reverse, and that what the judges seek is to enrich themselves. if this be their aim, they must needs fail in their obligations. your majesty, for the love of god, must have compassion on this land, and send someone to remedy it. your majesty has holy prelates here who could assist in this. may our lord protect your majesty for the good of his church for many years. manila, december 15, 1603. _fray bernardo de santa catalina_, vicar, and provincial of the order of st. dominic, and commissary of the holy office. sire: the infidel chinese, whom your majesty's ministers have allowed in these islands, had come to be so numerous that in their alcaiceria alone, and in the suburbs adjoining manila, there were about fifteen thousand of them without counting those in other parts of the islands. there were among these a certain number of worthless persons, vicious and criminal, who on that account did not dare to return to china. as the multitude of chinese was so great, and this low and vicious element was among them, they were emboldened; and, excited by a rumor (which was false, although by no means absurd to them) that the spaniards intended to kill them, they revolted, on the night of the eve of st. francis' day of this year, six hundred and three. with clubs for weapons, they killed on that same day many spaniards, who were marching against them. these were of the most noble and valiant men in the islands, and in the prime of life, under the command of that most christian and valiant man, don luis perez dasmariñas. on the third day, with their clubs only, and the few weapons secured from our men whom they had killed, they sallied out and forced us close to this city. god fought with us, and delivered us, for the good of this christian community, which is steadily growing in this region. there is no doubt that if god had not blinded them, so that they should not succeed in their mode of warfare, it would not have taken them two hours to kill us all in manila, and make themselves masters of all this country without the least risk to themselves. this did not come about through any neglect on your majesty's part to command the audiencia of these islands to drive out these infidels, nor through lack of advice from here, but it was due to the fault of your majesty's chief officers here, in not complying with what your majesty has ordered them; so they have put this country in the greatest danger, and perchance will cause its entire and irremediable ruin in the near future. even since this, the enemy from mindanao, who are naked savages, have come and carried away many hundreds of captive indians, many of whom straightway became their servants. nothing is heard in these islands but the accounts of misfortunes. these matters, and the many expenditures that have been made and are still going on in your majesty's royal exchequer in these islands, as well as many other serious affairs, demand, sire, that your majesty send a general inspector here, and choose for this a man who is of great integrity and with great reputation for purity from all taint of greed. if this inspection be not made, there is no redress for this land. all the said chinese, about fifteen hundred, have been killed, except it be a few who have been kept as slaves in your majesty's service. the spanish residents of this city greatly aided in the fighting, and in their conscientious behavior and in prayer the indians were very loyal--as also the christian chinese, except some seven or eight of them. it is not known how this affair will be considered in china. if the alcaiceria of the infidel chinese is again permitted, i assure you that a second uprising will surely occur. let them come, but remain in their ships and sell their goods. your majesty should not trust the spaniards, on account of their greed, in anything which may prove the ruin of this country. i can do no more than advise. this letter is brought by a father of the order of st augustine, named fray diego de guevara, prior of the convent of san augustin here. his order is sending him on its own affairs, which are serious and call for much amelioration; accordingly they are sending the said father to your majesty's presence. i recognize in him a very religious and learned man. i am sure that it would be for the great service of the lord if your majesty would listen to him, and give your royal favor and attention to all he may say in regard to reformation, and the general welfare of his order, and the betterment of this land--as to a man who was present in this affair of the chinese, and knows the misfortunes and captures in these islands due to the naked indian wretches of mindanao, and as to a learned and religious man. manila, december 16, 1603. _fray miguel_, bishop, and archbishop elect of the philipinas. [_endorsed_: "manila, to his majesty; 1603. the archbishop; december 16, 1603." "september 26, 1606. have this placed with the other letters-credential of fray diego de guevara."] letters from pedro de acuna sire: having written and sealed the folio which will go with this, on friday the eve of st. francis' day of this year, and set thereto the date of the following day, when some one was to depart and take it, on that same friday night there occurred the insurrection of the chinese which i shall recount in this. in the letter of the third of july of this year, which went with the ship which left here for nueva hespaña, i wrote to your majesty that three mandarins had come to this city from the kingdom of china, under pretense that they were coming to investigate a lie which a sangley who had been here had told to their king--saying that in cavite there was a great quantity of gold; and that with that and the silver which could be obtained from this kingdom every year his vassals might be relieved from tribute. the care which was exercised in this matter, and what occurred to me in regard to it, i have written to your majesty in the said letter. i told you how i was preparing, being in uncertainty, what appeared to me necessary, so that if anything should happen i should not be caught unprepared; accordingly, as the houses of the parian were very near to the wall, i had several of them demolished so that this space might be free. i wrote to the alcaldes-mayor and magistrates of this district, and they sent me a memorial concerning the natives in the jurisdiction of each one, what weapons they possessed, and in how far they might be trusted. i had them visit the sangleys, and see what arms and provisions they had, particularly the stone-workers, lime-burners, sawyers, fishermen, and gardeners, as they were people who reside in the country, and for this reason it will be right to exercise more caution in living with them; and likewise in order to have them make arrows, bows, pikes, baqueruelos, and other articles for the royal warehouses, as it is from these that all of the military supplies are provided. i likewise ordered that they should collect, bring together, and transport as many provisions as possible. i was not careless in regard to the walls, but rather with much diligence repaired what was necessary; and i continued the building of the fort which i wrote your majesty was being made on the point, as it was so necessary a defense, and the supplies and other articles had to be gathered and guarded there. to this end i had brought a great number of sangleys for the works, and had contracted with them to construct a ditch in the part where their parian and alcaycería stand, and along the whole front from the river to the sea; and, as the plan shows, this may be flooded with water at high tide, which enters through the river. as all the sangleys had knowledge of this, and there were among them restless and vagabond people who had nothing to lose, and who on account of their crimes, evil life, and debts could not go back to china without being punished there for these things with much severity, they took this as a pretext to win over the merchants and quiet people, persuading them that the precautions and measures which i was taking were in order to kill them; and, since the sangleys were so many and we so few, it would be well to be beforehand with us and kill us, taking our lands. when this came to my knowledge i had them assemble several times, and explained to them the mistake under which they were laboring, and that the spaniards were not a people to harm anyone who did not deserve it. i told them to be calm, and confide in me; and that i would do them no harm if they on their part gave me no reason to do so. it appeared that they were quieted, but the gamblers and worthless people--who were very numerous, and had been the prime instigators--incited and persuaded them in such manner that they made them believe that i and the friendly spanish merchants who were with them and conferred with them were deceiving them. accordingly many of those in the parian withdrew from there, and went over to the other side of the river, as if fleeing from the spaniards because they wished to kill them. although this was publicly known eight days before their uprising, and i was aware of it all the time, it was supposed that they were fleeing out of fear, and merely to place themselves in safety. they left in the parian about 2,500 sangleys who were considered peaceable, and among them five or six hundred _avays_ who are merchants and people of better conduct than the others, for these gave information of what the others were doing. although the same effort was made to stir them up, they never belonged to that party, or attempted to leave the parian; for they are a gentle and prosperous people, with a liking for trade. the rest assembled at a place about a legua from manila, close to the monastery of san francisco del monte, whereupon followed what is contained in the relation which will go with this, to which i refer you. the audiencia has proceeded against christian sangleys who are implicated in this uprising; and in a few cases justice has been executed, particularly on juan baptista de vera. they have confiscated his goods, which are understood to amount to 15,000 pesos, including that part of them which went this year to nueva hespaña. from the investigations which have been made in this connection, and what some of those implicated have declared, it is understood that this uprising was instigated from china; and that it was discussed with the mandarins who were here, or with some one of them. however that may be, at any rate it is considered quite certain that it was due to the restlessness of worthless people, with a hankering for innovations, so that they might enjoy the freedom which they usually have on such occasions, having no other gods than their own vices. undecided as to what to do with the five hundred or more sangleys who have been kept alive for the galleys, i have continued the fortifications, with the work of other natives. likewise several bastions have been erected which were still incomplete, and the wall is being made higher in those parts where it is necessary. they are opening trenches and helping at other very necessary works; and therefore i already have things in good condition, and the fort on the point repaired, to put it in a state of defense; and this work is being continued very diligently. likewise it has seemed best to me to send notice to china concerning the event, lest by chance some ships of sangleys may have fled thither, and by gilding their crime and insubordination may have succeeded in throwing the blame upon the spaniards; for this, if there were no advices there of the truth, might at least disturb traffic, and make the merchants uncertain as to whether to come this year, which would be an irreparable loss for this whole commonwealth. thereby the treasury of your majesty would lose more than 52,000 pesos, which is the usual value of the duties collected from merchandise that comes from china--to say nothing of what is paid and the increase in value at acapulco, mexico, and other parts where the cloth is taken. i have accordingly despatched a ship with a person of ability and prudence, carrying letters, some for the viceroys of canton and chincheo and other mandarins, and others from the sangley avays who could be found alive, written to their relatives and kinsmen, and the partners of the dead men. all these give an account of the event, and tell how the property of the avays which they left in the hands of their spanish friends is deposited at good interest, to be added to it for whomsoever is the owner; and that the debts which were owed by spaniards to sangleys who were not implicated in the uprising would also be paid. the chinese were also informed that the merchants could proceed with their commerce for the future, and that they would find a hearty reception; but that they must go back in their ships the same year. although this is so pressing a reason for sending this information, i was also led to do so in order that we might learn whether in china they were getting together a fleet directed against this country, as has been suspected since the coming of the mandarins, and as we were led to believe by the letter which they wrote to me before they disembarked, a duplicate copy of which i sent to your majesty. the whole city is very apprehensive of this, and chiefly the archbishop and the orders, particularly the dominicans. although, as i have said, i have left nothing undone in any way which could provide for the defense and protection of this land, yet it would be of much importance to obtain definite knowledge beforehand. this despatch is directed to malan [_sic; sc._ macan] which is a settlement of portuguese in the land of china itself. i wrote to the commandant of the place, and to the bishop and the fathers of the society (which, i am told, takes considerable part in the affairs of state), and to the other orders and to private persons, recounting to them this event. i sent to each of them a copy of the letter which i wrote to the chinese viceroy, so that, as they possess more extensive and intimate knowledge of the chinese customs, and of the conditions, and methods of negotiating, they might advise the person who takes the despatch what he should do in order the better to achieve his object and attain success in his undertaking--representing to them the service which they will render to your majesty, and the obligation to them under which these islands will be. since, considering the great amount of gunpowder and munitions which have been expended on this occasion, these supplies may fail us, owing to what we fear from china, and other troubles which every day arise, i wrote likewise to those persons that they should buy for me and send as much gunpowder and saltpeter as possible, on your majesty's account; and that the royal officials there should send it upon the credit of this treasury, so that it could be paid for in this city--for only enough money was sent for anchorage--money for the ships, and the expenses which are necessary there. the chinese will listen to no one if they are not paid first, and it is a custom very strictly observed among them. if we are cut off from china the many ordinary dangers cannot be overcome; and in a country so surrounded by enemies and so far from reënforcements, it is very necessary that these resources should remain, and not fail us. may god grant that all come out according to our need; for if the trade with china should fail, in no wise could this country be maintained, nor could your majesty sustain the great expenses here without much difficulty. for the duties which the chinese pay here, and what the merchants who carry the cloth pay in nueva hespaña, amount to much more than what is expended here, as we are always waging war with some nation or other, besides the ordinary expenses; and the christian religion which is so recently established among these natives would be in great danger. as soon as i arrived in this city i went out to inspect the parian of the chinese, which certainly needed inspection. considering the many who were there, and those whom i met on all the streets and everywhere i went, it appeared to me that there were great numbers there. accordingly i desired to learn under what regulation they were living and residing there. learning that the audiencia had it in charge, i spoke with the auditors about it, and told them that it was my affair--i being the governor and captain-general, in whose charge was the defense of the country, and not in that of the audiencia or any auditor who was caring for it. they answered me that your majesty had entrusted it to them and put it in their charge by a royal decree, and that each year an auditor was chosen for this commission; and that, if i wished it, it would be assigned to me in turn, but that they could not give it up without giving an account thereof to your majesty, although they saw that i was right. this troubled me much, and therefore i advised your majesty of it in my letter of the eleventh of july in the past year, one thousand six hundred and two. before this uprising of the sangleys, immediately upon the departure of the mandarins from here, as some disturbance had resulted from their coming, among other precautions which i took was that of ordering the establishment of several infantry captaincies for the natives, particularly in the provinces of pampanga, bulasan, la laguna de vay, tondo, bombon, and calilaya. these are more reasonable people, and more prosperous and civilized than the other indians, because they are nearer the city of manila, and show more affection for the spaniards, and likewise because they have more courage and spirit. i wrote to the alcaldes-mayor and the fathers; they sent me a memorandum of those who appeared to them most fit, saying that they had told them that they should immediately get their people ready and well armed, each one with rations for a month. while this was being agreed upon, the uprising took place, and this precaution was of the greatest importance; for they were able to come without delay, and be of so much use that without them i know not what would have happened. they are very proud of being soldiers and of serving your majesty in military affairs, and therefore they have proved to be excellent troops. i have made much of them, given them presents, and thanked them for what they have done, for which they are grateful, and contented with whatever may come to them. in every way it has been of the greatest importance that these natives have lost their fear for the sangleys, and have declared against them. there are among them a number of arquebusiers and musketeers. they are all a people fitted for the work, and if captained by spaniards they would be of much use. i have been continuing the permission which they before had from the previous governors to carry, in some cases, arquebuses and other arms; and as they have proved to be good and faithful, the object has been attained. in the said letter of the eleventh of july, 1602, i informed your majesty that i had not found a single armed galley, or crew therefor; and that i had only fitted up a galeota, and that i was arming it with the few condemned criminals who were here, and with those whom i brought from mejico and others whom i had joined with them. this vessel remains still in service, for although i had resolved to set it aside in some other business, as it was old and poorly designed and needed a great deal of repair, on this emergency of the sangleys it appeared to me best to maintain it--and likewise a new one of nineteen benches which i built and had armed, and another small galeota which i had here, which used to be in çebu. although the latter was not designed for a galeota, i had it so fitted up, and it will serve for the present. another galeota, of twenty-two or twenty-three benches, i am having finished to serve as flagship; it will be launched inside of twenty days, and will, i believe, be very good, according to the curves which it has. accordingly i shall arm four vessels--the new one, this one which is being finished, the old one which was here, and the little galeota (which has no more than fifteen benches). i have much confidence in them in case the chinaman should come; because great loss could be inflicted on his ships, before he could disembark and get ashore; and in any event they will be of use, for, although they must be manned with sangleys, this will necessitate greater prudence, and all will be well arranged. it has been a great help to me that i brought with me from cartagena and nueva hespaña several skilful men experienced in regard to galleys, who have been known to me from the time when i sailed with them from hespaña--especially captain francisco romanico, captain of one of the armed galleys of the fleet on the yndia route. as i knew him well and was certain that he was a man of long service and great activity, with much experience--for i have seen this on many occasions, as the adelantado of castilla would tell you if he were alive, as he set much store by him--and fearing that i should find affairs here ill-provided for, i persuaded him to come with me and leave the galleon, as it was all for the service of your majesty. i begged general marcos de aramburu to give him permission for this, as he did. accordingly he has been setting things to rights, which without his aid could not have been done, for there are no boatswains, or officers, or persons who understand the management or working of galleys; and accordingly they are being built anew, with labor enough on his part and mine, of which i have wished to give your majesty an account. i likewise wrote to your majesty in the said letter of the third of july of this year, that as i had had word in the month of april past that they were taking up arms in mindanao to go and harry the pintados (as they are accustomed to do each year), i had the old galeota armed. i ordered general don juan ronquillo to go with a company of infantry to oton, which is opposite mindanao; so that with these troops, and others which are there and in cebu, he might oppose the enemy, and do them what damage he could. having met several caracoas on the way, they fled from him, and he could not overtake them. he went on to oton, where he remained with a few armed caracoas, in readiness for what might occur. for the time being, the enemy did not make any attempt to come to the islands, and as i was informed that they were arming for the monsoons of september (as that time and may are the only seasons of the year in which they make their raids), i notified the said don juan ronquillo to be waiting attentively, and ready to help wherever the enemy might attack. that he might the better do this, i sent him the new galeota of nineteen benches with more infantry troops, and with them went the said captain romanico. having received news that the enemy were on the point of setting out from mindanao, or had already gone, don joan left oton in search of them; and while on the way he was informed of the uprising of the sangleys, and my order that he should not embark, as the mindanao enemy were already in the pintados. he did not stop to look for them or to oppose them, but with all the troops on the expedition he came back here, leaving in cebu thirty paid men and as many more in oton, so that with them the citizens and residents of those places might defend themselves, which was decided upon in a council of war. considering that the troops which don juan ronquillo had in his fleet amounted to two hundred men and more, and that those named in the relation died on the way, it appeared that the former might be of great importance here, and that it was very necessary that they should come to the defense of this city, even though they should be putting the pintados in danger; for, if this city were out of danger, it might repair the other losses. it was likewise taken into consideration that even if their recall were not necessary on this occasion of the uprising, it would be so if the chinese came with their fleet between now and the month of march, at which time they are expected, and during this whole season. when this opportunity is passed, the galeotas cannot come nor can the troops, seeing that the weather is contrary and navigation is very difficult and dangerous. in short, the galeotas arrived here, both of them with the troops, and remained in this fort. i was very glad to see them here, as affairs turned out. among the prisoners who were taken by the mindanao people last year was captain martin de mendia, a worthy man and an old encomendero in this land. the enemy gave him his freedom on account of his good reputation, and trusted him for his ransom. as he had given his word to other spanish prisoners whom they were also taking into captivity that he would return to negotiate for their freedom--being resolved upon this, and to ransom native chiefs from these islands who had been taken captive at that time, and likewise to learn whether the said mindanao was arming to come back here--having arrived at the said island of mindanao and spoken with the commander umpi, who was the head of the army of the year past, the latter was greatly pleased to see him, and agreed with him in regard to everything which he desired. he gave to captain mendia, without ransom, three or four spaniards whom he held captive, and besought him with much importunity to make him a friend of the spaniards. he gave him a letter for me, and likewise sent with it a nephew of his. another chief, named silonga, [30] who holds the most authority of all in affairs of war, did likewise. he also gave up without ransom two other spaniards, a few natives, and a priest, and likewise sent one of his nephews. they are both here; and within the few days since they have arrived it is understood that fifty ships from mindanao have gone against the islands of leyte and camar, which are in the province of cebu, and have wrought havoc there; the commander was buycan, another chief from mindanao. between these three, umpi, silonga, and buycan, and the present king, rajaniora, the whole country is divided, and the military power; likewise each one has his own following and people, set apart and acknowledged. they have usually dissensions and controversies among themselves, for he who has the most people and wealth seeks to be more esteemed than the others. but against the spaniards and their other enemies they confederate and unite, and ordinarily silonga has the most power. his nephew and others claim that he is not to blame for the expedition of buycan--saying that although he knew of it, and desired that he should not go out upon the raid, and even asked him not to, and to that end gave him a bonus of gold, he could not prevail upon him; nor was this a matter for him to forcibly interfere in, because there is no subjection of the one to the other. it is thus that matters stand, and we needs must tolerate it for the present, since nothing else can be done, considering the news which we are expecting from china. if this had not intervened, we had resolved to seek them with the galeotas and other oared vessels in their own country in this month of january, and to harry and lay waste their coasts, obstructing their harbors and rivers and burning their vessels. this, by not allowing them to depart from their own coasts, would inflict great damage upon them; but it is necessary, as i said, to employ some other means which is now being examined into. i shall advise your majesty as to what resolution is taken, by way of nueva españa. i likewise informed your majesty of the straits in which your royal treasury was because of the little money which had come from mejico this year--not only for the treasury, but for the citizens as well; and because of the expenses which have been incurred in this affair with the sangleys, and others which are presenting themselves every day. the treasury is so poor and needy that i find myself in a thousand difficulties, having no place whence to draw money; and it is necessary that it should not fail when occasion demands, or we shall lose everything. although all the people are encouraged to do all in their power, and the natives help, yet as they are poor--because their property is in the power of the mejicans, who will not send it back, saying they have not permission therefor, as i explained to you in the last letter--it is little they can do in this matter. indeed, in order to send advices to china it was necessary for the citizens to lend here a plate and there a pitcher, and other pieces of silver, for money there is none; and the little silver which remained to me, after the loan which i had made to the fund for aiding the soldiers, i also gave on this occasion and with all ... this infantry, to pay two instalments of their pay; and as they were not given rations they endured much suffering, so that i was greatly troubled by the difficulties and weakness that resulted--and at the time when it was most reasonable to keep them content and paid. i beseech your majesty to be pleased to order that the viceroy of nueva españa be notified to provide immediately a considerable quantity of money, so that this embarrassment may at once cease; as it is a very great difficulty that when anything is brought for the treasury we can make no use of it except to pay past debts, and it is not even sufficient for that. may our lord preserve your majesty in that prosperity which is needful for christendom. manila, december 18, 1603. _don pedro de acuña_ [_endorsed_ "manila; to his majesty; 1603. don pedro de acuña; december 18. duplicate."] sire: in a clause of a letter which i have just written to your majesty, i give a particular account of the uprising of the sangleys who rebelled against this city. i set forth the measures which i immediately took upon my arrival here to have the audiencia refer to me the licenses for the sangleys who were allowed to remain here, since i was charged with the defense of the country against them and other nations who come here to trade. i also desired this in order to remove and prevent certain difficulties which arose by reason of this, in connection with my proceedings, from those who have that matter in charge, and from your ministers, whom i have informed on various occasions to be careful in what they did. the whole city blames them, as it appears that, although it was agreed that there should not be more than four thousand sangleys, yet there were found in the uprising more than eighteen thousand. this is a matter which has much to do with the condition of affairs here, and it requires an investigation, because the people keenly feel their losses, and are complaining. i give an account hereof to your majesty, so that the matter may be understood. may our lord protect the catholic person of your majesty, according to the needs of christendom. manila, december 23, 1603. _don pedro de acuña_ [_in the margin_: "this matter is already provided for as appeared expedient; (_between the lines_: "in a letter of december 18, 603"); and as to the matter of the licenses, the inconveniences mentioned should be well considered, as they result from giving so many licenses."] [_endorsed:_ "july 21, 1606; examined and provided for within."] relacion de las islas filipinas by father pedro chirino, s.j. roma: printed by estevan paulino, in the year mdciv. _source_: this is translated from the original printed work, for which purpose have been used the copies belonging to harvard university and to edward e. ayer, of chicago. _translation_: this is made by frederic w. morrison, of harvard university, and emma helen blair. relation of the filipinas islands and of what has there been accomplished by the fathers of the society of _jesus_. _by father pedro chirino_ of the same society procurator for those islands. _at roma_, by estevan paulino, in the year mdciv. _by permission of the superiors_. this relation of the philippines, composed by father pietro cirino, having been examined by three theologians of our society, may be printed if it shall seem advisable to the most reverend monsignor vicegerent and to the most reverend father master of the sacred palace. _claudio_ [_aquaviva_], general of the society. let it be printed, at the pleasure of the most reverend father, master of the sacred palace. _b. gypsius_, vicegerent. this account of the affairs of the philippine islands, by the reverend administrator father petrus chirinus, of the society of jesus, is published with permission. nothing in it, in my opinion, is repugnant to the orthodox faith or the decrees of the church, or morality; on the contrary, i praise the diligence, learning, and piety which i find in no small measure in the author and his book. _fray thomas malvenda_, of the order of preachers. let it be printed. _fray joseph maria_, master of the sacred apostolic palace. relation of the filipinas islands and of what has there been accomplished by the fathers of the society of jesus _sent to our very reverend father claudio aquaviva, general of that society, by father pedro chirino, procurator for those islands_. i am about to relate to your paternity the state and condition of our insignificant society in the filipinas, in accordance with the obligation of my office as procurator sent here from those regions in the month of july, six hundred and two, and as one who has spent there fourteen years of the best of his life. [31] i shall follow the thread of incidents which have befallen the society in that region, and the hardships that it has undergone while preaching our holy faith. i shall also consider how that society has grown in connection with its services toward the holy church. that i may do so more conveniently, my narrative will begin at the time when our religion was first established in those islands, treating of the islands themselves, their characteristics, and those of the nations and peoples who inhabit them. i shall touch somewhat upon their history and upon events that have occurred there, noting only what concerns my purpose, and that briefly; for a complete and copious history of those islands has been written, [32] with exceeding care, truth, and eloquence, by doctor antonio de morga of the council of his catholic majesty, and his auditor in the royal chancillería of manila. moreover, apart from the consideration of the above book, it is neither my obligation nor my profession to write a history; although there certainly are in that land magnificent, singular, and wonderful things, both profitable and pleasing to know. i feel confident, however, that the matter contained in this short narrative will not fail to please your paternity, in proportion as you are informed of the fidelity and truth with which our lord (may he guard your paternity) is served in those most distant parts of the world by your sons who are there. of the name of the filipinas, their discovery, and location. chapter i. the filipinas are a part of the many islands which recent cosmographers consider adjacent to asia--as the canarias and the terceras [_i.e._, azores] are to africa; and inglaterra [england], escócia [scotland], hibernia, irlanda, olanda [holland], gelanda [iceland], and the oreadas [orkney] islands, to europe. some of the islands of this great archipelago cross the equinoctial line, or the torrid zone, and following the coast-line of great china and india, terminate on the north side with the islands of japon, which extend beyond the fortieth degree; in the south the archipelago has as yet no known termination. the filipinas are between the malucas and the islands of japon; and it is a thing to be wondered at that the exertions and diligence of the portuguese, who discovered, explored, and settled maluco, china, and japon, the outermost and peripheral islands, should not have discovered the middle part, or center, namely, the filipinas. it is true, they were informed concerning the island of burney, which is the most southern of the archipelago; they did not, however, stop there, being bound for the islands of maluco, in eager quest of spices and drugs, which are to be found there in such abundance. it was this very desire to secure drugs that caused the spaniards, or castilians, to discover and settle the filipinas, as is well known. for when hernando magallanes was in quest of the aforesaid drugs for the crown of castilla, in the days of the emperor charles fifth, he came upon the island of sebu, where, at the expense of his life, [33] he proved that the entire voyage from nueva españa could be made, avoiding the tedious route through the strait and the necessity of sailing thither from spain. [34] villalobos did the same soon after, but our lord destroyed his fleet, leaving the captain and his crew shipwrecked on the island of maluco, where necessity compelled them to fraternize and remain with the portuguese. [35] father cosme de torres, our illustrious apostle of japon, took part in this expedition, and was found in maluco by the blessed father francisco, who received him as his companion, and as a member of our society. [36] the castilians persisted in making a third attempt to send a fleet from nueva españa for the same purpose. with the warning and experience of the two former expeditions, they well knew the locality of sebu, and cast their anchors there. god, who destined them not for maluco but for the filipinas, caused them to abandon the thought of maluco and to settle the latter islands, thus bringing them to the bosom of the church and to the crown of castilla; they gave these the name of filipinas, out of respect to, and to perpetuate the memory of, king filipo second. [37] it was during his reign that this third expedition took place, as well as the discovery and conversion of the islands--which was accomplished by only five hundred spaniards with six augustinian religious, holy men and learned. among them was the reverend father martin de herrada, [38] a great cosmographer and mathematician, but still more distinguished as a holy and truly apostolic man. he was the first who made converts to christianity in the filipinas, preaching to them of jesus christ in their own tongue--of which he made the first vocabulary, which i have seen and have also studied. the discovery of an image of the child jesus, which gave its name to the city of sebu; the holy patrons of the same and of manila. chapter ii. the city of the natives in the port of sebu was at that time so large and populous that it extended a space of more than a legua along the beach, on the spot where now stands the city and fortress of the spaniards. as the indians had already in the past experienced the valor of the latter, and were fearful at thought of their treachery in killing magallanes years before, they greatly feared our men on this occasion. upon sighting our vessels, they began to offer all possible resistance with their bows and arrows, lances and shields--such being their arms--to prevent our men from landing. when our people saw the islanders disposed to hostility, they discharged some cannon into the air, frightening them to such an extent that they abandoned their houses and fled inland. thereupon our men leaped ashore unimpeded and began to seek food in the houses (as is the custom among those who have just disembarked after a long voyage). at this juncture it happened that a biscayan who was rummaging among the movables and ornaments of one of the houses, found in a basket, among other things, a carved image of the holy child jesus, presumably left as a trophy of the devotion of some good soldier of the first expedition of magallanes. [39] the indians, partly on account of the novelty of the image, which they understood to be the god of the christians, and partly on account of the respect and reverence with which our lord himself inspired them, held the object in great veneration, as was afterwards learned, and had recourse to it in all their necessities--making sacrifices to it after their custom, and anointing it with their oils, as they were accustomed to anoint their idols. and our lord exercising, moreover, his wonted mercy toward those who honored him without knowing him, did not act otherwise toward those who, in their ignorance of him, were at the same time offending him; he succored them most liberally in their needs, as a token and pledge of the greater favors which he had marked out for them when they should come to a knowledge of him, and preserved for these times which they are now enjoying. for which reason they had recourse frequently to this image in their necessities, calling it "the divata of the castilians;" for among them "divata" is god, whom the inhabitants of manila call bathala or anito, [40] as we shall see later. the good biscayan upon seeing the holy child, was filled with a strange joy and happiness, and desiring to share it with the rest of the expedition, began to cry aloud in his own absurd language, "bear witness to god, thou hast found his son." the religious at once took possession of the image, regarding it as a good omen; and out of respect and devotion to it named the city that they founded santissimo nombre de jesus, and placed the image in a church of their order erected in the city. there it remains in highest veneration, and has wrought many miracles, particularly in childbirths, whence it is both facetiously and piously called el partero ["man-midwife"]. each year it is borne in solemn procession from the church of st. augustine to the spot in which it was found, where a chapel has since been erected. the procession takes place upon the same day when the discovery was made--namely, on the twenty-ninth of april, the feast of the glorious martyr st. vital, who is patron of the city, and as such that day is kept as a solemn feast in his honor. one of the regidors, appointed each year for this purpose, brings out the banner of the city; he is on that day clad in livery, and invites the public to the festivals. [41] there are bull-fights and other public festivities and rejoicings, with many novel fireworks, such as wheels and sky-rockets, which the sangleys make the night before; on this occasion they construct things well worth seeing, and which appear well-nigh supernatural. the city of manila holds similar festivities on the feast-day of the glorious apostle st. andrew, who was chosen as its patron because, on his feast-day, the city was delivered from the blockade of the pirate limahon. at that time the city had no fortress or walls, or any stone buildings; and in all the islands there were no more than five hundred spaniards, as i learned from one of them. these few men alone compelled the enemy, who numbered more than a thousand fighting men, to withdraw from the city; and they even pursued and harried the pirates in such wise, by blocking the mouth of the river pangasinan (where they had retired with their ships), that to escape the fury of our men they were obliged to construct some light craft within their fort. they are said to have calked these, for want of pitch, with their own blood; and to have carried them on their shoulders for several leguas over land, until they succeeded in launching them into the sea, and fled under full sail. they left their ships in the river and dismantled the forts and camps, where our men found some spoils, of which i saw a part. but satisfaction over the booty was outweighed by chagrin at losing the enemy whom they had practically in their hands. the enemy, however, had received such a lesson that they never returned. some years afterwards they planned to elect another patron against hurricanes, which are called in those parts _vagios_, and by the portuguese _tufones_. [42] they are furious winds which, springing up ordinarily in the north, veer toward the west and south, and move around the compass in the space of twenty hours or more. one of these days of tempest is a very judgment day; especially if it overtake one in the night-time, and in a wooden house. it rends some houses, and turns others over on one side; still others (and most frequently) it destroys and hurls to the ground. with the assistance of the bishop of yucatan, [43] who was at that time dean of the church, the cathedral of manila had been temporarily erected, with pillars of the very strongest trees, so large that two men could not reach around them; and all the timber above and below was on the same scale; yet in half an hour one of these typhoons destroyed the newly-built cathedral, and left only the tabernacle of the most holy sacrament between four pillars. in this accident some people were killed: for, fleeing from their houses, which were falling to pieces over their heads, they betook themselves for greater safety to the church. the vessels in the bay were hurled ashore the distance of a stone's throw, and those who were caught in the tempest were carried away like straw. to remedy so great an evil, lots were cast with great solemnity at a concourse of all classes; from these came forth the [name of the] most glorious virgin st. potenciana--not without much mystery; for, on the day when the event took place (the 19th of may), one of the earliest settlers, hearing her name called, arose and said: "hers is the day when we first entered manila, by which it is meant that our lord chose to inform us of the obligation that we owe to this glorious saint." what followed confirmed his statement; for from that time forward there has been a notable improvement in this respect, the storms and the fury of the winds recognizing the favor and protection of this blessed virgin. how the spaniards spread over all the filipinas to manila. chapter iii. the people of sebu did not remain a long time in retirement. assured of the good friendship of the spaniards for them, and that through it they should have many commodities which they needed, together with defense and help against their enemies, and peace in the islands (of which they were so desirous, being weary of the continual and grievous wars and evils with which they had harassed one another), they all repaired to the spaniards to be baptized, and to offer them their services. they entered, moreover, into such fraternal and confidential relations with the spaniards that they soon came to long for the honor which might be theirs from association with them, and from serving them with their industry and lands--not only providing them with what was needful for their sustenance, but acting as guides in the exploration and conquest of the other islands as far as manila, which is the principal and foremost island among them all. for this reason the sebuans are privileged and exempt from taxation, as a reward for their friendly services and loyalty. in the beginning the pacification of the islands was strongly resisted, and some deaths among our men ensued; yet, in spite of this, those few reduced and subjugated everything and began to establish our holy faith, gently bringing the villages, with their chiefs, into obedience to the church and to the crown of castilla. the method which they pursued was consistent with the practice of those nations in forming a friendship--a method not altogether their own, as it was a custom among the most ancient heathen peoples, mention of which we find in serious authors. those who made peace in the name of the rest, and established the pacts of perpetual friendship, pricked and wounded their own arms; the indian sucking the blood of the spaniard, and the spaniard that of the indian. in this wise they became as if of the same blood, and were closer than brothers. these are called _sandugo_, which means "consanguineous," or "of the same blood." of the entry of the fathers of the society into the filipinas. chapter iv. these islands offer good inducements to the spaniards, as well as for ecclesiastics and religious, to make settlements: to the former, because the islands are numerous and thickly inhabited by a people who, though not rich, were accustomed to wear cotton and silk garments, and gold pieces (not merely of thin plate) and brooches to fasten them; and rich necklaces, pendants, ear-rings, finger-rings, ankle-rings, on the neck, ears, hands, and feet--the men, as well as the women. they even used to, and do yet, insert gold between their teeth as an ornament. although among the other ornaments which they used were to be found articles of considerable interest and curiosity which could be described, there is one practice which seems more worthy of attention than the others--namely, that of wearing rings upon the instep of the foot. this seems to be precisely the same custom that the ancients wrote about when they mentioned nations who used gold for fetters and chains, especially among the nobles. their ornamenting the teeth is also worth notice, although it is a barbarous practice to deprive them of their natural whiteness, which god conferred upon the teeth for the beauty of man. on the other hand, they showed themselves to be both skilful and prudent in trying to maintain them as necessary instruments for the preservation of health and life. they are thus very diligent in rinsing out their mouths and cleansing their teeth after eating, and upon arising in the morning. for the same purpose they treat and adorn their teeth in the following way: from early childhood they file and sharpen them, [44] either leaving them uniform or fashioning them all to a point, like a saw--although this latter is not practiced by the more elegant. they all cover their teeth with a varnish, either lustrous black or bright red--with the result that the teeth remain as black as jet, or red as vermilion or ruby. from the edge to the middle of the tooth they neatly bore a hole, which they afterward fill with gold, so that this drop or point of gold remains as a shining spot in the middle of the black tooth. this seems to them most beautiful, and to us does not appear ugly. these people were and still are very sagacious, and keen in traffic and bargaining, and in buying and selling; and they applied themselves to all gainful pursuits--and not least to agriculture and to the breeding of animals, regularly carried on for the profits thus made. they have not only great harvests of rice (which is their ordinary bread), but also crops of cotton, with which they clothe themselves, and from which they manufacture quantities of cloths, which were, and are yet, much esteemed in nueva españa. for this reason, the spaniards regarded them as a people from whom large profits might be gained, and they were not mistaken, for, from the gains on cotton fabrics alone (which there they call _lompotes_), one encomendero left an estate of more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos in a few years. the soil is not only good and favorable with a sunny climate, but fertile and rich. besides possessing many gold mines and placers--of which they make but small account, because of the china silks which bring them more profit--they raise fowls in great abundance. besides the domestic fowls, which are most numerous and very cheap, the fields are full of wild ones. there is an infinite number of domestic swine, not to mention numberless mountain-bred hogs, which are very fat, and as good for lard as the domestic breed. there are also many goats which breed rapidly, bearing two kids at a time and twice yearly; there are entire islands abounding with them. as to the buffaloes, there called carabaos, there are beside the tame and domestic breed, many mountain buffaloes, which are used [as food] the same as those in europe--although somewhat less ugly in appearance, and with singularly large horns, three times the size of those of our breed. they have remarkable skill in striking with these horns; lowering the beard to the breast, with the point of the horn they lift up the most minute object. in spite of these formidable qualities both indians and spaniards hunt and slay them. their flesh, whether fresh or dried, is as good as the most excellent beef. deer are so abundant that the japanese import cargoes of their hides from these islands. the sea abounds in all kinds of delicate fish; trees, fruits, vegetables, and garden-stuff are abundant--especially bananas, of which there are as many different kinds as in europe there are varieties of apples and other fruits. there are six or eight species of orange, the most famous of which is an orange as big as a large-sized melon or gourd. some of these are white inside, like limes; others are as red as our oranges are yellow; and all kinds are as well-flavored as bunches of delicate grapes. in general, the fruits of those regions, although different from ours in species and form, have much the same flavor as the european fruits. the palms, of which there are many and varied species, are the vineyards and olive-orchards of that country. for beside the many other uses and advantages of this tree, it yields wine, vinegar, and oil in sufficient quantities not only to supply that region abundantly, but likewise to ship and send away to other neighboring regions--especially furnishing wine to japon, maluco, and nueva españa. the rigging of vessels is also manufactured from this tree. in fact, there is such an abundance of the materials necessary for the construction of ships that a vessel which is built in nueva españa or peru in several years' time for fifty or sixty thousand pesos, is constructed in the filipinas in less than one year, and at a cost of less than eight thousand pesos. the cane is in itself another miracle, especially the kind called _cauayan_, the size and thickness of which are incredible. i shall not say what i have seen of that species during fourteen years; but one of our society lately told me in lisboa, while discussing this subject, that in the river of london he had seen a vessel which had one of these canes for a pump. in addition to pliny, [45] the most ancient writer who makes much mention of these canes, there are many moderns who testify to their size--especially one who, from information received by those of his nation who have coursed these seas (to our detriment and their own danger), has written an account of these canes and of other plants and fruits of that new world. although this cane is so large, it is so easily worked that it is employed in whatever is needed for any of the uses of life; from vessels and houses (which can be made from it in all their parts), its use extends to the pot and wood for cooking. it seems to me that its uses could go no farther; and in these it corresponds, too, with what pliny [46] writes of the reed and the papyrus--particularly as within the hollow of the cane, there are membranes somewhat similar to beaten and glazed paper, on which i have at times written. in some of the canes there is also found a juice or liquor which is drunk as a luxury. there is nothing especially remarkable in the fact that so much abundance should be deposited in the hollow of these canes; for, just as in other regions trees need water, in the filipinas some are found which furnish it--acting as a perpetual fountain for a whole community, even though it may be on the apparently dry uplands. in all that locality there are no other springs than these trees. the method which they employ for obtaining the liquid from the tree is to make some cuts or incisions in the trunk and the thicker branches; and out of these is distilled and flows a clear, sweet water, in ample quantities. but, to return to the subject of the canes, it should be known that in our church of manila were erected two ladders, each of which had only two canes somewhat more than eight brazas in length: the steps consisted of strips and slips cut from the said cane. they were used in decorating the church and each one would sustain at its top two or three men; they were erected without any prop being needed to sustain them. each cane was at the lowest part about three palmos in circumference, which crosswise or in diameter would be about one palmo. [47] these ladders are well adapted to such needs, for being, as they are, strong and yet hollow, they are not very heavy, or hard to move. from these canes they make in china the whips which with three or four blows kill a man. to this abundance and fertility was added the proximity of china, india, japon, malaca, and maluco. from china they not only began to ship their riches in silks and glazed earthenware, as soon as they learned of our wealth of four and eight real pieces; but they also stocked the islands with cattle (which have since multiplied there exceedingly) and with horses and mares, and great stock-farms have been established. the chinese have also supplied provisions, metals, fruits, preserves and various luxuries, and even ink and paper; and (what is of much more value) there have come tradesmen of every calling--all clever, skilful, and cheap, from physicians and barbers to carriers and porters. the chinese are the tailors, the shoemakers, the blacksmiths, the silversmiths, sculptors, locksmiths, painters, masons and weavers; in short, they represent all the trades of the community. their labor is so cheap that a pair of shoes costs no more than two reals, and so many are made that they have been shipped even to nueva españa. from india, malaca, and maluco come to manila male and female slaves, white and black, children and adults; the men are industrious and obliging, and many are good musicians; the women excellent seamstresses, cooks, and preparers of conserves, and are neat and clean in service. the islands also import drugs, spices, and precious stones; marble, pearls, seed-pearls, carpets, and other riches. from japon are imported much wheat, and flour, also silver, metals, saltpeter, weapons, and many curiosities. all of these things make life in that region pleasant and an object of desire to men; and indeed it seems a copy of that tyre so extolled by ezekiel. in the second place, as concerns the religious, there was from the very beginning the very tractable disposition displayed by so many natives of the islands in embracing the faith. but as the many and excellent ministers whom the holy order of st. augustin promptly sent thither were not sufficient for the task of converting the natives, nor were those who were sent by the order of the seraphic father st. francis, [48] which in the year 1580 already had in the islands some establishments, and had made many conversions--the fathers of the society of jesus were also needed. they were introduced, in that year, by the first bishop of these islands, don fray domingo de salazar, [49] a priest of the order of st. dominic--who afterward died in the city of toledo, as archbishop of manila. this great prelate had left his province of mexico to consult with the catholic king, don felipe second, concerning matters of grave importance; and, being by his majesty appointed bishop of the filipinas, he soon sought from the king permission to take with him to the islands members of the society--as appears from the same royal provision made for them in nueva españa. accordingly he took with him from that country the first members of the society to enter those islands--namely, father antonio sedeño and father alonso sanchez. these, our fathers, entered the city of manila without cloaks, as i have heard father antonio sedeño himself relate, in commending their poverty; for those which they brought with them from mexico had worn out and rotted in the voyage. they went to rest at [the convent of] san francisco, where those blessed fathers received them with much charity until they found an abode--which they chose in a suburb of manila, called laguio, very wretched and closely packed, and so poorly furnished that the very chest in which they kept their books was the table upon which they ate. their only food for many days was rice boiled in water without salt, oil, meat, fish, or even an egg, or any other thing; sometimes as a dainty, they secured some salted sardines. but the good bishop who had brought them did not leave them long in such straits; for not only did he offer us his library, and show us other acts of kindness and charity as a true father, but he tried to improve the site of our habitation, as soon as he saw that those first fathers had no wish to change it for another. thus, with two ground-plots given them by andres cauchela, accountant for the catholic king in those regions (who owned some lands in laguio); with property of the catholic king, obtained at the instance of the aforesaid bishop and at the order of the governor, don gonzalo ronquillo [50]; and with the addition of private offerings of charity--a fine wooden house was constructed (which i myself saw), wherein was fitted up their church, in which our fathers exercised their ministry, with a large attendance, and to the great advantage of the spaniards. three years later their number was increased. the catholic king sent his royal audiencia to the islands in the year 1583; and as its president, the governor of the islands and the representative of his majesty, doctor santiago de vera, who was a member of his council, and judge in the royal chancillería of mexico. [51] he, at the time of his departure from mexico, requested of the father doctor juan de la plaça, who was then provincial in nueva españa, permission to take with him to the islands some of the fathers. not only did he himself urge this, but also other personages, even the king's ministers, who all insisted that he should in no case go without them. under this influence the father provincial was constrained to draw from the few members then in his province four individuals: these were father ramon de prado, a catalan; father francisco almerique, an italian; padre hernan suarez, a castilian; and, as coadjutor, the brother gaspar gomez--all of whom, as we shall later see, were of great benefit to those regions. so great was the satisfaction of this most christian man, upon receiving the message of our provincial (who had given him two of ours, and those other four on his own responsibility), that he immediately fell on his knees before them, and gave thanks to our lord that he had obtained the ministers whom his divine majesty employs for the conversion of peoples, as he has so said. they reached the filipinas in may or june of the year 1584, and afforded great companionship, comfort, and aid to those who were in the islands. father hernan suarez was especially useful, for god had endowed him with special grace in winning hearts and bringing them to his service--and this, in familiar conversation and ordinary discourse, as well as in the pulpit and the confessional. in this way the whole community was dependent on him; he settled all matters that might give rise to discord, and no one took any step without his opinion and counsel. he ministered to his flock jointly and severally in public and in private, with much charity on his part and satisfaction on theirs. but this very thing was the cause, in a short time, of his death. exhausted by so much toil, but especially by the fierce heat of the sun--to which he was exposed at every hour, in journeying on foot from laguio to manila and back again--and wearied and often perspiring from the sermons which he so frequently preached, he died a holy death within two or three years, to the universal sorrow of his entire congregation which celebrated his obsequies as those of a true father. for this reason and at the order of father antonio de mendoca, provincial of nueva españa, who did not wish that our members should dwell so far from manila, they were obliged to change their abode and come within the city. many devout persons and friends of our society helped them greatly to this end with offerings, some giving them pieces of land, on which was a wooden house of moderate size; others offerings of money, with which they bought more land. here we dwelt until captain juan pacheco maldonado, a regidor of manila, and doña faustina de palacios y villa gomez, his wife, our excellent benefactress, erected for us a beautiful stone edifice. this work was begun, with great piety and devotion, on the same day when this christian captain received the news that the english had robbed a vessel in which he had a great quantity of goods. the mariscal gabriel de ribera, another notable benefactor of ours, erected temporarily a very neat wooden church, which was used until the stone church, which we now have, was finished. the greater part of this was done at the expense of this captain, juan pacheco. the rest was accomplished with the aid of large gifts contributed by the devout people. in short, this post at manila began to assume permanent form; our very reverend father-general claudio aquaviva, accepted it as a college, and appointed, as its first rector, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine, father antonio sedeño. of the employments of the fathers of the society in the filipinas. chapter v. in the residence at manila (which was the only one that our society then had in the filipinas), of the five priests who had gone thither only three remained. for, as we have said, father hernan suarez urged himself on to work until he died of sheer exhaustion--but certainly with most abundant harvest, and having brought great consolation to that commonwealth, where his loss was deeply felt, and his memory was held for many years in great tenderness and affection by all. father alonso sanchez, although inclined by nature to retirement and solitude, could not hide his light, since he was a man of great courage and ability. his retirement was perpetually beset by bishop, governor, royal ministers, prelates of the church, and regidors of the commonwealth. both within and without manila, he was forever busied in important affairs--whether concerning the welfare of souls, the peace of men's consciences, the tranquillity and prosperity of the commonwealth, or the service of his majesty the catholic king, our sovereign. on this account not only did they send him on several journeys to china and malaca, but finally despatched him to europe upon like undertakings, where he was well known at the court of españa and afterwards at that of roma. the three who were left behind did not remain idle. father antonio sedeño, in addition to his ordinary occupation of preaching--in which he was so effective that he could move stones by his eloquence--in his capacity as superior attended to the temporal affairs of the residence and to the construction of buildings. he was all the more busy in this latter occupation, from the scarcity, at that time, of architects and builders in manila; for there were none at all. first he taught this art to the indians, and then to the chinese; and he inspired the bishop to build the first stone house ever erected in manila. encouraged by this example, they continued to build others, until finally the city reached its present greatness. at this time it is one of the most beautiful and delightful cities in the indias. formerly the houses, though large and roomy, were all constructed of wood or cane. in short the good father was the architect of the city, and the people caused him no little labor in inspecting, planning, and arranging its edifices; he aided them out of pure charity and zeal for the advancement of the holy church, which he hoped would be very great in those regions. the first fort constructed in manila for the defense of the city was erected under his direction, and with his plans, supervision, and aid, which cost him no little effort. this is the fortress that they call guia, because it is situated at the principal gate of the city which leads out to the chapel of nuestra señora de guia that stands in front of our house. i once accompanied him when he went to furnish the plans for a stairway in one of the principal houses; and he showed so much patience and indulgence toward the errors which the indians had committed in his absence that he did not lose his temper in either word or look, but merely had what was wrong taken apart and done over again. father raimundo de prado also preached with much enthusiasm and devotion; but his principal employment was in the confessional, where he exercised his calling to such advantage that there was scarcely a man or woman who confessed to another priest. he also, at the instance of the bishop, read in our house for the benefit of the clergy, the _materia de sacramentis_, which lasted, several months; but after that was finished he read no longer, as he could not attend to so many things. father francisco almerique began the study of the chinese language, in his zeal to aid in the conversion of the many chinese who came to manila and whom we in the filipinas call sangleys. he effected several conversions, in particular, that of a young man of much talent who had studied their learning, and made more than ordinary progress, and was about to be graduated in his own country. this young man, abandoning his studies and ambitions for our holy faith, was solemnly baptized in our church at manila by the hand of the bishop, and took the name of paul, in devotion to that most glorious apostle, the teacher of the gentiles. i met him afterward and came to know him well, and saw in him a christian of the primitive church. since it enters most opportunely into this matter, let me relate how, having once seen an honorable spaniard commit some act by no means christianlike, he said to me: "father, are not these christians? and, if so, how can they do this?" i was obliged to satisfy him by making a distinction between the living and the dead faith, and the appreciation and estimation of the things of god in contrast to the inclination and affection for earthly things, which is so common among our christians of long standing--to the great scandal of the new converts, as this incident shows. the japanese who came to manila also repaired to our church; and i once saw them perform a very decorous and devout dance in a feast of the most holy sacrament. their mode of dress is decorous, and they sing, to a slow and solemn music, marking the pauses by strokes with a small fan grasped in the palm of the left hand; they move in time with this, only stamping their feet, inclining their bodies somewhat. the effect is most striking, and invites devotion, especially in those who understand what they sing, which are all things pertaining to the divine. in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-seven, one of them named gabriel, a native of miaco, reared in the society, brought with him to manila as converts four other companions--who, as soon as they arrived, were baptized with great solemnity in our church and confirmed by the bishop, who treated us with the same love and confidence as if he were of our religious order. on the feast of st. michael, the twenty-ninth of september of this same year, there was a jubilee in our church, and the bishop desired to celebrate the mass; on that occasion, six hundred persons received communion; for a country and a christian community so new as that one, this was a very large number, and gave all the more consolation and edification to all. in this same year occurred a miraculous conversion of an infidel. this latter was crossing the river of manila in one of those small boats so numerous in the islands, which do not extend more than two dedos [52] out of the water. as there are many caimans in this river (which in that respect is another nile), one of them happened to cross his course, and, seizing him, dragged him to the bottom with a rapidity which is their mode, by a natural instinct, of killing and securing their prey. the infidel, like another jonas, beneath the water called with all his heart upon the god of the christians; and instantly beheld two persons clad in white, who snatched him from the claws of the caiman, and drew him to the bank, safe and sound; and as a result of this miracle he was baptized, with his two sons, and became a christian. the very opposite befell another christian, who, forgetful of god, passed every night to the other side of that river to commit evil deeds. god, wearied of waiting for him, sent his "alguazil of the water"--which is the name that we give there to the cayman--who, seizing him, executed upon his person the divine chastisement for his wickedness. all this took place in manila, in which place ours were not long confined; they went forth, and dispersed through the islands, the number and variety of which we shall now describe in greater detail. of the number and size of the filipinas islands. chapter vi. the islands properly called the filipinas begin at the large island of burnei, not far from malaca, which serves as a roadstead for the portuguese who sail for maluco. this island extends from the first or second degree on the south of the equinoctial line to about the eighth degree on the north side. the mahometan king of this island, although he retained his own religion, rendered obedience as a vassal of the crown of castilla when doctor francisco de sande [53] was governor of the filipinas. the island of siao [54] is east of burnei and about six or eight degrees latitude toward the north; its king and his subjects are christians, converted by the fathers of our society who live in maluco. to render homage to the crown of castilla, he came to the court of manila at the time when gomez perez de las marinas, knight of the habit of santiago, was governor of the islands. on this journey he was accompanied by father antonio marta, an italian, the superior of the society in the islands of maluco, and by his companion, father antonio pereira, [55] a portuguese. i had them all as guests in a house at tigbauan, in the island of panai, where for two years i was instructing those peoples, to their profit and my own satisfaction, as i shall later relate. i do not mean cian, but siao, for that is the name of the island. cian is not an island, but the mainland between malaca and camboxa, contiguous with great china and cochin china. by journeying northward from the two islands of siao and burnei, one may traverse in his course from island to island the whole extent of the filipinas; and, by going east and west, their entire width. passing through sarrangan, iolo, and taguima, which are three distinct islands, one reaches the great island of mindanao, whence one comes to the island of manila, the metropolitan see; as well as to babuyanes, hermosa island, and the greater and lesser lequios, which include many islands. of the more northern islands, besides those already named, those which are known and are most populous are: manila, mindoro, luban, marinduque, cabras, tablas, masbate, capul, ibabao, leite, bohol, fuegos, negros, imares, panai, cagayan, cuyo, calamianes, paravan--besides many others which are less known, although populated, all of which will reach forty or more in number. this is excluding other small uninhabited islands and some of fair size. among those islands that i have mentioned there are some much larger than españa, as, for example, manila and burnei; and others which are certainly no smaller, as mindanao and calamianes. some are somewhat smaller, as mindoro, ibabao, and that of negros; others very much smaller, as leite, sebu, and panai, but all of them are well peopled, fertile, and rich, and not far distant from one another, and not one so small that it is not in reality large. the island of sebu, one of the smallest, would have, if we were to credit the statement of a certain author, a circumference of twelve leguas; but i myself have sailed along the coast of two-thirds of the island (it is triangular in shape), and assert that its circumference is more than fifty spanish leguas. of the division and distribution of bishoprics and provinces in the filipinas. chapter vii. at the instance of the first bishop, don fray domingo de salazar, and with the information which he gave to the catholic king don felipe second, of glorious memory, his majesty divided those islands into four dioceses, beseeching the holiness of our most holy father, clement eighth, to establish the aforesaid bishop as the metropolitan archbishop of the city of manila, with three suffragan bishops. [56] two of these were in that same island, one in the eastern part, and one in the western; one, the bishop of nueva segovia (which by sea is but sixty leguas distant from great china); his bishopric extends as far as the ilocos, more than a hundred leguas distant, being conterminous with the archbishopric of manila. the other is the bishop of camarines whose bishopric is but little smaller, reaching from the lagoon of manila to the channel-mouth through which we enter the islands on the way thither from españa. the third bishopric is even larger, for it embraces almost all the islands of the pintados (the proper name for which is bisayas)--beginning with the islands of panay, bantayan, leite, ibabao, and capul, and extending to the great island of mindanao and the more southern islands. its cathedral and see are in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus, so named from the discovery of [an image of] the child jesus which was found there, as we have related. the people of the bisayas are called the pintados, because they are actually adorned with pictures [span. _pintados--i.e._, painted, or tattooed]--not because this is natural to them, although they are well built, of pleasing countenance, and white; but because they adorn their bodies with figures from head to foot, when they are young and have sufficient strength and energy to suffer the torment of the tattooing; and formerly they tattooed themselves when they had performed some act of valor. they tattoo themselves by pricking the skin until the blood comes, with sharp, delicate points, according to designs and lines which are first drawn by those who practice this art; and upon this freshly-bleeding surface they apply a black powder, which is never effaced. they do not tattoo the body all at the same time, but by degrees, so that the process often lasts a long time; in ancient times, for each part which was to be tattooed the person must perform some new act of bravery or valiant deed. the tattooed designs are very ingenious, and are well adapted to those members or parts whereon they are placed. during my stay in the filipinas, i was wont to say, in my satisfaction and admiration for the fine appearance of those natives, that if one of them were brought to europe much money could be made by exhibiting him. children are not tattooed, and the women tattoo all of one hand and part of the other. they do not, however, on this account go naked; they wear well-made collarless robes, which reach the ankle and are of cotton bordered with colors: when they are in mourning, these robes are white. they take off these robes in their houses, and in places where garments are unnecessary; but everywhere and always they are very attentive and watchful to cover their persons, with great care and modesty, wherein they are superior to other nations, especially to the chinese. the catholic king also decreed, for the sake of peace, and to facilitate the preaching of the gospel, that the provinces of the religious orders should remain distinct, and that there should be no interference or confusion between the religious and the clergy. he left the orders of st. francis and st. augustine from that time in those districts of indians which they previously occupied, which are numerous and very good. he bestowed upon the order of st. dominic, which had gone thither five or six years later than our society, the remaining territory in the bishopric of nueva segovia. to us he granted the islands of ibabao, capul, leite, samar, bohol, and others in that vicinity, as well as authority to found a college in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus. how the society extended its labors to the villages of the indians outside of manila. chapter viii. at this time we had again brought our number in manila to five. in the place of father alonso sanchez, who was absent in españa, and of the late father hernán suarez, two others of us had gone to the islands and had learned the language; and one of us, in holy obedience to orders given him, and at the instance of a prebendary of manila, began to use it in his benefice, fourteen leguas from the city. the principal village of this district is called balayan; in it and in numerous other villages of the same region there are many good christians, converted by the discalced friars of the order of the seraphic father st. francis--especially in balayan, among whose inhabitants there are many persons of note, who are very intelligent and well disposed. during several years an apostolic man of that order preached there, named father juan de oliver, whose holy teaching shone forth in the piety and devotion of that people. i dwelt in that district for more than two months, and during my stay they kept me well occupied in the baptism of children and adults, and in confessions and communions, which were so numerous that all that time seemed to me a holy week. all these peoples hold our holy law in the highest esteem, and therefore have the deepest respect for its priests. i shall relate in this connection an incident that befell me at this time with some of the chiefs of balayan. there was an epidemic of small-pox (called by them bolotong), which was killing off children and old men, although more fatal to adults than to the young. i was in the habit of walking through the principal streets twice a day, morning and night, when i would send boys on both sides of the street to discover and indicate to me those who desired confession and baptism. whenever they sent for me (which was not seldom), i entered the house; all the living-rooms are in the upper part, the lower floor being used only for household duties. and it was no small labor to ascend and descend so often, especially by ladders of cane; which are used everywhere. one day, when busied in this my occupation, i passed by a group of their chiefs, who, upon perceiving me, formed a row on one side of the street and saluted me all together, uncovering their heads, and making a low bow. i, inclining my head, removed my cap and passed on. they appreciated my politeness, and considered themselves so favored and honored by it that, upon my return, they displayed the same courtesy, standing in line, and then they all fell upon their knees, as if they desired to excel me in politeness; for that which i had shown them when i first approached seemed to them all too much. my greatest aid to them was at lian, three leguas from balayan, in which place--as well as in another near by, called manisua--i converted many to christianity and heard many confessions. i was here on ash wednesday; not only did the adults receive the ashes with incredible reverence and devotion, but all the mothers brought all their children to receive the emblem, and were not willing to depart until they and all the others had received. for this journey i thank and am deeply grateful to the bishop who was most earnestly desirous that ours should aid in so important a ministry. as it was clearly evident that the villages of taitai, antipolo, and others of that encomienda--which was six leguas from manila, up the river, and in which there were already some christians--contained many infidels who should be converted, he entrusted it to the society. through the grace of jesus christ our lord, such fruitful results were accomplished as shall be seen in the course of this narrative. i shall simply state for the present that, at the end of ten years, i was in the habit of saying (in imitation of st. gregory thaumaturgus) that i was most thankful to our lord, for, when i entered the place, i found hardly forty christians, and at the end of that time there were not four infidels. if i am not mistaken, we baptized with our own hands more than seven thousand souls; and today it is one of the most flourishing of christian communities that holy church possesses, and none in those regions is superior to it. how the village of taitai improved its site. chapter ix. at that time the village of taitai lay along the water, on the banks of a marsh or stream formed by waterfalls from the mountains of antipolo, which emptied into the river near the same mouth by which it flows out of the lagoon. it was situated in a most beautiful and extensive valley, formed between the lagoon and the mountains; and so low that each year, when the waters of the lagoon rise on account of the floods from the many rivers which enter it, the valley is flooded and submerged as is egypt by the nile, and remains thus inundated from august until october or november. at this period the valley itself becomes a lagoon of more than an estado in depth, and can be traversed only by means of boats. this inundation abundantly fertilizes the rice fields and seeded lands with which the valley is covered, and, as a result, rich and abundant harvests are gathered. the water enters at the proper season when the rice stalks are hardening and are beginning to ear; consequently the copious irrigation helps it to form seed without hindering the grain from hardening, or the harvest from being gathered. on the contrary it is a convenience, as i myself have often seen, to go in boats for the reaping, and in those boats to bring the bundles of grain to the houses, where they are exposed to the sun to dry. when it is thoroughly dry they thresh and clean it, and store it in their granaries. this inundation not only flooded the village--to such an extent that the streets could be traversed only in boats, in which i went often enough--but also, although the floor of the church had been raised and repairs made to guard against the water, it flowed in over the steps, even to the main altar. on account of this inundation they had selected, not far from the church and farther back from the water, a hill, where those who died during this season were interred. for mass they repaired to antipolo, which lies a scant three miles inland among the mountains. the first time when i saw my church flooded, and realized that i could not say mass in it, i was obliged to believe what i had never been able to credit, although i had been often told of it. it is customary for these villages, for greater convenience of government, to be divided into districts on the plan of parishes, which they call _barangais_. each one of these is under the command of a chief, who governs it and appoints those who are to provide for all contingencies; the latter are called _datos_. at that time this village had four hundred families and was divided into four barangais; consequently there were four datos, each one of whom had charge of a hundred inhabitants who are called collectively _catongohan_. i summoned my four datos and from the choir i showed them the altar; they saw (and they had known it beforehand) that mass could not be celebrated. "without celebrating mass each day," i said to them, "although i may be unworthy of it, i cannot live, for that is my sustenance which gives me strength to serve you for christ's sake. now i must go where i can say it--that is, to antipolo. if you wish to see me again, you will build for me, on the hill where the dead are now buried, a little church in which i can say mass, with some little room to which i can retire; until this be done, i remain with god;" and i went away. desiring my return, they soon began the work and finished it in such wise that i could stay and celebrate mass, and, too, serve as an attraction to any one who might pass that way. at first they did very little, and that slowly; but as it was necessary to dismantle the church and carry to the hill its materials, and with these the cross belonging to the cemetery, they soon began to show such haste in migrating to the new village that ten or twelve of them crowded into one house, until each one could build his own. surprised at such haste, i inquired its cause, and they told me that at night they suffered from fear of the demons in the old village, because it had now no church or cross; and so no one dared to sleep there. with this change the village greatly improved its site. that they might not lack water near by for bathing (to which all those nations are much addicted), they carefully opened a ditch at the base of the hill, along the edge of the village, by which water could come in from the stream which they formerly had. along the streets and around the village they planted their groves and palm-trees, which enrich and beautify it. they afterward constructed on the new site a very beautiful temple with the help of the king our lord, who paid a third of its cost, as his majesty does for all the churches. since i have mentioned the baths it is fitting to relate what i can tell about them. of baths in the philippines. chapter x. from the time when they are born, these islanders are brought up in the water. consequently both men and women swim like fishes, even from childhood, and have no need of bridges to pass over rivers. they bathe themselves at all hours, for cleanliness and recreation; and even the women after childbirth do not refrain from the bath, and children just born are bathed in the rivers and springs of cold water. when leaving the bath, they anoint the head with ajonjoli [_i.e._, oil of sesame] mixed with civet--of which, as we shall later show, there is great abundance in those regions. even when not bathing, they are accustomed to anoint their heads for comfort and adornment, especially the women and children. through modesty, they bathe with their bodies drawn up and almost in a sitting posture, with the water to the neck, taking the greatest care not to be seen, although no one may be near to see them. the most general hour for bathing is at the setting of the sun, because at that time they have finished their labors, and bathe in the river to rest and refresh themselves; on the way, they usually carry some vessel for bearing water to use in their domestic duties. in the island of panay i saw all the people, at the conclusion of a burial, hasten to the river upon leaving the church and bathe there, as was the custom among the jews--although these indias have no knowledge of that dead law. they keep a vessel full of water before the door of every house; every person, whether belonging to the house or not, who enters it takes water from the jar with which to wash his feet before entering, especially during the season of much mud. they wash their feet with great facility, rubbing one foot with the other: the water flows down through the floor of the house, which is all of cane and fashioned like a window-grating: with bars close together. they also employ the baths as a medicine, and god our lord has given them for this purpose springs of hot water. in the last few years the hot springs of bai, on the banks of the lagoon of bai, have been most healthful and famous, and many spaniards of both sexes as well as ecclesiastics and religious, have had recourse to them in various maladies and recovered their health. and, indeed, the ease and delightfulness of the trip almost compel one to undertake it, even though he may not need it. the [pasig] river extends inland as much as six leguas; and from its source in the lagoon until it reaches the bay of manila, it is dotted with houses, gardens, and stock-farms, in most delightful variety. as the trees in that climate bear leaves the whole year through, their verdure and coolness increase the charm. i noticed but two trees which shed their leaves; both of them are wild, and do not bear fruit, but both are highly useful and valued for that reason. one is the balete, [57] which grows very tall, has a round, cup-shaped head, like a moderately large walnut tree, and is of a most delightful green. its leaves are somewhat narrow, like those of the almond tree; and are hard, compact, and glossy to the touch, like those of the orange tree. the filipinos prize them for their use in cooking, as we do the laurel and the rosemary. this tree is very hardy, and most often flourishes in rocky places; it has a natural tendency to produce roots over almost the whole surface of its trunk so that it appears to be covered with a beard. the chinese, who are really ingenious, are wont to plant one of these trees on a stone (so small that both the tree and stone can be held in the hand), just as if it were in a flower-pot, and then it can be carried from one place to another; and the tree, like a dwarfed orange tree, grows in proportion to its roots, hardly reaching five palmos in height. as this method of planting these trees on a stone may seem as difficult as it is curious, i shall describe how i have seen it done. they take a sprout of the tree when it is already covered with roots, and a stone which must not be too hard, or smooth, but not very solid, and somewhat porous or hollow. these stones are found there in abundance among the reefs and shoals of the sea. they tie the little tree or sprout to this stone, covering the latter so far as possible on all sides with the fibres and roots; and to make it grow, they cover the stone with water. with the water the tree clings much more readily to the stone, entwines about it, and becomes grafted into all its pores and cavities, embracing it with remarkable amity and union. a large balete stands in the patio [_i.e._, inner court] of our house in manila, near the regular entrance. in the year 1602, in the month of april or may, i saw it all withered, with its leaves falling. thinking that it was dying i was greatly grieved, for i did not wish to lose so fine a tree. my sorrow was increased when i saw it next day almost without a leaf; and i showed it to our procurator, who chanced to be with me while i was inspecting the tree. but on the third day i beheld it covered with new leaves, tender and beautiful, at which i was as rejoiced as i had previously been saddened; for it is in truth a beautiful tree. in this i saw represented, as in a picture, the truth of the resurrection. there is another tree which they call _dabdab_. [58] its leaves also have an agreeable taste and serve as a lining for the inside of the kettle in which they cook their rice, preventing the latter from adhering to the sides. this tree is very similar to the almond-tree, although its trunk and leaves are much larger. these leaves are nearly as large as the palm of the hand and shaped like a heart. it apparently dies in september and revives in january, when the flower appears, before the leaf; it is different from the balete, being larger and of a different shape, and red like a ruby. among other plants brought from nueva españa to the filipinas is the anona, [59] which has grown larger and is more successfully raised in these islands; it yields a most delicious and delicate fruit. it also loses its leaves, but soon renews them, almost as quickly as does the balete. but, to return to the river of manila--over which the passage to the baths is made in boats, large or small according to the number of passengers--by going up the stream the lagoon is reached; this, with its forty leagues of circumference, is one of the most remarkable objects in the world. all that region is full of rivers, villages, and groves. the lagoon itself is of fresh water, and has many islets which render it beautiful. it abounds in fish, and in herons, ducks, and other water-fowl. above all, it contains many crocodiles or caimans (which there are called _buaya_), which cause great havoc among the poor fishermen and traders who navigate the river--especially in stormy weather, when the waters become tumultuous, as often happens, and swamp their vessels. of the mission at tigbauan, and what the fathers of the society accomplished there. chapter xi. in january of the year fifteen hundred and ninety-two, one of us two who were employed at taitai had to depart for the island of panai to give instruction and continue the work of conversion in the encomienda of tigbauan. the island of panai, as i have already said, is in the province of the pintados, in the diocese of sebu. it is a little more than a hundred leguas in circumference, and, in all its extent, most temperate and fertile. its inhabitants are the bissayas, a white people, who have among them some blacks--the ancient inhabitants of the island, who occupied it before the bissayas did. they are not so dark or ugly as are the natives of guinea, but are very diminutive and weak; but in their hair and beard they closely resemble the guineans. they are much more barbarous and untamed than are the bissayas and most of the filipinos, for they have not, like those peoples, houses or fixed sites for their villages. they do not sow seed, or gather harvests; but with their women and children wander, half naked, over the mountains like beasts. they capture on foot the deer and the javali, [60] and on the spot where they capture an animal they stop, and feed upon it as long as it lasts. their only natural property is the bow and arrow. the bissayas through natural compassion have not destroyed these blacks, who are not hostile to them, although they have little dealing with the bissayas. while i was in tigbauan, however, a petty war occurred between them which is worth relating for what it shows of such wars among these nations, and their triumphs and trophies. a bissayan chief, who lived in his solitary house among the mountains, distant from the villages, had a friendship--or, for all i know, a relationship--with a leading negrillo, who was also headman among his people. under the cover of this friendship, the negrillo took his opportunity, as i shall relate, to do a treacherous act. he came one day, as he had often done before, to pay a visit to his friend, who received him as such and gave him food and drink--an act which should soften the most bloodthirsty heart, even if he had been offended. but the negrillo, without heeding the obligation imposed by kind deeds or by the good-will with which they had been conferred upon him, seized his host unawares, and took his life, also slaying all the other members of his family--men, women, and children. his crime, however, did not go unpunished. a spirited young man, son of the dead man--not daring alone to avenge himself upon the black, who had been reënforced by others of his own color--assembled his kinsmen and friends; besides these [so many joined him that] all the villages of the island were depopulated, in order to fall upon the negrillos--all eager to enslave the women and children, this being a great source of wealth among those people; they accomplished their purpose, killing many men. this lasted until the matter became known to the royal officials in that region, who pacified them. at the entrance of some of the villages, i saw the trophies of this victory and some of the slaves. the trophies were thus made: one of the large canes, already described, very tall, was driven into the ground. at its point were two, or three, or more pendent bannerets like streamers or pennants, and on them the hair of the dead foes. these blacks have had very little to do with the spaniards, not so much through hate as from fear and mistrust of them. it has already happened that spaniards, unaccompanied and straying from the road, have fallen into their hands; but with a few presents and fair words they have been allowed to go free. they also fear the priests as being spaniards, making no distinction between them. for this reason we could not undertake their conversion, although they were near to the villages of tigbauan; on this account all our energy was directed towards the bissayas alone. they call the reed-grass _tigbao_, and, by derivation, the lands which bear this grass are called tigbauan; and because the site of this village is close to a great expanse of reedy land on the bank of a beautiful stream, it bears the above name. the village itself was on the same shore, at the mouth of the river--which, as well as the sea, yields various kinds of fish, excellent and plentiful, which i myself have enjoyed in abundance. as they were continually fishing on the beach, usually with three or four nets, they never made a haul without devoutly regaling us with a part of it. tigbauan has a very beautiful district, with many villages extending more than six leguas along the coast of the sea; the entire district is well supplied with game, fruits, and vegetables, and fish from the sea. the people are very industrious; consequently i always saw them occupied--the men, with their fisheries and farming; the women, with their spinning and weaving. what we accomplished in the two years spent among a people so good and well-disposed towards the gospel could be told in less time than what we left undone; for, since we of the society of jesus were then so few, and had little hope of increasing our number, we did not dare to undertake more than we thought could probably be maintained; and in this we were not mistaken, for at the present day, when at least a dozen ministers are needed, there is actually but one secular priest. for that reason we did not dare to baptize adults or children, except in cases of extreme danger, outside of the chief village (which is tigbauan) and two or three other outlying hamlets, distant two miles or less. nevertheless we preached the faith throughout that vicinity in the haraya language, and even translated into the same tongue and taught the christian doctrine and the catechism, which formerly they knew only in the bissaya, a language different from the one they speak. [61] many churches were erected, and some who had been baptized were confirmed in the faith. some improper relations were dissolved and converted into christian matrimony. in tigbauan and its villages, besides the baptism of many children and adults, there were introduced the holy sacraments of confession, communion, and extreme unction, the last of which they neither knew nor had ever heard of. church-feasts were celebrated with vespers and solemn masses, particularly at easter and in holy week. a large school was formed, containing the children of all that region, where they learned to read, write, play musical instruments, and sing; two children from this school were sent every week to each one of the churches in the district, to take care of it and to assemble each afternoon the people of the village to repeat the doctrine in front of the church, as was done in tigbauan. here occurred an event regarding a boy, which gave me great satisfaction. an infidel chief living in a village called taroc, a legua from tigbauan, had a little son who was a christian, a child of five or six years--of whom i knew nothing, as they had concealed him and others from me, being reluctant, through their natural barbarity and wildness, to hold intercourse with us and deliver up the objects of their affection. this child fell ill, and, realizing his condition, urged his infidel parents to summon me. they made me repair to him in great haste, for as i was told that the sick boy had called for me, i was convinced that he was not so young that he could not at least confess. in short, i went; i merely read the gospel to him, and in a few days he was cured of his sickness. as a result of the visit, which was greatly appreciated by the people, that village was won--especially his own parents, who were afterward pleased to have their son go to tigbauan to join the school with the rest. the town of arevalo is three leagues distant from tigbauan; we also assisted there in the pulpit and the confessional, at the instance of the spaniards who resided there, and of the bishop's vicar, in whose charge they were. this vicar was then the licentiate don francisco gomez arellano, archdeacon of manila, through whose earnestness and devotion divine worship was greatly augmented in that church, and its service increased. this vicar embellished it with new ornaments, very rich and curious, such as lamps and silver candlesticks, thereby augmenting the reputation and esteem of our holy religion among those new nations. of our departure from tigbauan and our entrance into sebu, leite, and other islands. chapter xii. at this time died father martin henriquez, who had remained in taitai; he gave way under the laborious task of ministering alone to so many souls, which he did with such perfection and fervor that it was impossible to maintain strength for so much. this father was so fervent and energetic that in three months he had learned the language; and, in six, composed in it a catechism and a treatise on confession. he also prepared a collection of sermons for all the sundays and feasts, and on the four last things, [62] as well as other matters profitable to those peoples, who greatly respected his purity of life and the vigor of his preaching. i have seen him leave his food, to go to administer baptism or extreme unction to a sick man. he was most devoted to our lady, and, whenever he sat down to study, he took out a little image of her which he always carried with him, and placed it on the table that he might have it before him. every day i saw him, among other holy exercises, recite his rosary, and devote one half-hour to prayer in the afternoons (besides the entire hour in the morning); and every night he would scourge himself. he was an indefatigable worker, and consequently slept little, which was more than he could endure. he died a holy death, the same year when he came to the filipinas, before twelve months had elapsed; and, when his work is considered, we wonder that he lived so long. on account of his death, father francisco almerique was obliged to leave manila--where his duties were by no means light among the indians of that city and district, who all sought his aid. as he had abandoned these heavy labors only to undertake others as great, he soon fell ill. to lighten his burden, the two who had remained in manila took up the double task; these two were the father rector, antonio sedeño, and father raymundo de prado. they took turns in doing this work, one remaining a week in manila while the other went to taitai. this sort of life could not last long; and so our lord, who aids the greatest necessities, inspired the good father to inform me of the difficulties in which they were, and order me to return to manila. there we could plan our course of life in accordance with the advices which might come to us in the ships, which were expected soon--either uniting the four of us who remained, to do what we could in the city; or, if a reënforcement should come to us, extending our labors in securing conversions, according to the number of our men. i reached manila in may of the year fifteen hundred and ninety-five, leaving in tigbauan and its vicinity, and in the town of arevalo, not a few persons sorrowing at my departure. the general, doctor antonio de morga, arrived in the following june, having come to serve as lieutenant of the governor and captain-general of the islands. he brought with him two fine vessels, and eight priests [63] of our society. the joy of the communities of manila and sebu, and of ours, was beyond belief upon learning that these fathers had arrived. from both places, requests came in to us for priests: from manila, for instruction and schools, of which its sons were in great want; from sebu, for a college which they desired in their city. on the other hand, the lieutenant governor of his catholic majesty urged that the society should take charge of a province of indians as did the other religious orders; and the indians themselves, with several encomenderos, supported this request. finally an effort was made to satisfy everyone, in the way which i shall relate. four of us priests went to the island of leite which we reached on the day of the triumph of the holy cross, the sixteenth of july of the same year. two of us remained at carigara in the house of christoval de trujillo, the owner of that encomienda, a man of eminent piety, and our benefactor. he straightway built for us there the first house that we possessed in that island. the other two of us went along the coast of that island and those of ibabao and samar, observing what peoples and posts were best adapted at that time for our settlement. we returned to carigara at the end of july, where, thanks to the incredible haste and large number of the indians, we found our house finished and the two fathers established in it. early in august, i had information from the father vice-provincial, antonio sedeño, that he had arrived at sebu with two other priests, and summoned me thither. father juan del campo and father cosme de flores remained in carigara, and undertook the study of the bissaya language with great fervor. father antonio pereira and i, with another brother, went on to sebu in conformity with the order of the father vice-provincial. father antonio pereira had remained with ours in these islands from the time of his arrival, as i said, with the king of siao, waiting for the conclusion of business which the king and. father antonio marta could not wait for--the latter, because he could not longer absent himself from his province and subordinates: the former, because he could not remain longer away from his kingdom and his vassals. this good father was so eager and zealous for the welfare of souls that, although a guest, he did not permit himself one moment of idleness, but always busied himself in the pulpit and confessional and in other ministries for the welfare of souls. we reached sebu in the middle of august, where we found our good father and superior sick, in the house of a regidor of the city; and with him were father alonso humanes, who had gone as superior during the journey from nueva españa, and father mateo sanchez. he presently sent these two fathers to leite, with orders to divide it into two stations, two fathers in each--one pair taking carigara (where the two fathers had remained whom i have already mentioned); the other, dulac, which is about sixty miles further on. these are both maritime villages with a situation and territory well adapted for undertaking the conversion of that new people, until then untaught. the aforementioned father alonso humanes was appointed superior of both stations. in sebu ours had already fixed upon the site which we now possess, partly purchased with offerings from the citizens, and partly bestowed by the city and private persons. accompanying the land was a goodly house of wood, which with little work could be made to accommodate the church and our dwelling. father ramon de prado had remained in manila as rector, with the other four fathers, two of whom were sent to taitai to aid father francisco almerique: of the two who remained in manila, father tomas de montoya [64] began to teach latin, and father juan de ribera attended to matters of conscience. the death of father antonio sedeño, first rector of the college of manila, and first vice-provincial of the society of jesus in the filipinas. chapter xiii. the first thing which the father vice-provincial, antonio sedeño, enjoined upon me on his arrival at sebu was that i should at all events hasten the completion of the house, and carry him to it, for it was his wish to die in the house of the society. this i did, having him conveyed on men's shoulders in a covered bed, for he was so ill that he could not go in any other way. i was greatly rejoiced at this, and he was extremely relieved at finding himself in his new home. his illness was increased by the hardships of the toilsome journey from manila, one hundred and fifty leagues away, in the season of the vendavals and the rains, which in the bay of manila, and as far as the entrance into the province of pintados, is the most difficult and dangerous of the whole year. in this case, the burden of these hardships and torments fell upon a person so feeble, infirm, old, and exhausted that, although he arrived at sebu in fair health, their effect was greatly aggravated by his immediately commencing work with two sermons, which were highly regarded in that community. but his efforts so prostrated him that he took to his bed with a fever, which so exhausted him that his holy life came to an end on the first of september of the same year, fifteen hundred and ninety-five. in life, and no less in his death, this holy man was a rare example of virtue; and so, in both, he was highly esteemed by all classes and ranks of people--especially by ecclesiastics and religious, who recognized in him an admirable virtue. when but a youth he left españa in the service of the duke of feria. he was received into the society at loreto, studied in padua, and had charge of the germanic college in rome. from this place blessed father francisco de borja [65] sent him to japon. upon reaching sevilla, however, he learned that the ships bound for the indias had already left lisboa. waiting at this latter place for further instructions he was given the choice of embarking, at his pleasure, for either piru or florida. he chose florida as a place which, in its poverty, offered greater opportunities of suffering there many hardships for the sake of christ. in this he was not deceived; for in florida, and later in habana, he suffered greatly on sea and land, from hunger, cold, exhaustion, storms, hardships, exposure, and mortal perils. it often happened that he fell to the ground, while walking on the shore--sick, powerless to move, and among indians most cruel in war, who had killed others of the society; and yet he escaped, how, he knew not. many a time did he eat no more than a handful of maize, planted and gathered by his own hands; for whatever else he might have must be given to poor soldiers. during a pestilence which had spread among those savages he became a physician, for he could baptize them if they should die; in this way he sent many of them to heaven. from florida he was sent to nueva españa, and was the first of the society to enter the city of mexico, where by his virtuous life and teachings, he inspired the viceroy, the auditors of the audiencia, and the citizens with such affection that they sought to bring over from españa members of the society, in order to found a college in mexico. this was done and father antonio sedeño was made rector: he laid the foundations and erected a building, which stands to this day. he went over to the filipinas, as we have said, where his occupations were such as we have already related. while on the sea, he and his companions lived in their cabin in such modest retirement, and were so dignified in their bearing, that they spread tranquillity throughout the vessel, and accordingly their teaching was highly valued. he lived forty years in the society, to its great edification, and preached for fifteen years in the filipinas with admirable results. he suffered greatly from asthma, and consequently slept almost always in a chair. but he did not, on this account, allow himself any recreation, or cease to eat fish alone during lent and fast days. it might be more accurately said that he but seldom ate at all, so great was his abstinence--which he, moreover, sought to conceal, feigning, with much dissimulation, that he ate of everything, when in reality it was a mere pretense of eating. he was very contrite; severe toward himself, but gentle to others; most exact in obedience, but very reserved and cautious in command; courteous and honorable in his dealings; liberal, generous, and devout. he gave or obtained aid for many needy persons, and all esteemed him for his labors. he was most zealous for the welfare of souls, and for the prosperity and preservation of the filipinas, and for their settlement and aggrandizement. we have already related what he accomplished in building. he was the first to discover lime there, and made the first roof-tile, and erected the first building. he sought out chinese artists, whom he kept in his house to paint images, not only for our churches but for others, both within and without manila. he encouraged the encomenderos and the parish priests to provide their churches with these images, and made it most easy to procure them. thus almost all the churches in the islands were adorned with images, nearly all of which were of the mother of god. he took great interest in planting groves and in laying out gardens, and was anxious that silk should be produced in the islands, hoping thus to retain there for their benefit the money which was going to china, and thus to secure their prosperity. to this end he planted mulberry trees, and was active in other ways, even constructing a loom, and teaching the indians to weave in the european fashion. he was accustomed to say that the highest form of prayer was that which most inclines one to self-mortification; and he so practiced this that his own life was a perpetual mortification. he taught this in the house and elsewhere; and in his own exercises he could not use any other method than mortification. his sermons were all on fear, judgment, and condemnation. he said that this was what the world needed; and he was not mistaken, for in truth he accomplished great results through this teaching. one of his hearers, who was once praising to me his instruction, repeated an expression which the father often used, and which had deeply impressed him: "there [_i.e.,_ "in the other world?"] you will understand it," he would say with wonderful truth and force. in our household intercourse with him, he would assert that he who aspires to perfection must be convinced that the pleasures of food, drink, the couch, idleness, and the like, are not for him. all this, however, he did not urge by force, but rather taught it in a kindly manner, and gently guiding each one according to the strength which god had given him--although he said that god gave strength to all in proportion to their courage in working and suffering for his love. he also said that one should die rather than commit the slightest venial sin; and in his own case he was so rigid in this respect that at times it seemed excess of scruple. his life was certainly most pure, and his death like unto his life. during his illness we all admired his great patience and resignation in the hands of god. father antonio pereira used to say that he often visited him in order that he might profit and be edified by so admirable an example. the day when he died, we had already noticed in the morning that extreme unction should not be any longer withheld from him; and so i prepared him to receive it, telling him that it seemed to be time. he raised his eyes and hands toward heaven with great devotion, exclaiming: "to pass to eternity!" with this he became lost in thought, spoke not another word, and, receiving with much devotion that holy sacrament, died in peace. he did not become rigid or discolored in death, but preserved his bright color, and his limbs remained soft and flexible, until he was buried. all the ecclesiastics and religious of the city of santissimo nombre de jesus, all the regidors, and the honorable and prominent people, attended his funeral rites, which were celebrated with great solemnity, devotion and tenderness. [66] in manila also, on account of the devotion of all classes for him, solemn funeral honors were held, and were attended not only with the tears and sorrow of all classes, but by the authority and concourse of all ranks and religious orders. this holy man was lost to us at a time when we were in great straits over the founding of that vice-province of the society, which we had hoped would be successfully established through his energy and prudence. but there remained with us a great confidence that he would aid us no less in death than in life; and thus his influence was seen in the prosperous increase after his holy death of our ministries and other affairs, especially in the college of sebu, which is indebted to his holy body as the foundation-stone of all its growth. of other and new members of the society who went to the islands in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six. chapter xiv. in the fleet of this year fifteen hundred and ninety-five, our very reverend father-general, claudio aquaviva, sent to the filipinas father francisco de vera, with twenty-four of the society, at the request and expense of his majesty the catholic king, don felipe second. with all these, he reached nueva españa in the same year; and, in the following, he embarked at the port of acapulco for the filipinas with fourteen members of the society, with the governor, don francisco tello. [67] in order that this voyage from nueva españa to the filipinas may be successfully made, it should be undertaken by the middle of march, at the latest, so as to reach the filipinas before the vendavals or southwest winds of june set in, which are very tempestuous--like the north winds in nueva españa which begin in september. as these vessels left the port of acapulco so late, upon reaching the filipinas they encountered vendavals which exposed them to great peril and hardship. it has happened that vessels, leaving late as did these, upon striking these vendavals in the filipinas, have been obliged to turn back with these winds to the ladrones islands, and to return thence with the brisas from those islands to the filipinas; then, reaching the latter, to encounter the vendavals, and again be driven by their force to the ladrones. the hindrance and privation thus experienced can be imagined; nor can the ship land at either islands until the months of october and november when the vendavals cease. almost the same thing befell ours that year. the vendavals and currents long drove them back, and, in consequence, their voyage was lengthened, and provisions ran short; the ship's stores gave out, and, that they might not lack water, they were allotted small rations, each being given but half a quartillo a day--a privation which at sea is keenly felt. finally, relieved from all these hardships and torments, through the mercy of god they arrived safely at the college in manila on the first day of august of the same year. this voyage is usually made in seventy days, but they, to their own greater merit, did not reach the islands before one hundred and thirty days; and afterward they journeyed more than one hundred leguas besides, by both sea and land, coasting the shore in large boats. they crossed by land the province of camarines, all of which is occupied by the convents of the glorious father st. francis, where they were received and cared for according to their dire necessities; even the father commissary of those provinces, heedless of entreaties or excuses, washed with his own hands the feet of six of ours, who chanced to pass by his abode. the first words with which one of those servants of the lord received them were the following, which he uttered with loving tears: "would they were a thousand fathers, for they would all have a harvest in the filipinas." the indians, too, who had never seen ours in this province, were greatly rejoiced at their arrival--not only those already baptized, but even the infidels; and they gave proof of their good will in the hospitality which they showed towards our fathers, in imitation of their own fathers and ministers. this was indeed a valuable reënforcement; for, combined with that of the year before, they made a sufficient force to begin the extension of the society throughout the islands which were assigned to it as a province, and to care for the humble souls who begged for bread and had no one to give it to them. father ramon de prado, who had succeeded to the office of vice-provincial, thus obtained people to employ in this work, conformably to his great zeal for the salvation of souls. how he did this we shall see later, each subject in its proper place. first, i will say that the facility with which many ministers of the lord in the four religious orders learned the languages used in their respective missions, even so as to preach and hear confessions in them, seems a gift from heaven. the most tardy student of them, if he apply himself moderately, spends no more than six months; and one of ours, father cosme de flores, learned and mastered this language, so that he could preach and hear confessions, in seventy-four days--to the astonishment of our people, as well as of the indians themselves. the latter, seeing this facility, say that god, without doubt, bestows it upon us, recognizing their needs. in truth these languages are not very difficult, either to learn or to pronounce--and more especially now, since there is a grammar, a vocabulary, and many writings therein. the most difficult is the language of manila (which they call tagal)--which, i have already said, father martin henriquez learned in three months; and in three more, he used it fluently. this was the first of the native languages that i learned, to which and to the others i shall profitably devote another chapter. [68] of the languages of the filipinas. chapter xv. there is no single or general language of the filipinas extending throughout the islands; but all of them, though there are many and different tongues, are so much alike that they may be learned and spoken in a short time. consequently if one is learned, all are almost known. they are to each other like the tuscan, lombard, and sicilian dialects of italia, or the castilian, portuguese, and galician in españa. only the language of the negrillos is very different from the rest, as, in españa, is the vizcayan [_i.e._, basque]. there is not a different language for each of the islands, because some of them--as, for example, manila, and even panai, which is more than four hundred leguas smaller--contain several languages; and there are languages each of which prevails in several islands. in the island of manila alone, there are six different tongues; in panai, two; in some others, but one. the languages most used, and most widely spread, are the tagal and the bisayan; and in some regions of the pintados another tongue is also prevalent, called harayan. the tagal embraces the greater part of the coast and interior of the islands of manila, mindoro, luban, and some others. bisaya is in use through all the islands of the pintados, although in some of the villages therein the harayan is spoken. of all these languages, it was the tagal which most pleased me and which i most admired. as i told the first bishop, and, afterwards, other persons of dignity in the islands and in europe, i found in this language four qualities of the four greatest languages of the world, hebrew, greek, latin, and spanish: it has the abstruseness and obscurity of the hebrew; the articles and distinctions in proper as well as in common nouns, of the greek; the fulness and elegance of the latin; and the refinement, polish, and courtesy of the spanish. examples of all these characteristics may be seen in the "ave maria" done into tagal; and, as that is a short prayer, and more easily understood than the others, i will place it here with its explanation in our vernacular, and with word-for-word equivalents. in this way may be seen the idioms and characteristic expressions of this language which will please some readers, and furnish information, both useful and curious. _the "ave-maria" in the tagal language_ aba guinoo maria matoa ca na. hail lady mary, joyful thou now, napono ca nan gracia, full thou of grace; an panguinoon dios na saio. the lord god is with thee bucor can pinagpala sa babain lahat. especially, thou blessed among women all. pinagpàlà namàn ang iong anac si jesus. blessed also be thy son jesus. santa maria ina nang dios holy mary, mother of god, ipana languin mo cami macasalanan let us be interceded for by thee, us sinners ñgayon at cum mamatai cami. amen, jesus. now and when shall die we. the first word of this prayer _aba_, is obscure, but apparently has the force of "salute," like the latin _ave. bucor_ expresses diversity, distinction, and singularity. the article is _si_ (jesus), as _ton_ in greek. the richness of the language lies in its many synonyms and phrases; consequently this prayer, which, as it stands, is very elegant, could be formed with equal elegance in various other ways, without losing its original sense and meaning. the polish and courtesy consist in not saying, as in latin, _ave maria_ (which would seem in this language abrupt and barbaric), without adding that polite word, _guinoo_. there is none or very little of this courtesy in the other two languages of the bissayas, which are more rude and unpolished. i thought it good to present the same prayer in these languages, not only as a curiosity, but to give an idea of their similarity and differences--giving notice, however, that it is not my intention to offer an interpretation (which is unnecessary, since we all know the "ave maria"), but, as i said, to show the idioms of these languages. these idioms, moreover, ought not to displease or appear ignoble, for every tongue has its own beauty and elegance for those who are born in it, which the eyes of foreigners cannot discern. this point has been discussed by jesus sidrac in the prologue to his _ecclesiasticus_, a holy and catholic work; and it was proved at length, and with great erudition, by the most glorious doctor st. jerome, in the hundred and first epistle to pamaquio. _the "ave maria" in the harayan tongue_ maliag cao maria nabota cao can gracia rejoice thou mary, full thou of grace. an atun guinoon dios dian canimo. he our lord god is with thee, capin icao sa mañga babai ñga tanan, fortunate thou among women all; ig capin naman ang imon bata ñga si jesus _and fortunate also he thy son jesus_. santa maria inang can dios [holy mary], mother of god, igampo mo cami ñga macasasala let us be favored by thee, us the sinners, caraon, ig cum mamatai cami. now and when shall die we. amen, jesus. _the "ave maria" in the bissayan tongue_ maghimaya ca maria napono ca sa gracia rejoice, thou mary, full thou of grace; an guinoon dios anaa canimo. the lord god is with thee. guirayeg ca uyamot sa babaihun tanan exalted thou much among women all, ug guirayeg man an imon anac jesus. and exalted also he thy son jesus. santa maria inahan sa dios, holy mary, mother of god, iguiampo mo cami macasasala oñia let us be interceded for by thee, us sinners, now ug sa amun camatai. amen, jesus. and in our death. it has been my object in giving this slight illustration of the difference between these three languages--aside from its singularity and novelty, which may furnish some pleasure--to make evident the ease and clearness of the languages and their words and pronunciations, which render them very easy, or at least not difficult to learn. some of their idioms and transpositions, which are different from our own, must be accepted as they stand, as father joseph de acosta says very well when writing on this matter, (_de procur. sal_. lib. 4, cap. 9.); but if they are once acquired, and one is accustomed to the sound of them, they do not render the language difficult, but rather make it easy and graceful. but since i have mentioned the courtesy and politeness of the tagalos, and of their tongue, it will be well, before proceeding further, to speak more at length concerning it, for it is so noble and pleasing a moral virtue. of the civilities, terms of courtesy, and good breeding among the filipinos. chapter xvi. the filipinos are not so ceremonious in their actions as are the chinese and japonese; yet they have their politeness and good breeding, especially the tagalos, who are very civil and courteous in word and action. upon meeting one another, they practice our custom of uncovering the head--not that they used hats, caps, or bonnets; but they wore a piece of cloth like a towel, some three or four palmos long, which they wound around the head in becoming fashion, like the ancient crowns or diadems. this they removed, as they now do the hat [_sombrero_]--which they have adopted, in imitation of us, abandoning the _potong_, as they called the towel or diadem which they formerly wore. as among them it is not courtesy to remain standing before a person whom they respect, they seat themselves upon the ground, or rather on their heel-bones. seated in this way, with head uncovered and the potong thrown like a towel over the left shoulder, they talk with their superiors. the mode of salutation upon entering or meeting anyone is as follows: they draw the body together and make a low reverence, raising one or both hands to the face, and placing them upon the cheeks; they next sit down waiting for the question that may be put to them, for it is considered bad manners to speak before one is spoken to. their greatest courtesy is in their form of address; for they never speak to one as "thou," or in the second person, whether singular or plural, but always use the third person, saying for example--"does the lord, or the chief, wish for this or that?" there are many examples of this to be found in holy scripture or sacred language, and particularly in the psalms. in the relations of man with woman, woman with man, or woman with woman, they are very careful--even when they are quite equals, and, too, among the middle class--to use, after every important word, nothing but "my lord," or "my lady;" as, "my lord, as i was coming up the river, i saw, my lord," etc. this term and pronoun are used as agreeable and even affectionate, even in the languages of much greater importance, as hebrew, greek, and latin, which are the three most venerable tongues. in polite and affectionate intercourse they are very extravagant, addressing letters to each other in terms of elaborate and delicate expressions of affection, and neat turns of thought. as a result of this, they are much given to musical practice; and although the guitar that they use, called _cutyapi_, is not very ingenious or rich in tone, it is by no means disagreeable, and to them is most pleasing. they play it with such vivacity and skill that they seem to make human voices issue from its four metallic cords. we also have it on good authority that by merely playing these instruments they can, without opening their lips, communicate with one another, and make themselves perfectly understood--a thing unknown of any other nation. the bissayans are more rustic and less civil in manners, just as their language is harsher and less polished. they have not so many terms of courtesy, as formerly they had no letters until, a very few years ago, they borrowed theirs from the tagalos. as we have already treated of their languages, it would be advisable to make some mention of their letters. of the letters of the filipinos. chapter xvii. all these islanders are much given to reading and writing, and there is hardly a man, and much less a woman, who does not read and write in the letters used in the island of manila--which are entirely different from those of china, japon, and india. this will be seen from its alphabet, which is as follows: the three vowels serve as five, and are: a i o a e i o u the consonants are only twelve, and in writing are used with the vowels in the following form. the letter alone with no point above or below it, is pronounced with the vowel-sound a: ba ka da ga ha la ma na pa sa ta ya ba ca da ga ha la ma na pa sa ta ya by placing the point above, each is pronounced with the vowel-sound e or i: bi ki di gi hi li mi ni pi si ti yi bi qui di gui hi li mi ni pi si ti yi be que de gue he le me ne pe se te ye by placing the point below, they are pronounced with the vowel-sound o or u: bo ko do go ho lo mo no po so to yo bo co do go ho lo mo no po so to yo bu cu du gu hu lu mu nu pu su tu yu consequently, to pronounce _cama_, two letters without points are sufficient: kama _ca ma_. if a point is placed above the ka we have kima or _que-ma._ if a point is placed below each character komo the word is _co-mo_. final consonants are suppressed in all forms of expression: accordingly _cantar_ is written kata _ca ta_; _barba_, baba _ba ba_. by means of these characters they easily make themselves understood and convey their ideas marvelously, he who reads supplying, with much skill and facility, the consonants which are lacking. from us they have adopted the habit of writing from left to right. formerly they wrote from the top to the bottom, placing the first line on the left (if i remember aright), and continuing the rest at the right, contrary to the custom of the chinese and japanese--who, although they write from top to bottom, begin from the right and continue the page to the left. they used to write on reeds and palm-leaves, using as a pen an iron point; now they write their own letters, as well as ours, with a sharpened quill, and, as we do, on paper. they have learned our language and its pronunciation, and write it even better than we do, for they are so clever that they learn anything with the greatest ease. i have had letters written by themselves in very handsome and fluent style. in tigbauan i had in my school a very young boy, who, using as a model letters written to me in a very good handwriting, learned in three months to write even better than i; and he copied for me important documents faithfully, exactly, and without errors. let this, however, suffice for the matter of languages and letters, and let us return to our employment for souls. occurrences in manila in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six and fifteen hundred and ninety-seven. chapter xviii. in the college we had begun, as i have said, to study the latin grammar and moral theology. each of these branches was begun in the usual way, with public academic exercises and learned discourses. [69] as it was the first event of that kind to take place in the islands, the exercises were received with great favor, and were attended and enjoyed by all the dignitaries, and prelates, and by a great concourse of other people. divine worship, moreover, was notably increased upon the completion of the church--which, in its construction and unusual design, proved to be very beautiful. it was constructed on the model of the church of jesus in our house of the professed at rome, although considerably inferior to that. this church was dedicated to the glorious st. anne, the ceremony taking place on her feast-day in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six, when an image of her was piously set up, and the most holy sacrament brought from the old church with great solemnity and devotion. the chapel of our lady was placed, as in the church at rome, on the gospel side; and in it her image was set up with an elegant reredos, in the devout presence of many spaniards and indians. in the other chapel, on the epistle side which is on the side next the house, and joined to the sacristy, were placed the holy relics, which at the instance of the catholic king our lord, and the urgent request of father alonso sanchez, were donated by the apostolic see and had arrived in the previous year. the tabernacle in which these relics now repose had already been constructed and finished; it embraces the whole width of the chapel. it is of an incorruptible wood which they call in those parts molave. [70] it is adorned by eight columns, four on a side, grouped in a square, with base and pedestals which sustain, higher up, its architrave, frieze, and cornice, with finials and handsome architectural designs. between the columns there are five distinctly-marked compartments, two small ones on each side and a large one in the center--all of them of like design and exquisite proportion, with finely carved doors and inlaid work, with cavities in which the holy relics are preserved with great propriety and honor. the color of the whole work externally is black--partly natural, on account of the quantities of ebony that it contains, which is very abundant in those regions, and partly derived from the varnish which is used to imitate that wood. the mouldings, outlines, piñas, [71] and floriations are gilded, and there are other ornaments of gold and ivory. the altar is below, with its two steps at the height of the pedestals which support the columns. in the spaces between the columns, on both sides of the altar, were placed two images or statues of the glorious apostles, st. peter and st. paul; these are fastened in place by strong and curious locks and are covered with two pairs of curtains--one pair of gauze striped with silk and gold, the other of finest damask with embroidery and gold lace. whenever these holy relics are exposed at their respective feast-days, the ceremony is conducted with great solemnity; and numbers of white candles are placed not only on the altar and steps, but all over the tabernacle from top to bottom, giving it dignity and distinction. on the twelfth of january of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven, the holy relics were deposited there, with such rejoicings and festive show as had never been known before in the islands. in all this was seen how it was god who solicited hearts, and moved them to honor the glorious soldiers whom he had brought again for the defense and protection of the earth. they were borne in procession through the principal streets of the city, which, although handsome in themselves, were decorated so elegantly that their very elegance expressed the devotion of the people. they had erected at intervals arches (a dozen in all)--the greater number lofty, and with sculptured images; the others of silk and thin stuffs, so ingeniously knotted together and adorned with various compositions and characters that they presented a very pleasing sight. they constructed with great skill several fountains, some of which gave forth water and others wine; two, in particular, issuing from a window, gave forth milk and castilian wine, which were highly prized at that time in the islands. the relics were borne on six platforms, no less splendid than costly, since they carried nearly all the gold, precious stones, and jewelry of the city, which had been offered with much readiness and good will. our lord rewarded them for this, for there was not one accident, or a single piece lacking, of which there had previously been some fear, on account of the great gathering of all classes of people. as for the decoration of the church, the edifice itself, recently completed, was so beautiful and pleasing that it sufficed for adornment, although not so elaborate as the tabernacle. its beauty was increased by elegant hangings of tapestry, and by many inscriptions--written by ours in hebrew, greek, latin, castilian, and tagalo--extending in three rows along the great nave, besides others, corresponding to these, in various places. as i have said, the holy relics were borne on six platforms, resting on the shoulders of men, most of whom were religious, and in fourteen reliquaries, which were carried by as many religious; and dignitaries of the cathedral, clothed in their official robes, accompanied these. add to this the salutes from the forts, and the standards of the confraternities carried in the van, and the effect was highly imposing. the festivities lasted nine days, each order celebrating its special feast, preaching and saying mass with the greatest possible solemnity. the augustinian fathers began the festivities, considering the occasion especially theirs on account of their long residence there. they assisted us by their good will and deeds, thereby showing themselves no less devoted to the holy relics than friendly to the society. they conducted many kinds of music and dances, and besides these were many furnished by our indians, and the chinese and japanese; all this variety produced most pleasing effects and greatly adorned and enlivened the festival. in this fashion the other religious orders celebrated their own days until the eighth, in succession, with great devotion, joy and edification on the part of the people. on the afternoon of the last day, as a conclusion to the fiesta, valuable prizes were distributed on the occasion of a literary contest, the announcement of which had been published some days before with much show and solemnity. in this contest many excellent and ingenious compositions of various kinds were delivered, to which prizes were awarded, after two exceedingly pleasing, dignified and impressive declamations had been recited in praise of the holy relics. divine worship was also improved in the new church by the addition of some silver lamps, candlesticks, chalices, patines, wine-cruets, monstrances, and thuribles; many altar hangings and chasubles, made not only from the silk and embroideries of that country, but from damask, velvet, and brocade brought from españa and italia, with printed borders; hangings heavily embroidered with seed pearls and thin silver plates; and various draperies, some of velvet and damask, others of colored taffeta. besides all these things, there was the chapel of the singers, who with voices and music of flutes and clarions, serve in the masses, vespers, and _salves_, at least on the principal feast-days. there was also begun at this time, through the devotion of canon diego de leon (who was then attending the lectures in our schools), the practice of assembling in our church many men of all ranks to take the discipline, [72] three days in the week, especially during lent--a practice which lasts to this very day. this same canon stimulated their piety on these occasions by a half hour's reading from some devout book. at the conclusion of the reading, the penance began, during which they repeated devoutly the _miserere_. this holy exercise was a source of great edification to the indians; and, in imitation of it, a great number of them took the discipline on those nights, in turn with the spaniards. further proceedings at this time in manila by the indians and spaniards. chapter xix. at this time the indians were very numerous, both within the city of manila (where there are more than six thousand, scattered through the houses of the spanish inhabitants) and in all the outlying districts. these people repair to our church for confession not only in lent but on all other days of the year; consequently, there were not fathers enough acquainted with their language to care for them spiritually from morning to evening. i know of some who had waited for more than ten or even twelve days, without being able, for the press of people, to reach the feet of the confessor. others remained a whole day in the church, waiting for their turn. this gives evidence of the ardor and perseverance with which they attended to the welfare of their souls. on sundays and the afternoons of feast-days, when the sermons were preached in their own language, the church was crowded--above, below, in the choir and galleries, all which, although very spacious, were filled; and, besides, there were many of those people outside the doors (which are five in number). in two ways they were equally enthusiastic in celebrating the deposit of the holy relics: first, in the great devotion that they displayed during the whole eight days while the festival lasted and the relics were exposed--men, women, and children attending it in such numbers, both morning and afternoon, that they could not enter the church. the spaniards, astonished at this, said that those holy relics must have come to manila for the indians, judging from the way in which the latter attended and venerated them. to show appreciation of their great devotion, and to inspire them with more, a short discourse, in their own language, was delivered to them every afternoon, preceding the _salve_ sung by the choir, and accompanied by the music of the wind-instruments. the second thing they did in the service of the holy relics was to institute a confraternity or congregation dedicated to those relics with the title and vocation of "all saints." their object was, each beginning with himself and his own spiritual profit, to strive with all their might for the welfare of their neighbors, by performing works of mercy, in both temporal and spiritual affairs, as their opportunities permit--in which effort they exert themselves, by the grace of our lord, with the advantages which we shall see later. one of the best results is the modesty and virtue of the women, which we esteem in those regions, because it is but little practiced or valued among their heathen peoples. in many--i even believe, in all--of those islands there existed a doctrine, sowed by the devil, that a woman, whether married or single, could not be saved, who did not have some lover. they said that this man, in the other world, hastened to offer the woman his hand at the passage of a very perilous stream which had no other bridge than a very narrow beam, which must be traversed to reach the repose that they call _calualhatian._ [73] consequently virginity was not recognized or esteemed among them; rather they considered it as a misfortune and humiliation. married women, moreover, were not constrained by honor to remain faithful to their husbands, although the latter would resent the adultery, and hold it as a just cause for repudiating the wife. to illustrate this: upon my arrival in the filipinas, in the latter part of may in the year fifteen hundred and ninety, i had landed at the island of marinduque (which is about twenty-eight or thirty leguas from manila), at the time when an ensign with a squad of soldiers was going, through curiosity, to visit the interior of the island. night overtaking him in this place, he was obliged to seek hospitality among the natives; there, one of the hospitalities which they bestowed on him and his companions was to offer him two women. these the good ensign ordered to be sent back, and he pointed out the offense that they were committing against god, the almighty creator of heaven and earth, whom all men should know and serve. he told them that for this purpose alone the spaniards had come from so great a distance; and that they must not offend god by their evil example. it was thus that the good ensign conducted himself on that occasion. there have been others, who, recklessly following their own evil inclination, not only do not resist such solicitations, but, to the great scandal of this nation, seek and encourage sin. but god, who from evil produces good, has brought some of those women to fear him; and they, esteeming purity as a heavenly thing and vice as a vile and repulsive abomination, have conquered some most fiery temptations, as will be seen from two or three incidents that occur to me. there was a spaniard who held a mother and daughter so under his control that he was on the way to seducing the latter (who was a mere girl) by his blandishments and supplications, combined with harshness and threats. the mother, who was an infernal old hag, he gained by offerings and bribes. but the good daughter after seven whole months of such infamous and continuous attack, would not yield; and finally that wretch, wearied by so long a siege and vanquished by the constancy of a weak girl, withdrew and left her in peace. which is indeed a good deal when we consider the following: one woman for twelve long years resisted the tempter, fortified by holy confession and communion. another, although she resisted for a shorter time, showed even greater constancy; for the base and cruel seducer went so far as to aim a dagger against her breast twice; the third time he went beyond threats, and fear did not restrain him, but he actually stabbed her. the wounded girl, who had first been stricken by the arrow of divine love, retained sufficient strength to leap down out of the house (as i have already said the dwelling is in the upper part), and thus her soul escaped injury. for this very reason is the seminary for girls held in so high esteem which was founded in the islands by governor gomez perez de las mariñas, at the order of the catholic king, at the instance of the first bishop, and through the zeal of father alonso sanchez. it was established in the year fifteen hundred and ninety, when captain luis de bivanco, factor of the royal exchequer, gave for this his houses. later the seminary was transferred to the site which it now occupies, and a church was erected in honor of the virgin saint potenciana, patroness of manila and of this holy seminary. the good which has resulted to that colony from this institution is beyond exaggeration. nearly a hundred young girls have retired to the protection of its walls, the greater part of them daughters of spaniards--who, if they should go outside the seminary, would risk, and even achieve, setting the world on fire. the fathers of our college sometimes go to preach to them; and for my own part i can say that, whenever this duty fell to me, i did not fail to render praise to god at seeing there so many young women retired from the world, occupied in divine service and knowledge, and removed from the dangers and temptations without. those among them who become established in matrimony give manifest token in their manners of the excellent education that they have received there, and the holy instruction upon which their superior has taught and reared them. this seminary for girls owes a great deal to the archdeacon of manila, don francisco gomez de arellano--who, not content with expending his wealth in other works of great service to god, occupies himself and spends a large share of his means in the protection and maintenance of this institution. at his own expense he constructed some of the inner apartments in the seminary's house, which were greatly needed, and in the church a large and beautiful reredos, of elaborate architecture; but, even more important, he has with his ministrations and instruction carefully cultivated those souls. but to return to the indians: two of them were rescued at that time, for which they had reason to be thankful; for, as they were christians, the greater would be their loss and peril. one of them, who was twenty years old, had learned with great thoroughness a certain device of witchcraft; and yet during all this time, through some special providence of our lord, had practiced it to no profit. it is certain, too, that if he had been successful he would have ruined himself and harmed many others. but i say no more of this, to avoid prolixity. another indian had a book containing certain verses of poetry, which they call _golo_ [74]--most pernicious, because they included an express compact with the devil; this its owner freely gave up, that it might be burned, which was done. most of the prisoners in the jail are indians, placed there for various crimes which they committed; and they also have their own separate hospital in the city (as also the spaniards have one), where their sick are healed. both hospitals are royal foundations, established by order and at the expense of his majesty the catholic king of blessed memory. to both spaniards and natives ours have ministered, in both these hospitals and in the prison, in order to aid all with the offices which, in such places, the society is wont to exercise, for both bodies and souls. at that time we began the religious exercises which those of our society are wont to conduct in the plazas for the benefit of those, who through hindrances, carelessness, or impiety, fail to attend the sermons. the discourses were delivered in the castilian language, in the principal plaza of manila, beneath some of the principal buildings, which were then occupied (while the royal edifices were being finished) by the governor, don francisco tello, his majesty's representative. so much did he enjoy hearing the discourses, and the clever answers of some spanish boys who before the preaching were catechized, as usual, in the christian doctrine, that he threw down, from the balcony where he stood listening, to the boys a number of stamped images to reward them. this encouraged the boys to learn thoroughly, and become adept in these exercises, and inspired ours to continue this holy practice, thus favored with such sincerity and benevolence; and those who beheld it were edified, and held us in greater esteem. through these discourses and exercises the children, and even some adults, obtained a knowledge and understanding of the christian doctrine; moreover, some were induced to lead better lives, flee from temptation, and examine their own souls, and even some to enter the religious life. what was accomplished in the villages of the encomienda of taitai up to the year fifteen hundred and ninety-seven. chapter xx. we have already seen how the village called taitai, the chief one of that encomienda, improved its location by removing from the marshes and overflow of the lagoon shore. this village had formerly dedicated its church to the glorious st. john the baptist, and, upon its removal to the new site, in devotion to him the name san juan del monte ["st. john of the mountain"] was given to it. it is a general custom, in all the mission villages in the filipinas, for all the people to repair on sundays and days of obligation to the church for the mass and sermon, before which the doctrine and catechism are recited. as a result of this, they not only have a thorough knowledge of the prayers, but even excel many peoples of europe in their comprehension of the mysteries of our holy faith. to lighten the burdens of these people, that they might not weary of their constant attendance at church, for the doctrine, catechism, mass, and sermon--not to mention the frequent publication of the marriage banns, and the fact that mass is solemnly celebrated with music and the accompaniment of the organ, in which they spend many hours--we thought it best to reserve the doctrine and the catechism for sundays in the afternoon, and even then not all the people were obliged to be present--part of them attending on one sunday, part on another, and thus in rotation until the turn of the first ones came again. by such an arrangement this exercise is rendered easier, and is even more profitable to the people, serving them upon such days as legitimate diversion, to which they all repair with greater inclination and pleasure. to this end a bell is rung at the hour of vespers, and the children go forth through the streets of the place, bearing the cross, and singing the doctrine, and then, followed by their elders, they return to the church. the adults, in the presence of the father, recite the prayers and catechism with great devotion and satisfaction, spending in all about half an hour. this done, they return to their homes. mondays and saturdays are likewise solemnized with masses, respectively for the deceased and in honor of our lady, and are always attended by a certain number of people. the young men are especially directed to attend these services that they may continue to practice christian habits; upon these occasions some short sermon is preached them in their own language. the children and old men are those who are under the strictest obligation to come to the church each day, at a certain hour, to learn the christian doctrine--the children, always; the old men, until they have learned the doctrine. to each old man is assigned a boy, who instructs him and is careful to report how much the old man is learning; then, if the old man gives a good account of himself, he is privileged to cease his attendance, except with the rest of the people on sundays. the bell tolls the "ave maria" at dawn, at noon, and at night; and, besides this, some one is careful to go through the streets at night, sounding a little bell, and in a loud voice admonishing the people to offer prayers for the souls in purgatory and for those who are in a state of sin. these, as well as other pious and devout customs, had been introduced into those villages. three handsome churches were erected, and adorned with images, tapestry, and beautiful ornaments. we gained the good-will of those indians to such a degree that, their opinion of us extending to their neighbors, even the savages who were hidden among the mountains came to us; and consequently those villages received much increase, as we shall soon see. there was one of these newcomers in particular, very appropriately named sayor, which means "robber" (and truly he was such in his deeds), who was a savage in his mode of life; without house or dwelling, he lived among the mountains and in caves--even using as food, when he found no other game, the serpents that he killed. although somewhat advanced in years, he possessed incredible agility in running and leaping, the natural disposition and propensity of savage wild beasts. the neighboring villages held this man in so great fear that, whenever he entered one of them, all the people fled from him as from a wild beast, believing him to be a violent madman; and by such compulsion he took, without any resistance, all that he desired from the houses. i saw this man, who unexpectedly came toward me of his own accord; he was naked, his only covering being a wretched breech-cloth; he wore in his girdle a dagger, and carried in his hands his bow and arrows. i caressed him, and tried to soften him with presents and gentle treatment, and this intercourse we continued for five or six years, with increasing confidence and satisfaction on his part. consequently he maintained with us very intimate relations until, finally, father diego garcia, who as we shall later see went to those regions as visitor in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-seven, decided that it was time to grant him holy baptism. the father visitor himself bestowed this grace upon him, baptizing him with his own hands with great solemnity, and with demonstration of the grace and efficacy of this most divine sacrament. the name of pablo was given to him, which from that time on he so highly prized that if at any time he was inadvertently called by his former nickname, he showed (although with a gracious and christian spirit) regret and disdain equal to his pleasure and pride in the name of christian. accordingly he would answer to those who called him sayor: "not sayor, but pablo." after his baptism we married him; and he now dwells in his own home as the father of a family, with great discretion and tranquillity. he has become so tamed that we can say that he is one of the gentlest and most useful of all our indians, and aids in our affairs with much fidelity and love. i spoke to him occasionally, with no small satisfaction, of his former savage life. he told me of the places in which he took refuge and spent the night, and of his hunting serpents--which, according to his statement (which was verified there), are of so great a size that they swallow men, deer, and other animals. [75] before his baptism, when our acquaintance was but recent, he more than once offered to accompany me upon my journeys, carrying his dagger, bow, and arrows. we two journeyed alone through the mountains, he with great satisfaction in serving me, i with equal security and confidence in his good fellowship. in this way, at the time when father francisco almerique was here, not one man, as this one, but entire villages came in--the good father choosing their location, and helping them to erect the houses. in the village of antipolo, in one year alone (either ninety-four or ninety-five), nearly a thousand souls arrived at the mission, more than five hundred of whom were baptized in that same year. they had come down from some very rugged mountains, far from there, where they had their houses and cultivated fields; but they neglected all these, out of love and esteem for our holy faith. no one remained in the mountains but a few catolones, for thus the priests of their idols are styled. as soon as this was ascertained, efforts were made that a person able to do so should remove them from that place, to suppress this cause of offense to those who were weak. this was done with much gentleness, and they were brought to us. thereupon the good father, with his holy prudence and with the example of his righteous life, subdued their leader, whom the rest obeyed, and baptized them all. this leader said that the father's anito (thus they style their deities) was greater than those of other men, and for that reason they recognized him as superior. this pagan priest, while offering his infamous sacrifices, was possessed by the devil who caused him to make most ugly grimaces; and he braided his hair, which for his particular calling he wore long, like that of a woman. but he, beginning (like the magdalen) with his hair, cut it off publicly, and with it the power of the devil, who held him captive; and receiving baptism, constrained the others by his example to do the same, consigning his idols to the fire where they were consumed. in this baptism of five hundred people, there were two old women whose conversion showed the special and admirable providence of our lord. one of them, at least, showed an age of more than one hundred years; and both came down with the rest from the mountains, desiring holy baptism. hardly had they received it when, leaving this mortal life (for they could no longer sustain the burden of so many years), they were renewed and bettered by the eternal life for which our lord in his infinite mercy had preserved them during so many years. the tagalos, which is the name of the whitest and most civilized race of manila, were not the only ones who descended from the mountains and from afar to range themselves alongside the sons of the new jerusalem, that is, the holy church [76]--which multiplying in numbers, augmenting the joy at the sight of the vineyard of the lord, and producing new plants, extends its shoots until it penetrates the sea and embraces and incorporates all its islands. after the men came the beasts of burden (namely, the negrillos, who are more fierce, and dwell in the mountains) who came with outstretched hands to place themselves in those of their swift angels, sent to succor this abject and ruined people. by this i mean that the negrillos, of whom i have already spoken--who are the ancient inhabitants of some of these islands, including manila, in which there are many of that race who live, as i said, in the mountains, merely like wild beasts--impressed by the example of the others, began to be peaceable and tame, and to prepare themselves for holy baptism. this, for those who are acquainted with their savageness and brutality, is wonderful beyond exaggeration. but this very brutal and barbarous nature renders them (a marvelous thing!) less incapable of our holy faith, and less averse to it--because in their state of pure savagery they have not, as i know from observation, any idolatries or superstitions, neither are they greatly averse to the gospel and baptism. the others--who to their own detriment and misfortune, are more civilized--abandon more regretfully their idols, ceremonies, priests, sacrifices, and superstitions; and, although they renounce them in holy baptism and are converted (vanquished by the light of catholic truth), the vestiges of the evil which they have sucked from their mothers' breasts are not so easily forgotten as to unburden us, their teachers, of many cares. this was clearly seen that year in that very village of san juan del monte, where, although all the inhabitants had been baptized and included many good christians, those same good christians informed us of a fire of idolatry which in its great fury was burning up our harvests. in order that this may be better understood, it will be well first to give some account of their idolatries and superstitions in a separate chapter; and then we will relate what happened in taitai and how it was remedied. concerning the false heathen religion, idolatries, and superstitions of the filipinos. chapter xxi. although upon entering into the dark abyss of such blind idolatry i find a disorderly confusion of the vilest and most abominable things [77] worthy of its inventor, although in examining the walls within this infernal cave, i discover an infinitude of loathsome creatures, foul, obscene, truly damnable, it is my task, aided by the light of truth, to reduce them to order--so that we who upon opening our eyes find ourselves within the light of truth may offer praise to almighty god, and have compassion for those who, blinded by their ignorance, love and prize these things of darkness, and cannot open their eyes to any light beyond. i shall speak first concerning the false belief that they hold concerning the divinity of their idols; second, of their priests and priestesses; third, and last, of their sacrifices and superstitions. their art of writing was of no service to them in any one of these three things, or in matters of government and civilization (of which i shall perhaps later tell the little that i know); for they never used their writing except to exchange letters, as we have said. all their government and religion is founded on tradition, and on custom introduced by the devil himself, who spoke to them through their idols and the ministers of these. they preserve it in songs, which they know by heart and learn when children, by hearing these sung when they are sailing or tilling their fields, when they are rejoicing and holding feasts, and especially, when they are mourning their dead. in these barbarous songs they relate the fabulous genealogies and vain deeds of their gods--among whom they set up one as the chief and superior of them all. this deity the tagalos call _bathala mei capal_, which means "god the creator or maker;" the bissayans call him _laon_, which denotes antiquity. these songs relate the creation of the world, the origin of the human race, the deluge, paradise, punishment, and other invisible things, relating a thousand absurdities, and varying much the form, some telling it in one way, others in another. to show better what lies and fables these all are, there is one story that the first man and the first woman came from the knot of a cane which burst off from its plant. after that, certain disputes resulted concerning the marriage of these two, on account of the difficulties arising from the first degree of blood-relationship, which among them is inviolable, and thought to be allowed only that first time from the necessity of propagating mankind. [78] in short they recognized invisible spirits, and another life; also demons, the enemies of men, of whom they were in abject fear from the evils and dread which these caused them. accordingly one of ours converted many of them by means of a well-painted picture of hell. their idolatry is, in a word (as with many other nations), an adoration and deification of their ancestors--especially of those who distinguished themselves through valiant deeds, or cruelties, or obscene and lewd acts. it was a general practice for anyone who could successfully do so to attribute divinity to his old father when the latter died. the old men themselves died with this illusion and deception, imputing to their illness and death and to all their actions a seriousness and import, in their estimation, divine. consequently they chose as a sepulchre some celebrated spot, like one which i saw on the shore of the sea between dulac and abuyo, in the island of leite. this man directed that he should be placed there in his coffin (which was done), in a solitary house remote from any village, in order to be recognized as the god of sailors, who would offer worship and commend themselves to him. there was another, who had caused himself to be buried in a certain place among the mountains of antipolo; and out of reverence to him no one dared to cultivate them, fearing that he who should go thither might meet his death. this lasted until father almerique relieved them of their fear, and now those lands are cultivated without harm or dread. in memory of these departed ones, they keep their little idols--some of stone, wood, bone, ivory, or a cayman's teeth; others of gold. they call these _larauan_, which signifies, "idol," "image," or "statue;" and in their necessities they have recourse to these, offering to them barbarous sacrifices. they also worshiped, like the egyptians, animals and birds; and, like the assyrians, the sun and moon; they attributed moreover, a sort of divinity to the rainbow. the tagalos adored a blue bird, as large as a thrush, and called it _bathala_, which was among them a term of divinity. [79] they also worshiped the crow (as the ancients worshiped the god pan and the goddess ceres). it bore the name _mei lupa_, which signifies "master of the soil." they held the cayman in the utmost veneration; and, whenever they made any statement about it, when they descried it in the water, they called it _nono_, which means "grandfather." they softly and tenderly besought it not to harm them; and to this end offered it a part of what they carried in their boats, casting the offering into the water. there was no old tree to which they did not attribute divinity; and it was a sacrilege to cut such a tree for any purpose. what more did they adore? the very stones, cliffs, and reefs, and the headlands of the shores of the sea or the rivers; and they made some offering when they passed by these, going to the stone or rock, and placing the offering upon it. i saw many times in the river of manila a rock which for many years was an idol of that wretched people. this scandal, which occasioned great evils, lasted until the fathers of st. augustine (who dwell near by) with holy zeal broke it to pieces, and erected in its place a cross. while sailing along the island of panai i beheld on the promontory called nasso, near potol, plates and other pieces of earthenware, laid upon a rock, the offering of voyagers. [80] in the island of mindanao between la canela and the river [_i.e._, rio grande], a great promontory projects from a rugged and steep coast; [81] always at these points there is a heavy sea, making it both difficult and dangerous to double them. when passing by this headland, the natives, as it was so steep, offered their arrows, discharging them with such force that they penetrated the rock itself. this they did as a sacrifice, that a safe passage might be accorded them. i saw with my own eyes that although the spaniards, in hatred of so accursed a superstition, had set a great many of these arrows on fire and burned them, those still remaining and those recently planted in the rock numbered, in less than a year, more than four thousand arrows; they certainly seemed as many as that, to all of us who passed that point. [82] besides these, they had a thousand other superstitions. if they beheld a serpent or lizard, or heard anyone sneeze, they would always retrace their steps, and on no account go further at that time, for such an occurrence would be an evil omen. the ministers of the devil also cast lots for them; this was another fraud and deceit which i must not describe for fear of being too prolix. nor can one express the blindness in which they were, ignorant of their creator: let what has already been said suffice. in regard to the first point, they had no places set aside for worship, or public days for general festivities. not until we went to taitai did i learn that in many of the houses there was another one, but smaller, made of cane, as it were a little tower, fashioned somewhat curiously, to which they passed from the main house by a short bridge, also made of cane. in these were kept their needlework and other sorts of handicraft, by means of which they concealed the mystery of the little house. from information that i received from some of the faithful, it was in reality dedicated to the anito, although they offered no sacrifice in it, nor did it serve for other use than as it was dedicated to him--perhaps that he might rest there when on a journey, as elias said to the other priests. [83] i had all these houses demolished, so that not one remained. i also found in some little hamlets of the pintados a small house at the entrance of the village with only the roof and ground floor, which served as a place where sacrifices are performed. but, after all, it was not the general practice to have any common place of worship, as did the ancient pagans, or to come together to any one place for solemn rites, or to have public and general sacrifices offered in the name of the community. individuals, however, made offerings, each one for his own intention or need, and in his own house or other private place; but they chose jointly their own priest, male or female (of whom there were many), according to their own devotion and taste. in mindanao i saw many houses furnished on the outside with small platforms made not unskilfully, of cane, and on these stood some little wooden idols very poorly carved; and in front of the idols was an earthen pot containing some hot coals and a little of some disagreeable aromatic, which must have been a sacrifice to the idols. but although those people had no temples, they had, in the second place, priests and priestesses, whom the tagalos call _catolonan_, and the bissayans _babailan_. they vied with each who could best contrive with the devil (who deceived them) to take advantage of the blindness of the people, to deceive them by a thousand frauds and artifices. father antonio sedeño related how, at the time when he was living in florida, he undeceived the indians concerning one of these impostors of their own nation. this man pretended to heal diseases by applying a tube to that part where the sick man felt most pain, and then with his mouth at the other end sucking the air from within: after this operation, he spat from his mouth three small pebbles, which he claimed to have extracted from the body of the patient. [84] the father, by a very efficient means, once made him spit the pebbles out of his mouth before applying the tube, and thus his deception was revealed. in like manner these priests practice many deceptions upon those blinded infidels--especially in cases of sickness with which the latter are afflicted, which so oppress them that they seek at once a remedy, and whomsoever gives or promises it to them they revere and worship, and give him their all. indeed there are some of these priests who have a special compact with the devil, who lends them signal aid and assistance, almighty god permitting this for his own hidden purposes. the devil communicates with them through their idols or anitos, playing the rôle of the dead man whom they are adoring; and often he enters into the person of the priest himself, for the short space of the sacrifice, and makes him say and do things which overwhelm and terrify the onlookers. this divine fervor is also attained (the duties of the office being taught) through special friendship, or kinship, or as a legacy. this inheritance is highly esteemed by them, in their blindness--and through cupidity, for, besides the renown and honor with which all look up to them, those infernal ministers obtain rich offerings (that is, the third part), all of which are for them. for no one will be present at the sacrifice who does not make an offering--gold, cotton, a fowl, or other things. these things, added to the principal offering, that made by the person for whom the sacrifice was offered, which was a rich one--and, moreover, additional to the sacrifice itself, which most often was a fine fat hog--amounted to a large quantity of goods, of much value and profit. consequently, those ministers usually went about in handsome garments, and adorned with jewels and valuable ornaments. the house is the usual place for the sacrifice, and the victim is, as i have said, a fine hog, or a cock. the mode of sacrifice is to slay the victim with certain ceremonies, and with dance movements which are performed by the priest to the accompaniment of a bell or kettle-drum. it is at this time that the devil takes possession of them, or they pretend that he does. they now make their strange grimaces, and fall into a state of ecstasy; after that has passed, they announce what they have seen and heard. on this day a grand feast is prepared; they eat, drink, and become intoxicated, the priest or priestess more than the rest. [85] consequently, among them all is drunkenness, excess, and blindness--a pitiful sight for those who see it and can appreciate it in the light of truth. of the idolatries which were secretly practiced in san juan del monte and how they were abolished chapter xxii. the devil was gradually introducing into the village of san juan del monte [_i.e._, taytay] a great plague of idolatry (nourished by some ancient remains of heathenism which had clung to certain persons in that village), in the form which i shall relate. in the town there was a band of worthless women, of the catolonas [_i.e._, priestesses] as we have said. these in secret maintained a tyrannical hold upon the village by various means and plots compelling many to repair to them upon every occasion, as they formerly did before they became christians. among these women, one who was a leader claimed that her anito was a very close friend of the anito of the christians and had descended to the earth from heaven. this woman most stirred up the fire on account of the power that she wielded, not only on account of the sagacity which she certainly possessed, but by her influence and reputation in the village. not only was she herself of high family, but she was very well connected; and had several sons who were married, and thus related to the most prominent families of the village. by these means she was, on the one hand, powerful enough to draw to her the weak, and on the other, to compel the more influential to dissemble with her, and to refrain from betraying her for fear of exposing themselves to risk. nevertheless, this woman and her following proceeded with great caution and secrecy and rigorously enjoined those who had relations with them to do the same. if any of those women died, she appointed an heir, and successor--to whom, after she had been accepted and received, her idol was brought in great silence by some chiefs, from the house of the dead person, in the middle of the night. then they celebrated a feast during three continuous days, with banqueting and abundance of wine, which is their greatest solemnity. the idol of the chief priestess was made of gold, and she kept it in concealment, through the contrivance of the devil (who through it held close communication with her), in a part of her house where it was most difficult to find it. it is estimated that for two years this secret pestilence had been going on, tyrannizing over the inhabitants to such a degree that there was hardly a sick person whom they did not attend with all diligence--persuading each one to demand urgently that they should cast lots to ascertain whether the sick man were to live or die, and, consequently, whether sacrifice should be offered to the anito for his health. we have already explained the manner of sacrifices and offerings they made, and the profit and gain which these infernal furies derived from them. there was one woman among them who cleared, in the short time that i have mentioned, almost three hundred escudos; but she did not enjoy them long, for god would not allow the conflagration to spread further. his divine majesty influenced some of his faithful ones, who, all aflame with the greater conflagration of his honor and service, hastened to give account of what they heard and saw and knew of this matter. with the help of this information, beginning among the weaker members of the band, in a short time they succeeded in discovering those of secondary rank--and thus, step by step, they reached the chief priestess herself. their second care (which they put into execution) was to take away from these people the idols, a great number of which were seized. some of these were of clay, others of wood; and two, in particular, were made from two great teeth of the cayman, set in gold, in which metal the head of the anito was shaped at the point of the tooth. in neither the residence nor the country house of the head priestess, however, could her idol be found; nor could it be discovered by means of her, or by rummaging through her furniture and utensils, and searching often and most diligently; nor would she reveal it. this idol had promised her, so she said, that they should never find it, even if they should tear down and destroy the house; consequently, it enjoined her not to fear the father who was conducting this search, or any of his agents or helpers; for it was more powerful than any of them. but, as god is indeed more powerful, he influenced the faithful and zealous heart of father diego de santiago--who was then instructing that village, and made these investigations at the instance and orders of the vicar-general and provisor of manila--to decide that he would not relax or give up the search for this demon until he should find it. being quite certain that it was in the house (although he had already searched there for it several times), he returned for the last time with the determination to demolish the house, and to examine every part of it, piece by piece, to see if by chance he might find the idol hidden in some hole. before setting about this task, his glance fell upon a cane prop--old, weather-beaten, and stained by smoke--which from a joist of the house, supported the ridge-pole of the roof: this is the mode of construction used for strengthening the houses. i do not know what he saw in that prop, but he immediately ordered it to be cut down and its contents to be examined. this time, "he who was more powerful than all others" was overcome; for, being found like all the rest, and the gold being removed for the service of the church, this idol went, with the others, into the fire. the demon was so insulted and hurt at this trick that, not being able to wreak any other vengeance, he began (accompanied by many others) the following night to torment the poor catolona with visions and cruel threats. already undeceived as to the weakness of her idol, she sought for conversion, and, hating the demon, begged for mercy. with the help of a cross which was given her as a defense, although the terror continued, the threats were not put in execution; and finally the demon abandoned her as she had him. on one of the feast-days, all their errors were publicly refuted in the church, and the priestesses remained convinced, repentant and reconciled--by the authority of the ordinary, as i have stated. they all betook themselves to a place where, removed from temptations, they could not relapse into their evil ways [_bolver al bomito_]. they were placed in charge of devout and christian persons, in whose company they lead christian and exemplary lives. the people were so thoroughly undeceived by this event that for several days they not only brought in their idols, garments, vessels, and other belongings of their ancestors, so that not a trace of that lineage remained; but there was the utmost religious fervor, and a great number of general confessions, by means of which their consciences were purified. into many good souls there entered such fear and awe, and such distrust and scrupulosity regarding this evil, that the, hearing of these general and oft-repeated confessions (made even by those who had no share in it) lasted months, and even years. i can affirm, as one who has seen it all and touched it with my very hands, that of this wound which the devil tried to inflict upon that tender part, the entire body of that mission and encomienda not only remained sound, through the great mercy of god, but much stronger than ever before, as will be seen in the rest of this narrative. but as a conclusion to this incident i must not neglect what befell don francisco amandao, chief of that village--an aged man, of excellent judgment, and a devoted friend of ours. upon the occasion of a certain illness, he allowed himself to be persuaded to make a similar sacrifice to the devil, induced by the suggestion that he should at least give half of his body to the anito to see if he could heal it. that half of his body at once became paralyzed, so that he could not move it at all, and thus he lived several years, giving public testimony of his infidelity. in great repentance for his sin he came to die a christian death, at the time when the above events took place. what the society accomplished in sebu until the year 1597. chapter xxiii. as soon as father antonio sedeño passed away in sebu (as we have said), father antonio pereira returned to maluco, his own province, whence he had come. i was therefore compelled to remain alone in that college with one brother, not a little disconsolate at the loss of so valued a companion and brother, with whom i had passed a very pleasant year in tigbauan, leite, and sebu; and whose help was so efficacious in our duties that through the gracious and thorough manner in which he performed them, we were all greatly esteemed and sought for in the province of pintados, and especially in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus. here this father had previously remained alone during almost another year, in the convent of san agustin, where those most godly fathers received him into their house as if he were one of their own order. he, in turn, served them and the whole city with such edifying results as contributed not a little to win their affection; and greatly influenced them to demand our fathers, and receive us in their city--which was done, as we have said. don rodrigo ronquillo de peñalosa, alcalde-mayor of the city--a son of don gonçalo ronquillo, who died while governor and lieutenant in these islands for the catholic king, don felipe second--aided us much with his authority, as also did his cousin don gonçalo ronquillo de vallesteros, who was leaving the same office. all of those gentlemen have ever professed great devotion to our humble society. considering that we were alone, our ministrations in our church to both spaniards and indians were sufficiently frequent, and i often preached in the cathedral. moreover, ascertaining that in the chinese quarter of the city there were more than two hundred souls, and only one of them a christian, and that they had no one to minister to them, although they were well disposed to receive our holy faith if there were any one to teach it to them, i applied myself to studying and learning their language--at which they were much rejoiced, and many came to me every day at an appointed hour to give me instruction. in this way i acquired sufficient knowledge to begin instructing them--in which undertaking i received much help from governor don luis de las mariñas, who sent me from manila a very bright young christian lad of that nation, who helped me to instruct those who were to be baptized. it was thus that i spent advent in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-five. we celebrated christmas eve and the feast of the nativity with solemnity and joy, preparing in the meantime to celebrate our first feast of the circumcision, for which we had decorated the church and invited father fray bartolomeo garcia--at that time the preacher in the sebu convent of the glorious doctor st. augustine; and now associate of the right reverend bishop of sebu, and commissary of the holy office of the inquisition in that bishopric--to preach for me. at this time i fell ill, exhausted by my labors, which, although not excessive, were too much for me, as having little strength. it was upon this occasion that the fathers of that holy order gave proof of their great charity and the great affection and fraternal feeling which they profess toward ours; for all of them on that day, leaving their own church (which also is named santissimo nombre de jesus, out of respect for the holy child, which is deposited therein), came with their singers to our church, where they celebrated on the day before most solemn vespers, and on the day of the feast officiated and sang solemn high mass and preached a sermon--all of which i could not attend, on account of being, as i have said, ill. to grant me a further favor and charity, they chose to be my guests and partake of our poverty. it pleased god, in his mercy, to give me health, so that i might acquit myself in part of this obligation and the many others which we owe to them. thirteen days later, which was the day on which they celebrate their feast of the most holy name of jesus, i visited them and preached for them, and ate with them. some days afterward, there arrived from manila two discalced religious of the holy order of st. francis, who had come to embark in a vessel which was fitting out in that port for nueva españa. they disembarked near our house, which stands at the edge of the water; and, in acknowledgment of the debt that we also owe to that holy order and its blessed fathers--who, in so great self-abnegation and aversion to worldly things, in all seek only the things of jesus christ--i begged them to accept the use of our house. during their stay with me they displayed toward me the most signal charity; and i, on my part, was equally consoled and edified, until last pentecost of the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six. at this festival they assisted me, before their departure, in the solemn baptism of two prominent chinese, and of i know not how many others; we baptized them, with their bissayan wives, celebrating their marriages and conferring the nuptial veils, with great solemnity and rejoicing, the whole city assembling to witness the ceremonies. the two chief men were don lorenço ungac and don salvador tuigam. the chinese are not accustomed to cut their hair, which they comb and make ready every morning, and wear it fastened on the head in pleasing and graceful fashion; but when we baptize them we are in the habit of cutting it off, so that in this way we may have more certainty of their faith and perseverance. these two, before baptism, had entreated and supplicated me not to cut off their hair; and in this they were not without reason, for, as one of the suppliants himself explained to me, to wear their hair was honorable among them, and a custom of their nation, as with us the wearing of mustaches or beard. but as i did not dare to act in opposition to what the prelates and other judicious ministers and religious are accustomed to do in this matter, i announced to them my decision that, unless their hair was cut, i would not baptize them. with this they submitted and obeyed, and in token of greater submission to my intentions, tuigam came to me on the morning of the baptism, accompanied by others of his nation, and placing in my hands some scissors, asked me to cut the first handful of his hair. this i did, and another finished the task. from that time on none of them made any objection to the rule; in fact, without our speaking of it, they came to baptism with their hair cut like ours. father diego de aragon, of the holy order of preachers, had also come to embark in the vessel. this truly spiritual, virtuous, and exemplary man had been waiting during an entire year for the departure of the vessel; and, on account of its inability to leave at that time, was glad to live and remain with me in our house, for his own order has none in that city. i received him very gladly, and with gratitude to god our lord, for the opportunity thus afforded me of serving a person and order whom i so highly esteemed, and to which our own society is so much indebted, and which it recognizes here, there, and in every region. he was a source of great edification to me--and to many others of our society who had come to me from manila and who were afterward my guests--by his great piety, austerity, eloquence, penitence, and blameless and exemplary life. in this way time passed until september of the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six, when, the division and allotment of the fourteen fathers who had arrived in the previous august having been made, i began to have guests and companions--with whom i could not only maintain our ministries in better condition, but also go to ascertain the condition of our affairs in mindanao, which upon the death of father juan del campo, were left, as we shall see, without a master. this college was finally occupied by six of the society, who were soon busied in ministering to the spaniards, portuguese, chinese, bissayans, tagalos, and many other nations who resort to that city for trading and other affairs. two of us exercised the chinese language, besides the bissayan and tagalo tongues, which are usually employed for preaching, confessions, and the other sacraments. one of the brethren, who was a skilful scribe, continued the children's school gathered by father antonio pereira, where reading, writing, and numbers were taught, together with christian doctrine and customs. of the island of leite, and those who were baptized there. chapter xxiv. the circuit of the island of leite is about a hundred leguas--its length stretching from east to west for forty leguas, and its extent from north to south being narrow. it is divided almost in the middle by a large mountain ridge called carigara, which occasions a remarkable inequality and variety in its temperature and seasons. for example, when in its northern part there is winter (which is the period of the winter months in españa), in the south there is summer; and in the other half of the year the contrary occurs. consequently, when half of the island's inhabitants are sowing, the other half are gathering in their harvests; in this way they have two harvests in one year, both very abundant. this island is surrounded by very many adjacent islands, inhabited and uninhabited. it abounds in fish from the sea and its many rivers, in cows from china, in fowl, deer, wild and domestic hogs, fruits, vegetables, and roots of many species. it is inhabited by a very numerous people, whose villages therefore are not far apart; and there is not one of them which does not possess a large grove of palm-trees and a fine, full-flowing river. those palms, as well as other trees which the whole island produces in abundance, shade the roads to a great extent--providing a comfort and refreshing coolness indispensable for those of us who must travel on foot for lack of any other convenience; throughout the island the roads traverse groves and forests, with foliage so cool and abundant that even at high noon the sun caused us no annoyance. many of the trees have trunks more than twelve brazas in circumference, which are sawed into excellent planks. the temperature is not so hot as that of manila, although the island is two degrees nearer the equinoctial line--a common condition in that entire province of the pintados. the inhabitants are honest, simple, and intelligent, and possess among other good and laudable customs two in particular, which are common to all the neighboring islands. the first is, that they have no need, in journeys upon land or sea, of stores or wallets; to whatever place they come, they are sure of being welcomed, sheltered, and offered food. the second is that, whether their harvests be good or bad, they never raise or lower the price of rice among themselves, which they always sell to one another at a fixed rate. they practice these two customs through the friendly relation that exists among them, such as the apostle sought from his corinthians. [86] to the two residences that were in that island (one in dulac, and the other in carigara) there were added, with the new reënforcement of laborers, three others--in paloc, alangalan, and ogmuc. as each one of these is still new, we shall not have as much to say about them at present as later on; for as the number of christians increased so did the number of notable facts and events worthy of record. nevertheless, i shall not omit to mention here each one of those stations separately; in general, however, i may say that during the first two years a great number of christians were made throughout the island, considering that ours were preparing them very gradually, as being so new a people, for the faith, and for acquaintance and intercourse with us. what was accomplished in dulac and its territory. chapter xxv. father alonso de humanes and father juan del campo were the first to instruct the dwellers in and about dulac. father alonso de humanes was sent to sebu, by father antonio sedeño, as superior of our society in the island of leite; and arriving at carigara (which is the first of the missions), he left there as superior his companion, father mateo sanchez, and taking with him father juan del campo, who had been superior in carigara, proceeded with him to dulac. father alonso de humanes held father juan del campo in the highest estimation as a spiritual and eloquent man, fervent, learned, and talented, and very sagacious in practical affairs; for these reasons he laid hold of him for greater help and companionship. he remained with him, however, only for a short time; for they soon sent him to mindanao, as we shall later see. in the time that they spent together, they erected the first church in dulac; established a school for children, many of whom they baptized; and formed a long list of catechumens, whom they prepared and baptized, with great solemnity and rejoicing, to the increase of reverence for this holy sacrament. besides this, father juan del campo, traveling throughout that district, gained the good-will of all those villages and marvelously influenced them to receive our holy faith. they went forth from his hands such model christians that those who before baptism were fierce, rude, and intractable, you would see today, after baptism, tractable, gentle, pliant, and loving; they are now wholly freed from error, and feel a horror of their idols and former vices, and extreme love and affection for jesus christ our lord, and for his mysteries. children so small that they could hardly yet speak, gave such a good account of the christian doctrine that they seemed to have been born instructed. those who two days before had not known or heard of him now repeated with pleasure and gentleness, "may jesus christ be praised;" and, indeed, it all seemed to be his work, and wrought through his instrumentality. what took place in carigara in those early days. chapter xxvi. as we have already said, the post at carigara was the first where the society began the mission villages of this province; and it was there that we said the first mass, and celebrated the first feast with great solemnity in honor of the holy cross. there, too, occurred the first baptism, when with my own hands (although unworthy); as a beginning to this new christian community, i baptized a goodly number of children already capable of reason. at all the services of this feast there was a great concourse from the whole district who solemnized it, beginning the night before, with mirth, rejoicing, and games. afterward, father juan del campo and father cosme de flores began to instruct some of the older persons in the christian faith. at that time, and through that exercise, those two fathers learned the language of the natives in a very short time--especially father cosme, who spoke it with masterly skill. father juan del campo departed from dulac, and leaving in his stead, father mateo, both pursued their task of winning souls for jesus christ, his divine majesty so attracting the people that soon in carigara a very flourishing christian church began to appear. although there are many notable things which might be related about it, i shall refer only to two baptisms which seemed, to us who were there, worthy of consideration. the first was that of a child of five years, who filled with the fervor of heaven came to us from his village for the sole purpose of asking baptism. his infidel mother and stepfather, upon learning this, at the instigation of the devil (who unwillingly relinquished that booty) came after him with an infernal fury, to carry him back with them--by force, if necessary. but as they could not do this, out of respect to the fathers, they tried to impede him through others--their relatives, friends and acquaintances; and, adding persuasion to threats (and, for a child so tender in years, but little effort sufficed), they used all their energies to divert and dissuade him from his holy purpose. but god our lord, who gave him a man's strength--and, in giving it to him, made him all the stronger by adding a gentle force to his own tender will, caused him to persevere with such constancy that he finally overcame these influences, saying that he desired to be a son of god, since those who were not christians were slaves of the devil. he offered other arguments, so ingenious that they compelled those who were present to defend and aid him; and earnestly reproving those who unreasonably opposed him, he constrained them to leave him in peace. thus he departed with his request granted, and with holy baptism, with a satisfaction that words cannot express, and greater than might be expected from a much older person and a more developed reason. again, a woman of rank had refused and fled from baptism against the influences of god and our own persuasions--solely concerned with the indissolubility of matrimony taught by our holy law; for she maintained that it was hard that she could not abandon a husband who displeased her, as was the custom among them. finally one of her brothers, who was seeking holy baptism, persuaded her to accompany him, and so she did; but, when on the point of receiving the sacrament, she withdrew without it, although her brother was baptized. this weakness was a source to her of great confusion and remorse, and consequently of renewed energy and effort (as it was with the pope st. marcellinus [87]); for on the following day she returned to the church pierced with remorse for the wrong that she had done, confessing herself to be foolish and lacking in sense, and admitting that her withdrawal had been caused by silly fear. she told the father that she was deeply grieved at what she had done, and besought him, that, since now she had returned meek and submissive to all the mandates of the holy gospel law, she might be granted holy baptism--which she ardently desired, knowing that without being a christian she could not be saved. finally, after giving us satisfactory pledges as to her desire and perseverance, she was accorded holy baptism, which she received with great devotion and joy. what took place in paloc and its coast. chapter xxvii. until september or october of the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six, when father christoval ximenez went to reside in paloc--where he learned the language well, and gathered much fruit, as we shall later see--that village possessed not one permanent priest; only father mateo sanchez, accompanied by a brother, rendered them timely aid in some journeys which he made from carigara. this station lies between carigara and dulac, on the banks of a beautiful river, and is distant from the sea about a half a league inland. it is surrounded by many villages, having a large population; and all those natives are very good people. here i received a most cordial welcome when i visited those stations, the year before, with father antonio pereira; the people entertained me by their friendly conversation were delighted in hearing the things of god, and asked me many intelligent questions about them. but there must have been some ministers of the devil among them, who (as they lose through our holy faith their prestige and vile gains) had perverted this people, as i believe, in such a way that the next time ours visited them they were not only churlishly received, but there was hardly one person to greet them, to speak either good or evil. for they found that the people had fled inland, and the few who remained in their houses looked upon the fathers with such coldness and aversion that they were compelled to turn their eyes toward god, and await from his divine hand consolation for being thus afflicted and deserted. this his divine clemency soon accorded them, changing the aspect of affairs, and causing us to know that only his power can conquer hearts; and he so subdued theirs that the very persons who had fled desired us again, in a few days, and complained that we visited them but seldom. when our fathers did repair to them, they would not let them depart at once, maintaining that they did not tarry long enough. some of them sought with great earnestness and fervor holy baptism, and the christians adopted the christian mode of life with love, ardor, and satisfaction. accordingly, they could be seen at prayer, both morning and evening, repeating the sermons, and chanting the doctrine in their houses and fields and boats (when they are traveling in these, they carry a little bell to ring for the ave marias). they were very careful in attending church, and devout in confessing, especially during that first lent; and showed great fervor in disciplining themselves, particularly during holy week; in the procession on that occasion there were many who scourged themselves until the blood came, and still others accompanied them, bearing four hundred lights, all preserving great silence and order. it was learned in many individual cases, that god our lord chose very opportunely to influence them through various means to receive his holy faith, and afterward to confirm them in it, by marvelous and supernatural visions, of things both good and bad, and causing both joy and terror--miraculously healing, for example, many who lay at the point of death, and bestowing special inward inspirations. one of these christians passed in front of a house where a minister of the devil was offering to the demon his abominable sacrifice; and this very demon told him to prevent that christian from entering; "for," he said, "i am afraid of those christians." how could those who heard this refrain from following that powerful god, when they saw that he whom they considered as such feared not only him, but also, on account of their being christians, those who formerly feared and worshiped him? a sick woman, in an exhausted condition, offered herself to god, in her desire for health, and leaving her bed was carried near some images. god our lord cooperated with her faith in such a way that soon she was healed; and she made it public that the holy images had cured her. in a village near that one, there was a sick woman, very aged, who was so obstinate in her infidelity that she would not be softened by the persuasions of the father who visited her. a child who accompanied him took her hand, and described to her in vivid language the torments of hell, and so impressed her that she asked him: "dost thou know this?" the child responded: "yes, for god has said it, and so i believe it." with this he subdued her, and prepared her so that, after she better understood the catechism, she could receive after it holy baptism, and, at the same time, health of body and soul. of the residence of alangalang. chapter xxviii. this station lies in the interior of the island of leite, five leguas distant from carigara. its district is well inhabited, and has the advantage of a good soil. its distance, however, was so great that it could not well be visited from carigara, especially considering the number of its population. on this account, and as, in the allotment of the fourteen [new laborers], only one was assigned to carigara (namely, father francisco de enzinas), the latter was obliged to remain there in company with father mateo sanchez; and father cosme de flores had to go to establish the christian faith in alangalang, on account of his knowledge of the language, and the esteem and affection in which he was held by the indians. the first care of this blessed father was to bring together, with great gentleness and kindness, the inhabitants of all those villages, especially those who were most remote and could be less easily assisted to reaching that station--so that a large colony might be formed there, as was done. he was establishing his church, his house, and his school among them, and beginning a christian community, when it pleased our lord to take him unto himself, leaving his indians orphans, disconsolate, and alone. thus they remained for several months, for there was at the time no one who could supply their need except a brother who had accompanied the father; and he consoled them by teaching them--but without administering the sacraments, as he was a lay-brother. the fathers at carigara could not help them, being prevented by their own occupations. of the entrance into ogmuc. chapter xxix. the station of ogmuc lies on the shore of the sea, in the southern part of the island of leite, on the coast almost directly opposite to carigara, which is in the northern part. it has in the same island a very good vicinity, as well as three smaller islands adjacent, which they call polo. all those people are friendly and docile and received ours with much affection and pleasure. this post was assigned to father alonso rodriguez with another companion; and it seems that the gentleness and kindness of this father had its influence upon the indians even before they saw him as also later when they met and knew him. their governor and other persons came out to sea to receive him, with much joy; and the chief, without delay, made arrangements on the spot for his conversion, and wrote out the prayers, that he might learn them. the rest followed his example, and not only in this matter, but in at once offering all their children, with whom the father formed a very promising school. some of the youngest children were exceedingly bright; and it was indeed a marvel to see the mass served, with grace and address, by a child who was scarce able to move the missal. many of these children also helped us greatly in catechizing and instructing their elders and in preparing them, and even urging them, to receive holy baptism. this was done by a little child of only four years, who seeing his father somewhat lukewarm in this respect, urged and incited him with such energy that he aroused the father, and caused him to entreat us urgently for baptism. they not only fulfilled this office with their parents but even interceded with us in their behalf, urging that we should not delay granting this favor. an incident befell one of these children which in its very childishness gave token of the esteem with which our holy gospel faith takes root in these tender little hearts. he found himself among some heathens who were eating meat on a friday, and, without thought of wrong, began to eat with them. upon taking the first mouthful he was reminded of the day; and, spitting it out, descended from the house and came in haste to ours in great sorrow at having committed a sin. our fathers reassured him and sent him away consoled; and were themselves greatly edified and pleased at such a specimen of christian faith, although so young and so recently planted. nearly all of those people were converted to christianity without much difficulty; but there was one man who was much troubled on account of having three wives--all, like himself of high rank. although the thought of renouncing two of them was painful to him, his greatest consideration was the dowry which he must thus lose. the good father saw his predicament, and was greatly concerned lest this man, for at slight temporal interest, might lose eternal gain. inspired by god our lord, he formed a plan, and went to talk with the woman who was most beloved by the man, hoping to persuade her to receive baptism. much persuasion, however, was not necessary; for she herself desired it, and expressed herself to that effect--adding that, even though it should displease her husband, she would begin the task; and that, instead of returning to his house, she would go directly to that of a christian woman, who should instruct and prepare her for baptism. these sentiments she expressed privately not only to the father, but even to her husband, before many other persons. as she said, so she acted; and her solemn baptism was celebrated with many feasts, dances, and rejoicings. the husband seeing this, put away the other two wives, giving them the amounts of their dowry; and, freed from this obstacle, received baptism and was married in christian fashion. on the feast-day of the glorious resurrection of christ our lord, we celebrated the baptism of this man and eleven other chiefs, who were also baptized amid great festivities and rejoicing, and with the concourse of many people. i have thus given an account of what took place in the five stations in that island of leite. before we pass on to the rest, it will be fitting to explain, as far as we can, their usages in marriage and divorce--as well to make more intelligible what we have already related as to have a better understanding of a topic which in the course of our remaining narrative must frequently arise. of marriages, dowries, and divorces among the filipinos. chapter xxx. i had lived in the filipinas for almost ten years before i learned that there was any man who had married several wives; and i did not know it until i went to the islands of ibabao and leite, for in manila, mindoro, marinduque, and panai, i had not observed the practice of such a custom. i had, however, been once told by a spaniard that in a certain part of mindanao, toward dapitan, it was the custom for the bissayan women (the inhabitants of mindanao also are bissayans) to marry two husbands; the practice of having several wives i had understood to belong only to the mahometans who dwell in mindanao and burnei. it is certainly, however, not a general custom in the filipinas to marry more than one wife; and even in the districts where this is done the practice is by no means general. the most common and general usage is to marry one woman. the bissayans always try to procure a wife from their own class, and closely connected with them in relationship. the tagalos do not insist so much on this latter point: they are satisfied if the wife be not of inferior rank. as i have already stated, in neither race is any other impediment considered than the first degree of kindred. uncle and niece marry as readily as do first cousins; but brother and sister, grandfather and granddaughter, or father and daughter, can in no case marry. there is a marked distinction between concubinage and wedlock; because the latter, besides consent, has its own ceremonies, as we shall later see. for marriage, moreover, they have distinct formalities of betrothal, which are accompanied by conventional penalties, most rigorously executed. here is an example: si apai promises to marry cai polosin; these married persons make an agreement with another married pair, while the wives are with child, that if the wombs of their respective wives should bear a male and a female those two children shall be joined in marriage, under a penalty of ten gold taes. this compact is solemnized by a feast, where they eat, drink, and become intoxicated; and he who later is the occasion of breaking the compact must pay the penalty. this is betrothal. in the marriage there figures a dowry, and the surrender of the woman, with consent for the present, but not perpetual. it is not the wife, but the husband, who gives her the dowry--an amount agreed upon, and fixed in accordance with his means. this is what some authors [88] relate of various nations, which were accustomed to purchase women as their wives. in addition to the dowry the husband is wont to make some presents to the parents and relatives--more or less, according to his means. while i was in tigbauan the chief of the island of cuyo came to marry his son to the daughter of tarabucon, chief of oton, which is close by the town of arebalo and a mission-village under the fathers of st. augustine they were married by a minister of high standing in that order, named father pedro de lara, [89] who was then vicar of that convent. from him and from another religious of the same house i learned that besides the dowry (which was very large), and a generous offering sent to the convent, the husband bestowed, in his grandeur and munificence, presents upon the parents of the bride, her brothers and relations, and even upon the numerous slaves. the marriage lasted no longer than did peace between them; for they are divorced on the slightest occasion. if the cause of the divorce is unjust, and the man parts from his wife, he loses the dowry; if it is she who leaves him, she must restore the dowry to him. but if the man has just cause for divorce, and leaves her, his dowry must be restored to him; if in such case the wife leaves him, she retains the dowry. for the husband, the adultery of his wife is sufficient ground for divorce; for the woman, just cause for divorce is more limited. in case of divorce, the children are divided equally between the two, without distinction of sex; thus, if they are two in number, one falls to the father and one to the mother; and in a state of slavery the same thing occurs when husband and wife belong to different masters. if two persons own one slave, the same division is made; for half belongs to each, and his services belong to both alike. these same modes of marriage and divorce are in use among those who marry two or three wives. the man is not obliged to marry them all in one day; and, even after having one wife for many years, he may take another, and yet another--indeed, like the mahometans as many as he can support. i believe that this evil custom in the islands of mindanao and leite has been derived from that sect; for they are increasing throughout the world, propagating their cursed doctrine with as much zeal and concern as we do our holy faith. it had taken root in burnei before we took possession of the filipinas; and from that island they had come to preach it in manila, where they had begun to teach it publicly when our people arrived and tore it up by the roots. less than fourteen years ago it was introduced into mindanao, on this side of the island, which is no small reason for sorrow and regret. while the marriage-bond lasts, the husband is, as with us, the lord of all; or, at least, all the wealth is kept together, and both parties endeavor to increase it as much as they can--although they are wont to steal from each other for their own purposes. of the island of ibabao, and how the society entered it. chapter xxxi. it is this island which first gives joy to the vessels which sail hence for the filipinas; for it is the first land descried in our passage westward. a headland on its coast is the celebrated cape of espiritu santo, which we sight on arriving at the islands, and for which we sought. with this island on the left, and the great island of manila on the right, we enter directly the filipinas islands, leaving the islands of the ladrones three hundred leguas behind. it also forms with the island of leite, which lies south of it, a very narrow strait, through which a few ships have penetrated--especially those which under stress of weather, and driven back by the force of the storms, have been compelled to take refuge in the port of cebu. the island is large and populous, and all around it are many adjacent islands, also inhabited. all its people are generally regarded as very peaceable, and they have made an excellent beginning in receiving the gospel, the chiefs being most distinguished in this regard--which is a matter of considerable importance, as they open the way for the others by their example. the first one of the society to enter that island for instruction was father francisco de otaço, who went thither with two companions. although in the beginning hardships did not fail them, through their lack of material resources, they were so well provided with those that were spiritual that one could well recompense the other. they arrived on the western side of the island, which is eastward of the archipelago, at a village called tinagon, [90] without any fixed or chosen post, and arrived there very opportunely for their purpose since at that time a plague, communicated from other districts, prevailed in that part of the island, causing the death of many people. accordingly, they at once set about their task, and labored diligently, going from house to house, and from one sick person to another, teaching and baptizing. but the unexpected results lightened their toil; for the number of those who were thoroughly prepared for and received baptism was very great, and the number of baptized persons who died from the disease reached a thousand souls. besides the church of this central station which was recently built, six other churches were erected in that district, not far distant from it. in each one of them was a school with a goodly number of children, and a master to instruct them; and the pupils were so devoted to it that the threat that had most effect on them was to say their teacher would leave them. our fathers went through those villages, visiting the sick and aiding them, as well as they could, with remedies for both body and soul. in the course of these visitations an incident occurred which well exhibits the forbearance with which god awaits our conversion, the ease with which we find him when we seek him, and the patience and perseverance which a minister of the gospel needs in teaching, convincing, entreating, urging, and waiting for the conversion of a soul. one of the fathers had been visiting the sick of a certain village, and was on his way homeward, some distance away, to partake of a little nourishment and obtain repose, as night was closing in. turning his eyes to one side he descried a wretched house which he did not remember to have visited that day. to satisfy himself of this he mounted a few steps of the ladder, and looking from the door into the interior of the house beheld a man stretched upon the floor. upon approaching he found him motionless and almost dead, but with enough consciousness to answer "no" to the father's query if he desired baptism. the father remained with him a long time, seeking to convince him. finally, seeing how little this availed, and that the hour was late, he concluded to leave him. but grief at seeing that soul lost, and the secret strength which our lord gave him, constrained him to wait, and to persist in urging the sick man--an action so opportune that the latter at last said "yes," and listened to the short instruction which is wont to be given upon such occasions. thus, in sorrow for his sins he expired immediately after baptism, with an "oh, god!" on his lips, torn from his very heart. one of the islands adjacent to ibabao is maripipi, whose inhabitants were all baptized in one day in the following fashion. this island is three leguas distant by sea from ibabao, for which reason our fathers could not visit it as often as the people desired. seeing this, its inhabitants all resolved to embark in their boats and come themselves to seek holy baptism. the chiefs disembarked at tinagon, and, after them, all their followers with their wives and children, all of them eagerly seeking the sacrament; but the father told them, through a chief who acted as spokesman, that they must first learn the doctrine, and that when they understood it he would baptize them. the chief's only answer was to recite the doctrine, after which he said that he had learned it from the others. with the evidence of such faith and good disposition, the father baptized them all; and, satisfied and joyful, they embarked again for their island. some months later, father miguel gomez was sent from the college of sebu in order to ascertain the disposition of the inhabitants of the eastern part of the island for receiving our holy faith; he found them so well inclined that, erecting a church in a village called catubig, not far from the cape of espiritu santo, he converted many of that district to christianity; indeed, whole villages of that island came to him, and even many from islands lying adjacent to it in that broad sea. he was particularly astonished at one of the chiefs of catubig, a man who lived, under the natural law, without blame and had good principles, one of which was to abominate polygamy. this chief was exceedingly pleased at hearing the catechism, and, requesting holy baptism, for this purpose cut off his own hair, which is esteemed as much among those people as among the chinese. there was another, a sick old man, who, before he saw our fathers, learning that they were in that place, sent to request holy baptism, which he afterward most devoutly received. in this mission many special incidents occurred which gave evidence that this harvest was fully ripe to be gathered for christ; but, as it was not quite ready for the reaping, [91] and the father was needed in his own college whence he had departed, he was obliged to return to it, with this good news of his journey. these villages, with their new christians, were assigned to the fathers of tinagon, who ministered to them so far as they could, until more suitable provision could be made for them by sending a father who could more readily assist them; this has not yet been done, through lack of workers. of the island of bohol, and the entry of the society therein. chapter xxxii. bohol is one of the smaller islands of the filipinas, but is actually large and populous, inhabited by a people of lighter complexion, and generally more comely, than are the other bissayans. they are a race of such spirit and valor that they have spread through many neighboring islands, where their descendants still preserve the name of boholans of which they are very proud--just as we, when in foreign kingdoms, are proud of the name of spaniards. the island is rich in mines and placers of gold, and abundantly provided with game, fish, rice, sugar-cane, palms, and other kinds of food. in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi arrived there with his fleet--entering through the channel which they call el frayle ["the friar"]--when, as we have stated, he set out from nueva españa in quest of those islands. a chief of that island, named catunao--whom our fathers have now baptized, as we shall soon relate--gave information to miguel lopez of sebu (which is six leguas distant from bohol), and, accompanying him thither as a guide, was of great assistance to him in the reduction of the island. it was the good fortune of father juan de torres and father gabriel sanchez to instruct this people, for they were the first preachers of jesus christ in bohol. they entered the island with much confidence and consolation, on learning that its people, like those in the neighboring island of sebu, did not practice polygamy--an affliction which to the fathers in ibabao and leite was a source of great sorrow, since they found in this evil custom a serious impediment to the conversion of many who were not otherwise hindered from receiving holy baptism. not only were the boholans free from this, but none of their immoral practices (for they had others) could hinder their conversion; for all at once they abandoned all of these, together with their idolatry. those fathers wrote to us concerning two in particular, of which--although they are not peculiar to the people of that island, but are general among all the others--i desire to give an account for the better understanding and greater clearness of this narrative; one relates to their dead, and their mode of shrouding and burying them; the other, to their feasts, festivals, and drunken revels. i shall speak of the general practices in both, beginning with the first. the manner which the filipinas had of shrouding and burying their dead. chapter xxxiii. the first and last concern of the filipinos in cases of sickness was, as we have stated, to offer some sacrifice to their anitos, or divatas, which were their gods. these sacrifices were offered, as we have said, with dancing to the sound of a bell; and it would happen, as i have sometimes heard, that in the most furious part of the dance and the bell-ringing, when the catolona or bailana was exerting most force, all at once she stopped at the death of the sick person. after the death there followed new music, the dirges and lamentations, which were also sung, accompanied by weeping, not only by the mourners but by others--the former on account of their sorrow and grief; the latter for their wages and profit, for they were hired for this purpose, as is and has been the custom among other nations of greater reputation. to the sound of this sad music they washed the body of the dead person, perfuming it with the gum of the storax-tree and other aromatics which they are wont to use, and clothing it in the best garments which the dead man possessed; then, after having kept and mourned over it for three days, they buried it. others anointed the body with aromatic balsams which prevent corruption, especially with the juice of a sort of ivy which grows there abundantly, and is truly a very valuable drug, which they call _buyo_. [92] it is very pungent, and for the living is a notable stimulant, also strengthening the teeth, hardening the gums, and sweetening the breath. consequently both spaniards and indians make much use of it, and always carry it in their mouth, as they use the coca in piru. with the juice of this plant, then, they anointed the dead body, and so injected it through the mouth that it penetrated the whole body. thus prepared, many bodies have been found uncorrupted after a lapse of many years; but they did not place the corpses in the earth, but in their dwellings, enclosed in coffins of the hardest wood, incorruptible, and with the cover so fitted that it was impossible for the air to enter. moreover, they placed gold in the mouths of the corpses, and laid with them many articles of value; and thus they buried them, under the house, richly adorned, and with the corpse another chest, containing garments. besides this, they usually were careful to carry to the burial various viands, which they left there for the dead person. in former times, they would not let them depart to the other world alone, but gave male and female slaves to accompany the dead. these slaves, having first eaten a hearty meal, were then immediately killed, that they might go with the dead man. it once happened that they buried with a chief a vessel manned by many rowers, who were to serve him in his voyages in the other world. the usual place of burial was the dead man's own house, at least in the lower part--where a great pit was dug, in which the coffin was placed. a small railing was constructed about the pit, and, leaving it open, they placed inside the food which they brought. others buried their bodies in the open field, and for several days burned fires beneath their houses and set guards, so that the dead man might not return and carry away with him those whom he had left. after the burial the mourning ceased, but not the feasting and intoxication, which lasted more or less time according to the rank of the deceased. the widow or widower, and the orphans and other relatives who felt most keenly their grief, expressed their sorrow by fasting, abstaining from meat, fish, and other viands--eating during this period only vegetables, and those in very small quantities. among the tagalos the color for mourning is black, and among the bissayans white. the latter also tear out their hair and eyebrows, which makes them ugly indeed. upon the death of a chief, silence must be observed in the village during the period of mourning, until the interdict was raised--a longer or shorter time, according to his rank; and during that time no sound of a blow or other noise might be heard in any house under penalty of some misfortune. in order to secure this quiet, the villages on the coast placed a sign on the banks of the river, giving notice that no one might travel on that stream, or enter or leave it, under penalty of death--which they forcibly inflicted, with the utmost cruelty, upon whomsoever should break this silence. those who died in war were extolled in their dirges, and in the obsequies which were celebrated the sacrifices made to or for them lasted for a long time, accompanied by much feasting and intoxication. if the deceased had met death by violence, whether in war or in peace, by treachery, or in some other way, the mourning habits were not removed, or the interdict lifted, until the sons, brothers, or relatives had killed many others--not only of the enemies and murderers, but also other persons, strangers, whoever they might be, who were not their friends. as robbers and pirates, they scoured the land and sea, going to hunt man and killing all whom they could, until they had satiated their fury. when this was done, they made a great feast for invited guests, raised the interdict, and, in due time, abandoned their mourning. in all these practices may be clearly seen traces of the paganism and of those ancient rites and usages so magnified and recorded by noted writers, by which many other nations more civilized--and, perchance, some more barbarous than this one--made themselves famous and deserving of mention. certainly balsams, and the perfumes, not only of ointments and fragrant spices, but of herbs and odoriferous flowers, are all known to have been in most ancient use among the greeks and romans, and in the hebrew commonwealth--derived, perhaps, from intercourse with pagan peoples, as we read of it in the grave and burial of king asa. [93] the bathing of the dead and of those who touched them is also found in holy writ; and in accounts of the commonwealths of the egyptians and persians, and is practiced at the present day, among many nations; also the custom of placing food in their sepulchres, which is rebuked by st. augustine. [94] who does not know that the men and women hired as mourners are the mourners and singers whom the sacred authors so repeatedly mention? and that, even before the commonwealth of the hebrews was established by god our lord, the holy job called upon those who were ready to fulfil this office and to raise their voices in wailing and lamentation for anyone who would hire them, to lament the day of his birth as if it had been the day of his death? [95] this practice extended later to an infinite number of nations, especially to the canaanites, who formed their troop of singers and musicians, and, with much skill and effect, mourned the deceased, as they did at sifara--the mother beginning to intone a chant, which was then taken up by those most learned and skilled in that office." [96] the preservation of bodies, as far as possible, from corruption is a common practice among all those nations who desired and attempted to perpetuate the memory of their dead by burning the bodies and preserving their ashes; by erecting sumptuous mausoleums or pyramids (in their estimation, eternal); or by engraving in bronze or hard stone the names and deeds of their dead. burial in the house of the deceased was a custom of the ethiopians; and burial at their gates, of the persians. the adornment of the corpse with jewels and rich garments was practiced by the hebrews, persians, and indians, and, before their time, by all the eastern arabs of the age and country of holy job; they filled their houses (which were rather their sepulchres than their abodes) with treasures of gold and silver." [97] the custom of placing in the mouth of the corpse gold or other means for the purchase of necessities and, in particular, of a safe passage, is much ridiculed by lucian, in those ancients of theirs negotiating for the boat and ferry of charon; and indeed it served no other end than to excite the covetousness of those who, to profit by the gold, opened the sepulchres and disinterred the dead--as hyrcanus and herod desecrated the grave of david, and the ternates did in bohol, as we shall later see." [98] as for the banquets, they were precisely those which occurred at the ancient festivals and funeral feasts practiced by all countries and nations, sacred and profane. [99] the observance of silence seems to be what not only the profane writers meant by summoning mortals to the shades and darkness, mute and silent; but what the sacred writers intended in calling death and dead men mute. in the sacred tongue they called the sepulchre itself "silence," [100] or "the place of silence"--on account both of the dumbness of the deceased, who was no longer able to have intercourse with the living, and of the silence and wonder in which the living remained, their grief for the dead, and the solitude in which they sat, depriving them of voice and speech; even more effectual for this was the consideration of the wretchedness, insignificance, and transientness of their own species, which they saw in their neighbor, friend or relative, when in so evil a plight, a threat and warning to them of a like fate. [101] in short, since all these usages arose, partly from some confused perception or conjecture of the natural reason, partly (and more probably) from the blindness and madness into which the devil plunged them, those islanders practiced rites and customs similar to those of former times and nations, for they too were men, subject to the same deception. truly in this, as in a thousand other things, is verified that grave saying and query of the wise man: "what is it that is now happening?" and he answers himself, saying, "that which happened in the past." again he asks himself: "what were the customs of our ancestors?" and again he replies, "those which will be, and which those who are yet unborn will practice." [102] the same i would say of the following. of feasting and intoxication among the filipinos. chapter xxxiv. the time for their feasts, wherein they ate and drank to excess (and they drank, too, much more than they ate), was, as we have said, upon occasions of illness, death, and mourning. such was also their custom at betrothals, weddings, and sacrifices, and with guests and visitors. upon all these occasions there was not a door closed against anyone who might desire to go to drink with them--for they designate a feast by the term "drinking," not "eating." in the feasts which they held upon occasions of sacrifice, they were wont to place at one side of the table a plate, upon which he who chose would throw, by way of religious ceremony, some mouthful of food, which he refrained from eating out of respect to the anito. they eat, sitting in a low position; and their tables are small, low, and round or square in shape, without covering or napkins, the plates containing the victuals being placed on the table itself. they eat in groups of sufficient number to surround the table; and it may happen that a house is filled from one end to another with tables, and guests drinking. the food is placed all together upon various plates, and they have no hesitation in putting the hands of all into the same dish, or in drinking out of the same vessel. they eat but little, drink often, and spend much time in the feast. when they are satiated with food and intoxicated with the drink, they remove the tables and clear the house; and, if the feast is not one of mourning, they sing, play musical instruments, dance, and in this way, spend days and nights, with great uproar and shouting--until finally they fall, exhausted and drowsy. but they are never seen to become, in their intoxication, so frenzied or crazed that they commit excesses; on the contrary, they preserve, in the main, their ordinary conduct, and even under the influence of wine, act with as much respect and prudence as before, although they are naturally more lively and talkative, and utter witty remarks. it is proverbial among us that none of them, upon leaving the feast late at night in a state of intoxication, fails to reach his home. moreover, if they have occasion to buy or sell anything, they not only make no mistake in the bargaining, but if it be necessary to weigh the gold or silver for the price (which is the common usage among those nations, each person carrying for that purpose a small pair of scales in his wallet), they do it with such accuracy that the hand never trembles, nor is there any error in the weight. of the labors of father juan de torres and father gabriel sanchez in the island of bohol. chapter xxxv. all these evils and excesses were abandoned when our fathers entered that island, for after their arrival there god our lord brought it about that the wonted songs and noises were no longer heard, the natives abstaining from them in order not to displease the fathers. the greatest difficulty which one encounters among those peoples is to teach the prayers to the adults, who are naturally lazy and negligent; and to the old men, who are hindered by their age. the plan and method which is followed in this matter is, not to constrain them too much. in this regard the boholans acted with such liberality that our fathers, upon arriving at some villages, found the old men learning, of their own free will, the prayers from their children. when asked if they wished to become christians, they answered that they were already preparing themselves, and that after they had learned what was needful, they would receive holy baptism. so well were they inclined toward the good. they have excellent dispositions; and whenever any good habit or civilized custom is taught to them, they do not fail to practice it--which is no small pleasure and comfort for those who teach them. in the church they conduct themselves devoutly and reverently, kneeling on both knees with hands clasped across their breasts. they attend baptismal services, at the conclusion of which they embrace the newly-baptized and, kneeling, recite with these a "salve," as a token of thanksgiving. a pestilence, attended by pains in the stomach and head, had attacked this people, and was so fatal that entire villages of the island were being depopulated. but our christians, in the ardor of their faith, took holy water as a medicine and were healed, so that not one of them died. an instance of this occurred, which i shall relate. an infidel woman was reduced by this sickness to such a pass that they did not expect her to live throughout the night. they summoned the father, and representing to him the woman's danger, besought him urgently to baptize her at once. the father did not think that such haste was necessary, or, at least, that the sick woman was entirely prepared for holy baptism, and so contented himself with repeating to her some of the catechism appropriate to the occasion, to wait until morning came. as a further kindness, in order to cure her body, he asked her if she believed that the holy water, by virtue of almighty god, our creator, could heal the sick. upon her answering "yes," he gave her some to drink, and with that left her. in the morning they came to tell him that she whom they had regarded as half dead was already healed. a little girl had been reduced by the same disease to the last extremity, and they were already bewailing her as dead; the father hastened to the spot and grieving lest she should die without the sacraments, asked for holy water, that he might give her a possible remedy for body as well as soul. seeing that the child was unable to drink it, he asked those who were present if they believed that god our lord, and not their idols, could by means of that water give health to the sick one, and all answered "yes." the water was then applied to that part where they said the child felt the greatest pain; and, consoling her parents with good hopes, he left her; and within a few hours they sent to tell him that the child was well. accordingly, they use this holy medicine frequently in all their sicknesses, and it has become a general practice throughout all these islands. i have often seen an indian woman approach the basin of holy water with her babe in arms, and taking some in her hands, give it to the little one to drink, so ordinary and universal is this devotion. in bohol, within only eight months, they gained the village of baclayun with its hamlets (which was the first station that our society maintained in that island), besides the villages of lobo (which is a river of much volume), where more than three thousand souls were instructed and catechized, as well as many in the villages of two other islands adjacent to bohol. in all those places were baptized a large number of those best prepared and able to receive the sacrament, among them the good old catunao (whom we mentioned above) with his wife. between the two, they surely had lived two hundred and thirty years, and the woman was younger than he, our lord did not see fit to take him away until he had repaid him for his good services in having been the guide who introduced christian people into the filipinas. he was always seated, for he could no longer walk. so satisfied was he at being baptized that during the remainder of his life (which was little more than a year) he was continually repeating, with much delight, "jesus, mary." of the island of mindanao. chapter xxxvi. mindanao is closer to the equinoctial line than the islands of ibabao, leite, sebu, and bohol, and is larger than almost all those four together. i shall say no more of its richness and fertility than that it is not inferior to the most fertile of all of them. besides that, it is this island only that abounds in civet and cinnamon. the cinnamon grows among the mountains, and the civet is obtained in large quantities from the many civet-cats which only this island breeds. the natives in nearly all of the island are friendly; but in the southern part along the river of mindanao (which they call, and is, another nile in its grandeur and breadth), the people, with those of some adjoining districts, are rebellious and turbulent, and are enticed by the ternatans, who have introduced there the doctrine of mahoma. as a result, both of those peoples are enemies, not only to us, but to our friends in the same island. an incident occurred there which i shall not fail to relate, to show the valor of those islanders. while the spaniards had their camps and garrisons stationed on this river, together with some vessels anchored in the water, there was celebrated the marriage of a friendly chief with the daughter, or the sister, of another chief who dwelt farther up the river; and the commander of that camp, as a token of friendship, undertook to honor this event by despatching two galliots up the stream to convey the bride. the mahometan enemy, silongan, who dwelt in the district through which they must pass, upon learning that our people had gone by, and when they were to return, made no attempt to hinder their passage with the bride, although they were actually at open war with us; but he went unprotected to the bank of the river with dignified pace and sober garb, carrying a fan, and gazing with much interest on the galliots and their passengers. recognizing him, our soldiers in the arrogance of youth, and in hatred to the enemy, applied their matches, and fired a few shots. the bullets, which were generously aimed at his feet, did not touch him, although they fell near by; nor did they cause in him any more agitation or anger than if the matter were some jest which he disregarded. this was the courage of an enemy--one of the dwellers in the southern part of the island; i will relate an instance of valor in a friendly native, an inhabitant of the northern region of mindanao. a man went out from botuan to fish upon the sea, embarking with his wife and children in two separate boats. on returning to land when the fishing was over, the man with his boat was somewhat farther from the shore; and the wife, with their children in her boat, made more haste to reach the land, on account of some vessels of ternatans, which were coasting from point to point--their enemies and ours, as i have said. these invaders, seeing their prey alone and defenseless, were not willing to lose it; accordingly, some of them went in a little skiff, and seized the woman and the children, carrying them away captive. the poor wretch who had been thus despoiled, reached the shore some distance behind them; and seeing that he could not overtake them, began to shout to them, standing on the beach, and was able to utter such insults to the robber--calling him a coward, who laid his hands on women and children alone--that he compelled the other to take up the challenge. he added, that if he himself should be overcome, his wife and children would not be unjustly plundered from him, but fairly won as spoils by dint of a valiant arm. the ternatan (who was no less spirited than valiant) came to land, at this provocation, with the woman and the children. having placed the latter at one side, they furiously began their combat; but as the native of botuan was not only courageous, but fought with justice on his side, that circumstance so aided him that, after some attempts, he killed his adversary with two spear-thrusts, and departed in contentment with his wife and children, whom he had gained anew. the southern part of the island fell to the lot of father valerio de ledesma and father manuel martinez, who went there early in november of the year fifteen hundred and ninety-six. there not only did the demons, upon their arrival, offer them visible opposition, trying to affright and terrify them at night with horrible sights and sounds--such as they are wont to display when god our lord permits them--but they found the inhabitants by no means tractable, on account of their fierce and violent natures. but this was a sort of test to which our lord subjected them in order that he might soon console them by the conversion of many chiefs--especially that of one whom they had least expected to yield on account of his fierce and warlike character and the terror which he inspired throughout the region. this conversion was most edifying, and occurred in the following manner. on a certain sunday the fathers invited the people to come to the church on the following sunday, enjoining them not to fail to be present; they heeded this injunction faithfully, repairing to the church in great numbers. there they formed a class of all the children, and under the guidance of one of the fathers, who bore a cross, they marched in good order to a spot where were explained to them some of the mysteries of our holy faith; thence they returned to the church, where, before an assemblage of all the people, father manuel martinez preached a sermon. our lord inspired his words with such force that he subdued their hearts, so hard and obstinate; and in the very middle of the sermon elian (for such was his name) fell upon his knees, and eagerly and strenuously sought baptism. this sight greatly affected many spaniards who were present, as well as the indians who beheld this great change in their chief (whom they greatly respected), and they were all moved to tears. this emotion was increased by the action of the superior, father valerio de ledesma, who, having remained among the others to hear the sermon, arose, while the audience were overcome by such emotion and wonder, drew forth a crucifix, and, holding it in his hands, showed the great obligations which we are under to that lord who gave up his life for our deliverance. by this means he enkindled even more the fire, and aroused the force of heroic determination for right in elian, who at last approached the holy crucifix and kissed its feet with profound reverence; and after him osol and others performed the same pious act. thereupon elian, desirous that he might not lose time in a matter which so deeply concerned him, publicly announced that anyone whom he owed, or to whom he might be under any obligation, might come to him and be paid therefor. he divorced all but one of his wives, and returning to each one the gold that was due for her dowry, sent them all back to their homes. he himself remained in our house to learn the prayers and catechism, in order to receive baptism sooner. this conversion was a great help to the others, who followed his example, saying: "if the father of us all is becoming a christian, what else is left for us to do?" a few days after that, our fathers, having found this method and plan of converting these peoples successful, gained another chief, from a different district, by practically the same measures. the conversion of this chief, and the condition of the christian community there, are told by father valerio de ledesma in a clause of one of his letters, thus: "thanks to god, all the river is now seeking baptism, and one may hear nothing else but the chanting of the doctrine throughout the village and in the houses, whether the people labor, or row, or walk about. i have visited all the houses, without exception, and have so allotted the children who know the doctrine that while working they may sing it and teach it to the others. as there are not enough boys for every nouse, i have made arrangements that those who live in neighboring houses should assemble in the chief of these, and respond to the boy who sings. in those houses of prominent persons the singing does not cease, day or night. all this our lord has accomplished, by subduing their headmen--especially silongan, who by his many wives (six in number), and the large _buguei_ (that is, the dowry) which he had given them, was held back as if by fetters: and yet he freed himself from his bonds, by divorcing the five wives, and keeping only his first one. then, after a sermon by father manuel martinez, he fell upon his knees in public, and sought baptism; thereupon i embraced him and drew forth a crucifix, which he adored. i encouraged him to persevere, and those who were looking on to imitate him; and at that it seemed as if all were conquered. on that day arrived a rich cargo of silk and gold; we baptized a son of his, and he himself will receive the sacrament when he shall learn the doctrine." here the letter ends. in the month of april of the same year, father juan del campo, with the brother gaspar gomez, had gone to the northern part of the island to the great river of mindanao, accompanying captain estevan rodriguez de figueroa, governor of that island, who went with a well-equipped fleet to pacify the rebels and expel the cursed sect of mahoma. the brother was soon obliged to return, for the purpose of conveying to manila the body of the governor, who unfortunately died on the same day when he reached mindanao. father juan del campo was left alone with the army, enduring many hardships with the soldiers, and accomplishing good results among them, as well as among the friendly indians, about which he wrote a copious narrative. while so engaged death found him, and carried him away--as i believe, when he was certain of enjoying life--three months and a half after his arrival at mindanao. although he died alone and without the sacraments, as there was no one to administer them, he met death with great edification, leaving in that camp a sweet odor of sanctity, and the title of a true servant of god. he was a native of sevilla, thirty-three years of age and had spent eight years in the religious life; he was overflowing with fervor, and so zealous for the good of souls that all--whether indians, negroes, spaniards, chinese, or other peoples--ever found him disposed to consider himself their debtor, and to succor them with the utmost willingness and alacrity, for which reason he was burdened with many toils and painful nights. he never lay down for the purpose of slumber, but only when sleep seized him unawares in the midst of his occupations. he possessed the gift of languages, by which i mean that he learned many with great facility. he also had the gift of ministering to various peoples and those of different classes at the same time, thoroughly satisfying them all. at times he delivered three discourses or sermons to the spaniards in one day, because the occasion demanded it. at the same time he did not neglect the indians with all their variety of tribes and tongues. it was a providence of our lord that he remained alive after the decease of the governor; for with his good judgment and kindly disposition he not only consoled and animated the army, but was of great service to them, and gave them wise advice, in matters of importance which required careful management. he scourged himself every morning when he arose for prayer, and almost always wore a hair-cloth shirt. he never ate supper, that he might be better prepared for his prolonged vigils, study, and prayers. in fine, he employed so well the short time that he spent in the religious life that i am sure that it was equivalent to a service of many years. he lectured on rhetoric in our college of avila and was able to give instruction in theology. he fulfilled this office most satisfactorily and profitably to his students, for his intellect and erudition were very profound. on holidays and feast-days he rested by going from village to village, preaching each day two, three, or four sermons. his manner of treating persons was very gracious, and consequently he aroused all avila to fervor, ecclesiastics as well as laymen. all regarded him as their apostle and teacher, and so treated him, whether present or absent. leaving that employment, he went forth to the filipinas, where he arrived, as we have said, in june of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. during the voyage he was not idle, but rather kindled the fervor of all on the ship with discourses and sermons, as i was told in his praise by the commander of the fleet, and by the father commissary of the holy office in the province of pintados, the associate of the right reverend bishop of sebu. i conducted him to leite where i left him with father cosme de flores as foundation-stones of christianity in that region, where they accomplished the fruitful results that i have described. in mindanao his greatest affliction was to find himself alone, foreseeing, from his great labors and little strength, that he had not long to live, and knowing that at his death he had no one who might aid and console him. he thus expressed himself a very few days before he died, to a soldier to whom he had just administered extreme unction: "render thanks to god that you have had some one to administer to you at this hour the holy sacraments; unhappy wretch am i, who have no one to do as much for me." but god our lord, who is a faithful friend, supplied this want, according him a glorious death, with abundant consolation from heaven. a few of his pious and devout followers received his body, burying it in the very chapel where he celebrated mass--without funeral rites, but with grief and tears, and concern that his bones should be preserved until borne to a more worthy resting place. this was done as soon as his death was made known; his remains were carried to sebu, and laid in our church, and solemn obsequies were celebrated. it fell to me to make this journey, accompanied by father juan de sanlucar, who went as superior. the latter seeing that there was but little inclination among those indians for conversion as long as the mahometan rebels remained unsubdued, and that we were being occupied, not with them, but with the soldiers of the camp, ministering to them as curas (the office of a secular priest rather than ours), although he continued these labors for almost a year (for i had returned immediately with the remains), was finally obliged to retire from the field. the camp was also withdrawn, and their fort there was dismantled. (_to be concluded_.) bibliographical data _relacion de las filipinas_, by pedro chirino, s.j.--this is translated in full from the original printed work, from the copies owned by harvard university, and edward e. ayer, of chicago. all the rest of the matter contained in this volume is obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla. "principal points in regard to the trade of the filipinas" is a rare printed pamphlet therein; all the remaining documents are from the original mss. in that collection, their press-marks being thus indicated: 1. _expedition to the malucas islands_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19." 2. _documents relating to commerce_.--"simancas--secular; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares de dicha audiencia; años de 1569-; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34." 3. _letter from morga_.--the same as no. 1. 4. _chinese mandarins at manila_.--the same as no. 1. 5. _resignation by bishop_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; cartas y espedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; años de 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 6. _letters from benavides_.--the same as no. 5. 7. _letters from the audiencia and fiscal_, july, 1603.--the same as no. 1. 8. _letter from acuña_, july 20, 1603.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." 9. _letters from ecclesiastics_, december, 1603.--"simancas--eclesiástico; cartas y espedientes de personas eclesiasticas vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1608; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 42." 10. _uprising of the sangleys_--(a) letter from the audiencia: the same as no. 1. (b) letter from santa catalina: the same as no. 9. (c) letter from benavides: the same as no. 5. (d) letters from acuña: the same as no. 8. notes [1] the viceroy of india from may, 1591 to may, 1597 was matias de albuquerque; he was succeeded by francisco da gama, conde de vidiguera, a grandson of the noted vasco da gama. on december 25, 1600, ayres de saldanha became viceroy, holding that office a little more than four years. "during the 'captivity' or subjection to spain (1580-1640) india was governed entirely through the _casa da india_ at lisbon, and altogether in the interests of portugal and the portuguese officials, who, as will be seen in vol. ii, jealously excluded spanish interference."--gray and bell, note in _voyage of francis pyrard_ (hakluyt society's publication no. 76, london, 1887), i, p. 439. [2] _galagala_: the name of a coniferous tree (also known as _piayo_ and _damar; agathis orantifolia_), which produces a resin that is used for burning, for lighting, and for calking vessels. see blanco's _flora_, p. 528; and u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1900, iii, p. 282. [3] montero y vidal recounts (_hist. de la piratería_, i, pp. 146-150) the piratical raids made about this time by the joloans and mindanaos. when they saw that the fort at la caldera was abandoned, they collected a force of three thousand men, in fifty caracoas, and (july, 1599) invaded the coasts of cebú, negros, and panay, ravaging with fire and sword, and carrying away eight hundred captives. in the following year these moros came against the spanish settlement of arévalo (now iloilo), in panay, with eight thousand men; but they were repulsed by a handful of spaniards, aided by a thousand indian allies. gallinato led an expedition (february, 1602) against the joloans, inflicting considerable loss on them, but was unable to reduce their forts; and he was compelled, by lack of supplies, to return to manila. in the summer of 1602 another moro expedition sallied out from mindanao and harried all the northern islands, even attacking luzon; they carried away much booty and many captives. a partial punishment was inflicted upon them by spanish expeditions, but they were not subdued; and the moro pirates were a constant source of terror and danger until recent times. [4] each paragraph is accompanied in the original ms. by a marginal note summarizing its contents; this is here omitted, as containing no additional information. [5] this decree was issued at lisbon, march 31, 1582, by felipe ii; a copy of it (addressed to peñalosa) appears in the ms. from which we have obtained this group of documents on the maluco expedition. a royal decree dated june 22, 1599, orders that all military expeditions in the islands thereafter must be sanctioned by the council of war, the cabildo of manila, and the audiencia. [6] in 1526, the cabildo of the city of mexico gave permission for the citizens "to have their tepuzque gold converted at the smelting works" into coin. "for two years oro tepuzque was exclusively used, and the intrinsic value fluctuated so much that a standard was demanded. in september, 1528 the cabildo adopted the resolution that all such money should be examined and stamped." see bancroft's _hist. mexico_, iii, p. 669. [7] spanish, _quando lo que se mãda es cosa muy conueniente a la república._ the context would apparently require _inconueniente_, "injurious to the commonwealth;" there is apparently this typographical error of omission in the original printed text. [8] the president and members of a tribunal of commerce, appointed to try and decide causes which concern navigation and trade. [9] children resulting from the unions between chinese and indians are known as zambaigos. [10] in 1603 monterey, then viceroy of nueva españa, was promoted to the viceroyalty of peru. the salaries of these offices were respectively twenty thousand and thirty thousand ducats (bancroft's _hist. mexico_, iii, p. 2). [11] the "piece of eight" was a coin having the weight and value of eight reals of silver; the "piece of four," one of half that value. [12] reference is apparently made here to the preceding document, "principal points in regard to the trade of the filipinas." [13] see la concepcion's account of the result of this expedition (_hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 16-18). the spanish troops joined the portuguese at tidore, and together they besieged the malay fort at terrenate; but after ten days the portuguese refused to continue the siege, and retreated; this compelled gallinato, the spanish commander, to return with his troops to manila. [14] _daifu-sama_: the official title of iyeyasu, then the chief secular ruler (shôgun) in japan, which power he gained by his victory at the great battle of sekigahara (october, 1600). with him began the shôgunate of the tokugawa family, which lasted for two hundred and fifty years. iyeyasu labored to secure the peace of the empire, both internal and external, and to this end undertook to eradicate the christian religion in japan; and formed a code of laws for his people. he was a man of high character and ability, and was deified after his death. this event occurred in 1616, when he was seventy-four years old. see rein's _japan_, pp. 293-303. [15] la concepcion describes this fire (_hist. de philipinas_, iv, pp. 30-32); he states that the loss therein was estimated at a million of pesos, "a loss which indicates how opulent was then the city of manila." [16] the emperor of china at this time was wanleh (see _vol_. iii, p. 228); he died in 1620. see account of his reign (begun in 1572) in boulger's _hist. china_, ii, pp. 153-204. [17] _garbanzo_: the chick-pea, a sort of pulse commonly used in spain. [18] the name of the moro pirates who inhabit the little islands of the sulu group east of tawi-tawi, and the islands between these and borneo. [19] these names are corrupt spanish renderings of the chinese names nanking and peking. for accounts of the "middle kingdom," or china proper, and its provinces, and the origin and meaning of their various appellations, see w. winterbotham's _chinese empire_ (london, 1796), i, pp. 40 _et seq_.; and s. wells williams's _middle kingdom_ (new york, 1871), i, pp. 3 _et seq_. [20] in the official transcript of this document furnished us from the sevilla archives, this word is written _teatinos_ ("theatins")--apparently the copyist's conjecture for an illegible or badly-written word in the original ms. but the theatins had no establishments in the philippines; and the mention of chirino in the second of these letters (next following this one) of benavides proves that he referred to the jesuits (spanish _iesuitas_), not to the theatins. [21] "the see being vacant"--for benavides had but just arrived at manila, and an interregnum of nearly five years had elapsed since the death of his predecessor, santibañez. [22] referring to a ceremony performed at mass, also known as the "kiss of peace." this was given at mass from the earliest times, in the various catholic branches of the church. in the western churches, "it was only at the end of the thirteenth century that it gave way to the use of the 'osculatorium'--called also 'instrumentum' or 'tabella pacis,' 'pax,' etc.--a plate with a figure of christ on the cross stamped upon it, kissed first by the priest, then by the clerics and congregation. usually now the pax is not given at all in low masses, and in high mass an embrace is substituted for the old kiss, and given only to those in the sanctuary" (addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, p. 497). [23] pérez (p. 63) gives but little information regarding this friar. he seems to have been in the islands as early as 1591, and from 1594 to 1603, engaged in various official duties. in the last-named year he went to spain and rome, afterward going to mexico, where he acted as procurator in 1608. [24] in this paragraph, as in one in the preceding letter of benavides, the official transcription of the text has _teatinos_, where "jesuits" occurs in the translation; but the mention of chirinos shows that the latter reading is correct. see note 20, _ante_, on p. 109. [25] spanish _hermita_ (sometimes meaning "hermitage"); a reference to what is now a suburb of manila, situated on the shore of the bay, and called hermita or ermita. "in its parish church is venerated, with great devotion, the image of its tutelar saint, our lady of guidance--to which holy image were especially commended, in former days, the ships from nueva españa" (buzeta and bravo's _diccionario_, ii, p. 77). [26] this was the eldest daughter of felipe iii--anna maria, generally known as anne of austria. born in 1601, she was married at the age of fourteen to louis xiii of france; and after his death was regent during the minority of her son, louis xiv. she died on january 20, 1666. [27] diego de guevara, belonging to a noble family in spain, entered in early youth the augustinian order, at salamanca. in 1593 he came to the philippines with a company of twenty-four missionaries, and held various official positions in his order. in 1602 he founded a convent in bungo, in japan. sent to spain in 1603, with news of the chinese insurrection, he did not reach the court until three years later; he remained there until 1610, when he returned to the philippines as visitor for his order. from 1616 until his death in 1621, he was bishop of nueva cáceres. [28] spanish, _reformados_; literally "reformed," but referring to those who belong to religious houses of strict discipline. [29] a royal decree dated at barcelona, june 13, 1599, orders the governor and audiencia of the filipinas to take suitable measures for restricting the number of chinese allowed to live in manila, or in other parts of the islands. the copy of this decree preserved in the sevilla archives contains also an extract from a letter to acuña (dated november 29, 1603) in which he is thus directed by the king: "you have been informed by other despatches of the difficulties (which had been pointed out to the said don francisco [tello] and other persons) arising from the number of sangleys who have remained in the parian of that city and its outskirts, so that you might be watchful for the security of the country. the said don francisco writes at present, that having examined into the matter, and conferred upon it, he finds (as at that time appeared best) that the most expedient way was to continue the measure that has been taken since he entered upon that governorship--namely, that the ships which bring the said chinese be sent back [to china] each year full of people. in this way they can be removed and the country cleared of them, with more gentleness and kind treatment, as has already been done with many of them. he thinks that if the captains of the ships are not allowed to carry more than a hundred sangleys, including sailors and merchants, the desired object will be attained--that is, that there should not be in the country more than three thousand sangleys, including craftsmen, gardeners, and workers in all trades. what seems best to us, and i accordingly so charge you, is to make use of this means, or of others which may appear to you expedient, so that the country may be secure, and have only the sangleys necessary for its service." [30] this silonga was one of the most noted of the moro chiefs; he was afterward converted by a jesuit missionary. see account of the raid made by buhisan (buyçan), and of acuña's efforts to suppress piracy, in montero y vidal's _hist. piratería_, i, pp. 148-152. [31] pedro chirino was born in 1557 in osuna of andalucía. he graduated in both civil and canon law at sevilla, and entered the society of jesus at the age of twenty-three. having been appointed to the mission in the filipinas in place of father alonso sanchez, he arrived there in 1590 with the new governor, gomez perez dasmariñas. he acted as missionary to the tagalos and the pintados, and was superior of the jesuit colleges at manila and cebú. he cultivated the friendship of esteban rodriguez de figueroa, whom he advised to found the college of san ignacio and the seminary of san josé in manila. on july 7, 1602, he left cavite for acapulco by the vessel "san antonio" with appointment by visitor diego garcia as procurator of the mission, in order to take immediate action in the affairs of the mission at both the royal and pontifical courts. he obtained a decree from father general claudius aquaviva, by which the mission in the filipinas was elevated to a vice-province, independent of the province of mexico. his relation was written in 1603, and passed the censorship of vice-provincial luis de la puente in valladolid. on july 17, 1606, he returned to manila. the village of taitai was removed to its present site by him. his death occurred september 16, 1635. his biography was written by father juan de bueras in the annals of the province of filipinas for 1634-35, signed by the author in manila, may 26, 1636; and by father pedro murillo velarde in part ii, book ii, chap, i, of _historia de la provincia de philipinas de la compañía de jesús._ of the many manuscripts left by father chirino, i possess the most important. it is the original manuscript, and is entitled _primera parte de la historia de la provincia de philipinas de la compañía de jesus_.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [32] referring to morga's _sucesos de las islas philipinas_ (mexico, 1609). i have seen the only copy of the new edition of this work published in madrid, by justo zaragoza, in 1880--the only copy, because the balance of the edition was sold as waste-paper, as its sale was anticipated by the edition of dr. rizal published in paris in 1890.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [33] his death occurred in mactan, on the morning of april 28, 1521.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [34] chirino writes here somewhat inaccurately. magalhães and loaisa sailed directly from spain, and went through the strait of magellan; saavedra was the first who went to the philippines from nueva españa (1527), and was followed in this route by villalobos in 1542. see accounts of these voyages in _vols_. i and ii of this series. [35] cárlos v disapproved of villalobos entering the malucos, and on this account was on the point of depriving the viceroy of nueva españa, don antonio de mendoza, of his office, as the latter had given instructions as to the manner of performing the expedition.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [36] cosmo de torres was born in 1510 at valencia; he departed for india in 1538, and was admitted to the jesuit order by st. francis xavier, on march 20, 1548. he was afterward sent to japan, where he began the work of christianizing that people. he died on october 10, 1570, after a long and arduous missionary career. (sommervogel's _bibliothèque_, viii, p. 112.) st. francis xavier's ministry in the indias and japan began in 1542, and lasted ten years; he died on december 2, 1552. [37] the name "philipinas" was given to the islands by villalobos, and confirmed by felipe ii in a decree dated at valladolid, and directed to the viceroy of nueva españa, don luis de velasco, september 24, 1559.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [38] the others were andres de urdaneta, andres de aguirre, diego de herrara, pedro de gamboa. the sixth died at the port of navidad. father rada also died at sea, while returning to manila from an expedition to borneo. felipe ii ordered his manuscripts to be collected and preserved in the archives.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [39] see description of this incident, and illustration presenting a view of the image (which is still in existence), in _vol_. ii of this series, pp. 120, 217. [40] see loraca's account of the beliefs of the moros, _vol_. v, pp. 171-175. [41] an account of the festivities held in manila in 1623 on the occasion of the accession of philip iv to the spanish crown, includes the mention of bull-fights. the festivities were attended by the entire town, civil and political. this account, which contains valuable social observations, is an extract from a manuscript owned by the compañia general tabacos de filipinas, barcelona, and was published privately (1903) in an edition of 25 copies by señor don josé sánchez garrigós. it will be presented in this series, if space will permit. [42] these winds are known as _baguios_ or _tifones_ (english "typhoons"). see full account of them, with diagrams, tables, etc. (prepared largely from data and reports furnished by the jesuit fathers in the manila observatory), in u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1901, iv, pp. 290-344. [43] diego vazquez de mercado, later archbishop of manila.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [44] regarding this sharpening of the teeth, see virchow's "peopling of the philippines" (mason's translation), in smithsonian institution's _annual report_, 1899, pp. 523, 524. jagor says--_travels in the philippines_ (london, 1875), p. 256: "the further circumstance that the inhabitants of the ladrones and the bisayans possess the art of coloring their teeth black, seems to point to early intercourse between the bisayans and the polynesians." the jesuit delgado mentions--_hist. de filipinas_ (manila, 1892), p. 328--the custom of adorning the teeth with gold. cf. sawyer's _inhabitants of philippines_, p. 342. [45] in the margin (p. 9), are various references to authors. "book 7, chap. 2 and 56; and book 16, chap. 36," probably refers to the _naturalis historia_ of the elder pliny. "ludovic. vartom. nauigat. lib. 5. cap. 12," refers to book 5, chap. 12 of the _itinerario_ of lodovico barthema (roma, 1510). another reference is to thomas malvenda's _de antichristo_, book 3, chap. 12. the word for "cane" here used is the tagal name for several species of the bamboo (_bambus_), the largest and most useful being _b. arundo_. both this and the bejuco (_calamus_) were commonly mentioned under the general term _cañas_ ("canes," or "reeds,"): and not only the bejuco, but one species of bamboo (_b. mitis_) yields clear water as a beverage for man's use. see blanco's _flora_, pp. 187-189. [46] a marginal note (p. 9) opposite this line cites "book 13, chap. 11," presumably of the same work that is mentioned in the preceding note. [47] the palmo was a measure of length used in spain and italy, varying from eight and one-third to ten and one-third inches. [48] the first franciscan religious arrived at manila june 24, 1577. these were fathers fray pedro alfaro, fray pedro de jerez, fray pablo de jesus, fray juan de plasencia, fray juan bautista pesaro, fray alonso de medina, fray sebastian de baeza, fray francisco mariano, fray diego de oropesa, fray agustin de tordesillas, fray antonio barriales, and fray francisco menor, and two choristers and lay brothers.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [49] domingo de salazar was born in labastida (in alavese rioja) in 1512. he joined the order of st. dominic in 1546 at salamanca; and at forty years of age he went to mexico. in 1579 he was appointed first bishop of the filipinas, and took possession of his seat in 1581. in virtue of the bull _fulti proesidio_, promulgated by gregory xiii, he erected the principal church of manila into a cathedral church, december 21 of the same year. immediately thereafter he held the first council, being assisted by both the secular and regular clergy. in 1591 he returned to acapulco and mexico, whence he went to españa in 1593. he died in madrid, december 4, 1594, and was buried in the church of santo tomás of his order.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [50] don gonzalo ronquillo was born at arévalo, of an illustrious family. his father was a military officer, his grandfather a civil magistrate, and his brother a distinguished warrior. from 1572 to 1575, gonzalo ronquillo served in the audiencia of mexico as chief constable; then returning to spain, he made an offer to the king to conduct six hundred colonists to the filipinas islands. this was accepted, and he was appointed governor of the islands, for which he departed from spain early in 1579. on the way he lost so many of his colonists, by desertion or death, that only three hundred and forty remained when he left panama, february 24, 1580; they reached manila on june 1 following. in 1581 he founded the town of arevalo on the island of panay. ronquillo's death occurred at manila, on february 14, 1583--caused, according to a letter written by his cousin don diego to the king, by his grief at the proceedings of doctor sande from mexico in reprisal for the severe residencia which, by order of the king, ronquillo had taken of sande's government.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [51] these auditors received two thousand pesos of nugget gold (_oro de minas_) annually; and the president, four thousand pesos.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [52] _dedo_: originally, a finger (cf. french _doigt_): by extension, a measure of length ("a finger's breadth"); see _vol_. iii, p. 201. [53] dr. francisco de sande, a native of cáceres, left acapulco to enter upon his governorship of the filipinas, april 6, 1575, and arrived at manila august 25, entering immediately upon his duties. pedro de chaves named in his honor the newly-founded city of nueva cáceres. sande directed a personal expedition to borneo, sailing from manila for this purpose march 3, 1578, accompanied by forty-six native vessels. he took possession of that great island april 20, and reëntered manila july 29 with twenty-one galleys and galleots, six ships, one hundred and seventy pieces of artillery, and other war material taken from the enemy. his governorship ended june 1, 1580.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [54] a small island between sangir and tagolanda (_vol_. xi, p. 297). [55] sommervogel only mentions two priests of this name in the missions of india, but both of them were of later date. [56] the supreme pontiff, gregory xiii, erected the episcopal see of manila december 21, 1581, with the publication of the bull _fulti præsidio_. clement viii elevated it into a metropolitan church august 14, 1591, assigning to it as suffragan, the churches of cebú, nueva segovia, and nueva cáceres. to these was added that of santa isabel de paro in 1865, and lastly those of lipa, tuguegaras, cápiz, and zamboanga, in virtue of the apostolic decree _quæ in mari sinico_, given by leo xiii at st. peter's in roma, september 17, 1902.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [57] "the balete tree (_ficus urostigima_--sp.) corresponds to our witch elm, and certainly at night has a most uncanny appearance. each of these great trees has its guardian spirit, or ticbalan" (sawyer, _inhabitants of philippines_, pp. 214, 343). see also blanco's _flora_, art. "ficus." chirino speaks of this tree as having no fruit; he must have observed specimens which bore only sterile flowers. [58] the _erythrina_ (_indica_, lam.; _carnea_, bl.); see blanco's _flora_, pp. 393, 394, and delgado's _historia_, pp. 429, 430, for descriptions of this tree (named by them _dapdap_). [59] _anona_, of several species; one is commonly known as "custard-apple," another as "sour-sop." the species _a. squamota_ (tagal, _ates_) is regarded as producing the best fruit. [60] a species of wild hog, _sus scropha_. in all the large islands of the asiatic archipelago may be found wild swine, of various species. "the flesh of the hog must have formed a principal part of the animal food of the nations and tribes of the archipelago before the conversion to mohammedanism. it did so with the people of the philippine islands on the arrival of the spaniards, and it does so still with all the rude tribes, and even with the hindoos of bali and lomboc" (crawfurd's _dictionary_, pp. 152, 153). see zúñiga's _estadismo_ (retana's ed.), ii, p. 438.* [61] the haraya is a visayan dialect. [62] that is, the most important things which happen to men in leaving this world--death, judgment, heaven, and hell; this subject is also included under the term "eschatology." [63] they were fathers alonso de humanes, superior, juan del campo, mateo sánchez, juan de ribera, cosme de flores, tomás de montoya, juan bosque, and diego sánchez. they left acapulco march 22, and cast anchor at cavite june 10. dr. morga, appointed by virtue of a royal decree, given at el escorial, august 18, 1593, left cádiz with his wife and six children in february, 1594, and acapulco on the same date as the above-mentioned fathers. under his charge was the aid for the islands, taken to manila by the galleons "san felipe" and "santiago."--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [64] in _menology of the english province, s.j._ (roehampton, 1874) is the following notice (july 14): "at manila, in the philippine islands, in 1627, father thomas de montoya, an indian of florida. after thirty years of indefatigable labor among those nations, he died by slow poison, given by the bassians [bisayans?] out of hatred to the faith." the statement regarding his nativity is, however, erroneous. "murillo velarde states (_historia_, lib. viii, cap. x, no. 57) that this father was born, not in florida, but at zacatecas (mexico), in 1568. he entered the society at the age of eighteen, in the mexican province, and passed over to that of the philippines in 1595 (the year when it was formed). there he filled successively the offices of latin teacher at manila, master of novices, and missionary to the pintados. these indians poisoned him, after which it seems that he returned to manila, where his life was a continued martyrdom. to the sufferings from the effect of the poison were added those of a violent asthma. he possessed perfectly the tagal language." (see _woodstock letters_, 1900, vol. 29, pp. 154, 155.) he is also mentioned by colin (_hist. misiones_, part ii, book iii, p. 334).--_e.i. devitt, s.j._ (georgetown college). [65] francisco de borja (borgia), duke of gandia (a city in spain), entered the jesuit order in 1551, becoming its general in 1565; he held this office until his death, september 30, 1572. he was beautified in 1624, and canonized in 1671. [66] his remains are now entombed to the right of the transept of the cebú cathedral.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [67] don francisco tello entered manila july 14. he had left acapulco march 6, with father vera. the latter's companions were fathers lópez de la parra, manuel martinez, valerio de ledesma, juan de torres, gabriel sánchez, miguel gómez, juan de san lucar, francisco de otazo, alonso rodriguez, cristobal jiménez, francisco de encinas, diego de santiago, leonardo scelsi, and bartolomé martes.--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [68] various philippine languages were studied and systematized by the first missionaries to the islands, although none of these works were printed, so far as is known, before 1610. probably the earliest of these was a vocabulary of the language of the cebú islanders, by martin de rada (who died in 1580). other early augustinians composed linguistic works as follows: agustín de alburquerque (died 1580) an _arte_, or grammar, of the tagal language; diego ochoa (died 1585), an _arte_ and vocabulary of the pampango; estéban marin (died 1601), _artes_ of igorrote and zambal. [69] spanish, _actos solenes, i liciones de erudicion_. at manila, in chirino's time, there was only what is called _collegium inchoatum_; but in ordinary colleges of the society, with a complete order of classes, it was the custom, at the _solemnis instauratio studiorum_, for the prefect of studies or the professor of rhetoric to inaugurate the year's work by delivering a "learned discourse," before the whole academic body; and to this function the appreciative public was invited. sometimes the students gave a public exhibition of their work and proficiency. this "solemn act" might be a dramatic representation--an original play written for the occasion--or it might consist of literary exercises on the part of the scholars, music being also introduced. the technical name for these purely literary exercises was an "academy," or "specimen;" and naturally they would take place during the course of the scholastic year such was the custom of the age, in spanish countries.--_rev. e.i. devitt, s.j._ [70] molave is the name of a tree whose wood is very hard and highly valued for building purposes; it is called by the natives "the queen of woods." the name molave is applied to several species of _vitex_. especially to _v. geniculata_, bl. [71] _piña_: a silver design in the form of a pineapple. [72] _i.e._, to scourge themselves, as a voluntary penance--a practice then common among religious devotees. it was probably a survival from the earlier practices of the associations of flagellants, who publicly scourged themselves, in penitential processions through the streets; they appeared during the period 1260-1420. [73] cf. the belief of the winnebago indians regarding the fate of departed souls (_wisconsin historical collections_, xiii, p. 467). [74] _golo_: "the name of a charm for lovers, used by the ancient tagals" (blumentritt, _dicc. mitológico,_ p. 51). regarding this book of charms, cf. retana's _libro de aniterías_ (madrid, 1894), which reproduces a similar book, obtained from a filipino native, with explanations of such words and phrases as are intelligible; it is preceded by extracts from the _practica_ of tomás ortiz, o.s.a. [75] evidently a reference to the serpents of the genus _python_, allied to the boa-constrictor. they attain enormous size in the forests, some specimens having been obtained over twenty-two feet long. young ones are often kept by the natives in their houses to kill the rats; these snakes become tame and harmless. [76] in the printed work, on the margin opposite this and the following sentences, are various references, thus: "isaiah, 60; isaiah, 9; psalm 79; isaiah, 66; psalm 35, whereon 'b. amb. greg. ii. moral. c. 2'"--the last apparently a reference to st. (and pope) gregory i's _moralia in jobum_ (basle, 1468?). [77] in the margin of the printed page is a reference to ezekiel, 8. [78] cf. loarca's version of this and other myths, and his account of the native beliefs and superstitious practices (_vol_. v, pp. 121-141). [79] the tagals also called this bird _tigmamanukin_; its scientific name is _irene cyanogastra_, meyer (blumentritt's _dicc. mitológico_, pp. 34, 118). see forbes's description of the "fairy bluebird" (_irene turcosa_) in his _naturalist's wanderings in the eastern archipelago_ (new york. 1885). p. 67. [80] naso (the native name for which is siroan) and potol are, respectively, the southwest and northwest extremities of panay island. cf. the offerings made to rocks by the huron indians (_jesuit relations_, x, p. 165). [81] probably referring to cape san agustín, the southeastern extremity of mindanao, at the eastern entrance of sarangani strait, where there is always a heavy sea. [82] for this reason it is called puntas flechas--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [83] in the margin of the printed work is a reference to "3 kings, 16"--_i.e._, the first book of kings in the protestant version of the old testament. [84] see accounts of the practices of medicine-men among the northern tribes of the north american indians, in _jesuit relations, passim_. [85] among the infidels of mindanao there are still four kinds of sacrifices: human, called _pag-huaga_, practiced by the bagobos; that of swine, or _pag-balilig_; that of chickens, or _pag-talibong_; and the _pag-cayag_, which is a poured-out offering of rice. the _baylanas_ sacrifice the victim by thrusting into the heart or throat of the animal a _balarao_ or dagger, and suck the blood issuing from the wound. then they dance about the sacrifice in innumerable attitudes, and sing, while trembling and making grimaces, the following stanza: miminsad miminsad si mansilatan vpud si badla ñga maga-dayao nañg dunia. baylan managun-sayao, baylan managun-liguid. afterward badla will descend, who will give health to the earth. let the baylanas [priests] dance, let the baylanas dance about."--_pablo pastells, s.j._ [86] a marginal note in the printed work cites ii corinthians, 8. [87] st. marcellinus, the thirtieth of the roman pontiffs, was elected in 296 a. d., and died in 304. [88] the following references appear on the margin of the printed page: boethius, _topica_ (tolentino, 1484), book 2. andreas tiraquellus, _ex commentariis in pictonum côsuetudines, sectio de legibus connubialibus_ (parisis, 1513), law 4. francisco ribera, _in librum duodecim prophetarum commentarii_ (salmanticae, 1587), hosea, 3. [89] pérez (p. 44) only records the various churches served by this father, from 1596 to 1607, and his death in the latter year. [90] apparently at the point of tinagoan, on buad island, off the western coast of samar. [91] in the margin is a reference to ii timothy, 4. [92] _piper betel_; the method of using it as a stimulant is described in _vol_. iv, p. 22a. the _coca_ to which the betel-nut is here compared is the dried leaf of a peruvian shrub (_erythroxylon coca_). of stimulant and tonic qualities. from it is obtained the well-known anæsthetic cocaine. [93] marginal references (of which some throughout this page of chirino are too indefinite to be verified): _ii paralipomenon_ (the appellation, in roman catholic versions of the bible, of the books named "chronicles" in the protestant version), 16. onuphrius, book 2. [94] marginal references: _fastorum plutarchi in sylla_. plinius, book ii, chap. 10. _ecclesiastes_, 34. _sermo 15_ of st. jerome, 9. [95] marginal references: _ii paralipomenon_, 35. _job_, 3. aristotle, cited by varro, book 6. [96] marginal references: _judges_, 4, and thereon procopius of gaza--probably a reference to his commentaries, _commentarii in octateuchum_ (a latin translation; tiguri, 1555). [97] marginal references: _herodotus and diodorus_, book 3. pineda's _job_, 3, v. 16--the _commentarium in job libri tredecim_ of joannes de pineda (of sevilla). [98] marginal references: josephus, _antiquitates_, book 13, chap. 15; book 16, chap. 11. gregorius giraldus, _syntagma de funeratibus_. eustatius, on homer, p. 393--referring to one of the works on homer by eustathius of thessalonica. [99] marginal references: athenæus, book 7. alessandro sardi (of ferrara), _de moribus ac ritibus gentium libri iii_ (venetiis, 1557). [100] a side note in the original gives the hebrew dvmh _duma_, which means "silences," and hence "sepulchres." [101] marginal references: virgil, _æneid_, 6. hosea, 10, v. 15. pineda's _job_, 3, v. 13. [102] a marginal note refers to ecclesiastes, 1; but it is not quoted directly by chirino, who seems only to use it as a suggestion for his own thought. prepared by jeroen hellingman and the distributed proofreaders team the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century volume vi, 1583-1588 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. editorial announcement the editors desire to announce to their readers an important modification in the scope and contents of this work. as originally planned and hitherto announced, the series was intended to furnish the original sources, printed and documentary, for the history of the philippine islands only to the beginning of the nineteenth century. to most of our readers, the reasons for this are obvious: the fact that the classic period of philippine history is thus bounded; the comparative rarity and inaccessibility of most material therein to the general public; the vast extent of the field covered by philippine history, and the necessary limitations of space imposed upon the selection of material for this work; the closing of foreign archives to all investigators after an early date in the nineteenth century; and the greater difficulty, in that later period, of securing a proper historical perspective. but so many and urgent requests have come to us, from subscribers and reviewers, for such extension of this series as shall cover the entire period of spanish domination, that we have decided to modify the former plan in the manner here briefly indicated. it is our purpose not to exceed the number of volumes already announced, fifty-five. we are able to do this because in our original plan, to avoid a subsequent increase in the number of volumes, a certain amount of space was purposely left for possible future changes as a result of later investigations to be made in foreign archives, or on account of the necessary excision of extraneous or irrelevant matter from the printed works which are to be presented in this series. the new title will be "the philippine islands: 1493-1898." the early and especially important history of the islands will be covered as fully as before. for the history of the nineteenth century, we will present various important decrees, reports, and other official documents; and provide a clear, careful, and impartial synopsis of some of the best historical matter extant, down to the close of the spanish régime. throughout the series will be used, as has been done from the beginning, all the best material available--historical, descriptive, and statistical--for reference and annotation. with the copious and carefully-prepared bibliography of philippine historical literature, and the full analytical index, which will close the series; the broad and representative character of the material selected throughout; and the impartial and non-sectarian attitude maintained, the editors trust that this change will still further enable scholars, historical writers, and general readers alike to study, with reliable and satisfactory material, the history of the philippine islands from their first discovery by europeans to the close of the spanish régime, and incidentally the history of the entire orient. contents of volume vi preface ... 13 documents of 1583-85 foundation of the audiencia of manila (concluded). felipe ii; aranjuez, may 5, 1583 ... 35 two decrees regarding the religious. felipe ii; san lorenzo, june 21, 1583, and aranjuez, april 24, 1584 ... 45 annual income of the royal exchequer in the philippines. andres cauchela, and others; manila, june 15-30, 1584 ... 47 letter to felipe ii. melchor davalos; manila, july 3, 1584 ... 54 letter to the archbishop of mexico. santiago de vera; manila, june 20, 1585 ... 66 two letters to felipe ii. fray geronimo de guzman [madrid? 1585]; and fray jhoan de vascones [1585?] ... 76 history of the great kingdom of china (extracts relating to the philippines). juan gonzalez de mendoza; madrid, 1586 ... 81 documents of 1586 memorial to the council by citizens of the filipinas islands. santiago de vera, and others; manila, [july 26] ... 157 letter to felipe ii. alfonso de chaves, and others; manila, june 24 ... 234 letter from the manila cabildo to felipe ii. andres de villanueva, and others; manila, june 25 ... 242 letter to felipe ii. antonio sedeño; manila, june 25 ... 247 letter to felipe ii. domingo de salazar; manila, june 26 ... 251 letter from the audiencia to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; manila, june 26 ... 254 letter to felipe ii. pedro de rojas; manila, june 30 ... 265 letter to felipe ii. juan de moron; manila, june 30 ... 275 measures regarding trade with china. felipe ii, and others; madrid and manila; june 17-november 15 ... 279 brief erecting franciscan province of the philippines. sixtus v; rome, november 15 ... 290 documents of 1587-88 letter to felipe ii. alvaro, marques de [villa] manriquez; mexico, february 8, 1587 ... 295 letter to felipe ii. santiago de vera; manila, june 26, 1587 ... 297 letter from the audiencia to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; manila, june 25, 1588 ... 311 bibliographical data ... 323 illustrations title-page of _historia del gran reyno de china_, by juan gonçalez de mendoça (madrid, m.d.lxxxvi); from copy (madrigal edition) in library of congress ... 83 title-page of "itinerario" at end of gonçalez's _historia_, from copy in library of congress ... 135 signature of alonso sanchez, s.j., from ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla ... 228 preface the present volume covers the period of 1583 to 1588 inclusive. at the close of two decades of spanish occupation in the philippines, the native population is decimated, and the spanish colonists are poor, heavily burdened with taxation, and largely non-producing. the islands are but nominally defended by a small, irregular, demoralized force of unpaid soldiers, whose lawlessness and arrogance render them dangerous to their own countrymen, and tyrants over the helpless natives. the audiencia is a costly institution, a burden of which all the people complain. they have other grievances and many needs, which finally impel them to send a special envoy to spain, to procure relief and aid from the home government. the documents in this volume contain much valuable information regarding the economic condition of the colony, and its commercial relations with china and mexico respectively. as the spanish settlers in the philippines find that they are largely dependent upon china for their food, those who are wise see the necessity of encouraging and extending agriculture in the islands; but others are fired with the lust for wealth and conquest, and urge upon felipe ii a scheme for subduing china by force of arms, thus to give spain the control of the great oriental world, and incidentally to enrich a host of needy spanish subjects. in volume v was presented the greater part of the royal decree establishing the audiencia of the filipinas; the document is here concluded. the duties of certain subordinate officials of that tribunal--commissioners of examination, jail-wardens, and interpreters--are carefully prescribed. such commissioners are forbidden to play games of chance, except for articles of food ready to be eaten. prisoners in jail shall not be allowed to gamble, except for food. the document closes with a general provision for a tariff of official fees, and for the care of the audiencia's archives. felipe ii decrees (june 21, 1583) that the audiencia aid the franciscan missionaries in the islands; and (april 24, 1584) that the religious orders there continue to receive from the royal treasury the gratuities originally bestowed upon them by legazpi. the officials of the treasury furnish a statement of their accounts, which shows a yearly deficit in current expenses; and extraordinary expenses besides, which nearly equal the total revenue for the year. alarmed at this condition of affairs, the audiencia institutes an inquiry (june 15, 1584) into the commercial and industrial status of the colony; the witnesses all testify that great scarcity of supplies, and poverty among the people, are prevalent; that a considerable portion of the native population has perished; and that the non-productive elements of the population are much too large. one of the auditors, melchor davalos, writes (july 3, 1584) to the king a letter which, withal containing some valuable information regarding matters in the islands, is a curious mixture of pedantry, bigotry, egotism, and vanity. he mentions the arrival and establishment of the audiencia at manila, complains that he cannot obtain the salary due him, and relates the services which, he thinks, entitle him to better treatment. he asks for instructions as to what shall be done with the mahometans, and cites the permission formerly given to legazpi by the king to enslave the moros in certain cases, also the example set by the sovereigns of spain and portugal in expelling or crushing the moors who inhabited their dominions. davalos also desires the king to settle the question of slaveholding by the spaniards, which he is inclined to justify; and to take such action as will prevent the chinese from obtaining all the money which comes to the philippines. the utmost poverty prevails among the spanish soldiery, who are unpaid; and davalos advises that they be sent to make fresh conquests, by which they can support themselves. the spanish post in the moluccas is menaced by the native king of ternate, and a large force of troops is to be sent to its aid. a controversy arises among the spanish officers over the appointment of a commander for this expedition, which davalos proposes to settle by himself going as commander--thus satisfying all the discontented captains, as he informs his royal correspondent. he desires the king to grant him authority to punish the chinese for vicious practices, and thinks that the friars should convert and baptize these heathen more rapidly than they are doing. the new governor, santiago de vera, writes (june 20, 1585) to the archbishop of mexico. he encounters many difficulties--coolness on the part of the bishop, lack of support from his associates in the audiencia, and but little acquaintance with the needs of the islands in the royal council of the indias. his duties are onerous and his responsibilities too great; he asks the archbishop to aid him in an appeal to the king for relief from these burdens and vexations. vera cannot yet procure the quicksilver which he has been asked to send to mexico, but will try to obtain it from the chinese traders. the king of ternate has revolted, and affairs there are in bad condition; more troops are needed, but cannot be spared from manila. vera discusses various matters concerning some of his officers, and affairs both military and civil. he sends to spain, under arrest, two prisoners--one of them diego ronquillo, a kinsman of the late governor gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa, charged with defalcation in the trust of the latter's estate. a franciscan official in spain, geronimo de guzman, sends to the king (1585) certain recommendations regarding the government of the franciscan friars in the philippines. an augustinian friar, jhoan de vascones, who has evidently gone from the islands to spain, writes in behalf of his brethren there (1585?) to ask the king that more religious be sent to the philippines and to other oriental lands; that these friars be sent from spain by way of india instead of nueva españa; that the authorities of india, secular and ecclesiastical, be commanded to aid the friars in their missionary journeys; that the latter be permitted to build monasteries as they may choose, "in remote and infidel lands," without awaiting government permission; and that the authorities at manila be not allowed to send, at their own pleasure, the friars to other lands. from the _historia del gran reyno de china_ (madrid, 1586) of the augustinian juan gonzalez de mendoza, we have translated such matter as relates to the philippine islands--portions of part ii, and of the "itinerary" appended to mendoza's work. he narrates (book i, part ii) the efforts of the augustinian friars to carry the gospel to the chinese. these are unavailing until, after the defeat of the chinese pirate limahon (whose exploits are narrated in some detail) by the spanish forces, a chinese officer named omoncon, who has come to manila in search of the pirate, forms a friendly acquaintance with the spaniards, and, in return for favors at their hands, promises to convey to china some spanish friars. for this mission are selected fray martin de herrada (or rada) and fray gerónimo marín, with two soldiers as an escort--one of whom is miguel de loarca, author of the curious "relation" which appears in volume v of this series. they are well treated by the chinese, but are unable to establish a mission in that land, and finally are sent back to the philippines. in the second book is related the voyage made by the franciscans to china in 1579. at first they ask permission to go thither, which sande is not willing to grant; but the conversion of a chinese priest through their efforts makes them still more desirous of opening a mission in that country, and, sande still refusing to allow this, they decide to go without informing him of their departure. to this account is appended an "itinerary" of the journey made by another party of franciscan friars from spain to china and return. the writer relates various particulars concerning the ladrones and philippine islands and their people, both historical and descriptive; the custom of slavery among them, and their religious beliefs; and the progress of christianity in the archipelago--stating that the conversions therein now number 400,000. a supernatural appearance of a dead man's spirit, who describes the delights of the christian heaven, is related in detail; this leads to many conversions among the natives, but some declare that "because there were castilian soldiers in glory, they did not care to go thither, because they did not wish the soldiers' company." the products of the islands, and the articles imported from china, are enumerated, with mention of some current prices for produce. a general junta, or assembly, of the estates of manila--the church, the religious orders, the army, the royal service, and the citizens--is held on april 20, 1586; and a statement of their grievances and needs (signed on july 26) is sent to the home government by the hands of father alonso sánchez, a jesuit. they complain that the cathedral church has no suitable building, equipment, or provision for its services; and there is no means of support for the bishop and the clergy. they ask that tithes shall be paid, or else that the prebends be replaced by a few curates, who shall care for the souls of the spaniards and their indian servants. the royal hospital and that for the indians are both in great destitution, and should be aided by royal bounty. more religious instructors are needed; and, in order to support them, more tribute should be required from the indians, and the encomenderos should be compelled to pay tithes. the city of manila demands some public property, with which to meet its necessary expenses; and the abolition of the duties hitherto imposed on commerce. they ask that the commutation of the royal fifth to one-tenth be made perpetual; and that offices and encomiendas be bestowed only on actual residents, who have rendered services in the islands. workmen and mechanics in manila should be paid there, and not in mexico; a special official should be placed in charge of the ships; and there should be no commissary of the inquisition in the islands. complaint is made that too much money is sent thither from mexico, apparently by speculators interested in the chinese trade; and request is made that the export trade of the islands with mexico be confined entirely to citizens of the former. it is asked that all future cargoes of goods from china be purchased at wholesale, by spanish officers appointed for that purpose, and "afterward apportioned to the spanish citizens, the chinese, and the indians, by a just and fair distribution," at cost price; that chinese hucksters in manila be suppressed; and that no chinese be allowed even to remain outside of that city, save the christian converts and those who are farmers or artisans, or who trade in food supplies. the audiencia has become a burden; and it should be abolished, or its expenses be paid by the mexican treasury. as the country has no agricultural industries, the king is asked to send farmers, with their families, as colonists; to exempt these from taxes, for a time, and from military or other personal service; and to forbid them to change their occupation. the indians should be taught european methods of agriculture; cattle and horses should be imported into the islands and the native buffalo be domesticated and bred. the cultivation of lands granted to encomenderos should be enforced. women should be brought from spain, and provided with dowries, in order to become the wives of soldiers and workmen; and dowries should be provided for some native women, that they may marry poor spaniards. offices should not be sold; and encomiendas should be made large enough to pay their necessary taxes and other expenses. the indians should not be obliged to pay the royal share of their gold; and their lawsuits should be despatched in the courts with simplicity and promptness. tribute should not be collected from them by force, and without giving them religious instruction; and the boundaries of some encomiendas should be changed. a "protector of the indians" should be appointed, who should not be also the royal fiscal; he should, besides, have charge of the chinese. the soldiers are compelled to serve, yet are allowed no pay, from which many evils ensue; the troops have become demoralized; and the very existence of the colony is thus endangered. a regular paid force, of about three hundred and fifty men, should therefore be maintained; they should not engage in trade, or serve the officials; the officers should be clothed with suitable authority; and those sent from nueva españa should be soldiers, not boys and pages. urgent request is made that the city of manila be strongly fortified; this will inspire respect among their neighbors, and keep in awe the natives and the chinese, who are liable at any time to revolt. luzón is menaced with invasion by the japanese, malays, and english; and forts should be erected at various points for its defense. the coasts should be protected against pirates by a small fleet of light, swift vessels. it must be understood that no confidence can be placed in the natives, who kill spaniards at every opportunity. the conquests hitherto made by the spaniards should be further extended; and the districts and islands in which the natives are disaffected should be subdued and pacified. these will employ and reward the poor spanish soldiers, and will afford protection to the converted natives, who are continually harassed and raided by their heathen neighbors. the regions that should be subdued range from the liu-kiu islands to borneo. the governor should be authorized to make such conquests, and even "to entrust them, by contract, to other spaniards." the king is called upon "to aid in atoning for the wrongs inflicted on the indians by the first conquerors," for which the latter are held responsible by the church, which refuses to absolve them from sins until payment for these wrongs be made to the indians. this the conquerors are unable to do, and request for it aid from the royal treasury. the king is asked to compel the encomenderos to give religious instruction to their indians. the abuses that prevail in the collection of tributes from the indians are enumerated; in some places the natives are revolting, because treated so unjustly. some spaniards still hold indians as slaves, in defiance of royal edicts; moreover, the natives themselves hold many slaves; and the priests are unwilling to grant absolution to either unless they release these slaves. request is made for regulation of the system of slavery among the indians. complaint is made that the friars go from the islands wherever and whenever they please; thus they neglect their duties, arouse ill-feeling among the chinese and other foreigners, and in many other ways do harm. this evil should be corrected by forbidding all spaniards to leave the islands, or to give assistance to the friars in doing so, except by special permission from the authorities. then follows a curious scheme for invading and conquering china; this would bring much wealth to the crown of spain, and be the means of converting innumerable souls to the christian faith; the king is urged to undertake this enterprise at once. the arguments in justification of this conquest are left for father sánchez to explain to his majesty. the forces, equipment, and supplies necessary are enumerated in detail, as also what part of these can be furnished in the philippines themselves, where preparations for the expedition have already begun. the fleet which is expected to come from spain with men and supplies should land in cagayán, luzón; the routes which may be taken by those vessels are described, and that by the strait of magellan is recommended as the shortest and safest. it is desirable to induce the portuguese to take part in the proposed conquest; and an auxiliary force will probably come from japan. the jesuit missionaries who are in china are expected to act as guides and interpreters for the expedition. the troops should be so numerous and well equipped that they can at once awe the chinese into submission; but they should not be allowed to ravage the country, nor should the native government be destroyed, as has so often been done in other spanish conquests. it must be understood that the proposed expedition is not to deal with the chinese as if they were moors or turks; it will be sent only to escort the preachers of the faith, and to see that any converts that they may gain shall be unmolested by the chinese authorities; it should therefore be commanded and officered by honorable, humane, and christian men. the gains which would result from the conquest of china are enumerated--at first, mainly religious; these include the foundation of many schools, churches, and monasteries for the chinese, wherein they will speedily become europeanized. the writer praises the natural abilities and excellent qualities of the people, and especially the virtue of their women. as for worldly advantages, these are many and great. every year china can furnish to the spanish treasury galleons loaded with gold, silks, and other treasures; much silver from its mines; and large amounts in rents, taxes, etc. all china can be divided into encomiendas; and there will be many offices and dignities to be enjoyed by the king's faithful vassals--indeed, "a great part of the spanish people could come to reside there, and be ennobled." on account of the great virtue, modesty, submissiveness, and beauty of the chinese women, they would prove to be excellent wives for the spaniards; thus the two peoples would mingle, and "all would be united, fraternal, and christian." it is for lack of such amalgamation that european experiments in oriental colonization have hitherto failed; but the proposed scheme will ensure to spain success in such expansion. they have thus far failed therein in the philippines, scorning the natives as inferior beings, who are fit only to be their slaves. the spaniards care only for their own enrichment, and treat the natives cruelly; consequently the latter are steadily diminishing, and the condition of the islands is deteriorating. but in china all will be different, in both temporal and spiritual matters; and both spaniards and chinese will be greatly benefited, enriched, and increased. certain minor advantages to arise from the conquest of china are enumerated--the establishment of numerous episcopal sees; the foundation of new military orders, and the extension of the old ones; the creation of many titled lords, and appointment of viceroys for the conquered provinces. china, thus subdued, will be a vantage-ground from which spain can control all asia and a land-route to europe. chinese colonists can be imported into the philippines, "and thus enrich themselves and this land." and, finally, the immediate occupation of china will forestall any advance into the far orient by the french, or the english, or any other heretical nation. this scheme--which as it proceeds acquires, like a soap-bubble, great size and brilliant coloring, and proves equally unsubstantial and transient--is signed by the governor, bishop, superiors of the religious houses, and a long array of other notables in the islands. by the mail which carries the "memorial" are sent various letters supplementing the information contained in that document, or commending the envoy, father sánchez. the military officials write to the king (june 24), reminding him that the foothold gained in the islands by the christian faith can be maintained only by the presence of troops there. the soldiers (whose courage and loyalty in the past are praised) are discouraged, because they have not received the rewards which they expected; they are lawless and demoralized, and their officers cannot control them. the defense of manila is thus imperiled, and the natives are led to despise the spaniards. the officers who write this letter complain because they have been unjustly treated in their efforts to improve this condition of affairs; they ask for redress, and for the abolition of the royal audiencia. a letter from the cabildo (municipal council) of manila commends sánchez as their envoy to the king. they complain that the audiencia "cannot be maintained here without the total destruction of the state," which cannot bear the burden of this expense; and ask that it be abolished. they ask for a garrison of three hundred paid troops, and the grant of an encomienda to the city of manila. they complain of the losses inflicted not only upon the merchants of that city, but upon the colonial government, by the trade which mexican merchants carry on through the port of manila with the chinese; and demand that this traffic be restricted to the citizens of the islands. they ask the king to see that more friars be sent out, both augustinians and franciscans. the cabildo recommend that the archdeacon juan de bivero receive from the king some reward for his hitherto unrecompensed services in the philippines. on the same day antonio sedeño, rector of the jesuits at manila, writes a letter commending sánchez for this present embassy, and recounting his past services to the philippine colony. on june 26 bishop salazar writes a short letter, regarding some points outside of sanchez's commission. one of these concerns the respective precedence of the bishop and the audiencia on public occasions. the bishop also describes the quarrels between the president and auditors of the audiencia, and his success in reconciling these differences. he has delivered, although against his better judgment, certain prisoners to the inquisition, in obedience to a royal decree. a letter from the audiencia of the philippines to the king (dated june 26), recommends an increase in the rate of tribute paid by the indians; the money thus obtained could be used to pay the soldiers, which would greatly improve the standard of military service in the islands. the colonial treasury is greatly embarrassed by heavy expenses, and the salaries of the audiencia would better be paid from mexico; then the encomiendas of indians now taxed for that expense could be assigned to the soldiers who have so long been serving in the philippines without pay. the king is asked to make an annual appropriation for the military and marine expenses of the islands. father sánchez is recommended by the audiencia also, as their envoy to the home government. their dissensions are now all settled, and some matters which caused these disagreements are referred to the king for his decision. they notify him of certain changes which they have made in the customs tariff of the islands, especially on the chinese trade; it appears therefrom that the economic dependence of the philippines on china is very close, especially in the matter of supplying food and cattle. certain extension of authority which had been granted to the bishop is asked by the audiencia for him. the participation of the spaniards in the rich chinese trade has aroused the jealousy of the portuguese in india, who are endeavoring to shut out the castilians from that country; the king is asked to take such measures as he deems best in this matter. complaint is made that a certain mexican officer has gone, in disobedience to his orders, to china, apparently to trade. pedro de rojas, a member of the audiencia, also writes (june 30) in commendation of sánchez. he relates the dissensions in the audiencia over the appointments to offices, and asks for royal action which shall settle this difficulty. he seconds the request made in other letters for the removal of the audiencia, provided a capable and honest man be selected for governor, and gives advice regarding the conduct of colonial affairs. he complains of the injury to the interests of the colony which results from the chinese trade in silks and other luxuries, and advises that it be stopped; then the chinese will bring cattle, food, and other supplies, to the advantage of the spaniards. the latter have devoted themselves to commerce; and, as most of them are soldiers, they neglect their military duties, lose their courage, and have become vicious and demoralized. rojas urges that they be restrained from engaging in traffic, leaving the islands, or transferring their encomiendas to the crown. a seminary for girls should be established at manila, and young women from spain should be encouraged and aided to come to the islands. the gold obtained in the philippines should be sent to mexico, and a specified sum of money, in coin, should be sent thence to the islands each year. rojas recommends that bishop salazar be made governor, and praises his qualifications for that office; next to the bishop, the auditor ayala would be most suitable. juan moron, a military officer, sends (june 30) a report of his expedition to maluco with troops to succor the spanish fort there. he urges that a stone fort be erected for the defense of manila, and that some encomiendas of indians be granted for the support of the municipal government; and commends the envoy sánchez. a group of documents which contain "measures regarding trade with china" (1586-90) throws much light on economic conditions in the spanish colonies at that time. the first of these (dated june 17, 1586), although unsigned, is apparently written by a member of the royal council of the indias. he cites letters from several spanish officials of high standing, to show that the philippine-chinese trade is injuring that of the mother-country and of mexico; and the complaint is again made that spanish money is continually flowing into china, thus depleting the wealth of the colonies. the writer recommends that the latter be forbidden to import chinese goods; and that the viceroy of nueva españa be directed to take measures to accomplish this. two days later, a decree to this effect is signed by the king. extracts from a letter written (november 15) by the viceroy, after referring to the success of the efforts made to sustain the spanish colony in the philippines, and to propagate the christian faith among the natives there, indicate the desirability of continuing the trade begun with china. through this agency, his majesty's subjects in the colonies are benefited, and (a still more important consideration) an open door for the entrance of the christian faith into that heathen land is secured. if the chinese trade be cut off, the spanish population of the philippines cannot be maintained, and the natives will rebel against their conquerors. the encomenderos depend upon the chinese for clothing and food, and for the opportunity to dispose of the goods received from the indians as tributes. in view of all these considerations, the viceroy has abrogated the royal decree for the present, and has, besides, ordered the collection of a heavy duty on all cloth imported from spain to mexico. a brief of sixtus v (november 15, 1586) erects into a province the former custodia of the franciscan friars in the philippines. the viceroy of mexico advises the home government (february 8, 1587) to encourage the merchants who carry on the philippine trade, especially by selling to them ships made in the royal shipyards. santiago de vera, governor of the philippines, writes to the king (june 26, 1587). he entreats that more soldiers be sent, and that they be supplied with food and other necessaries; for, as those hitherto sent have received no food or pay, most of them have died from their privations, or from the unhealthful climate. in view of the recent destruction of the city of manila by fire, vera has forbidden the people to build any more houses of wood, obliging them to use stone for that purpose. finding the city practically defenseless, vera has begun to build near it a fort and other means of defense; and he asks for a small number of paid soldiers as a garrison for the city. he has assessed on the encomenderos and other citizens and on the indians the expenses of these works. another fort is needed at cavite. the king is asked to grant money and workmen for completing these fortifications. copper has been discovered in adjoining islands, also sulphur. the trade with china is important and flourishing; and the products of that country are offered at manila at very low prices. the chinese ask that the spaniards will establish a trading-post in their country. friendly intercourse with japan is commencing, and the jesuit missionaries there are freely allowed to preach the christian faith. vera has remitted the duties on goods brought to manila from japan and macao. a controversy has arisen between him and the bishop, the latter having ordered that the chinese converts to the christian faith should cut off their long hair, which causes many to avoid baptism: the king is asked to settle this question. vera has sent to macao for the recalcitrant mexican officer who was mentioned in a previous document. a japanese prince, a christian, offers to aid the spanish with troops in any warlike enterprise that they wish to undertake. a letter from the audiencia to felipe (june 25, 1588) reports the capture of the treasure-ship "santa ana" off the california coast, by the english adventurer thomas candish, which has caused much loss and hardship to the spaniards in the philippines. complaint is made of vexatious imposts levied on the philippine trade by the viceroy of mexico; the audiencia ask that he be ordered to cease these measures, also that he shall not meddle with letters sent from spain to the islands, or with the personal affairs of officials there. the existence of the philippine colony is endangered by the trade which is beginning between mexico and china; and, having lost its best ships, colonists are no longer sent to augment its population. gratuities from the royal treasury have been bestowed upon the various religious communities. the audiencia commends the labors of the jesuits, but advises that a college be not established for them, as they request, since "there are in all this country no students to attend their teachings." the hospitals should receive more aid from the crown. the difficulties between the bishop and the audiencia are explained; but they are now adjusted, and peace prevails. it will be well to send many religious to the islands, provided they belong to the orders already there. the editors august, 1903. documents of 1583-85 foundation of the audiencia of manila (concluded). felipe ii; aranjuez, may 5, 1583. two decrees regarding the religious. felipe ii; san lorenzo, june 21, 1583, and aranjuez, april 24, 1584. annual income of the royal exchequer in the philippines. andres cauchela, and others; manila, june 15-30, 1584. letter to felipe ii. melchor davalos; manila, july 3, 1584. letter to the archbishop of mexico. santiago de vera; manila, june 20, 1585. two letters to felipe ii. fray geronimo de guzman [madrid? 1585]; and fray jhoan de vascones [1585?] sources: these documents are obtained from the original mss. in the archivo de indias, sevilla--excepting the royal decrees, which are found in the _crónica_ of santa inés and in the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid, respectively. translations: the first document is translated by henry b. lathrop, of the university of wisconsin; the second and fourth, by alfonso de salvio, of harvard university; the third, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the fifth, by josé and clara m. asensio; the sixth, by herbert e. bolton, of the university of texas. foundation of the audiencia of manila (_concluded_) commissioners 251. [examinations not to be repeated.] 252. _item_: we command that the said commissioners of examination [_receptores_], and special clerks who go on inquiries, shall not play games of chance, except for articles of food ready to be eaten, on pain of removal from office. 253-259. [form of entry of witness's oath; fees charged must be endorsed; cases must be accepted promptly, in due order; absence and accounting for writs; fees received must be recorded; commissions may not be begged for; reports of investigations made out in public form must be given to the parties.] 260-264. [taxing of charges; discharge of commissioners on completion of commission; commissioners may not be employed if they are relatives of clerks, attorneys, or advocates, or if they have boarded or lodged with them within a year; procedure on second trial.] 265-272. [procedure in the assignment of commissions; cases accepted must not be thrown up; requests of parties for summoning of witnesses are not to be entered on the record; testimony is to be taken before local magistrates, if so desired; rights of commissioners-in-ordinary and of supernumerary commissioners to assignments.] 273. _item_: a commissioner of inquiry may be appointed as soon as there shall be two court clerks appointed, or even one, that possible frauds may be avoided. 274-277. [procedure in the event of challenge of commissioner; procedure for appointment of commissioners within and without the five leagues; oath of commissioner for outside cases; commissioners and clerks to take down testimony themselves, with no other person present.] 278. _item_: no supernumerary commissioner shall be appointed without being examined, and giving bonds for the administration of his office. no dependent or member of a household of our said president and auditors may be appointed to such commissionership, under penalty that the clerk appointed contrary to this ordinance shall lose all fees and salary for the time during which he shall occupy himself with the commissionership. 279-280. [the number of lines on a page in a record of inquiry; the number of words in a line; the excellence of handwriting required; the dating of reports of examinations.] bailiffs 281-284. [the bailiff's [_portero_] duties; his fees those of the bailiffs of the royal council; a lodging to be given him in the building of the audiencia; tardiness fined one peso; excessive fees to be repaid sevenfold to the exchequer; presents for good news not to be accepted--penalty, fourfold repayment to the exchequer; the bailiff to enforce rules of precedence.] jail wardens 285-286. [the warden [_carcelero_] shall accept no gifts from prisoners or others for them; shall not oppress them, or relax their imprisonment, or dismiss or arrest them without warrant; his oath.] 287. [his fees are those assigned to alguazils in the official table of fees.] 288. [a separate ward must be provided for women.] 289. [nightly inspection is required. if prisoners escape through the warden's fault or negligence, he must suffer their penalty, or pay their debt] 290. [a full record of the prisoner's name and the circumstances of his imprisonment must be kept] 291. _item:_ he shall not entrust the keys of the prison to any indian or black, on pain of being compelled to pay in his own person and estate the damage and injury which shall follow from his having so entrusted the keys. 292. [warden and jailers are to have no business dealings or familiarity with the prisoners, or eat or gamble with them.] 293. [the jailers must live in the prisons.] 294. _item:_ there shall be a chaplain in the prison, to say mass before the prisoners daily; and the ornaments and other things necessary therefor shall be provided and paid for from the exchequer fines. the jailer shall take care that the chapel or place where mass is said shall be clean. 295. _item:_ he shall cause the prison and the cells thereof to be swept twice a week; and to be provided with clean water, so that the prisoners may drink without paying any fee. no jail-fee shall be charged to boys arrested for gambling, or to officials of our audiencia arrested by order of our president and auditors--under a penalty of a fine of four times the amount, paid to our exchequer. 296. _item:_ no permission or opportunity for gambling shall be given in the jail, for money or other things except food. wine shall not be sold to the poor; or, if sold, shall be sold at the price it is worth, and no more. no jail-fees shall be received from the poor under penalty of a fourfold fine for our exchequer. interpreters of the audiencia 297. _item:_ we ordain and command that there shall be a body of interpreters for our said audiencia; and that before they are admitted to exercise that office they shall swear in due form to perform their duties well and faithfully, in declaring and interpreting the case or matter committed to them, clearly and openly, without concealment or addition--declaring simply the fact of the crime, business, or testimony under examination. they shall likewise swear not to be partial to either side, or to favor one more than the other, and not to accept any reward for their service beyond the fee assessed and fixed for them, under the penalty decreed for forswearers, and the damages and interests of the parties, and a sevenfold return of the amount received, and removal from office. 298. _item:_ they shall receive no gifts or promises from spaniards, or from the indians, or from other persons who shall have or shall expect to have businesses or suits with them. they shall not accept such gifts or promises, of great or small amount, even for articles of food or drink; and even if these are voluntarily offered, without any request for them being made by the said interpreters or by others. in case of violation of this ordinance, they shall pay sevenfold what they have taken, for our exchequer; and charges thereof shall follow the procedure prescribed for charges against the judges and officials of our audiencia. 299. _item:_ we ordain that the said interpreters shall not listen, in their own houses or out of them, to indians who shall come to plead or do business in our audiencia; but shall take them, without listening to them, to the said audiencia, that there the case may be heard and determined in conformity with justice. in case of violation of this ordinance, they shall suffer for the first offense a penalty of three pesos for the court-room; for the second, double the penalty applied as aforesaid; and for the third, in addition to the said double penalty, they shall be dismissed from office. 300. _item:_ they shall not arrange the pleadings of indians, nor be attorneys or solicitors in their cases and affairs, under the penalty prescribed in the preceding ordinance, applied as aforesaid. 301. _item:_ they shall be present at the meetings of court, at hearings, and at inspections of prisons, on every day that is not a holiday. at least in the afternoons they shall be present in the house of the president and auditors. all the above-mentioned duties, and each and every part and matter thereof, they shall take care to distribute among themselves in such a way that there shall not, by the default of them or of any of them, be any failure or delay in determining cases or other matters--under a penalty of two pesos for the poor for each day when the interpreters, men or women, or any of them, shall fail to do their duty in any of the aforesaid matters; and that, in addition, they shall pay the damages, interests, and costs to the party or parties detained for this cause. 302. _item_: they shall not absent themselves without license from our president, under penalty of losing salary for the time while they were absent, and a fine of twelve pesos for the said court-room, for every instance of violation of this ordinance. 303. _item_: we command that when they shall be occupied with suits or matters outside of the place where our said audiencia shall sit, they shall accept nothing from the parties, directly or indirectly, beyond the fee assigned them. they shall make no bargains or agreements with the indians, or partnerships, in any manner--under penalty of repaying sevenfold that which they thus accept and bargain for, and of perpetual discharge from office. 304. _item_: for each day when any one of the said interpreters shall go out on commission and by order of our said audiencia, from the place where it shall sit, they shall take as fee in addition to their salary two pesos, and no more; and shall accept no food or anything else from the parties, directly or indirectly, under the penalty of being obliged to repay it sevenfold to our exchequer. 305. _item_: for each witness examined, if the interrogatory is of more than twelve questions, they shall receive two tomins; if the interrogatory is of less than twelve questions, one tomin, and no more, under penalty of paying fourfold to our exchequer. but if the interrogatory shall be long and the case laborious, the auditor before whom the examination is conducted may assess, in addition to the other fees, a moderate sum proportionate to the labor and time consumed. 306. _item_: we command that the interpreters, each in turn, shall be in attendance at nine in the morning on every day when cases are heard, in the offices of the court clerks, to receive the memorandum which will be given him by the fiscal for summoning witnesses whom it shall be desirable to examine for the dues of the treasury--under a penalty of half a peso, for the poor of the prison, for every day of failure to be present. 307. and since, in regard to the fees to be taken by the officials of the said audiencia, an official tariff [_arancel_] has been made, we command that what is contained therein shall be observed and fulfilled until other provisions are made and decreed by us. 308. _item_: we ordain and command that, in the rest of the cases and matters, coming before the said audiencia not here determined upon, shall be followed the ordinances made by us, and to be made by our said president and auditors. tariff of fees 309. [a list on which shall be entered the official tariff of fees must be posted in the court-room, and copies must be kept in the clerks' offices.] 310. _item_: we ordain and command that our said president and auditors shall make a tariff of fees, in accordance with which our chief clerk of mines and the other officials who have no official tariff shall take their fees; and that they shall do the same in all the governments of their district, paying consideration to the nature of the offices, the region where they are situated, the expenses there, and the lack of supplies that may exist therein. these tariffs of fees are to be sent when made, with the signatures of the president and auditors, to our said council, to be examined and confirmed; and in the interim the tariffs which shall be made shall be observed. archives 311. _item_: we command that in the house of our audiencia there shall be a room in which there shall be a cabinet wherein shall be deposited the records of cases determined by the said audiencia, after the decrees of execution [_executorias_] have been transcribed, the records of each single year being placed one above another. the court clerk shall place on each record of a case a strip of parchment stating the persons and the subject of the case. this shall be done within five days after the decree of execution has been transcribed. and in another part of the said room another cabinet shall be placed, in which shall be deposited the grants, decrees, and documents pertaining to the state, preëminence, and jurisdiction of the said audiencia and provincial court [_provincia_] of its district. all shall be locked and the key be kept by the chancellor [_chanciller_]. all records shall be covered with parchment. 312. _item_: we ordain and command that whenever an event occurs for which no provision or decree is made in these ordinances, and in the other decrees, provisions, and ordinances enacted for the said provinces, and in the laws of madrid made in the year [one thousand] five hundred and two, and the provisions therein, [1] and command that our president and auditors, clerks and advocates, and other officials of our said audiencia shall each, within thirty days, take the copy of this ordinance. 313. _item_: we command that in the said audiencia there shall be a record in which shall be entered all royal orders [_cedulas_] which we shall send or shall have sent to them; and they shall take care to observe and obey the same. and since it is our will that the said articles and ordinances above written shall be observed, and since it is likewise fitting for our service and the administration of our justice, we give commandment to our said president and auditors of the said audiencia, which is accordingly to be established in the said city of manila of the said island of luçon, and to our fiscal, alguazil-mayor, and the officials and servants thereof whom the content of the said ordinances affects--both to those whom we now send and to those who shall be appointed henceforth--to each and every one of them, that they shall regard, observe, and perform them, and cause them to be observed and performed, in everything and for everything, as is contained and decreed in the said ordinances; and that they shall not proceed or act, or permit any to proceed to act, in any manner contrary to the tenor and form of these and of their contents. given at aranjuez, may fifth, one thousand five hundred and eighty-three. i the king i, antonio de erasso, secretary to his catholic majesty, caused this to be written at his command. the licentiate _diego gasca de salazar_ the licentiate _alonso martynez espadero_ the licentiate _don gonsalvo de çuñiga_ _don lope de vaillo_ the licentiate _emojosa_ the licentiate _francisco de villafañe_ ordinances to be observed by the audiencia established by your majesty's command in the city of manila, of the island of luzon, of the philipinas. [_endorsed:_ "establishment of the audiencia of manila, and the ordinances which must be observed. in the year 1583."] two royal decrees regarding the religious the audiencia to aid the franciscans the king: to the president and auditors of our royal audiencia, established at our order in the island of luzón in the filipinas islands. to those islands have gone recently descalced religious of the order of st. francis to preach the holy gospel, and to engage in the instruction and conversion of the natives therein; and more will go thither regularly, both from these kingdoms and from nueva españa. now because we hope that, by means of their instruction and example, much fruit will be gathered among those natives, therefore we desire--a thing befitting the service of god, our lord--that they be aided, and held in all estimation, so that with more energy and fervor they may continue their good purpose; and we order you that, as far as you are concerned, you aid them to the utmost of your ability, and extend to them all possible protection, whenever occasion offers, as their exemplary life merits. san lorenzo, june twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and eighty-three. i the king countersigned by antonio de eraso, and approved by the members of the council. legazpi's aid to the religious approved the king: to doctor santiago de vera, president of our royal audiencia established in the city of manila, in the filipinas islands; or, in his absence, to the person or persons to whom the government of the islands has been entrusted. father andres de aguirre, [2] of the order of st. augustine, has reported that the adelantado miguel lopez de legaspe gave orders in my name to pay, as a gratuity for the support of each of the religious who were engaged in the conversion and instruction of the natives of those islands, one hundred pesos of tepusque and one hundred fanégas of rice. thus the religious have been aided, although in later years the judges and officials of my royal exchequer have paid this gratuity with some reluctance, alleging that for such payments my orders must be produced. the matter having been examined by my council of the indias, it was agreed that i should issue this my decree, by which i command you to provide for giving the aforesaid gratuity to the said religious, as above stated. this decree is to be executed without fail. i, the king by order of his majesty: antonio de eraso aranjuez, april 24, 1584. annual income of the royal exchequer in the philippines report of the annual income from tributes and other sources of profit appertaining to his majesty in these islands of the west, and the ordinary expenses therein. the tributes from the villages belonging to the royal crown amount in one year to twenty-two thousand pesos of eight reals each xxii u. [3] pesos dues from tithes and assays of gold, four thousand pesos iiii u. pesos from import duties on merchandise which comes from nueva españa and china, six thousand pesos vi u. pesos fines accruing to the exchequer, one thousand pesos i u. pesos ------------ xxxiii u. pesos salaries and ordinary expenses the yearly salaries of the president, auditors, and fiscal of the royal audiencia amount to sixteen thousand five hundred and forty-four pesos of the said gold xvi u. dxl[iiii] pesos the salaries of two royal proprietary officials, and of another who serves to fill a vacancy, four thousand six hundred and eighty-seven pesos and four tomins iv u. dclxxxv[ii] pesos gratuities to the religious orders, three thousand pesos iii u. pesos collection of tributes, one thousand five hundred pesos i u. d pesos ordinarily there are a hundred seamen, shipwrights, and forge-men, whose wages are paid from the royal treasury in nueva españa; and some assistance, charged to that treasury, is given to them in this island, as aid for their support, besides their ration of rice-which amounts in one year to two thousand pesos ii u. pesos item: fifty-five indians who are carpenters, and a like number of ironworkers, for work on the ships; and a hundred other indians for services in casting artillery, building houses for the royal service, work on the fortifications, manning the oars on three fragatas, and ordinary service-who earn two thousand pesos ii u. pesos item: twenty thousand fanégas of rice for the sustenance of the seamen, shipwrights, and iron-workers, and the indians for the above works and services; at the rate of two tomins a fanéga, this costs five thousand pesos v u. pesos five hundred quintals of iron, at one peso a quintal u. d pesos also five hundred quintals of cordage, net weight, at one peso a quintal u. d pesos also five hundred quintals of pitch, at one peso a quintal u. d pesos five hundred pesos' worth of charcoal, for the forges u. d pesos one thousand pesos' worth of timber, logs, and planks, for the dockyards and work on the ships i u. pesos for the repairing of magazines, royal buildings, and fortifications, and for timber for the same, one thousand pesos more i u. pesos the said expenses amount to forty-one thousand eight hundred and thirty-one pesos xli u. dccc. xxxi pesos accordingly, in one year the exchequer incurs a debt of eight thousand eight hundred and thirty-one pesos; usual debt of the treasury each year viii u. dccc. xxxi pesos the said account does not include extraordinary expenses that arise, such as the pacification of the natives throughout these islands, and certain other expeditions, and material for their defense--expenses that occur each year (especially for the past three years), in this region. with the aid sent to maluco, repairs on his majesty's galleon which came from that place, the rebuilding of the fort and magazines, and the buildings which have been erected for the royal audiencia and its president and auditors, the said works have cost his majesty in all more than thirty thousand pesos in the said three years for extraordinary expenses, for which sum the royal exchequer is indebted. extraordinary expenses for three years, xxx u. pesos andres cauchela juan baptista roman domingo nerdules in the city of manila, in the philipinas islands, on the fifteenth day of june, one thousand five hundred and eighty-four, the honorable president and auditors of the royal audiencia established in this said city stated that, in order that his majesty might be informed of the value of provisions and other articles sold in this island, as well as of the harvests therein and of the supplies that are brought from nueva españa and the realms of castilla, they gave orders to make, and they did make, before me the following investigation. luis velez cherino and, for the said investigation, the honorable licentiate rojas, auditor of the royal audiencia, took and received an oath before god and the blessed mary, and on the sign of the cross and on words of the holy gospels, from don antonio gofre carrillo, treasurer of his majesty's royal exchequer in this city and the philipinas islands-under which obligation he promised to tell the truth. being asked regarding the tenor of the title of this inquiry, he said that this witness knows that every year one or more ships come from nueva españa to these islands for traffic, which bring, as merchandise, velvets, satins, damasks, taffetas, ribbed cloths in colors, velvet caps, shoes and stockings, linens from holland and rouen, wine, vinegar, oil, olives, capers, preserves, hams and fat bacon, flour, soap, hats, netted hose, cordovan leather, raisins, almonds, and many other articles from the produce of españa and nueva españa. all these things are in this land usually worth double their value and cost in nueva españa. many times we have experienced lack of wine for saying mass and for the sick; sometimes a jar holding an arroba of wine has been worth at least one hundred gold pesos, and even much more. these things which are brought from nueva españa are so necessary that the people, especially those of gentle birth, could not do without them. for instance, they cannot clothe themselves with stuffs that are made in this land, or with those that are brought from the mainland; for these are thin silks of such quality that garments made of them are worthless, for lack of durability and fineness. consequently, they would not be worn if the people were not very poor. the supplies that we have at present in this country are pork and buffalo meat, fowls, rice, wax candles, and lard; and the sangleys' flour, which is very poor and cannot be eaten. it is now held at so high a price that what was bought four years ago for a tostón cannot now be bought for three pesos. where they used to give six fanégas of rice for one tostón, they now ask three pesos, at one tostón a fanéga. they used to sell twelve to sixteen fowls for four reals; at present, when there are no large fowls, they cost two or three reals apiece, instead of a tostón. a hog that used to cost alive four to six reals now costs six or seven pesos, and no one is found to buy. this witness thinks that the cause for the high prices in this country is that so many spaniards have come hither, that so many of the natives of these islands have perished, and that so few people cultivate the soil or breed fowls or swine. [4] the witness knows this because, during the four years that he has spent in this land, he has seen that the conditions and events are as he has described them. he asserts this to be the truth, on the oath that he has taken. he declares that he is twenty-seven years of age, rather more than less; that he has no personal interest in this affair; and is fully competent to be a witness. he signed this with his name, the licentiate pedro de rojas don antonio gofre carrillo before me: luis velez cherino [then follow the depositions of juan arze de sadornel, andres cauchela, the captain juan pacheco maldonado, pedro carballo, the ensign christobal de axcueta, don juan de bivero (treasurer of the manila cathedral, and a priest), and don juan de armendares (canon of the cathedral, and a priest). they are couched in almost the same words as the foregoing. the testimony of all shows the high cost of living in the islands, and ascribes the cause to the great number of spaniards, the deaths by disease and war of many natives, and the coming of great numbers of chinese for purposes of trade, they as well as the spaniards being non-producers. of the natives many have engaged in trade and but few till the soil, thus increasing the dearth of provisions and forcing prices still higher. the two priests do not take the oath in the same form as the laymen, but by "placing the hand upon the breast, and swearing by their priestly word." after all of these depositions, each of them attested in due form by the notary, the document continues:] all the above, according to what passed before me, the said clerk of the court, i have given and delivered, signed with my name and signet [i.e., flourish] to the honorable president and auditors, written on ten sheets together with this present, accompanied with my signet. in the city of manila, in the filipinas islands, on june thirtieth, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-four--the witnesses being rodrigo de leon and alvaro mendez de herrera. luis velez cherino. the words are crossed out where is read _poner, a, y, queste de_; and corrected where is read _hacienda, tostones_, and _come_; and _de_ has been inserted between the lines. i, luis velez cherino, court clerk of the royal audiencia established in this city of manila, have written this and caused it to be written; and here i affix my signet to such document, in witness of the truth. luis velez cherino. letter from melchior davalos to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: it was through divine inspiration, we may believe, that your majesty appointed a president and auditors for this extremity or beginning of the world; for at the very time when governor don gonzalo ronquillo had just died or was about to die, in this city of manila, the council, more than four thousand leagues from here, resolved upon and decreed the foundation of the royal audiencia in manila, and we came hither--as president and governor, doctor santiago de vera; i, who was living quite neglected in mexico, as first auditor; the licentiate rojas as second auditor, and the licentiate ayala as fiscal. it is said that another auditor, the licentiate bravo, remained in castilla; all of us excepting him came here. we set sail from the port of acapulco on the ninth of march, according to the new computation of time which your majesty, by order of the supreme pontiff, commanded us to observe. i mention this point because we who came enjoyed an experience never known before--namely, that while at sea we kept ascension day, whitsunday, trinity sunday, and corpus christi day; when we landed we kept and celebrated the same feast-days in manila, because the new reckoning was not yet in force there, and does not come into effect until the fifth of october of the present year. it is a memorable event that according to the said new reckoning we arrived here on the twenty-sixth of may, and according to the old on the sixteenth of the same month. [5] the audiencia was established with all the authority and pomp possible. we found the city burned down, and no habitable houses except those of straw, rushes, and boards, which could easily burn down again any day. concerning this and other matters, a report will be sent by the president. the officials of the royal exchequer not only refused to lend me money, but did not even pay me more than half of the three months' salary due me from the time when i left acapulco. the others have drawn their salaries from the time when they left castilla, the president since he left mexico, and i only from the day when we set sail. i am not unworthy of favors, most potent sire; for i have spent forty years in continual study, thirty of which have given me much experience in matters of justice and legal pleading, and this is well known in mexico. if the records of the past be examined in the council, it will be seen that in the ten or twelve months while i was fiscal of that royal audiencia i accomplished more than did my predecessors for twenty years. besides all this, i am a man of good repute. i was an advocate for the inquisition during more than eleven years, namely, from the time when your majesty established it in mexico. my uncles and the relatives of doña maria de sandoval, my wife, won nueva españa, as can be seen by the records of the royal council of the yndias; and no one is more worthy to receive the remuneration for his services than are my wife and i. by virtue of a decree ordering me to remove my entire family and household, the royal exchequer of mexico lent me for the space of two years two thousand pesos to aid me on my voyage. this assistance was not sufficient, and, not being able to sell my estates, i was obliged to leave them deserted, because i had already sold my negroes. i shall be entirely ruined unless your majesty release me from the payment of those two thousand pesos, or at least give me a continuance of ten years. i entreat your majesty for this, since in order to foster decency among the women i brought here three sons and a nephew, whose exceedingly honorable and virtuous reputation is known throughout nueva españa, where i brought them up. with the help of god, who in his infinite mercy made me pleasing and well liked, i shall endeavor to live, administer justice, and deal with others irreproachably. since this is so, and i dwell in a land where there is so little stability and truth, i beseech your majesty not to judge me without first hearing me. i greatly honor the president, and the authority which even a duke would maintain if he were here as your majesty's lieutenant; for in distant regions this befits the service of your majesty. nevertheless, in what concerns the administration of justice, i strive to lose no opportunity. the president is in poor health at present, and i do not know whether in his letters he has touched upon the matters which i shall mention here. i wrote from mexico beseeching your majesty, for the peace of the royal conscience and of the consciences of us who serve here, that a consultation be held to decide upon what shall be done with the mahometans, of whom these islands are full. i sent a report, and said that, keeping the matter in mind, i would send a more detailed account from here; but i could not find time for study, on account of my continual occupation in the sessions of the audiencia and rendering opinions. this year i am probate judge, and for the first four months of the year provincial alcalde; and since people find that matters are readily settled i am beset by the natives with their petty lawsuits. i wish that i might have had more time to collect what can be put together, and to write on law. however i shall not neglect perchance to make some slight report. the following is a clause from a letter of your majesty which i found, addressed to the adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi, the first discoverer of these islands, in effect this: "we have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the moro islands in that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on commerce, hindering the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing you. we give you permission to make such moros slaves, and to seize their property. you are warned that you can make them slaves only if the said moros are such by birth and choice, and if they come to preach their mahometan doctrine, or to make war against you or against the indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service. but in no way or manner shall you enslave the indians who have embraced the doctrine of mahoma; on the contrary, you shall endeavor to persuade and convert them to our holy catholic faith by kind and lawful methods." to make universal arrangements is to pass infallible rules, and in law we can hardly find such a rule; therefore we must distinguish in both times and occasions. with due respect, it seems to me that all mahometans are enemies of the church; and all the ismaelites, their allies, confederates, and descendants must have the words of the scriptures (as found in the 16th chapter of genesis) written in their hearts: _hic erit ferus homo, manus ejus contra omnes et manus omnium contra eum_. [6] wonderful events occurred (and it would be well for your majesty to have them examined and investigated) in the histories of portugal, in the _decadas_ of barros and in the books of osorio, the good bishop of algarve, [7]--who, by command of his majesty the king, cardinal don enrrique, wrote in latin the history of the life, deeds, and virtues of the most renowned king don manuel, your majesty's grandfather. all these books abound in accounts of field and naval battles, which the viceroys and captains-general of malaca, goa, calicud, ormus, and many other places, fought against well-known moros of that region and those from samatra, java, and bornei, who were aided by turks, mamelukes, moors from tunez [tunis], and moors who were driven away from granada at the time of the catholic kings. in a battle against alfonso de albuquerque [8] were seven hundred mamelukes, three hundred turks, and a thousand moors from tunez and granada--sent there by the sultan of egipto [egypt] before the turks had defeated him. they peopled and filled these islands. every year turks come to samatra and likewise to borney; in maluco and in ternate these turks are gathered against your majesty, and have caused a great number of christians who were instructed in the catholic faith to apostatize. moreover the king of that place is allied with the english heretics, and the moros have inflicted terrible martyrdoms upon the christians of these regions. the care with which the turks have always offered help, both past and present, and that showed by the sultan at the time of pope julius the second, is well known, and can be verified in the history by the said bishop of algarve, book 4, folio 122. the sultan wrote to the pope, complaining of the said kings don manuel and the catholic don fernando--saying that the moors whom the latter had driven away from granada and castilla had gone to egipto to complain; and that king don manuel was pursuing the moors through the red sea and neighboring regions. he added that if this were not remedied, by ordering the said princes to desist from persecuting the mahometans, he would destroy the holy house at jerusalem and the sepulcher of the redeemer. as can be verified, the letter contains many profane remarks against christianity. it was sent by a franciscan friar who lived in a monastery on the mount called sion, and who was guardian there at jerusalem. the said pontiff, as soon as he saw the letter, sent a copy of it to castilla and portugal through the same friar. king don manuel, your majesty's grandfather, sent the celebrated answer to the pontiff, saying that he gave advice neither to the apostolic see nor to the sacred council of cardinals; but what he answered (and he would do it with all his might) was to persecute mahometans forever. he added that the holy father was much to blame for the sultan's pride, since he did not gather and unite in peaceful alliance the christian princes, who were divided by wars in their own interests, and were neglecting so common an interest as that of undoing the power of moors and turks. he also answered that he understood his father and father-in-law, the catholic king don fernando, to give the same answer. as i have said before, the histories of portugal are full of these old enmities. it seems as if this evil sect had increased and multiplied in the west as well as in the islands and countries of the east. indeed the various causes for this are to be found in the condition of these regions and in the measures, decrees, or instructions like those issued for peru, nueva españa, and the other yndias. concerning slavery, the main thing to be noticed is that we have here many kinds of slaves: some are slaves because their fathers and grandfathers were such; others sold themselves _ad pretium participandum_, either to make use of the money or to pay their debts; others were captured in war; others became slaves because, being orphans, they were held in that condition for food and expenses; others were sold in times of famine by their fathers, mothers, or brothers; others bear that name because of loans, for interest multiplies rapidly among the indians and the moros, and thus a poor man becomes a slave. there are men who become slaves on account of crimes, and failure to pay fines and penalties; and others for not having paid the tribute or tributes of their lords. each of these reasons is an argument for justifying slavery. i chose to mention these details because it is proper to notify your majesty and your council of them. your majesty has passed laws forbidding any one to take money out of your realms, or to buy or sell to pirates. but every year the chinese take away all the money there is. there are many ships here, twenty-five or thirty in number, with four thousand men who have come here to trade. we fear no extortion on their part, because of the great importance to them of our commerce; but, as we have no merchandise to give them, having nothing except reals, it will be advisable for your majesty to send orders as to what we should do, and how we are to decide the question of slaves, since there are so many classes of them, as i have shown above. the poverty of the soldiers who come here is extreme, for they draw no pay, and the country cannot support them. it would be advisable to send orders to employ them in conquests, and to send over many soldiers. also orders should be given to build some galleys which should not lie idle and become ruined, as did those left by doctor sande. although the indians and moros here have taken to the oars with reluctance, we are greatly aided by having here, usually, chinese who are willing to be hired at a low price. in all this may your majesty take such measures as are most advantageous to your service. about twelve days ago we received letters from maluco, in which the captain commanding at that place says that the king of ternate is now powerful, and has seized the most important stronghold. a reënforcement of eighty or a hundred men, with supplies, had been sent to him before the arrival of the audiencia; and he says that he can hold out until the end of october or november. speaking of the war which is to be carried on, the president was and is about to send four hundred men and a thousand friendly indians. he is perplexed about the election of the captain-general, for each of the captains who seek that post desires to be sole commander, while the rest show displeasure that one of their equals should be appointed. moreover, no one of them is pleased that captain bartolome vaez landero may be the commander. he is a portuguese, who came here from macan through the agency of governor diego ronquillo, and remained here to protect this land with two ships, well equipped with artillery, in the service of your majesty. on seeing this controversy, i proposed to the president on st. john's day that i and my sons, with our weapons, would go with the soldiers to serve in this expedition. the captains who are candidates are satisfied to have me for their general, and the portuguese captain and his men are even more pleased. the president says that we shall deliberate upon what should be done, and still he has not come to any decision with me. he will wrong me if he withholds from me the leadership in this affair. in all that pertains to justice, i shall always be ready, with the help of god, who will favor me, to recover your majesty's territories and to punish your enemies. it is also important for the service of god that, by order of your majesty, some decision be made as to the punishment that we shall inflict upon the chinese or sangleyes for the infamous crime which, as people here tell me, they practice on board their ships. [9] i am studying the question in order to inform this audiencia; but, since the punishment may hinder commerce, it will be necessary to observe moderation, until your majesty shall inform us what should be done in this matter. i have reproached and admonished the friars, telling them that they ought to exhort these wretched people. some of them tell me that they are unwilling to baptize the chinese, because they feel sure that they will apostatize as soon as they return to their own country. i tell them that they should do what it is in them to do; and that, if god does not choose to call these people, at least it should not be left undone by the friars. i shall always insist upon this. when i spoke of ternate, i forgot to mention a very important matter, which perhaps is already forgotten. there was a king in ternate called cachil boleyfe, aged and very prudent, regarded by the moros as a prophet. he was taken to malaca because of a certain crime; and, having been acquitted, he received baptism and died there as a catholic. he said that, having no legitimate successor, he constituted king don juan the third of portugal his heir to the kingdom and islands subject to ternate. this will was brought to ternate, and all the chiefs of the kingdom swore allegiance to the new king, with great feasting and solemnity. possession of the kingdom was taken, with all the ceremonies required by law. this is what the historians say, especially juan de barros--in the third _decada_, book five, chapter six. at the end of the seventh chapter, he says that the fortress now held by the tyrant was built by captain antonio de brito, who began the work with his own hands on st. john's day, in 1522. he did this with the consent of all the moros, and therefore called the fort san juan. it is well that your majesty should know the very foundation of your rights, and should at least understand that my endeavor is to give information and service. may god permit your majesty to live, without setting a bound to your life; for the human race and the church of god have need of this. from the city of manila, july 3, in the year 84 (according to the old reckoning, as i have said). most powerful lord, your most humble servant kisses the feet of your majesty. the licentiate _melchior davalos_ [_endorsed:_ "to the sacred royal catholic majesty of the king, don phelipe, our sovereign lord. in his council of the indies." "philipinas. to his majesty, 1584. from the licentiate melchor de abalos, july 3." "examined; there is nothing to be answered."] letter from santiago de vera to the archbishop of mexico most illustrious señor: i was more content to learn of the health of your illustrious lordship [10] than to know that you governed that land--since the first is of so great importance, and the other is merited by your lordship. i hope that our lord will bestow on you the see of st. peter, that all may be as we your servants desire. after having written another letter which accompanies this, i received that of your illustrious lordship which came in the ship "san juan." as in the other i have referred to some things that may be omitted here, and as i do not wish to weary your lordship with a long account of business attendant on your charge, i write this only to assure your lordship that you may command me. great satisfaction was felt in this country that the ship "mora" arrived so miraculously at port. the death of the crew, i assure your lordship, was not for lack of supplying themselves here with the necessaries for the voyage; for although but little time was spent in despatching the ship, i exercised much diligence in seeing that more men and provisions were shipped than is customary. there are things which our lord permits; since it was his will that they should die, it was an instance of his great clemency. i have always tried to fulfil your lordship's commands in regard to the lord bishop, and he may command me and i will obey; but i know of no means in the world whereby i can preserve his love and make it lasting. i kiss the hands of your illustrious lordship for the kindness that you do me in encouraging me to the work of this office; but as i am old and worn, the extra duties are very heavy for me, especially since i receive so little aid from my associates, and since the council [of the indias] so poorly seconds my efforts. as they are so far away and do not know affairs here in detail, they make some regulations so far from what is proper that, if they were complied with, it would be the undoing of this land, and his majesty's service would suffer greatly. in order that your illustrious lordship may understand how affairs stand, i declare that everything concerning the government and war in these islands depends on the president. he must attend to everything punctually; and, in order to comply with his majesty's commands, he must pay over and spend from the royal treasury what is necessary for the affairs of government and of war. no account can be given thereof, and in delay there would result great inconveniences. the despatch of the ships would cease, as well as the work in the shipyards, the defense of these islands, and the supply of aid to other islands, in accordance with his majesty's commands. knowing all this, which is evident, i received the decree of which a copy goes with this. this gave an opportunity for the officials to excuse themselves from honoring my orders for money, and soon the audiencia commanded that they be not observed. for the revocation of this decree it is necessary to wait three years, and although in my commission his majesty has given me full power for everything, i am prevented for the most trivial reasons from exercising my authority. i am writing to his majesty, but it will be of more effect to give an account thereof to your illustrious lordship; for, if nothing is done, it is of no use whatever for his majesty to have a governor or captain-general, nor is there any reason for his majesty to go to such expense from the royal exchequer only to have it lost. i have tried to make arrangements with the sangleys here for them to bring me a quantity of quicksilver, [11] according to your lordship's orders; but for some time past they have been carrying it to the japanese; in that country there are many silver mines, where they receive a good price for it. on this account the quicksilver has increased in value, and they are so shrewd merchants that they will not believe that this kind of traffic is desired. i shall proceed with them gradually, until it can be seen whether they will give it at the price which your lordship has fixed. i shall advise your illustrious lordship of the result thereof. i appreciate greatly the favor which your illustrious lordship has done me, by the favorable and prompt despatch of these ships. i kiss your lordship's hands a thousand times and everyone here does the same, as i have informed them of the difficulty of the task which your lordship has so easily accomplished. although i have tried to despatch the ships here with all haste, i am informed by sailors who understand the matter that it is not safe to send them out until the twentieth or twenty-fifth of june. the weather is not settled until then, and they usually put into a harbor during bad weather. nevertheless, henceforth i will have them sail from here in the middle of june, in order that there shall not be the inconveniences to which your lordship refers. although much merchandise has come from china this year, little has been sold for lack of reals, and the indians hid and kept the goods until now. at the news of the arrival of the ships, and the knowledge that they bring considerable money, they have taken courage and have rejoiced exceedingly. in order that these indians may increase their trade to any extent, it is necessary that money be sent in sufficient amount and at regular intervals. your illustrious lordship commands me to observe the orders given to francisco gali about the discovery of the route from these ports toward nueva españa. i will keep your lordship's commands to the letter, and will try to advise you soon, although the ship "san juan" is of no use, as it is worm-eaten and old. i shall have carpenters examine it, and if it will not serve, i shall have them inspect the ships which i have here, to see if any are fit, and to avoid the expense and delay. your lordship commands that the mining of gold be done with the aid of quicksilver, as is done in talpaxagua. in another letter i gave an account to your lordship of what has been done in mining here. we have seen the royal decrees concerning the harmony which his majesty commands us to maintain with the viceroy and captains of india and maluco, whom we must aid. on one occasion they sent an urgent request from maluco, the captains assuring me that with two or three hundred men the whole matter could be settled, and the fort and islands be restored to his majesty. they had been usurped by the petty king of terrenate, as will appear in a copy of the letter accompanying this. as these men could be spared from here without risk, i sent about four hundred arquebusiers and a large number of natives with artillery, powder, and ammunition. there were also twenty-seven small boats and fragatas and one galley, sufficiently provided for one year. although they became separated on the way, and because of the weather six boats were lost on the coast of panay, i had others provided, and they continued their voyage--all except one boat with two pieces of artillery and fifteen or twenty men, and some powder and ammunition. moreover a galleon sent as succor from india with two hundred portuguese did not arrive; and the moros had fortified themselves, together with many jabos [javanese], turks, and those of other nationalities. there was also negligence on the part of diego de acambuja, the commander of that fort, [12] by whose order this aid was sent, in accordance with the commands of his majesty. some suspicions were entertained of this commander and there were indications that he did not wish the war to end, because the bartering in cloves and the trade thereabout would also come to an end, as your illustrious lordship will see by the accompanying relation. although in our camp there was great eagerness to attack the moro, nothing was accomplished--a result partly due to the controversies between captain pereyra, whom his majesty had commanded to take charge of the place, and diego de acambuja, who held it, over the latter's surrender of the fort. i have been assured by persons who have witnessed the affair, and i have so understood, that, should his grace desire not to abandon that holding and to keep the government of maluco in the power of castilians, there will be great difficulty in winning it. no more aid can be sent from here unless his grace supply aid to this country, with an allowance for the former object--as is done in florida, which is of less importance. provision should be made for sending troops and arms, since his grace has not enough in the royal treasury for our needs here, and there are no more troops than are needed for defense. i beseech your illustrious lordship thus to explain the affair to his majesty. in regard to don diego de alcaraso, i have no merit in favoring and advancing him, since he deserves it, and is extremely judicious and a thorough gentleman. he is supported without any trouble or annoyance whatever. he is the governor in the fort at mindoro, and is at present in this city. don pedro de angulo has not arrived from maluco, and, as to affairs there, i am particularly anxious in his behalf. for some months i have had bustamante employed at a salary which he still enjoys, and now that i know that your lordship is pleased with this i shall put him in a better place. captain machuca has been guilty of great stupidity, for as he was about to depart to take charge of the governorship of a fort, provided and appointed according to his deserts, he got married, and not as well as i could have wished. i shall give a present to father pina, as your lordship orders. your illustrious lordship grants me grace so often that i can only show my gratitude by beseeching our lord to keep your lordship for the many years necessary, and during which i would have you live. i well realize the favor done my daughter, and it is enough that your lordship has shown her kindness, to have all the nuns do the same. although there are facilities in this country for making ships of all kinds, and the best yet built has not exceeded in cost six thousand pesos--and many private individuals would after this engage in it for the sake of gain if they could maintain the industry--yet the expenses incurred with the necessary force of sailors and workmen, can be sustained only by the king. the greatest difficulty is in the bringing of the anchors and rigging from vera cruz. your illustrious lordship knows from experience what it costs his majesty to transport sailors to mexico, from there to these islands, and from here to the port of acapulco; and the expense of overhauling the ship, and of keeping it there a winter. therefore although i wish to aid captain esteban rodriguez in the despatch of the ship that he has built, i do not know if it can depart hence for lack of men. it is hard to find them; for, although a large number of sailors usually come here from nueva españa to bring the ships here, they are all needed on the return. they bring here the fragatas and vessels which convey hither aid and means of defense for this land, and take back the provisions and other supplies needed in the king's service. nevertheless, i shall do everything possible for the said captain. i believe that baltasar de aldana, nephew of the schoolmaster don santiago sanchez, will embark in this ship, which he is permitted to do through your illustrious lordship's orders. i understand thoroughly that i am importunate, but the requirements of health and the discontent of doña ysabel oblige me again to beseech your lordship to favor me and try to influence his majesty to grant me grace in españa--in the meantime permitting me to act as auditor in mexico, with permission to serve his majesty there, as i have fulfilled my commissions here, and am of little use, being now old and worn. it is just that i be established in a place where i can leave my wife and children. i hope, by the grace of god and that of your illustrious lordship, that i may shortly be delivered from this captivity. the artillery which i brought returned in the ships "mora" and "san martin;" and because the ship "santa ana" is of such importance, i ordered three excellent pieces of bronze artillery to be placed on board besides powder and ammunition. in order that we may not suffer from the lack of artillery in giving this, i beseech your illustrious lordship to have the artillery returned in the same ship, "santa ana," as the japanese have commenced to show signs of hostility, and it is not desirable that they or other pirates should make light of our power. by two conveyances i am sending plans of the site and city of terrenate to his majesty; one goes through the council and the other directly to the royal person, both being transmitted by the hand of your illustrious lordship--whom i beg to send them with the letter packets, so that the one for the royal person is delivered through antonio de heraso, and the other directly to the council. there is one juanes viscayno, whom we wish to hold in the criminal court, as he was a false witness in a serious case against one artiaga panadero, a resident of that city [mexico]. he is sent as a prisoner; may your lordship be pleased to command that he be delivered to the alcaldes. i ordered diego ronquillo, the former governor of these islands, to present himself at the royal criminal court at madrid, to account to his majesty for the large sum of money that had been delivered to him as the executor and trustee of don gonçalo ronquillo. [13] he is escorted by an alguazil to the royal prison of that audiencia, so that, in case sufficient bonds are not given at his presentation in the criminal court of his majesty, he may be held a prisoner, in accordance with the said residencia, which i am sending. i beg your illustrious lordship to command that these arrangements be carried out. juan martin coyfino will, i believe, escort these prisoners; and, as he is a very zealous man, i have recommended that he take with him the sangley religious. [14] i entreat your illustrious lordship to see that his companion is rewarded, also to order the payment of their expenses. may our lord watch over the illustrious person of your lordship and may the prosperity of your house increase as we your servants desire. manila, june 20, 1585. illustrious lord, your servant and client kisses the hands of your illustrious lordship. doctor santiago de vera [15] two letters to felipe ii with regard to the letters of fray joan de plasencia, custodian of the descalced friars of the custodia of san gregorio de las philippinas--communicated to me by the secretary, joan de ledesma, in pursuance of an order by the council--i declare that the truth is that fray joan [16] de talabera, commissary of the same descalced friars, who went from here, took a commission from the nuncio (quite contrary to the custom among religious orders), from which no benefit has resulted. accordingly, although the said commission is clearly an affair of no value in law, the office of the grantor having expired, yet since those religious are very scrupulous, and have but little knowledge of this matter, it might be well that the present nuncio revoke the commission, and that the said custodia be governed by the authority of the order, as are all the other provinces of our order. hitherto the province of san josepe [in mexico], of the descalced friars from castilla, has had charge of that custodia, by apostolic brief; and it was not subject to me, nor might i send friars thither or remove them. but when the said province considered how inadequately it could govern the custodia, the brief was renounced in the session of the chapter which was held in this year 85 at the town of cadahalso, and that custodia has been assigned to me; and henceforth whatever may be necessary can be supplied for the said province, [17] by order of the council. as for sending friars to the said custodia, i have information that a religious of the same descalced order, who comes from that country to discuss this matter, went direct to monzon without going to madrid to report the needs of his custodia to his majesty. therefore it appears to me that the sending of religious, and other matters, might be suspended until his arrival. fray geronimo de guzman that which the order of our glorious father st. augustine, resident in the philipinas and the lands of china, humbly asks from his majesty and from his royal council of the indias is the following: first, that his majesty cause to be sent to those realms the greatest number of religious who can possibly go, in response to the very pressing need (which is felt now more than ever) for preachers of the gospel of god. they ask this not only for the lands held by his majesty which are now at peace (where there is much need), but also for the great kingdom of cochin china, for that of sian, and for other foreign lands--to which those who lack so great a blessing, since they have no one to show them the way, beseech and call us. herein the religious of that province beg of his majesty that he reward the hardships which they have suffered, and are now suffering, in his service and that of god. item: that the said religious shall not go [from spain], as heretofore, by way of nueva españa, inasmuch as the majority remain there, and not a third part of those who have departed for those regions, at the expense of his majesty, have ever arrived there. nor even of those who have come from there [the philippines] has a single religious returned; because all have remained in españa, or in the province of mexico. this has occasioned no little trouble to those of us who reside there. from this it follows that the intention of his majesty is defeated, and the result which is attempted is not attained. on this account our order there begs his majesty to command that the said religious shall make the voyage by way of india to malaca, and from malaca to macan, [18] where friars of our order have gone to settle. the vicar-general has my instructions as to what the religious should do if they go thither, as i hope they will. there are better opportunities for the friars to distribute themselves from macan, for the preaching of the gospel, than from any other place--especially too, as the said journey is no less short and safe by this route than by nueba españa; for it is quite certain that the religious may not remain in any place where they are not greatly needed, or where they may not produce much fruit among infidel heathen. herein there is need of a decree to the effect that neither the viceroy nor the archbishop of india, nor any other authorities whatsoever, ecclesiastical or secular, shall hinder the said religious from making any journey or from asking alms; but that they shall give the said religious every aid and protection, in order that they may go from india to malaca, and from malaca to macan, and from macan to whatever place their superiors may order. still another decree is needed, that the said religious or any others of our order may, provided that they have instructions to that effect from their superiors, freely build monasteries in remote and infidel lands--without awaiting mandate, order, or permission from the viceroy or archbishop of india, or from other authorities. this requirement is very inconvenient and a hindrance, inasmuch as in many of those places it is not possible to go for and return with the said permission within the space of a year--during which time it may well happen that the opportunity would be lost, and with it the fruit which it might bear. another decree is also needful in order that the governor and the audiencia of manila, the bishop or any other person, may not cause hindrance or opposition to the provincial of our order by sending religious at will to countries of china or other infidel lands, as seems best to him for the service of god; for the instruction in the faith, which the religious have established in the islands, is sustained at their charge. this our community begs and entreats from his majesty, at this time; and for this purpose they have sent to these lands of españa a native religious, named fray jhoan de vascones, interpreter and minister of these districts. fray jhoan de vascones [19] [endorsed: "the augustinians of the filipinas. council general of the indias."] history of the great kingdom of china compiled by father juan gonzalez de mendoza. madrid: printed by pedro madrigal, in the year 1586. source: a copy of the madrigal edition of mendoza's _historia_, in the library of congress. translation: the translation is made (of such parts as relate to the philippine islands) by james a. robertson. history of the great kingdom of china [juan gonzalez de mendoza's [20] _historia_ is divided into two parts--the first part containing three books; the second two books, and an "itinerary" of certain franciscan priests, who made the circumnavigation of the globe. much of the matter for the _historia_ was gathered from chinese books carried to manila from china by martin de rada and his companions, the first augustinians to go to china, and translated by them. in addition, much information was obtained from the augustinians and their lay companions, and from the franciscans--in especial from father martin ignacio, one of those who composed the "itinerary." the philippine islands are treated in portions of the second part, and in a portion of the "itinerary;" this matter we reproduce in translation. the first book of part i consists of ten chapters, wherein is given a rapid survey of the country of china and its people and government; of certain social and economic conditions, and of its products. the second book, consisting also of ten chapters, treats of the religion and superstitions of the chinese (wherein some peculiar parallels with the christian religion are drawn), their mortuary and marriage customs, and treatment of the poor and infirm. the third book has twenty-four chapters, wherein are treated, in some detail, many different matters relating to china. these include an historical account of the kings of that empire; a description of the royal city; the fifteen provinces of the empire, their government, garrisons, and means of defense; laws of warfare; the royal council and its method of procedure; the judiciary and the execution of justice; scholarship and education; [21] ceremonies at banquets and on other occasions; their ships and certain of their occupations; and their morals. our author finds interesting the use of artillery and the knowledge of the art of printing in china, prior to their invention in europe. this part concludes with an account of chinese courtesy to foreign ambassadors; and of the embassy to that country, entrusted to gonzalez de mendoza and other religious in 1580, by the spanish king, but not carried into effect.] second part of the history of the great kingdom of china this second part is divided into two books and an itinerary, and discusses the following topics. the first book contains in sequence the things witnessed and heard in that kingdom by fathers martin de herrada, provincial of the order of st. augustine in the felipinas islands, and his associate fray geronymo marin, [22] and some soldiers who accompanied them. the second, the miraculous voyage to this same kingdom by father fray pedro de alfaro, custodian of the order of st. francis in the felipinas, and his associates. an itinerary of the father custodian of the same order, fray martin ignacio, who went from españa to china, and thence back to españa, by way of east india, thus circumnavigating the world; the very remarkable things that he saw and heard during the voyage. book first the departure of the spaniards from mexico to the felipinas islands, and the information obtained there of the great kingdom of china. chapter i. while don luis de velasco, viceroy and lieutenant for the catholic king, don felipe, our lord, was in charge of the government of the kingdom of mexico, his majesty ordered him to fit out a large fleet in the southern sea, to levy the soldiers necessary for it, and to send it on a voyage of discovery to the islands of the west. the renowned captain magallanes (when he circumnavigated the globe in the ship "victoria") had already given information about these islands. the viceroy obeyed most carefully and assiduously his majesty's orders. he fitted out the fleet at great cost, and despatched it from puerto de la navidad in the year sixty-four. as general of it, and governor of the land to be discovered, he appointed the honorable miguel lopez de legaspi, who died afterward in the same islands with the title of adelantado, one year previous to the entrance into china of fathers fray martin de herrada, fray geronymo marin, [23] and their associates. the spaniards explored the said islands, and colonized some of them for his majesty, especially that of manila. this island has a circumference of five hundred leagues. the city of luçon (also called manila) was settled there. it is, as it were, the metropolis of the island. in this city the governors who have gone to the felipinas since their discovery have, as a rule, resided. there also a cathedral church has been founded, and a bishopric erected, his majesty appointing to this office the very reverend don fray domingo de salazar of the order of preachers, in whom are found the qualities of holiness, upright conduct, and learning requisite in that province. he was consecrated in madrid in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. there are also, at present, three monasteries of religious--one of augustinians, who were the first to enter these islands in obedience to his majesty's orders, and have preached the evangelical law to the great gain of souls, and with no little suffering, many of them having lost their lives in this occupation; the second, of descalced friars of the order of st. francis, of the province of san joseph, who have approved themselves by their good example, and have been very useful in those regions; and the third, of dominicans or predicants, who have been of no less service. all of these have passed a certain time in these islands. afterward the jesuit fathers came to these regions; they have been of great help to the above-mentioned religious. on their arrival at these islands, the spaniards at once heard many things concerning the great kingdom of china, both through the relations of the islanders, who told of that country's wonders; and through what they themselves saw and heard, after a few days, from the crews of certain vessels entering that port with merchandise and very curious articles from that kingdom. these latter told them in detail of the greatness and wealth of that country, and the many things related in the first three books of this history. as soon as the augustinian religious (then the only religious in those islands), and especially their provincial, fray martin de herrada--a man of great worth, and most erudite in all branches of learning--were aware of the greater advantages possessed by the chinese, who come to trade among those islands, in comparison with these islanders, and especially in the matters of civilization and ability, they immediately conceived a great desire to go to preach the gospel to those people, so capable of receiving it. with this object in view, they began most carefully and studiously to learn the chinese language, which the above-mentioned provincial mastered in a short time, making also of the same a grammar and dictionary. besides this, they gave many gifts and presents to the chinese merchants, in order to be conveyed to their country. they did many other things, which are illustrative of their holy zeal--even to offering themselves as slaves to the merchants, in order that, in this manner, they might enter the country for the purpose of preaching. but all these efforts were of no avail, until the divine will showed another and better method, which will be related in the following chapter. the sea-power of the pirate limahon from the kingdom of china, and his defeat of vintoquiam, a pirate from the same kingdom. chapter ii. the spaniards were enjoying in peace and quiet their new settlement of manila, without apprehension of any accident that might disturb their peace, and ignorant of any hostile treachery that might harm them; for the islands were quite pacified, and submissive to the catholic king felipe, our lord, and the trade with the chinese was continuing. this last seemed sufficient guarantee to ensure their present quiet; and likewise, because they knew of the law among these people (as has been related in the history) that prohibited them from warring with anyone outside of their own kingdom. [24] they were enjoying this peace when limahon, a pirate from the kingdom of china--of pirates there is, as a rule, no lack along this coast, both because of the dense population of the kingdom, so that necessarily, vagabonds are by no means uncommon; and (the principal reason) because of the tyranny exercised by the rulers toward their subjects--came to these islands with an immense fleet, as will be related hereafter, with the intention of working them harm. this pirate was born in the city of trucheo in the province of cuytan, called by the portuguese catim. he was the son of parents in moderate circumstances, who, while he was a child, reared him in the midst of vice and license. on this account, and by his own nature, he was quarrelsome and evilly disposed. he would learn no trade, except to commit robberies along the highway, in which he became so proficient, that very soon he had a large following--more than two thousand--of whom he was the acknowledged chief, and came to be feared throughout the whole province where he committed his depredations. when the king and his council learned of this, the former ordered the viceroy of the province where the pirate was, to assemble all the garrisons of his frontiers, and to try to capture him, and carry or send him alive to the city of taybin, or if that were impossible, to secure his head. the viceroy ordered the necessary forces to assemble for this pursuit, with all haste. when the pirate limahon was aware of this this--seeing that he was not sufficiently strong with the men at his command to defend himself against the forces coming against him, and that he was in great danger if he waited--he collected his companions, and led them to a seaport a few leagues from that place, going thither with so great rapidity and so secretly, that before the inhabitants of this place, accustomed to live quite without fear of such assaults, were aware of it, he was master of the port and all its vessels. in these vessels he and all his men embarked immediately, weighed anchor, and made for the open sea, thinking (and with good reason) themselves safer there than on land. perceiving now that he was master of that whole sea, he began to plunder as many vessels as he could, both foreign and native, so that, within a short time, he was well provided with seamen and the other necessities demanded in his new calling. he pillaged and despoiled all the coast towns, and committed many other atrocities. he became powerful, having collected a fleet of forty vessels, composed of both those that he had seized in the first port, and those that he had appropriated at sea, and a large following of shameless men, quite satiated with their robberies and murders. he bethought himself of undertaking things of greater import, and set about it, having the boldness to attack large towns, and committing numberless atrocities--so that throughout that entire coast where he was known he was greatly feared; and even in coasts very far from there the report of his cruelties was spread abroad. while engaged in these practices he happened to meet with another pirate like himself, named vintoquiam, also a native of china, who was resting at anchor in the port, not apprehending any danger. here, gaining the advantage through his great daring, he fought with the latter's fleet, and conquered him, although vintoquiam had sixty vessels, large and small, and a strong force of men, capturing fifty-five of his vessels; vintoquiam escaped with the other five. limahon, now finding himself with a fleet of ninety-five vessels, manned by a numerous and bold following (all of whom knew that execution awaited them if taken), grew bolder and lost every atom of fear, devising new atrocities; and he not only attacked and plundered large cities, but seized and destroyed them. a fleet is prepared in china against the pirate limahon, and he retires to tonzuacaotican, where he hears of affairs in the felipinas. chapter iii. each day saw an increase of the complaints made to the king and his council by the chinese who suffered at the hands of limahon. for this reason, the king once more ordered the viceroy of that province in which the pirate was committing his depredations, to hasten to have this man intercepted. within a short time, the viceroy prepared one hundred and thirty large vessels, manned by forty thousand men, all under command of a gentleman named omoncon. this man was ordered to seek and pursue the pirate, being expressly commanded to capture or kill him, even if he should endanger his ships and men while doing it. limahon was at once informed of all this, through certain secret friends. as he saw that the plan to pursue him was being pushed forward in all earnestness, and that he was inferior to his enemy in point of ships and men, he determined not to await the latter, but to withdraw from that coast. in his flight he betook himself to a remote island, tonzuacaotican by name, forty leagues from the mainland, and lying in the pathway to the felipinas. limahon remained in this retired island with his fleet for some days, without daring to return to the mainland, for he knew that the king's fleet was guarding the coast; and although he despatched a few vessels on marauding expeditions, they did nothing of importance--returning, on the contrary, pursued by the king's powerful fleet. he made some sallies with part of his vessels from this island, robbing all the vessels that he encountered, which, with their cargoes of merchandise and other articles, were sailing between the different islands, or between the islands and the mainland. among them he happened to meet two chinese merchant vessels plying from manila to china. immediately he had the holds of these vessels searched, finding the rich cargoes that they carried, which consisted of articles of gold and spanish reals of four to the peso, given to them in exchange for the merchandise carried by them to the islands. limahon informed himself thoroughly of the characteristics and wealth of the land, and especially of the spaniards in the city of manila--who in all did not exceed seventy, because the others had left luzon for the exploration and colonization of new islands. then--ascertaining that these few were living without any fear of enemies, and therefore had no fort; and that their artillery, although good, was not in position, either for defense or offense--he determined to go thither with his entire fleet and following, in order to kill them; and to make himself master of the island of manila and its environs, where he thought to be safe from the power of the king, who was trying to capture him. in accordance with this idea, he set about this enterprise with the utmost possible despatch. departure of the pirate limahon for the felipinas, and arrival at the city of manila. chapter iiii. the pirate resolved to go to capture the felipinas islands, and to make himself master and king of them all, first killing the spaniards--a thing that seemed easy of accomplishment, because of their small number. he was convinced that he could live here quite free from anxiety, and without his present fear of the great power of the king, because these islands were so far from the mainland. leaving those islands where he had sought shelter, he set sail toward those of the felipinas, passing those islands called illocos, [25] near to a town called fernandina, founded recently by captain juan de salzedo, who at that time was lieutenant-governor there. four leagues from this place, limahon met a small galley sent out by the said juan de salzedo after provisions, with but twenty-five soldiers aboard, not counting the rowers--both soldiers and rowers being in very small numbers, for they felt quite secure in this region, and had no suspicion of meeting enemies. when the pirate limahon's fleet discovered the galley, they came down upon it, invested it, and taking it easily, burned it, and killed its crew, without excepting a single person. after this capture, limahon continued his voyage, according to his plan, and passed by the town of fernandina, but not so secretly that he escaped being seen by its inhabitants. the latter informed the above-named lieutenant-governor of it, expressing their astonishment at seeing so large an assemblage of vessels, a sight never before witnessed in those islands. to him also, this was a cause for wonder, and he was not a little troubled at what it might mean. seeing that these vessels were directed toward the city of manila, and thinking that so great a fleet, coming from such a direction, could portend no good to the inhabitants of the city (who were living in security and were but few in number, as we have said above), he resolved to set out immediately with the greatest despatch possible, and with the greatest number of men he could muster--about fifty-four spaniards--to endeavor, although at the risk of much labor, to get the start of them, and warn the people of manila, and help them place the artillery in position, and do other things needful for the defense of the city. the captain set out to carry this determination into effect with all haste, from which it resulted that the city and all its inhabitants were not completely pillaged and destroyed. however, it was not possible to avoid all damage; for, as their vessels were small, and the rowers few in number and not picked men (since their hasty departure did not allow a choice), and as they were going from one region to another to get food--all these things combined prevented them from arriving as soon as they wished, or as was desirable. limahon, being well provided with provisions and all other necessities, and favored with good winds, kept the lead of them, arriving at the bay of the city of manila on st. andrew's eve in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. here he cast anchor that night with his fleet. as he knew that the success of his undertaking lay in his quickness, and in action before he should be seen by the inhabitants of the city, or perceived by those in its neighborhood, he embarked--being aided in this by the darkness of the night--four hundred picked soldiers, of whose courage he was thoroughly assured and satisfied, in small boats, commanding their captains to exercise all diligence in arriving at the city before daybreak. he despatched this detachment with orders to fire the city first of all, and not to leave a single man living in it. he promised to join them at the first light, in order to help them should it prove necessary, as was the case. but, since nothing is done contrary to god's will or permission, it was not possible for the pirate limahon to attain his end with the four hundred soldiers, as he thought to do; for all that night the land-breeze blew, becoming ever stronger as night deepened, and proving contrary to their desires. consequently they were unable to disembark that night, although they tried to do so, striving with all their strength and cunning to sail against and overcome the wind. had it not been for this, without any doubt they would have attained their evil purpose quite easily, and the city and its inhabitants would have been destroyed; for limahon's plan and desire, as was manifest in the order given to his captains, was to raze and destroy the city. limahon sends four hundred soldiers as a vanguard to burn the city of manila, who are resisted by our men. chapter v. notwithstanding all the trouble caused them by the wind, the four hundred chinese succeeded in reaching land a league away from the city at eight o'clock on the morning of st. andrew's day. leaving their boats at this point, they disembarked and immediately began their march in battle-array with the utmost rapidity, placing in the fore part two hundred arquebusiers, and immediately behind these the other two hundred, who were pikemen. but being espied by some of the inhabitants--as could not be otherwise, because of the level and open nature of the ground, and the great number of soldiers--these hastened to give immediate notice of the invasion. coming into the city, they cried: "to arms! to arms! the enemy is upon us!" but their warning availed little, for no one believed it. on the contrary, they imagined it a rumor that had arisen among the natives themselves, or some jest that they were trying to practice. at last the enemy had reached the house of the master-of-camp, martin de goyti--his house being the first in the city in the direction taken by the enemy--before the spaniards and soldiers within the city caught sight of them, and even before they would put any confidence in the noise and rumor. the enemy immediately fired the house of the said master-of-camp, killing him and all the inmates, so that no one escaped except the wife, and her they left grievously wounded and stark naked, believing her to be dead, although she was afterward cured of her wounds. during this time of this their first act of cruelty, the citizens were assured of the truth; and although none of them had ever imagined so unlooked-for an event, finally they sounded the call to arms and began to try to save their lives. some soldiers made an immediate sally to the shore, in the lack of order usual in events of this nature. in consequence, the chinese killed them all, not even one of them escaping. therefore the rest of the spaniards formed into one organized body, and showed some resistance to the enemy, now entering the city and firing it, the while uttering their shouts of victory. this resistance was characteristic of spaniards upon finding themselves in such dangers; and it was so stubborn and courageous that it sufficed to restrain the fury of those who hitherto had been victors, and even to make them retire, notwithstanding the very great disproportion between the two forces. in retiring, the chinese lost some soldiers without inflicting any serious loss on the spaniards, who performed many remarkable deeds in this defense. thereupon the chinese, inasmuch as they had left their boats at some distance, because they had no time to bring them nearer, resolved to abandon the assault begun by them, in its present condition; and to seek shelter and refresh themselves from their past toil, in order that they might return later with their captain-general limahon (whom they were awaiting), to bring their plan to completion, a thing that they considered to be, by this means, very easy of accomplishment. when they reached their boats, as they feared some danger, they began a return to the fleet, steering directly toward the place where they had left it; they caught sight of it not long afterward, past a point in sight of the city of manila. taking their course toward the fleet, they came to the flagship, in which was the pirate limahon. they related to him the affair in all its details, and how, on account of the contrary winds, they had been unable to reach land in the time set by him, and which they wished. therefore they had not completed the undertaking and had deferred it, because of his absence, until a better opportunity. he consoled them, and thanked them for what they had done until then. he promised them to make a very speedy end to his damnable purpose, and at once commanded that the bow of his flagship be directed toward a port called cabite, situated two leagues from the city of manila. from this latter place the said fleet could be easily seen passing on its way. the governor of manila fortifies himself in order to await the onslaught of the chinese, and drives them back. limahon having returned occupies the land along the pangasinan river. chapter vi. the governor, guido de labaçares, who, by the order of his majesty, had succeeded to the governorship at the death of miguel lopez de legaspi, was then in those islands, and in that of manila. he, taking into consideration the pirate's great fleet and large following, and the few defenses and means of resistance in the city, assembled the captains and citizens with the utmost despatch, and with their unanimous approbation set about making some defenses, while the enemy was in the port aforesaid, that the spaniards might defend themselves to the best of their ability. for the spaniards could not abandon the city, while life remained, without loss of their credit; for in only this one of all the islands thereabout could they feel secure. this determination was speedily put into execution, the work lasting during the two days and nights while the pirate delayed; and no opportunity was neglected, nor was any person excused from the work, notwithstanding his rank, for the courageous soldiers well knew that, if they remained alive, the fatigue and weariness would soon pass away. with this incessant work, they were enabled to make a fort out of planks, and casks filled with sand, with such other means of defense as these few hours permitted. they brought out four pieces of very excellent artillery that were in the city. these were placed in good position, and all the people were gathered in the little fort thus made. this occurred, as we believe, through the providence of god, our lord, who did not choose that the many souls baptized in those islands, and sealed with the light of the knowledge of his most holy faith, should return into the power of the devil, from whose grasp he had drawn them by his infinite mercy. neither did he wish that the convenient proximity of those islands to the great kingdom of china be lost, by which means, perhaps, his divine majesty has ordained the salvation and rescue of all that country. the night before the assault, captain juan de salcedo, lieutenant-governor of the town of fernandina, arrived--who, as we said, was coming for the purpose of aiding the spaniards of manila. his coming and that of his companions was clearly the chief remedy for both the city and its inhabitants; for, besides being few, the work of the late resistance and that of preparing the defenses for the coming assault, together with the fear left in their hearts by the danger in which they beheld themselves, had rendered them feeble and in great need of help such as this; and he seemed to all of them to have been sent miraculously by god. with this arrival, all recovered courage and the assured hope of making a courageous resistance. they prepared themselves for this immediately, because the pirate, before dawn of the morning following--two days after the assault, as above related, by the four hundred soldiers at his orders--appeared with his entire fleet in front of the port. he disembarked about six hundred soldiers, who without delay fell upon the city, which they were able to sack and burn at will, as indeed they did; for the inhabitants had abandoned it, as above stated, at the order and command of the governor, gathering at the fort for greater security. having set fire to the city, they attacked the fort, flushed with their past murders, and fully persuaded that the inmates would offer little resistance. but the outcome was not so certain as they thought, because of the great valor and courage of those inside, through which all the pirates who had the daring to enter the fort paid for their boldness with their lives. upon seeing this, the chinese withdrew, after fighting almost all that day, and losing two hundred men (who were killed in the assault), besides many wounded. of the spaniards but two were killed, namely, the ensign sancho ortiz, and the alcalde of the same city, francisco de leon. the pirate limahon, who was a man of astuteness and ability, in consequence of all this--and as it seemed to him that to persist further in his design against the steadfastness of the spaniards, which was different from what he had experienced hitherto, was to lose time and people--resolved to embark and sail to the port of cabite, whence he had come. first he collected very carefully his dead, whom he buried afterward in the above-named island, remaining there for this purpose two days. then leaving this place, he returned by the same route that he had followed in his assault upon the city of manila, until he arrived at a large river forty leagues away, pangasinan by name. thinking this to be a rich country, and that he could remain there safe from those who, by the king's orders, were looking for him, he resolved to stay there, and to make himself master of that place. this he did with very little trouble, and by means of a fort which he built, one league up the river; he remained there for some time, collecting tribute from the natives, as their true lord. he sent out his vessels to rob all who should be found along those coasts; and the report spread abroad that he had seized the felipinas islands, and that all the spaniards there had been killed or had fled. thereupon great terror and fright filled all the neighboring villages settled upon this great river pangasinan; and all of them, with no exception, received limahon as lord, and as such obeyed him and paid him tribute. the master-of-camp, salzedo, attacks limahon, burns his fleet, and besieges him for three months in a fort; whence the pirate escapes by dint of great effort. chapter vii. when the governor of the islands and the citizens of manila heard that the pirate limahon was asserting, wherever he went, that he had killed and defeated the spaniards; considering that if this were not checked speedily, great harm might result from it, which could not be remedied so easily afterward as it could at the present time; and that their allies and vassals throughout all those islands, placing credence in the pirate's assertion, might rise against them, and kill them with ease, because of the great number of the natives and the fewness of the spaniards, who until the present had sustained themselves solely by the report of their invincibility--they took counsel together, and determined that as large a force as possible should be raised, and sent in military array in pursuit of the pirate. they knew that he must, of necessity, have stationed himself near manila; and that he would not dare return to china, because he was afraid. they thought that, by the use of the same artifice and strategy employed by limahon, they might come upon him unawares, as he had caught them. they believed that, although they could not destroy him totally, they could, at the very least, take vengeance for the damage wrought by him, so that the lie would be given to the report spread abroad by the said pirate. thus the spaniards' old security would remain, and they would be held in greater estimation by the natives near them, who knew them; and would even attain the friendship of the king of china, against whom limahon was a traitor, and whom he had offended. this resolve they set about executing immediately, as such an undertaking required. meanwhile they heard, as certain, that the pirate was stationed on the pangasinan river, where he had made a strong settlement. upon obtaining this news--which was most agreeable to the spaniards--the governor summoned all the people dwelling thereabout, ordering them to come to the city where he resided. at this same time, he sent word to all the encomenderos or seigniors of the villages of those islands called pintados, ordering them to assemble at the same place with as many ships and men as possible, both spaniards and natives. all this was done and completed quickly and gladly; and the natives, especially those of the said pintados islands, came willingly. all these, together with the other people who lived in the city, set out under command of captain juan de salzedo, whom the governor, in his majesty's name, had appointed to the office of master-of-camp (rendered vacant, as has been related above, by the death of martin de goyti at the first assault of the city of manila). the governor remained behind with only a force sufficient to guard the city and the fort, which had been built again, and the well. the master-of-camp took in his detachment two hundred and fifty soldiers and five hundred friendly indians, all unanimous in their intention to avenge the mischief that they had suffered, or to die in the attempt. this entire force embarked in small boats, and in two fragatas brought from nearby islands, as no time had been given, in the haste necessary for this expedition, to wait until larger ships could be found. and, even had they waited, they would have found but a poor supply of vessels; for the inhabitants of this region, as soon as they saw the city attacked by the pirate, had risen against the spaniards--believing that the latter could not escape so great a force, although from the spaniards' first entrance into the said islands, they had been very submissive--and burned a small galley anchored at manila, together with two other large vessels. the master-of-camp, with the force above mentioned, left manila on the twenty-third of march, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-five, and arrived at the mouth of the pangasinan river at dawn on holy wednesday following, without being espied by anyone; for, as was important, they observed great care. the master-of-camp disembarked his entire force immediately, together with four pieces of artillery, leaving the mouth of the river blockaded with all his vessels, some of which he had ordered to extend themselves so that no one might enter or go out, or warn the pirate of their arrival. he ordered others of the vessels to reconnoiter the enemy's fleet and his fortifications. he charged them especially to endeavor not to be seen, for this was essential to the success of the undertaking. the captains did as they were ordered, finding the pirate as free from anxiety of any danger there, as the city of manila had been at his attack. this security resulted from his having heard that, although they were discussing in china the question of attacking him, this could not be done soon, for they could not know or be perfectly sure of his whereabouts; and from his certain knowledge that the spaniards of the felipinas had no vessels, for, as we have said above, they had been burned, and they had received so much damage that they would endeavor rather to recover from their past ill-treatment, than to avenge injuries. the master-of-camp having ascertained thoroughly this great lack of care, and the most retired path to the pirate's fort, ordered captain gabriel de ribera and his men to march immediately by land, and as suddenly as possible to assault the enemy, making as much noise and confusion as he could. the captains, pedro de chaves and lorenço chacon, with forty soldiers apiece, he ordered to ascend the river in the swiftest vessels. the time was to be appointed so that both the land and sea forces would arrive at the fort at the same instant, and make the assault at the same time, so that they might the better succeed in their purpose. he himself remained behind with all the rest of the forces to await the opportunity and to furnish aid in any emergency. this plan succeeded very well, and each party gave the best account of itself--the water force firing the enemy's fleet, while the land force, aided by those who had set the fire, entered the palisade constructed by limahon for his defense, and as a protection for his men. they entered the fort also and killed more than one hundred chinese, besides capturing more than seventy women, whom they found within the palisade. when limahon heard the noise, he hastened to the fort, which--notwithstanding that it had been made as a defense, in case the fleet of the chinese king, which he knew had been prepared to go in search of him, should chance upon him there--served to save his life on this occasion. he ordered some soldiers to skirmish with the spaniards, now quite worn out by that day's work and the oppression caused by the intolerable heat of the burning vessels and the houses within the palisade, all of which were ablaze at the same time. the captains, on perceiving this, and the lack of order among their men, which they might not remedy, because they themselves were almost worn out (although the aid sent them very opportunely by the master-of-camp had given them a moment's respite and added new courage), gave the signal for retreat, with the loss of five spaniards and more than thirty of their indian allies, whom the pirate's soldiers killed, besides some others that had been wounded. upon the following day, the master-of-camp arrayed all his forces in line of battle, and set out for the fort with the intention of giving battle if he could find an opportunity. arriving there, he established his camp at a distance of less than two hundred paces from it, but he found that during that night the pirate had fortified himself strongly, and in such wise that it was considered dangerous to attack the fort; in it had been mounted three large pieces of artillery, and many small culverins, besides other contrivances for discharging fire. upon observing this, the master-of-camp--recognizing that his artillery consisted only of small pieces and was insufficient for assaulting the fort; and that the supply of ammunition was inadequate, because it had been spent in defending themselves against the assaults made by the pirate on manila--in accordance with the advice of his captains, determined that (since the enemy had no vessels, by which he might escape by water, nor any resources or material with which to build them, and very little food, because the latter had been burned with the vessels) it would be better and conduce more to his own safety to besiege the fort and to settle down there until hunger should wear out the enemy, in order that they might thus be forced to surrender, or capitulate under certain conditions. notwithstanding the nature of these conditions, the enemy would consider them better than death by hunger. this resolve seemed good to all of them, although quite the contrary of their expectation happened; for during the blockade by land and water, which lasted for three months, the pirate was so clever, and planned so well, that he made some boats inside the fort, trimming them in the best manner possible. in these he and his men escaped one night, as will be told--a thing that seemed impossible and caused great surprise to the spaniards, a surprise which was heightened on finding that he had gone with so great cunning, without either the land or sea force hearing it. i shall not relate the events of these three months, although some were most notable, for my purpose is to show the events that gave occasion for the entrance of the augustinian religious and their companions into the chinese kingdom, and to tell those things which, they declared, were seen there by them. for this reason i have given the coming of limahon, and all the rest of the above relation. omoncon, captain of the chinese king, coming in search of the pirate limahon, encounters our spaniards. chapter viii. during the period of the siege, as related in the preceding chapter, certain boats were going to and coming from the city of manila--distant, as i have said, but forty leagues from the mouth of the pangasinan river--for the purpose of bringing provisions and other necessities for the support of the army. it happened one day that a vessel under command of miguel de loarcha, [26] having on board father fray martin de herrada, provincial of the augustinians (who had come to pangasinan to see the master-of-camp, and was returning to manila to hold a meeting of his order), met in the island and port of buliano, seven leagues from the pãgasinan river, as they were going out of the port, a sangley ship, which was about to enter the port. thinking it to be a hostile vessel, they bore down upon it, together with another ship in their company. those aboard the ship were only the said father provincial and five other spaniards and the sailors. the sangley ship, seeing them bearing down upon it, tried to take flight; but, the contrary wind not permitting this, as a consequence, the spanish ships, by means of sail and oar, came within cannon range, and even nearer, in a few moments. on one of the spanish ships was a chinese named sinsay, who had been in manila many times with merchants, and was very friendly and well known to the spaniards, and understood their language. when this man saw that the ship was chinese, and that, from its appearance, it was not a pirate, he requested our men not to fire or do any damage until it was known clearly who its occupants were. he went to the bow of the vessel and hailed them, thus ascertaining that theirs was one of the ships of the fleet sent by their king in search of the pirate limahon. they had left the fleet behind and put out to sea in order to explore those islands, to ascertain whether the pirate were in any of them. in order to gain this information, they were about to put in to the port of buliano, whence the spaniards were coming out with two ships, and from whom they tried to flee, fearful lest they should prove to belong to the pirate. thus assured on each side, the two parties joined together in all peace and friendship. the spaniards immediately entered a small boat, and went over to the chinese ship, taking with them the said synsay as interpreter, in order that he might talk with the chinese. in the ship of the latter was a man of much influence named homoncon, who bore a decree from his king, which he showed to the spaniards and to the father provincial, in which the king and his council pardoned all of limahon's soldiers, on condition that they immediately left the latter and enrolled themselves under the royal banners; and it bestowed great reward upon whomsoever should capture or kill the said pirate. thereupon sinsay told him of the coming of the pirate to the island, and all the story of the siege, as related above; and that the pirates were shut up on the pangasinan river, whence escape was impossible. the captain omoncon was overjoyed at hearing this news, and gave expression to a thousand demonstrations of his joy. he embraced the spaniards many times, and by other signs indicated his great pleasure. then he wished to return to the fleet, but to have more certain information, as he was assured that the death or capture of the pirate was expected daily, he resolved to go to pangasinan, since it was so near, to converse with the master-of-camp, together with sinsay--a man well known on both sides--through whose medium they could discuss the best methods for the confirmation of peace and friendship between the chinese and spaniards, and for the capture or death of the pirate. with this resolution, they set out--the chinese for pangasinan, where they arrived that same day; and the spaniards for manila, whither they were going for provisions. omoncon is cordially received by the master-of-camp, and entertained in manila by the governor, with whom it is agreed that the augustinian fathers shall go to china. chapter ix. when the master-of-camp heard of the purpose of omoncon, he received him cordially and courteously. and having recounted to him the extremity to which he had brought the pirate (for it seemed impossible for the latter to escape from it, except by taking wings, like a bird), he advised omoncon that, until the consummation of their hopes, which could not be long, he should go to manila, which was quite near, and pass the time with the governor and the other spaniards there--because he [the master-of-camp] himself was quite sufficient to accomplish his purpose, and it was unnecessary that the king's fleet should come thither, or sail out of the safe port where it had cast anchor. for this purpose he offered to give omoncon a vessel with oars (one of those that he used to bring provisions), under command of pedro de chaves, who was about to go to manila--assuring him that he would deliver the pirate to him, dead or alive, within the few days that all thought sufficient to end the undertaking. omoncon, considering this suggestion reasonable, acted upon it at once, and embarked with the above-named captain, sending through the high seas the ship in which he had come thither, because of its great size and draught. this ship returned to anchor at the river whence they had set out, because of the strong winds that prevailed; these proved but little hindrance to the oared vessel, because it went along the land, sheltered thereby from the winds. in a few days they arrived at the port of the city of manila, where they were well received and feasted by the governor. omoncon remained there several days, after which, seeing that the siege was continuing, and that his delay there might cause some suspicion of his death--and knowing, too, that the fleet was waiting for him, and was quite ready to proceed to attack the pirate, who he was assured would not escape from the spaniards who were besieging him; and that the spaniards would, without any doubt, send limahon, either dead or alive, to the king, as they had promised--he resolved to return to china, with this good news, purposing to come hither again, in order to get the pirate after he should be captured. having resolved upon this, at the end of several days he went to the governor, to whom he communicated all his plans, so that the latter should permit him to put them into execution. the governor approved his determination, and made the same promise as the master-of-camp--namely, that as soon as the pirate was captured or dead, he should be taken to the king without delay; or that he should be put in safe keeping, and word despatched that he should be sent for, or that omoncon himself should come. moreover, the governor promised to provide the latter immediately with everything necessary for the voyage without any lack whatever. omoncon was very grateful for this offer, and in payment therefor promised the governor that he would take with him to china the fathers that his excellency should send, and a few soldiers, if the latter wished to accompany them. he was confident in the good news he carried, by virtue of which he hoped that he would run no risk by doing this, and that the viceroy of aucheo would not take it ill; for he had learned and heard from the augustinian fathers, that his excellency, and the governor's predecessor in office, adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi, had desired many times to send some religious to the chinese kingdom, to engage in the preaching of the gospel, and to study the affairs of that kingdom. they had, however, never been able to attain their desire, because of the unwillingness of the chinese merchants trading at that port to take anyone--although whatever sum they should ask would have been given them--as they feared the punishment that would be inflicted upon them, according to the law of the kingdom. for security that no ill-treatment would be showed to these men, he offered to leave pledges to their satisfaction. the governor was very glad at this offer, for this was what he and all the inhabitants of the islands had been eagerly desiring for a long time. therefore he accepted it immediately, telling omoncon that he absolved him from his promise and pledges, for he was quite well satisfied as to his worthiness, and that he would commit no act unbecoming his person or office. the governor, very joyful over this news, at once summoned the augustinian provincial, fray alonso de alvarado, [27] who had been elected to this office but a few days previously. the latter was a man of very holy life, and one of those despatched by the emperor, our master, in search of nueva guinea. the governor informed him of the offer of the captain omõcon, whereat he greatly rejoiced, exclaiming that, notwithstanding his age, he himself would go. to this the governor wonld not consent, because of his age, and for other personal reasons. they consulted together as to who should go and who was most suitable for the matter in hand--namely, as we have said, to effect the entrance of our holy catholic faith into that kingdom. they resolved to send only two religious, for there were but few of them in the islands, together with two soldiers. the two religious selected were father fray martin de herrada, a native of pamplona, who had but lately been provincial, and was moreover a most erudite and holy man, who, with this very desire, had learned the language of the said kingdom, and who, to attain his desires, had offered himself many times as a slave to the chinese merchants, in order to be taken to china; and as his companion father fray geronymo marin, likewise a very erudite religious, and a native of the city of mexico. the soldiers selected to accompany them were named pedro sarmiento, chief constable of the city of manila, a native of vilorado, and miguel de loarcha, [28] both of as high rank and of as good christian life as were requisite for this matter. these latter the religious intended to take so that, if they themselves should stay with the king in order to preach the gospel to him, they might return with news of their success, and of what had been seen, in order to inform the governor thereof, and, if necessary, the king, our master. the offer of the captain omoncon, and the choice of the governor and the said provincial immediately spread through the city, and, amid great rejoicings, was approved by all; because those appointed were, as has been said, of so high station. all were assured that these men would fail in no point in what was charged to them, and would lose no opportunity. much more envy than pity was expressed, as this was a matter that everyone desired, especially for the service and honor of god--and secondarily for the advantage that would accrue to all of them, through the great trade that would ensue, and the despatch of so good news to the king. then the governor summoned those who had been appointed, to the presence of the captain omoncon, and told them what had been resolved upon, whereat they accepted their commission with much joy and expressed their thanks. as a mark of gratitude, the governor, in the presence of all, gave to omoncon himself a gold chain of excellent quality, and a most magnificent and well-made garment of scarlet cloth [_grana colorada_], which the latter held in high estimation, and which is esteemed much more in china, as they do not possess it in that country. in addition to this, he gave a suitable present to send to the governor of chincheo, who, at the king's command, had despatched omoncon in pursuit of the pirate; and another present for the viceroy of the province of ochiã, who resided in the city of aucheo. and in order that sinsay (who, as i said above, was a well-known merchant) should not take it ill or feel aggrieved, and that he might not be the cause of the undertaking receiving any injury, the governor presented to him another gold chain; for he had, moreover, well merited this, as he had ever been a faithful friend to the spaniards. then, at the command and order of the governor, all the chinese slaves whom limahon had in his possession and who were captured in the fort of pangasinan as aforesaid, were collected. these the governor gave to omoncon, allowing him to take them freely. likewise the governor ordered that the master-of-camp, and the soldiers and captains who were engaged at the siege, should deliver all those who remained there, binding himself to pay to the soldiers to whom such belonged, the appraised value of the captives. this done, he ordered everything necessary for the voyage to be fully prepared, which was done within a very few days. omoncon sets out with news of the pirate limahon's extremity, taking with him to china the augustinian fathers. chapter x. on sunday morning, june twelfth, in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred and seventy-five, the aforesaid governor and all the citizens assembled to go in a body to the monastery of st. augustine. here a most solemn mass of the holy spirit was said. at its conclusion and after all had entreated god to direct that voyage for the honor and glory of his divine majesty, and for the salvation of the souls of that great kingdom, which lucifer had so long possessed, omoncon and sinsay took leave of the governor, and of the others, thanking them for the kind treatment and the presents that they had received. in return for this, omoncon promised to remain their loyal friend for all time, as they would see by his deeds, and to take with him those whom he had of his own volition requested, and accepted with the security of himself; and said that he would suffer death rather than that any harm should come upon those in his charge. the governor and the others returned thanks for this new offer, giving omoncon to understand that they had the utmost confidence in his promises. with this they took leave of him, and at the same time of the religious and their two soldier companions, at which parting tears were not lacking on either side. they all embarked immediately on a ship belonging to the islands, one which had been prepared for this purpose; and left the port, accompanied by another chinese merchantman, which was at manila. in this ship sinsay embarked with all the ship supplies, in order to take them to the port of buliano, where omoncon's large ship was stationed, and in which the voyage was to be made. this vessel, as we have said above, had put into port because of the stormy weather. they arrived at the said port on the following sunday, for the weather had proved exceedingly contrary, and they lost sight of the said vessel that was in their company and carried the provisions. they found this ship anchored at the port, for, because of its deeper draught, it had sailed better and faster. they found in it, likewise, two spanish soldiers, whom the master-of-camp had sent from pangasinan (for he had seen, from that place, the aforesaid ship enter the port), with the order that the fathers should proceed thither. this order made the religious and soldiers fearful least the master-of-camp should try to detain them until the end of the siege of the fort should be seen (which was expected daily), in order that they might carry the pirate limahon with them, dead or alive. consequently, it was almost unanimously decided not to obey the order, and not to discontinue the prosecution of their voyage, so much desired by all, when each hour seemed a year; and as they feared lest something might prove an obstacle or hindrance to their purpose. but coming to a better conclusion, inasmuch as they were mindful of the excellent disposition and christian spirit of the master-of-camp--whom father fray martin had considered as a son; for he was the grandson of the adelantado legaspi, the first governor, colonizer, and discoverer of the filipinas, whom the father had accompanied from mexico, and had brought with him the said master-of-camp when he was still a child--they resolved to obey the order and go to take leave of him and their other friends in the army. for this purpose they left the port and directed their course to pangasinan, a distance of but seven leagues from the said port. and after they had sailed three leagues, so violent and contrary a wind struck them that they were unable to proceed, and were forced to return to the port of departure. they sent their unanimous decision with pedro sarmiento, by means of the vessel in which the above-mentioned two soldiers had come thither--inasmuch as, being small and furnished with oars, it could, without so great danger, and sheltered by the land, reach pangasinan more easily--in order that he might, in the name of all, give their compliments to the master-of-camp and take leave of him, and of their other friends. he was commissioned to request these not to forget in their prayers to commend them to god, and to ask that he would protect and aid them, that they might attain the consummation so greatly desired by all. he was enjoined to bring back with him the interpreter whom they were to take with them, namely, a chinese lad, baptized in manila and named hernando, who was thoroughly acquainted with the spanish language. pedro sarmiento arrived at pangasinan and carried out his orders to the letter. but the master-of-camp was dissatisfied with this, as well as the captains and soldiers with him, by whom the fathers and soldiers were greatly and deservedly loved. these determined to send a summons to the fathers, asking the latter to come to see them, since they were so near. when the fathers heard this message, they were not without the suspicion above mentioned. but inasmuch as they could not refuse to obey his order and civil request, they left buliano under a favoring wind--for the storm had abated by this time, leaving the sea somewhat rough--and arrived on the same day at pangasinan, where they were received with the utmost rejoicing by the master-of-camp and the others. their suspicion proved to be quite contrary to the others' thought; for the master-of-camp not only did not detain them, but sent them on their way with all haste, delivering to them immediately, according to the governor's order, all the slaves--whom the soldiers to whom they belonged surrendered willingly, when they understood the purport of the order. he also gave them the interpreter for whom they asked, and everything else necessary for the voyage. the master-of-camp begged omoncon by letter, for the latter had remained at buliano, to care for and protect them as was expected from him, and promised him the same thing as the governor in respect to sending the pirate, dead or alive, as soon as either end should be attained. he also petitioned father fray martin de herrada to take with him nicolas de cuenca, a soldier of his company, so that the latter might purchase for him certain articles in china. the father accepted this man willingly, promising to treat him as one of his own men, and to regard him as such. thereupon they set sail for the port of buliano, whence they had come hither, taking leave of the master-of-camp and the rest of the army, not without the shedding of tears, no less than by those at manila. the master-of-camp sent with them, to accompany the fathers and their companions, as far as the said port, the sargento-mayor, [29] who bore the letter to omoncon and a present to the same of provisions and other articles. furthermore, he sent by him two letters, one for the governor of chincheo, and the other for the viceroy of the province of ochian. in these letters he related the burning of limahon's fleet and the killing of many of his followers; and said that he held the pirate so closely besieged that escape was impossible, and that before long he must surrender; and that after taking him, either dead or alive, he would send him, as the governor of manila had written and promised them. two presents accompanied these two letters, namely, a silver vessel and certain garments made of castilian cloth--which the chinese value highly--besides other rare articles which the chinese do not possess. he made most courteous apologies for not sending more, because of being in his present situation, and all his belongings at manila. that same day they arrived, under a favoring wind, at the port of buliano, where they found captain omoncon awaiting them. the latter received the message delivered to him by the sargento-mayor in the name of the master-of-camp, for which he returned hearty thanks, and renewed the promises that he had made to the governor. [chapters xi-xxix inclusive treat of the departure of omoncon and the spanish priests and soldiers from buliano for china, and the experiences of the latter in that country. landing at the port of tansuso, in the province of chincheo, they receive a hospitable reception. from this port they journey to chincheo, the residence of the governor, by whom they are well entertained, and to whom they deliver the letters sent by the governor of the philippines. their next destination is aucheo, where the viceroy of the province resides. here also a cordial reception is accorded them, but they are regarded somewhat in the light of prisoners, the viceroy forbidding them to leave their lodgings, being fearful lest they discover some things in the city that might occasion future injury to the chinese. the present sent to the viceroy by the spanish governor is despatched to the king, because of a chinese law that "prohibits those holding a government office from accepting any present without the king's permission, or that of his council." the delays in obtaining a satisfactory audience with the viceroy become permanent upon rumors that circulate regarding new piratical depredations from one who is suspected to be limahon. the viceroy, suspecting that omoncon, sinsay, and the spaniards have lied to him regarding the pirate, determines, after closely questioning the fathers, to send them and the soldiers back to manila. accordingly these set out for tansuso, with a promise of better results after exact news of the capture or death of limahon. these chapters abound in interesting observations of chinese life, descriptions of cities, ceremonies, etc., and show the great liberality of the chinese in their gifts. several chinese plays are witnessed, one of which is described. all things interest these first spaniards in china, even the chinese compass "divided into twelve parts, and their navigation without sea-charts." they observe carefully, "delighting their vision with new things, that had never been seen before." chapter xxx relates their departure from tansuso and their journey toward manila, stopping at various islands on the way. at the island of plon, definite news of limahon's escape from pangasinan is obtained. chapter xxxi deals with the escape of limahon. this resourceful man constructs a few clumsy boats out of the half-burnt remnants of his fleet, which his men had brought into the fort at night, without being detected by the spaniards. with these he escapes to the island of tocaotican. "this news greatly distressed them all, especially omoncon and sinsay. these turned against our men, alleging that that occurrence and the pirate's flight smelt of mystery, and must have happened with the spaniards' consent, or because the pirate had given gifts to the master-of-camp, so that the latter would allow him to depart; and that it was impossible for him to escape from such a plight in any other manner, even had the spaniards been asleep." these suspicions are dissipated on their arrival at manila, forty-five days after the departure from tansuso, a run that should have been made in ten days. in chapter xxxii is told the return of the chinese to their own land. while in manila, certain of the chinese inquire into the tenets of christianity. they advise correspondence between the spanish governor and the chinese king with the object of allowing an entrance for the gospel into china. the chief officer of the convoy fleet is prevented from becoming a christian only through fear of exile and the confiscation of his property; for there is a "law in his kingdom which is adhered to strictly, and which forbids any one from embracing a religion at all contrary to that of the country, without the consent of the king and his council, under penalty of death." this law has caused certain chinese merchants to settle in manila. limahon ends his career on a distant island where he had sought refuge, dying of melancholy because of his reverses. a relation of the expedition to china was despatched to felipe ii.] second book of the second part of the history of the great kingdom of china in which is contained the voyage made to this great kingdom in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine by father fray pedro de alfaro, custodian in the filipinas islands of the order of the blessed st. francis, of the province of san joseph; and three other religious of the same order. the miraculous entrance into that kingdom, and all that happened to them during their seven months' residence there, and all they discovered and saw--all of which are most notable and interesting. the franciscan fathers arrive at the filipinas islands, and try to gain entrance to the mainland of the kingdom of china, with great desire to preach the holy gospel. chapter i. on the day of the visitation of our lady, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, there arrived from españa at the city of manila, in the filipinas islands, father fray pedro de alfaro, [30] appointed custodian of that province, with fourteen religious of the same order. they were sent by his catholic majesty, king don felipe, our sovereign, and his royal council of the indies, as helpers to the augustinian fathers--who, until then, had been occupied alone in the islands in the conversion of the natives, and had been the first preachers of the gospel therein, which they had preached with much zeal and to the great good of the natives. the said fathers had baptized, when the franciscans arrived, more than one hundred thousand of the natives, besides preparing and catechizing the others for baptism; and, in addition, preparing themselves so that at the first opportunity they might enter the kingdom of china to preach the holy gospel. after the franciscans had lived in the islands for the space of one year, busying themselves in helping the augustinians, and in the conversion and instruction of the natives, learning during this time through the reports of the augustinian fathers themselves, and from many chinese merchants who were constantly coming to the islands with merchandise, of the many wonderful things of that great kingdom and the countless number of souls, whom the devil held in his service, deceived with false idolatry--they were filled with great zeal and longing for the salvation of these people, and with the desire to go thither to preach the holy gospel, although it should be at the risk and peril of their lives. they made known this desire several times to the governor then in those islands for his majesty, namely, doctor francisco de sande, entreating his favor and permission to go to the said china, with certain chinese merchants then at that port with their vessels; and offered, of their own accord, to gain the consent of the latter, even at the price of becoming their slaves, or in any other manner possible. but as often as they discussed the matter with the governor, it was evident that he looked upon the idea coldly, and put them off with hopes. mindful of the fact that their chief purpose in coming from españa had been, to attempt to effect an entrance into that kingdom to preach the gospel, and having their desires heightened by their intercourse with the chinese themselves, since they were a nation of ability and discretion, and of excellent understanding--which quickened their desire, and persuaded them that it would be easy to make them understand the things pertaining to god--they determined to employ other methods, since that which they were trying to attain with the good will of the governor was so uncertain. it happened that, after several days, when they had discussed the matter, and had petitioned god with great urgency to guide and direct it as should be most to his service, and for the gain of those souls, a chinese came to the filipinas, who was, as they heard, one of the priests and religious of that kingdom, of whom a great number exist in all the towns of china. this man went to the monastery of the said fathers several times, and discussed with them the creation of the world, and other things which opened the way for the latter to declare to him matters pertaining to god, which he was much pleased to hear. after having told them in great detail of the magnificence and secret things of the great kingdom of china, for whose conversion the fathers had so great a desire; and after he had asked many careful and keen questions about the christian faith, he begged them urgently, at the end of several days, to baptize him, as he wished to become a christian. inasmuch as he had instruction in the tenets of our catholic faith, they granted his pious desire, to the incredible joy of all the inhabitants of the city, and to his own joy also. after becoming a christian, he became an inmate of the monastery, and would never eat anything but uncooked herbs; and when he discovered that all the religious arose at midnight for matins, and that they disciplined themselves, and spent much of the night in prayer before the holy sacrament, he failed no whit in imitating them, and in doing all he saw them do, and with proofs of very great devotion. all this aroused in the father custodian and all of his associates the longing to attain what they so greatly desired, as stated above. therefore they had recourse once more to the governor, and once more was explained, in most urgent terms, what had been already asked him so often; namely, in regard to his effecting some arrangement whereby the religious might go to the kingdom of china to preach the law of god, the father custodian offering himself as one of these. they stated that, if leave were not given them, they would go without it, on the first occasion that offered, relying on that given them by their superiors and by god to work for the salvation of their neighbors. neither all this argument, nor the example of the excellent spirit of the recently-christianized chinese, was sufficient to persuade the governor; on the contrary he clung obstinately to his former opinion, answering them that it was still too early, because our friendship with the chinese was but slight; and that already the augustinians had tried to effect an entrance to china many times, but had been unable to attain their desire--on the contrary, the chinese who took the latter with them had left them deceitfully on some islands--until the opportunity afforded by the pirate limahon and the coming of the captain omoncon. then the latter had conveyed them, with the good news of the straits to which the pirate was come; and notwithstanding this they were ordered to return from aucheo without being allowed to remain in the country to preach the holy gospel. and now to make this attempt would give the chinese opportunity to make daily jests of the spaniards. therefore they should wait until god should open the door for this entrance, at such time as his holy will should determine, which could not be much delayed. the father custodian having received the governor's reply, and seeing that he persevered in his obstinacy in not seeking means whereby they could effect their desired entrance upon the mainland, commenced secret negotiations, with the object of procuring, by all available means, some way of making the journey--even without the said governor's order, if no other way were possible. they set about this at once, for the father custodian and father fray estevan ortiz ortiz--religious, who with this intention had learned the chinese language, and could now speak it reasonably well--communicated their desires to a soldier, very devout in his worship, and especially well inclined toward them, namely, juan diaz pardo. this man had several times manifested and declared to them his great desire to perform some service for god, even at the risk of his life. he approved their desire, promising to accompany them until death. being thus agreed, they all went to discuss the matter with a chinese captain, then at the port with a vessel, who had come to their convent many times to question them about god and heaven, and who showed signs of an excellent understanding, seemingly consenting to everything with expressions of great pleasure and delight. they imparted their desire to him, beseeching him to lend his aid for its successful issue. he offered his aid, and promised to take them to china, on condition that they would give him some presents for his sailors. the soldier, juan diaz pardo, promised him everything that he wanted, giving him a few reals then and there as a token of good earnest. in order that this might be done without the governor or anyone else perceiving it, it was agreed that the captain should take his departure hastily, going to the port of bindoro, twenty leagues distant from manila, and there he should await them. he was to take with him the above-mentioned baptized chinese. the captain used all haste, and left for the port agreed upon. within a few days he was followed by the father custodian and his associate, and their friend the soldier. but, at their arrival, they found the chinese captain had reached a new determination, and neither gifts nor petitions could persuade him to fulfil his promises in manila. on the contrary, he returned them the earnest-money that he had received, and absolutely refused to take them; for he knew that, if he did, he would lose his life and property. seeing this, the recently-baptized chinese religious wept bitterly in his indignation and sorrow, because the devil had changed that captain's heart, so that the holy gospel might not be preached in that kingdom. the father custodian consoled him, and resolved to return to manila and to await another occasion, which they did. after they had spent several days there, it happened that the governor summoned the father custodian one day, and asked him for a friar to send to the cagayan river, whither he had but a few days before sent certain spaniards to form a colony. the custodian said that he would give him a friar, and that he himself would accompany the latter as far as the province of illocos whither he was going to visit the missions; thence he would despatch him to the cagayan river, as his excellency ordered. the father custodian asked as companions, for a guard during the journey, sergeant francisco de dueñas and the soldier juan diaz pardo (their friend, as above said), intending to go from there to china, as was done, and as will be told in the following. the governor, wishing to please him, granted this request, and the father custodian set out in haste, taking with him the above-named soldiers and one religious as associate, by name fray augustin de tordesillas [31]--he who afterward related from memory what had happened to them in china, whence has been taken this little relation. they arrived at illocos, where father fray juan baptista [32] and father fray sebastian de san frãcisco, of their own order, were busied in instructing the natives. this was on the fourth of june. the next day they held a council, at which it was unanimously resolved that all there should venture themselves to go to china to convert those pagans, or else die in the attempt. therefore it was decided to approach another soldier likewise of their company, named pedro de villaroel. they told him--without declaring their own intention, so that he might not disclose it--that, if he wished to accompany them and the two other soldiers, who were about to go together upon a matter of great service to god, and the gain of many souls, he should say so, and without asking whither, or to what end, because this could not be told until due time. he answered immediately that he would accompany them willingly, and would not abandon them until death. thereupon they all, with peculiar gladness, betook themselves to the vessel in which the father custodian and his associate, and the two other soldiers, had come thither from manila. this was a fairly good fragata, although supplied with but few and indifferent sailors. after all had embarked and had stowed away what could be collected in the short time at their disposal, for sustenance while on the way, they set sail on that very day, the twelfth of the same month of june, after saying mass and beseeching god to direct their voyage for his holy service. they set sail friday morning, and, although they attempted to leave the port, this was impossible, for the sea was running high and pounding so furiously upon the shoals, that they, persisting in the effort to offset it, were in danger of being wrecked. therefore they returned, very sad at heart, to the harbor, and there they remained that day. [the remainder of the second book (chaps. ii-xv) treats of the voyage of the franciscans to china, their stay in that country, and their return to manila. they are forced to return to the harbor for the second time on account of contrary weather, which so affects one of the priests, estevan ortiz, "that no entreaties availed to persuade him to finish the voyage they had undertaken. on the contrary he answers that he will tempt god no further, since these signs that they have seen are sufficient to prove that it is his holy will that they shall not make the journey at that time." on the fifteenth of june, however, the little band of three priests, three soldiers, and a chinese lad (as interpreter) taken in the siege of limahon, set sail from llocos, fearful of pursuit by the governor. reaching the chinese coast, they go ashore near canton, kneel down, and "with great devotion, chanted the _te deum laudamus_, giving thanks to god who had brought them so miraculously to the kingdom of china." they receive the freedom of the city after various investigations, the chinese officials believing the false stories of shipwreck that the interpreters tell for their own benefit. the portuguese at macao fail in their attempt to turn the chinese against the spaniards. hunger forces them to beg their food in the streets of canton; but the officials, on hearing this, order that provision be made for them from the royal revenues. by order of the viceroy, they journey to aucheo, but are speedily ordered to return to canton, to await a portuguese vessel, that they may be sent from the kingdom. on leaving china the little party separate into two divisions, the father custodian and one other going to macao, that they may there learn the chinese language thoroughly, while the other two return to manila, which is reached february 2, 1580 "where they were received by the governor and the rest with great joy, and their fault in having departed without leave was pardoned." the father custodian reports from macao a rich harvest field in cochin china.] [the first ten chapters of the "itinerary" [33] treat of the departure from spain of the franciscans (among whom was father martin ignacio), in 1580, their arrival in new spain, and matters relating to the new world. the voyage is by way of the canaries, of which a brief description is given; thence to san domingo or española, passing on the way the island desseada, or "land desired," and its neighboring islands--among the latter la dominica, inhabited by the cannibal caribs--and later puerto rico. the island of española is described, according to the knowledge of that day; and it is stated that therein "were, on the landing of the [first] spaniards, three millions of native indians, of whom only two hundred remain; and most of these are the half-breed children of spaniards and indian women, or of negroes and indian women." the journey continues by way of the intervening islands to cuba, and thence to mexico. this wonderful country is described briefly, with allusions to its history, social and economic conditions, etc. a digression is made to relate the discovery and first exploration of the province called new mexico, one of the fifteen new provinces discovered from mexico. the account of the voyage to the philippines follows.] departure from the city of mexico, and journey to the port of acapulco on the southern sea, whence they embark for the filipinas islands. the island of the ladrones is passed, and the condition and rites of the people there are noted. chapter xi. from the city of mexico they set out to embark at the port of acapulco, a place located on the southern sea, in nineteen degrees of elevation of the pole, and lying ninety leagues from the city of mexico, this entire distance being settled with many villages of indians and spaniards. at this port they embarked, taking a southeast course until they reached an altitude of twelve and one-half degrees. they did this in order to find the favorable winds (which in truth they found there), those called by sailors _brizas_--which are so favorable and steady, that, even in the months of november, december, and january, there is seldom any necessity for touching their sails. from this arises the so easy navigation through this sea. from this fact, and from the few storms here, this sea has been called the _mar de damas_ ["sea of ladies"]. a westerly course is taken, following the sun always, upon setting out from our hemisphere. journeying through this southern sea for forty days more or less, without seeing land, at the end of that time, the islands of velas ["sails"], otherwise called the ladrones, are sighted, which, seven or eight in number, extend north and south. they are inhabited by many people, as we shall now relate. _islands of velas, or ladrones._ these islands lie in twelve degrees of latitude. opinions differ as to the distance in leagues between them and the port of acapulco, for up to the present no one has been enabled to ascertain it with certainty, by navigation from east to west, and no one has been able to measure the degrees. some assert the distance of this voyage to be one thousand seven hundred leagues, others one thousand eight hundred. the opinion of the former is held to be more nearly correct. all of these islands are inhabited by light-complexioned people, of pleasing and regular features, like those of europe; although in their bodies they do not resemble the latter--for they are as large as giants, and of so great strength, that it has actually happened that one of them, while standing on the ground, has laid hold of two spaniards of good stature, seizing each of them by one foot with his hands, and lifting them thus as easily as if they were two children. both men and women are naked from head to foot, although some of the women wear bits of deerskin of about one-half a vara in length, tied about the waist, for decency's sake; but those who wear them are very few compared with those who do not. the weapons used by them consist of slings, and darts hardened by fire, both of which they throw very deftly. they live on fish, which they catch alongshore, and on wild beasts, which they kill in the mountains, pursuing them afoot. there is in these islands the strangest custom ever seen or heard of anywhere. a time-limit is imposed for the youth to marry, in accordance with their custom; and during all this period they are allowed to enter freely into the houses of the married, and to remain with the women, without receiving any punishment therefor, even if the very husbands of the women should see it. these youths carry a club in the hand, and when one enters the house of married people, he leaves this club at the door, in such a position that those arriving may easily see it. this is a sign that no one may enter until the club is taken away, although it be the husband himself. they observe this custom with so great strictness, that if any one should violate it, all the others would immediately put him to death. none of these islands has a king, or recognized ruler, to whom the rest are subject; therefore each person lives to suit himself. between the inhabitants of certain of the islands a state of hostility prevails, whenever occasion offers, as happened while spaniards were in the port of the said island. at the point where the spaniards anchored, as many as two hundred small boats filled with natives came to the ships to sell fowls, cocoa-nuts, potatoes, and other products of those islands, and to buy in exchange things carried by our men--especially iron, of which they were particularly fond, and glass articles, and other trifles. there was a great contest to see which of the canoes would reach the ship first, and their occupants came to blows, wounding each other as savagely as wild beasts, so that many died in the presence of our men. the matter was not settled until, for the sake of peace, an agreement was made among them, with many outcries that those from one island should do their buying on the port side of the vessel, and those from another island, on the starboard side. thereupon they subsided, and bought and sold to their hearts' content. then in payment for this good treatment, when they took their departure from us, they hurled their darts at the ship, wounding a number of men who were on deck. but they did not boast of this, for our men instantly repaid their daring with some shots from their arquebuses. these people esteem iron more highly than silver or gold. they give in exchange for it, fruits, yams, sweet potatoes, fish, rice, ginger, fowls, and many fine and well-woven mats, and all for almost nothing. these islands are extremely healthful and fertile, and will be very easy to win over to the faith of christ, if, on the passage of the vessels to manila a few religious, together with some soldiers for protection, should be left there until the next year. [34] this would cost but a moderate sum. their rites and ceremonies are not known yet, because no one understands their speech; and it has not been possible to learn it, since no one has been in these islands longer than while passing. according to all appearances, their language is easy to understand, for it is pronounced very distinctly. their word for ginger is _asno_; and for "take away that arquebus," they say, _arrepeque_. they have no nasal or guttural words. it is understood, from some signs that we saw them make, that they are all pagans; and that they worship idols and the devil, to whom they sacrifice the booty obtained from their neighbors in war. it is believed that they originated from the tartars, from certain peculiarities found among them which correspond to those found in that people. these islands extend north and south with the land of labrador, which lies near terra-nova [newfoundland], and are not a great distance from japon. [35] it is quite safe to say that they have intercourse with the tartars, and that they buy iron to sell it to the latter. the spaniards who passed these islands called them the islands of ladrones ["thieves"]; for in sober truth all these people are thieves, and very bold ones, very deft in stealing; and in this science they might instruct the gitanos [gypsies], who wander through europe. in verification of this, i will recount an occurrence witnessed by many spaniards, one which caused much wonder. while a sailor was stationed, by the order of the captain, on the port side of the ship, with orders to allow none to come aboard, and while he, sword in hand, was absent-mindedly looking at some of the canoes of the islanders--a sort of little boat all made of one piece, in which they sail--one of the natives plunged under the water and swam to where he was, quite unconscious of anything of the sort, and without his seeing it, snatched the sword from his hand and swam back with it. at the cry of the sailor, proclaiming the trick practiced on him by the islander, several soldiers with their arquebuses were stationed to shoot the native when he should emerge from the water. the islander on seeing this emerged from the water, holding up his hands, and making signs that he had nothing in them. for this reason those who were on the point of shooting him refrained. after a few moments of rest, the native dived once more, and swam under water, until out of range of the arquebuses--where, assured of safety, he took the sword from between his legs where he had hidden it, and commenced to make passes with it, jeering the while at our men whom he had deceived so easily. this theft, as well as many very adroit ones that they committed, has given these people the name of ladrones, and is the reason for calling all the islands inhabited by them by the same name. this appellation is easily pardoned as long as they find opportunity to exercise their evil inclinations. departure from the ladrones islands and arrival at those of luzon, or, as they are called also, filipinas; and the relation of some peculiarities of those islands. chapter xii. _island of luzon, and city of manila._ navigating almost two hundred leagues west of the ladrones islands, to the channel called espiritu santo, one enters the archipelago, which consists of innumerable islands, [36] almost all inhabited by natives, and many of them conquered by the spaniards, through either war or friendship. after sailing for eighty leagues, one reaches the city of manila, located on the island of luzon. here the governor of all the said islands, and his majesty's officials, reside generally; and here is the bishop and the cathedral church. this city lies in fourteen and one-fourth degrees. about it lie many islands, which no one has yet succeeded in numbering. they all extend northwest and southwest [sic] and north and south, so that in one direction they reach to the strait of sincapura [singapore], twenty-five leagues' distance from malaca, and at the other almost to the malucos and other islands, where a fabulous amount of cloves, pepper, and ginger is gathered, for there are whole mountains of these spices. the first to discover these islands were spaniards, who went thither with the famous magallanes, but did not conquer them, for they were more experienced in navigation than in conquest. therefore after passing the strait (which to this day bears his [magallanes's] surname), they arrived at the island of zubu, where they baptized a number of the natives. afterward at a banquet, those same islanders killed magallanes and forty of his companions. on account of this sebastian de guetaria [elcano], a native of vizcaya, in order to escape with his life, embarked in one of the vessels remaining from the voyage--afterward known as the "vitoria"--and with it and a very few of the crew who aided him, arrived, with god's help, at sevilla. thus they circumnavigated the world, from east to west, an event which caused universal wonder, and especially to the emperor carlos the fifth, our sovereign. after the latter had bestowed great favors upon sebastian de guetaria, he ordered a new fleet to be prepared, to seek those islands anew, and to explore that new world. as soon as this fleet was in readiness to sail, which was very soon, a certain villalobos was appointed as general of the entire fleet, and was ordered to sail by way of nueva españa. this villalobos reached the malucos islands, those of terrenate, and others near by, which had been sold by the above-named emperor to the crown of portugal. in these islands they had many wars, because of the portuguese; and seeing their feeble means of resistance, and how ill-prepared they were to prosecute the conquest, they gave it up. most of them accompanied the above-mentioned portuguese to portuguese india, whence they were sent, half prisoners, to the king of portugal himself, as men who had committed crimes, and had entered his islands without his permission. he not only did them no harm, but gave them excellent treatment, sending them to their native country, castilla, besides providing them fully with the things necessary for their journey. some years after that, king don felipe, our sovereign, with the desire to prosecute this discovery, attempted so earnestly by the emperor his father, sent an order to don luys de velasco, his viceroy in nueva españa, to prepare a fleet and crew for the rediscovery of the above-named islands. he was ordered to despatch in this fleet, as governor of everything discovered, miguel lopez de legaspi. all was carried out in obedience to his majesty's orders, and the discovery was made in the manner recounted at length in the first relation of the entrance of the augustinian fathers into china. these islands were formerly subject to the king of china, until he relinquished them all voluntarily, for the reasons expressed above in the first part of this history. the spaniards, therefore, at their arrival found them without ruler or seignior to whom they might render obedience. in each one of the islands, he who had most power and followers acted as ruler. and because there were many equally powerful, there was occasion for continual civil wars, without any heed to nature, or to kindred, or to any other obligation, just as if they were unreasoning animals--destroying, killing, and capturing one another. this aided and favored our spaniards to conquer the land so easily for his majesty. _the reason for calling the islands western filipinas._ the name filipinas islands was given them in honor of his name. the natives were wont to make captives and slaves with great readiness in illegal warfare, and for very slight causes. this god remedied with the coming of our spaniards. it was usual for a man, with forty or fifty associates, or servants, to attack a village of poor people suddenly, when totally unprepared for such an assault, and, capturing them all, to make them slaves, without other cause or right; these they would keep as slaves for life, or sell them in other islands. and should one loan one or two baskets of rice to another, of the value of one real, stipulating that it should be returned within ten days, should the debtor fail to pay it on the day set, on the next day he had to pay double, and the debt continued to double from day to day, until it grew so large that the debtor was forced to become a slave in order to pay it. the catholic majesty, the king our sovereign, has ordered all those enslaved by this and similar means to be freed; but this just order has not been obeyed entirely, for those who should execute it have some interest therein. all these islands were pagan and idolatrous. they now contain many thousands of baptized persons, upon whom our lord has had great mercy, sending them the remedy for their souls in so good season; for, had the spaniards delayed a few years more, all the natives would now be moors, for already some of that sect in the island of burneo had gone to these islands to preach their faith, and already many were not far from the worship of the false prophet mahoma. but his perfidious memory was extirpated easily by the holy gospel of christ. in all these islands they worshiped the sun, moon, and other secondary causes, certain images of men and women called in their tongue _maganitos_, feasts to whom--very sumptuous and abounding in great ceremonies and superstitions--were called _magaduras_. among all of these idols they held one, by name _batala_, in most veneration. this reverence they held as a tradition; but they knew not why he was greater than the others, or why he merited more esteem. in certain adjacent islands, called the illocos, they worshiped the devil, offering him many sacrifices in payment and gratitude for the quantities of gold that he gave them. now, by the goodness of god, and by the great industry of the augustinian fathers--the first to go to those districts, and who have toiled and lived in a praiseworthy manner--and by the franciscan fathers, who went thither ten years after, all these islands, or the majority of them, have received baptism, and are enrolled under the banner of jesus christ. those yet outside the faith are so rather for lack of religious instruction and preachers, than by any repugnance of their own. last year the jesuit fathers went thither, and they helped in the work with their wonted labor and zeal. now many more religious are going, very learned and apostolic men, of the dominican order, who will work in that vineyard of the lord with as great earnestness as they display wherever they go. account of certain remarkable things seen in these filipinas islands. chapter xiii. the inhabitants of these islands were accustomed to celebrate their feasts above mentioned, and to sacrifice to their idols, at the order of certain witches, called in their own speech _holgoi_. these witches were held in as great esteem among them as are priests among christians. they talked quite commonly with the devil, and many times publicly; and they worked many devilish witcheries, by word and deed. the devil himself, beyond any doubt, took possession of them, and then they answered to all questions, although often they lied, or told things capable of many interpretations and different meanings. likewise they were wont to cast lots, as has been related in the first part of this history. they were so superstitious that if they commenced any voyage, and at its beginning happened to see a crocodile, lizard, or any other reptile, which they recognized as an ill omen, they discontinued their journey, whatever its importance, and returned home, saying that the sky was not propitious to that journey. the evangelical law, as above stated, has driven away all these falsities, to which the devil had persuaded them. now there are many monasteries of religious established in their midst, of the orders of st. augustine, st. francis, and the society of jesus. current report declares that the number of souls converted and baptized in these islands exceeds four hundred thousand--which, although a great number, is but little in comparison with those still remaining. the rest fail to become christians, as i have declared, through lack of religious workers; for although his majesty continues to send them, taking no account of the great expense incurred therein, the islands are so many (and more are being discovered daily) and so distant that it has been impossible to send the necessary aid to all of them. the natives who are baptized receive the faith with avidity and are excellent christians; and they will be even better, if aided with good examples, as is incumbent upon those who have been christians for so long. but the actions of some of them make them so hated by the natives that the latter do not wish even to see their pictures. _a remarkable thing._ for proof of this assertion, and in order to induce those in authority to remedy this condition of affairs, i will relate here a strange but well authenticated occurrence in these islands, and a thing thoroughly well known in them all. in this particular island one of the chief inhabitants died a few days after his baptism. at his death he was very contrite for the sins that he had committed against god before and after his baptism. afterward he appeared, by divine permission, to many persons of that island, whom he persuaded by forcible reasoning to receive baptism immediately, declaring to them, as one who had experienced it, the reward of celestial bliss, which, without any doubt, would be granted through baptism, and by living thereafter in conformity to the commandments of christ. for this purpose he declared and asserted to them that, as soon as he had died, angels had carried him to glory, where only delight and happiness reigned, which arose solely from the sight of god. no one entered, or could enter that place, unless he were baptized according to the preaching of the castilians. of these latter, and of others like them, there was an infinite number there. therefore, if they wished to share in the enjoyment of those blessings and delights, they must be baptized first, and afterward observe the commandments preached by the fathers among the castilians. thereupon he vanished instantly, and they began to discuss what they had heard. on account of it, some were baptized immediately, but others delayed, saying that because there were castilian soldiers in glory, they did not care to go there, for they did not wish their company. all this injury can arise from one impious man, who presents one bad example. such a man, wheresoever he might be, and especially in those islands, should be reprimanded and punished severely by good people. when first discovered, these islands were reported as unhealthful, but later experience has shown the contrary. the land is exceedingly fertile, producing rice and grain in abundance, and goats, fowls, deer, buffaloes, and cows, with many swine, whose flesh is as good and savory as is the mutton of españa. there are many civet-cats. an infinite number of fruits are found, all very good and well flavored; and honey and fish in abundance. everything is sold so cheaply, that it is all but given away. the islands yield much cinnamon; and although there is no olive oil but that brought from nueva españa, much oil is made from ajonjoli [_sesamum orientale_] and flaxseed which is commonly used in that country, so that the olive oil is not missed. saffron, cloves, pepper, nutmegs, and many drugs are produced, besides abundance of cotton and silk of all colors, great quantities of which are carried thither annually by chinese merchants. more than twenty ships arrive in those ports, laden with the above-mentioned cloths of various colors; with earthenware, powder, saltpeter, iron, steel, quantities of quicksilver, bronze, and copper; wheat-flour, nuts, chestnuts, biscuits, and dates; linen cloth; escritoires worked in many colors, head-dresses, and thin cloths for veils [_buratos, espumillas_]; water-jugs, made of tin; lace edging, silk fringe, and gold thread, drawn in a manner never seen in christendom; and many other rare articles--and all, as i have said, very cheap. the products of the islands themselves are sold also quite cheaply; for four arrobas of palm wine--which, in the absence of grape wine, is found to be of excellent quality--can be obtained for four reals; twelve fanégas of rice for eight reals; three hens for one; one whole hog for eight; one buffalo for four; one deer for two, but it must be very fat and large; four arrobas of sugar for six; one jar of ajonjolí oil for three; two baskets of saffron for two; six libras of pepper or of cloves for one; two hundred nutmegs for one; one arroba of cinnamon for six; one quintal of iron or steel for ten; thirty fine porcelain dishes for four; and everything else may be bought at like prices. _a remarkable and exceedingly useful tree._ among the remarkable things seen by our people in those islands, and in the kingdom of china, and in other districts where spaniards have gone--one that has most caused wonder and fixed itself in the memory--is a tree called commonly the cocoa-palm. it is different from the date-palm, and with great reason, for it is a plant so useful and mysterious, that for instance, a ship has come to these islands, and not only the ship but everything in it--the merchandise, and the ropes, cordage, sails, masts, and nails--was made of this wood; its merchandise consisted of cloth, made from the bark with great dexterity and cunning. even the food for the crew of thirty men, and their water, came from this tree. the merchants in the ship testified that throughout the entire island of maldivia, whence they had come, no other food was gathered, nor is there any other food there, except that furnished by this tree. houses with their roofs are made also from it. the fruit yields a very palatable and wholesome kernel, whose taste resembles green hazelnuts. by cutting the branch where the cocoa-nut grows--this nut is the principal fruit, and each one contains, as a rule, one cuartillo of the sweetest and most delicious water--all that substance flows down into the trunk of the tree. this is tapped with an auger, and all the liquid is collected from the hole. a great quantity is obtained, which, mixed with other ingredients, makes an excellent wine. this wine is drunk throughout the islands, and in the kingdom of china. from the water alone, vinegar is made, and from the kernel, as i have said, a very healing oil, and a milk resembling that of almonds, and very palatable honey and sugar. the palm possesses the above qualities, together with many other virtues. i have told them in part, because it is so remarkable a thing, and a cause of wonder to all who go to those districts. i leave the rest unsaid, not to be prolix. near the city of manila, on the other side of the river, is a town of baptized chinese who have taken up residence there to enjoy the liberty of the gospel. there are many mechanics among them, such as cobblers, tailors, silversmiths, blacksmiths, and other artisans, besides a number of merchants. [the remaining chapters (xiv-xxvii) of the "itinerary" treat of the departure from cavite for china of seven descalced franciscans, three other spaniards and six natives, on june 21, 1582; their reception in china; their journeys in that land; their imprisonment, the passing of the death sentence upon them, and their deliverance through the agency of a portuguese. a further description of china follows, including observations on "the famous wall of the kingdom of china, which is five hundred leagues long," counting in the mountain between china proper and tartary. "the sea-coast of this kingdom is the longest and best in the world." its fauna, land products, and means of defense and offense receive attention. certain rites and ceremonies, social and economic conditions, and characteristics of the people, are mentioned briefly. the islands of japan are also described, and the origin of the japanese touched upon: as well as portions of the history of the people, their religion, and missionary efforts among them. mention is made of an island of amazons, the existence of which mendoza doubts. en route to lisbon, father ignacio and his companions pass from macao to malaca, the famous trading port of the east indies. slight descriptions of the various kingdoms of the east india district are given, including cochinchina, cambodia, and siam, "the mother of idolatry." thence the return is made via the cape of good hope, the distance comprehended in the circumnavigation being reckoned by father ignacio at nine thousand and forty leagues.] documents of 1586 memorial to the council, by citizens of the filipinas islands. santiago de vera, and others; [july 26]. letter to felipe ii. alfonso de chaves, and others; june 24. letter from the manila cabildo to felipe ii. andres de villanueva, and others; june 25. letter to felipe ii. antonio sedeño; june 25. letter to felipe ii. domingo de salazar; june 26. letter from the audiencia to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; june 26. letter to felipe ii. pedro de rojas; june 30. letter to felipe ii. juan de moron; june 30. measures regarding trade with china. felipe ii, and others; june 17-november 15. brief erecting franciscan province of the philippines. sixtus v; november 15. sources: all these documents, except in two cases, are obtained from the original mss. in the archivo general de indias at sevilla. the first document is taken in part from another copy which is preserved in the real academia de historia, madrid; and the papal brief is translated from the text given in hernaez's _colección de bulas_. translations: the first document is translated by james a. robertson, emma helen blair, and robert w. haight (of the university of wisconsin); the second, sixth and ninth, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the seventh, by robert w. haight; the papal brief, by rev. t.c. middleton, o.s.a., of villanova college; the remainder, by james a. robertson. memorial to the council memorandum of the various points presented by the general junta of manila to the council, so that in regard to each the most advisable reform may be instituted (in the first general junta ["assembly"], held in the royal buildings, three conclusions were reached: first, the requirements of the country and the necessity for this journey; second, the person who should make the journey; third, the necessity for convening other assemblies in order to treat more clearly and more specifically the matters which needed attention in detail. as the president and auditors could not be absent from their regular occupations, it was decided that thereafter should assemble for this purpose the bishop of the islands with one or two prebends to represent the cabildo of the church; one of the officials of the royal exchequer; the mariscal of bonbon; the master-of-camp, with two other captains, in behalf of the military; two regidors with two other citizens, representing the cabildo and city, and some procuradors from other towns of the island; the three superiors of the religious communities; and other religious men therefrom, who are learned, seniors in their houses, and men of experience in the affairs of the country. the president, auditors, and fiscal should be present at those times and hours when, as often happened, they were free from official duties. with the persons thus chosen, these assemblies and conferences were held for many days, and the proceedings were conducted with great care and deliberation. the following brief summaries of their conclusions were made, furnishing a more clear and intelligible review of these to the father [alonso sánchez] already mentioned and appointed, that he might carry these notes with him and thus give further information to his majesty.) [37] chapter first. of what concerns the spiritual affairs of manila and the filipinas 1. _that the cathedral of manila is constructed of wood and straw, and has nothing for other buildings or for ornaments._ [38] first: it was declared and resolved that his majesty should be informed that the cathedral of these islands has no buildings, ornaments, or suitable equipment for divine worship; nor has it any income or contributions for these purposes, or for sacristan, verger, or other necessary assistants. and being built of wood and straw, as it is, and so poor, weatherbeaten, and deprived of necessities, it is a reproach and a cause of loss to our faith and christian religion, and to our state and the men who rule the state, and even to the majesty and greatness of its king and sovereign--since we are in the gaze of so many pagans (both natives and foreigners), who come here from many regions, especially china, and who see and take note of this. 2. _that nothing is paid to the bishop and prebendaries from the royal treasury, or from tithes._ second: inasmuch as, on the one hand, the tithes are not paid, nor, on the other, has the royal treasury at manila the wherewithal to pay the bishop or prebendaries, or provide for curates or the said helpers, they cannot exist and live as their station demands; and neither in their houses and persons, nor in the service of the church and the methodical arrangements of the hours, [39] do they or can they observe, nor do they feel obliged to observe, the decorum due in all these matters--from which results the said diminution and loss of souls. the person who goes for this purpose will relate what he knows of this matter, besides what is here set down. 3. _that the prebendaries be supplied with the necessaries of life, or be exchanged for curates._ third: it was resolved that, if the tithes were not paid, whether his majesty ordered it or not, this evil should be remedied--as can be done, and is necessary--by another method. his majesty should order that the prebendaries be removed, or that no more be appointed; for they cannot live decently, or meet their obligations. if this shall be done, they can be exchanged for one curate and two or three beneficed priests, all with obligation to look after the souls of the spaniards and soldiers of this city, as well as of the many indian servants, workmen, and laborers who serve them, as now very little attention is paid to all these. 4. _the spanish hospital is very poor, and there are many sick._ fourth: his majesty should be informed that the hospital, established here in his name, has no money with which to help the many soldiers, sailors, and other poor persons who, engaged in service and labors for the king and those usual in this country, fall sick, and die in sadness and affliction. his majesty should provide money for a building, beds, food, medicine, attendants, and other necessities, bringing from nueva españa medicines and clothing; and in the islands be granted, for its income and expenses, another additional encomienda of one thousand indians--which, with the one it has now, will be worth six hundred pesos of eight reals each. 5. _that some income be granted to the hospital for the indians._ fifth: his majesty is to be informed that there is another hospital for the indians, which is in the same or greater poverty, and that there is no less necessity and obligation for aiding it--both because the indians are the ones who sustain it entirely by their products, toils, and tributes; and because many or all of those who go to the hospital fall sick from the hardships that they undergo in the service of the royal affairs, and for the establishment and conservation of these islands. 6. _that there is great need of religious; and that no new religious order come._ sixth: this declares to his majesty the great need for instruction, and that his royal conscience is not lightened, for our lack of ministers, and on account of the many people who are dying without baptism, and the many without conversion, and the many islands and provinces that cannot be pacified because of this lack. we ask that his majesty give imperative orders that religious be sent who belong to the three orders now here, and that no other new orders come here; and that they should come appointed for these islands, and for no other district. 7. _that, in order that instruction may be furnished, something be added to the tributes._ seventh: in order that instruction may be provided--not only where there is none, but also where there is some, but not sufficient--his majesty should cause something to be added to the tributes, and the rates of taxation to be cleared up; for now they are very much confused, and give rise to many quite serious scruples. and the tributes should be assigned in terms of castilian reals, for hitherto they have generally been collected by the standard of eight reals, and they could be raised to ten reals, provided that it be not permitted to compel the indians to pay in any assigned article; but that they be allowed to pay in money, if they have it, or if they wish to give it, or in any other sort of their products or means of gain, or as these shall have value. 8. _that tithes be paid, as is the custom in mejico._ eighth: in order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable, it should be announced that the encomenderos shall pay the tithes; and therefore they desire, and request his majesty to have these paid according to the custom and manner of mexico--for, as until now there have been no bishop, curates, or system in government, and no church, these have not been paid. and now, although to many it appears just, and they would do it, many more refuse to do it; and thus, between them both, nothing is done. chapter second. of matters pertaining to the city of manila 1. _that public property be given to the city of manila._ first: it should be suggested to his majesty that he cause some public property to be granted to this city, for all its affairs, of peace and of war, of government, conservation, and defense, and for suits that may arise in defense of it and its increase; and that, for this purpose, he cause that some indians be given to it, or something from the duties, or the warehouses or shops, which, on account of the chinese and other traders, could be applied to the public property of the said city. 2. _that the three per cent duty imposed by don rronquillo, be not paid._ second: his majesty should order that the three per cent duty, imposed by don gonçalo ronquillo, be not paid in this city, because of the extreme newness and poverty of this country; and because the citizens assist in many other matters that its newness demands, and these duties cannot assist at all in increasing and enriching the settlement and country. 3. _that no duties, especially on food and supplies, be paid at any port in these islands._ third: we ask that none of those coming from outside to the port or ports of these islands--as chinese, portuguese, japanese, siamese, burneans, or any others--shall pay any duties, especially on food, supplies, and materials therefor, so that the country may be advantaged and enriched; and because on account of these duties, the chinese experience many annoyances, and the frequency of their coming is hindered; and since thus result the inconveniences which, as his majesty orders by a decree, should not be allowed to occur. of everything else connected with this matter, the person who is going on this business will give information in detail, and as is required. 4. _that the inhabitants of the filipinas pay no duty in acapulco or anywhere else; and that no freight duty be paid._ fourth: his majesty should order that, just as, on all the goods sent to mexico from that city (sevilla--_madrid ms._), no duty is paid on the first sale, so on goods sent to acapulco or other places from these islands, none be paid; for there are more reasons and causes for such exemption in this country than there. we ask that, likewise, the freight duty of twelve pesos per tonelada, imposed by don gonçalo ronquillo on the goods of citizens of these islands, be not collected at acapulco. 5. _that the concession of paying the tenth only, instead of the fifth, on gold, be continued._ fifth: the tenth now paid by spaniards on gold instead of the fifth, conceded to them by his majesty, should be perpetual, or continued as long as possible, for the same reason--the increase and augmentation of the country and the christian religion. 6. _that the offices and encomiendas assigned be to the old citizens and soldiers._ sixth: the offices assigned by the governor of these islands should be given to the old citizens of these islands who merit it, who shall have been resident therein at least three years and are citizens of them. the same should be understood in regard to the encomiendas that his majesty orders to be given to the soldiers, and they should have resided here in actual military service and duty--for they suffer great hardships in gaining and pacifying the land, and afterward support it in its greater necessities and advancement; and always the encomiendas should be given to those among them who have most deserved these grants, paying attention to their length of service, along with the other considerations of greater or less services or benefits to the country. nor should they be given to the servants, brothers, relatives, followers, or persons recommended, whom the governors bring hither with them of late--who have not rendered any service to the country, and do no more than to enjoy the sweat of the natives--but to the old spanish inhabitants, who have suffered the toil, and now should reap the reward. we urge that his majesty rigorously enforce this upon the governors; for it is this which has most afflicted and ruined this country--because, as (those who have done nothing for it enjoy the reward--_madrid ms._) those who have served it are dissatisfied and desperate, neither they nor any one else who could do much will exert themselves, because they are without hope. 7. _that commissions and means of advancement be assigned to those have worked in this country._ seventh: the same course should be observed in all the commissions and means of gain on land and sea, and especially in the appointments of masters and officers of vessels, and in everything else--since, besides preserving equity and avoiding wrongs, this recompenses those who have toiled, gives hope to those present, allures the absent, and peoples, conserves, and betters the country. they [the council] should endeavor to be thus generous and conciliatory in this matter, as it is the thing in which there is most injustice, which is most keenly felt, and which causes most harm. 8. _that workmen and mechanics in manila be paid their wages here and not in mexico._ eighth: his majesty should order that all workmen and mechanics who serve for pay or wages in this country--such as sailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and any others (who remain and are needed here--_madrid ms._)--be paid their wages here, [40] according to contract; that the money for this be provided from the royal treasury of mexico, since the treasury here has but little; that what is to be given them there be paid here, as it will be of much more value to them, and will be the occasion of increasing the population of this country by those who will have trades, and will remain with hope, and do more and better work in every way. 9. _that there should be a ship-purveyor in manila._ ninth: that in place of the other third royal official of former days, his majesty appoint a ship-purveyor (who should not be a royal official), because the two officials of the royal exchequer cannot at present attend to this matter, which entails much work, along with the other things to which they generally attend. with this appointment the ships will be despatched better, and more punctually, and at less expense; for they can be kept in better equipment, and their condition known with exactness--and not as now, when this is not known, nor are they able to attend to all things. 10. _that there should be no commissary of the inquisition._ tenth: we ask that at present there be no commissary of the inquisition in this city or these islands, as they are so new, and have so few inhabitants, and are so far from mexico. for a commissary so far away, and in a matter of so great import and weight for the honor, property, and lives of men might cause so many wrongs; and many times it might happen in cases that, after all this expense, they will be set free in mexico. the person who is going [for us to spain] should give information on all these points. we recommend that this matter be left with the bishop for the present; or, at least, that one of the dignitaries with the bishop act as inquisitor, and that there be no commissary. chapter third. of the traffic of these islands, on which likewise depends their increase and conservation 1. _that no consignments of money be sent to the filipinas from mexico._ first: it should be related to his majesty that one of the things that has ruined this country is the great consignments of money that wealthy persons resident in mexico send here. these give rise to two wrongs: the first, that they advance the price on all chinese merchandise, so that the poor and common people of the islands cannot buy those goods, or only at very high prices; the second, that, since the shipments of goods [to mexico] are many and large, and the vessels few--at times (nearly always, in fact) not more than one--and, because of the great amount of ship stores required for so long a course, and the difficulty of the voyage, these vessels go but lightly laden, the citizens and common people cannot export any goods. we ask that his majesty ordain and confirm what has been ordained here by his royal audiencia--namely, that neither shall such consignments be sent from mexico, nor shall mexican factors or trading companies come hither from that country; but that only the citizens of these islands be allowed to buy and export to mexico the products of this land and foreign products. if any other person wish to do this, he should be obliged to become a citizen and reside here at least for three years; and he should trade with none but his own property, under severe penalties. these should include the confiscation of both such goods and his personal property, in addition to which he should not be allowed to carry any wealth to mexico; nor from there shall the money be brought which now the chinese take, so that their goods may be bought more cheaply, and with the products of this land. 2. _that purchases be not made from the chinese, at retail, but by wholesale._ second: we desire that, now and henceforth, neither the chinese nor other foreign vessels shall sell at retail, as is the custom at present, nor shall the inhabitants of this city be allowed to purchase in public or in secret, under severe penalties. we ask that, for the purchase of these goods at wholesale, there be appointed and chosen persons, so many and such as the affair requires, so that they alone may buy at wholesale all the goods brought by the chinese vessels, and afterward apportion them to the spanish citizens, the chinese, and the indians, by a just and fair distribution, at the rate of the prices paid for them, plus the other incidental expenses required. if his majesty order and confirm this, the prices shall be determined and established by the governor and persons whom his lordship shall appoint. 3. _that there be no chinese hucksters in manila._ third: from the above follows another very important matter--namely, that all the chinese merchants and hucksters should not remain here to hoard and retail the goods, as well as for the many other losses, and the lack of supplies that they cause in the city and land, and the secret sins and witchcrafts that they teach, of which the father will give a detailed account. moreover, the shops which they had and which are necessary for retail articles should, in the course of the year, be taken by the spaniards, so that the advantage may remain on our side, and so that there maybe opportunity for spanish citizenship and settlement. this cannot increase without such action, since there are so many chinese here; and it is desirable for many other advantages which will be attained here. outside the city there should remain, of the chinese, only the christians and certain other old inhabitants, who do not come and go, and are not wholly hucksters, but workmen--mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, and farmers--and others who trade in food supplies, who, collecting the food in the villages of the indians, bring it to this city. 4. _that the portuguese shall not trade with mexico or peru._ fourth: the portuguese should be forbidden, for the present, to make a voyage to or traffic with peru or nueba españa; for this country will be ruined, while that city (sevilla--_madrid ms._) will lose the duties on the voyages and goods, and the portuguese will take the silver to china, east india (cion, and sunda--_madrid ms._) and other foreign kingdoms. 5. _that the inhabitants of the islands may trade with piru or any other country._ fifth: we ask that the inhabitants of these islands may make voyages to japon, macan, and all other kingdoms and posts, whether portuguese or pagan, that admit our trade. 6. _that the audiencia be abolished, or paid from mexico._ sixth: the citizens of this city and of these islands are very few and poor to carry so great a burden as the royal audiencia, and the numerous expenses caused and incurred by its officials; accordingly if there are any reasons why the audiencia should remain, his majesty should allow their salaries to be paid from the treasury of mexico. the father will inform his majesty of the arguments on both sides, according to the detailed memoranda and the discussions and opinions expressed here. his majesty will take what action he deems suitable. chapter fourth. of other matters on which depend the establishment and increase of this state and kingdom 1. _that farming and stock raising be encouraged._ first: it should be brought to his majesty's attention that, up to this time, this country has had no adequate means of support--whether in estates, farming, stock-raising, or anything else that sustains and enriches countries; but that its first settlers came only to conquer and subdue what little there is, and that afterward all thought and care were transferred to traffic and gain. on this account all the country has remained uncultivated and unsettled; and it is necessary that an earnest effort be made to maintain what we now hold. to this end his majesty should undertake to send every year from castilla, nueba españa, or elsewhere, eight or ten married farmers with daughters; his majesty should pay the expenses of their voyage and settlement here, and provide here their houses and farm implements, and grant them other favors; and for this should issue very particular commands. he should be told that there are so extensive and so fertile lands, with abundance of wood and iron; and that there are many workmen and much game, and everything else needed by farmers. 2. _that the farmers and settlers be exempt from all taxes for a certain period._ second: all coming to settle and cultivate the soil should be exempt for the present from tithes, pecho, [41] and any other tax--with assurance and agreement that for the future, for such period as his majesty may consider advisable, they shall incur no molestation from the collector of tithes; and that each be furnished the assurance of exemption which shall be necessary with the church and other persons. 3. _that the spaniards and indians of the farms be exempt from war and other personal labor._ third: they, and all the indians who aid them or accompany them to their farms, should be exempt from war or other personal labor in boats or on buildings, or anything else that might hinder or fatigue them. 4. _that those coming as farmers be not allowed to change their occupation._ fourth: his majesty should order that those coming for this purpose shall not change or be transferred to any other pursuit or means of gain; but that they be compelled to do the work for which the above-mentioned, and what else shall appear necessary, is given, so that they may be forced to it with good reason. therefore, those who shall be sent should be of humble and low estate, and only fit for and accustomed to this work. 5. _that the indians accompany our farmers and learn farming_. fifth: the indian chiefs and timaguas should be ordered to associate themselves with our farmers by just contracts and division, so that they may grow to like and learn our method of farming, and that the spaniards may have someone to furnish them with people and other necessary aids--since these indians are sagacious and know how to look out for themselves with the farmers, especially if the latter be simple people, as above stated. 6. _that many cattle and horses be brought from china and japon, and that buffaloes be domesticated._ sixth: his majesty should give imperative orders that an effort be made to have many horses and cattle brought from china and japon; and that these farmers and the indian chiefs and villages, be ordered to domesticate and breed buffaloes. by these means they may have the animals which are necessary to cultivate the land, for their other work, and for food. 7. _that the encomiendas be granted with the obligation to cultivate them._ seventh: his majesty should order that, now and henceforth, the encomiendas be granted under this obligation and charge, namely, that the encomendero shall cultivate a portion of the land, and cause it to be cultivated, and shall induce the said indians and spaniards to do the same; that the governors attend to this with vigilance, and that they require from the encomenderos a certain number of animals, or so much cultivated land, or produce--either by themselves, or in company with the said chiefs and farmers. 8. _that dowries be established here, so that some women may be married every year._ eighth: for a larger and better settlement and increase, his majesty should provide for this land dowries and alms--amounting to four hundred or five hundred pesos, or thereabout, as may seem advisable to his majesty--so that every year ten, fifteen, or twenty women, brought from españa, may be married to the common people of these islands, such as soldiers and others, that thus the country may secure an increase of population--which it has not at present, for lack of women and marriages. 9. _that there be dowries so that indian women may be married to poor spaniards._ ninth: his majesty should assign other and lesser dowries, so that the indian women may be married to poor spaniards (soldiers and sailors) of the lower rank. in both these ways the country may be increased, in these regions so remote and so lacking in people. 10. _that offices be not sold._ tenth: his majesty should know that it has been proposed and intended here to have all the offices sold; and, if his majesty desire this increase, it is all the more important not only that he should order that no more be sold, but that even, if possible, those offices which were sold should be bought back. all the offices should be given to those who come here, and remain in lands so remote and of so few advantages. the offices include those of secretaries, notaries, alguazils, clerks of records, assayer, and any others whatever. no persons should come with appointments from españa, but appointments should be made here, as stated in chapter second, sections 6 and 7. 11. _that the encomiendas be of such extent that they may provide the taxes for tithes, instruction, and other expenses._ eleventh: we ask that, so far as the disposal of the land and the settlement of the indians allow, no encomiendas of less than eight hundred or one thousand indians be allotted, in order that there may be sufficient for the instruction, tithes, and other expenses--which cannot be covered in encomiendas of five hundred tributes, but which are necessary. his majesty should grant permission that those who possess but few indians may, if they so desire, dispose of and sell them to another and neighboring encomendero, in order that a larger encomienda may be formed; at present, this cannot be done. chapter fifth. of some matters pertaining to the indians 1. _that the indians should not pay the tenth on gold, either new or old._ first: his majesty should grant this grace and exemption to the indians--namely, that for certain years they shall not pay the tenth of their gold; for with this concession they would better conform to the law, and would have gold in greater abundance, and openly and above-board; for now they dig but little of it, and hide most of that, in order to sell it to other nations. although it has been ordained that the old gold be not taxed the tenth, yet, on the pretext of its being new, they tax it all, without the knowledge of the governor. this evil cannot be remedied among the alcaldes-mayor or other spaniards who are concerned in the matter; nor do even the governors care greatly about it, or remedy it. 2. _that, in the suits of the indians, the process be summary._ second: in their law-suits, proceedings should not be conducted with such preparation, and so great expenses and long terms, as are usual among the spaniards in a european chancilleria; but they should be summary, and only sufficient records be kept to give evidence, so that, in the future, no new suit can be instituted on the same ground. in regard to this the father will relate our difficulties, past and present and to come; and what the officers of justice do with the indians--and the same as regards the ecclesiastics. the indians should not be condemned to pay money fines, either for municipal purposes, or for charitable institutions; but other penalties in use among the indians should be imposed, such as lashes, service in the hospitals, and other labors. 3. _that the collection of tributes by force, and without any instruction being given to the indians, excites and disturbs the country._ third: his majesty should be informed of what has occurred in the collection of tributes from the disaffected or never-pacified encomiendas, and of how little heed is paid to his ordinances; and he should order them to be executed. such indians should not be compelled to submit; nor should all the tribute be collected from them, but only something as recognition, since they receive no benefit, nor know why it is demanded. thus they regard it as a theft, and us as robbers. severe penalties should be imposed on those who by only collecting the tribute each year and returning to this city, or by sending soldiers to do it as above stated (disturb the country and--_madrid ms_.) render it impossible that the country can ever be pacified. for this reason many districts of these islands are disaffected, and must be subdued, as burney, maluco, mindanao, and others near them. the same should be understood also in regard to the encomiendas allotted to the royal crown. this matter needs serious attention and correction. 4. _the difficulty of furnishing instruction in some of the pacified islands_. fourth: his majesty should be informed how little instruction is given in these islands, the difficulty of many [encomenderos] in furnishing it, and the much greater difficulty which arises from the topography of the country--because it is all islands, and several, or many, of them are so small that they do not allow an entire encomienda, since three hundred, four hundred, or five hundred tributes are not sufficient for the expenses of an encomienda; and many of these have only one hundred or two hundred tributes. to this difficulty is added the burden and danger of the voyage, the heat and rains, and the poor roads of the country. in regard to this matter should be stated whatever remains to be told; also the remedy that may be applied by adding to the tributes, and by making some islands dependent upon others, as his majesty may deem best. 5. _that a protector of the indians, with a salary, be appointed, who shall not be the royal fiscal._ fifth: a protector of the indians should be appointed, a christian man, and with authority to defend them, and prosecute their suits. in order to avoid the losses and expenses generally caused to the indians by protectors, because of their being common men, he should have a good salary; and the royal fiscal should not be the protector, because in his duties more cases against the indians than in their defense necessarily arise, and he cannot neglect to prosecute them. therefore it is advisable that the two offices be not merged in one person; and that the said protector be authorized to prosecute, even to the deprivation of encomiendas or other penalties, pecuniary or personal; that he have a voice and vote in the cabildo, both actively and passively; that he take precedence of the regidors and alguazil-mayor, and sit with the advocates and not with the prosecutors; that he be not an encomendero, and that the alcaicería [i.e., silk-market], and the care of the chinese residing in manila, be annexed to his office. chapter sixth. of matters pertaining to the soldiers 1. _the serious troubles and annoyances which result from the soldiers not being paid._ first: his majesty should be informed that the country is not settled or pacified, because it is poorly governed and has so small a military force. there is lack of men, and even the few that we have serve with no pay or means of gain, but with many hardships and dangers, and in extreme poverty and desolation, and worse than captivity, since they are forced to service without any pay or support. from this ensue many evils. the first is, that they do nothing, and they cannot and even will not do anything voluntarily; and in this alone they are lacking in natural loyalty and fidelity to their king. second: they go--poor, despised, disgraced, sick, and needy--to serve masters who are often mean, and persons who, although just to others, sometimes give these men no compensation. with such hardships, sorrows, and famine, and but few delicacies or provisions for their illnesses, many of them die, and that in great wretchedness. third: they try to escape, as often as they can--now to macan or to malaca, sometimes to maluco, but most commonly to nueva españa--under a thousand pretexts and excuses of being married, or sick, or bound to religion, and others. fourth: on this account, the country has so bad a reputation in mexico and in the other countries whence they might come, that no one of worth comes, but only very mean and worthless beggars, and destitute, shiftless, and useless fellows; and it would matter very little, and would even be better, if they did not come. fifth: it is a pitiable thing to see men of rank and quality, and gentlemen, who have come for private opportunities and objects, poor, ill-clad, without shelter, service, or food, and needy, enduring great hunger and shame for the sake of supplying these needs--in the same day dining at one house and supping at another. sixth: on this account, the captains and commanders neither dare nor can order anything freely, nor are the soldiers willing to obey; and therefore, not only is nothing accomplished, but there remains neither military order, nor respect for superiors, nor organization. seventh: they have no weapons, or, if they have them, they are compelled to pawn or sell them for clothing and food. eighth: on this account, many of them are almost forced to inflict injuries on the natives of the country in order to get food, and others to live with native women for the same reason. from all of these follows the ninth and greatest evil of all--namely, that the little that has been conquered has been so weakened that it is not growing, and shows no sign of future growth; and nearly all the rest is so disaffected, and without our having any opportunity or power to hold it, that not only will it remain as now, but it is even feared that the little already conquered will be ruined--especially as, besides the foe at home, there are so many surrounding enemies, those of japon, china, çian, patan, jabas, burney, and maluco, and other innumerable peoples. all this is in the utmost need of remedy, so that this spanish state may not be destroyed, and so many souls of the natives lost, and the glory of their creator and the knowledge of jesus christ effaced and forgotten. nor should the enlargement of so great lands and kingdoms, for so much gain, honor, and renown of our catholic sovereigns and of their faithful vassals, the spanish nation, be neglected. 2. _the great importance of paying the soldiers._ second: all this will be remedied, provided that his majesty order that, inasmuch as there is an evident and imperative need here for troops, and for their participation, as now, in the exercise and labors of war--conquering, pacifying, conserving, controlling, and anticipating dangers; carrying the responsibilities of presidios [i.e., fortified towns], garrisons, and sentries; and enduring other duties and hardships, greater in this country than in any other--they be granted what is just and necessary, either from the treasury of mexico or of some other country, or in such manner and method as his majesty may consider better; and that the pay be the ordinary rate that is paid in the yndias--or, if he chooses, even less. this will not only put an end to the said evils and annoyances, but will give rise to so great blessings; since the country will be quiet and settled, and there will be continual necessity for subduing and converting more lands, and conquering all of the neighboring islands and kingdoms. these will have the fear and respect that they ought to have for the power and might of his majesty, and for the spanish people--of which much has been lost and little gained of late years, because we have been so shut in and abandoned. 3. _that three hundred and fifty soldiers with six captains, six standard-bearers, sergeants, and corporals are sufficient for that country._ third: for the above object, it will be sufficient that his majesty maintain here three hundred or three hundred and fifty soldiers, with six captains, six standard-bearers, six sergeants, and twelve corporals, well drilled and equipped. this can be done in the yndias at the price of fifteen pesos [to each soldier], and to the captains fifty, to the standard-bearer twenty-five, and one thousand pesos of additional pay, to be distributed annually at the will of the general. 4. _that the soldiers should have no other duty or occupation_. fourth: we recommend that any one of the soldiers, on receiving an encomienda or other appointment, shall draw no more pay; and that while he draws pay, he shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, under severe penalties--for this lure and anxiety is the destruction of soldiers; it lessens and intimidates their resolution, and occupies them and distracts them from their proper aim, which is so necessary for the safety and increase of this land and of christendom. 5. _that the soldiers shall not be servants of the governors or others._ fifth: we recommend that no servants of the governors, captains royal officials or others, may be provided from any garrison of soldiers; but that all the latter be soldiers only, with the occupation and exercise of arms, or of what pertains thereto. 6. _that the exemptions of soldiers be observed._ sixth: the exemptions from arrest for debts incurred while a soldier, or from executions on weapons, horse, or anything else necessary and proper to the soldier, should be maintained. 7. _that the captains and commanders enjoy their privileges._ seventh: the captains and commanders should be protected in their privileges, by which they have ordinary power and authority to govern and punish the soldiers, and in all matters pertaining to the soldiery; and these powers should be granted to and exercised by them. 8. _that the governor and captain-general have a guard of twenty-four halberdiers._ eighth: twenty-four halberdiers should be given to the governor and captain-general, to guard his person and maintain his authority, as do those of the captain of malaca; for it is only by such display that due respect is inspired in the natives and foreigners, and their minds kept from planning revolts and treasons. it also confers authority upon the person of him who represents the person of our king, and increases the honor and reverence paid to him. to these guards should be given each month, from the royal exchequer, eight pesos and three fanégas of rice; and to the captain of the guard, twenty-five pesos. 9. _that those coming from mexico be soldiers, and not boys, or pages of the captains._ ninth: his majesty should order great caution to be employed as to who come from nueba españa, assigned and at his cost, that they be soldiers and bear arms: for those who generally come now are only young lads, mestizos, and even some full-blooded indians, and these without weapons; and many others are pages and servants of the captains and other persons, who--they and their masters--under the name of soldiers draw the pay. chapter seven. of the forts and presidios needed in this country 1. _that manila should be walled, and the ease with which this can be accomplished._ first: his majesty should be informed of the ease and cheapness with which stone buildings are made and can be made. he should urgently and imperatively order that this city of manila be enclosed with stone, on the side where that is needed, and on the other sides with water; that the fort be built where it shall be determined by the advice of all; and that a tower be erected on the point at the junction of the river and sea. the part where a wall is necessary is very little, extending from the beach to a marsh of the river--about sixty brazas; but it will never be done, unless his majesty so order. 2. _that until forts are built, the country will not be settled._ second: having this and the garrison for the fort, not only will the city be secure from the perils that have hitherto menaced it, and its present dangers from revolts; but the natives (like the chinese and foreigners--_madrid ms._) and the chinese, the foreigners, and all others, will cease to devour it, and will despair of our having to depart or perish, as they may desire, and of their hopes and designs (which they continually cherish--_madrid ms._) of expelling or putting an end to us. with this stronghold, the whole country will be greatly quieted, and the neighboring peoples will be afraid and have less inclination to resist, or resolution to attack the city. occasion will not then be given for either natives or foreigners to regard us as so barbarous and not able to govern--which they impute to the weakness and negligence of our king, when they see, as now, everything here so unprotected, with but one small wooden fort, dilapidated and liable to be burned easily in one hour, and, in another part of the city, part of a small tower begun with small stones (and, although belonging to an estate of the country, it remains unfinished--_madrid ms._), and that the city is, at the very least, in a ruinous state. 3. _five dangers that are feared from revolt, and their remedy._ third: there are five dangers to be feared from revolts or invasions. the first is from the natives, who are numerous, heavily oppressed, and but thinly settled; the second, from the chinese, of whom four or five thousand reside here, and have ingress and egress. the third is from the japanese, who make a descent almost every year, and, it is said, with the intent of colonizing luçon; the fourth from the inhabitants of maluco and burney, who are infuriated and irritated, and have quite lost their fear of us, having driven us twice from their lands; and it is feared lest they unite, as they have threatened, in order to drive us from our own. the fifth is from the english, who were in maluco and noted our weakness (who, when in maluco, had information of the weakness of manila--_madrid ms._). a fort is needed in ylocos or cagayan, as a defense against the japanese and chinese robbers; another in çebu, against burney and the malucos; another in panpanga, against the çanvales, or rebels. these with the fort of manila will give security, and at a very slight cost to his majesty, more than to order it, for materials are abundant, and almost all the natives are workmen. 4. _that there should be ships to ensure the safety of the islands._ fourth: besides these presidios, there should be some coasting galleys or fragatas, to make the coasts secure, and ward off the invasions of the japanese. they (are accustomed to come every year, chiefly to the region of cagayan and ylocos, to--_madrid ms._) rob and kill many natives, and seize the chinese vessels that bring us food and goods, so that much is lost, and commerce and plenty hindered. they also cause the chinese, returning from manila to their country, not to take the usual route; and they harm our indians by sea and land, as they do even now. the fragatas can also protect us against other chinese and bornean pirates; and against any other emergencies and dangers, from foreigners or from the natives. 5. _that no confidence can be placed in the natives._ fifth: in order that the necessity for these forts and presidios above mentioned may be understood, notification should be given that, with the arrival of englishmen or any other enemy, it would be necessary for the spaniards, for lack of these forts, especially in manila, to seek refuge and be dispersed inland. there, beyond, any doubt, they would all be killed, or run great risk of it, because the indians of the philippinas are knaves (very warlike; and the spaniards and soldiers have so harassed them, on account of having no pay or food, that--_madrid ms._); and as they receive so many wrongs and such ill treatment from the soldiers (who can almost be excused for doing it, by their poverty), if they had such an opportunity, they would kill as many as possible, since even now, without having such occasion for it, they never lose any opportunity, and daily kill spaniards. chapter eighth. of the expeditions and pacifications necessary 1. _that much can be gained, and many christians made, at but little cost._ first: to his majesty should be declared the new mode and new circumstances in which we can justly make (and they have been made for several years) expeditions and pacifications in this land. he should know that this may be done with few troops, and at slight cost, and with great facility, and the advantage that will be gained if the troops are paid and under military rule; for the land is so divided into many islands, and between many petty rulers--who quarrel easily among themselves, and ally themselves with us, and maintain themselves with but little of our assistance. in all this, his majesty has a very extensive equipment for performing great service to our lord (and doing good to so many souls--_madrid ms._), and in extending the christian religion and the church, and his royal name, in lands so strange, and broad, and thickly populated. 2. _how little establishment has been made in the country._ second: inasmuch as this pacification can be made justifiably, there is the utmost need for it (even in the very region where the spaniards reside and travel--_madrid ms._), both for the spaniards and some christians, since it is all so disaffected and unsubdued for lack of troops, as above stated, and because they have not the necessary pay. thus even in the island of luçon are provinces that have never been conquered, or which, although once subdued, have revolted again--as those called çagayan, pangasinan, playa onda, zanbales, balete, cataduanes, and others, surrounding and near manila. these are mixed up with the pacified provinces, and thus it is neither all done nor to be done, for the want of a little system and provision. 3. _the obligation to protect those already converted._ third: not only is it necessary to establish the said equipment and system, but it even appears that his majesty has an obligation thereto, because of the so great service that he has rendered to god by the conversion of so many souls, who are under his royal protection, who exceed two hundred and fifty thousand in number. by not being able to protect these, they are suffering at present great hardships and wrongs from the disaffected and unpacified natives, who daily attack and kill them, and burn their houses, crops, and palm-trees. on this account, and because they kill also many spaniards, not only are our present conquests not extended, but they are daily diminished; and there is grave danger, as above stated, of losing them altogether (of the christian population being exterminated--_madrid ms._). 4. _the many peoples that can be pacified now--a thing which it will be impossible to do later._ fourth: besides the said provinces, which in many places are in revolt, between ourselves and those already converted, are others, which, although not so near in distance or in the disposition of the people, still cannot be called new discoveries, because they are already known and studied. daily they are becoming more deteriorated and perverted; and it will be necessary for their good and our safety to pacify and rule them--which later will be very difficult or impossible to do. these provinces are ba[bu]yanes, the island of hermosa [formosa], the island of cavallos, lequios, the island of aynao [hainan], jabas, burney, paraguan, calamianes, mindanao, siao, maluco, and many others. 5. _that the governor be empowered to make expeditions._ fifth: his majesty is informed that, on account of these conditions in the country, it is here unanimously considered necessary that the governor of manila should have authority and power to make these expeditions and this pacification at the cost of the royal exchequer, in the most important cases that arise (and are continually arising), if he consult as to the law with the ecclesiastics and lawyers, and, as to the execution of his plans, with captains and with men of experience and conscience. he should also seek counsel in regard to the other important details, in order that the expenses be only those necessary, and such as shall produce results. for lack of this power, in lands so remote, and since he must wait so long for the proceedings of the council, and a reply from españa, when the reply comes most important opportunities will have passed, and great difficulties will have resulted; and no matter how important these things may be considered here, seldom is there anyone who pays any attention to anything except his own individual concerns. (as for this country, every one looks after his own interests and enrichment, and there is no longer anyone who will spend a maravedi, even if the country is endangered--_madrid ms._). 6. _that the governor may be empowered to entrust expeditions by contract to other spaniards._ sixth: in order that this may be done more easily, and at less cost, the governor should be permitted to make agreements and contracts with captains, encomenderos, and other persons who wish to coöperate with the king, to undertake these expeditions at their own expense, or partly so, as may seem most advisable--for there are and will be many persons who, although not able to make them at their own expense, can make them with this aid. and in such contracts the governor should have power to concede and grant, on the part of his majesty, appointments and titles of governor, adelantado, mariscal, and other honors which are and have been conceded, in the yndias, to such men. chapter ninth. of other matters common to indians and spaniards 1. _that his majesty should aid in atoning for the wrongs inflicted by the first conquerors._ first: his majesty should be informed that, as this country has been recently conquered, the majority of the first conquerors are still alive, who inflicted great injuries in their expeditions; and that as either the indians on whom they inflicted them, or their heirs, are likewise living, or at least the villages and provinces remain, the confessors refuse to absolve these conquerors unless they pay, each one the whole amount _in solidum_, or all together unite to pay it. this they can never do, as it is a vast sum, and because many are dead, or gone, or poor, so that those remaining are but few; and an exceeding great sum is assigned to them, which they refuse, or are unable to pay, except with great injury to themselves, and many of them being left poor and in their former condition. they beg that, since these wrongs were inflicted in gaining the country for his majesty, and as they remain but little or no richer thereby, and because these are damages inflicted in the act of conquest, his majesty will aid them with a certain sum of money--in order that with what the conquerors are prepared to give, the indians may be recompensed, and they themselves may be confessed and at peace with themselves and the ecclesiastics; or, at least, that his majesty write to the pope to grant a bull for the adjustment of this matter. this he may concede, so that each one may comply by paying what wrong he thinks he has done, and not the whole; and they request that what they have restored hitherto at the advice of their confessors for pious works be taken into account (of the total sum of which they are uncertain), especially when an indian, or his heirs, of those aggrieved is not alive. 2. _that many encomenderos do not furnish ministers of instruction._ second: his majesty should be informed that although certain of the encomenderos, fearful of their consciences, strive to furnish the necessary instruction in their encomiendas, there are others who furnish none (many others who will not furnish any--_madrid ms._), or not the amount necessary, notwithstanding that there are enough ministers (who reside in the encomienda--_madrid ms._). thus they do not lighten the burdens on the conscience of his majesty, to whom belongs the country, and to whom it pertains to furnish instruction, and thus to justify the chief argument for collecting the tributes. this requires rigor on the part of his majesty, in order that the indians, since all can be and are so assiduously compelled by their encomenderos to pay tribute, may and shall be also instructed; for up to this time there are encomiendas which have been peaceably paying their tributes for fifteen, twenty (twenty-five--_madrid ms._) or more years, without ever having seen a minister or hearing one word about god; and who cannot imagine why they are paying tribute, unless it be by sheer violence. and, in the same way, there are many others, who are disaffected and pay by sheer force of soldiers and arquebuses, and by compulsion, etc. the principal reason for their disaffection is that they have not ministers; for there is nothing that settles and calms the indians better than the treatment of all alike, and mildness, and an upright life, or at least to see that one has not an evil intention. the ministers also serve as a check on the encomenderos, collectors, and other spaniards, who go among the indians, and cause the usual altercations and scandals. and since there is no means besides force, even for the temporal, that his majesty can use, and so that the pacified may not become disaffected, and that the disaffected may be held in check, severe and forcible measures should be taken to see that this instruction is given them. his majesty should decide whether the encomenderos (who, in order not to spend money, do not furnish instruction) can collect the entire amount of their tributes, or he should inflict upon them what penalty he deems advisable; and he should decide--if, in order that they may furnish the instruction, it is necessary to increase the tributes somewhat--whether it can be done, as stated. 3. _the injuries inflicted in the collection of tributes._ third: his majesty should be informed of the great lack of system and the confusion existing in the collection of tributes, and the many injuries inflicted on the indians by the spaniards and their great opportunity for inflicting them; for, as he who made the assessments in die beginning was not a lawyer (as the first governors were not lawyers--_madrid ms._), nor acquainted with the mischief that could happen later in the collections, he rendered them very confused and vexatious. although, in its general understanding, and in the usage of the first years, it is seen that the tribute amounted to the value of eight reals, paid in what the indian possessed and desired to pay, still in certain words and clauses regarding the assessments and the articles which they fix as payment for the tributes--such as cotton cloth, rice, and other products of the country, or three mayces of gold and one fowl--opportunity is given for the lack of system now existing, each one collecting as he pleases, with great offense to the indians, and harm to the country. for when gold is plentiful, and reals scarce, they ask for reals; when the latter are plentiful, and there is a scarcity of gold, they ask for gold, even when the indians have to buy it; and when crops are plentiful, they ask for money, but when these are lacking, they ask for produce--such as rice, etc.--even all that the indians have, and they are compelled to travel great distances to try to buy it at high rates. thus, where the tribute is eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, on account of the value of the articles that they demand, which they compel the indians to search for and bring from other districts. through this the indians endure so great oppression and distress, that, on this account, several provinces have revolted, and others will not pay, except by force and with much disturbance. all, including the encomenderos themselves, desire that this matter be cleared up; but the royal audiencia did not care to meddle with it, as it is a matter of tributes, and pertains solely to his majesty. it is necessary that the tributes be in the standard of castilian reals, paid in money, or in the produce of the soil, as the indian has them, and as he chooses, provided that their value remains. 4. _that his majesty order the spaniards to release their indian slaves._ fourth: although many of the spaniards (all the spaniards who have tender consciences--_madrid ms._), have, in obedience to his majesty's decrees, given up the indians whom they held as slaves, many others still retain them--forbidding them to have house or property of their own, or to live in their own villages and doctrinas. [42] a new decree is necessary, so that an end may be put to all this pest, as was done in nueba españa and piru. 5. _that the enslavement of indians by other indians be regulated._ fifth: his majesty is informed that all the chief and wealthy indians, and even many of the common people among them, have and continually make, many slaves among themselves, and sell them to heathen and foreigners, although the slave may be a christian. it is ascertained that of the twenty and more different methods of enslavement not one is justifiable. although in regard to those who are recently enslaved, and are known, reform is easy, still regarding the many held from former times, the bishop and all his assistants are in great doubt and perplexity, because, on the one hand, they see that the indians possess and inherit the slaves from their parents and grandparents, while on the other, the ecclesiastics are certain that none, or almost none, of the slaves were made so justly. therefore, hardly any learned and conscientious religious is willing, not only to absolve, but even to baptize or marry the indian, unless he gives up his slaves; for these generally are, or were, stolen from other countries, or taken in unjustifiable petty warfare, or made slaves for very small debts--of which the majority admit no other payment than their enslavement--others by usury and barter according to their custom, and by other methods, even more unjust than these. it is necessary for his majesty to ordain some method so that, now and henceforth, at least those who are under our control, may make no more slaves; that children born to those who are now slaves, or appear to be slaves, should be born free; that those that wish to redeem themselves may do so at a price adjudged reasonable by arbitrators; and that those held at present may not be sold to pagans, or to indians not subject to his majesty. 6. _the annoyances to the indians from lawsuits and the preparation therefor._ sixth: his majesty should prevent the annoyances and troubles suffered by the indians from the ministers of justice--alcaldes-mayor, deputies, notaries, and alguazils--by the many suits that they stir up among them, not only about events occurring since the advent of the spaniards and a government, but also about events of former days, occurring in their heathen condition, and regarding their ancestors; these may be either civil or criminal. and these are not summary cases, but are conducted with all the preparation made in a chancilleria of españa; and as the ministers of justice and their assistants are so many (and as there are so many alguazils, attorneys, secretaries, reporters, summoners, notaries, clerks, and servants of all these--_madrid ms._), and the indians are so poor, ignorant, and cowardly, the latter spend their entire substance (all they have is quickly consumed--_madrid ms._), and they are left without any property or any conclusion to the suit, which keeps them frightened and uneasy. the encomenderos and ministers of instruction, who see the spiritual and temporal scandal occasioned to the indians, desire that his majesty remedy this; and the same is desired by the president and auditors--although one says that, without an order from his majesty, no summary process can be conducted, but that justice must take its ordinary course. chapter tenth. of the advice necessary to the religious who come to manila and go to other countries 1. _that the religious leave the islands for other countries without orders from the governor or bishop._ first: his majesty should be informed of the disorder in these islands which arises from the religious being allowed to leave them whenever they wish, and for any place where they choose to go, and that they have gone four times, without permission of governor, bishop, or any other authority in the islands--saying that, by the full power given them by the pope, whosoever shall hinder them will be excommunicated. by these departures they have caused and are causing many losses, and are gathering no harvest of souls. 2. _the injuries caused by the departures of the religious._ second: the injuries on the part of the islands are, that the religious, whom his majesty sends from españa at so much cost to himself, declare, as soon as they have arrived here, that they do not come for the islands, but for china; and therefore they do not give themselves to the language of the indians, or intercourse with them--but rather, to give color to their own acts in traveling farther to satisfy their curiosity and see new lands, they speak evil of the natives and of the country, thus giving it a bad name, in speech and by letter. they prevent religious, soldiers, and settlers from coming from españa and mexico, while in the islands they disquiet the other religious with desires to travel farther, or to return; and they rouse and excite the seculars and soldiers, so that, moved and deceived by the same curiosity; they should furnish them with fragatas and equipment, and go with them. therefore, religious, soldiers, and vessels leave the islands--all of which has cost his majesty so much money and causes great want. 3. _the wrongs committed in the countries where the religious and the seculars go without orders._ third: the injuries on the part of the countries whither they go are not less, because those people are all disturbed and offended, and consider the religious as spies and explorers. therefore they are continually preparing defenses and building fortifications, as those in china have done, who have added many war vessels and garrisons, because of their suspicions of these departures. and, as these religious go without order or provision, they cause our affairs--of both religion and war--to be held in contempt and ridicule; and the foreigners arrest the religious and soldiers, to whom they offer many insults, while they keep the fragatas and their cargoes--as they have done five or six times. 4. _the difficulty caused by thinking that china and other kingdoms can be converted, since it is not so._ fourth: likewise one may reckon as a harm and a serious difficulty the settled opinion formed in nueba españa, castilla, and roma, through letters, that china or cochinchina, canboja, sian, and other districts, will be converted. therefore, it is necessary that his majesty be undeceived and that people in europe [nueba españa, etc.] should be informed that, after all these departures, an embassy was sent by order of the governor, the bishop, and the community, who traversed all those kingdoms, even malaca, yet now they are all more tightly closed than ever; while the religious, who have gone without orders, have accomplished nothing more than to be insulted and maltreated, and to leave the pagans more haughty and more on their guard. 5. _that no secular person may leave the islands, nor give the religious aid to leave them._ fifth: it is very needful, for a reform of the said disorders, that his majesty order the governor of manila, under severe penalties, that no secular spaniard may leave the islands for any place or for any business, or furnish a fragata, supplies, or any other aid to any religious in order that the latter may leave the islands, without showing a special order from his majesty, from the governor, bishop, or any one else whom (or, in manila--_madrid ms._) his majesty may consider a suitable person. 6. _that the religious come from españa and mejico for the islands, and for no other place._ sixth: his majesty should order that, now and henceforth--since all the mainland is so closed, and there is, on the other hand, in the islands a very wide open gate for the increase of christianity and of his kingdoms--the religious coming from españa and mexico shall come assigned for the philippinas islands, where there is the greatest abundance of souls. many who are already baptized, are yet without instruction or ministers; many others pacified, and yet to be baptized, are daily asking for baptism; and there are an infinite number of others to be pacified, who have no knowledge of god--all for lack of ministers; and it is a most serious error that, while this land is so ready, all thought is centered on china, which is wholly averse to the faith; and its doors are closed against it. this is the, art of satan, so that neither the one nor the other may be effected. [43] the proposed entry into china, in detail first: the person who is sent as an eye-witness will give his majesty a brief relation of the vastness of china, of the abundance of its fruits and provisions, of the richness of its merchandise, and the great quantity of gold and silver, quicksilver, copper, iron, and other metals; of the immensity and certainty of the treasures, and the infinite amount and variety of the products of the handicrafts and of human industry; and, above all, the endless things that may be said about the people and their life, health, peace, and plenty; and how, with and by all this, there is offered to his majesty the greatest occasion and the grandest beginning that ever in the world was offered to a monarch. here lies before him all that the human mind can desire or comprehend of riches and eternal fame, and likewise all that a christian heart, desirous of the honor of god and his faith, can wish for, in the salvation and restoration of myriad souls, created for him, and redeemed by his blood, and now deluded and possessed by the devil, and by his blindness and wickedness. second: if we, who are here, and see and hear these things, should neglect for any consideration whatsoever--either to escape the labor, anxiety, danger, and cost, or for any other reason--to advise his majesty of this and to persuade him to undertake so grand a work, we would fulfil neither our duty to heaven, which we owe to god and to the souls of our kinsmen; nor the faith and loyalty, which in such a juncture we owe to our king, our religion, and our fatherland. surely, we should all be known as vile-spirited cowards, and men of little valor, since, standing on the threshold that bounds so much good, we are content with the little we now possess; and by dint of idling and amusing ourselves with the little that we have here, we fail to look or reach for an object so important for the world, for god, for our king, for ourselves, and above all for the people of this country. third: let his majesty come to a decision in this matter, for we who dwell here know that either this matter must be left, and entirely given over, and lost forever, or it must be taken up now, because the chance is slipping by, never to return. thus, a few years ago, it might have been accomplished with no labor, cost, or loss of life; today it cannot be done without some loss, and in a short time it will be impossible to do it at any cost. for the chinese are each day becoming more wary, and more on their guard. they are even laying in munitions of war, fortifying themselves, and training men--all which they have learned, and are still learning, from the portuguese and our people. seeing the portuguese in that country, and us here, they are fearful, and especially so from the accounts the portuguese give them of us, telling how we go about subjecting foreign lands, overthrowing native kings and setting up our own, and that this has so far been our sole object in coming, and other things that the father has heard from the mouths of the mandarins themselves, and which he will recount. besides, there is the passage of the fragatas, which they have seen on their way from here to macan, having met nearly all of them in their ports or with their fleets; and, most of all, the course of affairs in these islands, which, if it were presently made known, would be understood in such wise as to destroy all hope of success. fourth: further, if, for their sins and ours, the doctrine of mahoma comes into their country--and it has already spread over nearly the whole of yndia as far as malaca, samatra, javas, burney, maluco, lucon, and almost all other lands--if it should get a foothold there, and some have already entered there, it would be an insurmountable obstacle, not only to cleansing the soul from such an obstinate error, but to winning the land; because they will enter straightway and teach the use of arms, munitions, and the science of war. of the right and ground for this entry first: as for the right and justification which we have for entering and subduing this land, the father who is going to españa will discuss and explain this to his majesty, as he has considered it long and often with the castilians here, as well as elsewhere with the portuguese of yndia, china, and of japon, with all persons of scrupulous conscience and broad experience; and he knows what all of them think of this project. his majesty may think it necessary to learn what the father has heard and known and felt respecting the fight and ground which exists, or may exist, both for the preaching of the gospel, and because of the injury that we from day to day sustain, and for the sake of these islands, but much more on account of macan and the portuguese. of the necessary means for this entry; and, first, of the personnel and troops first: considering the condition and climate of the land of china, and its populace, it will be necessary and sufficient for ten or twelve thousand men to come from españa, either spaniards, italians, or other own subjects of his majesty; but try to have them, as far as possible, biscayans. if possible, the expedition will set out with an addition here of five or six thousand japanese, and as many visayans, who are subjects of his majesty in our islands, and are a spirited and sturdy people. second: although there are persons here of great valor and experience, yet for so great an undertaking they are few; and some captains and persons of tried capabilities must come from españa, as so great an affair demands--since it can only be carried out if picked noblemen are brought over, who are prouder of the glories of war and honorable deeds for their god and their king and the world, and of the fame of them, and who have little lust for other gain or sordid lucre. third: the governor of these islands should also be the commander of the expedition; and he should be some great person, superior in rank to all the rest, of whatever nation they may be, with whom he may have to deal in this expedition, or anything pertaining to it in these parts, whether they be portuguese or castilian. in the allotment of the offices and positions, the veteran captains and soldiers should be preferred, and especially the castilian and portuguese citizens of these islands, who have merited it by their loyalty, labors, and services, both because they have won and kept this land and because they have had much experience with the country and the people. besides they are already acclimated and used to the country, its climate, heat, and rain; wherefore their help and counsel should be highly valued, and they deserve recompense and preference in every way. fourth: the troops sent should be infantry with arquebuses, corselets, and pikes; and, besides, a few musketeers. fifth: crews for four galleys should be sent, with skilled boatswains and foremen for them. sixth: there should be sent, as soon as his majesty comes to a decision, three or four artillery founders. seventh: his majesty should then order the viceroy of yndia to send here, or give to whomsoever may go there for them, five hundred slaves, because they are so plentiful and cheap there. eighth: there should be sent from españa one or two machinists for engines of war, and fire-throwing machines, and a few artisans to make pitch (with some already prepared), as there are materials here for it. ninth: there should be some master shipwrights for building galleys and fragatas with high sides, which are the best kind of craft for this purpose. in the island of cuba lives francisco de gutierrez, a neat workman, who built pero melendez's boats, that proved the terror of the french. tenth: a captain should be sent ahead with orders from his majesty, and with a mandate from the general of the society of jesus for his religious in japon, that they may receive him and further his mission. he should bring sufficient money to pay the troops that are to be brought from that country and take them to an appointed place. they should be paid a ducat or twelve reals a month, or even less. arms and supplies needed first: besides the regular arms to be brought by the soldiers from españa, there should be, for emergency, a number of coats of mail, and arquebuses; and, above all, five hundred muskets and three or four thousand pikes, a thousand corselets, and a thousand burgundian morions from nueva españa. second: good flints and locks for the arquebuses can be had here cheaply; but the barrels must be brought from españa, and should be all of one bore, so that the same bullets may be furnished for them. third: from china we can procure very cheaply copper, saltpeter, and bullets; and in this island are ample mines of copper and sulphur, [44] and all the requisites can be bought cheaply at various places. it is said that the necessary tin and saltpeter can be obtained cheaply and in abundance. fourth: there must be brought from yndia two thousand quintals of cordage, which will cost two thousand pesos or as many ducats. this will make a saving of considerable money, and at the same time the cordage will not arrive frayed and worn out by the hard journey from vera cruz to mexico and thence to acapulco, over mountains, valleys, and rivers. the anchors and necessary grappling tackle should be brought from the same country, together with the slaves already mentioned. fifth: from nueva españa should be brought cloth (gray and other colors, and mixed) for the protection of the troops in seasons of rain and storm, for the country is rather cold and very wet. _item:_ there should be blankets and garments for the sick, and other necessaries. sixth: have his majesty send two hundred thousand pesos to cover and provide for these and many other things, and pay the japanese, and other incidental expenses. seventh: have the commander of the expedition bring a number of presents to win over some of the mandarins and other persons of importance; and for this have brought from españa velvets, scarlet cloths, mirrors, articles of glass, coral, plumes, oil paintings, feather-work, globes, and other curiosities, and some red and white wine for the same purpose. what can be and is provided for here in the islands that his majesty may understand that his subjects truly wish to serve him in this country in so important an undertaking, and that he may grasp more clearly what is being done and provided for here, it is described in the following. first: at the meeting of the junta here, consisting of the president, auditors and fiscal, with the bishop and other persons before mentioned, when this project was discussed, all decided that so serious a matter, and one of such possibilities, should not be put off with no more action than sending immediately to discuss it with his majesty; the necessary preparations were commenced here at once, and it was universally resolved with considerable enthusiasm and serious purpose, that, on account of the lack of money in the royal treasury, and the country being so impoverished by the previous fires and the loss of the ship, they would draw from the money of intestates held for heirs [_caxa de difuntos_], of which there was about ten or twelve thousand pesos, and thus begin the work. they contracted with the chinese to bring copper, saltpeter, and other materials. the casting of artillery is commencing now, and the securing of powder and ammunition; for if his majesty should not choose to take up this enterprise, nothing will be lost by this, and it will suffice the chinese that the duties were put at three per cent on whatever materials they bring for implements and munitions of war, and supplies needed here. second: a ship will be sent to malaca to bring the tin and saltpeter needed in addition to that procured in china and powder, and a number of slaves to aid in the foundry work and other labors. third: the five thousand visayan indians of these islands will be brought together, and some good troops with the necessary arms. fourth: in whatever port of the islands the fleet is to enter, there will be ample accommodations, and full supplies for their reception; and, if they come to cagayan, there are several advantages. first: they will come directly from españa, without danger from islands, shoals, or the like. second: the river has a good bar and four braças of water and more, at low tide. third: it is on the china side, a two days' sail distant. fourth: it is nearest xapon, hermosa island, and lequios. fifth: between there and china there are so many islands that the trip can be made in boats, and a close and quick communication can be kept up, and it is easy to repair any accident. sixth: there are thereabout several islands, called the babuyanes, where there are swine, goats, and fowl in abundance, and considerable rice. seventh: there is in the land great store of swine and fowl, and excellent hunting of buffalo and deer, which are so common that two thousand large casks [_pipas_] of meat can be brought down in a few days. eighth: warehouses can and will be built there sufficient to hold a hundred thousand fanégas of rice, which is the staple food of this country. ninth: there is great abundance of fish, as healthful as meat. tenth: the wine needed will be brought there in great plenty, being palm wine, and very good. and from china can be brought what is called _manderin_, which is very good and cheap, and is much drunk in the islands. eleventh: there will be a supply of jars of biscuit and flour. twelfth: kidney beans, even better than spanish lentils, are common in the islands. thirteenth: there will be made here a supply of sandals of _anabo_, which is an herb like hemp, of which rigging is made for ships. there is also a great deal of cotton. fourteenth: linen cloth for shirts, doublets, breeches, hose, and other things wrought of linen, is very common and cheap here, both of domestic and chinese make. fifteenth: in cagayan there is abundance of wood for all kinds of vessels that may be built; this is true as well of all the other islands; and nearly all, or at any rate the greater part of the indians, are carpenters and smiths. sixteenth: iron for nails, which is brought from china, is plenty, and so cheap that five arrobas (a chinese quintal) are worth eight or ten reals. seventeenth: cast-iron cannon-balls for large and medium-sized guns are furnished by the chinese, who sell them at two or three reals apiece, while the manufacture alone costs eight or ten reals here. eighteenth: the indians of these islands are already very skilful in making ships and fragatas with the assistance and labor of a few spanish carpenters, who furnish them with plans and a model; they make them so quickly and cheaply that a vessel of five or six hundred toneladas can be built for three or four thousand pesos, as some have already been. nineteenth: above all, if his majesty wishes to take up this enterprise seriously, the encomenderos of these islands will provide him with fragatas, men, and money, as they have always done for the expeditions when occasion offered; and this they have done and will do, so gladly and loyally, that his majesty is bound to make this expedition, since the readiness and desire for it are as great as the result in spiritual and temporal good which is hoped for, both for his majesty and for the rest. the route to be taken by the fleet it should be known that there are four routes which may be followed. first: from sevilla to nueva españa, passing via mexico to the port of acapulco. second: coming from sevilla to nombre de dios and panama. third: coming by way of the cape of good hope, to malaca, and thence by macan to cagayan. fourth: by the strait of magellan. this last, by the strait, is the best and shortest of all, no unusual danger or obstacle being found on this passage. have this matter considered and conferred upon, with our sentiment in regard to it, and what is thought over there, and settle on the safest and best the reasons why we who are here think that this is the best route will be explained by the person who accompanies this. it were best that the portuguese help in the affair first: it is important that his majesty give the portuguese a part in this conquest, because they could greatly aid by the experience that they have of the seas, lands, and people of these regions. their army should not come together with the castilians, nor should the assault be made from one side alone; but they should go by canton, and the castilians should go by way of chinchio, as nearly as possible at the same time. second: his majesty should appoint as commander of the portuguese fleet a person of such rank as to be above the viceroy of yndia, or at least, in no wise dependent upon him; for it is the universal complaint of the portuguese that the viceroys always hinder these great projects, or turn them to their own profit by bringing into them their kinsmen and dependents, or by other private interests such as are usual among various persons, and are never lacking. third: this person should have his majesty's definite and explicit command, empowering him to take from yndia, and from any fortress or city in yndia, so much as may be needed, not only of troops but also of money, munitions, ships, and all other necessaries. fourth: this person should have an understanding with the commander of the castilian expedition both as to the time of the attack, and whether they should meet later during the conquest, and for whatever other question might arise between them during the progress of the affair, which should need settlement. this should be very clear, leaving no room for dissensions. fifth: if the japanese who are to be taken on the expedition do not wish to join the castilians, and prefer to go in with the portuguese, since they already know them, and likewise because they get along better, and the portuguese treat them more as equals than is permitted here [they may do so]. but if they wish to go with the castilians, let them come to cagayan, and this will be arranged with them and with the fathers of the society of jesus, who are to act as guides. [45] sixth: his majesty should procure and bring about that the general of the society of jesus should command and ordain to the fathers in japon, not to hinder the bringing of this reenforcement of japanese, and whatever may be needed therefor; and to this end he should send a father sufficiently commissioned, who should be an italian. seventh: at the proper time and juncture, which will be before the news of the expedition has come to the knowledge of the chinese, the fathers of the society who are within the borders of china, in the city of joaquin, should be withdrawn, that they may give information to the armies about what they know of the country, its strength, and its military forces and supplies; and whatever other dangers or reasons for caution they have in mind. they will also serve as interpreters, and persuade the chinese to allow the spaniards to enter in peace, and to hear and receive the preachers, and accept the religion sent them by god. they will tell the chinese of the protection which his majesty desires to offer them, so that they may receive the spaniards without fear; and how great a favor he is doing them in freeing them from the tyrannies of their mandarins, and relieving them from the yoke of slavery that they at present bear, leaving them in freedom of body and soul, and exacting nothing but an acknowledgment for this gracious act. to this end the fathers should write many chapas, and scatter them over the whole of china, and be of use in any other way that their years of life in the country may make possible. these should be the instructions of the general of the society of jesus to his commissioner. eighth: let it be known in españa that as the voyages of the portuguese to the east and the castilians to the west should and must be made and end at the same time, the movement of the winds is favorable to them; for the portuguese can come to macan at the end of may, and during the whole of june, when the first junks usually come from maca, and the castilians will arrive at cagayan at the same time. ninth: those arriving first should send a dispatch-boat to the point, to meet the other fleet. this can be done by two or three routes, for at that season very small and light boats can be navigated; and the distance is not great, about one hundred and fifty leagues on each side. of dangers, and risks of great misfortunes to be known and guarded against by his majesty on this expedition first: if the number of troops in both armies were small even though well armed and equipped, since the chinese are so numerous, they will be deluded and offer resistance; and as the spaniards are brave fighters, the havoc and slaughter will be infinite, to the great damage of the country. therefore an effort should be made to have the troops so numerous, well equipped, trained, and strategically handled, that there will be no chance for resistance; and their mere presence and a demonstration will suffice to cause the chinese to submit, with no great bloodshed. in this way there will be no danger that the spaniards, finding themselves surrounded and pressed by such a multitude, incited and urged on by the mandarins, should cause appalling havoc and cut them down, thus harming agriculture and lessening the population of the country. second: do not let them come so few in numbers, or ill armed and supplied, undisciplined or insubordinate, as to cause any danger of confusion, discouragement, or desertion, in parts so remote as these, as this would be the ruin of the expedition; or they would go about it in such a way as to preclude success, and leave the chinese our declared enemies, meanwhile losing our reputation and the bright hopes we now have of getting the port of macan and a passage to japon. there would then be no hope of the christianization which depends on intercourse with them, and we should lose the riches which are secured from canton, and spread throughout all yndia and portugal, together with the returns of the public granaries, and a great many other advantages. third: let his majesty take great care and consider well whom he sends with this expedition, both the captains, leaders, and commanders of it; for it is very probable--nay, almost certain--that if this be not done, things will fare just as they did in the island of cuba, and in other countries that were once thickly peopled and are now deserted. if the spaniards go into china in their usual fashion, they will desolate and ravage the most populous and richest country that ever was seen; and if the people of china be once driven away, it will be as poor as all the other depopulated yndias--for its riches are only those that are produced by a numerous and industrious people, and without them it would not be rich. fourth: his majesty should know that the government of that people is so wonderful, both for restraining and keeping in order so great a multitude; and because, although lacking the further light and aid of the faith, it is maintained with such peace and quiet, so much wealth, happiness, and plenty, that never since its foundation, so far as is known, has it suffered war, pestilence, or famine, in the main body of the realm, although there are wars on the tartar frontiers. if that government were destroyed, they must suffer all these evils, wherefore they should be kept under that or a similar government. to appreciate the importance of this, one need only observe how, in the rest of the yndias, the laws and institutions of the natives have been trampled down, and even our own have not been preserved. in this way the peoples have been ruined and the country depopulated, to say nothing of the injury to souls, bodies, and fortunes, and the propagation of the faith, respectively. this is a grievous ill, the worst that his majesty or those perpetrating it could suffer; for he is left without dominions, or with deserted ones, and they without recompense or profit, save that which is no sooner won than exhausted. fifth: let it be known and understood that what has heretofore been said and decreed respecting preprations for war is not meant to convey the impression that we should or could act as if we were dealing with turks, moors, and other races who are unfriendly, and the declared enemies of our belief and our king. for these people neither know nor understand it, and are not ill-inclined. the forces are to be sent merely to escort and protect the preachers of the faith and subjects of the king who sends them, and to see that they are allowed to enter the land, and may preach where they choose and consider it needful, and so that those who hold the government shall not hinder the others from hearing and receiving the doctrine. they will see to it also that conversion shall go on without intimidation, and without danger that through threats of punishment any of those already converted should relapse or apostatize. sixth: we realize here with what caution and moderation the entry must be made, as the king has provided fully, clearly, and in a christianlike manner in his ordinances which relate to incursions and discoveries. but this is never complied with in the conquests, because they are always conducted by poor persons, not carefully chosen, and whose christianity has not been put to the test. the cure for this and all the evils, dangers, and injuries that we have described, and many another most grievous one, is that the commander of the expedition be a man of approved christian zeal and clemency; free from all covetousness, and eager for the honor of the service of god and his king; by nature humane and full of zeal for the common good, and for the salvation of souls. the same things should be looked for in so far as possible in the other leaders, counselors, and commanders; and they should be men who would be bowed with shame and dishonor at being guilty of deeds unworthy a christian and a noble man. seventh: if this be not looked after thoroughly, and effective measures taken for its remedy--both with respect to the personnel, as has been said, and the heavy punishment that should be ordained and decreed, and in due time executed--his majesty will have, after heavy losses and labors, nothing for his pains but the loss of his honor, wealth, people, vessels, and arms, which are taken from his realm, where they are so badly needed, and yet are sent away to ruin a land and desolate a people--the richest and most opulent in temporal goods that could be owned, and in spiritual possibilities, of all those that have been discovered. the result would be that, either by the judgment of god, to avert so many evils and the ruin of so many people and of so good a government, the army and the expedition would be destroyed; or else, if the land be won, the conquest would entail the destruction and ruin of all that might have been gained, and naught would be left but the seeds of perpetual sorrow. of the gains from this conquest, if it be rightly done the first of the many and enormous benefits of this conquest, if it be rightly ordered and carried out, is that the knowledge of god and of jesus christ his son, our lord--which has commenced in these lands so remote and distant from the church and the support of the catholic kings; and which is at present so narrowly constrained and little disseminated in these islands, and is in danger each day of coming to an end, if thus neglected--will not only be spread over great realms, but by this means will be so well founded, and so widely extended, that it shall never be ruined or extinguished; but it shall remain and persevere in this new world with the glory and fame, before god and man, of that king, who, by his zeal, diligence, and liberality, has accomplished what no other monarch of the world has done. the second: no one, if he has not seen it, can imagine or comprehend the infinite multitude of souls that will thus come to the knowledge and adoration of their creator. today they are in the utmost darkness and neglect of him, and in the greatest subjection and servitude to the devil that exists upon the earth--through their great idolatry, wickedness, and bestiality, which arises entirely from the great abundance and the bounty of the land. the third: much less can one realize without seeing it, how--apart from the corruption of sin, depravity, wickedness, and inveterate customs--how kind, honorable, content, gentle, pleasant, tractable, and easily governed these people are by nature; and how all china, with but one stock, is so great and populous, and so much intercourse is carried on in the greatest peace, regularity, quietness, justice, and order, that has ever been known or discovered in the new world or the old--and this with no aid from the divine light, or any fear of punishment or reward, but by the mere strength, or rather gentleness, of a good native government. the fourth: in this way our customs will, or at least may, be introduced, together with the articles of our faith, with the utmost ease, both because of their gentleness, and because of their great intelligence, and mental capacities, wherein they have a clear and marked advantage over us. the fifth: it will be necessary to establish immediately a large number of schools, where our writing, language, and literature may be easily and quickly learned, having them abandon their own, which are extremely difficult, so much so that even they cannot understand them while still children. these are a diabolic invention to keep them busy all their lives with their whole minds, so that they can neither go on to other sciences, nor can others teach them, without first ridding them of this hindrance. once rid of it, not only the children, but even the grown persons of all ages will learn our letters, language, and literature--as well on account of the ease of our writing, and the relief from the burden of the other, as because of their natural aptitude, the gentleness of their dispositions, and their natural adaptability to guidance, when there is a hand to guide. the sixth: from the beginning a large number of churches and monasteries will be founded, not only for the purpose above mentioned, but especially to instruct in our faith, doctrine, and mode of life. the seventh: there will be no difficulty in pacifying and converting the peasants, countrymen, and villagers, who are so numerous that nearly all the land is covered with villages; for they are quite simple and unsophisticated, and suffer great oppression and tyranny. with the women, who are very numerous, there will be even less difficulty in introducing the faith, because of their virtue and great reserve, which is remarked by all who know of them--to such a degree that they lack only christianity to be much beyond us in all matters of morality. the eighth: it will result in time in preventing the entry of the cursed doctrine of mahoma, which has already infected almost all the other realms, and its establishment there, which would be an easy thing, as the chinese are so sensual and full of vices; and if it once enter that country, the conversion of souls will be extremely difficult, and the conquest of the land almost impossible, for this wicked belief renders men obstinate in its retention, and ferocious in its defense. the ninth: and it makes us sad here to think that if this opportunity be let slip, all hope will be lost of the greatest conversion of souls and acquirement of riches that ever lay within the power of man, just as we have lost so many great realms in yndia, which have so strengthened and fortified themselves that little or nothing remains of them. [46] and these benefits, in particular, will be lost. of other especial advantages first: not only is that country sufficient for its own maintenance, but his majesty can also, with what he will obtain from it, check and menace all our old enemies. for he can easily exact every year, without injury to any one, five galleons--built and rigged, equipped with artillery and munitions, and even loaded with materials and military supplies. further, if the chinese are well treated and paid, from them will go the men necessary to work the ships; they are no less industrious and capable than our seamen, as we consider them very expert in the portuguese ships. second: those vessels, or as many others, can be loaded every year with gold, raw silk, and all sorts of silken fabrics--taffetas, satins, damasks, etc.; with musk, chests inlaid with ivory, boxes, wrought and gilded curtains, and whatever kinds of furniture, appliances, ornaments, and jewels are used by man; and many a web of linen cloth, of every sort and kind. thus there would be no necessity for bringing to españa, as is now done, these goods from foreign lands; and our money and wealth would be retained in españa, as it now is not. third: many persons who have seen them know that the towers of the treasure-house are of gold and silver, and of great size. they tell us what abundance of silver goes into general use because no other money is current, and how so much comes in continually from other countries and never goes out; and that is besides the many and exceedingly rich mines of the country. they say, too, that the king will not allow the mines to be worked, in order that trade and the culture of the soil may not cease. for that reason silver is continually carried into the country, and that contained in it is not carried away--on which account, they say, that metal remains there as a treasure. fourth: the amount of the rents and taxes, and profits which his majesty can enjoy, from the first, from general sources, is very great--and that without injury to the civil and local government of the country. he will gain this through the mere respect for his universal sovereignty; and the protection and introduction of the faith, accomplished at his own cost, care, and diligence; and through the obligation to maintain and defend not only the faith, but good and firm government, in order to preserve it. fifth: the number of encomiendas that can be divided and distributed among our people will be great; and so rich are they that each person on whom one is conferred can maintain, worthily and liberally, the others who remain there. and his district would be so extensive that, if he chose to apportion it to each of his followers, he would have enough to provide for all, without any person being neglected. sixth: there will be many and very different offices and dignities of administration and justice which his majesty must establish, to bestow upon his vassals. seventh: there will also be many captaincies and subordinate places, and military offices, and employments for the soldiers; and with these three kinds of opportunity a great part of the spanish people could come to reside there, and be ennobled, and the country could be placed on a very substantial and safe footing. eighth: since the people are so clever and intelligent, with agreeably fair complexions and well-formed bodies, and are so respectable and wealthy, and have nothing of the indian in their nature, they have the advantage of us in everything except salvation by the faith, and courage. and since the women are exceedingly virtuous, modest, and reserved, and are very faithful wives, very humble and submissive to their husbands; and as they are even more graceful, beautiful, and discreet than are the women of spain; and as they are wealthy and of good standing--it will be a very simple and ordinary proceeding, and very creditable and honorable, for them to marry (as some are already doing in macan) the spanish captains, merchants, and men of all classes. these will become noble with their wives, and will be settled and established in china. thus the two peoples will mingle, and they will propagate and multiply the race; and all will be, in short, united and fraternal, and christian. this is something which has never occurred or been accomplished in any part of the yndias which has been discovered and settled, since those people were so barbarous and brutal, so ugly, vile, and poor, that [europeans] have seldom formed unions in the bonds of marriage. in the few cases of such marriages, they have been considered ignominious, and the parties, with their children and descendants, have incurred a sort of infamy and disgrace. on this account, there has been among these nations neither friendship, unity, nor safety; on the side of the natives, neither confidence, nor increase of numbers, nor development, nor sincerity; and, for the spaniards, neither fixed residence nor industry. accordingly there has been neither settlement nor government; and everywhere there has been a barbarous mode of life, and ruin and depravity, in both spiritual and temporal matters. in the laws and government, and in regard to estates, villages, and individuals, everything has steadily gone from bad to worse, and is in a very feeble condition. nothing of this sort will occur in china, nor will there be room for these disorders, on account of the opportunity which such marriages will furnish for friendship, and for familiar intercourse as between equals. we shall thus maintain ourselves, and become established in that land, on account of the said traits of the people--their virtue and beauty, dignity, wealth, and prudence--and many other advantages of that country. ninth: not only for this reason, but because that country is very healthful and well supplied, and prolific in all generation and progagation, there will soon be born a great multitude of boys and youths among the spaniards and chinese. then will be needed not only schools to teach reading and writing, as has been said, but the sciences; and universities--in which will be taught, besides latin and other languages, philosophy, theology, and other forms of learning. for these studies, the chinese possess excellent memories and understanding and very keen faculties. they have gentle dispositions, and well-shaped figures. they are very neat, and polite and serious in behavior, and lead temperate lives. they have the qualifications and the possessions for any office or dignity, and they occupy and represent these with much more authority and severity than do our people. on the other hand, they display much gentleness and suavity--all the more since there are no severe or outrageous punishments in those realms, which are so settled and peaceable, and ruled with such justice that it compels admiration. tenth: from what has been said, it follows that there will be among those natives--whether pure-blooded, or partly of spanish blood, as has been said--after the two peoples have become united and connected, persons suited to become priests and religious; and to assume the government and official posts of the state, and military offices; and to undertake all the other services and enterprises of the country. with these, it will be evident how well established, peaceful, and united the country will be, since those persons will look after it as their own; and on account of the bond and union which will exist between its parts, and of the many ties of kindred--of wives, and children, and relatives--and of estates, which will constrain them to aid one another, and take care of the country. eleventh: in the other yndias all this has been lacking, and continually have been supplied from españa, or from the pure spaniards, all the priests and religious; the governors, and judges both superior and inferior; with all the other positions and commands, both in peace and war--and even the mechanics, and the assistants and subordinates of the above-mentioned persons. besides, the spaniards have always managed the state for themselves, and separately from the natives of the land--disdaining to give them a share in any matter of honor or profit, but remaining always foreigners and aliens, and even objects of dread, to the natives. for when some of the spaniards die, or return to spain, others come anew, who are always strangers to the people of the country and regard the natives as barbarians. from this have resulted two serious evils, and the beginnings of many others. first: the spaniards are always few in number, and have but little experience or knowledge of the country; they have little affection for it, and few ties or interests therein. it is always their intention to return to the mother-country, and to procure their own enrichment--whether it be by fair means or foul, or even by destroying and consuming, in their eagerness to attain that end--not troubling themselves whether the country be ruled rightly or wrongly, whether it be ruined or improved. the second evil is that, to the spaniards, the commonalty of the indians is something new and strange, and the latter are always regarded as menials and slaves, and objects for the insolence of those who come into possession of them. accordingly, they are always scorned, despised, overworked, exhausted, and even dying--as is actually seen to be the case. with all this, it is impossible that their numbers should increase or their condition or their lands improve; rather, they are continually deteriorating and dying--as in many districts they are already ruined; and everywhere there is a tendency to this, in the opinion and judgment of all who see and understand their condition. twelfth: all this has arisen from two sources. the first is, as has been already said, that the people are so low, barbarous, poor, ill-favored, rude, ignorant, and unworthy of being mingled with spanish nobility and valor. the second is, that the country is so poor, and what wealth it has is so unsubstantial; it has no roots, or anything in which it could take root and become established. for almost the only wealth of these people has been in the mines and metals, and in their personal belongings, which are not permanent or fixed. there are no hereditaments or cultivated farms, or crops, or regular supplies; no products of the industry of workmen, and no machinery; no general provision for ordinary use. but all is a desert, and destitute, and at a standstill, and unsettled--as they say, belonging to the east wind. and therefore the spaniards also have been and are as unsettled as if they were stopping at an inn. such are the lands that they have won. thirteenth: in china, conditions are altogether different, since its people are, as has been said, qualified for marriage, friendship, and union and equality; and they are fitted for offices and dignities and authority, both spiritual and temporal. and, further, the richness of the country is so great and of such sort--being realty, crops, and necessaries of life; provisions of rice, wheat, and barley; all manner of fruits, and many varieties of wine; domestic fowl, ducks, and many other kinds of poultry; many cattle, horses, cows, goats, sheep, and buffaloes; abundant hides, endless store of silk, and considerable cotton; musk, honey and wax; numerous varieties of valuable woods, many kinds of perfume, and other things produced by the soil; besides an abundance of mines and metals, as has already been stated. to all this is added the results of the industry of so many people, so apt, thrifty, industrious, and well governed. it is incredible how great is the number and abundance of the crafts, arts, inventions, industries, and manufactures of everything that could be asked for human use--of necessaries, ornaments, dainties, jewels--and all the shops and articles of merchandise, both for the use of the country and for the trade with foreigners. all this, together with what has already been said of the people, should, god willing, be cause enough to give us an entry into those realms, so that, in short, they may become pacified, intermixed and united, hispanized and christianized. so that one cannot mention all the great benefits arising from this, both spiritual and temporal--a new light of the faith, good modes of life, salvation for the chinese and many souls, and glory to god; wealth, honor, and eternal fame for our king; great renown, prosperity, and multiplication for the spanish nation, and through it, for all christianity. besides, there will be all these that follow. other benefits besides those already mentioned in the first place, there could be established straightway archbishoprics and bishoprics (as many as in all the former christian world, over there), with a patriarch. second: there might be founded new military orders with larger revenues than those of the old country; or the old ones of santiago, calatrava, alcantara, and san juan may be extended, and it will even be a great advantage if these and other new ones should be used during the conquest. third: a number of titled lords can be created, such as counts, dukes, and marquesses, just as, at present, encomenderos are appointed--for the encomiendas must be much larger there; and with such prospects the entry will be much more certain, and the land much more secure afterward, since there are so many lords. fourth: his majesty may appoint four or six viceroys, as there are now fifteen in the fifteen provinces, who have as much power and state as kings have elsewhere. fifth: after all these things have been seen to, and the land is in a settled condition, his majesty may levy from it a great income and much merchandise for his realms, as has already been said. sixth: peace can be made and an understanding reached with the tartar and other tribes that lie in the region from china to the land of the turk; and we can better know his condition and strength, and find a way to harass him from here in the east. seventh: couriers and relay postmen can be sent to spain by land; for, although some have already come by land, they are all the time finding shorter and better routes. eighth: the former peace and amity with the sofi and the armenians, [47] and any other people that may be discovered or treated with, or become known, in all asia, will be greatly strengthened. ninth: when his majesty is lord of china, he immediately becomes lord of all the neighboring states of this coast, including cochinchina, canboxa, sian, patan, and even as far as malaca; and it would be very easy to subject the islands of samatra, javas, burney, maluco, &c. tenth: therewith can be secured the states of yndia, and the returns from the merchandise coming from china--without whose commerce they could not be maintained; and which is now not secure, but very doubtful, unless it be conquered. eleventh: the reason for establishing these possessions in some kingdoms, and alliances and commerce in others, will be cogent--the opportunity for the conversion of souls; by this means the knowledge of the name of christ may be brought into all these regions, and in all of them souls may continually be converted. twelfth: the chinese will navigate the seas to the yndias of peru and nueva españa; and their relations with us will be more settled and confirmed. thirteenth: the population of that country is so great and so dense that many of the chinese can be brought to these islands as colonists, and thus enrich themselves and this land. fourteenth: the immediate occupation of china will forestall the danger that the french and english, and other heretics and northern nations, will discover and navigate that strait which certainly lies opposite those regions--that of labrador, [48] as those peoples say. these are, in brief, the many evils which should be averted, and some (not to speak of many others) of the numerous benefits--which it would take long to enumerate in writing, and cannot even be imagined--which would result if his majesty should choose to put his hand to so great an undertaking; and may god our lord grant him the grace and favor to proceed with it. doctor santiago de vera the bishop of the filipinas the licentiate melchor davalos the licentiate pedro de rojas the licentiate ayala the archdeacon of manila antonio sedeño, rector alonso sanchez fray diego alvarez, provincial hernan suarez fray juan de plasençia, custodian of the order of st. francis fray vicente valero, guardian fray alonso de castro raymundo fray pedro de memdieta fray juan de quiñones the canon don juan de armendariz the canon luis de barruelo the mariscal graviel de ribera the accountant andres cauchela juan baptista roman don francisco de poca y guevara pedro de chaves diego de castillo juan de argumedo don juan ronquillo del castillo juan de moron ballesteros de saavedra don antonio jufre carrillo andres de villanueva luis de bivanco agustin de arceo hernando muñoz de poyatos bernardo de vergara gaspar de açebo juan pacheco maldonado gomez de machuca francisco mercado de andrada francisco rodriguez gaspar osorio de moya don bartolome de sotomayor diego de çamudio bernardino de avila luis velez cherino pedro martin francisco garçia melchor de torres christoval muñoz diego fernandez vitoria alonso beltran, secretary [on the back of the sevilla copy are written, in the same hand as are the marginal notes, various memoranda, apparently as references for the use of the council. on the left-hand side appear the following: "1: there was an assembly of all the estates, who resolved to send a person to his majesty; and all appointed father alonso sanchez; august [sic; but should be april] 19, in the year 86. 2: on the fifth of may, 86, the royal audiencia of manila appointed father alonso sanchez as envoy. 3: on the twentieth of june, 86, the bishop and cathedral of the city of manila appointed the same. 4: on the sixteenth of april, 86, the bishop and the superiors of the religious appointed the same. 5: on the 25th of june, 86, the judiciary, magistracy, and cabildo of manila appointed the same. 6: on the twenty-eighth of may, the master-of-camp and the captains of the filipinas islands appointed the same." then follows a list of letters and other documents accompanying the "memorial," several of which are presented in our text. on the right hand is written: "filipinas islands, city of manila, assembly of april 19, 1586. royal audiencia, judiciary, and magistracy. bishop and clergy. orders, and religious and ecclesiastical estate. the master-of-camp, captains, and soldiers, and the secular estate. the person who should come: father sanchez." other memoranda refer to various letters from philippine officials, dated during the years 1583-86, which seem to have been consulted in reference to the "memorial."] [in the library of edward e. ayer, chicago, is a collection of mss., transcripts from documents in spanish archives, which were made during the years 1859-65 by a spanish official at madrid, who had been in the philippine islands, named ventura del arco: it has been kindly loaned to us by mr. ayer for use in the present work. this series, in five volumes, large octavo size, contains some 3,000 pages of matter regarding these islands, from the original mss. in the archives; some is copied in full, but often a synopsis only is given. to many of the documents are added tracings of the original autograph signatures. although spelling, punctuation, and capitals are considerably modernized, the work of transcription appears to have been otherwise done carefully, intelligently, and _con amore_; and the collection contains much valuable material in philippine history. it covers the period of 1586-1709, and begins with the proceedings of the junta of 1586, which are found in vol. i, pp. 1-101. the "memorial" is given in a full resumé; and at the end is cited (pp. 48-49) the following paragraph, which is not contained in our sevilla copy, or in that of the madrid ms. which we have followed:] in the city of manila, on july 26 of the year 1586, the following persons met in the royal building: the honorable president and auditors of the royal audiencia of these islands, and his majesty's fiscal of the audiencia; don fray domingo de salazar, bishop of the filipinas; and the religious, the captains, the magistrates, and the municipal officers of this city--who hereunder signed their names. they met to discuss fully the matters contained in this document, about which father alonso sanchez as procurator-general of this country, and acting in its name, is to confer with his majesty, and solicit aid from him, that the prosperity and colonization of these islands may continue to increase, and that god and his majesty may be served. the above articles having been read, as they are here recorded, _de verbo ad verbum_, all the above persons declared, unanimously and with one consent and opinion, that this memorial was properly drawn up; and that father alonso sanchez should communicate all its contents to his majesty, and other matters as seemed to him necessary. the above honorable persons made the required attestations to the document, and signed it with their names, as did other persons. i, the clerk of the court [of the audiencia], attest this. alonso beltran [then follow thirty signatures, all tracings of the original autographs.] letter to felipe ii, from various officials sacred royal catholic majesty: to fulfil the obligations resting on us, we the master-of-camp and the captains who are serving your majesty in these filipinas islands, give your majesty, whenever we have an opportunity, a report of matters concerning this camp, and what things are desirable in it. that your majesty may be better served, we are sending this report by the ships that are now sailing, notwithstanding that our captain-general, the president of the royal audiencia here, is writing a more detailed relation (as being the person who has given the most attention to this), of all that he thinks necessary to improve matters in these islands, so that their increase may be constant. the care that your majesty has always had and continues to have for the preservation of these islands, and the great expense that your majesty has incurred therein, since they began to be pacified (a work which still continues) without your majesty's royal exchequer having any profit, cause your majesty's very christian zeal to be well understood, and that what you principally aspire to is the great service which is rendered to our lord, in spreading his holy evangel in lands so remote, and among people so far removed from the true knowledge, by which, through his goodness and mercy, so many thousands of souls have been converted, and are being converted every day, to his holy faith, to say nothing of many who in this time have been born in and enjoyed holy baptism. the latter are extremely numerous, which has resulted from the employment of soldiers stationed here, for with their protection the religious who aid in conversions and preaching can do so in security. without such protection this would be impossible, unless by the special grace of god, because these natives are a people untamed, rebellious, and exceedingly cruel. if they are obedient, it is plainly evident that they are so on account of this check; and that if they were not thus restrained, not only would the work not go forward, but the gains would be turned to losses, through inability to retain them. what your majesty has so happily commenced here would come to an end, although these districts and the neighborhood promise so excellent beginnings, of the very best, in those places so near this country--which are, as your majesty well knows, china, japan, borney, sian, and patan, and many other very rich and prosperous provinces. furthermore, a manifest and great service would be rendered to our lord, when their peoples should come to know him. your majesty's royal crown would be extended by wider boundaries, as your majesty's greatness and christian zeal worthily merit. therefore what has been thus far gained is of very great consequence, and your majesty should order that it be preserved with the care hitherto manifested, since it is of so great importance. this can in no wise be accomplished without the assistance of soldiery. that this should be more efficiently done, it is quite necessary that your majesty should order that the usual force here consist of three or four companies, which contain in all about four hundred soldiers. these with their captains and officers, should be paid by the month, as is the custom in the rest of your majesty's camps and frontiers; for thus they will all serve with great assiduity, and support themselves honorably, having good weapons and munitions and everything else necessary for military operations. they shall understand that, when pay is given them, they must take care to render obedience to orders and commands, with great readiness--being subject to their commanders, which is the principal thing required; and the captains must punish those who may exceed their orders, as is done in all districts where garrisons are established, and as it was done here before your majesty ordered the royal audiencia to come to these islands. for, notwithstanding the fact that until then the soldiery here had never been paid, they have not on that account failed to be usually very willing and obedient to orders given them. they are well supplied with weapons and munitions of war, and are as experienced therein as those who, more than they, follow the art of war in all regions. this they have clearly demonstrated on certain occasions that have taken place in these islands, and by the reputation which they have everywhere gained for maintaining themselves among so many enemies, always attacking these with great personal bravery, without having had forts or defenses for their protection. their alertness, good will, and discipline has all been due to the fact that the governors and captains-general who have come here on your majesty's service, provide everything that, in the opinion of your master-of-camp and the captains, may appear to be requisite for your majesty's service, without its being necessary for anyone to lend a hand in it. on account of this regularity in affairs, both captains and soldiers have performed their duties freely, lending their assistance with much care in whatever was necessary, and doing whatever they were ordered without any shirking--for, besides fearing the punishment which would be meted out to them for doing anything improper, they expected a reward for their services. they saw that those who merited it were constantly being rewarded with encomiendas and other means of support; consequently everyone exerted himself in the service with much more willingness and courage, without shirking any labor or peril, however great it was, and without stopping to make any demands that they should be given their usual pay--as now they claim in regard to your majesty's royal decree respecting the towns that shall be vacated and placed under the royal crown. for this has so disheartened the soldiers of this royal audiencia who have come so far in the hope of being rewarded for their services, that there is not a soldier who does not refuse to obey the orders he receives. since the royal audiencia has come here, there have been so great dissensions that very few or none take any pride in military service or carrying arms as before, except it be ourselves, the master-of-camp and the captains. to remedy such a state of affairs, it is not enough to make rules which point out their duty; but in rewarding each man who goes the rounds, does sentry duty, or the like, support is given to the royal audiencia, whose orders lately fail of execution; for when we or they order anything to be done, the soldiers go away and do as they please. as a result the latter have grown so arrogant, that many times when they have been summoned by their sergeants to do certain things which are their usual duty, and indispensable for the defense of this city, they have refused to obey them. on the contrary, officers have been publicly insulted and stabbed; and this has occurred not once but many times. this boldness has increased to such an extent that it is displayed on the slightest occasion. on this account we cannot maintain sentinel duty, or the necessary precautions, because we, the master-of-camp and the captains, cannot punish them as formerly. the soldiers no longer have for us the fear and respect that they once had, which has caused in these islands the complete loss of that military discipline which was formerly so strict. this has been shown repeatedly, so that the natives indulge in all sorts of daring, holding us in very slight estimation, as they did last year in panpanga, five leagues from this city. they placed at their head two chiefs, who in two days' time had a large following, well armed and supplied, who could disturb the whole land with the insolence and the effrontery that they displayed. because they said that they were coming to destroy this city, it was necessary for myself and some captains, and all the good soldiers to be found here, to go out to prepare for them. this was done and the president sent your majesty a detailed account thereof on the ship which sailed from here at that time. feeling that this was right, and due to your majesty's service, i held a council of the captains; and i set before them these difficulties, and others that might result from the complete ruin of the military service. unanimously we all petitioned "that this royal audiencia here shall be freely allowed to have charge of war affairs in general because in this way we could act as a unit, as we did before. we should strive to reduce the evil condition which obtains at present to that good order which we are wont to have, because what has taken so many years to acquire should not be lost in one hour." the result was that a suit was instituted against us on the ground that the petition which we presented was disrespectful, and that we were rebellious. we were imprisoned for a long time and condemned to an excessive fine, where we had expected to be rewarded for our ardent zeal and desire to please your majesty, which we have always had. we send your majesty a copy of the proceedings, notwithstanding that it is to terminate in the court of appeals, so that your majesty may see how, without any fault of ours, we who have served your majesty here during so many years, and with so great fidelity, are personally ill-treated, and our property despoiled. we humbly entreat your majesty to order that our grievances be considered and remedied, as injuries have been done us; for in that way our many and zealous services shall not be forgotten. by this, and other things that we have referred to, your majesty may see how troublesome it is and will continue to be, for the preservation and development of the islands, that the royal audiencia remain here. for, as is obvious, it is not of so much importance as are the soldiery in a land of so many enemies, where, except for the neighboring districts by which we are surrounded, the natives are all hostile, and nothing can be done or undertaken, except it be with weapons in hand. to maintain justice for the spanish who reside among them, it would seem to be sufficient to have a governor, as there always has been, since there are not more than one hundred encomenderos and seven hundred soldiers here. in spain, however small a city or town may be, it has a larger population and more litigation; yet, with only one corregidor or alcalde-mayor, its affairs are justly administered. besides, the salaries of the audiencia will be of assistance in many important matters concerning your majesty's service which are continually arising. these often fail of execution on account of the lack of funds in the royal exchequer, as a result of the expense of keeping this door open. by placing in charge of soldiers who merit it, the encomiendas which become vacant, a reform will be effected in this camp--which is necessary in order to execute any plans which may be difficult. we advise your majesty as loyal vassals, regarding what seems to be most necessary for your majesty's better service and the increase of your majesty's royal dominion and renown. may our lord watch over your majesty's sacred royal catholic person for many fortunate years, with the addition of greater realms and seigniories, as we, your majesty's vassals, and all christendom desire. manila, june 24, 1586. sacred catholic royal majesty. we, your majesty's vassals and servants kiss your majesty's royal feet. alfonso de chaves don juan ronquillo juan maldonado de castro bernardo de vergara agustin de arçiol juan de moron rodrigo albarez [endorsed: "to the sacred royal catholic majesty, king don philipe our lord." "written by juan de ledesma, for the master-of-camp, and the captains in the filipinas." "philipinas.--to the king our sovereign, philipe. from the master-of-camp and captains. june 24."] letter from the manila cabildo to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: section i. last year, eighty-five, this city of manila wrote to your majesty, sending a relation of affairs in these islands. because of our extreme and continually increasing necessities, and the magnificent opportunities for your majesty's service that are lost daily, and on account of our having no one at court to look after our affairs, or anyone to inform your majesty, as is requisite, of matters pertaining to this realm, we resolved to request father alonso sanchez, a master of sacred theology and a religious of the society of jesus, to go to confer with your majesty about all these things, as a man who is experienced in all these matters, and one who will discuss them with all sincerity and certainty. therefore he agreed to undertake this task for the service of god and of your majesty, and indeed of this state, having therefor the permission and order of his superior. in order to decide what must be laid before your majesty, and what petitions made, many assemblies were held, composed of the president, auditors, fiscal, bishop, superiors of the orders, cities, royal officials, captains, and other men who were intelligent, and zealous for the service of your majesty. the said father is authorized by those men and by this entire country; and we humbly entreat that your majesty be pleased to give him entire faith and credit, to listen to him, and to show us the mercy and favor that we hope from the munificence of your majesty. although we have charged him to petition your majesty for everything needful, yet we shall give a brief relation of the most necessary, in which, if such be your majesty's pleasure, you may favor and protect this your city and these your vassals. section 2. it has been proved by experience that the royal audiencia cannot be maintained here without the total destruction of this state; for in this city there are scarcely seventy citizens, and in all the other settlements together not as many more. the military power, which maintains this frontier, is totally disorganized, because its usages are so at variance with the procedures and exactness rendered necessary by the rigor of the laws forcibly enacted by the audiencia. furthermore, our portuguese neighbors imagine that this tribunal has been instituted here to overpower and govern them, since they cannot believe that it was established for one hundred and thirty households and so few soldiers. accordingly, they have shut the door to the commerce, friendship, and intercourse, which was commencing between them and us. in addition to this your majesty possesses no income here with which to pay the salaries of president, auditors, fiscal, and other officials of the audiencia. these salaries, added to what is wasted in this country, would establish it, and put it in a better state of defense; while now it is subject to any piratical invasion whatever. for all these reasons, and others that father alonso sanchez will tell you in greater detail, we beg that your majesty be pleased to reduce this government to only one governor who has experience in the affairs of this country, and in the wars and pacifications that can and should be made. this we shall consider as the greatest favor and kindness, and the only remedy for our hardships. section 3. in other letters we implored your majesty to be pleased to have set aside in nueva hespaña pay for three hundred soldiers, who should serve here as a garrison, with whom this government and the dominions of your majesty could be increased by other kingdoms of great wealth. we entreat this once more; and father sanchez will inform your majesty of the blessings that may result to your royal service therefrom. section 4. because of its lack of public property this city cannot maintain many things needed for the public good; therefore, we wrote to your majesty, entreating that you have a repartimiento of indians granted this city. answer was received that the governor should take cognizance of this matter; and therefore having recourse to the governor and president, santiago de vera, we learn that he is informing your majesty of this necessity in his letters. father alonso sanchez also will do the same by word of mouth. we entreat your majesty--since this matter is so just, and appertains so much to your royal service and the common good--to have this city granted an encomienda of three or four thousand indians, and the alcaizería of the chinese, or any like favor, whereby all the above expenses may be met. section 5. we are being totally ruined here through the arrival in this city of merchants, and consignments from mexico, and innumerable troubles are arising therefrom, of which the same religious will inform you in our name. the customs duties of sevilla and of vera cruz are being decreased and lost, to the great detriment of the merchants. four or five thousand pesos, more or less, are brought to this city from nueva hespaña, whence they are taken to the foreign kingdom of china. finally, the royal incomes and customs duties are being decreased, the merchants of castilla are suffering loss, the silver is taken to a country of infidels, and these islands will be ruined entirely, if your majesty do not correct these evils by ordering that no merchants come hither from nueva hespaña, or send money for investment here, but that the citizens of these islands alone have the right to trade and traffic. this will only be done in small amounts, and will result in fewer troubles; while those who are engaged in pacifying and maintaining this country will have some reward for their toils, instead of all the profits being reaped by those who go to mexico, after trading here with so much resultant loss to this state and to the seigniories of your majesty, as father alonso sanchez will inform you in greater detail. section 6. father fray rufino, of the franciscan order, is sailing to those kingdoms for the sole purpose of soliciting religious of his order for these islands, where they are greatly needed for the preaching of the gospel. we beseech your majesty to order his superiors to send them with all haste, and the same to the augustinian order. section 7. since father alonso sanchez will, on account of his thorough knowledge of affairs in this country, china, and the states of eastern india, discuss with your majesty these and many other things--all touching the service of god and your majesty--and petition you concerning them, we humbly beg that your majesty will please to grant him free audience; for in all, and by all, we ratify everything that he may relate and declare to your majesty. may god, our lord, preserve and exalt your majesty's sacred royal catholic person, with the increase of kingdoms and seigniories that we, your subjects and vassals, desire. manila, june 25, 1586. don juan de bivero, archdeacon of this holy cathedral church, has served in it for twenty years, and has taken part in all the work of pacification in these islands, in administering the holy sacraments to the soldiers and citizens--in all, serving god and your majesty very religiously. at present he is in dire need, for he has been given no recompense for his services, and this country has no benefices or other ecclesiastical incomes from which he might be supported. we beseech that your majesty be pleased to order some recompense to be given him, since he so well deserves it. this will be a very signal favor and kindness to this city. sacred royal catholic majesty, your majesty's servants and vassals. andres de villanueva don antonio sufre carrillo andres cabchela don francisco de poca y guevara juan de moron juan maldonado del castillo juan baptista roman rodriguez albarez francisco rros hernando nuñez de pyatos luis de bivanco hernando vergara letter from antonio sedeño to felipe ii i.h.s. sacred royal catholic majesty: it is five or six years since the society, at your majesty's orders, sent me to these philippinas islands, together with some fathers and brethren. in these islands we have endeavored, during all this time, to attend to the needs and welfare of the country, in the service of god, and, with especial care and effect, in that of your majesty. besides ordinary occasions, two noteworthy cases have arisen in the course of these years, beyond, these islands and in china, in which we have lent our aid by order of your majesty's governors, the bishop, and the chief personages of these islands, by sending father alonso sanchez-of whom your majesty has notice already--the first time to reduce to your obedience the portuguese of those regions. this he accomplished with the success and skill of which your majesty will have heard, and with many hardships--both in china, and macan, and in his voyaging--as your majesty will have learned by his relations. on the second occasion he was sent, by the same order, to reduce a vessel, which had mutinied in china, which he accomplished also so well, that the factor, who was going with the warrants, confesses that without him he could have done nothing, because of the mettle of the portuguese, and the daring with which those of the vessel had closed with them. in this case there would surely have been many disorders and deaths, if the said father, by his care and prudence, and the authority that he enjoys among all, had not appeased them, and reduced both of them. in this, and in a year of contrary weather on strange seas and land, he suffered the hardships and dangers of which, likewise, your majesty has been informed. since his return, in this last year of his stay here, your president and auditors, and the entire city and camp, have been forced to examine and deliberate upon the danger of these lands, the condition of which is daily becoming worse. both in private talks and in assemblies called for that purpose, the remedy for these troubles has been discussed; and all, with one voice and unanimously, agreed that there was nothing else to do but to send the said father to discuss these matters with your majesty. for they have this confidence in him through their long experience, not only in the two so grave affairs above mentioned, but in all the more common matters which have been generally attended to by the said father, since his arrival at these islands; and since all of them are satisfied as to his proved virtue and religion, the impartial manner in which he attends to matters, his energy and executive ability, and his learning, whenever these qualifications are needed. especially they recognize the love that he has ever manifested toward these lands, and the special eagerness with which he exerts himself in your majesty's affairs, and in establishing and increasing your titles and rights to new conquests and pacifications--his reasons therefor being the great service that will accrue to god in this way, and your majesty's obligation to make the conquests for the welfare and remedy of so many souls. for these and other reasons and motives which they know, all, unanimously--secular, clergy, religious, municipal government, and audiencia--have requested most urgently that the said father go upon this mission to your majesty. after much hesitation--because of the vacancy that his absence will cause in our religious community, and for the sake of the common welfare of all this country; and because of the dislike that i have ever found in him to meddle in such distractions and labors, so contrary to his inclination (which has ever been that of one desirous of retreat)--i was willing to excuse him from such a duty, thinking that he would serve god, your majesty, and these your lands, no less here. but, in addition to the general demand of the whole community, i was ordered by a decree of your audiencia, which i could not or ought not resist; and therefore he is going. i beseech your majesty to receive this little service from this religious order of yours, and from this house; and from my poor will and that which the father takes, to succeed in everything in serving your majesty, knowing how great is the service done to god, if success is secured therein. i shall not request your majesty to give him audience, for all the community begs that; and of the kindness with which you will receive his humble and good intentions, proof is experienced here, and your majesty will appreciate them. and as he has no other thought, intent, or designs than the common welfare, and the service of god and your majesty, both he and i have great fortitude and tranquillity. may god grant your majesty, in this life, what we all desire for you; and, in the other and eternal life, what we all beg for your majesty, and are all assured is kept for you as a reward for the so many labors and cares with which your majesty has maintained, and maintains, the universal church. manila, june 25, 1586. your sacred royal catholic majesty's most humble servant in our lord. antonio sedeño [addressed: "+ to the sacred royal catholic majesty of the king felippe, our sovereign."] [endorsed: "+ to his majesty, no. 16. 1586. manila, june 25. antonio sedeño, rector of the society of jesus. in recommendation of father alonso sanchez."] letter of domingo de salazar to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: as father alonso sanchez, of the society of jesus, is going, in the name of this community, to inform your majesty of the condition of these kingdoms, and of their need for reforms, i shall not dwell upon that matter at all, but will refer you to what the said father will relate in detail. but, inasmuch as there are certain special matters that perhaps he will not mention, i thought that i should inform your majesty of them in the present letter. immediately upon the arrival of the royal audiencia in these islands, mass was commenced to be said in the royal chapel. according to the usual procedure in other audiencias, the chaplains who said it ended the prayer of the mass with that clause which reads, _et famulos tuos_, etc.--in which, after the name of his majesty, follow those of the bishop and the president, and the others contained in the said prayer. according to what is said in this principal church of this city, the president and auditors erased the name of the bishop, and substituted those of the auditors, under the name of senators. when i heard of this, i ordered my name to be inserted, and those of the auditors to be erased. this gave rise to animosity, and certain acts were passed, which the dean declares were sent to the royal council [of the indias] a year ago. because i sat down one day on the gospel side of the principal altar during mass, the president and auditors took umbrage, and refused to enter the principal church again until i made them return to it. i have not sat there since, in order to give no grounds for contention, although i know that it is my proper place, and that the audiencia have deprived me of it against all right. what was done in this matter was sent also to the royal council last year. i entreat that your majesty will be so good as to have the audiencia and myself informed as to what must be observed in regard to these two points; for it is neither right that they should take umbrage at me, nor for me to do what i should not. after their arrival in this city, there was but little harmony between the president and auditors. their discord was so public, that it caused great scandal here. i tried to restore peace between them, and for that purpose came to this city, leaving the visitation that i was making. after they had been harmonized once, they began to quarrel again, and with much more scandal than before. i tried for the second time to pacify them; and when i saw that talking to each one in private could result in nothing, one day, in full meeting, i set before them the great scandal that they were causing in this city, and the bad example that they were setting to it; and declared to them the great displeasure of your majesty, if you should know it, and of god too. the hand of the lord was interposed, and their lack of harmony ended from that time; and they have been on friendly terms ever since. in public as in secret, god works his will. in a decree sent to me by the inquisition of mexico your majesty orders me to deliver the records of proceedings and the prisoners to the commissary of the inquisition there; this i did immediately, as i was only awaiting a message sufficient to enable me to do so, but which had not come until then. i know that many troubles will surely arise from this in the future; but, in doing what is ordered me, i obey. may our lord preserve your majesty's royal catholic person for many years, for the good of his church and the protection of us who have so little power. manila, june 26, 1586. royal catholic majesty, your most humble friar chaplain kisses your royal hands. the bishop of the filipinas [addressed: "to his royal catholic majesty, king don phelippe, our sovereign. in his royal council of the indies."] [endorsed: "philippinas. + to his majesty, 587; from the bishop, june 26." _in a different hand:_ "seen. have its points abstracted."] letter from the audiencia of manila to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: in the past year of eighty-five, we gave your majesty a report on the condition of this land, and some other matters concerning your service, which are contained in the duplicate accompanying this present letter. if it has not been examined, we beg your majesty to have this done, and to make suitable provision for these matters. _that the tributes shall be increased by one real for married men, and a half-real for single men, in order to pay the soldiers._ [49] section 1. by your majesty's order, the soldiers usually come from nueva spaña with one hundred and fifteen pesos as pay, out of which they clothe themselves and purchase their weapons. they continue to spend their money until they embark at acapulco, so that, when they arrive at these islands, they have nothing more to spend and find no one to give them food. unable to find a way to earn their sustenance, they are forced to seek it among the natives, whom they annoy and maltreat. they live in extreme distress, and so fall sick. the greater number even die soon, without the possibility of assistance from their neighbors, because they also are poor. the royal exchequer is also always in difficulties, and embarrassed by many debts. your governor has been unable to give them any assistance from the royal treasury. considering that the natives of this land commonly have treasure and means of gain, and furnish less in tribute than do the natives of nueva spaña (who are in fact poorer), and that without oppression they might pay more, it has seemed right to us, if it be your majesty's pleasure, that the rate of tribute shall in general be increased by one real for married men, one-half real for single men, and for young men who possess means of gain, but who do not pay tribute, the sum of one real. it will be easy for them all to pay this every year. by this increase twenty-five thousand pesos, or even more, would be realized, with which many of the soldiers living here could be paid; meanwhile, as the others enter paid employment, they would be on like footing with those just mentioned, and could support themselves; and they would willingly do their duty in war, to which they must at present be forced. soldiers would willingly come here to serve your majesty, if they could know that they would be supported and paid; and thus your royal conscience would be relieved. it certainly seems cruelty to compel these men to serve without pay, and to die of hunger. we beseech your majesty that, if this remedy be expedient, you will have the kindness to order its application, and will have money sent from the royal exchequer of mexico, so that these wretched people can at least be fed and clothed. _expenses which have been incurred in war_. section 2. by your majesty's decree, the offices of clerk of the exchequer and of the governor's office were sold, for some five thousand odd pesos; and, although this sum was to have been sent on a separate account to the officials in nueva españa, and thence to the house of trade at sevilla, it was absolutely necessary to spend it on a fleet to operate against the japanese pirates, who are in the habit of plundering the coasts of these islands; and also on a ship, which is being built for this navigation [between new spain and the philippines], in order that traffic should not be stopped; for the despatch of your majesty's fleet to nueva spaña; and for various other matters. this could not be avoided, because there is no more money in the royal exchequer with which to relieve these distresses, as your majesty will see by the accounts which the royal officials are sending. _concerning the twenty-two thousand pesos in salaries for the audiencia_. section 3. your majesty has ordered that from the repartimientos of indians that are now or shall become vacant, twelve thousand pesos de minas shall be assigned to the royal crown, to pay the salaries of the audiencia. we have informed your majesty, in our letters, of the great difficulties that would arise from the execution of this order. for the soldiers, expecting to receive encomiendas, and that some day good fortune would come to them, have for many years served your majesty, and are now serving, in war at their own cost. now the fruit of their labors is taken away from the men who have conquered and maintained this land, while they are without the hope that they may be rewarded in any other manner; and, seeing themselves thus deprived, they become disheartened, desert service, and abandon the land, thus depopulating it beyond all remedy. it seems to us that, if such should be your majesty's pleasure, it would be best that you command money to be sent from mexico for the salaries of the audiencia; and to assign the indians who are or shall be without owners as repartimientos and encomiendas to those who have served, and have merited such reward, as has been the custom hitherto. since the conservation and increase of this land is so important for your majesty's service, may you be pleased to order for its succor, and for the aid of the ecclesiastical and secular estates, the sum of twenty-five thousand or thirty thousand pesos, to be provided annually from the royal exchequer in mexico. this sum is quite necessary for the expenses incurred in armed expeditions, in aid for this land and its defense, and in what is done almost every year for maluco. section 4. as affairs in this island are constantly falling into so great neglect and danger of loss; and so many occasions that might be advantageous to your majesty, for the reduction of this new world to your service, slip by; and since all the many thousands of souls, oppressed and deceived by the devil, in great china and other kingdoms in the neighborhood of these islands, may be saved through the door which your majesty has commenced to open--understanding that your majesty has not been suitably informed since these neighbors were discovered, nor has had any clear account of their affairs, we have agreed to send your majesty a person who can do this and give your majesty a true relation of everything. considering that father alonso sanchez, of the society of jesus (a man of the highest prudence and learning, and most excellent in christian faith and practice), has a wide knowledge and great experience in this land and the realms of china, yndia, xapon, and other surrounding nations (acquired by having seen most of them several times and having visited and closely observed them), and inasmuch as there is no one else able to do it--considering also his detachment from outside considerations and interests, which, intermingling, distort all one's views: therefore this audiencia, the city, the orders, the military captains, and all the other citizens, unanimously elected him for this purpose. as he made excuses for not going, and his superior declined to give him permission, we ordered the latter to give the father leave and to order him, by his obligation to obedience, to make this voyage, and the father to accept the charge. accordingly, the said father is going to inform your majesty and supplicate your favor for these islands, asking for redress of their grievances and improvement of their condition, and to discuss with your majesty other matters of greater importance, of which he will inform you. we beg your majesty to grant him audience, and to place entire confidence in a man who acts here with prudence, circumspection, religious principle, and wise methods--as your majesty will understand when you see him in person; we refer your majesty to the relation he will give you. section 5. your majesty did a great favor to this audiencia and to the citizens of these islands, by appointing the licentiate don antonio rivera y maldonado, who arrived in good health, and has assumed his office. section 6. in this audiencia, as is usual among all those that are newly founded, a certain rivalry as to jurisdiction has existed between the president and auditors, and some differences and discords have arisen over it; therefore we decided among ourselves to lay the matter before your majesty, in order that you may declare and enforce your pleasure; meanwhile the audiencia will exercise the duties contested between them. the trouble is ended, and there is quiet and agreement among us. we beseech your majesty to examine the record of proceedings and acts in this matter, and to declare whether the conferring of the said offices belongs to the audiencia, or to the president alone, in order that our concord may be permanent, and that there shall be no further occasion for disturbing it; for this condition of peace is so important for your majesty's service and the good of the land. section 7. as we have before related to your majesty, ships resort to these islands from china with merchandise and many supplies, with which this land is but ill furnished. the fear of customs duties on such things as provisions and supplies, which are of great bulk, the great expense in lading, and their small profits here, induce those merchants to discontinue bringing the above-named articles, substituting others in their place. thus there has been a great scarcity of supplies, and considerable distress in the land. we have seen your majesty's decree in which you order us to make a report of the duties imposed upon the merchants by don gonzalo ronquillo, governor of these islands; and whether it is expedient to impose heavier duties, or to drop them altogether. in the meantime, we shall take such measures here as we consider most necessary for your service. we are ordering that the collection of one and one-half per cent imposed on money coming to this land be discontinued; and, in order that the chinese might bring us an abundance of supplies, with horses and cattle, as they had begun to do, it is decreed that no duties be imposed on the grain, biscuit, flour, and all other provisions brought by them, in order to encourage them to provide this land abundantly with these supplies. moreover, besides the above reason, the amount collected from this source for your majesty is very small. your majesty will order what you shall be pleased to have done in this matter. section 9. [50] by virtue of a royal decree of your majesty, the bishop added another parish priest to the benefice of this cathedral church, so that there are now two priests and a sacristan. orders have been given that their salaries shall be paid from the royal exchequer, in conformity with another royal decree lessening the amount to be secured from the tithes. section 10. your majesty ordered a royal decree to be issued, commanding us to send a report on the recommendation made by the bishop of these islands, that it is expedient that a brief be procured from his holiness, in order that the authority which he granted to the bishop in the _foro interior_ for twelve years be also granted to him in the _foro esterior_. [51] since this concession has been made by other pontiffs to the religious of the mendicant orders, the claim made by the bishop has seemed to us both fitting and necessary--as also that the grant be made for several years more, because eight of the twelve years have elapsed. since the orders possess this authority, it is just that the bishop shall not remain without it, because cases arise in the _foro esterior_, which, although they should go to the apostolic see, fail to go, on account of the great difficulty and length of the journey between here and rome; and thus penitents might not secure absolution, or would be unable to fulfil the obligations that they owe to their consciences. and, if your majesty be pleased to order that this brief be obtained, it is our opinion that the same authority be conferred, _tan in absolvendo quam in dispensando_. section 11. your majesty commanded your royal decree to be issued, ordering that the hundred pesos and hundred fanegas of rice which are given annually as alms to the religious, besides the wine for the saying of mass, and flour for the host, be given them. this ordinance has been observed, and the supplies given them conformably to the decree. section 12. certain slaves are brought to these islands from yndia and the settlement at macan; as your majesty has given no orders as to the collection of duty on them from those who bring them hither--as is paid on those from santo domingo and other places to nueva españa and piru--your royal officials have not collected on them, or on those slaves who are carried from these islands to nueva españa. we ask your majesty to order as suits your pleasure in the regulation of this matter. section 13. your viceroy in yndia has, by severe restrictions and heavy penalties, closed the door to the intercourse and commerce maintained with these islands by the portuguese; he has ordered that we should not resort to yndia, nor should the portuguese come hither. as the route to macan and the coast of china has been opened, he says that the natives of that country are offended, and might destroy macan through fear. nevertheless, we understand that this course has been pursued on account of the little love that the portuguese feel for us; and because they think that the castilians will injure their commerce and trade and raise the price of commodities in that land. we judge from our own observation that, since so many ships come from the entire coast of china to this land, and great concessions and kind treatment have been afforded to them here, and as they supply their country with gold and silver received in exchange for what they sell us, they ought not to feel irritated at our presence there. on the contrary, they always say that they desire this, and would be pleased to have our trade. although some inconvenience might result from castilians going there, it could not result from the portuguese coming hither with their wealth and merchandise. they, who are christians, would then enjoy the wealth and money now carried away by the chinese; and thus all of it would remain among your majesty's vassals, which would seem to be important to your service. since we all are vassals of your majesty, we may have intercourse together, which will facilitate the plans of your majesty. your majesty will take such action as is expedient for your service. the archbishop of mexico, [52] while acting as governor of nueva españa, sent captain francisco galli to nueva españa and the ports, and ordered him to transact other affairs necessary in your majesty's service, taking particular care to give him secret orders not to go to macan or the coast of china, because they ought not to waste time in buying merchandise, and on account of other reasonable considerations which influenced him. your governor, the president of this audiencia, hearing that pedro de unamuno--who, on account of captain galli's death, succeeded to his office, together with a large sum of money which the latter and the officers of the fleet had brought over to invest--was about to go to macan, hastened to give them orders, under penalty of death, to observe the secret instructions given by the said archbishop, not to go to macan. the fiscal appealed from this order, asking that he should not be commanded to make a voyage to nueva españa and abandon the discovery. notwithstanding the confirmation of the governor's order by this audiencia, we have learned that he has gone toward that coast of china and the settlement of macan. we give your majesty particulars of this matter, in anticipation of future contingencies. may our lord preserve the imperial royal catholic person of your majesty, and grant you the addition of greater realms and seigniories, as we your majesty's vassals desire and need. manila, june 26, 1586. sacred royal catholic majesty, your majesty's servants kiss your royal feet l. de santiago de vera the licentiate melchor de avalo the licentiate pedro de rojas the licentiate don antonio de ribera maldonado [addressed: "to his sacred royal catholic majesty king don [felipe] our lord, in his royal council of the indias."] [endorsed: "to his majesty; no. 8; 1586. letter from the audiencia of the filipinas; june 26, 86." "on various matters regarding the islands, of which it gives a detailed account, in order that his majesty may have it and take suitable action regarding all."] letter of pedro de rojas to felipe ii the great need in this country of giving your majesty an account of the many matters here that demand reform (and without it are on their way to evident ruin), and further of the affairs of the realm of china, seems at this juncture to make it indispensable that the people of this country should send to your majesty father alonso sanchez, of the society, a person of very holy life, much learning, prudence, and excellent judgment, and such a one as is well fitted to go to discuss with your majesty the affairs which have been placed in his charge. many of them, if the father did not go, would compel me to write to your majesty for their amendment; but, as he is being sent, i shall let them go, referring you to all that the said father may relate. i only beg that at this time, when the opportunity is so good, and within the lifetime of your majesty, an entrance may be made into these chinese realms, and they and the neighboring countries be brought to the knowledge of the holy catholic faith, and to the service and dominion of your majesty. the affairs of this audiencia are, through the goodness of god, in order and peace at present--although in times past it has not been so, for there was some contention between your president and auditors, over filling certain offices of the audiencia. the appointments to them belonged, it seems, according to your royal laws, to the audiencia. there was a question as to whether the president was to confirm the appointments made by him as governor, in your royal name, by don phelipe, and with your royal seal. it seems that this is quite to the disadvantage of the audiencia. for, if the office of governor resided in another than the president, the offices of the audiencia would not be provided for therein, except the president and auditors; nor would they be confirmed by don phelipe or with your royal seal, since this belongs to the audiencia alone. as soon as it was seen that this was being done, there was hard feeling; but nevertheless, to avoid wrangling, a compromise was settled upon--which, if it be your majesty's pleasure, you may order to be examined, as it is sent with the documents relating to the foregoing controversy. by these your majesty will see how much your president was at fault, and the chance the audiencia gave for your majesty's interests to suffer, if there were any disturbance. everything was done very circumspectly, to avoid the injury that might result, from some other source, to this commonwealth and realm. accordingly we drew up, by agreement, an act which your fiscal sent with the other papers; and since then we have had no difficulties, but on the contrary, cordial relations have been maintained in so far as the public is concerned. it appears, however, that this is not so in secret; for i was yesterday informed that your president was sending depositions and information against your auditors, reviewing our entire lives, to your majesty. i beseech you to have these documents examined, both ours and his; and, if it shall follow that we are at fault, we will expiate it with no less than our lives, for it is not just that those who are disloyal to your majesty's service in countries so remote should incur a lighter punishment. will your majesty make certain of the intention of your president, and whether he can find guilt in your auditors too grave for pardon. likewise your majesty must understand that i do not consider that i am serving you by detailing the shortcomings of my colleagues; for there is no lack of writers better able to write and tell them than i am. the one thing that gives me consolation is, that when your majesty sends some one to ascertain how we have served you, then in truth, you will be able to see who has done and who has aided in doing his duty. [53] although the father above mentioned is instructed to discuss the matters pertaining to this country, it has seemed best to me not to neglect writing your majesty about the following matters. it seems expedient for your royal service, as this country is so ill-provided and poor, that the audiencia should be suppressed, and that in its place one man be sent who is fitted for the position. if he be not such, the audiencia should remain, in order to hear disputants with justice, relieve the oppressed, remedy wrongs and grievances, and prevent many wrong acts which, without it, an evil-minded governor would commit; this would also do away with the appeals to mexico, by which the citizens suffer much loss. but if the governor were a fit one, there would be no need for the audiencia and for many other institutions, for the reasons which the father will explain to you. such a governor should have authority and permission from your majesty so that, after having discussed and consulted (with such persons as you may direct) on the affairs that seem to him most important for your majesty's service, he shall take such measures as appear to him expedient, without other formality or consultation with your majesty; for in many cases the delay would entail losses, and in this way many important opportunities are lost to your majesty's service. such a governor should not give permission, without a special license from your majesty, for any person to go out of this country; for by the lack of this, great losses in population have been suffered here; in some years more spaniards go hence than arrive. besides, everyone is confident that permission to go will be granted to him, and many therefore neglect to make themselves a home; whereas, if they did so, it would cause them to multiply, have children, and become citizens of the country. such a governor should not be allowed, either in his own name or through a third person, to carry on trade or commerce. and the better to hold him to this, the decision as to whether he trades or carries on commerce should be in the hands of the magistracy, the municipal government, and the judiciary; so that, if such charge be proved on investigation, all the said governor's goods may be sequestered and he be sent prisoner to your majesty, so that you may do with him and his as you see fit. if this be done, it is the surest means to keep the governors in the path of rectitude, and make them perform their duties as they should. nothing else has wrought such ruin in the country as the trading and trafficking of those who govern it. and in order that this land should meet the high hopes which your majesty has for it, it would seem of the utmost importance to restrain not only the governors from trading, but the soldiers as well. from their trading have resulted losses to your majesty, which i shall point out. every year there goes out of this country to china three hundred thousand pesos of silver, and this year more than five hundred thousand. the chinese obtain here much gold, which they take away, and none of it ever comes back to this country; and what they bring for it is the dregs of their own country, while what they take is the fat and richness of your majesty's realm. through the opportunities furnished by commerce, a great many chinese come hither, which is no small injury for so weak and poor a land; for every chinaman eats more than do five moros and always of the best, even though the cost is high, and in this way provisions are made dearer. with the interest in inordinate gain, they cease to perform their duties, because these are of less profit than trade. if this were stopped, some of them would, for their own interest, seeing that there is nothing else of which they are capable, stay in these islands as farmers, others as stock-raisers; and still others would work at the mechanical trades, and especially at building, which is so important a trade in this country. in this way they would receive their profits, and the spaniards would have all the service they wanted, and that very cheaply. if they no longer bring silk and brocades, they can bring cows, horses, mares, provisions, military supplies, copper, and all kinds of metal and gunpowder, each in great abundance, and at a low cost--a thing much to the profit of this land, as may readily be seen. articles sent from españa to nueva españa would keep their value; and the gold and silver paid for them would remain in your own realm. if there were no trade with china, the citizens of these islands would be richer; for the natives, if they had not so many tostons, would pay their tributes in the articles which they produce, and which are current--that is, cloths, _lampotes_, cotton, and gold, all of which have great value in nueva españa. these they cease to produce because of the abundance of silver; and what is worse, and entails more loss upon your majesty, is that they do not, as formerly, work the mines and take out gold. if they did so, it would be of great importance to your majesty and the whole country; and if this alone formed the merchandise sent to nueva españa from these islands, the gold and silver would remain here, and in the hands of the spaniards themselves. carrying on commerce as they do, all the spaniards are absorbed in it, to such a degree that there are not even enough to aid in the expeditions and military operations. thus they will not remember that they are soldiers, and living among so many enemies, and do not realize that they are carrying arms; nor do they work for what your majesty claims of them, the conversion and pacification of the natives. the spaniards have become effeminate in spirit by their trading, and on various occasions have greatly lost their repute, for they are not as they used to be--having given themselves over to vices, luxuries, fine clothes, eating, and drinking; consequently they have not had their wonted success on several of the expeditions, and have come back without accomplishing what they set out to do, and the friendly indians are making war, and going out to fight. if your majesty would prohibit trading, except perhaps in the products of the islands, three hundred men would be of as much use here as a thousand are today; for they would realize that they must gain their livelihood by their arms, and not by traffic. otherwise they only await a chance to go hence as soon as possible, and so take no heed of the affairs of this country, and do not engage in stock-raising and agriculture, or in building, for each one does as suits him best; and therefore this country is not growing, but rather falling into appalling decay and weakness. what with the hopes they all have of returning to españa, they will not do otherwise than send their wealth back thither; and they have no mind for spending it in the country where they earned it, in building churches, monasteries, and chapels, and performing other pious works whereby this city would be improved--which they would do if they knew that permission could not be given them to go back to españa. it would seem best for the present that your majesty should not make exchanges or transfers of indians with the encomenderos; for, if this is done, your majesty must pay for it in other parts of the royal estate. at the least he will lose a soldier, an important thing in this land, when it has cost your majesty so much to bring him here. on the other hand, they will always settle down, in order to have some one to succeed them in their encomiendas, and will marry; and their children will do the same, and become more and more naturalized in this land, which is so important for its welfare. likewise it seems expedient, for the same object, that your catholic majesty should found in this city a seminary and place of shelter for girls, where they may be supplied with all necessaries while they remain there, until they are married. if this were done, many poor girls from mexico and the whole of nueva españa would enter the said seminary, knowing that there they would find support until they were settled. in order that they may be more eager to come, it would be of great advantage for your majesty to direct that in mexico should be given them everything necessary for traveling expenses and those of the voyage. it would be of no little benefit to your majesty's royal estate, if there were sent from your royal treasury of mexico to this one, each year, twenty thousand pesos in coin; and if there were sent from here to mexico all the gold that is collected in tributes from the indians assigned to the royal crown, and what is paid for the tithes and the assay fee--as it is in this country an article of trade, which rises or falls according to the abundance of tostóns. if this gold were taken to mexico, it would, in a few years, amount to double the money given for it here; and if the attempt were made to issue it from this treasury for its value, no one would take it, except at a considerable loss, for the reason given. if your majesty be pleased to discontinue the audiencia, the temporal governor of these islands should be the same person who rules spiritual affairs. for the present, it seems that this would be very desirable; for with such a person the suspicion of trading and trafficking does not exist, and there is more certainty that the offices and encomiendas will be given to those who deserve them, rather than to his servants and relatives. and, above all, it would be well if this dignity were given to the bishop, who is now so zealous in the service of your majesty, and desirous that all its affairs shall go well. he is also so thorough a christian, and possessed of so much virtue, learning, and wisdom, that by his holy zeal he would aid in what your majesty desires--that is, the conversion and good treatment of the natives of these islands, and the propagation of the holy faith. with that will cease the struggles for jurisdiction, which are not right during this time when spiritual affairs are getting a foothold; but, after they have become established, they can easily be put in their proper place. furthermore, the said bishop, as he is a spiritual father, will be so in all things, and will proceed in the suits and cases rather with fatherly mediation than with judicial rigor. if it be not the bishop, there is the licentiate ayala, fiscal of this audiencia, who performs his duties here as a good lawyer and a christian, and is such a man as would give your majesty satisfaction, whatever you may order him to do. if the government could be given to one of the persons residing here, there would result many advantages, the greatest being that he would be acquainted with insular affairs, by the experience that he would have had with them. he would know who was deserving of honor and reward; and as all of us who have lately come have come in need, burdened with the care of servants and relatives, all being poor, we seek to supply our own needs and those of the persons whom we bring at our expense, and those who deserve aid go hungry; for before the governors can feel the pulse of affairs in the islands, and know what things need remedy, they depart or are removed. i write this to your catholic majesty, knowing that you will regard it as for your service that i, as one present on the scene, should write of each subject what i think in regard to it, so that your majesty may act as you see fit, considering the reasons advanced on either side. these will be more fully explained in each case by father alonso sanchez, to whom your majesty should give entire credit, on account of his sanctity, and the earnest zeal that he has always shown for the bettering of affairs in this realm; and because he is a person who, through the broad experience he has had with them, and the many times he has pondered over their remedy, will be able to give a satisfactory account of them all. i therefore beg your majesty, in all the affairs which are reported from here, to listen to the opinion of the said father, that your majesty may be the better informed. may our lord preserve your catholic and royal person for many long years of life, adding to your kingdoms and seigniories, as we the loyal vassals and most humble servants of your majesty desire. manila, june 30, 86. royal catholic majesty, your catholic majesty's most humble vassal, and insignificant servant. the licentiate _pedro de rojas_ letter of juan moron to felipe ii royal catholic majesty: upon the arrival in these islands of doctor sanctiago de vera, your president, governor, and captain-general, he was informed of the condition of affairs in maluco, and of the unwillingness of the petty king of ternate to render obedience to your majesty. therefore, with the advice of all the captains, he determined to send an officer with reenforcements of three hundred soldiers, giving them orders and instructions to remain subordinate to the commandant, diego de açambujar, then your majesty's lieutenant at that fortress. seeing how important this expedition was to the service of your majesty, i--being then in this city, occupying the post of your sargento-mayor and captain of infantry--offered to undertake it at my own expense, and to fit out the entire fleet. your president, learning this, and having been informed that, on many other occasions that have arisen, i have ever aided in the service of your majesty with the ardent zeal that is mine, risking my person and property in your royal service; and that this was of no less importance, as being one of your majesty's most especial affairs in these regions, gave me the troops that i have mentioned with title as your general, which was confirmed by the royal audiencia here. i set out upon my expedition, and, upon arriving at maluco, conferred immediately with the commandant, diego daçambujar. but, in discussing with him what was expedient for your majesty's service, in accordance with my instructions, he was quite lukewarm in a matter requiring so great haste, and thus detained me several days with questions and answers. finally, seeing the great need of haste that i represented to him, he left his post, and we marched with our men until we were within cannon-shot of the fort, where with all haste we entrenched ourselves. the enemy was well supplied with much artillery, both great and small, and began at once to fire on me. nevertheless, i made every effort to reach the walls and to enter the fort by open assault; but having no cannon with which to demolish it--the most necessary thing--and seeing the great resistance that the enemy offered, i was forced to retire, with several soldiers wounded, and returned to my trenches. i remained there several days, defending myself from the heavy shower of balls rained down upon our camp. during all this time, diego daçambujar did not attempt to give any orders, and finally said that, if we remained there any longer, not one of us would be left alive. thereupon i answered him that i came for that very purpose, or else to capture that fort and leave it your majesty's. in everything he displayed his usual lukewarmness, and upon calling a council of war, it was agreed to strike camp and retire to his fort. as afterward appeared, he was not anxious--for his own private interest and his trade in cloves with the petty king--that anything should be effected, as your majesty will see in greater detail by the accompanying copy of the inquiry made concerning this matter. thereupon i returned to this city of manila, heavy at heart at not having attained the object which i had desired for the service of your majesty, and resolved to pledge my person and property to obtain the men and supplies to spend in your royal service, although i should pledge myself to the further sum of six or seven thousand pesos--the amount spent on this expedition. however, it did not please god that this should come to pass, on account of the few men and supplies remaining from the late fire. as i was one of the very first to come here to serve your majesty in these islands, the hardships and wretchedness suffered here grieve me so sorely, and especially those of this city, that i feel obliged to inform your majesty of several of them. first, it is very necessary that your majesty order a fortress of stone built in this city, for the one here now would be exceedingly easy to take, as it is nothing more than a palisade, with but little rampart; and, as your majesty will have been informed, we are surrounded by so many enemies. all of this could be remedied, did your majesty feel the needs of this city so strongly that you would be pleased to grant us some public property. although i, as a regidor and attorney of this city, have endeavored, in your majesty's name, to have certain villages of indians granted to the city as its property, your governors have always answered me with fair words, and have done nothing. our only hope now is that, when your majesty understands that this is all to be employed in your royal service, you will take compassion on us and grant us, as city property, some indians. with this grant, all these difficulties can be remedied. with this ship sails father alonso sanchez, of the society of jesus, a very learned man, having much experience in the affairs of these islands, as well as of china and other countries. since he is thus qualified, this city resolved to send him as agent for this kingdom, in order to give your majesty a detailed account of affairs here. may our lord preserve your sacred royal catholic person, with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, as we, your majesty's servants, desire. manila, june 30, 1586. royal catholic majesty, your majesty's humblest servant kisses your royal feet and hands.+ juan de moron [addressed: "to his + sacred royal catholic majesty, king don ffelipe, our sovereign. to be given into his royal hands."] [endorsed: "1586. legajo 1; letters from manila. + number 17. to his majesty." "manila, joan de moron, june 30. the expedition to the land of maluco, and the lukewarmness encountered in the commandant, diego de çambujar, as will appear from the accompanying investigation. need in that city of a fortress. in favor of father alonso sanchez."] measures regarding trade with china letter to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: in order to discuss your majesty's commands regarding the commerce between the philipinas islands and nueva españa, don cristobal mora and i met yesterday and examined a long report which ledesma had drawn up from many papers which have been sent from both sides, together with a certain clause of a letter to your majesty by the viceroy, don martin enriquez, written on the twentieth of march of the past year, eighty [-five]. [54] in this letter he says that the merchants of that country are greatly disappointed that trade with the philipinas islands should be taken away from them; for, although the satins, damasks, and other silken goods, even the finest of them, contain very little silk, and others are woven with grass (all of which is quite worthless), the people mainly resort to this cheap market, and the prices of silks brought from spain are lowered. of these latter, taffetas had come to be worth no more than eight reals, while satins and damasks had become very cheap. he feared that, if this went further, it would not be needful to import silks from españa. he says, moreover, that all goods carried from the said islands are mere trifles, from which the land derives no profit--such as porcelains, escritoires, caskets, fans, and parasols, all flimsy and very unprofitable. we can trade with the chinese only with gold and silver, since they have more than enough of everything else. the letter written to your majesty by the commander of the fleet which is in nueva españa was also examined. he states therein that the trade in thin fabrics imported from these kingdoms to that land is steadily decreasing, on account of the trade which is carried on there with the philipinas islands. this letter was the occasion for issuing a decree, to which your majesty was pleased to set your royal hand, calling for a report from the viceroy of nueva españa. this is an affair which requires a much more expeditious remedy. we have investigated the state of affairs in those regions, of which a detailed report was made to us. besides the little value of those wares, a large amount of silver and coin is carried thither in exchange for them. although a portion of this money remains in those islands, all the rest is carried away by the chinese who go thither from the mainland to sell these wares. in this way the commerce of these kingdoms is falling away, and the bringing of money hither is impeded; both these are matters of consequence and importance. this is not the way to maintain our trade, since the settlement of the land must be through its richness and fertility, and the prospect of other discoveries that are being made daily, and not through trade. those who are engaged in this trade are merely transients, and those islands are merely a place of lading for this commerce; for all, or the greater part, of the merchandise comes from china. the spaniards derive two, three, or four thousand ducats from anchorage alone; this is the fee for the privilege of anchoring the ship. the lure of the cheapness of the merchandise overcomes all other considerations. this hinders the prosperity of the people, and furnishes them no aid in the most important thing, namely, the settlement of the islands, and the discovery and operation of the gold mines there. we came to the conclusion that the trade and commerce of the said islands, as far as the said merchandise is concerned, should be abolished, and that these wares should not be carried to nueva españa or other parts of the indias, in order that the trade of these kingdoms--a most important matter--may continue. a communication to this effect should be addressed to the viceroy of nueva españa, recounting to him the aforesaid disadvantages; and advising him that, unless he shall encounter other obstacles so great as to prevent him from taking such action, he should prohibit the traffic in the above-mentioned merchandise from china, and order the cessation of such commerce with that country. if he find too great difficulties in the way, then he should give advice thereof, together with his opinion. in the meantime, he should make such provision as he shall find most expedient. to save time, the decree in accordance with this recommendation accompanies the present communication; and it shall be sent by this fleet, if your majesty will have the goodness to sign it. madrid, june 17, 1586. [_marginal note_: "this recommendation is excellent, and i have therefore signed the decree. i shall also endorse all that you shall say in regard to it in the council, and what the members thereof shall approve:"] decree regarding chinese trade the king: to the marques de villamanrrique, my kinsman, and viceroy, governor, and captain-general of nueva españa. [55] having understood that the silks brought from china and the philipinas islands to your realms are quite worthless, but that nevertheless, because of the low price set upon them, they are sold and distributed; and because, if that trade continues, the trade in cloth exported from these realms would cease or be greatly decreased; and also that these silks, like other articles brought thence (all of which are of trifling value, and of no profit to the country), are bartered only for gold, silver, or coin, for there is abundance of everything else there--a matter, too, of considerable importance, both on account of the large amount that is withdrawn and would be withdrawn for the benefit of a foreign kingdom, and because these kingdoms [spain and portugal] lose that whole amount, their trade being more profitable for the common good, on account of the excellence of its wares, which in their lasting qualities more than make up for the difference in price; neither is this the best means for the settlement of the said islands, since they serve only as a lading-station for this trade, and it proves a hindrance to the settlers by being of no assistance in whatever concerns their permanence and fixed residence: therefore, having carefully considered this as well as other inconveniences set forth, it has seemed best to discontinue this trade with the philipinas islands and china, since, even besides the aforesaid, it has evidently caused delay in despatching the fleets, as must be the case if this sort of cargo continues to diminish. since the present is a fitting occasion to furnish a remedy, as so important a matter demands, i order you--after considering the aforesaid points and others of which you may be advised (since the matter is a current one), and difficulties that might arise, if you find, to the contrary, no others so important as to overbalance them--to give orders that there be no further trade or importation of the said merchandise and chinese wares to that land for the purpose of sale. you will have the merchants engaged in this commerce advised and notified of this decree. you will provide for its public proclamation, indicating the penalty to be incurred by those who bring in contraband goods. if you find in the execution thereof such special difficulties, as above-mentioned, as oblige you to desist, you will inform me of what occurs, together with your opinion, taking in the meantime such measures as shall seem to you most advisable. given at sant lorenço, on the nineteenth of june in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-six. i, the king countersigned, matheo vargas approved by the council. [_a separate sheet reads as follows_: "his majesty has ordered me to send your lordship the enclosed copy of deliberations of the council of the indias, and the papers accompanying it, concerning the trade and commerce between the filipinas islands and china, so that, together with any that your lordship may have concerning this matter, everything enacted may be examined personally. your lordship will advise his majesty of your opinion. may god preserve your lordship. sant lorenço, july 31, 1590."] letter from marques de villamanrique to felipe ii _year 86. copy of two sections of a letter written by the marques de villa manrrique, viceroy of nueva españa, to the king, our lord, on the fifteenth of november, 86, describing the importance of maintaining trade and commerce, and the great inconveniences which result [from its discontinuance]._ [after citing the royal decree of june 19, 1586 (q.v. _ante_), in regard to trade between the philippines and china, in words similar to the decree, the viceroy continues:] regarding the whole matter i have procured detailed information from people who are familiar with it and have an extensive knowledge of the affairs of those regions from the beginning of their settlement, and from the correspondence that they maintain therein. it appears that, since the time when don luis de velasco was viceroy and governor for your majesty in this kingdom, your majesty has spent in the pacification of those islands more than three millions [of pesos?] for soldiers, ships, and other supplies--all in order that the natives of those parts might recognize and profess the catholic faith, and the sovereignty of your majesty. as a result, there are already among them six spanish settlements, and more than forty monasteries of friars of various orders in many native villages, whose inhabitants are converted and baptized. by this, god our lord is well served, and your majesty's glory and renown augmented. with the assiduity exercised by all these ministers, the christian church appears to be increasing in those places, in such wise that in a short time it is hoped that the sect of mahoma and the idolatries of which they were full, will be eradicated from them. not only has this been done and continued among the people of the said islands, but also among many natives of china who have come, and continue to come, to live in the islands. they are baptized and have become christians, which seems a good beginning; this will be an excellent way of pursuing the pious work and the objects which, as your majesty has always made plain, you have had in the pacification and settlement of those places, and of acquiring greater favor and grandeur than is now possessed in all these kingdoms. although the ships and soldiery that have ordinarily been here have been also of great effect in placing affairs in their present state, it seems that the traffic and commerce which has been encouraged with the natives of the filipinas and those of china and other nations, and the friendship and good treatment which has been accorded them, have been of considerably greater importance, since they are a well-armed and numerous people. it seems very difficult to subject them or negotiate with them against their will; and as they live for the most part by commerce, it will be seen, that, by the advantage accruing to them therefrom, they will not only become christians, but, with the lapse of time, they will be profitable to your majesty and instruments for whatever your majesty would like to undertake among those nations. and if this should come to an end, it is well known also that this people, because of our recent knowledge of them, and because of their covetousness, would drop christianity, return to their idolatries and old customs, and close the door which they are now opening for their gain and self-interest. that might be of greater importance than the annoyance of enduring and supporting them with some loss, especially as the trade and commerce that comes from those parts to this kingdom [of mexico] usually amounts to one ship and sometimes two, aboard which arrive the returns from the encomenderos of the said islands--silk, both raw and woven, cotton cloth, iron, copper, earthenware, and other things of no great worth, carried to those islands from the said land of china. as these are in no greater quantities than heretofore, the success achieved in this trade, and the benefit that might result from it, seem to be held in greater account than the damage which occurs, as i have said. although the figured silks are most usually not so fine as those that come from españa, some are good; and those that are not, are of such a price that, considering the price of those that come from españa, there is no comparison--because, as a rule, the damask is better than the taffeta from españa, and costs hardly half as much. the same holds with regard to all other cloth. the raw silk is very good and profitable in this city. as it is made, it is better than the native product; and from it are made good fabrics. in the first, second, and further sales of it that are made, your majesty's customs also receive greater increase, rather than diminution, from that which used to come from españa, and now does not come for this reason. also with this trade and profit many merchants and other people from españa and this land are going to live in those islands, and continue to settle there. thus the country is made safe, because, when any necessity arises, they take arms and incur the dangers of war, so that the natives of the said islands and of those surrounding are peaceable, and fear the spaniards. if these and the trade that they now maintain should fail, and if your majesty should not supply as many more men at his own cost, it is well-known that with the instability and suspicious nature of those peoples, they would rebel, and recover the liberty that they have lost. worse than that, they would return to the heresy or the heathenisms which they professed a little while ago. moreover, by this means the encomenderos and settlers of those islands get a profit out of the customs, trade, and commerce, because from their tributes and profits they derive a good income. before they had it, they were in need. from the said china they provide themselves with biscuit, flour, meat, fruits, clothes, gunpowder, iron, and many other things which they greatly need, and which the said islands lack. if they had to bring those articles from this kingdom, they might not have them on account of their dearness, and since they, without their trade, are so poor. accordingly, it not only does not embarrass or hinder the settlement of the said islands; but rather they find it very difficult to support themselves and achieve success without the said trade and commerce. it will surely result in greater cost to your majesty, if the trade can[not] be conducted as heretofore; and if provision must be made as on the frontiers of oran, tanger, or melilla. even those who avoid sending their money to those districts, send it to the islands. it is not in such a way as understood hitherto, that the prompt despatch of the fleets is hindered; because, although they do not send their money thither now, they will be able to send it--namely, to piru and guatemala--and to employ it in other ways in this land, without obliging them necessarily to send it to españa, if the gains that they attain are not so certain as they would have them. likewise it appears that, if the said trade should cease, the annual departure of ships and people, as it is at present, would cease; and that would be a greater incentive to the natives who are peaceful, and those who until now have had no desire for peace, to rise and rebel, seeing that the gain which they derive from trade is taken away from them, and ships and spaniards go thither no longer--through fear of whom they dare not rise from the subjection and obedience which they now observe. the said trade being in the present condition, it might be so regulated, that the expense to your majesty in ships, men, and supplies for their navigation should end by having them furnished from the merchant service, as on the routes by the northern sea. this i have written your majesty in the eighteenth section of my letter of may 10 of this year, in which i said that greater economy and profit will result than loss be incurred in continuing the trade of the said islands. this i shall try to secure by every possible means. and because these difficulties seem serious and the harm that might result does not come to pass, i have seen fit to disregard your majesty's orders, until you direct me further. in the meantime, i shall see that the affairs of those parts remain in their present state, so that the vessels leaving this kingdom for the said islands, shall take half the money that they could carry according to their tonnage. the shipment shall consist in such part of gold as will supply the present want of silver and coin--which are withdrawn as i have written your majesty in the same section of the said letter. your majesty will give directions therein at your pleasure. and in order that this navigation may be accomplished by the medium of merchants, which is a matter truly important for your majesty's royal service, and in order to avoid the increased expense of the port of acapulco, i have today ordered that every tonelada of cloth brought in your majesty's ships shall pay a duty in conformity with those paid on the northern sea. this is done to oblige the merchants, by incurring this duty, to turn their attention to buying ships, in order to economize and enjoy greater profits; also in order that in the interim, while this is being established, it may prove of some help for the great expense incurred by the ships. for hitherto--as i have written to your majesty in section 9 of my letter of february 23, 86--they had not paid and were not paying more than nine ducats per tonelada; now they will pay from thirty-two to thirty-four. your majesty will order all according to your will. [endorsed. "sections from the letter of marques de villa manrrique, viceroy of nueva españa, to his majesty."] brief of sixtus v erection of the custodia of the discalced franciscans in the philippines into a province sixtus v, pope: in perpetual remembrance of the affair. while with our mental vision we regard the fruitful results, which, with the aid of god, religious persons--especially the friars minor of observance [56] known as "discalced" ["barefoot"], of the custodia of st. gregory in the philippine islands of the western indias--are zealously gathering by their own toil, as so many workmen in the field of the lord, busy for the glory of god and the spiritual health of peoples dwelling in those very remote regions so far away from us, we think it right--nay, even their due--that we should graciously impart the favor of our apostolic love for their comfort and increase. in truth, our very dear son in christ, philip, catholic king of the spains--in his own name, as well as in that of our beloved sons the guardian and the other brethren of the custodia of st. gregory in the aforesaid islands--has represented to us, that the brethren of the province of st. joseph of the same order, established in the kingdoms of the spains, whereon the aforesaid custodia of st. gregory was dependent, in chapter held lately in the town of cadahalso, in the diocese of toledo, prudently being of opinion that they no longer could maintain the said custodia otherwise than with notable loss ... unless the aforesaid custodia were erected into a province, resolved that they should humbly petition us to deign of our apostolic bounty to confer the title of province on the aforesaid custodia, and provide whatever else might be needed in the premises. accordingly, as we have learned also through information from our beloved son, francis gonzaga, minister-general of the whole order of observance, that no prejudice will be occasioned to anyone by reason of this erection of the said custodia; nor will the fathers thereof under due regular observance, to their own great advantage, cease to render grateful service to the lord--wishing to decorate them with worthy favors ... nor indisposed to hearken to their plea, by our apostolic authority, and in virtue of these presents, we do erect and establish the aforesaid custodia of st. gregory, hereafter to be called "the province of the discalced friars of st. gregory," in the philippine islands, to be ruled and governed henceforth by a minister provincial. he shall be chosen by the brethren of the province--under obedience, however, to the minister-general of the whole order of the aforesaid brethren of observance, and to the commissary-general of the indias, resident for the time being at the royal court. given at rome at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, november 15, 1586, in the second year of our pontificate. documents of 1587-88 letter to felipe ii. alvaro, marques de [villa] manriquez; mexico, february 8, 1587. letter to felipe ii. santiago de vera; manila, june 26, 1587. letter from the audiencia to felipe ii. santiago de vera, and others; manila, june 25, 1588. source: all these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla. translations: the first document is translated by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the second, by james a. robertson; the third, by consuelo a. davidson. letter from marques don manriquez to felipe ii sacred royal catholic majesty: on the twenty-fourth of january i wrote to your majesty a letter, which i send with this, in clause 6 of which i stated how very important it is for your majesty's service that trading in the philipinas should be carried on through the hands of the merchants; that they should maintain ships, in order to relieve your majesty from so great and heavy expense as you are under at the port of acapulco; and that it was on this account that the galleon "sant martin visto" had been sold at auction. to show of what importance this is--to begin with, it was sold for sixteen thousand pesos, which was the highest sum offered, and, in addition, what the repairs would cost which would be made at acapulco after the arrival of the vessel, which came to two thousand pesos more. if no one had been willing to give so much, i myself would have done so; for i am quite certain that this is to be the first step in setting this business on the sound basis which is desired. as they continue to sell the other galleons and to build more, we must have merchants who are interested in buying them and in sending them away on voyages; thus conditions will finally come to be like those in the northern sea, and the great expense which your majesty incurs in those islands will cease; and ships will be built in the philipinas, which will cost but little. it may be a means of profit to your majesty's royal exchequer to continue selling ships to the merchants. this has been demonstrated by experience; for the man who bought the galleon "sant martin" has offered to keep it on this route as long as it will hold together--as also another vessel, of two hundred toneladas. this offer is accompanied with certain conditions, as your majesty will see from the petition which he presented to me, which accompanies this letter. since he demands various things of importance, and some others which concern his own profit, they should be carefully considered. certain conditions should also be imposed upon him, which would benefit your majesty and, when fulfilled, would stop the expense at acapulco. i have referred it to your majesty's fiscal and the royal officials, that they may give their opinion on all points. all of us will examine this matter with the utmost attention, and i shall send a report to your majesty of what action shall be taken. may our lord guard your sacred royal catholic person during many years, with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, as the christian world needs and your majesty's servants and vassals desire. from mexico, february 8, m.d.lxxvij. sacred royal catholic majesty, i kiss your majesty's royal feet and hands. your faithful vassal and servant, alvaro, marques don manrrique. [endorsed: "+ philipinas; february 8, 1587. to his sacred royal catholic majesty, the king, our lord, in his royal council of the indias. let a duplicate be made of what is here related. duplicated."] letter from santiago de vera to felipe ii sire: last year, 86, i informed your majesty of the condition of these islands, and the need of certain things for their betterment and conservation. because of the great distance and remoteness of these islands, and the dangers that the letters must encounter until they reach your majesty's hands, i enclose a duplicate of the last letter with this. for the same reason, i beseech that your majesty will please to answer that letter, and order that what is most fitting for your service be provided--since the decision is delayed three years, at the very least, and, if left for other vessels, six; and this delay might cause great harm to this land, and bring about irreparable injuries. in these philipinas your majesty has some spanish settlements; and in this city of manila, the capital, and in the others, are usually about seven hundred men, and sometimes as many as eight hundred. although your majesty has ordained that reënforcements should be sent annually from nueva spaña, that has not been done; and, even when soldiers are sent, there are but few. and as, after their arrival here, they have no pay or any means of gain, they suffer great hunger and privation, and cannot endure more than the dry season. as this country is so unhealthful, and the climate so trying, most of them die, while others desert; and it is not in our power to remedy the evil. i beseech your majesty to be so good, if this kingdom--as being a gateway, so important for the gospel and the christian religion, to so great and powerful kingdoms--is to be extended and increased, to order the viceroy of nueva spaña to send every year, conformably to his orders, the troops, supplies, and arms requested by the governor of these islands. will your majesty also command that food and sustenance be provided for the soldiers, for their sufferings are most pitiful. in another letter, i have informed your majesty of the deep affliction and pressing need in which i found this city, because all the houses and property had been destroyed by fire, not even the fortifications escaping. on account of the constant danger from fire, because the buildings were being constructed of wood and bamboo, thatched with straw, and because many quarries and much limestone had been discovered, which is brought down the river, i forbade that any houses should be built of other material than stone, since this could be done at a very slight expense. i ordered roof-tiles and bricks to be made; and now many substantial and handsome houses are being constructed of stone. the natives have assisted no little in this, for most of them have been set to work in the quarries. according to the promptness exercised by the citizens, i trust, god helping, that, in ten years, the city will be built entirely of stone, for from two stone houses here the number has increased to twenty large houses, besides a monastery; and a considerable number of buildings, very substantial and well planned, are at present in course of construction. this city is located on a narrow piece of land, between the sea on one side and a river of considerable size, which flows through part of the city, on the other; while on another side is a swamp or morass. on the side fronting the sea is a handsome beach, extending two leagues to the port of cavite, where lie the vessels of the nueva spaña line. where the river enters the sea, the land forms a point, upon which is built a very small and dilapidated wooden fort. neither on the seacoast nor in any other part was there any defense. on this account, in view of our danger, i resolved to set about fortifying the city, although the poverty of the city and of your royal treasury could not assist me. i have constructed a stone tower on the said beach, near the city; and lower down, where it seemed more necessary, i am constructing a very strong and handsome fort, the plan of which accompanies this letter. [57] in the three months while we have worked on it, i have the first story, where the heaviest artillery is to be placed, ready for flooring. god helping, i shall, i believe, finish it in little more than one year from now. from this fort and beach near the sea i have dug a deep ditch, thirty-four feet wide, which fills with the incoming tide, and even at low tide has sufficient water to float several vessels, which are used in carrying materials by this ditch to the said work, and for other important things. this ditch extends from the sea to the river, and at that side around the entire city, in such wise that the latter is an island formed by sea, river, and ditch. in place of the wooden fortress, i am going to build a bulwark to defend the entrance to the river and the beach, which can correspond to the tower already built; and the new fortress will defend both sides, the ditch and the sea. along the river-bank i have ordered stone breastworks to be built, extending from the old wooden fortress on one side, where the stone bulwark is to be built, to the ditch on the other side. with this, i think that this city will be well fortified; and it would be more so, if your majesty were pleased to have us provided with a garrison of two hundred soldiers, already paid--as could be done, by the plan about which i have written to your majesty, without spending anything from your royal estate, and without harm to the natives. to build the fortress, as i have recounted, the bulwark, and the other defenses, as i saw that your majesty has no income in this country, with which to enable me to do it, and that the city has no public property, i made a single assessment on the encomenderos, proportioned to their indians and incomes, and on the inhabitants who could stand it, of three thousand odd pesos. i also assessed on each married indian, one real, and on each single indian, one-half real--which both classes are paying without any oppression or harrying--so that the entire sum will amount to eight or nine thousand pesos. with this sum, i think it possible to construct the principal fortress, because the materials are cheap. the stone is so suitable that, when wet, it can be worked like wood, and when dry it is very strong and durable; and it is better than brick for the artillery. should your majesty be pleased to look favorably upon these works, and have them aided from your royal estate with an equal sum, everything would be finished; and another fort could be built as well, to guard the port of cavite and your majesty's ships for the regular line. since it is two leagues distant from the city, it is not made safe by the above-mentioned fortifications; and the ships cannot anchor at any nearer place, without ordinarily being in danger from the weather. in the general fire in this city four years ago, the powder and ammunition were burned, and the artillery was destroyed. although i have had the pieces refounded, and have used up the metal remaining, still there are only twenty-six large and twenty small pieces; and this supply is very small, considering the need of artillery in this country for its defense, as well as for the expeditions that have been made and for which occasion arises. near these islands, in one called lumban, twenty leagues from this city, and in others near by, i have discovered a quantity of copper, which on being tested by smelting it, gives one arroba of metal to the quintal of ore. i have not found anyone who understands the smelting of it; for those who tested it are indians, who do not smelt it in bulk. [58] i beseech your majesty to please have some founders and workmen sent to make artillery, for what we have here is of iron, and quite old and useless. in the city of macan, china, where the portuguese have settled, and in the city of sian, there is an abundance of saltpeter. if your majesty were pleased to have it brought from there--for it is quite near by, and an easy voyage thither--the great expenses annually incurred by your majesty by having it brought from mexico would be contracted; for there is sulphur in this country, [59] and the chinese bring it to sell, while excellent charcoal is made here. your majesty will order such provision to be made as suits the royal pleasure. many vessels have come to these islands from china this year, and especially to this city--more than thirty of considerable burden, laden with a quantity of merchandise, horses, cows, and more than three thousand men. i have treated them hospitably and given them a kind reception. they are very anxious for our trade on this account, and because of the large gains that they make--although, in our opinion, they sell so cheaply that we can but think that either products are raised in their country without any labor, or that they find them without money. they bring many rare articles, and every product of spaña, so that there is usually but little lack of those supplies here, both in clothing and food; while they bring many things not found in that country. it is a land of great abundance, and has an infinite number of people, all workers, and each one master of many trades. two vessels have also come to this city from the portuguese of the city of macan, laden with curious merchandise, whence they have drawn great gain. the chinese, on this account, have been very envious, and jealous, and fearful lest the portuguese should work them an injury. certain captains and leading men among them asked me why, since the portuguese had settled in macan, near the province of canton, china, and held their trade there, we do not do the same likewise in the province of chincheo, whence they bring so much wealth to this land. they say that, if there were spaniards there, they could send their goods to this land. these with what they themselves bring, would render it quite unnecessary for the portuguese to come here. i thanked them heartily for the suggestion, and in reply, said that, next year, they should bring a _chapa_, or passport from their viceroy of chincheo, so that castilians could go there; and that, as the people of canton had lent the island of macao, that the portuguese might settle there, so they should lend us another island, very near chincheo, on which we could settle and construct a fortress. at present, i could say [no] more than this, but i told them that your majesty wished to favor them, and had given me orders to that effect; and that, if they would keep their promises, your majesty would send spaniards to protect and aid them in their wars, and to defend them from their enemies. they were exceedingly glad at hearing this, and agreed to bring the chapa; for the viceroy is very anxious to increase the incomes there [at chincheo] by the duties that the spanish vessels would pay. i am continuing to inspire them with love and affection for your majesty's service, and they are already very favorably inclined toward our nation. and beyond even the mandarins and viceroys, i understand that all the people wish to see us in their country. i beseech your majesty, in case these men keep their word, to order me to execute what is most advisable for your service as quickly as possible, for it would be of very great importance not to lose such an opportunity. the trade continues to increase, so that, were vessels not lacking, a great quantity of goods would be sent to nueva spaña. the chinese are so careful merchants, that they bring goods in proportion to the vessels that come to the port. although i have built one very fine galley of five hundred toneladas--at so slight a cost that the sum does not amount to eight thousand pesos--and your majesty has four other useful vessels, still two more would be necessary for the trading fleet. if your majesty so pleases, they can be constructed very easily, and at but little expense; and if there were any money in your royal chest, i would have had them built already. i entreat your majesty to have some concession granted us from mexico, and advise me of your pleasure. in a former letter, i informed your majesty of the arrival of a japanese vessel laden with flour and horses (which they were bringing to this city), at the city of segovia, in the province of cagayan, in these islands. they had been driven upon the coast there, and some of the crew and horses escaped death. as soon as i learned of this, i sent a vessel for them, and, upon their arrival, showed them great hospitality; for this they were so grateful that they published in their country great praises of this land, and of the kind treatment accorded them. certain of them, together with others--both christians and pagans, up to about forty--returned with letters from the king of firando, and from don gaspar, his brother, the originals of which are enclosed here. they brought some merchandise and weapons to sell. they say that war is being waged in those kingdoms, and that of miaco, [60] to which sixty-three kingdoms are subject, has given a passport to the fathers of the society who reside there, so that they may preach the gospel freely throughout japon, and permission, to all who wish, to become christians. this is certified by one of the fathers to the members of the society who reside here, as your majesty may cause to be seen by the copy of his letter. this so good news has gladdened these islands. may god direct this, and grant that this new world may be saved by your direction and order. the many kingdoms, the infinite number of people, and the wealth of those realms, is incredible. the japanese are an energetic race, skilled in the use of our weapons. all the other nations lack that spirit, and are cowardly, dastardly, and abject. as above remarked, two vessels came this year from the islands of macan, whence the portuguese brought provisions, a quantity of raw silk, taffetas, damasks, and other merchandise. i showed them much hospitality and friendship, for which they were very grateful; and they desired to come here again, because they had derived much profit, and the voyage, in fair weather, can be accomplished in two weeks. i did not allow any duties to be collected on what they brought, or on the merchandise of the japanese, not only as it was very premature to impose these, but to inspire them with desire for our commerce and trade; also because your majesty ordered us to have friendly intercourse and communication with them, but chiefly because of having no order from your majesty for such collection. besides, as this land is so new, and must be treated like a sprout, i thought it advisable, in order that it may increase daily, to try not to burden it, but to maintain it--especially by means of the portuguese, so that they may lose the ill-will that they bear toward us; and so that other foreigners may desire our trade and the christian religion. i beseech your majesty to give orders regarding what should be done for the future. i have informed your majesty that some of the chinese sangleys, upon coming to this city, become citizens and christians. the bishop thereupon orders their hair to be cut, in accordance with our custom; but they, following their own custom, wear it very long, and braided and tied in a certain manner. they so dislike this, that, in order not to be compelled to cut their hair, many of them are not baptized; for, in their country, it is a great insult to them, and is regarded as a great crime to cut off their hair, and without it, they do not dare to return in order to bring their property, and their wives and children, to settle here. i have told the bishop that, inasmuch as that is not a religious rite, but a custom, just as it is a custom of ours to wear short hair, he should not have it cut. but he refuses to observe this, saying that he fears lest they go back to their country and return to their idolatries. will your majesty please have this matter examined and provided for. because of its extreme importance, i reiterate this supplication here. in my letter of last year, of which i enclose a duplicate herein, i informed your majesty of the disputes of the auditors and fiscal with myself in regard to preeminence in office, they wishing to enact certain measures of government and war outside of their jurisdiction; and that because of this lack of harmony greater hindrances were resulting to the service of god and of your majesty, in a land so new and so distant from your royal person. i resolved to allow them to do as they wished, and to let go my right and the preeminences of my office, until your majesty should order this remedied and provided for--believing that, in so acting, i serve you better. affairs here are in this condition, and i shall make no innovation until receiving your majesty's orders. through my overlooking and tolerating this, and through the arrival of the licentiate don antonio de rivera, auditor of this audiencia, those differences have ceased, and we are all in accord. justice is being administered with the authority, custom, and system of the audiencias of castilla, and those well regulated in the yndias. captain francisco gali, who was sent by the archbishop and governor to discover the route for the return to nueva spaña from these islands, as well as the islands and ports lying in the course, died as soon as he reached this country. pedro de unamuno succeeded to his command, with instructions not to go to china, or to its coast, because of the great difficulties that would result. because the said governor charged me urgently to make him fulfil his instructions, and because i was informed that, beyond all doubt, he was intending to go to macan to invest great sums of money brought by himself and the officials of the ship, i ordered him, under severe penalties, to observe his instructions, and not to touch at or sight the country of china. but he, notwithstanding this edict, deviated from his straight course and went to macan. contrary to the will of the commandant and the portuguese, and the orders of the viceroy of yndia, he entered the port, where they arrested him and hid his cargo. he has remained there one year, and the expedition has been broken up. because the portuguese believed that he would not return to nueva spaña, and because he had a crew made up of different nationalities (among them one frenchman and one englishman)--all excellent sailors, and all in rivalry--fearing lest they would become pirates, and commit some great damage, the commandant, the cities, and the chief men wrote to me to send for those vessels, men, and property of your majesty, so that no act of insolence displeasing to god and your royal crown might be committed. therefore i despatched a man and vessel for them, and am expecting them now. i shall inform your majesty of the result. the captain from japon, the servant of the king of firando--a man of worth and intelligence, and one of the chief men of that country--with whom i discussed certain matters, told me that, although his voyage hither had been for the purpose of becoming acquainted with us, and opening a road from his country to these islands, his chief purpose was to offer the king of firando and the people of his kingdom to the service of your majesty; and that whenever your majesty, or the governor of these islands, should advise the said king of firando and another christian king--his friend, by name don augustin--of any need of troops for your service, they would send as many people and soldiers as should be requested. all these would come well armed and at little expense, whether for burney, sian, maluco, or great china (to which country they are hostile), without asking anything in return, for they only wish to serve your majesty and to gain honor. this man has under him five hundred excellent soldiers, whose captain he is, who would come here willingly. these are his formal words. as a prudent man and experienced in war, he gave me certain advice, and a plan for bringing easily from those provinces six thousand men, and the method which could be followed therein, which appeared to have no little fitness. i thanked him heartily in your majesty's name, for his offer, saying that your majesty is not now thinking of the conquest of china or other kingdoms; and that your majesty's object has been, and is, to convert the natives; to preach the holy gospel to them, and to bring them to the knowledge of our lord, so that all might be saved; and that for this your majesty is spending so vast sums and sending annually so many soldiers, weapons, and ammunition, as a protection and rampart for the preachers of the gospel. i told him that when it should be advisable to place this in execution by force of arms, and if any necessity should arise, i would advise those kingdoms, so that they could effect their good desire, and your majesty would be served thereby. i also said that, as so powerful a sovereign, your majesty would reward them as is your custom with other friendly kings; and told him of the great advantage that would accrue to the seigniors of those islands in recognizing and serving your majesty. he was well satisfied at this, and i more so, at seeing a people, so important for the service of your majesty, imbued with so great desire to serve you--so that should your majesty order an expedition to be made to china, or to any other part of this new world, you could make use of them. this is a warlike race, feared among all the natives, and most by the chinese, who tremble at their very name, because of the many damages they have inflicted, and the experience that the latter have of their courage and valor. i have kept this conference secret, and ordered it kept so, in order that the chinese might not hear of it, as they are a very suspicious and timorous race. i have made much of these japanese, and am treating them with especial hospitality. i am writing to the king of firando in your majesty's name, in generous terms, thanking him for his offer. the devotion and christian zeal of this race is remarkable, and puts us to confusion. may god direct it all, so that a great gateway may be opened to your majesty for whatever you may be pleased to do. your majesty had jaime joan, a cosmographer, sent to this country. he had scarcely entered upon his duties, when he died of the fever, before he was able to complete any of the matters ordered by your majesty. on the twenty-third of last march, at half-past six in the afternoon, a total eclipse of the moon was seen, which lasted until a quarter past nine at night. nothing else has happened this year, of which to inform your majesty. may god preserve your majesty's catholic person. manila, june 26, 1587. the licentiate _santiago de vera_ letter from the manila audiencia to felipe ii sire: the two letters enclosed herewith are duplicates of those sent last year (87) by this royal audiencia--one on june 24, carried by the vessel "sancta ana," which left these islands for nueva spaña; and the other dated november first, sent via malaca, in portuguese yndia. it being understood that the letter carried by the "sancta ana" was lost, we beg your majesty to give orders that this letter, together with the enclosed copies, be attended to, taking such steps as may be required for the good service of your majesty here. your majesty will have received the news of the capture of the "sancta ana" last year, which occurred while on its way from these islands to nueva spaña, by an english pirate, who entered the southern sea with two vessels; after having plundered the ship, he burned it, with all the goods which still remained on board. [61] this was one of the greatest misfortunes that could happen to this land; because it is estimated from the investments made, and the treasure and gold carried, that the cargo of the said vessel would have been worth in mexico two millions [of pesos]. the loss has caused great poverty and distress in this city, and among its inhabitants and soldiers. to cap the climax, they have learned anew how much harder the viceroy of nueva spaña makes things for this country, for he has levied certain imposts, ordering that every tonelada of cloth shipped from here to nueva spaña shall pay forty-four pesos, the duty having been only twelve pesos heretofore--an increase which is keenly felt. as the people here are serving your majesty without receiving any salary or pay, it seems expedient and just that they be favored by ordering the viceroy not to alter the regulations hitherto made, and also to allow all those people who desire, to come freely to these lands. from what has been ascertained, it appears that they find it exceedingly difficult and expensive to obtain a license to come; and even the personal effects that they bring must be declared and permission obtained for each article. all this causes a great loss, and prevents the development of these islands; and it is necessary, should your majesty be pleased to do so, that this state of affairs be remedied. by a royal decree of may 10, eighty-three, brought here by doctor santiago de vera, president of this royal audiencia, when he came to establish it, your majesty ordered that the said audiencia look into the matter of the three per cent customs duty imposed on goods, both imports and exports, by don gonzalo ronquillo, when he was governor of these islands; and, in case this duty be not expedient, to remove it, or to take such measures as they deemed best. considering the poverty of the royal treasury of these islands, and the many current expenses here, the audiencia ordered that the three per cent duty continue in force; but in order to make its payment easier, and not to harass by this tax the inhabitants of this city and other people serving in these regions, it was decided that the citizens and soldiers and traders should not be obliged to declare in detail the number of pieces of silk carried, or their length in varas--it being sufficient to state the quality of the silk and what it had cost, so that the goods might be appraised according to their value for the payment of the three per cent duty. the same order obtains in regard to all the rest of the cargo--goods in bundles, robes, and other articles--this measure being taken for the sake of avoiding the annoyances caused at the port of acapulco were the officials sent from mexico for this purpose, since they would open the boxes and undo the packages, thus occasioning a great deal of damage and loss to the inhabitants of these islands, both soldiers and merchants. now we have learned that the viceroy has given orders that the goods of those who have not declared the number of pieces of each article carried, and the number of varas they measure, and a like account and calculation for everything else, be seized and confiscated--for which purpose he has begun to send to the port a judge, who proceeds with great rigor. we beg your majesty that, since this royal audiencia was ordered by the said royal decree to take such measures as it deemed best, and it has declared that the inhabitants and soldiers should be relieved and favored, and has had therein so just a reason to prevent the oppression that might be inflicted on them, your majesty will order the viceroy of mexico not to interfere in this or other measures which may be taken here, since from such measures result so much benefit to the poor citizens and soldiers, and to all other people who dwell in and maintain this land. since this royal audiencia was established in the year 83, it has not received any answers to the letters written, except a few decrees which have reached it; and we are informed that all letters sent from here are opened in mexico and held there, so that we cannot feel at liberty to write anything which is not examined and known there, from which great difficulties may result. even were it not certain that the letters from this audiencia are held there, we beg that your majesty will be pleased to give orders for their safe conveyance, and that nothing be lacking which may be important for the service of your majesty. we also ask that suitable action be taken in regard to the letters sent by individuals, because both nueva spaña and this country resent very deeply this interference. through letters received here it has also been learned that, without any cause therefor, the viceroy orders investigations to be made in regard to the president and auditors of this audiencia, by every vessel which goes to nueva spaña from other islands, from which great harm results to the authority of the royal audiencia. we beg that your majesty will be pleased to command what shall be done in this matter, and not permit the good name of those who are serving your majesty here to be tampered with in that fashion. this audiencia wrote to your majesty, in the letter above referred to as sent via malaca, concerning the great injury done to this country by the sale of the vessel "san martin," sold by the viceroy of nueva spaña--an injury not only through the need of ships in these islands but because it was sold with permission to make its first voyage to macan, and thence to return to mexico without touching at this city. and now it has been learned by letters from private persons that the ship "santa ana," burned by the english privateer, has been sold at public auction in the plaza of the city of mexico, also with the condition that permission would be given so that it could make another voyage to macan. if this be so, it means the total ruin of this country; because it cannot be supported if commerce be carried on between macan and mexico, and if the vessels which carry on that trade be taken away from us. your majesty, if he be so pleased, will look into the matter, and furnish a prompt remedy, as the affair does not admit of any delay, and the welfare and development of this country depend wholly upon such a remedy. this year we expected to receive help in the way of people and supplies, of which we suffer great lack, and without which this land is in the utmost danger of ruin; but as the "sancta ana" and the "san martin" which were the best ships that we had afloat, are not coming any more, there were no vessels that the viceroy of nueva spaña could send for this purpose; accordingly, he sent a vessel so small that it could not carry any people. the necessity of this country and its extremity are such that no carelessness may be allowed in providing help. may it please your majesty to command that aid be provided, with great care. from the portuguese at macan came a large vessel loaded with a quantity of merchandise. notwithstanding that the goods were excellent and valuable, they were not better than those brought by the sangleys--who, having made so large profits during the last few years, bring now everything of the best that their country produces. over thirty vessels have come here from that land, bringing so many people that, together with those who were living here, there are over ten thousand sangleys now in this city. we have always received them very kindly, as ordered by your majesty; and they are so friendly to the spaniards that the "san martin," which sailed from nueva spaña for macan, on arriving at the province of chincheo, which is in the country of those sangleys, was very warmly received, and they expressed much pleasure at seeing the spaniards in their country. the sangleys offered to load the vessel with anything that the spaniards wanted; but the latter, thinking that they would do a larger business at macan, where the portuguese are in the habit of trading, did not accept the offer; they were supplied with all the provisions that they desired, with much show of friendship and kindness, after which they sailed for macan. near that place, the vessel was lost during a heavy gale which it encountered--not, however, until all the people and money were saved. nothing was lost, as your majesty will have been notified at greater length through some other source. the friars of the order of st. dominic, whom your majesty was kind enough to send to this country last year, have begun to gather much fruit here, in certain houses that they maintain outside of this city, in which they minister to the natives. they have also established another house in the city, where they are striving earnestly for the conversion of the sangleys, and have even begun to preach to them in the chinese language. it is understood that the sangleys are very docile and well-meaning people; and it is expected that the preaching will attain to great results among them. may our lord bring them to a knowledge of the truth, and may he allow us to see your majesty master of everything. the religious came to these regions firmly resolved to live in poverty, as do the discalced franciscan fathers, and to live by charity; but finding that alms were scarce, and that there was extreme poverty in the convents which are established here, they have asked that a gratuity be given them from the royal treasury. since it was evident to this royal audiencia, as being a well-known fact, that without such alms the religious could not be supported, or assist in religious instruction, we gave orders, with the consent of the fiscal, that an amount equal to that given to the friars of the order of st. augustine be granted them, provided that a greater amount be not given to each dominican convent than is given to the augustinian friars, although the latter have more religious in their convents. they are very content and pleased with this order. alms have been granted to four religious of the convent in this city, with pledges that they would secure the approval of the royal council. this is a kindness which your majesty can do them, if you so please; it is just, and they cannot live without it. your majesty orders this audiencia, by a decree dated january 11, 87, which has been received here, to investigate the _modus operandi_ of the fathers of the society [of jesus] who reside in these islands: whether they look after the welfare of the souls of the people, and in what districts, and what result they have accomplished, what benefit would accrue by endowing for them a college in this city, and how the income for it could be provided, and for what amount. in regard to these questions it may be said that since the time of the arrival of these fathers in the islands until now, they have not been in charge of the souls of the natives, nor have they instructed them. throughout the islands they have maintained one convent, which is in this city, where there have been generally from four to six religious. they have rendered very good service to the spaniards, and have always attended very carefully to preaching and confessions, obtaining the same good results which they are wont to secure wherever they may be. they would do the same for the natives were there enough fathers, and if they had charge of the indians. although there are so few of these fathers, there have been and are some of great prudence, and learning, and highly esteemed, who could do excellent work in the college which they are attempting to open, if there were any inclination for it, in this city. but it would be useless, at present, to open a college, because there are in all this country no students to attend their teaching. for this reason, the dominican fathers ceased to give instruction in grammar soon after their arrival here, although they attempted it with great earnestness. the case being as above stated, there is no necessity for a college, or the assigning of an income to them, unless your majesty is willing to give them something for their subsistence. however, because of the poverty that they were enduring, this audiencia has already ordered that the same amount of alms be given them as to the augustinian religious--namely, one hundred pesos and one hundred fanégas of rice annually to each priest, to be given from the royal treasury. this kindness can be accorded them if your majesty consents, and will be of great benefit to them. in another royal decree of the same year, dated january 11, your majesty orders that this audiencia look after, and help in every possible way, the two hospitals established in this city, and report as to the best manner in which to provide for and remedy their necessities. this order will be observed very carefully, as your majesty commands; and as in this country there is nothing with which an income could be furnished to them sufficient for the care of the many spaniards who are treated there, your majesty might order, if you so please, that enough indians be allotted to them to pay to each hospital one thousand pesos, one thousand fanégas of rice, and one thousand fowls, this amount to include what is already given them. although this grant may be only for a period limited to certain years, it will be an effective remedy for the distress which they now endure. all that the hospital for the spaniards now has is the income from one village, assigned to it by doctor francisco de sande when he was governor of these islands, which is worth one hundred and twenty gold taes (equivalent to 500 pesos) a year, more or less, and will continue for three years. this time seeming very short to the president of this audiencia, doctor santiago de vera, he ordered that the hospital receive this aid for six years, adding to it the income from another village, which amounts to seventy taes, or two hundred and fifty pesos, or a trifle more. besides this, he also ordered that this hospital be given one thousand fanégas of rice and one thousand fowls; whereas for the hospital for the natives he only ordered one thousand fanégas of rice and one thousand fowls [which is not sufficient], and therefore great privations and hardships are suffered by those who are being treated there. in another royal decree of the above-mentioned month and year, your majesty orders that this audiencia endeavor to maintain great peace and harmony with the bishop of these islands, and manifests your displeasure at some differences between us and him concerning precedence in seats, and in regard to the mode of settling indian lawsuits. the whole trouble was this: the bishop claimed a seat on the same side of the church where the audiencia sits; and, the latter being six or seven steps below the main altar, the bishop would have been higher than and directly in front of the audiencia, with his back toward them. this being something unusual in other countries, it was suggested to the bishop that, until your majesty could be consulted, he should not overstep the usual practice hitherto in vogue throughout the yndias, and which had until then been observed with this audiencia; and that he should not meddle with the decision of the indian suits, in matters under the jurisdiction of the royal crown, as he had done. since that time, as this seat was yielded to the bishop, there has been, and is, between him and the audiencia, the agreement and peace and good understanding which should always exist, and affairs are managed in great friendliness and harmony, so that the people have always understood how much the audiencia esteems, honors, respects, and reverences the bishop. we beg that your majesty will appreciate the spirit in which this matter was settled. the aim of this audiencia was to maintain its own preeminence, in the desire that your majesty be thus better served, since it is through this that the audiencia keeps up the authority and respect which are its due, especially in so new a country as this, where respect for these offices is of so great importance. in the letter that we wrote to your majesty via malaca, notice was given of the arrival in these islands of the dominican fathers, informing you that it was not expedient to send any more religious orders to this country. of those orders already here--namely, the franciscans, the augustinians, the dominicans, and the society--it is very desirable that your majesty send many religious, because there is a great lack of instruction; and unless many of each order are sent, the natives cannot be instructed as befits the duties imposed upon your majesty's and the bishop's consciences, under whose charge they are, as the bishop will inform you in the letter that he is writing to your majesty. we beg your majesty to see to this matter and provide for it. may god preserve the catholic person of your majesty. at manila, on june 25 of the year 88. the licentiate santiago de vera the licentiate melchor davila the licentiate pedro de rojas don antonio rivera maldonado bibliographical data _foundation of audiencia_.--see _vol_. v, p. 320. _royal decrees of 1584_.--the first is found in santa inés's _crónica_, ii, p. 606; the original ms. is in the archivo de san francisco at manila--pressmark, "caj. nº. 2 (dra.), leg. 1º." the second is in the "cedulario indico" of the archivo histórico nacional, madrid; its pressmark is "tomo 31, fol. 161b, nº. 157." _mendoza's history of china_.--such part of this work as relates to the philippines is here presented; it is obtained from a copy of the madrigal edition (madrid, 1586), in the library of congress. full details regarding this work will be given in the final bibliographical volume of this series. _brief of sixtus v_ (1586).--the text of this document is printed in hernaez's _colección de bulas_, i, p. 530; it is also given in santa inés's _crónica_, i, pp. 524-527. the remaining documents presented in this volume--which are translated from either the originals or transcripts thereof--are obtained from the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the pressmark of each is indicated as follows: 1. _income of royal estate_.--"simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones y gobierno de filipinas; años 1582 á 1606; est. 1, caj. i, leg. 3|25, ramo 16." 2. _letter by davalos._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." 3. _letter by vera_ (1585).--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." 4. _letters by guzman and vascones._--"simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las yslas filipinas; años 1582 á 1606; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|25;" this title varies slightly, as will be seen, from that of no. 1. 5. _memorial of 1586._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cavildo ecclesiastico de filipinas vistos en el consejo año de 1586 á 1670; est. 68, caj. 7, leg. 35." the latter part is obtained from a ms. in the real academia de la historia; its pressmark, "papeles de las jesuitas, tomo 8, fol. 330-339." 6. _letter by chaves._--the same as no. 1, except that no ramo is indicated. 7. _letter by the cabildo._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del cavildo secular de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1640; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 27." 8. _letter by sedeño._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticos; año de 1570 a 1608; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 42." 9. _letter by salazar._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 10. _letter by the audiencia_.--the same as no. 2. 11. _letter by rojas_.--the same as no. 9. 12. _letter by moron_. "simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas seculares de filipinas vistos en el consejo; año de 1565 á 1594; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34." 13. _measures regarding trade with china_.--the same as no. 10 (which is one of the papers grouped in this document). 14. _letter by villamanriquez_.--same as no. 6. 15. _letter by vera_ (1587).--the same as no. 12. 16. _letter by the audiencia_ (1588).--the same as no. 2. notes [1] something is apparently omitted here, perhaps a statement that the audiencia shall make the necessary ordinance, to have provisional force (cf. section 310); but a careful examination of the original document fails to explain the difficulty. [2] andres de aguirre was one of the augustinians who came with rada and herrera to the philippines with legazpi's expedition. he was a native of vizcaya, spain, and made his religious profession at salamanca in 1532. he was a missionary among the natives of mexico from 1536 to 1564; the rest of his life was spent in connection with the philippine missions, largely as an envoy for their affairs to the court of spain. he died at manila (where he was then prior of his order) in september, 1593. see sketch of his life and list of his writings in pérez's _catálogo religiosos agustinos_ (manila, 1901), pp. 6-7. [3] the symbol u was used, in accounts, to designate thousands, in the same way as the comma, or the comma with ciphers, is now used in numerical notation. [4] the deposition of juan arze de sadornel, which is very similar to this, contains some further items of information, summarized thus: "prices are especially high when ships from nueva españa fail to arrive, or when a great number of people come on them. at such times, a jar of olives may cost eleven or twelve pesos, and a quire of castilian paper four or five pesos. the so-called linen cloth is really of cotton, and is very warm and quite worthless. the sangleys do not bring flour made of pure wheat. three or four years ago, the pork, fowls, rice, and other produce of the country were sold very cheaply; now there is great scarcity (and has been for two years) of rice in the market, and its price has advanced from four tomins for six fanégas to a tostón for one fanéga. consequently the poor inhabitants are suffering great distress, and cannot support themselves. formerly a soldier could live on 15 or 20 pesos a year; now that sum will maintain him only one month. many of the natives have died in the expeditions made to maluco, borneo, and elsewhere; and a plague of locusts has added to the distress in the islands. sadornel is thirty-one years of age, and has spent thirteen years in this country." [5] the "old style" calendar authorized by the council of nice (a.d. 325) was based on erroneous conclusions, and consequently contained an error which, steadily increasing, amounted to ten days at the time of its correction. this was done by gregory xiii, in a brief issued in march, 1582; he reformed the calendar, directing that the fifth day of october in that year be reckoned as the fifteenth. the vernal equinox, which in the old calendar had receded to march 11, was thus restored to its true place, march 21. the "new style" calendar is also known as the gregorian, from its founder; the system adopted by gregory was calculated by luigi lilio ghiraldi, a learned astronomer of naples. [6] "and he shall be a wild man; his hand will be against all men, and all men's hands against him." [7] joão de barros, an official in the india house at lisbon, wrote a history of portuguese achievements in the orient, entitled _dos feitos que os portugueses fixerão no descobrimento e conquista dos mares e terras do oriente_ (lisbon, 1552), _décadas i-iv_ (incomplete). the other historian here mentioned is jeronimo osorio da fonseca, bishop of silves in algarve; the book referred to is _de rebus emmanuelis regis lusitaniæ_ (olysippone, 1571). [8] afonso de albuquerque (born in 1453, died in 1515) was perhaps the most celebrated among the portuguese conquerors of india; he was the second viceroy of the portuguese possessions there, and founded its capital, goa. from his letters and reports to king manoel of portugal a book was compiled by his son afonso, entitled _commentarios do grande afonso dalbuquerque_ (lisboa, 1557); see also w.d. birch's english translation, _commentaries of the great afonso dalboquerque_ (hakluyt society, london, nos. 53, 55, 62, 69, of first series). therein may be found a history of the events mentioned in our text. [9] apparently referring to the practice of sodomy; cf. a similar statement in _vol_. iv, p. 51. [10] the archbishop of mexico at this time was pedro de moya y contreras, who had come to mexico in 1571 as chief inquisitor of the holy office. on october 20, 1573, he assumed the duties of archbishop; and in 1583 was appointed visitador (_i.e._, inspector) of the courts, in which office he was engaged during three years. in 1584 he was appointed viceroy of nueva españa, surrendering this post, a year later, to villamanrique. all these offices were held by him at one time. in june, 1586, he returned to spain, where he died at the close of the year 1591. in january of that year he had been appointed president of the council of the indias. [11] "the rumors of the occurrence of this metal in panay and leyte have failed of verification. accidental losses of the metal by prospectors or surveyors sometimes lead to reports of the discovery of deposits." (_u.s. philippine gazetteer_, p. 84.) [12] the reference in the text is obscure as to the location of this fort; but morga says (_sucesos_, ch. iii) that azambuja commanded at tidore, and requested aid from peñalosa to conquer ternate. "this fleet, after reaching maluco, did not succeed in its object. from this time forward, succor of men and provisions continued to be sent from the philippines to the fortress of tidore." [13] gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa, who came to the islands as governor in 1580, died in 1583, before he had completed the third year of his service in that capacity. during his funeral, which was held at the augustinian convent in manila, sparks from a lighted taper accidentally set fire to the building, which quickly spread to others near by; and soon all the public buildings and the greater part of the city were destroyed in the flames. before peñalosa's death, he had appointed his kinsman, diego ronquillo, his successor _ad interim_ in the government. see la concepción's _hist. philipinas_, ii, pp. 86-89. [14] apparently a reference to fray de vascones, whose letter to the king follows this. this friar mentions himself as a "native religious" (_indigeno religioso_), in which connection may appropriately be cited crawfurd's remark (_dict. ind. islands_, p. 96): "the [chinese] settlers, whenever it is in their power, form connections with the native women of the country; and hence has arisen a mixed race, numerous in the older settlements, known to the malays under name of pâranakan china, literally, 'chinese of the womb,' that is, chinese of native mothers; and called in the philippines, sangley, a word of which the origin is unknown." [15] santiago de vera had served in the audiencias of española (hayti) and mexico; in may, 1584 he came to the philippines as president of their audiencia and governor of the islands. in that post he remained six years, until he was replaced (may, 1590) by gomez perez dasmariñas, the audiencia being then suppressed. all its members except pedro de rojas at once returned to mexico. [16] apparently a _lapsus calami_ for miguel de talavera, the name given by santa inés (_crónica_, i, p. 219) who states that his commission was given by monseñor sega, apostolic nuncio; he went to mexico in 1580, whence he directed the affairs of the philippine mission during several years (pp. 226-229). [17] the term "province" is here used by anticipation, as the franciscan custodia of san gregorio was not actually erected into a province until the following year (see brief to this effect by sixtus v. _post_). a custodia is a group of religious houses not large enough to form a province. [18] so in the text, and often elsewhere; sometimes (apparently with more correctness) macau. the discrepancy may arise from an error made by transcribers, even those of contemporaneous date. [19] this is evidently the sangley friar mentioned by santiago de vera in his letter of 1585 (see p. 75, _ante_). pérez says (_catálogo_, p. 21) that juan de vascones (bascones) was minister in the following villages: calumpit in 1580, bulacan in 1583, and hagonoy in 1585; and that he died at the last-named place in 1586. [20] this friar was originally a soldier, but abandoned military life to enter the augustinian order. in 1576, he was appointed by felipe  ii, with two other friars, to go as an envoy to the emperor of china; but various obstacles prevented them from going thither until 1584, and the effort proved to be a failure. mendoza thereupon collected various narratives written by spanish and portuguese missionaries who had visited china, and therefrom compiled (especially from that of martin de rada) the _historia_ here described. in 1607 mendoza (then bishop of lipari) went to nueva españa, and was there made bishop of chiapa, and afterward bishop of popayan. he died about the year 1620. the title page reads: "history of the most notable things, the rites, and customs of the great kingdom of china; gathered not only from books of the chinese themselves, but likewise from the relation of the religious and other persons who have been in the said country. made and compiled by the very reverend father maestro fray juan gonçalez de mendoça, of the order of st. augustine, apostolic preacher, and penitentiary of his holiness; whom his catholic majesty sent, with his royal missive and other things for the king of that country, in the year m.d.lxxii. now recently enlarged by the same author. to the illustrious lord, fernando de vega y fonseca, of the council of his majesty, and president of his royal council of the indias. with an itinerary of the new world. with license. madrid, at the shop of pedro madrigal. m.d.lxxxvi. at the expense of blas de robles, bookseller." [21] in this connection three chinese characters are given, the first to be printed in any european book. [22] jerónimo marín was a native of mexico, where he became an augustinian friar in 1556. coming to the philippine islands in 1571, he acquired the bisayan, tagal, and chinese languages, and spent many years in missionary labors among those peoples. afterward he went to spain, where for a time he had charge of the philippine missions of his order; and finally returned to mexico, where he died in 1606. [23] in the text, martin--evidently a misprint; accordingly, we have corrected it to the proper spelling, marin. [24] reference is here made to part i, book ii, chapter vii of mendoza's _historia_. [25] either a reference to the few small islands which lie near the coast of the province of ilocos (luzón), or an erroneous mention of that province as an island. [26] the author of the "relation of the filipinas islands" which appears in _vol_. v. [27] alonso de alvarado was one of the augustinian friars who accompanied (1542) the expedition of villalobos; in 1549 he returned to spain. again coming to the philippines in 1571, he labored as a missionary among the natives of luzon. appointed provincial of his order there in 1575, he died at manila in may, 1576. see retana's _zúñiga_, ii, p. 563*, and pérez's _catálogo_, p. 11; the latter states that alvarado was the first spaniard in the philippines to learn the mandarin dialect of the chinese language, and that he ministered to the chinese converts there. [28] as a result of this journey, loarca wrote a memoir entitled _verdadera relacion de la grandeça del reyno de china_, etc. a ms. which is evidently a copy from the original of this document is preserved in the biblioteca nacional, madrid; its press-mark is "j.--16, 89," and "mss. 2902." it is possible that mendoza, in writing his _historia_, had access to loarca's work. [29] an officer, superior to the captains, charged with the discipline and instruction of the regiment; he exercised the functions of fiscal, and had the right of intervention in the commissary department and in all expenditures. (_nov. dicc. lengua castellana_.) [30] pedro de alfaro was at the head of the first band of franciscan missionaries who came to the philippine islands, and was the first custodian and superior of that order in the ecclesiastical province of the philippines. in the autumn of 1579 he went to china, where he founded a mission at macao. while on a voyage to india, in june of the following year, the ship was wrecked, and alfaro perished. see account of his life and labors in santa inés's _crónica_, i, pp. 113, 120, 130-140, 160-178. as that writer distinctly states (p. 124), the franciscans reached manila in june, 1577--not in 1578, as in our text. [31] agustín de tordesillas was one of the franciscans who first came to the philippines. at the time when he went to china with alfaro, tordesillas was at the head of his convent in manila. see account of this mission in santa inés's _crónica_, i, cap. vi-ix. [32] named by santa inés (_crónica_, p. 108), juan bautista písaro (_alias_ "the italian"), and sebastián de baeza, this last the name of a town in andalusia. they left manila on this voyage at the end of may, 1579. [33] the title-page of this "itinerary," as well as some portions of the text (notably the first chapter), are widely different in the first edition of mendoza's _historia_ (1585) from the madrigal edition of 1586 (which we follow). see the hakluyt society's reprint (london, 1853) of parke's translation of mendoza, vol. ii, pp. 207-209, 232. the franciscan here mentioned was fray martin ignacio de loyola, a relative of the loyola who founded the jesuit order. the title-page reads: "itinerary and epitome of all the notable things that lie on the way from españa to the kingdom of china, and from china to españa, returning by way of eastern india, after having made almost the entire circuit of the world: wherein are recounted the rites, ceremonies, and customs of the people of all those parts, and the richness, fertility and strength of many realms, with a description of them all. compiled by the author himself, both from what he has seen, and from the account given him by the descalced religious of the order of st. francis." [34] documents relating missionary efforts in these islands will be published later in this series. [35] an expression of the opinion, then current in europe, that the new world was either an extension of the asiatic continent, or separated from it only by a narrow sea. [36] "the philippine archipelago comprises 12 principal islands and 3 groups, adjacent to which are 1,583 dependent islands" (_u.s. philippine gazetteer_, pp. 4, 69). [37] this paragraph, here enclosed in parentheses, is found at the beginning of the madrid copy of this document (see bibliographical data). other additional matter found therein will be similarly indicated throughout. in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), a paragraph at the beginning of the "memorial" states that the general junta was held on april 20, 1586, in accordance with an edict issued (on the day preceding that date) by the audiencia. the assembly decided that sanchez should be sent to madrid, bearing a suitable memorial to the home government stating the needs and wishes of the colonists; and that other conferences should be held by the various estates and interests represented, to decide upon its contents. on may 5, the audiencia insisted that sanchez should accept the office of envoy, which he did on the same day. [38] here, as elsewhere in this document, we have represented by italic side-heads the marginal notes on the original ms. they are written in a different hand, and were probably made by some clerk of the council. [39] the stated times of devotion of the catholic church. [40] a note on the margin of the madrid ms. at this place reads, "or at least in acapulco." [41] a tax formerly paid to the government by those not belonging to the nobility. [42] a word used in america to signify an indian village newly consecrated to the christian religion, and evidently transferred from there to the philippines. [43] at this point the sevilla ms. ends, and it lacks any signature; there is reason to fear that the latter half of this copy--apparently, from the marginal notes, the one sent to the council of the indias, and used in their deliberations--is lost. the remainder of the document is translated from the madrid copy, which is fully signed by the notables of the islands. [44] for mention of the localities where these minerals are found in the philippines, see _u.s. philippine gazetteer_, pp. 83-85. [45] jesuit missionaries had already found their way into the chinese ports. cretineau-joly states--_hist. comp. de jésus_ (third edition, paris, 1859), i, p. 402--that in 1556 melchior nuñez visited macao and canton, where he became acquainted with the mandarins; but the repressive chinese laws prevented him from preaching the christian faith. in 1563, three jesuits visited pekin; and in 1581-83 three missionaries of that order became established at macao and canton--michel ruggieri, mateo ricci, and ---pazio. during 1600-10, ricci was a missionary at peking, where he was greatly esteemed by the emperor and other leading chinese, on account of his scientific and linguistic attainments; he is said to have been the first european to compose works in chinese. see sketch of his life in yule's _cathay_, ii, p. 536. [46] a somewhat blind allusion to the decline of the portuguese power in india, which began in the first decade of the sixteenth century, with the conquests of albuquerque and others (see note 8 _ante_). the arbitrary and tyrannical rule of the portuguese exasperated the natives, many of whom revolted. it will be remembered that in 1580 portugal was subjected to the dominion of spain--including, of course, its oriental colonial possessions. the statement in the text evidently means that, of the indian states subdued by the portuguese, many have acquired so much strength that they have been able successfully to resist their conquerors, and little therefore remains for the spaniards, who are now in possession of the portuguese domains. [47] the sofi are a peculiar sect of mahometans, organized about 820 a.d. for account of early relations and intercourse between the chinese, persians, and armenians, see yule's _cathay_, i, pp. lxxxii-lxxxviii. [48] a reference to the st. lawrence river, then little known, but by which, it was conjectured, might be gained a route to the sea of china, which was generally supposed to lie not far west of the north american coast. [49] this document forms part of the group "measures regarding trade with china;" but its subject-matter renders its location at this point more appropriate; consequently it has been transferred hither. the works printed in italics at the beginning of certain paragraphs in this document are, on the original ms., written as marginal notes--probably by a clerk of the council of the indias. [50] in the original ms., section 8 does not appear--probably a mistake in numbering the divisions of the letter. [51] the phrase _foro_ (an old form of _fuero_) _interior_ is but another expression for the ecclesiastical _forum conscientiae_, or _forum poenitentiae_. the reference is to cases of conscience, which should in this case be left entirely to the bishop's decision. [52] this was pedro de moya y contreras: see note 10, _ante_. [53] a reference to the residencia, or judicial investigation, to which each royal official was liable (vol. iv, p. 71, note 7). [54] in the original, _ochenta_ only--_y cinco_ evidently omitted by some oversight, as the date is written "1586" at the end of the document. [55] alvaro manrique do zúñiga, marques de villa manrique, was viceroy of nueva españa from october 17, 1585, to february, 1590. [56] the reformed franciscans were commonly called observantines, from their stricter observance of the rules of their order. [57] according to la concepción (_hist. philipinas_, ii, p. 92), the plans for this fort were made by the jesuit sedeño; and it was named nuestra señora de guia ("our lady of guidance"). he adds that the artillery was cast (at baluarte) under the direction of a pampanga indian--whose name, morga says, was pandapira. [58] considerable copper ore is found in the philippines, in many localities; but these deposits are little known, and have not been worked--except in northern luzon, where "copper ore has been smelted by the natives from time immemorial. the process ... consists in alternate partial roasting and reduction to 'matte,' and eventually to black copper. it is generally believed that this process must have been introduced from china or japan. it is practiced only by one peculiar tribe of natives, the igorrotes ... mean assays are said to show over 16 per cent of copper." see u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1900, iii, p. 235. [59] sulphur deposits abound about the numerous active and extinct volcanoes in the philippines ... the finest deposits in the archipelago are said to be on the little island of biliran, which lies to the n.w. of leyte. see _u.s. philippine gazetteer_, p. 85. [60] the ancient name of the city of kioto, which was formerly the capital of japan; it lies 250 miles s.w. of tokio. [61] this exploit was performed by thomas candish, on nov. 4, 1587, off cape san lucas, the southern point of lower california. after some six hours' fight the "santa ana" surrendered; her crew and passengers, numbering 190 persons, men and women, were set ashore, with supplies and provisions; the rich cargo--consisting of silks, damasks, perfumes, food, and wine, with 122,000 pesos' worth of gold--was plundered; and the ship (a galleon carrying 500 tons of goods) was burned, with all that the victors could not carry away. candish then set sail for the philippines, which he sighted on jan. 14, 1588; but his small force of ships and men did not permit him to do more than cruise through the archipelago during a fortnight, when he departed toward java. see candish's account in hakluyt's _voyages_ (goldsmid ed.), xvi, pp. 30, 35-45. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxi, 1624 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxi preface 9 documents of 1624 ecclesiastical affairs of the philippines. miguel garcía serrano, and others; 1574-1624 19 conflict between civil and religious authorities in manila. [unsigned and undated; 1624?] 79 seminary for japanese missionaries. alvaro de messa y lugo, and others; manila, july 23-august 5 84 extract from letter to felipe iv. miguel garcía serrano; manila, august 15 95 royal orders regarding the religious. felipe iv; madrid, august-december 98 early recollect missions in the philippines. andrés de san nicolas, luis de jesús, and juan de la concepción. (extracts from their respective works, covering the history of the missions to the year 1624.) 111 bibliographical data 319 illustrations title-page of _historia general de los religiosos descalzos ... del gran padre ... san augustin_, by andres de san nicolas (madrid, 1664); photographic facsimile from copy in library of edward e. ayer, chicago. 109 title-pages (the first engraved) to _historia general de los religiosos descalzos ... del gran padre ... san augustin_, by luis de jesús, augustinian recollect (madrid, 1681); photographic facsimiles from copy in library of edward e. ayer, chicago. 187, 189 title-page of volume iv of _historia general de philipinas_, by juan de la concepción, augustinian recollect (manila, 1788); photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university. 261 preface this volume, dated 1624, is entirely devoted to religious matters, ecclesiastical or missionary in their scope. the current documents for that year are concerned with conflicts between the diocesan authorities and the religious orders, and between the civil and religious authorities in manila; the defeat by the audiencia of the late governor fajardo's attempt to found a seminary for the training of japanese missionaries to be sent to labor in their own country; and efforts by the spanish government to check the assumptions of the religious orders. then follows a historical account of the early recollect missions in the islands, down to the year 1624, compiled from the works of andrés san nicolas, luis de jesús, and juan de la concepción. a document entitled "ecclesiastical affairs in the philippines" contains letters, decrees, etc., bearing on this subject, dated from 1574 to 1624. instructions to gomez perez dasmariñas (1574) jealously restrict to the crown or its officials all exercise of the royal patronage; and give minute details of the course to be pursued by the governor and the provincials of the religious orders in matters where that right is involved. this is followed by various official documents issued in the controversy between archbishop serrano and the religious orders (1622-24) regarding the right claimed for archbishop and bishops to exercise the same jurisdiction and authority over the religious of the orders, when charged with the care of souls, as over the secular clergy. serrano fortifies his position by various royal decrees and papal bulls. these documents show that much laxity has prevailed in selecting missionaries for the indians, some of these teachers not even knowing the language of the natives to whom they minister; also that the friars claim even greater authority over their parishioners than that exercised by the archbishop and bishops in whose dioceses their missions are located. on june 20, 1622, the archbishop begins his official visit in the parish of dilao (near manila); and his edict announcing this calls upon the people of the parish to bring to him any complaints or information that they may have regarding any fault, illegal act, or neglect of duty in their cura or parish priest. fray alonso de valdemoro was then in charge of the dilao mission; refusing to obey the archbishop's commands, he is excommunicated by the latter, and sentenced to imprisonment in a monastery. but the audiencia refuse to support the archbishop, who accordingly writes a letter to the king complaining of the resistance made by the friars. felipe iv, in a decree dated august 14, 1622, orders that the missions in the philippines shall be subject to the provisions of another decree (issued june 22 of the same year) promulgated for the missions in nueva españa. this provides that the same procedure be followed therein as in the missions of peru; that the missions remain in charge of the orders, but that hereafter the religious be not placed in charge of missions; that they shall be subject to the archbishop in matters pertaining to the churches and the care of souls, but that anything relating to the personal character of such priest shall be privately referred to his superior in the order, who shall try and correct him. an unsigned and undated document (1624?) gives an interesting account of a conflict between the civil and religious authorities in manila over the question of a criminal's right to asylum in a church. it is decided, at least for the time, in favor of the ecclesiastical authorities. at the death of governor fajardo (july 11, 1624) the audiencia take charge of the government. one of their first measures is to revoke the grant made not long before by fajardo of certain monopolies to a seminary founded by him for educating christian japanese to go as ordained missionaries to their own country. the members of the audiencia claim that this was an ill-timed act, in view of the persecution of christians in japan, and the edicts of its ruler expelling spaniards from his realm, and forbidding his subjects to trade with them. moreover, the seminary building is being erected in a place selected in violation of a royal decree, and which has been arbitrarily seized from its owners; and the monopolies granted are a grievance and injury to many persons, especially to the indians who reside near manila. the audiencia accordingly revoke these, and order that the seminary building be demolished; and they issue a royal decree in accordance with this decision. in a letter dated august 15, 1624, archbishop serrano advises the king either to give more power and authority to the audiencia, or to suppress it. in the latter part of the same year the king issues some decrees affecting the religious in the islands. the first (dated august 30) cites earlier decrees regulating the privileges and jurisdiction of the religious, and orders that these be strictly observed. in a letter to the archbishop of manila (dated october 8), felipe gives some directions regarding the religious orders. a letter (dated november 27) to the dominican provincial enumerates various abuses practiced toward the indians by the friars of that order, and directs him to see that these be corrected. an interesting chapter of ecclesiastical history is provided in the accounts of the early recollect missions in the islands. these are selected from the printed works here named: _historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de san avgvstin_, by andrés de san nicolas (madrid, 1664), and the second part of the same work, by luis de jesús (madrid, 1681); and _historia general de philipinas_, by juan de la concepción (manila, 1788). from all these books we select, as has been already announced, only such portions as closely concern our subject, and such as contain information of special value, or which is otherwise not accessible. from san nicolas's work we take his account of the foundation of the recollect missions in the islands. this is begun in may, 1605, by fray joan de san jerónimo, who sets out with thirteen other religious; they arrive at cebú on may 10, 1606, one of the missionaries having died on the voyage. after a brief description of luzón and manila, the writer recounts the entrance of the recollects into that city, their hospitable reception from all, and their establishment in a house of their own outside the walls. after some of the fathers have learned the tagál language, they begin their missionary labors at mariveles, not far from manila, whose native inhabitants are unusually brutal and ferocious. a brief outline of the customs and beliefs of these people is presented, which, although slight, is valuable as being another original source of ethnological information about the filipino peoples--the early recollect missionaries, like chirino and his co-laborers, having gone among wild indians who had had little acquaintance with the spaniards; and their observations are therefore of natural and primitive conditions among the natives. the missionaries first sent to mariveles soon die from hardship, privation, and penances; but others at once volunteer to take their places. rodrigo de san miguel is the first of these to go; and he, with others, accomplishes a wonderful work among the fierce zambales. details of the labors of each, and of marvelous escapes from death, are related. at masinglo a convent is founded by andrés del espiritu santo, which becomes a center of missionary work for a large district. the missionaries are kept under strict rule and discipline, that their self-abnegation and frugal mode of life may emphasize their preaching; and regulations are laid down for their missionary work and their relations with the indians. the main residence of the recollects is, after some years, removed within the walls of manila; and a handsome building is erected for it, and endowed, by a pious citizen. some notable images in its church are described. attempts being made, in both rome and spain, to suppress the new order of augustinian recollects, various testimonies to the value of their work, and to their piety and zeal, are furnished by various officials, both civil and ecclesiastical; and in connection with these is a statement of the scope and character of the occupations and services of the recollects, in both peace and war. convents are founded by these missionaries at bolinao and cigayan. at the latter place, one of the fathers is slain by an indian, and the church is burned by the revolting natives; but the indefatigable missionaries return to the unpromising field, again subdue the wild indians, and restore what these had destroyed. another residence is established at cavite, which accomplishes great good among the seamen who live there. the history of the discalced augustinians is continued by luis de jesús. in 1621 the reformed branch of the augustinians is erected into a congregation independent of the original order. in that year a convent of the discalced is founded in cebú, and, through the generosity of their benefactor ribera, another at calumpan, outside the walls of manila; the latter serves as a quiet retreat for the fathers, to the benefit of both their physical and spiritual health, and under its care is placed the village of sampaloc. in it is kept a miraculous image of the virgin. in 1622 the recollects begin to evangelize mindanao, of which island there is a brief description, with more detailed ones of certain curious birds and animals found there, and of the customs and beliefs of the natives. their government is simply the tyranny of the strong over the weak, a condition of oppression and cruelty and wretchedness. slavery, formerly a common practice among them, has been broken up where the missionaries have introduced the christian religion. in 1609 the natives of caraga are subdued by the spaniards, as also in 1613 a revolt by them is quelled; and finally (1622) the recollects carry the gospel among them. the missionaries do much to subdue these fierce savages, and make many converts--notable among whom is a powerful chief named inuc, whose example is followed by many. a flourishing mission has also been established on the river of butúan, where had formerly been a christian mission, now abandoned. detailed accounts are given of the labors and dangers which the fathers undergo, and of certain conversions. our historian does the same for the missions in calamianes and cuyo. it may be noted that the recollect missionaries vigorously pursued the same policy as that of the jesuits in forming "reductions" or mission villages of their converts. various miraculous events in the experience of the missionaries are related, especially the exorcism of certain demons who attempted to drive the spanish soldiers out of the country. another mission is opened on the cagayan river in misamis, northern mindanao; the fathers meet great trials and hardships, but finally succeed in converting the leading headman on the river, with many of his followers. they are greatly aided in this by the successful revolt of these indians against the mahometan chief corralat, in which they ask and receive the assistance of the spanish troops stationed at tandag. from the records of the provincial chapter held at manila in 1650 is compiled a list of the recollect convents in mindanao and calamianes, with the number of families attached to each. the writer goes on to relate some of the trials, hardships, and dangers experienced by the recollect missionaries in their work, several being martyrs to their zeal. in 1624 is held the first chapter meeting of the new recollect province of filipinas; fray onofre de la madre de dios is chosen provincial, and certain regulations for the conduct of the religious of the order there are adopted. with these earlier narratives may be compared that of juan de la concepción, in his _historia_ (vols. iv and v), which contains some matter additional to the others, although his account is largely drawn from these. the recollects, like the jesuits, form "reductions" of their scattered converts, in order to carry on their instruction more advantageously. the difficulties between the observantine and reformed branches of the augustinian order are recounted with some fulness. a singular epidemic of demoniacal obsession at cavite is dispelled by the religious services held at the new recollect church there. at the request of the bishop of cebú, the discalced augustinians extend their work--a reënforcement of missionaries having arrived from spain--to the visayan islands and to mindanao (1622); some account of their successes in the latter region is given. they also push forward into the calamianes islands and paragua (1622). of these islands the writer presents an interesting account, describing their principal products and natural resources, as well as the character and religious beliefs of the natives. among these people, unusually brutal and fierce, go the undaunted recollects, and soon establish flourishing missions, collecting the people in "reductions." then they send to manila a request that spanish soldiers come and take possession of paragua, which is done. the missions spread farther, and a large part of the island is subdued to the christian faith and the crown of spain. _the editors_ october, 1904. documents of 1624 ecclesiastical affairs of the philippines. miguel garcia serrano, and others; 1574-1624. conflict between civil and religious authorities in manila. [unsigned and undated; 1624?] seminary for japanese missionaries. alvaro de messa y lugo, and others; july 23-august 5. extract from letter to felipe iv. miguel garcia serrano; august 15. royal orders regarding the religious. felipe iv; august-december. _sources_: the first of these documents is obtained from pastells's edition of celin's _labor evangélica_, iii, pp. 674-697; the second, from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), i, pp. 515-523; the others, from the archivo general de indias, sevilla--save the second of the "royal orders," from the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid. _translations_: the third document is translated by robert w. haight; the second part of the fifth, by arthur b. myrick, of harvard university; the remainder, by james a. robertson. ecclesiastical affairs of the philippines _royal instructions to gomez perez dasmariñas regarding ecclesiastical affairs_ the king. to gomez perez dasmariñas, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, or the person or persons in charge of their government: i ordered a decree of various articles to be given to my viceroy of nueva españa, in regard to what was to be done and observed in that country for the preservation of my patronage, as is contained at length in the said decree, whose tenor is as follows: "the king. to our viceroy of nueva españa, or the person or persons who shall, for the time being, be exercising the government of that country: as you know, the right of the ecclesiastical patronage belongs to us throughout the realm of the yndias--both because of having discovered and acquired that new world, and erected there and endowed the churches and monasteries at our own cost, or at the cost of our ancestors, the catholic sovereigns; and because it was conceded to us by bulls of the most holy pontiffs, conceded of their own accord. for its conservation, and that of the right that we have to it, we order and command that the said right of patronage be always preserved for us and our royal crown, singly and _in solidum_, throughout all the realm of the yndias, without any derogation therefrom, either in whole or in part; and that we shall not concede the right of patronage by any favor or reward that we or the kings our successors may confer. "further, no person or persons, or ecclesiastical or secular communities, or church or monastery, shall be able to exercise the right of patronage by custom privilege, or any other title, unless it be the person who shall exercise it in our name, and with our authority and power; and no person, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and no order, convent, or religious community, of whatever state, condition, rank, and preeminence he or they may be, shall for any occasion and cause whatever, judicially or extra-judicially, dare to meddle in any matter touching my royal patronage, to injure us in it--to appoint to any church, benefice, or ecclesiastical office, or to be accepted if he shall have been appointed--in all the realm of the indias, without our presentation, or that of the person to whom we commit it by law or by letters-patent. he who shall do the contrary, if he be a secular person, shall incur the loss of the concessions that shall have been made to him by us in all the realm of the indias, shall be unable to hold and obtain others, and shall be exiled perpetually from all our kingdoms and seigniories; and if he shall be an ecclesiastical person, he shall be considered as a foreigner, and exiled from all our kingdoms, and shall not be able to hold or obtain any benefice or ecclesiastical office, and shall incur the other penalties established against such by laws of these my kingdoms. and our viceroys, audiencias, and royal justices shall proceed with all severity against those who thus shall infringe or violate our right of patronage; and they shall proceed officially, either at the petition of our fiscals, or at that of any party who demands it; and in the execution of it great diligence shall be exercised. "we desire and order that no cathedral church, parish church, monastery, hospital, votive church, or any other pious or religious establishment be erected, founded, or constructed, without our express consent for it, or that of the person who shall exercise our authority; and further, that no archbishopric, bishopric, dignidad, canonry, racion, media-racion, rectorial or simple benefice, or any other ecclesiastical or religious benefice or office, be instituted, or appointment to it be made, without our consent or presentation, or that of the person who shall exercise our authority; and such presentation or consent shall be in writing, in the ordinary manner. "the archbishoprics and bishoprics shall be appointed by our presentation, made to our very holy father [_i.e._, the roman pontiff] who shall be at that time, as has been done hitherto. "the dignidades, canonries, racions and media-racions of all the cathedral churches of the indias shall be filled by presentation made by our royal warrant, given by our royal council of the indias, and signed by our name, by virtue of which the archbishop or bishop of the church where the said dignidad, canonry, or racion shall be shall grant to him collation and canonical installation, which shall also be in writing, sealed with his seal and signed with his hand. without the said presentation, title, collation, and canonical installation, in writing, he shall not be given possession of such dignidad, canonry, racion, or media-racion; neither shall he accept the benefits and emoluments of it, under the penalties contained in the laws against those who violate our royal patronage. "if in any of the cathedral churches of the yndias there should not be four beneficiaries--at least resident, and appointed by our presentation and warrant and the canonical installation of the prelate--because of the other prebends being vacant, or if appointments to them have been made because the beneficiaries are absent (even though it be for a legitimate reason) for more than eight months, until we present them the prelate shall elect four seculars to fill out the term of those who shall have been appointed as residents, choosing them from the most capable and competent that shall offer, or who can be found, so that they may serve in the choir, the altar, the church, and as curas, if that should be necessary in the said church, in place of the vacant or absent prebendaries, as above stated. he shall assign them an adequate salary, as we have ordered at the account of the vacant or absent prebendaries; and the said provision shall not be permanent, but removable at will [_ad nutum_], and those appointed shall not occupy the seat of the beneficiary in the choir, nor enter or have a vote in the cabildo. if the cathedral church has four or more beneficiaries, the prelates shall not take it upon themselves to appoint any prebendaries, or to provide a substitute in such post, whether for those that become vacant, or for those whose incumbents may be absent, unless they shall give us notice, so that we may make the presentations or take such measures as may be advisable. "no prelate, even though he have an authentic relation and information that we have presented any person to a dignidad, canonry, racion, or any other benefice, shall grant him collation or canonical installation, or shall order that he be given possession of it, unless our original warrant of the said presentation be first presented; and our viceroys or audiencias shall not meddle by making them receive such persons without the said presentation. "after the original warrant of our presentation has been presented, appointment and canonical installation shall be made without any delay; and order will be given to assign to him the emoluments, unless there is some legitimate objection against the person presented, and one which can be proved. if there is no legitimate objection, or if any such be alleged that shall not be proved, and the prelate should delay the appointment, installation, and possession, he shall be obliged to pay to such person the emoluments and incomes, costs, and interests, that shall have been incurred by him. "it is our desire that, in the presentations that shall be made for dignidades, canonries and prebends in the cathedral churches of the yndias, lettered men be preferred to those who are not, and those who shall have served in cathedral churches of these same kingdoms and who shall have had most experience in the choir and divine worship, to those who shall not have served in cathedral churches. "at least in the districts where it can be conveniently done, a graduate jurist in general study shall be presented for a doctoral canonicate, and another lettered theological graduate in general study for another magistral canonicate, who shall have the pulpit with the obligations that doctoral and magistral canons have in these kingdoms. "another lettered theologue approved by general study shall be presented to read the lesson of the holy scriptures, and another lettered jurist theologue for the canonicate of penitence, in accordance with the established decrees of the holy council of trent. the said four canonries shall be of the number of those of the erection of the church. "we will and order that all the benefices, whether sinecures or curacies, secular and regular, and the ecclesiastical offices that become vacant, or that, as they are new, must be filled, throughout the realm of the yndias, in whatever diocese it may be, besides those that are provided in the cathedral churches, as stated above, shall, in order that they may be filled with less delay, and that our royal patronage may be preserved in them, be filled in the following manner: "when a benefice (whether a sinecure or a curacy), or the administration of any hospital or a sacristy or churchwardenship, or the stewardship of a hospital, or any other benefice or ecclesiastical office, shall become vacant, or when it has to be filled for the first time: the prelate shall order a written proclamation to be posted in the cathedral church, or in the church, hospital, or monastery where such benefice or office is to be filled, with the suitable limit, so that those who desire to compete for it may enter the lists. from all those who thus compete, and from all the others whom the prelate shall believe to be suitable persons for such office or benefice, after having examined them and after having informed himself concerning their morals and ability, he shall choose two persons from them--those whom, in the sight of god and his conscience, he shall judge most suitable for such office or benefice. the nomination of the two thus named shall be presented to our viceroy or to the president of our royal audiencia; or to the person who, in our name, shall exercise the superior government of the province where such benefice or office shall become vacant or must be filled, so that he may select one from the two appointees. he shall send that selection to the prelate, so that the latter in accordance with it, and by virtue of that presentation, may grant the appointment, collation, and canonical installation--by way of commission and not by perpetual title, but removable at will by the person who shall have presented them in our name, together with the prelate. and should there be no more than one person who desires to compete for such benefice or office, or the prelate shall not find more than one person whom he desires to receive the nomination to it, he shall send the name to our viceroy, president, or governor, as above stated, so that the latter may present him. then by virtue of such presentation, the prelate shall make the appointment in the form above directed. but it is our desire and will that when the presentation shall be made by us, and we shall expressly state in our presentation that the collation and canonical installation shall be by title and not by commission, those presented by us be always preferred to those presented by our viceroys, presidents, or governors, in the form above mentioned. "and in the repartimientos and villages of indians, and in other places where there shall be no benefice or any regulations for electing one, or any form of appointing a secular or religious to administer sacraments and teach the doctrine, providing it in the form above directed, the prelate--after posting a proclamation, so that if there shall be any ecclesiastical or religious person, or any other of good morals and education who may go to teach the doctrine at such village--from those who shall compete, or from other persons whom he shall deem most suitable and fitting, shall elect two, after informing himself of their competency and good character. he shall send the nomination to our viceroy, president, or governor who shall reside in the province, so that the latter may present one of the two thus nominated by the prelate. if there shall be no more than one, by virtue of that presentation the prelate shall appoint him to the mission, giving him installation, as he has to teach the doctrine. he shall order to be given to such person the emoluments that are to be given to ministers or missions, and shall order the encomenderos and other persons, under the penalties and censures that he shall deem suitable, not to annoy or disturb such person in the exercise of his duty and the teaching of the christian doctrine; on the contrary, they shall give him all protection and aid for it. that appointment shall be made removable at the will of the person who shall have appointed him in our name, and that of the prelate. "we also will and order that the religious orders observe and maintain the right of patronage in the following form. "first: no general, commissary-general, visitor, provincial, or any other superior of the religious orders, shall go to the realm of the yndias, without first showing in our royal council of the indias the powers that he bears and giving us relation of them; and without the council giving him our decree and permission so that he may go, and a warrant so that our viceroys, audiencias, justices, and our other vassals may admit and receive him to the exercise of his office, and give him all protection and aid in it. "any provincial, visitor, prior, guardian, or other high official, who may be elected and nominated in the realm of the yndias shall, before being admitted to exercise his office, inform our viceroy, president, audiencia, or governor who shall have in charge the supreme government of such province, and shall show him his patent of nomination and election, so that the latter may give him the protection and aid necessary for the exercise and use of his office. "the provincials of all the orders who are established in the yndias, each one of them, shall always keep a list ready of all the monasteries and chief residences [maintained there by his orders] and of the members [resident in each] that fall in his province, and of all the religious in the province--noting each one of them by name, together with a report of his age and qualifications, and the office or ministry in which each one is occupied. he shall give that annually to our viceroy, audiencia, or governor, or the person who shall have charge of the supreme government in the province, adding to or removing from the list the religious who shall be superfluous and those who shall be needed. our viceroy, audiencia, or governor, shall keep those general lists which shall thus be given, for himself, and in order that he may inform us by report of the religious that there are, and those of whom there is need of provision, by each fleet sent out. "the provincials of the orders, each one of them shall make a list of all the religious who are occupied in teaching the christian doctrine to the indians, and the administration of sacraments, and the offices of curas in the villages of the chief monasteries. they shall give such list once a year to our viceroy, audiencia, or governor, who shall give it to the diocesan prelate, so that he may know and understand what persons are occupied in the administration of sacraments and the office of curas and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and who are in charge of the souls for whom he is responsible; and in order that what is or must be provided may be apparent to him, and from whom he has to require account of the said souls, and to whom he must commit what is to be done for the welfare of those souls. "whenever the provincials have to provide any religious for instruction or for the administration of sacraments, or remove any who shall have been appointed, they shall give notice thereof to our viceroy, president, audiencia, or governor who shall exercise the supreme government of the province, and to the prelate; and they shall not remove any one who shall have been appointed, until another shall have been appointed in his place, observing the above order. "we desire, in the presentations and appointments of all the prelacies, dignidades, and ecclesiastical offices and benefices, that those most deserving, and who shall have been engaged longer and to better profit in the conversion of the indians, and in instructing them in the christian doctrine, and in the administration of sacraments, shall be presented and appointed. therefore we strictly charge the diocesan prelates, and those superiors of the religious orders, and we order our viceroys, presidents, audiencias, and governors, that in the nominations, presentations, and appointments that they shall have to make there, as is said, in conformity [with this decree], they shall always prefer, in the first place, those who shall have been occupied, by life and example, in the conversion of the indians, and in instruction and in administering the sacraments, and those who shall know the language of the indians whom they have to instruct; and, in the second place, those who shall be the sons of spaniards and who shall have served us in those regions. "in order that we may better make the presentation that shall become necessary of prelacies, dignidades, prebends, and the other ecclesiastical offices and benefices, we ask and charge the said diocesan prelates and the provincials of the religious orders, and we order our viceroys, presidents, audiencias, and governors, each one of them, separately and distinctly by himself, without communicating one with another, to make a list of all the dignidades, benefices, missions, and ecclesiastical offices in his province, noting those of them that are vacant, and those that are filled. likewise they shall make a list of all the ecclesiastical and religious persons, and of the sons of citizens and spaniards who are studying for the purpose of becoming ecclesiastics, and of the good character, learning, competency and qualities of each one, stating clearly his good parts and also his defects, and declaring, so that prelacies, dignidades, benefices, and ecclesiastical offices shall be suitably filled, both those that shall be at present found vacant, and those that shall become vacant hereafter. those relations shall be sent us closed and sealed, in each fleet, and in different ships; and what shall be deemed advisable to add to or to suppress from the preceding ones that shall have been sent before, shall be added or suppressed; so that no fleet shall sail without its relation. we charge the consciences of one and all straitly with this matter. "in order that we may not be deceived by those who come or send to petition us to present them to some dignidad, benefice, or ecclesiastical office, we desire, and it is our will, that he who shall thus come or send appear before our viceroy, or before the president and audiencia, or before the one who shall have charge of the supreme government of the province; and, declaring his petition, the viceroy, audiencia, or governor shall make the relation officially, with information concerning his standing, learning, morals, competency, and other details. after it is made, he shall send it separately from those persons. likewise the approval of their prelate shall be obtained, and warning is given that those who come to petition for a dignidad, benefice, or ecclesiastical office without such investigation shall not be received. "we desire and it is our will that no person can hold, obtain, or occupy two dignidades, or ecclesiastical benefices in the provinces of the yndias, either in the same or in different churches. therefore we order that if any one shall be presented by us for any dignidad, benefice, or office, he shall renounce what he shall have held previously, before his collation and appointment. "if the one presented by us does not present himself, within the time contained in the presentation, to the prelate who must make the appointment and canonical installation, after the expiration of the said time the presentation shall be void, and no appointment and canonical installation can be made by virtue of it. "inasmuch as it is our will that the above-contained be observed and obeyed, for we believe that such procedure is expedient for the service of god and for our own, i order you to examine the above, and to observe and obey it, and cause it to be observed and obeyed in all those provinces and villages, and their churches, _in toto_, and exactly as is contained and declared, for what time shall be our will. you shall accomplish and fulfil it, in the ways that shall appear most advisable to you. you shall take for this purpose such measures and precautions as shall be advisable, in virtue of this my decree; and i give you for that complete authority in legal form. accordingly we request and charge the very reverend father in christ, the archbishop of that city, and member of our council, and the reverend fathers in christ, the archbishop of nueva españa, the venerable deans and cabildo of the cathedral churches of that country, and all the curas, beneficiaries, sacristans, and other ecclesiastical persons, the venerable and devout fathers provincial, guardians, priors, and other religious of the orders of st. dominic, st. augustine, st. francis, and of all the other orders, that in what pertains to, and is incumbent on them, they observe and obey this decree, acting in harmony with you, for all that shall be advisable. given in san lorenzo el real, june first, one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de eraso_" i order you to examine the said decree, and its sections above-incorporated, and you shall observe and obey it, and cause it to be observed and obeyed _in toto_, as is contained and declared in it and in each one of its sections, as if it were given for those islands and directed to you. i charge the reverend father in christ, the bishop of those islands, the venerable dean and cabildo of the cathedral church of the islands, all the curas, beneficiaries, sacristans, and other ecclesiastical persons, and the venerable and devout fathers provincial, guardians, priors, and other religious of the orders of st. dominic, st. augustine, st. francis, and all the other orders, that in what pertains to, and is incumbent on them, they observe and obey it, acting in harmony with you in every way that may be advisable and necessary. given in san lorenzo, september thirteen, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. [1] _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _joan de ibarra_ signed by the council. [the litigation between the prelate and the religious orders originated from the visitation of the village of dilao (which belonged to the ministry of the franciscan fathers), commenced by archbishop miguel garcia serrano, june 24, 1624, [2] with the dictation by him of the following:] [3] _act_. in the village of quiapo, which is near the city of manila, on the twenty-second day of the month of june, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two, his excellency, don fray miguel garcía y serrano, archbishop of these philipinas islands, member of his majesty's council, etc., declared that, inasmuch as the eleventh chapter of the twenty-fifth session of the holy council of trent rules and orders that the religious who exercise the duties of curas of souls be immediately subject, in regard to such duties and in all that pertains to the administration of the sacraments, to the jurisdiction, visit, and correction of the bishop in whose diocese they minister; and that no one, even though he be _admovibilis ad nutum_, can exercise the said office of cura without having obtained beforehand the consent and examination of the bishop or his vicar, etc., [4] which is ordered to be strictly observed and obeyed, both by the bishops and the superiors of the religious, and by the religious themselves, by the twenty-second chapter following, notwithstanding any privileges, constitutions, rules, customs, rights, and others _non obstantibus_, etc.; besides which, his holiness gregory fourteenth, by his brief which was obtained at the instance of his majesty, under date of roma, april 18, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, charges and orders the archbishop of these islands to visit the missions and the religious in them. [5] all of the above is ordered to be observed and obeyed in these islands by decrees of his majesty, under date of june first, five hundred and eighty-five; december twenty-one, five hundred and ninety-five; and november fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three. [6] in conformity with these decrees, his most illustrious lordship, wishing to observe what his holiness and his majesty have ordered, as it is a matter very advisable and necessary for the service of god our lord and that of his majesty, and the welfare and increase of the conversion, teaching, and instruction of the natives of these islands, notified the very reverend fathers-provincial in christ of the sacred orders of st. dominic and st. augustine, and the commissaries of that of st. francis, of these islands, by means of an order signed by his most illustrious lordship, which was given to them in the first part of april of this current year, so that, understanding it, the matter might be facilitated and observed on the part of the said orders, with the good-will and exactness that is proper, and which they have always had in obeying and observing the orders of the holy apostolic see, and those of his majesty. and inasmuch as it is advisable that there be no more delay in the above, his most illustrious lordship intends to go to visit the mission of the natives of the village of dilao, outside the walls of the city of manila, which is in charge of the order of st. francis, on the day of st. john the baptist. he has advised the father guardian of the said convent thereof, in order that the indians of the said convent may be assembled in the church at the hour of high mass, and so that all other necessary arrangements be made for making the said visit. his lordship ordered the above to be set down as an act, together with the copy of the brief of his holiness gregory fourteenth, and of his majesty's decrees, of which mention is made above; and he signed the same. _fray miguel_, archbishop. before me: _licentiate alonso ramirez_ in the town of quiapo, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of june, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two, the illustrious lord don fray miguel garcia serrano, archbishop of the philipinas, member of his majesty's council, etc., declared that he ordered--and he did so order--that that notification that his illustrious lordship ordered to be made and that he made, to the superiors of the religious orders--namely, the order mentioned in the act of the twenty-second of this month, which was made on account of the visitation of dilao--be filed with the [records of the] said visitation, which is to be begun on this said day, of the said mission and ministry of dilao. thus did he decree and order. _fray miguel_, archbishop. before me: _licentiate alonso ramirez_ very reverend fathers in christ, the provincials of the holy orders of these philipinas islands: being obliged to carry out the ordinance and mandate of the holy council of trent and the decrees of his majesty in regard to the examination and visitation which i have to make of the religious who are administering the missions of natives in my diocese, i deemed it advisable, in order to attain my object better, to inform your paternities of it before beginning it--so that, understanding the matter, it might be facilitated and observed by your paternities with the good-will and exactness that are proper, and which you have always displayed in obeying and observing the mandates of the holy apostolic see and those of his majesty. as your paternities know, chapter 11 of the 25th session of the holy council of trent, _de regularibus et monialibus_, rules and orders that the religious who exercise the duties of curas of souls be immediately subject as regards such duties, and in everything that pertains to the administration of sacraments, to the jurisdiction, visit, and correction of the bishop in whose diocese they administer; and that no one, though he be _amovilibis ad nutum_, may exercise the said duty of cura without first having obtained the consent of, and been examined by, the bishop or his vicar, etc. both the bishops and the superiors of the religious, and the religious themselves, are strictly ordered to observe and fulfil the above, as ordered by article 22 following, notwithstanding any privileges, regulations, rules, customs, and rights, and others _non obstantibus_, etc. this decree then, of the holy council of trent, has two parts--one in which it is ordered that the said religious be immediately subject in regard to curas, and in all that pertains to the administration of sacraments, to the jurisdiction, visit, and correction of the bishops; and the other that, before being admitted to the said duty, they must obtain the consent of, and be examined by, the bishops or their vicars. there has never been any innovation in the first; for, although the second part had the innovation that appears in two briefs issued by his holiness pius v--one in general for all christendom, which he conceded at the instance of the mendicant orders, under date of roma, july 17, 1567, in the second year of his pontificate, whose beginning is, _etsi mendicantium ordines_; and the other a special one for the yndias, at the instance of his majesty, under date of roma, of march 26, of the same year--in those briefs there was no innovation in regard to the first part. on the contrary, in the brief of his holiness gregory xiv which his majesty sent to these islands, and which was obtained at his instance, under date of roma, april 18, 1591, the first year in which he commits to the archbishop of manila the adjustment and restitution of what the conquistadors and other persons had in charge among the indians, and prohibits religious from going from a pacified district to convert one unpacified, without the permission of the bishops, there is a clause of the following tenor ...: _praeteria cum praecipuum munus episcoporum sit proprias oves per se ipsos pascere et visitare_. [7] in regard to the second part of the two things ordered by the holy council--that is, that the religious, before they can exercise the duties of the care of souls, must first get the consent of, and be examined by, the bishops or their vicars--that order also appears today in its entire force and vigor. for although it is true that his holiness pius v reserved the said religious from the said permission and examination, by the two privileges above mentioned, afterward his holiness gregory xiii reduced these and all the other favors and concessions given to the mendicant orders by pius v to the terms of law and the holy council of trent, as appears by his _motu proprio_ given at roma, on the kalends of march, 1573, the first year of his pontificate, whose beginning is _in tanta rerum_, etc., and which father fray manuel rodriguez inserted in the book that he published concerning the privileges of the orders, [8] in number 38 of those of that same supreme pontiff. although it is true that it is stated in the memorial which the order of st. francis in nueva españa presented regarding the substance of the privileges of the mendicant orders in the yndias, at the provincial council that was convened in mexico in the year 1585, at the instance of the same council (as is mentioned by father fray juan baptista, of the said order, in the second part of his book of advice for confessors), that the said revocation had no effect, because the cardinal protectors of the orders immediately appealed from it, asking his holiness to suspend the said _motu proprio_ and that it be not promulgated; and that his holiness agreed to it, and that, accordingly, no account was taken of it--it appears that no attention must be paid to that, for the said memorial has no further proof or authority than the certification of father master veracruz, who was in sevilla when the _motu proprio_ of gregory xiii was issued, and because father manuel rodriguez, of the same order of st. francis, affirms the contrary--who some years later, while residing in salamanca, where there was more notice of it than in the yndias, published his books of "questions concerning the regulars," as appears in article 7, question 8, of the first volume, [9] as well as in other places. with the same agrees father fray alonso de vega, in his conclusion, chapter 62, case 4, _questio de confessione_, and it appears by the declarations of the holy congregation of the cardinals, which marcilla reports in article 20, of section 25, _de regularibus_, and in article 15, of section 13, _de reformatione_, [10] besides others, by which it is manifest that it is a privilege that his majesty obtained for what he then judged advisable for the proper government of the churches of the yndias, and the greater increase of their christianity. it ought not, nor can it, be understood to be to the prejudice of the privileges that the holy apostolic see has conceded to the kings of españa for the same purpose, such as that of alexander vi, in his bull of the concession or confirmation of the indias, as follows: _hortamur vos quamplurimum ... et infra sit--insuper mandamus vobis in virtute sanctae obedientiae (sicut etiam pollicemini) et non dubitamus pro vestra maxima devotione et regia magnanimitate vos esse facturos, ad terras firmas et insulis praedictas, viros probos...._ [11] and adrian vi, in his _omnimodo_, as follows: _dum tamen sint tales sufficientiae ..._ and of the right of the royal patronage. [12] and since it is now his majesty's will that the fitness and approval of the said religious in regard to curas must be to the satisfaction of the bishops, which he says to be thus advisable for the discharge of his royal conscience and that of the said bishops, it is clear that we are bound to fulfil it as a command of the holy apostolic see. the above is in respect to the mandates of his holiness. coming to that which is ordered in this regard by the decrees of his majesty, it appears that his majesty having despatched his royal decree on the sixth of december, 1585, that if there were any capable clergy they should be preferred, in the benefices and missions of the indians to the religious who held them, and who should have held them, by virtue of another royal decree of may twenty-five, of five hundred and eighty-five, his majesty gave notice to the order of st. francis, of nueva españa, that he had ordered the suspension for the time being of the execution of this decree; and that the said missions be held, as hitherto, by the orders and religious; that there be no innovation in the manner of presentation and appointment; that the bishops in their own persons (these are the words of the royal decree), without committing it to any others, shall visit the churches of the missions, where the said religious may be, and in the missions inspect the most holy sacrament, the baptismal font, the building of the said churches, and the service of divine worship; and that they also visit the religious who should reside in the said missions, and correct them in matters concerning curas. that royal decree is in the book of advice to confessors of indians which father fray juan baptista, of the order of st. francis, published in mexico, in the year six hundred; it is on folio 380. on folio 259, it contains what the provincials of the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, of the province of mexico, answered to it on the twenty-eighth of november, of the said year, 585. that answer was to accept the said missions _non ex votis charitatis_, but with the obligation of _in se et justitia_; and in regard to being visited, they say that, inasmuch as the obstacles of their disturbance and relaxation of discipline were always to be found, which induced the apostolic see to exempt them from the visits of the ordinaries--which obstacles would be more and greater in the yndias, if authority were given for it--they would not refuse the reverence, respect, and submission due to the bishops, as prelates and shepherds of the church of god. they said that they were under greater obligations to them than to any one else, and would respect them and receive them into their convents with proper reverence, as they had always done; and that, obeying what his majesty ordered, they would be very glad to have them visit in their churches the most holy sacrament, the baptismal font, and what concerns it; but in all matters outside the above-mentioned, they petitioned his majesty not to give the bishops authority or entrance, for that would mean the perpetual disquiet and ruin of their order. but as for that which the said orders of nueva españa declared in that reply, namely, that the obstacles of disturbance and relaxed discipline were bound to follow the visits of the bishops, for which the apostolic see was induced to exempt them from their jurisdiction; nevertheless, it will be considered that a very different reason will be found to prevail in this case in respect to which, as regards religious from whom visits are exempted, they have their special rules and regulations, which are peculiar to each order. both for that reason, and because their institute, life, and government is of the cloister, and they have no administration, dominion, and jurisdiction over persons of the world, it was most advisable to give them superiors who had been reared in the same life, customs, and rules of religion, since, moreover, their profession was simply that of religious. but the ministry of the care of souls that the religious exercise is not of the cloister, nor does it depend on their special rule or institute; nor in regard to such are they at all different from the secular curas, both touching the religious ministers themselves, and touching the persons who are ministered to, whose spiritual government is in charge of the bishops. and since it is a fact that the religious who accepts an executorship is obliged to give a strict account of it to the bishop--nor does he fulfil his duty by giving it to his superior, if it is a matter with which the deceased entrusted him, who made election and a confidant of him--with very much greater reason ought an account of the administration of the souls that are immediately in charge of the same bishop be given to him; and although in proof of that many other arguments might be adduced, none will be so effective and so conclusive as to consider that while there were, as is true, so many so aged, learned, grave, and holy religious of all the orders present in the holy council of trent, who propounded as many difficulties and obstacles as they could offer, yet the holy council decreed and ordered as we have seen. in conformity with that, notwithstanding the said reply which the orders of nueva españa gave to the decree of his majesty, the orders of his majesty in regard to the said visits seem to have been obeyed, for ten years after another royal decree was despatched, which the said father, fray juan baptista, mentions on folio 396 of the said book, as follows: "the king. reverend father in christ, bishop of the city of antequera, of the valley of huajaca, of nueva españa, and member of my council: inasmuch as i have heard that the religious who reside in those regions, busied in the instruction and conversion of the indians, give out that it is a cause of great disquiet and uneasiness to them for you to send to visit them, in regard to curacies, by clerics or religious of other orders; and as it is advisable to avoid all occasions that may divert them from their chief end, especially since (as they say) it is contrary to their institutes, and is the occasion of their living disconsolate, and that they are molested: i request and charge you that when you are unable to visit in person the missions of that bishopric--in accordance with the order in my decree of june first, one thousand five hundred and eighty-five, [13] where this matter is discussed at greater length--for the said visits of religious who shall be in those missions, in regard to matters of curacies, of the most holy sacrament, of the baptismal font, of the building of churches, and all else concerning them, and the divine worship, you send religious of the same orders. consequently, where there are dominican friars, a friar of the same order shall be sent as visitor; and the same shall be observed with augustinians, franciscans, and those of the order of mercy, and of the society. that shall be observed for the cases and in the manner contained in the above-mentioned decree. given in madrid, december twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five. [14] [_i the king_] by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_" but since it was not expressed in the said royal decree of the year 585 that the religious who should administer the benefices and missions of the indians should first be examined and approved by the bishops; and since the remedy for the public excesses of the said religious should be limited to the bishops in the decree, if there should be any excesses even in respect to curacies--the bishops proceeding in this, not in the form ruled by the said article ii, of section 25, of the holy council, but by that which is declared in article 14, of the same section: his majesty afterward decided, for considerations that satisfied him, that the authority and jurisdiction of the bishops in regard to the above be extended further, as the holy council rules; and accordingly, on november 14, one thousand six hundred and three, he despatched his royal decree for the metropolitan churches of the indias, one of which he sent to the archbishop of these islands, which is of the following tenor: "the king. very reverend father in christ, archbishop of the city of manila of the philipinas islands, and member of my council: notwithstanding that it is very carefully ordered that the ministers who are appointed to the missions of the indians, both seculars and friars, must know the language of the indians whom they have to instruct and teach; that they shall have the qualifications that are required for the duties of the curacies that they have to perform; and that the religious missionaries be visited by the secular prelates in regard to the curacies: i have been informed that it is not obeyed as is advisable; that the prelates do not exercise the care that is advisable in examining the said religious missionaries, in order to satisfy you that they are competent and that they thoroughly understand the language of those whom they are going to teach; and that many of their omissions and excesses in the administration of the sacraments and the exercise of the duties of curas are not remedied in the visitations. that is a great obstacle, and consequently the indians suffer considerably in the spiritual and temporal. i have heard that their superiors are less careful in this, and in the choice of the persons, than they ought to be. and inasmuch as it is advisable for the service of god our lord and for mine, and for the welfare of the indians, that the ministers of instruction be such as are required for this ministry, and that they know the indians' language, i charge you strictly that, in accordance with what is decreed and ordained, you do not permit or allow, in the missions in charge of the orders in the district of that archbishopric, any religious to come to perform the duties of cura or to exercise that duty, unless he shall first be examined and approved by you or by the person who shall be appointed by you for that purpose, in order to satisfy yourself that he has the necessary ability, and that he knows the language of the chinese or indians whom he has to instruct. those whom you shall find, in the visits that you shall make, who have not the competency, good qualities, and good example that are requisite, and who do not know sufficiently the language of the indians whom they are to instruct, you shall remove; and you shall advise their superiors, so that they may appoint others who have the necessary qualifications, in which they also must be examined. you shall advise me of all that you do in this matter. given in san lorenzo, november fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_" with the above royal decree was despatched another to the royal audiencia, in which its observance and fulfilment is ordered and charged; and another to the same archbishop, which only contains the statement that he is strictly charged with its fulfilment. [15] his majesty says in it that it is advisable to do this for the relief of his royal conscience and that of the archbishop himself. those decrees having arrived in the ships that came in the year six hundred and five, don fray miguel de benavides, archbishop at that time, as soon as he received them, presented all three in the royal meeting held on the second of june, of the said year, and they were obeyed and ordered to be fulfilled. but as the said archbishop died within two months, he could not carry them out; and consequently they were left unobserved, because the cabildo succeeded to the government of the vacant see. afterward, archbishop don diego vazquez de mercado, either because he knew nothing about them, or because he was so far prevented by his age and infirmity (as all know), did not put them into practice. at his death, don fray diego de arce, bishop of zibú, governed this archbishopric; but he did not know of the said decrees. but as they have come to my notice, and since we are obliged, both myself and your paternities, to observe and obey what his holiness and his majesty order in regard to this, as above stated, we cannot excuse ourselves from immediately putting it into execution. we shall not be able to delay the observance of the said royal decree, by saying that since twenty years have passed since its issue, without having given it a beginning, it will be well to await his majesty's will once more; for, besides that things are today in the same condition as then, it appears that his majesty, having heard that the said royal decree was not being observed in nueva españa, either because the bishops had no knowledge of it, or for other reasons, gave it again to the viceroy, marquis de guadalcazar, under date of november nineteen, six hundred and eighteen, in which, inserting word for word the first decree above mentioned of november fourteen, six hundred and three, he orders it to be obeyed in the following words: "and inasmuch as it is my intention and will that what i have ordained and ordered in regard to the above be strictly observed and executed, i order you to examine the said my decree which is here incorporated, and to observe and obey it _in toto_, according to its contents and declarations, just as if i were talking with you, and it were directed to you. such is my will, notwithstanding that in the lapse of time, and with the claims of the prelates and missionaries, it has been winked at or another custom introduced, which shall, under no circumstance, be in any manner allowed. given in madrid, november nineteen, one thousand six hundred and eighteen. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _pedro de ledesma_" and the archbishop of mexico having reported to his majesty that the above decree of his majesty of six hundred and eighteen had not been shown by the viceroy, although he had had it in his possession for some time, his majesty despatched other new decrees to the said viceroy and archbishop, under date of february eighteen and august twenty-five, six hundred and twenty, in which, he again orders them to observe and obey the said first decree to the said archbishop, in these words: "and since your person is authorized, not only by the council of trent, but by the declaration of the cardinals, and by common law, to proceed to the visit for the reformation of all the missionaries, both seculars and regulars, you shall endeavor to relieve your conscience and mine." consequently, neither of us will by any means satisfy our obligations, if we neglect to carry out the commands of his holiness and of his majesty in this regard, so that we may report to his majesty in the first ships that his royal will has been fulfilled. from the above, and from the jurisdiction and authority conceded to the bishops over their sheep by the sacred canons, councils, and briefs of the holy apostolic see, it is manifest with what want of reason and foundation has been the assertion and declaration made three or four times by father pedro de san pablo, provincial of the order of st. francis, in the royal courts about one month ago, while reporting a suit of the fiscals of the missions of the indians--namely, that the provincials of the orders of these islands, and the regular ministers of the yndias, had more jurisdiction and power, by virtue of their privileges, over the indians in regard to matters concerning the ministry of their missions than had the bishops and archbishops in whose dioceses the said missions are located. that appears to be a universal sentiment and practice of the said religious, by what we have experienced in the course of the visitation to the indians of our archbishopric that we have as yet made. given in manila, march twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. [16] _fray miguel_, archbishop. [on april two and three, don gabriel de mújica, the archbishopric's secretary, delivered in person a similar copy of the above notifications to [each of] the fathers-provincial--namely, fray juan henrríquez, augustinian; fray miguel ruiz, dominican; fray cristóbal de santa ana, commissary visitor of st. francis. on june 20, the archbishop began his visits through the parish of dilao, causing an edict of the following tenor to be published from the pulpit during high mass.] we, don fray diego garcia serrano, by the grace of god and the holy apostolic see, archbishop of the philipinas, member of his majesty's council, etc.: to you, the faithful christians, citizens, dwellers, residents, and inhabitants of the village of dilao, which is administered by the order of st. francis, of whatever state, rank, and preëminence you may be, greeting in our lord jesus christ. we cause you to know that the holy fathers, inspired personally by the holy spirit in their sacred councils, piously and rightly ordered and commanded that all the prelates and pastors of the universal church be obliged, in person or through their visitors, to make annually a general visit and investigation of their subordinates and clergy, both seculars and regulars, who have in charge the administration of souls. this shall include the offices that they hold, in curacies and in churches, hermitages, hospitals, and confraternities, all which should be directed to the spiritual welfare of souls--which consists in being, through the grace of god, our lord, separated from sins, especially public and disgraceful sins, which offend his [divine] majesty so greatly. in order to fulfil this our obligation, we admonish and order that those of you who shall know or who shall have heard anything said concerning the father cura, your minister, who has charge of you in the matter of the administration of sacraments, or of any other person, which cannot or ought not to be tolerated by the citizens and inhabitants of this said village of dilao, of whatever nation and rank he be, shall tell and declare it to us; especially if he shall have committed what will be mentioned and related to you later in this edict, in whole or in part, or any other thing similar to it. you shall declare and manifest the same before us within the three days first following after this our letter and edict shall be declared and read to you. first, if you know or have heard said whether the said father cura n., your minister, has been remiss and negligent in the administration of the holy sacraments of baptism, penance, the eucharist, extreme unction, and matrimony. _item_: whether anyone has died without holy baptism through his neglect and carelessness, or without confession, communion, or extreme unction. _item_: if you know whether the said your minister has not said mass for you on every sunday or feast that is observed; or whether he has made any signal omission in this; and whether he preaches and teaches the christian doctrine to you, as he is obliged. _item_: whether the administration of the holy sacraments takes place with the reverence and propriety that is fitting; whether he has married anyone before daybreak, or without the admonitions ordered by the holy council, or without the notification of our vicars, and their permission having preceded, in the cases in which it ought to be made and asked for; and whether the baptisms that have taken place have been in the baptismal font of the church, with all respect and reverence. _item_: if you know whether the said your minister keeps the tariff of the fees--both those which pertain to him and those that pertain to singers, fiscals, and sacristans--written and placed openly where all may read it, so that they may know what they have to pay; or whether he has forced the natives to give more alms than they owe or are willing to give for marriages, baptisms, or burials, whether in money or in other things. _item_: whether the said your minister is careful to execute the pious foundations and the wills of his parishioners; or whether these have failed to be observed through his fault. _item_: whether the said your minister is careful to register his parishioners, both natives and those of other nations, at the time of lent; and whether he has confessed them during that time, or tried to confess them; and whether he has, after lent, made any effort to ascertain whether they fulfilled their duties to the church according to their obligation. _item_: if you know whether the said your minister has concealed any public or notorious sin of his parishioners, that has come to his notice, and has not endeavored to have it remedied by the persons who can remedy it. _item_: if you know whether the said your minister has not looked after the property of the church, the silver, and ornaments, and everything belonging to it; and whether any property has been lost by his carelessness and negligence. _item_: if you know whether the said minister, in the public sins that have come to his notice and that he has punished, has condemned the sinners to pecuniary fines, or something of value, such as wax, cloth, or other things; and whether he has failed to apply the said fines to those to whom they belong, in accordance with his holiness's brief and his majesty's decrees. _item_: if you know whether the fiscals have performed their duty poorly; or whether they live in sin, or are dishonest, or they conceal sins or concubinage; or whether they receive bribes; or whether with their authority as fiscal they have annoyed the indians, or have taken rice, fowls, or other things at a less price; or whether they have imposed any tax under pretext of alms for the church, by their authority that they possess as ministers of it; or whether they have taken more fees than belong to them by our tariffs. _item_: if you know whether the choristers and sacristans have likewise taken larger fees than are assigned them by our said tariffs, for burials, funeral honors, and other things that belong to them; and whether, when any poor man has died who has not the wherewithal to pay the fees, they have refused to bury him unless they are paid, or unless they receive pledges that they demand before burying him. _item_: if you know whether there are any apostates of our holy catholic faith; or who practice any evil worship; or who possess or read books of it. _item_: whether there are any who are living in public concubinage, or as whoremongers; or who keep in their houses slave women, or other women or men of evil life, in order to commit sins. _item_: whether there are any who have not confessed, or fulfilled the precept of the church, according to their obligation; or whether there are any who have eaten meat unnecessarily during lent on the fast of friday or the four ember days. _item_: whether there are any married twice while the first husbands or wives are living, or who are married to relatives in the degree prohibited, without dispensation from him who can give it. _item_: if you know whether there are any usurers who loan money at usury and interest; or who sell on credit at a dearer price than the things are worth when cash is paid; or who buy at a less price in order to give the money advanced with the imposition or fraud and usury. _item_: if you know whether there are any, either of you natives, or of any other nation, either men or women, who are sorcerers, or witches, or magicians; or those who pray to the devil, or who cast any kind of lots, whether to discover theft, or to ascertain other things by enchantments and witchcraft. and inasmuch as the above evil is a very great offense and disservice to god our lord; and as it is advisable to remedy that herein contained that has been committed: we order, exhort, and admonish all the citizens, dwellers, residents, and inhabitants of this said village of dilao [to make known these things], within the said term of three days--under penalty that, if they know it and do not declare it, they shall, if it be proved, be punished most severely. given in this village of dilao, june twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. _fray miguel_, archbishop. by order of the bishop, my master: _licentiate alonso ramirez_ [while the archbishop was proclaiming the visitation in the church of the above village, father fray josé fonte, secretary of father commissary fray cristóbal de santa ana, presented to him the following petition.] fray christoval de santa ana, preacher and commissary visitor of the discalced franciscans of this province of san gregorio, etc.: i declare that, as i have been informed that your lordship intends to visit the missions and their ministers of the said my order in this archbishopric--which is not only an innovation, and a thing not done by the other archbishops, the predecessors of your most illustrious lordship, but also contrary to the ordinance of the brief of his holiness pius v, despatched in roma, march twenty-four, one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven, in which, notwithstanding the ordinance of the holy council of trent, authority is given to the religious who are occupied in the conversion of, and preaching to, the indians, to perform the office of curas and administer the holy sacraments, with subordination to the superiors of their order, and exemption from the bishops and ordinary judges--accordingly the said my order receives violence and injury from your lordship's endeavor. [17] i petition and entreat you, in observance of the ordinance of his holiness, to preserve the said ministers and the said my order in their exemption and privileges; if this be not done, i protest that i shall make use of the other powers conceded to my order by the apostolic see, and the remedies that belong to it by law. i petition justice, etc. _fray christoval de santa ana_, commissary-visitor. ... his lordship having seen the said petition and having noted the brief of his holiness and its contents, declared: that besides that the said brief is revoked by a _motu proprio_ of his holiness gregory xiii, under date of roma, on the kalends of march, of the year five hundred and seventy-three, by which are revoked all concessions and privileges that his holiness pius v conceded to the religious of the mendicant orders, reducing them to the terms of the law and of the holy council of trent, even in case that the brief of his holiness pius v, which has been read, is not comprehended in the said revocation, his holiness pius v did not make any innovation in the rulings of the holy council in regard to the religious who administer souls being immediately subject as far as such ministers are concerned, and in everything that pertains to the administration of sacraments, to the jurisdiction, visit, and correction of the bishop in whose diocese they minister. for, as is evident by the said brief, his holiness was requested, at the instance of his majesty, to be pleased to decree concerning as many things as had been ordered in the holy council of trent; namely: first, that marriages should not be allowed to be celebrated except in the presence of the parish priest or by his permission; second, that the religious could not preach without the permission of the bishop; third, that they could not hear confessions without having been examined by the ordinary; fourth, that the bishops could erect new parishes in places very far apart. [18] and in regard to the fact that the religious were exercising the duties of parish priests in the yndias, it was necessary to provide relief in the above four things. his holiness, in accordance with that petition and request, decides the first three points in favor of the said religious, so that, having been examined and approved by their superiors, in the form ordered by the said brief, the permission of the ordinaries was not necessary in order to exercise their offices; and then his holiness, immediately providing for the fourth, orders that there be no innovation by the ordinaries in the custom followed before. consequently, his holiness decided in this regard that, if it were the custom before the council for the ordinaries to erect new parishes in the missions administered by the religious of the yndias, his holiness orders that that custom be retained; and if not, that there be no innovation; and that the said brief does not treat of other things. consequently, his lordship orders that the visitation that he has commenced be continued; and he made declaration to that effect through the interpreter, christoval de vera. thus did he decree and order, and he affixed his signature. _fray miguel_, archbishop. before me: _licentiate alonso ramirez_ [father fray alonso de valdemoro, definitor of the province of san gregorio, was then president and minister of the mission and ministry of dilao. in consequence of the aforesaid, the archbishop having ordered him to open the sacristy, in order to inspect the holy sacrament, and to examine the adornment that was there, he said that he could not do it. notwithstanding that reply, the prelate ordered him once more to open the sacristy, where the most holy sacrament was kept, in order that he might proceed with the said visit, "which he was to obey immediately under penalty of the greater excommunication, _latae sententiae ipso facto incurrenaa_, and four years' suspension from the office of the ministry of souls." the father minister, having been informed of the act, insisted on his reply, basing his action on the pontifical privileges of his order. in respect to the royal decrees, he said that he was obeying them, but that it was necessary that they should be communicated to his own regular superior, who had the right of answering them; "and consequently, that in virtue of the said briefs, by which he is exempt from the jurisdiction of the bishops in regard to the ministry and visit that his excellency intends to make; and by law, inasmuch as he is not the archbishop's sheep or subject, the said excommunication ... does not oblige or bind him. accordingly, let his most illustrious lordship determine that matter with his superior, whom the said father is bound to obey; and, while this matter is not clear, he does not consider as harmful the penalties and censures imposed by his excellency. he affixed his signature, witnesses being captain gregorio de galarça, alférez antonio de viana, and don melchor de valdes, and many other persons. _fray alonso de valdemoro_, definitor. before me, and i attest it: _licentiate alonso ramirez_" thereupon the archbishop ordered his notary to read the act passed on the twenty-second of the same month, "in which is discussed the right of his excellency to make this visitation. together with it the archbishop ordered the clause of the brief of gregory fourteenth to be read and communicated to him, which treats of this visitation and the decrees of his majesty which are in these acts, so that the said father should not pretend ignorance of it. thus did he order, and he affixed his signature. _fray miguel_, archbishop." the definitor responded "that in consideration of the fact that when his holiness concedes any indult, and orders any new mandate, he is seen to address himself, as is his constant custom, to the chief men, to whom it pertains to carry out any new mandate, the same law extends to the decrees sent by his majesty, which are directed to the chief persons, to whom it pertains to answer the said decrees and mandates of his holiness. consequently, as it does not appear that his prelate and superior, to whom it pertains to receive and answer the said decrees and clauses of the said brief that have been communicated to him, has been notified of them; and as it is not apparent to him from the said reply: he cannot make any innovation until such time as the will of his superior, with whom those matters must be discussed, is known to him...." having received that reply, the archbishop "declared the said father, fray alonso de valdemoro, to have incurred the penalty of greater excommunication and of suspension from his office as minister, which is imposed on him; and that, as such excommunicate, he was deprived of what excommunication deprives one; and in order that he might not allege or pretend ignorance, this declaration, stating that he has incurred the censures imposed, is to be read and communicated to him...." having heard the act, father valdemoro replied: "that, in consideration of the replies that he has given, and his protestation against the violence that his excellency has exercised toward his order, and the lack of summons, [19] which are an intrinsic right in excommunication, he does not consider himself as such excommunicate, until information has been given to his superior, as he has said, and in the meantime he does not consider himself injured...." after the aforesaid, father valdemoro took part in a procession, in which the image of our lady of guidance was carried to the city, so that the lord might be pleased, through her intervention, to bring safely to port the ships that were to anchor that year in cavite from acapulco. the ecclesiastical fiscal was informed of it, and he informed the provisor and vicar-general of it. at that time the latter was the canon and treasurer, don juan cevicós. he ordered the father to leave the procession, and by the archbishop's order he opened an official inquiry, in order to investigate the offense, and to punish it according to law, "as the said father is a parish priest and minister for souls in the said mission of dilao, and the said offense is dependent on the visit which his said excellency is making on him as such minister, inasmuch as he is, in that regard, under his lordship's jurisdiction and subject to him...." the investigation ended on june 26 of the said year. in it the depositions were taken of licentiate juan de arguijo, ecclesiastical fiscal of the archbishop; don alonso garcía de león, canon; licentiate jerónimo rodriguez luján, presbyter; miguel calderón, presbyter; and alférez francisco del castillo, chief constable of the archbishop. the archbishop ordered that the father minister of dilao be arrested, "and placed as a prisoner in one of the convents--that of st. dominic, or st. augustine, or the society of jesus, or st. nicolas of the recollects of this city--the one which the said father should select. that convent the archbishop assigns to him as a prison and place of confinement; and he is ordered not to break it under penalty of greater excommunication, _latæ senteniæ ipso facto incurrenda_, and suspension from active and passive vote for three years. and in order that the said imprisonment might be effective, and not be hindered by the religious of the said order, the royal aid shall be petitioned through this royal audiencia, to whom it rightly belongs to give that aid, in order that they may fulfil the decrees of the holy council of trent, and a royal decree given for this purpose, under date of san lorenzo, november fourteen, six hundred and three, directed to this royal audiencia, and another royal decree of the same date directed to the archbishop of these islands, in which they are ordered to make effectual the said visit, as such is advisable for the relief of the consciences of his majesty and of the said archbishop...." the audiencia having been asked for aid on june 27, declared on july 4, that "there was no occasion at the present time for imparting to the archbishop of these islands the royal aid asked in his name...." while the above was happening, one sunday, june 26, papers were seen to be posted on the doors of the cathedral and convents of manila. they were signed by father fray pedro de muriel, by order of the judge conservator appointed to prevent the said visit. he was father fray tomás villar, rector of the college of st. dominic, by virtue of two briefs of pius v: the first given march 24, 1567; and the second september 23, 1571 _universis et singulis venerabilibus fratribus_. he had accepted his charge one day before the said posters were put up. in those posters, don juan cevicós was declared to have incurred the excommunication of the canon _si quis suadente diabolo_, for having taken father valdemoro from the procession the twenty-fourth of the same month. the matter being communicated to the archbishop, "he summoned the said conservator to immediately refrain from proceeding in the said causes, under penalty of incurring the penalties established by law; besides which he would proceed to punish the scandal caused in this community by his having affixed decrees in which the said provisor was said to be excommunicated." father villar replied, declaring his charge as apostolic judge conservator, and that, as such, "he must proceed in the said cause. accordingly, he petitions and requests his lordship to cease to proceed in the said visit, that he has intended to make in the said mission of dilao; and that he send all that has been written and done to the said judge conservator; and if not, the latter will proceed to what is advisable, in accordance with law. in respect to the provisor, through his having incurred that contained in the said canon, _si quis suadente_, he ordered that he be proclaimed in the public parts of this city as excommunicated, so that all may know of it, and that no person remove, or cause to be removed, the said posters, under penalty of greater excommunication, _ipso facto incurrenda_ ... " in view of the aforesaid, and considering that the audiencia gave no support to the archbishop, so that he might prosecute the said visit that he had begun, he insisted no further on it. but "so that the aforesaid might be apparent to his majesty, and that the latter might provide what relief he pleased, the archbishop ordered--and he did so order--a testimony to be sent to the royal council of the yndias of all that had been done, and that the briefs mentioned in this act be sent also ... " at the same time he wrote the following letter to his majesty:] sire. finding myself obliged, both by the holy council of trent and a brief of his holiness gregory fourteenth, and by the restraining decrees of your majesty, in regard to the visiting of the religious missionaries by the bishops--respecting curacies, and that they do not exercise such office without being examined beforehand in the language of the natives that they administer--i determined to carry out so holy mandates, from which so many blessings must result to the service of god and that of your majesty. accordingly, having declared my purpose to the superiors of the said orders, three months before beginning the said visit, by means of a letter or notification which i gave them, in which i cited the passages of the said holy council, the brief of his holiness, and the decrees of your majesty, they responded to me orally, saying that they had an indult from his holiness, pius fifth, in order that they might not be visited in matters touching curas and ministers of souls; and that the bishops had no jurisdiction over their ministries. i began, in fulfilment of the aforesaid, the visitation on the twenty-fourth of the past month of june, at a ministry in charge of the order of st. francis, in the suburbs of manila. proceeding to the visit, i found so much resistance from the religious missionaries, both on reading the edict, and when i happened to request them to open the sacristy in order to inspect the casket of the most holy sacrament, that it was necessary to order that under censure, and that was not sufficient to make them agree to my request. accordingly, i declared and announced that the minister of that mission was excommunicated. for the time being i contented myself with that effort, with which, in order to avoid scandal, i returned home, with the intention of asking aid from this royal audiencia. but the said minister regarded the ecclesiastical censures and his prelate as of so little moment, that his subsequent action was just as if he had not been excommunicated and denounced. in a general procession that this cathedral made to the chapel of nuestra señora de guia, for the happy arrival of the ships that we were awaiting from nueva españa, in which were the royal audiencia, cabildo, city, and orders--all aware of the event of the previous day, for even the most secret thing is known in a city so small--all were universally scandalized. consequently, my provisor, in order to avoid that scandal, was obliged to order the said minister to leave the procession, and not to furnish the bad example that he was setting by showing contempt for ecclesiastical censures. as he refused to leave, the provisor removed him from the procession, ordering the fiscal of this archbishopric to follow him until he ejected him from the procession. as it was a matter that concerns, and is dependent on, the visit, all the orders were so angry over it that, speaking through the mouth of the order of st. francis, they elected as judge conservator a friar of st. dominic, the rector of this college of manila, in order to avoid any further attempts in the said visit to the ministries of the orders. the judge conservator, without informing me of any apostolic letter or brief of his holiness pertaining to the said conservatorship, posted decrees next day in the churches and public places, declaring the said provisor as excommunicated and as fallen into the penalties of the clause _si quis suadente diabolo_ ... i continued to prosecute the cause of the visit, and, having found the said minister guilty, i requested aid in order to proceed against him, and, until he should become obedient, to keep him confined in one of these convents of manila. the royal audiencia voted that there was at present no occasion for the said aid. thereupon i issued an act, in which i abandoned the visit until i could give an account to your majesty--to whom i enclose a testimony of everything with this letter, and with it another testimony of the act of the royal audiencia in regard to the case against my provisor, whom the judge conservator tried to arrest, and for which he requested aid, which the auditors refused him. i have written your majesty this relation in order to comply with your orders to inform you of what should be done in this, and so that you may see the freedom with which the religious proceed in this country, confident that they are the greatest part of the community; and that having, as they do, so great influence in all these provinces which they administer, they must succeed with whatever they undertake, even creating a judge conservator, contrary to the ruling of the holy council and the royal will of your majesty. that is so true that they proclaimed in manila that if the archbishop proceeded with the visit, they would place him on the list as excommunicated, and would not absolve him until he should go to their convent of st. dominic to beg absolution. i might easily have proceeded with the visit, sire, but i preferred to be chidden as remiss, than not to have those great scandals muzzled which were represented to me to be inevitable if i went to law with these religious. and speaking with all truth, it seems to them a case of less value than that any indian or spaniard should imagine that there is any power in these kingdoms greater than their own. may god preserve the very catholic person of your majesty, with the increase of new kingdoms and the happiness of those that you possess, as christendom has need, and as we your majesty's humble vassals and chaplains desire. manila, august first, one thousand six hundred and twenty-two. [20] _fray miguel garcia serrano_, archbishop of manila. _regulations concerning the visits of religious_ the king. inasmuch as i have considered it advisable to order to be given, and gave, one of my decrees of the following tenor: "the king. inasmuch as there have been many differences in regard to the manner in which the religious of the mendicant orders who have missions of indians in their charge in nueva españa, are to be visited by their prelates, and whether it is advisable that they possess missions; and inasmuch as various decrees have been despatched, some of which have been carried out, but others, because of finding some trouble in the execution, have not been observed; and desiring to end those quarrels and establish the form most advisable for the service of god and for mine: i ordered that, the papers that treat of that matter having been collected, what had been done in that matter be examined in an assembly of ministers and other experienced and educated persons. the assembly having conferred on the matter, and advised me of their opinion, i have considered it best to determine and order, as i do by this present, that, for the present, and until i order otherwise, the said missions remain to, and be continued by, the religious as hitherto; and there shall under no consideration be any innovation in that matter; and the assignment and removal of the religious who are curas, whenever it may be necessary, shall be made by my viceroy of those provinces, in my name, the latter observing in those appointments and promotions the form, together with the conditions and circumstances, with which it is done in the kingdoms of pirú; and it is my will that the religious be not admitted to the exercise or to the service of the said missions, or that they receive the emoluments of them in any other manner. i also order that the archbishop of those provinces may visit the said religious in what refers to the ministry of curas and to nothing else--inspecting the churches, the sacraments, the chrism, the confraternities, their alms, and everything pertaining to the mere administration of the holy sacraments and the said ministry of curas. he shall go to make the visit in his own person, or shall assign or send for this duty such persons as he shall choose and find satisfactory, to those districts where he cannot go in person, or where there is no occasion for his aid. he shall employ correction and punishment whenever necessary, strictly within the limits and exercise of curas as above stated, and nothing further. in respect to personal transgressions in the morals and lives of such religious curas, the latter shall not remain subject to the said archbishops and bishops, so that these may punish them through the visits, even though under pretext that they are curas; but, on having notice of such matters, they shall, without writing or drawing up processes, secretly advise their regular superiors of such persons, so that the latter may correct the wrong. in case that the latter should not do this, then the former might make use of the authority given them by the holy council of trent, in the manner and in the cases when they can and ought to act in regard to religious who are not curas. in this instance i order that they have recourse to the said my viceroy, who shall appoint them and who can remove them, to represent to him the causes, so that it may be done as has been and is done in pirú. and inasmuch as the said religious, in regard to the jurisdiction, are not endeavoring to acquire any right for the perpetuity of the said missions; and since by the aforesaid the ordinary jurisdiction is not annulled in cases that conform to law and to the holy council of trent: it pertains to the superiors to try the causes of the religious. that must and shall be understood, without any prejudice to the ordinary jurisdiction and the right of my patronage. i order all the above to be thus observed and executed inviolably by my viceroy, archbishop, bishops of nueva españa and all other persons whom its fulfilment concerns, notwithstanding any other orders whatever that may exist to the contrary. such i revoke and declare null and void. given in madrid, june twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _i the king_ _juan ruiz de contreras_" and in behalf of the archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila in the philipinas islands, i have been requested to be pleased to declare whether the decree of november fourteen of the former year six hundred and three is to be observed in those islands, in regard to the manner in which the said religious missionaries are to be visited; or whether the visit is to be exercised with the limitation and in the form contained in the new decree which was given to nueva españa. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, i have considered it fitting to give the present. by it i order that everything contained in the decree herein inserted be observed and obeyed by my governor, archbishop, and bishops of those islands, and by all other persons whom it concerns, exactly as is contained in it, for such is my will. given in madrid, august fourteen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. [21] _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan ruiz de contreras_ conflict between civil and religious authorities _case that happened in manila in the year 1623, in regard to a fugitive who was taken from the church_ juan soto de vega, whom justice was prosecuting for having stolen a large sum of money from the ship which was coming from mejico to filipinas, had taken refuge in the asylum [_sagrado_] of the cathedral of manila. desirous of escaping from the prosecution of the secular tribunal, he tried to get to eastern or portuguese yndia in the month of december. he begged permission from the provisor and vicar-general, don pedro monrroy, that he might be taken from the cathedral and kept in the ecclesiastical prison; and they actually kept him there, but with guards and in confinement, until the portuguese boats left for yndia. then they returned him to the cathedral, where he remained for the space of eight months, until an auditor took him violently from the church on the fifth of september, 1623, and took him to the public prison. there he, in company with another auditor, tortured juan de la vega until they broke his arm, which caused a great public scandal. the provisor began to take steps in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity. he demanded the criminal, and publicly declared the auditors to be excommunicated, threatening to place them under interdict, unless they would return the prisoner to the church. after the time-limit had expired, the interdict was imposed. the auditors, on the other hand, despatched a letter and a second letter to the provisor charging him to lift the censures and interdict, under penalty of banishment and a fine of 2,000 ducados, unless he did that in the time-limit that they assigned him. as he did not fulfil the command, they despatched the court constable, with soldiers, to look for the provisor in order to arrest him. they registered all the house of the archbishop, and the house of the provisor himself, sequestered his goods, broke off the locks of the cupboards and writing-desks, and ransacked his papers, but did not find him, for he had hidden in the convent of the augustinians. the archbishop (against whom the proceedings were directed), seconded by the public opinion, which was contrary to the auditors, summoned doctor don juan de renteria, bishop of nueva segovia (who was then in manila), and various religious, prebendaries, and lawyers, and assembled or formed a council to discuss what ought to be done in such a case. the opinion of all was that the auditors were legitimately excommunicated, and the interdict rightly imposed; and that the ecclesiastical immunity ought to be sustained, and satisfaction demanded for the scandal by returning the fugitive to the church. while that meeting was being held, the auditors despatched a royal mandate, which they said was given by don felipe, to the archbishop, ordering him not to retain don pedro de monrroy as provisor, as he was exiled from the kingdoms, to absolve the excommunicated, and lift the interdict--under penalty, if he did not do so, of banishment and a fine of 2,000 ducados. the archbishop replied, demanding a testimony of the cause and the corresponding acts [of the audiencia], in order to determine what he should do. but the auditors sent him another royal decree, warning him that he would be considered to have incurred the said penalties if he did not immediately lift the censures and interdict. since the archbishop held firm, the auditors sent the chief court constable, together with the actuary of the audiencia and thirty pikemen under command of an adjutant, at four in the afternoon on that same day, in order to take charge of the episcopal residence, with orders not to permit any one to leave it or anything to be taken from it. at this juncture, the rector of the jesuit college and others advised the archbishop to raise the censures _ad reincidentiam_ [_i.e._, "until a repetition of the offense"], and the interdict for one week, since they thought that the auditors would return the prisoner. that was done, and the archbishop requested the opinion in writing of the orders and learned persons, which they gave him--with the exception of the dominicans, who excused themselves. the archbishop, seeing that the auditors not only did not do what was promised, but even issued another decree to arrest and expel the provisor, called another meeting, at which the dominicans had no part. in that meeting it was decided to defend the ecclesiastical immunity, and that two individuals of the assembly should go to talk with the auditors in the name of the assembly, and notify them that the prisoner must be returned, or else the archbishop could not raise the censures or interdict. two jesuits went, and the auditors replied to them that they would not desist or turn back. the interdict was immediately imposed again, and the auditors were publicly declared to be excommunicated. a jesuit, who was a friend to the governor, advised him to take a hand in the matter in order to cut short such scandals. the result was that the governor decided to see the archbishop at the residence of the society, in order to discuss the most suitable method. the interview was held, but without result. another interview had the same result. meanwhile it was decided to appoint two arbitrators, one from each side. doctor jolo was appointed for the auditors, and father juan de bueras, [22] rector of the residence of the society of jesus, for the archbishop. they agreed that the prisoner should be returned to the episcopal prison, and that each side should desist from their claim in what was accomplished. when the time came to execute the agreement of the arbitrators, the auditors put difficulties in the way. but, since at the same time it happened that the provisor, as commissary of the holy crusade, had drawn up acts against the auditors for the violation of his house and tribunal, against which there was no recourse by force in these islands; and since, on the other hand, the governor demanded from them the record of all that had been done (separating himself from them, as not being a lawyer) in order to inform the king: they resolved to form an assembly without the governor, and voted that the prisoner should be returned to the ecclesiastical prison, while the ecclesiastical judge was investigating whether the church was protecting him, which was what the archbishop claimed. the victorious provisor left the residence of the society, and with great pomp, and, accompanied by a mass of people and by his ministers, drew the prisoner from the public prison and took him to his own. the interdict was raised, to the chime of the bells of all the churches. the auditors begged to be absolved in their houses, but the archbishop refused, saying that since the scandal had been public, the absolution also must be so. however, absolution was given in his house to one who was sick and who was less culpable; as well as to another by the influence of the dominicans, who obtained that it be given him by the parish priest. seminary for japanese missionaries in the city of manila, on the twenty-third day of july in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, the honorable president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands, in whose charge is the government thereof, declared that [they have resolved upon this measure] in view of the fact that señor don alonso faxardo de tenga, formerly governor and captain-general of these said islands, and president of the royal audiencia, undertook to found a seminary [and] college where japanese should be educated, instructed in religion, and taught, so that when they had received holy orders they might go to the kingdom of japan and preach and instruct there in our holy faith, after the manner and likeness of the english colleges in the kingdoms of españa, and other christian countries--for which purpose he designated space and locations for a church, house, and garden in the unoccupied land outside the walls of the said city; and for the income and maintenance of the said seminary [and] college he designated and applied the income from the passage and navigation from this city to the port of cavite, and the monopoly of buyo, bonga, [23] and tobacco, which he ordered to be established by a royal decree, which, to this purpose, was despatched in the name of his majesty on the twenty-ninth of january of this present year. by this it was commanded that no person should make use of the said passage, nor of the carriage and sale of the said buyo, bonga, and tobacco, excepting those who hold it in lease for the said college and its administrators, or those named by them for this purpose, under the penalties which are imposed upon them by the magistrates. from this have resulted great discontent and scandal in all ranks of this commonwealth, and particularly among serious persons therein, both ecclesiastical and lay--who, being moved by zeal for the service of god our lord, and of his majesty, and for the prosperity and preservation of these islands and the citizens and natives thereof, have made representations of the many difficulties resulting from the aforesaid grant, not only in sermons which have many times been preached in regard to this, but likewise by information and declaration to the judges and ministers of his majesty, that they might aid in procuring relief therein, as it is a thing so important for the royal service. for the establishment of the said college and seminary was accomplished at a time when the king of japon so rigorously prohibited the preaching of the holy gospel in his kingdom, as is explained in the said royal decree; and [his resentment] had reached such an extreme that, when ambassadors were despatched in the past year to negotiate on behalf of these islands for friendship and good understanding with the said king, he showed himself to be so ill disposed against them that he did not allow the said ambassadors to enter his court during the eight months and more which they passed in his kingdom, seeking an audience in order to give their message and embassy. according to the letters and relations received, his resentment was the result of having found certain religious in his kingdom in secular clothes, and of having learned that they had been brought from these islands to his land in disguise and secretly. on this account, and in order to prevent them from entering japon, he has ordered all spaniards who are in his said kingdom to leave it, and has forbidden and discontinued traffic, and he will not consent that japanese ships come to these islands, as they used to come, to bring provisions and other military stores for the royal warehouses; this can only result in the ruin of this country, on account of the lack which this may cause in its armament, trade, and maintenance. if the king of japon, who has already ordered that religious cannot dwell in his kingdom, by not consenting to allow spaniards in it, as has been said, should get word that japanese are being educated and instructed in the said seminary, to go and continue the said preaching, it is certain that he must experience even greater displeasure and annoyance, and adopt more strenuous measures to stop all communication and passage from these islands to his said kingdom. as a result, the spaniards will suffer the greatest need through the want of provision which is brought to these islands from there. it might even be the cause that he would unite with the dutch enemy, whom he admits peacefully into his said kingdom, and that they would come with a great number of troops and vessels against these islands, and cause great losses to them, as we have no forces sufficient to resist them successfully. on this account it is expedient to use prudent measures and acts, and not to continue this, which in all certainty, and evidently, as is generally known by all the religious orders and serious persons of this city, must result in harm to the service of god and of his majesty, and in notable loss to this commonwealth--both because the said seminary cannot bring about the good results claimed for it, on account of the little inclination of the japanese for it, and the different objects which it is presumed have been aimed at by it; and because in this case the argument does not exist that holds good in other kingdoms and parts where there are colleges of the english and other foreign nations. for, if those peoples are irritated by the religious instruction and teaching of the persons who are gathered in the said colleges, there are forces to resist them; but through this seminary they might cause greater injury than the said nations are doing without it. as for the location which was designated for the said seminary, although it was, as has been said, in the unoccupied land outside the walls of this city, it appears to have been selected and set aside in the plaza de armas here, close by the village of laguio, where they have commenced to erect a building and pillars of stone, contrary to what his majesty directed by his royal decree of the sixth of march of the year one thousand six hundred and eight, which is as follows: "the king. in consideration of the fact that a relation has been made to me on behalf of hernando de los rios coronel, procurator-general of the philipinas islands, to the effect that when the uprising of the chinese sangleys occurred there, there were, about the walls of the city of manila, many buildings from which the sangleys did much damage to the walls thereof, until they were destroyed; and to prevent this difficulty for the future, don pedro de acuña, my former governor and captain-general of those islands, commanded that no buildings should be erected within three hundred paces from the wall of the said city, in its entire circuit, and begged me, considering that this was so expedient as he had given me to understand, in order that the said city should be provided with the necessary defense, and protected from the past dangers, that i should be pleased to have this confirmed, or do as might be according to my pleasure. having examined it in my royal council of the yndias, the said order which the said don pedro issued has appeared to me to be very effective, as is said. accordingly it is my will that this be observed and fulfilled, as exactly and punctually as if it were issued by myself; and, in fulfilment thereof, i order that neither now nor at any time shall any building be erected within the said three hundred paces about the said wall of the said city of manila, since this is expedient for my service and for the security and defense of the said city. done at madrid, on the sixth of march of the year one thousand six hundred and eight. _i the king_ by order of the king, our lord: _juan de civiza_" all the aforesaid procedure is contrary to this decree. besides, the district and place where the said seminary building has been commenced are the lots which have been seized and taken away from the owners who possessed them, the houses which they had built upon them being removed or torn down, in order to make the said plaza de armas; nor have they thus far been paid for, nor has any satisfaction been given to the owners. accordingly, if the said lots were not necessary for the purpose for which they were taken, they should be returned to their owners as land and property which pertain and belong to them, and no work or edifice should be erected thereon until they be paid and satisfied. as for the income which is appropriated for the work, its maintenance, and the prosecution of the building for the said seminary, it was contrary to the rules of justice and to the laws of the kingdom, and greatly to the prejudice of this whole commonwealth and the indian villages in its neighborhood; for the voyage and navigation from this city to the port of cavite--as it is not a river passage, but a bay and an arm of the sea, which may be crossed with all sorts of vessels, both large and small--cannot be reduced to the status of a private route and profit, on account of the loss which this would cause to so great a number of persons as possess the said vessels, and use them to carry and convey merchandise and other sorts of articles from this city to the said port. and especially it will cause this loss to the native indians of this city and of the villages of laguio, mahar, meytubi, dongalo and others of this coast, who will be deprived and prevented from using the vessels which they ordinarily possess to carry and convey to the said port persons, merchandise, and other things; and if this profit be hindered they will have nothing wherewith to sustain themselves, and will not be able to pay his majesty the royal tributes, nor aid in other impositions and personal services. the same losses will be increased by granting a monopoly of the said buyo, bonga, and tobacco--not only for the neighboring villages but even for provinces where it is collected and brought to this city; for their natives have no other source of income which would be to them so important and profitable as the gathering, carrying, and sale of buyo, bonga, and tobacco, and if this were stopped they would be reduced to the greatest poverty and want. that would make it impossible for them to succeed in paying the royal tributes, impositions, repartimientos, and other consequences of the service of his majesty; and to the citizens and the people of various nationalities who dwell here, for whom the said commodities serve as food and sustenance, there would be caused expense and inconvenience, as has already been seen by experience, for even without the said monopoly being erected, but merely projected and intended, the said buyo, bonga, and tobacco have risen and increased in price, so much that the cost at present is twice what it was before, and at the time when it was decided to erect the said monopoly--which not only is of the fruits of the land, and articles which the said peoples use for their sustenance, but likewise is prohibited by equity and the laws. consequently, looking for the greatest service to god and his majesty, the growth and preservation of these islands, and the welfare and comfort of the citizens and natives thereof, they [_i.e._, the president and auditors] declared that they would revoke, and they did revoke, the said grant with everything therein contained; and that they would declare it, and they did declare it, to be null and of no force and effect. and they declared that they would notify, and they did notify, each and every magistrate of his majesty, that each one of them, in his jurisdiction, in so far as may concern him, shall not consent to the use of the said monopolies, or of any one of them, on the part of either the said seminary or of any other person with a lease-title therefrom, or in any other manner, who may employ and make use of the said grant; but on the contrary they shall proceed to the punishment of such, who shall be in their jurisdiction, as against persons making use of a title and right not pertaining to them. and as for the said edifice and its demolition, it shall be entrusted to the captain-general, so that he, when he has examined it, and found that it is within the said three hundred paces about the walls, shall have it demolished and razed, until it be put in the state in which the said plaza de armas had been before, and at the time when the said edifice was commenced, in such manner that the purpose of the command of his majesty in the said royal decree shall be complied with. a royal decree in conformity with this act shall be despatched, and shall be cried publicly in the customary districts and places, so that knowledge thereof may come to all. and, by this their act, they decree and command accordingly, and have signed their names. _doctor don alvaro de messa y lugo_ licentiate _don juan de saavedra valderrama_ licentiate _don mathias delgado y flores_ before me: _pedro alvarez_ don phelipe, by the grace of god king of castilla, of leon, of aragon, of the two çiçilias, of hierusalem, of portugal, of navarra, of granada, of toledo, of valencia, of galicia, of mayorca, of sevilla, of cerdeña, of cordova, of córcega, of murcia, of jaen, of the algarves, of algeciras, of gibraltar, and of the canaria islands, and of the eastern and western yndias, islands and mainland, of the ocean sea; archduke of austria, duke of borgoña, of bramante, and milan; count of arpspug [_i.e.,_ hapsburg] and of flandez, of tirol, and of barcelona; seignior of viscaya and of molina, etc. [here the royal decree quotes in full the foregoing act of the royal audiencia beginning: "in consideration of the fact that don alonso faxardo de tença," etc., down to "but likewise is prohibited by equity and law."] wherefore, looking for the greatest service to god and myself, the increase and preservation of the said islands, and the welfare and comfort of the citizens and dwellers therein, after examination by my president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancilleria of my said philipinas islands, in whose charge is the government thereof, through the death of my governor, don alonso fajardo de tença, it was agreed that i should revoke, as by these presents i do revoke, the said grant and everything therein contained, and i declare it null and of no force and effect. and i command all my justices and ministers that each one of them in his jurisdiction, in so far as concerns him, shall not consent to the use of the said monopolies or any one of them, on the part either of the said seminary or of any other person with a lease-title therefrom, or in any other manner, who may employ and make use of the said grant; but on the other hand they shall proceed to the punishment of such, who may be in their jurisdiction, as against persons making use of a title and right not pertaining to them. and as for the said edifice and its demolition, it shall be entrusted to the master-of-camp, don geronimo de silva, captain-general, likewise of the artillery of my said islands, so that when he has examined it, and found that it is within the said three hundred paces about the walls of the city of manila, he shall have it demolished and razed until it be put in the state in which the said plaza de armas had been before, at the time when the said edifice was commenced, in such manner that the purpose of my royal command in my royal decree shall be complied with. and this, my letter and royal edict, shall be publicly cried in the customary districts and places, so that it may come to the knowledge of all. given in the city of manila, on the twenty-fourth of july of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _doctor don alvaro de messa y luga_ licentiate _don juan de saavedra valderrama_ licentiate _don matthias delgado y flores_ i, captain pedro alvarez, chief secretary of the government and department of war of these philipinas islands for the king our lord, have had this written by his command with the decision of his president and auditors. registered by don juan sarmiento. _chancillor don juan sarmiento_ in the city of manila, on the twenty-fourth of jury of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-four, was published this decree in conformity with the provision therein, in loud and intelligible words, by the voice of augusto de navarrete, public crier, in front of the gate of the audiencia hall, and on the corner where resides captain antonio de xérez montoro, and on the site of bagun bay, outside the walls--captain martin de esquival, sargento-mayor, geronimo enrriquez sotelo, and many other persons being witnesses. to this i certify: _pedro alvarez_ i, captain pedro alvarez, sargento-mayor of the government and department of war of these philipinas islands, at the command of señor doctor don alvaro de messa y lugo of the council of his majesty, and his auditor in the royal audiencia in these islands--who, as the senior auditor, fills the office of president thereof--have ordered to be drawn, and have drawn, this copy of the act and royal decree, the originals whereof remain in my possession; and this is certain and true, corrected and compared with the said original, to which i refer. witnesses at its correction and comparison were: captain lopez de olaiz, sargento pedro delgado, and martin de la rroca, citizens and residents of this city of manila, where this is dated, on the fifth day of the month of august of the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _pedro alvarez_ [_endorsed_: "copy of the act and royal decree which were published revoking the grant which was made to the seminary [and] college for japanese, of a monopoly of buyo, bonga, and tobacco, and the passage to the fort of cavite."] extract of a letter from the archbishop to felipe iv 10. the chief argument that induced his majesty philippo second, our sovereign, to reëstablish in these islands, during the term of don francisco tello's government, the royal audiencia which he had suppressed some years before, was in order that the governors might not be so absolute in regions so remote and so far separated from his royal presence, but that there might be a superior arm to restrain them, without allowing extortions on the innocent. that is a most pious act, and one experienced by all this community during the time of that sovereignty and superintendency in all things pertaining to justice, government, and war. if your majesty be pleased to have it restored and reëstablished with the majesty and power with which it was founded, it will be of great service to god and your majesty, and the consolation and relief of your vassals. for it is certain that three or four men view a cause which does not concern them with more impartial eyes than does one man who is sole and absolute, who is at times governed by passion, and consequently blind in what he orders executed. although it be said that demands for justice may be made in the residencia--as if the poor man who suffers in person, property, honor, and at times in his life, would appear at the residencia; and, even if he were alive, could go to obtain satisfaction at that court [_i.e._, of mexico], or have method or means to do so, even though his grievances were enormous and cried out to the heavens--well do i know that there are testimonies in that royal council (since they have been sent from here) that say the contrary. but i equally affirm this to be the truth, as, to my positive knowledge, it actually occurs--more true than i would indeed wish, for it would be well if these things did not happen. and since this royal audiencia has no more authority than at present, to suppress it will be of great service for your majesty, and even necessary, as the poor auditors are as much annoyed and molested as are other private persons. what is worse, your majesty's authority has been seen humbled by so many nations who know that this audiencia immediately represents your royal person. it will be less troublesome for us private persons to suffer than that so great authority be seen in such decay. i petition your majesty to be pleased to have the importance of a matter of so great moment considered, as may be most fitting to your royal service. it is a fact that this city of manila, both at the instance of the governor and by its own action, has caused representations to be made in that royal council, that this royal audiencia should refrain from making appointments in which the children and relatives of the auditors occupy the best offices of war, without ever having fired an arquebus in their lives. these men become captains at one stroke, to the grievance of the old soldiers who have served, just as if your majesty had not provided for this by making such men incapable of offices--in which intention, i consider, enter the offices of justice and war. however, even though it is not agreeable to them, it should be so understood; and if your majesty be pleased to order this to be declared, and that favors and rewards for services can be expected only from your royal hands, this difficulty would be remedied. for i avow that it is vastly prejudicial, since, when a man has an auditor to defend his causes, and those inclined to him favor those causes, his negligence comes to be rewarded. in a matter of war, the present condition of things very often is wont to be of irreparable damage, as we in these islands have experienced on various occasions. [august 15, 1624.] royal orders regarding the religious _regulating their privileges_ the king. inasmuch as the king my sovereign and father (whom may holy paradise keep) was informed that the religious who resided in the philipinas islands, busied in the instruction and conversion of the indians, were meddling in things that did not concern them, he ordered gomez perez das mariñas, then governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, or the person in whose charge the government might be--by his decree, dated june eleven, of the former year five hundred and ninety-four--not to allow the religious to have prisons or jails, or to make arrests or condemn, unless they have commission from the bishop for the things in which he can give it in accordance with law; or not to appoint as fiscals others than those whom the bishop might assign them, together with other declarations contained in the said decree. afterward the king my sovereign and father, who is in glory, by another decree dated may six, six hundred and fourteen, ordered the aforesaid to be obeyed and observed, according to its contents, without violating or exceeding its tenor and form, as is contained more at length in the said decree and its reissue, which are of the following tenor: "the king. to don juan de silva, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands and president of my royal audiencia of them, or the person or persons in whose charge may be their government: the king my sovereign and father, who is in heaven, ordered to be issued and gave the decree of the following tenor: "'the king. to gomez perez das marinas, my governor and captain-general in the philippinas islands, or the person in whose charge may be the government of them: inasmuch as i have been informed that the religious who reside in those islands, busied in the instruction and conversion of the indians, meddle in matters that do not concern them, i order you not to allow them to have prisons or jails, or to arrest or condemn, unless they be those who have commission from the bishop for those things in which he can give commission in accordance with law; that they do not appoint or have other fiscals than those assigned them by the said bishop; and that they take no fees for burials, marriages, or baptisms, other than according to the appraisement and declaration of the said bishop. and inasmuch as i have been informed that they have proceeded in the exercise of their privileges, with an excess prejudicial to the suitable progress of the instruction, and that it would be advisable to declare what privileges be conserved and what revoked, in order to remove confusions and doubts--for they confess the indians without the bishop's authorization, and, although not curas, perform marriages, which is in direct violation of the ordinance in the holy council of trent, incurring risk that the confessions and marriages are invalid: i order you likewise that you shall communicate with the superiors of the orders, and command them to examine the said privileges; and, unless they have such privileges, not to proceed in the matters here specified, because of the doubts and scandals that may result. given in madrid, june eleven, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ibarra_' "and now it has been represented to me on the part of the archbishop of that city that none of the contents of the said decree are observed or obeyed with the exactness that would be fitting and expedient to the service of god and to my service. he petitioned me to order that it be strictly observed, as a remedy for the troubles that arise from it. inasmuch as it is my will that this be done, i order you to observe, and to cause the said decree above inserted of the king my sovereign and father to be obeyed and observed, exactly according to its contents and declarations, without violating or exceeding in any part of it. this i shall regard with approbation; but by the contrary i shall consider myself as disserved. given in madrid, may six, one thousand six hundred and fourteen. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don juan ruiz de contreras_" and now don juan çevicos, treasurer of the metropolitan church of the city of manila of the said philipinas islands, has informed me in the name of the archbishop of the city that, petition having been made in behalf of licentiate don diego barquez de mercado, while archbishop of the said church, and of the suffragan bishops, in my royal audiencia of the said city, for the execution of the said decree, because it was not observed by the religious of the order of st. francis, and an edict to that effect having been despatched, the provincial of the said order was notified. he--under pretext of two other decrees of the sixteenth of march of the said year six hundred and fourteen, despatched at the petition of the said religious because they had represented that the said archbishop had tried to make innovations in the missions by appointing fiscals in them (as in fact he did do, so that information should be made of what had been done in this), and that in the meanwhile no innovation or change should be made in what had been the usual practice at the time when he entered the said archbishopric--opposed the said edict, and petitioned that the said decree of the sixteenth of march, six hundred and fourteen, be observed. the same was done by the other orders in the said islands. after the cause had been prosecuted in the said audiencia, after some questions and answers, it was ordered by an act lately issued, on the first of august the past year, six hundred and twenty-two, that the said decrees be observed and obeyed, and that notice be given to the president, governor and captain-general of the said islands and to the said archbishop, as was done, so that they might investigate on what was ordered and charged to them. the determination in the said cause was sent to my royal council of the indias. until other provision should be made, there was to be no innovation and the execution of the said edict was to be suspended, as was evident and appeared by the testimony of the records, which was, in accordance with the above said, presented and examined in the said my council. i was petitioned to order that the commands of the said decree of june eleven, five hundred and ninety-four, and its reissue of may six, six hundred and fourteen, above inserted, be executed; and that, in accordance with them, the said archbishop and bishops should appoint and name the said fiscals--as pertains to them, in accordance with law--and try judicially the crimes and causes of the said indians; and that the said religious, who arrest and punish them, as appears, [should not do this]. having been examined by the members of the said my council of the indias, it was agreed that i ought to order this my decree to be given. therefore i desire, and it is my will, that the above decrees, above inserted (of june eleven of the said year five hundred and ninety-four, and may six, six hundred and fourteen), be observed, obeyed, and executed exactly according to their contents and declarations, notwithstanding the contents of the said decrees of march sixteen of the said year six hundred and fourteen, ordering that the said archbishop make no change in the usual practice in the appointment of fiscals, and that the said governor investigate. and, since this is necessary, i render those decrees to be null and void, and without effect. i order the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the said islands not to violate or exceed the contents of this my decree, or consent that they be violated or exceeded, now or henceforth, and in no manner. on the contrary, they shall give the protection and aid that may be necessary for its execution and observance. this i shall regard with approbation. given in madrid, august thirty, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the members of the council. [_endorsed_: "in order that the decrees above inserted, ordering that the missionaries of the filipinas islands have no prisons or jails; that they may not condemn, except those who have commission from the archbishop; and that they appoint no other fiscals than those whom he shall assign them; notwithstanding the decrees that were given ordering no innovation in the former practice, be followed in the appointment of the said fiscals."] _letter to the archbishop_ the king. very reverend father in christ, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of manila in the filipinas islands. the letter which you wrote me on the thirteenth of august of last year, 1623, has been received and considered in my royal council of the indias. in regard to your statement that, on account of the haste in which were sent from mexico the ships which arrived that year at those islands with assistance, the archbishop did not send you the papers for convening the council, and that you therefore did not carry out your plan for doing so, but that the necessary measures for it would be taken this year: i command you, on receiving the despatches, to execute the orders contained therein with the care and punctuality that is desirable, and that i expect from you. i appreciate the diligence which you exerted in preventing the attempt to nominate for provincial of the order of st. augustine a person who did not possess the qualifications which are necessary and requisite. you should always be on your guard against such things, and attempt to preserve the desirable peace and concord among the orders. you advised us that it was necessary to have some ecclesiastical person to be charged with the guardianship and the mode of governing the seminary of santa potenciana, and to examine the persons who are to live there. it was resolved to order the president of the audiencia, jointly with you, to inform us of what takes place, and that in the meantime you were both to join in providing the most effective way of administering the said seminary, with regard to both the persons who enter it and those who leave it, with this justification, that it be necessary. accordingly, you will endeavor, for your own part, to have these orders executed. your statements regarding the foundation that was being established so that the youths of those islands might be graduated without going to the university--which foundations were to be under the patronage of the most pure conception of mary most holy, our lady--have been considered, and you may proceed. as to your proposition that my royal exchequer in those islands should be inspected, the necessary provisions have already been made. you advise us that in the execution of the measures contained in the decree of august 9, 1621, you have warned the heads of the orders that they shall not receive in those islands the religious from yndia, and that you caused several clerics to embark who arrived at that city from that country. you will continue to do so, fulfilling your orders contained in this memorandum. the other points mentioned in your letter have been considered, but answers to you are not yet ready. [madrid, october 3, 1624.] _i the king_ countersigned by juan ruiz de contreras. _ordering the correction of abuses against the indians by the dominicans_ don phelipe, by the grace of god, king of castilla, leon, aragón, jerusalem, portugal, navarra, and the indias. to the reverend and devout father-general of the order of st. dominic: it has been learned from letters received and examined in my royal council of the indias from don alonso faxardo de tenza, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia resident therein, that, although the religious of the order of st. dominic who reside there are most exemplary and protect their parishioners so well, it generally results that there is anger at their encomenderos, and they do not attend to the affairs of my service as is advisable. on the other hand, the indians consider the treatment received from the religious as severe, for they do not allow even the women to wear shoes, while they force the men of the province of nueva segovia to guard the church in rotation and turn. for whatever annoyance the indians cause them, they question them with regard to the christian doctrine, and their questions exceed those that persons with more reason and education can answer. and thereupon, if they fail in the least to meet these requirements, the religious have the chiefs and their wives whipped, and cut off their hair. that has resulted in causing among the indians so great resentment that the insurrection of the indians that occurred may be attributed to that. inasmuch as that is a matter in which it is advisable to apply a remedy; and inasmuch as the harsh treatment practiced by the said religious toward their parishioners has appeared excessive, and not in harmony with what they should do, since their purpose in going to the said islands is to instruct and teach the natives in the articles of our holy faith, and with all love and mildness, because they are, as is a fact, people without reason and so newly converted (for which reason it is so expensive to my royal revenues, from which everything necessary is given): i request and charge you to give what order is advisable so that the aforesaid evils be remedied, as may be most necessary to the religion that they profess. what remedy you shall furnish, you shall send to the said my council, with all haste, so that it may be remitted to the said islands; for if that be not done with the promptness required by the case, the relief that seems most effective will [not] be applied. madrid, november twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. _i the king_ countersigned by joan ruiz de contreras, and signed by the council. [_endorsed:_ "to the father-general of the order of st. dominic, directing him to remedy the excesses, committed on the indians by punishing them, by the religious of that order, who have missions in philipinas."] early recollect missions in the philippines _extracts from the following works, covering the history of the missions to 1624:_ _historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de ... san avgvstin_. fray andrés de san nicolas; madrid, 1664. (pp. 396-510.) _historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden ... s. augustin_. fray lvis de iesvs; madrid, 1681. (pp. 1-61.) _historia general de philipinas_. fray juan de la concepción; manila, 1788. (tomo iv, pp. 189-265; v, pp. 32-100.) _sources_: the first and second of these are obtained from copies belonging to edward e. ayer, chicago; the third, from a copy in the possession of the editors. _translations_: the matter herein presented is translated and synopsized by james a. robertson. early recollect missions in the philippines general history of the discalced augustinian fathers, by fray andres de san nicolas [24] decade ii chapter v _now the second provincial chapter is held. the mission to the philippinas islands is effectively discussed. the college of zaragoça and the convent of pedroso are founded. reference to the life of sister polonia de los santos_. _year 1605_ [at the second provincial chapter meeting of the augustinian recollects, held in april, 1605, at the convent at madrid, father fray joan baptista de vera was chosen provincial. at that chapter meeting, the question of the rules of the young order was taken up, with other business. after the conclusion of their business the convention dissolved, "while father fray joan de san geronimo [25] was effecting his passage to the indias, with his good companions" (pp. 396, 397).] _first mission of our religious to the philipinas islands_ to his arduous labor in the formation and growth of the poor discalced augustinians, the first provincial [_i.e._, fray joan de san geronimo] gave a heroic end by beginning the very observant province of san nicolàs [26] de tolentino, in the islands adjacent to asia which we commonly call philippinas.... [a short narrative of the early discoverers follows, and the beginnings of the augustinian missions. that order proving inadequate to cope with the immense number of the infidels, the other orders are also given a part in their conversion. but the need of other laborers is still felt, and king felipe ii assents to the petition of fray san geronimo "to go to the indias with twelve associates to preach the gospel, in that part that he should deem best." king felipe "immediately decreed that he should get ready to go to the philippinas islands, and ordered his ministers to give him the despatches immediately. the noted and pious father had the despatches in hand before the celebration of the chapter, where after it was called to order, he presented there the decree, which received prompt obedience."] the memorial of this circumstance is found in the old register, and is in the following form: "may first, one thousand six hundred and five, while the very reverend fathers were in session, etc. our father fray joan de san geronimo, outgoing provincial of this province, presented certain royal letters of the king our sovereign, and of his royal council of the indias, in which his majesty gives permission to the said father fray joan de san geronimo to take twelve religious to the philippinas islands to preach the holy gospel, and to found monasteries of our holy order in those philippinas islands. having examined and read them, the expedition seemed to us to be one of great service to god, and we, the entire body of definitors, resolved that it should be undertaken accordingly; and that all the documents and authority necessary should be given to him so that he should go as superior and vicar-provincial of the said philippinas islands; that he may found monasteries there, and in all parts of the indias--with the following proviso, namely, that he shall not have more authority than that which this province shall give him; and that those houses that shall be founded there, and the religious in them, shall always be subject to the father provincial who is, or shall be, over this province. he shall always correspond with the latter, and at each chapter held they shall send the elections of vicar-provincial and priors, and the acts that they shall pass, so that the father provincial of this province may confirm them, or refuse to confirm, as he shall deem best. advice shall be given of all the deceased of those houses, so that the office may be performed for them, at the time when the elections of the vicar-provincials shall be sent, etc." then, lower in the roll of those elected--or in the catalogue, as we commonly call it--one reads at the end the words that follow: "as vicar provincial of the indias, we nominate the venerable father, fray joannis de sancto hieronymo, and assign to him fourteen religious, who shall always be subject to this provincial of this province of hispania." this arrangement having been made (which was made by the intervention of the royal decrees that were despatched at valladolid, april three of that year, and which contained, in fact, the permission for such, and general authority to found as many convents there as the new augustinian recollect missionaries were able and desired; to which were added other messages touching spiritual matters which the pontiff's legate generously conceded), the father provincial, fray joan baptista, decreed the issue of his warrant, on may two. in this document, after mentioning that he was ordered and commanded by the king, and also by the said legate, to send the said father as superior of the religious, who were about to set out for the help of those who were occupied in the vineyard of the lord, in the cultivation of those islands, the father provincial entrusted to him all his authority, without reserving anything whatever; but with the conditions that we mention, in the records and other minutes which are generally made on such occasions, the permissions that are despatched. the father vicar-provincial had already chosen his workers, men like himself. they were among the choicest and best men that the reform then had in their convents. they were as follows: fathers fray andres de san nicolàs, who was called de canovas, an apostolic man, and a great preacher in word and deed; fray miguel de santa maria, a most exemplary man, and devoted to the rigorous life; fray geronimo de christo, [27] very austere and observant; fray pedro de san fulgencio, a capable and very clever man for all things; fray diego de la anunciacion, [28] adorned with very singular virtues, and regarded as a saint; fray rodrigo de san miguel, [29] most keen-witted and erudite in all learning; fray francisco baptista, a penitent to excess, and regulated by conscience; fray francisco de la madre de dios, most zealous for the discalced, and for the welfare of his brethren; fray andres del espíritu santo, a religious, although very young, very modest and retiring. [30] the father superintendent also chose four other religious, lay brethren, who were of use and a great credit to the reform, on the voyage, and at the time when they came, whose names are as follows: fray simon de san joseph; fray joan de san geronimo; fray geronimo de la madre de dios; and fray joan de san guillermo. they all assembled in madríd on the fifteenth or sixteenth of may. thence they left for sevilla, and from there went later to san lucar. they were detained there until they could embark in one of the ships of the nueva españa trading-fleet, which set sail from the great bay of cadiz, july twelve, and commenced its voyage happily. the zealous missionaries were going, very full of god, and consequently did not abate one point of their observance, fulfilling their religious obligations as if they were in the most retired house of those which they had left behind in their province, notwithstanding that they were going in the midst of the traffic and excitement that seem to be inevitable in sea-voyages, and more so in so long ones as are those of the indias. they did not discontinue the two hours' mental prayer or the choral divine office, at their proper times, and the silence, fastings, and discipline. if they were given any moment from those holy exercises, they employed it in preaching, and in caring for the sick. they cared for and served the latter with what they needed, and as well as they could. they did not content themselves only in their own ship, for when good weather and the quiet of the sea permitted, they went in the small boat or lancha to the others, in order to console and confess those in need of it. they gave them wholesome counsels, and encouraged them to serve god our lord as they ought. by such course they succeeded in gaining great credit and esteem. the commander himself always approached them with his flagship to salute them, and to ask after their health, and whether they needed anything, while he commended himself very earnestly to their petitions and prayers. he visited them in the island of guadalupe with the great following of his men, charging to them the prosperous outcome of the fleet. finally they reached the port of san juan de lua, september seventeen, with the rejoicing common to those who sail, and especially on those seas. they disembarked and, after having rested for some little time, they took the road; this they moderated by stopping several days in la puebla de los angeles, [31] as guests of our calced fathers, where they received the friendly reception and love that that province has shown to the discalced very often because their beginning was in that form. since the strictness of that convent was then extreme, it lit up in great measure the devotion and modesty of ours, the will of all going well alongside the rare mildness of their customs. the more serious inmates of the house did not fail to praise the humility, poverty, and circumspect behavior of our fathers; and consequently not a few of them were determined to follow their purpose and accompany them on that holy undertaking, and to enjoy so good examples. they requested this from the father commissary, but he, being so exact in matters of attention and courtesy, excused himself prudently, in order not to anger the prelates of the province; and, besides, because he had no order from the king, nor any subsidy with which to pay the expenses of any more persons than he had brought from españa, although he esteemed the desire that they showed to aid him. he went immediately to mexico, leaving the fathers of la puebla very enamored and sad. they were received in that magnificent city with kindness and extraordinary devotion by the most learned father, fray diego de contreras--to whom was given, after a few years, the church of santo domingo, the primatial church of the indias. he was then professor of rhetoric in the noted university, and rector of the college of san pablo whose venerating community went out to meet them in solemn procession and with pomp, when they entered their gates. the learned master gave proof of his ardent charity in his hospitality and cordial kindness, making them very happy. he prepared a room for them, in which they remained, where they received all comfort and aid, until the father vicar-provincial rented a comfortable house, into which he and his subordinates, and the brethren whom he had with him moved, in order not to give occasion for so much ceremony and so many compliments; hoping for the near opportunity to depart for the port of acapulco. that one--although formerly a secular lodging, now a very strict convent--could rival the most famous monastery in the matter of observance; for, giving themselves to continual prayers, rigorous fastings, harsh mortifications, and severe penances, all of them were opposing themselves to the best of their ability in the war against the flesh. they did not leave the house unless summoned for some work of charity, such as to confess or to preach, which they performed very willingly, and to the profit and good of souls. they voted unanimously not to strive to obtain for themselves or for others, under any pretext, in person or through others, any offices within the order, or out of it--in order to give, as was actually seen, a solid foundation to the province which they afterward erected so humbly. their rigid mode of life there was bruited through the city, and the most noble and the wealthiest, with simple earnestness, asked them to remain. some of such persons offered to endow their house, and others to contribute very ample alms. they begged our fathers at least to leave them the number sufficient to give a good beginning to the convent that they desired to establish. the master, fray diego de contreras, whom we mentioned above, was aiding and encouraging those arguments, promising that they would become discalced, and that he would carry forward our institute, [32] with his great authority and power, in that kingdom. father joan de san geronimo was tempted by those pious offers of generosity, but he did not deceive himself; for many souls would have been lost if he had desisted from that opportune and holy voyage, or if he had lessened the number of the helpers whom he took with him--who were but few for the abundant harvest that they set about gathering, as we shall note with the lapse of years, in the manner in which it occurred. accordingly, having closed his ears to all the proposed advantages, he undertook to go to the port at the end of that year, where we shall leave him continuing with his observance of rules and pious devotions on the roads, although these were horrible, as if he had been in the most comfortable and most quiet convent of all those which he had lately left well established in españa. [the remainder of chapter v is concerned with matter that does not touch the philippines, namely, the founding of the college of zaragoza, that of the convent of pedroso, and the life of sister polonia de los santos.] chapter vi _our religious reach luzon, after the death of father andres de san nicolas in sight of the islands. they found the convent, which is located outside the walls of manila, and undertake the conversion of the barbarous zambàles, in which three of their men die from the hardships, and father fray alonso de la anunciacion at the house of portillo._ we left father fray joan de san geronimo and his twelve associates, anxious to finish their journey, continuing their road from mexico to the port commonly called acapulco, because it was necessary to embark once more in order to reach philippinas, where god our lord had prepared many souls who, oppressed by the demon, had no ministers to lighten their darkness. there was already in the said port a ship ready to sail, called "espiritu santo," and they were accordingly detained but a short time. they finally set sail on the twenty-second of february, that year of one thousand six hundred and six, in all safety, and all being overjoyed at seeing themselves nearer the land that they were seeking. some incidents happened on that voyage which were afterward regarded as miracles, and all attributed them to the good company of so notable religious whom they carried. the first one was that, the ship being all but sent to the bottom by burning, the fire having approached near some barrels of powder, warning was given in so good time that it could be extinguished, when if there had been but little more delay, this would have been impossible. the second seemed more prodigious; for on a certain very clear and serene night, shouts came from the bow from those who were stationed there, crying, "land! land!" the pilot and sailors were thunderstruck as soon as they saw themselves upon some shoals or sunken rocks, and already lost beyond all remedy. thereupon bewailing their misfortune, they tried to seek confession, as quickly as possible. they thought that all efforts were useless; therefore they cared for nothing else. however they tried to cast the line, but uselessly, for their lines were cut, and they the more confounded by their slight hopes of life. the ship went ahead into that chasm [_rebentaçon_]--as it is called--as if it were passing through a strait; and after having sailed a goodly stretch without accident, among so many reefs, they found themselves on the high sea, free from everything. father fray andres de san nicolas had preached the previous afternoon with great energy against the great licentiousness and shameless conduct of the passengers and the other people, who had no fear of god. he severely censured their excesses, and the little anxiety that they showed in that time of greatest danger. with burning words, he exhorted them to do better, representing to them their danger and begging them, finally, to confess, since they did not know what was to happen that night. the fruit that proceeded from that sermon was large, for, his audience becoming terrified and contrite, many of them confessed, and others proposed to do the same by having their entangled consciences examined as soon as possible. after a few hours, what is described above was experienced, whereby all thought that the good preacher had had a revelation of that event; and they could not thank our lord sufficiently for having granted to them the company of so good religious, but more especially the company of him who preached to them of their danger--whom they regarded as a distinguished servant of god, as he was. some certified afterward that that place through which the boat had passed had been a rocky islet, and that they had seen it on other voyages; and they were astonished at having escaped on that occasion with life, attributing it, beyond doubt, to a manifest miracle, which the lord wrought at the intercession of those fathers. they desired, therefore, to listen to their teaching daily, and especially to that of the father who announced to them what we have seen. consequently, not sparing themselves at all, the fathers gave in alternation their inspired discourses, which were the health and medicine of the many who were there--the ship so conforming itself to these that it seemed a reformed convent, where before it had been a house of confusion and bluster, with soldiers, mariners, and seamen. the same father, fray andres, among the continual sermons, preached a very fervent one on a certain day, and gave them to understand that he would live but a short time, and that he was not to reach the land of promise, for his faults and defects. that happened so, for not long after, he fell sick, before sighting the islands called ladrones. his sickness increasing, when he was told that the islands were in sight, he arose from his bed, and looking at them, through a porthole of his cabin, immediately lay down again, saying, "nunc moriar lætus." [33] his weakness was already very great, and, as he had already received the holy sacraments, and was in great resignation and joy of soul, and all our fathers were present, he begged father fray joan de san geronimo to have the passion of jesus christ our lord read to him very slowly. that was done, in the manner that he desired. he, holding an image of the same crucified lord in his hands, broke out into very glowing utterances of love, and shed many tears during those moments. after the passion was finished--which lasted until near dawn, on account of so many pauses--he begged pardon of all for his omissions and neglect. he asked them to remember him in their masses and prayers. they recited the penitential psalms and other prayers, at the end of which, the sick man, very happy, conversed with his brethren with great affability. he charged them to keep their vows and the observance of the rules of the order. he persuaded them to persevere steadfastly in their purpose, and to be mindful of the zeal with which they had been ready to leave their fatherland for the welfare and conservation of many souls. he encouraged them to place their confidence in god, for his sovereign majesty had especial providence and care over that small flock. accordingly, they were not to become disconsolate with the thought that they had no house or convent in philipinas, for already a lodging suitable for their purposes was being prepared for them. he concluded by urging them to commend their souls to him, and then became very calm. all obeyed him, surprised, and desirous of such a death; and, at the end of the prayer, that chosen spirit went out in peace and quiet from the waves and shipwrecks of this world, and reached the safe and calm harbor of glory. upon beholding his death, one cannot imagine the grief of both religious and laymen; for, venerating him as a father, they bewailed him universally, and, in all truth, there was not one who did not show great affliction. the corpse remained in such manner that it caused gladness to all who looked at it. various opinions were expressed as to whether they should bury it in the sea or not. the laymen promised that they would deposit it in a fitting place, until they should cast anchor in the islands now near. father fray joan de san geronimo did not consent to this, in order to avoid innovations--and especially when they were going to countries where they had no home, and where they knew no one. therefore, placing the body in a closely-sealed wooden box, with an inscription written on a certain sheet of lead, which denoted his name, country, and virtues, amid their lamentations and tears the body was cast into the sea, without having added the weight which is used to draw the body to the bottom of the water. on account of that carelessness the box should have remained on the surface of the water, without being able to sink at all; but on that occasion the lord permitted that the waves should receive such deceased without any violence. as the ship was in a calm, consequently, all were witnesses that it settled to the bottom very gradually, and easily. certain violent fevers were raging in that vessel, from which about forty had already died, at the time that the noted aragonese and observant religious finished the navigation of his life. but from that instant all had health, becoming better and recovering very soon. that was attributed to his prayers in heaven in fulfilment of the word that he gave them, during the last moments of his life, namely, that he would commend them to god in glory, provided that he went there, as he had good hopes of doing. after the conclusion of the services for a death so fortunate and so bewailed, they soon arrived--may tenth--at the islands that they were seeking. having disembarked first, according to the order that they bore, on the island of zibù, the discalced were lodged in the convent of our calced fathers, the venerable bishop, and that example of prelates, don fray pedro de agurto, as we saw in his life, having gone out to receive them in procession. that most illustrious man desired that the new missionaries should not go further, and offered them a foundation and whatever they wished, in order to exercise themselves in the conversion and salvation of the infidels. it was impossible to assent to so many kindnesses, for their immediate passage to manila was unavoidable, in order that the governor might see the despatches and the decrees from españa, which it was necessary to present to him. after having given the bishop the thanks due, they had to set out as soon as possible. before proceeding with our relation, it will not be out of place to tell our readers, although in few words, something about the island of luzòn and the city of manila, as it is the metropolis of the kingdoms that the crown of castilla has there. it was given that name, then, since the spaniards have owned it, from a chief village so named, distant two leguas from manavilis, which is corruptly called marivelez. it was also called nueva castilla. it is the largest island in the philippinas, and extends farthest north of all those islands. it is the most populous in nations and tribes, who exceed the others, both in bravery and in the light of reason, with well-known advantages. its least altitude is scant thirteen degrees, and its greatest ten or nine and one-half. its circuit, without taking into account certain bays, comprehends four hundred and twelve leguas. those who make it three hundred are in error, for they do not consider its position. it is all very fertile, and has many large rivers, that of cagayan or nueva segovia being more swollen than the others. they are all navigable, more or less. ships enter that of manila at full tide with one-half their cargo, but the galleys enter it generally without any trouble. it furnishes a location for the aforesaid city, on a certain very pleasant and beautiful site on the shores of the sea. it is a point made by the pasig river in sight of the bay. that bay is affirmed to be one of the largest and best that men can see in all the world, for it is thirty leguas in circumference, and has an island of six miles at its mouth, where a sentinel is always stationed. it sustains more than one hundred thousand persons daily with fish, counting the sangleys and japanese, and the villages that are settled on its shores. when adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi took it by force of arms, may nineteen, one thousand five hundred and seventy, ten thousand houses beautified it, and it was the court of the king, ladya [_sic_] solìmàn, a follower in part of the religion of mahomet. the same general rebuilt the city, and left it its former name of manila--also the proper name of the island--in the following year of seventy-one. he made it the capital of the rest of the archipelago, as it was very suitable for the concourse and commerce of china. its streets are pleasant and spacious, and without crossways or turns; for they are all straight, and have beautiful buildings of stone, which vie with those of españa that are considered well made. it is strong by art and by nature, because of the many creeks and swamps that surround it, together with the great wall of stone built according to the style of the moderns, with not a few ramparts. it is well defended with artillery, and has an excellent and important fortress, supplied with all that is necessary, even as the most noted forts that are renowned in europa. finally, it is now the finest and richest city of all those of its class that are known in the world. it enjoys a cathedral with its archbishop, a royal chancillerìa, a presidio with numerous soldiers, and in short, all the products that the regions of the orient yield for the pleasure, health, and comfort of this life, without having to envy anyone for anything. that city alone makes the name of españa very glorious and formidable there; and what is more, it is that city which maintains the catholic religion in those very remote and out-of-the-way hemispheres. writing this brief relation in order to give a beginning to the entrance of ours, we shall go after them immediately, and shall find them safe at the gates of manila, after a journey of four thousand eight hundred leguas by the course that they pursued from españa. that country was then very joyful over the good news of the success that their governor, don pedro de acuña, had had in the capture of terrenàte, one of the enviable islands of malùco. they were sheltered in a small house, until they found better accommodations; and although the whole city, upon hearing of their arrival, came in throngs to visit them and offer them more suitable lodging, as also did the holy orders already settled there, with singular affection, they refused to accept it--except the infirmary, which they consented to take for some [sick men], in the convent of the most exemplary dominican fathers, who immediately gave it with the greatest charity. at this juncture the victorious governor arrived, and amid all his victories and triumphs, as soon as he heard of ours, he went to visit them and to regale them, as he was so catholic and devout a gentleman. time was wanting to present the royal despatches to him, for while he was in the height of his glories, sudden death assaulted him, brought him to his feet, and cast him into the gloom of a sepulcher. for that reason the recognition of the decrees and orders was suspended for some time. but at last, having been examined and ordered by the royal audiencia and other officials to be observed, permission was freely given to father fray joan de san geronimo to erect the establishments that he wished. _foundation of the first convent of manila_ the announcement made by father fray andres de san nicolas while on his deathbed to his brethren was fulfilled without any failure--namely, that they should not despair, for divine providence was already arranging a house for them, which would give great pleasure to all. the fact was that, in verification of his words, on the same day on which the despatches for their voyage were made in españa, the deceased governor began to build a very fine summer-house, which had its garden and its ponds, in a site called bagunbaìàn, only three hundred paces from the walls. it was just being finished when he returned from his conquest, and when he ended the pleasures and joys of this life. the retreat and pleasantness of this place were very welcome to ours; consequently they tried to buy it, and did so--having collected the alms in two afternoons. during that time two religious went through the city, accompanied by certain influential persons, [and collected] more than three thousand pesos, with which they paid the sum asked, a great portion of what they should have given having been forgiven to them. accordingly, they immediately took possession of their convent on the day of st. nicolàs de tolentino, to whom they dedicated it by a special vow, which all took at the beginning of their navigation from the shores and coasts of españa. under such good horoscope was born the happy province of the philipinas islands. and thus we should not wonder at the great luster that it has cast, shedding its rays by its zeal through the darkest and most forgotten districts, where a notable number of pagans, who were living like wild beasts in a blind barbarism, received the truth of the faith which we profess. the apostolic men first settled the firm foundation of their house--not in the material of it but in the direction of their solid virtues. they lived in the greatest poverty and contempt of [earthly] things, without other end than the seeking of god in prayer, and in making him known and loved in their talks and examples. there was some opposition on the part of our calced fathers in regard to the title that they gave to the new church, that of the miraculous father san nicolàs de tolentino; for his devotion was practiced in a chapel of the principal convent and was very popular, and they thought that it would be lessened or be done away with altogether. ours, being so good men, disapproved greatly of litigation; and, although with great grief, they talked of consenting to change the title, commending the matter to our lord very earnestly, with the intervention of peculiar penances and exercises. the matter was left to be decided by lot, in which many saints took part, not excluding their own dear one. he, then, was chosen, the first, second, and third time; and the will of god was thus made plain. not only did they confirm what was already done, but they also placed under his protection the province which was now in its beginning, and gave it his name. in accordance with this a very solemn feast was made, that venerable prelate and bishop of bishops don fray pedro de agurto saying the first mass. he had come to manila from zibù to be the rainbow [_iris_] that announced peace and true brotherhood to calced and discalced, whom we ought to hold as sons of a good father. father fray pedro solier--a chosen shoot of the convent of salamanca, and afterward provincial of those islands, bishop of puerto rico, and lastly archbishop of santo domingo and primate of the indias--preached in glowing terms in praise of the reform, in the presence of the royal audiencia, the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, the orders, the nobility, and all the people of manila--who from that time made greater progress in the veneration and worship of that saint. the good-will that the city began to have for the new evangelical ministers was vast. consequently, the city desired to shelter them within the girdle of its walls, on noting the discomfort that they were suffering; and that was done by moving the convent of san nicolas, as we shall see. it seemed hard for the religious to leave their first foundation, not so much for the material of the house as for the service that they were performing for our lord in that suburb, in administering the holy sacraments to the not few persons who were living there. those people, especially at night, were deprived of spiritual aid, for it was necessary that the gates of the city be tightly shut and the necessary guards posted. it was a true inspiration from heaven not to abandon that convent (now that of san joan baptista), since--as was within a very short time made evident, through the care and presence of ours--so great a number of christians came so frequently from all parts to confession and to holy communion that four ministers daily have not been sufficient. they numbered some spaniards and many negroes, both free and slave, and more indians of different nations, who came to seek in that refuge relief from their sins and failings. they found that convent always open day and night and the religious ever ready to give them the health and life of their souls. after several years the province determined that that house should be made a college, and accordingly that was carried out. the arts and theology were studied there, for, although instruction and piety join hands, it was not advisable that the college and the house be in one place. in that place rest three incorruptible bodies of the first founders, and no one knows who they are. all are surprised that they can remain so well preserved in a country so damp and hot, and it is regarded by all as a miracle. that college, besides the aforesaid, possessed a great treasure in the image of our lady of health. on bringing it from mexico, that image gave proofs of her favors not a few times on the sea, and perfecting and increasing them in the islands through her mercy. her installation was celebrated with great pomp and ostentation in the presence of the royal audiencia and the city, which made very catholic and pious demonstrations in the feast. the church was filled in a short time with vows and memorials which the faithful offered. a brotherhood was founded under the title of transito de nuestra señora [_i.e._, "transit of our lady"], whose chief procession may be seen and is solemnized on the third friday of lent, with the greatest ostentation and display that one could express in writing or in speech. the members of the confraternity march clad in very neat white tunics with blue escapulars, bearing the attributes of the queen of the skies on pendants of the same color and embroidered at a great cost--with a numerous accompaniment of children dressed as angels, who at intervals march along singing praises to the virgin. it is not an easy task to count the large tapers and lighted candles; for, as is said, it is one of the best functions that are seen in the philippinas. then follows the bed of the always glorious and most pure virgin, which the most devout and most noble women adorn with the wealth of the city. the bed is surrounded with a group of children, also dressed as angels, which is a cause for surprise every year. lastly, go about one thousand bleeding penitents; and there many votive images, which move innumerable persons to compunction, who come from the neighboring provinces to enjoy that day without fear of any trouble. thus has the fitting reverence of that image increased until it is one of the greatest in the philippinas; as has been experienced on various occasions, especially when they put it within the city (for fear of the sangleys who revolted) in order to make a novena, in which took part the royal chancillería, the archbishop, and the cabildos, for the health of the catholic army which was very sick. from that prayer resulted not only the attaining of the convalescence of the soldiers, but also the peace and quiet that was sought. that college suffered a great blow in the time of a certain governor, whose name, in order not to cast infamy on him purposely, we suppress. he, under pretext that its building was a great obstacle to the wall, rigidly made them demolish it, driving our religious thence, contrary to justice and the permission of the city and cabildo; they opposed him until they could do no more, as they saw that he did that, being desirous of not conducting himself well, for it is said that such was his custom. but when the end of his office came, the church and cabildo brought suit for the injury received from that illegal act; and they sentenced him to twenty-five thousand pesos, notwithstanding that it is said that the damage exceeded fifty. thereupon the college was rebuilt, and the image again placed there. _preaching of ours in the province of zambales and of tugui_ eagerly had the apostolic men left españa in search of misguided and lost souls whom they might lead to the knowledge of god and into the flock of his church. when once they had set foot on the destined land they could not be kept from turning their eyes and their desire to all parts. the first task was to learn some one of the many languages which are spoken among so many and so barbarous nations, in order to have the means to convert the people that should happen to fall to their lot. accordingly, after well considering the matter, they determined to study tagál, as it was the most general tongue, and the one that was talked as native in manila and its environs. all immediately applied themselves to one language with no little desire and diligence. he who learned it first was father fray miguel de santa maria, who was called bombàu. discussing with him in what part it would be better to begin their missions, they thought that it was not advisable to go far from manila, since they were so few. at that juncture a very good opportunity came to their hands in the shape of a village quite near by, now called marivelez. [34] its inhabitants had no ministers, no one of them wishing, although many were at its very doors, to abide in it--both because of the insalubrious climate of its location, and because of the bad disposition of the indians, who were like brutes in their intercourse and in their customs. the vicar-provincial stumbled over none of these obstacles, because of his firm zeal. accordingly, he sent the said father, fray miguel de santa maria, accompanied by father fray pedro de san joseph--who, although of the observance, had discalced himself--together with a lay-brother, named fray francisco de santa monica, who also went with both of the former, all of them being skilled in the aforesaid language. they invoked in common the grace of the holy spirit, and, after a fervent prayer, they took their farewells--these anxious to accomplish their desires, and the others sick at heart at seeing themselves left behind them. they were not long in arriving at the lairs of the wild beasts, who lived eight leguas from manila, and were desirous to subdue and soften them, together with the rest of the coast of zambàles and of tugui, which extends for a little more than thirty leguas to bolinào. the customs and ceremonies of those people must be touched upon briefly, not so much for the diversion that they may afford as that we may certify to the labor of ours in changing them according to law and reason, and putting them into a suitable condition. the worship with which they then reverenced their false deities they were wont to perform not in the villages, but outside them in the mountains, or the part nearest to their fields. they had certain little houses there like chapels, in which they all assembled. but that did not prevent them from having gods--penates, or idols, which they called _anìtos_. the priesthood was exercised by certain old men, ceremonious in the extreme, and not less by old women called _catalònas_--witches, superstitious creatures, diviners, and casters of lots--who were esteemed and so thoroughly believed that whatever they said, although lies, was taken as an infallible oracle. the manner of their sacrifices (which they called by the name _maganìtos_), on meeting to make them in the place that we have spoken of above, was none other than that, having prepared an unclean animal, very well grown--or for lack of it, a large cock--they offered it to the devil by means of one of those witches, with peculiar and curious ceremonies. for, dancing to the sound of a bell, she took in her hands a small idol, made to imitate the form in which the father of deceit was wont to appear to them at times; it was of human form, with very ugly features, and a long beard. she spoke certain words to it, invoking its presence, whereupon the iniquitous spirit came, and entered into her miserable body in order to dictate to her the deceits that are its custom in such acts. after having declared their false notions to those present, they ate the animal or bird, and they drank to intoxication, whereupon the wicked sacrifice was brought to an end. besides that adoration which they gave to the devil, they revered several false gods--one, in especial, called _bathala mey capal_, whose false genealogies and fabulous deeds they celebrated in certain tunes and verses like hymns. their whole religion was based on those songs, and they were passed on from generation to generation, and were sung in their feasts and most solemn assemblies. those who were ignorant of the teachings of mahomet adored not less the sun, the moon, the rainbow, birds, and animals--but especially the cayman or crocodile; a blue bird closely resembling the thrush; the crow; rocks placed on the shores of the sea, and those that they see in the sea, such as sunken rocks and shoals. [35] their ancestors also enjoyed that worship, and more especially those who had been famous in arms, and in the virtues native to their mode of belief; and they believed that reward was the lot of the good, and punishment that of the wicked. from this arose among them the knowledge of the immortality of the soul. accordingly, when anyone died, they bathed the body and buried it with benzoin, storax, and other aromatic substances, and clothed it then in the best of its possessions. before burying the body, they bewailed it for the space of three days. they anointed the bodies of those of high rank with certain confections, which kept it from corruption better than do our unguents of europa. they did not bury them except in the lower part of their houses, having placed and deposited them in a coffin of incorruptible wood. they placed some bits of gold in the mouth, and on the body the best jewels that they had. to that preparation they added a box of clothing, which they placed near them, and every day they carried them food and drink. they did not take especial pains that, if the dead had possessed more property, everything should be left to him; but slaves, both men and women, were presented to them to serve them in the other life (which they no doubt imagined to be similar to the present life). the custom that they observed with those slaves was, to behead them immediately after having fed them sumptuously, so that they might not fail the service and company of such influential men, since the latter needed them, as they said. in confirmation of that, it happened that, on the death of a chief of that race, they killed all the sailors necessary for a boat's crew, in order that servants, and rowers befitting his station might not be lacking to him in the life that they ignorantly imagined for such a person. after the conclusion of those honors, they gave themselves up to extensive revelry and feasting, which they interspersed with their mourning, observing a notable silence in the nearest houses and in the streets. no one worked, just as during a festal occasion; nor did he have to navigate under any consideration. he who opposed the aforesaid usage did not escape death, which was inflicted on him with rigor and without recourse. among all the above and many other follies, they believed that the world had a beginning, and they had some notion of the flood; but it was confused with the greatest nonsense and lies. they did not doubt the fact of there having been in its time a creation of man, but they believed that the first one had emerged from a bamboo joint and his wife out of another, under very ridiculous and stupid circumstances. they did not consider homicide as wrong, and the taking of as many lives as possible was a great honor. consequently, the valiant and those who were feared set the heads of those who perished at their hands on the doors of their houses, as a proof of their deeds; for he who hung up the greatest number, in the sight of his other countrymen was most esteemed and applauded. it was an abuse of obligation that, a father or mother having died, the son who inherited should retire from the village into the mountains and forests until he had despoiled at least two persons of the common light--even though it should be, as one can well judge, at the risk of losing the light that he himself was enjoying. when they had more children than they desired, or than they could support as they wished, they generally buried them alive. in what pertains to political government, they had no greater superiority than that which the most powerful usurped in the matter of life and death over those who were not powerful, disposing of them as they wished. accordingly they made them slaves for very slight reasons and occasions. when any suits and quarrels arose in regard to criminal or civil matters, their old men assembled, and composed these difficulties or passed sentence in them, and no one could appeal or petition from their decisions. they proved causes orally, examining witnesses and investigating doubts verbally. their laws were only traditions and very old customs, but they observed these carefully--not so much for fear of punishment, as because they believed that he who violated them would be instantly killed, or at least become afflicted with the disease of leprosy, and that another part also of his body would become corrupt. our three religious opposed themselves to so profound darkness as this, with the light of the gospel, and without taking other arms than the cross and the scourge of penance, by which all the wretchedness and misfortunes there were changed into delights and comforts. the suffering of great hardships was inevitable; for since those brutes were intractable and ferocious, they did not show the fathers any hospitality, that had any mark of reason and sense. the fathers sought them through the thickets and fields where they were living, and, alluring them with loving words, gave them to understand their error and the blindness of their souls. they preached to them with the ardor that came from their hearts of the triune and one lord, who governs the universe, and told them their obligation to love him and to bow to the mild yoke of his law; but those people preferred to condemn themselves forever to the pains of hell. the fathers retired at night to some very small huts that they had made, in order to take the necessary refreshment, which consisted only of beans [_frijoles_], and at most a little rice, which they obtained but seldom. then they gave some rest and repose to their weakened and fatigued bodies. that rest was, however, broken by three cruel disciplines, which all took every two hours, in order to soften and mollify the diamond hearts of those barbarians with their blood. with that efficacious medicine and their tireless care, they continued gradually to soften those rocks--although from the wretched life that they were living, and their immense toil in going by day through those rough mountains, seeking the sheep whom they desired to corral with the flock, within the sheepfold of the church, and from the worse sufferings in their nights, they sickened and died. [accounts of the pious deaths of fathers miguel de santa maria, and pedro de san joseph, and brother francisco de santa monica, the three laborers in this first mission, follow in this same section. the first named had long been renowned for his asceticism, both in spain and in the islands, having been one of the first to join the new order. the second had been a calced augustinian, but had transferred his allegiance to the recollects after their arrival in the islands, and was very useful on this mission because of his thorough knowledge of tagal. the narrative continues:] by the death of those three religious, the others might well fear to go to complete the reduction of marivelez, and to prosecute what was already begun with the perfidious zambales. but being full of the love of god, and of zeal for souls, each of them offered himself, just as if it were to obtain the greatest comfort and abundance that men generally seek; and all demanded it anxiously, each as best he could, as their most ambitious desire to go up there and be honored. the city opposed it, for they thought that it meant to send those fathers to their death--and all the more as they saw that, since ours were so few and so pious, they could serve more usefully in more secure and healthful places. the holy obstinacy of those who would not consent to abandon the post conquered. accordingly, the first lot fell to father fray rodrigo de san miguel. he disposed the minds of those heathen in such manner that, completing their reduction and leading them to the yoke of the lord, and to a civilized and christian life, he built a convent in a village called bacag, adding to it that of luzòn, which gave name to the island of manila--through the error or misunderstanding of the first spaniards, who discovered it, when examining and questioning the indians whom they met in a boat. they removed afterward to a better site, in the said marivelez, and that place has seven other villages, in a distance of twelve leguas, which it administers as annexes. the persons who were converted to the faith by the energy and labor of ours reached one thousand five hundred. that fort having been assured against the power and empire of the devil, the door was opened wider for passage inside, and the tyrannized souls of the indians of zambàles were gained. the latter, confident in their fierceness, were divided along the sea-coast, and exercised themselves in the chase, by which they sustained themselves--together with some fish--only zealous in killing men, which was the greatest glory among them. consequently, no boats dared to go to their lands, unless with great risk of the occupants losing their lives. with such brutality, the mountains of difficulties which father fray rodrigo had to conquer in softening the harshness of those beasts; and the sweat and labor that it would cost him to make them comprehend the dictates of reason (from which they were very far), while he was suffering extreme penury in all things necessary to life, can be imagined. his food was only wild herbs and some fruit, which was not on all occasions accompanied by a mouthful of biscuit, sent as a great treat, if possible, from manila. his rest, day and night, was so little, and was so liable to surprises that scarcely could he rest a moment without the expectation of death before him all the time, which the heathen, instigated by the devil, promised to give him. he went through their thickets and along their shores, crying out and endeavoring to conquer the coldness of those men. by virtue of the cross, he was finally able, little by little, to soften the insolence of their fierce breasts, and to render them more tractable, although they seemed like rocks in the hardness of their obstinate hearts. god our lord decreed that, in order to conquer their obstinate resistance, it should happen one day that this same father, fray rodrigo, on passing through a thicket consecrated to their devils (where, as their rites said, it was sacrilege to cut or touch any branch--besides the great fear that they had conceived that if anyone should have the audacity to do so, or to take the least thing, he would surely die immediately), saw a tree covered with a certain fruit which they call _pahos_, [36] that resemble the excellent plums that we know in europa. as it was so ripe and mellow, he ordered them to climb the tree and get some of the fruit. those accompanying him refused roundly, but he insisted on his desire. they finally explained, and said that they would do it under no consideration; for, beyond all doubt, those who dared to offend the respect for that place would die very suddenly. upon hearing that, the father was inflamed with zeal for the honor and worship of the true god whom he was preaching. asking them whether all trees around about had that quality of inflicting death on him who touched them, accidentally or designedly, they answered "yes." then elevating his voice, he gave them a fervent discourse against the delusion under which they were laboring; and concluded by intimating to them that he himself would get and eat the fruit, as well as cut down the trees, so that they might see that one would not die, and so that they might thereby be freed from the error and blindness of their ancestors. the indians were very sorrowful because father fray rodrigo had decided to eat of the fruit, and they accordingly begged him earnestly and humbly not to do it. but the good religious, arming himself with prayer and with the sign of the cross, and repeating that antiphony, _ecce crucem domini: fugite partes adversæ. vicit leo de tribu juda,_ [37] began to break the branches and to climb the tree, where he gathered a great quantity of the fruit. he ate not a little of it before them all, in detestation of their wicked superstitions and ill-founded fears. the indians looked at his face, expecting every moment to see him a dead man. but they immediately recognized the truth of what he told them. he charged them not to tell anyone what they had seen him do there. on arriving at the village, he divided the rest of the fruit that he brought, and kept for that purpose, among the other chiefs and influential persons, who ate it with gusto, esteeming it as a present from that father. the next day, after assembling them (much to their pleasure), he execrated their ignorance in a long sermon, and told them the secret of the fruit. thereupon, all of them, convinced and surprised, not one of them being wanting, followed him axes in hand, and felled that thicket, casting contempt on the devil; and many infidels ended by submitting to the knowledge of the truth. encouraged by so good an outcome, ours proceeded with the conversion of those peoples. they were not stopped by the manifest danger to their lives, nor by the famines or other bodily privations that it was necessary for them to suffer, in lands new, rough, and productive of no relief for their so many hardships and miseries. however, the divine providence made all these, and as many more as might be very mild, by giving the fathers inward consolation, as well as outward aid on not a few occasions. one of those occasions, experienced by the same father, fray rodrigo, during a trip on the sea, was notable. at that time, a sudden squall overtaking him, his boat was driven on certain rocks and knocked to pieces, so that those aboard it were drowned, although they knew how to swim well. only the said father, by the will of god and the beneficent miracle of a wave, which bore him safe and sound to a rocky islet or reef, escaped. he remained there until next day, in the fright that one can imagine, but hoping in god our lord that he would continue his rescue by conveying him to a place of safety. that happened after twenty-four hours, for an indian who had seen him from a distance swam out to him and took him upon his shoulders; and he gave thanks to heaven for so great mercy. more marvelous was the case of father fray joan de la ascension, who, while sailing along the coast of zambàles, was struck by a very violent storm, and the boat in which he was embarked, and all the chinese who were accompanying him, were lost, without one of them being saved. the boat keeled over--as they say--and was turned completely bottom up. the father remained in the hull of the boat, but so that he could hold only his arms and head clear of the water, while the rest of his body was under water. he supported himself in that darkness with his hands tightly clasping a beam. for the space of three days did he remain thus, while the hull tossed hither and thither. at the end of that time, as some indians were passing through that region and saw the wreck, they drew nigh to see whether they could find anything. they thought that they would surely find some pillage, and therefore began to break open the boat in the part open to view. consequently, when they had made a small hole, the pitiful voice of the religious who was crying for aid was heard. the greedy indians were frightened, and were about to flee from the terror caused them by so unexpected a petition. but proceeding, after the encouragement given them by one of their number who was bolder, they discovered the said father, who was already half dead. getting him out as quickly as possible, they took care of him and gave him some food, whereupon he recovered, and told them of his accident. it was told and wondered at, with reason, in manila and in other places; and all who heard of it attributed it to nothing less than a prodigy never seen. [lives of fathers alonso de la anunciacion and francisco de los santos, and brother bernardo de san augustin, follow in the succeeding three sections of this chapter, which concludes with a section on the] _foundation of the convent of masinglo_ with just reason can this house be [regarded as] the most precious and esteemed jewel that the augustinian reform venerates, as it was the fort that was raised against the devil in the lands of the infidels, which the devil had usurped from the cross and the gospel, when our religious, after so many labors and sufferings, tamed the untamable zambàles. that village, before called masinloc, was suitable for the foundation, as it was in a location from which they could attend quickly to the service of god our lord and of souls. accordingly, they chose it, although its inhabitants were more ferocious than the rest of their neighbors because they had no one to drive away their errors and illumine their darkness. father fray andres del espiritu santo, then, accompanied by two other religious, planted that holy bulwark to oppose all hell. with great care and helpfulness they tried first to adorn it with the example of their virtues, so that the neophytes should become fonder of the law which we profess. at that time the recently baptized amounted to eight hundred, with whom great efforts were exerted in separating them from their former evil habits, more especially that of idolatry, to which was joined that of intoxication; they were given to these in excess, by the habit that they had acquired in both things from childhood. with the lapse of time the converted have surpassed two thousand, because of the reduction of certain more terrible indians who lived in the mountains, without houses and away from the coast. the latter were continually at war with others who are called negrillos [_i.e._, "little blacks"], for they seem to be such, and they are very black. one may now consider the vigilance it must have cost to attract those brutes, in order to make them live a social life in accordance with reason, in peace and quiet--things that were never seen among them until our religious undertook to tame them and to bring them into rational intercourse. the jurisdiction of that convent has extended fourteen leguas, and it has ten visitas which are villages. the missionaries generally go to those villages to care for their souls, and do not allow them to continue their former wickedness. it happened in that village of masinglo that, an indian woman finding herself at the end of her days, they summoned father fray bernardo de san lorenço so that he might baptize her, for she was then asking for it. he went to her house, and as he thought that she was but slightly sick, he judged that it would be well to delay the sacrament until she knew her prayers well and the other mysteries that any christian must know in order to be confessed. he began to instruct her, and to persuade her with efficacious reasons to hate her idolatries and to have sorrow for her sins. he tried to leave her in this way until next day, but she, crying out and moaning, said to him: "baptize me, father, baptize me, immediately; do not leave me or permit me to die and lose the blessings which thou hast told me that i will obtain by becoming a christian." the religious consoled her and answered that he would baptize her in due time. she continued to urge him to wash away her sins without delay. consequently, seeing so much faith, he baptized her, and left her and her children very happy. and, although she did not appear sick, she died shortly afterward without anyone having any warning of it. upon another occasion another woman also came to the convent, and urgently requested the same father for baptism. he asked her why she desired it so urgently. she answered that one of her eyes pained her, and that she was very much afraid of dying suddenly without having the health to save herself. the father performed his duty in catechising her as well as he was able, and immediately administered the sacrament; she was very glad of this, and returned to her house, where they shortly afterward found her dead, without knowing that she had other illness or cause for death than the above mentioned pain in that eye. thus when a beginning was given to that convent, the religious discussed, as was unavoidable, the regulation of a new method by which it, as well as the other convents that should be founded in the lands and villages of the reduced indians, should be governed. it could not be perfected at one time, for experience, that mistress of seasons, was, little by little, showing what was most advisable for them. accordingly, they have established efficient laws in various assemblies and provincial and private chapters, so that those houses have shed a luster in the example of their virtues--even though they do not have an excessive number of religious, because of the lack that they generally suffer of those who are necessary. it was, therefore, ordered, in the first place, that all the laws and statutes of our congregation be observed, without violating the most minute points of the rules and regulations in force in españa--especially in regard to the two hours of mental prayer and the matins at midnight--even should there be but one religious; since he could say them with the indian singers who reside and always live in the enclosure or within the walls of the convent. each of the religious was prohibited strictly, and under well-imposed penalties, from engaging in any trade or commerce, directly or indirectly, however slight it might be. in addition, it was ordered that no one should use any piece of silver or gold, even though it should be a medal, because of the suspicion that it might arouse in the indians who should see them, when they were preaching gospel poverty. they were forbidden to beg the loan of money, or to ask their stipends in advance from the encomenderos, contenting themselves with the little that they had; and living with the greatest possible frugality, in order that their lives might conform to their discalcedness and their abstraction from earthly things. the priors were not to leave their districts under any pretext; and they were not to send their associates and subordinates unless there were urgent necessity, and after a consultation, to be registered in the books of the convent. the religious were not to enter the houses of the indians, except to administer the sacraments in the necessary cases; and no one could employ himself in this office until he should be well acquainted with the language of the land. they were not to acquire possessions, or more income than the one hundred pesos of their stipend; and necessity was to be the standard and rule that they were to seek, as those who were truly poor. they were not to entertain secular persons, and much less governors, alcaldes-mayor, or encomenderos; for, if they did so, it would be very prejudicial to the fitting retirement and strict observance advisable for the reform. the christian doctrine was to be preached and explained to the young people every morning in the churches, but to everyone on feast days, with especial care and personal attendance. in order to conduct the divine worship, they were to endeavor to have music in all the convents, by teaching the youth not only to sing but also to play the sweetest and best instruments that we use in europa, so that the new christians might become very fond of frequenting the sacred offices. they were to be admonished straitly to attend to the devotion of the most holy virgin, our lady, having her rosary recited every afternoon in the church; and on saturday mornings they were to be present at the mass, and before nightfall at the "hail mary," holding their lighted candles in their hands. the religious also made other resolutions pertaining to the protection and defense of the indians, in case that anyone should transgress by trying to do violence to them, so that, as true fathers, they might oppose themselves courageously to any annoyance that the malice of the soulless men of this age, always iniquitous, might attempt. in short, they applied the needed and fitting preservatives, with the desire of maintaining the good name and reputation of religious who were seeking the safety of those souls, and hating that which might have the appearance of love for temporal things--in consideration of which no earthly interest had transported them from españa to philippinas. chapter viii _the third provincial chapter is held; and after the election a not slight danger assails the reform. the first convent of manila is moved inside the walls_. [the first section of this chapter deals with affairs of the recollect order in spain. the third election of provincial results in the choice of father fray gregorio de santa catalina. dissensions immediately break out in the ranks of the religious, which are engineered by the retiring provincial, father fray joan baptista. the schism results in the suppression of the order by a bull of paul v, and its absorption into the calced augustinian ranks. various influences are set afoot, however, by those devoted to the reform, and the new provincial prepares to go to rome to entreat the pope to reconsider the suppression. the second section deals with the] _removal of the convent of manila_ in order to divert the grief of ours in españa for a moment, the need of referring to the removal of the convent of san nicolas of manila from its location outside the walls (which is now the college of san joan baptista, as above stated) to the other site, within the enclosure, where now is the glorious capital of the most religious province of the philippinas islands--is interpolated. the credit acquired by the good founders in a short time was vast, by means of their exemplary life, and the zeal that they had manifested in the reduction and conversion of the infidels. they had shed abroad in all directions the light and splendor of their virtues, and very especially of their voluntary poverty and abstraction from temporal things, contenting themselves with but very little, and coveting, at the most, the attainment of permanent blessings and riches. they won many persons for god in that city by means of their holy instructions, and taught them the true way, which very few court. by that course they made themselves so much masters of the good-will of all that the people begged them unanimously that they should enter a more comfortable place--but without abandoning that place, because its preservation was so useful for the welfare of as many souls as lived in those suburbs and environs, so that nobles and plebeians might enjoy the spiritual food that the fathers so promptly distributed to them. besides, it seemed unavoidable to do that, so that they might be more secure and better guarded, whatever happened, because of the continual and sudden attacks of the japanese, chinese, and sangley enemies, who are wont to attack those suburbs with courage. father fray joan de san geronimo assented to the prayers of the faithful, and the not little convenience of his own associates; and accordingly, aided by the alms that were given him, he bought certain small houses, near to a site where many years ago the artillery was founded. that site was also given him at the end of the year by governor don joan de silva. the opposition of some was not wanting, although that convent was so desired and applauded. however, that opposition soon ended; and our religious endured it with signal austerity for many days, until the very noble gentleman and master-of-camp, don bernardino del castillo ribera y maldonado--a native of mexico, castellan of the fort, and regidor of the city--together with his very virtuous wife, doña maria enriquez de cespedes, through the devotion that they bore to our institute and to the holy neo-thaumaturgus nicolàs de tolentino (at whose intercession a son was born to him, who died shortly afterward, the same lady having petitioned our glorious father to negotiate with god so that that son might not live if he were to grow up bad and a sinner), assumed the patronage of the church and convent. he immediately erected a fine building of cut stone, the cost of which exceeded one hundred thousand pesos. in addition to that, he assigned it a suitable income--not for the support of the religious, for at that time it was not the custom for ours to accept such; but for the necessary repairs that had to be made later. at the conclusion of the work, it was our lord's pleasure to grant him a very pious death, prepared, among his many alms, by actions and customs more resembling those of a perfect religious man of an arrogant and merry soldier. the religious buried him as if in his own house, displaying on his honorable tomb the memory of his deeds; and erecting monuments afterward to him and to his consort in a very fitting niche, as well as suitable proclamations of thankfulness that ours published. he left the devotion of the great titular saint, whom he greatly loved, well established; consequently, by means of his authority, the city chose the saint as patron, and decreed that his day should be celebrated, and that the city should attend in the form of its cabildo, which has always been done. governor don alonso faxardo, governor of the islands, our illustrious benefactor--who gave us permission, as far as the royal patronage is concerned, to preach the gospel in the provinces of butuàn and caràgha, together with the islands of cuyo and calamiànes--was also buried there. from that permission have resulted so great increase in numbers to the church, and great honors to our recollect order. likewise the governor's wife, doña catalina zambrano, and others--auditors and officials of the chancillería, and many noble gentlemen--keep him company there. a notable confraternity has been founded in that church, called the nazarenos [_i.e._, the nazarines"], so that on the night of holy thursday they march through the streets in a most devout procession, just as they are accustomed to do in the kingdoms of castilla. among the most revered images of those islands is reckoned that of the holy christ, which is called "the christ of humility and patience," which was lately placed in the right side chapel. licentiate joan de araùz, cura and beneficiary of the parish church in the city of mexico, gave it, and with it a treasure of favors and concessions to manila. that image is very natural, and of the best manufacture that has been known in those remote hemispheres. he manifests himself to the sight, seated on a rock, with his cheek resting on his hand; and the sight of him moves the hard heart of the most abandoned to trembling and devotion. the religious took it aboard at acapulco in solemn procession, all of them hoping to arrive safe with so good company, as happened. accordingly, as soon as they cast anchor, they carried that image to the college of san joan baptista, so that it might be lodged until the necessary arrangements were made for the festival of its entrance. the festival was at last effected after the lapse of many days, and it was one of the celebrated festivals that have been seen and admired, both in its pomp and in the concourse that collected from all parts because of the fame of the image. it was placed first in the cathedral church, and next day, a very momentous procession having been ordained, they carried it thence to the convent, where the beginning was made and the conclusion given to a magnificent novena. the divine mercy showed its favors very frequently to those who petitioned it for aid in their troubles with a true and living faith. there is another image of our lady, called "consolation," because of the great consolation that those who are afflicted find in it, when they are most exhausted. her devotion commenced from the time of the entrance of our reform into the islands; and it has been continued by means of the favors that she scatters in protection of those who commend themselves to her by invoking her aid. our patrons had a most singular affection for her, and therefore they left a clause by which a mass was to be sung for their souls in all the festivities of the most blessed mary. they offered her many gold jewels and articles of richest clothing, that testified the love with which they humbly surrendered to the vassalage due to her. father fray antonio de san augustin [38] encouraged greatly the worship and veneration of that sacred and miraculous image, and received instant pay and wages for his labor. for when he was about to die (the candle being already in his hand), without anyone perceiving it or having hope of it he recovered his senses, and talked to those present who were watching him and assisting him, to the astonishment of all the physicians, who regarded him as a dead man. he declared what had happened, and said that having offered in his heart his vows at the feet of the said virgin, when he was almost dead, as was thought, he heard her near him talking to him, together with st. nicolás de tolentino; and she graciously revivified him, saying that he was not to die from that illness. that was a fact, for within a few days he arose, just as if he had not been at the gates of death. the third image that illumines and ennobles that convent is that of the famous titular saint, nicolàs de tolentino. he has chosen to make himself known in those remote regions as much as in the other regions of christendom, by means of the continual prodigies and marvels that he works there. a great volume might be written of those that have been seen in manila alone, and a greater volume of those outside. suffice it to say that, because of his having appeared to the sailors in their greatest straits and troubles, they have all unanimously taken him as their patron. the glorious saint rewards their pious devotion by lofty marvels, and does not discontinue for all that to work them very frequently on land--for which both the spaniards and the indians of the philippinas islands venerate him as a refuge, in whom they consider their relief very sure. strong religious have gone out from that very strict house to combat the power of the devil, in order to remove his yoke from many souls, as we shall see in the time of reporting their deeds of valor. [the chapter concludes with the pious deaths of fathers andrès de san joseph, diego de santa ana, and gaspar de la madre de dios, and of brother simon de san augustin, all of whose bodies were buried in the manila convent. [39]] chapter ix _father fray gregorio de santa catalina goes to roma, and presents his [claim for] justice in the tribunal of the supreme pontiff. the end of the chapter is concerned with a mission that ours tried to make to the philippinas islands, the founding of two convents, and the deaths of two great religious_. [the provincial's mission to roma results disastrously at first, for he is doomed to many months of dreary waiting is denied audience with the pope, and even ordered to quit the city. but finally the tide turns; the pope, having learned of his mission, grants the long-desired audience, and after hearing the humble representations of the pleader, looks favorably upon the reform branch. although the augustinians in spain attempt to suppress entirely the reform, public opinion is too powerful, and the recollects have too many influential friends; and consequently, the general of all the augustinian order, then juan baptista de asti, orders opposition to cease. meanwhile, father pedro de san fulgencio comes as procurator from the philippines to request more missionaries. he finds the reform in almost its last throes, but, nothing daunted, departs for rome to urge his mission before the pope. being favorably received and his pretensions granted, after a considerable stay in the roman court, where he also assists the provincial gregorio de santa catalina, he sets out on his return to spain, but dies at milan; and, for lack of anyone to carry on his work everything is lost for the time being. now augustinian agents from spain take the opportunity to arouse animus against the reform and to thwart their designs by saying "that the discalced were unnecessary in the philippinas islands; and that those who had gone were few and hitherto of no use in the preaching, as they were persons who could in no way prove advantageous to the indians. the contrary was seen then; and by the mercy of god, we have since seen it here, and shall see it, very clearly, in due course of time. we note here only, for the confusion of those who boldly devised such a proposition, the testimonies that have come on different occasions in regard to the credit and praise of ours, who have shed luster amid those rude and very barbarous provinces, with so much glory to themselves, by illuminating them with the light of the gospel." these testimonials, some of them later than the period which the present volume covers, follow:] let the first be that of an inquiry made in manila, at the time that the above-mentioned calumny was learned, before captain martin de herrera, alcalde-in-ordinary of the same city. the report of this was approved afterward by the city's cabildo, its justices, and magistrates, the witnesses being fully qualified to act as such: namely, the master-of-camp, don bernardino del castillo maldonado, castellan of the fort; master-of-camp don pedro de chaves; general don joan esquerra; captain christoval guiràl; general don joan manuel de la vega; don joan sarmiento, chancellor of the royal audiencia; don francisco gomez de arellano, dean of the cathedral there, and commissary-general of the crusade; don joan de aguilar, archdean of the same church; captain hernando de avalos y vargas; licentiate rodrigo guiràl, secular priest; admiral don joan de valmaseda; don luis enrriquez de guzman; don diego de leòn, school-master of the said church; captain and sargento-mayor don francisco de ayala; don luis de herrera sandoval, treasurer also of the same church; luis de barrasa, regidor of the city; captain melchor de ayllòn; and don antonio de arze, also regidor of manila. all those so illustrious persons deposed that the discalced augustinian religious who were living and who had lived there, were serious, learned, spiritual, beloved men, and that they were gladly seen and heard by those who lived and dwelt in the philippinas islands; and that, by their good life and example, they had gathered and were gathering much fruit in the community, and among the natives of the province of zambàles. those people had been most fierce enemies of the spaniards and other nations before ours had taken charge of their reduction. by the excellent instruction of our religious, they had become so tamed and gentle that now one could pass through their coast; while before one could not even approach them without evident risk of those people killing him, with great gusto, as they were so barbarous. consequently, it would be well to keep and increase those religious in that archipelago, for the salvation and profit of souls. the second testimony is that of the royal chancillería of manila, in a letter to the catholic king of the españas, and affirms the following: "the discalced religious of the order of st. augustine, who are employed in these islands in preaching the holy gospel, are held in great esteem in this city of manila because of their virtue and good example. they have three or four provinces of indians in their charge, and, moved by holy and pious zeal for the welfare of souls, they continue daily to establish new convents among the most unconquerable people of the islands. thus have they been seen to gather most considerable fruit for the service of god and of your majesty." in another letter are also noted these words, which affirm the above: "the discalced religious of st. augustine are very observant in their ministries, and attend to the service of your majesty, on occasions of enemies by sea and land, where some have been killed and captured." before proceeding further, it will not be an impertinent digression to mention and explain briefly the services above mentioned, stating first that our religious serve as chaplains in the forts of tandag, calamiànes, bagangàn, and linào, with notable sacrifice both of their liberty (for they are often captured and illtreated) and of their lives, because of the bad voyages on, and hardships of, the seas. when don fernando de silva was governing the islands, a fleet was sent against the bornean and camucònes enemy, who were devastating the coasts, seizing numbers of captives, and committing other depredations. as chaplains went fathers fray diego de san joan evangelista, native of zaragoça, and fray joan de la cruz. they bore themselves so devotedly amid the military excitements, and gave so good examples, that the chief commander, one captain bartolome diaz, finding it necessary to absent himself, in order to leave his men with security and in quiet appointed, with well recognized prudence, the first above named. for that religious, not as a substitute for the commander, but as a father, cared for all, and they were satisfied. and they were surprised, because it happened that, the supply of water falling short, they sought it, but were unable to find any in various parts of the islands, and were suffering the anguish and affliction that can be imagined in such an extremity, when one day the said father said mass, begging our lord for help in such need. it happened, then, that after performing his ministry he returned to the men and told them to be very joyful, and to look in the direction that he pointed out to them for a spring that was there. they found it immediately, not very far away, and praised god for so great a mercy. in the insurrection of caràgha a numerous fleet was also prepared; captain joan mendez porras was accompanied, for the common consolation of the soldiers, by fathers fray lorenço de san facundo and fray diego de santa ana. by their efforts the villages of bislìn, careèl, and bagangan were conquered and that land again reduced. in another fleet that set out from the same province of caràgha, captain joan nicolas chose father fray jacinto de san fulgencio, whereupon many villages surrendered to the service of the king; and the indians of the island of dinagàt, baybayòn, and sandegan requested ministers, and five hundred were baptized. besides such occasions, which are generally quite common, ours have served in divers fleets that have been prepared to oppose the dutch who were infesting the shores. lastly, in two expeditions made by don sebastian hurtado de corcuèra--one to the kingdom of jolo, and the other to that of mindanao--he took, in the first, fathers fray joan de san nicolàs, and fray miguel de la concepcion; and in the second, father fray lorenço de san facundo and father fray joan de san joseph. the last-named religious was very useful, for he served as ambassador to the moro king, to whom he was a friend, as he had been his captive in former times. returning to our narration, and the relation of the security of ours, now comes don fray hernando guerrero, archbishop of manila, in a letter to the congregation of the propaganda of the faith, [40] and he confirms the work of the same, while he says: "the discalced augustinian religious who live in these philippinas islands are gathering a very large harvest here in the conversion of souls. not less known are the advances that christianity is making in the kingdoms of japan by their preaching and teaching, where in the years one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine and thirty, six religious of the same institute suffered martyrdom, together with many others, members of the third order, [41] or _mantellatos_, and confriars of the girdle [_correa_] of our father st. augustine, all converted to the faith and instructed by the same discalced religious who are in those regions. now, to relate the news that we have just received, two of the same religious are suffering the most exquisite torments that can be imagined, after two years of the hardest kind of imprisonment. they are suffering also, in the ministries and convents which they maintain in these islands, great discomfort and hardship; for the indians in their charge are the most unbridled and fierce of all those known in this archipelago, as experience of last year proved, when the indians killed four religious. their death and the evident danger of their lives did not frighten the others, and therefore other missionaries did not hesitate to go." while that prelate was bishop of nueva segovia, he also wrote two letters, one to the catholic king of españa, and the other to the above congregation, of the following tenor: "the order of the discalced religious of the order of our father st. augustine are of considerable importance in these islands, and they are gathering much fruit with their teaching and their good example. they have many missions in districts remote from this city, as they were the last who came to the islands, etc." "the discalced augustinian religious," he says in the other, "who reside in these philippinas islands are gathering large harvests in all parts in the conversion of the souls of these pagans, as they have done in the kingdom of iapon. two years ago six professed religious of the same order were slain there, by fire and sword, for the preaching of the gospel, and the conversion of souls, in addition to seventy other persons who suffered the same death, in the same kingdom, for the preservation of the faith, which they had received then through the ministry of two spanish religious of the same institute, who were preaching it there. the two latter are also now in prison for the same reason, and it is thought will already have perished by fire or in some other way." don fray pedro de arze, bishop of zugbù, was more minute in describing the labors and efforts of our religious, in a letter informing the sacred congregation of the propaganda of the faith, in which he says the following: "for some years past the discalced augustinian fathers of the congregation of españa have been, and are, gathering very large harvests in the conversion of the infidels of these islands; for, besides the many others that they have in other bishoprics, they have more than ten convents in my diocese alone. they are laboring therein in the cultivation of the vineyard of the lord, with the best of example, strict observance, and care. this is in the newest and most dangerous posts of these islands, where their lives are exposed to great risk, as the islands are hostile. but notwithstanding all these dangers and hardships, they have converted a very great number of infidels, both adults and children, to our holy catholic faith. i trust, god helping, that the conversion of the infidels--and especially those of one island where those holy religious have their missions, as it is one of the largest islands of these regions--will, in the future, by means of their care and industry, advance and increase to much greater, etc." besides the above, there are three other letters to the same congregation, of the following tenor: "the discalced religious of the order of our father st. augustine have worked hard as long as they have been in these islands (which is many years), and with good example, in the preaching of the holy gospel; and they have gathered a great harvest of souls. they have established many convents in the islands, for which they should receive honor from your excellencies, and receive protection, so that his holiness, as master and father, may concede them rewards and favors, so that they may be encouraged to complete what they have begun." the second letter contains the following points: "the recollect fathers of the order of our father st. augustine in these philippinas islands are laboring faithfully in the vineyard of the lord, with good example and prodigious danger, as the people whom they instruct are harsh and fierce. in some districts, they are making much gain in the conversion of souls; in japon they have made a very great gain, and have converted many, both men and women, who have given their lives for the confession of our holy faith, as will be seen there by the authentic report that is being sent to his holiness. consequently, they deserve that your most illustrious lordships show them every grace and protection, and that you encourage them to proceed in a work so holy by writing to the king of españa to protect and aid them, for that their example and good life deserve it." the third letter is of the tenor that is set down here: "the recollect fathers of the order of our father st. augustine in these philippinas islands are faithfully cultivating, in most exemplary manner, the vineyard of the lord, and are preaching his holy gospel with great hardship and danger to their lives; for those people whom they have in charge are so harsh and fierce that they killed four religious the past year. but the others did not fear on that account to send new ministers to preserve the fruit that they were gathering among those souls, through their hope that, by their teaching, they will convert all of those people to the true knowledge. they have also made much gain in japon, as has been seen; since a great number of pagans, abandoning their errors, have embraced our holy faith through the preaching of the religious of this order who are in those kingdoms. for their confession, six religious of that institute, accompanied by many, suffered martyrdom, after they had taken the habits of mantellatos, or tertiaries of the same order, with other confriars, and others who wear the girdle." this prelate confirmed the same in two other letters to the catholic monarch, in the following manner: "the recollect fathers of the order of our father st. augustine, from their first arrival in these islands, have gathered a plentiful harvest in souls by their good example. they have many convents and many missions in their charge. in their care are the islands of calamiànes, and they have charge of a great part of the island of mindanao, where they have convents and labor with great zeal for the salvation of souls." in the second letter he wrote these words: "the recollect fathers of the order of our father st. augustine have many convents in these islands, where they administer, with great care, christian instruction to the natives of the islands, to whom they furnish a good example and whom they treat with great gentleness. their missions are very dangerous and the people of some of them are harsh and fierce. they have had very good success in japon, and have given many martyrs to the church, who fortified their lives by the confession of our holy faith, as will appear there [_i.e._, in europe] by the report made here in regard to this. they merit the aid and protection of your majesty, so that they may be encouraged to serve our lord." the ecclesiastical cabildo of manila, occupying the vacant see, testified to the same king of españa in another letter: "the discalced augustinian religious are very austere in their institute, and in their ministrations to the natives in the missions under their charge--who, as they are among the most untamable and fierce people in these regions, have killed and captured several of the religious. consequently, they are very short of men, but have not failed in the service of your majesty on the occasions that have offered by land and sea." it would be an evident ingratitude not to record here three letters, which the unconquerable city of manila wrote to their king and sovereign, giving him a definite relation of the condition of ours. _first letter_ "the order of the discalced augustinians, which has extended into these islands, has been and is of great fruit in the spiritual by their general virtue, their exemplary lives, and their excellent teaching--both in the settlements of the spaniards, where they have convents, and in those of the natives where the ministration and preaching of the holy gospel results in a very great harvest of souls. because they were the last order to settle in these regions, they had to build some of their convents among the most rude and warlike natives of these provinces. they have had so good success with those natives that, through their efforts and the loving treatment which they have shown them, they have so converted them to the faith and so subjected them to the obedience of his majesty, that the fervent spirit which those religious have infused into both those tasks is very evident. the order has a great lack of ministers to occupy their many missions; and they need the favor and protection of your majesty, in order to attain their desire of carrying very far the conversion of souls, and of preserving those who have been converted to the faith. therefore, this city is under obligations to represent it to your majesty, and to petition your majesty, as we do, with all humility, to be pleased to have a goodly number of religious sent to them, so that they may continue and carry on their good intentions in the service of god and that of your majesty. for, besides that the number of religious here is very few, as they have scarcely enough for their missions, they fall sick and die, as many of the sites and posts to which they go are not very healthful; for which reason, the lack of ministers in their order is greater each day. this is felt so much the more keenly as the importance of it is known." _second letter_ "this city of manila has informed your majesty on other occasions of the great results produced in these islands by the discalced recollect religious of the order of st. augustine. their exemplary devotion is daily increasing this christianity, as they strive for it with so great energy. in regions so remote, and so full of enemies and of heathen people, they, losing the fear of the violent deaths that they suffer daily, with the holy zeal which accompanies them, have founded many convents. from that has resulted a very great conversion of those rude people, they being the most turbulent that are known in these regions. may our lord, for whom is this work, decree that they continue to increase, since so many blessings result from it for the glory of our lord and the service of your majesty. to you we represent the aforesaid, and their great need of religious so that they may continue. for two alone who went to japon have been the cause of sending seventy japanese to heaven--some already religious, and others brothers of the girdle--while the said two fathers were arrested and destined for martyrdom, and it is expected will by today have achieved the happy end of it." _third letter_ "this city of manila has informed your majesty on various occasions of the great importance to these islands of the order of the discalced recollects of the order of st. augustine; of the apostolic men in it; of the great harvest that they are gathering by the preaching of the holy gospel; of the excellent example which they have always given, and are giving, with their strict and religious life, and their so close observance of their rules; and of the so considerable results that have been achieved by them in the service of our lord and in that of your majesty, with the aid of your royal arms, in the great number of infidels who have been converted to our holy catholic faith, and have been subdued so that they render your majesty due homage and tribute. those people have generally paid that tribute and pay it every year. [we have written you] that those religious have exercised and exercise with especial care in all things the spiritual earnestness that concerns their profession, both in the maintenance or their work and in their continual desire, notwithstanding the innumerable annoyances which they endure, to carry this work onward. they are ever converting new souls to the service of our lord and the obedience of your majesty, while they preserve great harmony and concord among themselves. consequently, that order has always been and is one of the most acceptable orders and one of the most welcome in these islands. they are the poorest of all, as all their ministries are in remote regions very distant from this city, and among the most warlike people in all the provinces of these islands, as they have been but lately reduced. [we have told you] of the risk of their lives on account of this, because it has happened at times that those who seemed to be pacified have rebelled; while at other times the religious have fallen into the hands of those who were not pacified, when preaching to them the holy gospel. there have been many others also who have suffered martyrdom in the kingdom of japon, thus enriching the church of god with such noble actions, as well as the crown of your majesty. above all, they have no income except the alms given them by the faithful. there is no fleet in which they do not sail for the consolation of the infantry, etc. this city petitions your majesty to be pleased to concede permission to the said order, so that religious may pass from those kingdoms to these islands to the number that your majesty may decree, in consideration of the fact that the need for them, in ministries so distant as theirs, is very great. in those ministries, through the little nourishment of the food which they use for the sustenance of human life, for they live as those who are truly poor, and with great abstinence, which they observe, without reserving any time because of discomforts, whether of sun or shower, going through dense forests and inaccessible mountains in order to reduce the many millions of souls of those districts to our holy catholic faith, not one of whom has any light, etc." don joan niño de tavora, governor and captain-general of the above-named islands, and president of the royal chancillería of manila, says in another letter to the same king: "the recollect augustinian fathers who reside in these islands, inasmuch as they arrived last, have taken the districts most distant from this city. they are extending their labors into the district of caràgha, and calamiànes, with success among those indians, etc. during the last four years, more than four thousand persons have been baptized by that order alone. i petition your majesty to be pleased to order that their procurators be despatched with the greatest number of religious possible, etc." lastly, sabiniano manrique de lara, who exercised the aforesaid office, concludes in another letter, in which he affirms the proposition: "the order of discalced recollects of st. augustine who reside in these islands and the districts of them, preserves in its members, with all virtue and exemplary life, its obligations for the service of god, in the protection and instruction of their parishioners, the indian natives; and in what regards the service of your majesty, they show the efficacious zeal of good vassals. for during the time of my government they have not at all embarrassed me in any way. on the contrary, as i recognize their good conduct, i am obliged to represent it to your majesty; and will your majesty be pleased to show them every favor and grace, in whatever opportunity may occur to your majesty." a letter came with those that are here given as addressed to the sacred congregation of the propaganda of the faith, who ordered the two following letters to be written, which we place at the end, in order to qualify better the labor of ours, and to conquer the calumny of those who attempted to obscure and stifle the fervor with which the reform commenced the reduction of the barbarous infidels. _to the vicar-general of the discalced augustinians_ "very reverend father: "your paternity will have learned that a letter was presented and read in the assembly of the sacred congregation of the propaganda of the faith, received from the bishop of zibù, etc. the most illustrious lord cardinals have received most special pleasure in learning from it the great number of convents that the religious of your order have built in the philippinas, and also the great harvest that they are gathering in the conversion of those heathen by their example and their good and holy customs. inasmuch as the said bishop lives with steadfast hopes of greater progress and advancement if he were again aided and reënforced with other laborers of their order, such as they, and resembling them, the sacred congregation, attentive to this, petitions your paternity, with the affection and earnestness that the salvation of so many souls merits, to effect and strive anew, with all the earnestness and care possible, to provide new religious and workers for those so remote and needy regions. we assure your paternity that it will be a great service to god and to the holy apostolic see. and also that act will be one of great pleasure to their excellencies the cardinals. the latter advise you that, in the missions conducted by your paternity, the contents of the decree enclosed herewith should be observed and obeyed. besides this, the sacred congregation, in consideration of the services that your paternity's order has rendered to the holy apostolic see, has thought best to protect that order with great pleasure and good-will, etc. _cardinal ludovisi_ _francisco ingoli_, secretary." _to the very reverend fathers the father provincial and the definitors of the discalced augustinians in the philippinas islands_ "very reverend fathers: "the relation of the progress that your reverences have made in those districts in the conversion of the heathen, and of the efforts put forth and the hardships suffered for the said object, having been referred to this sacred congregation of the propaganda of the faith, his holiness and these my most illustrious lordships, after having received most special consolation from so good news, have praised not a little the zeal and piety of your reverences. they also exhort you to continue in the future with the same fervor, especially in the care of the mission destined for japòn. in the same manner they have ordered that an urgent message be sent to the papal legate [_nuncio_] of españa to try to procure prompt despatches for the multiplication of the ecclesiastical workers in those regions. his holiness, in particular, has willingly offered them his consolation with eight thousand benedictions, etc. _cardinal borxa_ _francisco ingoli_, secretary." in order to conclude all this with the destruction of the calumny that their opponents invented, in regard to the presence of ours in philippinas being without fruit, we might quote certain authors who have spoken in no uncertain voice in their praise. but we forbear, except in the case of master fray thomas de herrera, whom, as he is worth a thousand men, it will be well to cite. in regard to the aforesaid, he speaks in the following manner in his _alphabeto_: "these fathers, who were not slothful laborers, kindled with zeal for the catholic faith, and desirous for the salvation of souls, crossed the seas in the year 1605, to remote regions of this world, although at the eleventh hour." (folio 181, volume i.) "the discalced fathers of hispania crossed the seas in the year 1605, kindled by their zeal for the salvation of souls (and at times by the shedding of their blood in the kingdoms of japonia) to those remote islands, as planters of the church or as spreaders of its tents." (folio 127, volume ii.) "the congregation of the discalced of hispania, which extends its vineyards even to the seas and to the philippinas islands, sent laborers about the year 1588 to remote colonies, who preached the gospel to the japanese; and with their own blood, shed most profusely, they either planted or watered the church in various kingdoms, and illumined the augustinian order with a great number of glorious martyrs." (folio 485, _ibidem_.) [a section devoted to the founding of the convent of calatayud in aragon follows, and the narration of the work in the philippines is taken up again in the succeeding section, entitled:] _foundation of the convent of bolinao_ the missionary religious in the philippinas islands had complete and quiet peace, although those who were living in españa, opposed by miseries and misfortunes, were trying with all earnestness to recover their lost quiet. a great field was offered to them, in which to give vent to the ardor of their desires; but being few in number, they could not accept as much as was given them. they determined finally to take the island of bolinào, near the province of zambàles and of tugui, whose warlike and fierce inhabitants, although less so than the others, gave father fray geronimo de christo, vicar-provincial at that time, and his associate, father fray andres del santo espiritu, sufficient occasion to exercise their patience; for, not wishing to hear them, they tried daily to kill them. the two fathers persisted in softening those diamond hearts with their perseverance, after having lived for some months on only herbs of the field, when the natives deprived them of food so that, thus needy, the fathers should be compelled to leave them and go away, or so that they might die of hunger. that might have happened if god our lord had not aided them with his grace, as is his wont in times of greatest stress. the patient endurance of ours conquered the barbarians; and, recognizing that those who were so long-suffering and so kind could not fail to be right in what they said, they submitted to the yoke of the gospel, very gladly and joyfully receiving the christian instruction and baptism. for that reason it became necessary to found a convent there, and that was accomplished through the conversion of one thousand six hundred souls, who are directed, together with those of other villages near by. in that place occurred a circumstance resembling that of father fray rodrigo de san miguel, which we have recounted above; for while all the indians of the village were not yet converted, our religious learned that those of the village had gone to a bamboo plantation not very distant, in order to worship it and to venerate their bamboos, as if they were gods. they followed the indians, and found them occupied with their blind observances. the more the religious persuaded them, they could not induce them to cut a single bamboo, because of the error which they had accepted from the mouth of the devil, namely, that they would surely die if they touched the canes. thereupon the fathers, although at the evident risk of their lives, amid the great shouting and lamentations of the indians, ordered a good christian servant, who acted as their guide, to begin to fell the thicket. proceeding at first with the fear of those foolish people, the servant felled the entire thicket to the earth, and then the barbarians were assured of their error, and without delay they more joyfully accepted christianity. [two sections follow, treating of the lives of fathers geronimo de christo and diego de jesus, the first of whom was a missionary in the philippines and the second in mexico--who, being captured by the english, passed through many stirring adventures.] [chapter x contains nothing touching the philippines except a brief survey of the life and death of the founder of the philippine missions, father joan de san geronimo. he died near ormuz, while returning to spain in order to secure more workers for his mission.] third decade [the first chapter recounts that papal permission was given to erect four novitiates in the convents in the four spanish cities of madrid, valladolid, zaragoza and valencia.] chapter ii _foundation of the convent of cigayan_ _the year 1612_ the missionary fathers of the philippinas islands were free from anxiety, and were far from suffering the strife and upheaval that the reform was enduring in españa. however, in their great anxiety to guide souls to heaven, they did not desist from their fruitful conversion along the coasts of zambàles. they needed associates to help them carry so heavy a burden; but notwithstanding that, in their sorrow for the lamentable loss of those who did not yet know god because of the lack of missionaries, after they had converted many infidels in the village of cigayàn they set about founding a monastery there. they carried it out that year, and lived therein with all security until an indian, instigated by the devil, laid violent hands on father fray alonso de san augustin, whom he wounded severely in the throat with a very broad though short dagger, called _igua_ in that country, which is made purposely for beheading a person at one blow--a vice common to the zambàles, before they knew the sweet charity of the law which we profess. but as the stroke was first caught by the hood [of the father's habit], the barbarian did not succeed in his purpose, which had been to behead him in a moment. but the wound did not heal readily, and consequently he lived but a little while. it is said that there was no further cause for the atrocious and profane act of the wicked parricide than the desire to free himself from the censures that that same father had administered to him for his crimes and wickedness. thereupon, the indians of the village rose in revolt, and after burning the church and the convent, fled to the mountains. however, some remained, who defended the other religious, and carried the wounded man to masinglo. consequently, the village was almost deserted. afterward they tried, and successfully, to subdue the insurgents again. they succeeded by their energy and toil, and restored the settlement and church again to their former state for the administration of seven hundred souls or so, who were the last ones to comprehend the cry of the gospel. it happened in this place that one sunday, while father fray francisco de santa monica was in the church teaching the rudiments of the catholic faith to the least intelligent indians, they came to tell him that there was a certain woman, at a long legua's distance from that place, dying of childbirth, who was entreating for baptism very earnestly. the said father left his exercise, and, seizing a staff, started to run so fast that, as he himself testified, it seemed as if he were flying through the air. he was not far wrong, for in less than one-half hour he reached the place or hut of the poor woman who was expiring, all swollen and black with the pain and anguish that she was suffering. he baptized her (and also instructed her as was necessary), and she immediately gave birth to an infant, which, although alive, was much deformed because of the danger of the mother. after it had been washed likewise from the original sin in which all we children of adam are born, they both died, to the joy and wonder of that minister at seeing the depth of the divine decrees in regard to the predestination of those souls. [chapters iii, iv, and v treat of the european affairs of the order.] chapter vi _all of the charges against the reform are annulled by a brief, and the fifth provincial chapter is held, with the prorogation which they claimed. two convents are established and a mission arranged for the philippinas_. _the year 1616_ [by a papal decree of may twenty-one, new life is given to the recollect order, and their future assured. on the return of father gregorio de santa catalina, the chapter which had been delayed until that time was held. in this chapter, _discretos_ (or persons elected as assistants in the council of the order) and visitors were abolished, the latter having been found more expensive than useful. the title of chief preacher was not to be given to anyone, as it tended to destroy the democratic principles of the order. a section on the founding of the college of caudiel in spain follows, and then the last section of this chapter, which is also the last of this volume _in re_ the philippines.] _foundation of the convent of cabite_ inasmuch as we have left our religious busily occupied in the lofty ministry of the conversion of the infidels, it will be advisable for us to turn our attention to them, on the present occasion, praising their great zeal. much more must we do so, since they advanced with so few workers to do all that their forces were able, both in the preaching of the gospel, and in the spread of their houses, in order that they might serve with energy in the no small toil that was theirs. that convent of cabite seemed to be necessary; and they did not deceive themselves, for, although only two leguas distant from manila, it is of considerable consequence for the conversion of many souls, as cabite is a port where men of not a few asiatic nations assemble for the sake of its commerce, which is remarkable. hence that place comes to be the largest one in the philippinas islands after the said metropolis, and all the seamen live there, in order to be conveniently near to its traffic and its trade. with such a motive, that convent was founded by father fray andres del espiritu santo, and under so good auspices that it has been of use to the service of god and to the credit of the reform, because of the spiritual blessing that it has obtained, as well as by the esteem in which it has been held, as the various people who come there from the most remote and distant kingdoms have experienced the example and instruction of ours. divine omnipotence has there made illustrious, for the feeding of hearts, a devout image of our lady of rule [_nuestra señora de regla_]--modeled from the one that protects and defends the andalusian shores between cadiz and san lucar--especially favoring through her means the poor sailors in the continual dangers of their fearful duty. so many are the vows that attest her miracles, that it would be a digression to have to mention them. while the useful foundation of that convent was being directed in philippinas, father fray rodrigo de san miguel was in españa, working carefully and diligently in order to get the necessary despatches to conduct helpers suitable for the prosecution of the spiritual conquest that had been happily commenced among the zambàles. the vigilance employed by two commissaries to get the so desired subsidy for his brothers was disappointed by death, and by the opposition we have already related. consequently, the few who were fighting the devil in the enclosure did not desist, and sent the above-named father--since he was the most fitting person that could be found for the attainment of such an enterprise--to whom they consigned papers of great moment, as a testimonial of the work and of the fruit which they were gathering with the gain of souls. our calced fathers themselves affirmed it, to the confusion of those who here opposed father fray francisco de la madre de dios, and their ministries and desires. the father embarked with great haste, but as he was coming on an affair of heaven, misfortunes were not wanting in the world, and he endured very heavy ones. he himself mentioned them in a relation that he made to pope urban eighth at the latter's command, when he reached his feet, as the ambassador of certain schismatic princes of the orient (as we shall relate in detail when we come to the year of that event). the father declares, then, that having suffered a severe storm amid the islands--during which the vessels anchored at manila were wrecked--he sailed immediately toward japòn. thence, after suffering other tempests, they finally sighted cape mendocino in forty-four degrees of latitude. then coasting along the shores of nueva españa (which was composed of inaccessible mountains), and through unknown seas (in which he saw great monsters), for the distance of one thousand leguas, he sighted the cape of san lucas. there the gulf of the californias begins. the father anchored in acapulco, the best of the ports known to the pilots, after having spent more than seven months on the voyage. he went to mexico and to vera cruz; and, continuing his journey and encountering a new storm on the ocean, was driven to the coasts of terranova [_i.e._, newfoundland] and of labrador. as a consequence so much shortness of food was experienced that only two onzas of biscuit were given to each man, and about the same amount of water. the ship began to leak, so that it was as if by a miracle that it was able to put in at the terceras. there they refitted, and the father finished his navigation, by coming to cadiz, after having made to that point from manila seven thousand one hundred and sixty leguas, in the manner that we have seen. thence he went to madrid, and was given favorable audience; and everything that he petitioned was conceded to him. but when twenty religious had been assembled, although they were even about ready to sail in the fleet that was being sent with reenforcements to the malucas, the father's luck turned against him with the order that was received, for the boats that were ready not to sail. consequently, he was accommodated on the fleet of nueva españa, but with very few religious. however they proved to be many, because of the lack of religious in the ministries and convents of the indias.... general history of the discalced religious of st. augustine by fray luis de jesus [42] decade fourth chapter first _the augustinian reform is erected, by pontifical favor, into a congregatión, divided into provinces, and governed by a vicar-general._ [the first eleven sections of this chapter relate to affairs in spain, and contain matters touching the order at large, as well as the affairs of various districts, and others pertaining to the lives of various religious of the order. the balance of the chapter deals with philippine matters, as follows.] _year 1621_ § xii _foundation of the convent of zibù in filipinas_ during this year of twenty-one, when our discalced order was erected into a congregation in españa, the number of our houses in the filipinas islands was increased by the efforts of the zeal of the religious who were attending therein to the service of god and the welfare of so many souls, who were in need of ministers to lighten them with the divine word upon the pathway of the lord. sovereign providence, then, arranged that our discalced should have a convent in that island of zibù. it has been a station for the entrance of the publication of the faith of christ our lord to many distant provinces of barbarous and blinded people. the famous magallanes discovered it in the year 1521. it has a circumference of less than one hundred leguas. its inhabitants are called pintados, because they have various designs on their bodies, which they make with iron and fire. they were formerly regarded as lords and chiefs of the other neighboring provinces, for they made themselves feared by their great valor. adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi gained it by force of arms from its king tupas in the year 1575 [_sic_], and founded there the city of nombre de jesus, because an image of the most holy child jesus, one-half vara tall, was found there in the house of an indian. the observantine fathers possess that image in a convent that was built in the same house and on the same site; it had before been owned and venerated by the heathen, and is today frequented by the catholics, who find there relief for their needs. the city lies in the eastern part, and has a good port, while there are other ports found in the island. there, then, did the most pious bishop, don fray pedro de arce (of the order of our father st. augustine, and a son of the most observant province of castilla, and of the convent of salamanca--where he professed in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, while father fray antonio muñoz was prior), solicit our discalced to found a convent; for, although they had been the last in arriving at filipinas, he hoped that they were not to be the last in the work of the vineyard of the lord. the bishop assigned the site in a chapel dedicated to the conception of our lady, somewhat apart from the traffic of the city, so that, accordingly, the religious could give themselves more quietly to prayer. he adjudged them also the spiritual administration of an islet and small village called maripipi, not very far from zibù. about six hundred souls were instructed there by ours with great care and vigilance. the erection of that convent was accomplished by father fray chrisostomo de la ascension, who was its first prior. he erected a small building, that afterward was rebuilt because of an accidental fire, and extended so that now it is a very comfortable dwelling, well suited to purposes of devotion. that convent has a devout confraternity of our lady of solitude [_nuestra señora de la soledad_.] on holy thursday, a solemn procession is made after the ceremony of the descent of christ from the tree of the cross. that procession, passing through the streets of the city, is a great edification and consolation to the faithful. § xiii _foundation of the convent of san sebastian outside of the walls of manila in filipinas_ the very devout and pious gentleman don bernardino del castillo ribera y maldonado was so good a benefactor to our discalced that his generosity, which could not be satisfied within the circuit of the walls of manila, desired that we should make an experiment about one-half legua from them. there as he had an estate which occupied all that site, called calumpan, to the boundaries of a little village named sampolog, and in its midst a well-built bit of a house, he made an entire gift of it, so that a monastery might be built, in which the religious could live retired, and, free from the excitement of the city, give themselves up with more quietness to prayer. father fray rodrigo de san miguel--whose heroic labors will give us considerable of which to write--took possession of the estate, and remodeled the said house in the form of a convent. the aforesaid master-of-camp and castellan of the fort, don bernardino, was of great help, and it was completed in time. the said village of sampolog was assigned to the care of the religious, so that the more than three hundred souls that it contained should be instructed and taught there by them. the comfort of the site was increased, so that the provincials have chosen it as their place of habitation, because of the quiet that is enjoyed there, as well as for its pleasantness, which serves as a just recreation to the continual fatigue that their government brings with it. one would believe that god looked on that house with pleasure, for, during the cruel rising of the sangleys, or chinese, it suffered no considerable damage, although they set fire to it in various parts with the desire of leaving not even a memory of it. we piously believe that the queen of the angels, our lady, defended it, as being her dwelling; for a very holy image is revered there, under the title of carmen. although that image is small in stature, it is a great and perennial spring of prodigies and favors, which she performs for those who invoke her. our religious took it from nueva españa, and even in that very navigation she was able to make herself known by her miracles. don juan velez, dean of that cathedral, was very devoted to our discalced recollects. upon finding himself in the last extremity of life, to which a very severe illness brought him, he requested that that holy image, which had been but recently taken there, be carried to his house. so lively was his faith, accompanied by the prayers of the religious, that he immediately received entire health on account of so celestial a visit. as a thank-offering for that favor, the pious prebendary made one of the most famous feasts that have been in that city. he founded a brotherhood, with so many brethren that they exceed four thousand. consequently, that most holy image is daily frequented with vows, presents, and novenas, thank-offerings of the many who are daily favored by that queen of the skies. finally, in this year of our narration was sent the sixth mission of religious, which the father procurator, fray francisco de la madre de dios, arranged in españa for those islands; and he obtained by his great energy authority from the catholic monarch to take twelve religious there to increase the number of the laborers in the vineyard of the lord. that year died father fray alonso navarro, and father fray antonio muñoz. mention was made of the first in the first volume, decade i, chapter 6. mention will be made of the second in this fourth decade of this volume, chapter 9, in the foundation of the convent of panamà, § 9. chapter second _the apostolic see confirms what was enacted in the first general chapter of the reform. other new privileges are conceded. the preaching of our religious in filipinas spreads._ _year 1622_ [papal favor, with the confirmation of the enactments made by the first general chapter of the recollects held in madrid, puts the reformed order on a tolerably firm footing, and they are able to proceed with their missionary and other efforts with more peace of mind. the first section of the present chapter relates entirely to the affairs of the order at large. the philippine narration is again taken up in section ii.] § ii _preaching of our discalced recollect religious in the province of caragha. description of the country, with detailed and interesting information._ ¶the divine mercy scattered his accustomed favors upon the province of san nicolàs of filipinas that year. for its zealous sons, desiring to propagate the holy gospel, but lacking sufficient workers, busied themselves in preserving what had been acquired, until the arrival of very good companions [of their order], when they undertook to go to the province of caragha, a very principal portion of the island called mindanao. that island rivals that of luzòn in size. it is one hundred and fifty leguas distant from luzòn, and is more than three hundred in circuit, counting promontories and indentations. its greatest length is one hundred and thirty-six leguas, namely, from the point of la galera to the cape of san augustin. it has flourishing villages, especially along the shores of the rivers, which are large and not few. one which flows out of the famous lake of malanao is larger than the others. that lake is formed from other rivers which dash down from the mountains. the shape of the lake is oval, and its circumference fifty leguas or more, according to report. its greatest diameter is only sixteen leguas, with its points and bays, and without the latter it is only twelve. in short, that lake is considered as one of the most famous in the world. its marge is extremely fertile in rice and other food products, which abound in the bisayas. its mountains are clothed with cinnamon-trees, brasil-trees, ebony, orange, and other trees that bear delicious fruit. on the lowlands are bred abundance of deer, buffaloes, turtle-doves, and fowls, besides other kinds of game-birds. but in the rough country are sheltered wild boars, civet-cats, and other fierce and wild animals. there are certain birds that possess remarkable characteristics. the one called _tabon_ is found on the coast of caragha. [43] it is smaller than a domestic hen, and very like it [in appearance], although not in affection for its young. it lays its eggs, which are three times larger than those of our hens, in sandy places, and easily buries them in a hole about one braza deep. that done, it abandons them, and never returns to examine them again. thereafter, the preservation of those birds being in the care of divine providence, the heat of the sun quickens and hatches them, and the chicks, leaving the shell, also break out of the sand above them, and gradually get to the surface in order to enjoy the common light; and thus, without any further aid, they fly away. if it happens that the chick in the egg is buried with its head down, it does not get our, for upon breaking the shell and the sand, it continues to dig always downward, as that is the direction that its head has; and as it misses the road it gets tired and dies, and its cradle serves as its tomb. quite different from the _tabon_ is another bird called _cagri_, which is not found outside of mindanao. [44] its shape resembles that of the bat, although it is much larger. it has no wings, but only a membrane resembling a cloak, which falls from its shoulders and covers it even to its feet. that enables it to pass from one tree to another, but it cannot soar like other birds. it spreads out that membrane when it wants to, and it is not without a tail. its eyes and head resemble those of a very graceful little dog, and its hair is very soft, and at times colored with various colors, pleasing to the sight. it bears so great affection to its young that it carries them hanging to its breasts, just as women do, without leaving them, although it climbs, flees, or runs. the reader will not be wearied with knowing the characteristics of another animal called _hamac_. it resembles a monkey, although the head is very round. its eyes are golden, and very beautiful and large. its tail is very large and serves it as a seat, and it neatly wraps itself about with it. it does not use its feet to walk; for, in order to go from one part to another, it lets its tail drop, and supporting itself on it, leaps as it wishes. it is not seen by day, because it keeps quiet until night, when it looks for its food, which is only charcoal. [45] all its friendship is with the moon. accordingly, seated on a tree, it awaits the moon, until the time when it shines. it looks at it fixedly without winking, from the time when it begins to shine until it hides itself. when the dawn comes, that animal loses its sight and returns to its dwelling. if anyone discovers it, that animal takes pains to look at him, and measures and takes note of his person with his sight, from top to toe. that is usually a cause for fear, to those who do not know that characteristic; but, if he knows it, that threatening causes him no fear. finally, concluding the description of that island, the reader must know that it is called cesarea, in memory of the unconquerable charles fifth--a name that was given it by bernardo de la torre, captain and master-of-camp of ruy lopez de villalobos, in the year 1543; and under that name it was designated by the documents and writings of that period. § iii _customs of the inhabitants of that island_ coming to the customs of the inhabitants of that land, we have to note their common tradition, namely, that the first inhabitants were blacks. their barbarous descendants are preserved in the thickest forests and in the most retired mountains. they have no regular house, but stay where night overtakes them. they go almost naked, for they only cover the shame of nature with the bark of certain trees. some of them have been seen to wear certain cloths made from cotton, called _bahaquer_. they use the bow and arrow, and very keen knives, with which they can sever the head of a man from the body at one stroke. their employment is to go in search of bisayan indians, who live in the districts nearer the rivers and seashore; for they hate the latter with fury because these have, as they give out, usurped their own land. it has been learned from serious and trustworthy persons that tall and very ugly men have been discovered in those dense forests, whose feet are turned backward. they live on the flesh of wild game, tree-roots, and fish, without doing any work. the very sight of those men was so terrifying that he who unfortunately chanced to see any one of them was left cross-eyed and squinted forever, just like those whom we call _vizcos_ [_i.e.,_ "cross-eyed"]. an eyewitness of this piece of information confirmed this, who declared that he had seen and known certain indians who were almost squint-eyed from the effect produced by the glance of those monstrous men. those indians say that their speed is such that they can catch the swiftest deer by running; and that upon catching those said indians, the wild men talked very confusedly among themselves, but afterward left the captives hanging to some trees--whence they descended with great risk, and were left squint-eyed, because of having looked at those enormous barbarians. some years later, another eyewitness who had experience in the affairs of that island added that such monsters, called _tecmas_, had been seen with ears misshapen because of their size, and that their mouth was like that of a dog; while they were so hideous in face and teeth that they caused great fright. according to this information, these indians have languages that are very diverse, with peculiar characters. but they almost universally talk the bisayan, which is common and peculiar to zibù, the head of the other provinces called pintados. those indians and the caraghas, with their other neighbors, go partly naked; for they cover the lower part of the body, while they wear certain twisted cloths on the head in the manner of a crown, or the duliman of the turks, but without the little bonnet that the latter are wont to wear. the women are entirely covered, while, to protect themselves from the sun and other inclemencies of the weather, they use curiously woven hats of palm-leaves. their manner of religion was to adore, some the sky, and others the moon; or their now deceased ancestors; or the mountains or woods in which they believed their ancestors to dwell, accompanied by certain deities, enjoying perpetual tranquillity. they regarded it as certain that those who had been most valiant and tyrannical in this life were deified, and also that there was eternal punishment for some. others, finally, reverenced most ugly idols made of stone or wood, which they called _divatas_. there were different kinds of such idols: some being destined for war, and others for sickness, sowing, and such objects. they were rendered furious by thunder, and defied the deity whom they supposed to have sent it; they called out loudly to it, and if that did not suffice, they took arms against it. it is said that the ridiculous alcoran of the mahometans had penetrated even to that land from the orient, having been taken there by certain zealots of that infamous sect, who were trying to extend it. however their efforts and false preaching availed them little; for the inhabitants of those islands were very much given to intoxication, and very fond of eating flesh forbidden by that false law. consequently, that error took root in very few of them. they had no certain days established throughout the year for their sacrifices, but made them as time and opportunity offered. they were punctual in offering these when they were going to fight. war was their universal inclination, because of their bestial and ferocious appetite to rob and to go on raids, committing depredations on the neighboring islands, and making slaves of all the people who came to their hands. they also offered sacrifices in sickness, the beginnings of their sowings, the building of their houses, and for other necessities. the duties of priest were exercised indifferently by both men and women, called _baylanes_. they made use of superstitions, lots, witchery, and other ceremonies. the method of their ceremonies was as follows. those who were to be present were summoned, handsomely dressed and adorned, by the sound of certain harsh bells (or, rather, unmusical cattle-bells) to the house where it seemed best--for they had no assigned temple--which was adorned with herbs and flowers. while they were waiting for all to gather, those who first came began certain songs, alternating between men and women, in time to the sound of a small drum. the victim was already prepared. it was either a hog or some captive, whose hands and feet they tied as if he were a young sheep. all the invited ones having arrived, the priest or priestess began their barbarous function by going into a private retreat beforehand, where he made six conjurations; and, after the devil had entered his body, he left the retreat with infernal fury to explain the oracle which all were awaiting. then the priest, taking a small lance in his hand, danced about the sacrifice to the music of certain cattle-bells and rustic instruments. finally, on reaching the animal or captive, the priest wounded it, and the bystanders killed it with spear-thrusts and blows. when the victim was dead, if it were a man, they cast it into the sea; if it were an animal, they quickly skinned, cooked, and ate it, drinking until they became intoxicated. but they kept something for the absent ones, as a relic, also reserving the most choice portion (generally the head), on a table that resembled an altar, for the devil whom they called the _divata_. no one touched that portion except the baylan, who afterward threw it into the water very reverently. the sacrifice was concluded with that ridiculous ceremony. however, they were wont to add certain other ceremonies, according to the purposes for which the said sacrifices were being made, as for instance in war. at such times, after their intoxication was over, they went to the shore of the river or sea; and, after launching a small boat, the baylan jumped into it, at the same time making his lying conjurations. if the boat moved, it was taken as a good sign, but if it were immovable, it was intimated to them that that war should not be made, unless they repeated the sacrifices. they also made use of another ceremony to ascertain whom each one would capture. each one kept in his house a great number of the teeth of the crocodile or wild boar, strung on a cord. he handed those to the priest very humbly. the latter received them with many salaams, ordained so that they should have reverence for him. then he said certain badly-pronounced words ordering such teeth to move themselves, by whose number the said baylan prophesied those who would remain captive in the power of the owner of the string. in the same way they cast other lots, in order to ascertain the future and its accidents. § iiii _continuation of the same_ when about to go rowing or sailing, they prayed to the promontories or capes, attributing to them worship, as to the gods of war, with very sad cries. they watched to see if a certain bird appeared, called _limocòn_, similar to the turtle-dove of europa. if they saw it in the direction that they were taking, it was a bad sign, and they did not leave the port. they also considered the _toco_ or _taloto_--called _chacon_ by our spaniards, and very like the lizard [46]--as inauspicious. they feared the latter wherever they found it, as a thing very contrary to their designs. while the war lasted, they did not eat of the fish called _pulpo_ [47] or of any other fish caught in a net. for they believed that if they tasted of that, they would become blind; while, if they ate of the others, they would lose the victory and would be made captives. they thought that if they ate with a light, they would be conquered; and consequently, never did they strike a light to eat, even though night had fallen. those who remained in the village did no work for seven consecutive days; for, if they did not do that, they feared the defeat of their companions. on returning victorious, they asked their nearest dead relative, with their rude prayers (having stopped their boats), whether he would like to have a part in the taking of the captives whom they had. if the boats moved--which was but natural and necessary, since they were in the water--they believed that he assented. thereupon, taking the best slave, they bound him hand and foot; and, taking him ashore, they passed the boat over him with great force and weight until they killed him with brutal cruelty. the sacrifice was concluded in the house with the death of another captive, who was killed by the wife of the conqueror. they showed themselves very dutiful toward their dead, burying them with lamentations and remarkable minuteness of detail, increasing or lessening the obsequies according to the quality and worth of their actions. the nearest relatives were careful to close their mouths, for they feared lest the soul of the dead would enter into their bodies and do them a great deal of harm. then they began their mourning by lugubrious songs, which one of the kin intoned, while the others were very attentive in order to respond, in time, with fearful cries. that lasted more or less time according to the excellence of the deceased, whose exploits were mentioned with great exaggeration. the friends and acquaintances came in, both to console them and to become intoxicated, which formed the relief for that sorrow. only the mourners, who wore white, refrained from drinking, in order that they might receive the compliments of condolence soberly and in a dignified manner. so great was their devotion to the souls of their parents and grandparents (whom they called _humalagar_), that they always offered them food in their banquets, especially when they finished any house, thinking that they themselves would die if they failed in that. they did the same with the first yield of their fruits. when they became sick, they invoked these ancestors to aid them, as we do the saints. then they summoned certain old witches, who were their physicians. they respected the latter so greatly that, from the day on which they entered their doors, no fire was lit in that house, as a sign of great reverence. the medicines applied were after consultation with the devil, in the shape of a little idol or a very ugly figure of a man or woman, whom they asked for the life of the sick person. if the idol moved, it was a sign of death, just as remaining still was a sign of life and health. they made the same tests in the water, by putting a boat in it, and observing from a distance its state of quietness or motion. during the time that those barbarous obsequies lasted, it was unlawful for anyone to go to any place where the deceased had gone, or where he had bathed, under penalty of the culprit's losing his life immediately. after the days for the mourning had been completed, they covered the eyes and mouth of the corpse with sheets of gold. they carried it to the field in a coffin, and into distant caves or sepulchers among themselves; and buried it, together with a male servant if the deceased was a man, or a female servant if the deceased was a woman, so that such person might serve them, as they thought that that was necessary in the other life. thus did the dead and living go hand in hand, without any recourse or dispensation. such servants of the deceased were set apart for that purpose from their childhood, and were called _atabang_. if the deceased was rich, a greater number of servants was added. this is confirmed by the event that was rumored in the island of bohol shortly before miguel lopez de legaspi arrived at zibù; for those people placed seventy slaves in the sepulcher of one of those barbarians, all arranged in order in a little ship, which they call _caracoa_--which was provided with anchors, rigging, and everything else, even arms and food, as if it had been launched in the sea. of the aforesaid, it is well known that that people believed in the error that the soul went with the body, and that they were maintained in the other life as in this. consequently, they placed the most costly clothes in the sepulchers. the relatives added others, and even arms, if the deceased was a man, and the instruments of her domestic labor if a woman, together with all the other dishes and jewels of the house (not even excepting gold and precious jewels), in accordance with their taste, so that these might be enjoyed in the other life. the food was carried to them for the space of one year, and it was placed on an adorned table every day. when it was taken there, the food of the preceding day was taken away. that they threw into the water, and no one dared to touch it, as it was a sacred thing. they generally built a hut over the grave, so that the deceased should not suffer from the inclemency of the weather. if the death were by violence, vengeance pertained to the children, and in default of children to the nearest relative. the sign of that obligation was to place certain armlets on the arms, as for instance, twigs of osier, more or less according to the station of the dead. upon killing the first man whom they encountered--even though he were innocent--one armlet was removed; and thus they continued to kill until all the rings were removed from the arms. the avenger did not eat anything hot, or live in a settlement, during that wicked and barbarous vengeance. each year every relative punctually celebrated the obsequies, and that was a very festive day. they gathered a great quantity of food and beverages; they commenced many joyful dances; they stuffed themselves with what was prepared, taking some to their houses, and reserving the greater portion to offer to the _divata_, and to the deceased, in the following manner. a small bamboo boat was prepared, with much care, and they filled it with fowls, flesh, eggs, fish, and rice, together with the necessary dishes. the baylan gave a talk or a prolix prayer, and finished by saying: "may the dead receive that obsequy, by giving good fortune to the living." those present answered with great shouting and happiness. then they loosed the little boat (sacred, as they thought), which no one touched, and whose contents they did not eat, even though they were perishing; for they considered that a great sin. §v _vices of the inhabitants of that island_ the vices of that people were indeed enormous. they were never lovers of peace among themselves, and always were anxious for continual wars, which they carried on at the slightest excuse. all their desire was to rob and capture on land and sea, although they had in their ancient times condemned theft severely. their arms consisted of a lance; a long, narrow shield which covered the entire body; and a dagger resembling a broad knife, with which they easily cut off the head of him whom they conquered, which was their greatest delight. they also used bows and steel-pointed arrows with skill. their greed was insatiable, although they were lazy and slothful; and for that reason they practice unheard-of usury. there is no trace of reason or justice in them. if one lent another a short measure of rice, the debtor was obliged to return it in a certain time. if he did not have the wherewithal to return it, he became a captive, and had no redress; for the judges, who should have prevented that oppression, were the first to practice that offense. that was the practice between peers. if the business were with any chief, the poor wretch remained a slave forever, even though the sum were for only four reals. they made a distinction in those captivities; for if one were born of a slave woman, and a free father, or the contrary, such a one remained a half slave. consequently in order for the accomplishment of his service to his master, it was sufficient for him to serve for six months scattered along through the twelve of the year. if he were the child of parents both half slave, he was obliged to serve one month, remaining free the three following; then he served another month, continuing in this manner his servitude. likewise, when a freeman and a slave had many children, the chiefs were wont to set some free, while the others remained slaves forever. their intoxication and lust went to excess. they had what wives they could support, and did not exempt among them their sisters and their mothers. marriage consisted in the will of the parents of the bride, and the suitor paid them the dowry, although it was not handed to them until after they had children. if either of the parents were dead, the dowry was given to the nearest relative. they were divorced with ease, but it was on condition that if the husband solicited it he lost what was given to his parents-in-law; but if the wife procured it, the dowry was restored. if adultery were proved, the aggressor and the aggrieved [husband] came to terms--the same being done in the case of the wife--in regard to the sum that was agreed upon, after considerable haggling, and they generally remained fast friends. consequently, some husbands were wont to make a business of that, such was their barbarism, arranging tricks, and providing occasions for their wives to repeat their adulteries, in order that they might derive infamous gains. if the culprit had nothing with which to pay, he became a captive or lost his life. divorce was very frequent, and agreement was made to divide the children between husband and wife for their support. they gloried in knowing charms and in working them, by consulting the devil--a means by which some made themselves feared by others, for they easily deprived them of life. in confirmation of this assertion, it happened, according to the recital of one of our ministers, that while he was preaching to a great assembly one indian went to another, and breathed against him with the intent of killing him. the breath reached not the indian's face, however, but an instrument that he was carrying, the cords of which immediately leaped out violently, while the innocent man was left unharmed. the philosophy of such cases is that the murderer took in his mouth the poisonous herb given him by the devil, and had another antidotal herb for his own defense. then, exhaling his breath in this manner, he deprived of life whomever he wished. they used arrows full of poison, which they extracted from the teeth of poisonous serpents. they wounded and killed as they listed, by shooting these through a blowpipe, which they concealed between the fingers of their hands with great dissimulation, blowing the arrows so that they touched the flesh of their opponent. they practiced consultation with the devil by means of their baylans, in order to ascertain natural causes, especially in their illnesses. consequently, they were very great herbalists, knowing above all the preservatives from the poisons with which they attacked one another on slight occasions--especially the women, who are the more passionate and more easily aroused. § vi _treats of the government of those islanders_ the government of those people was neither elective nor hereditary; for he who had the greatest valor or tyranny in defending himself was lord. consequently, everything was reduced to violence, he who was most powerful dominating the others. when one went to the chief to plead justice, the latter delivered his sentence without writing anything; and there was no appeal, whether the sentence were just or unjust. the rich treated the poor and the plebeians as useless brutes, so that those poor wretches flung themselves upon the rocks to die, as they were unable to endure so hard a yoke. if he who was less did not pay homage to him who was more influential, he was declared as his slave only because the other wished it. they also deprived those miserable beings of life for such reasons. such was their iniquity and madness. if any criminal received protection in the house of a chief and the latter managed his affair, the one protected became a perpetual slave, together with his wife, children, and descendants, in return for the protection. because once while some boats were sailing some drops of water fell on a chief woman, through the carelessness of him who was rowing, it was considered so serious an offense that the poor wretch was condemned to perpetual slavery, together with his wife, children and relatives. however, our religious destroyed that practice by spreading the holy gospel in that country. the nobility of those indians was personal. it consisted in one's own deeds, without reference to those of others. accordingly, he who was more valiant and killed most men in war was the more noble. the sign of that nobility consisted in wearing the cloth wrapped about the head (of which we have spoken above), of a more or less red color. those nobles were exempt from rowing in the public fleets (and that although they were slaves), and ate with their masters at the table when they were at sea--a privilege which they gained by their exploits. in that custom of killing they reared their children and taught them from an early age, so that beginning early to kill men, they might become proud and wear the red cloth, the insignia of their nobility. § vii _governor don juan de silva declares war against those indians, and our religious enter to preach the gospel faith._ we have extended the relation of the barbarous customs of those indians, in order that the reader might know the great difficulty in subjecting them to the law of reason, and (what is more) to the mild law of the holy gospel. some spaniards, accompanied by evangelical ministers, had penetrated those provinces at times from the year 1597, with great zeal; but they could not remain there because of the ferocity of the natives, and for other casualties, which make those provinces less habitable, notwithstanding that they abound in many things that are necessary to life and advantageous to commerce. for these and other reasons, don juan de silva, governor and president of manila, called various meetings of commanders, and experienced captains, in which it was determined to make energetic war on those barbarians. charge of the war was given to general don juan de vega, son of doctor don juan de vega, auditor of manila. he with a fine fleet of four hundred spaniards and other indians sailed to humble the pride of those barbarians. the latter were not unprepared for resistance; for, joining their forces, they entrenched themselves so that there was considerable doubt as to the undertaking. both sides fought with great valor, and there were many killed and wounded. but at last our troops were victorious, as their zeal was to the service of god and the increase of his worship. more than one thousand five hundred christian captives were liberated, and a presidio and fort [48] was erected as a warning for the future. that effort was not sufficient to quiet those caraghas islanders; for within four years three thousand of them assembled and, surrounding the redoubt, placed it in great straits. they were repulsed by our men with so great valor that, having retired to the sea, they vented their fury by inflicting severe injuries on some villages friendly to us. and, our men also getting a good reenforcement that was sent us from manila, those men returned to their homes--where, treating afterward for articles of peace, they were pardoned for their past boldness, and their subjection was arranged with the mildness of the gospel yoke. affairs were in that condition, when the most illustrious don fray pedro de arce, bishop of zibù, most worthy son of our augustinian order, with his great zeal of gaining souls for god conceded to our reform the office of catching them with the net of the gospel preaching. when the reënforcement of missionaries had arrived from españa that year [_i.e._, 1622], as is said in volume i, last chapter, eight of our religious were appointed for that purpose. stimulated by the pity that they had at learning that so many souls were being lost in the blindness of their idolatry, these missionaries set out in great fervor from manila, after having received the blessing of their superior, and not without the holy envy of the other religious, who would have liked to spend their lives in that holy employment. these apostolic men landed at zibù, where they received the blessings of the most zealous bishop and many kindnesses with which he wished to load them. he despatched them with promptness, and in a short time they reached the redoubt of tanda, which was the name of the fort that had been erected there by our spaniards. then commenced the greatest felicity of that land; for our religious, having as their object the welfare of those barbarians, tried to gain their good-will by gentle measures. for that purpose, father fray miguel de santa maria, the superior of that spiritual squadron, refused to settle in the said fortress of tanda; for, since those heathen had a horror of it, they would not go to it. consequently, despising his life, and exposing it to manifest danger, he determined to enter the country one legua further, and to build a dwelling-place on the shores of a river. his design did not succeed badly, for, attended by good fortune, he continued to attract and gain the affections of those fierce indians by making them understand their illusions and errors. his other associates were not idle amid so much, for, having separated among the environs (after having left a priest in the redoubt as chaplain, who was not slothful in his gaining of souls), they worked fervently in scattering the light of the faith, in the midst of the darkness of that blind people, without excusing themselves from great perils and hardships. they chose their residence in the village of yguaquet, [49] on the bank of another river where the country people generally met. those gospel workers were divided and separated from one another, in order that they might attend with greater convenience to the different districts. one cannot imagine the toil of our religious in cultivating that wild forest of barbaric people. they catechised, instructed, and baptized many, so that what was before a brutish wickedness, where the devil reigned, began to be a beautiful fragment of the church. they endured great suffering, because of the intractability and fierceness of the islanders, who were hostile to peace and to human intercourse; for they had so little affection for even their brothers and sons that they killed them or abandoned them to die, on but slight pretext. but everything surrenders to the grace of god, and to the earnest zeal of his ministers, who consider only the honor of his divine majesty--from whom those pious workers received so great strength, that great wonder is caused by the consideration that people so given to witchcraft, cruelty, and injustice should have received the worship of the true god with so great affection and devotion. to see them so surrendered to the obedience of the catholic church, and so fond of the churches that were soon built by the care and solicitude of ours, edifies and consoles one. there are celebrated the feasts of christ and his most holy mother, and those of the other saints, in which they show a very steadfast faith. finally those people learned some arts and trades, by which they live in great comfort. we cannot avoid mentioning a very notable conversion in that province of caraghas. there was a chief, named inuc, so celebrated and feared that through his power and cunning he was absolute master of a considerable territory, and the shores of a river that afterward took his name. that barbarian was not satisfied with tyrannizing within his own boundaries, but entering those of others, sailed through the gulfs and along the coasts, in search of whom he might rob, capture, and kill. it is said of that man that he had made more than two thousand persons slaves, and killed innumerable men with his own hand. consequently, he was feared in the neighboring islands; while no vessel dared to go to his lands--especially one of spaniards, whom he hated beyond measure, so that he would never agree to make treaties of peace or of profit with them. the perdition of that man and the injuries and offenses that he committed against god and his neighbors, caused great anguish to father fray juan de la madre de dios, [50] a native of villa-bañez in old castilla, and one of the eight who went to caragha. he took it upon himself to subdue this man without other aid than confidence of that of god. in order to achieve it, he prepared himself by special fasting and prayers. he went alone to look for him; having found him--to the great surprise of inuc himself, who thought that the religious had great boldness in coming into his presence--the latter talked to him so fittingly and fervently, that the tyrant, having first pardoned the father's coming without his leave, thanked him for the holy admonitions that he gave to him. showing him great affection, inuc admitted trade between his countrymen and the spaniards; then he consented that the holy gospel might be preached in his territories. he gave his vassals an example by being baptized; by sending away his numerous wives and marrying the first according to the rites of the church; by freeing his captives; and by issuing an edict allowing those aggrieved to come to him to receive reparation for the injuries which he had inflicted on them. he fulfilled that exactly, binding himself by two judges, namely, our religious and the captain of the fort of tanda. they settling and sentencing with all equity, restored to those interested whatever appeared to be theirs. thus did he who was before a haughty tyrant become a humble sheep of the flock of the church, and a faithful vassal of the kings of castilla. news of that conversion spread throughout those districts, and following his example, many heathen submitted to the yoke of our holy law. our missionaries were greatly encouraged by that fortunate success, so that they were not dismayed at the work that they had undertaken, although its difficulties were many. they were confirmed in their intent by another case that happened in a village called ambagan on that coast of caragha. a religious was resting one night when an indian, instigated by the devil, called together two other companions, who formed a rearguard for him; while he, entering the house, tried to kill the innocent man who was asleep. it was at midnight, the time that he thought most opportune. he left those who accompanied him at the foot of the house, while he mounted the ladder. at the entrance of the room of the gospel minister, a venerable old man accosted him and asked him in his own tongue: "where art thou going? seest thou not that i am watching this man who is asleep, and who is my son?" notwithstanding that, the indian persisted in his evil intent of entering. but at that juncture the old man raised a staff of gold which he held in his hand, and threatening the aggressor, scared him so that, turning his back to descend the ladder, he could not find it in order to escape, notwithstanding his eager search for it. thus did he spend the remainder of the night in great anxiety, and in the morning he was discovered by the people who lived there. the indian, conscience-stricken, demanded that they inform the father, to whom with great sorrow he related all that had happened, giving him leave to publish it. he declared also who were his associates--who, growing tired of waiting, and seeing that day was dawning, had returned in order not to be discovered. the bystanders were astonished at hearing the circumstances; and it was believed that that venerable old man was our father st. augustine, who defended his religious son with the pastoral staff. § viii _our religious preach in the province of butuan_ the province of butuan--so called from the river of that name which flows through it and renders to the sea the tribute of its so abundant waters, while the sea enters the land for one-half legua--has wide borders and plains where numerous people live who resemble the caraghas in their customs and ceremonies. however they are not so rude in their behavior, perhaps because they were softened by the evangelical law, which they once enjoyed. however, they abandoned that law because the ministers abandoned them. [51] that holy conquest was undertaken with great resolution by father fray juan de san nicolàs, one of the eight, who with a spirit apostolically bold planted the standard of the cross in the town nearest the seashore. he subdued its inhabitants by his gentleness, and attracted them to the bosom of the church by sermons in their own language. those sermons produced a great fruit, not only among those country people, but also among the traders who came from other districts to traffic. with such auspicious beginnings, ours continued to penetrate the province, and, going up and down that river, sowed the divine word. it fell to the lot of father fray jacinto de san fulgencio, also one of the eight above mentioned--who regarded but lightly the hardships that were represented to him, with unfortunate examples, as having encountered other ministers of the gospel--to journey more than fifty leguas, preaching the faith of jesus christ to the villages. he had serious and frequent difficulties in making himself heard; for the devil appeared in a visible form to the indians, persuading them not to admit those fathers into their country, because of whom, so they said, dire calamities and troubles must happen to them. but, as it was the cause of god, all the deceits and cunning of that common enemy remained only threats. it was no little work to make the indians leave so many wives as each one had, obliging them to marry the first, and to free their slaves whom they miserably oppressed. but he attained it with his mildness, the inoffensive method by which our religious succored the weakness of those indians. thus did they obtain permission to travel through the shores of that river, gaining souls for heaven, and building a dwelling in the village of linao. [52] in that did the superb zeal of father fray jacinto de san fulgencio excel wonderfully. for having resolved to go up the river together with some butuan indians, already christians, and arriving at the said place of linao, and seeing that its inhabitants were gentler and more docile, he erected an altar in a chosen house, where he placed the images--from which the heathen received great joy, praising their beauty. then he assembled the chief men of the district, and preached them a sermon, in which he informed them who the true god is, and bade them abandon the customs and rites of the devil. they jested at such a proposition, but were soon subdued--especially one, who declared the location of their god or _divata_. father fray jacinto was overjoyed at that, and schemed how he might see such place of worship, which was located on the other side of the river. commending himself, then, to jesus christ, whose cause he was advancing, he ordered a boat to be launched and went to look for the idol. some indians went out to meet him, brandishing their lances in order to prevent his entrance. others more humane, persuaded him that he should abandon that undertaking, saying that, if he wished to build a church there, they would give him a better location. the father answered mildly that that house was very much to his purpose because it was large, and all could gather in it in order to be instructed in the mysteries of the faith. the indians who accompanied the pious father feared that a quarrel was about to ensue, and that fear went with them even to the door [of the house]. the father entered the place of worship boldly, to the wonder of all. he saw various altars on which they sacrificed to the idol, which was placed on a higher altar covered with curtains. the father carefully avoided giving any attention to the said idol, and, having assembled the chiefs, addressed them in regard to erecting an altar to the true god. all agreed to it. on going out, the father purposely turned his gaze to the image, and asked who was that who had so much reverence there. no one replied, whereupon the zealous father seized the image, which was a fierce devil, made of wood covered with black paint, which made it altogether ugly and frightful. the barbarians were as if thunderstruck, for they thought that no one could touch that god without losing his life, and they could not cease their surprise that that father had been able to capture their divata. thereupon the fervent missionary took occasion to make them understand their blindness, and to persuade them of the offense which was committed against the true god in worshiping the devil. after so notable an action, he returned triumphant, with the protection of heaven, to his boat, taking the idol with him without any one preventing him. on the next day the indians offered a considerable quantity of gold to ransom their little god. the father paid no attention to it. on the contrary, he diverted them, and leaving them to forget it, descended to the convent of butuan. there the people went to look for him, proclaiming the little or no value of their god, and saying that they wished to receive the true god. that was a matter of great consolation to the father at seeing how well his pains had been recompensed. the divine pity approved the holy zeal of our religious by the experience of that village of linao, which was located on the shores of the river, forty leguas away from the sea--that while before they were molested by crocodiles, which killed numerous people, as soon as the fathers made a settlement there they suffered no persecution from those fierce animals. they all attributed it to the most holy cross now set up, and to the voice of the gospel. numerous conversions were made in that country. very famous is that of an indian woman who, having received our holy faith, died shortly afterward on the eve of st. catalina, virgin and martyr, at the first watch of the night. on going next day to deliver her to the fathers in order that they might bury her, and the grave being already opened, they came from the house of the deceased woman to say that she was alive. wondering at the news, the fathers went to verify the matter, and found it to be truth. for the deceased talked before them all, declaring that god had permitted her to return to this life, so that, inasmuch as she had concealed a very grave sin in confession, she might confess and be saved. she did so immediately, and the instant when she was absolved she expired; while ours gave many thanks to our lord for the pity that he had had toward that soul, and to the others, since they became more inclined to our holy catholic religion because of that prodigy. also it is worth while to narrate what happened in the province of ambongan and the lake of compongan through the preaching by ours of the faith of jesus christ. an indian woman was very near the end of her life, and her husband and children were sad because at the time there was no father there to administer the sacraments; for ours were at butuan, whence they could not come without considerable delay. the sick woman, seeing their sadness, told them to console themselves; for the most holy virgin, their advocate, had appeared to her very beautiful and shining, and had told her to rejoice, for she would not die until a father should have come to confess her and give her all the other sacraments of the church. that very thing happened, for within a month a missionary priest arrived there to visit and console those villages. the sick woman heard of it, and had herself carried to the church, where she received the sacraments of penitence, the eucharist, and extreme unction, in the presence of that village. she returned to her house, embracing a cross, to which she spoke innumerable tender words. she died about midnight, leaving behind strong indications of having gone to enjoy the eternal rest. § ix _ours preach in calamianes, and cuyo_ the fervor of our religious did not rest with what was accomplished in the provinces above mentioned. having obtained some associates, they determined to preach in calamianes, islands which remained in their blindness and idolatry. their inhabitants were wild, and great sorcerers and magicians, who knew many herbs. they used the latter to kill by means of the breath or expiration infected with a poisonous herb, as we have said above. they are poor, not because of the sterility of the country, but because the borneans, camuzones, and others of their neighbors plunder them. those islands lie west of the island of panai, which is one of the largest of the filipinas, being eighty leguas long, but narrow in its breadth, and extends north and south from ten to twelve and one-half degrees. they are small, for they are only four to six leguas in circuit, and that which is largest is twenty. the chief islands, those most frequented by ours, number nine. in that of butuagàn [_sic_], the climate is not suited to deer; for they are not raised there; and if they are taken there they die very soon, without the reason being known, for all the filipinas contain many of them. that of coròn is also notable, as it is a ledge or rock, very high and rugged, which is fortified naturally by the crags that girdle it. its ascent is steep and intricate. the indians retire there as to a sacred place. it cannot be taken except by hunger or thirst, and the crag or island is dry and barren, so that not a drop of water can be found on it. numerous birds resort thither, and there are also a great number of beehives [53] amid the hollows of the rocks, and a quantity of honey is produced, as well as wax, without its costing any care or labor. the indians gather that harvest, and, carrying it to other places, obtain the things needful for life. all those islands are defended by reefs, which makes the navigation of those seas very dangerous, even in the time of fair weather. within their boundaries there are a number of different kinds of animals, of rare form. there was one the size of a cat, with the head and feet of a tiger, and the eyes, nostrils, and hands of a man, and entirely covered with soft down. there is another little animal seen, which, as it has no teeth, because these never grow, lives on maggots. to get them it sticks out its tongue, which is very long, where those little animals congregate; and, when the tongue is full of them, it draws it back and swallows them. [54] the forests abound with many incorruptible woods, such as ebony, cypress, cedar, and small pomegranate trees. those islanders had never had a gospel minister to draw them from their ignorance. our discalced, pitying their wretchedness, resolved to send five religious for that undertaking. their superior was father fray juan de santo tomas. he, not fearing any dangers, and armed with the divine strength, planted the tree of the cross in the island of cuyo. that island is called "the garden of nature," because of the singular pleasantness and beauty that it enjoys, in which it is more fortunate than the other islands of that famous sea. it is six leguas in circuit, as are two others its near neighbors, which rival it in beauty. it abounds in rice, and very savory fruits. the mountains are full of fragrant flowers, and shelter a great number of wild boars. there are many species of birds, and fowls are reared in considerable abundance. although those islands were densely populated, the people were so barbarous that they seemed not to possess reason. for that cause our religious wished to cultivate that forest in order to sow the seed of the gospel. notwithstanding [their savagery], father fray francisco de san nicolás, accompanied by another priest, named fray diego de santa ana, and a lay brother, went to the chief island of the calamianes. treating the inhabitants with gentleness, they instructed and persuaded them to live gathered into villages--a thing that they utterly abominated, both because of their natural fierceness, and because they were greatly harassed by the enemies who generally infested those islands. much was suffered in the attainment of that, but it was accomplished, with the most severe toil on the part of ours; and they baptized many of those indians, whose number we shall declare below, when we treat of the convents which were built in those islands in spite of the devil and all hell, who opposed them with all their forces. although it will be somewhat of a digression, we cannot help saying something of the barbarous customs of those heathen calamianes. they recognized a first cause, which governed what was visible. they attributed good or evil events to fortune and to the star of each one. they adored a deity who resembled ceres, to whom they commended their fields and offered their fruits. they worshiped another petty deity who resembled mars, in order to gain his protection in their battles. they believed in the _humalagar [i.e._, soul of an ancestor] (as we said of the charaghas)--whom they summoned in their sicknesses by means of their priestesses. the priestesses placed a leaf of a certain kind of palm upon the head of the sick man, and prayed that it [_i.e._, the soul] would come to sit there, and grant him health. they also venerated the moon, asking that it would aid them at the time of death. they celebrated the obsequies of the dead during the full moon. their priests were highly revered, and were called _mangaloc_. the devil showed them what they asked from him, in water, with certain shadows or figures. they practiced circumcision, and had ministers assigned for it. they had as many concubines as they could support. if the first wife committed adultery, the penalty was to repudiate her for a certain time. when anyone wished to have a share in the inheritance of the dead, he laid a piece of his garment upon the corpse, and thereby acquired that right, but he was obliged to aid the deceased's children. they had no fidelity among themselves, whence many conflicts arose. in order to clear themselves of calumnies or charges, they invented various tricks. at times, divine providence, breaking their entanglements, defended the innocent and punished the guilty. their arms consisted of bows and arrows. on the point of the arrow they fitted a fish spine, with a certain poison that was so effective that it was mortal even if it only slightly touched the flesh. they used short spears and certain shields which they called _carazas_. they carried certain knives with two sharp edges, which were short, like daggers. they used jackets or doublets of well-twisted cord, and under those others of rattan, a kind of osier. by means of these they turn aside the sharp, keen bamboos which, of the length of two brazas, are hurled in naval battles, with which they do great harm. [55] wonders were not wanting in the conversions of those people. the christian parents of an indian woman brought her into the presence of father fray juan de san joseph, and, as she was suffering grievously from a violent fever, begged him to baptize her, for they feared lest she die without that sacrament. the father instructed and catechised her, and told her to have confidence, and that baptism would save her, soul and body. the heathen woman received that instruction so thoroughly that when she was baptized, she was as well from her illness as if she had never had it, god rewarding her faith, and encouraging others so that they should receive baptism. another indian woman was at the extremity of death, and without baptism. the father was summoned, but he, thinking that she was not in so great danger, and that more time was necessary to instruct her in the mysteries of the faith, wished to postpone her baptism. however, god put a strong impulse into his heart not to leave the sick woman in danger; and at last catechising her very briefly, scarcely had he baptized her when she died happy. the devil grieved mightily because the fathers were taking away so many souls from his captivity, and tried to drive them from that province of calamianes. he availed himself of a witch and her son, appearing in person to them, and ordering them to use all the delusions and witcheries that they knew, in order to frighten the spanish soldiers who were in a fortress near by, so that the gospel ministers should by this means be induced to depart to manila. the sorcerers began their deceits, and one night they seized the soldier on guard and bore him through the air to the top of a hill more than a legua away. when the period of his watch was over, others went to relieve him; as they could not find him, the captain thought that he had deserted, and sent another soldier to look for him. he was found crying out like a madman. he was taken manacled to the fortress, and, recognizing that it was the devil who had maltreated him, they summoned father fray benito de santa monica, a native of sevilla, and a powerful minister, who had grace to cast out devils. the father began the exorcisms of the church; and the evil spirit talked--a thing that he had not done before--and said many things in many languages. consequently, the father ordered him not to talk unless he were questioned; the spirit obeyed, and, finally urged by the exorcisms, made known all the said trick, and left the body of the soldier. the next night the devils entered into eight soldiers, afflicting them with the same accidental madness as the other. thus did they continue to multiply their cases of possession, to the great fear of all the others. and although our religious did not cease in their exorcisms and prayers, the infernal spirits were stubborn and pertinacious. fears grew greater when legions of devils were seen in the air at night in most horrible guise. on that account the most holy sacrament was exposed in the fort. yielding to its sovereign presence, the demons fled in confusion to their eternal dungeons, with the ruin of their deceits; for the catholics mended their lives, the faith was confirmed, and the infidels were more inclined to receive it. § x _preaching of ours in the river of cagaìang_ let us leave those islands for a moment and return to mindanào, where ours were fervently attending to their ministry. after having put christianity on the best footing possible along the shores of butuan, they went forty leguas farther on by sea, to look for another river called cagaìang, as they had been told that its inhabitants were a people more docile than the other inhabitants, in order to enlighten them with the light of the gospel. the lord of that land was an indian named salangsang. he lived on a steep and inaccessible rock, which is a peninsula called himologàn. it had no other approaches or mode of ascent than certain ladders made of rattans [_bexucos_], which resemble strong osiers. when those were removed it was fortified and protected from the invasions of enemies. the customs of those people are like those related of the inhabitants of caraghas. the path opened for that undertaking was that doña magdalena bacuya, a christian indian woman (the grandmother of the above mentioned indian, salangsang), being moved by zeal for the honor of god, and compassion for the blindness of those people, went to see her grandson. although with difficulty, she succeeded in gaining admittance for our ministers, who were at that time staying at the island of camiguì without being able to accomplish that which they wished. finally, fathers fray juan de san nicolàs and fray francisco de la madre de dios arrived there [at himologàn], and found the chief in the presence of five hundred indians who lived in that place. that site, perched on its summit, was a very agreeable residence capacious enough for that people to live in a house resembling a cloister, so large that they lived in it with all their families. these had communication on the inside, while it was strongly enclosed on the outside. in the middle of it was the _divatahan_ or temple dedicated to the devil. it was a little house and dirty, as was he who was worshiped there. the prince received the ministers with some show of affection, for he gave them a little buffet on the cheek, as a sign that he received them as friends. those people wondered at seeing those ministers in their lands, and joked about them, taking them for madmen, since they entered without weapons or other defense, to seek their death. but as those fathers had god on their side, whose cause they were serving, his sovereign majesty ordained that the chief, showing them kindness, should give them a small corner in his house, so that they might live securely, although very uncomfortably. for no one gave them anything, and, in order to live, they had to go fishing and to carry wood and water on their backs. they suffered considerably from that, but in joy and gladness, for they were serving the lord, to whom they were attempting to offer those barbarous people by means of the preaching of the faith. the fathers obtained permission to celebrate the holy mystery of the mass, although it had to be done outside that rock, the dwelling-place of the indians. they selected the shore of a small river near the sea. there with their own hands they raised an oratory and an altar, where they celebrated mass with great labor, because they had to carry on their shoulders all the things necessary for the work, without any one aiding them. then they went up, and locked themselves in their little lodging, which served them as cell and choir, going out only to discuss with the leading indians the knowledge of the true god. by that good example, they steadily gained great love, and the people presented to them some food. ours repaid them by fervently preaching our holy faith to them. the indians brought their little children so that they might be taught the holy mysteries and the christian doctrine; and these made no poor beginning in this, although the old fathers, accustomed to their vices, were unwilling to accept it. those indians were vassals of king corralat (of whom we shall speak later) to whom they paid tribute. collectors came yearly along the level land from his court to the river to collect the tribute. that king was a mahometan, and consequently hostile to christians. he learned that our religious were in the lands of his dominion as guests, and ordered that they be killed without any objection. more than one thousand men came to do that, but they were not bold enough to execute the order of their king, for the natives had acquired so great affection for ours that they went out in their defense. the matter was arbitrated and it consisted in the gospel workers paying tribute to the king. they gladly assented to it, for the charity of the fathers extended to all things. the payment of the tribute cost them great trouble, as it was large, and they had to work with their hands, as they had no support from other directions. corralat did not become quiet with that, or rather it was the devil who, angry at the great fruit that ours were gathering in the vineyard of the lord, was trying by that means to drive them out from it. the mahometan king proclaimed war against the villages of that river. during it the religious suffered great frights, pains, and hardships, fleeing to different parts, in dangerous boats, laden at times with the sacred ornaments; hiding in caves, in need of food and without comforts; and guarding themselves for a better occasion, in order to employ their lives in the service of god and the spread of his faith. his [divine] majesty was not displeased with that earnest zeal, for he freed them all from those dangers; while the indians were so energetic in their defense that they refused obedience to the tyrant king, and begged aid from the spaniards who were established at the fortress of caragha and from those at zibù, which was given them immediately. beyond doubt that was a plan of the divine pity to enlighten those heathen with the light of truth, and to withdraw them from the captivity of satan. for the indians, having been defended by the arms of castilla and instructed by the religious, became so fond of them that they delivered to them their _divatahan_, where they built a church, in order to administer baptism to those who were converted. salangsang, together with his wife, was the first to receive baptism in the church, and many others followed their example. that prince, having become a christian, became a willing subject to the kings of castilla. he built a stronghold with sufficient ramparts to defend himself against the stratagems of corralat. finally ours erected the convent called cagaiang, where the indians began to build houses for their dwellings. he who labored most in the conversion of those people was father fray augustin de san pedro, a son of the convent of valladolid, and a portuguese by nationality. he not only took care of the teaching of the faith, but also instructed the indians in civilized ways. thus did they seem to have been transferred from wild beasts into men. it happened in a memorable assault that some nearby indians made at dawn on the village of cagaiang, with the intention of killing the fathers (that was an attempt of the devil, and he instigated the indians to do it, in order to break the friendship which those villages had made) that father fray jacinto de jesus maria was alone in his cell. the barbarians entering the house killed eight persons who were guarding it. making themselves masters of the door, they fought with their campilans and other weapons, aiming thrusts, cuts, and strokes in all directions, so that in the darkness ours might not hide from them. but the said father, trusting in god, went out through the midst of them all, without receiving the slightest blow. it is not difficult for the divine omnipotence to work those miracles, and he is wont to perform them often in order to defend his ministers. the father hid in a thicket, until after the fury had subsided, when he could place himself in safety. § xi _foundation of the convents of the above-mentioned provinces_ we cannot excuse ourselves, for the glory and honor of god, from referring to the souls whom ours drew from the darkness of heathenism into the light of the christian religion, in the provinces of caragha, butuan, calamianes, and cagaiang--for whose conservation it was thought necessary to found convents, whence the religious set out to overrun the country, administering sacraments, consoling some, subduing others, and always gaining souls for the lord. we have not been able to ascertain with certainty in what year they were established, but that amounts to but little. the order in which they are mentioned in the records of the provincial chapter held at manila in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty is as follows: _tandag_ 1. the convent of tandag, head of those in the province of caragha, where there is a presidio of spaniards, is one hundred and fifty leguas distant from manila. it has to its account seven hundred christian families. it was founded by father fray miguel de santa maria. at first it was more than one legua up the river but was afterward removed to the seashore for certain reasons of convenience. it has a devout confraternity of the most holy virgin, and another of the girdle of our father st. augustine, which has been already established in the other convents. a captain (whose name is carefully suppressed) having been buried in the church of that house, the prior noted one day that his grave was higher than the others. attributing it to the carelessness of the sacristan, he ordered the latter to level it. that was done; but on the following day, it was seen to be in the same shape as on the preceding day. it was leveled again, and a quantity of earth taken away, but still the grave did not discontinue rising. that novelty caused much talk, and at last the said prior ascertained that the said captain had died excommunicated. he ordered the body to be exposed, and then, absolving it in the manner that the holy roman church orders, they buried it again without the earth after that making any more show of casting him out. by such demonstrations does god give us to understand the respect and fear that should be extended to the censures of the church. _butuan_ 2. the convent of butuan is situated on the shore of the river. that village numbers one thousand five hundred christians. the convent was founded by father fray francisco de san nicolàs a native of portillo, and a son of the house of valladolid. he was a most zealous minister and preacher to those people. _cuyo_ 3. the convent of cuyo, in the island of that name, has to its account two thousand catholic families. _cagaiang_ 4. the convent of cagaiang governs and teaches one thousand eight hundred faithful persons. _sidargào_ 5. the convent of sidargào, [56] which is an island ten leguas distant from the fort of tanda, has two thousand christian families. according to the testimony of persons of credit, certain manikins, small and beautiful, resembling pigmies in appearance and size, were seen in the said island on a certain occasion. they fled with great swiftness through the thickets of the forests, so that, notwithstanding the efforts made, they could not be caught. however, it is said that some of them were caught in former times, but that they died of fright in a few hours. a cross is preserved near the village of sapào, on top of a rock of the size of two dedos above the stone, which has certain letters. those letters cannot be read now, as they have been obliterated by the lashing of the sea, which beats against it continually. it is a tradition that the first spanish discoverers of that gulf made that cross, although it is not known when. that islet is five or six leguas in circuit, and lies in nine degrees of latitude. it is well supplied with food and good water, of which there are many springs, called _bito_. they are always in the same condition, and do not increase with the rains, nor diminish with the dryness of the seasons. it is remarkable for one thing--in which it is different from that coast of caragha, and the other islands--namely that no monkeys are reared there nor can they be reared if brought there, for they die immediately. during the rainy season, the earth turns red, and is so sticky that when one walks it tears the shoes from the feet. there is a remarkable tree that is called _nono_. it springs from the root of another large and shady tree. as it increases in size, it embraces it, and by sucking the moisture and nourishment from it, becomes strong. when it becomes so strong that it can grow alone, it casts away that tree, and despises that which was its staff, thus treating it badly until it withers--a living image of the children of this age. coming to the peculiarities of that coast, we cannot fail to mention one, namely, that there are trees of the hugest size, so tall that one would believe that they are trying to reach up into the clouds. the indians are wont to make their dwellings in them, specially those indians called _cimarrones_. [57] they pay no tribute, so that their trees serve them as a fort in which to defend themselves from the spanish soldiers of the fort of caragha. the manner of building those dwellings is as follows: they look out a very stout, high tree; they trim off all the branches up to the height where the floor of the house is to be. they put in some cross-bars, which cross on the trimmed-off branches. they fix them with large timbers in the manner of an enclosure, with which the trampling-ground is made. then they enclose that floor with the same timbers, in the manner of a parapet, and cover it with a little nipa. the branches above are also protected from the rain and inclemencies of the weather. thus the house is made so strong that it resists any invasion. it has often cost our soldiers considerable trouble to get those people; for those houses have no approach except certain light ladders made from rattans tied together. in those houses they keep all their possessions, and there live their children and wives, who all help to fight. they have made a place by which to retire when pursued closely, preparing a passage from branch to branch in order to escape. those houses are so capacious that one of our religious lay brothers, who had been a soldier in the presidio of caragha, said that he had seen one that would hold sixty persons. on climbing into another out of curiosity, he saw three women hanging--a mother and her daughters. as well as could be guessed, the mother had hanged the girls and then herself, in order not to fall into the power of the castilians. [58] _calamianes or taitai_ 6. the convent of calamianes, or, as it is called, taitai, where there is a presidio of spaniards, and where one thousand six hundred souls are directed. that convent has another confraternity of our lady, the virgin. _bislin or bislig_ 7. the convent of bislin or bislig governs two thousand families. there died most happily father fray juan de san augustin, a son of the province of castilla. he was a grand minister of the gospel, and knew the bisayan tongue very well. he lived apostolically, and gave a fine example with his virtues, which made him very lovable to the indians themselves, as was seen in the rising of the coast of caragha, from which it was necessary to withdraw him and keep him from perils to the life that he would have lost through the fury of the enemies. his abstinence was remarkable, for, although the toil of his ministry was so vast, as he went continually through rugged places, forests, rivers, and seas, he ate nothing but herbs, and sometimes small fish, when he was especially fatigued. he was very humble and poor, bearing himself with the indians as if he were the meanest of them. by these and other virtues he gathered great fruit in this life, which will doubtless have gained him eternal rest. _baldad, dignes,and iaquet_ 8, 9, and 10. our most reverend father, fray pedro de santiago, preacher of felipe fourth, examiner of writings for the supreme council of the inquisition, vicar-general of our congregation, chronicler of the kingdom of aragòn, bishop of solsona, and afterward of lerida, referred many times to the convents of baldad, dignes, and iaquet, in a relation that he published on the going of our religious to the indias. however, father fray andres del santo espiritu, provincial of filipinas, in another manuscript relation, calls one of them iguaquet, which is thought to be that mentioned as iaquet. in that convent there are eight hundred christian families. it was founded on a river in the northern part of this coast of caragha by father fray juan de san nicolàs, a native of the algarbes in portugal, who took the habit in manila. he was a grand minister and knew the language of the caraghas [59] perfectly. he preached with great spirit, and succeeded in making many miraculous conversions, among both the heathen and the christian sinners, who left his sermons so contrite, that they anxiously went to seek the salvation of their souls in the sacrament of penance. 11. another convent is also mentioned as being in certain islets not far from iguaquet, in which another eight hundred families of christians were cared for. _laylaia_ 12. the convent of laylaia (which sounds the same as [the name of] the river above), is forty leguas distant from butuan. there was a presidio of spaniards there, which from the indications seems to be that of linao. it has in charge one thousand six hundred souls. _caviscail_ 13. that of caviscail, in the calamianes islands, was abandoned because of the murder committed on one of our religious, an able minister of that village, by the indians. _calagdan_ 14. father fray felipe de la madre de dios, provincial of castilla, and chronicler, mentions another--in the _noticias historiales_, that he left in manuscript--at calagdan. he assigns to it seven hundred families that were converted to the faith. _binalgavan_ 15. that of binalgavan, in the island of negros, with one thousand five hundred families. that convent was left in the hands of the fathers of the society of jesus, for reasons that existed for such action. we cannot avoid mentioning some matters that happened there when it was in charge of ours. a certain indian chief had a son two years old, who was very sick. he made the usual sacrifices to the devil for his health. as he did not get what he was after, he begged father fray jacinto de san fulgencio for a little water passed through the chalice. the father gave it to the sick child, and the latter was instantly cured. with that occasion, it was the will of the divine mercy that the child, his parents, and their household should be baptized and leave their darkness. on another occasion they brought an indian from a mountain with a leg already rotting; and as he was being treated in the house of the alcalde-mayor, at an unseasonable hour of the night he called loudly for baptism. the father went to him, and, upon seeing him, the sick man said: "baptize me, father, since god has brought me into the power of the christians for that reason." the religious minister baptized him immediately, and scarcely had he finished administering the sacrament to him when the indian, invoking the most sweet name of jesus, expired. finally a converted indian woman, having been convicted of a grave sin, in order to deny it cursed, saying: "may a crocodile eat me before i reach my house, if what i said was untrue." god punished her immediately, for while near her native place, called passi, in the island of panai, a crocodile attacked her, and seizing her in its mouth, dragged her into the river, and swallowed her. at that time, father fray juan de san joseph was prior of that convent. _tagho_ 16. the convent of tagho, so called from a river that bathes it, has in charge the care of nine hundred families of christians. _dinai_ 17. in calamianes, the convent of dinai, with seven hundred families, was removed to linacapan in order to avoid the continual raids of the pirates. _damaràn_ 18. the convent of damaràn had charge of four hundred baptized persons. father fray jacinto de san fulgencio, commissary and procurator of that province of san nicolàs of filipinas, while at this court of madrid gave a relation of other houses, in addition to those enumerated, which are as follows: _layavan_ 19. the convent of layavan, with seven hundred families in its charge. _camigui_ 20. that of camigui, with the bay of liangàn, has six hundred families. _baqua_ 21. that of baqua has charge of one thousand two hundred families divided among six villages. _parasao_ 22. that of parasao governs eight hundred families who live in that place. _bagangan_ 23. that of bagangan, with eight hundred other christian families. _tuggaban_ 24. that of tuggaban has in charge one thousand three hundred families. _banton_ 25. that of banton, with one thousand two hundred families. _divàil_ 26. that of divàil cares for one thousand three hundred families. _paràva_ 27. that of paràva administers one thousand families. _sampongan_ 28. that of sampongan governs six hundred families. _surigao_ 29. that of surigao another six hundred. _casteèl_ 30. that of casteèl, a like number. father fray christoval de santa monica, father of the said province, commissary and procurator-general, added: _gura_ 31. that of gura. _baler_ 32. that of baler. _binangonan_ 33. that of binangonan. in other records and documents which have come from the said province is found the relation of: _abucaì_ 34. that of abucaì. _dagat_ 35. that of dagat. _tebastlan_ 36. that of tebastlan. many of the said convents are no longer in existence now, either through lack of religious, or for other accidental reasons; because these have occurred, it has been deemed advisable to abandon them--although the churches are still standing and are cared for, and our religious visit those villages, preserving them in the faith, so that the spiritual food is not wanting to them. § xii _mention of some hardships which ours have suffered in the spread of the catholic faith_ it would be beyond our powers to tell what ours suffered in spreading the gospel truth, and in drawing the souls of so many barbarians and heathen from their blindness and errors; for, as they have cared more for gaining the reward of heaven than of earth, what is known of it is little or almost nothing. we trust in god, who can reward those who serve him, and that he will have given great glory to those who have suffered so much for the extension of his honor, by bringing so many people to recognize him. let us, then, relate that the father-provincial of the above named houses visits them three times during the term of his office--and that with so great perils by land and water that the preservation of his life seems a special providence of heaven. father fray onofre de la madre de dios was met on one of those occasions by more than twenty caracoas of pirates and was obliged to cast himself into the water, together with his secretary. they went to an island, where, naked and without food, they suffered those miseries that can be imagined. another provincial father, fray andrès del espiritu santo, suffered a violent tempest, in which a number of persons perished. the boat having overturned, as neither he nor three other religious who were accompanying him knew how to swim, they seized hold of the keel. they remained there two days and one night, expecting death every instant. but god was pleased to have them reach a beach amid rocks and reefs. there, bruised and full of wounds, they found no other comfort than to seek roots with which to support themselves for many days, until unexpected aid came to them from another part. father fray nicolàs de tolentino visited the province of caragha. he was wrecked three times, and suffered most the last time; for, the boat having broken, he had nothing to eat in seven days. having reached an uninhabited place by dint of his exertions, he went overland through rough paths and through mountains, at the risk of being eaten by crocodiles, until he found a little boat, that carried him and his companion to manila. they were so weak and hurt that they could not recover their health for a long time. brother fray francisco de san nicolàs, a native of cadiz, coming from the island of negros to attend to certain things of the church service, suffered so terrible a whirlwind that the boat was driven upon some rocks and broken into splinters. its occupants were drowned, and our lay brother, not knowing how to swim, went to the bottom. without knowing how, he found himself in the hollow of a rock which had an opening at the top. he managed to creep through, by the help of god, who protected him. climbing to the top he saw that he was on a rocky islet of one-half legua in circuit, and remained there until his cries and shouts brought some passing indians, who, surprised at so novel an occurrence, took him off in their boat. the captivities and oppressions suffered by ours would take long to recount, and so i shall give only one. jolo is an island that lies between those of burnei and mindanao. it is very famous in that archipelago, not for its size, but for the warlike daring of its caciques or petty kings, who have made themselves feared by their robberies and cruel deeds throughout those seas. while their fleet, then, was at calamianes, father fray juan de san joseph, a native of granada, was captured. he was then prior of the convent of cuyo, and was visiting those villages which had been converted to the faith, administering the sacraments and the word of god to them--the employment of those gospel ministers. they took him to their island, being greedy for the ransom. the amount of it was discussed, but as the sum demanded by those barbarians was large, and the poor religious could not collect it in a short time, it was necessarily delayed for some time. during that time the mahometan islanders began to persuade the father to abandon the faith and adopt their vile worship, promising him great riches and comfort, and marriage with a sister of the lord or petty king of the island. that would have been a powerful temptation to one who was not so firm in the law of jesus christ, and assisted by his divine favor. our religious resisted that strong and troublesome battery mightily; but those barbarians, seeing themselves despised, turned the leaf, converting those flatteries into threats of death, and placed before him many cruel methods of depriving him of life. that was not what the good father feared most, since he desired to lose his life for the faith which he professed. the petty king had conceived an affection for the father, and left untried no means in his power in order to break down the strength of the religious. to such an extent did he carry his madness that one of the wives of the barbarian, a beautiful and unbridled woman, visited our prisoner often, accompanied by beautiful women of high rank, in order that they might achieve success in winning him to their disgraceful love; for, had he been taken in that net, the chaste man would have remained ensnared. that trick, it is well known, is one of the most persuasive that the devil furnishes. for he makes war by the affection for the object, and with the vehement incentives of the appetite. but divine grace was very well fortified in the soul of the gospel minister. consequently, the shots of the devil, the world, and the flesh were weakened and destroyed. the women returned in confusion, after hearing him preach of the mysteries of our sacred law. he understood the bisayan language very well, and consequently learned the one peculiar to that island in a short time. although the instruction did not take root in their minds, at least they recognized a certain element of grandeur that aroused their veneration. father fray juan passed considerable time in those struggles, comforting the christians who were there, and obtaining many triumphs for himself. finally, on the arrival of the time for his ransom, he returned to his convent at cuyo, joyous at having suffered for god, although not well satisfied at not having given his life for his holy law. but we can declare that if the barbarians lacked the determination to condemn him to martyrdom, our catholic soldier did not want the courage to receive it. we shall give an end to this year of twenty-two, by giving a brief memorial of father fray diego de santo tomàs, a native of nueva-españa, a creole of cholula, and the son of diego garcia de leon and doña inès carrillo. he went to filipinas when very young, where, leaving the deceits of the world, he betook himself to the port of religion, taking our holy habit in the convent of san nicolàs of manila. he professed in the year 1610. when he saw the so great fervor of the religious for the spreading of the faith, he took the call so effectively into his breast that the superiors, employing him in that exercise, ordered him to become sub-prior. he was afterward prior of masinglo, and lastly of dinai. in the exercise of those duties, he was careful to employ all his strength in caring for the sheep reduced to the flock of the church. he went through the calamianes islands, preaching, converting, and confirming those converted in the faith. and as his cares were prodigious, and he became weakened by his hardships, his strength failed him; tired out, he became sick, and died on a desert beach, without any human presence. however the divine presence would not fail him. happy soldier, whom death overtook while fighting in the campaign of the church of god! let us give a companion to this father, and let him be father fray juan de la anunciacion. he was born in madrid, in the parish of san gines. his parents were diego del castillo and felipa manuel de benavides. he took our holy habit in the year 1613, while father fray juan bautista altaraque was master of novitiates. he professed the following year under father fray augustin de san gabriel, prior of the convent of the said town. he went to the indias, being desirous of employing his life in the service of god and the welfare of souls. he thoroughly understood the languages of the indians. entering the rudest of the islands, he preached with great fervor, and converted many heathen. he spent some years in that employment, and finally his life, without anyone being present at his death. he died worn out, and for lack of nourishment. he lived much, since as long as life lasted for him he employed it in the service of the holy church and the conversion of the infidels. his body was found and very reverently given honorable burial. [most of the third chapter is concerned with affairs in japan. a short description of that country is followed by the efforts of the recollects to gain entrance to its inhospitable shores in 1623. fired by the news of the persecution waged against the christians, two fathers, francisco de jesus and vincente de san antonio, disguised as merchants, set out from manila to preach the gospel to the japanese. but many misfortunes overtake them: their boat, old and weak, opens at the bow and compels them to put in at the island of babuyanes; shortly after setting sail once more, a fierce storm drives them to the chinese coast, whence they narrowly escape shipwreck and then death at the hands of the people, who prove hostile. however, forty days after leaving babuyanes, they reach japan, on june 20. shortly begins their journey toward nangasaqui, which they reach october 14, 1623, noting japanese customs on the way. there it is reported that disguised priests are in the city, and an edict published by the emperor banishes all the spaniards from the country. both the fathers, however, escape the banishment. a section on the life of father juan de la madre de dios, a noted laborer in the missions of mindanao, and who was buried at the fort of caragha, follows; and the chapter closes with a reference to affairs at large connected with the order, and the obtaining of certain papal decrees.] chapter fourth _the first provincial chapter is celebrated in filipinas in the convent of manila; and in españa the first intermediate general chapter of portillo. certain servants of god finish their lives happily._ § i _election of the first provincial of filipinas, at the convocation of the first chapter of that province year 1624_ the religious of those islands had been governed since the time of their arrival there by vicar-provincials, either elected by the priests who were in the convents or missions, or appointed by the superior prelate of españa, according to the letters and patents which father fray pedro de la madre de dios and father fray rodrigo de san miguel had obtained for it. the first vicar-provincial was the venerable father fray juan de san geronimo, who governed until the year 1608. father fray geronimo de christo followed him, but, as he died very soon, the chapter was convoked; and, in the following year of six hundred and nine, the same father fray juan de san geronimo was elected. when the latter returned to españa, the chapter was convoked in the year six hundred and ten, and father fray andrès del espiritu santo elected. he governed until the year twelve, when father fray pedro de la madre de dios came from españa with the appointment. but, his patents having expired, the chapter was convoked, in which the said father was elevated to the same office, and he ruled until the year 15. that year, the chapter having been convoked, father fray andrès del espiritu santo took the government a second time, until the year of eighteen, when father fray rodrigo de san miguel came from españa with the appointment. he had it in charge until the year twenty-two, when, as he returned to españa, he was succeeded by the said father, fray andrès del espiritu santo, who had come that same year from españa with religious. he governed until the year twenty-three, in which father fray pedro de la madre de dios came from españa, having been appointed by the venerable father vicar-general. he convoked a chapter, in order that a separate provincial might be elected in that province, as was done in the others. the patents were as follows. "his holiness, our most blessed father gregory fifteenth (may god preserve him), with the desire that is his of aiding the reformed orders, at the instance made him by his majesty and our order--who petitioned him that a vicar-general be given us, and permission that the convents of our order, with the title and name of province, might divide into several provinces--conceded a brief for the aforesaid, which was carried out. for that purpose a chapter was convoked in this convent of the city of madrid on november twenty of the following year, the past year of 1621, in which i was elected vicar-general. the convents possessed by the order in españa in those islands were divided into four provinces. consequently, that the orders given by his holiness and by the general chapter may be executed, i am sending the messages, so that a provincial chapter may be held. in that chapter the orders of our latin constitutions and those of the new ordinances of our aforesaid general chapter shall be observed. "in regard to time, i declare that it shall be held within four months of the time when your reverences shall receive the messages and when the religious who bear them, and who sail in this trading-fleet, shall arrive at that convent of the city of manila--so that [there will be no haste] in case that it should not be a suitable time when the religious arrive, or it should be necessary to arrange anything for the celebration; but if time should allow, and the necessary things should be arranged, it may be held within a month, and not before. i warn your reverences that, on receiving and opening the messages and despatches that i am sending, the form that i order be observed. and inasmuch as when your reverences receive these despatches, two years will have passed of the sexennium--according to the order laid down in the new ordinances, decreeing that now and henceforth provincial chapters shall be held, so that those who are to come to take part in the election of a new vicar-general may be elected every six years--your reverences shall take one year from this first triennium, and this election shall be, but for this time only, a biennium. thus shall be done with both the provincial and definitors, and the rest of the priors and the other offices, so that in the following provincial chapter of that province, the definitor and discreto may be elected--who shall come, in its name, for the new election of vicar-general that is to be made (if our lord be so pleased), at pentecost of the year 1627. "the coming shall be arranged in such manner that they may not come late, nor leave before it is necessary. as soon as the definitor and discreto (or those who may be elected to fill their places on account of their death, or for any other legitimate impediment) are elected, your reverences shall advise the vicar-general by the first boat, if they cannot arrive in time. i have chosen to advise your reverences of this, so that you might know what you ought and must do; and so that everything may be done with prudence, devotion, and virtue, in which may our lord give us many increases. from this convent of the discalced of our father st. augustine, of the city of madrid, june 12, 1622. your reverences' brother, _fray geronimo de la resurreccion_" accordingly, when this order arrived with the other despatches, the priors of san nicolàs of manila, of zibù, of cabite, of masinglo, of amò, of bolinao, of calumpan, of tanda, of butuan, of iguaquet, of tibastlan, of cuyo, of linacapan, and of cagaiang assembled. under the presidency of the said father fray pedro de la madre de dios, they unanimously elected the venerable father fray onofre de la madre de dios, provincial, on the sixth of february of that year twenty-four, the time that the present history has reached. the election was very suitable, as he who was elected was deserving of other and greater posts. he was a native of perpiñan, in the county of rosellòn, and a son of the convent of zaragoça, in aragòn, where he studied arts and theology. he was prior of the convent of zuera, and afterward master of novitiates in that of madrid, where he furnished a great example of observance and virtue. he went to the indias with the zeal of preaching the faith of christ our lord. he filled some posts worthily, with so much satisfaction to the religious that he deserved to be the first provincial of that province. he completed the suitable ordering and economical régime of the houses, the methods that he practiced being continual presence at the choir, steadfast application to the divine worship, and the decoration of the churches. he was modest in his actions, which he adapted to all; mild in his intercourse, by which he made himself loved; skilful in business management; extremely poor, and given to continual mortification. the definitors were father fray andrès del espiritu santo, father fray diego de san bernardo, father fray joseph de san augustin, and father fray juan de santo tomàs, chosen men indeed. the acts passed are reduced to the following points: "that the religious living at the missions or villages of the indians maintain all the regular observance of the convents, especially in rising at midnight for matins, and in the two hours of mental prayer morning and afternoon, even though there should be no more than one priest. that authority be given to the missionary fathers to carry some books that are conformable to their profession; and that they be prohibited from wearing hempen garments, especially since the heat of the country is contrary to that harshness. that the ministers learn the language of the indians within one year; and that, in order to avoid disturbance, they do not receive guests in their convents, unless it be bishops, religious, governors, or alcaldes-mayor. [a section on the first intermediate general chapter of the recollects, which was held at the convent of portillo, follows. section iii treats of the life and death of brother fray juan de san nicolàs, who had professed at manila, december 21, 1622. the malice of certain indians who were taking him up the river from the convent of iguaquet, to aid in one of the missions, causes his death; for they overturn the boat, leaving him to drown while they swim safely to shore. the chapter ends with an account of the life of bishop don fray gregorio de santa catalina alarcòn who after having been appointed bishop of nueva cáceres, in the philippines, by king felipe iv, is appointed almost immediately afterward to the bishopric of santiago de cuba at habana. his death occurs at sea while on his way to assume the latter office. this chapter completes the annals for the year 1624.] general history of the philipinas by fray juan de la concepcion [60] volume iv chapter vii _arrival at these islands of a new mission of the discalced recollects, the reformed branch of the hermits of the order of the great father st. augustine_. [through the solicitations of felipe ii, the supreme general of the augustinian order, gregorio petrochini, furthers the founding in spain of a reformed branch of the order. accordingly the beginning is made in the convent of talavera, from which beginning the branch gradually grows, although with several set-backs, until the recollects (their distinctive name) obtain separation from the regular branch of the augustinians. a province is formed, and elections held, at which juan de san geronimo is chosen provincial. after his term of office, he is created bishop of chiapa; but, burning with the mission fever, offers himself and twelve companions as volunteers for the missions of the indias.] 34. so noble a proposition edified the king, who recognized it as made by a whole and free spirit. the king had information that the orders appointed for the conquest of philipinas were not sufficient for the total conversion and reduction of the many pagans; and, even if they were sufficient, that they had not exerted all their strength, distracted by other and less important cares. the proposition of the father provincial was very much in keeping with the royal intentions. accordingly, without any delay, it was decreed that the father and his associates should prepare to go to the philipinas islands, and executive orders to his ministers for a speedy despatch were formulated without delay. the venerable father kept these to himself until the formal session of the chapter, in whose assembly he presented the decree. it was punctually obeyed, all of them considering this laborious expedition as a great service for god. they determined to grant him all the necessary documents, and appointed as vicar-provincial with full powers father fray juan de san geronimo himself, with the limitation of recognizing as superior the father provincial of the province of castilla. 35. with this arrangement, and the royal decrees which contained the permission for their embarcation, and general royal authority to make as many establishments as possible in these islands, and as those new missionaries should deem proper (to which were added other concessions for spiritual matters conceded by the papal legate), and fortified with all these patents and despatches, the good father chose his associates, men like himself. most of them were graduated, and most of them eminent men of the reform. he well comprehended that such new plantations required, since they were to be conspicuous before all, men of learning and eminent virtue. having assembled at madrid, they set out for sevilla on the fifteenth of may, in great harmony and modesty. there they rested somewhat from the fatigues of their journey, and then continued it to san lucar de barrameda. they waited there until a large trading-fleet sailed, which left the bay of cadiz for nueva españa, and those religious embarked in one of its ships. the confessions that they heard, and their exhortations to the sailors, were a great comfort to the latter, and they did not neglect charitably to assist the sick. thus did they acquire unusual estimation throughout the fleet. the commander-in-chief approached them in his ship, the flagship, when the weather permitted, to inquire after their health, and to offer them what they needed, commending himself to their holy prayers, and placing in their care the prosperous voyage of the fleet. 36. they reached the port of vera cruz with perfect safety, where the ships were sheltered. they disembarked, and, passing through the town of los angeles, went to mexico. there they were received in the college of san pablo by its rector, father maestro fray diego de contreras, who was afterward archbishop of santo domingo, the primatial church of the indias. he kept them with his hospitable aid until the vicar-provincial rented a comfortable house, in order to avoid receiving favors, which their strict regulations forbade. while awaiting the opportunity to go to the port of acapulco, their mode of life was retired and edifying. many noble and wealthy persons began to entreat them to remain there, and to establish themselves, offering them their favor and most abundant alms; and they asked that, if that should not be granted, a competent number would remain and establish themselves. the father maestro contreras encouraged these solicitations, and promised them to allow them to become discalced, and to give credit to the new institute. 37. the president fray juan considered those so liberal propositions as annoying temptations, to which, through the motive of their zeal, not one of his could consent. he considered it advisable to avoid them by flight, and resolved upon his voyage to the port of acapulco. there was already a ship there about to sail to philipinas on the day of the invocation of the holy ghost. having embarked on it, they set sail on the twenty-second of february, one thousand six hundred and six. they had their terrors on the voyage; the ship caught fire, and the fire was already quite near the powder-barrels that were reserved in the "santa barbara." [61] warning was given of this (which is one of the greatest of dangers), in sufficient time to enable them to extinguish the fire. had it reached the powder, the worst ruin would have surely followed. i think that there is no peril of the sea so horrible. another danger happened on a calm, clear night, when the cry of "land, land!" came from the bow. that danger startled the pilots, who had no shoals down on their charts there. they were aware of them by the breakers in the water, and the vessel was so engulfed in them that it could neither bear away, nor put in, without the same risk. as the breaking of the waters was getting nearer the ship, they considered all their efforts vain, and without any urging, allowed themselves to be carried in the same path. they tried to make soundings, but the plunging of the boat and the violent dragging of the sounding-line on the reefs did not permit them to make an accurate calculation of the depth. in such a contest, the hopes of all were already weak, besides which they were entering amid the breakers. the ship sailed a long distance without meeting accident, and later they found themselves in the deep sea, free from so dangerous a fright. that shoal was marked down accurately on the charts, and was noted on other voyages. it was a rocky islet surrounded with many covered reefs. they considered it a marvelous occurrence that they should pass over them without meeting with accident on them. father fray andres de san nicolas fell sick near the islands of the ladrones, and, recognizing that his attack was serious, he sought consolation in the holy sacraments. during his last hours he fervently exhorted all to persevere in the undertaking that had been begun, promising them a happy result. he yielded up his spirit to god amid tender colloquies. those of the ship wished to keep his body in a well-sealed wooden casket, in order to give it decent burial on shore; but in order to avoid innovations, the venerable superior, fray juan, did not consent to this. accordingly, having been placed in a casket, he was cast into the sea, accompanied with the usual obsequies. 38. they continued from that moment their voyage prosperously, after an almost general epidemic of fever, safe and sound. by special orders they anchored in the port of zebu. that most venerable prelate, don pedro de agurto, received the new missionaries with a procession. they were lodged in the convent of the augustinian fathers, who received them as brethren. much did that illustrious man desire the propagation of the gospel. he begged and insisted that they stay in his bishopric, and offered them a foundation to their liking, if they would only remain for the conversion of the infidelity that was obstinately persevering for the lack of ministers. he suffered greatly from this, for so necessary was the remedy. it was impossible for the newcomers to consent to so favorable arrangements, or to listen to so urgent and compelling entreaties. their journey to manila was unavoidable, in order to present the royal decrees and despatches to the governor. they thanked his excellency fittingly, and all offered to put themselves at his disposal after the performance of so necessary business. they set out from that place to execute it, as soon as opportunity offered. they reached the capital city of manila without any accident, then celebrating the victories obtained by their governor, don pedro de acuña, in the expedition of terrenate. they were accommodated in a small house for the time being, where the most influential people of the city came to visit them. everyone offered them a more decent lodging, the orders distinguishing themselves by offering them their convents. to all they humbly excused themselves, only accepting the infirmary of the dominican fathers, for the treatment of some of their sick, where they were treated with a most benign charity. the governor arrived, triumphant from his expedition; and as soon as he heard of the arrival of those new religious, leaving the magnificent trophies, deigned to be the first to visit them. he consoled and regaled them as a noble knight. but being eager to finish the despatch of the ships to acapulco, and going quickly to cavite, he could not examine the royal despatches; nor could he do so afterward, for, as we have already stated, death attacked him while engaged in this affair, and laid its spoils in the sepulcher. thus was suspended his recognition of the royal decrees; they were presented to the royal audiencia, who, recognizing them as authentic, gave them the requisite attention. in virtue of these, permission was given to the father vice-provincial, fray juan de san geronimo, to preach the gospel wherever he thought best, and to establish his houses wherever he should consider it most advisable. chapter viii _this mission establishes itself at bagumbayan, and they begin their evangelical labors_ 1. the deceased governor, acuña, had already finished a country-seat or summer-house for his retirement from the cares caused by so extensive a government, at a location called bagumbayan, three hundred paces distant from the walls of the city. at the death of that gallant governor they began to try to dispose of this house. the new missionaries thought that retreat very suitable for their purpose, and tried to buy it because it was already offered for sale. for that purpose they went through the city begging alms of its citizens, accompanied by certain persons of influence, and in two afternoons they collected more than three thousand pesos. with them they immediately paid the price asked, the authorized guardian of estates, captain don pedro de ortega, lowering its just price considerably. licentiate don rodrigo diaz guiral, then filling the office of fiscal of the royal audiencia, was a zealous and influential party in everything, and took especial interest in facilitating that accommodation. they converted the house of recreation into a convent. they assigned a location for a public church, which they dedicated on the tenth of september to the glorious st. nicolas de tolentino, to whom they had consecrated themselves by a special vow when they left the coasts of españa. that function was very solemn. his excellency of zebu, don pedro de agurto, performed the pontifical office; while the very reverend father maestro, fray pedro solier, of the order of st. augustine of the observance, a person distinguished by his merits and position, preached. he was then provincial of the province of santissimo nombre de jesus in these islands, bishop of puerto rico, and afterward archbishop of santo domingo. the royal audiencia, the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, the orders, and the nobility and citizens of manila were present and lent honor to the function with such favorable beginnings, those evangelical ministers were greatly consoled and very happy. they were most happy with the favorable horoscope in which that new province was born, in having st. nicolas for their patron. there was some altercation [over this matter] with the augustinian fathers of the observance; the devotion to this saint had now grown very extensive in their church, in a special chapel, and they foresaw that worship there would be decreased on account of this new advocacy. it was not an occasion for a suit, and they tried modestly to avoid litigation. although possession could not give better right, the recollects yielded, and accommodated themselves to a change of title, commending to god this serious matter. the calmness of señor agurto was seen in that, at whose direction they cast lots to settle the controversy satisfactorily. many other saints took part in the lots, and in them the said st. nicolas had success the first, second, and third time when the cast was repeated. thus was the will of god powerfully confirmed, resistance ceased, and they resigned themselves to it peacefully. they extended the protection of the new church to the province, which was already in its beginnings. the said first feast was celebrated with the greatest harmony between the parties, and unity of minds. 2. they were not useless in that location, for, accommodating the active life to the contemplative one, they applied themselves with fervid ardor to spiritual help in the administration of sacraments and in gospel preaching to many different peoples, who needed that same assistance, especially at night, when the city gates were locked. as there were no parish churches near, many were the sudden calls that disturbed their rest, for all of which they were very ready and prepared, as one should be in a matter that concerns the salvation of the soul. their zeal could not be restrained here; more arduous was the obligation which had brought them, and the acquiring of some one of the many languages which are spoken in these islands. without that diligence their application would be useless; without such intercourse, men must necessarily consider one another as barbarians. since the tagál language is the most general, their most careful study was given to it. their eagerness was emulative, and made them rapid in their haste. he who most quickly penetrated the language was father fray miguel de santa maria, native and son of the convent of zaragoza, a person of resolution and vigorous mind, and of no common abilities. 3. with these arrangements they tried to make a beginning in their apostolate. on discussing where they would better employ themselves, they thought that they would better not separate far then, since they were so few. quite near by, eight leguas distant, was the village of marivelez, which had no ministers. the other ministers had left it because of the insalubrity of its climate and the brutishness of its natives, who were very obstinate in their superstitions. the voices of the missionaries did not at all soften them, wherefore with comfortable maxims they had left them in their obstinacy, shaking off secretly the dust from their sandals. truly their religion was ridiculous. they had their groves or reserved places in the forest. there were their peculiar penates or minor gods, to whom they made their sacrifices. certain old deluded and ceremonious persons took charge of the sacrifices. they were assisted by certain old women, called _catalonas_, who had great authority among those deluded people, which they had acquired by deceitful and delusive tricks. the method of sacrificing cattle was the common and transcendental one among those natives. but irreligion was manifest in all their vain observances, and in the conservation of their traditions, rather than any active and positive religion. they observed those long-kept and sacrilegious customs, through fear of punishment if they omitted them; and, even more, they were persuaded that they would die the instant when they violated these. 4. their laws in political government were no better, being at the pleasure of the most powerful, who exercised their tyranny despotically. many difficulties were those. and if one would consider that others, who must be considered of equal or greater spirit, had abandoned them as unconquerable, he would understand their human prudence, or temerity, or their great conceit. but the robust vicar-provincial stumbled in nothing, his wonderful zeal facilitating everything. for that administration and conquest, he appointed fray miguel de santa maria the adelantado, giving him as associates father fray pedro de san josef, and the lay brother fray francisco de santa monica, all of them now well acquainted with that language. they accepted their appointments resignedly, and set out for marivelez. they quickly found that profound darkness was opposed to their new light. they were not dismayed by their inevitable labors. no welcome was found among so rude and unconquerable a people. the missionaries solicited them in the woods, where they gained their livelihood by the labor of their fields. they spoke to them in affectionate tones; they undeceived them of their errors, which so darkened their souls. they maintained, at their own cost, some huts where they retired for the necessary rest at night. when they took any slight and hurried refreshment, it was for their necessary relief and rest, since the rest of their time was broken with penitential exercises. by such unalterable and edifying procedure, they were gradually softening those hard rocks; and they already had many converts and baptized people. the other idolaters did not regard that desertion well, and one day when the father was going on his rounds to catechise them in the woods, the pagans were awaiting him, and discharged upon him a shower of stones. he yielded to his contusions and wounds. he escaped with his life from this exigency, which was not little. but he was so ill-treated that he could not recover his health, which became worse; and recognizing that it was impossible to recover it there because of the utter lack of comfort, he determined to retire to manila, in order to die conformably with his brethren. some medicines were administered to him here, which he took rather to please his superior than because he had any idea that they would be of use. the dissolution of his body rapidly progressing, he piously received the last sacraments; and, in the midst of lofty and loving acts, he passed to the eternal rest, leaving this wretched life with envy. his two courageous companions returned also to the infirmary at manila, for they had fallen sick from their continual troubles; and they ended their lives in so excellent and desirable a manner, the first fruits of this laborious task. 5. so arduous an undertaking was not abandoned through fear of its danger, because those beginnings were, in the general mind, unfortunate. it fell to the lot of father fray rodrigo de san miguel, a man celebrated in the history of his holy province, especially in the voyage that he made from these islands to basora and caldea, in which he reduced various armenians of the schism [62] to the obedience of the holy see, and presented their chiefs to his holiness, urban eighth, who thanked him for his zeal by special favors and rewards. he was firm in spirit and of most courageous boldness. he took possession of that toilsome mission. with his industry, he reduced to a civilized and christian life the remainder of those pagans, in a location called bagac. there he built his church and dwelling, and there he gathered many scattered peoples. afterward he moved it to that of marivelez because of the convenience of the port, and its more equable climate. he arranged other annexed locations within a distance of twelve leguas, where his tireless industry gathered about one thousand five hundred souls. assuring this stronghold, he opened a gateway by which to pass to the coast beyond. the zambales indians tyrannized over it, and no boats could touch there without danger of their lives. those were indians of barbarous ferocity, and very bloody-minded. it was very difficult to soften such monsters, so blinded by their superstitions and by their barbarous customs, that in no way would they accustom their ears to other things. one very extraordinary event procured respect for the father among them, and thereupon they paid more attention to his evangelical words. 6. father fray rodrigo was one day passing through a thicket. that thicket was, according to their customs, one of the reserved ones, and it was considered sacrilegious to cut anything from it, and that such act would be punished with immediate death. so infatuated were they with that blindness that no one, even though in great need, dared to take anything from that place, being restrained by fear. the father saw a beautiful tree, which they call _pajo_, laden with ripe fruit. he ordered his followers to gather some by climbing the tree. they strenuously resisted, but father fray rodrigo insisted on it. they declared that they would not do it under any circumstances, and that it meant sure death if they offended the respect whose fatal sentence comprehended all the trees of that place. the father severely chided them for their error, and to show them that it was so, he determined to gather the fruit himself. he began to break branches and to clear the trunk, in order to facilitate the ascent. the indians were grieved, and urgently begged him to desist from that undertaking, which they considered as so rash. but the religious, arming himself with the sign of the cross, and reciting the antiphon, _ecce lignum crucis_, managed to gather some of the ripe fruit, which the tree offered. he ate it in front of them and liked the fruit very much, for indeed it is savory. they looked at his face amazed, expecting his instant death. when that did not happen, they recognized their delusion, and detested their cheats they also ate without experiencing any harm. the father charged them to say nothing upon their arrival at the village. he took with him a goodly quantity of that fruit, and divided a great portion of it among the chiefs. esteeming the gift, they, in their ignorance, ate it without fear. in a sermon on the following day, the father disclosed the secret and checked their vain fears; so that, undeceived by experience, they followed him with their axes, and in short order felled that thicket, which was a confused center of perverse iniquities. thereupon, many of those infidels submitted to the true knowledge. 7. he continued the conversion of those people after that happy result, despising dangers, and enduring bodily necessities, very full indeed of interior consolation. that is a rough coast, and offers grievous terrors in its times of turbulent weather. father fray rodrigo was navigating along it when a fierce tempest suddenly overtook him, which, driving the small boat upon some rocks, dashed it into pieces. those who were in it were drowned, although they knew how to swim. the father alone, by the violent impulse of a wave, reached a small rocky islet. his life was miraculously saved on it, and god, who does not grant his blessings incompletely, caused an indian to discover him within twenty-four hours. the indian swam to him, and carried him from that danger, on his shoulders. even more marvelous was another thing that happened to father fray juan de la ascension, while sailing along that same coast. he was in a boat manned by chinese, who, being careless of their sheets, did not loose them in time, when the wind suddenly shifted furiously. it is most dangerous to coast along high lands, for so furious winds blow through the passes that if great care is not taken with the sheets the boats overturn easily. 8. thus did it happen with this boat, and its keel was exposed to the sun. all were drowned, without any aid; only father fray juan was saved by divine providence. this is more manifest, since the method was one unheard-of. the father remained inside his craft, while the overturned boat tossed up and down. its space did not entirely fill with water, a small space being left, which served as an arch, in which the father could keep his head and arms out of the water, having laid fast hold of a beam. he passed three days thus, until a boatful of indians, happening to pass that way, and observing the floating hull, approached the boat, to see if it contained anything by which their greed could be advantaged. they began to break through the open end. as soon as they had opened a small aperture, they heard the voice of the shipwrecked religious, who begged for help. the indians were frightened, and resolved to leave the task that they had undertaken. one of them, more courageous, inspired them with the sufficient resolution, and, continuing, they discovered the father almost at the last extremity. they reached him presently, took good care of him, and helped him with what they were carrying. with that he came to himself and recounted his catastrophe. they marveled greatly at so extraordinary an event, which they regarded only as a prodigy never before seen. in this manner did they continue with the conversion of those infidels, until they obtained a good foundation in the village of masinloc. it was a very suitable location, as it was the center of many mountains and settled districts where many and diverse peoples could easily be reduced to a civilized and christian life. the management of its planting was given to father fray de el espiritu santo; and he, with two associates, was well employed in those apostolic excursions. in a short time they had eight thousand newly baptized indians, and arranged methods for their administration, and for their catechism. their first care was divine worship, and instruction and training musicians and singers. so did those zealous ministers labor, and we leave them now in that cultivation. volume v chapter iii _the discalced augustinian religious continue their spiritual conquests on the coast of zambales, and pacify it with their labors. they extend their fervent tasks to the province of caraga, in mindanao._ 1. if god created man with a certain fertility, with which to propagate other men, although that fertility was not taken away by the first sin, it is not what it would be if disobedience had not intervened; and if to that propagation conservation be not added, it would not proceed according to the form and method of its kind, but even in these natural arrangements nothing would be done without the cooperation of the creator. proportionally so is it in the spiritual propagation, in which man is formed for piety and justice. he who plants or he who waters is nothing, but it is only god who giveth the increase. for that reason so necessary dispositions are not useless, but are indispensable in the present providence. how can they hear unless there be one to preach to them? god gave man understanding, but it is as dull in infancy as if he did not have one; it must be excited, and brought to light with the increase of age, in which he becomes capable of knowledge and of instruction, skilful to perceive truth and pure and chaste love, with which to fight strenuously against the engendered vices to which he is inclined naturally from his youth. those spiritual propagations in semi-brutish men are very difficult; for, although reason is not altogether extinguished, the sparks of it are so feeble that one must use considerable discretion and prudence in order to arouse them. with those monsters were the discalced augustinian religious dealing on the zambales coast; having as the object of their living faith the salvation of souls, they could employ themselves admirably in such spiritual propagations, planting and watering with immense labor, god granting them the desired increase in that so blessed intercourse. establishing themselves in masinloc, they did not restrain themselves in the undertaking until they reached the end of the coast, on whose famous point is the village of bolinao. there they had had the first intelligence of the gospel, which the observantine augustinians had tried to communicate to them. but either the ferocity and barbarous customs of the natives, who threatened to kill them, or their great occupation in other more abundant missions, compelled them to abandon that attempt. at the demand of those religious, together with a commission from the governor then in office, don rodrigo de rivero, and the instance of the venerable dean and cabildo, the vice-provincial despatched fathers fray christoval de christo and fray andres del espiritu santo to that conversion. the village was then located on an island, which formed the port of the same point. when the venerable religious entered, the natives would have nothing to do with them; however they did not dare to expel the fathers nor lay hands on them. they supported themselves on certain herbs and roots, which grow naturally and without labor in the forest, necessarily suffering misery and misfortunes. 2. their endurance and suffering made the bolinaos more tractable; they were persuaded that their preaching was true, and that their instruction was important for them. they began to listen to it without aversion, although with curiosity. the efficacy of the word of god penetrated strongly into their hearts. then they conceived a horror of their barbarous customs. thereupon, and because of the continual instruction, they resolved to abandon paganism, and to surrender their necks to the gospel yoke. one thousand six hundred, having been catechised satisfactorily, were baptized. they built a suitable church and a dwelling-house for the father ministers, and the village of bolinao was established in very orderly ways, in matters relating to their common life and to civilization. they have continued happily in their vocation, and i think that it is one of the most solid christian communities in the islands. they are very devout, and their thoughts are without any superstition, while they are most inclined to devotion. thence the fathers extended their zeal to the near-by and dependent communities; all these were most happily subjected. that was largely induced by the religious themselves cutting down a reserved bamboo plantation, and thus removing their foolish fears that he who dared to cut a single bamboo from it would die--but which did not happen to them, as the indians had imagined. by that means they were undeceived in their previous superstitions. 3. the fathers also extended their reductions and conversions to the south of masinloc. they formed the scattered peoples, and the rural settlers of tuguy and paynayan into villages. inasmuch as the pagans and negritos of the immediate forests disturbed those new establishments greatly by making furtive raids on them and killing several people, seizing those who were heedless at night, the superior government determined to establish a small fort in paynayen, with moderate-sized artillery, and a garrison of spanish and pampanga infantry which would maintain in loyalty those newly catechised and reduced, and would shelter them from barbarous hostilities. the expenses for it were to be paid, in order to make raids in the forests, and to intimidate with their arms those people of so fierce customs. the only ones still to be conquered on that long coast were the scattered people of sigayan, about eight leguas north of masinloc. father fray alonso de san augustin, a son of this city of manila, took charge of that undertaking at the order of his vicar-provincial. his diligence was efficacious and most lively. he reduced many of those infidels to the true faith; founded a town with them, which he, with good supervision, established in a commodious site; and established a church and house. he managed and perfected the work with great vigilance and the consolation of his soul. one day when the people were assembled, he preached a fervent sermon, censuring the resistance of some obstinate infidels. some of them were respected and venerated as the greatest chiefs. the sermon mortified them, and they resolved to take satisfaction for the pretended and supposed insult. the bolder of them, on some pretext or other, approached the zealous father, quickly drew a cutting weapon, such as they use, from its sheath, and at the first blow almost decapitated him with it. his hood protected him somewhat, but not so much that he was not grievously wounded. as the wound was given in a dangerous place, its cure was difficult. thus he lived but a short time, sacrificing his life very willingly for the good of those rebellious sheep. after that parricide the new reduction rose in rebellion. the followers of the unjust aggressor burned and destroyed the village, convent, and church, and withdrew to the general asylum and refuge of the woods. some faithful christians remained with the wounded father, whom they carried to masinloc, where his happy death occurred. with what was left, after abandoning that new christianity for the time being, the ministers tried later, as if forgetful of the past insult, to have the reduction returned to its old site. they interested the indians of masinloc, and, partly with mild means and partly with threats, they attained their object--not without great efforts, fears, and hardships. the church, house, and village were rebuilt, and about seven hundred souls were enrolled. that village, after other translations, is the one now called santa cruz, and is dependent on masinloc. 4. those hardships caused those religious to be well received in manila. its citizens became interested in that, without leaving their first foundation of bagumbayan, which was very useful for those suburbs, they should move into a regular convent within the walls of their fortification--which was unavoidable because of the continual disputes with japanese and chinese, and because of the fears caused by the dutch with their fleets. because of the urgency with which all compassionately entreated them, with this security, the father vice-provincial, fray juan de san geronimo, responded gratefully; and, recognizing the strict advisability of it, bought a small house near the artillery foundry which then existed. the governor, then don juan de silva, liberally and willingly facilitated this undertaking with alms, and conceded the site. various oppositions were encountered against that foundation, but they were conquered, although with difficulty, by constancy. the religious passed many days of poverty on that site, being uncomfortable and with scanty subsidies, until the very pious and noble gentleman, don bernardino de el castillo rivera y maldonado, a native of the city of mexico, master-of-camp of the royal regiment, castellan of the fort of santiago, and regidor of the city--moved likewise by the urgent entreaties of his pious wife, doña maria enrriquez de cespedes, who was very strongly inclined towards this religious institute and to their patron, san nicolas de tholentino (by whose intercession she had obtained a son), who had died soon afterward--took charge of the foundation. he erected a handsome building on that site for a church and convent, which was made of hewn stone. he finished it at a personal cost to his estate of more than one hundred thousand pesos. he assigned it suitable revenues in lands, and funds for the necessary repairs and rebuilding--all the more liberally, as he had no necessary heir. 5. in an authentic declaration that he made before the alcalde-in-ordinary of this city, don martin de herrera--received and testified before the notary-public, juan de villa marin--the patron, don bernardino, declares that the impelling motive for undertaking and perfecting the work of church and convent was his great devotion to san nicolas de tolentino, and his having recognized in the discalced augustinian religious, from the time of their arrival in this city, learned, virtuous, and serious men; and the knowledge that they were gathering much fruit in this community and among the natives round about. in their manner of acting, they persuaded men that they were all true servants of god. that had moved him to aid them in their very severe need; and he had taken under his charge convent and church, building them a new edifice from the foundations up. he had bought many pieces of ground for them at excessive prices; in that way and on the work, he had spent a large sum, and he considered it well employed. he declared that he was ready to spend much more, even to the extent of all his wealth, and to be left with only his assigned pay of castellan; for the said recollect religious deserve it by their example and virtue. for the repairs and preservation of the work, he assigned a fitting income from many lands. it is estimated that he spent on and endowed it, in all, with one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, although with obligations to chaplaincies. besides that, he adorned the church, and continually expended money for it. 6. he also had a garden or country-house, called calumpang, because of its location. he made them a present of it, and of a portion of the lands surrounding it, on condition that the said religious found a convent on that site, where some religious could live retired and free from disturbance. the then vice-provincial, fray rodrigo de san miguel, took possession, after obtaining the necessary licenses from the government and from the archbishop. with these was formed a convent of the same house, and a small church was erected under the invocation of st. sebastian, being dedicated to that glorious martyr, a being to whom especial devotion was paid by its founders, who aided its cost with their wealth. the archbishop, then don fray miguel garcia serrano, adjudged [to it] the spiritual administration of the tenants of the lands, to the number of about thirty houses. the minister of sampoloc had a suit pending about those tenants, but as soon as they were adjudged to that new church, they escaped from his demands; and free possession remained to them, which was confirmed by the royal patronage. a beautiful image of our lady of carmel was placed in that church a few years afterward, which was brought from mexico by a mission of those religious. her devotion extended her worship, and her favors made her more famous. the dean of that holy church, don juan velez, given up by the doctors, and already without hope, begged the religious to carry the holy image of carmel to his house. at the entrance of that lady, and the fervent prayer of the dean, he suddenly became well and completely cured. as a thank-offering for so singular a favor, he returned the image to her church, and made her a very solemn feast. he founded with the ordinary authority a confraternity, under the title of carmel, which attained so many members within a short time that the number was more than two thousand, of both sexes. the dean continued the feast every year, but scapularies were not distributed because they had no authority for it, and because they had no members of the carmelite order. [63] therefore those religious had recourse to a competent prelate of the carmelites, who could concede the permission with apostolic privilege--the very reverend father-provincial of andalucia, maestro fray diego de el castillo, granting authority to the prior of the convent of san sebastian in philipinas in order that he, in his person alone, could and might bless the scapularies of his holy order, and distribute them to the faithful who might request them. from the receipt of that despatch, and by means of such a distribution, the confraternity became full to overflowing. the feast could not be held on its appropriate day in july, which is wont to fall in the height of the rainy season. having recourse to the apostolic see, pope clement eleventh erected the confraternity anew, and set its feast for the twenty-first of january, with special concessions of a plenary indulgence weekly, and additional ones during the year on days assigned by the archbishop. those weekly indulgences fall on wednesday, and the others on the four sundays of the month in february, may, july; and the last, on the day of the betrothals. the same pontiff later extended the plenary indulgence of the twenty-first of february to the following week, in order to satisfy the devotion of the innumerable crowd. if those nine days were increased to a fortnight, the crowd would always be numerous. in the nine days are administered from six to seven thousand communions, besides many who commune in other churches. it is the most extensive devotion among spaniards and natives. that devotion had its failings, as is usual among numerous crowds, which have been corrected by the zeal of the superiors. that confraternity has since been established in the city of zebu, and has in the same manner been extended into the bisayan provinces. 7. at length his final illness came to this illustrious benefactor. recognizing it as such, he made his will, in which he instituted as his heir san nicolas de tolentino. he died, and the religious accepted that condition, and the remainder of his property was adjudged to them. he was buried in that church as if in his own house: on his conspicuous tomb was expressed the record that he left by his charitable deeds. in the same tomb the body of his wife was afterward placed. monuments were erected to them, and in a suitable niche were placed worthy memorials of gratitude. since that first church had the misfortune to be ruined by earthquakes, the fathers did not recognize the patronage when they entirely rebuilt the church, regarding their new church as free. 8. the governor, the bishops, and the encomenderos were urgent for those religious to extend their apostolic labors. but they were few and could not attend to those extensions consequently, the vicar-provincial decided to send a religious to españa, to beg king and council for aid for new operations. father fray pedro de san fulgencio, a well known and experienced member of the order, was proposed for that undertaking. he was given for the voyage legitimate authorizations, letters of credit from all the governments, very expressive and liberal, in which the truth and necessity were explained, so that his majesty would kindly concede a suitable number of ministers, who might continue so excellent and important beginnings. that father reached madrid without accident, and found his brethren in mortal anguish and distressing pain, and the reformed branch now breathing its last and almost destroyed. [the outgoing provincial has relaxed the strict rule of the reformed branch. the internal disputes that follow his term are brought to a definite head by paul v's brief, ordering the regular augustinians to take over the convents of the recollects and to absorb that branch. however, the order is saved by the strenuous efforts exerted both in spain and rome.] 15. in such condition was this reformed branch when father fray pedro, procurator of philipinas, reached españa, without province, without authority, and without means for cooperation in his urgent affairs. but his brave spirit did not waver; he was adroit and prompt in the management of papers; and he was presented to the king with a brief memorial referring to his commissions. although his majesty was not then very well inclined to the reform, laying aside those considerations, he paid good heed to the petition, recognizing its justification. he conceded the despatch of thirty religions, whom the procurator could take with him on the first occasion that should present itself, with the usual subsidies. after that so favorable result was obtained, it was considered advisable to go to the court of roma, in order to move the universal head [of the church] to favor the general interest by information of the results obtained in the islands. he obtained audience with the supreme pontiff, paul v, to whom he related the labors of his associates in the benefit of infidel souls. his representation was very well received by the supreme pontiff. the latter conceded him many favors and indulgences for the missionaries engaged in conversions and reductions. in order to aid father fray gregorio [64] in his claims, he was detained a long while. those public interests and the most important affairs of those conquests disappointed private interests. powerful rivals advanced their claims, but the procurator ought not to have abandoned his own affairs. he trusted too much to his prompt and favorable commissions, in whose durability the quickest despatch is not enough; for the agents on the opposing side, availing themselves of his voluntary absence, began to depreciate the mission that had been conceded. they declared that the recollects were not necessary in philipinas; that those who had gone there before were but few and useless. the procurators of the provinces of philipinas--who by having taken the habit were not divested of human passions, for they considered it [_i.e.,_ the recollect mission] as a grievance, instead of being moved by a just and charitable zeal--interested themselves in that report. there was much that had to be tilled and cleared. whole provinces were begging for spiritual aid. but now, since their zeal was mitigated, they were excusing themselves from labors, and were contenting themselves with tranquillity. to say that new missions were necessary, without some of these entering the labors of others, was very apparent to them, and on very superficial considerations reprehensible. their immoderate opposition reached such a point that they declared publicly that they [_i.e.,_ the recollects] were not men who could prove at all useful to the infidels. 16. their procurator, fray pedro, was well able to answer those calumnies (for they were calumnies), and to restrain insinuations so pernicious and prejudicial to the interests with which he was charged; for he had discretion and a spirit for everything. the most effective thing in that was the pressing need of his commissions, and the contents of his credentials. but death, which overtook him at milan on his return trip, prevented those advancements and important efforts; and there was no person to whom to entrust the favorable outcome of his negotiations at roma, nor his papers as procurator, which were the essential part of the negotiation. upon that so unexpected disaster, inasmuch as there was no substitution of powers, nor, as it happened, anyone in whom to substitute them, the above opposition and contradiction had their opportunity--thus disappointing the arrangements of several religious who were already preparing for that voyage, in their anxiety to embark quickly, and assist their associates in the islands, and extend their laborious work. those misfortunes and disturbances were unhappily removed and extended to philipinas. the vice-provincial was notified of paul v's brief, of the extinction of the province, and the submission to the calced religious, who began to make use of violent acts of superiority. although counsel was taken with erudite men regarding that difficulty, yet in view of that so executive brief, they wavered in their opinions. the only thing that militated against the brief was that it was not passed by the royal council. but since it had to do with government and monarchy, it was at least binding on the inner court of the conscience, especially on subjects who had given a special and solemn obedience to the pontiff, in regard to the internal government of their institutes. these so violent disturbances had some rest in the election of provincial in the person of the father maestro, fray miguel garcia serrano. in it the offices of the convents and ministries of the discalced were confirmed to the persons who held them, and in the same manner; all taking care, after the representations of such a prelate, to honor and protect so afflicted a family. 17. those so complicated causes for disquietude saddened extraordinarily the venerable father, vice-provincial fray de san geronimo. he, upon seeing his edifice being destroyed gradually in this manner, and that its ruin was a foregone conclusion by such measures, determined, notwithstanding his age, and the catastrophes that usually happened, to return to españa, in order to solicit and promote the quiet of his reformed branch, and help for the preaching and conservation of the indians, by communicating in person to the catholic king his fortunate beginnings, being confident in the royal and benignant attachment to his person, and his merits. his receipt of certain letters, however, compelled him to cut short the voyage. those letters assured him that the mind of the monarch was made up to appoint him as bishop in one of the vacant sees of these islands. in order that those obligatory despatches might not find him in the islands, and as he found a suitable opportunity, he embarked in a vessel to make his voyage by way of india. that unusual effort also was frustrated, because he was attacked by his last illness on the high sea, at the parallel of ormuz. during it he edified the sailors greatly by his excellent disposition, and his conformity to the divine will, in whose kiss he delivered up his spirit. very sorrowfully they cast him into the sea, the common tomb of sailors who happen to die thus. 18. although few, those reformed religious, condescending at repeated urging, accepted a foundation in the port of cavite. there lived the seamen, who, accustomed to dangers, are also reckless in vices. men of nationalities distinct in religion and sect were wintering there because of the heavy commerce, and through their frequent intercourse their morals were becoming relaxed. 19. he who most urgently requested and sighed for such a foundation was a pious citizen and a good christian, named raphael blanco, chief of the shore or arsenal, and master of the calkers. he offered to help in the establishment with a large ground-plot and property on which he had built some houses, with the necessary condition that it was to be used as a church and convent. he was ready to sign a legal writ of gift, provided that the vicar-provincial bound himself to erect a church on the said ground and site. the parties having come to an agreement, went before the royal audiencia, which was governing, and the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arze, governor of this archipelago. permission was granted, and a church and convent were formed in the best manner, in the houses of raphael blanco, with the aid of various alms, with st. nicolas de tolentino as its titulary. in the beginning of its construction it was of wood; but afterward, the necessary licenses having been granted, it was built of stone. three reredoses adorned the temple. shortly after its foundation its benefit was experienced. the people of the port were most extraordinarily afflicted; they frequently saw various horrifying specters in the air, which gave vent to terrible and formidable cries. those specters took possession of various bodies, which they maltreated in many and cruel ways. some they made raving mad; to some they caused very dangerous illnesses; some took to the mountains in flight; some, going up to the heights, let themselves fall down a precipice. so terrible a persecution put the whole port beside itself. the churches were opened and the august sacrament exposed day and night. the greatest crowd collected in the new convent and church. missions were preached there with spirit and fervor, in which their prior at that time, fray pedro de la madre de dios, excelled. these aroused all to penitence, and there was frequent petition for the holy sacraments. the air was filled with sighing, and the people mortified themselves with fastings and severe penances, in order to placate the divine wrath, so manifest in fearful acts of vengeance. the priests were continually employed in exorcisms against the wicked spirits. cavite resembled an afflicted nineveh. god willed to let the punishment end with threats. the spirits left their obsessions at the command of the ecclesiastical ministers, the horrible apparitions ceased, and their mournful howling was no longer heard. the inhabitants became quiet and were consoled, but did not fail to be very well warned. for they continued constant in the correction and the general reform of morals; and it extended to every kind of people, who were intimidated for a considerable time by such fearful events, and very thankful to their spiritual benefactors. 20. upon hearing of the death of his vice-provincial, father fray rodrigo de san miguel became very eager to make his voyage to españa to solicit new workers. he asked and obtained duplicate despatches from the most prominent and distinguished inhabitants, from the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, from the governor, and from the royal audiencia. all the documents were confirmed by the most illustrious bishops, who said that the discalced augustinians were very observant of their rule in their ministries, very zealous in the conversion of souls, and therefore very advantageous, useful, and even necessary. that would oblige his catholic majesty to concede them the mission that they desired. the orders also confirmed the documents, especially the observantine augustinians, in which they confuted the preceding adverse testimonies. then he embarked with so favorable and extensive despatches; but his voyage was very disagreeable. they suffered a severe storm amid these islands, in which were lost boats that had anchored at manila and cavite. the stormy winds obliged them to sail to japon, from which altitude they continued their course, with constant squalls, until they sighted cape mendocino--whence, coasting the shores of nueva españa, they finally anchored at acapulco, after innumerable terrors and dangers, and after a most distressing voyage of seven months. 21. the father went overland to the north sea, and embarking at vera cruz, continued his course. on the voyage a raging tempest carried them to the coasts and banks of terra nova--[_i.e._, newfoundland]. that deviation from their course made water and food grow scarce, so much so that daily rations of only two ounces of sea-biscuit were dealt out, and the same proportion of water. the ship sprang a leak, and took so much water into the hold that they reached the terceras as by a miracle. there they rested and equipped themselves, in order to finish their voyage to cadiz. thence the father went to madrid, where his requests were listened to kindly, and his despatches conceded to him. in virtue of them, he had already called together twenty religious; and he determined to embark in the fleet that was being sent to the malucas with reënforcements. he could not effect that, because that order had been lost with the obligations expressed in another part. accordingly it was necessary to accommodate himself to the trading-fleet which was being despatched to vera-cruz, although with a small number of missionaries; however, considering the extreme lack of them [in the islands] great relief was furnished even by these. 22. thereupon, and the contentions of the roman court having been favorably determined, because the supreme pontiff had [now] been thoroughly and sufficiently informed, the latter took pains to console those whom he recognized as innocent. he did that by his apostolic brief, in which, with full knowledge of the cause, he explained his former brief and definitive sentence, confirming the concession of clement eighth, in the erection of the province. he restored the title and office of provincial to the same father fray gregorio, confirmed his former patents, and restored everything to its former condition. however, there were certain endurable reservations, by which they could not found more monasteries or receive novices. at the end of the three years' term, the calced provincial was to visit that reformed branch in whose jurisdiction the recollect convents were to be. he conceded them many indulgences, privileges, and favors, by which their minds were calmed, and their desired relief in philipinas obtained. this country was reenforced with thirteen other missionaries, whom the fathers of españa sent officially in charge of their commissary, father fray christoval de san augustin. he reached mexico, whence he could not proceed farther, as death seized him. father fray onofre de la madre de dios took charge of that leadership, with whose arrangement they all arrived safe and sound at manila. they had their frights in meeting some dutch urcas, which followed our ship with a stern wind; and they were about to be captured when the religious invoked in their favor the glorious st. nicolas de tholentino. then, luffing, they were able to escape the dutch. 23. the most illustrious bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arze, was in manila, and requested the reverend father fray rodrigo de san miguel, the vice-provincial at that time, to send religious to zebu to make a foundation in that city. the latter complied with this, by sending father fray juan chrisostomo de la ascencion to take charge of that, in answer to the bishop's venerable and respectful urgency. his excellency conceded to the father a site as his especial property, which had a chapel of our lady of the conception somewhat apart from its center. there the said father established his convent. as his excellency's desires were not that the fathers should live in ease, he immediately assigned to them the administration of the island of maripipi, where there were about six hundred souls. being thus established in bisayas, his same excellency, after consulting the superior government, and his excellency don alonso fajardo acquiescing, charged and intrusted them solemnly with the spiritual administration of the province of caraga in mindanao. that province, although subdued by don juan de silva, and given as an encomienda, had not yet had any ministers--or, at most, a secular chaplain for ministration to the garrison of its fort. it was a difficult undertaking because of the warlike spirit and the ferocity of the caragas, whose chief tenet of religion was the deification or apotheosis of the brave and of the most tyrannical. from so barbarous a maxim one can infer something of their fierce customs. the district was large and caused great labor, for the conquests had to be made through rough and dense forests. their superior assigned eight religious for this task, who, being supplied with the necessary things, arrived without accident at the presidio of tandag. [65] 24. they endeavored to reduce that infidelity with mildness and gentleness. they made those people see their errors, and god lent such force to their persuasions that many were baptized. they procured their conversion through the chiefs, who by their superiority tyrannized over their dependents. one of those chiefs was called ynuc, as renowned for his reputation as feared for his cruelty, by means of which he was absolute along that coast and formidable in the neighboring islands. he hated the spaniards violently, with whom he always refused to make peace or truce, ever preserving for them an implacable hatred. the superior of that mission, father fray juan de la madre de dios, trusting in god, dared to conquer that monster. he left tandag to look for him alone, without any followers. he found him at his _ranchería_. [66] ynuc wondered at the father's audacity in appearing before him without first asking permission. he intended to take satisfaction for what he considered an intolerable insult, but the father talked to him with so much mildness and spirituality, that he not only pardoned his boldness, but also showed pleasure at his salutary advice. they conversed intimately, and ynuc was so pleased with his intercourse that he accepted tolerable treaties of peace with the spaniards of tandag, with whom he opened communication and commerce. he granted a free permit so that the father might preach to his subjects, and so that the father might enter and leave his lands without hindrance, ordering that all give him their help. the father continuing his intercourse with ynuc, the opportunity came, when master of his affections, to treat concerning his conversion, as his example was so important. ynuc did not resist the divine call very strenuously. he disposed himself for catechism, and received baptism amid great solemnity. in that conversion he performed the necessary duty, as a proof [of his sincerity], of sending all the concubines from his house, and marrying the first wife and confirming by the sacraments the natural contract _in faciæ ecclesiæ_. [67] he freed all his slaves, who exceeded two thousand. he issued edicts ordering that all persons who thought themselves aggrieved should come for satisfaction, without any fear; and he made the religious the judges for that, together with the commandant of the fort. they settled all differences equitably, and to the satisfaction of the interested parties, entirely contenting them all with their decrees. 25. that conversion was much bruited throughout the whole province, and to his example many infidels bowed their necks; however, many difficulties yet remained. the missionaries resolved to conquer them, for which they exposed themselves to evident dangers. the superior either did not recognize them as dangers or despised them. he was resting one night in a location called ambagan, not far from tandag. an indian, without other motive than his barbarous inclination, conceived the thought of killing him, and obtained two companions, who aided him with their weapons in his depraved purpose. he climbed into the house boldly, leaving his two companions ready on the ladder. when he tried to enter the apartment where the minister was sleeping, a venerable old man stopped him, who asked him in his native language: "where art thou going, profligate? i am guarding the sleeper, who is my son." the indian, carried away by his headlong wrath, persisted in entering the forbidden apartment. thereupon, the venerable old man raised aloft a golden staff, which he supported in his hand, with which he threatened the indian, who conceived so great a horror of it that in his confusion he was unable to find the ladder by which to descend, although he sought it in various ways. he remained there, miserable and afflicted, all that night, without knowing what was passing, until, the morning having come and the minister having come out of his room, he placed himself before the latter very contritely, and told him what had happened, urging him to make it known. his associates confirmed what referred to them--namely, that becoming tired of waiting at the foot of the ladder, they had retired thence at daybreak, in order not to be discovered, abandoning their associate to his fortune. the father agreed, as did the more judicious, that he whom the indian was declaring by his signs was the great father st. augustine, who miraculously defended his son with the pastoral staff. 26. the infidels came to hold these religious in great veneration when so noteworthy incidents were made known throughout the province, and the gospel obtained great advantages. the errors in which the idolatrous priests were trying to maintain the infidels were dissipated. the priests, seeing their interests waning by the recent conversions, conspired against the fathers' lives several times; but they escaped those dangers by a special and divine providence. several reductions were formed in the province, and in the adjacent island of siargao. the jesuit fathers could not take care of all their enterprises in that island. the reduction of butuan was not assured, with the visits made at long intervals. those visits, being transient, allowed no place for instruction, nor did those people preserve much of their teaching. the bishop of zebu communicating that fact to the superior government, it was agreed that the discalced augustinians should take charge of that administration, with a foundation, as that was important. they accepted it with legal papers, and had much to do on that great and famous river. they ascended its waters even to their source, which is the lake of linao, about fifty leguas in circuit. there they founded a settlement, in order to assure their labors. [68] they coasted the shore to little cagayan, [69] on that excursion taking also into their charge the island of camiguin. farther on they passed through the rancherías of higan and langaran up to the lake of malanao. but the opposition of the jesuits stopped them; for the latter disputed their right to that spiritual progress, to such an extent that they produced controversies in the court. his catholic majesty decided the question by the rights of his royal patronage. he ordered the island of mindanao to be surveyed, and distributed the administration of it between the two contending provinces, granting to that of the recollects [the coast] from the point of sulaban [70] to the cape of san agustin, while the rest remained in charge of the society. thereby were hostile rivalries pacified, which would have produced nothing good had they continued without so powerful arbitration. chapter iv _the augustinian recollects are charged with the administration and conquest of the province of calamianes. geographical and natural description of that province_. 1. the extension of its spiritual progress to the province of calamianes does much honor to the religious recollect family. it was not the effect of a rash temerity; it was a matter of slow and careful deliberation. when once established and determined, resolution free from terrible doubts was necessary to undertake it. "not only is fear not a cause for surety," said the emperor leo [71] in his tactics, "but it is also most adverse for good strategies; since in difficult undertakings it is necessary to consult god, and, assured in one's inmost beliefs, to attack without trepidation of spirit. the best good of expeditions (especially military), if they are difficult, consists in discovering thoroughly the condition of the enemy, the number and quality of their troops, and their enterprise in military discipline. with that keen knowledge, the captain prepares his assaults, and plans his sudden counter strategies." in the present conversion, maxims so prudent were very suitable--in which, prepared by the spiritual food of faith, hope, and charity, they made manifest the mystery of the ineffable trinity, and subdued the infidels to the sacrament of holy baptism. it was a difficult thing, and one that exceeds human strength; but obeying god, attacks become spirited. by his help one can soothe difficulties, explain intricate mysteries, and resolve everything easily. after having consulted that superior oracle, accompanied solely by his armor-bearer, one can attack whole armies, rout them, and throw them into a general confusion and consternation; and it is the enemy's own weapons that wound and disperse them. 2. the archipelago of calamianes consists of an infinity and indeterminate number of islands, large and small, and most of them very fertile. [72] those best known and best supplied with the products of commerce which might make them rich are [here] set down. but their lack of attention [to these products] reduces the natives to a wretched and unhappy state. the first island, and that which is first encountered from the course of mindoro, about fifty leguas across from luban, is calamian the great, which gives name to the whole province. it is commonly called busuagan, taking that name from a principal village or settlement. it is a large and pleasant island in the form of an oblong, eight long leguas in length and about four wide. its rivers are of great volume; there are sufficient mountains; and from that nature [of the land], there is an abundant yield of wax of superior quality, which is produced naturally, and without [human] labor, by the vast multitude of industrious bees. the only work in it is the gathering of the honeycomb in its season (which is very securely fastened in the large, high, and leafy branches of the trees), by the sole effort of making fires with thick smoke, which compels those little animals, which defend their property at the cost of their lives, to flee in confusion. 3. a more profitable product is the nest made by certain small black birds, which are mistakenly called swallows. the material of which the nest is made, in order to lay and hatch their eggs, is yet unknown. it is regarded as sure that its manufacture takes place in the breast or crop, whence issues a long filament. those filaments stick together because of their viscous nature, and at their extremities adhere to the rock. those nests are usually located in very overhanging and rough places, in such a way that the continual rains do not unfasten or destroy them, although the birds always endeavor to place them under shelter. the shape of the nest is similar to that of the regular swallow, although smaller. it is known that that filament is produced with difficulty. it is like fine vermicelli, which is sometimes accompanied with drops of blood. it is white and somewhat transparent, like ice. it is prepared in various ways, but a soup resembling that of vermicelli, but of better taste, and incomparably more nourishing, is made with the broth from a substantial olio, or stew. it is very useful for those who suffer from evacuations and dysentery; it corrects those ailments and is good as a mild and dissolvent food. the chinese esteem it highly, and generally pay, according to its scarcity or abundance, eight, nine, and sixteen pesos per cate, which contains twenty-one onzas. they are very difficult to gather, for the birds always build them in craggy locations, in whose tortuous and precipitous caverns they are only obtained by descending a rope. some are obtained by climbing up bamboos, finding a rest for the feet on the knots, which are left with large projections for that purpose. so dangerous evolutions cost even broken arms and legs, and sometimes even cause death. the taking of the nests is repeated three times during the calm months of the year. the latter part of december, those to whom are assigned crags--in which it is not right for one to meddle with those of another, a rule that is observed with much fidelity--go out. they gather the old nests, which are sufficiently blackened by the preceding rains; however, they do not lose much of their nourishment. thus do they force the little bird to make a new nest, as it cannot make use of the old one for breeding. as the desire to breed is excited by its nature, the industrious little bird strives to build its nest before breeding. all the month of january is spent in its costly labors. the destroyers come and tear them down. sometimes they are found with eggs, and sometimes even imperfect; but nothing restrains their greed, and they tear down all indifferently. the disconsolate birds again begin to build their nest, and at the end of february or the beginning of march the indians repeat their robbery. the saddened bird, forced to build its shelter at the behest of nature in the multiplication of the species repeats its anxious labors. either because there is not enough material for so many labors, or because the season has passed in their periods, the bird does not possess the same inclination in its formation; the nest is finished later, and is less juicy, as experience has shown, for at that time the rainy season generally sets in. that, and the moros who infest these seas cause the harvest of nests involuntarily to be abandoned. however, if the above circumstances do not prevent, the third excursion is not lacking. all the crags are not accessible, and where those furtive assaults cannot be made, the number of those industrious little birds is prodigious." [73] 4. the beaches are protracted into very extensive shoals and reefs. there the excellent balate is very abundant. this is a shellfish, [74] which when cooked and dried in the smoke is preserved dry. this product is highly relished by the chinese or sangleys. they lade as much as possible into their boats, paying thirty and even thirty-eight pesos per pico (which is equivalent to five arrobas twelve and one-half libras), according to the season. the flesh is very wholesome, and tastes like shrimp. the fisheries of fine-shelled turtles are also abundant, and they also form a conspicuous product. some of the shells have markings as deep red as a fine garnet; and the four principal shells are of an extraordinary size. from the shells are made very neat boxes, trays, and other pretty things. they are given a jasper finish, which makes their colors shine out strongly. the island has abundance of deer, wild boars, and wild hogs, and monkeys and birds of singular rarity. there are many pagans of good appearance and better disposition. the frequent raids of the moros hold that most fertile island in the greatest abandonment. a narrow channel separates the island of coron [75] from it. the latter is a rocky crag about three leguas in circumference. the only entrance to it is by a narrow tongue of land, which forms, as it were, a small port. but it is so easy of defense that a few men can prevent any entrance there without danger. because of the strength and independence of its location many natives of savage inclination, and most warlike, live there. calamian the little follows, where the capital is at present located. [76] there is a fort there, well armed. the men in their capacity as soldiers, with their corresponding officers, defend from the natives. it is also fertile in the same products, although less abundantly than calamian the great, but it is so overrun with rats or moles that no seed plant can live, for they destroy everything. the natives are forced to engage in the trade of jars and salt, although they are much interested in the nest business, and in that of wax; the one being their own occupation and the other the exchange. 5. passing without comment other innumerable islands, comes the famous one of paragua, [77] about eighty leguas long and from ten to twenty in its greatest width. it is a rich and fertile island. besides the common articles of commerce, such as wax (of which the harvest is more abundant than in any other district), nests, fine shell, and balate, it has various fisheries for fine pearls of beautiful luster, some of them found at a depth of three or four brazas. shells, or _madres abiertas_, of excellent mother-of-pearl, of various beautiful colors, are found on its coasts. the matrix-shell of these pearls has been seen of one and one-half ordinary palmos in length and almost one palmo in its narrowest part--whose pearl could not be obtained, because the valve opened on drawing it from the sea, and the sensitive fleshy part that contained the pearl fell into the water. according to its appearance, it must have contained pearls of many grains and carats in size. the island has various exquisite and useful woods which distil special gums. there is one which is an effective remedy for cancers; it is so powerful a caustic that it burns out the cancer even when it is deep, although the wounds caused by its burning are dangerous. however, those wounds have their suitable remedy. there is a quantity of nutmeg of two varieties--the long and the round. the latter is valued more because it is more fragrant. it is easily destroyed by grubs, because the precautions useful for its preservation are unknown. there are bejucos or indian canes for walking-sticks, with their branches as much as five and one-half palmos long; they are of better luster and of greater toughness than are those gathered by the dutch in the islands of the sonda. i am sure that camphor would be found, if one looked for it, just as good as that of borney; for the resemblance of paragua's productions to those of that great island is very marked, and the latter is not very far from its southern point. 6. there are but few quadrupeds [78] that are not found in the other islands: porcupines, armadillos, _tezones_, leopards, _colcobos_, and certain very beautiful foxes, but of the same species as the stink-foxes of peru, and very pestilent. they come to the houses in their greed for fowls, among which they cause considerable havoc. but whether it is due to their urine or some other posterior evacuation, such is their stench that is necessary to abandon the house for a time, as it is unendurable. there are many and rare birds. royal peacocks are very common; they are but slightly larger than a hen, though without any difference from the large peacocks of india in the vividness of their colors. several efforts have been made to domesticate them, but in vain; they become greatly depressed, and soon die. there are nightingales that sing harmoniously near the coolness of the small streamlets, repeating their melodious trills, and gifted with most nimble throats. there are many varieties of parrots of brilliant colors; green, white, and vari-colored pigeons; squirrels or _paniquesas_, of several distinct species--some are white with a black ring which sets them off well; there are some with wings and some with membranes that facilitate their flight, although that is but short. it is known that the land is one continuous mineral district. extensions of pure iron jut from the shores laid bare by the breaking of the waves, as rocky shoals. there are others of vitriol or verdigris, in very rich veins. it must be that the centers of the mountains are like this. the island abounds in exquisite and healthful waters, now in the springs, now in the large rivers--so many in number that sixty-seven are counted from catbuli to the bay of ypolote, on the side and coast of the east. numerous tribes live there. in the roughest locations the aetas or black cimarrones are gathered. along the rivers and level farm lands the natives are of a lighter complexion, and less ugly in feature. this island is peculiar in what we have already mentioned, namely, that earthquakes are not experienced there. but there are stormy clouds that emit vivid lightnings and terrifying thunder. but we have not heard that the fury of the thunderbolts is in those clouds, or results from them, for the inhabitants of paragua have experienced none of those ravages. consequently, they do not have any words or terms peculiar to their language, for these or for earthquakes, which is a very convincing proof.... 7. the coasts, bays, and rivers of that large island abound plentifully in divers and savory fish. in the bay of malampaya, opposite taytay, in the same district as manila, although with a clear and deep bottom, there are many islands, which beautify the bay with their foliage. a vast multitude of vicudas enter the great rivers at the spawning season--a fine cod-fish that differs in no wise from that of terranova [_i.e.,_ newfoundland], and when fresh they are of delicious taste. the indians catch them (although with danger from the moros), and without other appliances than certain hooks, and as many as they wish. for lack of salt, they smoke-dry them, which always leaves an unpleasant taste, and the fish spoil easily. paragua has its own near-by islands scattered along its coast, some of which are inhabited by pigeons, various species of parrots, peacocks, and aquatic birds; others in which sailors get as many eggs and squabs, or the young of such birds, as they wish. the largest and most fertile [of these islands] is that of dumaran, which is separated from paragua by a narrow strait. it is a fertile island, in which there is a most abundant harvest of rice, which as a general rule yields more than a hundred-fold. 8. the island of alutaya belongs to that province. it is a rocky and arid land. however, it has plenty of domestic and useful animals, [the rearing of which forms], the careful industry of its natives. it is about thirty leguas across the open sea from the islands of calamianes. about six leguas away is the island of cuyo, which is small, being about three leguas in circuit, and low, but very fertile. it contains whatever is fitting and desirable for the sustenance of human life. its natives, being for the most part descendants of sangleys, are industrious and shrewd in trade. in exchange for the edible and potable products of their island, and the textiles of yloylo, and tobacco, they lade fine products in calamianes, an exchange that causes anger to the alcaldes-mayor. the latter endeavor to prevent that trade, which injures their interests; but those people by their shrewdness deceive them easily, and frustrate the efforts of the alcaldes. the natives were on the whole very savage, and had even more barbarous customs and greater stupidity than the inhabitants of the other islands. they have a knowledge of herbs. in paragua especially, there are some very poisonous ones. they use them to bewitch their fellows and deprive them of life. there is one of so uncommon deadliness, that if it be chewed in the mouth, and if the exhalations from it be directed in a gentle current toward any person whom it is wished to destroy, his life is quickly taken away. i heard that from some who have intercourse with the negroes of dapit, who know more about it and use it mere easily. the way to overcome those fatal effects is to carry the effective remedy with one--another herb or root. thus the evil breath loses all its force, and the [aforesaid] herb or root is a sure antidote for its deadliness. 9. this recollect province set itself to conquer those savage monsters. they had but little religion, and that an idolatry so barbarous and stupid that no light of reason was visible in it. their knowledge of the first cause was very erroneous and confused. they admitted another life, but through certain very confused transmigrations. they revered their dead greatly, for they prepared food for their resting-places. they had certain little idols--one who presided over the fields, one over wars, one over illnesses--and they offered ridiculous sacrifices to all. they revered the moon greatly, as the mistress of death, and celebrated their funeral rites only at the full moon. their priests had high honor among them, and still more the priestesses, who arrogated despotic power to themselves. they had no civil body, but were scattered, and had communication only in their families. they were timid and cowardly, and avenged their grievances only by treachery. five religious were assigned for that difficult undertaking, their director and superior being father fray juan de santo thomas, a missionary of proved spirit and a man of resolute mind. they left manila provided with the necessary supplies. they put in first at the island of cuyo, whose natives, being of excellent disposition, were hoping to have spaniards in their island--although this was against the will of their priests, who were losing their profits (which their offices made easy) by admitting them. the missionaries were received with affection by the others, who had no such interests. they first reduced those people to a social life and united them, settling quarrels among the families, and forming a goodly village; and, urging their obligation, they built a church and house. they continued gently to insinuate themselves in the natives' hearts and succeeded in reducing them to the bosom of the catholic church. thence they went to alutaya. they preached the gospel, and, in the same manner, established a town, church, and house, for the people received the instruction with docility. 10. after those so fortunate beginnings, they determined to send two of the said religious and one lay brother to paragua. they entered the bay of taytay, where they experienced greater resistance. the people were opposed to living congregated in one settlement, and that was the gravest hindrance; but the fathers were able to attain in part, by dint of patience and constancy. the greatest annoyance arose from the moros, who infested those coasts, and the natives were unwilling to expose themselves to their injuries by establishing themselves on the beach. the religious hoped that the spaniards would defend them with their arms, and that with their reduction they would become established there. by that method and other effective efforts they attained the erection of a large village. thence the religious informed the superior government of their progress, and that for its continuation and the defense of the natives--both those already reduced, and those whom they expected to reduce--the construction of a fort was necessary for the reduction of the island of paragua, in which a spanish garrison might be stationed. by that means the reduction of all that large island was certain. accordingly, that determination was taken in a meeting of the royal treasury tribunal; and two companies were detached for the garrison, one spanish and the other pampanga. the title and pay of royal chaplain was given and conceded to the minister of that village. the fort mounted on its ramparts some excellent artillery. the conquests were carried farther along that coast, and inland. the spaniards were also received, and without any repugnance the natives accommodated themselves to the fitting homage, even the infidels recognizing the tribute. villages were established on the river of barbacan, aborlan, and as far as ypolote. they also reduced the island of dumaran, and spread to the calamianes islands, where they founded reductions in linacapan, culiong, or calamian the lesser, and in the greater [oalamian] at busuagan. to the above, which they regarded as capitals, they added other near-by villages; and as their ministrations spread so extraordinarily, it became necessary for a greater number of religious to go there. that was made possible by the second arrival from españa of father fray rodrigo de san miguel, [79] who had been sent to make various efforts in their interests, and who returned with eight religious. bibliographical data the principal document in this volume, "early recollect missions in the philippines," is compiled from the following works: 1. _historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de san avgvstin_, by fray andrés de san nicolas (madrid, 1664), pp. 396-510. 2. _historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de s. augustin_, by fray luis de jesús (madrid, 1681), pp. 1-61. (this work is a continuation of the preceding one.) 3. _historia general de philipinas_, by fray juan de la concepción (manila, 1788), tomo iv, pp. 189-265, and v, pp. 32-100. the following documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 4. _seminary for japanese missionaries_,--"simancas-secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del governador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." 5. _extract from serrano's letter_.--"simancas--eclesiástico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de manila vistos en el consejo; año de 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." 6. _royal orders regarding the religious_.--"audiencia de filipinas; registro de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." the second part of this document, however, is obtained from the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid: "tomo 40, fol. 26, verso, n°. 38." the following document is taken from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library): 7. _conflict between civil and religious authorities_.--in vol. i, pp. 515-523. the following document is found in pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_ (barcelona, 1904): 8. _ecclesiastical affairs in the philippines_.--in tomo iii, pp. 674-697. notes [1] translated from pastells's _colin_, iii, pp. 674-677. the original is conserved in archivo general de indias, with the following pressmark: "registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidos a las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la audiencia; 1568-1808; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11, libro 1, folio 233, verso, part 2." [2] thus in pastells's text (p. 690); but it is apparently a misprint for june 22, 1622, the date of serrano's act. [3] throughout this document, the matter contained in brackets is editorial comment by rev. pablo pastells, s.j., who has published the present document in the appendix to the third volume of his edition of colin's _labor evangélica_ (barcelona, 1904), _ut supra_. [4] the passage of the council of trent referred to above reads as follows: "in monasteries, whether the houses of men or of women, with which the care of the souls of secular persons is connected, all persons--excepting those who belong to their monasteries, or who are servants of those places--both secular and religious, who exercise that care after this manner, shall be immediately subject in those things which pertain to the said care and administration of sacraments, to the jurisdiction, visit, and correction of the bishop in whose diocese they are located. neither shall any there, even those removable at will [_ad nutum amovibilis_], be considered unless by the consent of that bishop, and by the latter's previous examination, made personally or by his vicar; excepting the monastery of cluny and its boundaries, and also excepting those monasteries or places in which abbots, generals, or the heads of the orders establish their ordinary and chief residence, and other monasteries or houses in which abbots, or other superiors of the regulars, exercise episcopal or temporal jurisdiction in parish churches and parishes; excepting likewise from the right of those bishops even persons who exercise greater jurisdiction in the said places." see the original reading in pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, appendix, p. 677. [5] see the above bull in this series, _vol_. iv, pp. 119-124. [6] see the last two decrees here mentioned, later in this document. the first decree--the original of which is preserved in the archivo general de indias, in "cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567-1699; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 10"--which we translate, as well as all the above document, from pastells's edition of colin's _labor evangélica_, iii, pp. 682, 683, is as follows: "the king: very reverend father in christ, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of mexico of nueva españa; reverend fathers in christ, bishops of my council, venerable deans, dignidades, canons, and other persons, who are assembled in the provincial council which is held in the city of mexico. you have already been informed by my decree--of which duplicates signed by my hand were sent out, directed to all the prelates of the churches of the yndias--dated december six, of the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-three, that i ordered you all, and each of you in particular, that if you have clerics who are suitable and competent, you shall appoint them to benefices, curacies, and missions, in preference to the friars of the mendicant orders, who hold them at present--observing, in the said appointment, the order that is mentioned in the title of my patronship, as is more minutely set forth in the said decrees, the tenor of which, being precisely the same as that of the one sent to you, the above-mentioned archbishop, is as follows: "the king: very reverend father in christ, archbishop of the metropolitan church of the city of mexico of nueva españa, and member of our council: already you know that, in accordance with the ordinances and established rules of the holy catholic church, and with the ancient custom received and observed in christendom, the jurisdiction of the holy sacraments in the curacies of the parishes of the churches belongs to the seculars, they being aided as assistants in preaching and confessing by the religious of the orders; and that if missions and curacies have been entrusted to religious of the mendicant orders in those regions by apostolic concession, it was because of the lack that was experienced of the said lay priests, and the convenience that was found in the said religious for busying themselves in the conversion, instruction, and teaching of the natives, with the example and profit that is required. now granting that this was the object aimed at in that arrangement, and that the effect has been greatly in accordance with the efforts made for it, and that they have obtained so much fruit through their apostolic lives and holy perseverance, and that so great a multitude of souls have come to the knowledge of our lord through his favor and aid by means of their teaching: still, inasmuch as it is advisable to bring back this matter to its beginning, and that, in so far as is possible, what pertains to the said curacies of parishes and missions be restored to the common and received use of the church, so that there may be no defect in that of the indians, i request and charge you that now and henceforth, if you have suitable and competent clergy, you appoint them to the said curacies, missions, and benefices, preferring them to the friars, and observing in the said appointments the order that is mentioned in the title of our patronship. as long as there are not all the seculars necessary for the said missions and benefices, you shall divide those which are left over, equally, among the orders in those provinces, so that there may be some of all the orders, to the end that each order may labor according to its obligation, striving to excel in so holy and apostolic an enterprise. and you shall watch above all, as a good shepherd, so that your subordinates live with great watchfulness, relieving our conscience and your own, so that the results that are desirable be obtained among those natives. madrid, december six, 1583. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de eraso_ "certain religious of the above-mentioned orders having come from those provinces and from others of the yndias, and having related the many annoyances that have followed and that might follow from the observance and fulfilment of the said decree, i ordered some of the members of my council and other persons of great learning, prudence, and intelligence to assemble. they having examined the indults, briefs, and concessions of the supreme pontiffs, and the other papers that are filed in the secretary's office of my council of the indias, in regard to this matter of the missions--as well as the informations, letters, relations, and opinions that have been given, sent, and brought from all parts but lately, and upon the occasion of this decree, both by the religious and by the prelates and clergy--have given me their opinion. considering that it was proper, in order to come to a resolution and decision in a matter of so great moment and importance, and commencing with what is of greatest importance--namely, to commend it to god our lord, whom you all, as is done here, are to entreat very urgently to guide and direct it as may be most to his service, the proper spiritual government of those kingdoms, the welfare of the souls of the inhabitants and natives therein, and the propagation of the holy gospel: i have determined to await a more detailed relation of what may appear from these new documents, and the general consensus of opinion in all classes, so that after examining them all (since we all must aid for one and the same purpose, and the result must be for the welfare of all, and particularly for mine, for the fulfilment of the great obligation under which our lord, besides the many benefits which i continually receive from his blessed hand, has placed me by adding thereto so great kingdoms and seigniories, where so great a multitude of souls have come to his true knowledge, and where they will continue to come daily, by the help of his grace which illumines them, so that they may leave their blindness) the best conclusion may be reached. accordingly, i request and charge you that, having assembled and congregated in that holy council, you discuss and confer over what pertains to this matter. you shall send me a very minute relation of the measures that you shall deem it advisable to take in each province and bishopric by itself, and for all in general, in regard to the execution of the said decree. you shall say what missions are in possession of the religious and those in charge of the seculars, and in what villages and vicinity these are, and all the other things concerning it that you think to be necessary for the sake of greater clearness; so that, having examined the said relations and the others that are awaited, and the papers that are here, and holding consultation with my council of the indias, as well as with the other persons whom i shall appoint for this purpose, i may take the most advisable measures. while that is being done and determined, you shall suspend (as i now for the time being do suspend), and i shall consider as suspended, the execution of the decree herein inserted. "all, and each one by himself, if they are in your dioceses, shall leave the said missions freely and quietly to the said orders and religious, so that those who have held, hold, and shall hold them, may hold them as hitherto, without making any innovation, or changing the manner of filling those missions or appointing the religious to them. "each of you personally, in his own district, without entrusting it to any other person, shall visit the churches of the missions where the said religious shall be established, and inspect the most holy sacraments and the baptismal fonts in them, the buildings of the said churches, the alms given for them, and all the other things pertaining to such churches and the services of divine worship. you shall also visit and fraternally correct the religious established in the said missions, in regard to curacies, and shall take special care to consider the honor and good fame of such religious in irregular acts that may be hidden; and when more than this should be necessary or advisable you shall inform their prelates, so that these may punish them. if the latter do not inflict punishment, you shall do so, each one of you, in accordance with the ordinance of the holy council of trent, after the period of time mentioned in it is passed. and inasmuch as it is not advisable that a matter that is so important as is the care of souls--and, further, those souls that are so new in the faith--be at the will of the religious who shall be established in the said missions, curacies, and benefices, they must understand, both superiors and members [of the orders] that they are to hold the office of cura _non ex voto charitatis_, as is said, but by justice and obligation, administering the holy sacraments, not only to the indians, but also to the spaniards who may be found living among them--to the indians by virtue of the above-mentioned apostolic indults, and to the spaniards by commission from the prelates. for that each of you shall give, in his own district, and to me, a very specific account of how the religious, on their part, observe what pertains to them of this--which they are to perform exactly and according to their obligation--together with what, in your opinion, they may do to aid you in fulfilling your pastoral duties, in which you shall consider the safety of the souls in your charge, for whom you must give so strict an account to god our lord. barcelona, june first, one thousand five hundred and eighty-five. _i the king_ by order of his majesty: _antonio de erasso_" [7] referring to his _nova collectio et compilatio privilegiorum apostolicorum regularium_ (turnoni, 1609). [8] gregory xiv, in his brief _cum sicuti nuper accepimus_, after approving the first diocesan council (convened in manila by bishop salazar), and the reservation of cases that the bishop should make with the advice of the said council, imposes on him the visitation of his flock and of the religious who administer it, forbidding any religious to go out for the conquest of unpacified infidels without the express command of their regular superior and the license of the bishop in writing. the extract to this effect is as follows: "and lest the rules and resolutions made for the said bishop [_i.e._, of manila], and the religious and missionaries assembled in the same place, for the happy progress of the christians newly converted to the faith, should be infringed by them for their own special pleasure, profit, or inclination, we will and decree by our apostolic authority that those things that shall have been ordained and commanded by that congregation, by the votes of the majority, for the protection of the christian faith or for the salvation of souls for the thorough conversion of those converted indians, be steadfastly and rigorously observed, as long and so far as that congregation shall ordain and command it. "moreover, whenever that bishop, at the advice of the said congregation, shall have reserved any case for himself, according to what shall have appeared expedient for the nature of the times, persons, and affairs, no secular priest nor a member of any religious order or congregation shall, under pretext of any privilege or indult (even though apostolic), excepting the bishop himself, or by his express license and command, be authorized, or dare or presume to grant absolution in any manner in cases so reserved, during the said reservation, under penalty of being suspended from the ministry of the mass and from the confession of the faithful, incurring that penalty by the very act. "moreover, we enjoin and order that bishop that, since it is the special duty of the bishop to minister to his own sheep and to visit them in person, he shall visit the flock entrusted to him, the religious of the christian instruction, and those missions, in his own person or in that of his vicar-general in spiritual things, or at least in the persons of other very grave men, and not at all by simple and unskilled clergy, ignorant of letters, and of no judgment. "and inasmuch as some of the inhabitants of those islands, and members of the above-mentioned orders, eager to see new things, and wandering or passing from one district to another, abandon those newly converted and baptized; and inasmuch as such persons cause the latter at times to revert to idolatry, which is greatly to be deplored; and inasmuch as many others who otherwise would acknowledge the faith and accede to baptism neglect it on account of the lack of ministers, or remain in infidelity; and inasmuch as the religious themselves, ignorant even of the languages of those districts, are despised, to the shame of their orders, and render more difficult the conversion of the indians: we, desirous of checking this evil by an opportune remedy, strictly forbid and prohibit all and singular, of whatever religious order, and all others whomsoever who are engaged in the conversion of the infidels and the teaching of christian doctrine, under penalty of excommunication, not to dare or presume to go from a pacified to an unpacified land, except by the express license and command of their bishop and of the religious superiors, given in writing. given at rome, at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, april xviii, mdxci, in the first year of our pontificate." see pastells's _colin, ut supra_, iii, p. 679. [9] tomo i of his _questiones regulares et canonicæ_ was published at salamanca in 1598; another edition, in four volumes, was issued some years later. [10] probably contained in his _epitome, o compendio de la suma_ (madrid, 1610). [11] see the bulls concerning the indias granted by alexander vi, in _vol_. i of this series, pp. 97-114. the bull here referred to is the _inter cætera_ of may 4, 1493. [12] this bull was dated may 9, 1522, and begins _omnimodo exponi nobis_; it grants authority to the friars of the mendicant orders to go to the indias, after securing permission from their king or from his royal council. see pastells's _colin, ut supra_, iii, p. 677. [13] see this decree _ante_, note 6. [14] the original of this decree is in the archivo general of sevilla, "cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años 1567-99; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 10." [15] the two decrees here mentioned (see pastells's _colin, ut supra_, iii, pp. 684, 685)--the originals of which are conserved in archivo general de indias, having the same pressmark as that in the preceding note--are respectively as follows: "the king: to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila, of the philipinas islands. certain prelates of those regions have written to me that many religious who are appointed to the missions of indians which are in charge of the orders do not have the competency and qualities that are required for the office of cura, which they fill; that they do not know the language of those whom they have to instruct; and that the archbishops and bishops cannot remedy this, because the religious do not come before them to be examined. and in the visits that the former make, the latter claim to be exempt from their jurisdiction, even in regard to curacies, saying that they have an indult for it; neither can their superiors remedy it. inasmuch as it is a matter of so great consideration, i have now ordained that, in so great conformity with what is decreed and ordained, the said archbishops and bishops shall not allow any religious to enter to perform or exercise the duties of cura in the missions which are in their charge, without first being examined and approved by the prelate of that diocese, both in regard to his competency and in the language, in order to exercise the duty of cura and to administer the sacraments to the indians of their missions, as well as to the spaniards who may be there; that, if in the visits that the said prelates make to them in regard to curacies, any of the said religious missionaries should be found without the ability, qualifications, and example that are requisite, and who do not know sufficiently the language of the indians whom they instruct, such religious shall be removed and their superiors advised, so that the latter may appoint others who have the necessary qualifications, in which they are to be examined; and that, if any indult or bull of his holiness is presented to them exempting the said religious from this, they shall advise you, so that you may do your duty. and inasmuch as it is advisable that that be observed, executed, and obeyed, i charge you that you give the said prelates in that district the encouragement, protection, and aid necessary for this; and that you do not permit or allow religious to be admitted into the missions in any other way. you shall advise me of what you shall do. given in san lorenço, november fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_" "the king. very reverend father in christ, archbishop of the city of manila of the philipinas islands, and member of my council: you will see by my decree of the same date as this, which this accompanies, what i have resolved and ordered in regard to the examination of the religious who shall exercise duties as curas in the district of that archbishopric--which is not discussed here in regard to seculars, as it is a settled and fixed matter. and inasmuch as it is advisable for the relief of my conscience, and that of yours, that that decree be fulfilled and obeyed carefully, i charge you that you do so; and if any indult or brief from his holiness be presented to you, in behalf of the orders, exempting them from this, you shall advise my royal audiencias, so that they may do their duty, and my fiscal shall plead what is suitable. you shall advise me of what you shall do in everything. san lorenzo, november fourteen, one thousand six hundred and three. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan de ybarra_." [16] the following decree was given by the king prohibiting certain practices of the regulars: "the king. to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila of the philipinas islands: i have been informed that the religious who reside in those regions have the custom of assigning at times indian villages for the celebration of their chapter meetings, from which, besides the annoyances and wrongs that the indians receive, it happens that the audiencias and governors are unable to apply the remedy for certain things that occur in the said chapter meetings, and that require despatch. and inasmuch as it has been considered that that is a cause for trouble, it has been deemed advisable to prevent it by ordering--as i do order and command by this present--that now and henceforth, chapter meetings of the religious be not celebrated in indian villages; and that if there be reasons obliging the meeting to be celebrated at any time in any such village, those reasons be communicated to you, both the president and the audiencia, and that your order and permission be obtained. such is my will. given in valladolid, june thirteen, one thousand six hundred and fifteen. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _juan ruiz de contreras_" this decree is translated from pastells's colin, _ut supra_, p. 685; its original is conserved in the archivo general of sevilla, its pressmark, "registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidos á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597-1804; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1, lib. 1, vol. 64." [17] the passage of the brief referred to above, is as follows: "we, therefore, who gladly favor the increase of divine worship and the salvation of souls, especially since we have been petitioned by each of the catholic kings, giving assent to them petitioning after this manner, do, by virtue of our apostolic authority, concede and grant license and authority, by the tenor of these presents, to all and singular, the religious of any, even the mendicant orders, living in monasteries of their orders in the said regions of the indias (of the ocean sea), or outside of them, by the consent of their superiors, so that they may freely and legally use the license obtained from their superiors, as is declared in their provincial chapters, to exercise the office of parish priest in the villages of those regions, such office having been and being assigned to them by a similar license, in the celebration of marriages and in the administration of the ecclesiastical sacraments, as has been their wont hitherto (provided that they observe the form of the said council in other ceremonies); and to preach the word of god and hear confessions, as is declared, so long as those religious know the languages of those districts; and no other permission of the ordinaries of those places, or of any other persons, shall be necessary. and moreover, by the same authority and tenor, we decree and ordain that the said bishop shall make no innovation in the places of those regions where there are monasteries of religious who exercise the care of souls. so likewise [we decree and ordain] that it must be resolved and determined by any judges and commissaries, who exercise any authority whatever, delegated to them or to any one of them, to him determining and interpreting otherwise by virtue of any authority whatever; and we declare null and void whatever else shall be attempted in regard to these things, by anyone under any authority whatever.... given at rome, at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, march 23, 1567." see pastells's _colin, ut supra_, iii, p. 678. [18] the passage referred to above, which we translate from the original bull as given in pastells's _colin, ut supra_, p. 678, is as follows: "since, therefore, our predecessor pope pius v of happy memory, after hearing of the troubles which were said to have been inflicted on the friars of the mendicant orders by the ordinaries of the places and the rectors of ecclesiastical parishes in many ways, in regard to ... the care of souls and the administration of the sacraments ... not only decreed many things differently in certain of his letters to the said friars, but even those things that were recently decreed in regard to these things in the council of trent, ... we ... decree and ordain concerning the said and concerning all other letters and regulations which emanated in any manner from the same predecessor concerning those matters to any orders and congregations of any regulars, including the mendicants, and concerning all and whatever is contained therein, that that regulation and decision, which was legal before the declaration of the said letters and regulations, whether by the ancient law, or by the holy decrees of the said council, or in any other way, be regarded as having force hereafter, and which they would have, had not those letters and regulations emanated, to which regulation and decision and to their former undiminished condition and limitation, we reduce them all.... given at rome, at st. peter's, in the year of the incarnation of our lord, 1572 [_sic_] on the kalends of march." [19] _monitoria_: summons issued by an ecclesiastical judge to command the personal appearance and deposition of a witness. [20] the original of this letter is conserved in the archivo general of sevilla; its pressmark, "cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de manila; años 1579-1697; est. 68, caj. i, leg. 32." [21] this document is obtained from pastells's _colin_, iii, pp. 685, 686. the original decree is conserved in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; its pressmark the same as that indicated in note 14, _ante_. [22] juan de bueras was born in the mountains of burgos. he went to the american missions after having taught moral theology at toledo. he was provincial of the philippines in 1627. later he became visitor of the provinces of new spain and mexico, dying at mexico, february 19, 1646. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [23] see _vol_. iv, p. 222. [24] following is a translation of the title page of this work, a facsimile of which is here presented: "general history of the discalced religious of the order of the hermits of the great father and doctor of the church, st. augustine, of the congregation of españa and of the indias. to his catholic majesty our sovereign felipe fourth. by father fray andres de san nicolas, son of the same congregation, its chronicler, and rector of the college of alcalá de henàres. volume first. from the year m.d.lxxxviii. to that of m.dc.xx. divided into three decades. with privilege. in madrid. printed by andres de la iglesia. year m.dc.lxiv." [25] fray juan de san jerónimo was born at malagón, spain; he became a priest, and when already in middle life entered the discalced augustinian order at talavera, in 1593, making his profession in the following year. he soon attained high standing in this new order, and was the envoy sent to rome to negotiate its separation from the regular augustinians and secure approval for its constitution. in 1602 he was elected its first provincial, and under his rule the order flourished and spread in spain. he was nominated to the bishopric of chiapa, in nueva españa, but declined this honor that he might devote himself to foreign missions. arriving at the philippines in 1606, he organized there his mission, built a convent at bagunbayan, and undertook the conversion of the natives in the province of zambales. the convent expanded into a college, but its buildings were demolished in 1644. being soon afterward rebuilt, it lasted until the eighteenth century, when it was again torn down. san jerónimo had charge of it during two years; but, his health being much enfeebled, he set out on the return to spain. when in sight of ormuz, he died, in 1610. see account of his life in san nicolás's _historia_, pp. 469, 470; and in _provincia de s. nicolás de tolentino_ (manila, 1879), pp. 20-23. [26] this and various other accents which are grave instead of acute follow the text of the original work. [27] andrés de san nicolás died at sea, when the ship was in sight of the ladrone islands. miguel de santa maría, after reaching manila, was assigned to the settlement of mariveles; but the natives were angered at his preaching, and stoned him so severely that he died from the effects of this attack, in the manila convent. jerónimo de christo was an old man when he departed for the philippine mission, but was noted for his learning and ability. he was elected prior of the manila convent, and afterward vicar-provincial in san jerónimo's absence; and died while in active service in the missions, in 1608. [28] pedro de san fulgencio soon afterward returned to europe, to obtain more missionaries; having made arrangements for their voyage, he died on reaching milan. diego de la anunciacion, born in 1565, made his profession in the recollect convent at madrid, in 1597; and held several high positions in his order before he entered the philippine mission. he was superior of the convent at bagunbayan, and afterward prior. after some years he returned to spain, where he spent the rest of his life, dying december 13, 1625. [29] rodrigo de agandum moriz (in religion, fray rodrigo de san miguel) was born in valladolid--or, according to some authorities, in orio of guipuzcoa--in 1584, and entered the discalced augustinian order at the age of fourteen years. joining the philippine mission in 1606, he ministered to the natives in various districts of luzón with great acceptance, employing his poetical talents in teaching the christian faith to the indians. in 1614 he went to spain for more missionaries, returning to the islands in 1617-18. again voyaging to europe (1622), he went, via india and persia, to rome, where he arrived in 1626. declining the pope's offer to make him a bishop and patriarch in the indias, he planned a mission to chaldea; but he died at orio, while en route to madrid, december 26, 1626. he left several manuscript works, mainly historical, among which was _historia general de las islas accidentales á la asia adyacentes, llamadas philipinas_; this was published in _documentos inéditos para la historia de españa_, tomos lxxviii and lxxix (madrid, 1882), but it was apparently left unfinished by the author, the part that is extant treating mainly of the early explorations by magalhães and villalobos, and of the history of the moluccas. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla, is the following letter from felipe iv to a brother of fray rodrigo: "the king. it has been learned in the council of the indias that father fray rodrigo de san miguel, a discalced augustinian religious, who is said to be a brother of your grace, brought from the yndias a general history of the filipinas islands, compiled with great care, as, in order to write it, he had examined the archives and authentic memoirs of those regions; that it has been lately our lord's pleasure to take father fray rodrigo, who has died in vizcaya; and that your grace was given two of his books, especially the above history. and inasmuch as that work would be very important for what is written on the general history of the said islands by order of his majesty, the matter having been discussed with the father provincial of the said order, in which the latter has declared that the said history is in possession of your grace; the council has directed me to write to your grace, in its name, that it would be greatly to the service of his majesty for your grace to send me the said history for the said purpose. and if your grace wish remuneration for it, or that it be returned after having used it for the said purpose, your grace will advise me of what you desire in this matter, so that those gentlemen may know it, and so that the advisable measures may be taken. may god preserve your grace, as i desire. madrid, may seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven. _antonio gonzalez de legardo_ on the receipt of this letter, i beg your grace to advise me immediately, for the council anxiously awaits a reply because of the history." (_pressmark_: "est. 139, caj. 1, leg. 15.") [30] andrés del espíritu santo was born at valladolid in 1585, and made his profession at portillo in 1601. entering the philippine mission, he began his labors with the natives in the province of zambales, where he was very successful. in 1609, and again in 1615, he was chosen vicar-provincial. afterward going to spain for more missionaries, he returned to the islands in 1622, and four years later became provincial, as again in 1632. the rest of his life was spent at manila, where he died in 1658. [31] a city between vera cruz and mexico city, more commonly known as puebla; it was founded about 1530, and became the seat of the diocese in 1550, and soon was a flourishing agricultural and manufacturing center. [32] _instituto_: constitution, or rules of observance, adopted by the order. [33] "now i shall die happy." [34] luís de jesús states (_historia_, p. 79) that this name is a corruption of manavilis. [35] cf. the accounts by loarca (_vol_. v of this series) and plasencia (_vol_. vii). [36] this tree (_mangifera altísima_) resembles the mango, but its fruit is much smaller. the tree grows to a greater height than the mango. the fruit is eaten by the natives, being used with vinegar. see blanco's _flora_. [37] "behold the cross of the lord. flee, ye adverse ones. the lion of judah is conqueror." [38] antonio de san agustin was born in manila, the son of francisco de las misas, and made his profession in the recollect convent there, in december, 1614. he was a minister in various places, and had been prior of several convents. in 1658, while returning from an official visit to the calamianes islands, he was captured by moros, who slew him. at the time of his death he was sixty-six years old. [39] the first father named above was afflicted by a grievous plague of vermin [_chinches_--literally, "bedbugs"], seemingly after a request that he might suffer his purgatory on earth. at the time of his death, "raising his voice and saying, _in manus tuas, domine, commendo spiritum meum_, he expired, without making another movement. immediately the _chinches_ disappeared and not one could be found, although one could gather than by handfuls before, as they say." [40] the _congregatio de propaganda fide_, one of the "sacred congregations" of the catholic church, was founded in 1622, by pope gregory xv, conferring upon it most ample powers for the propagation of the faith, and especially for the superintendence of missions in countries where heretics or infidels had to be evangelized. the jurisdiction proper of the congregation extends to all territories which are governed _more missionum_, or as missionary countries--not by the bishops of the regular hierarchy, but by prefects and vicars apostolic. it has, moreover, legislative and judicial power. see hoffmanns' _catholic directory_, 1896, p. 48. [41] the status of a tertiary, or "member of the third order," was originated by st. francis of assisi, after the foundation of his own order, and that of the minorite nuns who lived under a rule prescribed by him. in 1221 he instituted a third order, the members of which, men and women, should be bound by rule to more unworldliness of life, pious devotion, and works of mercy than those of ordinary persons living in the world. he called them "brothers and sisters of penance." they had to take a year's novitiate, and a simple vow to observe the rule. many tertiaries, in course of time, desired to take solemn vows and live in community, while still conforming to the rule of the third order; thus arose various congregations of tertiary monks and nuns. other religious orders had their third order; that of the augustinians was established at the beginning of the fifteenth century. (addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, p. 792.) [42] following are translations of the title-pages of this work, of which facsimiles are here presented: _engraved title-page_: "general history of the discalced religious of the order of the hermits of the great father and doctor of the church, st. augustine, of the congregation of españa and of the indias. to the most excellent duke of ixar count of salinas. by father fray luis de jesus son of the same congregation, and its chronicler. volume second. from the year m.dc.l. divided into three decades. engraved by pedro a villafranca royal engraver, madrid. 1663." _printed title-page:_ "general history of the discalced religious of the order of the hermits of the great father and doctor of the church, st. augustine, of the congregation of españa and of the indias. by father fray luis de jesus, son of the same congregation, pensioned lecturer, general chronicler, and acting provincial of castilla the old and the new. dedicated to the most excellent señor don jayme francisco de hijar silva sarmiento, etc., protector of our sacred reform convent. volume second. divided into three decades, from the year twenty-one to that of fifty. with privilege. in madrid: printed by lucas antonio de bedmar, printer of the kingdom. year of 1681." [43] delgado in his _historia_, pp. 813-816, describes this bird. _tabón_, he says, is a word that signifies in the pintados "to hide by covering, or to cover by concealing it with earth." when the chick first appears its plumage is white and gray. its wings are used at first for aid in running rather than in flying. the bird lives mainly on fish, which it catches in the sea. the eggs, which are very nutritious, are eaten with gusto by the natives. [44] this is the flying lemur (_galeopithecus philippinensis_; called _káguang_ or _caguán_ by the visayans), an animal belonging to the quadrumana, and the prosimidæ (semi-apes). alfred r. wallace found it in sumatra, borneo, and singapore; see his description of it in _malay archipelago_ (new york, 1869), pp. 145, 146. jagor found it in sámar--_travels in the philippines_ (english translation, london, 1875), pp. 242-244. see also delgado's description (_historia_, p. 845). this lemur has, like the flying squirrel, a volucral membrane, which not only covers all its limbs but reaches to its tail; and thus the creature glides from tree to tree. this explains the writer's allusion to it as a bird. [45] the creature thus described is the tarsier (_tarsius spectrum_), belonging to the same class (semi-apes) as the lemur, _ante._ jagor (_ut supra_, p. 252) was told in luzón that it could be found only in samar, and that it lived exclusively on charcoal--of course, an erroneous notion. in samar it was called _mago_ or _macauco._ the _report_ of u.s. philippine commission for 1900 (iii, p. 311) mentions several islands as its habitat, and the belief of the natives that it lives on charcoal. delgado cites the same notion (_historia_, p. 875); he supposes the tarsier to be a sort of wild cat. [46] the gecko (_gecko verticillatus_), a reptile allied to the lizard. two species of this animal in the philippines frequent the houses: one very small, which feeds on mosquitoes, flies, and other pests, and works noiselessly; the other larger (up to eight inches long) with a heavy body and a loud call. the latter is, to judge from delgado's description (_historia_,p. 885) the one mentioned in our text. [47] the cuttlefish, or octopus (_sepia octopus_). [48] this was in 1609, and the fort erected was that of tandag; it was on a bay on the northeast coast of surígao province, mindanao. [49] apparently the same as the present gigáquit, a town an the northeast coast of the province of surígao. [50] juan de la madre de dios assumed the habit of the discalced augustinians at valladolid, making his profession in 1615. with eight other missionaries, he arrived at manila in 1620; and some two years later he entered the mindanao mission. his ministry there was short; for toward the end of 1623 he was slain by a fierce moro chief whom he had rebuked for his acts of injustice and tyranny. see sketches of his life, in luis de jesús's _historia_, pp. 53-55; and _provincia de s. nicolas de tolentino_, pp. 308, 309. [51] apparently referring to the missions founded by the jesuits, some years before, in northern mindanao; see _vol_. xiii, pp. 48, 80. fuller accounts of these missions are given in combés's _historia de mindanao_, which will be presented in later volumes of this series. [52] situated in central surigao, on a chain of lakes and rivers from which issues the butúan river, flowing northward into the bay of same name. [53] see delgado's account of the various kinds of bees in the philippines (_historia_, pp. 848-850). [54] the pangolin or _manis_, commonly known as ant-eater. the preceding sentence probably refers to the flying lemur (note 44, _ante_.) [55] cf. account of the weapons used by the mindanaos, given by retana and pastells in their edition of combés's _historia de mindanao_, cols. 782 and 783. also cf. weapons of north american indians, as described in _jesuit relations_--see index, vol. lxxii, pp. 337, 338. [56] referring to sìargao island, off northeast coast of mindanao; about twenty-one miles long and fourteen wide. [57] _cimarrón_ is an american word meaning "wild" or "unruly," and is also applied to a runaway slave. o.t. mason, in his translation of blumentritt's _native tribes of the philippines_ (washington, 1901), says (p. 536) that "this characterization is given to heathen tribes of most varied affiliation, living without attachment and in poverty, chiefly posterity of the remontados." buzeta and bravo (_diccionario_) say that these people are "collections or tribes of infidels known by this name in the island of luzón and others of the archipelago. there is at present a tribe living in the dense forests of the mountain isaroc in the province of camarines sur. there are also some collections of these and some hostiles in the mountains of the island and province of samar. they are descendants of the negrito race, who seem to become differentiated from their own species because of their extraordinarily wild and mountainous life." hence the name seems to have been given these people in mindanao simply to distinguish them as especially barbarous and difficult to establish relations among. they were probably one of the numerous tribes of negritos such as inhabit mindanao today. [58] in a brief description of the philippine islands which occurs in a geographical work by the chinese writer chao-yu-kua (who flourished in the thirteenth century)--which account will appear later in this series--is an interesting mention of "nests" built in trees by the aetas or negritos, who live therein in single families. professor friedrich ratzel (_history of mankind_, butler's translation, london and new york, 1896) says (i, p. 111) that the battaks in sumatra, and many melanesians lived in trees; and on p. 422, he says: "among the battaks safe dwelling-places are also found at the point where a tree-stem forks or throws off branches; the central shoot is lopped off, and the surrounding branches remain." continuing he speaks of the huts built by the ilongotes of luzón on tree stems, which are made from leaves of the nipa-palm and bamboo. "the orang-sakei and the lubus of sumatra also live to some extent in trees" (p. 423). there are also tree-dwellers in africa and india. [59] "in older works are so named [caragas] the warlike and christian inhabitants of the localities subdued by the spaniards on the east coast of mindanao, and, indeed, after their principal city, caraga. it has been called, if not a peculiar language, a visaya dialect, while now only visaya (near manobo and mandaya) is spoken, and an especial caraga nation is no longer known." (blumentritt's "native tribes of the philippines," in _smithsonian report_, 1899, p. 535.) [60] the title-pages of la concepción's fourteen volumes show more or less difference in their wording. following is a translation of the title of vol. iv, a facsimile of which is here presented: "general history of philipinas: temporal and spiritual conquests of these spanish dominions, their establishment, progress, and decadence; comprehending the empires, kingdoms, and provinces of islands and continents with which there has been communication and commerce by immediate coincidences, with general notices regarding geography, hydrography, natural history, politics, customs, and religions, in which so universal a title should be interested. by father fray juan de la concepcion, discalced augustinian recollect, pensioned lecturer, ex-provincial, synodal examiner of the archbishopric of manila, and chronicler of his province of san nicolas of the philipinas islands. volume iv. with permission of the superiors. at manila, in the printing office of the royal and conciliar seminary of san carlos; printed by agustin de la rosa y balagtas. year of 1788." [61] a term applied to the gun-room on a ship, which was considered as under the protection of st. barbara. [62] the armenian church was founded by st. gregory, who was consecrated bishop of armenia in the year 302 a.d. owing to a misunderstanding, this church refused to accept the decisions of the council of chalcedon (451 a.d.) regarding certain questions of heresies, which led to its gradual separation from the greek church. in the middle of the fifteenth century arose dissensions, which resulted in a schism; these were mainly occasioned by roman catholic missionaries who endeavored to proselytize the armenians to the doctrine, liturgy, and ceremonies of the roman church, to which they gained many adherents. this led to dissensions and persecutions, which continued until, in the middle of the eighteenth century, the armenian patriarch secured the intervention of peter the great, and the protection of the russian church, under which that of armenia has since remained. [63] the order of the carmelites was founded by a crusader named berthold, in the middle of the twelfth century. some time after becoming a monk in calabria he went to mount carmel, where he was joined by various other hermits living there in solitude. they adopted the rule of life framed for them by albert, patriarch of jerusalem, which consisted of sixteen articles. these forbade the possession of property; ordered that each hermit should live in a cell by himself; interdicted meat; recommended manual labor and silence; and imposed a strict fast from the exaltation of the cross to easter, sundays being excepted. the hermits were compelled to abandon mount carmel by the advance of the mahomedan power, and established themselves in cyprus, and other places. in europe they were compelled to live in common and mitigate their rule, and they became known as one of the mendicant orders. in england, where they became very numerous, they were called the "white friars." to st. simon stock, the first general, the virgin is said to have shown the scapular in a vision. the order became divided into two branches, according to whether they observed the strict or the mitigated rule, being designated as observatines and conventuals. the carmelite nuns were first instituted by john soreth, general of the order in the fifteenth century. see addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_, pp. 120-122. [64] gregorio de santa catalina, who had gone to rome with twelve religious to urge the support of the pope for the recollects. [65] "fray miguel de santa maria, with his seven companions, arrived at tandág in the year 1622" (_provincia de s. nicolás de tolentino_, p. 276). [66] a letter dated may 22, 1904, from father fray eduardo navarro, o.s.a., valladolid, spain, who spent many years in the philippines, thus defines several terms as used in the islands. _pueblo_ ["town" or "village"] is to be understood in its usual significance. but beside the pueblo proper, where are established the church, parochial house, and city hall, all the pueblos have, at a greater or less distance, groups of a greater or less number of houses. if they belong to christians, they are called barrios ["suburbs"], and have a distinctive name; if of infidels, they are called rancherías ["a collection of huts"] of such and such a chief. [67] _i.e._, "at the entrance to the church;" said of marriages duly performed with church rites. [68] "strictly speaking, then, the work of the redemption of those islanders [in mindanao] belongs to the jesuits and the recollects. the latter commenced their labors by virtue of an arrangement made in the year 1622, by the bishop of cebú, very reverend father fray pedro de arce--agreed upon with the captain-general of the archipelago, who was then the famous don alonso fajardo de tenza. their first enterprises were on the northern and eastern coasts of mindanao, as well as in the adjacent islets of dinagat, camiguin, and siargao. in the year 1631, the ninth of their evangelizing work, the recollect fathers suffered painful but glorious losses; for six of those missionaries were martyred by the inhabitants of the island." (retana and pastells, in their edition of combés's _historia de mindanao_, col. 788.) [69] river and pueblo of same name in the province of misamis, in northern mindanao; the river falls into the bay of macajalar. [70] a point on the northern coast of misamis province. [71] referring to leo vi, emperor of the east, styled "the philosopher" and "the wise;" he occupied the throne of constantinople from 886 to 911 a.d. he wrote several books, among which is a treatise on military tactics, which was published by j. meursius, at leyden, in 1612. [72] the islands in the calamianes and cuyos groups number one hundred and forty-five that are charted, besides nearly sixty that are uncharted. see descriptions of these groups in _u. s. gazetteer of philippine islands_, pp. 412-415, 480-484. the names calamian and busuañga are now applied to separate islands, the largest, of the calamianes group. [73] the bird here referred to (_collocalia troglodites_) is a specie of swift; the nests, composed of a gelatinous secretion from the salivary glands in the mouths of the birds, sell at high price almost their weight in gold, when fresh and clean. the best nests are obtained on the precipitous sides of the peñon de coron, between culion and busuanga, where the natives gather them at no little personal risk. the nests are known to commerce as _salangana_. (_u. s. gazetteer of philippine islands_, pp. 170, 482.) delgado says (_hist. de filipinas_, p. 821) that the material used by the bird is a species of seaweed, called _ñgoso_, or another called _lano_--and not, as colin and san antonio would have it, the foam of the sea. see _ut supra_, pp. 727, 728, and 822. see also retana's note in his edition of zúñiga's _estadismo_, ii, pp. 430*, 431*. [74] the balate--also known as "sea slug," "sea cucumber," "beche de mer," and commercially as "trepang"--is a slug (_holothuria edulis_) used as food in the eastern archipelago and in china, in which country it is regarded as a delicacy by the wealthy classes, and brings from seven to fifty cents a pound in the markets. (see _u. s. gazetteer of philippine islands_, pp. 482, 483.) delgado, writing in 1754, says (p. 935) that in manila the dried balate was usually worth thirty-five to forty (or even more) silver pesos a pico (or pecul; equivalent, in the philippines, to 137.9 u.s. pounds). [75] "better known as peñon de corón ("crown peak"); a small, rocky island off the eastern end of busuañga island, famous for the fine quality of the edible bird's-nests found there. [76] apparently the present calamián island is here referred to; its chief town is culion. [77] now known as palawan; its northern part forms the province of paragua, which includes many dependent islands lying near it. [78] "in general it may be said that the philippines politically speaking, and the philippines zoologically speaking, are not identical areas, for balabac, palawan, and the calamianes islands are strongly characterized by the presence of numerous bornean forms which are conspicuously absent throughout the remaining islands of the archipelago. although the philippines are commonly held to form an eastern extension of the indo-malayan subregion, it should not be forgotten that at least among the birds and mammals there is a large amount of specialization in the islands to the eastward of the balabac-palawan-calamianes group.... the philippines are very poor in mammals.... they are undoubtedly well adapted to a large and diversified mammalian fauna, and the only plausible explanation of the scarcity of forms is to suppose either that they have never been connected with borneo and the asiatic continent or that, if at one time connected, they have since been subjected to such subsidence as to wipe out the greater part of their mammalian fauna." (u.s. philippine commission's _report_, 1900, iii, p. 307.) [79] this is an error on the part of la concepción; fray rodrigo went to europe in 1622, but died there in 1626. the missions of mindanao and paragua were begun by recollects who arrived at manila in 1620 and 1622, and continued by missionaries who came in 1627 and 1637. the philippine islands, 1493-1803 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century volume ii, 1521-1569 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume ii preface expedition of garcía de loaisa--1525-26 [résumé of contemporaneous documents--1522-37] voyage of alvaro de saavedra--1527-28. [résumé of contemporaneous documents--1527-28] expedition of ruy lopez de villalobos [résumé of contemporaneous documents--[1541-48] expedition of miguel lopez de legazpi--1564-68. [résumé of contemporaneous documents--1559-68] warrant of the augustinian authorities in mexico establishing a branch of their brotherhood in the philippines--1564 act of taking possession of cibabao, fernando riquel; cibabao, february 15, 1565 proclamation ordering the declaration of the gold taken from the burial-places of the indians. m.l. de legazpi; çubu, may 16, 1565 letters to felipe ii of spain. m.l. de legazpi and others; cubu, may 27 and 29, and june 1, 1565 letter from the royal officials of the filipinas to the royal audiencia at mexico, accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary things to be sent to the colony. guido de labecares and others; cubu, may 28, 1565 relation of the voyage to the philippines. m. l. de legazpi; cubu, [1565] [1]copia de vna carta venida de seuilla a miguel saluador de valencia. (barcelona, pau cortey, 1566) letters to felipe ii of spain. m.l. de legazpi; cubu, july 12, 15, and 23, 1567 and june 26, 1568 negotiations between legazpi and pereira regarding the spanish settlement at cebú. fernando riquel; 1568-69 bibliographical data illustrations portrait of miguel lopez de legazpi; photographic reproduction from painting in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid. _frontispiece_ portrait of fray andrés de urdaneta; photographic reproduction from painting by madrazo, in possession of the colegio de filipinas (augustinian), valladolid. signatures of legazpi and other officials in the philippines; photographic facsimile from original ms. of their letter of june 1, 1565, in the archivo general de indias, seville. the santo niño of cebú (image of the child jesus found there by legazpi's soldiers in 1565); from a plate in possession of the colegio de filipinas, valladolid. preface the next attempt to reach the spice islands is made by garcía jofre de loaisa. a synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the india house of trade; concessions offered by the spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the moluccas; instructions to loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. loaisa's fleet departs from spain on july 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the strait of magellan. three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest spanish settlements on the west coast of south america; loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the pacific. one of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching spain, but its captain, rodrigo de acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at pernambuco. the partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from tidore) by hernando de la torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead--one of the captains being killed by his own men. at tidore meet (june 30, 1528) the few spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "victoria" and in the ship of saavedra, who has been sent by cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from spain for the moluccas. urdaneta's relation of the loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details. various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which saavedra is despatched from mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. among these epistles, that written by hernando cortés to the king of cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. he also asks the cebuan ruler to liberate any spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from new spain was october, 1527. arrivingat the island of visaya, he finds three spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o magalhães left at cebú had been sold by their captors to the chinese. undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for spanish power on the western islands--that commanded by ruy lopez de villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in new spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. the contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on alvarado, extending to his heirs. provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. the instructions given to villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. at navidad villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (october 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. in 1543 complaint is made that villalobos is infringing the portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. an account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by fray jerónimo de santistéban to the viceroy mendoza, relates the sufferings of the spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. of the three hundred and seventy men who had left new spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the portuguese settlements in india. the writer justifies the acts of villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by garcía descalante alvarado, an officer of villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of new spain and is dated at lisbon, august 1, 1548. like santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the portuguese. finally, a truce is made between the castilians and the portuguese, and part of the former embark (february 18, 1546) for the island of amboina, where many of them perish. nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the philippine archipelago. in 1564 this is begun by the departure from new spain of an expedition commanded by miguel lopez de legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the philippine islands. synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. this undertaking has its inception in the commands of felipe ii of spain (september 24, 1559) to his viceroy in new spain (now luis de velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the demarcation line. the king also invites andrés de urdaneta, now a friar in mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the orient, will be of great value. velasco thinks (may 28, 1560) that the philippines are on the portuguese side of the demarcation line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. he has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. by the same mail, urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. he emphasizes the ownership of "the filipina island" (meaning mindanao) by the portuguese, and thinks that spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." velasco makes report (february 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and legazpi has been appointed its general. urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than navidad. he makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from spain. he desires that the fleet depart as early as october, 1562. legazpi in a letter to the king (may 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. velasco explains (february 25 and june 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following september, and describes its condition and equipment. velasco's death (july 31) makes it necessary for the royal _audiencia_ of mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. their instructions to legazpi (september 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the philippines; and urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to new spain for this purpose. by a letter dated september 12, the members of the _audiencia_ inform the king of the instructions they have given to legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the philippines, which they regard as belonging to spain rather than portugal. in this same year, juan de la carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the _audiencia_) from urdaneta's project for first exploring new guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the philippines. he says that he has been, however, overruled by urdaneta. legazpi announces to the king (november 18) his approaching departure from the port of navidad; and urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. on that date (november 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the philippines. this displeases the augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. after various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the ladrones (january 22, 1565), finally anchoring at guam. the natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged spaniards. legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for spain. proceeding to the philippines, they reach cebú on february 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. they are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives--often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. a spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of cebu. it is captured (april 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of flemish workmanship, of the child jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. the fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity. on may 28, 1565, the officials of the western islands write a report of their proceedings to the _audiencia_ of new mexico. they have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the portuguese, who in bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. the spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. they advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the christian religion be propagated. another account of the expedition is given by esteban rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. on june 1, 1565, the ship "san pedro" is despatched to new spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two augustinian friars, urdaneta and aguirre. the log of the voyage kept by the pilot espinosa is briefly summarized. when they reach the coast of lower california the master of the vessel and esteban rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. the ship reaches navidad on october 1, and acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "san pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at acapulco, all the rest being sick. the previous record of the expedition is now continued. legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of cebú, who acknowledge the king of spain as their suzerain. gradually the natives regain their confidence in the spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. they worship their ancestors and the devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. the head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of legazpi's ship-men, a greek; and other natives also are converted. the spaniards aid the cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. they find the moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to cebú for trade. an attempt to reduce matan fails, except in irritating its people. a dangerous mutiny in the spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. the spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. on october 15, 1566, a ship from new spain arrives at cebu, sent to aid legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. a number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (july, 1567) with an attack by them. a petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the spanish officials in the philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. a separate petition, by legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son melchor, who claims that legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of spain, without receiving any reward therefor. certain documents illustrative of this history of legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. an interesting document--first published (in latin) at manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in english--is the official warrant of the augustinian authorities in mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the philippines (1564). it was found among the archives of the augustinian convent at culhuacan, mexico; and is communicated to us in an english translation made by rev. t. c. middleton, of villanova college. the other documents are: the act of taking possession of çibabao (february 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (may 16); several letters written (may 27 and 29, and june 1) by legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (may 28) from the officials to the _audiencia_ at mexico, with a list of supplies needed at cebu. to these is added a specially valuable and interesting document--hitherto unpublished, we believe--legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "san pedro" for new spain. as might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates. next is presented (in both original text and english translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest--_copia de vna carta venida de sevilla a miguel salvador de valencia_. it is the earliest printed account of legazpi's expedition, and was published at barcelona in 1566. but one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in barcelona. it outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people. in a group of letters from legazpi (july, 1567, and june 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on cebú island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. he asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. the portuguese are jealous of any spanish control in the philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. he sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. legazpi advises that small ships be built at the philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor. the spanish settlement on cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the portuguese established in the moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. as the two nations were at peace, the portuguese commander and legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations--a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the christian religion, and to ransom christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the philippines as being within the jurisdiction of spain. if he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if pereira will provide him with two ships. the latter refuses to accept legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the spaniards. pereira summons all the spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to india, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the portuguese commander. these documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort. _the editors_ documents of 1525-1528 _expedition of garcía de loáisa_ 1525-26 _voyage of alvaro de saavedra_ 1527-28 [résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37] translated and synopsized by james a. robertson, from navarrete's _col. de viages_, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486. expedition of garcía de loaisa 1525-26 [these documents are all contained in navarrete's _col. de viages_, tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). they are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents concerning the voyage of magalhães, indicating sources rather than attempting a full presentation of the subject. navarrete precedes these documents with an account of loaisa's voyage covering one hundred and ninety pages--compiled, as was his account of magalhães, from early authors and the documents in the appendix.] a memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king the advantages that would arise from establishing the india house of trade at corunna rather than at seville: the harbor of corunna is more commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations; much trade now going to portugal will come to corunna; larger ships can be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply, and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise, or to land articles on the return voyage--as they could do at seville, because of having to navigate on the river. (no. i, pp. 193-195.) 1522. the king and queen, after the return of the "victoria" issue a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five expeditions fitting out. the interests and rights of the sovereigns and of the contributors are clearly defined. these fleets are to trade in the moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within castile's demarcation. the house of trade for the spice regions is to be established at corunna. (no. ii, pp. 196-207.) madrid, april 5, 1525. fray garcía jofre de loaisa, a commander of the order of st. john, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet now fitting out at corunna for the moluccas, and governor of those islands. his powers are outlined, being such as were usually given in such expeditions. as annual salary he is to have, during the voyage, "two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis." he is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry merchandise. rodrigo de acuña is appointed captain of the fourth ship, with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedís. he may invest fifty thousand maravedís in the fleet, such sum being advanced from his salary. the accountant for the fleet, diego ortiz de orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these are named), and to keep full accounts. instructions are issued also to the treasurer, hernando de bustamante, who is ordered "to obey our captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord." he must discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.) toledo, may 13, 1525. the crown reserves the right to appoint persons to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. in case loaisa should die, his office as governor of the moluccas is to be filled in the following order: pedro de vera, rodrigo de acuña, jorge manrique, francisco de hoces. his office as captain-general falls first to juan sebastian del cano; then to those above named. further, the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. instructions are given to diego de covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general of the moluccas. he is to exercise great care in all matters connected with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (nos. vii, viii, pp. 218-222.) a relation by juan de areizaga [4] gives the leading events of loaisa's voyage until the strait of magellan is passed. the fleet leaves corunna july 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait may 26, 1526. on the voyage three ships are lost, the "san gabriel," "nunciado," and "santi spiritus." the "santiago" puts in "at the coast discovered and colonized by. . . cortés at the shoulders of new spain," to reprovision. loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (no. ix, pp. 223-225.) the deposition of francisco dávila--given (june 4, 1527) under oath before the officials at corunna, in order to be sent to the king--and several letters by rodrigo de acuña, dated june 15, 1527, and april 30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship "san gabriel" and its captain after its separation from loaisa's fleet. the vessel after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near south american coasts, and exciting adventures with french vessels on the coast of brazil, finally reaches bayona may 28, 1527, in a wretched condition and very short of provisions. she carried "twenty-seven persons and twenty-two indians," and is without her proper captain acuña, who had been left in the hands of the french. abandoned by the latter on the brazilian coast, he was rescued by a portuguese vessel and carried to pernambuco "a trading agency of the king of portugal," where he was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. in his letter to the king of portugal, acuña upbraids him for treatment worse than the moors might user "but," he adds, "what can we expect when even the sons of portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? there are more than three hundred christians, the sons of christians, abandoned in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in turkey than here.... there is no justice here. let your majesty take me from this land, and keep me where i may have the justice i merit." late in the year 1528, acuña is ordered to portugal, as is learned from another document, dated november 2 of that year. before leaving pernambuco he desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his departure from spain until his arrival at pernambuco be taken down by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had come with him, "and the frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the french who destroyed me." acuña desires this in case any accident befall him while on the way to portugal, and "that the emperor may be informed of the truth, and that i may give account of myself." this testimony is much the same as that contained in the other documents. (nos. xxiii, pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.) june 11, 1528. hernando de la torre, captain-general and governor in the moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to june 1, 1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, "sancta maria de la victoria," after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a description of the lands and seas in its course. the log was made by the pilot of the "victoria," martin de uriarte. de la torre prefaces these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, "of which we are in sore need." he says "all the captains of the ships, caravels, and the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials, both general and private, ... are dead or lost, until now only the treasurer of one of the ships is left" and he [de la torre] has been elected captain, "not because they found in me any good qualifications for the office, but only a willing spirit." he gives account to the king "of all that has happened, as i am obliged to do, and because of my office it is more fitting for me than any other to do so." some notable events mentioned in the log are: the entrance into the santa cruz river on january 18, 1526; their arrival on the twenty-fourth at the cape of las virgines, near which juan sebastian del cano's ship founders in a storm; and the passage of the strait, beginning march 29, by three ships and the tender, the last-named being lost on easter day. a detailed description of the strait follows. on september 4, "we saw land, and it was one of the islands of the ladrones which the other expedition had discovered," where they find a spaniard who had fled from the ship of the former expedition. on september 10 they depart from this island for the moluccas. october 8 they land at an island where the friendly advances of the natives are checked by a native from malacca, who declares that the castilians would kill all the inhabitants. on the tenth, "the eleven slaves we had seized in the island of the ladrones fled in the same canoe that we had seized with them." on the twenty-first they anchor at "terrenate, one of the malucos, and the most northern of them." november 4, they have news that the portuguese are fortified in other islands of the archipelago. negotiations with the portuguese are detailed at some length. "the islands having cloves are these: terrenate, tidori, motil, maquian, bachan." a description of these islands follows, and then the pilot adds, "all these islands of maluco and those near by are ... mountainous." march 30, 1528 a castilian vessel anchors at tidore, one of three sent by cortes [5] to seek news of loaisa. the two others had been blown from their course five or six days before reaching the ladrones. this ship, under command of captain saavedra ceron, had ransomed three men of the caravel "santa maria del parral," one of loaisa's ships, on an island to the north of tidore. these men declare that their ship had been captured by the natives, the captain and most of the crew killed, and the remainder made prisoners. the accusation is made that these three men, in company with others, had themselves killed their captain. the document closes with various observations as to recent events, and states various needs of the spaniards. the governor praises saavedra, declaring that because of his diligence he is worthy of great rewards. (no. xiv, pp. 241-313.) letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of loaisa, and events in the moluccas until the year 1535. from a letter written (may 3, 1529) by hernando de bustamante and diego de salivas it is learned that jorge manrique, captain of the "santa maria del parral," had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the "santi spiritus" was wrecked, nine were killed by the portuguese, and four were hanged. a writ handed to the king from the council of the indies says that german factors denied the report of the death of loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from new spain--from colima, or guatemala, or nicaragua--to find out the truth of this report. a letter from hernando de la torre states that "juan sebastian del cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait," became captain-general at loaisa's death and "died a few days afterwards;" and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the "victoria," and twenty-five others who came with saavedra, only twenty-five men were left. in an investigation concerning matters connected with loaisa's expedition, juan de mazuecos declares (september 7, 1534) that loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the strait of magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the space of forty days. like depositions concerning this expedition are taken from several others, among them being fray andres urdaneta. a document made up from the above investigations says that loaisa's death was in the last of july, 1526, and that the ladrones number in all thirteen islands, "in which there are no flocks, fowls, or animals." (nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. these documents are much alike.) the noted augustinian urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535; this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents regarding loaisa's expedition. it bears date, valladolid, february 26, 1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the loaisa documents, in the archivo general dé indias in seville. urdaneta, as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a very readable and interesting account of the expedition. he describes a patagonian thus: "he was huge of body, and ugly. he was clad in a zebra skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather." he describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the ships and caused the foundering of the "santi spiritus." shortly after entering the strait, "a pot of pitch took fire on the commander's ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did not burn in it, but by god's help, and the great care exercised, we put out the fire." "we left the strait in the month of may, five hundred and twenty-six [_sic_] [8]--the commander's ship, two caravels, and the tender. a few days afterward we had a very great storm, by the violence of which we were separated from one another, and we never saw each other again.... in these adversities died the accountant tejada and the pilot rodrigo bermejo. on the thirtieth of july died the captain-general fray garcia de loaisa, and by a secret provision of his majesty, juan sebastian del cano was sworn in as captain-general ... on the fourth of august ... died juan sebastian del cano, and the nephew of the commander loaisa, [9] who was accountant-general." when they reached the ladrones "we found here a galician ... who was left behind in this island with two companions from the ship of espinosa; and, the other two dying, he was left alive.... the indians of these islands go about naked, wearing no garments. they are well built men; they wear their hair long, and their beards full. they possess no iron tools, performing their work with stones. they have no other weapons than spears--some with points hardened with fire, and some having heads made from the shin bones of dead men, and from fish-bones. in these islands we took eleven indians to work the pump, because of the great number of sick men in the ship." the trouble with the portuguese in the moluccas is well narrated. of the people of java, urdaneta says: "the people of this island are very warlike and gluttonous. they possess much bronze artillery, which they themselves cast. they have guns too, as well as lances like ours, and well made." others of their weapons are named. further details of negotiations with the portuguese are narrated, as well as various incidents of urdaneta's homeward trip in a portuguese vessel by way of the cape of good hope. he disembarks at lisbon on june 6, 1636, where certain papers and other articles are taken from him. the relation closes with information regarding various islands, and the advantages of trading in that region. he mentions among the islands some of the philippines: "northwest of maluco lies bendenao [mindanao]...in this island there is cinnamon, much gold, and an extensive pearl-fishery. we were informed that two junks come from china every year to this island for the purpose of trade. north of bendenao is cebú, and according to the natives it also contains gold, for which the chinese come to trade each year." (no. xxvi, pp. 401-439.) voyage of alvaro de saavedra 1527-28 [these documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to volume v of navarrete's _col. de viages_; and although the voyage of saavedra is connected so intimately with that of loaisa, it is thought better to present it separately therefrom, as a whole, inasmuch as this was the first expedition fitted out in the new world for the islands in the far east. it is evident thus early that the vantage point of new spain's position as regards these islands was clearly recognized. the letter from cortés to the king of cebú is given entire, as being somewhat more closely within the scope of this work than are the other documents.] granada, june 20, 1526. by a royal decree cortés is ordered to despatch vessels from new spain to ascertain what has become of the "trinidad" [10] and her crew that was left in the moluccas; to discover news of the expedition of loaisa, as well as that under command of sebastian cabot which had sailed also to the same region. [11] he is advised to provide articles for trade and ransom, and to secure for the expedition the most experienced men whom he can find--it is especially desirable that the pilot should be such. the king has written to ponce de leon and other officials to furnish all the help necessary. (no. xxvii, pp. 440-441.) may, 1527. following the custom of the king in fitting out expeditions, cortés issues instructions to the various officers of the fleet. alvaro de saavedra, a cousin to cortés, is appointed to the double office of inspector-general and captain-general of the fleet. two sets of instructions are given him, in each of which appears the following: "because as you know you are going to look for the captains frey garcia de loaisa and sebastian caboto, and if it is our lord's will, it might happen that they have no ships; and if they have a supply of spices, you shall observe the following, in order that it may be carried on these ships. you shall note what they give, and to whom it is delivered, and you shall have the said captains and the officials they took with them sign this entry in your book." the first matter is to look for the above-mentioned captains. if they have discovered any new lands he must make careful note of that fact, and of their location and products. he is to go to cebú to ascertain whether the pilot serrano [12] and others made captives there are still alive, and, if so, to ransom them. he is to use all diligence in seeking information as to all men of magalhães's expedition who were left in those regions. antonio guiral is appointed accountant of the fleet; and the same general injunction contained in the other two instructions is also specified in his. cortés writes in an apologetic vein to those of cabot's fleet, asking them to inform him fully of events "in order that he may serve his majesty." he writes also to cabot himself informing him of the purpose of saavedra's expedition, adding, "because, as his catholic majesty considers the affairs of that spice region of so much importance, he has a very special care to provide everything necessary for it." he mentions the arrival in new spain of the tender that had accompanied loaisa and become separated from him shortly after leaving the strait. [13] he assures cabot that saavedra goes simply to look for him and the others and will be subservient to him in all that he may order. a letter is written also to the king of the land or island at which saavedra should anchor assuring him of only good intentions, and asking friendship and trade. another letter to the king of tidore thanks him in the name of the emperor for his good reception of magalhães's men who remained in that island. (nos. xxix-xxxiii, pp. 443-461; no. xxxv, pp. 463, 464.) _letter from hernán cortés to the king of cebú_ to you the honored and excellent king of cebú, in the maluco region: i, don hernando cortés, captain-general and governor of this new spain for the very exalted and most powerful emperor, cæsar augustus, king of the spains, our lord, send you friendly greeting, as one whom i love and esteem, and to whom i wish every blessing and good because of the good news i have heard concerning yourself and your land, and for the kind reception and treatment that you have given to the spaniards who have anchored in your country. you will already have heard, from the account of the spaniards whom you have in your power--certain people sent to those districts by the great emperor and monarch of the christians about seven or eight years ago--of his great power, magnificence, and excellency. therefore, and because you may inform yourself of what you most wish to know, through the captain and people, whom i send now in his powerful name, it is not needful to write at great length. but it is expedient that you should know, that this so powerful prince, desiring to have knowledge of the manner and trade of those districts, sent thither one of his captains named hernando de magallanes with five ships. of these ships but one, owing to the said captain's lack of caution and foresight, returned to his kingdoms; from its people his majesty learned the reason for the destruction and loss of the rest. now although he was sorely afflicted at all this, he grieved most at having a captain who departed from the royal commands and instructions that he carried, especially in his having stirred up war or discord with you and yours. for his majesty sent him with the single desire to regard you all as his very true friends and servants, and to extend to you every manner of kindness as regards your honor and your persons. for this disobedience the lord and possessor of all things permitted that he should suffer retribution for his want of reverence, dying as he did in the evil pretension which he attempted to sustain, contrary to his prince's will. and god did him not a little good in allowing him to die as he did there; for had he returned alive, the pay for his negligence had not been so light. and, in order that you and all the other kings and seigniors of those districts might have knowledge of his majesty's wishes, and know how greatly he has grieved over this captain's conduct, some two years ago he sent two other captains with people to those districts to give you satisfaction for it. and he gave orders to me--who, in his powerful name, reside in these his lands, which lie very near yours--that i too despatch other messengers for this purpose, in order that he might have greater assurance, and that you might hold more certain his embassy, ordering and charging me especially that i do it with much diligence and brevity. therefore i am sending three ships with crews, who will give the very full and true reason of all this; and you may be able to receive satisfaction, and regard as more certain all that i shall say to you, for i thus affirm and certify it in the name of this great and powerful lord. and since we are so near neighbors, and can communicate with each other in a few days, i shall be much honored, if you will inform me of all the things of which you wish to be advised, for i know all this will be greatly to his majesty's service. and over and above his good will, i shall be most gratified thereat and shall write you my thanks; and the emperor our lord will be much pleased if you will deliver to this captain any of the spaniards who are still alive in your prison. if you wish a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your pleasure and to your satisfaction; and in addition you will receive favors from his majesty, and reciprocal favors from me, since, if you wish it so, we shall have for many days much intercourse and friendship together. may twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven. _hernando cortes_. (no. xxxiv, pp. 461-462.) a relation of the voyage was written by saavedra and set down in the book of the secretary of the fleet. the two ships and one brig set sail in october, 1527, from the port of "zaguatenejo, which is in new spain, in the province of zacatala," on the western coast. when out but a short distance his surgeon dies and is buried at sea. soon after this one of the ships begins to take water, and so rapidly that it is necessary to bring men from the other vessels to keep her afloat. on december 29 the ladrones are sighted; and soon afterward they anchor at an island (not of this group), whose inhabitants show previous contact with castilians by crying as a signal "castilla, castilla!" he relates the finding of one of the three men at the island of vizaya. this man relates that after a year's captivity his master had taken him to cebú, where he learned from the natives that they had sold to the chinese the eight companions of magalhães who were left on that island. the natives of cebú "are idolaters, who at certain times sacrifice human beings to their god, whom they call amito, and offer him to eat and to drink. they dwell near the coast and they often voyage upon the sea in their canoes, going to many islands for plunder and trade. they are like the arabs, changing their towns from one place to another. there are many fine hogs in this island, and it has gold. they say that people from china come hither, and that they trade among these islands." another relation of this voyage was presented by vicente de nápoles in 1634, in an investigation at madrid. early in the voyage the ships become separated, and saavedra's vessel never again sees its companions. [14] he tells of seeing "an island which is called mondaña, and which the portuguese call mindanao." the finding of the three castilians is narrated, also the meeting with the survivors of loaisa's expedition; their negotiations with the portuguese; and their final return to europe in a portuguese vessel are recounted. [15] (no. xxxvii, pp. 476-486.) expedition of ruy lopez de villalobos--1541-46 [résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1541-48.] translated and synopsized, by james a. robertson, from _col. doc. inéd.,_ as follows: _ultramar_, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; _amér. y oceania,_ pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165. the expedition of ruy lopez de villalobos--1541-46 [the expedition of villalobos, [16] although productive of slight immediate result, paved the way for the later and permanent expedition and occupation by legazpi. for this reason--and, still more, because this was the first expedition to the western islands (in contradistinction from the moluccas), which included the philippine group, and because these latter islands received from villalobos the name by which history was to know them,--these documents, which for lack of space cannot be here fully presented, deserve a fuller synopsis than do those pertaining to the preceding expeditions of magalhães, loaisa, and saavedra. the documents thus abstracted are to be found in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ ii, part 1, pp. 1-94; and in _col. doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía,_ v, pp. 117-209, xiv, pp. 151-165.] jalisco, march 28, 1541. the _adelantado_ of guatemala, pedro de alvarado, [17] writes the king, felipe ii, regarding his contract with the viceroy of new spain, antonio de mendoza [18] for expeditions of discovery along the coast and among the western islands. alvarado with eleven vessels has called at one of the ports of new spain, "to excuse the differences and scandals that were expected between don antonio de mendoza ... and myself, in regard to the said discovery, because of his having sent francisco vasquez to the said provinces [of the west] with a fleet." they have agreed to make their discoveries, both by land and sea, in partnership "in the limits and demarcation, contained in the agreement that was made with me, considering it as certain that, because of the many ships and people, and the great supply of provisions at our command, we shall know and discover everything that is to be seen in those regions, and bring it to the knowledge of god our lord, and to the dominion of your majesty." it is determined to divide the fleet into two parts, "one to go to the western islands, which should make a hurried trip among them, noting their products; and the other should coast along tierra-firme." three large ships and a galley, with a crew of three hundred skilled men under command of ruy lopez de villalobos, "a man of great experience in matters of the sea," are destined for the voyage to the western islands. this fleet is to set out within three months to prosecute its discovery, "for all this time has been and is necessary to repair the vessels." alvarado tells the king "that all this has been at great labor and expense; and not only our own possessions, but those of many of our friends are risked in it--and i especially ... as i came from those kingdoms impoverished and in debt to so great an extent, have remained in so great necessity that, if your majesty do not help me with some gift and gratification, as has ever been your custom toward those who serve you, i can not maintain myself." by the agreement made with the king, no covenant for explorations and discovery was to be made with any other person for seven years. alvarado has heard that "the marquis del valle [19] persists in begging ... this conquest, and wishes to despatch people to undertake it," and the king is asked to grant no license for this. the _adelantado_ had determined to go upon this expedition in person, but has been dissuaded from it by his friends. antonio de almaguer has been received as an official of the fleet in place of the previous appointee, who is dead, by virtue of a royal decree permitting almaguer's appointment to any office that he might desire, in case of the death or absence of the previous appointee. the latter had given the necessary pledges which have been sent to the india house of trade at seville. the king is asked to confirm this appointment. (no. i, pp. 1-7.) talavera, july 26, 1541. the contract made by the king with alvarado in 1538 and 1539, and with mendoza in 1541, provided for the discovery, conquest, and colonization of the islands and provinces of the southern sea toward the west. alvarado had offered to undertake this expedition within fifteen months after arriving in guatemala, sending westward two galleons and one ship, sufficiently provisioned for two years, with full crew and equipment, and the necessary artillery; and other vessels for discovery about the american coasts. if lands and islands shall be discovered, he promises to send thither, for their colonization, "ten additional ships, eight hundred soldiers, and three hundred of them cavalry, should the nature of the land be such that horsemen are necessary for it." he is also to send "ecclesiastics and religious for the instruction and christian training of the natives of those regions." all this is to be at alvarado's expense, without the king being obliged to recompense him for any outlay, except by the privileges granted him. "likewise you offer, that after the discovery ... you shall keep masters, carpenters, and other workmen, as many as thirty, in a shipyard that you own in the said province of guatemala, in order that what shall have been discovered, may be aided and preserved more easily." also he is to employ as many men as may be necessary in building vessels for the space of ten years. he is to be governor of guatemala for seven years, "and as many more as we choose; unless, the _residencia_ being taken from you now at our order by ... our auditor of the royal _audiencia_ and chancellery of new spain should show crimes for which you should be deprived of your trust although you shall be obliged to render an account whenever i order it" four per cent of all profits of the fifth part of "all gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, drugs, spices, and of all other metals and things found and produced in the said lands, and of which the rights pertain to us," and four per cent of all tributes, are assigned forever to alvarado (provided that such sum does not exceed six thousand ducats each year), and are divided in due ratio between the provinces discovered. this is clear of all rights or taxes. in answer to alvarado's request for a tenth of all lands and vassals discovered,--selected as he may see fit, and accompanied by the title of duke, with the dominion and jurisdiction of the grandees of castile,--the king grants him four per cent _pro rata_ in each part, and the title of count, "with the dominion and jurisdiction that we shall decree, at the time when we shall order the said title bestowed. this shall be granted after the said discovery, and after you shall have signified what part you have selected, provided that we shall not have to give you your said part from the best or the worst of the said islands and provinces, or the chief city of a province, or a seaport." other privileges are: the life-title of governor and captain-general of all places discovered, with an annual salary of three thousand ducats, plus one thousand ducats over and above this sum, to be paid from the incomes and profits accruing to the king from these discoveries, but these shall not be paid unless the incomes and profits reach that figure; his heir shall be governor of two hundred leagues of land, with the same salary and gratification, and under the same condition stone forts may be built, at his own expense, in such places as he may select, which he and two generations of his heirs shall hold, with an annual salary and gratification of one hundred and fifty thousand maravedis for each one of the forts, to be paid under the same conditions as the foregoing. he shall have the perpetual office of high constable in all lands discovered and conquered. no similar agreement shall be made with others for seven years, if he fulfil his promises. provision will be made later as to the natives of the lands discovered. men and goods may pass freely from puerto de caballos (conquered by alvarado) to guatemala, and orders are to be given by the king that the governor of honduras shall place no obstacles in the way of such passage; and meanwhile alvarado's claims to the above port are to be investigated. the governor of honduras will be required to furnish indians as porters, for whose services the current price must be paid, as well as for all carts and other equipment used, but as much as possible must be carried by waterways. one hundred and fifty negro slaves may be taken from "these our kingdoms, or from the kingdom of portugal for the said fleet or for the preparation of the said fleet, free of all taxes;" but the _adelantado_ must send an account to spain, signed by the officials of guatemala, that such disposition of them has been made; if not so employed, then the sum of six thousand maravedis is to be paid for the rights of each slave. more slaves may be taken after the discoveries have been made. the governors of all ports, etc., are to be commanded to accord good treatment to the fleet, should it anchor at their respective ports. for ten years all goods taken to the newly-discovered lands shall be free from all taxes. for the same length of time the colonists shall not pay the tenth to the king, but after the tenth year, they shall pay one-ninth, and so on each year until they shall pay one-fifth; but for trade and booty the fifth shall be paid from the beginning. there is to be no duty on goods taken "from these our kingdoms to the said province of guatemala for the preparation of the said fleet" for the first voyage. all personal property that alvarado takes to the islands or provinces discovered is to be during his life free from duty, provided it shall not exceed in any year the sum of three thousand ducats. those going on the expedition who take horses, may take two indian slaves apiece. land is to be assigned to the colonists, of which they are to have perpetual ownership after a four years' residence. [20] _encomiendas_ of the indians may be assigned "for such time as you wish, under the instructions and ordinances given you." the treaties with the portuguese crown in regard to the demarcation and the moluccas must be strictly obeyed. [21] the agreement with mendoza, viceroy of new spain, that he shall have a one-third interest in the fleet is confirmed. no excise duty is to be levied "for ten years, and until we order to the contrary." a hospital is provided for by one hundred thousand maravedís taken from fines. the hospital also is to receive the rights of _escobilla_ [22] and the sweepings in the founding of metals. lawyers and attorneys are prohibited from engaging in their callings in the lands and islands discovered. the royal officials appointed by the king are to be taken in the fleet, as well as ecclesiastics "for the instruction of the natives of the said islands and provinces to our holy catholic faith." for the latter, alvarado is to pay the "freight, provisions, and other necessary supplies fitting to their persons, all at your own cost." ransoms for captured native princes or seigniors pertain to the king, but, on account of the labors and expenses of the undertaking, one-sixth shall be given to the king and the remainder shall be distributed among the conquerors, first subtracting the king's fifth; but of the booty falling into the hands of the conquerors after the death of a prince or chief killed in battle, or obtained by justice or otherwise, one-half shall be the king's, and shall be delivered to his officials, first withdrawing his fifth. in case of doubt regarding the collection of the king's rights in any treasure, "especially of gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and that found in graves or other places where it shall have been hidden," and in other goods, the following order is to be observed: one-fifth of everything taken in battle, or taken from villages, or for ransoms shall be paid the king; he shall receive one-half of all treasure found in graves or places of worship, or buried, and the person finding the treasure shall have the other half; but any person not announcing his find shall lose "all the gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and in addition one-half of his other possessions." the strict observance of the contract is ordered. this contract was first made in 1638; in 1639, a section was inserted confirming the partnership of alvarado and mendoza, in which the latter was to receive one-third of all profit; in 1541, in accordance with the new agreement between the two men, a clause was added to this contract, giving equal rights to each. (no. ii, pp. 7-26.) mexico, september, 1542. on the fifteenth of this month mendoza commissions gonzalo davalos as his treasurer on the expedition, guido de la bezaris [23] as his accountant, and martin de islares as his factor. the treasurer is to receive an annual salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis, "to be paid from the profits that shall pertain to me in those lands, it being understood that if this amount is not reached, i am not obliged to pay it from any other source." the usual duties of treasurer are to be observed by him. on the eighteenth of the month very full instructions are given to villalobos by mendoza. the principal injunctions of these instructions follow: he will report at puerto de la navidad, where the vessels for the expedition have been prepared; these will be delivered to him by mendoza's agent, who shall make a full declaration of everything in the equipment of the vessels "except the merchandise and articles of barter, the slaves, the forge ... because they must be under the charge of the treasurer and officials whom i am sending in the fleet for that purpose; and other things i specify in their instructions, and in those of juan de villareal [his agent] in regard to it." he shall sign this declaration in the records of the notary and in the books of the accountant and treasurer. all the "artillery, ammunition, war supplies, and weapons, shall be given into the charge of the captain of artillery, and all the vessels of the fleet into the charge of the commander of the fleet, together with all their equipment, tackle and rigging, and provisions." in each ship, a pilot, master, boatswain, and notary shall be appointed. each ship shall be put in charge of its master, and the notary for that ship shall take full notes of everything transferred to the former's keeping. the master shall also have care of the artillery of his vessel, such charge being imposed by the captain of artillery. for greater security the merchandise and articles for traffic, and the officials having them in charge, are to be apportioned among the vessels. an account must be taken in each vessel of its captain and crew (both sailors and soldiers), giving for each man his father's name and his place of birth. villalobos is to have special watch over the treasurer, accountant, and factor. the men of the ships are to be divided into watches, no one being excused "except for legitimate cause." "and when you are ready to sail, you shall make full homage, . . . according to spanish custom, that you will exercise well and faithfully the said office of lieutenant-governor and captain-general, . . . and that you will deliver to me, and to no one else, the discoveries and profits pertaining to me, according as his majesty orders in his royal provision, and that neither directly nor indirectly will you exercise any deceit or wrong in anything." the officers and all others shall take oath to obey him as captain-general, "and that there will be no mutinies or rebellions." the officials appointed by the king to guard his interests are to be received, and the best of treatment shall be accorded them. when a settlement has been made one or two vessels shall be sent back, sufficiently equipped, with news of such settlement, and of all he has accomplished. "likewise you shall send me specimens of all the products of the land that you can secure, ... of the manner of dressing [of the inhabitants], and their mode of life, what is their religion or sect, the character of their life and government, their method of warfare with their neighbors; and if they have received you peaceably, if you have made a treaty of peace with them, or your status among them." the spread of religion is to be sought especially. to this end "you shall try to ensure that those in your charge live as good catholics and christians, that the names of our lord and his most blessed mother, as well as those of his saints, be revered and adored, and not blasphemed; and you shall see to it strictly that blasphemies and public sins be punished." all letters sent in the ships returning must be assured safe delivery. mendoza is to be first informed of all news brought by the ships. in these ships shall be sent also both mendoza's and the king's profits, as well as those of the individuals of the fleet, provided the latter shall not prevent the sending of either his or the king's. in affairs of moment villalobos must consult freely with many people of the fleet, among whom are named "father prior fray gerónimo, fray [blank in manuscript], [24] who was prior of totonilco, jorge nieto, the inspector arevalo, gaspar xuarez davila, francisco merino, matias de alvarado, bernardo de la torre, and estrada." if villalobos should determine to return with all the fleet, those wishing to remain shall do so, and he shall leave them a captain and sufficient stores. persons are to be appointed to look after the property and belongings of the dead, and to see that no fraud is exercised, in order that his heirs may be secured. entry must be made, in the method in vogue in spain, of all things sent back in the ships. all settlements must be made on the shore, and a fort must be erected at some distance from the natives' habitations, in which the articles for trade must be securely stowed. no soldier shall be permitted, without leave, and under severe penalties "to go to the indian settlements or enter their houses ... and no one shall take anything by force, in the camp or in the town, contrary to the will of the indians where you shall have made peace." men are to be appointed who shall attend to the buying of all provisions, "because not having knowledge of the products of the land, [your men] would buy more in accordance with appetite than with reason, where-from much damage would ensue, because the products of the land would be placed at a higher figure, and the value of the articles for barter ... would be lowered;" the prices for trafficking shall be assigned to these buyers and they must not go over them, but try to buy at a lower figure. the trafficking of the merchandise shall be also in charge of experienced persons. "you shall advise your men that, whenever they speak of the emperor, our lord, among the natives, they shall speak of his greatness, and how he is the greatest lord of the earth, and that they have been sent by one of his captains of these regions." (nos. ii, iii, pp. 7-46.) puerto de navidad, october 22, 1542. villalobos certifies before a notary that he has received from juan de villareal, mendoza's agent, "four ships, one small galley, and one _fusta,_ [25] to wit: the admiral's ship, named 'santiago;' the 'san jorge,' 'san antonio,' and 'san juan de letran;' the galley 'san christoval,' and the _fusta_ 'san martin'--with all equipment, ammunition, artillery, weapons, provisions, etc.,... in the name of his lordship [mendoza] ... in order to go with the said vessels and with the soldiers of his most illustrious lordship, upon the pursuit and prosecution of the said voyage." he promises in full terms to carry out to the letter all instructions and to give true and complete accounts of everything to mendoza or his agents. this oath is attested in the form prescribed by the royal notary-public. this same day the oath of obedience is taken by the captains and soldiers, and the pilots and seamen. the oath taken by the captains is, in part, as follows: "your graces, captains bernaldo de la torre, don alonso manrrique, francisco merino, mathias de alvarado, pero ortiz de rueda, christoval de pareja, and gentlemen of this fleet, of which rui lopez de villalobos goes as general for his most illustrious lordship, swear before god, our lord, and blessed mary his mother, on the holy words written in this book of the holy gospels, and on this sign of the cross [on which each one of them placed his right hand] that, as good, faithful, and catholic christians, you promise and pledge your faith and word, and homage as knights and nobles, by right, of spain, once, twice, and thrice, to be faithful and obedient, and to hold as your captain-general rui lopez de villalobos, here present; and you will observe the instructions he has given you, in so far as the good of the business requires it; and you will be obedient and will hearken to his orders. and you shall declare and advise, each one of you, what you deem suitable and necessary for the good of this expedition, whether he asks it or not, although you think he may be vexed or angry at hearing what you wish to tell him; only you shall state the fundamental reason why your assertion is good, in everything making it a point of your desire to come directly to the question, and not to give your advice with passion, or servilely, but with all freedom." if he send them on missions they must report to him alone. "and none of you shall rouse up mutinies, scandals, seditions, or conspiracies; nor shall you talk against your captain-general or the expedition; rather if you learn or foresee anything of such matters, you shall tell and inform your general thereof, so that it may be remedied." the soldiers swear to be obedient to the commands of villalobos and his captains, and to follow the general's banners, day or night, holding him as chief; they must be loyal and true in every sense of the word, both on sea and land. the pilots (who are named) and the seamen also take like oath to fulfil their duties completely, acknowledging villalobos as general. they are to obey the latter "both now on the said voyage, and in the western islands." they must try to accomplish the voyage in the shortest time possible, and must take part in no mutinies or uprisings. in his instructions to his captains villalobos requires the following: no soldier is to be admitted to the fleet who does not bear a certificate of confession and communion. if there be any such, he must confess within three days to the religious in the fleet, or be put on short rations of water until he does confess. severe punishment for blasphemy of "the name of god, our lord, his glorious mother, or of any of the saints" is stipulated, varying in degree according to the blasphemy. the religious are to receive every consideration, that the natives may see "how we honor the ministers of the gospel." all weapons are to be kept in a special place in each ship and given to the men only when necessary, and they shall be regularly inspected. most stringent rules are laid down as to the distribution of water, and the water butts must be inspected each day by the "steward, master, pilot, or boatswain," and every four days by the captain in person, to see that the regulations pertaining thereto are strictly observed. likewise the amounts of food to be given are carefully stipulated, the amounts, as in the case of the water, being different for soldiers, sailors, negroes, and indians. fire is guarded against by ordering all fires, except the lantern, out at four in the afternoon, unless to cook something for a sick man, and then that fire shall be immediately extinguished. watches are to be maintained day and night. those caught sleeping at their posts are to be severely punished. if the culprit be an individual who holds an office, for the first offense he shall lose his office; for the second he shall be thrown overboard. a soldier (not of gentle birth) for the first offense shall be made to pass under the keel three times; and for the second be thrown overboard. the captain must stand one watch each night. each captain shall have a body-guard of six men. all fire must be kept away from the powder. at the least appearance of mutiny immediate measures are to be taken; if it is not possible to inform villalobos, then the captain is empowered to execute summary justice. the captain is to keep a compass in his room, which he shall constantly consult, and must keep close watch on the course. in case one vessel be separated from the fleet and reach any land, the captain must see that the natives are well treated. the men "shall not enter their houses, towns, or temples, or talk to the women; nor shall they take anything to eat, or any other articles, before you appoint a man who understands trading, and he shall buy for all what they may need. and you shall try to find out the products of the land, and to procure specimens thereof, and ascertain the character of the people and the land; so that, when we meet you there, you may advise me of everything, and his most illustrious lordship may have knowledge of it all." the captain must under no consideration disembark at this land himself, but must send a trustworthy agent with armed men to arrange peace and friendship with the natives. they must return two hours before nightfall. if peace be made, then a trader will be appointed. they are to be careful that "god our lord be not offended because of the indians you take with you; and they must examine the instructions of the pilots and see that the latter abide by these instructions." (nos. v-viii, pp. 46-65.) 1543. an extensive correspondence ensues between villalobos and jorge de castro, after the fleet, had reached the philippines, [26] in which the latter, especially in his letters of july 20 and september 2, requests the former to leave the lands falling within the demarcation of the portuguese monarch; and to cease his depredations among the natives. villalobos replies to these letters under dates of august 9 and september 12 respectively, justifying his expedition, and his conduct toward the natives, and stating that the requirements given him are to respect the portuguese demarcation, which he has done. (no. ix, pp. 66-94.) cochin, in portuguese india, february 22, 1547. fray geronimo de santistéban writes to the viceroy of new spain an account of the expedition of villalobos. he names and describes very briefly the islands in their course; at one of these they cast anchor, and he gives a description of its people and resources. "february 29 we saw the islands of bindanao [mindanao], san juan, and san antonio." [27] one of the vessels had been badly damaged in a storm before reaching the island named matalotes. at mazaua bay they began first to experience famine and sickness. as food was refused them on the island of sarrangan, and their men attacked, they determined to take it by force. the island was soon gained, and "rui-lopez labored with that people with entreaties and gifts to make friendship, and to induce them to return to their houses, but in vain." then began the hunt for food in various places, but much opposition from the natives was encountered. santistéban says "if i should try to write, to your lordship in detail of the hunger, need, hardships, disease, and the deaths that we suffered in sarragan, i would fill a book ... in that island we found a little rice and sago, a few hens and hogs, and three deer. this was eaten in a few days, together with what remained of the ship food. a number of cocoa-palms were discovered; and because hunger cannot suffer delay, the buds which are the shoots of the palms were eaten. there were some figs and other fruits. finally we ate all the dogs, cats, and rats we could find, besides horrid grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused the deaths, and much of the prevalent disease. and especially they ate large numbers of a certain large variety of gray lizard, which emits considerable glow; very few who ate them are living. land crabs also were eaten which caused some to go mad for a day after partaking of them, especially if they had eaten the vitals. at the end of seven months, the hunger that had caused us to go to sarragan withdrew us thence." the booty of the island was but little, for the natives had carried away and hidden the greater part of their possessions. the vessel of villalobos and two small brigs put out from this place of famine to go to the upper islands, the other vessels having been sent on ahead on various commissions. after sailing for forty leagues, the large vessel was unable to advance farther, and put in at a bay called sacayan [cagayan], to await good weather, while the two small vessels went on ahead [because according to alvarado they could navigate nearer the shore] in search of food. troubles from the natives still pursued these smaller vessels. at one part of mindanao they tried to secure food. fourteen of the crew were left ashore, ten of whom were killed. the two brigs anchored at mindanao, remaining there for more than fifty days, awaiting the arrival of the ship and galley. from this place they went to tandaya, [28] where they were well received by the natives. here the sick men were left, while the others went in search of the rest of their men, but failed to find them where they had been left. a letter was found which directed the searchers to the "islands of talao, which are forty leagues south of maluco." returning to tandaya, it was found that the men left there had been taken off by the "sant juan." here santistéban and his party remained for two months, until the king of tidore sent in quest of villalobos. a description of these people follows. finally villalobos, forced to do so by hunger, cast anchor in portuguese possessions. negotiations with the portuguese followed. the "sant juan" was despatched to new spain may 16, 1545, but it was unable to make the journey and returned within five months. finally the remnants of the expedition were taken in portuguese vessels to ambón [amboina], where villalobos died; and thence to malacca, where only one hundred and seventeen of the three hundred and seventy who left new spain arrived, thirty remaining in maluco. santistéban justifies villalobos, saying "your lordship will bear in mind your promise to ruy lopez ... to be a father to his children. in the judgment of certain men, ruy lopez performed no services for your lordship, for which his children deserve recompense. i know most certainly that, in the judgment of god and of those who regard his works without passion, he did everything possible for the service of your lordship, and that he grieved more over not having fulfilled exactly your lordship's design than over all the other losses, sorrows, and persecutions that he endured." (_col. doc. inéd. amér. y oceanía,_ tomo xiv, pp. 151-165.) garcia descalante alvarado, who accompanied villalobos, left an account of the expedition, dated lisbon, august 7, 1548, and addressed to the viceroy of new spain; it deals more fully with the later adventures of the expedition. a brief synopsis follows. the fleet left the port of joan gallego [navidad] on all saints' day, 1542. they passed, at a distance of one hundred and eighty leagues, two uninhabited islands which they named santo thomas [san alberto] [29] and añublada, or "cloud island" [isla del socorro]; and eighty leagues farther another island, roca partida or "divided rock" [santa rosa]. after sailing for sixty-two days they came to a "lowlying, densely-wooded archipelago," which they named the coral archipelago, anchoring at one of the islands, santistéban [san estevan]. the next islands they named los jardines, or "the gardens," from their luxuriant foliage. january 23, 1543, they passed a small island, whose inhabitants hailed them in good castilian, saying "buenos dias, matalotes" [30] [meaning to say "good morning, sailors"], for which the island was named matalotes. the next island passed they named arrecifes or reefs, the significance of which is apparent. february 2, they anchored in a beautiful bay which they called málaga [baganga] and the island cesarea karoli [mindanao], "which the pilots, who afterwards sailed around it, declared to have a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues." after a month's residence on the island, they left in search of the island of mazagua, but contrary weather forced them to anchor at an island named sarrangar and by them called antonio, [31] where they had trouble with the natives, who were attacked by the castilians under command of alvarado. the people defended themselves valiantly with "small stones, poles, arrows, and mangrove cudgels as large around as the arm, the ends sharpened and hardened in the fire," but were finally vanquished; they abandoned this island afterwards and went to mindanao. "upon capturing this island we found a quantity of porcelain, and some bells which are different from ours, and which they esteem highly in their festivities," besides "perfumes of musk, amber, civet, officinal storax, and aromatic and resinous perfumes. with these they are well supplied, and are accustomed to their use; and they buy these perfumes from chinese who come to mindanao and the philipinas." they found a very small quantity of gold. the booty was divided among the company, during which a controversy arose as the soldiers objected to both villalobos and the viceroy of new spain having separate shares therein, claiming that it was sufficient to pay the former the seventh which he asked, with the choice of one jewel. after this was settled, the general ordered maize to be planted "which was done twice, but it did not come up. this irritated them all, and they said they did not come to plant, but to make conquests." to their complaints, and requests to change their location, villalobos replied "that he came for the sole purpose of discovering the course of the voyage, and of making a settlement." "the offensive arms of the inhabitants of these islands are cutlasses and daggers; lances, javelins, and other missile weapons; bows and arrows, and culverins. they all, as a rule, possess poisonous herbs, and use them and other poisons in their wars. their defensive arms are cotton corselets reaching to the feet and with sleeves; corselets made of wood and buffalo horn; and cuirasses made of bamboo and hard wood, which entirely cover them. armor for the head is made of dogfish-skin, which is very tough. in some islands they have small pieces of artillery and a few arquebuses. they are universally treacherous, and do not keep faith, or know how to keep it. they observe the peace and friendship they have contracted only so long as they are not prepared to do anything else; and as soon as they are prepared to commit any act of knavery, they do not hesitate because of any peace and friendship that they have made. those who carry on trade with them, must hold themselves very cautiously. certain spaniards who trusted in them were killed treacherously, under pretense of friendship." the castilians endured much hunger on this island of sarrangar, and a number of them died. a ship was despatched to mindanao to make peace, and to arrange terms of trade, and for food, and was received with apparent friendliness. a boat with six men was sent ashore, but was attacked by the natives; one man was killed and the others badly wounded. failing to obtain food here, villalobos set out with twenty-five men for the island of santguin [sanguir]. they anchored midway at a small island where "the natives had fortified themselves on a rock ... in the sea, with an entrance on only one side; this was strongly fortified with two defenses, and its summit was enclosed by very large and numerous trees. the approach was from the water side. the houses within were raised up high on posts, and the sea quite surrounded the rock." the people refusing to give provisions, "we fought with them, the combat lasting four hours. finally we carried the place, and as they would not surrender, they were all killed, with the exception of some women and children." one spaniard was killed and a number wounded; and, after all but little food was found. on his return to sarrangan, villalobos despatched his smallest ship to new spain to solicit aid, on august 4, 1543. another vessel started on the same day to "some islands ... which we call felipinas, after our fortunate prince, which were said to be well supplied with provisions," for the purpose of securing food. three days after this the troubles with the portuguese began, with the arrival of the deputy sent by jorge de castro. meanwhile the numbers of the spaniards and the indian slaves brought from new spain were being decimated through the famine they experienced. expeditions were sent out to gather food, but resulted disastrously. the portuguese intrigued with the natives not to sell provisions to the castilians, and to do them all the harm possible. on the arrival of the ship sent to the philippines for food, it was determined "to go to the felipinas, to a province called buio," [32] a salubrious land, "and abounding in food." further misfortunes met them through stormy weather and the hostility of the natives, who treacherously killed eleven of the spaniards in one vessel sent ahead to procure provisions. further trouble with the portuguese followed at the island of gilolo, the king of which was hostile to the portuguese. in these straits, villalobos determined to appeal to the king of tidore for aid and supplies, as he was formerly friendly to the spanish; but his hopes were disappointed. then he sent to terrenate, at the instance of the king of gilolo, to demand from the portuguese the castilian artillery in that island. [33] finally treaties were made between the two kings and the castilians. alvarado was sent (may 28, 1544) to the philippines to conduct back certain of the boats that had been sent thither when the expedition left the island of sarrangan. at mindanao, he was told of three provinces; "the first is mindanao, and it has gold mines, and cinnamon; the second is butuan, which has the richest mines of the whole island; and the third bisaya, [34] likewise possessing gold mines and cinnamon. throughout this island are found gold mines, ginger, wax, and honey." at the bay of resurrection on this island he found a letter left previously by villalobos and two others,--one by fray gerónimo de santistéban dated in april, saying that he with eight or ten men was going in search of the general in one of the small vessels; that fifteen men had been killed by the natives, and that twenty-one remained at "tandaya in the felipinas, at peace with the indians;" that one of the small vessels had been shipwrecked and ten men drowned at the river of tandaya; and other news. the other letter was from the captain of the ship sent to new spain, saying that he had set out too late to return to new spain, and had taken the twenty-one men from tandaya, and was going now in search of villalobos. alvarado coasted among many of the islands meeting with various adventures. he heard that in the "island of zubu, there were castilians living, since the time of magallanes, and that the chinese were wont to go thither to buy gold and certain precious stones." he returned on october 17 to tidore where he found villalobos and the other castilians. a detailed account of the adventures of one of the two small vessels sent to the philippines follows. reunited at tidore, the spaniards began to repair the ship in order to return to new spain. meantime jorge de castro was superseded by jordan de fretes, and a truce was arranged between the two nationalities. a ship left tidore may 16, 1545, for new spain, but it was unable to get beyond range of the islands, and returned to tidore october 3 of the same year. the spaniards began to desert to the portuguese, arousing the suspicions of the king of tidore. the negotiations with the portuguese and the discord among the castilians are minutely detailed. on february 18, 1546, those wishing to do so embarked in the portuguese fleet, arriving at ambón, where a number of them died, including villalobos. they left here on may 17, going by way of java to india. a list of the surviving members of the expedition concludes the relation. (_doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, tomo v, pp. 117-209.) expedition of miguel lopez de legazpi--1564-68 [résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.] illustrative documents- warrant of the augustinian authorities in mexico establishing the first branch of their brotherhood in the philippines; 1564. act of taking possession of cibabao; february 15, 1565. proclamation ordering the declaration of gold taken from the burial-places of the indians; may 16, 1565. letters to felipe ii of spain; may 27 and 29, and june 1, 1565. letter to the royal audiencia at mexico; may 28, 1565 legazpi's relation of the voyage to the philippines; 1565. [35]copia de vna carta venida de seuilla a miguel saluador de valencia; 1566. letters to felipe ii of spain; july, 1567, and june 26, 1568. negotiations between legazpi and pereira regarding the spanish settlement at cebú. fernando riquel; 1568-69. _sources_: see bibliographical data at end of this volume. _translations_: the résumé of documents, 1559-69, is translated and arranged, by james a. robertson, from _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. of the illustrative documents, the first is translated by reverend thomas cooke middleton; the second and eighth by arthur b. myrick; the third and fourth by james a. robertson; the fifth, sixth, and seventh by alfonso de salvio. resume of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68. [the following synopsis is made from documents published in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ tomos ii and iii, entitled _de las islas filipinas_. concerning these documents the following interesting statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. "the expedition of legazpi, which is generally believed to have been intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of the philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing new guinea; and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the captives or prisoners of former expeditions" (p. vii). "the course laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of new spain, luis de velasco] [36] ... founded upon the opinion of urdaneta, was to new guinea. the instructions of the _audiencia_ prescribed definitely the voyage to the philippines" (p. xxiv). copious extracts are given from the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely as note-material for others. with this expedition begins the real history of the philippine islands, from legazpi's landing in 1564, the spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after the capture of manila, by the english in 1762.] valladolid, september 24, 1559. the king writes to luis de velasco, viceroy of new spain and president of the royal _audiencia_, that he provide "what seems best for the service of god, our lord, and ourselves, and with the least possible cost to our estate; and therefore i order you, by virtue of your commission to make the said discoveries by sea, that you shall despatch two ships ... for the discovery of the western islands toward the malucos. you must order them to do this according to the instructions sent you, and you shall stipulate that they try to bring some spice in order to make the essay of that traffic; and that, after fulfilling your orders, they shall return to that nueva españa, which they must do, so that it may be known whether the return voyage is assured." these ships must not enter any islands belonging to the king of portugal, but they shall go "to other nearby islands, such as the phelipinas and others, which lie outside the above agreement and within our demarcation, and are said likewise to contain spice," the necessary artillery, articles of barter, etc., will be sent from the india house of trade in seville. "i shall enclose in this letter the letter that you think i should write to fray andres de urdaneta of the order of saint augustine in that city [mexico], in order that he embark on those vessels because of his experience in matters connected with those islands of the spice regions, as he has been there." the viceroy must issue instructions to the vessels that they "must not delay in trading and bartering, but return immediately to nueva españa, for the principal reason of this expedition is to ascertain the return voyage." the letter enclosed to urdaneta states that the king "has been informed that when you were a secular, you were in loaysa's fleet, and journeyed to the strait of magallanes and the spice regions, where you remained eight years in our service." in the projected expedition of the viceroy, urdaneta's experience will be very valuable "because of your knowledge of the products of that region, and as you understand its navigation, and are a good cosmographer." therefore the king charges him to embark upon this expedition. (tomo ii, nos. x and xi, pp. 94-100.) mexico, may 28, 1560. yelasco writes to the king in answer to this letter, saying that he will do his utmost to fulfil his commands in regard to the voyage. he says "it is impossible to go to the filipinas islands without infringing the contents of the treaty, because the latter are no less within the treaty than are the malucos, as your majesty can see by the accompanying relation, made solely for myself by fray andres de urdaneta. this latter possesses the most knowledge and experience of all those islands, and is the best and most accurate cosmographer in nueva españa." he asks the king to show this relation to any living members of loaysa's expedition in order to verify it. the king should redeem the spaniards captured by the natives in the philippines and other islands near the moluccas. to do this and to reprovision the ships would not be in violation of the treaty made with portugal. in case the ships should depart before the king's answer is received, the viceroy will order them to act in accordance with the above-mentioned relation. the vessels of the expedition will consist of two galleys of two hundred and one hundred and seventy or one hundred and eighty tons respectively, and a _patache_. [37] wood, already fitted, is to be sent in the galleys, with which to make small boats for use among the islands. "the man in charge of the work, writes me that the cables and rigging necessary for these vessels will be all ready, by the spring of sixty-one, at nicaraugua and realexo, ports in the province of guatimala where i have ordered these articles made, because they can be made better there than in all the coast of the southern sea; and because they can be brought easily from those ports to puerto de la navidad, where the ships must take the sea." the artillery and other articles sent from spain for the vessels have arrived. the letters written by the king to urdaneta and the augustinian provincial were delivered, and both have conformed to the contents thereof. "it is most fitting that fray andres go on this expedition, because of his experience and knowledge of these islands, and because no one in those kingdoms or in these understands so thoroughly the necessary course as he; moreover, he is prudent and discreet in all branches of business, and is of excellent judgment." he assures the king that the return voyage to spain will be made as quickly as possible. in a postscript he adds that all due secrecy has been observed in regard to the purpose of the fleet, and it has been given out that it is for the trade with peru and for coast defense; however it is rumored that they are for the voyage westward. the same ship carried to the king a letter from urdaneta accepting the service imposed upon him. he relates briefly his connection with the expedition of loaysa and his experiences in, and return from, the moluccas. "and after my return from the spice region until the year fifty-two, when our lord god was pleased to call me to my present state of religion, i busied myself in your majesty's service, and most of the time in this nueva españa ... both in matters pertaining to war ... and those of peace." notwithstanding his advanced age and his feeble health, he will undertake this new service. in a separate and accompanying paper urdaneta sends his opinion concerning the philippines and neighboring islands, which the viceroy has mentioned in his letter. in this relation urdaneta declares that "it is evident and clear that the filipina island [mindanao] is not only within the terms of the treaty, [38] but the point running eastward from this said island lies in the meridian of the malucos, and the greater part of all the said island lies farther west than the meridian of maluco." [39] he quotes the terms of the treaty to emphasize the fact that the filipina island is within portugal's demarcation. "therefore it seems that it would be somewhat inconsistent for your majesty to order the said vessels to the filipina island without showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." he advises the king to despatch the expedition strictly within his demarcation, asking him, however, to allow the ships to go to the philippine islands for the purpose of redeeming the spanish captives, "without going to the malucos, or engaging in trade, except to buy some things which may be worth seeing as specimens, or food and other articles necessary for the voyage." the best pilots and experienced men should be engaged for this expedition, "so that the most accurate relation possible may be made both of the lands newly-discovered and their longitude, and the route from nueva españa to the said filipina island, and the other islands of its neighborhood, so that it shall be understood where the one hundred and eighty degrees of longitude of your majesty's demarcation end. therefore it seems that not only is it a just cause to go to the filipina island in search of your said vassals ... but there appears to be a necessity for it, since they were lost in your majesty's service." these men will be very useful because of their knowledge of the language of the infidels and their acquaintance with those regions. (tomo ii, nos. xii and xiii pp. 100-113.) the king replies to urdaneta from aranjuez, (march 4, 1561), accepting his offer "to go to the western islands in the vessels that don luis de velasco, our viceroy of those regions, is sending thither by our command ... i feel much pleasure at your willingness to undertake this expedition and your understanding that it will be for the service of god, our lord, and of ourselves ... i charge you that, in accordance with your offer, you make this expedition, and do therein all that is expected from your religion and goodness. in regard to the advice you sent everything has been sent to the said viceroy, so that he may arrange what is most suitable according to his orders." (tomo ii, no. xvi, pp. 118, 119.) nueva españa, february 9, 1561. the viceroy writes to the king concerning the fleet. two ships and one small vessel are being built, and will be provisioned for the trip to the western islands and the return to new spain. they will be fully equipped by about the end of the present year. "it is necessary that your majesty have two pilots sent me for this expedition--men skilled and experienced in this navigation of the ocean sea; for, although i have three, i need two more, so that they may go two and two in the ships.... i have appointed miguel lopez de legazpi, [40] a native of the province of lepuzcua, and a well-known gentleman of the family of lezcano, as the general and leader of those embarking in these vessels--who all told, soldiers, sailors, and servants, number from two hundred and fifty to three hundred people. he is fifty years old [41] and has spent more than twenty-nine years in this nueba españa. he has given a good account of the offices he has held, and of the important affairs committed to him. from what is known of his christian character and good qualities hitherto, almore suitable man, and one more satisfactory to fray andres urdaneta, who is to direct and guide the expedition, could not have been chosen; for these two are from the same land, and they are kinsmen and good friends, and have one mind." (tomo ii, no. xiv, pp. 113-117.) mexico, 1561. urdaneta, in a memorial to the king, points out the greater advantages of acapulco as a port, than those possessed by puerto de la navidad. it has a more healthful location than the latter, is nearer mexico city, and supplies can be taken there more easily. the lack of necessities, "such as wine, oil, etc., from españa," and its unhealthful location have debarred workmen from going to puerto de la navidad; and hence the completion of the vessels has been retarded, and about a year must pass yet before they will be finished. "it is of great advantage that the port whence the men embark be healthful,... because if they embark from an unhealthful land, many fall sick before embarking, and many die afterwards while at sea ... the port of acapulco appears to have a good location, so that a dockyard might be fitted up there, where vessels can be built, and may there take and discharge their cargoes; for it is one of the foremost ports in the discovery of the indies--large, safe, very healthful, and with a supply of good water. it abounds in fish; and at a distance of five or six leagues there is an abundance of wood for the buttock-timbers of the vessels, and, some distance farther, of wood for decks and sheathing, and pines for masts and yards." further, the district about this port is reasonably well populated. urdaneta says that if material for making the artillery be sent from spain, and good workmen, the artillery can be made in new spain; as well as anchors. "in this land there is copper in abundance, from which artillery can be made," which only needs to be refined. the augustinian makes some interesting observations regarding social and economic conditions in mexico, and suggests that it would be very advantageous to compel many youths who are growing up in vagabondage to learn trades, "especially the _mestizos_, mulattoes, and free negroes." weapons, ammunition, and defensive armor must be sent from spain for this expedition. urdaneta requests that hemp-seed be sent, in order that ropes may be made in new spain. he tells of a plant _pita_ [agave], growing in this country which can be used as a substitute for hemp, and many plants of it must be planted near the ports. the pitch, tar, and resin, the instruments and charts for navigation, etc., must be sent hither from spain. they need good seamen and workmen. the king is requested to allow them to make use of any workmen in the other provinces of "these parts of the indies," paying them their just wages; likewise to take what things they need, paying the just price. it is advised that the necessary trees for shipbuilding be planted near the ports, and that ranches be established near by to furnish food. the second section of this document treats of the navigation to the western islands: and urdaneta maps out various routes which should be followed, according to the time of the year when the fleet shall depart on its voyage of discovery. these routes all have to do primarily with new guinea as the objective point of the expedition, the philippines being considered as only secondary thereto. speaking of the ladrones and their inhabitants, urdaneta says: "the islands of the ladrones are many, and thirteen [42] of them are said to be inhabited. the inhabitants are naked and poor. they eat rice, have many cocoa palms, and use salt. they fish with hooks made from tortoise-shell, being destitute of articles made from iron. they place a counterweight in one end of their canoes, and rig on them lateen-like sails made of palm-mats. it is quite important to explore this island thoroughly, or any of the others, in order to discover and ascertain accurately the navigation that has been made up to that point, and their distance from maluco and the filipinas islands ... those islands are somewhat less than three hundred and seventy leagues from botaba [one of the ladrones]." the "modern maps that have come to this nueva españa," are in his opinion incorrect, as certain coasts are drawn more extensive than is actually the case. calms must be avoided and the trade winds caught, in order to facilitate navigation. the errors of former expeditions must be avoided, as well as a protracted stay at the philippines--"both because of the worms that infest that sea, which bore through and destroy the vessels; and because the portuguese might learn of us, during this time, and much harm might result thereby." besides. spaniards as well as natives cannot be depended upon to keep the peace. by leaving new spain before the beginning of october, 1562, much expense and the idleness of the ships will be avoided. in case land be discovered within spain's demarcation. urdaneta requests the king to provide for its colonization by supplying a captain and some of the people and religious--or even that the general himself remain there, "if the natives thereof beg that some spaniards remain among them." he asks the king to ascertain the truth of the report that the french have discovered a westward route "between the land of the bacallaos and the land north of it." [43] if it be true then trade might be carried on more economically from spain direct to the west than by way of new spain, and the fleets will be better provided with men and equipments. (tomo ii, no. xvii, pp. 119-138). mexico, may 26,1563. legazpi writes to the king that "the viceroy of this new spain, without any merit on my part, has thought best to appoint me for the voyage to the western islands, to serve your majesty, putting under my charge the fleet prepared for it--not because this land has few men who would do it better than i, and by whom your majesty would be served better on this voyage, but rather, because no one would give himself up to it with a more willing spirit, as i have ever done in my past duties." he assures his majesty that he will have the utmost care in this expedition. for the better success of the voyage he has "asked the viceroy for certain things, which seemed to me necessary ... and others of which, in the name of your majesty, he should grant me, which although they were not of so great moment that they were fitting to be asked from so exalted and powerful a personage, the viceroy defers and sends them to you, so that your majesty may order your pleasure regarding them." he asks these things for "so important a voyage" not as "a remuneration for my work, since that is due your majesty's service, but as a condescension made with the magnificence that your majesty always is accustomed to exercise in rewarding his servants who serve him in matters of moment." (tomo ii, no. xviii, pp. 139, 140.) mexico, 1564. the viceroy writes to felipe on february 25 and again on june 15, excusing the non-departure of the fleet. in the first he says that the delay is due to the proper victualing of the vessels for a two-years' voyage, and the non-arrival of certain pieces of artillery, etc., which were coming from vera cruz; the things that were to be sent, from the city of mexico could not be sent until the fleet was launched, as they would spoil if left on land. everything will be ready by may. in the second letter he excuses the delay as, owing to calms and contrary winds, the vessels bearing the "masts, yards, and certain anchors" for the fleet did not arrive at puerto de la navidad until june 10. it still remained to step the masts and make the vessels shipshape, and to load the provisions; and they will be ready to sail by september. "four vessels are being sent, two galleons and two _pataches_; ... they are the best that have been launched on the southern sea, and the stoutest and best equipped. they carry three hundred spaniards, half soldiers and half sailors, a chosen lot of men.... six religious of the order of saint augustine go with it, among them fray andres de urdaneta, who is the most experienced and skilled navigator that can be had in either old or new españa." he encloses a copy of the instructions to legazpi, in order that the king may assure himself that his commands have been obeyed. the best pilots have been secured. the questions of routes, seasons, and other things have been discussed with urdaneta and others who have made the voyage before. "i trust ... that the expedition will come to a successful end, and that your majesty will be very much served therein, and in all that shall hereafter occur in it." notice will be given to the king of the departure of the fleet by the first vessel leaving for spain after that event. (tomo ii, nos. xix and xx, pp. 140-145). méjico, september 1, 1564. after the death of luis de velasco, instructions are issued to legazpi by the president and auditors of the royal _audiencia_ of mexico, the chief provisions of which here follow. before the royal officials of this expedition, namely, "guido de labezaris, treasurer, andres cauchela, accountant, and andres de mirandaola, factor," he will take possession of the vessels and their equipment. the flagship will be the "sant felipe," in which legazpi will embark; the "sant andres" will carry the commander of the fleet; [44] captain juan de la isla and captain hernán sanchez muñon will command the _pataches_, the "sant juan de letran" and the "sant lucas," respectively. legazpi's first duty is to appoint pilots, masters, boatswains, notaries, artillery officers, and all other necessary officials. inventories of the equipment of the fleet, and of the merchandise, etc., carried, are to be made and signed by him; and a copy of the same shall be given to the officials of the royal _hacienda_ [treasury]. he shall apportion the cargo, provisions, etc., among the different vessels, as he judge best. martin de goiti is to have entire charge of all the artillery, ammunition, etc., "as he is a person to be trusted," and he shall be given a memorandum of all such things. the men embarking in the fleet shall pass a general review; their names, age, parentage, occupation in the fleet, and pay, shall be enrolled in a book; and they shall be apportioned to the various vessels of the fleet. in legazpi's ship will embark captain mateo del saz, appointed master-of-camp, two officials of the royal _hacienda_, and those "gentlemen to whom has been given the preference for attendance on you and the standard, and the other necessary persons;" the royal standard and the ensign shall be carried on his vessel. "in the admiral's ship you shall appoint as captain thereof, and as admiral of the whole fleet, the man who is, in your judgment, most suitable." this vessel must carry one of the royal officers. the soldiers and sailors must see that the arquebuses delivered to them are kept in good order. great care must be exercised in regard to the provisions, and they must be apportioned in set quantities, "as the voyage is of long duration." to this end no useless person shall be taken, and no indians or negroes (male or female)--beyond a dozen of the latter for servants--or women (married or single) shall accompany the fleet. when the fleet is upon the point of embarking, the augustinian religious shall be taken on board, who go "to bring the natives of those regions to a knowledge of our holy catholic faith." they are to have good quarters and to receive good treatment. before setting sail "you shall have care that all the people have confessed and received communion." the general must perform homage and take oath to "perform well and faithfully the said office and duties of governor and captain-general." also the oath of obedience and faithfulness to legazpi shall be taken by all embarking in the fleet, "that they will not mutiny, or rebel, and will follow the course marked out by you, and your banner." the general must guard carefully the morals of his men, and shall punish "blasphemy and public sins with all severity." the property of the dead shall be kept for their heirs, persons being appointed to administer it. the admiral, captains, pilots, and masters shall be given ample instructions concerning the course before setting sail, which they must follow to the letter. the men are to be divided into watches, no one being excused, except for sickness. the fleet, setting sail, shall proceed "in search of and to discover the western islands situated toward the malucos, but you shall not in any way or manner enter the islands of the said malucos, ... but you shall enter other islands contiguous to them, as for instance the filipinas, and others outside the said treaty, and within his majesty's demarcation, and which are reported also to contain spice." they are to labor for the evangelization of the natives, to ascertain the products of the islands, and to discover the return route to new spain. the route to be taken on the westward journey will be by way of the "island nublada, discovered by ruy lopez de villalobos" and roca partida; then to the islands los reyes, the coral islands--"where you may procure water,"--and thence to the philippines; passing perhaps the islands of matalotes and arrecifes, in which event they shall try to enter into communication with the natives. "when you have arrived at the said filipinas islands, and other islands contiguous to them and the malucos, without however entering the latter, ... you shall try to discover and examine their ports, and to ascertain and learn minutely the settlements therein and their wealth; the nature and mode of life of the natives; the trade and barter among them, and with what nations; the value and price of spices among them, the different varieties of the same, and the equivalent for each in the merchandise and articles for exchange that you take from this land; and what other things may be advantageous. you shall labor diligently to make and establish sound friendship and peace with the natives, and you shall deliver to their seigniors and chiefs, as may seem best to you, the letters from his majesty that you carry with you for them.... you must represent to them his majesty's affection and love for them, giving them a few presents ... and treating them well. and you may exchange the articles of barter and the merchandise that you carry for spice, drugs, gold, and other articles of value and esteem.... and if, in your judgment, the land is so rich and of such quality that you should colonize therein, you shall establish a colony in that part and district that appears suitable to you, and where the firmest friendship shall have been made with you; and you shall affirm and observe inviolably this friendship. after you have made this settlement, if you should deem it advantageous to the service of god, our lord, and of his majesty, to remain in those districts where you have thus settled, together with some of your people and religious, until you have given advice of it to his majesty and this royal _audiencia_ in his name, you shall send immediately to this nueva españa, one or more trustworthy persons ... with the news and relation of what you have accomplished, and where you have halted. what you shall have obtained in trade shall be brought back. this you shall do in such manner that with all the haste, caution, and diligence possible, they shall return to this land, in order that the return route hither may be known and learned; for this latter is the chief thing attempted, since already it is known that the journey thither can be made in a brief time. if you determine to make the return in person to this land, you shall leave there, where you have settled, persons in your stead and some people and religious, but making sure that the commander left by you with such people and religious is a thoroughly trustworthy man, and that he is amply provided with the necessary supplies until aid can arrive. to this man you shall give orders that he preserve with your friends the friendship that you shall have established, without offending or ill-treating them in any way; and that he be ever prepared and watchful, so that no harm may come through his negligence." news of any spaniards left among these islands from the expedition of villalobos is to be earnestly sought; and spaniards and their children are to be ransomed when found, and brought back to spanish territory. information is to be sought concerning the natives of the philippines. the spaniards must ascertain whether the portuguese have built forts or made settlements in these islands since the treaty was made, or since villalobos arrived there. the exploration in spain's démarcation is to be as thorough as possible. any land colonized must be well chosen, regard being had to its easy defense. as much treasure as possible must be sent back with the ship or ships that return with news of the expedition. further emphasis is laid on the good treatment of the natives, "who, as we are informed, are men of keen intellect, of much worth, and as white as ourselves." "in whatever port, island, or land" they shall make explorations, they are to gather information "of the customs, conditions, mode of life, and trade of their inhabitants; their religion and cult, what beings they adore, and their sacrifices and manner of worship. information must be obtained of their method of rule and government; whether they have kings, and, if so, whether that office is elective, or by right of inheritance; or whether they are governed like republics, or by nobles; what rents or tributes they pay, and of what kind and to whom; the products of their land most valued among them; what other things valued by them are brought from other regions. and you shall ascertain what articles taken by you from here are held in highest estimation among them." possession, in the king's name, shall be taken of all the lands or islands discovered. the pilots shall make careful logs. the powerful rulers of these districts are to be told that the proposed destination of the fleet was not to their islands, but the exigencies of the weather rendered a stay there imperative, in order that they may not say "that you carry very little merchandise to go a-trading in lands so distant" they shall request friendship and alliance and trade; and presents shall be given these rulers from the most valuable articles in the cargo. legazpi must be watchful of his own safety, carrying on negotiations with the natives through his officers, thus guarding against treachery. the person transacting such business shall be accompanied by armed men, and the negotiations must be carried on in sight of the vessels. hostages must be procured when possible. no soldiers or sailors shall go ashore without being ordered to do so. sleepless vigilance must be exercised to see that the natives do not cut the anchor-cables, and thus send the ship adrift. to guard against treason and poison, invitations to festivities or banquets must not be accepted, nor shall any food be eaten unless the natives partake of it first. if no settlement can be made because of the unwillingness of the natives, or because of the scarcity of men, then the expedition--the entire fleet, if legazpi deem best--shall return, after having first made peace and friendship, trying to bring enough treasure, etc., to pay the expenses of the expedition. it is advisable to leave some of the priests in any event, "to preserve the friendship and peace that you shall have made." if any portuguese are met among the islands of japan, part of which lie in spain's demarcation, any hostile encounter must be avoided, and the spaniards must labor for peace and friendship. in case they obtain such peace and friendship, then they must try to see the charts carried by the portuguese. whether the latter are found or not in these japanese islands, legazpi must try to ascertain whether any theatins [45] have been sent thither to convert the natives. finding these latter, information as to those regions and the actions of the portuguese therein must be sought. in case the spaniards and portuguese come to blows, and the victory remain to the former, a few portuguese prisoners shall be sent to new spain. if the portuguese have unlawfully entered the limits of spain, legazpi shall, with the advice of his captains and the royal officials, take what course seems, best. if vessels are encountered in the japanese archipelago or in districts contiguous thereto, legazpi must try to effect peace and friendship, declaring that he was compelled to enter those districts because of contrary winds; he must gather all the information possible from them, concerning themselves and the portuguese. should these vessels thus encountered prove to be armed fleets or pirates, any conflict with them must be avoided. in case of a fight, let him depend on his artillery rather than on grappling. any prisoners must be well treated, "and after having gained information of everything that seems best to you, you shall allow them to go freely, giving them to understand the greatness of the king, ... and that he wishes his vassals to harm no one." pirates are to be dealt with as shall be deemed best. all trading must be at the lowest possible price, and fixed figures shall be established. native weights must be used. the royal officials are to have entire charge of all trading, of whatever nature, and no individual shall presume, under severe penalties, to trade for himself, for in that case prices will be raised by the natives. these officials shall trade first, merchandise to the value of fifty thousand pesos of gold dust [46] for the king, and then ten thousand pesos for private individuals; then another fifty thousand for the king, and so on; but all drugs, spices, and some other articles are the king's alone, and no one may trade for them without his express permission. careful entries of all trading must be made, and the king shall receive one-twentieth of all the return cargo of individuals in the fleet. any merchandise belonging to private individuals who do not embark in the fleet shall be traded last, and seven per cent of its returns shall be paid to the king. slaves may be bought, for use as interpreters, but good treatment is to be accorded them. no indian shall be captured, nor shall any soldier buy any slave during the time of the voyage; but when a settlement is made they may do so, unless the king order the contrary. several of them shall be sent to new spain, however, that "they may be seen here, and from them may be ascertained the products of their lands." in the fortress of any settlement made, two houses shall be constructed, one for legazpi, and the other for the safe keeping of the artillery and stores; and a ditch and drawbridge are to be made at the entrance to it. the people of the settlement shall live outside the fortress, but in one place. careful watch must be kept; and the soldiers must take good care of their weapons, having them always in readiness. the soldiers and others are to be prohibited from "going to the villages of the natives of those regions without leave, from entering their houses, from seizing by force anything in the camp or in their village, or contrary to their will, and from leaving their [the soldiers'] quarters. especially shall you prohibit them and order them that they have no communication with the women of those regions." legazpi is to remain aboard his vessel until the fortress is completed. after its completion some small boats shall be made. a church shall be built near the fort, as well as a house for the religious, in order that the latter may minister to the colonists and the natives. "and you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations with the natives of those regions, some of the religious accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will hold the religious in great respect. this will be of great moment, so that, when the religious shall understand their language, or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand our holy catholic faith, the indians shall put entire faith in them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by his majesty is the increase of our holy catholic faith, and the salvation of the souls of those infidels." to this end all help must be given to these ministers of god. the indian interpreters carried in the fleet must be well treated. in case it shall be necessary, changes may be made in these instructions, but with the advice of the other officers; but it must be ever kept in mind that he is "to go to the said filipinas islands, and other islands contiguous thereto, ... and to discover the return route to this nueva españa with the greatest despatch possible, bringing or sending spices and other valuable articles of those regions." urdaneta must return with the ship or ships sent back to discover the return route, because of his experience. no person shall be restricted from sending letters, in the return ship or ships, to the king or the royal _audiencia_. the commander of the return ship shall deliver all the letters to the _audiencia_, and they, after reading their own shall despatch the others. this person shall be most emphatically charged to communicate with no one until the _audiencia_ has been advised of everything that has happened since the fleet left new spain. legazpi is enjoined in strong terms to seek advice among the religious "especially father fray andres de urdaneta," and the officers of the fleet, on all important matters. in case of legazpi's death the person succeeding to his office is to keep these instructions faithfully. a small box, carefully fastened, is given into legazpi's keeping, containing a sealed paper in which is written the name of the person who is to succeed to his command in case of his death, but this person is not to be known until such a casualty. another similar box, sealed and fastened as the other casket, contains the name of the person who shall receive the command in case legazpi's successor dies also. at the end of the instructions proper is legazpi's oath to observe with care the commands enjoined upon him therein. (tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 145-200.) méjico, september 12, 1564. a letter from the royal _audiencia_ to the king informs the latter of the changes which they have made in the instructions given to legazpi by luis de velasco, who has died. the general and other officers have left for the port of departure, and the fleet will sail some time in october. the first instructions, which were in accordance with urdaneta's opinion, were to sail toward new guinea and coast along its shores in order to discover its products and other things. "it seemed to this royal _audiencia_, discussing and communicating in this regard with persons of experience, who have been in those regions, that, although it be true that the discovery of new guinea would be important, especially if the riches asserted should be found there, it is not fitting that the voyage thither be made now--both because, as it is new, it has not hitherto been navigated; and because, doing so now, it would be necessary to deviate widely from the course to reach the western islands, and the return voyage would be delayed; and it would be running a great risk to navigate in an unknown course." the king's letter of september 24, 1559, is cited in support of the _audiencia's_ change in route, and they "determined to order the general to sail straightway in search of the filipinas islands, and the other islands contiguous thereto, by the same route taken by ruy lopez de villalobos." the _audiencia_ do not agree with urdaneta (see above, p. 81) that the philippines are in portugal's demarcation. (tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 200-205.) nueva españa, 1564 (?). the first-appointed admiral of the fleet, juan pablo de carrión, writes to king felipe in regard to the proposed route. he gives a brief outline of urdaneta's opinion that they should sail first to new guinea. this island he declares "is one that we discovered in the year forty-four." he describes it as a desolate region, with but scant food, and declares that the voyage thither is dangerous and arduous. his own opinion is that the fleet should take the same course as did saavedra and villalobos; "and that the fleet should put in at the filipinas islands, which are friendly islands, with whom we have had trade and friendship, and where even eight spaniards of the fleet in which i sailed remained. they are islands well supplied with all manner of food, and there is much trade there. they are wealthy and large, and have the best location of the entire archipelago. their language is known, and their ports, and even the names of their principal rulers, with whom we have contracted friendship.... there are islands among them with a circuit of three hundred leagues, and so down to fifty. those islands that have been seen are eight large ones, without reckoning the small ones between them. they are within sight of one another, so that the most distant of them is not more than ten leagues from another. to the north of them lies the mainland of china, a distance of about two hundred leagues; at about the same distance to the south lies maluco. and since the route from these lands thither is already known, and we have had experience of it and since it is a land most abundantly provisioned and has much trade, and is rich, i have been of the opinion that we should go thither, inasmuch as this navigation is understood and that we should not seek a new course attended with so great uncertainty and risk." he recounts that "these islands were discovered first by magallanes in the year twenty-one," and afterward by villalobos, and their secret discovered. "they are islands that the portuguese have never seen, and they are quite out of the way of their navigation; neither have the latter had any further information of them beyond our drawing or chart. they have the best situation for the return voyage, because they are in north latitude." he ascribes his not being permitted to accompany the expedition to the divergence of his opinion from that of urdaneta. the latter has declared that he will not go on the expedition if it takes carrión's course; "and as he who goes as general, ... is of his nation and land, and his intimate friend, he wishes to please the father in everything; and as the said general has no experience in these things, nor does he understand anything of navigation, through not having practiced it, he is unable to distinguish one thing from another, and embraces the father's opinion in everything." carrión, in a very brief résumé of urdaneta's life, declares that he is a man of over sixty. (tomo ii, no. xxiii, pp. 205-210.) puerto de la navidad, 1564. in a letter to the king november 18, legazpi announces that he has taken over "two large ships and two _pataches_, and one small brigantine," in which are one hundred and fifty seamen, two hundred soldiers, and six religious of the order of saint augustine, the chief of whom is father fray andres de urdaneta; in all, the number of souls, counting servants, amounts to three hundred and eighty. "i shall leave this port, please god, our lord, tomorrow ... and will display, on my part, all possible diligence and care, with the fidelity which i owe, and which i am under obligation to have." he hopes for a successful voyage. he begs the king to bear them in mind, and send aid "to us who go before," and to commit this to one who has care and diligence, "as a matter that concerns greatly the service of god, our lord, the increase of his holy catholic faith, and the service of your majesty, and the general good of your kingdoms and seigniories." he asks the king to grant (as in his other letter, _q.v._ above) the requests he had made to the viceroy, and which the latter had sent to spain; for the preparation for the voyage has taken all his possessions. two days later (november 20) urdaneta writes the king to somewhat the same effect, enumerating the vessels, men, etc. besides himself there are four other religious, "and the other ... god has taken to himself in this port." they will set out the following day, all being well. he praises legazpi, and requests the king to keep him in his remembrance. urdaneta's nephew, andrés de mirandaola, is the royal factor of the fleet, and the former begs favor for him. "also since the religious of the order of our father saint augustine are the first to embark in this undertaking, and to undergo so many hardships for the service of god and your majesty, i beg your majesty to grant them favors." (tomo ii, nos. xxiv and xxv, pp. 211-215.) november 25, 1564. legazpi gives instructions on this day to the captains and pilots as to the course to be pursued. hitherto, since leaving port, a southwest course has been steered; but now, in accordance with the royal instructions, and in the opinion of the captains and pilots, it seems advisable to change the direction. they shall sail first west-southwest to a latitude of nine degrees, and then take a due course for the philippines, stopping at the island of los reyes on the way. if by any chance one of the vessels becomes separated from legazpi's vessel, the pilots are to return to the above latitude, stopping at any port that they may find, for eight or ten days, in hopes of meeting the other vessels. whether they find the island or not, and do not find the other vessels, this ship shall continue on the course toward the philippines. a token and letter must be left at any port they may reach. when the island of los reyes is reached, the ship will wait there ten days, after which time they shall continue their course, stopping likewise at matalotes and arrecifes, leaving tokens at all places, and trying to explore them and discover their products. (tomo ii, no. xxvi, pp. 215-217.) relation of the expedition, from november 19, 1564, to the end of may, 1565, when the "san pedro," under command of felipe de salcedo, left cebú for new spain. the fleet set sail from "puerto de navidad, monday, november 20, two hours before midnight, or rather on tuesday, november 21, three hours before daybreak." it consisted of the flagship, "san pedro," the "san pablo," captained by the master-of-camp, mateo del saz, and the _pataches_ "san juan" and "san lucas," captained by juan de la isla and alonso de arellano respectively. the vessels bore as pilots esteban rodriguez (chief pilot), pierres plin (or plun, a frenchman), jaymes martinez fortun, diego martin, rodrigo de espinosa, and lope martin. legazpi's vessel, the "san pedro," carried a small brigantine on her poop deck. on november 25, legazpi opened the instructions given him by the _audiencia_, which radically changed the course from the one that had been hitherto pursued--the new course being in accord with the advice of carrión, and by the same route which villalobos had taken. "the religious in the fleet were very sorry at this, giving out that they had been deceived; and had they known while yet ashore, that such a route was to be pursued, they would not have accompanied the expedition, for the reasons that father fray andres de urdaneta had advanced in mexico." but they expressed their willingness to make the expedition now for the service of god and the holy catholic faith, the increase of the kingdom, and the general good of the fleet. on the night of the twenty-ninth, the "san lucas," which, by the general's orders, was accustomed to take its position at night ahead of his vessel, became separated from the rest of the fleet and was seen no more. [47] being speedier than, the others, legazpi naturally expected that it would reach the islands ahead of him and there await the fleet, but he was disappointed. the fleet reached on december 18, the ninth degree of latitude, from which it must proceed westward to the island of los reyes. it was found that there was no uniformity among the distances and reckonings of the pilots; and although each contended for the accuracy of his reckoning, they were accustomed to change their figures somewhat, before reporting to legazpi. urdaneta's figures proved nearer the truth, but even he changed his reckoning, enlarging it, that he might be more in harmony with the pilots. thus it happened that the daily runs were exaggerated, giving rise to the belief that los reyes had been passed. in accordance with this belief the course of the fleet was changed on the twenty-eighth of december, taking the latitude of ten degrees, in order to reach matalotes and other islands. on january 8, 1565, the "san pablo" reported land on the port bow, and the fleet directed its course southward. the report proving incorrect, the former course was resumed and on the next day a low, small island was discovered. the natives fled at sight or the squadron. the ships ran close to land, and finding no anchorage, for the anchors failed to touch bottom, martin de goyti was ordered to go ahead to look for an anchorage. landing-parties (among whom were urdaneta and legazpi's grandson, felipe de salcedo, martin de goyti, and juan de la isla) went on shore to gather what information they could, and salcedo was empowered to take possession of the island for the king. meanwhile it became necessary for the vessels to weigh anchor and set sail, as the ebb-tide was taking them out to sea. the small boats that had been sent ashore regained the fleet at ten o'clock, and it continued its voyage. the landing-party had been well received by the natives who had not decamped--an old man, his wife, and a young woman with her child--who showed them their houses, fruits, and articles of food, giving them some of the latter. they showed signs of regret at the departure of the spaniards. "the indian was well built and the women good looking. they were clad in garments made of palm-leaf mats, which are very thin and skilfully made. they had many castilian fowl, quantities of fish and cocoanuts, potatoes, yams, and other grain, such as millet." they used canoes, and made fish-hooks from bone and other articles. "their hair is loose and long." this island was named barbudos. [48] no weapons, offensive or defensive, were seen. on the tenth they reached another larger island and many small islets, which they called los plazeles from the surrounding shoals. they appeared uninhabited. the same day they passed another uninhabited island, which they called the isle of birds, from its many wild-fowl. on the twelfth they passed other uninhabited islands which they called las hermanas ["the sisters"]. on the fourteenth, they passed islands which urdaneta declared to be the jardines of villalobos. the pilots ridiculed this assertion, saying that they were much farther on their course. in a general council on the seventeenth the best course to the philippines was discussed, as it was advisable to avoid entering at the hunger-point of villalobos. it was agreed to sail along the thirteenth degree, in which course urdaneta declared they must meet the ladrones. on the twenty-second of january land was sighted which the pilots declared to be the philippines, but which urdaneta said might be the ladrones, which he afterwards affirmed to be the case from the lateen-sails of the native boats, "which the inhabitants of the filipinas do not make." the pilots continued to ridicule him, but urdaneta's reasoning was correct. the fleet was surrounded by a multitude of boats, whose occupants, all talking at once, invited them with word and sign to land, offering refreshment. some knives, scissors, beads, a mirror, and other articles were given to the occupants of the nearest canoe. on the following tuesday the vessels succeeded in finding an anchorage, and the instructions as to behavior on land were carefully enjoined on all the men. [49] they were immediately surrounded by the canoes of the natives, the occupants of which brought many kinds of food, but in very small quantity. they would not enter the vessels although asked to do so by legazpi, "who showed them much love and affection, and looked upon them as friends." they sold their food for such things as playing cards, little bits of cloth, etc. "the father prior talked with them, using the few words of their language that he remembered, especially counting up to ten, whereat they manifested great pleasure; and one of them mentioned the name gonzalo, which as the father prior said, was the name of a spaniard who had been found in one of those islands, which was called goam." the natives signed to them to enter their villages, where they would find food in abundance. "and all the canoes, and those in them, had their arms, which consisted of shields, bundles of throwing-sticks, slings, and egg-shaped stones.... they leave the body quite uncovered. they are tall, robust, well built, and apparently of great strength. the women, too, are very tall, and wear only a cord tied about the waist, and to the cord they hang some grass or leaves from the trees, whereby they cover the shameful parts. some cover the latter also with mats made from palm-leaves. all the rest of the body is uncovered. both men and women wear their hair, which is of a yellowish color, loose and long, gathering it up behind the head." their canoes are "very neatly and well made, sewed together with cord, and finished with a white or orange-colored bitumen, in place of pitch. they are very light, and the natives sail in them with their lateen sails made of palm-mats, with so much swiftness against the wind or with a side wind that it is a thing to marvel at." the trading was all done from the canoes for the natives would not enter the vessels. they cheated much, passing up packages filled mainly with sand, or grass, and rocks, with perhaps a little rice on top to hide the deceit; the cocoa-nut oil was found to be mixed with water. "of these the natives made many and very ridiculous jests." they showed no shame in these deceits, and, if remonstrance was made, began straightway to show fight. "they are inclined to do evil, and in their knavishness they exhibit a very great satisfaction in having done it; and truly whoever gave the name of island of ladrones [robbers] was right; for they are robbers and boast of it, and are quite shameless and inclined to evil. they render account to no one, each man being sufficient to himself. thus it was seen that, whenever the general gave some articles, such as beads, mirrors, and articles of barter, to the indians who seemed to be the principals, they quarreled over who should take them, snatching them from one another and fleeing. and they were always looking for something to steal. they unfastened a large piece of one rudder blade in the _patache_ 'san joan,' and they tried to, and actually did, draw out the nails from the sides of the ships." [50] the vessels having anchored in a small cove for the purpose of refilling the water-butts, the natives showed hostility, discharging showers of stones from two sides, wounding some of the spaniards, among others captain juan de la isla, whereat the master-of-camp was sent ashore to remonstrate. the natives, in consequence, promised to keep the peace. repeated experiences proved that no confidence could be placed in these people; for they broke their word as soon as given. legazpi took possession of this island "in the name of his majesty"; and the religious disembarked to say mass, and celebrated divine worship. [51] several natives were captured and held as hostages, being well treated in each case. one escaped, although his legs were fettered with irons, by swimming; one hanged himself, and the others were set free. urdaneta proposed that a settlement be made in this island, and a vessel despatched to new spain, but legazpi said this would be acting contrary to his instructions. before leaving the island, however, a hundred men under the command of mateo del saz landed to inflict chastisement for the death of a ship-boy whom the natives, finding him asleep in a palm grove, whither he had gone while the water-butts were being refilled, had killed in a most barbarous manner. four of the natives were captured, three of whom (all wounded) were hanged at the same place where the boy had been killed; and the other was, through the intervention of the priests, taken aboard the ship, in order to send him to new spain. many houses were burned, a damage, "which, although slight, was some punishment for so great baseness and treachery as they had displayed toward us, ... and was done, so that when spaniards, vassals of his majesty, anchor there another time, the natives shall give them a better reception, and maintain more steadfastly the friendship made with them." "this island of goam is high and mountainous, and throughout, even to its seacoast, is filled with groves of cocoa-palms and other trees, and thickly inhabited. even in the valleys, where there are rivers, it is inhabited. it has many fields sown with rice, and abundance of yams, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, and bananas--these last the best i have seen, being in smell and taste far ahead of those of nueva españa. this same island has also much ginger, and specimens of sulphurous rock were found." the island had "no wild or tame cattle, nor any birds, except some little turtle-doves that are kept in cages." the natives captured would not eat the meat offered them, nor "would they at first eat anything of ours." the natives were skilful fishermen, being able to catch the fish with the naked hands, "which is a thing of great wonder." "they are excellent swimmers. their houses are high, and neatly and well made"--some, placed on posts of stone, served as sleeping-apartments; other houses were built on the ground, and in them the cooking and other work was done. they had other large buildings that served as arsenals for all in common, wherein the large boats and the covered canoes were kept. "these were very spacious, broad, and high, and worth seeing." the fleet left this island on february 3, and anchored on the thirteenth near the island of cebú. peace was made with the natives of one of the islands. inquiries were made for bernardo de la torre, one of the captains of the villalobos expedition, and they were given to understand that he was north from there. the natives, while professing friendship, brought their visitors but little food. [52] legazpi, therefore, sent juan de la isla with a party to look for a good port. this party was gone six days, experiencing the usual treachery from the natives, who killed one of the men, who had disembarked without permission. meanwhile another expedition was despatched toward the south, with the same object in view. possession was taken of the island of zibabao in the king's name. [53] on the twentieth of february the fleet set sail passing southward between a large island and a number of small islets. next day they cast anchor off the large island in a large bay to which they gave the name san pedro. [54] here they learned that tandaya, where they hoped to find the spaniards still remaining in these regions from the villalobos expedition, was a day's journey farther on. in this bay a native came to legazpi's ship who could speak a few words of spanish. they wished to send word to tandaya and to buy provisions, but the natives, though good promisers, were tardy doers. goyti was sent in search of tandaya, while the general took possession of the island near which the ships were anchored. the latter, attempting to ascend to the native village, encountered the hostility of the people. government here was in "districts like communal towns, each district having a chief. we could not ascertain whether they had any great chief or lord." goyti returned in ten days with news that he had found a large river which he was told was tandaya. as they explored the coasts they were followed by the natives, who took every occasion of displaying their hostility. he had passed a large settlement called cabalian. there was a good anchorage here, but no port; "and the indians of cabalian had golden jewels, and had many swine and castilian hens which were near the shore and which could be seen from the boat." on the fifth of march the fleet sailed to this town, reaching it on the same day. friendship was made with the natives in accordance with their special blood ceremonies [55] in such cases. some boats, sent out next day under command of the master-of-camp, discovered the strait separating this island from panay. the usual trouble was experienced by legazpi in securing provisions, and it was necessary to despatch goyti to the shore to take what was needed, but with orders not to harm the natives. next day legazpi sent to the shore what was considered the equivalent of the food thus taken, in beads and other articles, by a native who was on his vessel. the general learned from hostages aboard his ship the names of many of the islands. on the ninth of march the fleet set sail for mazagua, being guided by one of these hostages. failing to meet here the hoped-for friendship, they determined to go to the island of camiguinin, [56] first setting free all the hostages, giving them back their canoe, provisioning it for three days, and giving many presents of clothes to them, in order by this liberality to contract a lasting friendship. on the eleventh of march the coast of this island was reached. this island "is very thickly wooded." the natives, as usual, fled. on the fourteenth the fleet set sail for butuan in mindanao, but owing to contrary winds, they were not able to sail that day beyond bohol. the _patache_ "san juan" was despatched to butuan from this place, to try to make peace with its king and the people; and the captain of this vessel was ordered to treat well any junks he might meet from "china or borneo, and other parts." the malayan interpreter, geronimo pacheco, was sent in this vessel, and they were ordered to obtain as much information as possible in regard to trade. the time given them for this expedition was twenty-five days. news being received that a large sail had been seen, the master-of-camp was sent in a small boat to investigate. two days later he returned, reporting that the junk was from borneo, and that he had fought with it "for it would not listen to peace." in the end the junk surrendered, and was brought in a prisoner; but the enemy "had killed a good soldier with a lance-thrust through the throat," and had wounded twenty more. the men of the junk were moros, and they had fought most valiantly, and "were determined to die." legazpi gave the moros their liberty, whereat they expressed many thanks; he gathered as much information as possible from them in regard to the islands and peoples of these regions. "the moros told him that they carried iron and tin from borney, and from china porcelain, bells made of copper according to their manner, benzoin, and painted tapestry; from india pans and tempered iron pots." among the captured moros was the pilot, "a most experienced man who had much knowledge, not only of matters concerning these filipinas islands, but of those of maluco, borney, malaca, jaba, india, and china, where he had had much experience in navigation and trade." the moros being shown the articles of trade brought by the fleet, advised them to go to borneo, siam, patan, or malaca, where they could easily trade them, but "although we wandered about these islands for ten years, we could not dispose of so many silks, cloths, and linens." "this moro told the general that two junks from luzon were in butuan, trading gold, wax, and slaves.... he said that the island of luzon is farther north than borney." the castilians learn that the hostility and fear of the natives of these islands is the result of a marauding expedition conducted by portuguese, who had represented themselves to be castilians. [57] with the aid of the moro pilot peace and friendship were made with one of the chief men of the island of bohol; and now for the first time food was received in any quantity, many sardines especially being brought by the natives. legazpi despatched one of the small boats to cebú in order to make friendship and peace with its inhabitants, and to gather all possible information for the relation he was to send back to new spain. they were guided by the moro, who acted in the capacity of interpreter, as he knew the language of the natives. a negro "who had been in india and malaca, and knew the malay tongue" acted as interpreter between this pilot and the spaniards. "the borneans said that the indians had two spaniards, and that sometime ago they had given one of them to bornean merchants; they did not know whether they had the other yet, or what had been done with him. the portuguese had ransomed the one taken by the borneans and had taken him to malaca." as the men sent to cebú did not return within the time appointed by legazpi--they had been provisioned for but one week--a canoe of natives, who offered themselves, was sent to look for them. meanwhile the "san juan," which had been despatched to butuan, returned without having accomplished the full object of its mission, namely, to procure information regarding cinnamon. the captain reported having "found at the port of botuan two moro junks from luzon," with which they traded for gold and wax. the soldiers, hearing that the moros had much gold in their junks, were insistent that they should seize them, alleging as an excuse the deceit practiced by the moros in their trading. the captain would not permit this, and in order to avoid a collision with the moros returned to the fleet, leaving part of his duty unaccomplished, for which legazpi reprimanded him severely. the general, calling a council of his officers and others, consulted with them as to the advisability of colonizing one of the islands. all but the religious were unanimous that a settlement should be made on one of them, but the latter did not care "to deliberate upon this." [58] questioned as to what island they preferred, if legazpi should order a settlement made, they signified as their choice the island of cabalian, where although there was no port, a settlement could be made in the interior, as food was abundant there, and the return vessel to spain could be easily provisioned. the unanimous opinion was that the "san pedro" should return with news of the expedition to new spain, as it was a lighter and better vessel than the "san pablo." nine days after their departure the canoe returned without news of the spaniards sent to cebú, which caused legazpi great anxiety. that same night, however, these men returned alive and well, but the moro pilot had been treacherously killed by some natives, while bathing in a river of the island of negros. they had not anchored at cebú, because of the violence of the tides about it. they had coasted about negros and cebú, and reported a large population and a plentiful food supply on the latter island. a council having been called it was determined that the fleet should go to cebú, without delay, in order that they might make a settlement and despatch the "san pedro" before the rainy season set in. therefore on easter day the fleet set sail for this island, distant from bohol fifteen or sixteen leagues. being delayed by calms and contrary winds and the tides they did not reach their destination until the twenty-seventh and thirtieth of april. in conformity with the opinion that it was allowable to fight with the inhabitants of this island if they refused food and would not make a true friendship and peace--inasmuch as their chiefs had been baptized, and had afterward apostatized, and had treated magalháes treacherously--legazpi, after meeting with expressions of hostility and defiance, sent a party ashore to take the island. the natives immediately fled, and the soldiers were unable to find any of them on disembarking. "their weapons are long sharp iron lances, throwing-sticks, shields, small daggers, wooden corselets, corded breastplates, a few bows and arrows, and culverins." about one hundred houses were burned, the fire having started from an accidental shot from one of the vessels, or having been lit purposely by the natives. the soldiers were quartered in the houses remaining after the fire. "there was found a marvelous thing, namely, a child jesus like those of flanders, in its little pine cradle and its little loose shirt, such as come from those parts, and a little velvet hat, like those of flanders--and all so well preserved that only the little cross, which is generally upon the globe that he holds in his hands, was missing. [59] meanwhile, as was right, the general had this prize, and when he saw it, he fell on his knees, receiving it with great devotion. he took it in his hands and kissed its feet; and raising his eyes to heaven, he said: 'lord, thou art powerful to punish the offenses, committed in this island against thy majesty, and to found herein thy house, and holy church, where thy most glorious name shall be praised and magnified. i supplicate thee that thou enlighten and guide me, so that all that we do here may be to thy glory and honor, and the exaltation of thy holy catholic faith.' and he ordered that this sacred image be placed with all reverence in the first church that should be founded, and that the church be called nombre de jesus ['name of jesus']. it gave great happiness and inspiration to all to see such an auspicious beginning, for of a truth it seemed a work of god to have preserved so completely this image among infidels for such a long time; and an auspicious augury in the part where the settlement was to be made." on may 8, the fort was commenced, legazpi breaking the first ground, and "dedicating it to the most blessed name of jesus." [60] the sites for the spanish quarters and the church were chosen, and the town was called san miguel, because founded on the day of this saint's apparition. that night the natives returned, setting fire to the remaining houses, so that the whole town was in danger of being burnt, with all the goods brought ashore from the ships. the site of the house wherein had been found the sacred image was selected "as the site of the monastery of the name of jesus ... and from the said house the child jesus was brought to the ... church in solemn procession, and with the great devotion, rejoicing, and gladness of all the men. arriving at the church, they all adored it, and placed it on the principal altar, and all vowed to observe, sanctify, and celebrate solemnly as a feast day each year, the day on which it had been found, april 28. [61] and in addition a brotherhood of the most blessed name of jesus was established in the same manner, under the conditions of that of san agustin of mexico, the majority of the people entering as members and brothers." in this procession took part a number of natives under two chiefs who professed friendship to the spaniards. finally peace and friendship was made between legazpi and the greatest chief of the island, tupas; and it was arranged that tributes should be paid in produce, since the people had no gold--not because of "any necessity the king of castilla had of it" but merely as a tribute and token that they recognized him as their lord. but, perhaps through the maliciousness of the moro interpreters, this peace was not concluded or kept; and certain of the natives, finding one of the company, pedro de arana, alone, killed him and cut off his head. "in this manner do the indians of these islands keep peace and friendship, who in our presence refuse or deny nothing; but twenty paces away they keep nothing that they have promised. they have no knowledge of truth, nor are they accustomed to it. therefore it is understood, that it will be very difficult to trade with them in a friendly manner, unless they understand subjection or fear." on the twenty-seventh of may, legazpi ordered that the roll of those remaining be taken, in order that it might be sent to new spain. certain men of gentle birth, headed by one pedro de mena, objected to serving as legazpi's body-guard, saying that such was the duty of servants. the master-of-camp hearing this, disrespect to the general, chided them, and sentenced them to serve in the companies. in revenge for this some one set fire to the house in which legazpi's personal effects had been stored. the fire was put out and the danger averted with difficulty, during which "some of the soldiers were burned and hurt." de mena and esteban terra were arrested, and the latter was given a hearing and found guilty. he was executed next morning. "from this it will be seen that not only are there enemies outside, but even in the very camp itself ... and it will be seen how necessary and suitable is the aid that must come from nueva españa." (tomo ii, no. xxvii, pp. 217-351.) zubu, may 28, 1565. andrés de mirandaola writes to the king various details of the expedition. "the products we have seen as yet among the natives, are gold, cinnamon, and wax; and their trade consists in these articles. and we are certain that these things can be had in abundance if your vassals, the spaniards, cultivate the friendship of this land, for the aforesaid natives ... are a people who live without any restraint, neither regarding nor respecting those whom they designate as their seigniors.... it will be necessary for your majesty to conquer this region, for i believe without any doubt, that by no other way can it prove beneficial; nor can the christian religion be otherwise advanced, because the people are extremely vicious, treacherous, and possessed of many evil customs. therefore it is necessary for your majesty to order the conquest of this region, which can be done, with our lord's aid, without much loss, if your majesty order people, arms, and ammunition to be provided, of all of which we suffer great lack at present." he tells of the damage inflicted on the spanish in these regions by the portuguese. speaking of the moro junks found at butuan, mirandaola says of the island of borneo: "this island of borney is rich, according to what we have heard of it. it is well populated and is very well fortified, having much artillery. its people are warlike, and there is much trade in all parts of it." a brief account of the spanish establishment on cebú follows, and the consequent communications with the natives, which differ in no respect from other accounts. "fray andrés de urdaneta, my uncle, is returning, and is going to serve your majesty in this discovery; and for his companion goes fray andrés de aguirre. as captain goes felipe de salcedo and juan de aguirre, persons whom we know will serve your majesty with all fidelity, faith, and cheerfulness." he asks (in addition to the "two hundred well armed and equipped men" requested from new spain) from the king "six hundred well armed men ... of whom four hundred should be arquebusers and two hundred pikemen; large artillery, such as culverins, with ammunition; and ammunition and weapons for those who are here now. the people should be the best that can be found and of good lives." he asks the king to confirm the reward granted him by velasco, and to increase his salary to three thousand ducats on account of the high cost of living. (tomo ii, no. xxxii, pp. 365-372.) relation of the expedition by estevan rodriguez, chief pilot of the fleet. this relation seems to have been the log kept by this pilot. many of its entries are simply reckonings. he gives the names, tonnage, captains, and pilots of the different vessels. on the nineteenth of november the banner and standard were consecrated, and the oath taken. the fleet set sail four hours before dawn on november 21, [62] on sunday, the twenty-sixth, the course was changed in accordance with the sealed instructions given to legazpi. the "san lucas" separated from the fleet december 1. on the eighth, diego martin, pilot of the "san pablo," reported land but he was in error. next day an island was sighted, in which there were "about one hundred indians, a people well built and with long beards," for which the island was called barbudos. "the women have pleasant faces, and these people are as dark complexioned as mulattoes. the women have little gardens. they have certain roots from which they make excellent bread, for i have tried it." [63] on the tenth they passed and named the islands placeres and san pablo. other islands were passed on the twelfth and fifteenth. on the twenty-second they sighted a mountainous island to the south, whose inhabitants saluted them as "chamurre, chamurre," [64] or that is, "friends, friends!" this was the island of guam. they found it to have a good bay and good rivers of fresh water. the products of this island are named, the people described, and the troubles there briefly enumerated. "the master-of-camp and martin de gueyte, with one hundred and fifty men, sacked and burned two villages." during the eleven days spent here "masses were said each day." numerous words of the language spoken are recorded: friend, _chamor_; good, _mauri_; hereabout, _baquimaqui_; pleasant to the taste, _mani_; take, _jo_; oil, _rana_; rice, _juay_; land, _tana_; dry cocoa, _micha_; señor, _churu_; fresh cocoa, _mana_; iron, _yrizo_; botija [a species of jar], _o_; gourd, _coca_; ship, _botus_; nail, _yuro_; salt, _azibi_; sugar-cane, _tupotipor_; fish, _bian_; no, _eri_; salt fish, _azuiban_; yam, _nica_; small, _segu_; wood, _tagayaya_; green banana, _regue_; water, _ami_; tamal, _enft_; banana, _jeta_; acorn, _puga_; net, _ragua_; pictured paper, _tricabo-tali;_ eyes, _macha_; rock, _rapia_; ears, _perucha_; paper, _afuipuri_; teeth, _nifi_; palm-leaf mat, _guafal_; hair, _chuzo_; ginger, _asinor_; hands, _catecha_; she, _reben_; foot, _ngmicha_; osier basket, _pian_; beard, _mimi_; deep, _atripe_; leg, _achumpa_; crab, _achulu_; this, _achi_; petaca [a leather covered trunk or chest], _agu_; pitcher, _burgay_; come here, _hembean;_ star, _vitan;_ moon, _uran_; sun, _afaon_; to eat, _mana_; large, _riso_. their numbers up to ten are: _acha, gua, tero, farfur, nimi, guanan, frintin, gua [sic], ãgua, manete_. on the fourteenth of february, 1565, they sighted the philippines. describing the natives, rodriguez says: "these indians wear gold earrings, and the chiefs wear two clasps about the feet.... all the body, legs, and arms are painted; and he who is bravest is painted most." juan de la isla was sent with one of the small vessels to reconnoiter a large and excellent bay at some distance away. there he made blood-friendship with the natives, but one of his men was treacherously killed. rodriguez's reckonings were taken according to the mexican rather than the spanish rules. rodriguez and goyti were commissioned to explore among certain of the islands in order to find safe channels for the ships. they found one such between panay and another island. they passed tandaya and cabalian during their ten days' cruise, and the fleet, in consequence of their report sailed to the latter place. the treacherous conduct of the portuguese to both spaniards and natives is discovered. "the general determined to go to betuan, which is a very rich island, whence much gold is brought," and anchor was cast before bohol, from which place legazpi despatched juan de la isla to explore westward, and martin de goyti eastward a small boat was despatched under rodriguez "to discover some islands that could be seen from here. we went in the frigate, fifteen men and one indian, who knew the language, the pilot of a junk captured by the master-of-camp and captain martin de goete." this detachment coasted among various islands, among them licoyon and binglas. [65] they were blown out of their course by a storm. a _prau_ was sighted, but its occupants took flight, ran their vessel ashore, and hid on the island. the spaniards went to the _prau_, and found therein a "little indian girl of about three years, very pretty. she was hanging over the edge of the _prau_ with her body in the water, and screaming. when we came and wished to take her, she slipped into the water and would wellnigh have drowned, had not one of our men leaped in after her." shortly after this a battle with other natives was averted only by the wind blowing off the covering to their two pieces of artillery, at sight of which the natives fled in confusion and hid themselves. the inhabitants showed themselves hostile at all points and the spaniards had several narrow escapes on this island of negros. from here they crossed to the island of cebú. "this cibuy is a fine island, about sixty leagues in circumference and thickly populated.... we found fourteen or fifteen villages on its sea-coast.... we did not dare to go ashore, although we were in need of food." the detachment returned to the fleet after twenty days, although they had been ordered only to cruise during six. the natives and two soldiers sent to look for these men had missed them by going to the opposite side of the island from that where rodriguez had been the fleet set sail for cebú, where after landing they found the village deserted. legazpi ordered that each mess of four soldiers should take one house and the rest of the houses be destroyed. everything was removed from the houses before any were destroyed. the general ordered that a thick set palisade of stakes be built, including therein a few wells of fresh water. "this village was built in triangular shape, with two water-fronts and one land side." the artillery was placed to defend the coast, while the spaniards relied on the palisade for protection on the land side, until the fort could be built. companies were sent out to scour the country for food, and "always brought back fowl, hogs, rice, and other things ... and some good gold." the natives to the number of one hundred came to make peace one day. "in this town when we entered we found therein a child jesus. a sailor named mermeo found it. it was in a wretched little house, and was covered with a white cloth in its cradle, and its little bonnet quite in order. the tip of its nose was rubbed off somewhat, and the skin was coming off the face. the friars took it and carried it in procession on a feast day, from the house where it was found to the church that they had built." the natives were told that they thus honored the child jesus. "after the mass and the sermon, the general went to treat with the king for friendship, telling him that we came thither for the king of castilla, whose land this was, who had sent other people here before, and that they had been killed--as, for instance, magallanes (and when magallanes was mentioned, the king was much disturbed); but that he pardoned everything, on condition that you be his friends." to this peace the natives acceded, but as in other instances only for the moment; they failed to return at the appointed time to conclude the preliminaries, and killed one of the spaniards. a body of men was sent out who captured more than twenty of the natives, among them a niece of the king, which was the means of getting into friendly touch with the people once more. the "san pedro" was ready now to set out on the return trip to new spain being well supplied with provisions for more than eight months. "two hundred persons, with ten soldiers and two fathers, the father prior, and father fray andres de aguirre," sailed with it on the first of june. (tomo ii, no. xxxiii, pp. 373-427.) 1565. log of the return voyage to new spain kept by rodrigo de espinosa. [66] this man was the pilot of the small vessel "san juan," commanded by juan de la isla. he was ordered to accompany estevan rodriguez on the return passage of the "san pedro," under the command of felipe de salcedo. setting sail on june 1, from the "port of zubu, ... between the island of zubu and the island of matan, this latter island being south of zubu," the "san pedro" took a general northerly and easterly direction. the passage through the islands is somewhat minutely described. on one island where they landed to obtain a fresh supply of water, they saw "two lofty volcanoes." this island they named peñol ["rock"]. on june 10 the island of felipina was reached, whence the trip across the open pacific was commenced. often the direction of the wind and the reckoning of the sun, are chronicled--also the days' runs, which vary between five and forty-five leagues. june 21, corpus christi day, a headland was sighted on the starboard side, which had the appearance of a ship at anchor, and to which the name espíritu santo ["holy ghost"] was given. by september 15, cebú lay fifteen hundred and forty-five leagues toward the west. on the eighteenth an island on their starboard side was named deseada ["desired"], and the log reads sixteen hundred and fifty leagues from the point of departure. on saturday, the twenty-second, land was sighted; and next day the point of santa catalina, in twenty-seven degrees and twelve minutes north latitude, received its name. from that point they coasted in a southeasterly direction along the shores of southern california to its southern point in "twenty-three degrees less an eighth," naming the headland here cape blanco, from its white appearance. near this place died the master of the vessel, "and we threw him into the sea at this point." on the twenty-seventh the chief pilot "esteban rodriguez [67] died between nine and ten in the morning." the small islands southeast of lower california were passed and it was estimated that they were in the neighborhood of cape corrientes. on the thirtieth, cape chamela was passed; and on the first of october, the "san pedro" lay off puerto de la navidad; the chart showing a distance of eighteen hundred and ninety-two leagues from cebú. "at this time i went to the captain and said to him, that i would take the ship wherever he ordered, because we were off puerto de la navidad. he ordered me to take it to the port of acapulco, and i obeyed the order. although at that time there were but from ten to eighteen men able to work, for the rest were sick, and sixteen others of us had died, we reached this port of acapulco on the eighth of this present month of october after all the crew had endured great hardships." (tomo ii, no. xxxiv, pp. 427-456.) following this relation is a document showing the estimates made by the two pilots and the boatswain, by command of the captain, of the distance between cebú and puerto de la navidad. the first estimate was made on july 9. the map of the chief pilot was found to measure eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but in his opinion the distance was about two thousand leagues. rodrigo de la isla espinosa [68] declared that an old map in his possession showed more than thirteen hundred and seventy leagues, [69] but he increased the amount to about two thousand and thirty leagues. francisco de astigarribia's map measured eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but his estimation was about two thousand and ten leagues. on september 18 the same three men estimated the distance from cebú to the first land sighted--"an island off the west coast of new spain" and lying in about thirty-three degrees--at seventeen hundred and forty leagues sixteen hundred and fifty leagues, and sixteen hundred and fifty leagues respectively; the highest point reached had been a fraction over thirty-nine degrees. (tomo ii, no. xxv, pp. 457-460.) 1565-1567. relation of occurrences in the philippines after the departure of the "san pedro" to new spain. [70] to a moro who presented himself as a deputy from the chief tupas, legazpi expressed his sorrow that the natives were fleeing to the mountains, and would not give credence to the friendship and peace offered them in the name of the king, by the castilians. word was sent to tupas that legazpi regretted the necessity of warring with the natives, and that, when they wished to return, they might do so peaceably. although they treacherously had killed a spaniard, he, on his part, had treated well the two women and two children captured by him, and would restore them freely to their husbands and fathers, without ransom, whenever they chose to return to ask his pardon and to make peace. that same afternoon two chiefs--one of whom, simaquio, was the husband of one of the women and the father of the two children--came into the fort. they declared themselves to be brothers of the chief tupas. simaquio "came to deliver himself to the governor, saying that the latter could do what he wished with him and his, and that he should hold them as slaves, or sell them in castilla, or do what he pleased with them." legazpi permitted him to see his wife and daughters, telling him "that he had been as watchful of their honor, as if he had kept them in his own house." simaquio signified his desire "to be ... the friend and vassal of the king of castilla, and to have perpetual peace and friendship, and that he would never be found lacking in it." to this legazpi replied that it was necessary to treat with tupas and the others jointly, "and that in this manner it would be ascertained who wished peace and friendship, and who did not; that he [simaquio] should go and confer regarding peace and friendship with tupas and the other chiefs; and that after such talk and conference, and getting the opinion of all, they should return to finish these negotiations and conclude the matter. meanwhile his wife and daughters would receive good care and treatment, and he could rest assured that after peace had been made, he [legazpi] would be their father and they his children, and he would look, after them and protect them as such." this good treatment reassured the natives, and a few days later tupas appeared and a treaty of peace was made, the conditions of which follow. "first, they make submission, and bind and place themselves under the dominion and royal crown of castilla and of his majesty, as his natural vassals, promising to be faithful and loyal in his service, and not to displease him in any way. they promise to observe, fulfil, and obey his royal commands as their king and lord; and to obey, in his royal name, the governor and captain residing in these islands, and to receive the latter whenever he should come to their islands, towns, and houses--whether he were angry or pleased, whether at night or day, whether for peace or for war, without any resistance or hostility, to fulfil his commands, and not to withdraw themselves from this dominion, now or in the future. this they promised for themselves and their future descendants, under risk of falling under and incurring the penalties which should be imposed in case of treachery and treason against their king and lord. "_item:_ on condition, that the chief who killed pedro de arana by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself." the said tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that, if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he might be punished. "_item:_ on condition that, if the said tupas and chiefs asked the said governor for the aid of his men against any indians hostile to them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reenforcement of men for it. likewise if the said governor should request people from the said indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his enemies. all the spoils taken when the said spaniards and indians were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts, of which the said governor and his people were to have one part, and the said natives the other. "_item:_ on condition that, if any indian, a native of this island, should commit any crime or wrong against any spaniard, or take anything pertaining to and connected with the spaniards, the said chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. and if any spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law. "_item_: it is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee from the spanish camp, and should go inland where the indians live and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and bring him before the governor; likewise if any indian, man or woman, free or slave, come to the spanish camp from the indians, that the said governor promises to send him back and surrender him--so that neither side defraud or hide anything from the other. "_item:_ it is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall be obliged, in selling to the spaniards any or all provisions native to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by them, without advancing the price above its usual value. this price shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be no change in it. likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates on the articles of barter brought from spain for the natives. after these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them. "_item:_ it is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the spaniards with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor." in return for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, legazpi promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other submission until after their harvests, "for the king of castilla had no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation." in token of submission, tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee before legazpi, "offering themselves as vassals of his majesty," whom the governor ... received as such vassals of the crown of castilla, and promised "to protect and defend as such." as a climax, presents of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were given to the various chiefs. then legazpi told them of the necessity of the king's having "a strong house, wherein could be kept and guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither, and his artillery and ammunition;" as well as a town-site for the soldiers. these the natives should assign, where it best pleased them, "because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them; and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he wished it to be with their universal consent." this place was granted by the natives, whereupon legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the fort and spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. ail outside this line "was to remain to the indians, who could build their houses and till the fields." after ordering the natives "to go to the other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the spaniards ... within the line ... the governor passed from one part to the other, cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty's name he took, and he did take; possession of that site, ... and in token of true possession he performed the said acts." besides not being allowed to enter the spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at night, unless by special permission. legazpi promised that "if any wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father and protector," and that all wrongs would be punished according to castilian laws. in conclusion a collation was given to the natives, and simaquio's wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the other hostages set free, "whereat they expressed great wonder and joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any ransom." "the next day ... the same chiefs returned ... and said that they had come to make merry with the governor. the latter gave them a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor, in which consists their way of making merry." they brought other chiefs who submitted to the spaniards, and later still other chiefs came in. trade began to flourish as the natives recovered from all fear and returned to their former haunts. among other things the natives traded "a great quantity of palm wine, to which the spaniards gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss the wine of castilla. but because of the risk and trouble that might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be brought or sold within the camp, and that the spaniards should not buy it. he told tupas and the chiefs that, as the spaniards were not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither, it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them had become sick. and he asked that tupas neither consent to it, nor bring wine to the spaniards." the traffic still went on nevertheless, "secretly and at night," and the spaniards gave themselves up to it entirely, saying "that it was better than that of castilla." moreover, the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an evil which legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to stamp out. finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter should enter none of the spanish houses. the chiefs replied "that those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women, and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill, for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and understood afterwards. for the indians going outside the village, as they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women, and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. thus it was seen and discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised with all strangers from the outside. the very first thing they do is to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain, however slight" the natives are described as covetous and selfish, without neatness and not cleanly. "it has not been ascertained whether they have any idols. they revere their ancestors as gods, [71] and when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for health, protection, and aid; they make certain alms and invocations here. and in the same manner they invoke and call upon the devil, and they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that there he talks with their priestesses. their priests are, as a general rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the devil, and then give the latter's answer to the people--telling them what offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the request and wish of the devil. they sacrifice usually a hog and offer it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations, in order that the devil may come and talk to them in the reed: when any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number according to his quality and his wealth. they are all buried in coffins made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels. some are buried in the ground, and others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses." [72] legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. the natives desired to procure iron in their trading, but legazpi ordered that none be given them by anyone. however, the trade was continued secretly, the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had been punished. by various dealings with the natives legazpi discovered that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of cebú and the island of matan; they had said that these men would make peace and friendship, but they never appeared. the inhabitants of matan had always been hostile to the spaniards, "saying that they would kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger." one day tupas told the governor that "his wife and daughters would like to come to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. he replied that he would be very glad and that tupas should bring them whenever he wished; accordingly, tupas did so after a few days. their manner of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession, two and two, the chief one last of all. after this manner came the wife of tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women, with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high voice. most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. they were all clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of taffety." the usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to all the women. the same good treatment was accorded to the wives of other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. legazpi "after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt, or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from them without being paid for ... principally in this island of zubu, where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives." a few days after the coming of tupas's wife and the other women, he sent his niece to legazpi. she was the first native to receive baptism, "although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her mind what it meant to be a christian, and what she must believe and observe after her baptism." she was named isabel, and married master andrea, a greek calker, a few days after. her son, aged three, and two children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively, also received baptism. other indians came, in imitation of isabel, asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. after being two months in cebú, legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty, contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid the latter against their enemies. the weapons and warlike qualities of the spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror throughout all the islands. about this same time "seven or eight moros, whose chief was called magomat, [73] came in a canoe to the camp, declaring themselves to be natives of the island of luzon; and asked the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a _prau_ which was stationed near this island. they said that if the spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks come from luzon with much merchandise for the spanish trade." they had learned of the spanish settlement through a moro who had been sent to panay to buy rice for the fort, and that "they did no harm to anyone, and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins; therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading." one of the moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said "that they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they would sin therein." through these moros the natives of cebú learned to demand _tostones_ [a small coin] in exchange for their articles of trade, which was a loss to the spaniards; but the latter laid in a good supply of provisions, by the aid of these same moros. by the latter, legazpi sent word to the king of luzon of his residence in the islands and his desire to meet him and "deliver the message he bore to him from his majesty; and requested that he send him for this, a trustworthy person, or allow him to send some spaniards thither to treat with the same king." these moros induced two small "junks from venduro [mindoro] which is an island near luzon" to come to trade at cebú, having told them of the good treatment afforded them. these latter carried "iron, tin, porcelain, shawls, light woolen cloth and taffety from china, perfumes, and other knick-knacks." the master-of-camp and martin de goyti were sent with a body of men to obtain provisions among the neighboring islands, in the month of september of 1565. guided by certain chiefs of cebú, they visited an island to the west, inhabited by blacks who lived in a town called tanay, stopping on the way at a village, hostile to cebú, where they obtained some food. the people of tanay fled at their approach, and the little food found there was sent to legazpi; while the two leaders remained at the island some days in a fruitless endeavor to make peace and friendship with the natives. on all saints' day "about the hour of mass" some twenty houses were burned in the spanish settlement, "among others that where the religious slept, and the hut where mass was said," and many goods were burned. "it could not be proved whether this fire was set, or happened through carelessness." it having been discovered that the inhabitants of matan and gavi who would not make peace with the spaniards, but were friendly to the natives of cebú, came freely to that island, and even entered the spanish settlement, the master-of-camp and goyti were despatched to matan to receive the homage of the chiefs or to make war upon them. warned by the natives of cebú, those of matan fled. the invaders burned their village, for which the natives threatened retaliation, saying they would burn the houses of the spanish settlement. meanwhile the food problem assumed threatening dimensions, and the men became discontented and began to grumble because they were not allowed to take anything from the natives without pay. "and although the governor and captains, the religious and other chief persons ... tried to encourage them with good words and promises," a mutiny was arranged among certain men, which, "if god in his infinite mercy had not caused it to be discovered, might have caused great loss and trouble." certain of the petty officers (some of them foreigners), and some of the soldiers and servants, conspired to seize the "san juan," and, making first a cruise through the islands, to seize "the junks of borneo, luzon, and venduro, trading among these islands." then they planned their course by way of the strait of magellan to new spain, guatemala, or peru, or to spain or france. if the weather were contrary then "they would go to malaca, where the portuguese would receive them with open arms ... because they had fled from this camp and settlement." all officers had been selected. the mutiny had every appearance of succeeding, for the master of the "san pablo" had in his care all the artillery, powder, and ammunition aboard the ship. the twenty-seventh of november was set for their desertion, and to avoid pursuit the "san pablo" and the frigates that had been built were to be sunk. the date, for some unknown reason, was postponed until the twenty-eighth. on that day the master of the "san pablo" divulged the conspiracy to the master-of-camp, who immediately informed legazpi. pablos hernandez, a native of venice, the head of the conspiracy, fled, first making an ineffectual attempt to assume the ecclesiastical garb, in order that he might escape with his life. finally "he determined to die as a christian, in order that his soul might not be lost;" he gave himself up, and was hanged. the french pilot pierres plin, and a greek were also hanged. the others were pardoned after being severely reprimanded. more than forty persons were implicated in this conspiracy. "the governor imposed only one order upon the foreigners, namely that none of them should speak any other language than spanish." it was discovered that some of these men had conspired while at puerto de la navidad to make off with the "san lucas," and that one night the sails had been lowered on the "san pablo" under pretext that legazpi's ship had done the same, the intention being to desert. through the promptness of the master-of-camp, who threatened to hang the pilots if they lost sight of the "san pedro," the conspiracy was foiled. the mutiny suppressed, attention was given to securing food. five _praus_ of natives set out for the province of baybay, taking with them articles of barter--legazpi preferring that natives should go on this errand, as he feared that the spaniards would wrong the islanders. these men delayed, as well as those who went to panay, and it was thought, purposely, believing that the spaniards would be driven from the island by hunger. so great was the famine that cats and rats were eaten by some of the soldiers. goyti was sent with a number of small boats and a detachment of one hundred men to the villages hostile to those of cebú, with orders to buy food and try to procure peace and friendship with the natives. he sent back several boat-loads of food, and on his own coming announced peace with five villages. finally the natives who had gone to panay returned, after three months' absence, bringing many excuses and but little food. meanwhile news came from baybay, where many of the former inhabitants of matan and gavi had sought refuge, of hostile excursions against the town of mandam, an ally and friend of the spaniards. these people from baybay carried their insolence so far as to say they would burn the spanish settlement. legazpi sent two chiefs to baybay to demand the release of the prisoners taken at mandam. the messengers were scoffed at, and the marauders returned to mandam in greater force, where they committed many depredations and made many prisoners. legazpi determined to teach these arrogant natives a lesson, and ordered the master-of-camp to go thither; but granted a few days' delay at the petition of the cebú natives, who said that many of their men were at baybay, as well as those despatched thither to secure food. during this delay the master-of-camp and martin de goyti were sent to the islands where the latter had been shortly before, and where he had made peace with certain villages. this peace was confirmed and the inhabitants of fifteen or sixteen other villages "offered themselves as vassals of his majesty, some of whom gave millet and rice ... and others gave earrings of little weight ... and this was the first gold that was given in these islands to his majesty." all the natives of these islands have no idea of honor among themselves, always being ready to take advantage of each other's misfortunes--as was apparent by those of cebú, who were friendly to the inhabitants of mandam, robbing and sacking that town, when its people fled from the raiders of baybay. the master-of-camp having returned from his expedition among the friendly villages, set out for baybay, under guidance of simaquio. this latter guided them, not to the chief city, where the prisoners from mandam had been taken, but to the small and unimportant village of caramucua, which was found deserted. at the town of calabazan the spaniards were duped by the few natives found there, who claimed to be natives of cebú, and asked the invaders to wait two days and they would bring the chiefs of this town to make peace and friendship. the two days having elapsed, and no natives appearing, the spaniards marched inland, being deserted by all the natives of cebú, who said that "these were their friends, from which it was quite apparent that they were all hand in glove with one another." a three or four leagues' march resulted only in the killing of a few hogs, the firing of the native huts, and the capture and hanging of several natives. the only salutary result of the expedition was the return of a number of the inhabitants of cebu who had migrated to baybay because they did not wish to acknowledge the spanish rule; asking pardon of legazpi, these natives of cebú were permitted to return, but the same favor was denied those from matan and gavi. legazpi's policy was always to treat the people of cebú with more than fairness, in order to retain their friendship, although he was fully aware of their duplicity toward him. numerous expeditions in search of food were organized. the master-of-camp with seventy men, and accompanied by juan de la isla and the king's factor was despatched to the coasts of butuan in search of sago, whence they returned after a long delay, and after they were half given up as lost; having failed to obtain provisions at butuan, the commander of the expedition had gone on farther, over-staying his limit of forty days. on his return he brought more than one thousand _fanégas_ [74] of rice. he brought cheering news of the friendliness of the natives, and of the taking possession in the king's name of "vindanao [mindanao], and the coast of botuan, negros, and panay." another expedition under command of goyti was despatched to negros with additional orders to procure news of the former expedition, but his quest was useless. meanwhile a messenger brought word that the master-of-camp was going to panay, and would return as soon as possible. before the return of the master-of-camp, goyti was sent on another expedition to the coasts of cabalian and abuyo, taking with him sixty men. he was successful, sending back several boat-loads of rice, and news that the people of these districts were friendly,--although not much confidence could be placed in their friendship, for only a league from cabalian five of his men had been treacherously murdered, and another time two more had shared the same fate. the master-of-camp having returned meanwhile, legazpi sent a reenforcement of thirty men to goyti with orders to explore the strait between abuyo and tandaya. at the mouth of this strait, news was had of a christian "named juanes, who had lived with the indians for more than twenty years, and had married the daughter of a chief, and that he was painted like the other natives." although an effort was made to obtain definite news in regard to this man, it was unsuccessful; and goyti, falling ill of fever, was obliged to return without ransoming him. he brought as captives two chiefs whom he caused to be seized. while the camp was weakened by the absence of so many men on these expeditions, the malcontents at the settlement took occasion to attempt another mutiny. the ringleader was a certain soldier named carrión, who had been pardoned by legazpi after being "condemned to death by the master-of-camp for a certain crime." he was exposed by a frenchman, who, like carrión, had been implicated in the previous mutiny. it was planned to get to the moluccas, "where they would receive all courtesy." a boat was to be seized from certain moros of luzon, and other depredations, to ensure sufficient food, etc., were to be committed. carrión and one other were hanged. the former "knew but little, but presumed to know it all, and talked too much, so that the majority of his acquaintances shunned his conversation." the master-of-camp was sent with a number of men to attempt the ransom of juanes from the natives, with orders to stop on the way at eleyti to ascertain the cause of the delay of a certain pedro de herrera who had been sent thither to obtain resin for pitching the ships. when this latter returned he bore a letter from the master-of-camp to the effect that herrera had gone beyond his instructions. the latter was thereupon arrested and tried. this man brought news of three spaniards who were held in the island of tandaya who had been captured from a vessel within fourteen or fifteen months. legazpi immediately sent this information to the master-of-camp, in order that he might ransom those men as well as juanes, but the messengers failed to find that officer. juanes proved to be not a spaniard, but a mexican indian who had accompanied villalobos. this indian declared the three men to be of the same expedition, and herrera had made a mistake in the time, which should be years, not months. the men despatched under juan de la isla to take the information of herrera to the master-of-camp, fell in with the ship "san gerónimo," which had been sent from new spain with aid to legazpi. the ship itself arrived at cebú on october 15, 1566, with a doleful story of "bad management, mutinies, want of harmony, deaths, hardships, and calamities." the captain, by name pericon, was not a suitable officer for such a voyage, setting sail from "acapulco with more haste and less prudence than was needful." a conspiracy to mutiny was formed under the leadership of the master, the pilot, lope martin--the pilot of the vessel that had deserted legazpi--and others. after various insubordinations, of which the captain, in his blindness, took no notice, the latter and his son were murdered. soon afterward the two chief conspirators quarreled; and the pilot, forestalling the intention of the master to arrest him, hanged the latter. then the pilot resolved to return to spain by the strait of magellan, promising to make rich men of all who would follow him, but intending to abandon on some island those who were not favorable to him. under pretext of wintering at a small islet near the island of barbudos, he contrived to have the greater part of the men disembark. the ecclesiastic juan de viveros, who accompanied the expedition, discovering the pilot's intention to abandon some of the party, remonstrated with the latter's chief adviser, saying that "it was inhuman, and he should take them to the filipinas, and leave them where there were provisions," but to no purpose. each man lost all confidence in his fellows, and certain of the men, forming a counter mutiny in the king's name, seized the vessel and set their course for the philippines, abandoning lope martin and twenty-six men on this island. the leader of this second mutiny hanged two men who were concerned in the death of the captain. finally, after many hardships, the ladrones and later the philippines were reached. the notary of the ship was tried and executed by legazpi as an accomplice in the captain's death. the others concerned in the mutiny were all pardoned. this new contingent "made homage anew, and swore to obey his majesty and the governor in his royal name." [75] the master-of-camp having been sent about this time to panay to collect the tributes of rice, returned on november 16, without having accomplished his object, and having been compelled to leave his vessel, the "san juan," at dapitan. he brought news that the portuguese were coming to the island, sent thither by the viceroy of india "in search of miguel lopez de legazpi, who had left nueva españa with four ships." one ship of the portuguese fleet was encountered near mindanao and four others about thirty leagues from cebú, and two more at a distance of ten leagues out. on the following day the two portuguese vessels last seen made their appearance, but almost immediately stood off again, and soon disappeared. the spaniards began to fortify their settlement as strongly as possible, and the vessels were stationed in the best positions. legazpi bade the spaniards not to forget that they were spaniards, and reminded them of the "reputation and valor of the spanish people throughout the world." the natives in terror abandoned their houses, "removing their wives and children to the mountain, while some took them in canoes to other villages; and others took their children, wives, and possessions to our camp, placing them in the houses of soldiers who were their friends, saying they would die with us." on the nineteenth of november the two vessels reappeared; and martin de goyti was sent to talk to them, and if they "were in need of anything," to invite them to anchor in the port. the portuguese said that they had become separated from the rest of their fleet by a storm. they were bound from india to the moluccas, and thence to amboina to take vengeance upon the natives for various depredations. after a mutual salute with the artillery, the portuguese vessels withdrew. each carried about thirty-five or forty portuguese soldiers and crews of indians from malabar. legazpi despatched the same captain with a letter to the portuguese captain, melo, expressing his regret that they had not stopped to accept his hospitality, because "at this port they would have been well received and aided with whatever was necessary for their voyage; for his majesty's command was that, wherever he should meet portuguese, he should give them every protection and aid." he sent presents of food and wine, etc., to the portuguese, who expressed their thanks verbally, saying "they had no paper or ink." they promised to do no wrong to the natives, at the request of goyti, "because they were vassals of his majesty, and our friends." a comet seen next day "nearly above the town of zebu," was taken by the soldiers as an omen of war and bloodshed. affairs with the natives continued to improve steadily, and several chiefs came to offer themselves as vassals to the governor, promising to pay tribute. the moro interpreter, his wife, and one child received baptism, a conversion that was of great moment because this moro had much influence with the natives. the ship "san gerónimo" was judged totally unseaworthy; and, in a council called by legazpi to consider the question, it was decided to take the ship to pieces, and to construct a smaller vessel from what could be saved of it. the carpenters and others having made an examination of the vessel announced that it was so rotten that no smaller vessel could be made from it. legazpi ordered also a large frigate to be built, as there was a great necessity for it to bring provisions to the settlement. the deaths of the mexican indian and a sailor and the sickness of several others, were attributed to poison, and legazpi called tupas to strict account, telling him that his treatment of the spaniards was the reverse of what was to be expected for such good treatment on their part. finally it was discovered that a woman had poisoned wine that had been sold to these men. she was executed, after having made a full confession and embraced the christian religion. in consequence a stringent order was issued by the governor that no one should buy the native wine. on the same night of the execution of this woman one of the chiefs implicated in the murder of pedro de arana was captured upon information furnished by tupas; he was executed on the following day, in the place of the murder. expeditions sent out to explore and gather provisions, learned of gold and mines. on march 5, 1567, the large frigate was completed and launched, and it was named "espíritu santo." an expedition was despatched to the island of gigantes in search of pitch for the boats. [76] "what we call pitch in this region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of nueva españa, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell, and taste; but it is very scarce, and occurs in but few places, and is found with great trouble." none was found here, and a boat-load of rice was brought instead from panay, on the anniversary of the finding of the child jesus in cebú, the twenty-eighth of april, one of the two boats that had been despatched to the coasts of mindanao under command of the master-of-camp returned with news of his death from fever, and anger at an attempted mutiny. two soldiers who were supposed to be ringleaders were sent back with the frigate and the "san juan" was following as rapidly as possible. the attempted mutiny was due to the master-of-camp's prohibiting any trading or buying of cinnamon. martin hernandez, a portuguese, was the leader and the mutiny was smothered by his hanging. martin de goyti was appointed to the vacant position of master-of-camp, "for he was entirely trustworthy, and had much experience in matters of war." besides the master-of-camp, fifteen or sixteen others died, which the physician declared was the result of eating too much cinnamon. the new master-of-camp executed two soldiers and one sailor, who were found to be, after hernandez, most concerned in the mutiny. the "san juan" was despatched to new spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. at the same time, july 10, came two boats from the moluccas with letters to legazpi from the portuguese commanders inviting the spaniards to their islands. from these portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. the spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. "all this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that nueva españa. may god pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!" [77] (tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). cebú, _circa_ 1566. a petition to the king bearing signatures of martin de goiti, guido de labezari, andres caúchela, luis de la haya, gabriel de rribera, juan maldonado de berrocal, joan de la isla, and fernando rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. that ecclesiastics be sent to cebú, "for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives," as only three of those first sent remain, namely, fray diego, fray martin de herrada, and fray pedro he gamboa. 2. more men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. that due rewards be granted legazpi for his faithful service. 4. the confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments made by the viceroy of new spain, luis de velasco, in the expedition of legazpi. 5. that the king grant to all those of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from _pecho_ [78] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on ail merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period of one hundred years. 6. that transferable _repartimientos_ [79] be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. that the wives and children of the conquerors, whether in spain or new spain, be sustained from the royal estate until the _repartimientos_ be made; and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this sustenance be continued. 8. that land be apportioned to them. 9. that the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in the philippines. 10. that the moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of mahomet," may be enslaved and lose their property. 11. that the offices of the royal officials appointed by velasco be granted for life, and to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the _repartimientos_. 12. an increase of salary because of the high cost of living in these islands. the petitioners beg further: 1. that slave traffic be allowed, "that the spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves." 2. the remittance of the king's fifth of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. that the natives be distributed in _encomiendas_. legazpi in a separate petition makes the following requests: that the philippines be conquered, colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes collected from the natives, who are "changeable, fickle, and of but little veracity." that religious of good life be sent who may serve as examples, and that they may "try to learn the language of this land, for thereby they will obtain good results." that certain moros, who, under pretext of being traders, preach the mahometan faith and hinder spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. that his office of governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir, as promised by velasco. that the four thousand ducats promised him by velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made the expedition without any personal aid from the king. that he and two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with the salary agreed upon with velasco, and that such holding and salary commence with the fort of cebú. that the title of high constable, for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him, be confirmed. that he may have two of the ladrone islands, with the title of _adelantado_, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between new spain and the philippines. that felipe de salcedo, his grandson, be granted the habit of the order of santiago for his great services in the voyage to the philippines, and his discovery of the return route to new spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the crown. that the king favor mateo del saz, the master-of-camp, for his excellent services. (tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319-329.) legazpi's son, melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by luis de velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. the first petitioned in behalf of legazpi: 1. that two of the ladrones with title of _adelantado_, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the ladrones. 3 and 4. exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in new spain and the philippines, or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the indies, and authorization of agents. 5. that he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. that he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. to him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. that for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. that only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. that legazpi may appoint in his absence from the philippines or ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. that for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. that fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. that the petition in regard to felipe de salcedo be granted. 16. that a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. that no foreigners, especially portuguese, be allowed in the islands, "because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when lope martin was sent as pilot with captain pericón." 18. that no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the indies, or from any other land, "without the express consent and commission of the royal _audiencia_ or the viceroy" of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. the cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in peru and other places for these islands. 19. that moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. "because the conquest of the ladrones is of slight moment, by reason of their inhabitants being poor and naked," and their best use is as a way-station from new spain; and new guinea on the other hand offers much profit in both temporal and religious matters, that their conquest be permitted to legazpi. 21. that, in case of legazpi's death before the conquest is effected, the petitioner, or legazpi's heir and successor, or the person appointed by him, may complete it. this petition was vistoed in madrid, march 2, 1569, although it had been presented a considerable time before that date. after waiting for two years in vain for an answer to this petition melchor de legazpi presented another petition asking: that efficient aid be sent his father; that he be confirmed in his title of governor and captain-general "with the salary that your highness is pleased to assign him, and with the other rewards contained in his [legazpi's] petition, ... and that he be not abandoned to die in despair at seeing himself forsaken and forgotten by his king;" that he be granted the four thousand ducats promised him by velasco "in order that we might better prepare for the marriage of ... my sister, who is of marriageable age." the petition states that even had legazpi's expedition proved a failure, the king should not permit want to come upon his children, since his substance had been expended in the royal service. in the third petition, melchor de legazpi requests that the office of accountant of the city of mexico rendered vacant by the death of its incumbent, be bestowed upon him, in remembrance of his father's services. he says the family is "poverty-stricken and in debt," because of his father having spent all his possessions in the king's service. the fourth petition presents information concerning legazpi's services. the fifth petition requests that certain persons be received by the court as witnesses, and give information regarding legazpi. from the testimony of these persons it was shown that legazpi was one of the oldest and most honored citizens of the city of mexico; that he was a wealthy landholder of that city; and had lost his wealth through devotion to the king's service, without receiving any reward therefor. (tomo iii, no. xlvi, pp. 330-370.) warrant of the augustinian authorities in mexico establishing the first branch of their brotherhood in the philippines--1564 fray pedro de herrera, vicar-general of the order of hermits of our holy father augustine in the regions of the indies, with fray diego de vertavillo, provincial of the same order in this nueva españa, and frays antonio de aguilar, nicolás de perea, francisco de villafuerte, and juan de medina, _definitors_ [80]--to our very dear brethren in christ, andrés de urdaneta, prior, diego de herrera, andrés de aguirre, lorenzo de san esteban, martin de rada, priests, and fray diego de torres, to you, all and singular, everlasting greeting in the lord. very beloved sons: you are aware how felipe, by the grace of god king of the spains and the indies, and our lord, has been greatly pleased with the news that some brethren of our order are to go with the expedition now being equipped by his very illustrious viceroy and captain-general, don luis de velasco, in this nueva españa, which is to rail through the western sea of this kingdom toward the continent and certain of the islands that lie between the equator and the arctic and antarctic poles, and below the region of the torrid zone itself--to the end that according to right reason and the benign counsels of christian piety, both at home and abroad as will best seem consonant with the purpose of his royal majesty, you may control the fleet and troops of the spanish army. especially too that the most brilliant light of faith may beam upon the populous races that dwell in that region of the world. through the benignity of god most holy and supreme, and your preaching, there is hope that those benighted barbarians may cast aside the errors and more than cimmerian darkness of idolatry for the splendor of the gospel; and that they who, so long unacquainted with gospel truth, have been groping in the gloom of satanic bondage may now at last through the grace of christ, the common savior of all men, gaze at the full light of truth in their knowledge of his name. wherefore, as it has seemed our filial and reasonable duty not to prove wanting in view of the favor and trust granted us by his royal majesty, whereby measures will be taken to add to the divine glory, our homage to the king, and the safety of many mortals,--therefore after long meditation on this matter and mature counsel, sure as we are of your piety, deep learning, charity, and merits, we have chosen you for this apostolic charge, the task (with the help of the lord, to whom we commend you) of leading peoples to embrace the faith. in order that greater and richer merit may ensue from your obedience in undergoing these very great hardships, which you are ready to meet through your love of christ--although we have ever found you willing and ready to comply with our mandates--yet now in virtue of die holy ghost we command you, the above-named brethren, to set out in this first voyage with the fleet which the illustrious and well-born knight miguel lópez de legazpi, governor and commander of the fleet, whom ours [81] style captain-general, is to conduct to the aforesaid lands. we exhort and pray you earnestly, as far as we may in the lord, to be in all things as the good actor of god, as becometh the holy ones and ministers of god, in all virtues--especially humility, patience, and discipline. chiefly, however, we desire to have shine forth in your deeds that singular and renowned token of christians which our savior christ, when on the point of offering up his most innocent life and his most holy blood--that thereby, in rescuing us from the deadliest of fates, he might ensure the freedom of mortals--commended repeatedly to his followers as a countersign, in these words: "by this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you have love one for another." this is that priceless boon of charity which paul styles "the bond of perfection," which we trust may not only shine forth from your midst--whereby you should cling to christ as a companion, and seek the possession of his spirit--but that the same affection of peace and love flow thence from you to all other men as from a clear fountain, to the end that those who have made profession of this soldiership in christ may cling to one another in the mutual bond of charity, to the maintenance amidst the clash of arms of that "grace which," the apostle affirms, "is above all sense." for peace, be it known, dwells even in the midst of affrays, and is to be commended by you all, to the best of your power, to the inhabitants of those regions--to whom you should, as the heralds and vanguard of true evangelical piety, appear as in search not of what is your own, but of what is jesus christ's. moreover, we earnestly exhort your charity in the lord, as far as lies in our power, to announce the all-holy gospel of christ to all races, baptizing them that believe in the name of the father, and of the son, and of the holy ghost; training them in the holy catholic faith, on the same lines on which the faithful are trained by our cherished mother the church of rome; shunning utterly therein all novelty of doctrine, which we desire shall in all things conform to the holy and ecumenical councils and doctors acknowledged by the same church; teaching them especially that obedience which all christians owe to die supreme pontiff and the church of rome--which in truth is always the leader, head, and mistress of all other churches of the world--then to their lawful rulers and masters; teaching them at the same time to live under the yoke and discipline of faith, hope, and charity, and to forget, moreover, their old-time superstitions and errors of the devil. and that you may the more easily fulfil the duty of your apostleship, to which you have been called by the lord, we declare and appoint all among you who are priests among the preachers and confessors of our order, granting to you whatever privileges have hitherto been granted or shall be granted by the supreme pontiffs themselves, or their legates, to our order especially, as well as to other orders, hospitals, houses, congregations, or other persons whatsoever--the privileges whereof may be considered as common to us by reason of many apostolic grants, among others, especially, the grants made to us by julius the second, leo the tenth, clemens the seventh, and paulus the third. moreover, we grant you especially all the authority hitherto given by sixtus the fourth, nicholas the fifth, gregorius the ninth, leo the tenth, adrian the sixth, clemens the seventh, paulus the third, and paulus the fourth, or which hereafter may be given by all other pontiffs, to all brethren going to the countries of unbelievers, to preach the holy gospel of christ--especially to farther tartary, china, and other regions of the earth wherein we know not whether up to these times has been preached the piety of the holy catholic faith--among which indults of the pontiffs, adrian the sixth granted and conveyed all his power of whatsoever kind that might seem of need in the conversion and maintenance of neo-christians. by reason of our office we grant and convey to you this power as far as lies in us. we grant you, moreover, the power to establish houses and monasteries of our order in whatever places it may seem expedient to you for the glory of god and the health of our neighbor, and all the privileges, especially those of sixtus the fourth, julius the second, and leo the tenth for the reception of novices to the habit of our order. shunning, moreover, all novelty, you shall zealously bring them up in the same mode of life that you yourselves have learned from your mother, our order, under the rule of our holy father augustine, and the constitutions of the order. also, we grant you power to administer all the sacraments to commanders, soldiers, sutlers, traders, and others who go on this expedition, as well as to all other faithful in christ, whom you may encounter wheresoever you go, in virtue of the grants made therefor to us by adrian the sixth, paulus the third, and all other supreme pontiffs. also to the very venerable father fray andrés de urdaneta whom you all--each for himself, publicly and privately, at the same time when through our commission you were assembled in chapter--have chosen canonically as your prior and prelate for this expedition, we grant the fulness of all our authority in corporals as well as spirituals, as far as we have, it and are enabled, without reserving anything whatsoever to ourselves. and this authority we wish to terminate in the aforesaid father, whenever according to our instructions you shall choose another, and pass thence in its fulness to the newly-elect, and so on in succession for all time, until this grant of ours shall be recalled by ourselves or our chiefs. in testimony and faith whereof, we have signed our names, with the titles of our office, to this our grant, whereto we have ordered the seals of our order to be appended. given in our convent of culhuacan [mexico], the fifth ides of february, in the year of our redemption one thousand five, hundred and sixty-four. _fray pedro de herrera_, vicar general. _fray diego de vertavillo_, provincial. _fray antonio de aguilar_, _definitor_. _fray nicolas de perea_, _definitor_. _fray francisco de villafuerte_, _definitor_. _fray juan de medina_, _definitor_. act of taking possession of cibabao on the flagship, on the fifteenth day of february, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called cibabao, [82] the very illustrious miguel lopez de legaspi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the western islands, appeared before me, fernando de riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, andres de ybarra, to make friends with an indian, a native of this island, called calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said andres de ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. in affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable grabiel de rribera, amador de arriaran [83] and juan pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, miguel lopez. given before me, _fernando riquel_, chief notary. and after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general andres de ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the west, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. and in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases--all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. and after the aforesaid act took place, the said andres de ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father fray diego de herrera, father fray pedro de gamboa, the high constable grabiel de rribera and francisco scudero de la portilla, [84] pedro de herrera, and many other soldiers. i, the said fernando rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and i was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. in witness whereof i, fernando riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. collated with the original. [85] _fernando riquel_, government notary. proclamation regarding treasure order to make declaration of the gold taken from the burial-places of the indians in the island of cubu of the western islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of may, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the western islands, appeared before me, fernando riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty's officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty's officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty's service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided--under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law. furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king's officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything--under penalty of five hundred _pesos de minas_ and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty's exchequer and treasury. this was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name, _miguel lopez_ proclamation: this said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of pito atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, mateo del sas, many soldiers being present at each place. in affirmation of the above, fernando riquel, government notary. collated with the original, _fernando riquel_, government notary. letters from miguel lopez de legazpi and other officials to felipe ii of spain--1565 to the sacred royal catholic majesty: i gave an account to your majesty of my departure from puerto de la nabidad, which is located in nueva españa, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the western islands. continuing my voyage until february thirteen of this present year, i arrived at one of the filipinas islands. afterward i cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until i reached this island of cubu, whence i despatched a vessel to nueva españa to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. the relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty's name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. i beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. i shall remain in my settlement in this island of cubu until i receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although i have but few people. i am writing also to the royal _audiencia_ of nueva españa to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that i may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal _hacienda_ [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, i humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for i trust, with the help of god, our lord, that very great blessings in the service of god, our lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. i beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal catholic majesty may our lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. from cubu, may 37, 1565. your sacred royal majesty's faithful servant, who kisses your majesty's royal feet, _miguel lopez de legazpi_ _[endorsed:_ "to the sacred catholic royal majesty the king don [felipe] our lord.--to his majesty, may 27, 1565. miguel lopez de legazpi, cubu, may 27, 1565.--seen and to be filed with the others."] to the sacred catholic majesty: because general miguel lopez de legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty's royal service in these filipinas--in that part where the men of magallanes were killed, called the island of cubu--under the protection of god, our lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity. we beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty's purpose to introduce the christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy catholic faith, may be attained. we are of stout heart because of the many favors that our lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. the ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from nueva spaña is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty's kingdoms. the venerable father fray andres de hurdaneta sails in it. to him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. father fray diego de herrera, fray martin de herrada and fray pedro de gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here. we supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty's faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. what is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide. in your majesty's name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, miguel lopez de legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty--whose sacred catholic royal person may our lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. the island of cubu, may 29, 1565. sacred catholic majesty, your sacred catholic majesty's faithful servants, who kiss your majesty's royal feet with all humility: miguel lopez de legazpi, mateo del saz, fray diego de herrera, fray martin de rada, martin de goiti, fray pedro de gamboa, guido de lavezari, andres cabchela, andres de mirandaola, andres de ybarra, juan maldonado de berrocal, luis de la haya, juan de la isla, gabriel de rribera. [_addressed:_ "to the sacred catholic majesty, king don felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the west."] [_endorsed:_ "to his majesty. xxixth of may, 1565. from miguel lopez de legazpi and other persons, from cubu, on xxixth of may, 1565. seen, and to be added to the rest. 65."] sacred catholic majesty: first and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of god, our lord, and in that of your majesty. the great service which the venerable father fray andres de hurdaneta has rendered to god, our lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. therefore, all of us, your majesty's faithful servants--both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally--humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of god, our lord, and to that of your majesty--inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. this we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father fray hurdaneta's presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty's wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. may our lord watch over the sacred catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty's faithful servants and subjects. from the island of cubu, the first of june, the year mdlxv. sacred catholic majesty, your sacred catholic majesty's faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty's royal feet: miguel lopez de legazpi, [87] mateo delsaz, martin de goiti, guido de lauezari, andres cabchela, andres de mjrandaola, andres de ybarra, luis de la hava, fernando riquel, government notary; amador de arriaron, juan maldonado de berrocal, gabriel de rribera, juan de la ysla, jerónimo de moncon, hernando lopez, don pedro de herrera, francisco de leon, marcos de herrera, pedro de herrera, juan pacheco maldonado, diego lopez pilo, christobal de angulo, luis antonio bañuelos, garcia de padilla, martin de larrea, lloreynte machado, lope rodriguez, garcia ramyrez, francisco escudero de la porlilla, rodrigo de ribera, pablos ernandes, francisco lopez, corporal, bartolomé rodriguez, diego fernandez de montemayor, antonio flores, julio garcia, anton aluarez degrado, francisco de herrera, ernando de monrrey. [_addressed:_ "to the sacred-catholic majesty, king don felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the western islands."] [_endorsed:_ "+ to his majesty. seen. from the island of cubu from miguel lopez de legazpi and others. june first, 1565."] a letter from the royal officials of the filipinas accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary things to be sent to the colony most powerful sirs: as your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor myñes [martinez], we set sail for these western islands on the twentieth of november, mdlxiiii. in compliance with your highness's command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence. since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. we shall only relate the events which concern the service of god, our lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions. we reached these felipinas on the thirteenth of february, md[l]xv. from the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. the reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the portuguese who are in the malucos came to an island called bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to maluco as slaves. this has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. we stopped at an island where magallanes's men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had placed in safety their wives and children, they said that they did not wish to give us in exchange for our goods anything of what we had asked, namely, their provisions. as we have just said, they declared that not only they would not give us anything, but that they were willing to fight us. thus we were forced to accept the challenge. we landed our men and disposed the artillery of the ships, which were close to the houses of the town, so that the firing of the artillery from the said ships and the arquebuses on land drove the enemy away; but we were unable to capture any of them, because they had their fleet ready for the sea. they abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of magallanes. we rejoiced, as all christians ought in like case; for we saw that the lord had been pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and favor. we beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us in that of his majesty. as far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms, ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike peoples--who, on account of the portuguese, have declared war against us throughout the whole of the archipelago. the memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this letter. [89] your highness will order that they be supplied with great speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril, and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall attain what his majesty desires. as your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. in respect to this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us, we have done our duty. the general ordered that the persons who found anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall command otherwise. we beg your highness to order that the right measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. a general edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which to mark the fifths. we notify the officials residing in that city [mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it. the specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning things to be found in the island of beguendanao [mindanao]. we found the aforesaid port, and in it two moro junks which were trading there. according to orders received, we made peace with the lord of the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the general sent him. we gave him to understand that with his pleasure we were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect him in everything in the name of his majesty. he answered us through the moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our offers. we learned that the moros felt very uneasy about the embassy, and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives by their vile designs. we were obliged to trade with them because they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. the said moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but _testones_, and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should be given. at this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax, and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. the money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we send to the officials of the royal exchequer. we beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name, that, inasmuch as the said moros and others take all the gold, pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have no information,--thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of mahomet. this matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid, your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence; because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity in our present critical condition. may your highness add and send whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish in these regions what his majesty desires. there is great need of the christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men and other things asked in the memorandum. may our lord keep the most powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with large kingdoms and seigniories. from cubu, may xxviii, in the year mdlxv. most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses, who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet. _guido de labecares_ _andres cauchela_ _andres de mirandaola_ memorandum of the supplies and munitions asked to be sent from nueva espana to his majesty's camp at the port of cubu memorandum of things--not only articles of barter, but arms and military supplies--which are necessary, to be provided immediately from nueva españa in the first vessels sailing from the said nueva españa to these felipinas islands; of which the following articles must be speedily furnished: articles first: twelve pieces of heavy artillery, and among them culverins and reënforced cannon and swivel-guns for the fortress which is to be built, xii fifty more bronze _bersos_ [small culverins], of the sort brought from españa with double chambers, 1 twenty falcons with double chambers, xx a dozen new scaling ladders, xii balls for the artillery and the molds for making them, two hundred _quintals_ [90] of powder cc fifty _quintals_ of fuses, l two hundred _quintals_ of lead, cc fifty _quintals_ of saltpetre, l thirty _quintals_ of rock sulphur, xxx three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless supply there in mexico); and with them some with flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small) together with their molds and gear, which are to be in good condition, ccc one hundred corselets with their fittings, c two hundred _morions_ and helmets, cc fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1 one hundred tapir hides, c one hundred white blankets for light and serviceable body armor, c three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc fifty cavalry lances, 1 fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1 twelve foreign cannoniers, for those whom we brought with us are of little account, xii three hundred well-disposed soldiers who are to remain here, (a third or half of them to be sailors), ccc a dozen carpenters to build the vessels which must be built here, xii two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii twelve negroes for these forges, and among them four sawyers, xii an artificer or two to make arquebuses and locks for them, ii two other locksmiths, ii fifty _quintals_ of tow, 1 a surgeon and a physician, with their drugs; and two other barbers, [91] because only one remains here, iiii three hundred good shields, ccc two hundred _quintals_ of wrought iron plates, not as it comes from the mine, cc thirty _quintals_ of the finest steel, xxx one hundred tanned cow-hides, c three hundred pickaxes, ccc two hundred iron shovels, cc a royal ropemaker, who is in mexico, one hundred venetian sail-cloths, c ten _quintals_ of sailmakers' twine, x two bales of paper, ii four balances divided into three parts, iiii six weights for large balances, vi fifty horn lanterns, 1 two hundred _fanégas_ of salt, cc two hundred casks of wine, cc one hundred casks of vinegar, c two hundred casks of oil, cc five hundred _arrobas_ [92] of sugar, d one dozen barrels of raisins and almonds, since by not having brought them the men have suffered great-privations, xii ten large hogsheads of flour, x blankets for the men, shirts in quantity, doublets in quantity, breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity, hempen sandals in quantity, cowhide shoes in quantity, hats, all in quantity for military supplies. for barter, the following: two bolts of valencian scarlet cloth, with odds and ends, ii _item_ seven bolts of toledo scarlet cloth, vii six cases of headdresses, vi a great quantity of beads, blue, green, and yellow; ten breadths of each sort, xxx two pieces of crimson velvet, ii three dozen colored hats, xxxvi one case of large gilded coins for the coast of china, i two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii two _quintals_ of _muzavetas_, ii four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii three _quintals_ of glass, (one blue), iii one thousand bundles of glass beads--green and yellow, m five hundred dozen hawks' bells, d coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in china, six large caldrons of pitch, vi two large caldrons, such as are used for bucking linen; but they must be large and very strong, because they are to be used in making saltpetre, ii one thousand sailneedles, m two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc two saddles with long stirrups, with colored velvet trimmings, and all rivets, bits, and stirrup-irons to be gilded, ii two cavalry saddles with colored trimmings, all to be of good quality, ii six gilt swords with daggers of good quality which are for the s.s. on the coast of china and for those in the islands of japan, vi all of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary, that we may maintain ourselves in these parts. list of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which are to be built here for his majesty. the list follows: first: four hawsers, of one hundred and twenty _brazas_ [93] each; each five _quintals_, xx _quintals_ two large cables, of eighty _brazas_ each; each one to weigh six _quintals_, xii _quintals_ six hawsers, of one hundred and thirty _brazas_ each; each to weigh three _quintals_, xviii _quintals_ two large cables additional, of one hundred and twenty _brazas_ each; each to weigh ten _quintals_, xx _quintals_ _item_ common sails for rigging, thirty _quintals_, xxx _quintals_ we need one hundred _quintals_ of cordage of all sorts, c _quintals_ two grapnels, each to weight four _quintals_, viii _quintals_ four anchors, to weigh five _quintals_ apiece, xx _quintals_ six grapnels, to weigh three _quintals_ apiece; five or six more, each to weigh from five to six _arrobas_, xxxiii _arrobas_ [sic] four grapnels, three _arrobas each_, xii _arrobas_ twelve french saws, xii four frame-saws, iiii six hand-saws, vi two grindstones, ii five hundred pieces of cloths from teguintepeq for sails, d one hundred _quintals_ of tar, c fifty _quintals_ of pitch, l for _sallotes_ ropes which are necessary, four pieces of one hundred and fifty _brazas_ each, to weigh three _quintals_ apiece, xii _quintals_ four hawsers of one hundred _brazas_ each, to weigh four _quintals_ apiece, xvi two workmen, oar makers, to make oars from the wood hereabout, ii two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc one hundred _quintals_ of grease, c two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc all this cordage to be _agave_ and hemp. also two anvils of two _arrobas_ each, ii also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii one anvil, i two screws for filing, ii a half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii one hundred heavy coats of mail, c the powder and fuse which have been asked for, likewise three or four pairs more of bellows are asked for, iiii twelve more negroes, xii two hundred more iron axes shod in mexico, cc two hundred mattocks, cc one hundred more pieces of tequantepeque [tehuantepec] and venetian canvas, c one pair of large fishing-nets which may come in the hogsheads mentioned above, ii ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral, the coins and bars of silver, just as they have been asked for, the caldrons of pitch, because those that were made in mexico were worthless, one dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii four syringes, and the cupping glasses and the lancets which are likewise ordered, sail-needles with large eyes, workmen who understand how to build vessels, six cables for the flagship, of fourteen or sixteen _quintals_ each the steel that is asked for. [certain shapes and sizes of steel spikes are specified, with drawings to illustrate; five, thirty, forty, and fifty respectively, of the various kinds are asked for.] [_endorsed:_ "list of articles which are required for his majesty's camp situated in the port of cubu of the west."] relation of the voyage to the philippine islands, by miguel lopez de legazpi--1565 illustrious sire: i wrote to your excellency from puerto de la navidad giving as full an account as possible up to that port. now i shall do the same, for i consider it a debt justly due, and i shall always consider it so whenever the opportunity presents itself. i am enjoying good health, thanks be to our lord; and the same can be said of the whole camp, a thing which ought not to be looked upon as of little importance. may our lord grant to your excellency the good health that i wish. on tuesday, november 21, three hours before dawn, i set sail with the fleet that was at puerto de la navidad. for five days the fleet sailed southwest, but on the sixth we directed our course westward until we reached the ninth degree. we sailed on in this latitude in search of the island of los reyes, in order that we might go from that point to the felippinas. a week after we had taken this course, we awoke one morning and missed the _patache_ "san lucas," with captain don alonso de arellano in command. there had been no stormy weather to make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been don alonso's fault, for he was a gallant man, as he showed. it is believed that it was due to the malice or intent of the pilot. and as he had already been informed about the expedition that we were making, and the course we were to sail, and as he was fully instructed as to what he must do in case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would find the vessel in some of these islands. but up to this time we have heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. after the fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to be an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen. this island was about four leagues in circumference, and had a population of about two hundred men. that same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which proved very troublesome to us for five or six days. at the end of that time we decided that the fleet should continue its course along the thirteenth degree of latitude, so that we might strike a better land of the filipinas, which the pilots were finding already, and should not strike vindanao. we followed our course in this latitude, and on monday, january 21, we came in sight of land, which afterward proved to be one of the ladrones islands, called gua. we directed our bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from it when fifty or sixty _praus_ under sail surrounded the fleet. these _praus_ were furnished with lateen sails of palm mats and were as light as the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with remarkable speed, either with the wind or at random. in each canoe were from six to eight indians, altogether naked, covering not even the privy parts, which men are wont to cover. they laughed aloud, and each of them made signs inviting us to his own town (for they were from different villages) and promising to give us food there. at break of day we coasted the island and the next morning we cast anchor in a very good port. the day had scarcely begun when a great number of those _praus_ appeared about us. there were so many of them, who came to trade with us, that some of our men who counted them affirm that there were more than four or five hundred of them around the ships. all that they had to sell us were articles of food, namely, potatoes, rice, yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, and several other kinds of fruit. they also brought ginger, which grows in this island in so great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over; and they do not till or cultivate it, but it comes up and grows of itself in the open fields, just as any other herb. the natives shouted at us, each one inviting us to buy of him. the men of the fleet began to give them the face-cards from old playing cards, and to put bits of woolen cloth and other objects around their necks and on their heads. the indians seeing this asked for these articles, and adorned themselves therewith as they had seen our men do. in these transactions many ridiculous things happened, and many jests were played. afterward our men began to give them nails, which the indians liked so well that they desired nothing else after that. they would smell them before taking them. for each nail they gave measures of rice containing about half a _fanéga,_ more or less. after the rice was drawn up into the boat by means of a rope, because the indians would not trade outside of their canoes, and the packages were opened, it was found that only the top layer was rice and the rest straw and stones. the indian who had practiced this jest would clap his hands in glee, and laugh long and loud, and go from that vessel to another, to play the same trick. then again they would take the nails, and take flight without giving anything in return. these and many other deceptions were practiced by them. they are so great thieves that they even tried to pull out the nails from our ships. they are better proportioned than the spaniards. often they attain the great strength fitting to their statures. one of them went behind one of our soldiers and snatched away the arquebuse from his shoulder. when good opportunity offered, they discharged their weapons on those who were taking in water. notwithstanding that some of the natives on land were shot down, the others did not discontinue trading with our ships; but rather those on the ships, after they had sold their goods, went ashore in their canoes, and there with their hardened clubs, stones, and slings (which comprise their weapons, and which they manage very skilfully) they took the place of those who were fighting, and those who were fighting embarked in the canoes, and came also to the ships to trade. all this seems to be the proceeding of savages, as these people really are, for they have only the form of men. they have no laws, or chiefs whom they obey; and therefore every one goes wherever he wishes. they eat no meat. a soldier who went ashore received a wound in the hand. the wound was apparently small; and indeed it was through negligence of the wounded man himself that he died within two weeks. one day, after a slight engagement between my men and the natives, we got ready at sunset to sail, without noticing the absence of a young roustabout who, either through carelessness, or because he had not heard the call to assemble, must have advanced too far on the mountain. as our small boats reached the ships, the indians, who had not lost sight of us during the hour while we remained there, came out upon the shore. as the boy came down from the mountain to the shore, the indians, when they saw him, fell upon him and in a moment with great cruelty tore him to pieces, giving him at least thirty lance thrusts through the body. when the men of our ships saw the indians discharging blows, and discovered that they did not have the boy with them, they returned to shore with great fury; but at their arrival the natives had already fled up a hill. they found the boy as i have said above; and i charged the master-of-camp to punish the natives for this act. at midnight he went ashore, and marched inland, but meeting no indians, he arranged his men in an ambuscade on shore, in which he killed a few of them and wounded many others. our men burned many houses all along the coast. the town inland on this island is large and thickly populated, and abounds in all things which are raised in the island. there our men found about two pounds of very good sulphur, and took one of the natives alive, who was brought to the ship, and whom i am sending to that nueba españa. this island is called ladrones, which according to the disposition of the inhabitants, is the most appropriate name that could have been given it. eleven days after reaching this island, we set sail following our course in the aforesaid latitude. after sailing eleven days more with good weather, we finally came in sight of filippinas, where we finished our voyage. according to the experiments and opinions of the pilots, we covered more than two thousand leagues from puerto de la navidad to this island, although i have heard that they were deceived as to the distance. on the afternoon of the same day in which we came to this land, we cast anchor in a beautiful bay, called cibabao, and there we remained seven or eight days. meanwhile we sent two boats, one south and the other north (for this island is located north and south) to see whether they could find some good port or river. one of them returned minus a gentleman of my company, called francesco gomez, and with the report that, for ten leagues north, they had found neither port nor river. the gentleman was killed by some indians, after he disembarked to make blood-friendship with them, a ceremony that is considered inviolable. this is observed in this manner: one from each party must draw two or three drops of blood from his arm or breast and mix them, in the same cup, with water or wine. then the mixture must be divided equally between two cups, and neither person may depart until both cups are alike drained. while this man was about to bleed himself, one of the natives pierced his breast from one side with a lance. the weapons generally used throughout the filipinas are cutlasses and daggers; lances with iron points, one and one-half palms in length; _lenguados_, [94] enclosed in cloth sheaths, and a few bows and arrows. whenever the natives leave their houses, even if it is only to go to the house of a neighbor, they carry these weapons; for they are always on the alert, and are mistrustful of one another. while we were in this bay, indians and chiefs came in several boats, displaying prominently a white flag at the bow of one of them. another flag was raised on the stern of the flagship as a sign that they could approach. these people wear clothes, but they go barefooted. their dress is made of cotton or of a kind of grass resembling raw silk. we spoke to them and asked them for food. they are a crafty and treacherous race, and understand everything. the best present which they gave me was a sucking pig, and a cheese of which, unless a miracle accompanied it, it was impossible for all in the fleet to partake. on the occasion of the death of the gentleman whom they killed, the natives scattered themselves through the island. they are naturally of a cowardly disposition, and distrustful, and if one has treated them ill, they will never come back. they possess, in common with all these islands, swine, goats, hens of castile, rice, millet, and in addition a great variety of excellent fruit. the people wear gold earrings, bracelets, and necklets. wherever we went we found a great display of these articles. although people say that there are many mines and much pure gold, yet the natives do not extract it until the very day they need it; and, even then, they take only the amount necessary for their use, thus making the earth their purse. leaving this bay, we sailed south until we reached the end of the island, where the land turns west. just south of this island are other islands between which and this island there is a straight channel running west. the fleet passed through this channel, and on the second day from our departure from cibabao, after having sailed nearly thirty leagues, we reached a port of tandaya island. in this port a small river empties itself into the sea through an estuary. some of our boats sailed up this river and anchored at the town of cangiungo. the natives received them neither with peace nor war; but they gave our men food and drink. when they were about to eat, an indian came to them, who spoke a few words in the castilian tongue, saying "comamos" ["let us eat"], "bebamos" ["let us drink"], and answering "si" ["yes"], when questioned by anton batista "billalobos [villalobos]" and "captain calabaça." it seems that he had traded with the people of the fleet of billalobos, according to what was gather from him. and because he said this, this native vexed the ruler of the village, and never came back. the next day i wished to go to the same village, and found the natives hostile. they made signs that we should not disembark, pulled grass, struck trees with their cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us. seeing that in this case cajolery could not suffice, we withdrew in order not to disturb them; but as we departed, they began to shower sticks and stones after us, and i was obliged to order the soldiers to fire their arquebuses at them; and they never appeared again. this town has a population of twenty or thirty indians. on arriving at that port, i despatched captain de goite with a boat and a frigate, well supplied with men and provisions, to discover some port along the coast. on the way he was to examine thoroughly the town of tandaya, which was not very far from where we were, and other towns of the island of abbuyo. deceived by the appearance of the coast, he sailed on past the coast for fifteen leagues, without seeing anything. finally he reached a large bay on which was situated a large town containing many families; the people had many swine and hens, with abundance of rice and potatoes. he returned to the fleet with this news, which gave us not a little content, for all were longing for land-products. the fleet left this port, and in the afternoon of the next day we reached the above-mentioned bay, where we anchored in front of the large town of cavalian. one thing in especial is to be noted--namely, that wherever we went, the people entertained us with fine words, and even promised to furnish us provisions; but afterward they would desert their houses. up to the present, this fear has not been in any way lessened. when we asked the people of this village for friendship and food, they offered us all the friendship we desired, but no food whatever. their attitude seemed to me to be quite the contrary of what had been told me by those who had gone there; for they had said that, in this village of cavalian, which is located on the island of buyo, spaniards were received and were well treated. now they did not wish to see us, and on the night of our arrival, we were made thoroughly aware of this; for they embarked with their wives, children, and property, and went away. the next day, a chief called canatuan, the son of malate [95] who is the principal chief of the town, came to us; but i detained him in the ship, until provisions should be sent us from land (paying for them to their satisfaction), because of his not returning to the village and because his father was very old and blind. but this proved no remedy, to make them give us anything but words. it was determined that the people should go ashore. and so they went, and we made a fine festival, killing for meat on that same day about forty-five swine, with which we enjoyed a merry carnival--as payment for which articles of barter were given to the chief whom i had with me. the latter sent us ashore with an indian, to give these articles to the owners of the swine. this chief, canutuan, by signs and as best he could, informed me of the names of the islands, of their rulers and people of importance, and their number. he also promised to take us to the island of mancagua, [96] which was eight leagues from this island. we set sail with the indian, and when we reached macagua i sent him and three others, who went with him to their village in a canoe, after giving them some clothes. he was quite well satisfied, according to his own words, and became our friend. this macagua, although small, was once a thickly-populated island. the castilians who anchored there were wont to be kindly received. now the island is greatly changed from former days, being quite depopulated--for it contains less than twenty indians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to castilians, that they did not even wish to see or hear us. from this island we went to another, called canuguinen. [97] here we met with the same treatment. as the natives saw our ships along the coast, they hastened to betake themselves to the mountains. their fear of the castilians was so great, that they would not wait for us to give any explanation. from this island the fleet directed its course towards butuan, a province of the island of vindanao; but the tides and contrary winds drove us upon the coast of an island called bohol. here we cast anchor, and within a small bay of this island we made some necessary repairs to the flagship. one morning the _almiranta_ [98] sighted a junk at some distance away. thinking it to be one of the smaller _praus,_ the master-of-camp despatched against it a small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to the flagship to inform me of what he had done. seeing that he had not sent men enough, i despatched another small boat with all the men it could hold; and the master-of-camp himself with instructions how he was to proceed, reached the boat and junk, which were exchanging shots. the junk seeing that the boat contained 10 few men, defied them. when the second boat arrived it found some of the men wounded, and that the junk had many and well-made arrows and lances, with a culverin and some muskets. the junk defied the second boat also. shouting out in castilian, "a bordo! a bordo!" ["board! board!"] they grappled it, and on boarding it, one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust in the throat. those aboard the junk numbered forty-five soldiers. fourteen or fifteen of them jumped into a canoe which they carried on their poop deck, and fled. eight or ten of the others were captured alive, and the remainder were killed. i have been assured that they fought well and bravely in their defense, as was quite apparent; for besides the man they killed, they also wounded more than twenty others of our soldiers. in the junk were found many white and colored blankets, some damasks, _almaizales_ [99] of silk and cotton, and some figured silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain, some gold, and many other things. the junk was taken to the flagship. its crew were burnei moros. their property was returned to them, and what appeared, in our reckoning, its equivalent in articles of barter was given to them, because their capture was not induced by greed. my chief intent is not to go privateering, but to make treaties and to procure friends, of which i am in great need. the burneans were much pleased and satisfied with this liberality displayed toward them, thus showing how fickle they were. on the same day that the boats went to the junk, i despatched the _patache_ "san joan" with orders to go to butuan and sail along its coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. they were also to look for a suitable port and shore where a settlement could be made. while the _patache_ went on this mission, i kept the boat of the burneans and the pilot. this latter was a man of experience, and versed in different dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that i wished to know. among other things he told me that, if the indians of this land avoided this fleet so much, i should not be surprised, because they, had great fear of the name of castilla. he said that while we were among these islands no indian would speak to us; and that the cause for this was that about two years ago, somewhat more or less, some portuguese from maluco visited these islands with eight large _praus_ and many natives of maluco. wherever they went they asked for peace and friendship, saying that they were castilians, and vassals of the king of castilla; then when the natives felt quite secure in their friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing and capturing all that they could. for this reason the island of macagua was depopulated, and scarcely any inhabitants remained there. and in this island of bohol, among the killed and captured were more than a thousand persons. therefore the natives refused to see us and hid themselves--as in fact was the case. although, on my part, i did my best to gain their confidence, giving them to understand that the portuguese belong to a different nation and are subjects of a different king than we, they did not trust me; nor was this sufficient, for they say that we have the same appearance, that we wear the same kind of clothing, and carry the same weapons. in this island of bohol live two chiefs, one called çicatuna and the other çigala, who through the bornean's going inland to call them, came to the fleet. from these chiefs i heard the same thing that i had been told by the burnei pilot and his companions, in regard to the great robberies that the portuguese committed hereabout, in order to set the natives against us--so that, on our coming, we should find no friends. this fell out as they wished, because, although çicatuna and çigala made friendship with me, we could put no confidence in them; nor would they sell us anything, but only made promises. while in this island, i despatched a frigate to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that could be seen from this island. the chief pilot and joan de aguire accompanied it, and it was supplied with sufficient food, men, and provisions. coming to the entrance between two islands, they were caught by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the channel; and, in order to return, they sailed around the island. on this island they saw a town where the moro pilot declared that he was known, and that he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but under pretense of friendship, the natives, treacherously killed him with a lance-thrust. the space of one week had been given to them, but it took much longer; for the return could be accomplished only by sailing around the island which was one hundred and fifty leagues in circumference. when the _patache_ returned from butuan, it reported that they had seen the king, and that two moro junks of the large and rich island of luzon were anchored in the river which flows near the town. the moros sold our men a large quantity of wax. when the men of luzon saw our _tostones_ they were very much pleased with them, and they gave nearly twenty marks of gold, which they had there in that island, giving for six _tostones_ of silver one of gold; and they said that they had more gold, if our men would give them more _tostones_, and that in exchange for the latter they would give them ten or twelve _quintals_ of gold which they had there in that island. the soldiers of the _patache_ were so desirous to plunder the junks, that they besought permission to do so from the captain; thus importuned, and because his own desire was not less keen, he was on the point of granting it. fortunately the officials (the treasurer and factor) aboard the _patache_ opposed this, saying that it was not fitting to his majesty's service, and that it would stir up the land and set it against us. as the men of luzon had put some earth within the cakes of wax that they had sold, in order to cheat us with it; and inasmuch as they, moreover, insisted that the natives should not give anything in exchange for any other kind of trade-goods, but only for _tostones_, and had uttered many lies and slanders against us--the soldiers said that this was sufficient to justify the war; and that the war would not be the cause of stirring up the natives, because the latter were not at all well-disposed toward the moros. finally they did not touch the moros, being persuaded to this by the captain and the officials. by my instructions, in case they should meet any strange or piratical junk that proved hostile, they returned to the station of the fleet, bringing a small quantity of gold, wax, cinnamon, and other things. nevertheless the natives of the island would have sold them a quantity of gold had not the moros prevented it. while in the bay of the island of bohol, i was very anxious about the frigate, since it was to be gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed, and it was nowhere to be seen. meanwhile a _prau_ which i had despatched with two soldiers and the chiefs çicatuna and çigala to the island of cubu to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it, had returned, bringing no news whatever of its whereabouts. on holy saturday, three hours before daybreak, while we were thus plunged in great anxiety and grief, fearing that our companions might have been lost, captured, or killed, the shout "the frigate! the frigate!" was heard in our fleet. turning my glance, i beheld it entering the bay. only the burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well and strong, although they had suffered from hunger. on arriving, they informed us that the island which they had coasted had a circuit of one hundred and fifty leagues, and that on their return they had passed between it and the opposite coast of cubu. [100] they reported that this island of cubu was densely, populated, containing many large villages, and among them were many people inhabiting the coast, and inland many cultivated districts. the above-mentioned soldiers who went to cibu in the _prau_ with cicatuna and cigala said that the same thing was to be observed on the other coast, and that the port of the town of cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excellent. i decided to take the fleet to that island--a plan i carried out, with the intention of requesting peace and friendship from the natives, and of buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost. should they refuse all this i decided to make war upon them--a step which i considered justifiable in the case of these people; for it was in that same port and town that magallanes and his fleet were well received. king sarriparra and nearly all the natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy faith and evangelical teaching, voluntarily offering themselves as his majesty's vassals. magallanes and more than thirty of his companions were afterward killed while fighting in behalf of this island against the people of matan, a thickly-populated island situated near this one. afterward the two islands made peace privately between themselves, and the inhabitants of the town of cibu killed many of the spaniards of the same fleet, and drove the remaining few away from their land. hence we see that all this is sufficient occasion for any course whatever. in accordance with this last opinion the fleet left the port of bohol and we reached the port of çibu on friday, april 27, 1565. we had scarcely arrived when an indian came to the flagship in a canoe, who said that tupas, the ruler of the island, was in the town, and that he was going to come to the fleet to see me. a little later there came from the village, an indian, an interpreter of the malay language, who said, on behalf of tupas, that the latter was getting ready to come to see me, that he would come on that very day, and that he would bring ten of the principal chiefs of that island. i waited for them that whole day; but as i saw that the people were much occupied in removing their possessions from their houses and carrying them to the mountain, and that during all this day and until noon of the next, tupas, the son of saripara, who killed the men of magallanes, did not come, i sent a boat with father fray andres de hurdaneta and the master-of-camp, in order that, in their presence, the government notary, with hieronimo pacheco, interpreter of the malay tongue (which is spoken by many of the natives of this land), might request the natives, as vassals of the king of castilla, to receive us peaceably. they were to assure the people that i did not come to do them any harm, but on the contrary to show them every favor, and to cultivate their friendship. three times this announcement was made to them, with all the signs and kind words possible to win their friendship. but at length--seeing that all our good intentions were of no avail, and that all the natives had put on their wooden corselets and rope armor [101] and had armed themselves with their lances, shields, small cutlasses, and arrows; and that many plumes and varicolored headdresses were waving; and that help of men had come in _praus_ from the outside, so that their number must be almost two thousand warriors; and considering that now was the time for us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and that the present port and location were exactly suited to our needs, and that it was useless for us to wait any longer; and seeing that there was no hope for peace, and that they did not wish it, although we had offered it--the master-of-camp said to the natives through an interpreter: "since you do not desire our friendship, and will not receive us peacefully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have landed; and look to it that you act as men, and defend yourselves from us, and guard your houses." the indians answered boldly: "be it so! come on! we await you here." and thereupon they broke out into loud cries, covering themselves with their shields and brandishing their lances. then they returned to the place whence they had set out, hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the boat, and returning again to their station, going and coming as in a game of _cañas_. [102] our men got ready and left the ships in boats; and as the boats left the ships for the shore, in accordance with the order given them, some shots were fired from the ships upon the multitude of _praus_ anchored near a promontory, as well as at the landsmen upon shore, and upon the town. but, although they had showed so great a desire for war, when they heard the artillery and saw its effects, they abandoned their village without waiting for battle, and fled through the large, beautiful, and fertile open fields that are to be seen in this region. accordingly we remained in the village, which had been left totally without provisions by the natives. we pursued the enemy, but they are the lightest and swiftest runners whom i have ever seen. when we entered the village, all the food had been already taken away. however, i believe that there will be no lack of food. in exchange for our hardships this is a good prospect, although there is no hope of food except through our swords. the land is thickly populated, and so fertile that four days after we took the village the castilian seeds had already sprouted. we have seen some little gold here, on the garments worn by the natives. we are at the gate and in the vicinity of the most fortunate countries of the world, and the most remote; it is three hundred leagues or thereabouts farther than great china, burnei, java, lauzon, samatra, maluco, malaca, patan, sian, lequios, japan, and other rich and large provinces. i hope that, through god's protection, there will be in these lands no slight result for his service and the increase of the royal crown, if this land is settled by spaniards, as i believe it will be. from this village of cubu, i have despatched the ship with the father prior [urdaneta] and my grandson, phelipe de zauzedo, with a long relation of the things which i boldly write here to your excellency. they will inform his majesty at length, as persons who have been eyewitnesses of all especially of what has taken place here, the state of the new settlement, and the arrangements made for everything. it remains to be said that, since this fleet was despatched by the most illustrious viceroy, my master, of blessed memory, and further, chiefly because of being an enterprise that every gentleman should all the more favor, inasmuch as it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the heir of the glory resulting from this expedition--your excellency should favor it in such a manner that we may feel here the touch of your most illustrious hand, and so that aid should be sent as promptly as the necessity of our condition demands. for we shall have war not only with the natives of this and other neighboring islands of the philipinas (which is of the lesser import), but--a thing of greater consequence--we shall have to wage war with many different nations and islands, who will aid these people, and will side against us. on seeing us settled in this island the portuguese will not be pleased, nor will the moros and other powerful and well-armed people. it might happen that, if aid is delayed and is not sent by you to us with all promptitude, the delay will prove a sufficient obstacle, so that no result will follow from the work that we have accomplished. i beg his majesty to send us some aid with the promptness, which rightly should not be less man in that city of españa, where his majesty resides. and because it is worth knowing, and so that your excellency may understand that god, our lord, has waited in this same place, and that he will be served, and that pending the beginning of the extension of his holy faith and most glorious name, he has accomplished most miraculous things in this western region, your excellency should know that on the day when we entered this village one of the soldiers went into a large and well-built house of an indian, where he found an image of the child jesus (whose most holy name i pray may be universally worshiped). this was kept in its cradle, all gilded, just as it was brought from españa; and only the little cross which is generally placed upon the globe in his hand was lacking. this image was well kept in that house, and many flowers were found before it, no one knows for what object or purpose. the soldier bowed before it with all reverence and wonder, and brought the image to the place where the other soldiers were. i pray the holy name of this image which we have found here, to help us and to grant us victory, in order that these lost people who are ignorant of the precious and rich treasure which was in their possession, may come to a knowledge of him. copia de vna carta venida de se|uilla a miguel saluador de valencia. la qual narra el ventu|roso descubrimiento que los mexicanos han hecho, naue-|gando con la armada quesu magestad mando hazer en| mexico. con otros cosas marauillosas, y de gran| pronecho para toda la christiandad: con|dignas de ser vistas y leydas. ¶_en barcelona, per pau cortey, 1566._ desto de la china ay dos relaciones, y es, que a los dezisiete de nouiembre del año de mil y quinietos y sessenta y quatro, por mandado de su mage. se hizo vna armada en el puerto de la natiuidad e la mar del sur, cient leguas de mexico, de dos naues, y dos pataysos, para descubrir las yslas dela especieria, que las llaman philippinas, por nuestro rey, costaron mas de seyscientos mil pesos de atipusque hechas a la vela. ¶partieron el dicho dia del puerto, y nauegaron seys dias juntas: y a los siete les dio vna barrusca, que se aparto dellas el patays, que era de cincuenta toneladas, y lleuana venyte [_sc._ veynte] hombres: el qual nauego cincuenta dias, y al fin dellos, vio tierra, que eran muchas islas entre las quales vio vna mas grande, y alli surgio. ¶acudieron ala costa gente dela isla la qual es mas blanca que los indios nuestros: y las mugeres muy mas blancas que los hombres, como las mugeres de cosas de palma texidas, y labradas encima con sedas de colores. porgala. trahen los dientes colorados, y horadados, y enlos agujeros vnos clauicos de oro. y los hombres con calcas de lieço de algodõ con senogiles de seda, con muchas pieças de oro. ¶entre ellos vino vno q parescia de mas calidad, vestido todo de seda, con vn alfange, la empuñadura, y guarniciones de oro, y piedras. ¶los nuestros les pidieron mantenimientos, y dierõ se losa trueque de bugerias: pero ellos pidierõ hierro y dio seles: y quando vieron los clauos, no querian otro sina clauos, y estos pagauan con oro en poluo. trayan algunos vnas dagas de azero muy galanas, y muestran ser gente politica y de mucha razõ. vsan depeso y medida: dierõ alos nuestros gamos, puercos, gallinas, codornizes, arroz, mijo, y pan de palmas: de todo esto ay grande abudancia. estuno alli el patays casi treynta dias, esperando las otras naues, y como no vinieron, determino de boluer a mexico: y al tiepo que salio dela isla, encontro vn junco, que es navio de casi cient toneladas, enla qual venian sessenta indios, y como vieron el patays, todos se echarona nado, y se fueron a la tierra, que estana cerca. entraron dentro algunos soldados, por mandado del capitan, y hallaron que yua cargado de porcellanas, y mantas, y lienços pintados, y otras cosas dela tierra, y algunos cañutillos de oro molido, delos quales no tomaron mas que vno, y algunas porcellanas, y algunas mantas: y delo demas, de todo poco, para traher lo por muestra. estuuo este patays en yr y en boluer, dozientos, y treynta dias. huuieron de menester subir mas de quarenta grados hazia el norte. huuo desde el puerto do partieron, hasta esta isla, mil y sete cientas leguas. ¶las otras tres naues dentro de cincuenta dias hallaron muchas islas, y aportarõ en algunas dellas, y passaron en cada vna dellas muchas cosas, que estan grande la relacion, que ocupa veynte pliegos de papel. en fin aportaron a vna isla grande que se llama iubu, y alli hizieron amistad conel rey della, que se hizo desta manera. saco se el rey sangre del pecho, y el capitan assi mesmo, y echada la sangre de entrabos en vna copa de vino la partierõ por medio, y el vno benio la vna mitad, y el otro la otra mitad: y aquello dizen q haze la amistad inuiolable. cõ todo esto tuuierõ ciertas passiones, y robarõ vn lugarejo: y en vna casa pobre hallaron vn niño iesus, destos que traen de flandes, con su velo, y pomo enla mano, tan fresco como si se acabara de hazer entonces. en aquella isla qui sieron poblar, porq es muy abundãte de todos los mantenimientos, y començaron a hazer vn fuerte, y hizierõ fuera del vna yglesia, dopusieron el niño iesus, y la llamarõ del nombre de iesus: y la isla la llaman sant miguel, porque se entro enella el dia de su aparicion. y de alli alos malucas dõde esta la especieria, ay cient y cincueta leguas, y ala china dozientas, y a malach quinientas leguas. y hallaron alli canela finissima que la hauian los dela isla trahydo de los malucas y gengibre, y cosas de seda galanas. y de alli embiaron delas tres naues la capitana de mexico, do llego despues que hauia llegado el patays, y estauan adereçando otras dos naues para socorro. hay muchas otras islas por alli muy grandes, y son del mismo modo desta. entre las otras hay vna tierra tan rica de oro, que no lo estiman en nada: y hay tãta cãtidad de canela que la quemã en lugar de leñares de tan luzida gente, q la ygualan con españa. hay alli vn rey q tiene ala continua mil hõbres de guarda: y estima se tanto que ninguno de sus vassallos le vee la cara sino vna vez enel año: y si le han de hablar para tratar conel algo, le hablã por vna zebratana: y quãdo de año a año se dexa ver, le dã muy grandes riquezas. son gente muy prima, hazen brocados, y sedas texidas de muchas maneras. tienen en tan poco el oro, q dio este rey por vn pretal de cascaueles, tres barchillas de oro en poluo: porq alli todo quanto oro ay es en poluo. cargaron estas tres naues quando tornaron tanta cantidad de oro en aquella isla, que mõto el quinto q dan al rey vn millon y dozientos mil ducados. ¶andan por alla moros contratando con naues, y trocãdo cosas de su tierra por oro, y mantas, y especieria, y por clauos y otras cosas. encontro la armada con vna naue dellos, y tomola, aunque se defendio de tal manera, q mato vno dellos, y hirieron mas de veynte. y trahian muchas cosas de oro y mantas, y otras especierias que hauian rescatado. hay tantas islas que dize que son seteta cinco mil y ochocientas. en esta isla de iubu do hazen poblacion, es do mataron a magallanes. y dizen, que los portugueses con ciertas carauelas aportaron por alli, haura dos años, llamãdose españoles, y vassallos del rey de castilla, y robaron muchas islas, y las saquearon, y lleuaron mucha gente captiua, porque como veyan q nuestra armada se haiza enla nueua españa, tomassen los nuestros cõ los dela tierra mal credito. y assi quando los nuestros llegaron, pensando que eran ellos, huyan alos mõtes con sus joyas, y haziendas. y se ha visto el general en harto trabajo por apaziguarlos, y darles a entender que son ellos, y cierto deue ser hombre cuerdo, porque por la relaciõ se vee hauer tenido mucho sufrimiento, por no topar con ellos, y los ha lleuado con mucho amor, sin hazer agrauio a nadie. ello escosa grãde, y de mucha importãcia: y los de mexico estã muy vfanos con su descubrimiento, q tienen entedido q seran ellos el coraçon del mundo. trahe eneste nauio de auiso q es venido agora aca, gegibre, canela, oro en poluo, vna arroua de conchas riquissimas de oro, y blancas, joyas de oro, cera, y otras cosas para dar muestra delo que en aquella tierra ay, y muchas bugerias, y otras cosas muy galanas. y aunque no las traxeran, harto trahian en hauer descubierto y hallado la nauegacion por aquestas partes, que es cosa de mucha calidad. con la flota sabremos mas delo que supiere auisare a v.m. &c. copy of a letter sent from seuilla to miguel saluador of valencia. which narrates the fortunate discovery made by the mexicans who sailed in the fleet which his majesty ordered to be built in mexico. with other wonderful things of great advantage for all christendom: worthy of being seen and heard. ¶_printed in barcelona, by pau cortey, 1566._ of this discovery, two relations have come from china: namely, that on the seventeenth of november, [103] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, a fleet was made ready by order of his majesty in puerto de le natividad, (which is situated on the southern sea, one hundred leagues from mexico), consisting of two ships and two _pataches_, in order to discover the spice islands, which are named philippinas, after our king. this fleet, when ready for sailing, cost more than six hundred thousand _pesos_ of atipusque. [104] ¶these vessels set sail from port on the above-mentioned day, voyaging in company for six days. on the seventh a squall struck them, separating from the others the _patache_, a vessel of fifty tons' burden, and carrying a crew of twenty men. [105] this vessel sailed for fifty days, at the end of which time land was sighted. this proved to be a number of islands, among which they saw one larger than the others, where they cast anchor. ¶on the shore of the island were gathered the natives, who are lighter complexioned than our indians, the women being of even lighter hue than the men. men and women were clad alike in garments woven from the palm, and worked along the edges with different colored silks. by way of adornment, they color their teeth, and bore them through from side to side, placing pegs of gold in the holes. the men wear drawers of cotton cloth, silken garters, and many pieces of gold. ¶among them was one man who seemed of higher rank than the others, clad wholly in silk, and wearing a cutlass, of which the hilt and sword guard were gold and precious stones. ¶our men asked them for food, giving them various trinkets in exchange. but they asked for iron, which was given to them; and when they caught sight of the nails, they desired nothing else, and paid for them with gold-dust. some of them wear very neatly-made steel daggers, and they appear to be a polite and intelligent people. they use weights and measures. they gave our men deer, swine, poultry, quail, rice, millet, and bread made of dates--all in great abundance. the _patache_ remained here for about thirty days, waiting for the other ships; but, as these did not come, they determined to return to mexico. as they left the island, they met a junk, which is a vessel of about one hundred tons' burden, in which were sixty indians. when these caught sight of the _patache_, all threw themselves into the water, and swam to the shore, which was not far away. some soldiers, by command of the captain, boarded the junk, and found it laden with porcelain, cloths, figured linens, and other products of their country, together with some beads of hammered gold. of these latter they took but one, with some of the porcelain and cloth--a little of each thing--to carry as specimens. in going and returning this _patache_ consumed two hundred and thirty days. they were compelled to run to the north, beyond the fortieth degree. from the port of departure to that island, they sailed one thousand seven hundred leagues. ¶within fifty days, the other three vessels discovered many islands. they anchored at some of these, and in each one they suffered many hardships. so long is the relation of this, that it fills twenty sheets of paper. [106] finally they landed at a large island named iubu, where they made friendship with its king. this was done in the following manner. the king drew some blood from his breast, and the captain did the same. the blood of both was placed in one cup of wine, which was then divided into two equal parts, whereupon each one drank one half; and this, they assert, constitutes inviolable friendship. notwithstanding this, they had certain conflicts, and sacked a little village. in a poorly-built house was found an image of the child jesus, such as comes from flanders, with his veil and the globe in his hand, and in as good condition as if just made. they wished to settle in that island, because of the abundance of all kinds of food. they began the construction of a fort, outside of which they erected a church, wherein the child jesus was placed, and they called the church _nombre de jesús_ ["name of jesus"]. they named the island sant miguel, because of landing there on the day of his apparition. from here to the malucos, where the spice is found, there is a distance of one hundred and twenty leagues; to china, two hundred; and to malach [malacca], five hundred. they found in this island the finest cinnamon, which its people acquire through trade with the malucos; besides ginger and articles of fine silk. of the three vessels, the flagship was despatched from that island to mexico, where it arrived later than the _patache_, and where two other vessels were being prepared as a relief. there are many other very large islands in that region, in appearance quite like the above-named island. among others is a region so rich in gold, that the amount is beyond estimation. and there is so great abundance of cinnamon that it is burned instead of wood by those people, who are as luxurious as those of spain. they have a king there who has a constant body-guard of one thousand men, and who is esteemed so highly that none of his subjects see his face oftener than once a year. if they find it necessary to converse with him on any matter, they speak to him through a long wooden tube. and when he annually permits himself to be gazed upon, his subjects give him many valuable things. these people are quite advanced. they possess brocaded and silken fabrics of many different kinds. they hold gold in so little estimation that this king gave three _barchillas_ [107] of gold dust (for there all their gold is in the form of dust) for one string of hawk's bells. those three vessels loaded so much gold in that island that the king's fifth amounted to one million two hundred thousand ducats. ¶moros frequent that district in ships for purposes of trade, bartering the products of their country for gold, cloths, spices, cloves, and other articles. the fleet encountered one of their vessels and captured it, although its occupants defended themselves so valiantly that one of the spaniards was killed, and more than twenty wounded. they had much gold, cloth, besides spices, which they had acquired in trade. so many are the islands that they are said to number seventy-five thousand eight hundred. that island of iubu, where the colony was planted, is the place where magallanes was killed. [108] it is said that the portuguese with some caravels landed there about two years ago, claiming to be spaniards and subjects of the king of castilla, and plundered many islands, sacking them and seizing many of the natives. consequently, when those people heard that our fleet had been made ready in nueva españa, our men were held in bad repute among the natives of that region. therefore when our men arrived, the inhabitants, thinking them to be the portuguese, fled to the mountains with their jewels and possessions. the general has experienced much trouble in appeasing them, and in making the natives understand who the spaniards are. surely he must be a discreet man, for the relation shows that he has exercised much forbearance in not coming to blows with them; and he has shown them much friendliness, without causing offense to anyone. this is a great and very important achievement; and the people of mexico are very proud of their discovery, which they think will make them the center of the world. the vessel that has just come here [109] with the news of this discovery has brought ginger, cinnamon, gold-dust, an _arroba_ of the richest gold _conchas_ and _blancas_, [110] gold ornaments, wax, and other articles, in order to furnish proof of what this land contains, besides many trinkets and pretty articles. and even had they not brought these things, they bring enough in having discovered and found the route for navigation to these districts, which is a most notable event. when the fleet comes, we shall know more--of which, when it is known, i shall advise you, etc. letters to felipe ii of spain, by miguel lopez de legazpi--1567-68 sacred royal catholic majesty: captain martin de goyti came with me on this expedition to serve your majesty as captain of a company of soldiers, at the order of don luis de velasco (who is in glory), who was viceroy of nueva españa; since then, on account of the death here of the master-of-camp, mateo del saez, i have committed his duties to the above-named captain. in both capacities he has served and is serving your majesty faithfully and loyally in every way; and he takes great care and pains, for he is a very prudent and rigorously just man, and possessed of many good qualities for this office. furthermore, he has shown himself in the wars to be skilful and courageous and of great valor, as an old soldier who has served your majesty many years in italy and has always been the first in all labors and perils which have occurred. by great diligence and care he has induced many of the natives to become vassals of your majesty; and by his great industry and diligence has been one of the chief means of our being able to maintain ourselves in this land. it is well and fitting, if in this discovery any service has been rendered to your majesty, that you recompense him, for he also has served and toiled in it. may god, our lord, watch over your majesty's royal person and increase your kingdom for many years. done at cebu, july 12, 1567. sacred royal catholic majesty, whose royal feet your humble and faithful vassal kisses, _miguel lopez de legazpi_ very exalted and powerful lord: at the end of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, i left nueva españa by way of the south sea, for the discovery of these islands of the west, by order and commission of his majesty; and having arrived at these filipinas islands, i sent a vessel back to nueva españa to discover the return route, and to give his majesty an account of the voyage, and inform him that a colony had been settled in this island of cubu. what has happened since then is, that in these fortunate times of his majesty and your highness there have been discovered and are being discovered many islands and lands, in which god, our lord, and his majesty and your highness may be very well pleased with the great growth of our holy catholic faith. and, not to be prolix with long relations of affairs and details concerning this land, i will refer you to those which i am writing to the royal council of the indies. it seemed to me that your highness would be pleased with specimens of the weapons with which these natives fight; accordingly they are bringing to your highness a chinese arquebuse, of which there are some among these natives. although they are very dexterous in handling these guns, when on the sea, aboard of their _praus_, they carry them more to terrify than to kill. and likewise they bring you a half-dozen lances and another half-dozen daggers, a cutlass, two corselets, two helmets, and a bow with quiver and arrows, all which they use. moreover, that your highness may see how scrupulous these people are in their dealings, i send your highness a pair of balances and one of their steelyards. i beg humbly your highness to receive my desire to serve you ever as a faithful servant, and pardon my boldness. very exalted and powerful lord, may our lord watch over the very exalted and powerful and royal person of your highness, and may he augment you with more kingdoms and seigniories for many and fortunate years. from this island of çubu, july 15, 1567. your highness's very faithful servant who kisses your royal hands. _miguel lopez de legazpi_ sacred royal catholic majesty: on the vessel which i sent to new spain to discover the return route, i gave your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of our arrival and settlement in these islands, up to the time of the ship's departure. the succeeding events in this camp may be seen by the relation which i send with this letter. last year a vessel [111] was sent from nueva españa for this island with news of the arrival of the flagship which went from here. it arrived here on the fifteenth of october of last year, in great extremity and trouble, for on the way they killed the captain and a son of his, and some others, and raised mutinies, rebellions, and other troubles, as may be seen from the evidence thereof which i send. as it brought no other assistance, nor any of the articles which we sent for from here, nor any command or order from your majesty (nor have these things been sent here since then); and since after so long a time the flagship has not returned, nor have we received the assistance that was hoped for with it--the men of this camp are in extremities and distressed. because it has not been permitted them to rob, or make war upon, or in any way harm the natives, and as they see so great delay in the sending of aid, some have not been lacking in treacherous and damnable purposes and desires, from which god, our lord, has been pleased up to now to deliver your majesty's loyal and faithful servants--who with all loyalty and zeal have served you and are now serving you in these regions--and i hope therefore that in his divine goodness he will continue to do so. there have been some islands discovered in this neighborhood, and more are being continually found of which we knew nothing, and which are inhabited by many people. there is disclosed a very great foundation and opening for both the spiritual and the temporal, from which god our lord and your majesty may derive much profit, and our holy catholic faith be much increased, if your majesty will give the necessary orders, and provide the suitable religious and laborers who may work diligently in this great vineyard of the lord. and from what has been hitherto seen much fruit may be had in their conversions, without much difficulty, because there are not known among them either the temples or the rites and ceremonies of other peoples--although they are a people extremely vicious, fickle, untruthful, and full of other superstitions. they all have many specimens of gold, and this they trade and wear as jewelry; but there is only a small quantity of it, by reason of there being no headmen or great lords among them. in some islands we have been informed of and have seen mines of gold, which, if the islands were peopled with spaniards, would, it is believed, be rich and profitable. in other islands there is an abundance of cinnamon, of which they make little use. they make no exportation of it, and therefore it is of little worth to them. seventy _quintals_ of it, more or less, have been carried upon this ship for your majesty; and there may be carried every year as much as your majesty wishes--enough indeed to supply all christendom. i have resided continuously on this island of cubu, awaiting the orders which your majesty may be pleased to have sent. i have barely succeeded in maintaining the forces with the least possible harm to the natives, and i shall try to do the same until i see your majesty's command, and know your royal will; because if we should make war upon these people, i think that great harm would ensue, but little advantage would be gained, and we should suffer hardships greater than those which have been suffered, although they have been bad enough. by the blessing of peace, we have succeeded in attracting into the obedience of your majesty many towns. as they have come from all this neighborhood of which possession has been taken in your royal name, the list of the towns accompanies this letter. and as these people are fickle and treacherous, and know not how to obey or serve, we ought to have here a fort and a number of spaniards, who by good treatment might restrain them and make them understand what justice is; and who may settle in other places most convenient for the security of all those of this region. for this purpose married men should be sent and those who would have to remain permanently in this land. i beg your majesty to be pleased to have provided with all despatch what is most in accord with your royal pleasure, and give the commission to some one in nueva españa, who with all care and special diligence, will provide all that is necessary, without there being so much delay as in the past. for the security of these parts, and in order to get this needed security, it would be fitting and necessary to have built half a dozen galleys. for this, and even to provide them with crews there is reasonable provision here, provided you send officers and workmen to build the vessels, as has been written to the royal _audiencia_ of mexico. with these vessels all these islands may be protected, as well as many others that are farther away from them; and it might even be possible to coast along the shores of china and to trade on the mainland. they would be very profitable and effective. your majesty will cause to be provided in this regard what is most pleasing to you. in november of last year arrived, very near where we are, a large fleet of portuguese who were coming from india to maluco, where they must have thought that we were. having arrived near our settlement, they stopped a few days, giving out that they were coming in search of us. they sent two small boats to reconnoiter our colony and station, afterward resolving to continue their voyage without stopping here. it may well be imagined that they were not pleased to see spaniards in these parts. farther north than our settlement, or almost to the northwest not far from here, are some large islands, called luzon and vindoro, where the chinese and japanese come every year to trade. they bring silks, woolens, bells, porcelains, perfumes, iron, tin, colored cotton cloths, and other small wares, and in return they take away gold and wax. the people of these two islands are moros, and having bought what the chinese and japanese bring, they trade the same goods throughout this archipelago of islands. some of them have come here, although we have not been able to go there, by reason of having too small a force to divide among so many districts. the people who remain here are very needy and poor, on account of having had, hitherto, no advantages or profits in the islands; and they have endured many miseries and troubles, with very great zeal and desire to serve your majesty, and are worthy of receiving remuneration. i humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to be mindful of their services, to grant them all favor (since these regions and districts contain sufficient for it), because a hundred merit it, and have served well and will serve much more in the future. therefore i beg your majesty in addition, that your majesty approve the duties and offices given and assigned for these districts, and that your majesty confirm them to the persons who hold them, together with the greater favors that you may confer on them; for in these men are found the necessary qualifications, and they fulfil their duties with all fidelity. as this ship was about to sail, there arrived at this port two small galleys from maluco, carrying certain portuguese with letters from the captains of the fleet that came to these regions last year for the assistance and fortification of maluco. in these letters they ask us to go out to their fleet, as your majesty will see by the very letters which accompany this present letter, together with the copy of the one i sent back to them. some of those who came with the letters gave us to understand that, if we would not go willingly, they would take us by force; and that very shortly they would attack us in so great force that we could not resist them. i do not consider that they have any right to attack us or make war on us, since we, on our part, are causing them no trouble or harm; and although they come, we cannot do anything else than wait for them, notwithstanding that we are few and short of ammunition and other war material, since help has not come from nueva españa as we expected; and we have neither vessels nor equipment in order to escape. may god provide in this what he sees necessary, and as is your majesty's pleasure,--whose sacred royal catholic person may our lord watch over for many and prosperous years with increase of more kingdoms. from this island of cubu, july 23, 1567. your sacred royal majesty's very humble and faithful servant who kisses your hands and feet. _miguel lopez de legazpi_ sacred royal catholic majesty: when i arrived in these filipinas islands in the year sixty-five, i despatched a ship to discover the return route to nueva españa. i also sent to your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of my colonization in this island of çubu, where i should await the reply that your majesty should be pleased to have sent me; and stated that i was writing to nueva españa that they should provide me with all the most necessary things; and those we lacked most. seeing so much delay on all sides, last year i sent another ship with the relation of all that had occurred here, begging your majesty to be pleased to order that we should be helped and provided, with all possible expedition, with the things that we have asked for, and which were extremely necessary and important; and that the matter be committed to some one in nueva españa, who should provide and have charge of it, because although they sent us reenforcements of men, they sent us nothing else that we had asked for. they said that they had not your majesty's commission for it, and that they were expecting every day the warrant that your majesty will be pleased to give in this case, so that by virtue of it they could supply us with what was needed. this great delay has subjected us to hardship and distress, and to great danger and risk--especially through our lack of powder and ammunition, and rigging and sails for the vessels, of which we are quite destitute, and of which there are not, and cannot be, any here. i beg your majesty to have the goodness to have these things seen to, as is most in accordance with your royal pleasure, with the expedition required in a matter of so great importance; and that henceforth this matter be entrusted to some one in nueva españa, at your majesty's pleasure, who shall administer it as is most fitting to your royal service and the good of those here. by the vessel that left last year, i sent your majesty seventy _quintals_ of cinnamon which we got in trade with the natives; and this vessel about to sail carries one hundred and fifty _quintals_ more. there is abundance of it, and we could send more, were it not for the lack of articles of barter; for those we bring are valueless, and these natives do not desire them. there are also other drugs, aromatics, and perfumes which our people do not know; nor do the natives know them, for they have but little curiosity, and care nothing for these things. in some places there are oysters, and indications of pearls; but the indians neither know of them nor fish for them. there are gold mines; pepper might be had also if it were cultivated and cared for, because pepper trees have been seen, which some chiefs keep in their houses as curiosities, although they value the pepper at little or nothing. the country is healthful and has a fair climate, although it is very rough and mountainous. all trade therefore is by sea, and almost all the natives live on the sea-coast and along the rivers and creeks that empty into the sea. in the interior there are few settlements, although in some islands there are blacks living in the mountains, who neither share nor enjoy the sea, but are most of the time at war with the indians who live down on the seacoast. captives are made on both sides, and so there are some black slaves among the indians. if this land is to be settled, to pacify and place it under your royal dominion, in order to civilize its inhabitants and bring them to the knowledge of our holy catholic faith, for it cannot be sustained by way of trade, both because our articles of barter have no value among them, and because it would be more expense than profit--in order to possess it for pacification, it is most necessary and important that your majesty maintain here a half-dozen galleys, with which to explore all this archipelago, and make further discoveries. likewise they could coast along china and the mainland, and find out what there is there, and achieve other things of great importance. the galleys could be built here at very slight cost, because there is plenty of wood and timber. your majesty would have only to provide tackle, sails, anchors, and the heavy bolts and nails for these vessels. you would also have to send from nueva españa two skilled ship-builders, two forges, and two dozen negroes from those that your majesty maintains at the harbor at vera cruz who might be taken without causing any shortage. pitch, oakum, and grease, which are not to be had here, could be made without any further cost. the ships could be manned by slaves bought from these natives, or taken from those places which do not consent to obey your majesty. likewise if the land is to be settled, the mines here ought to be worked and fitted up. since at first it will be difficult and costly and very laborious, for many causes and reasons, your majesty ought to do us the favor of giving up your royal rights and fifths, or a part of them, and for a time suitable, to those working the mines, so that they might reconcile themselves to undertaking it and expending their possessions therein; your majesty ought likewise to give them permission to buy the slaves, whom these natives barter and sell among themselves, and whom they can use on their estates and for their advantage, without taking them from their land and native home. in everything your majesty will examine and provide according to your pleasure. may our lord keep your sacred royal catholic majesty, and increase your kingdoms and seigniories for many and prosperous years, as your royal heart desires. from this island of çubu, june 26, 1568. your sacred royal catholic majesty's faithful and humble servant who kisses your royal feet. _miguel lopez de legazpi_ negotiations between legazpi and pereira regarding the spanish settlement at cebu--1568-69 (i, fernando riquel, [112] notary-in-chief of the royal armada which came forth to discover the islands of the west, and to govern them for his majesty the king don felipe, our sovereign, certify and truly testify to all who may see the present, or its duplicates authorized in public form, that while his excellency miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the above-mentioned royal armada, was located with the people thereof in this island and port of çubu in the said felipinas, there came to the said port a certain portuguese armada, the chief commander of which, they said, was named gonzalo pereira. he, after arriving at this said port and remaining therein a few days, sent certain ordinances and documents to the said governor, to which the latter replied sending also other documents of his own; and the ordinances and documents of the said commander-in-chief, gonzalo pereira, remained in the hands of me, the above-mentioned fernando riquel; while the papers and documents which the said governor sent in response to the said captain-general, under his own signature, remained in the hands of the captain-general himself. the duplicates, signed and authorized by pero bernaldez, notary-public of the portuguese fleet aforesaid, i, the above-mentioned fernando riquel, possess, and do insert and incorporate them one with another; and the copies thereof, one placed after another, constitute what now follows, arranged according to the order in which they were presented.) as for the requisition and protest which i, gonçallo pereira, commander-in-chief of this fleet of the king, our sovereign, do make to the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, captain-general of the fortress and settlement which he has recently established in this our island of cebu: you, pero bernaldez, notary-public in this fleet, are directed to lay it before him, and with his reply--or, if he be unwilling to give one, without it--to return to me. you shall present to him the document and documents, which i must send him, to the effect that it is true that, coming from india in order to favor and increase the christian communities in these islands, which had been persecuted by the unbelievers, i learned in borneo that his grace had entered into this our charge and conquest, and established himself in this island of cebu, and that he had entered by accident and not intentionally through his having encountered severe storms, and had reached land in this possession of ours. wherefore i arrived on the sixth of october, one thousand five hundred and sixty-six, from borneo, having come in quest of him to aid and assist him in his need, as was my duty as a christian, and because of the close relationship and friendliness of our sovereigns which obliged me to do this, and nothing less, in order to fulfil on our part, the compact made between the emperor don carlos, whom may god preserve, and the royal sovereign don joham the third, whom may god maintain in glory. as it turned out i did not see him, owing to the stress of weather which constrained me to go directly to maluco--whence i sent antonio rombo dacosta and baltesar de sousa in two _caracoas_ [113] to visit his grace, and ascertain from him what he needed from our fleet, offering him most willingly everything that it contained. from the fortress likewise, the same offers were made by alvoro de mendonca its commander; but his grace neither accepted nor besought anything from the fleet or from the fortress. and hearing from antonio rombo that there was great need of many things, through lack of which much hardship was suffered, i left maluco again on the thirteenth of october one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven, in search of his grace, very well provided with everything necessary for his aid--no inconsiderable amount--at the cost of his highness and of his captains. and i failed again to see him, in spite of all my efforts, in consequence of setting out late, and having encountered a very violent monsoon. on the twenty-sixth of august, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight i returned to maluco, only to retrace for a third time my way. and our lord was pleased to allow me to arrive at this our port where i encountered him in peaceful wise without any hostile manifestation whatsoever. and i did not take from and defend against him any vessels or supplies, a thing both easy and profitable for us to do; but, on the contrary, i favored his grace in every way, and gave him the title of governor. but--seeing that the fortress was being strengthened more and more each day upon the land; and that he was trying to enter into communication with the people about, and constraining them in some measure by force of arms to obedience in the payment of tribute to his majesty the king don felipe; and entering into agreements, in the name of his majesty, with the people near and far to the effect that they might sail safely all around the land and through the waters of this archipelago,--i am in considerable apprehension, for all this region belongs to the conquest and demarcation of the king our sovereign; and i cannot persuade myself that his grace comes here with the delegated authority and consent of the king don felipe, who is so closely connected and allied with the king our sovereign. wherefore i request his grace, both one and many times, on the part of the very catholic and christian sovereigns, [114] to send me word as to the cause of his coming and his stay, and to show the commission which he brings; for if the consent of the sovereigns is in any wise therein contained, i wish to conform thereto, as i am very desirous to give help and favor in every way which will be of service to the said sovereigns--as, in letters, and in the interviews held, i have given his grace to understand thoroughly. and if his grace is not willing to do anything in this matter, and will not consent to come with all his camp and join this fleet, as i have also asked him to do, i summon him, on behalf of the very catholic and christian sovereigns, to depart from this land and archipelago of ours forthwith, with all his camp, fleet, and munitions of war, and leave it free and unembarrassed to the said lord thereof. and otherwise i protest that all the loss and damage which may ensue in this matter will fall upon his grace, and that he will be obliged to give account of them to god and to the sovereigns our lords. given in this galley "san francisco," in the port of cebu, on the fourteenth of october one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _goncalo pereira_. (_notification:_ on the fifteenth day of the said month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, i, pero bernaldez, notary-public for the king our sovereign in this his fleet, went at the command of goncalo pereira, the captain-general thereof, to the camp of çebu of which the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi is the commander; and i presented to him in his lodgings there, two hours, somewhat more or less, after noon on the said day, month, and year, and delivered to him, word for word, the demand and protest above mentioned, given to me by afonso alvarez furtado, factor of the fleet, who was granted due authority for this business by the said commander-in-chief. at this delivery were present the said factor and baltesar de freitas, the notary of the fleet; andres d'ibarra, captain; guido de levazaris, his majesty's treasurer; amador de arrayaran, first ensign, and graviel da rabeira, head _aiguazil_, of the camp--all of whom signed here with me, pero bernaldez, notary, who writes these presents. _pero bernaldez_, _alfonso alvarez furtado_, _baltesar de freitas_. and then the said miguel lopez, after the said demand had been read by me, said that he had heard it, and begged that a copy thereof might be given him, to which he would reply in due form; and, that there may be no doubt about the matter, lopez says upon another line that it will be truly done. and i, pero bernaldez, who drew up this writing in the said day, month, and year, and at the said hour, do witness thereto, in company with the said witnesses already mentioned. _andres de ybarra_, _guido de lavezaris_, _amador de arrayaran_, _graviel de ribera_.) _authorization:_ guonçallo pereira, commander-in-chief of these south-by-east regions: by my authorization power is granted to alfonso alvarez furtado, factor of the king our sovereign in this his fleet, so that he may, for me, and in my name, present and require from his highness all the papers and documents which may serve the ends of justice, with all the powers which i myself should have in these affairs which i am carrying on with the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, general of the fleet and forces of nova spanha. therefore, in certification of the above, i, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, signed this document on the galleon "san francisco," in the port of çebu, on the thirteenth day of the month of october, in the year of the birth of our lord jesus christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _goncalo pereira_, _pedro bernaldez_. (_reply:_ this is the copy of the answer which the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi sent to gonçalo pereira, captain-general of the armada in the south sea. i, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet for the king our sovereign, copied the summons of the said miguel lopez de legazpi.) i, miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king don felipe, our sovereign, of his forces and the royal fleet, for the discovery of these islands of the west: inasmuch as certain demands, contained in a summons which pero bernaldez--notary-public, as he said, of his armada--read to me on behalf of the very illustrious gonçalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese armada, have been made upon me on the petition of alonso alvarez [furtado], factor of the said armada (as in the said summons to which i refer, is set forth, at greater length); therefore replying to the said demand and to the things contained therein, i say that i came by command of his majesty the king don felipe, our sovereign, and with his royal fleet as the governor and general thereof, with the purpose of discovering the lands and islands of the west, which are and always were within his demarcation, in order to propagate and teach therein the gospel and the evangelical law, and to spread the christian sway of our holy catholic faith--the thing which, most of all, his majesty purposes in these parts. in the course of my expedition i arrived at these islands, where i was obliged to provide myself with certain supplies which i needed and which i did not have at hand; and in search of which i went about among the said islands for many days without being able to secure them, until by chance i arrived at this port of cubu, where i was obliged to spend the winter. i sent from here the flagship, in which i came, to nueva spaña with a report of all that had happened during the expedition; and i wrote to his majesty saying that i would await here his answer and despatches in order to learn whither he commanded me to go. and it was because no despatch or answer came to me from his majesty that i stayed here so long, and not from any intention or desire to settle or remain in this land. as a matter of fact, in my instructions i am commanded not to make entry in the islands of maluco, or to infringe the treaty made between the kings of castilla and portugal, our sovereigns. in a clause contained therein, moreover, i am ordered to come to these felipinas islands and seek for certain people, lost here, who had belonged to the armada of rui lopez de villalobos; and, in case i found them alive, to ransom them at his majesty's expense and deliver them out of their subjection to the infidels, in order to return them to their native lands and to the christian faith in which they were born and reared. this i have successfully accomplished; of those who had come over in the said armada one was found in the island of tandaya, and i ransomed him. and i have also received notice that two spaniards were sold by the natives of the island aforesaid to the indians of burney, which piece of information has made me desirous of knowing their whereabouts and what was done with them, that i might bestow upon them the same benefit of ransom. by this it is clearly seen and inferred that his majesty is convinced and believes that the filipinas islands are within his demarcation, for on the one hand he orders me to come to them, and on the other not to infringe the royal treaty of our kings and sovereigns. and in this faith and belief i came and have remained here in his royal name, and not with the intention of injuring the most christian king of portugal or harming any of his possessions, or in any way to transgress the said treaty. and even though the lands belong to his majesty, my will and intention has, up to the present time, not been to settle in them or in any others until i should have the authority of his majesty; and the assurances and letters of protection which have been given to the natives of this land were so given, to the end and purpose that the warriors and soldiers who go and come from one place to another in search of provisions should not be harmed or injured or robbed. in this, indeed--even though the lands do belong to his highness, as is set forth in the said summons--a service has been done him; for all was done with the intention of protecting and preserving the natives thereof. moreover, just as soon as i arrived at these islands i endeavored to learn and ascertain if the portuguese had come here, and if they had any intercourse and commerce with the natives; and if the said natives did them any service, or paid them tribute, or if the portuguese derived any other advantage from them. and the said natives assured me that this was not the case, and that they neither knew them nor had ever seen them. this assurance emboldened me in thinking myself the more authorized to provide and supply myself from among them, without harm to anyone. as regards the tributes mentioned in the summons aforesaid, the fact is that on a few occasions no supplies were to be bought; and, in order not to make war upon the natives and do them any injury, or to take the supplies from them by force, we persuaded them to give us some provisions by means of which our people might be maintained. some of them gave and have given, of their own free will, a certain amount of rice and other food, but nothing whatsoever through which his majesty has derived any profit--on the contrary, a large amount of gold has been paid out for the provisions aforesaid; and this, moreover, the natives gave, when, and in what manner, and in what quantity they themselves desired, without suffering any violence or receiving any reward. everything which i have enumerated was to protect and defend the natives aforesaid, without doing them any harm or injury whatsoever. and as for what his grace says in the summons aforesaid about sending antonio runbo de acosta and baltesar de soza to visit me, and how they came in the month of july of the past year to this camp, with letters from his grace and other captains entreating me to go to their fleet and fortress of maluco with all my people, together with other offers, i would say that they were received in this camp with all peace and amity and good will, in accordance with the custom of the land. and through them personally i replied to his grace giving them the reasons for my coming and my stay in this land, which are those above-mentioned; and telling him that i was unable to accept the kindness which was proffered me in the fleet and fortress of maluco, inasmuch as it would be contrary to the commands and orders which i bore from his majesty. and certain persons who came in company with antonio runbo, gave us to understand very differently from what had been written me in the letters, and stated and declared that the said captain-in-chief was on his way with all his fleet, with the intent of coming here and taking prisoners all the castilians that they should encounter. the same purpose was indicated in a letter which antonio lopez de segueira, captain of a galley, wrote at point coavite to the master-of-camp mateus del saz (may he rest in peace). consequently, the horizontal rampart of this camp was constructed, in order to guard the munitions and the property of his majesty; for up to that time there had been no fort or protection therefor whatsoever, save only a palisade of palm-logs driven into the ground to keep the natives from doing damage at night--for concerning all the rest our minds were fully at peace, as was natural in the case of people who had no idea or intention of remaining in the land, but only of awaiting the message from his majesty and then going whither his majesty should command. and so i stated and declared to the said antonio ronbo that what i needed was ships to leave the land; and i intimated the same to his grace at our interviews, and begged him to give me two ships of his own, with which i might depart, on condition of my paying for them from his majesty's possessions here. and the same i say today, as the most expeditious means of departing hence and leaving the land in the hands of its rightful owner; and if i have the said ships i will do so now, in order to give satisfaction to his grace. without them, we are absolutely obliged to await the ships which are to come from nueva spana in order that we may depart; and when they come i promise to fulfil and accomplish what i specify above, without any injury attaching to any one whomsoever from my stay in this island. and although the intention and offers of his grace seem favorable, pacific, and impelled by christian feeling, the statements made public by the people of his fleet are very much in opposition thereto; for they say and declare that he comes only to take us prisoners, and that he has sent for reënforcements from many sources to carry this purpose into effect, and (which has the worst sound of all), that he is sending for reënforcements from among the mahometan moros and pagans, to fight against christians and vassals of his majesty. this i do not believe, as the fleet of his grace is so large and powerful that he may do what he pleases, especially with people who desire to serve him and who will vindicate themselves in everything pertaining to the service of god and of the sovereigns our lords. and as regards the request he makes, in the said summons, to be shown what authority i have for entering these islands, i say, that i am ready and prepared to show it to him as often as he may desire to see it, as i have told him personally. and i likewise on my own part beg him, and if necessary even summon him, in the name of his majesty, once, twice, and thrice, and as many times as i am by law required: to show me if he have any order or command from the kings our lords in order that i may obey and fulfil it, as i am required to do; or if he has order and command from his highness to trouble and make war upon the vassals of his majesty who may be in these regions. without that, i find no cause or adequate reason, nor can i believe that his grace desires, to do me violence or any injury, in transgression of the peace and amity and relationship which is so close and intimate between the kings our sovereigns; moreover, it would be a matter of very great displeasure to god our lord. and if, through unwillingness to do so, injuries and scandals should arise and increase on one side or the other, i declare that it will be the fault and blame of his grace, and that he will be obliged to give an account therefor to god and to our sovereigns and lords. and this is what i say and respond to the said summons, not consenting to the protests contained therein. and i sign it with my name, and request you, the present notary, to read and make known this my answer to the said captain-in-chief in person, and that the same be incorporated and inserted in the said summons; and that testimony thereof be given me, as well as the copies necessary, in due form. done in çubu, the fifteenth day of the month of october, of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _miguel lopez de legaspi_. _notification:_ in the island and port of cubu, in the galleon said to be called "san francisco," i, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief, and government notary at the instance of andres de mirandaola, factor and inspector for his majesty, read this response and summons to the very illustrious gonçalo pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of portugal, in person, _de verbo ad verbum_ exactly in accordance with the tenor thereof. he said that he had heard it, and would reply. the said andres de mirandaola in virtue of his authority presented it, in the name of the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, there being present, as witnesses to all above-mentioned, alonso alvarez furtado, factor of the royal fleet of portugal; pedro dacuna de moguemes, captain-general of the sea of maluco: sancho de vasconcellos, nobleman; guoncallo de sousa, nobleman of the household of his highness, the king of portugal; pero bernaldez, notary public; and christoval ponze, scrivener, notary, all of whom signed it together with me, the said fernando riquel. _andres de mirandaola_, _pero dacunha de moguemes_, _sancho de vasconcellos_, _afonso alvarez furtado_, _guoncallo de sousa_, _pero bernaldez_, _christoval ponce de leon_. in testimony thereof _fernando riquel_. (this copy herewith above-written was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, pero bernaldez, notary public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind which would occasion doubt: only the word _perjuizio_ [harm], and the interlineations _premio_ [reward], and _dha_ [for _dicha_--said] are scratched out. everything there is correct, and the said fernaõ riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison and subscribed his name here with me, together with baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, who affixed here his assent, on this day, the twenty-ninth of december of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _pero bernaldez_.) (this copy was compared before me, baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, on the said day, month, and year, aforesaid. _baltesar de freitas_.) (on the said day, month, and year above-mentioned, i was present at and saw the correction and comparison of this copy. _fernando riquel_.) (_authorization:_ in the island and port of çubu, on the fifteenth day of the month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, the very illustrious miguel lopez legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty over his people and royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, before me, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief and government-notary, and in the presence of the witnesses hereunto subscribed, said that, in the name of his majesty he gave and granted all and every authority he possessed--as in such case is by law required, and it may and ought to be sufficient--to andres de mirandaola (who was present), factor and overseer of the royal estate of his majesty, in order that in his place, and as if it were he himself, the said mirandaola might present whatever summons, protests, and replies, and other documents whatsoever, that might prove necessary, to the very illustrious gonçalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese fleet anchored in this port, in regard to the affairs under negotiation at the present moment between them concerning the service of god our lord, and that of the kings our sovereigns; and in testimony thereof i sign the present with his name, the witnesses being martin de goiti, the master-of-camp, and captain diego de artieda. _miguel lopez de legaspi_. done before me, _fernando riquel_.) (this copy was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interpolation or erasure which would occasion doubt; and the said fernaõ riquel was present at the comparison, and signed here with me--together with baltesar de freitas, notary of this fleet of the king our lord, who affixed here his assent--on this day, the twenty-ninth of december of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _pero bernaldez_.) (this copy was compared before me, baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, in the said day, month, and year, aforesaid. _baltesar de freitas_.) (on the said day, month, and year, above-mentioned, i was present at the correction of this copy. _fernando riquel_.) _second summons:_ replying to this reply to my first summons, made by the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, general of the camp and of the people of nova spanha, i declare that the essence, subject, and right of all this matter is not contained in words, but in deeds; and that his grace has up to the present time acted in a way very displeasing to god, to his majesty and to the king our sovereign, as i shall set forth in detail. as regards his grace's coming by authority of his royal majesty, the king don felipe, in order to discover lands, the islands of the west lying within his demarcation, and to propagate christianity therein, as should be the principal purpose of so christian a prince; and bearing withal instructions not to enter into aught, or in any way infringe the treaty and agreement made between the emperor don carlos and the king our sovereign don joan the third (both of whom i pray god may have in glory): this does not absolve, but rather condemns him, inasmuch as he has acted in a manner so contrary to his instructions, neither making discoveries, nor founding any christian communities, nor limiting himself to his own demarcation, but hastening with great speed to penetrate so many leagues through our demarcation--contrary to the faith, oath, agreement, and instructions of his true king and lord. he would indeed be able to say that he was ignorant of the bound and limit of these two demarcations, if father urbaneta had not told and requested him to settle such of the ladrones islands as, on his way around them, he might discover; if his majesty had not charged him not to enter, under any consideration, into the territory belonging to the king our sovereign; and if he had not been told and informed by the ships which were in this vicinity that the islands belonged to us, all which will appear, in proper time, in documents sworn before a notary. his grace's saying, in his letter written to me at maluco, that he entered into this our conquest in consequence of stormy weather surprised me not a little, for the portuguese in their voyages from portugal to india (although even more exposed to inclement weather, to more violent winds, and to rough and heavy seas), never encountered a tempest of such violence as to endure for more than twenty-four hours, or in which, however far one of our ships might run, (with sails either furled or spread forth to the wind) they ever passed over an extent of more than fifty or sixty leagues--although, it is true, i have heard it said that one of our ships once ran a distance of eighty leagues; but his grace's having entered three hundred leagues into these waters of ours causes me anxiety, especially in view of his coming through a sea so calm and winds so gentle that small boats are able to navigate it, as most of the people of this region have told and declared to me. as regards his saying that he was absolutely obliged to enter, owing to lack of provisions, i reply through the lips of the captain of his company and those of ours here, who affirmed that in the ladrones islands where he was best employed in the service of god, so many boats brought him supplies that their number was estimated in one single day at six hundred; moreover, that in the islands aforesaid, and in others by which they passed, they obtained hens, swine, fish, rice, and yams. the same thing was told me by the father prior; and i understand that guido de lavezaris, treasurer of his majesty and his grace, having, in this archipelago of ours, nothing left of the six hundred boat-loads and obtaining in this region so little food in the boats or camp, sent to panae and others of our districts for supplies at the cost of a great deal of trouble. this is a fact well attested, since i have been in this port; for i consented and allowed many vessels bearing supplies to enter, on their declaring to me that there was so great lack of provisions here that many soldiers were living upon grass. i assert it to be clear and evident, moreover, for every man of judgment and understanding, that so rich a fleet--comprising so large ships, sent forth for the purpose of discovery by its king, and departing from his kingdom of nova spanha, a land of so great fertility and abundance--would not lack supplies and munitions for three or even four years; and that a fleet so large as that of which his grace is commander must have come provided and supplied with everything necessary for a long period of time. and this was, indeed, declared to be the fact by the chief men of the encampment, who said that biscuit and supplies abounded on the flagship, when it arrived hence at nova spanha; and that there was great superfluity in many things obtained from the islands lying within their demarcation, as well as in many more which his grace brought over in his fleet. in this lack of provisions (in which he placed himself very much by his own choice), we placed alvoro de mendonça, who was then captain of the fortress of maluco, at his disposal for everything that he might need from these lands and seas of the king our sovereign, in the month of july of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven through the means of antonio ronbo da costa and baltesar de sousa, whom i sent for this purpose from maluco in two _caracoras._ this his grace did not accept-on account of the abundance of everything which he possessed, as if appears--contrary to the action which would be taken by one who is in necessity, and who avails and assists himself even through the medium of his enemies; and even more so in the case of so good friends as are and always have been the vassals of the king our sovereign and those of the sovereigns of castela, between which princes there exists a very ancient relation and intimacy. the excuse he gives, in addition to the others already mentioned, of entering into this our sea and conquest, because he knew that the portuguese have no commercial relations as yet within these islands, is weak and of no avail; for in what law, either divine or human, does his grace find it written that, when the kings and their vassals disregard for a time commercial relations with lands belonging within their demarcations, others should consequently take therefrom gold and drugs, which do not belong to them? as for his saying that he entered here to look for spaniards who remained in these islands from the fleet of ruilopez de villalobos, and that he has already ransomed one, and has information regarding two more--this is a very poor reason for violating good faith, truth, oath, and so solemn a compact between so christian princes. this is especially true in view of the knowledge and experience (to which guido de lavezaris could testify) of the great affection and sheltering kindness with which those of the company of ruilopez de villalobos were received and transported to spanha (at great expense to his highness and his captains), through the favor of the viceroy, and were well looked after in our merchant ships; while those who, with his approbation, wished to remain here, were likewise granted many favors, and, having become rich, now dwell in the fortresses and cities of india. moreover, he might have trusted us in this matter of the three spaniards, who remained here at all the less cost to his majesty, and without serving his highness. as for trying to make me to believe that he was serving the interests of the king our sovereign during his stay in this our king's land, with his safeguards and defenses. i emphatically assert that they were all erected very much against his interests; for one who has the intention alleged by his grace gives evidences plain to all, assuring the inhabitants of the land against those accompanying him, but not by means of fortifications and a so great assumption of authority in another's kingdom--usurping therein the vassalage rights of his highness and transferring the same to his majesty, who already has so many; obliging the natives to pay him tribute, and laying down the law to them as if they were his own subjects; and taking them prisoners on their coming to see the captains of their real king and sovereign, as in the case of one who was captured as he came to the pinnace of antonio ronbo da costa, and prevented from speaking with me. as for the chimerical charges which his grace makes against me concerning the letter of antonio lopez de segueira, and the words of the soldiers of antonio rumbo, in what manner could he have formed an opinion from a letter written by an individual captain who had been separated for many days from my company, if the sincerity of my intentions should be truly proved without further indications? for i do not know the words of his letter; but the statement of antonio lopez, after having had several shots fired against him, was not without cause, inasmuch as, having learned that alien people had a considerable time previous entered into this our territory, and had made a settlement and erected a fort therein, knowing withal but little of his grace, and much of the compact, good faith, and sincerity of his royal majesty the king don felipe, it seemed proper to lay the blame upon the captain rather than on the king--of which, in the judgment of many, his grace was not so ill-deserving. god forbid that i should reply to what is said concerning the words of the soldiers, for i should be very much ashamed to have to give account, in so sorry a business, for my actions in entering and remaining in this port; and to make proof of the great zeal which i have for the service of god and of the kings our sovereigns, and of my great desire to preserve peace and amity between us--suffering, as i have, whatever wrong is done me in this camp. let his grace judge me only upon sure grounds, and not on chimerical accusations of the past, the falsity of which i prove by good deeds in the present. with regard to his claim of not having ships in which to depart from these waters of ours into his own, during the three or four years in which he has been settled in this our port of cebu, i maintain that he had more than sufficient time and ships in which to leave; for i know that the flagship could carry two hundred men, or as many as his grace may then have had in his camp quite easily (for the return passage had already been discovered), inasmuch as his grace intimated to me in a letter which he wrote me at maluco that the flagship held even more. and of his own accord he ordered the _patache_ "san joan," the other small _patache_, and some frigates to be run ashore; for as soon as one came from nova spanha the others could easily go thither--a large fleet, certainly, since it contained more than a thousand men, together with a camp much larger. he lacked, therefore, neither supplies, ships, a known route home, nor time in which to depart from our demarcation, when he entered there, as is plain; the small _patache_ and the flagship, also, were not lacking to him. we offered him everything that he needed from the fortress and fleet of his highness. therefore, from the above and from other things previously written, it remains proved, not by the portuguese, but by the spaniards themselves, and not by camp-followers but by his chief men, that his grace is not here through necessity, but with a very definite aim, awaiting more men and a fleet, in order forcibly to wrest maluco, china, and japan, from the king our sovereign. this is clearly shown by the words of the foremost men of his company, and by the many questions they put to us concerning our knowledge of these regions; as well as by the letters from nova espanha which have fallen into my hands. _the encampment_: it is shown by the people and munitions which his grace ordered to be brought, and which were brought to him; the flagship and the _patache_; the extent of the defenses which he is erecting day and night; the great reenforcements which he is procuring from among the infidels to help him fight against us christians--as was well made evident at the arrival of antonio ronbo and at mine; his ordering these people to hasten with their arms to this camp of his, summoning them to fill all the land with snares; and by his resolve to shed, with the aid of his ships, much christian blood. all this consists of deeds, and not of imaginations such as he brings up before me regarding the king of ternate; for it is much more certain that the latter has not yet gone forth from his kingdom than that he is now absent from it. it is true that i summoned that king to come with his fleet, as a vassal of the king our sovereign, for many reasons: first and foremost, to induce him to leave his land and not remain there, when i should go thither to investigate his evil deeds against god and his highness in the persecution of the christian communities of morobachan, anboyno, and celebs--as on several occasions, it was suspected, happened covertly. the second, to take satisfaction upon his people for the treasonable acts which the natives of taguima committed in their harbor against the boats of the merchantmen from maluco and of this fleet; but i was unable to inflict punishment by effecting a landing there on account of the country being overgrown with heavy thickets. the third, that i might negotiate for provisions for this archipelago, if his grace should long remain therein. the fourth, to chastise many moros and natives who have injured, and are injuring, god and his highness. the fifth, to make such use as should be necessary of that king's services and labor. but as for availing myself of his forces against christians, may god forbid that i should ever do such a thing; and blood so old and free from stain as mine, and so christian a nation as the portuguese are, would never tolerate it. and that this is true i have already intimated to his grace, to the father prior, and to guido de lavezaris, not forgetting where i begin this reply of mine--wherein i declare that his grace is wronging god, his majesty, and his highness, and is, besides, quite well understood in other matters pertaining to this affair. i add, moreover, in so far as god is concerned: his ordering or consenting to the sale of iron and weapons in this camp to the infidels, so as to arm them against christians; his ordering javelins [115] to be made in this settlement of negroes and in his own, which the spaniards would take away to mindanao and cavetle to sell, exchanging them for cinnamon, hardwood _machetes_, axes, knives, and even for drugs. one of the principal items concerns the lord's supper--so jealously guarded by the holy fathers, and regarding which they have issued threats of excommunication, so stringent that no one can be absolved except by them. he suffers many men belonging to this camp to have carnal intercourse in public with native women, without punishing them therefor, although making a pretense of being rigorous in other matters of less importance. he takes other people's property, acting in all respects just as if he were ourselves, and thus takes our property against our will. as concerns his majesty, he reduces and renders null and void, in so many respects, his solemn compact (which deserves all the good faith and truth that should belong to so christion a prince), and thus wrongs his blood relatives to whom he owes so many obligations. he takes from his highness by force these lands conquered by him; and he is awaiting more forces and a fleet to terminate completely the task of capturing them all. for this he is taking measures, with much preparation of war, in his hostility to the captains and people of his highness's fleet--among whom there is no hostile feeling, and who even offer amicably to serve, with much love and pleasure in so doing, both him and all his company. with regard to the two galleys which his grace asks from me, out of the three which i possess, it would not be right to give them to him, even though i found him doing many services to god and to the king our lord in this land. but when i find him wronging them, and intending to wrong them still more, i can but be startled at his grace's asking me for the sinews of this fleet and the sword with which to cut off my own head, as i would be doing if i should give him ships in order that he may carry out the more successfully his purpose--especially as no clause existed in the treaty which would oblige the king our lord to order ships and a fleet to be given to the spaniards who might pass this way with the intention of doing him injury, in order that they might depart hence and continue on their way. as far as his grace's awaiting a reply from his majesty is concerned, i consider it even more unreasonable to ask for galleys; for, just as one who is committing some deadly sin displeases god all the more the longer he continues therein, so likewise, the longer his grace continues to transgress the good faith and truth of the contract made by his very christian king and lord, the greater displeasure he will cause to god; but, if he would depart hence, upon our waters, in all peace and amity, god would be pleased and the princes satisfied, since they are so good catholics and so close and intimate relatives. and his grace would thus be atoning for the past to the king our lord, and to me on his behalf; and would not, considering his age, be obliged, in this last quarter of his life, to oppose god in a matter so contrary to precedent and justice, by trying to remain forcibly in this our land and sea, at the cost of shedding innocent blood in the matter, or of its being wiped out at the same cost--when without any trouble or expense he may attain his wish, and be placed where he may see his sovereign; or, in case of loss, have security therefor, and profit into the bargain. let him go forth once more to make discoveries, and to propagate our holy catholic faith, in his own demarcation; and i entreat and summon him to depart with his camp into this fleet, where they will be treated with all the good faith, sincerity, and affection which befits good christians and vassals of kings so closely bound. for the purpose of returning to espanha, all necessary supplies and hospitable services will be afforded him. but let him not beg off by saying, as he has already said once, that he has instructions not to transgress or violate the treaty and compact in these our waters; for one who has, in all respects, up to the present time, done precisely the contrary will with all the more justice journey by our waters to espanha, thus serving god and the kings our lords, rather than injure them by remaining. i also entreat him once more, and with special emphasis summon him, to have his instructions shown to me, as i on my part will do by sending him the orders of the king our lord, whenever he may, with a mind exempt from passion or self-interest, desire me to do so. and i entreat him earnestly as a favor, and i summon him in the name of god and of the said princes, to consider the agreement which i here propose to him: and, having considered it, to carry it out in all respects without distrust, reserve, deceit, or delay whatsoever. and if he does not wish to accept this fleet, which i offer him in order that he may depart, and return to espanha, let him then depart from this island and from all others belonging to the demarcation of the king our lord, with all his camp implements of war, his master-of-camp, his captains, ensigns, sergeants, corporals, and the other officers and people of war and the royal service. if his grace be unwilling to do this, i bear witness that all the blame and fault which may ensue in this matter will fall upon him, and that he and all his camp will be held and considered as suspected rebels against the mandates of his king and sovereign; and i shall remain exempt from any fault for whatsoever injury and evil may occur. and you, pero bernaldez, notary-public in this fleet for the king our lord, are commanded to read to him the contract, and to acquaint the said miguel lopez, general of the camp and people of nova spanha, with this reply, which shall be incorporated and annexed to the reply made by him, as aforesaid; and of this you will give me the document or documents necessary to be drawn up in public form. i likewise command you, fernaõ riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, and all the other clerks and notaries thereof, to give and transfer to me all the summons, protests, replies, and responses which may be made in this matter, now or hereafter, and the instrument and instruments which shall be necessary to me, in duly attested form. in this galley "san francisco," on the nineteenth day of the month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. let there be no doubt in the interlineation which occurs at the hundred and third line of the said reply, namely, _vindo questa_; and where it reads, in the margin, _e requeiro_, at the beginning of the two hundred and thirty-first line above-written--for it is all correct. in the same day and year above-written. _goncalo pereira_. (_notification_: on the nineteenth day of the month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in this port of cebu, at the place occupied by the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of nova spanha, there was given to me by afonso alvarez furtado, factor of the fleet of the king our lord, the compact made between the emperor don carlos (whom may god preserve) and the king don joan the third our lord (may he live in glory), and likewise the answer which guonçallo pereira, captain-general, sent to the reply to the first summons of the said miguel lopez de leguazpi; and he ordered me, on behalf of the king our lord, to read it, and acquaint him therewith. and i read, and made him cognizant thereof, _de verbo ad verbum_, before him personally and many persons of his camp. he replied thereto that he hnd heard the same, and would make answer. witnesses thereto who were present at all the proceedings: the said afonso alvarez furtado; baltesar de freitas, clerk of the said fleet; martin de goti, master-of-camp; andres de mirandaiola, factor of his majesty; andres de ybarra, captain; dioguo dartieda, captain; and guido de lavezaris, his majesty's treasurer--all of whom affixed their signature with me. _pero bernaldez_, notary.) (in the said day, month, and year above written, with me signed fernando herrequel, notary-in-chief of this camp and fleet. witnesses: martin de goiti, andres de ybarra, andres de mirandaola, guido de lavezaris, diego de artieda, fernando riquel, afonso alvarez furtado, baltesar de freitas. _pero bernaldez_.) _compact_: don sebastiaõ, by god's grace king of purtugual, and of the algarves here and beyond the sea, in afriqua; seignior of guinee and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of ethiopia, arabia, persia, and india--to all the _corregidors_, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons of my realms and fiefs, to whomsoever this my letter of testimony may be presented, and on whom the recognition thereof is incumbent, greeting: i hereby declare that, through gonçalo pereira, knight of my household, captain-general of my fleet, now at my fortress of maluco, i was petitioned by alvoro de mendonça, captain of the said fort, and knight of my household, that i should order a copy made of the compact which was made between the king don joão and the emperor don carlos, my ancestors of glorious memory, in regard to the doubt and controversy of maluco; the same to be filed in the factory of the said fortress, in order that he might thereby justify himself completely with miguel lopez de leguazpi, captain-general of the fleet of the king don felipe, my much loved and esteemed brother, now stationed at the island of cebu. the copy of this contract i have ordered sent to the said captain; it is, _de verbo ad verbum_, as follows: don jòhan, by the grace of god king of purtugual and of the two algarves here and on the other side of the sea, in afriqua; seignior of guinee, and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of ethiopia, arabia, persia, and india,--to all the _corregidors_, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons of my realms and fiefs, to whom this my letter of testimony may be presented, and on whom the recognition thereof is incumbent, greeting: i hereby declare that by my governor jorge cabral, orders were sent to my auditor-general (whom, with appellate jurisdiction, i maintain in those parts of india), to forward a testimonial letter giving a copy of the compact made between me and the emperor, my greatly beloved and cherished brother, regarding the dispute and controversy of maluco, in the interest of which, and thus ordered in fulfilment of my duty, the said copy of the compact was forwarded in the testimonial letter by two routes. the copy thereof, _de verbo ad verbum_, constitutes what follows in the consecutive pages adjoining this. don joaõ, by the grace of god king of purtugual and of the algarves on this side and beyond the sea, in afriqua; seignior of guinee and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of ethiopia, arabia, persia, and india, to all the _corregidors_, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons to whom this my testimonial letter shall be shown, and on whom the acknowledgment thereof is incumbent: i inform you hereby that my attorney tells me that, for the protection and preservation of my laws he needs the copy of the compact which i have made with the emperor, my greatlv beloved and cherished brother, in regard to the dispute and controversy of maluco. it is as follows: [here follows the compact or treaty of zaragoza, april, 1529, whereby cárlos relinquishes all rights to maluco for the consideration of three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. the essential parts of this treaty are given in vol. i, pp. 222 ff. of this series.] [the summons or notification proper then continues:] and, on his summoning of my said attorney, i ordered him to forward to him this my letter of testimony with the copy of the said compact given in the town of almeyra on the ninth day of the month of december. ordered by the king's decree through the licentiate francisco diaz de amaral, of his _desembargo_; and _corregidor_ of my court with jurisdiction over criminal affairs, antonio ferrãz drew up the same in the year one thousand five hundred and forty-five, and i, pero dalcaceva carneiro, of the said council of the said sovereign, and his secretary and notary-in-chief in all his kingdoms and possessions, countersigned it. (this compact above preceding and declared was here copied entire from the copy sent from the kingdoms, which was signed by the licentiate francisco diaz de amaral mentioned therein, approved by the chancellor's office, and drawn up by the secretary, pero dalcaceva carneiro and joaõ de figueiroa. wherefore, coming as it does in the manner above set forth, this copy, which was derived therefrom and written here, is a true one, without any thing of a nature to cause doubt save a certain interlineation reading "within the said line, which such islands or lands." for, to make the same a true copy, it was written on thirteen half-sheets of paper and compared, from beginning to end, by the official whose name is affixed hereto; and full faith shall be given the same wherever it shall be presented, in court or out, in view of the fact that, for greater assurance, it is sealed with the seal of my arms in this city of goa on the twenty-third day of april. the king ordered the same through the licentiate christovaõ fernandez, member of the _desembargo_ and auditor-in-chief of india with appellate jurisdiction. lopo daguiar, a notary by office, had the document written and subscribed, by the authority which he possesses, in the year of the birth of our lord jesus christ, one thousand five hundred and fifty. _pagado nihil._ [116] the licentiate, _christovao fernandez_.) (compared with the original copy by me, a notary, in conjunction by the official here subscribed. antonio fernandez, lopo daguiar. _pagado nihil._ lopo daguiar. the licentiate, _andre de mendanha_.) (this compact previously and above set forth was in its entirety copied from the copy of another copy sent from the kingdom and signed by the licentiate christovan fernandez mentioned therein, which was approved by the chancellor's office, and compared by antonio fernandez and lopo daguiar: wherefore, on account of its above-mentioned source, this duplicate emanating therefrom is presented here as a true and correct copy, without there being anything therein which would cause doubt. it was all inscribed upon seventeen half-pages of paper, with the copy of the letter-patent and that of the compact, compared in its entirety by the official hereunto subscribed. wherefore full and entire faith shall be given to the same, wherever it shall be presented, both in and outside of court, inasmuch as, to assure the same, it is sealed with the seal of my arms in this fortress of maluco on the second day of the month of september. ordered by the king through alvaro de mendonça, nobleman of his household and his captain in this said fortress, and through thome arnao, court-notary who had it drawn up and subscribed, by the authority possessed by him thereto, in the year of the birth of our lord jesus christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven. _pagado nihil_. _alvoro de mendonca_.) (collated with the original copy of the said copy by me, a notary, in company with the officials hereunto subscribed. dioguo de paiva, thomé arnaõ, of the chancery. _vasco martinez_.) (this is the copy of a reply which the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi sent to gonçalo pereira, captain-general in these regions of the south for the king our lord, which reply i, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, copied from the original at the request of the said miguel lopez de legazpi.) i, miguel lopez de legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king don felipe, our sovereign, over his people and his royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west--in reply to the rejoinder made by the very illustrious captain-general of the portuguese fleet, to the response which i made to his first summons, do now confirm my response aforesaid, which is absolutely true, as said and declared therein; and this will be proved and established with true and sufficient evidences and proofs, at any and all times, as it shall prove necessary. and i do not feel bound to reply to many of the things contained in his rejoinder, inasmuch as they are utterly irrelevant, and have nothing to do with the business here concerned--tending, as they do, to attribute fault, and cause for slander, where there is none; many of them, also, being untrue, and unworthy of a person in so serious and important a station, and of so illustrious and christian blood as the said captain-general claims to possess. and thus denying it, in all and for all, and coming to the essential points, i declare and affirm that my entrance in this island was occasioned by the reasons and causes contained in my response; that it was forced and necessary, and without my knowing that i had passed the line of demarcation. and this i neither knew nor understood until the said captain-general assured me of it in his letters. and likewise i affirm that i was detained, and remained here against my will, through my inability to leave in any way for lack of ships and provisions; and not intentionally or purposely to harm, in any way whatsoever, the very illustrious and puissant sovereign, the king of portugal, or any of his possessions, or to harm any third party. nor had i the intention of taking anyone's property away from him, as may be proved by those principal persons of this camp by whom his grace declares himself to be informed of the contrary; for, if put upon their oaths, they will, as christians, be unable to escape the necessity of telling the truth. and, as a man who has desired, and still desires, to depart hence, the first time when antonio rumbo da costa and baltasar de soza came here, i informed them that what i needed for that purpose was ships, and that ships were on their way; and so i have informed his grace many times. in this necessity, however, he has up to the present time given me neither remedy, aid, nor favor--which i expected from friends and vassals of a sovereign so related by kinship and blood with his majesty; and as i would have done for them, if i had found them in the plight in which they find me. it is no valid objection to say that i have had ships in which i could have left--such, for example, as the "capitana" and the "san juan," which went to nueva españa--for the "capitana" carried about two hundred persons, and the _patache_ "san juan" seventy, which number was the utmost that they could carry, on account of the supplies and rigging which they bore. nor does it avail to say that i intentionally ran the flagship aground, for the opposite is the truth; nor should it be presumed or believed that a vessel so much needed by this camp (the property, moreover, of his majesty) could purposely have been run aground--which statement any person who is willing to look at the matter dispassionately, will clearly perceive. and it avails even less to say that the father fray andres de urdaneta requested me to settle in the island of ladrones, for this did not occur; nor will such a request ever appear, in truth, save in so far as it was discussed whether it would be well for us to go to that island, in view of our having no supplies, or any kind of meat, or anything to live on. it was agreed by all that we should proceed thither, as was done; and the six hundred crafts which he said came alongside the ships came to beg and not to give. for, in all the ten days of our stay there, we could not buy ten _fanegas_ of rice; and if they brought anything it was cocoanuts, bananas, _tamalle_, and other articles of the fruit kind, of very unsubstantial and ordinary quality. this will prove to be the truth, rather than what is said in opposition thereto. and when we arrived at these islands, we were in great need of food, as we had on board the fleet nothing but biscuit--and even that in small quantity, as it was carried only by the "capitana" for its return; so that the whole camp suffered for the lack of food. and even if the supply of biscuit was more than sufficient to last until nueva españa was reached, yet as the return passage was not then known, we endeavored to supply those going on the vessels with provisions sufficient for one year; and as they arrived at nueva españa instead, within three months, they had of necessity a superabundance of biscuit. further, regarding his, accusations as to my being here against the will of god and of his majesty, i deny it; for i have always endeavored to do his majesty's will with all fidelity and loyalty like the true and faithful servant that i am, as has ever been the custom of my ancestors; and i shall try to pursue that course until i die. accordingly, i intend to give good account to his majesty, as i have always done, of all matters entrusted to me--which here require neither allegation nor mention, for i am bound to account therefor to his majesty alone. as for what he says concerning the promises and kind services which were offered me from him, i refer to his said first summons and his reply to my rejoinder--the import of which is that i should go with my men to his fleet and depart therein for india, or some other place, and that i should immediately leave these lands with all my men; and accusing me of many losses and damages which i did not inflict. these offers, made under such hard conditions, appear more like those of an enemy than of a friend; for i do not see that the terms proposed could have been any harsher if i and all those with me had been turks. for the first injunction, namely, that i should go to india, is contrary to what his majesty expressly orders me to do; so that, if i did it, i might then indeed be accused of violating his will. it would be, moreover, a violation of the treaty between the kings, our sovereigns, which was presented me by his grace, inasmuch as a clause thereof says that the vassals of the king of castilla may navigate the seas of the king of portugal as much as necessary, in order to reach the south sea of his majesty toward the strait of magallanes, and no more; and that if any other navigation than this through the seas of his highness occurs, it will be done by any persons in violation of the said treaty. wherefore we are bound not to do this thing under any consideration, for our intention has been and is to adhere to the said treaty. and as for the second injunction, that we should depart and leave the land immediately with all our men and munitions of war, such a thing is impossible without ships, as is clear and evident, and as such i declare the same. and, therefore, from the offers aforesaid results, and may be clearly inferred, the intention with which the said offers were made--which is tantamount to using force upon us and injuring us, as if we were men isolated in this island, and without respect for the will of god or of our sovereigns and lords, or for peace and friendship, or for the relationship that exists between them. and that the truth of my justification may stand out more clearly, i declare myself ready to show the instructions and orders which i bear--as i have previously said i would do, on the condition that the said captain-general show me his own: and i do promise that if he will sell me ships in which to go away, that i will immediately depart, and leave these lands free to the rightful owners thereof. and in the event that i do not obtain them from this source, but that ships or message shall come from his majesty, i will do the same, without my stay in this island causing any damage or injury to any district of the kings our lords. and, to carry out the same, i am ready, if necessary, to make any instrument or instruments whatsoever; and to pay for any and all damage which may result from my stay in this island. and since god, the omnipotent and true who resides in the heaven, is cognizant of the hearts intentions, and wills of men i do appoint him judge of this dispute between us. o show the truth, and protect and aid the same in all respects. and, not admitting the protests of the captain-general's reply, i beg and require him--once, twice, and thrice, and as many times as i am by law obliged,--in the name of god our lord and of his majesty, to accept our justification and leave us free; and that he cherish no intention to make war upon us, or harm us, or employ any force or injury against us; for our own will and intention is to inflict the same on none. and, if the contrary be done, i do protest that it will be at his own blame and responsibility, and that he will be obliged to incur all the damage and losses which may result therefrom. and i request you, fernando riquel, chief clerk of this camp, to read the same to him, and to notify him thereof, and to give me in public form the testimonies and duplicates thereof which may be necessary to me for the protection of my right. given in cubu on the twentieth day of the month of october, of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. no doubt should be occasioned by the erasure where it reads _navios_ ["ships"], which was erased in the interest of truth. _miguel lopez de leguazpi_. (_notification:_ in the galley "san francisco" of the fleet of the very illustrious goncalo pereira, captain-general, anchored in the harbor of this island of cebu, on the twentieth day of the month of october of the said year, i, fernando riquel, chief clerk, and in the government employ, did read this response and that contained therein to the said captain-general in person, in presence of the factor and inspector andres de mirandaola, who holds power of attorney from the very illustrious miguel lopez de legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty and on his behalf. and his grace, the said captain-general, having heard the foregoing, which i read to him _de verbo ad verbum_, said that, not replying to what did not demand reply in the said response--which had been written by one more blinded by passion than in the free use of his senses, or than by one of the descent which he claimed--but confining himself only to the most essential points concerning the service of god and of the kings, he does deny everything which his grace says in his said rejoinder, evidences for which denial he will show in their propor time by documents worthy of credence before the sovereigns. he also states that he refuses even more emphatically to show him the instructions which he carries; for since he has been in this port (now some twenty days), his grace told him continually that he would show him his instructions, yet upon his sending don duarte de meneses for this purpose, his grace would not show him the same; and likewise, when he came with the said don duarte upon this galley "san francisco," his grace refused to show his instructions to him. moreover, when he went ashore to see his grace, and talked with him, the latter would not show the same; and on two occasions when he sent hither the said factor, andres de mirandaola, with a response, he did not order him, either in person or by another, to show the same, although he continually affirmed that he would show them. on account of these things, and of his breaking in all respects the said principal contract; and, because it appears that he was not in need, during the three years and some months of his stay here; and because of the deceptions which his grace practiced upon him, using many fine words, but very different deeds as the coast defenses and forts proved--although he [the portuguese captain-general] did not adopt such method in his treatment of him, when he allowed many ships bearing provisions and men to enter the harbor, although he could have detained the same--through all these things, his real intention is laid bare. for, as one intending to make war takes advantage of all occasions to that end, so has his grace done and still is doing. as for the other matters, he is referred to the protest sent to him today by pero bernaldez, notary-public of the portuguese fleet. and this he gave as his response before the witnesses, captain alvaro de mendonza, admiral don duarte de meneses, simon de mendonça, and the factor afonso alvarez furtado, who together with me; the said fernando riquel, signed the same with their names. andres de mirandaola, alvaro de mendonca, don duarte de meneses, simaõ de mendonça, alfonso alvarez furtado. i testify thereto, _fernando riquel_.) (this duplicate has been compared most carefully with the original by me, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet for the king, our lord, without there being found any interlineation or erasure which would cause doubt--save that there is an erasure where it read _navios_ ["ships"], which was done in the interests of truth. and the said fernão riquel, chief clerk, was present at the comparison, and signed here with me, together with baltesar de freitas notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. this day, the twenty-ninth of december, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. i have compared this duplicate, _pero bernaldez_.) (this duplicate was compared before me, baltesar de freitas, notary of this fleet, on the said day and year above specified. _baltesar de freitas_.) (on the said day, month, and year, i was present at the collation and comparison of this duplicate. _fernando riquel_.) _third summons_: concerning the summons and protest that i, gonzalo pereira, captain-general of this fleet, make to the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguaspi, general of the fleet and people of nova espanha. you, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, are directed to present and read to him the same; and, with his reply (or without it, if he refuse to give one), to put into my hands the instruments necessary to me to prove the truth of what follows. i affirm that on arriving at this port of cebu, and exchanging such courtesies with his grace as were befitting to the requirements of my position and rank, besides offering both by letters and requests on behalf of the king our lord, everything needful to him and to his army, and to his royal majesty, the king don felipe--in order, also, to serve in this matter the king our lord--his grace did not so much as consent to accept from me anything whatsoever; but descended to subterfuge, and, as answer to my rejoinder, ordered his artillery to take position in front of the fleet, to impede my passage--in spite of his being on the land and sea of the king our sovereign. in every respect, therefore, he gives evidence of not adhering to the compacts and treaties made between his imperial majesty don carlos, king of castella, and king don joaõ, our lord (may they rest in glory), which documents i had sent and presented to him in order to obviate all doubts and disputes that might arise. he has certainly incurred, in return, the displeasure of god and the sovereigns. secondly, i send him again the letter of the emperor don carlos to ruilopez de vilhalobos, and those of his company, that he may see more clearly its truth and purport; and i summon his grace particularly--once and as many times as i am empowered thereunto--and, in general, all his captains, ensigns, sergeants corporals, and pilots, and all the other officials of war, retinue, and justice, on both land and sea, soldiers and sailors alike--in conformity to the said compact, to assemble immediately on this fleet of the king our lord, and to depart therein in order to present themselves before the viceroy of india. from the said viceroy, in the name of the king our lord, in my own, and in that of the captains of this fleet and of the fortresses of india, i give to each individually, and, to all in general, assurance that no harm or injury whatsoever shall be done them; that they shall be left free to go to their own kingdom or remain in india, as they prefer; and that they shall receive all possible good treatment, and be given all their property, and everything of which they may stand most in need. and if his grace refuse to do this, i summon him again and many times, and all the rest of his fleet and army, individually and collectively, to depart at once and leave the said fortress, and abandon this island and all others which, by the said treaty, are seen to belong to the commerce and conquest of the king our lord, and to leave everything here forever free and disembarrassed. and likewise i notify them not to do violence to, and to leave free, the portuguese who are in his army, to whom, by this present, i give assurance, in the name of the king our lord, that they shall not be proceeded against as criminals, for thus embarking and being in the said fleet and camp, from the day when they passed the boundaries of castella up to the present. and i summon them all individually and collectively, and i order them in the name of the king our lord, to come immediately to this the fleet of their true king and sovereign, on the above-mentioned assurance that they shall in all respects be protected. and if they do not consent thereto, and he, miguel lopez de leguaspi--and his captains and officers, and all the persons above-named--shall not, in every respect, assent to that which i request and demand as above, i declare that he--together with all his above-mentioned captains and persons aforesaid, of whatsoever rank, nation, condition, or country they may be--will be held and considered and judged as disobedient by his royal majesty, king don felipe, their sovereign, and by the king of portugal, our lord, and by their officers of justice. and in the same event i do, now and forever, in the name of the said kings, hold them as rebels, if they neither come hither nor depart within the three days first following the notification of this summons. i impose this time upon them as a limit, declaring that they shall not be allowed another day's respite; that they will be condemned to death, both natural and civil, either through war or in any other way whatever, according to the custom and laws of our kingdom; and that their possessions, ships, artillery, munitions of war, and everything else which they may have brought to this land or obtained therein, or received in trade or in any other way, shall be seized and distributed and given away to the extent which may seem to me conformable to the said compact. nor shall they, the parties aforesaid, or any one acting for them, or any of their heirs, or any relation or descendant, in particular or in general, have in this matter any right--neither they, nor likewise the owners of the said property, fleet, or munitions, which shall thus be taken from them, even though absent, wherever they may be. moreover, even though they be not guilty of the disobedience and disrespect aforesaid, nor have given any cause for this action, they shall not, subsequently nor at any time, have any right to proceed against me, or against any captain, officer, or member of this fleet who may be holding the same; nor shall any heir of the above-named persons, at any time whatsoever, be obliged to make restitution thereof, either legally or as a matter of conscience. likewise, in conformity with the said compact, i declare to be null and void, and of no effect or force, all right which they may have, royal, personal, or based upon any other title or right which may be named, designated, or specified, or which his majesty king don felipe claims to have acquired, through the compact made between the very catholic and christian sovereigns, king don joan the second of portugal, and don fernando of castella (may they rest in glory), regarding the division of the conquest and discovery of the world, conceded by the holy fathers, in the commerce and conquest of maluco and all its lands and seas which shall be found, perceived, or discovered by ships in that whole region west of nova spanha, as determined by an imaginary line from north to south through the islands of las velas [ladrones]; and those rights i declare null and void from the day on which the said miguel lopez de leguazpi passed to the west of the said line with his fleet. and likewise i declare that, inasmuch as this fleet contains more soldiers than men of letters, all summons, declaration, and protestation befitting the right and justice of the king, our lord, and of his descendants and kingdoms, shall be held as made and truly and completely declared, demanded, summoned, alleged, and protested, without any lack or failure, whatsoever. and neither his royal majesty, nor any or all successors to the kingdom of castella shall have the right to require or summon the portuguese to deliver to them their lands and conquest of the said west; or demand any payment or satisfaction whatsoever for the losses, damages, deaths, or deprivations of property occurring to the disobedient camp and fleet, or to any others who, subsequently arriving, are subject to the foregoing. for others have already come to these parts who pretended to be filled with brotherly love and affection, but did not prove this by their actions--inasmuch as they did very great injury to the property of the king our lord, and of his vassals, without the king's receiving any compensation therefor from his illustrious highness. no doubt should be entertained regarding the interlineation where the word _justica_ ["justice"] occurs. this day, the twenty-first day of the month of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _gonzalo pereira_. (_notification:_ on the twenty-first day of the month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the present place of habitation of the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of nova espanha, i, pero bernaldez, notary-public, in his presence and that of his captains and many other persons of his camp, read, _de verbo ad verbum_, the foregoing summons, together with the letter of the emperor don carlos (may he rest in glory). in reply, he said that he heard the same and would respond as was befitting. witnesses thereto: martin de goete, master-of-camp; andres de ybarra, captain; guido de lavezaris, treasurer of his majesty; luis de a haya, captain--all of whom affixed their signatures together with me. martin de goiti, luis de la haya, guido de lavezaris, andres de ybarra. _pero bernaldez_.) (_response:_ this is a duplicate of a response which the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguaspi sent to goncallo pereira, captain-general in these parts of the south for the king our lord. this response, i, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet copied from the original at the request of the said miguel lopez de leguazpi.) i, miguel lopez de leguazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty king don felipe, our lord, of his people and the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, declare in response to the third summons of the very illustrious gonzalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese fleet, served on me by pero bernaldez, notary-public thereof, that i am ready and prepared to do and fulfil everything specified and offered by me in the answers which i have previously given to the summons which he has sent me. basing my reply once more upon them, i repeat that on my part there will be no failure to respect and carry out the treaty made by the kings our lords, and to maintain the peace, friendship, and alliance which have existed and still exist between them, and which is incumbent upon us owing to the close relationship of the two. as for the conditions contained in the said summons aforesaid, which command me to go with all my people to his fleet, to depart therein for india, i declare that this is impossible for me, as it would be a direct violation of the instructions which i have received from his majesty; nor could i give over my people and my fleet to any person whomsoever, without his majesty's express permission and command. moreover, it would be a violation of the compact and treaty existing between the kings our lords. and, in the event of my not doing this, he says that within three days from now i must leave this island and these lands. this i myself desire, and would be glad to do so, if it were possible. and i promise to do the same immediately, if his grace will furnish me means therefor. but it is neither right nor reasonable to oblige me to perform the impossible. and i declare, therefore, and promise that when i shall have ships i will depart, and leave the land free to whomsoever it may belong, without allowing my stay therein to result in harm to any one; and if it shall so result, then i stand ready to pay and to give payment and satisfaction therefor, to a sufficient and adequate amount, and to do everything in my power to the end that the treaty between the kings our sovereigns shall not be transgressed, or any injury be done or ensue to any of the parties hereto. and regarding what he says in his summons concerning the new fort, i admit that it is true that some fortifications were begun--a thing most usual and customary wherever there is a garrison of spanish soldiers--for protection from any one who might undertake to do me injury or violence. but it was not done to injure his fleet, or anything else belonging to him, which did not previously do me injury. this is especially evident in view of the fact that although yesterday i had begun the erection of the new fort, aforesaid, on receiving a letter from his grace in which he asked me to cease and not continue work upon the same, i immediately ordered that work to cease and to be suspended; and nothing more has been or will be done thereon, if his grace and his fleet are willing to keep peace and friendship with me, as is incumbent upon christians and vassals of sovereigns so closely connected and related. this i do in order that no statement or calumny for breaking the said peace may be uttered against me. and, regarding what he says in the rejoinder to my second reply, namely, that i refused to show the instructions which i bear, his grace knows perfectly well that i have offered many times to show him the same, and that nothing was sent by him. and to do everything possible on my own part, and to make my cause a just one, i send to him enclosed herewith those clauses of my instructions bearing upon the present business, which were copied from the original, and signed and approved by the chief notary of this camp, in order that they might be produced as witness and proof, at anytime or place whatever; besides this, his grace will be allowed, if he so desire, to send some person here to see them collated with the original. throughout these instructions is evident and deducible the christian spirit, greatness, rectitude, and kindness of his majesty king don felipe, as well as the moderation which he orders to be maintained wherever we should fall in with portuguese--which is very different in its nature from what is essayed and planned against me and the vassals of his majesty. it will be seen, moreover, how just is his majesty's cause, and, in his royal name, our own. therefore, in the name of god omnipotent, our lord and of his majesty, i beg and summon his grace once, twice, thrice, and as many more times as i am bound by law--not to consent to or permit any wrong or injury to be done, directly or indirectly, by evasions, or in any other manner whatsoever, in order that christian blood may not be shed without cause or occasion, to the great displeasure of god and of the princes our sovereigns. for my intention was not to do any harm to any one; but rather i offer to pay all and any damage which may result from my stay here; and i declare that, if he do the contrary, then all the deaths, damages, losses, and interests shall fall upon his head and responsibility, and that he shall be obliged to pay and make satisfaction for the same. moreover, i protest, as much as the rights of his majesty and our own make it incumbent upon me, to demand, allege, and protest, and, although it be not declared or specified here, i do allege, demand, and protest therein, as many times as the law and my duty require. and i do not admit the protestations and condemnations which are contained in his summons and protest; and i request that this response shall likewise be read, shown, and made known to all the captains of his fleet, together with the clauses of my instructions, in order that they may see our justification; and, having seen it, comport themselves as christians--so that god our lord, and our princes, may be better served, without shedding christian blood; and that the other injuries and difficulties which, in the opposite event might ensue, may be avoided. and i require and summon you, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, to read and make known this response and protest, and the clauses mentioned therein, to the said captain-general, and the other captains of his fleet; and, with his response, or without the same, to give me the testimonies and copies necessary to me in his majesty's interest, and to my own in his royal name. given in cubu, on the twentieth day of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _miguel lopez de legazpi_. (_notification:_ the foregoing answer and clauses, i, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief in the government employ, read and made known to the said very illustrious gonzalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese fleet, in his own person, as well as to the other captains of his fleet, _de verbo ad verbum_, in such a way that it was understood--those captains being alvaro de mendonca, don duarte de meneses, simon de mendoca, lorenco furtado de mendoca, and mendo ruellas de vasconcelos--on the twentieth day of the month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. and let it be understood, that although i reckon today as the twentieth of october, the summons to which this is the response, was made upon the twenty-first everything having been done upon the same day. the cause for this is the difference between the portuguese and the castilians, the former reckoning one day ahead, and so it is in all the rejoinders and summons. i delivered this notification and summons to the said parties on the galley "san francisco," this day, the twentieth of october, in the presence of the foregoing persons, and of alonso alvarez furtado, factor of his highness--all of whom signed their names here, together with me; likewise christoval ponce, notary of his majesty's camp. simaon de mendonca, alvoro de mertdonca, lourenco furtado de mendonça, don duarte de meneses, alfonso alvarez furtado, mendornellas de vasconcellos, christoval ponse de leon. i testify thereto, _fernando riquel_.) (this copy was closely and faithfully compared with the original by me, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind which would cause doubt--although there is an interlineation--_dha_ [_dicha_, "said"] which was truthfully inserted. the said fernao riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison, and signed his name together with baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. this day, the twenty-ninth of december of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _pero bernaldez_.) (this copy was compared before me, baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, on the said day and year above specified. _baltesar de freitas_.) (on the day, month, and year aforesaid, i was present at the collation and comparison of this copy. _fernando riquel_.) (this is the copy of certain clauses of [the instructions given by] the royal _audiencia_ of mexico, which the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguaspi sent to goncalo pereira, captain-general in the regions of the south for the king our sovereign--which document was copied at the request of the said miguel lopez de leguaspi. i, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief of the royal fleet for the discovery and administration of the islands of the west, for his majesty, king don felipe, our sovereign, testify and affirm to all persons, who may see the present: that in a set of instructions and regulations, signed by don luis de velasco, former viceroy of nueva españa; the licentiate valderrama, _visiador_-general and member of the council of his majesty; doctor ceynos, doctor villalobos, doctor horozco, doctor vasco de puga, and doctor villanueva--all auditors of the said royal _audiencia_ of nueva españa, resident in the city of mexico--and countersigned by antonio de turcios, secretary of the _audiencia_, is contained, among many other clauses, the following:) "the course of conduct which you, miguel lopez de leguaspi, appointed as governor and general on his majesty's behalf, for the discovery of the islands of the west, by the very illustrious viceroy don luis de velasco, late governor and captain-general of this nueva españa, and president of the royal _audiencia_ resident therein, are to adhere to in the voyage and expedition which with the aid of god, our lord, you are about to undertake for the discovery aforesaid, with the ships which have been constructed for that purpose by his majesty's orders and are now at puerto de la navidad in this nueva españa, on the coast of the south sea is as follows:" [see _ante_, p. 89 ff., for synopsis of these instructions.] [the clauses sent thus by legazpi relate in general to the course to be pursued in the expedition in regard to the portuguese and their possessions in the eastern seas--assuming, however, that the philippines fell within spain's demarcation, wherein legazpi was ordered to effect a settlement. the document continues:] (i took the above clauses from the said instructions and regulations. they were signed by the above-mentioned viceroy [antonio de mendoza], the _visitador_, and the auditors, as is sufficiently apparent; and to that document i refer, by order of the most illustrious governor miguel lopez de leguaspi. the same are well and faithfully copied, and the comparison and collation thereof took place before christoval ponze, notary of this camp, and juan de gamboa. and they are well and faithfully copied. given in the island of cubu, on the twentieth day of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. therefore, i, the said fernando riquel, affix hereunto my signature and accustomed flourish, in attestation of truth. _fernando riquel_.) (i, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief of the government, read and made known to the said most illustrious goncalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese fleet in his own person, and to the other captains of his fleet--to wit, alvaro de mendoca, don duarte de meneses, simon de mendoça, lorenco furtado de mendoça, mendornellas de vasconcellos--the above reply and clauses, word for word, so that he might have full understanding thereof, on the twentieth day of the month of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. it is understood that, although i reckon today as the twentieth of october, the summons to which this is a reply was dated on the twenty-first, all which took place on one and the same day. the cause for this difference between the portuguese and castilians is that the portuguese are one day ahead. [117] this is so in all their replies and summons. i delivered this notification and summons abovesaid in the galleon "san francisco" on the twentieth day of october abovesaid, in the presence of those above-mentioned, and alonso alvarez furtado, factor of his highness; and they all signed their names jointly with me and christoval ponze, notary of his majesty's camp. simon de mendoza, don duarte de meneses, alvoro de mendoça, lorenço furtado de mendoça, mendornellas de vasconcelos, alonso alvarez furtado, christoval ponze. _fernando riquel_.) (this copy was collated thoroughly with the original by me, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet. it has no interlineations or erasure which would cause doubt. there occurs only the following interlineation, namely, _entender_ ["to understand"], which was added to make it correct. the said fernaõ riquel was present at the collation, and signed here jointly with me and baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. collated on the twenty-ninth day of december of the year one thousand, five hundred and sixty-eight. _pero bernaldez_.) (i certify that this copy was collated in my presence, baltesar de freitas, notary of this fleet, on the day as abovesaid. _baltesar de freitas_.) (on the said day, month, and year abovesaid, i was present at the correction and collation of this copy. _fernando riquel_.) _fourth summons_: replying to this third answer of the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of nova espanha, i declare, as i have already said in my reply, that actions speak louder than words. up to this point i have acted in a way pleasing both to god and to the kings our lords, being bound to serve both equally well, on account of the close and long enduring union which, always existing between the former sovereigns of castella and purtugual, does now likewise exist between these present rulers. and, understanding from the instructions which his highness [of portugal] gives to his captains for such cases, that he orders them to serve the interests of his royal majesty, king don felipe, in every possible way not at variance with his own interests, i have in all respects thus carried out his commands and all the stipulations of the treaty; while his grace has violated the same in so many ways, principally in making traffic, on behalf of nova espanha, of gold and drugs from this region within our demarcation--a thing forbidden in specific terms in the treaty. this does not harmonize with what his grace says about stress of weather and the lack and necessity of ships--for one who has been engaged in traffic knows the remedy for such cases, and his grace did traffic in our gold and drugs, and sent for reënforcements, by the fleet--a thing which, likewise, does not harmonize with his affirmations. for, the fewer people the ships contained on coming from nova espanha, the better could his grace lodge himself therein with all his camp, there being none in the whole voyage to obstruct his way provided they had sufficient crews. but god exists, and heaven cannot be covered with a sieve; nor are there diseases of the eye so serious as to be able to hinder the perception of a thing so evident. his grace is condemned by his own captains for his transgressions against the treaty, while he himself admits that his instructions forbid him to enter our demarcation. and although, in view of the above, i was released from obligation to do him any favor, yet i have been begging him for a considerable time to make use both of me and of this fleet, since he himself possesses none, and to depart therein upon his way. nor is it reasonable that his grace should depart alone in any of these ships; and he must be out of his senses, after staying here four years, to undertake to wait four more in this land of the king, our lord--for that is the least time in which ships can be constructed in nova espanha for him to depart in; and this season there could reach him only the _patache_ "san joan," and some ship or other from peru, a very small conveyance for so large a camp. wherefore i beg him as a favor, and summon him, once and many times, to depart in this fleet belonging to the king, our lord,--or, better, to his majesty--together with all the people of his highness, inasmuch as this tends to the latter's service; for this is the easiest and best remedy, to depart from our conquest, and observe, at least, in part, the treaty. likewise, i again request him to come with all his camp to this fleet, that we may both continue together the work of propagating our holy catholic faith, and destroying the sect of mafamede [mahomet] in maluco, java, and acheen; for as this work is so pleasing to god, it should be likewise so to so christian a sovereign as is his majesty. and--in payment for the many times when the kings of purtugual went to castella to render aid to her sovereigns against the moors who were warring against them--it would be better for us to join our forces, and change our hostility to friendship, as the battle of selado, and the raising of the great siege of sevilha, and many other battles in which the portuguese added luster to their name in the service of the said kings, demand--and, in our own times, those fleets of ours which participated in the capture of tunes, in the island of dargel, or again in the taking of pinhao, [118] and in many other public and private undertakings in which, with both money and arms, we greatly aided the kings of castella. in spite of all this, his grace will not grant me a thing so reasonable and pleasing, both to god and to the kings our lords, and to the advantage of their army; but, on the contrary, so obstinately refuses to accept the offer of this fleet, and will not depart from our land, but steadily continues building fortifications and throwing up new breastworks, from which he attacked the fleet of the king our lord in this his port, and fired several shots at us from the fortress, as if we were moors and pagans. and yet i did not allow him to be bombarded, in reply, from this galley "san francisco," although i had cannon with which i could have caused him much anxiety; but rather retired, in accordance with my constant desire, past and present, for peace--as is seen in my reluctance to make war upon him or to be the cause of shedding christian blood. thus i have acted very differently from his grace, who had ambuscades laid at the fords, whither i sent my boat, peaceably, without any soldiers aboard, in order to show in all respects my great desire to avoid war. as for his grace's saying that i opened fire on his fort, it was only after i had sent him word beforehand not to make this necessary; so that the desire which has since been made evident by him was shown therein also. and a few bombardments from the boats, moreover, were not sufficient either to deter his people on land from continuing their work upon our land and sea or his grace from breaking out in open war against me with great ardor and desire; while i, on the contrary, had very little desire to injure him, but allowed many vessels, people, and provisions to go into the fortress, wherewith he could fortify himself against this peaceful fleet of the king our lord. and with regard to the clauses of his instructions which his grace had shown to me in his defense, i would say that this was of service to me; for although, it is true, one of them says that he shall go among the filipinas islands, yet, immediately thereafter follows a contrary clause to the effect that he shall in no way transgress the treaty and agreement between castella and purtugual, which has the more force to prevent him from going to the filipinas, in virtue of the more effectual words contained in the solemn covenant of the treaty aforesaid. moreover, in regard to his grace's saying that the desire entertained by his majesty was not to enter our demarcation, and that he thought the filipinas were in his, i would say that in all kingdoms, when it happens that doubt arises in the instructions, letters, provisions, or charters of the sovereigns, it is the custom to be guided thereby according to the intention of those who gave them. another clause declares that, if he find us in his demarcation, he shall not do us any violence; but his grace came even to our own territory and did this, acting in flagrant disobedience to what his instructions allowed him, by undertaking illegally and wrongfully thus to dispossess us of our land and sea. and again i beg and summon him, once and many times, on the part of god, and of the kings our lords, not to do us violence, but to depart in this fleet, in the doing of which he will be doing great service to god and to the sovereigns aforesaid. and if he do not this, i declare by all the declarations of the protest sent to him through pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, on the twenty-first of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, that all the losses, deaths, dispossessions of property, and damages consequent shall fall upon his grace, while i shall remain free and absolved therefrom. i request and summon you, fernaõ riquel, notary-in-chief of that camp, to read and make known this response to the said miguel lopez, and with his reply--or without it, if he refuse to give it--to deliver to me the certain instrument or instruments which shall be necessary to me; likewise that you send me such instruments, so arranged as to be authoritative, containing all the summons, protests, duplicates, replies, rejoinders, and letters which have been exchanged and written in this affair hitherto. in this galley "san francisco," on the twentieth day of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. there is no doubt or wrong erasure herein. _guoncallo pereira_. (_notification_: in the island and port of cubu, in the filipinas, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of october of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious miguel lopez de legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the war and of the fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, and in the presence of me, fernando riquel, chief notary of the same, there appeared roque bras, a servant, claiming to be in the service of the very illustrious goncalo pereira, captain-general of the portuguese fleet anchored in this port; and, in his name, presented this document as contained above. and he asked me, the said fernando riquel, to read the same, and the said governor ordered me to read it; wherefore, to carry out his commands, i did read it, _de verbo ad verbum_, as well and exactly as i could, considering that it was written in portuguese. the said governor, on hearing the same, said that he had heard it and would respond thereto--witnesses to all the abovesaid being the master-of-camp martin de goiti, captain diego de artieda, captain luis de la haya, and captain juan de salzedo, all of whom signed the same jointly with me. martin de goiti, diego de artieda. luis de la haya, juan de salzedo. _fernando riquel_.) (_response:_ this is the copy of a response which the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguaspi sent to guoncallo pereira, captain-general in these regions of the south for the king our lord. i, pero bernaldez, notary-public of the said fleet, copied the same from the original at the request of the said miguel lopez de leguaspi.) i, miguel lopez de leguaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty king don felipe, our lord, of his people and royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west: in response to the summons of the very illustrious gonzalo pereira, captain-in-chief of the portuguese fleet, served on me the twenty-seventh day of this present month of october i declare that it is true, as contained in his summons, that "actions speak louder than words," as also do offers without actions--which in his case we have seen to be very different. for it is manifest and known to all that his actions have been, and are, very different from good words; since on the twentieth day of this month, without any cause or legitimate reason, or without the removal of the assurances given by one to the other, or without making or giving any warning or information, his grace ordered his galleys and small vessels to make an attack on certain fortifications and defenses of ours. and they attacked and fired many cannon and arquebuse-shots at the people on the shore and bank near the fort aforesaid, without any artillery being fired at them in return from this camp, which could do them harm, until the outcome of the affair was seen. on the contrary, astonished at the treatment afforded us when we had not given any occasion whatsoever for the same, i wrote to his grace that very day. he, without any reply to what i had written, sent, the next morning, two galleots and a pinnace to take up a position in the other entrance of this harbor (where they now are), in order to prevent us from receiving any supplies or provisions. he has blockaded us upon all sides; and, what is most intolerable of all, the galleys and pinnaces aforesaid have sacked, fired, and burned all the neighboring villages, and killed the natives and inhabitants, without exempting even women and children, in the towns of gavi, cotcot, diluan, denao, and mandavi--for the sole reason, and no other, as i understand, that they had been at peace with us, and had supplied and sold us provisions for our money. all this cannot be denied, inasmuch as we have seen it all with our own eyes. this may well be called deeds, and not words: and he has answered with a war of incredible cruelty. and in view of this, it is not surprising that we should have taken or that we do take some precautions, since he has made war so openly, and now tries to do us so open violence and injury. as far as the pleasing of god and of our rulers is concerned, it is of very little service, or none at all, to say that we should go to his fleet; for this cannot be done without violating his majesty's orders, to which i shall not expose myself. moreover, all possible justifications have been offered on my side for not departing from this land and leaving it free; and, if necessary, i now offer them again. and it has no bearing on the subject to say that i have been here four years and desire to remain four years more; for my intention and desire has not been, nor is, to remain here even one year, but to depart as soon as i receive despatches and ships from his majesty--which, at latest, will be here with the next northeast wind. and as for his saying that only the _patache_ "san juan" and one ship can reach me, that is all nonsense; for his majesty, if he desire, can send one, six, ten, or twenty ships from nueva españa, for they have them in the south sea there. and, what is more, i offer to depart with those that come, whether they be few or many, this being the easiest, shortest, and quickest remedy for what his grace says he wishes and desires--namely, that i should leave this land free and unembarrassed. and in this way he will receive full satisfaction very shortly, without loss, damage, or injury whatsoever to the one side or the other, unless his grace himself chooses to give occasion therefor. and, if he do this, he will do his duty, and what he is bound to do in the service of god and of our sovereigns, and will obviate the necessity of shedding christian blood--as well as an infinite number of damages and annoyances which might otherwise ensue and come to pass now or in the future. and if, in the event of his grace's not being willing so to do, any further damage, loss, or scandal should ensue, then i declare that he shall be guilty of it all; and that he shall be considered to have acted criminally in all respects and be obliged to give an account of his deeds to god and to our sovereigns and rulers. and i ask and summon him--once, twice, thrice, and as many more times as i am required by law--not to permit violence to be done me, or any injury or warlike action such as he has undertaken, much to the displeasure of god and of our sovereigns and lords. and i protest, in all ways in which i have already protested, and all others in which, on his majesty's behalf, i am bound to request, declare, affirm, and allege--all of which, although not specified in detail, is fully expressed herein. and as for what he says about its being better to join his fleet in the work of propagating our holy catholic faith, and destroying the sect of mahomet in maluco, java, and achen, in compensation for the many occasions on which the sovereigns of portugal aided those of castilla against the moros--i say that if his highness or he, in his royal name, wage war against the pagans in these islands, and have need of other people's assistance, i am ready and prepared to give him soldiers to help, and to go with him to the places above-mentioned, in the service of the very illustrious and puissant king of portugal, conformably to the instructions and orders which i have from his majesty, provided that his grace give them ships and supplies, and such other securities as may be reasonable from one party to another. regarding what he says of the clauses of my instructions, the unequivocal, holy, and sincere intention of his majesty stands clearly forth therefrom, and should be received and admitted as such; and likewise the fact that i myself have fulfilled his royal orders, and have no intention of injuring any one or taking other people's property from them. for i offer and stand ready to depart, just as soon as possible, from everything which his grace declares to belong to his highness, without any further summons; and to pay for all the years of my stay here. this--being, as it is, the truth--is sufficient satisfaction for all that his grace has said or may say in the matter; for i desire to follow his instructions provided it be within my power, and depart from this land and leave it free and unembarrassed. and therefore i declare that i will do this, as i have said--refusing at the same time to admit his allegations, and basing myself upon those which i have made on my own part, which are true and certain. given in this settlement and camp on the twenty-eighth day of october in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _miguel lopez de legaspi_. (_notification_: in the galley "san francisco" of the royal fleet of portugal, on the twenty-eighth day of october in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, i, christoval ponze, notary, read and made known this response and summons of the very illustrious miguel lopez de legaspi, governor and captain-general of the fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, to the very illustrious gonzalo pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of portugal, in his own person, _de verbo ad verbum_, in such a way that he understood it. he responded that he heard and would make answer to the same, witnesses being don duarte de meneses, admiral of the said fleet, antonio lopez de sequeyra, mendornellas de vasconcellos, and the factor alonso alvarez furtado, all of whom signed here their names. don duarte de meneses, antonio lopez de sequeyra, mendornellas de vasconcellos, alfonso alvarez furtado.) (this copy was carefully collated with the original by me, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure which would cause doubt--although there is an erasure of the word _no_ ["not"] which was made without deceitful purpose. at this comparison was present the said fernaõ riquel, who signed here with me, together with baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval on this twenty-ninth day of december, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _pero bernaldez_.) (this copy was compared before me, baltesar de freitas, notary of this fleet, on the day aforesaid. _baltesar de freitas_.) (i was present at the correction and comparison of this copy on the month, day, and year aforesaid. _fernando riquel_.) _fifth summons_: in response to the fourth reply which the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguaspi, general of the fleet and people of nova spanha, sent and had conveyed to me on the twenty-ninth day of the month of october in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, by christovão ponze de leon, notary of his camp, i say that i cannot help being amazed again and again at seeing how his grace attempts to depreciate my actions and give luster to his own--those on the one side being so different from those on the other, and done in sight of his camp yonder and of this fleet stationed here. when there are, however, so many noblemen and gentlemen of such reputation for sincerity and truth, his grace will not be able to deny that during the forty days of peace in this port, he did not see any sign of hostility in this our fleet of the king, our lord, or any indication thereof, inasmuch as ships were allowed to enter to him with men and provisions aboard--when by capturing them, as could have been done easily, i could have caused him much annoyance, if my intention had been to bring about such a consummation. his grace, however, in great contrast to my own procedure, on the same days and during the same peace, had many breastworks and defenses constructed in his fortress, and corresponding defenses outside of the same with a great amount of artillery mounted on many baskets filled with earth. these were quite sufficient to defend himself against a great army, rather than a small band of portuguese zealous in the service of god and of the kings our lords, and reluctant to shed christian blood even in so just a cause. nor will he deny that--not content with having so strong a fortress, with so many spaniards to make defense against us in our own territory in case i should undertake to do him violence therein--he ordered, during the term of the peace, an artillery station to be established on the bank opposite where he took in water, in order to prevent me from obtaining any; and up to the present time he has refused to let me have any, although this is our own land. moreover, he desired to cannonade the fleet at short range from the fortress aforesaid, as afterward more clearly appeared; for, on my immediately writing his grace through baltesar de freitas, notary of the fleet, to do me the favor to order that this should not occur again, since it seemed more the act of an enemy than of a friend, he wrote me in return things irrelevant to the case, while the rest of his letter consisted only of vain words and compliments. i wrote to his grace again the next day, sending my letter by pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet. in this letter i asked him again to do me the favor of ordering the work to be destroyed; otherwise, i should consider myself authorized to declare that war had broken out, and that the assurances between us would remain null and void--as his grace will see in my letters, since his memory is so feeble as he says and declares, since he says and declares that without the assurances being canceled as yet on either side, and without giving any warning or intimation whatsoever, i ordered the boats and galleys to fire on his fortifications and basket defenses. but this i did, in reality, in firing on the black people of the land, who were acting against their true king and lord. little blood was shed in this affair, as i have ascertained, but all this business his grace owes to his failure to reply to or satisfy me--acting as if he wished open war with me, as was seen by the breast-work which he had constructed. and--after a few volleys had been fired from the said boats, galleys, and pinnaces, in reply to the many broadsides which they let fly at us from their fortress--here on the afternoon of that same day fernan riquel, notary-in-chief of that camp, came with a reply from his grace, also a copy of certain clauses from his instructions, and a message to the effect that he would finally have the work stopped, if this fleet would stand off farther from shore. this i showed to the said fernaõ riquel, who suddenly became short-sighted, in order not to see it; nevertheless, i ordered the boats to retire, and to fire no more. and the next day i did not, on my part, consent that they should go on increasing the work further. in what, then, does his grace find here, up to the present time, more good words and deeds than mine? moreover i gave him much more peace. it should be added that after the boats had killed many indians and a few spaniards, they ceased from further shots that afternoon and the following day. it would then have been just and due to us that his grace should have had the basket defenses destroyed--for that was the true road to peace and amity after so long a period of enjoyment of our land--rather than to allow a bombardment, as cruel as if against heretics, to take place and endure from eleven o'clock in the morning till sunset. these ships of the king our lord were pierced with balls in his own port, killing several persons, and so aimed as to kill many more, if i had not used caution and retired. this affair is certainly an ugly and terrible one, before god and men. i did not, however, consent that any broadside should be fired from this galley, the "san francisco," although i had pieces of very large caliber therein, which could have done much damage to the fortress and defenses. and therefore, up to the present time, i have not shed, nor given occasion for the shedding of christian blood as his grace has done in batteries and ambuscades--although none whatever were made against him, inasmuch as i restrained myself when i could have done him much injury by fire and sword. the sovereigns yonder, however--who are so good christians and have clear minds--will judge of the fair words and fair deeds of his grace, and of my deceitful words and most evil deeds; for we cannot be good judges in our own behalf in such an offense committed against the king, our lord, and his vassals. quickly turning to the work at hand, a little later on the same day of the cannonading, i ordered the galleys to take possession of the other mouth of this harbor; for, now that his grace has broken out in war against me, it seemed to me better service to god, and to the kings our lords, and a christian's obligation, to pursue hostilities by means of starvation rather than by fire and sword--for although i blockade you with it, i have ordered this fleet, and it stands ready, to bring you a great quantity of supplies, that you may not perish through lack thereof. and as for the damage which the oared vessels have done in the territory of the infidels, it does not appear to me so serious and unheard-of as his grace depicts it; for it is juster in war that we should punish those vassals of the king our lord for unfaithfulness and opposition to their true leaders than that his grace himself, although a stranger here, should, in time of peace, give them very different kind of punishment for slighter cause, in addition to making them pay tribute. as for his assertion that he will pay and satisfy the king our lord for all the losses and damage which he has done him in this land of his, it was unnecessary to write such a thing; for his highness is not a merchant nor is he so avaricious as to take satisfaction in money or property from any other sovereign, particularly from his captains; and he will be satisfied, and i, in his name, only at his grace's leaving the land free and unencumbered, and thus not bringing about the death of his vassals there in so many ways. as for his grace's being willing to give me people and assistance for the augmentation of the faith and the service of the king our lord, certainly he may be sincere in this one matter; but the moros of maluco, java, and acheen are, through our sins, so numerous, that without his grace in person, and all his company, it would be difficult to sweep them away. but with such aid i hope in god that much service will be done him by us all; for on his account they ought to be resigned to take a voyage much longer than from india to espanha, inasmuch as he suffered himself to be crucified and shed his precious blood for our salvation. for the letters of instruction issued by christian princes do not forbid their captains the propagation of the catholic faith and the destruction of the sect of mafamede, in any land of in any way whatsoever--especially when the rightful king, through his captains, requests this so necessary assistance from his grace; and when there is so much intimacy and so close a relation between these kings our lords, as to justify asking that there be given him all the supplies and munitions necessary and sufficient to their needs, and even much more. but since his grace is not willing, for the sake of god and the aforesaid sovereigns, to go so long a way toward carrying out their wishes, i protest in the terms already on my part protested. and i require you, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, to read and make known this response to the said miguel lopez; and to deliver into my hands an instrument drawn in public form, containing all the summons, protests, replies, duplicates, and letters, which may be needed for the outcome of this business. given in this galley the "san francisco" on the thirtieth day of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _goncalo pereira_ (_notification and reply_: on the thirtieth day of the month of october in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the place now occupied by the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of nova spanha, at the command of goncallo pereira, captain-general of the fleet of the south sea, i, pero bernaldez, notary, read and made known to him _de verbo ad verbum_, this reply as above written. he responds as follows to the same: "that the captain-general should well remember that, in the first letter in which this summons is mentioned, he asked only for the cessation of the work of erecting the wicker defenses, which request was granted immediately and the work ceased, although baskets cannot constitute war, and are rather for defense than offense. and on the following day, by a second letter which his grace wrote, he again reiterated and requested that the baskets should be taken down, and that he should receive either yes or no as an answer, with which he would consider himself to have received a final answer. with the same letter he sent me word by the factor andrés de mirandaola and hernando riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, that if the baskets were not taken down by nightfall, he would consider war to have broken out between us. while i was engaged in framing an answer to this, and before the time-limit set by him had expired, he sent his galleys and small boats to attack the defenses and the people who were stationed on the shore. then our soldiers, seeing that the portuguese were attacking them and had begun hostilities, determined to complete their defenses, and fought with the portuguese from about noon-time until sunset, without any cannon-shots being fired at the portuguese from this camp. and on the morning of the following day, without any new action on our part, the said captain-general sent two galleys and a small boat to seize upon the other entrance to this harbor, and this order was executed. they have been and still are located there, toward the east; and they refuse to allow any person, or supplies, or anything else whatsoever, to come in or go out from this camp--a procedure for which i am at a loss to find the proper designation, unless it be war and the intention to starve us to death, which is not a usual action on the part of christians. consequently, he should not be astonished if this causes us to think that his actions do not correspond to his words, and to the offers made on his part; while, on the contrary, there is in truth all possible justification on our part, and we have offered assistance and favor, should they be necessary, against infidels, and in the interest of his highness, the very illustrious and puissant king of portugal. for i will carry out and fulfil that promise with the same willingness with which it is offered, in the consciousness of being therein of service to his majesty. and it is but little relevant to say that, unless i go in person with all my camp, nothing can be effected; for either there or here, or any place whatsoever, i could be of little use, and would be but little missed; nor is it just, in view of the impossibility of my performing it without the express permission of his majesty, to attempt to oblige and bind me to perform the same. and as for the rest, i confirm what i have already said, responded, requested, and protested against, in his majesty's name, in previous replies and rejoinder; and if it be necessary, i again request, demand, and protest, as many times as i am by law obliged, and as may be befitting. as for the war, violence, and injuries which his grace does, and tries to do me, i elect almighty god, who knows the whole truth and the hearts of men, as judge, and pray that he, out of the infinite pity and benignity of his heart, may aid and favor him who most truly and with least injury has tried and is trying to obtain peace from the opposite side, without christian blood being shed, to his great displeasure and that of the kings our lords. therefore i exculpate his majesty, and myself in his royal name, as well as all those in his royal service at this camp, so that neither now nor at any subsequent time may blame or responsibility be charged upon or imputed to them." he signed the above with his name, and said that he gave it, and he did give it, as his answer. there were present, as witnesses, captain juan maldonado de berrocál; the ensign-general, amador de arriaran; the accountant, andres cauchela; the chief constable, graviel de ribera; and the notary-in-chief, fernando riquel--all of whom, together with me, the said pero bernaldez, signed the same. miguel lopez de legazpi, juan maldonado de berrocal, andres cauchela, amador de arriaran, graviel de ribera, fernando riquel. _pero bernaldez_ _sixth summons_: in response to this fifth answer from the very illustrious miguel lopez de leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of nova spanha. i admit briefly that in my first letter to him, i requested him to discontinue the defenses, and in the second, to destroy them--which his grace refused to do, although it was a thing so just and so important to the lords of the land, as well as to my own advantage, for him not to employ hostilities against me, or give me occasion to accept the same; for it was but a slight cost or humiliation for a man who has so great a desire for peace as his grace constantly says he has, to destroy the defenses, in which more hostility than friendship is displayed. i, on the other hand, had more than sufficient reason and justification for sending the galleys to take possession of the other entrance to this harbor, inasmuch as our respective courses of action were very unlike during the peace, as has been stated in other responses. moreover, his grace will not, in spite of all, deny that the galleys had not yet left this position when his people began to bombard me; and that those vessels had taken a very different route from that of going to cut off supplies. and as for his grace's excusing himself and the rest of the company from engaging in the service of god, of his majesty, and of the king our lord, as i have requested, more cogent reasons exist than that his presence is not very important in a case of so great urgency. concerning his reiterated plea that he cannot violate his royal majesty don felipe's instructions, i declare to him that since he entered here in violation of the same, and against the will of the king our lord, the latter will be well served by his grace's going still farther, in his willingness to employ himself in his majesty's service. and in all the rest, i take my stand upon what has already been said, and protest by what has already been protested. i order you, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, to notify him thereof, and deliver into my hands such instrument or instruments as shall be necessary to me, drawn up in legal form. made in this galley "san francisco" on the first day of november in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. an erasure was made by me therein which shall not cause doubt, since it was made without intention to deceive. _goncallo pereira_ (in the island and port of cubu in the filipinas, on the thirty-first day of the month of october, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the people and fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, and in the presence of me, fernando riquel, notary-in-chief and official notary, appeared pero bernaldez, notary-public, who declared that he belonged to the fleet of the very illustrious goncalo pereira, captain-general, and read this response above-written. the said governor after hearing the same, said that, "as his grace the said captain-general says, he had written in the first letter that the work on the wicker fortifications should cease; and that, with the intention of pleasing and satisfying him in all respects, he, the said governor, had ordered the work thereon to cease; and it would not have continued, had not his grace ordered them to be bombarded with many pieces from four galleys and small boats--whereupon the soldiers seeing that they were being fired upon completed their defenses at the great risk of their own lives and persons. and on the following day, when the galleys and small boats went off to seize and blockade the other entrance to this harbor, the purpose of their expedition was shown clearly, and afterward put beyond the shadow of a doubt, by their own acts. and it is unjust that his grace should prohibit the conveyance of provisions to this camp, for those therein are christians, and vassals of his majesty, king don felipe, our lord. this act, beside being disobedience to god our lord, will greatly displease the princes, our sovereigns. and so i beg and request of him, and, on behalf of god and of his majesty, i summon him, to allow the unrestricted entrance to and passage from this camp of provisions, as should be done and permitted between christians, and between vassals of princes so intimate and so closely related. by the copy of the clauses of his instructions sent to the captain-general, his [legazpi's] entrance into these islands, is shown to have been by the orders of his majesty and not against his royal will; and he declares that, in order to depart from the islands, the shortest way open to him is that which he has requested in his past replies. it is also evident that his grace could very easily provide for this, especially now that additional ships have come to him aside from those of his fleet. in doing this he will greatly please god our lord and the kings our sovereigns, and extricate this whole camp, as well as his own fleet and person, from a bad predicament. the said captain-general must understand that he will therein particularly serve his own sovereign, for he will prevent the necessity of other soldiers and fleets being sent here to attack us. wherefore again, i request, summon, and protest to him all that has been requested, summoned, and protested in the past response, and the answer thereto." and this he said he gave as his response, and he signed it with his name, in the presence, as witnesses, of captain andres de ybarra, captain juan de salzedo, captain juan maldonado de berrocál, and the accountant andres cauchela, who signed the same with me. miguel lopez de legazpi, andrés cauchela, andres de ybarra, juan de salzedo, juan maldonado de berrocal, pero bernaldez. before me, _fernando riquel_) _last summons_: i conclude with this my last response, weary of so many papers containing so many irrelevancies on a thing so clear and evident; for though i admit the possibility of his grace's having ordered the work to cease, as he affirms in his rejoinder, yet i declare it to be of no avail to give an order if the order be not carried out, or not obeyed. the work, on the contrary, was continued with greater haste and care for four hours after the time-limit which i had written to his grace, saying that if the work were not destroyed i should consider myself as answered. i stated that oared boats would then be sent to frighten them, and prevent the execution of a work so unjust and of so ill a purpose, in addition to the many acts of injustice which have already been committed here in this land of the king our lord, greatly to his displeasure--and, as i believe, that of his majesty, which is the same thing. on my complaining several times to his grace, during the continuance of peace, and when i had so great a desire of serving him--as even now i feel no hesitation in doing--in regard to his erection within the aforesaid camp of many breastworks and fortifications, he replied, by letter, that it was the custom of camps and soldiers always to be thus throwing up fortifications. nevertheless, he was erecting those defenses, not in his majesty's demarcation, but thirty leagues within that of his highness, and against one of his captains--one, too, who is so peaceably inclined as i have always been, until the moment when war was waged against me, and a considerable time after that, for which reason i am surprised at his acts. i then ordered the galleys to the other entrance of this harbor--the justest and most christian means of acting, for it was my intention not to starve him to death, but to oblige him to cease from this injury to his highness, and accept shelter in this fleet and make up for past privation. for what friar quapucho [i.e., fustian-clad] is so humble, so long-suffering, and so charitable to any one as i have been to a person who has not deserved it from his king and lord? the more ships that come to me to join this fleet, the better service will his grace and company be able to enjoy therein, and they will experience much friendship and satisfaction therein--thus performing great service to god and to the kings, to whom we are all so closely bound, and for whom we ought to endure and surfer hardships with exceeding joy. and this the more, because his grace neither possesses nor gives any just reason for being excused from so virtuous a work (in which he will always take personal part in company with me who follow and accompany him), or for being unwilling to concede what i have requested so many times, and now request again, much more earnestly, on behalf of god, of his majesty, and of the king our lord. all that has happened or which may subsequently happen, therefore, i declare shall fall to his own responsibility; and i protest, by the protestations already made, and by all which may redound to the justice and right of the king our lord, and of the subsequent heirs of the kingdoms of portugal. and you, pero bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, are directed to make the same known to him, and give and deliver to me such instrument or instruments as shall be required by me. in this galley "san francisco," on the second day of the month of november, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. _goncallo pereira_ (in the island and port of cubu, on the first day of the month of november, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in the presence of me, christoval ponze, scrivener of this camp of his majesty, there appeared pero bernaldez, notary-public, who claimed to be of the royal fleet of portugal, and read this answer from the very illustrious goncalo pereira, captain-general of the said fleet, to the very illustrious miguel lopez de legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the west, in his own person, in such wise as to be heard by him. he declared that he had already answered and replied to the said captain-general, on many distinct occasions, concerning the fact that his intention and will had not been nor is to injure the exalted and puissant king of portugal, or anything belonging to him in any way; or to seize upon or take from him, or occupy this or any other land belonging to him. "i desire, as i have desired always, to depart from this land; and if up to the present moment this design has not found realization and i have not departed, it has been through lack of equipment and of ships, and not through any expectation of reënforcements of men and a fleet, as, on the contrary, he affirms." wherefore he begged the said captain-general to sell him ships, in order that he might immediately depart; or else to suggest to him some other way by which he could leave, since he neither wishes nor desires any other consummation. as for the fortifications and defenses which his grace mentions, they are for the purpose of defense against any one trying to do him violence or injury unjustly and unreasonably, until such time as he may be enabled to depart and leave this land free, as he has declared and promised he would do. neither on his own part nor on that of anyone belonging to his camp has he desired to make war upon his grace or on the members of his royal fleet; but rather to serve them in all possible ways, as he has offered in past summons and responses, to which he begs to refer, and on all of which he takes his stand anew. on the other hand, it is quite clear and evident that the captain-general is trying to do him violence and injury in wishing to carry him to india with him without consenting to any other means whatsoever; and in having begun and initiated war against him and blockaded him, by ordering the entrances and outward passages of this harbor blockaded, on account of which he is bound to make defense. and since the said captain-general wishes it so, and continues doing so great injury to god our lord, and to our sovereigns, by the war, and sheds christian blood, unreasonably and without justification, all the blame and responsibility, and all the damages, losses and deaths resulting therefrom, shall be upon his shoulders. he protests again by all protested and demanded by him in his past replies, and by all which most devolves upon him in this case to protest, demand, and summon, as many times as is proper and to which he is by law obliged; and he thus challenges him as testimony, in the presence, as witnesses, of captain diego de artieda and captain andres de ybarra; the factor, andres de mirandaola; the treasurer, guido de levazaris; and the ensign-in-chief, amador de arriaran, all of whom signed here their names. miguel lopez de legaspi, diego de artieda, andres de ybarra, guido de lavezaris, andres de mirandaola, amador de arriaran, pero bernaldez. before me, _christoval ponze_, notary) (all the above papers, writings, replies, responses, and other documents above set forth, i, the said fernando riquel, took _manu propria_, as best i could, from the originals, writing them down _de verbo ad verbum_ and letter for letter, at the request of the said governor miguel _lopez_ de lagazpi, who signed the same here with his name. and they are accurate and true, witnesses of the correction and comparison with the originals thereof being miguel lopez, francisco de cocar, and juan de gamboa y lezcano, soldiers in this camp--in testimony whereof i have made my usual signature and rubric. given at cubu, the second day of the month of june in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine. in testimony of the truth, _fernando riquel_) (this copy was written on twenty-three sheets of paper, including the present, and bears the corrections, erasures, and interlineations following: [these follow, in the original document.] and note should be taken that the contract was corruptly and badly written for so it was in the original.) (in the city of mexico, on the twenty-third day of the month of december in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine, the presidents and auditors of the royal _audiencia_ of nueva spaña said that, inasmuch as in a docket of letters and despatches from miguel lopez de legaspi, governor and captain in the islands of the west, which came addressed to this royal _audiencia_, this relation was found therein of negotiations between the said governor and goncalo pereira, a portuguese, captain of the most serene king of portugal, regarding the summons repeatedly served, to the effect that the said miguel lopez should depart from the islands, region, and spot, where he was situated as is declared in the said relation, it is fitting that this docket be sent to his majesty in his royal council of the indies. in order that entire faith may be given thereto, a judicial inquiry shall be received confirming the signature as that of the said miguel lopez de legaspi, and of the handwriting and signature of hernando riquel, his notary. having been received as signed from the secretary of this royal _audiencia_ it shall be sent to his majesty. and accordingly they ordered it, by decree, to be set down in writing. _sancho lopez de agurto_) (_attestation_: and then upon the said day, month, and year above specified for the said inquiry, there was received an oath in the name of god and the blessed mary, and upon the sign of the cross +, in the form prescribed by law, from sancho lopez de agurto, secretary of the royal _audiencia_ of this nueva spaña, and he took the same in the presence of me, juan augustin de contreras, notary of his majesty and receiver of this royal _audiencia_, under which he promised to tell the truth in this affair. on being interrogated by the aforesaid, and after having seen the writing contained in this other part, and the signatures thereof, where occur the names of miguel lopez and fernando riquel, he said that this witness knew the said miguel lopez and fernando riquel, whom many times he had seen write and sign their names; and that he knows that the said miguel lopez de legaspi went as governor and general to the islands of the west, and took as his official notary the said fernando riquel, on the authority of the viceroy don luis de velasco; and that the said signatures at the end of the said narration and writing, to wit, "miguel lopez" and "fernando riquel," together with the handwriting of the said narration are, of a truth so far as this witness knows, those of the parties aforesaid; and he says this without the slightest doubt, for, as already said, he has seen them write and sign their names, and he has written papers and signatures of theirs in his possession similar to those of the said narration, without the slightest variation. the said hernando riquel was held and considered as an upright man, and a lawyer of much veracity; and as such this witness held and still holds him. and he declares on the oath taken by him that his entire deposition is true, and he has affixed his signature to the same. _sancho lopez de agurto_ before me, _johan augustin_, notary of his majesty.) [the sworn depositions of juan augustin de contreras and of alonso de segura, made before sancho lopez de agurto, follow. they are substantially the same as the above. the document continues:] (i, the said sancho lopez de agurto, notary of the chamber of the said royal _audiencia_ of nueva españa, who was present at the said inquiry made therein, affixed my seal in testimony of the truth. [119] _sancho lopez de agurto_) bibliographical data _expedition of garcia de loaisa_ _résumé of contemporaneous documents_.--these documents, dated from 1522 to 1537, are briefly synopsized from navarrete's _col. de viages_, v, pp. 193-439. this editor obtained the material for his series from the archives of sevilla, madrid, and simancas. _voyage of alvaro de saavedra_ _résumé of contemporaneous documents_.--these documents are dated in 1527-28, and are published by navarrete, _ut supra_, pp. 440-486. _expedition of ruy lopez de villalobos_ _résumé of contemporaneous documents_.--these documents, also synopsized, for the period 1541-48, are obtained from _doc. inéd._, as follows: _ultramar_, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; _amér. y oceania_, v, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165. _expedition of miguel lopez de legazpi_ _résumé of contemporaneous documents_.--these documents, covering the period 1559-69, are also synopsized from _doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, pp. 94-475, and iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. _warrant for establishment of augustinian mission_ (1564).--the original of this document was found among the archives of the augustinian convent at culhuacan, mexico. the only publication of this _patente_ of which we are aware is that (in latin) from which our translation is made, in a work by elviro j. perez, o.s.a.,--_catalogo bio-bibliografico de los religiosos agustinos_ (manila, 1901), pp. xi-xiv. at present, we are unable to give further information concerning the document. _possession of cibabao_ (feb. 15, 1565).--the original ms. (from a copy of which our translation is made) is conserved in the archivo de indias at sevilla; pressmark, "simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las islas filipinas, años 1537 á 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23." it has been published in _doc. ined. ultramar_, i i, pp. 351-355. _proclamation regarding gold found in burial places_ (may 16, 1565).--the data for the preceding document apply to this one also--save that to pressmark should be added "ramo 25;" and that the pagination for this one in _doc. ined._ is 355-357. _letter to felipe ii_ (may 27, 1565).--the original ms. is also in sevilla; pressmark, "simancas--filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y gobierno de filipinas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23." it was published, _ut supra_, pp. 357-359. there are two copies in the archivo, one of which is incorrectly endorsed "1569." in such cases it should be remembered that despatches and other official documents were often sent in duplicate--sometimes in triplicate, or even quadruplicate,--and by different vessels, to ensure that at least one copy should reach its destination. _letters to felipe ii_ (may 29, june 1, 1565).--the original mss. (from copies of which our translations are made) are also in the archivo de indias; pressmark. "patronato, audiencia de filipinas--cartas de los gobernadores." more definite designation is not possible, as these mss. were not in their regular place in the above _patronato_ at the time when our transcripts were made. with the letter of june 1 we present a photographic reproduction of the signatures. both of these documents were published in _doc. inéd. amér. y oceania_, xiii, pp. 527-531. _letter to the audiencia of mexico_ (may 28, 1565).--the original ms. is in the archivo de indias; pressmark, "simancas--filipinas; descub. descrip. y pob. filipinas, años 1537 á 1565; est. 1, caj. i, leg. 1, 24, no. 24." this letter was accompanied by a memorandum of supplies needed for the military post established in the philippines by legazpi; and with the above-named ms. is a list of this sort--which, however, must have been placed in this _legajo_ by some error, as it mentions some articles that had been sent in the year 1570. but in another patronato--which has the same title as the above, but for the years 1566-68--in "est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2, 24," is a list of similar character, with the title, _memoria de los rescates y municiones que se pidieron á nueva españa, para enviar al campo de s.m. que reside en el puerto de cubu_. this document is undated; but internal evidence makes it probable that it is the list which was sent with this letter to the audiencia, with which we have accordingly placed it, transferring the other list to a later date, 1571. _legazpi's relation_ (1565).--the original ms. is in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid; pressmark, "170-20-3_a_, caja n_o_. 22." it has not, so far as is known, ever been published. nothing indicates positively the name of the person to whom it was written; but we may reasonably conjecture, from the style of address, that it was probably sent to the president of the audiencia of mexico. as legazpi's own account of his voyage and achievements, this document possesses special interest and value. _copia de vna carta venida de seuilla a miguel saluador de valencia_ (1566).--this little pamphlet (barcelona, pau cortey, 1566) is generally regarded as the first printed account of legazpi's expedition. but one copy is known to exist--the one which was in retana's collection, now the property of the compañia general de tabacos de filipinas, barcelona. for this reason, we present this document in both the spanish text and english translation--the former being printed from an exact transcription made from the original document at barcelona. the original is in two sheets (four pages) of quarto size, printed in type about the size of that used in this series; it is bound in red boards, and is in good condition. _letters to felipe ii_ (july 12, 15, 23, 1567, and june 26, 1568).--the original mss. of these four letters (from copies of which our translations are made) are in the archivo de indias at sevilla; pressmark, "simancas--secular, audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo. años de 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6." _negotiations between legazpi and pereira_ (1568-69).--the originals of these documents are in the archivo de indias at sevilla; pressmark, "est. 1. caj. 1, leg. 2, 24, n_os_. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9." a ms. copied or compiled from these originals for use in the south american boundary negotiations at paris in 1776, is in the archivo general at simancas; pressmark, "leg. 7412, fol. 87 y 88;" from a copy of this ms. our translation is made. notes [1] this document is printed in both the original language and english translation. [2] navarrete says in a note that this must have been made about the time the junta of badajoz closed, in 1524. [3] the hospital (and, later, military) order of st john of jerusalem, was first established in that city in 1023, and received papal recognition in 1113. its knights served with distinction in the crusades. from 1291 to 1523 the order had its seat in the island of rhodes; but in 1530 that of malte was ceded to it by the emperor charles v. after the capture of malta by the french, the order became small and insignificant. this order was known in the course of its history by various names, among them being the order of rhodes (rodas). garcia jofre de loaisa, the commander of this expedition, was a native of ciudad real. he must not be confounded with the noted archbishop of seville, of the same name, whose kinsman he was. the commander died at sea in july, 1526. [4] this was a priest who accompanied the expedition. after passing the strait of magellan, the ship "santiago," in which areizaga sailed, was compelled by lack of supplies to direct its course toward the spanish settlements on the west coast. this priest returned thence to spain, where the historian oviedo saw him; the latter compiles from areizaga's narrative a long account of his adventures, and of loaisa's voyage as far as the strait (see oviedo's _hist. de indias_, lib. xx, cap. v-xiii). [5] hernan cortés, the conqueror of mexico, was born in 1485, at badajoz, spain. when a mere boy, he resolved upon a military career, and in 1504 went to the west indies, where he took part in various expeditions, and held some official posts of importance. during 1519-27, cortes effected the conquest of mexico and subjugation of its people. returning to spain in triumph (1528), he received from the emperor titles and lands, and was made captain-general of new spain, an office which he held from 1530 to 1541. he sent saavedra to search for loaisa (1527); and in 1533 and, 1539 sent out expeditions of discovery--the latter, under ulloa, ascending the western coast of america to thirty-two degrees north latitude. cortes died at seville, december 2, 1547. [6] andrés de urdaneta was born in 1498, at villafranca de guipuzcoa. he received a liberal education, but, his parents dying, he chose a military career; and he won distinction in the wars of germany and italy, attaining the rank of captain. returning to spain, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, and became proficient in navigation. joining loaisa's expedition, he remained in the moluccas, contending with the portuguese there, until 1535, when he went back to spain. going thence to mexico (about 1540), he was offered command of the expedition then fitting out for the moluccas, "but on terms which he could not accept." villalobos was given command of the fleet in his stead, and urdaneta later (1552) became a friar, entering the augustinian order, in which he made his profession on march 20, 1553, in the city of mexico. there he remained until the fleet of legazpi departed (november 21, 1564) from la navidad, mexico, for the philippine islands; urdaneta accompanied this expedition, with four other friars of his order. he was appointed prelate of those new lands, with the title of "protector of the indians;" he also acted as pilot of the fleet. in the following year he was despatched to spain, to give an account to the government of what legazpi had accomplished. this mission fulfilled, he desired to return to the philippines, but was dissuaded from this step by his friends; he came back to mexico, where he died (june 3, 1568), aged seventy years. urdaneta was endowed with a keen intellect, and held to his opinions and convictions with great tenacity. to his abilities and sagacity are ascribed much of legazpi's success in the conquest of the philippines. for sketches of his life, see retana's edition of martínez de zúñiga's _estadismo de las islas filipinas_ (madrid, 1893), ii, appendix, pp. 621, 622; and _dic.-encic. hisp.-amér._ [7] the "zebra" was the guanaco or south american camel (_auchenia_). the feathers were those of the south american ostrich (_rhea rhea_), also called "nandu" and "avestruz" by the natives, or possibly of the smaller species _r. darwinii_; both are found as far south as the strait of magellan. [8] it was the custom of many of the writers of these early documents to give in dates only the last two or three figures of the year. [9] his name was alvaro de loaisa. [10] this was the flagship of magalhães, which remained at tidore after the departure of the "victoria." the "trinidad" set out for panama on april 6, 1522, but was compelled by sickness and unfavorable winds to return to the islands. she was then captured by the portuguese; the ship was wrecked in a heavy storm at ternate, and her crew detained as prisoners by the portuguese. hardships, disease, and shipwreck carried away all of them except four, who did not reach spain until 1526. [11] sebastian cabot (caboto) was born about 1473--probably at venice, although some claim bristol, england, as his birthplace; he was the son of the noted explorer john cabot, whom he accompanied on the famous voyage (1494) in which they discovered and explored the eastern coasts of canada. a second voyage thither (1498), in which sebastian was commander, proved a failure; and no more is heard of him until 1512, when he entered the service of fernando v of spain, who paid him a liberal salary. in 1515 he was a member of a commission charged with revising and correcting all the maps and charts used in spanish navigation. about this time, he was preparing to make a voyage of discovery; but the project was defeated by fernando's death (january 23, 1516). in the same year cabot led an english expedition which coasted. labrador and entered hudson strait; he then returned to spain, and was appointed (february 5, 1518) royal pilot-major, an office of great importance and authority. he was one of the spanish commissioners at badajoz in 1524; and in 1526 commanded a spanish expedition to the moluccas, which sailed from spain on april 3 of that year. arriving at the river de la plata, cabot decided to explore that region instead of proceeding to the moluccas--induced to take this step by a mutiny among his officers, sickness among his crews, and the loss of his flag-ship. misfortunes followed him, and he returned to spain in 1530. upon the accession of edward vi to the english throne, cabot was induced to reenter the english service, which he did in 1548, receiving from edward promotion and rewards. nothing is heard of him after 1557; and no work of his is known to be extant save a map of the world, made in 1544. and preserved in the bibliothèque nationale, paris. regarding his life and achievements, see nicholls's _sebastian cabot_ (london, 1869); henry stevens's _sebastian cabot_ (boston, 1870); harrisse's _jean et sebastian cabot_ (paris, 1882); f. tarducci's _john and sebastian cabot_ (brownson's translation, detroit, 1893); dawson's "voyages of the cabots," in _canad. roy. soc. trans., 1894,_ pp. 51-112, 1896, pp. 3-30, 1897, pp. 139-268; dionne's _john and sebastian cabot_ (quebec, 1898); winship's _cabot bibliography_ (london, 1900). [12] joão serrão, one of magalhães's captains, was elected, after the latter's death, to the command of the fleet. on may 1, 1521, he was murdered by natives on the island of cebú, having been treacherously abandoned there by his own companions. [13] the "santiago," in which was the priest areizaga (see note 3). [14] saavedra died at sea in the month of december, 1529. see navarrete's _col. de viages_, v, p. 422. [15] lib. xx of oviédo's _hist. de indias_ is devoted to the relation of these early expeditions to the philippines of magalhães, loaisa, and saavedra. [16] ruy lopez de villalobos is said to have been a man of letters, licentiate in law, and born of a distinguished family in malaga; he was brother-in-law of antonio de mendoza, who (then viceroy of new spain) appointed him commander of the expedition here described. departing from navidad, mexico (november 1, 1542), he reached mindanao on february 2 of the following year; he was the first to make explorations in that island. it was he who bestowed upon those islands the name filipinas (philippine), in honor of the crown-prince don felipe of spain, afterward known as felipe ii; he conferred this appellation probably in 1543. the portuguese, then established in the moluccas, opposed any attempt of spaniards to settle in the neighboring islands, and treated villalobos as an enemy. after two years of hardships and struggles, he was obliged to place himself in their hands; and, departing for spain in one of their ships, was seized by a malignant fever, which terminated his life at amboina, on good friday, 1546. in his last hours he was spiritually assisted by st. francis xavier (styled "the apostle of the indies"). for biographical material regarding villalobos, see _dic.-encic. hisp.-amér.,_ article: "lopez de villalobos;" galvano's _discoveries of the world_ (hakluyt society edition), pp. 231-238; and buzeta and bravo's _diccionario filipinas_; retana's sketch, in his edition of zúñiga's _estadismo_, ii, p. 593*. [17] pedro de alvarado was, after hernán cortés, the most notable of the early spanish conquerors of new spain. he was born at badajoz, about 1485, and came to america in 1510. he served with distinction in many wars and expeditions during the conquest, and received from cortés various important commands. among these was the post of governor and captain-general of guatemala (1523); in the following year he founded the old city of guatemala, which later was destroyed by the eruption of a volcano. in 1534 he planned to send an expedition to the pacific islands; but news of the discovery of peru and the conquests of pizarro caused him to defer this enterprise, and he sent instead troops to peru, fitted out through his extortions on the inhabitants of his province. afterward he planned, with mendoza, the expedition conducted by villalobos, but never knew its outcome; he died on july 4, 1541, from wounds received while attacking an indian village. [18] antonio de mendoza belonged to a family of distinction, and was born at granada, toward the close of the fifteenth century. he was the first viceroy of new spain, being appointed april 17, 1535. he was beloved by the people for his good government; he made wise laws, opened and worked mines, coined money, founded a university and several colleges, and introduced printing into mexico. he despatched two maritime expeditions of discovery--that of villalobos, and another to california; and made explorations by land as far as new mexico. in 1550 he was sent as viceroy to peru, and administered that office until his death, which occurred july 21, 1552, at lima. [19] the title of marquis del valle de oaxaca was conferred upon hernán cortes, july 6, 1529. he had taken great interest in the exploration of the pacific ocean and its coasts; and had spent on expeditions sent out with that object no less sum than three hundred thousand pesos (helps's _life of cortés_, p. 282.) [20] this compares favorably with the homestead law of the united states. the institution mentioned in the next sentence apparently was peculiar to spanish colonial administration in america. its origin was in the _repartimiento_, which at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who were compelled to till the land for the conqueror's benefit. in 1503 _encomiendas_ were granted, composed of a certain number of natives, who were compelled to work. the word _encomienda_ is a term belonging to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials appointed for the colonies), and corresponds to our word "commandery." it is defined by helps (practically using the language of solorzano, the eminent spanish jurist), as "a right conceded by royal bounty, to well-deserving persons in the indies, to receive and enjoy for themselves the tributes of the indians who should be assigned to them, with a charge of providing for the good of those indians in spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the provinces where these _encomiendas_ should be granted to them." helps has done good service to historical students in recognizing the great importance, social and economic, of the _encomienda_ system in the spanish colonies, and its far-reaching results; and in embodying the fruits of his studies thereon in his _spanish conquest in america_ (london, 1855-61), to which the reader is referred for full information on this subject; see especially vols. iii, iv. [21] see the treaty of zaragoza, vol. i, p. 222. [22] this was the dust or residue of the filings from the various assays and operations in the founding of metals, and was usually applied to the benefit of hospitals and houses of charity. it belonged to the king, and was placed under lock and key, one key in possession of the founder and the other of the king's factor.--note by editor of _col. doc. inéd_. [23] this name is variously spelled labezaris, labezares, labezarii, lavezarii, and in other ways. this man occupied an important place in legazpi's expedition, and was later governor of the philippine islands. several documents by him will appear in this series. [24] a note by the editor of _doc. inéd._ says that the religious sent in this expedition were fray jerónimo de san estevan, prior of the augustinians; fray nicolás de perea, fray alonso de alvarado, and fray sebastián de reina. [25] a small vessel with lateen sails. [26] this was the portuguese governor of ternate and the moluccas. the correspondence may be found in the archives of torre do tombo. [27] apparently a reference to the islands sarangani and balut, off the southern point of mindanao. regarding mazaua (massava, mazagua) stanley cites--in _first voyage by magellan_ (hakluyt society publications, no. 52), p. 79--a note in milan edition of pigafetta's relation, locating massaua between mindanao and samar. it is doubtless the limasaua of the present day, off the south point of leyte. [28] a map by nicolaus visscher, entitled _indiae orientalis nova descriptio_ (undated, but probably late in the seventeenth century) shows "philippina al tandaya," apparently, intended for the present samar; but legazpi's relation of 1565 (_post_) would indicate that tandaya was the modern leyte. ortelius (1570) locates the talao islands about half-way from mindanao to gilolo they are apparently the tulour or salibàbo islands of today. [29] the names in brackets are the modern appellations (see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ ii, pp. xvi, xvii). [30] antonio galvano explains this by declaring that he had in 1538 (being then the portuguese governor of the moluccas) sent francisco de castro to convert the natives of the philippines to the catholic faith. on the island of mindanao he was sponsor at the baptism of six kings, with their wives, children, and subjects. see galvano's _tratado_ (hakluyt society reprint of hakluyt's translation, _discoveries of the world_, pp. 208, 233). [31] see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, p. xvii. [32] on old maps abuyo; the aboriginal appellation of the island of leyte (retana-edition of combés's _mindanao_, p. 749). [33] probably the cannon belonging to magalhães's ship "trinidad," which the portuguese seized in october, 1522; they had built a fortified post on the island of ternate in the preceding summer, their first settlement in the moluccas. ternate, tidore, mutir, and two others, are small islands lying along the western coast of gilolo; on them cloves grew most abundantly when europeans first discovered the moluccas. [34] bisayas or visayas is the present appellation of the islands which lie between luzón and mindanao. [35] this document is printed in both the original text and english translation. [36] luis de velasco succeeded antonio de mendoza as viceroy of new spain, taking his office in november, 1550, and holding it until his death (july 31, 1564). he was of an illustrious family of castile and had held several military appointments before he became viceroy. he exercised this latter office with great ability, and favored the indians to such an extent that he was called "the father of the indians." he died poor and in debt, and was buried with solemnity in the dominican monastery at the city of mexico. [37] a small vessel used as a tender, to carry messages between larger vessels, etc. [38] the treaty of zaragoza, _q.v._ vol. i, p. 222. [39] this opinion is correct, referring as it does to the five islands lying along the coast of gilolo. [40] miguel lopez de legazpi who, with andrés de urdaneta, rediscovered and conquered the philippine islands, was born in zubarraja in guipúzcoa in the early part of the sixteenth century, of an old and noble family. he went to mexico in 1545, where he became chief clerk of the _cabildo_ of the city of mexico. being selected to take charge of the expedition of 1564, he succeeded by his great wisdom, patience, and forbearance, in gaining the good will of the natives. he founded manila, where he died of apoplexy august 20, 1572. he was much lamented by all. he was succeeded as governor of the philippines by guido de lavezaris. [41] navarrete says (_bibl. marit_., tomo ii, p. 492), that legazpi was fifty-nine years old when the fleet set sail in 1564, which makes him six years older than the age given above. see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ tomo ii, p. 116, note. [42] the ladrones or marianas number in all sixteen islands, and are divided into two groups of five and eleven islands respectively. they extend north and south about nine hundred and fifty kilometers, lying between thirteen degrees and twenty-one degrees north latitude, and one hundred and forty-eight degrees and one hundred and forty-nine degrees forty minutes longitude east of madrid. they are but thinly populated; their flora resembles that of the philippines. the largest and most important of these islands, guam, is now the property of the united states. [43] although this allusion cannot well be identified, it indicates some episode of the great eagerness and readiness for western discovery then prevalent in france. cartier's explorations (1534-36, and 1540-43), and later those of jean allefonsce, had already been published to the world; and maps of the eastern coast of north america showed, as early as 1544, the great st. lawrence river, which afforded an easy entrance to the interior, and might readily be supposed to form a waterway for passage to the "western sea"--especially as new france was then generally imagined to be a part of asia; japan and china being not very far west of the newly-discovered coast. [44] these two vessels were rechristened "san pedro" and "san pablo" before actually sailing. the admiral of the fleet was to have been juan de carrión; but he was left behind because of his dissensions with urdanetá, and mateo del saz fulfilled his duties. [45] the theatins were a religious congregation founded in italy (1524) by gaëtano de tiene and giovanni pietro caraffa, archbishop of theato (the modern chieti)--who afterward became pontiff of rome, under the title of paul iv. their object was to reform the disorders that had crept into the roman church, and restore the zeal, self-sacrifice, and charity of apostolic days. they would neither own property nor ask alms, but worked at various trades and were thus maintained, with voluntary offerings from the faithful. during the next century they spread into other european countries (where they still have many houses), and undertook missions in asia. [46] the total cost of the preparation of legazpi's fleet was 382,468 pesos, 7 tomines, 5 grains of common gold; and 27,400 pesos, 3 tomines, 1 grain of gold dust. these expenses cover the period from december 13, 1557, until march 2, 1565. see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ iii, no. 36, pp. 461-463. the gold dust here mentioned (spanish _oro de minas_) means gold in the form of "gravel" or small nuggets, obtained usually from placers, or the washings of river-sands. the "common" gold (_oro común_) is refined gold, or bullion, ready for coinage. [47] this vessel, after trying to find--or at least making such a claim--the fleet in mindanao and other islands, returned to new spain, anchoring at puerto de la navidad august 9, 1565. a relation by its captain alonso de arellano, gives an account of this voyage (published in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ iii, no. 37, pp. 1-76). testimony as to the truth of this relation is given under oath by its author, his pilot lope martin, and others. it is quite evident throughout that it was written with the hope of explaining satisfactorily the "san lucas's " sudden disappearance and failure to rejoin the flagship. accounts of islands passed by the vessel are given and the various and frequent mishaps of wind and wave detailed at length. on january 8 an island was reached where the people "were afraid of our ship and of us and our weapons. they are well proportioned, tall of stature, and bearded, their beards reaching to their waists. the men wear their hair long like women, neatly combed and tied behind in a knot. they are greedy, very treacherous, and thoroughly unprincipled.... they are caribs, and, i understand, eat human flesh. they are warlike, as it seemed to us, for they were always prepared, and they must carry on war with other islands. their weapons are spears pointed with fish bones, and masanas [a wooden weapon, generally edged with sharp flint, used by the early mexican and peruvian aborigines.].... they are much given to hurling stones from slings, and with very accurate aim. they are excellent swimmers and sailors. we called this island nadadores [swimmers], because they swam out to us when we were more than a league from the island." a mutiny sprang up after reaching the philippines, but was checked. arellano claims that he left the prescribed tokens of his visit in mindanao. the _patache_ reached puerto de la navidad on august 9, after its crew had suffered many hardships and much sickness. legazpi, quite naturally, was much displeased at the evident desertion of the "san lucas" and caused action to be taken against arellano and lope martin, by gabriel diaz of the mexican mint. this latter presented various petitions before the _audiencia_ of mexico, detailing the charges and asking investigation. the charges were desertion,--"in which the loss he occasioned cannot be overestimated," because this vessel was intended for a close navigation of the islands and their rivers and estuaries, which the larger vessels could not attempt,--assuming to himself powers of jurisdiction that belonged to legazpi as general of the expedition,--executing summary justice on two men (causing them to be thrown overboard),--cruelty, and "many other grave and serious offenses;" which "he had committed in company with the pilot and others." diaz asked that arellano be made to render an account to legazpi and to serve for his pay, as he had served in the expedition but ten days. however just the demand for an investigation, it was never made, which was probably due to arellano's influence with the court in spain. the only notice that appeared to be taken of the petitions was a request from the _audiencia_ that diaz show his authority to act in the case, which he had showed already in the petitions. the voyage of the "san lucas" is called by the editor of _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ "one of the boldest registered in the history of navigation." see the above series, tomo ii, pp. 222, 223; and tomo iii, pp. v-xviii, and 1-76. [48] see the notarial attestation of the taking of possession of barbudos in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ iii, pp. 76-79. this was apparently one of the marshall islands. [49] on january 26, 1565, legazpi in person took possession of the ladrones, for the spanish crown. this possession was made in the island of guam, before hernando riquel, government notary, and with all the necessary formalities. the witnesses were "fray andres de urdaneta, prior; the master-of-camp, mateo del sanz; the accountant, andres cauchela; the factor, andres de mirandaola; the chief ensign, andres de ybarra; geronimo de moncon, and many others." see the record of possession, _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ iii, pp. 79-81. [50] cf. with this the thievishness, and dexterity therein, of the huron indians, in _jesuit relations_ (cleveland reissue), v, pp. 123, 241, 243, and elsewhere. [51] this island is styled variously guam, goam, guan, and boan (see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, p. 243). the united states government now uses it as a coaling station. [52] from an official document drawn up by hernando riquel, it appears that the fleet reached the philippines in very poor condition, due to insufficient and careless preparation. in response to a petition signed by the royal officials "guido de la vaçares [lavezaris], andres cauchela, and andres de mirandaola," that testimonies be received from certain officers and pilots of the fleet, in regard to its poor condition, legazpi ordered such depositions to be taken, which was done on may 23, 1565. these testimonies show that the fleet left puerto de la navidad with insufficient crews, marine equipment, artillery, and food, in consequence of which great sufferings had been and were still being endured. it was testified "that the provisions of meat, lard, cheese, beans and peas, and fish lasted but a short time, because of putrefying and spoiling by reason of having been laid in many days before sailing." see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ iii, pp. 305-318. [53] the notarial testimony of this taking of possession will be given in this volume, p. 167. [54] probably the island of leyte. see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, p. 258. [55] this ceremony of blood friendship will be explained in later documents. it was characteristic of malayan peoples. the present cabalian is in the extreme s.e. part of leyte. [56] camiguin, north of mindanao, and north by west from butuan bay. [57] the testimonies of the "wrongs inflicted on the natives in certain of the philippines, under cover of friendship and under pretext of a desire to trade," by portuguese from the moluccas, and the injuries resulting therefrom to the spaniards, are recounted in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, iii, pp. 284-305. [58] probably in pique because urdaneta's advice to colonize new guinea had been disregarded, and because these islands were, as urdaneta declared, in portugal's demarcation. [59] the notarial memorandum of the finding of the niño jesús will be found in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, iii, pp. 277-284. it gives legazpi's testimony concerning the discovery, and his appointment of the date of finding as an annual religious holiday, as well as the testimonies of the finder, juan de camuz, and of esteban rodriguez, to whom camuz first showed the image (which is described in detail). pigafetta relates _{first voyage of magellan,_ pp. 93, 94) that he gave an image of the infant jesus to the queen of cebú, april 14, 1521--evidently the same as that found by legazpi's men. [60] on this day legazpi took formal possession of the island of cebú and adjacent islands for spain. the testimony of hernando riquel, government notary, of this act appears in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ iii, pp. 89, 90. [61] this image is still preserved in the augustinian convent at cebú; a view of it is presented in this volume. [62] the preceding relation says three hours. [63] probably the casava root. [64] the native race inhabiting guam is called chamorro. [65] this was the island of negros (_col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, p. 410). [66] the pilot makes use of the familiar second person singular forms throughout this relation. [67] his relation of this voyage, continued until a few days before his death), is preserved in the archivo general de indias, at seville. see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, p. 456. [68] his full name. he was a brother of captain juan de la isla. see _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ vol. ii, p. 458. [69] the number in the printed document is one thousand three hundred and seventy. this must be an error for one thousand eight hundred and seventy, as so great a difference between the three maps would hardly be likely to occur. [70] this relation may be considered as the continuation of that which records the voyage from new spain, until the departure of die "san pedro" from cebú. neither is signed, but the former seems to have been written by a military officer, as he speaks in one place of "the men of my company." [71] cf. the chinese belief, and the reverence of the american indian for his ancestors. [72] cf. the burial rites of north american tribes, as described in the _jesuit relations_ (see index, article: indians). [73] this chief's name is also spelled in this relation mahomat. [74] the _fanéga_ is a measure of capacity that was extensively used throughout spain and the spanish colonies, and in the spanish-american republics; but it is now largely superseded by the measures of the metric system. its value varied in different provinces or colonies. its equivalents in united states (winchester) bushels are as follows: aragón, o.64021; teruel (aragón), i.23217; castile, 1.59914; asturias, 2.07358; buenos aires, 3.74988; canary islands, 1.77679 (struck), 2.5 (heaped). the _fanéga_ of castile is equivalent to 5.63 decaliters. the name was also applied to the portion of ground which might be sown with a _fanéga_ of grain. [75] a detailed relation of the voyage of the "san gerónimo" was written by juan martinez, a soldier, being dated cebú, july 25, 1567. it is given in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar,_ ii, no. 47, pp. 371-475. from the very first the insubordination of the pilot lope martin was manifest, who said to the easy-going captain. "if you think you are going to take me to cebú, you are very much mistaken; for as soon as he saw me there, the governor would hang me." [76] in regard to this use of precious gums, see _east africa and malabar_ (hakluyt society publications, no. 35), pp. 31, 230; in that text _yncenso_ is incorrectly translated "wormwood." [77] document no. xli, pp. 244-276, tomo iii, consists of memoranda made by hernando riquel, notary of the expedition. these were drawn up by order of legazpi, and relate to occurrences after the fleet reached cabalian (march, 1565), until the resolution to colonize in cebú. they are mainly concerned with negotiations with the natives, and are fully attested; but contain nothing additional to the matter in the relations. [78] a tax paid to the monarch by those not belonging to the nobility. [79] see note 18, _ante_, on _repartimientos_ and _encomiendas_. [80] counselors of the provincial or other high official, whose advice was considered by him in all important affairs. [81] ours: a familiar term in use by members of a religious order, referring to their fellows therein. [82] this island is called by the french pilot pierres plun, in his relation, zibaban, zibao, and zibaba. la concepción calls it (_historia,_ vol. i, p. 331) ybabao. the editor of _cartas de indias_ conjectures this to be the island of libagas (near mindoro); but that would not agree with the statements made about it in various documents. retana (_zúñiga,_ vol. ii, p. 383*) says that cibabao is samar, which is, however, not an altogether satisfactory identification. [83] this name is given at arrezun in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_. [84] in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, this name it given as francisco escudero de la portolla. [85] in another document, dated february 20, 1565 (published in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, iii, pp. 81, 82), legazpi personally verified the possession taken by ybarra, andrés de urdaneta being witness thereto. on that day legaspi took possession not only of cibabao but of the adjacent islands. [86] in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_ (p. 336), this name is given as "ypolito atanbor." [87] many of these names are signed with a _rubrica_ or flourish, which, like the french _paraphe_, was customary as a protection against forgery. [88] apparently referring to the president of the _audiencia_ of new spain, although the formal address is to that body as a whole. [89] this list does not accompany the letter, either in the sevilla archives or in _doc. inéd;_ but see bibliographical data for this document, at end of this volume. [90] the spanish _quintal_ varied in different provinces and colonies as follows (equivalents given in u.s. pounds): aragón, 109.738476; castile (and chile), 101.6097; asturias, 152.281185; catalonia, 87.281; valencia (old measure), 109.728476; buenos aires, 101.4178. this unit of weight has been generally replaced by those of the metric system. [91] evidently this word is used in its early sense, of one who practiced blood-letting, etc., as the barber often performed duties now strictly pertaining to the physician. [92] the _arroba_ was equal to four _quintals_. [93] the _braza_ was a measure of length, equivalent to 16.718 decimeters, or 1.82636 yards (u.s.) the name originated (like the french _brasse_) in the primitive use of the human arm as a measure of length. the _braza_ (square) was used in the philippines as a measure of surface, being equivalent to 36 spanish, or 30.9168 english, square feet. [94] a short dagger with a broad blade. [95] in the relation published in _col. doc. inéd. ultramar_, ii, pp. 265-277, where these transactions are recounted in greater detail, these names are spelled camutrian (camutuan, camotuan), and maletec, respectively. [96] apparently the same as the massaua of earlier documents. [97] in the relation cited above, note 92, the name of this island is spelled (p. 277) camiguinin. [98] the second ship of the fleet, "san pablo." the "san pedro" or flagship was spoken of as the _capitana_. [99] a veil of thin gauze worn by the moors. evidently the term is used in this connection, as the mohammedans of these islands were called moros (moors) by the spaniards. [100] apparently referring to the island of negros. [101] the word is _escaupiles_, which was a species of ancient mexican armor. [102] an equestrian exercise with reed spears. [103] the actual date of departure was the twenty-first. [104] see note 43, _ante_, as to the cost of the fleet. the reference in the text is apparently to some mexican mint or mine. [105] this vessel was the "san lucas," commanded by alonso de arellano; see account of its adventures in "expedition of legazpi." [106] a reference to the relation sent to felipe ii by legazpi--probably by the "san pedro." [107] a measure for grain containing one-third of a _fanega_. [108] an error naturally made, in those early days of acquaintance with the philippines, since the island of mactan (matan), where magalhães was slain, lies near the coast of cebú. according to the _u.s. philippine gazetteer_ (p. 69), the archipelago comprises twelve principal islands and three groups, with one thousand five hundred and eighty-three dependent islands. [109] apparently meaning the "san pedro," which was despatched from cebú by legazpi on june 1, 1565. it reached navidad on october 1, and probably arrived at seville in may or june, 1566. [110] the _concha_ and _blanca_ were ancient copper coins of the value of one-half and three _maravedis_, respectively. the coins above-mentioned evidently resembled these in size. [111] the "san geronimo." [112] throughout this document, the statements and comments of the notaries will be enclosed in parentheses, to enable the reader more easily to separate the various letters and writs from one another. [113] the _caracoa_ is a large canoe used by the malayan peoples--"with two rows of oars, very light, and fitted with a european sail, its rigging of native manufacture" (_dic. acad._). according to retana (_zúñiga_, ii, p. 513*), the word _caracoa_ is not to be found in filipino dictionaries. [114] referring to the rule of sebastião, the infant king of portugal, and of his grandmother catarina, regent during his minority. [115] javelins: the portuguese word is _azagayas_, with which cf. _assagai_, the name of a like weapon among the kaffirs of africa. [116] this phrase (meaning "nothing paid") is no longer used in notarial documents. sometimes when documents are legalized by the mexican legation at washington, the fee is not paid there, but is to be paid at mexico on presentation of the document there; the secretary of the legation accordingly writes on it, _no se pagaran derechos_--perhaps a similar procedure to that noted in the text.--_arthur p. cushing_ (consul for mexico at boston). [117] this arose from the fact that the portuguese navigated eastward from europe to reach their oriental possessions, while the spaniards voyaged westward. the reckoning of the spaniards in the philippines was thus a day behind that of the portuguese. this error was corrected in 1844, at manila and macao respectively. see vol. i, note 2. [118] sevilla, one of the centers of mahometan power in spain, was besieged for more than two years (1246-48) by fernando iii of castilla, who finally captured it. the expedition against tunis here referred to was undertaken by cárlos i of spain (1535). to restore muley hassan, the mahometan king of tunis, to his throne, whence he had been driven by barbarossa, king of algiers; the usurper was expelled, after a brief siege. [119] this is followed by the certification of the copyist who transcribed this document for the south american boundary negotiations between spain and portugal in 1776, at paris. it reads thus: "i, don juan ignacio cascos, revisor and expert in handwriting and old documents, and one of those appointed by the royal and supreme council of castilla, made the foregoing copy, and collated it with the original, which was written on twenty-four sheets of ordinary paper, and signed, each in his own hand, by miguel lopez de legazpi and fernando riquel. madrid, the twenty-sixth day of august in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. _juan ignacio pascos_." gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xliv, 1700-1736 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvi contents of volume xliv preface 11 documents of 1700-1730 jesuit missions in the seventeenth century. pedro murillo velarde; manila, 1749 27 condition of the islands, 1701. josé vila, o.p., and others; manila, october 7, 1701 120 events of 1701-1715. [summarized from concepción's historia de philipinas.] 142 the government and death of bustamante. diego de otazo, s.j., and others; manila, 1719-20 148 letter by a spanish officer. manuel de santistevan; manila, january 28, 1730 196 commerce of the philippines with nueva españa, 1640-1736 (to be concluded). antonio álvarez de abreu; madrid, 1736. [from extracto historial.] 227 bibliographical data 313 illustrations photographic facsimile of frontispiece to pedro murillo velarde's historia de la provincia de philipinas (manila, 1749); from copy possessed by edward e. ayer, chicago frontispiece map of mindanao, showing spanish settlements, and districts occupied by the jesuits and recollects; photographic facsimile from original ms. (dated 1683) in archivo general de indias, sevilla 51 plan of the palace, audiencia hall, and exchequer of manila; photographic facsimile from original ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 153 plan of fortifications at zamboanga, 1719; photographic facsimile of original manuscript map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 163 preface the present volume covers the first third of the eighteenth century, besides reviewing the jesuit missions in filipinas during that which preceded it. the only occurrence of notable interest in the former period is the murder of governor bustamante by a mob (1719), which is even more remarkable for the utterly lawless manner in which the deed was committed, and the successful efforts made to stifle its proper investigation and punishment. the memorial of the religious orders (1701) discloses vividly the tyranny and oppression suffered by the indians at the hands of their spanish masters. especially valuable is abreu's historical sketch of the commerce between the islands and nueva españa up to 1736, and of the sharp controversy which this aroused between the traders of manila and those of cadiz and sevilla. an account of jesuit labors in the islands during the seventeenth century is furnished by murillo velarde, historian of that order, in his historia de philipinas (manila, 1749). in 1618 the advent of two comets so terrifies the people that the jesuits by their preaching win many souls, not only in manila (the most cosmopolitan city in the spanish empire), but in its environs. these fathers are eminently successful, both as preachers and as confessors; their manifold duties, and their methods of reaching all classes, are fully recounted. some of them conduct successful missions in bondoc (luzón) and the island of marinduque; in the latter, many relapsed christians are reclaimed, and wild indians are induced to settle in villages. at the desire of the archbishop of manila, the jesuits labor for some time in the port of cavite and at old cavite, where they encounter and reform a fearfully corrupt state of morals; they also minister to the chinese residing near manila. in 1628 a fatal epidemic causes many deaths in and near that city: in this calamity the jesuits minister untiringly to the sick and dying, as also do some of the indian converts. about this time the jesuit missions are established in mindanao, and soon afterward in negros and mindoro. in 1632 a considerable reënforcement of laborers arrives at manila: their zealous labors were begun as soon as they embarked at cadiz, ministering to the people on their ship. the writer narrates the progress of their labors in mindoro, maragondong, and negros; and gives an historical sketch of the early jesuit labors in mindanao, and of those carried on after 1642 at iligan and sibuguey. after the conquest of jolo, jesuit missionaries labor successfully in that island; their joloan converts afterward, when the missionaries are obliged to leave them, become exiles from their own land and go to zamboanga, in order to maintain themselves as christians. the missions in the pintados islands are very flourishing, except for the sufferings of their people from the raids of the southern moros. all the philippine missions are greatly hindered and weakened, about 1640, by lack of laborers; but in 1643 large bands of jesuits and dominicans arrive at manila, and give new life to the missions. in 1648-49 spanish punitive expeditions are sent to borneo, which do much damage to those piratical natives, carry away many captives, and ransom some christians held there. these armadas are accompanied by jesuits as chaplains, who take this opportunity to announce the gospel in borneo, and baptize seven hundred islanders; this gives them great hopes for a numerous and extensive christian church to be founded there, "but, lacking the protection of the spanish military forces, this so beautiful hope faded away almost at its flowering." our writer expatiates on the dangers and privations, the loneliness and sickness, the difficulties and opposition, that are bravely encountered and patiently endured by the missionaries; and the variety of duties which they must perform, not only ministerial, but those of teacher, umpire, architect, etc. much is accomplished in basilan and mindanao by a few faithful laborers. the moral and social conditions prevalent in the islands become exceedingly corrupt, and the spanish colony experiences many calamities and misfortunes, regarded as the divine chastisement for their transgressions. the remedy sought for this comes as a papal brief authorizing the archbishop of manila to absolve all the inhabitants of the islands from their transgressions, and from any excommunications incurred by them, and granting plenary indulgence to all who should "worthily prepare to receive it." this grant being duly published (march 1, 1654), great good results from it--within manila alone, more than 40,000 persons confessing their sins, and a great reformation being made in the morals of the people. another wave of religious enthusiasm occurs in the following year, under the direction of the jesuits. in 1654 the cornerstone of the new cathedral building is laid. the spiritual interests of ternate and siao are placed in the care of the jesuits, who gain many souls in both these fields. in 1662 a new mission band arrives at manila, and some of the jesuits go out into the ranches and mountain hamlets near manila; among these, the noted father sanvitores baptizes 24,000 heathens in seven days, and prepares many others for baptism. the pardo controversy leads to so many difficulties between the ecclesiastical authorities and the religious orders that they offer to the king their resignation of the ministries held by them in the islands; but he refuses to allow the jesuits to do this, and even restores to them two parishes of which they had been deprived. our author relates in detail the methods practiced by the jesuits in administering their parishes, and the devotions and pious exercises that are practiced by the faithful. finally, the history of the parish of san matheo, and that of the house of indian "beatas" in manila, are presented. a brief summary of events in the years 1701-15 is presented, condensed from the diffuse account of concepción. governor zabalburú, the successor of cruzat, constructs various important public works. in the tournon affair (1704), the governor and archbishop show undue laxity in allowing tournon to interfere in their jurisdiction and infringe on the royal prerogatives; for this and other causes they are removed from their offices. in 1709 conde de lizarraga assumes the office of governor; but little of interest occurs during his term. to this is appended a memorial addressed to zabalburú (october 7, 1701) by the provincials of the religious orders in the islands, urging him to reform various abuses--the neglect of the military posts and of new conquests of infidels; the sufferings of the natives from the building of galleons; the severity, oppression, and fraud practiced on the indians in the collection of tributes and in requisitions for personal services; the greed and cruelty of spanish officials; the prevalence of gambling and vagabondism; laxity in enforcing the laws that prohibit or restrict the immigration of infidels--moors, chinese, and others; and neglect of religious affairs. from these abuses result most deplorable effects: the depopulation of the islands, the prevalence of vice, the ruin of many formerly prosperous indian villages, and the exhaustion and demoralization of the natives. the governor is urged to reform these evils and protect the poor indians. in summarized form is presented concepción's account of the government (ad interim) of the auditor torralba and (proprietary) of bustamante, from 1715 to 1719, in which year the latter is attacked and slain by a mob, the people revolting against bustamante's violent and arbitrary acts. to this are added letters by the jesuit otazo and archbishop cuesta, the latter of whom is a prominent figure in the history of that time. the court of the audiencia at manila had been broken up by the arrest of the auditors, for various charges of official malfeasance, or as a result of hostilities with the governor; and torralba himself is imprisoned by bustamante for misconduct. afterward, desiring the countenance of an audiencia for his proceedings, bustamante forms one with torralba and some associates; but the legality of this procedure is questioned by the archbishop and the university professors of law. the governor, as soon as he entered office, had undertaken to collect by force the large amounts due to the treasury from its debtors; he succeeded therein, but of course awakened hatred and resentment in many of the citizens. a controversy arises with the archbishop over a question of ecclesiastical immunity; he excommunicates torralba, and is afterward arrested by the governor, who also imprisons most of the prominent ecclesiastics. then arises a tumult among the people, and a conspiracy is formed against bustamante. the friars sally out from their convents and are joined by the numerous persons who, in fear of the governor's tyrannical acts, have taken refuge in the churches, and by a crowd of the common people. all this throng go to the governor's palace, and attack him; he is terribly wounded, and dies after a few hours, and his son also is slain. at the urgent demand of all, archbishop cuesta accepts the post of governor ad interim, and forms an audiencia with the released auditors. bustamante's children are sent to mexico. investigations of the murder are attempted, in both manila and mexico, but are practically fruitless. otazo's letter (november 19, 1719) gives a brief account of the murder and the circumstances connected with it, especially of his own ministrations to the dying bustamante; he then enlarges on the latter's pious death, and for this reason urges his correspondent to refute the slanders that will doubtless be spread about the dead man. he urges that in the residencia of bustamante's government action should be taken only in cases which may involve injury to other parties, and that all other matters (including the riot) be "buried in oblivion," for the service of god and the king, the good of souls, and the tranquillity of the colony. in order to prevent the recurrence of such troubles, he advises--his letter being evidently intended to influence those in power, apparently the confessors of the king--that the governor of filipinas be here-after kept in check by a council composed of prominent ecclesiastics and religious; and that all important appointments to offices in the islands be made by the king instead of the governor. otazo details this plan quite fully, and calls for more careful selection of governors and other officials for the islands. he closes by praising one of the auditors, toribio, as an upright official and god-fearing man. the letter of archbishop cuesta (june 28, 1720) gives his version of the tragedy lately enacted, and relates how he was forced by the popular will to act as governor until that vacancy should be filled by the crown. a spanish officer in manila, manuel de santistevan, writes to a cousin in spain (january 28, 1730), giving the latter an account of his friendly relations with the new governor of filipinas, fernando valdés tamón; of various family affairs of his own; and of the troubles which he has experienced at the hands of the members of the audiencia, who envy his intimacy with the governor and endeavor to undermine it. he has a quarrel with his father-in-law, a passionate, scheming, and selfish man; but it is patched up by the intervention of the governor and archbishop, and they are nominally reconciled. at the same time, santistevan and his wife, who had had difficulties, are reunited. he asks his correspondent to secure for him several favors from the court: a certain amount of lading-space on the acapulco galleon; an appointment to a governorship in one of the spanish colonies; the command of the acapulco galleon in which he hopes to leave the philippines; and reimbursement for some property belonging to his wife which was seized by the viceroy of mexico, on account of the late governor bustamante's debts to the crown. at this point we resume the history of philippine commerce with nueva españa which is presented in the extracto historial (madrid, 1736), the first two "periods" of which appeared in vol. xxx of this series. on account of its great length and the necessary limitations of the space available to us, we are obliged to condense and abridge much of this work; but "periods" ii-vi are given in full (save for the text of some long decrees). the third of these gives no information regarding that commerce from 1640 to the end of that century, save that the viceroy of mexico made remonstrances during 1684-86 as to the difficulties which embarrassed the mexican government in collecting duties and preventing frauds; and that in 1697 royal decrees command a stricter enforcement in mexico of the existing laws and regulations for that commerce. this proceeding disturbs the merchants of manila, who ask for more freedom and the removal of certain restrictions. along with this, the spanish government is beset by demands from its american colonies, who desire to profit by the philippine commerce, and by remonstrances from the spanish merchants who are being ruined by it. the government thereupon makes new regulations (august 12, 1702) for the philippine trade, including some concessions to the manila merchants--who nevertheless raise objections to some of them, as is shown by the governor's report; he makes some temporary concessions to them, which (with one exception) are not sustained by the home government. by its orders, the viceroy of mexico makes an investigation (in 1712; "period" iv) of the alleged illegal conduct of the philippine-mexican commerce, and finds very serious infractions of the law in many directions. a letter from the viceroy (dated august 4, 1714) to the king shows how these frauds are committed, and how difficult it is to prove them. he does all in his power to check or punish them, but conditions are such as to hamper his efforts and shield the guilty. linares shows how these things are injuring the commerce of filipinas and the interests of its native spanish citizens, and places the whole matter before the home government for action thereon. the fifth "period" is concerned with the injurious effects of that commerce on the industries and trade of the mother country, and the attempts of the government to remedy these. the merchants of nueva españa ask that the trading-fleets sent thither annually from spain be discontinued, whereupon the royal council ask for information on this subject from the commercial houses of sevilla. the latter remonstrate against allowing the importation of chinese goods into nueva españa, since this is ruining the commerce of spain in that country. the sevillans complain of the abuses in the filipinas trade, and of the showy and cheap imitations of spanish goods which the chinese send by this agency to acapulco, which have driven out the genuine articles and thus have ruined both the traders and the manufacturers of spain. moreover, the wealth of nueva españa is being drained into the heathen land of china. accordingly, the sevillans urge that severe restrictions be placed on the manila-acapulco trade, and that the spanish trading fleets be sent regularly and often. as a result of this protest and of the proceedings in the council, the king decrees (1718) that the trade in chinese silken goods be henceforth prohibited. in 1719, viceroy valero remonstrates ("period" vi) against this prohibition, in behalf of not only filipinas but his own subjects in nueva españa, most of whom are too poor to purchase spanish goods for their garments and depend on the cheap goods from china; he also declares that the filipinas trade is necessary for enabling the mexican treasury to meet its obligations. this memorial being submitted to the fiscal at madrid, he advises that the prohibition of trade in chinese goods be removed. after much discussion and consultation, the matter is decided thus, a royal decree (dated october 27, 1720) being issued accordingly: the filipinas commerce with nueva españa must be restricted to 300,000 pesos, and to certain products and manufactured articles, from which are strictly excluded all silken fabrics; the amount of money sent in return is limited to 600,000 pesos; citizens of nueva españa are strictly forbidden to send their own money to filipinas: and various precautions, restrictions, and penalties are provided. this decree is received ("period" vii) at manila on august 2, 1722. the municipal council address memorials to the governor protesting against the restrictions imposed on the filipinas trade, and showing that the enforcement of these would ruin them; but the governor refuses to suspend the decree, and the fiscal advises the merchants to appeal to the madrid court. the citizens send deputies thither, and persuade the audiencia to second their petitions for more liberal treatment, and for the suspension of the decree of 1720. letters to this effect from that body inform the home government of the losses previously sustained by the merchants of filipinas, the dependence of the islands on their commerce with nueva españa, the vital importance to that commerce of the goods from china, and the danger that if these goods are prohibited the conversion of the chinese will be rendered exceedingly difficult; the audiencia therefore recommends that the trade in silks be allowed, and the amount of the permission increased to 250,000 pesos. this opinion is supported by one of similar tenor, given by the royal fiscal at manila; the points which he makes are elaborated at length in a report sent by him to the king, dated november 15, 1722. in the same vein are letters written to support the demands of the citizens, by the royal officials, the archbishop and other prominent ecclesiastics, and the superiors of the religious orders; of these the most forcible is that written by the jesuit provincial. he urges that the natural resources of the philippines be more industriously cultivated, and suggests that the spaniards compel the other inhabitants of the islands (indians, mestizos, and others) "to weave the cloth goods which are manufactured in other regions." deputies go from manila to madrid, to present the claims of filipinas, and hand in a printed memorial containing their arguments for the suspension of the decree of 1720. this and similar documents brought forward by both sides show a curious mixture of religious, political, and commercial motives, as well as the jealousy and ill-will aroused in the minds of the spanish merchants as soon as manila diverts from cadiz any notable amount of trade; and interesting revelations are made of the practical workings of the selfish policy pursued by spain toward her colonies, and the undue paternalism which would keep them forever in leading-strings. it is shown that the strength of spain as a world-power is being undermined by the heretic nations of europe--england, france, and holland--because they display superior energy and ability in manufactures and commerce. from this time (1723) until the year when the extracto was compiled by order of the spanish government (1736), there appears a steady and increasingly bitter controversy between the commercial interests of manila and cadiz, the former evidently having powerful support in government circles, and the latter becoming alarmed at the precarious condition of both its american trade and the spanish industry and commerce in silk fabrics. manila tries to show that its trade in chinese silks is necessary to the propagation of the christian faith in china, and to its maintenance in the philippines; cadiz laughs this claim to scorn. manila claims that the decadence of the silk industry in spain is due to other causes than the importation of chinese goods into mexico; and a large part of the raw silk produced in spain is bought by the industrial nations of europe and manufactured into fabrics, which are brought back to spain by these foreigners to supply not only that country but her colonies, the goods being shipped to the indias in spanish bottoms. the royal fiscal at madrid supports the contention of manila, but would confine its trade strictly to the amount allowed it by the government; and he thinks that the complaints by cadiz arise from the frauds and abuses in the manila trade, rather than from the mere fact of its including chinese goods. manila proposes for the conduct of the commerce a plan which will obviate the difficulties therein, but this is opposed by the fiscal and other officials. direct appeal being made to the king, he consents (october, 1726) to test this plan for five years. the remainder of abreu's work will appear in vol. xlv. the editors september, 1906. documents of 1700-1730 jesuit missions in the seventeenth century. pedro murillo velarde; 1749. condition of the islands, 1701. josé vila, o.p., and others; october 7, 1701. events of 1701-15. [summarized from concepción's historia de philipinas.] the government and death of bustamante. diego de otazo, s.j., and others; 1719-20. letter by a spanish officer. manuel de santistevan; january 28, 1730. sources: the first of these documents is compiled from murillo velarde's historia de philipinas (manila, 1749), using such parts as directly relate to the missionary labors of the jesuit order in the islands; from a copy of the original in possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. the second is found in the ventura del arco mss., (ayer library), v, pp. 201-230; and, in the fourth, otazo's and cuesta's letters are found in iv, pp. 249-295. the third is summarized from concepción's historia de philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391; part of the fourth is from ix, pp. 183-424; and the rest is obtained as stated above. the fifth is translated from a ms. probably the original, in possession of edward e. ayer. translations: these are all made by emma helen blair. jesuit missions in the seventeenth century [in 1618 two unusually brilliant comets were visible in the philippines; their effects on the minds of the people are thus described (fol. 5):] [1] there was great variety and inaccuracy of opinion about the comets; but through that general although confused notion which the majority of people form, that comets presage disastrous events, and that the anger of god threatens men by them, they assisted greatly in awakening contrition in the people, and inciting them to do penance. to this the preachers endeavored to influence them with forcible utterances, for the society had not been behind [the other orders] in preparing the city for the entire success of the jubilee; [2] for there was one occasion when eleven jesuits were counted, who, distributed at various stations, cried out like jonah, threatening destruction to impenitent and rebellious souls. god giving power to their words, this preaching was like the seed in the gospel story, scattered on good ground, which not only brought forth its fruit correspondingly, but so promptly that those who heard broke down in tears at hearing the eternal truths; and, like thirsty deer, when the sermon was ended they followed the preacher that he might hear their confessions, already dreading lest some emergency might find them in danger of damnation. this harvest was not confined within the walls of manila, but extended to its many suburbs, and to the adjacent villages, in which missions had been conducted. not only was there preaching to the spaniards, but to the tagálogs, the indian natives of the country--who, in token of their fervor, gave from their own scanty supply food in abundance to the jails and prisons, ours aiding them to carry the food, to the edification of the city. to the japanese who were living in our village of san miguel--exiles from their native land, in order to preserve their religion, who had taken refuge in manila, driven out from that kingdom by the tyrant taycosama--our fathers preached, in their own language. and it can be said that there was preaching to all the nations, that which occurred to the apostles in jerusalem on the day of pentecost being represented in manila; for i believe that there is no city in the world in which so many nationalities come together as here. for besides the spaniards (who are the citizens and owners of the country) and the tagálogs (who are the indian natives of the land), there are many other indians from the islands, who speak different tongues--such as the pampangos, the camarines [i.e., the bicols], the bisayans, the ilocans, the pangasinans, and the cagayans. there are creoles [criollos], or morenos, who are swarthy blacks, natives of the country; [3] there are many cafres, and other negroes from angola, congo, and africa. there are blacks from asia, malabars, coromandels, and canarins. there are a great many sangleys, or chinese--part of them christians, but the majority heathens. there are ternatans, and mardicas (who took refuge here from ternate); there are some japanese; there are people from borney and timor, and from bengal; there are mindanaos, joloans, and malays; there are javanese, siaos, and tidorans; there are people from cambay and mogol, and from other islands and kingdoms of asia. there are a considerable number of armenians, and some persians; and tartars, macedonians, turks, and greeks. there are people from all the nations of europa--french, germans, and dutch; genoese and venetians; irish and englishmen; poles and swedes. there are people from all the kingdoms of españa, and from all america; so that he who spends an afternoon on the tuley [4] or bridge of manila will see all these nationalities pass by him, behold their costumes, and hear their languages--something which cannot be done in any other city in the entire spanish monarchy, and hardly in any other region in all the world. from this arises the fact that the confessional of manila is, in my opinion, the most difficult in all the world; for, as it is impossible to confess all these people in their own tongues, it is necessary to confess them in spanish; and each nationality has made its own vocabulary of the spanish language, with which those people have intercourse [with us], conduct their affairs, and make themselves understood; and without it ours can understand them only with great difficulty, and almost by divination. a sangley, an armenian, and a malabar will be heard talking together in spanish, and our people do not understand them, as they so distort the word and the accent. the indians have another spanish language of their own; and the cafres have one still more peculiar, to which must be added that they eat half of the words. no one save he who has had this experience can state the labors which it costs to confess them; and even when the fault is understood in general, to seek for a specific account of the circumstances is to enter a labyrinth without a clue. for they do not understand our orderly mode of speech, and therefore when they are questioned they say "yes" or "no" as it occurs to them, without rightly understanding what is asked from them--so that in a short time they will utter twenty contradictions. it is therefore necessary to accommodate oneself to their language, and learn their vocabulary. another of the very serious difficulties is the little capacity of these people to distinguish and explain numbers, incidents, and circumstances; add to this the unbridled licentiousness of some, in accordance with the freedom and opportunities [for vice] in this land, the continual backsliding, and the few indications of fixed purpose. in others, who are capable and explain their meaning well, is found a complication of perplexities--with a thousand reflections, and bargains, and frauds, and oaths all joined together; and faults that are extraordinary and of new kinds, which keep even the most learned man continually studying them. the heat of the country, and the stench or foul odor of the indians and the negroes, unite in great part to make a hardship of the ministry, which in these islands is the most difficult; and on this account i regard it as being very meritorious. the annual confessions last from the beginning of lent until corpus christi. in our college of manila the church is open from daylight until eleven o'clock, and from two o'clock until nightfall; and always some fathers are present to hear confessions--for this is done not only by the active ministers, but by the instructors, when their scholastic duties give them opportunity; and i have known some fathers who remain to hear confessions during seven, eight, or more hours a day. it makes them bear all these annoyances patiently, and even sweetens these, to see how many souls are kept pure by the grace of god, in the midst of so many temptations, like the bramble in the midst of the fire without being burned. there are many who are striving for perfection, who frequent the sacraments, who maintain prayer and spiritual reading, and who give much in alms and perform other works of charity. and it is cause for the greatest consolation to see, at the solemn festivals of the virgin and other important feasts, the confessional surrounded by indians, cafres, and negroes, men and women, great and small, who are awaiting their turns with incredible patience, kept there through the grace of god, against every impulse of their natural dispositions and their slothfulness. and at the season of lent it is heart-breaking to see the confessor, when he rises from his seat, surrounded by more than a hundred persons of all colors, who go away disconsolate because they have not obtained an opportunity to make their confessions; and in this manner they go and come for eight or ten days, or a fortnight, or even more, with unspeakable patience, but with such eagerness that when the confessor rises they go following him throughout the house, calling to him to hear their confessions. this is done even by boys of seven to twelve years, and hardly with violence can they be made to leave the father, and they continue to call after him; and some remain in the passages, on their knees, asking for confession, so great is the number of the penitents--to which that of the confessors does not correspond by far, nor does their assiduity, even if there were enough of them. the society is not content with aiding those who come to seek relief in our church, and attending the year round all the sick, of various languages, who summon them to hear confession; but its laborers go forth--as it were, gospel hunters--to search for penitents. they assist almost all who are executed in the city; every week they go to the jails and hospitals; in lent they hear confessions in all the prisons, and at the foundry, those of the galley-slaves. and in the course of the year they hear confessions in the college of santa ysabel--in which there are more than a hundred students, who are receiving the most admirable education--and in the seminary of santa potenciana, the students frequenting the sacraments often; and, in fine, they go on a perpetual round in pursuit of the impious. the confessional is, as it were, the harvesting of the crop; and the pulpit is the sowing, in which the seed of the gospel is scattered in the hearts of men, where with the watering of grace it bears fruit in due time, according to the coöperation [of the holy ghost?]. with great constancy and solicitude the society contributes to the cultivation of these fields of christianity, with preaching. in manila the society has, besides the sermons from the holy men of the order, other endowed feasts, and the set sermons [5] in the cathedral and the royal chapel. when necessity requires it, a mission is held, and the attendance is very large, although hardly a fifth of those who hear understand the spanish language; this to a certain extent discourages the missionaries, as does even much more the fact that they do not encounter those external demonstrations of excitement and tears that they arouse in other places. this originates from the characteristic of a large part of the audience, that these attend with due seriousness only to certain undertakings; and the distractions of their disputes and business affairs, and their indolence and the air of the country, dissipate their attention beyond measure. their imaginations, overborne with foolish trifles, and accustomed to our voices, become so relaxed that even the most forcible and persuasive discourses make little, if any, impression. nevertheless, there are many in whom the holy fear of god reigns, and the seed of the gospel takes root--which they embrace with seriousness and simplicity, as the importance of the subject demands. the marvel is, that many indians and a great many indian women, only by the sound of [the preaching in] the mission, and without understanding what they hear, are stricken with contrition, confess themselves, and receive communion, in order to gain the indulgences--to their own great advantage, and to the unspeakable consolation of their confessors at seeing the wonderfully loving providence of god for these souls. this fruit and this consolation are most evident in the spiritual exercises of st. ignatius, [6] which are explained through most of the year in our college. the principal citizens make their retreat there, and in the solitude of that retirement god speaks to them within their hearts; and marvelous results have been seen in various persons, in whom has been established a tenor of life so christian that they may be called the religious of the laymen--in their minds those eternal truths, on which they meditate with seriousness, remaining firm, for the orderly conduct of their lives. the students in the college of san joseph have their own society, which meets every sunday, in which they perform their exercises of devotion and have their exhortations, during the course of the year. every sunday the christian doctrine is explained to the boys in the school, and some example [for their imitation] is related to them; and they walk in procession through the streets, chanting the doctrine. the indian servants of the college have their own assembly, conducted in a very decorous manner, with continual instruction in the doctrine. every saturday an address in tagálog is given to the beatas who attend our church; they have their own society, and exercise themselves in frequent devotions, furnishing an excellent and useful example to the community. every year they perform the spiritual exercises; and the topics therein are given to them in tagálog, in our church, by one of ours. many devout indian and mestizo women resort hither on this occasion, to perform these exercises, in various weeks, for which purpose they make retreat in the beaterio during the week required for that; and even spanish women, including ladies of the most distinguished position, perform their spiritual exercises, and the topics for meditation are assigned to them in our church. this practice is very beneficial for their souls, of great usefulness to the community, and remarkably edifying to all. the society also busies itself in the conversion and reconciliation of certain heretics, who are wont to come from the east (as has been observed in recent years), and in catechising and baptizing the moros or the heathens who sometimes reach the islands--either driven from their route, or called by god in other ways; and he draws them to himself, so that they obtain holy baptism, as has been seen in late years in some persons from the palaos and carolina islands, and from siao. another of the means of which the society avails itself for the good of souls is, to print and distribute free many spiritual books in various languages, which are most efficacious although mute preachers. these, removing from men their erroneous ideas by clear exposition [of the truth], and leaving them without the cloak of their own fantastic notions, persuade them, without being wearisome, to abandon vice or error; and then they embrace virtue and the christian mode of life. in lent, as being an acceptable time and especially opportune for the harvest, the dikes are opened, in order that the waters of the word of god may flow more abundantly. on tuesdays there is preaching to the spaniards, and these sermons usually have the efficacy of a mission, although not given under that name. on thursdays there is explanation of the doctrine, and preaching, in tagálog, to the indians; the attendance is very great, since many come, not only from the numerous suburbs of manila, but even from the more distant villages. on saturdays some good example of the virgin is related, with a moral exhortation; the spaniards who are members of fraternities attend these, and afterward visit the altars. on sundays there is preaching to the cafres, blacks, creoles, and malabars--who through a sense of propriety are called morenos, although they are dark-skinned. the sermon is in spanish, and the greatest difficulty of the preacher is to adapt his language to the understanding of the audience. various poor spaniards also attend these sermons, as well as other people, of various shades of color, of both sexes. every sunday certain fathers are sent to preach at the fort or castle, to the soldiers and the other men who live there. the christian doctrine is chanted through the streets, and in the procession walk the boys of the school; it ends at the royal chapel, where some part of the catechism is explained, and a moral sermon is preached to the soldiers who live in their quarters in order to mount guard. the doctrine is explained at the puerta real and at the puerta del parián, and there is preaching in the guard-room--where there is a large attendance, not only of soldiers, but of the many people who, on entering or going out from the gates, stop to hear the word of god. another father goes to the royal foundry, in which the galley-slaves live, where there is such a variety of people--mestizos, indians of various dialects, cafres, negroes of different kinds, and sangleys or chinese--that exceptional ability and patience are necessary in order to make them understand. other fathers go to the college of santa isabel and the seminary of santa potenciana, where they give addresses and exhortations to the students of the former, and the women secluded in the latter. others go to the prisons of both the ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions, in order that the prisoners may obtain the spiritual food of the doctrine. on mondays, wednesdays, and fridays there is in our church a miserere, with the discipline [i.e., scourging]; a spiritual book is read to those who are present, and at least once a week an exhortation is addressed to them. such is, in general, the distribution of work for our college at manila in lent, and therein are engaged nearly all the men in the college, whether priests or students; and in times when there is a scarcity of workers i have seen some helping at two or three posts, and not only ministers and instructors thus occupied, but even the superiors, and men of seventy years old, to the great edification of the community. at lent is seen in manila that which occurred at the destruction of jericho, where, when the priests sounded around the city the trumpets of the jubilee, the walls immediately gave way and fell to the ground. thus in manila do the jesuits surround the walls, calling to every class of people with the trumpets of the jubilee and offering pardon; and at the sound, through the grace and mercy of the highest, the lofty walls of lawlessness, vice, and crime, fall in ruins. and even the presence of the ark is not lacking to this marvelous success, for it is not to be doubted that the blessed virgin, most merciful mother of sinners, aids us with her intercession. [our author here relates various instances of miraculous aid from heaven, and other edifying cases.] [fol. 13:] father juan de torres, with another priest and a brother, went from the college of manila to conduct a mission at a place which is called cabeza de bondoc, [7] about sixty leguas from manila, in the bishopric of camarines--the bishop of nueva cazeres at that time being his illustrious lordship don fray diego de guevara, of the order of st. augustine. as soon as that zealous prelate took possession of his see, he began to ask for fathers of the society, in order that, commencing with the indians who were already peaceable who reside in nueva cazeres, they might establish missions and continue their instructions in other villages which he intended to give them. but the society, who always have showed due consideration to the other ministers in these islands, not attempting to dispossess them from their ministries--although not always have we found them respond in like spirit--thanked that illustrious prelate for his kindness, without accepting those ministries; and in order that he might see that [the cause of this action] was consideration for the ministers, and not the desire to escape from the labor, ours consented to conduct a mission in bondoc, the difficulty of which, and its results, are explained by that prelate in a letter which he wrote to father torres, in which he says: "i find that it is true, what was told to me in manila, when i gave that mission-field to the society, and i mention it with great consolation to myself; and that is, that it was the holy ghost who inspired me to give it--for i see the fruits which are steadily and evidently being gathered therein. for in so many ages it has been impossible to unite those villages, and the indians in them were regarded as irreclaimable; and now in so short a time those villages have been united, and the indians, [who were like] wild beasts, appear like gentle lambs. these are the works of god, who operates through the ministers of the society--who with so much mildness, affection, and zeal are laboring for the welfare of those people." great hardships were suffered by those of the society in these missions, and for several years that ministry was cared for by ours, until it was entrusted to the secular priests. the mission of bondoc gained such repute in the island of marinduque, distant more than forty leguas from manila, that its minister, who was a zealous cleric, wrote to the father rector at manila asking him very humbly and urgently to send there a mission, from which he was expecting abundant fruit. so earnest were the entreaties of this fervent minister that a mission was sent to the said island; it had the results which were expected, and afterward the society was commissioned with its administration. in nearly all the ministries of secular priests the society was carrying on continual missions, at the petition of the ministers or at the instance of the bishops.... the society was held in honor not only by the bishop of camarines, but equally by his illustrious lordship don fray miguel garzia serrano, a son of the great augustine and most worthy archbishop of manila. that most zealous father lorenzo masonio preached to the negroes who are in this city and outside its walls, according to the custom of this province, which distributes the bread of the gospel doctrine to all classes of people and all nations. and that holy prelate deigned to go to our church, and, taking a wand in his hand, as the jesuits are accustomed to do, he walked through the aisle of the church, asked questions, and explained the christian doctrine to the slaves and negroes. the community experienced the greatest edification at seeing their pastor so worthily occupied in instructing his sheep, not heeding the outer color of their bodies, but looking only at their precious souls--for in the presence of god there is no distinction of persons. [fol. 22:] the island of malindig--named thus on account of a high mountain that is in it, and which the spaniards call marinduque--is more than forty leguas from manila, extends north and south, and is in the course which is taken by the galleons on the nueva españa trade-route. [8] there ours carried on a mission with much gain, at the instance of its zealous pastor, who was a cleric; and in the year 1622 this island was transferred to the society by his illustrious lordship don fray miguel garzia serrano, the archbishop of manila, who was satisfied by the care with which the society administers its charges, and desirous that his sheep should have the spiritual nourishment that is necessary for their souls--for it was exceedingly difficult for him always to find a secular priest to station there, on account of the distance from manila, the difficulty of administering that charge, and the loneliness which one suffers there. the society gladly overcame these difficulties for the sake of the spiritual fruit which could be gathered among those indians; and our ministers, applying themselves to the cultivation [of that field], went about among those rugged mountains--from which they brought out some heathens, and others who were christians, but who were living like heathen, without any spiritual direction. they baptized the heathens and instructed the christians; and, in order that the results might be permanent, ours gradually settled them in villages which they formed; there are three of these, bovac, santa cruz, and gasan, and formerly there was a visita in mahanguin. the language spoken there is generally the tagálog, although in various places there is a mixture of visayan, and of some words peculiar to the island. god chose to prove those people by a sort of epidemic, of which many died; and the fathers not only gave them spiritual assistance, but provided the poor with food, and treated the sick. this trouble obliged them to resort for aid to the empress of heaven, to whom they offered a fiesta under the title of the immaculate conception, during the week before christmas, with great devotion; and the virgin responded to them by aiding them in their troubles and necessities. [fol. 27:] in marinduque ours labored very fervently to reduce the christians to a christian and civilized mode of life; and among them was abolished an abuse which was deeply rooted in that island--which was, that creditors employed their debtors almost as if they were slaves, without the debtor's service ever diminishing his debt. the wild indians were reduced to settlement; among them were some persons who for thirty years had not received the sacraments of penance and communion. in the pintados islands there was now much longing for and attendance upon these holy sacraments, when their necessity and advantage had been explained to the natives. [fol. 29:] his illustrious lordship don fray miguel garzia serrano had so much affection for the society, and so high an opinion of the zeal of its ministers, that he decided to entrust to it the parish of the port of cavite. this, one may say, is a parish of all the nations, on account of the many peoples who resort to that port from the four quarters of the world; it was especially so then, when its commerce was more opulent, flourishing, and extensive [than now]. it did not seem expedient to the society to accept this parish; but, in order to show their gratitude for the favor, and to coöperate by their labors with the zeal of that active prelate, they took upon themselves for several months the administration of that port, in which they gathered the fruit corresponding to the necessity--which, with so great a concourse of different peoples there, and the freedom from restraint which exists in this country, was very great. the metropolitan was well satisfied, and very grateful; and he insisted until the society made itself responsible for the administration of one of the three visitas which the said parish has. this was a village on the shore of the river of cavite, which on account of being older than the settlement at the port is called cavite el viejo [i.e., old cavite]; it afterward was located on the shore of the bay, about a legua from the said port--which, in order to distinguish it from this village, is called cavite la punta [i.e., cavite on the point], because it is on the point of the hook formed by the land; from this is derived the name cavite, which means "a hook." the ministry [at old cavite] was then small, but difficult to administer, on account of the people being scattered, and far more because of the corruption of morals; for, lacking the presence of the pastor, and the wolves of the nations who come here from all parts for trade, being so near, it might better be called a herd of goats than a flock of sheep--this village being, as it were, the public brothel [lupanar] of that port; and there was hardly a house where this sort of commerce was not established. this was a matter which at the beginning gave the ministers much to do, but with invincible firmness they continued to correct this lawless licentiousness; and by explaining the doctrine, preaching, and aiding the people with the sacraments, they made christians in morals those who before only seemed to be such in outward appearance and name. ours continued to reclaim these people to the christian life, and today this village is one of the most christian and best instructed communities in all the islands; it has a beautiful and very capacious church of stone, dedicated to st. mary magdalen, and a handsome house [for the minister]. there are in this village, besides the tagálogs (who are the natives), some sangleys and many mestizos, who live in binacayan, which is a sort of ward of the village. [fol. 31 b:] ardently did the apostle of the indias desire to go over to china for its conversion; but he died, like another moses, in sight of the land which his desires promised to him. since then, without looking for them, thousands of heathen chinese have settled in these islands. as soon as the society came to these shores, ours applied themselves, in the best manner that they could, to the conversion and instruction of those people--and even more in recent times, on account of the society possessing near manila some agricultural lands, which the chinese (or sangleys, as they are commonly called) began to cultivate. ours were unwilling to lose the opportunity of converting them to our holy faith, so various persons were actually baptized; and, to render this result more permanent, a minister was stationed there, belonging to this field, who catechised them, preached in their own language, baptized them, and administered the sacraments--with permission from the vice-patron, don juan niño de tabora, and from the archbishop, don fray miguel garzia serrano--and it is called the village of santa cruz. their language is very difficult; the words are all monosyllables, and the same word, according to its various intonations, has many and various significations; on this account not only patience and close study, but a correct ear, are required for learning this language. don juan niño de tabora was the godfather of the first sangley who was baptized; the most distinguished persons in the city attended the ceremony; and this very solemn pomp had much influence on the chinese (who are very material), so that, having formed a high idea of the catholic religion, many of them embraced it. some were baptized a little while before they died, leaving behind many tokens of their eternal felicity, through the concurrence of circumstances which were apparently directed by a very special providence. in marinduque father domingo de peñalver had just induced some hamlets of wild indians to settle down; he traveled through the bed of the river, getting his clothing wet, stumbling frequently over the stones, and often falling in the water. he went to take shelter in a hut, where there were so many and so fierce mosquitoes, that he remained awake all night, without being able to rid himself of the insects, notwithstanding all his efforts. he reached a hill so inaccessible that it was necessary that some indians, going ahead and ascending by grasping the roots [of trees], should draw them all up the ascent with bejucos. there he set up a shed, where, preaching to them morning and afternoon, he prepared them for confession, and persuaded them to go down and settle in one place, as actually they did, to live as christians. for lack of laborers, the society resigned the district of bondoc and several visitas, although ours went there at various times on missionary trips. the people of hingoso called upon father peñalver to assist them, because many in their village were sick, and the cura was at manila; the father went there, gave the sacraments to the sick, and preached to the rest twice a day in the church. three times a week they repaired to the church for the discipline, and he offered for them the act of contrition, and almost all the people in the village confessed. afterward, at the urgent request of the archbishop of manila, father peñalver went to mindoro, to see if he could reconcile those indians and their cura, which the archbishop had not been able to secure by various means; the said father went there, and preached various sermons, with so much earnestness and efficacy (on account of his proficiency in the tagálog language) that in a short time they were reconciled together, the causes of the dispute bring entirely forgotten. this mission lasted two months; he preached twice every day, and heard some two thousand five hundred confessions; at this the illustrious prelate (who was don fray miguel garzia serrano) was greatly pleased, and thoroughly confirmed in the extraordinary esteem which he deigned to show the society.... one of the greatest hardships and dangers experienced by the ministers of bisayas (or pintados), in which are the greater part of our ministries, is that they are journeying on the water all their lives; for, as the villages are many and the ministers few, one father regularly takes care of two villages, and sometimes of three or four; and as these are in different islands, he is continually moving from one to another, for their administration. i have known some fathers who formerly had six or seven visitas, and spent nearly all the year traveling from one to another. nevertheless, so paternal and benignant is the providence of god that it is not known that any minister in bisayas has been drowned--which, considering the many hurricanes, tempests, storms, currents, and other dangers in which every year many perish and are drowned, seems a continual miracle. to this it must be added that at various times vessels have capsized in the midst of the sea, and the fathers have fallen into the water; but god succored them by means of the indians, who are excellent swimmers, or by other special methods of his paternal providence. [fol. 38 b:] in this year [1628] manila and the adjoining villages were grievously afflicted with a sort of epidemic pest, from which many people died--some suddenly, but even he who lingered longest died within twelve hours. some attributed this pest to the many blacks who had been brought here from india to be sold, and who, sick from ill-usage, communicated their disease to others; and some thought that it arose from an infection in the fish, which is the usual food of the poor. various corpses were anatomized [se hizo anatomia], and the origin of the disease could not be discovered, although it was considered certain that it arose from a poisonous condition, since the only remedy that was found was theriac. [9] in a city where there are so few spaniards, it is easy to understand the affliction which was felt at seeing the suddenness with which they were dying, since the colony was placed in so great danger of extinction, and the islands of being ruined at one stroke--besides the grief of individual persons at seeing themselves bereft, the wife without a husband, the husband without a wife, the father without children, the children deprived of their parents. all search was made for remedies. our priests did not cease, day or night, to hear confessions, and to aid the sick and dying; and at the request of the cura they carried with them the consecrated oils, to administer these in case of need. they also carried theriac, after this was discovered to be a remedy, for the relief of the sick; so they exercised their charity at the same time on the souls and on the bodies of men, to the great edification of all. at san miguel, one of those attacked by the pest told the father who was hearing his dying confession that he had seen near him two figures in the guise of ministers of justice, who seized people; and that when he had received absolution they went away from him, leaving behind a pestilential odor. the father published this information throughout the village, commanding the people to prepare themselves for confession on the following day, under the patronage of the blessed mary and st. michael. a novenary was offered, and the litanies recited; and in the church the discipline was taken, with other prayers and penances, by which the lord was moved to have especial mercy on this village--as god showed to a devout soul, in the figure of a ship which sailed through the air, the pilot of which was the common enemy; but he could not enter san miguel, since there were powers greater than he, who prevented him. also there were seen in the neighborhood of manila malign spirits, in the appearance of horrible phantoms, who struck with death those who only looked at them. in the face of a danger so near, many amended their lives, and were converted to god in earnest, making a good confession. then was seen the charity with which the poor indians, despising the danger to their own lives, assisted the sick. among others were two pious married persons, who devoted themselves entirely to aiding the sick, never leaving their bedsides until they either died or recovered; and god most mercifully chose to bring them out unscathed from so continual dangers. with the same kindness he chose to reward brother antonio de miranda, who had charge of the infirmary in our college at manila, who, on account of his well-known charity and solicitude in caring for the sick, had been commissioned by the father provincial, juan de bueras, to devote himself to the care of the sick indians. but the poison of the pest infected him, so violent being the attack that hardly had he time to receive the sacraments; and he died at manila on october 15, 1628.... he was a native of ponferrada, and of a very well known family; he was an exemplary religious, and had been ten years in the society. [fol. 44 b:] in the years 1628 and 1629, at the request of the bishops and of some indians the society was placed in charge of various villages of converts. don juan niño de tabora gave us the chaplaincy of the garrison of spanish soldiers which is at iloylo in the island of panay, and the instruction of the natives and the people from other nations who are gathered there. also were given to us ilog in the island of negros, and dapitan in mindanao--of which afterward more special mention will be made. [fol. 50:] in this time [about 1630] the christian faith made great advances in maragondong, silang, and antipolo, bringing many cimarrons (or wild indians) from their lurking-places. a very fruitful mission was carried on in mindoro, and on the northern coast of mindanao; and father pedro gutierrez went along those rivers, converting the subanos. in ilog, in the island of negros, the fathers labored much in removing an inhuman practice of those barbarians, which was, to abandon entirely the old people, as being useless and only a burden on them; and these poor wretches were going about through the mountains, without knowing where to go, since even their own children drove them away. the fathers gave them shelter, fed them, and instructed them in order to baptize them; and there they converted many heathens. [fol. 52:] in the year 1631 the cura of mindoro, who was a secular priest, gave up that ministry to the society, and ours began to minister in that island, making one resilience of this and one of the island of marinduque, and the superior lived at nauhan in mindoro; and they began to preach, and to convert the manguianes, the heathen indians of that island. in the year 1631 was begun the residence of dapitan, in the great island of mindanao. the first jesuit who preached in that island was the apostle of the indias, st. francis xavier, as appears from the bull for his canonization. ruy lopez de villalobos came to these islands with his ships, sent by the viceroy of nueva españa, and gave them the name of philipinas in honor of phelipe ii; and, driven by storms, he went to amboyno, where the saint then was, in whose care villalobos died. at the news of these islands thus obtained by the holy apostle, he came to them. the circumstance that this island was consecrated by the labors of that great apostle has always and very rightly commended it to the society; and ours have always and persistently endeavored to occupy themselves in converting the mindanaos; and father valerio de ledesma and others had begun to form missions on the river of butuan. in the year 1596 the cabildo of manila, in sede vacante--in whose charge was then the spiritual government of all the islands, as there was no division into bishoprics--gave possession of mindanao to the society in due form; and in 1597 this was confirmed by the vice-patron, don francisco tello, the governor of these islands. possession of it was taken by father juan del campo, who, going as chaplain of the army, accompanied the adelantado, estevan rodriguez de figueroa, when he set out for the conquest of that kingdom. the first who began to minister to the subanos in the coasts of dapitan was father juan lopez; afterward father fabricio sarsali, and then father francisco de otazo, and various other fathers followed, who made their incursions sometimes from zebu, sometimes from bohol. in the year 1629 this ministry was entrusted to the society by the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arze. the venerable father pedro gutierrez went through those coasts, carrying the gospel of christ to the rivers of quipit, mucas, telinga, and others; and in the year 1631 a permanent residence was formed, its rector being father pedro gutierrez. the village of dapitan is at the foot of a beautiful bay with a good harbor (in which the first conquistadors anchored), on the northern coast of mindanao; it is south from the island of zebu, and to the northeast of samboangan, which is on the opposite coast [of mindanao]. it lies at the foot of a hill, at the top of which there is a sort of fortress, so inaccessible that it does not need artillery for its defense. above it has a parapet, and near the hill is an underground reservoir for collecting water, besides a spring of flowing water. maize and vegetables can be planted there, in time of siege; and the minister and all the people retire to this place in time of invasions. i was there in the year 1737 [misprinted 1637], and it seemed to me that it might be called the aorno [10] of philipinas. [fol. 60:] in the year 1631 and in part of 1632 this province experienced so great a scarcity of laborers that the father provincial wrote to our father general that he would have been obliged to abandon some of the ministries if the fervor of the few ministers had not supplied the lack of the many, their charity making great exertions. our affliction was increased by the news that the dutch had seized father francisco encinas, the procurator of this province, who was going to europa to bring a mission band here--for which purpose they had sent father juan lopez, who was appointed in the second place [11] in the congregation of 1626. but soon god consoled this province, the mission arriving at cavite on may 26, 1632. on june 18, 1631, they sailed from cadiz, and on the last day of august arrived at vera cruz; they left acapulco on february 23, 1632, and on may 15 sighted the first land of these islands. every mission that goes to indias begins to gather abundant fruit as soon as it sails from españa; i will set down the allotment of work in which this band of missionaries was engaged, since from this may be gathered what the others do, since there is very little difference among them all. in the ship a mission was proclaimed which lasted eleven days, closing with general communion on the day of our father st. ignatius; in this mission, through the sermons, instructions given in addresses, and individual exhortations, the fathers succeeded in obtaining many general confessions, besides the special ones which the men on the ship made, in order to secure the jubilee. ours assisted the dying, consoled the sick and the afflicted, and established peace between those who were enemies. in nueva españa the priests were distributed in various colleges, in which they continued the exercises of preaching and hearing confessions. they went to acapulco a month before embarking, by the special providence of god; for there were many diseases at that port, so that they were able to assist the dying. thirty religious of st. dominic were there, waiting to come over to these islands; all of them were sick, and five died; and, in order to prevent more deaths, they decided to remove from their house in which they were, on account of its bad condition. it was necessary, on account of their sick condition, to carry them in sedan-chairs; and although many laymen charitably offered their services for this act of piety, ours did not permit them to do it, but took upon themselves the care of conveying the sick, their charity making this burden very light. in the ship "san luys" they continued their ministries, preaching, and hearing the confessions of most of the people on the ship--in which the functions of holy week were performed, as well as was possible there. twenty-one jesuits left cadiz, and all arrived at manila except father matheo de aguilar, who died near these islands on may 12, 1632; he was thirty-three years old, and had been in the society sixteen years--most of which time he spent in carmona, in the province of andalusia, where he was an instructor in grammar, minister, and procurator in that college.... the rest who are known to have come in that year with father francisco de encinas, procurator, and brother pedro martinez are: the fathers hernando perez (the superior), rafael de bonafe, luys de aguayo, magino sola, and francisco perez; and the brothers ignacio alcina, joseph pimentél, miguel ponze, andres de ledesma, antonio de abarca, onofre esbri, christoval de lara, amador navarro, bartholome sanchez; also brother juan gazera, a coadjutor, and diego blanco and pedro garzia, candidates [for the priesthood]. [fol. 63 b:] in the islands of pintados those first laborers made such haste that by this time [1633] there remained no heathens to convert, and they labored perseveringly in ministering to the christians, with abundant results and consolation.... in the island of negros and that of mindanao, which but a short time before had been given up to the society, the fathers were occupied in catechising and baptizing the heathens and especially in the island of mindoro, where besides the christian convents, were the heathen manguianes, who lived in the mountains, and, according to estimate, numbered more than six thousand souls. these people wandered through the mountains and woods there like wild deer, and went about entirely naked, wearing only a breech-clout [bahaque] for the sake of decency; they had no house, hearth, or fixed habitation; and they slept where night overtook them, in a cave or in the trunk of some tree. they gathered their food on the trees or in the fields, since it was reduced to wild fruits and roots; and as their greatest treat they ate rice boiled in water. their furnishings were some bows and arrows, or javelins for hunting, and a jar for cooking rice; and he who secured a knife, or any iron instrument, thought that he had a potosi. they acknowledged no deity, and when they had any good fortune the entire barangay (or family connection) killed and ate a carabao, or buffalo; and what was left they sacrificed to the souls of their ancestors. in order to convert these heathens, a beginning was made by the reformation and instruction of the christians; and by frequent preaching they gradually established the usage of confession with some frequency, and many received the eucharist--a matter in which there was more difficulty then than now. many came down from the mountains, and brought their children to be instructed; various persons were baptized, and even some, who, although they had the name of christians, had never received the rite of baptism. after the fathers preached to the christians regarding honesty in their confessions, the result was quickly seen in many general confessions, which were made with such eagerness that the crowds resorting to the church lasted more than two months. [fol. 69:] in maragondong various trips were made into the mountains [by ours], and although many were reclaimed to a christian mode of living, yet, as the mountains are so difficult of access and so close by, those people returned to their lurking-places very easily, and it was with difficulty that they were again brought into a village--so that the number of indians was greatly diminished, not only in maragondong, but in looc, which was a visita of the former place, and contained very rugged mountains. in order to encourage the indians thus settled to make raids on the cimarrons and wild indians and punish them, don juan cerezo de salamanca, the governor ad interim, granted that those wild indians should for a certain time remain the slaves of him who should bring them out of the hills; and by this means they succeeded in bringing out many from their caverns and hiding-places. some of these were seventy or eighty years old, of whom many died as soon as they were instructed and baptized. once the raiders came across an old woman about a hundred years old, near the cave in which those people performed their abominable sacrifices; she was alone, flung down on the ground, naked, and of so horrible aspect that she made it evident, even in external appearance, that she was a slave of the devil. moved by christian pity, those who were making the raid carried her to the village, where it was with difficulty that the father could catechise her, on account of her age and her stupidity. he finally catechised and baptized her, and she soon died; so that it seems as if it were a mercy of god that she thus waited for baptism, in order that her soul might not be lost--and the same with the other souls, their lives apparently being preserved in order that they might be saved through the agency of baptism. blessed be his mercy forever! in ilog, in the island of negros, several heathens of those mountains were converted to the faith. an indian woman was there, so obstinate in her blindness and so open in her hatred to holy baptism that, in order to free herself from the importunities of the minister, she feigned to be deaf and mute. some of her relatives notified the father to come to baptize her. the father went to her, and began to catechise her, but she, keeping up the deceit, pretended that she did not hear him, and he could not draw a word from her. the father cried out to god for the conversion of that soul, and, at the same time, he continued his efforts to catechise her, suspecting that perhaps she was counterfeiting deafness. god heard his prayers, and, after several days, the first word which that woman uttered was a request for baptism--to the surprise of all who knew what horror of it she had felt. the father catechised and baptized her, and this change was recognized as caused by the right hand of the highest; for she who formerly was like a wild deer, living alone in the thickets, after this could not go away from the church, and continued to exercise many pious acts until she rested in the lord. [fol. 74 b:] in the year 1596 father juan del campo and brother gaspar gomez went with the adelantado estevan rodriguez de figueroa, who set out for the conquest of this island [mindanao]. after the death of father juan del campo, father juan de san lucar went to assist that army, performing the functions of its chaplain, and also of vicar for the ecclesiastical judge. fathers valerio de ledesma and manuel martinez preached to the butuans, and afterward they were followed, although with some interruptions, by others, who announced the gospel to the hadgaguanes--a people untamed and ferocious--to the manobos, and to other neighboring peoples. afterward this ministry was abandoned, on account of the lack of laborers for so great a harvest as god was sending us. secular priests held it for some time, and finally it was given to the discalced augustinian [i.e., recollect] religious, who are ministering in that coast, and in caraga as far as linao--an inland region, where there is a small fort and a garrison. when father francisco vicente was ministering in butuan the cazique [meaning the headman] of linao went to invite him to go to his village; and even the blacks visited him, and gave him hopes for their submission. thus all those peoples desired the society, as set aside for the preaching in that island--which work was assigned to the society by the ecclesiastical judge in the year 1596, and confirmed to them in 1597 by the governor don francisco tello, as vice-patron. and when some controversy afterward occurred over [the region of] lake malanao, sentence was given in favor of the society by governors don juan niño de tabora and don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, as father combés states in book iii of his history of mindanao. these decisions were finally confirmed by don fernando valdès tamon, in the year 1737. in the year 1607 father pasqual de acuña, going thither with an armada of the spaniards, began to preach with great results to the heathens of the hill of dapitan, where he baptized more than two hundred. he also administered the sacraments to some christians who were there, who with pagbuaya, a chief of bohol, had taken refuge in that place. afterward, father juan lopez went to supply the subanos of dapitan with more regular ministrations. he was succeeded by father fabricio sarsali, and he by father francisco otazo and others, as a dependency of zebu or of bohol--until, in the year 1629, his illustrious lordship the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arze, governor of the archbishopric of manila, again assigned this mission to the society; and in 1631 the residence of dapitan was founded, its first rector being the venerable father pedro gutierrez; and in those times the christian faith was already far advanced, and was extending through the region adjoining that place, and making great progress. [fol. 92:] the island of basilan, or taguima, is three or four leguas south of samboangan, east from borney, and almost northeast from joló. it is a fertile and abounding land, and on this account they call it the storehouse or garden of samboangan. its people are moros and heathens, and almost always they follow the commands received from joló. the basilans, who inhabit the principal villages, are of the lutaya people; those who dwell in the mountains are called sameacas. three chiefs had made themselves lords of the island, ondol, boto, and quindinga; and they formed the greatest hindrance to the reduction of that people, who, as barbarians, have for an inviolable law the will of their headmen, [which they follow] heedlessly--that being most just, therefore, which has most following. nevertheless, the brave constancy of father francisco angel was not dismayed at such difficulties, or at the many perils of death which continually threatened him; and his zeal enabled him to secure the baptism of several persons, and to rescue from the captivity of mahoma more than three hundred christians, whom he quickly sent to samboangan. moreover, the fervor of the father being aided by the blessing of god, he saw, with unspeakable consolation to his soul, the three chiefs who were lords of the island baptized, with almost all the inhabitants of the villages in it; and in the course of time the sameacas, or mountain-dwellers, were reduced--in this way mocking the strong opposition which was made by the panditas, who are their priests and doctors. [here follows an account of the conquest of joló in 1638, and of affairs there and in mindanao, in which the jesuits (especially alexandro lopez) took a prominent part; these matters have already been sufficiently recounted in vols. xxviii and xxix]. [fol. 111:] [after the spanish expeditions to lake lanao, in 1639-40, the fort built there was abandoned, and soon afterward burned by the natives. on may 7, 1642, the moros of that region killed a spanish officer, captain andres de rueda, with three men and a jesuit, father francisco de mendoza, who accompanied him.] much were the hopes of the gospel ministers cast down at seeing our military forces abandon that country, since they were expecting that with that protection the christian church would increase. notwithstanding, his faith thereby planted more firmly on god, father diego patiño began to catechise the iligan people--with so good effect that in a few months the larger (and the best) part of the residents in that village were brought under the yoke of christ; this work was greatly aided by the kindness of the commandant of the garrison, pedro duran de monforte. at this good news various persons of the malanaos came down [from the mountains], and in the shelter of the fort they formed several small villages or hamlets, and heard the gospel with pleasure. the conversions increasing, it was necessary to station there another minister; this was father antonio de abarca. they founded the village of nagua, and others, which steadily and continually increased with the people who came down from the lake [i.e., lanao], where the villages were being broken up. [12] this angered a brother of molobolo, and he tried to avert his own ruin by the murder of the father; and for this purpose his treacherous mind [led him to] pretend that he would come down to the new villages, in order to become a christian, intending to carry out then his treason at his leisure. but the father, warned by another malanao, who was less impious, escaped death. the traitor did not desist from his purpose, and, when father abarca was in one of those villages toward layavan, attacked the village; but he was discovered by the blacks of the hill-country, and they rained so many arrows upon the moros that the latter abandoned their attempt. another effort was a failure--the preparation of three joangas which the traitor had upon the sea, in order to capture and kill the father when he should return to iligan; but in all was displayed the special protection with which god defends his ministers. however great the efforts made by the zeal of the gospel laborers, the result did not correspond to their desires, on account of the obstinacy of the mahometans--although in the heathens they encountered greater docility for the acceptance of our religion. the life of the ministers was very toilsome, since to the task of preaching must be added the vigils and weariness, the heat and winds and rains, the dangers of [travel by] the sea, and the scarcity of food. in a country so poor, and at that time so uncultivated, it was considered a treat to find a few sardines or other fish, some beans, and a little rice; and many times they hardly could get boiled rice, and sometimes they must get along with sweet potatoes, gabes, [13] or [other] roots. but god made amends for these privations and toils with various inner pleasures; for they succeeded in obtaining some conversions that they had not expected, and even among the blacks, from whom they feared death, they found help and sustenance. [the author here relates a vision which appeared to an indian chief, of the spirit of father marcelo mastrilli as the director and patron of father abarca; and the renunciation of a mission to europe which was vowed by father patiño in order to regain his health--which accomplished, he returns to his missionary labors at iligan.] he returned to the ministry, where he encountered much cause for suffering and tears; because the [military] officers [cabos] who then were governing that jurisdiction, actuated by arrogance and greed of gain, had committed such acts of violence that they had depopulated those little villages, many fleeing to the hills, where among the moros they found treatment more endurable. the only ones who can oppose the injustice of such men are the gospel ministers. these fathers undertook to defend the indians, and took it upon themselves to endure the anger of those men--who, raised from a low condition to places of authority, made their mean origin evident in their coarse natures and lawless passions; and the license of some of them went to such extremes that it was necessary for the soldiers to seize them as intolerable; and, to revenge themselves for the outrageous conduct of the officials, they accused the latter as traitors. not even the malanao chief molobolo, who always had been firm on the side of the spaniards, could endure their acts of violence, and, to avoid these, went back to the lake. this tempest lasted for some time, but afterward some peace was secured, when those officers were succeeded by others who were more compliant. the venerable father pedro gutierrez went to iligan, and with his amiable and gentle disposition induced a chief to leave the lake, who, with many people, became a resident of dapitan; and another chief, still more powerful, was added to iligan with his people. these results were mainly seemed by the virtue of the father, the high opinion which all had of his holy character, and the helpful and forcible effects of his oratory. the land was scorched by a drouth, which was general throughout the islands, from which ensued great losses. the father offered the indians rain, if they would put a roof on the church; they accepted the proposal, and immediately god fulfilled what his servant had promised--sending them a copious rain on his saying the first mass of a novenary, which he offered to this end. with this the indians were somewhat awakened from their natural sloth, and the church was finished, so that the fathers could exercise in it their ministries. the drouth was followed by a plague of locusts, which destroyed the grain-fields; the father exorcised them, and, to the wonder of all, the locusts thrust their heads into the ground, and the plague came to an end. this increased the esteem of the natives for our religion, and many heathens and moros were brought into its bosom; and father combés says that when he ministered there he found more than fifty old persons of eighty to a hundred years, and baptized them all, with some three hundred boys this being now one of the largest christian communities in the islands. the village is upon the shore, at the foot of the great panguil, [14] between butuan and dapitan, to the south of bohol, and north from malanao, at the mouth of a river with a dangerous bar. the fort is of good stone, dedicated to st. francis xavier, in the shape of a star; the wall is two varas high, and half a vara thick, and it has a garrison, with artillery and weapons. the moros have several times surrounded it, but they could not gain it by assault. [fol. 116 b:] in sibuguey father francisco luzon was preaching, a truly apostolic man, who spent his life coming and going in the most arduous ministries of the islands. the sibugueys are heathens, of a gentler disposition and more docile to the reception of the gospel than are the mahometans; therefore this mission aroused great hopes. one ash wednesday father luzon went to the fort, and he was received by a lutao of gigantic stature who gave him his hand. the father shook hands with him, supposing that that was all for which he stopped him; but the lutao trickily let himself be carried on, and with his weight dragged the father into the water, with the assurance that he could not be in danger, on account of his dexterity in swimming. the father went under, because he could not swim, and the captain and the soldiers hastened from the fort to his aid--but so late that there was quite enough time for him to be drowned, on account of having sunk so deep in the water; they pulled him out, half dead, and the first thing that he did was to secure pardon for the lutao. he gained a little strength and went to the fort; he gave ashes to the spaniards, and preached with as much fervor as if that hardship had not befallen him. the principal of sibuguey was datan, and, to make sure of him, the spaniards had carried away as a hostage his daughter paloma; and love for her caused her parents to leave sibuguey and go to samboangan to live, to have the company of their daughter. father alexandro lopez went to minister at sibuguey, and he saw that without the authority of datan he could do almost nothing among the sibugueys; this obliged him to go to samboangan to get him, and he succeeded [in persuading them] to give him the girl. the father went up toward the source of the river, and found several hamlets of peaceable people, and a lake with five hundred people residing about it; and their chief, sumogog, received him as a friend, and all listened readily to the things of god. he went so far that he could see the mountains of dapitan, which are so near that place that a messenger went [to dapitan] and returned in three days. these fair hopes were frustrated by the absence of datan, who went with all his family to mindanao; and on ascension day in 1644 that new church disappeared, no one being left save a boy named marcelo. afterward the moros put the fort in such danger, having killed some men, that it was necessary to dismantle it and withdraw the garrison. [fol. 121 (sc. 120):] the joloans having been subjected by the bravery of don pedro de almonte, they began to listen to the gospel, and they went to fix their abodes in the shelter of our fort. but, [divine] grace accommodating itself to their nature, as the sect of mahoma have always been so obstinate, it was necessary that god should display his power, in order that their eyes might be opened to the light. the fervent father alexandro lopez was preaching in that island, to whose labors efficacy was given by the hand of god with many prodigies. the cures which the ministers made were frequent, now with benedictions, now with st. paul's earth, [15] in many cases of bites from poisonous serpents, or of persons to whom poison was administered. among other cures, one was famous, that of a woman already given up as beyond hope; having given her some of st. paul's earth, she came back from the gates of death to entire health. with this they showed more readiness to accept the [christian] doctrine, which was increased by a singular triumph which the holy cross obtained over hell in all these islands; for, having planted this royal standard of our redemption in an island greatly infested by demons, who were continually frightening the islanders with howls and cries, it imposed upon them perpetual silence, and freed all the other [neighboring] islands from an extraordinary tyranny. for the demons were crossing from island to island, in the sea, in the shape of serpents of enormous size, and did not allow vessels to pass without first compelling their crews to render adoration to the demon in iniquitous sacrifices; but this ceased, the demon taking flight at sight of the cross. [several incidents of miraculous events are here related.] with these occurrences god opened their eyes, in order that they might see the light and embrace baptism, and in those islands a very notable christian church was formed; and almost all was due to the miraculous resurrection of maria ligo [which our author relates at length]. many believed, and thus began a flourishing christian community; and as ministers afterward could not be kept in joló on account of the wars, [these converts] exiled themselves from their native land, and went to live at samboangan, in order that they might be able to live as christians. [this prosperous beginning is spoiled by the lawless conduct of the commandant gaspar de morales, which brings on hostilities with the natives, and finally his own death in a fight with them.] father alexandro lopez went to announce the gospel at pangutaran, (an island distant six leguas east from joló), and as the people were a simple folk they received the law of christ with readiness ... the moros of tuptup captured a discalced religious of st. augustine, who, to escape from the pains of captivity, took to flight with a negro. father juan contreras (who was in joló) went out with some lutaos in boats to rescue him, calling to him in various places from the shore; but the poor religious was so overcome with fear that, although he heard the voices and was near the beach, he did not dare to go out to our vessels, despite the encouragement of the negro; and on the following day the joloans, encountering him, carried him back to his captivity, with blows. he wrote a letter from that place, telling the misfortunes that he was suffering; all the soldiers, and even the lutaos, called upon the governor [of joló], to ransom that religious at the cost of their wages, but without effect. then father contreras, moved by fervent charity, went to patical, where the fair [16] was held, and offered himself to remain as a captive among the moros, in order that they might set free the poor religious, who was feeble and sick. some moros agreed to this; but the orancaya suil, who was the head chief of the guimbanos, said that no one should have anything to do with that plan--at which the hopes of that afflicted religious for ransom were cut off. seeing that he must again endure his hardships, from which death would soon result, he asked father contreras to confess him; the latter undertook to set out by water to furnish him that spiritual consolation, but the lutaos would not allow him to leave the boat, even using some violence, in order not to endanger his person. all admired a charity so ardent, and, having renewed his efforts, he so urgently persuaded the governor, juan ruiz maroto, to ransom him that the latter gave a thousand pesos in order to rescue the religious from captivity. twice father contreras went to the fair, but the moros did not carry the captive there with them. afterward he was ransomed for three hundred pesos by father alexandro lopez, the soldiers aiding with part of their pay a work of so great charity. [fol. 123:] [the society of jesus throughout the world celebrates the centennial anniversary of its foundation; the official order for this does not reach manila in time, so the jesuits there observe the proper anniversary (september 27, 1640) with solemn religious functions, besides spending a week in practicing the "spiritual exercises" and various works of charity. "on one day of the octave all the members of the society went to the prisons, and carried to the prisoners an abundant and delicious repast. the same was done in the hospitals, to which they carried many sweetmeats to regale the sick; they made the beds, swept the halls, and carried the chamber-vessels to the river to clean them; and afterward they sprinkled the halls with scented water. throughout the octave abundance of food was furnished at the porter's lodge to the beggars; and a free table was set for the poor spaniards, who were served with food in abundance and neatness. it was a duty, and a very proper manner of celebrating the [virtues of the] men who have rendered the society illustrious, to imitate them in humility, devotion, and charity."] [fol. 123 b:] in the pintados islands and other ministries ours labored fervently in ministering to the christians and converting the infidels. nor was the zeal of the society content with laboring in its own harvest-field; it had the courage to go to the ministers of the secular priests to conduct missions. two fathers went on a mission to mindoro and luban, and when they were near the village their caracoa was attacked by three joangas of borneans and camucones. the caracoa, in order to escape from the enemies, ran ashore; and the fathers, leaving there all that they possessed--books, missal, and the clothing that they were carrying to distribute as alms to the poor indians--took to the woods, through which they made their way to naujan. on the road it frequently rained, and they had no change of clothing, nor any food save some buds of the wild palm-tree; they suffered weariness, hunger, and thirst, and to slake this last they drank the water which they found in the pools there. after twenty days of this so toilsome journeying they reached the chief town [of the island], their feet covered with wounds, themselves faint and worn out with hunger, and half dead from fatigue; but they were joyful and contented, because god was giving them this opportunity to suffer for love of him. one of the fathers went back to marinduque, where he found other troubles, no less grievous than those which had gone before; for the camucones had robbed the church, ravaged the grain-fields, captured some indians, and caused the rest to flee to the hills. the father felt deep compassion for them, and at the cost of much toil he again assembled the indians and brought them back to their villages. [fol. 134:] in the fifth provincial congregation, which was held in the year 1635, father diego de bobadilla was chosen procurator to roma and madrid. he embarked in the year 1637, and while he was in españa the disturbances in portugal and cataluña occurred. the news of these events was very afflicting to this province, considering the difficulty in its securing aid. besides the usual fields of tagalos and bisayas, the province occupied the new missions of buhayen, iligan, basilan, and jolo; and there were several years when it found itself with only forty priests, who with the utmost difficulty provided as best they could for needs so great. phelipe iv--whom we may call "the great," on account of his unconquerable, signal, and unusual patience, which god chose to prove by great and repeated misfortunes--was so zealous for the catholic religion, its maintenance, and its progress that even in times so hard he did not grudge the grant of forty-seven missionaries for this province. he also gave orders that they should be supplied at sevilla with a thousand and forty ducados, and at mexico with thirteen thousand pesos--a contribution of the greatest value in those circumstances, and which could only be dictated by a heart so catholic as that of this prince, who every day renewed the vow that he had taken that he would not make friends with the infidels, to the detriment of religion, even though it should cost him his crown and his life. on holy tuesday, march 31, in 1643, forty-seven jesuits embarked at acapulco; and on the second of april mass was sung, and communion was celebrated--not only by the missionaries, but by almost all the laymen who came in the almiranta, where was established a distribution [of their labors] as well planned as in an observant college. for at daybreak [17] a bell was rung tor rising; there was a season of prayer; mass was said, once on working-days and twice on feast-days; the priests who did not say mass received communion every day, and the lay-brothers, students, and coadjutors two or three times a week; there was reading at meal-times; and at the approach of night the litanies were recited and the salve sung. every night a father went to the forecastle to explain the christian doctrine, and ended with some brief address. when night began, the father procurator rang a little bell, in order that they might pray to god for the souls in purgatory and for those who are in mortal sin, imitating the example of st. francis xavier. before the hour for retiring, the bell was rung for the examination of conscience. every sunday, feast-day, and saturday, addresses were made to all the [people of the] ship. soon after they had embarked, a sort of wind blew which made nearly all those who were coming in the ship fall ill; and from this sickness died five jesuits, and thirty-three laymen; and in the flagship six religious of st. dominic and seventy [other] persons. these sick persons gave sufficient occasion for the charity of ours, who assisted them by administering the sacraments and caring for their souls; and they even busied themselves in relieving the sick, so far as was possible, with delicacies and personal attentions. this occupation was an excellent preparation in order that the sermons and exhortations that the ministers uttered might produce the desired result--that a great reform in morals and much attendance on the sacraments might be secured. [after perils and hardships by sea, and in the overland passage from lampon to manila, they reach that city. "it was a very numerous mission band, who accomplished much work; and there were some of them who spent fifty and even more than sixty years in philipinas, which is a very extraordinary thing." five of them had died on the voyage: fathers francisco casela, a native of naples, aged thirty years; francois boursin, a native of arras, aged thirty-four; georg kocart, from neuburg, aged twenty-eight; gonzalo cisneros, an aragonese (?), aged twenty-eight; and dominic vaybel (probably for waibl), a native of constance, of the same age.] in the college of zebu the society labored with apostolic zeal; for, although regularly there was no one in it besides the father rector and another priest, they maintained preaching and confession, and attended to the spiritual welfare of the spaniards, indians, mestizos, and other people who gathered there; and god gave his blessing to our pious desires and labors. many indians attended the sermons that were preached in that church, even when the sermons were in spanish. [fol. 152 b:] our military forces, being set free from the nearer enemies, were employed against those more distant. accordingly, the commander of our armada, pedro duran de monforte, directed his course to the great island of borney, where he burned many villages on that coast, and carried away forty captives; and he succeeded in making this voyage known [to navigators], and in observing the shoals, monsoons, and other difficulties. with this experience he again set out, on january 11, 1649, with fourteen vessels, his people being partly indian adventurers from pintados, partly lutaos; and father francisco lado accompanied him. he touched at lacaylacay; went on to onsan, the limit of the former expedition; and went to the island of bangui. everywhere he found abundance of rice, swine, and goats. he plundered and destroyed several villages; burned more than three hundred vessels, among them the armed fleet which they held ready that year to infest these islands--which on account of this exploit remained for the time free from their fury and barbarity. he brought back more than two hundred captives, and ransomed some christians. all this was done in a short time and with ease, because these affairs were undertaken with proper seriousness. as a result of this, when the governor of samboangan, rafael omen, died, pedro duran de monforte was appointed in his place; and the latter imitated his predecessor in his zeal for religion, in his christian mode of life, in disinterestedness, and in an affable and mild bearing, for which he was beloved by all, while his government was peaceful and prosperous. with the opportunity afforded by these armadas, the jesuits (who went as chaplains) began to announce the gospel in the great island of borney, than which there is no larger island in the world. so prosperous were those beginnings that they succeeded in having seven hundred islanders baptized. two chiefs of the neighboring islands offered vassalage to the king of spain, and asked for gospel ministers, as father colin testifies; and this mission finally gave hopes that a numerous and extensive christian church would be founded which would compensate for the losses in japon and the orient; but, lacking the protection of the spanish military forces, this so beautiful hope faded away almost at its flowering. deplorable and repeated experiences persuade us that in these latter times the christian missions are maintained and increased only when in the shelter of catholic arms; sad witnesses to this are japon, india, and now china. if in these islands and america our kings did not protect religion, i believe that those regions would now be as heathen as in their former times. experience teaches this, and the rest i regard as speculation--although the powerful arm of the highest easily overcomes the greatest impossibilities. [fol. 155 b:] the testimony of the venerable father mastrili, and the voluntary choice of so many distinguished jesuits and martyrs who embraced these missions with the greatest eagerness, are sufficient recommendation for them. with just reason they can be esteemed, as being among the most laborious and difficult which the society maintains anywhere in the world. this title is deserved by the missions of philipinas, and among them those to mindanao and the subanos are some of the most difficult. no one accuses this statement of being exaggerated, and still less of being arrogant, before he has examined it minutely; and then he cannot find more moderate terms [than the above] in order not to fall short of the truth. whatever dangers, inconveniences, and privations are experienced on land are also experienced on the sea, with an [additional] sort of circumstances which renders them more grievous, and besides this there are the hardships natural and peculiar to that element; and even that which on land is chosen for convenience and relief costs on the sea inconvenience and trouble--as, for instance, sleeping, eating, and taking exercise. every boat is a prison without chains, but more closely shut than the narrowest jail; it is a broad coffin, in which the living suffer the discomforts of death. whoever sets foot in a boat resolutely confronts all the elements, which conspire in arms to terrify and destroy him. the water upon which he journeys, the air by which he sails, the fire by which he lives, the land which he so anxiously seeks--all are declared enemies of the traveler. the sea is, by antonomasia, the theater for [all] perils; and no one who has not been tossed upon its foaming waves can speak with justice of its dangers, just as the blind man cannot dispute about colors. a heart of steel or of diamond, say the ancients, he must have had who first boldly launched himself upon the [waters of the] gulfs, so many perils did they conceive of an element which has as many treacheries as waves. therefore, as nearly all the missions of this province are established along the seas, on which our missionaries go about, continually on the move, these are the (or among the) most difficult, arduous and perilous that exist on the whole round globe. to this sacrifice charity gladly constrained us. let to all this be added the nature of the country, in which earthquakes, baguios, hurricanes, storms of thunder and lightning, and tempests often occur. the winds are violent and hurtful, the season hot; the rainy season gloomy, dark and persistent; the wet soil producing many disgusting insects that are troublesome and vexatious. the care for the temporal welfare of the people--seeing that they pay their tributes to the king, and that they plant their fields in time--is an employment that is troublesome, tedious, and necessary. nor is it a less task to take care for the provisioning of the [missionary's] own house, without having in this respect the aid which the apostles had; because the minister must rather care for his own house and for that of others, a charge which charity lays upon us. charitas omnia sustinet [i.e., "charity endures all things"]. each missionary in bisayas (or pintados) has the care of two to five thousand souls, and even more. these commonly are divided among two or three villages, quite far apart; and throughout the year the minister is sailing from one to another, to preach to them and aid them. among the subanos there are not so many people [in each mission], but their little villages are more numerous. formerly each minister had ten or twelve villages of subanos, [each] divided on as many rivers, in the form of hamlets. there were houses round about the church or pavilion [camarin], and the rest [of the people] lived scattered in the hills, forests, and thickets. i have seen some native huts [buhios] on the peaks of the mountains, [so far away] that they could hardly be reached in half an hour from the river. others i saw placed among the branches of the trees, in the same manner as nests. their houses regularly are very high, with a bamboo for a ladder, which they remove at night. all this they do in order to hide themselves and be free from the frequent invasions of the moros; and from the stratagems and treacheries of their own countrymen, who are inclined to vengeance and perfidy. among these people we live. the rivers are full of ferocious and blood-thirsty crocodiles, which kill many persons. when i was in dapitan there was one of these beasts in the river of iraya, so sanguinary and fierce that no one dared to pass that river by night, on account of the ravages that it committed--leaping into the boats, and taking people out of them. in the books of those villages, i read with horror and pity: "on such a day was buried the head of n., which was all that was found, because the crocodile had torn him to pieces." the bars of the rivers are dangerous, and with the freshets and the waves some channels are easily closed and others opened, to the great risk of those who are sailing. the seas are rough, and so restless that the continual lashing of the waves on the shores, rocks, and reefs makes a sound which causes fear even in those who live inland. on that coast are headlands so difficult to double that sometimes the caracoas spend twenty or thirty days in voyages which in favorable weather require half an hour. as a result, the ministers live in great loneliness, without being able to communicate with one another--save that, when the monsoons blow, in order to make one's confession a voyage is necessary; and therefore this consolation is attained by some but few times in the year. if a fatal accident occurs to one, it is not possible to assist him with the holy sacraments--which is the greatest affliction that can be endured in the hour of death; and their only recourse is to place themselves in the hands of that lord for whom they expose themselves to these sufferings. even greater are the fatigues endured by the soul in the frequent occasions which disturb its patience. the feeling of indifference which is native to the country tends to undermine gradually the wall of poverty, weaken the spirit of obedience, and cool the most fervent spiritual ardor and strictness of observance. even the blood which animates us and gives us life is mutinous, and stirs up the passions against their own master; and, aided by the noxious air of the country, the extreme solitude, and the common enemy, wages a war that is cruel, obstinate, bloody, and so pertinacious that it does not yield until the last breath of life.... the soil is very poor, and the greater part of the provisions and clothing must be carried from manila; and consequently a thousand miseries are suffered during the year without recourse. the feeling of loneliness is very great; we are in this world, which, besides being a vale of tears, for us is as it were, a limbo, [18] separated by thousands of leguas from the rest of the world; it is exceedingly seldom that the missionary meets any person through whom he can obtain any alleviation of his troubles, or any assistance or consolation. few spaniards traverse those regions, and those who do pass through are usually of such character that merely the knowledge that they are going about through the country causes grief, anxiety, and vigilance to the minister. during the entire week the indians are on the sea, in the mountains, or in their grain-fields, and on sundays they come together in the village--but usually little to the comfort of the missionary. rather, they increase his annoyances, in [having to] settle their lawsuits, quarrels, misunderstandings, and accounts; in defending them from the alcaldes and petty officials, and from one another; and in the minister's defending himself from all--for there are a thousand entanglements, snares, and deceits. hardly do they set foot in the missionary's house, except when they go to ask for something; they are like the cat, and only look the father in the face when they are expecting some scrap of meat; and when this is seized, friendship, homage, and gratitude are at an end. would to god that these qualities were left in the indians! but it cannot be said that all are of this sort, but that there are enough of them for exercising the patience of the minister, although others serve for his comfort and consolation. if the minister is sick, he has no physician or apothecary to resort to; and his only resource is an indian medicaster who applies some herbs, and whose prescriptions are quickly exhausted. if the sickness be a distressing one, it is necessary to go to zebu, to which place [ours] make a voyage of thirty or forty leguas, with the risk of not finding [there] a blood-letter. if radical treatment is needed, there is no other remedy than to sail a hundred or two hundred leguas to manila, where there is not an over-supply of galens. fortunate is he who, without failing in his obligations, can preserve his health unimpaired; for in this land certain diseases quickly take root [in one's system] which are a slow and most grievous martyrdom through life. and there is, almost peculiar to these countries, a sort of profound melancholy, which, like a corrupt root, renders all that he can do either insipid or repulsive. sometimes it disorders the mind, [19] and even life itself becomes abhorrent. it persistently oppresses the mind, which needs great courage, and aid from above, in order that one may not faint in the ministry. all this is the effect of solitude, and of one's nature becoming suffocated under the continual annoyances and troubles which administration [of these missions] involves. nor is it easy to explain, without actual eyewitness, the various modes of suffering which here present themselves, so unusual, extraordinary, and acute. in these workshops patience is wrought, purified, and assayed until it becomes heroic, with the heavy hammer of mortifications, troubles, and petty details, which chance each day arranges and disarranges. to this must be added the continual dread of invasions by the moros, of whose barbarous and inhuman cruelty alone the missionaries are assured, fleeing to the mountains amid thorns, woods, miry places, and precipices. on the coast from yligan to samboangan, i saw with great sorrow various churches and villages that had been burned. the ministers saw themselves in the greatest danger of being captured or slain, and in their flight they suffered unspeakable hardships. nor are dangers wanting among even the indians themselves; they were very near putting to death by treachery father joseph lamberti at hagna, and father gaspar de morales at ynabangan, in the year 1746. for others they have laid ambushes, others have been wounded, and even some have been injured by witchcraft--so that in all directions there is danger. finally, let him who wishes to survey the missions which the society has in these islands, open the map of asia; and in the western part, in the ægean archipelago, he will see the apostle of the gentiles journeying from jerusalem to tarsus, to ephesus, to jerusalem, to seleucia, to cyprus, to pergamos in pamphylia, to antioch in pisidia, to iconium, to macedonia, and to other cities, islands, and provinces, in continual movement from one place to another. let him now look at the eastern part of the same asia, and he will see in the philippine archipelago the jesuits, journeying [in like manner] in tagalos, in bisayas, in mindanao, in jolo, in marianas, in palaos, in borney, in ternate, in siao, in macazar, in japon, in china, and in other islands, kingdoms, and provinces of the orient, preaching the gospel to these nations. to these laborers it is a fitting command: euntes in mundum universum, prædicate evangelium omni creaturæ. [20] i do not know whether in any other region there is a concourse of so many peoples as in philipinas, or where this mandate of christ to his apostles is so literally carried out. there is not in the entire universe a journey more extensive or dangerous, by land or by sea. there is preaching and ministration in the spanish tongue and in the tagal; and in those of samar and bohol, and of marianas; of the lutaos, of mindanao, and of the subanos; and in that of the sangleys or chinese. the study of the language is difficult, dry, and insipid, but it is necessary; it is a thorn causing many scruples, a bitterness for many years, and a labor for one's whole life. in tagalos there are not so many navigations or journeys, although these are not wanting; but this advantage is strictly compensated by other difficulties, for on the ministers falls the entire burden of sermons, missions, lenten services, novenaries, and other functions, and usually the professorships [in the college] of manila. in the villages, the solitude and the lack of various conveniences are almost the same [as in bisayas]; and although the indians are as simple as the rest they are not so artless, but are cunning and deceitful. they do not use lances or daggers against the ministers, but they employ gossip, misrepresentations, and calumnies. in almost all the villages there are some indians who have been clerks to the spaniards in manila, and accustomed to petitions and lawsuits, they influence the indians to innumerable quarrels; for through frequent communication with the spaniards stamped paper has become a favorite with them. and if the father calls them to account [les va á los alcanzes], a crowd of them get together, and draw up a writing against the minister, which is quickly filled with signatures and crosses. often that happens which is told by the lord bishop of montenegro: how a visitor, considering as impossible a complaint that was presented to him by some indians against their cura, began to examine one of those who had signed it; and, seeing that the indian said "amen" to everything, without stopping for reflection, the visitor suspected that the complaint was a calumny. he then said, very sagaciously: "man, in this petition it is stated that one sunday, after prayers, your cura killed king david." "yes, sir," said the indian, "i saw that done;" and thus the prudent judge recognized the falsity of the charges. when the indians wish to accuse the minister, they resort to the clerk, who has certain bundles and old papers, carefully kept, of accusations and complaints; and according to the amount they pay him the accusation amplifies--as when one prepares a good purgative medicine, and augments the dose in order to secure its operation. a number of the indians affix their signatures, without knowing what they are signing; for the heat of wine takes the place of all these formalities of law. they carry this document, full of sprawling signatures and cross-marks [letrones y cruzes], to those who, as they know, have least good-will to the minister--and in this [sort of knowledge] the indians are eminent, nor is there a pilot who follows more closely the winds by which he must navigate; and just so these indians know where their complaint will be received with approval. if he to whom the accusation is presented be credulous, innocence suffers much until the truth is made clear. great strength of mind is required to endure these calumnies, and it is one of the kinds of martyrdom (and not the least cruel) in indias. in the other matters of administration there are hardships, on account of the great number of people [for whom the father must care], and their scattered mode of life, since they are distant from the church sometimes three or four leguas. the roads are wretched, the heat of the sun burning, and the rainstorms very heavy, with innumerable other inclemencies and annoyances, which have disabled many, and killed others. the variety of duties which the minister has to exercise is very great, for he has to be preacher, teacher of the doctrine, and confessor; adjuster and umpire of their petty quarrels; physician and apothecary, to treat them in their sicknesses; schoolmaster, and teacher of music; architect and builder, and competent for everything [un todo para todo]; for if the minister does not take care of everything, all will soon be lost. enough of [this] parenthetical explanation; [21] although it is long, a knowledge of it is very necessary for the completeness of history, in order that it may be known what the gospel ministers are doing and suffering, which is more than what superficial persons suppose. [fol. 183 b:] in the conversion of basilan, fervent were the labors of father francisco angel and father nicolas deñe; and both suffered great dangers to their lives and liberty. they were succeeded by father francisco lado, who by his persistence in enduring innumerable fatigues subdued the entire island; went through all of it, on foot, alone, and without escort; made his way through its thickets, forests, mountains, and hamlets; and did this in such peace that he could build a very neat church and substantial house--for he was much loved by the lutaos; and he had, with the aid of the governors of samboangan, cleared the island from all the panditas, and from mischievous and suspicious persons, who might disturb the people with evil doctrines or with immoral practices. only one remained there, who by his malice was disturbing even the peaceful natives; this was tabaco, who had incited to rebellion the sameacas, who are the natives of the island. [this man is finally slain by a daring young spanish officer, alonso tenorio; see our vol. xxxviii, pp. 134-136.] with similar success the religion of jesus christ was published along the coast which extends toward the kingdom of mindanao. father pedro tellez zealously traveled through those shores, where he formed several villages, erected more than sixteen churches, and established christian living; and he made his abode in tungavan. notable aid was given to this enterprise by don antonio ampi, the lord of the river, who always promoted the christian religion with extraordinary constancy--although he had in jolo a brother named libot, a renegade and a cruel pirate--and he gave to the college at samboangan some fertile and productive lands. at the cost of toils and privations, father tellez reduced the barbarous subanos to rational and christian customs, drawing them out of their caves and huts, and from under the cruel tyrannical yoke of the demon--who made apparent the great resentment that was roused in him by the loss of those his long-time slaves; for at various times the horrible howls that he uttered were heard at curuan. for ministration on the coast of la caldera and siocon, which was left deserted by the death of father juan del campo, the father provincial francisco de roa assigned father francisco combés, who gladly went to instruct the subanos. most earnestly he applied himself to bringing those wild and timid creatures into closer social relations, and in doing this he was able to forward their instruction in the mysteries of the faith; and gradually they became accustomed to a more rational and christian mode of life. on the river of sibuco there was an indian named ondol; this man and his brother, worse than moors, were married to several wives; and ondol was so cruel that he slew whomsoever he chose, without further cause than his own whim. he tried to kill father adolfo de pedrosa, greatly applauded the killing of father juan del campo, and threatened that he would kill father combés; but the latter pretended to take no notice of it, and was cautious, and concealed his intentions; and ondol went on confidently, so that, when he least thought of such a thing, he found himself a prisoner, and was sent to samboangan where he was received by the spaniards and by the fathers with great pleasure at seeing removed from the midst [of the mission] so great an obstacle to the christian faith. his brothel continued to stir up the people, and an armed fleet was sent against him, but without any result; for the noise [of their coming] warned him so that he could avoid the blow, among woods, hills, miry places, and thickets. the escort of the father [i.e., combés] continued to make arrests, with cunning devices, until they seized fifteen of this man's relatives; and the father sent them to samboangan. love for his kindred brought that wild man to the church, to ask mercy from the father. he was admitted to favor, and all the past forgotten, with one condition: that he and all his people, since they were lutaos, must live under the artillery of the fort, and serve in the [spanish] armada. with this arrangement that coast remained peaceable, for the insurgents of siocon had also been seized by craft. father combés went to that place, and encountered very heavy seas, not only at entering but on leaving that village; and arguing [from this] that god was not allowing them to go until they interred the bones of the companions of father campo, they all lauded on the shore, and searched for the bodies among the thorny thickets. having interred all of them together, and said a mass for them, the spaniards placed a cross over the sepulcher; and immediately the weather became calm, so that the caracoas were able to set out. at that time father combés carried away a hermit, who, clothed as a woman, strictly observed the law of nature, and professed celibacy. he was called "the labia of malandi;" and he was converted to the religion of christ, in which he lived as a faithful servant. in la caldera was introduced the devotion to the blessed souls in purgatory, and suffrages for the deceased, which never had been publicly performed among any subanos. to render this service more solemn, the musicians were carried thither from samboangan; and this, joined with the father's exhortations, introduced in their hearts pious solicitude for their dead--so well begun that, in the midst of their native poverty and the dulness of their minds, they carried with them many candles, with rice and other offerings. from that place this holy devotion was gradually communicated through all those villages, following the example of la caldera--which then was the principal village, in which the minister resided; and to it were annexed bocot, malandi, and baldasan. besides the above-mentioned cases, others occurred with which the lord consoled the ministers, in recompense for the misery, hardships, and forlorn condition of those arduous and remote missions. [fol. 229 b:] about this time dissoluteness was reigning in these islands, with as unrestrained and despotic dominion as if there were no law superior to it, which could repress it. fraud in trade and commerce, hatred, falsehood, and malice prevailed everywhere, and without restraint. above all, sensuality was, so to speak, the prince and master vice; and so general that, unrestricted in time, sex, rank, or age, it kept these regions aflame with an infernal and inextinguishable fire. these crimes were aggravated by the scandalous publicity with which they were committed, almost without punishment; and they had so filled the country with iniquity and abomination that they had to a certain extent corrupted the land itself, filling it with malediction, as scripture tells us of the time of noe: corrupta est autem terra coram deo, & repleta est iniquitate. [22] this provoked the wrath of god so much that in those times were experienced such calamities, wars, misfortunes, earthquakes, deaths, factions, shipwrecks, imprisonments, and so great disturbances, that the citizens themselves, obliged to begin to reflect on these things, believed that the sword of divine indignation was unsheathed among them; and those who with prosperity seemed to be losing their senses came to themselves, as did the prodigal son with his coming to want. they had recourse to the holy pope, the vicar of christ on earth; and at his feet, submitting themselves with humble repentances, they explained to him the cause of their affliction. he who then presided over the church of god was his holiness innocent x, who as a benign father despatched an apostolic brief to the archbishop of manila directing him to absolve all the inhabitants and citizens of these islands from whatever crime or transgression they might have committed, or excommunication that they might have incurred. he sent them his apostolic benediction, and granted a plenary indulgence to those who should worthily prepare to receive it. on the first day of march, 1654, the archbishop made publication of these favors conferred by the pontiff; and all the people prepared with great fervor to obtain them--so universally that the many confessors of the clergy and the religious orders were hardly sufficient for the numbers who resorted to them; and it was estimated that within the city more than forty thousand persons made their confessions. the result was very excellent, for many confessions were made anew that had been for many years faultily made--either to conceal sins, or for lack of sorrow for them--and of their own accord. many general confessions were made, and the grace of god was made apparent in the excellent results which were experienced. restitution was made of honors and property, inveterate hatreds were uprooted, immoral associations of many years' standing were broken up, and occasions for continual stumbling were removed. on the twenty-second day a solemn mass was sung in the cathedral, the blessed sacrament was exposed, and the archbishop preached with the fervor that the case demanded. at twelve o'clock the bells began to ring for prayers in all the churches, the sound of the bells being a fresh awakener of consciences. in the afternoon the archbishop went to the main plaza, where a stage had been erected, of sufficient size, almost, for a court from above; on it was an altar, with a crucifix for devotion, under a canopy. on this stage sat the archbishop, with the ecclesiastical cabildo; and the royal audiencia were there with their president, the governor and captain-general, also the regidors and the holy religious orders; while there was an innumerable assembly from every sort of nation and people, for whom there was not room in the plaza or in the streets, or on the roofs. the archbishop put on his pontifical robes, and, when the psalms were sung and the usual prayers offered, he publicly uttered the blessing on the land and all its inhabitants in the name of the supreme pontiff; and afterward the te deum was intoned, and the chimes were rung by all the bells. [our author here relates the beginning of the rebuilding of the cathedral (which had been destroyed in the earthquakes of 1645), and the solemn religious functions which accompany the laying of its cornerstone in 1654; and the formal adoption of st. francis xavier as the patron saint of the islands (1653), by action of the secular cabildo of manila, who bind themselves "to attend the vespers and the feasts of that saint's day in a body, as the municipal council, and to furnish the wax necessary for the feast." he is also chosen as patron saint of all the voyages made to, from, or among the islands. this action is followed by that of the ecclesiastical cabildo (1654) and the archbishop. that saint is chosen because he had preached in ternate and mindanao, which belonged to the jurisdiction of the philippines; in imitation of india, where also he was the patron saint, and where his favor had been experienced by navigators; and "because the glorious saint had shown himself, especially in recent years in this region, very propitious to the voyages of our ships," of which various examples are cited.] [fol. 231 b:] the archbishop had seen in the publication of the jubilee the persistence with which the jesuits labored in the confessional; and desiring to finish gathering in the harvest which the broad field of these environs promised him, if the proper cultivation were applied, in the year 1655 he asked father miguel solana, the provincial of this province, that the "jubilee of the missions" might be published. this was done in the following lenten season, with so felicitous results that more than twenty thousand certificates of confession were counted which had been issued in our college at manila. the zeal of the archbishop aided greatly [in this result], for he took part in the procession in which the mission was published, and preached one day in our church.... extraordinary was the fruit which he gathered that lent; and confessions were made [for a period] of sixty or eighty years. [here are related various cases of conversion and edification, in some of which demons appear to the faithful. governor diego faxardo sends workmen to camboja to build a galleon there, and asks for jesuits to go with them as chaplains, and to labor for the introduction of the christian faith into that kingdom; two are sent, one of whom is father francisco mesina, who was then ministering to the chinese at santa cruz. these men build a fine galleon, but it is lost in a storm on the way to manila; moreover, the galleon "nuestra señora del rosario," in which they had sailed to camboja, "one of the strongest which had been built in these islands," was wrecked on the shoals of the me-khong (or cambodia) river, before the spaniards could establish themselves on its shores. these accidents cause the idea of building ships in camboja to be abandoned.] although the temporal government of ternate belonged to the crown of castilla, and to this government of philipinas, its spiritual affairs were cared for by the bishop of malaca; and when that city was conquered by the dutch, ternate remained in the care of only one jesuit and one secular priest for many years. don sabiniano manrique brought to manila the father and the portuguese priest, and in their place two fathers from this province were sent, whom the archbishop of manila constituted his provisors and vicars-general. these fathers preached with great fervor and corresponding results; for many christians improved their mode of life, and some moors and heretics of that country, giving up their errors, embraced the true religion. among all these the ones who excelled in fervor were two young girls, about fourteen years old, who, abandoning their parents (who professed the moorish faith), came to ours to be made christians--with so dauntless resolution that, although their parents followed them in order to take them back to their own village, they could not persuade them to return; and god bestowed such efficacy upon the utterances of these girls that even their parents, illumined by the light of the highest, determined to follow the same religious faith. various results of the mercy of god were seen in some persons who, a short time after receiving grace in baptism, ascended to enjoy their reward in glory. in siao the king was don bentura pinto de morales, who, grieving that his island should lack gospel ministers, despatched an embassy to don sabiniano manrique, laying before him the extreme necessity of that island and kingdom, and entreating that he would send thither religious to preach the holy gospel; the zealous governor [accordingly] asked the father provincial, miguel de solana, to send two fathers to relieve that need. they were immediately sent, and began their work on so good a footing that in a short time they commenced to gather the fruit that they desired; and, not content to labor with the old christians, they added to the flock of christ a great multitude of souls, so that in a few months nearly all the islanders were asking for baptism. the city of macan had sent to manila a nobleman named don diego furtado de mendoza, to regulate the commerce [between the two cities]; and don diego faxardo, perhaps for [well-grounded] suspicions, ordered that he be arrested. but afterward don sabiniano sent this envoy back to macan; and in november of the year 1653 he sent a vessel, and in it father magino sola with the title of ambassador, to establish friendly relations between this and that city, and with other commissions; and they arrived at macan about march, 1654. in these times [of which we are writing] many subanos had come down to dapitan from some neighboring mountains, and were brought into the fold of christ. afterward a chief from dicayo came down with his people, and was followed by others, from other hamlets; the ministers were greatly consoled at seeing the fruit that was gathered in that district of heathens. at the same time some moros from the lake of malanao settled at yligan, in order to be instructed and to live as christians in that village; and god deigned to work some marvels, so that they might properly appreciate the catholic religion. [some of these are related; then follows a long account of the schemes and perfidious acts of corralat, and of the murder (december 13, 1655) by his nephew balatamay of the jesuits alexandro lopez and juan de montiel, and the spanish officer claudio de ribera, who were going to corralat as envoys from governor manrique de lara. all these occurrences have received due attention in previous volumes.] [fol. 277:] the archbishop of manila, don miguel poblete, a pastor zealous for the good of souls, asked the father provincial of the society to employ some of his men, now that this succor had arrived, [23] in a ministry so proper for our institute as is that of the missions; and some of them accordingly went out to look after the ranches [estancias], where usually live many vagabonds, who, as a result of their idleness and lack of any restraint, commit innumerable sinful and evil acts, and are a people greatly in need of religious instruction. in those places are found some spaniards, various [sorts of] mestizos, negroes, cafres, and indians from all the islands. at the cost of many inconveniences, the ministers gathered a large harvest in the numerous confessions that were made to them, and in many licentious unions which were broken up; and, above all, light was given to those people on what they ought to believe and do in order to secure the eternal salvation of their souls. an old man eighty years of age, whose confessions were almost sacrilegious, was reached by the mission, and, wounded by his conscience, said: "oh, if father san vitores" (whom perhaps he knew by reputation) "were one of the missionaries, how i could get out of this wretched condition in which i am!" and afterward, learning that father san vitores was going to that place, this old man cast himself at his feet, and with more tears than words made a general confession, and [thus] was set free from that abominable condition in which he found himself. afterward the archbishop entreated that the mission should go to the mountain of maralaya, near the lake of bay, where a colony of highwaymen and vagrants had been gathered by the desire for freedom and the fear of punishment, secure in their lawless mode of life in the ruggedness of the mountain. the missionaries reached that place, and on the slope of the mountain established their camp, where they remained in the inclemencies of weather until a pavilion was built in which they could say mass, and a wretched hut for their shelter. there, with affection, prayer, and exercises of penance, they were able to persuade those people to come down to hear the word of god; and so efficacious was this that many were induced to return to their own villages, in order to live as christians. several women whom those men kept there, who had been separated from their husbands, were restored [to their families]; and among the rest the missionaries employed instruction and teaching. one man had lived in that barbarous community worse than if he were a heathen; and the only indication of his christian faith that remained to him in so demoralized a condition was his constant devotion to the blessed virgin--to whom he fasted every saturday, and whom he urgently entreated that he might not die without the sacraments. that most merciful lady heard him, for, although he had been ten times in danger of death, she had always set him free with special favor. now he made his confession with many tears, with the firm resolve to do whatever might be necessary for his eternal salvation. a mission was conducted in the mountains of santa inez of lanating, a visita of antipolo. one of the missionaries was the same father diego luis de san vitores, and in seven days he gathered a very abundant harvest; for in that short time twenty-four thousand heathens, aetas or cimarrons, were baptized, and many others were prepared for the rite, who received baptism afterward. [the author describes several of these conversions; he also cites various entries of especial interest from "the books of the old mission of santa ines, which i have before me;" many of these are of baptisms made by father san vitores. "this mission was cared for by a devout indian named don juan estevan, who afterward was a donado, and in the absence of the minister instructed and baptized them--as did the canacopoles, whom st. xavier chose in india."] in the year 1669 there was a church and visita in bosoboso; in 1672 there was a church in paynaan; and in 1678 was established the church of san isidro. these two [latter] villages lasted until recent years, when they were included in bosoboso. excursions were made into the mountains, and many aetas, christian and heathen, were brought out from their hamlets; and with charity and kindness efforts were made to settle them in the said visitas, wherein, in due time, a permanent minister was stationed. it appears from the books of the said visitas and villages that many adults were baptized--of twenty, thirty, forty, and fifty years, and even more; this was a task of the utmost difficulty for the ministers, in drawing those people out of their lairs, and even more in maintaining them in a social and christian mode of life, on account of their natural inclination to go wandering through the woods and mountains. in the year 1699 the zealous archbishop don diego camacho came to this mission, and baptized several of them--among others, four heathen adults--as appears from the books of paynaan. in the year 1665, on the nineteenth of july, there was a violent earthquake in manila, in which nine persons died; and it inflicted considerable damage in the wing of our college. at this the zealous archbishop arranged that a mission should be held in manila and cavite; and through the preaching and example of those engaged therein great results were obtained. in october of the same year, father diego luis de san vitores and some companions went to the island of mindoro, then in charge of secular priests. on sea and on land they suffered great fatigues and hunger, heat and storms, toils and dangers; but all this they regarded as [time and strength] well spent, when they saw how the liberal hand of god was rewarding them with the consolation of beholding with their own eyes the fruit of their labors--not only in the old christians, who had reformed their morals; but in the infidel manguianes, many of whom were converted to [our] religion. they experienced a thousand tokens of the providence and kindness of god. although there were several languages in the island, they easily gained a knowledge of what was necessary for instructing the natives, preaching to them, hearing their confessions, and settling their affairs. sometimes a contrary wind obliged them to put back, directed by the hand of god, in order to relieve the necessity which demanded their coöperation in those hamlets. sometimes the rivers overflowed their banks, and they found it necessary to travel to places in which they found sufficient occasion for the exercise of their charity. many conversions of special interest were obtained, of both christians and heathens; and remarkable among all of them was that of a manguian woman, a heathen, married to a christian man. she was baptized, and named maria; and afterward they called her "the samaritan," on account of the many persons whom she brought to the knowledge of christ, the ministers availing themselves of her aid for the conversion of many persons, not only heathens but christians, with most happy results. her husband was a christian by baptism, but worse than a heathen in his life; he would not even accept the rosary of the blessed virgin, and it was necessary for his wife to put it about his neck by force; and it had so much efficacy that from that time he undertook to be a christian in his acts, as he was one by name. the fathers erected three churches for the converted manguianes: the church of our lady, near bongabon; that of san ignacio, near pola; and that of san xavier, on the coast of naojan. another was built, named for the holy christ of burgos, for the old christians who were roaming about through the mountains. [the rest of murillo velarde's historia is mainly occupied with the history of the spanish conquest of the marianas islands, and the missions of the jesuit order therein; also with the pardo controversy and various other matters which have been already treated in this series, besides the lives of jesuits in the philippines--which here, as throughout our series, we have presented only in very brief and condensed form; but which in these religious histories are often exceedingly detailed and prolix. we present a few more extracts from our writer, showing the distinctive occupations, methods, and achievements of the jesuit missionaries there, and events affecting those missions.] [fol. 346 b:] these and other acts of violence [i.e., connected with the pardo controversy] which in that time were suffered by this province of philipinas are evident from the printed memorial which was presented to the king by father antonio xaramillo, procurator of this province in madrid, and a witness of most of the things which are contained in the said memorial. he concludes this document by offering, at the order of our general, the reverend father tyrso gonzalez, our resignation of all the ministries which the society possesses in these islands, in order thus to remove the cause of disturbances, jealousies, and controversies. but so far was the king from accepting this resignation that instead he issued his royal decrees that the doctrinas of cainta and jesus de la peña (or mariquina), of which the society had been despoiled, should be restored to it. in the year 1696, not only did the very reverend augustinian fathers surrender these posts, with politeness and courtesy, but in token of mutual affection and friendly relations an exchange was made of the ministry of san matheo (which is near mariquina), the fathers of st. augustine ceding it to us for that of binangonan (which is called "de los perros" [i.e., "of the dogs"]), on the lake of bay, which belonged to the society; [this was done] by another exchange, made with the religious of st. francis, to whom we gave the ministry of baras on the same lake. the sentences of examination and review given by the royal and supreme council of the indias; the royal executory decree, which in consequence of these was issued in regard to jesus de la peña, on march 31, 1694; and the decrees which on the same day were despatched, as regards cainta, to the governor and the archbishop of these islands: all these are in the archives of our college at manila.... i have seen the original of a report made to the king about that time, by a person of great ability, in which he endeavored, with acrimonious expressions, to influence the royal mind against the society; but the exaggerative and fierce asperity of the report was itself the most efficacious argument in favor of this province, and was entirely rejected by the king and his council, as prejudiced (a just and deserved punishment). the king not only insisted that this province should continue in its ministries without any change, but restored to it the two of which it had been despoiled by animosity allied with violence. thus this apostolic province went its way, following the apostle among thorns and roses, among persecutions and favors, per infamiam, & bonam famam. [24] in order to justify the manner in which the society administers its functions in these islands, i will give a brief account of the allotment [distribuçión; i.e., of the minister's duties] which is followed in the villages, in order that the impartial reader, reflecting thereon prudently and carefully, may recognize the incessant and laborious toil with which this field, entrusted to the society by the confidence of that prince, is cultivated. every day the boys and girls (with little difference [in number]) up to the age of fourteen years hear mass; these call themselves "schools" and "companies of the rosary." then they sing all the prayers that belong to the mass, and go to their school. at ten o'clock the signal is given by the bell, and they go to the church to pray before the blessed sacrament, and to the virgin they recite the salve and the alabado hymn; and they go out in procession, singing the prayers, as far as some cross in the village. at two o'clock in the afternoon they return to the school; and at four or five o'clock they go again to the church, where they recite the rosary, and go out in procession singing the prayers. on saturdays, not only the children recite the prayers, but the baguntaos and dalagas [25]--who are the older youths and girls, who do not yet pay tribute--and also the acolytes, the treble singers, and the barbatecas. in the afternoon the people recite the rosary, and the singers and musicians sing the mysteries and the litany. on sundays, the boys go out with a banner around the village, singing the prayers, to call together the people. the minister says mass, which the musicians accompany with voices and instruments; and afterward all the people together recite the prayers, and [answer] a brief questioning on the principal mysteries of the christian doctrine, and [listen to] an instruction on the mode of baptism, which is called tocsohan. with this there are many of them who are well instructed, so that they can aid one to die well, and in case of necessity confer baptism, like the canacapoles of st. xavier. the minister preaches a moral sermon, and usually calls the roll [suele leer el padron], in order to see whether the indians fail to attend mass. in the afternoon all come together--schools, companies of the rosary, acolytes, singing children, barbatecas, and dalagas and baguntaos--and they offer prayers. afterward the father goes down to the church, and catechises, explains the christian doctrine, and confers baptism. on thursdays there is no school, that being a vacation day. every saturday there is a mass sung in honor of the virgin; and in the afternoon the minister chants the salve for the occasion, with the image uncovered, which is then locked up. during the nine days preceding christmas, mass is sung very early in the morning, with great solemnity, before a large assembly of people, and accompanied by an indulgence [granted] for the preservation of the christian religion in these islands; and these are called "masses for christmas" [misas de aguinaldo]. [26] always, when the host is elevated at mass the signal is given with a bell, so that all the people may adore it; and the indiana, even the little children who cannot speak, clasp their hands and raise them toward heaven as a token of adoration, while in the church a motet is sung for the same purpose, after the custom of the primitive church--which this body of christians resembles in many ways; and st. john in his apocalypse even represents it to us in those mysterious creatures who day and night were praising god, dicentia: sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, dominus deus omnipotens, qui erat, qui est, & qui venturus est. [27] the indians in general have the highest respect and esteem for the priests. as soon as they see the fathers, they rise to their feet, take off their hats, [28] kiss the father's hand, and often fall on their knees to speak to him, especially if they are going to ask forgiveness for some offense that they have committed; they patiently endure the penances that the ministers appoint for them, and promptly obey whatever the fathers command them. even the little children who cannot speak run when they see the father in the street, fall on their knees, and kiss his hand; and then go back greatly pleased at this. at every function which pertains to the church, all the people, from the greatest to the least, work with gladness in building altars and adorning the temples. the house-servants offer their prayers in the morning; and they write, read, and perform their duties after they have heard mass. at night they read a spiritual lesson, recite the rosary, and before retiring pray before the blessed sacrament and sing the salve to the virgin; and during the year they frequent the sacraments. in each of our villages there is a "congregation of the blessed virgin," which enjoys many indulgences and favors; its members display great fervor, attend regularly, and perform many exercises of devotion and charity, especially on saturdays. the women of the congregation sweep the church very early, adorn the images, place roses and other flowers on the altars, and carry about pans of coals with perfumes. the minister recites the litany before the image, and the members of the congregation say the responses; and afterwards he makes an address to them; or a book of devotion, or the rules, or the indulgences, are read aloud; or the list of saints for the month is announced, according to their proper place on the calendar. there are some persons who frequent the sacraments during the year, confessing and receiving communion on the most solemn days of the year, especially on the feast-days of the virgin, and before a marriage is solemnized; and it is a custom often practiced among the indians to confess and receive communion on one's saint's day. in the afternoon those who have received communion go to the church for a short season of prayer. when the women approach the time of childbirth, they confess and receive communion, and remain in the village. thus an indian hardly ever dies without the sacraments, except by some sudden fatal accident; for at the instance of the ministers the people are instructed to summon the father as soon as any one becomes dangerously ill. many indians hear mass every day; recite the rosary in concert in their houses, on the streets, and while they are sailing; say the litanies, and sing with most delightful harmony the salve, the praises of god and of his mother resounding in every direction. they offer to the church the first-fruits of their products; and carry the images, the shrouds, and other things to bless the seed-sowing. after childbirth, they offer the infants to the virgin on saturday, and receive the benediction. they order masses to be said for the souls in purgatory, and present candles and other offerings to the virgin and the saints. they furnish light at mass with lighted tapers, give food to the poor on holy thursday, and make other contributions according to their means. they make pilgrimages to the most notable sanctuaries, and offer their vows there; they read spiritual books, and practice other devotions. when they bring the little angels [i.e., their infants] for burial, they dress and adorn the bodies neatly with birds' wings, palm-leaves, wreaths, flowers, and lights, even when the parents are very poor; for the rest of the people aid them, so that they may bring the dead with the decency and solemnity which the ritual requires. the burials of adults are attended by all the people, all clothed in mourning from the headman to the constable; and even though the dead person be from some other village, or some wretched unknown creature who died there, the body is escorted by the people of the village and the singers, in very charitable and edifying fashion. those who are most eminent in all this are the members of the congregation, by whose zeal and pious customs the christian religion is preserved and promoted in these islands. they are the select of the select, like the soldiers of gideon; and may be called the religious among the indians. the functions of holy week, the principal feast-days, and the processions are carried out with great solemnity and pomp. in their houses the people erect little altars, which they adorn with various prints and images; on their arms they depict crosses, and almost all wear rosaries about their necks; when the blessed sacrament is exposed, they escort it, and take their turn in assisting in the church with many lights. in the processions of holy week there are many bloody flagellations [disciplinas de sangre], and other most severe penances. in lent there are, on three days, the miserere and scourging; but this has fallen into disuse, and in various places is little more than a ceremony. in every village there is a musical choir, of both instruments and voices, by means of which the festival and solemn days, and divine worship, are at least decently celebrated; and in some places there are excellent instruments and voices. moreover, all these singers understand harmony [solfa], a thing which has not its like in all christendom. every saturday and sunday, prime is sung in the choir. the lenten stations and services, those for the dead, and others during the year, cause devotion and tender feelings through the skill and good order with which they are conducted. the indians use holy water in their houses, and show great devotion to the holy cross, which they set up in their houses, on the roads, and in their grain-fields. the adornment of the churches--reredos, images, furnishings of silver, lamps, ornaments--the multitude of lights, and the magnificence of the edifices, are so extraordinary that no one would believe that in this remote corner of the world religion could exist with such splendor, or christianity be so well established, [29] or divine worship conducted with such magnificence. the zeal of the ministers has secured these results, by their activity, piety, and kind treatment of the natives; but no little is accomplished by the sharp spur, [30] managed with discretion, qui parcit virgæ, odit filium. the harvest in this field is like that which the parable represents; there is the greatest and the least, just as it is throughout the universe. there is fertile ground and sterile; there are untilled and stony tracts; some land is productive, and some is full of bramble-patches. but what soil is free from darnel and tares? [31] where are lilies found without having nettles near them? in what garden do the roses, magnificent and fragrant, surpass [the other flowers], without the thorns that surround them? he who is always declaiming, in either a gloomy or a careless spirit, against the faith and christian spirit of the indians, shows great ignorance of the world, if not levity or malice. if he would but reflect that not many years ago this was a land overgrown with the thorns and brambles of ignorance, unbelief, and barbarism, he would give a thousand thanks to the lord at the sight of so much fruit obtained for heaven; and still more [thankful would he be] if he cast his glance on japon, india, and africa, and on grecia, inglaterra, dinamarca, and other kingdoms where the christian religion was [once] so flourishing, but which today are an abyss of follies and errors--the cause, alas! being their ignorance or their perverseness.... whoever will read the instructions of st. francis xavier for the missionaries of india and also this account of their allotted tasks [esta distribución], will plainly see that their labors are the punctual execution of those instructions. what greater praise [than this] can be given them? to this should be added the standing of the ministers. those who are ministering in the native villages are the men who have been masters of theology, and famous preachers, and officials of the order, and even provincials; and other members who, on account of their abilities, have merited repeated applause. the same is true in the other religious orders; as a result, there is not in all the indias a field of christian labor that is better cultivated; and i may add that there is no christian church in the world that has ministers with higher qualifications, or more who have received academic degrees. and some of them there are who, rejecting the comforts of europe, remain contented in the poverty here. [fol. 350 b:] in the year 1696 the very religious province of st. augustine surrendered the village of san matheo to the society, in virtue of a certain exchange; we gladly accepted it, in order to bring in the aetas who are in the mountains of that region, to live as a christian community in the village; for, christians and heathens being mingled in those woods and little hamlets, there was little difference between them in their customs. here i will bring together the facts pertaining to this ministry, since it is matter belonging to this history for the connection of events. in the year 1699, the convent of san agustin in manila made claim to a ranch in this district, on the ground that governor santiago de vera had granted to the said convent two limekilns for the erection of its building. the indians, on account of the crude notions which they form of things, began to call the limekilns "the ranch;" and this blunder was so prevalent that in some grants which the governors made afterward in that territory they say that the lands "border upon the ranch of san agustin." in the said year an investigation was made, and all that could be drawn from the declarations of the indians was this confused notion of a "ranch," which they had heard from their elders, without being able to specify boundaries, or locations, or landmarks. and as there was no other title or grant than this very uncertain information, the judge of land [claims], don juan de ozaeta, auditor of the royal audiencia, rejecting their claim for lack of authentic documents, was unable to grant to that convent the ranch which it demanded. in the year 1713 the minister of that village was father juan echazabal, whose scrupulous conscience, added to his natural disposition, made him so inexorable a guardian of the injunction to hear mass that in this point he very seldom excused [an offender] from penance. so active was his zeal that he spared neither labor nor diligence to secure the attendance of the indians at the holy sacrifice of the mass, at the sermons, and at the other church functions; and he cheerfully endured the inconvenience of waiting for them a long time, in order that their natural slothfulness might not have this excuse. his persistence secured considerable results, notwithstanding that wild grapevines were not lacking even in the midst of so much cultivation. but what assiduity does not the obstinate perversity of men frustrate? an insolent indian, captain pambila, at various times provoked the forbearance of the minister by his shameless conduct; for, purposely staying away from mass, and glorying in this wrong-doing, he boasted among his friends that the father would not dare to rebuke him. the minister endeavored by various means to bring him to reason, but all his efforts proved unsuccessful; and the audacity of this indian kept continually increasing, continually launching him into new transgressions on top of the old ones--and scandal arising, because some persons were following in his footsteps and others were inclined to do so. in order to check the evil consequences of this, father echazabal gave information of the whole matter to the governor, conde de lizarraga, who sent thither captain don lorenzo de yturriaga with twelve soldiers. but pambila was by this time so bold that when they went to arrest him he went out to meet them with his cutlass, and dealt a blow at the captain; the latter parried the blow, and firing a pistol, killed the bold man. at this occurrence the malcontents were greatly disquieted, and had recourse to the vice-patron, asking that he remove father echazabal from that ministry; and they even made the further demand that it be restored to the augustinian fathers. in order to push their claim, they revived the old [one of the] "ranch"--this time in clearer language, for they indicated locations and boundaries. but, as all these were arbitrary, the measures [of distance] did not correspond [to the facts]; for while it was one site for a ranch that they claimed, there were three or four such sites that were included in the places that they had arbitrarily marked out. nevertheless, this claim was promoted, so that the convent of san agustin obtained a favorable decision from the royal audiencia. but father echazabal opposed this, together with the greater part of the people of the village, as did also father agustin soler, procurator of the college of san ignacio at manila, on account of the damage that would ensue to them respectively. the audiencia, having examined their arguments, reversed its decision--although, through shame at so speedy a reversal, the auditors set down in the decree that possession should be given to the convent of san pablo [of that] in which there was no dispute. this sentence on review ended the controversy, and matters remained as they were before. to pacify the indians, the superiors removed father echazabal from that place, and everything was quiet for the time--although after many years the old [question of the] "ranch" was revived, with greater energy, as we shall see in due time. let us proceed to more pleasing matters. in the year 1705, father juan echazabal began to promote, in the village of san matheo, the devotion to our lady of aranzazu; and the devotion to and adoration of that lady steadily increased, with the encouragement of the vizcayans, and especially of don juan antonio cortes. this incited the minister to undertake the building of a stone church, in order to provide a more suitable abode for the blessed sacrament and for the sovereign queen. through the persistence and energy of the father and the contributions of the faithful, a beautiful, substantial, and spacious church was completed, with its transept and handsome gilded reredos. the new church was dedicated in the year 1716, the minister being father juan pedro confalonier. there was a very large concourse of people, and the devotees of the blessed virgin of aranzazu made extraordinary demonstrations of joy and devotion in celebrating her feast; and great was the satisfaction of those who with their contributions had aided [to provide] the costly building and adorn it with ornaments and rich furnishings of silver--especially the illustrious benefactor of that church and village, general don juan antonio cortes. and the society, with the pleasure of dedicating to god and to his blessed mother this new temple, forgot the great sorrows that they suffered at that time from various defamatory libels, in which malignity repeated what had so many times been condemned, and was anew condemned, as calumny--their author being, most deservedly but impiously, his own executioner, at seeing that the arrows discharged by audacity against the society were changed into crowns of triumph. [fol. 358 b:] [our author relates the history of the beaterio connected with the jesuit college at manila. it began in 1684, with the decision of a mestiza woman of binondoc to live the religious life; her name was ignacia del espiritu santo, and she began under the direction of father paul clain. her fame for piety and devout penances grew apace, and attracted to her many indian girls and mestiza women, until they numbered thirty-three. for some time they lived in the utmost poverty, which, with their severe penances and lack of sleep, "made almost all of the beatas fall ill." soon, however, charitable offerings were made to them, enough to support them when added to what they earned with their needles. their spiritual directors are jesuits, whose church they attend, and who form them into a religious community ("commonly known as 'the beatas of the society'"), with rules and employment prescribed for their living. at the time of murillo velarde's writing (1749), "there are, besides the beatas, some spanish girls who are being trained there as their wards, and are learning sewing and other accomplishments, besides a christian manner of life and the habit of attending the sacraments. there are now fifty regular beatas, thirteen novices, thirty women (who are indians) who are kept under restraint, twenty spanish girls under training, and four negro women. every year some spanish women, and many indian and mestiza women, go into retreat there, in order to perform the 'spiritual exercises' of st. ignatius, from which result much profit to themselves and much benefit to their respective villages. what has always aroused my admiration is, that although these women are so many in number, and all indians or mestizas, and ruled by themselves, yet in more than sixty years they have not given any occasion for gossip in the city; rather, they have given it the utmost edification by their devotion, humility, application to labor, and assiduity in the spiritual exercises." mother ignacia dies on september 10, 1748; our author pays an admiring tribute to her ability, virtues, and piety--among other things, praising her because "she conquered, with most unusual perseverance, three kinds of sloth which are very arduous and difficult [to overcome]: that natural to the country, that inborn in her sex, and that which is congenital to this nation in its inmost being."] [32] condition of the islands, 1701 remonstrance addressed to the governor and captain-general [33] of the filipinas islands, on october 7, 1701, by the provincials of the religious orders, in regard to the wrongs and abuses that are committed in the said islands. the christian desire so proper to our obligation of attending to the preservation of the holy faith, in all the places and persons in which by the goodness of our lord it is found already established, and to its propagation and extension in the persons and places (which are many) that have not been reached by the light of the holy gospel; and the strict religious observance of our profession, which at least for charity's sake constrains and obliges us to endeavor by all means that injustice and oppression shall not be suffered by any of the indian natives of these islands--the spiritual administration and instruction of whom has been placed in our guidance and care by both majesties, the divine and the human, entrusting, to the zeal that we are under obligation to exercise, not only the steadfastness in the faith and the good morals of all the natives who have been already conquered and brought back to the bosom of the holy church, but also the promotion of new reductions and conversions: these are the motives, truly lofty ones, which impel us to set forth plainly to your lordship the causes (of the utmost importance and gravity, and everywhere at work) which are producing lamentable effects in impairing the christian native population, inflicting on them violence and injustice, and almost closing the door on that most desirable expectation of new conversions, and of the general relief for so many poor vassals [of the spanish crown] who, as if they were fugitives from these islands, are engaged in foreign provinces with grief and almost ruin to their souls, among the infidelity of the heretics and the barbarous nations--whither are going, as from their own countries, their wives and their children, leaving only the memory of and pity for them. the objects of this memorial are two: first, the honor and glory of our lord, and the exaltation and increase of his holy faith; and second, the hope that the christian zeal of your lordship will, by all the proper means that will present themselves to your great intellect, furnish effective control of evils so serious and so general, and cause them to cease--so that the christian faith and justice may again flourish, the people who formerly possessed these islands renew their abundance of population, and the increase of our faith continue its progress, with the reduction of the infidels. with especial reason [may we expect this], when the remedy for all the evils which are stated in this memorial is [already] provided by the catholic and pious laws contained in the "recopilacion de las yndias;" and if perchance they omit the medicine for some of the said evils, that is likewise anticipated and provided by the decisions of the councils for mexico and lima, confirmed by the holy apostolic see, and inviolably observed in these islands. it is taken for granted, sir, as a maxim which experience has shown to be infallible in all america, that the means for the preservation and extension of the catholic faith are the same as were employed for its first introduction, which was most prosperous because the ardent zeal of the gospel ministers was united with the power and arms of his majesty (whom may god preserve), by which the progress of the faith was assured. [on this ground] it is very evident that in these regions it is not possible to improve, or even to preserve, the peoples who are already conquered and reduced, because no attention has been paid to maintaining the military posts, or building any new fortifications; on the other hand, in some places and provinces even the little forts that they possessed have been entirely removed, and in others the number of officers and soldiers designated for their defense from any hostile invasion has been diminished. the effect of this retrenchment, and of not reëstablishing the old military posts with the number of soldiers that is judged necessary, and with the military and food supplies which necessity and natural law prescribed for a suitable defense, is the reason why great destruction and losses from infidels and apostates are suffered and lamented. this has been experienced in the provinces of cagayan and zambales, as it appears, for the lack of the arms and defenses which in former times were sufficient for the defense of the faithful converts, and for attacking the hostile infidels--and even for chastising sometimes their wicked acts, as the rigor of justice demands. today the converted indians and other vassals of your majesty are exposed to the dangers of fire and death and captivity which have been experienced in these past years, nor have our people had any other way [of escape] than to contract for the payment of a certain amount of tribute every year to the hostile indians--an agreement in every way unbecoming and injurious to the reputation and credit of his majesty's arms, so entrusted [to our spaniards] by his royal self. there is this same lack of arms and supplies in the provinces and military posts of yloilo, cebu, caraga, calamianes, yligan, and other forts; and from this the only benefit that can result is the very small one that his majesty will save the expenses of reëstablishing posts and paying soldiers, and put a stop to another evil (likewise a small one), which is the losses occasioned to the poor by the idleness and license of the soldiers--but if this had to be attended to, there would be an end to all the military posts and garrisons which are maintained for the general welfare, the protection of the vassals, and the warfare (offensive and defensive) which natural law permits. moreover, it is an obligation [and] characteristic of princes that they do not seek or desire the trifling evil mentioned, and as little the advantage of avoiding some expense--which cannot be done without violating that same royal obligation, especially when hitherto in all these islands there have been military posts and the necessary forces, not only in the interior of the country but also on its coasts. from this grievous neglect it results that it is impossible for us to carry out our desire for the new conversions and reductions so earnestly charged by his majesty; for if at present even our own preservation is difficult, how can any new conquest be easy? or how can it be right for our zeal to consider the acquisition of new christian communities while leaving those that are now in our charge exposed to every invasion by the enemy and to total ruin? one thing that has contributed greatly to this wretched state of affairs is, that the expeditions for converting infidels and conquering apostates have ceased which in other days were made by the orders of your lordship's predecessors, in accordance with the royal laws, after having consulted the royal court of justice--in whose decisions the hopes that were entertained of the great usefulness of those expeditions were not mocked. it seems as if that experience would incline [the government] to renew the said expeditions, which for some time have been neglected; and in this very island there is so great a number of infidels, who are confirmed in their very infidelity and iniquity because they know that there is never any effort to subdue and conquer them, just as if his majesty (whom may god preserve) had not the right to do so. from these deficiencies grievous results have followed, in depopulating the islands, which at present lack their former abundance of the peoples and sources of wealth that are native to them. confirmation and proof of the truth of this statement is especially furnished by the five provinces near to this city. as for those which are more remote, it is known and is evident that all the coast of tayabas, which extends from sariaya to the headland of bondoc, was formerly very populous and rich, but now it has hardly a village that can be called such; there are [only] some groups of huts jumbled together, inhabited by some indians who are kept there by their desire of obtaining some petty commodities of the country, such as wax, skins, and pitch. all are destitute of churches and ministers; for their churches have been destroyed at various times by pirates and mindanaos, and no attention has ever been paid to reëstablishing those places anew as military posts, and with the means of defense that were necessary in order that the great number of people that were in that region might be able to maintain themselves as christians. it is also a fact that there have been [other] very weighty causes for the depopulation of the islands: the building [of ships] within these five provinces; and the excessive and rigorous exactions in the collection of the tributes, and the excessive polos [34] and personal services [required]. the sad thing is, that all those who leave the islands are ordinarily apostates from the faith, and live and die among heretics, mahometans, and other barbarous people; and no reparation has ever been made for this great evil, nor has any obstacle been placed in the way of men passing freely [from these islands] to foreign kingdoms, even those who are well known to be married. the [requisitions for] the cutting of timber for the construction of the galleons constitute an evil that is necessary and unavoidable, since on these depends the entire preservation of these islands; but this necessity is equaled by the destruction and the injuries which that work has caused in these provinces, in the diminution of their population and products. for this so oppressive and heavy yoke has almost always been imposed upon the said five provinces without extending it to others--to which, without doubt, the silver that his majesty expends in the said woodcutting would be of public advantage; and at the same time the said provinces that are now burdened would take breath and become prosperous with such a rest, an end to which it greatly contributes that the shipbuilding yards are not limited to the village of cavite alone. with this easy distribution [of labors] in the shipbuilding, the damages arising from the said woodcutting would no longer be repeated in the same provinces, which, having been thickly populated and abounding in produce, are now ruined and barren--their inhabitants forsaking them for remote provinces, and for lands of infidels and heretics, and sometimes retiring to the districts within the mountains. the reason for this is that, although the building [of a galleon] costs his majesty the amount of 40,000 pesos for the wages of the indians, besides the poor of these provinces, [they] carry among themselves a burden of more than 100,000 pesos--or even more, because those who are designated for the repartimiento of the woodcutting search for others who can take the place of each one; and the cost of these substitutes usually reaches five or six pesos, and sometimes ten. for the payment of this, the former pledge, or sell, or enslave themselves; and from this cause result very serious evils--thefts, withdrawing to the mountains to roam as vagrants, and other crimes. other burdens which the natives miserably suffer, and which ordinarily fall on the poorest and most wretched, arise from the fact that the alcalde-mayor who makes the apportionment of men adds to it a greater number than is necessary, and those who are thus added redeem themselves from this oppression by money; and then the [list of the] repartimiento goes to the gobernadorcillo, in order that the heads [of barangay] may summon for the woodcutting six or eight men, even though only four may be necessary. the gobernadorcillo collects in money that amount in excess, as a redemption from an imaginary woodcutting, a proceeding which does not impair the number of those assigned. still more, after all the men go to the woodcutting, if any are lacking the [native] overseer pays the superintendent of the work at the rate of two reals a day for the failure of each man. to this is added that the superintendent himself is wont to grant exemptions of his own accord, with unjust benefit to some, to the great injury of the main work, [the burden of] which falls on those who remain; moreover, he usually establishes shops, and thus the fund which his majesty provides to aid these poor people by the purchase of some of their commodities remains therein. his majesty orders that the men be called out and paid for one month; but many poor creatures do not get away from the woodcutting in a month and a half, during which time they are so overtaxed and harassed that they hardly have time to eat, and of sleep they will have some three hours, as a result of their labors on the account of his majesty and outside his account. such is the sorrowful course of the experiences and the unjust acts which they encounter in the woodcutting, [a labor] so carefully guarded from these by his majesty--whose royal and innate piety adorns his crown with his clemency toward the poor, and with the justice of the many laws which he has promulgated in their favor. in presenting thus in general these transgressions of the laws, these crimes, and these oppressions of the poor to your lordship, as to their judge and father, it is not our intention to blame all the head overseers of the woodcutting; for some have been known who with christian zeal, the utmost assiduity, and entire disinterestedness have begun and ended their terms of woodcutting with treating those poor people with compassion and justice. in these provinces near manila there are a great number of indians whose mode of life may appropriately be compared to that of the gypsies in españa; for they go from one village to another accompanied by some women, and, without labor, they travel, eat, and are clothed; while they prove to be the authors of many murders, robberies, rapes, and other iniquitous deeds. of the same sort are a great many of the slaves from manila, who have fled from their masters and go about in bands through various districts; they ravage and destroy fields and farms; they lord it in the houses of the poor indians; and there is hardly an evil deed that their rash boldness will not perform. the tribute of the half-annats which his majesty commands to be paid by the public offices which enjoy honor and salaries is a burden on many provinces (and especially on that of leite, in which these half-annats, recently raked up [suscitadas] are collected)--although it is a fact that the [native] governors of those provinces do not receive salaries or desire such honor; rather, they shun it on account of their poverty. from [the attempt at] constraining them the following results ensue: first, they flee to the mountains; second, those who do not flee are compelled to remain slaves, or else bind themselves for their whole lives, in order to find means for paying this half-annat, so grievous a tax and so against their wills. his majesty has given orders to fortify and repair the village of cavite, because on it depends, in truth, the preservation and guardianship of this city, the safety of the castle of san felipe, and that of many intrenchments and various houses, and of the royal storehouses, which his majesty possesses there. [moreover,] a large christian community has gathered in that place; and there are four churches, and three houses of religious orders, with a considerable number of citizens. all these things strongly enforce the necessity of executing the said royal decree of his majesty, for the preservation, promotion, and protection of all those religious orders and vassals--although our opinion inclines to suppose that there must have been reasons more important than these for suspending the royal mandate of his majesty; and if these do not exist it surely seems that this state of affairs calls to your lordship for amendment. the most holy and awful sacrifice of the mass depends on the pious and punctual provision which his majesty has made in having wine brought here for the celebration of mass; and this wine, as for the rest, cannot be sure. it seems that in recent years it has been required [from mexico by the officials of filipinas] in so small quantities that often not even the amount ordered by his majesty is delivered; from this it results that, as this deficiency cannot be made good, there is a failure in saying many masses. even in the oil for the lamps that burn before the blessed sacrament there is a great deficiency [in the supply], for two reasons: either because it is not delivered, or because it is delivered in places very far away. these two matters are, without doubt, worthy of your lordship's most careful attention--from whose christian veneration for the blessed sacrament and well-known piety our solicitude desires and expects an entire and complete remedy. it seems as if in most things the principal object of the alcaldes-mayor in the provinces, and that in which they proceed with most assiduity--excepting many who conduct themselves with entire integrity--reduces itself to a rigorous and excessive collection of the tributes; and their other aim is the utmost attention to their own personal advantage. these two aims are most injurious and prejudicial to the public welfare and to the poor people of the said provinces--because, when there is no produce [with which to pay the tributes] the alcaldes-mayor either compel the headmen to search for it, and even to bind themselves to do this, or regularly make the headmen responsible for amounts which they not only will not but cannot collect. another reason is, that the said headmen, with cruel injustice, compel indians to pay tribute before the age which his majesty commands and fixes, and this they do under the compulsion of the alcaldes-mayor; likewise, the said headmen exact more than the amount of their obligations for the conveyance of the tributes. in the other aim of the said alcaldes-mayor (that is, their own private advantage) is seen a monstrous hydra with many heads of injustice and iniquity. one of these is their compelling the indians to labor in construction and other works which do not belong to his majesty's service, although even for those [for the crown] the royal law spares and exempts them [from service] during the times when they sow and harvest their crops. the alcaldes also appoint certain indians who are intimate with them, and who have influence among the other natives, to whom the latter deliver the commodities which they carry to the provinces; and these indian agents, fixing the prices of goods at their own pleasure, compel the said indian chiefs to supply them, either by sale or in exchange for other wares. from this results a most flagrant inequality in the prices and the exchanges of goods; and the loss in all these dealings always falls on the mass of the poor people, because the alcalde-mayor and the said petty chiefs or influential indians always conclude their bargains with profit, and never with loss. some alcaldes-mayor have gone to such an extreme of violence that, in case the said petty chiefs are unable to dispose of the goods which are thus committed to them, the alcalde compels them to assume the obligation, and to bind themselves to take the goods. thus some of the indians are constantly bringing upon others irreparable consequences and losses that are worthy of redress--all springing from the first injustice of compelling those to buy who neither possess nor can take charge of such commodities. the assessment for each tribute is regulated at ten reals, and it includes two tribute-payers, the husband and wife; nevertheless, the indians who have no fixed abode are burdened with the requirement that each individual taxed shall pay an entire tribute of ten reals each--although it is believed that this increase was imposed as a penalty, and in order that certain people might be reduced to villages and barangays; for it is evident, from the method of [planning] the tribute, that the imposition or the increase of the tributes is one of the peculiar and exclusive prerogatives of the supreme sovereignty belonging to his majesty. these injuries, sir, and these oppressions which extend through all the provinces, to the destruction of the poor, are certainly worthy of action [on your part], and constitute a legitimate obligation on your vigilance, and on the high office which his majesty entrusted to your lordship. probably it has contributed much to these pernicious results and this neglect of sacred things that in these recent years the principal aim and object of the supreme government of these islands, as well as of the alcaldes-mayor, has been only the increase of the royal revenue--actually reversing the royal orders, which decree that the first attention must be paid to religion, and to the ecclesiastics and their affairs and maintenance; and after that to the civil government and justice. but, contrary to these orders, it appears that in everything the first place has been attained by the [affairs of] the royal treasury, which ought to engage the later solicitudes [of the royal ministers]--and then without that excessive severity [of administration] which has been experienced in recent years, [and which has aroused our] pity and compassion. in most of the provinces of these islands the gobernadorcillos are obliged, as are their [subordinate] officials, to accept, without their own choice, appointments to office; and as the cause of their shunning such appointments is the great expense of the year during which they serve, they suffer on this account great injuries in the provinces near manila. it arouses pity in the hardest hearts to see and know by experience that nearly all the headmen enter office under compulsion from the alcalde-mayor, and, finding themselves perplexed to the utmost by the difficulties in rendering their accounts satisfactorily--either by the duplicate names on the registration lists, or the absences (which usually are many), or by the deaths [of those registered]--on account of the great poverty that is general in the villages these deficiencies fall back on the headmen, who are compelled to pay them or be imprisoned. this measure of imprisonment is carried out with so great rigor that many headmen are in prison, without any hope that they will be able to pay; and there are even cases in which the headmen have been imprisoned for many years for their indebtedness to the tributes in their charge, and, dying in prison, their burial was delayed for several days in order that their relatives might be able to find security for the dead man's tribute and debt. from this your lordship can infer the excessive severity with which the officials proceed in the collections of the royal tributes; but in this no kind of severity can be proper, nor can it be decreed by the royal and liberal purpose of his majesty. the works and preparations for the equipment [of ships] which are made on his majesty's account often make necessary various repartimientos and bandalas for the supplies of oil and rice, and other products, which the provinces furnish; and it is the continual and well-founded complaint from all of them that the amount paid for the said products is not according to their just price and value, but much less, from which follow the most serious wrongs to the poor. of this precedent many of the alcaldes-mayor avail themselves for [their own] advancement, to judge by their unrighteous profits, with lamentable injury to the poor, which is general and well known in the provinces. the royal decree of his majesty provides that, for just and christian reasons, moors, armenians, and other barbarous peoples may not remain in these islands as inhabitants and citizens; but for the last few years several ships from the coast [i.e., india] have spent the winter here, and in consequence many moors, armenians, and other barbarians have settled without the walls of manila, and in various provinces. these people have enjoyed (as they still do) free intercourse and trade with every class of people, and are causing notable injury to the spiritual welfare of the indians--lording it over them, and setting a bad example in morals to all of them. accordingly our affection and obligation [to the service of god] desire the exercise of your lordship's justice and christian procedure, that this injury, so universal and so opposed to the christian and praiseworthy usages which they ought [to follow], and which our missionaries are endeavoring to introduce among all the natives, may entirely cease. on account of the great facility (not experienced before) which there has been in cashiering soldiers, these evil consequences for the villages have resulted, with various unjust acts--according to what idleness, poverty, and many temptations have offered to many poor men who came here only to serve his majesty in the employment of soldiers. from the introduction of the vice of gambling are following the injurious results and the offenses against god which the holy fathers [of the church] decry, and which experience places before our own eyes, in the shape of much cursing, poverty, abandonment of the wives and children of the gamblers, and the sinful waste of much time--in which occur quarrels, frauds, and other wicked acts appropriate to gambling and connected with it. besides this, some of the alcaldes-mayor--who ought to be on the watch to prevent these things, according to the orders which they have from the supreme government of your lordship--are the very ones who secretly give full license and permission for gambling games, in consideration of the money which they receive every month for the said license. as a result, the villages and their grain-fields are inundated with gambling games (of cards, dice, and cocks, and many other kinds), with the aforesaid effects--all against the will of god our lord and of his majesty, which is always impeded and seldom executed by the alcaldes-mayor. the experience of many years with the chinese nation has made it very evident that it was necessary to prohibit to the sangleys, especially the infidels, trade and intercourse with the villages and provinces of indians, and keep them out of indian houses and grain-fields, and thus it is provided and ordained; but unfortunately this prohibition is neither obeyed nor respected. it is, however, a fact that only when they are married, and compelled to make their abode in the chief town [of the province], where the alcalde-mayor resides, or when they are settled in a certain parián, does his majesty permit them to reside among the indians--who from communication with the sangleys obtain only superstitions, frauds, and the loss of the habits of morality in which we are trying to instruct them. the administration of the christian sangleys is in charge of the two holy religious orders of st. dominic and the society of jesus; and as these people are for the most part the poorest [of the sangleys], we do not consider it foreign to our obligation to attend to them, in such manner as is possible and right. it is only just to direct your lordship's attention to a custom introduced within the last few years, which is that the tribute that they pay for licenses [to remain in the country] has been increased--although it appears that the laws favor the christian sangleys, providing that their tribute shall be only ten reals; but at present they are paying the same amounts of tribute as do the infidel and heathen sangleys. your lordship, with your clear judgment and ready comprehension, will be pleased to consider whether it is in accordance with the lofty purposes which his majesty has for propagating the faith, and for lightening the burdens of those who are converted to it--in which his catholic piety has so earnestly striven--that the said tributes should be extended and increased among the christians; and whether they do not deserve to be relieved from so grievous a burden. so great is the sorrow of our hearts at seeing and realizing how easily and quickly the indians who are apostates from our holy faith retreat to the mountains, and the obstinacy which the infidels show in not coming out of them, that we cannot neglect to remind your lordship a second time of the urgent necessity that expeditions into the mountains [by our troops] be continued, like those that were made in former times with success and useful results. we entreat and charge your lordship that to this remedy which has been already tried on other occasions the piety of your lordship will be pleased to add [another,] that of prohibiting to the indians who are already christians intercourse and trade with the infidels; for the regular result of this is, that the said infidels withdraw more and more from the mild authority of our holy religion. that religion is considered, by the said christians, as intolerable, although it is not such, whether in itself, in its effects, or in the obligations which they assume by becoming christians--which, in the feeble light of their understanding, is the same as being reduced only to subjection to the ecclesiastical minister, the alcalde-mayor, and the burdens of tributes and repartimientos. finally, sir, our lofty desire for the general welfare of so many provinces, and the pleasure which we shall all feel in the prosperity and success of your lordship--which, as [that of] the first and principal head [of this colony], must overflow in all its parts and subjects--impel us to point out to your lordship how worthy of all assistance and effort in your christian government is the pitiable condition to which the christian villages are reduced, now one of poverty and barrenness, even of the native products. and those villages to which, it would seem, their age (which now is more than a century) must furnish greater abundance of produce and wealth rightfully their own, are in the same condition and the same poverty as are the villages that are more recent and less encouraged by the ecclesiastical ministers and the civil officials of these islands; and they can never enjoy any improvement, spiritual or temporal. the remedy for this--which ought to be effective, prompt, and steadily continued--in our humble opinion, is made up of various measures: some for the amelioration and redress of all the evils and difficulties already related to your lordship, whose peremptory and executive orders must render them effectual; and others which, it seems to us, ought to be charged upon the alcaldes-mayor, and upon the proper ministers who are closest to the indians themselves (who are the ecclesiastics), in order that they may by every means arouse and animate the slothful natures of the indians, by instructing them in industries that will be useful to themselves, and in application to an [object of] desire that is honorable and advantageous to the public or to individuals of all the villages. this depends on and consists in not allowing that very abundance and fertility which our lord has given to these islands to be destroyed with waste and negligence; for it is evident that the enormous sum of silver which necessity, against the royal orders, transfers to foreign kingdoms ruled by infidels and heretics, could remain in the islands themselves, and be converted into property, profit, and the acquisition of wealth for many poor persons. for there are found in these islands, as is well known, abundance of gold, amber, tortoise-shell, various cotton fabrics, wax, and many other native products, even omitting those that concern the sowing of the fields. if these were multiplied in both amount and kinds, it cannot be doubted that they would contribute to the villages, with considerable abundance, wealth and products; and that all the beneficial effects which can be desired would result, in favor of his majesty and of the public welfare. the chief of these are: first, that all the painful burdens, unavoidable and necessary, which the natives have to bear, and which they lament, would become more easy and light for them, and that they would live a more social and civilized life; second, that their affection, loyalty, and obedience to his majesty and to your lordship in his name, as the authors of their prosperity, repose, and advantage, would be enormously increased. third, all the christian indians would be more steadfast and rooted in the holy faith, and would become effective and most suitable instruments for [gaining] new conversions of infidels [and] apostates, the infidels themselves beholding the abundant wealth and profit, and other benefits, of the christian indians; for it is the temporal welfare evident to their senses which, as experience teaches us, strongly influences both classes of indians, to be converted or to maintain themselves in the christian faith. this same object will be greatly aided by inducing the indians to settle and form villages; for, in the mode of life in which they now are found, in most of the provinces and villages in which the minister who instructs them is stationed and resides a certain number are destitute of houses, and all the rest of the people live so far away and so scattered that many are obliged to travel three or four leguas in order to be present on a festival day at the church--from which remoteness it also follows that, without any fault of the said ministers, many persons die without receiving the holy sacraments. such, sir, are the evils, and such are the remedies which our consciences, our charity, and our zeal have dictated to us as being most worthy of gaining the attention of your lordship--at whose feet, through the means of these lines, so many poor indians approach to prostrate themselves. neophytes, and bereft of all human protection, they have recourse to your lordship, not only as to their governor and judge, but also as to a kind father--in whose term of office they hope that peace and justice will again flourish; and that the rights of the poor, and redress for their oppressions, will often obtain a hearing from your lordship. this, it appears, has not been the case in other times, certainly at the cost of many tears, which were little heeded and never dried by the sovereignty and power that ought to do so. in their name, and only for the objects pointed out at the beginning of this memorial, and that by it we may unburden our own consciences, we are under obligation, at least according to charity, to solicit for them aid and justice. we humbly entreat that your lordship will be pleased, in regard to these points, to carry out what his majesty ordains, and to take such measures as your lordship may deem most suitable for prompt execution, most easy to be obeyed, and most conformable to the royal will; and we expect that what your lordship shall judge to be most expedient will be in every way the best, since his majesty has entrusted to your care, zeal, generous nature, and nobility the supreme government of these islands. manila, october 7, in the year 1701. fray jose vila, provincial of the province of santissimo rosario. fray francisco de santa ynes, provincial of st. francis. fray jose lopez, provincial of the augustinians. luis de morales, provincial of the society of jesus. fray bartolome de la santissima trinidad, provincial of the discalced recollects of st. augustine. events of 1701-1715 [the following summary is made from concepción's historia de philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391:] [don fausto cruzat y gongora is succeeded, after eleven years as governor, by don domingo de zabalburú y echeverri, a knight of the order of santiago; he was appointed in 1694, but does not take possession until september 8, 1701. finding considerable money in the royal treasury, he employs it on important public works. he constructs wharves at cavite, completes the royal storehouses, and rebuilds the powder-factory lower down from malate, with suitable fortifications for its defense; and he pays careful attention to the construction of galleons for the acapulco trade-route. a quarrel arising between the petty kings of mindanao and joló, the former (named curay) is slain, and his successor asks governor zabalburú for aid against the joloans, which the governor prudently declines to furnish. in the year 1705 the manila galleon "san xavier" departs from acapulco, and is never heard from, being lost with all it contains, to the great sorrow and loss of the citizens of manila. one of the auditors goes (1702) as official visitor to the province of camarines, [35] and disturbs its affairs with his "scandalous proceedings," especially his accusations against the franciscan friars who are in charge of the indian villages there. in consequence, they hasten to manila to secure the aid of the courts there, leaving their charges without spiritual ministrations; the franciscan provincial is therefore despatched to that province with orders to station ministers therein. those missions had previously been for forty-five years in the hands of the recollects.] [in september, 1704, arrives at manila the papal legate carlos thomas tournon, on his way to china for the settlement of various ecclesiastical difficulties there; he treats the governor and other officials [36] with arrogance, refusing to exhibit his credentials, and exercises ecclesiastical jurisdiction to such an extent that he antagonizes the religious orders and infringes on the royal prerogatives. these proceedings are tolerated by both governor and archbishop, although manifestly improper and objectionable; but when they are reported at madrid the king is greatly displeased, and decrees that the governor be removed from office, and disqualified for holding it, and those of the auditors who assented to his acts be punished. archbishop camacho also incurs the displeasure of the king, which is increased by his having meddled with the affairs of the royal seminary of san phelipe, and used at his own pleasure certain ecclesiastical revenues properly in charge of the secular government; and the governor fails to check him, and even to notify the home government of these unwarranted proceedings, which are reported at madrid by ecclesiastical channels. camacho is accordingly removed from his see, and transferred to the bishopric of guadalaxara in mexico. [37] (he is regarded by concepción as a very zealous and charitable prelate; he collected from various sources more than 40,000 pesos, which he spent in the adornment and improvement of the cathedral church at manila, and for this and other pious purposes he incurred debts amounting to over 20,000 pesos more. he promoted the missions of paynaan and san isidro, going in person to persuade the aetas (or negritos) to be converted.) zabalburú, having undergone his residencia, leaves manila in the year 1710, and, after having suffered shipwreck in the bahama channel, reaches spain, where he dies after a few years. in 1707 the acapulco galleon "rosario" arrives, "with so much silver that it made that fair [at acapulco] famous;" it also brings a new archbishop, fray francisco de la cuesta, "a professed religious in the distinguished monastic order of san geronimo," who wins golden opinions from all. [38] before long, however, the old question of the right of episcopal visitation of the regular curas again arises; cuesta tries to enforce this right, but with little result. [39] a full account of this is given by concepción, with the arguments adduced therein.] [in 1709 the new governor arrives, conde de lizarraga (appointed in 1704); he is equitable, upright, and of affable manners. he finds an undesirable surplus of chinamen in the islands, and sends back many of them to their own country, although many others buy permission to remain in luzón. [40] during his term occurs the controversy between some of the friar orders and the bishop of nueva segovia, fray diego de gorospe y irala (himself a dominican), over the claim of the latter to include the regulars in his official visitations. the matter is carried to the audiencia, the decision of which is unfavorable to the bishop; he dies soon afterward (early in 1714?), after having occupied his see nine years. little else appears to mark the official term of lizarraga, who dies in 1715.] the government and death of bustamante [a brief summary of the events antecedent to and connected with the government of bustamante is here presented, obtained from the very detailed and prolix account in concepción's historia de philipinas, ix, pp. 183-424.] [the conde de lizarraga, who began to govern the islands in august, 1709, dies at manila on february 4, 1715; and the vacancy in his office is, as usual, temporarily filled by the audiencia, auditor josé torralba assuming charge of military affairs. in the tournon affair of 1704, the senior auditor, josé antonio pabon, had not resisted tournon's unwarranted assumption of authority, and had therefore inclined the displeasure of the home government, being deprived of his office and fined. he thereupon petitioned for a reversal of this sentence, and restitution to his office and salary, which was granted by a royal decree of april 15, 1713; this document arrives at manila during torralba's rule, who declines, on various pretexts, to reinstate pabon, and even attempts to obtain evidence damaging to his official character. pabon therefore is obliged to take refuge in the augustinian convent at manila, and remains there until the arrival of bustamante; the latter brings suit against torralba to compel him to obey the royal decree in favor of pabon, and to pay all moneys due to the auditor. torralba had also instituted proceedings against another auditor, gregorio manuel de villa, and two officers, santos perez tagle and luis antonio de tagle, on the charge of their having aided and abetted the castilian recollect religious in their revolt against their superiors in the order. (after the dissensions between the religious orders and archbishop camacho, resulting from his attempt to enforce episcopal visitation of the regular curas, the despatch of missionaries to the islands is greatly diminished, partly on account of those dissensions, partly because the "seas are infested with english and dutch squadrons." all the orders therefore suffer from a scarcity of laborers; but the recollects are fortunately reënforced by a mission band, conducted by fray joseph de santa gertrudis, of fifty-seven religious, "among them the flower of the province of castilla." later, in the distribution of the ministries and offices of the order in the islands, strife arises; the older members of the province--mostly from aragón, with some from valencia and cataluña--secure all the best offices, as against the castilians. when the provincial chapter meets, the latter present their claims, but are rebuffed; thereupon they convene a chapter of their own, in the convent at bagumbayan, and elect a provincial and other officers. this throws all the business of the order into confusion, and governor lizarraga persuades the two parties to refer the controversy to the head of the order in europe and to abide by his decision, which finally recognizes as legal the chapter held at manila. various difficulties arise in attempting to enforce this decision, but lizarraga, who favors the castilians, induces the provincial to leave them with their students at bagumbayan. after the governor's death, torralba aids the provincial by sending troops and bombarding that convent, to bring back the recalcitrants to manila.) torralba, having arrested villa and the tagles, keeps them in rigorous confinement, and hinders their appeal to the council of the indias; both sides send to madrid statements of their respective claims. by royal decrees of august 18, 1718, all of torralba's proceedings against them, as well as against auditor pabon, are declared null and void, and they are restored to their respective offices. bustamante assumes the governorship on august 9, 1717; his first proceeding is to investigate the condition of the royal treasury, which he finds in bad condition, with large sums due to it and unpaid by the citizens. he takes severe measures to compel the payment of these debts to the government--among them, laying an embargo on the cargo of the galleon which comes this year from acapulco, in which large amounts of goods and money have been brought illegally, to avoid payment of duties. a complete investigation of the ownership and registration of this wealth is ordered, the governor placing it in the charge of andres fernandez de arquiju and esteban hizguiño. as a consequence of the governor's energetic measures, within the first six months of his government the sum of 220,671 pesos is placed in the royal treasury, besides the situado for that year, which amounts to 74,482 pesos; and the balance of accounts on february 1, 1718, shows that the treasury actually contains 293,444 pesos, besides jewels and other valuables deposited for debts to the crown. concepción gives the principal items of revenue and expense at that time. an embargo is also laid on the silver which comes in the galleon of 1718, but little advantage therefrom results to the treasury. this financial investigation also shows that torralba, during his government, and the royal officials had mismanaged the royal revenues, shown great carelessness in the bookkeeping, accounts, and allowed funds to disappear without any satisfactory accounting; bustamante therefore imprisons them all, and seizes their goods.] [at various times the christian natives of the island of paragua ask the manila government, through the recollect missionaries in whose care they are, for a spanish fort and garrison in their island to protect them from the moro pirates; but no action is taken on this until 1718, when bustamante orders a fort to be built at labo, near the southern point of the island. [41] the recollect province contributes to this enterprise 500 pesos, which are due to it from the royal treasury. about the same time the fortress at zamboanga is also rebuilt, bustamante insisting upon this work, against the advice of many of his counselors. he sends an embassy to siam, to establish with that king friendly and commercial relations; the spaniards are received with great pomp and lavish entertainment, and rich presents are exchanged in behalf of the respective monarchs of spain and siam; and land is granted to the spaniards on the bank of the chow payah (or meinam) river, for the erection of a trading factory. "it is the place that formerly was called campo japon, and is named nuestra señora de el soto ["our lady of the grove"]; it is sixty-four brazas square, on the east side of the river, and distant from it a hundred brazas." it is also a convenient place at which to make arrangements for the building of ships, and the siamese will supply them with lumber (including teak wood) and iron for this construction. the spaniards return to manila in august, preceded by a siamese embassy; but bustamante is so preoccupied with other matters that he pays no attention to the strangers, and they are even badly treated. they return to siam angry and resentful, and desire no further dealings with the spaniards.] [in 1719 the royal audiencia is broken up by the lack of auditors: torralba being imprisoned in fort santiago, two others--julian de velasco and francisco fernandez toribio--being held in confinement, and pabon being not yet reinstated in office. "only don gregorio manuel de villa was in possession [of the auditor's functions], through the death of the fiscal, don antonio de casas y albarado; but as señor villa did not agree with the harsh and violent opinions of the governor, he retired to the convent of nuestra señora de guadalupe, distant two leguas from the city." at this time bustamante is told that a general conspiracy is being formed against him, "of all the citizens, and all the religious orders, and the clergy, influential persons being pointed out who were allying themselves with the sangleys, who were to commit the parricide." thereupon, torralba begins to hope for release, and bustamante talks over the situation with him, asking his advice. the result is, that the governor transfers torralba to the government buildings, nominally as a prisoner, but rehabilitates him as auditor; with doctor josé correa as associate judge, and agustin guerrero as fiscal; and they contrive various measures against their enemies. many persons are arrested by this quasi government, and many others through fear take refuge in the churches. among the latter is a notary-public, don antonio de osejo y vazquez, who carries his official records to the cathedral, and refuses to surrender them. a decree is therefore issued by the temporary audiencia requiring the archbishop to see that the records are given up and returned to the proper place; he promises to obey, but delays doing so; upon being ordered a second time to attend to the matter, he answers by presenting the opinions of the two universities, which the prelate has consulted in this emergency, and which support him in declining to allow the right of sanctuary to be infringed, and in regarding the so-called audiencia as illegally constituted. the governor issues a proclamation ordering all able-bodied male citizens to present themselves, armed, in the palace when a certain signal shall be given. the archbishop excommunicates torralba for his proceedings against the ecclesiastical immunity; he sends notification of this punishment by canon don manuel de ossio and doctor fuentes, who force their way into torralba's apartment, late in the evening of october 10, and force him to listen to the reading of the censure; but he contrives to get hold of a sword, and drives them out of the room. the next morning the governor calls the citizens to arms, and causes the arrest (in virtue of decrees made by his audiencia in the night) of the archbishop, his messengers to torralba, the superiors of the religious orders, and many other ecclesiastics. at this, a tumult arises among the people; an interdict is laid on the city; and a conspiracy is formed against the governor. "the religious of st. francis, st. dominic, and st. augustine (both calced and discalced) came out from their convents, each as a body, carrying in their hands crucifixes and shouting, 'long live [viva] the faith! long live the church! long live our king don phelipe v!' perhaps also resounded such utterances as in these cases are peculiar to the common people and to a tumultuous populace. these religious were joined by those who had taken refuge in the churches, and by a great number of people of all classes, and they went in this array to [the church of] san agustin. those who had taken refuge there, who were among the most distinguished citizens, filled with fear lest they should be taken from their asylum and put to death, joined the crowd, and promoted the sedition, all providing themselves with arms. a page of the governor, hearing the confusion and yells, entered his master's apartment, and in alarm gave him the news that various religious were coming toward the palace, conducting a mission. the governor, greatly disturbed, sprang up, and ordered the guards to keep back the crowd; he went to a window, and heard that from the corner of the cathedral tower thirty men were asked for to check the people, who were marching through that street. he despatched an order to the fort to discharge the artillery at the crowd; but he was so little obeyed that, although they applied the match to two cannons, these were aimed so low that the balls were buried in the middle of the esplanade of the fort. without opposition this multitude arrived at the doors of the palace, the jesuits following at a short distance, with many of the common people and many boys, the entire crowd, with deafening yells, repeating the vivas of the religious. as for the soldiers of the guard, some retreated in fear, and others in terror laid down their arms. the mob climbed up by ladders, and entered the first hall, the halberdiers not firing the swivel-guns that had been provided, although the governor commanded them to do so; he now went forward to meet them, with a gun, its bayonet fixed, and gave confused orders to his retainers to seize the weapons which by his order had been taken from them. one of the religious presented himself to the governor, and tried to set forth to him the misfortunes into which he was rushing headlong; but at the first words that he uttered, the governor, already furious, said to him, 'go away, father!' he attempted to discharge his gun at a citizen standing near, and it missed fire; then the governor drew his sabre and wounded the citizen; the latter, and with him all the rest at once, attacked the governor. they broke his right arm, and a blow on his head from a sabre caused him to fall like one dead. his son the sargento-mayor, who was in command at the fort, seeing the great throng of people who were entering the palace, mounted his horse to go to his father's aid. entering the guard-room, sabre in hand, he wounded several persons; but as he was not sufficient for so many, he was attacked by them and fell from his horse in a dying condition, and they left him there. some life still remained in the governor, but he gave no sign of it; and, supposing that he was dead, the people occupied themselves with imprisoning some and releasing others." concepción mentions the ministrations of the jesuit otazo (whose account of the affair follows this), to bustamante, and states that the dying man suffered many indignities at the hands of the mob; they even dragged him along, in a hammock, to thrust him into a dungeon, and while doing so a slave stabbed bustamante twice near the heart. finally they leave him stretched on a couch in the chapel of the royal prison, and without any medical care; the dean of the cathedral (who has just been freed from bustamante's prison) summons a surgeon to attend the dying governor and his son, but he is destitute of bandages and other appliances, and when he returns with these the governor is dead. [42] concepción describes this episode indignantly, as "an abominable crime," which was discredited by the upright and honorable citizens, and relates the excesses committed by the mob, who broke open the prisons, and set free the worst criminals. at the beginning, they had liberated the imprisoned ecclesiastics; and now they insist that the archbishop, fray francisco de la cuesta, shall act as governor ad interim. with great reluctance, and yielding only to the clamors of the people, the need that some one who can quiet them shall assume authority in this disturbed condition of affairs, and the advice of the leading ecclesiastics in all the orders, cuesta accepts this charge, and takes the usual oath of office as governor until the king shall make another appointment. he forms an audiencia with the legal auditors still remaining--velasco, toribio, and villa; and they together organize the temporary government, pabon also being reinstated, later. a public funeral is given to the two bustamantes, for which a thousand pesos are taken from the goods of the deceased, the other four thousand being allowed by the royal officials for the maintenance and the passage to mexico of the governor's six remaining children (their mother having died soon after reaching the islands--according to torralba, through bustamante's neglect of her in a serious illness); the funeral is so ostentatious that in it are consumed seven and a half quintals (or hundredweights) of wax.] [the archbishop [43] sets on foot an investigation into the riot and the murder of the governor and his son; the substance of many of the depositions made in this matter is related by our author, but little information of value is obtained from them; no one will admit that he knows who dealt the fatal blows. torralba [44] testifies against the governor, condemning his fierce disposition, tyrannical acts, and "diabolical craftiness." according to this witness, bustamante was carried away by greed, and appropriated to himself the goods of many persons whom he imprisoned; resentment at this was general throughout the islands, [45] and caused a revolt in cagayán, from which resulted another in pangasinán, in which the alcalde-mayor, antonio de el valle, and other persons were killed. the auditors propose to investigate also the persons who had taken refuge in the convent of san agustin, and afterward joined the mob; but they are advised by doctor ossio that this proceeding will too greatly disturb the community; that to proceed against these persons will be to cast odium on and grieve nearly all the citizens, since the commotion was so general; that all those who went out on that occasion did so "in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity, the preservation of this city, the self-defense of its inhabitants, and the reputation of the [spanish] nation;" and that to carry out this plan would be likely to cause some disturbance of the public peace. the officials accordingly suspend the execution of the decrees that they had issued, and send to the madrid government a report of all their proceedings in the matter, with copies of all the documents. in mexico, however, the affair is viewed differently. the guardian of bustamante's children, balthasar de castañeda vizente de alhambra, brings criminal suit before the viceroy, marqués de valero, against four of the citizens of manila for the murder of the bustamantes. two of these men--juan fausto gaicoechea y gainza, and diego de salazar--are consequently arrested at acapulco (march, 1721) and imprisoned, their goods being seized. the inquiry at acapulco is equally fruitless, but castañeda presses it before the viceroy, making definite accusations regarding the murder, and claiming that the authorities at manila have slurred over the investigation of the murders, through undue influence of interested parties, and have made only enough effort to find the culprits to preserve their own reputation at madrid; and he brings forward various evidence in support of his claims. the viceroy finally refers the case to the new governor of filipinas, marqués de torre campo, sending to him the accused persons, and gregorio de bustamante, nephew of the late governor. in january, 1720, the fort at labo in the island of paragua is abandoned, notwithstanding the entreaties of the recollect missionaries there that it be maintained and reënforced--a measure for which concepción accounts by the hatred felt toward bustamante, who had established that post; and by the readiness of the manila government to keep up the fort of zamboanga, under the pressure exercised by the jesuits, whose "astute policy" secured votes for that action, desired by them for the protection of their missions in mindanao--an influence which the recollects lacked. as soon as labo is abandoned, the moro pirates begin their raids on the northern islands, even going to the vicinity of manila; and they undertake to form a general conspiracy against the spanish power in the archipelago. the kings of joló and mindanao, however, profess to decline to enter this, finding their interest in an alliance with the spaniards. on december 8, 1720, an attack is made by moros against the fort at zamboanga, but it is repulsed; those from joló and mindanao then come, professing friendship, but treacherously turn against the spaniards and attack the fort; after a two months' siege, they are finally driven away, with considerable loss. [46] the moros afterward ravage the calamianes and other islands, carrying away many captives, and killing a recollect missionary, fray manuel de jesús maría.] letter from diego de otazo, s.j. i will not omit sending a relation to madrid, on this occasion when letters are sent from manila to that court, of the tumultuous changes [here], of which your reverence probably knows--if perchance (even though my influence be little and my authority less) my letter, when communicated to the father confessors of his majesty and highness, may contribute to the greater glory of god, and the welfare of these islands and of the souls who are converted in them, and those who may yet be converted when this community is established in tranquillity and order; it is this alone which i regard as the only object for which i can and ought to strive, since this alone has brought me to these islands. father procurator: don fernando bustillos y bustamante (whom may god have forgiven) began his government of these islands with so much violence that, as he carried it to the extreme, this very thing deprived him of life. blinded by the two mighty passions, greed and pride, and exercising the absolute power that the government of these islands confers on him, and taking advantage of the great distance from his sovereign master, [the result was that] all the citizens had to follow him and comply with his purposes, which were directed to his own interests, and measured only by his own desires. the dungeons of the jails and castles came to be filled with those persons who opposed or might oppose him; and the churches and convents were full of those who had sought refuge there, dreading lest they too might be imprisoned. the few spaniards (and they were very few) who were outside went about--let us say, by way of explanation--with one foot on the street and the other in the church; and with the fear that if they lay down at night in their homes they would awake in a dungeon. the archbishop, impelled by his conscience, undertook to employ some means--advising the governor like a father, and with the utmost possible circumspection, and after having consulted others--to see if he could check what was already dreaded; but, when he gave the governor his first paternal warning, the latter had become entirely blind, and determined to expel from manila his illustrious lordship, the superiors and professors in the religious orders, and the secular priests in the cathedral who had high positions and learning. this fatal controversy began to find expression on the ninth or tenth of october, his illustrious lordship desiring the governor to cease his intimacy with [quitarle de su lado] the auditor whom he held a prisoner [i.e., torralba]--with whom, while thus a prisoner, he was drawing up, at his own pleasure, and without any possibility of objection, the royal decrees which he judged necessary to his purpose. the archbishop sent the doctoral canon of the church and another prebend in order that, after the canonical warnings, they might notify [the auditor] of the excommunication which he had incurred by complying with so exceedingly illegal a proceeding. what occurred there when the doctoral canon carried this message i am unable to say; but the result was that they treated the canon and the other prebend badly, confining them as prisoners, and this was the answer that the archbishop received; the fact itself is known, but nothing else. at daybreak on the eleventh his illustrious lordship, in much anxiety, sent out to summon to his palace the superiors of the religious orders and other learned ecclesiastical persons, in order to hold counsel with them; but hardly had they assembled with him when they found that the archiepiscopal palace was besieged by armed soldiers, who had orders not to allow any one to depart, or any others to enter. one of the officers, entering the apartments of his illustrious lordship, informed him that he must immediately go with him, by order of the king, the royal assembly, etc.; and thus, surrounded by soldiers, they carried the prelate to the fort on the plaza. in the same way they proceeded with the rest, his lambs, and, separating them from their shepherd and from one another, led them away and confined them in different divisions of the prison and the house of the audiencia. the interdict was published, and the bells began to toll, which disquieted all the people--religious, ecclesiastics, and laymen. those who had taken refuge in the sacred buildings thought that they were ruined, and those outside felt deprived of the asylum of the church. this disturbance lasted from eight to twelve o'clock; at the latter hour the turbulent crowd proceeded, without order or concert, to the palace of the governor, and entered it without opposition from either the outposts or the soldiers of the guard. shouting, "long live the faith and the church!" they rushed upstairs, and at that same hour fell upon the governor with weapons, until he fell on the floor with wounds, and demanding confession, and they left him for dead. then his eldest son arriving--who had been going about the city arresting the priests, and busy with other orders of that sort--the mob killed him also, which occasioned the death of a poor indian. all these events occurred in about a quarter of an hour, so that by a quarter past twelve even the boys were in the plaza, celebrating the event [cantando la victoria]; the misfortunes [of the people] were at an end. at the news of the tumult the father minister [of the jesuit residence] sent several fathers from the house, that they might help to pacify the minds of the people and be ready to hear confessions, according to what necessity demanded; among those assigned to this duty i was one. on the way i met several persons, who told me that the governor was already lying dead; and as one who had gone out only to assist those on whom misfortune might have fallen--which, it was thought, would include many, as is usually the case in such tumults--i hastened my steps to the palace. finally i found him whom they had considered as dead; he was lying in an apartment, the blood dripping from his wounds, and surrounded with people; and at his side was a religious who had attended him in order to give him absolution. i asked the latter what [had occurred], and whether in his opinion that poor man was in full possession of his senses; he answered that he did not know, but that he had absolved him sub conditione [i.e., conditionally]. when the religious asked me to try to find out in what state he was, i began to say to the dying man what the lord inspired in me, in order to prepare him for being again absolved--which was done several times by the religious, with full absolution, and without any condition; for such were the tokens [of penitence] afforded by the expression of his face, and his sobs and sighs, and even tears, and his pressing to his lips the crucifix which i placed at his mouth, and so tightly did he press my hand when i asked him to, that he spoke to me more clearly thus than if he had answered with cries. it was my opinion that he could speak; and, availing myself of an opportunity when i saw the people about him somewhat removed [from his side], i made no little exertion to secure an utterance from him. i spoke close to his ear, in a low voice; and he, recognizing my intention, answered me, saying: "alas! my father, all this is little compared with what i deserve for my sins, which i confess are infinite; and this which is happening to me is the kindness of god. i do not complain of any one, and i will kiss the feet of every one. i only ask your grace that you will not leave me until i die, and that you will be my companion until death; and that, if it be possible--so that i may die far away from this noise, and be able to pass in quiet the little time that may remain for me to live--they will carry me to the hospital; that of st. john of god would be the best. but in any case, do not leave me, your grace, for the virgin's sake; and care for my soul, that it be not lost." this was what he said to me, in substance, and even literally, the first time when he was able to speak. hardly had he said this to me when the people again came around us, in a clamorous crowd, and i turned to contend with them. i made every possible effort to provide for him what comfort i could, but i could only secure this, that they carried him, with me, to a room farther within the house; and there, now trying to restrain the tumult, and now assisting him, i found him always in the same excellent frame of mind. sometimes i began to hear his confession, in coherent and detailed form; sometimes the confession would be interrupted because the doors at times were opened--until i could, by the aid of some persons whom i knew to be influenced by the fear of god, keep the doors closed for a time. i spent the time thus until about six o'clock, when he died. in that time extreme unction was given to him; and doctor rayo, who held delegate authority from the archbishop, absolved him etiam in foro externo [i.e., "also in the outer court"] from the excommunication. i omitted no effort in order that he might use well the time for the benefit of his salvation, regarding which i can state two things. [here follow long pious reflections, which may be left to the reader's imagination.] finally, god punished him there for the violence which he had employed with others--not allowing them even the comfort and consolation of communication with their confessors, as some desired; and it was not permitted to them except only to make them comply with the [requirements of the] church; for when he desired to prepare himself at leisure, and to pass quietly the time which remained to him, with the confessor who was aiding him there, there was no way of securing this. on this account it is my opinion that god chose to punish him in this life in order to pardon him in the other one. this is my opinion; oh, that it might agree with that which god has! for then the salvation of this poor man would be certain. it has seemed best to me, father procurator, to relate this in order that it may be known that this man, however much people undertake to say against him (much of which will be false), met a christian and catholic death. and i say further that, although his passions hurried him on to do such outrageous and reckless things, they never separated him from the [christian] faith or the catholic religion; and therefore, whatever your reverence can do to prevent those in madrid from believing what will be reported in this matter, do it, for god's sake--in regard to the former [i.e., bustamante's christian death], acquainting the father confessors with these facts. moreover, it is not right that such things [as are said against him] should have influence, when the only result will be infamy for him and for the six or seven children whom he has left behind. on the other hand, it would seem to me desirable that his majesty command that in the residencia which will be taken of this poor man's government there be no discussion of his personal character, or of his proceedings which have not been injurious to others; and that those which are such be considered only in so far as is necessary to satisfy, so far as is possible, the injured party--or even, putting all this aside, that action be taken only in regard to the goods which at the time of his death might be found to be in his name, secretly and through the agency of others, like those which he has in the ship and patache which this year went to nueva españa. these are going in the name of other persons, but on his account, and amount to a great deal--so much, that if in mejico the just, prompt, and honest measures were taken to have these goods sold at the ordinary fair, like the rest, and if the proceeds were safely deposited, and his majesty and the judge of his residencia here were notified of the amount thus realized, i believe that with this alone the king, the bondsmen, and the private persons who should prove themselves to be his legitimate creditors could satisfy their claims against him. [add to this] the goods that may be found in his house, and those which may be on his account from the coastwise commerce, in order that, when these are converted into money, their just value may be distributed equitably, according to the plan which is prescribed in matters of restitution when there are many creditors. this precaution will be very necessary in order to prevent many difficulties which must follow from other charges [against him], some being involved in others; and from these will result no greater gain than disturbances in the community, mutual hatreds, the rise of many falsehoods founded in malice, endless delay in ascertaining the truth, relics of quarrels left for the future, the disappearance and destruction of the aforesaid goods of the deceased which can be obtained, and finally the destruction of the wealth of some persons without any benefit to others. this is what i feel in domino, having considered matters coram ipso [i.e., "in his presence"], and near at hand. therefore, my fathers, there is nothing more expedient for the service of the two majesties and of souls than the measure of burying in oblivion [hecharle tierra] all the rest concerning him, especially the suits that he brought against others--since he cannot have authority distinct from that which he must assume on account of his office, as representing the king, and it was not for himself that he demanded justice against the subjects whom he prosecuted, for the good man proceeded against all who opposed him, as seditious traitors--and this it is necessary to lay aside, for it is an intricate affair and will become more so. also [i recommend] the approval of what was done in the formation of the government and audiencia that were organized after the fatal event; for it did not seem that anything else could be done, either as a matter of policy or in conscience, or that would be more agreeable to the wishes of the king, in such circumstances, to do what was right and prudent, without being declared presumptuous. and who doubts, after reflecting on the event and its antecedent circumstances (and, when one considers what human nature is, it seems as if the event were the natural result of those circumstances)--or, to speak more correctly, on the especial providence of god, and his justice--that also it would be most expedient for the tranquillity of this colony to bury in oblivion likewise the tumult and what occurred in it; and that attention be paid only to taking such measures as will be proper to prevent, so far as that shall be possible, the occurrence of such troubles in the future--or at least not to leave the future so exposed to peril from them? but what [a task] will that be? oh, holy god! there is no doubt that it is very difficult. for, as the principal root of these tumultuous excesses and quarrels--inextricable entanglements, which it is impossible to clear up from filipinas--[is the enormous distance] at which the islands are from the court of their sovereign (who is the one who must supply suitable and timely measures), and this it is impossible to get rid of; it consequently seems also impossible that these regions can ever be protected from difficulties of this sort. the only thing, then, that seems possible is, that these be prevented by a method which will in some way supply the nearness of the sovereign which is necessary for preventing check, in order that they may not occur with such them in time; or that will establish some sort of facility. but what can this be? i suppose that the politicians will plan the matter much better; but i say in the lord that i do not find any more convenient way than to establish at this very time an ordinance which, with the royal authority, shall serve to prevent in time the principal difficulties, those which bring on the rest. here, my father, the governor takes away and establishes, gives, commands, unmakes and makes, more despotically than does the king himself; and more, in himself he would join in one the royal and the pontifical authority. royal decrees are not sufficient; for either he hides them, or he does not fulfil them as he ought. the audiencia does not serve [as a check] on him, for he suppresses and he establishes it, when and how he pleases; nor do other bodies, whether chapters or [religious] communities, whether military or civil; for he does the same thing [with them]. and never do there lack pretexts for doing thus, even though such bodies are appointed by the king; and with the pretext that account of the matter has already been rendered to madrid, what he has begun remains permanently done, or else he proceeds to change it, as seems good to him. assuming this, [it would be best] to maintain here a council, which would be stable and permanent, and to whom, as being supreme, all the decrees and despatches of the king should come addressed, the council distributing these as might be required. no failure in the entire fulfilment of the despatches and decrees of the king should be allowed, save with the agreement of this council; and the governor should not be authorized to appoint or remove officials, or hinder them in the performance of their duties, whether civil or military; they should be appointed by the king, as now are the chief and principal ones, the auditors and fiscal. for the citizens there should be six or eight perpetual regidors, from whom should be elected, according to custom, their alcaldes-in-ordinary. [the king should also appoint] the royal officials who belong to the royal treasury; and, of military officers, the two wardens of the castle in this city and that at cavite de la punta, the master-of-camp of the manila garrison, the sargento-mayor of the plaza, and the lieutenant-general or the general of the artillery. even if the cause were, in the opinion of the governor, so pressing and evident that he demanded the arrest or suspension of any one of these whom i have mentioned, without waiting for the decision from madrid, he should not do so without giving account to the said council, or without its consent; and if the case were so urgent that it should be necessary to arrest any one of those persons before giving account to the said council, such account should be furnished immediately afterward--by the governor, or, if he cannot do it, by the fiscal of his majesty; and, if neither of them do it, the president of the said council, when he learns of the facts (in whatever manner he may obtain such knowledge), shall demand that he be given the motive and cause for the decision reached with the official who is imprisoned or banished, or deprived of the exercise of his office, in order that his council, when informed of the case, may take action. if the decision of the council is contrary to the resolution made by the governor, the official shall continue in the exercise of his functions until the final decision shall come from madrid. and if perchance the governor disobey this rule, and do not render account of the motive and cause which has influenced him to take that course with the officer whom he is treating as a criminal, the president of the council, with its advice, is authorized to replace, and shall do so, the said official in the exercise of his office. in this particular, all the other officials of the king, and his soldiers, must obey this president, and not the governor, under such penalties as his majesty shall see fit to impose upon them. item: if any one of these persons appointed by the king fail to act, by either death or any other accident, another person shall not be appointed in his place by the governor alone, but he shall do so jointly with the auditors and military officers above mentioned, if the ad interim appointment is to a military post; and if it is municipal, the electors shall be the governor, the auditors, and the other regidors. if the appointment is that of a royal treasury official, [he shall be chosen] by the remaining members of that body, with the governor and the auditors--among whom i include, for all the elections, the fiscal of his majesty--and the person who receives the most votes shall be chosen; and in case the votes are divided among two or more, the lot shall decide. he who is thus elected shall remain as a substitute in the vacant post until the king shall appoint a proprietary incumbent, and shall possess the same privileges as the others have, besides that of continuing under the protection of the said royal council. as for those who might compose this council, i cannot find any who would be better--in order that it might be durable, and most free from prejudice; and that its proceedings might be most prudent and reasonable, judicious and learned--than the following: for president, the archbishop of manila, and in his absence the dean of the holy cathedral church of manila; for its members, the dean, in case he is not president--and, if he act in that post, in his place shall come in the senior prebend, by vote of those in the council; and besides these, the doctoral prebend of the same church, and the rectors and prefects (or the regents) of the two universities, santo domingo and that of the society, or those who shall take the place of all these. those who occupy the chairs of institutes [47] and laws in the university (which have been recently established) shall not have place in this council, for i do not know whether they will be permanent; and because, even if they are so, these professors must be included in the number of those who are under the protection of the said council, as being officials appointed by the king and subjects of the government here. the decision of the members of this council must go out in the name of the whole body, and will be that which shall receive the most votes from the six councilors; and in case of disagreement among them the decision will be that to which their president shall agree, out of those proposed in the council--each one of these councilors giving his opinion in writing, which opinion must be a decisive vote, and not merely consultory. and because the chief mate [capitan maestre] of the galleon is the one who has charge of the royal mails, it would seem desirable, in order to make sure that this official conducts himself with entire fidelity in surrendering them to the said council, that he who is chosen for that post shall [not] be selected altogether by the governor, but must be approved by the council, as protector of the royal decrees and officials of filipinas, which is the sole employment that the said council will have. thus that official, once he is chosen and approved, must remain under the protection and jurisdiction of the said council until he has fulfilled his commission. and because this council will remain entirely free from the possibility of being disturbed by the governor, and because the most scandalous controversies which have occurred in these islands have proceeded from the abuse of the royal prerogatives, the governor with the audiencia seeking by force to deprive the archbishop and the ecclesiastical judges of the secular revenues--for sometimes they overstep the bounds in the essential part, and in other cases exceed the limits immoderately in their mode of procedure--it would be expedient and even necessary for his majesty to forbid them to do so, and deprive them of authority to enforce that. they should be allowed only to ask for it, and, having given information of it to his majesty, await his royal decision in order that that may be accomplished, in reality and in the mode of procedure, which always will be just and reasonable, and carried out to the letter, as his majesty shall ordain for the service of god and for his own. in this manner my poor mind has planned, having considered these matters in the lord, in order that some means may be employed to make up for the distance [from madrid], and to place some check on the despotic sway which, on account of the distance, the governors of these islands possess; for, as i said above, not only do they act more despotically than could the king and the pope if those rulers were at the same time united in one being, but also they are the whole [government] and all the offices, since every one must do and does only what the governor desires, with reference to the offices which the king entrusts to him. it is clear that, for the object that is desired, that which will contribute most of all is the judicious choice of the governor and the other officials, [who should be] worthy, upright, unprejudiced, disinterested, having the fear of god, and zealous for his honor and the service of the king--as well as for their own honor, which is established by this very effort. but qui sunt hi, et laudavimus eos? [48] i see it, forsooth. on this i will only say that the governor in any case should be a soldier, honorable and experienced, to whom the government is given on account of his merits; and not one who may be a merchant or trader. still less should he be one who has secured the post of governor with money, and not with merits. [in order to secure] for the other officials men worthy by their merits, fitted for their positions, having the fear of cod, and honorable, an important means, without doubt, is care in their selection. i see that your reverences will tell me that i am tiring myself uselessly, and that nothing of this concerns me. this may all be true, but i believe that in the presence of god this my labor will have, if not reward, at least excuse, since i have undertaken it with an aim to the welfare of the souls in these islands, and to the progress in them of our holy faith, [objects] which are hindered by misgovernment here. in regard to the other matters [here], i know that every one is sending in accounts of them, and i am sure that each one will give such information as he feels is true; as for all those who are doing this officially, who shall say that they will not report according to what is right, and with weighty arguments? i, at least, cannot persuade myself to think otherwise; for all the said persons i regard as truthful and god-fearing men. the one with whom i am better acquainted than with any of the others is don francisco fernandez toribio, an auditor, and now fiscal, and a [university] professor of the institutes; and i can at once inform you that what he may say can be believed, that it is his own opinion, and that in saying it he will be governed more by reason than by prejudice. he is a man indeed, since he is so good, upright, disinterested, god-fearing, and truly honorable; and although he and others like him would be good for these places, yet they are not good for men of this sort. god preserve your reverence for many years, as i desire. manila, november 19, 1719. the humble servant of your reverence, etc., diego de otazo i.h.s. letter from the archbishop of manila i had given to your paternity account [of affairs] last year, by way of mejico, of the wretched condition in which this commonwealth and these islands were, and of the unspeakable grief with which i was living at seeing the lawlessness, tyranny, misgovernment, and insatiable greed of the new governor, field-marshal don fernando manuel de bustillo bustamante y rueda; and afterward in the same year, by the eastern [india] route, i also sent to your paternity an account of the commotion [here] and the violent death of the said gentleman, who perished on the eleventh day of october in the same year. nevertheless, as the latter route is so irregular, and it may have happened that the said letter of mine has not reached your hands, it has seemed to me prudent to repeat my last letter, and send it by the galleon which is now sailing for acapulco, in order that your paternity may be fully informed about that event (although summarily), on account of what may yet occur. the said gentleman reached this city on the thirty-first of july in the year 17; and from the outset it seemed, with his disposition--unquiet, changeable, petulant, and with inordinately bad tendencies--that he directed all his efforts to the ruin of these islands. he persecuted the citizens, arresting some, exiling others with pretexts of embassies, conquests, and new expeditions, and causing others to seek refuge for themselves, fearful of his harsh treatment; and he fattened on the wealth of all the people. to these evil beginnings corresponded like ends; and from so mischievous causes were experienced the effects in the unlooked-for and miserable death which he, with his eldest son, encountered on the eleventh day of october in the past year. at that time the common people rose in rebellion, and, going to his palace, deprived him of life, without his having at his side any person who would defend him, even among his own servants. this is a proof that he was hated by all; and it is notorious confirmation of the truth of this statement that the great precautions which he had taken since the tenth [of that month] for his safety in his own palace availed him nothing; he had provided soldiers, both infantry and cavalry, who, as they affirmed to me, numbered more than three hundred. in the general opinion this success [in killing the governor] was gained by especial permission of his [divine] majesty, who by this act of providence, through his lofty and venerable judgments, chose to furnish relief when it could not be looked for so soon from human sources. this tumult was caused by the arbitrary nature of the governor's proceedings; for, without conforming to laws, either human or divine, it seems as if he had--according to my judgment before god, in whose presence i speak--no other law than his own will, from which proceeded his despotic decisions, directed to his own advantage and not to the general and public welfare, which ought to have been his chief care. with this consideration [i.e., his own advantage], and in order to find the goods of the master-of-camp don esteban de higuiño (whom he had kept a prisoner since the beginning of august), he gave orders that the chief notary of the municipal council of this city should demand, at the end of september, the official records of a notary-public who had taken refuge in my cathedral on the same day when the arrest of the said master-of-camp occurred. the consultation which he held and the petition which he presented to the ad interim fiscal of the audiencia were merely formal; the matter was referred to the royal audiencia, without stating whether it was by a consultory or a decisive vote; and the papers were considered in the royal audiencia, which was composed of only one official, who had for associate judge the counselor [asesor] of the government. this auditor was commanded to despatch officially a royal decree for the surrender of those notarial records; and i was notified of this on the twenty-sixth of september, and the papers offered to me with a view of the decree of august 11, in which the said auditor was qualified for [transacting] the business of the audiencia--a copy of which decree i send with this. there were various difficulties in regard to the fulfilment and observance of this decree [49] on account of the serious injuries which might result to the administration of justice in the ecclesiastical estate, and to the sheep of my flock. obliged as i am in conscience to attend to their relief, i conferred regarding these doubts with persons in whom i had confidence, and with the [heads of the] two universities of this city--in whose opinions i tried to find ground for the decree which enabled this single auditor to have his abode in the royal hall [of justice]; because for this he had exchanged the imprisonment in which he had remained in the fort and castle of santiago. their uniform reply to me was, that i ought not to consider the audiencia which was formed in this manner as a royal audiencia, or the decree which was issued [by it], with the royal name and the seal of his majesty, as a royal decree. i did not [at once] come to a decision in a matter so important, and on which so many things depended; and moreover, in order to show my profound veneration for the royal prerogatives of his majesty and my earnest desire for the public tranquillity--to which i have given attention from my first entrance into this archbishopric, as also to the amicable relations which i have maintained with the royal officials of his majesty (especially with the governor of these islands), since this contributes much to the service of god and of his majesty--i presented my doubts, with a copy of the replies given by the universities, to the said deceased governor, at a conference which was held on the seventh of october. i charged him as his friend that, considering these questions with the careful reflection which is demanded by the strict account of our deeds which we must render to god, he should do what was most safe for the discharge of our consciences in the service of god and his majesty. to this advice he gave me no answer, either written or verbal; and when i was waiting for one, in order to choose the safest [course] and avoid consequences which always are injurious to the public welfare, on october 8 (which was sunday), a little before twelve o'clock, i was annoyed by a second royal decree--in which, professing not to understand the reasons which i had for doubts, he insisted on the surrender of the said records. having answered that in order to make my decision i was waiting for his reply, i pressed him for it [on the next day,] the ninth, with another [written] communication of substantially the same tenor as the first one, exhorting him to make the best decision, that is, the one which he would at the hour of death wish to have made; but he declined to receive it for that morning, on the pretext that he was ill--although it was plain to me that he was well [enough] to hold conferences with the single auditor of whom the audiencia was composed. in the afternoon, he gave orders to receive my communication, at the repeated insistence of the chief notary of my archbishopric, who carried it; but he would not allow the notary to enter the palace or to see him. from this stoppage of friendly relations and lack of civility which i began to experience in regard to this matter, and on account of the news that i had of the repeated deliberations that he held [with the auditor], i could only expect very evil results in the banishment of myself and of the ecclesiastics--which i mistrusted from the twenty-seventh day of september, when i had sent my provisor with the cura of balayan, for them to certify to the said governor the information which on this very point had been privately given to the said cura by an alférez named antonio de torres, who had much familiar intercourse with the said governor. this information was reduced to the statement that a certain alférez had told how his lordship had resolved to banish me from this city by the middle of october, because he had made ready to demand from me, about that time, that he might remove to the most distant of these islands all the persons who had taken refuge in these churches, both within and without this city; and, taking for granted, at the start, that i would not permit it, with that ground for action he would proceed to carry out the said banishment. when i learned that the said alférez, when summoned to the governor's presence, confirmed his statement, although he exculpated himself with frivolous pretexts; and when i did not see any punishment inflicted on him for this insolence, and knew, moreover, that they only gave him orders that the matter should be kept secret (as it was): i had sufficient grounds for the said suspicion. and as it was quite consonant with prudence to prevent the dangers and obviate the measures from which might result these evil consequences, having assured myself of the only arguments [50] with which i could prevent this act--to command the single minister in this audiencia and his associate, under penalty of major excommunication and [a fine] of five hundred ducados in silver, to abstain and refrain from sitting as judges and transacting the affairs of the audiencia, the formation of which, in my judgment, had been invalid--i acted accordingly, in conformity with the opinions for which i had obtained confirmation by the vote of my cabildo and the superiors of the holy religious orders. availing myself of this means for ending the controversy, as conducive to the public tranquillity for which i was striving, without intermeddling with the governor i issued two monitory decrees, in which i gave orders as above, in order that at the very same time they might be notified, to the said minister and his associate; and i committed this business to the doctoral canon of my church, in order that, as a discreet and capable person (since he is morning professor of canon law for his majesty), he might conduct it with the judgment and the precautions which are desirable in a matter so delicate. he went to execute this commission in the hall of the audiencia, in which building this single minister of that court has his abode, abandoning the obligations of his rank, and trampling on both human and divine laws. hardly had he heard my name, when the notification of this decree was begun, when he snatched it from the hands of the doctoral canon and tore it to pieces; he demanded a sword and buckler, and the protection of the king; and he uttered so many cries, and left his room with so much noise, that he disturbed the entire palace of the governor. he goaded on the governor so that, without any warrants and without a session of this so-called royal audiencia, he seized the said canon and the prebend doctor don juan de la fuente, who accompanied him, in the porch of the court prison; and there they remained, surrounded by soldiers with pikes and naked cutlasses, during all the night of october 10. at that time he gave orders to surround his entire palace with a guard of infantry, and would not allow that three ecclesiastics should go up to see him, whom i sent with a courteous message, in order to obtain information as to the motive of this singular proceeding. the governor gave orders to detain them in the guard-house, where they remained among the rabble of soldiers, exposed to the inclemency of the wind and of the rain which fell that night, until the morning; and then they locked up the ecclesiastics in a small room which was connected with the guardroom of the halberdiers, without any food--at which the city began to be disquieted. the doctoral canon and the prebend were conveyed by an escort of soldiers with an officer to the castle and fort of santiago, where the castellan kept them confined under a guard of his soldiers, and without any communication [with other persons]; and as soon as they reached this place, at daybreak, the military watchword was changed, [accompanied] with [the firing of] a cannon loaded with balls, and [the beating of] war-drums; and the bells were rung as a summons for the entire city. disturbed at this signal--which, by an edict published in the preceding year, was given for their attendance at the royal palace--all the citizens gathered there; and when they were assembled the late governor addressed to them a vigorous exhortation that they should defend the royal jurisdiction, which he assumed that i had injured and usurped. he censured the opinions of the two universities, and berated the persons who signed them, saying that they did not understand the laws, and that they were disturbing the church just as one molinos [51] and one luther had disturbed it. after six on the morning of october 11, as it was evident to me that the notification had been actually made--by the information which by my order was received; and by a brief letter which they brought me from the said doctoral canon and prebend, in which they assured me of their imprisonment on account of the notification to the single minister of the audiencia of the monitory decree (which was made ipso voce) warning him that his name would be placed on the list of excommunicates [tablilla]--as also to the eldest son of the governor (who was sargento-mayor of this army) and his adjutant, i gave orders that they he posted as publicly excommunicated, about seven o'clock in the morning. at that hour the superiors of the holy religious orders, with other prominent religious who were under their direction, assembled at my archiepiscopal palace in order to console me in the trouble that had come upon me from such noisy preparations and violent demonstrations; and while we were discussing these matters, and inferring from these premises the evil consequences which openly were dreaded for the ecclesiastical estate, through the doors of my archiepiscopal palace (which were open) entered military officers, armed, with a great number of soldiers; and, having filled the palace and surrounded it with infantry, the officers came upstairs, with the adjutant who had been publicly excommunicated, until they reached the room where i was with the said superiors and religious. a captain named don pedro de velasco said that he came in behalf of his majesty, and by order of his governor and captain-general, in order that i might go with him to the royal court; and he would not accept the reply which i gave him in writing, assuring me that he was under penalty of death if he acted differently. although i did not consider the court to which he summoned me as the royal court, since the single auditor who composed it was execrable, i resolved to go (as i solemnly declared) in consideration of the public tranquillity and the respect due to the royal name of his majesty. but as soon as i left my palace, the military officers and soldiers surrounded me; and when we reached the door of the governor's apartments, by which i had to enter, i saw that it was locked. i recognized the deceit and malicious subterfuge by which they had drawn me [from my house]; and i declared this, as well as that i would not go of my own will to any other place than the royal court. i tried to shelter myself in the royal seminary of san felipe, in order not to be wet by the heavy rain that was falling, but the military officers would not allow me to do this; and therefore i leaned against the lintel of a door that stood open in a private house. the sargento-mayor, who was a son of the governor, apologized for taking part with his father in this deceit, since it was required from him. don benito carrasco, an alcalde-in-ordinary, came to tell me of the order of his lordship that i must go wherever the military officers and the soldiers carried me. they, seeing my unwillingness, lifted the chair in which i was sitting, and by force carried me to the public street, where my sedan-chair was--which i had to enter, in order to avoid even more disgraceful, scandalous, and sacrilegious acts; and i allowed myself to be carried--surrounded by armed soldiers, as if i were a criminal who had committed atrocious offenses--through the public streets to the fort and castle of santiago. there they delivered me as a prisoner to the castellan, don ygnacio navamuel, and he received me as such, and kept me in his dwelling-house; nor would the sargento-mayor, who remained in command at my archiepiscopal palace, permit them to bring me the bed and small chest of clothing which the members of my household tried to send me for my personal comfort and cleanliness. after seizing me, they proceeded to convey other prisoners with a guard of soldiers: my secretary, who was confined in the same castle; the commissary of the crusade; the schoolmaster and a prebend of the cathedral; the commissary and secretary of the holy office of the inquisition, with two other religious of st. dominic; the prior of the convent of san agustin; the rector of the college of the society of jesus, together with the master father avina; and my provisor--placing them in the infantry barracks and the quarters of the royal accountancy, with orders that no one should speak to them. [52] they would have carried away, in the same manner, all the persons who were in my palace, if the common people had not opposed them; for it seems that the intention of the governor was, as his corresponding secretary has deposed, to seize all the persons who signed the opinions which the universities gave me. for this so execrable deed there was no cause on my part, since i did not prosecute any determination of my own that was opposed to the royal laws of his majesty; nor was the monitory decree of that character, which was notified to the single auditor of whom the royal audiencia was composed--for with that document i aimed, as a prelate, to deprive the governor of the pernicious means which he was employing in order that he might not have in his government any other law than his own ambitious and depraved will. nor for carrying out my seizure, under the pretext of banishment, did he previously take the steps which the royal laws provide; for the royal writs were not issued which should have been, to know whether there had been any failure of obedience on my part--a proceeding which is required in order that the penalty of [loss of] the temporal revenues may be applied to ecclesiastics--as the auditor himself and his associate have testified. for it was resolved, in a session which they held on october 9, that an official of the royal audiencia should go to confer with me over the difficulties about which i had consulted the governor; but this formality was not carried out. on the other hand, availing himself of his administrative [53] power--to which, at the time, they likewise agreed--for use in case of any emergency, when that arose of the outcry which this single auditor made at the time when he was notified of the said monitory decree, the governor compelled them [i.e., the auditor and his associate] to dictate an act, assuming that it was one proceeding from the royal court (although it was not such), on the night of october 10, in which they decided that what had been agreed upon the day before should be carried out, in regard to the use of the [governor's] administrative power against my person and those of the other ecclesiastics. although, in order to excuse themselves for the many offenses that they committed in this so discordant session [acuerdo], they undertake to avail themselves of the fear and coercion in which they say the governor kept them, i know not whether this evasion which they use as an excuse can assist them, when as christians they know that they ought to die rather than sin; and when, since they could have availed themselves of the privilege of sanctuary (as others did) to prevent injury to their souls, they did not do so, through caring for the comfort of their bodies. after the unfortunate event which i have related had occurred, all the people hastened to the castle where i was, and, without my being able to resist their impetuosity, they liberated me from that place, generally acclaiming me as their governor in the name of his majesty. this was the greatest blow that could happen to me, and i protested against it before god [saying that], if my imprisonment and its previous hardships could serve as a mortification to me, this demonstration grieved me far more, without comparison, as being so entirely contrary to my own judgment and disposition. but the people, who still remained under arms, cried out that they would not lay down their weapons, until i should accept, in the name of his majesty, the government over them. at this i made all possible protests, and efforts to resist this, with the prominent and learned persons of the city, not only ecclesiastics but laymen; but as they were unanimously agreed, with the general feeling and opinion that i ought in conscience and justice to accept this post, for the sake of quieting this community which otherwise would run great risk, and the disturbances would increase, and be the cause of greater misfortunes and more violent deaths--i was obliged to accept [54] the said government, sacrificing my own [mode of] life to the service of god our lord and that of his majesty (whom may god preserve), and for the welfare of the people. it is impossible, even with the greatest care and attention, to relate this affair with all its circumstances, so marvelous and mysterious were many of them. likewise, it is impossible to explain the ruined, wasted, and unsettled condition in which everything remains; therefore, i will only say to your paternity that i ask you to have compassion on me, and that you will earnestly commend me to god our lord in your prayers, that he may grant me light, and judgment, and strength for the great task in which i am engaged. i remain, as i should, entirely at your paternity's orders, continually entreating that his [divine] majesty may preserve you for happy years, as i desire. manila, june 28, 1720. [francisco, archbishop of manila]. letter by a spanish officer cousin, friend, and sir: at the coming of the galleon which arrived here from nueva españa at the end of july in last year, 1729, i received two letters from your grace of the same tenor, dated april 19, 1728. while they gave me most special pleasure, on account of the consolation which is afforded me by all the letters from your grace which i am so fortunate as to see, i have not been and am not able to express my feelings at the news contained in them of the grievous illness, the inflammation in the chest, from which your grace has suffered for so long a time; and i am very anxious that you should continue to improve, so that your grace may be entirely free from it (as i hope you now are), and restored to the excellent health which i earnestly hope you may experience for many years. in the midst of so much vexation as has surrounded me, god has been pleased to grant me the favor of good health, so liberally that it seems as if he had cast me in bronze; for he has preserved me in the midst of so much trouble without the slightest headache, contrary to my usual condition, for which i give thanks without number to his great goodness--remaining, as i always shall, so devoted to your grace as you must well know. the governor of these islands, don fernando baldes tamon, arrived here safely in the above-mentioned galleon, and accordingly took possession of this office, in which he continues to show the earnest zeal which, with a desire for what is most conformable to right, actuates him. from the place from which the mails which came in the same galleon were despatched to this city he wrote to me--on account of the news which they gave him there of my troubles--with very cordial expressions of affection; and as soon as he arrived here he began to confirm this impression, not only by his confidences on various matters, and by having cared for the comfort of some of my dependents--about whom unfortunately, doubtless on account of my lack of means, i am nevertheless being undeceived, by experiencing [from them], in return, that ingratitude which always more than abounds here--but by manifesting to the public that he valued above others [even] my uselessness. [he did so] in such a manner that, recognizing this, envy and prejudice were aroused, especially that of the licentiates and auditors, to see how they could deprive me of this gentleman's protection. not only to show my gratitude for his kind intentions above mentioned, but in order to carry out the prudent counsel which your grace is pleased to give me, i endeavored to follow from those beginnings the line of returning his kindness, as is proper, manifesting my feeling of obligation as well as i was able, and even in the midst of the many pecuniary losses that i have experienced--which have been caused not by extravagance, since i have tried to live as plainly as a religious, but by the unfortunate result of fairs in which everything has been lost, besides the unlooked-for destruction of property [55] when the galleon was wrecked in the year 726. the day before he took possession of the government, i waited on him with a batôn [of office] made of gold, with a diamond which i caused to be set in its tip, which was valued at more than six hundred pesos. don fernando still continues in his kind regard for me, although these knaves have not relaxed in their perverse designs. your grace may rest assured that, on my part, not only will not the slightest cause be given to him for growing cool toward me, but i shall, on the other hand, endeavor to secure the opposite result, in whatever concerns the behavior that is due him. your grace will please say the same to all your honored friends, who, influenced by the [same] affectionate loyalty [fina ley] which i acknowledge toward your grace, have always favored us, pledging themselves to advance my interests with him--especially señors legarra and maturana. [56] the latter himself has told me that don fernando is under obligations of great friendship to them, and that they will take especial pains to talk with him in my behalf. while on my part i give them grateful thanks, suited to the extraordinary obligation to them under which i shall always remain, i am meantime fulfilling that obligation without [unnecessary] delay, for the next galleon (since the [brief] time does not give me leisure for this one), in attending to the affairs of the above-mentioned gentlemen, señors legarra and maturana--and in regard to the others. in virtue of the knowledge that your grace can do me the pleasure of facilitating those which are, i trust that you will be pleased to continue to me the much that i owe to you, and for which i shall always remain under great obligation to you, by asking them that on the first occasion, or in reply to this, they will deign to confer on us the new favor of returning thanks to this knight; for that will be a circumstance which will gratify him, and will certainly be very apropos. and in case they consent to bestow on us this new honor, i trust that your grace will please arrange that the letters come through my hand, in order that i may deliver them to him. by the letters which i wrote to your grace, in the aforesaid last year, you will be fully informed of the extraordinary quarrel in which i was involved by the bad counsel and selfish designs of the father of my wife doña maria josepha, encouraged by the mischief-making partisans that he has. on this topic i ought to add that, soon after the galleon which carried the aforesaid letters had sailed from this place, the said doña maria josepha with great eagerness made known her desire to return home with me, urgently entreating that i would enable her to do so as soon as possible. such being the relations between us, and the lawsuit being then near its final limit [estar en terminos de concluirse] (since all the evidence [necessary] for deciding it had already been furnished), and since, to judge by what was coming out in the suit, much annoyance could be occasioned by my side to her father, in order that it might serve as a warning and correction to the malice and evil design with which he undertook this quarrel, i resolved, responding to the good-will of the said doña maria josepha, to give her the satisfaction of [granting] her petition. by way of correlative [to this], i performed the feat of overlooking, in regard to that same father of hers, the injury that in every way he has tried to do me; so that, although i could, while awaiting the decision [of the lawsuit] which, as the saying goes, was already in my hands--inflict on him most grievous injury, notwithstanding all this, from that time i formed the steadfast resolve that in case doña maria josepha and i were reunited, as we were expecting, not only would i do my share to secure that from it not the slightest [harm] should result therefrom to him, but that we should maintain such harmony that this matter should no longer be remembered. in pursuance of this resolve, and because it seemed to me that this was the best way in order to live in conformity to the commands of god, i spoke upon this subject to the former governor, and to the archbishop [57]--who, on account of their earnest desire, as heads of the commonwealth, that this result might be secured, were unspeakably delighted that doña maria josepha and i should come to so good a resolution. immediately they held a conference in regard to the measures that should be taken in order that this reunion might be accomplished as soon as possible; and as it seemed best to them that it should be done through a conference with her father, since she had asked me that the matter might be thus arranged, they agreed to talk with him about it; this business was attended to by the archbishop, in his own name and in that of the governor. although that gentleman [i.e., doña maria's father] answered the archbishop with plausible arguments, to the effect that our union did not depend upon himself, but upon the aforesaid doña maria josepha, but that he would, nevertheless, speak to her with the aim of promoting it, he acted so deceitfully that, in place of devoting himself to carrying out that promise, what he did was to go, a short time after he had left the presence of the archbishop, to the place where (as i told your grace in my previous letters) doña maria josepha was staying. [there], like a lion unchained--goaded by the idea of what the archbishop had given him to understand, to the effect that doña maria josepha and i would certainly come together in a very short time, and by his own notion that we had been communicating with each other with that object--he began to threaten her in the most extravagant terms, in order not only to break up her purpose of reconciliation, but to prevent her from having the slightest communication with me. not halting at this alone, his preposterous behavior went so far that he visited the provincial of st. dominic; and the latter, being a good friend of his, and a man of so excellent judgment as he has shown in this affair, complied with his demand--which was, that the provincial should carry into effect whatever orders he [i.e., my wife's father] should give to the prioress of the house where doña maria josepha was. [58] the prioress obliged that lady to leave the rooms in which she was living, which had a view of the street, and placed her in others where i could not possibly speak to her on any side of them. they placed such constraint upon her that she experienced inexpressible affliction, through this and other most improper measures which they took--even going so far that [they would not admit] the daughter whom i had by doña rafaela (whom may god keep), when they learned that this girl had on previous occasions gone to that house on account of the request that the said doña maria josepha had made to me, that i would send my daughter to her; for they made arrangements to deprive her of the pleasure of having the girl with her, availing themselves of the same means which herod used when he published the edict for the slaughter of the innocents, so that the death of christ our blessing might be included therein. for, not shooting openly at the window they aimed at, in order to attain their object orders were given by the provincial that in no case should any young girl be allowed to enter the house--notwithstanding the fact that until then not the slightest objection had been raised to the admission of any of the girls who were of my daughter's age, and even when they had been going to that house for a longer time than she. when i learned of all these and other wrongful acts, i brought them to the notice of the archbishop, who was amazed--modifying the idea that he had formed of my wife's father from his previous actions, and being equally surprised at the provincial for his actions in contributing to proceedings in which he ought [rather] to feel so great scruples at following the lead of this man. the archbishop administered to him an exceedingly severe rebuke, nor was the provincial left without others, which to a person less carried away by passions would have served for his entire correction. at last, when the father of doña maria josepha saw that these and other malicious and unusual measures--of which he secretly availed himself in order to attain the purpose which guided him to actions, in regard to the lawsuit, which were improper and unjust--were continually failing him, and that consequently the affair of our reconciliation was steadily taking such shape that it would very soon be accomplished, he yielded in outward appearance, through his fear that this would occur without his having the least intervention in the matter. through the agency of that same provincial, the affair was discussed with the archbishop and the governor; and thus the conclusion of it was arranged, so that, a few days after the middle of july, doña maria josepha and i were reunited, the former governor having brought about a reconciliation, two or three days before, between her father and myself. auditor martinez--who, as i informed your grace, had charge of the lawsuit, in virtue of the commission which the aforesaid former governor, marqués de torre campo, gave him for that function--as soon as the news reached this city that the present governor was coming in the galleon, made on his part incredible efforts to have this affair settled. he eagerly endeavored, with especial activity, not only that this settlement should be effected, but that all the official acts should be burned--a proceeding which every one here [dis]approved; [59] for without doubt the purpose that more than any other directed him was, that, knowing his own guilt in the mad acts which in his passion he had committed, he desired to repair it, or [rather] cover it up, by this means--fearing that if this business were not completed before the governor arrived here, the latter would do with it what was right; moreover, almost the same idea had been entertained on account of what concerns the preceding governor, by means of its having been known or found out in the same manner. the auditor exerted remarkable activity in the settlement [of the lawsuit] from the time when the said galleon usually met very little delay in reaching these islands, and did so with far more briskness as soon as he learned that the galleon, with the present governor, was already within them; and in fact, if the latter had arrived in this city before this affair had been settled, it is not to be doubted that he would have given them much trouble, by means of it and the knowledge which with great precision he obtained, from the time when he entered the islands, of the outrages and wrongs which had been practiced against me to judge by the great pain which he felt at these, and hinted to me on the first occasion when i went to see him. this was immediately after he arrived outside the walls of this city, where he was obliged to remain until he took possession of the government, in consequence of the custom which prevails here in this regard. the director whom my wife's father had for the [business of the] lawsuit, or for drawing up his allegations in court [escriptos], took refuge in one of the churches near the city, as soon as he knew that the governor had arrived here. the latter, having understood the many wicked acts which this man had committed, besides those that he practiced in that affair [of mine], desired that--since for the present he could not be punished in proportion to what he deserved, on account of his being in that asylum--he be sent to some military post, not only in order that this might serve as a correction to him, but with the intention that this community be freed from a person of so utterly perverse practices, and that he be not given the opportunity to continue in them. he therefore held a consultation in regard to this point with the archbishop, who, having the same knowledge as the governor, in regard to the perversity of this man, and the great expediency of sending him to a military post, and assured that the sanctuary which he enjoyed would not be violated by another punishment, very readily agreed to the plan, and caused that man to be removed from that sanctuary in order to secure him (as he did) in the prisons of the archbishop. [there he remained] until he was carried thence, some two months ago, by command of the same governor, to the military post that is most remote in this jurisdiction. the efforts which this knave made to see whether he could escape being sent away from here were many; and they were so singular, unusual, and culpable that they seem incredible--as your grace will recognize from one of them. this is, that he feigned that he was sick, and so skilfully that, the governor having sent two physicians to examine him, they were persuaded at seeing him that really he must be very ill. at that time he practiced the stratagem of having acted the part of a dying man, so skilfully that they even tolled the passing bell for him; but the fact is, that a little while after this had been done--when the physicians had gone away, as also had a religious who had been summoned and had hastened to him--it was learned that he ordered the women to bring him some food, and that he performed his part as well as a good gravedigger could. this trick caused much amusement here as soon as it was discovered, as might be expected from its singularity. the father of doña maria josepha frequently came to our house after we were reconciled, and consequently i went to that in which he lived, and on my part showed to him the same kindness as before--not only because my good-will had forgiven him, but on account of the promises that we had given each other on the occasion when the previous governor made us friends, or rather reconciled us, that we would go on in the future without the least change. notwithstanding this, [he acted strangely]--i know not whether it were because his perverted mind was, as a result of the ill-success of his evil designs, permanently impaired; or because he had formed the opinion that i had some share in the removal of the above-mentioned director of his from the church, in order to banish him to the military post. this [latter] idea was contrary to the facts in the case; for it is certain that i had not even the slightest shadow of complicity in that incident. it is he [i.e., my wife's father] who (at the time when the said his director was in the aforesaid archiepiscopal prison), coming on foot through a street in which i was riding in a forlon [60] on the opposite side [from him], began when i approached close to him to fling himself about like a madman, and to utter such insulting terms that, although i could not, on account of the noise made by the forlon, distinguish what he meant by them, they compelled me, notwithstanding that i was going forth on pressing business, to order that the forlon halt, in order to ascertain what was the cause of that outcry, or what was the matter with him. immediately he advanced like a wild beast to the side of the forlon, where he began, with the same wild behavior as before, to break out in extravagant utterances, such as "what knavery and wickedness is this?" with others that were equally or even more disrespectful. when i saw this, although i could not help growing hot within [at conduct] so unusual, discourteous, and besides without cause, i maintained outwardly a countenance without the least change; and in that attitude i expostulated with him--saying that he should tell me what caused him to act thus, since i was ignorant of the cause; and that he must endeavor to moderate his behavior, and not apply such language to me, but must use such terms as were proper. with these and other arguments, and the mild way in which i stated them to him, it was to be expected that he would, unless he were blind with passion, cease from his mad behavior; but he was so contrary that he displayed even much more excitement, and broke out into even wilder utterances. notwithstanding that so great provocation was enough to have made me alight without the least delay from the forlon in order to obtain satisfaction from him, i was so patient that i again expostulated with him aiming therein to avoid all violence, and for my part to keep the promise which at the time of the reconciliation we had each given to the governor and also to the archbishop, in order that there should not be the least trouble between us. the return that he made for this was, to tell me, still more angrily, to alight from the forlon, and that down there i would find out what i wanted to know. at this new and extreme provocation, [given] in his evil and malicious manner, my patience was exhausted and i sprang out of the forlon; but before i had set my feet on the ground he came toward me with a naked short sword [espadin] which he wore, with a blade of the size prescribed for a sword, as was afterward found. at this i drew my own sword (which is one of the regular style); but as it was necessary for me to make unusual exertions in using it, as it was quite rusty, he wounded me at this time with his weapon, in two fingers of the left hand. we made thrusts at each other several times, during which--either through the blindness in which his furious passion kept him, or for some other reason, i know not what--he several times afforded me sufficient opportunity to have taken his life, if i had chosen to do so. notwithstanding this, as i had drawn my sword with no other intention than to defend myself, and not to injure him seriously, i behaved toward him accordingly; so i proceeded to disarm him, and, throwing him to the ground, i drew my own short sword, in order that he might more clearly recognize the kindness that i was doing him. at this point different persons came up to separate us; and the governor, when he heard of this occurrence and the excessive provocation which i had had, gave orders to the sargento-mayor to convey my antagonist to the castle of this city. as for me, on account of the legal formalities [necessary] until the judicial investigation of the affair was made, he sent me a message directing me to remain under arrest or detention at home. before the said sargento-mayor could reach him [i.e., my wife's father] to conduct him to the castle, the professor of laws who is an honorary auditor--a native of leganès, of whom i told your grace in my previous letters, and who was a great friend of his--carried my wife's father, half-covered with mud as he was, to the presence of the governor; and he pleaded so urgently that in place of sending him to the castle they should transfer his prison to his own house, that the governor had to comply with his request. [santisteban's account of the settlement of this affair is too prolix to be repeated here in full. the substance of it is, that an investigation was made by auditor martinez, and by him referred to the audiencia, where it was decided that the difficulty should be smoothed over, and the parties again reconciled to each other; the governor is obliged to agree with this decision, but remains the firm friend of santisteban. the latter is willing to forgive his assailant, but wishes to avoid the recurrence of such troubles; he confers thereon with the archbishop, who promises to arrange matters with the governor, but dies before he can attend to this matter. later, santisteban and his father-in-law are nominally reconciled, but with the proviso that they do not go to each other's houses; but santisteban is obliged to be on his guard against the secret machinations of the other.] a little while after the governor took possession of his dignity, the necessity arose for making a change in one of the offices in the regiment, for a reason which rendered such a change unavoidable. on this occasion the governor directed that i should propose three names of meritorious persons whom i should find to be suitable tor that position, in order that from these he might select the one whom he thought best--determining that in future this practice should be observed in regard to all the military offices to which he had to make appointments. although this regulation is so eminently proper--not only because it had been the usage here until, in the last few years, the inexperience and despotism of some of the governors broke up this method of procedure; but because it is in all countries the inviolable usage that the masters-of-camp or the colonels (which is the same thing) have always proposed [appointments for] the vacant posts in their organizations--it caused much surprise (or, to speak more correctly, envy) in the licentiates or auditors. for, as soon as they heard of it, they went to see the governor, and with as much energy and eagerness as if some great advantage could thus result to them, addressed him, endeavoring to dissuade him from the observance of this method--availing themselves, in order to incite him not to allow this regulation to take effect, of the artful argument that it was opposed to his own authority. but the governor, knowing their good intentions and how very proper are those proposals of names (as above stated), sent them away more offended than they were when they came into his presence, on account of his answer to them that he could not permit the appointments to be made as they wished, since it was the prerogative of all masters-of-camp to propose them--saying that no one could have a better knowledge than these officers have of the merits and fitness of persons for their command, in order that those who were necessary for military employments might be judiciously selected. from this your grace will understand how far the prejudice of these licentiates can extend, and their exceeding ill-will, and that i shall find myself badly off and can ill remain here with these and other knaves, who are in more than abundant numbers in this goodly land, and of so evil, or even worse, intentions; and the good intentions of those licentiates not stopping at this only, i will relate to your grace another case in which they show no less their proved enmity. the former bishop of the province of zebu in these islands, don fray sebastian de foronda, had done me the favor of lending to me six thousand pesos for the payment of a debt. that gentleman having died, the licentiates began to make arrangements for the collection of his expolios, [61] in this usurping the governor's jurisdiction; for it appears that this business belongs to the control of the superintendency of the royal treasury, which exercises [that control]. they issued an edict directing that i, making acknowledgment of the promissory note which they found, which i had made in favor of the said bishop, must immediately make the payment of this amount. i replied to this that the note was made by me, but that, as i had not the funds, it was not possible for me to pay the note then, but i would do so as soon as i could. at this, they issued another mandate in which their ill-will in regard to this affair (which, in general, has existed a long time) began to make itself fully visible--which contained these expressions: "we command you, every official with appointment as deputy of the alguazil-mayor of this court, that when you see this present you proceed immediately and without any delay to require general don manuel de santistevan to deliver up the sum of six thousand pesos, which he is owing to the goods of the expolio of the very reverend master in christ don fray sebastian de foronda, deceased, late bishop of calidonia, and apostolic ruler of zebu; and if he shall not pay the said sum, you shall proceed to levy on his person and goods up to the quantity necessary to make up the said six thousand pesos, the tenth, [62] and the costs of collection, in the usual form. for this command is given by an edict issued by us, on the past fifteenth of september in this year." such are the expressions in the decree. when the friend who on other occasions, as i have informed your grace, has directed me in all my lawsuits (whom, before replying, i consulted on this affair) comprehended the artful manner in which this mandate was worded--for while my office was stated therein as "general" (which, although i was one, i was not accustomed to style myself, as others do here), the document said nothing of my office of master-of-camp; and, as it was more important to misrepresent the former judicial point than to set aside the latter, it was a consequence that whenever such [word illegible in ms.] should come to be seen here, it would follow that the auditors could arrest me with this title, and without recourse to the governor, who is the one authorized to do so, when cause arises--this friend thought it best to attack them with a counter-mine. this was to reply to them (as was done) that the said decree or mandate could not concern me, because not only on account of my noble rank i could not be imprisoned for debts, but i was also excepted therefrom by being master-of-camp, so that in no case could this seizure of my person be made without the consent of the governor. it seems that they had, before his eyes, issued another decree, saying that this measure should be duly carried into execution--with the statement that it must be ascertained whether in the office of the court notary of that same audiencia my title was registered, or there was evidence that i was such master-of-camp; and that in the latter case the governor should be notified before they proceeded to carry out the decree, in order that he might give the orders which would prevent perplexity among the soldiers whom i keep as my guard. the governor was sorry for these attacks on me, and partly on this account, and because he desired that such a precedent should not operate generally, and partly in order to avoid on that occasion the disturbance that might arise from his defending his own jurisdiction in the aforesaid matter of the expolios, which these subordinate officials were usurping from him, and seeing that i had not the means for paying this amount, he showed me the special favor of furnishing to me five thousand four hundred pesos--part in the salary which to that time was due me, and the rest in cash, which he ordered his steward to give me. with this, and six hundred pesos more which i obtained in other ways, the whole of that debt was paid into the royal treasury; from which it resulted that, as the auditors had not been able to secure the execution of this last decree, in so far as concerned my person, on account of this deposit or payment, which forestalled their attempt to compel me to have experience in the court of justice, when they heard of it those fine snobs [buenas alajas] of licentiates were left more than amazed; and the grievous vexation which they experienced through the fact that their malicious cunning and procedure had been frustrated was increased no little by their learning that the greater part of the amount furnished had been given by the governor, who will send to the king or to the council of the indias, on this occasion, or when the galleon shall sail for nueva españa, an admirable document--which has been prepared by the friend who, as i have already stated, has directed me in my legal business--in which, relating this action, he proves by forcible arguments that those auditors acted illegally therein, and makes it very clear that they could not and ought not to meddle in that business. i am fully informed of the reasons which made your grace regard it as not expedient to present in the council the sworn statement which i sent you, in the year 725, of what had been done up to that time in regard to the affair of the jurisdiction of the small fort. considering that, although the governor has known and knows the injury that was done me in that matter it will please him that the revocation of the sentence which, ill-advised, his predecessor pronounced should come from there [i.e., madrid], i trust that your grace, on receiving this letter, will be pleased to arrange for presenting in the aforesaid council the sworn statement of the whole of this lawsuit which i sent you in the year 727; and make all possible endeavor to secure that, if the affair result as is just, the decree which i mentioned on that occasion be sent here. also such measures should be taken as will lead to auditor martinez, who was the chief cause of so unjust a sentence, being given the condign punishment that corresponds to his fault; and that the same be done as concerns alcalde vermudez, on account of his having thrust himself into usurping the jurisdiction of another. in regard to the subject of boletas, [63] it is also important to continue [our] importunity, so that (as i hope) a decree may come, assigning me definitely at least ten toneladas in each galleon, which are eighty piezas or boletas. this is a number so moderate as may be understood from the fact that it is hardly half of the amount with which in the past it was usual for my predecessors to compensate themselves out of what was allowed in the galleons by the latest regulation of his majesty to the entire body of citizens, [and] was that which was commonly assigned to them on those occasions. this arrangement will be very desirable, so that the prejudice arising from differences in the persons who are associated in the distribution of space [repartimiento] each year cannot, with what each one will have, attempt to change the allotment of what should be given to me; also because the governor, although he may desire to favor me in this particular, cannot do so by himself alone, as he has only one vote. besides, if we consider former instances, it will not be strange if the plebeians [64] with their arts induce him to do what they wish. [a note on the margin, evidently added as an afterthought, reads: "if this matter of boletas proves difficult to secure (although it is so ordinary an affair that even to a half pay sargento-mayor named don franzisco de cardenas a decree came last year, which decreed that they should provide for him here with fifty boletas), and the favor of the government can finally bring it about (if on the other hand it does not turn out as i hope), your grace need not trouble yourself over this question of boletas."] this gentleman, the governor, has told me that your grace gave him the duplicates (which he has brought here) of the reports which i made and sent to you in regard to the absurd speeches which have been habitually made here. i have been much pleased at this precaution (which was a very proper one), not only that he might come here with full knowledge and information about affairs, and because of the benefit which he has derived from them (which he has personally acknowledged to me), but because since his coming he has proved the truth of all that is contained in them. i am very thankful to your grace for the news which you send me in regard to the condition in which affairs are there [i.e., in españa]. i cannot express my feelings at the death of the count, not only because i know the same things that you mention, but on account of the especial circumstance of the personal favor and affection for which i owe him the gratitude for which i shall always be under obligation; and i am equally grieved that it happened thus, in the prime of [his] life, on account of what concerns don pedro his nephew. for the present, then, since for lack of time it is not possible for me to write, your grace will please present my condolences for both these casualties to the lord count mozo, and to my lady doña ge[r]trudes, assuring them that i sympathize with them very sincerely. will your grace please also convey my kind remembrances to the other acquaintances and friends who favor us, as also to all our relatives--and especially to our don matheo, and to my lady doña antonia, telling them how sorry i am for the impaired health that they have suffered, and that i shall be exceedingly delighted if they regain their health. a little while ago, god took away the eldest child of don luis and doña rosa, after a tedious and lingering illness with diarrhoea. they are exceedingly grateful to your grace for your expressions of kindness, which they very cordially reciprocate; and don luis places at the disposal of your grace [whatever he can do for you in] the new office which he holds, that of chief notary (in proprietary appointment) of the cabildo of this city, with accompanying rights of privilege therein. in order to secure this purchase (which he made here from the crown), he was aided by a schedule of properties which he owns in this same city, [amounting to] some twelve or fourteen thousand pesos, for the post cost him that amount. although it is certainly an excessive price, it is compensated by the advantageous circumstances attending it: he has authority to select a deputy who can exercise the office in his name, as is the case at the present time--the latter to be paid, according to what they say, 3,000 pesos each year--and it is a place of much honor and esteem, just as it is in all the cities of these kingdoms. these advantages he had borne in mind, for without them he would not have undertaken this office, even if it had been worth much more; [another consideration was], that whenever he may choose to quit it he can do so, assured that he will find some one else here to whom he can make it over, at very nearly the same amount which it cost him, since that office is sought for by many persons. i render to your grace the grateful thanks which i owe you for the diligent efforts that you made in order that the post of governor here might be conferred on me; and i now see how, on account of the reasons which you state, you could not gain the result that was desired--for which it is necessary to resign ourselves and be patient. by my previous letters your grace will have learned the object to which my mind is directed, since learning that [my hope of securing] this office has been disappointed, and the other motives that i stated therein. every day increases, if that be possible, my desire to indemnify persons here; and moreover i am certain that, instead of securing advancement [here], i can regard it as certain that i shall, on the other hand, become more embarrassed at every step--considering that i cannot hope in any direction for the least gain of [pecuniary] profit; and that my salary is so limited that, as i have stated on other occasions, it is not enough even for the absolutely necessary expenses of my decent living, moderate [as that is]. for all these reasons, i cannot help repeating at this time my urgent requests to your grace in regard to this subject, entreating with almost the same energy which i could employ to escape from purgatory, if i found myself there--that you will, as also friend arce (to whom also i have written at this critical time), continue your efforts until one of the posts of governor which i have mentioned to your grace can be secured for me, either in the kingdom of peru or in that of nueva españa. i suppose that the [door to such a] purchase is now closed; but if through a little good-fortune there is opportunity for one, you can render assistance in securing one for me, from the money which will remain from what i have sent, since all of it is now on the road thither [i.e., to españa], according to the information which they have sent me from nueva españa. if this shall not be enough, i trust, in the great loyalty and affection which i owe to your grace, that you will make up the remaining sum that shall be necessary, in such way as you shall find most convenient--[what is needed] not only for this purpose, but tor the rank of field-marshal; or, that failing, for the rank of brigadier. i will repay the amount that may be needed, with more than its proceeds amount to, as is just--assuring your grace that the favor of aiding me to secure (as i hope) this relief will be so exceeding a kindness that 1 have no words to express suitably my inmost appreciation of it, nor, consequently, to show the gratitude for it which i shall always feel toward your grace--whose life i beseech our lord to preserve for me for many years, with all prosperity. manila, january 28, 1730. cousin and sir: i am very sorry that the articles which i sent by fathers buena ventura plana and joseph bobadilla were lost, through an accident; for this has deprived me of the pleasure which i would have felt if they--as being things from this country, although of little value--had reached the hands of your grace and other gentlemen to whom my gratitude and affectionate good-will had addressed them. i think that the aforesaid fathers are now in nueva españa, on their return journey, and i do not doubt that in passing by way of the court there [i.e., madrid], on their return from rome, they exerted whatever good offices they could in my favor, on account of the special affection which i owe them, and [which], your grace is pleased to declare, they displayed. and although i take into consideration the fact that at present the other fathers who reside at that court cannot accomplish much, for the reasons which you give me, i persuade myself that it will do no harm if your grace will please to preserve (if you can do so without special trouble) communication with all those to whom you caused the letters that went from here to be delivered; for they will not fail to render aid in whatever may arise. nevertheless, even without their aid i have entire confidence that your grace will employ the other means which you have obtained through your great ability, and such others as you may find convenient, if one alone do not prove sufficient for the attainment of one of the governorships which i have mentioned. again i assure your grace--to say nothing of the fact that this hope itself affords me some pleasure--that it will be a favor so praiseworthy, and so great a kindness, for me to be able to escape as soon as possible from this chaos, this deep well, that (as i have already said) i shall not have words with which to express it, and therefore to manifest to your grace sufficiently the gratitude which i shall always feel toward you. i flatter myself that at the same time there may come an order to the governor to give me the command of the galleon in which i shall have to make my voyage, for the reason which i have already explained to your grace on other occasions, in order that in this way i can perform it with more convenience, and without so great expense. in case the granting of such order be refused (although i imagine that there will be no obstacle that can arise in the way of issuing it), it will be desirable to obtain letters from the secretary (present or future) in the general office of state who has charge of matters concerning the indias, recommending to this gentleman [i.e., the governor of filipinas] to be sure to grant me this favor; it would even be worth while for señors legarra and maturana, and likewise sargento-mayor castro of the guards, also to write to him on this subject. [at this point the writer indulges in various half-anxious reflections on the uncertainty of his future, the delay in obtaining the benefits of a governorship even if he secure the appointment to one, and the possibility that all this delay may be time wasted; but he endeavors to bear these things in patience. he states that he has also written to one patiño [65] on these matters, and he hopes that these representations will lead to measures by the home government that will check the arrogance of the manila auditors; and he urges his cousin to push his claims to a better post than he now has.] i kiss your grace's hands, as your cousin and sincere servant and friend, who earnestly desires to see you again, manuel de santistevan [addressed: "to my cousin señor don lorenso de san tistevan."] [on the margins of pp. 28 and 29 of the ms. appears the following, evidently a postscript to the letter:] cousin and sir: when your grace may write to the relatives [spanish, pa--, the rest blotted; the context would indicate parientes], i trust that you will grant me the favor of explaining that, for the reason which i have already stated, lack of time, it is not possible for me to write until another opportunity (which i will try to do); and will your grace please say the same to the mother of doña rafaela (whom may god keep), and convey to all of them, in my behalf, my affectionate remembrances. this packet--of which i will send another copy by the galleon, being uncertain whether this may be lost on the way--is going by way of one of the colonies which in this part of asia belong to the foreign nations, such as francia, inglaterra, olanda, and portugal. by this route letters usually go very expeditiously to that kingdom [of españa], as also those come here which are sent thence by these routes, employing the method which i described in detail to your grace in the years 723 and 24--a fact which many persons here have learned by experience, in the case of the letters which by these lines are sent to them from the court there, by the correspondents whom they have in it; for one, the governor obtained this satisfaction soon after his arrival in these islands, in receiving various letters, among which was the commission as warden of the castle of santiago in this city, for a nephew whom he had brought, who in españa had been an alférez of the guards. from the maternal grandfather of doña maria josepha the authorities seized here 102,000 or 106,000 pesos--a sum which, as it had been sent from these islands to nueva españa as an investment by don fernando bustillo bustamante, the former governor of the islands, was therefore by order of the viceroy of that kingdom [of nueva españa] placed in the royal treasury of mexico; as also another considerable amount, which the aforesaid governor had sent, was obtained from various other seizures which the viceroy had made. although the executors of the said grandfather of doña maria josepha obtained a decree that they should be repaid for the amount seized, there has not thus far been any way in which that could be done--either because there was a lack of funds, or because the person to whom this commission had been entrusted in the aforesaid city of mexico was inefficient. the greater part of the amount thus seized belongs to the aforesaid doña maria josepha; in order to ascertain what is legitimately hers, some measures have been taken in order to secure the division of all the goods; and if (as i hope is the case), this effort shall have succeeded [in time] for the despatch of the galleon, i will then send word to your grace of the result, in order that your grace and friend arze may be so kind as to ask for a new decree in which the viceroy shall be commanded to see that the most prompt satisfaction be given for the aforesaid amount. with this and a strong letter of recommendation from the secretary for the affairs of indias in the general office of state, addressed to the present or future viceroy, there will be no doubt that the collection of this money will be facilitated, as is necessary and desirable--and all the more if this order shall arrive at the time when, as i trust, [an appointment to] a governorship being received, i should go, as would be necessary, to that kingdom [of nueva españa], even though it might be for [an office in] that of peru. extracto historial commerce of the philippines with nueva españa, 1640-1736 (to be concluded). by antonio álvarez de abreu; madrid, 1736. source: this document is translated, partly in full and partly in synopsis, from the extracto historial (madrid, 1736), compiled by abreu; it includes "periods" iii-x, but on account of its length will be completed in vol. xlv. translation: it is synopsized and translated by emma helen blair. commerce of the philippines with nueva españa period iii occurrences from the year 1640 until that of 1702, and from this year until 1712. [66] 17. although there is no evidence in the expediente [67] of what resulted from the commissions given to señor palatox by the decrees which may be seen at the end of the preceding "period," one consequence was that the philipinas trade with nueva españa was continued, in the form which we shall soon describe. for the viceroy of that kingdom, conde de paredes, when he was in office made remonstrances at various times from the year 1684 until 1686, in regard to the great confusion which always had been experienced in the valuations of the cargoes on the ships from philipinas which arrived at the port of acapulco; and he declared that none of the measures which had been employed had been sufficient, so that they could regulate the duties which the merchants of those islands ought to contribute, nor for preventing the illegal acts and frauds which were committed, to the injury of the royal treasury. he had therefore found it expedient to make the regulation (as he had done) that every ship of those which came to the above port of acapulco should compound its customs duties [indultasse] in the amount of 74,000 pesos; and this had been the practice until conde de galve had gone to fill that viceroyalty, and he gave an account of this matter. 18. on receiving this information, despatches were sent on june 5, 1697, to the viceroy and audiencia of mexico and to the governor and audiencia of philipinas, informing them that the said arrangement had been revoked and annulled, since it was contrary to what had been commanded by laws, decrees, and royal orders, and for many other serious and just reasons. both of these governments were commanded to cause the publication of the revocation and annulment of the above arrangement, and were ordered to take especial care in the administration and careful collection of the duties which the merchandise in that traffic ought to contribute--most strictly observing the regulation that no more goods should go from those islands than amounted to 250,000 pesos, nor should more than 500,000 be allowed to go back as proceeds. moreover, this commerce must be strictly confined to citizens born in philipinas, and prohibited to those of nueva españa; for any goods which should be found belonging to the latter must be considered as confiscated, and those which should come outside registration, if they belonged to those islanders, must pay double duties. the declarations [manifestaciones] of these goods must be made within the limit of six hours, or at most of twelve, which was fixed as the utmost allowance of time. it was most strictly commanded that for the future they should no longer allow the declarations of [registered] merchandise which until then had been permitted, that the ships in that commerce should not exceed a burden of four hundred toneladas each, and that they must be the two which sailed each year to the port of acapulco. 19. these orders having been received and published in philipinas, the city and the merchants of manila set forth the difficulties which were arising from the mode in which their trade was carried on. they entreated: first, that there should be only one ship in that trade, having a capacity of 1,200 toneladas, and not two, as had been decided; second, that the amount of 250,000 pesos, stated in the permission which had been granted them, should be increased; third, that in return should be brought back the entire amount which the merchandise should produce in acapulco and the kingdom of nueva españa, and that it should not remain limited to the 500,000 pesos to which it had been restricted. they offered, for the regular voyage of each year, to make a contribution to the treasury [servir con] of 100,000 pesos, on account of the duties; and they asked that, when it should appear that these dues had been paid, neither the royal officials of acapulco nor any other officials should meddle with the registration of the goods that were landed at the arrival of the ship, nor with the embarkation of the silver on its return voyage, but that both these should go free. 20. in order that the distribution of the lading-space which was made in these islands should be equitable, the decision was confirmed which in 1699 had been made by the governor of the islands at that time, commanding, in regard to the statement that this distribution was not made among the citizens, whose qualifications [for this] belonged exclusively to that city, that the municipality alone, without the intervention of any other official, must send the list of the citizens to the committee which met for this purpose; and that the said distribution should be made among the persons included in the above list of citizens, without that government or the audiencia being allowed to have any discretionary power in this matter. 21. in view of this remonstrance, and of the demands made by the kingdom of peru (in regard to opening to it the commerce by way of acapulco), by the provinces of nueva españa, and by the consulate [68] of andalucia--which set forth the weakened and diminished condition of commerce in these and in those kingdoms, through the excessive amounts of cloth and other commodities which were coming from philipinas, in the ships allowed to them, to the port of acapulco--the council proposed to his majesty in a report dated july 7, 1703, the measures which it regarded as expedient for the regulation which must be made in the commerce of philipinas; these his majesty was pleased to approve, and their contents may be reduced to the following points: 22. that in the philipinas islands two ships should be built, each of 500 toneladas burden, which should transport the goods permitted to that trade; that the citizens should be authorized to convey in these to nueva españa the amount of 300,000 pesos in their products and other commodities, and on the return to philipinas to carry 600,000 pesos in silver, allowing 100 per cent gain minus the duties and expenses. among other things which they were commanded to watch over for the regulation and observance of the said commerce are the following: 23. that the city of manila should itself make the distribution for the lading of the two ships, without the intervention of any official. 24. that the merchants and those interested in the trade should present within a specified time-limit the commodities, invoices, and articles which they were to send to nueva españa; that these should be placed in the royal storehouses, and the estimate of their value be made. this must be done by the agreement of two persons of experience, deputed by the city and the trade, with royal officials and the fiscal of the audiencia of manila, and the fiscal must superintend the entire valuation. if any merchant should feel aggrieved in the enumeration he should go before the committee [of distribution], in order that his just rights might be guarded; and if the committee did not take care of this, he should have right of appeal to the audiencia. 25. that he who had no goods to lade should not be allowed to give up his right in favor of a third person, but it should accrue to the rest, a new distribution of that part being made. 26. that the registration be made by the royal officials, with the assistance of the fiscal; that the goods shipped and their valuation should be carefully ascertained; and that the decisions of the officials, or a copy of them, be sent to acapulco for the use of officials there. 27. that in acapulco must be ascertained the quantity of silver which should be shipped on the return voyage, and, if the goods sold should perchance exceed the 600,000 pesos, they [i.e., the manila owners] should not be allowed to take away the excess in silver, but [must take it] in goods. 28. that if the sale of the goods shall not fill this amount of 600,000 pesos of the permission, the merchants of nueva españa cannot under any pretext, no matter how just, make up the deficiency, or place in the ship the remaining amount of silver, for this was perpetually prohibited by his majesty from the time when these orders were issued; and whatever might be done in contravention of these should be punished with special severity. for it had been learned that under this pretext those born in nueva españa or resident there were steadily introducing their trade into philipinas, thus causing most serious losses to the royal treasury, and bringing that commerce to the state which was acknowledged, with great detriment to the trade of españa. in regard to this matter the viceroy was charged to devote himself with the utmost activity to the strictest fulfilment of this order, without overlooking the slightest thing. 29. that if it were found that any portion of silver belonged to a native or resident of nueva españa it should be regarded as confiscated, and applied in thirds; [69] and, besides, the delinquent should pay to the royal treasury three times the amount thus confiscated. if he repeated the offense, the penalty should be imposed upon him of loss of goods, and exile from these provinces for ten years. 30. that thenceforth should likewise be prohibited the acceptance of declarations of goods [manifestaciones], nor should they for any reason be accepted, even if his majesty should lose the double duties that belong to them, since on no account would he allow them to be tolerated. 31. that in order to avoid confusion in the decree of the year 1697 already cited (and leaving these points settled and in use, in such form that they should be permanent), if the governor and merchants of philipinas in giving the 100,000 pesos, should come to offer it by way of adjustment [regulacion] [70] of the duties in each voyage, and not under the name of indult [indulto], as had been proposed, they should be entirely released from payment of all the duties which they must make good in acapulco, not only on the outward but on the return voyage. it was also declared that goods sold at that port or shipped from it should not pay alcavala on the first sale; for it was certain that the contribution of the 100,000 pesos from the permission would cost seventeen per cent, leaving eighty-three per cent gain to those who were interested in the trade. moreover, as his majesty paid the expense of the building, cleaning, and equipment of the ships, and supplying them with soldiers, provisions, supplies, and ammunition, without receiving more than forty-four ducados for each tonelada, it would not only be advantageous, but even necessary to the royal treasury to furnish a considerable amount for preserving their commerce and traffic to the natives of the island, which was all the favor which his royal munificence could exercise. if, however, an agreement should not be reached by the trade in the adjustment of the 100,000 pesos, the royal duties must be exacted and collected in full, without excepting anything. 32. that in the enumeration of the traders should be included the spaniards born in the country, and the military men stationed in the port of cavite; and these might engage in that traffic--excluding, however, ecclesiastical ministers, whether secular or regular, and those who were foreigners to those philipinas islands. 33. that the master of each ship must make a book containing the freight list, and present it with the aforesaid documents at acapulco to the castellan who governs that port and the royal officials, for the discharge of cargo. at the same time he must carry a duplicate of all these documents, to be sent to the viceroy as soon as they arrived, in order that he might examine them and communicate with the tribunal of accounts, in which a copy of it must be made to send to the council. 34. as soon as the ships should anchor in acapulco the castellan and royal officials of that port should station the guards necessary to avoid the concealment of goods or their clandestine introduction, causing the ship to be lightened and its cargo landed with the utmost promptness, and collecting the established duties or securing them by the goods themselves, according to the usage up to that time. 35. that when the goods had been landed and the amounts registered had been ascertained, the ships should be inspected; and whatever else was found therein should be regarded as confiscated, without allowing therein any claim or remonstrance. half of the goods confiscated should be applied to the royal treasury, and the rest in two parts to the judge and the informer--excepting in the case when the value of confiscated goods should reach 50,000 pesos; for then the viceroy and the royal court of mexico must allot to the judge and the informer such quantity as should be proper, leaving to the decision of the judges other penalties in accordance with the guilt of the offenders. 36. his majesty having agreed to the proposals made by the council, they issued on august 12, 1702, despatches in accordance therewith, to the governments of nueva españa and philipinas, informing them of the regulation herein explained, and commanding them both to observe it strictly and inviolably. in consequence of this, the governor of philipinas, in letters of june 21, 1705, and may 24, 1708 (in which he acknowledged the receipt of the despatch sent to him), reported that he had carried the decree into execution, and had made it known to the merchants in the city of manila, who had offered to make good the burdens of expense which would ensue if the two ships of 500 toneladas each were immediately built according to this command--in view of the fact that there were two galleons and one patache in the ports there; of these one might serve eight years, and the other a little less, and the patache four. for this reason the governor had commanded that the building of the two ships should be suspended until those which were then in use should be worn out. 37. that also it had been regarded as impracticable that the valuation of the cloth and wares which were to be traded should be made through the actual examination of the bales and their other goods, and that this should be carried out in the royal storehouses--considering that the crowded condition of those buildings, and the risk of thefts, fires, and other accidents, did not permit this method to be practiced, as was commanded by the decree that has been cited. 38. that to this was added that, as the chinese do not gather at the fair [at manila] until the end of may in each year, and the ships sail from those islands toward the end of the following june, the royal officials were unable in so short a time as one month to attend to the aforesaid examination, and to undertake the despatch and registration of the ships, on account of the great amount of work that they had to do in this. for these reasons it had been decided that, in the invoices that were brought forward, an itemized account should be given of the stuffs, their quantity, quality, numbers and marks, and the names of the consignees; and that the consignors should furnish samples of each article; and some bales here and there could be opened to ascertain if there were any fraud and punish it. and that, the aforesaid city and merchants having agreed to and accepted all the rest that was contained in the above despatch, the galleons had accordingly sailed for nueva españa in the years 1705 and 1706. 39. the council, being informed of this memorial, agreed that the strictest orders should be repeated (as was done by decrees of december 12, 1712) for the exact observance and punctual fulfilment of those given on august 12, 1702, excepting that which concerned the opening of the bundles in the royal storehouses for the valuations. it was permitted that these should be made by means of invoices, which each one must present, swearing that the goods were his and that the bales contained no more than was set down on the invoices. the council also decided that the traffic and commerce of those islands should be continued by the two ships already in existence, until they should become unseaworthy; in that case they must be laid aside, and the building of the two ships of 500 toneladas burden each should be undertaken, according to their former decision. 40. inasmuch as in the year 1706 the galleon named "rosario" had been despatched from philipinas under the regulations made by the cited decree of 1702, and modifications in this had been proposed by the city and merchants of manila, the viceroy alburquerque [71] had commanded (with the opinion of a junta which he formed for the reception and unlading of the galleon) that this cargo should not be admitted to the adjustment of the 100,000 pesos, which the above regulation provided; and that consequently the declaration of goods should be accepted, by the rules of valuation and of the payment of duties which had been observed on other occasions. the council, after the statement of the fiscal and consultation with his majesty, severely censured the viceroy, and the officials of the junta who had agreed with his opinion; and they returned thanks to those who were of the opposite opinion, who thought that the adjustment of the 100,000 pesos should be paid, as that was the most exact and accurate meaning of the royal orders issued in the year 1702. section iv period iv of the demonstration which was made in the year 1712, when the duke de linares was viceroy, of the illegalities in the trade permitted to filipinas, and the difficulty of preventing them. 41. on may 27, 1710, a despatch was sent through the private correspondence office [via reservada], addressed to the duke de linares, viceroy of mexico, directing him, on account of the pressing necessities of war, to grant indult of the penalties for the illegalities (specifying those which had been committed in notable transgression of the law) with which the filipinas commerce had been and was still carried on--not only in the commodities which were shipped, but in the silver which was sent back for them--neglecting the rules and orders that had been given for that commerce. in consequence of this, by order of the viceroy, an investigation was made in mexico by an auditor in the year 1712, of both the shipment and the returns; and as a result of this was shown the great illegality with which the stuffs from china had been traded. it appeared that the goods that came without registration were allowed to enter on the declaration of them; that, contrary to the permission, all or the greater part of the merchandise in this commerce belonged to citizens of mexico, puebla and other parts of that kingdom, and not to the native citizens of the islands; that while the permission limited the returns to only 600,000 pesos, the amount thus permitted had been exceeded in some years by two millions, and in every year by a considerable amount; and that no investigation had been made of the chests carried by the mariners of those ships, to see whether they contained more than 30 pesos' worth of goods. 42. although with this investigation and the accompanying report of the auditor who made it (which he sent to the viceroy), and the opinion given by the fiscal of the audiencia when he saw it, that court was of the opinion that the indult should be granted to the traders of mexico who proved to be guilty, that body of traders refused such benefit, supposing that against its individuals such guilt would not be proved as to require compurgation [by the grace] of the indult; and the viceroy linares, in a letter of august 4, 1714, in giving account of these investigations, made the following statement: 43. "by the last trading-fleet [flota] i informed your majesty of the progress of the investigations which had been begun in regard to the commerce of philipinas, and of the measures which i had taken with the merchants of this city in regard to the indult. they assured me that, as they were included in the offense, and the access to his majesty's clemency was so open, they would avail themselves of this favor, in order not to suffer another investigation or expose themselves to an experience of the severity of the penalty, since it was easier to take refuge in the sovereign asylum of your majesty in the indult. but as the opinions of men differ, and their fears are wont to range themselves on the side of their advantage, the notorious nature of the offense was not enough to convince them, or the prohibition of the law to persuade them, on account of their persisting in the belief that [this very] tolerance sufficed to keep them from incurring [the penalties of] guilt; and that the fact that the ships came [to trade] without conforming to the orders of your majesty afforded to the [mexican] traders a certain indult for not making any change in the custom [regarding it]--alleging that the tolerance [of the government] was a matter of convenience, and insisting that they had not traded directly in the islands. with this the merchants resolved in a special conference, convened for this purpose by the consulate, that they would not avail themselves of the indult, leaving in my hands the liberty to proceed against all of them, hearing them in [the courts of] justice. "having learned of this decision, and being certain that many of the merchants were refusing the contribution as a body, and covering the indults as individuals, in order to secure greater advantage to themselves, i directed the auditor who had had charge of this investigation to summon them--each so separately and independently of the others that even the knowledge of this proceeding could not be imparted to them; and beginning with those who were distinguished by either wealth or position, whose opinion might be either a guide or a check to the others, in order that, these having once accepted the indult, their submission and connivance might facilitate the acquiescence of the others. "i was influenced to this opinion by the difficulty of proceeding against all of them; for, as they number almost five hundred, and among them are the most prominent merchants, any procedure against them would cause a great sensation in the community, even though the cause should justify it, especially [if it occurred] at the despatch of the trading-fleet. [also i was influenced by other considerations,] knowing by experience the losses that the merchants suffer through the irregular condition of the trade and the failure of the mineral products to make these good; their valuing more highly the actual balance in their favor from some investments which give prompt returns than their hopes from others which [various] causes might naturally retard; [the desirability of] gaining the tranquillity of the commonwealth by the voluntary contribution of its individuals; and by this means rendering more worthy of their regard the royal clemency of your majesty, and pledging them to gratitude at receiving as a kindness the indult which menaced them as a penalty. "those who probably are included in this infraction of the law may be reduced to three classes of persons: those whose wealth supplies them with funds for trading, and who therefore risk these for heavy investments, without fearing lest they be ruined or left without funds for other purposes; others of the middle class [as merchants], who under the protection of the preceding class expose to risk a part of what they possess, and content themselves with moderate gains, because their means do not allow them to make greater outlay; and still others (and the most numerous), who are very poor and are unable to hazard any money, but who go to the port of acapulco and there purchase what they can for the comfort of their families and their own petty affairs--and these are the majority [of the transgressors], among whom are many who are [now] absent, dead, or bankrupt. "in the books of the carriers [72] in which is set down the silver which has been carried to the port [of acapulco], and the merchandise which has been transported to this kingdom [of mexico]--all money is included without any distinction, without specifying the coin which goes destined for the fair at acapulco and that which must be sent to the islands; and this produces confusion, which it is very difficult to clear up. for if they [i.e., the merchants] are charged with this remittance of coin, they say that the money is for the fair, which is lawful and allowed; if they are obliged to admit that they are sending coin and are not receiving goods, they say that it is for the balances [due] on commissions from the citizens of manila. as this traffic goes on under a confidence system [confiánza], in which there is neither written document which can certify the remittances, nor register in which the real owners can be declared, nor bill of lading by which the right of possession may be known--the result is, that the citizens of manila send as their own the bales which belong to those of mexico, and the latter send money as if it belonged to the citizens of manila, produced from those bales which were not their own. and as this trade is carried on publicly with this dissimulation, and it will not be easy for any one to ascertain the inside of it and the agreements which are privately made, it follows from this that there will always be difficulty in proving guilt, and that the merchants will persist in trying to persuade the officials that the money which they send is intended either for the fair at the port, or for the payment of [debts to] its owners. "from this confusion--the depth of which cannot be ascertained, because there is no kind of proof which will make it evident--there results only the suspicion against them, a possibility which has made this negotiation [73] more opportune to them, not only because money makes it all easy, but because it is not supposed that very large investments can be made with a small remnant of funds. [74] but as this remains a matter of supposition (although public report states otherwise), i must confine myself to judicial terms, in order [either] to acquit or to condemn. the proportion of the indult must always remain a difficult thing, because there has been no accurate rule for deciding it, nor could it be imposed in a definite amount, in order that the contribution might be calculated in accordance with it. for this reason, we estimated the amounts, averaging their judgment and my own, from which about 15,000 pesos have resulted; and the persons who have furnished these sums are secure as to the despatch of their affairs, in virtue of the powers which your majesty confers on me. for this i send also the record of proceedings, in which appear [the names of] other individuals besides those included in the memorandum [minuta]. i must tell your majesty that most of them are very poor, and that what they possess is not sufficient to pay a contribution in any amount; and it, after investigation, either then lack of means or their innocence rendered the exaction of the penalty impossible, i considered it best not to engage the [royal] authority in making extortions from the vassals. "your majesty has given notice, in your royal decree of may 27, 1710, that frauds in the commerce consist in the excess of the shipments [over the amount permitted], and in what relates to the money which is transported by the ships of philipinas to each of those countries, and that this irregularity depends on the judges who at acapulco receive and despatch the ships. although i must acquiesce in these judgments, and, no matter how much care the viceroys take to confer these powers on officials of zeal, intelligence, and energy, it is possible for self-interest to corrupt them, i also grant that it is difficult to ascertain their transgressions--because, as there is but the one official before whom the declarations of the goods and the registrations of the silver are made, it is very possible that he may have an interest in one or the other of these--either recording a smaller quantity of goods, in order that there may be smaller duties; or not registering the silver, which he can allow to be shipped outside the amount permitted. but as in both cases there is no one to make objection besides the very parties who are interested--and it suits these to be silent, because their profit depends on that--nor is there a witness to state what occurs, nor document to prove it, the transaction goes on, under a system of confidence to which neither proof nor even suspicion can be opposed. "in some accounts, i have learned, certain sums have been credited to your majesty, under the title 'amounts in excess of the permission,' which is ten per cent of the excess over the 600,000 pesos which your majesty allows to be transported; but whether these items are punctually credited or not, or whether under cover of these other and larger sums were received which were profitable to the judge, it is not easy to ascertain. i take abundant precautions to prevent these things from being done, but if they are done, or are hidden, i cannot prevent it; and i go on, sincerely believing that the minister [in whose charge this matter is], of whose fidelity i have had experience in other directions, will exercise that faithfulness in this also. "for the future, your majesty commands that the merchants refrain from transgressing in what is prohibited; but the very nature of the subject leaves some openings that cannot be repaired, through which the greed for gain thrusts itself, not only among the officials but in the merchants; and thus the most sagacious understanding does not perceive or suspect them, and thus does not correct them. i will specify some cases to your majesty which will make this point clear. "your majesty commands in law 12 on 'navigation and commerce of philipinas,' in the compilation of laws of the indias: 'that those who desire to go to philipinas must give bonds, for their residing in the islands for at least eight years; and the viceroy shall allow them to carry with them their wealth in money, besides the amount of the general permission.' in virtue of this law, cunning has discovered two safe and sure ways for perpetuating the commerce of this kingdom with those islands: the first, in the permission [here given] for carrying the money; the second, in [the assumption of] citizenship. for experience has shown that, on pretext of [maintaining] confidence and friendly relations, the merchants here send out one or more persons, the profits of them all being contracted for with these persons; the latter ask permission from the government, and display 50,000 to 70,000 pesos as their own, which actually are amounts entrusted to them by many persons. under this supposition, they go over to manila with the title of citizens, trade with that money, and regularly ship, as their own, the goods consigned to the citizens here [in mexico], to whom belonged the money [carried by these agents]; and by remittances of silver and shipments of goods they continue to perpetuate that commerce--in such manner that, if efforts are made to learn who is the shipper, it is [always ostensibly] a citizen of manila, in whom it is taken for granted that there is no fraud; and if the names of the consignees are ascertained, answer is made that they are his agents. but the latter are not agents, but owners, and the former are not owners, but agents; and in this way the order of things is reversed, by changing their names and the titles to property, and the profits remaining in the hands of those who are under prohibition. "from this difficulty, authorized by the permission of the law, follow others. for, granting that these agents, even though they have actual residence in manila, stay there not with the intention of becoming permanent settlers, but of living there only during the agencies which are patronized by the citizens of this kingdom, and that in virtue of the royal orders of your majesty they are reputed as citizens: it [yet] follows that to them, as citizens, is assigned lading space in the ships, in accordance with the law, and with the royal decree of the year 1702; and thus they have the greatest facility for continuing in their trading, because no hindrance is offered to their shipments. they stand in the way of those who are really citizens and natives of those islands, whose remonstrances occasioned your majesty's prohibition; but as this interference goes on under the shelter of so plausible a reason, the latter have no way in which to oppose it, nor can they avoid suffering from it; and what [the authorities] there decide to belong to the parties interested is, strictly speaking, what has been entrusted to them by the citizens of mexico. "from this result two other and irreparable losses to the commerce of manila. the first is, that for the 300,000 pesos of the permission there is a million of pesos to be invested [therein]; and [these agents], in order to make the most of their remittances [from mexico], and to secure larger profits on their commissions, pay for goods at excessive prices, and are preferred in the sales. this is what cannot be done with their own money by the real citizens of those islands, because they have not [sufficient] capital remaining to permit adequate gains with high-priced stuffs and enormous costs [for transportation]--especially when these [citizens] regularly sell [their goods] at acapulco (whither they go exposed to loss of their capital), in order to have the relief of bringing back their wealth in the same vessel with themselves; and the others [i.e., the agents of mexicans] ship to mexico their goods, the owners of which store them away in order that time may give them value, for they do not need to sell these goods at once in order to continue the remittances of money [to filipinas]. thus, the former must necessarily lose, or at least not gain; and the latter must gain, or at least not lose. "the second [injury to commerce]: although no more than the 300,000 pesos of the permission, in goods valued in the islands, can be shipped, experience has shown us that much larger amounts come thence; and the reason is, because the register contains the appraisements of the goods so exceedingly low that it is impossible, unless fraud intervene, that they could be purchased at first hand at those prices--but with the trick that all the reduction of price thus made on the goods is squeezed besides into the [amount of the] permission, and the real account comes separately to the owners. as a result, the greater part of the space on the ship is occupied by those agents, although with the pretense that they produce but small amounts; and all this springs from that original root of allowing citizenship, and the transportation of their silver, to persons who, without the intention of becoming settlers, continue there so long as it brings them profit. the fear of this abuse has led to an investigation at acapulco, to learn whether the valuation of the stuffs is the actual value of them at manila; and as the witnesses are necessarily from that city they frankly say that it is so, and enormous quantities of goods come thence under the pretext of the 300,000 pesos permitted. "these considerations and the fulfilment of my obligation constrain me to inform your majesty that although i have applied all my energy and watchfulness in order that what was decided by your majesty should be put into practice, causing the royal decree of the year 1702 to be proclaimed in mexico and acapulco, and allowing two years of liberty in order that the transaction of this commerce with those islands may cease, the perversity and selfishness of the merchants is able to pervert the rule which is seen therein--in public giving out that they are conforming to the tenor of that decree, and in private and secret hiding under [their system of] confidence the prohibited transactions, which cause, besides the royal displeasure of your majesty, serious injury to the commercial interests of spain. for when there is abundance of the goods from manila--which on account of their cheapness are more suitable for the common people--the value of those from europe is impaired; and from this results the stoppage of the trading-fleets, the lack of purchasers, and the lowering of prices, because the people do not consider the european goods necessary for their supply [of clothing]. i know very well that in the islands a change is expected from regulating the commerce, as has been experienced this year, when the [manila] ship came in ballast--the merchants perhaps fearing the threatened punishment of the confiscation of their goods (as i set forth to your majesty in a separate report). from this will result the forced expenditure of the royal situado and the inefficiency of the royal exchequer; but as it is certain that those islands cannot maintain themselves with the situado alone, and that they need the traffic in their goods in order to obtain a balance of profits and to meet their obligations, they will have to continue in their shipments, conforming themselves to the [terms of the] permission, if they do not wish to experience the penalty of law in punishment for their frauds. "this year of 1714 is the last one designated and determined by me for closing and finishing the mutual relations of both commercial bodies, taking into consideration, however, the capital belonging to nueva españa in the islands, and that the penalty ought not to be anticipated, considering the publicity of the prohibition; and, as nothing is coming this year, it will be necessary to abrogate it in the following one. all this i place before your majesty, in order that in regard to what is contained therein you may be pleased to apply suitable measures." in view of this letter from viceroy linares, and of other documents, whose contents do not concern this writing, it was agreed by the council (after having listened to the fiscal), by a decree of the second of march, 1715, that this collection of papers [expediente] should be kept until the commissary of philipinas (who, it was learned, was coming to the court) should arrive; and that in the meanwhile all the previous documents which the council might possess in regard to this commerce should be collected together. period v of the information given by the commercial interests of españa, in regard to the injuries arising from the philipinas trade; and orders given by his majesty in the year 1718 prohibiting the [trade in] the silk fabrics from china. 45. as the result of the memorial sent to the king by the consulate and commerce of nueva españa (which his majesty was pleased to refer to the council), in which they described the backward condition in which their trade was, and stated the arguments why the trading-fleets annually sent to that kingdom [from españa] should not be continued, the council agreed that the consulate and commerce of sevilla should give a report upon their opinion of this memorial, calling together for this purpose in a general conference all the shippers and merchants who were in that city; and that their discussions, proposals, and joint opinions should be exactly copied, with the individual opinions which were offered, and the whole sent to the council. 46. the body of traders having assembled in sevilla on january 27, 1714, in order to comply with the order of the council, and the importance of this matter having been discussed at length in the conference, it was unanimously agreed that the injury arising from the notable, frequent, and large importation of foreign goods which had been made throughout america had been very pernicious to the commerce of sevilla; and that it was impossible that that commerce should return to its former condition if those importations were not checked--which they had entreated his majesty to do in repeated remonstrances, which they now made again, trusting that the earnest and truthful utterances of vassals so faithful as they could not be displeasing to the royal ears. 47. [they further declared] that the injury caused by the large amount of freight which was earned into nueva españa by the ships from china, rivaled, if it did not exceed, that from the other importations. for, although the merchants of mexico did not touch on this point in their memorial, the silence in which they kept back this subject (although it was a more odious source of damage) readily explained what interests were concerned in tolerating and continuing those ships, at the same time when the latter had so injured and driven out the commerce of españa that no words were sufficient to explain the grief and resentment [of the sevillans] over the great losses which had been caused to it. for although the ships which were bringing in the cloth and other goods (a matter to which the consulate of mexico attached much weight) were ruining the commerce of españa, in those important lines of linen goods, and others which they were bringing in, [nevertheless] the knowledge, suspicion, or information of what they were could perhaps make the [resultant] damage to the spanish commerce less serious, such knowledge causing the refusal to injure that commerce; but that could not be guarded against in the ships from china, for their cargo was composed of all the silks and other goods generally which could be traded in by the merchants of españa, of those which are manufactured in these kingdoms; and, whatever might be lost in that region on the part of the commerce of españa by reason of foreign importations, it lost everything through those from china. 48. that, his majesty having granted to the island of luzòn (in which was located the city of manila) and to the other islands around it only this, that every year there should go to the port of acapulco one ship to obtain the situado for the maintenance of the fortified posts, conveying only what pertained to white and colored cotton stuffs, pepper, porcelain, raw silk, and other similar commodities which are produced by the islands which obey [the king of españa], and with the prohibition of every kind of woven silk stuffs as contraband--for which reason the latter have always been burned on account of the notion of their being made in china and japòn (which are countries governed by idolaters, mahometans, and heretics, who are not under the dominion of this crown)--the abuse of this permission had reached such a state that the ship came with a lading of eleven or twelve thousand bales from china and japòn, so dexterously packed by those infidels that the largest bale which the commerce of españa was shipping to the indias did not include the volume or the value that was enclosed in a bale of those silks, which was less than a vara deep. moreover, they put therein imitations of all the satins, velvets, ribbons, mantles, hose, and every kind of silks, which were manufactured in españa; [and these were] so showy and beautiful that, not only for this reason but on account of the very moderate prices at which they were sold throughout nueva españa, no other kind of silks were used than those of china. the result of this was that all the silk factories in españa (which were paying so enormous duties to the royal treasury) had been broken up and destroyed; and the fortunes of those who were trading in the indias were ruined by the great losses which they had encountered, since the spanish commerce was deprived of a line of goods so important and rich as is that of the silk, in all its kinds of fabrics. 49. that this loss had passed over to the woolen goods, such as picotes, barracans, [75] and others which were shipped in the trading-fleets; for those who had clothed themselves with these throughout nueva españa were now despising them, observing that for half of what a woolen garment cost them they could procure another of china silk--being apparently as well clothed, although in the quality of the goods they had been deceived. in this manner the chinese goods carried out of the country three or four millions of pesos in each ship, which was but little less wealth than that carried by a regular trading-fleet. 50. that the damage which this illegal trade occasioned to the royal treasury and to the spanish trade enabled one to judge of the great amount of property which those ships transported, of the treasures which they carried, of the loss which they caused to the commerce of españa, and of the amount which they did not contribute [to the royal revenues]--augmenting by this means the power and wealth of those infidels, who are enemies to the christian faith and to the crown. for this reason, and because the consulate and commerce of sevilla firmly believed that this was the greatest loss and the greatest source and cause of the ruin of the trading-fleets, and that which most urgently called for relief with the most prompt and energetic measures: they concluded by entreating his majesty that he would deign to give orders that the permission given to philipinas be strictly observed, under the most severe penalties, commanding that its limits be restricted within the limits of its first concession, for this purpose despatching the most rigorous orders; and that the trading-fleets should go punctually and frequently, each year. on this point they expatiated at length, and it is omitted because it does not belong to this subject. 51. in view of this information and of the proceedings in the council (of which there is no account in the expediente) it is found that by decree of january 8, 1718, his majesty stated to the council that, having been informed of the quantity of stuffs, silken fabrics, and other merchandise which the ship from philipinas brought, by which the greater part of the silver of nueva españa was carried out of that country, he had decided to prohibit absolutely the trade in the aforesaid commodities. he declared that the only trade which could be carried on was in linen goods, porcelain, wax, cinnamon, cloves, and other products which are not carried from españa, to such an amount of these kinds of goods as the marqués de valero should notify to the governor of philipinas, which must be transported by one of the ships which for the last five years had arrived at acapulco [from the islands]. his majesty furnished with this a copy of the order to this purpose which he had given to the marqués de valero, the tenor of which is as follows: [here follows a copy of the decree, dated at madrid on january 8, 1718.] 53. by another decree of june 20, in the same year, 1718, his majesty sent to the council, for its information and guidance in the matters which belonged to it, a copy of another decree (which was issued to the council of castilla), prohibiting the importation and use of the fabrics from china and other parts of assia, since this was to the injury of the manufactures and commerce of españa; its tenor is as follows: [a copy of this decree is also given]. period vi of what occurred from the year 1718, in which the commerce of silken fabrics was prohibited, up to the year 1722, in which the merchants of philipinas protested. 55. the marqués de valero, then viceroy of mexico, in a letter of march 12, 1719--accompanied by a duplicate of another letter dated june 20, 1718, in which he acknowledged the receipt of the despatches in the private correspondence, dated january 8 of that same year, which prohibited all silks in the ship from philipinas--considered the inconveniences which would result from that commerce being reduced to linen goods, porcelain, wax, pepper, cinnamon, and cloves, excluding stuffs, and raw silk and [silken] fabrics. for, he said, if this prohibition should be put in practice, the result would be the decay of religion, and the risk that it would be neglected, and its extension would be endangered and even exposed to ruin although this matter had cost his majesty so much solicitude in promoting and assisting the missions for preaching the faith. [he declared] that the spanish families who were there would abandon the settlements, for they could not maintain themselves in those islands without the trade in the aforesaid commodities, since that in the merchandise allowed to them had no profit, on account of its low price and the little demand for it. that the natives of nueva españa were also included in the prohibition, since their usual material for clothing was the stuffs from china, on account of the moderate prices of these, and because they could not use the cloth from españa, since it was more expensive--unless, if they are deprived of the former, it will follow that they consume the latter; for if their need and poverty would permit it they would use the spanish cloth, since all value it more on account of its greater durability and better quality. that the arrival of the trading-fleets was welcomed by the rich merchants, but that most of the people in the kingdom were much more eager to see the ship from china; and, if its arrival were delayed, one did not fail to notice many expressions of regret. that the royal treasury was notoriously injured; for, with the duties which the silk merchandise yielded, the situado was forwarded to philipinas and the marianas islands, and in default of those duties it would be necessary to make the remittance from the funds in the treasury of mexico. that would cause arrears in paying the fixed charges which the treasury had to carry, and could hardly meet with all its income, and the royal treasury would also be injured by the loss of the ten per cent which was paid by the silver sent in return for merchandise; and, besides, the few commodities which were carried would not yield enough to cover the cost of the navigation. 56. the fiscal--to whom it was ordered to send these representations, that he might examine them and compare them with the expediente--made his reply on january 10, in the year 1720, reaffirming the motives which had prevailed, since the discovery and conquest of those islands, in permitting to them the commerce with nueva españa, so far as it was necessary to their preservation. [he also stated] the infractions of law which had changed the amount permitted--250,000 pesos of principal, and 500,000 for the returns (which "period i" mentions)--and what was ordained by the royal decree of august 12, 1702, for the regulation of the management and continuance of this commerce; and declarations made by his majesty in regard to unsettled points which arose, in the meeting of the council in 1712, from which despatches were sent on december 12, of that year (which are mentioned in "period iii"); and the fact that the abuses with which the merchants of peru had carried on commerce with nueva españa had made it necessary that in the year 1631 that trade should be entirely prohibited. he was of the following opinion: that the permission to trade ought to be continued to the citizens of philipinas, for the damages to the commerce of españa would be avoided if that of philipinas did not exceed the 300,000 pesos which were allowed to it. 57. that if this commerce should perish, trade and intercourse in those distant provinces would cease; and if they were cut off from communication with nueva españa they would remain exposed to seeking for commerce with the adjoining nations, and in imminent danger of trading away at the same time their own rights and customs, and of going to perdition--the catholic faith being extinguished entirely or in part, the propagation and maintenance of which was and always had been the chief care of his majesty. 58. that although in the royal decrees of january 8, 1718, there was reserved to the islands the trade in sugar, porcelain, linens (called "elephants"), [76] and spices, these commodities were not adequate for maintaining a continued commerce, nor for producing the revenues which those islands needed. 59. that the government should not disregard the consideration brought forward by señor valero, of the damage which ensued to the poor vassals of nueva españa from depriving them of the privilege of supplying themselves at less cost with the fabrics from philipinas; for if they cannot obtain these, and the poor are unable to meet the expenses of the spanish merchandise on account of its high price, they would be exposed to the wretchedness of destitution. in conclusion, he said that advice should be given to his majesty that the remonstrance of señor marqués de valero was just; and that deference should be paid to it, by suspending the operation of the above-mentioned decrees and warning all the officials in those regions that they must conform without any variation to the orders given in the decree of the year 1702--with various provisions which he proposed, one of which was the total prohibition of the commerce in case the conditions of that decree were violated. 60. having considered this reply of the fiscal, it was agreed by an act dated february 1, 1720, to advise his majesty in accordance with all the preceding recommendations; and the council was of opinion that it should reiterate the enforcement of [the commands in] the despatches of august 12, 1702, and december 13, 1712, with a strict stipulation that the ship could not be allowed to sail if the value of the 300,000 pesos of the permission were invested in silks only. 61. while this opinion was in the royal hands, an order from his majesty came down to the council dated september 5, 1720, in which--influenced by a memorial which had been presented by don manuel lopez pintado in the name of the consulate and commerce of cadiz; and by a letter from marqués de valero just then received, dated march 8, in the same year--his majesty commanded that the council should inform him of their opinions in regard to the prohibition of stuffs and silks from china in the philipinas ship, after first listening to the memorial from the commerce of cadiz. 62. the marqués de valero in the letter here cited of march 8, 1720, urging what he had set forth in previous letters in regard to the difficulty which he encountered in carrying out the decrees which prohibited the commerce in silken fabrics, also spoke of the new distress in which the islands were, on account of the plague of locusts, failure in their harvest of rice, and the scandalous proceedings of governor bustamante. the viceroy said that it seemed to him better for the service of god, and that of his majesty, to delay the regulations which changed the method in which that commerce had been conducted, until his majesty should make such decision as pleased him in regard to the viceroy's previous memorials; and he said in conclusion that he had also found it desirable to make this suspension of the decrees because the emperor of china had hindered his vassals for the last two years from trading with the islands--which had resulted in the galleon of that year carrying but few silk goods. consequently, the greatest scarcity of that merchandise had been experienced, for, even before the arrival of the ship, a libra of silk spun [beneficiada] and dyed was worth 26 to 28 pesos. 63. in consequence of this order of his majesty there were sent to the consulate of cadiz copies of the decrees of the year 1718 and of the letters of the marqués de valero which have been noted, in order that the consulate might report in regard to its opinions, fully and clearly stating the inconveniences, or the advantages, which might follow the prohibition of the stuffs, silken fabrics, and other merchandise from china. they answered this in a letter of july 16, declaring that on this subject they had made on different occasions the representations which were contained in two official documents which accompanied, and that nothing occurred to them to be added to these (which are the ones noted in nos. 46 and the following, "period v"). [77] orders were given that the fiscal should examine the whole matter anew; and he in his reply of september 11, in the same year, 1720, taking into consideration what he had stated in another of january 10 preceding (which is the reply that is indicated in no. 56), added, that the consulate only complained in its memorial and in the remonstrances of its merchants of the illegal manner in which the commerce of philipinas was carried on; and the fiscal asked that this be restricted within the limits of the permitted amount. 64. he stated that it was a mistake to assume that the permission was only for the products belonging to the native citizens of philipinas, because the laws which permitted this commerce did not contain such limitation, and continual usage had excluded it; for always the islands had traded in silken fabrics without hindrance, for with the products of the country it would be impossible to carry on an annual commerce to the amount of 300,000 pesos. 65. that the absolute prohibition of that commerce which the consulate proposed in its memorial (it is not in the expediente), following the precedent of prohibiting the commerce of peru with nueva españa, ought not to be considered. for the latter prohibition left both those kingdoms free to trade with castilla, by which the lack of commerce between them was made endurable; but this result could not occur with philipinas if the commerce of nueva españa were prohibited to them, since there remained no other of which they could avail themselves. 66. that, if the products of the natives of those islands were sufficient to make up the annual [amount of] trade to the extent of 300,000 pesos, it would be just and reasonable that the commerce in silken fabrics be prohibited to them; but as the aforesaid viceroy positively stated that those products were not sufficient for that purpose, it would not be right to deprive them of this privilege without further knowledge of the subject. the conclusion of the fiscal was, that orders should be given to observe the royal decree of august 12, 1702; and that the viceroy and audiencia of mexico, and the governor, audiencia, archbishop, and royal officials of manila, should send in information very clear and detailed on the question whether the products of the country could fill up the amount, [of exports] assigned to that commerce. 67. the council, in view of all that is mentioned in this "period vi," and of a summary of the context of the letters of the marqués de valero, and of the replies of the fiscal, were of opinion, in their session of september 23, 1720, that his majesty should be pleased to command a repetition of the orders given for the fulfilment of the regulations issued on august 12, 1702, and september 13, 1712--with a strict stipulation that the philipinas ship should not sail with an investment which should exceed 300,000 pesos, and that to be in the commodities which were specified [therein], with exclusion of every kind of silken fabrics; and with other measures and statements which are contained in the despatches that were issued for the enforcement of those decrees, dated october 27, following, of which mention will be made. 68. at this session it pleased his majesty to make the following decision: "i agree entirely with what the council proposes; and the corresponding orders shall be immediately given, with the most punctual and strict charge to the officials whom this concerns (and especially the viceroy of nueva españa) that all the above orders shall be carried out promptly, without any objection or alteration--with the warning that, if any neglect or delay in fulfilling this decision is experienced, proceedings shall be brought against them as disobedient to my orders. and in order that those officials, as also private persons in nueva españa and philipinas, may be fully informed of this determination, a decree shall be drawn up with the utmost clearness and precision, which shall include the whole of this business. this decree shall serve as an ordinance, in which, without reference to others, shall be expressly stated what every person must observe in this commerce, and the penalties which transgressors will incur, in accordance with what the council proposes, to the end that, by placing an authentic copy of it at the heads of the registers on the ships from philipinas and making it public, no one can allege ignorance. the council shall pay especial attention to the manner in which proceedings shall be taken in this matter, not only in nueva españa but in philipinas, in order to secure the punishment of those who disobey my orders, and of those who shall delay their execution." 69. in consequence of this decision the royal ordinance which was mentioned in it was drawn up, with date of october 27, 1720. it was addressed to the viceroy marqués de valero, and the audiencia of mexico; the royal officials of acapulco; the governor, audiencia, and fiscal of philipinas; and the archbishop of manila; and copies of it were given to the consulates and merchants of cadiz and manila, at their request, in order that they might print it. its tenor is as follows: 70. [this decree is addressed to marqués de valero, viceroy of nueva españa. after rehearsing the arguments brought forward in previous letters received from valero, the decree ordains the following rules for the commerce of philipinas: two ships shall go annually from the islands to nueva españa, each of 500 toneladas. "the value of the lading which the said ships are to carry from philipinas to the port of acapulco may be up to the amount of 300,000 pesos, which must come invested strictly and solely in the following kinds of merchandise: gold, cinnamon, elephants, wax, porcelain, cloves, pepper, cambayas and linens woven with colors [lienzos pintados], [78] chitas, chintzes, gauzes, lampotes, hilocos [79] blankets, silk floss and raw silk spun, cordage, and other commodities which are not silks." these ships are prohibited from carrying silken fabrics, "satins, pitiflores, velvets, damasks, pekin silks [pequines], sayasayas, brocades, plain satins, grograms, taffetas; silver and gold brocades; embroidered pieces of silk stuff for [covers of] beds, the [hangings for] drawing-rooms [estrados], and women's petticoats; silken gauzes flowered with gold and silver; pattern pieces for petticoats, figured or embroidered; dressing-gowns, chimones, or made-up garments; hose, ribbons, or handkerchiefs; or any fabric which contains silk." the penalties for transgression of this order are confiscation of such goods, payment of three times their value (this amount to be shared between the royal fiscal, the judge, and the informer), and perpetual exile from the indias; and the confiscated goods are to be burned. declarations of goods shipped are absolutely prohibited; those who are permitted to trade must be chosen by the city of manila, without the aid of any official; the duties to be paid are fixed at 100,000 pesos for each voyage, with the express stipulation that this payment is to be called adjustment [regulation] of duties, and not indult; no religious person and no stranger may be allowed to ship goods; every shipper must present an itemized invoice of the goods sent; the ships must not be overloaded; no right to lading space may be transferred to another person. provision is made for inspection, valuation, and landing of goods, and for the disposition to be made of such as shall be confiscated; and the limit of six months is fixed for the disposal of all chinese silk goods that may be on hand in nueva españa when the decree is published, after which time all that are found must be burned.] period vii of what was done in manila on receiving the decree of october 27, 1720. recourse to the council by their deputies. reply from the commerce of andalucia, and what was decided in regard to this matter in the year 1724. 71. on august 2, 1722, the governor, marqués de torre-campo, received at manila the ordinance despatched on october 27, 1720, of which the preceding "period" speaks. having caused this decree to be published by a proclamation in that city, record of it was made in the offices, and it was communicated to the municipal council in open session. the cabildo protested against it, promising to obey, but resolving to set forth to the governor in the first place, and afterward to his majesty, the damages and troubles which would result from its execution to religion, to the royal treasury, and to the greater welfare of those islands, from their not continuing to enjoy the permission to trade in fabrics of silk, which they had possessed for more than one hundred and forty years. they would therefore be obliged to entreat that his majesty give them permission to retire, with their families, to the lands and domains of his majesty which they should consider most suitable. 72. in a long memorial presented to the governor was set forth in detail the motives on which they based this action; and when orders had been given that the fiscal of that audiencia should examine it, although he recognized that their statements were correct, and that the islands could not maintain themselves on the system of commerce which had been laid down, he demanded that orders should be given to fulfil the cited royal decree, and that the city and merchants should appeal to his majesty who, there was reason to expect, would take care of his vassals there, and of the interests, both spiritual and temporal, which were concerned in it--and the governor gave orders to that effect. although the city and the merchants by a second memorial insisted upon a suspension of the above regulation, demanding that, in case there was no room for it and for continuing their trade in silks and stuffs as heretofore, at least he should declare that they were not obliged to invest their funds in the commodities which were prescribed to them, as it would occasion their total ruin (and they demonstrated this): nevertheless, the governor, bearing in mind that the damages to his majesty would be no less, if the galleon for that year should go empty, commanded that, in accordance with the amount permitted by the cited regulation, they should make the distribution of the [permits to ship] merchandise as his majesty had commanded. the city and the merchants, with the hope that his majesty would give attention to the urgent representations that would be made by the commissaries whom it had been agreed to despatch to the court, agreed to continue the commerce meanwhile conformably to the despatch of 1720--sacrificing out of respect to his majesty, and in order to maintain the religion established in those islands, their own wealth, which necessarily must be ruined and lost in a commerce so useless and unfortunate as that to which they were reduced; since the bulky commodities, on account of their abundance and poor manufacture, would not allow them to gain ten per cent, since the risks extended to fifty per cent. 73. the city of manila, in order to render commendable and frame in more formal manner its appeal from the aforesaid decree of october 27, 1720, which it must bring before the royal person--not only for the continuation of the traffic in the silken fabrics, but also for the increase of its permission from the three hundred thousand pesos which it was enjoying to five hundred thousand--came before the audiencia and presented before it the arguments and reasons in favor of both these requests. after explaining the losses that would arise from the desolation and depopulation to which the islands would come (which the audiencia took into consideration in its memorial, as will be noted) the city added that when in manila there were only 230 citizens (which was in the years 1636-37) returns of 500,000 pesos were permitted to them; but since in the year 1722 the city had 882 citizens, and there was an increase in the charitable foundations, which placed 150,000 pesos at risk on each galleon, the necessity was evident of increasing the permission to 500,000 pesos--350,000 pesos for the citizens, and 150,000 for the charitable foundations. this increase in the number of citizens made necessary the expansion of the permission, from the very fact that in the year 1702, in which there were only 400 citizens, his majesty had permitted 300,000 pesos of investments, and 600,000 pesos in returns. 74. it was also expedient that permission be given to the seamen to transport in their own chests goods up to the amount of 40,000 pesos of investment, on account of the importance of interesting them in the defense, [80] and in order to facilitate that in provinces so remote there should be spaniards who would serve as artillerists and seamen, since their wages alone, in voyages so arduous and long, could not be sufficient incentive. in order that that commerce might be regulated and infractions regarding the lading be avoided, an arrangement was proposed to his majesty in which the annual investment was reduced to 3,200 piezas of the regular sizes--half-bundles, bags, sacks, [churlos, balsas (for bolsas)] cakes of wax, and other like packages of bulky commodities, and three hundred half-chests of goods from china, in order to supplement the said 3,200 [81] piezas. consequently, at the despatch of the galleon there would be nothing else to do except to distribute the said piezas and issue the permits for its lading--collecting 10,000 pesos for the royal duties, at the rate of two per cent, for this purpose rating the 3,200 piezas at 128 pesos and 1 tomin, and the half-chests at 300 pesos and pay at acapulco thirteen per cent, regulating the 3,200 piezas at 256 pesos and 2 tomìns, and the 300 half-chests at 600 pesos each. this would result in the royal duties at both ports amounting to 140,000 pesos, and in return would be brought back, for the account of the permission, a million pesos; and thus would be avoided sworn declarations, and other dubious measures to which the previous regulations were subjected. 75. the audiencia of manila in a letter of november 9, 1722, taking into consideration another which they had written on august 6, 1713, in which they set forth the losses which that commerce had suffered--in [the wreck of] their galleons, the unsuccessful fairs of acapulco, and the excessive pecuniary extortions that they had suffered in acapulco on account of the royal duties and in other ways--to the end that new measures might be taken by his majesty for the rigorous reëstablishment of the commerce of those islands, describe (influenced by the urgent representations made by the city and by previous information obtained by each auditor) the affliction which has been caused by the new decree of october 27, 1720. they declared that they judged necessary for the maintenance of these islands and the propagation of the holy gospel, not only the permission for the silk and the stuffs prohibited by the cited despatch, but also the increase of the permission from 300,000 to 500,000 pesos. the audiencia affirmed that the spaniards could not exist without this commerce, because the culture of the fields was in the hands of the natives and the management of the guilds [gremios] in those of the sangleys and their mestizos; that the salaries and pay with which the military officers, soldiers, and civil officials were recompensed did not reach half the annual expense of their families, in consideration of which it was commanded to include then the distribution of the lading of the galleons; and that, while the permitted amount was 300,000 pesos, and the number of citizens so great, the investment of each one, even if all were alike in wealth and services, did not amount to 400 pesos, the profit on which was not enough for the proper support of a man who was not actually poor, and on this account they could not increase their wealth. when the europeans see that it is useless to transport goods to those regions where there is not, outside of commerce, any motive which would induce them to remain, or which would bring other new traders, those who consider the matter have reason to fear that in a few years the capitals of those who live there will be consumed, and that others will refuse to enter into the same experience; then philipinas will be left to the indians and sangleys, the gospel ministers without the guards of spaniards for their protection, the military posts without garrisons, the natives without any control, and everything on the blink of a deplorable ruin. 76. that with the commodities which were allowed by the said royal decree, the lading of the annual galleon could not reach the gross amount of the 300,000 pesos of the commission. from this it resulted that that amount was diminished and the traders exposed to evident loss in nueva españa, on account of the abundance of those very articles of merchandise; and that would result in cutting off the proceeds of the many and large charitable funds, founded on the merchandise risked in those galleons, for the support of clergymen, hospitals, convents, divine worship, dowries to orphan girls, and many other alms--which, even though they were no more than those which were administered by the brotherhood of la misericordia, and by the tertiary order of st. francis, were of the greatest importance, and their failure a most notable affliction to all the islands. 77. that by the exclusion of the stuffs and silks, which were the principal articles of commerce of the islands with china, all that commerce [i.e., with nueva españa] would come to an end, since all the rest was of so little value that it could not, without the substantial aid of the silks, allow any profit. from this would result another great difficulty in the propagation of the holy gospel, that if the chinese do not come to the trade they will lose the opportunity for conversion which so many have attained, attracted by familiar intercourse with the spaniards, with the occasion of this commerce, and there would be great difficulty in introducing the gospel ministers into those dominions; and these are motives which have always engaged the chief attention of his majesty, to judge by the laws. the audiencia concluded by expressing the opinion that the prohibition of the silks should be removed, and an increase be granted in the permission to 500,000 pesos, with the number of piezas which the city was proposing--this regulation being made in proportion to the number of citizens, in order that the islands might maintain themselves, and thus obviate the serious inconveniences that were experienced; and, as for the duties which the city proposed, this question was referred to the decision of the council. 78. the fiscal of that audiencia, don pedro bedoya, [82] in a letter of november 15, in the same year, 1722, in consequence of the duplicate copy which he received of the royal decree of october 27, 1720, states on his part--after repeating his previous opinion regarding its execution, as given to the city of manila, the action taken by the governor, the recourse by the city to the audiencia, and the report made by that body--what his opinion is, in fulfilment of his obligation, in regard to the memorial of the city and the merchants; it is brought under four heads, which are: i the necessary dependence which the maintenance of these islands has on the commerce, in order that the spaniards may maintain themselves in them; and the benefit from the charitable funds, in which are annually expended 75,000 pesos--which sum proceeds from the trading of the 150,000 pesos which are carried in the annual galleon on account of the said charitable funds. ii that if the prohibition of the stuffs and other commodities from china remains, their former control of the trade therein will be disturbed, and the royal decrees issued for this purpose (some of which are compiled [83]) will be subverted--such as those which command that the commodities which they convey shall be bought from the sangleys; and that if this [chinese] commerce is prohibited that of nueva españa becomes unprofitable, as the bulky commodities do not fill up the amount of the permitted trade, and it will not be possible to pay the cost of traffic in them without those from china. iii that for the maintenance of these islands, the support of the spaniards, and the success of the charitable funds, it is necessary that the amount permitted be increased to 500,000 pesos and a million of returns, with the inclusion of the fabrics from china. iv the regulation of the lading, in order to avoid infractions of the law [is necessary]; as also that the dubious and burdensome obligation of making sworn declarations be laid aside, and that the quality and number of the commodities which are transported must appear in the registers. 79. [these points made by the fiscal are discussed at length by him in a report addressed to the king, dated november 15, 1722. among other things, he states that the merchants prefer one galleon of 800 or 900 tons burden to two of 500 tons each, as being less expensive (on account of requiring fewer officers and men), safer (as carrying larger cannon) and less exposed to danger from either enemies or storms, than the two smaller vessels; that the industry and love of gain displayed by the chinese who reside in the islands have secured to them the control of all the crafts and useful arts, and of the commerce of the islands save that with nueva españa, which is therefore the only resource of the spanish citizens; that the current rate of income [84] is but five per cent in the islands, while that commerce brings in fifty per cent; that most of the rural estates [haciendas] are possessed by the religious orders; that houses constitute property of little value, on account of the frequent fires and earthquakes; and that consequently the charitable foundations [obras pias] have been necessarily based on the acapulco trade. it is also declared that the annual situado from mexico amounts to no more than 50,000 or 60,000 pesos, while the annual budget of the government expenses amounts to 500,000 pesos, which the royal treasury of the islands must pay from the proceeds of the duties on merchandise. the request of the manila citizens for a permission to send 500,000 pesos' worth, in 3,500 piezas, is very moderate; as the trade has been conducted, the 300,000 pesos' worth has made 4,798 piezas, for the last five years--which is evidence of the infractions of law which have been committed in that commerce. moreover, the proposition of the city that the duties belonging to the crown be levied on the number of the piezas, will be likely to prevent many of the frauds which are now practiced in this direction. the fiscal opposes the request of the city that the seamen be allowed an increase of the small amount already allowed them, free from duties, for investment on their own account, declaring that it will but increase the illegal trade already prevalent, and that the proposition to allow them 40,000 pesos' worth of trade (with twice that amount in returns for the merchandise) would allow the seamen a greater investment than even the citizens, since the former average only 115 men to each galleon. he advises that the officers of the ships be permitted to have a share in the lading of the ship, in place of their present wages; and that one large galleon be occupied in the trade to acapulco, rather than two small ones. he reminds the king of the opening afforded by the trade between manila and china for the conversion of the chinese and the entrance of the gospel into that heathen empire.] 80. [the treasury officials at manila also write, seconding the proposal to despatch one large galleon; and they add that the royal exchequer of the islands will be ruined if the decree of 1720 is enforced, "for the commerce would cease, and consequently the royal duties which it was producing."] 81. the archbishop of manila, the dean and cabildo of that church, and the provincial of the society [of jesus], in their letters of november 6, 7, and 8 of the same year, support the entreaty of the city; they deprecate the ruin (both spiritual and temporal) of the islands, and express the same opinion as that of the audiencia and the fiscal, as will be seen by their letters, which follow below. 82. the provincials of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine (both calced and discalced), in their memorials of the same year expatiate on the necessity and advantage of changing the aforesaid decree of 1720, and granting likewise to the islands the increase of the permitted trade which they solicit; and they reproduce in detail what the other prelates and ministers say. 83. [the letter of the archbishop (fray francisco de la cuesta) states that he has been urged to write it by the city and merchants of manila, and the bureau of the misericordia; and he begins, very naturally, by arguing that the religious interests of the philippines and of china depend upon the maintenance of the commerce of the islands. he refers to the opposition made to it by the merchants of andalusia, which he thinks has no good foundation, since their trade with the other european nations drains from españa more money than does that of filipinas from nueva españa--this last being their ground of complaint against the manila trade; but even if the sangleys and other heathen carry away silver from manila, "they have not harmed the [spanish] crown, and are friendly to the [christian] religion; while it is certain that the european nations, even if they are not all opposed to religion, at least have been at various times hostile to the crown, and that the amount annually transported by the said nations to great china and other heathen kingdoms exceeds four millions [of pesos].... and although the argument [of the andalusians]--that the fabrics from china cause injury, at the expense of those which are transported from cadiz--would have some weight if all the fabrics in which the andalusians trade were manufactured in españa, since they are not made there the above argument has very little value." the spaniards in filipinas regret that so grievous burdens and restrictions are laid upon them through the influence of the andalusians, and especially that the result of these must be very detrimental to the charitable funds which so greatly depend upon the acapulco trade. two-thirds of these, or 100,000 pesos, belong to the misericordia alone, whose educational, religious, and charitable labors are so important to the public welfare and the maintenance of the spanish colony in filipinas; the remaining 50,000 pesos belong to other institutions. the archbishop therefore urges the king to accede to the requests of the manila merchants.] 84. [the dean and cabildo of the manila cathedral also support the merchants; they fear lest the income of the church will suffer from the impaired condition to which the decree of 1720 threatens to bring the filipinas colony. they adduce similar arguments to those contained in the preceding letters, all taking for granted that the prohibition of chinese silks means the ruin of the acapulco trade. incidentally this letter states the following facts of interest: "the poverty of the soldiers is such that they always go about as mendicants and in need; for as they receive no more pay than that of two pesos and a fanega of rice--which is given every month to the soldiers, but to the convicts who serve [forzados] in the troops only the rations--if they could not find refuge in the aid given by the citizens, the alms from the charitable funds, and the broken food at the convent doors, and in what the more industrious can earn by doing errands, they would certainly perish." the prebends of the cathedral find their salaries--which range from 500 to 200 pesos yearly, besides the dean's 600--pitiably small and inadequate, and they must even resort to the charitable funds and to the gifts of friends to eke out their incomes. the same difficulties beset the parish ministers; but worst of all is the condition of the poor clerics who receive no pay, who have no income save occasional offerings for masses and the alms of benevolent persons.] 85. [the provincial of the jesuits, father joseph fernandez, seconds the appeal of the merchants. [85] he states that since 1709 the fortunes of the wealthy citizens are nearly all ruined--by calamities, unsuccessful sales at acapulco, the failure of the galleons to make the voyage, poor crops in filipinas, or the quarrels of the governors and auditors--and those who formerly made contributions to the religious orders now need and ask for help from them. "this city of manila (and in it all the islands) is reduced to eight or ten private persons who are able with their own wealth alone to make up the 300,000 pesos which your majesty allows for their commerce; and the number of its citizens who, as spaniards, can call themselves such is very nearly 882--although it is true that there are millions of converted natives, and those who are not converted are innumerable. all these citizens depend for their preservation on the three or four piezas which are yearly allotted to [each of] them, according to their merits, in your majesty's galleon; and as most of them have not the means of their own to fill this space they have to give it up, or sell it to those who are richer; or they must ask for money from the charitable funds of the misericordia, the tertiary order [of st. francis], or the religious, in order to fill their space on the ship. as they cannot ship therein anything except the coarse cloths and other goods which your majesty names in your new regulations, the product of which is hardly enough to pay the expenses on them--duties, freight-charges, and carriers' fees--the poorer citizens will see themselves forced to seek some other way [to make a living]. that means the desertion of these islands for india, and consequently a great diminution in the number of your majesty's vassals; and the islands will be exposed to the invasions of the dutch and other enemies of your royal crown and of the natives. no few of these invasions have been experienced in recent years, and at this time we are being raided by the mindanaos, the joloans, and the burneyans. and i can assure your majesty that in the space of less than twelve years i have seen this stage [86] of the citizens of manila changed five times. for, as it is composed of some who come from europe (and they count for many), and of others who come from nueva españa, on account of the difference of the climate from that in which they were born they do not remain long; both classes, seeing the little comfort that they can find here, and how small incentive there is from riches (which is that which most influences those who do not possess enormous estates), either die in a short time, worn out with the misery of this country; or they leave the islands, to look for a more comfortable residence. thus it comes to pass that only we religious and other ecclesiastics remain, with some persons who belong to the richer class (who are few), and these are europeans, whom affection for their native land is always drawing away. if this [which i have mentioned above] happens (which may god not permit), all these millions of christian natives will be left abandoned, and exposed to [the danger of] returning to their heathen condition; and of being possessed by the dutch, or the chinese, or any other nation that may find a profit in them." the argument that the prohibition of the trade in chinese silks will check the drain of silver from nueva españa is refuted by the provincial; he says, "for we who are near china, batabia, the coromandel coast, and other ports of india, know with certainty that the ships and pataches that come to them from europa to trade in them carry hardly any money for their traffic except the silver, with the stamp and seal of your majesty, from perù or from mexico; and as those vessels have directed their route from europa by way of cape verde, buena esperanza [i.e., good hope], cape comorin, and sincapura, it must be supposed that they do not obtain the said silver anywhere else than from the commerce in europa. your majesty could, in the course of several years, prevent the silver that comes from mexico to these islands from passing over to china, to the coast, or to batabia, by commanding your governors and other officials at manila to make strenuous efforts that in the islands the natives, mestizos, creoles, and various other castes who live in them and are naturalized as subjects, be compelled to weave the cloth goods which are manufactured in other regions; and these people are no less skilful for the mechanical and even the liberal arts than are those of other nations. as for the fabrics of cotton, these people are able to weave them, for their own consumption, more durable and of better quality than the cloths which come from china and the coast; and as for the silk goods, the hose which these natives weave are those which bring the highest price at acapulco. the colors for dyeing the goods are furnished by the country itself; for there will be shipped from here to the empire of china during this year more than thirty champan-loads of sibucao, or campeche, a wood from which the chinese obtain carmine for their dyes; and the other colors they obtain from trees and roots which also are found in these mountains in abundance. as for the cinnamon, it grows very abundantly in the island of mindanao, where your majesty has the fort and garrison of samboangan, with some missions that are administered by priests of my order, and by other religious from the discalced of st. augustine. it would be of no little advantage to be able to cultivate the cinnamon, as the dutch do; for the silver which that nation would be obliged to carry for that product would remain among the vassals of your majesty, and thus there would be an end to that difficulty (which the merchants of sevilla certainly exaggerate) of your majesty forbidding the shipment of the goods which your royal decree specifies, which are those that have some value, in order to be able to pay the cost on the more bulky goods. who will have courage to weave them, or hunt for them, when he knows that he must lose on them? in these islands abundance of gold is collected in various placers, in which work the slow and patient disposition of the natives is occupied; but as their minds are so careless and ignorant they content themselves with washing out only the exact amount of their tribute, which is five reals for each person. but if your majesty would give your royal directions to your governors and ministers, in the course of time it would be possible to secure the production of this gold in abundance; and if it were sent to nueva españa, and exchanged for the silver necessary for the maintenance of these your wretched vassals, the result would be that the latter product would always remain in the dominions of your majesty. in these islands, also, some pearls are secured by diving, and in these seas some amber is gathered. in the mountains there is no lack of numerous civet-cats; and the civet, if measures were taken for its production, might be no small source of wealth to your vassals, and consequently furnish huge amounts to your loyal treasury." father fernandez mentions that felipe iv "spent in twenty years 170,000 ducados solely in sending religious to preach the gospel in philipinas;" and that the monopoly on the buyo industry had produced in one year 11,000 pesos to the royal treasury, and that on wine 18,000 pesos; (but these amounts apparently refer to the price paid for a three years' contract, rather than to the annual income of the crown from these sources). [87]] 86. all the papers and reports which have been mentioned in this "period vii" having been received in the council, and the deputies from philipinas, don francisco diaz romero and don antonio de echandía--who deposited their credentials and letters in the office of the secretary--having presented themselves in it, they set forth their claims and stated, in a printed memorial (which they handed in on june 14, 1723) the injuries which the islands were receiving from the practice of the decree of october 27, 1720. they entreated that its execution be suspended, and orders given that the commerce be continued with the yearly galleon in the same manner, so far as the lading was concerned, as was in use at the time when the aforesaid despatch was received there [at manila]. the memorial, in eight leaves, is as follows: 87. [this memorial by the city and merchants of manila presents in detail the amount of their annual commerce in the various kinds of merchandise that are permitted in the decree. the gold exported from filipinas to nueva españa amounts to less than 12,000 pesos, and is sent not as bullion or coin, but in the form of the slender chains [bejuquillos] wrought by the malay natives for personal adornment; for in no other form could it compete with the abundance of gold mined in mexico. the chinese porcelain is shipped in small quantity, being mainly an article of luxury, like the gold ornaments; moreover, it is bulky and fragile. as for spices, manila complains that the market for these in nueva españa is already appropriated by the merchants of españa who send spices in the trading-fleets to vera cruz; in the fleet (of seventeen vessels) commanded by don fernando chacón was carried the enormous amount of 170,737 libras of cinnamon, and more than 70,986 of pepper and cloves, besides various bags and chests of all these kinds of spice the weight of which was not noted. the only products of the islands which have commercial value in nueva españa are wax, lampotes, ilocos blankets, and cordage; and the value of all that is exported of these, even counting with them the previously mentioned gold chains, does not go beyond 30,000 pesos. the linen goods have hitherto been shipped from manila to acapulco only to fill in empty spaces in the allotments of lading, and have amounted to hardly 60,000 pesos, on which very little profit was obtained. if the main part of the galleon's cargo has to be composed of these linens, the acapulco market will be overstocked with them, and the prices there will be so low that manila cannot afford to send another cargo of this sort. moreover, as these goods are procured from the foreign factories at batavia, madrasta, patàn, punticheri, and vengala, as soon as the traders at those posts understand that the manila galleons must carry most of their lading in goods to be procured at those factories they will advance their prices enormously, and the galleon will be compelled to sail in ballast, and then only to procure the situado. the floss and raw silk which is the only form of that product permitted to manila is so bulky a commodity, and the consumption of it in nueva españa is so small, that it too has been shipped only to fill up space; moreover, "for several years it has been increasing in cost, on account of the great amount of it which the dutch, english, and french obtain from china for the fabrics which are manufactured in europe." the deputies, to substantiate their statements, refer to the official reports of the viceroys of nueva españa, and offer to bring forward evidence in their favor from various persons at madrid who have resided in filipinas. they claim that the manila trade in silken fabrics has not harmed the merchants of españa, since the silk which is produced in that country is hardly sufficient to supply the home demand, and it is necessary to bring to it foreign silks--exporting to nueva españa some goods which have little demand in españa; but even these do not occupy one hundred and twenty-five toneladas of space. the greater part of the silk goods woven in españa are silks and velvets, and if the value of these has fallen, it is not the importation of chinese goods which has caused this, but the change in the style of magistrates' robes, [88] in which those goods are used, and the small amount of them that is used in the military service. "just as in these kingdoms [of españa] most of the persons of rank are clothed in no other fabrics than those which come from foreign countries on account of either their better quality or their luster--so the same thing occurs in nueva españa, where they follow in everything the customs of europa; and for this reason most of the silken fabrics which are carried thither in the trading-fleets are from the kingdoms of inglaterra and francia, and the provinces of holanda--as silver and gold tissues, brocades and laces of the same sort; hose, and other stuffs, the sale of which does not injure that of the chinese silks, on account of the greater value placed upon the former. therefore, as the silken fabrics which the aforesaid shippers carry [to nueva españa] are not all from the mills of españa, but these spanish silks are in very small quantity and of the sort which are rejected here, it is evident that the injury is not to the commerce of andalucia, but to the foreign nations. for, since all the gold and silver which comes [to españa] is carried in trading-fleets and galleons--except what is obtained for wines, brandies, oil, and other products--the slender profits which the traders of philipinas gain from the sale of the chinese fabrics will also be given up for their benefit by the foreigners on account of the abundance of the products from their own mills which they will ship to cadiz, in order that these may be carried to the indias." the argument is repeated, that most of the profits in the acapulco trade must go to european foreigners, if it is restricted to the few and unimportant products of the islands, and thus the enemies of españa are strengthened; while if the chinese trade is allowed those profits fall into the hands of people who cannot and will not injure the spanish power. the enforcement of the decree will injure not only the citizens of manila, but the revenues of the crown, which amount annually to an average of 228,557 pesos, besides the duties produced by the acapulco trade, which amount to 250,000 pesos more. the treasury will have no means to buy the rice of the indians, their only valuable product; the sangleys will have no occasion to trade at manila, which will lose the amount of their licenses (more than 23,000 pesos), besides the import duties and alcabalas which they pay there, which amount to more than 37,000 pesos; and the situado sent to both the philippines and marianas must be taken from the mexican treasury directly, which will be too heavy a burden for it. the king is reminded of the poverty of the philippines in all natural resources save rice, and their dependence on the acapulco traffic for money, clothing, and all other needs save that of food. the recent building of two small galleons has caused the treasury a great amount of expense, quite disproportionate to that of the one large vessel which hitherto had been used for the acapulco trade--to say nothing of the extra expense caused by the duplication of crews, officers, and soldiers which is thus rendered necessary. the smaller ships are less able to resist either storms or pirates, and the few experienced seamen in the islands must be divided between them, when they should be massed in one vessel. again is mentioned the dependence of the missions, and the conversion of the heathen, upon the acapulco trade; the indian villages that are more or less christianized now number 457, with 111,683 families, who are in danger of relapsing into heathenism, or being converted to mahometanism, if the missions cannot be kept up.] 88. the council, on june 14, 1723, agreed that this memorial should go to the fiscal with all those that came before, with the letters of the audiencia, officials, and prelates which had been laid before the council on the twelfth of the same month. 89. the consulate of cadiz, by a memorial presented in the council on the twenty-first of the same month and year-being informed of the petition from manila requesting that changes be made in the decree issued on october 27, 1720--asked the council to order that the argument recently brought forward by manila in regard to this be communicated to them; this having been referred to the fiscal, he was of opinion that the aforesaid document should be communicated to the consulate, as had been done in the year 1720 by order of his majesty; and the council agreed to this by a decree of july 12, 1723. 90-92. [on september 4 following, a conference was held by the representatives of the commerce of sevilla, to consider the question of the philippine commerce in chinese silks and the royal decree forbidding that trade; a copy of the memorial sent from manila, and other documents bearing thereon, were submitted to that body by the consulate of cadiz, who had already taken action thereon, and now asked for the support and coöperation of the sevilla merchants. in a formal resolution by the latter, they express their entire concurrence with the views of cadiz, and request the king to enforce the decree of 1720. they make light of the statement regarding the great amount of spices carried to nueva españa by chacón's fleet, and intimate the probability that the remonstrance by manila is really instigated by the traders of nueva españa, who, on account of the enormous profits which they make by sending money to the philippines for investment, must be most affected by the proposed restrictions on the manila commerce. sevilla answers the argument of manila that only one hundred and twenty-live toneladas of spanish silks are sent to nueva españa, by declaring that even that small amount will soon be reduced to nothing unless the king strictly prohibit the introduction by the filipinas ships into nueva españa of fabrics woven of silk and gold or silver; also that the silk-mills of españa will be ruined and abandoned, and consequently the cities of that country will be inundated with poor people and criminals. on the day before this conference, a similar one was held by the consulate of cadiz and representatives from the merchants of that city, who made a vigorous remonstrance against the injuries caused to spanish commerce and industry by the manila-acapulco trade, and especially by the frauds and the infractions of law therein, on which they expatiated in the above conference. in the report drawn up by them they mention several of these. for instance, the merchants of the city of mexico sent large sums of money to acapulco for preparing the manila galleon for its voyage; "and in the three months during which the ship was detained at that port it unloaded an enormous cargo, held its fair, and returned laden with silver, without wintering in that kingdom, on account of the easy and prompt disposal of all that it carried. this cargo was usually 10,000 or 12,000 bales, half of silken fabrics and half of linen goods, [lencería], the proceeds from which reached four millions of pesos; and all this in pesos, eight-real and four-real pieces, since in exchange for the said goods they did not desire or carry any produce, nor even doubloons, nor bars of silver, for all must be new pesos and of mexican coinage, these being the coins which are current in turquìa, to which country they were going, since the greater part of the said goods come thence." reliable witnesses have told of mule-trains entering mexico laden with chinese stuffs, which must amount to almost the value of the goods carried by the eighteen vessels in the trading-fleet which that year came from spain under don manuel de velasco; and the market of the latter was ruined by the former. "although the silk fabrics which the ships bring from philipinas have not the quality or durability of those from españa, and the linen goods are all of cotton, and do not last half as long as do those from france, yet as the former are sold cheap, and have a good surface, and are showy, while they last the commerce of españa is checked and suspended." the merchants of mexico send so much money to acapulco that not enough is left to send the trading-fleets back to spain, which are compelled to winter at vera cruz in order to obtain the proceeds of their cargoes and equip the vessels for the return voyage. "so sweeping and irreparable is the great injury which these goods from china, or from the turks (which is the more certain), cause to the most important cities of españa that when the said ship was not allowed to carry those goods sevilla had more than 12,000 looms for the manufacture of silks of every kind; and with these, even without other stuffs, so great a number of people were employed on them, and so great was the opulence of that city and of all its domain, as is made evident by the great services which on all occasions sevilla rendered to his majesty, with sumptuous buildings--churches, hospitals, government buildings, and private houses. but without greater casualty than that of the importations in the ships from china, that city found itself in a straitened and miserable condition, not two hundred looms being left in it, on account of there being no consumption for its fabrics; and the great mass of poor people, who then supported themselves by their labor, are now miserably perishing. no less proof is afforded by what is occurring in granada; for there more than 12,000 looms were employed only on taffetas (both double and plain), satins, plushes, and all kinds of silk-weaving; and more than 50,000 persons, men and women, were engaged in the industry and labor of making silk goods. for this reason, the amount of silk worked up each year was more than 180,000 libras, from which proceeded considerable profits to the royal exchequer, for the duty on each libra amounted to thirteen reals and three cuartillos; but, with the one but sufficient reason of the importations of chinese goods, [that industry] has so fallen away that the amount of silk sold in that city at each gathering of silk does not reach 40,000 libras, and the number of looms operated, on coarse stuffs, is less than 2,000--a similar condition to those of sevilla.... the same troubles are suffered by cordova, jaen, ezija, priego, and alcalà la real, with many other places which in both the andalucias were growing and being maintained by the said manufactures. it is not less worthy of attention that the silk-growers of the aforesaid kingdoms of sevilla, granada, cordova, and murcia are, for lack of sale for the silk that they produce, giving up the cultivation of the mulberry-trees, and abandoning their farms and the places where they dwell." cadiz cites the action of conde de monclova, viceroy of peru, who prohibited the shipment of chinese goods from acapulco to south america, making them contraband and confiscable, recognizing "their poor quality and lack of durability, and the great detriment which this trade caused to the merchants [of peru], who go down to portovelo to hold the fair [at the arrival] of the galleons, which has been the greatest in the world;" and urges the king to enforce strictly the decree of 1720. such action would greatly benefit the realms of spain, and would not cause injury to the philippines, because none of the said chinese stuffs are made in the islands; "and the only ones who could grieve over it are the turk, and other princes of assia, mahometans, and enemies of our holy catholic faith." as for the complaint of manila that the propagation of that faith depends on the silk trade, cadiz refuses to believe this, and refers the king to a document in manila which refutes that notion. this is "a memorial or report made by a minister of that audiencia, n. calderòn, in which is inserted another, written by father fray victorio ricci, [89] of the order of preachers, who was for many years a missionary in the empire of china, and afterward in the philipinas islands; it was sent by the supreme inquisition to its commissary in the islands, in order that he might send to his majesty information on the points therein.... in these papers it will be clearly evident that the progress and propagation of the faith is not diminished by depriving the islands or the kingdoms adjacent to them of the commerce prohibited to them, or by the restriction which his majesty has laid on it;" the above prohibition, therefore, is not the cause of the ruin of the citizens of filipinas.] 93-94. [these replies by the merchants of andalusia call forth another memorial from the manila deputies, which occupies fourteen printed sheets. they repeat their former arguments, enforcing them by reference to the despatches from the audiencia of manila, the archbishop, and the various religious bodies there, and still more to the letters previously addressed to the king by the viceroys of nueva españa; and they adduce various instances from the history of the manila-acapulco trade to the same effect. they also undertake to refute the charges made by the merchants of sevilla and cadiz, and claim that the latter have misrepresented certain facts. we note here some points made by the manila envoys, as giving new information on the matter at issue. they say that the maintenance of filipinas, including the missions and military posts, costs the spanish crown annually 515,568 pesos, for which sum the royal treasury of mexico should be responsible, according to the laws of the indias; but it sends thither only 40,000 pesos in money and some 60,000 in goods, and even this remittance comes from the duties which the manila galleon pays at acapulco. but in 1637 and for some years later, the situado sent to the islands amounted to more than 325,000 pesos in money, and enough goods to make up the 500,000 pesos. this, however, was largely the result of the failure of the manila merchants to ship goods to mexico, a proceeding caused by the undue harshness and severity of the royal visitor pedro de quiroga; [90] but it led to the abolition (by royal decree of september 3, 1639) of the restriction on the kinds of goods permitted to manila, only limiting the amount of their investments. it is strange that manila has pursued this commerce for one hundred and forty years without any protest from andalusia until now; the decadence of the latter is due rather to lack of economy in the use of their wealth than to the competition of filipinas; and andalusia has always encountered trouble, since the persons interested in the greater part of the lading of the galleons and fleets have been and are foreigners--french, english, and dutch. andalusia claims that the galleon unlades at acapulco more than 12,000 piezas, half of them containing silk goods; but the certificates of the royal officials show that in the ten years from 1710 to 1720 the total number of piezas (in ten galleons) was 36,895, including therein the 4,299 half-chests in which the silk goods were shipped--making the average lading of each galleon only 3,660 piezas. the detention of velasco's fleet was not due to the arrival of the manila galleon, but to other causes. the fleet of 1698, in charge of general mascarùa, was sent lightly laden, and in 1699 velasco's fleet followed it, but encountered the other at vera cruz; the presence of the two large fleets at one time, and the ravages of yellow fever [bomito negro, i.e., "black vomit"] at that port, rendered it impossible to sell the goods to advantage, to transport them to mexico, or to equip the vessels for the return voyage. when velasco could set out for spain, he received news of the death of carlos ii, and the danger of war between spain and other powers, which made the merchants unwilling to risk their property on the seas at that time. finally the spanish fleet was escorted to spain by a french squadron of warships, but on reaching vigo was attacked by an english and dutch fleet, which inflicted considerable loss on the spaniards. moreover, the trading-fleets sent from spain to nueva españa are nearly twice as large in the last few years as they used to be, which overstocks the colonial markets with goods. manila claims that the decadence of the silk industry in andalusia is due to the pest which ravaged that province (with especial mortality in sevilla) in the middle of the past century; and that part of the remaining population had emigrated to murcia and valencia, where they had cultivated mulberry-trees and built up the manufacture of silk goods. another reason assigned by some writers for the decrease of prosperity in andalusia was the imposition, at that time, of heavy war-taxes. as early as 1666, the city and the merchants of sevilla had represented to the crown "their lamentable condition, and the ruin of their looms, caused by the imposition of the millones [91] and the concourse of foreigners to cadiz to introduce their own merchandise." this led to a resolution by the royal council that the decree of january 25, 1661, should be enforced, which provided that the custom-house and collection of duties for the indias should be withdrawn from cadiz, and that the galleons and fleets should take on their lading in the river of sevilla and the port of san lucar. as for the stuffs from foreign countries which, it is alleged, are brought to españa and crowd out the manufactures of that country, these are only the fabrics which the more industrious french, english, and dutch make with the raw material, both wool and silk, which españa exports. in 1696 sevilla complained to the king of the injury which it was experiencing from the importation of foreign goods, but did not mention the chinese stuffs among these. "in madrid and valencia the manufacturers are at present complaining that the price of silk has risen very high, not because the crop [that is raised in españa] is not an abundant one, so much as on account of the so great export, not only from that kingdom but from other regions, to foreign countries, that which the french alone have bought this year amounting to more than 300,000 doubloons; and if asked about this, any dealer in these goods or any official will answer with entire candor, without blaming the commerce of manila." the foreigners bring back these silk goods to españa, in order to supply with them not only that country but the indias, through the fleets and galleons; "and this is what the consulate [of cadiz] is defending, in order that these goods may, by not introducing into mexico those from china, be sold [there] with a higher reputation." the highest authorities all concur in the statement that the spanish silks sent to nueva españa do not amount to one hundred and twenty-five toneladas. the statement that the manila galleon carries from that country 4,000,000 pesos is unwarranted; the only possible ground for it is that in 1717 the viceroy allowed the galleon to carry to manila 2,000,000 pesos, because for three years past no money had been sent to the islands--on account of poor sales at acapulco, a galleon forced back to the islands by storms, etc.--on condition that the king's ten per cent be paid on that amount. in other years the amount of money illegally shipped has been very small. cadiz has alleged that money has been scarce there for some years; but manila declares that from december, 1720 to july, 1723 over 40,000,000 pesos worth of gold and silver, in coin and bullion, has been landed at cadiz, without including the value of the other products of the indias. cadiz asserts that the money obtained from nueva españa goes to the turks, the enemies of the catholic faith; but the spanish merchants are continually furnishing money to other enemies of the faith, the english and dutch. moreover, the commodities which the manila galleon carries are not obtained from the turks, but (through the european factories) from indostan, tunquin, lao, china, japon, and the philippine islands; while manila is not even permitted to trade with arabia and persia, whose products are carried to the ports of the levant, and at those fairs the traders from all the european nations buy those goods, with money which has come from the indias. manila declares that the trading-fleets carry to vera cruz no spanish products save wines, brandies, oil, raisins, and almonds, and the previously-mentioned small amount of silk goods; all else in their cargoes is of foreign make. the spices which the decree of 1720 allows to the islands will not suffice to pay the expenses of the voyage, especially when manila must compete with the trading-fleets from spain in the shipment of these products. the collection of royal duties on goods is regulated by "cubic palmos in accordance with the measurement of the bales [frangotes] and piezas which are shipped." as for the memorial by calderòn, manila asserts that it does not bear on the present question; that auditor, in the time of governor curuzalaegui (in which occurred an uprising of the sangleys), sent a letter to the king remonstrating against the liberty given to the chinese, and advising that they be not allowed to have intercourse with the indian natives, or even to live in the parián. this tolerance had been extended to them for the sake of attracting them to the christian faith, but calderòn regarded it as no longer necessary, since they had, even then, a number of christian missionaries in their own country. in his letter, he cited father ricci in support of some of his statements. while the spanish silks sent to nueva españa amount to only one hundred and twenty-five toneladas, those of foreign make sent thither from spanish ports are more than a thousand toneladas. the french, english, and dutch trade at canton, where the main part of their commerce is in raw silk.] 95-96. [the above memorial was referred by the council to the fiscal, on october 6, 1723; and on december 22 following, a printed answer to both of those by manila was placed before the council by the consulate and merchants of cadiz. they remind the king that when filipinas was first discovered the ships brought back to españa abundance of gold, pearl, amber, civet, wax, and fabrics of ilocos; and for some time afterward these and many other valuable products were exported from manila, which became the emporium of both eastern and western india. in those early times, when so much zeal and energy for the conversion of the heathen was displayed, it was not necessary to the missions to depend upon the trade in chinese silks; but, for the sake of benefiting the natives of the islands, and to check the drain of silver to foreign nations, the spanish government (by decrees of 1589 and 1596) authorized the barter and exchange of the products of filipinas for those of china, under the system called pancada. but manila has distorted this into the assumption that the chinese trade was intended for the maintenance of the spanish colony in filipinas, and that it was to be without restriction, save in its amount--although, as a fact, the trade in silk fabrics of china was not introduced until many years later. the system of distributing the commerce among the citizens of manila replaced the earlier pancada, and led to such abuses that felipe iii attempted to check them by a severe decree (1620); and later enactments placed the acapulco commerce on such footing that it flourished greatly, to the mutual advantage of filipinas and nueva españa, and to the enrichment of manila and its citizens. that commerce benefited the poor citizen as well as the rich; but the trade in silks is only for the benefit of the wealthy merchant and the rich consumer, as they are articles of luxury. the earlier commerce of manila also supported and stimulated the consumption of spanish silks in nueva españa and peru, and the silk industry flourished in the mother-country; but the later introduction of chinese silks into the american colonies, and the frauds and excess connected with this trade, have ruined the silk industry on both sides of the atlantic, and even impaired the prosperity of manila. cadiz claims that the merchants of mexico have committed many frauds, and transgressed the ordinances, and prevented the execution of these, in regard to the manila trade, and do so with the collusion and aid of the officials: for instance, the galleon "nuestra señora del rosario" arrived at acapulco on january 11, 1699, and the manila citizens attempted to compound the duties on the cargo for 100,000 pesos; but the royal fiscal opposed this, showing that the ship had brought 6,754 piezas of lading, without counting a considerable quantity of pepper and other goods outside of the registration. it was also found that although the law restricted the entire cargo to the value of 250,000 pesos, and its ownership to the citizens of manila, this vessel contained goods to the amount of 233,966 pesos which belonged to the citizens of puebla alone, and it was estimated that it must contain at least a million pesos' worth of goods belonging to merchants in the city of mexico. the mexican government compelled the payment on these goods of duties amounting to 50,000 pesos more, and would have investigated the whole matter, to ascertain the exact amount of the illegal shipments; but the commercial interests of mexico exerted such influence against this that the audiencia desisted from the undertaking. again cadiz accuses the importation of chinese silks into nueva españa of having ruined the silk industry in españa; although those goods are so thin and poor that they are worn out even before the manila galleon leaves acapulco, they are so cheap and showy that they undersell the better goods from españa even competing with the latter in vera cruz, where the chinese goods are purchased by the traders of habana, puerto rico, cartagena, and other spanish colonies; and all this is overlooked by the spanish officials in high places, because they profit by this illegal traffic. if the king will prohibit the importation of silk woven with silver and gold, and "check the hand which mexico moves at the command of manila," the silk industry will be revived in españa, its people will be kept from idleness and poverty, and foreign countries will no longer drain its resources. cadiz desires manila to content itself with the spice-trade, which is a staple and profitable line of commerce, and which manila can carry on more cheaply and promptly than spanish merchants can; the spices sent from españa on chacón's fleet were needed to supply the scarcity of them at that time, as the manila trade had been interrupted temporarily; but if the latter be regular, such shipment from españa could not occur again. from the year 1690, the indult ran from 50,000 to 74,000 pesos, on the basis of the 250,000 pesos allowed to the manila trade; but it is evident that the duties ought now to amount to above 500,000 pesos, on the enormous quantities of chinese silks that the galleon of 1,000 toneladas carries.] 97-105. [this memorial, with like protests from the cities of toledo, ezija, and murcia, was sent to the fiscal, who on march 16, 1724, handed in his opinion on the question at issue--that is, whether the decree of 1720 should be changed or enforced. he lays down three propositions: first, that the trade in chinese stuffs should not be prohibited to the citizens of filipinas, since it is necessary to their maintenance, those islands having no profitable mines or commercial products; moreover, the introduction and propagation of the catholic faith therein is an obligation of justice as well as of religious zeal, and was so recognized by felipe ii, when he refused to abandon filipinas; and to fulfil this obligation the spanish colony there should be sustained. for this purpose the trade with nueva españa had been granted to manila, to such extent as should be necessary for its preservation, that is, to the amount of 250,000 pesos, and 500,000 in returns; and in the permission given to manila to trade with china there had been, and should be, no restriction as to the woven silks of that country. second, this trade ought, nevertheless, to be strictly confined to the amount of their permission, and all frauds to be prevented; for the complaints of spanish producers and merchants had been caused by the frauds and abuses in the manila trade, rather than by the mere fact of its including chinese goods; the fiscal even suggests that they have an official representative at acapulco to aid in the unlading and inspection of the manila galleon, and report thereon to the viceroy, which would aid in preventing frauds and enable the spanish merchants to discuss the question more intelligently. third, that in case the trade in chinese silks be prohibited to manila, that in spices should be absolutely prohibited to the spanish merchants and given exclusively to those of filipinas; while the american trade in silks should be free to the spaniards.] 106-111. [the council considered this question on april 6, and decided that the decree of 1720 should be changed; they recommended that the filipinas trade be continued as before the decree, and employing but one large galleon; that the decree of 1702 should be enforced, save that the goods should be valued not by actual inspection of the bales but by invoices presented by the shippers, with their sworn statements that the goods were their own; nor should any indult, payment of double duties, or other form of composition be tolerated; and that the royal officials at manila, cavite, acapulco, and mexico should be held responsible for the fulfilment of these regulations, under severe penalties. this proceeding was approved by the king, who issued despatches in accordance therewith (june 17, 1724) to the viceroy of nueva españa and other officials concerned therein; and on august 8 the merchants of cadiz were invited to nominate a deputy to watch the acapulco commerce.] period viii relates the plan presented by the deputies of philipinas for regulating the commerce of that country, in the year 1724; and its results, up to that of 1730. 112-113. [on september 28, 1724, the deputies from philipinas presented to the council another printed memorial, in which they proposed a plan for preventing the abuses of the manila-acapulco trade. this document contains ninety-four paragraphs; it enumerates the provisions of the decree of 1720, the objections made thereto at manila, the difficulties of navigation on the pacific, and the reasons why one large galleon is better for that commerce than two small ones; describes the frauds and injustice practiced in the lading of the galleon, for which the responsibility rests mainly on the governors of the islands, who use their great power for their own personal advantage, regardless of the rights of the citizens; and opposes the requirements that each shipper must swear that the goods he sends are his own, that no one to whom space is allotted may sell or transfer it to another person, that the valuations of goods must be made by samples, and some other restrictions which seriously embarrass the citizens who have but little wealth to invest. it is represented that the seamen are allowed to carry each 30 pesos' worth of goods as a private investment, in order to encourage spaniards to enter the marine service; but this ought to be increased to 300 pesos (the allowance made to the men on the fleets that go to the indias), for more spaniards are needed on the acapulco trade-route--hardly one-third of the men on a galleon being of spanish birth, the rest being indians and on the rivera of cavite. the citizens of manila ought to be allowed to carry back all the produce of their shipments, since but few of the products of nueva españa are adapted to their needs in the altogether different climate and other conditions of the islands. they also ask that they be allowed to compound the payment of dues at 100,000 pesos each voyage, or less pro rata if the amount of goods shipped fall below the 300,000 pesos allowed for the trade. the transgressions of law connected with the acapulco commerce have been mainly committed by high officials, but have not been so great, or so injurious to spanish trade, as sevilla and cadiz represent; the deputies assert that "these abuses cannot be checked, or most of them even ascertained, so long as the terms of the concession are in pesos," and that it ought to prescribe a definite number of piezas, of specified measures and weight. they therefore propose a new ordinance for regulating the traffic, which embodies the above suggestions and requests, with some additional points. they ask for a permission of 4,000 piezas, of which 500 shall be half-chests filled with silks and very fine cotton goods, "which do not admit the use of the press;" the size and weight of the piezas is fully described. they ask permission to ship pepper and storax besides the amount of the permission, without restriction of quantity. the galleon for carrying these goods should be of dimensions here specified--the keel sixty codos [or cubits] long, the breadth of the vessel twenty codos, and the inside depth of the hold ten codos--and its crew should contain 250 men, besides the officers. the governor should not be allowed to act on the committee for distributing the allotments of lading-space; in his place is proposed the archbishop, the other members to represent the audiencia, the municipality, and the merchants. the amount of merchandise which may be sent by the governor and all other royal officials ought to be limited to one hundred piezas, and this should go outside of the permitted amount. a share in the lading is asked for the ecclesiastical cabildo of manila, on account of their poverty and their high dignity and character; also for the officers on the galleons, and for the widows of merchants and military officers. an allotment of space should be made transferable; and permission should be given to send some packages of goods intended as gifts to friends, affidavit being made that these are not intended for sale. the governor and officials of the port of acapulco should not be allowed to exercise any authority or pressure over the manila traders, beyond the proper inspection of the vessels and lading and the collection of duties; and the traders should be allowed to sell their goods as they please, either in or out of the fair there, or transport them to mexico, if they prefer. they should not be expected to pay alcabala on the first sale at acapulco, or any extraordinary imposts. the memorial specifies the provisions to be made for the lading and inspection of goods at both manila and acapulco, the functions of certain officials, the penalties for transgression of the regulations, and the customs duties to be paid on each kind of goods; and offers certain payments to be made by the manila merchants, which will add much to the royal revenues. it states the present number of "citizens and traders" in manila as 868.] 114-121. [the above document was handed to the fiscal, who advised the council not to make the concessions therein asked, as they would destroy the entire system on which that commerce had thus far been conducted, and abrogate the provisions of the decree but recently granted for the benefit of manila, which gave that city sufficient advantage. on january 12, 1725, the council requested one of the ministers, don antonio de la pedrosa, to examine the scheme proposed by manila, and render an opinion thereon. he was willing to grant a number of the concessions requested, but would insist that the total of the permitted trade be restricted to 300,000 pesos, and the returns to 600,000 pesos, as before; and he proposed even harsher penalties for the transgression of the laws governing the trade. the manila deputies, on learning of the opinions of the aforesaid royal officials, desisted from their efforts to obtain further concessions from the council, but appealed to the king, who sent to the council a decree (dated july 22, 1726) permitting the scheme of manila to be tested (although with some restrictions), for two years.] 122-127. [the deputies of manila were not satisfied that this concession should be limited to a term of two years, and again petitioned the king, asking that the trial be made for two or three five-year terms, on account of the many difficulties which that commerce must encounter. the king consented (october 21, 1726) to extend the term to five years, and a despatch of september 15 prescribes the conditions and regulations under which the trial of the new plan should be made--for a term of two years, extended to five by another decree of october 31. the annual galleon shall carry no more than 4,000 piezas, 500 of these being half-chests [medios caxones] containing the silken fabrics and the finer ones of cotton; the rest shall be half-bales [medios fardillos] bags [churlas] of cinnamon, cases of porcelain, and cakes of wax. the size or weight respectively of these packages is prescribed: the half-chests and half-bales shall be each 1 1/4 vara long, 2/3 vara wide, and 1/3 vara deep, [92] an allowance of two dedos on each measure being made for the outside cover or packing of the half-chest and for the compression used on the half-bale. the bag of cinnamon shall weigh 150 libras gross (that is, including all packing and covers), but at acapulco it may be allowed four or five libras more of weight, the difference between the weight of manila and that of nueva españa. the case [balsa] of porcelain must be one vara high and 2 1/4 varas in circumference at the mouth, no allowance being made. the cakes of wax must weigh twelve arrobas at manila, four or five libras being allowed at acapulco for the difference in standards of weight. besides the 4,000 piezas, unlimited pepper and storax may be shipped; and chinese cabinets and screens [biombos] may go in larger boxes than the regulation size, provided that the capacity of these be figured in terms of piezas. passengers on the galleons are allowed each two chests containing their personal property, without any articles of merchandise. the dimensions and crew of the galleon shall be as stated by the manila deputies. the committee for allotting lading-space shall be as suggested by them, save that the governor shall be included therein. space is allowed to the extent of 100 piezas to the governor and other royal officials for their personal shipments, but these must come out of the 4,000 piezas. a limited amount of space is allotted to the ecclesiastical cabildo and to the officers on the galleons; also to the widows of traders and military officers. allotments of space may be transferred to other persons who are approved by the committee. due provision is made for the valuation, registration, and lading of goods at manila, and the inspection and sale at acapulco; for the allowance of small quantities of merchandise to the spanish seamen and artillerists; for the shipment of the returns from the investments, whether in money or goods; and for penalties against transgressors. the manila merchants are to pay alcabala on any sales outside of acapulco; 25,000 pesos annually on each galleon which shall arrive at acapulco (afterward changed to 20,000 pesos a year during the five years' term), as a contribution to the royal service; duties of five per cent at acapulco "for the embarkation of the entire product from the aforesaid 4,000 piezas, and the pepper and storax, which is the same that the traders of españa pay at cadiz;" and the following specific duties: for each half-chest, 45 pesos; each half-bale, 30 pesos; each bag of cinnamon, 25 pesos; each cake of wax, 18 pesos; each case of porcelain, 12 pesos; each chest of cabinets or screens, 18 pesos for each of the piezas to which the chest is equivalent; and each arroba of pepper or storax, 12 silver reals.] (to be concluded.) bibliographical data the documents contained in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. jesuit missions.--from murillo velarde's historia de philipinas (manila, 1749); from a copy in possession of edward e. ayer. 2. condition of the islands, 1701.--from ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), v, pp. 201-230. 3. events of 1701-15.--from concepción's historia de philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391; from a copy in possession of the editors. 4. government of bustamante.--the first part is from concepción, ut supra, ix, pp. 183-424; the letters of otazo and cuesta are from ventura del arco mss., iv, pp. 249-295. 5. letter from santistevan.--from a ms., probably the original, in possession of edward e. ayer. 6. commerce of the philippines.--from the extracto historial (madrid, 1736) of antonio alvarez de abreu; from a copy in possession of edward e. ayer. notes [1] from murillo velarde's account of his order in the philippines we extract such matter as describes their missions, their general labors in manila for both spaniards and natives, their methods of work, and some occurrences of special importance to them as an order. the "edifying instances," and biographies of the jesuit fathers, and other devotional reading it is necessary to omit here, as our limited space forbids its presentation. [2] the papal concession for this jubilee of fifteen days had come that summer, and had been announced on november 18, just before the appearance of the comets. [3] the word moreno is used by the earlier writers rather confusedly, and applied to more than one race, whether pure or mixed; but in later times it apparently refers chiefly to the swarthy-complexioned people from the malabar coast and to their descendants. [4] the tagálog word for "bridge." [5] spanish, sermones de tabla. the tabla is the list kept in the church sacristy which designates on what days certain functions are to be held; it is the tabella of the italian sacristies, the church calendar of ours. cathedrals and even lower grade churches (as collegiates, nunneries, hospitals, etc.) had their sermons (d'occasion, as the french say) on certain set days as marked in their local calendars, or tablas; these were always very grand, and delivered by renowned preachers and orators; many of these i have heard. the phrase "endowed feast" (fiesta dotada) is used also in italian and french. it was a custom, which i presume still holds, in all those countries (as i often saw in italy), that a municipality, society, confraternity, or indeed any body of persons, had its feasts on set days in the year--for instance, feasts of their patron saints, or of thanksgiving, etc. fairs also were endowed; that is, bequests (perhaps centuries old) provided that on set days the people were to have a fiesta, with music, fireworks, games, sermons, etc., with an alms for the poor--all paid for, as also would be the premiums for the fairs. these were occurrences always of great festivity and merriment; and in italy, at least in the part where i lived, the smallest towns and hamlets had their fiestas dotadas.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [6] the exercitia spiritualia of inigo de loyola, founder of the jesuit order; it has long been a text-book therein, and a manual of devotion for persons under direction of the jesuits. see account of the examination of conscience prescribed in it, in jesuit relations (cleveland reissue), lxviii, p. 326. "in europe it is customary for persons at particular seasons to retire for a time from the world, to give themselves up entirely to prayer and meditation. some part of the season of lent is generally selected for this purpose; and many, for the sake of more entire seclusion, take up their residence during this time in some religious house. this is called 'going into retreat.'"--kip's jesuits in america, p. 302. [7] that is, "headland of bondoc" (or bondog); a mountain 1,250 feet high, at the southern end of the peninsula of tayabas, luzón. (u. s. gazetteer of philippines, p. 397.) [8] marinduque is an island off the coast of tayabas province, luzón; it is round in shape, about twenty-three miles in diameter, and has a population (tagálog) of about 48,000. it has some good harbors; and it produces abundance of rice, cocoanuts, and abacá. (u. s. gazetteer of philippines, pp. 643-647.) [9] theriacs were held in great estimation during the middle ages. they were composed of opium flavored with nutmeg, cardamom, cinnamon, and mace--or merely with saffron and ambergris. [10] aornis (or aornos), a lofty rock in india, taken by alexander the great; thus named, as being so high as to be inaccessible even to birds. [11] that is, as alternate or substitute for encinas, in case of the latter's disability or death. [12] interesting information about lake lanao is given in the following letter from the jesuit juan heras to his superior, dated at tagoloan, october 6, 1890; it is printed in cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús, cuad. ix (manila, 1891), pp. 254, 255. "desiring to furnish to your reverence as accurate information as possible regarding the lake of malanao, we sent again for some men who lived there many years as slaves. they are an intelligent family. the father is a tagálog, captured when he was a mere youth; he was carried to the lake, and later married a girl, also a tagálog who had been enslaved. they had three children, and when one of these was ten years old and another one somewhat older, they made their escape, in the year 74. the father and mother lived at the lake more than twenty years; they settled in jasaán, and lived there very happily after their children had been baptised. the father has traveled entirely around the lake by the highroad, and the second son had gone half-way round, from the northeastern end to ganasi. the information, then, which they had given us--precisely the same both tunes, for they had been questioned previously, last march--is as follows: "the length of the lake from north to south--or from the mouth of the agus river (which empties near iligan), to ganasi, the point of departure for lalabúan, which is on illana bay--is 24 hours of straight sailing, with steady rowing and the wind astern. the breadth from east to west is half the length. it has many promontories, which form large curves [in the coast]; and the shore is steep and rocky at lúgud and tugua, at which points vessels cannot find anchor. the lake contains four islets. a good highroad runs around the lake, which is interrupted only near taraca, by the extensive mud flats which form the rice-lands (or basacanes). taraca is the principal town, and the sultan lives there. the places which are noted as villages [i.e., on an accompanying map?] are not really such, but are the jurisdictions of the dattos. the settlement is one continuous street, with houses on both sides of the highroad almost all the way round the lake. "the population is a large one, as several married couples live in the same house, and there are many dwellings. the people who have the reputation of being the bravest are those of unayan, bundayan, ganasi, and marántao. from ganasi the highroad goes toward lalabúan; it has no steep ascents or descents, nor does it cross large rivers; and by following this road lalabúan is reached in one day. half-way on this journey is the village of limudigan, the sultan of poalas, the richest of all those in the lake region. our informants state that the cannon are kept in ganasi, in a large shed, to a considerable number. the places where the people have most guns are maraui and marántao; the number of firearms cannot be exactly stated, although these men say three are many of them. from maraui one can go to ganasi in three days, by taking the road to the right, and in four days by going to the left; it therefore takes seven days to make the trip around the lake--but the circuit of the lake is probably somewhat exaggerated. it is said that those people have many mosques. maraui is on the agus river, quite near the lake; these men say that there are many horses there. as to the exactness of these data, it is evident that we cannot be altogether certain; but it is certain that each of our informants has confirmed the other's statements." in the same volume of cartas is a valuable appendix by father pablo pastells, in which he sets forth the importance of the plan formed by general valeriano weyler (governor of the islands during 1889-91) for completing the subjugation of mindanao to the spanish crown, and presents a brief historical sketch of the spanish conquests in that island, and an account of conditions therein and of the natural resources of the country. he argues that the forcible expulsion of all its mahometan tribes would be impossible, and that the proper way to hispanicize mindanao must be the slow one--but sure, if the results of the labors of jesuit missionaries among the moros be considered--of education, the introduction of civilized modes of life (especially by the cultivation of the soil), a political organization like that already in vogue among the tagálogs and other christianized peoples, the influence of the christian religion in displacing their superstitious and false beliefs, governmental protection to the peaceable natives, and the promotion of migration of filipinos from the northern islands to mindanao, thus gradually colonizing the latter with industrious, civilized, and christian inhabitants. statistics are added to father pastells's memorial, showing that the (jesuit) missions of mindanao contain (in 1892) a total christian population of 191,493 souls; this number he compares with the list given by murillo velarde (1748; including all the missions of the jesuits in filipinas), which foots up to 209,527 souls. at the end of the cartas is a map (dated march 19, 1892) of the "second and fifth districts"--i.e., those of cagayán de misamis and cottabato--on a scale of ten kilometers to an inch; it contains the latest geographic data up to 1892, and is especially full in the lanao region and the course of the pulangi river or rio grande, the headwaters of that great river almost interlocking with those of the cagayán and another large stream which empties into macajalar bay. the map also shows the native tribes that occupy the region which it depicts. [13] gabe or gabi is the native name (tagal, visayan, and pampango) for the roots of caladium esculentum (also known as colocasia antiquorum), which are used considerably as food. this plant is frequently cultivated in the united states for its foliage, and is popularly called "elephant's ears," from the shape of the leaves. [14] a bay or inlet at the southwest angle of iligan bay, extending 12 miles southwest, its inmost point lying but 13 miles from the northern extremity of illana bay, which is on the south side of mindanao. the fort here mentioned must have been at the mouth of lintogut river. [15] spanish, tierra de s. pablo; but no information is available for its identification. [16] one of the very rare allusions to this mode of conducting commerce, as used among the moros, which--although common enough in all parts of the world from very early times, and practiced by most peoples who have risen beyond the savage condition--seems to have been even to the present time undeveloped among the moros, partly on account of their fierce natures and the feuds among them, partly because of their habits of piracy, plunder, and bloodshed. of especial interest in this connection is the account published in the new york outlook, december 23, 1905, of the "moro exchange" established at zamboanga, mindanao (july, 1904), by captain john p. finley, governor of zamboanga district. intended from the outset to replace slavery and piracy by honest labor, it has gradually gained the respect and coöperation of the moro chiefs; and by taking advantage of their talent for trade is exerting a wide and strong influence in the development of industry and peaceful relations among them. this exchange even in its first year had a volume of business amounting to $128,000; and now its daily transactions run from 500 to 800 pesos, while in the zamboanga district it has fourteen branches. [17] spanish, al reir del alba, literally, "at the smile of the dawn." [18] limbo (from latin, limbus): in scholastic theology, a region bordering on hell, where souls were detained for a time; hence, applied to any place of restraint or confinement. [19] the lists of augustinian friars in the philippines record the names of some thirty members of that order who became insane or demented; and probably similar lists could be given by the other orders. perez's catálogo (manila, 1901), and gaspar cano's catálogo (manila, 1864) present biographical information regarding all the members of the order who labored in the islands from 1565 down to their respective dates of publication; pérez enumerates 2,467 for the term of 336 years from 1565 to 1901, and of these 1,992 belong to cano's period, ending in 1864. cano names thirty friars (two of them being lay brothers) who died in a demented condition; the first of these was fray francisco de canga rodriguez (1616), who was 55 years professed. pérez mentions but twenty-seven of cano's list, but adds four others for the years following cano's record (1865-1901), a total of thirty-one names. both these compilers record the facts of dementia among the friars in varied phrases; and cano speaks (p. 20) of "the many things which there are in filipinas to cause the loss of one's mind." zúñiga, in his estadismo, refers to the liability of the missionaries in the islands to suffer mental alienation from homesickness, solitude, and lack of congenial companions, especially in districts where the natives were of low intellectual calibre. when i was a student in rome, pope pius ix had a college (the pio latino) opened for spanish americans (from mexico and south america); this was about 1860. the italians said that the young students from those countries seemed to be especially given to excessive homesickness (nostalgia).--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [20] that is, "go ye into the whole world, and preach the gospel to every creature" (mark xvi, v. 15). [21] thus characterized, because this long account of the hardships and dangers of missionary life is inserted in the midst of a sketch of father francisco paliola, martyred in mindanao in 1648. [22] "and the earth was corrupted before god, and was filled with iniquity" (genesis 6, v. 11). [23] the jesuit diego luis de san vitores had just arrived (july, 1662) in luzón with fourteen companions, in a patache, sent from acapulco by conde de baños, viceroy of mexico. [24] "through evil report and good report" (ii corinthians vi, v. 8). [25] tagálog words, meaning young men and girls of marriageable age. barbateca does not appear in the standard lexicons. [26] see note on the masses, in vol. xxxix, p. 246, note 148. [27] "saying: 'holy, holy, holy, lord god almighty, who wast, who art, and who art to come.'" [28] after citing numerous examples from the customs of various nations, herbert spencer concludes--ceremonial institutions (new york, 1880), pp. 128-131: "it seems that removal of the hat among european peoples, often reduced among ourselves to touching the hat, is a remnant of that process of unclothing himself by which, in early times, the captive expressed the yielding up of all that he had." [29] the provincial of the society of jesus in the filipinas islands, in a report to the king dated june 20, 1731, declares that the society reckoned 173,938 souls in the 88 principal villages and some visitas which they were administering. this number, compared with the estimate for the preceding period of six years, showed an increase of 11,886 christians; by this may be seen the increase which the population is steadily gaining--except that of the marianas islands, which has decreased. (ventura del arco mss., iv, p. 307.) [30] spanish, azicate; "a long-necked moorish spur with a rowel at the end of it" (appleton's velázquez's dictionary). the latin quotation means, "he who spares the rod hates his son." [31] spanish, lolios y zizañas. lolio is an old form of joyo; and both joyo and zizaña (modern, cizaña) refer, according to appleton's velázquez's dictionary, to the common darnel, or lolium temulentum. [32] spanish, la inata del pays, la conatural al sexo, y la congenita entrañada en la nacion. [33] that is, to zabalburu, just one month after his entrance into office. [34] polo: a personal service of forty days in the year. [35] this was francisco gueruela; see summary of his report on this visitation, in vol. xlii, p. 120. [36] "except the master-of-camp endaya, who charged him nothing for the house in which he lived, and spent more than twenty thousand pesos in maintaining him and all his retinue. endaya made all these demonstrations because he had taken refuge in a church, and the patriarch [i.e., tournon] condoned all his offences and enabled him to leave his asylum--without any one saying anything to him; nor did the judges dare to lay hands on a man whom the legate a latere had pardoned." other favors and honors were conferred on endaya by tournon. (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 412-413.) [37] archbishop camacho was appointed in 1703 bishop of guadalajara; and early in july, 1706, he went to take possession of that see (which he retained until his death in 1712), abandoning his diocese of manila. he left as ruler of that see don francisco rayo (who was not a member of the cabildo), despite the protests of the chapter-members. on august 19 the cabildo declared the see vacant, and chose as its provisor the archdeacon doctor josé altamirano y cervantes. at first his title was contested by rayo; but the latter was finally induced to give up his pretensions, and by august 28 "the cabildo remained in peaceable possession of its government and vacant see." (ventura del arco mss., iv, pp. 247, 248. in the same volume, pp. 135-206, is a detailed account of camacho's controversy with the orders and the papal delegate, with a royal decree on that subject, dated may 20, 1700.) [38] "as soon as he took possession of his archbishopric, he began to busy himself with the building of the seminary of san phelipe; and the first error that he committed was, to place the arms of the cabildo on the front of the edifice together with the arms of the king, which he placed on one of the stories. he also drew up the instructions for this collegiate seminary; and when he came to the admission of students he did not remember the [rights of the] royal patronage, and arranged for their admission without mentioning the vice-patron. the king's fiscal, who saw therein one of his majesty's prerogatives wounded, strongly opposed the exercise of the archbishop's claims, and from this ensued some mortifications to his illustrious lordship; but the college was completed, and the seminarists were appointed, as the king commanded." (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 417, 418.) [39] "because of the controversies which señor camacho had had with the regulars about subjecting them to the visitation, the pope issued a brief, in which that subjection was decreed; it came endorsed by the [spanish] council, and it seemed as if, in virtue of a decision so clear and explicit, no reply was left for the religious save that of the submission which señor cuesta desired; but their ingenuity found a mode of escape from this strait. they replied that this brief was a declaration of the rights of the archbishop, which they did not deny; and that their only proposition was, that it was not expedient to execute this decree in these islands (in regard to which his holiness ought to have given a hearing to the religious orders). they asserted that it was, so far as concerned the point at issue, obtained surreptitiously; for it was staled therein that there were entire orders who were willing to come to these islands in the position of subordinates to the bishops--which was false, because the only authentic thing about it was, that the vicar-general of the recollects had promised a hundred religious who should minister in philipinas as subject to the visitation and the [royal] patronage; but when this was known to the general of the calced augustinians, he had censured this proposal and compelled its withdrawal. the orders therefore petitioned that the execution of the papal brief be suspended, until appeal could be taken to his majesty. señor cuesta, who was a very peaceable man, and averse to disputes, agreed to this, and sent a report to the king. the representations of the regulars were considered in the council of the indias, and it was decreed that the regulars must submit; but his majesty, being informed by a member of his council of the injurious results which might follow from this visitation, approved the proceedings of señor cuesta, and ordered him not to annoy the religious in this matter until further orders." (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 418, 419.) [40] "he sent away most of the chinese, and retained only those whom he deemed necessary for the mechanical offices and the service of the public; in this matter his reputation suffered somewhat, for it was reported that he had a share of the proceeds from the licenses of those chinamen who remained in the country. however that may be, his decision was a very sagacious one, and advantageous to this country; for the sangleys who come to manila are more slothful than the indians themselves. they remain here [pretending] to cultivate the land, and on account of this pretext licenses are given to them; but there is not one in each thousand of the chinese who applies himself to this labor. the rest of them are all devoted to trade, a mode of life well suited to their idle dispositions and to the [social] system of their nation--where it is a received idea that he who is most deceitful is most clever. the sangleys adulterate everything--coins, measures, sugar, wax, and whatever they can thus handle without the fraud being known. every one of them is a monopolist; they all secrete their wares, even those of prime necessity, and sell them at the price that they choose to ask. the oddest thing is, that by dint of presents they are able to gain protectors, who defend them; and even if sometimes a fine is imposed on them, on that very day they plunder [people] in their trading, in order to pay for their losses. in this way they become rich in a short time, and send much money to their relatives in china, or else go back with it to their own country, defrauding the philipinas islands of this silver." (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, pp. 422, 423.) [41] zúñiga says (hist. de philipinas, pp. 443-445) that the moros of joló and mindanao, although their rulers were nominally at peace with the spaniards, had frequently ravaged the islands, the sultans pretending that they could not restrain their subjects; bustamante accordingly decided to rebuild the fortress at zamboanga, but when he laid this plan before the junta of treasury officials they refused it by a vote of ten against seven--on the ground that the fort was of no service against the moros, and would cause extraordinary expense. "as a matter of fact, the entire situado of that military post amounts, in supplies and money, to about 25,000 pesos, which only serves to enrich the governor, who is sent from manila every three years. against the majority of votes in the junta the governor gave orders to reëstablish the post, exasperating people's minds, and giving occasion to the malcontents to exaggerate his despotism. the recollect fathers, who had returned to the province of calamianes because the secular priests--whom the bishop of zebú had stationed there when the recollects abandoned it--could not maintain themselves there on account of the moros, erected with the money of their province some little forts, hardly deserving that name, which did not shelter many places in those islands from the pirates; and they requested the governor to establish a post in the island of paragua, at labo, hoping that thus they would be freed from those annoying enemies. the governor consented to this, and established a post [there] at much less cost than that of zamboanga, but equally useless." [42] the jesuit delgado says of this (hist. de filipinas, p. 205): "i was at that time in manila, and saw the bodies of those unfortunate men, dragged along, stripped of their garments, and covered with some old rags; and i was obliged, in order that i might enter the anteroom of the palace, to step over the body of the governor, which was lying across the threshold of the door." the editor of delgado reproduces in a footnote otazo's letter (q.v. in this volume, post), with the following remark: "don josé montero y vidal, in his historia de la piratería, t. 1, p. 254, asserts that don fernando de bustamante was assassinated in a tumult at the head of which the jesuits placed themselves. the following document will show that gentleman the falsity of his assertion." [43] archbishop cuesta surrendered the government of the islands to bustamante's successor, the marqués de torre campo, who took possession of it on august 6, 1721. the home government censured cuesta for too little strictness in investigating bustamante's murder, and transferred him to the bishopric of mechoacan, mexico. he arrived at acapulco january 11, 1724, took charge of his see on april 18, and died on may 30 following. [44] "the long residencia of the persecuted auditor torralba--imprisoned sometimes in cavite and sometimes in manila, and always loaded with taunts and annoyances--was settled by the council of indias, who condemned him to pay a fine of 100,000 pesos, besides the 20,000 previously imposed, with perpetual deprivation of office and exile from madrid, and filipinas. he was reduced to such want that he had to beg alms to support himself; and when he died, in 1736, he was buried as a pauper in [the church of] san juan de dios." (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, i, p. 436.) [45] according to zúñiga (hist. de philipinas, p. 443), the hatred of the citizens arose from the fact that bustamante's harsh collection of the debts due to the royal treasury, many of those who owed the king having died, or being in great poverty, obliged the bondsmen to pay those debts; this was so resented by them that the citizens of manila began to hate the governor. [46] in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 433-435, is a letter, apparently by one of the jesuits, describing this attack; it differs from that of concepción in some points. the attack was made by malanaos, from la sabanilla, under the chief balasi; and warning of it was sent to the governor, sebastian de amorena, five days beforehand, by prince radiamura, brother of the sultan of mindanao. the attack was made by the "king" of joló and buhayen, with 104 joangas, and a force of 3,000 men by land and sea. in the fort were not more than 200 men--pampangos, creoles (probably "morenos," that is, malabars, etc.), and a few spaniards; but they fought so bravely that the enemy could accomplish nothing in a siege of three months. finally radiamura sent a force of 1,090 men to aid the spaniards, and at this the enemy raised the siege and went back to their homes. the above document is preceded by an account (pp. 409-432) of affairs at zamboanga from its rebuilding to 1721, also from a jesuit hand. the writer says that 3,000 men were sent for this enterprise, who built a town in a few months, although under the greatest difficulties, the former buildings being destroyed, and the site overgrown with shrubs and trees. by that time bustamante seemed to have forgotten the undertaking, and they were neglected and left without aid. of the soldiers, "some had but small wages, and most of them none; and the workmen were almost all obliged to serve at their own expense." desertions ensued, so that "at the end of six months, hardly 300 men remained; and of these no small number died and many of them were sick, overcome by labor, or hunger, or the unusual difficulty of working the hard soil." so great were their miseries that they talked of abandoning the fort and returning to manila; but in the following february several jesuits arrived at zamboanga and brought tidings that a new governor (amorena) was to come with reënforcements, and supplies of money and food. this was accomplished in june, when 200 soldiers arrived from manila; while in may the jesuit josé de zisa had brought from cebú supplies of money and food, with 200 boholans--who, however, "are very much afraid of the moros." governor cuesta sent orders for the old soldiers at zamboanga to return to manila, and for the boholans to go back to their own villages; thus the garrison was left in poor condition to withstand an enemy, which probably emboldened the moros to attack the fort in the following december, as is told above. the writer here mentioned states that the jesuits had succeeded in making a surprising number of conversions, almost 600 persons being baptized in the zamboanga district. [47] spanish, instituta, i.e., the compendium of roman civil law compiled by the emperor justinian. the mention of "the university" in this sentence is presumably of san josé, the jesuit institution. [48] thus in ventura del arco; but the indicative form in the second clause seems hardly satisfactory. one would rather expect a subjunctive with ut, making it read, "who are they, that we may praise them?" [49] cuesta here alludes to the decree ordering the surrender of the records, and to its encroachment on the ecclesiastical immunity. [50] in text, malos fundamentos; but malos seems improbable, as applied to the archbishop's own measures. it may be regarded as probably a copyist's error for solos. [51] miguel molinos was a spanish theologian, born at zaragoza in 1627. he was one of the mystical thinkers, and attracted a considerable following, not only in spain but in rome, where finally he settled. he there published a book entitled guia de la piedad, in which was taught the doctrine called "quietist;" this was condemned by innocent xi, who caused him to be placed in the dungeons of the inquisition, where he died (1696). an interesting account of him is given in the historical romance by j. h. shorthouse, john inglesant. [52] when archbishop camacho attempted to enforce the episcopal right of visitation of the regular curas, the superiors of the orders replied to him "first verbally and afterward in a written statement, which was composed by the jesuit father avina, who had been an auditor of the royal audiencia of manila." (zúñiga's historia, p. 398.) [53] spanish, economica potestad; but the word economica is here applied in an unusual sense, which is not made apparent by the definitions in the lexicons. it is possible that, as used here, it is derived from ecónomo, "he who is appointed to administer and collect the incomes of ecclesiastical posts that are vacant, or are held in trust" (barcia)--the governor, as possessing this power, endeavoring to force a vacancy in the offices of archbishop and others, that he might use that power. or, economica may mean "reserve," applied to powers placed in the governor's hands in reserve, only to be used in emergencies. [54] "never has there been seen a tumult [of the people] in which ambition was less dominant; all were content with their own offices, and at seeing themselves free from unjust and violent imprisonments. only the archbishop, who had risen to the post of governor, was disturbed and uneasy; but his mind was somewhat calmed when he received a royal decree in which his majesty commissioned the archbishop to restore the royal audiencia to the same footing which it had before, and to set free señor velasco; and, in case he should be hindered by the governor, to suspend the latter from his office and himself assume the government in person--which was almost the same as what had just been accomplished, so far as this uprising concerned him." (zúñiga, hist. de philipinas, p. 463.) [55] spanish, lo que se llevó la trampa; literally, "what the trap carried away with it;" a variant of the phrase llevarselo el demonio. it is translated above in accordance with the definition in caballero's diccionario de modismos (2nd edition, madrid, 1905), p. 744. "fairs" [ferias] here alludes to the annual sale or fair at acapulco which took place at the arrival of the galleon from manila; in this case the goods from filipinas evidently were sold at a loss. [56] apparently referring to juan ventura de maturana, who was royal secretary in the council of the indias in 1734-35. [57] this was doctor carlos bermudez gonzalez de castro, a secular priest, a native of puebla, mexico, and a prominent ecclesiastic at nueva españa. he arrived at manila on june 29, 1728; displayed great zeal in his office, kindness to the indians, and piety and charity in his personal character; and died on november 13, 1729, being nearly seventy-two years old. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, x, pp. 167-170, 182-184.) [58] this house must have been, since it was under the control of this provincial, the beaterio of santa catalina, founded under dominican auspices. its first prioress was sor francisca del espiritu santo, who died on august 24, 1711, at the age of sixty-three years. [59] in the text, a cuya accion tuvieron todos aqui; but evidently some word is omitted after tuvieron--probably mal, as such a proposal could not be generally approved. [60] a sort of coach, with four seats: it was closed with doors; and the body was supported by heavy straps, and placed between two wooden shafts (dominguez). [61] espolios: property left by a prelate at his death. [62] spanish, decima; possibly meaning a tenth part due to the crown. [63] boleta: referring to the assignments of lading-space in the acapulco galleon; each ticket giving its owner the right to ship one pieza of goods. see vol. i, p. 63. [64] spanish, paysanaje, literally "peasantry;" applied here somewhat scornfully to the mass of citizens as distinguished from the nobility and military class, and especially to the merchants of manila. cf. french, bourgeoisie. [65] probably referring to don joseph patiño, then one of the ministers of the spanish government, through whose hands much of the business relating to the philippines seems to have passed (as mentioned in extracto historial). [66] in this document we resume the history of the commerce between the philippines and nueva españa which is presented in the extracto historial (madrid, 1736), the first two "periods" of which appeared in vol. xxx of this series (q.v., pp. 23-101). the great length of this work compels us to condense and abridge most of it here; but "periods" ii-vi are presented in full (save for the text of some long decrees), as being of earlier date, and covering a longer space of time, while they are comparatively brief in statement. in thus condensing this work, it has been our aim to retain all matter of vital interest and real value, eliminating only "vain repetitions" and matters of trifling importance. the first memorials presented by manila and cadiz respectively set forth various facts connected with the manila-acapulco trade, on which are based their main arguments, each endeavoring to justify its own side of the controversy and its demands from the spanish government; the succeeding memorials largely repeat these statements and arguments, in new combinations, with wearisome iteration--kaleidoscopic effects produced by the same old bits of glass--which it seems useless to reproduce in our translation. but we have carefully preserved all new facts, dates, and arguments adduced, and whatever will throw additional light on that commerce, or on the social and economic conditions of spain, the mother-country, at that period, since these must naturally affect those of her colonies. wherever possible, we have used the exact wording of the text, and have made full citations from it which are indicated by quotation-marks; and the numbers of sections are everywhere retained, thus facilitating easy reference to the original work. the extracto, thus made accessible to english and american readers, and all that is really important in it presented in compact form and accurate translation, is a valuable addition to the history of commerce, as well as to that of colonial development and administration. not are its psychological aspects less interesting and valuable, although perhaps not so obvious at first glance; it shows the demoralizing effects on the spanish people of their conquests in the new world and of the flood of wealth poured into spain in consequence of these, and the results of too paternal a mode of government in her colonies--in both cases destructive to ambition, industry, personal initiative, patriotism, and even common honesty. (cf. notes in our vol. xxx, pp. 71, 77.) [67] expediente: "the collection of all the papers belonging to a subject in a transaction," here evidently referring to the documents pertaining to the manila trade, which as abreu says (see vol. xxx, p. 24), were placed in his hands by the council of the indias (of which he himself was a member) for use in compiling the extracto. [68] consulado: equivalent to the american phrase "board of trade." [69] see section 35, post. [70] the phrase regulacion de derechos apparently means, in reality, a (special) rule for the payment of duties; that is, if the manila merchants would pay the 100,000 pesos which they had offered as an "adjustment" according to the special rule for the collection of those duties--a rule going above the duties as prescribed by law--they should be permitted to do so, and should be excused for the penalties which had accumulated, or at least for the back dues remaining unpaid during the time when the "indult" bad been conceded to them of compounding the duties at 74,000 pesos only. the stress seems to be laid upon the fact that they must not be permitted to consider their payment as an "indult," but us an arrangement, and one that was based on a somewhat higher rate than had previously been granted to them. even though it may be considered as a sovereign favor to them, objection is made to having it specifically stated as an "indult." the usage of the word indulto in this connection will become more clear if it is remembered that it means a special favor in one form or another, a grace of the sovereign, a special exemption from rule or penalty. barcia and others define indulto as an impost levied on the cargoes of the galleons from the indias; but it seems doubtful if this be strictly correct, as no impost by that name can be found in leyes de indias or ordenanzas de bilbao, even in connection with averías and almojarifazgos. i take it to mean, rather, the exemption from the duties on ships' cargoes which would, under other provisions of law, be owed. there is one interesting instance of the use of indulto to signify exemption, in teatro de la legislación universal de españa é indias (madrid, 1790-97; 28 vols.), ii, p. 341, under the head, "administration of averías," where it is provided by carlos ii that "the proceeds of certain indultos for gold, silver, and merchandise unregistered shall be applied to the fund from averías, in order that it may result to the benefit of those who shall not have transgressed the laws of registration; and notification shall first be given to the council." this seems to confirm my belief that the indulto was not properly a tax, but the favor of an exemption, in cases, from the tax; or of exemption (in this case, it would appear) from the penalty to fall upon him who had evaded the tax by concealment; it was, then, by derivation a composition of the tax. but the king here provided that it should not be paid into his coffers, but be applied to the fund from averías, thus swelling the fund from which all shippers benefited, and to which they were supposed to contribute to make the trade possible; see the chapter on "averías," in leyes de indias. the foregoing statements suggest a reason why the royal authority was opposed, in this manila trade controversy, to having the composition of the duties, and of the penalties which the merchants had incurred by past violations of the rules, regarded or considered as an "indult," and not as a "regulation" or rule specifying a lump sum to be paid as duties. this indult might (by this and other laws) have had to go into other funds; though i know of no fund for averías in the manila trade, yet the spanish mere desire for uniformity of legislation and practice might explain this strenuous objection to considering this regulation as an indult or grace of the sovereign (in the special sense that had been established for this sort of favor) in the galleon trade with the west indies.--james a. leroy (now [1906] u.s. consul at durango, mexico). [71] the duke de alburquerque took possession of his office as viceroy of nueva españa on november 27, 1702; his term of office lasted a little more than eight years. little of importance occurred therein except several raids by pirates (among whom was captain william dampier) in mexican waters. alburquerque was succeeded (january 15, 1711) by fernando de alancastre, duke de linares, who was an able, vigorous and benevolent ruler, and spent or bequeathed the greater part of his fortune for the benefit of the poor--whose number and sufferings were enormous at this time, through unusual calamities of floods and earthquakes, famine and pestilence. linares's term of office expired on august 15, 1716, and he died in june of the next year; he was succeeded by baltasar de zúñiga, marqués de valero. (bancroft, hist. mexico, iii, pp. 278-290.) [72] spanish, harrieros, "muleteers;" for goods and silver were transported across mexico by pack-trains of mules. [73] that is, the present attempt by linares to inquire into and settle past irregularities; for it gives those who are suspected an opportunity to compromise the affair. [74] that is, not only because money can (speaking generally) easily open the way for a settlement in such case, but because, in this specific matter, it is a fair supposition that large speculations cannot be carried on with small capital--and indeed most of these mexican transgressors are too poor to pay the penalties incurred by their past infractions, if these were strictly adjudged against them. [75] barracan is a woolen fabric impenetrable to water, about half a vara wide, of which rain-cloaks and other articles are made; picote is a coarse, rough fabric made from goat's hair (dominguez). [76] at fol. 40 verso of the extracto, elefantes are defined as "linen goods of that country [i.e., filipinas], having no durability, and but little valued in that kingdom [i.e., mexico]." [77] it is apparently a lapsus calami by which the consulate of cadiz is mentioned in nos. 61-64, and that of sevilla in nos. 45-50, here cited in the text; but the commerce of both cities was included under the former consulate. [78] linens (spanish, lienzos and lencería) have always been one of the chief products of china, especially around canton; and the term "canton grass linen" is often used to define the particular kind of linen most commonly produced there, which very closely resembles the linen produced from flax. the european languages have always defined these chinese textiles as "linen." the term "elephant" must here refer to the mark or brand of a certain kind of linen goods; the chinese are greater devotees of the "trademark" idea than perhaps any other people. the mark of a kind of goods to which they are accustomed is known today as the "chop," and it is exceedingly difficult to induce them to try a new "chop" if the old one has established itself. "cambayas" are cotton cloths from cambaya. "chitas" (more generally spelled "chites") mean india calicoes, and sometimes chintzes. the filipinos knew how to weave in colors, although not to figure goods (as they do not yet); and the spaniards would be apt to designate by the words lienzos and lienzos pintados (perhaps also by elefantes) the philippine fabrics woven from hemp and banana fibers, which have somewhat that texture, and which have stripes of red, blue, and other colors run through them more often by far than they are left plain. strictly speaking, these are neither linens nor cottons; but they have the feeling of linen rather than of cotton. the goods thus designated probably included not only those of philippine manufacture, but those made in india and other eastern countries and traded in at manila. sayasaya was the spanish name for a kind of chinese silk; and i would conjecture that pitiflores meant some kind of chinese brocade.--james a. leroy. the term "canton grass linen" mentioned above apparently means the fabrics made from the so-called "china grass" (see vol. xxii, p. 278). note the statement in sec. 92, post, that the lencería sent to acapulco "are all of cotton," evidently being made in imitation of the real linen goods; cf. the statement in casa-fuerte's letter, in vol. xlv, sec. 164. the name "chimones" in the text suggests, especially in view of its context, the japanese garment called "kimono," so generally adopted in america for negligé wear.--eds. [79] in the text, mantas de hilazos, evidently misprinted for hilocos. on fol. 61 a similar list has mantas de ilocos. [80] i.e., of the vessel and carge, in case of attack by enemies--whom the seamen would resist more valiantly if they also had property of their own to defend. [81] in all, making 3,500 piezas, as in sec. 79, post; the same explanation is given on fol. 110 verso of the extracto. [82] a marginal note in the text adds to this name "y ossorio." [83] spanish recopiladas, apparently meaning that these decrees have been included in the official recopilación de leyes de indias. [84] "the censos yield only five per cent." censo refers to annuities in some form or other, and especially to "quit-rent;" it also sometimes means "interest," which is a derivative and special meaning; in a general sense, it may be rendered "income."--james a. leroy. dominguez (diccionario nacional) enumerates several different kinds of censo (which he defines as "a contract by which one person sells and another buys the right to receive a certain annual pension"); the statements in our text relative to the status of houses and lands in and near manila would indicate the probability that the censos there mentioned were what dominguez calls consignativos, "in which a certain amount is received for which must be given in return an annual pension, giving security for the said sum or capital with rent-producing property or real estate." he instances as a censo reservativo the arrangement made by joseph with the egyptians (genesis, ch. xlvii), by which, after all the land in that country had become the property of the crown, the people received back their fields on condition of their paying to the king the fifth part of their produce, which constituted an annual pension or quit-rent (censo). the same word may also mean "census" and "tax-register;" dominguez states that when the spaniards conquered america they found the tax-register established in mexico and peru.--eds. [85] a marginal note at the beginning of each of these letters states its authorship; but that on the jesuit provincial's letter adds, "with very well-grounded arguments" (muy fundamentalmente). [86] spanish, theatro; that is, the personnel of the spanish body of citizens. [87] cf. the prices paid somewhat later for the wine monopoly, in the first document of vol. xlvi. [88] spanish, trage de golilla. the golilla was "a certain ornament made of pasteboard faced with taffeta or other black fabric, which surrounded the neck, over which was placed a pleating of gauze or other white stuff, which was starched. at present this decoration is used only by the togated officials and others attached to the courts of justice." (dominguez.) [89] for notices of this missionary, see vol. xxxvi, pp. 218, 219. calderon's memorial is more fully described post, near the end of sec. 94 of the extracto. [90] see account of quiroga's proceedings in vol. xxx, pp. 50-52, 85-88, 91, 105. [91] millones: "an excise or duty levied in spain on wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles, to defray the expenses of the army" (velázquez). [92] these dimensions are equivalent in english or u.s. measure to 41 3/4 inches long, 22 1/4 wide, and 11 1/8 deep; and the allowance of two dedos, to 1 1/3 inch. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xviii, 1617-1620 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xviii preface 9 documents of 1617-1618 letter to felipe iii. andrés de alcaraz; manila, august 10, 1617. 31 trade between nueva españa and the far east. [unsigned and undated; _ca._ 1617]. 57 events in the filipinas islands, 1617-18 [unsigned; manila], june, 1618. 65 description of the philippinas islands. [unsigned]; manila, 1618. 93 dutch factories and posts in the orient. [pedro de heredia]; [1618?]. 107 memorial regarding manila hospital. [unsigned]; manila, 1618. 112 letter to felipe iii. alonso fajardo de tenza; cavite, august 10, 1618. 116 letters to fajardo. felipe iii; madrid, december 19, 1618. 150 filipinas menaced by dutch. joan de ribera, s.j.; manila, december 20, 1618. 161 documents of 1619-1620 philippine ships and shipbuilding. sebastian de pineda; [mexico? 1619]. 169 royal decree regarding religious expelled from their orders. felipe iii; madrid, february 19, 1619. 189 proposal to destroy macao. diego aduarte, o.p.; [madrid? 1619]. 194 relation of events in the filipinas islands, 1618-19. [unsigned]; manila, july 12, 1619. 204 letter to felipe iii. pedro de arce; manila, july 30, 1619. 235 letter to felipe iii. alonso fajardo de tenza; manila, august 10, 1619. 247 grant to seminary of santa potenciana. juan oñez, and others; manila, 1617-19. 282 reforms needed in filipinas (to be concluded). hernando de los rios coronel; [madrid?], 1619-20. 289 bibliographical data. 345 illustrations plan of the city of goa and its environs; photographic facsimile of engraving in bellin's _petit atlas maritime_ ([paris], 1764), no. 29, from copy in library of wisconsin historical society. 199 view of the city of manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in spilbergen and le maire's _speculum orientalis occidentalisque indiæ navigationum_ (french edition, 1621), no. 18, facing p. 86, from copy in library of congress. 225 autograph signature of fernando de los rios; photographic facsimile from original ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla. 343 preface the scope of the present volume extends from 1617 to 1620. the islands are still ravaged at intervals by the moro pirates from the southern part of the archipelago. even worse are the losses to the commerce of the islands inflicted by the dutch; their ships infest the seas about luzón, and those of the moluccas, in which region they are steadily and even rapidly gaining foothold, and securing the best commerce of those lands. corruption in the management of the spanish interests in the spice islands renders them an expensive and embarrassing possession; and the new governor, fajardo, finds the same influence at work in the spanish colony itself, especially among the auditors and other high officials. the colonial treasury is, as usual, short of funds, and can do little to defend the islands from the dutch; the madrid government is unwilling to spend much more on the philippines, although beset with importunities to save that colony, and spanish commerce generally, from the insolent dutch. the usual building of ships in the islands has so harrassed and exhausted the unfortunate natives that it is necessary to have ships built for the philippines in india and other countries where timber and labor are more abundant. the trade of the colony with china is the object of much discussion, and proposals are again made to restrict it, as well as that with nueva españa, in order to protect the commercial interests of the mother-country. in the final document is a detailed statement, in vigorous language, of the abuses current in the administration of the islands--arbitrary and oppressive conduct of the auditors, corruption among officials, extravagant expenditure of public funds, lax enforcement of laws, burdensome exactions imposed upon the indians, and chinese, etc.; for these the citizens demand redress, prevention, and relief. andrés de alcaraz, the auditor in charge of military affairs after silva's death, writes to the king (august 10, 1617). the ships could not go to nueva españa in 1616, because the dutch were lying in wait for them; but the acapulco galleon arrives safely at manila, and brings money to relieve the general distress. alcaraz makes ready, although in the midst of great difficulties, a fleet to drive away the dutch. on april 14, 1617, this spanish fleet has a battle with the dutch squadron at playa honda. after a long and fierce contest, the enemy take to flight, having lost several ships and much artillery, and many of their men being killed or wounded. as soon as possible thereafter, alcaraz sends supplies to the spanish forts in ternate; recalls geronimo de silva to manila, to act as governor _ad interim_; and despatches pilots to meet the fleet that is coming from spain via cape of good hope. he criticizes geronimo de silva for his harshness and arrogance, already displayed in many ways. alcaraz thanks the king for permitting him to resign his position as auditor and return to spain; and explains why he has not yet vacated his office. he mentions the philippine officials who have merited special rewards from the crown, especially those who were prominent in the battle of playa honda. reënforcements of men have come from spain, but with them was no money; and the treasury of the islands is entirely empty. its debts are heavy, and aid is urgently requested. through sickness and absence, there are no auditors of the audiencia in active service, except alcaraz himself. a document unsigned and undated [_ca._ 1617] discusses the trade of the spanish colonies with china and japan. this trade advances the interests of religion in those heathen lands. its character, methods, and results are described in orderly array of interesting facts--first in a general survey, then in details regarding each colony; and finally in comparisons between the commerce of those colonies respectively with china and japan. eastern india depends on this trade for its maintenance and preservation; and the customs duties therefrom cause larger profits to the crown than do those from the other colonies. this income will be greatly increased, for both castilla and portugal, if nueva españa and filipinas be no longer allowed to trade with china and japan. the writer (apparently one of the king's councilors) suggests various expedients for attaining this end, and closes by urging the king to confine the filipinas merchants to trade with nueva españa. the events of the year from june, 1617, to june, 1618, are chronicled by some unnamed writer (apparently one of the jesuits in manila). the battle of playa honda deals such a blow to the dutch power in the archipelago that the natives in some of the malucas islands rebel against it. a small english post is destroyed by the dutch; and their ships that flee from playa honda go to japan. their adventures in that country are detailed. some dutch ships come again to the coast of luzón, and plunder the chinese trading vessels as they appear; the spaniards cannot prevent this, as their galleons are laid up for repairs. a shipload of supplies for the garrison and the missions at ternate is sent from manila; the master of the ship, taking advantage of the absence on shore of part of the passengers and men, steals away with the ship and its cargo. the jesuits secure a new supply of food for their mission, by soliciting alms. the islands still suffer from the depredations of the moro pirates. the writer describes the special festivities in honor of the virgin mary, and the martyrdom of some missionaries in japan. he then proceeds to relate the particulars of the murder of the augustinian provincial, vicente sepulveda, by some of his own friars, and the punishment of the criminals. a postscript to this letter states that the ships sent to ternate with supplies had been attacked by the dutch; and part of the crew were killed and wounded, and much of the food lost. other supplies, however, have been sent to ternate from india. the prince of tidore has become hostile to the dutch. one sequeira makes an unsuccessful voyage, and dies in cochin. the new governor of the philippines arrives at manila in july, 1618. of nearly the same date is a descriptive account of the philippine islands, their inhabitants, government, products, etc.--including a statement of the number of indian tributes in each island, which amount in all to 160,000. the writer notes various matters relating to the interests and social condition of the spanish colony, especially the need of vigorous measures to punish the moro pirates, who continually harass the pintados. pedro de heredia, a spanish official in the moluccas, furnishes to the king (1618) a list of the dutch factories and forts in the orient; from this, and the value of the products annually exported thence, it is evident that the dutch have gained an extensive footing and prestige in the far east, together with rich profits, while the spaniards have lost the best part of their former commerce there. the king is urged to consider these matters, and take measures to remedy the present state of affairs. a former steward of the royal hospital at manila memorializes the council of the indias (1618) regarding the losses incurred by that institution through the mismanagement of its funds; and various orders conducive to the improvement of the hospital are thereupon given by the council. soon after his arrival in the islands the new governor, alonso fajardo de tenza, writes to the king (august 10, 1618) regarding the state of affairs there. he finds the colony suffering from various recent disasters, and much fear and uncertainty among the people. he implores aid from the king to maintain the philippine colony and defend it from its enemies. he is endeavoring to make the most of his scanty naval torce, in the face of news that hostile fleets are coming to attack the islands; and has sent to nueva españa to ask for reënforcements and supplies. his predecessor, geronimo de silva, desires to go to spain; but the audiencia orders an investigation of his official conduct, especially in regard to the loss of the galleons. fajardo recommends that more care be taken to provide suitably for an _ad interim_ government of the islands, when such shall occur; and declines certain perquisites of his office. much resentment against the audiencia is felt among the people, since the best offices and incomes in the islands are appropriated by relatives and dependents of the auditors, who seem bent on exploiting the colony for their own profit, and oppress the inhabitants; and fajardo asks the king to check their selfishness and arrogance. he is trying to correct certain illegal proceedings by the auditors in their recent government _ad interim_, and asks the king to suspend his confirmation of these until he can send further information thereon; he makes the same request in regard to other cases where certain persons are intriguing to obtain profitable appointments. he asks for skilled clerks and galley-masters; and, after recounting the injuries caused to the indians by the building of galleys in the islands, he states that he will endeavor to procure vessels in portuguese india. some private persons in the islands are building ships, but the indian labor employed thereon is paid and voluntary. fajardo makes some suggestions for the better management of naval affairs. he also forwards the request of manila citizens that encomiendas be granted for three lives; and asks for rewards for certain brave military and naval officers. the audiencia finally compel geronimo de silva to furnish his residencia in person, and clear himself from charges made against him. to the governor's letter are appended several others, which concern malucan affairs. manuel ribeyra, a jesuit, states that the governor there, gaviria, has fortified the spanish posts in his care, which are in unusually good condition; certain supplies, however, are needed for them, as also a better class of subaltern officers. gaviria is somewhat overbearing in disposition, but ribeyra commends his ability. that officer himself writes to fajardo, explaining why he cannot at present fill the governor's order for a quantity of cloves. the dutch and english are contending with each other in the moluccas; and the former, it is said, are intending to attack the spanish forts there soon. gaviria has but few men, and some of these are unfit for duty. he needs a few galleys, as he has "only one rotten galliot"; also troops, money, and clothing. gaviria thinks that the dutch are being to some extent supplanted by the english; and that the latter will gladly unite with the spaniards against the common enemy. he recommends the abandonment of the spanish posts in gilolo. a letter from the king of tidore accompanies gaviria's letter, in which that ruler demands that fajardo succor the spanish forts promptly. letters from the king to fajardo (december 19, 1618) give him orders regarding certain matters in the administration of the philippine government. offices shall be given to these citizens of the islands who deserve rewards for meritorious services. the alarming expenses of the maluco establishment are not counterbalanced by any returns from the spice-trade there, and it is openly declared that the spanish officials have embezzled what profits might have accrued therefrom to the royal treasury. fajardo is therefore ordered to investigate this matter and punish those who may be guilty; and to take charge, for the present, of the conduct of the clove-trade at ternate. the force of men there should be reduced, if practicable; and certain forts in maluco should be abandoned. in these and other ways expenses must be reduced. the governor and the archbishop must warn the religious orders to cease their exactions upon the indians. a separate letter warns the governor that expenses must be reduced to the utmost; and that he must maintain the colony on its own revenues, without aid from the government. he is advised to endeavor to open and work the mines in the islands; but in doing so he must not molest or injure the indians. he should endeavor to enlist their aid in this undertaking, and the missionaries should use their influence with the natives. the jesuit joan de ribera writes to some high official in spain (december 20, 1618), urging the importance of manila and the philippines, and the necessity of opposing the progress that the dutch are making in india, japan, and the archipelago, so as to preserve for spain the rich trade of the east. another most important consideration is the need of maintaining these islands as a center for religious labors among the heathen tribes. a naval officer, sebastian de pineda, sends from nueva españa (1619) to the king a paper on ships and shipbuilding in the philippines. he begins by describing various kinds of timber used for this purpose; then enumerates, the shipyards in the islands, and the wages paid to the workmen. fourteen hundred carpenters were formerly employed at one time in the cavite shipyard alone; but half of them were killed or captured by the moros in 1617, many have died from overwork, and many others have fled to parts unknown because they had been unpaid for five years. iron is brought to manila from china and japan, and wrought by the chinese and indian artisans; the chinese smith "works from midnight until sunset," and earns less than one real a day. iron should be imported from biscay, however, for some special purposes. much useful information is given as to the material, quality, and prices of rigging and canvas. pineda makes recommendations as to the shipment to manila of various articles, showing how present expenses may be lessened, and waste avoided, in many ways. he states that the naval defense of the islands is quite inadequate, and they are consequently in danger of being seized by the dutch. but it is at present impossible to build in the islands the ships needed there; for the natives are exhausted by the labors and exactions imposed upon them in previous years, and by the deaths of so many at the hands of the enemy or through the hardships of enforced naval service. pineda recommends that the ships needed for the islands be built in india or cochin, and that slaves be brought thence to serve on the philippine galleys. many filipino natives are migrating to nueva españa, which should be checked. one reason for this is the fact that these filipinos distil palm-wine, which will soon ruin the wine-trade of spain in nueva españa. the incursions of the mindanao pirates have also been a serious obstacle to shipbuilding in the philippines; and they have rendered the use of la caldera, as a station for the spanish vessels, impossible, while they welcome the dutch to their shores. pineda recommends that the king proclaim that any one who wishes may wage war upon and enslave these mindanao infidels, as thus only can they be subdued. he ends with a report on the measurements of the galleons in the islands in 1617. a royal decree dated february 19, 1619, confirms the ordinance enacted by the dean and cabildo of manila cathedral, refusing benefices and ecclesiastical dignities to religious who have been expelled from their orders. the dominican missionary diego aduarte proposes to the council of the indias (probably in may, 1619) a means to check the outflow of silver from nueva españa to the philippines. aduarte recommends that the trade of the islands with nueva españa be suppressed, and that their inhabitants be allowed to trade with japan, selling in that country the silks that they buy from the chinese. but the bulk of this trade is already in the hands of the portuguese of macao; in order that it may be monopolized by manila, aduarte advises that macao be abandoned, and its inhabitants transported to other cities of india. this can be accomplished easily by a royal decree forbidding them to engage in the japanese trade, which would compel them to go elsewhere. he enumerates the beneficial results of this measure, and declares that even without these macao should be abandoned; for its people are lawless and irreligious, and are not even vassals of spain, but of china. the portuguese of macao are needed in india, which country would be benefited in many ways by the measure proposed, as also would the kingdoms of spain and portugal. moreover, they hinder, by their evil example, the conversion of the chinese natives. one of the manila jesuits writes (july 12, 1619) an account of events in the philippines and in the neighboring countries during the past year. the city of bassein, near bombay, has been destroyed by storms and earthquakes. in china there has been a persecution of the christians, and four jesuits were expelled from the empire. others remain there, who are preaching the gospel wherever they can. in certain inland districts, these missionaries have encountered a large colony of jews, and a people who worship the cross, although they are heathens. the tartars have invaded chinese territory, and our writer copies the text of a memorial regarding this invasion, sent by the mandarins of pekin to the ruler of china, detailing the defeats and misfortunes suffered by the chinese. they complain of his neglect of public affairs, and his harsh treatment of a certain mandarin, and ask him to take measures to drive back the tartars, in cochinchina the recently-begun missions of the jesuits are prospering. for the japanese mission are coming a large reënforcement of jesuit missionaries; but affairs there are so disturbed that they cannot enter the country at present. the writer recounts various omens and portents which are said to have occurred in china and japan. in the latter country, a fierce persecution of the christians serves but to display the steadfastness and zeal of both the missionaries and their converts. several naval encounters between the dutch and the english and portuguese are narrated. good news comes from the moluccas: the petty king of manados, with many of his chiefs, is converted to the christian faith; tidore and ternate are at war; and maluco is well supplied. both dutch and spaniards are building more forts in those islands. other european nations also are acquiring a foothold in the archipelago. the writer describes two remarkable comets which have been visible in manila. a plague of locusts is destroying the grain-crops. in october, 1618, the dutch again come to luzón to plunder the chinese merchant vessels; but they do not attack manila, and in the following spring they depart from the islands, perhaps overawed by the forces of ships and guns which the spaniards collect. pedro de arce, bishop of cebú, writes to the king (july 30, 1619); he praises governor fajardo, and asks the king to send more ships to his aid. the bishop asks permission to resign his see, and more salary as acting archbishop; recommends pedro de heredia to the king; asks that an _ad interim_ appointment in the cathedral may receive royal confirmation, and that the cebú church may receive a grant for repairs and further income. he requests that the ecclesiastical cabildo of manila may be authorized to rule the archbishopric, in case of the death of the archbishop. it is reported that the jesuits are endeavoring to oust the other orders from japan, which arce deprecates, advising the king to confirm the appointment of the franciscan luis sotelo as bishop of eastern japan. arce's requests regarding the archbishopric of manila are seconded by various papers appended to his letter, embodying the opinions of the auditors and royal officials thereon, who support arce's claims. a letter from fajardo to the king (august 10, 1619) gives his report on various matters of importance. he has received certain reënforcements and supplies from mexico, but urges that these be sent every year. he describes the last incursion of the dutch in philippine waters, and his military preparations by which they were obliged to retreat thence. his resources for defense are small, and he cannot depend upon india for aid, as the portuguese there are themselves in straits; accordingly, the king must send a fleet from spain for the aid of the islands. he has aided ternate to the best of his ability, and will send more when he can. the governor there has resigned his post, after many complaints of his rule; fajardo has made a temporary appointment, and asks the king to provide further for this post. the english in the archipelago are engaged in conflicts with the dutch, and it is rumored that the former would like to ally themselves with the spaniards to fight their mutual foe. fajardo is perplexed regarding the king of ternate, who is still held a prisoner at manila; and asks for instructions. he makes various recommendations and requests concerning the appointment of certain subordinates, desiring to secure persons most fit therefor. he has attempted to correct abuses in the government, which he recounts in detail. fajardo has been annoyed by constant quarrels in the audiencia, but, with the somewhat reluctant aid of the old auditor alcaraz, has been able to quiet them in part. he has found in both alcaraz and the archbishop serrano, most judicious and helpful counselors; but the other auditors are on bad terms with him, and one of them has a scandalous reputation, both public and private. a scandal has occurred in the seminary of santa potenciana, but the guilty have been punished. conflicts of jurisdiction have arisen between fajardo and the audiencia, especially in regard to the trials of soldiers and sailors for crimes. the governor complains that retired officers refuse to serve in the regular companies; and asks that extra pay be allowed them as an inducement for such service. he asks for directions as to his sending the usual gifts to the emperor of japan. the loyalty and bravery of the spanish citizens of manila are warmly commended, especially in the case of juan ronquillo and some others who are named. certain intrigues and frauds have been detected, which are recounted. fajardo recommends that more jesuits be sent to the islands; he complains that the dominicans are too ready to leave their work, but commends the augustinians. a short document appended to fajardo's letter concerns the relative merits of the routes to filipinas via cape of good hope and cape horn respectively. a group of papers dated 1610-19 shows that an encomienda of indians was granted to the seminary of santa potenciana for its support, in consequence of the destitution suffered by its inmates. an important document is that sent--in two memorials, of 1619 and march, 1620, respectively--to the king by hernando de los rios coronel, long procurator-general of the filipinas, on "reforms needed" in the islands--of which he has been despatched by the citizens to inform the king. accordingly, he writes (apparently at madrid) a detailed statement of the "matters that demand reform." serious losses of life and property have been caused by the delays in despatching the trading ships from manila; the governors should be compelled to send them at the favorable season. the officials on these vessels should be appointed from among the deserving citizens of the islands, and not be the relatives or servants of the governor or other royal officials. the citizens have been greatly defrauded in the assignment of lading on the galleons, and too much of this is granted to charitable institutions. the trading ships should not be used for any other purposes. the manila authorities buy ammunition and other supplies in china, which, "in order not to anger the portuguese in macan," they buy from them rather than from the natives, but the supplies thus cost three times their value; the agent who buys them should buy wherever he can do so to the best advantage, and directly from the chinese. the royal ships should be built in india, and the burden of enforced service in this work should be removed from the indians. commerce from japan to nueva españa should be stopped; and spaniards should not be allowed to man japanese vessels. an enemy can close manila harbor to all vessels desiring to enter; another route to it should therefore be devised and made available. the moro pirates must be prevented from harassing the islands, and the best means for this end is to proclaim that any one who will may capture and enslave those pirates. no royal official should be allowed to attend the session of the audiencia in which a case concerning him is tried. when filipino natives serve as soldiers, their families should during their absence be relieved from tributes and other impositions. the ecclesiastical affairs of the malucas should be under the jurisdiction of cebú, not of goa. the commanders of the trading ships should not be allowed to carry on the trade that they now do; and the officials at acapulco should be checked in making extortionate charges. ignorant and inefficient men should not be placed in the ships as sailors. the common seamen therein (who are filipino natives) are inhumanly treated, and many of them die from hunger, thirst, or cold, on each voyage. slave women are carried on the ships, in spite of the royal prohibition; and thus arise "many acts offensive to god," and much cause for scandal. no sailor or passenger (unless a person of rank) should be allowed to take with him more than one male slave. numerous other abuses are mentioned, regarding the traffic in slaves, the treatment of seamen, and the overloading of ships. the chinese at manila are oppressed by the royal officials--who, moreover, appropriate their own household supplies of food from the royal storehouses at the lowest possible prices. municipal officers and other leading citizens should not be compelled, as now, to live on their encomiendas. flour, rigging, and many other supplies should be obtained in the islands, instead of being imported from nueva españa; a great saving of money would be thus effected. the oppressive acts of the friars toward the indians should be checked; and no more orders should be allowed to establish themselves in the islands. the chinese immigrants in luzón should be collected in one community, and induced to cultivate the soil. no relative or dependent of any royal official should be allowed to hold a seat in the cabildo of manila, or to act as inspector of the chinese trading vessels. more religious are needed in the missions. the chinese residents should be treated more justly, and relieved from burdensome exactions. the japanese who come to manila should be compelled to return to their own country. no more ships should be built by the natives, and they should be paid the arrearages which are due them. the other memorial by rios coronel (march, 1620) is additional and supplementary to the former one. he asks that regidors of manila be chosen by the audiencia, and allowed some compensation for their services; and that the governor be not allowed to compel the cabildo to meet in his house. he blames the friars for transferring indians from the encomiendas to settlements near manila, where these natives are kept merely for the profit of the friars, and, moreover, become greatly demoralized. the grant of licenses to chinamen to reside in the islands should be more carefully regulated; and they should in no case be allowed to sleep within the walls of manila. the japanese are also an undesirable element of the population, and their coming to the islands should be restricted. the "commons," or reserve supplies of rice, contributed by the indians do them no good, for these are plundered by the spanish officials; and the number of these oppressors has been unduly increased. other injuries are inflicted upon the natives, for whose protection the writer pleads; and these unjust acts are committed by both the officials and the religious. rios coronel objects to the practice in vogue of giving the indians military training; and to the traffic in slaves from malacca, which brings to the philippines dangerous and criminal blacks. public suits should be tried and decided in the audiencia, and not sent to mexico. the governors should not be allowed to treat the citizens with insolence; and should be obliged to send the trading ships to mexico at the right season, in order to avoid the present frequent loss of property and lives in wrecked vessels. another cause of these losses is the culpable neglect and recklessness of royal officials and governors. various abuses in the equipment, lading, and management of the trading vessels are pointed out, with the corrective measures that should be taken. the fertile and healthful province of nueva segovia is neglected, and its population is decreasing; this should be remedied by the colonial authorities. rios coronel asks for the appointment of a competent and reliable shore-master to aid him in the equipment and despatch of the ships, and for more thorough inspection of what is done by royal officials in the islands; for the latter purpose he recommends a choice from several ecclesiastics whom he names. the moro pirates still ravage the islands, and the king should permit them to be enslaved by any one who may capture them. the head-hunting zambales and negrillos of luzón continually harass the peaceable pampangos; and this can only be stopped by allowing the pampangos to enslave these foes when captured. the filipino natives have been almost ruined by the exactions of forced labor imposed upon them by the spaniards, especially in the building and navigation of vessels. rios coronel says: "as i have seen personally, and as all the inhabitants of that country know, the galleys of the filipinas are their destruction." rios coronel describes the sort of vessel which should be used in the islands (one of which he has built at his own cost), and asks that such be furnished for the use of the colony. the garrison at manila is insufficient and demoralized; and the writer makes various recommendations for improving its status. many persons in the artillery service are incompetent; the writer demands a sort of civil-service test for those appointed to such places. he also asks for a competent artillery-founder. better provisions should be made for the ecclesiastical government of the islands. he asks that silver bullion from japan may be legalized as money in the philippines; and concludes with the request that the religious and the officials there be compelled to treat the indians more kindly. a letter by rios coronel, included in this document, is deferred to _vol_. xix. the editors august, 1904. documents of 1617-1618 letter to felipe iii. andrés de alcaraz; august 10, 1617. trade between nueva españa and the far east. [unsigned and undated; _ca_. 1617]. events in the filipinas islands, 1617-1618. [unsigned]; june, 1618. description of the philippinas islands. [unsigned]; 1618. dutch factories and posts in the orient. [pedro de heredia]; [1618?]. memorial regarding manila hospital. [unsigned]; 1618. letter to felipe iii. alonso fajardo de tenza; august 10, 1618. letters to fajardo. felipe iii; december 19, 1618. filipinas menaced by dutch. joan de ribera, s.j.; december 20, 1618. _sources_: the first, and last four, of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the remainder, from mss. in the real academia de la historia, madrid. _translations_: the first and seventh are translated by james a. robertson; the second, third, and fourth, by herbert e. bolton, ethel z. rather, and mattie a. austin, of the university of texas; the remainder, by robert w. haight. letter from licentiate alcaraz to felipe iii sire: the enclosed papers were taken from the ships that were going last year to nueva españa. those ships were despatched to make the voyage by way of yndia; but as the dutch enemy was lying at the entrances of this bay with his ten warships, it was not possible for the ships to leave, for it would have been only to have fallen, beyond all doubt, into his hands. in them i inform your majesty of everything occurring up to their date. in this i shall inform you of what is new. the coming of this enemy caused the anxiety which was the reason--inasmuch as we had heard for a long time that he was coming; and that he would wait to seize the chinese and japanese ships, and prevent their entrance into the city with food--that, in order to frustrate those designs, i, with the advice of the audiencia and the council of war, resolved to prepare seven galleons and to equip them as thoroughly as possible, so that they could go out to fight that enemy. when about to set this plan afoot, obstacles began to arise, because there was not a single real in the royal treasury, on account of the non-arrival of the ships from nueva españa; and because the country was in great need, and had no income except that collected from the licenses of the sangleys. these were collected with great effort and difficulty, but the sum was all spent in a few days in the repair of these galleons. when there was nothing more to use, the ship expected from nueva españa arrived. it had put in at japon, and brought more than eight hundred thousand pesos for the royal treasury and for the citizens. it was regarded as a great mercy of god that he should help this afflicted land in such necessity and extremity, and that he should keep this ship from falling into the hands of that enemy. after this the repairs and preparations of this fleet proceeded with great energy, and although innumerable obstacles continued to arise because the wood, rigging, rice, and other things necessary had to be conveyed by long detours, all difficulties were conquered by god's help. to him recourse was always had, through all the religious orders and the religious, so that his [divine] majesty should be pleased to aid this [our] cause against those rebels to his church and sacrament, and to your majesty, and disturbers of the common peace. these joyous causes furnished ecclesiastical and secular motive to request me, with loud and frequent acclamations of joy, to hasten as quickly as possible the preparation of this fleet. notwithstanding that it was detained, they said that it could go out; for they were assured that, since we had so large galleons, that enemy would not dare to await it, and that the flagship and almiranta were alone sufficient to drive away that enemy and prevent the damages that were expected so close at hand. they said that the preparations that were intended to be made would be useless, for, when they were finished, then the enemy would have already gone to terrenate, enriched with his booty from the chinese ships; and that damage would result from delay, while great expenses would have to be met from the royal treasury. for my part, all these arguments, since they arose from loyal desires, without taking the trouble to show the irreparable injuries that would result from that course of action, caused me no care. i constantly attended to the repairing and preparation of this fleet as well as possible, including in it whatever your majesty possesses in these islands. the reason that obliged me to lay great stress upon that enemy was that--since he knew that don juan de silva had gone to sincapura with a fleet of ten galleons, four galleys, and one patache--he, without knowing of the governor's death, came to look for him with an equal number of warships. these were chosen from twenty-two vessels, and equipped with the best artillery and men of arms and war in them all; and he dared to come within sight of our walls and very confidently was coming with his great force. consequently i considered it best to prepare an armed fleet which, being such, might be able to fight with his. not of less consideration was the fact that we are in the view of so many barbarous nations, who esteem and extol him who conquers. accordingly it was necessary to consider carefully not to place our reputation and credit in any danger, but that we should have as superior a fleet to his as could be collected, to go out to measure strength with the enemy; for in this case what was once branded [1] could not be effaced. the final reason that caused me to arm those galleons with the best forces that could he assembled was the consideration that the enemy should not go out victorious because your majesty did not possess in this land the means with which we could construct a fleet in many years; and if we drove the enemy's fleet away and punished him as his boldness and arrogance merited, he would have to lay aside his desire for returning to these islands, and would leave them quiet and peaceful, and free from the dangers that his coming threatened. with this resolution conquering great difficulties with the help of god, who always favored this his cause, the fleet of seven galleons, one patache, and three galleys was prepared. in order to man them with the rowers that were needed, the citizens, sangley christians, and some indians lent two hundred and twenty-three slaves. and as one hundred and fifty slaves were still wanting to man them sufficiently, and because there was so little revenue in the royal treasury, i made efforts to have the sangley infidels supply this deficiency, inasmuch as they were the most interested in avoiding the damages caused by that enemy. they excused themselves from giving persons to serve in the galleys; but offered to give the money to pay those hired rowers who were willing to go. for this purpose the sangleys themselves made a contribution of one peso apiece from all who had any money, and gave five thousand pesos. this sum they delivered to a regidor for the pay of any slave or freeman who was willing to serve on this occasion, to each one of whom twenty-five pesos would be given. with this sum one hundred and forty-seven rowers were gathered. some new slaves were bought with this money and the others were paid twenty-five pesos apiece. one thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos of the five thousand pesos happened to be left, and this amount was spent for another matter of equal importance. in order to equip these galleons and galleys--and that very moderately--we needed one thousand infantrymen; but all the islands could only furnish six hundred paid soldiers. in order to supply this lack, three hundred and eighty men were provided from the citizens of this city, and from captains, alférezes, and sergeants on half-pay--the captains numbering thirty-four, the alférezes one hundred and six, the sergeants eighty, and the common soldiers one hundred and sixty. these men showed a willingness to take service on this occasion for honor. but to fulfil their obligations they had not the means with which to buy any arms, or other supplies which were necessary to them. the report spread that, if the money were not given to them so that they could equip themselves, they could not embark. it was necessary to find a remedy for the loss that might result from this condition, and the one that seemed most suitable so that they might serve your majesty with single-heartedness, was to assign as a gratuity to each captain one hundred pesos, to each alférez fifty, to each sergeant thirty-five, and to each common soldier twenty-five. but inasmuch as the royal treasury had nothing wherefrom to supply these gratuities, and they could not be avoided, thirty toneladas of the freightage for nueva españa were distributed, and were divided among the citizens who had capital. each citizen was given one pieza [2] for twenty-five pesos. in this way six thousand pesos were raised, which, with the one thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos given by the sangleys, amount to seven thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos. this money was given as a gratuity, with thirty-nine toneladas more and six piezas; figuring this at twenty-five pesos a pieza, all the help amounted to fifteen thousand five hundred pesos. this amount was regulated by giving to each captain fifty pesos and two piezas of the cargo; to each alférez, twenty-five pesos, and one pieza of the cargo; to each sergeant, ten pesos and one pieza of the cargo, and to each common soldier his twenty-five pesos. to aid the seamen, who are a discontented class, there was no money. for after having aided the paid infantry, not a single peso was left in the royal treasury. forty-six of the citizens lent twenty-two thousand seven hundred pesos and the treasury of the probate court [_caxa de bienes de défuntos_] [3] lent four thousand. a moderate amount of aid was furnished to those men by that means. after that, naught more was left to be done toward the suitable preparation of the royal fleet. may god be praised, who favored this cause so greatly, so that your majesty might be better served. it can be thoroughly understood that to attempt any of these three things would give anxiety even to him who had considerable power of management; for the departure of the fleet to fight with the enemy depended on very careful management; while, on the contrary, it must remain in port if all the expenses incurred in its preparation had been carelessly planned. but it happened as we could have desired. when all necessary arrangements had been made, the bishop of zibu, who has charge of this archbishopric, gave his blessing to the royal fleet. the fleet took as patroness the immaculate conception of our lady, who was conceived without the stain of original sin. it left the port of cavite in charge of don juan rronquillo del castillo, [4] on saturday, on the eighth day of the month of april, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, to find the enemy, who was stationed at playa honda [5] with six vessels. there, in the past year of six hundred and sixteen, he was defeated by governor don juan de silva. three ships of the enemy were thirty leguas in advance, on the look-out for chinese vessels, while the last of his ten ships had been sent to terrenate. on thursday, the thirteenth of the said month, our fleet sighted four vessels [of the enemy's fleet]. they were lying by very carelessly, with two chinese vessels that they had pillaged. those two vessels ware carrying about three hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise. one of them the enemy had begun to rob, although only slightly. it was impossible to attack them, for wind was lacking. thereupon the enemy very leisurely weighed anchor, but did not leave the chinese ships until the next day. then as the two fleets were about to engage, they left their prizes, in order not to be hindered by them. they had already been joined by two other vessels. our royal flagship had got to windward. near it, at eight in the morning, was the galleon "san juan bautista" under command of admiral pedro de heredia (but he was not admiral of the fleet). the other galleons were to leeward. as the enemy saw so good an opportunity, he maneuvered his six ships, placing them in good order. his flagship passed within musket-shot of one side of the royal flagship and discharged its artillery. answering them with another, as good and better, many volleys were fired without missing one shot, because the pieces were fired at so short a distance. another ship passed, with the same good order, giving and taking its heavy volleys. the four other ships of those which i said were there, did the same. it was the greatest gallantry that i ever saw; for our galleon gave all those of the enemy so many volleys that it displayed excellently its great strength--as well as the injury received by the enemy, since he attempted nothing more on that day. on our side five men were killed and eight wounded. the following day, saturday, the fifteenth of the same month of april, the two fleets got ready to fight, and ours got to windward. orders were given for each galleon to grapple with one of the enemy--flagship with flagship, and the "san juan bautista" with the almiranta of the enemy; while the galleon "san lorenzo" and the patache were to aid whichever boat they saw needed help; the galley flagship was to aid the royal flagship, and the other two galleys the galleon nearest them. the enemy was awaiting us in excellent order; and, signaling the other vessels to attack him, our first galleon, named "nuestra señora de guadalupe," under captain juan bautista de molina, grappled; and then the royal flagship with that of the enemy; the galleon "san juan bautista" with their almiranta; the galleon "san miguel," commanded by rodrigo de guillestigui, with the ship that fell to its lot; the galleon "san lorenço," under captain juan de acevedo, with another ship. as for the galleon "san marcos," under captain don juan de la vega (one of the best ships of the fleet), and the galleon "san phelipe," under captain sebastian de madrid, these two did not grapple, although common report says that they could have done so had they made an effort. they fought a very fierce battle. the galleon "nuestra señora de guadalupe" defeated its opponent, being aided by the galley under captain don diego de quiñones; and the enemy having shown a flag of peace, soldiers from our side entered it in token of victory. the royal flagship, after having been grappled for more than two hours--the battle being fought with great gallantry on each side, each firing heavy volleys at the other, and the galley flagship aiding on its side--was reported to be leaking badly from the effect of certain volleys which it received at its water line. this forced it to throw off the grappling-irons and go away; while the enemy's ship refused to mind its helm, and, in a little more than half an hour, careened on one side and sank, without any of its cargo being seen. forty or more men, among them the general, escaped in two lanchas. with great efforts they reached one of their ships. the galleon "san miguel," after having fought with great courage, set fire to its opponent, a vessel of eight hundred toneladas, laden with cloth which they had stolen. the fire caught the main-sail, which was so quickly burned that the sail fell, on the yard, into the waist of the ship. the ship continued to burn so fiercely that it could not be quenched. all the men took to the sea, some in lanchas and others swimming, most of the latter being drowned. this burning ship drifted to where our galleon "nuestra señora de guadalupe" was stationed. near it was the captured galleon, and the burning vessel coming down upon the latter, set fire to it; and this one began to burn so furiously that the soldiers who had entered it escaped with difficulty, while some were burned. and, since our galley was not so near now, all, both spaniards and dutch, were drowned or burned. then the first burning ship passed on. the galleon "san juan bautista" having almost captured the enemy's almiranta, the burning vessel bore down upon them both. throwing off their grappling-irons with considerable difficulty, the fire forced them to ungrapple; and at once they separated, so that the fire might not injure them. thereupon victory was declared, and the three hostile ships took to flight badly crippled. their almiranta was so damaged that our people thought that it would surely sink. those three vessels were pursued by the "san marcos," and "san phelipe," which were more to the windward, and by all the rest of the fleet. however, inasmuch as the royal flagship, the "san juan bautista," and the "san miguel" and "nuestra señora de guadalupe" were hardly used and leaking badly, they turned shoreward after midnight. in the morning the "san marcos" and the "san phelipe" found themselves alone, and somewhat separated, and found no traces of the enemy. although they should have kept together, they did not do it, but each vessel acted by itself. the galleon "san marcos" went to a place where two ships of the enemy were pillaging two other chinese ships. when the enemy discovered it, one of his vessels went to reconnoiter it, while the other stayed behind with the vessels that they were pillaging. they commenced to fight and the battle lasted more than three hours, at the end of which the dutch vessel withdrew and joined the other ship. next day--that of san marcos--the [dutch] ship that had not fought came; it is understood that it was reënforced with men. firing a quantity of chain-shot, it did considerable damage to our rigging; and as our main yard had fallen, our ship did not mind its helm well. consequently, our galleon sustained serious injury at the stern, upon which its commander came to a very imprudent resolution--namely, to go in toward shore and anchor in twelve brazas of water, and there fight with the enemy. this was so carelessly executed that, upon throwing the anchor, they could not find bottom, whereupon they grounded the galleon in four brazas of water. the entire crew went ashore taking some things with them. none of the enemy disembarked. as the commander thought that the enemy could burn them with his lanchas, he made another decision as bad as the other, and set fire to his vessel. thereby was lost the hull of the ship, which was especially good. the artillery and anchors were all taken out and most of them are ashore. the commander appears to be very blameworthy; and the investigation to punish him according to his offense is now being made. this devolves upon don geronimo de silva, castellan and governor of the forts of terrenate, to whom your majesty has granted the office of captain-general because of the death of governor don juan de silva, until a proprietary governor is provided. all the rest of the fleet returned to the port of cavite. the bad treatment received by the galleons from the many volleys, the sailors, soldiers, and artillery aboard them, and the dead and wounded, your majesty can ascertain, if so pleased, from the charts accompanying this letter. may god give your majesty many most happy victories for his honor and glory and the welfare of all christianity. such may be expected, since in a land so destitute as this, and by means so weak as these now, his divine majesty was pleased to destroy the greatest fleet from olanda ever seen in these districts; and at a juncture when, if the fleet sent by your majesty by way of the cape of buena esperança arrives safely, strong hopes may be entertained that it will drive that enemy from sea and land, because he has lost many men and ships, and more than ninety pieces of artillery. the best and largest of the cannon were taken from his fortresses, and he will have difficulty in replacing them. although three pataches were prepared to take the usual help to the forts of terrenate, the enemy did not allow them to sail from the port of cavite. considering the need and stress that the forts were in, and that they had only sufficient food to last until the end of september, as the castellan wrote, i ordered all the champans possible to be collected and prepared with great haste in oton, eighty leguas from this city, and to be laden with rice, meat, wine, and other supplies. as champans are but insecure craft, and badly managed, inasmuch as they are manned by sangleys, i sent some sailors to serve as pilots. eight champans were prepared, of which six reached their destination, besides one despatched from zebú. by all possible means i managed to succor those forts. they were made very happy by the help that reached them--for they were quite out of rice--and by the hopes that i gave them of the speedy sailing of a ship laden with food, clothing, and money. thus the forts were provided sufficiently to enable them to await the help that was to be sent in the ship. the viceroy of nueva españa despatched two advice-boats which reached these islands, early in february and in march. they brought your majesty's papers for don juan de silva, which the royal audiencia received. they contained the title of master-of-camp for don geronimo de silva, knight of the order of st. john, and castellan and governor of the soldiers of terrenate; an order to don juan de silva that the former be given the title of captain-general of artillery, and an appointment [with instructions], so that, in case of the said don juan de silva's death, it might be opened. on opening it, we found your majesty's grant to don geronimo de silva of an appointment as captain-general, on sea and land, in these islands and in terrenate. he was at terrenate engaged in his duties there, for don juan de silva's statement to your majesty, saying that he was ordering don geronimo to manila to act as master-of-camp, and was sending lucas de bergara gabiria to terrenate, had not been carried out. with all possible haste i sent a galley to advise him of the grace bestowed upon him by your majesty. in the boat i sent ten thousand pesos in reals, four thousand five hundred pieces of cloth, and what wine and rice it could carry for their sustenance going and returning, besides a quantity of jars of powder. within twenty days i despatched the three pataches that were at the port of cavite, since the enemy had now left the entrances to this bay; and with them i sent don gaviria to serve in the offices held by don geronimo de silva. they carried more than three thousand baskets of rice, with wine, and meat; a quantity of clothing; six thousand pesos in reals; four eighteen-pounders, and a number of jars of powder; and balls, and many other things for the sustenance of those forts. the occupants of the forts have reported that that was the most substantial help that has been sent them for many years. may god be praised that he provided help for the great necessity of that presidio at a so needy time. another royal decree was also received, in which your majesty orders that pilots be sent by more than one way, so that they may go to await the royal fleet that is to come by way of the cape of buena esperanza, and give the general of it orders to go to terrenate or to manila--whichever place may be more suitable for his effective despatch. having called a council of war, it was decided, the audiencia concurring, that the fleet should come to manila--because it would thus find accommodation in ports that furnish docking, shipyards, and materials--and join the galleons here; and chiefly because there is the means here for their sustenance, which cannot be had in terrenate. shortly after the twentieth of march, a galliot and a patache were despatched in which two pilots sailed, those most experienced in navigation. they came from españa with general rrui gonçalez de sequeira, and had gone to the strait of sincapura with don juan de silva, one of them as his chief pilot. the said don geronimo de silva reached the port of cavite may seven, after i had had charge of the office of captain-general for fifteen months. these islands enjoyed during that time the greatest peace and quiet for many years, except for the war of the enemy--as disinterested persons will relate, to whom credit must be given. i hope that they will continue in that condition, and improve with the coming of that cavalier. i find certain objections [to him] in accounts, emanating from terrenate, of the trouble experienced by the infantry because of the harshness of his temper and the ill-treatment that they have received in word and deed. during the first week after his arrival in this city he has manifested the same disposition toward several persons who made the expedition, in depriving them of certain military posts in order to bestow them upon his followers and relatives, who say that they are to be preferred to others. they feel so exalted over this office [of don geronimo], with which he is willing to provide them government posts, that they desire all persons to call him "your lordship." and because the first day of his arrival, licentiate madrid y luna, auditor of this royal audiencia, did not call him so, don geronimo sent him a message saying that since the auditor was his friend he should honor him by calling him "your lordship." he has not broached this subject to me, for he knows that i do not consider it fitting to occupy myself with these matters, which are immaterial and confer no authority; and that the office itself possesses enough dignity without trying to give it that which is not needful to it in order that your majesty may be well served. he ordered an edict to be published that all the captains, army officers, and soldiers whose places have been abolished during the last ten years, should appear at the office of the royal accountant within a fortnight, under penalty of six years' service in the galleys. that caused a great uproar throughout the city; for they declared that they were not his subjects. the captains--feeling angered because they were under no such obligation, but employing the mild and expedient measures of courtesy, so that there might be peace and the people become quieted--as soon as the session began sent the governor a message by the clerk of the audiencia, petitioning that he consider the edict and correct the commotion caused by it. they requested that he would check future evils by suspending the effect of the edict, for those included in it were in the jurisdiction of the government; and it concerned the audiencia not to allow injury to be inflicted on anyone, especially since this act was opposed to its authority. he replied that he was acting within his powers, and consequently he had ordered that measure. and although certain religious have, by virtue of their office, represented to him the difficulties that must result from the edict, as yet he has given no signs of regarding it with the consideration and reflection advisable to the service of your majesty, and the peace and quiet of this community. he thinks that it is to be governed according to his will, and places no check on his own inclinations. if this is to be done, these islands will suffer until your majesty shall provide such remedy as is advisable for your royal service. this royal audiencia, performing its duty with what authority it possesses, will do its utmost; and it will not consent that he meddle in matters outside his jurisdiction. but all this must be with grievances to the community, and the people will live in disquiet and anxiety. by one of the said pataches, i received three decrees from your majesty. in one of them you were pleased to grant me acceptance of my resignation as auditor of this royal audiencia, and permission to go to españa. in another decree your majesty orders the governor of these islands to give me accommodations in the vessels about to sail to nueva españa, in accordance with the quality of my person, and the offices that i have held. in the last decree your majesty concedes me one year's salary as a gratification for the many expenses that i shall incur in so long a voyage. immediately upon receiving these royal decrees, i could have bid farewell to the audiencia; but, considering that it was then in the midst of preparing the fleet, and since i had been employed in and had arranged what was advisable to your majesty's service, i thought that it would be very wrong to retire on such an occasion and flee the danger, and lift my hand from a matter of so great importance. after the expedition, i would have vacated my office and would have prepared to go to give your majesty an account of many things of importance to your royal service, but i have neglected to do so, because there are no judges in the audiencia. licentiate madrid y luna is ready to go in one of the trading ships to serve in his position as alcalde of the court of mexico. doctor juan manuel de la vega has been sick for four months, and small hopes are had of his recovery. two new auditors are expected (who are known to be in nueva españa) on the ships of this year. when they shall have arrived, it will necessarily take some days for them to understand the affairs of government and the form of procedure of the audiencia. since i think that i shall serve your majesty in this, i shall delay here no longer than is absolutely necessary for the audiencia to fulfil its obligations, and so that your majesty may be better served. with the grace shown me by your majesty in permitting me to go to españa, i shall not enjoy my salary as auditor from the day that i shall cease to serve in this post. consequently i shall not be able to live in accordance with the quality of my person and the posts that i have held. in remuneration of twenty-nine years of service (twenty-four of them in the indias)--and no favors have been granted me for the offices of president and captain-general, and the successful outcome of the difficulties that i experienced therein--i petition your majesty to grant me the reward of certain pensions equivalent to the salary taken from me, or what reward your majesty may be pleased to order given me, which will be in excess of what my services can merit. the persons who have served best on this occasion, and who merit rewards from your majesty, are: first, the general don juan rronquillo del castillo, who assisted at cavite, from the first of november of last year, in the repair and preparation of this fleet, until he sailed from the port with it and fought the flagship of the enemy and defeated and sank it--and, according to what the prisoners say, it will be incredible in olanda that there is sufficient force in the philipinas to have defeated this galleon; next, captain don diego de quiñones, for the service rendered to your majesty by him in resisting the enemy--first, at his entrance to the town of oton (where the dutch disembarked with six hundred men); then, after killing and wounding many men with less than one hundred soldiers, and causing the enemy to retreat ignominiously after a stay of not more than twenty-four hours in front of the said town, don diego came at my orders to serve on this occasion, leaning on a crutch--for he was not yet recovered from a musket-ball that had passed through one thigh--and served as commander of a galley. he found himself near the galleon "nuestra señora de guadalupe," which was grappled to another of the enemy; and, with his aid, the latter was defeated. admiral rodrigo de guillestigui, commander of the galleon "san miguel," grappled with another of the enemy; and although another ship attacked him, and he received great damage from the artillery discharged upon him, he refused to leave his prize until, after fighting with great courage and valor, the galleon to which he was grappled took fire, whereupon with great haste he ungrappled so that the fire should not do him harm. the vessel that was burning was deserted by its men very hastily, some of whom embarked in the lancha, while others jumped into the water; and, the fire reaching the powder, the ship went down. captain juan bauptista de molina, commander of the galleon "nuestra señora de guadalupe," was the first to grapple with a ship which, according to the prisoners who were in the battle, was in piru, where it and another vessel sunk our almiranta. he fought as a good soldier until the enemy surrendered after a hard fight. while a captain and soldiers from our side were in the said vessel, that ship of the enemy's that was coming down upon it afire, as the executor of divine justice, set fire to this one, and it was burned. that ship was burned because his [divine] majesty did not choose that there should be more spoils from that victory than the memory of the just punishment that he gave by his powerful hand. admiral pedro de heredia, commander of the galley "san juan baptista," grappled with the hostile almiranta; and after fighting valorously, and having almost defeated it, because it was no longer serving its artillery or musketry, the burning boat charged down upon the two galleons and forced them to ungrapple for fear of the fire. thereupon their almiranta got away with some difficulty, because it had so few men left to handle the sails. the men who escaped from the small boat of the burning ship were taken aboard that vessel, so that they had sufficient men to retreat; and our galleon could not return to attack the said almiranta, which left so badly dismantled that it is thought that it must have sunk. the facts will be learned with the first advice that comes from terrenate. general francisco bravo de la serna, who came aboard the flagship that put in at japon, gained the good will of the ruler where he put in, by his diligence, discretion, and sensible procedure, aided by the munificent presents that he gave to the king. consequently the king received him as hospitably as if he were in your majesty's lands, giving him whatever he needed at moderate prices. when the general wished to leave, the king gave him permission, without his having received any ill treatment. that was considered a good outcome, and was all the more so because, when he reached these islands and learned that the enemy had taken the passage in order to enter the port of cavite, he took the flagship to the most hidden place that he could find. having made port in haste, he unloaded the silver and stored it inland; then, while anchored, he took ashore all the rest of the cargo. that was the compensation of these islands and the fund with which the fleet was prepared; and without it the galleons could not have been equipped. therein is made evident the good service that francisco bravo rendered your majesty. he also rendered service on this expedition; for he embarked on the flagship, and took with him twelve men at his own cost. his presence proved of great importance, for he attended to his orders with great energy, exactness, and labor, while his advice and counsel were among the best that the general had. the latter declared the same to me, and that bravo should be highly esteemed for the manner in which he distinguished himself in your majesty's service on this occasion. licentiate manuel de madrid y luna, auditor of this royal audiencia, has aided me in this campaign, accomplishing those things with which i charged him. last year, when that enemy came to this bay, he helped to cast the artillery; and he worked at it day and night, until they had cast so many pieces that they sufficed to put the fort of cavite in a state of defense. two of his brothers and one cousin have died in this land in your majesty's service--one in the sangley insurrection, and two on this noble occasion. one brother was commander of the galleon "san phelipe." as soon as the battle began, he was wounded by a musket-shot and lived little more than one hour. it is considered certain that more would have been accomplished with this galleon; had not the said commander been killed. on that account, and for the good accomplished by his services in this royal audiencia, the said licentiate madrid claims that your majesty should grant him as a reward permission to marry some of his seven daughters and three sons in mexico. that is the greatest wealth that he takes from these islands. captain andrea coello came from india in a patache in july last year with despatches from the viceroy. that enemy having come and taken position in the entrances of this bay, he offered to serve as ordered, whether on land or on sea, with his person, patache, sailors, and soldiers; for his profession was to serve your majesty in war. he remained until the royal fleet was ready to sail in search of the enemy; and the said captain supported the sailors and soldiers with his patache and with the moderate aid given him. he took part on that occasion, and acted as an honorable and valiant soldier, attending with exactness to all his orders. the viceroy of nueva españa sent a ship from the port of acapulco, which reached the port of cavite on june twenty-six. aboard it were the bishop of nueva segovia [6] and twenty-eight augustinian friars; one hundred and forty soldiers and twenty convicts; one hundred quintals of powder, one hundred muskets, and one hundred arquebuses. since the country was at peace, that proved a tolerable reënforcement. no money came for the royal treasury, which does not contain one single peso. from the money that is expected from nueva españa must be paid the twenty-six thousand seven hundred pesos lent by the citizens and the probate court account; besides other twenty-three thousand pesos due to the captains and the japanese and chinese merchants, for cloth and war supplies which they have delivered to the royal magazines. there is no royal revenue from which to satisfy those debts. the only revenue that can be collected now will be the proceeds of the sangley licenses, and that will scarcely suffice for the very ordinary expenses. there will be no money with which to pay the salaries of the audiencia, royal officials, and other persons; the stipends of the bishops and prebends of the church, and those given to the religious; the wages of the infantry of this camp and that of terrenate; and the aid that must be sent to those forts for their ordinary sustenance. and then this is increased by the delay of the fleet which your majesty has ordered to come by way of the cape of buena esperança because of the great expenses that will be thus incurred, and by the repair of the galleons in cavite. the latter must not be abandoned, and are without masts, for only their futtock-timbers can be of use. it is all very difficult when so many things come at the same time, and there is no money with which to repair them. may god in his mercy provide a remedy for so many necessities. i shall do the utmost that in me lies. although there is considerable to provide, i shall attend to the most needful, so that things may be maintained until the viceroy of nueva españa, upon learning of the wretched condition of these islands and those of terrenate, may provide the aid that is necessary for their conservation. accordingly i humbly beg your majesty to send the viceroy orders that the succor asked from him be sent promptly. and should a case happen like the present, of no vessels going to nueva españa because they have to return in distress to these islands, [i beg you to order] that the viceroy do not neglect to send the money which is usually asked from him for the payment of the expenses incurred in these islands. those expenses, like those of the war which are of so great moment, cannot be supplied if there is a lack of money, and it will not be well to fall again into such straits as those that we suffer at present. the two auditors who were to come to this audiencia, remained in mexico, as there was no accommodation in the ship to enable them to sail. their absence causes a conspicuous deficiency; for i am the only judge in the audiencia, because the sickness of doctor juan manuel de la vega is of long duration, and few hopes are sustained of his recovery, according to the physicians' reports. licentiate manuel de madrid y luna has determined to go to serve in the position of alcalde of the court in mexico (which your majesty has bestowed upon him as a reward), notwithstanding that i did not allow him to quit that of auditor of this audiencia on account of the just reasons for serving therein--through the many affairs concurrent in it of justice and government, and through the great lack that all these would experience if they were in charge of only one person. should it happen that i were to die, there would be no audiencia nor any one to govern these islands--irreparable injuries, for which it is advisable to prepare the remedy beforehand. and although, besides these things, i presented to him many considerations that should oblige him to postpone his departure; and notwithstanding the requests and protests that i have made to him regarding the present injuries and those that might happen on his account; all this has not sufficed to move him from his purpose. he has answered me with the arguments which if your majesty pleases may be seen in the accompanying testimony. manila. august 10, 1617. _licentiate andres de alcaraz_ [_marginal note_: "take particular account of what is stated about his services, in order to reward him as may be fitting, especially for what he did on the occasions that he mentions which have been so advantageous to the royal service and to the conservation of those islands, which results from achievements as great as were the defeat and punishment of the enemy. in what concerns the persons of whose services he gives information, let attention be given to them in the audiencia; and have them summoned so that they may know what knowledge his majesty has of them, and what he has entrusted to their persons."] trade between nueva españa and the far east _of the trade of eastern india, nueva españa, and filipinas with macao and japon_ beyond a doubt christian interests in japon and china are sustained and prospered, after the grace of god, through the trade which your majesty's vassals carry on with those kingdoms; for the heathen there, being avaricious, are much pleased with the gain they derive from the goods carried to them, and from those which they sell to the christians. therefore, they allow the religious of europe in their countries, because they know that, if they do not admit them, they will not enjoy this trade; for they see that principally on account of religion your majesty's vassals come to them with their ships and goods. this is shown by the experience of many years. although this trade may be profitable to your majesty's subjects and to your royal exchequer, it ought to be so carried on that not only may these interests be advanced, but also in such a way that christianity shall not be injured. when any one of these interests is in danger, it is plain that it would be a less evil to lose something of the temporal [advantage from trade] than of the spiritual advantage resulting from the conversion of souls there. there is no doubt that your majesty wishes it thus, as do all of your ministers, who are so anxious for the honor of god and for the progress of his holy catholic faith. trade with china and japon is carried on as follows: from eastern india [to both countries] by way of the city of macao, and entirely in the hands of the portuguese; from felipinas and nueva españa to china, by way of the same city of macao; and [from felipinas and nueva españa] to japon by way of the various japonese cities, principally nangasaqui. from eastern india eight-real pieces and other things in which there is considerable profit are carried to china. from macao, which is a chinese city, silks and gold, upon which profits are large, are taken to japon; while silver, which also yields profit, is taken to china. from china, copper, silks, gold, and other articles are transported to india. this trade is also remunerative. since upon all these things import and export duties are paid to your majesty, this trade is undoubtedly the means by which eastern india is maintained; for through it are made possible the large expenditures for the fleets which the viceroys send each year against your majesty's enemies. indeed, without this trade little could be done, because the [_a word lacking; ms. worn_] customs would yield little. from nueva españa silver is exported to china, but little more; they do not carry silver thence to japon, because there is no lack of it there. some other things are taken to japon, among them silks brought from china, but little else; for they have nothing in nueva españa useful to japon, except these few articles. from felipinas they carry to china silver obtained in nueva españa, but there is nothing else to carry. to japon they take silks which they buy in china, or which the chincheos are accustomed to bring to manila, which is unquestionably the metropolis of felipinas. from the trade of nueva españa and felipinas with china and japon less in customs duties are paid to your majesty than from that of eastern india with the same countries, because there is nothing upon which to pay them except the silks. thus this trade is not so advantageous as that of eastern india. indeed, your majesty's profits will be much greater if this trade of nueva españa and felipinas shall cease. this will be experienced not only by the crown of portugal, but even by that of castilla. by the crown of portugal this will be experienced because, if the people of eastern india alone were to sell goods and to buy those of the chinese and japonese, they would obviously gain more and be able to pay higher customs to your majesty; for when the sellers and buyers are many and different, all is to the advantage of the chinese and japonese, because then they sell and buy on their own terms. under such circumstances your majesty's subjects have sustained great injuries, and many times have sold their goods for prices far below what they had cost, in order not to carry them home. from these circumstances, too, quarrels have arisen in china and japon between the subjects of the two crowns--to the discredit of españa and to the shame of christians there who see discords among christians and among subjects of the same king. the portuguese, in order not to suffer these injuries, will abandon this trade: if they do so, eastern india will be in great danger, especially now, from those who go there from the north. and your majesty will even come to lose it; and this through not having wherewith to maintain the fleet by means of which it is protected and prospered, as has been shown by experience. in the same way your majesty will lose the city of macao which you have in china, for as it is in the territory of the king of china, it has no income other than through this trade. this result will also be experienced by the crown of castilla, because the trade of nueva españa with china serves only to carry thither silver which ought to come to españa, and to bring from china the silks which might be sent from españa. whence great injuries to españa follow, as is notorious, through the loss both of the silver of which it is deprived, and of the duties and profits on its silks. the trade of nueva españa with japon is also unprofitable, because there are no goods on which to secure gain either going or returning, except what they may get from the silks which they carry from china, to japon, and from some iron, copper, cabinets [_escritorios_], and similar articles. indeed, on account of the before-mentioned disadvantages, it is easier to lose than to gain in this trade; and if it should be expanded your majesty would suffer other disadvantages. this has already been seen on some occasions when it has been tried. the trade of filipinas with china may be hurtful in so far as the silver carried is concerned, because this might come to españa. it is true, the silk trade with china is of some profit to filipinas as a basis of trade with nueva españa--which cannot be dispensed with--to supply the things needed from there. but this silk trade might be substituted by carrying some of the gold of filipinas to nueva españa to buy what is necessary from españa, to which thereby would come more advantage; and by carrying also some of the silks which the people of chincheo are wont to take to manila. these are bought in this way more advantageously than when the filipinas merchants go to china to buy, as has been seen during many years' experience with the former method. but it might even be well to put an end to the coming of the people of chincheo to manila (many of whom live there by agreement), because they have already attempted to take possession of the city; and now, when the hollanders are resorting thither, this should be more carefully watched. to prevent the coming of the chinese, your majesty might order the inhabitants of macao to take to manila the silks, bronze, and other things needed in filipinas which the people of chincheo bring. and everything will be more secure, the profit will be much greater, and all of it will accrue to your majesty's subjects if it be ordered that the chinese shall not sell anything that the inhabitants of macao have to sell. the trade of filipinas with japon is very hurtful to your majesty and to your subjects, since, as they carry in it nothing but silks from china, which the people of eastern india and those of macao also take to japon, all the advantage lies with the japonese; for, as they are in their own land, and have a larger number of articles to choose from, they buy where they wish and at their own figures, and they sell their own goods in the same way. all this is injurious to your majesty's subjects, and advantageous to that king to whom they pay so large customs duties. sometimes the people of felipinas and those of eastern india have returned without selling or buying, in order not to suffer total loss. thus results a great loss of customs which ought to be paid to your majesty. and not alone do you suffer in your exchequer but also in your reputation, because the japonese despise your majesty's subjects when they see the disorders that they create; [7] and they lose [also] respect for your viceroys. when, in order to correct this impression, certain embassies are sent to those kings, they judge from this that your majesty's subjects have greater need of them than they have of your majesty or your viceroys. this has been observed during all these past years, especially among the japonese--who, being arrogant, proud, and warlike, think that everything depends upon them, and ask odds of no one. they, judging by the great number who go to japon from felipinas that they are necessary to the latter, have ever thought of making war upon these islands in order to conquer them for themselves. [_in the margin_: "and now that the northerners are there, it is possible for them together to attack the forces."] from what has been said the plain inference is that your majesty, who is king of both realms, ought to order that the trade be so conducted that what is gained by one be not lost by the other. you ought also to consider which line of trade will profit you most, and should enforce this one and prohibit the other by decrees issuing from both crowns, enforcing them through your viceroys, and imposing severe penalties upon violators of such decrees, and greater ones upon those who fail to require them to be kept. [_in the margin_: "this was ordained by the king, don felipe second, grandfather of your majesty, as the council of portugal will inform you."] from the foregoing it is easily seen that the trade of eastern india is, from a temporal standpoint, the most profitable to your majesty and for your subjects; and from a spiritual standpoint, for the maintenance and propagation of christianity in china and japon. this was proved in the years during which this plan was tried. [_in the margin_: "conversion there has entirely ceased today because this plan has not been tried during recent years, and because of the severity of the present emperor of china, who even punished laymen for protecting the religious who went from felipinas to china contrary to his commands."] it is plain, therefore, that the trade of nueva españa and felipinas with japon and china is unprofitable in comparison with that of eastern india, not to mention the marked injuries already pointed out which it inflicts upon españa, and which must be repaired and corrected lest greater ones be sustained. the trade always carried on with nueva españa is fully sufficient to maintain felipinas. in this they carry gold and some of the silks which the chinese merchants carry from china to manila to be sold; and they might bring silks from macao, should your majesty now order it. in return they bring from nueva españa what they need for their own maintenance and growth (to make it unnecessary to go to japon and china for the same). in proportion as this plan has been observed the welfare of both the eastern and the western indias has been advanced; and the kingdoms of españa have had great profits from them, through their carrying silver and bringing back merchandise. now that the hollanders are so powerful there, it is necessary that this be watched with the greatest care and vigilance, in order that what your majesty gets from there may not be lost. events in the filipinas islands from the month of june, 617, until the present date in 618 last year i informed you at length of the naval battle, and of the signal victory which our lord was pleased to give us over the enemy, the hollanders, who came to these islands with the largest force that has ever been here. they brought ten galleons well equipped with men, artillery, ammunition, and other implements of war. of these ten galleons they lost three in the battle--one, the admiral's ship, was sunk, and two were burned. four of the remaining seven fled to maluco, badly damaged. so many of their men were killed and wounded that, although they had set out with a large number, they arrived with scarcely one hundred. these were the messengers of an event most disastrous for them but fortunate for us. the other ships fled to japon. until now the natives of the malucas islands had greatly favored the heretics; but, loving novelty and seeing that the power of the hollanders had declined, they began to plan a revolt. when the hollanders learned of this, they hanged in machien, one of their best strongholds, a chief whom, it was understood, the natives wished to place at the head of the insurrection. but in other quarters they could not so quickly effect a remedy. in the island of siao the people killed all the hollanders who had seized their land, except three whom they handed over alive to our governor of maluco for galley-slaves. the natives of the island of vanda [banda] dealt in the same manner with the hollanders who were there, and gained the ascendency. in ambueno some of the natives revolted. the hollanders tried to pacify them by force of arms, but we do not know how the affair ended. all this, however, was not what most disturbed the hollanders, but it was rather the fact that they saw that english ships had come and formed an excellent stronghold in pullovay. [8] thus, when the hollanders undertook to eject the english from that port, the two nations were engaged in as bloody warfare with each other as [each was] with us. from all these circumstances it seems that the strongholds of the hollanders were about to fall; and that, if at that time it had been possible to go with a fleet to the malucas, a great exploit might have been performed. by this means, as wrote the governor of ternate, lucas de vergara gabiria, everything might, perhaps, have turned in our favor. but it was not possible to do this as was desired. as i informed you in my report of last year, two other galleons, called "leon rojo" and "fregelingas," had separated from the rest of the fleet near the coast of ilocos, a province of the island of manila, in order to plunder, to more advantage and with less risk, the chinese who were accustomed to steer for that coast. for this reason they took no part in the naval battle. this was very fortunate for them, since, without loss of men or of artillery, they plundered nine [many--_v.d.a._ [9]] chinese ships, laden with very valuable silks which the chinese were bringing here to the city of manila. when these learned of the destruction of their fleet, they made haste to return to japon, where they arrived on the seventh of july, 617. on the way they overtook two chinese ships loaded with silks. they captured them, and, as their own were full of the plunder that they had taken, they put seven men as a guard on each of the chinese ships and took them thus to japon. when in sight of japon the ships were driven by a storm, and one of the chinese vessels was separated from the other and from the two of the hollanders. it made port in the kingdom of satsuma. but the authorities of this place, learning that the ship was a captive, and disapproving of a thing so foreign to civilized intercourse, would not consent that they should remain in the port longer than four days, at the end of which time they forced them to leave. during these four days the chinese who came in the ships, about thirty-four in number, went ashore and secretly bought some catanas, arms peculiar to japon and not very different from cutlasses. with these they embarked for firando, another kingdom of japon. one night they suddenly fell upon the hollanders [the seven who guarded the ship], and, in spite of their resistance, they beheaded them and threw them into the sea. the chinese then loaded all their goods upon little fishing boats that they had provided for the purpose, and setting fire to their ship, fled with their property in different directions. in all of this they were very diligent and discreet. if they had not been so, the hollanders who reside in that kingdom undoubtedly would have taken the ship away from them by legal process, because (as we shall see later) the hollanders have things much to their liking at the court of the emperor. the two galleons, "leon rojo" and "fregelingas," and the other chinese ship, of which i spoke, arrived at cochi [kochi], a port of the island of firando, one league from the port and city of firando. [10] here they began in great haste to unload the galleon, "leon rojo," with the purpose of going to look out for the ship of macan. the portuguese who reside in nangasaqui, learning of this design, went to the governor of that city to complain of what the hollanders were planning. he sent them at once to the jeno [11] of firando with an order by which the jeno was commanded not to allow any dutch ship to go out in search of the ship of macan commanded by the portuguese. this precaution, however, was unnecessary, because our lord prevented, by other means, the accomplishment of their purpose. on the day of the blessed apostles st. peter and st. paul, a furious storm overtook them while they were in the port of cochi. the "leon rojo" ran aground and filled with water; the "fregelingas," through loss of mainmast and rigging, was badly shattered. the chinese ship also ran aground, and silks of great value were injured by water. with infinite labor and expense they hauled off the "leon rojo," and, as best they could, they took it to the port of firando. they were compelled, however, to give it up and leave it here for lost, because the leak was so great that it was impossible to stop it. they took the "fregelingas" also to firando, where they quickly repaired it. there remains to be told the fate of another ship, called the "sol viejo" ["old sun"], that fled from the battle of last year and was confidently believed to have foundered in the sea. in it, however, the dutch general, juan rodriguez lam, [12] escaped. with only eighty men, who remained with him, he crossed to the coast of camboja, and went to the port of champan [champa _v.d.a._] in order to repair the damage that the ship had sustained here in the felipinas. they were not able to go, as they wished, from there to patam, where they had a factory, because the vendavals, which were contrary, had now arisen. therefore, they were forced to put into japon at the port of nangasaqui, where they entered with two other ships of theirs. one of these, the "leon negro" ["black lion"], carried one hundred and fifty-five men, and twenty-eight pieces of artillery, all of cast iron; the other, the "galeaça," carried ninety-five men and twenty-four pieces of artillery. the dutch general had met these two ships on their way from bantan, where the hollanders had another factory. the "leon negro" and the "galeaça" had captured three chinese vessels that were going to bantan to trade with the hollanders. to save the chinese the trouble, the hollanders had loaded all the goods of the chinese upon their own ships, thus taking from them the great wealth of silk they were carrying, and leaving them only the hulks of the ships. [_in the margin_: "not the least compensation was made for such great injustice and injury."] sailing, then, by way of hermosa island, these two ships had sighted the "sol viejo;" and, thinking that it was the ship of macan, they were much rejoiced, and prepared to seize it. when they came a little nearer, however, they discovered that it was the "sol viejo," in which was their own general, who had fled routed from the naval battle that took place in these islands. distressed at the bad news [of their defeat in this battle], they together [with the "sol viejo"] directed their course to nangasaqui, where they made port the first of july, 617. while these three ships were anchored within the bar of this port, news arrived that the ship of macan was eight or ten leguas at sea. the governor of nangasaqui prepared and sent a message to the portuguese to the effect that they could enter the port without any fear whatever of the hollanders. but, not considering this safe, they withdrew to another port near by, where they felt more secure. when the governor saw that, on account of the hollanders, the ship did not enter his port, he commanded that notice be given to the hollanders, in the name of the emperor, that they should go at once to their port of firando, which had been assigned to them for trade with japon. they disregarded this command and replied that they had come to japon with no other purpose than to look for that ship, which they must take without fail. the governor responded with a second notification, and so they thought it best to leave unobstructed the entrance to nangasaqui, and to go to firando, where they joined five dutch vessels--including the "leon rojo," which had been abandoned. as has been ascertained, these heretics plundered on the coast of manila eighteen chinese ships, besides the two which on their return to japon they [the "leon rojo" and the "fregelingas"] had carried with them as they were, loaded, and the three which the ships coming from bantan [the "leon negro" and the "galeaça"] had despoiled. this robbery caused much commotion in japon. the brother of the ruler of firando governed that state at this time, because of the absence of the latter, who had gone to court. he accordingly placed guards upon the dutch ships as soon as they arrived, and commanded that no one should go to them or buy anything from them until the emperor should know of their arrival, which he reported immediately. the hollanders, paying no attention to these orders, began to unload their cloth until they filled the warehouses of their factory, leaving the surplus in the ships. much of this cloth was wet, because, as i said above, their vessels [the "leon rojo" and the "fregelingas"] and that of the chinese had been shipwrecked. as this was the rainy season, it was impossible to dry it; and thus, to their great sorrow, much was lost. they secretly sold everything that they could before there should come from the court any order that might be to their disadvantage. they made a large sum of money, and then in all haste they loaded a great number of the boxes of silk upon the "leon negro," which they put in readiness for whatever might happen. they then despatched their messengers to macao [_sc_. meaco], the court of the emperor, to whom they presented four fine pieces of bronze artillery, which he prized very highly. they sent also thirty thousand taes of silver, each one equal in weight to ten spanish reals, and many pieces of various kinds of silk, with which they gained the good will of the emperor and of the courtiers upon whom their prosperity and security in japon depended. as a result of this, they were soon very successful in their negotiations, at which they were greatly pleased; for they were given permission to sell their spoils in the kingdom of japon to whom and wherever they pleased, since they said that the spaniards were their enemies and that the chinese were going to trade with them [the spaniards]. with the matter thus arranged, they returned to firando, and, as they found themselves in such favor, the first thing that they did was to take back from the poor chinese the hulk of the ship and some cloth of little value, which they had given them because they had feared that they might not be successful at court. and they did this in spite of the fact that the chinese, with their good industry and hard labor, had drawn from the water the ship, which, as has been said, was stranded and submerged. the hollanders carried this spoliation to such an extent that they took their very clothes from their bodies. having completed this very successful exploit, on the fifteenth of october they despatched for holanda the "leon negro" with sixteen hundred boxes of changeable silk. each box contained two picos of silk (each pico equals five arrobas); besides this, they shipped three hundred fardos of black and white mantas--all of which will yield a great sum of money, if it reaches its destination. in the ship "fregelingas" the dutch general returned to the strongholds of maluco; he carried with him a great quantity of timber to repair other ships, and many provisions and munitions to supply their fortresses. the other two ships, the "sol viejo" and the "galeaça," warned us that they intended to come to the coast of manila about april, in order to plunder at once the ships which come to this city at that season. this has really happened, because for almost two months two dutch ships have been in the place [13] [where they seized the ships from china. this has caused much apprehension in this city--_v.d.a._] which last year furnished so powerful a fleet; for then it had galleons with which to defend itself. now it has none, because six galleons were sent to other islands in order that the injuries that they had received in the late battle might be repaired. on the eleventh of october a furious hurricane overtook the ships and, [since they had been pierced by balls in the battle--_marginal note in ms.; also in v.d.a_.] they parted in the middle and sank in the sea. the twenty-four pieces of artillery which the galleons carried--four in each galleon--were lost with the ships. they were, however, neither very large nor of much value. most of the people escaped by swimming, or upon some rafts; but as many as four hundred persons, including spaniards, indians, and chinese, were drowned. and some of those who had escaped from the storm by means of the rafts perished from hunger out at sea, after the storm subsided. in this event the justice of god was evident, because it is said that that many had embarked upon these galleons with their concubines, purposely to live with them in the holds of the ships, without fear of either god or man; therefore our lord permitted men and galleons to run aground. [not only was the city deprived of these six ships, but] it must be added the information received from his majesty that the fleet of galleons formed in cadiz to come here, by way of the cape of buena esperança, had been sent toward saboya [_i.e._, savoy] to impede the expedition of count mauricio to that dukedom. this city, seeing itself thus deprived of the forces that it had and of those that it expected, resolved at once to build six galleons and some galleys; this they are doing with all speed. but as these ships have not yet been finished (and cannot be very soon) they were worthless to oppose these two dutch vessels that have been along the coast of ilocos, a province of the island of manila, and have plundered at will everything within their reach. according to some, they have despoiled of silks and other merchandise twelve or thirteen ships. thus only the smallest number escaped falling into their hands, and then only by the merest chance. however, on the night of the eighteenth of may, the dutch ships were in danger of shipwreck. there arose a strong wind, a vendaval, which obliged them to take care of their own ships and to release the chinese vessels that they had with them. four of these, delighted at this good opportunity, resolved to flee, and as the winds were favorable, they set out on the return voyage to china. the dutch carried on this pillaging with little risk, and without fear, because they had learned, through some prisoners who had escaped, of the loss of our galleons. with these spoils they returned, i think, to japon, where they will again be received as they were last year. and the worst of it is that they will delight in coming [every year to inflict as much more damage; and therefore the chinese will not dare to come--_v.d.a._] to this city with their ships, and commerce will cease. everything will then be lost, because the prosperity of these islands depends solely upon trade with china. may god prevent this with his powerful hand. in the island of oton a strange thing happened this year. the ships that usually go with supplies to aid the forces of maluco were despatched from the city of manila. in one of the best of these embarked manuel riveyro, a father of our society from the house of ternate. he had come here to solicit and collect the alms which his majesty orders to be given to the fathers who labor in the malucas islands. for many days, for years even, nothing had been given; and, as a result, ours were suffering great privation. the father was very successful and collected from the royal treasury a large sum of money. part of this he spent for very rich ornaments and for images for our churches; part for ship stores, and for gifts with which to aid the poor soldiers in those strongholds of maluco, who suffer great want. these soldiers are materially assisted by our fathers who reside there, to the great edification and gratitude of the soldiers. with these supplies the father embarked in one of the ships, and arrived at punta de najo [naso--_v.d.a._], about eight leagues from the town of arebalo, where the king's ships go to take on rice and meat for the malucas. at this town it was necessary for the father of our society, and other fathers of st. francis, to go ashore to obtain some things which they needed, in order to have them ready when the ship should arrive. therefore they disembarked to go by land, and the ship anchored off the point. one day the master, who was called juan de ochoa sarape [? lara--_v.d.a._], brought it about by deceit that the captain of the ship, francisco benitez, the pilot, and two soldiers who were not of his following, should disembark. there were on board also two mariners, a galician and a castilian, neither of whom had sided with him in the treason that he had planned with the others. he sent these down the hatchway for some ropes, and then took a lock and fastened the hatchway. thereupon the traitors unsheathed their swords, drew their arquebuses and muskets, and lighted their fuses. standing under arms, they cut the cables, and set sail, taking possession of the ship and of all the goods that it carried for the king, for the governor of maluco, and for the fathers of san francisco and of our society, all of which, they say, might be worth more than thirty thousand pesos. the captain and the pilot, who witnessed this treason from land, embarked at once in a little vessel, and, coming near the ship, discharged three muskets, none of which did any damage. the traitors asked the pilot whether he wished to go with them. seeing that neither he nor the captain was so inclined, they took them to land, and in their ship changed their course to borney and macasar. this treason was committed by twelve spaniards, eight of whom were biscayans and four castilians. they made captain the master [of the ship] who was the author of the treason. besides these [twelve spaniards], there were on board this ship the other two spaniards, whom, as i said, they were carrying as prisoners, as well as some indians of this country who also were compelled to go. when father ribeiro considered how much labor it had cost him to get together the help he was carrying there for the fathers of maluco, this disaster caused him some distress--all the greater when he thought of the hunger and need that they must suffer. but our lord prevented this. the father started out to beg alms from the inhabitants of the town; and in a short time he got together an abundant supply of rice, wine, and meat for one year, for all responded liberally to relieve a necessity that had so moved them to pity. the father set, sail with all this in another ship, and we trust that, by god's help, he is already in maluco. this is the same vessel that had been despatched this year for nueva españa as almiranta. it left port so heavily laden that it was necessary to put back into harbor to unload part of the merchandise, so as to be able to make the voyage. this done, they set out a second time from the port; but they encountered such violent storms that, after sailing entirely around the island of manila, losing the masts, and imperiling their lives, they returned to manila on the seventh of october, 617. afterward the vessel was utilized [for ternate] in the manner indicated above. from the mindanaos there came persistent rumors that they were undertaking to set out with a large fleet to besiege the fort of caraga which was in the same island, mindanao, and held in check a province of that island. its inhabitants do not now engage in robberies and hostile incursions by sea, as has been their custom. [upon receipt of this news] two galleys were despatched from the city of manila, in order that with the caracoas that were to be found in zebu they might go to aid the fort. they left zebu for caraga, but before arriving there our fleet turned back, partly because notice was received that the rumor had not been true, and partly because the winds had arisen. these winds would have greatly endangered our ships upon their entrance to and departure from that coast, which is very bold. but, although we have been free from these enemies this year, we have had to deal with others, the camucones, [14] a people who owe allegiance to the king of burney, they are thieves who scour the sea, plundering everything within their reach. they are so cruel that they never imprison, but kill all upon whom they can lay their hands. these people came to the filipinas this year with seven caracoas and seventeen _ajuangas_, vessels resembling large galleys, but not so strong; ordinarily they carry four hundred men at the oars. they did very little damage, however, for they must have heard that our fleet was on the sea, and therefore they soon withdrew to their own territory. their withdrawal was also due in no small degree to the fact that when they once landed upon an island the native indians, sallying forth, killed some of their men and put their heads upon poles along the coast in order to terrify the rest. it was the special providence of our lord that our father provincial did not fall into the hands of these corsairs when he went to visit the pintados islands, for when they [the father and his crew] were not far from the islands, a strong wind came up ahead of them, which compelled them to remain sheltered in a small bay for more than fifteen days. here the news of these enemies came to them, and therefore the father retired to manila. it is certain that if that contrary wind had not arisen he would have gone forward, and would have fallen into their hands. the devotion to the immaculate conception of the most sainted virgin has greatly increased among all the people. as soon as the ship from nueva españa arrived, bringing the news of the elaborate demonstrations that had been made in all españa in honor of this lady, they began to place on all the corners and upon the doors of churches notices that read, "praised be the most holy sacrament and the immaculate conception of the most holy virgin, conceived without blot of original sin." there was no lack of persons who tried to efface one of these notices that was on the door of the church of santo domingo, a fact which caused the people to burn with greater devotion to this lady. it was arranged that for two nights there should be a procession of masked figures. in it a banner with an image of the immaculate conception was displayed; lamps were placed throughout the city; the cathedral bells began to chime; and the orders formed in line of march. one devout person placed on the corners eighteen images of the conception of our lady, with a legend reading, "without blot of original sin." other pious people adorned these images with gilded ornaments and lights that burn all night. the children continually recited before these images, in loud voices, various couplets in praise of the immaculate conception, thus fulfilling that saying of david, _ex ore infantium e lactentium_ ["out of the mouths of babes and sucklings"], etc. concerning the persecution in japon, i can only say that with the death of daytusama, who was the chief cause of the expulsion of our fathers, [15] it was hoped that the persecution would cease or at least would abate. on the contrary it has increased under the new administration of his son, who is so hostile to the law of christ our lord that simply because of our holy faith he has martyred one religious from each of the four orders there. these four religious, among many others, had gone about secretly, as in england, with great labor cultivating that vineyard. this event occasioned much rejoicing in the hearts of all the people of this city, the laity as well as the religious. they talked of making fiestas and public rejoicings in thanksgiving that our lord had adorned the four orders that are in these islands with four martyrs so distinguished. but in order not to further provoke to wrath the ruler of japon, who had ordered their death, and for other reasons, it was thought best to suspend for the present all kinds of fiestas. among those who suffered this fortune or fate was a father of our society named juan bautista tavora, a native of the island of tercera. he died in company with a father of san francisco. afterward they martyred two others, one of santo domingo, and the other of san agustin, and in order that respect might not be paid by the christians to their bodies, the heathen threw them into the sea. the bodies of the father of our society and the father of santo domingo were placed together in one box; those of the two fathers of san francisco and san agustin in another. these last were afterward found, but the first were not. the account of all that happened concerning this matter i will place in the relation of that province [japon] where these most happy deaths will be related at length. i will conclude this account with one of the most singular events that have ever happened in the world. although it is discreditable to the order of st. augustine, it should be related here with all truth, because it is so public and will be so noised about through all the world. when fray vicente de sepulveda, [16] first cousin of father juan laurencio, rector of the college of mexico, finished his term of three years as provincial, the fathers of st. augustine met in chapter in a convent near the city of manila, to elect a new provincial. they chose fray geronimo de salas, [17] not without dissensions and discords between the two parties into which they are divided. this provincial died twenty days after his election. he died, as some say (and this opinion seems not without foundation, as we shall see further on), from poison that they gave him, and consequently his death was very sudden. by the death of this fray geronímo de salas, fray vicente de sepulveda returned to the office of provincial, as their regulations provide. it seemed to some religious who were not of his party that it was too much for him to govern three more years, so they planned to cut the thread of life for him--by means of poison, since this would not betray them. they gave it to him more than eight times in his food and drink--in his chocolate, and even in the wine with which he was consecrated. the poison was ground glass, and it resulted in eruptions over his entire body and in illness for several days, but it did not produce death. when the conspirators saw that their attempts so far had been unsuccessful, four of them planned to kill him with their own hands. the affair was so public that not only was the conspiracy noised about among the friars but also among the laity of manila. thus it came to the ears of the provincial himself, who had not lived as prudently as he should have done for the safety of his person. after this, he was very careful about his food and drink; he locked himself in at night, and entrusted the key of the apartment to only a few. he ordered one, who was the author of the treason (and he was the one that was suspected), that in virtue of his [the provincial's] holy precept, he should not come into the convent of manila, but that he should prepare to embark for nueva españa where they should take from him the cowl. thereupon this individual, fray juan de ocadiz--who was a native of madrid, a priest, and one of long service in his order--formed an agreement with three others, all young men about twenty years of age, who had been ordained to preach. these were fray juan de quintana and fray andres encinas (both natives of manila), and fray ignacio de alcaraz, born in nueva españa in a place near acapulco, called i think, quatulco. fray ignacio was companion and secretary to this provincial, and so he had the opportunity of making a key to the apartment, by first making an impression of the key in wax. on the thirty-first of july, 617, the day of our father ignacio, at eleven o'clock at night, the four opened the door of the provincial's apartment with the key that had been prepared for the purpose. the provincial heard the noise immediately, and suspecting what it might be, rose from the bed, and went shouting to meet them. at this juncture the three evangelists repented of what had been begun, and talked of withdrawing from it. but fray juan de ocadiz, bolder than the rest, since he had already begun the work, told them that if they deserted he would have to stab them. thereupon all four together attacked the provincial, threw him upon the bed, and held his mouth. the three evangelists held his arms and legs firmly, and fray juan de ocadiz, putting his knees upon his stomach, choked with his hands. while the friar was choking him, the provincial begged for confession. fray juan said, "father, repent of your sins, and in token of this clasp my hand." the provincial took his hand, and the murderer absolved him, adding, "trust, father, in our lord, who will pardon your sins." upon this he seized his throat, and finished choking him. then with diabolical cruelty, in order to be more certain [that he was dead] they twisted his neck against the bed in such a way that they disjointed the bones, no that the head fell from one side to the other as if he had been a dead fowl. all this tragedy was committed in the dark, so they went for a light, cleansed the provincial's body of the blood that had gushed from his mouth, changed his bed-linen and garments, and set everything in good order, that it might appear that he had died of some sudden accident. they did not take into consideration the many discolorations upon his body, or the twisted neck, that must soon give testimony of the hideous crime. fray andres encinas took all the bloody clothing and threw it into the closets. the others closed the door from within, with a cross bar, and jumped through a little window. although the provincial had given many loud cries, and other friars lived near the apartment, nothing was heard in the convent--a thing that seems impossible. after the crime was completed the bells rang for matins, for which it was now time. the murderers, or rather parricides, with great craftiness went to prayers. morning came, and the hour arrived at which the provincial was accustomed to open his apartment; but he did not open it. they waited a little, but he did not come out. they knocked at the door, but he did not respond; they knocked louder, but in vain. the prior and the other friars, who were ignorant of the affair, determined to break down the doors. they did so, entered, and then beheld the crime, and saw that the provincial had been killed with violence. the prior, a certain fray del rincon, [18] hastened to the president of the royal audiencia and to don geronimo de sylva, captain-general, in order that they might give him help of which he was destitute because there was so great a tumult in the convent. they soon came with men. first the president ordered that all the friars should go one by one to kiss the hand of the dead man, in order that he might note the countenance of each. finally they buried the provincial, and every one can well infer what would be said of the whole order; for people will forget that in the apostolic college there was a judas and in heaven a lucifer, and yet the other apostles and the angels did not fall on this account. reports of the affair were transmitted to the bishop of zebu, don fray pedro de arce, of the order of st. augustine, and at that time governor of the archbishopric of manila. he imprisoned some and tortured others; and in a short time, and with little trouble, the criminals were discovered. he made all the investigations, prepared the case, and handed it over to the _definitorio_, which, as they said, had by right jurisdiction in the matter. the definitorio, which was composed of nine of the most prominent friars of their order, advised with the other orders as to whether, without consulting the pope, it could condemn the criminals to actual degradation and deliver them over to the secular arm. the society [of jesus] avoided, as far as it could, giving its opinion upon an affair that was of such moment, and that must create such a sensation. in the decision of the affair, whether wise or unwise, it was best for us not to interfere. the authors were examined, and upon the advice of wise and learned men the definitorio resolved to give the sentence. it was read to the criminals from the pulpit of the church of st. augustine, on the nineteenth of september, 617, before all the people, who had congregated to witness a spectacle so extraordinary. immediately they took from him the cowl, and left them with only some short cassocks such as are worn by clergymen. they delivered them to the bishop, who was already prepared for the degradation. he immediately began to degrade them, and then delivered them over to the secular arm. they were taken to jail by the strong guard of soldiers that had been in the church ever since the criminals had been removed from the prisons to hear the sentence. but it was possible to execute this sentence against three only, because fray andres encinas had escaped the night before, in company with a lay brother who was guarding him. with chains and all, the lay brother removed him from the prison at twelve o'clock at night, and, placing him upon his back, carried him along an unfinished wall of the convent, with great danger to both of falling and killing themselves. he took from him the chains and, together with another lay brother of their order, they jumped from the wall and fled in great haste. on the twenty-second of september of the same year, 617, the secular tribunal pronounced the sentence of death upon the three. they were taken from the jail amid a great retinue of religious of all orders, who were assisting, and of soldiers who were guarding the prisoners. at ten o'clock in the morning they were hanged in the square before the largest assembly of people, i think, i have ever seen in my life. they died with suitable preparation. i am unwilling to omit the account of a very peculiar circumstance. twenty years ago they were hanging in madrid that augustinian friar because he wished to make a pastry-cook king of portugal, and to marry him to doña ana de austria, the mother of fray juan de ocadiz. she was watching the proceeding, and all at once she began to scream and weep. when asked the cause of this she replied that she fancied she saw on the gallows her son, who was an augustinian friar. followed by a large crowd they took the bodies of these three men who had been hanged, to the convent of san agustin for interment, where they will remain with their provincial until god calls them to judgment. the friars then very diligently searched for the one who had fled, in order to execute upon him the same sentence. at first they did not find him. and afterward, although they might have captured him, they did not, because they did not feel obliged to revive the painful remembrances and cause to all, and especially to his mother and the relatives whom he has here, the grief and distress that the first three deaths occasioned. besides these there were found guilty in the affair fray joseph de vides, a native of mexico, who had been instructor of the novices; and fray pedro de herrera, a native of medina del campo, who had been professor of theology, and who now was prior of a convent. as these two were not so guilty as the others the friars took from them the cowl, and sentenced them to six years at the galleys in maluco; and to suspension [from mass] for one additional year, on account of the reverence that is due to so high and divine a mystery. they were handed over to the secular tribunal, and were put upon galleys. but in a few days they escaped, and embarked upon a small ship in company with fray andres encinas and the lay brother who had freed him from prison. all four set out together upon the return to malaca, in order to go from that place to goa, españa, and finally to rome. such is the unfortunate event which was reported last year to the pope, the king, and all the world alike. this year report will be made of the justice meted out to the malefactors. [19] and as more than four lies will be written, i have thought it best that your reverences should know the affair just as it occurred, nothing being added or omitted. [20] _events at ternate_ since this was written, advices came from ternate that brought us some news which i will add here. the aid that was sent from this city to the malucas islands arrived, and those who carried it found in the passage two dutch ships awaiting them, to prevent their entrance to our fortifications, and even to take the supplies, if possible. they made an attack and our people thought best to withdraw; but after some days they returned by another route, to land the supplies if they could. they again found the hollander in the road and, being attacked a second time, they fought, made a great effort to pass, and succeeded--although the enemy so pursued one ship, the admiral's, that it ran aground in the island of tidore. most of the people were saved, but some the enemy killed with musket-shots, and some, who threw themselves into the water, perished. captain alonso martin quirante, who was in our stronghold of tidore, hurried out and prevented the enemy from taking anything from the ship. many of the provisions that were in the ship were lost, among them almost all of those that the father, as i mentioned above, was taking for our fathers. in the thick of the battle this father was the first to be wounded. he was struck on the arm by a splinter, but his wound was of little consequence. the soldiers, however, will not because of this loss be in want this year; for the english went [to the malucas] with a shipload of rice to trade for cloves, and the viceroy sent six galeotas of provisions from india. the above-mentioned captain, alonso martin quirante, made an ambuscade, in which he killed twenty-one hollanders and captured four. of the enemy, twenty-five hollanders and many of the indians of their following deserted to our fortifications. although the king of tidore has always been very favorable to us, the prince his son has been very friendly and of much importance to the hollanders. but our lord has been pleased to destroy these friendly relations in this way. the hollanders, for what reason i do not understand, hanged one and drowned four of the people of tidore. on account of this the prince has been so opposed to them that he has sworn to avenge himself, and to do them all the injury that he can. and he will do this, without doubt, because he is very valiant. so much for the malucas. to this may be added the fact that the admiral heredia had made, at his own expense, a beautiful, though not very large, ship with which to serve his majesty whenever occasion might offer. just as soon as it was launched upon the sea, it was overtaken by a storm so severe that it foundered and was lost. i forgot to say that one [_marginal note_--sequeyra's ship] of the two ships that were despatched last year for nueva españa, but did not arrive there, was separated from the other. it must be known that a certain de sequeira, a portuguese of the order of christ [_del habito de christo_], went in it as captain. he had come as general of the fleet which five years ago the king sent by way of the cape of buena esperanca, [21] and he carried a cédula from his majesty to the effect that they should send him back at once by the same route. instead, they detained him four years in this city, much against his will. at last they sent him as captain of this ship in order that he might go to españa by way of nueva españa. they loaded upon this ship goods of high value, although not a great quantity of them, because the vessel was small. he began his voyage with favorable winds astern, and when he had reached the latitude of more than 30 degrees, he saw that he might turn toward india; but, the brisas beginning to vex the ships, he ordered the return, and, arriving at these islands, disembarked some castilians whom he carried but who did not wish to go with him. he steered for malaca and india, in order to go, they say, to españa upon the voyage which his majesty had ordered. he arrived at malaca and died, i think, in cochin. nothing more is known [of him], nor [is it known] what will be done with the goods that he carried. the ships from nueva españa arrived very late, at the beginning of july. it was fortunate that the vendavals were very much delayed this season; for, if they had begun when they usually do, it would have been impossible for the ships to reach these islands this year. but god chose to bring to us the governor [22] who was so much desired. a grand reception, with many costly triumphal arches, was prepared for him in manila. but he embarked from the port of cabite in a galley, and entered quietly into the palace through a postern gate near by, and therefore the whole reception fiesta was a failure. and when they desired him to go out of the city again, in order that he might enter with solemnity, he said that he did not wish them to carry him in procession as if he were a penitent, and so he remained there. description of the philippinas islands the governmental district of the islands commonly called philippinas comprises seven principal provinces, not to mention many other islands and smaller provinces within its jurisdiction. five of these principal provinces are in the island of luzon, which is four hundred and sixty leguas in periphery and extends about from the thirteenth to the twenty-first parallel. one can travel two hundred leguas in a straight line on this island, for it is even longer than this. from east to west, between the cape of spiritu santo (the first sighted when coming from nueba españa) and the bay of manila, it is eighty leguas; and from south to north, between the same bay and cape boseador, in the province of cagayan, which is opposite japon and china, it is one hundred and twenty leguas. the capital of cagayan is the city of nueba segobia, which was settled by governor don goncalo ronquillo de peñalosa in fifteen hundred and eighty-one. the shape of this island of luzon, taken as a whole, is more like a semi-quadrant than anything else, although there are many irregularities in places. some parts are narrow, because of the numerous arms of the sea which bound and penetrate the island; but in some parts, principally those on the north side, the island grows broader and more spacious, as i will show in the proper place. in other parts it is rough, rugged, and not a little mountainous. when the island is considered as shaped like a semi-quadrant, the great bay of manila lies in the angle, where the sides meet the city--which is in the center of the island, near the entrance to the same bay; and has as a port cavite, a little more than two leguas to the south. _camarines_ the first, of the five provinces in the island of luzon, beginning on the eastern coast, is camarines, which includes all the territory near the mouth of the channel of capul. the capital of camarines is the city of cazeres, sixty leguas from manila. it was settled by doctor francisco de sande, governor of these islands, in fifteen hundred and seventy-four. he settled on the vicor, a large and peaceful river, whose waters are very fresh and healthful, because it runs through many veins of gold, as do most or all of the rivers of these islands. there are in camarines as many as twenty encomiendas, counting the four into which the island of catanduanes (which is included in this district) is divided. the largest of these encomiendas does not contain more than fifteen hundred tributes; there are a few of one thousand; most of them must have from seven to eight hundred; while some have four hundred or even less. among these peoples a great deal of gold was formerly obtained from the mines or placers of paracali and from the island of catanduanes. camarines yields no rice, and it has not so good a food supply as other parts of luzon, owing to the fact that luzon is very narrow here, and in many places is rough and mountainous. it is believed that as much gold is mined now as usually, yet it seems a small quantity; for, although the indians in general have more money than formerly, obtained through their [various] sources of income, they keep back the gold to work up into chains and jewelry, with which they adorn and parade themselves freely. they pay tribute in tin reals. the camarines have become a very settled and tractable people through the religious instruction and careful teaching of the discalced franciscan fathers, their ministers. they had been, of all the people of these islands, the most warlike and the most feared, as was shown by their resistance; indeed, one can hardly assert that they were conquered. the number of the inhabitants of this province can be but roughly estimated, as it is difficult to count them accurately. it is probable, however, that there are more than one hundred and fifty [thousand], counting the intractable black people who live in the interior of the country. of this number some estimate that one-fourth are christians. _judicial offices of the province of camarines_ [23] with respect to royal jurisdiction, this province has these three offices: the alcaldia-mayor of caseres, which is ordinarily called the alcaldia-mayor of camarines, because caseres is the capital of the province, and has jurisdiction over the larger and better part of it; the corregimiento of ybalon, which is at the mouth of the channel; and the corregimiento of the island of catanduanes, which is also near the same channel mouth. _the province of manilla_ the second province [in the island of luzon] and the principal one in importance and wealth, because of its extensive commerce and of the fact that it is in the center of the kingdom, is manila. within its jurisdiction are included other smaller provinces. these are the two lake provinces, bonbon and bay; and (the most important of all) panpanga, which, at the outside, is not more than twelve leguas from manila. this is an inundated valley, and yields a great amount of rice, owing to the richness and location of its lands, as well as to the wealth and superior character of its natives--among whom there are at present many who have aided and served as faithful subjects and friends, whenever opportunity has offered. in panpanga your majesty has as many as six thousand tributes in the four governmental districts and principal villages, among which are betis, lubao, guagua, mexico, and other smaller places. all the neighboring country, and particularly the royal magazines, secure their rice from this province [of pampanga]. there must be in the province of manila forty thousand tributes belonging to private individuals, and almost twenty thousand belonging to your majesty. there must be in all more than five hundred thousand people, of whom one-fourth are christians. in this, however, estimates vary. the adelantado, miguel lopez de legaspi, settled the important city of manila in the year fifteen hundred and sixty-one, [24] after having lived for six years in the islands of zubu and panay, of which i shall speak more in detail in another place. _the judicial offices in the province of manila_. the offices to which appointments are made in the province of manila, not to mention the judicial officers of greater or less importance who are maintained by the city within its walls, are as follows: the alcaldia-mayor of the parian or alcayzeria of the chinese; the alcaldia-mayor of the coast near this city, its capital being the town of tondo; the alcaldia-mayor of the lake of manila, ordinarily called laguna de bay; the alcaldia-mayor of bulacan and calumpite, one of the two alcaldias of panpanga; the alcaldia-mayor of panpanga, which includes the rest of the province; the alcaldia-mayor of balayan and bonbon, twenty leguas from manila; the corregimiento of mindoro and baco, twenty-five leguas from manila--which, although it is itself an island, is a division of this province for judicial and religious administration; the alcaldia-mayor of calilaya, forty leguas from manila; the corregimiento of masbate, an island fifty leguas, or a little more, from manila, between this island [of luzon] and the pintados. _pangassina_ next after panpanga comes the district comprising all of sambales and pangasinan. this, although here considered as a separate province, is under the jurisdiction of manila in judicial and religious matters. its natives are chiefly those called negrillos. they are mountain indians and are either very tawny in color, or black. they are so restless, so warlike, and so averse to trade and communication with other people, that up to this time it has not been possible to subdue them effectively. although on different occasions they have been severely chastised, there is still no security from them. they are in the habit of making sudden assaults upon their neighbors, continually, and cutting off many heads. in this consists the whole happiness of these barbarians. these negrillos belong to the same race of people as those who live farthest in the interior and in the most rugged parts of these islands. it is a very well established and common belief that they are the real aborigines; and that the rest of the indians are immigrants who conquered them, and compelled them to leave the shores and plains, and to retire to the most isolated and rugged parts of the islands, where they now are. they are still so brutal and so averse to civilization that they scarcely deserve more than the name of men; for they often cut off the heads of their own fathers and brothers as a pastime, for no other reason than their natural cruelty and brutality. very few of them have fixed settlements, nor do they plant crops; but they live upon camotes (a kind of potato), other herbs and roots, and the game which they hunt. they hardly ever come to the plains or coasts except to make assaults and to cut off heads. the one who has cut off the greatest number of these is most feared and respected among them. the skulls they keep in their huts as trophies, or to serve as jugs and cups in their drinking-bouts. there is such abundance of wild game in the province of pangasinan that within a space of only twenty leguas over sixty thousand, and sometimes as many as eighty thousand, deer are killed every year. the indians pay these deerskins as tributes; while trade in them is a source of great profit for japon, because the japonese make of them good leather for various purposes. _ten thousand tributes_. there must be in pangasinan between ten thousand and twelve thousand half-pacified tributes, two thousand belonging to his majesty, and the rest to private individuals. the capital of this province is a place called binabatonga. it formerly contained about three thousand houses, or, according to other estimates, a greater number; but it now has only about two thousand. the province has some good ports. one is that of agoo, commonly called "the port of japon," because it was the first port which the japonese occupied in these islands [when our people first saw them here]. another port is bolinao, which is better than any other. _judicial offices in pangasinan_. there is only one judicial office in this province, namely, the alcaldia-mayor of pangasinan. _the province of ilocos_ next after pangasinan, toward the north, on the same coast, comes the province of the llocos, a people on the whole more settled and tractable; and although there have been some disturbances among them, they are now very peaceable. they are well supplied with provisions, especially with rice--a great quantity of which comes to manila every year during february and a part of march, for at this time the winds are favorable for going from ilocos to manila and back again. the capital of this province is the town called fernandina [now vigan], which was settled by the master-of-camp guido de lavazares, who governed these islands in fifteen hundred and seventy-three, upon the death of the adelantado, legaspi. this province must nave between fourteen thousand and fifteen thousand tributes, which are collected without resistance. five thousand of them belong to his majesty, and the rest to private individuals. there used to be in it, also, a great quantity of gold but the ygolotes indians diminished the amount for the reason given above. [25] this diminution is quite noticeable. _judicial offices of the province of ilocos_. there is in this province only one judicial office, the alcaldia-mayor of ilocos. _the province of cagayan or nueva segobia_ after ilocos comes the province of cagayan, the northernmost portion of the island of luzon, where there is a great deal of incompletely pacified country. it contains villages inhabited by a very strong and warlike people, who have given us much trouble. _twelve thousand_ [_tributes_]. between twelve thousand and thirteen thousand tributes are collected in the pacified portions of the province. fifteen hundred, or a little more, belong to his majesty, and the rest to private individuals. the capital of this province is, as has been said, the city and port of nueba segobia, opposite and facing china and japon, one hundred and twenty leguas from manila. it is so near china that from cape bojeador, one of the points or promontories of cagayan, it is not more than a seventy leguas' journey to the nearest towns on the coast of chincheo, a maritime province of that great kingdom. the greater part of the sangleys who come to these islands are natives of that place. for this reason, and because of the natural restlessness of the people of cagayan, there has been established in nueba segobia a regular garrison, sometimes with fifty, and sometimes with a hundred, or even more, soldiers, as necessity demands. nueba segobia contains the cathedral church and is the capital of the archbishopric of the province of cagayan, just as the city of caseres is of camarines. there are then, in the island of luzon, not counting the archbishopric of manila, which is the capital of the kingdom, the two archbishoprics above mentioned. it must be noted that there are in this island many races and kinds of people, such as the camarines, camintanes, tagalos, panpangas, sanbales, ilocos, cagayanes, and many others. they differ noticeably not only in language and in physical characteristics, but also in disposition and customs. but the tagala dialect, that of manila and the surrounding country, is a common language. it is spoken and understood everywhere, not only by the above-mentioned natives of the island of luzon, but by the natives of all the islands. from this fact those who know something concerning the past of these people infer that the other nations of the archipelago have long carried on trade and commerce with manila. because the island is the center of an infinite number of nations and barbarous people, some heathens and some mahometans; and because of its nearness to and trade with the rich and powerful kingdoms of japon and china, as well as for other reasons that might be mentioned, manila is considered of greater importance in this governmental district than can here be indicated. _judicial offices of the province of nueba segobia_. there is only one judicial office in cagayan, the alcaldia-mayor of the entire province. _province of panay in the pintados_ the sixth province, one of those outside of luzon, is the island of panay, situated in the pintados, one hundred leguas south of the city of manila. it is more fertile, and yields more rice and other provisions, than any other province of the kingdom except manila. neither is there any province relatively more densely populated, for, although it is not eighty leguas in periphery, it contains thirty thousand of the most profitable and peaceable tributes in the whole kingdom. the capital of this island is the town of arebalo, which was settled by the adelantado legaspi in fifteen hundred and sixty-seven, and enlarged by don gonzalo ronquillo in fifteen hundred and eighty-two. it is near the village of oton and the port of yloylo, the most southerly port of the governmental district. for this reason, and because of the fertility of this province, it is better fitted than any other for provisioning and sending aid to the malucas islands and to the presidios of terrenate. this province is on the coast facing toward mindanao, maluco, and all the "islands of enemies," as the islands to the south are designated. in religious instruction and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, this province is included in the bishopric of zubu. _judicial offices in the island of panay_. there are in panay three judicial offices. these are, the corregimiento of panay and aclan, the rivers and principal settlements of the island; the corregimiento of the island of negros, which is included in the district of panay; the alcaldia-mayor of the town of arebalo (commonly called the alcaldia-mayor of otong) and including the purveyorship--the best and most important office of that province. _the province of subu and its jurisdiction_ forty leguas eastward from oton, and one hundred and twenty leguas from the bay of manila, is the island of zubu. the capital of this province, as well as of all the provinces of the pintados, is the city of santissimo nombre de jhesus--celebrated throughout the kingdom, not so much on account of its good harbor as because it was the first town to submit to his majesty; and because it is the first city which the adelantado miguel lopez de legaspi settled and pacified in these islands. it is also noted because it is but half a legua from the island of matan, where the famous magallanes died fighting; and more than all else on account of the holy relic, [an image] of the child jesus, which our fathers found there, which is now at the capital city in the convent of san agustin, and has been signalized by some miracles that have occurred there. zubu is a small island, and it yields but few provisions, because it is rugged and mountainous. but it has an abundance, of game, and secures sufficient [of other] provisions and supplies from the islands and provinces under its jurisdiction. these are: leyte, çamar, ybabao, bohol, and many other islands of lesser importance, besides that part of the island of mindanao opposite zubu which was formerly at peace--that is, all the country along the butuan river, forty leguas from zubu, and the coasts of surigao, dapitan, and caragas, a little further from zubu. eight or ten years ago, all of these revolted from this province. there are in the provinces of zubu and its jurisdiction, according to some estimates, over twenty thousand, and according to others, twenty-four thousand, very peaceable tributes. three thousand of these belong to his majesty and the rest to private individuals. to the two provinces of zebu and panay only is given the name bisayas, but to all this group of islands taken together is given the name pintados. the pintados are now giving more trouble than any others in the whole governmental district; not because the inhabitants are restless (for none are more peaceable or more useful), but because they are on the frontier toward the seas of mindanao and maluco. the natives of mindanao and maluco--principally the mindanaos and other allied tribes, the sangiles, joloans, and others of that region--have been emboldened by their great successes during the last ten years to infest the coasts of the islands (and especially of the pintados, which are nearest to them), so frequently that they have kept the forces of the kingdom diverted [to that region]. they have been greatly aided by the artifice and craft of silongan, their principal chief, and most of all by the remissness of our fleets. for these reasons they have harassed and are now harassing all the pintados, where they have at different times robbed many places, captured many thousands of friendly indians, burned and sacked the churches and barbarously profaned sacred things. and yet for these excesses they have neither made amends nor been punished, and since these moros have power and courage to continue the war, many evil consequences result; for in spite of the pretended treaties of peace, which they are always promising but never keep, they persist in their offenses. [for instance], at the end of november, 1616, these mahometan indians, by the coming of the dutch ships which reached this bay on the last of october led to think that our forces would be engaged, improved the occasion like good strategists, and burned three of his majesty's ships in the dockyards of masbate. about twenty leguas from manila, they burned some villages and captured many spaniards; and what two galleys did let some other person tell his majesty. we know their designs by experience, and the opinion grows that it would be well to punish them for once, with sufficient force to keep them sufficiently under restraint and subjection to make it possible to apportion the island [in encomiendas], and to establish in it fortified posts. this is the true way to prevent their disturbances. since mindanao is directly opposite the pintados, and so near to matheo and terrenate; since it has so many encomiendas to distribute (as it is over four hundred leguas in extent); and since it yields gold, wax, cinnamon, and a great quantity of rice and other valuable products--great benefits would accrue to his majesty by its pacification. _judicial offices of the province of zubu; three_. returning to the province of zubu, from which i have been diverted by a discussion of the affairs of mindanao, i may say that there are three judicial offices here. they are the alcaldia-mayor of zubu, which is the principal office in the province; the corregimiento of the islands of leyte, camar, and babao; and the corregimiento of botuan, which is the portion of the island of mindanao that used to be peaceful. summary of the tributes--160,000. each tribute consists of a man and wife. i wrote this in manila, in 1618, to give to governor d. pedro de bivero. dutch factories and posts in the orient _account of the factories, and the posts garrisoned with infantry and artillery, that the dutch enemies maintain in the islands of the east._ _item_. from these factories are taken food and other provisions for maluco, and a ship of a thousand toneladas of pepper every year. _item_. in the island of caramandel they maintain two factories without a garrison. one of them is in the port and country of achen, [26] and the other in the same island, which is called chambi. there is sent from these factories a shipload of a thousand toneladas of pepper, gold, and jewels. _item_. in negapatan they have a factory, without a garrison; from it are carried cloths, which the terrenate indians of maluco wear. _item_. in the island of jor [27] there is at present one factory, without a garrison; and 400 bares of pepper are shipped from it every year. a bare [_i.e._, bahar] is known to contain 600 libras. _item_. in patane there is a factory, without a garrison; from it are shipped glazed earthenware, silk, and various drugs which come from china, and one shipload of more than 600 toneladas of pepper each year. _item_. in cian [_i.e._, siam] they have a factory, without a garrison; from it are carried jewels and various drugs of much value. _item_. in borneo they have a factory, without a garrison. thence are sent gold, jewels, and camphor. _item_. in japon they have a factory, without a garrison. thence are shipped military supplies and provisions for maluco; and thus the dutch greatly hinder the progress of christianity in that country. _item_. in macazar they had two factories; but have removed them thence because the king and the natives do not get along well with them. _item_. in the island of banda they have a garrison, with artillery and troops. they gather there masatrella nutmegs to the amount of more than 1,600 bares each year. _item_. in the island of caramandel they have a fortress with a garrison and two factories, one called masapotamia, [28] and the other petapulli; from them is carried cloth to trade and barter in maluco. _item_. in the island of bachan they have a garrisoned fortress; more than a hundred bares of cloves are shipped thence each year. _item_. in the island of maquian they have three garrisoned fortresses; and 1,200 bares of cloves are gathered there each year. _item_. in the island of mutiel they have a garrisoned fortress. from this island they ship more than 350 bares of cloves each year. _item_. in the island of tidore they have a garrisoned fortress, and his majesty has another. the whole island yields each year about 600 bares of cloves, of which half, or a little less, is secured by the dutch. _item_. in the island of terrenate they have two garrisoned fortresses, and his majesty has one. the island yields each year more than 700 bares of cloves; and the profitable part of it is gathered by the dutch, as they have friendly relations with the natives, while his majesty obtains never a pound--although it is true that the greater part is lost through war. from these islands--bachan, maquian, motiel, tidore, and terrenate--which are the ones that don pedro de acuña won back and left in peace and quiet, with an amply sufficient garrison to maintain them, the enemy enjoys and obtains each year nearly two million pesos in profit. the reason for this loss to us was that, on account of don pedro's death, so many quarrels arose between his adherents and those of the audiencia that they spent all the time in making war against each other with ink and paper. in the meantime the enemy fortified themselves in malayo, and took possession of the island of maquian, and those of motiel and bachan, and the other ports which they now hold, without its costing them a drop of blood. but this burnened us with much ignominy; for we--being occupied in wasting paper and ink in lawsuits, which have continued to this day--both by this loss and that other which first arose from the dismantling of a fort in mindanao which had been built in the port of la caldera, have given the enemy an opportunity to take possession of so large a part of these islands. and the worst is, that these factions are lasting to this very day, and are causing the many losses and the great expenses which your majesty now incurs; and these hatreds will not be lacking, for they are so deeply rooted. it is for us to apply a check to them, for from them has sprung the loss of respect to whomsoever should have it, and thence have come to this court reports so sinister. what is recounted in this relation is from the mouth of general pablos blancar, who was our prisoner in terrenate. being grateful for the good treatment which he had and received from my hand, he gave me this, assuring me that it was altogether true; and i even agree with what he said, for, being disgusted with his countrymen because they did not help him, and feeling grateful for the friendship which he personally received in my house, he told me--as it were, in payment for that, and by way of vengeance on his own countrymen--all that i have recounted. as for the failures to serve your majesty on the part of our people, i have restrained myself in many respects, for they are more important than i can express; but i advised señor don diego de ybarra of them in the year 1617. i am certain of everything which happened there, as i was present there in person, and saw these things with my own eyes, being in those islands as captain and sargento-mayor, and governing them in the absence of don jeronimo de silva. [29] memorial regarding manila hospital manila, 1618. memorial for his lordship señor don fernando canillo, president of the council of the indias for his majesty, informing him of the injuries and losses which, during the seven years that i served as head brother in the royal hospital of his majesty, were ascertained by me in that time, in order that they may be remedied in the city of manila; and of the good which the brothers of john of god, are accomplishing in these regions. 1. in the time of governor don francisco tello, there was a steward who drew a salary of three hundred pesos, with a hundred fanegas of rice, and two hundred fowls, and lodging in the hospital. 2. another succeeded him, who died owing three hundred pesos, which could not be collected. 3. the second was succeeded by the confraternity of la misericordia, and when they had left the administration there remained a surplus of three thousand pesos. 4. to this third succeeded a person who finally owed the hospital five or six thousand pesos. i believe that they could not collect this sum, because he died at that time; and god knows what evil the hospital suffered on account of the funds thus withheld, as the hospital building was burnt twice in one year. 5. the fifth successor, who was the owner of a horse, sold it to the hospital as a breed horse for the mares, so that the hospital might have a stock-farm. the price paid was four hundred pesos; but the horse was of no use for this purpose, and there was no need of him for any other use, so the said hospital sold him for one hundred and fifty pesos. this steward remained in office two years; and three years passed without his rendering any accounts, and i believe he never did so. he died, and may have rendered a good account in heaven. 6. the fifth steward requested from the sixth a tonelada from the hospital assignment of freight in the ships. he did not lade it, not having the means to do so; he sold it for six hundred pesos, and paid the hospital two hundred pesos. during my time the governors gave to the royal hospital of manila eight toneladas for provisions and utilities. the city sold its toneladas at six hundred pesos, and sometimes more; and the hospital sold its space mostly at two hundred pesos, at twenty-five pesos a pieza. the hospital for indians has two toneladas, and sells them at more than six hundred pesos each. the hospitals which your majesty has in the filipinas islands: the royal hospital, where the soldiers are treated; another in gavite, where the sailors are treated; another for the indian natives, [conducted by] the franciscan friars; another for sangleys, by the dominican friars; another, by la misericordia, for the mulattoes; another, at the hot springs, [30] by the franciscan friars; another in cagayan; another in cebu; another in maluco; and another for convalescents, by the friars who are coming back from the indias. the brothers of the blessed juan de dios will attend to the care of these hospitals, for they are greatly lacking in comforts for the sick. they will save all these losses to the treasury of his majesty, and obviate the offenses which are committed against god. to the steward as salary 500 pesos collected from the encomiendas 200 pesos 200 more from the stock farm 200 pesos from the collector of fowls 200 pesos 1100 pesos [_endorsed_: "the royal hospital at manila. send a copy of these clauses to the governor and audiencia, so that they may name an auditor as inspector thereof; and let the senior auditor, if convenient, fill this office. he shall superintend and audit the accounts of this hospital, and bring its property into the most profitable condition. as for the customs and mode of life of the officials who are employed in this hospital work, if they have committed any unlawful acts let them be punished, if laymen, according to their guilt; and if they be ecclesiastics, let them be dismissed and sent to their own judge. each year, one of the audiencia shall be appointed, in turn, to take the hospital in his charge; and at easter-tide, when the general inspection of prisons is made, the governor shall, on the day which he shall consider most suitable, visit personally and examine into the cleanliness and state of the bedding of this hospital and the others, so that all may be encouraged to the greatest diligence and charity. as for the appointment of a steward and other officials, they shall always be of the honorable and well-to-do persons of the city; and the office of steward shall last two years. if any persons shall be found so suited to the position that it will be necessary to compel him [to serve therein], this shall be done in the best possible manner, so that people may understand that, after the service of god our lord this it is that has most weight with his majesty, in order to employ them in other offices, according to the character and method of their management. let there be placed upon the books of the accounts and proceedings of the hospital a copy of this decree. the council, november 16, 618."] letter to felipe iii from alonso fajardo de tenza sire: having left the port of acapulco on april second with the two ships, men, and other things, as i wrote your majesty from there, god was pleased to allow us to anchor in this port of cavite on the fifth of the past month. one could esteem it a good fortune that although the season was so advanced there were as yet no vendavals in the channel [_el embocadero_] of these islands; for we had suffered many light winds and even calms, and had waited for a ship that joined us, in order not to desert it, contrary to the advice of some. thanks to his divine majesty who gave us so prosperous a voyage, not ten persons dying in both ships. the events of which i found news here are indeed to be deplored. not only was the small almiranta from nueva españa wrecked at japon (news of which was sent in the ship of last year), but its flagship was also destroyed, having been burned on this coast with two other vessels, fragatas, which were with it; and i learned of the loss of the galleon "san marcos" and the burning of two other ships which were being built in the shipyards, to which the mindanao enemy set fire, encouraged thereto by the dutch. i found, also that, of the squadron that was being sent to aid terrenate, one boat was wrecked, while another mutinied--thereby casting shame on the spanish nation and their loyalty, and even giving occasion for some to make comments and to say that the needs of this place, their lack of confidence in its relief, and the departure for another region, could furnish some reason for a similar act of desperation. inasmuch as the number of people who have fled from here by divers routes, especially by that of portuguese yndia, has greatly increased; and considering how this evil report may harm, and how advisable it is to destroy it (although we nave a very pressing need of men), i have granted some licenses--the number i considered necessary and sufficient--so that it might be understood that they have left these islands, and so that the fear entertained by so many of coming hither might be dissipated. for the same reason, i have given certain orders for the payment of necessary obligations, giving two of these to the sailors who were here, and as they ire so few, the so small amount of money spent will create no deficiency. after our aforesaid misfortunes the six galleons that were to be fitted up at the shipyards were, while going there, overtaken by a hurricane, and were all wrecked, together with seven hundred persons whom, it is said, they were carrying--namely, natives, sangleys, and spanish sailors and shipbuilders, and some infantrymen--besides those who escaped, who were very few. consequently, these islands were left without any naval forces and with few enough on land, by the above-mentioned disaster and the many private persons who died on the expedition to sincupura or malaca. the result was very great sorrow to the citizens, because of these troubles, and because general ruy gonzales de sequeira carried an amount of property for them to portuguese yndia, where he died; while the enemy, coming unexpectedly, seized another very large quantity of property, which some say was in excess of two hundred thousand pesos, and others of three hundred thousand pesos. it is certain that the enemy freighted with riches two vessels, with which they came to this coast, lading them even to their small boats; and the same with some chinese craft, with what they pillaged from the sangleys of that kingdom. thus was that so heavy loss caused to this community, which with two such strokes might fear its total ruin; on that account there has been no allotment of the lading space for nueva españa this year, since that of last year, and that trade is the harvest that sustains this country. consequently it has become very necessary to encourage the citizens, seeking innumerable methods of consolation, and facilitating their protection for the future with what means we have. i am trying to notify and assure them that your majesty's reënforcements and protection will not fail them--adducing (and in good faith on my part) all possible reasons why we should promise ourselves and expect that relief, when your majesty learns into how great ruin this country has fallen. for one cannot believe that your majesty will permit the risking of what it is so important to preserve, both for the continuation of the conversion of these souls and that of so many as one may hope will be reduced to the pathway of salvation--a thing by which our lord will be so well served; and for the reputation and even the profit of the treasury, which will not be slight, and which will follow by maintaining these islands. for if we had a fleet sufficient to be able to pursue the enemy, they could not maintain themselves from that day on which we would thus oblige them to divert their attention from their gains and trading, in order to join together for defense. it is quite certain that, in that case, there would be no one in this archipelago who would do anything to lessen respect for your majesty's arms. by doing that, a million per cent would be gained over what was spent on it. otherwise, if the enemy enjoy in any quiet what they claim here, it would appear that they might disturb the peace of portuguese yndia, and even of some portions of the indias of castilla [i.e., the spanish colonies in america], and other places. that would give reason for anxiety, because of the so great wealth that the enemy would thus obtain. it is quite easy to prove this statement, since with only their plundering and the profits from their business, and without their having any right or dominion in anything of importance, the enemy repair the expenses and losses of war, and make the gains that they are known to secure. will your majesty please have this matter considered, and have an efficient reënforcement of seamen and soldiers sent--all at once, or as soon as may be possible--so that having their arms in one fleet, aid may be thus given where and how it is considered most advisable to your royal service. to that i shall attend with what forces i shall have, whether many or few, as will be shown by their deeds--to which i refer, without promising more than the fulfilment of my obligations, with god's help. in order to do thus, i have represented all the above, concluding with what is of most importance to this government, which is reduced, in my opinion, to three points: namely, the commerce of china and nueva españa; the protection and preservation of the natives; and having the sword in the hand, so that one may achieve what is needed and make all things clear. taking this last point as a basis, don juan de silva, my predecessor, must have built that fleet, for which he contrived some ships that he would not have built had it not been so necessary, as experience proved. for until his death, the enemy did not resolve to display the audaciousness that they have since shown here, nor even to conduct their commerce, except with great caution. if i could construct another fleet like it, i would imitate him; but he impoverished the wealth of these loyal vassals of your majesty, the spaniards, and of the wretched natives, to such an extent that many are now in the most dire need. besides, the royal treasury is deep in debt, so that nothing can be extracted from it or from them, which may be worth considering in the present needs. this and the lack of iron and other materials oblige me to reduce the building force for five ships, that, i found, had been ordered to be built, to three, so that i should not run out of the necessary materials, and all of them be left unfinished. then, in case that i have enough, those men could also build the other two. besides, that is also important in order that those ships which are to sail to nueva españa in the coming year may be finished and equipped promptly. i would be very glad were that work further advanced, in order to hasten work on one ship that can be of help to me, equipping it, together with the flagship and another ship of your majesty that is here, so that i may oppose the enemy, whom we are expecting, with three galleys, which can be manned by availing myself of borrowed slaves. however, according to the news received from the king of tidore and from yndia, there are eighteen ships which they say are being prepared in one place to come here, and fourteen in another. although it will be possible for all to come together, and let them be what they may, preparing myself, i am ready with what resources i have for those that may come. news from terrenate advises us that they have sufficient food there to be able to await the reënforcements of food and money that i am preparing, to send them when the weather is suitable. to that the friendship of their neighbor, the king of macaçar, is of not a little aid. with him friendship is being made, and i shall endeavor to preserve it, as i think it will prove of no possible harm but of gain now for many things. galleys are especially desired there, for they now miss the advantage which they gained when they had these, since they now have but one small unarmed galliot. i think that from those that i shall repair here, and from two or three smaller ones that i intend to build, i shall send them a couple of these vessels after the occasion for which i am waiting; and besides that, i think it advisable for the service of your majesty. i shall do it with great pleasure, because i hope that all the aid sent to those forts will make a brave show, for they are entrusted to governor lucas de vergara gaviria, of whose excellent zeal and management i have very good reports, and am well satisfied with him, although there are some who complain of his temper. the vassals of the king of mindanao who were formerly your majesty's subjects have for some years back been acting very insolently, and have been committing so many and so great depredations that already they are causing considerable anxiety. consequently, it is necessary to undertake to restrain them, and to lay hands on them. i shall accordingly try to do so as soon as possible, and for that purpose i shall use the galliots which i have said that i intend to build. i am writing to the viceroy of nueva españa, asking him to send me the aid that he is wont to send other years, in the quantity now necessary, and as is declared in a memorial signed with my signature and those of the royal officials of these islands. i have asked that the money sent be the amount that was asked last year, since that sent then did not amount to the sum generally sent in other years; while the occasion that obliged us to ask for it has not ceased, but rather the necessities caused by the disasters and losses above mentioned have arisen. because of the short time since i arrived here, and the many occupations that i have had in overcoming the hindrance of despatches, in arrears, and in attending to the preparation for many necessities that demanded it, and to the furnishing of these ships that are being despatched now to nueva españa--in which there were very many things to do, to which no beginning had been made--i have not been able to ascertain with certainty who is to blame for the wreck of the six galleons, and why they did not sail out to drive from the coast the enemy who were pillaging along it. consequently, i shall leave that report to your majesty for another occasion. however, i can send with this letter an information regarding this matter, the taking of which i entrusted to auditor geronimo de legaspi, on the advice of the audiencia. the audiencia gave it so that it might be made secretly, on the occasion of a petition that was presented against don geronimo de silva. that petition declared also that neither i nor any one else could be judge without a special commission from your majesty; but that it was necessary to make the said investigation, in order to see by it whether it was advisable or not to prevent the said don geronimo from going hence to españa, as he wishes and is resolutely undertaking to do. for that he assigns as a reason that he considers it a disgrace that one who has governed in this country, in the position and post with which your majesty honored him, should remain here, removed from his office, and liable to ruin, and in danger of uncivil treatment--which one can fear who has so many rivals as he confesses that he has, because of having exercised his duties with integrity. i am trying to deliver him from that inconvenience. he insists on his intention, justifying it with these and many other arguments. as yet the writ has not been examined, and consequently i can not say whether he will go or stay. returning to the matter of the fault for the loss of the said galleons, i hold it certain that documents will be presented in your majesty's council, written by the parties to whom that loss may be attributed; and that, if such should be the case, what each one would write against the other would disclose sufficient reason for need of your majesty's royal clemency. i confess that, as yet, with what i have heard, i would not dare to decide who is entirely to blame for it, or who is entirely free from that blame. for don hieronimo de silva blames the government, by arraigning licentiate alcaraz--who, he says, had charge of everything; while the latter blames don hieronimo. at times one of them blames the royal officials, and some of the people blame them all, opinions being divided. my own opinion is that, whenever the government is divided, very great dissensions and evil results must happen. consequently, i would consider it less troublesome, when there is no proprietary governor, for everything to be managed by the audiencia; for even in affairs of war (which are those of which they can have least knowledge), if they were in charge of these they would endeavor to secure the advice of the military men, who would be best qualified to give it. but it would be far better and more expedient for your majesty to retain in this camp and in the castle of manila two military men of such standing and ability that, when the governor and captain-general is absent, they might succeed to those duties, and to those of the presidency, since no government can be worse than one divided. the exemplification of this can be seen in what has occurred here, if no others offer. on that account, and because of its importance to your majesty's service, i petition you that, if don hieronimo de silva should go, you will please give this army a master-of-camp such as is advisable, appointing him from the persons whom i proposed for it at cadiz, on the eve of my departure for nueva españa. i have been told that licentiate fernando de los rios coronel, who left this country with power to negotiate its affairs, was, among other things, to petition your majesty that a certain portion of lading space be given and assigned to the governor of these islands. although i might be inclined to embarrass myself in this trade, in order to fulfil my obligations to your majesty's service, i would petition--as i do--that no opportunity or occasion be given, so that such governor may be humiliated and declared to be a merchant. for with a limited permission of lading space that may be given him, one can fear that the governor might stretch out his hand farther, and make that his chief occupation--since even without that permission the governor has sometimes cherished that covetous vice too much; and, by whatever path that vice comes and is allowed scope, it tarnishes all the other good qualities that a governor may have, and almost always hinders their use. but if, notwithstanding, your majesty think it not a considerable obstacle, let it be conceded to him who shall succeed me, or to such others as you may please to give it. thereat i will rejoice greatly, to have advantages added to this office which will oblige more persons of high standing to covet it, although i would not be satisfied with those whom this opportunity would incite. in the audiencia and assembly the question has been debated of writing to your majesty about certain points, which have not all seemed so advisable to me as to those who proposed them. particularly so is that of increasing the number of auditors to five, under pretext that we are generally in need of judges because of the auditors' occupations or illnesses. but the reason appears but little sufficient to me, for the suits entered here can be despatched in a few days when the court is assembled, if the time is not wasted. i have seen much time lost in the court by striving to wreak their passions, with which these unfortunate inhabitants are greatly intimidated. this your majesty will have learned by what, i am told, has been written by justices and regidors, and men of all estates, concerning this matter of the audiencia; and some of them have petitioned me to write another of like tenor. they say that the reasons that move them to such a step are the oppression caused by the multitude of relatives and followers [of the auditors]; their appropriation of the offices and emoluments, to the injury of the meritorious; their hatred and hostility to those who unfortunately fall out with them; their trading and trafficking, although it be by an intermediary, since they, being men of influence, buy the goods at wholesale, and protect their agents. many others who speak to me have represented their desire of living without so much encumbrance, esteeming it as thoroughly intolerable. nor does it afford the advantage, mildness and suavity that are found in other tribunals and councils that are under the eyes of your majesty, where one obtains strict justice, administered by upright and holy men--the people here considering that those who are farthest from meriting that name are those who are farthest from the presence of your majesty and your royal counselors, because of the extent to which they forget to be human in their endeavor to be paid divine honors. will your majesty be pleased to have the arguments examined which are given on this matter by those who write and discuss it, and provide what is most fitting to your service. in what pertains to me, i do not petition you for anything in this matter, since in no respect can it be ill for me to have someone to consult, and who will relieve me in matters of justice. during its government, the audiencia appointed men to many posts that became vacant, and several offices for life to those to whom they gave them; besides many encomiendas--partly to those deserving them, and partly to some who do not deserve them so much as do others who, after serving well, were left without any reward. i do not understand how such a thing could be done, for in order to make those appointments needs not only the title of proprietary governor with that of captain-general and president, but also a special decree from your majesty, such as i have and as other governors had. although i am carefully gathering information of what was done in this matter (which all do not approve), and although i shall carefully do what is most advisable for the service of your majesty, in accordance with justice and your royal decrees, yet i petition your majesty to be pleased to declare your royal will--as was done in what provisions were made by the audiencia of nueva españa, although they were made by many auditors and not by one alone, as here--so that we may all regulate ourselves thereby, without exceeding in any particular what pertains to it and what can be done. among other offices provided in the above manner was that of secretary of the registers, which is an office of importance. i entreat that your majesty will be pleased not to confirm its concession, nor that of others of the same date, until you can be informed of the pros and cons regarding it; for it will either be advisable to sell those offices for the relief of necessities here (although i do not think that such sale would go far toward that), or else let the matter take its course as hitherto, so that there be certain offices with which men who have served may be, with these employments, rewarded and gratified. well can your majesty believe that i shall lose no occasion to do what i understand to be advisable for your service, both in this and in whatever else falls to me, and is in my power. i shall now give captain luis de contreras, whom i found filling the office of treasurer of the royal revenues here, one thousand two hundred indians in encomienda (or a few more or less), and a pension of two hundred pesos as a gratification to another deserving man. with that the former will have received a goodly part of the income that your majesty orders me, by a royal decree that he presented to me, to give him in unassigned indians or in those of an encomienda which may become vacant. i could well wish that there were more indians vacant than there are, in order to fulfil all that your majesty orders me, and which the said luis de contreras merits by his character and good qualities. having seen the exactness with which i fulfilled the above, i am told that many are going about looking for decrees and trying to procure them now from your majesty, in order to obtain like encomiendas and other posts. i entreat your majesty to postpone granting those favors until you shall first be informed by your governor of these islands and your audiencia; for not all of them will be so well employed as is the aforesaid, if i may judge from the methods by which i have heard that they are seeking them, as they procure papers by means of witnesses presented on their part, which make much of what in itself is nothing. although the fiscal intervenes in the matter, it is to be noted that no one attempts to make investigations unless in some case when he regards the fiscal as quite on his side. i am told that some persons here are trying to obtain the office of treasurer. besides, that the present holder of it has not left it, i do not as yet know many who could fill the place to be left vacant by him in this charge, because of the many qualifications necessary--namely, trustworthiness, accuracy, system, and other qualities. although i do not think that there is lack of a person in whom these will be found, still i think it necessary to consider carefully the one who should be chosen for this post, to be sure of it. one of the things that your majesty needs most in this county is intelligent clerks for the efficient administration of the royal revenues. and because it is certain that much would be gained by it, i petition your majesty to send half a dozen of them, who shall have been reared in a good school. your majesty should not neglect to order the supervisor-general, tomas de ybio calderon, to despatch one; and i trust that the person whom he would furnish may not be unsuitable. for authority to serve in the more important offices of this profession which should become vacant here, the inspector diego de castro lizon would be quite suitable, and the two brothers, the accountant francisco beltran de manurga and the inspector matias beltran de manurga. either of them is, in my opinion, a person as capable as is necessary for the said offices, as well as for things of more importance. i entreat your majesty to pardon my prolixity in matters in which you have not asked my advice; for my zeal and desire for your royal service, and also for some one who may aid me therein, obliges me to do it. moved by the same cause, i again petition your majesty--as i have done--to send me admiral jusephe de mena with the reënforcements that are possible, or that you please, whether few or many; for in his person alone i shall have one who can help me very well. galleys are of great importance to these islands, and not less for those of terrenate and mindanao, according to what i have as yet been able to ascertain. although they are almost past use, i shall endeavor to place them in the condition and number advisable. but so that they may be of greater service, i need that your majesty command to have sent to me a dozen good men, who understand galleys thoroughly, who may serve as captains, boatswains, and masters, who may teach those who shall serve in those posts to be proficient. for no one here thoroughly understands that calling except captain francisco remanico, who i am told has labored very diligently in this matter, as well as in other affairs of your majesty's service. i also need two or three oar-makers who are good workmen. the shipbuilding carried on in these islands on your majesty's account is the total ruin and death of these natives, as all tell me. for, in addition to the damage caused by it in withdrawing them from the cultivation of their lands and fields--whereby the abundance of the foods and fruits of the country is destroyed--many of them die from severe labor and harsh treatment. joined to this is another evil, namely, that every indian who takes part in the shipbuilding is aided by all the neighborhood where he lives with a certain number of pesos, on account of the small pay that is given them in behalf of your majesty. hence many are being harassed and worn out by these methods, and a great expense is being caused to your majesty's royal treasury. for although the cost of employing the natives seems moderate, their decrease is a very great detriment; while the planking, sheathing, and masts are so poor that they must all be renewed every two years, and sometimes oftener, when the only still useful parts are the futtock-timbers. but all the above can be found and made so much better in portuguese yndia that, considering the avoidance of the above wrongs and the bettering and more satisfactory price of the work, i shall try my utmost to avoid building ships here--sending to cochin to have them built, or to buy them ready built; or sending wherever they may be found better and cheaper in those regions. if, when this should be negotiated, there should be some cloves to send on your majesty's account, the purchase of vessels, as well as that of slaves for the galleys, would be made very comfortably. in the construction of ships that private persons are trying to build in these islands, about which the audiencia is writing to your majesty, i do not find so great an obstacle; for they take no indian forcibly from his house and land for this task, and no indian works at it unless he consents of his own accord to do so. that is done without oppression, and the indian is wholly paid for his work, without the others having to contribute for it. for the smaller-sized ships some better woods are found, which, because they are small, cannot answer for the necessary uses to which they are put in the larger ships. since i do not find any noticeable difficulty in this, i would consider it as very advantageous that leave be granted for the building of those ships, and for navigation among the islands and coasts of this archipelago, so long as they do not extend their voyages to nueva españa and piru. from that it will result that the inhabitants will get some profit, and it will not be necessary to hold all the trade with nueva españa. it will not be unprofitable for your majesty's service to keep some ships here, so that, if need should arise, they might be employed and made useful with the seamen by whom they shall have been manned. since it is necessary that whoever should have a vessel have paid and well-treated sailors, your majesty would come to have all that at no more expense than that of the time while you would employ them; and these your vassals, the natives of this country, would have more relief from the burden; and surely it is pitiful to see the burdens that they carry, and what they endure. the city has requested me to petition your majesty to concede that the encomiendas be for three lives in direct descent, that is, to the grandchildren; and if not, that there be a succession for two lives, in the manner that is requested in their name; and also that they be excused from the necessity of getting confirmations of such encomiendas from the court there [_i.e._, in españa], as that is a matter of great effort and expense to them. what i can inform your majesty in regard to it is that i have heard that they have responded with very great love and loyalty, as excellent vassals, on all opportunities that have offered for your royal service. at present the encomiendas are liable to become vacant more quickly than in the past, even though they are granted for more lives, because of the danger of losing their lives through the more continuous occasions for war--to which nearly all of them go, each one according to his ability. consequently, for this reason not only do i petition your majesty to make them this concession, but also to honor some citizens who have been soldiers, and always are soldiers ready to risk their persons and spend their possessions in your majesty's service. this many have done, most especially admiral rodrigo de guillestegui, who has responded to that and to all the needs that have arisen in the royal service. this relation has been substantiated by public rumor and reputation, without any dissenting voice. since it seems just that services be rewarded, and advisable that those who render them should be honored, so that others may be encouraged, with such an example, to try to merit a like reward, i petition your majesty to be pleased to have this matter considered, and to have him conceded a [military] habit that, he has told me, he wishes for his eldest son. by that it will be evident that services rendered here are also esteemed and rewarded by your majesty with your free and generous hand. inasmuch as i think that i am serving him in this i petition this for him. he who goes as commander or head of the flagship this year is don antonio de leoz, while captain juan baptista de molina--who has already served in that capacity before, and who has been castellan of the fort of this port--fills the post of admiral. they are men who have rendered much service to your majesty; and for many years past they have been enrolled as citizens in this country, so that all the inhabitants here have applauded their choice. it has not yet been possible to conclude the suits that i found docketed against don juan ronquillo, commander of the galleons that last fought at playa onda, and against don juan de la vega, upon and regarding occurrences in the fleet; consequently, i shall be unable to inform your majesty of this matter until a later opportunity. the departure of don hieronimo de silva has been suspended, because certain witnesses, whom he calls his rivals, have accused him in the investigation that i said was being made in regard to him, in such manner that we have been compelled to come to this resolution. he is compelled to clear himself; and although he desires to do so, and to challenge the witnesses by making a counter-charge against them in such manner as he can, i do not know how he will manage it. for, on the one hand, he wishes a judge to try and admit his pleas; and, as for what he does not answer so suitably, he says that he is a religious of the holy order of st. john, and that all those who enter and take part in anything against him are excommunicated. he is seeking for this matter a judge conservator who may punish with censures; and yesterday the provincial of the dominicans came to me to say that don hieronimo had nominated him. we are now halting at this point. will your majesty cause decision to be made as to what it is advisable to do; and whether the residencia of the said don hieronimo must be taken here, and who shall take it; and if possible to excuse me from it, i petition your majesty to commit it to another, inasmuch as i have as yet done nothing touching residencia because i had not your majesty's license or order for it. those who are plaintiffs against the said don hieronimo are complaining that i might do more for their satisfaction. he is also complaining and is angry because he is not to go now to españa. truly i have done what i could without failing in my duty to justice, and have endeavored to pacify each party. had i not done that, they would have brought incriminating documents against one another, each one tarnishing the other's reputation--as is wont to happen whenever there is any passion, even though it be with little cause. i confess that, in order to be surer of the relief for these obstacles, i would rejoice if there were some way so that don hieronimo may go; but the best means for it should be sought. in everything i shall proceed as i think is most advisable to your majesty's service. the archbishop of manila, i am told, is writing to your majesty, petitioning you to command that his stipend be increased. having considered the reasons that he gives--and that, even if there were no other than his residing here in the gaze of so many pagan nations and those of different sects, as the representative of the greatest ecclesiastical dignity--his desire for the means to discharge so many obligations as he has seems as just, for this reason and for the others regarding the archbishopric, as would be unjust my neglect to petition your majesty for the same on my part, because of my ever-present obligations to represent to you whatever i think to be advisable for your royal service. with this letter i send your majesty the declaration of a notary who was prisoner among the dutch, and a document written to me by a father of the society, which came together day before yesterday from terrenate; and also two copies of letters from lucas de vergara gaviria, governor of those forts, and from the king of tidore, which were received a few days before. will your majesty have them examined, for they contain the latest news from maluco. the two vessels that are being despatched to nueva españa are now able to set sail, and will do so (god willing), when the weather is favorable. they go well equipped for the voyage, and the lading well adjusted--more so than has yet been usual here. they carry excellent crews, artillery, sufficient arms, and good rigging, and a great quantity of that, in order to spare your majesty the expense that is incurred in nueva españa--where each quintal [of rigging] costs, delivered in acapulco, about fifty pesos; while here it costs only one-tenth as much. as great preparation has been made in the candles for the lanterns, [31] and other things, for the same purpose of lessening the expense. and, while discussing this matter, i cannot refrain from again petitioning your majesty, in order to fulfil my obligations and my desire for your royal service, to order that the clerks and the treasury employees that i have requested for this place be sent to me; for they are very necessary in order to aid more efficiently the service of your majesty, whose catholic person may our lord preserve, as is necessary to christendom. in this port of cavite, and bay of manila, august 10, 1618. already on this day (the above date) the ships are to leave this bay, because of the favorable weather that has come. all the pilots are of opinion that they will not be lost, and that our lord will guide and convey them with all safety. it has seemed best to the audiencia that a certain report be sent to your majesty in this letter, of which it took charge, made against don hieronimo de silva; consequently i am sending it in accordance with their opinion, since they are lawyers. nevertheless, my opinion was that it should be suspended until the trial of the said don hieronimo, and the truth were known with certainty; and not to discredit him beforehand with depositions of certain persons, by whom he has been accused, without allowing him any opportunity to defend himself. _don alonso faxardo de tença_ [appended to the letter are the following letters on moluccan affairs, mentioned by fajardo.] _letter from manuel ribeyra, s.j._ as i arrived from this voyage from maluco ailing and crippled in one foot, i have not gone to pay my respects to your lordship and to welcome you, in accordance with my obligations, to these islands, whither in a time of so great need our lord has brought you for the relief of all of them. i give a thousand thanks to your lordship for the so signal grace that you do me in ordering me to advise you briefly of the condition of maluco, and of whatever i deem in need of reform, trusting that i shall only pay attention in this to the question how their two majesties, the divine and the human, may be better served; and that i shall proceed throughout truthfully and with integrity, as a religious of the society, which i am. in order that i may comply with what your lordship orders, i declare, sir: that the forts of terrenate, tidore, gilolo, tafongo, and payagi (which are all that the king our sovereign possesses in the maiucas islands) are in the best condition in which they have ever been; because for a year past, since master-of-camp lucas de bergara gaviria has been governing them, he has labored at their fortification, so that all are in an excellent state of defense. at present there is no cavalier in maluco that is not built of stone, although until now many were built of fascines, and whenever it rained heavily they were washed down, and at times with the death of those in them. besides that, he has had the island of tidore and the post of socanora fortified; this is very important, as the enemy try so hard to take them. thus it is in security, and he has also enclosed and surrounded the two towns in the respective islands of tidore and terrenate, which were outside our forts, with two curtains of rampart which are very good and very strong. although our forts in maluco have at present the artillery necessary for their defense, still that does not prevent the very great need that is experienced there for three or four good pieces of long range, so that they may be placed in tidore, don gil, and tomanira. those are the three forts that we have on the three channels where the hostile ships generally enter and leave, without our being able as yet to do them any damage. not less necessary do i consider it that we should always have galleys in terrenate; for lack of them our reënforcements this year were so hindered, and the flagship was lost. since no pay has been given the soldiers in maluco for many years, and since all the food and clothing that is sent from manila is very little, they are in great need. accordingly it appears, advisable for your lordship to aid them liberally, since they merit it. in order that the soldiers in maluco may not become desperate, and so that one may find men there who will offer to serve your lordship in that camp willingly and gladly, it will be very advantageous for you to send one or two new captains with their companies every year, and to withdraw a like number. since operations in the forts of terrenate arc carried on among moros, and they know very well the dignity which each one has on his entrance into the country, we have seen by experience that it is a very great cause of trouble to give there the dignity of captain to those who entered as soldiers; for the natives do not esteem them as is right, and continually lose respect for them. not only are all those who are now there of that class, but there are some among them of whom the moros say--of one, that they have little acquaintance with him, and that in the markets, when he was buying fowls and all the other things used at his master's house; of another, that they know that they insulted him. thence arose the saying of the king of tidore, that he wondered that such men were made captains of the king of españa. to all this is added the fact that little dependence can be placed on them for any occasion where honor is concerned. consequently, i judge that after accommodating such men here, it is advisable to give those posts to new captains. in maluco are many old and deserving alferezes, whom it seems that your lordship should summon and grant favors here. all the infantry was giving as a whole great satisfaction, and throughout this year not one has gone over to the enemy, although that was formerly very common, and although the captains and other persons complain or the temper and harshness with which the master-of-camp, lucas de bergara gaviria, treats them. i affirm, sir, that even so zealous a servant of the king ought to show some toleration; and, moreover, that can be remedied with a word from your lordship. i remember also that last year, by his going to terrenate, he resuscitated that country, and since then until now the soldiers have had food, obtaining all that is sent them from manila. this, sir, is what i can briefly say of the condition of maluco, which through his divine majesty, i hope is to make progress since the happy arrival of your lordship, whose person may god, our lord, preserve to us for long years, as he can do, and as is necessary to us. from this house of the society of jesus at cavite, august 10, 1618. the humble chaplain of your lordship, _father manuel ribeyra_ _copy of a letter written by lucas de vergara gaviria, governor of terrenate_ on the eleventh of the present month i despatched the ship "san buena ventura," in which i informed your lordship of occurrences here. that same night the ship "santa margarita" reached this port from manados with the cargo brought by the fragata "san miguel," which returned to those islands. this ship brought the orders that its commander says were given him by francisco rosales, master of the "san miguel," in which your lordship orders a quantity of cloves to be prepared to send to eastern yndia, in order that it may be exchanged for the supplies necessary for the fleet; and that two thousand three hundred pieces of chincheo cotton are sent for it. i answer that i have them, and assert that your lordship ought to have that master punished; for he did not give those orders to the accountant, pedro de almansa, when he left the ship at manados to come here. had he done so, there would have been, notwithstanding the season, some cloves which could have been bought, although not all the quantity ordered, and although it could not have been done when they arrived. at that time the selling had already been finished, and the spaniards who lived there had a great quantity of goods in their houses on account of the scant supply of cloves; for the harvest was not so great as was expected. consequently, as soon as i received the order sent me, i ordered a factory [i.e., trading post] to be established, and your lordship's orders to be executed. however, these four months no cloves can be traded; for until the end of that time the trees will not bear. consequently, although great efforts be made, we shall not be able to send to yndia until next december or january. besides that, there would be great delay in buying forty-five bares [32] of cloves with cotton alone, which would be the amount at the prices current this year. in order that this may be done more quickly, it has been decided to put with them other kinds of cloth bought in yndia, since these moros wish to have a choice, some asking for one kind of cloth, and others for another. thus all manner of care possible will be given to this matter. today when i was with the king of tidore, he told me that he had heard sure news from the ternatans that the natives of the islands of vanda, together with the english who have a fortress there, had given poison to the dutch who live there, from which many had died; [33] that their commander lorenço el real, was very much reduced; that the dutch had taken two english ships which were cruising about there, and had put the englishmen in the galleys; and that the dutch fleet is coming to these islands to the number of eighteen ships and two galleys. he also said that the fort of ambueno was burned, where that fleet has stopped until it can be rebuilt; but that they consider it certain from what they write that they will be here sometime in the month of july next. i am putting these forts into as good a condition of defense as is possible with the few men that i have. for never were there fewer spaniards in these islands; since, if occasion should arise, i have not twenty men with whom i could reënforce any fortress, without creating a notable scarcity in the others. it cannot be less, since last year only thirty soldiers came, whom i brought; while in the two companies of this year have come forty-six. a like number of sick and crippled men have gone to that city [of manila]; while there are others here who have died; and many are sick, who with more reason would be occupying the hospital than the sentry-boxes, were not the necessity so pressing. although, thanks to god, as they are provided with food, they get along reasonably well on the little clothing that has come, yet i am continually having their garments patched. thus everything possible is being done to encourage and please them, and i think they are in that condition. i have, glory to god, as i wrote to your lordship, rice in the magazines to last until the end of next april, with the precautions that i am taking, making use of that which came from macasar. my greatest cause for anxiety at present is my lack of a galley or two in order to oppose to those that they say that the enemy is bringing; for i have nothing but one rotten galliot--and that without crew, as i have written--which is the vessel that i seized from pedro alvarez de abreo. i am repairing it, in order to do what is possible with it, and to attend to the communication with these forts, which are situated at points so dangerous. will your lordship send me a galley or two as quickly as possible, in order that i may do this better, and work what harm i may to the enemy (for these boats are the necessary things in this island, as your lordship knows; and the enemy, knowing this, are not afraid of us). i need also some money and clothes for these poor soldiers; and some cloth from yndia, if there is any, in order to put it in the factories as agreed upon, at the account of his majesty; and some men, since they are so necessary. therefore with what the galley or galleys that may come can bring, since i have rice for the time above stated your lordship will not need to be in haste to send me help in defective vessels. but then i hope, god helping, that the fleet will have arrived from castilla, and that it and that of those regions will come, even though somewhat late, both to bring that aid safely and to achieve the results that his majesty desires, since these dutchmen are quite stripped of men; and although they have many ships, and those from olanda, they do not expect reënforcements as abundant as hitherto. it appears that all the natives are already turning against them, and are continually supporting the english in these regions with greater forces. the latter are so very hostile to the dutch, that they will hasten to profit by a very good opportunity. [34] i regard it as certain, that in case that we wish to avail ourselves of the forces of the english, if our own are insufficient to destroy these dutchmen, they will aid us in it very willingly, by short agreements that might be made with them. i know that this cannot be a bad thing for his majesty, but very good. this english captain who is here has told me that if we wish to bring this about, his nation will do it. i advise your lordship go that should necessity, perchance, compel us to undertake this, you may know what we are doing here about it. his majesty's two fortresses in gilolo, as your lordship knows, serve only as garrisons for eighty soldiers, sixty of them spanish. they are continually dying and falling sick, and because of our lack of men in these forts, which are of importance, those men would prove very advantageous here, while there they are of no use. whenever the enemy may attack them in force, they cannot be succored by either sea or land. consequently, i think, for these and other reasons, that it would be wise to withdraw them before the enemy oblige us by force to do so. will your lordship order this to be considered, and ordain what is most advisable. at present the enemy have two ships, as i wrote in my previous letters. the surgeon sent by your lordship for this hospital i am sending back, as he is useless here--both because father fray juan de santamaria, a lay brother of st. francis, is here, who attends to this with charity, willingness, and great skill; and because the former has certain defects or excesses that are not suitable for a country so short of the sort of thing that he specially cares about, and of which even the sick are in want. consequently, he would do better in panay or la pampanga, and his majesty would save six hundred pesos of salary. just now i learned from the king of tidore that many dutchmen were killed at the burning of the fort of ambueno. yesterday a ship arrived at the forts of malayo from the sunda. i suspect that it does not bring altogether pleasant news, for it entered very silently. all say that the fleet in ambueno will come. however, it is said that the commander lorenço el real and other captains were killed in that fire, besides other prominent people. consequently there are three of the enemy's ships here now. the ship "san antonio el chico" [_i.e._, "the little"] is going with this despatch, and the "santa margarita" will remain here. further nothing else offers at present of which to advise your lordship, whom may our lord preserve with all possible prosperous estate. tidore, june 30, 1618. _lucas de bergara gaviria_ as i have heard that governor lucas de vergara gaviria is giving your lordship a long account of the condition of affairs in these islands, i shall not say more in this than to refer to his letter, and only to greet you in my own name, and tell you of the so great afflictions of these islands. never have they been seen in such a condition, both because of the disastrous loss of the fleet of vessels that was expected here this year with a great force, and because not even one galley was sent, from three or four that are cruising about there, although it is known that some islands and forts cannot have communication with others except by means of galleys. for they are our succor from dangers, and protection to the besieged, not considering that one galliot here now is such that, rather for reputation and ostentation than for use, the governor preserves it. for that reason, the scarcity of succor, and the news of the loss of the fleet, the courage of all has been greatly moderated, while that of the enemy has been strengthened. and so when they heard of it, they were very glad and went out to collect their ships in order to attack these strongholds of his majesty and my land. although they come, as they have published, with fifteen or twenty warships and two galleys, i am very confident that they will accomplish nothing; because we are so well fortified and supplied with provisions which come from macaçar and from those parts that the governor has protected. by the help of god's favor, i am at present making an effort in this my city to resist the enemy by all ways. but it may be understood meanwhile that your lordship should succor these forts promptly, with great liberality and urgency; for otherwise, if any thing be lost (may god forbid), let it be known that i have done my duty, since for many years i have advised this, and from now i give notice that this is not to be charged to my account. for since, when we were expecting a great force, not only it did not come, but only this little succor was sent, this people did not take it well; for they considered the failure as indicating rather the little power of the spanish king than the present need of those islands. i have received the chain and stuffs, although these were wet, and value them as is fitting. there is nothing else to say except this, may our lord preserve your lordship for many long years, as i desire. tidore, may seventeen, one thousand six hundred and eighteen. i, pedro muñoz de herrera, who exercise the office of court clerk of the royal audiencia and cnancillería of the philipinas islands, at the order of don alonso faxardo de tença, comendador of castilla, of the order of alcántara, member of his majesty's council in the states of flandes, governor and captain-general of these said islands, and president of the royal audiencia therein, had this copy made from an original letter. it appears to be signed by a character in letters said to be of terrenate and of the king of tidore. it is like others from the said king that i have seen. it is a true and faithful copy, and was corrected and collated with the said original letter, which his lordship the governor said that the said king of tidore had written to the governor of these islands. in order that that may be apparent, i gave, at the said order, this copy in the city of manila, july twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and eighteen. witnesses at its transcription, correction, and collation were ambrosio del corral, pedro de belber, and pedro muñoz de herrera, junior. _pedro muñoz de herrera_ we, the undersigned notaries, certify and attest that pedro muñoz de herrera, by whom this copy is authorized, enjoys and exercises the office of court clerk of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these philipinas islands; and is held and considered as faithful and accurate; and entire faith and credit has been and is given to the acts and other despatches that have passed and pass before him, both in and out of court. given in manila, july twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and eighteen. _alonso gomez_, royal notary. _joan de iya_ marin, notary public. _bartolome de quesada_, royal notary. letters from felipe iii to fajardo the king: to don alonso faxardo de tenza, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. you already know that the preservation and maintenance of those islands in all peace and prosperity consists principally in the good government of him who has them in charge, by the equitable administration of justice, the furtherance of the public welfare, and the increase of my royal exchequer. owing to my great desire that this should be secured, in such manner that what has been deficient there in the past may be supplied and the affairs of the islands more successfully managed in the future, it has seemed best to advise you that, since the citizens and inhabitants of those islands have suffered so many hardships and calamities, having been harassed by enemies, and on this account their property having been greatly reduced, you will exercise the greatest care in endeavoring to have them rewarded with the offices and other positions that are distributed in those islands, in accordance with their merits and services, so that in this way they may be consoled and encouraged. you will likewise see to it that the natives are well treated, so that they may not be annoyed or molested with new services and requirements. the most important thing that presents itself is the great and excessive expenditure which is incurred by my royal exchequer in the islands of maluco, for, according to information received, it amounts to two hundred and twenty thousand pesos; while i have not any profit in all those islands, for the dutch enemies buy all the cloves and other drugs at a much lower cost, whence they derive great profits--as is evident from the forces which they use to get possession and make themselves masters of those islands. and it is the general opinion of zealous, unbiased, and trustworthy persons that my servants, captains, and other officials who have governed those islands, with a commission for their own profits and investments, have taken advantage of the opportunities and trade which they should have maintained and secured for my royal exchequer's increase, and have charged to it all the expenses, they alone having received the profits, without considering that a large part of what the enemy gains is lost to my treasury through lack of faithful service. as this matter is so worthy of correction, and so necessary for the preservation of those islands and the aid of their expenses, i command you to apply to this evil the remedy which i may expect from your loyal zeal, showing yourself entirely disinterested in whatever concerns yourself and your senator, so that you may be an example for the rest. you are free to investigate the offense which any servant of mine may have committed in this matter, and this i order you to do. you will proceed against such persons in conformity with justice, and will punish them with great severity, applying to my royal exchequer all that may result from the fines that you may impose. you will exercise especial care and judgment in all ways and means that are practical and possible, to introduce the greatest possible profit and benefit that can be obtained from the trade in cloves, by such measures as may appear to you best, buying the spice for money or cloth, or in whatever way may be most convenient. if for this purpose it be necessary to provide money or cloth, you will do so as shall be expedient, conferring in regard to everything with the audiencia, the royal officials, and other persons of experience, choosing the best and soundest course advised. for all this is necessary, and is undertaken in order to direct our energies to the defense of the islands, and to try to extirpate the enemy from them. if the latter end cannot for the present be accomplished by force of arms, yet this communication, trade, and bartering of cloves with the natives, and the employment of gentle but necessary means to secure their obedience, will diminish the strength of the enemy, which consists solely in the advantages that they possess. all this is hoped from your prudence, although in my royal council of the yndias the expediency of a factory or administration is being considered, and of one person who should have the management and responsibility of all in terrenate, as may be best for the benefit of my royal exchequer. as the number of six hundred infantry for the garrison of the fort of terrenate besides the two hundred pampangos who are also in service there, seems more than is necessary for its defense, considering that they do not go out into battle, you will take under advice whether this body can not be reduced to a smaller number at a less expense, without being greatly crippled. for the principal thing to be aimed at is the preservation and defense of that fort, and after that the sparing of my royal exchequer. you will order that the supplies and money for the soldiers be at your own disposal, with the sworn statement of a notary, for there is no royal official there; thus, as these troops will be effective, they will not be defrauded as they have been in the past. you will likewise try to abolish all the superfluous strongholds, both in those islands and in terrenate; for those named in the memorial which accompanies this, signed by juan ruiz de contreras, are not considered necessary. you will advise me when you have done this. considering the great expenses incurred for the reënforcements that are every year sent from nueva españa, and the great importance of avoiding the cost and adding to the funds of the exchequer, you will refrain, so far as possible, from demanding articles that can be found in those islands--namely, the products of either nature or industry there--or what can be brought from other regions with greater economy. for it is understood that in the past there has not been the reflection and good judgment in this matter that is right; but, on the contrary, the officials and ministers have made a profit from it. and since, by one of my decrees, it concerns you, by virtue of your office, to decide the affairs of war and government so as to have knowledge of them, and it has been learned by experience that if these powers be not rightly used much loss and trouble has resulted therefrom, i charge you implicitly that the decisions which you shall make, in the matters which may arise, be as reasonable and moderate as is necessary for good government and administration of justice, so that the improvement thus brought about may be recognized and become evident, to the satisfaction of those concerned; for the remedy that may be expedient will be applied in another way. it has also been understood that the officials of my royal exchequer in those islands, in complying with an order of mine to the effect that in any emergency when it would be imperatively necessary to incur some new expenditure they should join with the governor and audiencia there and discuss the matter, and the result of the voting by majority should be carried out, advising me thereof--with this opportunity many expenses have been incurred, and salaries and stipends increased unnecessarily, for private ends of individuals. accordingly, i command you to see that the expenses be not incurred except in sudden cases of invasion by enemies, since otherwise results so much loss to my royal exchequer. it has also been understood that the religious orders resident in those islands live and comport themselves with more freedom and liberty than is proper, conformably to their profession and regulations, and particularly so the augustinians. it is also stated that occasional fees and dues that they levy for masses, burials, and suffrages [for departed souls] are excessive; and likewise that they erect buildings and church edifices and their own houses, although they have no authority to do so except with my express permission, or by asking it from the governor of those islands, and then only in case of urgent necessity. under this pretense and others, they make allotments [of service] and new imposts, on merely their own authority, upon the indians, who are distressed and overburdened. for the remedy of this, it has seemed best to charge you to maintain all the authority that you can, to prevent this from being done. for this purpose you will join with the archbishop, and both will summon the provincials; and, telling them the information that i have of this matter, you will charge them to make the reformation which is in every way obligatory upon them, since it is so greatly to the service of god our lord and the public good, as may be seen. madrid, december 19, 1618. _i the king_ by the command of the king our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the members of the council. the king: to don alonso faxardo de tenza, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. you were advised by a letter of mine, of the same date as this, of the arrival of your letters written at the port of acapulco; and we answer this separately because the matter is a more serious one than can be treated of in connection with your government. it has seemed best to advise you of the state of affairs, and of what, as now appears, will be the only possible remedy for the preservation of all those regions. you are well aware, through the information that you carried from españa, of the embarrassed condition of my royal inheritance, wasted in the defense of our holy faith, and unavoidable expenditures to oppose its enemy and others who have attempted to cause its decline--whom it has been necessary to oppose, in order to preserve the faith, thus causing enormous expenses. as aid for the conservation of my kingdoms, it has been necessary and unavoidable to use the wealth brought by the people of nueva españa; but the supplies and expenditures drawn from my royal exchequer for those islands are so consuming and reducing that account and fund, to such an extent, and with so injurious effect, that it hardly comes in but it must be paid out. considering that what is carried in exchange for the quicksilver [35] is revenue derived from the same merchandise that was sent, while the receipts from the bulls for the crusade are (as you know) but moderately successful, you are accordingly informed of this in such detail, so that you may understand how assured is the loss that is set forth to you. this loss would become greater if the account were measured by the demands that are sent from filipinas; for then the proceeds of neither the quicksilver, nor the crusades, nor anything else would be enough even for the maintenance of those islands and those of terrenate, according to our experience thus far. the result is that we are compelled by necessity to choose [as we do] in order not to allow affairs here to go to ruin for lack of money, which is not to be thought of. for you are aware of what importance this is, being the essence and substance of the rest; and it neither ought nor can be supposed that we should not heed the expenditures for filipinas that have been made from my royal inheritance, which amount to more than seven millions, as has been proved. if there were no other consideration than the mere protection of religion and of the persons who live in those islands, it would oblige us to consider the expense; but we must do so all the more in this state of affairs, as it means the continual remittance and expenditure of money, and all things cannot be attended to. the matter has given us anxiety, as you will understand, regarding this condition; and, after consideration of it, the following measures are proposed to you. since the income from the revenues which belong to me in those islands is considerable, you will try so to apportion it, and with such prudence, care, and system, that they may be maintained and made comfortable by it, since nothing more can be done than, by resigning any profit from them, to appropriate all the proceeds from that country to the islands themselves, without any profits whatsoever to another country. as for the measures to be pursued in executing this henceforth, no other rule can be given you more explicit than what you, the audiencia, and the royal officials shall find it practicable and proper to apply. it is likewise understood from thoroughly reliable persons who have come from those islands--religious, and others who have brought letters recommending them--that there are in those lands many well-known mines of gold and other metals, which, if they were sought out, would be of great utility and value; and that, if they were worked, their proceeds would be sufficient not only for the expenses there, but even for the aid of those here. these persons say that the reason why the mines have not been operated has been a lack of energy and diligence for the benefit and increase of the royal exchequer; and the fact that they had the treasury of nueva españa as a protection, and so accessible for all the expenses that have arisen. accordingly i charge you very particularly that, with the fidelity and promptness that is requisite for so urgent a necessity, you will take measures to investigate this matter, and obtain from it as much profit as you can; for the peaceful products of the soil will always be certain, and it would be a great pity to lose what might aid in so urgent a need. for this purpose you will make an examination of all the mines that are or may be known, offering rewards and other advantages, honors, and gratuities as may appear expedient to you, in order that the mines may be discovered and worked, as they should be, making the diligent endeavors that are necessary in such an affair. in order that you may better manage it, it has seemed well to me to send you the two papers inclosed, signed by juan ruiz de contreras, so that you can examine and consider them with attention and careful consideration, in order that your mode of procedure may be assured, since the facts in the case are already so. as the most important point that you will have to guard is that the indians be not troubled or annoyed, and that no sort of injury, or service, or annoyance be inflicted upon them, you will avoid so far as possible these difficulties; and by prudent and cautious measures will try to gain their good-will, until you have acquired suitable knowledge of the situation and richness of the mines. it is also a matter of great importance that the religious who give instruction shall aid, as is explained in these papers--to which effect letters are being written to the provincials of the orders of st. dominic and st. augustine, which were sent to you with a copy of each, which they are to receive from your hand. you will talk with them at the same time, availing yourself of all means which may appear to you of use to persuade them that they will thus do a great service to our lord; and that by so pious a work they will better the present condition of affairs, and aid the public cause. you must see that this is the most important part of your government, as if you were sent there for this and for nothing else. for greater satisfaction and surer success, i command you that as soon as you have received these letters you shall--with the aid of the notary-public of the royal officials, or of your secretary, as may appear best to you--compile a book, in which, after you have inserted these letters and other documents, you will enter the orders that you may give, and the decisions that you may make. accordingly, there will be evident from them both the time that is gained or lost in the execution of your orders, so that with this guide you may govern to better advantage; likewise, exactly what has occurred in every matter will be clear to me. it would also be well if all the documents, letters, and other papers that you may have in relation to this subject were placed in separate files. in this book recapitulate the papers briefly, referring to the originals; and as you are aware of the importance of good counsel, you will try to avail yourself of the persons whom you may think most capable of giving it to you. if you think it well to convene any assembly, you will do so whenever expedient. in this way you may be advised not only of the importance of this matter, but likewise of the best means available for this country, so that, with your prudence, you may choose the most useful, and avail yourself of whatever benefits or funds may be secured from them. madrid, december 19, 1618. _i the king_ by command of the king our lord: _juan ruiz de contreras_ signed by the members of the council. [_each letter is endorsed_: "to the governor of the filipinas, on various matters."] filipinas menaced by dutch as i think that this will be a service to the divine majesty and to the human, and a benefit to this new world--in the west, to the philipinas; and in the east, to yndia (whither i went some years ago on an embassy for don joan de silva and this commonwealth of manila, and took note of its temporal and spiritual condition)--i am resolved to write this letter to your lordship, in whose hands our lord has placed the preservation of this kingdom, and consequently the conversion of numberless souls; perhaps our lord will choose that in this way may be attained that which numerous letters from these islands to the royal council of the yndias have failed to accomplish. your most illustrious lordship may rest assured that if his majesty does not actually send a great reënforcement of military aid to these islands, they must be lost; and, besides, the royal crown of españa will meet the necessity of defending itself, with greater expenses, from the nations who will make war against it from this direction. although i am no prophet, i dare to assert that in these seas we shall see the bloodiest battles that have been fought for many years, and that they must result in great injury to the kingdoms of nueva españa [and españa]. this discourse of mine is based on a syllogism. all nations of the world are moved by interest, which is the loadstone of hearts. we see men going down, as they have gone, into the depths of hell for silver and gold; no one can doubt this axiom, and it has no need of proof. the minor premise is this, founded on experimental knowledge--namely, that the greatest source of profit that has been known in our times, the best proved and the most certain, is this of maluco and philipinas, whither come the nations of the north, and all other nations who course over this wide sea of india as far as maluco, where they find that brown gold that they call cloves, and the white silk of china. they barter for or rob persons of the cloves, as well as mace, cinnamon, pepper, and other drugs, which, when carried to their own country, are so much gold-dust. the silks and wealth from china they seize here at the passage to manila, from various unarmed vessels; and from a people who let their hair grow long, like women, and know not how to defend themselves, so that those robbers have here a sure booty and prize. i shall presently tell you of the great value of these things, when carried to their own countries; i am now proceeding with my account from the proposition that the greatest source of gain in the world lies in these islands. all the nations know well that they need not go to nueva españa to conquer it, or to plunder the silver in the mountain of potosi, or to the islands of salomon--which, although they were at one time famed for riches of gold, have proved to be enchanted. [36] florida, that it cost the french so dear to enter, is already deserted as useless; from brasil no profits are obtained; from the wars of flandes men gain nothing but bullets and glory. you may turn the needle to every point on the globe, and you will find that there is no place capable of so much profit as are these islands. in order to reach them the foreigners have throughout all yndia the ports of the heathen kings, which are more numerous than our own. the dutch have factories in currate [_i.e._, surat], in paliacate on the coast of malavar, in the jabas, and in sunda, achen, macasar, and maluco, where they are establishing themselves and obtaining a foothold. above all, they have one in japon, where they find all the supplies necessary for their voyages. i shall tell you now of the culmination and result of their commerce. a single ship that arrives from these islands with cloves, mace, drugs, silks, etc., yields an immense amount of money; for they carry the goods that are shipped from these islands and from eastern india through all the northern countries, and the kings give them free passage for their goods and remit duties. they have factories or correspondents in olanda, zelanda, escocia, ynglaterra, yrlanda, dinamarca, norvega, francia, alemania, alta and baja germania, colonia, baviera, austria, ungria, boemia, as far as transilvania, and in our kingdoms inland from sevilla. this was stated by the dutch general blancorte [_i.e._, van caerden], whom we held prisoner here. from all this, the conclusion of the argument is that, as all the nations are moved by interest, and as the gains from these islands are so great, we shall have all the nations here; and indeed we have--not only the dutch, but the english, who are a people of more ability than the dutch have; and all these seas are open to the french, and to all other nations. who doubts that it costs the king dearly, in course of time, to reënforce us? for twenty years we have been hoping for the coming of a fleet and galleons, and none have come save a few small caravels brought by ruy gonzalez de sequeyra to open up a way for trade to sevilla; and eight galleons that were made ready for our aid, which put into gibraltar, so that no aid has come for us. in the mean time the dutch have new galleons every year, and the islands are already in the worst of straits. your lordship may believe that the governors--now, it may be, to show themselves better servants of his majesty; again, to keep themselves longer in the government--have promised more than the land could raise. the truth is that the islands are utterly drained by the wars and the loss of the six galleons which don juan de silva had built, and with other misfortunes that have been written to the king our lord at greater length. it is a marvel that don alonso de faxardo has not died or become grievously ill with pain at finding these states so weakened, and his honor and that of the crown of españa so jeopardized. if any one thinks that eastern india can aid us, i have seen, and don geronimo de azevedo, viceroy of india, assured me, when he gave me four galleons with five hundred infantry and ninety-two pieces of artillery, that he was giving all he had to give. and this was true, for he dismantled the forts to arm the galleons, and the latter were burned by the dutch in the year one thousand six hundred and sixteen; so that we depend upon españa alone for our aid. although the great advantages that have been enumerated should be enough to cause this aid to be given, yet for the pious and so christian heart of your lordship i think it better to set forth the multitude of souls converted--who in the time of don francisco tello, governor of these islands, numbered six hundred thousand baptized; and this city of manila, small as it is, is the key to such great kingdoms as japón, coria, great china, sian, patan, camboja, the xavas, sunda, and maluco, with which manila is encompassed as is the center of a circle by its circumference. if your lordship have any interest in its preservation, i hope, through the divine majesty, that it will be kept, for the honor of the lord himself. may he protect your lordship for many years, according to the desire of your humble servant and chaplain. manila, december 20, 1618. _joan de ribera_, rector of the college of the society of jesus at manila. [_endorsed_: "madrid, november 20, 621. to the council for examination."] documents of 1619-1620 philippine ships and shipbuilding. sebastian de pineda; [1619]. royal decree regarding religious expelled from their orders. felipe iii; february 19, 1619. proposal to destroy macao. diego aduarte, o.p.; [1619]. relation of events in the filipinas islands, 1618-19. [unsigned]; july 12, 1619. letter to felipe iii. pedro de arce; july 30, 1619. letter to felipe iii. alonso fajardo de tenza; august 10, 1619. grant to seminary of santa potenciana. juan oñez, and others; 1617-19. reforms needed in filipinas (to be concluded). hernando de los rios coronel; 1619-1620. _sources_: all these documents save one are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the fourth is taken from a ms. in the real academia de la historia, madrid. _translations_: all these documents save one are translated by james a. robertson; the fourth, by herbert e. bolton, ethel z. rather, and mattie a. austin, of the university of texas. philippine ships and shipbuilding _relation by captain sebastian de pineda, on matters relating to the filipinas islands_--_both the building of galleons, pataches, and galleys, and other means of defense; and various things regarding the preservation and safety of the said islands_. [37] sire: in those islands is found a wood called _maria_, [38] which is used to make all the futtock-timbers of all the galleons, galleys, and pataches; and all the knees and compass-timbers, of all sizes required. there is much of this timber from which to select, although, because of the ships built by don juan de silva, the supply of it is now obtained from a distance. that wood is used only for this purpose, for the tree is short and not straight. capstans of one piece, gears, and some stringer-plates [_trancaniles_] for the curved parts of the prows of vessels and the snatch-cleats for the wales, are also made from that wood. that said wood is very durable, and is of such quality that once a nail is hammered into it, it is impossible to withdraw it without breaking it; and when a nail is hammered into that wood it does not hole or chip. if a ball be fired into it of the size of eight libras or less, it does not pierce the wood; and if the ball is large, the wood is not splintered. on the contrary, the hole is stopped up at its entrance and egress with the chips forced out by the ball in its passage. that wood is very light, and has a very poor grain for working. there is another wood called _arguijo_, [39] which is very strong and heavy. it is a certain very tall and very straight tree, like the pine. from it are made the keels, beams, false keels, wales, mast heads [_calçetes_], and pumps, of whatever size required; for that tree, as above stated, grows very tall and straight. gun-stocks, gun-carriages, and wheels for the artillery are also made from that wood. there is another wood called _laguan_. [40] from it is made all the planking and sheathing with which the galleons and galleys are planked. from those trees are made the masts, topmasts, and yards of the galleons and galleys. the said tree grows very straight and thick, so that the flagship galleon has its mainmast from one, that is seventy-two _codos_ [41] long and fifteen palmos in circumference, all in one piece. the sheathing and planking hewn from the above-named trees for the sheathing of the ships is one palmo thick and three or four wide, and the shortest is twelve brazas long. these planks last a long time under water, as the ship-worms do not hole them; but above water they warp and rot, so that they do not last more than two years--and especially on the decks, if they are not calked during the winter. the greatest danger is that, on account of the haste used in their construction, time is not allowed to cut the wood at the conjunction [of the moon], and to leave it during a year to season, as is required; for if that is done, it lasts much longer. for of all the vessels built during the term of don juan de silva, the galley which was longest in building did not take six months; and all the timber for them was hewn and put in place when green, for the vessels were being built while the wood was cutting. there is another wood from which is made planking for the galleys, which is called _banaba_. [42] it is a certain short tree, about four brazas in height. the galleys are sheathed with it, for the ship-worm bores into it but little. the planks are one and one-half palmos broad. there are but few of these trees, and consequently they are used only for the above purpose. there is another wood called _maria de monteguas_, [43] which differs from the first wood of that name. from it are made timbers [_latas_] for the decks of the galleys, as well as oars for the said galleys. the latter are also made from another wood called _guijo_, [44] but these are much heavier than those made from the wood _maria_, and last a long time. there is another wood called _dongon_, [45] which is very strong, and of a yellowish color. from it are made stringer-plates, chocks of the bowsprit, coamings of the hatchways, strakes and stanchions for the decks. if all these woods are cut at the conjunction and decrease of the moon, and seasoned, as above stated, for one year, the ship will last much longer; for if they are cut and not seasoned, one must tear up the decks every two years and put down new ones, for they are rotten. likewise the planks along the sides must be changed, with the exception of the futtock-timbers and top-timbers made of the wood _maria_; for that wood, although cut and not seasoned, never rots, because it is always durable, in one way, without rotting. there are many other kinds of woods which are also used for the above purposes. [46] the shipyards of the galleons built during don juan de silva's term were thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, and eighty leguas from the city of manila, in different places: namely, on the island of marinduque, where the galleon "san juan bautista" was built, which is forty leguas from manila; in the province of camarines at dalupaes were built "nuestra señora de guadalupe," and the "angel de la guardia" [_i.e._, "guardian angel"], fifty leguas from manila; in the province of ybalon at bagatan were built "san felipe" and "santiago," eighty leguas from manila; in mindoro was built the galleon "san juan bautista," fifty leguas from manila; in marinduque was built the almiranta "san marcos," forty leguas from manila; in masbate was built the royal flagship "salbador," seventy leguas from manila; in cavite were built the "espiritu santo" and the "san miguel," two leguas from manila, in the port where the fleets anchor; in the port of cabite, six galleys; in the city of manila, two. those who cut these woods and build these ships and galleys are indian natives of the said islands. they are carpenters, who are called _cagallanes_ or _pandais_ in their language. those indians who are no more than woodcutters, and serve only as hewers and planers of wood, are paid each seven or eight reals a month, and are given daily rations of one-half celemin of rice. those of better trades than the latter generally earn ten or twelve reals a month. those who are masters--the ones who lay out, prepare, round; and make the masts, yards, and topmasts are each paid three or four pesos of eight reals a month, and double rations. when a fleet was being prepared in cavite there were generally one thousand four hundred of these carpenters there. just now there are very few, for when the mindanao enemies burned one galleon and two pataches in the past year, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, which were being built in the shipyard of pantao, sixty leguas from the city of manila, they captured more than four hundred of the workmen, and killed more than two hundred others; while many have died through the severe work in the building. and because, they have been paid for five years nothing except a little aid, many have fled from the land; and so few remain that when the last ships sailed from the city and port of manila last year, six hundred and eighteen, there were not two hundred of those indians in cabite. [47] the iron used in the construction of these ships and galleys is brought from china and japon to the city of manila. don juan de silva sent patterns of all the nails, and excellently made ones were brought, and cost your majesty but eight reals per arroba. iron is brought in the rough and is wrought in cabite, and costs your majesty but twenty-four reals per quintal of five arrobas. there all the nails and bolts are wrought, as well as _estoperoles_, [48] tacks [_tachuelas_], and everything else needed. the native indians who act as smiths are paid twelve reals per month, and the angley [_i.e._, sangley] chinese smiths twenty-eight reals per month, and their ration of rice, which is equivalent to one-half a spanish celemin. each of these chinese works one arroba of rough iron into nails daily, and is paid only the said twenty-eight reals per month. that does not amount to one real per day, and they work from midnight until sunset, which is their workday. the nails and iron shipped to the said islands from nueva españa cost your majesty, delivered in the city of manila, more than twenty reals of eight per quintal, while there they are made, as above stated. but notwithstanding the above, i assert that it is necessary to ship annually from nueva españa to the said islands two hundred quintals of rough and sheet and rod iron for some necessary articles, such as borers for the artillery cast in manila, and rudder-pintles and rudder-gudgeons for the ships and galleys; for the iron of bizcaya is more ductile than that of those regions [_i.e_., china and japon] because it is as strong as steel. the other iron things above mentioned that are sent from nueva españa to the said islands are unnecessary, for their cost per quintal, when delivered in manila, will buy four quintals in the said islands. the said two hundred quintals could be shipped on your majesty's account from sevilla where it costs three or four ducados per quintal, and be carried by the flagships and almirantas; thus it would not be necessary to buy it in bera cruz, at nineteen ducados per quintal. it would be of the highest importance to cover the ships with lead at manila, which would obviate careening them every year. don juan de silva neglected to do that, because he was always in haste to resist and attack the enemy. lead is also shipped from nueva españa to the said islands. more [than that amount] is shipped [however], because it is brought from china and japon at cheaper rates. it can be worked in cabite in order to lead the ships, and in that way your majesty will save many ducados every year. the rigging in the said filipinas islands is of two kinds: one, which was formerly used, is made from the palm called _gamu_, [49] today used only to make cables, stays, and shrouds; the other is called _abacá_, and is a kind of hemp, which is sowed and reaped like a plant in piru and tierra firme called _bihau_. abaca is much stronger than hemp and is used white and unpitched. this abaca costs twenty-four reals per quintal, and is made into rigging in cabite by the indian natives, in the sizes and diameter required. these indian ropemakers are furnished, in repartimiento [50] in neighboring villages, and your majesty pays them eight reals per month and a ration of one-half celemín of rice daily. a task is assigned to them, for they work from midnight and until the close of the next day. the total cost per quintal of this native rigging is about fifty reals. that shipped from nueva españa, which is bought in beta cruz and delivered in the port of acapulco, costs your majesty two hundred reals per quintal. it generally reaches the said filipinas islands rotten, and is of no use. if your majesty will order the ships to sail from manila furnished [with rigging] for the return voyage, that would, in the first year, put a stop to shipping any [rigging to manila]. the canvas [_lienço_] from which the sails are made in the said islands is excellent, and much better than what is shipped from españa, because it is made from cotton. they are certain cloths [_lienços_] which are called _mantas_ [_i.e._, literally blankets or strips of cotton cloth] from the province of ylocos, for the natives of that province manufacture nothing else, and pay your majesty their tribute in them. they are one tercia [_i.e._, one-third of a vara] wide, and as thick as canvas [_angeo_]. they are doubled, and quilted with thread of the same cotton. they last much longer than those of españa. one vara of this cloth [_lienço_] costs less than one-half real. the thread of the same cotton with which they are sewed costs twenty reals per arroba. the cloth brought from nueva españa costs your majesty, when set down in the city of manila, six reals per vara. also the thread shipped from nueva españa to sew the sails costs, set down there, six reals per libra. the thread made of hemp when used with cotton canvas [_lienço_] is of no use, and does not well endure transportation. the ships sailing from manila to nueva españa carry sails for the return voyage and nevertheless have to make others in the port of acapulco. it is also the custom to ship pikes with their iron heads from nueva españa to the said filipinas islands. delivered in the city of manila, they cost your majesty more than thirty-two reals apiece; but, with thirty-two reals, they can make forty pikes in the city of manila. it is a weapon that is worthless in those islands, and it is not used in them. and even if they were used, there are shafts in the forests of those islands, and the native indian smiths can make the heads. a number of old pipe-staves and iron hoops are also shipped from nueva españa to the said filipinas islands. delivered in the city of manila they cost your majesty a considerable sum of ducados. that expense can be avoided; for, when those staves arrive there, they are full of holes and rotten, and quite useless. the hoops alone serve in manila to make nails and bolts from them, which thus come to cost fifty ducados per quintal. they can be made there for thirty-three reals. it is sufficient to carry those pipes that hold the water and wine in the ships. for the ships' supply of water, they generally make vats when the ships leave there [_i.e.,_ manila], each of which carries thirty pipes of water. further, there are many earthen jars, which are brought from china and japon. consequently, one can make the above articles there, and more cheaply, for much less money than what is paid there. flour is also shipped in pipes from nueva españa to the said filipinas islands, which they say is for making hosts. that is unnecessary, for the said islands have an abundance of flour, which is shipped from japon and china so cheaply, that it costs sixteen reals per quintal in the city of manila. that shipped from nueva españa costs your majesty, delivered in the said city of manila, more than eighty reals per quintal. from nueva españa to the said filipinas islands are also transported in the [ships], _habas, garbanzos,_" [51] and lentils, which are for the provision of hospitals, fleets, and convents. it serves no other purpose than to arrive at manila rotten; and if any arrives in good condition, it does not seem so. for the provision of the fleets, a grain [_semilla_] is grown in that land [_i.e._, filipinas] which resembles beans, and is very cheap. consequently it is unnecessary for the ships to carry more than what they need for their voyage when they leave acapulco. a quantity of _gerguetas_ [52] are also shipped from nueva españa to the said filipinas islands. they are said to be for the use of the soldiers, but that is unnecessary, for that land has other kinds of cloth--both those that are produced there, and others that come from china--which are better and cheaper. if your majesty will order that to be stopped, it will be of much importance to your royal treasury, and will increase it by many ducados; while it will benefit greatly the soldiers who serve your majesty in those islands, for, when this cloth is delivered there, they are obliged to take it. in the former year of six hundred and sixteen, seven galleons were stationed at the city of manila and the port of cabite, one of which [53] came built from yndia, and was bought in pinacan for the service of your majesty. the other six were built in the time of don juan de silva, and don juan ronquillo [54] took them all when he sailed in pursuit of the enemy at playa honda. these said galleys were in the greatest need of being repaired--one because it was very badly used up in the fight, and another because its decks had not been changed for two years; while most of them were holed along the sides by seaworms and leaked badly, and all their masts, yards, and topmasts were rotten. consequently, don geronimo de silva, captain-general of those islands, was preparing to send them to be repaired (except three) to the island of marinduque, forty leguas from manila, in order to avoid the expense of hauling the wood, while awaiting the arrival of the ships from nueva españa in which don alonso fajardo came last year (one thousand six hundred and eighteen), in order to repair the said galleys with that money [brought by those ships]. he also intended to hold them in readiness, in order to comply with your majesty's orders, sent by a despatch-boat, to keep them so prepared that they might join the fleet that was about to sail with reënforcements by way of the cape of buena esperança, to make the journey to the malucas islands and drive the enemy from them. it was necessary to equip two of the said seven galleys so that they could come to nueba españa last year, six hundred and eighteen, with the usual merchandise. consequently only five were left--or rather six, with that in which don alonso fajardo arrived. since the said don alonso fajardo has reached manila and finds himselt with only six galleons, it becomes necessary to build some more; for, if the fleet from españa has not sailed and the enemy learn that manila has but six galleons, they will go to the mouth of the port and repeat their performance of last year, unless they go to el embocadero [55] to await the ships from nueva españa with the reënforcements, for, in order that the loss of manila and maluco may be completed, nothing else is wanting. as above stated, it will be necessary for governor don alonso fajardo to devise immediate means for building galleons and to repair the six at manila. i regard the present building of ships in that country as impossible. for with the former ships and fleets, and with the depredations and deaths caused by the enemy in those districts the natives are quite exhausted; for, as i said above, in the former year of six hundred and seventeen the mindanao enemy captured four hundred native carpenters and killed more than two hundred others. the year before that, six hundred and sixteen, in the expedition made by don juan de silva to the strait of cincapura, where he died, it was found from lists that more than seven hundred indians, of those taken as common seamen (of whom more than two hundred were carpenters), died on that expedition. before that, in the year six hundred and fourteen, the said mindanao enemy captured in the islands of pintados nine hundred odd indians, of whom but few have been ransomed. in the shipbuilding and in the hauling of wood many have died. consequently, on account of all combined, there is a lack of natives for the above works. therefore your majesty must order the said don alonso fajardo, governor and captain-general of the said islands, that in case galleons are to be built, it should not be in the islands--on the one hand, on account of the short time that those woods last, and on the other because of the lack in that land of natives (occurring through the above-mentioned causes, and because those natives in the islands are serving in the fleets as common seamen and carpenters). in order that, those islands might have and keep ships that last thirty years and cost the same as in manila, or less, your majesty must order the governor to order them built in yndia in cochim; for they can be built there very strong, and at less cost if the said governor sends men for it from manila--both masters and other persons, who know the art of having them built. when built, they can bring a cargo of military supplies, lumber, and slaves from cochin to manila for the galleys of manila, for the said slaves are valued at very little in cochin. as common seamen the men used in navigating in those regions will serve, namely, the lascars; and a ship of six hundred toneladas does not carry sixteen spanish sailors, but negroes and lascars (who are a mahometan race), with whom navigation is performed throughout those islands and kingdoms. those islands have so few natives, that if your majesty does not expressly order no vessels to be constructed in them, not any of their people will be left, for as a result the events that have happened in those islands for the last eight years, both murders and captivities, many of those who have been left, who are constantly coming to nueva españa, every year as common seamen in the vessels that regularly sail, remain in nueva españa. in the galleon "espiritu santo" which came last year, six hundred and eighteen, were seventy-five native indians as common seamen, but not more than five of the entire number returned in the said galley. if your majesty does not have that corrected, the same thing will occur every year, and should your majesty not correct it, the following things will occur. the first is the great offense committed against our lord, for many (indeed most) of those native indians of the filipinas islands who come as common seamen are married in those said islands; and, inasmuch as they are unknown in nueva españa, they remarry here. another wrong follows which is very much to the disservice of your majesty and your royal treasury, which is caused by the said indian natives of the filipinas islands who come as common seamen and remain in nueva españa; and if it is not checked in time, it will cause considerable injury to these kingdoms. this consists in the fact that there are in nueva españa so many of those indians who come from the filipinas islands who have engaged in making palm wine along the other seacoast, that of the south sea, and which they make with stills, as in filipinas, that it will in time become a part reason for the natives of nueva españa, who now use the wine that comes from castilla, to drink none except what the filipinos make. for since the natives of nueva españa are a race inclined to drink and intoxication, and the wine made by the filipinos is distilled and as strong as brandy, they crave it rather than the wine from españa. consequently, it will happen that the trading fleets [from spain] will bring less wine every year, and what is brought will be more valuable every year. so great is the traffic in this [palm wine] at present on the coast at navidad, among the apusabalcos, and throughout colima, that they load beasts of burden with this wine in the same way as in españa. by postponing the speedy remedy that this demands, the same thing might also happen to the vineyards of piru. it can be averted, provided all the indian natives of the said filipinas islands are shipped and returned to them, that the palm groves and vessels with which that wine is made be burnt, the palm-trees felled, and severe penalties imposed on whomever remains or returns to make that wine. incited by their greed in that traffic, all the indians who have charge of making that wine go to the port of acapulco when the ships reach there from manila, and lead away with them all the indians who come as common seamen. for that reason, and the others above mentioned, scarcely any of them return to the said filipinas islands. from that it also results that your majesty loses the royal revenues derived from those islands, inasmuch as all those indians are tributarios there, and when absent pay nothing. among those filipinas islands is one called mindanao which is more than one hundred leguas long. it is very densely populated by its natives, who are exceeding great pirates and hostile to all the other natives of all those islands subject to your majesty. and chiefly to the spaniards. they generally go in a certain kind of boat called caracoa on piratical expeditions, in which they commit signal depredations in all the ports and along all the coasts of those islands, killing and capturing the people of them, and burning and ruining the country. they have done that on many occasions, particularly in the former year six hundred and seventeen, when they allied themselves with the dutch enemy, who came that said year with ten galleons to attack the city and port of manila. the said mindanao enemy came at the same time with ninety caracoas to the aid of the dutch, and destroyed and burned many places along those coasts, and took many of their people captives. among other things they arrived at the shipyard of pantao with their fleet, where at your majesty's orders a galleon and two pataches were being built. these were more than half built, and the mindanaos burned them and captured more than four hundred persons, besides killing more than two hundred others. after burning all the military stores, they proceeded on their voyage toward manila, and went to within ten leguas of the port of cavite, whence they returned upon learning that the dutch fleet had gone on ahead. consequently, not only for the said reasons, but because of the lack of men among the natives in the said filipinas islands, it will be highly important for the conservation of the islands for your majesty to order that no ships be built in them, since there are so many places, so well provided in everything, as have been proposed, to enable them to be built in yndia. on the route between manila and the malucas islands is a port of the above-mentioned island [i.e., mindanao], called la caldera. there the boats put in to get water and wood. formerly, before the alliance between the natives there and the dutch enemy, the vessels, ships, and galleys put in there and went to get fresh supplies, both going and coming. now not only are they not permitted to obtain the said supplies, but the vessel, galley, or patache, that puts in there to get water, is surrounded by their caracoas, and its crew killed and captured. on the contrary, they give the dutch enemy so friendly a reception that the latter always keep their ships there, lying there in wait until those of his majesty, that carry the aid to the said malucas, pass by. in order to destroy that said island of mindanao and its pirates, without the necessity of spending for it anything from your majesty's royal treasury, it needs only your majesty's orders to make slaves of the said mindanao natives of that island--since they are infidels; and they have profaned the temples and committed many cruelties in your majesty's settlements along the coasts of those islands which they have captured--and your majesty's permission that all who desire may take up arms against them, both the natives of the said islands, and the spaniards, at their own cost. only with that will the said island be conquered and subdued, and the so many injuries resulting therefrom to all the said islands and to the. malucas will be checked. _a report on the measurements of the galleons in the filipinas islands in the former year 1617 is as follows_. the royal flagship, called "salvador" measures 60 codos along the keel, 12 in floor, 82 from stem to stern [i.e., length over all], depth of hold 19, extreme breadth 26, sternpost transom 12; lower deck 15 codos, upper deck 19, with the space between of 4 codos. the galleon "espiritu santo" (the one in which don alonso fajardo came last year 1618) measures 50 codos along the keel, 10 in floor, 70 length over all, 17 depth of hold, 23 extreme breadth, 10 sternpost transom; lower deck 13 and one-half codos, and upper deck 17. the galleon "san felipe," 50 codos along the keel, 10 in floor, 70 length over all, 15 depth of hold, 22 and one-half extreme breadth; lower deck 11 and one-half codos, upper deck 15, and sternpost transom 11 codos. the galleon "santiago" has the same measurements of keel, floor, over all, depth of hold, extreme breadth, and sternpost transom, and the same space between decks. the galleon "san juan bautista" has the same measurements as "san felipe" and "santiago." the galleon "san miguel," 49 codos keel, 10 in floor, 68 over all, 18 depth of hold, 23 extreme breadth, 11 sternpost transom; the lower deck 14 codos, upper deck 18. "nuestra señora de guadalupe," 46 codos keel, 9 in floor, 64 over all, 13 depth of hold, 21 extreme breadth; lower deck 9 and one-half codos, upper deck 13, sternpost transom 10 codos. the ship [_nao_] "san laurencio," which was built in yndia 23 years ago, measures keel 46 codos, over all 60, 12 codos depth of hold, 19 extreme breadth; and it has three decks, quarter-deck, and forecastle [_castillo_]. [_endorsed_: "captain sebastian de pineda. to don alonso fajardo, a duplicate, of the same remaining here. the council, may 26, 619."] royal decree regarding religious expelled from their orders [_note at beginning of document_: "church of manila. your majesty confirms the statute made by the dean and cabildo of the metropolitan church of manila, in the philipinas, in regard to the expelled professed religious, of the orders not being admitted to _dignidades_, [56] canonries, or curacies of indians or spaniards in those islands."] the king: report has been made to me in the name of the dean and cabildo of the metropolitan church of the city of manila of the philipinas islands, that in respect to my having ordered that ministers of instruction be men of good life and morals, as such is necessary for the good of christianity, several religious who had been expelled from the orders were admitted as ministers of instruction because of the need in those islands for such ministers; and that as experience has since demonstrated the unsuitability of those men for the said ministry, they have refrained from employing such; and that, in order that the remedy may be efficacious and obviate the negotiations and methods of such persons to procure the benefices, they made a statute whose tenor is as follows: "in the city of manila, on the eighteenth of august, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, while assembled and congregated in meeting, to wit, bishop don fray pedro arce, bishop of the city of santissimo nombre de jesus and its bishopric, and governor of this archbishopric, and the dean and cabildo don francisco gomez arellano, dean, and commissary-subdelegate gabriel de la santa cruçada, archdeacon don juan de aguilar, precentor santiago de castro, school-master don rodrigo diaz giralthe, and keeper of relics don luis de herrera sandoval; canons tomas de gimarano, don miguel garçetas, juan de la cruz, and alonso garcia de leon: racionero don francisco de baldes, and medios racioneros [57] tomas de vega and pedro flores benegas--the said bishop proposed with conclusive and sufficient arguments the great hindrances that, as the proved experience of all has shown, follow to all this kingdom from admitting to dignidades, canonries, and benefices professed religious who have been expelled from the holy religious orders as a penalty and punishment for their offenses, inasmuch as the abovesaid was prohibited by law and sacred canons established in a most christianlike manner by the provincial mexican council. that council enacted a special decree expressly forbidding such appointments, and mentioning the many just reasons for their action, and the state of affairs in the yndias demanding it, inasmuch as the prelates and venerable fathers who attended the council were very well acquainted with the yndias. it is not the least consideration that the said expelled religious cannot reap a harvest in a century. nor can they derive any advantages which will result in a real adjustment of their difficulties, so that thus with greater ease they, returning to their senses, may aspire to regain their habit and order which they before professed. [such proceeding by the ecclesiastical authorities] will restrain the diligence and effort that other religious might employ in deserting their orders if they saw the said expelled religious given posts as dignidades. as they saw, and considered as assured, the great service they would be doing to god our lord and to his catholic majesty who is incurring so heavy expenses to his royal patrimony in bringing each of the said religious to the yndias--and these are the greatest consolations that he sends to these so remote islands, a plant which, because of its tenderness and newness in the faith, is shocked at the change that is seen in the habits [i.e., robes] of the expelled religious. this furnished a reason to his majesty, carlos fifth, our sovereign of glorious memory, for the same prohibition; and he ordered that, as soon as the said religious were expelled from their holy orders, they be put aboard ship and sent to the kingdoms of castilla, and not be allowed to remain or live in the yndias. therefore, having thoroughly examined, conferred over, and considered, they all unanimously and fully in accord resolved to enact a statute in this archbishopric in the following form and manner: 'we ordain that, now and henceforth, no one of the professed religious expelled from the religious orders now, or hereafter to be, established--whether from the religious orders now established in the church of god, or from those which shall be established later--or the professed members of the fourth vow [58] of the society of jesus, shall be admitted or appointed to dignidades, canonries, or curacies, of spaniards or of indians, throughout this archbishopric. those expelled from the said society of jesus, and who shall not have taken the fourth vow, may, three years after their expulsion and dismissal from the said order, if they have given therein a good example in their lives and morals, and if they are of such stamp that they may be of advantage for the edification and welfare of souls, be admitted by the prelate, now or hereafter, to the benefices which are curacies of the indians--but only outside of this city; and not to the said canonries, dignidades, or curacies of spaniards or indians within this city. and inasmuch as this holy church recognizes that it is under obligations for many reasons to his royal and catholic majesty, the king our sovereign, as being his foundation, and that it will not be proper to enact or make any statute without his pleasure and order, they determined to go before his royal person and entreat him humbly to confirm the present, and consider it fitting, as a matter of so great importance to the service of god our lord, and to that of his royal majesty, and to the increase of this holy church. _fray pedro_, bishop of santissimo nombre de jesus. _dean arellano_ the archdeacon of manila. the schoolmaster of manila. _precentor sanctiago de castro_ the treasurer of manila. _canon tomas gimarano_ _canon garçetas_ _canon juan de la cruz_ _canon alonso garcia de leon_ _racionero don francisco de caldes_ _racionero tomas de bega_ _racionero pedro flores benegas_ before me: _alonso ramirez_, secretary of cabildo." and my royal council of the indias having examined the said statute, i have considered it advisable to have it confirmed and approved, as by the present i do confirm, and approve it. and i request and charge the archbishop of the said metropolitan of the city of manila--the one now in office, and those who shall be archbishops hereafter--to observe, fulfil, and execute it, and cause it to be observed, fulfilled, and executed, completely, according to its contents. i declare such to be my will. given in madrid, february nineteen, one thousand six hundred and nineteen. _i the king_ countersigned by juan ruiz de contreras; and signed by the council proposal to destroy macao the royal council of the indias has tried many methods to prevent considerable amounts of silver being sent to the philipinas from nueva spaña; but those methods have been without result, as experience has demonstrated. one has occurred to me, and i think, god helping, that it will have good results. it is as follows: the inhabitants of the said islands have no other means of support than commerce, and in the shelter of their trade is sustained all that church which now numbers so many faithful that it already has an archbishop and three suffragan bishops for its government. inasmuch as that trade has hitherto consisted of chinese merchandise with nueva españa, it has been, and is, necessary to obtain from that country the value of the merchandise in money, and to take the money there in order to make the investment of the following year. trade is there [_i.e._, in the islands] like sowing in order to reap; and consequently, if the door were to be partly closed to this trade, the said inconvenience would cease. the door might be shut without any harm to the said islands, if another door were to be opened to them, which would be also as remunerative as the other, and would not be with his majesty's countries. in this way his money would not be taken away, for they could engage in that trade with japon. in this same manner as the inhabitants of manila lade the silks that they buy in that city from the chinese, and send them to nueva españa, they should lade them to send to japon, where there is a great consumption of these goods and much excellent silver with which to buy them. this would be a very good thing for the people of manila; for, although the profits for any year might be less than those of nueva españa, still they would be more sure, because of the much greater frequency and shortness of the voyage. furthermore, they would enjoy the entire proceeds from the returns for their goods. of the returns from nueva spaña they enjoy only to the sum of five hundred thousand pesos--the amount that his majesty allows to be sent annually to the philipinas, and no more, although the value of the goods in mexico amounts to much more. besides that, this relationship with japon would prove very beneficial to the philipinas for their security; because the japanese are those who are more feared in the islands than all the other neighboring nations, for they are very courageous and arrogant. consequently they would prove excellent friends to oppose the dutch, who are navigating those seas. also by means of this trade the church of that kingdom, which is now so disturbed, would be made safe. by it would also be reëstablished the trade of the indias with spaña, from which so many profits would follow if that drain of money to the philipinas were stopped; and it would be without hurt to those islands. this trade between manila and japon has already been usual for many years, although in ships of small burden. it has been demonstrated by experience that if all the trade to japon were theirs, all that country [_i.e._, the philippines] could be very easily sustained without needing anything further from nueva spaña and spaña than soldiers and the products of those countries. consequently it would be sufficient for two small vessels to sail in that route of the south sea. that would cost but little and that expense might even be met from the royal treasury of manila. but the greatest bulk of this trade is from the portuguese of macan, a town on the chinese coast, which is about the same distance from japon as manila. all its inhabitants, in number about three hundred, support themselves by that trade; for, although they have other trade, it is of slight importance. therefore, it is advisable, in order to attain the said trade, that that town be abandoned, and that its inhabitants go to live in other cities of india. they can do that without much injury to their goods, since they carry them all by sea; and anywhere they have trade by way of the sea. in order to dismantle that town, it is sufficient for his majesty to order that nothing be freighted thence to japon, but only from manila. thereupon all the inhabitants would immediately pull up stakes [59] and leave that place. although such a thing appears harsh, and seems like falling out with one saint to placate another, still it will seem an easy and very advisable measure to those who have seen that town, or know it close at hand--and there are several such persons here in this court. and even if it were not evident that the good results above mentioned would follow from it, this step should be taken as a policy of good government, as such a course is advisable for the service of god. for his name is blasphemed by the people of that kingdom of china because of that town of macao--such are the deeds of its inhabitants; for they live as a people without any master, and are not under the control of his majesty, for the dwellers in that town are not his vassals, but those of the king of china. they pay tribute to him, and are subject to his mandarins, but not to others. consequently his majesty does not derive one maravedi's profit from it, while he incurs considerable expense; for he supports all its ecclesiastics out of his royal treasury of malaca, for the honor of the portuguese nation. for there they are so subject to those mandarins that, unless they kneel on the ground with both knees, they cannot talk to them; nor can they build one palmo of a wall, even in their own house, without the mandarin's license, while [they practice,] besides, innumerable infamies. [the transfer of] those people will be for the welfare of the state of yndia, because its fortresses are without soldiers, by reason of the lack of dwellers in their ports. for the portuguese, being so eager for liberty, go to live in the lands where there is most liberty, as in that land of china and that of vengala. there go most and the best of the soldiers of yndia, who take service with infidel kings and fight in their wars. thence it follows that india is lost, land and sea, while the dutch have become masters of it; and through their efforts much of the commerce between certain ports has ceased. the consequence of that is that the public storehouses [at macao?] have become very poor, on account of the deficiency in their usual supplies; and they do not possess the means to bear the expenses, either in war or in peace, for the food of laymen or ecclesiastics--nearly all of whom live on what is paid to them by the king. consequently, were that town of macan dismantled, at least that protection would cease; and they would settle in his majesty's lands, as is just, since the majority of them have gone to yndia at the cost of his royal treasury. that would also be a matter of importance for the welfare of the kingdom of portugal, since that country gains so much in having a quantity of silver sent to spaña from the indias, because of the large amount of it that oozes from the latter country into portugal; and just so much more would flow thither as less is drawn off from spain to other parts. portugal does not enjoy one single maravedi of the fruits of the trade of that town, all of which are consumed in it and in china, where it is situated. besides for the maintenance of portugal's state of yndia, the helpful proximity of the philipinas is of much more importance to it than one or two towns of that state, for it has been very evident, for some years past, how important are the forces of the philipinas to cope with the common enemy of both states, namely, the dutch. those forces have been sufficient to defeat the dutch more than once. since money is what enables war to be carried on, it is advisable for both states that philipinas have considerable of it, at so little expense to the state of yndia as the possession of a town--at least, one of the importance and advantage which we have mentioned--and also at little expense to the treasury of his majesty and of his kingdoms. only two objections can be opposed to this, but they are only apparent objections. the first is that two ships are wont to ply between goa and china every year for cargoes of silk, which are afterward consumed in india. that is the chief trade of the portuguese in india. those vessels anchor at the city of macan, and thus it seems as if [the abandonment of] that city would cause the lack, [of a port] there for this trade. but i answer that this is not so; for the chinese would not deny the port to the portuguese, since they do not deny it to many other nations who trade in their country without having a town of their own there. on the other hand, the chinese use that town of macan so harshly, that were it not for the large amounts that its inhabitants owe them for the goods that the chinese have supplied to them on credit, the latter would already have driven the inhabitants of macan out of their country. but the chinese act thus toward the portuguese, and treat them like negroes, so that they should go away [of their own accord]. that town is rather a very great injury to the portuguese merchants who sail from goa in the said ships--so much so, that they avoid trading with its inhabitants, who generally sell the goods that they have bought from the chinese during the year, to the goa merchants at higher prices than the chinese themselves ask. for several years, the merchants in that region have been wont to go with all their silver twenty leguas up stream in small boats to the city of canton, in order to trade with its natives, leaving their vessels in the port of macan--the inhabitants of which are mocked and disappointed in the profit that they expected from the coming of the ships. the second objection is that, were that town abandoned, all hopes for the conversion of that great kingdom--which seems to have made a beginning through macao--would be crushed. but to that i answer, that macao is rather the great hindrance to the conversion; for the infidels only see in that town evil examples. it is a great inconvenience to have the portuguese so prominently before the chinese, for the latter judge from them that all other christians must be like those whom they see there. besides the ministers of the gospel, who would have to conduct the conversion, cannot enter the interior of the country unless in native costume--as is done there by some fathers of the society--and under protection of certain natives who conceal them. that can also be managed from manila, in the return voyage of the chinese ships, as well as from macan. consequently, the suppression of that town by taking away its trade involves no injury, but rather the said advantages. and, if there were any difficulty, one should reflect which is the greater--to abandon a church like that of the philipinas, with so great a number of the faithful, from which so much more may be expected, since there is hope that from the philipinas it could extend to all that world (which is, beyond comparison, much more densely populated than this world of our europa); or, in order to preserve the church, to use the lands of his majesty so greatly to their injury; or to order three hundred inhabitants to settle in another region, and to abandon that location. may god give understanding to him who shall have to decide this matter. i pass over any other better opinion. i am of the above opinion, and affix thereto my signature. at santo thomas, etc. _fray diego auduarte_ [_endorsed_: "have this sent to don alonso fajardo, so that after examining the contents of this paper--which was furnished by a competent person, who has spent considerable time in those islands--he may use what portion of it seems most advisable, in accordance with the present condition of affairs. the council; may 26, 619."] relation of the events in the filipinas islands and in neighboring provinces and realms, from july, 1618, to the present date in 1619 these philipinas islands are surrounded by so many and various neighboring countries that they are like the center of a very beautiful circumference composed of cities, kingdoms and provinces. the condition of this district depends so much upon that of other places that it will not be inappropriate to relate briefly what has occurred this year in these other places, in order better to understand the present state of affairs here. and if the description of any places should not fulfil this purpose, it will at least serve to give an interesting notice of countries so far away. all that is written here is taken from relations and letters which our fathers have sent from various places, and from what i have seen this year in this country. _of eastern india_ to begin with, the most notable of the events that have occurred in india is the destruction of the city of baçani, a very beautiful city, and important as containing many portuguese hidalgos. it was situated on the north coast, opposite the mogors, with whom the portuguese carry on war. [60] it was very well built of stone, with seven good monasteries of various orders; but its great strength was not sufficient to defend it from the powerful hand of god, who chose to raze it to the ground. to accomplish this, he employed all four of the elements: the water, which fell in a great deluge from the heavens; the air, which broke loose in the most horrible and furious winds ever known; the earth, which trembled terribly; and fire, which, wishing to serve its creator in no uncertain manner, shot out its tremendous bolts into the air and discharged them over the miserable city. with such powerful enemies all the buildings fell down--not one stone remaining upon another--except a chapel of our lady of health [_nuestra señora de la salud_], and part of the convent of st. francis, where some people took refuge. there were lost, in the river more than sixty vessels loaded with provisions, bound for goa; and two others from ormuz, one coming and the other going. this destruction took place on the seventeenth of may, 1618. the reason for it only god, with his unbounded wisdom, knows. all that we here can understand is that the sins of the city provoked his wrath, and that for two years past interdictions and censures upon it have been continuous. even the day before this disaster occurred, god took from it (as he did another [?]) father rodrigo, of the society, who was one of his zealous servants, and transported him to another and a better life. when news of this reached goa, great demonstrations were made there to appease the wrath of god, that he might not afflict that city as he had afflicted baçani. _of great china_ in china, within recent years, a very severe persecution of christians broke out; and on account of the enmity of a mandarin, who was the cause of this storm, four fathers were ejected from the residences of sanguin and paquin [_i.e._, pekin]. one of them was father diego pantoja, [61] a native of toledo, a noted religious, one of the most noted men who have been in china, and one who has learned most of the chinese letters, sciences, and language. upon reaching macan from his exile, this father passed from this to a better life. there still remained in china eight fathers of our society. these, with some others, are cultivating the vineyard of the lord, maintaining in the faith those already converted, and bringing into it others, who, forsaking the false belief of idolatry, receive the water of holy baptism. in short, these fathers are promulgating the holy gospel. they write that they found, in one of the many provinces of that extensive realm, a people who worship the holy cross, and who are called christians--although they are so only in name, for they are in truth heathen. they also found a synagogue of more than twelve thousand jews who live under the law of moses. [62] the tartars, who usually are at war with the chinese, this year invaded china on the north side by way of the border province of lona [_sc._ liao?]. [63] they routed the chinese armies, made a great slaughter among them, took some cities, and destroyed many villages; and then, because the winter is so cold, they retired to their own country to remain till another year, when, they say, they will come with a great force. and although they fear that they are not possessed of everything necessary for this invasion, yet a short time before, [64] a violent storm demolished for them that famous and strong wall, six hundred leguas long, which separated china from tartaria. the events of this war and the state of the kingdom of china will be set forth in a petition, or memorial, which the mandarins presented to their king. our fathers of macan sent it to us, saying that the christians of paquin had sent it to them. the fathers put it into portuguese; translated into spanish, it reads as follows: _memorial which the mandarins of paquin sent to the king of china in the year 1618, when the tartars invaded that kingdom._ this year, 1618, in the sixth moon, which is the month of august, the president of the council of war presented to the king a memorial for the defense [of the kingdom] against the tartars, who entered by the north walls. he humbly begs of you, my king, that you give attention to this matter, and quickly open your treasuries in support of this war to raise soldiers and to collect supplies. the facts of the situation are, as i just now heard from the mandarins who are in the province of the north walls, that the tartars assembled with the determination to seize this country of china. they say that on the day selected for battle they entered through the walls and captured some people, whom they sacrificed and burned at two in the morning before the pitched battle; and, while they were burning the sacrifice, great bombs and ingenious fireworks were discharged. they raised flags on the hills and proclaimed their own king as king of paquin. of soldiers who bear arms and other people there are thousands of thousands--they are indeed, innumerable. each soldier carries several weapons. they entered by force of arms through the walls called humbre. the mandarins entrusted with the defense of this part of the walls collected two armies [_companias_], ninety-six captains, and three hundred thousand men, and came to blows eleven times. in the first encounter our captain-general and thirty-seven captains ordinary were killed. our captain called chun entered valiantly on horseback into the ranks of the tartars, killed five of them, and was then himself killed and mutilated on the spot. countless numbers of our men died in these actions; some thousands were captured; and, in retreating from the battle, amid the confusion and tumult, more than a thousand more were killed. the victorious tartar raised his flag aloft and his men cried out, "our king of paquin comes to take possession of great china, which dared to resist him." the tartars, following up the victory, killed in various encounters more than six hundred captains and soldiers of repute. the inhabitants of the cities and towns deserted them and fled to the forests with their women and children. on the same day the tartars took three cities. when i heard this news i met with the _colao_ and the mandarins of the court to take counsel as to what should be done. and truly it seems that heaven is assisting the tartars, for how else could they kill so many thousands of men and take three cities in one day? [65] we all say that this is a punishment from heaven, like so many other calamities that are being suffered. for example, it did not rain during the whole of last year in the province of paquin, and so the people went about almost dead. in the province of xanto the hunger was so great that they ate human flesh, for which there was a public market. a great multitude of rats crossed the river. the fires of heaven burned all the royal palaces. a gale blew down the five towers. there were, also, in the heavens two suns, one swallowing the other--an occurrence, certainly, of dire portent. another very extraordinary thing beside these occurred. we saw that man called chanchain enter the palace to kill the prince, in which event the mandarin [_illegible in ms._] wishing to speak to you, my king, in a rather loud voice, in order to show his fidelity. but you did not choose to listen to him, and, instead, you ordered him to be put in the jail, and in fetters, and sentenced to death, on the charge of having disturbed the soul of your mother, who had recently died. we, the mandarins, wishing [to aid?] him, beg you that you may be pleased to pardon him; because it would certainly be a great pity to treat as a rebel a faithful mandarin, who merely showed his love for you. moreover, the viceroys and the _chaiery_ of each province several times sent you memorials advising you of the calamities of the people, and begging that you be pleased to diminish the customs and impositions, a matter worthy of careful consideration. in the same way, all the mandarins of the court have often implored you, by means of memorials, that you should go out _incognito_ to hear complaints for the good of the government of the kingdom, and to bring it into harmony with the will of heaven. if you had done this, we would now find ourselves in a very peaceful condition, and our empire would last a thousand centuries; but oh king, as you neither listened to nor examined into what was proposed to you, it appears, rather, that you are sleeping at your ease in your palace. you act as if you did not notice what you clearly see with your eyes. hence for a long time the mandarins have been very much troubled. we have seen rivers running with blood. are not all these matters of evil portent? there are indeed, other disasters than the falling of the walls on the tartar frontier. we often sent memorials asking you to order that they be rebuilt; and at last you sent two mandarins with two hundred thousand men to repair them. they went out last year in the ninth moon. while on the way, for some unknown reason, a quarrel arose among the men at midnight; and in less than two hours more than eighty boats and over seven hundred men were burned, besides the many who were drowned. all this augured evil. and thus we sent you a memorial asking that you should give audience on matters concerning the good government of the kingdom, according to the will of heaven. you answered, "now it is cold, now hot; i am indisposed and unable to do it; i shall choose another day to go out, or you may choose it." we the mandarins, together, chose the seventh day of the same moon, which was convenient. you, however, did not answer favorably, but instead threw the memorial into the fire. furthermore, we learned from the province of xansinque, this third moon, that a man suddenly appeared dressed in yellow, with a green cap [_bonete_], and a little fan of feathers in his hand. he called out, "vanlle (which is the name of the king here) [66] is a king without a government, although he has ruled a long time. he is always asleep in his palace, wherefore the kingdom is about to be lost. the men of the people must perish of hunger, and the great captains must die by the sword and the lance." with this he disappeared. the viceroy, chaien, and the mandarins were greatly terrified, and made vigorous efforts to find him and to learn who he was and where he lived, but they never found further trace of him. and now, when we learn of the calamities of all the provinces, when from all of them we hear news of the great famine being experienced, and when we see that many renowned mandarins, captains, and soldiers have been killed in this war, we are well able to understand that this man was an omen from heaven, and the whole affair causes fear. if you, our king, wish to go forth to encounter the tartars you cannot do so unless you have several millions of men, and thousands of thousands of wagon-loads of supplies. we humbly beg that you undertake to release the above mentioned mandarin, who is so unjustly detained in prison. we also beg that you shall be pleased to open the treasuries to raise an army. if you do so, much of the trouble will be removed. _of cochinchina_ the new mission of cochinchina, near china, where they formerly endured great hardships, is now prosperous, and there are good prospects that a splendid christian community will grow up in that realm. [67] the people there, induced by their false priests, had rebelled against our fathers, saying superstitiously that it had failed to rain because of the presence of preachers of the holy gospel. in this way they forced the king, against his will, to order the fathers out of the country for a time. but the fathers, in obedience to an order from their superior, did not leave until they had almost completely christianized a japanese settlement which is there; and they so subdued these japanese that, although formerly they had been very rebellious and had given much trouble to the king, they now became peaceable. the king was so pleased with this that he recalled the fathers with the same benevolence that he had formerly shown, and he gave them license to erect a church and residence at his court. heaven assisted at the same time in behalf of the mission by sending abundant rain, thus leaving the superstition of the heathens confounded and mendacious, and the king despicable for this persecution. two fathers of the mission and a lay brother went to a port of the same kingdom, cochinchina, called pullocambi, about fifty leagues from the court, at the request of the heathen governor there. he offered to satisfy them, and treated them so well that a beginning was made in that port of another residencia of the society. it may be possible to build up a large christian community in that place, since it is more quiet than cochinchina, through its being less cursed by traffic and by people of various nationalities coming to trade. thus there are six of the society residing there, teaching those whom they have converted, and with much diligence learning the language of the land, without which they would not be able to accomplish much. _of japan_ in treating of the affairs in japon one would wish to begin with the coming of fray luis sotelo, who, as soon as he arrived here, began to attempt so many things that he succeeded with none. he said to the bishop of zebu (who is governor of this archbishopric) that he had secured bulls from his holiness authorizing him to be bishop of half of japon, [68] but as they remained in the council they were worthless. they even say (about which i am not certain) that he attempted to consecrate himself here, but he did not succeed. then he planned to establish a seminary of japanese, and had many of them ordained, with what right or authority we do not know. over this matter there was much contention. he had a church built for this seminary, and also took possession of various places, particularly in a suburb of this city of manila. one day he quietly took possession of a house, placed a bell upon it, and said mass. soon the governor and the bishop came and asked him what he might be doing. he responded that a smith puts his forge wherever he can in order to work at his trade, and that he was doing likewise. they drove him away from there, and now he is in one of his convents. they are expecting in malaca the bishop of japon, father don diego valente, [69] of our society, native of lisboa, and formerly head of the professed house at villaviciosa. they say that with him are coming the procurators of japon, father graviel de martos and father pedro de morejon; the father procurate of china, nicolas trigaucio; and a goodly number of members of the society, who will have to wait in some other place because the condition of affairs in japon is such that they cannot go there at present. this year in japon a great number of supernatural occurrences have been noted, particularly in the city of yendo, [70] which is the court of the emperor. first, in the river at yendo they saw some very beautiful ships sailing against the current, a thing never seen there before, for the river is small, and navigable only by very small boats. second, in the _patio_ [i.e., courtyard] of the palace, one day there was seen an animal larger than an ox and smaller than an elephant, whose species none could tell, as they had never seen such an animal before. they tried to kill it with arquebuses and arrows, but it disappeared. third, in a hall of the same palace a large greyhound was found howling pitifully. this the japanese took for a bad sign. they asked who had brought such a dog there, but no one could find out, because the guards had been at the door all the time. they tried to catch the animal and put it out, but it became invisible to them. fourth, in the quarter [_vario_, for _barrio_] of the daimones, [71] who are the nobles who serve at the court, there was heard a great clatter of arms, just as if a very bloody civil war were going on. they called to arms in the city, and every one responded. they went to the _vario_, but found everything perfectly quiet. fifth, on the top of a hill near by the city they discovered some flags in the trees. they went to see what they were, but found nothing. finally, when the emperor was about to go to meaco, a comet like a handled catana [_i.e._, sword], with a very beautiful cross in its head, appeared above his fortress of yendo. this caused him so much fear and consternation that he gave up his journey entirely. many of these things will not be readily believed. some of them i did not see, but credible persons from where they occurred report them as well authenticated. the persecution of christians in japon is more bloody than it has ever been before, and has become as bad as could be imagined. it will suffice to say that in the city of nangacaqui thirty bars of silver, each one containing about four ducados, are publicly offered to whomsoever may discover a religious. but just as tender plants, because of the cold of winter, take deeper root in the soil, these religious, because of their difficulties, plant themselves more firmly in the faith and bear more plentiful fruit. this has already been demonstrated. indeed, during the last year more than fifty japanese have nobly given their lives to the service of jesus christ; and almost two thousand adults have for the first time received the water of holy baptism, through the efforts of our fathers alone. these fathers, like good pilots, have not been dismayed by this great tempest on the contrary, there have been thirty-two members [of the society] distributed throughout japon, holding fast to the helm of this little craft, toiling lest the sea should swallow it up in so furious and destructive a tempest. not less valor has been shown in this matter by the chief pilot, father francisco de vera, whom our father general sent as visitor of japon from one of the provinces of india. when he reached macan and learned how cruel the persecution was, he determined--in spite of being almost seventy years old and afflicted by many infirmities--to go this year to japon, to console and encourage the christians and our brethren who so commendably labored with them there. his life has been a great source of edification and consolation to all. in order that his presence there should do no harm, he went very secretly and without company. he wears secular dress. the good father goes from house to house, under a thousand inconveniences and dangers, such as the other fathers also endure. what he has suffered and is still suffering in this way is very pitiful. some religious (although only a few) from the orders of st. dominic, st. francis, and st. augustine, are also working laudably in the vineyard of the lord. some went to japon this year, but the majority of them have not succeeded in this design, because most of the japanese boatmen, although christians, have been afraid to carry them. for the emperor issued a very stringent order that any boat which should carry religious should be burned with all its goods, and that those going in it should be put to death. nevertheless, some franciscan friars have gone, very secretly. some time ago, in the city of fixoxuna, father antonio and brother leonardo, both japanese, were imprisoned for the faith. for this also, on august 16, 1618, they beheaded in the city of meaco fray juan de santa marta, of the order of st. francis, and a native of cataluña. he had been imprisoned three years in the public jail, where, in spite of the hard labor and bad treatment to which he was subjected, he continued to preach our holy faith to the heathen prisoners, some of whom received it and died in it. [72] at midnight on december 13, 1618, they seized father carlos espinola, procurator of the province of japon, and his companion, brother ambrosio fernandez. the same night they seized two other fathers, dominicans, two of four who went to japon last year. the other two returned to these islands. on the twenty-fifth of march, 1619, they seized the provincial and the prior of the dominicans, fray francisco morales and fray alonso de mena. one of these dominican fathers died in the jail. thereupon the rest of the religious concealed themselves so effectively that the portuguese traders in the country could not find any one to whom they might make their lenten confessions. last year i wrote how one of the ships which were despatched from this city to aid maluco resorted to treason, and took possession of everything. thenceforth, as is well known, it went from one country to another and from one place to another. finally it sailed, almost shipwrecked, to an island of japon. when the portuguese commandant learned of this, he sent to the ruler of the island to demand those robbers who had mutinied on one of the king's ships. the ruler sent to the commandant, proposing to hang them; but some religious forbade it, whereupon he sent them prisoners to macan, where, they say, the mutineers were punished. the two dutch ships which last year were plundering in these islands the ships that came from china, returned to japon, after having loaded up with many silks which they had seized. they took with them three chinese ships with rich cargoes, placing on each one a guard of hollanders. but in a storm the chinese fled with their ships, carrying with them the hollanders that were on board, on whom they retaliated by drowning them in the sea. thus the spoil [of the dutch] was not so rich as was expected. this year there went to japon a patache which the hollanders had captured in maluco from the english, and on which there remained some english, badly wounded. they reported that the hollanders had taken two ships from the english, and had cut off the noses and ears of all whom they had found alive. upon hearing this, the english who were in japon were exceedingly angry; and, as they were in good standing at the court, they went to complain to the emperor. the japanese merchants also complained that because of the robberies which the hollanders had committed during the last two years on the coast of manila, they had lost the profit which they had usually drawn from the trade with philipinas. they said that not only were the hollanders of no advantage to japon, but that rather they were very injurious, since they took from the kingdom large quantities of munitions and provisions for their fleets, and thus made everything dearer. it may be hoped that from these complaints will result the expulsion of the hollanders from japon, which will be very injurious to them, but very good for us. the hollanders felt keenly the loss of one of their large pataches which was coming from olanda to japon with thirty men, good artillery, more than fifty thousand pesos in money, and very rich jewels intended as presents to bribe the magnates of japon. on the way, the patache encountered four portuguese galliots which were coming from macan loaded with goods. the hollanders attacked the portuguese, intending to seize a galliot; but fortune changed, and in the fight their ship was run down by one of the portuguese vessels. when the hollanders saw that they were lost, they themselves set fire to the powder; and those on board were hurled into the water, where they were despatched with pikes. the portuguese rescued only a japanese who had been to olanda, and was on the ship coming back with the hollanders. [73] _of mindanao_ the island of mindanao is one of these philipinas; it is inhabited by mahometan and heathen people, who make fierce war upon us. they sally out with their little fleets, repeatedly plunder the towns, desolate the fields, capture many indians, and even spaniards, and kill a great number of people. this year the lord has been pleased that they should not be able to sally forth as usual, as they have been very much occupied in civil wars. and if the hollanders were not so constantly engaging our attention, and we were to go there, they might be destroyed--as is asserted by a franciscan friar who has been a captive among them for a long time, and has recently come from there. [74] but we leave it to god; for he, with his most lofty providence, knows how to govern in his own way. _of the malucas_ to begin with spiritual affairs, a wide door to the holy gospel has opened in the island of manados, which borders upon that of macacar; and it is hoped that through it will come a rich harvest. at present a father of our society, named father cosme prieto, is there. the fathers of portugal, to whom the malucas islands belong, plan to send more laborers there. the king has been converted, as well as nearly all the princes of the kingdom; and only the queen persists in her heathenism. the people of the island of tidore, who long have been our friends, and through whom we are able to maintain ourselves in the malucas, broke the treaties which they had made with the terrenatans. they are engaged in war, and every day there are deaths on one side or the other. these circumstances are very advantageous for us, because the terrenatans are warm friends of the dutch and enemies to us. all the aid sent last year from this place reached maluco, without suffering any loss on the way, either from the sea or from the enemy, as has usually been the case other years. to furnish this aid five ships went laden with supplies, and with fifteen thousand pesos to pay the infantry. hence our forces there are, for the present, well and even abundantly supplied, although there is some lack of men, because many have died of _bebes_, which is a disease of the legs very common in those islands. [75] in 1619, ships went to olanda loaded with cloves and drugs and other things of various values; we fear, therefore, that the power of these hollanders will increase in these parts, because what they carry enriches them and enables them to send large fleets here. the enemy, the hollander, built another fortress besides the ones that he had in the islands of ternate; and we also built another in tidore, and are building still another. we may thus be able to inflict much injury upon our enemies. in nambrino it happened that in a drunken revel of the hollanders the powder took fire, and a large part of the fortification was blown up; but they have already repaired it. they say that in this accident nearly two hundred men were burned. the inhabitants of the island of vanda are much of the time at war with the hollanders, of whom they have killed many--notable among them the commander-in-chief--by poisoning the water that they used. it is said that they do not like the hollanders, but prefer the portuguese, with whom they have been friendly for many years. a portuguese just now arrived from maluca, fleeing from the hollanders who had held him prisoner more than three years, and with whom he had been in various places. people say that at present the hollanders are on very bad terms with the nations where they have factories. it is also said that there have come to them from olanda six ships and a new governor. with oil of cloves and drugs people go to the malucas from almost all over the world; it is therefore believed that in these seas there must be for a long time to come some of the hardest battles ever seen, and that many in attempting to trade in cloves will have to encounter iron. [76] the french have a factory there. [77] three of their ships came and fought with the hollanders, who took away one; the other two were sent to france with cargoes. some galleons have also come from the english, who, according to report, now have fourteen. it is said that they have had a fight with the hollanders, from whom they took away two ships. these two nations are unfriendly because of the above-mentioned injury which the english received from the hollanders, and also because they are rivals. it is said that the english have an order from their king to the effect that if the hollanders should be stronger than themselves they must join with us and harass them on all sides. the hollanders have seen that in their battles with us they have received much damage from our galleys; therefore they built two vessels of this class to bring with their fleet to these islands. but our lord was pleased so to order it that, when coming from amb[o]ino to ternate, one galley sank with all the people, and the other ran aground, although the people were saved. _of the philipinas islands_ on the eleventh of november, 1618, at three o'clock in the morning, a comet was seen from this city of manila. it had a tail, was silver-colored, with a slightly ashen tinge, and had an extraordinary form. at first it was like a trumpet, and then like a catan (which is a weapon peculiar to japon, resembling the cutlass), with the edge toward the southwest; and at the end it appeared palm-shaped. the declination [78] of the southwestern end was twenty degrees south. at first its length was equal to the whole of the sign of libra, with which it rose. eight days afterward, the declination of the southwestern end was twenty-four degrees and thirty minutes south. at this time the head was thirty-one degrees south, and the lower point, or end of the tail, eight degrees from the star called spica virginia. no star exhalation [79] was seen, although some say that they saw a very small one. on the twenty-fourth of november another tailed comet appeared, even more beautiful and resplendent than the first. at its head [_al pie_] was a burning star. it appeared in the east. it had a declination of eight degrees, and it pointed southwestward to the sign of the scorpion, which is the sign of manila. these two comets lasted some three months. they write from japon, maluco, and india that they were seen in those places. the devotion of the immaculate conception of the holy virgin has been notable in this city. this year great eight-day fiestas, with masks and illuminations, have been celebrated with much solemnity in the cathedral church and in that of st. francis. it is feared that there will be much hunger in the islands during the present year, because the locusts are so numerous that they cover the fields and destroy the grain. may god help us! in september, 1618, a ship was despatched from these islands for macan primarily to carry needed munitions, although it did not neglect to take a quantity of money belonging to private persons, to be invested in merchandise. a few days after setting sail it was overtaken by a storm severe enough to drive it to the coast of this island of manila; but, although the hulk was lost, the people and cargo were saved. afterward another ship was sent on the same errand. it is known to have reached macan and to be trading successfully in everything, particularly in the purchase of an excellent galleon that the portuguese have there, and that we need for the fleet which must be prepared to oppose the enemy next year. the hollanders came to these islands with their fleet of five galleons to plunder the chinese ships, as they have done in former years. the fleet entered the bay of manila on the twelfth of october, 1618, and afterward continued coming and going. it went back and forth on these seas just as if it were at home. but its appearance caused so little disturbance that everything remained as quiet as before, which illustrates the force of habit; for being accustomed to seeing the fleet every year has brought it to pass that its advent now causes no uneasiness. nevertheless, sentinels were placed on all the coasts, and the country was very well prepared. thus there was nothing to fear; besides, the enemy does not wish to have us at too close range. on our side, only three galleons and four galleys were ready for use in the port of cavique [_sic_], because not more than two years ago two of our finest galleons went to the bottom in this sea in a furious storm. what caused more anxiety was the shipyard where other galleons were being built. it was feared lest the enemy should go there to burn them. to prevent this, a little fort was constructed, and a large force of good infantry and heavy artillery was placed there to guard the construction. therefore they said that there was no need to fear anything, or to doubt that if the enemy should come to the shipyard he would fail in his design to burn the ships. he did not attempt it, perhaps because he knew of the thorough preparations that had been made. early in november, when the enemy was in the mouth of the bay, a japanese ship came here. when it reached ilocos, a port of the island of manila, it learned that the enemy was in the passage through which it must go to reach, this city. but as it carried a _chapa_, or license, from the japanese emperor it feared nothing. for the hollanders respect the emperor's license in so far as it concerns them, and they give free passage in every part of these seas to all japanese ships bearing it. so the ship continued on its way here till it met the hollander, with whom it remained two or three days. the hollander inquired if it carried munitions, which would be contrary to his wish. although in fact the ship had on board a large quantity of munitions underneath a great number of sacks of flour, the question was answered in the negative. thereupon the general allowed it to pass, and gave it an arrogant message for the governor. in this he said that his lordship might well be preparing his fleet little by little, which he [the dutch general] would await a long time; that he just now had learned that galleons were being built in the shipyards, but that the governor should not be disturbed; that, indeed, if it were necessary, he would go with his men to aid in finishing and launching them, just for the opportunity of fighting them; that this was what he most desired, as he had strong hopes of victory, which would be glorious in proportion to his lordship's nobility; and that he therefore would welcome the governor's coming. this message the hollanders sent with the japanese ship. later on, another japanese ship came along; and, as it carried a _chapa_, it was able to enter. then a spanish ship, which likewise came from japon, arrived; but, as it carried no license, it came by a different route, to avoid falling into the enemy's hands, and took shelter in another port of the islands before coming to the city. a portuguese ship coming from macan did the same, and thus the enemy captured nothing. four ternatan slaves fled to the enemy, at which the latter were much elated. when the slaves reached them the hollanders were seen from this city to discharge some pieces of artillery. one morning later on, when the hollanders wished to land upon a beach not far from manila, to take some recreation, they sent these slaves ahead that, like house-thieves, they might spy out the land. information had just come that the enemy were accustomed to disembark in that neighborhood, so two companies were sent to lie in ambush to deal them some blow. the slaves landed, and our men seeing them, attacked them, killed two, and captured the other two alive. from these we learned in detail the forces which the enemy had. when the latter saw that his scouts did not return with the information, he was afraid to disembark. if he had landed, he might well have expected us to have won a very signal victory. in the shipyard feverish efforts were made to finish at least one vessel in time for service this year. nearly three thousand men--spaniards, indians, chinese, and others--were employed in this construction. from this may be gathered what our missions must have suffered in the pintados islands, in the midst of which the ship was being built, since almost all the indians who worked there were from our doctrinas. so large was the equipment, and so great was the zeal shown in the work, that early in march a very beautiful galleon was finished, which would mount forty pieces. then the difficulty arose, where they could enter to join the other galleons and galleys in the port of cabique, for the enemy remained stubbornly in the mouth of the bay. but as soon as he drew aside a little, notice was quickly given in order that they might bring in the galleon, and it entered on the twenty-fifth of april, with four galleys which had gone out to accompany it in. on another occasion two other ships came to the enemy with provisions from the kingdom of japon. they also carried a goodly number of japanese, who left their country secretly. they say that if they [the japanese authorities?] had known it they would have killed these men, because they came to attack us in company with the hollanders. these now found themselves with seven warships, or rather with six, since they left one outside in order to plunder any ship that might come along. they entered this bay with great ostentation and pomp on the first of march, the second day of the easter festival. the governor ordered that the galleys and the three galleons which were there (the fourth, the one from the shipyard, had not yet arrived) should with many pennants and streamers draw a little apart from the fort of cabique. when the hollander turned about to go out he noticed that our fleet was at hand, with all this bravery. then he also displayed many pennants, and came again, signaling that he wished to fight, and then slowly departed. he went toward the coast of ilocos, the place to which they come to attack the ships on their way from china. now the galleon from the shipyard entered the bay, and the preparation of the entire fleet was completed. it consisted of four galleys very well manned, and four very handsome galleons. the flagship mounted more than forty pieces, the almiranta more than thirty, the third galleon an equal number, and the fourth as many as twenty. in addition to these there were two pataches, each with as many as a dozen small pieces. while our armada, thus prepared, was daily in readiness to set sail, the governor sent out in two directions to reconnoiter the enemy. the news brought back by the spies was that the hollanders had reached a village of indians on the coast of ilocos. they entered the church and committed a thousand sacrileges, particularly that of cutting off the nose of a figure of christ. they found a large quantity of wine, delivered themselves up to it, and became veritable wine-sacks. they say that if twenty soldiers had been there at the time, they might have played grand havoc with the enemy. the hollanders finally set fire to the place and withdrew to their ships. only one remained on shore to sleep off his intoxication. when he awakened and saw that the ships had already set sail, he cast himself into the water--of which he had need, in order to water the great quantity of wine he had cast into his stomach. he saw that the ships were far away, and in order not to drown he was forced to return to land. here the indians caught him and took him to manila. the dutch ships put to sea and never again appeared. on news of this the excitement of the fleet ceased, although there was no lack of opinion that it would be well to pursue the enemy, because he was fleeing to china to plunder. although all this was said on good ground, others (and a majority) said that whether the enemy were fleeing very opportunely or not, it was better for us to remain quiet with such a fleet as we had; that our fleet would be increased by the galleon expected from macan, and by those which were being built in these islands, all of which ships combined would be force enough for next year; and besides this, the enemy had gained nothing, but rather had lost, through the expenses which he had incurred in maintaining a fleet so many months without recompense. this opinion prevailed, whereupon the matter was dropped and the fleet became idle; when, behold, mere goes forth a false report that the enemy is in these islands plundering the ships that come from china. everything is again in commotion; the fleet again prepares itself, and goes out in the morning; but the truth becomes known that there is no enemy, and the fleet is quiet again. the basis of this false rumor was the fact that the enemy went toward the coast of china to plunder, and one day encountering a chinese ship going to japon, robbed it. the chinese vessel came to these islands to seek aid; and at once arises the outcry that it must have been robbed in the philipinas, and that there must be enemies here. the truth is confirmed by the fact that at this time a portuguese ship came from macan, but in all this coast encountered not a single hollander. it may be considered as certain that the enemy lost a large vessel with people and cargo in a severe storm. the foundation for this opinion is the fact that some days ago a mass of wreckage, such as maintop-sails, rigging, masts, etc., was found in the place where the hollanders have been. a ship came from china and reported that one day, after having left that country, it encountered four ships which pursued it; and that early in the evening one of them was gaining on it. the chinese captain, who knew of some shoals near by, steered toward them, in order to go around them. the hollanders, thinking that the captain was trying to escape to leeward, also steered in that direction, and at nightfall ran aground on the shoals. the chinese heard many guns fired; but, without seeing or knowing more, came to philipinas and gave the news. dated at manila, july 12, 1619. letter from pedro de arce to felipe iii [_marginal note at beginning_: "_that the governor there, don alonso fajardo, attends with great assiduity to whatever concerns the service of his majesty; and he has gained experience by the construction of the ships that he has built from the time of his arrival in those islands, so that the enemy has not dared await him. if he were to be aided with some fleet sent to him, very good results would follow_."] sire: don alonso fajardo, governor of these islands, will relate fully to your majesty the present condition of their temporal affairs. he attends with peculiar care to whatever concerns the service of your majesty, as has been seen in the construction of the ships that he has built since his arrival in these islands. had he not been so assiduous in that, the enemy who came to this bay and coast of manila would have committed very great depredations. but since the enemy saw that the governor was getting ready very promptly, they thought it best to go away and not wait. he is a gentleman very zealous for the service of your majesty, and one who serves your majesty with special and very disinterested love and affection. i think that, if your majesty will aid him with some fleet, he will, with that and what he has here, accomplish great results in your majesty's service. but the fleet here is insufficient to root out the enemy. will your majesty be pleased to send the aid which has for so many years been asked from your majesty; for the profit that will accrue to your majesty is vast in both the spiritual and the temporal. [_in the margin_: "it is well."] [_marginal note_: "he asks that his resignation of that bishopric be accepted, and that a certain income be granted him on which to live."] last year i wrote your majesty requesting you to be pleased to accept my resignation from my bishopric, and i send the same request in this letter to your majesty; for i am worn out, and it is advisable for the security of my conscience--your majesty granting me the favor to give me the means for my support, so far as that may not be in your royal treasury, because of the great difficulty of collecting from it. [_in the margin_: "it is provided for."] [_marginal note_: "that admiral pedro de eredia is coming to this court to report on the condition of those islands; and, since he is one who knows them thoroughly by experience, and is zealous in your majesty's service, credit can be given to what he says."] admiral pedro de heredia is going to that court of your majesty to report the affairs of these islands. he is a person on whose word your majesty can rely, as he is a man of great integrity and greatly devoted to your majesty's service. he is experienced by sea and by land in these islands and in the malucas, where he has served your majesty a long time. he was the one who captured general pablo brancal [_i.e._, van caerden], in those same malucas islands. he burned another of the enemy's ships in playa honda, and defeated the enemy's almiranta in the expedition made by don juan de silba; while in don juan ronquillo's expedition he captured the almiranta, but let it go, in order that his own ship might not be burnt. he is one to whom your majesty may entrust any undertaking of importance, because of his great courage and his devotion to your majesty's service. he is deserving of whatever favor your majesty may be pleased to bestow upon him. [_in the margin_: "it is well."] [_marginal note_: "that by the death of don juan de aguilar, who was precentor of the church of manila, the governor appointed don miguel garcetas to that prebend, who by his qualities deserves to have the appointment confirmed."] because of the death of don juan de aguilar, who was precentor of this holy church of manila, the governor appointed licentiate don miguel garcetas to the same prebend. he came to these islands many years ago, and has held appointments of honor in them. he was treasurer of the holy church of zebu, the chief church of that bishopric, and canon of this church of manila; and is a man of good qualities and of good morals. he merits your majesty's granting him as a favor the appointment he now holds, and greater favors. [_in the margin_: "it is well."] [_marginal note_: "in approbation of christoval ramires de cartagena, chaplain of the audiencia."] in this city of manila lives a respectable ecclesiastic, one christoval ramires de cartagena, who of the many years since he came to these regions has been several minister in the islands of pintados. for many years he has been chaplain of the royal audiencia. while a layman he served your majesty in the army; and since becoming a priest he has done the same. he merits honor from your majesty, and favors in remuneration for his many services, [_in the margin_: "it is well."] [_marginal note_: "that the church of cebu is in great need of ornaments and of repairs. he asks that your majesty grant it some income, as has been requested at other times; and a cabildo with income, or some chaplains to serve it, for the divine offices are not suitably celebrated there."] i have often petitioned your majesty to have the goodness to grant some income to the church of zebu for ornaments and repairs, of which it has daily need; and to give it a cabildo with income; and if there should be no occasion for that, to supply it with some chaplains to serve it, for it lacks everything. the divine offices are celebrated very unsuitably, which the natives, both christians and infidels, cannot fail to observe. may your majesty for the love of god remedy this. [_in the margin_: "have the governor, audiencia, and royal officials investigate."] [_marginal note_: "that it is advisable to show favor to this cabildo of manila, so that in case of the death of the prelate, it may govern; as it contains competent persons; and because inconveniences result from the senior bishop coming to do this, as has been represented on other occasions."] i have also advised your majesty--perceiving it, and, knowing by experience--that it is advisable to concede to this cabildo of manila that it shall govern in case the prelate die; because it has persons of sufficient rank and ability for the said government. besides, many difficulties exist in the senior bishop coming to govern, as he has no person to leave who is competent to direct his bishopric--as i have experienced at this time, while i have been governing this archbishopric of manila, by brief of his holiness and your majesty's decree. [_in the margin_: "it is well, and what is advisable will be provided."] [_marginal note_: "that it has been heard that the fathers of the society are urging that the orders in japon shall depart thence; but that it is not advisable that this be done, because of the great harvest of souls that they have gathered, and are now obtaining, through their instruction. [he also says] that it will be to our lord's service to have the consecration of father fray luis otelo take effect, since the bishop of the western part is already consecrated; and since the king of boso, although an infidel, is well affected to the christians, and the two bishops are widely separated."] it has been heard here that the fathers of the society are making strenuous efforts to have the orders leave japon. that is not at all advisable, because of the very abundant harvest of souls that they have gathered, and are gathering, through their instruction and example, even giving their lives for the welfare of these souls. accordingly, i think it advisable for your majesty to protect this cause, for thereby will your majesty perform the greatest service to our lord. i think it will also be to his service if the consecration of father fray luis sotelo take effect, since the other bishop, the one of the western part, is now consecrated. i am moved to say this because the king of bozo, [80] although an infidel, is well affected to the christian religious, and has some in his kingdom. that kingdom is very distant from those regions where the other bishop lives. it will be advantageous to this community of manila, for they will be able to trade and traffic in those districts, and get food and other necessary supplies from them for your majesty's fleets. nothing else occurs to me of which to advise your majesty, except that may our lord preserve for many long years the catholic and royal person of your majesty for the defense and protection of his holy church. manila, july 30, 1619 [_sic._] _fray pedro_, bishop of santisimo nombre de jesus. [_endorsed on back_: "seen and decreed within."] [_in the margin_: "have a copy of this clause sent to the governor, as to what pertains to the religious leaving japon, so that he may investigate it. what is advisable in the other matters will be provided."] [appended to this document is the following:] _testimony of the resolution by the royal officials ordinance._ i, gaspar alvarez, scrivener-in-chief of the administrative and war departments of these philipinas islands for the king our sovereign, do certify truthfully to all who may see this present that, in a general meeting held by the president and auditors of the royal audiencia and chancillería of these islands for the government, together with the fiscal of his majesty and the judicial officials of the royal treasury of the islands, on the fifth of this present month and year of the date of this present, among certain matters and questions discussed and determined in the said meeting, was the following. in the city of manila, on the fifth day of the month of august, one thousand six hundred and sixteen, licentiate andres de alcarez, senior auditor of the royal audiencia of these islands, who exercises the duties of president and captain-general of them, while in the houses where the audiencia resides, called a treasury meeting to discuss matters advisable for the service of his majesty. licentiate manuel de madrid y luna, don juan de alvarado bracamonte, auditor and fiscal [respectively], in the royal audiencia, and the royal officials of the royal treasury--namely, captain pedro de saldiernos demariaca, factor; juan saez de hegoen, inspector; and alonso de espinosa saravia, accountant--having attended it, and being thus assembled before me, the present scrivener of the administrative and war departments, he proposed the following. _petition._ a petition was read from don fray pedro de arce, bishop of the city of zibu, and governor of this archbishopric, which was of the following tenor. "most potent sire: i, don fray pedro de arce, bishop of the city of sanctisimo nombre de jesus, and governor of this archbishopric by virtue of a brief of our very holy father paul fifth, and a decree of the royal person of your highness, declare that, in order to obey the said orders and fulfil my obligations in the common welfare of this archbishopric, i have come to this capital, and have left the comfort of a house that i had built, in the said city of zebu, and have established myself with greater obligations for expenses in house and servants, in order to sustain some little of the greatness due the honor of the archiepiscopal dignity. i represent, as is well known to your highness, that the expenses of this capital are excessive, for the rent of a moderate-sized house costs more than three hundred pesos and the ordinary food is very dear. for these reasons and others, well known to your highness, and because the duties of the ministry are not lessened by the said government, it is in accord with justice that, since i bear the weight and obligations of archbishop, i be granted the salary assigned to his person. therefore, i beg and petition your highness to have the said grace conceded to me, in fulfilment of the said will of his holiness and the royal person of your highness. i ask for justice. _fray pedro_, bishop of sanctisimo nombre de jesus." _resolution._ having heard and examined the said proposition, and discussed and conferred as to what should be done, all unanimously and in accord, with one determination and sentiment, resolved, in respect to what the said bishop don fray pedro de arce petitions, that, inasmuch as he must reside in this city and archbishopric, if he fulfil his obligations to govern it, and must have a house and servants, and the other things required by his dignity; and inasmuch as he cannot do this with the salary of five hundred thousand maravedis that he receives in his bishopric: therefore the third part of the salary received and enjoyed by the archbishop don diego vazquez de mercado shall be assigned to him. he shall enjoy it from the day when he shall show by authentic testimony that he took possession in this city of the government of the said archbishopric. the official judges of the royal treasury shall grant warrants for, and pay to him, the third of the said salary, according to and as it was paid to the said archbishop, during the full time of his governorship of this archbishopric. that shall be received from them and placed on the accounts of the said royal official judges. licentiate andres de alcazar, licentiate manuel de madrid y luna, licentiate don juan de alvarado bracamonte, pedro de caldiernos de mariaca, juan saez de hegoen, and alonso de espinosa saravia affixed their signatures. before me: _gaspar alvares_ according as is manifest by the abovesaid and as appears by the said original meeting, which is in the book of minutes and meetings of the treasury, which is in my office, and on leaves one hundred and eighteen and one hundred and nineteen of it, to which i refer, and by petition of his lordship, the said bishop, i gave the present in manila, august eleven, one thousand six hundred and sixteen. as witness at its drawing and revision were christoval martin franco and joan vazquez de mercado, citizens of this said city. _gaspar alvares_ as is manifest and appears from the original testimony, that remained in the possession of the reverend don fray pedro de arce, with which it was corrected and collated, and is issued actually and really corrected and collated, and on petition of the said reverend person, i gave the present in the city of manila, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of august, one thousand six hundred and sixteen, witnesses being christoval de saavedra, blas de rrosales, and andres estevan, citizens and residents of manila. therefore i affixed my seal in testimony of right. gratis. _pedro de valdes_, notary-public. we, the undersigned notaries, testify that pedro de valdes, by whom this testimony seems to be sealed and signed, is a notary-public of the number [81] of this city of manila, and that entire credence has been, and is, given, in and out of court, to the writs and acts that have passed, and pass, before him. given in manila, august twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and sixteen. _diego de rueda_, notary. _juan de cabrera_, royal notary. _sebastian samer_, his majesty's notary. sire: don pedro de arce, bishop of cibu, declares that his predecessor, don pedro de agurto, first bishop of that province, appointed and named canons and dignidades, although without any stipend, to serve in his cathedral church, without your majesty's order. by his death the said canons and dignidades claimed the right to govern in the vacant see of the said bishopric; while the archbishop of manila also claimed the right to place a government there himself. since many opposing ideas have been expressed among the theologians regarding this matter, i supplicate your majesty to have the goodness to order what procedure must be observed in this, and whether such canons and dignidades constitute and hold the force of a cabildo, or not, so that, at any event, suits and dissensions may be avoided; and it will receive favor. [_in the margin_: "have all the documents that bear upon this argument collected, and have the fiscal examine them all, and let action be taken according to his declaration. may 4, 619."] the fiscal declares that no other papers than this petition were brought to him. so far as can be judged from this statement alone, those who are referred to as canons and dignidades are not such, nor can they be such. in order to determine what further measures it it advisable to take, it is necessary that the governor and archbishop of manila investigate the matter. madrid, may 28, 1619. as the fiscal says, and until they investigate, let a decree be framed ordering what the bishops must observe in appointing the canons, when they are not appointed by his majesty and a cabildo is not formed. june first, 619. sire: don fray pedro de arce, bishop of the city of cibu, in the filipinas islands, declares that, at your majesty's order, and for the welfare of his lord, he came to govern the archbishopric of manila because of the death of the archbishop, don diego vazquez de mercado; and inasmuch as the stipend given us by your majesty is slight, and we have to keep a house and servants in that city with suitable dignity and propriety, he laid a petition before your royal audiencia of those islands, which was then governing, asking that he be given the stipend given to the archbishop. having called a meeting of the treasury, as your majesty commands by your royal decrees, they voted to give him, as a gratification, the third part of the salary given the archbishop, as appears by the testimony that he presents. he petitions your majesty to grant him the grace, because of his many expenses there, to confirm that action, so that the royal officials who shall pay it shall not be responsible for those expenses; and thereby he will receive favor. [_endorsed:_ "have the fiscal examine it. may 4, 1619."] the fiscal declares that, although the audiencia and council of the treasury could not do this, and although they petitioned it, they ought to declare that it was to be understood if confirmed by the council. their motive may be found just; and did it appear so to the council, then they might approve and confirm it. madrid, may 28, 1619. [_in the margin_: "let a decree be despatched in accordance with the fiscal's declaration. june first, 1619."] letter from alonso fajardo de tenza to felipe iii sire: in the vessels that i despatched from this bay to nueva españa last year on the tenth of august, i informed your majesty of my voyage and arrival, and of the condition in which i found this country. by way of portuguese yndia i did the same in december of the said year, adding then what was new. what news i can now give is that, thanks to god, the said ships reached here on the return voyage on the third of this month, after a long trip of three and one-half months--and on the outward trip, the smaller ship spent less than four months, and the larger seven days more [than four months]. they have been among the most fortunate ships seen here. glory be to his divine majesty for everything. these ships have brought two companies with one hundred and twenty-four volunteer soldiers together, thirty-four sentenced by justice to serve in these districts, thirty-two convicts for the galleys, three hundred and seventy-eight thousand five hundred and eighty-six eight-real pesos, in reals and in bars of silver, also arms, military stores, and other necessary supplies for the use of these strongholds and warehouses. although the troops and money do not equal what was asked from here--nor what is extremely necessary, because of the very stringent need here of both men and money--according to what i have heard of the difficulty in collecting this aid, and the labor that it cost the viceroy of those provinces to expedite and send it, he is greatly to be praised for it. i am under obligations to him; but i find myself also obliged to entreat your majesty to have him urged in vigorous terms, saying that you consider yourself served thereby, and to order him to continue it, doing the utmost possible in the reënforcements asked from here. he should also be asked to furnish those reënforcements in the same manner, in those years when ships do not reach acapulco from these islands because of having to put back into port in distress, or from any other forced cause that prevents their voyage; for it is certain that even if no ship arrive there, the despatch [from nueva españa] should not be discontinued, because of its vast importance for the welfare of this community, and in order to bring provisions and reënforcements, as is usual and necessary. however much the viceroy be urged on, this country will not have what it needs, until your majesty be pleased to have sent here the reënforcement of the fleet that was promised--adding to the men and ordering it to be provided with sufficient money for their sustenance and the execution of what must be done with the fleet. i trust in our lord that, if it reach here safely, it will give us very good results. i offer on my part to procure those good results with its aid, as far as possible. i shall not again mention in detail the reasons existing as to why your majesty should send us this aid, as they have been written so often by so many men, and are so evident and well known; and in order to conquer or conserve, or to make war in any manner, that reënforcement and money are needed. as there is so great a need of both these things and of small boats, as i wrote your majesty in those letters that you acknowledged, i heard that the rebels of olanda were coming to these islands with fourteen ships and a number of caracoas. these latter are the craft of our enemies of mindanao, and they do the most harm to these natives. although it appeared impossible to make sufficient preparation to resist them and prevent the depredations which were to be feared from so large a squadron, i resolved to exert my utmost efforts in order to attend to our defense, notwithstanding my lack of all things necessary for it that should have been sent me. almost at the same time as the news, arrived the rebels. they had only five ships with high freeboard, to which were added two others, also large ones, a part of four vessels that we heard were to come from japon--according to what was learned from that kingdom through the fathers of the society, and by way of terrenate, and from some prisoners captured along this coast, not far from here. the latter, landing in order to reconnoiter the country, so that they might land some dutchmen on it, fell into the hands of a company that i had placed in ambush with the great desire to gather information and learn the designs of the enemy. in short, it was learned from those advices, and especially from those from japon, that not only was it their intention to pillage the ships from china (whence proceeds the commerce that sustains this island) and commit the depredations of former years, but also to await the vessels from nueva españa, in order at once to conclude and finish everything. that obliged me to make the night day with my continual toil, so that the spaniards who were scattered throughout these islands might be prepared and collected; and artillery cast, which was lacking to me for what was necessary (even a place where i could get the metal and the alloy). then the workmen on two ships, the construction of which had been ordered, had to be urged to greater haste and all that was necessary supplied, so that either one or both of them could be finished in time to serve on the occasion then presented; and a ship of moderate size, which was the only one i found in this bay when i entered it, had to be repaired. the latter was so old that it was necessary almost to rebuild it. also i did the same with a small patache and the galleon in which i came, and the japanese vessel which also came with me from nueva españa. it needed not a little repair, and gave me a great deal of trouble with its owners, so that they should lend it. but finally they lent it, and now i have had it bought at a very cheap price. with it, and one of the new ones which were finished in time (which is the one now about to sail to nueva españa), and those above mentioned, and another new patache which i had finished from the bottom up--all together, they comprised two large vessels, two moderate-sized vessels, two pataches, and four galleys. they were repaired, and manned in great part with borrowed slaves and dutch prisoners (for the dutch inflict upon the spaniards the worst of treatment). while this fleet was so far advanced that it could sail and fight in a few days afterward, the rebels entered for the last time into this bay, a thing which they had done eight times before. after staying a long time in the mouth of the bay, and seeing it prepared, and some craft ready and filled with men, it appears that they did not choose to try our arms or tempt fortune; for they sailed away and left their position, and went farther up the coast, until they passed the cape of bolinao [82]--a district where they thought they would be safe from us, because we could not go there at that season without evident danger of being unable to return to this bay, because of having no longer a port to leeward, save those of japon, where they have their factories. as soon as they left here, i sent some light craft after their ships, in order to ascertain where they were going, and to return to me with the information, being resolved to go in pursuit of them, and finishing my preparations for it. the news which was soon brought me was that, after taking the open sea, a storm struck them. according to that news, and the report by some chinese of a junk that was plundered, and signs that were seen along the said coast, the enemy lost one of their largest ships on that coast. these chinese met them on their way to japon, so that they abandoned the islands. although i should be better satisfied had my toil and ardent desire been employed in fighting and attaining some good result, with god's help, still i have also enjoyed great happiness and give his divine majesty many thanks because our vessels have arrived here, and those of the dutch have received less gain than loss, and have caused no considerable loss [to us]. likewise the despatches that i sent to china were important for that, in which i advised the sangleys when and where not to come, and when and where they could come. i also sent an order and money to macan to buy a ship of more than medium size, which was there, from the chief commandant of that city. according to the letters in which i have been answered, the ship can arrive here soon. with it, those that i have here, the other new one (which is now finished), and an _urca_ [83] sent me by the viceroy of yndia, i shall have seven vessels, counting larger and medium-sized ones, besides the large one and one patache which are about to sail to nueva españa, which can direct a good artillery fire. to them i shall add some artillery recast from burst pieces which, for lack of alloy that i sent to buy at malaca, and which has now arrived, were not cast before. with this, i shall endeavor to get ready as soon as possible, for whatever time the enemy may come, or for whatever decision may be made, according to advices that we shall have of the enemy, and the measures that shall appear to be most advisable for your majesty's service. the viceroy of yndia sent me the urca above mentioned, after i had sent him a despatch with the letters that should be sent your majesty from there, begging him to send me for next year, and for the occasion that can be expected in it, some ships with sailors and soldiers, equipped and manned. i also sent money and an order that, if any good or suitable ship be found, it be bought; or that they should contract to have one or two built wherever most convenient--or in cochin, because the wood is harder than that of this island. don diego christino, chief commandant of that city, was charged with it. according to the reply of captain gregorio de vidaño, whom i sent for that purpose, brought to me in the report that he has made me of the affairs of yndia, it seems that that state is in need of reinforcements and special aid, as are we in this state of ours; only we, although few, are living in comfort, god be thanked, and if not with many forces, we are prepared and alert. accordingly he returned with the said urca which the viceroy gave him. the latter sent me many offers of friendly offices in what might occur, and such as should be possible for him, with expressions of very great goodwill. i have believed them, for he is so gallant a gentleman, as is currently reported. however, i doubt their practical results, and would not like to find his aid necessary; for one can imagine that the inhabitants of that state would put difficulties in the way of it. that has already been demonstrated by experience. according to the little that can be hoped from india, and of what they write from nueva españa regarding the exhaustion of that country, and the impossibility of getting from it any of the reënforcements necessary in this country--as is evident from the so meager aid that has come here--the sending by your majesty of the fleet that you have offered to these islands becomes unavoidable. you should see that the infantry contingent be in excess of two thousand men; that the contingent of sailors and artillerymen reach nine hundred--embarking them in such vessels as can come with comfort. it should be noted that ships for these regions and for the journey from españa must not be less than five hundred toneladas, nor much greater than six hundred. vessels of this burden, if new and strong, will be of very great service both for war and for trade and commerce with nueva españa; and each one will be assigned to the use most fitting to it, in accordance with its build. and if they carry efficient troops and artillery, a quantity of anchors and cables, capable commanders and sailors, and an order that the money for their sustenance be provided, they will be very welcome, whatever may be their fashion and build, as the restoration of this country will be certain. this is the only remedy hoped for. i have sent reënforcements of food, money, and other things, to the forts of terrenate, with which, according to the advices received from that island, they are sufficiently provided until the regular time comes again to send them help, as it is the usual custom to do. when that time expires, which now is just the opposite of this voyage [i.e. to nueva españa], i shall try, with god's help, to send, together with the ordinary help, two companies of infantry, with some other soldiers of those who have come this year from nueva españa. if i can increase it to a greater number, i shall do so, by changing some of the soldiers who have been there so many years, and leaving those that shall be necessary for the defense of those forts. i shall also try to send two galleys, as galleys are more important among those islands than among any other parts of the islands of this region. i would already have sent those soldiers, if the season had not hindered, after the dutch had left here; and until then it was impossible to divide the forces which were being collected to oppose them. i have had many loud complaints from the forts of terrenate, written by religious and laymen, of the governor there, lucas de bergara gaviria--not only of his asperity and harsh government, but of his lack of balance in other things. since these complaints were so numerous, i was obliged to get the opinion and resolution of the members of this royal audiencía; but at the same time came letters from lucas de bergara gaviria, asking permission to resign his post. consequently i was forced to seek some one to go there. after nominating for that post the master-of-camp, don geronimo de silba, as one to whom your majesty had entrusted that government, he excused himself from going there, with arguments that he advanced for it. accordingly the master-of-camp, don luis de bracamonte, was appointed in his stead. although i consider the latter a man of so good qualities, that i know of no one here who is better than he, still--both because he goes with little desire to stay there (as he shows), and because the choice of the one who must go to those islands will be very much better if made by your majesty's council--i beg you to be pleased to have the choice made, and to order that the person appointed for it go immediately to discharge his duties. i do not altogether believe what is said and written about lucas de bergara gaviria, as this is a country where accusation is practiced considerably, and even the giving of false testimonies; and in this way some men make themselves feared. such men have even obtained in that way what they have not merited by other and lawful means. and notwithstanding that in the long time that elapses before the truth is established, the rival suffers, there is no one who will not [finally] bear the stigma [of his wrongdoing], and especially if any religious are dissatisfied. in such cases, there is nothing to do but keep patient, and to pray god for a remedy, for it is the most cruel persecution that is suffered. seldom is a man so fortunate that with but little to give he can satisfy many claimants. as each one tries to favor his own client or clients, they all resent any other being preferred to them; and their eagerness or partiality does not allow the advantage of merits to be recognized, even if it be known. a good example of this was seen during the term of the good governor, don juan de silba, who was discussed quite differently in writing and in the pulpits than he deserved. consequently, by having heard these reports, i have resolved not to believe those which have been written of bergara; but when the investigation that i ordered to be made comes, i shall advise your majesty of what shall be considered as true, so that you may enact what is most fitting for your service. i have not heard other maluco news with the certainty that i may affirm it. however, those items that are considered most certain are, that the dutch have a great number of ships, and although not more than enough men, they still have sufficient for them; and the number of men cannot be small if they can man the ships after leaving the necessary men in their forts and factories. of this and other details of their and our forts, a long relation is given by captain and sargento-mayor alonso martin quirante (who is one of the most trustworthy soldiers and one of the most experienced in those regions), so that it may be sent to your majesty with this letter. the english who go within range of the flemish factories are having fierce engagements and wars with them, according to the news received. it has been learned from some that they [i.e., the english] wish to ally themselves with us, so that we may together attack the flemish. although i am not in relations with those people, they pledge that those who do not confederate with them they will not fail to regard as enemies. meanwhile, there is no permission from your majesty to trade here; nor do they render the submission due, and which should be assigned to them. still, so that we may proceed in the service of your majesty with greater certainty, i entreat that you will have sent to me the order that i am to observe in this, as well as toward some dutch prisoners who are here; it does not seem proper for me to put them to death, as that would be in so cold blood, and it is even less so to trust in those who desire liberty for themselves and evil for us. the king of terrenate is also a prisoner here, and is causing expense to your majesty, and anxiety to those who guard him. in my opinion, i do not know whether he can do us more harm, if he was in his own country, than that which his son is causing us, who possesses the country and has allied himself with the dutch. on the other hand, the king might cause revolt among themselves and their vassals, if he tried to dispossess his son of the government, since the king is so offended and so angered as he is with the ill-treatment that he has experienced from his son. will your majesty ascertain what is most to your service in this, and order me accordingly. i have been unable to make any investigation in the loss of the six galleons that had occurred when i reached this country, of which i immediately informed your majesty. for, as don geronimo de silba would have to be blamed for it, as the one who was captain-general on sea and land, and in the event of his acquittal, the blame must fall upon another, or he would remain guilty; and inasmuch as he is protected by the judge conservator with bulls from his order (that of st. john), to which likewise is joined the assertion that an order from your majesty is necessary to make that investigation: for that reason, i have been unable to investigate it fully and specifically, but 1 shall fulfil whatever your majesty shall command, on the arrival of those orders. if now i should try to make any investigation i could not do so, as i have heard so much different talk about it. in my opinion such and greater disasters may happen, without any blame resting on those who give the orders, or on those who execute them. many such disasters have been seen to occur, thus in the sea, when it is excited by any violent storm--and more, since it is among islands, where there is no place for the ships to run free. don geronimo de silba has petitioned me to appoint him to the office of captain-general of the artillery, with the officials and assignment that it has in other districts. that has been refused him, inasmuch as there is nothing here for which or with which to add that expense. if i gave him the title, it was rather to fulfil your majesty's decree ordering it, than by any necessity of there being such an office. he is also talking of a journey to that court, if your majesty will be pleased to grant him permission. i petition your majesty to appoint, for the third person who serves, one of such qualities and characteristics that he can succeed to this government, if a person for that should be lacking, and to the presidency, in case that your majesty does not now wish the audiencia to succeed to everything; for if they always avoid having more than one head, your majesty's service will fare better--and of that we have already had experience here, as in other regions. for the same reasons it would be advisable for such a person to be governor of terrenate, and even the castellan of this castle; even if he should not have to serve for more than his duties there, and with his counsels, your majesty would be excellently served. with that intention i have proposed to your majesty the persons whom i know, in my opinion, to be suitable. likewise other persons should be sent me for other purposes, chiefly for clerkships [_officios de la pluma_] and for the administration of the royal treasury. they should have been reared in a good school and have exhibited good qualities; and they should be of no other [than the clerical] class, because of the great importance of efficient care, method, and system in the handling of papers and accounts. that care and system signifies much in such employment, and even more when it is lacking, since a deficiency therein is more grievous. inasmuch as the accountant, francisco lopez tamayo, left the department of accounts because of his advanced age and his ill-health, i appointed pedro de lensarra as accountant in his stead. he came in the caravels with ruy gonzalez de sequeyra. i appointed him here for this purpose for i thought him a man just and intelligent in the matter, according to what i have hitherto been able to learn; and i made more of his good qualities than of the jealousy exhibited toward him by some, who call him a criminal and blasphemer--but i am not surprised that it is rather unusual here to praise any person very highly. what i can say of him is that the way in which he fills his office has not as yet displeased me. on account of his report to me and that of the royal officials, in response to an order of mine issued for the correction of certain abuses, which i shall mention below, i instituted a reform in them as follows. during the term of my predecessor a meeting was held by the president, auditors, and royal officials then in office (some of whom still hold their offices). in that meeting reasons were given, with precedents and instances, that were deemed sufficient for them to resolve to distribute among themselves and other officials of the audiencia, and the archbishop of this church, three thousand five hundred fanegas of rice, at the price at which the grain is furnished as tributes to your majesty. since i saw that there was no royal order for it from you, and that no approbation of the resolution had come in so long an interval; and considering that that quantity, and much more which is added to it, is bought on the account of the royal treasury for the ordinary expenses and rations furnished by the royal treasury, which makes an assessment among the indians in order to get it, and that your majesty pays for what we take, at the rate of four reals, and at times four pesos--but more often without paying the poor indians, because [the treasury] has not the wherewithal; [and considering that] for that reason of not giving those indians the money and of the loss suffered by them--who, in order to comply with the assessment, have to buy at much dearer rates--not only resulted the harm in the loss of the money, but sometimes loss of liberty to some, as they have become slaves because of it: therefore, in order to reform so great an evil, i have enacted that this rice should not continue to be given to us, and that what has been received be restored, unless your majesty shall order otherwise. [84] i have enacted the same in regard to four hundred pesos that were ordered to be given to the government secretary every year, by a similar meeting of the royal treasury, and excusing him from securing your majesty's confirmation. since his office is such that he bought it for seventeen thousand pesos at a time when it had no more perquisites than now, and not so many, consequently, that increased salary will cease and the money withdrawn on this account from the royal treasury will be returned to it. i have ordered that the money which is generally removed from the division of the accounts of probated estates [_bienes de difuntos_] here to that of mexico, without any benefit from their property for the souls of the deceased or for the heirs, when distributed or invested by order of the judge of those estates [i.e., probate judge] shall be placed in this royal treasury. the necessary vouchers shall be given, so that an amount equal thereto may be delivered to the division of the accounts of probated property in that city from the money that has to be sent from the treasury of mexico on your majesty's account to this treasury here. thus will be avoided the expense of carrying that money to the port and the danger of the sea, while it has even greater conveniences, without any hurt to the heirs. and although it appears so just, as will be learned from it, persons have not been lacking to resent the limiting and lessening of the handling of the money. in regard to the accounts of the alms from the bulls i would do the same, if the agreements and conditions of their collection allowed, as it would have the same convenience as the aforesaid procedure, and would prove a very great blessing to the inhabitants of this community, by obviating the investment of this money and the space that it occupies in the vessels that carry it to nueva españa. will your majesty be pleased to ascertain whatever is most to your service, and that orders be given to me accordingly. in this matter, as in those above, there are not wanting some to oppose it. licentiate andres de alcaraz, senior auditor of this royal audiencia, intended to depart this year with the vessels now about to leave for nueva españa, but has deferred his departure both because of his ill-health, from which he is recovering, and because i insisted strenuously that he do not leave this audiencia until the other auditors of it become used to the despatch and customs of their offices, and until they are more in harmony among themselves; for since they are new men, and each one is self-confident in his own capacity and sufficiency, they have had differences of opinion, and partisans. consequently for a year back there has been more wrangling here, in suits in the audiencia, than from the time it was established. there would have been many more, had not licentiate alcaraz, notwithstanding his many excuses and his advanced age, been urged to attend it whenever possible, in order to avoid that wrangling and the scandal resulting from it. he has endeavored to bring them to agreement, a matter that caused him no little trouble, and excused me from much, for finally the displeasure of those who found that they could not do just as they wished, as it was not just, has been shared between me and licentiate alcaraz. concerning him, i assure your majesty that he is one of the discreet and sensible judges in your service; and less than his going to take part in what he deserves and in what can commend him to your majesty's eyes, could not console me at seeing him separated from me. for i do not know how one who wishes to rule aright can have anything more to his taste than such a counselor and one of so great experience in matters--such an one whom, until now, i have been unable to have. and since i was so assured of his good qualities, when i was about to embark in the fleet to fight the dutch fleet, i persuaded the said licentiate alcaraz, that if i died on that occasion, under no considerations was he to forsake this country and the audiencia until your majesty should have taken measures for all things. although i gave clear reasons for it, namely the long experience of the said licentiate alcaraz and other reasons, without thus touching on my distrust of the good government of the other two auditors--although i could perhaps give some different reason, if it were necessary--such was the spite that those two exhibited toward us, that licentiate alcaraz tried to avoid the charge of the government. at the end he conquered me and convinced me to have don fray miguel garcia serrano, archbishop elect of this city, summoned to aid him in it; he was then absent from the city. the latter is one in whom, besides his qualifications of devotion, virtue, and learning, combine other qualities so good that they can commend him for governments more important than this. accordingly he came to me at my request, and at the same entreaty he is staying, and is daily putting me under new obligations to him, the greatest of which is my seeing him so intent on and inclined to the service of your majesty, both in whatever pertains to his own office and in what can aid me in mine. to conclude the account of what ensued with the auditors--licentiate geronimo de legaspi y echabarria and doctor don albaro de messa y lugo--i shall say that whether for the causes here written, or because of restraining them and trying to reduce them to harmony and a desirable moderation; or because the correction of justice is also overtaking the members of their families (a matter on which i could debate by writing more); or, finally, whether it be by deductions from these things (which i know not), the two have so grudged their courtesies that they do not visit me since i have come from outside--although i have been careful to go to their houses oftener than was sufficient. neither do their wives visit mine. will your majesty be pleased to have them advised that what they ought to do in this matter to another president than to me, be not lacking to me. in other things, i shall manage with the fitting mildness and delicacy, so that we all may proceed very conformably to the service of your majesty. i hope for this, for on my part there is the desire and on theirs so many obligations. very soon they will make a trial of the obligations that they have in their offices. in order not to neglect the fulfilment of my obligations and the discharge of my conscience, i assure your majesty that i do not consider it advisable for your royal service that the present order be executed, ruling that he who shall be senior auditor shall exercise the office of captain-general because of the death of the governor; but [i recommend] that, in case your majesty should have appointed no person for that purpose, the whole audiencia, together with the archbishop, shall appoint him, and the appointee shall remain subordinate to the audiencia, as are other captains-general, in the royal council of war: thus may be avoided the existence of two heads, which occurs with the division of the departments of war and peace of the government, and the great inconveniences that usually result from it. and according to what i, as a christian, believe, the inconveniences that could be feared, were licentiate geronimo de legazpi to take this office (who in the event of the absence of licentiate andres de alcaraz will be senior auditor), would not be few; for as yet he is a person who has not exhibited the capacity and qualities required for it. on the contrary a certain incontinence has been noted in his morals. with the scandal and bad example of that and certain inclinations in the administration of justice, and complaints from persons to whom he has failed to return money which he received from them to invest in merchandise or to pay to them here, he has become as disreputable as in other matters of his own private affairs. since he allows one of his sons, the eldest one here, called don atanasió de legazpi, to live so licentious a life, it is said of him that his father is making amends for the fault of his son's bad rearing. he endures from his son much disrespect, even fearing him and following his will in unjust things. hence it can be inferred that he who cannot govern his own son will illy govern so many others. further, with such a counterpoise, and since this matter is so worthy of consideration, and so important to the service of your majesty, and since it is not a matter on which i can take action here or which i can remedy, i could not neglect reporting it to your majesty, in order that you may take those measures most suitable to your royal service. auditor don antonio rodriguez de villegas has just arrived in that ship from nueva españa, but he is in so poor health that he cannot attend the audiencia except in any necessary case when licentiate legazpi and don albaro must have a third person. at such times he is requested to attend so that certain business may not be delayed. he has given many signs of prudence, wisdom, and good intentions. that is what hitherto we have been able to understand of him; and i promise myself that his person will be of great service to your majesty from his good beginnings and the many good qualities that are found in him. licentiate don juan de albarado bracamonte, fiscal of this audiencia, has served in it and in the office of protector-general of the natives and sangleys of these islands, for eleven years, and, as i have thus far understood, with great satisfaction and ability. he has ever attended with peculiar care to the advancement of the preparation of the fleets that have been prepared during that time, and to all other matters of war and administration that have arisen. and according to my good opinion of him, i would entrust to him even many more things in matters touching your majesty's service, and also with my own affairs. as certain reports were made to me upon my arrival at these islands last year, that were opposed to his method of procedure, i endeavored to investigate them secretly and cautiously, and to ascertain the truth concerning them. and although his duties are so fitting and proper for the breeding of ill-will in those querulous persons against whom he has prosecuted cases, or in his subordinates, i have not found anything of importance that contradicts his rectitude and integrity. those are the qualities most to be esteemed in the ministers of the yndias. consequently in consideration of his good qualities, capacity, and skill, i regard him as deserving the grace that your majesty may be pleased to show him outside this audiencia in that of mexico or lima, in which i think that your majesty will be very well served. a few days ago while i was in cavite attending to the fleet which i prepared for the purpose that i have related to your majesty, don fray pedro de arçe, bishop of the city of santisimo nombre de jesus, and governor of this archbishopric, advised me that he heard that certain persons were losing the respect due the college of santa potenciana, of which your majesty is patron. i replied to him that i would immediately come to this city to procure the most suitable remedy. although i did so immediately without loss of time, i found that licentiate legazpi, resolving quickly upon such notice as he had, entered the said college and began to make investigations. he examined witnesses on whom he used tortures. upon seeing this case already in this state, and considering the scandal and dishonor of that royal house and of the guilty persons, it was judged necessary for want of another remedy more honorable and private, to punish the criminals as an example. accordingly, by employing great diligence, i had them arrested; and the master-of-camp, don geronimo de silba, having judged one of them in the first instance, by name captain juan lemoedano, and sentenced him to the gallows, he appealed to me; but i have not been able as yet to examine his case because of lack of the time necessary for it. the case of another, namely, captain don fernando becerra, against whom there is apparently less proof, has not yet been sentenced by the said master-of-camp, for he is yet hearing evidence in it. from the investigations of this, guilt is found against don juan manuel de la vega, ex-commander of the ships of this line to nueva españa (son of doctor manuel de la vega, ex-auditor of this audiencia), whom, according to the sufficient proof, i ought and do condemn to be beheaded and his head exposed to [public] view, and to the loss of one-half of his property. nor is there any necessity, for this [severity], to collect the evidence in the suit brought against him for the loss of the galleon "san marcos." he was commander of that vessel when don juan ronquillo fought with the fleet of these islands against that of the dutch at playa honda. he appealed from this sentence to the royal audiencia, where the case is now proceeding--very slowly, because of the superfluous justification that he is presenting. this has been an affair where it is desirable to manifest great rigor; for otherwise the other correction that i have tried to apply for the honor and defense of this royal house will not be sufficient. on the contrary it would be a damaging precedent, so that others might follow similar acts of audacity. in what pertains to me i shall always endeavor to do justice, although, with these appeals, it is impossible to do it in time, or with the energy that is necessary. especially in war, and as is customary in it, is rigor at times necessary, and without any delays. much more is it needed in this land than in others, as dissimulation and failure to punish are so usual in it. thence result many acts of lawlessness, disobedience, and crime, which inflict great injuries. to restrict them, punishment is necessary, and without it no good government can result, even in peace, much less in war. certain doubts are wont to arise in the matter of jurisdictions, and the audiencia and i understand differently one of your majesty's decrees which treats of those doubts, which was issued at el pardo, november seventeen, six hundred and seventeen. in it your majesty orders that the master-of-camp try all causes, both criminal and military, that touch the soldiers of the presidios, and the ordinary pay of these islands; and also of the others who may not be ordinary soldiers, if they shall have been levied for any purpose and have taken arms in their hands. the appeals of all are to go to the governor and captain-general. the audiencia thinks that that should only be understood in regard to those who may be levied and assigned pay (as if, having that, there would be any difference between the recent and the oldest levies), and not in regard to citizens when (because of the absence of the regular infantry) they take up arms for the guard of the city, or to go out in emergencies, as many are wont to do. but i can not see how they could be ordered or how they would obey with the punctuality that war demands, if the punishment of offenses, disobedience, and other acts that are criminal in soldiers, were not in charge of the military judges. in ytalia and flandes, the spanish soldiers have only one judge, namely, the commander of the army; for although the masters-of-camp judge in the first instance in cases, that is only exercised by them when away from the commander-in-chief. will your majesty please order this matter to be examined and declare your pleasure therein; also in what pertains to the soldiers of forts and the other paid men in them, for i do not know whether your majesty has hitherto given the jurisdiction in the first instance to the castellans by special decree. likewise i do not know whether it has been declared as to whom pertains the trial in the first instance of the men in the galleys who have a general or lieutenant, or of their soldiers; or to whom pertains the trial of those who are generally added to and embarked on the galleys from the companies of this camp. it is also necessary to know who shall try in the first instance the sailors and officers of ships, and those who work at ship-trades, inasmuch as they have no commander or admiral, nor any lieutenant of mine, in such charge, to whom it is committed by any decree of your majesty. the same doubt exists in regard to the artillerymen, who now have a general of the artillery, as your majesty has ordered one to be appointed; and if, when that office is lacking or suspended, it [_i.e._, the right of trial in the first instance] is vested in the lieutenant or captain of the artillery, as it was before. i have written this so long and specific relation to your majesty, as i desire that you may in each and every thing order what is most suitable for your service. [85] i have found introduced here the custom that retired officers, upon finding themselves without office, even though it be that of sergeant, will not serve in the regular companies. thence results a decided inconvenience, for when a soldier has once become skilful and known as a good man, and when he is admitted to greater obligations and made an officer, upon leaving that office, not only are his services lost, but even his person likewise, and he becomes corrupted, when outside of military discipline. consequently instead of the companies continuing to increase their number of well-disciplined and old soldiers, those who by excelling most and being the best soldiers have been appointed officers, are daily leaving them, and there is a continual lack of those particular persons who are the masters and patterns in the companies for the new soldiers, of those who are trustworthy for matters of importance and opportunity, and of those who are generally the cause of the best results and the avoidance of ill. as causes for not continuing their services in the regular companies, they assign the fact that those retired are not given any preferments here, as in other districts. will your majesty have considered the question of whether it will be proper to give the usual additional pay in excess of ordinary pay to retired officers who shall have served in their offices in flandes; and, before having those offices, the time set by the ordinance that treats of it--even though it be not the additional pay of flandes, but that of españa. by this method excellent soldiers will be kept and your majesty will be very well served. it has been the custom to send presents and gifts at your majesty's cost from this place to the king of japon and to certain private persons, great vassals, and lords of the ports of that kingdom, every year when a ship was sent to that country for the necessary commerce, and the provisions which it sends to this country--inasmuch as it is the fashion not to deliver an embassy or message without taking a present. for some few years back we have neglected to send any. some religious persons zealous for the service of god our lord, and for the conversion of that nation and the salvation of its souls, and likewise for the welfare of these islands, desiring to have them as our best friends in all this archipelago, have considered and even say that it is well known that those japanese have considered the decrease of the commerce, and attributed it to a disrespect for their friendship; and that consequently they were bound by treaty to prefer now that of the dutch--whom they loved not a little, because they gave and continue to give them rich presents from what they plunder, since these do not cost them much. having considered this matter and that there are certain conveniences in having friendly relations with that country, which has and gives to this country many necessary and useful things, and where our ships which ply between here and nueva españa are liable to put it in distress on both the outward and return trips when obliged by contrary weather as has been already seen and experienced--and on such occasions it has been important not to have them as enemies, for then the japanese have given the crews of our ships a good supply of necessities, and have shown them a positive proof of good treatment in not seizing the so great profits and wealth carried on the said ships; likewise having considered the friendship that they have established with the dutch, and the persecution there indicted on christians and their ministers, the spanish priests, who preach the holy gospel: i have esteemed it advisable to give a report of the matter to your majesty, so that you may have it examined and considered, together with the written reports of certain religious, experienced in those regions, as well as that of the fiscal of this audiencia, who also, i am told, discusses it. will you order the procedure most advisable for your royal service. i would not be fulfilling my obligations to the service of your majesty and to this land, unless i reported as to the faithfulness of your majesty's vassals here. for although it is true that this region is a place of concourse, or a halting-place, for men of different natures, qualities, and characteristics, who come here for various purposes, many of which are not good, or are brought here, and who leave their impress (and that not little) in extending their vices--still there are, on the other hand, highly honorable and loyal vassals, who attend to your majesty's service with so great love and willingness; and since the former comprise but the very least part of the citizens of this city, who in all number less than five hundred, not only did i find many who offered themselves and their servants to take part in your royal service on the past occasion when the enemy came here, but also they loaned me their slaves for the galleys, and one hundred and ninety-five thousand pesos. with that i have met the expenses of this camp for most of this year and of the other troops whom your majesty sustains in your pay. i also built new or repaired the ships, both large and small, and galleys, and from them collected a fleet. the enemy upon seeing that fleet in the port, although it was not completely ready, did not choose to await it, as above written to your majesty--not even for the profits to be derived from the ships that they were awaiting from china and nueva españa, which would have meant no little blessing to them and no little harm to us, if they had returned for it. all that relief resulted from the aid of so good vassals, who, although paid from the money--as were the indian natives also, who have worked and given the supplies apportioned to them for the above purpose--are even very deserving of reward from your majesty, if you esteem their service. in the above campaign, the most aid furnished me, by his person, followers, and servants, was from general don juan ronquillo del castillo. by his intelligence, assiduity, and labor, i was able to make the preparations that i did; and i do not think that it could have been done without him so well, with so incredible rapidity. will your majesty be pleased to have this considered in his behalf, on the occasions that arise for showing him honor and favor. that favor that i petitioned your majesty to show admiral rodrigo de guilleztegui last year, will be very well extended, for the reasons then advanced. don fernando centeno maldonado, who is serving in these galleys as commander of them, is a man who, by the honorable rank of his birth, has personal merits and good qualities--so that your majesty may make use of him in his profession as soldier, or in any other thing, even though it be a position of great labor. he is the man for it, and one who will well use any honor that your majesty may be pleased to bestow upon him. many judicial inquiries [_informaciones_] are made here of merits and services; and although there are some among them of men who have merits, and who have not obtained their reward because of a lack in means to give it to them, or in the failure of their said inquiry to obtain it, the majority consist of the inquiries of men who are or could be ashamed. of them what they claim might be advanced as a reason for their not deserving even what has been given them. although it is always to be believed that the auditors, to whom the inquiries are entrusted, ought to make them, not only as judges, but as interested parties, so that sinister inquiries should not be sent to your majesty's royal council to defraud your royal treasury and the merits of those who have served well, i assure your majesty that i have heard that many inquiries have been made with less justification than might be advisable. moreover, i am an eye-witness of the evidence taken so earnestly by auditor don albaro de messa in the assembly in the case of one juan de herrera, whose inquiry he had made. because we did not detail so fully as he wished regarding [the reward] that we informed your majesty could be given him, he refused to affix his signature after the opinion that he there gave in favor of captain alonso estever, a valiant man who has served and serves very well. i do not know whether he has signed in his opinion of captain antonio de esquibel, which he also gave to him at that time. in order that your majesty may know with what passions they proceed in this, and on what this was based, and may see how little was the justification of this protegé of don albaro, namely, the said juan de herrera (who it is said came here as the servant of the factor juan saenz de quen [86]--of which i am not at all certain, since he has been a soldier here, and even a collector of tributes and encomiendas, and once alcalde-mayor, when the audiencia was governing; and after his services in these employments, he was found deserving of an encomienda of two thousand tributes, of being appointed commander in the nueva españa line, and of an allowance); because cognizance was not taken of this in its order, in the report, don albaro was made especially angry. there are also other and less justifiable inquiries, for there was an excellent notary, named gonçalo velazquez de lara, who forged many inquiries and other papers; and who recently forged my signature, in order to defraud your majesty of the fees from the licenses of the sangley chinese. i sentenced him to be hanged yesterday, so that he may do it no more, and that others might be warned. the fathers of the society of jesus say that they need more religious of their order than are here. they have asked me to petition your majesty to grant them the accustomed grace in this matter. what i can certify is that whatever aid and concession your majesty may grant them will be well employed, for they are men who bear considerable fruit, and not as many of them return [to nueva españa] as of the other orders, particularly that of st. dominic. of the latter i have heard that more of them than i would wish have left the order," [87] for they are well regulated men and furnish a good example. although they deny it, i have come to believe that it is not because of the strictness of their life, and that they can all endure it, if your majesty will order something to prevent it. of the order of st. augustine, i can tell your majesty that i have heard that they have always applied themselves very earnestly to their charge of facilitating and executing all that has been, and is, necessary to be done in your royal service. in what i have experienced hitherto, i am under obligations to them to confess it, and of especial indebtedness and gratefulness to the provincial, namely, fray alonso barahona, [88] and to the definitors; and inasmuch as it is a matter that concerns the service of your majesty, i have wished in this letter to mention it to you. i shall close at this point, acknowledging the receipt of only one letter that has come to me from your majesty in these vessels that have just arrived. it is dated el pardo, november twenty, one thousand six hundred and seventeen. consequently with what i have written, i have nothing more to reply to it than that i shall do all in my power, as i ought and as i am obliged to do in fulfilment of its commands, and in all that concerns your majesty's service. may god preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, as is needed by christendom. manila, august 10, 1619. _don alonso faxardo de tença_ [appended to this letter is the following, to which the clause of the letter speaking of the fleet to be sent from spain evidently refers.] on august third, one thousand six hundred and nineteen, secretary juan ruiz de contreras ordered that licentiate antonio moreno, cosmographer, and captain juan media, be summoned to confer with pedro miguel, alias dubal, a pilot, sent by his highness, the most serene archduke alberto, [89] to make a voyage to the filipinas islands in his majesty's service by way of the cape of buena esperanza or by the new strait of mayre. [90] in the presence of don lorenzo de cracola, commander of the fleet, he was asked which of the two routes seemed the most suitable for the voyage of which they were conferring. he answered that that by the cape of buena esperanza was most suitable, if the voyage were to be made at the end of this year, because it could not be made by the new strait, as it was now very late in the year. he said that the season most suitable for that was any time in may; and that although, in accordance with the voyages that he has made, the dutch sail from their country during any time of the year, he thought that this fleet should sail during the month of march, notwithstanding that he offered to make the voyage by sailing the last of november or the first of december, as above stated. he supposes that by making a way-station in the regions, and in the manner that the dutch do, they would spend thirteen or fourteen months; and they would not make the time at all shorter by not having made the voyage by the open sea. he asserts that the voyage by way of the new strait is much longer, by at least one thousand leguas. he knows this as one who has made the voyage by both routes, and the last time by that of magallanes, although not by that newly-discovered way called the strait of mayre; and because he has gone to filipinas and terrenate twice by way of the cape of buena esperanza. he affixed his signature in presence of the above-mentioned persons and of cornelio smout (who came to españa with the said pilot, having been sent by his highness), and by henrrique serbaer, an inhabitant of this city of sevilla, who served him as interpreter. _cornelio smout_ _pedro miguel_, _alias_ _dubal_ _henrrique servaer_ grant to seminary of santa potenciana in the seminary for orphan girls, which was founded in this city by order of king don filippe, our sovereign and the father of your majesty, four classes of persons are sheltered: the daughters of old conquerors and soldiers of these islands, who, as these have nothing to leave them, are left unprotected; the illegitimate daughters of spaniards and indian women (and they are numerous), every one of whom is ruined if she is not sheltered here, because of the great laxity [of morals] in the country; and all are taught and instructed until they depart married. some married women who quarrel with their husbands are also sheltered there, until the trouble is smoothed over; and there are some poor widows. it is a work of great charity, and one that prevents great offenses to god. but it receives so little aid that the girls are in need. they are barefoot and almost naked, have wretched food, and live in very narrow, obscure, and damp, and consequently unhealthy, quarters. they are treated at the hospital. they have a church, so poor that it has no one to give it a shred as an ornament. the rearing of the girls suffers great injury from their being mingled with the married women, for there is no money with which to build them separate quarters. all of these things are causes that prevent them from living acceptably, and keep them under forcible restraint; while from growing up amid so great poverty and destitution of all things, they do not attract the attention of spaniards, and lower themselves by marrying indians. consequently, all the good ends sought in their rearing are frustrated, and among those ends, the growth of the spanish population in these regions. i consider myself as the chaplain of this seminary to advise your majesty of all this (for i think that it is contrary to your royal pleasure and purpose), so that, as its author and only patron, you may correct that state of affairs. it can be corrected by giving the institution some more indians in encomienda; by adding three more toneladas, in the distribution of the cargo, to the three that are given annually; by raising to thirty its twelve indians of service, who bring it water and wood; and by ordering that ornaments be given to its church from the royal treasury, as is done to the other churches, and from the royal hospital the necessary medicines, at the written request of the physician and the rectoress. and at present, for enlarging and fitting up the house, your majesty could give some alms. for its good management, your majesty might aid the pious intent of licentiate hernando de los rios, procurator of this city, to bring nuns to found a convent in this city, from which nuns might be sent every three years to govern this seminary; for through lack of persons who can be placed in charge of it, and who are suitable for that post, it is and has been managed by only one woman, although four are needed. if your majesty wishes a more detailed relation of these and other things of this your house, licentiate hernando de los rios will give it to you, for he is well informed of everything. consequently i finish by entreating your majesty to have pity on these poor creatures, who all continually pray for your majesty's health, which may our lord preserve for many years. manila, july 15, 617. _juan oñez_ _petition_ very potent sir: i, diego de castro, administrator of the seminary of sancta potenciana of this city, and its majordomo, declare that the encomienda of indians was granted to the said seminary, as appears by the decree i present under oath, both to send before the king our sovereign for its confirmation, and to present to his royal council of the indias. i beg and supplicate your majesty [sic; apparently error for "lordship"] to give me one copy or more of the said concession with the judicial comment of his majesty's fiscal, for the purpose above mentioned; and to return the original for a warrant to the said seminary, and for the sanction of the law in the whole matter. _diego de castro_ in the city of manila, in public session of the audiencia, on august three, one thousand six hundred and seventeen. give it to him, as he asks. _pedro muñoz de herrera_ i declare that i was summoned in manila, august twelve, one thousand six hundred and seventeen. _licentiate don juan de alvarado bracamonte_ and i, christoval martin franco, chief clerk of the government and military office of these philipinas islands, declare that i do now despatch this matter because gaspar alvarez is prevented from doing it. i ordered to be drawn, and drew, the copy requested by the above petition from the original concession which was presented for this purpose by diego de castro, majordomo (and so at present) of the said seminary of santa potenciana, and it is literally as follows: [_marginal note_: "concession of encomienda."] don juan de silva, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general in these islands; and president of the royal audiencia and chancillería resident therein, etc. inasmuch as the native towns of guas and libon in the province of camarines have been declared vacant, because of the expiration of the period granted to general don juan tello de guzman, who held and possessed them, and his failure to establish a colony, as he was obliged; and since they are to be given in encomienda as his majesty commands: therefore, considering the same, i place the said encomienda of guas and libon under the royal crown, together with their subjects, tingues, and mountains, according to and in the form and manner that the said general don juan tello held and enjoyed it, so that the retreat of sancta potenciana may enjoy and collect forever the products and profits of the said encomienda. the pension of five hundred pesos received annually from the gambling-houses of this camp by the said retreat is repealed and suppressed, provided it be paid the amount due therefrom up to the day of this concession. in respect to the collection of the tributes of the said natives, the appraisement last made for that province must be observed, and it shall not be exceeded under any consideration, under penalty of the ordinances, decrees, and provisions of his majesty, made for the yndias. it shall be seen to that the said natives are well treated, and instructed in the matters of our holy catholic faith; and in regard to that, it is charged upon the consciences [of the directors of the seminary] and taken from that of his majesty, and from mine in his royal name. the indians shall not be harassed or injured by the collectors who go to collect the said tributes, nor by any other person. given in manila, december twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and ten. _don juan de silva_ by order of the governor: _gaspar alvarez_ the account of the concession of this other part was taken from the record-book of royal decrees and other papers of this accountancy of manila. given in that city, april twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and eleven. _thomas montero_ the above copy is faithful, and is accurately corrected and collated with the said original concession, which was returned to the people, and i refer to that. and the said petition and order i gave the present, witnesses being juan vazquez de miranda and don francisco veltran, citizens of manila, where this is given on the fourteenth of the month of august, one thousand six hundred and seventeen. _christoval martin franco_ corrected. sire: the seminary of santa potenciana of the city of manila, where your majesty has had the kindness to order the poor unmarried daughters of conquerors to be sheltered, and which your majesty sustains and founded, declares that your governor don juan de silva took from it a pension that it possessed for the aid of its support in the said city, and in its place, applied the products of the encomienda of guas and libon in the province of camarines, and apportioned the said encomienda to your royal crown for the support of the girls and for divine worship. the seminary petitions your majesty to concede it the grace of confirming that favor, since its service to god and to your majesty is so great. [_addressed_: "to secretary santiago florez."] [_endorsed_: "the council ordered, september 9, 1619, that the fiscal examine the matter."] the fiscal declares that this confirmation is not asked for within the four years, although the patent of the governor does not assign any period for obtaining the confirmation; neither does it state that a confirmation must be obtained. the work appears charitable and advisable, and consequently the council can grant it what favor it pleases. madrid, september 10, 1619. on the 23d of november, 619, the council, after consideration, ordered the governor and audiencia, at the summons of his majesty's fiscal, to report on the value and advisability [of such grant]; and that for that purpose a decree of investigation be given in legal form. they shall cite especially what charitable works have been strengthened by other encomiendas; the disadvantages or benefits that may result from this; whether it is an estate that continues to increase or decrease; and what harm may result to the royal patrimony. reforms needed in the filipinas sire: fernando de los rios coronel, procurator-general of the filipinas islands and of all their estates, declares that, inasmuch as all that community insisted that he come to inform your majesty of the distressed condition which it has reached, and of what was advisable both for the service of your majesty and that community's conservation and advancement, he has come, for that reason, at the risk of his life, after suffering so great hardships, to serve your majesty and those islands, for both of which services he has made this memorial of the most necessary matters that demand reform. although he thinks that your governor, don alonso fajardo, will remedy many of these things (inasmuch as that whole community writes that he is proceeding as its father), yet, since men are so liable to the possibility of death that most often the good lasts but a short time, and (as we all know by experience, for our sins), another may succeed who will inflict many injuries; and since before the complaints could reach your majesty through so long a distance and the relief be sent, the men concerned might be dead: it is necessary to prevent the wrongs ere they come to be irremediable, as have been all those that have placed that country in so wretched a condition. he petitions your majesty to examine this memorial with great consideration, for in [heeding] it consists the welfare and conservation of all the kingdom; for that country, being so far away, has no other remedy for its protection except your royal decrees. the first ten articles of the memorial were approved by your royal audiencia, so that you may have no doubt of them. he did not inform the audiencia of the others for just considerations, as was advisable--the city having given him instructions for most of them, which are those that he presents. in the authority that he has presented to your royal council, the great trust reposed in his person has been evident; for he has served your majesty and that community for more than thirty years, with so great a desire of acting rightly as is well known, and has never tried to further his own interests, as all [are wont to] do. 1. he declares that having obtained two decrees from your majesty some years ago (while acting in this capital as procurator-general of the kingdom), with regard to the trading-ships, ordering that your governor and captain-general despatch them some time in the month of june, as the greater part of their success in the voyage consists in that, and as that country has no other fruits and harvests except that commerce, for its conservation and increase, and also for the increase of your royal treasury: not only have they not kept the said decrees but have even done the very opposite. thence have followed very many great wrongs and annoyances; and that community is greatly exhausted for that reason, and your royal treasury deeply in debt. [this affects the community] not only in material possessions, but also in the loss of your vassals, many citizens and sailors having perished for that reason. although it is believed that your governor and captain-general, don alonso faxardo, will (as is judged by his method of proceeding), correct this matter, because he has entered upon his office with so good beginnings, still, as he is mortal, and as a person may succeed him who may not attend to this--as others of his predecessors have failed to do, as has been seen hitherto: he petitions your majesty to order that this command be observed inviolate. the most efficacious expedient would appear to be to place the governors under a heavy penalty, which they would incur whenever they did not observe it, and that it be made an important clause in their residencias. 2. _item_: that your majesty issued a decree in the year 605, granting favor to the citizens of that community, and ordering your governors that the posts in the trading-ships be given to the deserving citizens for their profit, and that many be rewarded with this. inasmuch as this is very advantageous to your majesty's service and to the profit of trade, and inasmuch as the ex-governor always gave them to his relatives, and thus enriched them greatly, and the latter became very arrogant; and since, as this was the affair of the governor, no one dared to bring suit against them; and since this is greatly to the harm of the royal treasury, because they lade quantities of merchandise without registering it, and commit many illegal acts, and will continue always to commit them, for no one dares to speak plainly: he petitions your majesty to order the observance of the said decree by ordering the officials of your royal treasury, that should the governor appoint to such offices other persons than those whom your majesty has ordered, no account be made of it in the royal books, that no salary be granted them, and that those appointed to these offices have their residencias taken at the end of the voyage; and that, until these shall be taken, they cannot be appointed to other posts. 3. _item_: that your majesty has granted to the citizens the toneladas of the said trading-ships, and that your governors allot these, to each one according to his rank and wealth. the citizens have been greatly injured in this, as happened in the year 613, when the governor despatched two small ships, and did not give the citizens one single tonelada; and under pretext of granting gratuities to retired officers, the citizens were obliged to buy space for their freight from those officers, at exorbitant prices. further, he apportions a considerable number of toneladas to charitable institutions, so that they may sell the space and use, and the price obtained for it; and thus these toneladas are given to the great injury of the common welfare. the further disadvantage follows from this (besides defrauding the citizens of the reward given them by your majesty) that the toneladas are sold to whomever will pay most for them, and they are bought for this reason by merchants who have companies in mexico. consequently, it is quite common for such men to own a great part of the said merchandise of the ships, and thus the citizens are deprived of the profits with which your majesty has rewarded them. he petitions your majesty to order that these be not distributed at will, but that the orders given in this regard by your royal decrees be obeyed, and that the violation of your royal will in this be made a clause of the residencia, with the penalty that may be assigned to it. 4. _item_: that your majesty has ordered that four vessels be built for the trade, of 200 toneladas' burden; and that two of them make voyages each year, while the other two remain in port getting ready for the next year. he petitions your majesty that they be not employed in other matters by your governors, unless it be an urgent necessity, as happened last year, when they went out to drive off the dutch enemy who had besieged us. in such case the citizens themselves shall go out in them to defend the city, since the profit of the citizens is so necessary in order that that community may be settled, and have the sinews with which to defend and preserve itself. they shall not be sent to maluco or any other district, since thus your majesty is no less defrauded of your royal duties. 6. _item_: it happens that your governor and captain-general has to send to great china for ammunition and other articles very necessary for your royal service. in order not to anger the portuguese of the city of macan, the ships go to its port, although they could go to another. there they are compelled to buy through the portuguese, and are not allowed to buy from the chinese in the city of canton, the portuguese alleging that the chinese would charge them excessive rates. but they, as we have experienced, buy the articles needed, and afterward oblige our agents to take them at excessive rates, reselling them to your majesty to the great prejudice of your royal treasury. that happened in my presence when don juan de silva sent captain francisco lopez de toledo for that purpose. he brought back the supplies at prices more than thrice their value. while i was acting as the said procurator in china, i bought nails for less than sixteen reals per pico, or five arrobas, and toledo brought them hither at fifty-six; and other things after this manner, because the portuguese compelled him to buy through them. he petitions your majesty to issue a royal decree, so that the persons sent on a similar commission by your governor may buy freely; and, where they cannot buy freely, they may make another port, where they can trade with the chinese; and that the governor send an experienced and practiced person on this errand. 7. _item_: inasmuch as the ships built in the filipinas cause your majesty great expense, and have ruined and exhausted the natives; and inasmuch as your majesty owes them a great sum of money from the time of don juan de silva, for their personal services and things that he took by force from them: it is very advisable, not only for your royal service, but also for your royal conscience, to relieve them from so great oppression. he petitions your majesty to order your governors that they be prohibited from doing this, and that they send to yndia to have the said ships built; for besides their incomparably greater cheapness there, one built there lasts as long as ten built in filipinas, because the woods in yndia are incorruptible. in this your majesty will save a great sum of ducados, and the natives will be relieved of so much hardship. for that a decree from your royal council of portugal is needed, and it should be charged upon the governor of filipinas to do this with the mildness and prudence advisable. if it is desired it can be easily effected, and it is of great importance. of all this he has more minutely treated in clause 7 (which corresponds to this clause) in the memorial which he brings approved from filipinas. 8. _item_: he petitions your majesty to do him the favor to order the viceroy of nueva españa [91] not to allow a vessel to go thither from japon (which is a most serious evil), and to order that gate to be closed; and, inasmuch as the japanese do not know how to navigate without a spanish pilot and sailors, to have an edict published forbidding such persons under severe penalties (which he [_i.e._, coronel] does not declare, because he is a priest) from sailing in such ships to nueva españa. for that, in another guise, means to teach a barbarous nation how to navigate, and is rash, and opens the gate to many evils, for which afterward there will be no remedy. it will even be advisable to order father fray luis sotelo not to go to japon, for he was the one who began this, and it may be feared that he will further it. 9. _item_: there is no entrance to the city of manila except by the mouth of the bay, and the dutch enemy is wont to seize that mouth, and not allow any ship to enter or leave--as has happened thrice, namely, the years of 10, 15, and 17--thereby placing the city in great straits. but it may be presumed that this can be remedied by opening up two rivers--one in zambales, called the river of tarla; and the other in laguna de bombon, where it was resolved in the former year of 17 that some one should go to examine it, because of their great need--although this was not effected on account of the success obtained in driving away the enemy. he petitions your majesty, for the reasons here stated, to order the governors to consider that matter and examine this matter, and to charge themselves with it, as it is a thing of so great importance; and, if it be feasible, to put it into execution with the mildness and skill that is advisable, without injuries to, or extortions on, the natives; and that they send for that purpose a prudent and competent person. for, if the spaniards possess these routes, the enemy can do no harm to the city, nor prevent it from being supplied with all necessaries. besides, this is of the highest importance for the service and accommodation of the mines that have been ordered to be opened; and it will avoid the loss of many spanish and native vessels that are continually being lost. [92] 15. _item_: inasmuch as the indians of the islands of mindanao and others near by are declared enemies and are in insurrection, and have embraced the religion of mahomet; and inasmuch as they have confederated with the dutch, and committed incredible depredations on the vassals of your majesty, both spaniards and natives, and there is no security there: he petitions your majesty to charge your governor straitly to try to punish them, and to attend to that carefully, since it is of so great importance; and inasmuch as it will be of great help in facilitating this, to declare those people to be the slaves of whomever captures them in war, since through the greed of gain the natives will help willingly, and the soldiers will go much more eagerly. he petitions that you have your governor proclaim them as such, establishing the above facts with sufficient investigation, and justice on the part of your majesty to order it; and that this be done quickly, since it is so advisable to your royal service and the security of your vassals. 16. _item_: that whenever any cause that concerns the governor or any of your auditors or the fiscal is to be voted on in the sessions of your royal audiencia, he petitions your majesty to order that such persons shall not be present at the meeting; for their presence is very undesirable, and the execution of your royal justice is obstructed. in regard to this, many disorderly acts have followed, as has happened when opponents have left the session, and even offensive words have been bandied. 17. _item_: that your majesty order that neither governors nor auditors send people thence to this court. that is very annoying, as has been seen in the one sent by don juan de silva. 18. _item_: your majesty is served by the indian natives as soldiers in maluco and other regions--who, as we know by experience, serve very faithfully; and so long as they are at the war, they cannot attend to their fields and sustain their households. and in the repartimientos which are generally made by the governors, both in personal services and in food, the chiefs and cabezas [de barangay], through whom the apportionment is made, practice great cruelty on the wives of those soldiers upon whom they make the said repartimientos, thus giving occasion for the women to sell their children, or to take to evil ways. he therefore petitions your majesty that such repartimientos be not made on women whose husbands are thus engaged in the war in your majesty's service, and that they pay no tribute until their husbands return--also making this concession to those whose husbands shall have died in the war; for not only will this be a service to your majesty and to our lord, but the natives will thus be encouraged to go to service willingly, and many wrongs will be avoided. 19. _item_: that the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical affairs in the islands of maluco is subject to eastern india. innumerable troubles result from the archbishop of goa having to place ministers there, who, being of another nation and under another prelate, act very badly. he petitions your majesty to grant him the favor to decide that this jurisdiction be subject to the bishop of cibu, who is the nearest one, and that ministers be provided thence--which can be done easily, as it is so near, while it is done very inadequately from india. 20. _item_: in regard to the trading-ships between filipinas and nueva españa and the numerous things worthy of reform (which is advisable both for the royal treasury of your majesty and for the community, and for the avoidance of many death of the seamen), that which it is advisable straitly to charge and order your governor is the following: that the accommodations given the commander be moderated, conforming to the capacity of the ships. we have seen them during those years laden by the commanders with a third of the cargo, because they are relatives of the governor, under pretext of having a dispensation of taking the space of fifty toneladas. 20 [_sic_]. _item_: that the said commanders, admirals, and masters, give the residencia for their posts before being appointed to others, which your majesty has ordered by a decree of the year 604. _item_: that the masters in the port of capulco [_i.e._, acapulco], in addition to the duties that are paid to your majesty, charge excessive prices for the guards of the boxes, barrels, and other articles of merchandise, without anything being due them; and these fees were not formerly charged, because their office is given to them for that purpose, and that duty [of guarding freight] is annexed to it. he petitions your majesty to order the royal audiencia of manila, or the governor, to set the price that they can charge; and, if they exceed that price, those aggrieved can make claim in the residencia. 21. _item_: that your majesty be pleased to order your governor to be careful, in the muster-roll of sailors and common seamen made out by the royal officials, that all such be efficient; for it happens that a ship may take sixty sailors, thirty of whom are men who have been named as sailors without any knowledge of their duties, but only by favor. then in times of need there are not any to work, and the few who do understand it cannot attend to the work, which should be divided among so many. consequently there is signal danger, because the voyage is so long and difficult. 22. _item_: that it be ordered that the common seamen who serve in the said ships, who are always indian natives, be all men of that coast, who are instructed how to navigate; and that they be made to wear clothes, with which to shelter themselves from the cold; for, because they do not, most of them die in high latitudes, of which he [the writer] is a witness. inasmuch as the factor enrolls other indians who live in the interior, and who do not know the art of sailing, and as they are a wretched people, they are embarked without clothes to protect them against the cold, so that when each new dawn comes there are three or four dead men (a matter that is breaking his heart); besides, they are treated inhumanly and are not given the necessaries of life, but are killed with hunger and thirst. if he were to tell in detail the evil that is done to them, it would fill many pages. he petitions your majesty to charge your governor straitly to remedy this. _item_: that inasmuch as the kitchens where the food is cooked are not located in the first part of the forecastle, as is seen in [ships on] these seas, but in the waist; and inasmuch as at the first storm the sea carries them away, after which each one cooks his food in his messroom where he can make a fire (and it is a miracle from god that the ships are not burned)--he petitions your majesty to order your governor to remedy that, since he is so excellent a sailor. the reason for that abuse is that the officials appropriate the largest storerooms of the ships. 23. _item_: that slave women be not conveyed in the ships, by which many acts offensive to god will be avoided. although that is prohibited by your royal decree, and it is also entrusted to the archbishop to place upon them the penalty of excommunication and to punish them, this evil has not been checked; and many sailors--and even others, who should furnish a good example--take slave women and keep them as concubines. he knew a certain prominent official who carried with him fifteen of these women; and some were delivered of children by him, while others were pregnant, which made a great scandal. 24. _item_: that no sailor, and no passenger unless he be a person of rank, be allowed to take more than one male slave; for they load the ships with slaves who eat the provisions, and steal whatever they lay hands on, besides the risk that is run of a plague being started by them. he also petitions your majesty that the fifty pesos paid as duty on each slave be moderated, and that these imposts be paid according to the tariff in españa; and that these duties be paid in the port of capulco--where by selling the slaves, their owners may have the wherewithal to pay the imposts; for it is a great inconvenience to pay them in manila. for that reason, great deceits are practiced on the royal treasury now; for they take the slaves without being registered, because of the high amount of the duties, and are allowed to take them off at the port [of acapulco] for twenty pesos. if the said duties were moderated, and paid in the port, no one would take them without registering them, especially since the said slaves serve and aid the sailors in their necessities, and your majesty gives them no allowance of either food or water. consequently in no part of the indias is so large a duty paid. 25. _item_: inasmuch as the good treatment of the sailors is so important, in order that they may be inclined to go there, since there is so great need of them, he petitions your majesty to order that good treatment be shown them, and they be given leave to take away their boxes in which they carry their clothing and certain small wares freely, without having to open them. for in this matter the guards practice many extortions on them, and take away their little possessions, and harass them so that many refuse to return, and many acts of oppression are practiced. 26. _item_: inasmuch as the officials of the vessels, such as commander, master, boatswain, etc., lade a quantity of merchandise beyond the share given them, and overload the ships by occupying the place of the ship's stores in the storerooms and magazines; and inasmuch as this cannot be checked, as has been seen: there is no other remedy unless your majesty order the clerk of the register not to receive on the register more than only the allotment of shares that your governor makes; for he proportions the cargo which the vessel can carry, in accordance with its need, and anything more only overloads the ship. but if these goods were not admitted to register, the officials would not dare to lade them, because of the great risk of their being seized as smuggled goods. consequently great losses would be avoided by proceeding in the above manner. _item_: that neither your governor nor auditors and fiscal be allowed to act as godfathers to the citizens; for that involves very great annoyances, as that kingdom is so new, and as all make claims. 27. _item_: that it is the practice or abuse that fowls are given to your governor, auditors, and other officials of the royal audiencia at lower prices than are current; and that the governor of the chinese is ordered for that purpose to allot the share of all [the chinese], and each one is obliged to give weekly so many fowls at a certain low price, and he who does not give them is punished and fined. the worst thing is that on this occasion the governor of the chinese steals as many more, at the same price. that amounts to a vast sum; for, since there is no other flesh eaten except beef and pork, these fowls amount by the end of the year to more than twenty thousand. in this way signal injury is done to the chinese. they also provide their houses with rice, which is the usual bread; and they take it as well as other things from your royal storehouses, at the prices for which they are given to your majesty as tributes. it results that your majesty's treasury, in the course of the year, encounters a deficiency of supplies, on account of the great expense, and these must be bought afterward at very high rates. he mentioned this so that your majesty should provide what may be deemed advisable; for it is a pity to see your majesty's treasury poorly administered, since it is so necessary there. [93] 28. _item_: inasmuch as certain regidors of the city have their encomiendas in the pintados islands and other districts, and as the governors, in order to annoy them, command them to go to live on the encomiendas, thus obliging them to leave their offices, to their own great loss and inconvenience; and as that is even the cause of their being unable to exercise their offices with freedom, in order not to anger the governor: he petitions your majesty that, if your governor thus urge a regidor to go to live [there] in person, he may maintain in the said encomienda a soldier in his stead, since it is the same thing; and it shall be understood that he is under no further obligation. the same also is to be understood with the leading citizens of manila. 29. _item_: that your governor of filipinas, in recent years, requested from your viceroy of nueva españa many kinds of supplies, such as rigging. one year they carried him fifty thousand pesos' worth of it; but the freight charged for carrying it from one sea to the other alone amounted to a vast sum of money, and the rigging arrived at the islands rotten and useless. for ten thousand pesos, the indians would make twice as much as what cost fifty thousand pesos. he sent for damask for the flag to the sea of damascus; and six varas of it cost less than one in nueva españa. he sends for garbanzos, habas, biscuit, soap, and many other things, which cost their weight in money; and when they reach the islands, they are rotten and useless. those things can be provided in the filipinas with great advantages; and where your majesty spends one thousand, they can be bought there for one hundred. and, as above stated, there are many other articles besides those i have mentioned--such as flour for the hosts, which in the islands costs less per quintal than does the freight alone for carrying it from the port of capulco. he sends for preserves for the sick, who never taste them. all the above can be very well avoided, and it is enough to send money, and to order that these articles be provided there. your majesty would have saved in these last eight years more than five hundred thousand ducados; for those who have the handling of most of those things profit greatly from them. 29 [_sic_]. _item_: inasmuch as some religious commit great excesses in making repartimientos among the indians for works that they invent for the natives; and also take from them their fowls, swine, and other food at a less price and inflict on the indians great injuries and vexations, not only in regard to food, but also to increase their own profits: he petitions your majesty to order your governor, as protector [of the indians], to check those excesses--and the archbishop as well, since he may have in this respect a better opportunity to check them; for some of the religious cause more injury to the natives than could be told here. it is extremely important that this evil be stopped, and that the religious be not served by the indians, unless they pay the latter their just wage; and that, unless they have permission from your governor, they shall not make repartimientos on the indians, nor make them serve on their works. [94] 30. _item_: that there are four orders of religious in those islands--those of st. dominic, st francis, and st. augustine, and the society of jesus--and they are well known there. on account of the trouble caused by other orders going there, and the necessity of having to make new allotments for mission work, he petitions your majesty that no other orders may go there--even though they be the same orders in name, under pretext that they are of another mode of living; for fray luis sotelo endeavored to introduce there the calced friars in the order of st. francis, while the people are well contented with the discalced friars. and the other orders should be made to understand that the land is very new, and does not need so many different kinds of religious. [95] 31. _item_: many chinese marry native indian women, and become christians and live near the city of manila. their only occupation is as retailers of goods. if they were to be gathered into one place, in a location that should be given them where they could build a town, in order to cultivate the land and sow it (for they are excellent farmers, and there is so much fallow land that might be given them), not only would they be very useful to the community, but numerous troubles that follow, because they are hucksters and retail the food, would be avoided. this is especially desirable because in this manner they will become more domestic and peaceable; and, since the number of those born is thus increasing, the city will not have so much security as if they were collected together, nor can this be done hereafter so easily as now. he petitions your majesty to charge your governor to do this, by the best plan that offers. 32. great difficulty arises from the governors placing in the city magistracy relatives or dependents of his household, or those of the auditors. because a certain ex-governor did that, nothing was enacted in the cabildo that he did not know, and of which he was not informed. consequently the cabildo does not proceed with any liberty, nor does any one dare talk with christian freedom, or defend the community in grave cases. he petitions your majesty to order that such persons be disqualified to act as regidors, or as alcaldes or scriveners of cabildo (which has resulted in the same difficulty). _item_: your majesty granted favor to those islands and their inhabitants, so that they might be encouraged to work gold mines of which only the tenth part of the product should be paid for twenty years, which time is about at an end. he petitions your majesty to grant that country favor for another twenty years, so that the operation of the mines may be better established. 33. in regard to the inspection of the chinese vessels, when they come with their merchandise, your governor appoints an inspector. the ex-governor was wont to appoint a member of his household. on that account notable wrongs have been committed; but no one has dared to demand justice against the inspectors, because they are such persons. he petitions your majesty to order that this post be filled by one of the alcaldis-in-ordinary--who, inasmuch as they understand the great importance of conserving that trade, and as it is a matter that grieves them, will show the chinese good treatment, since it is incumbent upon those officials to consider the interests of their community. 34. _item_: that the trading-ships that navigate to nueva españa have sometimes not been despatched, for personal purposes of the former governors, which is to the great injury of your royal treasury and of the citizens, since those ships are the sinews of that community. he petitions your majesty to order your governor to prevent such a thing, so that, unless compelled by a very great necessity, the annual despatch be not neglected. 35. _item_: he petitions your majesty to order your governor not to exclude the regidors of the city from appointments in accordance with their merits, since they derive no profit from the city magistracy, and are serving the community. 36. _item_: he petitions that your majesty be pleased to order that religious be provided, belonging to the orders there, for there is great need of them 37. _item_: the maintenance of commerce with the chinese, and the good treatment of those from that nation who dwell in those islands, are of so great importance that that community cannot be maintained without them (as they practice all the trades needed by a city), and it is advisable to treat them well. but your governor, don juan de silva, after having levied upon them so great a tax as the annual payment of nine reals of eight for permission to remain in the country (which meant, however, to impose this tax on the citizens, since because of it all prices were raised), besides this made them render personal services, by which they were sorely vexed. he therefore petitions your majesty to order your governor to treat the chinese as well as possible, and to exempt them from those personal services, which are a greater burden on them than are the licenses. this should be done, also, since they are foreigners, and remain voluntarily; and, moreover, since there is so great need of the kind and just treatment and equity which should be extended toward foreigners for their conversion, inasmuch as the miracles which in those regions secure conversion are good examples. 38. _item_: that about two thousand japanese generally reside in that city; and that, as trading ships come annually, many japanese remain there. but they are not only of no use to the community, but a signal danger, since they have three or four times placed the city in danger of being ruined. in this last encounter with the dutch, japanese went to them who gave them information; and on the day of the battle a company of them who fled from manila went to help the enemy. he petitions your majesty to show that kingdom the favor to order straitly that no japanese remain there; but that those who go there every year must return to their own country. 39. _item_: inasmuch as the indian natives have been so ruined by the past shipbuilding, and your majesty is indebted to them, for personal services and things taken from them by don juan de silva for your royal service, more than one million [pesos]: he petitions your majesty to order your governors that now and henceforth they shall endeavor most carefully to avoid, as far as possible, harassing the indians; and that they shall also avoid the building of galleons, since, as stated in another memorial, these can be brought from india at a much less cost to your majesty; and that an effort be made to remunerate the natives for a part of the debt due them. 40. _item_: he petitions your majesty to command that a copy of the commercial decrees be given him, that he obtained formerly when he was in this court in this same office; for the last governor took possession of the decrees when the packet in which they were sent to the city fell into his hands, and refused to give them up, but kept them. most potent sire: the procurator of the filipinas declares that, having to descant upon the matters of that kingdom that need remedy and reform, both for the service of your highness and for the welfare of that kingdom; and as he had considered and discussed them before leaving that kingdom; and considering his many years of experience, which best demonstrates what is needful for that kingdom's prosperity: the first thing that occurs to him is the following. first: that the cabildo of the city of manila, inasmuch as certain of the regidors are appointed by the governor and at times from his own household, suffers very great troubles because they are unable, when discussing the common welfare in the said cabildo, to do it freely, or to advise your highness of what is expedient, because those persons tell it to your governor. and, as is often necessary, if they have to write the truth of what is occurring, if it is against the governor, they know that he will hear of it, and will be angry at them, as has sometimes occurred; and he has even arrested them, and has spoken to them roughly and harshly. inasmuch as the said governor is the soul of that community, and the one who must reward their services, and is even the cause that nothing but what he wishes is done and written; and inasmuch as many times certain prominent persons and leading men refuse to act as regidors, and those persons who would be very desirable to retain therein have left the cabildo: i petition and supplicate your highness that those who enter the said cabildo because of the absence or death of those who are now members be appointed by the entire royal audiencia. those appointed shall be nominated by the said cabildo and the said royal audiencia shall select one of the two who shall be nominated; and your governor shall be unable to remove him, just as if he were appointed by your highness. by this method this trouble will end, and a confirmation of this request should be sent. _item_: inasmuch as the said regidors do not have any profits, and as, on that account, those who it is important should be regidors refuse to act: if they were assigned some just reward they would be eager to defend their community. this reward could take the shape of one-half tonelada for each regidor, in addition to his allotment in each ship. consequently, they would be encouraged to work and would oppose the difficulties that arise. _item_: will your highness please grant me a royal decree that the governor may not compel the said cabildo to go to his house to hold their meetings; but that they always hold them, as is usual and customary, in the said city hall, so that they may freely discuss what is advisable for your highness's service and that of your community. for sometimes the governor has ordered the regidors to meet in his house to hold a session of cabildo, contrary to the privileges of the city. further, i petition your highness to give me also a duplicate of the royal decrees which have been drawn for the last ten years in favor of that kingdom, so that, having them in its possession, they may be executed when expedient. _item_: when the insurrection of the sangleys occurred, there were many houses near the walls, whence they did us much mischief until these were destroyed. your governor, don pedro de acuña, ordered that no edifice be built within three hundred paces of the wall. will your highness please to have the ordinance of your governor confirmed for the city's perpetual defense. _item_; that the orders and monasteries have established several settlements about manila, so that they can keep indians in service for their own works, causing the said indians to be reserved from personal services. for this purpose they depopulate the encomiendas, and bring the people to manila, and those settlements become dens of thieves and vagabonds, and of hucksters and retailers who buy provisions at wholesale for their retail trade, and enhance their cost; and commit many offenses against god. i petition and supplicate your highness to order that those settlements be broken up, that the indians go to their own districts, and that only one dozen indians remain for each monastery. _item_: inasmuch as the care and vigilance that should be exercised toward foreigners is of great importance for the security of that kingdom, so that it may not again suffer a disaster like the last--especially toward the chinese nation, with whom more risk is run, since they are very greedy and cunning, and are bribers who easily corrupt the judges with bribes and gifts: therefore, in order to remedy this now and henceforth, it is advisable that a competent, energetic, and disinterested person be chosen in that community, who shall have under his charge that duty of cleansing the country and giving licenses to those chinese who are to stay, and he shall be accompanied by a regidor. inasmuch as, were the appointment of such person in charge of the governor alone, it might, as it is an office of profit and honor, be given to some of his servants or followers, or as an investment, it is necessary that the selection of such person be made by the entire royal audiencia and the cabildo of the city; since it is of so great importance, as it is the weightiest affair of that community. since so many will take part in the election, they will cast their eyes on a person who is suitable for this post. to such person the most ample commission must be given, and he shall proceed as is the custom in war against criminals; for in any other way, were opportunity given for appeals and suits, he would accomplish no good. i know that from my own experience, as a person who had that duty in charge for four years, and who labored arduously in it. _item_: that your highness order straitly that no person keep sangleys in his house or allow them to sleep inside the city under any consideration (for in that matter i accept no person of that community); and that the said judge may punish such transgressors with heavy penalties, without any one being able to prevent him. _item_: it is fully as advisable that no japanese be [allowed in the city], which is a great cause of trouble. for they are, on the one hand, a warlike race, and easily come to blows with the spaniards, for they will not suffer ill-treatment. consequently they have sometimes risen against us, and have seized arms. this has occurred because some soldiers have desired to harm or injure them, whereupon they, to revenge themselves, seize certain cutlasses that they carry, and begin to assemble together. they may place us in exceeding great danger. on the other hand, if we are careless in permitting them, many japanese will come. we are in great danger, besides, lest some take to the highways, for among those who come from those kingdoms of japon are many who have fled for crimes, and who have no right to return to their country. likewise [it is advisable to restrict their coming] in order to preserve the friendship of the emperor; since, if we do not retain them in that kingdom, there will be no occasion for any event of treachery that should force us to break friendship with him. i petition your highness to order this straitly, and that the said judge also have it in charge. _item_: there are certain depositories in the said islands called "commons" [_comunidades_], in which each indian places one-half fanega of rice at the annual harvest season. those commons were ordained with the object and purpose that they might serve the said natives in time of need, by relieving the poor and lending to other needy persons, who return it at the harvest. the plan would have been of great importance had that end been secured; but what actually occurs is, that the alcaldes-mayor sell the rice, or appropriate and loan it, and never return it. and between the stewards and the religious for feasts of the village (for they are those who have charge of the indians of the missions), at the end of the year all the rice has been used, so that the needs of the poor indians are not succored. that waste can well be avoided; and they regard it as another very large tribute. therefore, it is advisable for the service of god and the welfare of those poor natives that your highness order the said commons to be suppressed. if it be necessary to keep them, it is advisable that the governor of the filipinas order that there be one reliable steward in each one, who shall have charge of the said depository; that no magistrate or religious put into or take out of the said commons; and that during any time of necessity the rice be lent to the poor; and at the harvest it be paid in kind. if this were to be put into execution, it would be of great importance, according to an opinion that i expressed on this matter in the filipinas. if the above plan were observed in the commons round about manila, some forty in number, there might be, as a result, one hundred thousand fanegas of rice or more on the occasion of any sudden need, which could be placed within the city very speedily; for, as the city has no depository, the greatest danger of the spaniards, in case any enemy besiege them, lies in their capture through famine. with this the remedy would be secure, and at the same time the indians would be fed and aided in their needs. when it was expected to place this plan in execution, the said governor sent three of his servants, with a salary of seventy reals to be paid by the commons. those men, who consisted of judge, alguacil-mayor, and clerk, remained at each commons, balancing accounts and making investigations until all the contents were used up on their said salaries. consequently, they established order or agreement in nothing, and all remained as before. for this reason, then, affairs are going to pieces; for men are not sought for the offices, but offices to accommodate whomever the governor desires. _item_: that many posts for alcaldes and corregidors have been created by making two such districts out of what was formerly one, so that the governor could accommodate persons to whom he was under obligations. that is much to the cost of the indians, and [an offense] to god and to my conscience; for the multiplication of those offices means the multiplication of those who destroy the indians and inflict innumerable injuries upon them. i petition and supplicate your highness to order the said corregidors' and alcaldes' districts remade as they formerly were. _item_: that the governor be warned to endeavor to avoid, as far as possible, the injuries inflicted upon the natives in the cutting of wood and in personal services; for they sometimes draft them in the planting season or at harvest, so that they lose their fields, as i have seen. in addition to this, many times they do not pay the indians, because there is no money in the treasury, which is continually short of funds. this often arises from the fact that they do not estimate and consider the needs of the indians with the amount of money that is available; and consequently all the indians complain. finally, when the said indians are paid, it is done by the hand of the chiefs or cabezas de barangay, who generally keep the money. will your highness be pleased to order the governor and royal officials to avoid the above grievances as much as possible; and when it is necessary for the indians to perform any personal labor, which consists generally in the cutting of wood, to see that it be when they are not busied in their fields--for that can generally be avoided--and that they be paid the just wage, and that promptly. for acting in any other way burdens your royal conscience, since those who perform such service are very poor, and do not dare to ask for their pay, if it is not given them. consequently they very often do not receive it. in this way are they much burdened by personal services. _item_: considering the nature of the indians, who are generally indolent and lazy--inasmuch as the religious have always forbidden them to pay the tributes in kind, insisting that they be allowed to choose for themselves in what they wish to pay it, consequently the rate of living has risen greatly. the country is steadily going to ruin because the indians are not compelled to pay in kind; for they refuse to plant or cultivate, and all engage in mercantile pursuits, seeing that they can easily gain the ten reals which is the amount of their tribute. although the effort has been made to remedy this by another way--namely, by official visits from the alcaldes-mayor, in order that they may rear fowls and plant fields, the result of that has been to strip them of their possessions. for when the alcaldes-mayor go to inspect them (that is, every four months), and do not find the fowls that they have ordered the indians to rear, they sentence them to a pecuniary fine. such is the indian that he does not take warning from that, nor will he work unless he knows that he must pay the tribute in kind. moreover, it often occurs that the justices themselves take from the indian the fowls that he has reared; and then when they go to visit him and he does not have them, they punish him with stripes and fines. thus they practice many injustices against the indian; but, if he knew that he had to pay in kind, he would rear the fowls as formerly. _item_: there is one abuse very worthy of correction, which is, that the religious and alcaldes-mayor keep certain indians in service, whom the village grants weekly, and who are called _tanores_. those indians have to serve for nothing, which is contrary to justice and their rights. this was introduced from the custom in nueva españa. will your highness be pleased to order that the said _tamores_ [_sic_] be suppressed, or that they be paid for their toil. for they make use of such indians, and manage to be well served at others' expense. it is also the custom to give fish freely on friday, at the cost of the village, to the alcaldes-mayor and also to the religious. _item_: that the royal audiencia shall not try the suits of the indians in the first instance; for all the cases are brought before the audiencia, and the indians spend all their substance with lawyers and attorneys, and even go into debt, for they are fond of litigation. and since suits conducted by audiencias last so long, the indians spend all their substance, which means the ruin of the country. since your highness has ordered that such suits be tried summarily and orally, will your highness be pleased to order that that decree be observed; and that the alcaldes-mayor and justices try in the first instance, and in the second in a case fully proven, so that the audiencia may give sentence therein, and despatch the suits quickly. _item_: that, although your highness has ordered that the indians be not fined pecuniarily, your order is disregarded, especially by certain officials of the doctrinas [_i.e._, missions]. there is considerable abuse in this matter that deserves remedy. in some districts, also, very large fees are collected. will your highness be pleased to order this remedied, i mean the taking in some districts of these fees by officials of the doctrinas. [96] _item_: the governors have appointed captains, masters-of-camp, and all sorts of military officers among the natives. they allow them to have company colors, and finally are teaching them how to fight after our manner. that means, even if we should need the indians, naught else than to awaken one who sleeps, until what he has practiced becomes his purpose. _item_: the portuguese of malaca carry to the islands many slaves--negroes, for the most part. those are generally the worst ones that they have, and they are drunkards, thieves, and fugitives, who take to highway robbery; and they endanger the country considerably, because of their number. will your highness be pleased to order that no one of the said negroes or slaves be carried thither, when twelve years old or over, under penalty of confiscation; and that that order be rigorously executed. _item_: that when the governor or auditors leave their offices they give their residencias in person; for this is of great importance, so that they may have fear in giving the residencia. [97] it it also advisable that public suits, both civil and criminal, be prosecuted and concluded in course of appeal and petition in the royal chancillería of manila; for it disheartens all to have to come so many thousands of leguas, or to send with so great expense and hardship. consequently their grievances continue; and many, although they seek redress, have not the means to obtain it. the said governors, inasmuch as they represent your highness, should treat the citizens with respect, and not use abusive language to them, nor insult and affront them--as they have often done, so that certain men have all but died of grief. the governors have even exposed the citizens to great danger, by not treating them well by word of mouth. will your highness please order the said governors to be very restrained; and, should any merit it, that he be punished as your highness has ordered by your laws. _item_: because of the increase of business in the city of manila, and the number of inhabitants, it is necessary for the proper despatch of business to have one or two more notaries-public. in regard to the prompt despatch and equipment necessary for your highness's two vessels that sail on that line with the trade and merchandise of that kingdom for nueva españa (which involves the most important affairs of that kingdom), the reform and careful management required by that despatch are very necessary and worthy of great consideration; for during the last ten years they have managed that just as they pleased, most often despatching the ships beyond the time when they were formerly despatched, and often poorly equipped and overladen. consequently many vessels were wrecked with a great amount of property, in which your highness has also lost much. and the citizens of manila, when they might be very prosperous and wealthy, are, thanks to him who has despatched the vessels, very needy and poor--so much so, that they could not collect a gratuity to give me. since it is a matter of so great importance, if your highness be pleased to order the observance of the plan that i shall set forth in these articles, as a person who has so great experience in it, and which has been for some time in my charge, the necessary remedy will be applied in the following manner. first, that the ships be despatched by the middle of june, and that this be an inviolable law; that a fine of six thousand pesos be imposed on the governor, to which your highness shall immediately condemn him if he do not despatch them then. the reason why this is so necessary is because the vendavals generally set in at some time in the month of june; and if they catch the ship in the port, it cannot sail until that first monsoon passes. that usually lasts fifteen or twenty days, or one month. if they are caught outside during this weather, they can sail until they reach the district and altitude where they find the usual winds, with which they can make their said voyage easily. consequently, they will pass japon, which is the point where all the difficulties of the said voyage lie, with good weather. if the said monsoon ceases, and the ships are caught inside the bay, as a general thing another wind, the brisa, begins to blow, so that they are detained. consequently, when they make the said voyage, and reach the neighborhood of japon, it is already september or october. accordingly it is necessary to run great risks, and they must suffer many storms, with which the ships lose their rigging, are wrecked, or have to put into port in distress. if they proceed on their course, inasmuch as they encounter the rigor of winter, and because of their high altitude and their departure from a warm land, many men die; their gums decay and their teeth fall out. [98] if so great severity is not exercised, this matter will not be remedied. _item_: the ships sail very unevenly, and heavily laden, so that one-half the ship's stores are left above decks; and as the sailors are unable to attend to necessary duties or to move about in the ships, in the first storm the stores are all carried into the sea; and the men left without necessary food, especially live fowls, which means their very life. on account of their heavy cargoes they are unable to set all sail or to resist squalls, so that they founder, put into port in distress, are wrecked, or are long delayed on the voyage. again they often sail poorly repaired, because of the fault of the shore-master [_patron de ribera_] who has charge of them. it is necessary to remove him from that post; but, although the city has tried to do so, it has been unable to secure redress. thus, it is said, the ship "san antonio," which was wrecked in the year six hundred and four, carried rotten timbers throughout; and in it were drowned over three hundred persons. that said year of six hundred and four, general don diego de mendoça made port in distress, and gave the information of which i present a copy here; he said that he was carrying rotten masts. inasmuch as this matter is very long, it will not be discussed here; for, as i am a priest, it is not advisable for me to do so. in order that the neglect that there has been in this matter may be seen, never have the governors or royal officials investigated who has been the cause, or why the ships have put back in distress or have been wrecked; for that would mean to make a report against themselves. more than four of them would have been punished rigorously had they made reports, and had your highness known the culprits. _item_: inasmuch as the said ships sail so unevenly laden, the seamen do not have protection from water and cold. consequently, they fall sick, and it has even occurred that they die and are frozen, which is great inhumanity. it is very pitiful to see what occurs in that navigation. _item_: the fireplaces in which the food is cooked are left above deck, open to water and air, where the first storm carries them off. it becomes necessary after that to make a fire in earthen jars in various parts of the ship, at a very great risk of all perishing and the ship burning--besides the fact that if it rains they cannot cook their food. for all this it is necessary for your highness to order that the ships of the said line that shall be built shall carry the fireplaces under the forecastle, and as is the custom in this line of the yndias; and that the storerooms of the officers of the ship do not occupy that space. the officers sell the storerooms to the passengers for considerable money, and stow goods in them, which is not among the least of all the troubles. _item_: that the freight and cargo that the said ships must contain be stowed in the first hold, and that between decks shall be only the ship's stores, the chests of the sailors, the messrooms, rigging, sails, and all necessary supplies. they should carry even rigging for the port of acapulco, since there is rigging at manila which is very cheap; and then your highness will not have to spend vast sums in taking it from san juan de lua to acapulco overland, which is one hundred and fifty leguas. _item_: that all the passengers who shall come from filipinas to nueva españa in the said ships should pay a fare of two hundred pesos if they have a berth or messroom under deck, and those who do not so have berth or messroom, one hundred pesos, as an aid in the expenses of the ships. this should be understood not on the outward trip [to the islands] but on the return trip. [99] _item_: that the sailors be not allowed to take aboard more than one chest of goods, of the size assigned by the governor; for there is the utmost confusion in this regard, and the sailors are allowed to carry two or three very large chests, larger than common. they overload and embarrass the ship; and, under pretext that they are carrying their clothes, they take those chests full of merchandise. _item_: that all the passengers shall carry swords and bucklers and arquebuses; and that the royal officials shall place on ship arquebuses, muskets, and lances for the sailors. those weapons are cheap in manila; and with them, and the artillery carried by the ships, the latter will be well defended. they need no soldiers for the return trip [to nueva españa], for rather the ships then carry too many people. _item_: no passengers or sailors shall carry with them slave women, a practice which gives rise to very great offenses against god. such shall be regarded as confiscated in the port of acapulco. this is very advisable, for many persons carry these women as concubines--not only the owners of them, but others in the ships. it is not right that there be any occasion for angering god when there is so great risk in the voyage, as i dare to affirm; and it is certain that, in the last ten years, while this has been so prevalent, many disasters have happened. _item_: that there has been great disorder in regard to lading the ships because it has been entrusted at times to very greedy persons, who, having but slight fear of god, sell the toneladas to, and lade for, whomsoever they wish. thence it generally results that the goods of the poorest and most needy are left ashore, after the poor have invested their capital; and, after they have paid the duties to your highness, they are left ruined. consequently, the ships sail laden more with the curses of the poor than with merchandise. that is the greatest pity, and this evil is worthy of reform. never has that been punished. the reform that can be established is, that the overseers who shall be appointed to assist in the said lading, be appointed by open cabildo; and should such persons refuse the post, they shall be compelled to accept it. if they are chosen in this manner, a mistake cannot be made in the election, since all are known. the governor shall confirm the choice, and he will thus be exempted from trouble and will be freed by this from the complaints that he generally incurs, because the blame is always laid on him. certainly it belongs to him, since, he does not appoint those that he should, but whomever he wishes to advantage, who are at times his own servants. _item_: that the said ships are very ill provided with the ship-stores necessary for the sailors; and on that account the poor sailors spend their wages in buying provisions for the voyage. that is a great abuse, and for that reason the ships are also overladen. likewise they should carry some fowls for those who fall sick, especially the indian common seamen, who are treated like dogs. the spanish sailors are more accustomed to provide such things for themselves. inasmuch as that voyage is so long, and no fresh provisions can be obtained on the way, very many fall sick. for a remedy to that, god has placed, midway in the sea and on the voyage, an island that serves as an inn in the middle of their way, just as the portuguese in their voyage have one at the island of santa elena, where they get fresh food. that island, which i call rica de plata, is large, and over one hundred leguas in circumference. although some ships sight it in passing, inasmuch as its ports are unknown, no one dares to get fresh food there. it is thought to be inhabited, for some signs of habitation have been seen. it is very necessary that a small vessel sail from manila to explore it, and that it look there for a good port, so that the ships can get water and wood, and reprovision. the exploration of it may be of the highest importance. it is necessary also because near that region the ships generally lose their rigging in storms, and they can be refitted and repaired there, and can continue their voyage without having to put back to manila. i advised your highness of that some years ago, as it is so important for that voyage i believe that a decree was sent to the governor in a former year [100] to explore it; but that must be ordered again. a man of experience should be sent, so that he may display the prudence and make the exploration requisite, in accordance with the art and science of hydrography; and likewise so that he may live in manila and examine the pilots of that line, and make faithful and accurate sea-charts. for that purpose i shall give him considerable enlightenment by giving him the documents on the demarcations, and the information that i possess, on which i have labored much in order to serve your highness. nowhere does your highness need a cosmographer so much as in that land, for many things that arise and may arise. _item_: a plan occurs to me whereby the ships that have to sail in that line may cost your highness less than half, and a vessel last twice as long, compared with those that are built in filipinas. likewise the indian natives would be saved many hardships and annoyances in the cutting of timber, which they have to do for the building of the ships. this consists in the governor going from manila to vengala and cuchin in india to buy the ships; for they sell them there made from an incorruptible wood together with a quantity of extra rigging made of _cayro_, [101] which is better than that of hemp. with the rigging alone that can be imported from there, the cost of the ship can be saved. thence lascar sailors can be brought, who are cheaper and are very good seamen. all the portuguese of those parts use them in navigating, and they are very needful in the filipinas. they will come very willingly and will save your highness a considerable sum. for that it is necessary to send orders to your viceroy of goa, and to the chief commandant of malaca, to protect the lascars who shall go thither, and not to harm them. _item_: your highness granted a concession to the city of manila of a decree ordering your governor don pedro de acuña to assign to the cabildo of the said city seats in the cathedral, as was befitting the chief municipal body of that kingdom. as yet these have not been assigned, because the wives of the auditors sit inside the principal chapel, where the said cabildo generally sat--that is, opposite the seats of the auditors and governor. i petition your highness to have the said seats assigned, and to order the wives of the said auditors to sit elsewhere, since in none of the yndias do the latter sit in the principal chapel, thus depriving the said cabildo of their seats. _item_: the royal magazines have very few muskets and arquebuses for the defense of that kingdom. i petition your highness to be pleased to have a quantity of arms sent, and also to order that they be distributed among the citizens; and that the latter pay those who give them those muskets and arquebuses the price that your highness shall have paid for them there, and the costs [of transportation]. _item_: the province of nueva segovia, the most northern province of the island of manila, which is very near china, is a very good and fertile land. it is becoming entirely pacified and quieted. there the order of st. dominic is in charge, and they are gathering much fruit. it is the best land in the islands and the most fertile. there, inasmuch as the climate is temperate, the products of this country can be produced, such as wheat, fruits, and other food. it lies in an excellent region, and has there a spanish city, called nueva segovia, which gives name to the said province. it has but few inhabitants now, because the encomenderos of that district go to manila and desert it. will your highness be pleased to order the said encomenderos to live in the said city, and your governor to make efforts to settle it, especially with people who will cultivate and sow the land, so that that district may retain its excellence. for that purpose it is very needful that the said governor appoint an alcalde-mayor for that district, who shall be a lieutenant-governor, and who shall keep his office for three-years; for [the usual] appointments as alcalde are for but one year, and one can learn to know the country but little in so short a time. it is necessary that the judge that shall go there (and so that an influential and satisfactory man might be able to go there) be given a good salary; and that that province and that of ylocos, which lies next to nueva segovia, be subject to him. that is very necessary for the welfare of those two provinces, which are very far from manila. _item_: will your highness be pleased to give me a good master shipbuilder, or authority to look for one, and another intelligent person as shore-master, to assist in the despatch and repairs of ships. he should be a spaniard and not a foreigner, like the one there now; for in former times, when doctor antonio de morga, your auditor, sailed out against a dutchman who went to those islands, while two ships were being prepared to attack the dutch, two holes were bored in one of them one night, and it began to sink, and the sails were taken out and hid in the woods. it was not discovered who did it, nor was any investigation even made. but one may readily presume that some enemy to us did it; and indeed we can not settle our suspicions on anyone. in order to investigate these and many other actions worthy of punishment or correction which have occurred there in these matters, and in others--for instance, that in other parts of those islands they gave that same dutchman food, and there was some person who communicated with him; while it is even said that they showed him how to get out of a harbor that he had entered, and from which we considered it impossible for him to sail--and finally there are many things to correct and reform, and burdens to be removed from the indian natives: for all these it is necessary for your highness to appoint a person there to make official visits through the country. it is as necessary as the inspection itself that such shore-master be a disinterested person and a resident of that country; for if he is after money, he will do no good. hence, if your highness be pleased to appoint such an one, there are ecclesiastical persons in the filipinas, as for instance the bishops, especially he of çibu, fray pedro de agurto, who is a saintly man; an ecclesiastic, the archdeacon of manila, called licentiate don francisco gomez de arellano, a most zealous servant of god, and a father of that community--one who seeks no money, but rather gives all his income in alms; also a dominican friar, the commissary of the holy office, who is an excellent man; and another friar of the order of st. francis, called fray juan baptista. these men, besides having experience in the country, and knowing what demands reform, are men disinterested and wholly competent and capable. entire faith can be given to any one of them, with assurance. if the visitor be not one of the inhabitants there, it is inadvisable to send him, nor is it my intent to ask for him. _item_: for some years past, some indians living near by, and our enemies, of the islands of mindanao, jolo, burney, and other neighboring islands, have become emboldened and have gone beyond bounds. they are mahometans, and have ruined those filipinas islands--pillaging and capturing the natives, burning the churches and images, and cutting the images with knives and destroying them, to the great injury of our holy catholic faith. this has reached so shameless and bold a pass that no one--not only natives but spaniards--dares to go among the said islands. those enemies have rendered the said natives very liable to revolt, by coming daily to plunder them, and to carry off their possessions, and their wives and children captive; and in fact they have revolted several times, and taken to the mountains, saying that since the spaniards do not provide for their defense, they will not pay tribute. some, who are more loyal, say that, if they are allowed to carry arms as before, they will defend their country. after examining the cause of these troubles with great care, the following considerations have presented themselves. first, that, according to the command of one of your highness's royal decrees, such men [_i.e.,_ the moros] cannot be slaves. as they are a race from whom the soldiers can get no other booty, because the moros do not possess it, they fight unwillingly. if the soldiers could make captives of them, they would become very eager, and that would be a great incentive for the soldiers to destroy them. there is less incentive for them to capture those people than to kill them, as they do now. again it would be very useful to the said islands, for the natives would also be encouraged to go to war because of their eagerness to possess slaves to cultivate their fields. therefore, will your highness be pleased to order that those people be made slaves, since their enslavement is so justifiable and of so great service to god; or that this matter be committed to the royal audiencia and archbishop and bishops to determine, inasmuch as they have the matter in hand. _item_: there are two other nations in the island of manila called zambales and negrillos. they are a people who live in the mountains. they go naked, and are highwaymen; and their only ambition is to cut off heads, in order to swallow the brains. he is most valiant and influential who has cut off most heads. no woman will marry any one who has not cut off some heads. they are so inhuman and churlish a race that they do not care whether those whom they kill are women, children, or men. they obstruct the most needed road in the island, and occupy the best land. they are near the province of la pampanga, which is inhabited by an agricultural people, who support manila. they prevent the latter from cultivating their fields, for seldom can the indians, whether men or women, go out to cultivate their fields, without their heads being cut off. although the governors have often sent soldiers to punish them, scarcely have the latter ever killed one of them. for they run like deer, and have no village or fixed abode. they do not sow grain, but live on wild fruits and game. the most efficacious remedy will be for your highness to order that they be made slaves of the natives of the province of la pampanga; for with this, through their greed to capture these enemies so as to cultivate their fields, the pampangos will subdue the country in a very short time, at their own cost. i petition your highness to commit this matter, as above stated, to the audiencia, archbishop, and bishops. this is a matter of great importance. slavery, as practiced among the natives, is such that they are almost not slaves at all; and the system is of great benefit to the country. if this matter be not remedied by the above method, the many depredations that are committed will have no check. also, the reason why the enemies have become emboldened beyond their wont is for the lack in those regions of ships fit for that warfare. for that, it must be known that those people use certain light craft called caracoas. those craft are short and undecked. they have one palmo, more or less, of freeboard; and they carry eighty or one hundred indians who act as rowers, who use certain oars one vara in length. each of these vessels carries ten or twelve fighting indians, no more. they cannot take the open sea, except when it is very calm weather, nor do they carry provisions for even one fortnight. when we spaniards used those craft, and others called vireys, which resemble them, they greatly feared us; for, since those craft were as light as their own, we made great havoc among those people. and finally--although at great cost to the natives who were drafted as rowers--those ships made the country safe; for they fought after the manner of those people. those vessels are not used so much now, for in truth they cause great injuries to the natives. i do not know whether i can say that they even care any longer for the damage inflicted by the enemies, one reason being that they are badly paid and badly treated, while their wives and children are left to starve to death, and their crops go to ruin. the governors of the filipinas, in their effort to avoid that trouble [_i.e._, of hostile raids] have built galleys there since the time of doctor francisco de sande until now. as i have seen personally, and as all the inhabitants of that country know, the galleys of the filipinas are their destruction. the reason is that the rowers are a weak people, and their food is not very nourishing. accordingly, it has happened, even lately--during don pedro de acuña's term, when the galleys were best supplied--that the crew have continued to row a galley for six hours, and that two convicts fell dead, while the others stretched themselves on the deck exhausted; and even if the overseers killed them, they could not make them move. for that reason, and because the seas have strong currents between those islands, and continual winds, the galleys are of little use. another reason is that, since the galleys draw much more water than the enemy's vessels, when the former try to make land they can cause no injury. another reason is that the galleys are generally anchored in the river of manila, and, when any necessity arises, before they can leave the port they have to get provisions for the crew. often it is necessary to seek contributions of food from house to house, because there is none in the royal magazines. if the wind is only slightly contrary, which is generally the case, the ships cannot move, and when they finally begin to look for the enemy, the latter are at home, and laughing at us. another reason is that the galleys are an intolerable burden, which it is impossible to sustain. they have so consumed the supplies, and so endangered the royal treasury, that other very necessary things cannot be attended to. further, they cause the ships of the line, to be short of necessities and poorly equipped, because in attending to the construction of the galleys, they neglect the ships. and since there are many ship-worms there in the river, which eat the ships, it is necessary to rebuild them every year, and to be continually repairing them. further, they are dens of thieves, who are always assaulting and plundering the indians. in short, they are the destruction of that community; and hitherto have accomplished nothing, either good or bad, that is of any importance. further, your highness is under great expense with them in paying their many salaries. consequently, as there is little cloth in the filipinas with which to clothe so many, everything is, of necessity, going to ruin, where the expenses are not measured by the revenues. all the above evils can be corrected by ordering ships made according to the plan and model that i left with the governor at my departure; for, considering the said wrongs, and wishing to remedy them, i made a ship at my own cost, which has the following peculiarities, of which i give a description. they are vessels that carry no more than seven oars to a bench, although larger or smaller ones can be made. each one will cost your highness two hundred and fifty ducados to build; and will with two-thirds as many or even fewer rowers, carry twice as many soldiers as do the caracoas. the men are protected from sun and shower in excellent quarters which neither the caracoas nor the galleys have. they carry food for six months, a thing which those other vessels cannot do. they are very swift sailers, so that there is no ship that can pass them when there is not a contrary wind that prohibits sailing. they respond so readily to the oar, that while testing that ship before the governor and all manila, against the swiftest galley of all, i left the galley more than half-way behind. they carry sufficient artillery to destroy the vessels of all the enemies that we have there, except those of pirates when such should go there. for the latter it is necessary to have large ships; and it would be advisable to keep there a couple of fragatas like those built in habana by pedro melendes. those ships above mentioned are not only useful for war, but can save your highness many expenses in ships, in carrying food and the tributes; for, in the time while i had it, about two months, until after i had given it to the governor, it alone accomplished more than did all the other vessels. consequently, a vast sum can be saved, and the soldiers will be more eager, if they find themselves in so advantageous a vessel. also the natives will be spared injuries; and innumerable other benefits will follow, which, in order to avoid prolixity, i shall refrain from mentioning. your viceroy of nueva españa had me make a model of the said vessel for the exploration of the sea of california in mexico. _item_: the garrison soldiers of manila are a cause [of the ruin of the country], for many are killed, and they are lessened in numbers; and they commit many vile acts, by which the spanish nation suffers great loss of reputation among those pagans. inasmuch as they are paid there in three yearly installments, the result is that, as soon as they have received their money, most of them gamble it away in their quarters, and then go about barefoot and naked. many sell their arquebuses to the natives, which is a great evil. they have to go about begging alms and commit innumerable acts of meanness among the pagans themselves--who, in contempt, call them "soldiers." further, will your highness be pleased to order your viceroy of nueva españa not to allow any mestizos or mulattoes to be admitted among the men sent as reënforcements to the filipinas; for such men give themselves up to intoxication, and injure us greatly. it is possible to remedy the needs of the soldiers in this manner. your highness has imposed a situado of two reals on all the tributes of those islands, in order to pay one and one-half reals to the soldiers and one-half real to the prebendaries of the church. this amount is paid into the royal treasury. as the treasury always falls short, and the audiencia has to be preferred in the payment of its salaries; and as the galleys and many other things cause a shortage, eight or ten months or one year are wont to pass without the soldiers receiving any pay; consequently, one can imagine their sufferings. it will be very important to have that situado placed in a separate fund. since there are three royal officials and in the said treasury two are sufficient if one of them performs two duties (as has often been done), the third official could take charge of that situado. he could purchase food at the harvests which would be cheap, and every week he could give the soldiers a ration of rice--the ordinary bread of that country--or wheat, which is also produced there, besides giving them in money one real per day. the amount still remaining could be paid to them every four months in order that they might clothe themselves. if their pay were increased by eight reals more, they could live well; and one-half of those who die now would not die, which is much more costly to your highness. if your highness is not willing to have the royal official to whose charge that duty must fall perform it there, a rich and very intelligent citizen should be charged with it; and in cases of need he should have to supply what will be often necessary. _item_: manila lacks artillerymen--i mean men who understand artillery when need arises; for men are not lacking to take the pay of artillerymen, some of whom have never heard a gun fired all their life, but only enjoy that salary as a favor. consequently your highness's revenues are spent uselessly, for such men are artillerymen only in name. i petition your highness that artillerymen be made to pass an examination, or that on demand they furnish a certificate of examination; and that whoever shall pay their salary or order it to be paid [to incompetent men] shall incur a severe penalty; and that any person who shall apply for a position in the artillery service when one becomes vacant, shall, if a capable artilleryman, be preferred to the others, and that no posts shall be granted by favor to those who do not understand artillery. _item_: that camp needs a founder of artillery, who must be an efficient and good workman; for during the last fourteen years nothing else has been done than to spend your highness's royal revenues in salaries and making estimates of cost, and they have accomplished nothing useful. there is a good supply of metals and everything else necessary. it is extremely advisable that those islands have some one who understands founding artillery, in order to fortify the city. _item_: inasmuch as that city is so far from your highness's eyes, and where journeys to and fro are made with so great difficulty, it is necessary for the good government of spiritual affairs, according to the customary method in yndia, that, in case of the decease of the archbishop of manila, his successor be appointed there; or that at least the senior bishop, or whoever your highness may choose, shall govern the archbishopric. for, the first time when the archbishopric was vacant, that city was seven years without a prelate; and the second time, three or four years. in this matter, i must tell your highness that you could avoid having so many bishops there--especially those of caceres and nueva segovia, who are in that same island of manila; for they have no churches of importance, nor even any place wherein suitably to keep the most holy sacrament. neither do the bishops do more than to confirm, and for that a bishop _in partibus_ [102] would be sufficient. considering that the royal treasury is poor and cannot attend to many other necessary things, it is very inadvisable to increase those expenses in other ways. and considering the future--for there might happen to be persons in those bishoprics who do not think of or profess the poverty and bareness now maintained by those who are there--that would be a great burden on the indian natives, and of no use. _item_: that in the trade of the filipinas with the kingdom of japon, in exchange for the merchandise shipped there they carry silver to manila; for japon has quantities of silver, and many rich mines have been discovered. the said silver is of the quality required by law, its fifth is taken, and the japanese emperor's duties are paid as they are here paid to your highness. inasmuch as silver money is used in those kingdoms and districts only by weight--and thus the citizens of manila receive it, while the same is usual in piru and nueva españa, wherever there are mines, in buying and selling with pieces of silver marked by weight instead of being coined; and inasmuch as this is very useful to the citizens of manila, since, if this trade increases as it is increasing now, it will not be necessary to trade at all with the coined money of nueva españa: therefore i petition your highness to be pleased to allow the said silver to pass as it has always passed; and that table service and other articles may be made of it without new duties being demanded, since these are not due. _item_: that during the war with the sangleys, when they revolted, the indian natives about manila and la laguna de bay, and especially those of the province of la pampanga, fought with great valor against the sangleys, and aided us with great loyalty and willingness. it was at a juncture when, had they joined the side of the enemies, the filipinas would have been ruined. will your highness be pleased to order the governor to thank them for it in your highness's name. they will greatly esteem that, especially certain chiefs--as, for instance, don guillermo, who on that occasion was master-of-camp of the pampanga indians; and don ventura, master-of-camp of those of bay. i also request that the governor be commanded to order the religious who have missions under their charge to treat the indians well; for they are wont to lash the natives for slight causes, and equally with them even the chief indian women. this is very necessary, both for the conversion and for good example, and in order to incline them to us and make them devoted to us. for they are a race, who, with little effort on our part and with reasonable treatment, will do whatever we desire. the same thing should be ordered to the alcaldes-mayor; and your highness should order the royal audiencia to have any injuries committed on the indians rigorously punished--for, inasmuch as these have not been so punished, many troubles have happened. _fernando de los rios coronel_ (_to be concluded_) bibliographical data most of the documents in this volume are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; their pressmarks are as follows: 1. _letter from alcaraz_.--"audiencia de mexico; expedientes sobre el apresto de la armada que salio de nueva españa para las islas filipinas; años 1612 á 1617; est 96, caj. 1, leg. 22." 2. _memorial regarding hospital_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." 3. _letter from tenza_.--the same as no. 2. 4. _letters to fajardo_.--"audiencia de filipinas; registros de oficios; reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." 5. _filipinas menaced_.--"simancas--secular; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha audiencia vistos en el consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20." 6. _philippine shipbuilding_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas seculares vistos en el consejo; años 1619 á 1621; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 38." 7. _decree regarding religious expelled_.--the same as no. 4--save "años 1605 á 1645," and "leg. 12." 8. _proposal to destroy macao_.--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de filipinas; años 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. i, leg. 43." 9. _letter from pedro de arce_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de manila; años de 1579 á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." 10. _letter from fajardo_.--the same as no. 2. 11. _grant to seminary_.--the same as no. 6. 12. _reforms needed_.--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cabildo secular de manila vistos en el consejo; años 1570 á 1640; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 27." three documents are combined in this one; of these the first is in the original a printed pamphlet with ms. additions. the following are obtained from mss. in the real academia de la historia, madrid; all are in the collection "papeles de los jesuitas:" 13. _trade with the far east_.--"tomo 15, no. 19." 14. _relation of 1617-18_.--"tomo 84, no. 7." 15. _description of islands_.--"tomo 84, no. 22." 16. _dutch factories_.--"tomo 135, no. 34." 17. _relation of 1618-19_.--"tomo 112, no. 55." notes [1] spanish, _se hierra_; an allusion to the branding of convicts with a hot iron; that is, a defeat on the part of the spaniards would be an irremediable damage to their reputation. [2] see _vol_. xiv, p. 314, note 53. [3] the property of deceased persons was carefully guarded by law, as numerous decrees show; see _recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. xiv, which contains twenty-five ordinances, devoted to "the property of persons who have died in the indias, and its administration and accounts in the house of trade at sevilla;" and lib. ii, tit. xxxii, with seventy ordinances regarding "the courts in charge of such property, and its administration and accounts in the indias, and on vessels of war or trade." two of these laws (ley xxii in the former group, and ley lix in the latter) give definite and unqualified command that the funds in the probate treasury shall not be used for any purpose whatsoever, even for the needs of the royal service; and another (ley lx, second group), dated december 13, 1620, commands that the proceeds of estates left by persons dying in the philippines shall be accounted for and paid (to the heirs) at the royal treasury in the city of mexico. [4] juan ronquillo was a relative of gonzalo ronquillo de peñalosa. after the death of rodríguez de figueroa, he conducted an expedition to mindanao in 1597 at governor tello's order (see description of that expedition, _vol_. xv). in 1617 he defeated the dutch at playa honda, as above described. [5] playa honda (signifying "a low beach") is the name of an extensive plain in batalan or botolan mountain, 1,847 feet high, on the coast of zambales province, luzón, to the northwest of manila. in the text, this name is applied to a road or anchorage on that coast; its early name was paynauén. [6] this was miguel garcía serrano; he made his profession as an augustinian friar in 1592, at agreda, spain. three years later, he arrived in the philippines, where he was minister in several native villages, and held various important offices in his order, being provincial in 1611. then he went to spain and rome; and, when the see of nueva segovia became vacant, serrano was appointed to it. after ruling this bishopric for two years (june, 1617-august, 1619) he became archbishop of manila. his death occurred in june, 1629. [7] "at this time (i.e., late in the sixteenth century], also, political and religious war was almost universal in europe, and the quarrels of the various nationalities followed the buccaneers, pirates, traders, and missionaries to the distant seas of japan .... all foreigners, but especially portuguese, were then slave traders, and thousands of japanese were bought and sold, and shipped to macao, in china, and to the philippines. hidéyoshi repeatedly issued decrees threatening with death these slave-traders, and even the purchasers. the seaports of hirado and nagasaki were the resort of the lowest class of adventurers from all european nations, and the result was a continual series of uproars, broils, and murders among the foreigners, requiring ever and anon the intervention of the native authorities to keep the peace." (griffis's _mikado's empire_, p. 254.) [8] a small island--the name meaning "vay island," pulo being simply the malay word for "island"--situated near the island of banda. the english post thereon which is mentioned in the text was of little consequence, according to richard cocks--see his _diary, 1615-22_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1883), i, pp. 269, 274, 275, 292; he states that there were "5 or 7 english men in that iland," and that they were slain by the dutch and the natives. the editor of the _diary_, e.m. thompson, cites (p. 269) mention of this event in _purchas his pilgrimes_. the name pulovay is also applied to a small island north of achen, sumatra. [9] this document is also contained in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), i, pp. 443-471. certain variations occur therein from the text we follow, which is transcribed from the original ms. in the real academia de historia, madrid; and that of ventura del arco purports to be taken from the same ms. this apparent discrepancy probably arises from the two transcriptions being made from different copies of the same document. in the collection of the real academia more than one copy exists, in the case of certain documents; and there may be more than one copy of the one here presented. it should be remembered, in this connection, that in the religious houses in europe manuscript copies of letters from distant lands were largely circulated, at that period, for the edification of their members (as we have before noted); and these copies were often not verbatim, the transcriber sometimes making slight changes, or omissions, or adding information which he had received later or by other channels. our own text has been collated with that of ventura del arco, and variations or additions found in the latter are indicated as above, in brackets, followed by "_v.d.a._"--omitting, however, some typographical and other slight variations, which are unimportant. in the ventura del arco transcript there are considerable omissions of matter contained in the ms. that we follow. [10] for account of the arrival of these vessels in japan, and various details regarding their exploits in the philippines, see cocks's _diary_, i, pp. 259-281. the name "leon rojo" signifies "red lion;" and "fregelingas" is apparently a spanish corruption of "vlissingue" ("flushing"). [11] this word is written tono in the ventura del arco transcript. the ruler of firando (the local form of hirado, as it is more correctly written) was then takanobu, who became daimio--"king," in the english and spanish writers; but equivalent to "baron"--of that island. the name tono sama, applied to the daimio, is not a personal name, but a polite form, equivalent to "your lordship." see satow's notes on _voyage of saris_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1900), p. 79. cocks speaks of this ruler as figen sama. the "history of hirado as a commercial port" up to 1611 is recounted by satow (_ut supra_, pp. xliv-li). [12] this commander is mentioned by cocks as john derickson lamb. the ship called "galeaça" in our text is "gallias" in that of cocks. [13] evidently ilocos, as is shown by another mention near the end of this paragraph. [14] name of the moro pirates who inhabit the little islands of the sulu group east of tawi-tawi, and the islands between these and borneo; but on the last the name tirones is also conferred--derived from the province of tiron in borneo, to which these islands are adjacent. see blumentritt's list of philippine tribes and languages (mason's translation), in _smithsonian report_, 1899. pp. 527-547. [15] "in 1611, iyéyasu obtained documentary proof of what he had long suspected, viz., the existence of a plot on the part of the native converts and the foreign emissaries to reduce japan to the position of a subject state... iyéyasu now put forth strenuous measures to root out utterly what he believed to be a pestilent breeder of sedition and war. fresh edicts were issued, and in 1614 twenty-two franciscan, dominican, and augustinian friars, one hundred and seventeen jesuits, and hundreds of native priests and catechists, were embarked by force on board junks, and sent out of the country." (griffis's _mikado's empire_, p. 256.) the priests mentioned in our text were put to death in june, 1617, at omura (cocks's _diary_, i, pp. 256, 258). [16] vicente sepúlveda was a native of castilla, and entered the augustinian order in that province; he was a religious of great attainments in knowledge and virtue. he arrived in the philippines in 1606, became very proficient in the language of the pampangos, and was a missionary among them for five years. in 1614 he was elected provincial of his order in the islands. "thoroughly inflexible in character, he undertook to secure the most rigorous observance of the decrees and mandates of the latest father-visitor, on which account he incurred the great displeasure and resentment of many. by the death of father jerónimo de salas, father sepúlveda became a second time the ruler of the province, as rector provincial; but he did not change in the least his harsh and rigid mode of government. a lamentable and unexpected event put an end to his already harassed life, on august 21, 1617." (pérez's _catálogo_, p. 76.) [17] jerónimo de salas made his profession in the augustinian convent at madrid, in 1590, and reached the philippines in 1595. he was a missionary to the indians for some fifteen years, and was afterward elected to high positions in his order. "so exceptional was the executive ability of which he gave proof in the discharge of these offices that in the provincial chapter held in 1617 he was unanimously elected prior provincial. most unfortunately, when so much was hoped from the eminent abilities of this very judicious and learned religious, an acute illness ended his valuable life; he died at manila on may 17 of the same year." (perez's _catálogo_, p. 49.) [18] alonso rincon was one of the augustinians arriving in the philippines in 1606. he was minister in various indian villages until 1617, when he was appointed prior of the manila convent. he was sent as procurator to spain and rome in 1618, and returned to manila four years afterward. he died there in 1631. [19] the ventura del arco transcript ends here; but it is followed by a note, thus: _note by the transcriber_: "the court of rome was greatly offended at the just and proper procedure of the definitorio of the order, giving them to understand that they should have concealed the crime and the criminals; but that, besides being against all morality and the necessity of making a public example of offenders, would have been impossible in this case, so notorious in manila from the hour when the crime and the delinquents were discovered." [20] cf. the brief account of this tragic occurrence given by the augustinian chronicler juan de medina, in his _historia_ (1630), which will be presented in a later volume of this series. [21] a fleet of five caravels arrived at manila in 1612, which had come from cadiz via the cape of good hope; they were commanded by ruy gonzalez sequeira, and brought reënforcements of nearly six hundred men. [22] this was alonso fajardó y tenza; for sketch of his career as governor, see appendix at end of _vol_. xvii. [23] these italic sidebeads represent marginal notes in the ms. from which this document is translated. [24] so in the transcription, but apparently a copyist's error of _sesenta_ ("sixty") for _setenta_ ("seventy "). see _vol_. iii, p. 153. [25] evidently referring to the statement above (under the heading "camarines") as to the use of gold by the indians for their ornaments. [26] achen is at the northwest extremity of sumatra, and jambi is a state in the northeast part of the same island. sumatra is the principal source of the black pepper of commerce. see articles "sumatra," "jambi," and "pepper," in crawfurd's _dictionary of indian islands_. negapatan is on the eastern coast of hindustan, not far from cape comorin. [27] better known by its modern name of johor; it is the malay state at the southern end of the malayan peninsula, and the british territory of malacca and the malay state of pahang lie north of it. the town of johor was founded in 1511, by the malays who were then expelled from malacca by the portuguese. johor was not an island, but part of the mainland: the text probably refers to one of the islands off its coast on which a dutch post may have been located; some of these islands are still possessed by the dutch. [28] apparently a corruption of the name masulipatam, a city on the coromandel coast of india--not, as heredia calls it, an island. [29] this last paragraph decides the authorship of this document, plainly indicating that of pedro de heredia, who filled the post he mentions in the last sentence, and captured the dutch commander van caerden. [30] evidently a reference to the hospital at los baños (see _vol_. xiv, p. 211). [31] _achotes [hachotes] para los faroles_: a large wax candle, with more than one wick, or a union of three or four candles, which was used for the lanterns. [32] the bahar (from _bahara_, a word of sanscrit origin) has long been in quite general use in the east. the word is found variously spelled, "bahare," "bare," and "vare." its value varies in different localities, there being two distinct weights--one, the great bahar, used for weighing cloves, other spices, etc.; and the small bahar, about 150 kilos or 400 pounds avoirdupois, used for weighing quicksilver, various metals, certain drugs, etc. john saris, writing of the commerce of bantam, says: "a sacke is called a timbang, and two timbanges is one peecull, three peeculls is a small bahar, and foure peeculls and an halfe a great bahar, which is foure hundred fortie fiue cattees and an halfe." at malacca and achen, the great bahar is said by an old dutch voyageur to contain 200 cates, each cate containing 26 taïels or 38 1/2 portuguese ounces, weak; the small bahar, also 200 cates, but each cate of only 22 taïels or 32 1/2 ounces, strong; while in china the bahar contained 300 cates, which were equivalent to the 200 cates of malacca. instructions to françois wittert, commissary at bantam, gives the following table for weights: 1 picol = 2 basouts or basauts = 100 catis; 1 hare = 9 basauts = 4 1/2 picols--which should have amounted to 600 dutch pounds, but in the equivalent then rendered was only 540 pounds. dutch annals also give equivalents in dutch pounds as 380, 525, 550, and 625. modern english equivalents in pounds avoirdupois for various places are: amboyna, 597.607; arabia--(bet-el-falsi), 815.625, (jidda), 183.008, (mocha), 450; bantam--(ordinary) 396, (for pepper) 406.780; batavia, 610.170. see satow's notes on _voyage of john saris to japan_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1900), pp. 212, 213; _recueil des voyages_ (amsterdam, 1725); and clarke's _weights, measures, and money_ (n.y., 1888). [33] apparently referring to the hostilities in the preceding year between the dutch and english at pulovay, a small island near banda (see _ante_, note 8). see list of dutch forts in 1612-1613 in the moluccas, in _voyage of john saris_. [34] a court minute of the english east india company, dated november 12, 1614, has the following in regard to dutch opposition to the english in the east indies: "yett he [_i.e._, john saris] found the dutch very opposite to hinder the english in their proceedings all that ever they might, as well by vndersellinge, contrarye to their promyse, at [_sic_] by all other means of discouradgement, makeinge shewe of waunte without any occasion." (see _voyage of john saris_, p. lxiv.) regarding the competition and hostility between the dutch and english in the trade of the indies, which often led to open warfare (as at banda in 1617-1618), see _voyage of sir henry middleton_ (hakluyt society's publications, london 1855), and kerr's _collection of travels and voyages_ (edinburgh, 1824), viii and ix. the attempts of james i of england to win alliance with spain lend some color to the proposed english-spanish alliance in the moluccas. [35] apparently referring to the importation of quicksilver (via manila) from china to nueva españa. (sec _vol_. xvii, p. 237.) [36] these islands were discovered in 1568 by alvaro de mendaña; but for various reasons nothing was done to make them available as a conquest, and their location became so doubtful that many geographers disbelieved their existence, and even removed them from the maps. these islands were not rediscovered until late in the eighteenth century. see the hakluyt society's publication of the narratives of mendaña and others, _discovery of the solomon islands_ (london, 1901), with editorial comments by lord amherst of hackney and basil thomson. [37] from internal evidence it is apparent that this relation is written from nueva españa, a thing which the reader must constantly keep in mind; also that it was written in 1619--probably in january or february, as it was considered by the council in may of that year. [38] delgado (_historia_, pp. 418, 419) and blanco (_flora_, pp. 428-429) describe a tree called _dangcalan_, or _palo maría_ (_calophyllum inophyllum_--linn.), which is probably the tree referred to in the text. while generally a tree of ordinary size, it is said to grow to huge dimensions in mindanao. besides its use as above mentioned, an oil or balsam is distilled from the leaves, or obtained from the trunk, which has valuable medicinal uses, in both external and internal application. this oil sometimes serves to give light, but the light is dim, and to anoint the hoofs of horses. it blooms in november, the flowers growing in bunches of seven or nine each; and its leaf is oval and tapering. the wood is light, exceedingly tough, and reddish in color. it is very plentiful in the visayas, and generally grows close to the water. it is known by a number of different names, among them being bitanhol or bitanjol, and dincalin. [39] perhaps the guijo (also spelt guiso or guisoc; _dipterocarpus guiso_--bl.), a wood of red color, which is strong, durable, tough, and elastic; it produces logs 75 feet long by 24 inches square, and is now used in hongkong for wharf-decks and flooring, but in manila for carriage shafts (_u.s. gazetteer of philippine islands_). blanco says that this tree is much esteemed for carriage-wheels, and is also used for topmasts and keels. the indians call it guiso, but the spaniards have corruptly called it guijo. it is common in mindoro. [40] probably the lauan (also called lauaan and sándana; _dipterocarpus thurifera_--linn.), a reddish white or ashy wood with brown spots, used chiefly in the construction of canoes, and producing logs 75 feet long by 24 inches square (_u.s. gazetteer_). blanco says that this tree yields a fragrant, hard, white resin, which is used instead of incense in the churches. san agustin, quoted by blanco, says that the planks of the sides of the ancient galleys were of lauaan, for balls do not chip this wood. delgado mentions two species: lauaan mulato, in color almost dark red; and lauaan blanco (white), which was used as planking for boats. [41] that is, the cubit; a measure of length equal to the distance from the elbow to the end of the middle finger. the _codo real_, or royal cubit, is three fingers longer than the ordinary codo. the geometrical codo is equivalent to 418 mm., and the codo real to 574 mm. see velásquez: _new dictionary of spanish language_ (new york, 1902). [42] the banabá (_lagerstroemia speciosa_--pers.; _munchausia speciosa; lagerstroemia flos reginæ_--retz.) grows to a height of thirty to fifty feet, and varies in color from reddish white to dull red. its flowers are red and very beautiful, and bloom in march. the tree is very common and used for many things, especially for ship and house construction, particularly the red variety. it is strong and resists the elements well. see _u.s. gazetteer_ and blanco's _flora_. [43] perhaps a colloquial name given by the spaniards, or a corruption of the native name. [44] see _ante_, note 39. [45] also called the dúngol and dungon (_sterculia cimbriformis_; d.c.). it yields logs 50 feet by 20 inches square. it is pale reddish in color, and is used for roof-timbers and the keels of vessels. it is strong but does not resist the seaworms. it blooms in march and december. see _ut supra_. [46] _u.s. gazetteer_ mentions the various woods used for shipbuilding as follows: yacal or saplungan (_dipterocarpus plagatus_--bl.), betis (_azaola betis_--bl.), dúngon, and ípil or ypil (_eperua decandra_--bl.), for keels and stern-posts; antipolo (_artocarpus incisa_--linn.), for keels and outside planking; molave (_vitex geniculata_--bl.), for futtock-timbers and stem-crooks for frame-work; banabá, for outside planking and beams; _guijo_, for beams, masts, and yards; batitinan (_lagerstroemia batitinan_), for keelsons and clamps; mangachapuy or mangachapoi (_dipterocarpus mangachapoi_--bl.), for water-ways and decktimbers; amuguis (_cyrtocarpa quinquestila_--bl.), for upper works and partitions; palo-maria, for futtock-timbers, masts and yards. [47] the offices of those in charge of the building of ships would seem, from the following law, to have been a sinecure in the islands. this law is taken from _recopilación de leyes_, lib. v, tit. xv, ley viii. "the governors of filipinas appoint persons to build the galleons or boats, who are wont to cause great thefts and injuries to our royal treasury, and on the indians. for their occupation they are given ten or more toneladas of cargo in the trading ships, on account of being relatives or followers of the governors. some have had as many as forty toneladas, and have filled them with gold at forty reals per tae, or seven and one-half castellanos--forcibly seizing it from the indians at an unjust price, in order afterward to sell it at ninety-six reals per tae. inasmuch as they are persons of influence, their residencia is never taken. we order that the residencias of such builders, and of the others who shall have received and had money from the royal treasury for shipbuilding or any other sea or land expense, shall be taken, at the same time as those of the presidents and ministers who are obliged to give them. in respect to the governors not employing their relatives and kinsmen, servants, or followers, or those of the auditors, in these matters or in any others, they shall keep the rules and ordinances." felipe iv, august 19, 1621. [48] short, round-headed tarpauling nails. [49] apparently another name for the palm-tree called by the tagáls _cauong_ (_arenga saccharifera_--labill.; _caryota onusta_--bl.), also known as _negro cabo_ ("black head"). the leaf yields fibers that are long, black, and very strong; the cordage made from them is very durable, resisting even salt water. this is evidently the product elsewhere mentioned as "black cordage." see _u.s. gazetteer_, p. 72; blanco's _flora_, p. 511. concerning the abacá, see _vol_. iii, p. 263. [50] that is, the natives were drafted from their respective villages for public works--nominally for wages paid them, but in reality, as this document alone would show, kept in a condition of practical slavery. cf. the royal decree of may 26, 1609 (_vol_. xvii, p. 79), regulating the services of the indians. [51] _habas_: a species of bean. _garbanzos_: see _vol_. xii, p. 88, note 17. [52] _gerguetas_, for _jerguetas_: a coarse frieze or other coarse cloth. [53] our transcript reads at this point: "_quedaron en la ciudad de manila y puerto de cabite siete galeones los seis el uno de los quales._" we omit translation of the words "_los seis_," "the six," as being apparently a _lapsus calami_. [54] see description of this naval contest _ante_, p. 37. [55] see _vol_. xvi, p. 272, _note_. [56] the prebends of spanish cathedrals directly above the prebends of canonries; or, the incumbents thereof. [57] the racionero and medio racionero are prebendaries of spanish cathedrals, ranking in the order named. [58] the fourth vow of the jesuits binds to implicit obedience in going wherever the pope orders them to go for the salvation of souls. the other three vows are the same as those professed by other religious. [59] the original is "_todos alçaran luego de eras_," literally "all will immediately finish their harvesting of grain." [60] pyrard de laval says--in his _voyage_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1887-88), ii, pp. 256, 257: "when one is making a voyage from goa, one says to which quarter one is going, whether to the south or the north coast. 'the north' is from goa to cambaye, 'the south' from goa to the cape of comori.... from bassains [baçani of our text; the modern bassein] comes all the timber for building houses and vessels; indeed, most of the ships are built there. it also supplies a very fine and hard free stone, like granite; ... all the magnificent churches and palaces at goa and the other towns are built of this stone." the editors of the _voyage_ add: "bassein, twenty-six miles north of bombay, was ceded to the portuguese in 1536. it became the favorite resort of the wealthier portuguese, the place being noted for handsome villas and pretty gardens. it was taken by the mahrattas in 1739, after a siege of three months, in which the portuguese, for the last time in india, fought with stubborn courage." bassein was captured by the british in 1780. the term "mogors" in the text refers to some of the kings who were vassals of the great mogul (_vol_. xvii, p. 252). [61] diego de pantoja, born in 1571, became a novice in the jesuit order at the age of eighteen. seven years later he embarked to join the mission in japan; but on reaching macao he was assigned as companion to the noted jesuit missionary, mateo ricci, and the two founded the mission of pekin. being later expelled from the kingdom, pantoja died at macao in january, 1618 (sommervogel). ricci died at pekin in may, 1610. in the archives not only of spain, but of italy, france, and england, are many and voluminous documents referring to the catholic missions in china. the jesuit missions there are very fully recounted in _lettres édifiántes_. [62] see henry yule's account of "nestorian christianity in china," in his _cathay and the way thither_ (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1866), pp. lxxxviii-ci; cf. pp. clxxxi-iii, and 497. regarding the jews in china, see _ut supra_, pp. lxxx, 225, 341, 497, 533. [63] in 1618 the manchu leader noorhachu invaded the province of liaotung--now a division of the province of sheng-king, and lying on the northern coast of the korean gulf; its southern extremity forms a long, narrow peninsula which terminates at the entrance of the gulf of pe-chili, and on it are the fortified posts of dalny and port arthur, important strategic points commanding the entrance to that gulf, and prominent in the present war (may, 1904) between russia and japan. in liaotung are also the important towns of mukden and niuchuang (newchwang). in 1621 noorhachu captured mukden, and soon conquered the rest of the province; and, about twenty-five years later, his successors completed the conquest of china, expelling the ming dynasty (which had begun in 1368), and establishing that of the manchus, which still rules in china. for a detailed description of this conquest, see boulger's _history of china_ (london and new york, 1900), pp. 97-125. [64] there is an apparent hiatus here; perhaps it should read "before the last invasion."--_trans_. [65] boulger says (_history of china_, p. 107): "during this campaign it was computed that the total losses of the chinese amounted to 310 general officers and 45,000 private soldiers." noorhachu defeated three chinese armies, and captured the towns of fooshun, tsingho, and kaiyuen. [66] a phonetic rendering of wanleh (_vol_. iii, p. 228). see account of his reign in boulger's _history of china_, pp. 97-107. [67] the christian religion was first introduced into cochinchina (a kingdom founded in 1570, by a tonquin chief) by spanish franciscans, in 1583; but little was accomplished for the conversion of the heathen until 1615, when both franciscans and jesuits entered upon that work. see crawfurd's account of the country, in his _dictionary of indian islands_, pp. 105-112. [68] see letter by bishop arce, _post_. [69] this name is not to be found in sommervogel. [70] that is, yedo; then, as now (but with the modern name tokiô), the capital of the japanese empire. the castle of yedo, first built in 1456-57, was the abode of the tokugawa shôguns from 1591--when it was assigned to iyéyasu, who greatly enlarged it--until the close of that dynasty in 1868. see historical and descriptive account of this edifice, by t.r.h. mcclatchie, in _transactions_ of asiatic society of japan, vol. vi (tokyo, ed. 1888), pp. 119-154. [71] the daimiôs constituted, under the old feudal organization of japan, a class of territorial nobility, who numbered about two hundred and fifty. under iyemidzu (1623-51) the daimiôs were obliged to live in yedo half the time with their families; and, before this, those nobles had been in the habit of visiting the reigning monarch at the capital. for account of the daimiôs and their vassals, the samurai, see rein's _japan_, pp. 318-328; and griffis's _mikado's empire_, pp. 217, 321, 322. [72] for a narrative of the persecutions of christians in japan and the suppression of that religion there, with the causes of that action on the part of japan's rulers--iyéyasu, hidetada, and iyemidzu, 1600-1650--see rein's _japan_, pp. 304-311; griffis's _mikado's empire_, pp. 252-259; and j.h. gubbins's "introduction of christianity into china and japan," in _transactions_ of asiatic society of japan, vol. vi (tokyo, ed. 1888); pp. 1-38--with supplementary information thereon by e.m. satow (who reproduces iyéyasu's celebrated proclamation of 1614), pp. 43-62. [73] cf. the account of these episodes (the maltreatment of englishmen by the dutch, and the loss of the dutch ship) given by richard cocks in his _diary_, pp. 51-76. [74] probably alluding to one of the two franciscans captured by the moros nearly two years before (montero y vidal's _hist. piratería_, i, p. 154), but afterward ransomed by the spaniards--fray domingo de los mártires and fray alonso de la soledad. [75] apparently a reference to the beri-beri, a disease common in india and other lands of southern asia. a similar or identical disease, prevalent in japan, is there known as _kak'ké_; see william anderson's account of this disease in _transactions_ of the asiatic society of japan, vol. vi (tokyo, ed. 1888), pp. 155-181. [76] in the text this is a curious double play upon words, which cannot be exactly reproduced in translation. the spanish reads, _y que multos por dar en el clavo an de dar en la herradura_--literally, "many in striking the nail will strike the horseshoe," _clavo_ meaning both "nail" and "clove."--_trans_. [77] cocks mentions in his _diary_ (i, p. 268) the arrival of french ships at bantam in 1617. [78] spanish, _amplitud ortiva_, meaning an angle measured on the eastern horizon. the term amplitude, thus used (by english writers also), is an old one in astronomical terminology. in the description of the second comet, _al pie_ refers apparently to the head of the comet, which is here called its foot because sometimes this point was nearer to the horizon.--_rev. jose algue_, s.j. (director of manila observatory). [79] referring to the ancient astronomical notion that a comet was an exhalation.--_harry t. benedict_ (professor of astronomy, university of texas). [80] "evidently the modern province of awa or boshiû (its chinese name), which is situated in the eastern part of shikoku island, in tôkaidô or "the eastern sea-road." see j.j. rein's _japan_, p. 9. [81] that is, one of the fixed number of notaries assigned or allowed to manila. [82] see _vol_. x, p. 230, note 30. [83] see _vol_. xvii, p. 145, note 44. [84] _recopilación de leyes_ contains the following law in regard to the rations of rice: "inasmuch as the presidents and auditors of the audiencia of the filipinas islands, and the officials of our royal treasury are accustomed to divide among themselves all the tributes of rice belonging to us in la pampanga for the expense of their houses, taking it at the price at which the tributarios give it at the harvest, whence it happens that the rations given on our account are lacking, and that they must be bought at excessive rates; and as such procedure is very prejudicial to our royal treasury: therefore we order the president and royal officials to avoid it and stop so pernicious a custom, for thus is it advisable for our royal service." [felipe iii, madrid, december 19, 1618 --lib. ii, tit. xvi, ley lxxii.] [85] the following document, preserved in archivo general de indias with the same pressmark as fajardo's letter (see bibliographical data, _post_), was probably ordered to be copied as a help toward solving these doubts. the king: to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the filipinas islands. i have heard that, [the command of] a company of infantry having become vacant because of the death of don tomas brabo, and my governor and captain-general of those islands, don pedro de acuña, having appointed to it captain juan de billaçon--who in order that he would accept had to be urged by the said don pedro, both because he was a very worthy and deserving man and one who had done many services, and because there was no one else to select, and because it was an occasion when a great number of boats were expected from china which it had been rumored were to come to attack the islands, to revenge the sangleys who had been killed in the insurrection of the year six hundred and three--you issued an act, in which you ordered that the said governor should appoint the said company in conformity to the ordinance, and that in the meantime there should be no innovation in anything--just as if such a matter were the chief that should be attended to then, since it was an occasion in which the governor was toiling so arduously in fortifying districts and strongholds of those islands, raising ramparts, and making ditches in order to be as ready as possible for the awaiting of so great a multitude of men as rumor said were to attack those islands. inasmuch as it is proper that matters pertaining to war be solely in the charge and care of the said my governor and captain-general, i have, after examination of the matter by my royal council of the indias, considered it fitting to issue the present, by which i order you not to interfere and oppose the said governor in anything pertaining to war and government matters; and when any case arises, in which any doubt may exist as to the form and execution of it, it is my will that the orders of the said my governor be followed and obeyed, and that you advise me, through my said council, of the doubt, and what shall be your opinion regarding it; so that after my council has examined it, the measures most advisable to my service may be ordered and commanded. given ventocilla, november four, one thousand six hundred and six years. _i the king_ by order of the king, our sovereign: _juan de civica_ i, pedro muño de herrera, who exercise the office of scrivener of the assembly of the royal audiencia and chancilleria of the philipinas islands, had this copy drawn and drew it from the original royal decree which is in my possession, by order of don alonso faxardo de tença, comendador of the redoubt in the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of these philipinas islands, and president of this royal audiencia. it is a certified copy and is thoroughly revised and collated with its original. in the city of manila, on the twentieth day of the month of august, one thousand six hundred and twenty, witnesses being ambrosio corrales and pedro muñoz de herrera, junior. _pedro munoz de herrera_ [86] in the preceding document, this name appears as juan saenz de hegoen. [87] the original if read strictly requires the above translation. it reads "_porque son gente de mucho fruto y no se buelven tantos dellos como de otras religiones y particularmente la de santo domingo que e entendido sean ydo delta mas de los que yo quissiera_." "_della_" should refer then to "_la_" and thence back to "_religiones_." but the meaning cannot be that the religious left the order, but rather their brethren in the islands and returned to nueva españa or spain. fajardo's language throughout this letter is loose and complicated, and it is possible that, "_della_" refers to the word "_tierra_" ("country") understood, in which case the translation would be "have left the country." [88] alonso baraona was a native of quintanario, of the province of bargos. he took his vows in the augustinian college of burgos in 1596, and was prior of the college of santo niño in 1607. he ministered in dumangas (1608), batan (1609), jaro (1616), aclán (1613), and passi (1614); and became definitor ami prior provincial in 1617. in 1623 he was at bay, and died, in 1626. see perez's _catálogo_. [89] the cardinal archduke albert of austria was the sixth son of maximilian ii and maria of austria, and was born in austria november 13, 1559. in 1570 he was sent to spain, where he rose rapidly in philip's favor. in 1577 he received the cardinal's hat from the pope and was made archbishop of toledo by philip in 1594. he was viceroy of portugal from 1584-1595, when philip, thinking to appease the people of the low countries, made him commander or regent there, and determined to marry him to his daughter isabel. the sovereignty of all the netherlands was to be left jointly to them and their heirs, and, in case of no issue, to revert to the spanish crown. philip formally abdicated his authority over the low countries, may 6, 1598, and their marriage was solemnized jointly with that of philip iii, april 13, 1599, after albert had renounced his cardinalate and archbishopric. he died july 13, 1621, after ruling his provinces humanely and generously, although unable to stem the current toward dutch independence. see moreri's _dictionnaire_. [90] jacques (jakob) le maire (lemaire), the dutch navigator, and the first to double cape horn, was born at egmond, and died at sea, december 31, 1616. his expedition to the south seas was undertaken at the instigation of his father, isaac le maire, a well-known merchant, and the ships were to reach the south seas by magalháes's or any other route. the two vessels were placed in command of wilhelm van schouten, and le maire was chosen director-general. the ships were equipped at the port of hoorn, and set sail june 14, 1615, from the texel. passing by the south-eastern corner of tierra del fuego, they entered and passed through the strait that now bears le maire's name january 24-26, 1616. between january 27 and 31, they doubled the horn, which they named for the port of hoorn. october 28 of the same year after various adventures among the east indian islands, they cast anchor at jacatra in java, where the "concorde," the only vessel left, was sequestered as not having been sent by the dutch east india company; while van schouten and le maire were sent to holland to be tried, le maire dying as above stated. a relation of the expedition was written by one of the participants. see vol. iv, pp. 531-618, _recueil des voyages ... de la compagnie des indes orientales_ (amsterdam, 1725). [91] the viceroy of nueva españa at this time was diego fernandez de córdoba, marqués de guadalcázar. he began his term october 28, 1612, and in 1621 was appointed viceroy of peru. [92] the lacuna at this point--sections 10 to 14 inclusive--with some duplications and other peculiarities in numbering, are precisely as in the original document. [93] see the letter written to the king by fajardo, august 10, 1619, _ante_. where this same abuse is mentioned. [94] see the royal decree following this document, which was probably issued in consequence of this section of los rios's letter, and which will appear in _vol_. xix. [95] see the various letters relating to the controversy between the calced and discalced religious of the order of st. francis, in _vol_. xx of this series. [96] an early law of _recopilación de leyes_ (lib. v, tit. viii, ley xxix) thus rules the taking of fees: "in the filipinas islands all the notaries and officials entitled to them shall collect their fees, according to, and in the quantity provided and ordained for our audiencia of méjico, so far as it shall not have been altered by the laws of this book." [felipe ii; toledo, may 25, 1596, ordinance 61.] [97] the residencia of the governor was later ordered to be taken in accordance with the following law, found in _recopilación de leyes,_ lib. v, tit. xv, ley v: "the governor and captain-general of the filipinas appointed by us, shall, as soon as he enters upon the exercise of his duties, take the residencia of his proprietary predecessor, or his predecessor _ad interim_, even should he not hold our special commission. but shall he have been so entrusted by us, he shall proceed by virtue of it, in accordance with law. in either case, he shall send a report of the residencia to the council, as is usual." [felipe iv; madrid, december 4, 1630.] [98] see descriptions of the disease called scurvy, in pyrard de laval's _voyage_ (hakluyt society's translation, london, 1890), ii, pp. 390-392; and _jesuit relations_ (cleveland reissue), iii, pp. 51, 53. [99] see the full and interesting description given by pyrard de laval (_voyage_, ii, pp. 180-214) of the portuguese trading vessels on the india line (_naus de carreira_), practically the same as the spanish vessels described by rios coronel; and of their construction, equipment, crews, lading, management, etc. on p. 214 is an engraving of one of these great ships. [100] see decrees relating to this in _vol_. xiv, pp. 182, 270. [101] this is the fiber obtained from the husk of the cocoanut; the word is of indian origin, and from it is derived the english "coir." see, with description of the manner in which this fiber is manufactured into rope in india, pyrard de laval's _voyage_, i, pp. 250, 285: ii. pp. 374, 443. [102] _obispo de anillo_: a bishop _in partibus_ (see _vol_. viii, p. 68). the spanish dictionaries define _obispo de anillo_ as auxiliary or suffragan, bishop. the academy's dictionary adds: "to these bishops the pontiff assigns one of the churches formerly owned by them, but now in the power of heathen." consequently the _de anillo_ becomes equivalent to _in partibus infidelium_. a bishop _in partibus_ is one consecrated to a see which formerly existed, but which has been, chiefly through the devastations of the followers of mahomet, lost to christendom. the creation of such bishops exists from the time of leo x; but they existed _de facto_ from the time when the first christian see became vacant from hostile inroad or through the action of a hostile government. the moorish conquest in spain resulted in many of such bishops fleeing to the still unconquered parts, where they wandered from place to place, with no particular duty, but officiating as opportunity offered. this state of affairs led to great abuses, for a bishop whose see was _in partibus_ would often enter some remote portion of the diocese of a more fortunate brother, and there exercise, in various ways, without the permission of the bishop of the diocese, his episcopal office. clerks whom their own bishop would not have promoted to priests' orders often received through the agency of these wandering bishops the ordination which they desired. a decree of the council of trent forbade that abuse. the title _in partibus_ was often given in protestant countries, where to appoint a bishop to a local see would have aroused hostility. besides the vicars apostolic in a non-catholic country, the vicars of cardinal-bishops, auxiliary bishops in countries where it is usual to appoint them, and papal nuncios, usually have their sees _in partibus infidelium_. they can attend general councils, and, since they are considered as truly wedded to the churches of which they bear the titles, they cannot be appointed to other sees except upon the conditions common to all episcopal translations. by a decree of the propaganda, february 28, 1882, the formula _in partibus infidelium_ was abolished, and non-resident bishops are to be known as "titular" bishops of their sees. see addis and arnold's _catholic dictionary_. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xxiv, 1630-34 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xxiv preface 11 history of the augustinian order in the filipinas islands (concluded). juan de medina, o.s.a.; 1630 [but printed at manila, 1893]. 29 documents of 1630-1633 royal letters and decree. felipe iv; madrid, december 4-31, 1630. 183 letter to felipe iv from the bishop of cebú. pedro de arce; manila, july 31, 1631. 188 royal orders, 1632-33. felipe iv; madrid, january-march, 1632, and march, 1633. 192 letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; manila, july 8, 1632. 197 events in filipinas, 1630-32. [unsigned]; manila, july 2, 1632. 229 letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to felipe iv. miguel garcetas, and others; manila, [undated, but 1632]. 245 documents of 1633-1634 papal bull concerning missions. urban viii; maduti, june 28, 1633. 263 news from the far east, 1632. fray juan garcía, o.p.; sevilla, 1633. 273 letters to felipe iv. juan cerezo de salamanca; manila, august 14, 1633. 279 report of archbishop on the bakery of manila. hernando de guerrero; manila, august 3, 1634. 295 news from felipinas, japon, and other parts. [unsigned]; manila, august 20, 1634. 297 letters to felipe iv. juan cerezo de salamanca; manila, august 10, 1634. 301 bibliographical data. 339 illustrations augustinian convent at manila; photographic view from a plate in possession of colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid. _frontispiece_. interior of augustinian church, manila; photographic view from plate in possession of colegio de agustinos filipinos, valladolid. 61 map of the island of hermosa or formosa, a portion of china, and of the island of manila or luzón; photographic facsimile of engraving in _boletín de la sociedad geográfica de madrid_, for february, 1882 (madrid, 1882), xii, no. 2; from copy in the library of congress. 151 view of volcano and town of ternate (with inset showing fortress of gamma-lamma); photographic facsimile of engraving in valentyn's _beschryving der moluccos_ (contained in vol. i, _oud en nieuw oost indien_, dordrecht and amsterdam, 1724), first part, p. 4; from copy in library of wisconsin state historical society. 281 preface more than half of this volume is occupied with the concluding installment of juan de medina's early augustinian history. he recounts the leading events therein, from one provincialship to another, and furnishes biographical sketches of the more prominent members of the order: and he relates various important secular events, especially those bearing on the work of the missionaries. the most striking occurrences in this period (1602-30) are the coming to the islands of missionaries from the recollect branch of augustinians, the assassination of the provincial sepúlveda, the frequent attacks on the colony by the dutch, and certain revolts among the natives. miscellaneous documents, dated 1630-34, comprise the rest of the volume. affairs in the islands are in fairly prosperous condition, in the main; the insurgent natives have been pacified, the religious orders are at peace, the dutch have been quiet of late, and the japanese trade shows some signs of revival. more missionaries are needed, as also more care in selecting them. the treasury is heavily indebted, and has not sufficient income; and trade restrictions and portuguese competition have greatly injured the commerce of the islands. of painful interest to the philippines are the cruel persecutions that still rage in japan. medina, continuing his history, recounts the choice of lorenzo de león as provincial of the augustinian order, and his subsequent deposition; but this is stated in brief and cautious terms. in 1602 pedro de arce (later bishop of cebú) is elected to that high post; medina extols the virtues and ability of this noted prelate, and relates many things to show these. he then proceeds to give another version of the difficulties connected with the second election of lorenzo de león, one side of which was told in _vol. xiii_; medina takes sides with that provincial, and regrets his deposition from office, but contents himself with a statement of the bare facts, and some general comments. in 1606, missionaries of the discalced (or recollect) augustinians arrive in the philippines. the missions established by them are enumerated, many being ceded to them by the regular augustinians; their labors extend even to cuyo and calamianes, and eastern mindanao, among the moro peoples. león's unexpired term as provincial is most worthily filled by pedro de arce. in 1608 he is succeeded by fray pedro de solier, a man of great ability and zeal, who conducts the affairs of the province well, and brings the religious therein under stricter discipline. certain differences arise between the two augustinian orders, and an inspection of their houses and affairs is ordered from rome. for those in filipinas is appointed (1609) fray diego de guevara, who had been sent to europe some years before as an envoy from the city of manila and from his order there. he sets out for the philippines with a large reënforcement of missionaries; but not all of these are permitted to embark at acapulco. medina gives brief sketches of the characters and lives of these men, and some account of guevara's proceedings as visitor of the province. the provincial solier is exonerated from blame, incurred through erroneous reports of his conduct, but is obliged to go to spain to render an account of it; he does this so well that he is made bishop of porto rico. in 1611 fray miguel garcía is elected provincial of filipinas, and administers his office very acceptably. another reënforcement of missionaries arrives in 1613; their outfit for the journey is so meager that they barely survive its hardships. by vote of the chapter of 1611, the interval between its meetings was extended to four years. much discontent arises at this, and the act is revoked, the next chapter meeting in 1614. an attempt is made to reduce the number entitled to vote therein; this is done, although in the face of strong opposition. at the chapter of 1614, fray vicente de sepúlveda is made provincial; his severity of rule is onerous to his subordinates. the dutch send a fleet to arévalo; the spanish commandant there takes to cowardly flight, as do all his forces, and the enemy burn the town. the missionaries seek refuge in other places; and their convents shelter and feed homeless refugees and hungry soldiers, to the extent of their resources. after the enemy's retreat, the fathers return to their missions, and encourage the indians to resume their former homes and labors. another attack by the dutch, on otón, is repulsed by the spaniards, after a desperate resistance; and the latter build an excellent fort there, to defend themselves from such raids. fray jerónimo de salas is elected provincial in 1617, but dies within three weeks' time, and sepúlveda succeeds to his post. his rigorous rule arouses much resentment; and he obstinately refuses, even when advised and warned, to give up his office. finally, in august of that same year, sepúlveda is murdered by three religious of his own order. one of these escapes from the islands; the other two are hanged. another meeting of the chapter is held (october 31, 1617) and fray alonso baraona is made provincial. archbishop vazquez de mercado dies, and is succeeded by the augustinian pedro de arce. the dutch make an attempt (1618) on luzón, but are defeated by ronquillo at playa honda. juan de silva's death is followed by the loss of the galleons that he had taken to malaca. the moro pirates of mindanao ravage the islands; a spanish fleet is sent against them, and destroys many of their craft. an augustinian friar persuades the survivors to surrender; these are afterward enslaved. medina gives some account of baraona's management of affairs as provincial. in the chapter of 1620 juan enríquez is elected provincial; he administers his office with discretion and faithfulness. various events in his term are recorded by medina. in that period the recollect augustinians establish themselves in cebú and mindanao. an insurrection arises in bohol, originating among the native sorcerers or priests; the jesuit missionaries there induce the spanish authorities at cebú to send troops against the rebels, who are subdued by the aid of the holy child in cebú. another rising in leyte is also put down, and the islands are saved for spain. a severe earthquake is felt in all the islands, and does much damage. the constant danger of attack by the dutch greatly hinders the coming of missionaries to the islands. the hardships and dangers experienced by a band of these gospelers are depicted by our writer. in 1623 fray alonso de méntrida becomes provincial, attaining in that office great renown, and displaying much ability and zeal. medina enumerates, here as elsewhere, the missionaries received by this province from spain. the next election raises to this dignity fray hernando becerra; but his health is very poor, and he dies soon after becoming provincial. his temporary successor, méntrida, is opposed by many, and is finally obliged to resign, the intervention of governor niño de tavora being required to settle the affair. the government of the order is now taken by fray francisco bonifacio, "the most pacific creature that has been in filipinas." medina relates some of the hardships and dangers that the missionaries in that country must encounter; the hostilities between the joloans and the spaniards, under tavora; and the burning of the recollect convent at cebú, soon followed by the like destruction of the augustinian convent there. medina goes to manila, and obtains for his cebú convent enough aid to rebuild its house and church, and supply all their necessary equipment, even better than before. he describes the expeditions to formosa under silva and tavora, the latter (a futile attempt) being accompanied by an augustinian religious; and the burning of the parián. the augustinian missions at maluco and cavite are abandoned. in 1629 fray juan de henao becomes provincial, at which time arise various controversies in the order. to settle one of these, an envoy is sent to rome, fray pedro garcía; but he dies before reaching nueva españa. the archbishop of manila is carried away by a fever; medina eulogizes his virtues and ability. he gives an account of the unsuccessful expedition against the joloans, led by olaso; it "returned to manila the laughing-stock of all the islands." the burdens imposed on the indians for its equipment have occasioned much distress and many deaths among them; and its failure causes those of cagayan to talk of revolt. the year 1630 is unusually stormy, and all the ships on the acapulco route suffer disasters and loss of life. religious are unwilling to risk their lives in crossing the pacific, and the missions in the islands suffer accordingly. a ship built at cavite is so poorly constructed that it partially capsizes at the time of setting sail, by which great loss of property and life ensues. medina is so fortunate as to escape to shore--one of many like deliverances, which he proceeds to recount, as also a miracle performed by the "santo niño" at cebú. the persecutions in japan still continue, yet religious go thither in disguise, at the risk of death. an expedition is sent out from manila to capture any dutch vessels that may be encountered on the coasts of siam and camboja. their destruction of a japanese junk occasions various embassies between the philippines and japan--the last of these in 1631, desiring to resume trade between those countries. this and some other occurrences in that year seem to have been added later by medina to his manuscript, which purports to have been written in 1630. in 1629 an expedition is fitted out by the religious orders to send missionaries to japan, but it proves a failure. the canonization of japanese martyrs is the occasion for magnificent spectacles in manila--processions, dances, comedies, etc. irritated by harsh treatment from an arrogant spanish officer, the indians of caragán revolt, killing the spaniards, among whom are several missionaries; but troops from cebú are sent there, and quell the rising. resuming the miscellaneous documents of that period, letters are sent to manila (december, 1630) by the king regarding various matters that have been referred to him. felipe orders that certain offices shall be sold; that the natives must pay at least part of their tributes in kind; and that the salaries of the auditors be more promptly paid. command is given that war-ships in the islands be no longer built so large as hitherto, as they are expensive, unwieldy, and in some circumstances useless. a letter to the auditors gives directions for the method of procedure in trying certain cases of appeal; and answers some questions which the auditors had asked. bishop arce, of cebú, writes to the king (july 31, 1631). he congratulates felipe on the birth of a son; comments on some royal decrees just received; recommends a person as schoolmaster in the manila church; and advises the appointment of the royal fiscal as protector of the sangleys. early in 1632 several royal orders are despatched to the colony. in a letter of january 27, the king writes to tavora on several matters: the monopoly of the sale of playing-cards, the sale of offices, and the salary of the acting archbishop. a decree of march 25, addressed to the municipal authorities of manila, warns them to enforce the royal decrees as to the proper consignment and registration of goods sent to mexico; and another, issued on the following day, orders that secular priests from india be not allowed to go to the philippines. the usual report of governor tavora (july 8, 1632) is in three sections, the first devoted to general affairs of government. he complains that the remittances from nueva españa are painfully inadequate for the needs of the colony and its troops; and that he needs more soldiers than are sent to the islands. the royal visitor, rojas, is doing very careful and thorough work in inspecting the administration of the colony, but is arrogating to himself too much authority in regard to the expenditure of public moneys; accordingly, tavora appeals to the king against some of rojas's decisions, and argues for allowing a reasonable amount of liberty in this matter to the governor and audiencia. this is especially necessary because the colony has so many enemies that it must always be in a state of defense, and its people cannot wait to receive royal orders when an enemy is at their gates. a controversy between the royal and the municipal officials regarding their respective rights of precedence has been duly settled. the relations between manila and japan, lately strained by the capture of a japanese junk by spaniards, are now more friendly, and some trade between the two countries is being carried on. the japanese have shipped a number of lepers who are christians from that country to manila; the spaniards accept this charge, and make room for the lepers in the hospital for natives. the king is asked to aid in the expenses of their care. tavora describes his relations with the peoples on the opposite mainland; makes recommendations regarding certain offices; explains the condition of the vessel which sank at manila in the preceding year; and defends himself from accusations of illegal participation in the mexican trade. another section treats of military affairs. tavora (who writes but a fortnight before his death) thanks the king for preferment bestowed upon him, but fears that he will not live to enjoy it; and informs felipe of the heavy losses that he has incurred in coming to filipinas and acting as governor, asking that some arrangement may be made for the settlement of his more pressing debts. trade with the japanese is being resumed. the post of general of artillery is superfluous, and should be abolished. affairs in hermosa are prospering; the province of cagayán is pacified, and severe punishment has been inflicted on the rebellious natives of caraga. the relief expedition to ternate has been successful, and the dutch power seems to be waning in those seas. but the only effective check upon the dutch enemy is found in the spanish establishments in the philippines and moluccas, for which tavora urges more systematic and reliable aid from the home government--not only for the sake of the philippine colony, but even more for that of all india, which is in danger of ruin if the heretics be not held back. the governor has made a successful beginning of shipbuilding for the islands, in the country of camboja. certain disputed matters connected with the military service are referred to the king. some ecclesiastical affairs are also mentioned. the archbishop-elect has had some difficulties in securing possession of his see, and the audiencia has decided against him. the religious orders refuse to obey the royal decree as to changes and appointments of missionaries. the see of camarines has long been vacant; tavora suggests that this diocese be abolished, annexing its territory to those of cebú and manila. the religious orders are in peaceable condition. more missionaries are needed in the islands but tavora urges that more care be exercised in selecting them. he asserts that his solicitude in this respect has incurred the ill-will of the friars toward him. the usual jesuit chronicle is furnished for the years 1630-32. the writer notes the general peace enjoyed by the philippine colony, who have not been molested of late by the dutch; also the rebellion (now being quelled) of the indians in caraga. the japanese offer to reopen trade with manila; but this writer regards all their friendly proposals as a veil for intended treachery toward the spaniards. the persecution of christian teachers and converts in japan is still furious; and this subject occupies most of the document, in a letter from a jesuit in that country, father christoval ferreira, to the manila provincial. this relates the tortures inflicted on five priests and two women, but without avail, to induce them to give up the christian faith; also the martyrdoms of many others. this account is of peculiar and pathetic interest because its writer, ferreira, was the only one of the jesuits arrested in japan who became, under the strain of torture, an apostate; this occurred a year after he wrote the letter. the ecclesiastical cabildo of manila write to the king (1632), urging that royal aid be given to the cathedral, in consideration of its poverty and needs. they complain that the highest positions in the diocese are filled by friars, to the neglect and discouragement of the native-born seculars who are being educated in the two universities at manila. the cathedral needs a permanent subsidy for its current provision of wine, etc., and a special grant to finish its sacristy. its service is painfully inadequate; to save the expense of salaries for additional canons, the cabildo recommend that some of the missions and benefices now held by the religious orders be turned over to the cathedral. they recommend royal favor for certain priests in manila, and especially praise the labors of the augustinian order in the islands; more missionaries are needed there, especially for the augustinian recollects. the writers commend also certain military officials; but they denounce the treasury officials for having permitted contraband trade of enormous extent with mexico. they remonstrate against the appointment of fray guerrero to the archbishopric; and highly commend the character, abilities, and work of the royal visitor rojas. a papal bull concerning missions is issued (june 28, 1633) by urban  viii. after citing previous decrees of the holy see respecting the despatch of missionaries to japan and the philippines, and their journeys between those countries, urban grants permission to the heads of religious orders to send missionaries to the countries and islands of eastern india by other routes than that of portugal. he also warns the religious thus sent to observe uniformity of instructions to the newly-converted heathen, "especially in matters relating to morals," and "to restrict their teaching to general principles." they must base their instruction on the roman catechism and bellarmino's "christian doctrine." they are empowered to administer the sacraments to the christians in japan; and are strictly forbidden to engage in any form of trade, directly or indirectly. the superiors of orders are directed to enforce the penalties herein imposed on religious who may violate this prohibition; and disputes arising between orders are to be settled by the bishops of the respective countries, who are also directed to enforce the observance of these decrees. a dominican at manila, juan garcía, sends (1632) to sevilla such news as he can gather soon after his arrival in the islands. in japan, it is said, the emperor has imprisoned many dutchmen; and, with the decline of their influence, he has become more lenient to the christians, sending them into exile instead of putting them to death. but any friars or preachers captured there are horribly tortured. the dominican mission to camboja has been unsuccessful. formosa is being conquered by soldiers, and dominican friars are making some conversions there. some of these preachers have gone to china, where the field is enormous, but full of promise. juan cerezo de salamanca, governor _ad interim_ between tavora and corcuera, sends a report to the king (august 14, 1633). the first section relates to military affairs. the forts and troops in the islands are enumerated. it is somewhat doubtful whether the occupation of formosa should be maintained. more care should be taken in sending reënforcements to ternate, and heredia should be superseded as governor. the galleys belonging to the government are useless, and cerezo will dispense with all save that at ternate. there is quarreling over the legal status of the army men in the courts, which should be defined. another section relates to general affairs of government. cerezo again points out the importance of the trade with china and japan. the relations of manila, however, with japan are no longer friendly--a condition of affairs for which the governor blames the "zeal without discretion" of certain religious who, disobeying the royal decrees, go to japan as preachers. he asks the king to command the religious orders to send no more friars to that country. the trade with china is falling off, mainly because the portuguese of macao have absorbed much of it. cerezo recommends that their trade with manila be prohibited. he comments on the scantiness of the male population; commends the administration of rojas, the royal inspector; and makes some minor recommendations to the king. in regard to the public revenues, cerezo states that the treasury is burdened with debts; the shipyards are bare of supplies; and the contraband trade with mexico has attained large proportions. to check this latter evil, the governor recommends that all money sent to manila be openly registered at acapulco, imposing on it a duty of five per cent; and a different system of inspecting the philippine cargoes there be adopted. in compliance with royal command, the archbishop of manila reports (august 3, 1634) on the public bakery at manila. he finds it well built and managed, and recommends that all ovens in the city should be merged in this bakery. a jesuit letter from manila (august 20, 1634) gives interesting news from japan. the persecution there is still very cruel, and many missionaries have been arrested lately; but the emperor is becoming for the time more lenient, through the influence of certain omens and of his cure from an illness through the prayers of the captive missionaries. the writer hopes, therefore, that iyemidzu "may be the constantine of the church" in japan. the annual report of governor cerezo for 1634 begins with affairs of the revenue. the treasury officials refuse to obey the orders left for them by rojas; the governor therefore arrests them, which soon brings them to terms. nevertheless, he excuses their disobedience to some extent, on account of the rigorous and difficult nature of rojas's orders; he instances some of these which embarrass both himself and the royal officials. the king has ordered an additional duty to be levied on goods exported to nueva españa; the citizens object to paying this, and finally the matter is temporarily settled by a council of the authorities, both civil and religious, until the home government can take action. the governor reports that the royal visitor rojas did not really accomplish much for the treasury; but exaggerated his own services. he also reminds the king of his former suggestion for checking the illegal despatch of money to filipinas. as for affairs of government, there is the usual conflict between the audiencia and the governor, which hinders the latter in the discharge of his duties. they interfere with his authority, try to secure the trial of the chinese lawsuits, acquit delinquents, and meddle in municipal affairs; and he intimates his desire that they be despatched to other branches of his majesty's service. cerezo asks for enlightenment in several difficult matters connected with the respective jurisdictions of himself and the audiencia. this year the portuguese of macao have failed to trade at manila, and the chinese, although they have brought considerable merchandise, furnish but little cloth. the expedition sent to formosa is badly treated by the portuguese at macao, of which cerezo complains to the king. he describes the island of formosa, the spanish settlement there, the nature of the people, and the reasons why a spanish post was established there; he regards this enterprise as useless and undesirable, and states that the soldiers in that island are needed at manila. the persecution of christians in japan still continues; cerezo doubts the supposed improvement in the shôgun's attitude toward them, and recommends that no more religious be allowed to go to that country. he describes his method of procedure toward the chinese, both resident and non-resident; he endeavors to treat them with justice and kindness, and recommends a suitable person for the post of their protector. liberal aid has been sent to the islands this year from mexico. in military affairs, cerezo recommends the abandonment of formosa and other unnecessary forts, and the concentration of the spanish forces at manila. the fort there is in fair state of defense, but the wall of the city is in ruinous condition, and the governor is having it repaired and strengthened. he recommends that some galleys be maintained at otón or cebú, to keep the moro pirates in awe: and that a new commandant be sent to ternate in place of heredia, who has shown himself unfitted to hold that office. a mutiny has occurred there, which he has cruelly punished; and he is blamed for an insurrection in tidore which has replaced its king with another who is friendly to the dutch. the port of cavite must be well maintained and provided with supplies. no ships from india have arrived, probably because the strait of malacca and the neighboring waters have been infested by the dutch. little is said about ecclesiastical affairs. "the orders are conducting themselves in an exemplary manner, except that they often usurp the royal jurisdiction, under pretext of defending the natives, and take away the authority from the alcaldes-mayor." the acting archbishop is commended, and recent appointments are mentioned. _the editors_ march, 1905. historia de la orden de s. agustin de estas islas filipinas (concluded) by fray juan de medina, o.s.a., manila, 1893 [but written in 1630]. _source_: translated from a copy of the above work, in the possession of the editors. _translation_: this document is translated (and in part synopsized) by james a. robertson. history of the augustinian order in the filipinas islands by fray juan de medina, o.s.a. (concluded) chapter xxx _of the first election of our father fray lorenzo de león_ with the fourth of may, 1596, all the capitular religious of this province of santísimo nombre de jesús of filipinas assembled, and without much debate cast their votes for father fray lorenzo de león, [1] a native of the city of granada, and son of the house at méjico, whose learning, ability to preach, and other good qualities made him very well known, and caused him to be elected without opposition. accordingly he won the contest as provincial, to the general liking of all the religious of the province, both those voting and those who had no vote. all were assured that he would govern rightly because of his prudence, and beyond doubt his government was all that. the province during his term had the honor and repute that was proper. since his method of procedure was alike for all the religious, it was necessary in the following chapter to retire the provincial to his devotion; and one may infer that in that it acted more for the common welfare than its own. thereupon, the voting religious being assembled, cast their votes, without any opposition, for fray juan de montesdoza, [2] son of the house at méjico, a native of the city of utrera, near sevilla in andalucia. he was a most excellent provincial, for one always recognized in him a remarkable integrity of morals, and he was much given to prayer and divine worship. he endeavored as earnestly as possible to give his whole being to the order, and not to be found lacking in his ministry. he visited his entire province whenever possible; and that which has always been most annoying to the provincials in respect to its visitation--namely, the province of bisayas--was not troublesome to him, for he visited it. he did not hesitate at the suffering or the dangers of navigation, which at times is wont to be especially perilous, because of the many storms that generally invade the islands, and the not few enemies. he was considered lost, for he was not heard of for more than four months; for they wrote from the bisayas that he had already embarked for manila, and he had not arrived. finally, the lord was pleased to bring him to our doors when he was least expected. god is a father of pity, and attends to his children (and more to his servants) when they find themselves most in need of him. he was received in the convent of manila by many people, for all revered him as a servant of god, loved him as a father, and respected him as a true prelate. on the twenty-second of april, 1602, the chapter was convened in the house at manila. father fray pedro arce, who is now bishop of the city of santisimo nombre de jesús, and who has twice governed the archbishopric of manila, was elected in it. father fray mateo de mendoza presided at that election, while father fray juan de montesdoza was the absolute provincial, as we call it, or the freed one, since now he is no longer provincial. the first definitor was fray agustín de tapía, the second, fray bernabé de villalobos, the third, fray diego de zerrabe, and the fourth, fray diego de salcedo. as visitors were elected fray juan bautista de montoya and fray francisco serrano. [3] all, having assembled, as our rules ordered, enacted very wholesome regulations, and provided for the province with those mandates, which were seen to be more necessary at that time, in order to check thereby the boldness of certain men, who were giving room for the decay of the province, which in nothing loses more than by permitting it to relax in its rigor. for even there it is said that the bow must sometimes loose the string which holds it bent, in order to give it rest and so that it may not break. i grieve over this, that it is said in the order, so that at times some reasonable recreation may be allowed; but in that which touches the essential aspects of it, it does not seem right that it be lost, for never have i seen that what is once lost in point of religion is regained. it appeared, therefore, easier to our father st. ignatius to found a new order than to reform an old one, where its members were already used to such and such a manner of life. it is a hard thing, when established, to reduce them to a greater degree of virtue. and since those men must remain in the same order, it is always an impossible thing to reduce them to that which they have never observed.... father fray pedro de arce, who was chosen at this elevation, was such a person that, were i to praise him, i think, that my tongue would do him an injury, for another pen and another language must tell his virtues. he came to this province as a lay brother. he was ordained here and completed his studies, and always gave signs of what he was to become; for his modesty, his charity, his devotion, even while a brother, appeared so conspicuous, and were increasing in such a manner, that not only were the islands full of his good name and great virtues, but they even came to the ears of felipe iii, who presented him for the bishopric of santísimo nombre de jesús. while in this country, the decree of the year 1610 was sent him, which caused the holy man considerable vexation, so that he did not know what to do; for it seemed a grievous thing for him to abandon the quietness of his cell, and to exchange it for the majesty of a bishop, to which he was not inclined. accordingly, he resigned the bishopric into the hands of the father master fray pedro solier, [4] who was provincial at that time. the latter considered that if he [_i.e._, fray pedro] were to accept it honor would come to the order, advantage to the city of santísimo nombre de jesus, and service to his majesty, the king our sovereign, who having heard of the holiness of the person in question, was considering himself as very well served in that the father should accept it. consequently, when he returned to the holy superior--whom he supplicated on his knees, with the decree in his hand, to allow him not to accept it--the provincial ordered fray pedro, by his obedience, to comply with his majesty's commands, and to render him thanks for it, and that he would do the same for what pertained to the order; thereupon the former accepted, and gave up his cell, in which there was nothing of importance. although he was prior, and exercised the highest duties of the province, he was ever the keenest advocate of poverty, and so great a giver of alms that even now, although a bishop, he must be restrained; for he gives everything away, and he has no greater happiness than when some needy person begs from him and enters his gates. what then would this holy provincial do? one sees with how much care he would watch over his flock, striving to maintain them without quarreling, and observing in everything the entirety of the rules. with the obstinate, he was rigid and severe; with the humble, most humble; with the afflicted, he held himself as a pious father who desires their good, and consoled them. as far as was possible, he followed the advice of fray pedro de agurto, his successor in the bishopric, as he was so holy and learned a man. for since the affairs of the province had somewhat declined, and in visiting he found some religious who were prohibited by the rules--and, in fact, trying to remove them--the holy prelate counseled him that such religious were men of weight, and that he should receive their renunciations secretly; and that when the intermediate chapter should be assembled, then he should show them and provide those convents. thereby would he be fulfilling his obligation, and would also be considering the honor of those religious, who if they were removed before, would be injured, as it would be understood that it had been because of their demerits; but it was a customary thing to do that in chapter, for it was apparent to all that religious were changed at that time. he did this as the bishop had counseled him, and thus the matter was remedied as far as possible without any scandal. he visited the entire province, and went to that of the pintados--which was his own, where he was reared, and where he had been prior of panay, octóng, and santísimo nombre de jesús. while he was making the visitation there, it happened that news was brought that the inhabitants of mindanao were coming with a large fleet to destroy the islands. this tidings was certain; and another fleet was prepared with all possible despatch in sugbú, in order that the spaniards might defend themselves, and if possible, drive the enemy from the islands. although diligent efforts were made in this, when our fleet set sail already had the enemy rounded the island of panay. our fleet, which consisted of seven caracoas and four or five barangays, followed the enemy. they reached the islets of asur, where they heard that the enemy had passed there, with the intention of burning the city of arévalo and the village of octóng, with all their provisions. the captain and commander of our fleet was captain salgado, then alcalde-mayor of sugbú. the two fleets met near pan de azúcar [_i.e._, "sugar loaf"]. the spaniards were very resolute. the enemy formed themselves in a crescent with sixty caracoas. so senseless were they that they untied their captives, threw them overboard, and came to attack our boats. i know not the captain's design or purpose, that made him dally with the enemy, so that the latter were shouting out spiritedly and imagining that they were feared. the father provincial and his companion, fray hernando guerrero, [5] talked encouragingly to the petty leaders, and encouraged and even shamed them so much that, already late, they gave the signal to attack. thereupon, the enemy sought shelter, and after steering their caracoas to where they thought that they had more safety, they divided. the captain did not pursue them nor do more than to go to arévalo. on that account he lost a good opportunity and much credit. he should have continued to pursue them; for, when night fell, the caracoas of the frightened enemy remained along those coasts. the commander could easily have overhauled them with our caracoas, and could have given the enemy a blow that would have done much to finish them; but he failed to do so. the efforts that he finally put forth, and the attack, are owing to the resolution and bravery of our father fray pedro de arce, in which one may consider his desire for the common good. for, although he might have sent other religious, he went in person, and put no value on his own life. [6] he returned to manila, where he finished his term, creating the desire in the fathers to see him provincial forever. in the chapter that elected our father montesdoza, procurators were sent to españa and to the roman court. the papers and title of definitor of the chapter were given to our father fray lorenzo de león, who has just finished his provincialate. he embarked at the port of cavite, made the trip to nueva españa safely, and likewise to the court of king felipe iii, of blessed memory. he did not go to roma, but sent his papers from españa. he was very well received at court, for the papers that he carried from the islands were excellent, and in his person he merited everything. they were very desirous to appoint him archbishop of manila, and it is even said that they begged him to accept rewards, and congratulated him. but that shadow was dissipated instantly, as there was not wanting an evil-minded person to spoil it all by a malicious tale. for father fray lorenzo de león had ever the name of a most devout religious; and as such the province of filipinas, which at that time was most noted for its religious devotion, elected him as its superior and provincial. but who can free himself from an evil tongue, and an ill will? for the loyal man lives no longer than the traitor desires. his hopes were frustrated, a matter that troubled him little, as he was a humble religious. he undertook to return [to filipinas], and our king gave him commission to bring over a ship-load of religious. he received letters as vicar-general of the islands from roma, so that he might always preside at the chapters held there. he had letters as master, and his academic degree; and brought a dispensation from our most reverend [general], so that, if elected as provincial the second time, he might serve; for the rules prohibit him who presides from becoming provincial. he reached méjico, although without that so notable ship-load, which he failed to bring, because of various casualties; with him came, however, one who was sufficient to render that vessel glorious, and even the entire province. this was the holy martyr, fray hernando de san josé. [7] together with him came father fray hernando de morales, father fray felipe gallada, father fray pedro del castillo, father fray martín de san nicolás, [8] all from méjico, and brother fray andrés garcía. the heads of the inquisition in méjico appointed him [_i.e._, lorenzo de león] commissary for the islands. with these honorable titles and honors he came to manila, one year before the chapter was held. he gladdened by his coming all the sons [of the order], and all the others, for the order knows no distinction, but embraces us all with the same love and charity. his prudence, his good government, and his great devotion were remembered; and since he bore letters ordering him to be obeyed as vicar-general, therefore the number of prelates was increased. thus presiding in the following chapter, in 1605, he received votes as provincial, in rivalry with father fray estéban carrillo [9]--one of the most eloquent preachers in the islands; and the best loved by all, both great and small, who has ever been known. finally the astuteness, or rather, the diligence of certain ones prevailed, and father fray lorenzo de león became provincial _pro secunda vice_ [_i.e._, "for the second time"]. chapter xxxi _of the second election as provincial of master father lorenzo de león_ with the advent, then, of the year 1605, in the latter days of april, our fathers assembled in the islands, as is the custom. on the friday before the third sunday after easter, our father fray lorenzo de león went to take over the presidency by virtue of his letters-patent, and they were found to be such as were required. in consequence, he was received as president of that chapter, over which he presided, not only as president, but as vicar-general. the election resulted in [the choice of] his person, as above stated. in it, the first definitor was father fray juan bautista de montoya; the second, father fray estéban carrillo; the third, father fray pedro de aguirre; and the fourth, father fray roque de barrionuevo. father fray miguel de sigüenza had the vote for president in this definitorio, and as visitors were elected father fray mateo de peralta [10] and father fray francisco serrano. all assembled, they ordained and enacted the acts that they judged advisable in accordance with that time. all those acts show the sincerity of those who enacted them, and they provided not only for the welfare of the order, but for that of the native fathers under our charge; for surely, under our shadow they increase and are sheltered. and if religious were lacking, what would become of them? beyond doubt they would be like the wretched boat exposed to the fury of the winds, which has no greater security upon the waters than where the winds choose to carry it. for this one orders them, that one petitions them, and another one seizes and knocks them about; but with the protection of the religious they are free from all these annoyances. very conformably with this, religious were established in the missions in order to teach them and often to protect them. our father provincial entered upon the exercise of his office with the same wisdom and prudence as in his first term, attending to it with all his might. however, his second term was not apparently so successful as the first--caused perhaps by various casualties, which have no place here, and do not affect the matter at all. in short, the affair was running badly and the body of the province was becoming laden with humors. i well believe that our father knew it all, and that he could have been less rigid, and that without dividing the forces that were forming. he thought that they were religious, and he the superior; and that all dissent, however violent, would be only murmur--just like certain huge clouds that predict great storms, but finally and at the end, the entire storm is expended in clouds of dust, thunders, and lightnings, so that that storm ends with only noise. but such did not happen here, but the matter went farther; and the father definitors, within one and one-half years, after meeting, deposed our father fray lorenzo de león. they sent him to españa; but he remained in the province of méjico, without wishing more than to serve our lord, and ended his days there, as one may understand of so renowned a religious, leaving his cause in the hands of god. i leave it likewise; for, if we glance at the definitorio which assembled there, there is no doubt that it was one of the most sober-minded councils ever assembled in the province. and even were there none other in it than our father fray pedro de arce, who presided in it, he was sufficient to ensure that; but it was much more creditable, for the others were very erudite. father fray juan bautista de montoya was the most notable man in laws and moral causes that has been in the islands, and was no less a very great theologue. father fray estéban carrillo, as we have said already, was a great orator, and the other fathers were very learned. on the part of our father provincial, it was known that he was very devout, very punctual in attending to his obligations and that his first term was considered as most successful. hence, without taking from anyone what belongs to him, we leave this matter with god, who has already judged it, and he has been pleased to take all those concerned in it. bishop fray pedro de agurto was at his bishopric in sugbú at this time. he was desirous of remedying what was already becoming established, and even left his city for that purpose. but when he reached manila, he found that there was no remedy. he sorrowed greatly over this blow at the order, for, as the true religious that he was, he felt, as keenly as death, whatever misfortune came upon the order. in the world this proceeding was discussed with the charity that is exercised in other things; but, when everything was over, it was also erased from memory--and more, as the government of our father fray pedro de arce followed immediately, who exercised the office of rector-provincial for that one and one-half years, and his fame and well-known virtue filled everything with fragrance and good-will. [the order of discalced augustinians in spain petition for leave to go to the islands in 1605. the petition granted, a number of them set out; and, after waiting at sevilla for some time for vessels, reach mexico, where they are entreated to found a convent. refusing this request, however, they continue on their journey, reaching the philippines, in 1606, under the leadership of juan de san jerónimo. "they were given a house outside the city in a garden [11] that had belonged to don pedro de acuña, who governed these islands.... but those who treated the said fathers most generously were ours, for we gave them our best and brightest jewel, namely, san nicolás, allowing them to found their convent in his name. this meant wholly to enrich them and to leave us poor." further, a layman named don bernardino, captain and castellan of the port of manila, builds a convent for the new order "sufficient for forty religious." at death he and his wife also leave money to continue the work, and the new order begins to multiply.] since then those fathers have continued to establish convents here. for as they were the last, and the islands are in the conditions under which miguel lópez de legazpi left them, there was not before any place where they could settle. however, outside manila, they possess a small house called sampaloc, because it has many tamarind trees. there they minister to a few tagáls, and one religious lives there generally. [12] it has a stone church and house. they have a garden with a stone house and its chapel (where one religious lives), near the walls of manila, in the suburbs. opposite the island of mariveles, in the same district of manila, they have a tagál mission. it is but small, and, with its visitas, does not amount to four hundred indians. but farther along the coast, they have two zambal missions of settled indians, which are situated nearer here than ilocos. one is called masinloc and the other bolinao. [13] each one must have more than five hundred indians. they have also extended from here to other islands. they must have three convents in the islands of cuyo and calamianes, more than sixty leguas from manila. those islands are full of people, so that, if they would come down from the mountains, many missions might be established; for in that region the islands are innumerable. there is the large island of paragua, and thence succeed islands and islets even to burney, the largest island known in all this archipelago. but there is little hope of entering it, for the king and all the coast indians are mahometans. but those living in the upland and mountains are even pagans. by the above, the ease with which this damnable poison has extended will be apparent. had god's mercy been retarded a trifle longer in hastening the steps of the spaniards, the latter would have found no place to settle; for as i have remarked, long experience shows that the mahometan will not receive the christian law which is so contrary to his hellish customs. the religious suffered many things in those islands as they were exposed to a thousand temporal dangers, and to enemies, with whom the whole region swarms. those missions had seculars; and although they did their best, yet at present that region has another luster, for it appears that the religious, being more in number, are more suitable for this work. bishop don fray pedro de arce gave the fathers another mission in the island of negros, opposite the island of panay. i think it their best mission, as it is located nearer us. it has two religious, who do very good work. the bishop gave them also many missions in caraga, where they will be able to spread. later, we shall conclude this subject with what the fathers have built in cavite, the port of manila, in honor of san nicolás--namely, a house and church, which is the best there. [about the time that the recollects sail father master solier is preparing also to go to the philippines. he has been given "equal power with him whom the province sent as procurator, in case of the latter's death." the procurator dies at sea, whereupon father solier assumes his office. he sails with twenty-six augustinian religious, eight of whom remain in new spain--where they suffer many things, for the government of affairs there falls into the hands of the creole fathers.] those who remained were well received in filipinas, where they were desired. they were distributed among the convents, as seemed best to our father fray lorenzo de león. but as soon as this contingent arrived, the discussions that had been aroused increased; so that, as we have seen, the intermediary chapter deprived him [of his office] as above stated. chapter xxxii _of the election of our father fray pedro de solier_ our father fray pedro de arce, acting with that uprightness that always characterized him, for the period that remained to govern, assembled his chapter, in pursuance of the orders of our rules, namely, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of april, 1608. in this chapter, there did not fail to be its little animosities, occasioned, in my opinion, by the fact that the province found itself so far out of swaddling-clothes, that it had enough people and workers to give and to found another province. for, as we have seen, men of grand abilities had gone from españa and from nueva españa, while habits had been given to many good men in manila. consequently, there were many men on whom to set the eyes. father fray estéban carrillo was a man of the talents which we have already mentioned, and received votes. the father president also received them, and so grand a man was he, and so admired, that opinions were not lacking that he might become provincial. but the father master solier, although he was youngest of all in years, was apparently well liked for his character, and his labors in navigations, and the service which he had rendered to this province in bringing it so glorious men. finally, god was pleased that he should win in the contest, and become provincial. the father president had to confirm this action, giving him a dispensation for the years that he lacked. then, proceeding to the other elections, the following definitors were elected: first, fray francisco serrano; second, fray pedro de salcedo; third, fray jerónimo de salas; and fourth, fray hernando de trujillo. [14] the visitors who were elected were father fray juan de villalobos and father fray miguel garcia. in council with the president, provincial-elect, and the rector provincial, they arranged [the affairs of] the province, both in order to provide the convents with heads, and to-adjust other things pertaining to the spiritual welfare. and in fact, considering the enactments of other chapters, it seems that they attained so much excellence in this chapter, that if it did not surpass them, at least it shone out strongly--especially a letter which our father master solier sent to the provinces, so learned, spiritual, and so suitable to the times that it could not be more so. its warnings were so necessary, not only for that time, but for any most important thing. i cannot excuse myself from writing here the chief thing, so that one may see the desires for the increase of their order, and the love with which they discussed matters touching the natives, which shone forth in those fathers. in the time of our father solier, the province had a very good reputation, for it made itself feared and respected. consequently, there was no difficulty in receiving his mandates and enforcing them, so that the province was greatly reformed. the great devotion of our father fray miguel garcía, who was then chosen as prior of the convent of manila, aided him. he was later provincial, and after that he went to españa, where his majesty presented him as bishop of cagayán. he returned to these islands with a fine company [of religious], and in the islands was appointed archbishop of manila.... thus, then, as i have said, the convent of manila did not differ at all in divine worship from the most devout house in españa; for the exercise in the choir was continuous, both day and night, and there was no cessation, unless necessity demanded it, when some of it could be dispensed with; for so did our rules decree for that. the infirmary was so full of all comforts, and so well cared for, that truly there was nothing lacking of anything which the sick asked, or that the physician demanded. i being attacked by a sudden illness when i arrived at these islands, because of the change in climate, so great was the attention with which i was cared for that it could not have been more in the house of my parents, although they were very wealthy. consequently, i became better very soon, and was well enough to go to the province of bisayas; and, although i was unworthy, it must have been the will of the lord that i should come. the fathers made strenuous efforts to have me remain there, and even our father prior himself, fray miguel garcía, would have liked me to remain as master of novitiates. that which grieves me is that i have served the lord so very little, although i have been offered enough opportunities in which to serve him. two years after the provincialate of our father solier began, a visitor-general arrived, to visit this province in behalf of his holiness and our most reverend father-general, and to reform it. for that purpose he was given permission to bring twenty-four religious. he who came as visitor was father master fray diego de guevara, who died afterward as bishop of camarines. he was most religious, and devout beyond belief. while living in the convent at madrid, he was there an example and model to all those excellent men who are never lacking in the convents of the capital; and, as that place is the _non plus ultra_ of the world, one would think that all were keeping the best men for that place. [a professed religious of salamanca, guevara, after his arrival at manila, serves in several capacities--as reader in the manila convent, prior of santísimo nombre de jesús, and prior of manila. he lives an austere life. while prior of manila occurs "the rising of the sangleys, which was ended with so great glory to the spanish nation. for the spaniards were so few, while the chinese were so many that those who assert the smallest number say that they exceeded four thousand. finally they were killed and destroyed throughout those districts, and their possessions and houses were ruined and burned, a thing regarded as marvelous. for they might have killed the spaniards with great ease, as the latter were quite unprepared, not expecting any such thing. the city desired to advise his majesty of the fortunate outcome of the matter; and that in regard to those who have entered manila through the gates, it has always been extremely fortunate, and has always triumphed over its enemies, but never been conquered. our father fray diego guevara was chosen, and he accepted very willingly what the city requested, in all having the approbation of our father provincial. it was learned that a galleon was to be despatched from malaca to india, while it was not the season here for despatches. he took as companion a choir-brother named fray diego de urive, [15] a native of the town of consuegra in mancha." arrived at malaca, they find the galleon gone. they go to goa, thence to ormuz, and accomplish the journey to rome overland. "clemente viii rejoiced greatly at receiving him, and much more at the good news from the islands of the west." the general of the order gives guevara a warm reception, and allows him to depart for spain. "at that time some differences arose between ours and the recollect fathers of our order, who were now commencing to settle. thereupon an ordinance from roma ordered an inspection. on petition of the royal council, the visitation was entrusted to father fray martín de perea, an illustrious member of the province of castilla, who had been assistant of españa. our father fray diego de guevara was chosen as his associate. the father-visitor entrusted to him, because he himself was busy, the visitation of several convents of the discalced fathers, in which he acquitted himself with great discretion. while engaged in the said occupation, filipinas affairs must have made some stir--and so great, that news thereof came to the royal council of the indias. i think that the great devotion of the fathers then in chief authority, did not appear so well to those to whom time had given more license than was fitting. therefore they wrote imputing to their prelates what it was very fitting should be punished." the president of the council, count de lemos, after consultation with father juan de castro, of the augustinian order, secures the necessary papers from rome and sends father guevara to the philippines with authority to make a general inspection of the order. he sails from sanlúcar, june 22, 1609, taking with him a company of religious, among them medina. the voyage to new spain is made without incident.] chapter xxxiii _continuation of the preceding chapter_ [the missionaries are well received by their brethren in mexico. but they despair of getting vessels for the islands, "for already they were long overdue"--that is, the vessels from the philippines, which are to return thither again. however, within a short time the "san andrés," bearing two augustinians, fathers carrillo and plaza, arrives in port. they bring a tale of storms and almost shipwrecks. "the almiranta suffered eleven hurricanes, and all had already lost hope of life. the vessel miraculously made the voyage through the courage of the pilot toral, and that of father fray estéban carrillo--who, lashed to the mizzen-mast, with a crucifix in his hands, consoled the crew, and animated and encouraged them. he always shared his food with the sick." of the other two vessels of the fleet, the flagship runs aground in japan, but the crew are saved. "it was one of the greatest losses sustained by these islands. don rodrigo de vivero was returning in the vessel. he had governed the islands for one year, in behalf of his uncle don luis de velasco. the latter sent him for that purpose until the governor should be nominated in españa." the vessel "santa ana" is repaired and makes the voyage the succeeding year. "the arrival of the almiranta gave great comfort to nueva españa; for, as these vessels are of great profit, their loss is felt more than that of those coming from españa. all together the latter do not in any way compete with those coming from filipinas." the almiranta and another vessel, the "san francisco" of peru, return that year to the islands. the viceroy refuses to allow all the religious who have come for that purpose to embark. the following religious embark in the "san francisco."] 1. father master fray diego de guevara, visitor-general. 2. fray diego de uribe, his associate, who afterward studied and preached in the ilocan language. he died as prior of one of the ilocan convents. 3. fray agustín de los ríos, native of extremadura, a zealous servant of god and an eloquent preacher. he returned to nueva españa, in search of health, and afterward lived for some years there without it, in the hope of returning; but he died in that country, from epilepsy. but it is always thought that he, who was so spiritual, must have died to enjoy god. 4. father fray hernando becerra, one of the most learned and substantial men who have gone to the islands. in but little time he had filled all the principal offices of the order, such as reader of theology, chief preacher at manila, associate of the provincial and of the visitor-general, prior of many convents, visitor, definitor, provincial with visitor (which he had been before), and prior of manila. but he exercised the office of provincial scarcely two months. he was very judicious, and therefore acquired the above offices. god took him to himself; for he left all envious of his death. 5. fray pedro de herrera, of excellent mind. although he could have been great if he had wished, like his pupil, our father becerra (both of them from valladolid), yet all do not have equal fortune. this father was unfortunate. our father general, before whom he presented himself, deprived him of his habit, but after seeing that he did so unjustly, returned it to him; but father herrera was much broken because of so many troubles. he was the best tagál linguist known. 6. fray andrés de ocampo, of córdoba, an excellent religious. he ministered in the pampanga speech, and enjoyed good priorates. he died while returning to españa. 7. fray silvestre de torres, of the same company, came the next year. he was a native of granada. he went to japón and learned from the sanctity of the holy martyr fray hernando de san josé. later, when the religious were expelled from japón, he came to manila. he was chief preacher of sugbú, and later of manila; and had a mission among the tagáls. he died by falling from a window. and since the lord took him in such fashion, from his piety one will understand that that was the most appropriate hour for his salvation, as he had labored so assiduously. 8. fray andrés jiménez, of murcia. he came the same year as the above. he returned to nueva españa, but, not finding any refuge there, he came back to the shelter of filipinas--where, partly in the province of ilocos, and partly in that of pampanga, he has done his utmost, according to the talent that god gave him. 9. father fray juan boan came four years ago. he has been very fortunate; for one would believe that they went to meet him with honorable duties, in which he has ever carried himself to the honor of the habit and the esteem of the natives, who have always loved him. he has made material advances for the province, acting with great mildness, and it is hoped that he will continue to do so more and more. 10. father fray pedro de la peña, a native of burgos, and an excellent religious. he read theology in manila, with great credit. he held excellent priorates in pampanga, and before these held some in ilocos, where he was vicar-general. he was elected definitor of roma and procurator of the province at the spanish court. he died at sea in 1631. 11. fray pedro de zuñiga, one of those whom we can honor most, since he obtained glorious martyrdom in japon. i refer to his life. 12. fray juan de medina, of sevilla, missionary to the bisayans. this is he who writes this history. i confess that the province has honored me beyond my deserts with offices and honors. 13. fray josé de vides, a creole of nueva españa. unfortunately he was deprived of the habit with father fray pedro de herrera. he went to roma by way of india, and it is not known where he stopped. 14. fray pedro de mendoza, of mechoacán, missionary to the ilocos. he always refused a priorate (although he could have obtained many, had he wished), and also the office of provincial. but he is humility itself, and i think that he will give us an opportunity. 15. father fray juan de sahagun, of salamanca. he has held priorates, and has lived up to the measure of his strength. 16. fray francisco figueroa, of córdoba, a pampanga missionary. he has carried himself well, and is esteemed and loved by all. 17. father fray juan ruiz, bisayan missionary in the bisayas for several years; and then our god took him to himself. 18. this was father fray juan de ocadiz, who was hanged for the murder of our father fray vicente. it would appear that that murder was needful to him for his salvation, for his penance during the entire time of his imprisonment was incredible. and his preparation for death was remarkable. it has been the lord's will to have given him his glory, since, to pardon one, he wishes repentance alone. _si autem impius egeret pænitentiam ab omnibus peccatis suis, quæ operatus est ... omnium iniquitatum ejus, quæ operatus est, non recordabor._ [16] when the violent murder of the provincial was divulged, an auditor went to [the fathers of] st. augustine, by order of the royal audiencia, to inquire into it. all the religious were assembled, and when all were in the hall of his paternity, the auditor ordered all of them to kiss the hand of the dead provincial. on kissing it, father fray juan de ocadiz began to tremble, etc., and confessed his guilt. 19. this was brother fray juan bautista, a native of genova, but a devoted servant of god, as he has proved in the time while he has lived in the filipinas islands, in the confidential offices that the order has entrusted to him. [17] our father visitor-general, seeing that many religious were necessary, and that very few were going to manila, resolved to bestow some habits in the port of acapulco. it served no other purpose than to bring to the table those who had to leave it next day, and to give a better passage to those who would have come exposed to the wretched lot endured by the soldiers; and, when they wish to give habits, there is no lack [of men] here in manila. therefore, scarcely were they come to manila when they left. that year the first archbishop who has belonged to the islands sailed, namely, don pedro vazquez de mercado, a secular. he had been bishop in nueva españa, and, although any office there is better, accepted this office, as he had been reared in filipinas (where he had enjoyed prebends and health), and because his majesty ordered it. no other order came then. the voyage was fortunate, for, without furling our sails, day or night, we reached manila, june 6, 1610; and no voyage like ours has been made here since, as we sailed on march 25. both vessels were very swift, the winds strong, and the rain-showers must have been a help. we were welcomed cordially in manila, as they were not expecting a company, for the procurator sent by the province--namely, the father reader fray juan de pineda [18]--was detained in nueva españa. when we arrived, already the favor bestowed upon the province by his majesty (in a time when, as ran the news, little was expected) was already being extended; for the news that circulated through the court was not very reliable. but his majesty, better informed, attended to everything as a pious king. he sent religious to the province, and gave the bishopric to don fray pedro de arce, as above stated. he gave also an alms of two thousand pesos to the manila house, and joined to it a visitor-general, with orders to attend to whatever needed remedy. his majesty should be considered as a most kind benefactor of the orders, and very thankful for the services that our order has performed in these regions for him. the first thing given attention was the examination of the papers of our father master fray diego de guevara. when they had been examined in the definitorio, there were no objections possible. therefore, with humble mien, the venerable father definitors were very obedient, and complied with the letters of our most reverend father. they were much beholden for the favors received from our pious king, and served him likewise in this thing that he ordered. thus was our father visitor-general received by the definitorio. he was visitor-general for the entire province, since necessarily the body must obey the movements of its head. our father visitor was especially charged by the court to inquire into our father solier's acts; and, if necessary, he was to deprive him of his office and declare it forfeited. but he found matters quite different from those reported there, for he found father solier's province under his government very much reformed, and his devotion admirable. for our father solier was in all things a remarkable man; and by his letter to the province and his systematic conduct of it, and the manner in which he conserved it, one can see how well he played his part. thus if he had lost any of his luster in his dispute with the chapter of the past _intermedium_, he more than made it up. and this being so understood by our father visitor-general, he congratulated father solier highly, and honored him to the utmost. it appears that our father solier was obliged to give account of himself. therefore leaving the province so well conducted with a so honored superior, who came to it to honor and to investigate it, he determined to go to the kingdoms of españa. accordingly, having obtained leave for this from the father visitor, he set sail that year, with authorization from the province to take care of its causes and plead them in the court. then, accompanied by father fray lúcas de atienza, [19] an aged religious, and at that time prior of the convent of ibabay in the pintados, he set sail in the vessels which left that year, in the first part of august. the galleon "san juan" was to sail; it had been built to fight the dutch enemy. gaining the victory on st. mark's day, april 24 of the same year, it had been repaired again and was to make the voyage. one of the dutch vessels captured was to go as almiranta; but it did not make the voyage, as it was unseaworthy. the trip was prosperous and the father reached españa, attended by the same fortune. there he gave so satisfactory an account of himself that not only did they not find him deserving of reprimand, but honored him, by making him bishop of puerto rico. later he was promoted to the archbishopric of santo domingo. he gave the proofs that all the order promised itself from his great goodness and fervor. his zeal in conducting the affairs of this province of filipinas was very great. he always recognized this province as his mother, and as that from which his higher station had originated. therefore, although now a bishop, he looked after the interests most important to him, namely, the sending of ministers and missionaries. and indeed he did this by securing a fine company, whom he sent in charge of father fray juan de montemayor, a most illustrious preacher, who was living in andalucía, and wished to come to these regions. he considered the offer made to him, to be prior of that company, as not bad; and conducted it to the filipinas, as we shall see later. the father master solier appointed our father fray miguel garcía (then prior of manila) his vicar in the province of filipinas; and left for him letters-patent, and all the authority that he could. as we have said, he could not have left anyone more suitable, nor one who more completely filled the vacancy made by father solier's departure. father garcia governed during the one remaining year [of father solier's provincialate], with great prudence, and proved what an excellent provincial he would have made. yet he was not, on that account, neglectful of his house of manila, but governed it with strictness, which even became greater. he enriched the choir with beautiful stalls of inlaid work and wood, which, after many years, are still in excellent condition. he built the largest room in manila, namely, the porter's room. afterward, while provincial, he aided in the further progress of the work. that house owes more to him than to any other. our father visitor chose as his associate father fray estacio ortíz, [20] who had also been his associate when he went to begin the [work of the] order in japón. as he knew his talents and prudence through that long association, the father visitor thought that he could make no better choice of one to whom to entrust an office of so great secrecy than this man whom he considered so good. therefore as soon as he reached manila, he appointed father ortíz as such, and therein he did exceeding well. for, as has been proved, he is the most prudent man who has come to the filipinas, very silent, very long-suffering, and above all, a most devout religious. the province, aware of this, has never allowed him any rest, but has always entrusted to him the offices of greatest weight and honor; and he has given most strict account of them, to the very signal interest of the order. he has twice been prior of manila, which place is the rock of experience, and where each one shows his talents. both times he labored hard, performed much, and ruled that convent in all strictness. he was prior of sugbú, as well as visitor and definitor of the province at the same time, and prior of many convents. he ever bore the name of provincial, to which office he was not elected--not for lack of merit, but of fortune, which is not always equal; and the lots go by pairs. our father visitor-general began, then, his visit through the tagál province pampanga, and ilocos, and kept for the following triennium what remained in the pintados. he was not limited in time, and therefore, went slowly. everywhere he exhibited great prudence and wisdom, as the religious recognized, and he knew how to carry himself with them. he provided what he saw was most essential to the perfection of the province, which he thought to establish with the earnestness demanded by his care and devotion, and by disposing their minds to observe what he was teaching them by word and precept. when he was in manila he was an excellent chorister, and in the other convents he assisted in the same manner. when he saw what was advisable, he approached manila to arrange what was needful in the chapter affairs, for the true reformation is, that the superior be such. if the superior be perfect, then he must try to see that all whom he rules be perfect also. _qualis rector est civitatis, tales et inhabitantes in ea._ [21] chapter xxxiv _of the election of our father fray miguel garcía_ since the province, as we have seen, was so extensive, and all the houses had a vote, except that there were some few convents which were vicariates, the men who collected for the chapter were numerous; and if i do not deceive myself, they were difficult to count--that is, they were more than sixty. and among so many men (although it is true that it was always thought that the province was to be for our father fray miguel garcía), there are different tempers, and factions, and they say those things which afterward it were well that they had not said. they found the president inclined not to make our father fray miguel garcía provincial--not because there were demerits in his person, but because he had already governed, and he considered that enough. such discussions, although they were in good point, did not have any effect; for the waters flowed in their usual channels, and this talk served only to disquiet some. in short, our father fray miguel garcía was declared elected on the twenty-third of april, of the year 1611, all votes concurring in his election with great good-will; for they saw that he was the one of whom the province had need for those times. thereupon, our father fray miguel garcía performed an action most worthy of his devout heart, namely, to kneel down before our president, and with tears to resign his office, confessing himself as unworthy and insufficient for it, while he did not have the grace or rather the age for it. this he did with so many tears that his devotion made many others weep. the bishop-elect of sugbú, who was present, caused our father visitor to dispense him in whatever obstruction he had by reason of his age, and to confirm him in the election. the bishop coöperated, and considered it good that the province had elected him; and the province itself insisted on it by universal acclaim. consequently, our father visitor confirmed our father provincial fray miguel garcía, first dispensing him for the impediment of the lack of age, which was but little. that lack was more than supplied by his excess of prudence. the definitors elected at this chapter were the reverend fathers: first, fray francisco bonifacio; second, fray juan de tapia; third, fray vicente de sepúlveda; and fourth, fray estacio ortíz. the absolute provincial, father fray diego gutiérrez, received a vote. the visitors who were elected in this definitorio were father fray bernabé de villalobos and father fray antonio de porras [22], the latter being _adito_. [23] all the above in assembly made excellent regulations, and established for that time very good acts and laws; and they charged our father provincial with the execution of them, since on that depended the universal good of all the province. it was proposed in this chapter, and, in fact, it was so ordered, for reasons that were very apparent there, that the chapters in the future should be held every four years, and the intermediary chapters every two years. the main consideration that influenced them was the great deficiency that the fathers create in their convents during the time when they come to the election, and they deemed it advisable to obviate this injury as much as possible, since it could not be entirely remedied--concluding that the expenses, if they could not be avoided, at least would be delayed as late as possible. this was agreed upon at that time, but later it was considered unadvisable, and consequently the enactment in this matter was repealed. after the election, and the departure of the vessels to castilla, our father visitor undertook to go to visit the province of bisayas, which he did very slowly. he took as his associate our father fray hernando becerra, [24] then a recent arrival. he visited the island of panay very leisurely. when about to go to the convent of sugbú, he took as associate our father fray alonso de méntrida, [25] then without office, as he had refused any. he established an excellent system in that convent, of which he had great care. he caused its annuities to be raised, for it was very poor and overburdened. father fray hernando becerra went to manila to read theology. although he did this only for a short time, yet he became very renowned throughout the islands, and in consequence was cordially received by the other orders. thence the father visitor came to manila to assist in the superior government of the province, although the government of our father, fray miguel garcía, was such that, when he was there, no one else was needed. in the year 1613, the ships with the reënforcements arrived in good shape from nueva españa. in them came that company of religious above mentioned as being sent by bishop solier. father fray juan de montemayor, their leader, who brought them from nueva españa, did it as well as he could; but there most of the religious, finding themselves tired out by the severe voyage, and the breadth of the land and its mildness and beauty inviting them, and that first courage having been lost with which they had left their native land and country, separated in a thousand directions, so that very few of that flock were left. these embarked and set sail in the port of acapulco, march 25, 1613, without enough provisions; and even in what provision they had so little judgment was shown that they arrived as if by a miracle. such was their need that when they arrived at the embocadero, which is about eighty leguas from manila, they had to disembark, and go from island to island, selling what few clothes they had left. there the fathers of the society, who have charge of those missions, performed toward them a thousand acts of charity, by means of which they sustained life until, thus broken and with innumerable necessities, they reached sugbú. of a truth, they were ill advised; for, since they were already in the islands, they would have been delayed much less in the ships, which were retarded because of the route that they took, which was full of dangers and not a little troublesome. but the government does not learn. it is a gift given by god to those who please him. two fathers who remained in the ships arrived promptly and many months before their associates. the religious in that company were as follows: 1. the father master, fray pedro garcía, own brother of our father fray miguel garcía. he did not come as master, but his brother negotiated that for him upon going to españa. 2. father fray juan de montemayor, one of the greatest preachers who have been in the islands. 3. fray jerónimo medrano. 4. fray nicolás de herrera, a preacher, and a prominent religious. 5. fray cristóbal de miranda. he was the one who, together with the master, fray pedro garcía, refused to disembark. that religious has been very useful. 6. father fray hernando de aguilar, a very honored religious. 7. father fray bartolomé de salcedo. 8. father fray jerónimo de oro. 9. father fray antonio de los santos. 10. father fray juan cabello. 11. father fray juan de pareja mejía, very skilled in the ilocan tongue. i mean that the following year, when the father master went, he again sent his associate, fray lúcas de atienza, with some religious whom he found from the other companies whom i have already named, some of them being in my company. others were fray juan de mena and fray lúcas de rivera. [26] with this the government of our father fray miguel garcía was, we might say, fortunate; for he found himself with two companies, all of whom, with the half company, numbered more than forty religious. with that number he was able to supply the missions which now were suffering for the need of workers. he was able to add new strength to the house at manila, so that the choir could be assured--which is, as one might say, the fort of the province, where prayer is offered to god day and night for the needs of the province. there they gather those who find that they have but little strength in the ministry, where with some more rest they can attend to the profit of their own souls. our father fray miguel garcía, considering that our father fray diego de guevara had visited the provinces so slowly, did not choose to cause more trouble to the convents, or to spend more on his visits. consequently, he was not excessive in this matter, but very mild. in the intermediary chapter held in manila within two years, as had been determined in the full chapter, it appeared that the province complained about the [term of the] chapter being lengthened one year. they advanced not a few reasons in support of this complaint, and so many that it was ordered that that measure be revoked, and the chapter meeting be assigned for the next year of 1614. it was to be held in the house of guadalupe, a place very suitable, in their opinion, for the chapter meetings, as it was not very far from manila, so that they could supply their needs; and it allowed them to escape annoyances and importunities of the laymen. this [intermediary] chapter considered that many religious were dying, and that, since the father priors always came to vote, some house must necessarily remain empty, and be entrusted to the fiscals of the villages. this appeared full of inconveniences, both temporally and spiritually, which it is not right to express, since they are so apparent. and even were there nothing else than the great danger of many persons dying without holy baptism, and others without confession, that was sufficient. but there were many other reasons, which, although not so serious, aided not a little. the expenses that would be saved were many; and this reason, that the priorates would have such persons, for the best ones would always be chosen for them. this was opposed very strongly, and the opposition alleged what, in their opinion, were not a few reasons. they asserted that this was a kind of tyranny, and that their opponents were trying to reduce the province to fewer votes in order to perpetuate themselves in the government; and that it was less easy to make sixty votes agree than twenty. the province had commenced thus and should continue thus, and it was a manifest grievance to deprive those elected by the intermediary (or rather, the full) chapter of their votes. they said that that matter was very serious, and should be carried over to the _ipso pleno_ [_i.e._, the full chapter], in which, after being considered by so many, it could be determined. the whole question was put to vote by our father provincial, fray miguel garcía, who held the affirmative side. with his paternity were our father fray diego de guevara (who presided as visitor-general), the father definitor, fray vicente de sepúlveda, and the father definitor fray francisco bonifacio. on the other or negative side were father fray estacio ortíz, the father definitor fray juan de tapia, the father visitor fray juan enríquez, [27] and the father visitor fray juan villalobos. [28] they were equally opposed. one _adito_, father fray antonio de porras, was not there. each side put forth its efforts, working for our lord's service, at which all aimed, doubtless, but by different paths. the father commissary took sides with the party of our father master, fray diego de guevara, as he thought that the better and more justifiable. and thus this chapter disposed of all that it had proposed. five houses in bisayas were left with votes, namely, santísimo nombre do jesús, panay, barbarán, passi, and octóng. another five votes were left in ilocos, namely, bantay, ilagua, batac, nalbacán, and bauang. thus twelve votes were taken away from the province of bisayas, which has sixteen large convents, leaving the vicars, immediate to the chapter, with the authority and power in temporal and spiritual matters, as if they were priors. only their vote in the chapter was taken away. of the thirteen convents in the province of ilocos, eight were deprived of vote. in the province of tagalos, votes were assigned to the house of manila, that of guadalupe, the father sub-prior, the father preacher-general, the convent of taal, that of san pablo de los montes, the convent of bay, that of pasíg, those of parañaque, tondo, bulacán, malolos, agonoy, and calumpit--in all, fourteen votes. many houses--about ten--were deprived of votes; and of these sometimes they make priorates (or rather, vicariates) and sometimes visitas. six votes were given to pampanga, namely, bacolor, méxico, guagua, macabebe, lubao, and candaba. six other convents were left as vicariates. thus the houses having vote numbered twenty-eight. the subprior and procurator-general, four definitors, two visitors, the discreto of manila, the provincia and his associate bring the number up by ten [_sic_], and make thirty-nine; and the absolute provincial bring it up to forty. it was declared that when, through the privations of the time, any convent should decrease notably, the definitorio could transfer its vote in that chapter to another convent, as might then seem advisable, as was seen in the convent of aclán. when this convent passed from the order its vote was transferred to the convent of barbarán. some acts were passed afterward, which, translated into latin and printed, are observed in the province. i do not place them here, as i think that they do not further our purpose in any way. their annulment was asked for, for experience has shown that they have been productive of little good, and that the province had not need of so great rigor as they contain. chapter xxxv _of the election of our father fray vicente de sepúlveda_ our father visitor-general thought that he had complied with his obligation, and that the affairs of the province were in good condition. he set about returning to españa with the results of his labor, although for the completion of the visit there was no time allotted; for he had ample license to remain in the province as long as he judged it advisable for its advantage and greater good. he did not have good fortune on that voyage, for, either the poor equipment or the late departure caused both the almiranta and the flagship to put back in distress. our father visitor also came back and resumed his office, as it was one of which he had made no resignation. now came the time for the chapter which was to be held in guadalupe, according to the decision made. in this chapter the number of votes was very much less, in obedience to the acts of the intermediary chapter, and the father visitor was to be the president as was necessary in that chapter also, for thus was it ordered in his letters-patent. some must have been sorry for it. finally, the matter arranged itself in such a way that our father master fray diego de guevara resigned any right that he might have to that presidency and to the visitation of those islands, and for greater assurance broke the seal of it when he entered the chapter. as the only received master in that province, it was understood that he would be provincial; but i think that the fathers were very far from thinking of it, for they inclined to our father fray miguel garcía, who was most keen and very accurate in matters of government. being, moreover, a prince of the church, the latter was more conspicuous, as all thought; and i have even heard very influential persons and even governors say of the archbishop, "he is very wise! he is very wise!" upon the arrival, then, of the nineteenth of the month of may, 1614, the date upon which our chapter fell, our father fray vicente de sepúlveda, a person who, one would think, had entered these islands for eminence in everything, was elected. for coming in the company of the bishop solier (i mean the company which he himself brought to this land), in the year 1606, as soon as the said solier was elected provincial, he made him [_i.e._, sepúlveda] prior of the convent of macabebe in pampanga, one of the best of all the convents. later, while our father fray miguel garcía was provincial, he was elected definitor, and now we see him provincial; and in the succeeding triennium we shall see him return to the office because of the death of the holder of it, which is in accordance with the rules. within a little more than a month after he had taken the office, we shall see him choked to death. thus he served as an official in the province for scarcely one and one-half years before he was at the head of it. but so great fortune in temporal affairs announced such a misfortune. at that chapter presided the definitor, namely, our father, fray francisco bonifacio; for, by the resignation of our father visitor-general, the rules summoned him for it. as definitors were elected in the chapter: our father fray juan enríquez, father fray pedro garcía; [29] second, our father fray alonso de méntrida; third, father fray alonso ruiz; [30] and fourth, fray juan cabero. [31] the visitors were fray jerónimo de salas and fray nicolás de alreybar. all of them assembled, they enacted carefully what they deemed most suitable for the province. as prior of the province and definitor of roma was elected our father fray miguel garcía; and, as discreto of the general chapter, father fray hernando guerrero, with sufficient authority so that in case our father [_i.e._, garcía] should die he should enter upon his duties. leave was also given to our father visitor-general to go to españa. they made him prior of manila. his voyages were fortunate, although in the following year, when they went to españa, the fleet was overtaken by great danger and obliged to put in at lisboa. but affairs went so well in the court of españa, that after only a short wait his majesty appointed them as bishops--our father fray miguel garcía, of cagayán; and our father visitor, of camarines. they arrived at their bishoprics, and died in the islands, where they furnished an excellent example. our father fray vicente, as one who found himself with the province in charge, and who took especial care of its increase, managed its affairs with great assiduity. he visited all the provinces personally. he went to that of the bisayas, which even yet bewails the cost to them of that visit. and if we must confess that the prelate's zeal was proper, we have not to confess that the province which has ever enjoyed an austere reputation had grown so careless as to need so bitter medicine. and since those who were removed from their priorates were given others, this rigor could well have been avoided, in my opinion, although perhaps it ought to be considered proper, as the government of the prelates is paramount. the provincial returned to manila, leaving fray alonso de baraona as his vicar-provincial. during this period the islands were passing through very great dangers; for the dutch from maluco were vaunting themselves more than was proper, and every day brought news that the mindanaos were assembling to destroy the islands--fears that made the people timorous and too anxious. finally their fears came to a head with the arrival in great force of the dutch off the coast of the town of arévalo, whose purpose was to prevent the aid which was to be sent from that port to the forts of térnate. the enemy had ten galleons, of varying capacity; and it was even told as truth that they were bringing lime and the other supplies for settling in ilong-ilong. but later, when the matter was better considered, it must have been seen that their residence there would not be productive of any profit, but rather of a very great expense. besides, it would be very difficult to send them aid; while our troops could easily oust them, as the island is ours. the commandant of the town of arévalo, also its alcalde-mayor and overseer-general, without mincing words, was no more a man than is a hen. even in bravery, a hen is more than he; since the hen, upon seeing the approach of the kite, is aroused, and becomes a lioness in order to guard her chicks. but this person, by name antonio de jaréz de montero, did no more than to run away, although he had troops to meet the enemy face to face. he had assembled more than two thousand indians from those encomiendas; he had more than two hundred spaniards. and so when the indians saw, the night before, the signal which had been made from the island of imalus, [32] they fled, and not one was to be seen next day; and all of the spaniards who could, went also. in the morning, monday, on such and such a day of october, the enemy appeared, and came straight to the port of ilong-ilong, as if they had frequented it for many years. thereupon, the alcalde-mayor fled inland, without taking thought for anything. thus the field--where had four spaniards remained, they would have performed great deeds--was left to the enemy. i was living at that time in otóng, where father fray juan de lecea [33] was prior, a most exemplary religious. father fray silvestre de torres, [34] who had come from japón, was likewise a conventual of that place. we did the same as the others. we stored aboard a caracoa the most valuable things of the convent, and buried the rest. we ordered the indians to remain with the caracoa among those creeks, of which there are many. they did so, and hence all the things aboard the caracoa and those buried were found afterward. the enemy, not meeting any opposition, landed, came to the town of arévalo, and set fire to it all. they burned our convent, which was quite fine and built of wood they burned that of salog also, an excellent convent, which even yet has not been rebuilt. the enemy suffered greatly on the road, for that season in the islands is the rainy season. we went to the convent of baong, one day's journey inland from the town, although we spent more than two in reaching it. i, although sick, was first to arrive. the prior of that convent was father diego oseguera. [35] although the convent was poor, yet they acted as if they were wealthy. they shared all the rice and beef of the convent with all [the fugitives] who kept coming every moment, without taking account of anything. the convent of otong, besides its building, lost a ranch of cattle which it owned then of more than five hundred head and others of mares of more than one hundred head. for as the cattle were tame and came to their usual resorts, the enemy caught some and shot others. the fathers of the society lost much also. the rector of their college there was, at that time, father encinas, [36] a man of uncommon holiness. he also came to baong, by short relays, and lived in our convents until his order summoned him. the commandant and lieutenant-governor of the pintados, don juan de la vega, was in sugbú with two companies of infantry. the news of the enemy's coming was told to him; accordingly he embarked his men and brought them thither, but, when he had arrived, the enemy had burned everything, and were away up the point. thus the troops, went to the convent of passi--one-half day's journey by land--by the river of alacaygan. that same day i arrived at passi, for i went from baong to laglag, and from laglag to passi. the indians were already vaunting themselves very insolently, and refused to render any aid; but it appears that with the arrival of those two companies, whom they had in the heart of the country, they began to become calm. who can tell what these convents did, and what they gave and supplied? it is incredible, for almost from their shoulders hung all those troops, yet without curtailing anything [of the convent's usual bounty]. the convents were hostelries for those soldiers and captains, until their substance was gone. but when that commandant could have collected more than three hundred indians (or rather, soldiers), and gone to meet the enemy and could have inflicted great damage upon him, he spent the time in scandalous feasting. afterward he went to dumangas where all the people of the town of otóng and the other soldiers were gathered; and there, by surfeiting themselves with cocoa-nuts and sugar-cane, and committing other acts of hoggish greed, more of them died than if they had fought with the enemy. that commandant was the son of an auditor, and must have been a brave man, although he caused grief to everyone; and his blunders must have been fine bits of prudence. he also lost for the king a galleon named "san márcos," one of the best and stoutest vessels built in the islands. another auditor's son, don pedro de almazán, when general of the galleys, had the mindanaos blockaded in the river baco, and when already the enemy were thinking of surrendering, he left the port, whereupon the enemy regained courage and went away. the sons of auditors have done many things like these, but i do not write them, as i am not the historian of their acts of prowess. i have merely remarked this in passing, as it was necessary to speak of it. finally, don juan de la vega died suddenly. there he will have given account to god. perhaps his intention in something may save him. it will be apparent from what i have written, that there has been scarcely any event in these islands, either of war or peace, where those of my order have not distinguished themselves. in the above they did so no less than in others, for they were fathers to so many poor, and hosts and support to so many soldiers. they relieved, if not wholly, at least partially, the needs of so many, which one can easily believe would be many, since they were abandoning their houses, burned with what little they contained, and fleeing from the enemy who were burning their possessions. the enemy left the islands after that, whereupon father fray juan de lecea, as a true father to the end--and what he grieved over, was, in truth, the leading astray of his flock--went down from the mountains, as soon as he learned that the enemy were not in otóng, and reached (although not without many tears), those sites where had been the convent, and where the true god had been worshiped. he began to gather together those dear wretched beings, and gave them alms of the little that he had. finally, with god's help, those natives gradually came down from the mountains and assembled in their village, where they began to build their houses anew. father fray juan de lecea showed so excellent management that he soon had a habitation. i left the upland then and went to the visita of guimbal, where the enemy had not been. from that place i sent father lecea men, and what [supplies] i could, so that the work might progress. there by the lord's pleasure, the tinguianes of that visita, who had never consented to build a church, nor have the father visit them, at length, through the lord's mercy, ceased their obduracy. they built me a church, and i baptized many of them, both children at the breast and those somewhat older, and adults. if i have done any service to the lord in that place, i pray his majesty to receive it as a partial payment for my many acts of disservice. on my departure from all those mountains, and my return to otóng, i found already a church and small dwelling-house built, and another under way, larger and more commodious, which was soon finished, until it finally became a very handsome edifice. the convent of salóg was being rebuilt in better style; and the indians were again settling in the village, although not as in the beginning. from that place i was exchanged to the convent of dumalag, by order of the vicar-provincial of the island, the father commissary, fray antonio de torres. while i was there the father provincial came to visit, and there happened the above. the result of his visit was to send me as prior to dumangas, which i opposed to my utmost, as i had left two other priorates because of my ill-health. but obedience had to force my will. when i arrived there, even yet the spaniards were in that river. at last, seeing that they could go, they retired, and my parishioners were more free to attend to their souls, to their houses, to their villages, and to their church, which had been destroyed. finally, it was the lord's will that i built there a church and house of wood, and larger in size [than the former one]. the government remained in the hands of the audiencia, because of the death of don juan de silva, knight of the order of santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands. he sailed for malaca with ten galleons, accompanied by two of our religious, father fray juan de montemayor, [37] and father fray lúcas de atienza. the audiencia governed most carefully and successfully, for it had very good results in whatever it attempted. it was rumored that the dutch enemy were returning to the islands with a greater force, as they had heard of the death of that man--who must be immortal, and for fear of whom they were lost; for daily they were indicating this in their conduct. for as he routed them at playa honda, in 1610, they had no wish to fall into his power a second time. but now, without any fear, they were about to return to retrieve their loss and past reputation. the audiencia appointed as commander-in-chief of the pintados don diego de quiñones, one of the most valiant and courageous gentlemen ever in this land. his first act was to strengthen the fort of sugbú, in case the enemy should attack at that point. while he was busy in that occupation, news came from otóng of the approach of the dutch with ten galleons, and of their intention to colonize the point of ilong-ylong. instantly, he ordered a boat, loaded it with bread and cheese, and went to otóng. in the nine days' interval until the dutch arrived, he built a redoubt of wood and fascines, where he awaited the enemy, who arrived september 29. don diego had but few men, although a company from ternate was there, who happened to come there in a wrecked fragata. they were of no little service. his artillery consisted of small pieces which shot a ball no larger than a very small orange. he had about one hundred men. lázaro de torres was their captain, a man of great courage, and than whom no one, in such opportunities, has been more fortunate. his alférez was don pedro zara, a very courageous soldier. in short, they fought so that it appeared rather rashness than bravery. two of our religious were there, father fray jerónimo de alvarado and fray juan de morales, besides the parish priest of the town, bartolomé martes. they confessed the troops, and encouraged them. the balls rained down, and thus they penetrated throughout the fort, as if it had been paper. no place was safe, for the enemy commanded the entire fort from their topmasts; and no sooner did any one mount the parapet than he was shot. the commander was wounded, as was don pedro zara. within that redoubt all were heaped sweltering in their own blood, awaiting death. for, as often as the enemy invested that small fort or redoubt, the spaniards resisted bravely and killed many of them. but finally, at the end, the victory had to remain with the conqueror, who could be none other than the dutch as they had so strong forces. but our lord in such a conflict aided his own, who were fighting there for his honor under so great odds; and willed that the enemy should abandon the undertaking, and depart--to the wonder of all, after they had been firing at that rampart for nearly two days. in that time they must have used more than five hundred large balls, the reverberations of which sounded on the heights of that island like thunder. on the departure of the enemy, our men must have found themselves in great need of everything, for whatever houses and stores were there were all burned; for the dutch have done this three times on that point. help came then from baong, and father fray hernando de morales came overland with two hundred indians. he was an angel to the people, and, with the indians, aided them in their greatest necessity. by this means they had one who served and accommodated them, which was no small achievement. he brought them as much food as he could, and remained with them until the natives began to aid; for all had been frightened greatly at the uproar that they had seen. this was a great matter for the natives, for they all said, "the dutch have been beaten." captain don diego, seeing that the enemy would go there constantly, began, with the consent of the audiencia, to build a fort, and constructed a rampart, furnished with some excellent pieces, which arrived the same day when the enemy left, and were almost captured by them. afterward the fort was completed. it consists of four ramparts, and is the best in the filipinas. i have related the above, because it shows how our religious attend to the service of our lord. chapter xxxvi _of the election of our father, fray jerónimo de salas; and of other events in this province at that time._ the [time for the] chapter arrived in which our father fray vicente left his office, at which he would rejoice; for this matter of command, although it appears to be all honey, certainly contains much more of gall and confusion than rest. the father visitor, fray juan de enríquez, received votes, and he was well liked in pampanga. the father-provincial thought that father fray agustín de mejía [38] was needed for the government of the province, for he was of manila, and had maintained that convent with great devotion and punctuality, and no one had been lacking in anything--and that in times so calamitous as his own. during that time the ships from españa failed us for two years, and during all that period he had so great courage that he did splendid things in the convent of manila, both for the church and for the house. the monument placed in our house is the best of all those belonging to the orders; it and many others are his work. notwithstanding this, the religious did not consider him favorably. consequently, our father provincial, seeing the difficulty, did not wish, as a prudent man, to venture upon a thing which would make face against him. for the religious alone are of this condition, that they play openly; as they look rather at the common good than that of their own particular interest. consequently, he cast his eyes on father fray jerónimo de salas, a man so well received that the other fathers agreed on him immediately, and he was elected without much difficulty on the twenty-ninth of april, 1617. that election was very pleasing to the province, for all were very sure that they would receive very great consolations at his hands. they were quite right too, for i could treat of that point, as a very large share of it fell to me, when i was in bisayas acting as prior of dumangas; for he sent me leave to come to manila, as he wished me to become subprior. father fray jerónimo de cabero presided at that chapter, as we had no letters-patent from our father general. as definitors, father fray juan enríquez, father fray pedro de lesarte, [39] father fray alonso de baraona, and father fray felipe de tallada were elected. the visitors were father fray estacio ortíz and father fray agustín de mejía. all together assembled, they annulled preceding orders and enacted others for the good management of the province. but little life was left for our father provincial, for a very slight accident occasioned his death, so that, without any medicine sufficing, he went away and left us on the seventeenth of may, leaving us disconsolate and very desirous of him. our rules, in such an event, summon the preceding provincial, who immediately took the seal. persons were not lacking to advise him to leave the government of the province, saying that the province was not well affected toward him. and even persons outside of the order who were viewing things with some interest, said the same to him. but we are not to understand that any ambition guided him, but that since he had had experience in the government, which is not the least thing, he thought that he could govern better than another. he commenced to burden the province with mandates, for in his term there was too much of that. thereupon, the fathers began to regard him less favorably than before, and to represent to themselves the evil of his having the command. there were meetings and discussions in which the coming evil was clearly presaged and announced. one old religious, who was such in all things, in order to avoid cavilings and inquisitions went to confess to him; and told him that he knew most positively that they wished to kill him, and that he should relinquish his office. he assented to nothing, carried away, doubtless, by his good zeal. a brother served him in his cell, a creole whom he wished well and whom he treated with affection. the latter, in return for the benefits which he received, gave him pounded glass in his chocolate, for he had been told that that was the most virulent poison which could be administered. but the provincial's natural force resisted everything, for he was robust, though small of body. during this time, which was june of the same year, 1617, as the ships which had been despatched the year before had put back in distress, the viceroy of nueva españa, in order not to leave the islands without succor, bought a small peruvian ship called "san jerónimo," little but very staunch. although they had but little comfort, the bishop, don fray miguel garcía, embarked with his fine company of religious; and he brought them in safety to the port of cavite, although they were almost wrecked among the islands, because the vendavals had set in early and with violent force. at last freed from this and other dangers by the mercy of god, and as they were laborers chosen by god for this his vineyard, he did not wish them to lack work in it; and so he placed them at the doors of the convent of manila, poor from the lack of comfort in the voyage, but rich with their hopes and virtues. their names were: father fray hernando guerrero, who came as prior of them all. father fray antonio de ocampo, a very eloquent preacher, and a castilian. father fray juan de trejo, a very eloquent preacher, and from estremadura. father fray juan ramírez, a preacher, from burgos. father fray pedro ramírez, a preacher, from burgos. father fray diego de robles, a castilian. father fray diego de avalos, from toledo. father fray agustín carreño, from asturia, a tagál. father fray francisco de madrid, a preacher, and a castilian. father fray lúcas de aguilar, a castilian. father fray juan de las cuevas, from madrid. father fray andrés de prada, from burgos. father fray antonio de ulloa, a preacher, and a castilian. father fray alonso delgado, from estremadura. father fray alonso rodríguez, a fine organist, and a castilian. father fray juan de orasco, a castilian. father fray martín de arastí, a biscayan. father fray félix de villafuerte. father fray antonio quintano, a preacher, from burgos. father fray juan gallegos, a preacher, from mancha. father fray jacinto de herrera; this was the second time that he has sailed for this land. he is a preacher and a castilian. father fray pedro mejía, a preacher, from mancha. father fray jerónimo de paredes, a preacher, and a castilian. father fray martín vázquez, a castilian. father fray tomás de villanueva, from mancha. father fray alonso de carabasal, reader, and who came the following year. he remained behind because of his poor health. father fray antonio de mójica, a castilian. father fray cristóbal enríquez, a preacher, from estremadura. father fray juan de espinosa, a castilian. father fray gaspar de lorenzana, a castilian. [40] all those fathers who came here were from the province of castilla. their arrival was of great consequence, and with them the death of the father provincial, fray jerónimo de salas, was, in some measure, corrected; for, in return for a person whom the lord took from the province by that action, he gave it many workers in whom there were very great hopes. our father rector-provincial, as the matter devolved on him, divided the fathers among the four provinces of tagalos, pampanga, ilocos, and bisayas. he had ordered that father fray alonso baraona, at that time definitor of the province, should take the religious who fell to its share to the pintados; and that he should come to the province to govern it, since he was his vicar-provincial and visitor. the religious embarked, therefore, and with them, the father prior of sugbú, fray luis de brito, [41] and the prior of panay, fray miguel de suaren. [42] as the winds were adverse, because the vendavals were raging obstinately, they were unable to get away from the island of manila for a long time. two ships were sent to nueva españa. one put back and the other, which was a portuguese caravel, went to india and was wrecked. the ships for castilla were being prepared, and were to sail by the first of august. our father provincial tried to have father fray juan de ocadiz sail in them, as he considered his return to españa necessary for his own quiet; and since he was able to do so, he ordered that fray juan should go immediately to cavite, for he suspected that, if anything evil was to occur, it would be perpetrated by that man. finally, the religious left, after putting off his departure as long as possible. he said "goodby," in order to go to embark in the morning, and permission was given him. that night, the first of august, 1617, one of the most tragic events that has ever happened in these islands occurred in our province--namely, that that same night our father rector-provincial, fray vicente de sepúlveda, was choked to death, and was found dead in his bed at two o'clock in the morning, with clear signs of a violent death. in that most horrible crime were implicated three religious--one a priest, one a chorister, and one a lay-brother, namely, the creole who gave the poison to the father, and whom his relatives hid; and, as he had money, they helped him to escape out of these islands. the lay-brother was a european, and the father priest, fray juan de ocadiz, an american. they [_i.e._, the last two] were hanged near the atrium of our church, in front of the well, after we had first unfrocked, expelled, and disgraced them. the two said men were buried beneath the cloister of our convent, near the porter's lodge, before the altar of st. nicolás de tolentino. [43] in the interval from the death of our father provincial, fray jerónimo de salas, which occurred on may 17, until our father rector-provincial sepúlveda was killed, a singular case happened in our convent, which was apparently a presage of the said fatality. it happened that in the fine infirmary of the said convent, which looks toward the sea, a white cat was found which was rearing three rats at its breasts, feeding them as if they were its own kind of offspring, and giving a complete truce to the natural antipathy of such animals. but after it had reared and fattened them well, it ate them, ceasing the unwonted truces in its natural opposition. almost all the people of the community of manila and its environs came to see such a thing, for scarcely would they credit the truth of it, and all affirmed that it must be the presage of some great fatality. by the death of the said our father sepúlveda (which was very keenly felt by our province, and which grieved the hearts of all the members individually), although the father definitors ought to have taken up the government, yet they made a renunciation of the right which pertained to every one of them. accordingly, announcements were sent through the provinces to the effect that the provincial chapter should be held on the last day of october, the thirty-first, of the year 17. about this time the very illustrious don diego vázquez de marcado, archbishop of manila, a most worthy prelate, died. he was the embodiment of learning, virtue, and prudence, and all grieved sorely at his death. our bishop of cebú, don fray pedro de arce, entered upon the government of the archbishopric, by a special bull of paul v, and he was assigned one _talega_ [44] more salary than he received in his bishopric. during this period occurred the persecution of christians in japón by the emperor dayfusama, and the martyrdom of our blessed martyrs in that kingdom. [45] our enemy the dutch also came with seventy [_sic_] vessels to playa honda in zambales, seeing that they were unable to attain their designs--namely, to capture the port of cavite, and change the minds of the natives, turn them from the service and homage of our catholic monarch, and render them allies to themselves. but on saturday, april 7, 1617, our fleet left cavite under command of master-of-camp don juan ronquillo, who had the happiness and good luck to sink several of their vessels, burn another, and put the rest to flight amid the islands. our fleet remained intact, except for two vessels which were roughly handled. may 8, 1618, the fleet returning to the port of cavite, was received with great pomp and joy because of their happy victory, which they had obtained by the divine favor. salutes were fired in honor of nuestra señora de guía [_i.e._, "our lady of guidance"], and don juan ronquillo was acclaimed as the father of this land and its savior from the dutch enemy, who were trying to conquer this archipelago. our religious who were assigned to the bisayan provinces went to their respective destinations, and arrived safely, thanks to the lord, notwithstanding the dangerous seas among the islands in the season of báguios and hurricanes. but they were courageous, and confided in the obedience that conquers all things. in the beginning of the month of september, father fray juan de rivera, prior of octóng, and father fray francisco bonifacio, prior of passi, set forth in an excellent caracoa, and a good crew of sailor folk. as they were crossing from the island of tablas to dumalor, or the island of mindoro, they encountered a large boat of camucones and a little vessel. the vizcayan prior of octóng did not lose his head, but encouraged their men, and made them attack the enemy's bark. they did it with great resolution, so that the pirate, imagining that they were a caracoa belonging to a fleet, began to flee. to do this more quickly, they abandoned the small boat, after taking off all its crew. thus they rowed so quickly that our men could not overtake them. ours took the little boat, which proved of no little use; for as they came near the island of mindoro, they saw that the weather was growing very bad, that the clouds were moving more quickly, and that the wild waves of the swollen sea were running high. they took good counsel--namely, that of father fray juan de lecea--to place themselves in a little house, and put ashore all their belongings, and beach the boat, which they could have done. but the indians refused to work, a vice quite peculiar to them, and everything was lost. the elements began to rouse themselves, and the winds to blow with so great fury that no greater tempest has been witnessed in the islands. our caracoa went to pieces and all its cargo was lost, except what was later cast ashore. during that same storm six galleons were wrecked in the islands; they were the best that the king has launched. among them was that so famous galleon "la salvadora." when the fleet returned from malaca, don jerónimo de silva, who was in charge of the department of war, ordered those vessels to be taken out for repairs; and they were taken out, to their loss. some sank, others were driven aground. many men perished, both spaniards and indians, as well as japanese, sangleys, and workmen. it is a loss that manila will ever bemoan. therefore they say there: "in truth thou art welcome, misfortune, when thou comest alone." [46] manila had had a loss as great as that of the governor, don juan de silva; and now that was followed by the loss of the galleons, with so many souls. i know, not how a babe at the breast was saved on the deck of a galleon, or rather in its hatchway. she was found by admiral heredia (who was going to the pintados), on a beach, and he reared her as his own daughter. it was the mercy of god, and when it pleases him to employ that mercy toward any of his creatures, there is no power to contradict it, nor any danger from which it does not issue safe and sound. the little boat which the father vicar-provincial, fray juan de lecea, captured from the camucon enemy was useful to him. he embarked in it alone, and coasted along that island as far as baco, a distance of more than twenty leguas. thence he crossed to manila, after having bargained with a champan of baco to go for father fray francisco bonifacio. but this diligence was not sufficient for him to arrive in time for the election, because of the weather. the indians suffered more, for they returned to their villages singly, and some of them even were lost, as they did not know the way. the father prior of aclán sought shelter in a port of the island of hambil during the storm; and although he did his utmost to arrive in time, he was unable. but he arrived just after the chapter was concluded, and served for nothing else than to give it obedience and to return with the others. however, father fray francisco bonifacio remained as prior of tondo; although he had wished to go to bisayas, the sea so frightened him that he was very fortunate to remain. chapter xxxvii _of the election of our father, fray alonso baraona_ upon the arrival of the time set by the province, namely, the last day of october of the said year 1617, all the fathers who had a vote assembled, and discussed, as if in conflict, the question of electing such a head to the province; that he could settle, as far as he was able, the past quarrel, which had so upset the reputation of the order, by his authority, example of life, and morals. for in no time had it been more important for us to cut loose from our self-love and to fix our eyes on our mother, the order, which was suffering for her sons; and so that it might be understood that where there had been religious who had caused so evil an example, there were also those who could, by their example, edify a great community. according to this, father fray estacio ortíz seemed very suitable to those who were present. he was the founder of the missions in japon, and had always been known to be of a very religious life and had been highly esteemed by the civil government. others declared that father fray alonso ruiz, who was known to be a person of singular virtue, was the man who ought to fill that vacancy. others, who had reasons therefor, sought another, as they had present father fray francisco bonifacio. in order to know who he was, it sufficed to say that he had been prior of the convent of san nicolás de sugbú, which is for the natives, without anything ever being said in depreciation of his person. that, as was proper, was regarded as a singular case, and not less that he went free as did the children of babilonia from the fire. he was a person who was always the model for all the pintados. the one who was discussed least was our father baraona, for he was always humble by nature, and very free from pretensions, as he always thought of himself with great humility. but, as our lord regarded him as provincial, he so managed affairs that votes were cast in his favor without special effort, and he was elected as provincial. on the last of october, then, endeavor was made, since there was nothing to do, to have the voting fathers return to their provinces and that the good of the province should be attempted, after deciding on a far-reaching reformation; for our father baraona had excellent intentions, and to judge from these, it is to be believed that he would direct all things in the sight of god. in his own person he visited the province of bisayas, which, as it was his own, he regarded with especial love. that visit was not a small exploit, when one considers the voyage. he always traveled at small expense, going in a champan, like any other and very ordinary religious. he was the one who sent most religious to españa. among them were the father visitor, fray agustín mejía, who, arriving afterward at perú, was there adopted and esteemed as his zeal and devotion deserved; the father definitor, father fray felipe tallada; father fray andrés de ocampo, prior of macabebe; father fray baltasar andrés; and father fray francisco de cuéllar. all died except father fray felipe tallada, who afterward returned to the province of pampanga, where he was a fine linguist. in the following year of 1618, with these religious he sent father fray alonso del rincón (then prior of the convent of manila) to españa as procurator, in order to give account of the affair in españa; and to bring back religious, for death was rapidly thinning the ranks of those who remained. he had good success, as we shall see. after the good result with the dutch at octóng, which we have described above, it happened that the mindanaos conspired with their neighbors, and came to plunder the islands, with a goodly number of caracoas and vessels of all burden. they robbed much, captured, seized, and burned, more than what can well be told; and, as fast as they filled their boats, they sent them home. the commander of the pintados, don diego de quiñones, was notified. he happened to be in octóng, where he immediately had seven very well equipped caracoas prepared, with indians to row and spaniards to fight. he appointed creditable men as commanders of them, and, as commander-in-chief of them all, captain lázaro de torres, the man who was with him in the affair with the dutch. the fleet set sail in stormy weather, and coasted the island of panay in search of the point of potol, because the enemy had to pass by there in order to return home. this occasioned much toil because of the fury of the wind. finally they reached the river, four leguas from potol. there they anchored, for the brisas, which there are side winds, were breaking the counterbalances of the caracoas. at that place the indians told him that the enemy had arrived at hambil, an islet which, stretching between potol and the island of tablas, forms channels between them. thereupon he left, notwithstanding the severe weather. father fray martín de san nicolás, associate in that priorate, accompanied him from here, in a suitable boat. at length, by dint of rowing, they reached the island, and when in shelter of it, they learned that the enemy had anchored near by, behind a point that served them as a harbor. then order was given to the caracoas to follow and do their duty, and at daybreak sail was set, in order to take the enemy before they could perceive him. i have no wish to cast blame upon the commanders of the caracoas, for they were men of great courage and punctilious honor. hence, they did not remain behind purposely, but because they could sail no faster, for all boats are not equal. to conclude, when the enemy were sighted, captain lázaro de torres found himself alone with three caracoas--his own, that of alférez patiño, and that of alférez francisco de mendoza, a creole from sugbú. our flagship went straight toward the enemy. the others stationed themselves in between, where they played havoc with the smaller craft. the small boats of the enemy perceiving themselves attacked so suddenly, without further counsel than that of fear, took to the open, which is there of great extent, and scattered. it is reported that their loss was heavy, and that only such and such a number arrived at mindanao; and that their captain-general was drowned. he was the son of silongan, king of mindanao. those who stayed behind to fight fought so bravely that the outcome was doubtful; for the captain told me that they fought like lions. thus had the company [of the three caracoas] been destroyed, and our men would have been in danger, for even yet the other four caracoas had not arrived. finally, the enemy's flagship was sunk, and others foundered, while other boats took to flight through fear of the firing, or allowed themselves to fall aside. our men killed many, and those who escaped, defended themselves cutlass in hand, while swimming. then approaching the island, our boats ceased firing, in order to capture the enemy alive, so that they might have rowers for their galleys. on this account about eighty landed. the indians seized a small height in order to defend themselves, whereat our men were about to open fire on them. as soon as our men were ashore, father fray martín de san nicolás--who, more courageous than those who did not come, was in the midst of the whole action, encouraging our men--went to the indians, and talked to and assured them so that they gave up their arms and surrendered. i think that the captain gave two of those slaves to the order to serve in whatever convent the superior should think best. the remainder were taken to octóng, some of whom were sold, and others placed in the galleys, and those were the most secure. since that fleet, although innumerable fleets have gone to attack the enemy who infest the islands, they have never had good success, or closed with them while the enemy have gone in and out from the islands every year, to the great loss of the country--doubtless a chastisement on us. [several miraculous occurrences in various places are recounted, all of which caused wonder. medina continues:] our father baraona, as he loved the province of bisayas so dearly, went through it, abandoning some houses and occupying others, and exchanging and returning still others. and, in fact, although he did it for the best, experience has proved that it has been bad for us. he exchanged aclán for barbarán; and although the latter is on the river panay, it is a convent needy of all things, and has the most perverse people, whom even yet we have been unable to subdue. the former was very fine in all ways, and convenient for us; and within its gates it is well supplied with all necessaries, both for itself and for other convents. and although it is true that it could have been returned to the order, because at the death of its first secular priest, the bishop gave it. but the order made so little effort that it was lost; for for what any other order would give a thousand flights, we let slip for the sake of two steps of work. our order owes the district of dumalag to the care of our father baraona, for he obtained it by entreaty from don juan de silva--and that while he was merely prior, and not provincial. it cost him considerable labor, and was like to have cost his life, for he made many trips to manila and to sugbú, and, in his labors in 1612, he encountered death many times, embarking on the sea in only a cockle-shell of a boat, and ploughing it for more than thirty hours, when not a champán or caracoa was to be seen on the sea that was not knocked to pieces by this storm, and those well equipped were driven aground on some islands. the storms past, the father found himself on the island of mindanao, without food. he had some dogs, for he was very fond of hunting. he ordered his men to go up the mountain, and perhaps they would find some game which they could take, for all were perishing from hunger. all went but himself, and he remained or the shore. but by and by a deer of unusually large size came bounding down toward him, to seek the protection of the water in order to escape from the dogs. our father, who saw it pass, eager for the chase, went behind the deer, and seized it, so that had not his men arrived so promptly after the dogs, he had drowned there. for the deer had already taken to the deep water; and the father, weighed down by his thoroughly soaked garments, was almost drowned. but his men saved him from this danger, and killed the deer. after they had embarked and had reached the harbor-bar of aclán, the little boat was overturned, so that the father lost everything, and was able to save only the clothes on his back. thus that boat, which withstood so many buffetings of the sea without any harm, happened to overturn four brazas from shore, through the carelessness of its steersman. after he became provincial, he left the islands with the priorate of ibabay for that of tigbauan. this was not a bad thing, for the latter was very far from intercourse and people, and in great danger. there was necessity for religious, and permission was sent to india so that some could come. they began to come, but experience has proved that this measure is not effective; for when it is desired to bestow habits they can be given to youth in manila, who have come from españa, many clever ones of whom are in the colleges. as soon as he could, he made father fray alonso de méntrida--who was without an appointment in this province of bisayas, and was a pattern for the order, as we shall see later--prior of manila. in all other things, he did his utmost in the service of the province, as the great religious that he ever was. as he busied himself in going at times to the country, he happened to discover some remarkable things. among others, he discovered in dumalag a vast cave, which must have extended more than one or two leguas. the father walked a great distance in it, but never found its end, for his lights went out. another time he found a cedar-tree in the mountains of this district, which some wind had laid low. he had a boat made of it, the largest one ever seen in these islands that was made from one log. i embarked in it; it must have been more than one braza long. it was laden with more than one hundred baskets of winnowed rice, and it carried many planks of remarkable size before the log was destroyed. a man on one side of it was unable to see the person on the other side. to conclude, the tree had the largest diameter that i have ever seen. i have traveled widely and seen many trees, but none of equal size. while father baraona was prior of salog, he had come from dumangas, and was returning to his convent. he did not cross in the open, but went slowly along the coast. when they reached a beach, his crew stopped to eat, but he meanwhile walked inland. he had a dog which went before, and, following it, the father found that it had laid hold of a boar, which had tusks one palmo long, and which was as large as a yearling heifer. it was so furious that it had beaten down the reeds as a number of mares thresh out the corn. no sooner did it see the father than it attacked him. the father gave it a slight lance-thrust in the skin, but the point, turning, entered no farther than the very outside. the dog remained true, and held the boar by one leg; but the boar did not discontinue to strike at the father with great fury. but the blows that it thus gave him were received in his habit, which he endured until the arrival of the indians, with whose aid they killed that savage animal. brother fray andrés garcia assured me that he had never seen anything so terrible looking in españa, italia, or any place. many other things happened to the father, which might make a long history, but do not apply to the matter in hand. he was much loved by the indians, for he rendered free and open aid to them, so far as he was able. chapter xxxviii _of the election of our father fray juan enríquez_ our father fray alonso de baraona, in the course of his government, as a person who so well understood the province and its members, thought that no one was better fitted to govern it than our father fray juan enríquez, then the senior definitor. concerning him, i have not said much of what was seen, and the troubles which he suffered, on the occasion of the unhappy death of our father fray vicente. we were made to see how unjust that was, for our lord freed him from those annoyances with so much honor, by making him provincial, to the applause and pleasure of all; and he was elected may 7, 1620. the father master, fray pedro garcía, presided over this chapter, as he had letters-patent for that from our most reverend father-general, which the archbishop brought, together with his title as master, when he came from españa to these islands. he was received in the province although it has not been the custom to have masters in it. may god arrange matters in the future, for in this [capacity the archbishop] shows his devotion not a little. as definitors were elected, in this chapter: father fray hernando guerrero; the second, father fray antonio de ocampo; [47] the third, father fray juan de henao; [48] and the fourth, father fray hernando becerra. the visitors were our father fray alonso de méntrida and father fray juan de tapia. the chief proceeding in this chapter after the regular business--that is, what is here regarded as most important--the provision for offices, was the appointment of father fray juan de tapia as definitor for roma, and also to the procuratorship for the court of españa. he is a man of great worth, and has been very useful in the islands and labored not a little, to the approbation of all. for he was with don pedro de acuña in the taking of maluco, and founded there a house in the name of the order; and there he was not only the father and consolation of all, but a very valiant soldier, who strove for the service of his king as well as the best. while definitor, he was also prior of manila, increasing that convent with many works--as he did afterward in the convents among the natives where he was prelate, which he left notably increased. during that triennium, while going out as visitor, he went also as prior of manila, and on making the voyage to españa, was very well received there. beyond doubt he would have secured the bishopric had he been a trifle more active, but he was always slow when his own affairs were concerned, and did not consider them as the affairs of the order, which he always managed with the greatest diligence and care. consequently, he brought back a fine company [of religious] as we shall see in due time. our father juan enríquez was unwilling that there should he any failure in the growth of the province during his term. accordingly, although it was said that it was of little advantage to have a convent in maluco, yet the provincial kept it, sending a father there. he also maintained the other convents, notwithstanding that he suppressed that of cavite--as if it were not the most important, for that place is growing daily; and although it be not for the gain, at least it may serve as a hospitium for those journeying to and fro between here and españa. all the orders are doing the same thing, although they can not support themselves there. he visited all his province, although he did not come to that of bisayas, for the sea was very much infested with enemies, and his predecessor had gone through it more than any of the other prelates had done. at that time the province enjoyed great peace and quiet, which was due to the prudence of our father, who ever carried himself as the admirable religious that he was. during that triennium i acted as prior of panay for the second time; for during the intermediary chapter of our father baraona i went as prior to aclán, which was a house with a vote. soon after the arrival of the said visitor, that priorate falling vacant, he appointed me to it, and for the sake of the vote. and on returning, that triennium, together with the office of vicar-provincial, while in that convent, and having in my company father fray martín de san nicolás (who i have already said was with captain lázaro de torres at the rout of mindanao), we were eating one fast day [_dia de pescado_], when a large fishbone, which must have been as long as a sewing-needle and was thick and bent, and had a very sharp point, lodged in the father's throat. although he said nothing to me for a moment, he stopped, ceased eating and commenced to groan, as one who feels a very great pain. afterward he kept changing color, but without saying a word. i was about to ask him what was the accident that caused his pain. i saw him rise, for already his breath was failing, and with a loud voice he cried, "ah! blessed st. nicholas! help me, for i am choking!" and, upon saying that, he threw from his throat a fishbone of the size above mentioned. it had been so securely fastened there that it seemed as if that fishbone could not have been dislodged without divine aid, as was proved by the mark of the blood on it. it was considered as a wonderful thing, and the said father, in token and proof of gratitude, is keeping the fishbone, and tells the circumstance to everyone, while he always celebrates as best he can the feast of that saint. of a surety, he shows himself very devout. i cannot refrain from telling here, although out of place, that in the year in which our father baraona was elected, when the latter came to visit the bisayas in the year 1617, admiral pedro de heredia had come, with the governor's permission, to the district of aclán, his encomienda, to build a ship. and although he claimed to do it with only his encomienda, the affair went so well with him that he finished a vessel of greater burden than was reported or believed. no indian ran away from him. on the contrary, the indians were rich, for he paid them liberally; and indians even came from other districts to work there, because of his fair treatment of them. father fray lúcas de la peña, [49] a very devout and zealous religious, as we have written before, was prior of that convent then. he had encounters with the admiral, for rarely do these fail between the encomenderos and missionaries. these happened because the indians were carrying and bringing, and sowing discord, as they can. the admiral was very indignant, blustered against the missionary, and said that he would oust him from that place, if it cost him his estate. when the provincial came, the admiral found a good opportunity; he went to the provincial, and told him resolutely that the father must leave there. the father provincial understood thoroughly that there was no cause for such a proceeding; but he knew that influential man's obstinacy, and that, if carried away by his wrath or anger, he might commit some extravagant act. accordingly, in order to remove the religious from a dangerous situation, [50] the father provincial made him resign his mission. this the religious did very willingly, as it was by the order of the superior. the good religious has no other desire than to do the will of his superior, as our father fulgencio tells us: _illos veros monarchos esse dicebat qui, mortificatis voluntatibus suis, nihil velle, nihil nolle, sed tantum-modo abbatis precepta, servare._ [51] our father provincial thereupon changed the said father, thus giving a very admirable example of humility, patience, and self-mortification; for, being a prior elected by the chapter, he might well demand, without being disobedient, that charges should be made against him, and that according to the result thereof he should be punished. but he refused to do that, and left his cause to god, who is the most righteous of judges, and who knows naught by hearsay but by sight, for all things are plain to him. another religious was sent there, with whom the admiral had a more familiar acquaintance. the ship was finished and launched. it cost sixteen thousand pesos, for it was the reproach of [other] ships. but it cost his majesty much more, without paying the indians--many of whom died, for there are no mines so severe as are the shipyards. it was launched and sails bent, for the audiencia had sent for the vessel to make a trip to españa. at that time there are no winds of the sea along that coast; therefore the moorings of the vessel were all ashore. while in this condition, and with a cargo of lumber, unexpectedly so furious a wind sprang up on the sea, that the ship ran aground without being able to make any resistance. as the vessel was laden with lumber, there was no remedy. the wind was for no other purpose than the above-mentioned [destruction], since it ceased its fury with the loss of the ship. the admiral suffered this blow patiently, for he understood that the lord had no other reason in it than to avenge the wrong done to his religious. _mihi vindicta, et ego retribuam._ [52] for the lord esteems the honor of his ministers as his own, and thus charged them, saying: _nolite tangere christos meos, et in prophetis meis nolite malignari._ [53] all the others understood this and were warned. often since that have i heard him say to an encomendero, that even though the missionary should destroy his encomienda, he would neither enter suit against him, nor do anything to him that he should not do. for the judgment of men is deceptive, and their passion generally leads them astray and casts them headlong. our father fray alonso de baraona was very sensitive regarding this occurrence, and set it right by advancing the father and making him prior of santísimo nombre de jesús, and visitor for those convents. thus he voted in this chapter which elected father fray juan enríquez, and himself obtained therefrom the convent of octóng, the chief one of the island. during this triennium of our father fray juan enríquez, our recollect fathers founded a convent in sugbú, as bishop don fray pedro de arce was pleased to give them a chapel which is in that city, between the native and the spanish towns, and called nuestra señora de la concepción [_i.e._, "our lady of the conception"]. the city agreed to it in the vote that was taken--although the city was not sufficiently large for such a convent, for it contained that of the fathers of the society, ours, and the cathedral church; and the parián, a short distance from there. however, beyond doubt it suited the fathers; for the bishop seeing that there were no seculars who would go to the island of mindanao, and that, with the fort built by don juan de silva in caraga, excellent results might be expected, therefore gave that district to the recollect fathers, together with the river of butuán, situated in the same island. the recollects accepted it, and began to establish priorates. thus they had already seven priorates, in which more than fourteen religious resided. the convent of sugbú served them as a hospitium, asylum, infirmary, and place to rest--to which purposes more than to anything else it was devoted. further, not only are the convents there not supported by the alms of the city, but also one can say that they support the city; for most of the inhabitants are poor soldiers, and many now are married there, and receive the king's ration, which is very meager. besides these are others who have ceased to receive the ration; who are so poor that, were it not for the aid of the religious, they would doubtless perish. those who have the most wealth use it up during the year, being limited to what comes to them from their encomiendas, in order not to run into debt; but they borrow the rice in the convents. thus laymen and religious form a very friendly village and neighborhood. at this time the alcalde-mayor of sugbú was don juan alcarazo, a gentleman so deserving of praises, that the sum of his many good qualities cannot be told in few words. he was endowed with the courage of a good soldier, and had served thus for many years in the galleons of españa with his brothers and father, whence his majesty had derived honors and advantages. he was a viscayan by birth. during this time, the island of bohol rebelled. this island lies, as above stated, opposite sugbú, on the side whence blows the vendaval. it was in charge of the fathers of the society, who had more than two thousand indians, the tallest, handsomest, and stoutest in the island. a _babaylán_ or priest called tamblot had deceived them, by telling them that the time was come when they could throw off the oppression of the castilians; for they were assured of the aid of their ancestors and _divatas_, or gods. and in order that they might know this, it was proved by certain signs. the priest went with some of the more trusty among them, cut a bamboo with a small knife, and wine gushed forth. he cut another, and rice came out. these articles he had hidden there cunningly and adroitly. consequently those men were convinced, and became preachers of those lies, which the indians love and believe so readily; while we have no power to enable us to persuade them of the certainty of our faith so readily as this sort of trickery can influence their natural disposition. in such manner spread the spark that there was no island where it did not catch little or much; although they did not dare to show their faces, but awaited the result in bohol. the fathers warned the city of santísimo nombre de jesús, and came to solicit aid from the alcalde-mayor. here there were no evil-doers among those [natives] who lived in the city. don juan de alcarazo did not dare [to send out troops], as he had no order from the governor, don alonso fajardo, and it might be imputed to him as a blameworthy act. but the fathers, seeing that whatever delay occurred was to make the wound incurable, surmounted all difficulties. consequently, they were able to negotiate with potent arguments, saying that it was especially important to check the evil in its first stages, so that it should not spread. the alcalde-mayor was persuaded, and assembled the soldiers and adventurers who appeared most suitable to him, besides a number of sugbú indians, armed with sword and buckler. with these he landed in bohol, and went to look for the enemy--who, courageous in their mountains and supplied with rice, thought that they were most safe, and that victory was sure. but the most diligent effort made by this gentleman was to go to our convent to have a mass said to the holy child, before whom many candles were burned; to promise to take him as patron; and to perform no action in that war which should not be done in his name. since his [divine] majesty, he said, had, by his favor, given those islands to the spaniards, he prayed that he would not permit them to lose, for his sins, those that they already possessed. for the christianity founded therein with so great toil would be wholly lost, and the victorious enemies of his name would leave no kind of evil undone to the conquered, to the contempt of his name. the most holy child showed himself very gracious, as is his custom in events [that are to be] prosperous, whereupon victory was regarded as sure. encouraged by such omens, they did not hesitate to attack the enemy, who were entrenched in their fields. the latter were insolent, and reënforced with allies and supporters. during the battle, the rain was so heavy that they could not use the arquebuses, so that the enemy were beginning to prevail. thereupon, the shields of the sugbú indians were brought into service, and the latter aided excellently, by guarding with them the powder-flasks and powder-pans of the arquebuses, so that they were fired with heavy loss [to the enemy]. when the shower of rain came, the enemy's babaylán encouraged them by saying that there they could see how their divatas had told them true; for what could be of greater use to them at that time than the rain, so that the arms of the castilians would be useless. consequently, they became like mad dogs; and they preferred death to enduring the conditions of the conqueror. but so many fell that death had to fulfil its duty, namely, to inspire them with fear. they wounded don juan with a stone, but not very dangerously, as his morion received the blow. although he fell, he arose cured, and with renewed courage, by calling on the holy child, who gave the spaniards the victory, and, with it, the islands for a second time. truly, had so good an outcome not befallen the spaniards in bohol, there would not have been a single one of the pintados--and these form the bulk of the islands--which would not have risen against them. after this victory, those who had desired to raise the yoke placed their necks once more under it. however, it was not sufficient to deter the natives of leyte from likewise trying their fortune, which resulted as ill to them as to the natives of bohol. then the islands became quiet, and the indians more humble. however, whenever they see their chance, they will not lose it, as they are a people who wish to live free. the captured indians were made slaves for the space of ten years. upon learning of this affair, the governor approved the enterprise, praised it, and promised to reward it. this victory was recognized as the doing of the most holy child. consequently, don juan de alcarazo gave him thanks, and shared the booty with him. there was a terrible earthquake in the islands at this time, which none of them escaped. in the island of panay, where i was stationed then, it lasted more than a fortnight. but none of the succeeding shocks were equal in violence to the first, which was so severe that all expected everything to be overthrown. the columns of the church and house, colliding against one another, strewed the ground on all sides, so that a thick club could easily be thrust around the columns. the same thing happened in the other convents, where the images fell and were broken into bits. in the church of passi, which is of stone, and was then just roofed, all the upper part fell, and it sank in many places. many rivers changed their course, as that of aclán, which abandoned its former bed. mountains were opened, and there were innumerable other terrible occurrences during that awful earthquake. at last it was the lord's will that it should cease, and with it the fears of all. in ilocos the shocks were also exceeding great, but not so severe in manila. the lord allows all this, so that we may recognize his power; and, recognizing it, love him; and, loving him, not offend him. during these years, the dutch enemy did not discontinue coming to the coasts of manila, where they robbed the chinese and did all the harm possible. they tried to capture the ships carrying aid [from mexico], so that without war they were growing rich, and disabling the people of manila. in this emergency the pilots carried sealed orders, which they were to open on the return voyage and learn the port where they had to go, thus defeating the designs of the dutch enemy, and freeing themselves from the secret spies who were in manila--who, as it was said, were not lacking. consequently, in many years no company [of religious] entered manila directly, so that whatever missionaries the ships carried were scattered, and, not reaching manila, no benefit was derived from them. father fray alonso del rincón [54] was coming from españa with a fine company of religious. he reached the port of acapulco, where that year the flagship from these islands did not arrive. after it left manila and rounded the shoals, it had been wrecked near verde island, for the tides drove it upon some reefs. the almiranta passed on, and immediately another despatch followed it which the governor made, when advised of the event. in the latter the pilot and commander was the overseer gaspar nuñez. this boat sailed september 16, and our lord was pleased to let it arrive, but both vessels were very small. the governor of terrenate, pedro de heredia, was coming. at last a vessel happened to arrive from perú, and was immediately laden. our religious embarked in it, as also did the fathers of the society. although the other two small boats had sailed a fortnight before, this vessel overtook them, and all entered the port of casiguran, opposite manila, about the same time. this small boat bore religious of our father st. francis, and all the vessels suffered from a plague that was like to finish them. all the franciscans died, although only one of ours died, father fray nicolás goyas, a viscayan by birth, of the province of castilla. he was an excellent latin scholar, a fine poet, a very good theologian, and an eloquent preacher--all qualities useful here. but if the lord chose to take him, who doubts that it was fitting? the rest recovered and reached the said port on june 25, of the year 1622. there are many convents belonging to our father st. francis in that district, and they assisted generously the needs of all, and especially of the religious, who were in need of everything. but for ours, while going to manila, the route which they took overland was so dangerous and so full of difficulties that daily they braved death a thousand times at the passage of the rivers. for the rainy season was at its height, and consequently the rivers were swollen outside their beds, and had very swift currents. they came afoot and shoeless, for the mud unshod them in two steps. their food was _morisqueta_. [55] they suffered so great need of all things, although not through the fault of the father commissary, who ever treated them with great liberality and no less charity; but on the roads they met no people, but only buffaloes, and in the rainy season they experienced all these inconveniences. finally they came to the confines of pampanga, where, forgetful of their hardships, they began to receive innumerable welcomes from those most devout fathers, who know how to show kindness to strangers, and all the more to their own who came to aid them, when they had suffered so much and were in need of all things. thence they went to manila, where they were received heartily by our father fray juan enríquez--who had them rest, so that they should begin their labor in the lord's vineyard, for which they had been chosen, with greater courage. those who entered manila in the company of father fray alonso rincón, their commissary, were the following: 1. father fray francisco bibero, a castilian, an eloquent preacher. 2. father fray diego martínez, a preacher, from mancha. 3. father fray antonio portes, a preacher, and a castilian. 4. father fray juan de silva, a preacher, from andalucía. 5. father fray juan venegas, a preacher, from andalucía. 6. father fray pedro de torres, a preacher, from andalucía. 7. father fray andrés verdugo, a reader, from mancha. 8. father fray martín de paz, a reader, and a castilian. 9. father fray baltasar salcedo, a preacher, and a vizcayan. 10. father fray juan basán, a priest, from andalucía. 11. father fray juan velasco, a preacher, and a castilian. 12. father fray juan de aguirre, a priest, and a castilian. 13. father fray estéban de peralta, a preacher, and a castilian. 14. father fray pedro del castillo, a preacher, from andalucía. 15. father fray pedro valenzuela, a preacher, and a castilian. 16. father fray baltasar jiménez, a priest, from andalucía, who returned to the province. 17. father fray felipe tallada, a preacher, from andalucía, who returned to the province. 18. father fray rodrigo de quiñones, a priest, from andalucía. 19. father fray juan de ugarte, a priest from perú, and a vizcayan. [56] 20. father fray francisco rubio, a priest, and a castilian. three religious died, in méjico and san juan de ulua, of whom very good hopes were entertained. this has caused a great lack here as is the case when any sound religious is taken away. for since so many die, if there is no one to hold the fortification, what has been gained must necessarily be lost. for, if the devil learns that there are no soldiers, who doubts that he will return to gain the mastery of what was taken from him? those religious have labored exceedingly well, and some of them have become eminent linguists; and, god willing, we shall have to say much about them. our father provincial immediately distributed them through the four provinces, very wisely, according to the need of each. at this time one of the recollect religious, a doctor and scholar, named fray diego rodrigo, was head of that order here. he bore the title of father vicar-provincial, for the province had as yet no authority to elect a provincial. he had some disputes with a beneficed secular, whereupon the said beneficiary complained to the archbishop, don fray miguel garcía. the latter sought advice as to whether he could try that cause, and, i know not why, kept the priest secluded in our convent. the cause was continued, and afterward the said vicar-provincial, fray rodrigo, went to españa by way of india. through that journey he accomplished matters of no little importance; for he suffered much and served the catholic church greatly. he converted and reduced many schismatic russians [57] to the catholic church, and bore a solemn message from them to his holiness. for this religious had excellent qualifications for distinction; he was a fine latin scholar and an excellent preacher, and was no less a theologian. in the roman court he was of great aid to the religious of the filipinas against the pretensions of the seculars, so that his arrival there was very important. he was very well received in that court, and in that of españa; and he would have obtained his desires, had not the lord been pleased to cut him off, taking him from this life to enjoy that which is eternal. he had written a book on the affairs of this country, but it is not known into whose hands it has fallen. may it bring to the light achievements so eminent and honorable. without doubt they would be of much importance for a knowledge of what there is in these lands so remote from our own. chapter xxxix _of the election of our father fray alonso de méntrida_ this chapter-meeting which follows was somewhat stormy, for the opposition made it more conspicuous than was right. our father provincial, fray juan enríquez, had had a most happy triennium. the time coming to appoint a successor in his place, he considered our father fray juan de henao--a man who was well liked in the province and who had many influential persons who were affectioned unto him--a suitable man. others, although few, resented this choice, and therefore tried to block its accomplishment. those men were few in number, but they had great authority. the affair went so far that it came to the ears of don alonso fajardo, who was governor of the filipinas. he tried by means of his authority to mediate, so that there should be no scandal; for he was well inclined to the order, and grieved over the matter. finally, our father fray juan enríquez preferred to set aside his own pleasure rather than that of the order; and, consequently, did not attempt to elect a provincial by force, although he could have done it, for he had many followers. our father, fray juan de henao, performed a truly religious action; he stated publicly that he renounced any claim that he might have on the provincialate, and signed the same. he declared that those who had hitherto been his partisans he authorized to support any other man who should be of greater account to the province. he said that he was not considering his own welfare, but that of the province, which he recognized as his mother; and, as such, he would always place its good in the foreground. all were highly edified by this, especially the governor and the archbishop, who were there. father fray alonso del rincón, who bore letters-patent to preside, made the same renunciation. consequently, without any opposition, our father fray alonso de méntrida was immediately elected, _viva voce_, on sunday, may 20, 1623. father fray hernando guerrero, senior definitor, presided at this election. the definitors elected were: our father master, fray diego del aguila; [58] the second, fray alonso del rincón; the third, fray hernando cabrera; [59] and the fourth, fray francisco coronel. [60] the visitors were fray juan de henao and father fray hernando becerra. in assembly with the outgoing provincial and the father president, they enacted regulations for the province with the devotion that could be expected from fathers so venerable. [after relating several remarkable and miraculous occurrences connected with the ministry of certain augustinians, medina continues:] during this term, although our father fray alonso de méntrida was so great a religious--for which reason the priorate of the whole province was given to him, and he was made provincial, with the greatest renown that any one has ever had in this province--some trouble occurred in the province of bisayas. this was occasioned, no doubt, by our father provincial, who was oppressed with ill-health, not visiting it, although he was a son of the said province. although this province is less desired, as it is so far from manila, yet the lord seems to care more for it, sending to it the most illustrious of our religious; and taking therefrom the most devout of the province--as at that time our father fray alonso de méntrida--for its credit and reputation. he was very zealous, and obtained an increase of income for the house at manila, so that it was able to attend better to its many obligations of choir, study, and infirmary, and those of so important a community. our father had the good fortune also to receive a very distinguished contingent of religious in the second year of his term. they were brought by father fray juan de tapia, who, as we have said above, was sent by our father fray juan enríquez as procurator of the province. the religious were received with open arms; for the province was now in need of laborers, as the country was but little suitable to sustain life--especially among young men, who, as the blood boils in so warm a land, fall sick easily and die. the religious who came in that year of 1624 are as follows: 1. father fray juan de tapia, their superior and commissary. 2. father fray francisco villalón, a reader, a castilian. 3. father fray sebastián del rio, a preacher, a castilian. 4. father fray diego de ordás, a preacher, a castilian. 5. father fray martín claver, an arragonese, a preacher, and apostolic notary. 6. father fray francisco barela, a reader, a castilian. 7. father fray juan de guevara, a priest, from andalucía. 8. father fray francisco de portillo, a preacher, from andalucía. 9. father fray miguel de peñafiel, a priest, a castilian. 10. father fray fulgencio garcía, a preacher, a castilian. 11. father fray diego solís, a preacher, a castilian. 12. father fray rodrigo angel, a priest, a castilian, and apostolic preacher. 13. father fray alonso de salazar, a preacher, a castilian. 14. father fray pedro de herrera, a reader, who returned with the habit. 15. the father master, fray teófilo mascarós, from valencia, a professor, and vicar-provincial for mallorca. 16. father fray juan bautista, a preacher, from valencia. 17. father fray luis ronquillo, an eloquent preacher, a castilian, and procurator at that time of arenas. 18. father fray andrés de fuentes, a preacher, a castilian. 19. father fray juan de loza, a preacher, from andalucía. 20. father fray pedro de las mariñas, a priest and a preacher, a castilian. 21. father fray cristóbal de tapia, a brother, a creole. 22. father fray melchor de mosabel, a preacher, a castilian. [61] the father provincial, well-pleased with so fine a company [of religious], divided them among the provinces. he sent the father reader, fray francisco de villalón, [62] to read in manila, and the father did that very satisfactorily; for there were many religious who needed it. he sent excellent missionaries to the province of bisayas; and it seems that great pains were taken in this, and he did in this what the province wished. for he sent it the best of the company, and no error was made in the selection, since all of them have become very devout religious and careful of their ministry. he sent a procurator to españa in the first year of his provincialate; namely, father fray antonio de ocampo, a very eloquent preacher, and who was accordingly esteemed in the province for that, as well as for the other offices which he had held. but he had little good fortune on the voyage, for the flagship did not make the voyage that year, because of having been detained in necessary repairing, and when it reached the embocadero there was no wind to carry it outside, and it returned at the end of october. the almiranta had time in which to leave, and made the voyage, although at great risk, reaching nueva españa in a mastless condition. after the second year of his triennium, the provincial sent another procurator; for the first one, warned by the voyage, thought that he ought not to embark again. this was father fray hernando guerrero, whom we have already seen, as he brought the finest company that has been in or has entered these islands for many years. making the second voyage, he brought another company, that would have been no less excellent if death had not snatched away its best members near manila. it seems as if death selected, among all, those of most renown, although those who were left were distinguished. let us conclude this triennium with the fact that our father provincial--although it seemed from his goodness that he would not try to declare himself too fully, nor to influence the province against his will--at last, thinking that he, because of his greater experience in its affairs than others had, could arbitrate in a so important matter, accordingly set his eyes on father fray antonio de ocampo, whom we have already mentioned above--a person certainly worthy of greater things, and a calificador of the holy office. our father thought it easy to accomplish his intentions, for he found many who thought the same. but the one who opposed him was of great account and a great giant, namely, the father master, fray pedro garcía, the brother of the archbishop, who did not lack followers and partisans. the contention, if i do not say that it was greater than the former one, was not less. it is a remarkable thing, and certain to befall a monarchy, that when it is about to come to an end it slips and totters. consequently, it was always suspected that those appointed by the province were announcing some new method of governing. the governor also--who was then don fernando de silva, of the habit of santiago, and who had been sent by the viceroy of nueva españa--took a part in it, so that the affairs of the order should not go outside of its limits. finally, it was our lord's pleasure that they should settle upon a third person, namely, our father fray hernando becerra, a person very deserving of what the order has given him. chapter xl _of the election of our father becerra_ we have already related that our father, fray hernando becerra, from the time that he set foot in filipinas, was always climbing the rungs and going from good to better. he came to the islands in the company brought by our father visitor, fray diego de guevara; and as soon as he was ordained, that same year of 1610, he was sent to ilocos to be minister in that province. beyond any doubt at the time of his arrival, he made so good an impression on those in authority, and they regarded him as so worthy of eminence, that almost immediately he was given the chief priorate of that province, called bantay. he came to vote, therefore, at the following chapter, and remained in the province of tagalos, with the title of reader of theology. soon after that the bishop of camarines, then visitor, selected him as his associate in the general visitation. he afterwards came to read at manila, and also voted in that chapter with the title of associate to our father fray miguel garcía. our father fray vicente chose him as his associate, and immediately gave him the priorate of agonoy. during the provincialate of our father baraona, he was prior of bulacán. during that of our father fray juan enríquez he was definitor; and also, for a year and a half, prior of manila. during the triennium of our father méntrida, he was visitor and prior of pasig. after that, in the contest for provincial he fell a trifle short of the required age, but was dispensed by the father master, fray diego del aguila--who presided as provincial, or rather, as senior definitor. the definitors elected in that chapter were: fray francisco bonifacio (the second time that he had held that office); the second, fray estéban de peralta; [63] the third, fray jerónimo de medrano; [64] and the fourth, fray alonso de carvajal. [65] those elected as visitors were father fray alonso del rincón, and father fray alonso ruiz. they made regulations for the province, and fortified it with good laws. our father fray hernando becerra doubtless forced himself to take upon his shoulders the weight of the province on account of his love for it, and in order that it might not go into a decline--although he would have preferred to rest and to take care of his health; for he had been ailing for two years, so that he appeared to be rather the statue of death than a man. the fact that he was still young kept him alive, for that is a very important point. although all told him that his illness was serious, and that it unfitted him for the burden of government, still he had the greatest courage that one can imagine, and accordingly was elected prior provincial, on may 2, 1626. however, he felt better immediately after assuming his new duties, but this improvement did not last long; for he was like the candle, which does not fail to flare up when about to be extinguished. he received very good treatment, and all were diligently striving to secure his health, for it was recognized that he was the one of whom the province had need. it was feared that he would be harsh, and that he would exercise severity; for he showed that disposition, and all trembled before him--all that harshness being occasioned, perhaps, by his severe illness. but in the end those fears lasted but a little while, for on the day of our father st. ignatius, the last of july, god took him to himself by a most comfortable death, which left all the religious envious and full of tears, so that there was no one who did not shed them at that spectacle. two years before he had prepared himself [for death]; and, although he was always a most observant religious, he renewed that care upon seeing the pass to which he had come. the deposit which he held by permission in our order he proceeded to give to the church, dispossessing himself of everything which could prevent him from dying as a very poor religious. and when death was about to seize him he left the government to our father méntrida, and went to discuss everything with god, and to arrange his affairs with his [divine] majesty-which, as he was a person of great ability and [spiritual] wealth was less necessary to him than to others. knowing the state in which the province was, he most earnestly begged the religious to give him their word to call a chapter; for he was of the opinion that that was necessary for the peace and advancement of the province. he insisted on the same thing with our father méntrida, who was the one on whom the government devolved by right. thereupon, he very calmly gave up his soul to his creator, leaving behind sure token that he was going straight to his presence. thereupon followed a period of distress in the province, not a little difficult to settle. the government fell to our father, méntrida. the definitors were at variance. our father méntrida had a most severe mandate from our most reverend father [general] that acted against him, namely, that the provincial who did not visit the province of bisayas, at least once during his term was _ipso facto_ deprived of the rights of voting and election, and the religious were ordered to obey him no longer. our father méntrida had not made that visit, giving as a pretext his ill-health. the religious argued from this that, according to that mandate, he could not govern. to his reply that his illness was the cause of his not obeying the order, and that if god granted him health he would go, they answered that that illness, which was asthma, was always in evidence. his adherents wished him to have the command a second time, but the others would not consent to it. finally the governor, don juan niño de tábora, had to intervene. thanks to him, the matter was adjusted, so that our father méntrida resigned the government, which was assumed by father fray francisco bonifacio, the most pacific creature that has been in filipinas. he has never been known _directe_ or _indirecte_ to have any altercation with any religious. he has ever been unwilling to cause trouble to any one, and therefore has avoided giving it, and i believe he caused trouble to no one during his term. the lord coöperated with this holy intention, giving him a triennium of great quiet. we might say of him what solomon said of himself: _nunc autem requiem dedit dominus deus meus mihi per circuitum: et non est satan, neque occursus malus_. [66] [here follows the relation of the awful calamities that befell certain persons, both spaniards and natives, in consequence of their neglect and scorn of the holy child. the narration is continued:] in this triennium i became prior of the convent of santísimo niño de jesús, which has in the city of manila some six hundred pesos of annuity, which is the source of that house's growth in the sixty-eight years of the spaniards' occupation. in the year 1628 i sent a religious to collect that money. he was a conventual in that convent, virtuous, an excellent preacher, and very zealous for that convent; he was a native of sevilla. he was empowered sufficiently to attend to what might arise for the good of that convent. he made his trip to manila successfully, and returned to his convent after concluding what had been entrusted to him. on august 29 of the same year, he left manila aboard a champan, the "san nicolás," belonging to the alcalde-mayor of panay, for he had to make in the island some collections of rice that were given to the said convent. he took two spaniards with him--one jacinto de lanzacorta, who had married there; the other alférez peña--both devotees of san nicolás de tolentino as no less was the owner of the champan, which he had commended to that saint. as they were coming in the boat one night, aided by the vendaval, and as they neared ilagán (one of the longest crossings that voyagers have to make there), the wind strengthened so that the waves rolled sky-high. either through the carelessness of the steersman, or because the rudder was out of order, or the sea too heavy, the rudder parted atwain, and the boat was without other help than that of heaven. for these sangley boats are flat bottomed, and the mast is very high; accordingly, all the strength lies in the rudder by which they are directed--better than the best bitted horse is governed. the champan tossed fearfully, so that it was regarded as a good plan to cut down the mast. that was a precaution that the sangleys do not practice, and hence the sea easily swallows them. this being done, the champan was very quiet; and, although they were in evident danger of death, they did not lose the hopes which they placed in the glorious saint, confident, by his intercession, of life and arrival at panay. for three days they were the sport of wind and weather, awaiting what the lord would do with them, until on saturday afternoon the same champan entered the port of an islet two leguas from burías. it was a miraculous thing, for when they were rowing the champan and that but slowly, they were not able to know the route, and hit upon it without any guidance, for already they had left it. it was god's mercy which was extended to that religious; for, had not the champan made port, they had fallen into the hands of the men of joló, who were sailing about those islands of burías and masbate. they remained there a fortnight, without being able to repair the champan in order to make their journey until our lord was pleased to have the same mast that they cut down in the champan drift into the port, for the islet contained no suitable trees. they repaired the champan with that mast, made a half-way rudder and a jury-mast, and set sail on the sea for panay, from which they were not very far. but, after sighting the land of panay, so furious a storm struck them that they were unable to contend with it, as the champan lacked strength in the rudder. they ran aground stern first on the coast of camarines, which was very near by, and which they had been prevented from reaching by a calm, and had been awaiting a slight breeze. it was our lord's pleasure that they should be espied by a fleet of camucones, who were going through that region, plundering whatever they might encounter in their raids. these are a very warlike people, and so cruel that, whenever they capture a spaniard, they will not let him escape alive under any consideration; for after they have tied him to the mast of the boat, they cut off his head and drink from the skull. they slit the religious up the back and roast them, or set them in the sun, for they say, just as we do, "so many enemies the less." then indeed did they re-commend themselves to st. nicholas; as they believed (and rightly) that this was a greater danger than the past one, because of the less mercy that they could find in the bowels of those utter barbarians. at length, they boarded the tender of the champan and rowed ashore. the glorious saint whom they were taking as patron hid their route from the camucones in such wise that they were not followed, for they could have easily been overtaken in two strokes of the oar. they betook themselves inland to the mountains, where their sufferings were not abated, for they were barefoot and naked, until they reached the convents of our father st. francis, where they found hospitable welcome, aid, care, and provision. in their journeyings they reached the shipyard, where a vessel was being built; for it was necessary to get a champan there to go to panay, and they found one. they left the shipyard november 21, and reached panay next day. after a few days the enemy from joló went to the shipyard, burned it, killed many people, captured others, took away the artillery, and committed great damage, although there were sufficient men in the shipyard to defend it from a greater force. but the spaniard can never be persuaded of any danger, until it is upon him. juan martín, the best and most reliable shipmaster in the filipinas, was killed there. it was a great loss, for there was no other who could fill the position like him. but the lord did not choose that the champan should be lost; for the camucones did not break it up, as is their wont, but abandoned it after having plundered its articles of value--which were considerable, and which caused great loss to the province. the sangleys, after seeing that the enemy had gone, went out to the champan, righted it, and returned it to its owner--who never lost hope of obtaining it, for he believed thoroughly in the saint. sargento jacinto de lanzacorta, very thankful for this, celebrates a feast to st. nicholas every year. father fray pedro de torres [67] says that he arrived at sugbú in the first part of february, where he had been regarded as lost, for he was more than five months in making the trip from manila to sugbú. during the whole time he suffered very many hardships, from which st. nicholas freed him. the most holy child returned to his house, so that he might be served therein. in the beginning of this triennium, as the fathers of ilocos were going to their province, two or three of them feared the horror of the journey by land, which is terrible. accordingly, as they found a suitable boat, father fray diego abalos prior of narbacán, father fray juan gallegos, [68] prior of laguag, and father fray francisco del portillo, [69] prior of purao, taking the provision for their convents, went along the coast to ilocos. but so furious a storm struck them, that they gave themselves up as lost. accordingly, as servants of god, they had recourse to him, sincerely confessing themselves and praying earnestly--as well as their terror allowed--to god to beg pardon for their sins. the sangleys already, with loosened hair (which means their last hope gone), did not attempt to do a thing in the champan, for they thought that they could not escape from it. at last, encouraged by the fathers, after setting a scrap of sail, they yielded to the force of the stern-wind, and in less than thirty hours reached the chinese coasts. they made more than three hundred leguas in that short time and route, which, even in fine weather, would take fifteen or twenty days, or one or two months. they landed, where no little danger awaited them, as the people tried to kill them. but at last the lord's mercy was not found wanting in that country, for through it they went from land to land, until they reached macán, a city held by the portuguese in the country of china. they were succored there with great generosity, for in works of charity the portuguese are most generous. in manila, they were thought to have been drowned. as such, the masses and suffrages that are wont to be said in this province of the order, for the religious who die in it, were said for them in all the convents. afterward, the portuguese who came to manila informed ours of the [above] event, whereat all rejoiced greatly; for those regarded as lost were religious who were held in much esteem. two of them soon came, namely, father fray diego de abalos and father fray juan gallegos the third, father fray francisco del portillo, went to the island of hermosa, which belonged then to our spaniards, and took possession of a convent with the solemnity decreed by law. then he came back, and all three returned to their priorates, to which others had already been appointed by our father provincial. the enemy from joló had often made incursions, to the great loss of the islands; for they caused many deaths, made many captives, and occasioned not few expenses, which had been incurred for his majesty in opposing them, but all to no purpose. for either the spaniards did not try to look for them, or did not find them, or indeed, when they met them, the enemy took to their heels; for on the one hand their boats are swifter, and on the other they come more as soldiers than our men, who seem to have inherited the carelessness and phlegm of the country. and truly, i think injustice has been done to the joloans, and injustice should be done to no one, even one's enemy. but we shall consider how god avenged the injuries committed by saul on the ammonites, who did not stop until these were atoned for--which was ended by david, who delivered to them all of saul's descendants, all of whom they hanged. and the scriptures say: _suspenderunt eos in patibulis in conspectu solis._ [70] for a criminal punished shines like the sun in the sight of god. these joloans were going to and returning from manila in the character of friends, taking and carrying away necessaries to both parties. once, when returning from manila, they were charged with robbing and making captives. the governor sent alférez don fernando de figueroa after them. after meeting them, he brought them back, after taking away their cargo, which is reported to have amounted to more than four thousand pesos. they remained idle in manila, until they were freely dismissed, as no crime appeared against them. governor don alonso fajardo died, and the ioloans returned to their own country, with the intention of asking the new governor, on his arrival, for what was taken from them; since nothing was proved against them for which they merited the punishment of the confiscation of their property. they acted accordingly, and returned to the presence of don fernando de silva and of his successor, don juan niño de tábora. those barbarians endured very great delay, until, finding themselves in a desperate condition and poorly equipped, they returned, committing signal depredations on the way; and since then they have continued their incursions, to the very great injury of all the country. and although expeditions have been made against them from sugbú and panay, nothing of importance has been accomplished. it was resolved to build a good fleet and invade their country. this was done very secretly, but i am surprised that they did not hear of it. its chief officer was don cristóbal de lugo, who filled the position of lieutenant-governor and captain-general of those provinces. he assembled a goodly force, both soldiers and indians, who would willingly go to avenge themselves, as they said. for the act of vengeance among the indians is a terrible thing; and, if possible, they do not miss it. while awaiting the time to go in sugbú, where the forces were gathered--who, as they were many, occupied all the houses, even the smallest ones--some soldiers were cleaning their weapons in one near the residence of the recollect fathers. one fired his arquebus, which, unknown to him, was loaded. it caught in the thatch which formed the roof of that little house; and, as the sun was hot, and the wind the greater brisa, the house quickly caught fire. the father prior, fray pedro de san nicolás, was very much annoyed; and he came out, and with reason rebuked the soldiers, who lost all their effects. the father returned to his house, where he learned that more had happened than he thought; for, as he was going up stairs, he saw that the greater part of his house was burned. by dint of ringing the bells, a number of people came in, but they could not prevent the burning of the house. this happened march 9, 1628, at one o'clock in the afternoon. it was a great pity, and cause for compassion; for the convent, by the efforts of father fray pedro de san nicolás, was very well finished. he had been most diligent in both the building and the furnishing and adornment of it; and his province lost more than five thousand pesos by the fire. everything was well advanced for the expedition. accordingly, all the forces embarked, being accompanied by a father of the society, an italian named fabricio de sorsale. the commander was a devotee of the most holy child, although he did not take him as patron this time, a thing he was wont to do. yet he would not go without bidding him farewell, which he did with great devotion, a ceremony which did not lack many candles. the child showed himself so pleased, that i was obliged to tell the commander that he should take comfort, and that i promised him in the child's name a very fortunate expedition, as happened--and it would have been better, had they known how to use their victory. the fleet left sugbú on the fourth of the same month, with more than one hundred spaniards and three hundred indians. there were two captains of infantry, subordinate to the commander--one francisco benítez, the other juan del rio. other volunteers accompanied them. they reached joló, found it unprepared, and burned the town, the king's houses, the ships, and whatever they found. had they followed the people, they would have found them in confusion and hiding in the grass; for on account of the long peace, the joloans had not provisioned their stronghold, which was impregnable. the soldiers contented themselves with this, and let slip the best opportunity that could have been desired. upon the day that this occurred, some spaniards happened to be in our church with father fray pedro de torres, and they saw that the child was laughing. this was the church that had been built by the said father fray pedro de torres--a fatal one, i call it. for four days after the fleet had left, on the eighth of the same month, while i was in the refectory dining with the recollect fathers, whom i had brought to our convent, another recollect came from manila, who was coming to be ordained. while recounting to him the misfortune that had occurred, the prior said: "tell me, brother, if you saw this convent ablaze, would you not feel compassion?" we went up stairs, and at one o'clock the fire began in the middle of the city, to the windward. it originated from some tobacco; cursed be it, and the harm that that infernal plant has brought, which must have come from hell. the wind was brisk, and blowing toward the convent. in short, everything was burned, though we saved the silver and whatever was possible. the holy child willed to allow his house and most of the city to be burned, although no two houses had ever before been burned in that city at the same time. this happened on saturday, the eve of passion sunday. i gathered together all that escaped from the convent of san nicolás, and set about going to manila, to repair that loss as far as possible. while on the way to the island of panay, my boat was overturned by a heavy storm, and it was a miracle that i escaped with my life--which happened, through god's mercy, by the efforts of my sugbú indians. finally when the storm was appeased, i reached the convent of salog, without shoes, naked, and perishing of hunger, on the fifteenth of the said month of april. the father of that convent, called father fray francisco de oliva, [71] and all the others of that island, aided both the convent, and me especially, with the greatest charity. thus i obtained there two very large contributions of all necessary for the convent. i found father fray estéban de peralta, definitor of the province, there visiting the island. i went to manila with him, where i tried to go from manila to españa. the superior did not impose obedience in regard to it, so that i turned all my efforts to caring for my house, for which many religious aided from their stores with great charity. at this juncture the ships came from españa. they brought the governor's wife, doña magdalena de oñate. they had been four whole months in making the port of cavite and had suffered very severe weather. those two ships were very staunch ones, and had better accommodations for cargo than any that have been seen in the islands. they were called the "san luis" and the "san raimundo." as commander of the flagship came don juan de quiñones, in whose ship sailed the governor's wife. it also bore the religious of our father st. dominic; while in the almiranta sailed don diego muñoz, bishop don fray hernando guerrero, the latter of whom was at the point of death, so that his escape was a marvel. we saw above how our father méntrida sent him to españa as procurator. he made a prosperous trip [to españa], and when he reached españa found himself a bishop, a negotiation effected by heaven rather than his own efforts. for one always recognized very great grace (i mean humility) in his lordship, like the grand religious that he always was. but his many hardships, journeys, and services in the islands made him worthy of this and of other greater honors. he went and returned in three years, bringing an unusually fine company [of religious]. but the plague decimated them, taking the best of the men, as follows: 1. father fray francisco osorio, reader of theology in españa, and an eloquent preacher; and, above all, of most noble temper and blood. 2. father fray juan bermans, a preacher from flanders. he died chaste; and was a brother of father bermans of the society, who is to be canonized, and who serves as a model. 3. father fray diego bonifáz, a very virtuous religious. 4. father fray bartolomé de eraso, a preacher and quite indispensable. 5. brother fray francisco gonzález, chorister. 6. brother fray francisco diego, chorister. 7. brother fray antonio de salazar, chorister. those who entered [port] alive were: 1. father fray francisco de azuara, from valencia, lecturer in theology. 2. father fray pedro de quesada, lecturer in arts, from castilla. 3. father fray luis de villerías, a creole, a debater in the university. [72] 4. father fray bartolomé de esterlik, a preacher, an irishman. [73] 5. father fray dionisio suarez, chorister. 6. father fray juan de prado, from castilla, a preacher. 7. father fray justo úbeda, from castilla, a priest. 8. father fray alonso ramos, from castilla, a priest. 9. father fray francisco de abendaño, from castilla, a priest. 10. brother fray alonso quijano, from castilla, chorister. 11. brother fray diego tamayo, from andalucía, chorister. 12. father fray gonzalo de la palma, from castilla, chorister. 13. brother fray juan lozano, from castilla, chorister. 14. brother fray miguel dicastís. 15. father fray gaspar de castilla, a preacher. 16. brother fray agustín de chauru, from castilla, chorister. [74] they were welcomed gladly, although with grief for the great loss that they had sustained. those religious suffered greatly; for the storms compelled them to disembark between bacón and verde island, which must have cost them dear. afterward they suffered not a little on land until they reached manila, where they were well received and feasted. the priests began to labor, and the brothers, after ordination, did the same, since they had come for that purpose. i, who had obtained by entreaty what i could to buy two ornaments and all that was necessary, returned to my field of labor; so that i left the convent with a house, church, sacristy, and ornaments, better than before; and all that was necessary for the house, more abundantly and fully than before. i also increased its annual income by more than three hundred pesos. chapter xli _continuation of the preceding_ governor don fernando de silva thought that the trade of this country with china was annually decreasing, because of the chinese pirates, who were now very bold, so that the traders could not leave port without manifest danger to their property and lives. and indeed, if any came, it was to bring rather people than cloth and the other things that the country needed. besides this, since the chinese had portuguese in their country, they could transport their cloth without so much danger and sell it to the portuguese. the latter brought it from macán to manila, and sold it there at whatever price they pleased; for the spaniards had to export something, as otherwise they could not live. for their other incomes, acquired through encomiendas--i know not how they are valued--do not suffice or enrich, and least of all satisfy. perhaps the reason is that in collecting them no attention is paid to what is produced. besides that, the governor knew that the dutch were settled in hermosa island, a very large island, which lies more than two hundred leguas north of manila. it is called hermosa [_i.e._, "beautiful"] island because of its fertility. it is quite near china, although it is inhabited by indians, like the rest of the islands. the governor thought that, from that place, the dutch were depriving us of the trade; this would mean the destruction of manila, which only a lucrative trade could sustain. to remedy all this, he thought to capture hermosa island, and he discussed and conferred about this plan. the dominican fathers, influenced by the gain of souls, encouraged this affair, because of the nearness of the island to china. as all are dependent on the governor in these regions, no one dares to contradict him in whatever pleases him; for they fear his anger upon them, which often deprives them of sustenance. but, i think time has proved what an unwise thing was done; for none of those injuries have been remedied, but have remained. the forces, which are daily becoming fewer in the islands, were divided, and there were innumerable other inconveniences. finally, the governor sent troops to the island, and possession of it was taken, more than forty or sixty leguas from the dutch fort. only dominican religious went on this occasion. then it befell that many of the troops died, for the island is very cold. most of the fruits of castilla are raised there. its inhabitants are fierce, and live without law or reason, but more as their chiefs dictate. ours have suffered signal hardships there. sargento-mayor n. careño was governor of that fort and the troops; and he did his utmost. the chinese came and offered many things when the soldiers had money; but, when money failed, all was about to perish. that year, 1626, don juan niño de tábora came as governor. he was told of hermosa island and its great importance. accordingly, he resolved to make an expedition thither, with as many of the remaining soldiers as possible. they filled three large galleons and other smaller ones. captain lázaro de torres, of whom we have made so much mention, sailed in the "trinidad," the smallest of all the ships. they left in august, after the despatch [for new spain] of the vessels of 1627. the weather was rough, so that the governor grew afraid. after incurring so great expenses for his majesty, and sailing in galleons which carried fifty or sixty pieces of artillery, a return was made to cavite. only lázaro de torres went ahead, with whom sailed father fray lúcas de atienza, of our order, as prior and vicar-provincial. they suffered terrible storms, and ran manifest dangers; especially when, running with the lower sail on the foremast, they ran aground on an island, which they had not seen because of a dense fog. at last they all got away. they flung out, or rather raised, the greater yard (which they were carrying down), shook out the sails full, and then were able to make land with the sides under water, and the sea running sky-high. they just missed scraping the sunken rocks about the island. the most courageous man among them was our religious, for no one, neither soldier nor sailor, met the danger with greater courage or resolution. at length they reached hermosa island at a time that proved the redemption of those men, for already were they eating rats. they were in the extreme of necessity; for neither did any chinese come, nor had the spaniards any silver to attract them, for that is the most efficacious allurement. captain don antonio de vera had gone out with twenty men; but some indian chiefs daringly killed him and his men. captain lázaro de torres rallied to this necessity. he went outside, relieved the fort, gave what food he had, and then--having nothing to do, and suspecting that the governor had put back into port--he returned with our religious. the latter came near dying on account of his great hardships; and indeed death overcame him after he returned to the land of manila--where because of those sufferings he never again raised his head in health. during this same time, i mean in 1628, the house of our convent of bisayas was burned--the one which i had built with so much trouble. it was the best in the province. it is suspected that the rebellious indians burned it, as it was not the time when fires are wont to happen, for it was christmas, when it is always rainy. during the triennium of our father fray juan enríquez, the church and house of dumangas were burned. they were fine edifices. both fires occurred during the night, so that it was a miracle that the religious escaped; for they were asleep, a sign that the fire was set on purpose. during this triennium the manila parián was burned. it was a miracle that the city was not burned; and the interests that were ruined were very large. although the church of the parián was so near to the houses, and entirely of wood, it did not burn, whereat all the sangleys were much surprised. they said afterward in their broken language, "here st. mary great" [_aqui sta. maria grande_]. the walls and supports were aglow with the fire and brightness, or rather, were ablaze, as they were so hot that the hand could not be placed upon them. this made the wonder all the greater, and the sangleys became more attentive to the consideration of our truths. the parián was rebuilt better; its houses were roofed with tile, so that it is very sightly; and, with the point adjoining it on the river, which has been finished, it has added glory and honor to the city. all was done, as i have said, at the cost of the sangleys. but they cause the castilian to pay it, by raising prices universally. [the chapter closes with several miraculous occurrences and pious observations that emphasize the grandeur of the christian religion. these marvels are interspersed with other matter as follows:] during the triennium of our father fray alonso de méntrida, the sending of a religious to maluco was discontinued, and the convent of cavite was completely abandoned. it must have been the opinion of grave fathers that that was not of importance. many things are kept, which although they are of no use at the present time, are at least preserved for the hopes which are entertained that they will be useful in the future, and that they will prove of advantage. no notice was taken of that, for four eyes are worth more than two; and what has appeared in one way to me may appear to others in an entirely different light. hence i shall leave the discussion of this matter. in the first part of the year 1629, the most holy sacrament was found missing from the altar of the cathedral of manila. it was a thing that troubled all greatly; but it most troubled the archbishop of manila. the greatest and most painstaking efforts imaginable were made. many were arrested, and put to severe torture; and, for many months, no other efforts were made than to ascertain whether the aggressor could be discovered by any manner or means. but that one was never found, nor could they discover who stole it, nor what was done with it. the archbishop retired to san francisco del monte, which is a convent of the religious of our father st. francis, who spend their lives there in the contemplative life with notable perfection and spirituality. there then our archbishop took refuge, and spent many days in other similar works, furnishing an example to all the country; and although it is true that he was always an example during all his life, he seems on this occasion to have redoubled his acts of penitence--praying god, as a truly contrite man, that, if that lamentable case and one so worthy of sorrow throughout the islands had happened through his omissions. he would pardon him and regard those sheep which had been committed to him with eyes of pity and kindness; and that he might not be the cause that their punishments be multiplied. he caused prayers to be said by the convents and parishes, noting that beyond doubt the sins of the people were great, since the lord was working against them and permitted that the sacrament be taken from its place and dwelling in so sacrilegious a manner. for no less in the present desecration than in that which these sacrilegious jews practiced toward our lord in the garden, the gravity of the sin is recognized, since he allows such treatment. and no less is the love recognized which he has for us, accepting and receiving to himself the insults which he does not wish to fall upon his people--like the pious mother who shielded the dear body of her son, whom she loved, with her own, so that the tyrant might not wound him, preferring the welfare of her son to her own. chapter xlii _of the election of our father fray juan de henao_ our father fray francisco bonifacio, with the mildness which we have seen, with which he began and divided his government, ended it with the same, not leaving any religious any ground for complaint. for he loved them all equally, and equally strove for their spiritual welfare, acting toward them in every respect as a true father and shepherd. he had cast his eyes on father fray jerónimo de medrano as his successor. the latter was then definitor, and he was a person of great talent for what the office requires, and had preached at manila in a very satisfactory manner. but since there are so many different understandings in a province, all men cannot judge of a thing by the same method, for every one feels regarding it as his own judgment dictates. consequently, there was a following which tried to elect father fray francisco coronel, a man of vast learning, and of whom very great hopes were entertained for the future. but that following never could gain the full game, nor even check the other faction. thereupon they settled on a scheme which did not succeed badly, and that was to cast their votes for our father fray juan de henao, who belonged to the other faction, and had the father president on his side. by this means, the election was conferred upon the man who was least expected [to gain it]. one would believe that the lord chose to give him therein the dignity which he had taken from him six years before--the reader will remember what we have said about that. at this time the fathers born in the indias, although they were few, had obtained a bull from his holiness, so that between them and the fathers from castilla there should be alternation [in the celebration of corpus christi]. its execution was committed to the archdean of manila, alonso garcía, a creole, who was much inclined to it. accordingly he proceeded without allowing any appeal or argument, although those presented by the castilian fathers were very cogent. finally he proceeded to extreme measures, by declaring the fathers excommunicated. here the province refused to admit the letters of excommunication. finally, our father henao was elected in this contention, with father fray estéban de peralta acting as presiding officer of the chapter. the definitors elected were: father fray juan de tapia; the second, fray juan de medina; the third, fray nicolás de herrera; [75] and the fourth, fray martín de errasti. [76] the visitors were father fray jerónimo medrano and father fray cristóbal de miranda. [77] the father provincial and the other father definitors looked after the affairs of the province with great prudence, and discussed the most important matter of that time--namely, the choice of a person to go to the court of roma to represent the causes which had moved them not to accept the alternation, giving him the money for expenses which the other fathers are accustomed to carry, with additional pay, and as the case required. the father master, fray pedro garcía, was selected for that purpose. he was the brother of the archbishop and a person of great talent and resources, who would be well received anywhere because of his person, learning, and excellent mode of procedure. but the lord was pleased not to allow him to reach nueva españa. the creole fathers also requested that permission be granted to them, for they wished to send a procurator on their own account; and their request was granted. accordingly they sent father fray alonso de figueroa, [78] a person of much ability, and the most suitable that could be selected among the men of his following. father fray hernando de cabrera, an admirable minister of the tagalos, of whom we have already spoken, asked for leave to go to españa. together with the father master, fray pedro garcía, he took passage on the flagship "san juan," a new ship whose first voyage this was. aboard it was don fernando de silva, who had governed these islands, four procurators for the city of manila, who were being sent to look after the property of the citizens, on account of unfair dealings by those of nueva españa in the returns made for it [_i.e._, for goods exported thither from manila]. further, two fathers and a brother named fray juan de peña took passage with them. two of our religious embarked aboard the almiranta--father fray lorenzo [_sic_] de figueroa as procurator of the creole fathers, and a brother named fray francisco de san nicolás. they left the port of cavite, august 4; they experienced considerable suffering, for the vendavals were blowing vigorously, and those winds make it difficult to get out of the bay. at last it was god's good pleasure to give them weather which enabled them to make their voyage. in this line, on the return trip to méjico, the ships do not sail in company, but each one takes the direction which is most expedient for it, relying on god, who will aid them. the storms were frightful. the almiranta suffered the most terrible voyage that ever ship has suffered. for after a few blasts they had to cut down the mast, and, when they reached thirty-six degrees, they lost their rudder. in such plight they agreed to return, suffering destructive hurricanes, so that, had not the ship been so staunch, it would have been swallowed up in the sea a thousand times. finally god was pleased to have it return, as if by a miracle; and as such was it considered by all the inhabitants of manila. the other vessel, being a new and larger ship, on perceiving the storm, went to a lower latitude. it continued to plow the sea, to the great discomfort of all, for it was six months on the voyage. the father master, fray pedro, died on that voyage, with so excellent an example that there was no one aboard the ship who was not edified. father cabrera also died with great piety, and like a devoted religious, as he was. the brother lived. even the chaplain aboard the ship died. in all the dead numbered ninety-nine persons, who could have peopled a world. those who arrived were in such condition that it was necessary to let them regain their strength in the port of valdebanderas. the procurators on both sides had this lot, which was plainly that which occurred to all. but against the will of god there is no one who can go; what is important is, that his will be always done. archbishop don fray miguel garcia saw that the time was approaching for the provincial chapter. he hastened and left manila to visit and confirm those of his jurisdiction. it is certain that, had ours detained him, affairs would have come out better. finally, being constrained, they had to summon him; and his coming adjusted affairs. he returned to his confirmation, being desirous of concluding it in order to return for the feast of corpus christi in the city, which was his greatest devotion. but his haste cost him his life. he was corpulent, and had been ailing many days; his blood became heated, and gave him a fever. he was not attended to in time, and when they took care of him he was a dead man. his death occurred on that same day of the most holy sacrament, at nine o'clock at night. he died as an apostle, after having done his whole duty as religious and bishop. great was the concourse of people, for his great sagacity and prudence made him not only liked but loved by all. he was buried in our convent, at the foot of the high altar, among the religious. beyond doubt our lord chose to snatch him from this life on that day which he so much venerated, so that he should see the reward which the lord gave him for so great devotion. he was a liberal almsgiver, and at the time of his death had nothing that was his own. all his possessions had been expended in charitable works many days before. the city grieved much over his death, but his church grieved more; for, besides remaining orphaned, there was no other who would thus look after it. the bishop of sugbú came to govern it, by indult of his holiness, with which he has governed twice at manila. [after dwelling at some length on the virtue of a bengal slave woman and her miraculous escape from death, she having been dangerously wounded by her would-be seducer, medina continues:] in our father fray juan henao's first year, when we had already entered upon the year 1630, the orders considered the little security that they had from the moros, for the latter were becoming insolent with their successful forays; and thus, without giving our people any breathing-space, were destroying the villages and missions in charge of the orders--and more especially they were pressing the jesuits, as those fathers were established in places more exposed to the insolence and violence of the enemies. the governor, in an endeavor to uproot so great an evil at one blow, had a fleet built in the islands--the largest ever made by indians--at the expense of the king our sovereign, and of the indians and encomenderos. a great sum of money was expended upon it. command of it was entrusted to the master-of-camp of the forces at manila, don lorenzo de olazu, a soldier, and one of those of highest reputation in those regions. the fleet bore more than four thousand indians, taken from all districts at great expense, and more than five hundred spaniards, picked men, commanded by captains of note. the fleet was composed of two galleys, three brigantines, a number of caracoas, and champans to carry food. with this fleet it was confidently expected to subdue not only joló, but all the hostile islands. the jolog group consists of many islands, but the principal one, where the king lives, has a hill in the middle of it like a volcano. it has only one very steep ascent, and is an impregnable point, and as such it is regarded by all. accordingly, when the indians are visited by enemies, they fortify the hill, and then imagine themselves secure against any force. but when, about two years ago, admiral don cristóbal de lugo had burned their villages, and they knew that the castilians were about to attack them, they had fortified the hill strongly, mounting thereon the guns that they had taken from the [spanish] shipyard. the master-of-camp believed himself sufficient to take that hill alone. accordingly as soon as he arrived, he landed, and heading them, led his men up the hill without delay. that fleet was accompanied by one of our religious, father fray fulgencio, an excellent preacher, and a very good worker, who was preëminent among the others who went. there was also a recollect father named fray miguel, who did not move from the side of the master-of-camp. the latter, finding himself almost alone on the height and near the stockade, many sharpened stakes and bamboos hardened in the fire were hurled at him, so that the master-of-camp fell, while others of the more courageous were wounded, and some killed. thereupon, had the others ascended and entered, as the attack would have been less difficult after that first fury, they would have gained the fort, which had but few men, as was afterward learned; but they remained inactive. the master-of-camp arose, and retired without doing more than this; and with this result, that that fleet, that had made every one afraid, returned. my opinion is, that the spaniards were punished for the arrogance that they must have displayed there; and that along those coasts, and at the expense of the wretched subjects, they tried to find the pearls of the king of joló, which were said to be most beautiful. and accordingly this was proclaimed, to the sound of drum, in the port of ilong-ilong and in sugbú, and a reward promised to whoever would seize them; for they considered the victory their own already, and shouted it forth before obtaining it. if they, as christians, had gone with good intent to punish those mahometan enemies for the desecrations that they had committed against the churches and sacred images, who doubts that the lord, whose cause that was, would have aided them? but they were greedy for their own interests, and had their eyes on their own convenience. thus they lost both the moneys expended and their reputation; and to save reputation one should expend much toil, for by it are conserved monarchies and kingdoms. they returned to manila the laughing-stock of all the islands. from that time the indians of cagayán began to talk among themselves of lifting the yoke, placed on their necks by the castilians; for as has been seen, all is not gold that glitters. many deaths occurred among the indians of different districts. the expenses of the natives, as above stated, were great, for although no one goes from his village except with very liberal aid, in this case that aid was unusually generous. thus there was no encomienda that had a thousand indians that did not expend more than a thousand pesos, besides rice--in addition to their tribute, personal services, and other taxes. it should be considered and recognized how these poor wretches were continually harassed; hence, why should one wonder that events do not succeed as one would desire? in the present year the vessel "san juan" returned, the ill-fortune of which was feared, because the almiranta had put back to port. it gave report of its voyage, whereupon the order voted what was important. [79] they appointed a procurator who went to españa. this was the father reader, fray pedro de la peña, [80] who was prior of macabebe in pampanga. he took passage on the flagship "san luis." in the almiranta embarked another father, from valencia, named father fray vicente lidón. these vessels left the port of cavite on august 4. they put back to the same port to lighten, and set sail again as heavily laden as before. they experienced no better voyage than the last ones had; for, besides putting back, they did not lack misfortunes. the flagship cut down its mast on the high sea, and was all but lost. the other vessel also suffered greatly, and between them both they threw overboard more than one hundred and forty [dead] people, while the others were like to die of hunger, for the voyage lasted seven and one-half months. nueva españa no longer expected them, and therefore despatched [to the islands] two small vessels from perú, in which came the visitor of the islands, don francisco de rojas. both vessels suffered greatly. they lost their rudders, and their arrival was a miracle. it is quite apparent that the lord is very merciful toward the islands. we surmise that these vessels arrived, one in july and the other in august of 1631. the worst thing resulting to the order in what happened to the vessels was, that no one would take passage on the ships, so that the province came to a condition of the utmost peril. for, if procurators are lacking in españa, there is no hope of getting religious; and the religious who are here now are dying daily. for never have i seen a triennium when there were not more than twenty deaths, and sometimes even thirty; while few are invested with the habit. thus, perforce, the province is always in need of men. nevertheless, i, who had always been desiring to go to españa, at last obtained my wish this year of 1631, under the greatest strife and oppositions that can be told; but i will not speak of them, as they are personal, although a not small history might be made of them. finally i embarked in the flagship (where i went as vicar), in which no other priest embarked. the ship was a new one, and had been built in cavite, during the residence of governor don juan niño de tábora, who named it "la magdalena" for his wife. it was always said that the ship had no strength and ought not to make the trip. the people said this among themselves; but, when they spoke of it to the governor, they praised it, and said that it was the best vessel in the world, for the contrary grieved him greatly. it was laden, and then its weakness was evident, so that they had to change their tune to that very governor. it was said that it would be made all right by putting in some stiffening--namely, three planks on each side, very thick and heavy--whereby it seemed that the vessel would be strengthened. accordingly, the people embarked, a thing that ought not to have been done. on thursday, at dawn, we were about to set sail; and when they weighed the anchor that held the ship, it listed to starboard so rapidly that, had not the point of the largest yard caught on the shore, the ship would doubtless have turned keel up. to see so many men perish there and so much property lost, was a day of judgment--an event such as no one remembers to have heard told before. the artillery was fired at intervals from the fort of cavite, whereat the governor and many vessels came up. i was the first to escape from the ship, but as by a miracle; for i jumped into the water from the lantern, clothed as i was with my black habit. by god's help i was enabled to reach a small boat, in which i escaped, as above described. may the lord's will be fulfilled. with this i have been in danger of death seven times from the water while in the islands, whence the lord by his mercy has miraculously drawn and freed me. the first was shortly after my arrival in the country, at aclán. while bathing in the river, suddenly a current came whose rapidity seized me and bore me beyond my depth. i was already lost and surrendered myself to the mercy of the water, for i could not swim. god inspired a sacristan who was there, who dived quickly into the water, followed me, and, catching hold of me, drew me ashore. the second was while prior of ibahay, and when i was visiting the islands. while crossing to one, so fierce a storm struck me that the indians gave up hope, and thought only of dying. the little boat was a poor one, without helm or sail. all human aid being exhausted, i had recourse to the [departed] souls, who obtained a change of wind from the lord; thus, with a powerful north wind, and the anchor thrown astern from a cable to aid as a rudder, we reached a little islet at two o'clock at night. there we moored, that stormy night. as soon as we reached the islet, the vendaval began to blow again, so that it would seem that the north wind had blown only for that. the third was in the same river of ibahay. while ascending it when it had a very large strong current (for it is a furious river), it overturned my little boat, and drew me under; but, although i did not know how to swim, the water was drawn from under me, and i remained on the surface of the water, in such manner that i did not sink beyond my girdle. and thus, with half my body out of the water, the current carried me a long distance. the indians were following me in all haste with the little boat, supporting it with their hands; and, when it overtook me, i climbed on top of it, overturned as it was, and in that manner they dragged me ashore. from there i went to the village, passing through streams as deep as my waist, or even to the shoulders, and many times even up to the throat, at the imminent risk of attack by crocodiles, and of life, and health; for i did not dare enter the boat again. the fourth was in laglag, when i was going on horseback to the visitas of that district. the road was so close to the edge of the river that it could not be followed without risk. the rest of the country was so rough that it could not be penetrated. i was going carefully, but the horse knew little of the reins, and made a misstep and fell into the river--from so high a precipice that surely, had there not been much water in the river at that time, we had broken all our bones. but it was deep and had a strong current, so that when we fell into it we sank. the horse reached the shore immediately by swimming. the current carried me above water for a very great distance, until i seized some reed-grass by which i was able to reach the shore, where i thanked god for so many mercies. the fifth was by falling into the dumangas river from a little boat. the above one of the ship is the sixth. i have left untold countless other dangers, while on the sea so many times--now from enemies, now from the weather. the seventh time is the loss of sugbú, after the burning of that city and convent. it is not little to tell what the missionaries suffer here; but, as they are caused by works for god, his [divine] majesty aids us with his help and protection, when by any other means it seems impossible to save one's life on account of the enemies and hardships that surround a religious on all sides. may thanks be given to his [divine] majesty for all. amen. in 1631 there happened a wonderful thing in sugbú. on account of the ill-success achieved at joló, the governor sent sargento-mayor tufino to sugbú, so that, being posted in dapitan (situated in mindanao), he might prove an obstacle to the joloans, so that they should not infest the islands. he reached the city of santísimo nombre de jesús, and was lodged in a house belonging to the convent, opposite the prison; the two houses are separated only by a very wide street. the sargento-mayor stored his powder, amounting to sixteen barrels, in his house. the prison caught afire. all the people ran thither, since if the fire leaped to the house opposite, and caught in the powder, the city would surely be blown to pieces. the most holy child was immediately taken out, at sight of whom the fire was checked, and burned only the nipas of that piece, and left the supports on which it rests intact. this is the latest thing [of this sort] that has been seen. it was a solemn miracle; but that lord who is omnipotent in all things can do this. chapter xliii _continuation of the preceding_ the trade and commerce of the japanese islands has always been considered of great importance in these islands; for, as the former are rich in metals and foods, what is needed here can be brought thence at moderate prices. formerly the manila traders made much more profit by sending their goods to japón than to españa, for they saw the returns from them more quickly and at less risk. the governors have sought this trade very earnestly. don alfonso fajardo sent two ambassadors, namely, don juan de arceo and don fernando de ayala, who were very influential men of manila; they carried a goodly present with them. but that barbarian refused to admit them, whereupon they returned abashed, without effecting anything. all this rancor has arisen through his expulsion of the orders [from japan], and his prohibition against preaching any new religion in his country. although the emperors have done this in their zeal for their idolatries, the credence given to a falsehood told them by the dutch has aided greatly in it. the dutch told the emperor, in short, that he should beware of the european religious, for that by their means the king of castilla made himself sovereign of foreign kingdoms; for after they had entered the country and reduced it to their religion, the rest was easy. it is not necessary to prove the falsity of this, so apparent is it. disguised religious have not on that account discontinued going to japón, but continue that work, although the severity of the persecution is ever increasing. in the year 30, the governor sent out two large galleons, with five hundred soldiers, besides the sailors; they were ordered to capture and bring to manila any dutch vessel found on the coasts of siam and camboja. don juan de alcarazo was commander of the galleons, and don pedro de mendiola was admiral. they sailed the seas at signal risk, as they were not extra large ships, and the city was very anxious. for should those galleons be lost, then was lost the strength of the islands. but, finally, the lord brought them safely home, which was not a little fortunate. in the course of their wanderings they seized two ships or junks, one belonging to siamese, the other to japanese. they sent the siamese vessel to manila, but sacked and even burned the japanese vessel. it is said they found great riches on it. who could know the truth? this was learned in japón, whereupon the hate and ill-will of that people toward us redoubled. they tried to collect the value of the junk from the portuguese, who trade with japón. they said that, since the castilians and portuguese had the same king, it made no difference which one of them paid. they seized the goods of the portuguese from them, and then the latter found their business quickly despatched. they sent their ambassadors to manila, and a most dignified father of the society came to manage the affair, namely, father moregón--a castilian, but so changed into a portuguese by his long intercourse with them, that he did nothing without them. nothing was concluded upon this occasion. later, in the year 1631, two junks came from japón, one portuguese, the other japanese, with an embassy. the governor granted them audience in very circumspect fashion. on that occasion he assembled all the infantry in two columns, and had them escort the japanese who acted as ambassadors, to whom he gave horses and trappings and a fine carriage. in short, they had come, in behalf of the governor of nangasaqui, to confer about the junk, and the means by which trade could be opened. but it was straitly stipulated that no religious should go, for the japanese had no liking for them. two of our japanese friars were the translators of all the matter contained in the letters. the governor satisfied them in everything, and treated them very well in manila. the religious took the greatest pleasure from the embassy, considering the power of god. for when that gate was, in man's judgment, most tightly locked, the lord opened it. for naught is impossible to him. _non erit impossibile apud deum omne verbum._ [81] he who brought the magian kings to the feet of one newly-born, by following a star, that same one brings the other nations to his bosom, when he wills, and opens the door to them so that they may enter into the bosom of his church. the religious had the greatest hope of seeing the doors of japón opened widely, so that those harvests might be gathered. the lord, then, has been well pleased in those kingdoms with so much blood as has been shed there by his faithful ones, in testimony of his holy law. may he act as he shall see best in this matter. it appears that in the year 1629 the orders were moved to send religious to japón at their own cost. these were the dominican fathers, the franciscans, our recollects, and those of our own order. they furnished the expenses on shares, built a champan, hired sailors, and paid a pilot. but that expedition could not have been for the best, for the lord proceeded to defeat it, by allowing their champan to be wrecked. afterward, although they bought another in china (or rather in ilocos), it had no better success. ours spent more than five hundred pesos. the father reader, fray pedro de quesada, [82] and father fray agustín de chauru went. the sufferings of the religious from storms, rains, roads, and famines would not be believed. it seems that they can say with st. paul: _omnia superamus propter eum qui dilexit nos._ [83] they had to return because their superiors thus ordered, for in any other way they would not have done it; as they know very well how to suffer with christ and for christ, whose hardships were sweet to them, as to another st. paul: _mihi autem absit gloriari nisi in cruce domini nostri jesu christi._ [84] that same year certain splendid feasts were celebrated in manila for the holy martyrs of japón who were canonized by his holiness pope urban  vii. there were twenty-one of them. three were dogicos of the society; the others belonged to the order of our father st. francis. the religious marched in glittering vestments, all at the cost of the pious and religious inhabitants of manila. the orders invited one another. there was a general procession in which the altars were excellent. as for that of our house, if it were not the best one, none of the others were ahead of it. it is certain that the dances, comedies, and the other things which made the festival magnificent, could have been envied by the best cities of españa, to the honor and glory of its sons; for they have so pacified this earth that even at the limits of the world may be seen so many grandeurs to the honor and glory of the author of all. of this not a little redounds to the catholic sovereigns of españa; for by their expenses of men and money the banners of the church have floated over the most remote and unknown parts of the world. our kings of españa deserve much, no doubt, since god has made use of them for so great affairs in his service. governor don juan niño de tabora sent captain juan bautista, who had married one of his servants, to the fort and presidio of caragán. he was a very energetic and courageous youth, as he had proved on all opportunities that arose--both in that presidio, where he made many successful expeditions, and in other places where he had been sent. he had been badly wounded in joló. when he beheld himself head of that fort, he resolved to make an entrance among the tagabaloes. [85] he assembled many men from the friendly villages; as is the custom--although i know not with what justice they have taken to make forays on them, capturing them, carrying them away, and selling them, for those indians where they go are not moros, nor even have they done any harm to the spaniards, but remaining quiet in their own lands, they eke out a miserable existence. but this [custom] is inherited from one [generation] to another. while about to make a foray in this manner, captain bautista quarreled with a chief of caragán, the chief of all that district; and, not satisfied with treating him badly with words, the captain attacked him, threw him to the ground, and gave him many blows and kicks. captain bautista was unarmed, as were also the spaniards with him, who are very self-reliant in all things. then the chief returned to his own people and asked them if they were not ashamed of what had happened. "then," said he, "how do you consent that the castilians and captain treat me thus in your presence, when you could easily kill them?" as they were few and unarmed, the natives killed the captain and twelve soldiers, and father jacinto cor, a recollect father, who was going with them. after this first misfortune, resulting from the anger of an imprudent captain, the natives went about warning and killing all the spaniards whom they found on their coasts, and tried to take the fort by strategy. but already the matter was known, and on that account they did not take the fort, which was the only means of recovering that post. they killed four more religious, among whom was father fray juan de santo tomás, prior in tangda, who was near the same fort. he was a holy man, as he showed at his death; for, seeing them resolved to kill him, he asked permission to commend himself to god. he knelt down, and while he was commending his soul to god, they thrust him through with a lance. this religious was very learned and devout, and took especial care of his soul. therefore it is believed that by that title of martyr our lord chose to take him to his glory and crown him there. they wounded brother fray francisco, a layman, severely, as well as the father reader, fray lorenzo; but they did not die, and were afterward ransomed. the other religious were very devoted to god. how fortunate they, since they died so happily and in so heroic a quest; for those idolators killed them for hatred of their teachings. as much help was taken there as possible from sugbú. the chief commander in this was captain chaves, encomendero of caragán, who was living in sugbú. he performed good services, repairing as much as possible the evil and harm that had been begun. afterward, the commander-in-chief, martin larios, went with more soldiers to punish those indians. it was reported as certain that those indians, desirous of throwing off the yoke from themselves, revolted because of the result in solog, aroused by what they saw in joló, among a people less resolute than themselves, as well as by the lack of bravery that they had witnessed in the spaniards. the natives gathered, and held assemblies and tried to ally themselves with the joloans, mindanaos, and all the other neighboring natives that could help them. things were not in the condition that they wished; so they were gathering, and biding their time. the above opportunity was presented, and they hurled themselves to their own greater loss, since they began what they could not finish. it was permitted by god, so that the many souls whom the fathers have baptized and hope to baptize there may not apostatize; for thereabout are multitudes of heathen indians, among whom the worship of mahomet has not yet entered, and with the care of the fathers the harvest, without doubt, will be very plentiful. the recollect fathers returned to visit, or rather, to rebuild their house burned in sugbú. they built it better, and roofed it with tile, whereby it will be safer than a roofing of nipa, which is so exposed to fire and flames. in august, 1629, the governor sent captain don sebastián de libite--a very noble navarrese knight, who had been a very good soldier in flandes--to the pintados as commander-in-chief. he went with his wife and household to the city of santísimo nombre de jesús. the weather was very stormy, and they were often menaced by death. this lady, doña catalina de aguilar, and her whole household were very devoted to the most holy child, and called upon him with great anxiety. finally, in a disastrous storm that struck them, where death was facing them, this lady said to her husband: "listen, don sebastián, promise something to the holy child, so that he may help us, and may allow us to see him." he promised one hundred pesos. "what, no more than that?" replied doña catalina; "if we are drowning, for what do we love him?" finally, he promised five hundred pesos. the most holy child beheld their devotion, and miraculously saved them from their danger and conveyed them safe to sugbú, where they fulfilled their vow. and it is a fact that although they were persons of great wealth of spirit and nobility, they are people who have less of the temporal. but what they possess is greater, which, at the end, will be a pledge of their reaching heaven. [father medina's editor, father coco, follows the narrative with a list of the augustinian provincials in the philippines from 1632-1893--eighty-two in all.] documents of 1630-1633 royal letters and decree. felipe iv; december 4-31, 1630. letter to felipe iv from the bishop of cebú. pedro de arce; july 31, 1631. royal orders, 1632-33. felipe iv; january-march, 1632, and march, 1633. letters to felipe iv. juan niño de tavora; july 8, 1632. events in filipinas, 1630-32. [unsigned]; july 2, 1632. letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to felipe iv. miguel garcetas, and others; [undated, but 1632]. _sources_: the first and third documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo histórico nacional, madrid; the second, fourth, and sixth, from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the fifth, from a ms. in the academia real de la historia, madrid. _translations_: the fifth document, and the first letter each in the first and the third, are translated by robert w. haight; the remainder, by james a. robertson. royal letters and decree _letter to tavora_ the king. to don juan niño de tavora, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia which sits there. your letter of august 4, 628, which treats of matters concerning the exchequer, has been received and examined in my royal council of the yndias, and this will be your answer. as to what you say that it is not expedient to continue the custom introduced under the governorship of don juan de silva, namely, that the officials of my royal exchequer in those islands should not make payments without your order--considering that they have not half the money which is needed, and that it will be necessary to set limits to the payments, so that they may be made only in the most necessary cases--you will observe the order which you have for this matter, taking care that the payments made be entirely justified. i have looked into the difficulties which you mentioned as resulting from the sale of offices of notaries in the provinces of the islands; but as it seems that the considerations in favor of it are the weightiest, you will order that they be immediately sold, or at least one in the chief town of each province, and will advise me when this is put into execution, and the amount for which each one is sold. it will be well, as you say, that with the approval of another council like that which was held in the time of don pedro acuña, decisions should be made whether it would be best to make a new valuation of the produce in which the indians are obliged to pay the tribute. granting the arguments which you bring forward, you will take care that they pay some of their taxes in kind; because otherwise they would not take the care that is desirable in stock-raising and farming. you will see to it that the payment of salaries to the auditors of that audiencia be not postponed; but on the other hand you shall prefer them to all others, whereby the complaint which they make of you on that score will be avoided. [madrid, december 4, 1630] _i the king_ countersigned by don fernando ruiz de contreras. _royal decree to regulate shipbuilding_ the king. to don juan niño de tavora, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be. it has been learned by my royal council of the indias that the warships which are built in those islands are so large that they can be used only to fight in a stationary position in any battle; and that they cannot avail for navigation, to make or leave port when desired, to sail to windward, to pursue, or for any other purpose; and that there are not sailors or soldiers or artillerymen in sufficient numbers with whom to man them, as the smallest ship is of a thousand toneladas' burden. in order to equip them many war supplies are needed, also huge cables and heavy anchors, of which there is a great scarcity in that country. we have been informed that, now and henceforth, it would be advisable that no ships of greater burden than five or six hundred toneladas be built which will be suitable for the commerce and trade with nueva españa, and for the war fleet. and inasmuch as it is advisable that the best plan be adopted in this matter, you shall assemble the persons of that city most experienced in shipbuilding and in navigation, and in accordance with their opinion you shall proceed in building the ships. you shall endeavor to consider in their construction what regards both strength and capacity, and the other matters above mentioned. you shall advise me of what resolution you shall adopt. given in madrid, december fourteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty. _i the king_ countersigned by don fernando ruiz de contreras, and signed by the members of the council. [_endorsed_: "to the governor of philipinas, ordering him to assemble the persons of that city most experienced in shipbuilding and navigation, and in accordance with their opinion to regulate the building of ships."] _letter to the manila audiencia_ the king. to the auditors of my royal audiencia of the city of manila in the filipinas islands. your letter of the first of _[month omitted_] 628 has been received and considered in my royal council of the indias, and i hereby give you answer to it. in regard to what you say touching the fact that the officials of my royal treasury of those islands do not pay you your salaries promptly when due, saying that the governor has ordered them not to pay it without his decree, i am having the said governor ordered to endeavor not to delay the payment of your salaries; but that, on the contrary, you be preferred to all others in the payment of them. you say that, in accordance with what was ordained by laws of the kingdom and ordinances of the audiencia there, appeals have been admitted in it, from the decisions of the alcaldes-in-ordinary, [and] edicts of the governor; [but] that he has imposed a standard and measure, in matters of the political government, with certain penalties, on the sangleys regarding the manner in which they have to make timber, tiling, and other like articles; and that the governor has prevented these causes from being appealed to that audiencia, declaring his purpose to give me an account of it. as he has done this, and has asked for a declaration of what he ought to do, i have ordered him to observe, in the method of reporting these contentions to me, and in the form on which they must be grounded, the order that is given by various decrees; and in the meanwhile he shall observe the custom in similar cases. and if there are no similar cases, then no innovation shall be introduced in the trial of the said appeals. the said governor also writes me in regard to what you say about his prohibiting disputes from going to that audiencia, or to any of the auditors, as alcaldes of court, as he believes that the parties can go to place the disputes before the ordinary judges; so that, if there should be any act of injustice, the case may go on appeal to that audiencia. in that regard, he has been answered to observe the existing laws on that matter. what you say about ceasing to maintain a room, separate from the other collegiates, in the college of san josef (which is under charge of the fathers of the society), for the instruction of the japanese in our holy faith, is approved for the present, as communication with that kingdom has ceased. the other sections of the said letter were examined, but there is nothing to answer to them at present. madrid, december 31, 1630. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don francisco ruiz de contreras_ letter to felipe iv from the bishop of cebu sire: july 26, 1631, i received three decrees from your majesty, in which your majesty granted me the favor to advise me of the birth of the prince, [86] our sovereign, whom may god preserve. i feel especial joy and satisfaction at the favor that our lord has shown toward españa, in giving us a successor to your majesty. in regard to the thanks that your majesty orders me to give to god, i shall take especial pains to do as your majesty orders. in the second decree of your majesty, your majesty orders that the natives of these islands be treated gently, and that they be relieved as far as possible from injuries and too heavy burdens. i have always done my utmost, so far as i am concerned, in regard to this; and now and henceforth, i shall do it more carefully, since your majesty has ordered it. in your third decree, your majesty orders that the governor appoint an ecclesiastical person to assist him in the examinations in what concerns the royal patronage, because of the troubles that have occurred in the vacant see. what i can tell your majesty in perfect truth is, that i have always tried to have benefices given to the most praiseworthy, and to those most suitable to minister to the indians; but if your majesty judges an agent advisable, i shall willingly obey what your majesty orders. your majesty has appointed the archdean of the church of cebu, don alonso de campos, to the dignity of schoolmaster in this church of manila. he has not been graduated in any science, and in this regard he is not possessed of the qualities that the council of trent demands, nor those which the dignity of this church demands, for he is not a bachelor of arts. he who now exercises that office _ad interim_ is don alonso ramirez bravo. he has been graduated in both kinds of law, and is a man of good qualities, who is at present provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric. he has had in charge the bishoprics of çubu and camarines. he is a most praiseworthy person, in whom are found the necessary qualifications. will your majesty grant him the favor of this dignity? for he merits it, and is serving in it by appointment of the governor of these islands. your majesty orders me by a decree of your majesty, under date of march twenty-seven of the year twenty-nine, directed to the archbishop of this city of manila--which i received, as i have in charge this church in the said vacancy--to make investigation regarding the claims of doctor don juan de quesada hurtado de mendoça, fiscal of this royal audiencia, that he has been given a royal decree to act as protector of the sangleys, as his predecessors have been. your majesty orders me to ascertain whether a protector is necessary, whether the sangleys ask for one, and whether it be advisable that he should be the fiscal. the relation made in the royal decree, sire, by the said doctor don juan de quesada, is the truth, without adding one jot to it. what i can say to your majesty is that the sangleys need a protector to defend them; and that they have no defense, as has been experienced, except when they have had the fiscals as protectors. this is the reason why they have always been appointed. often many injuries and annoyances inflicted on the sangleys are remedied by the sole authority of the fiscal, without commencing suit. the sangleys, sire, ask a protector, and ask that he be the fiscal. i have seen a petition which was presented to the governor of these islands, don juan niño de tabora, signed by very many sangleys, in which they petition him to give them the said don juan de quesada, the fiscal, as protector. he has not determined to appoint the latter, because of the decree that he has received from your majesty. however, i am fully persuaded of the great advantage to the sangleys in having the fiscal as protector. this is the reason why no other has been appointed; for the governor says that, in conscience, he finds it very desirable for the sangleys that the fiscal be their protector. the sangleys have always petitioned for a protector. they are the ones who pay him his salary, and not your majesty; consequently i cannot see that there should be any inconvenience in your majesty giving them the one whom they desire and whom they pay, especially when it does not militate against your majesty or your royal treasury. the sangleys are very unprotected since your majesty ordered that the fiscal should not be their protector. they are much better off, as they have experienced (as we all experience) the christian spirit and honesty with which the fiscal, don juan de quesada, has served and serves your majesty. consequently, it seems to me advisable that the present fiscal, and those who shall fill that office hereafter, be the protectors of the sangleys. the contrary, i believe, would result in harm to the sangleys. no protector can have less trading and business relations with the sangleys than the fiscal, to whom your majesty has prohibited trade and traffic; and he has forsworn it. may our lord preserve the catholic person of your majesty for many years for the welfare of his kingdoms. manila, july last, 1631. _fray pedro_, bishop of santisimo nombre de jesus. royal orders, 1632-33 _letter to tavora_ the king. to don juan niño de tavora of my council of war, my governor and captain-general of the filipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia there. your letter of june 20 of the past year 630, concerning the exchequer, has been examined in my royal council of the yndias, and an answer is given you in this concerning the matters thereof in which decision has been made, and those which require reply. i have considered what you say in regard to the inexpediency of including these islands in the monopoly of playing-cards established in mexico; [87] also the act which you issued to the effect that the [monopoly] contracted for with don francisco de la torre, a citizen of that city, should be put into execution. you will order this to be observed and complied with, during the time that it shall last; for it is already agreed to, with this stipulation, and i have confirmed it. as for the future i wish to know the advantages or difficulties which may result to my royal exchequer from doing away with this income, and not including those islands in it, and whatever else in this matter may occur to you, you will inform me in regard to it very fully on the first occasion; and i likewise command, by a decree of this day, that the said audiencia do this. you say that the office of secretary of the cabildo of that city was sold for twelve thousand five hundred pesos in coin, with the condition of having a voice and vote in the cabildo--which you conceded because the greater part of the offices of regidor there of were vacant, as there was no one to buy them; and that the price of the said office should rise, as otherwise it would not pass six or eight thousand pesos. you also stated that it was sold under condition that, if i should find it inexpedient and for this reason should not confirm it, nothing should be returned to the buyer; and as the said condition of his having a voice and vote in the cabildo has appeared prejudicial and illegal, you will correct this immediately--supposing, as you say, that the contract need not be altered for this reason, or anything given back to the person concerned. for repairing of the losses which result from the fact that the royal officials make the winning bids for the offices which are sold in those islands, without notifying you of the amount and the person to whom they are sold, i am sending a decree of this date to command them to comply with and execute, on all occasions which may arise, the act which you have issued to this effect, which i approve. that the said royal officials may always be at peace with you and well disposed, letters are being written to them as to how they should conduct themselves; and you, on your part, will maintain friendly relations with them. the additional pay of a thousand pesos which you set aside for the bishop of cebú, during the time while he governs that archbishopric, has been approved, since the reasons which oblige you to it are so justifiable. [madrid, january 27, 1632.] _i the king_ by command of the king our lord: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ _decree forbidding secular priests from eastern india in the philippines_ the king. to don juan niño de tavora, knight of the order of calatrava, member of my council of war, my governor and captain-general of the philipinas islands, and president of my royal audiencia therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be. i have been informed that the secular priests who go to those islands from eastern india with their trading-ships generally are those expelled and exiled; that they remain there, and are often employed in vicariates, curacies, and benefices, to the injury of the natives, and the patrimonial rights of the country. after examination of the matter by my royal council of the indias, i have considered it proper to issue the present, by which i order you not to permit any of the secular priests from those districts [of eastern india] to enter those islands; nor shall you admit them to any exercise of office, for this is my will. [given in madrid, march twenty-six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two.] _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ signed by the council. [_endorsed:_ "to the governor of philipinas, ordering him not to allow any of the secular priests who might go from eastern india to the islands to enter therein or admit them to any exercise of office."] _order to the city of manila regarding the mexican trade_ the king. to the council, justices, and magistracy of the city of manila, of the philipinas islands. in response to what don juan niño de tavora, my governor and captain-general of those islands, wrote me, in the former year of 1629, about your petition for the fulfilment of the decree of 1593 which permits the inhabitants of that island to go to sell their goods in mexico, or to send them under charge of a satisfactory person--and not to send or consign them, except it be in the second place--in a section of a letter which i wrote on december 4 of the former year of 630 to the said my governor, i charged him that, if the encomenderos living in that city who had sent persons with their possessions to mexico proceeded dishonestly, or formed trusts [_ligas_], or monopolies among themselves, they should be punished according to law; and that if, in addition to the inconveniences that should arise in the observance of the said decree, others should be discovered, he should advise me thereof, so that suitable measures might be enacted. i also had my viceroy of nueva españa ordered to watch carefully what the inhabitants of mexico did, so that he might apply the advisable remedy. now, don juan grau y monfalcon, your procurator, has informed me that the decree given in the said year of 593, ordering that the inhabitants of those islands might send persons to nueva españa to sell or take care of their merchandise; and that no one might consign them, except to one of the persons appointed for that purpose, who would reside in mexico, was put into execution; but that, in violation of it, many of the inhabitants secretly send large quantities of merchandise to mexico, entrusting those goods to the passengers and sailors without registering them, although that city has persons of credit and trust in mexico. thus result many embarrassments and frauds to my royal duties. he petitioned me to be pleased to have my royal decree issued, ordering that such unlawful acts be not permitted. the matter having been examined in my royal council of the indias, bearing in mind what my fiscal said there, i have considered it fitting to advise you of the aforesaid, so that you may understand it, and i order you, in so far as it pertains to you, to keep, obey, and execute, and cause to be kept, obeyed, and executed, what has been enacted in this respect. madrid, march 25, 1633. _i the king_ by order of the king our sovereign: _don fernando ruiz de contreras_ letters from tavora to felipe iv i _government affairs_ sire: i sent a despatch by way of india in the month of november of the past year 631, because the flagship which sailed for nueva españa sank here in port, and the almiranta put back. a copy of the despatch which they carried goes in the first mail, with this, and i refer to it. accordingly i shall now begin to give an account to your majesty of what has happened since then. the ships which had remained in nueva españa last year, reached here during the last part of may after a favorable trip. therefore i trust that they will depart earlier than in previous years, and that the voyages may become regular. [_in the margin:_ "seen."] the ships brought as a subsidy two hundred and thirty-four thousand pesos for the royal treasury. two hundred thousand came last year. the viceroy writes that he can do no more. the visitor here will not, i believe, consider it little, since he does not have it in his charge. certain it is that the last six remittances which the viceroy has made to these islands have all been smaller than those made by the other viceroys. i confess that the times have become hard; but one can but ill sustain a number of men, or take care of the expenses of war, on less than what their pay and salaries amount to. the accounts for the five years which were asked are enclosed, and have been made out with all clearness. for the last three, it will be seen how much smaller have been the receipts and expenses than those of my predecessors. [_in the margin:_ "seen."] neither have the men come who are needed; for the past year came eighty-odd soldiers, and this year ninety. that is but a scant number for the many men who die here, for our forces are steadily diminishing. i can do no more, for money has not been coined here, nor do the people multiply. i ask, sire, for what is needed to fulfil my obligations. the viceroy does not send the orders which are given him from there; they can not be so illiberal. as this is a case of need, i give notice of it, in order that blame may not be cast on me at any time. [_in the margin:_ "have letters to the viceroy written, charging him with this." "the viceroy has been charged with this by a decree which was despatched at the petition of the city."] the visitor, don francisco de rojas, is proceeding with his visit with excellent judgment, and with his personal efforts and close occupation. this community grieves over the results, for they are many. i trust that he may administer justice so fully in all things that only the liquidations and the balances should be those which are collected. he has attempted (as he thinks that he bears authority for it) to make the final decision of what may be spent by councils of the treasury, and in fact has begun it with this royal audiencia and with me. that has appeared a strong course to us, for his commission does not extend to that. neither would it be right for only one judge to declare as improper any expense which the governor, auditors, and royal officials had approved by their opinions. the councils of the treasury were established for expenses of government and war. if there were no authority for those expenses, it would be an evil, and nothing could be accomplished. that will be the case on the day when we shall be subject to have one accountant proceed, in the visitation, against those who gave their opinion as to the expenses which may have been incurred. who would dare give his opinion freely, if he had to fear that it might be amplified or not? your majesty already does not trust your governor alone for this responsibility, and orders him to meet in council with the audiencia and the royal officials, and that the majority of votes shall rule. that has so many inconveniences that the service of your majesty comes to suffer greatly from them. if the more important things are entrusted to your governor, why not the lesser? when the archbishop died here, as your majesty was advised, the bishop of zibu, who entered into his place, petitioned that he be given some gratuity from the salary enjoyed by the archbishop, because of the many expenses of living in this city--taking a precedent from the vacant see of the other archbishop, in which the treasury council assigned him one thousand two hundred pesos. on this occasion it seemed necessary, so that the bishop might be able to support himself, to assign him one thousand pesos annually; and it was ordered that your majesty be advised thereof, as was done, so that you might consider it a proper expense. it was necessary and unavoidable, for in any other way the bishop could not live three years--the time during which we have to wait for a reply, if we first had to advise your majesty. the visitor, don francisco de rojas, has added this item, and formed an opinion unfavorable to the auditors who gave their votes to it, and has ordered that they make satisfaction for it. his commission does not announce this; accordingly, as a matter inferred from good government, he has no right to inspect this affair. he has also taken issue against the auditors of the last audiencia, who were the ones who assigned the one thousand two hundred pesos during the other vacancy. your majesty, by decrees received here this year, grants concession to the archbishop-elect of a third part of the salary which the dead archbishop would have received. your majesty orders that another third be given to the cathedral. in accordance with this, there is much more justice and reason in giving suitable maintenance to him who is serving the cathedral. i petition your majesty in all humility to be pleased to confirm what was done with so great a desire of serving you well--acts which were so thoroughly grounded on justice and right. i assure you that we desire to economize your royal revenues, and that economy is the very thing which is necessary. i have written to the visitor, don francisco de rojas, a document (a copy of which i enclose herewith) in regard to the matter of the proceedings which he is attempting to obtain from the treasury councils, after having first consulted with the audiencia in regard to it. he replies as will also be seen by the same copy. i have thought best to inform your majesty of everything, so that you may be advised of the matter. what he appears to take as his basis of action, and on which he places more stress, according to what he has told me, is a section of a decree of your majesty sent to don alonso fajardo, dated madrid, december 10, 1618, in which your majesty uses the following language: "we have also learned that, through the opportunity furnished by fulfilling an order which my officials of my royal treasury of those islands had--that, if a necessary and unavoidable case arose in which some new expense would have to be incurred, the governor, audiencia, and the royal officials should assemble and discuss it, and what should have the majority of votes should be executed, giving me advice thereof--on this account many expenses, salaries, and wages have been incurred and increased without any necessity, for the private ends of each one. consequently, i order you not to make these expenses, except in sudden cases of invasion by enemies; for by doing the contrary so much injury to my royal treasury results." there are two chief points in this section which can be discussed. the first is that your majesty says that you have heard that the expenses have been incurred for private ends, and not because they are justified. he who told your majesty that the wills of the governor, auditors, and royal officials in filipinas could be unanimous, even for their private interests, has deceived you; for experience shows the contrary. neither should your majesty believe that we are all so vile that we would be making unlawful expenditures of your revenues in order to pleasure one another. well assured can you be of this by the limitation and restriction that would have to be because of the majority of votes; and because the governor, in whom your majesty trusts most fully, does not have the final decision. scarcely any authority is given him in this, and a great deal is taken away from him. in regard to the second point, what occurs to me to say is that, if we are to understand that we must wait for sudden emergencies, and until the enemy is at our gates, in order that we may make any expenses in defense of it; i, sire, as a soldier (which is my profession), declare that in the filipinas islands there is a continual invasion of enemies. accordingly, since we are confronting so many, it is necessary that we be always in a state of defense. consequently, we must not wait until they arrive before we make the expenses for the necessary precautions--especially since manila is surrounded by chinese and japanese, and full of slaves, all of whom need no more than to see us without preparation, in order to revolt. all these are so cogent reasons, in my poor judgment, that i consider it beyond doubt that it will be for your majesty's service to have a new order issued giving your governor and captain-general authority. in order that he may fill those offices effectively in your majesty's service, it is necessary for him to have that authority in the royal treasury, for extraordinary expenses which result from government and war--as your captains-general have in flandes, in milan, in napoles, and in sicilia, where there is war, and state affairs arise which render that necessary. it is the same in the filipinas, because of so many enemies who are within its gates, and so many negroes roundabout, with whom it is necessary to have intercourse and against whom it is necessary to be on our guard. i do not say that there should not be a council in the form ordered by your majesty, but after the council the governor should have the power to take such measures as he deems best. i do not petition this for myself; for, when a reply to this shall come, already the term of my government will be finished. your majesty's service moved me, through my zeal for it. i shall exercise the opposition to the visitor which seems advisable in this matter of the treasury tribunal, your majesty always retaining the right to order what shall be your pleasure. [_in the margin:_ "seen."] in the letters which i am writing by way of yndia, i discuss the controversy which the royal officials had with the city, before the visitor, in regard to the seats. that contention ceased after the visitor had pronounced judgment against the city, to which i did not assent, affairs having been adjusted in this regard until your majesty should order what should be most to your pleasure. after many excommunications which had been issued, search was made for the decree in which your majesty mentions the form which must be observed in this, and in which you order that they be seated in the places which they occupied while regidors; finally, the decree appeared among the others that the royal officials had in their office. the same don francisco de rojas found it by chance, while looking for other decrees in the books which he had demanded from them for the inspection, and after they had, under oath, denied having it. the excommunications which intervened in the matter having been annulled (for in this way do we live in the yndias), the visitor was at last convinced of what i always told him; and this point is settled, that the royal officials are to use the seats which they had when regidors. [_in the margin:_ "file it with what has been petitioned in this matter."] it might be that the said visitor will write to your majesty in regard to certain points of government and war, of which he has been accustomed to advise me by notes, of which authentic copies are taken. it seems to him that, as a minister so superior, this duty can devolve on him. i have respected it, for what these acts may indicate of friendship; but i cannot help mistrusting it, because of the caution with which it is done. consequently, i have the authentic replies also, so that at any time what he wrote and what i replied may be evident. i desire his friendship and am striving for it, since there will always result a greater service for your majesty--an intercourse which i would swear that he ought not to remember in the visitation; for soldiers (and more, soldiers of my rank) do not profess to be witnesses, nor can we be. i do not believe that he will have appeared careless, yet i take this precaution on general grounds, so that, if perchance he may have written something, a hearing may be kept for me, and that new decisions may not be sent from there in matters pertaining to government and war, simply on his report; for he is a lawyer, and new in the country, and the most that he will set forth in this matter will be what was told him. [_in the margin:_ "seen."] the decrees which i received last year from your majesty were obeyed and carried out. the same will be done with those which come this year. i humbly kiss your majesty's hand for the honor and reward which you have conferred upon me in having an answer written to me with so great promptness to the despatches of the years 28 and 29. in what you charge me, namely, that i preserve friendship with japon, i have had very great care; for after the events of the year 27, i have managed to give that king to understand the irregularity of the case, [88] and your majesty's desire for friendship with his kingdoms. my efforts have already succeeded so well that this matter is already settled with the inhabitants of macan, and the embargo has been removed from their ships. having invited the same japanese to come to trade with this city of manila, two ships came last year, as i wrote in the last despatches. the answers which we gave to their propositions and letters seemed somewhat satisfactory to them; for this year they have again sent two ships, with letters from the governor of nagansaqui. in these he tells me that the trade is open as before, and that ships may go there from here, and that others will come here from there. that nation is very cautious, and there is little confidence to be put in them. if a person should come here whom they wished to go there to trade, i would not dare for the present to permit it, until matters are on a more firm basis; for it is certain that their hearts are not quiet, nor will they easily become so. they take vengeance at a fitting time. may they bring us bread and ammunition, as they are doing. i gave them good treatment here, so that it is now procured that the gains which they make on their merchandise and the lapse of time will accommodate all things. their king died, leaving his son as heir. there are fears of war, that christianity may not be so persecuted. i do not think that it would be a bad thing to have a bit of a revolution because of their contempt and selfishness. in these ships were sent one hundred and thirty poor lepers exiled to these islands, whom the heathen had tried to make renegades to the faith of christ (as many others have become); but their entreaties had no effect on these people. i called a council of state to determine whether those lepers should be received, and in what manner they should be received. it was not because i hesitated to receive them; for, even though they might fasten the disease on me, i would not dare to leave an apparent christian in the sight of so many opposed to the faith, and in the face of the persecution which has been raging in that kingdom. it was determined that they should be received immediately, and taken straight to the church; and that they should be welcomed, entertained, and supported with the alms which this community desired to apportion. a beginning has been made in collecting alms, and a room has been arranged in the hospital of the natives where they are to be put. your majesty gives that hospital a yearly alms of five hundred pesos and a quantity of fowls and rice, with which aid it has now so increased the number of sick [who are cared for]. for a work so pious, and so worthy that your majesty accept it as your own, i do not doubt that you will have its alms increased somewhat, in case that the fervor that is now beginning in the charity of the inhabitants should become somewhat cooled. [_in the margin_: "an order was sent to the governor ordering him to give a certain alms for six years. consult with his majesty. let two hundred ducados more be given to him in the same way, for a limited time and while it lasts."] i am awaiting a ship from camboja which has been built there at your majesty's account. i am informed that it is already about to be launched in the sea. if it arrives before the sailing of this despatch, i shall advise you. we have friendly relations with that king, and he has maintained the same until now with the vassals of your majesty. if this matter of the shipbuilding be established, it will be a negotiation of considerable importance. [_in the margin_: "seen."] trade with the kingdom of cochinchina is of no importance to us; for the products of the country are of little value here, while the products taken there from japon are brought to us here. shipbuilding cannot be effected in the said kingdom, as i wrote you in the year of 30. may god have allowed you to have received the letters. [_in the margin_: "seen."] there is little to hope from the kingdom of sian, as those people are very treacherous, and are hand in glove with the dutch. no injury will be inflicted upon them, but, if i had sufficient force, it is certain that it would be to your majesty's service that it be used in restraining them; for the evil course which they have pursued toward these islands, as well as the same so far as india is concerned, deserves that. i thoroughly believe that if those of india are able, they should make head against the siamese from malaca. in the year 30 they seized a patache that had been sent there on an embassy from macan, and aboard which was a messenger whom i sent to them. and although they declared that it was because they did not like my letter, the truth (as was written to me by the messenger) is, that their act was induced by their coveting the goods aboard the patache, which they thought to be considerable. [_in the margin_: "seen."] a ship has arrived from macan, and several from china. with the goods which they brought, those from the ship that put back, what came late from macan last year, and others which were recovered from the ship that sank, this community has enough to make a shipment. it has a good return from the merchandise sent to nueva españa in the year of 30, with which i hope that the inhabitants will be somewhat encouraged. may god look upon us favorably, so that these islands may prosper for your majesty, by my means; for as a faithful vassal i surely desire that. [_in the margin_: "seen."] by a decree of december of the year 30, your majesty orders me to inform you whether it would be advisable to abolish the posts of commander of the galleys, and of the lieutenant and accountant for them: that of lieutenant is abolished. that of accountant, was abolished from the past year. i wrote that i had cut off the pay for it. later, this year, the papers have been given into the possession of the royal officials here. that is a very great burden, in addition to the many that they have, as the visitor, don francisco de rojas, thought; and i assented to it. it is not advisable that the post of commander of the galleys be abolished, for there is no security here that they may not have to fight many times with the galleys. consequently, it is proper for them to have a commander who may do it, and who knows how to do it. the saving would be very little. the office is now held by antonio carreño de valdes, with whom your majesty was saved six hundred pesos, which he received as an allowance; and not more than two hundred are spent, as the galleys have only eight hundred for wages. [_in the margin_: "file it with those papers which led him to make this report."] your majesty orders by another decree of the same date that i inform you as to whether it will be advisable to abolish the post of lieutenant-general of pintados. in reply to that, i say that the pay was cut off as soon as i reached this government, but the title is now allowed; for it is advisable to have one who holds that authority in those provinces, as they are very far from here. hence it is given to the alcalde-mayor and infantry captain who resides in zibu, and who does not enjoy more pay than that for the post captain. this is the officer who goes out in the fleets against the joloans, camucones, and mindanaos. he orders in detail what is here decided upon in general. he is on the watch in present emergencies, and if he did not have power and authority to command the chief men of all those provinces, a great part of the service of your majesty would cease. consequently, it is not advisable that this office be abolished, and it is enough to have cut off the pay of it. he who holds the office at present is occupied in the pacification of the province of caraga, of whose revolt i informed you in my last despatch, and which i now communicate in my letter treating of military affairs. he has twice entered that province with a fleet; the first time, he inflicted a very severe punishment, and from the second, which was made this month of may, i hope that no less a result will ensue. [_in the margin_: "the same."] the construction of galleys at cavite has been changed; for one unfavorable result changes the opinions of men which are of but little stability. certain workmen declared that the woods of which the ship "santa maria magdalena" was made (which was the one which sank last year) were heavy; and that for that reason it had become worthless--and not because its sides were defective. that was a lie, for having drawn it ashore, as i wrote, laden (which was a heroic task, and which could only have been done where there was so much apparatus for it) the ship was then repaired with a lining of knees. it has been tested in this bay, and it is very staunch, and carries all the sail that can be spread. hence it was a lie to cast the blame on the lumber; but, as the common people and the friars (who desire that there should be a shipyard near here) urged it earnestly on account of this rumor, it was necessary to order that a shipyard be sought in another place. consequently, the master-workmen have been sent to the embocadero to build a ship for the coming year; for those ships which came from acapulco this year are not to return there. they have well gained their cost. i sent the measures for a galleon, of the burden that we need here, to cochin, and i trust that some agreement which will prove very advantageous to these islands will be made; for scarcely is there anything that will be more important than to suspend shipbuilding here for some time. [_in the margin_: "seen."] i am glad of the decree for don felipe mascareñas, and that the council of portugal has ordered that thanks be extended to him because he assisted these islands with ammunition and the other things which were asked from him. the galleons have been repaired this year, and were completely overhauled so that they will last another four years. that is the best that can be done, because of the poor quality of the woods. [_in the margin_: "seen."] in the year of 28, the ships left here without register. i have had no answer from your majesty to the causes which, as i wrote to you, existed for that. i have heard that some reports have been made in that royal council against me, in regard to it, by persons who did not understand or know the matter thoroughly. they used up much time in writing treatises to your majesty; and lest, perchance, i did not give entire satisfaction by what i lately wrote, the acts and messages which were despatched in regard to the matter are herewith enclosed, in order that the reason which caused the ships to go without register may be seen. the goods which the officers of the ships carried were in their own boxes, and not in a collection of boxes or bales, for they were not allowed to embark them in that way. if any official embarked anything, it was secretly. the penalty which was impeded (which will be seen by the records) could have been executed in nueva españa. the viceroy knew that i made strenuous efforts so that everything might be declared. he found but a little quantity [of contraband goods], as i understand; and matters cannot be so well regulated, that with their risk there should not be some who venture to disobey the orders and edicts. what is certain, sire, is that none of my goods were found, as certain persons tried to intimate in regard to me, for i do not engage in such pursuits. and that is plainly seen to be so, for i have less property than when i came to filipinas. the viceroy of nueva españa wrote me in regard to the matter with some haughtiness; i answered him that i thought that, if perchance he had been informed about it to my disfavor, my precautions should be seen, and my efforts ascertained--which he did, as he will have written to you--and finally our purpose would have been recognized, which was your majesty's service and the welfare of this community. may god preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, as christendom needs. manila, july 8, 1632. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ [_in the margin_: "this matter is reserved for the inspection or residencia of the marquis of cerralbo. the decree."] [_endorsed_: "read and decreed september 15, 1633."] ii _military affairs_ sire: i am duly grateful that your majesty ordered the letters which i wrote from here in the years 28 and 29 to be examined in that your council of war of the yndias. your majesty has answered them, and has done me honor in accordance with your usual custom toward those who serve you. and thus with new courage i pray god that he may give me life and better health in order to serve you. i have for a year back been in so poor health, by reason of great exhaustion and weakness, that i greatly fear that i shall not be able to leave this place. if i shall not do that, i shall have fulfilled my duty by giving my life in the service of your majesty. your majesty knows that i am not fit for the burden of government since the death of doña magdalena, who is in heaven. everything has been hardship for me; and i have become so exhausted that i can scarce rise from my bed, and i have been very near my end twice or thrice. may god fulfil his will, and may your majesty be pleased to give orders that i be relieved, if you wish affairs to be safe here; for surely the country will be very quickly in the power of the auditors, if some person does not come from there who will not let it be lost. if god give me life, i shall be contented even with retiring to the post with which your majesty has favored me, as your commissary of war. notwithstanding that i assure your majesty as your faithful vassal, and as a person who would prefer to lose a thousand lives than to utter one falsehood to his king, that the filipinas have been worth nothing to me, during the six years of my residence herein; but rather i have lost the twenty thousand pesos which i have spent from the dowry that doña magdalena brought me. and had not our lord been pleased to give me a son (at whose birth she died), she would not have had enough whereby to have returned safely home to her parents. i confess that it must seem to politicians that one does not come so far not to gain a bit of bread; but it is certain that if one is to serve your majesty to the letter, and live as a christian, it is difficult to acquire much property. i arrived at these islands very deeply pledged, for the expenses of the indias are heavy. i brought many men, so that they might serve your majesty here. i have carried myself in accordance with the honor which your majesty bestowed upon me; and, consequently, i have not been able to save enough from my salary to pay the expenses of the return (if god grants me life). i am anxious; for it is not right to spend the possessions of this child. if some accommodation, in some of the ways that my agents will represent there, were to be allowed me for this purpose, i would appreciate it; for that would enable me to take from here something with which to serve your majesty in europa. i wrote about affairs pertaining to japon last year, by way of india. in this despatch i enclose a copy of it in the first mail. may god bear it in safety; for, judging by what the fleets of the northern sea encounter, we are always in fear. this year those of japon have come with their ships; and the governor of nangasaqui says in answer to my letters that the trade may be considered as open, and that the ships from both sides may go and come, and that they will be well received. in regard to the passport [_chapa_] of the emperor, which is the license that they usually give for trade with their kingdoms, he says that he will arrange that. they send one hundred and thirty lepers in these ships, who were exiled for the faith. we believe, through the assurance that we have of the bad disposition of that race, that this action has been a sort of vengeance or contempt; but it is quite certain that, although they may have done it for that purpose, it has resulted very well for us; for we have exercised an act of charity, which i hope, god helping, will confound them. for we received the lepers with great pomp and display of charity; and this city, aided by the religious orders, is striving to collect liberal alms for them. those ships have brought a quantity of bronze for the founding of artillery, besides an abundance of flour. since they are doing this, and we are not for the present going there securely, the matter is to be considered as more evil-intentioned than they may regard it. i shall endeavor, as heretofore, to promote peace and cordial intercourse, and that they may obtain all satisfaction for the affair in sian. if they come to ask for it rightly, satisfaction will be given them, and the guilt of the commander who had charge of the galleons will be settled. the viceroy of nueva españa asks me to cast him some artillery, of the calibers ordered, and it will be sent him promptly. i wrote your majesty, in the year that don geronimo de silva died here, how superfluous was the post of general of artillery; for he does not take the field, nor is there any artillery train [to be transported], or more than a few artillerymen scattered through the ordinary presidios. for as many as there are, it would be sufficient to have one captain of artillery; for it requires nothing else than to order a ship to be equipped, and that is done with the order of the captain-general; and with greater ease and less red-tape, orders can be given to the captain of artillery, who is the one who has to execute it, than to a general of artillery, who has to order another to do it. juan bautista de molina has served your majesty many years, but the filipinas do not need so many heads, nor so many to draw pay from its treasury. i, sire, shall not appoint anyone to the post (although it is vacant), as your majesty orders me, for i do not desire to do a thing in which i believe that i would be doing you a disservice; and since your majesty orders me to abolish other posts, i do not believe that it will be disservice to add this post to them. in the meantime, will your majesty please inform us whether the master-of-camp of these islands or the general of artillery is to govern at the death of the governor and captain-general, or during his absence. certain it is that he who has more authority and power is the master-of-camp, and he ought to be second in command. for there is not any general master-of-camp here, nor is it necessary; nor is there more than one regiment that he governs. juan bautista de molina is exercising his charge in accordance with your majesty's letters-patent, which will be observed to the letter. i wrote, with the ship that sailed to india, the good news that was had from the island of hermosa. we have not received later news. the disobedient indians have been punished, and affairs have been better regulated. may god in his mercy bring them to a knowledge of his holy faith. i am sending two ships there, so that more abundant relief may be sent to our men. they will bring back the general, don juan de alcaraso, who is there. the sargento-mayor will remain in his place until another person is sent, as he is a person of trust and worth. the province of cagayan is more quiet than before. a company there was abolished, for the war has ceased; and hopes are daily entertained that more peaceful indians will come down [from the hills]. the inhabitants of caraga revolted, as i stated in my last despatch, after killing the captain and commander, with twenty soldiers, in an expedition that he made. thinking that they could gain the fort with that force, they came to it, but it did not fall out as they imagined. the greater part of the province rose, and killed four discalced recollect religious. a severe punishment was inflicted on them in the month of september; and recently, in the month of may just passed, another fleet went there to punish and to reduce them. i trust, our lord helping, that they will remain quiet, although they are not christians; for there is little confidence to be placed in them. the four pataches which were sent to terrenate arrived there safely; and the enemy were unable to overtake them, although they came with hopes of doing much more here than usual, and searched for the ships from dawn until four o'clock in the afternoon. pedro de heredia is somewhat disconsolate at seeing that your majesty does not withdraw him. he sent no news of importance, except that the enemy is not so powerful as formerly. during the coming year i intend to send a greater reënforcement than usual, in order to see whether we can capture the enemy's ship which prowls thereabout. there will be considerable opposition, and there are very few men for what is necessary, but i shall do what is possible. nueva españa aids me with very little money; for this year not more than two hundred and thirty-four thousand pesos has come for the expenses of the treasury, and during all the past years aid came in almost the same way. the viceroy thinks that he is doing his duty in not sending more. i would like him to have charge of affairs here, to see whether he could maintain armed fleets, infantry, friars, ministers of justice, the extraordinary expenses of presidios, and many other expenses--which will be seen there from the reports which your majesty asked, and which are sent this year--with so little cloth. he also sent me only ninety soldiers as a reënforcement, for whom, i am assured, twenty warrants were given. the best of all is that i am told very positively that the levy will begin very early, just as if that had the tune that was to attract many men. if the captains who raise the men were the ones who had to bring them, they would make men. but as they are not the ones to bring them, and as the matter is reduced to three companies who have to come here, and the captains of these come to obtain the men on the wing--that is, on the road or at the very port of acapulco--they find that already the men have deserted to the other captains. many of them die here, and there is but a low birth rate in this country. thus the garrisons at terrenate and the other presidios lack men, although the visitor thinks it all too much. i am not surprised at that, for his desire is the same as mine, namely, to cut short your majesty's expenses. but it is certain that some economies come to be wasteful. he told me that i should reduce the soldiery in these islands to the number that was established by gomez perez dasmariñas. as he does not know what it means to have dutch enemies about us, he thinks that we could get along with fewer men [than we have here]. i find, sire, that your majesty does not have another military establishment more important in the yndias than the filipinas islands. and, that it may be evident whether i make a wrong assertion, consider what part of the yndias the enemy have made their own--except xava, where they hold xacatra, three hundred leguas from here. there they have their principal fort, and have their ammunition and magazines. here, sire, here, is where your majesty, joining malaca and macan to this government, must maintain your forces and oppose them to those of the enemy. if that is not done, there is but little to hope from these yndias, which will be ruined in a short time; or, at the least, will incur so many expenses that they will be of no use. may god take me to that court, where i hope to make the affairs of these regions understood as they are, and not as people imagine there. neither heavy expenses nor large fleets are necessary for this. the continual plying of four galleons and two pataches, and four galleons in the strait of malaca, will keep the enemy so hemmed in that they will make no captures or have any trade; and they would have to go in company and armed, and thus incur expenses. castilla has no trading company for the expenses of war. without prizes or trade they would be able to inflict the first injury on the dutch; for the strait of malaca, which is the place where the dutch conduct the greater part of their trade, would be secure with the galleys, for there are no winds there, as a rule. the tide allows the ships to enter and leave by three straits, the broadest of which is very narrow, for only one ship can tack in it. that strait is not the one generally used, but the other two. i am assured that in both the ends of the yards of the galleons brush through the trees ashore. i wrote in regard to this matter, in the year of 30, by admiral diego lopez lobo, whom i was sending to that court to treat of that matter alone; but god was pleased to let him drown in the flagship of the trading-fleet which was lost in the past year of 31. i wish that at least one of the three mails which i have always despatched since my arrival at these islands had reached you. on my part i have not failed to advise you of everything, nor shall i fail to desire and to propose what shall seem best to me for the increase of the service of your majesty. it will not be difficult to unite these camps under one head, even though they are of two crowns. if they do not unite of themselves, they will have no strength. portugal and castilla belong to your majesty, and that is a reason why their arms should be united; for the forces of francia, olanda, ynglaterra, and dinamarca [89] are united in these districts. if those of your majesty were combined, not only would we defend what has been gained, but we would steadily extend farther. your majesty sees them united against you, although they are of so many different sovereigns, religions, and nationalities. then why do not portugal and castilla unite in this south sea and the coasts of asia, where the enemy acquires so much wealth? i do not attempt this so that i may remain here longer, nor so that everything may be placed in my charge; for i have no health, nor is it just to exile me so many years in regions so remote. i express my feelings, and i desire to express them more in detail in that council, as experience has shown things to me. i sent a galliot to yndia in november of last year, 631, in order to continue my negotiations with that viceroy in regard to this matter of joining hands in order better to attack the enemy. particularly did i inform him of the order sent me by your majesty about making an expedition to the island of hermosa, asking him for the aid which i considered necessary. i wrote the same to macan, so that it might for its part make other necessary preparations. i am advised that the said galliot, because it was well equipped, escaped from the enemy who were stationed in the above-mentioned strait of malaca awaiting the galliots from china--which latter they captured, together with another ship belonging to a merchant of this city. may god remedy this loss. i am advised from camboja that a galleon which i am having built there at your majesty's account has been already launched. no one thought that this would be accomplished; but it has been god's will that the difficulties should be conquered at last, and that this shipbuilding should be established in a place where this ship has been built at much less cost, and from more durable woods, than [it could have been] in these islands. as this one has been built, so can many others be constructed; and these provinces can be relieved from the great burden of their shipyards. i also have under discussion another negotiation with the city of cochin in regard to this same matter; and, if it succeeds, it will be of great service to your majesty. some difficulties have arisen in military matters, which it is necessary for your majesty to have determined in your council of the yndias. since your majesty has had armed forces in these islands, the ships which enter this port and that of cabite have been inspected by the military department. the governor does not go in person, both because of his many duties and also because every year he gives commission, by his authority, to one of the persons in whom he trusts, for that person to go in his name. this appointee goes in company with a notary, and inspects the number of the people, and the arms, ammunition, and the amount of property, to see if everything is in accordance with the orders given from the time of governor don juan de silva to the chinese, so that they might not burden these islands with useless ships and people (as will be seen by the copy of the commission, which is sent to your majesty in your royal council of the indias). several discontented regidors--thinking to annoy me, and incited perhaps by some of this royal audiencia who is but little inclined to my course of action--presented a decree of your majesty (of which a copy is also enclosed to your said royal council), under date of the year 20, in which it is ordained that, in order to give this commission, the governor must meet with the auditors, and that all in assembly choose the person to whom it shall be given. this detracts authority from the office of the captain-general, to maintain which efforts should be made in that royal council of the yndias. i am now with spurs on my heels, as they say, [ready] either for the other world, or to finish this government. consequently, i cannot negotiate this matter with the intention of enjoying it; i am doing this for the service of your majesty and for the authority of the office--considering that, although it would be very proper to have this commission granted by the votes of four, never would those votes conform, for each one would try to have it given to his friend. for the commission entails but little work; and, if many ships come, it is worth quite one thousand or one thousand five hundred pesos. the tariff of fees is appraised by the audiencia, of which i also send a copy to that said royal council. i petition your majesty that it be examined in that royal council, so that the military department may have a defense on its part, and so that its rights of preëminence may be kept. there has also arisen a quarrel this year over criminal jurisdiction between the master-of-camp of these islands and the castellan of the fort of santiago of manila, in regard to the imprisonment of a soldier of the fort whom the master-of-camp arrested for offenses committed outside of the fort. the castellan demanded the soldier, saying that the jurisdiction over the men of his fort belongs to him, wherever they may commit their offenses. on the other hand, your majesty makes the master-of-camp of this camp judge in the first instance of all the soldiers in the filipinas islands (terrenate excepted). therefore the latter declares that he must be judge in the first instance of all the causes which are prosecuted in the island of hermosa, and in the presidios of caraga, cagayan, zibu, and oton; and that the commandants there can do no more than to conduct the cause to the point of giving sentence therein, sending it to him so that he may do this. the same is declared by the castellan of the fort of santiago of this city; but, although it seems that he cites warrant for it, his predecessors have not been wont to exercise it. on the other hand, the castellan alleges that his predecessors have always exercised separate jurisdiction. in regard to the governor of the island of hermosa and the commandants in the remote provinces, it cannot fail to be a hindrance that they cannot give sentence. accordingly, i petition your majesty to have this made clear; and at the same time to decide who is to try in the first instance the illegal acts that the castellan of the fort, the master-of-camp himself, the general of the artillery, and the commander of the galleys may commit. this is not clear, and there may be cases in which such action may be necessary. may god preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom. manila, july 8, 1632. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ iii _ecclesiastical affairs_ sire: it is three years since the death of the archbishop (who is in glory), and during those years the land has enjoyed peace and harmony between the two jurisdictions--ecclesiastical and secular; for the provisors who have governed in this vacant see have been more learned and more peaceable than was the archbishop. may it please god that it may be the same in the time of don fray hernando guerrero, to whom your majesty has granted the favor of this archbishopric. the latter presented before the cabildo of this cathedral a decree from your majesty, despatched in the ordinary form, so that the government should be given to him while waiting for the bulls from his holiness. it is not the said cabildo who governs, but don fray pedro arce, bishop of zibu, by virtue of a brief of his holiness and a decree of your majesty. they order that during the first three vacancies of this archbishopric (which began to be reckoned from the date of the brief), the cabildo should not govern, but the senior bishop of the islands (who is at present the bishop of zibu); for it was considered unadvisable for the government to be entrusted to the cabildo for the space of three years--the least time that a vacancy can last here. upon this occasion the cabildo responded that it could not give to the archbishop-elect the government that it did not possess. the bishop of zibu says that he cannot leave the government without a special order from your majesty and from his holiness, who are the persons who have given it to him. after receiving this reply, the archbishop-elect came on appeal from fuerza to the audiencia. they, after having thoroughly aired the matter, judged that there was no occasion [for this plea], because the documents lacked some clauses requisite to make them effective, and the cabildo had not committed fuerza. they told the archbishop to prefer his claims before him who had the right [to judge his case]. the good archbishop was desirous of governing, and accordingly, took hold of the affair with too much energy, aided by his natural disposition, which is not so moderate as his dignity demands. he thinks that we are all to blame, and i in particular; accordingly, he shows me little favor. i mention this so that in case that he should write anything against me, your majesty may be warned, and give no credit to his relation until the proof of it be adduced. the decree in which your majesty lays down the order that must be observed in the changing of missions and in the appointment of the ministers thereof on account of the death of their predecessors, was obeyed, and notice of it given to the bishops and to the superiors of the orders. the latter oppose it stoutly, and say that in no event can they be ruled by it without the order of their generals, and that they will abandon their missions first. in the year of 29 i wrote to your majesty at length upon this matter, in regard to which no particular answer was given to me besides the sending of this decree--which, as i judge, is general for all the yndias. the point is very serious, and is one of peculiar difficulty in these islands. although we here are sufficiently ministers of your majesty to be able to decide it in case that the religious leave their missions, yet we desire to have some clearer light on the matter from there, in order that we may better succeed in your majesty's service. [_in the margin_: "file it with, the letter of the bishop of zibu, who writes concerning this matter, which is submitted to the fiscal."] for many years the bishopric of camarines has had no prelate; for, although your majesty has appointed many, no one comes here. that must be because they hear how wretched a post it is. your majesty could abolish that bishopric by adding the half of it to that of cebu, which is very conveniently located for this purpose, and the other half to this archbishopric of manila, which does not have too great a district; and by that means would save that salary, and avoid many animosities that he who shall arrive from españa to occupy that bishopric must surely encounter. [_in the margin_: "to be considered by all the council, together with what the viceroy wrote." "a bishop has already gone to camarines."] the religious orders are at peace, and are attending to the welfare of the natives and your majesty's service. three of them held chapter-meetings this year, and all quietly. that of st. francis, and that of the augustinian recollects were exemplary, and they made their elections immediately. the calced augustinians also made their elections--but not so quickly that we could avoid sending to them to remind them not to allow the disturbances of other times to occur in their chapter--by having made them beforehand through their devotion to the outgoing provincial, who managed the succession for another as worthy as he. [90] may god grant that the elections be canonical. a procurator is sent to ask your majesty for more religious. on other occasions, your majesty has been informed of the existing need for exemplary religious who may assist in the reformation of the province. as for him who is not so, it were better that he do not come. i cannot hide these things, nor hesitate to tell the truth about them when opportunity offers. for that reason i am not liked; and i have heard that reports against me have gone to that court from several of the orders. i am very sure that your majesty will not give them ear without reserving another ear for me. the religious in this country wish to govern; and, if the governor does not allow them to do so, they regard him as an evil-conditioned man, and easily lend ear to the malcontents. may god preserve the catholic and royal person of your majesty, as is necessary to christendom. manila, july 8, 1632. sire, your majesty's humble vassal, _don juan niño de tavora_ events in filipinas, 1630-32 _relation of what has occurred in the filipinas islands and other regions adjacent, from july, 1630, to july, 1632._ great has been the peace which we have enjoyed in these philipinas islands for the last two years; for the forces of the dutch have been scanty, owing to the failure of reënforcements; from holland, and hence there has been peace in the malucas islands as well. nevertheless, there have not been wanting here some disturbances from domestic enemies. the indians of the province of caraga, which is in one of these philipinas islands, rebelled and killed the spaniards and the religious, their ministers (although not for any cause connected with the faith); these are discalced augustinian friars. this uprising gave us anxiety enough, as it seemed to be the beginning of a universal mutiny; and it was particularly disturbing to us, as all our missions are in the neighborhood of the said province of caraga, which is gradually being subdued and the leaders of the mutiny punished. in japon they are still pricked with the thorn of the ship which some years ago our galleons captured and burned on the bar of sian. to avenge this, notable councils have been held in japon, in order to come and wage war against this land; in order beforehand to have it well explored, they sent last year in january two merchant ships, under cloak of trade and traffic. although in manilla warning of this double object had been received, this was not made known; and they were received and regaled as ambassadors from the tono of arima and bungo. a ceremonious reception and very handsome present were given to them; but the city was put in readiness for whatever might happen. this year they have begun again to send ships to trade and traffic, and asked that our ships should go to japon. but we are holding back here, because what they wish to do is to seize the property which might be in the vessels, and put the castilians to the sword. they sent in these ships a hundred or more christian lepers, who, whatever they did with them, would not abandon the faith; and in order not to stain their catans, as they said, with such people, they left them alive and exiled them to the philipinas. here they were very kindly received--as was required by christian piety, and by the cause for which they had been exiled--without considering the affront which the japanese thought to put upon us by sending the dregs of that kingdom. the persecution there was very severe, as will be seen by a letter which father christoval ferreyra [91] writes from nangasaqui to the father provincial of this province--which, being translated from the portuguese into castilian, reads as follows: "by the last ship, i wrote to your reverence the state of the christian church here. i shall now continue with what has happened since then; and it may all be summed up as new persecutions, labors, and hardships. i will commence with the five religious who, in the year twenty-nine, were taken prisoners on account of the faith. these are fathers fray bartolome gutierrez, fray francisco de jesus, fray vicente de san antonio, all three augustinians; father antonio yxida, of our society; and brother fray gabriel de magdalena, a franciscan. the governor of nangasaqui, named uneme, attempted to make them deny the faith, and in this way to discredit our holy faith and its ministers, and to break the spirit of the christians, so that with the example of these they might more easily leave the faith, and thus he would gain credit and honor before xongun [_i.e._, the shogun], emperor of japon. "with this diabolical intention--which, it appears, he had already discussed in the court--he ordered them to be taken from the prison of omura and brought to nangasaqui, on the twenty-fifth of november last. as he did not say for what purpose, they were persuaded that it was to burn them alive for the faith which they professed and taught; therefore they all went very joyfully, as men who were sighing for such a happy death. but contrary to what they expected, they were put in the prison of that city, where they remained until the third of december, without knowing in the meantime what the governor intended to do. "twice during this time the governor ordered our father antonio yxida to be brought to his house, and although he did not find him the first time, he, with a servant of his named saitogonnay (who was considered an unusually learned man in the juto [92] sect), asked him very affectionately that at any rate he would abandon the faith of christ and adopt one of the religions of japon; and if for any reason he did not wish to abandon at present the one which he followed, at least he should show himself neutral, neither abandoning nor following it. and, in order that the father might deliberate over all this, he would give him one more year of hope; and when this was passed, he should make known to the governor his final decision. the father answered him that his decision was, as it had been and always would be, to follow and confess always the faith of god, and for this no time was necessary to deliberate in this affair; for he would always find in him the same resolution and the same response, howsoever much time be should give him for respite. the father added that the governor might immediately do that which he had determined to do at the end of the said year; for the response which he would then have to give was the same as what he gave at present, nor would he ever accept the alternative proposed. "this counsel being refused, the learned man set about convincing him by argument, attempting to prove that the tayquio was the same, and that the juto sect was based upon, and regarded as the beginning of all things, the god which we christians adore. wherefore, as the question was one of names, and not of substance, the two faiths were in accord, and that he should conform to the words also of the juto sect. easily and clearly the father showed him the difference between the one sect and he other, and in what each consisted; and convinced him in such wise that the ignorant learned man had no other refuge but to fall back on his reason--saying that it was indeed as the father declared, but that reason dictated that he should follow and obey the mandate of the emperor, whose vassal he was, and abandon the faith of god, at least outwardly, following in his heart whatever he pleased. 'neither the faith which i profess,' answered the father, 'nor pure reason itself, will consent to these deceits and maskings. the faith of god which i follow in my heart i shall follow and confess outwardly still; nor can the mandate of the emperor have force or strength against that of god, the universal lord of all things.' "this dispute and combat lasted a day and a night, during which time the father maintained such resolution and firmness that when the governor tried to be stern, in order to make him change his opinion of that idolatry, the father told him, undeceiving him, that he was striving in vain, for in no way could he win him over. on this account, the next day he was sent back to the prison. but as the governor's servants knew that he desired to succeed in his endeavor, one of them asked that the father be called out again and delivered to him, for he hoped to subdue him. accordingly the father himself, as well as the others, was persuaded that this second time he was called out to be tortured, that he might deny his faith and reveal the other religious and their households, for this had been the practice in the city for some time past. with astonishing courage the father went out, resolved to suffer any torment whatever before he would deny christ or reveal his brothers. "when he arrived at the house of the governor there came out to meet him the servant who had sought to see him, who had been present at the late dispute, and at one which the father had formerly had with the governor, when they arrested him. although now the same means of controversy were attempted, finding that, nevertheless, the more they argued the more convinced he was, the principal means which they used was to explain to the father how much the governor desired to grant him life and to favor him, as he could have seen every time he discussed this matter. he was promised in behalf of the same governor great riches and position; and they strongly insisted that not only on account of what he owed to the friendship which the governor showed him, but for what concerned his own welfare and interest, he ought to abandon the faith of god, outwardly only, and to follow it in his heart, as any man of good judgment would do--saying that he would show himself to be such by using this expedient, for he would not abandon the faith which he followed, and would attain riches and repose. the answer was that even if the governor should give him all the riches that he possessed and all that there are in the world, and should make him lord of all, by no means would he turn his back to god or abandon his most holy faith--no, not even outwardly. "the governor, finding then that he could not win the father over by arguments, advice, or promises, ordered him to be taken back to the prison, determined to use other more rigorous measures, with which he considered it certain that he would overcome him and the other religious who were in prison. this was by ordering them to be tortured in a spring of exceedingly hot water, at the mountain unjen; [93] for although some told him that this also would not win over either father antonio or the others, it appeared impossible that they should not yield under this most extreme torture--as experience had shown him in the year 1629, when he ordered the christians of nangasaqui to be tortured in this way. accordingly, he ordered the aforesaid five religious to be conveyed to that mountain, there to be tortured with hot water until they should deny the faith, but in such wise that they should not die. by the same order he sent likewise in their company beatriz de acosta, the wife of antonio de silva, and maria her daughter; for they would not deny their faith, although they had long been labored with--and this notwithstanding the fact that beatriz de acosta was japanese only on the side of her mother, and the daughter much less so, as her father was a portuguese, and her mother a half-portuguese; and they do not proceed in this persecution [except] against japanese and ministers of the gospel. "on the third of december they left nangasaqui alone, and started for unjen. the two women rode in a litter, and the five religious on horseback, each one in the habit of his order, accompanied by many people as a guard; they were very joyful as they took leave of a multitude of people who came out to see this spectacle, in spite of the fact that the governor had rigorously prohibited it. when they arrived at the point of fimi, a league distant from there, their arms were tied, fetters were put upon their feet, and each one was put on board separately, being tied to the boat. on this same afternoon they arrived at the point of oharna, which is within the boundaries of tacacu, and at the foot of the mountain unjen. the next day they ascended the mountain, where they immediately erected a number of huts; then they placed the seven prisoners therein, each in a separate one, without allowing them to see each other again so long as they were there, so that they might not encourage one another. they kept them day and night with fetters on their feet, and manacles upon their hands, watched by guards. "besides the men of the governor of nangasaqui, the governors of tacacu sent theirs likewise to be present at this act, as well as to aid whenever necessary. beside these, there were a number of others as sentinels on all the roads through which this mountain could be approached, who let no person pass by without a written permission from the officials who were assigned to this duty. "on the next day, the fourth of the same month, the torture commenced in the following manner: they took each one of the seven by himself to the most furious pool there, and, showing him the boiling water, tried to persuade him to leave the faith of christ before undergoing that most horrible torture, which certainly they would not be able to endure. father antonio writes that, notwithstanding the severity of the cold that then prevailed, the water in the ponds did [not] cease boiling, with such fury that the sight of it alone would strike dismay to any one who was not greatly comforted by the grace of god; but they were comforted in such manner that all, with extraordinary courage, answered without delay that they would be tortured, for in no wise would they abandon the faith which they profess. when this steadfast answer was heard, they were stripped naked and, tied hand and foot with four cords, were borne each by four men. they took some of the water which was boiling most furiously, in a wooden dish which held about a half-arroba; this water they poured upon each one from the dish thrice filled--not all at once, but little by little, opening a minute hole in the bottom so that it would last longer. the constancy, courage, and valor with which the confessors of christ suffered that most horrible torment was such that they never made the slightest movement of their bodies, to the great fright of those who saw and heard them. maria alone, as she was young and delicate, was dismayed by the severity of the torture, and fell to the ground and the torturers, who only desired some pretext whereby they could say that she had recanted, and misrepresenting this fall, cried out, saying, 'she has yielded, she has yielded!' thereupon they took her back to her hut, and the next day to nangasaqui--although she opposed them violently and protested that she had not given up the faith, and that they had no reason for torturing her, or for tormenting and killing her mother and the rest. "the other six remained on that mountain, where they spent twenty-three days, during which father antonio, father fray francisco, and beatriz de acosta were tortured, each one six times, with hot water in the manner that i have described. father fray vicente was tortured four times, father fray bartolome and brother fray gabriel twice, without any one of them having made the least movement during the whole time; or shown any sign of feeling the torture. on the contrary, with wonderful cheerfulness and courage they gave thanks to their torturers, and sometimes told them that the torture had been slight; at others, that they should find some other and more cruel torment, so that their desire to suffer for christ might be further fulfilled. as a result, the infidels were as if astounded, for they found them each time more constant, cheerful, and desirous of suffering; and in nangasaqui and tacacu nothing was talked of but the invincible courage and valor with which they suffered the torture, whereupon the christians were full of joy and remained firmer in the faith. several of the heathen began to complain and sneer at the governor of nangasaqui, who had tried to make them deny their faith. accordingly father antonio writes [94] that, during the time while he was on that mountain, several were brought to the faith; and among the heathen who saw him and listened to the continual sermons which he preached to them, many gave him their word to receive the faith, and all conceived the highest opinion of the faith of god. "the reason for torturing some oftener than others was that father antonio, being a japanese, had disobeyed the mandate of the emperor, and would not follow the counsels and persuasions of the governor of nangasaqui and his ministers, nor be affected by the tortures. father fray francisco suffered because he spoke to them with much christian freedom, sang, and prayed in a loud voice, contrary to their prohibition; and beatriz de acosta because, although a woman, she showed more than a man's courage, both in the tortures and in resisting the advice which they gave her--for which reason, beside the torture of boiling water, they inflicted others upon her. they made her stand upright a long time upon a small rock, threatening her with insults and affronts; but the more they insisted, the stronger they found her. the others, being weak and infirm, were not tortured so long, because the tyrant did not intend to kill them, but only to conquer them; and for this reason they had, during the whole time, a physician upon the mountain to cure their hurts. "finally the governor saw that he could by no means conquer them; but, on the contrary, his men informed him that, judging by the courage and valor which they showed, they would suffer till all the pools and wells in unjen were drained, rather than give in. he therefore lost all hope of a victory over them, and decided to order that they be taken to nangasaqui, although he would not do so before his departure for the court at meaco; for he thought that it would diminish his prestige to have them enter as victors into that city while he was there. after his departure, therefore, he sent on the way advice to his deputy whom he left there, to bring them to nangasaqui. this he accordingly did on the fifth of january, placing beatriz de acosta in a certain house, and putting the five religious into the public prison, where they still remain. such was the victorious end of this battle, wherein our holy faith was nobly vindicated, the christians encouraged, and the tyrant overcome and confounded, quite the contrary of what he had expected and promised. "during the same time this governor seized and sent to sendo [95] the wives and daughters of the holy martyrs who have perished in nangasaqui from the year 1617 to the present one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two--separating many of them, who were already married, from their husbands and sons. they all accepted captivity for so holy a cause with a good will, and before leaving protested before the governor that they were and always would be christians. three christians were taken prisoners for the faith in fingo at the beginning of the year 631. one of them died most happily in the prison, a short time ago; and the other two, father and son, remain in captivity. in xiqui there were thrown alive into the sea for the faith, on the twelfth of february past, thome and ynes, his wife; likewise in firando, a short time ago, another man was thrown into the sea for the same cause. "in oxu [96] a man became a christian fraudulently; and, after learning about the principal christians of vacamatzu and ayzu from one of our household of ojaca, called paulo, he went and gave a list thereof to the governors of tenca. these immediately advised the governors of the first two places, and there those whom the talebearer had given in the list were taken prisoners--among them brother juan yama, of our society, who was one whom i had catechized and baptized. thus far we have not learned whether they have been martyred or not. "the governors of tacacu sent the same information regarding paulo, who, although he was not in that city, was so diligently sought after that they succeeded in arresting him; and some time afterward he, with his wife maria and four sons, suffered martyrdom. this led to a furious persecution, not only in oxu, but likewise in other parts of the country, and in the cities of cami, meaco, fugimi, ojaca, and sacay. the cruelty of the tyrant reached such a point that he sent this year, as exiles to manilla, even the infirm and leprous christians of the before-mentioned cities of cami; and already more than ninety of them are at nangasaqui, awaiting the monsoon, and others are expected to go. with this, under the holy benediction of your reverence, etc. march 22, 1632. _christoval ferreyra_" from japon we pass on to china, where the state of christianity has been more quiet, and where it is very prosperous. the society is established in eight provinces and eleven cities, and, if it were not for the lack of workers, it would he extended much farther, and with great results. at present there are in the whole of china seventeen priests and a few brothers-coadjutor, who are all laboring with praiseworthy zeal for the conversion of this great kingdom of china. may the lord prosper and protect your reverence as i desire. manila, july 2, 1632. [another copy of this document, in the same collection (to. 114, no. 401), adds the following matter as a postscript, dated july 6, 1632:] the emperor of japan is dead; [97] so is the king of arima, who had intended to come to attack manila. it is said that his death was most horrible, and that he caused his servants to put him to death with clubs, after having scalded him with the water with which he had tormented the martyrs. all say that this was plainly a punishment for his tyrannous acts; and that he is paying for them in hell--whence issued demons in the form of foxes, who went dancing before his carriage or litter when he returned from nangasaqui [_words illegible_] ambassadors, spies sent to manila, father miguel matruda, of the society. these ambassadors--who came as envoys in behalf of uni nudino, governor of nangasaqui, and of the tono of arima, called asimadoro or bungodon--were received with the pomp and courtesy which such an embassy demanded. on that occasion much caution was displayed by this colony through its chief, who is governor and captain-general of these islands. for, on the one hand, he exhibited before those ambassadors the strength of this [_word illegible_] with its officers and infantry, which was drawn up in martial array along the streets--almost all the way from the street nearest the beach where the japanese disembarked, up to the palace; and, on the other, he paid them honor with a splendid and friendly reception. he also offered them presents and entertainments as if they were envoys sent by christian princes and our best friends. this has been cordially remembered, to judge from what has since then been learned of their designs--at least, that of one of those lords, the ruler of arima. this was, that the envoys should carefully ascertain what were the forces in manila, in order to see whether the former plans were adequate. [our transcriber in madrid here adds: "this letter (dated march 30, 1632) goes on to describe the martyrdoms, and ends thus: 'after these torments, we were again conveyed to the prison from which they had taken us, where we now are. there are five of us religious, besides other servants of god who are also prisoners for his sake. i think that this autumn, when the governor comes, he will pronounce final sentence upon us.'" it is most probable that this is part of the letter by father antonio yxida, mentioned in the text.] letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to felipe iv in all the most opulent kingdoms, provinces, and cities of the catholic monarchy of your majesty, the most remote, the most separated, and the most distant from the royal presence of its king and sovereign is the metropolitan cathedral church of this archipelago of islands without number. consequently, its cabildo is poorer, more needy, and more liable to be forgotten than any other; for in order to set forth its afflictions and poverty, it even has neither feet, whereby it may go to cast itself at the feet of your majesty, nor hands for the solicitude and works that the demand alone would require. one effort only we can make easily, and that has been made for many years; that is, to write, petitioning, importuning, urging, and informing your majesty of the most important things, not to our especial advantage. and well do we know that your majesty is not so wealthy that you can be liberal in proportion to your greatness; but only in the points most necessary and important to the divine service and worship, and to your majesty's honor and glory, at whose expense it flourishes throughout christendom--especially in this city, fortified post, and empire of almost all the nations discovered and known; for in that it equals roma, and the cities of most commerce in the whole world. that is the reason that has always moved us to urge and petition your majesty, representing the following points. [_in the margin_: "july 30, 1625. [98] reply to the cabildo, encouraging them; and tell them that what they say in their letter will receive care and attention, without particularizing the paragraphs or the things that they say."] one of the things which this cathedral has considered, and considers, intolerable, is that it always has to be governed by friars. that is a matter that has in itself many grave inconveniences, that would take long to relate in a letter which demands brevity. we wish only for your majesty to understand and to be assured that the seculars can be better governed than any other clergy; and that they live with greater quietness and peace, not only in their souls and spiritual government, but in what concerns the temporal. not only do the seculars recognize this, but the religious themselves; for the secular is always in the midst of affairs, while the friar must necessarily incline himself to his order and to those with whom he has been reared. it would be worse if such a person had not been, in his order, of much learning and of known virtues, but rather the contrary. your majesty will consider the estimation that all will have for such a man who knew him before. when this is so, it does not result to edification, which is your majesty's intent, but to depreciation of and contempt for the episcopal dignity, which requires the highest perfection. god our lord would be greatly pleased if the honors, dignities, and prelacies of this country be given to those who have served and labored in it. from that three blessings of high importance will follow. the first, that your majesty will have fulfilled your obligation in accordance with the excellent principle of distributive justice. thus have our sovereigns kings philipo second and third, of glorious memory, your majesty's grand-father and father, ruled, ordered, and commanded in their royal patronage. and most certain can your majesty be that there have always been and there are now men worthy, capable, and of great talents, from whom much may be expected, both in this cabildo and in the orders--especially that of st. dominic and that of st. francis; but, since they do not try to obtain the prebendaries of this church, never will their affairs be known, nor will any of them ever be seen in that royal court, for neither can they go, nor do they possess the wherewithal to send. these arguments will have greater force and power in the future, because of the two universities which your majesty has permitted in this city--one in the residence of the society of jesus, and the other in that of santo tomas of the dominican friars, where students are being trained and many graduated. thus this city is today full of poverty-stricken seculars, and one must fear that there will be so many within a few years that they will die of hunger, because we have not any benefices to give them in this archbishopric or throughout the islands; for these are held by friars, who cost your majesty so dearly. it is very desirable to refrain from sending many of the religious who come from españa, which is an argument worthy of much consideration. [_in the margin_: "that great care will be given to this point when vacancies occur in those churches."] the need and poverty of this metropolitan church is known and notorious, for it has no income or revenue other than the concessions of your majesty, especially the four hundred pesos that have been given thus far, by means of which the church is kept in wine, wax, and oil. for none of those things are given from the royal warehouses, as they are to the other convents of this city. consequently, we petition your majesty to continue that concession, for it is not a perpetual concession, but was only for four or six years; and, when that time expired, it was conceded for another term of four or six years. if it were made perpetual, your majesty would be making it a more valuable concession; for at each prolongation of the time it is necessary to spend at least one hundred pesos with the agent who is sent from here to that court. thus that amount would be saved, and that is a matter of consideration and importance to so poor a church. [_in the margin_: "see what is provided in regard to this." "the concession was made."] this church is also in great need of ornaments and of a sacristy. that which it now uses is borrowed; but with the sum of three or four thousand pesos the one that was commenced more than ten years ago could be finished. it has been impossible to finish it, because we had not the means to do so. in order that your majesty need not spend anything from your royal treasury (which we most earnestly desire), this could be done by your majesty ordering that vacant encomiendas, or pensions on those to which appointments are being made, be given to the church, in accordance with the condition of the encomienda, at the will of the governor--as has been done with the house of the society of jesus in this city, to which your majesty made a grant of ten thousand pesos, as an aid to the edifice that they are at present erecting, [_in the margin_: "see what has been ordered in this." "the concession was made."] we have often represented to your majesty the great importance of having this church well served, as this city is a place of so great trade and commerce, where so many and so different nations come, as has been said. the number of prebendaries that the church has at present is not at all sufficient; for besides the five dignidades, it has no more than four canons, two racioneros, and two medio-racioneros. and since the land is so unhealthful and sickly, most of the prebendaries are generally disabled, and for the greater portion of the year the work is loaded upon only one canon and one racionero. for that reason, we earnestly desired in the past years that your majesty would give us an increase of two additional canons and four racioneros; but seeing that that was not effected because of the great need in which the times have placed your majesty, we have found an easy and feasible remedy for it--namely, to apply to this church some of the benefices and missions that the orders hold near this city. let the governor and archbishop select those which would be most suitable; and let each of them be given to two seculars--or more, if they should be so rich. there is a mission outside the walls of this city owned by the religious of st. augustine, by name tondo, where three seculars could be maintained. one of them could be proprietary, with the title of archdean or prior of such place and canon of this cathedral, with the obligation to serve in it, as do the other canons. by this method the prebendaries would be increased, and the number of religious whom your majesty would have to send would be lessened; while the students who are growing up here in steadily increasing numbers would be provided for, rewarding the sons of the conquistadors and settlers, besides many other blessings and advantages which would follow by so doing. [_in the margin_: "see what has been provided in this regard, and have this section taken to the fiscal, together with that provision." "it was taken."] one of the persons on whom this cabildo has set its eyes--and, together with all this community, we have been sure that your majesty would show him honor--is the archdean, don alonso garcia de leon; but, only through his great modesty, he has never put forward any such claim. consequently, we petition your majesty to honor us all through him--assuring you, with the truth that one ought to speak in regard to such a matter, that we judge him to be worthy of any favor and honor that your majesty might be pleased to show him, which will be for the glory of god and your majesty's service. [_in the margin_: "consult the memorial."] doctor don juan briceño came to these islands twenty-three years ago with the ordination of a priest, in company with archbishop don diego vazquez de mercado. he immediately occupied himself in learning the language and in ministering to the natives, to their great approbation and with benefit to their souls. he has also served this cathedral more than nine years in the prebends of canon and precentor, the latter of which he holds at present. he is also at present exercising the office of vicar-general of this archbishopric, and has been its visitor-general. in both offices he has acted and given the account that could be expected from a good priest, learned and experienced, and publicly recognized as a man of good life and example. ever since he came to these islands, there has been nothing contrary to this; so that he deserves to have your majesty employ him in matters of your service, and to honor him according to the merit of his many good services. [_in the margin_: "consult the memorial."] it is well-known that the order of st. augustine was the first to plant the cross of christ in these remote islands; and it has always been foremost in continuing that work. hence it is the one of all the orders which has most missions, and consequently, most need of ministers. many years, no religious come to them from españa; and many of those who are here die, and very quickly. thus, if your majesty do not show them the favor of protecting and replenishing so necessary and good ministers, they will be obliged to leave many missions, to the detriment of souls, and of the service of god and your majesty--whom it has cost so much from your royal patrimony to set this flourishing and extensive christian church in its present condition. the propagation of christianity here is due, at least in its greater part, to that holy order and to its sons, as you will be more minutely informed by father fray diego de robles, who is now to go as their procurator-general and definitor, to attend the general chapter of his order. we are acquainted with his person, and know that he came to these islands sixteen years ago. he soon learned two languages of the natives, and has administered in the islands some of the houses, convents, and missions of greatest importance. his order has honored him, and has occupied him, now in the ministry of the pulpit for the spaniards, now in priorates, and in other offices and dignities of his order. in all of them he has always furnished a very excellent example, and has attained fame and renown as a good religious and one worthy of all credit and honor. consequently, this cabildo petitions your majesty to honor him and his order, for in both things will god our lord be greatly pleased. [_in the margin_: "when religious are requested, have this section brought." "consult the memorial."] the recollect religious of st. augustine are the last who came to labor in this field; and for that reason the most toilsome, laborious, and dangerous part has fallen to their share, as they have been unable to have their missions and houses together, or in contiguous provinces, like the other orders; but their convents are separated in different islands, very far one from another. although they are the last, we assure your majesty that in point of work, zeal for the propagation of the holy gospel, and the cultivation of souls, the other orders do not have any advantage over them. well have they proved that with their blood; for about three years ago, when the province of caraga revolted, the rebels killed seven religious. however, by the grace of god, those rebels have been reduced again, and punished by the excellent efforts of captain juan de chaves, one of the best soldiers, and one of the men of best judgment that your majesty has in these islands. it will be of very great service to god and your majesty to have religious sent to the said fathers, for many years have passed since a single religious has come to them, and it is right to encourage and aid so good workers, [_in the margin_: "when this order shall petition for religious, let this section be brought."] the master-of-camp, don lorenço de olasso, who exercises the office of captain-general because of the death of governor don juan niño de tavora this year, has carried himself with prudence, peace, and tranquillity. for in this office and in that of master-of-camp, which he holds by right of appointment, he has shown his good judgment, especially in his care and vigilance in fortifying the city and in attending to all that concerns the obligation of his office, and welfare of this city, and the service of your majesty. [_in the margin_: "consult the memorial."] as this noble and loyal city had so great need for sending a suitable person as its procurator to that royal court, it made choice of the person of general don diego de arqueta minchaca. it was a choice so prudent and so well considered, that in quality, services of his forbears and his own, capacity, prudence, experience, and other qualities necessary for such action, there is not his equal in this city. for besides the said qualifications and services (which will be apparent by his papers), considering the chief thing, namely, your majesty's service and the welfare of this community, he is a person so capable in all matters of government and war, that both through experience and observation he can inform your majesty as one who has seen both all these islands and the malucas, and as far as malaca; because he took part and embarked in all the fleets [sent against] the invasions of the dutch enemy, that have been gathered in these islands since he was a young lad. we assure ourselves of great results for the increase of christianity in these islands, the welfare of this community, and your majesty's service, by his going and management. [_in the margin_: "seen."] captain juan sarmiento, chancellor of this royal audiencia, is the legitimate son of captain pedro sarmiento (one of the first conquistadors and settlers of these islands), and one of the most valiant captains who has served your majesty herein, as will appear more authoritatively by his papers. he is married to a daughter of licentiate tellez de almaçan, who was an auditor who came to establish this audiencia for the second time. and even were he not so worthy in his person, he was sufficiently so to be worthy of your majesty showing him very great favors. for we recognize in the said auditor a judge truly upright and christian, and so in harmony with divine and human laws, that these islands will ever cherish his memory. god our lord has given him abundance of sons and daughters, so that this city is ennobled by such progeny and posterity. he deserves honor from your majesty, and aid, in order that he may become more prosperous and not less. [_in the margin_: "consult the memorial."] since we are so loyal vassals and chaplains of your majesty, it grieves us and rends our soul to see the damage done to your majesty's royal treasury, because there are not any faithful officials to execute the so pious and excellent order that was decreed and determined by the royal decrees of your majesty, and by the glorious progenitors of your majesty; especially in regard to the money that passes annually from nueva españa to these islands. we inform your majesty that, besides the permission of the four hundred thousand pesos that your majesty has given for the inhabitants of this city, it is certain that two millions are brought. that sum is brought from nueva españa by companies and agents who call themselves inhabitants of mexico; and your judges and officials [there] allow them to pass, and dis-simulate because of the great profit that falls to them in acapulco. the efforts are not made in this city either that could be made by those who ought to make them. accordingly, having seen this so great loss, both to your majesty and to the inhabitants of this city, in assemblies of the orders that the reverend bishop, governor of this archbishopric, called on petition of the city, censures were issued, ordering no one to employ the money of the inhabitants of nueva españa or piru, thinking that that would be an efficient remedy. but experience has demonstrated that it has been of no effect, for all have employed that money and no one has been denounced. this needs, a stringent remedy, and there is no other except to carry out fittingly what was ordered by your majesty, by appointing trustworthy officials of christian spirit and well-known zeal for your majesty's service. [_in the margin_: "let them be advised of what decision was made in this."] one of the greatest services that the cabildos and corporations can perform for your majesty is to advise, inform, and report concerning the deserving persons who attend to your majesty's service. for, as the matter passes before so many eyes, they cannot do else than to write with great consideration and exactness of truth. one of the men who has served your majesty in these islands with ardor, eagerness, and care, and who has occupied, since the day of his entrance into this city, posts of great importance (as will appear in detail by his papers), is general don andres perez franco. the limitations of a letter do not allow us to mention his good qualities as a skilled and successful soldier; for besides being that, god has given him good fortune in feats of war. in matters of government and of peace, he is so excellent and accomplished that he has been considered by most of the people of cavite, where he has been chief commander most of the time, as a father rather than as a commander. god has endowed him with affability, valor, and ability to govern and command with generosity, and actions which make him loved, feared, and respected. that is apparent to this cabildo, and we know that it is public and notorious. will your majesty please honor him according to his many good services, so that others may imitate him, and that they may be encouraged by his example to serve your majesty. [_in the margin_: "consult the memorial."] your majesty granted this archbishopric to don fray hernando de guerrero, bishop of nueva segovia, an aged religious, and one well known in these islands. he presented in this cabildo the ordinary decree which the royal council generally gives to the persons presented by your majesty, in order that the government might be given into his charge until the bulls come from his holiness. inasmuch as this cabildo is at present deprived of this jurisdiction--given to it by a canonical law by special brief and indult of his holiness, obtained by your majesty, ordering the senior bishop to govern, by virtue of which the reverend father, fray pedro arce, archbishop of zubu, is governing this church, a holy person and one of blameless life--this cabildo answered that no one can give what he does not possess; that the said bishop had the government; and that this cabildo had nothing more to answer. however the said archbishop insisted upon it as he was deceived by certain ill-informed lawyers. he even went to the royal audiencia, who delayed undeceiving him for many days and after many meetings. all that was with the object of giving him to understand that they were doing something for him. that had the end and object that the auditors know; and it is not unknown that the archbishop wrote in their favor to the royal council. that was almost self-evident, for the explicit manner in which licentiate don francisco de rojas y oñate, visitor of these islands, enlightened him was not sufficient, when the visitor said that he had no right, and that neither the cabildo nor the bishop could do anything else. the same thing was declared by the religious, the lecturers, and professors, and the other learned men who examined the matter thoroughly; and lastly by that which was declared, after many meetings and delays, by the royal assembly. hence, sire, the said archbishop has maintained hostility and ill-will toward this cabildo, and cannot conceal it; but shows it by words unworthy his dignity, and threats against the time when the bulls come for him. we see well, sire, that all the above has no remedy now, and that your majesty made him archbishop. we suffer for god's sake, and he will give us patience. but for the future we humbly petition your majesty to consider and repair this so serious damage, from which so many troubles result, by making choice of learned and holy persons, of known virtue. there are many in these islands, both seculars and religious, as we informed your majesty on another occasion. friars should not be consulted who only go to that court laden with money to demand bishoprics, since by the same case they make themselves unworthy. necessarily the injuries that ensue from this are felt by the poor subordinates; and they even scandalize the faithful christians, when they see that the holy and virtuous priests who are laboring throughout these islands are net rewarded, because they do not go or send [to that court], [_in the margin_: "when our bishops are sent, if there should be a number of governors, have what information there is here brought, so that the senior bishop of the islands may govern; and have this section also brought."] often, sire, have we given thanks in this cabildo to god our lord, deliberating and considering how clearly the presence of the holy ghost is seen in the decisions, ordinances, and enactments in the royal decrees of your majesty, looking toward the good government and increase of the common welfare of these islands. for, if your majesty and every one of your counselors had lived in and seen this city and these islands for many years, they could not have better understood the matters treated and decided in the said royal decrees. consequently, one of your opportune and fortunate measures was the excellent choice that your majesty has made in sending licentiate don francisco de rojas y oñate as visitor; for, as long experience and the histories teach us, and even in the present times we have seen the disputes, the confusion, the unrest, and anxiety caused in a kingdom by any visitor; while in this city we have seen quite the contrary with the said visitor. and he has not been at all lacking in his duty, exercising rigor and seventy with kindness. he has calmed troubles without drawing blood, and has obtained the observance of your royal decrees so equitably that those who were most opposed to him confessed that he was just. lastly, sire, he is completing his visit this year, without having inflicted extortion or wrong on a single person. he has attended to the service of your majesty with continual and incessant labor--which, although he has not had at all good health, he has not spared by day or night, on feast days, or in holiday seasons, times in which others rest. in short, he has been a father to this republic, and a person worthy of being occupied by your majesty in things of greater importance in your service; for god has given him talent for great things, a christian spirit, and the fear of god. that he showed because, as soon as he entered this city, he went to confession and communed often. he chose as confessor father fray domingo gonçales, one of the most holy and learned men of the order of st. dominic. so great and so illustrious is his learning that often, when the orders have come together to argue, they have confessed that, upon asking him his opinion in very knotty questions, their problems have been solved by his tolerance, forbearance, and patience; for he did not cause disputes and scandals on many occasions that people inconsiderate and bold gave him, as is seen by certain of the writings that he carries; consequently, we greatly desire and we earnestly petition his divine majesty that he, may have health, and that he will bear him to your majesty's feet, so that he may inform you of what he has seen, accomplished, and known. from his report we hope ior the relief of these islands in every way, and increase to the service of god and your majesty. _don miguel garcetas_ _don alonso garcía de leon_ _doctor don juan reyes_ the treasurer, _don thomas guimarano_ _don francisco de valdes_ _don pedro de quesada hurtado de mendoza_ the racionero, _pablo rodriguez_ the racionero, _ruiz de escalona_ _diego ramirez_ [_endorsed_: "manila. to his majesty. the ecclesiastical cabildo. no date. examined july 30, and decreed within."] documents of 1633-1634 papal bull concerning missions. urban viii; june 28, 1633. news from the far east, 1632. fray juan garcía, o.p.; 1633. letters to felipe iv. juan cerezo de salamanca; august 14, 1633. report of archbishop on the bakery of manila. hernando de guerrero; august 3, 1634. news from felipinas, japon, and other parts. [unsigned]; august 20, 1634. letters to felipe iv. juan cerezo de salamanca; august 10, 1634. _sources_: the first, third, fourth, and sixth of these documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla; the second and fifth, from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid. _translations_: the first document is translated by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.; the third and sixth, by james a. robertson; the remainder, by robert w. haight. papal bull concerning missions _constitution of our most holy lord, by divine providence pope, urban viii, concerning the missions of religious to japan and other regions of the eastern indias. rome: from the press of the reverend apostolic chamber. mdcxx[x]iii._ _urban viii_ to all the faithful of christ who shall scan these present letters, health and apostolic benediction. in fulfilment of our pastoral charge in regard to the safety of souls and the spread of the catholic faith, while readily changing those things which have been wisely, ordained by the roman pontiffs our predecessors, wherever through the teachings of experience change seems advisable, we have made some arrangements, as the same have seemed expedient in the lord, in regard to the spread of the catholic faith and the health of souls. in sooth, by his letters in form similar to a brief given on the twenty-eighth day of january, 1585, and the thirteenth year of his pontificate, pope gregory xiii, our predecessor of happy memory, led thereto through certain reasons known at the time, issued an interdict and prohibition to all patriarchs and bishops, including even the province of china and japan, under pain of ecclesiastical interdict and of suspension, from entering the church portals and the exercise of pontifical power, to all others besides priests, clerics, and ecclesiastical ministers, both secular and regular--of whatsoever order, standing, degree, rank, and condition they might be--under pain of major excommunication to be incurred _ipso facto_, to this effect: that without his express license and that of the apostolic see, no one should dare go to the aforesaid countries and provinces of japan to preach the gospel, teach christian doctrine, administer the sacraments, or discharge other ecclesiastical duties. subsequently, however, pope clement viii, also our predecessor of renowned memory, having learned that the countries and provinces of china and japan, as well as of other near-by and adjacent islands, besides the neighboring kingdoms of eastern india, were very extensive and thickly inhabited; that, moreover, in order to bring so great a multitude of souls to the catholic faith and strengthen them with spiritual nourishment, more workmen and ministers were needed than could be levied from the religious of the society of jesus, therefore to all and singular the masters or priors-general of the mendicant orders for the time being did he make the following grant, to wit: that whenever necessity required they might send--by way, however, of portugal only, and thence by sea to the indias and the city of goa--to the local superiors of their orders resident in those lands, whomsoever of their subjects they might deem fitting and serviceable for the discharge of the said offices and ministries, provided the same were of respectable character and learning. again, that the religious of the said orders to be thus sent to the said countries of the indias, as well as their fellow-members resident therein, who had been chosen and approved for the discharge of this said duty by their masters or priors-general, or other superiors, might go to the said japan as well as its near-by and adjacent islands, and even to the said islands, countries, and provinces of china and the neighbor-kingdoms and mainland [_terra firma_] of eastern india. moreover, under pain of major excommunication (wherefrom, unless at the point of death, absolution was not to be granted save by the roman pontiff himself); of forfeiture besides of active and passive vote, and of all dignities, administrations, and offices whatsoever; furthermore, of disqualification to hold and exercise the same in the future--all moreover to be incurred _ipso facto_ by all religious, no matter what privileges had been granted them by the said clement and other roman pontiffs his predecessors, of no matter what tenor or form, whether general or special, even though with permit attached to preach the word of god throughout the whole world--no matter, either, whether hereafter the same or like privileges should be granted, approved, and renewed as long as therein special, specific, and express mention of this prohibition and interdict should not be made with annulment of the same--thereupon he interdicted and forbade them all and singular, under no matter what pretext or color of design, to leave the islands known as the philippines or any other part of the western indias or country held as part of the western indias and thence to pass to the said japanese islands, provinces, and countries and other near-by, adjacent, and neighboring lands. furthermore he ordered that should any one have gone to the said japan or countries near by, or in the future should go thither, no matter what his reasons, on being warned he should immediately depart thence and return to the said philippine islands or other countries of the western indias, under the same penalties as above; and, moreover, under the same penalties as well as others at the option of any ecclesiastical judge whomsoever he might be constrained and compelled thereto. while later pope paul v, also our predecessor of happy memory, having learned by experience that the prohibition to go to the indias and the city of goa otherwise than by way of portugal was neither obeyed, nor even advantageous for the spread of the catholic faith: in order therefore that, as he desired, he might make due provision whereby so important a work of god might be carried on without hindrance, made the following grant to all and singular the masters, ministers and priors--general of the mendicant orders--or the heads of orders for the time being, by whatever title they might be known--that whenever necessity should require them to send to japan and other near-by, adjacent, and neighboring islands, provinces arid countries, to the superiors of their orders resident therein, any religious of their order of respectable character and learning, whomsoever they might deem fit and serviceable for the discharge of the said duties and offices, to this end they might freely and lawfully send them otherwise than by way of portugal--in all remaining matters, however, being bound in all respects to observe the said letters of his predecessor clement, and the fuller instructions contained in those issued by the said gregory and clement and his predecessor paul v the tenor whereof in these our presents we wish to be considered as expressed therein. since, however, the experience of many years has shown that the ordinances contained in the foregoing letters were not of avail, and that other provision was needed whereby the sacred holy gospel of the lord christ might be the more easily preached and spread throughout the said islands and kingdoms, therefore in the discharge of our pastoral duty, following the norm of the said paul our predecessor, after mature counsel with our venerable brethren, cardinals of the holy roman church, who are in care of the spread of the faith throughout the whole world, in virtue of these presents to all and singular the masters, ministers, and priors-general of any religious order, or institute, even of the society of jesus, or the heads of orders, by whatsoever other title they may be known, hereby through our apostolic authority, we do grant and convey the following powers, to wit: that whenever it be deemed expedient, they may freely and lawfully send to the said islands, provinces, countries, and kingdoms of eastern india by other way than by portugal whatever members of their orders and institutes they may deem suitable for the missions by reason of age, character, morals, and learning--provided, however, that in all other matters (and not otherwise) they follow the said instructions of our predecessor clement. moreover, under penalty of excommunication _latae sententiae,_ we forbid all ecclesiastics and religious, of whatsoever order and institute, both of non-mendicants and mendicants, even those of the society of jesus, as well as the seculars of religious, from hindering the journey of the aforesaid religious to the above-named islands, provinces, countries, and kingdoms. at the same time we exhort most earnestly in the lord the said religious who are to be, or even have been, sent to the said places, to observe uniformity in their instructions to the people, especially those who have been recently converted to the christian faith, in order that such neophytes be not scandalized through conflicting teachings, especially in matters relating to morals. wherefore since in matters of so great concern we hold that care and watchfulness on the part of the aforesaid are of much avail, hence we again and again urge them to restrict their teachings to general principles. accordingly, to the end that this be the more easily carried out, in their instructions to the peoples of the said places in eastern india, the said religious shall as far as possible use exclusively the roman catechism, and the "christian doctrine" (both small and large) of robert bellarmino, a cardinal of the holy roman church of good renown, translated and printed in the dialects of the aforesaid peoples. but since, to the no little grief of our heart, we have learned that in japan now for many years is raging a most bitter persecution against christians, especially against religious, we therefore grant and convey to all and singular the christians now as well as in the future resident in japan, the power to receive freely and lawfully the sacraments (such however as require episcopal ministry being excepted) even those that appertain to parish priests, from any priests, as the above, whose services they may secure--provided, however, these have been, or shall be, sent thither by their generals. furthermore, since by the sacred canons, the decrees of councils and apostolic constitutions, all religious and even other ecclesiastics, especially such as are in holy orders, are forbidden strictly to engage in worldly affairs and traffickings, as gravely harmful, undignified, and unbecoming to persons consecrated to divine service, especially such as are vowed to the preaching of the sacred holy gospels of the lord christ, therefore following the norm of the said sacred canons, decrees, and apostolic constitutions, by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents, we interdict and forbid all and singular the religious in the afore-named places, or who shall go thither--no matter of what order and institute, whether non-mendicant or mendicant, even of the society of jesus--to devote themselves to, or engage in, any business or trafficking, no matter in what way, whether personally or through others, in their own name or that of their community, be the same directly or indirectly, no matter under what pretense or color of design; and this under penalty of excommunication _latae sententiae_ to be incurred _ipso facto_, of deprival moreover of active and passive vote, and of all offices, degrees, and dignities whatsoever, of disqualification besides to hold the same, as well as of forfeiture of all merchandise and the gains accruing therefrom--the same to be set apart by the superiors of the orders whereof the delinquents were members, for the service of the missions in the said indias in charge of the said orders, now and hereafter, nor to be used for any other purpose whatsoever. moreover, under the same penalties we charge the same superiors, while keeping watch strictly in this regard, to proceed against delinquents with the said penalties, nor relieve them from the duty of forfeiture of the said merchandise, or the repayment of gains, no matter how small the amount involved. however should disputes (which god forfend) spring up among the religious of the said orders, let them be settled and ended by the bishops of the said places for the time being, in their capacity of delegates of the apostolic see. but should matters of graver moment be brought to their notice, let the said bishops without delay refer them to us and the roman pontiffs our successors, to the end that, whatever the ruling and decree, this may be provided for after mature deliberation. such is our wish and command. moreover, while commanding that without fail these present letters be observed by all and singular to whom for the time being they appertain, we withdraw from all and singular the judges--no matter of what rank, whether ordinary or delegate, even though the same be auditors of cases appertaining to the apostolic palace--the power and authority to rule and interpret otherwise, any decisions to the contrary heretofore given, whether knowingly or through mistake, no matter by what authority, to be held as null and void. therefore we command all and singular the patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of churches and palaces, even those of religious, throughout the whole world, without fail to have these present letters observed in their provinces, cities, dioceses, chapters, and jurisdictions, besides whenever requested by the religious of the said orders to have and see that the same be published solemnly, [99] notwithstanding to the contrary any interdict, prohibitions, letters, or other premises of our said predecessors, nor any apostolic or synodal decree, be the same issued in provincial or general council, no matter whether embodied in special or general constitutions and ordinances (even in those granted to the society of jesus and the other said orders, provinces and regions); no matter whether confirmed by apostolic pledge or otherwise by statute, custom, privilege, or apostolic indult and letters, even those granted by the pontiffs in the fulness of their power, be the same general or special--all which, in so far as they conflict with these our present letters, prohibition, and interdict, wherefore they are to be considered as having been duly expressed and inserted therein, we hereby desire and command shall be invoked in favor of no one, no matter of what order, even though of the society of jesus, but be held as null and void. and since it would be difficult to have these present letters exhibited and published in all places, we desire that to all copies of them (even in print), whenever the same be certified to by any public notary, or the secretary of any of the said orders, and attested with his seal by any church dignitary, or the generals of the aforesaid orders, the same respect be accorded in court, or outside, as would be given to these presents were they themselves to be exhibited or shown. given at rome at st. peter's, under the seal of the fisherman, the twenty-second day of february, 1632, and the tenth year of our pontificate. _m. a. maraldi_ we, cæsar montius, by the grace of god and the apostolic see patriarch of antioch, nuncio of our most holy lord urban viii, by divine providence pope, with power of legate _a latere_ of the same see in the kingdoms of the spains, and collector-general for the apostolic chamber, to all and singular who shall view and see as well as hear these present letters, hereby do attest and in the word of truth do vouch that this present copy of the same agrees with the original in every respect. wherefore we command that to it full regard be shown. in testimony whereof we have sealed these presents, signed by our own hand, and have ordered the same to be issued by our secretary. maduti, of the diocese of ysleta, the twenty-eighth day of june, 1633. by order of the same most illustrious lord: _d. francisco gutierrez corrilla_, secretary. news from the far east, 1632 _information which has been sent from the city of manila of the present condition of the catholic religion in philipinas, japon, and great china; sent by father fray juan garcia, [100] professed religious of the order of st. dominic, to the royal convent of san pablo at sevilla. account of how the king our lord has taken an island in great china, called la hermosa, with a great fortress which is there_. during the former year of 631, twenty-eight professed religious of the order of st. dominic, from different convents in spaña, who voluntarily offered themselves for the service of god our lord, the holy apostolic roman see, and their order, left the port of san lucar de barameda, having embarked to cross over to the province of nueva españa in the yndias, thence to the philipinas islands, japon, and the kingdom of great china, in order to preach the faith of jesus christ in those said kingdoms to the barbarous and idolatrous heathen there. after a prosperous voyage of eleven months they arrived at the city of manila, where they were well received by the other religious who reside in those islands. however there died during the said voyage father fray juan quixada, a native of xerez, and a son of that convent; father fray vicente ripol, a native of zaragoça, and a son of the same convent; father fray francisco castañeda and brother fray jacinto robles, both sons of salamanca; brother fray vicenta ybañes, a son of the convent of valencia; and brother fray jayme escuder, native of mallorca. the rest arrived safe and sound, full of joy at finding themselves where they desired to be busied in the preaching of the holy gospel. the news from japon has it that the emperor of that country is holding a large number of dutch in prison, on account of difficulties which they have had with the japanese, and even worse [were their dealings] with our people; for through friendship for the dutch has arisen the great persecution and martyrdom of so many religious, of so many different orders, who have suffered martyrdom in those regions. having ingratiated themselves with the emperor until they stood well with him, in order that there might be no increase in the faith of jesus christ they counseled him that it was altogether inexpedient to consent that any friar of any order should enter his kingdom, for that they were a vile people, driven out of españa, to preach the faith of a god whom they adored, who had died crucified upon a cross; and that with that humble garb they were doing great harm, converting the people to their faith and straightway delivering over the country to the king of españa, as they had done in other parts of the yndias. but as god our lord is ever mindful of his own, his divine majesty has permitted that these works of cunning and these heretical counsels, unfriendly to our holy catholic faith, should have no success, and so at present they have not. for the emperor has commanded that in no way shall any japanese be martyred for turning christian; but that they should be exiled from the realms of japon, and landed in a christian country, so that, since they had accepted that faith, they might there be supported and given the necessaries of life. the reason which moved the emperor to order that they be not martyred is because he fears that through the martyrdom many heathen japanese would be converted, if they were to see those who are martyred dying unwavering in their christian faith. accordingly, in the month of may in the past year of one thousand six hundred and thirty-two there arrived in this city of manila a japanese ship with more than a hundred japanese, with their wives and children. they were exiled christians who had been told in their own country that if they abandoned the faith not only would they not be exiled from their fatherland, but that they would be cared for at the expense of the emperor. they chose to set out as exiles, fathers parting from their sons, wives from their husbands, and children from their parents, to preserve the faith of jesus christ, trusting solely to the providence of god. they arrived at this city of manila, having suffered ill-treatment and disease. as soon as they had landed and been received by the christians of this city, they all began--men, women, and children--to sing _laudate dominum omnes gentes_, and other psalms, so that it would have moved stones to pity. they were taken immediately to a church, at their own request, in procession. and no sooner did they find themselves in the temple of the lord for whom they had suffered so much, than they all commenced to sing aloud _nunc dimittis_, from beginning to end, so that the christians of the primitive church could have done no more. they were then taken to a hospital, where they are being cared for at present with liberal good cheer, for on every hand they are supplied with plentiful alms. the heathen japanese went back astonished at this charitable reception which they received; and therefore they now make martyrs no more, because they realize that this affects the people, and that more are converted in the public martyrdoms which they were inflicting in order to strike the others with fear. what they now do with the ministers of the gospel whom they can capture is as follows--as has been done lately with six religious whom they hold prisoners among them, two of these belonging to our order of st. dominic: within the prison they strip the fathers, and throw boiling hot water on them over their whole bodies, until they are horribly burned and wounded, and their skin is quite flayed off. then they are cared for; and when they are recovering they are again stripped, and the same thing done, and so they have been kept for a year. concerning missions in the kingdom of camboxa, we learn that four years ago, when the king sent to ask for religious in order to make himself and his kingdom christian, six belonging to our dominican order only, went there, and carried to him a handsome present on behalf of the governor of manila. the king received them with much kindness at first. afterwards, when they instructed him in our faith and told him he must give up his idolatries to receive it, he began to hate them--until, after two years, he ordered them to return; and so that kingdom is without a christian, as it was impossible to persuade a single person; for they are wild barbarians, who, like the negroes, go about attired in skins. as for great china, it is the chief object of our desire; for the people are intelligent, and the country great and populous. the king of españa has taken an island which lies eighteen leguas from great china, and is called hermosa island--a thing which was considered impossible, for it seemed that all the power in the world would not be enough to conquer it. in this island there is a great fort and a city, where many spaniards are in garrison; and six of our religious, with none of any other order. a ship-load of provisions, and one company of soldiers, are sent to them every year from this city of manila. five of our friars went this year. in that island they are engaged in conquering it with soldiers, although most of it has made peace. our friars are converting some whose conversion, through the goodness of god, is very effective. from this island two of our religious went to great china; and eight days ago we received a letter from one of them which reads as follows: "your reverences may give thanks to our lord, for the order of st. dominic is already within great china. they killed my companion immediately after we landed. i am considering how the conversion of this land can be best accomplished, etc. in this city there are about six hundred christians, natives of great china, among eleven thousand heathen, largely merchants who come to trade. it should be a matter commended to god to be pleased to open the eyes of this people to a knowledge of him, as there are so many souls there to be damned--for (so they say) there are more people in great china than in half of all the rest of the world. it has been revealed to a holy nun, and to one of our friars of rare virtue, that those who are now living will see the conversion of this people. i can assure you that the labor is great, and the workers few; for there are missions in these islands where, on account of the lack of religious, we can have no more than one; and he has more than two thousand souls in his charge, and four villages where he says mass every feast-day, with the permission of the superior, though one village is two leguas or more from another. it is a matter for wonder that even one religious is left, after all this labor and service in so hot and enervating a country." the original of this letter was addressed to the father master fray alonso tamariz, formerly prior of this convent of sevilla. this information has been sent to the most reverend father-general of the order of st. dominic, that his most reverend paternity may prepare those under his command to continue this great enterprise, and go to those regions, whence so great results are hoped and desired for the increase and propagation of the holy catholic faith. with the permission of the lord provisor and of the alcalde don pedro pantoja de ayala. in sevilla: sold by juan gomez de blas, close to the correo mayor, this year of 1633. letters from juan cerezo de salamanca to felipe iv _military affairs_ sire: by two letters of the same date as this, i have informed your majesty of my arrival in these islands, in accordance with the orders to the incumbents of vacancies in these governments. referring to them, i intend in this letter to give brief information of what concerns military matters. the conservation and increase of the islands depends on the trade with china and japon, providing that the other provinces shall steadily maintain a suitable population. this will be secured by maintaining the reputation of your majesty's arms and true military discipline; and by taking heed to preserve what your majesty holds today, without attempting new enterprises. for the one your majesty has sufficient force, but for the other there would be needed other and fresh forces. the army of these islands is composed of nineteen companies. six of them are in garrison in this city, and one in the fort of cavite; six others in terrenate; three in the island of hermosa; one in the island of oton; another in that of cibú; and another in that of caraga. these companies will be frequently changed, so that they may all share alike in the work and the leisure, and so that all may become soldiers. the castle of manila has its usual garrison, and is in a state of defense. the forts of cavite guard the port where the ships are anchored; while under its artillery the building and repair of the ships is carried on. that fort always has one company of the army. the fort of zibu is important because of its distance, and because it has a port in which the reënforcements for terrenate are made ready; while it confronts the insurgent indians of mindanao and xolo. for that reason its garrison has one company of volunteers [_sobresaliente_], and one of the army. the other two forts of oton and caraga are kept up for the same purpose. as i have but recently arrived, i do not make so full a relation of them as i shall give next year. in regard to the island of hermosa, i shall not inform your majesty, until i have sufficient knowledge to do so, of what i think; for i see that the expenses incurred by your majesty are heavy, while the island is of no use. on the other hand, trustworthy persons give confident expectations of its population, growth, and utility. the reënforcements for terrenate are what cause most solicitude; they are made at great risk, and at a heavy cost to your majesty. that of last year reached the fort with reputation, because it was carried by a powerful ship which could withstand the dutch, defensively and offensively. the governor [of terrenate], pedro de heredia, has advised us that it will be expedient for your majesty's service that the first reënforcement be sent in such manner that it may not be endangered, inasmuch as the enemy is making preparations to await it with greater forces. consequently, i am trying to have it conveyed by two war galleons, and to have them leave at the time considered advisable by men of experience. from now on, all the reënforcements will carry two entire infantry companies, so that two others may return in their place. in this way that garrison will be changed every three years, and all the companies of the army will share the work equally. it is advisable for your majesty to order the governors to do this, absolutely; for in this there has been lack of system. your majesty should not allow portions of companies to be sent; but whole companies should go, so that the unprotected should not be wronged, or the privileged favored. [_in the margin_: "let this be marked, and also let advice of this clause be given to the new governor. [101] portions of companies shall not be sent to terrenate, but whole companies shall go there, as is here said, so that those companies which are changed may return entire."] pedro de heredia, who has been many years governor of terrenate, is a good soldier; but he is old and rich, and it is advisable for your majesty to send a successor to him. he should be one who will be content with the honor and dignity of the post of governor. your majesty has sustained here a number of galleys at a great expense. they have been of very little or of no service. some of them have fallen to pieces with the lapse of time; and others have been wrecked, not so much on account of disasters, as for the lack of experienced officers for that navigation, as it is very different from that of galleons. in this port there is now but one old galley; and as i have taken a trip in it, i can assure your majesty that it serves for nothing else than vanity. to keep it up costs considerable, and therefore, and because this treasury is so deeply in debt, i have determined to prevent so excessive a cost to your majesty. i shall only keep up the galley of terrenate, which is necessary and cannot be spared; for your majesty's revenues do not allow superfluities. and, so long as your majesty does not resolve upon another course, i shall not venture upon more at present than to repair this galley, which is old and unmanageable, in order that there may be something in which to occupy the crew (who lie idle the whole year), until a new order comes from your majesty. [_in the margin_: "have the new governor notified, in accordance with what the last one has written, in how bad a condition is the galley of which mention is made, the great expense that would be required to repair it, of how little use it is; that it can be dispensed with; and that, if there are no other reasons that prevent, or any inconveniences, he shall do so, and, after doing it, he shall give information of what has occurred, and of his opinion."] your majesty has a captain-general of artillery here, which is a superfluous post, not only on account of the little that there is for him to do, but because there will never be a land campaign; and on all occasions the governor attends to this, as to other things. it is also proper to adjust the jurisdictions of all [the officers], for they are all at variance, as some are trying to meddle in the affairs of others. that results in confusion and disorder; for the master-of-camp, in accordance with his title, claims that he can try causes in the first instance of all the men who are paid, both in and out of the army. the governor of the artillery, the castellans, the military captains, the substitutes [_entretenidos_], and others who are not soldiers of the army claim that they are exempt from such jurisdiction. i have thought it best to inform your majesty, so that you may please order the measures taken that are most to your pleasure. [_in the margin_: "when that post falls vacant, have this section brought."] it is not advisable that it be known here that the governors should give so particular an account as i am giving, and as i shall always give, in accordance with the dictates of my conscience; for others, fearful of it, will not neglect to advise of many things of importance. will your majesty provide throughout, what is most to your pleasure. may god preserve your majesty, etc. manila, august 14, 1633. _don juan cerezo salamanca_ _government matters_ sire: i have informed your majesty from mexico that, in accordance with the regulations in regard to the vacancies in this government of filipinas, the viceroy of nueva españa entrusted me _ad interim_ with it because of the death of don juan niño de tavora, the regularly-appointed incumbent. i left acapulco april 5, and entered these islands with the flagship and almiranta july 8, after a prosperous voyage, although the great calms of this year have obliged the ships to make port in the island of mindoro, at a distance of twenty-five leguas from this city, where they are awaiting suitable weather to enable them to get to this city of cavite. accordingly, i came in an oared vessel to take possession of this government, on the second of the present month. i am obliged to inform your majesty of the judicial, treasury, military, and government matters, and as a new arrival i shall be able to do it quite free from interest and passion, and with the sole desire of fulfilling my duty as a vassal. i shall endeavor with all truth to give a succinct relation of all that i have found, so that, after your majesty has read them, you may have the most advisable measures taken. this government and the preservation of its provinces consists in that the commerce of great china and japon be current, and especially that of japon. in truth this is more considerable, both as it is a powerful neighbor, and because they are wont to bring from that kingdom many products which are needed [here]--namely, iron, copper, lead, saltpeter, flour, salt pork, vegetables, drugs, and silver--and which it costs your majesty considerable to have to supply from nueva españa. our relations with japon are broken up, because the dutch with their accustomed scheming--that king having been irritated on account of the religious who have preached the holy gospel from these provinces, and fearful of new conquest--have converted into hate the old-time friendship. the japanese employ extraordinary harshness toward the catholics; and although your majesty has ordered my predecessors in so prudent and christian a manner, by your royal decrees, not to allow the religious to go to japon until the times change, they have been unable to prevent it; for the religious have imprudently embarked in secret, thereby causing more trouble than good. they have thus left a deficiency in the missions of these provinces, where they have sufficient in which to busy themselves, since whole nations are heathens. the measure that i believe to be practical is for your majesty to command the provincials of the orders not to allow any religious to go to japon for the present; for they only serve to irritate one who, if placated, will some day, when undeceived in regard to the dutch malice, grant the liberty which he now denies. now and henceforth i shall endeavor to give japon to understand your majesty's desire of good friendship and relationship. in accordance with this i shall attempt the same with the provincials, and have them concern themselves in converting the japanese and sangleys who live among us, until your majesty be pleased to order otherwise, [_in the margin_: "this was provided for by writing to the governor to pay attention to this matter, and to arrange matters as may be most advisable."] the trade with great china has also declined, because the portuguese of macan have become masters of it, as they are so near. being admitted here, contrary to all good government, they come here to retail the products which the said sangleys formerly brought directly, whereby these provinces are suffering a great scarcity. all of that results to our damage and to the advantage of china, because of the great advance in price over the [former] cheapness of their goods--[an excess] which, moreover, they carry to their own land. the relief that i believe can be had, although at its beginning some privation may be felt, is for your majesty to prohibit the trade of macan with manila, and decree that no portuguese be admitted in this government. besides the attainment of the aforesaid object, your majesty's duties will increase--which is a matter worth consideration; for until now all has been expense. [_in the margin_: "collect the papers that we have upon this matter and those written upon it, and bring them here."] i have found these islands in need of men, whose numbers are decreasing because of the poor climate. the need of them requires that your majesty provide a remedy; for the reënforcements from nueva españa are costly. although the governors have exceeded their authority by giving licenses [to leave the country], i can not avoid representing to your majesty that the inhabitants of manila are worthy of the favors that your majesty may be pleased to show them, provided it does not result in disservice to your majesty--as i warn you by a separate letter touching revenue matters, in order that i may not confuse those matters in this letter; and in another letter touching military matters, i advise your majesty of certain points, which also depend on the same thing. [_in the margin_: "write to the governor to avoid giving licenses; and to the viceroy [of nueva españa] that he send some men there, as is ordered."] the governors whom your majesty shall provide for these islands should be as experienced in nautical matters as in those of the land; and should at the same time understand judicial and legislative matters. [_in the margin_: "seen."] licentiate don francisco de rojas finished his visit, and has proceeded in it as an honest and good minister. he has done considerable in so brief a term, when one considers his poor health. he goes well informed on the affairs of these regions, in order to inform your majesty of what he has seen. although he has borne himself with discretion, he leaves these provinces afflicted, because he has taken away encomiendas from very poor persons who have served well, and who by virtue of these grants have become citizens. they have been condemned because they did not secure the confirmation of your majesty within the time set. their excuse is, not only that it is not more than two years since your majesty's decree requiring that the confirmation be given was proclaimed, but that, besides their living in the most remote provinces in the world, the advice-ships from nueva españa were wrecked this year. the ships sailing hence have put back to port, and their despatches have not arrived; and as they are soldiers, with careless agents who employ but little effort in soliciting their causes, will your majesty be pleased to show them the favor that is agreeable to you. [_in the margin_: "it was provided."] two auditors have remained in this royal audiencia, because the visitor suspended the other two. there is a lack of officials, for i also found that the fiscal, don juan de quesada, was dead. the government appointed in his place, before my arrival, don juan fernandez de ledo, until your majesty order otherwise. i am informed that he is a capable person, and that he is very learned and of praiseworthy morals. will your majesty be pleased to show him the favor that you may deem advisable. [_in the margin_: "it was provided."] because of my having taken possession of this government so late, although your majesty had ordered that the ships that sail annually to nueva españa should depart on the first of june i have found, on the second of august, their despatch so delayed that it has been impossible to make it before now, although i have not endeavored to accomplish any other thing since my arrival. i desire to have your majesty informed that this despatch is not chargeable to me. [_in the margin_: "seen."] may god preserve your majesty, etc. manila, august 14, 1633. _don juan cerezo salamanca_ _revenue matters_ sire: although i informed your majesty in two other letters, of equal date with this, of my arrival in these islands, and that this temporary government is in my hands, i intend to tell briefly in this letter only the matters that i observe concerning the revenues. i have found your majesty's revenues very inadequate, and that the royal treasury owes eighty-eight thousand eight hundred pesos to the inhabitants of manila, which have been borrowed in reals; and it is necessary to pay them from the aid that i bring. i have found no lumber in the shipyards for the repair of the ships, and for the other needs that are wont to arise. there is a lack of rigging, of food, and of all the supplies necessary. i advise your majesty of it, in case my ability should not be sufficient to supply so great needs as there have been; although my principal endeavor shall be to strive, in these beginnings, that all shall be restored to its former condition. [_in the margin_: "examined january 25, 34. write to the new governor that we have heard of the lack of wood and of the other things that are [_word illegible in ms._; necessary?] in the magazines, so that everything may be provided as is expected from his care and zeal."] i am obliged in conscience to inform your majesty (in case my own efforts should prove insufficient) of all that i shall esteem worthy of correction in your royal service; and of what i saw in the port of acapulco, where i embarked, and in the ships up to the present. in order to be able to do so, it is necessary for me to repeat in brief the favors and privileges which your majesty has conceded to these inhabitants of manila, in order to show them favor, with the desire that they increase in numbers, and so that they alone may enjoy the fruits of the trade and traffic of these provinces, entirely excluding from it the inhabitants of nueva españa. surely this is an important matter, but the custom and malice of men has had so much influence that experience shows us that neither that which your majesty orders is sufficient, nor do the citizens of manila realize the value of the favors which they receive. the worst of all is that, to judge from the condition of affairs, there is no one from whom to obtain the fitting remedy. the principal abuse is that, although your majesty ordered that no money pass from nueva españa here, and although you granted permission to these inhabitants to receive only five hundred thousand ducados, a way has been found whereby they secretly send annually as much as they wish--and that without the said prohibition being any hindrance to any person of nueva españa, or those of any other region. the governors my predecessors have had knowledge of this abuse, but they have not dared to remedy it because of the annoyances that arise in so well-established a practice, and one in which nearly all the vassals of your majesty are included. for this same reason, and because i have so recently arrived, i have considered it fitting to inform your majesty, so that, in so grave a matter, you may determine what will be most fitting to your royal service. [_in the margin_: "send this letter to don juan de palafox, so that he may be informed of it." "seen by the [_word illegible in ms._] j. palafox."] it is my opinion that since it has been impossible to check the practice of sending every year money for these parts from nueva españa (and i suspect that two millions are sent, and that the dearness occasioned by this abundance of silver results only to the benefit of great china, where the money stops without your majesty having collected your duties), it will be considered as an aid to the great expenses of the galleons of this line that your majesty allow the money that shall have to pass to be openly registered in acapulco, at the rate of five per cent. by so doing your majesty will enjoy what has hitherto been usurped by the officers (both the higher and the lower) of the said ships; and at a reasonable price, and with permission, no one would conceal the money that he was sending. and now since no other remedy is found, it will be right for your majesty to do this, so that you may not lose your duties. in regard to the difficulties on account of which they might at acapulco refuse to accept this tax, which will reach so great an amount of income, i answer that the trade of these islands is not injured nor will the exchanges of the money that comes annually from nueva españa increase. only that which has hitherto been done surreptitiously will be done openly in the future, to the benefit of the royal treasury. the higher and lower officers of the galleons will content themselves with the emoluments of their offices, which are those that they are enjoying for this. will your majesty have this matter considered very closely; for here, to one who has the matter before him, it is a clear case. in the port of acapulco, your majesty has three royal officials, who are present from the time of the arrival of these ships until they have once more set sail. in the despatching of the vessels they look as much to their own comforts as to the service of your majesty. they make friends among the registrars, and shut their eyes to the money that is wont to be sent on commission. the governors are powerless to remedy this from here. i think that your majesty can dispense with all these three positions; and that, besides saving their salaries, your majesty will be much better served if, at the arrival of the ships, your majesty order that the castellan and the alcalde-mayor of acapulco do not permit them to discharge their cargoes, and that an accountant-in-chief of the bureau of accounts be always sent from mexico on the first of december to attend to the unlading; and that he be accompanied by the alcalde-mayor of acapulco, or by the castellan of that fort. in the letters that i write pertaining to government and military affairs, i touch on some points which also touch this matter of the revenue; and i do not repeat them, in order not to become prolix. i only go back in this to represent the difficulties occasioned here by its being known that the governors give account of everything--as i am giving it and shall continue to give it as my conscience dictates to me; for others will not neglect to advise you of many things pertaining to your royal service. will your majesty provide in this what will be most suitable. may god preserve your majesty. manila, august 14, 1633. _don juan cerezo salamanca_ report of archbishop on the bakery of manila sire: on behalf of this city a royal decree has been presented to me in which your majesty commands me to inform you in regard to the favor which governor don fernando de silva extended to the said city and to captain andres fernandez de puebla, giving them the income from the bakery of this city, which was established on the site and lot belonging to the said andres fernandez de puebla, he enjoying half the rent and the said city the other half. the said andres fernandez de puebla is an old citizen, who has served your majesty with approval. complying with the said instruction, and in order to investigate the matter with fairness and accuracy, as it should be, i personally went to the said bakery and inspected it. i found it walled entirely about with cut stone, and with doors and stout locks, so that when it is locked up at night no one can go in or come out. the site is ramparted and habitable where the ovens stand. although there are some filling timbers lacking in the middle, it is nothing of importance, and may be easily repaired. i found in the said bakery a spanish overseer, who serves as a faithful manager and who lives there continually, as i have been informed. he does not allow the chinese bakers to adulterate the flour, and is always present to see that they make clean bread. it seems to me that it is very useful and advantageous for this city that all the ovens be placed together in the said bakery, and in no other place. it is fitting that your majesty should order this; for there are very great difficulties in the maintenance of ovens in private houses, as they are haunts where are committed thefts and offenses against god, which are commonly known. this is my opinion and is based on my forty years' experience since i have been in these islands. may god protect the catholic and royal person of your majesty, according to the needs of christianity. dated at manila, on the third of august, 1634. _fray hernando_, archbishop of manila. news from felipinas, japon, and other parts by the last express the following news arrived in a letter which came from manila, dated august 20, 634: "father manuel cuello writes that he is in camboja in disguise, in order to pass on to japon, where the persecution is so bloody that it is publicly cried that five hundred pesos will be given to any person who makes known the whereabouts of any priest. in this way during four months sixteen of our fathers have been arrested, besides the brothers and dogicos who are being seized every day. while they were awaiting death, it happened that the emperor was bedridden, suffering with the leprosy for a long time; and he could find no remedy in his medicines, nor in the sacrifices to his idols. he heard many loud cries and wails in the garden, and commanded his people to learn what it was. when they came back, they said that the sounds proceeded from a large bamboo, a plant which is very plentiful in that country. they opened it and found within a cross, red as if dipped in blood, which caused them great wonder. they took it to the emperor, who was much more astounded because the day before he had seen a very brilliant cross in the air, although he had told no one of it; but, when this portent was found in his garden, he had his soothsayers called in to tell him what it meant. some of them said one thing and some another; but the chief of them said that these crosses were from the fathers who, although blameless, had been put to death for teaching the veneration of the cross. this explanation was confirmed by a bonze, one of his favorites, who added that he believed that the leprosy which he suffered was owing to his having slain so many innocent people. when the emperor asked him [what he meant], he added: 'the fathers and christians whom your majesty ordered to be killed at nangasaqui. i believe that your majesty has already seen that with all our efforts we cannot cure you; and you should call upon the bonzes of nanbamcas (as they call our fathers) and perhaps they may be able to grant and perform this miracle, as they do others.' "it is a great deal that soothsayers and bonzes, who are so much opposed to us, should speak so in our favor; but the lord can do much greater things, and as it seems that the portent is his work, [_words illegible_] the interpretation. the result was that the emperor immediately sent messengers to nangasaqui and other places to bring to him the fathers who were in prison. they brought from nangasaqui father fray luis, of the franciscan order; and the father-provincial christobal ferreira, and father sevastian de viera, of the society--the latter having been for a long time a laborer in that church whence he was sent to rome as procurator. when our father invited him to remain here, as he was so old and had labored so long, he preferred to end his life with the children whom he had begotten in christ, since they were engaged in such wars, rather than enjoy the peace of europa. two years ago he arrived at manila from rome; and a little more than a half a year ago he left manila for japon, in the garb of a sangley. but as he was so well known, as soon as he secured an entrance to that country, and the search for the christians began, more than a thousand agents were sent over the whole kingdom in search of him, so great a desire had they to get hold of him. as they were so numerous, and the reward great, he was unable to escape. he finally was made a prisoner with the other christians at nangasaqui, who were awaiting death (it was this that made him go back to japon); and, although they believed it to be certain when the order came to convey them to court, all were greatly encouraged to suffer it. but, in place of that, the ambassador of macao who is at that court writes that the kindly treatment which the emperor extended to them was remarkable. he ordered them to be taken from the prisons and spoke to them with much gentleness. he told the fathers that if their faith was such truth as they said, they should obtain from their god the cure of his leprosy, so that he might recognize its truth; and see that he had done wrong in taking the lives of those who followed it. the fathers offered to ask this from our lord, if his majesty wished, for the cause was his; and he heard their petitions and our desires. this emperor may be the constantine of that church, in whom the blood that he shed of so many noble laborers wrought the health which was restored to him; and this made him unwilling to shed the blood of the humble innocents. we hope that this omen has assuaged the persecution, and his health goes far to confirm this. we have the same hope for china, where our lord has made us so acceptable to the emperor that he has given us one of the study-halls at his court at paquin. our fathers are giving lectures to large audiences, and are highly esteemed by all the court, whence springs our hope of founding many colleges in that kingdom. [102] may it please his majesty to further this." letters from juan cerezo de salamanca to felipe iv _revenue affairs_ sire: i informed your majesty by way of yndia, on the twenty-second of october of last year, of the treasury matters, and of the resistance which these royal officials were making about accepting the new ordinances that were left them by the visitor, don francisco de roxas, by having appealed from them, and having represented in the royal council of the yndias the impossibility of being able to comply with these in the service of your majesty. notwithstanding their allegations, and the resignation of their offices which they made in writing, i continued, by what methods i could avail myself of, to urge them to accept the said ordinances of the visitor. as they persevered in their disobedience, i arrested all three royal officials, and kept them together in the treasury, so that the despatch [of business] might not cease; thereupon they obeyed, and from that time on we have been following the new ordinances. although i blamed the too great resistance which they made, ever since i have excused them somewhat, through having experienced the great inconvenience and embarrassments which some of the ordinances contained; and i confess how prudent they were in the exercise of their authority before they experienced the present damage. matters are in such condition that while i am trying to adjust myself to the new ordinances and not to depart one jot from them, i find myself more embarrassed, and the despatches that demand the greatest haste delayed--as happened to me in the stress of sending the reënforcements in a fleet which i sent to terrenate this year, in which consisted the security of those forts, which were in danger. it was necessary for me to facilitate it by making use of the precedents of other times. now, in order to fulfil my obligation, i assure you that what most is needed in philipinas is the facilitation of the course of business, and the choice of [government] ministers who are entirely trustworthy; for in so remote provinces where all is invasion from the enemy, it will be most difficult to succeed in performing your majesty's service, if the jurisdiction and authority are so limited. in order to be able to await what your majesty may be pleased [to order], i have adopted, in certain doubts, the expedient which has seemed most advisable, after holding meetings and consulting with persons in whom i have confidence. one of these new ordinances directs that the governor shall deliver, whether in large or small quantity, all the goods and wares of these magazines which are used for various purposes. those which are in danger of spoiling shall be distributed by his order; and what shall not be thus disposed of shall not be passed over, at the time, to the royal officials. that ordinance is impractical, for, besides the continual occupations of the governor in affairs of greater importance and his inability to personally supervise things so minute, your majesty had issued the necessary ordinance before the visit, and i have followed it in the preparation of fleets and reëenforcements; and i do not pay any attention to the delivery in small quantities when that is necessary. but i am endeavoring to make it understood that it is impossible to do so always, without obstructing the despatches which usually demand attention suddenly. what is of importance to the service of your majesty is that we, the governor, royal officials, and other ministers, are attending to the best administration of the royal revenues. in accordance with these new ordinances, the alcaldes-mayor, the assistants of the royal officials, and shipmasters must annually settle their accounts exactly. because of the difficulty of navigation between some of the islands, it is impossible to obey this ordinance to the letter, or to cease receiving from such men at the time of [settling] the account, what their salaries allow, as the emoluments which they receive are small or nothing. thus do we continue to proceed, according to the weather-conditions of the season, and the distance [from manila] of the places where they live. whenever ships or fleets have been despatched, some advance pay has been given to the regular sailors and soldiers. it is a harsh measure that because we do not have, for all the greater and less matters that arise, a distinct decree from your majesty which is in accord with one of the new ordinances, the royal officials should continually impugn and oppose the orders that exist in some of the same matters; and although there should be nothing else to do than to obey the ordinances, the greater part of the time is passed in summons and replies. i have received in these ships a royal decree from your majesty, under date of august 26 of the past year, in which your majesty is pleased to order me to collect two per cent on the merchandise exported to nueva españa, in addition to the other three per cent that has been paid hitherto, in accordance with what the visitor agreed with this city by way of a gracious gift; and that on the first occasion _[word illegible in ms._; i make?] decision of what must be observed, and give information whether this duty is collected here, or whether the benefit of it is obtained along with the situado of these islands. i caused it to be obeyed and executed according to its contents. and in order that these citizens might appraise their goods in accordance with this order i had the said royal decree published in the usual places, and it was communicated to the cabildo, judiciary, and magistracy of this city. seeing that the citizens were exceedingly remiss in lading, and the time far advanced for the ships to make their voyage, i proceeded to stimulate them by edicts and orders, and finally by placing them under the penalty of losing the favors which your majesty has granted them in allowing the five hundred thousand pesos that are brought every year from nueva españa. the city replied to that by appealing from my act and from the said royal decree to your majesty, as the relation given by the visitor was not in harmony with the acts, and as their citizens had not made any [such] agreement. the four thousand pesos which they gave as a donation was for that time, provided that no further action should be taken regarding this duty until the matter had been discussed in the royal council of the yndias. in proof of it, the visitor embarked without having made a beginning in this collection. after many discussions, the citizens had resolved not to lade any goods at present for nueva españa. i gave a copy of all this to the fiscal and the royal officials. i resolved [not] to despatch the ships without cargoes, and even to take the boxes and bales from where they should be found and actually put them on board the ships; but the auditors and officials believed that it would be contrary to law to force the citizens. therefore i determined to call a meeting of the audiencia, archbishop, fiscal, and royal officials, in order to determine what ought to be done in this matter. all were of the opinion that the ships should be laded, even though we should postpone the fulfilment of what your majesty lately ordered, for the damage that would ensue from the ships going empty would be beyond comparison far greater than the gain of the two per cent; and that the appeal interposed by the citizens ought to be granted, as it was apparent that the report which the visitor had made was different from what had actually and truly taken place. in accordance with this, the city has given bonds for all the sum to which this duty can amount, now and henceforth, until your majesty be pleased to provide what is most advisable. in order that this may be apparent from the investigations, i enclose herewith a testimony of the acts. in respect to my report, sire, i declare that the three per cent which has been collected hitherto, has entered into this royal treasury, and has never been reckoned with the situado. the same will have to be done with this two per cent, for it is all needed for the ordinary support, unless that your majesty should be better served [by ordering otherwise]. the visitor at his departure gave me an account of all that he had done during the two years while he has been occupied in his visit. according to the report which he gave me of accounts which had been settled, i learned that this treasury was clear of debt, and had much money besides. but i have found by experience since then that, although in appearance he stirred up affairs, in fact the expense was greater than the gain. for most of the settlements of which he made a parade are in litigation, and are being nullified by the acquittal of the parties [in the suit], while others in the audiencia are even abandoned; and few reach the point of collecting [the amounts due]. some of the new ordinances that he left suffered the same misfortune, because he did not dictate them or draw them up, but entrusted them to two clerks before his visit--for his poor health did not permit him to do more. it is not to be believed that a well-informed lawyer would try to obstruct the service of your majesty, for nearly all his ordinances are directed to and reflect distrust of the fidelity of the royal officials, to whom your majesty has hitherto entrusted your revenues. from the good disposition that i observe in them and the work that they do, i judge them to be your very good and faithful servants. it is advisable that your majesty be pleased to send an accountant for settling accounts, and that he be a person of authority, with adequate pay. he who serves in that office in the meanwhile was formerly the servant of one of these auditors; and he is more concerned in occupying his time in sustaining friendships than in attending to what is necessary. on that account if some of the new ordinances were to be remade, this would be bettered. i received some decrees in these last ships, which were despatched in the year thirty-two, and others of the year thirty-three, concerning the treasury, which are obeyed and will be carried out as is therein contained. when these ships set sail--and that has not been done before as the decrees were received late, and by way of india--i shall give an account of the condition of these matters. the viceroy of nueva españa has sent me four companies as a reënforcement, and this camp has six others. i have reorganized five, so that there are now six companies in this city, each with more than one hundred soldiers, which is the least number that a company generally has. since the month of august of last year, when i began to govern these islands, the half-annats [103] have been collected with the care ordered by your majesty, in which i coöperated with the commissary for that tax. the royal officials and the auditor who was appointed commissary are doing as they should. in the ships of last year, and by way of yndia, i informed your majesty how expedient it was to charge five per cent duty on the silver and reals that are sent annually from nueva españa, as no remedy has been found whereby that commerce can be adjusted to the permission of only five hundred thousand pesos, which your majesty has conceded to these islands. past times can ill be compared with the present; and granting the accidents which oblige the viceroys of nueva españa not to practice the rigor which they themselves make the governors of philipinas overlook, and considering the present thing, and watching out for the greater service of your majesty, i am grieved because the royal officials of the ships enjoy this advantage--which as i have seen, amounts to more than one hundred thousand pesos per year--and, notwithstanding this new tax, the inconvenience of the quantities of money passing from those regions will increase; for it is most certain that those to whom belongs the trade of philipinas always find a way by which to attain their objects; and because the viceroy of mexico undertook to check it this year, by only threats, the inhabitants of these islands are ruined and left without their capital, which remained in nueva españa. may our lord preserve and prosper the royal person of your majesty, as we your vassals desire and need. manila, august 10, 1634. _don juan cerezo salamanca_ _government affairs_ sire: i have given your majesty an account on all occasions of my coming to these islands, and of the condition of affairs in them, although with limitations, and with the caution of a new arrival. but now, after having governed them a year, i shall be able to discuss their affairs with experience and more freedom, so that your majesty, having been informed, may enact what is most advisable for your royal service. the disputes which generally arise between the governor and the auditors of this royal audiencia are usually more prejudicial in these islands than in the rest of your majesty's monarchy, as these are the most remote; for their preservation lies in the governor being obeyed and respected, and in his orders being executed and entirely observed, without the auditors hindering him, or casting any doubt on his supremacy, as they are often wont to do. the jurisdiction of this audiencia is set at rest from the ecclesiastical fuerzas and the litigations of these inhabitants--who, as is seen from the chart which i am sending under other covers, amount in all to 151 married men, 81 single men, 45 widows, and 160 children, besides fifty other men who live in other places. all the rest are paid sailors and soldiers, with whom the audiencia has nothing to do; and from that one can infer how few affairs of justice arise. that is the cause of the disputes, and of the auditors actually deciding the affairs of government under pretext of appeals, without waiting until the governors grant or deny them, in accordance with law--to the considerable discredit, of the authority that your majesty has conceded to the government. that results in nothing that is ordered being executed. and although your majesty has provided a remedy for these accidents with decrees, so that, in case of doubt, the governor may declare what occurs to him, and that the auditors may pass for this purpose into philipinas, still that has not sufficed; for they take care to give the decrees a different meaning, and will not be subdued by any means that i have used. in proof of this i cite the following examples. your majesty has prohibited the audiencia from trying causes concerning the sangleys of the parián, and ordered that they be tried only by the alcalde-mayor and the governor, reserving only the sin against nature to the audiencia. nevertheless, they meddle by taking the [trial of] first instance from the alcaldes-mayor. your majesty permits only four thousand sangleys in these islands, but a greater number has been tolerated because of the advantage of the licenses that they pay, and in order not to disturb the trade with china. in respect to these and many other troubles, the former governors have endeavored very earnestly to assure that nation, charging the justices to be very attentive in their jurisdictions, and not allowing them to grant passage from one part to another without permission. especially is it charged upon the alcalde-mayor of the jurisdiction of vinondo--the point where the sangleys fortified themselves during the insurrection. for this so laborious occupation, in a special meeting fees were assigned for each license, at the rate of one real and a quarter for him and his clerk. this has been the practice for many years. this audiencia having begun to govern these islands because of the death of don juan niño de tavora, the order [104] of st. dominic endeavored to alter these licenses and the fee, by representing the injury that was done the sangleys. but the auditors, in consideration of the above so superior reasons, confirmed to the letter the last act made concerning this matter by the deceased governor; and when i succeeded to the government in accordance with your majesty's order, the said religious endeavored to do the same thing. upon becoming thoroughly familiar with the matter, i confirmed the said governmental acts, enacted by the audiencia and by don juan niño de tavora. nevertheless, from this they have stirred up this pretension, trying the subterfuge of having recourse to the audiencia for an affair of justice--where they are admitted without these same auditors heeding that they have [already] cast their votes for the government measure. in the month of september of the past year, five sangley ships were wrecked on this coast of the province of ilocos, with a great amount of silver. when preparing to send a person to look for it, the fiscal presented a petition in the audiencia, although he ought to have presented it to the government. not to confuse matters by withdrawing them from his charge, and to avoid controversy, and in order that what was to be done be accomplished quickly, i tolerated this mode of despatching the business through the audiencia, hoping that the alcalde-mayor, to whom the matter would be committed, would make diligent efforts. but seeing that he sent to this treasury but little more than three thousand pesos, i am left with deserved pain for having allowed the jurisdiction of the government to be usurped. i have sent a new alcalde-mayor, with new ordinances for the purpose. geronimo de fuentes bid at auction [for the position of regidor], and the judges of the auction knocked it down to him; and after he had paid to the treasury the price and the half-annat, his title as regidor was made out in the ordinary form. when he went to take possession of his post, some regidors opposed him, appealing to the audiencia, as is their custom, with the intention that the royal decrees and the orders of the government should never be fulfilled; and, in order not to open the door so that those alcaldes-mayor of the provinces might attempt the same thing with their successors, i had possession of his post given to him, reserving to the party concerned his right, safe and in full force. your majesty has prohibited any one from sending money to macan, and the governors order the same by their edicts under penalty of confiscation. antonio fiallo gave information of over thirteen thousand pesos sent him by bartolome tenorio, chief-constable of the court, making a gift to your majesty of the portion which pertained to him as denouncer. and although this cause originated from the edicts of the government, the auditors tried it, acquitting the said bartolome tenorio--commenting on the suit in examination and review during my absence, without carrying it to the regular session. the ordinances governing the cabildo of this city were given by miguel lopez de legazpi, governor of this island, with the command that none of them be altered without an order from the governors. one of them prescribes the form of the election of alcaldes-in-ordinary. although time has somewhat vitiated it, the order that the regidors should give account to the governor of all that occurred has been observed. consequently, they send him annually two commissaries from their last cabildo meeting with the nomination of eighteen or more persons, on whom they have cast their eyes for the choice of two alcaldes. this year, while separated into factions, the regidors--finding one of them favored by an auditor who was trying for his own private ends to oust an alcalde in opposition to the community--tried to pervert the said custom of sending me the nomination. i did not allow that, because of the innovation and because of the difficulty involved therein that, in a presidio that is open to so many enemies, alcaldes may be chosen to whom the city cannot be entrusted--for the alcaldes are captains of the inhabitants when occasion arises--declaring, besides, the more than thirty years of this practice. they obeyed, and proposed eleven persons who were satisfactory in every respect. the other new regidors, who had offered the said auditor more than they could perform, opposed the nomination, appealing to the audiencia, and refusing to make the election on the following day, the first of january. as it was vacation time, i gave one of the auditors commission to preside in the cabildo, in accordance with that fact. he excused himself on account of sickness; whereupon i gave it next to the other remaining auditor, who also excused himself. in default of both of them, i gave the same commission to him who performs the duties of fiscal, basing my reason for it on the grounds that, according to the ordinance he has a vote in a deadlock; and on the fact that one of the auditors usually presides in that act, although there are precedents of some unprofessional men having presided. don juan sarmiento, a creole, and admiral don fernando galindo, of españa, a man of great worth, were elected. after the vacations were past, the two auditors and the fiscal conspired together, in order to annul the said election and to make another new one. they offered the necessary support to the regidors of their party, in order to have them present themselves in the audiencia under pretext of appeal. this they did, heaping up nullities in order to make a suit of suits for the purpose of constituting themselves judges of what my delegate did in virtue of a commission of the government, without allowing it to be returned to the delegate, who was ignorant of what had happened in the election. they carried the matter so far that they actually tried to take the cause from me. that compelled me to censure their procedure, and to tell them that the appeals would be granted according to law--but not by violence; giving boldness to the litigants so that those who remained without due punishment because of the support that they were giving them, should become disrespectful, as they had done; and that i would consult the lawyers and learned persons of this city, so that, if that suit did not belong to the government, i might refer the cause [to the other court]. the lawyers gave me their opinions, saying that that matter pertained to the government. on that i founded my declaration in virtue of royal decrees which so ordered, especially one of november 4, 1606. however they did not refrain from it on that account--as they are obliged to do, even if i should go further; and, prosecuting the matter in accordance with the dangerous argument of time, i remitted the case as definitive to doctor arias de mora, advocate of this audiencia. with him i gave sentence, confirming the said election of alcalde as according to law. as such, the said don juan sarmiento and the senior regidor--because of the absence of admiral don fernando galindo, who has been occupied in the service of your majesty--are in the exercise of their offices; and this has resulted in the quiet and peace of this community and that of the appellants themselves. the latter already confess their error, although lately, and as a matter of form, they have presented themselves in appeal from the definitive act; while the other party has refused the two auditors, and there is talk of settling the cause. [_words illegible in ms._ the assembly hall?] has been shut often because of the sickness of these auditors, and more than two months have gone by without any session. although the business that arises is but slight, it is well for the governors to know what is their obligation when there is a deficiency of auditors in a district so remote from your majesty; and whether the progress of the suits ought to be stopped on account of death or long illness, for three or four years, until the remedy comes from españa; or whether one can proceed as was done when there was no audiencia. also it is desirable to know whether it is exactly and legally necessary for an auditor to preside every year at the elections of alcaldes; or whether it will be sufficient, in the absence of auditors, to appoint a person from the number of the influential persons of filipinas, since the auditor did not _per se_ possess jurisdiction to preside, except by virtue of the commission given him by the government; or whether the said election of alcaldes must cease because there is no one to preside. by decree of june 8, 1621, your majesty orders, under severe penalties, that those who still owe anything of the proceeds from saleable offices can neither vote nor be elected as alcaldes-in-ordinary. this has been observed; but certain persons, because of their revengeful dispositions and passions, have extended the decree to [cover] other and different debts. especially this year has the fiscal tried to prevent the votes of some regidors by obtaining statements [of their accounts] from the accountancy department--some of which debts the visitor brought forward, although that had not been done hitherto, except when only royal officials have (and only in a few years) given a memorandum of those disqualified by evident debts; and in the three preceding years none of these same exhibits were of this sort. they were a disqualification while the visitor was present here, and the interested parties demanded a declaration as the said royal decree did not concern them, and these statements were not obtained from the visit; they have made an appeal, in regard to these points, and they are pending in the royal council. none of those debts are regarded as evident while they are in litigation, and while the royal officials do not begin to investigate them. i referred their petitions to the said royal officials, so that they could investigate and give their opinions. having examined it, i declared that those therein contained were able to vote and to be elected, in accordance with the aforesaid; and that, in a community so limited as this, it is not right to give permission to avenge one's passions under pretext of this royal decree. that extends, according to its terms, only to the debts for saleable offices. few would be the former regidors and alcaldes who would not be included; and it is advisable for your majesty to be pleased to have the proper decision made known. during disputes in this audiencia, it is the president's privilege to appoint judges; and when the auditors are challenged, he alone remains unchallenged. moreover, he has appointed them without any opposition, basing his action on the old custom of this audiencia, and on the words of the law: "the president, the members of my council, and the auditors who shall remain unchallenged, shall appoint lawyers." but recently they have tried to make an innovation and to read the petitions of the recusants and to ascertain the causes that they give. that they did in opposition to the accountant, martin ruiz de zalazar, in regard to a plea of appeal. as they were not in harmony, i appointed as judge an advocate of this royal audiencia, who having been summoned to the session, and being asked whether the case had right of appeal, declared in favor of the said accountant: without allowing him to vote the auditors made him leave the session, and proceeded by act against the party. the said accountant again challenging him, because of these and other injuries, the said auditor, without allowing him to read the appeal, declared that his associate was not challenged; and the latter, as his alternate, proceeded to try the new challenge, without its being sufficient to contradict it in writing in the session. the so open enmity between the audiencia and the royal officials being evident, i have withdrawn the papers until your majesty be pleased to provide the remedy. a similar difficulty has happened to me in regard to the appointment of a lawyer in the challenge of the said don juan sarmiento; and it is necessary for the governors to know what pertains to them in such cases, since the appointment of lawyers is not a point of law, but of the direction of that audiencia as president; and when he is not there they appoint, without considering whether or not there have been judges in the cause. the two auditors whom don francisco de rojas suspended have died. those who are left will attend better to the service of your majesty anywhere else than in philipinas. that will mean the cessation of many challenges and other indignities, as well as the vengeance feared by those who have made depositions against them during the visit. your majesty orders me, by a decree of august 26 of the past year, that in matters of government and expenses of the royal treasury, when at the request of part of my [_word illegible_], i refer them to the fiscal, so that he may advise according to his judgment. i have observed that from the commencement of my government, and i shall observe it with greater care in the future; but it will be advisable to have the fiscal ordered to defend, in the disputes with the audiencia over jurisdiction, the royal decrees which are in favor of the jurisdiction of the government. your majesty orders me by another royal decree of the same date to see that the ships which are despatched from all these islands to nueva españa leave every year from this port in the beginning of june. that is advisable, but it is impossible to establish it this year; for never have these ships left without having to wait for the arrival of the others [from nueva españa], in order that [the inhabitants] answer their agents in regard to their [commercial] relations, and because no other opportunity for this arises during the year. consequently, although the ships have been, as far as i am concerned, prepared in time with all that is necessary, the inhabitants have not begun to lade them until they have seen those which arrived safely on the twentieth of july. since that, the fulfilment of this royal decree touching the two per cent has been discussed, as appears more in detail from the sworn statement of the acts, which i enclose. from now on i have commenced to order that the ships in the coming year are to set sail without those which are now departing; and that the royal decree of your majesty must be inviolably kept and observed; but even with this warning in advance the early despatch has many inconveniences. this year no ships have come from macan, so that the chinese have brought more merchandise than usual. their main deficiency has been that of not coming laden with woven stuffs; but with the fair treatment that has been given them, it is hoped that a great abundance of cloth of all kinds will come in the first champans. the loan of 60,000 [pesos] made to the royal treasury by the inhabitants of macan, which i ordered to be paid, was opposed by the fiscal, because the portuguese have kept a quantity of the goods of our citizens. consequently that sum remains on deposit, in a separate account, so that, when the account is adjusted, their money may be returned to them. the reënforcements for the island of hermosa, which left here during the last part of august of last year, sought shelter because of bad weather, and went to anchor at macan, for there was no other place wherein to take shelter. although the ship bore the [new] governor of the island of hermosa, namely, the sargento-mayor alonso garcia romero, with his wife and family, and the provincial of the order of st. dominic, fray domingo gonçalez, together with other religious, the portuguese attempted their accustomed discourtesy, endeavoring to give it color by the pretext that the ship had put in there in order to invest a quantity of money that they were carrying. and although [the said romero] maintained his men at a great expense, only awaiting suitable weather to carry aid to the island of hermosa, the portuguese maliciously detained your majesty's ship, and did not allow it to depart until the first of april, when the said governor determined to leave the port at all hazards. he put his determination into effect with the secret permission of the captain-general [of macan], who, as was right, assisted him; but the portuguese render so little obedience toward him that they fired twenty-three pieces charged with balls, and it was only by good fortune that the vessel was not sunk. that is the usual practice of the portuguese toward all the vessels that arrive there from these islands. that is the reason why the governors of philipinas refuse to send any ships there for supplies, except in a case of extreme necessity. will your majesty be pleased to order the inhabitants of macan to give a different welcome to the vassals of your majesty who belong to the crown of castilla. i have until the present refrained from writing about the island of hermosa; but now, after a year of residence here, i am obliged to do so. [_word illegible in ms._] that it was settled, and some forts have been built. they are occupied by three companies of infantry, and together with the pampango soldiers and the other men of service they number more than four hundred, counting the rations which are given them. during the year two pataches ply back and forth in august and april with the reënforcements, and carry what is necessary for the said presidio. the climate is mild, as the island lies in twenty-five degrees of latitude. the soil is fertile, but the natives so intractable that they do not allow us to avail ourselves of the fruits of it; and as yet the religious have not reduced a single reasonable person to holy baptism. they are so treacherous a race that, when we believe that they are most peaceful, they suddenly revolt, and kill whomever they meet unprepared. on its northern side, this island is about one hundred and twenty-five leguas from the philipinas; and so near to china that only a channel of thirty leguas separates it from the province of ucheo. sailing even farther north, japon is 195 leguas away. the men are well built, and not so brown as other indians. the island lacks ports, and only small vessels can reach our forts. the dutch fortified themselves on the same island first, and in a better place than we; and it was as easy to drive them from it [then] as it is now difficult. from their location to our settlement is a distance of fifty leguas by sea, and there is no road overland or by the other sea. there was no resistance offered to our settlement, although that is the usual thing that happens when one desires to fortify himself in these regions. the motive for settlement was the desire to be able to enjoy the trade with china near at hand, which would redound to the advantage and profit of the surrounding islands. that has not had the desired effect, because of the difficulties that have arisen, distinct from the facilities of the first plan--to which are added new accidents, which are being continually experienced. the chief of all is that your majesty has more than two thousand infantry-men in various presidios, while in this camp [_i.e._, manila] those who remain do not exceed six hundred. from this place are sent out all the reënforcements for all parts. if it were necessary to fit out six or eight galleons, it would be very difficult to do so without the infantry now in the island of hermosa; and yet, with that infantry, they could attempt great things. in my opinion, even if all the purposes for which the island of hermosa had been settled had come to pass, it would result in loss to the rest of philipinas; for it is advisable for the good of these islands, that the chinese, japanese, and other nations bring their merchandise from their lands to this city at their own account and risk, and never at ours; and permission should not be given to make a way-station, or to maintain anyone to buy their goods. the advantage of that will be little, and the scarcity [of goods] general. i am not bold enough to say that the forts of the island of hermosa should be abandoned, but i affirm stoutly that it would be well had they never been commenced. in the letter touching military matters, i write at length of what has occurred in the forts of terrenate, and i refer you to that letter. this is where we can now give the greatest care. as for the kingdoms of japon, i am informed that the persecution of christians was greater than ever last year, and that more than twenty religious from all the orders were martyred, and that even those most carefully concealed were betrayed by their confidants for the reward of one thousand taes which was promised by edict for each religious. later they write here, but with little foundation, that that fury had ceased, and that the king was proving more humane; but the fact is that it is advisable to prohibit (so that what the provincials for the present are applying as the suitable remedy may have the desired effect) all religious from passing to the said kingdom. for, besides the little or no result that they obtain, that trade is shut to these islands for that reason; and that is what we ought most to desire, and what is of greatest importance to your majesty's service and to the conversion of japon itself. by virtue of your majesty's decree in which you are pleased to grant authority to those governors to take the residencia of their predecessors, because of the inconvenience experienced in their going away without giving it, the decree was presented to me in behalf of governor don juan niño de tabora, deceased. by virtue of it i have taken his residencia, and send the same to your majesty. i have not discovered that there is any charge to make against him, as he has lived honorably, and in the praiseworthy manner that his obligations demanded. the sangleys celebrate their festival, according to their custom, every year in the month of march, in their parián. they are very fond of gambling, and, by the advice of all the orders, they are permitted to play during their pastimes. the money given by the winners has been distributed among the servants of the governors, because they do not have any means of livelihood, and because the obligation of the charge is so great that the pay is scarcely able to support them decently. but i have distributed this money among the retired captains, the poor, the widows, and worthy men who suffer necessity. the order of st. dominic is the only one that dissents from the opinions of the orders. when the audiencia was governing, there was a change in the method of collecting the licenses of the sangleys; but it resulted in so much loss that, as has been found by experience, this [year's] collection has exceeded by many thousand [pesos] the collections made last year. they have tried to establish the same policy in the inspection of the sangley ships, contrary to all good government; for it is fitting that those people have many to protect them, as i tell more at length in the section treating of the licenses given by the alcalde-mayor of tondo. in no year have they been less humbled than in this. the wheat used by the inhabitants comes from china, because these islands do not grow it. consequently, the common sustenance is rice. formerly, as a policy of good government, the past governors assigned a place where the bread ovens were gathered together, and prohibited the baking of bread in any other place. in order to make this bread near at hand, the city made a contract with captain andres fernandez de puebla, so that it might be made on a site belonging to him--with the provision that he, spending in the building what then seemed sufficient, should enjoy half of the income of the said ovens, while the other half should remain for the city. all the governors have confirmed this, as it appeared of utility to the community. this is what i have to inform you of, according to your majesty's orders in your royal decree. the post of protector of the sangleys is vacant, as your majesty has ordered that account be given of it, and that six suitable persons be proposed for it, who must be lawyers. it is impossible to find so many in this community, because of the few inhabitants here; and some do not care for the said post of protector on these terms. i propose to your majesty the person of captain matheo de heredia, who, besides having served for many years in various exercises, is one of the best lawyers in philipinas. the royal audiencia entrusts business of importance to him, and he possesses ability and merits for things of greater worth, and this favor will be well bestowed on him. the viceroy of nueva españa has sent abundant reënforcements this year, with three hundred thousand pesos in money and the materials for the clothing of the soldiers (the best that have ever come here); this has been of great relief for the present needs. the captain-general of the artillery claims that he can issue warrants on the treasury as well as i, because of his office. the royal officials oppose that, as there is no money assigned for it, and they are not subordinate to any other but the governor, and that was not done in the time of his predecessor. it will be fitting for your majesty to declare what is your pleasure, considering the fact that this treasury is poor, and that it is troublesome to have many giving warrants on it. may god preserve the royal person of your majesty, as is needful to us your vassals. manila, august 10, 1634. _don juan cereso salamanca_ _military affairs_ sire: on the twenty-second of october, i informed your majesty of military affairs. now i shall do the same in detail, with the zeal of a true and faithful vassal; in accordance with which i say that the conservation of these islands consists in not embarking in new enterprises, but in keeping the presidios well defended which cannot be dispensed with, and to abolish those of least importance. by so doing there will be men in this camp for undertaking great things, as has been done in other times by your majesty's governors; while the contrary is true now, for the aforesaid reason, and the governors content themselves with not losing anything that is in their charge. i imagine that there will be difficulty in abandoning the forts of the island of hermosa; nevertheless, by my remarks in my letter on government affairs, to which i refer, that seems advisable. accordingly, that can be reduced to but two posts, thus saving most of the rations which are consumed; but in my opinion all that may be done is superfluous. the fort of this city is in a state of defense, although not in the perfection that is practiced in these times; but the fortification of the city is ruinous, to the degree of which your majesty is informed. on the other hand, the location of its settlement is admirable, for more than half of it extends along the seashore where it cannot be approached by any enemies; while another part of the wall is bathed by the river. but on the land side it has a height, and a location suitable for opening trenches up to the walls. the latter has no terreplein, and is seven palmos in height. the redoubts are smaller and have no regularity; on the contrary, the casements of three cavaliers of the said wall are in the way. the moat is filled up, and there is scarcely a sign of there having been one. this is no cause of blame to the past governors, for without doubt much was done in walling the city; for the only purpose then was to assure themselves from the domestic enemy from china and xapon, and from the natives of the land, without imagining that europeans would be able to cause any anxiety in parts so remote. but the governors who have successively come here, having experienced the armed wars with which the dutch have appeared in this port, have tried to repair and improve somewhat the old wall, as is proved by three cavaliers of great importance that they had built. with slight repair the requisite completeness was given to it. considering the great importance of this post and that building is very cheap and costs less than in any other part, i resolved, after gathering up the remains of what stood there to repair the fortifications, to build a royal cavalier in the modern style at the weakest part of the wall. without troubling the royal treasury, i began the work some four months ago, and now i hope to have it finished in two more. at the same time, we are opening a suitable moat, and we shall reduce the defense of the city to fewer posts. that it may be more strongly fortified, all the redoubts that impede communication between the cavaliers will be torn down, so that the wall will consist of only four stout bulwarks. what most surprised me in philipinas is the careless way in which the powder is kept; for all that there is in the islands is kept in one room in the fort at manila, and that in a very prominent part of it, that overlooks the wall. and if that powder should explode through any accident (which may god forbid), besides the danger to the city, there would be no powder in the islands, or any material for its manufacture. in order to obviate so extremely great a danger, two towers will be built in one of the four cavaliers, in order to separate and preserve a goodly portion of it. one of the motives which compelled me to fortify the wall is because the orders have built very near it churches so large that two of them in particular are commanding eminences; and because between one of the churches (which is called minondo) and the church of the parián there is generally a settlement of twenty thousand or more sangleys during the year. they are the people who formerly rose in rebellion. by suitable measures, those of the parián have aided me in this work, with forty thousand pesos from their communal fund. i have informed your majesty of the little importance of the galleys, and that only that of terrenate was suitable to be maintained; but, having considered the matter more fully, i am of a different opinion, and i say that they are necessary so that we may aid terrenate in any perilous need. however, they are not of any use in this port of cavite, where they are kept, as they would be if sent to the province of pintados at oton or cibu, in sight of the domestic enemy, namely, the mindanaos, joloans, and camucones. these people are the ones who pillage the natives; and because we have had only twenty oared vessels in those districts this year, not any of those enemies have left their lands, although they generally render the provinces disquieted and fearful. the person whom your majesty has in these islands of the greatest service, and fit for any important mission, is don lorenzo de olaso, master-of-camp of this army, who became captain-general at the death of don juan niño de tavora. he has assisted me greatly in everything, especially in the work of the cavalier which is being built. while the audiencia was governing, he carried himself prudently; for by their quarrels over jurisdiction they occasioned him great troubles, which with any one else might have been more embarrassing and far-reaching. on august 14 and october 22 of the past year i wrote to your majesty concerning a matter of importance, namely, that a governor be sent to terrenate, for pedro de heredia is old and rich. i say the same now, and by what has since occurred it will be recognized that only your majesty's royal service moved me [to advise thus], having understood the dangerous state in which those forts are found to be, on account of their [present] condition. on august thirteen of the same year, the said pedro de heredia advised me that many soldiers of that presidio were about to mutiny, but that he was making the best of it, as well as he could, until the reënforcements should arrive. this, he said, had happened because father manuel rinto, [105] commissary of the holy office, had published an edict regarding the sin against nature, in which many had been included. the father had given them two months in which to seek absolution. to this was joined their understanding that the governor would make an examination of those who should be absolved, from which arose their desperation. he also said that, both on this account and because the dutch had a galleon of great strength in malayo and were awaiting other galleons from chacatra, it was advisable that the usual reënforcements come, and be well guarded; for if it came in the usual manner it would infallibly be lost. that despatch found me already preparing two galleons and one patache for that purpose, for the conjectures that occupied my mind gave me greater anxiety than did the enemy themselves. in a council that i summoned, some thought that i should not risk or weaken our forces; and that i should send that aid in light vessels, and in the usual way. but, considering the condition and danger of those forts, i resolved to reënforce them in a creditable manner by sending the said two galleons, manned with good infantry and with first-class troops; taking for that purpose one company of volunteer soldiers from the camp. that was a move of importance, and one that it is advisable to make every year, so that no soldiers should be forced to go; and, knowing that they will be exchanged, many will go willingly. i appointed as commander admiral don jeronimo de tremonte. he filled this post extremely well, and observed his orders not to turn aside for other enterprises, but to place the reënforcements in terrenate, and to defend himself from whomever tried to hinder him, but nothing more. the two [dutch] ships that the enemy were expecting were boarded and burned by the botunes [106] indians of the kingdom of macassar, who found them anchored and their crews ashore; they killed those who were on land. but the ship of malayo, confident in its strength and great swiftness, attempted to drive away the reënforcements alone--risking itself because of the great importance of this matter to the dutch, for they knew that the soldiers of our presidio were watching the outcome [of this battle] in order to decide upon the murder of the governor and the chief officers, in accordance with the plot that they had made. it fought with our ships for eight hours, and then took flight, disabled and with great loss. seven persons were killed in our ships, including the chief pilot. accordingly, the reënforcements arrived in safety, when the said pedro de heredia had arrested one hundred and fifty persons; [of these] he had burned and garroted eleven men, while many had died in prison, and [only] forty were left alive. these he sent to me by the same ships that brought, the reënforcements. at present their trial is proceeding, in the first instance, under don juan lorenzo olaso, master-of-camp of the army of philipinas. inasmuch as the charges against them are insufficiently substantiated, there are opinions expressed that we should overlook their acts. but, considering that if those forty soldiers are guilty, they may infect the presidios where they may be stationed; and since the matter is so public, and open to the gaze of so many barbarians--especially of the sangleys, who are more liable [to this sin] than any other nation, this wretched affair ought to be punished with great severity and vigor. [_in the margin_: "his majesty has ordered, by a decree of the past year 635, that convict soldiers be not sent to terrenate; and that those who are there be removed every three years, so that they may serve with greater comfort and good will."] the volunteer soldiers remained in terrenate, and more than one hundred and forty were changed. to these was given one installment of pay that was sent them; and it had been many years since they had received any pay. the rest were provided with materials for clothing, and with food; and, since they know that the same thing is to be done every year, that presidio remained happy and safe. but the said governor, pedro de heredia, lately writes me that the natives of the island of terrenate, who have until now recognized cachil varo as king of tidore, have refused to obey him; and they have crowned another moro in his place, a chief named cachil borotalo, as they say that the latter is the true heir of that kingdom, and that cachil varo was an intruder. that makes me most anxious, because, besides that it is not my duty to disinherit kings, the new one who claims to be king has, until now, been living in malayo under the protection of the dutch and serving in the post of naval commander. although he has sent ambassadors to me, and promises to be faithful, there is little trust to be placed in his word, while cachil varo is a very valiant moro, and a true servant to your majesty. every year, hitherto, a present has been sent to him, as well as to his father before him; and besides being very much of a spaniard, he has retired into his fort of tidore (which is of greater importance than the forts that we ourselves hold), and the great mass of the people, with more than two thousand chiefs, obey him. the governor [of terrenate], pedro de heredia, tells me that he has not meddled in any way with these disturbances, but that he is neutral. but the said king of tidore complains of him, and attributes to him the insurrection of his vassals and the summoning of a dutchman to be new king. that does not change him, and he will remain faithful to your majesty. he knows that you are ignorant of the injuries that are being done him because of the governor's greed for the ransom of the damage. such is the condition of the affair at present. i do not blame the king or clear the governor, notwithstanding the many years during which affairs have been going badly. but that the latter has been found lacking in the alliance, and has neglected to aid the king, has not furnished any reason why the other allies should not take warning by this and renounce our friendship. these are schemes of which the dutch avail themselves. those who are acquainted with the king of tidore, and know of his services, grieve, and think that it is necessary to protect him. i am now reflecting on the way in which these matters can be settled, so that they may not fall into a worse condition, by making use of the relationship between them. but in case of need i shall not be found lacking to cachil varo; and because this matter demands expedition, and so much expense cannot always be incurred as in the past reënforcements, i shall send this aid in october, in galleys and pataches; for that is the time when the enemy have gone away. last year the audiencia wrote that one galleon and one galley had been finished. it is a fact that more than thirty thousand pesos have been spent in their construction, having been commenced in the time of don juan niño de tavora. there is nothing of so great importance in this government, as that the port of cavite be well provided with the necessary naval supplies; and that this matter be charged to a competent and very intelligent person; for the other offices are bestowed as favors, but for this one we are looking for a person whom we can ask to accept it. accordingly, we have found him, in the person of him who is commander of the fort there and river-master, namely, captain juan de olaez. he has so borne himself that the port has never for many years been found so well supplied and more faithfully administered--which is quite different from the utterly destitute condition in which i found it. the rewards of philipinas are poor, and especially those which i have had to give, because i have had no power to provide encomiendias. consequently, on this account, and because of the events that have occurred in my time, i have promoted some worthy soldiers with the titles of infantry captains, in consideration of the fact that they are those who have toiled in what is most necessary, and who have, besides their pay, only their simple posts, as before. some, under warrant of this honor, have become married and settled as citizens; that is a matter that ought to receive much attention. the sons of influential men have been encouraged to enlist as soldiers, and have begun to serve in the infantry, which was considerably in decline. i have taken special precautions not to appoint my servants to these posts, except in the case of my captain of the guard, as was done by all the other governors. the judicial posts have been bestowed upon the worthy and old settlers, but those who ask for them are very few, for they do not care to go far from the city; and it is at times necessary to beg them to accept those posts which are far away. no ship has come from yndia as yet, for they are late. that causes us to doubt whether we may expect the return of three citizens [who have gone] from this place, besides those who generally cross these seas. i think that they are detained in malaca, and that they have not gone past that place, because they found the enemy on the sea. at least, i am assured by letters from the king of macasar that fourteen urcas were on his coasts on the tenth of january of last year, where they remained for forty days. they asked him for refreshment, but he denied it to them. he said that the enemy had returned to the strait with another ship (with which they had succored malayo), and the one that had fought. at that same time the king of cochinchina wrote me that twelve other urcas had left his shores, which on their way from coasting along china, brought at least six which had been lost in a storm; but that they were rich with the booty captured from the sangley prizes they had made. all those ships took their station in the strait of malaca, and consequently, i do not expect any from yndia this year. may our lord preserve and prosper the royal person of your majesty, as we your vassals desire and need. manila, august 10, 1634. _don juan cereso salamanca_ [_in the margin_: "this letter is accompanied by the plans of the old and the new city of manila."] _ecclesiastical affairs_ sire: there is but little for me to mention in ecclesiastical matters; for the orders are conducting themselves in an exemplary manner, except that they often usurp the royal jurisdiction, under pretext of defending the natives; and they take away the authority from the alcaldes-mayor, so that nothing that the latter order is carried out, so that sometimes a layman is obeyed better than they. it is advisable to correct this, and to order that the bishops live in their dioceses, and not in this city. [107] the bishop of santisimo nombre de jesus is governing this metropolitan see during the vacancy. he is an apostolic man. i have consulted with him in regard to the appointments for the prebends that have become vacant by the death of the archdean and precentor. the prebends have only been changed by promotion; and the only one to enter new is don juan de olaso aclotequi, whom--because of his great virtue, and because he is the uncle of don lorenzo olasso, master-of-camp of these islands and formerly captain-general of them--i presented as treasurer. he had before been canon. with that this holy church is well administered, and has good subjects. in particular, the bachelor, pedro diaz de la rivera, is considered a good ecclesiastic; and his gray hairs are worthy of whatever favor your majesty will be pleased to show him. may our lord preserve the royal person of your majesty, as is necessary to us your vassals. manila, august 10, 1634. _don juan cereso salamanca_ bibliographical data the following documents are obtained from mss. in the archivo general de indias, sevilla: 1. _letter from bishop of cebú._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de los obispos sufragáneos de manila; años de 1598 á 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34." 2. _letters from tavora._--"simancas--secular; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8." 3. _letter from cabildo._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y expedientes del cabildo eclesiastico de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1568 á 1670; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 35." 4. _papal bull._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de religiosos misioneros de filipinas vistos en el consejo; años de 1617 á 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38." 5. _letters from salamanca_, 1633 and 1634.--the same as no. 2. 6. _report of archbishop on bakery._--"simancas--eclesiastico; audiencia de filipinas; cartas y espedientes de los arzobispos de manila; años de 1579 á 1697; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." _royal letters_, 1630.--the second of these is in "audiencia de filipinas; registro de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de la audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1." the others are found in the archivo historico nacional, as noted below. the following documents are obtained from the "cedulario indico" of the archivo historico nacional, madrid: 8. _royal letters, 1630._--the first and third of these are in tomo 40, fol. 71 verso and 76 verso respectively. 9. _royal orders, 1632-33._--the first is in tomo 40, fol. 86 verso, no. 99; the second is in the archivo general de indias, sevilla, the same as no. 7; the third, in tomo 31, fol. 145 verso. the following documents are obtained from mss. in the academia real de la historia, madrid, in the collection "papeles de los jesuitas:" 10. _events in filipinas, 1630-32._--in tomo 84, no. 15; the additional paragraph is from another copy of this document in the same collection, in tomo 114, no. 401. 11. _news from far east._--in tomo 114, no. 587 (copied from a pamphlet printed at sevilla in 1633). 12. _news from felipinas, 1634._--in tomo 146, no. 113. notes [1] see _vol. viii_, p. 217, note 32; also _vol. xiii_, p. 292, note 39. [2] fray juan de montesdoça went to mexico with his parents who gave him a good education. he professed in the augustinian convent in 1575, and went to the philippines in 1582. he quickly mastered the pampanga dialect, and ministered in the villages of bacolór (1590), mexico (1593), and macabebe (1596). he was elected subprior and procurator of the manila convent in 1594, provincial secretary in 1597, and prior provincial in 1599. he was missionary at apálit in 1602, and prior of guadalupe in 1605. he died at malate in 1612, having gone thither in 1608. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 30, 31. [3] fray mateo mendoza, born of noble stock, was intended for the profession of arms. having gone to the philippines, he was received into the augustinian order at manila in 1575. he was sent to mexico to receive holy orders, as there was then no bishop in the islands. he was missionary at malolos in 1580, arévalo (in 1584), san pablos de los montes (in 1586), and pórac (in 1594). although elected definitor-general in 1596, he resigned that office to go to japan. returning to manila in 1598, he became first definitor in 1599, and presided at the provincial chapter in 1602; and labored at parañaque in 1603, and tondo in 1605, dying that same year. fray agustín de tapia was a native of burgos, and professed in the convent at the same city. he had charge of the mission which arrived at manila in june, 1595; was preacher and confessor in september of the same year; preacher-general in 1597; missionary in panay in 1599; at guagua in 1601; definitor and prior of cavite in 1602. he died in 1604. for brief sketch of fray bernabé villalobos see _vol. xxiii_, note 32. fray diego cerrabe was a native of burgos, professing in the convent of that city in 1584. on going to the islands he became confessor and preacher in 1595, examiner in 1596, and lecturer and minister at pásig in 1600-1602, going to europe as definitor of the general chapter in the last year, and probably remaining in spain. fray pedro(_not_ diego) salcedo was born of an illustrious family in mexico, and took his vows at that city in 1583 at the age of twenty-five. he went to the philippines in 1598, where he exercised the care of souls in bay in 1600, in hagonoy in 1607 and 1617, in bulacán in 1614, and in malolos in 1618. he was definitor in 1602 and 1608, and prior of manila in 1605 and 1611. his death occurred at malolos in 1619. fray juan bautista de montoya was a native of castilla, and after professing at the convent in burgos went to the philippines, where he was subprior and master of novitiates in the manila convent (1581-1583), and missionary in cagayán (1583-1586), after which he returned to manila, but the same year went to macao, where he remained until 1591. he acted as definitor that same year, and afterward was missionary at a number of villages, where he lived a busy life, his death occurring in 1632. he wrote sermons in tagál, and translated the catechism into the same language, and wrote a history of the augustinian order in the philippines. fray francisco serrano professed at san felipe el real in 1574. after going to the islands he labored at macabebe, lubao, candaba, and guagua until 1596, when he was appointed provincial secretary. at the end of his term in that office, he was chosen subprior of the manila convent, visitor, and finally definitor. he died in 1613. the above notices are taken from pérez's _catálogo_. [4] fray pedro solier was born in the town of barajas in 1578, and began his studies in toledo. me entered the augustinian convent at salamanca in 1593, where he remained until 1598, when he went to the philippines. he was appointed provincial reader, and retained that office until 1603, when he returned to spain as commissary procurator. after three years he went again to the islands, laden with honors; and after ministering for two years at bacolór, was elected provincial in 1608, governing until 1610, when on account of the deposition of fray lorenzo de león, he went to spain to give a report of that matter. he was appointed bishop of puerto rico in 1614 and took possession of his see in 1615. in 1619 he became archbishop of santo domingo. he died in 1620. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 57. [5] fray hernando guerrero, a native of alcaráz, professed in the convent of san felipe el real in 1588. after his arrival at the philippines, he labored in various bisayan villages (1599-1613). in 1613, he went to spain, whence he returned in 1617. he went again to spain and rome in 1625. in 1628 he was appointed bishop of nueva segovia, and, in 1635, archbishop of manila. his term in the latter office was marked by contests with the jesuits, and he was finally excommunicated by a secular priest, and then exiled to mariveles by the governor, corcuera--only leaving that island on signing certain conditions. he died july 1, 1641, at seventy-five years of age. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 48, 49; and buzeta and bravo's _diccionario_, ii, p. 275. [6] innumerable are the names which might be cited here of religious who have given proofs of the keenest patriotism, defending the islands with the cross in one hand and the sword in the other: father agustín de san pedro, a discalced augustinian, called "father captain" for his prowess against the mindanao moros; the no less famous father pascual ibañez de santa filomena, augustinian recollect, who died while bravely assaulting the fort of abisi, jolo, in 1857; the jesuit, father ducos; the fathers of all the orders, especially the augustinians in the war with the english; the augustinian fathers who accompanied general malcampo on his expedition to jolo in 1875; father ramón zueco, recollect, of imperishable memory, besides innumerable others.--_coco_. continuing his note, father coco quotes from father fabián rodriguez in _revista agustiniana_ for january 5, 1886, the remarkable defense and military record of the augustinian father julián bermejo in cebú, from the latter part of the eighteenth century until his death in 1851. [7] fray hernando de san josé, the japanese martyr, whose family name was ayala, was born at vallesteros, in 1575, and took his vows in the augustinian convent of montilla, may 19, 1593. he arrived in the philippines in august, 1604, and was soon sent to japan, whence he returned in 1607 to manila as procurator. on his return to japan, he labored in various places, and founded the convent at nagasaki, of which he was made prior in 1613. he was martyred june 1, 1617. see diaz's _conquistas_ (valladolid, 1890), pp. 76-103. [8] fray hernando morales, a native of montilla, in the province of córdoba, professed in the córdoba convent, and on his arrival at the philippines was sent to labor among the aetas in panay. he was minister of sibucao in 1611, and of laglag in 1618, in which year he took charge of san nicolás de cebú, going later to dumalag. he died in the last place in 1647. fray felipe tallada was born in estepa, in the province of sevilla. professing in the city of sevilla, he was sent to the philippines, where he labored in the province of pampanga at various periods from 1605 to 1645. he was definitor and examiner in 1617, and procurator to spain and rome in 1618. his death occurred in betis in 1645. he wrote a life of st. nicholas of tolentino in the pampanga dialect. fray pedro del castillo became a conventual of pototan in 1605, and was minister of dingle in 1611 and 1633, of jaro in 1614, of laglag in 1617, and of san nicolás de cebú in 1621. he was also subprior of the convent of san pablo in manila in 1623, and minister of santa cruz in ilocos the same year; was procurator-general; and exercised the care of souls in bacarra in 1626, and in purao in 1629, dying in 1642. fray martín de san nicolás was a native of osma, and made his profession in the convent of puebla de los angeles. he was a missionary in maluco and japan for some years. while vicar at guimbal in 1617, he accompanied the troops on an expedition against the moros of mindanao. he died at manila in 1630. see perez's _catálogo_. [9] fray estéban carrillo was a native of the city of écija and made his profession in the córdoba convent, where he obtained a professorship. on going to the philippines he spent four years among the highlands of ilocos. he was preacher-general (1602-1609), provincial secretary (october 31, 1603), prior of manila (december 24, 1603), definitor (1605), and procurator-commissary to madrid (1607). he was one of the foremost orators in manila, which city he left in 1609 for spain, where he died in 1617. see perez's _catálogo_, p. 52. [10] fray pedro de aguirre took his vows in the convent at mexico. he was, after his arrival at the islands, a conventual in pásig and bombón until 1600, in which year he went to taguig, whence he passed to calumpit in 1602. he was prior of santo niño in 1603, and commissary-procurator to spain and rome in 1607, dying in 1631. fray roque de barrionuevo, a native of lubia, took his vows in the convent of agreda in 1589. in 1597 he was laboring in tanauan, and in malolos in 1600. in 1606, while in hagonoy, he went to ternate at the request of pedro de acuña, whence he returned in 1608. he was definitor and minister of malolos in 1609, of tondo in 1612. he died in 1649. he wrote a grammar and dictionary of the márdica dialect. fray miguel de sigüenza professed at the burgos convent in 1579. from 1581 to 1599 he labored at various missions in the visayas and in luzon. he was provincial secretary in 1602 and visitor to the tagáls the same year, after which (1605) he exercised the care of souls in hagonoy and in calumpit until 1607, in which year he died. fray mateo de peralta was a conventual at lubao in 1584, of pangasinan in 1587, of calumpit in 1590; after which he was at the missions in mexico (1591 and 1607), pórac (in 1594), candaba (in 1597), lubao (in 1602), betis (in 1608), and apálit in 1609, where he died in the same year. see pérez's _catálogo_. [11] the text reads _puerta_, "gate," which is probably an error for _huerta_, "garden." see account of their establishment, in _vol_. xxi, p. 269. [12] the franciscans now (1893) have charge of sampaloc.--_coco_. [13] ceded to them by the augustinians.--_coco_. [14] fray jerónimo de salas was born in olias and professed in the convent at madrid in 1590. he was missionary in the philippine villages of guagua (1602-1611) and macabebe (1605). he served as definitor and visitor, and in 1617 was elected provincial, but died may 17 of the same year. fray fernando de santa maria trujillo was conventual at calumtian in 1596, prior at barutao in 1598, missionary at bacarra in 1599 and 1605, at lingayén and laoag in 1600, at bantay in 1602, and at candón 1605-1611, when he was appointed definitor. after his term, he labored in tagál villages, and died in 1618. see perez's _catálogo_. [15] fray diego uribe del castillo was missionary in the ilocan villages of purao (1613), santa cruz (1614), tagudín (1612), and agoó (1621). he was examiner in the native language and reader of the province for some time. he died in 1622. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 79. [16] ezekiel xviii, 21, 22.--_coco_. [17] see pérez's _catálogo_ for sketches of these religious. [18] fray juan pineda was preacher and confessor in 1598, missionary at apálit in 1602, of méxico in 1603, of hagonoy in 1605, and vicar-prior of cebú the same year. later he returned to manila, where he became reader, and afterward procurator until 1609. he then went to rome to take part in the general chapter, where he obtained the degree of master of sacred theology. he died probably in 1611. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 64. [19] fray lucas atienza was missionary in ibahay in 1608, of dumalag in 1614, and prior of the convent of ternate 1615-1617. returning in the latter year to the islands, he was in charge of the mission of parañaque in 1623 and of tayabas in 1624. he was assigned to the island of formosa, but did not go. he died at tiaong (tayabas) in 1631. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 188. [20] fray eustaquio ortíz was born in alpechín in mexico, making his profession in the city of mexico. on arriving at the philippines he was given the office of conventual procurator; and later was missionary among the zambales. in 1602, when prior of bolinao, he went to japón with father guevara, remaining there six years. on returning to the islands he became provincial secretary (1609), prior of santo niño of cebú (1614) and of manila (1623), minister of tondo (1626), and lastly prior of guadalupe, where he completed the convent in 1629. he died may 4, 1636. he wrote two books or treatises in the japanese language. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 45, 46. [21] ecclesiasticus x, 2.--_coco_. [22] fray francisco de bonifacio, a native of sevilla, took his vows in the salamanca convent in 1586. he was fluent in the language of cebú, and labored in various missions among the bisayas (1596-1611). the latter year he was chosen definitor, and in 1614 presided over the chapter. he was minister at pásig in 1617, at tondo in 1618, and at bulacán in 1620. in 1621 he went to otón, as his presence there was necessary. in 1626, while definitor, he acted as provincial because of the death of father becerra, after which period he had care of missions in luzón, until his death in manila in 1645. two manuscripts written by him were conserved in the convent at cebú. fray vicente sepúlveda was a native of castilla, and professed in that province. in the philippines he became chief sacristan of the manila convent, and learned thoroughly the pampanga dialect, ministering in that province for five years. he was definitor in 1611, and provincial in 1614. his term was one of discord because of his rigorous enforcement of the laws passed by the father visitor. in 1617, he was chosen to fill out the term of provincial, that office becoming vacant by the death of jerónimo de salas. he was killed august 21, 1617, as the result of a conspiracy of brother augustinians who were opposed to him. fray diego gutiérrez was a native of sigüenza in the province of guadalajara, and professed in the convent of agreda in 1574. he went to the philippines in 1578, where he had charge of various missions in luzón. he served as definitor during the chapters of 1578 and 1590. his death occurred at lubao in 1613. fray antonio de porras was born in sevilla and professed in the convent of that city. he arrived at manila in 1598, where he exercised the duty of master of novitiates in the convent. he went to bisayas instead of japan which was his chosen field, working there from 1600 to 1639 (the year of his death). he held several important ecclesiastical offices in the bisayas. see pérez's _catálogo_. [23] definitors are the fathers who compose the council of the provincial. aditos are those who are to be substituted for any definitor because of his death.--_coco_. [24] fray fernando becerra was born in valladolid and took his vows in the convent of salamanca, where he read sacred theology. on going to the philippines he was missionary in bantay in 1611, preacher and reader in 1613, provincial secretary in 1614, missionary at hagonoy in 1615, at pásig, 1617, 1620, and 1623, after having served as visitor and definitor. he was elected provincial by acclamation in 1626, but died july 31 of the same year. he left several writings. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 81, 82. [25] fray alonso méntrida, an illustrious bisayan missionary and a noted writer, was born in the city of méntrida, and took his vows in the convent of casarrubios in 1590, where he became reader for some time, later exercising the same duty at manila and lubao until he went to the bisayas, where most of his work thereafter lay, although he ministered in some of the luzón missions. he served as definitor in 1614, as prior of manila in 1618, and as provincial in 1623. he died at the age of seventy-eight, on march 22, 1637. he compiled a grammar and dictionary in bisayan dialects. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 53-55. [26] for sketches of these religious, see pérez's _catálogo_. [27] juan enriquez was a professed religious of the toledo convent. after going to the philippines he labored in san pablo de los montes in 1607, in taal in 1608, and in malate in 1611. he was definitor in 1617, and visitor and provincial in 1620. in 1625 he went to spain as procurator, and died there in 1631. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 77. [28] fray juan de villalobos was a conventual in panay in 1593, prior of santo niño de cebú in 1599, first prior of the convent of guadalupe in 1602 and 1605, and later visitor and definitor. he died in 1620. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 45. [29] fray pedro garcía serrano, a native of the town of chinchón, in the province of madrid, took his vows in the province of castilla. he had considerable reputation as an orator, and was given the title of master in sacred theology some time after his arrival at the islands in 1613. he filled many posts in the order, among them that of vicar-provincial, definitor (1629), and prior of guadalupe (1624-1629), as well as that of commissary of the inquisition and _calificador_ of the holy office in the archbishopric of manila. he died in mexico in 1631, while on a voyage to spain, having been appointed definitor of the general chapter and commissary-procurator. he wrote some moral sermons in the pampanga dialect, while exercising the care of missions in that province. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 90. [30] fray alonso ruiz was a native of coimbra, portugal, and professed in the salamanca convent in 1574. he was minister of the village of aclán in 1602, and of san nicolás de cebú in 1607, sub-prior of the convent of manila and master of novitiates in 1611, definitor and prior of guadalupe in 1617, and prior of taal in 1620. he afterward served in a number of pampanga villages, and died in that of minalin in 1640. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 70. [31] possibly an error for jerónimo cavero, who ministered in certain luzon villages from 1596 to 1611, and attained great fluency in the ilocan language. he became definitor, and examiner and president of the provincial chapter of 1617. he died in 1622. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 51. [32] guimarás, opposite iloilo.--_coco_. [33] fray juan de lecea was a native of mondragón in the province of vizcaya, and took his vows in the convent of burgos. arriving at the philippines he was destined for the bisayas, laboring in various missions in that district from 1600 to 1618, during which time he filled several ecclesiastical offices. he died in 1618 at otón. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 56. [34] fray silvestre torres, a native of córdoba, was missionary in japan in 1616, subprior of the convent of san pablo in manila in 1617, minister of malate in 1618, and prior of ternate 1620-1623. on returning to manila he had charge of the convent of batangas, and died in the manila convent in 1626. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 86. [35] fray diego oseguera was a choir student in 1607, minister of mambúsao in 1611 and of baong in 1614. he was especially useful in quieting the indians who were in rebellion in the bisayas. he died in 1615. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 187, 188. [36] francisco encinas, s.j., was born at avila in 1570, and took his vows in 1596. after going to the philippines, he taught grammar for some time, and then spent more than thirty years in the bisayas. having been sent to rome as procurator for his order, in 1626, he was captured by the dutch; but, after ransom, returned to the philippines in 1632, and died at manila, january 11, 1633. he was equally versed in tagál and the bisayan speech. see sommervogel's _bibliothèque_. [37] fray juan de montemayor was confessor to governor juan de silva and a prominent orator. he was stationed at malate 1614-1620, being appointed provincial secretary in the latter year. he was procurator-general in 1621, prior of santo niño de cebú in 1623, missionary at pásig, 1625-1629, of parañaque in 1626, provincial chronicler in 1630, and prior of guadalupe in 1635. he died at manila in 1638. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 88. [38] fray agustín mejía was a mexican missionary, and after going to the philippines served in mission work in méxico in 1608, in bacolór in 1611, in guagua in 1614, and in méxico in 1617. he was prior of manila in 1615, definitor, visitor, and vicar-provincial; and died in 1630, leaving a volume of ilocan verses, the "life of san barlám y jósaphat," which remained many years in the convent of bantay. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 79. [39] fray pedro lasarte (_not_ lesarte) professed in the convent of toledo in 1572. he was missionary in purao in 1600, in bacarra in 1602, in bauang in 1605, 1611, 1614, and 1620, and in bantay in 1608 and 1611. he was definitor in 1617, prior of manila in 1626, and again missionary of bantay in 1629, dying in that place in 1636. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 50. [40] for sketches of these augustinians, see pérez's _catálogo_. [41] pérez mentions no missionary by this name. [42] evidently an error for fray miguel de suárez. he was from the branch of the order in india. in the philippines, he served as a tagál and visayan missionary, laboring in batan in 1605, in masbate in 1607, in ibahay in 1611, in aclán in 1614, in panay in 1617, in batangas in 1621 and 1633, in tanauan in 1623, in tambobong in 1626, in taal in 1629, in bugason in bisayas in 1630, in guiguinto in 1632 and 1639, in san pablo de los montes in 1636, and in caruyan in 1641. he was also procurator-general in 1620, and prior of the convent of cebú in 1638, dying in 1642. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 186. [43] in the unfortunate event which father medina mentions with as much minuteness as candor, two important points must not be overlooked by the judicious reader, which were the cause of this unfortunate deed. one was the extreme harshness of the provincial in his government, which must have been very excessive.... the imposition of new commands must have been very heavy for the religious, since even laymen intervened with the provincial, either for him to moderate unnecessary harshness or to renounce the provincialate. the second fact which also enters strongly into this case, is human passion exasperated even to obscuring the intelligence, and personified in father juan de ocadiz, ... a man peevish and melancholy.... hard beyond measure must he have thought the measures taken against him. he saw in the distance his perpetual dishonor, yet did not have the virtue sufficient to resign himself; and, instigated by the spirit of evil, perpetrated the crime which he expiated with his own life.--_coco_. [44] literally, a sack containing one thousand pesos in silver. [45] there were eleven augustinians martyred, and they received beatification from pius x in 1867.--_coco_. [46] equivalent to the english proverb, "misfortunes never come singly." [47] fray antonio ocampo was of the province of castilla, and was a religious of great activity. he was missionary to bulacán in 1618, to tondo and hagonoy in 1626, and definitor in 1620. he was sent to spain as procurator in 1632, but died at acapulco on the way thither. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 91. [48] fray juan ennao took his vows in the toledo convent, and became an excellent preacher. he was stationed at san pablo de los montes in 1609; at bulacán in 1611 and 1613; at bay in 1613 and 1617; and at taal in 1614. he was provincial in 1615, and prior of guadalupe the same year, definitor in 1620, visitor and provincial in 1629, returning for the third time after his provincialate to the village of bulacán (1635), where he died in 1636. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 77. [49] fray lúcas de la peña was very fluent in the bisayan language, and labored in the missions of the bisayan group from 1600 to 1630, probably dying soon after the last named year. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 184, 185. [50] spanish, _del tropel de los caballos_--literally, "from the trampling of the horses." [51] "he said that those were true monks who, stifling their own wills, wished or refused nothing, but desired only to obey the commands of the abbot." [52] paul's epistle to the hebrews, x, 30.--_coco_. [53] psalms civ, 15.--_coco_. [54] fray alonso rincón professed in the convent of san felipe el real, and after going to the philippines became preacher at arévalo in 1607, and was minister in betis in 1609 and 1626. after administering the villages of pórac in 1611, macabebe in 1614, and guagua in 1615, he was appointed definitor, visitor, and prior of the convent of manila in 1617. he was commissary-procurator to spain and rome in 1618, and returned to manila in 1622. he was elected definitor for the second time in 1629, and died at manila in 1631. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 77. [55] the native dish of rice. [56] see pérez's _catálogo_ for sketches of these friars. [57] spanish, _rutenos_--a now obsolete name for _ruso_ ("russians"). the term ruthenians is applied to the people of little russia (also known as ukrania and ruthenia), dwelling in the steppes of southern russia, mainly in the valley of the dnieper river; they have also extended into hungary and galicia. the reference in the text to "russians" probably indicates only somewhat vague or erroneous notions as to the geography and political condition of western asia at that time: for it was not until 1722 that the russians advanced beyond the black sea into asia, conquering the province of caucasus. medina's "diego rodrigo" apparently means fray rodrigo de san miguel (_vol. xxi_, p. 116), who spent some time in persia and chaldea, and converted many "schismatic christians" there to the roman catholic church. on his return to rome, he carried a letter addressed to the pope, from "the chaldean christians of bassora." see _vol. xxi_, note 62. [58] fray diego del aguila, a master of the number in the ecclesiastical province of andalucía, was, in spite of his protests, elected superior of the province of mechoacán in mexico while en route for the philippines; but he finally followed his first determination, and sailed for the islands in 1618. he there became visitor, definitor (1623), vicar-provincial, prior of guadalupe (1620), and president of the provincial chapter in 1626. he died at manila in 1628. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 98. pérez has evidently confused diego del aguila with lúcas de aguilar, who was definitor in 1650. see diaz's _conquistas_ (valladolid, 1890), p. 516. [59] fray hernando cabrero professed at the córdoba convent in 1601. he became sub-prior of manila in 1609, and of san pablo de los montes in 1618, 1626, and 1629. he also acted as definitor, examiner, and definitor-general, and died at sea while en route to nueva españa. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 78, 79. [60] fray francisco coronel was a native of torija in the province of guadalajara, and took the habit in mexico. he went to the philippines in 1606 as deacon. he had charge of the parish mission of méxico in 1611, and officiated later in lubao (1613), bacolór (1617, 1629), and macabebe (1620, 1626). he was definitor twice, and also visitor and prior of the convent of guadalupe in 1619. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 80. [61] for sketches of these friars, see pérez's _catálogo_. [62] fray francisco villalón was minister at tondo in 1630, and labored later in the villages of tambolong, tanauan, caruyan, bay, hagonoy, and guiguinto, until 1653. he was twice definitor (1638, 1653), and prior of the convent of santo niño (1645). he died in guiguinto in 1655. he was well versed in the tagál language. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 104. [63] fray estéban peralta held various charges in the province of castilla before going to the philippines. he was stationed in the islands at the mission in cebu, being proposed several times as provincial. in 1623 he was procurator-general, in 1626 definitor, and was at the missions at tondo (1629) and hagonoy (1632), where he died. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 98. [64] fray jerónimo medrano was a native of estella, and took his vows at the convent of soría in 1604. he labored in the missions of caruyan (1615), quingua (1617), malolos (1620), taal (1621), hagonoy (1623), parañaque (1629), and tondo (1638 and 1647). he was definitor and visitor, and three times provincial (1632, 1641, and 1650). his death occurred in 1656. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 88. [65] fray alonso carbajal was a native of salamanca, and professed in the province of castilla, where he read sacred theology and obtained the degree of master. dates regarding his life are meager. he was prior of manila in 1623 and 1653; of guadalupe, 1638; definitor, 1626 and 1653; visitor and provincial, 1644; while he renounced several bishoprics. besides this he had charge of mission work in guagua in 1620, macabebe in 1632, and bacolór in 1650, after which he served in the bisayas until his death. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 96, 97. [66] kings iii [_i.e._, kings i of the protestant version], v, 4.--_coco_. [67] fray pedro de torres was born in andalucía. he ministered in the philippines in mambúsao in 1629, and at oton in 1632, dying in manila about 1633. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 100. [68] fray juan gallegos was a native of mancha, and took his vows in the convent at burgos. he was ilocan minister at the town of narvacán (1620) and laoag (1623). he refused an appointment (1625) as procurator to spain and rome, preferring to devote himself to his ministry. he was at bantay in 1626 and 1630; at the villages of candón in 1629, 1635, and 1644; and bauang in 1633. he was subprior in 1617, and twice definitor and visitor, dying in 1648 at candón. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 94. he is to be distinguished from the other augustinian religious of the same name who died while definitor in 1581. [69] fray francisco del portillo was one of the best orators of his time. he died in 1628 after exercising the care of souls in purao in 1626, and taking possession of the land necessary to found a convent in formosa. see pérez's _catálogo_, pp. 103, 104. [70] "they hanged them on gibbets in the sight of the sun." [71] fray francisco de santa maria oliva took his vows in the toledo convent in 1581. he was minister of dumaguete in 1599, and later of potól, ibabay, mambusao, and jaro, until 1628, when he died. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 38. [72] in the text, _actuanse_, which is apparently a misprint for _actuante_. [73] pérez (_catálogo_, p. 107) says that this friar, whom he calls bartolomé blas esterlich, was from flanders. he was a confessor and preacher in manila, and ministered in the ilocan villages of bangui (1633) and agoó (1635), dying in 1640. [74] for sketches of these friars, see pérez's _catálogo_. [75] fray nicolás de herrera was a missionary in sesmoan (1618), lubao (1623 and 1626), and bacolór (1632). he was definitor in 1629, prior of manila in 1635, and president of the provincial chapter in 1638, dying in 1647. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 89. [76] fray martín de errasti was a native of vizcaya, and professed in the convent of burgos. after going to the philippines, he became missionary in pórac, apálit, and bacolór (1635). he acted as definitor and prior of manila. he was elected provincial in 1638, but died in 1639. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 93. [77] cristóbal de miranda was a missionary in the villages of méxico in 1614, and of apálit, betis, sesmoan, guagua, minalin, candaba, macabebe, and bacolór until 1641. he was definitor in 1632 and died in 1646. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 88. [78] fray lorenzo (_not_ alonso) figueroa labored in the villages of caruyan, parañaque (1620), santa cruz (1626), and agoó (1626). he was elected prior of the convent of santo niño de cebú in 1629, after which he was sent to the villages of lipa, bigaá, malate, sala, malalos, and san pablo de los montes (1653). his death is not recorded. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 96. [79] doubtless masses for the deaths of father pedro garcía and father cabrera. [80] fray pedro de la peña was born in burgos, and professed in the convent of badaya in 1599. he worked in the ilocan villages of bantay, and narvacán (1617). after laboring also in the villages of apálit and macabebe (1626), he was chosen commissary-procurator to madrid (1630), dying in the following year, aboard ship. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 86. [81] st. luke, i, 37.--coco. [82] fray pedro de quesada, a native of jaen, took his vows in the province of castilla. he was appointed preacher-general and reader of theology in 1630, and labored afterward in the villages of malolos (1632), lipa (1636), and bulacán (1638). in 1639 he went to spain as procurator-commissary of madrid and definitor-general; but the intermediary chapter having annulled his appointment, he set out again for the islands as president of a mission of religious, dying in mexico in 1645. see pérez's _catálogo_, p. 107. [83] paul's epistle to the romans, viii, 37.--coco. [84] paul's epistle to the galatians, vi, 14.--coco. [85] blumentritt in his _list of native tribes of the philippines_ (mason's translation, washington, 1901), says of the people of this name: "in a chart of the philippines for 1744, by p. murillo velarde, s. j., this name is to be seen west of caraga and bislig (mindanao). english authors speak of the tagaboloyes, waitz mentions their clear color, and mas calls them igorrotes. others add that they were mestizos of indians, and more fables to the same effect. their region has been well explored, but only manabos and mandayas have been found there. the last named are clear colored, so tagaboloyes seems to be another name for mandayas. the name sounds temptingly like tagabalíes." [86] this was balthasar carlos, born in 1630; he died in 1646. he was betrothed to mariana of austria, but his father, felipe iv, married her in 1649. [87] in 1552 felipe ii ordered a royal monopoly on playing-cards to be established throughout his western dominions. all cards were to be stamped with the royal arms. the manufacture and sale of them was sold in 1578 to hernando de caseres, who paid a royalty of one real for each pack. the value of the privilege gradually increased as well as the price of cards paid by the public. (bancroft's _history of mexico_, iii, pp. 663, 664.) this monopoly was established in the philippines in 1591, by gomez perez dasmariñas; see _vol. viii_, pp. 169, 271; and _ix_, p. 62. [88] apparently a reference to the capture of the japanese junk by spaniards, frequently referred to in previous documents. [89] the oriental commerce of denmark began with the despatch of an expedition in 1618 to open trade with ceylon. being unfavorably received there, the danes went to the coromandel coast of india, and founded a trading-post at tranquebar, one hundred and forty miles southwest of madras, defended by the fortress of dansbourg. for some time this post and its trade had considerable prosperity, but european wars prevented its fitting support and the commercial company was unable to maintain it. in 1670 a new company resumed this enterprise, but was even more unfortunate than the other, and finally expired in 1730. two years later a third company was formed, which was liberally endowed with privileges and subsidies, and was highly successful. tranquebar remained in possession of denmark until 1846, when it was purchased by england. see account of this colony and the danish trade in the east, in _establecimientos ultramarinos de las naciones europeas_, by malo de luque (madrid, 1784-90), iv, pp. 9-31. see map of "district of tranquebar," in bellin's _atlas maritime_, iii, fol. 36. [90] this was father jerónimo medrano; he was again elected to the dignity of provincial in 1641 and in 1650. [91] christoval ferreira was born in portugal, in 1580. at the age of sixteen he entered the jesuit order, and in 1609 was sent to the japan mission; he remained there through many years of persecution, and was long the provincial of his order in japan. in 1633 he was seized and imprisoned, and finally, under the strain of cruel tortures, recanted his faith--being, it is claimed, the only jesuit who in all those fierce persecutions, became an apostate. his life was spared, but he was compelled by the japanese to witness the martyrdom of his brethren, and even to decree their fate. at last ferreira, tormented by remorse and shame, surrendered himself to the authorities as being still a christian, and died (1652) as a martyr, suffering long and extreme torments. see crétineau-joly's account of his career, in _hist. comp. de jésus_, iii, pp. 161-164. murdoch and yamagata say of this jesuit (_hist. japan_, p. 633): "as to the story that ferreyra repented and was _fossed_ at nagasaki in 1653 (at the age of seventy-four), there seems to be no foundation for it." [92] apparently a corrupt spanish pronunciation of the japanese jodo (also written jíôdo, and jodo), the name of one of the buddhist sects which flourish in japan. it was founded in 1174 _a.d._--by one honen, according to griffis; by genku, according to rein. iyeyasu and his successors were adherents and benefactors of this sect. "its priests strictly insisted upon celibacy, and abhorred the eating of flesh. they taught that the health of the soul depends less upon virtue and moral perfection than upon the strict observance of pious practices" (rein). see griffis's account of buddhism in japan, in his _mikado's empire_, pp. 158-175; and the chapter on religious systems in rein's _japan_, pp. 442-464. [93] this is the volcanic mountain called onzenga-take, situated in the northern part of shimábara peninsula--noted for the terrible massacre of christians, in 1637, at arima, a town in the south of the peninsula--and east of nagasaki. the last great eruption of this volcano took place in 1791-93, in which, it is said, fifty-three thousand people lost their lives. its height is estimated at one thousand meters, and at its base are numerous hot springs. see rein's _japan_, pp. 17, 43, 54, 86. [94] regarding this letter, see note in brackets at end of this document. [95] probably sendai, in the province of satsuma. [96] this would seem to be otsu, the chief town of the province of omi; it lies northeast of ozaka (the ojaca of the text). [97] this must have been some gossip or canard cited by the writer; for iyemidzu (grandson of iyeyasu), who was then shogun, reigned from 1623 to 1651. the death of the "king" (_i.e._, tono or daimio) of arima is also related, in more detail, by la concepción (_hist. de philipinas_, v, pp. 160, 161); he says that a multitude of foxes surrounded bugandono on the road from nangasaqui, accompanying him, leaping and barking about his litter "until he reached ximabara, where they suddenly disappeared. immediately that wretched man was overpowered by a fury against himself, so great that, sword in hand, he compelled his servants to beat him soundly with bamboos. they dealt him so many blows that they inflicted upon him a wretched death"--a punishment for his cruelties against the christians. "the great shinto temple of inari [the goddess of rice] at kyoto is the model of all other shrines dedicated to this popular divinity, for on this lonely hillside twelve hundred years ago inari was supposed to manifest herself to mortals. a colossal red gateway and a flight of moss-grown steps lead to the main entrance flanked by the great stone foxes which guard every temple of inari, and symbolize the goddess worshipped under their form. japanese superstition regards the fox with abject terror; his craft and cunning are celebrated in legendary ballads; and a condition of mental disorder, known as 'possession by the fox,' is a common belief, bringing crowds of devotees to inari's temples, either to pray for the exorcism of the demoniac influence, or to avert the danger of falling under the dreadful spell." (_macmillan's magazine_, december, 1904, p. 117.) [98] thus in the transcript, but evidently should be 1633; for the reference to the _ad interim_ government of lorenzo de olasso, past the middle of this document, shows that it was written in 1632. [99] from this point to nearly the end of the bull, i have found it necessary to simplify the phraseology considerably, while carefully preserving the sense. the passage in question, while not hard to understand in latin, would be, if translated literally, almost unintelligible in english--a long, wordy repetition of revocatory and annulling clauses, for many of which there is no precise and brief equivalent in english. nor is the latin itself elegant; and a few words and phrases can only be guessed at--these, however, not affecting the real sense, or involving any matter of importance.--_rev. t. c. middleton_, translator. [100] juan garcía (afterward named "de la cruz") came to the philippines in 1632; he must therefore have sent to sevilla almost immediately after his arrival in the islands the letter from which this document was printed. he spent four years laboring in the formosa mission; and in 1636 went to china, where he spent most of his remaining years. persecuted in that country as a christian preacher, he finally was seized by chinese soldiers, and so maltreated that his injuries caused his death december 8, 1665, at fogan; he was then sixty years of age. see _reseña biog. sant. rosario_, i, pp. 411-414, for sketch of his life. [101] sebastián hurtado de corcuera. see vol. xvii, p. 291. [102] see account of the founding of the jesuit missions in china, _vol. vi_, p. 208. the work begun by ricci (see _vol. xv_, p. 178) was continued by johann adam schall von bell, a german jesuit, who entered china in 1622, remaining there until his death in 1669. he was a noted astronomer and mathematician, and for his learning and talents was greatly esteemed by the chinese, especially at the imperial court; the reformation of the chinese calendar was entrusted to him, and rank and emoluments were conferred upon him. the missions in china were not molested by the authorities after 1622; but the conflicts between the chinese and tartars, which ended in the overthrow of the ming dynasty, greatly injured the work of the missionaries from 1630 to 1660. at the time of our text, the jesuits were on friendly terms with the authorities, and their work prospered especially in peking. see account of catholic missions in china, in williams's _middle kingdom,_ ii, pp. 290-325; and in crétineau-joly's _hist. comp. de jésus_, iii, pp. 165-184. [103] _medias anatas_: half of the first year's income; a tax which was paid to the crown upon entering any office, pension, or grant. it was introduced into the indias by a law of 1632. see _recopilación leyes de indias_, lib. viii, tit. xix. [104] spanish, _religion_. this word was first used in the sense of "monastic order" or "monastery" in the sixth century, in france. this narrower sense was used along with the broader one, until the latter was gradually crowded out (during the second half of the fourteenth century); being, however, finally recovered during the epoch of the reformation; the term "man of religion" (_homo religionis_, _homme de religion_) was never used in latin, french, or english to mean a pious man, but exclusively for a man belonging to a religious order. see "history of the word _religio_ in the middle ages," by. professor ewald flügel, of leland stanford junior university--an abstract of which is printed in _transactions_ of american philological association, 1902, pp. ci, cii. [105] thus in our transcript; but in the king's answer to this letter (_post_) the name appears as rivero. [106] probably referring to the people of butung or boeton, a large island off the southeastern peninsula of celebes; their state of civilization is similar to that of the macassar and bugis of that island. [107] this recommendation was thus answered by the king, in a despatch to corcuera dated madrid, december 1, 1636: "inasmuch as it is proper that all the prelates take personal charge of the government of their churches, thus fulfilling their so stringent obligations for that, i have thought it best--notwithstanding that i charge them by a decree of the same date as this that, if they should be absent from their churches, they shall without fail go to reside in them--to order you, as i am doing, to see for your part by repeated urgings that they go to reside at and to serve their churches, in case that any of them should be absent." this is found in the "cedulario indico," at madrid--pressmark, "tomo 39, fol. 228." the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xliii, 1670-1700 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mxmvi contents of volume xliii preface 9 document of 1670-1700 dominican missions, 1670-1700. vicente de salazar, o.p. [from his historia de el santissimo rosario (manila, 1742).] 27 bibliographical data 95 appendix: some later ethnological features of the philippines preliminary note 99 superstitions and beliefs of the filipinos. tomás ortiz, o.s.a.; ca., 1731. [from his practica del ministerio (ms.)] 103 the people of the philippines. joaquin martínez de zúñiga, o.s.a. sampaloc, 1803. [from his historia de las islas philipinas.] 113 jolo and the sulus. charles wilkes, u.s.n., philadelphia, 1844. [from his narrative of the united states exploring expedition.] 128 letter from father quirico more. dávao, january 20, 1885. [from cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús, manila, 1887.] 193 letter from father pedro rosell. caraga, april 17, 1885. [from ut supra.] 212 letters from father mateo gisbert. dávao, january 4, february 8, february 20, july 26, december 24, 1886. [from ut supra.] 229 letter from father pablo cavalleria. isabela de basilan, december 31, 1886. [from ut supra.] 255 extract from a letter from father pablo pastells. manila, april 20, 1887. [from ut supra.] 268 letter from father josé maría clotet. talisayan, may 11, 1889. [from cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús, manila, 1891.] 288 present beliefs and superstitions in luzón. josé nuñez, manila, december 6, 1905. [from supplement of el renacimiento, december 9, 1905.] 310 illustrations chart of the harbor bar of manila, and vicinity of river pasig, 1757; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 35 plan of the bay and city of manila; photographic facsimile of map 58 in aprés de mannevillette's le neptune oriental (paris, 1745); from copy of original map in library of congress 129 map of the caroline islands; photographic facsimile of map in lettres édifiantes (paris, 1728), xviii, facing p. 189; from copy in library of harvard university 231 the philippine barangay; from photograph taken by otto fischer, 1888; procured in madrid 271 preface this volume carries forward the history of the dominican order in the philippines, and, like the other instalments of dominican history, or, to speak more broadly, of the history of the orders, contains many interesting sidelights. the increasing power of the order is well seen in the new arrivals of missionaries from spain, and their pushing out into the territory regarded by the recollects as their own, to the detriment of the latter, which the dominicans are able to do through the great influence of felipe pardo, the archbishop. the tone of the history is one of ecclesiastical jealousy and aggrandizement. in the appendix which treats in great part of the moros and peoples of mindanao, the chief things to note are the similarity of these latter-day malay peoples in many of their customs and characteristics with the early filipinos as described by the early writers. the persistence of the old superstitious beliefs in the province of nueva ecija, luzón, is interesting, and probably typical of the islands as a whole, at least in districts somewhat out of the usual line of travel. as this appendix shows, there is yet much work for the ethnologist in all parts of the philippines. the first portion of this volume treats of the dominican missions, in general between the years 1670-1700, the matter being translated and condensed from salazar's historia. in 1671 and 1679 new contingents of religious arrive in the province from spain, which prove of great profit to the overworked missionaries, for they have missions on the asiatic mainland as well as in the philippines which must be supplied. in the latter year the zambal mission is transferred to the dominicans, they supplanting the recollect order, who have been in charge there for over sixty years. this is at the request of the natives themselves, but it is discovered shortly that that request is only a ruse on the part of the latter in order to escape any obligation to accept the faith, for they soon petition that they be given jesuits in place of dominicans. before the transfer of the mission the dominicans have already begun to work in the zambal district, but desist because of the complaints of the recollects that their territory is being invaded. when they resume their work there in 1679, they are aided considerably by the governor, vargas y hurtado, and his military representative in the zambal district. these chapters show in extenso the methods used by the missionaries in advancing the faith. the soldiers are of considerable aid in escorting those who are to become reduced to a civilized life in the villages where the fathers can watch over their welfare carefully. the harshness of the soldiers is counteracted by the mildness and solicitude of the missionaries. the work of the latter also extends to the industrial training of the new converts. natives of civilized villages are specially hired to instruct them in agriculture, but so lazy are many of the zambals that after their lands have been cultivated, sowed, and tended, they refuse to harvest them themselves and many of them take to the mountains and apostatize from the faith. some, however, gather the harvest as they have the profit in sight. in those new missions the children, from regarding the fathers with suspicion and abhorring their very sight, soon flock about them at their appearance and will scarcely be persuaded to part from them. the children, too, are the ones whom the fathers first win over to the faith and the instruction, and these in turn bring in their parents and the other older people by taunting them with their ignorance. the astute fray domingo perez, who is in charge of the zambal field, suppresses the practice of murders by means of a trick, for by feeling the pulses of all the men of a village he is able through the natural fear of the culprit to detect the murderer. therefore the superstitious zambals imagine that he can detect any wrongdoing by simply feeling the pulse, and look upon him with awe. but still notwithstanding the seeming success of the missions after three years the father learns through the children that the indians have been secretly maintaining their old idol worship. horrified, he straightway sets about destroying the worship and the idols, and after a vigorous campaign succeeds in wiping out idolatry. the balance of the missionary work of the dominicans relates mainly to the northern province of cagayan, where the dominicans have many villages and peoples under their charge. two fathers sent out from manila in 1673 sound the irraya district in order that they may discover whether those people are ready to embrace the faith. the field is however, not yet ripe, and hence nothing further is done there until the year 1677, when fray pedro jimenez is assigned to that district. being shortly recalled, he is sent back there the following year, and the work is taken up in earnest. many indians are reduced, both with and without the aid of the soldiers, for fray pedro is a fearless worker. in seven years he has founded three permanent villages; but at the end of that time he is removed from his mission because of certain slanderous reports against him, although he returns later after being fully vindicated. the dominicans open up a road to the province of cagayan at their own expense in order that they may have easier access thereto. at the intermediary chapter of 1680 various new missions are accepted formally by the order and religious assigned to them. the mission of palavig is composed of visayans who flee thither, and of christian apostates and heathens. though that mission had first been founded in 1653, it had been soon abandoned because of some sudden fear, and the people had taken to the mountains. also after its reëstablishment, the mission is of but little permanence, for the people abandon it because of annoyances received from a commandant who comes there to watch for the acapulco ship. early in the eighteenth century a new mission is established in that district at bavag, which is soon moved to dao, and then to vangag. the work of the missions is enforced in 1684 by a band of forty-nine missionaries. that same year also, fray pedro jimenez is sent to fotol on the borders of the country of the apayaos (incorrectly called mandayas), a people who are especially fierce and bloodthirsty. there he manages to patch up a quarrel among opposing factions by his diplomacy, and gains the hearts of the people. accompanied by twenty-two heathens he goes to aparri, where the alcalde-mayor bestows honors and titles upon them. notwithstanding the rumors that the apayaos are plotting to kill him, the father visits their mountain fastnesses, where his confidence meets its just reward. some months later he returns thither and builds a church among them. in 1686 so greatly has the work prospered that fray pedro is given two associates, and in 1688 another. with the increased aid, he establishes a new village of over 500 converts, but he is soon compelled to abandon the mission because of sickness, whereupon the inhabitants of the village of calatug, supposedly christians, attack the mountaineers to whom they have always been hostile, and the village is consequently abandoned by the survivors, some of whom flee to the mountains and others are transferred to another mission site. the intermediary chapter of 1688 accepts certain houses in pangasinan. in the mission of san bartolome which is composed of alaguetes and igorots, many intermarriages take place and the people are knit closer together. that village exists more than twenty years, but is finally burned in 1709 or 1710 by hostile igorots, and the father in charge and the faithful of his flock remove to san luis beltran which is located farther from the mountains and is safer. the latter mission is twice removed and at each time some of the indians refuse to accompany it, because of their disinclination to abandon the locality where they have become fixed, or flee to the mountains. in 1732 another mission is established at that point. the mission of tuga is opened by fray juan iñiguez, who begins his work there in 1688 with great success. that mission also experiences various removals, and in 1715, the remaining christians are removed to the mission of tuao. the revolt in cagayan in 1718 finishes the mission, for its inhabitants apostatize and take to the mountain. the work is taken up later there in 1722; and in 1731, although still called the mission of tuga it is moved nearer tuao. as a result of the chapter of 1680 work is taken up in the batanes islands. fray mateo gonzalez, who has been assigned to the cagayan missions, extends his work to the babuyanes islands to the north of luzón. he establishes a village on the cagayan coast with people from those islands, but an order from the government sends those people back to their islands and the mission village is destroyed. in 1686, the first efforts are made in the batanes, but the attempt proves abortive through the death of two of the fathers assigned to that field. in 1718 another attempt there proves successful. in 1693 the mission of santa cruz is established near malaueg by fray josé galfarroso, who working zealously through those rough mountains, gains the most influential man of the region to the christian faith, in consequence of which many conversions are made. new mission bands reach the province in the years 1694 and 1699, and an examination of the names shows that it is difficult to obtain priests for the work for many of those sent are only brothers and acolytes. the mission of itugug or paniqui is flourishing and in zifun a fine field is opened under charge of fray jerónimo ulloa. the ethnological appendix opens with a short account by tomás ortiz, o.s.a., of various superstitions and heathen beliefs and practices that still exist among the natives, notwithstanding all the efforts of the religious to stamp them out. many of them show a strange mingling of heathenism and christianity. their belief in nonos, primarily, ancestor worship, leads them to ascribe spirits or souls to everything, somewhat as did the primitive north american indian, and they are very careful to propitiate the spirit or nono of river, field, and wood, etc. the ceremony of tibao, or awaiting the soul of the deceased, is still practiced by the natives, and they endeavor by various methods to outwit the fathers. ashes are spread in the house where the death occurred and by the tracks made thereon, they ascertain whether the soul has returned or not. they have numerous beliefs regarding the tigbalag, the patianac, the asuang, the last two of which are the enemies of childbirth and children. various ridiculous conjurings are performed in order to scare off those terrible monsters of the imagination. the bongsol are certain enchantments caused in the body by a sorcerer called ganay, and in order to drive them away, one must have recourse to another sorcerer. in any sickness that is deemed natural when it first comes on, if the cure is not effected as quickly as desired, it is always referred to enchantment or bongsol, and is exorcised. bilao is an elaborate ceremony, in which the rosary plays a conspicuous part, for the discovery of any thief. the anting-anting is carried by many of the natives. both males and females are circumcised. there is a curious custom of spanning their weapons while reciting the lord's prayer, and if the two operations end at the same time, then one may kill with impunity. many heretical beliefs and many false preachers exist, the proximity of the mahometans having its effect. eclipses of the moon mean that that orb is being swallowed by some awful monster, and all the people endeavor to scare away that beast with the great din that they make. inasmuch as all these beliefs are not universal, the missionary must exercise great prudence at all times. another augustinian, joaquin martínez de zúñiga, also devotes a chapter of his historia to the peoples of the philippines. there are only two classes of peoples in the philippines--the negritos and the filipinos--and even these in last analysis are, he says, homogeneous. most of the chapter is taken up with the attempt to prove that the philippine islands were peopled from the east and that they are perhaps of the same origin as the indians of south america, who would then be the parent stock. all the peoples of the south seas are homogeneous, according to him, and he believes that he has proved his case by the faulty philological method. his views are interesting, as he is the only person who has put forward such claims. in reply to those who claim a malay origin for the peoples of the philippines, he states that the method of writing might very well have been learned from the malays, but that the people must have come from the east and not the west, as the east winds prevail throughout the torrid zone. he gives a brief description of the people, and various of their customs. the selection from wilkes's narrative of his celebrated expedition may be said more properly to be a general description of the island of joló than a special study of its people. his narration contains so many interesting observations, however, both in regard to the people and their daily life and the other matters touched upon, that it is deemed not to be out of place here. besides it is the first authentic account of that island by an american. the expedition leaves manila, january 21, 1842, and coasting steadily to the south, with short stays at mindoro and at a village in panay, anchors january 31, at caldera in zamboanga province. at that time, in all mindanao, there were, says wilkes, only about 10,000 people under spanish rule, and about one-half of those were in zamboanga. caldera is a convict settlement for native filipinos, but spanish criminals are sent to spain. on the first of february, they leave mindanao and in due time anchor at the village of soung or joló. an interview with the sultan is set by the governor, dato mulu, at which, when it is held, the sultan agrees to a treaty of trade with the americans. wilkes gives much interesting information regarding the customs and social and industrial life of the sulus; describes their chief city which has its chinese quarter; describes the government which is an oligarchy, the chief governing body being the ruma bechara or trading council which is presided over by the sultan to whom but scant respect is paid, for the individual datos retain as much power as possible. trade is free, and both freemen and slaves engage in it at will, the slaves of the island often attaining to a high degree of importance. the naturalists are disappointed in their attempts to make researches on the island, as the sultan, although in order to evade the request, declares that it is unsafe, because of the hostile datos. wilkes gives considerable sound advice in regard to the navigation of this district, trading at joló, and various other matters, besides an interesting though brief history of joló, before and after the advent of the spaniards. those interesting people the sea-gypsies are described. the expedition reaches the straits of singapore on february 18. the remainder of the appendix, except the last document, constitutes letters written by the jesuit missionaries from mindanao and basilan, and an ethnological survey of the mindanao peoples by a jesuit of manila who had formerly spent a number of years in mindanao. they are all comparatively modern, extending through the years 1885-1889. january 20, 1885, father quirico moré writes to the father superior of the missions mainly concerning the moros about the gulf of dávao, where the spaniard josé oyangúren defeated them and brought them under the dominion of spain. various events are related in regard to efforts to reduce these moros who are less in number than is generally supposed, for though the moros generally acquiesce in the spanish proposals to assume village life, their willingness is only feigned. those about the gulf are the "remains of powerful and warlike moros, who in the not distant past collected tribute from the mandayas and other heathens." there are two classes of moros, the datos, or aristocracy, and the common people. with the first rank must be included the panditas or priests. though the moros endure, they do not accept, spanish rule, and await the time when they can throw it off. meanwhile they also suffer from the heathens about them, who are hostile to them. to obtain the best results the officers of dato and pandita should be suppressed, and other radical measures carried out. father pedro rosell writes from caraga, april 17, 1885, in regard to a visit of inspection of the visitas of the southern part of the district made by himself and father pablo pastells, in december 1884, to the mandayas. he reports a most encouraging state of affairs there pertaining to the conversion and reduction of the mandayas. especially helpful has been the conversion of three bailanes or priestesses. with the occasion of that conversion, the writer describes the method of sacrifice among the mandayas, and the effects produced on the bailanes who are believed to be the true mediators between men and gods. in describing the form of belief father rosell finds an analogy to the trinity in the mandaya divinities, and one to satan in the two spirits of evil. of great interest in this letter is the song sung by the bailanes while sacrificing. a series of five letters from father mateo gisbert, written from dávao in 1886, contains much interesting material. in his letter of january 4, the hispano-germanic controversy over the carolinas is mentioned, and the heathen and christian fear in the dávao district of a german invasion. there are many heathens in dávao, some of whom are industrious and intelligent, but few of whom are baptized. in southwest dávao there are about 12,000 bagobos, and they still maintain their old heathen customs, among them that of human sacrifice. they have two feasts during the year, one before the sowing of the rice, and the other at the end of the harvest. the latter is called the feast of women, and there is nothing worse seen at it than feasting, drinking, and dancing. in the former feast, the human sacrifice figures. the bagobos recognize two beginnings and each person has two souls. various remarks are made in regard to their legends or beliefs. at death also, the human sacrifice is performed in order to remove the mourning. one such sacrifice is described. the second letter of february 8, recites certain superstitious customs of the bagobos. in times of sickness they invoke their gods. they always give the first fruits of the harvest to the diuata. birds may be both good and bad omens; sneezing is always a bad omen. there are few thefts among them, for they believe that by the use of certain magic powders, they will compel the thief to inform on himself. the bilans are the most industrious of all heathen peoples about dávao and they number about 20,000. although they have some of the customs of the bagobos, their language differs from that of the latter. in his letter of february 20, father gisbert describes the customs of the tagacaolos who number 12,000 or 14,000. their language is understood by the visayans. there are many intertribal feuds among them and they are continually at war among themselves, those of one district capturing and selling to the moros those of another. they are more docile than are their neighbors. the manobos are lazy and warlike and constantly on the hunt for slaves. the moros thereabout are a race of thieves and are exceedingly treacherous. the atás or negritos live in the interior, and but little is known of them. their number may reach 25,000, and they possess their own language. the letter of july 26 is written in a slightly depressed tone. father gisbert gives a short bagobo genealogy. they have indulged in human sacrifice for many years. human sacrifices prove, though it seems a paradox, a lucrative and real business, and not only bagobos, but moros and others traffic in them. various details of a human sacrifice are given. the fifth letter of december 24, relates the results of a visit to the island of sámal. there the moros of the dávao district, afraid that the christian conversion is about to prevail, machinate to keep control, and oppose missionary efforts. the action of the spanish authorities in giving titles as captains and lieutenants to christians makes such persons the real datos of the island and weakens the hereditary allegiance. the remnants of the moros about dávao ask for villages, but it is only pretense, in order that they may continue to live under their old customs, and so that the datos may not lose the few followers left to them. it is advised that the people be encouraged to desert their datos and panditas, and that all the moros be assembled into one village. the many small villages of the moros, each with its dato and pandita, are an obstacle to the reduction and conversion of the heathens. the letter written by father pablo cavalleria to father francisco sanchez from isabela de basílan in the island of basílan, december 31, 1886, gives a great deal of most important information regarding the moros of that island. the native race is evidently fewer in number than the moros (who number ten or twelve thousand), and is partially christianized. the moros inhabit the coast and the interior, the former being known as sámal laút, who are fishermen, and the latter as yacans, who are agriculturists. they are hostile to each other. with the sámal laút are mingled also joloans and malays. personal descriptions of the moros, their mental characteristics, their religion, marriage and mortuary customs, etc., are given. their chief feast is the celebration of the birth of mahomet, though that date is not fixed but depends rather on when there is sufficient food for a good feast. they are superstitious, and perform various superstitious rites. they have seven heavens and seven hells, each with its distinctive signification. their method of fighting is described. their hatred toward the christians is well shown in a native song quoted by father cavalleria. father pablo pastells, in a letter to the father provincial, written from manila, april 20, 1887, devotes considerable space to an ethnological survey of the peoples of mindanao. the population of that island is divided into malays and indonesians (although the latter has no foundation), and negritos; and there is still another division into old christians, new christians, and heathens. the first named number 186,000, and their customs are influenced to a greater or less degree by those of the heathens according as they are more or less removed from them. father pastells describes their social life in many details, which shows that they have become "reduced" fairly well to a half civilized life. the new christians date from 1876 (the date when the jesuits reëntered mindanao) and are scarcely to be differentiated in life and customs from the heathens from whom they have proceeded. the heathens (among whom are evidently numbered the moros) aggregate 300,000, and among them are found chinese and japanese crossings, says father pastells. in greater or less detail, is set forth information concerning the mamanuas, manobos, mandayas, manguangas, monteses, guiangas, bagobos, calaganes, tagacaolos, tirurayes, tagabili, sámales, subánon, lutangos moros, calibuganes, and moros. the worst of the last named, are the moros of jolo, and the sámales laút, while the most pacific are the yacanes. father joseph maclotet writes to the rector of the ateneo municipal, from talisayan, may 11, 1889, concerning the buquidnons of misamis province who are divided into three groups, numbering in all about 13,000. socially and religiously they resemble other natives of that district. they are described and compared to the visayans. they are intelligent and modest, and have some idea of god, heaven, and eternity. they are polytheists and have four gods. the spirit of evil is also propitiated by them. the sacrifices, consisting of products of the soil, wine, and fowls, are generally offered by the old men. their marriage ceremonies and various other social features of their life are described. they are industrious and engage in various industries and occupations, the chief being agriculture. their implements are described, among them being an ingenious cotton-gin. the chinese with whom they trade take every advantage of them and cheat them on all sides. they have rude musical instruments. they punish crime according to certain traditional laws, the dato being judge. many superstitions and omens, as in all other heathens of mindanao, enter into their lives. the final document of the appendix is translated from the supplement for december 9, 1905, of el renacimiento, of manila, and treats of the still prevailing belief among the more ignorant people of luzón in regard to witches. the mangkukulam, the male or female witch, cannot look another person straight in the face, and has immense power of doing evil to his neighbors. he causes various aches and pains. the symptoms exhibited by the person bewitched are given, as also the modus operandi of the witch. regular physicians are powerless because they do not believe in enchantment. instead, a special witch doctor is employed. his treatment consists in the use of anona bark which has power over the witchcraft, and in bad cases a good caning is often administered, or, the last resort, bathing in boiling water. this last proves effective, for the patient dies under it. the belief is that these severe measures do not harm the patient, but the witch. there is another witch doctor, whose procedure differs somewhat from that of the former and does not involve the discomfort of the patient to so great a degree. a small wax figure made in human shape is put into boiling water, whereupon the witch is bound to present himself and confess his fault. the writer relates a personal experience, in which, against his will, he was made to act the part of witch doctor. the people have another name for another sort of witch, who sends his sickness, which is incurable, through the air. every friday, all witches suffer terribly as a sort of recompense for the power which they possess, and next day attend the witches' frolic. the editors september, 1906. document of 1670-1700 dominican missions. vicente de salazar, o.p. [from his historia de el santissimo rosario.] source: this is translated and synopsized from salazar's historia de el santissimo rosario (manila, 1742), from a copy owned by edward e. ayer. translation: this is made by james a. robertson. dominican missions, 1670-1700 [the following is translated and synopsized from vicente salazar's historia, [1] from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer, chicago. the first five chapters contain nothing directly on the missions.] chapter vi a new reënforcement of religious arrives at this province and the [post of the] commissary of the holy office is given back to it. [in 1671, a band of thirty-three missionaries, who had been gathered by the definitor, juan polanco, arrives at manila. [2] they are as follows:] the father lector, fray alonso sandin, son of san estevan, of salamanca, and head of the mission. father fray alonso de cordova, son of santo domingo y san pablo, of ezija. father fray miguel rodrigo, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray andres toro, of the convent of santo domingo, of el campo de zafra. father fray alonso dominguez, of the convent of san ildephonso, of toro. father fray bartolome marron, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. father fray domingo mezquita, of the convent of preachers, of zaragoça. father fray diego ortiz, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray diego de villar, of the same convent. father fray domingo de escalera, of the convent of el rosario, of madrid. father fray francisco de la maza, of the convent of nuestra señora, of atocha. father fray francisco luxan, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. father fray jacinto samper, of the convent of caspe, in aragon. father fray geronimo de ulloa, of the convent of santiago de galicia. father fray juan de santa cruz, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray juan de arjona, of the convent of san vicente, of plasencia. father fray joseph de la trinidad, or galfaroso, of the convent of santiago, of pamplona. father fray juan catalan, of the same convent. father fray joseph valdes, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. father fray melchor lorenzana, of the convent of san pablo, of plasencia. father fray matheo gonçalez, of the convent of santa cruz, of segovia. father fray mathias ramon, of the convent of santo thomas, of avila. father fray pedro gonzalez, of the convent of nuestra señora, of la peña de francia. father fray de la peña, of the same convent. father fray pedro fenollar, of the convent of santo domingo, of mallorca. father fray pedro de la fuente, of the convent of santo domingo, of victoria. brother fray juan ybañez de santo domingo, of the same convent. brother fray diego de almazan, of the convent of preachers, of zaragoça. brother fray dionisio morales, of the convent of santo domingo, of ciudad de el caller. the last three were choristers, and the following were lay-brethren: fray matheo gascon, of the convent of preachers, of zaragoça. fray joseph garcia, of the convent of preachers, of magallon. fray raymundo martorel, of the convent of santo domingo, of graus. the last named remained in mexico in the hospice of the order there. with the other thirty-two who reached this land, our ministries and missions in charge of the province were reënforced, and other missions which were promoted because of that new reënforcement, and were shortly after founded as will be told later in the following chapters. [the remainder of the chapter relates to the reëstablishment of the post of commissary of the holy office to the dominicans, who had always held it previous to fray joseph de paternina, o. s. a. chapters vii-xxvii contain lives of various missionaries of the philippines and the asiatic mainland, notices of provincial elections, and accounts of the missions of the asiatic mainland.] chapter xxviii arrival of a new mission of religious at the province; the province assumes the administration of the zambals. [in 1679 a band of dominicans arrive at the islands in charge of fray francisco villalba. [3] those religious are as follows:] the father vicar, fray francisco villalba, son of the convent of san pablo, of burgos. the father presentee, fray manuel trigueros, son of the convent of the preachers, of zaragoça. the father presentee, fray francisco matoces, son of the convent of santa catharina virgen y martir, of barzelona. father fray magino ventallol, doctor in the holy canons, son of the same convent. father fray raymundo berart, doctor in both laws, and professor of the university of lerida, son of the said convent of barzelona. father fray raphael morert, graduate from the same branches, and son of the said convent. father fray joseph vila, son of the said convent. the father lector, fray miguel ossorio, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. the father lector, fray francisco ruiz, son of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. the father lector, fray francisco vargas, son of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. the father lector, fray francisco ximenez, son of the convent of xerez. father fray juan yñiguez, son of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. father fray miguel de castro, son of the same convent. father fray diego burguillos, son of the same convent. father fray juan de santo thomas, son of the same convent, collegiate and now lector in the college of santo thomas, of the said city. father fray juan rois, son of the convent of lugo. father fray juan fernandez, son of the convent of valladolid. father fray juan de todos santos, son of the said convent. father fray juan gonçalez, son of the royal convent of nuestra señora, of atocha. father fray gregorio xiraldez, son of the convent of pontevedra. father fray francisco nuñez bravo, son of the convent of santa cruz, of segovia. father fray fernando ortubia, son of the convent of santiago de galicia. father fray domingo muta, a sicilian, son of the convent of turin. father fray bernardo lopez, son of the convent of san pedro martir, of toledo. father fray antonio de santa maria, son of the convent of valladolid. father fray alonso de herrera, son of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray alonso cobelo, son of the convent of lugo. fray francisco de frias, deacon, son of the convent of burgos. fray iñigo de san joseph, son of the convent of san pablo of palencia. fray thomas de el rosario, of the convent of la puebla de los angeles. and three lay-brethren, as follows: brother fray juan calvo, of the convent of santa cruz, of segovia. brother fray juan martinez, of the convent of nuestra señora of nieva. brother fray francisco de la cruz, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. that same year, on the first of february, a student, a native of galicia, and a relative of the archbishop of mexico, one antonio de eguiar y seijas, took the habit for this province in the hospice of san jacinto in mexico; and at the proper time in the following year he professed and immediately came to this his province. that new reënforcement was very necessary because of the great amount of work to be done in this province. for, besides the christian districts in its charge, and the chinese missions, and those of tunking, on the eleventh of may of the said year, the governor of these islands as vice-patron of these churches, in the name of the king our lord, had entrusted us with the administration of the province of zambales, which had thitherto been in charge of the augustinian recollect fathers. [4] its administration was now entrusted to our province for the following cause and reason. those indians were and are the rudest that are known in these environs of manila. they are very cruel and bloodthirsty, and fond of murdering people without more cause than their liking for cutting off heads. they were always the bugaboo of the spaniards, and the terror of the indians of the other provinces. they could never be wholly conquered, especially those living in buquil; for they were a people who lived in the mountains where the spanish arms could not reach them. and less was it possible to conquer them by means of mildness, gentleness, kindness, and caresses, although the preachers of the holy gospel of the recollects of our father st. augustine tried to invite and lure them to the knowledge of the true god and to consider the welfare of their souls. consequently, although those missionaries were among them for more than seventy years, they were unable to reduce them to the mild yoke of the law of christ. and although they worked with zeal in that attempt, with great merit and profit to themselves, yet they always lived in great disconsolation, at beholding the hardness of those hearts. not less affliction and trouble was caused to the indians when they saw fathers and spaniards in their lands, for since they were so stiff-necked, and accustomed to liberty, they did not look with favor on the payment of tribute or submission and obedience to the fathers. consequently, they were dissatisfied with the fathers, and discussed various plans to oust them. they did not dare to murder them for fear of the spaniards, who had a presidio or fort in paynaven (the center of that province), and because since they were near manila, any action that they attempted would be avenged by the spaniards who would send troops of soldiers there by both land and sea. hence the final plan discussed by the inhabitants of buquil was to have recourse to the governor, asking him to remove those fathers, and in their place give them dominican fathers. this was not because of any greater affection that they had for us than for them, but because they imagined that by successive changes, they could better conserve their liberty. this seems clearly to be their end, for before the end of seven years after our entrance into that province, they were dissatisfied with us, and begged fathers of the society. they are a fickle people and fond of change. their idea was that one sort of ministers succeeding thus to others, neither the one nor the other sort could get a foothold, or be able to put the preaching or the evangelical instruction on a sound basis among them. it happened, then, in the year 1676, that the alcalde-mayor of pampanga, then sargento-mayor don francisco de texada, and sargento-mayor alonso fernandez pacheco, former chief commandant of the fort of balas, began communication with the zambal indians of buquil and having gained their good will with their zeal for the welfare of their souls, persuaded them to become baptized, for as abovesaid, most of the people of buquil were heathens. they answered that they would become baptized if they were given dominican ministers; for they wished to be administered by them alone. having received that petition and proposal of the indians, the said alcalde and commandant informed the governor of these islands, then the master-of-camp, don manuel de leon. he desirous of the reduction of those infidels, petitioned the father provincial of this province, then father fray phelipe pardo, to send some religious to zambales as missionaries for those mountains, in order to ascertain whether the effect of reducing those barbarians to the faith of christ could be obtained in that way--a matter that all desired greatly. by virtue of that, the father provincial sent father fray pedro de alarcon [5] and father fray domingo de escalera to the place called buquil. to another place called balacbac, which is located behind the mountains of abucay, he sent the father vicar of the said village, namely, father domingo perez. the latter immediately departed for balacbac and having assembled some indians there, baptized nine, and returned to abucay, bringing five zambals with him whom he afterward catechised and baptized. one of them was the nephew of the priest of the idols, and the father taught him to read and write, for he was more clever than the others. that indian was very useful, and afterward was of much help to the said father in the reduction of the zimarrones of the mountains, and in telling their customs and idolatries. the two fathers who were at buquil, assembled some indians into a place which they called nuestra señora de atocha, where they baptized some and catechised others. but the governor having died at the beginning of the following year, the former ministers of that province began to complain to the father provincial that we were entering their administration. notwithstanding that he had a sound reply that the vice-patron of those fields of christendom had entrusted the matter to us, the father provincial in order to avoid anger between both orders, enjoined the fathers to return. that was the end of that first entrance which our religious made in zambales. the provincial chapter was held after that, and in it the said father fray domingo perez was elected vicar of samal. the latter, by virtue of the order which was enacted in the said provincial chapter for all the father vicars of the houses near the mountains where there were any heathens to reduce, to endeavor to make entrances among them in order to allure them to the faith of christ, did in that part what was ordered, by making some entrances among those mountains in order to reduce some negritos, who are called zambals. [6] although the father worked with energy in that attempt, and went to great expense in kindnesses to them, he could obtain nothing from them because of their great barbarity and other reasons which it is not the present purpose to mention. in the year 1678, master-of-camp don juan de vargas y hurtado, knight of the order of santiago, came to govern these islands. with the coming of the new governor, the zambals of buquil renewed their former petition that dominican fathers be given them. in order to make surer of their demands, they presented themselves to the archbishop, saying that they would quickly be reduced and would embrace the faith of jesus christ, if ministers of our order were given them. the archbishop, having seen that proposal, informed the governor of it, to whom as vice-patron belonged the right of assigning one or another sort of ministers to those indians. the governor brought with him a royal decree from his majesty ordering him to entrust to one of the orders the administration of the island of mindoro, which was in charge of secular priests. upon seeing the representation of the zambals, he offered the administration of the said island of mindoro to the augustinian recollect fathers, on condition that they leave the province of zambales, in order that our religious might assume its administration in accordance with the petition of the indians of that province. the father provincial of the recollects accepted the exchange, although they assert that the cession was not legal, as it was not made by the provincial chapter of their province. that annulling clause was not put forward then, and the cession made by the father provincial of the administration of zambales before the said governor having been seen, the recollects were given that of the island of mindoro. by virtue of that, the said governor in his majesty's name, conceded to the order of st. dominic the administration of the province of zambales from the village of marivelez to that of bolinao. the father provincial of this province, namely, the father commissary fray balthasar de santa cruz, immediately sent some religious to administer the said indians. in the intermediate congregation of the following year, the houses of the said province were accepted in due form, and ten religious were established in them for the cultivation of those fields of christendom, and for the new reductions of the heathens.... [chapter xxix deals with the customs of the zambals, and is omitted here, as we shall give in a future volume the original ms., on which it is based.] chapter xxx how our religious continued to soften those zambal indians and reduce them to civilization [notwithstanding that the recollects had preached in the province of zambales for seventy years and many of the zambals were baptized, many of them were still wild, and refused the gospel message held out to them. this is because of their great love of liberty and hatred of restraint, and not because of lack of zeal on the part of the recollects. besides the zambals lived scattered in many rancherías so that it was difficult for the fathers to visit them more than once or twice a year, and consequently, the little instruction that could be given them was insufficient to leaven them with the gospel spirit throughout the year. they had been unable to reduce them to fewer settlements because the various bands were often at war with one another and could not reconcile their difficulties. then, too, the magistrates, sunk in their self interest, did not furnish the aid that should come from them. "this is the reason, and there is no other, why there is so much infidelity in these islands; for it is clearly seen by experience that when the secular government has been in earnest, and encouraged a mission, very abundant fruits have followed therefrom." the narrative continues:] and this is what our religious had in their favor when they entered that province of zambales, for the governor of these islands, don juan de vargas y hurtado, was very desirous of that reduction, and made exact measures for it. in imitation of him the chief commandant of the fort of paynaoven, namely, adjutant alonso martin franco, tried to coöperate in this design by his continual vigilance and efforts and at the evident risk of his life, and without heeding his own interest in the many offers of gold which the indians made him so that he might desist from his purpose and not oblige them to leave their retreats. our religious protected by that aid, proposed to the indians of those rancherías as soon as they reached playahonda, to collect into one settlement in the site that they thought best, in order that they might be more easily taught and administered by the religious. since they had promised to reduce themselves if dominican ministers were given them, and since the governor had given them those ministers, they ought also to fulfil their word. the indians of playahonda replied that they were not the ones who had gone to manila with that request, but it was those of buquil. consequently, the latter ought to be confronted with that promise, and not they. thereupon, the religious summoned those of buquil and making them the proposal abovesaid, the indians began to offer various excuses. by that our religious recognized that all their promises were feigned, and that they were very far from any intention to become reduced. consequently, that reply having been heard by the religious, which was so contrary to what they had expected, and seeing that stronger measures were needed, the father vicar provincial returned to manila to represent to the governor the rebellion of the zambal indians. the said father was welcomed by his lordship, from whom he obtained what he wished, namely, the prohibition of trade between the zambals and the indians of pampanga and other provinces, in order that, being deprived of that recourse, hunger and necessity might compel them to descend from the mountain and live in a settlement in order to exist. but that provision proving insufficient to make the zambals live in definite villages, the governor ordered the proclamation of an edict ordering all the zambals to descend the mountains under penalty of being severely punished. the edict was proclaimed in paynaoven and in other places of that province, whence the notice of it could be carried to those who were living in the mountains. more than five hundred zambals of buquil descended on the day and to the site assigned. there the commandant of the fort again imparted to them the edict and order of the governor. their reply to the proposal was to submit the whole matter in common to an indian called quiravat, who had been the chief agent in begging our ministers for religious. he said "let him who wishes to descend to settle, do it and welcome, but as for me, i am going to live with my people where i choose." the commandant angered at his boldness, manacled and bound the said quiravat, and the indians his associates seeing that, began to discharge a cloud of arrows at the commandant and his soldiers, in number twenty-two men. thereupon, the said commandant ordered quiravat to be beheaded, and the other indians retired with the death of twelve of their companions, but without their having done any harm to the spaniards. that fray and encounter inspired the indians with fear, and some, although they were few, descended. but in the following year of 1680, three hundred soldiers having entered by way of pampanga, and the commandant of paynaoven and his men having made a raid in that other part, the zambals were inspired with so great fear, that many of them descended from the mountains. consequently, it was possible to form or increase three villages: one near the fort called alalan; another in balacbac, called nuevo toledo; and the third south of the two, called baubuen. the indians who descended from the mountain were gathered into those three villages, whether from fear of the spaniards, or through the persuasions of the fathers. the latter, by the aid of the soldiers, caused the indians to show them more respect; and with the affability and benignity of their treatment, softened the hardness of their hearts. the same effort was made in other places of the said province, where there were already some villages, although they were very small and distant, and could not be administered by the religious without evident risk and danger. consequently, they soon asked that they be placed in such condition and distance that there might be easy communication from one village to the other. all that was done at the cost of the order, which paid those who built the houses. those houses were built by people of other villages and provinces, and they were given already built to the zambals; for to compel them to make them was morally impossible. this effort of causing the indians to form their villages would have been of slight use, if at the same time they had not been obliged to work in making their fields in order that they might have the wherewithal to sustain life, so that they might not be under the necessity of abandoning their villages and returning to the mountains, where with the hunt and with various roots, the indians are wont to sustain life at small cost, without the care and trouble of cultivation. and as they were unaccustomed to the cultivation of the soil, and did not know how to plow, or dig, and had no instruments for that, nor even seed for planting: they were provided with all this by our religious. more than fifty buffaloes or carabaos (which are their oxen), by which the plowing is done in this country, were taken there at the cost of the order. also many plows were bought for them, and they were also given the seed so that they could allege no reasonable excuse. inasmuch as they did not know how to plow or to plant, salaried indians were taken from other provinces, so that they might cultivate the land, and so that the zambals might learn of them. after the land that first year had been cultivated, and the rice had headed, it was given to them at the time of harvest, so that they might reap and gather it. but so great was the laziness of those zambals that many of them refused to accept the land because it was not reaped. but others, having the profit so plainly in sight, set to work to reap it and gather it; and since by that means they made sure of their food, they were inclined to work and the cultivation of their fields. our religious encouraged them in this by thus forcibly setting before their eyes the profit of the harvest, that they would have afterward. the religious accompanied them to the fields to work, heartily praised those who applied themselves, and perhaps, in order to inspire them by their example, put their hands to the plow. for the religious very well understood that if the indians did not turn husbandmen, they would not be secure in the level land, and they would easily return to the mountains under the obligation of necessity. and thus that necessary diligence was compulsory in order to reduce them to a civilized life and to a good government. all the time the fathers continued to soften their hardness by their kindness and mildness, which they showed them not only in the gentleness of their intercourse and conversation, but also much more in the generosity and liberality which they used toward them, providing them with all that was necessary, both for the building of their houses and for the cultivation of their fields. they gave the indians a quantity of clothing to wear, besides the other acts of kindness and the presents which they made them. in that our province spent much money, a sum which, according to the accounts, exceeded ten thousand pesos. the thing that robbed still more their affection was on seeing that the fathers defended them when the soldiers wished to employ violence with them, for they took the part of the indians, and softened the fury of the soldiers. by that means the indians came to perceive two things: one that the fathers considered their good; and the other that they were higher than the soldiers, since the latter obeyed the religious and desisted from the attempted severity when the fathers ordered or petitioned them. hence they came to infer that to stand well with the fathers and to obey them was of great profit to them, for so they were assured by the spaniards, and among the religious they experienced no evil treatment, but everything was mild, gentle, and peaceful. consequently, they moderated themselves and became so mild, within a year, that it caused great surprise to see those who had formerly been so wild and unmanageable become so conformable and domestic. when our religious entered at the beginning, the children ran away from them when they saw them, and the women also hid; but the former later became so familiar with the religious that they would scarcely let them alone. when the religious entered any village, the children all descended from their houses and went behind him, and walked with him, and followed wherever he went. scarcely would they let him walk, for some of the children seized him by the habit, and others placed their scapularies under his eyes [for him to bless?]. while the father was in the convent, it was not empty of indians, who were going and coming, some to beg for relief in their necessities, while others begged consolation for their troubles, some medicine for their pains, and some relief in their afflictions. all found there whatever they needed, for charity serves for everything. and since the indians beheld that of the fathers toward them, they loved them, esteemed them, and favored, and were so well inclined to their intercourse, that, on a certain occasion, when they thought that the fathers were going to leave them, and return to manila, the sorrow manifested by all was great until the fathers undeceived them, and released them by various means of their vain fear. those who had previously fled from the fathers, and those with whom the above-mentioned violence had to be used in order to gain admittance in the beginning, reached this condition of sociability and mildness in little more than one year.... chapter xxxi fruit of the preaching of our religious in the changing of the customs of the religious when once our religious had gained the goodwill of the indians they immediately began to exercise the apostolic ministry of the preaching in order to eradicate their ancient vices and customs and reduce them to the perfection of a christian life. there was much to do and accomplish in this province, for there were yet many heathens in it, and many apostates from the faith which they had received, and some, who made use of the name of christian, living in their rancherías or visitas, far from the intercourse with, and teaching of, their ministers, were only christians in name, but in their morals and even in their religion they were heathens, since they did not know the christian doctrine or the mysteries of the catholic faith, and neither prayed nor knew how to pray, nor heard mass, nor observed the feasts, nor took any account of lent, fasting, or abstinence, and did not show any other token of a christian. for since they lived in the mountains, in remote and distant places, where the ministers could not visit them unless by running great risks and dangers, as abovesaid, they were not sufficiently rooted in the faith which the preachers had taught them; and, living intermixed among the heathens, they easily took on their rites and customs. if, perchance, they wore the rosary at the neck it was when they were going to the villages of christians, so that they might not be taken for heathens. but there in their rancherías among the mountains, very rarely did they wear it; for the devil had persuaded them that nothing good could happen to them if they had those beads with them. consequently, when they went to hunt, or to commit a murder, they immediately took off the rosary, in order to obtain success in their undertaking. in short, to tell the whole thing, those indians of buquil were even idolaters, and although they had received baptism, they continued in their idolatries, and in their sacrifices to the demon. only in the capitals where the fathers lived, were there a few perfect christians; but in the rancherías and visitas, especially those of the district of buquil, since they did not have the ministers over them, they lived in entire liberty with their ancient vices and superstitions. they killed one another without cause or reason, became intoxicated, worshiped idols, and lived together as they did before, without taking any account of their christianity. in order to free them from all such things our religious toiled and labored earnestly arguing, exhorting, and checking them in all patience and instruction, according to the advice of the apostle. and inasmuch as all the barbarity of their customs originated from their lack of faith, the fathers began to set before them and to explain to them the immortality of the soul, the reward or punishment of the other life, and all the other mysteries of the catholic faith. their instruction took so fast hold once more on the apostates and on the people of buquil, that they looked at one another in stupefaction at what they heard the fathers say. the latter seeing the surprise that those things caused in the indians, decided that it was necessary to start that undertaking from its very beginnings, and to teach them to pray and the instruction, which they had either never understood, or they had completely forgotten. they began that effort by the children, whom they instructed excellently in the prayers, and in the explanation of the doctrine. after them the older people went to the church, in order not to be put to the blush before the children. the latter, either by the advice of the fathers or because of their own natural loquaciousness, upbraided their elders later with the little knowledge which they had had of god before and because they had lived like heathens. by that means the elders were put to shame, and submitted to the teaching. little by little they began to open their eyes, and to see the blindness in which they had lived. confused and ashamed of their old way of living, they applied themselves indeed with all earnestness to learn what was necessary for salvation. the church was filled with people all day long who wished to learn the prayers and formulas, which the children prayed in a loud voice, so that the others learned them in that way. the religious preached to them quite frequently, explaining to them the mysteries of the faith, and threatening with the wrath and anger of god those who did not keep the holy commandments. they did that with so great spirit, and fervor, that it caused great terror to those who heard it, and thus daily they were becoming reduced to live according to the laws of christians. [the preaching of the religious is aided by divine miracles, and the religious also make use of stratagem to banish vice. an instance of the latter is as follows.] such was the one of which the father vicar provincial, fray domingo perez, made use, to banish homicide. he frequently censured that vice in them, but for all that they were wont secretly to commit murders. the father would hear of the murder, although the aggressor was not known. assembling all those of the village, he would declare that he would ascertain it by means of the pulse. then he took the pulse of each one, and since confusion is natural in the criminal, especially in these indians, who understand so little of dissimulation, when the father would take hold of the pulse of the aggressor, the latter trembled all over his body. hence, by a happy conjecture, the father would deduce that he was the one, and then by censuring him or punishing him according to his deserts, the others were deterred from, and afraid of, committing that crime, which could never be hidden from the father, since he learned everything from the pulse. so certain were they of that, that if any of them had had anything stolen from him, he went to the father to complain, and requested him to feel the pulse of all, in order to ascertain the thief who had stolen it. and although the father usually excused himself from doing that, they could not rid themselves of the idea, which they had formed on the first occasion, that the fathers learned all things by means of the pulse. therefore, they managed to check many of their ancient customs and superstitions. but not so quickly did our religious learn what can not be mentioned without tears, namely, that although the indians were apparently christians, and were subject to the teaching of the fathers, and had abandoned some of their ancient customs, and embraced in part the observance of the divine law, yet they desired to serve god and the demon at the same time, and they desired to embrace the matters of the faith in such a manner that they should not become separated from the ancient worship which they attributed to the demon in their false gods. that matter was kept very secret among them, for since they feared lest it should reach the ears of the fathers, they had all sworn an oath to keep close concerning that fact. they kept that oath so well that it was never revealed through them. but god revealed it in a curious manner to the religious for the welfare of those miserable people. we have related in chapter xxviii that father fray domingo perez baptized a boy in abucay, the nephew of a priest of the idols, who having been taught to read and write, and having been given devout books to read, became a very excellent christian. he and other lads whom the father kept in the convent, asked the said religious many things concerning the faith, which he taught them and explained to them most gladly, so that daily they became more imbued in all its articles and mysteries. three years after the entrance of our religious into that district, those lads asked the father if it was right to do such and such things, namely the idolatries which the indians practiced, and the sacrifices which they made to the demon. the father asked them what it was that was done, and they like children went on to tell whatever they had seen their elders do, and whatever they were practicing secretly even to that time. the father's grief at such news can well be imagined. but dissembling its effects for the time being, in order not to frighten them away from the hunt, he charged the lads to keep still about what they had told him. summoning the schoolboys, whom he petted and treated with great kindness, he was informed by them with so great clearness on this head, that he learned who were the priests of those sacrifices, and the instruments that each one had for their diabolical functions. also charging those children to keep still, he ordered them to tell no one what they had told him, so that their parents might not beat them. the father having learned everything very clearly, and having consulted with god concerning the matter in prayer, he resolved, when lent came in the year 1683, to put an end to that idolatry, although he knew very well that it would be at the cost of great labor, and many troubles and dangers. for the principal priests of those sacrifices were the principal people of the village, and they were respected and venerated by all and could set afoot any treachery against him. and since they had all sworn not to reveal the matter, as he had not yet proved it, it was a point in which all were interested, and in which all would be against him. however, having placed all his confidence in god, and with the information that he possessed of the whole matter, he began to summon one after another the chiefs, and chide each one in private for the execrable evil that he was practicing by offering sacrifice to the demon. before that one could deny the truth to him, he said to him, "you have such and such instruments, and with them you sacrificed on such and such a day, in company with such and such a person." to another he said: "you are a priest, and consequently, you have so many instruments kept in such a place for the sacrifices, by which you give to the demon the honor that belongs to god; and as proof of it you performed that sacrifice on such and such a day with such and such a person, and this other on such and such a day, with such and such a person." in such wise did he examine them all and censured them for so great evil. they, seeing that he was giving them so sure proofs, considered the religious as a diviner and gave him the instruments of their idolatries. he commenced by the village of bauguen, whose church was dedicated to santa rosa. by the aid and favor of the saint he collected a great number of those instruments, which some gave to him willingly and some reluctantly. he called the children, and ordered them to break up those instruments, and they obeyed immediately. "now throw them into the privies," said the father, "and let the children perform the necessities of nature on them." they obeyed his order instantly, and made a mockery and jest of those instruments. the zambals were astonished that the father and the children were not killed for the disrespect that they showed to their gods, for they believed that he who touched or profaned such instruments would die. the father preached to them, and taught them what they were to do in the future. having finished that matter in bauguen, he went to balacbac to do the same; and although he had some difficulty, with the help of god, it was conquered. from balacbac he went to the village of alalan, and although he found the people there obstinate and pertinacious, by his kindness and arguments, he induced them to do the same that had been done in the preceding villages. then he went to buquil and did the same as in playa-honda, breaking and burning all the instruments of their idolatries. and although the father had many troubles on account of that, he stood it all with great patience, as he saw that he was performing the cause of god in this; for which, as we shall see later, they deprived him of life and made him a glorious martyr. that so pernicious root having been torn out, the religious had no difficulty in sowing in the land of their hearts the good doctrine and teaching. the holy fear of god, the frequency of the holy sacraments, the devotion of the queen of the angels, and the exercise of the holy rosary persuaded them. and since now the demon had left their souls, and he had been bereft of the right which he had to them, the instructions and inducements of the religious found no resistance in their hearts; and, consequently, they agreed thoroughly in all those things, and thereby they daily became more perfect, and became fervent christians, anxious for their salvation, and given to the exercises of piety. now one never heard, as formerly, of violent murders; and now there was no intoxication or other disorders; now the superiors were obeyed and respected by their inferiors; now one no longer heard among them a "i do not wish," as they were wont to answer formerly; now all were safe, each in his own house, and no one thought of taking vengeance on another. they attended mass almost every day, and went to recite the rosary in the afternoon. they all wore the rosary hanging from their necks with great devotion, and recited it in their houses every night. they observed the fasts of the church, and the days of abstinence with punctuality, for they feared greatly lest god punish them, as he did punish some for the example of others. in fine, such was the reform in their morals, and the change of life in those indians, that the fathers themselves were surprised to see what had been wrought by the hand of god, which had changed them in the briefest of space from ravening wolves to gentle lambs, and from fierce and savage men into faithful and obedient sons of the church. and although our religious worked mightily in this yet all the glory is due to god, who not only gave his spirit to the ministers, but also coöperated in their preaching with many manifest miracles which will be related in the following chapter. [chapter xxxii recounts the miraculous occurrences above mentioned, all of which resulted in greater faith and devotion to the new precepts taught by the missionaries, and instilled fear of god into the hearts of the indians.] chapter xxxiii of another mission in the farthest villages of yrraya in the province of cagayan not only in that mission of zambales did the province labor in that time, but also in another of not less fruit in the ends and confines of cagayan. there were formerly four villages there, namely, batavag, pilitan, bolo, and abuatan. they comprised about two thousand houses. those villages in the seventh year of their foundation, when although many of their inhabitants were heathens, notwithstanding that more of them were already christians, were abandoned on the day of the ascension of the lord in the year 1615, by their dwellers, who retired into the interior, deceived by their aniteras or priestesses, who did not look with favor upon their christianity, because of the profit that they lost thereby in their sacrifices and diabolical functions. and so much were those priestesses able to say to induce them to make that retirement, that at last they resolved to do it, apostatizing from the faith which they had received, as is mentioned in the first part of this history, book 2, chapter 3. [7] that apostasy caused great pain, especially to the fathers of cagayan, who had charge of those four villages which they had founded amid severe labors, drawing their inhabitants from heathenism and luring them to the faith of christ. when they saw now that all that they had obtained by their labor in many years was lost in one single day, they were caused great pain and disconsolation, and they saw that the fruit of their labors had been ill obtained. therefore those fathers made a few efforts on various occasions to reduce those indians to a settlement, but they obtained from them no further fruit than the obtaining of a few souls whom god had predestined for his glory. but since the zeal of the religious was directed to much more, namely, the reduction of all that people, they lost no opportunity for that enterprise, to solicit it with might and main. in the year 1673, when the father commissary, fray phelipe pardo, was elected provincial of this province, the definitory (as we remarked above) charged him straitly to strive for new missions and reductions of heathens to the faith of christ. consequently, the said father provincial going to visit the province of cagayan, the religious of that province petitioned him to found that mission of yrraya, and the prelate meeting their fervor, sent two religious to that district, namely, father fray pedro sanchez and father fray geronimo de ulloa, [8] who played the part of explorers, in order that by talking and by treating with the apostates, they might sound their minds and good will, and ascertain whether it was the season for that harvest so that they might put therein the sickle of the preaching. the two said religious went thither, and although the apostates received them well, they could not obtain what they were after by entreaty, namely, that they should reduce themselves to their former villages. for those people were prevented beforehand by the indians of the village of cabagan, who induced them, for their own private interests, not to return to their christianity. in order, then, to get them to reëstablish the said villages, they were prevented from trading with the heathen, which was a source of great profit and gain to them, and at the same time those of cabagan remained more in the interior of the province, without having so easy a place of retreat open in time of any insurrection. just as in the wars with portugal, some did not wish that country to be conquered, so that they might have an easy refuge in the time of any trouble, so also, those indians of cabagan, although christians, induced the heathens not to become christians, and pointed out to them the burden of the tribute, the polos, the personal services, and other penalties and troubles which the christians feel when they are settled. what passes in this country is incredible, for on one and the same foundation, namely, greed, opposing results are built. many chinese heathens live here, and very rarely does one see one of them who dies without baptism, not only because of the inducements of our religious, who have charge of that mission, but also because when any of those heathens falls sick, all his relatives, even the pagans, unite in persuading him to become a christian, not for any zeal which they have for the faith, for they remain in their paganism, but for fear lest, if they die heathens, their property might suffer some loss, as has been established in practice according to law or custom. on the contrary, it happens among the indians, that the christians of the villages near the heathens persuade them not to become christians, in order that they might not lose thereby their commerce and trade, in which is placed their gain and interest. and it is not to be wondered at that the indians do so, since they are new and recent christians; for there are europeans who oppose the missions greatly, for their own interest. whatever the religious effect by their efforts is destroyed easily by an alcalde or a commandant for his own private conveniences. this has always been, and is, the cause, as abovesaid, of there being so much infidelity in these islands. in fine, the two religious whom the provincial sent, returned without it having been possible for them to obtain anything of substance, as the apostates were very obstinate because of the inducements of the people of cabagan. in the year 1677, a provincial chapter was held in this province. among other ordinances established in it was the one mentioned above several times, namely, that the vicars of the villages near the heathens endeavor most earnestly to reduce them. the venerable father, fray pedro ximenez, [9] an apostolic man, and one at home in missions, was elected vicar of cabagan in that chapter. in addition to the said ordinance of the chapter, the recently-elected father provincial charged him with the reduction of those infidels and apostates. the father provincial going upon his visit, and consulting over the method of that reduction with the fathers of the province of cagayan, sent the said father fray pedro ximenez to the abovesaid site of yrraya, assigning him as companion of that undertaking his own associate and secretary, then father fray andres gonçalez, afterward bishop of nueva caceres. but the said father provincial having died in a few days, the said reduction ceased for the time being. in the following year of seventy-eight, a chapter was again held in this province, and the said father fray pedro ximenez was reëlected vicar of cabagan. while that chapter was being held, the governor of these islands, at the petition of the archbishop and the bishop of cagayan, as well as of the recently-elected father provincial, namely, father fray balthasar de santa cruz, called a council of war in regard to that reduction. in that council it was resolved that the said father fray pedro ximenez, selecting five spaniards, five pampangos, and sixteen indians should proceed to the reduction of those heathens, summoning them in the name of the king, our sovereign, by pardon for all their apostasies, murders, and other crimes that they had committed, and that the apostates who became reduced, would be excused from paying tribute for three years, and the heathens for ten years if they were converted. he was ordered to inform the superior government of the result of his journey so that the measures necessary and fitting for the said reduction, might be taken. with that order the said father, fray pedro ximenez, went to cagayan. the alcalde-mayor of that province furnished him with all that was needed for that undertaking, although the father refused to take any soldiers with him but only the sixteen indians for his protection and so that they might act as rowers in the boat. the father ascended to those paramos and desert places, and by treating those heathens with kindness and gentleness he reduced many of those of a district called ziffun to descend to settle in a place called santa rosa, where the village of batavag had formerly stood. they did that immediately without any delay, and without the aid of troops or escorts. besides them others offered themselves to the father, in number about three hundred, but since they lived farther inland, they needed escorts to accompany them and to take charge of their effects and household goods. the alcalde-mayor of that province, admiral don pedro de la peña, who was zealous for the honor of god and for the welfare of souls, was of great help with his measures. they were allowed to select a village where they wished to live. some of them went to cabagan, others to the said village of santa rosa, and others to another new village called ytugug, which was under the advocacy of nuestra señora de victoria. besides them a hundred persons descended and founded the village of san fernando, where the ancient village of bolo was established. thus of the four former villages, three have been reëstablished, namely, san fernando, santa rosa, and ytugug. the devil was envious of that reduction, and accordingly attempted to destroy it and undo it, making use of the same instruments by which he had prevented it so many years before. he suggested then to an indian of cabagan to stir up the indians who had descended, but the latter not daring to do it himself made use of a heathen called baladdon. the latter treacherously killed twelve persons of those who had recently become settled, and through that deed the reduction was on the point of being undone and the indians of returning to the mountains, seeing how little security there was in the villages. in order to quiet and calm them the alcalde-mayor took a hand. by means of a troop of soldiers whom he sent, he avenged those treacherous murders, by killing some of the accomplices and capturing others, in all seventy in number; and by looting their possessions and goods, which rightly went to the troops. by that vengeance which was taken on those traitors, the new villages were calmed and quieted, and the enemies were too fearful to attempt another such thing. father fray pedro remained in the said new villages, instructing and teaching the apostates, and catechising heathens, in order that they might receive holy baptism. all this news was reported in manila, and was gladly received there by both the governor of these islands and the ministers of the royal audiencia. taking action for the permanence of that reduction, they ordered the alcalde of cagayan to establish a presidio in the province of paniqui, which was located inland, so that the said new villages might be assured, and the disturbances from the enemies cease. the said presidio was not established, for although the alcalde-mayor of the said province went by way of cagayan, the one sent by the governor did not arrive by way of ytuy. but the journey of the alcalde-mayor of cagayan was not in vain, for father fray pedro had formerly treated with some heathens of a place called ambayao to descend to the new villages, and now by the aid of the alcalde and his men father fray pedro went down to the said indians, with their wives, families, and household goods, and reaching the village of ytugug with them, they were allowed to choose a site in which to live. some hundred of them remained there, while the others went down to cabagan, lalo, yguig, fotol, and to other villages. when the matter was at the height of its success, the devil managed to put forth all his efforts in order to cause all the said reduction to cease. he so overturned affairs that the very ones charged with the movement, petitioned most earnestly that an end be put to it, relying on some opinions apparently correct, but of little profit to the mission. hence father fray pedro was ordered to cease to bring heathens to settle if troops and escorts were needed for that purpose. the religious obeyed that new order and took care only to instruct those who had been reduced, and did not attempt to make further conquests with the aid of troops or escorts. but alone, without troops or noise, people kept descending those mountains, and many of them summoned him to go to get them. but since he was ordered not to take troops, with only the indians of the new villages, some of whom were neophytes and others catechumens, he went through those deserts and collected many apostates and heathens. on one occasion, he led one hundred and fifteen persons, and one week afterward another thirty-five followed from a place called yobat. they said to the father: "if you stay in yobat two days more, a vast number of people will descend. do you not hear them calling to you from afar and inviting you to go to them?" the said father did not understand it so, but thought on the contrary that they were enemies, and as he had so few people with him could not trust himself; besides those men whom he took had enough to do in carrying the children and old and sick people, and the possessions and household goods of those who descended. amid such glorious enterprises and tasks father fray pedro was employed for seven years, during which he reduced very many apostates, and baptized innumerable heathens, with whom he founded the three villages above mentioned, which are still in existence today after a period of more than sixty years. the other villages of the province were increased by those who descended from the mountains to live in them. but when the hopes of reducing all those pagans were greatest, the devil laid such snares and so many witnesses rose up against the father that it became necessary for this province to remove him from that ministry, and to transfer him to another one very distant from it. there without his rivals or least of all the devil designing it, god carried him to other reductions, of which an account will be given in due time. in the meanwhile that mission was taken charge of by other fathers who were also zealous workers, who made their raids into those mountains and the districts of the heathens from time to time, and led many of them by means of their inducements to descend to live in the settlement; in order that they might be better taught and instructed in what pertained to the welfare of their souls, until after the lapse of several years and [until] all had been disabused of their error, and of the false opinion that they were laboring under against the innocence of the said religious, the province again placed him as minister of those new villages, in order that he might continue the former reduction. by his efforts the mission was rejuvenated and finally the father ended his days there, as will be related farther on when treating of his death. during these latter years in which this account is written, that mission has been reëstablished with seemingly more success than ever; for although the attempt has been made several times to reduce all that paganism, it has been impossible to obtain it until now as the said heathens live in remote places and are separated from communication with other provinces. therefore, they seem almost unconvertible, as the missionaries could not live among them without notable discomfort, lack of health, and even not without danger to their lives. for on eight or more occasions that the religious have entered those mountains for the purpose of reducing the heathens who live in them, sometimes escorted by soldiers, and at other times without that aid, in all of them, they have experienced lack of health and death of the missionaries and even of the soldiers who accompanied them. hence, the reduction of all that paganism was deemed impracticable. but now during these latter years, the earnest solicitude of the prelates has made that land communicable by opening through it a road from the province of pangasinan to that of cagayan. although very heavy expenses have been incurred in this, this province considers those expenses as excellently employed, since from them has followed the conquering of the impenetrability of that land, the thing that rendered the said reduction most difficult. that difficulty having been thus removed, there has been no difficulty in the missionaries living and dwelling there permanently, as at present some religious are doing, occupied in the conversion of those heathens. many of the latter are now baptized and are founding many new villages which make a good province distinct from those of pangasinan and cagayan; and it is hoped that there will be a very plentiful harvest, according to the good condition of the crops which are now apparently ripe and only need the workers from europa to gather the fruit of our labors. chapter xxxiv an intermediary congregation is celebrated in this province; notice of the mission of vangag and of an indian woman of especial merit. [an intermediary chapter is held at manila in may, 1680, at which notice is given of the entrance of the dominicans into zambales. the following houses of that province are accepted: santiago of bolinao; san andres of masinloc; nuestra señora de el rosario, of marivelez; nuestra señora de el sagrario, of nuevo toledo; nuestra señora de la soledad, of paynaven; nuestro padre santo domingo, of alalang; santa rosa, of baubuen. ten religious are assigned to them. the house of san thelmo, of apparri, located at the port of the province of cagayan, is also accepted. "the vicar of the house of binmaley was given a vote in the provincial chapters, and the vicar of the island of the babuyanes was given a vote in the intermediary assemblies."] one of the missions which flourished with great fruit in this province during that time was the mission of palavig, which is the mission now called vangac. this is a mission on the coast of cagayan near the mountains of paranàn which end at the cape called engaño [i.e., deceit]. the land of this island becomes more lofty as it approaches nearer the north. that mission is composed of visayan indians of the opposite coast of that province, who fleeing from the village of paranàn and from other villages, inhabit those inaccessible mountains, where they are safe because of the inaccessibility of those ridges. among them are some christian apostates and many heathens who were born in the mountains. on the brow of those mountains that mission was founded in the year 1653 by the earnest and laborious efforts of the venerable father, fray juan uguet, under the advocacy of st. thomas of aquinas. and when the mission was in a good condition, and there were many recently-baptized people in it, and others reconciled from their apostasy, they were frightened by the indians of the village of buguey, and they consequently returned immediately to the mountain, and the mission was abandoned and destroyed, and all the toil of the father came to nought through the persuasions of those bad citizens. it was god's will to have them reunite at the same site of palavig, through the inducements of some zealous missionaries, but they afterward left it again because of the annoyances which they suffered annually from a commandant who goes to that district to watch for the ship from acapulco. under that pretext he usually causes considerable vexation to the indians of the village of buguey, and much more to those of the mission as they are naturally a very pusillanimous race. hence, that mission has suffered its ups and its downs, for however much the fathers labored in it, the inhabitants of buguey by their persuasions, and that commandant by his bad treatment, destroyed their labors. it is now about twenty-five years since they returned to settle on a creek called bavag under the advocacy of st. michael, who among other saints fell to their lot. thence they moved to vangag, in order to draw those people from the mountain whence they had gone. for the same reason, they were moved on another occasion to a site called dao, which is the site where they still live, although still under the title of vangag. [salazar relates the steadfastness of a native girl at the above mission, who was of considerable use to the missionaries. two fathers while on an expedition concerned with the mission, are carried across a river by negritos, of which race salazar says:] those blacks of those mountains are very barbarous and ferocious, above all the other inhabitants of cagayan.... those black men of the mountain flee from the water even more than from fire; for every night in order to go to sleep, they make a fire in the open, and sleep on the cinders or hot ashes, but they will never bathe or wash, in order not to get wet, although they stand so greatly in need of it, and bathing is a common and daily thing among the other natives of this country. [10] [the negritos' hatred of bathing makes our author imagine that those who carried the fathers across the river are spirits sent by god to aid his chosen ones in their trouble. the chapter ends with an account of a pious indian woman who dies in abucay. following this chapter, the missions of the asiatic mainland and the pardo troubles and controversy are discussed in chapters xxxv-xlviii; and the lives and deaths of various dominicans in chapters xlix-lxii, of which chapters l-lv treat of fray domingo perez (see vol. xxxix, pp. 149-275).] chapter lxiii a new band of religious arrives in the province, one of whom dies at sea [more than two hundred religious went to the philippines in 1684, as recruits for the orders of st. francis, st. augustine (both calced and discalced), and st. dominic. those for the last-named order number forty-nine, "which is the most abundant succor which has reached this province since its foundation." [11] those missionaries are as follows:] the said father, fray jacinto jorva, son of the convent of santa catharina martyr, of barcelona. father fray francisco miranda, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid, and collegiate of san gregorio of the same city. father fray pedro mexorada, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray diego piñero, of the province of andalucia. father fray diego velez, of the province of españa. father fray juan truxillo, of the convent of santo domingo, of xerez. father fray miguel de la villa, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. father fray sebastian de el castillo, of the same convent. father fray francisco marquez, of the convent of san pablo, of cordova. father fray thomas croquer, of the convent of santo domingo, of xerez. father fray thomas de gurruchategui, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray antonio beriain, of the convent of santo domingo, of victoria. father fray joseph beltroli. father fray jacobo de el munt. father fray juan de soto, of the convent of san pablo, of palencia. father fray pedro martin. father fray diego casanueva. father fray gaspar carrasco. father fray manuel ramos, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray miguel de san raymundo. father fray raymundo de santa rosa. father fray sebastian bordas, of the convent of santo domingo, of mexico. father fray juan de abenojar. father fray diego vilches, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. father fray antonio de santo thomas, a pole. father fray francisco de la vega. father fray nicolas de el olmo, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray francisco morales, of the same convent. father fray gabriel serrano, of the same convent. father fray santiago de monteagudo, of the convent of santiago, of galicia. father fray francisco ruiz. father fray julian de la cruz. father fray juan de la barrera. father fray joseph plana, of the convent of xirona. father fray juan de la nava, of the convent of san pablo, of cordova. father fray juan romero, of the convent of san gines, of talavera. father fray francisco gomez, of the convent of santo thomas, of avila. father fray thomas escat, of the convent of santa catharina martyr, of barcelona. father fray diego arriola. father fray blas iglesias, of the convent of san vicente, of plasencia. father fray miguel matos, of the convent of nuestra señora de la candelaria, of the canary islands. fray fernando ybañez, deacon. fray thomas de plasencia, acolyte. and six lay-brethren, who are the following: fray francisco tostado, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. fray manuel santos, of the convent of santa cruz, of segovia. fray juan ruiz, of the convent of santa cruz, of villaescusa. fray thomas gomez. fray manuel gonçales. and fray lucas de el moro, of the convent of nuestra señora, of atocha. [to this band must be added the name of fray juan marcort, son of the convent of xirona, who died at sea after the vessel had left the port of acapulco.] [chapter lxiv treats of an english pirate (dampier) who cruises among the babuyanes, and defiles a church of the dominicans. chapter lxv, the last of the first book, reviews the life of fray antonio calderon, who dies while provincial of his order. chapter i, of the second book, records the election as provincial of fray bartholome marron.] chapter ii of the reduction of the mandayas indians to our holy faith [father pedro ximenez, who had labored for six years in the mission of irraya, being compelled to leave that place because of slanderous reports, is sent in 1684 to the village of fotol, on the border of the mandaya country in the central part of luzón. the needs that he finds there will not allow him to take the rest that he has planned after his active and laborious campaign against infidelity in irraya, and he takes up his work in the new mission with undiminished zeal. the people of fotol he finds in the midst of famine, for the fierce mandayas [12] of the uplands will not allow them to cultivate their fields. the father resolves upon the reduction of the mandayas. he begins by writing letters to an influential apostate who is living in the mountain region, and those letters so stir up the conscience and memory of that man that he resumes the faith which he had abandoned, and is later of great service to the father, and lives in christian humility until his death which occurs within a short time. not without hindrances from the evil one, however, are the efforts of the gospel worker. that enemy of mankind causes an inhabitant of the village of nabayugan to murder another heathen, whereupon all is confusion and the breathing forth of threats. the father learning that that murder may be atoned for by two ways, namely, by fighting or by a fine, promises to pay for it himself in the interests of peace. through his native ambassadors he sends a present of shirts, salt, needles, combs, and tibors, to the aggrieved faction. won by such generous kindness, the ambassadors are treated most cordially, and a favorable answer sent to the father, and they promise to descend the mountain to meet him near capinatan. the energetic priest immediately sets out, but the devil ever watchful in the interests of his evil trade, manages to upset the boat in which the father is journeying on the river at the hour of midnight. however, nothing but a wetting and considerable discomfort is the result, and next day fray pedro meets the heathens. after a stay with them of two days, the father returns accompanied by two chiefs and four others of the heathens, a not slight undertaking on the part of those timid people, as they are in constant fear of treachery. they return to the mountains after short visits to the villages of capinatan and affulug, accompanied by some of the inhabitants of the former village. among their people they relate the good treatment which they have received from the father, "as well as from the commandant of the fort, who really aided considerably in that reduction by his affability, kindness, and good treatment. if the other commandants of the forts near the heathens carried themselves in that manner, they could gather more fruit than the fathers for their conversion and reduction. but the pity is that most of them not only do not aid, but even offer opposition on this point, and think only of their profit and interests." once more the devil endeavors to destroy the peace which seems about to spread throughout the district. one of three heathens, who go down to the village of malaueg, is killed by the inhabitants of that place, and the other two are seized and sent to the commandant of nueva segovia. to their surprise that commandant, instead of praising them for their vigilance, seizes the captors and frees the captives, the latter upon the supplication of the father, being sent to him and returned to their people. other troubles are also satisfactorily settled through the agency of fray pedro. at his invitation twenty-two of the heathens accompany him to apparri, where the alcalde-mayor confers on them titles and honors, thus increasing the favorable opinion of the mandayas. the village of calatug still proves an obstacle to the general peace, for they are hostile to the mandayas, and have declared that if the latter become reduced they will attack and kill them. the mandayas who wish to become civilized, after holding a council, resolve to ask aid of the alcalde-mayor against the village of calatug, and that aid is promised them. meanwhile it is reported that there is a plot to kill fray pedro, and that all the friendliness of the mandayas is only treachery. refusing to believe that, the father determines, against advice from all sides, and a vigorous protest from the commandant of the fort at capinatan, to ascend the mountains in company with only one mandaya and his daughter, and the necessary rowers, eight in number. his confidence is well answered by the joyful reception accorded him by the mandayas, among whom he remains for about a fortnight. the following september, in conformity with his promise he again ascends the mountains, and at that time a church is built which is dedicated to nuestra señora de la peña de francia. in 1686 that church numbers more than one thousand three hundred converts and apostates who have come back to the faith. the number of converts in that mission is opportunely increased by an epidemic of smallpox, when the mercy of god is seen in many, both those who die and those who recover. in 1687 the growth of the work causes the chapter held that year to assign fray pedro two associates, and in 1688 he is made an independent missionary and given one other associate. that increase enables him to found another village in a district less mountainous and hence less difficult to administer, and soon there is a christian population of over five hundred there. but the father falling ill, and finding it necessary to retire, the people of calatug, still hostile to the mandayas, assault the village, and all but one hundred and forty of them are either killed or flee to the mountains. them the alcalde-mayor of the province removes to the village of camalayugan, and that mission comes to an end.] [chapters iii-ix discuss the lives of various gospel workers, and chinese affairs. chapter x treats of certain miracles that occurred in the hospital of san gabriel.] chapter xi of the intermediary congregation of the year eighty-eight, and the houses which were accepted by it. [in 1688 the intermediary chapter held at manila, accepted the ministries of san policarpo of tabuco and its adjacent ministries of santo thomas and el rosario; and that of san bartholome of anno in pangasinan. the first had been assigned to the dominicans in 1685 by felipe pardo because of the lack of seculars to administer it and they keep it until the death of that archbishop, when it again passes into the control of the seculars. much has been done there in the meanwhile by the religious entrusted with its administration, namely, fray juan ybañez de santo domingo and two associates. the other house of san bartolome was founded for the reduction of the igorots and alaguetes in its neighborhood. with the ones converted from those peoples and some oldtime christians from pangasinan, the village soon acquires considerable christian population and a church and convent are built at the cost of the dominican province. since the location of the mission is poor, and communication with the nearest dominican houses of pangasinan difficult, an intermediary mission is founded midway between san bartolome and the other missions, to which is given the name of san luis beltran. in the mission, many are baptized, "especially of the alaguetes, who were more docile than the igorots, although also many of the latter were converted." that mission lasts more than twenty years. in 1709 or 1710 "because of disputes that arose between those of the village and the igorots, who lived in the mountain, the latter descended the mountain at night and set fire to the village, without being perceived." consequently the village is deserted, and the father and the inhabitants remove to san luis beltran, which being farther from the mountains is safer. after six years there, a government decree removes them to maoacatoacat. later the mission is moved to pao, and finally to manaoag. but since the natives dislike to leave the sites where they are settled, and also enjoy a life of freedom where they are not molested by the tribute, many of the inhabitants refuse to move at the successive transfers. falling into relaxation in consequence, many become infidels, and their number is increased by others who flee to them to escape the tribute and the restrictions of religion. in 1732, in response to a petition by the dominican provincial, the government again establishes a mission village in san luis beltran. starting thence, a new mission is opened on almost the same site of san bartolome under the name of san joseph at a site called maliongliong for the conversion of the igorots. as a result of the efforts put forth there, a new province called paniqui is opened up which is in charge of four dominican religious. much fruit is gathered for the faith in that region.] [chapters xii-xxi treat of the lives of various missionaries, among them that of the famous fray felipe pardo.] chapter xxii election as provincial of the father commissary, fray christoval pedroche, and founding of the mission of tuga. [the above father is elected provincial in 1690, after his return from exile to nueva españa, on account of the pardo troubles. during his term there is considerable activity among the chinese missions, those of batanes, and that of tuga. this last mission is the outcome of the work of father fray juan yñiguez, [13] who is entrusted in 1688 "with the conversion of the indians of mananig and the other neighboring nations who inhabited the rough mountains near the village of tuao in the province of cagayan, on the western side of the said village; and extend north and south for many leguas. at the same time the said father was charged to learn the language peculiar to that country of ytabes, [14] and compile a grammar and lexicon in it.... in the short space of six months, he learned the language of the ytabes, and reduced it to a very detailed grammar.... in the same time he founded a new village in the mission in the very lands of the heathens about six leguas south of the village of tuao, on a plateau below the creek of tuga, whence that mission took its name, which it keeps even in our times." the church built there is dedicated to st. joseph, and mass said on the second of february, 1689. notwithstanding the many oppositions offered to the new mission, it grows and prospers. at the end of eight years, the mission is moved to a more pleasant site two leagues nearer tuao, and although it receives the name of tuga there, it is sometimes called san joseph de bambang, from a mountain called bambang. in 1710, lack of friars causes the abandonment of tuga as an active mission, and it becomes a visita of tuao. that epoch marks its decline, and in 1715, after many have fled to the mountains where they have resumed their pagan life, the remaining christians are transferred to tuao. "after the year 1718 the whole province of cagayan rose in revolt [15], and that disturbance began especially in that district of ytabes where the said village of tuao is located. thereupon the new christians of the mission who had assembled in that village, returned to their former sites and mountains, and apostatized from the faith which they had received." at the close of that insurrection, the dominicans attempt to regain the ground that they had lost. in 1722 a friar is assigned to that mission to regain the apostates and work for new conversions among the heathens. both objects are largely fulfilled. in 1731, the missionary established there, fernando de lara, moves the site of the mission still nearer to tuao because of the greater conveniences. the new site which is maintained is called orac, although it is still called by the former name of tuga.] chapter xxiii foundation of the mission of batanes; death of fray matheo gonçalez, and fray juan rois in those islands. [at the chapter meeting of 1680, father matheo gonçalez [16] is chosen vicar of the babuyanes islands which lie north of the province of cagayan. his work there is successful and he reduces many to the faith, those who are baptized moving to the chief village where the church and convent are located. extending his labors to the farthest of the babuyanes islands, the father arrives there at the time when a volcano is filling its natives with terror. taking advantage of the situation, he so adds to their terror by his preaching that both apostates (of whom many have gone to that island) and heathen resolve to leave the island and go to cagayan with the father. leaving en masse they are taken to cagayan and form a new village on the seacoast between the two villages of yguig and nassiping. that village is however suppressed later by order of the government, and its inhabitants return to the babuyanes. another village called amulung is stationed there in 1733 which is formed of indians from other villages, and a church and convent established there. casting their eyes to the three batanes islands north of the babuyanes, [17] and thirty leagues from cagayan, the dominicans plan for their spiritual conquest; but not until the year 1686 can anything be done. in that year fray matheo gonçalez is again appointed vicar of the babuyanes, and given fray diego piñero [18] as associate. they visit the batanes with the object of exploring them and learning the language. the islands appear ripe for the harvest but more laborers are needed. consequently, as it is the time for the intermediary chapter the vicar returns to cagayan for help, leaving fray diego piñero alone. one other worker, fray juan de rois is assigned to the field. but scarcely have the three fathers begun their labors when sickness causes the death of the father vicar and his latest associate, whereupon fray diego piñero, notwithstanding the murmurs of the natives, returns to cagayan to seek more aid. but no more religious can be spared just then for there is a great lack of them for even the settled missions. not for thirty years later (1718) is another attempt made in the batanes, when fray juan bel being appointed vicar of the babuyanes, visits them. in 1720, as a consequence to his report, five religious are assigned for the mission. as the batanes are not healthful for europeans, the island of calayan [19] midway between the batanes and the babuyanes is chosen as the place of residence for the new mission. in that island as many as possible of the new converts are removed, and the church and convent are established there. the king being petitioned bears part of the expenses of the transferring of the converts to calayan. the venture is successful, and at the time of salazar's writing (1742), the mission still exists.] [chapters xxiv-xxxiii discuss the lives and work of various missionaries, and chinese affairs.] [chapter xxxiv treats of the life of mother sebastiana de santa maria, a native woman, who became a member of the tertiary branch of the dominican order.] chapter xxxv foundation of the mission of santa cruz in cagayan; and the death of two most virtuous hermits in this province. in the year 1693, the mission of santa cruz was established at a place called gumpat, near a visita of malaveg, called santa cruz, whence the mission took its name. it was founded by father fray joseph galfaroso, [20] or de la santissima trinidad, son of the convent of pamplona, a man most zealous for the welfare of souls. while vicar of malaveg, he, not being satisfied with the administration of the said village, made various entrances through the neighboring mountains in search of the heathens who lived in them, in order to lure them to the bosom of our holy faith. those mountains are rough and broken, and the heathen who inhabit them are very brave, and give the christian villages much to do with their continual raids and assaults with which they keep them terrified. among those heathens of the mountain, a chief named don joseph bucayu, who was the terror of all those mountains and of the neighboring villages, was prominent for his valor and courage, and was feared by all. this man god wished to take as the instrument for the foundation of that mission, for with the authority and respect that all had for him, he could attract many to his side, and taking example from him whom they considered their leader, many should embrace our holy faith. [through the grace of god, the fierce heart of this chief is softened and he embraces the faith, and by the force of his example draws many after him. he becomes the chief pillar of the new mission that is formed at santa cruz. great success attends that mission until the year of the insurrection in cagayan (1718), when that place is also deserted and its inhabitants take to the mountains. the remainder of this chapter is concerned with the life and death of domingo pinto of the tertiary branch of the dominicans, who had lived as a hermit for twenty-three years; and information concerning a man known as diego peccador (i.e., sinner), a spaniard presumably of good blood, who lived as a hermit close beside the church at san juan del monte, for five or six years, practicing the most austere penances and mortifications, after which he disappeared and nothing else was heard of him.] chapter xxxvi election of the father commissary, fray juan de santo domingo [21] as provincial. mention of the deceased of the records of that time. the new mission of religious which arrived at the province that year. [the above-named father is elected provincial in 1694. at that chapter meeting mention is made of two members of the order who have passed away--fray manuel trigueros, who dies in china in 1693; and sister mariana salzedo; of the tertiary branch of the order, a spanish woman. in 1694 a band of thirty-eight religious arrives at the islands, [22] which has been collected in spain by fray francisco villalba, who has been exiled from the islands by order of the audiencia in consequence of the pardo troubles. of the original number of forty religious in this band two remain in mexico. the names of the thirty-eight men are as follows:] the father lector, fray pedro muñoz, son of the convent of nuestra señora, of atocha. the father lector, fray francisco cantero, son of the convent of san pablo, of ezija. father fray vicente de el riesgo, son of the convent of leon. the father lector, fray jayme mimbela, son of the convent of preachers of zaragoça, and collegiate of the college of san vicente, of the same city, who afterward became bishop of santa cruz, of the port of perù, and later of truxillo. father fray pedro de santa theresa, son of the very religious convent of nuestra señora, of las caldas. father fray fernando diaz, son of the convent of san pablo, of palencia. father fray francisco gonçalez de san pedro, son of san estevan, of salamanca. father fray juan cavallero, son of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. father fray joseph martin, of the convent of san ginès, of talavera. father fray alonso robles, of the convent of salamanca. father fray alonso texedor, of the convent of valladolid. father fray francisco marzan, of the convent of santo thomas, of avila. father fray marcos de arroyuelo, of the convent of san pablo, of burgos. father fray juan ruiz de tovar, of the convent of santo domingo, of oviedo. father fray francisco gonçalez, of the convent of salamanca. father fray juan gonçalez, of the same convent. father fray fernando de la motta, of the convent of valladolid. father fray francisco de escalante, of the convent of san pedro martir, of toledo. father fray andres lozano, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. father fray diego ballesteros, son of the convent of toledo. father fray manuel de santa cruz, of the convent of avila. father fray geronimo martin, of the convent of valladolid. father fray lorenzo fernandez, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. father fray joseph de el rosario, of the convent of san ildephonso of zaragoça. father fray manuel ruiz, of the convent of salamanca. father fray pedro vegas, of the convent of santo domingo, of ocaña. father fray francisco lopez, of the convent of salamanca. father fray antonio ruidiaz, of the convent of valladolid. all the above were already priests. those who came as choristers are the following: fray manuel de escobedo, deacon, of the convent of nuestra señora, of atocha. fray juan de astudillo, deacon, of the convent of santo thomas, of madrid. fray pedro humanes, deacon, of the convent of san pablo, of sevilla. fray diego constantino, of the convent of atocha. fray martin de oña y ocadiz, of the convent of burgos. fray diego liaño, of the same convent. and fray francisco novarin, an asturian, son of santo domingo, of mexico. and two religious lay-brothers: the first, fray francisco de toledo, son of the convent of guadalaxara; and the second, fray vicente de el castillo, son of the convent of burgos. in addition there were two others, who as above said remained in mexico with the father vicar, fray francisco villalba, who could not return to the province because of his sentence of exile. [with that band also comes one fray domingo mezquita, who had first gone to the philippines in 1671, but after some years residence there had returned secretly to spain. moved again by the will of god, he returns to the islands where he dies after some years. those missionaries are detained in mexico for two years waiting for a ship. finally a ship is bought at acapulco in which is sent the royal situado, the dominican religious, a mission band of sixty recollects, and a few soldiers. after a voyage fraught with danger, for the ship is old and rotten, the harbor of cavite is finally reached june 28, and as soon as all the cargo and passengers are safely off, it founders. the much-needed missionaries are distributed among the philippine and chinese missions.] [chapters xxxvii and xxxviii treat of the chinese missions and the lives and work of certain fathers. chapter xxxix notes the celebration of the intermediary chapter of 1696, and treats of members of the dominican order who die during this period: namely, father fray diego vilches, a montañes native, who takes the habit at the sevilla convent; and doña antonio de jesus y esguerra, a spanish woman, and a member of the tertiary branch of the order. chapters xl-xliii relate the foundation and progress of the beaterio of santa catharina, of manila. the disputes between archbishop camacho and the orders (see vol. xlii, pp. 25-116) and the questions of the friars' estates, are taken up in chapters xliv-xlvi. the following chapter records the results of the provincial chapter of april 10, 1698, and states the condition of both philippine and chinese missions. that chapter accepted the mission of san luis beltran (of which mention is made in an earlier chapter) in pangasinan. the mission work of that district results in the intermarriage of pangasinans and alaguetes, and the idiom of pangasinan becomes the common language. chapter xlviii reviews the lives of prominent members of the order who die in this period: fray francisco sanchez, fray francisco de escalante, and sister jacinta de la encarnacion, of the beaterio.] chapter xlix new reënforcement of religious, which arrived at this province, and the voyage of two of them to kun-king. [in 1699 a band of thirty-seven missionaries reaches the province. they have been collected by fray francisco villalba (his third mission) who escorts them to acapulco. [23] those missionaries are as follows:] the father lector, fray thomas tocho, son of the royal convent of santo domingo, of mallorca. the father lector, fray francisco de barrera, son of the convent of santa maria, of nieva. the father preacher, fray juan martinez, son of the convent of san pablo, of burgos. the father lector, fray juan de toro, son of the royal convent of san pablo, of sevilla. the father lector, fray antonio diaz, son of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. father fray antonio gonçalez laso, son of the convent of la puebla de los angeles. father fray phelipe fernandez, son of the royal convent of santa maria, of nieva. father fray diego perez de matta, son of the royal convent of santo domingo, of mexico. father fray antonio de argollanes, son of the convent of santo domingo, of oviedo. father fray joseph de rezabal, son of the convent of san pablo, of victoria. father fray domingo salzedo, son of the convent of san pablo, of burgos. father fray balthasar de andueza, son of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. father fray antonio rodriguez, son of the convent of santo domingo, of ciudad de san-tiago. father fray juan pinta, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. father fray andres gonçalez, of the convent of santo domingo, of san-tiago. brother fray francisco petite, deacon, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. brother fray bartholome sabuquilla, deacon, of the convent of santo thomas, of madrid. brother fray manuel de esqueda, deacon, of the convent of santo domingo, of cadiz. brother fray antonio perez, deacon, of the convent of santo domingo, of zamora. brother fray mauro falcon, deacon, of the convent of santo domingo, of san-tiago. brother fray antonio zabala, deacon, of the convent of san pablo, of burgos. brother fray juan crespo, subdeacon, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. brother fray francisco cavallero, subdeacon, of the same convent. brother fray francisco molina, subdeacon, of the same convent. brother fray bernardino membride, subdeacon, of the same convent. brother fray gregorio vigil, acolyte of the convent of santo domingo, of oviedo. brother fray juan matheos, acolyte, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. brother fray pedro campueñas, acolyte, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. brother fray andres de lubitero, acolyte, of the convent of san estevan, of salamanca. brother fray miguel velasco, acolyte, of the convent of santo domingo, of mexico. brother fray joseph de palencia, acolyte, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. brother fray joachin de la torre, acolyte, of the convent of santo domingo, of oxaca. brother fray joseph barba, lay-brother, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. brother fray joseph barba, lay-brother, of the convent of san ildephonso, of zaragoça. brother fray domingo sena, lay-brother, of the convent of san pablo, of valladolid. brother fray martin de san joseph, lay-brother, of the convent of burgos. brother fray joseph pina, lay-brother, of the convent of burgos. besides these thirty-seven religious, came another, a genoan, who was sent by the propaganda, one fray thomas sextri, of the dominican convent of turin. [the remainder of the chapter is occupied with the relation of the voyage to tun-king by two of the above religious.] [chapter l mentions the intermediary chapter of may 1, 1700, and the state of the philippine and other missions of the order. in cagayan the missions of zifun and those to the mandayas are in a flourishing condition. through the efforts of fray francisco de la vega, [24] the earnest work of fray pedro ximenez is carried on, and the fierce dwellers of the village of calatug are reduced to the faith. the assembly earnestly charges the missionary at fotol to bend all his energies to the conversion of the mandayas. fray vicente de el riesgo [25] is appointed to the mission of ytugug, and he is charged with the reduction of yogat and paniqui; and well does he obey those injunctions. not only does he reduce again the villages of ytugug, santa rosa, and san fernando, but also villages of cagayan. "besides that mission of ytugug or paniqui, another harvest field, no less abundant, had been discovered, in the very center of those mountains, on the side looking toward the east, in an extensive field called zifun. there the venerable father, fray geronimo ulloa, vicar of the village of tuguegarao, filled with zeal for the reduction of those infidels, had made various raids in those mountains. that father was very fond of missions and had labored in others with zeal and fervor, and although he was now very old, and had in his charge so large a village as tuguegarao, and was very far from those mountains, yet he was unable to restrain his zeal, and his desire for the welfare of souls. hence burning with the ardor of youth, as soon as he was freed from the obstacles of the necessary occupations of his ministry, he entered those mountains alone in search of those straying souls in order to lure them to the flock of christ, without stopping to consider dangers or discomforts in order that he might gain some souls for heaven." so great is his success, and so many the souls that he reduces that the intermediary chapter gives him an associate, in order that the father may give all of his time to the mission work of zifun.] [chapters li-lvii (which complete the volume) treat of the lives of various fathers and sisters of the order. in the biographical notices of these chapters, as well as in all the other biographical chapters of this volume, there is necessarily much on the mission work of the dominicans; but the method of treatment is almost entirely from the standpoint of the individual, and offers no view of the mission work as a whole, or at least nothing new is added to the broader aspects of the work. consequently, we do not present anything from those chapters in this survey of dominican missions.] bibliographical data the documents contained in the present volume are from the following sources: 1. dominican missions, 1670-1700.--from salazar's historia de el santissimo rosario; (from a copy of original edition (manila, 1742), in possession of edward e. ayer, chicago.) 2. preliminary note.--editorial. 3. superstitions and beliefs of the filipinos.--from ortiz's práctica del ministerio, ca., 1731, chapter i, §4, pp. 11-15 (from retana's edition of zúñiga's estadismo, madrid, 1893, ii, pp. *14-*21). 4. the people of the philippines.--from zúñiga's historia de las islas philipinas (sampaloc, 1803), ii, chapter ii, pp. 19-38; from a copy of the original edition belonging to edward e. ayer, chicago. 5. jolo and the sulus.--from wilkes's narrative of the united states exploring expedition (philadelphia, 1844), v, pp. 343-390; from a copy belonging to the wisconsin historical society. 6. letter from father quirico more.--from cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús (manila, 1887), vii, pp. 76-91; from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer, chicago. 7. letter from father pedro rosell.--ut supra, pp. 198-216. 8. letters from father mateo gisbert.--ut supra, pp. 117-128, 137-145. 9. letter from father pablo cavalleria.--ut supra, pp. 27-35. 10. extract from a letter from father pablo pastells.--ut supra, pp. 336-349. 11. letter from father josé maría clotet.--from cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús (manila, 1891), ix, pp. 170-184; from a copy in possession of the library of congress. 12. present beliefs and superstitions in luzón.--from the december 9, 1905 supplement of el renacimiento; from a copy loaned by james a. leroy. appendix: some later ethnological features of the philippines preliminary note. superstitions and beliefs of the filipinos. tomás ortiz, o.s.a., ca., 1731. the people of the philippines. joaquin martinez de zúñiga, o.s.a., 1803. jolo and the sulus. charles wilkes, u.s.n., 1844. letter from father quirico more. dávao, january 20, 1885. letter from father pedro rosell. caraga, april 17, 1885. letters from father mateo gisbert. dávao, january 4, february 8, february 20, july 26, december 24, 1886. letter from father pablo cavalleria. isabela de basilan, december 31, 1886. extract from a letter by father pablo pastells. manila, april 20, 1887. letter from father josé maría clotet. talisayan, may 11, 1889. present beliefs and superstitions in luzón. josé nuñez, manila, december 6, 1905. sources: the material for this appendix is obtained as follows: no. 1, editorial note. no. 2, from extracts given by w. e. retana, in his edition of zúñiga's estadismo de las islas filipinas (madrid, 1893), ii, pp. *14-*21, of tomás ortiz's práctica del ministerio (chapter i, §4, pp. 11-15), a ms. conserved in the library of eduardo navarro, o.s.a., at valladolid. no. 3, from joaquín martinez de zúñiga's historia de las islas philipinas (sampaloc, 1803), ii, chapter ii, pp. 19-38, from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. no. 4, from charles wilkes's narrative of the united states exploring expedition (philadelphia, 1844), v, pp. 343-390 (mainly verbatim), from a copy belonging to the wisconsin historical society. nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, from cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús (manila, 1887), vii, pp. 76-91, 198-216, 117-128 and 137-145, 27-35, and 336-349, respectively, from a copy belonging to edward e. ayer. no. 10, from cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús (manila, 1891), ix, pp. 170-184, from a copy belonging to the library of congress. no. 11, from a copy of the supplement of the manila periodical el renacimiento, of the issue of december 9, 1905. translations and compilations: these are made by james a. robertson. preliminary note in this series, ethnological material will be found in the following volumes of those hitherto published: ii, pp. 68-72, 109-113, 122, 125, 126, 197-199, 201, 202; iii, pp. 34, 54-61, 74, 97, 141-172, 181, 197-204, 286-288, 297, 298; iv, pp. 26, 27, 67-70, 98-101, 105; v, pp. 34-187 (loarca's relation); vi, pp. 140, 141, 145-147; vii, pp. 173-196 (plasencia's customs of the tagálogs); xii, pp. 212, 213, 217-220, 235-244, 249-251, 261-275, 293-296, 302-310; xiii, pp. 56-58, 200-203 (chirino's relation); xiv, pp. 156-159, 304, 305, 307; xvi, pp. 69-135 (morga's relation), 221-223, 235, 321-329 (customs of the pampangos); xxix, pp. 281-301; xxx, pp. 190-193; xxxiii, and part of xxxiv (pigafetta's relation); xxxiv, pp. 185-191, 204, 215, 225, 226, 278, 279, 292-294, 318-321, 376-380, 386-388; xl, appendix. ethnological material is included in the following books, which we are unable to reproduce because of the limits of space, although we have used some of them extensively for annotation. delgado's historia (manila, 1893; though written about 1754) part i, book iii, pp. 249-392, contains a portion of san agustin's famous letter (see vol. xl, pp. 187-295) and whose comments on which we published in part; also in appendix added by the editor, a portion of loarca's relation. le gentil's voyage (paris, 1781), as follows: chap. i, art. ix, of the genius of the inhabitants of the philippines, and of the peculiar punishments, which the religious inflict on women who do not attend mass on days of observance, pp. 59-63 (following in great part the account of san antonio--see vol. xxviii, appendix--); art. x, of the language and characters used by the natives of the philippines, pp. 63-65; art. xi, of some manners and customs of the indians of the philippines and of their marriages, pp. 66-74. concepción's historia (sampaloc, 1788-1792), i, chap. i, nos. 7-21, pp. 10-32; part 2, chap. i, nos. 309-320; iii, chap. ii, nos. 5, 6, pp. 27-37, nos. 10-13, pp. 46-55; v, chap. ii, no. 1, pp. 20-23. mas's informe de las islas filipinas (madrid, 1843): i, no. 1, origen de los habitantes de la oceania; no. 2, estado de los filipinos á la llegada de los españoles (contains nothing special); no. 5, poblacion (containing a great portion of san agustin's letter, with commentary, most of which is incorporated in our vol. xl). mallat's les philippines (paris, 1846): i, chap. iii, pp. 43-74, condition of the country before the discovery; ii, chap. xx, pp. 89-129, physical characteristics and customs of the savage races; chap. xxii, pp. 131-145, customs of the children of the country, of the mestizos and the chinese. jagor's reisen in den philippinen (berlin, 1873): chap. xiv, pp. 118-132, manners and customs of the bicols; chap. xvii, pp. 161-175, the isarog and its inhabitants; chap. xxii, pp. 227-238, manners and customs of the visayans. in the ethnological society transactions, new series, vol. ii, session 1869-70 (london, 1870), appears (pp. 170-175), an article by jagor, entitled "on the natives of naga, in luzon." cartas de los pp. de la compañía de jesús de la misión de filipinas, eight vols. (manila, 1879-1891). of this series pardo de tavera says (biblioteca filipina, p. 87): "it is an important publication, in which is found not only information concerning the spiritual administration of the missions, but also remarkable information concerning the geography, history, ethnography, linguistics, fauna, and flora, etc., of mindanao, which is the chief point of the activities of the society of jesus." in the following selections, we have used the volumes for 1887 and 1889. retana's archivo (madrid, 1895), i, no. x, short notice of the origin, religion, beliefs, and superstitions of the old indians of bicol by fray josé castaño (written expressly for the archivo, 1895). algué's archipiélago filipino (washington, 1900), i, tratado ii, "ethnography," pp. 151-238. this is translated in report of the philippine commission for 1900, iii, paper no. vii, pp. 329-412. it follows on the whole the beaten lines, and much of it is unreliable. by far the most valuable material that has yet appeared on ethnology in the philippines are the comprehensive reports which have been issued since american occupation by the ethnological survey, of the department of the interior. these have been frequently referred to in this series, and are as follows: the bontoc igorot, by albert ernest jenks (manila, 1905); ii, part i, negritos of zambales, by william allen reed (manila, 1904); ii, parts ii and iii, the nabaloi dialect, by otto scheerer, and the bataks of palawan, by edward y. miller (manila, 1905); relaciones agustinianas de las razas del norte de luzón, compiled by father fray angel pérez (manila, 1904; spanish edition)--containing among other things a number of letters written by augustinian missionaries of the eighteenth century;--iv, part i, studies in moro history, by najeeb m. saleeby, a native moro (manila, 1905). with these reports must be classed history of the population, in census of philippines, i, pp. 411-491, by dr. david p. barrows, at the time of its writing chief of the bureau of non-christian tribes, but at present (1906) superintendent of education in manila. dr. barrows's article is followed by a compilation (pp. 492-531), entitled characteristics of christian tribes; and another (pp. 532-585), entitled characteristics of the non-christian tribes. superstitions and beliefs of the filipinos [the following interesting account is from the práctica del ministerio by tomás ortiz, o. s. a., [26] and is translated from w. e. retana's edition of zúñiga's estadismo de las islas filipinas (madrid, 1893), ii, pp. *14-*21. retana found a copy of this important ms. at the augustinian convent at valladolid in the collection of father fray eduardo navarro, where it still exists and where we ourselves examined it not long since. the following selection is from chapter i, section iv, pp. 11-15.] no. 31. inasmuch as many natives, especially those of the provinces distant from manila are much inclined to nonos or genii, to idolatries, maganitos, superstitions, enchantments, charms, and witchcraft, which have as great a diversity as have the witches, and therefore they call them by different names, according to the various duties which they attribute to them; it is necessary for the father ministers, not only to preach to them continually, and to argue against, censure, and decry so pestilent abuses, but they must also be very skilful, solicitous, and careful in discovering persons infected with that mortal poison, and to apply to it the necessary remedy. in the confessions, for the same reason that but seldom will they accuse themselves all possible efforts ought to be made (without overstepping the boundaries of prudence) in order to see whether anything may be obtained; and he who has the good fortune to have any witch confess to him, will bear himself toward her as the authors teach. they ought also to charge the natives with their obligation to denounce to the ordinary,... etc. no. 32. there are many abuses (or as they say ugales) which the natives practice against our holy faith and good customs, among others of which are the following. first, the above-mentioned idolatry of the nonos. in regard to this it must be noted that the word nono does not alone signify "grandfather," but that it also is used as a term of respect to the old men and genii. the indians comprise these under the word nono, just as the chinese do under the word espiritus [i. e., "spirits"], and the romans under the word "gods," which other called lares, penates, etc. with the above-mentioned genii or nonos the indians perform many acts of idolatry frequently, such as for example, asking permission, relief, and aid from them, and that they do the people no harm, and that they do not prove hostile to them, etc. they make such requests on many occasions, and among others are the following. when they wish to pluck any flower or fruit from the tree, they ask permission from the nono or genius to pluck it. when they pass certain fields, rivers, creeks, or streamlets, large trees, sugar-cane plantations and other places, they ask permission and good passage from the genii or nonos. when they are obliged to cut any tree, or not to observe the things or ceremonies which they imagine to be pleasing to the genii or nonos, they ask pardon of them, and excuse themselves to those beings by saying, among many other things, that the father commanded them to do it, and that they are not willingly lacking in respect to the genii, or that they do not willingly oppose their will, etc. when they are taken with the sickness that they call pamave, which they attribute to the genii or nonos (although they try to conceal this by saying that the country [has not?] agreed with them) they ask them for health and offer them food. they do that both on this, and many other occasions, in the fields, sugar-cane plantations, streamlets, at the foot of any large tree, more generally some calunpan, [27] and in various other places. this sort of idolatry is very deeply rooted and of long standing among the indians. consequently, it is very necessary for the father ministers to be very careful and make great efforts to extirpate it, and not avoid any labor or work until it is annihilated. no. 33. secondly, the indians very generally believe that the souls of the dead return to their houses the third day after their death, in order to visit the people of it, or to be present at the banquet, and consequently, to be present at the ceremony of the tibao. they conceal and hide that by saying that they are assembling in the house of the deceased in order to recite the rosary for him. if they are told to do their praying in the church, they refuse to comply because that is not what they wish to do. consequently, the minister will prevent the gathering at the house of the deceased after the burial, and will not allow the people to ascend into the house under any considerations, least of all on the third day. on the fourth day, in consequence of the said ceremony of the tibao, or because of their evil inclination, they light candles in order to wait for the soul of the deceased. they spread a mat, on which they scatter ashes, so that the tracks or footsteps of the soul may be impressed thereon; and by that means they are able to ascertain whether the soul came or not. they also set a dish of water at the door, so that when the soul comes it may wash its feet there. it does not appear that it would be much to say that those matters of the nonos or genii and the deceased were taken by the indians from the sangleys who are reared with various things [of belief]. [28] it needs a strong remedy nevertheless. no. 34. the tigbalag which some call a ghost and others a goblin, appears to be the genius or devil, who appears to them in the shape of a black man, or in the shape of an old man (or as they express it in the shape of a very small old man), or in the shape of a horse, or of a monster, etc. that being inspires them with so great fear that they come to make friendship with him, and surrender their rosaries to him, and receive from him superstitious things, such as hairs, herbs, stones, and other things, in order that they may obtain marvelous things, and that they may be aided by him in certain of their affairs. no. 35. the patianac whom some also call a goblin (but it is only their invention, dream, or imagination) must be the genius or devil who generally plays with them as also with many others, when losing the faith, they espouse his cause, become familiar with him, or become subject to him. they attribute to this being the ill success of births, and say that in order to harm them and cause their destruction, he enters or hides in some tree or in any other place near the house of the woman who is about to give birth, and there they sing like those who wander about, etc. in order to prevent any harm from the patianac, the men take their position naked and with their privies exposed to the air; and arm themselves with shield, catan, lance, and other arms. in this condition they stand on the ridgepole of the roof, and also under the house, and in all places they slash and cut right and left with the catan and make various gestures and set movements for the same purpose. others, in order to prevent said harm, generally move the woman who is about to give birth to another house, for they say that her house contains a patianac. no. 36. among other things they also attribute to the patianac the death of children, as well as to the usang. they refer to them in the following manner. they assert that the bird called tictic is the pander of the sorcerer called usang. flying ahead of that being, the bird shows it the houses where infants are to be born. that being takes its position on the roof of the neighboring house and thence extends its tongue in the form of a thread, which it inserts through the anus of the child and by that means sucks out its entrails and kills it. sometimes they say that it appears in the form of a dog, sometimes of a cat, sometimes of the cockroach which crawls under the mat, and there accomplishes the abovesaid. in order to avoid that harm they do certain of the above things. to the patianac travelers also attribute their straying from or losing their road. in order to keep the right path, they undress and expose their privies to the air, and by that observance they say that they make sure of the right road; for then the patianac is afraid of them and cannot lead them astray. no. 37. the bongsol they sometimes assert to be various durojones which are caused by the sorcerer ganay, and which run all through the body of the bewitched, who generally remains some moments as if dead or in a faint, and at other times as though mad or raving from the sight of the ganay who appears to them in various shapes. in order to cure this sickness or enchantment, they summon another sorcerer, and he after the incantations or efforts, which will be told later, generally leaves the patient as he was before. sometimes they say that that sickness appears to be natural or a stomach ache caused by the obstructions or durojones which grow in the stomach or in the patient's side or by shivers which move from one place to another, and from which the women of this country generally suffer. but when they are unable to cure the pain with the promptness that they desire, they generally say, especially the physicians, that the said sickness is bongsol, that is enchantment, and that it can be cured only by the one who is of the faculty, that is by one who is a sorcerer. they then bring a sorcerer, who performs the things that pertain to his faculty, and summons the first sorcerer who they say caused that sorcery. if the sickness is not lessened, the sorcerer finishes his duty by saying that the said first witch is very far away, and could not hear him; and consequently, it has happened that he has not been able to cure the said sickness. in such wise do they leave the sick person with his pains. no. 38. the ceremony or superstition of bilao is ordered for the discovery thereby of any thief. it is reduced to placing in a bilao, sieve, or screen, some scissors fastened at the point in the shape of the cross of st. andrew, and in them they hang their rosary. then they repeat the name of each one of those who are present and who are assembled for this. if, for example, when the name pedro is mentioned, the bilao shakes, they say that pedro is the thief. they also are accustomed to light candles to st. anthony of padua for the purpose of discovering the thief of anything [that is stolen]. for this they kneel down to pray (and perhaps to utter and perform indecent things) and wait until the flame leans toward any of those about, for instance, toward juan, and then they declare that juan is the thief. it is very usual for the indians to carry about them various things in order that they might obtain marvelous effects: for example, written formulas, prayers, vitiated or interspersed with words arranged for their evil intent, herbs, roots, bark, hairs, skin, bones, stones, etc., so that they may not be killed, or apprehended by justice, or to obtain wealth, women, or other things. [29] they are also very much inclined to believe in omens and in unlucky days, in regard to which they are wont to keep various books of manuscripts which must be burned for them. no. 39. the natives are accustomed to circumcise the boys; and although they perform the circumcision by slitting the skin of the penis lengthwise, instead of around, still it appears that that may be accounted for by the fact that it is inferred that that ceremony was introduced into philipinas, by the moros from borneo, mindanao, or holo, as was also the word biñag, which is used for "baptize," and to mean "christian," and the word simba, which appears to mean "adoration" among them. from this use they transfer it to their temples and mosques, and the tagálogs took it not to mean "adoration," but "church," and afterward used it to mean "mass," which it never could mean. not only do they circumcise the males but also the women, girls, or dalagas, [an operation] which they call sonad. it is reduced to cutting the organ or opening it up somewhat. however, some of them, and very reasonably, affirm that that ceremony in them in itself in both males and females is rather the offspring of lust than that of judaism. they are also accustomed to measure or compare the weapons that they make, for example, measuring the catan by spans and praying at the same time the "our father." if the conclusion of the measuring is reached at the same time or when they come to the word "forgive us" they say that they cannot be punished, but that they may kill people, etc. it appears that the custom has been introduced among women who have recently brought forth of not going to church until the fortieth or sixtieth day as they say of the purification of their bodies. in that not only do they fail in the precept to hear mass but they also perform a mosaic ceremony. no. 40. the indians are generally corrupted by many errors, and it would take a long time to mention them. consequently, the ministers will be very careful to uproot them, for although it does not cause any great harm in some because of their ignorance and lack of intelligence, in others they do cause great harm; for example angel catutubo, which literally signifies "that my guardian angel was born with me or at the same time as i." in order to avoid danger, one should say, angel taga tanor, and the same thing in other languages. no. 41. finally, so many are the superstitions, omens, and errors, that are found among the indians that it would be very difficult or impossible to mention them all. the above have been mentioned so that the father ministers may examine others by them. it is to be noted that there are sectarians and preachers of various false sects among the indians, especially in the distant provinces, either because they had false sects formerly and have continued them, or because they took them (and this is more likely) from the joloans, mindanaos, sangleys, and other heathen nations with whom they are accustomed to have intercourse. no. 42. when the moon is eclipsed, the indians of various districts generally go out into the street or into the open fields, with bells, panastanes, [30] etc. they strike them with great force and violence in order that they might thereby protect the moon which they say is being eaten or swallowed by the dragon, tiger, or crocodile. and the worst thing is that if they wish to say "the eclipse of the moon" it is very common in philipinas to use this locution, saying "the dragon, tiger, or crocodile is swallowing the moon." the tagálogs also make use of it and say, linamon laho bovan. it appears that the indians learned all this from the sangleys of china, where all the abovesaid is performed and executed to the letter. it is not right to allow them to retain these deceits of the chinese, and not to teach them our customs and truths. all the above contents of this section is not universal in all parts. consequently, although all ministers ought to be careful to ascertain whether they are or are not contained in their ministries, they ought not to go ahead to censure what they are not sure of, for that very thing would perhaps teach them what we are endeavoring to extirpate. the people of the philippines [joaquin martinez de zúñiga, o. s. a., in his historia (sampaloc, 1803), [31] pp. 19-38, devotes one chapter to the inhabitants of the philippines. we translate from the copy belonging to the library of e. e. ayer.] chapter ii of the inhabitants whom the spaniards found in the philipinas, and of their language, customs, and religion. our historians, always inclined to the marvelous, divide the peoples whom the spaniards found in the philipinas into three classes. in their histories there is not a lack of satyrs, men with tails, and mermen, and whatever else can cause wonder in human nature. but truly, only two classes of people are found, namely, those whom we know by the name of aetas or negritos, [32] and the indians. the negritos are small, not so black as those of guinea, and have kinky hair and flat noses. they live naked in the mountains, and only cover themselves in front with the bark of a tree. they live on roots and the deer which they hunt with arrows in which they are very skilful. they sleep where night overtakes them. they have no idea of religion, so that they resemble wild beasts rather than men. the effort has been made to domesticate and christianize them, and they are not much opposed to it, provided that they are given food to eat. but if they are ordered to work to support their family, they return to the mountain although they have just been baptized. for that reason they are not now baptized although they agree to it, except some children whom the indians or spaniards generally have in their houses. even in this case, one cannot be secure of them for when they grow up they generally return to the mountains with their fellowcountrymen. beyond all doubt those negritos are the first settlers of these islands, and retired to the mountains when the indians came hither. the latter inhabit the coasts, and formerly the negritos waged continual war with them, and would not permit them to cut wood in the mountains unless they paid tribute to them. today they have but little power, and yet they are feared; for whenever any negrito is killed, or when any one dies suddenly, another negrito generally offers himself among his companions and takes an oath not to return to his own people until he kills three or four indians. he does it by lying in ambush in their villages and by treacherously killing in the mountains him who becomes separated from his companions. some believe the origin of these negritos to be that they came from the negros of angola, [33] and the reason why they are not so black as their ancestors consists, they say, in the climate of these indias which is more moderate. that might be so, for it is as easy for him who changes his climate to decrease in blackness during a long series of generations as it is for him to increase it by living in an inclement climate. but the flat nose and the use of the dialect of the same language which the indians of these islands use, proves sufficiently that their origin is one and the same with them. the fact that they are blacker than the indians, depends only on their having lived many centuries in the water by night and day, in wind and sun, and exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather. that and their lack of government has transferred them to their almost wild condition in which we see them. the indians whom the spaniards found here were of average stature, olive color, or the color of boiled quinces, large eyes, flat noses, and straight hair. all had some form of government more or less civilized. they were distinguished by different names, but their features and customs prove that the origin of all these people is one and the same, and that they did not compose different races. they had their own petty rulers, who were generally the most valiant, or those who had inherited the kingdom from their fathers, if they could conserve it. their dominion extended over one or two rude settlements, or at most was according to the valor of him who ruled. they were continually at war with the neighboring settlements, and made one another slaves. from those wars there resulted three classes of people among them: namely, the chiefs who were the masters of the settlement; the slaves; and the freemen, who consisted of slaves or their descendants to whom their masters had given freedom. the last class are called timavas even yet, which properly signifies "freed-man." in some districts indians are found who are whiter than others--descendants doubtless of some chinese or japanese, who were shipwrecked on these coasts, and whom the indians naturally hospitably received and with whom they mingled. that is commonly believed in regard to the ygorrotes of ylocos. [34] their eyes, similar to those of the chinese, prove that they mingled with the companions of limahon who fled to those mountains when juan de salcedo had besieged them in pangasinan. it is not easy to prove the origin of these peoples but their language might supply some light. although the languages spoken by the indians are many and diverse, they resemble one another so closely that it is recognized clearly that they are all dialects of one and the same tongue, as the spanish, french, and italian are of the latin. the prepositions and pronouns are almost the same in all of them, the numerals differ but slightly, many words are common to all, and they have the same structure. this language, which is one single language, with different dialects, is spoken from madagascar to philipinas and no one can contradict this. [35] i add that it is spoken in nueva guinea and in all the lands of the south, in the marianas, in the islands of san duisk, in those of otayti, [36] and in almost all the islands of the south sea. in a collection of voyages wherein are found several dictionaries of the terms which the travelers could learn in each one of these islands i have seen with wonder that the pronouns are almost all the same; that in the tagálogs the numerals resemble those of any other language of these islands, and most of the words are the same and have the same meaning as in the tagálog language. but the thing which made me believe more in the identity of these languages was my examination of don juan hovel, an englishman, who spoke the dialect of san duisk with a servant of his who was a native of those islands. i found that the construction was the same as that of the languages which are spoken in philipinas. consequently, i had no reason to doubt that all these languages are dialects of one speech which is the most extensive in the world, and which is spoken through many thousands of leguas from madagascar to the islands of san duisk, otayti, and the island of pasquas [37] which is not six hundred leguas distant from america; and the fact that the indians of philipinas do not understand the peoples of those islands when they pass through their lands does not offer any argument against this supposition, for neither do the spaniards understand the french, nor in these islands do those of some provinces understand one another. in the same collection of voyages, i found a dictionary of only five terms which the spaniards were able to learn in the patagonian coast. one of those terms was baláy [38] which signifies "house" in that language; and with that same word do the pampangos and visayans designate house. it may be a mere coincidence which does not prove that the languages of various people are identical. but, seeing that in addition to this the names of south america sound like those of philipinas, i tried to find some dictionary of that land. not finding one i examined carefully the few words of the language of chile which ercilla has in his araucana, [39] and i found them sufficiently like the tagálog language. the name "chile" is not strange to this language where the cormorant is called "cachile." it is also a pronoun which the malays apply to the sons of kings. "chilian," which is a village of chile, is a tagálog composition, in which, adding an "an," we have a word which signifies "place," and we get "cachilian" which signifies "place where there are cormorants." mapocho, the site of the city of santiago, is another tagálog composition that signifies "place." thus from pocquiot, a kind of herb, we get mapocquiot, a place where that plant abounds. apo is the name given to him who governs, and that name is applied by these indians to him who has any authority in the village. in chile, words and phrases are reduplicated: as ytayta, biobio, lemolemo, colocolo, etc. the same is done in the tagálog and thus we say: ataata, bilobilo, lebomlebom, and colocolo. the other words are either tagálog or very similar, and the connection that is found in so few words in these two languages is [too] great to say that it is accident, although it is not sufficient so that we can say that they are dialects of one language. if on a comparison of the grammar and dictions of these two languages it is found that they originate from one and the same tongue, i would be so bold as to say that the indians of philipinas originate from the indians of south america, and that the language of the latter is the parent language of which all the languages of these islands are dialects. many will consider this a paradox, for the malays being so near it would appear that the filipinos must have originated from them, as our authors have generally believed. i cannot deny that these islands could have been easily settled by the malays; but how shall we account for the peopling of the islands of palaos and marianas which are more than three hundred leguas distant? where shall we get at those who settled the islands of san duisk and otayti, which are two thousand leguas from philipinas? all these people have the same language, the same features, the same customs, and consequently, the same origin as our indians. it is impossible that people should go from philipinas to people those lands, for the east wind dominates constantly throughout the torrid zone, and that wind blowing head on would not permit the ship to sail to those islands. rather on the contrary we must believe that the inhabitants of all the islands of the south sea came from the orient with wind astern as we have seen happen to the indians of palaos, [40] who have come to our philipinas several times driven by the wind, and the east winds have not allowed them to return to their land. let us suppose that if then these islands were not peopled, those indians would have been the first settlers. we do not know whether our indians by a like accident, have been carried by the winds to the oriental islands. on the contrary we believe the opposite, since at times the best pilots cannot make that navigation, and return without finding the islands whither they were sailing, as it is necessary to take a high latitude for that voyage. on this head we must seek the easiest solution, namely, that the settlers came from the east from island to island. consequently, the most eastern land where the tagálog language is found must be the country whence our indians originate. one could well hesitate to assent to this truth, moved by the fact that the use of writing in the manner employed by the malays was found established among these indians, but it could very well happen that they might derive their origin from other nations and learn to write from the malays, who would learn that science from the continent of india. the method of writing was by forming the lines from top to bottom, and beginning at the left and finishing at the right as did the hebrews and chinese. their characters were quite different from ours. they had no vowels, for since there are only three vowels in those languages, namely, the a, e, and u, by placing a point above or below the consonant, or by not placing any point, it is easily known what the vowel is, which corresponds to the consonant letter, and it is read very well without the necessity of vowels. although they knew how to write these people had no written laws, and governed themselves according to their traditions, and by natural law corrupted by the passions. the civil suits were sentenced by the petty rulers with the assistance of some old men. in criminal matters the relatives generally showed justice or it was settled with the aggressor on a gold basis in particular unless death followed. but in that case they did not content themselves except with the penalty of retaliation. if the murderer was of another settlement common cause was made, and the entire village fought against the settlement, from which resulted murders and wars in which slaves were made mutually. when it was suspected that one had robbed another, he was obliged to take a stone from a kettle filled with boiling water. if he did not do it (which we called the vulgar clearance from guilt), he was fined a certain sum of gold, the greater part of which went to the petty ruler. adultery was punished by a pecuniary fine, as was also lack of respect for old people. but trickery in contracts was not considered wrong and was not punished by any penalty; and usury was common among them in all transactions. their customs at marriage were very peculiar. they married only one woman. the chiefs however, had several concubines, who were commonly slaves. they generally married their nearest relative, provided she were not a sister, for they could not contract marriage with sisters. when they grew tired of their wife, they returned her to her parents. it was unnecessary to give cause for the divorce, for it was sufficient to give up the dowry which he himself had given when he was married. that dowry was of two kinds and was always paid by the bridegroom. one kind was called bigay suso, and was the payment for the milk which the mother had given to the damsel, by which he obtained her completely. the other was called bigay caya and was the real dowry. it was given to those recently married for their support. at times, however, the expense of the wedding was discounted from it, as well as the clothes, so that very little or nothing at all remained for the recently married couple. besides the bridegroom giving that dowry, he had to serve the parents of the bride for some years; to feast them on certain days; to assist in the sowing of the rice and the harvest, and to carry food to the laborers. all the relatives of the bridegroom had to be obsequious to the bride, to her parents, and to all her relatives, so long as those years of service lasted. if they failed in any point, the marriage was dissolved, a thing which was very agreeable to the parents of the woman, for then a new suitor appeared, and they began to suck his blood again. in retaliation for what the bridegroom suffered before marriage, he treated his wife like a slave after marriage. she had to find the sustenance for the family, while her husband was off enjoying himself, and she considered herself fortunate if after that he did not beat her. the self-interest of the parents in their daughters in which this pernicious custom is observed, has been the reason why it has been impossible to uproot this hitherto, notwithstanding the royal cedulas and the decrees of the bishops which prohibit it. the ceremony of the marriage was performed with the sacrifice of a hog, which a priestess killed after going through a thousand gestures. she blessed the couple abundantly, and afterward the old women gave them food in a dish and gave vent to many obscenities, after which the couple were pronounced married. then followed dances according to their custom, and drunken revels for all the days that the function lasted. the number of days were regulated according to the wealth of the contracting parties. he who went to the feast gave something to the couple, and note was made of it so that they could do the same in a like case. in regard to religion, they had neither idols nor temples, but they offered sacrifices in shady bowers that they had for that purpose. there were priestesses whom they called babailanes or catalonas. they attended to the sacrifices, and taking a lance in the hand and foaming at the mouth with ridiculous and extraordinary gestures, they prophesied on the point for which the sacrifice was offered and killed a hog with the lance. then they immediately divided the hog among those present and the function was finished with dances and drunken revelries. those sacrifices were offered to the demons or to the souls of their ancestors, which they thought lived in the large trees, in the crags which they met in isolated places, or in anything out of the common which was found in the fields. they thought that the nono or their forbears lived in all those places, and they never passed by them without asking permission of them--a thing which some of them do even yet. when anyone was dangerously sick they offered in those places rice, wine, and meat, and afterward gave that to the sick man to eat, so that he might be cured, a custom still observed by some of them. they had many other superstitions such as that of the patianac, which they say hinders childbirth by its tongue which is very fine and long, and which reaches even to the womb of the woman, where it restrains and whence it does not allow the infant to issue. in order that the patianac may have no effect, the husband tightly bars the portal of the house, lights the fire, and completely naked holds a sword and cuts the wind with it in a furious manner until his wife brings forth. the tigbalang is another of the things of which they are greatly afraid. it is a kind of ghost which they say appears to them in the form of an animal or of some unknown monster and forces them to do things contrary to the laws of our religion. these and other superstitions, which they held in former times, they still observe at times, when the charlatans who are maintained at the cost of simpletons persuade them that they will get better from some dangerous illness or will find the jewel that they have lost, if they will practice them. and so powerful is self-interest or the love of life that although they believe that it is evil to observe those superstitions and not give entire assent to those deceits, they carry them out, for they say that perhaps it will be so. that is a proof that they have very little root in the faith. all their religion was rather a servile fear than true worship. they had no external adoration or any formula of prayers to god or idols; they believed in neither reward nor recompense for the good, nor punishment for the wicked. for although they knew of the immortality of the soul and believed that they could do wrong, that belief was so filled with errors that they thought that the souls had need of sustenance, and all other things that we mortals need. consequently, at their funerals they placed clothing, weapons, and food in the coffins; and on the fourth day when they generally celebrated the funeral honors, they left an unoccupied seat at table for the deceased, and they believed that he really occupied it, although they could not see him. in order to be sure of that they scattered ashes in the house, in which they at times found the impress of the tracks of the deceased, either through the deceit of the devil or of some other indian, who left the impress of his feet there to fool the others. persuaded of that they offered them food so that they should do no harm. their religion was always directed to that--a circumstance quite in keeping with their natural cowardice and timorousness. jolo and the sulus [the following is taken from vol. v, pp. 343-390 (mainly verbatim) of charles wilkes's [41] narrative of the united states exploring expedition during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842 (philadelphia, 1844). it is one of the earliest accounts written by an american of the island of joló and its vicinity, and the joloans. although containing considerable matter that is descriptive rather than ethnological in character, it has been deemed advisable not to endeavor to separate the matter, in view of its value. wilkes writes mainly as an eyewitness.] chapter ix sooloo 1842 on the evening of the 21st of january, the vincennes, with the tender in company, left the bay of manilla. i then sent for mr. knox, who commanded the latter, and gave him directions to keep closely in company with the vincennes, and at the same time pointed out to him places of rendezvous where the vessels might again meet in case any unavoidable circumstance caused their separation. i was more particular in giving him instructions to avoid losing sight of the vincennes, as i was aware that my proposed surveys might be impeded or frustrated altogether, were i deprived of the assistance of the vessel under his command. on the 22d, we passed the entrance of the straits of san bernadino. it would have been my most direct route to follow these straits until i had passed mindoro, and it is i am satisfied the safest course, unless the winds are fair, for the direct passage. my object, however, was to examine the ground for the benefit of others, and the apo shoal, which lies about mid-channel between palawan and mindoro, claimed my first attention. the tender was despatched to survey it, while i proceeded in the vincennes to examine the more immediate entrance to the sooloo sea, off the southwest end of mindoro. calavite peak is the north point of mindoro, and our observations made it two thousand feet high. this peak is of the shape of a dome, and appears remarkably regular when seen from its western side. on approaching mindoro, we, as usual, under high islands, lost the steady breeze, and the wind became light for the rest of the day. mindoro is a beautiful island, and is evidently volcanic; it appears as if thrown up in confused masses: it is not much settled, as the more southern islands are preferred to it as a residence. on the 23d, we ascertained the elevation of the highest peak of the island by triangulation to be three thousand one hundred and twenty-six feet. the easternmost island of the palawan group, busvagan, [42] was at the time just in sight from the deck, to the southwest. it had been my intention to anchor at ambolou island; [43] but the wind died away before we reached it, and i determined to stand off and on all night. on the 24th, i began to experience the truth of what captain halcon had asserted, namely, that the existing charts were entirely worthless, and i also found that my native pilot was of no more value than they were: he had evidently passed the place before; but whether the size of the vessel, so much greater than any he had sailed in, confused him, or whether it was from his inability to understand and to make himself understood by us, he was of no use whatever, and we had the misfortune of running into shoal water, barely escaping the bottom. these dangers were usually quickly passed, and we soon found ourselves again floating in thirty or forty fathoms water. we continued beating to windward, in hopes of being joined by the flying-fish, and i resolved to finish the survey toward the island of semarrara. [44] we found every thing in a different position from that assigned it by any of the charts [45] with which we were furnished. on this subject, however, i shall not dwell, but refer those who desire particular information to the charts and hydrographical memoir. towards evening, i again ran down to the southwest point of the island of mindoro, and sent a letter on shore to the pueblo, with directions to have it put on board the tender, when she should arrive. we then began to beat round semarara, in order to pass over towards panay. the southern part of mindoro is much higher than the northern, but appears to be equally rough. it is, however, susceptible of cultivation, and there are many villages along its shores. semarara is moderately high, and about fifteen miles in circumference; it is inhabited, and like mindoro much wooded. according to the native pilot, its shores are free from shoals. it was not until the next day that we succeeded in reaching panay. i determined to pass the night off point potol, the north end of panay, as i believed the sea in its neighborhood to be free of shoals, and wished to resume our running survey early in the morning. at daylight on the 27th we continued the survey down the coast of panay, and succeeded in correcting many errors in the existing charts (both english and spanish). the channel along this side is from twelve to twenty miles wide, and suitable for beating in; little current is believed to exist; and the tides, as far as our observations went, seem to be regular and of little strength. the island of panay is high and broken, particularly on the south end; its shores are thickly settled and well cultivated. indigo and sugar-cane claim much of the attention of the inhabitants. the indians are the principal cultivators. they pay to the government a capitation tax of seven rials. its population is estimated at three hundred thousand, which i think is rather short of the actual number. [46] on all the hills there are telegraphs of rude construction, to give information of the approach of piratical prahus from sooloo, which formerly were in the habit of making attacks upon the defenceless inhabitants and carrying them off into slavery. of late years they have ceased these depredations, for the spaniards have resorted to a new mode of warfare. instead of pursuing and punishing the offenders, they now intercept all their supplies, both of necessaries and luxuries; and the fear of this has had the effect to deter the pirates from their usual attacks. we remained off san pedro for the night, in hopes of falling in with the flying-fish in the morning. on the morning of the 28th, the flying-fish was discovered plainly in sight. i immediately stood for her, fired a gun and made signal. at seven o'clock another gun was fired, but the vessel still stood off, and was seen to make sail to the westward without paying any regard whatever to either, and being favoured by a breeze while the vincennes was becalmed, she stole off and was soon out of sight. [47] after breakfast we opened the bay of antique, on which is situated the town of san josé. [48] as this bay apparently offered anchorage for vessels bound up this coast, i determined to survey it; and for this purpose the boats were hoisted out and prepared for surveying. lieutenant budd was despatched to visit the pueblo called san josé. on reaching the bay, the boats were sent to different points of it, and when they were in station, the ship fired guns to furnish bases by the sound, and angles were simultaneously measured. the boats made soundings on their return to the ship, and thus completed this duty, so that in an hour or two afterwards the bay was correctly represented on paper. it offers no more than a temporary anchorage for vessels, and unless the shore is closely approached, the water is almost too deep for the purpose. at san josé a spanish governor resides, who presides over the two pueblos of san pedro and san josé, and does the duty also of alcalde. lieutenant budd did not see him, as he was absent, but his lady did the honours. lieutenant budd represented the pueblo as cleanly and orderly. about fifteen soldiers were seen, who compose the governor's guard, and more were said to be stationed at san pedro. a small fort of eight guns commands the roadstead. the beach was found to be of fine volcanic sand, composed chiefly of oxide of iron, and comminuted shells; there is also a narrow shore-reef of coral. the plain bordering the sea is covered with a dense growth of cocoa-nut trees. in the fine season the bay is secure, but we were informed that in westerly and southwesterly gales heavy seas set in, and vessels are not able to lie at anchor. several small vessels were lying in a small river about one and a half miles to the southward of the point on which the fort is situated. the entrance to this river is very narrow and tortuous. panay is one of the largest islands of the group. we had an opportunity of measuring the height of some of its western peaks or highlands, none of which exceed three thousand feet. [49] the interior and eastern side have many lofty summits, which are said to reach an altitude of seven thousand five hundred feet; but these, as we passed, were enveloped in clouds, or shut out from view by the nearer highlands. the general features of the island are like those of luzon and mindoro. the few specimens we obtained of its rocks consisted of the different varieties of talcose formation, with quartz and jasper. the specimens were of no great value, as they were much worn by lying on the beach. the higher land was bare of trees, and had it not been for the numerous fertile valleys lying between the sharp and rugged spurs, it would have had a sterile appearance. the bay of antique is in latitude 10° 40' n., longitude 121° 59' 30'' e. it was my intention to remain for two or three days at a convenient anchorage to enable us to make short excursions into the interior; but the vexatious mismanagement of the tender now made it incumbent that i should make every possible use of the time to complete the operations connected with the hydrography of this sea; for i perceived that the duties that i intended should be performed by her, would now devolve upon the boats, and necessarily expose both officers and men to the hazard of contracting disease. i regretted giving up this design, not only on my own account and that of the expedition, but because of the gratification it would have afforded personally to the naturalists. the town of san josé has about thirty bamboo houses, some of which are filled in with clay or mortar, and plastered over, both inside and out. few of them are more than a single story in height. that of the governor is of the same material, and overtops the rest; it is whitewashed, and has a neat and cleanly appearance. in the vicinity of the town are several beautiful valleys, which run into the mountains from the plain that borders the bay. the landing is on a bamboo bridge, which has been erected over an extensive mud-flat, that is exposed at low water, and prevents any nearer approach of boats. this bridge is about seven hundred feet in length; and a novel plan has been adopted to preserve it from being carried away. the stems of bamboo not being sufficiently large and heavy to maintain the superstructure in the soft mud, a scaffold is constructed just under the top, which is loaded with blocks of large stone, and the outer piles are secured to anchors or rocks, with grass rope. the roadway or top is ten feet wide, covered with split bamboo, woven together, and has rails on each side, to assist the passenger. this is absolutely necessary for safety; and even with this aid, one accustomed to it must be possessed of no little bodily strength to pass over this smooth, slippery, and springy bridge without accident. two pirogues were at anchor in the bay, and on the shore was the frame of a vessel which had evidently been a long while on the stocks, for the weeds and bushes near the keel were six or eight feet high, and a portion of the timbers were decayed. carts and sleds drawn by buffaloes were in use, and every thing gave it the appearance of a thriving village. although i have mentioned the presence of soldiers, it was observed on landing that no guard was stationed about or even at the fort; but shortly afterwards a soldier was seen hurrying towards the latter, in the act of dressing himself in his regimentals, and another running by his side, with his cartridge-box and musket. in a little while one was passing up and down on his post, as though he was as permanent there as the fort itself. after completing these duties, the light airs detained us the remainder of the day under panay, in sight of the bay. on the 29th, at noon, we had been wafted by it far enough in the offing to obtain the easterly breeze, which soon became strong, with an overcast sky, and carried us rapidly on our course; my time would not permit my heaving-to. we kept on our course for mindanao during the whole night, and were constantly engaged in sounding, with our patent lead, with from thirty to forty fathoms cast, to prevent our passing over this part of the sea entirely unexamined. at daybreak on the 31st, we had the island of mindanao before us, but did not reach its western peak until 5 p. m. this island is high and broken, like those to the north of it, but, unlike them, its mountains are covered with forests to their very tops, and there were no distinct cones of minor dimensions, as we had observed on the others. if they do exist, they were hidden by the dense forest. i had determined to anchor at caldera, a small port on the southwest side of mindanao, about ten miles distant from samboangan, where the governor resides. the latter is a considerable place, but the anchorage in its roadstead is said to be bad, and the currents that run through the straits of basillan are represented to be strong. caldera, on the other hand, has a good, though small anchorage, which is free from the currents of the straits. it is therefore an excellent stopping-place, in case of the tide proving unfavourable. on one of its points stands a small fort, which on our arrival hoisted spanish colours. at six o'clock we came to anchor at caldera, in seven fathoms water. there were few indications of inhabitants, except at and near the fort. an officer was despatched to the fort, to report the ship. it was found to be occupied by a few soldiers under the command of a lieutenant. the fort is about seventy feet square, and is built of large blocks of red coral, which evidently have not been taken from the vicinity of the place, as was stated by the officers of the fort; for, although our parties wandered along the alluvial beach for two or three miles in each direction, no signs of coral were observed. many fragments of red, gray, and purple basalt and porphyry were met with along the beach; talcose rock and slate, syenite, hornblend, quartz, both compact and slaty, with chalcedony, were found in pieces and large pebbles. those who were engaged in dredging reported the bottom as being of coral, in from four to six or eight fathoms; but this was of a different kind from that of which the fort was constructed. the fort was built in the year 1784, [50] principally for protection against the sooloo pirates, who were in the habit of visiting the settlements, and carrying off the inhabitants as slaves, to obtain ransom for them. this, and others of the same description, were therefore constructed as places of refuge for the inhabitants, as well as to afford protection to vessels. depredations are still committed, which render it necessary to keep up a small force. one or two huts which were seen in the neighbourhood of the bay, are built on posts twenty feet from the ground, and into them they ascend by ladders, which are hauled up after the occupants have entered. these, it is said, are the sleeping-huts, and are so built for the purpose of preventing surprise at night. before our arrival we had heard that the villages were all so constructed, but a visit to one soon showed that this was untrue. the natives seen at the village were thought to be of a decidedly lighter colour and a somewhat different expression from the malays. they were found to be very civil, and more polished in manners than our gentlemen expected. on asking for a drink of water, it was brought on a glass tumbler on a china plate. an old woman to whom they had presented some trifles, took the trouble to meet them in another path on their return, and insisted on their accepting a basket of potatoes. some of the houses contained several families, and many of them had no other means of entrance than a notched stick stuck on to the door. the forests of mindanao contain a great variety of trees, some of which are of large size, rising to the height of one hundred and one hundred and fifty feet. some of their trunks are shaped like buttresses, similar to those before spoken of at manilla, from which they obtain broad slabs for the tops of tables. the trunks were observed to shoot up remarkably straight. our botanical gentlemen, though pleased with the excursion, were disappointed at not being able to procure specimens from the lofty trees; and the day was less productive in this respect than they had anticipated. large woody vines were common, which enveloped the trunks of trees in their folds, and ascending to their tops, prevented the collection of the most desirable specimens. the paths leading to the interior were narrow and much obstructed; one fine stream was crossed. many buffaloes were observed wallowing in the mire, and the woods swarmed with monkeys and numbers of birds, among them the horn-bills: these kept up a continued chatter, and made a variety of loud noises. the forests here are entirely different from any we had seen elsewhere; and the stories of their being the abodes of large boas and poisonous snakes, make the effect still greater on those who visit them for the first time. our parties, however, saw nothing of these reptiles, nor any thing to warrant a belief that such exist. yet the officer at the fort related to me many snake stories that seemed to have some foundation; and by inquiries made elsewhere, i learned that they were at least warranted by some facts, though probably not to the extent that he represented. traces of deer and wild hogs were seen, and many birds were obtained, as well as land and sea shells. among the latter was the malleus vulgaris, which is used as food by the natives. the soil on this part of the island is a stiff clay, and the plants it produces are mostly woody; those of an herbaceous character were scarce, and only a few orchideous epiphytes and ferns were seen. around the dwellings in the villages were a variety of vegetables and fruits, consisting of sugar-cane, sweet-potato, gourds, pumpkins, peppers, rice, water and musk melons, all fine and of large size. the officer of the fort was a lieutenant of infantry: one of that rank is stationed here for a month, after which he, with the garrison, consisting of three soldiers, are relieved, from samboángan, where the spaniards have three companies. samboangan is a convict settlement, to which the native rogues, principally thieves, are sent. the spanish criminals, as i have before stated in speaking of manilla, are sent to spain. the inhabitants of the island of mindanao who are under the subjection of spain, are about ten thousand in number, of whom five or six thousand are at or in the neighbourhood of samboangan. the original inhabitants, who dwell in the mountains and on the east coast, are said to be quite black, and are represented to be a very cruel and bad set; they have hitherto bid defiance to all attempts to subjugate them. when the spaniards make excursions into the interior, which is seldom, they always go in large parties on account of the wild beasts, serpents, and hostile natives; nevertheless, the latter frequently attack and drive them back. the little fort is considered as a sufficient protection for the fishermen and small vessels against the pirates, who inhabit the island of basillan, which is in sight from mindanao, and forms the southern side of the straits of the same name. it is said that about seven hundred inhabit it. the name of moor is given by the spaniards to all those who profess the mohammedan religion, and by such all the islands to the west of mindanao, and known under the name of the sooloo archipelago, are inhabited. the day we spent at caldera was employed in surveying the bay, and in obtaining observations for its geographical position, and for magnetism. the flood tide sets to the northward and westward, through the straits, and the ebb to the eastward. in the bay we found it to run two miles an hour by the log, but it must be much more rapid in the straits. at daylight on the 1st of february, we got under way to stand over for the sangboys, [51] a small island with two sharp hills on it. one and a half miles from the bay we passed over a bank, the least water on which was ten fathoms on a sandy bottom, and on which a vessel might anchor. the wind shortly after failed us, and we drifted with the tide for some hours, in full view of the island of mindanao, which is bold and picturesque. we had thus a good opportunity of measuring some of its mountain ranges, which we made about three thousand feet high. in the afternoon, a light breeze came from the southwest, and before sunset i found that we were again on soundings. as soon as we had a cast of twenty fathoms, i anchored for the night, judging it much better than to be drifting about without any knowledge of the locality and currents to which we were subjected. on the morning of the 2d, we got under way to proceed to the westward. as the bottom was unequal, i determined to pass through the broadest channel, although it had the appearance of being the shoalest, and sent two boats ahead to sound. in this way we passed through, continuing our surveying operations, and at the same time made an attempt to dredge; but the ground was too uneven for the latter purpose, and little of value was obtained. shortly after passing the sangboys, we had the island of sooloo in sight, for which i now steered direct. at sunset we found ourselves within five or six miles of soung harbour; but there was not sufficient light to risk the dangers that might be in our course, nor wind enough to command the ship; and having no bottom where we were, i determined again to run out to sea, and anchor on the first bank i should meet. at half past eight o'clock, we struck soundings in twenty-six fathoms, and anchored. at daylight we continued our position by angles, and found it to correspond with part of the route we had passed over the day before, and that we were about fifteen miles from the large island of sooloo. weighing anchor, we were shortly wafted by the westerly tide and a light air toward that beautiful island, which lay in the midst of its little archipelago; and as we were brought nearer and nearer, we came to the conclusion that in our many wanderings we had seen nothing to be compared to this enchanting spot. it appeared to be well cultivated, with gentle slopes rising here and there into eminences from one to two thousand feet high. one or two of these might be dignified with the name of mountains, and were sufficiently high to arrest the passing clouds; on the afternoon of our arrival we had a singular example in the dissipation of a thunderstorm. although much of the island was under cultivation, yet it had all the freshness of a forest region. the many smokes on the hills, buildings of large size, cottages, and cultivated spots, together with the moving crowds on the land, the prahus, canoes, and fishing-boats on the water, gave the whole a civilized appearance. our own vessel lay, almost without a ripple at her side, on the glassy surface of the sea, carried onwards to our destined anchorage by the flowing tide, and scarce a sound was heard except the splashing of the lead as it sought the bottom. the effect of this was destroyed in part by the knowledge that this beautiful archipelago was the abode of a cruel and barbarous race of pirates. towards sunset we had nearly reached the bay of soung, when we were met by the opposing tide, which frustrated all our endeavors to reach it, and i was compelled to anchor, lest we should again be swept to sea. as soon as the night set in, fishermen's lights were seen moving along the beach in all directions, and gliding about in canoes, while the sea was filled with myriads of phosphorescent animalculæ. after watching this scene for two or three hours in the calm and still night, a storm that had been gathering reached us; but it lasted only for a short time, and cleared off after a shower, which gave the air a freshness that was delightful after the sultry heat we had experienced during the day. the canoes of this archipelago were found to be different from any that we had hitherto seen, not only in shape but in making use of a double out-rigger, which consequently must give them additional security. the paddle also is of a different shape, and has a blade at each end, which are used alternately, thus enabling a single person to manage them with ease. these canoes are built of a single log, though some are built upon. they seldom carry more than two persons. the annexed figure will give a correct figure of one of them. [52] we saw the fishermen engaged in trolling and using the line; but the manner of taking fish which has been hitherto described is chiefly practised. [53] in fishing, as well as in all their other employments, the kris and spear were invariably by their side. the next morning at eight o'clock we got under way, and were towed by our boats into the bay of soung, [54] where we anchored off the town in nine fathoms water. while in the act of doing so, and after our intentions had become too evident to admit of a doubt, the sultan graciously sent off a message giving us permission to enter his port. lieutenant budd was immediately despatched with the interpreter to call upon the datu mulu or governor, and to learn at what hour we could see the sultan. when that officer reached the town, all were found asleep; and after remaining four hours waiting, the only answer he could get out of the datu mulu was, that he supposed that the sultan would be awake at three o'clock, when he thought i could see him. during this time the boats had been preparing for surveying; and after landing the naturalists, they began the work. at the appointed time, captain hudson and myself went on shore to wait upon the sultan. on our approach to the town, we found that a great portion of it was built over the water on piles, and only connected with the shore by narrow bridges of bamboo. the style of building in sooloo does not differ materially from that of the malays. the houses are rather larger, and they surpass the others in filth. [55] we passed for some distance between the bridges to the landing, and on our way saw several piratical prahus apparently laid up. twenty of these were counted, of about thirty tons burden, evidently built for sea-vessels, and capable of mounting one or two long guns. we landed at a small streamlet, and walked a short distance to the datu's house, which is of large dimensions and rudely built on piles, which raise it about six feet above the ground, and into which we were invited. the house of the datu contains one room, part of which is screened off to form the apartment of his wife. nearly in the center is a raised dais, eight or ten feet square, under which are stowed all his valuables, packed in chests and chinese trunks. upon this dais are placed mats for sleeping, with cushions, pillows, &c.; and over it is a sort of canopy, hung round with fine chintz or muslin. the dais was occupied by the datu who is, next to the sultan, the greatest man of this island. he at once came from it to receive us, and had chairs provided for us near his sanctum. after we were seated, he again retired to his lounge. the datu is small in person, and emaciated in form, but has a quick eye and an intelligent countenance. he lives, as he told me, with all his goods around him, and they formed a collection such as i could scarcely imagine it possible to bring together in such a place. the interior put me in mind of a barn inhabited by a company of strolling players. on one side were hung up a collection of various kinds of gay dresses, here drums and gongs, there swords, lanterns, spears, muskets, and small cannon; on another side were shields, bucklers, masks, saws, and wheels, with belts, bands, and long robes. the whole was a strange mixture of tragedy and farce; and the group of natives were not far removed in appearance from the supernumeraries that a turkish tragedy might have brought together in the green-room of a theatre. a set of more cowardly-looking miscreants i never saw. they appeared ready either to trade with us, pick our pockets, or cut our throats, as an opportunity might offer. the wife's apartment was not remarkable for its comforts, although the datu spoke of it with much consideration, and evidently held his better half in high estimation. he was also proud of his six children, the youngest of whom he brought out in its nurse's arms, and exhibited with much pride and satisfaction. he particularly drew my attention to its little highly-wrought and splendidly-mounted kris, which was stuck through its girdle, as an emblem of his rank. it was in reality a fine-looking child. the kitchen was behind the house, and occupied but a small space, for they have little in the way of food that requires much preparation. the house of the datu might justly be termed nasty. we now learned the reason why the sultan could not be seen: it was friday, the mahomedan sabbath, and he had been at the mosque from an early hour. [56] lieutenant budd had been detained, because it was not known when he would finish his prayers; and the ceremonies of the day were more important than usual, on account of its peculiar sanctity in their calendar. word had been sent off to the ship that the sultan was ready to receive me, but the messenger passed us while on our way to the shore. after we had been seated for a while, the datu asked if we were ready to accompany him to see the sultan; but intimated that no one but captain hudson and myself could be permitted to lay eyes on him. being informed that we were, he at once, and in our presence, slipped on his silken trousers, and a new jacket, covered with bell-buttons; put on his slippers, strapped himself round with a long silken net sash, into which he stuck his kris, and, with umbrella in hand, said he was ready. he now led the way out of his house, leaving the motley group behind, and we took the path to the interior of the town, towards the sultan's. the datu and i walked hand in hand, on a roadway about ten feet wide, with a small stream running on each side. captain hudson and the interpreter came next, and a guard of six trusty slaves brought up the rear. when we reached the outskirts of the town, about half a mile from the datu's, we came to the sultan's residence, where he was prepared to receive us in state. his house is constructed in the same manner as that of the datu, but is of larger dimensions, and the piles are rather higher. instead of steps, we found a ladder, rudely constructed of bamboo, and very crazy. this was so steep that it was necessary to use the hands in mounting it. i understood that the ladder was always removed in the night, for the sake of security. we entered at once into the presence-chamber, where the whole divan, if such it may be called, sat in arm chairs, occupying the half of a large round table, covered with a white cotton cloth. on the opposite side of the table, seats were placed for us. on our approach, the sultan and all his council rose, and motioned us to our seats. when we had taken them, the part of the room behind us was literally crammed with well-armed men. a few minutes were passed in silence, during which time we had an opportunity of looking at each other, and around the hall in which we were seated. the latter was of very common workmanship, and exhibited no signs of oriental magnificence. overhead hung a printed cotton cloth, forming a kind of tester, which covered about half of the apartment. in other places the roof and rafters were visible. a part of the house was roughly partitioned off, to the height of nine or ten feet, enclosing, as i was afterwards told, the sultan's sleeping apartment, and that appropriated to his wife and her attendants. the sultan is of the middle height, spare and thin; he was dressed in a white cotton shirt, loose trousers of the same material, and slippers; he had no stockings; the bottom of his trousers was worked in scollops with blue silk, and this was the only ornament i saw about him. on his head he wore a small coloured cotton handkerchief, wound into a turban, that just covered the top of his head. his eyes were bloodshot, and had an uneasy wild look, showing that he was under the effects of opium, of which they all smoke large quantities. [57] his teeth were as black as ebony, which, with his bright cherry-coloured lips, contrasted with his swarthy skin, gave him anything but a pleasant look. on the left hand of the sultan sat his two sons, while his right was occupied by his councillors; just behind him, sat the carrier of his betel-nut casket. the casket was of filigree silver, about the size of a small tea-caddy, of oblong shape, and rounded at the top. it had three divisions, one for the leaf, another for the nut, and a third for the lime. [58] next to this official was the pipe-bearer, who did not appear to be held in such estimation as the former. i opened the conversation by desiring that the datu would explain the nature of our visit, and tell the sultan that i had come to make the treaty which he had some time before desired to form with the united states. [59] the sultan replied, that such was still his desire; upon which i told him, i would draw one up for him, that same day. while i was explaining to him the terms, a brass candlestick was brought in with a lighted tallow candle, of a very dark colour and rude shape, that showed but little art in the manufacture. this was placed in the center of the table, with a plate of manilla cigars. none of them, however, were offered to us, nor any kind of refreshment. our visit lasted nearly an hour. when we arose to take our leave, the sultan and his divan did the same, and we made our exit with low bows on each side. i looked upon it as a matter of daily occurrence for all those who came to the island to visit the sultan; but the datu mulu took great pains to make me believe that a great favour had been granted in allowing us a sight of his ruler. on the other hand, i dwelt upon the condescension it was on my part to visit him, and i refused to admit that i was under any gratitude or obligation for the sight of his majesty the sultan mohammed damaliel kisand, but said that he might feel grateful to me if he signed the treaty i would prepare for him. on our return from the sultan's to the datu mulu's house, we found even a greater crowd than before. the datu, however, contrived to get us seats. the attraction which drew it together was to look at mr. agate, who was making a sketch of mohammed polalu, the sultan's son, and next heir to the throne. [60] i had hoped to procure one of the sultan, but this was declared to be impossible. the son, however, has all the characteristics of the sooloos, and the likeness was thought an excellent one. mohammed polalu is about twenty-three years of age, of a tall slender figure, with a long face, heavy and dull eyes, as though he was constantly under the influence of opium. [61] so much, indeed, was he addicted to the use of this drug, even according to the datu mulu's accounts, that his strength and constitution were very much impaired. as he is kept particularly under the guardianship of the datu, the latter has a strong interest in preserving this influence over him, and seems on this account to afford him every opportunity of indulging in this deplorable habit. during our visit, the effect of a pipe of this drug was seen upon him; for but a short time after he had reclined himself on the datu's couch and cushion, and taken a few whiffs, he was entirely overcome, stupid, and listless. i had never seen any one so young, bearing such evident marks of the effects of this deleterious drug. when but partially recovered from its effects he called for his betel-nut, to revive him by its exciting effects. this was carefully chewed by his attendant to a proper consistency, moulded in a ball about the size of a walnut, and then slipped into the mouth of the heir apparent. one of the requests i had made of the sultan was, that the officers might have guides to pass over the island. this was at once said to be too dangerous to be attempted, as the datus of the interior and southern towns would in all probability attack the parties. i understood what this meant, and replied that i was quite willing to take the responsibility, and that the party should be well armed. to this the sultan replied, that he would not risk his own men. this i saw was a mere evasion, but it was difficult and would be dangerous for our gentlemen to proceed alone, and i therefore said no more. on our return to the datu's, i gave them permission to get as far from the beach as they could, but i was afterwards informed by them that in endeavoring to penetrate into the woods, they were always stopped by armed men. this was also the case when they approached particular parts of the town, but they were not molested as long as their rambles were confined to the beach. at the datu's we were treated to chocolate and negus in gilt-edge tumblers, with small stale cakes, which had been brought from manilla. after we had sat some time i was informed that mr. dana missed his bowie-knife pistol, which he had for a moment laid down on a chest. i at once came to the conclusion that it had been stolen, and as the theft had occurred in the datu's house, i determined to hold him responsible for it, and gave him at once to understand that i should do so, informing him that the pistol must be returned before the next morning, or he must take the consequences. this threw him into some consternation, and by my manner he felt that i was serious. captain hudson and myself, previous to my return on board, visited the principal parts of the town. the chinese quarter is separated by a body of water, and has a gateway that leads to a bridge. the bridge is covered by a roof, and on each side of it are small shops, which are open in front, and thus expose the goods they contain. in the rear of the shops were the dwellings of the dealers. this sort of bazaar contained but a very scanty assortment, and the goods were of inferior quality. we visited some blacksmith-shops, where they were manufacturing krises and spears. these shops were open sheds; the fire was made upon the ground, and two wooden cylinders, whose valves were in the bottom, served for bellows; when used, they had movable pistons which were worked by a man on an elevated seat, and answered the purpose better than could have been expected. the kris is a weapon in which this people take great pride; it is of various shapes and sizes, and is invariably worn from infancy to old age; they are generally wavy in their blades, and are worn in wooden scabbards, which are neatly made and highly polished. this weapon is represented in the tailpiece to this chapter. the market was well stocked with fruit and fish, among the former the durian seemed to predominate; this was the first time we had seen it. it has a very disagreeable odour, as if decayed, and appears to emit a sulphuretted hydrogen gas, which i observed blackened silver. some have described this fruit as delicious, but if the smell is not enough, the taste in my opinion will convince any one of the contrary. mr. brackenridge made the following list of their fruits: durian, artocarpus integrifolia, melons, water and musk, oranges, mandarin and bitter, pine-apples, carica papaya, mangosteen, breadfruit, cocoa and betel-nut. the vegetables were capsicums, cucumbers, yams, sweet-potatoes, garlic, onions, edible fern-roots, and radishes of the salmon variety, but thicker and more acrid in flavour. in walking about the streets of the town we were permitted to enter, large slabs of cut granite were seen, which were presumed to be from china, where the walls of canals or streamlets are lined with it. but dr. pickering in his rambles discovered pieces that had been cut as if to form a monument, and remarked a difference between it and the chinese kind. on one or two pieces he saw the mark no. 1, in black paint; the material resembled the chelmsford granite, and it occurred to him that the stone had been cut in boston. [62] i did not hear of this circumstance until after we had left sooloo, and have little doubt now that the interdiction against our gentlemen visiting some parts of the town was owing to the fact of the discovery of this plunder. this may have been the reason why they so readily complied with my demands, in order to get rid of us as soon as possible, feeling themselves guilty, and being unprepared for defence; for, of the numerous guns mounted, few if any were serviceable. the theft of the pistol was so barefaced an affair, that i made up my mind to insist on its restoration. at the setting of the watch in the evening, it had been our practice on board the vincennes to fire a small brass howitzer. this frequently, in the calm evenings, produced a great reverberation, and rolled along the water to the surrounding islands with considerable noise. instead of it, on this evening, i ordered one of the long guns to be fired, believing that the sound and reverberation alone would suffice to intimidate such robbers. one was accordingly fired in the direction of the town, which fairly shook the island, as they said, and it was not long before we saw that the rogues were fully aroused, for the clatter of gongs and voices that came over the water, and the motion of lights, convinced me that the pistol would be forthcoming in the morning. in this i was not mistaken, for at early daylight i was awakened by a special messenger from the datu to tell me that the pistol was found, and would be brought off without delay; that he had been searching for it all night, and had succeeded at last in finding it, as well as the thief, on whom he intended to inflict the bastinado. accordingly, in a short time the pistol was delivered on board, and every expression of friendship and good-will given, with the strongest assurances that nothing of the kind should happen again. as our naturalists could have no opportunity of rambling over the island of sooloo, it was thought that one of the neighbouring islands (although not so good a field) would afford them many of the same results, and that they could examine it unmolested. accordingly, at an early hour, they were despatched in boats for that purpose, with a sufficient guard to attend them in case of necessity. the island on which they landed is called marongas [63] on the map of the group annexed to this chapter. on it are two hills of volcanic conglomerate and vesicular lava, containing angular fragments embedded. the bottom was covered with living coral, of every variety, and of different colours; but there was nothing like a regular coral shelf, and the beach was composed of bits of coral intermixed with dead shells, both entire and comminuted. the centre of the island was covered with mangrove-bushes; the hills were cones, but had no craters on them. the mangroves had grown in clusters, giving the appearance of a number of small islands. this, with the neighbouring islets, were thought to be composed in a great part of coral, but it was impossible for our gentlemen to determine the fact. the day was exceedingly hot, and the island was suffering to such a degree from drought that the leaves in many cases were curled and appeared dry. on the face of the rocky cliff they saw many swallows (hirundo esculenta) flying in and out of the caverns facing the sea; but they were not fortunate enough to find any of the edible nests, so much esteemed by chinese epicures. at another part of the island they heard the crowing of a cock, and discovered a small village, almost hidden by the mangroves, and built over the water. in the neighbourhood were several fish-baskets set out to dry, as well as a quantity of fencing for weirs, all made of rattan. their shape was somewhat peculiar. after a little while the native fishermen were seen approaching, who evidently had a knowledge of their visit from the first. they came near with great caution in their canoes; but after the first had spoken and reconnoitred, several others landed, exhibiting no signs of embarrassment, and soon motioned our party off. to indicate that force would be resorted to, in case of refusal, at the same time they pointed to their arms, and drew their krises. our gentlemen took this all in good part, and after dispensing a few trifling presents among them, began their retreat with a convenient speed, without, however, compromising their dignity. the excursion had been profitable in the way of collections, having yielded a number of specimens of shrubs and trees, both in flower and fruit; but owing to the drought, the herbaceous plants were, for the most part, dried up. among the latter, however, they saw a large and fine terrestrial species of epidendrum, whose stem grew to the height of several feet, and when surmounted by its flowers reached twelve or fifteen feet high. many of the salt-marsh plants seen in the feejees, were also observed here. besides the plants, some shells and a beautiful cream-coloured pigeon were obtained. during the day we were busily engaged in the survey of the harbour, and in making astronomical and magnetical observations on the beach, while some of the officers were employed purchasing curiosities, on shore, at the town, and alongside the ship. these consisted of krises, spears, shields, and shells; and the sooloos were not slow in comprehending the kind of articles we were in search of. few if any of the sooloos [64] can write or read, though many speak spanish. their accounts are all kept by the slaves. those who can read and write are, in consequence, highly prized. all the accounts of the datu of soung are kept in dutch, by a young malay from ternate, who writes a good hand, and speaks english, and whom we found exceedingly useful to us. he is the slave of the datu, who employs him for this purpose only. he told us he was captured in a brig by the pirates of basillan, and sold here as a slave, where he is likely to remain for life, although he says the datu has promised to give him his freedom after ten years. horses, cows and buffaloes are the beasts of burden, and a sooloo may usually be seen riding either one or the other, armed cap-a-pie, with kris, spear, and target, or shield. they use saddles cut out of solid wood, and many ride with their stirrups so short that they bring the knees very high, and the riders look more like well-grown monkeys than mounted men. the cows and buffaloes are guided by a piece of thong, through the cartilage of the nose. by law, no swine are allowed to be kept on the island, and if any are brought, they are immediately killed. the chinese are obliged to raise and kill their pigs very secretly, when they desire that species of food; for, notwithstanding the law and the prejudices of the inhabitants, the former continue to keep swine. the inhabitants of sooloo are a tall, thin, and effeminate-looking race: i do not recollect to have seen one corpulent person among them. their faces are peculiar for length, particularly in the lower jaw and chin, with high cheek-bones, sunken, lack-lustre eyes, and narrow foreheads. their heads are thinly covered with hair, which appears to be kept closely cropped. i was told that they pluck out their beards, and dye their teeth black with antimony. their eyebrows appear to be shaven, forming a very regular and high arch, which they esteem a great beauty. the dress of the common people is very much like that of the chinese, with loose and full sleeves, without buttons. the materials of which it is made are grass-cloth, silks, satins, or white cotton, from china. i should judge, from the appearance of their persons, that they ought to be termed, so far as ablutions go, a cleanly people. there is no outward respect or obeisance shown by the slave to his master, nor is the presence of the datu, or even of the sultan himself, held in any awe. all appear upon an equality, and there does not seem to be any controlling power; yet it may be at once perceived that they are suspicious and jealous of strangers. the sooloos, although they are ready to do any thing for the sake of plunder, even to the taking of life, yet are not disposed to hoard their ill-gotten wealth, and, with all their faults, cannot be termed avaricious. they have but few qualities to redeem their treachery, cruelty, and revengeful dispositions; and one of the principal causes of their being so predominant, or even of their existence, is their inordinate lust for power. when they possess this, it is accompanied by a haughty, consequential, and ostentatious bravery. no greater affront can be offered to a sooloo, than to underrate his dignity and official consequence. such an insult is seldom forgiven, and never forgotten. from one who has made numerous voyages to these islands, i have obtained many of the above facts, and my own observation assures me that this view of their character is a correct one. i would, however, add another trait, which is common among them, and that is cowardice, which is obvious, in spite of their boasted prowess and daring. this trait of character is universally ascribed to them among the spaniards in the philippines, who ought to be well acquainted with them. the dress of the women is not unlike that of the men in appearance. they wear close jackets of various colours when they go abroad, and the same loose breeches as the men, but over them they usually have a large wrapper (sarong), not unlike the pareu of the polynesian islanders, which is put round them like a petticoat, or thrown over the shoulders. their hair is drawn to the back of the head, and around the forehead it is shaven in the form of a regular arch to correspond with the eyebrows. those that i saw at the sultan's were like the malays, and had light complexions with very black teeth. the datu thought them very handsome, and on our return he asked me if i had seen the sultan's beauties. the females of sooloo have the reputation of ruling their lords, and possess much weight in the government by the influence they exert over their husbands. it may be owing to this that there is little jealousy of their wives, who are said to hold their virtues in no very great estimation. in their houses they are but scantily clothed, though women of rank have always a large number of rings on their fingers, some of which are of great value, as well as earrings of fine gold. they wear no stockings, but have on chinese slippers, or spanish shoes. they are as capable of governing as their husbands, and in many cases more so, as they associate with the slaves, from whom they obtain some knowledge of christendom, and of the habits and customs of other nations, which they study to imitate in every way. the mode in which the sooloos employ their time may be exemplified by giving that of the datu; for all, whether free or slave, endeavor to imitate the higher rank as far as is in their power. the datus seldom rise before eleven o'clock, unless they have some particular business; and the datu mulu complained of being sleepy in consequence of the early hour at which we had disturbed him. on rising, they have chocolate served in gilt glass-ware, with some light biscuit, and sweetmeats imported from china or manilla, of which they informed me they laid in large supplies. they then lounge about their houses, transacting a little business, and playing at various games, or, in the trading season, go to the meeting of the ruma bechara. at sunset they take their principal meal, consisting of stews of fish, poultry, beef, eggs, and rice, prepared somewhat after the chinese and spanish modes, mixed up with that of the malay. although moslems, they do not forego the use of wine, and some are said to indulge in it to a great extent. after sunset, when the air has become somewhat cooled by the refreshing breezes, they sally forth attended by their retainers to take a walk, or proceed to the bazaars to purchase goods, or to sell or to barter away their articles of produce. they then pay visits to their friends, when they are in the habit of having frequent convivial parties, talking over their bargains, smoking cigars, drinking wine and liquors, tea, coffee, and chocolate, and indulging in their favorite pipe of opium. at times they are entertained with music, both vocal and instrumental, by their dependants. of this art they appear to be very fond, and there are many musical instruments among them. a datu, indeed, would be looked upon as uneducated if he could not play on some instrument. it is considered polite that when refreshments are handed they should be partaken of. those offered us by the datu were such as are usual, but every thing was stale. of fruit they are said to be very fond, and can afford to indulge themselves in some kinds. with all these articles to cloy the appetite, only one set meal a day is taken; though the poorer classes, fishermen and labourers, partake of two. the government of the sooloo archipelago is a kind of oligarchy, and the supreme authority is vested in the sultan and the ruma bechara or trading council. this consists of about twenty chiefs, either datus, or their next in rank, called orangs, [65] who are governors of towns or detached provinces. the influence of the individual chiefs depends chiefly upon the number of their retainers or slaves, and the force they can bring into their service when they require it. these are purchased from the pirates, who bring them to sooloo and its dependencies for sale. the slaves are employed in a variety of ways, as in trading prahus, in the pearl and biche de mar [66] fisheries, and in the search after the edible birds'-nests. a few are engaged in agriculture, and those who are at all educated are employed as clerks. these slaves are not denied the right of holding property, which they enjoy during their lives, but at their death it reverts to the master. some of them are quite rich, and what may appear strange, the slaves of sooloo are invariably better off than the untitled freemen, who are at all times the prey of the hereditary datus, even of those who hold no official stations. by all accounts these constitute a large proportion of the population, and it being treason for any low-born freeman to injure or maltreat a datu, the latter, who are of a haughty, overbearing, and tyrannical disposition, seldom keep themselves within bounds in their treatment of their inferiors. the consequence is, the lower class of freemen are obliged to put themselves under the protection of some particular datu, which guards them from the encroachment of others. the chief to whom they thus attach themselves, is induced to treat them well, in order to retain their services, and attach them to his person, that he may, in case of need, be enabled to defend himself from depredations, and the violence of his neighbours. such is the absence of legal restraint, that all find it necessary to go abroad armed, and accompanied by a trusty set of followers, who are also armed. this is the case both by day and night, and according to the datu's account, frequent affrays take place in the open streets, which not unfrequently end in bloodshed. caution is never laid aside, the only law that exists being that of force; but the weak contrive to balance the power of the strong by uniting. they have not only contentions and strife among themselves, but it was stated at manilla that the mountaineers of sooloo, who are said to be christians, occasionally make inroads upon them. at sooloo, however, it did not appear that they were much under apprehension of these attacks. the only fear i heard expressed was by the sultan, in my interview with him; and the cause of this, as i have already stated, was probably a desire to find an excuse for not affording us facilities to go into the interior. within twenty years, however, the reigning sultan has been obliged to retire within his forts, in the town of sooloo, which i have before adverted to. these people are hostile to the sooloos of the coasts and towns, who take every opportunity to rob them of their cattle and property, for which the mountaineers seek retaliation when they have an opportunity. from the manner in which the datu spoke of them, they are not much regarded. through another source i learned that the mountaineers were papuans, and the original inhabitants of the islands, who pay tribute to the sultan, and have acknowledged his authority ever since they were converted to islamism. [67] before that time they were considered extremely ferocious, and whenever it was practicable they were destroyed. others speak of an original race of dyacks in the interior, but there is one circumstance to satisfy me that there is no confidence to be placed in this account, namely, that the island is not of sufficient extent to accommodate so numerous a population as some ascribe to it. the forts consist of a double row of piles, filled in with coral blocks. that situated on the east side of the small stream may be said to mount a few guns, but these are altogether inefficient; and in another, on the west side, which is rather a rude embankment than a fort, there are some twelve or fifteen pieces of large calibre; but i doubt very much if they had been fired off for years, and many of the houses built upon the water would require to be pulled down before these guns could be brought to bear upon any thing on the side of the bay, supposing them to be in a good condition; a little farther to the east of the town, i was informed they had a kind of stockade, but none of us were permitted to see it. according to our estimates, and the information we received while at sooloo, the island itself does not contain more than thirty thousand inhabitants, of which the town of soung may have six or seven thousand. the whole group may number about one hundred and thirty thousand. i am aware, however, that it is difficult to estimate the population of a half-civilized people, who invariably exaggerate their own strength; and visiters are likewise prone to do the same thing. the chinese comprise about an eighth of the population of the town, and are generally of the lower class. they are constantly busy at their trades, and intent upon making money. at soung, business seems active, and all, slaves as well as masters, seem to engage in it. the absence of a strong government leaves all at liberty to act for themselves, and the ruma bechara gives unlimited freedom to trade. these circumstances promote the industry of the community, and even that of the slave, for he too, as before observed, has a life interest in what he earns. soung being the residence of the sultan, as well as the grand depôt for all piratical goods, is probably more of a mart than any of the surrounding towns. in the months of march and april it is visited by several chinese junks, who remain trading until the beginning of the month of august. if delayed after that time, they can scarcely return in safety, being unable to contend with the boisterous weather and head winds that then prevail in the chinese seas. these junks are said to come chiefly from amoy, where the cottons, &c., best suited for the sooloos are made. their cargoes consist of a variety of articles of chinese manufacture and produce, such as silk, satin goods, cottons, red and checked, grass-cloth clothing, handkerchiefs, cutlery, guns, ammunition, opium, lumber, china and glass-ware, rice, sugar, oil, lard, and butter. in return for this merchandise they obtain camphor, birds'-nests, rattans, biche de mar, pearls and pearl-shells, cocoa, tortoise-shell, and wax; but there is no great quantity of these articles to be obtained, perhaps not more than two or three cargoes during the season. the trade requires great knowledge of the articles purchased, for the chinese and sooloos are both such adepts in fraud, that great caution and circumspection are necessary. the duties on importation are not fixed, but are changed and altered from time to time by the ruma bechara. the following was stated to me as the necessary payments before trade could be carried on. a large ship, with chinese on board, pays $2,000 a large ship, without chinese on board, pays 1,800 small ships, 1,500 large brig, 1,000 small brig, 500 schooners, from 150 to 400 this supposes them all to have full cargoes. that a difference should be made in a vessel with or without chinamen, seems singular; but this, i was told, arose from the circumstance that english vessels take them on board, in order to detect and prevent the impositions of the sooloos. vessels intending to trade at soung should arrive before the chinese junks, and remain as long as they stay, or even a few days later. in trading with the natives, all operations ought to be carried on for cash, or if by barter, no delivery should be made until the articles to be taken in exchange are received. in short, it is necessary to deal with them as though they were undoubted rogues, and this pleases them much more than to appear unsuspicious. vessels that trade engage a bazaar, which they hire of the ruma bechara, and it is advisable to secure the good-will of the leading datus in that council by presents, and paying them more for their goods than others. there are various other precautions necessary in dealing with this people; for they will, if possible, so act as to give rise to disputes, in which case an appeal is made to their fellows, who are sure to decide against the strangers. those who have been engaged in this trade, advise that the prices of the goods should be fixed upon before the sultan, and the scales of the datu of soung employed; for although these are quite faulty, the error is compensated by the articles received being weighed in the same. this also secures the datu's good-will, by the fee (some fifty dollars) which he receives for the use of them. thus it will be perceived that those who desire to trade with sooloo, must make up their minds to encounter many impositions, and to be continually watchful of their own interests. every possible precaution ought to be taken; and it will be found, the treatment will depend upon, or be according to the force or resolution that is displayed. in justice to this people it must be stated, there have been times when traders received every kindness and attention at the island of sooloo, and i heard it even said, that many vessels had gone there to refit; but during the last thirty or forty years, the reigning sultans and their subjects have become hostile to europeans, of whom they plunder and destroy as many as they can, and this they have hitherto been allowed to do with impunity. although i have described the trade with sooloo as limited, yet it is capable of greater extension; and had it not been for the piratical habits of the people, the evil report of which has been so widely spread, sooloo would now have been one of the principal marts of the east. the most fertile parts of borneo are subject to its authority. there all the richest productions of these eastern seas grow in immense quantities, but are now left ungarnered in consequence of there being no buyers. the cost of their cultivation would be exceedingly low, and i am disposed to believe that these articles could be produced here at a lower cost than any where else. besides the trade with china, there is a very considerable one with manilla in small articles, and i found one of our countrymen engaged in this traffic, under the spanish flag. to him i am indebted for much information that his opportunities for observation had given him. the materials for the history of sooloo are meagre, and great doubts seem to exist in some periods of it. that which i have been able to gather is as follows. the island of sooloo is generally believed to have been originally inhabited by papuans, some of whom, as i have already stated, are still supposed to inhabit the mountainous part. the first intercourse had with them was by the chinese, who went there in search of pearls. the orang dampuwans were the first of the malays to form settlements on the islands; but after building towns, and making other improvements, they abandoned the islands, in consequence, it is said, of the inhabitants being a perfidious race, having previously to their departure destroyed as many of the natives as they could. the fame of the submarine riches of this archipelago reached banjur, or borneo, the people of which were induced to resort there, and finding it to equal their expectation, they sent a large colony, and made endeavours to win over the inhabitants, and obtain thereby the possession of their rich isle. in order to confirm the alliance, a female of banjarmassing, [68] of great beauty, was sent, and married to the principal chief; and from this alliance the sovereigns of sooloo claim their descent. the treaty of marriage made sooloo tributary to the banjarmassing empire. after the banjars had thus obtained possession of the archipelago, the trade in its products attracted settlers from the surrounding islands, who soon contrived to displace the aborigines, and drive them to the inaccessible mountains for protection. when the chinese took possession of the northern parts of borneo, under the emperor songtiping, about the year 1375, [69] the daughter of that prince was married to a celebrated arabian chief named sherif alli, who visited the shores of borneo in quest of commerce. the descendants of this marriage extended their conquests not only over the sooloo archipelago, but over the whole of the philippines, and rendered the former tributary to borneo. in three reigns after this event, the sultan of borneo proper married the daughter of a sooloo chief, and from this union came mirhome bongsu, who succeeding to the throne while yet a minor, his uncle acted as regent. sooloo now wished to throw off the yoke of borneo, and through the intrigues of the regent succeeded in doing so, as well as in retaining possession of the eastern side of borneo, from maludu bay on the north to tulusyan on the south, which has ever since been a part of the sooloo territory. this event took place before islamism became the prevailing religion; but which form of idolatry, the sooloos pretend, is not now known. it is, however, believed the people on the coast were bud[d]hists, while those of the interior were pagans. the first sultan of sooloo was kamaludin, and during his reign one sayed alli, a merchant, arrived at sooloo from mecca. he was a sherif, and soon converted one-half the islanders to his own faith. he was elected sultan on the death of kamaludin, and reigned seven years, in the course of which he became celebrated throughout the archipelago. dying at sooloo, a tomb was erected to him there, and the island came to be looked upon by the faithful as the mecca of the east, and continued to be resorted to as a pilgrimage until the arrival of the spaniards. sayed alli left a son called batua, who succeeded him. the latter had two sons, named sabudin and nasarudin, who, on the death of their father, made war upon each other. nasarudin, the youngest, being defeated, sought refuge on tawi tawi, where he established himself, and built a fort for his protection. the difficulties were finally compromised, and they agreed to reign together over sooloo. nasarudin had two sons, called amir and bantilan, of whom the former was named as successor to the two brothers, and on their deaths ascended the throne. during his reign another sherif arrived from mecca, who succeeded in converting the remainder of the population to islamism. bantilan and his brother amir finally quarrelled, and the latter was driven from sooloo to seek refuge in the island of basillan, where he became sultan. [70] on the arrival of the spaniards in 1566, a kind of desultory war was waged by them upon the various islands, in the hope of conquering them and extending their religion. in these wars they succeeded in gaining temporary possession of a part of sooloo, and destroyed the tomb of sayed alli. the spaniards always looked upon the conversion of the moslems to the true catholic faith with great interest; but in the year 1646, the sultan of magindanao succeeded in making peace, by the terms of which the spaniards withdrew from sooloo, and were to receive from the sultan three cargoes of rice annually as a tribute. in 1608, the small-pox made fearful ravages, and most of the inhabitants fled from the scourge. among these was the heir apparent, during whose absence the throne became vacant, and another was elected in his stead. this produced contention for a short time, which ended in the elected maintaining his place. this tribute continued to be paid until the flight of amir to basillan, about the year 1752, where he entered into a secret correspondence with the authorities at samboangan, and after two years a vessel was sent from manilla, which carried him to that capital, where he was treated as a prisoner of state. in june, 1759, an english ship, on board of which was dalrymple, then in the service of the east india company, arrived at sooloo on a trading voyage. dalrymple remained at sooloo for three months, engaged in making sales and purchases. the sultan bantilan treated him with great kindness, and sought the interest of dalrymple to obtain the liberation of his brother, who was now held prisoner by the spaniards at manilla, by telling him of his brother's wife, who had been left behind when amir quitted the island, and had been delivered of twins, after he had been kidnapped by the spaniards. dalrymple entered into a pledge to restore amir, and at the same time effected a commercial treaty between the east india company and the sooloo chiefs. by this it was stipulated that an annual cargo should be sent to sooloo, and sold at one hundred per cent. profit, for which a return cargo should be provided for the china market, which should realize an equal profit there, after deducting all expenses. the overplus, if any, was to be carried to the credit of the sooloos. this appears to have been the first attempt made by the english to secure a regular commercial intercourse with this archipelago. in the year 1760, a large fleet of spanish vessels sailed from manilla, with about two thousand men, having the sultan amir on board, to carry on a war against sooloo. on their arrival, they began active operations. they were repelled on all sides, and after seven days' ineffectual attempts, they gave up their design. they returned to manilla, it is said, with a loss of half their number, and without having done any injury to the sooloos. not discouraged with this failure, the spaniards, about two years after, organized a still larger force, which is estimated by some accounts as high as ten thousand men. although this failed in its attempts on the fort at soung, the spaniards obtained possession of tanjong matonda, one of the small ports on the island, where they erected a church and fort. here they established a colony, and appointed a governor. the inhabitants upon this deserted their habitations in the neighbourhood, and fled to the mountains, which, it is said, excited the mountaineers, a host of whom, with their chief, whose name was sri kala, determined to rush upon the spaniards, and annihilate them. having to contend against disciplined troops, it was not an easy task to succeed. but sri kala had a follower, named sigalo, who offered to lead the host to battle against the spaniards, and to exterminate them, or to die in the attempt. the chief accepted his offer, and sigalo, with a chosen few, marched towards the fort, leaving the rest of the mountaineers in readiness to join them at an appointed signal, and rush into the fort en masse. sri kala and sigalo, in order to lull the watchfulness of the spaniards, took with them a young woman, of exquisite beauty, named purmassuri. the lustful spaniards were thus thrown off their guard, the signal was given, and the host, rushing forward, entered the fort, every spaniard within which was slain. a few only, who were on the outside, escaped to the vessels, which set sail, and after encountering various mishaps, returned to manilla some time after this the sultan bantilan died, and his son alimud-deen was proclaimed sultan. dalrymple did not return until 1762, with a part of the appointed cargo; but the vessel in which the larger part had been shipped, failed to arrive, from not being able to find sooloo, and went to china. thence she proceeded to manilla, and afterwards to sooloo. the captain of the latter vessel gave a new credit to the sooloos, before they had paid for their first cargo; and on the arrival of dalrymple the next time, he found that the small-pox had carried off a large number of the inhabitants, from which circumstance all his hopes of profit were frustrated. he then obtained for the use of the east india company, a grant of the island of balambangan, which lies off the north end of borneo, forming one side of the straits of balabac, the western entrance to the sooloo sea. here he proposed to establish a trading port, and after having visited madras, he took possession of this island in 1763. in october, 1763, the english took manilla, [71] where the sultan amir was found by dalrymple, who engaged to reinstate him on his throne, if he would cede to the english the north end of borneo, as well as the south end of palawan. this he readily promised, and he was, in consequence, carried back to sooloo, and reinstated; his nephew, alim-ud-deen, readily giving place to him, and confirming the grant to the east india company, in which the ruma bechara joined. after various arrangements, the east india company took possession of balambangan, in the year 1773, and formed a settlement there with a view of making it an emporium of trade for eastern commodities. troops and stores were sent from india, and the population began to increase by settlers, both chinese and malays, who arrived in numbers. in the year 1775, the fort, notwithstanding all the treaties and engagements between dalrymple and the sultan, was surprised by the sultan, and many of the garrison put to death. this virtually put an end to the plans of the english, although another attempt was made to re-establish the settlement by colonel farquhar, in 1803; but it was thought to be too expensive a post, and was accordingly abandoned in the next year. this act of the sooloos fairly established their character for perfidy, and ever since that transaction they have been looked upon as treacherous in the highest degree, and, what is singular, have been allowed to carry on their piracies quite unmolested. the taking of balambangan has been generally imputed to the treacherous disposition and innate love of plunder among the sooloos, as well as to their fear that it would destroy the trade of sooloo by injuring all that of the archipelago. but there are strong reasons for believing that this dark deed owed its origin in part to the influence of the spaniards and dutch, who looked with much distrust upon the growth of the rival establishment. such was the jealousy of the spaniards, that the governor of the philippines peremptorily required that balambangan should be evacuated. the sooloos boast of the deed, and admit that they received assistance from both samboangan and ternate, the two nearest spanish and dutch ports. these nations had great reasons to fear, the establishment of a power like that of the east india company, in a spot so favorably situated to secure the trade of the surrounding islands, possessing fine harbours, and in every way adapted to become a great commercial depôt. had it been held by the east india company but for a few years, it must have become what singapore is now. the original planner of this settlement is said to have been lord pigot; but the merit of carrying it forward was undoubtedly due to dalrymple, whose enterprising mind saw the advantage of the situation, and whose energy was capable of carrying the project successfully forward. since the capture of balambangan, there has been no event in the history of sooloo that has made any of the reigns of the sultans memorable, although fifteen have since ascended the throne. sooloo has from all the accounts very much changed in its character as well as population since the arrival of the spaniards, and the establishment of their authority in the philippines. before that event, some accounts state that the trade with the chinese was of great extent, and that from four to five hundred junks arrived annually from cambojia, with which sooloo principally traded. at that time the population is said to have equalled in density that of the thickly-settled parts of china. the government has also undergone a change; for the sultan, who among other malay races is usually despotic, is here a mere cipher, and the government has become an oligarchy. this change has probably been brought about by the increase of the privileged class of datus, all of whom are entitled to a seat in the ruma bechara until about the year 1810, when the great inconvenience of so large a council was felt, and it became impossible to control it without great difficulty and trouble on the part of the sultan. the ruma bechara was then reduced until it contained but six of the principal datus, who assumed the power of controlling the state. the ruma bechara, however, in consequence of the complaints of many powerful datus, was enlarged; but the more powerful, and those who have the largest numerical force of slaves, still rule over its deliberations. the whole power, within the last thirty years, has been usurped by one or two datus, who now have monopolized the little foreign trade that comes to these islands. the sultan has the right to appoint his successor, and generally names him while living. in default of this, the choice devolves upon the ruma bechara, who elect by a majority. from a more frequent intercourse with europeans and the discovery of new routes through these seas, the opportunities of committing depredations have become less frequent, and the fear of detection greater. by this latter motive they are more swayed than by any thing else, and if the sooloos have ever been bold and daring robbers on the high seas, they have very much changed. many statements have been made and published relative to the piracies committed in these seas, which in some cases exceed, and in others fall short, of the reality. most of the piratical establishments are under the rule, or sail under the auspices of the sultan or ruma bechara of sooloo, who are more or less intimately connected with them. the share of the booty that belongs to the sultan and ruma bechara, is twenty-five per cent. on all captures, whilst the datus receive a high price for the advance they make of guns and powder, and for the services of their slaves. the following are the piratical establishments of sooloo, obtained from the most authentic sources, published as well as verbal. the first among these is the port of soung, at which we anchored, in the island of sooloo; not so much from the number of men available here for this pursuit, as the facility of disposing of the goods. by the spaniards they are denominated illanun or lanuns pirates. [72] there are other rendezvous on pulo toolyan, at bohol, tonho, pilas, tawi tawi, sumlout, pantutaran, parodasan, palawan, and basillan, and tantoli on celebes. [73] these are the most noted, but there are many minor places, where half a dozen prahus are fitted out. those of sooloo, and those who go under the name of the lanuns, have prahus of larger size, and better fitted. they are from twenty to thirty tons burden and are propelled by both sails and oars. they draw but little water, are fast sailers, and well adapted for navigating through these dangerous seas. these pirates are supposed to possess in the whole about two hundred prahus, which usually are manned with from forty to fifty pirates; the number therefore engaged in this business, may be estimated at ten thousand. they are armed with muskets, blunderbusses, krises, hatchets, and spears, and at times the vessels have one or two large guns mounted. they infest the straits of macassar, the sea of celebes, and the sooloo sea. soung is the only place where they can dispose of their plunder to advantage, and obtain the necessary outfits. it may be called the principal resort of these pirates, where well directed measures would result in effectually suppressing the crime. besides the pirates of sooloo, the commerce of the eastern islands is vexed with other piratical establishments. in the neighbouring seas, there are the malay pirates, who have of late years become exceedingly troublesome. their prahus are of much smaller size than those of sooloo, being from ten to twelve tons burden, but in proportion they are much better manned, and thus are enabled to ply with more efficiency their oars or paddles. these prahus frequent the shores of the straits of malacca, cape romania, the carimon isles, and the neighbouring straits, and at times they visit the straits of rhio. some of the most noted, i was informed, were fitted out from johore, in the very neighbourhood of the english authorities at singapore; they generally have their haunts on the small islands on the coast, from which they make short cruises. they are noted for their arrangements for preventing themselves from receiving injury, in the desperate defences that are sometimes made against them. these small prahus have usually swivels mounted, which, although not of great calibre, are capable of throwing a shot beyond the range of small-arms. it is said that they seldom attempt an attack unless the sea is calm, which enables them to approach their victims with more assurance of success, on account of the facility with which they are enabled to manage their boats. the frequent calms which occur in these seas between the land and sea breezes, afford them many opportunities of putting their villa[i]nous plans in operation; and the many inlets and islets, with which they are well acquainted, afford places of refuge and ambush, and for concealing their booty. they are generally found in small flotillas of from six to twenty prahus, and when they have succeeded in disabling a vessel at long shot, the sound of the gong is the signal for boarding, which if successful, results in a massacre more or less bloody, according to the obstinacy of the resistance they have met with. in the winter months, the straits of malacca are most infected with them; and during the summer, the neighbourhood of singapore, point romania, and the channels in the vicinity. in the spring, from february to may, they are engaged in procuring their supplies, in fishing, and refitting their prahus for the coming year. i have frequently heard plans for the suppression of these pirates, particularly of those in the neighbourhood of the settlements under british rule. the european authorities are much to blame for the quiescent manner in which they have so long borne these depredations, and many complaints are made that englishmen, on being transplanted to india, lose that feeling of horror for deeds of blood, such as are constantly occurring at their very doors, which they would experience in england. there are, however, many difficulties to overcome before operations against the pirates can be effective. the greatest of these is the desire of the english to secure the goodwill of the chiefs of the tribes by whom they are surrounded. they thus wink at their piracies on the vessels of other nations, or take no steps to alleviate the evils of slavery. indeed the language that one hears from many intelligent men who have long resided in that part of the world is, that in no country where civilization exists does slavery exhibit so debasing a form as in her indian possessions. another difficulty consists in the want of minute knowledge of the coasts, inlets, and hiding-places of the pirates, and this must continue to exist until proper surveys are made. this done, it would be necessary to employ vessels that could pursue the pirates every where, for which steamers naturally suggest themselves. [74] what will appear most extraordinary is, that the very princes who are enjoying the stipend for the purchase of the site whereon the english authority is established, are believed to be the most active in equipping the prahus for these piratical expeditions; yet no notice is taken of them, although it would be so easy to control them by withholding payment until they had cleared themselves from suspicion, or by establishing residents in their chief towns. another, and a very different race of natives who frequent the sooloo archipelago, must not be passed by without notice. these are the bajow [75] divers or fishermen, to whom sooloo is indebted for procuring the submarine treasures with which her seas are stored. they are also very frequently employed in the biche de mar or tripang fisheries among the islands to the south. the bajows generally look upon macassar as their principal place of resort. they were at one time believed to be derived from johore, on the malayan peninsula; at another to be buguese; but they speak the sooloo dialect, and are certainly derived from some of the neighbouring islands. the name of bajows, in their tongue, means fishermen. from all accounts, they are allowed to pursue their avocations in peace, and are not unfrequently employed by the piratical datus, and made to labour for them. they resort to their fishing-grounds in fleets of between one and two hundred sail, having their wives and children with them, and in consequence of the tyranny of the sooloos, endeavour to place themselves under the protection of the flag of holland, by which nation this useful class of people is encouraged. the sooloo seas are comparatively little frequented by them, as they are unable to dispose of the produce of their fisheries for want of a market, and fear the exactions of the datus. their prahus are about five tons each. the bajows at some islands are stationary, but are for the most part constantly changing their ground. the spanish authorities in the philippines encourage them, it is said, to frequent their islands, as without them they would derive little benefit from the banks in the neighbouring seas, where quantities of pearl-oysters are known to exist, which produce pearls of the finest kind. the bajows are inoffensive and very industrious, and in faith mahomedans. the climate of sooloo during our short stay, though warm, was agreeable. the time of our visit was in the dry season, which lasts from october to april, and alternates with the wet one from may till september. june and july are the windy months, when strong breezes blow from the westward. in the latter part of august and september, strong gales are felt from the south, while in december and january the winds are found to come from the northward; but light winds usually prevail from the southwest during the wet season, and from the opposite quarter, the dry, following closely the order of the monsoons in the china seas. as to the temperature, the climate is very equable, the thermometer seldom rising above 90° or falling below 70°. diseases are few, and those that prevail arise from the manner in which the natives live. they are from that cause an unhealthy-looking race. the smallpox has at various times raged with great violence throughout the group, and they speak of it with great dread. few of the natives appear to be marked with it, which may have been owing, perhaps, to their escaping this disorder for some years. vaccination has not yet been introduced among them, nor have they practised inoculation. notwithstanding soung was once the mecca of the east, its people have but little zeal for the mahomedan faith. it was thought at one time that they had almost forgotten its tenets, in consequence of the neglect of all their religious observances. the precepts which they seem to regard most are that of abstaining from swine's flesh, and that of being circumcised. although polygamy is not interdicted, few even of the datus have more than one wife. soung road offers good anchorage; and supplies of all kinds may be had in abundance. beef is cheap, and vegetables and fruit at all seasons plenty. our observations placed the town in latitude 6° 10' n., longitude 120° 55' 51'' e. on the 6th, having concluded the treaty (a copy of which will be found in appendix xiii) [76] and the other business that had taken me to sooloo, we took our departure for the straits of balabac, the western entrance into this sea, with a fine breeze to the eastward. by noon we had reached the group of pangootaaraang, [77] consisting of five small islands. all of these are low, covered with trees, and without lagoons. they presented a great contrast to sooloo, which was seen behind us in the distance. the absence of the swell of the ocean in sailing through this sea is striking, and gives the idea of navigating an extensive bay, on whose luxuriant islands no surf breaks. there are, however, sources of danger that incite the navigator to watchfulness and constant anxiety; the hidden shoals and reefs, and the sweep of the tide, which leave him no control over his vessel. through the night, which was exceedingly dark, we sounded every twenty minutes, but found no bottom; and at daylight on the 7th, we made the islands of cagayan sooloo, [78] in latitude 7° 03' 30'' n., longitude 118° 37' e. the tide or current was passing the islands to the west-southwest, three-quarters of a mile per hour; we had soundings of seventy-five fathoms. cagayan sooloo has a pleasant appearance from the sea, and may be termed a high island. it is less covered with undergrowth and mangrove-bushes than the neighbouring islands, and the reefs are comparatively small. it has fallen off in importance, and by comparing former accounts with those i received, and from its present aspect, it would seem that it has decreased both in population and products. its caves formerly supplied a large quantity of edible birds'-nests; large numbers of cattle were to be found upon it; and its cultivation was carried on to some extent. these articles of commerce are not so much attended to at the present time, and the biche de mar and tortoise-shell, formerly brought hither, are now carried to other places. there is a small anchorage on the west side, but we did not visit it. there are no dangers near these small islands that may not be guarded against. our survey extended only to their size and situation, as i deemed it my duty to devote all the remainder of the time i had to spare to the straits of balabac. [proceeding, our author relates the stay of the vessel in, and describes, the mangsee islands, balabac, and balambangan, about which various scientific observations were carried on. "lieutenant perry, ... near a small beach on the island of balambangan, encountered some sooloos, who were disposed to attack him. the natives, no doubt, were under the impression that the boats were from some shipwrecked vessel. they were all well-armed, and apparently prepared to take advantage of the party if possible; but, by the prudence and forbearance of this officer, collision was avoided, and his party saved from an attack." the british colony established on this island in 1773, dwindled steadily until 1775 when the pirates rushed the garrison and massacred almost every man. the work of rajah brooke in sarawak is mentioned, and the dyaks described. continuing mr. wilkes says:] as the principal objects of my visit were to ascertain the disposition and resources of the sooloos for trade, and to examine the straits leading into the sooloo seas, in order to facilitate the communication with china, by avoiding on the one hand the eastern route, and on the other the dangers of the palawan passage, it may be as well to give the result of the latter inquiry, referring those who may be more particularly interested to the hydrographical atlas and memoir. the difficulties in the palawan passage arising from heavy seas and fresh gales do not exist in the sooloo sea, nor are the shoals so numerous or so dangerous. in the place of storms and rough water, smooth seas are found, and for most of the time moderate breezes, which do not subject a vessel to the wear and tear experienced in beating up against a monsoon. the straits of balabac may be easily reached, either from singapore, or by beating up along the western shore to borneo. when the straits are reached, a vessel by choosing her time, may easily pass through them by daylight, even by beating when the wind is ahead. once through, the way is clear, with the exception of a few coral lumps; the occasional occurrence of the north wind will enable a vessel to pass directly to the shores of the island of panay. a fair wind will ordinarily prevail along that island, and, as i have already mentioned, it may be approached closely. the passage through to the eastward of mindoro island may be taken in preference to that on the west side through the mindoro strait, and thus all the reefs and shoals will be avoided. thence, the western coast of luzon will be followed to the north, as in the old route. i do not think it necessary to point out any particular route through the sooloo sea, as vessels must be guided chiefly as the winds blow, but i would generally avoid approaching the sooloo islands, as the currents are more rapid, and set rather to the southward. wherever there is anchorage, it would be advisable to anchor at night, as much time might thus be saved, and a knowledge of the currents, or sets of the tides obtained. perhaps it would be as well to caution those who are venturesome, that it is necessary to keep a good look-out, and those who are timid, that there does not appear to be much danger from the piratical prahus, unless a vessel gets on shore: in that case it will not be long before they will be seen collecting in the horizon in large numbers. the treaty that i made with the sultan, if strictly enforced on the first infraction, will soon put an end to all the dangers to be apprehended from them. to conclude, i am satisfied that under ordinary circumstances, to pass through the sooloo sea will shorten by several days the passage to manilla or canton, and be a great saving of expense in the wear and tear of a ship and her canvass. [on the eighteenth of february, the ship reaches the straits of singapore, where they find the other three vessels of the fleet, namely, the "porpoise," the "oregon," and "flying-fish."] letter from father quirico more, to the father superior of the mission davao, january 20, 1885. pax christi. my well beloved in christ, the father superior: several times i have designed to address your reverence in regard to the moros of this gulf, but after the observation of your reverence of the second of last december, i have been unwilling to postpone longer to set about this matter. i have read some statistical works, both official and semi-official, which treat of the population [79] of this gulf, and i have noticed that in general more importance is given to the moros of this district than is theirs, and a greater number of people than in reality exists. the reason for this general error lies in the fact that the moros quite regularly live along the coasts and at the mouths of the large rivers, while the heathens of other races live as a general rule in the interior of the island. consequently, the moros form, as it were, a sort of barrier or screen which prevents the heathens from being seen, and worse yet, hinders us from becoming acquainted with them, and alluring and gaining them for god and the fatherland. that would be easy of attainment, if once this phantom of the moros were laid. that can be easily attained if one remembers what the moros of dávao are, whom i shall endeavor to show forth in this letter. we are making a bit of history, as one commonly says. shortly before the conquest, which was concluded by don josé oyangúren [80] in the year 1848, the pontin [81] "san rufo," which had been equipped by one of the commercial houses of manila, had come to dávao. the captain and second officer of the said boat were spaniards, and in addition they were accompanied by an italian who was a private trader. they had a letter of recommendation from the sultan of mindanao, for the datos of the sea of dávao, which charged those datos to receive those of the "san rufo" as friends. the moros of this place pretended to respect the letter of the sultan, and engaged in trade with the men of the boat, offering them friendship and a considerable quantity of wax in exchange for their effects. but taking advantage of the opportunity, when the majority of the crew were some distance from the boat fishing with the ship's skiff, the moros presented themselves armed with krises, spears, and balaraos, bringing with them, in order to conceal their mischievous intentions, considerable wax for barter. the interpreter informed the captain that so many moros, so well armed on an occasion when there were scarcely any men in the boat gave rise to suspicions regarding their intentions. the captain replied that he did not fear the moros. the pilot remonstrated, saying that it would not do any harm to take a few precautions. to this the captain replied: "are you afraid of the moros?" "although we do not fear them," added the pilot, "that is no reason why we should scorn the advice of the interpreter." "well, if you wish it," said the captain, "have a sentinel posted with musket ready." accordingly the sentinel was posted, and in addition one of the europeans and the interpreter prepared their arms also. all this time more and more moros were continually arriving. they contrived to isolate the europeans and separate them from one another. when they were most busily engaged in examining and weighing the wax, those assassins drew their krises at a given signal. two reports rang out and two moros fell dead, but in a few moments, the heads of the christians rolled on the ground. the only ones left alive were two servants, that of the captain and that of the italian, whom the moros retained as slaves. these men after a few days, seized a baroto and escaped in it, made the crossing to pundaguítan, whence they went to surigao to give notice of what had occurred in the "san rufo," believing that the seamen who were fishing at the time of the attack, had also been assassinated. those seamen on seeing what was occurring on the "san rufo" escaped in a small boat to the hijo river, whence they went overland to línao (now bunáuan). all of the above was told me by one of the two servants, who had been captured and had escaped. that servant returned later with oyangúren, and acted on several occasions as my helmsman, and finally died in the shipwreck of father vivero. when that crime was reported in manila, satisfaction was demanded of the sultan of mindanao. the latter answered that he had no subjects in dávao, and that he did not consider the moros of this bay as such, since they had disobeyed his orders; and accordingly that the spanish government was to deal with them directly. by virtue of that, from that moment the moros of dávao must be considered as independent and separate from the rest of the moros. consequently, if the spanish government has complete liberty of action anywhere in regard to the moros, it is doubtless in this gulf of dávao. thereupon the expedition of oyangúren came, and had made the conquest of this gulf in a very short time, those moros who had remained here after a great part of them had emigrated to the bay of sarangani and the lake of bulúan surrendering at discretion. when oyangúren came, the moros were complete masters of the island of sámal, [82] whose inhabitants had risen en masse to unite with the spanish against their oppressors the moros. they also dominated the mandayas, and collected tribute from all of them even from those of the ilaya [83] of caraga, and were engaged in continual war with the bilanes, manobos, and atas. [84] at present the mandayas, who are in some manner subject to the moros, number, according to my calculation, some seven thousand. one cannot estimate or approximate to the number of the atas who pay tribute to them. the other races are not at all subject to the moros and do not pay any tribute to them. it is difficult to fix exactly the number of the moros who live on this gulf at present. their nomadic customs and the ease with which they change their habitation, sometimes moving to a great distance, make a little less than impossible an exact list of them. however, i believe that their approximate number is 4,000. if they exceed that number, i do not believe that they reach 5,000, and as well i do not believe that they are less than 3,000. the place that they generally choose for their home, as i have before suggested, is the coast or the mouth of rivers navigable for their small boats. when any governor of this district urges them with instance to make a village, they make, as it were, an excuse for a settlement, carrying out the plan which the governor himself, or some spaniard in the name of the governor, or some other intelligent person, gives them. they will construct, if it is desired, their so-called houses at the distances which are marked out for them, but they will never reconcile themselves with any kind of cultivation, or with cleanliness, or the repair of what gets out of order. in reality, in the short time that their villages have form, the filth, the nakedness, and the general wretchedness, cause them to present so repugnant an aspect, that no one can show a desire for their preservation; and as soon as the governor ceases to investigate them, those villages melt away like salt in water. to the right of dávao, several attempts have been made to form the moro village of daron by bringing together the small moro rancherías of taúmo, baludo, and obango, which are the only rancherías between dávao and the point of culáman in sight of sarangani. that village, in the days of its greatest apogee, would lodge at most one hundred moro families, who always tend to be split up into small rancherías. on the other side of point bánus, from which one can begin to descry the islands of sarangani there was another ranchería of sanguil. [85] moros of about one hundred families. that ranchería was settled there under the protection of an indian, who had served his time in the navy, who fixed his residence there in the quality of agent or abonado [i.e., representative] of the traders of dávao. at the present time that petty trader has moved his residence to núin opposite the islands of sarangani, and it appears that those moros have followed him. but wherever they have fixed their residence, left to themselves, they are threatened with destruction. for that swarm of bilanes, manobos, and tagacaolos [86] which surrounds them, warlike races who have never been subdued by the moros, will always consider them as enemies, and will always reckon them in the first line to give an end to their personal and racial vengeance. in support of my assertion, i shall tell your reverence an episode just as it was told to me a long while ago. some years before the conquest of dávao, the moros, pursuing the piratical habits peculiar to their race, knifed the crew of a banca which was on its way from pundaguítan, a christian village at cape san agustin, to the tortoise-shell fisheries at the island of olaníban, the third and smallest island of the sarangani. it was a coincidence that the said banca was manned by members of the most influential families of both shores of this gulf from san agustin and culáman. vengeance in the manobo style was not long delayed. the members of the latter race beheaded as many of the moros as they could find alone. but later some sort of a settlement was made among them. the moros paid the fine imposed on them by the other races, but the latter did not cease to be hostile for all that. they have reduced the few mahometans remaining between malálag and sarangani to so precarious a situation that, according to my mode of thinking, their greatest and only guaranty is in the respect that those heathens profess for the spanish banner. it is not my design to discuss now the islands and bay, or harbor of sarangani, places which formed my gilded dream for many years. i shall not be many months in writing to your reverence a letter with the data which i have gathered, and other data which i am acquiring in regard to those islands and that bay. [87] in that letter i will relate my opinion of those kindly heathens who left so pleasing an impression on the minds of us five missionaries who have visited them, namely fathers lluch, bové, púntas, vivero, and the writer. just a few words now concerning the moros to the left of dávao. one legua from this capital, and along the beach, lies the moro village of lánang, which has passed through the same sudden changes as has the village of daron. the said village is formed by the malcontents of the various datarías [88] of this gulf, beginning with the ilayas of dávao. their progress and setbacks have been proportioned to the tact and vigilance of the governors. some cultivation of cocoas is seen on that coast, in part by the moros and in part by the christians of the vicinity. at the present time there are no more than twenty-five houses (if their huts can be so called), of which very few are finished. the greater part of them remain since a long time ago in process of construction. following the same coast toward the north of the gulf, and some three leguas distant, one encounters the ranchería of the river lásan. the most remarkable thing about that ranchería is that it shelters one of the most famous of the directors of moro politics in this gulf, namely, one lásad. some christians from cagayan in misamis have come to their ilaya, according to report. the moros have never even formed an excuse for a village there, but live scattered in tiny hamlets, or in miserable huts more or less contiguous to one another over a territory spread out over two or three leguas up stream. some two leguas farther, and following the coast, and near the tugánay river is situated the moro ranchería of tágum, a name which is derived from the largest river of this bay which empties near the tugánay. that ranchería is the most ungovernable and the most famous for the gloomy tragedies that have happened there from time immemorial even to our days. when the murders of four christians in july of last year happened, the moros of that ranchería had a village of about forty houses in process of construction, but it is now almost entirely abandoned. some two leguas farther following the same coast are found the river and ranchería of madáum, which contains, it is reported, about one hundred families. a very short distance from the preceding lies the ranchería of the hijo river, which is famous for having been the last bulwark of the moros at the time of the conquest of dávao. señor oyangúren and a distinguished chief of our militia went there in the steamboat "elcano." it is said that after the moros had surrendered, and while oyangúren and the datos were arranging the conditions of submission, a young mahometan snatched the sword from the hands of the leader alluded to, and took to his heels without the balls of the sentinels being able to reach him. that was a boldness that gave the christians much to think over. a few years ago i was told that they still preserved the hilt of the said sword. at present that ranchería is governed by dato nónong, one of the most highly-considered moros of this gulf. it has scarcely one hundred families, and the attempt has been made several times to make that dato form a village. the small rancherías of cupiat and lají which may be considered as small suburbs or barrios of hijo and matiao respectively have absolutely no importance. matiao, famed during these last few years for the frequent sacrifices of heathen mandayas, is the landing-place for the small boats that ply from liboac in the northern part of sámal to the eastern shore of the gulf. there are about one hundred moro families there, who have never formed a village, but live scattered along both sides of the matiao river, and in the neighboring places of quínquin and canipa. dato lásad, of whom i have already made mention, is, as it were, lord of the lives and possessions, not only of his moro subjects, but as well of those unfortunate mandayas who live in the vicinity of matiao. on the other side of the mountains called línao, whose spurs reach the sea, is found a large plain, extending from the salt-water river called pisó to cuabu. scattered through that plain and especially on the banks of the rivers there, live also about one hundred and twenty moro families, who are under the datos tumárus, compao, and patarandan. on the beach and near the mouth of the súmlug river, lies an excuse for a moro village, which consists of about twenty houses which were built by order, and under the general conditions of the moro villages of this gulf. your reverence knows already that there is not a single moro family in all the peninsula of san agustin. it remains for me, then, to tell your reverence of the last and most numerous moro ranchería of this district of dávao. it is the ranchería of mayo, so called because it took its name from the bay of mayo, the point where its most principal datos live. however, in appearance all those moros owe homage to dato tumárus of súmlug. including all the moros of the harbor of mati, the bay of mayo, and the baguan river to the other side of point tagóbon, there are about one hundred and fifty families. they have never formed a village. some years back a governor ordered all those moros to form a village in súmlug, but they had sufficient cunning to frustrate that just and wise order, in order that they might continue to live in the manner in which they had lived thitherto. the moros who live about this large gulf, father, are the remains of those powerful and warlike moros who in the not distant past collected tribute from the mandayas and other heathens as far as those living on the caraga river, and who extended their piratical raids to the villages of the pacific. but they were completely conquered by worthy don josé oyangúren in the year 1848. two classes in the manner of two races must be distinguished among these moros: that of the datos which is, as it were, the aristocracy; and that of the plebeians who obey the datos. the panditas (for so do they call the priests of their false religion) are included among both classes, although it is more general for them to belong to the first. they form, as it were, an hereditary priesthood. in general, the datos and their families do not work. at the most they fish and hunt for sport, and to stifle the pangs of hunger. their chief and most honorable receipts are from the tributes which they collect from their subjects and from the heathens whom they have subdued. that tribute is called the pagdato. although that source of wealth is the chief, it is not the only source. although the moros of this gulf are conquered and subdued, they have not completely forgotten their former customs of piracy. slavery and captivity with their awful accompaniment of murders, thefts, poisons, and violence of every sort, and further, the human sacrifices which accompany them at times, form a very productive source of wealth for the ever exhausted chests of their treasuries. i could write a very thick volume of the deeds of this particular people which are very well known to me. all the heathens dominated by the moros, and even many of the moros themselves, on approaching me, through the little confidence that my person inspires, molest me by the relation of the moro misdeeds, telling me of the troubles and injustice which they suffer from the moros, and the acts of inhumanity of which they are the victims; for they hope that i will protect them by causing that the guilty ones will be given their deserts. as a proof of what i have said, and of the many things which i could add, i give below the relation of what happened to me about one year ago. i was on my way from cuaba to mati, and was accompanied by a young man of about twenty years of age of the mandaya race. he together with his mother and two younger sisters had formerly been captured by the moro datos of the bay of mayo. when we reached valete, pointing to a gagátpat tree, [89] he said to me: "father, they bound my mother by the hands and neck to that branch, and left her half hanging there while they ate and rested." "and what was their reason for binding your mother there in so inhuman a manner," i asked. "in order that, since she would be tired out," he replied, "by the forced position in which they kept her, she might not have the strength to escape on the journey from this place to súmlug." i believe that that unfortunate woman is no longer living. the moros took her to daron and no more has been heard of her, in spite of the repeated efforts which her son has made to find her. the latter having escaped from that bondage and having become a christian, has not ceased to employ all the resources that his filial love has roused in him in order to see whether he can discover the abiding-place of his dear mother. he thinks that the moros of daron sold her to the bagabos, and that the latter sacrificed her according to their custom. that slave trade, sa pag sucad, as it is graphically expressed by moros and heathen, or something to cover their necessities, is not yet the worst thing of the moro race. more mischievous to my way of thinking is it for the progress and stability of this district, both in religious matters and in civil and political matters, that the moros of this part have not yet lost their hope of being able to recover their ancient power. they show this openly whenever any opportunity arises. on that account they endeavor by all their efforts to maintain their own organization in the very face of our government. they call the dato of their choice principal [i.e., chief] and the captain or gobernadorcillo and the other agents of justice appointed among them by the governor of the district, they call salíling, which is equivalent to our interino [i.e., incumbent of an office ad interim]. at times they simply call the members of justice appointed by the governor for them interinos, and consider them as secondary or entrusted authorities. for as they say of themselves in their manner of speech, "we are friendly to the castilians, through force." consequently, they endure our rule for the present, but do not accept it. one of the recent occurrences which place in relief this desire of the moros in opposing our domination and recovering their lost prestige, is found in the island of sámal. those islanders who on seeing the boats of oyangúren remove the mahometan yoke, and had passed over en masse to the spanish camp, gradually allowed their affection toward us to cool, and again took the advice of their ancient masters, and have opposed all the attempts that have been made for their formal and real reduction. taúpan, who was, as it were, the dato or petty king of the sámals, and who during the last year of his life, had kept at a certain distance from the spaniards, although he did not for all that return entirely to the moros, whom he had considered as a very bad lot, died. his eldest son, named severo, although a heathen, showed us affection and respect, and had expressed to a visayan in his confidence his desire to have one of his children baptized. the conversion of severo would have been a great defeat for the party of the moros in sámal. consequently, the eminent men among the moro faction took alarm before the thought of severo converted. no less than fourteen moro datos of this gulf went to sámal, and when they were all assembled, they elected as dato or chief of the sámals not severo to whom it belonged by hereditary right to succeed his father, according to the custom of the sámals, but one who was thoroughly trusted by the moros. that was one captain batúnun, that old man whom your reverence saw in sámal, and who talking as a moro with father juanmartí, held that long spear in front of the governor of the district. now then, there are two gobernadorcillos in sámal: severo, who besides being the legitimate successor of his father, was appointed captain or gobernadorcillo by governor don joaquin rajal; and batúnun, elected by the moro datos, as i have related, and that later than the official appointment of severo. that means that they are resisting the orders of our government directly, in order to oppose our domination, and in order to recover the moro practice of intermeddling in the matters of the interior of the island of sámal. it is to be noted that throughout the island of sámal, and along its coasts, there does not exist any ranchería or group of moros. those who exercise that baleful influence over the sámals are the moros from other points, of which i have already made mention. in regard to the mandayas, whom the moros will by no means recognize as freed [from their rule], they will neither recognize them as independent authorities, even with official titles which are sent by the governor of the district, and are stamped with the seal of the government, if the latter when appointed, do not communicate with them by means of the moro datos. if the mandayas show a decided desire to break that secular slavery, the moros tell them without circumlocutions that they will disappear without knowing how; and they cause them to know underhandedly that the means which they will use to finish them, will be by the poisons which they possess--some of them feigned and named only to terrify the mandayas, but others only too real and true. as the crown to what i have related, and in order that your reverence may be convinced of the resolute will of these moros of opposing by all means the reduction of the heathens and the gathering of themselves together into formal villages, i will mention the most transcendent deed that has happened in this district since the coming of oyangúren. this is the unfortunate killing and awful murder committed by the moros of tágum on the person of governor don josé pinzon y purga and those who were with him. by certain ill-informed persons, that tragic event has been ascribed to the urgency with which pinzon, it is said, begged to wife the daughter of a dato of tágum. but being well informed by trustworthy persons contemporaneous with the event, who accompanied the governor on that sad journey, i am able to state that that idea is a calumny and destitute of every foundation of truth. the deed as is related by those persons, happened in the following manner. señor pinzon had proposed to establish a numerous reduction of mandayas at the mouth of the tágum river; and worked at it with great enthusiasm and good success. everything was ready and the heathens were summoned for a given day, on which the said governor intended to go to inaugurate the said reduction. the moros, seeing that the project was succeeding, and that all their plots in order to frustrate it were in vain, called in the rest of their malice, and resolved to kill the governor. in effect, they feigned that they were friendly to and desired the reduction. on the appointed day they assembled at the place where the mandayas were to await the governor in order to plan the village. the first chief of the village arrived and the datos received him with great and feigned demonstrations of joy, and consented in all things to what the governor proposed. then they invited him to one of their rancherías, where they said that they had prepared feasts in order to serve him and to solemnize the inauguration of the new village, with another unworthy offering, but one very suitable to the degrading customs of the moros. there were not lacking those so bold as to advise the governor not to trust the moros, for they were plotting some trick against him. but they say that he laughed at everything, and replied "i want to see whether what they tell me is true." therefore he took eight companions and went with the datos to their ranchería. a feast was held there, and there was playing on culintángan, dances, etc., but not a woman, large or small, was to be seen in the whole ranchería. at the end of the ceremony, a dato invited the governor to enter an apartment, and when the latter was about to lift the curtain, at that moment the dato stabbed him violently in the back with his kris. pinzon turned, and wounded as he was, advanced toward the murderer. already did he have the latter at his mercy and unarmed, but before he could rise, another dato ran in, and cut off pinzon's head with a two-handed blow. meanwhile the other moros were murdering the eight companions of the unfortunate pinzon in the lower part of the house. such is the blackest event registered by the annals of this gulf, which paralyzed for many years the reduction of the heathens. in my opinion the means that will resist the evil influence of the moros are: 1. to eliminate the offices of dato and pandita, implanting in their stead in the moro villages the legislation in force in the christian villages by naming municipalities with which the government will deal directly. 2. the exclusion of holding public offices to those who have been datos or panditas and their children. 3. absolute prohibition to the datos to continue the collection of tribute from their own people and the heathens of other races. 4. the stipulation and publication of the autonomy of the heathens in regard to the moros, prohibiting the latter absolutely from meddling in the affairs of the heathens. 5. the intimation to all the heathens and moros of their obligation as men and as subjects of the crown of españa, to live in villages in a civilized manner. 6, and last. to reduce the moros into the least possible number of groups and away from the mouths of the tágum and hijo rivers, where the members of the mandaya race must construct their villages, that being the nearest location. in my opinion the above are the means which, if faithfully followed out, will reduce the pernicious influence of the moros to a cipher, and in a few years would cause an infinite number of villages to flourish, which could be formed from the great multitude of heathens of the various races who are scattered about the extensive gulf of dávao. with that system, i also shelter the hope that very many moros, who do not belong to the class of the datos and panditas, will enter, if it is not delayed, the net of jesus christ. with the half company which is on duty here, together with the cuadrilleros and the marine forces who guard these waters, there is more than sufficient for the accomplishment of all that i have stated in the present letter. i commend myself many times to the holy prayers of your reverence. your reverence's servant in christ, quiríco moré, s. j. letter from father pedro rosell [90] to the father superior of the mission [91] caraga, april 17, 1885. my dearly beloved father superior in christ: although it is scarcely three weeks since my arrival from the visit which father pastells and i made to the villages of the southern part of this mission, i received your reverence's both affectionate and short letter of december 30 of last year, together with the authorizations which you were pleased to send me under separate covers. ex intimo corde [92] i acknowledge to your reverence both letter and authorizations, and give you a thousand thanks for them. and now desiring to pay so pleasing a favor with something more [than thanks], i am going to write you a minute relation of the last two excursions that we two fathers made together, for i know the great consolation that your reverence receives by the reading of such relations, for besides the fact that you learn from them of the condition and progress of your dear missions and of the fathers and brothers who work in them, whom your reverence loves with the true love of a father, there is also seen in the same relations the not small fruit that is obtained in souls by the mercy of god. almost never is there lacking the relation of some remarkable event or edifying deed in the conquest of the heathens to our holy faith, which recreates the spirit and invites one to praise the goodness of our sweet jesus. some events of such a nature have occurred during the last two excursions which i have carefully noted in order to relate them to your reverence. we made our first excursion in december of last year, after the feast of the immaculate conception of the most holy virgin to the visita of santa fe, which is distant two hours' journey from this capital, and which is located at the end of the small bay which is the terminal of points alisud de caraga, and sancol de manurigao. about five hundred and sixty-nine christians who have been reduced from the beliefs of the mandayas in the space of the eight years since it was founded by our fathers, form its population. this village is one of the three which have been for a considerable time the aim of the repeated attacks of the baganís or assassins of the mountains of bungádon and manlubúan. during the same days that we stayed there, the murder of three mandayas, sácopes of captain ciriaco lanquibo, who was recently converted to christianity, happened in the fields which are located between that village and that of manurígao. a week after we had returned to caraga, we were informed that another like murder had been committed on another unfortunate friendly mandaya near the said village of san luis. so bold do those barbarians show themselves, because there is no force with which to pursue them, and they feel so secure in the places where they reside! at the date on which we went to santa fe, it had been quite a long time since the said village had experienced any aggression from the baganis. consequently, the people were living somewhat free from their past misery, and relieved of the frequent alarms and consequent frights. however, they were suffering great famine on account of the said aggressions, and because they had lost almost all the crops of maize and sweet potatoes (the only things which they cultivate), during that time because of the great and prolonged heat and the lack of rain. they were supporting themselves on the few sweet potatoes that had been saved, thanks to the humidity of the ground, and the shade of the trees, and on the soft parts of convolvulus and palms which grow along the shores of the rivers. in spite of so many and so severe troubles, thanks be to god, there has not been hitherto, but two families of san luis who have become fugitives. that action has not at all been because they repent of having become christians, but for other very different reasons. those families have, however, now established relations with the father and promised him to abandon the dacungbanua or lands of magdagasang, where they are living at present, as soon as they shall have harvested the palay of their fields, and settle in a village other than the one in which they lived formerly. what a fine example, then, father superior, of christian fidelity and resignation have those newly-reduced people given us in general, and how evident a proof of their true conversion to christianity! in my opinion, these are results that ought to be attributed, after divine grace (without which no good thing can be done), especially to the plan which father pastells has always followed in so far as it has been allowed him, in the reduction of heathens. it is exclusively a system of attraction by means of great charity, great mildness, continual patience, and solid foundations upon which the village recently established rests; namely, the foundations of a good inspector who continues to form gradually in the village the good customs of the christians, of good authorities who rule and govern the people without exactions and injustice, or excessive rigor, of good masters who instruct and educate the children, with the visit of the father, as often as possible in order further to exercise his spiritual ministries, and to ascertain how they all observe their important obligations. coming back, now, from this long digression, your reverence, father superior, could not imagine with what pleasure and blessings the christians of those three visitas above mentioned, of santa fe, manurígao, and san luis, received the palay which your reverence gave as an alms for the relief of those places because of that great scarcity of food of which i have spoken above. the heads of the families could not restrain their joy when they found themselves with palay which could be distributed to each one, although it was, it is true, very little compared to their great necessity. "how troublesome we are to you, fathers," they said, "and how much patience you must have with us. but god will be able to repay you superabundantly for the good that you are doing us. had we not received help, of a truth, our sick and stricken would have died of hunger and poor food. but now with this palay, we shall have enough to put new life into us, and we shall keep some of it for a small field, which will give us hopes of enduring the famine better later on." so did the poor wretches express themselves. they really planted their fields with the little palay which they could set aside for it; and at the date of the writing of this letter, some fields are seen so luxuriant and with so fine a heading of grain that within one month they are promised a moderate harvest. may god in his goodness preserve those fields and cause them to bear one hundred per cent. the day following our arrival at santa fe, and the succeeding days, we managed to assemble in the convent all the mandayas who appeared in the village. father pastells exhorted them to receive the faith of our lord jesus christ, and many of them were baptized. some of them obstinately refused, giving no other reason for their refusal, if reason it can be called, than ualay gusto co, "i do not wish it." and they could not be changed from that decision, notwithstanding all our arguments and eloquence. that happens to us at various times so that we missionaries may learn that the faith and baptism are gifts of his divine generosity, and that if god do not illumine and impel them with his powerful grace, in vanum laboravimus. [93] but if some of them resisted divine grace, others, god be thanked, yielded to it, and gladly received holy baptism. all together, adults and children, we baptized forty. among that number three women whom we call bailanas are worthy of special mention. those women were clad in their baro or doublet, of a deep-red color throughout, a dress which is peculiar to their profession, and which differentiates them from other women. since i have mentioned these important persons of mandaya society, it will not be outside of my design, nor will it be without interest for your reverence, to say something about the same. the bailanas are, as it were, the priestesses of the mandayas. they exercise the functions of priestesses, for they offer sacrifices and other offerings to their false gods, invoke them for the cure of their sick, consult them in cases of necessity, etc., etc. consequently, they possess considerable authority and influence among the mandayas, since the latter look upon them as mediators between them and their gods, the instruments through whom is transmitted the will and mysterious orders of the gods, and, finally, as persons superior to themselves, although they may be baganis or petty kings, inasmuch as they believe them to be in direct communication with their gods or invisible spirits. this class of sharpers are not few among the mandayas, both because those people are very superstitious and believe that their persons and whatever surrounds them are under the influence of good and evil spirits, and because the profession of bailan is a lucrative trade. for, for every religious act that the bailanas perform at the request of another, they receive their fee or at least they have a share of the sacrifice or offering that is made to the gods. hence those women are the most difficult to attract to our holy faith, and even to enter the presence of the father missionary. for they fear that they will lose their influence, their repute, and their easy living, if they become christians. poor creatures, how mistaken they are! and now your reverence may behold one of their pagdiuatas or sacrifices which they perform in honor of their gods, mansilátan and badla. several bailanas assemble in the place assigned for the purpose, together with those persons interested and invited to take part in it. they erect a sort of small altar on which they place the manáugs or images of the said gods which are made of the special wood of the báyog tree, [94] which they destine exclusively for this use. when the unfortunate hog which is to serve for the sacrifice is placed above the said altar, the chief bailana approaches with balarao or dagger in hand, which she brandishes and drives into the poor animal, which will surely be grunting in spite of the gods and of the religious solemnity, as it is fearful of what is going to happen to it; and leaves the victim sweltering in its blood. then immediately all the bailanas drink of the blood in order to attract the prophetic spirit to themselves and to give their auguries or the supposed inspirations of their gods. scarcely have they drunk the blood, when they become as though possessed by an infernal spirit which agitates them and makes them tremble as does the body of a person with the ague or like one who shivers with the cold. they seize in their hands a gong to which they give repeated blows with the third finger, snapping it with the thumb, thus making a kind of toccata with it. while they are doing this, after having belched forth a few dozen of times, they invoke the above-mentioned gods mansilátan and badla, to whom they chant the following mandayan song: miminsad, miminsad si mansilátan opod si badla nga magadayao nang dunia. bailan, managunsáyao, bailan, managunlíguit. [95] this means in spanish: "mansilátan has come down, has come down. later [will come] badla, who will preserve the earth. bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about." as soon as the invocation has concluded bailanas and non-bailanas, that is to say, all the people who have gathered, dance and cry out like disorderly persons, devour the hog, and end by getting drunk. such is the conclusion and end of the demoniacal bucolic feast to the gods mansilátan and badla. and although these things are so, the catholic apologist will not fail to comprehend the most important teachings which he could utilize as a confirmation of the most transcendental questions of our true religion. for leaving aside the action of the sacrifice and the ceremonies that accompany it, is there not some glimpse in that song, miminsad, miminsad si mansilátan, etc., although an imperfect one, of the dogmas of the plurality of persons in god, and of the creation and redemption of the world? indeed, it is so, and more if one keep in mind the signification in which the mandayas understand it, according to the ancient and constant oral tradition received from their ancestors. that tradition which gives the true meaning to those verses has been taken down by father pastells from the mouth of many tigúlang or old men who have been converted to christianity. it is as follows. mansilátan, the principal god and father of badla, descended from the heavens where he dwells in order to create the world. afterward his only son badla came down also to preserve and protect the world--that is men and things--against the power and trickery of the evil spirits, pudaúgnon and malímbung, the latter a woman and the former a man, who are trying by continual artifices to harm and injure them. those evil spirits did not obtain nor will they ever obtain their most evil intents to destroy the earth and mankind, for they are under the power and protection of the powerful and invisible god badla. consequently, and in view of so great love and mercy on the part of the latter and because of so much goodness on the part of his father mansilátan, the bailanas who are the priestesses of the same, can never do less than be joyful, and in the transports of their joy invite one another to dance and circle about their revered images as an act of reverence to so great benefactors. also there is not wanting among the beliefs of the mandayas one which gives, although in a confused and corrupted manner, the idea of the holy spirit, thereby completing the mystery of the holy trinity. for they say that, from mansilátan, the father of badla his only son, also proceeds the god búsao, who is nothing else than the omnipotent virtue of the former. this last is communicated to some men preeminent in valor and skill for their combats, so that it makes them strong and valiant above other men. those privileged men who are animated by the spirit of búsao are called in the mandaya language baganis, which means valiant. and now i desire to call your reverence's attention to those two spirits, pudaúgnon and malímbung, of whom i made mention above. does it not seem to you, father superior, that they are an image, although disfigured, of that malign spirit and chief of all tempters, lucifer, who caused eve to fall by his lies and deceit, and by means of the latter, conquered and overthrew adam, from which originated the ruin of all the human race and the innumerable ills that inundate the earth? it is quite apparent that there is something in that, and that opinion does not seem ill founded if we consider the etymology of the words pudaúgnon and malímbung, and the explanation which the mandayas give of the said spirits. for, first, the word pudaúgnon is derived from the root daug, which means "to conquer," "to tempt," and from the particles pu or pa, and non or on, which make the root a substantive adjective, and the resultant meaning is, if the person is a man, as in this case, "he who tempts" or "the tempter." so also malímbung is composed of the root límbung, which means "to deceive," and the particle ma which makes it a substantive adjective. thus it means, the subject being a woman, "she who deceives" or "the deceiver." the mandayas say, then, of those evil spirits that pudaúgnon, the wicked and mortal enemy of mankind, strong as a man (which he is) and powerful as a spirit, pursues, attacks, and injures poor mortals as much as he is allowed; and that malímbung, cunning and artful as a wicked woman, and endowed with an irresistible force of seduction like a spirit (which she is also) seduces by her deceits, and causes the strongest men, who do not guard against her wiles, to fall. in this woman, is there not a picture of eve, the unhappy eve, possessed for her sin, by the spirit of her tempter lucifer, seduced and seductive, with whose golden cords, adam, the most lofty cedar of lebanon in this world, was bound and was dashed into the deepest depths of evil? [96] but let us return to those three bailanas of whom i spoke above, and who have given rise to this digression. one of them, an old woman, indeed very old, since she was about seventy years old, at the exhortation of father pastells to become a christian and abandon the foolishness of the mandayas, which are no other than the deceits of the devil, became possessed or rather seemed to become possessed with that bailan spirit of which i spoke above, and began to tremble from head to foot. did that knavish bailan divinity know beforehand what was about to happen to him, and that he had to leave the house in which he had lived for so long a time? but his apparent possession of the foolish old woman, and the trembling of her body did not last long, when he saw and heard the derisive guffaws of laughter from all the christians who were present. ah! this was without doubt the reason which made that invisible spirit, in shame at having been so illtreated by the fathers and by the christians present, hasten to issue forth, and escape with all speed toward hell, or to the body of another bailana of the mountain who would treat him better. finally the poor old woman, like her associates in the profession, surrendered to the exhortations of the father, or rather, to the grace of the holy spirit, and they consented to receive holy baptism. how beautiful and how consoling it was to hear from those lips which had invoked more than a thousand times perhaps, the infernal spirits hidden under the names of mansilátan, badla, búsao, tagabánua, etc., respond affirmatively and with deep conviction of spirit to the following questions of father pastells. "do you believe," he asked each one, "all that god has revealed and what the holy catholic church teaches us?" "yes, i believe." "do you renounce the beliefs of the mandayas, and all their lies and works of iniquity?" "yes, i renounce." "do you give your heart wholly and without reserve to god, the creator of heaven and earth, and to jesus christ his only son, the redeemer of the world?" "yes, in truth, i do give it entirely." "do you desire in good faith to receive holy baptism?" "i wish it right gladly." after that so express profession of faith, the three bailanas, together with the other baptized adults, were fittingly instructed in the mysteries of our holy religion and in their duties as christians. then, according to the custom introduced by our fathers, they were stript of the garments of their heathenism, and they were clothed in the garments of the christians, which were lent for the occasion, as the new clothes which were given to them as a present were not yet made; and holy baptism was conferred on them to the great joy of all. on the thirteenth of the same month of december, when we had concluded our occupation in the holy faith, we returned to caraga, postponing for a later time, although we regretted it keenly, the visit to the small villages near manurígao and san luis; for we were compelled to return as i had not yet performed the holy exercises of the year, and it was near the feast of the nativity of our lord jesus christ. that fine feast came, and i saw for the first time how the good inhabitants of caraga celebrated it. i noted no rich jewels and refined music in the church. all was simplicity and poverty, like a new parish recently separated from its metropolitan, and given over to its own life with few resources, in a most wretched country. neither did i observe in the village anything of that excessive luxury, and the annoying diversions with which in other parts, the christians of divided heart try falsely to honor god. caraga, in spite of its antiquity of two centuries, with its excellent lands, and its established reputation of producing excellent cacao, coffee, [97] and tobacco, is a small, poor, and simple village. the chief causes of that are that it has been deserted by several old families who have settled in the small villages recently established, and although it has increased somewhat with the new christians, who have been converted from the beliefs of the mandayas, the latter are as a rule, both simple and indolent and but little accustomed to work, and they need rather to be aided, instead of being able to give aid to the others. but the reason which has had, and has, most influence in the above is their isolation which is caused by the very poor sea and land communication which make that region the most remote and forgotten one of these islands and (if i may use the word), as it were, the finis terræ. [98] hence, it receives but little life from without, and is forced to live on its narrow resources and few means of subsistence. consequently, wholly and precisely for the above reasons, its method of existence and of celebrating its feasts has, i know not what, which attracts and satisfies. this is born of the characteristic simplicity and open and jovial nature of these people of caraga, from the fraternal union with which all, both great and small, those who have something and those who have nothing, unite to take part in the feasts and common joy, and finally from the expansive communication, without an admixture of any sort of fear, which they have with the father missionaries whom they regard and love as their dear fathers. and now you shall see, father superior, the religious ceremonies with which we managed to honor the birth of our blessing, jesus. as a preparation for the feast [of christmas] the [feast of the] expectation of the delivery of our lady was celebrated one week beforehand, and a daily mass of the queen [i.e., of the virgin] which a moderate number of persons attended. on the last day or the vigil of the feast, a pleasing, although simple belen [99] was made at one side of the presbytery in which were placed the images of the child, mary, and joseph. christmas eve came, and at eleven o'clock the bells were rung loudly, and from half past eleven until twelve, a continual ringing of bells two at a time announced to the people that the mass called gallo [100] was to be celebrated in memory of that holy hour in which the eternal son of god the father, made man in the most pure entrails of the virgin mary willed to be born on that poor and abandoned manger threshold [portal de belen]. hence when twelve o'clock had struck, the missa-cantata [101] was said, which was followed by the adoration of the holy child. that was made enjoyable by the singing of some fine christmas carols. the twenty-fifth dawned bright and joyful. at eight o'clock in the morning solemn mass [102] was celebrated, which was chanted according to custom by the choir of singers of the church, with the accompaniment of two flutes and a tambourine. about one hundred persons took communion at it. there was a sermon, and at the end of the mass, there was another adoration of the child jesus. at the end of the function, the authorities and chiefs of the village came to visit us as they are wont to do during all the great feasts of the year. after that the musicians and singers congratulated us for the good christmas from the hall of the convent, with toccatas according to the custom of this country, and christmas carols. after them followed a crowd of people of all classes. what arrested my attention most was the liberty with which they went up and down stairs, hither and thither, and addressed the fathers and begged for what they needed. i will say it: the convent appeared nothing more nor less than a casa-pairal. [103] since the ceremonies of the morning were so long, nothing was done in the afternoon except to have the adoration of the holy child, a thing which those excellent and simple people enjoy greatly and never tire of doing. with that the feast of the nativity of our lord ended. father pastells and i passed that feast excellently, as also those of the new year and twelfth night. so far as i am concerned, the three days exercise for the renewal of the holy vows which i made on the last named day, according to the custom of the society, contributed much to it. one thing only was lacking to us in order to complete in some manner the joy of christmas, namely, the traditional nougat which had not reached us from surigao. but the good jesus did not neglect to have it reach us, although late, in order that we might be regaled with it on his glorious day of the feast of the resurrection. may he be forever blessed and may he give us his holy grace in order that we may love and serve him until death, et ultra. [104] we two fathers stayed here in caraga until ash wednesday. after that we undertook the second journey of which i spoke at the beginning of my letter. but, since i see that this letter is growing too long, i shall keep the relation of the events of that journey for another letter, which i shall endeavor to send by next post. i commend myself to the holy prayers and sacrifices of your reverence. your servant in christ, pedro rosell, s. j. letters from father mateo gisbert to the reverend fathers and brothers of veruela dávao, january 4, 1886. pax christi. my most beloved fathers and brothers in christ: now i have to answer your fine letter, by telling you something of these missions, which i do not doubt will interest you greatly. in this and in the other letters which i plan to write you, i shall limit myself to mentioning things which i have either seen myself or have heard from eyewitnesses. the matter of the carolinas [105] has alarmed us a trifle hereabout; for as those islands are so near these coasts, and these peoples are so fearful, christians and heathens have more than once believed themselves enslaved by the germans. even yet they do not have all the confidence that would be advisable to make them settle down and quietly build their villages; for any evil information although without foundation and improbable is enough to make them take to the mountains. the reverend father superior of the mission sent us some spanish banners from manila for the reductions of these coasts, and we told them all that if they flung the spanish banners, although a foreign boat should approach, they ought not to fear anything. you must already have had news of the numerous races of heathens that people the mission of dávao. the heathens nearest to this capital are the guiangas, who are scattered among the rivers and rancherías of dulían; guimálan, tamúgan, ceril, and biao, and number in all six thousand four hundred souls. they talk a language difficult to understand, for it does not resemble the languages of other races. those heathens sow rice, maize, sweet potatoes, bananas, and sugarcane. in addition they gather a considerable quantity of wax in their forests. there are some excellent smiths among them, and in general they reveal a sufficient amount of intelligence. but since they are still in a savage state, they commit many acts of barbarism, among which are human sacrifices. as yet they have not heard a father missionary who can talk to them in their language, and only a few of those who come to dávao have been baptized. i have had something to do at times with the nearest who understand and talk the language of the bagobos, their neighbors. this very week i am to visit those of the malá river where there are some christians and catechumens who are constructing a chapel for me when i go. the bagobos are another race of heathens, who, occupying the folds of the volcano of apo, [106] extend along the southwest part of dávao between the taomo and bolotúcan rivers. they number approximately ten or twelve thousand souls. about eight hundred have as yet been reduced, and only about four hundred have been baptized in the new reductions of santa cruz, astorga, daliao, bagó, and taomo. the bagobos differ scarcely from the guiangas, except in the language that is peculiar to the latter. they are reported, nevertheless, to be great sacrificers [of human flesh], and are very much set in the customs of their ancestors. they have two feasts annually: one before the sowing of the rice, and the other after its harvest. this last is of an innocent enough character and is called the feast of women. at that feast all the people gather at the house of their chief or the master of the feast, at the decline of the afternoon. that day they feast like nobles, and drink until it is finished the sugarcane wine which has been prepared for that purpose. there is music, singing, and dancing almost all the night, and the party breaks up at dawn of the following day. the feast which they hold before the sowing is a criminal and repugnant trago-comedy. the tragical part is the first thing that is done. when they have assembled in the middle of the woods, after taking all the precautions necessary, so that the matter may not reach the ears of the authority of the district or of the father missionary, they tightly bind the slave whom they are going to sacrifice. when once assured that they will not be discovered, all armed with sharp knives, they leap and jump about the victim striking him one after the other, or several at one time amid infernal cries and shouts, until the body of the victim sacrificed has been cut into bits. from the place of the sacrifice they then go to the house of their chief or the master of the feast, holding branches in their hands which they place in a large bamboo, which is not only the chief adornment but the altar of the house in which they meet. here comes the comical part, for like one who has done nothing, they all eat and drink, and some of the most joyful play on musical instruments, and dance. the principal part is reserved for the old man or master of the feast. he standing near the bamboo which i have mentioned above, holding the vessel of wine in his hand, and talking with his comrades, addresses the great demon called daragó, whose feast they are celebrating, in the following words: "daragó, we are making you this feast, with great good will and gladness, offering you the blood of the sacrifice which we have made and this wine which we drink so that you may be our friend, accompany us, and be propitious in our wars." afterward and as a continuation of what i have said, he begins a kind of litany in which all the most celebrated daragós whom they know or believe that they know, and whose names are repeated by all at the same time, enter. the bagobos recognize two beginnings: and say that they have each two souls. god, or tiquiama is very good they say and has created all things, although he has been aided by other small gods who are under his orders: such as mamale, who made the earth; macacóret, the air; domacólen, the mountains; and macaponguis, the water. of the two souls, one goes to heaven and the other to hell. for they believe that both in this life and in the other, they belong to the devil, to whom they concede the same rights and almost the same power as to god, only with the difference that the devil is very bad, and fond of blood, and the beginning of all evil and confusion. on that account, quite neglectful of god, the being whom they serve and adore in all things is the devil. when they marry, if the lovers think that it will be of any use, they make a human sacrifice so that they may have a good marriage, so that the weather may be good, so that they may have no storm, sickness, etc.: all, things which they attribute to the devil. in the same way also when they learn that there is any contagious disease, or fear death, several of them assemble and make a human sacrifice, asking the devil to let them live, since they generously offer him that victim. they also believe that the disease can be conjured. but the time that it appears that it is necessary to make a sacrifice according to the law of the bagobos is at the death of any one of the family, before they can remove the laláoan or mourning. in that case the sacrifice announced among them as a feria or a pilgrimage is usually announced among the christians. at the point and on the day assigned, all the sacrificers assemble, or possibly one member of each of the families who are in mourning, at times fifty or more. the value of the slave sacrificed is paid among them all, and he who pays most has the right to sacrifice first. the victims cry out at such times as long as they can and ask pity of all; but instead of pitying them, they drown the pitiful cries with the most horrible and terrifying shouts that can be imagined. if they perform the sacrifice near the christians, then they strike without any shouts, and even gag the mouth of the victim. but let us leave for another letter the relation of not less horrible barbarities. o fathers and brothers of my soul, pray for the conversion of these wretched beings, and do not be forgetful of me in your holy sacrifices and prayers. the servant in christ of you all, mateo gisbert, s. j. dávao, february 8, 1886. my dearly beloved fathers and brothers in christ: on reading the horrible sacrifices that i described in my last letter, you will have asked: "how has the father been able to learn so minutely the inhuman customs which the savages conceal so carefully in the midst of their forests?" your reverences will understand indeed that i have not been able to be present at those sacrifices, but they have been explained to me by the bagobos, who, having been baptized, recount those and other barbarities of heathenism. i have learned it also from the mouth of some victims who, being at the very point of being sacrificed, managed to escape by the aid and management of the father missionary. i am going to mention some of the customs of the bagobos to you which must, i believe, arrest the attention because of their ridiculousness and superstition. when the bagobos have an evil presentiment, for which it is enough for them to see a snake in the house, or that the jar breaks in the fire, etc., they hasten to their matánom, in order to have him conjure the misfortune by means of his great wisdom. the matánom, who preserves the customs and religions of their ancestors, makes a doll with his knife, giving it the face of a man, and then addressing god, says the following words: "o god, thou who hast created men and trees, and all things, do not deprive us of life, and receive in exchange this bit of wood, which has our face." after that ceremony with or without the doll, they set in the water a small bag containing a little morisqueta or rice, to which they at times add a cock. by this means they think that they have rid themselves of the disease. when they are sick, they perform the diuata in their tambaro. that consists in a dish on top of a bamboo which is fixed in the ground, on which they place buyo, bonga, lime, and tobacco, while they say to their god: "we offer thee this. give us health." when they visit a sick person, they have the custom of placing copper rings on their wrists or on their legs, in order that the soul which they call limócod may not leave. when anyone dies, they never bury him without placing for him his share of rice to be eaten on the journey. when they harvest their rice or maize, they give the first fruits to the diuata, and do not eat them, or sell a grain without first having made their hatchets, bolos, and other tools which they use in clearing their fields eat first. the song of the limócon is for them the message from god. it is of good or evil augury according to circumstances. accordingly, when the limócon sings, every bagobo stops and looks about him. if he sees for instance, a fallen tree, the limócon advises him not to advance farther for the fate of that tree awaits him, and he turns back. if he sees no particular thing which indicates or prognosticates any ill, he continues, for then the song of the limócon is good. sneezing is always a bad omen for them, and accordingly if anyone sneezes by chance when they are about to set out on a journey, the departure is deferred until next day. there are not as a rule many thefts among the bagobos, for they believe that the thief can be discovered easily by means of their famous bongat. that consists of two small joints of bamboo, which contain certain mysterious powders. he who has been robbed and wishes to determine the robber, takes a hen's egg, makes a hole in it, puts a pinch of the abovesaid powder in it, and leaves it in the fire. if he wish the robber to die he has nothing else to do than to break the egg; but since the thief may sometimes be a relative or a beloved person the egg is not usually broken, so that there may be or may be able to be a remedy. for under all circumstances, when this operation is performed, if the robber lives, wherever he may be, he himself must inform on himself by crying out, "i am the thief; i am the thief;" as he is compelled to do (they say) by the sharp pain which he feels all through his body. when he is discovered, he may be cured by putting powder from the other joint into the water and bathing his body with it. this practice is very common here among heathens and moros. a bagobo, named anas, who was converted, gave me the bongat, with which he had frightened many people when a heathen. this would be the place to write you some very interesting bagobo stories and legends; but in order to be understood, i should have to precede it by a long preamble, for which i have no time at present; and hence i shall leave it for another time. i should like to tell you something about the other races of heathens whom we have in this mission. the bilanes, [107] are beyond doubt, the most industrious of all the heathens that inhabit these mountains. this race numbers approximately about twenty thousand souls, who are divided among a considerable number of rancherías between the bulatúcan river and the bay of sarangáni, and occupying the beautiful plains of the interior where they grow considerable rice. they have some of the customs of the bagobos their neighbors, but their language which is very different separates them as does also the natural hostility that always arms the heathen savage against the savage, and one race against the other. the bilanes are very intelligent, and some who have been baptized, give good proof of themselves. but although it causes me the greatest pain to say it, as they are a race which deserves that we all interest ourselves in them, as they are very numerous, and capable of receiving the evangelical light and civilization, i must tell you that there is no reduction as yet among that race of heathens. enough for today. another time i shall speak of the tagacaolos, manobos, and atás. meanwhile, will you pray the sacred heart of jesus for them all and for your most affectionate brother and servant in christ. mateo gisbert, s. j. dávao, february 20, 1886. my dearly beloved fathers and brothers in christ: in order that you may all be encouraged more and more to aid us with your prayers in the great undertaking that we are engaged upon, i am going to mention, as i promised, a few of the customs of several races of this mission. the tagacaolos belong to a numerous race of heathens, who inhabit the mountains of culáman from sarangani to malálag. the whole mission contains approximately about twelve or fourteen thousand. their language is easy to understand to him who knows visayan. they are much divided among themselves and are continually at war, the weak being the slave of the stronger, and being frequently sold to the moros. the bagobos almost always supply themselves from this race for their human sacrifices. do not believe, however, that they are a people inferior to those of other races. the tagacaolos are lighter complexioned and more docile than the other known heathens. they also have human sacrifices at times, but they easily abandon their barbarous customs. the manobos [108] are another numerous and savage race of heathens, who live along various points of the coast, from malálag to sarangani. these manobos have little liking for work, and are warlike and valiant, being usually on the hunt for slaves. they possess firearms, which the moros sell them in exchange for slaves. this is a misfortune which we regret, but which has no remedy, until with the progress of the reduction the action of authority may be more effectual. the moros hereabout are a race of thieves, the most shameful that are known. they do not work and live ordinarily on the slave trade which they are always able to procure. i know some moros in this mission who pass themselves off as friends, but are very evil. there is a pandita named gúbat, who asserts that he likes me and respects me more than he does his own father, and comes into my presence as if he were the most friendly and obedient person in all the reductions of the coast, telling me always that he is going to collect what they owe him. as it will not take long, i shall recount one of his evil deeds. two years ago he went to tubálan, where, uniting with basíno, alivao, mínquil, batuga, joac, and agbay, he went to a ranchería of tagacaolos and enslaved them to the number of seven, namely, bayó, eloy, salió, arac, agueda, cáoy, and dila, and brought them to the coast. there they were apportioned as slaves, after the one called eloy had been knifed, because they feared that they would be exposed by him if opportunity offered. along the culáman coast, when they knife one or many, they generally set the head on a pole and keep them for days and months. with that object in view they cut off the head of eloy, which batuga carried, while the pandita gúbat, my friend, carried an arm. but a short time ago, i have been able to rescue and baptize bayó and dila, and the latter's wife and two daughters. from the last named, i learned the history which i have briefly recounted. it is a sample of many others which i could relate to you. consequently, they are wont to make slaves here treacherously and by violence. although these manobos, as i have said, are savage and warlike, there are some rancherías of them, which, having been reduced by the father missionary, have abandoned their evil customs. in piapi we have already one hundred and ninety baptized persons, almost all manobos. their language is somewhat difficult to understand, but one can conquer that difficulty by living among them for a short time. the number of manobos in this mission is not less than one thousand two hundred. the atás are another race of wild and savage heathens who live in the interior. only the ranchería of dato lasiá, which is the nearest, has been visited as yet. it is the least known race, but it is believed with foundation, to be the most numerous, aggregating not less than twenty-five thousand souls. they speak their own tongue. i have baptized a few atás, by making myself understood in visayan or bagobo. on that day that the atás hear a father missionary speak their language, i have no doubt of their conversion. the difficulty, even supposing that there were father missionaries who could give their work to the mission, will always be very great, because it is in the interior, through mountains, rivers, and woods remote from the coast, where there are no roads or any human aid. nevertheless, one must pray for them, confident that god will open the way through his infinite mercy. in the island of sámal i have also a christian village, where the heathen sámals are gradually becoming reduced and baptized. there are now some hundred and thirty-seven baptized. the other reductions in my care are all on the southern part of this coast, extending from dávao to malálag, inclusive. they are malálag, piapi, dígos, santa cruz, astorga, daliao, bagó, and taumo. among them all there are nine hundred who have been baptized. in general they follow the instructions of the father missionary docilely. almost all of them possess their little homes on the suitable street, and many of them are beginning to cultivate cacao and other plants which are given to them here, and are highly esteemed. the majority of those baptized as yet in these reductions belong to the tagacaolo and bagobo races. then follow successively the manobos, sámals, and calágars. i shall also endeavor to open the door quite soon to the guiangas, bilanes, and atás. in order to begin, nevertheless, as is fitting, and to carry on this work, some father missionaries are needed, not only because of the great number of the heathens to be administered, but also because they talk several languages, and have habits and customs that differ considerably among themselves. i conclude this letter by commending myself to the holy prayers and sacrifices of all the fathers and brothers of that holy house. from your most affectionate servant in christ, mateo gisbert, s. j. dávao, july 26, 1886. pax christi. my dearly beloved father superior in christ: [109] i have just received your favor of the fourteenth inst. i am very glad that you have returned from your long journey without having experienced any misfortune. welcome to the fathers and brothers of the new mission! a fraternal embrace to them all! i desired to write your reverence a long letter, but since the post has found me alone, in dávao, for fathers perelló and moré have not returned from their excursion to libuac, i shall not be able to write at great length, as i must attend to the other duties necessary here during the days for the steamboat. may god repay your reverence for the charity which you extend me in the good news that you give me. what shall i tell you on this occasion? the circumstances of this mission offer me some material, especially the consideration of the condition of the various races of heathens who inhabit it, and especially the race of the bagobos. to what extremities do their ignorance and the malice of the common enemy reduce them! this latter, being the prince of darkness, rules them thoroughly, no longer by insinuating himself and presenting himself under the forms of apparent goodness, in order to take possession of their hearts and souls without intimidating them, acting as a seductive deceiver, but in the midst of the shadows of this heathenism, he does not fear to appear so frightfully horrible and cruel as he is in reality. i have considered, at times, as did our holy father, ignacio, satan on his throne of smoke and fire, with horrible and frightful face, in the great field of babilonia, and this formula, which is feigned by means of the imagination to aid the understanding in consideration of the truth that it claims, is here a reality. what is it but that large field inhabited by so many heathen races, whose confusion of tongues forms the labyrinth of the mission in which we work! what signifies this volcanic mountain apo, in which the great mandarángan lives as in his throne of smoke and fire, as is believed and related by the bagobos, who bathe themselves in the blood of thousands upon thousands of human victims! is not this truly the field of babilonia, where the prince of darkness reigns? and who can tell the years of his dominion here? the bagobos of sibúlan usually show their antiquity by the following genealogies. mánip, the present dato, had for father panguílan; panguílan was the son of taópan; taópan, son of maliadí; maliadí, son of banga; banga, son of lúmbay; lúmbay, son of basian; basian, son of bóas; bóas, son of bató; bató, son of salingólop. they say that of all their ancestors, salingólop was the most powerful, and his name was always preserved among all his descendants. before him there were already bagobos with the same customs as those of today, that is, they were heathens and slaves of the great mandarángan or satan, to whom it appears that they always sacrificed human victims. the father of mánip was the dato of sibúlan, who died a few months ago at a very old age (perhaps he was as much as a hundred), and whom they say had already attained to the condition of immortality, which was due to the matuga guinaua, or good heart of mandarángan, because of the many victims that he had offered that being. it is said that when he was yet a youth, he sought a wife, but did not obtain her until he had cut off fifty human heads, as was attested by the hundred ears which he carried in a sack from the river libagánon to sibúlan. how many victims must that single bagobo have offered up! even after his death it was necessary to seal his sepulcher with the blood of human victims. for his son mánip and his other relatives did not remove the mourning or lalaoan, as they call it, until after they had barbarously sacrificed seven slaves, according to the relation of itang. that man fearing to be one of the victims, presented himself to the father missionary in order to place his temporal and eternal life in safety, and that was quickly done for he was baptized a while ago under the name of juan. quite patent is the barbarity of these people and the complete dominion of the prince of darkness in the field of the bagobo heathenism. but perhaps one will ask: "how can so paradoxical a barbarity exist, since by sacrificing their slaves, [110] those people lose slave and money? leaving to one side even the inhumanity revealed by so barbarous a custom, only by not attacking so directly their own interests by depriving themselves of arms for their work, etc., it appears that they would have to refrain from sacrificing their slaves; but necessarily they are very much given to human sacrifices, not only in order to preserve a custom of their ancestors, but also in order not to lose a kind of trade that is sufficiently lucrative, and of which i made mention in one of my former letters. nevertheless, it will not be too much to relate the following case in support of my assertion. maglándao, a good lad, and yet single, was the name of the victim. his master was not a bagobo, but he was married to a bagobo woman, and far from following the customs of his country which are more humane and civilized, he immediately committed so evil a deed that he could well have been graduated as master from the bagobo school. maglándao was the son of apat, a bagobo, and from childhood had never been the slave of any person. but in order to obtain some pamáran or pendents of ivory which were worth eight or ten pesos, he gave his word to work for a certain length of time for the owner of the pamáran. the latter, considering him as his slave, or rather, as if he were a wild boar of the woods, having grown angry at him one day because he did not do as he was ordered, fired his gun point blank at him so that the ball entered his back and came out in front just below the right breast, also going through his arm. the wound was mortal, especially as he was left, just as his master left him, totally abandoned. but, since in spite of all, two days had passed, and maglándao had not died, his master bethought him that he could make use of him for the sacrifice which the bagobos of cáuit were about to make on the occasion of the death of the old balolo. the sacrificers, in number about twenty heathens, agreed to kill or sacrifice the wounded youth, giving his master seventy paves, [111] or about fourteen cavans of palay. that was a stroke of business that was considered as profitable by both parties to the contract. the sacrifices believed that they were the gainers in it, for since the victim was nearly dead when he came into their hands, they obtained him ipso facto at a lower price, and thus saved money and stabbing. he who sold the victim also thought himself the gainer, because by handing him over for the sacrifice, he saved the labor and expenses of burial, and had enough palay to eat throughout the year. i have been able to ascertain the facts about this and other horrible sacrifices through the sacrificers themselves who have been converted to the catholic faith, who have not hesitated to relate them to me with the above details and others which i omit. the above will suffice for your reverence to understand that human sacrifices are a real business here, and are maintained not only by bagobos, but also by moros and other heathen races. it is an infamous traffic which can only be wiped out by means of the civilizing action which españa is exercising over mindanao. some heathens having been reprimanded on a certain occasion by the governor of this district in regard to so barbarous a custom, had the audacity to reply to him in the following manner: "sir, is not every one allowed to spend his money as he pleases? slaves answer the purposes of money among us, and we spend that money according to our pleasure and custom." much more barbarous are they than the ammonites, who sacrificed their sons to moloch, and those other idolaters who sacrificed to saturn, for both of them did it only several times a year, for the bagobos sacrifice very frequently. there is no ranchería in which they do not annually make their feasts to the demon--búsao, mandarángan, or daragó, for they are wont to give him these and many other names. on the day of the great assembly at the house of the dato or chief of the ranchería, they only eat and drink, sing and dance with joy, and there is no appearance of anything evil, except the scandals which reveling and the worship of daragó generally occasion. there with cup of wine in hand, they mutually pledge one another, and yielding the word to the old man or chief of the feast, they drink toasts with him in honor of the great daragó, whom they promise to follow and honor forever, offering to him, as did their ancestors, the blood of many human victims, so that he may be their friend and aid them in their wars. curious persons who are present at those feasts, do not understand the language of the old men nor see anything that hints of a human sacrifice, but those who are fully initiated in the bagabo customs, will note immediately the token of the human sacrifice which was made in the woods on the preceding day among the branches placed in the bamboo or drum, before which the old men above mentioned make their invocation to daragó. when any contagious disease appears, or whenever any of their relatives die, the bagobos believe that the demon is asking them for victims, and they immediately hasten to offer them to him so that he may not kill them. they are accustomed generally to show their goodwill in the act of sacrifice in the following words: aoaton no ian dipánoc ini manobo, tímbac dipánoc co, so canac man sapi, [that is] "receive the blood of this slave, as if it were my blood, for i have paid for it to offer it to thee." these words which they address to búsao, when they wound and slash the victim, show clearly that they believe in and expect to have the demon as their friend by killing people for him. for they hope to assure their life in proportion to the number of their neighbors they deliver to death, which they believe is always inflicted by búsao or the demon who is devoured continually by hunger for human victims. now it is seen, your reverence, my father, whether i said with reason that this place appears the kingdom of the prince of darkness as horrible and cruel as it is in reality. his subjects, or better, his slaves, although they easily comprehend the existence of a god, creator and omnipotent, since they believe as they do, that sickness and death come from búsao, and that the latter is only fond of blood and revolution, dedicate their altars and sacrifices to him, consenting to the impious and iniquitous pact of eternal servitude, which their ancestors, deceived and reduced by the great mandarángan, made at the foot of the apo volcano. let us beseech the intercession of the angels and the saints, and especially that of the queen and lady, our mother, the most holy virgin, before god our lord, so that by his grace, he may unite the hearts of all those who can aid us in the material and spiritual conquest of these peoples. here i take leave of your reverence, saluting all the fathers and brothers of those colleges, to whose holy prayers and sacrifices i commend myself. your reverence's servant in christ, mateo gisbert, s. j. dávao, december 24, 1886. pax christi. my dearly beloved father superior in christ: [once] since the seven months in which i have been able to visit san josé of sámal, i went there lately to say mass and preach to those poor people, at that time solemnizing eight baptisms and one marriage. it is fitting for the sámals who were always visited and cared for by the father missionaries of dávao, to be specially visited and cared for now when some of those who formerly showed most opposition, offer themselves for baptism. during this last visit i baptized mal-lúyan, the headman, a son-in-law of captain baguísan. the latter has become a fury, and refuses to allow any of those whom he calls his sácopes to be baptized, and he threatens with his gun the one who does not conform to him, and commits real outrages. he is a madman of a bad kind, worse than búsao himself. for if the demon looses the chains of heathenism on anyone and that person becomes baptized through the mercy of god, baguísan hastens to fasten them on again. that happened lately to cabáis, who, one day going to get his wife in order that they two might be baptized and live in san josé with two daughters already christians, has been detained and rigorously forbidden to present himself before the father. on account of this war against baptism by baguísan, which is both obligatory and of long standing in sámal, it is advisable to pay heed to that field of christendom, so that it may increase, although that increase be but gradual, and so that the entire island may finally be converted. the appointment, by the governor, of the christians of san josé as captain, lieutenant, etc., has produced an excellent result. it might be said that those christians are the real datos of the island, and the only ones who obey the orders that they receive, who cultivate cacao, and form a true village. the village which your reverence saw in the old casalúcan has remained talis qualis. [112] these people if they are not baptized, live in the manner of baguísan. "a village--and on the beach--in order to live under guard and subject--bah!" they say. "we don't want it! we don't want it!" there is a race, however, or to speak more accurately, the remnant of what was the moro race, which was formerly predominant on these coasts, whose datos and captains, for fear of being abandoned by the few sácopes whom they still have, are the first ones to present themselves and beg for a village. and since they know that that petition is generally heeded by all the governors who succeed to the district, they easily obtain the support that they ask, and form something that resembles a village, if it be looked at especially from the sea. thus do they oblige the scattered sácopes to reunite under their datos and panditas, and that is the very thing that they desire, in order that they might maintain their customs and mode of living. since the moros do not agree in any part, and much less here, where we have so many other good and numerous races, it would be very politic, in my opinion, to encourage the spirit of the moros who are attempting to separate from their datos and panditas, so that the latter may become isolated and without any authority. if it is thought advisable to assemble them into a settlement, since, counting all the moros of the gulf, their number does not reach five thousand, it would be an excellent thing to assemble them in one village, at a point where they can be better watched and governed. but if they were ordered to assemble in one single village, it would always be necessary to permit those moros who wished, to separate from their datos and panditas in order that they might take root in the villages and reductions as do the other heathens. being baptized like them, if they wish, they may do it freely without the obstacle of datos and panditas. as they are now, although there are but few here, they fill and dirty the whole thing; for scarcely is there a river or a valley whose mouth has not its dato and pandita, who, together with their sácopes, the latter of whom do not number ten at times, say that they are making a village by order of the governor. but what they are really doing is to prevent other heathens from being reduced and making a village, which would actually be of real advantage for the future. i will close by asking your reverence to commend me to god in your holy prayers and sacrifices. mateo gisbert, s. j. letter from father pablo cavalleria to father francisco sanchez isabela de basílan, december 31, 1886. pax christi. my very dearly beloved in christ, father sánchez: replying to your favor, in which your reverence asks for information concerning the inhabitants of this island of basílan, i have deemed it best to write the following. races the races of this island are the indigenous race and the moros. the indigenous is christian and there is little or nothing to say of them, since they are well known to your reverence. the moro [113] race is infidel, and lives on the coast and in the interior. the indigenous race forms the settlement of isabela de basílan, consisting of some eight hundred souls. further sixteen families of christian indians reside in the visita called san pedro de guibáuan distant six leguas from isabela. their absolute lieutenant in chief is pedro cuévas. the moro race is now greatly degenerated, for many are coming down from the bisayas who were formerly captives. the moros of the interior of the island are called yácanes, [114] and are employed, although but little, in the cultivation of palay, sweet-potatoes, cacao, etc. the moros of the coast are called sámales laút. they are employed, although little, in fishing. they are pirates, and whenever they can do so with impunity, they capture the christians, or the moros of the interior themselves, or those of distant sámal rancherías, or those of other islands. on that account there is a certain hostility between the sámales and the yácanes. at present, pedro cuévas, so far as he is able, executes justice upon those who exercise such boldness, and applies the law to them. among the sámales laút, there are joloan moros, and malays. the total number of the moros of this island is ten or twelve thousand. [115] their skin is of a deep bronze color, and they have black eyes, rather meager eyebrows, thin beard and their cranium is flattened on the occipital part. religion they are not very observant in their ceremonies. they omit many of the rules of their false prophet mahomet, add others which are not prescribed, and observe some, but in the time and manner that appears best to them. for example, they do not pray even at least once a day, almost never observe friday, and it is never seen that any of them has gone to meca. [116] they practice baptism or gúnting, which they have learned, although badly, from the christian captives. for the administration of baptism, they prepare cocoanut oil, rice flour, water from the cocoanut and natural water. when the child is four or six months old, on that day that they think best, the imam takes a little of each of those ingredients abovesaid, and places them on the forehead of the child, at the same time uttering certain words from the koran. at the end of the ceremony the feast follows, and the imam is the first to whom the large tray of food must be presented. marriage the fathers or owners of the young girls rather sell than give them for wives. fees are assigned for the petitions made by the young men to the fathers or masters of their sweethearts. consequently, it is seldom that the young woman is given to the suitor at his first or second petition. the young woman is granted to the suitor, who pays greater or less fees, according as the family is more or less principal and as the young woman is more or less good-looking. consequently, thirty, fifty, or more pesos are demanded for her delivery, besides the marriage feast. the ceremonies observed by them, as i have seen them, are as follows. the groom chews his buyo as he is required, then goes into the midst of the guests, makes some wry faces, and passes his hands along his face. by that means they say that he is asking pardon of god by confessing his sins. this is called magtanbat. then if the groom has not paid because of poverty, for a suitable banquet, some of the chiefs present strike him several blows on the back with a rattan formed like a hand, more or less numerous, according to what he has neglected to prepare for the banquet. then the groom goes to wash his feet and clothe himself in white garments. on coming out he seats himself on a mat, and places his right hand between the two hands of one chief, and his left upon the right hands of the other chiefs. then the imam covers his right hand and that of the groom with a white handkerchief, and thus being united, they utter some words from the koran. the imam lifts his hands, and extends them so that his palms are turned outwards and at a distance of two cuartas, [117] and lifts them to his head. the groom does the same, but the palms of his hands are turned toward his face. they clasp hands again with the chiefs in the manner abovesaid, and then the feast immediately follows. at the end of the feast, they go to the home of the bride, and the same ceremonies are there repeated with her as with the groom. at intervals they play the culintíngan, and if the groom is an influential person, there is a discharge of musketry, and a cow or carabao is killed, and innumerable moros invited in. the richer one is the more guests there are; and at intervals there is generally a war dance. burial when the sickness is severe, the imam performs the magtaual, by sprinkling a little water on the sick person, and reciting some prayers to their false prophet. they clothe the deceased in a white garment which covers them from top to toe. those who are present or who visit the deceased, are invited to a feast. the grave that is made is deep or shallow according to the rank of the person who is to be buried, but it is always one and one-half or two varas deep, and in the shape of a crescent. in one side of it they open a kind of cave, where the body is to be buried. once the body is deposited there, they set upright stakes in the cave and then make a platform over the hole while two persons scare away the flies with a white cloth so that they may not come near. at the ends of the grave they place a tabo [118] of water and food. the imam comes, recites some mahometan prayers, approaches the dish of food which they have placed there for him, and there at the very grave, he stuffs himself with dexterity, and retires. at the termination of that gastronomic operation, the death-guards (or tunguquibul) who watch the dead for the space of a few days and nights, enter. this is done by various families in turn, according to the wealth or property of the family of the deceased, for they are paid in food and cloth whenever they stand guard. when the deceased, or rather his relatives have nothing more with which to recompense them, the guards cease to watch the dead. if any of the family of the deceased do not wish that guard to be made, the imams and some others circulate the rumor that the dead person has escaped and is running through the hills terrifying the passers-by. that ghost they call pañata, and until the guard has been made, that rumor does not cease to be circulated. religious feasts when they unite for public worship, which is when it pleases them, the people are summoned by loud sounds produced by the blows of a stick upon a sort of drum. the imam begins an invocation in a sad tone to their impostor and reads a bit of the koran. in the meantime the people chew buyo, talk, lie down, laugh, scream, and then they retire without either the imam or the people having understood what has been read. the principal feast, and almost the only one that they celebrate is the maúlut or birth of mahomet. each ranchería, and at times each family even, celebrates it on whatever day they choose. they ought to hold it on the tenth night of the month called rabié aual, which corresponds to the month of september. but they generally celebrate it after the harvest. this year the moros of this place have celebrated it in december. i asked them once why they did not celebrate it on a fixed day. they replied that they celebrated it when they had food for a good feast. on the said occasions several chiefs are accustomed to meet with the imam and sing in so doleful a voice that the song appears to come from a cavern, the while the women prepare the feast. this year i have noted that the imam of panigáyan has gone on separate days to celebrate the feast at different rancherías. they are very superstitious, and greatly fear saítan (the devil) whom they endeavor to placate. when the epidemic of 1882 was here, the moros of panigáyan, among whom the cholera made especially severe ravages (for one-half of them died), threw boatloads of food into the sea, so that on encountering them, the devil might be satisfied with the food and leave them in peace. they also hung food to the trees with the same end in view. on that occasion, the sherif reaped a fine harvest by selling clear water, which had curative properties, as he asserted. in return for the cure they had to recite some moro prayers. if they were cured, it was by the water; but if they were not cured, it was because they had not recited well the prayers of mahomet. the affair did not result ill for him. in january 1883, i had occasion to observe another superstition in lucbútun, a moro ranchería one legua distant from this place by sea. a sailing fragata, which they called an enchantress, because they did not descry at a distance more than its sails passed not far from the said ranchería. then because they did not salute it, they believed that they had irritated the devil, and in order to repair the fault they made two closets, and placed in the midst of them burning brasiers and lamps. some moros believe also that the sherif can by his mere will send a sickness on whom he pleases. all is for the purpose of terrifying them and so that the sherif can get whatever he wishes from them. whenever i have opposed this error, i have asked them why, if the sherif had this power, he did not send diseases upon the christian village, since he is hostile to the christians, but they do not reply to the question, but remain in their obstinacy. once when there was an eclipse of the moon, the moros of pasanjan began to make a great racket with their culintíngans and other things. when they were asked why they made so much noise, they answered that it was in order to scare the serpent which was eating the moon. [119] for their long voyages they look at the cuticáan, which is a book containing certain figures. by means of that they try to discover whether they have fortunate voyages or not. follies he who knows most among them is the sherif yet his learning does not go beyond the ability to write a few words in arabian characters. in regard to heaven and hell they know nothing more than their existence. in regard to the soul they know almost nothing. the following is what a sherif asserted regarding heaven and hell. there are seven heavens and seven hells to express the various rewards or punishments: 1. a heaven called yattu atúan. here there is only rest. 2. a heaven, [called] firdéos. here there are good things to eat. 3. a heaven [called] naím. if one wishes to eat, there is plenty of food [here]. 4. a heaven [called] nauá. the water [here] has the taste that one desires. 5. aínum naím. here [there is] great wealth. 6. salsabila. here [there are] golden vessels from which to drink. 7. jatard al cots. here [there are] pearls and diamonds. hells 1. naruk yahanna. here [there is] confusion. 2. naruk sacar. [here there are] contrivances and animals for inflicting torture. 3. naruk sigmilti. [here there are] tortures in language. 4. naruk abus. [here there are] most ugly things. 5. naruk jauya. here one is run through with spears. 6. naruk zaalt. here one suffers thirst. 7. naruk jamia. here one is tortured with fire. so did one tuan sarib describe heaven and hell. on a certain occasion several chiefs and imams gathered together; and when speaking of adam and eve, they did not succeed in telling who were their parents, and they had recourse to the missionary in order that he might instruct them on that point. they do not know either, the day on which their mahomet was born, or much less any of his history. they scarcely know their era, nor do they know how old they are. once a man asked me to tell him how old he was. they count by moons, saying "only two moons have passed;" "three moons from now we shall do this;" etc., etc. much more might be said of their errors and foolishness, but i consider this sufficient, and it would be a prolixity to adduce more facts to prove those errors and follies. dress the dress consists of pantaloons narrow at the bottom and wide at the top and a tight shirt. the women dress like the men except that they cover themselves with a loosely sewed mantle (jábul) which covers them from top to toe and is fastened under the armpit thus forming folds. they cut their hair to a little fringe on the forehead, and shave themselves. their teeth are dyed black in order to distinguish them from the christians. the sámal moros dress in pantaloons that are tight from top to bottom. the moro will not eat flesh, [120] unless the imam sacrifices the animal, and performs the sumbálig. the moros are dirty, lazy, fickle, importunate, stingy in giving, and fond of conversation and amusements. they fight without giving quarter, and in the attack, advance, stop, give ground, leap, creep among the cógon, [121] cover themselves with their shields, etc. in their wars against the spaniards or christians, they build forts defended by ditches, and invested with thick earthen walls. they are fierce and bold, and when dripping with blood they fight until death on the field of battle, impelled by their hatred toward the christian or spaniard. below are some verses of a song of theirs which was dictated to me by a moro chief, so that your reverence may better see the hatred with which they fight. [122] pagcalanta acó isá un canto entonaré saliban sáuan da sa que es del saliban sauan sábab aun súcut dasa. para tener suerte tumulak acó salasa. al embarcarme el mártes. maluag can sanchata busca las lantacas bacucús in sacay in sa las armas en la embarcacion bisan uay bantata y aunque no haya enemigos marayao pañab quita. bueno es èstar prevenidos. yari saliban sauan este saliban sauan mallo pa zamboangan vá para zamboanga bisan uay dangat aunque no haya comercio midda pa subangan. volverá pronto. castila piañgayu al castila pidió simacat na tinuyo subió con traicion catacus niangayu sus armas pidió ynacujan sa nag buno. se las cogió con la muerte. aco catcal magbuno na yo siempre pelearé ampa lasa aun co na y hasta gusto tendré si caigo bauk aco dumungu na arrostraré el peligro sagui na bismil-lá. en nombre de dios. jida manung lasap tengo gusto en hablar magcalis samsil dasak esgrimiré con valor el cris afilado minsan co dugu nasak y aunque mi sangre corra por el suelo limagut parrán lisak. tajearé al oir tocar. a song i will chant, which is that of the saliban [123] sauan, in order that i may have luck at my sailing on tuesday. look after the lantacas, the weapons at embarking; and though there are no enemies it is wise to be prepared. this saliban sauan is going to zamboanga; although there is no trade, he will return quickly. he begged from the castilian; he mounted treacherously; the castilian demanded his arms; he got them with his death. ever will i fight, and even glad will i be if i fall; i will encounter danger in the name of god. i take pleasure in talking; i will fight valiantly with my keen kris; and although my blood is poured on the ground, i will slash on hearing it fall. the language that they speak consists of tagálog, visayan, and malayan words. but they make no difficulty about changing, omitting, and adding letters and syllables. this is as much as i have to tell your reverence. pray excuse me for not having written before, for i have already stated the reason. i beg you to overlook the faults of this document. i have no time to copy it, for i have to go to joló. your reverence's most affectionate servant in christ, pablo cavalleria, s. j. extract from a letter written by father pablo pastells to the father provincial, juan capell, s. j. [124] manila, april 20, 1887. ... now considering mindanao under its social and political aspect, its population is divided into christians, heathens, and moros, all of whom proceed in general from the malay, indonesian races, [125] and the indigenous or negrito race, and from crosses of the same races among themselves and with other superior races, especially the chinese and spaniards. the christians are divided into old and new. the old christians number about 186,000, and occupy in the ethnographical map accompanying our letters, the place represented by color no. 1. their customs smell of the greater or less familiarity that they have or have had with the heathens from whose races they proceed. without the powerful and efficacious influence of religion one would note in them a marked tendency to idleness, drunkenness, gambling, and lust. on the other side they are naturally hospitable, docile, and generous. they are pious in the performance of their religion. in their family and married life considerable morality is observed when there exist no rocks of scandal in the villages. i have observed in certain parish books which register more than two hundred baptisms per year, that two or three years pass without the notice of a single natural child. [126] they are given to the cultivation of rice, abacá, sugar-cane, coffee, tobacco, bananas, lumbias, cocoa-palms, and other fruit trees, and to that of tubers such as sweet potatoes, gabe, and arorú, which are an article of prime necessity for them in times of famine. they extract mastic and other resins, as for example piao and guísog, and refine the oil of cocoanuts, biao, and balao, but do not extract castor or peanut oil as they are ignorant of their use. [127] wax and honey are very abundant. from the latter, and from sugar-cane, nipa, cocoanuts, rice and cabo negro they prepare their drinks, and their vinegars from the last named and from camagon. [128] they also get salt from sea-water by means of rapid evaporation. [129] in general, the men are farmers, but among them there are carpenters, smiths, metal workers, masons, tailors, and even some who devote themselves to the making of weapons. the women weave the filaments of piña, tindog, [130] abacá, cotton, and silk. they embroider and sew most delicately and tastefully. in certain seasons of the year, many indians of the coasts, travel and fish especially for sea-turtles, whether they have any shell or not. [131] they live in humble houses of nipa, bamboo, and even of wood, which are quite luxurious among the most powerful. the animals that they use for their work, conveyance, and travel are the carabao, the ox, and the horse. their implements for farming are reduced to the plow and the bolo. their domestic animals are the dog, cat, cock, and swine. their games are cockfighting, cards, and sipa, a hollow ball of split bamboo, which they move with the feet. they also use dancing as a means of diversion, especially the moro-moro dance and the tapáiron. during their principal feasts, they adorn their houses with hangings and hold modest banquets. they are very fond of excitement and noise, especially that caused by fireworks. their usual cutting weapons are the hatchet, súndan, lígdao, kris, campilan, tabas, and the badí for the women. the missile weapons are the spear which may be of four kinds, namely, púyus, búdiac, lináyas, and pinuipui; arrows of bamboo, palma brava, [132] iron, and steel. those weapons used both for cutting and thrusting are balaraos or two edged daggers, whose hilts and scabbards are usually adorned with various designs in silver engraved by themselves. the boats used by them are vintas, barotos, bancas, bilus, pancos, falúas, paraos, and lancanes. for fishing they make use of the harpoon, arrows, bolos, corrals, and nets. for the same object they also use the bark of the tree called tuble and the fruits of the tuba-tuba, and lagtan. [133] there trade is, as a rule, reduced to the articles of prime necessity in food, drink, clothing, and work utensils. among the old christians of mindanao, tulisanes by profession are not known, and if there are any in the south, they are deported. the new christians, from 1876 to the present time, reach some 25,000. in their general characteristics and customs, they are not distinguished from the races to which they owe their origin. nevertheless, after they receive holy baptism, and while they live as christians under the civil and religious organization to which they are subjected by the father missionaries, a very marked difference is noted, for by the habit of subjection to law which they acquire by means of the mild means of christian education which the missionary who has been able to merit their confidence, strikes, the change of their customs is facilitated in a remarkable manner, and in a short time the moral condition of their families and individuals is changed. i mean [that the above is true] when they persevere [in the christian life] for in regard to this, there are some tribes who are more fickle than others. thus for example, the converted mandaya is much less inconstant than the manobo, for the importance of being subject to a beginning of authority is more impressed on his mind. the heathen to the number of about 300,000, are divided into different nations or families of three races properly so called: the malay, the indonesian, and the negrito. they have many crosses with other superior races, as the chinese, japanese, and even according to some, the european. [134] the mamanuas (man-banua, "inhabitant of the country") are the true indigenous aborigines of the country. [135] their color is dark, and their hair is oily, woolly, and curly. they are nomadic and go naked. they pass the night where it overtakes them, taking shelter under an improvised hut of palásan [136] or of any tree branch. their food is the fruit and the roots of the forest and the flesh of deer, boars, monkeys, snakes, and reptiles. their weapons are the bow and arrow, spear, and knife. they have an idea of god and of a worship, as well as some maxims of natural law. they are timid, and miserable creatures, moved by necessity, and loving of ease. they inhabit the small peninsula of surigao and extend to tago through the mountains. their chiefs generally contract marriage with the manobo women. this race is almost extinct in consequence of the privations incident to their wandering life. four small villages of mamanuas exist in the parish of mainit and another in that of gigáquit. the total number of this tribe does not exceed two or three thousand. those baptized number about five hundred. in the map they occupy color number 2. the manobos or manuba (man-subá, [137] "river dweller") as is indicated by their name itself live near the rivers. they inhabit the valley of the agúsan, which extends from butúan to oloagúsan. they live besides on the point of san agustin on the southern shore of the bay of malálag, and in the district of cottabato, as may be seen in the ethnographical map, accompanying these letters, color no. 3. this tribe is numerous, wild, fickle, easy to reduce, [138] somewhat difficult to preserve, and suspicious and treacherous in their attacks. they build their houses near the rivers and often in the forks of trees. their religion is very like that of the mandayas. they annually change their abode in order to make new fields, being compelled to do so because of the grass and briars which spring up. as they have no means for the deep working of the soil, consequently permanent possession has no charm for them. they abandon their houses as soon as anyone dies in them, and if the deceased is an outsider, they demand the worth of the abandoned house from his relatives. their system of life is the patriarchal, under the protection of their respective bagani. the manobo, according to dr. montano, [139] presents two extreme types: one athletic, and of much slighter build than the other. those two types combined in the majority of the individuals constitute another medium type whose characters are more plainly marked in the manobos of dávao, than in those of the agúsan. their clothing, weapons, and ornaments closely resemble those of the mandayas, with the exception of the strings of glass beads, which are black rather than red among the manobos. tattooing is practiced among the manobos, and is done by means of a needle and powdered charcoal. the number of the manobos in the valley of agúsan is about 20,000, half of whom are now reduced. the number of those of the district of dávao and cottabato is unknown. the mandayas (man-daya, "people of the upland"--ilaya) is a tribe extending from tago to mati, and from gandía to the source of the agúsan, and in the district below the sálug, as may be seen at color no. 34, of the adjoined ethnographical map. the manners and customs of the mandayas are described in a letter written by father héras, june 8, 1878. the mandayas number about 30,000 of whom 8,000 are already reduced and baptized. the manguangas [140] (man-gulangas, "people of the woods") live on the upper part of the sálug. they are warlike and have continual quarrels with the manobos and mandayas of the agúsan, the moros of the hijo, and the atás. they are easy to reduce. in the map, they occupy the place corresponding to color no. 5. the monteses (buquid-non) [141] of the second district of mindanao are divided into two groups: those adjacent to the manobos of the agúsan between gingóog and nasípit, who approach to the habits, and the social and religious life of the latter; and those who people the mountains and valleys of the tagalóan river. comprehended in the parish of balingasag, there are several reductions of them. their number is about 4,000. they are shown in the map at color no. 6. the atás (from itaas, ataas, atás, "those who live on the heights") are the indigenous natives who generally live about the western districts of mount apo. [142] they are warlike and fight against the moros and the bagobos. the atás extend to the northwest of dávao, and in their ramifications finally reach to the borders of the bagobos, guiangas, mandayas, and even to the subanos and the monteses of cagayan and maguindánao. the number of this tribe is unknown, even approximately, but it is conjectured with foundation that it must be very numerous. in the map they occupy the place corresponding to color no. 7. the guiangas [143] (guanga, gulanga "inhabitant of the woods") live, according to father gisbert, scattered between the rivers and rancherías of dulían, guimálan, tamúgan, ceril, and biao near dávao, and they number about 6,400. their dialect is entirely different from those of the others, and they show sufficient intelligence, but they are very barbarous, and human sacrifices are still held among them. in the map they occupy color no. 8. the bagobos [144] inhabit the eastern slopes of the apo. they are of moderate stature, and well built, for the deformed children are smothered at birth. they are fond of work. they perform human sacrifices in order to placate daragó (da-dagó, du-dugó, mu-dugó, "he who sheds blood," or "the shedder of blood") or mandarangan. they believe in two beginnings, are difficult to reduce, and easy to keep after reduction. they are warlike and cruel, excellent horsemen, and daring fishermen. they dress luxuriantly, and at times wear shirts which cost them two or three slaves. they drink íntus (the sap of the fermented sugar-cane) and offer it when they make visits to all those in the assembly beginning with the most worthy. the number of the bagobos, according to father gisbert, is about 12,000, of whom 800 have been reduced and baptized. in the map they are found at color no. 9. the caláganes [145] are not moros. their captain and all his family have been baptized, and, in consequence of that, a new reduction has been formed from the individuals of this tribe in dígos, between píapi and santa cruz. they are fine fellows and very tractable. in the map they occupy the color corresponding to no. 10. the tagacaolos [146] (taga-ca-olo, "inhabitant of the head," or "source of rivers") are as capable as the bagobos, without being as cruel and superstitious as they. in their contests they are generally very valiant especially those who are widowed; for to become a murderer is a good recommendation for the contraction of second nuptials. the tagacaolos are of good figure and of a somewhat clearer complexion than those of the other tribes with the exception of the mandayas. the tagacaolos occupy the mountains of haguimítan in the small peninsula or the cape of san agustin. between malálag, malita, and lais, are found 7,000 and about 2,000 in the peninsula of san agustin. there is a small village of this tribe in malálag of those newly reduced, which has already 186 christians. the loac are wild tagacaolos still more degraded than the mamanuas who live on the heights of haguimítan. in the map they will be found at color no. 11. the dulanganes (gulanganes) called also bangal-bangal, like the manguangas, are people of the woods, and live in the mountains, about fifteen leguas from the rio grande, toward the southern coast. they are savage and fierce, and the moros themselves who do not dare to meddle with them call them a bad race. it could be that the so cried-up ferocity of the dulanganes bugaboo was invented by the moros for their own ends, according to a note in one of the letters of father moré. their number is unknown. they go completely naked, and for the most indispensable covering they use a kind of small apron made of bark or the leaves of trees. their food is the same as that of the mamanuas. they do not have houses either, and live in caves or inside the trunks of trees, or like the mamanuas. their weapons are usually arrows poisoned as i have heard with the curare. is this perchance the same curare that is discussed by father gumilla in his orinoco ilustrado? [147] they will be found at color no. 12 in the map. the tedurayes or tirurayes [148] live on the slopes at the left of the lower pulangui. they number from 8,000 to 10,000 at the most. they occupy on the map the place corresponding to color no. 13. they are amiable, friendly to the spaniards, but oppressed by the moros. their fear of molestation from the moros together with their nomadic tendencies, due to the lack of carabaos and farm implements, make their complete reduction difficult at present. their system of government is patriarchal, and the chief of the tribe is called bandarra. they pay their tributes to the moro datos as an annual rent for the lands which they cultivate. the women adorn their hands and legs in an insupportable manner, with huge brass rings; and they pierce their ears in which they place pendants more than one centimeter in diameter. the men allow their hair to grow like the heathens of other tribes, but do not tie it up like those tribes. their weapons and industry show the influence that they have received from the moros. they gird the body with belts interwoven from brass wire a decimeter or so in width. their religion is a shapeless aggregation of superstitious ideas. it is not accurate to say that the tirurayes have so low an idea of their self respect that they believe themselves to be honored in prostituting their wives and daughters with the spaniards. given the supposition of some isolated deed which might seem to prove the abovesaid, a general rule could not be deduced therefrom against the integrity of the customs of the tirurayes in this matter, against which the nature itself, not only of man but also of the brute animals themselves, cries out with a loud voice. the tagabili or taga-bulú are, together with the bilanes, the owners of the lake of bulú-an, and live on the southern shore of that lake. this tribe is warlike and friendly to the moros, tirurayes, and manobos, who live near them. the moros of sarangani are wont to ally themselves with the bilanes of bálud and tumánao in order to fight against the tagabilíes. i believe that their reduction will be as easy as is that of the bilanes. in the map they occupy the place corresponding to no. 14. the sámales [149] of the island of sámal near dávao are moro and mandaya mestizos. they are brave and well inclined to the spaniards. their population reaches about 2,000. there is a new reduction of christians in sámal. they are not so difficult to reduce as are the moros. they occupy color no. 15 in the map. the bilanes or buluanes (bil-an, bul-u-an, bulú-an) [150] reside in the vicinity about the lake of bulúan and in the mountains between the said lake and the bay of sarangani. they are the most exploited tribe and the most degraded physically except the mamanuas. they are fugitive, timid, docile, amiable, and easy to reduce. in two of the islands of sarangani, bálud and tumánao, live also about 1,500 bilanes who maintain good relations with those of their race in mindanao, and with the manobos of culáman. they occupy color no. 16 on the map. the subánon ("people of the river") [151] are a tribe that has become degenerate because of the persecutions which they have had to endure from the moros who collect large tributes from them. they are husbandmen, but the moros gain the benefit of their sweat. they are long-suffering and pacific for they are not accustomed to the handling of arms; and they are superstitious and ignorant. their docility would render their complete reduction very easy. they occupy almost all the peninsula of sibuguey, and are contiguous to the moros of lánao and of the bay of illana. the latter make use of them, for they enslave them in order to make them work their fields. the military road from tucúran to maránding which has been ordered to be built by his excellency, captain-general terrero, [152] will destroy the dominion exercised by the illanos moros and those of lánao over the subanos, for it will destroy the piracy and captivity because of the impossibility of communication. at the same time it will facilitate the action of the missionaries in the reduction of the said heathens. at the present time there are five reductions of subanos in the dapitan district, which have about 2,000 new christians; another in the zamboanga district in the jurisdiction of ayala; while three reductions have already been begun successfully on the bay of sibuguey, namely, tupilak, bulúan, and bancálan. the subanos are designated on the map at color no. 17. the lutangos moros are calibuganes. they are of a timid and peaceful nature and live in silanga de la olutanga. they engage in fishing, and have no other dwelling, according to figueroa, than their vintas in which they live. each family carries with it its miserable possessions, and they pass years without setting foot on the land for even the fuel that they need is furnished by the mangrove trees. they generally go naked. their number does not exceed three or four hundred. on the map they occupy color no. 20. the calibuganes are moro and subano mestizos, who are peaceful and but little warlike. they share in the religion of the moros which is altered by the superstitions of the subanos. they are considered by the moros as a free people, and hence the latter only exact from them personal service with their vintas. that runs at the account of the datos, on whom depend the maintenance of the same people. they live in small groups on the coasts of the peninsula of sibuguey and occupy color number 21 on the map. moros. the moros compared to the christians of filipinas, are what the jebusites are to the village of god. consecrated to piracy and the taking of captives since the beginning of their installation in joló and mindanao that profession has always been for them the most solid support of their formidable power. until 1860 when eighteen steamboats came to this archipelago it was impossible to break their indomitable pride, and assure communication with the sea of mindoro. later with the increase of the navy and the installation of the steamship post it has become impossible for those people to leave their lurking places in order to practice their infamous raids. the expeditions of general claveria against the moros of balanguingui; those of urbistondo and malcampo, against the moros of joló; [153] and the definitive establishment of our forts in dávao, rio grande, and joló, have given the deathblow to mahometanism in the archipelago, [154] and it is now become shrunken to the reducible circle of the territory that they overlook, and in that of the heathen rancherías which surround them, where the beneficent influence of the spanish domination has not yet been able to penetrate in an efficacious and immediate manner. nevertheless the moros will be from today and forever under the vigilant eye of the victorious lion of castilla, so that they may not commit any offenses outside. the day on which the missionaries shall have succeeded in planting the cross among the heathens who surround the moros, then the latter deprived of the slaves who cultivate the earth for them and clothe them, erect their houses, and serve them as an object of luxury and trade, will on that day see their necessity to change the campilan and the kris for the ploughshare and the plough, the fierce arrogance of the warrior or pirate, for the pacific gentleness of the man who is forced to gain his bread by the sweat of his brow. the worst moros are those of joló and some rancherías of the coasts of basílan called sámal laut (see color no. 23); the illanos (no. 18), who occupy the bay of illana which gives them their name, and who form a few groups on the coasts of sibuguey; those of the lake of lánao; those of the valley of the rio grande; and those of the coast between cottabato and the gulf of sarangani. the most pacific are the yácanes moros (no. 22) of the interior of basílan; the sánguiles (number 19); and those of sarangani, except some who have come from the rio grande. the moros of the gulf of dávao and mayo are not feared both because of their isolation and their small number. [continuing father pastells speaks of the ethnographical map that accompanies this volume of the letters. he mentions the fact that blumentritt published a map of like character in 1884. the present map is made from information obtained directly by the jesuit missionaries. concrete information as to the various dialects is still in so incipient a condition that nothing can as yet be written definitely on the subject, but father pastells holds out the hope that such information may be given in the near future.] letter from father josé maria clotet to the reverend father rector of the ateneo municipal talisayan, may 11, 1889. pax christi. my dearly beloved father rector in christ: in my last letter to your reverence, i indicated to you that i was gathering some data in regard to the religion, manners, and customs of the mountain race. now during the days of our stay in talisayan, i shall make use of my spare moments to write your reverence what i have been able to learn in the various reductions and visitas of said heathens. in the present letter, however, i shall only give information of some interesting matters which are worth knowing, and are not unsuitable for a familiar letter. in order to give the fullest information of the mountain race, i shall take in general the water farthest up, beginning with their name and with the territory which they occupy. i shall tell something of their religion, false beliefs, and peculiar customs, and, not forgetting their progress and their industries, i shall end by setting down, although in passing, the fruit which our missionaries have gathered in a short time among those heathens. i shall not bind myself, however, to tell everything, but only some of the most remarkable things which have come to my notice. the monteses, recognized in mindanao under the name of buquidnons (inhabitants of the thicket), are found in the district of misamis, and can be considered as divided into three main groups. the first embraces those who extend through the mountains and fertile plains bathed by the tagoloan, cagayán, and iponan rivers. the second comprises the colindantes with the manobos of the agusan between gingóog and nasípit. those living on the right bank of the pulangui river and along some of its affluents form the third group. they are shown at number 6 on the ethnographical map. [155] from what i have just explained, it can be easily seen that, although the buquidnons have some peculiarities which distinguish them from the other races, as is natural, yet they approach in the manner of their habitual social and religious existence, to the other races of this territory, as i shall note in the course of this brief relation. their exact number is not known, but it can be calculated that they at present exceed 13,000. they are of good stature and graceful build, and even handsome. their character is affable and frank, and some of them seem to me so clever and polished that they are not one whit behind the most civilized visayans, and to judge by the frankness with which they speak to the father missionary, and by the naturalness with which they handle their affairs with the old christians, no one would say that they were heathens. by the capacity of their minds (as father urios very well remarked) they would be elevated as the kings of all the manobos, since they surpass the latter so greatly. however, to tell the truth, one always recognized in heathens, whoever they may be, that their understanding is obscured and confused by false ideas which penetrate into all the acts of their life. in the race of which i am treating they are shown to be heathens by certain vices of egoism, their self-interest, and the satisfaction that they take. blessed forever be the light of our holy faith which enlightens us with the true knowledge of god and of ourselves, and infuses us with self-abnegation and supernatural love for god and our neighbors! from what i have seen and heard i can assert that the dress of the monteses is better than that of all the rest of the races of mindanao in point of decorum and modesty, and in affirming this, i refer, not only to the men but also to the women. the skirts which the latter wear down to the ankles fasten securely at the waist their white shirt. above this they wear another very short and well-fitting shirt on which they sew little bits of cloth of many different colors in the manner of fine patchwork. the sleeves are short and full and are ornamented in the same manner. they take pleasure in choosing the colors and designs with which to adorn their dress. on the left side of the girdle they hang rings and bundles of sweet-scented herbs mixed with glass beads and hawk's-bells. fine rings of copper, brass or silver on their legs hanging quite loosely, produce a certain sound when they walk, which invites the attention of him who is ignorant of such a custom. their manner of dressing the hair is also peculiar and characteristic, for they twist and knot the chief lock of the hair, without braiding it, in the form of a large high crown. all about the head hang very short locks of hair of equal length, which take the form of a small circle on the forehead, and sometimes almost cover the eyebrows. they allow the forelocks to grow to a great length, although that gives them an especial grace. a beautiful comb very well made from metal, more or less precious, according to the wealth of the one who wears it, crowns the said headdress. many are the women who are materially laden with bracelets from the wrists almost to the elbows, some of metal, others of tortoise-shell, others of taclobo, [156] etc., etc. as an ornament for their ears they generally wear some wide eardrops (balaring) formed by a cylinder of wood, generally soft, at the bases of which are fixed two round and unequal plates of engraved brass, silver, gold, or copper. in order to insert these eardrops, they make very large holes in the lobes of the ears until the smaller sheet of metal can pass through the said orifice, so that the cylinder may rest on the inner edges of the said orifice. they have necklaces and rings of several kinds, some of them of great value. they are often made of strings of beads interwoven in different colors. not seldom do they have clusters of hawk's-bells and shells, or bundles of blue or red silk hanging from the necklaces. they have other necklaces which they call balucag, which are made from the hairs of the wild boar, and which they weave in the manner of small hoops and unite in the manner of a net, which are ornamented bits of shells, glass beads, and other trifles of the same kind. my attention was peculiarly struck by a necklace made of silver coins which were quite old, and which diminished in size successively from the center to the ends. the center was a duro of carlos iii, somewhat flattened out, which formed as it were the medallion of the necklace. the latter, besides being original, was quite valuable, for the thirty odd pesos which it must have been worth are a capital for a mountaineer of that small ranchería. such jewels are seldom parted with however much necessity presses them, and thus it is explained how they pass from father to son for many generations. the rings that i saw among the individuals of that race were all of brass; but i am assured that those of gold and silver are not scarce. it is to be noted that not only do they adorn the fingers with them but also their toes. of all these vain ornaments of eardrops, necklaces, and rings, they are despoiled when they receive the health-giving waters of baptism, like one who renounces the world and its pomp and vanity. those objects are taken from them for they are wont to use them as amulets against this or that sickness, against such or such an injury which they fear, or, to obtain more easily their desires, etc., etc. in exchange, the father missionary gives them medals, rosaries, and scapularies, which they take great pleasure in showing, and wear hanging from the neck. the dress of the men is simple and usually like that of the indians. but they are very valuable when they have on their court apparel, for then they wear long breeches of european cloth, and many wear jackets of the same material, and fine beaver hats while they are not without shoes and shirts of much value. the shirts are not worn outside as the other indians wear them, but they hide them as much as possible except the bosom, especially if they are well embroidered. those who dress in the most beautiful gala attire, cut the hair and take care of it, but most of them who are fugitives and have but little intercourse with the christians let the hair grow without taking any care of it. they twist it in order to make the crown which they hide under a handkerchief, usually a red one, which they wear tied about the head in the manner of the swains of aragón. some consider it an important ornament for their person to dye the teeth black and file them by means of flints, which take the place of a file with them. although i have not seen it, i have been assured that the very rich cover their teeth with sheets of very thin gold, which they only take out when they eat. it is amusing to see the monteses, who have recently come down from the woods, among the old christians. in order not to be taken for buquidnons, they present themselves so prinked out and walk along the streets so carefully, that one would think that they do not set their feet on the ground, and being so unnatural in their movements, they move the others to laughter in that very thing by which they are trying to please them. there is no better grace than naturalness. in the brief examination that we made of what passes among the individuals of this race, in the deities whom they adorn, their sacrifices, and their songs and traditions, we shall see that they have some ideas of god, of heaven, of eternity, and of the first man. but they are so material, small, and disfigured, that by transverse light alone can the greatness of the primitive creeds be divined. like the polytheists that they are, they have four gods at the four cardinal points: at the north, domalóngdong; at the south, ongli; at the east, tagolámbong; and at the west, magbabaya. those gods, with their wisdom and power rule and govern this great mass of the world which we inhabit. who does not see in these four deities a perfect resemblance to the vazus, of the worshipers of brahma? now then, if those gods, according to the buquidnons, govern this great fabric of the world with so great acumen from the four cardinal points, in the same manner, according to the brahmans, vazu-pulastia governs the nations of the north; vazu-yama those of the south; those of the east, vazu-indra; and those of the west vazu-varuna. and so great is the order and concert of those regions that therefrom results the harmony of the whole universe, and, consequently, the so extensive worship which the inhabitants of india attribute to their vazus, so that offended by men the order of this world might not be overturned. the god magbabaya, that is to say, "the all-powerful one," has as equals in rank the god ibabásug, and ipamahandi. the former is invoked for the fortunate delivery of women; the latter takes care of carabaos, horses, and other larger and smaller cattle, and since a buquidnon is rarely seen, who does not possess some of these animals for his ordinary work, hence, they invoke that divinity with so great frequency and in any disagreeable mischance that may happen to the said animals. from tagumbanua, or the god of the fields, they hope for a good harvest, and dedicate the feast called caliga to him after the harvesting of the fruits. they invoke the tao sa súlup or "men of the woods" (who resemble the anitos of the ilocan heathens) in their wars, diseases, journeys, etc. those divinities according to them, are genii, who live within the trunks of the large trees, or on huge crags. they intervene in the affairs of mortals, harming them or protecting them, according as they are contrary or propitious. i noted on a certain occasion that, on passing before a leafy tree called balite, the mountaineer who accompanied me lowered his voice and was very much frightened. i asked him the reason for it, and after many urgings he considered it advisable to give me the explanation of his fright in these words: "the buquidnons affirm that the balite is the habitation of magtitima, or an invisible being of the woods, who, if he does not receive a sacrifice of white fowls, grows angry at mortals and does not allow them to cut the wood, and sends them sickness. although i do not believe those things, i have a certain fear in passing near these trees." i urged him to cast off so superstitious belief and to trust in god, who is the only one who can deliver us from all sicknesses and danger of soul and body. the idol called tigbas figures among the buquidnons as a very highly respected god. they look upon him with great reverence, for they believe that he descended from the sky. only the chief datos among them possess that idol. the said idol is made of stone, as is also the pedestal that supports it. the people guard it with the greatest care among the most esteemed objects of their ancestors, and only show it to those whom they consider as very closely allied to themselves, either by reason of friendship or kinship. talián is another little idol represented by the figure of a monkey seated on its haunches. they make it from the root of the alder tree. generally they carry it hanging from the breast by means of a cord which the unhappy talián has tied about his neck. when they go on a journey and fear an ambush, they take that little idol by the string and let it hang in the air free in the manner of a plumb-line, and toward the direction where its gaze rests, they say that the enemies are preparing an ambush for them there. in order to free themselves from those enemies they leave the road which they had taken and follow one entirely different. if they suffer from any sickness, they submerge the idol in a basin of water and then drink the water immediately, for they believe that by so doing they will recover their lost health. sometimes they say that it is sufficient to touch with the idol the ailing member, or the painful part, in order to find relief and even a total cure. finally, they make use of it in order to divine where the objects or jewels which they have lost by chance are. they always try to keep the búsao or evil spirit well dispositioned. for that purpose they offer him food and drink, singing and dancing, according to their custom. at the same time they recite certain prayers, asking him to free them from such or such a calamity which they fear. the old men are generally the ones who offer the sacrifices, which usually consist only of the offering of fruits of the soil, and in the sacrifice of some swine and fowls, in order to court or make amends to one of their deities. one of their most common altars consists of a column with a dish on the upper part which contains some offering. the two cross timbers which are seen in the middle part are for the purpose of holding their little idols. leaving aside many other superstitious things in regard to their gods, which no less than the preceding give an idea of the sad condition of these poor wretches, i shall pass on to speak briefly of their marriages, which are agreed upon by the sole authority of the ancients or maslicampo. [157] the latter who is also the one who directs all the chief affairs, determines by his own opinion that the alliance between such a youth and such a maiden shall take place, whether it be at the insinuation of the sweethearts or at the entreaty of their parents. some promises then being made between the parents of the bride and the father of the young man, the relatives of each party having been summoned assemble in the house that has been previously prepared, where everything must be in abundance, but especially a liquor called pangasi, which they keep in certain large jars. when the hour for the marriage has arrived, the bridal couple having exchanged some words between themselves, receive from their respective parents a ball of morisqueta. they hold it for some minutes in the palm of the hand, and then the groom gives the ball of morisqueta to his wife and with that ceremony the marriage is effected. by that means, as is obvious, is indicated the duty which they have and recognize of mutually supporting one another and trying to procure the support of the family. a fine bichara is prepared among the guests while the feast lasts. there is abundance of food, sauces, and beverages, which are arranged with great anticipation. a solemn drunken revel follows this kind of banquet, the effect of that beverage, which they suck up through long reeds, placed in the jars which hold it. unless they are datos or chief men, there are but few of them who have two or three wives, which, unhappily, is more common among other heathen races. father eusebio barrado, a missionary among those people, told me on a certain occasion that they exhibit great repugnance when they have to pass through the territory of other datos to whom they are not subject. in order that the traveler may make such passage without any danger, the chiefs have a spear called quiap, much larger than ordinary spears with incrustations of silver along the shaft, and the lower end of metal. they give it for a trifling recompense as a safe conduct to the travelers who have to cross through the territories of other datos, and the latter on recognizing the spear of the chief dato allow such persons to pass freely without harming them in the least, but on the contrary showing them consideration and deference. this takes place as i have been informed by a person worthy of all credit, even when there is war between the different factions. the principal datos show their greatness by the use of enormous vases, where they keep rare and curious articles. those vases are used at the same time for the storing of food. the águnes are not less esteemed by them, but the things held in highest estimation both by rulers and by subjects are certain quadrangular prismatic boxes like small coffers, which are ornamented on the outer part and on all their sides with two cuarto coins, in the form of very symmetrical and harmonious designs. in those boxes they keep their clothes and weapons. the weapons which they use most are balaraos of greater or less value, which they acquire from the manobos of agusan, in exchange for cloth, maize, camotes, salt, etc., etc.; the bangcao, or spear that they use both for hunting and for fighting with their enemies and for their exploits, one of which is the capturing and enslaving of children, after they have assassinated their parents. the said spears are generally of an excellent temper, as are also their bolos, and a certain other weapon called kris, which has been seen at times in the possession of the buquidnons and is without doubt acquired from the moros. for besides it being well-known that the buquidnons have communication with the moros by means of the river pulangui, the said krises have moro inscriptions and seals. i had a bolo in my hands whose handle or hilt surpassed many krises in value, for since it was of a dark, very hard and heavy wood, which i thought to be manconó [158] it had many large incrustations of silver, and from some of the silver which had been lost i discovered that they were not merely thin plates but pieces of quite a large size. the corresponding scabbard was of baticulin [159] and was worked with great skill. father barrado of whom i have made mention a while ago assured me that he had seen among these heathens one who had a coat-of-mail made of brass plates, of very thick wire of the same metal and ornaments of silver, which was made to cover all the breast and the back. it would be difficult to say from whom and in what manner they obtained them, but according to the method in which they are constructed and by what i have been able to ascertain they appear to be very ancient, and, consequently, worthy of being exhibited in any museum of arms or antiquities. they have other more common ones which they make themselves, and which consist of certain bolsters about three fingers thick, well quilted, which cover their breast and back, not only from the darts but also from the spears of their enemies. the petty rulers of this race bind their temples with the pinditón which is a crown of cloth with three points, that of the center being the largest, and all of them ornamented in the style of the mountain. i shall tell on what occasions they make use of this crown. various are the said objects in my possession, as well as a curious sacafuegos [firemaker] of which i am going to say a few words, which are due to the kindness and generosity of don procopio de alcántara, judge of the village of tagoloan. the sacafuegos consists of two cylinders of wood of great resisting power, and not very porous. one of them is hollow and the other solid. the latter, which is fitted very perfectly to the interior part of the former, has at one end a little tinder with very fine powdered sulphur. having been prepared in this manner it is inserted a trifle at the said end into the hollow cylinder, and a smart blow is struck on it in order to send it all at once [into the hollow cylinder], and then by drawing it out quickly, the tinder is found to be alight and is immediately applied to the tobacco. that is no other than a small pneumatic flint and steel, such as is usually represented by the authors of books on physics. they smoke the tobacco which they grow themselves, which is considered to be of the most excellent quality. they sell it in not small quantities in cagayán in exchange for clothes or other objects that they need. since the people of this race have been somewhat more civilized than those of others, they smoke the tobacco in small clay, wood, or horn pipes, which they make themselves, adding a small bamboo joint for a mouthpiece. they chew tobacco without swallowing it, as well as buyo. instead of keeping the lime [for the buyo] in bamboo tubes beautifully worked, as do the manobos and mandayas, they keep it in small brass boxes, which are beautified with cunningly-made adornments, each one of which has its fitting ladle of the same metal, fashioned by means of a small chain. in order to be more unembarrassed in their voyages, they use what they call salapa, which is a brass box in the form of a crescent which they fasten to the front of their girdle by cords. the lotoan or pouch which is adorned with rich and vari-colored embroidery, is also used by them in their excursions. in it they keep their money, tobacco, buyo, rice, etc., etc. although they can undertake long voyages afoot, without giving out, and can well endure the discomforts of the road through mountains and woods, they are such good horsemen that however steep may be the ascents they never alight from their horses. the horse is generally caparisoned with one or two strings of hawk's-bells, in the manner of the mule teams conducted by the muleteers of cataluña, and they make as do the latter such a racket that they advise the traveler of their passing from a long distance. they engage in the cultivation of the soil, and make extensive plantations of maize, which supply them not only with their ordinary food but also with goodly profits by selling it to the beach villages, thus obtaining in exchange many articles which they do not possess in the woods, salt being the chief. since they do not count by months or by years, but by harvests, in order to know the time for their sowing they pay attention to the aspect of the sky. accordingly, when they see certain constellations in the firmament which they designate by very curious and completely arbitrary names, since they know that they are, for example, those which precede the rainy season, they hasten to burn their trees and prepare the ground for sowing. i have seen the plow used for the cultivation of the soil, one somewhat different from those of españa. he who guides it is never without his adze with which to cut the roots which he finds as the plow passes. for the finer labor, they use a small hoe with a short curved handle. scarcely will one find a house of buquidnons where there are not one or at times more small mills for grinding maize. they are made of two very hard stone cylinders. the inner is fixed on a wooden upright, while the upper is movable, and has an orifice in its center through which the maize is poured. the circular movement by which the grain is crushed is produced by a handle securely fastened to one side of the movable cylinder. an apparatus which i saw in jasaán for removing cotton seed appeared very ingenious to me. it consists in the special gearing of the screws [engrenaje particular de las roscas] of two cylinders. those cylinders being very close together allow the filaments of cotton to pass but not the seeds, which are as large as small peas. the motion is produced by means of a crank which is the continuation of the upper cylinder. the whole apparatus is wooden, but is operated with sufficient regularity although with some discomfort to the one operating it. not a little time is given by the monteses to the harvesting of abacá for they are not ignorant of the high price of that filament, in commerce. but to many of them their dream proves very contrary, for they often meet with chinese traders, cunning as are no others, who exploit them by deceiving them in the price and weight, and what is worse, fill them with alcohol, by enticing them to drink deeply. in fact after the unfortunate fellows have used all the week in transacting the business they again return to their woods with the after effects of their intoxication, without abacá, without money, with some miserable gewgaws perhaps and a mind irritated by the deceit of which they were the victims. it would be advisable to impose an efficacious corrective on those exploiters of an evil class, and worse tricks, in favor of the poor monteses. when the palay is harvested, on rising and before undertaking the ordinary labors, until daybreak, they generally sing popular songs, men and women alternating, either the history of their ancestors, or the prowess of one of their heroes, or some events of our first parents, adam and eve, corrupted and mixed as is supposed by their false beliefs. the airs of those songs are in general gloomy and monotonous. their musical instruments are few and rudimentary, among them being the pulala, or bamboo clarinet, which has a very shrill sound, but which is the most appreciated; and instruments of bamboo resembling a flute; an imitation of a guitar (tiape) with only three strings; and the dayuray, or a very small drum whose box is made of the shell of the cocoanut or a bamboo tube. although they are so sunk in the darkness of heathenism they have some glimmerings of civilization among themselves, without doubt the vestige of the past spanish domination, for they have their laws and courts for the punishment of theft and other crimes, laws which, transmitted from father to son, are reformed according to the greater or less discretion of the superior dato, to whom those who have been offended in a serious matter have recourse to demand justice. the dato, seated, and with his temples bound with his flaming pinditón and grasping in his right hand the famous quiap, has two subordinate datos sit near him, and then the criminal is immediately brought to his presence. those who conduct him leave their spears thrust into the ground near the steps of that tribunal, so that no one in view of the crime of which the criminal is convicted dares to take the justice of the criminal into his own hands. the arguments for each side having been heard, after deliberation, the superior dato administers justice, together with the subordinate datos present at the act. the penalty decreed is executed without delay for the satisfaction of the aggrieved parties, the punishment of the offender, and the public warning of all. when the crime is not very serious, the offender is condemned to pay a certain number of large and small plates, to which a china jar is sometimes added, if the crime is somewhat greater. after the fine has been paid the one offended and the offender have to cleave with one single blow of the bolo, and at the same time a rattan which is held by the judges. if by accident the rattan should not be cut at one time, it is an evident sign that the opposing parties are still enemies, and, consequently, they yet look upon one another with care and dread. it is a well-established fact among these heathens that he who kills a dato has committed so great a crime that it can never be erased, and the author and all his descendants are considered as slaves, and all have the right to reduce them to slavery whenever they wish. i will mention here certain peculiar apprehensions and some of the superstitions of this race. whenever they offer any food or drink to guests, they first taste it in order to remove all suspicion of deceit or poison from their guests. among the monteses it is a lack of education and good breeding to mention their names in conversation. if any of them is asked "what is your name?" the one interrogated does not answer, but some other person of the group will say "his name is colás." in regard to the rest which man ought to take they say that it is better for him to imitate the birds, which go to bed at the setting of the sun and wake up at the reddening of the dawn. they say that the rainbow is the red girdle of two famous men, banlac and aguio, who mounted up to heaven by a great leap from the hill called balábag, without any more being known of them. these heathens reckon by nights and not by days, so that their method of expression is as follows: "that voyage will last about six nights;" "after four nights we shall begin to build the house." i mind me that the ancient germans did the same thing, and i believe that some peoples of oceanica had the same custom in remote times. when they are outside of their houses and away from their village or ranchería, when they see that the moon has a halo, they are persuaded that somebody is being judged in their village, and for fear that it may be one of their partisans they immediately return home, to see whether they can save the defendant. they are convinced that if it rains and the rays of the sun illumine, at the same time, such or such a distant wood, it is because the buquidnons are at war in the said point, and the sun does not wish to hide its light so that they may fight with greater valor. if they hear the song of the bird limocon under certain circumstances, they do not leave their houses, for as they say some danger or ambush awaits them on the way. if the song surprises them on the road itself, in this or that position which they ascertain, they immediately return to their houses and refuse to continue for certain reasons. when they find the worm called lábud in the middle of the road they go back, for they assert that some sickness or misfortune would overtake them, if they did not do so. if they enter any house to visit those who live there, and during the conversation any cock or hen flies and passes in front of the stranger, the owners of the house immediately kill the bold bird, and it is eaten in friendly intercourse with the guest, in order to remove his fright and bring his soul back, which they believe has been separated from the body through fright and returns again to the same body joyfully. i could mention other interesting things of the same kind, but i leave them in order not to tire your reverence. when speaking of the dwellings of these heathens, one must distinguish between those who live in settlements and those who live in the woods. the former build their houses well spread out and comfortably, it being indispensable for them to have a projecting wing joined to the house itself in the manner of a gallery, open to the air on all sides except that by which it communicates with the interior. to this gallery is fitted the stairway, generally of wood, very simple in form and generally without balustrades. the materials employed are not always bamboo and nipa. i have seen the houses of buquidnons which have board walls excellently constructed, very strong, but needing no nails, hammers, or saws. how is that? i will tell something about it. here is the crucial point, as one generally says; for some boards are simply sewn to others. and i must tell another marvel so that with one surprise we are relieved of another. all the boards have six holes along their length three on one side and three on the other, and joining the boards by the edges they pass a bit of very fine and tough rattan through the said holes, and they are so tightly bound together that nails are not missed at all. those who live scattered in the interior of the woods build their houses low, but raised very far above the ground through their fear of the spears of their enemies. very great is the respect that all these heathens show for their deceased. accordingly, they generally bury them in their fields and with them the spear, bolo, and other precious things which they especially used during their lifetime. along the place that the corpse occupies they heap up the earth, and form a small mound, and at short intervals in the ground they fasten certain tree trunks in the form of an x, on top of which they place the bark of a tree, which serves as a roof for the earth mound, which they consider as sacred. never do they forget to suspend from the upper end of a large pole, a small sack of rice, on which the deceased supports himself until his soul takes according to them the long road to mount bolotucan. bolotucan is the highest peak which dominates all the region comprehended between jasaán and lagónlong. when the deceased reaches the summit of the same he gets into heaven by jumping up, reaching a higher or lesser point according to the probity of his life, and there he will remain forever. all the relatives of the deceased, both men and women, make great demonstrations of grief when death occurs. they let their hair hang loose as a sign of mourning, and do not bind it up again until after a greater or less period, according to the love which they professed for the deceased. i have recounted all these things so minutely in order that the obscurity and darkness in which all those of this race were before they were visited by the father ministers, may be understood. reverend father, the consolation which i have had, on seeing the zeal and activity with which these fathers procure the spiritual and material welfare of so many poor creatures, is unspeakable. in honor of truth i must tell your reverence that their hopes and labors have not been in vain, for in less than four years, more than 6,600 heathens who dwelt in the region of the shadow of death, have been illumined by the torch of the faith, have denied their false beliefs and ridiculous superstitions, and have been regenerated in the waters of baptism. fortunate missionaries who are occupied in such ministries, and happy converts who have passed from so great vileness to so great dignity by the labors of those missionaries! the objects described in the present letter which are not in my possession, i have sketched from the natural. when i shall return there i shall be glad to hand them to your reverence. i beg that you will not forget me in your holy sacrifices and prayers. your servant in christ jesus, josé maría clotet, s. j. present beliefs and superstitions in luzon [the following we translate from the supplement to the manila newspaper el renacimiento, of the date of december 9, 1905, which was called to our attention by james a. leroy. it is deserving of a place in this series, as showing what is actually believed at the present time among some of the ignorant filipinos.] the mangkukulam here, as in europe, and in almost all parts, the people believe in witches. the mangkukulam [160] is the male or female witch of filipinas. to that one is attributed a certain power of witchcraft by the common people which makes him full of terror to many. he has the custom of not looking straight at his interlocutors, i do not know whether it is because he fears the open or searching glance of them or not. he always keeps his eyes lowered, and whenever it is necessary to direct his gaze toward the person with whom he is talking, he does it on all occasions by glancing up sideways, and he has never dared to meet directly the gaze of the others. it is a general belief that the mangkukulam is almost omnipotent in matters pertaining to doing evil to his neighbor. by the mere wish alone, he can produce sickness in any person who has secured his ill-will. in general, the sicknesses that he usually deals out are most intense headaches, or aches in other parts of the body, boils or internal tumors, swellings on the head or in any other place, such ailments being all inexplicable to the immense majority of the crowd, of the ignorant masses, who do not give credit, understand, or have faith in the power, capacity, or secrets of science. he who gains the ill-will or enmity of these witches of filipinas, can rest assured that if he goes out for a walk in the street, when he is about to re-enter his house he will perceive himself to be stricken with some sort of ailment, through the means and influence of the angered mangkukulam, who has already taken it upon himself to make him a present of the illness which suits him best--pains in the stomach, swellings in any part of the body, swellings on the head, deformity in the genital parts, etc., etc. it happens as a rule that when any person is attacked by any of the above ailments, he begins to talk of certain deeds as if he had done them in company with some person there present, at the very moment when he feels himself stricken by the ailment. at the same time he cites names that are unknown, and localities more or less distant. that is an assurance that during such moments, the patient is completely bewitched by the mangkukulam, who has penetrated into his body, and that the latter is the one who causes the patient to talk. it cannot be said that the patient is delirious during those moments, for rarely is he accustomed to have a fever, and in general has none. besides, every day, and whenever the ailment attacks him, he repeats the words, deeds, and citations that he mentioned the first time--all of this preceded by the exclamation "oh! oh! now you are here again!" this exclamation forces the members of the family of the one attacked to believe more and more strongly that the sick man has been effectively bewitched by the mangkukulam, that the latter had entered the body of the one attacked at that time, and that physicians and medicines are powerless to cure those evils which are produced by those witches of filipinas, for the simple reason that the physicians do not believe in the existence of the mangkukulam or in their witchcraft. in these cases, the herbalists themselves, who are frequently called in to aid all kinds of sickness are useless. nothing remains except to mention here certain details which complete the picture of the mangkukulam or give an exact idea of what they are, according to the popular belief. every mangkukulam has his abubut. [161] the abubut consists of a small tampipi which does not contain more than a small rag doll similar to those that, are sold in front of the doors of our churches in order to amuse our children with them, and a small cushion stuck full of innumerable pins. in the abubut lies, according to popular belief, all the power of the mangkukulam. without it, the mangkukulam is powerless, and even inoffensive, if one wishes. when the mangkukulam plans to do any harm to any person whomever, he goes to the quarter of his house where he always keeps his abubut, and takes out the doll and a pin. then he sticks the latter in whatever part of the body of the doll that he wishes. by that means, accompanied by the desire of producing or causing evil to the person at whom he has been angered, that person will be found to be stricken with some sort of sickness in the part of the body where the doll has been pricked. and since in general, no success is had in applying the appropriate remedy for the sickness suffered by those who are made ill by the means and influence of the mangkukulam, the family decide to call a physician. but the physician in those cases, is not the real physician who has been for a long time singeing his eyebrows and devouring countless text books in the universities, and who has not few years of experience in the hospitals. neither is he the mediquillo, [162] who is, in many cases, a simple practitioner with some notions of medical science in his head. neither is he the poor herbalist, who knows and is acquainted with the curative virtues of some plants, aided by the famous book of father santa maria. [163] no, not one of these serves for the case. the physician whose services are needed, is he who expressly devotes himself to the cure of those bewitched by the mangkukulam. these physicians of the kulam, after looking at the patient attentively, who equally with the mangkukulam cannot resist the glance of any other person in the moments when he is attacked by the sickness; and after hearing what things the sick one says, approaches any member of the family to tell him that the sick one is really possessed by the mangkukulam; and at the same time to ask whether the family cares to have him cured. if the reply is in the affirmative, preparations are made and the sick man is submitted to the following practices. all the toes of his feet, and the fingers of his hands are tied up in anona bark. if the sick one continues to cry out and to utter all the things that he has been accustomed to say, adding thereto the petition for pardon with the promise of not doing it again, it is a sign that the mangkukulam has not had time to escape or leave the body of the patient. then the physician takes a well-dried ray's tail, such as is often used as a cane, and prescribes for the sick person a good stiff caning [paliza de padre y señor mio] from his head to his feet. this operation is repeated for three or four consecutive days, longer, if contrary to what the mangkukulam promises by word of mouth, he again takes up his lodging in the body of the sick person. lastly, it is decided whether or not to go on with the operation completely to the end. that consists in bathing the sick person in boiling water, and in the result thereof the patient finds a true remedy for his ills, for when the bath is finished, he ceases to suffer forever. these practices obey their long-established conviction that it is not the sick person who suffers from the great acts of nonsense committed on him. many affirm that they have found the mangkukulam who had bewitched the sick person dead on different occasions after such practices had been finished. since i have been in the province of nueva écija, i have had the opportunity to prove one thing; namely, that the mangkukulam fears or flees from anonas. the fact by which i have been able to prove it is as follows. a poor woman was found some weeks ago suffering from severe pains in the stomach, accompanied by nausea and vomiting. the family which was composed of several brothers, was thoroughly convinced that their sister had been bewitched by a mangkukulam. as they did not know any physicians for the kulam, they summoned me to please visit and treat the sick woman. i held off as much as possible, by saying that inasmuch as i did not believe in any of those superstitions, it was impossible to cure her; aside from the fact that i was not even a physician. my excuses availed nothing. they begged and entreated me so hard that there was no other remedy than to comply with their wishes. when i reached the house of the sick person, she was, as the saying is, throwing up her guts, so great was the violence of the vomiting. as soon as she had fallen sick she had lost her sight so completely that she could see absolutely nothing, as long as she was attacked by the sickness, and very little (indeed, very little), when the attack left her. consequently, she was told nothing of my arrival until she heard me speak. she asked her brothers who was there, and they told her, adding that they had summoned me to cure her. as soon as it was understood that i was there for that purpose, the vomiting ceased for a moment, and the woman was quite calm. after a quarter of an hour, and feeling vexed because of the false light in which they were trying to make me appear, i took my leave, saying that since the ailment of the sick woman had passed, i had nothing to do there. but scarcely had i crossed the threshold of the street door when the vomiting was repeated and one of the brothers called me again in a low voice, asking me to please have the kindness to return since the sick woman was once more attacked by the mangkukulam. i armed myself with patience, and went back until i again found myself face to face with the sick woman. at a certain moment in which the patient was making great efforts to expel what she had in her stomach, i asked one of those present in a loud voice to please get me some anonas branches. the vomiting of the sick woman ceased suddenly as soon as she heard such a request, and did not return to rack her all that day and until the following day. at that time the same scenes were reproduced as on the preceding day. for three days they continued to call me to the said house, and i perceived that the attack disappeared as soon as i spoke of, or mentioned, the anonas. for the rest, i declare that in spite of these observations, i have not come to believe in, or to be convinced of, the existence of witches in filipinas. however, such beliefs continue to exist in the popular mind. there are two kinds of physicians of the kulam. those belonging to the first class are the ones of whom i have just spoken. those of the second class are inoffensive and very worthy, therefore, of being mentioned. several persons have informed me of the following fact of which they were eyewitnesses. on a certain occasion a physician of the kulam was summoned to treat a swelling. that physician after having examined the sick person carefully, and proved that there really was a swelling, asked for a bit of wax, of which he made a small figure of human shape. while he was moulding the small figure, he ordered hot water prepared in a carahay, and when it began to boil, he put the figure upright on it. when all the people expected to see it dissolved in the boiling water (tremble, my readers!) they saw the figure begin to jump about on the water without being submerged or being melted. ten or fifteen minutes after the small figure had been hopping about on the surface of the water, a person came to the door of the house, calling out with vehemence. he was beating his feet quite openly with a handkerchief which he carried in his hand. he could not remain quiet or keep any position for five seconds, so restless was he. he was making so many contortions and grimaces with his face that one could not at all doubt that he was suffering terribly. he appeared to be walking on thorns. when that man reached the inside of the house, he began to beg pardon over and over again, promising never again to do "what he had done. the physician of the kulam took the small wax figure from the water and approached the new arrival, whom he ordered to undo the charm with which he had troubled the patient. the new arrival replied immediately that it was undone. thereupon the physician told him never again to repeat what he had just done, and threatened him that it be relapsed, he would have to cut off his ears, so that all people might recognize him as such magkukulam. the magkukulam, who was the same man who had just arrived, promised never again to do what he had done, for fear of being exposed to the wrath of the populace. when this was finished, the physician sent him away, and from that moment, the sick person was completely well. besides these, it is said that there is another kind of magkukulam who are known under the name of kusim or palipád hagin. but i believe that it is the same dog with a different collar; for i consider that the kusim or the palipád hagin is nothing else than a variety of the power of witchcraft possessed by these beings. in the mind of the masses, it is held that the ailment or sickness which these latter beings bring about are sent through the air, whence they have taken their name. those ailments are, moreover, incurable, for they say (walang pasaulî) that they do not return to the place whence they have come. both these and the first, that is the simple magkukulam dash themselves face downward every friday in their respective quarters, well wrapped up and uttering doleful exclamations. when this occurs, it is said that they suffer terribly the consequences of their power. that condition of depression is called nagbabatá by the masses. on the following day these beings are found all sound and well, and hurrying to the witches' sabbath, or unlawful assembly which is held at a determined spot, where on midnight of saturday meet the asuang, mananangal, and mangkukulam, in order that they may all together enjoy the delicious feast of human flesh. josé nuñez manila, december 6, 1905. notes [1] the translation of the title-page of the above book is as follows: "history of the province of santissimo rosario de philipinas [i. e., most holy rosary of the philipinas], china, and tunking, of the holy order of the preachers. third part. in which are treated the events of said province from 1669 to 1700. composed by the reverend father fray vicente de salazar, rector of the college of santo thomas of the city of manila, and chancellor of its university. dedicated to the sovereign queen of the angels, the most holy mary, in her miraculous image of the rosary, which is venerated with the universal devotion of the people in the church of santo domingo of the said city of manila. printed by the press of the said college and university of santo tomas of the said city, in the year 1742." the first two parts of this history (those by aduarte and santa cruz) have been given in translation and synopsis in preceding volumes in this series. fray vicente salazar was born in ocaña and professed at valladolid. he became a professor in spain. arriving in manila in 1727, he became a professor in the college of santo tomàs and in 1742 was its rector. later he became prior of the manila convent. the last years of his life were spent in the ituy missions, his death occurring between the years of 1755-1759. see retana's edition of zúñiga's estadismo, ii, p. 615. [2] for sketches of the members of this mission, see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 101-194. [3] see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 194-230, for sketches of these missionaries. [4] see the recollect account of these transactions in vol. xli. [5] fray alarcón was a native of archidona, and professed in the convent at madrid june 30, 1661. on arriving at the islands (1666), he was assigned to the province of pangasinan. in 1669 he was appointed master of novitiates in manila, but resigned the post that same year. in 1673 he went to formosa intending to enter the chinese missions, but finding that impossible he returned to manila in 1674. from 1675-1678 he labored in the missions of the province of bataán, being sent the latter year to the chinese missions; but finding it necessary to return to manila shortly after, his subsequent efforts to return again to china were unavailing. he died in manila september 15, 1685, after a lingering illness. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 59-61. [6] the zambals were not negritos, although they may have been a mixture of negrito blood. they were probably somewhat the same as the igorots, and hence a race of malay extraction. [7] i.e., in aduarte's historia; see vol. xxxii, p. 55. [8] fray jerónimo de ullóa was a galician, who professed at coruña march 13, 1665, at the age of twenty-one. he was a zealous missionary in various cagayan missions and in the babuyanes. his death occurred in 1700 or 1701. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 175-179. [9] fray pedro jiménez took the dominican habit in 1658, and arrived in the philippines in 1666. he labored principally in the province of cagayan where he was at different times assigned to different missions. he died december 20 without being able to receive the last sacraments. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 61-77. [10] w. a. reed says (negritos of zambales, pp. 40, 41): "he is repulsively dirty in his home, person, and everything he does. nothing is ever washed except his hands and face, and those only rarely. he never takes a bath, because he thinks that if he bathes often he is more susceptible to cold, that a covering of dirt serves as clothing, although he frequently gets wet either in the rain or when fishing or crossing streams. this is probably one reason why skin diseases are so common." [11] see sketches of these missionaries in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 230-256. [12] this is an error, as the mandayas are a mindanao tribe. probably the apayaos, who live in the district of ayangan in the comandancia of quiangán are meant. in bontoc and other northern provinces of luzón the word i-fu-gao means "the people;" it is the name which the bontoc igorots apply to themselves. the name apayao, in northern luzón, is another form of the same word. see census of philippines, i, p. 469; blumentritt's list of tribes in philippines (mason's translation); and jenks's bontoc igorot, p. 33. [13] fray juan iñiguez was a native of antequera, and made his profession at sevilla, september 21, 1671. reaching the philippines (1671) at the age of twenty-four, he was immediately assigned to the province of cagayan where he labored until 1720, the year of his death. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 211-215. [14] these are not a separate tribe as one would be led to suppose by blumentritt, but a branch of the igorot people. see census of philippines, i, pp. 456-459. [15] the natives of malaoeg and tuao revolted at the end of 1718 under their leaders magtangaga and tomás sinaguingan. they were put down by captain don juan pablo de orduña, and the rebels were punished. see montero y vidal, i, p. 414. [16] fray mateo gonzález made his profession september 5, 1667, and arrived at the philippines in 1671 at the age of twenty-seven. he was assigned to cagayan, where he labored extensively. he also worked in the babuyanes and introduced the mission work into the batanes, his death occurring in the latter islands july 25, 1688. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 155-157. [17] a correspondent, william edmonds, principal of schools in the batanes islands, says in a letter of april 9, 1906: "i have an idea that either the formation of the land [of the batanes] is entirely changed (two islands then being one now) or that there is some serious error in dampier's topography [see vol. xxxix, pp. 96-115]. the names of many of the islands now are not those given by dampier." of the later history of the batanes islands mr. edmonds says: "in 1791, governor-general don josé basco sent an expedition with an alcalde, two dominican missionaries, mechanics, and artificers to establish civil government. in a short time the people were instructed in material arts, constructing tribunals, churches, convents, schools, and houses, all of stone walls, one vara thick, to resist typhoons. five municipalities were established, the islands forming a district of the province of cagayan. in september, 1897, these pacific islands fell an easy prey to the revolutionary expedition which sacked the churches and convents, and carried away the priests as prisoners to cagayan. the katipunan government ruled until december, 1899, when the american government took possession. in october, 1903, the various towns were united into one municipality of the province of cagayan." as references concerning these islands, mr. edmonds gives el correo sino anamita (manila, 1866-1892), xxix, p. 483; and marin's ensayo (manila, 1901), ii, pp. 690, 801: both publications of the dominicans. [18] fray diego piñero was assigned upon his arrival at the islands in 1684 to the convent of malaueg in cagayan. his stay in the babuyanes was short as is related in the text. his remaining missionary labors were in the province of cagayan. his death occurred at lallo-c at the beginning of 1712 or a trifle before. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 236, 237. [19] the island of calayan was taken formal possession of for the united states by the government ship "princeton," january 10, 1900. it is one of the islands of the babuyanes group, and is lofty and uneven. see gazetteer of philippine islands, p. 418. [20] fray josé galfarroso (or halfarroso de la trinidad, as his name is given in reseña biográfica) made his profession september 10, 1664. upon his arrival at the philippines in 1671, he was assigned to the cagayan field, where he held various posts, and where most if not all of his missionary labors were passed. he died, probably in cagayan, early in 1700. see ut supra, ii, pp. 160, 161. [21] fray juan de santo domingo was born in 1640 near calatayud, and professed in the convent of ocaña october 22, 1661. he went to the philippines in 1666, his first two years being occupied in duties in manila. assigned to the province of pangasinan, he labored there for eighteen years, and exercised various duties. in 1682 he was chosen definitor, and in 1686 he was transferred to the manila convent. he was the real founder of the beaterio of santa catalina de sena, and ordained its rules july 26, 1696, while provincial. during his term as provincial he also organized the tertiary branch of his order. after his term as provincial he was appointed vicar of the beatas and president of the college of san juan de letrán. in 1702 he was again elected prior of manila convent, and because of the death of the provincial exercised the duties of that office, to which he was regularly elected again in 1706. at the end of his second term he again took up his duties as head of the beaterio and college. besides the above posts and offices he was also commissary of the holy office and definitor in the chapters of 1682 and 1716. his death occurred at manila, january 15, 1726. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 26-34. [22] see sketches of these missionaries in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 363-457. [23] sketches of these missionaries will be found in reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 457-497. [24] fray francisco de la vega was assigned to cagayan in 1686, where he labored in various missions there and in the babuyanes. he died at fotol in the beginning of 1710. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 249, 250. [25] fray vicente del riesgo was a native of san félix de valdesoto. on arriving at the philippines at the age of twenty-six, he was assigned to the cagayan field where he spent the rest of his life (with the exception of a brief period spent in manila as prior of that convent, and master of novitiates), and where he occupied various posts. he died in cabagan, june 24, 1724. see reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 440-446. [26] fray tomás ortiz took the augustinian habit at the age of nineteen, at the valladolid convent in 1687. within a short time after his arrival in manila he became lecturer there (1695), and acted as secretary of the province. soon however he went to china to engage in the mission work of that empire, and upon the expulsion of the missionaries in 1713, he was appointed prior of manila, and in 1716 provincial. he filled other important posts in the mission work of the islands, and died at manila in 1742. he composed numerous works in spanish, tagálog, and chinese. see perez's catálogo, pp. 167-173. a fuller account of his life is also given in vol. xxix of revista agustiniana. [27] the calumpang tree (sterculia foetida--linn.) grows to a great size; its roots branch out half way up the trunk, and are so large that a roof could be laid over them so that they could be used as a dwelling. the fruit of this tree resembles a pomegranate, which divides when ripe into four quarters having certain kernels, from which an oil is extracted which is used for medicine, and which the natives use to anoint the hair. the wood is easy to work but is not very durable. see delgado's historia, p. 457; blanco's flora, p. 524; and official handbook of the philippines, p. 346. [28] many instances of ancestor worship by the peoples of the philippines are recorded in this series. there is no evidence that suggests that the custom was borrowed from the chinese. it had become the general rule almost in the philippines to refer many things, the origin of which was unknown, to the chinese. [29] this is the anting-anting. see retana's aniterías, which gives examples of formulas, most of which are a meaningless conglomeration of words. [30] a tagálog word for a sort of earthen vessel. see noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario de la lengua tagala. [31] the translation of the title-page of the historia is as follows: "history of the philipinas islands, composed by the reverend father lector, fray joaquin martinez de zuñiga of the order of st. augustine, ex-definitor of his province, calificador of the holy office, and regular parish priest of the village of parañaque. with the necessary licenses. printed in sampaloc, by fray pedro argüelles de la concepcion, franciscan religious, in the year 1803." joaquin martínez de zúñiga was one of the most illustrious men of the augustinian order who ever labored in the philippines. he was born in aguilar in navarra, february 19, 1760, and deciding to embrace the religious life professed in the augustinian college at valladolid january 26, 1779. setting out for the philippines in 1785, he remained one year in mexico, before going to them, arriving in manila, august 3, 1786. in the islands he learned the tagálog language, and acted as minister-associate in batangas and tambobon for four years. in 1790 he was appointed lector [i. e., reader or lecturer], but was soon appointed parish priest of hagonoy (1791). in 1792 he acted as secretary of the province, and in 1794 and 1797 administered the villages of calumpit and pasig respectively. being invited by general álava to accompany him on his tour of inspection among the islands, he did so, and the estadismo (published in madrid in 1893 by w. e. retana) is the fruit of that journey. after returning to manila, he took charge of the parish of parañaque (1801-1806). in 1806 he was elected provincial of the order. he had also filled the office of definitor in 1794, and was a calificador of the holy office. after his provincialate he resumed charge of the ministry of parañaque which he held until his death (march 7, 1818). the historia has been translated into english by john maver and printed in two editions. he is said also to have translated, annotated, and printed the work of le gentil, but which retana (estadismo, i, pp. xviii, xxix) says cannot now be found. apropos of this, dr. t. h. pardo de tavera sends a copy of the title-page of a ms. of this spanish work which is as follows: "voyage of m. le gentil, to the philipinas islands, translated from the french into the spanish, by the very reverend father lector, fray joaquin martinez de zuñiga.... the translator adds some notes in which he reveals and refutes many errors of the author." pardo de tavera says that this ms. is unpublished and that its existence is unsuspected and not known even by the augustinians. see pérez's catáloga, pp. 346-348, and pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina (washington, 1903), p. 252. [32] louis lapicque, chief of the laboratory of the faculty of medicine in paris, was commissioned by the minister of public instruction in 1892 to study the question of the distribution of the negrito and to collect data concerning that race. he spent the months of march-december 1893 in this study, working in the andaman islands, the mergui islands in the bay of bengal, and the malay peninsula, and considering also in his report the inhabitants of other places, especially the philippines. he brings out the interesting conclusion that the inhabitants of the andaman islands are perhaps the purest race in existence, and that they are closely allied to the negritos of the philippines. both being brachycephalic, they are thus differentiated from the african negro, who is dolichocephalic. see annales de géographie, v, pp. 407-424. wm. a. reed (negritos of zambales, p. 34) gives the average of the cephalic index of the nineteen individuals whom he was able to measure as 82 for the males and 86 for the females. [33] angola, formerly called dongo or ambonde, is located on the west coast of africa. its coast was discovered in 1486 by the spaniards who still own it. [34] of the bontoc igorot, albert ernest jenks, chief of the ethnological survey of the philippines, says (the bontoc igorot, manila, 1905, p. 14): "he belongs to that extensive stock of primitive people of which the malay is the most commonly named. i do not believe he has received any of his characteristics, as a group, from either the chinese or japanese, though this theory has frequently been presented." [35] that the theory of the origin of the filipino peoples here expressed is false needs no demonstration. the peoples of the philippines show two stocks--the malayan and the negrito. the inhabitants of the polynesian islands (using the term in its restricted sense) probably migrated from the east indies and hence are allied to the modern malayan peoples, and the same is true of the huvas of madagascar, having migrated from the parent stock from which the latter peoples originated. sec cust's modern languages of east india (london, 1878); and new international encyclopædia; lesson's les polynésiens (paris, 1880-84); and ratzel's history of mankind (english translation, london, 1898). [36] the san duisk islands are the sandwich or hawaiian islands; and the otayti islands are the society islands, so called from their largest island o-taiti, taiti, or tahiti. the group of the society islands, of which tahiti is chief, is called windward islands. [37] easter island, so called because discovered by roggeveen on easter of 1772; called also waihu, teapi, and by the natives rapanui. the inhabitants of this island are the last outpost of the malayo-polynesian race. it has belonged to chile since 1888. [38] the tagálog word for "house" is bahay, not balay. [39] a reference to la araucana, a spanish epic poem written by alonso de ercilla y zuñiga, the first part of which (15 cantos) was published at madrid, 1569. this is the first work of literary merit known to have been composed upon either american continent. ercilla y zuñiga accompanied felipe ii to england on the occasion of his marriage to mary tudor. thence he went to chile with the army to fight the rebellious araucanians. he was accused of having plotted an insurrection, and was condemned to death but the sentence was commuted to exile to callao. he returned to spain in 1562 and being coldly received wandered through various european countries until 1580 when he died in madrid poor and forgotten. the continuations of his poem consisting of 37 cantos in all, were published in 1578 and 1590. the complete poem is published in vol. 17 of autores españoles (madrid, 1851). see new international encyclopædia, and grande encyclopédie. [40] in may, 1874, three canoes containing sixteen savages were driven by gales from the pelew islands, and after drifting on the ocean sixty days reached formosa, distant 1,600 miles; and all but one survived these hardships--a striking example of endurance in both themselves and their craft (davidson, formosa, p. 215). [41] charles wilkes was born in new york city, in 1798. he entered the u. s. navy as midshipman in 1818, and sailed in the mediterranean and pacific. he became lieutenant in 1826, and was placed in charge of the department of charts and instruments in 1830. in 1838, he was placed in charge of the expedition authorized by congress in 1836 for the purpose of exploring and surveying the southern ocean. this was the first scientific expedition fitted out by the united states government, and much valuable information resulted from it. of the record of the expedition (which lasted during the years 1838-1842) consisting of nineteen volumes, wilkes wrote the six containing the narrative and the volumes on meteorology and hydrography. in 1843 he was made a commander, and a captain in 1855. he served through most of the civil war on the northern side and was the one who removed the confederate commissioners slidell and mason from the english mail boat "trent," november 8, 1861. he was made a commodore in july 1862, retired in june 1864, and created a rear admiral on the retired list, in 1866. his death occurred in 1877. the names of the vessels in his fleet were the sloops of war "vincennes" and "peacock," the brig "porpoise," the store-ship "relief," and the two tenders, "sea-gull," and "flying-fish." see introduction to vol. i. of wilkes's narrative, and new international encyclopædia. [42] i.e., the island of busuanga, the largest of the calamianes group, which has an area of 390 square miles. see census of philippines, i, p. 274. [43] i.e., the island of ambolón, south of mindoro, of four square miles. see ut supra, i, p. 267. [44] the island of simara, near romblón. [45] "although spain had jurisdiction over these islands for more than three centuries, little topographic information had been acquired regarding them, except such as was of a very general character. the coasts were badly mapped, and in many places are now known to have been miles out of position. the coast charts, made from spanish surveys, are so inaccurate as to be, on the whole, worse than useless to mariners, while of the interior of the larger islands, little was known except what could be seen from the sea." census of the philippines, i, p. 51. [46] the population is given by the census for 1903 (ii, p. 30) as 743,646. [47] on my arrival at singapore, this circumstance was investigated by a court of inquiry. the result showed that mr. knox had no knowledge of the vincennes having been seen; for the officer of the watch had not reported to him the fact.--wilkes. [48] the full name of this village is san josé de buenavista. it is the capital of antique. [49] the crest of the mountains in panay is a few miles inland from the west coast. among the peaks of that range, are the following: usigan, 4,300 ft.; agótay, 3,764 ft.; madiaás, 7,466 ft.; nangtud, 6,834 ft.; maymagui, 5,667 ft.; llorente, 4,466 ft.; tiguran, 4,900 ft.; and igbanig, 4,343 ft. see census of philippines, i, p. 69. [50] wilkes accompanies (p. 349) this description of caldera fort with a sketch. [51] there are two islands called sangboy, one called the north island and the other the south island. they both belong to the pilas group of the sulu archipelago, and are less than one square mile in area. see census of philippines, i, p. 283. [52] wilkes presents figures of both the whole canoe and a cross section, on p. 353. [53] for the methods of fishing in the philippines, see official handbook, p. 151. wilkes also mentions (v, pp. 321, 322) various methods, namely, by weirs, hooks, and seine. the former are made of bamboo stakes in the shallow waters of the lake of bay where it empties into the pasig. the nets used in the bay are suspended by the four corners from hoops attached to a crane by which they are lowered into the water. the fishing-boats are little better than rafts and are called saraboas. [54] evidently at the village of joló. [55] on p. 354, wilkes presents a sketch of houses at soung--the typical moro house. [56] a full-page engraving of the "mosque in the town of sooloo" faces page 354 of wilkes's narrative. [57] chewing the betel-nut and pepper-leaf also produce this effect, and is carried on to a great extent among these islanders.--wilkes. [58] cf. the description of the betel caskets given by morga, vol. xvi, p. 99. [59] the sultan, on the visit of one of our merchant-vessels, had informed the supercargo that he wished to encourage our trade, and to see the vessels of the united states coming to his port.--wilkes. [60] an engraving made from this sketch is given by wilkes facing p. 358. [61] opium is known by its arabic name "afyun" throughout the eastern archipelago. crawfurd asserts that its moderate use produces no worse results than does the moderate use of wine, spirits, and perhaps smoking. shortly after american occupation of the philippines, the necessity for taking some action in regard to the traffic was seen. the philippine commission were convinced that the smoking of opium was increasing among the filipinos. accordingly a committee was appointed to study the conditions, and restrictions of other oriental countries in regard to opium. there were then practically no restrictions in regard to the smoking of the drug. on august 1, 1903, there were 190 opium dens in manila, and no license was required, as they had no authority in law. the vice was mainly restricted to the chinese. in 1904 a considerable amount of opium was smuggled into the district of lanao in mindanao. "nothing has had a more demoralizing effect upon the moros and savage peoples than opium, and it will absolutely destroy them if its importation and use is authorized.... it is believed that a license to smoke opium, sufficiently low to escape fraud, should be issued for those hopelessly addicted to the habit, and that exceedingly severe penalties should attach to those who furnish opium to youth or those who are nonsmokers.... it is a poor policy in developing a people to count on the income of legalized vice for a large portion of the revenue, as is done in most eastern colonies." the importation of opium has shown considerable increase during american occupation. see crawfurd's dictionary, pp. 312-314; and the following reports of the philippine commission--for 1903, pt. i, p. 63, pt. 2, p. 96; for 1904, pt. 2, pp. 590, 591, pt. 3, p. 545. [62] since our return, inquiries have been made by him, which resulted in proving that such was in truth their origin, and that the vessel in which they were shipped was for a long time missing. the identical stones which he saw were a part of a monument that was on its way to canton.--wilkes. [63] marongas belongs to the joló group of the sulu archipelago, and has an area of .4 square miles. see census of philippines, i, p. 284. [64] the sulug or sulus were the dominant people of joló before their conversion to mahometanism, and still maintain that position. the bulk of the moro sulus is on the island of joló and the islands immediately south as far as siassi and pandami. see census of philippines, i, pp. 463, 464. [65] orang is the malay term for man or human being. as used here it would mean "the men," i. e., "nobles." [66] the tripang or sea-slug (holothuria edulis), which is esteemed as a great delicacy by the chinese. [67] evidently the people called guimbajanos by the historians of the eighteenth century. from wilkes's description, they would appear to be at least partially negrito. [68] banjarmasin is a principality and river on the southern side of borneo, the word meaning in javanese "salt or saline garden." the sovereignty of banjarmasin is said in olden times to have extended over all of southeastern borneo. see crawfurd's dictionary (pp. 36, 37), where an historical sketch of the principality is given. [69] the chinese emperor at this time was choo yuen chang, the founder of the ming dynasty, who defeated chunti, the last of the mongol dynasty, in 1367, and ruled from then until the year 1398. he adopted as emperor the name of hongwon. the statements in the text may be only common report. see boulger's short history of china, pp. 79-87. [70] see montero y vidal's account of joloan affairs during this period, in his historia, i, pp. 475-548, 561-581, ii, pp. 6-77, 575, 576. [71] manila was captured by the english october 6 (or, october 5, according to spanish reckoning), 1762 (not 1763). see a plain narrative (london, 1565?), p. 4. [72] this name is derived from the large bay that makes in on the south side of the island of mindanao, and on which a set of free-booters reside.--wilkes. this is the bay of illana. illano or illanum means "people of the lake." at present they inhabit the south coast of mindanao from punta [de] flechas to polloc. they are but few in number, but in the past have been bold pirates. they are probably closely connected with the malanao or moros dwelling in the valley of lake lanao. see census of philippines, i, pp. 466, 472. [73] pulo toolyan is tulaian of the jolo group of the sulu archipelago, with an area of .5 sq. mi.; tonho may be tango or tangu of the tawi tawi group; pilas is the chief island of its group, with an area of 8.2 sq. mi.; tawi tawi is the chief island of its group, with an area of 232 sq. mi.; sumlout is perhaps simaluc, of the tawi tawi group, with an area of 1.3 sq. mi.; pantutaran is perhaps pantocunan, of the joló group, with an area of .6 sq. mi.; parodasan is perhaps parangaan of the tawi tawi group, or parangan of the tapul group; basilan is the chief island of its group, with an area of 478 sq. mi. see census of philippines, i. [74] in 1861 a number of light steam gunboats with steel hulls and of twenty or thirty horsepower were constructed in england for the spaniards for use against the moro pirates; and they were very effective in reducing piracy, both in the lake lanao district and that of mindanao and the adjacent islands. see montero y vidal's historia, iii, pp. 327, 328, and elsewhere; and historia de la piratería, ii. [75] the sea-gypsies. see vol. xxxvi, p. 199, note 38. [76] this treaty is as follows: [preceding the text of the treaty are some arabic characters.] i, mohamed, sultan of sooloo, for the purpose of encouraging trade with the people of the united states of america, do promise hereby and bind myself that i will afford full protection to all vessels of the united states, and their commanders and crews visiting any of the islands of my dominions, and they shall be allowed to trade on the terms of the most favoured nation, and receive such provisions and necessaries as they may be in want of. 2dly. in case of shipwreck or accident to any vessel, i will afford them all the assistance in my power, and protect the persons and property of those wrecked, and afford them all the assistance in my power for its preservation and safe-keeping, and for the return of the officers and crews of said vessels to the spanish settlements, or wherever they may wish to proceed. 3dly. that any one of my subjects who shall do any injury or harm to the commanders or crews belonging to american vessels, shall receive such punishment as his crime merits. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and seal, in presence of the datus and chiefs at soung, island of sooloo. february 5th, 1842. [here follows a signature in arabic characters.] witnesses: charles wilkes, commanding exploring expedition. william l. hudson, late commanding u. s. ship peacock. r. r. waldron, purser, u. s. exploring expedition. [77] pangutárang is the largest island of the numerous group of the same name belonging to the sulu archipelago, and has an area of 42 square miles. see census of philippines, i, p. 284. [78] cagayan sulu has an area of 27 square miles. it is located in a group of 31 islands. see census of philippines, i, p. 286. [79] according to census of philippines (i, p. 28, ii, p. 123), the area of the davao district is 9,707 square miles, and the total population 65,496, of whom 45,272 are uncivilized. [80] josé oyangúren was a native of guipúzcoa who went to the philippines in 1825, leaving spain for political reasons. he passed several years in the province of caraga (now surigao), engaged in business, and in the calamianes. for a number of years also he occupied the judicial post in tondo. in 1846 he was deprived of that post because such officials were thereafter appointed in madrid. on hearing of the cession of the gulf of davao by the sultan to the spaniards, he visited that region. on his return he proposed to governor clavería to conquer and subdue the entire gulf district, expel or pacify the moros there, and establish the christian religion, if he were given supplies and equipment, the command of the district, and exclusive rights of trade therein. a decree issued by clavería february 27, 1847, gave him the command for ten years and exclusive rights of trade for the first six years. he was also given artillery, muskets, and ammunition, and permission to raise a company. by the beginning of 1849 he was in peaceful possession of the entire coast-line of the gulf and then turned his attention into the interior. the government, however, did not live up to its promises, and oyangúren after the death of clavería was removed from his command. the last years of his life (1852-1859) were spent in the fruitless endeavor to obtain what had been promised him. see montero y vidal's hist. piratería, i, pp. 382-403. [81] a vessel for the coasting trade in the philippines. see new velázquez dictionary. [82] the island of sámal is located in the gulf of davao, and has an area of 147 square miles. see census of philippines, i, p. 282. [83] this is the tagálog word for the upper part of a village. it seems here to mean the eastern mountainous district of surigao. [84] of the tribes of mindanao, census of philippines, i, p. 462, says: "going eastward in mindanao and passing by the central lake region, which is inhabited entirely by lanao moros, we come to other tribes, which, so far as i have seen, differ in no essential from the subanon.... around the headwaters of the rio grande de mindanao they are called manobo. south of the rio grande they are called tiruray, bilan, manobo, and other names. the reason for the use of these different terms is not satisfactorily explained. there are doubtless changes of dialect between them comparable to the changes we find among the igorots in northern luzón, but i believe it is hardly justifiable to break up into separate tribes or divisions a population so thoroughly homogeneous as these pagans of mindanao appear to be." [85] sangil is a local term apparently derived from the volcano of the same name. it is sometimes applied as a collective title for pagan tribes of that region and sometimes to the maguindanao moros, who have settled between craan and makar. see census of philippines, i, p. 476. [86] the tagacaolos are closely related to the bagobos. the word is probably derived from "olo," meaning "head," and thus "source" (of a river), the particle ka, "toward," and the prefix taga. the entire word thus means "people who go up toward the source of the river," to distinguish them from the "tagabawa," people who live in the lowlands, bawa meaning "down," the "region low down." see census of philippines, i, pp. 462, 476. [87] this promise was fulfilled june 21 of the same year, and the letter is given in the cartas, pp. 93-111. [88] i. e., the district ruled over by a dato. [89] the pagatpat (sonneratia), called also palapad and palatpat, is frequently found along the beaches. it grows to the height of twenty feet or so. its wood is strong and is used in ordinary construction. the fruit is very sour and a vinegar is made from it. see blanco, pp. 296, 297. [90] pedro rosell, s. j., was born at lérida september 4, 1849, and entered his novitiate in the society of jesus, october 2, 1878, being already a priest. he went to the philippines in 1880, and died in caraga, january 4, 1888. see sommervogel's bibliothèque. [91] this mission belongs to the district of misámis. [92] i.e., from my inmost heart. [93] i.e., we have labored in vain. [94] the bayog (pterospermum hastatum) is often found along the batangas beach and in other places. oars are made of the wood which is soft and light. see blanco, pp. 367, 368. [95] see citation of these verses and brief description of the sacrifice by pablo pastells, in vol. xii, p. 270, note 83. [96] it is difficult to believe that this eloquent passage was written so recently as 1885. it furnishes a striking proof of the medievalism of thought that persevered even among the jesuits--a medievalism that is not yet, unfortunately, entirely eliminated from the christian sects, both catholic and protestant. this same thought prevails throughout the document. [97] the coffee of the philippines has a fine aroma and excellent flavor, and will compare favorably with either java or mocha coffee. it is said to have been brought to the islands by spanish missionaries during the latter part of the eighteenth century and its systematic cultivation to have commenced early in the nineteenth century, although it was neglected considerably and did not in consequence attain the advanced state to which it should have attained. it was first cultivated in the province of laguna, and subsequently in other provinces, notably batangas and cavite, coffee becoming quite an extensive industry. most of the coffee was produced in the provinces named and in tayabas, in luzón and in misamis and the district of cottabatto, in mindanao, though appreciable quantities were grown in other provinces. the highest grades of the berry were grown in batangas province and the most inferior in mindanao. in 1890 and for several preceding years coffee ranked fourth in exports, falling not far short of tobacco. see census of philippines, iv, pp. 76-78; and official handbook, pp. 106, 107. [98] i.e., the end of the earth. [99] beléno: birth, in the sense of representing that of our lord jesus christ (echegaray's diccionario etimológico). hence it was the representation of a manger. [100] literally the "mass of the cock;" the mass that is said at midnight on christmas eve, and hence equivalent to midnight mass. [101] this mass is also called media. it is a mass sung, but without deacon and sub-deacon and the ceremonies proper to high mass. in some american dioceses the use of incense is permitted at such masses. see addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 565. [102] or missa solemnis, the high mass. see addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 565. [103] possibly a "house with festal decorations." [104] i.e., and beyond. [105] the carolinas were discovered first by the portuguese navigator, diogo da rocha, in 1525, and different groups of them were seen by early spanish navigators. in 1686, one of them was discovered by the spanish admiral, francisco lezcano, who named it carolina, in honor of cárlos ii, and the whole archipelago finally took its name from it. they number about 525 islands counting reefs and uninhabited rocks, and contain about 525 square miles. in the beginning of the eighteenth century they were entirely abandoned by spain, and were only brought back to public notice in the beginning of the nineteenth century through several scientific expeditions. gradually german commercial interests became paramount, and in 1885 the german flag was hoisted in the island of yap in the presence of two spanish gunboats. the pope arbitrating on the matter declared that the islands belonged to spain, but gave special privileges to germany. in 1899, the carolinas, palaos, and all of the ladrones except guam were ceded to germany in payment of 16,750,000 marks. see montero y vidal's archipiélago, pp. 483-505 (who gives the propositions submitted by the pope); gregorio miguel's estudio sobre las islas carolinas; and new international encyclopædia. [106] the volcano of apo is located on the highest summit of the philippines, which is 10,311 ft. high. the first to attempt its ascent was josé oyangúren in 1859, but he failed. it was first ascended in 1880 by montano, joaquin rajal, and mateo gisbert, s. j. see census of philippines, i, pp. 202-204. [107] the bilans are an exceedingly timid and wild people, fleeing, it is said, even from moros with whom they are unacquainted. they inhabit the mountains south and west of lake bulúan, in south mindanao, their range being southeast of that of the tirurayes. their religion is a sort of demon worship and they are very superstitious. they do not live in communities but each family by itself in a house at least one-half mile from any other house. the brief examination of those houses by lieutenant h. rodgers of the philippine scouts, leads to the belief that the bilans are a race superior to the moro, being more cleanly, industrious, and more wealthy. the moros do not allow them to trade direct with the chinese merchants. see census of philippines, i, pp. 560, 561. [108] dr. barrows says (census of philippines, i, p. 461): "manobo is a native word which, in the bagobo language on the gulf of dávao, means 'man.' it is so given in padre gisbert's vocabulary and also in a special vocabulary taken for the ethnological survey. blumentritt, however, suggests--and i believe with merit--that manobo here in northern mindanao is a derivation of manubo, which is itself derived from masuba, meaning 'people of the river.' this term manobo should be retained for all of this great group living along the affluents and tributary streams of the river agusan, and the term might, with propriety, i believe, be extended to the montes farther west and back of misamis. if there are objections to applying the term manobo to these pagans of misamis, i would suggest the application of our general term bukidnon." [109] this letter is addressed directly to the superior of the mission. [110] on the prevailing custom of making slaves among the peoples in mindanao, father gisbert says in a letter written may 20, 1886 (cartas, manila, 1887): "the slavehunt is not always easy. by availing themselves of tricks and surprises, they can generally capture the old people, women, and the children easily. they first kill those who can make any resistance." [111] literally "shields." that is, the rice was measured into the shield. [112] i.e., so so, or, just as it was. [113] on the moros, see census of philippines, i, pp. 465-467, 561-585. [114] the yakan are a primitive malayan tribe of the same type and general culture as the subanon of the mindanao mainland, who live in basilan, and who, some generations ago, accepted the mahometan faith and are fanatical adherents thereof. they live scattered over the island cultivating a little maize, rice, and tapioca, bringing out some jungle product, but living as a whole miserably and in poverty. some of them have migrated to the peninsula of zamboanga and the islands adjacent to this coast. see census of philippines, i, pp. 465, 466. [115] according to census of philippines, the population of the comandancia of basilan is 30,179, of whom 28,848 are uncivilized. [116] among the sámal laút boys are trained for the priesthood by making their homes with priests, where they remain for several years in the capacity of servant and pupil. occasionally, when grown they are sent to singapore for continuous study, but such cases are rare. if a man goes to mekka he is given the honorable title of pilgrim and is held in high consideration. see census of philippines, i, p. 571. [117] i.e., a distance of two palm-lengths. [118] a dish made in the philippines from the inner and harder shell of the cocoanut.--see echegaray's diccionario etimológico, and noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario de la lengua tagala. [119] see beliefs and superstitions of the north american indians in regard to eclipses in jesuit relations (cleveland reissue), vi, p. 223, xii, pp. 31, 73, xxii, p. 295. [120] the principal articles of food are rice, for which corn is sometimes substituted, fish, chickens, vegetables, wild fruits, and cocoanut oil. the natives are fond of chickens and eggs, and most families raise poultry for the table. pork is forbidden by their faith, and the use of venison, or the flesh of the carabao, ox, sheep, or goat, is limited, the moros being apparently not fond of meat. see census of philippines, i, p. 564. [121] cogon (imperata koenigii) is a species of grass of general natural growth, the young shoots of which afford excellent food for cattle. the grass is used in some localities as a substitute for nipa, where the latter does not grow, in thatching roofs. the name "cogon" is applied to many coarse, rank-growing grasses. see census of philippines, iv, p. 118. [122] we give the verses in the original language with the spanish translation of father pablo cavallería, and add the english translation of the latter, which is necessarily crude. [123] an authority among the moros, after the panglima, and as well a name denoting nobility of race and blood. see cartas de ... la mision de filipinas (manila, 1887), p. 34, note. [124] the letter occupies pp. 326-349, and is accompanied by an ethnographical map (which we do not reproduce) made by the fathers of the society of jesuits. our extract relates to the ethnology of mindanao, and occupies pp. 336-349. [125] dr. barrows (census of philippines, i, pp. 462, 463), says in speaking of the tribes of mindanao that the term indonesian has been applied to some of them to explain their higher stature and finer physique, which means that they are connected with people of mixed caucasian blood, who were in primitive times distributed across the malay archipelago, and who find their purest living type in the polynesians. he does not accept the evidence, as the perceptible gain in height among such peoples is not apparently accompanied by the other distinguishing marks of the caucasian or polynesian, and consequently regards them as malayan. see also le roy's philippine life (new york, 1905), p. 20. [126] see laws of the sámal laút in regard to family and social life in census of philippines, i, p. 569. [127] the root of the plant gabe (colocasia antiquorum variety) is highly prized and extensively cultivated, the leaves also being used as food. of the resins and oils mentioned, piayo, also called conferal and galagala (agathis orantifolia--salisb.) is used for burning and lighting, and the manufacture of varnish; and balao or malapaho (dipterocarpus velulinno--bl.) is used for calking. see census of philippines, iv, pp. 121, 202, 221; and philippine gazetteer, p. 78. [128] cabo negro (caryota urens) is a palm from which a kind of starch or sago is extracted. the camagon (diospyros discolor) is a native persimmon tree 30 to 45 ft. high growing in luzón and some of the other islands. see census of philippines, iv, pp. 139, 143. [129] salt is produced by evaporation, from a method taught prior to the coming of the spaniards by the chinese. sea-water, enclosed in a depression surrounded by dykes, is evaporated by the sun's rays; when the water has disappeared, the salt deposited on the floor of the basin is gathered up and cleaned by filtration. see census of philippines, iv, p. 469. [130] this is the musa sapientum, which is a variety of banana. this fiber is inferior to abacá. see census of philippines, iv, p. 167. [131] see census of philippines, i, pp. 566, 567, for the industrial life of the moros. the occupation of smith is especially honorable. [132] the coripha minor. its trunk is black and very straight, and the wood is very hard. it is also used for making stockades and for conducting water. see blanco, p. 161. [133] blanco describes a shrub called tubli, the fruit of which is very small, and which he does not believe to belong to the species galactia under which he describes it. the lagtan or lactang (anamirta cocculus) is a coarse woody plant whose stems are used for tying and binding. the wood is of a yellow color. it like the preceding plant makes the fish that eat mixtures containing it exhibit the appearance of intoxication so that they can be caught by the hand. the fruit is called bayati by the natives. see census of philippines, iv, p. 155; blanco, pp. 411, 557, 558. [134] the claims often put forward by many writers that some of the peoples of the philippines arise from a mixture of chinese and japanese blood with the malay have no foundation. the chinese have, it is true, mingled with almost every tribe in the archipelago, but they have not given rise to a new tribe or race. [135] i.e., they are a negrito tribe. [136] this is the calamus maximus, a very large species of rattan. see blanco, pp. 185, 186; and census of philippines, iv, p. 159. [137] see ante, p. 241, note 106. [138] throughout the friar chronicles and accounts the words "reduce" and "reduction" are frequently employed. as used the words have a rather wide application. the primary meaning is of course "conversion" to the christian faith, but along with this idea must be understood the settlement of the converts in villages in a civilized manner, where they could be under the immediate eye of their spiritual directors. hence the words bear in a sense a two-fold meaning--the one religious, and the other civil. [139] an allusion to joseph montano's rapport à m. le ministre de l'instruction publique sur une mission aux îles philippines et en malaise (paris, 1885). of him pardo de tavera says (biblioteca filipino, p. 270): "doctor montano is a french anthropologist and physician.... this book is very important and the author divides it into five parts, namely, geology, meteorology, anthropology, pathology, and dialects and political geography, with a few notices regarding agriculture and commerce. the most important chapters are those relating to anthropology and linguistics." [140] census of philippines, i, p. 473, calls these people a branch of the mandayas. [141] dr. barrows (census of philippines, i, p. 460) restricts the term "buquidnon" to mountain-dwellers in luzón and the visayas, who escaped reduction when those islands were christianized. the term "buquidnon" means "people of the mountain forest." [142] these are the negritos. aetas is the oldest known name for that people. it is probably derived from the tagálog word itim, "black." in many places the negrito seems to have disappeared by absorption into the conquering malay race. there are about 23,000 of them still in the islands. see census of philippines, i, pp. 468, 478, 532, 533. [143] dr. barrows (census, i, p. 471) calls this people a division of the bagobos. [144] the bagobos, together with the moros and mandayas, are migratory in habit, though they do not leave the province. they are said to be fire worshipers. the blood feud prevails. the ocacola bagobos have discontinued their annual sacrifice which they would eat. see census of philippines, i, pp. 462, 463, 531. [145] called by barrows (census, i, p. 470) a bagobo tribe. [146] see ante, p. 199, note 84. [147] a more complete title of this book by jose gumilla, s. j., is, el orinoco ilustrado, historia natural, civil, y geographica, de este gran rio ... govierno, usos y costumbres de los indios sus habitadores (madrid, 1741). [148] see ante, p. 197, note 82. pardo de tavera derives tiruray from atew rooter, "people living above," that is, "up the river." this branch of the manobos are described by first lieut. g. s. turner, tenth u. s. infantry, who collected information for the census among them, "as ignorant, shiftless savages ruled by superstitions and fear, with little moral or legal restraint upon their desires or passions. they were formerly much preyed upon by moros and manobos, but they are troubled no longer in this respect." see census of philippines, i, pp. 462, 549-552. [149] the sámal are an exceedingly important element in the sulu archipelago. their former locus, where the pure sámal dialect was spoken, is in the islands between basilan and joló, especially tonguil and balanguingui. these were the very latest pirate haunts to be broken up by the spaniards. the sámal are now scattered along the coast of zamboanga and nearly everywhere in the archipelago of sulu. see census of philippines, i, p. 475. [150] it is the custom among the heathen to change, suppress, and add vowels. for example: biñag for buñag, "baptism;" bidi for budi, "girl;" isug for usug, "man;" buhay for bahay, "woman;" guianga for guanga, "forest;" inay for ina, "mother;" budiay for budi; di for dili, "no;" etc.--pablo pastells, s. j. [151] an important pagan tribe whose habitat is about the bay of sibuguey and the bay of dumanquilas. see census of philippines, i, pp. 461, 462, 476. [152] "the campaign of general terrero in 1887 against the sultanates of buhayen, bacat, and kuduranga in the 'cuenca' of the pulangui resulted in the occupation of liong, bacat, and kuduranga, taking possession likewise at this time of the cove of pujaga (east coast) of the bay of sarangani, the port of lebak, and that of santa maria, commencing work on the trocha of tukuran." memoria de mindanao by julian gonzales parrado. in 1902 two military roads were planned by general george w. davis through mindanao, one passing from the south and one from the north coast of mindanao into the very heart of the moro country, and meeting on the waters of lake lanao. see the story of the building of the roads by major r. l. bullard of the 28th u.s. infantry, who is stationed at iligan, mindanao, in the atlantic monthly for december, 1903. [153] governor narciso clavería personally conducted an expedition against the moros in 1848. the three vessels were under command of josé ruiz de apodaca, of the royal navy. he administered heavy defeats on the moros at several points. the expedition of antonio de urbistondo against joló was made in 1850-1851. the expedition of jose malcampo y monje was made in 1875. by these three expeditions the moro power was badly crippled. see montero y vidal, historia de la piratería, and historia general, iii. [154] speaking of the efforts of the jesuits in mindanao in his memoria de mindanao, julian gonzales parrado says: "this proper zeal causes them, nevertheless, not to see this question clearly and leads them to an excusable optimism, but which gives them credit for the success obtained in so many years of preaching and teaching as to what relates to the moros. in spite of their efforts, sacrifices, and infinite constancy, neither in joló nor in mindanao have they succeeded during the three centuries in causing to be admitted into the labarum of the evangelist more than an insignificant number of mahometans, and even of this small contingent of converts and baptized, nearly all have been observed to have abjured their new religion and returned to their former practices as soon as possible; or the interest or the danger that impelled them at receiving the baptism more than anything else, has ceased." he concludes by saying that this is not to the discredit of the jesuits, but due to the peculiarities of the moros, and to their fanatic religion. it is advised that no forcible attempt be made to convert them, but that they adopt christianity only if they so desire. [155] this volume of the cartas is accompanied by a large map of mindanao. [156] taclobo is the tagálog name of a large snail; here used for the shell. [157] masalicampo, or maestre de campo is a title which was formerly given to the monteses, who had distinguished themselves in any service for spain or its government, by the superior authorities; for instance, by fighting against the moros in favor of our banner, as is seen by the title despatched at the petition of father ducós, s. j. (note to this letter, p. 176). [158] the xanthostemon verdugonianus--naves, of the family of myrtaceæ, allied to the iron wood of java. it is found in luzón and mindanao, and is a hard, heavy wood, exceedingly difficult to work. see important philippine woods (manila, 1901), pp. 65, 66. [159] there is a species of tree called baticulin, which is the litsea obtusata of villar, and the olax baticulin of blanco, belonging to the family laurineæ. it is extensively used for cabinet making and carving, and is not readily attacked by the white ant. blanco (pp. 351, 352) describes a wood millingtonia quadripinnata, which he also calls baticulin, and which is easily worked and extensively used for carving. it is called ansohan in the visayas islands. the latter is probably the wood meant in the text. see blanco, and important philippine woods, pp. 31-33. [160] vicente fragante, one of the philippine government students in the university of wisconsin (1906), an ilocano, says that the term mangkukulam is used in ilocos to signify an invisible being. whenever anything is lost or disappears, it is supposed that the mangkukulam has stolen it. the term pogot is used to signify a big black man. it is the bugaboo of the filipino mothers with which they threaten refractory children. in some families an image to represent the pogot is shown to the children to cause them to be good. the pogot is said to inhabit unfinished or deserted houses, and to sit on the window-sill at night where he smokes a large pipe. in sparsely-settled districts the pogot also inhabits santol, tamarind, and lomboy trees. it is the custom of the small ilocano boys, who partly live the belief, and who also wish to frighten their more timid playmates of the other sex, to make a great racket about the supposed abodes of the pogot, with tin cans and other instruments in order to scare him away. at night when the pogot is frightened or angered, he throws stones at the houses. these stones have the power of passing completely through the walls of the house, and strike against the dishes in the place where they are kept. the dishes are, however, unharmed, as neither are the people who may be struck by those stones. ansisit is an ilocan term for a sort of scarecrow, which is used to scare the children into goodness. it consists of an old coat through the arms of which is thrust a stick, while another stick is placed at right angles to it, thus enabling the coat to be set up or moved. the manila newspaper la democracia, of august 29, 1903, contains an item in regard to some men who were hanged for killing a "witch." [161] noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario de la lengua tagala defines abobót, the same word as abubut, as a basket woven from rattan, which has a lid. [162] native of the philippines, with medical experience, but no title. see appleton's new velázquez dictionary. mediquillo is literally "little, or petty physician." [163] probably the dissertation sur les maladies convulso-clenico-toniques en général ([montpellier], 1806), by joseph boy y santa maria. gutenberg (this file was partially produced from images generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries.) the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume l, 1764-1800 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume l preface 9 document of 1764-1800 events in filipinas, 1764-1800. [compiled from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas.] 23 miscellaneous documents, 1766-1771 financial affairs of the islands, 1766. francisco leandro de viana; manila, july 10, 1766. 77 letter from viana to carlos iii. f. l. de viana; manila, may 1, 1767. 118 anda's memorial to the spanish government. simon de anda y salazar; madrid, april 12, 1768. 137 ordinances of good government. [compiled by governors corcuera (1642), cruzat y góngora (1696), and raón (1768).] 191 instructions to the secular clergy. basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina; manila, october 25, 1771. 265 the expulsion of the jesuits, 1768-69. [compiled from various sources.] 269 the council of 1771. [letter by a franciscan friar]; manila, december 13, 1771. 317 bibliographical data. 323 illustrations plan of the city of manila and its environs and suburbs on the other side of the river, by the pilot francisco xavier estorgo y gallegos, 1770; photographic facsimile from original ms. map (in colors) in archivo general de indias, sevilla 35 plan of the present condition of manila and its environs, drawn by the engineer feliciano márquez, manila, september 30, 1767; photographic facsimile from original ms. map (in colors) in archivo general de indias, sevilla 83 map of the river of cagayan, showing town sites along its banks, 1720(?); drawn by juan luis de acosta; photographic facsimile from original ms map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 182, 183 map of manila bay, port of cavite, and lake of bay, showing depths of various parts of the bay, drawn by the engineer feliciano márquez, september 28, 1767; from original ms. map (in colors) in archivo general de indias, sevilla 201 map of guam, one of the marianas islands, in concepción's historia general (sampaloc, 1788-1792), vii, facing p. 145; photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 291 preface in this volume is a brief outline of events from the restoration of manila by the english (1764) to 1800; and a group of documents relating to the more important topics in the first decade of that period. the condition of the islands and their people at that time is well described by the able and patriotic officials viana and anda; and the "ordinances of good government" are an important addition to our sources of information regarding the administration of justice in filipinas. the most important event of that time was the expulsion of the jesuits from the spanish dominions, although its great significance in europe was but feebly reflected in those remote colonies. in a brief summary are noted the leading events in filipinas from 1764 to 1800. manila is restored to the spanish authorities by the english on march 31, 1764; a few months before, archbishop rojo had died, in captivity. the brief term of the temporary governor, torre, contains little that is noteworthy, outside of a controversy between the civil government and the religious orders, occasioned by the imprudent utterances of a jesuit preacher. in july, 1765, arrives the new governor, josé raón, in whose term occurs the expulsion of the jesuits from the islands, a matter treated more fully in a later document; he also publishes a revision of the laws compiled earlier by arandia. the city of manila first coins small copper money about this time. the old controversy regarding episcopal visitation of the regular curas is revived (1767) by archbishop santa justa y rufina, and it is complicated by raón's attempt to enforce the royal rights of patronage; bitter controversies arise, and are carried to the madrid court. after the capture of manila by the english, the moros had renewed their piracies, and ravaged the entire archipelago, year after year--even entrenching themselves and opening a slave market on mindoró island. later, an expedition is sent to drive them out of this stronghold, which is successful. in 1770, the patriot anda returns to filipinas as its governor; he brings suit against raón and other officials for misconduct in office, which is proved against them; but they and their friends rouse bitter opposition against him, and hinder his labors for the country. incited by reports of another english invasion, he strengthens the fortifications of manila bay. his appointment was unwelcome to the friars, and he makes official remonstrance against the abuses prevalent among them, and calls for corrections of these. attempting to enforce the royal rights of patronage, all the orders save the dominicans refuse to obey; but later royal orders (1776) make provision for more gradual secularization of the curacies in filipinas, and somewhat modify the enforcement of the episcopal visitation--to secure which santa justa had convened a provincial council at manila in 1771, which was afterward disapproved by the king. difficulties arise with the moros of joló through the imprudence of an envoy sent thither by anda, and through the military establishment made by the english on an islet near joló. the moros seize this fort by treachery (1775) and kill most of the englishmen in it; this success emboldens the moros to ravage the spanish islands again. in the following year the king sends 50,000 pesos to filipinas for building light vessels to follow up those pirates. the weight of anda's official responsibility, and the constant attacks of his enemies, cause his death, october 30, 1776. he is succeeded by basco y vargas, an energetic, able, and conscientious officer. the auditors conspire against him, but he arrests them and ships them to spain; he then devotes himself to the welfare of the country and the development of its resources. he makes all possible efforts to promote agriculture, industries, and commerce; founds the celebrated "economic society;" improves the schools, punishes highwaymen, reorganizes the army, and repairs the forts; visits the provinces in person, and informs himself of their condition; places the public revenues on a sound basis; and checks the moro piracies for a time. nevertheless, he is disliked and opposed by some of the citizens, and resigns his post as governor (1787); his temporary successor is pedro sarrio, who finds it necessary to allow the regular curas to resume their parish charges. the next proprietary governor, félix berenguer de marquina, assumes his office on july 1, 1788. after becoming acquainted with the condition of the islands, he sends to the home government proposals for the reforms which seem desirable for filipinas. various events in his term of office are related, but there is little in them of unusual importance. in 1793 he is succeeded by aguilar. new alarms of another english invasion oblige him to give attention first to the defenses of manila and the improvement of the army. in the last days of 1796, a powerful spanish fleet, commanded by álava, arrives at manila, sent thither for the defense of the islands in the war with great britain, which began in that year. sailing to attack the english trading-fleet from china, álava encounters a fierce hurricane, which drives him back to manila. endeavoring to improve the navy of the islands, and to reorganize the arsenals, he encounters official corruption and other difficulties, and is involved in long controversies with aguilar and the royal officials at manila. in 1797, the acapulco galleon is wrecked soon after leaving cavite, through "its commander's complete ignorance of nautical affairs," occasioning heavy loss to the citizens of manila. álava is compelled, by the continual danger of an attack by the english, to remain near the city for its defense; but he does all in his power to protect its commerce and improve the administration of its navy, and finally returns to spain in 1803. on august 8, 1806, aguilar dies, having held his office longer than any other governor before or since. a detailed statement of the financial affairs of the islands in 1766 is furnished by the royal fiscal at manila, francisco leandro de viana. he aims to show how the philippines can be made self-supporting, and even more, by proper retrenchments of expense and by increasing the revenues of government through the abolition of certain privileges and exemptions, the establishment of various monopolies, and, if necessary, the increase of the tributes paid by the natives. this last item produces 250,000 pesos annually; but nearly all of this is paid out for "the spiritual administration" of the indians, so that, according to viana, "the religious orders profit by and receive almost all the proceeds from the tributes." hence the need of the royal situado each year from mexico, to pay the civil and military expenses of the government. viana enumerates the other profits derived from the indians by the religious who are charged with their spiritual care, and mentions numerous other sources of income which they possess. in short, "all the profit of the islands accrues to the ecclesiastical estate;" the royal treasury is heavily indebted, and cannot meet the enormous expenses; "the provinces are at the mercy of the moros, and everything is in danger of total ruin, unless suitable remedies are applied in time." for this purpose viana advocates various retrenchments of expenses, especially of those now incurred for the support of the ecclesiastical estate in the islands. he recommends that the exemptions of certain indian chiefs and church servants from tribute-paying be abolished; that the "barangays" be suppressed, and the native villages reduced to parishes; that changes and reforms be made in the dealings of the provincial alcaldes with the crown; that offices be not sold, but granted as rewards of merit; that certain royal imposts be increased; that some privileges be sold at auction; and that monopolies be established on playing-cards, cock-fighting, and tobacco, not only in manila but throughout the provinces and islands--to all of which the monopolies on wine and buyo might profitably be extended, which "would produce for the royal treasury enormous sums." from all these sources, the royal treasury will obtain enough income "to maintain the islands with respectable forces, and to make good the expenses hitherto caused to the royal revenue," without the necessity of increasing the tribute paid by the natives. but, if this last expedient be deemed necessary, he shows what will be the proceeds from increasing the tribute from ten reals to two, three, and four pesos respectively. the fiscal viana shows himself to be a capable and honest official; but he evidently must contend with forces and conditions--greed for gain, official corruption, fraud, negligence and waste--that cannot be overcome without entire reform and reorganization of the colonial administration. with all his ability, he nevertheless regards the native peoples, as so many other european officials have done, as legitimate subjects for reckless exploitation; but in the light of modern thought and investigation his proposed expedients seem both short-sighted and ruinous. in some cases they would be diabolical, if their author could have realized what their effects would be, as with the proposed extension of the vicious monopolies (gambling, and the use of tobacco and wine) throughout the islands. he himself says, "even the boys and girls use the said tobacco before they are old enough to exercise their reason." another document of especial interest is a report by viana (may 1, 1767) to the king and the council of the indias, apparently the final one sent by him as fiscal. the subjects which it chiefly discusses are, the necessity of rendering trade free between the spaniards and the indians in the provinces, and that of instructing the natives in the spanish language. as it is, the indians seldom understand that language, outside of manila, and dare not use it in presence of the religious. the latter, viana says, are absolute despots in the islands, and, to conceal this from the authorities, they keep the natives in ignorance of the spanish language; and they allow no spaniard to enter their villages except by special permission of the cura, and for the time of three days only. he complains of their insolence, greed for dominion, disregard of all laws that do not suit their convenience, intrigues to prevent the enforcement of law, and oppression of the natives. these evils are incurable so long as the present mode of secular government continues. the interests of the king and his exchequer, and the government of the provinces, are shamefully neglected; the governor is indolent and covetous, seeks his own profit, and leaves business affairs to his secretary--who in turn neglects those which do not yield him gain. viana urges that the superintendency of the exchequer be separated from the governor's office, as a partial remedy for the disorder and neglect which it has suffered; also the surrender of civil government in the provinces to the sole charge of the audiencia, and the reduction of all the natives into parishes. he describes the intrigues within the orders which attend the appointments therein to the parishes under their charge, and claims that the missions are in consequence rapidly decaying. he renews his complaint of the despotic rule practiced by the friar curas, over both natives and alcaldes; and declares that the only cure for this will be, to subject the curas to episcopal visitation. viana closes by urging that better governors be sent to the islands. further light on the condition of the islands after the english invasion is furnished by a notable memorial to the spanish government, written by the patriot anda (april 12, 1768). far the greater part of this is devoted to the abuses resulting from the arrogance and lawlessness of the friars, with anda's recommendations for measures to counteract those abuses; and to his text we add the helpful annotations made thereon by dr. pardo de tavera. the inadequate and defective education furnished by the manila universities leads anda to recommend that they be abolished, and replaced by a secular foundation. he complains of the tyranny exerted by the regulars over the secular clergy and over the indians, their refusal to acknowledge the episcopal authority, their defiance of the secular government, their greed for gain (extorting all they can get from the indians, although they receive large stipends and contributions from the government, and acquiring large estates, besides engaging in a lucrative trade), their persecutions of any spaniards who attempt to visit or trade in the indian villages, their protection of the infidel chinese, their persistent neglect to teach the spanish language to the indians and their holding the latter in ignorance in order to retain their domination over them. the regulars also neglect their spiritual work, do nothing to check the vagrant life of many indians, tyrannize over the alcaldes, and incite the indians to hate the spaniards. anda urges that they be compelled to submit to episcopal visitation, to give up trade, to cease from meddling with all affairs of secular government, and to teach the spanish language to the natives; and, if they prove contumacious, that they be expelled from the islands. at the end of the memorial, anda touches on some other abuses which need correction: the choice of friars as bishops, the mismanagement of the royal storehouses, the undue expense of the acapulco galleon, the failure to tax the production of gold, and the neglect to subdue the inland tribes of luzón. he advocates the operation of the philippine mines, revision of the commercial regulations, recoinage of money, reorganization of the colonial government, and more care in selecting the governors of the islands, with the grant to them of more power to correct abuses. of decided importance in this series are the ordinances of good government of corcuera and cruzat (with later additions), and those of raón (revising those of arandía, of 1768), which were intended for the guidance of alcaldes, corregidors, and other judicial officials. while in actual use they were never of the transcendental importance in executive, legislative, and judicial matters that might be imagined from their context, because they are for the most part merely a record on paper (especially those of raón), and were almost entirely disregarded; yet they are valuable, as they show the spanish treatment of natives, and reveal social and economic conditions. although the source from which we translate and synopsize presents first the ordinances of raón, we have preferred to follow the more chronological arrangement, and hence begin with those of corcuera and cruzat. the ordinances of corcuera, which were formulated in 1642, are revised by cruzat, because such revision is demanded by the changed conditions that have come with the lapse of time. the first thirty-eight are the more valuable portion of these first ordinances, and are the result of the revision of those of corcuera. they are much more clear-cut than most of the remaining twenty-three ordinances, some of which are vague and full of loopholes. as a whole, these first sixty-one ordinances regulate the conduct of the alcaldes-mayor in their official and private life in all lines--moral, religious, judicial, economic, etc. from them one obtains almost a full glimpse of the life of the times; he sees the canker of graft which was working in and through everything; gains a knowledge of the spanish treatment of their wards, the natives, from the different standpoints of government paternalism, and individual rapacity, half-contempt, and cruelty of subordinate officials and others; notes the corrective measures that were taken, often halting and inadequate; and above all, is conscious of that peculiar method of spanish legislation which, while apparently giving subordinate officials a free hand, drew them back to the center by threats of the residencia. the ordinances of raón are ninety-four in number, many of which are repetitions of the foregoing, while some contain amendments and additions, and some again, are new. there is, for instance, considerably more legislation relating to the ecclesiastical estate in these later ordinances, which touch upon certain abuses common among them in their treatment of the natives and in their relations with the government. less drastic, in many ways, than those of arandía (of which no known copy is extant), they are more drastic than those of corcuera and cruzat, in the treatment of both religious and natives. the scheme of government outlined in both sets of ordinances is a simple and in some ways effective one, but its effects were never fully seen, because of the almost total disregard of the measures contained therein. in 1771, archbishop de santa justa issued instructions to the secular clergy which forcibly indicate the need of many reforms among them, in both their official and their private conduct. one of the most important events in the history of filipinas was the expulsion of the jesuit order therefrom in 1768, an account of which is here presented, prefaced by a brief statement of the expulsion of that order from spain and its domains, and the causes of that measure; it proves to be the final stroke in the long conflict between the spanish crown and the popes of rome over the prerogatives of authority claimed by the former in ecclesiastical matters. the jesuits had always upheld the principle of authority, as exercised by the holy see, and were therefore opposed to the claims of the spanish monarchs; moreover, the ideas of freedom brought from france in that period were already fermenting in spain, and had great influence in the minds of carlos iii and his ministers; and they saw that the expulsion of the jesuits from the spanish dominions would remove the chief obstacles to their designs for governmental reforms and independence of papal interference. in filipinas this expulsion does not proceed as desired by the spanish court, with secrecy and promptness; the venal governor (raón) warns the jesuits of their fate, enabling them to make all preparations for their departure. legal proceedings are therefore brought against raón and his associates in their residencias, but some of them die before the suits are ended; and anda, who instituted these by royal order, is nevertheless impeded in every way, and afterward sentenced to heavy fines, through the machinations of his enemies. a decree by the archbishop (november 1, 1769) censures the officious proceeding of an auditor, who seized and prohibited certain books hostile to the jesuits. a letter (december 13, 1771) from a franciscan friar at manila, relates various ecclesiastical disputes in connection with the diocesan council of 1771. the editors april, 1907. document of 1764-1800 events in filipinas, 1764-1800. compiled from montero y vidal. source: compiled from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas, ii, pp. 66-70, 115-140, 229-382. translation: this is made by emma helen blair. events in filipinas, 1764-1800 archbishop rojo, ad interim governor of the islands at the time of the english attack on manila, died on january 30, 1764, a prisoner in the hands of the conquerors. [1] a few days later, anda received despatches from spain notifying him of the treaty of peace made with england, and he immediately entered into negotiations with the english for the surrender of manila, which was accomplished on march 31 following. there was a dispute over the question of who should succeed rojo in the government of the islands, an honor which was certainly due to the patriot anda, who was, however, opposed by some of the citizens; but this was settled by the arrival of colonel francisco de la torre, appointed governor ad interim of the islands, to whom anda surrendered his command on march 17. the revolts and other disturbances in the provinces, consequent on the english occupancy, and their suppression, are noted in vol. xlix; cf. montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, chap. iii, and ferrando, hist. pp. dominicos, v, pp. 640-644, 651-740, for fuller accounts of these, and of the chinese insurrection which then occurred. ferrando makes (p. 739) the following interesting citation from an unnamed but "reliable" writer: "there died in this war some seventy spaniards and two hundred and fifty natives, who, as good subjects, fought even unto death for their king. before the insurrection there were in the province [of pangasinan] 60,383 souls; and according to the computation which was made on may 13, 1766, there were in it only 33,456; consequently the loss for the entire province was 26,927 souls. many of these inhabitants emigrated, others perished from their privations, and no small number were killed by the barbarians." [2] during torre's temporary command the most important occurrence was a noisy controversy which was called forth by the imprudent and meddlesome utterances of a jesuit preacher in manila, francisco javier puch, attacking government officials. [3] the governor with the aid of the fiscal viana, attempted to secure the punishment or rebuke of puch, but the dominican theologians took sides against them with the jesuits; [4] the dispute was carried to the court at madrid, and produced long and bitter controversies and dissensions, and probably was one of the motives which influenced the king, some years later, to expel the jesuits from his dominions. on july 6, 1765, the new proprietary governor, josé raon, a military officer of high rank, relieved torre; he appears to have been able but unscrupulous. [5] he is most conspicuous for his revision of the "ordinances of good government" drawn up by arandía (see post, pp. 191-264), the revision being dated february 26, 1768; and for the expulsion of the jesuits from the islands (1768), in pursuance of the orders received from madrid dated march 1, 1767--which matter is related in detail in the last document of this volume. in 1769 he also decreed the expulsion of the chinese from filipinas, although this was not fully enforced. early in october, 1766, the french astronomer le gentil, whose voyage (paris, 1781) is a valuable contribution at once to science and to the history of filipinas at that time, arrived at manila, commissioned by the french government to make observations on the approaching transit of venus. "on account of the scarcity of copper money in manila, the senior regidor of the municipal council, domingo gómez de la sierra, in 1766 [6] requested authorization to make the said coins, with the name of barrillas, because their shape was that of a parallelogram. the government complied with this request, ordaining that only [the amount of] 5,000 pesos should be coined, to be used only in tondo and cavite. from that time, the indians gave the name barrilla to copper coins." "the municipal council again asked for authority to make the barrillas, for use in various provinces; and by royal decree of december 19, 1769, order was given to send from mexico 6,000 pesos in cuartillos (that is, fourths of silver reals)--with the provision that the coin [previously] made should be gathered in, and that what should be necessary should be made with the royal arms, within the limits allowed to san domingo, as appears in ley 8, tit. xxiv, [book iv,] of the recopilación de indias." in 1766 there were two very fierce eruptions of the volcano mayón, in albay, occurring on july 20 and october 23; in the second, vast quantities of water were ejected, forming rivers and torrents, which destroyed some villages and many lives, and ruined many homes and farms. [7] on july 22, 1767, the new archbishop, basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina, [8] took possession of the see of manila, and immediately undertook to subject the regular curas to his diocesan visitation, thus reviving the camacho controversy of 1697-1700 (see vol. xlii, pp. 25-116) with the religious orders; but santa justa had the support of the civil authority, which had orders to enforce the royal rights of patronage. "the governor of the islands, on his side, communicated to the provincials of the religious orders rigorous commands that they must submit to the royal rights of patronage: that within a short time-limit they should present their lists of three names each [sus ternas] for appointments to all the curacies; and that in future they might not remove any religious from his post without informing the viceregal patron of the causes, whether public or private, for such action." the dominican province, in a provincial council of august 5, 1767, yielded to the archbishop's claims, and during the following year he visited all the parishes administered by them; but some individuals refused to obey the council. the other orders obstinately resisted the episcopal visitation, declaring that they would abandon their curacies if it were enforced. thereupon, the archbishop appointed secular priests to the vacant curacies, including those of the parián, binondo, and bataan, which were in charge of the dominicans. [9] as the number of spanish priests was so small, the archbishop made up the deficiency by ordaining natives from the seminaries; but this measure caused great resentment among the regulars and their supporters, and santa justa himself was disappointed in its effects, as the native clergy were generally so unfit for the office of priest in both education and morals. [10] complaints to the king were made by both the religious orders and the archbishop, filled with mutual accusations and recriminations; and raon withdrew his support from the latter, ceasing to press the claims of the royal patronage--influenced thereto, according to montero y vidal, by the intrigues of the jesuits, who were enemies to santa justa. the support given by the dominicans to the jesuits in the puch affair was censured by the dominican general (fray tomás de bojadors), who punished the philippine provincial, fray joaquín del rosario, and two of his brethren by depriving them of office and recalling them to madrid. they availed themselves of various technicalities to delay their return for a long time; but finally two of them were sent from manila late in december, 1778. fray joaquín del rosario (his companion having died on the voyage) was captured by the english, but afterward regained his liberty and proceeded to madrid, where the dispute was finally settled in an amicable manner. after the capture of manila by the english, the moros renewed their piratical incursions, the spanish authorities being so burdened with the insurrections of the natives and the chinese, the lack of revenues, and the general disturbance of the colony's affairs, that they could do nothing to curb the insolence of the moros. those cruel pirates therefore ravaged the entire archipelago, even capturing fishing-boats in manila bay; and everywhere the coast villages were destroyed or depopulated, and the native population kept in continual terror of this inhuman foe. bishop ezpeleta, while temporary governor, had disbanded the little fleet at iligan commanded by the jesuits ducós, which had been some check on the enemy, but governor rojo reëstablished the pintados fleet, with headquarters at cebú; nevertheless, this could do little to restrain them. there was a general attack by the joloans and mindanaos, [11] well aided by the tirones and malanaos; and so insolent did they become that they captured two richly-laden champans on the mariveles coast, and entrenched themselves at mamburao, on mindoro island, and sold their filipino captives to the macasar traders who resorted thither. a small squadron was collected at cavite, which conveyed over 1,200 men to attack this moro fort; [12] after several days of skirmishing, the enemy fled, and the spaniards seized their stronghold, finding therein sufficient rice and other property to more than pay the expenses of the expedition. another moro band, however, made amends for this loss by gaining possession of the fort at cateel, with all its contents; but on going to besiege that at tandag they were repulsed and defeated, leaving behind all their arms and supplies. in 1767 anda went to madrid, where he was praised and richly rewarded for his brave conduct during the english invasion; and the king made him a member of the council of castilla. later, the post of governor of filipinas was offered to him; he several times refused the honor, but finally yielded to the urgent request of the government, and in july, 1770 made his entry into manila, where he was received with unbounded enthusiasm. his instructions made it necessary for him to institute legal proceedings against his predecessor raon, who was accused of having warned the jesuits of their intended expulsion, and of having secreted important official documents. raon was held a prisoner in his house, but died before the suit could be tried in court. in this suit were also included two auditors and the royal fiscal, and they and their friends attacked anda bitterly, causing him numberless vexations in his efforts to fix on them the responsibility for misconduct in the affair of the jesuit expulsion. it was reported in spain that the english intended to make another attack on manila; anda therefore repaired the walls of the city [13] and constructed ships, and within eight months had built and equipped twelve armed vessels of various sizes, besides several smaller craft. notwithstanding this enterprise, the public revenues were greatly increased during the first year, [14] and thus anda was able to send several expeditions against the moro pirates. an earthquake [15] occurred on the night of february 1, which fortunately did no great damage. "the religious corporations, notwithstanding the support which they generally lent to anda during the war with the english, regarded with displeasure his appointment as governor of filipinas. that strict magistrate, obeying the dictates of his conscience (which some persons attribute, but without sufficient grounds, to feelings of personal revenge), had addressed to the king on april 12, 1768, an exposition which treated of 'the disorders which exist in filipinas, and which ought to be corrected.' in this document he points out most serious abuses among the friars; in the university, which was in their charge; among the jesuits; among the chinese, protected by the friars, who preferred them before the spaniards, driving away and expelling the latter from their villages; and he censures certain frauds and practices in the public administration in specified branches of the civil service. the seventy with which anda laid bare those abuses drew upon him the hatred of the friars. [16] in this document he demanded a remedy for the disorders which he denounced, pointing out the method by which this might be effected, and declared that 'for the radical correction of these evils it is indispensable to draw up and introduce here a form of procedure which is clear, and capable of securing the just system which corresponds thereto, conferring upon the governor all the powers necessary for carrying it into execution, by those measures which prudence and the actual condition of affairs shall dictate to him.' he added: 'the choice of a zealous governor will materially contribute to laying the foundations of that great work; but it is necessary to reward him and give him authority, so that he can work to advantage, and without the hindrances which have often, by means of secret communications, cunning and disloyal maneuvers, and other malicious proceedings, frustrated the best and most carefully formed plans.' this exposition [17] by anda was certainly taken into account, for in the 'royal private instructions' which were given to him when he was appointed governor of filipinas we see that he was ordered to put an end to specified abuses and disorders, the king using the same terms which anda had employed in describing those evils." "the archbishop santa justa, a man of unparalleled firmness and energetic character, from the first moment assailed the new governor of filipinas on the question of the diocesan visitation, to which the friars continued their opposition, and demanded his support in order to make it effectual. anda, who regarded obedience to the laws as a rule of conduct, and who brought orders from the court to subject the regulars to the royal patronage, addressed an explicit communication to the superiors of all the religious institutes, requiring their obedience to the mandate of the sovereign, and assigning a definite term, which could not be prolonged, for the presentation of their lists of appointees, in order that the curacies might be filled in this manner. all the orders of regulars openly refused to yield obedience of this sort, excepting the dominicans--who, more circumspect, and endeavoring to avoid the dangers which they foresaw in resistance, agreed to submit to this command--although many of the parish priests of the order soon were disobedient to this decision of their superiors." the archbishop convened a provincial council at manila, which held six sessions during the period may 19-november 24, 1771; various matters of ecclesiastical administration came before it, the chief of which was the diocesan visit. in the fifth session, the subjection of the parish priests to the diocesan visitation and the royal patronage was ordained; and at the final one it was ordered that the decrees of the council should immediately be promulgated, declaring that those of the council of mexico (which urban viii had ordered to be observed in filipinas) were not now binding. in the first session the bishop of nueva cáceres, fray antonio de luna (a franciscan), became involved in disputes over the appointment of secretaries, and was expelled from the assembly; he then retired to his diocese, and during the entire period of the council opposed its proceedings, with protests, legal formalities, and official edicts. bishop ezpeleta of cebú died soon after the opening of the council, and the government of that diocese devolved upon luna, but, it seems, not its representation in the council. a secretary of that body, father joaquín traggia, was sent to madrid as its agent and bearer of its despatches; but the king refused to accept his credentials, and ordered him to go to his convent at zaragoza, forbidding him to return to filipinas. (toward the end of this council, the archbishop, in concert with his suffragans, drew up a tariff for the parochial fees to be collected by the curas.) the religious orders finally secured, through influence at the court, the revocation of the order given to anda in regard to the regular curas, which had resulted in many of them being removed from the indian villages and replaced by native priests; but no change was made in regard to the diocesan visitation. the bishop of nueva segovia, fray miguel garcia, [18] claimed this right, and convened a diocesan council in 1773; the only result was, to arouse a hot controversy between garcia and the dominicans, to which order he belonged. that order also had a dispute with the archbishop over his attempt to visit the beaterio of santa catalina; but in 1779 the king decided that this institution should continue to enjoy its exemption from visitation. "by royal decree of november 9, 1774, it was ordered that the curacies held by the regulars should be secularized as fast as they became vacant. anda suspended the execution of this command, and wrote to the court, specifying the evils which would ensue from the secularization of the curacies which the archbishop desired; and in consequence of this and of the urgent appeals of the franciscans, augustinians, and recollects, the king ordered by a decree of december 11, 1776, that what had been decided on this point in the decree of november 9, 1774, should not be put into execution, and that affairs should be restored to their former status and condition, and their curacies to the religious; that the regulations for his royal patronage and the ecclesiastical visitation should be observed, but that the latter might be made by the bishops in person, or by religious of the same order as those who should serve in the curacies, and without collecting visitation fees. the king also directed in the said decree that efforts should be made, by all possible means and methods, to form a large body of competent clerics, in order that, conformably to the royal decree of june 23, 1757, these might be installed in the vacant curacies, thus gradually establishing the secularization that had been decreed." anda took what precautions were available to restrain the moro pirates, but great difficulties arose in his way. ali-mudin, whom the english had restored to his sway in joló, and his son israel (in whose favor the father had abdicated) were friendly to the spaniards, with many of their dattos; but another faction, led by zalicaya, the commander of the joloan armadas, favored the english, who had established themselves (1762) on the islet of balambangan [19] in the joló archipelago, which they had induced bantilan to grant them; and the english were accused of endeavoring to incite the joloans against the spaniards by intrigue and bribery. anda decided to send an expedition to make protest to the english against their occupation of this island, as being part of the spanish territory, and entrusted this mission to an italian officer named giovanni cencelly, who was then in command of one of the infantry regiments stationed at manila; the latter sailed from zamboanga december 30, 1773, bearing careful instructions as to his mode of procedure, and to avoid any hostilities with the english and maintain friendship with the joloans. but cencelly seems to have been quite destitute of tact or judgment, and even of loyalty to his governor; for he disobeyed his instructions, angered the joloans, [20] who could hardly be restrained by ali-mudin from massacring the spaniards, and at the end of three weeks was obliged to return to zamboanga. he was on bad terms with the commandant there (raimundo español), and refused to render him any account of his proceedings at joló; and he even tried to stir up a sedition among the spanish troops against español. the english gladly availed themselves of this unfortunate affair to strengthen their own position in joló, stirring up the islanders against spain and erecting new forts. later, however, the english at balambangan showed so much harshness and contempt for the moro dattos (even putting one in the pillory) that the latter plotted to surprise and kill the intruders; and on march 5, 1775, this was accomplished, the english being all slain except the commandant and five others, who managed to escape to their ship in the harbor. the fort was seized by the moros, who thus acquired great quantities of military supplies, arms, money, and food, with several vessels. [21] among this spoil were forty-five cannons and $24,000 in silver. elated by this success, tenteng, the chief mover of the enterprise, tried to secure zamboanga by similar means; but the new commandant there, juan bayot, was on his guard, and the moros were baffled. tenteng then went to cebú, where he committed horrible ravages; and other raids of this sort were committed, the spaniards being unable to check them for a long time. a letter written to the king by anda in 1773 had asked for money to construct light armed vessels, and a royal order of january 27, 1776, commanded that 50,000 pesos be sent to filipinas for this purpose. this money was employed by anda's temporary successor, pedro sarrio, in the construction of a squadron of vintas, "vessels which, on account of their swiftness and exceedingly light draft, were more suitable for the pursuit of the pirates than the very heavy galleys; they were, besides, to carry pilots of the royal fleet to reconnoiter the coasts, draw plans of the ports, indicate the shoals and reefs, take soundings in the sea, etc." notwithstanding the great services which anda had rendered to his king and country, his enemies succeeded in procuring from the spanish government the revocation of the sentences which had been pronounced in the suits brought by anda (at the instance of that very government, and as its representative) against raon and other corrupt officials; and anda was condemned (by decrees in 1775-76) to pay the costs in these suits, and the further sums of four thousand pesos to the heirs of raon and two thousand to the former fiscal, juan antonio cosío. these unexpected and heavy blows, added to the strain of his official responsibilities and the annoyances caused by the attacks of his personal enemies, broke down anda's health; and he died at the hospital of san felipe, cavite, on october 30, 1776, at the, age of sixty-six years. [22] sultan israel of joló was poisoned by the followers of his cousin ali-mudin, son of bantilan, who therefore assumed the government (early in 1778); immediately the moros renewed their raids on the spanish provinces nearest them, and the expeditions sent against them by sarrio could do little to punish them. in july, 1778, the new proprietary governor arrived at manila; this was josé de basco y vargas, an officer in the spanish royal navy. the officials of the audiencia forthwith sent a remonstrance to the court, against their being subordinated to a man whose rank "gave him only the right to be addressed as 'you' while each one of the magistrates [of the audiencia] enjoyed the title of 'lordship,'" and they asked for the revocation of basco's appointment: but of course this was refused, and they were rebuked for their officiousness. as a result, the auditors opposed all that basco attempted, and even conspired to seize his person and put sarrio in his place. that officer, however, refused to join them, and informed the governor of the scheme; in consequence, basco arrested the recalcitrant auditors and other persons connected with their plans (including cencelly), and sent them all to spain. [23] now free from hindrances, he devoted himself to the administration of the government, the welfare of the country, and the development of its resources. "in a document entitled 'a general economic plan,' he extolled the advantages which are inherent in the promotion and development of agriculture, commerce, and industries. he offered therein to bestow rewards and distinctions on the persons who should excel in agriculture, in making plantations of cotton, of mulberry trees, and of the choicer spices, as cloves, cinnamon, pepper, and nutmeg; to those who should establish manufactures of silk, porcelain, and fabrics of hemp, flax, [24] and cotton like those that were received from the coromandel coast, malabar, and china; to those who would undertake to work the mines of gold, iron, copper, and tin; to those who should make discoveries useful to the state; and to those who should excel in sciences, the liberal arts, and mechanics. he also circulated instructions in regard to the method of cultivating and preparing for use cotton, silk, sugar, etc. he also, in camarines, compelled the planting of more than four millions of mulberry trees, which for several years yielded an excellent product; but these important plantations were abandoned after his term of office [expired]. [25] he improved the schools, and aided the diffusion of knowledge by promoting the knowledge of the castilian language. in order to repress the boldness of the murderous highwaymen who infested the roads in the provinces nearest to manila, he appointed judges with power of condemnation [jueces de acordada [26]]; these, accompanied by a counsellor and an executioner, by summary process tried the malefactors whom they arrested in their respective districts, and applied the penalty--a measure so efficacious that in a short time there was complete security everywhere. the audiencia appealed against this measure, and the king issued a decree notifying the governor to abstain from meddling in the jurisdiction of that court. in acknowledging the receipt of this sovereign command, basco remarked that 'unfortunately it had arrived too late.' as war had been again declared between españa and inglaterra, basco caused the fortifications of manila and cavite, and the forts in the provinces, to be repaired, changing a great part of the artillery therein for new pieces. he also reorganized the army. in 1778 the order for the expulsion of the chinese was revoked, and a considerable number of them returned to manila. a royal decree of november 15, 1777, recommended the establishment of an institution in which vagrants and dissolute persons might be shut up. accordingly, manuel del castillo y negrete, minister of justice for the philippines, drew up and printed (sampaloc, 1779) a manual of ordinances for the management of a general refuge for poor persons, beggars, women of lewd life, abandoned children, and orphans. for this project he had obtained the opinions of learned persons, all of whom extolled it; and he sent this document to the king. besides promoting all interests of morality, and the development of agriculture, industry, and commerce, basco founded the noted "economic society of friends of the country." [27] a royal decree dated august 27, 1780, had ordered him to convene all the learned or competent persons in the colony, "in order to form an association of selected persons, capable of producing useful ideas;" but when this decree arrived, basco had already founded the above society. on february 7, 1781, the active members of the general tribunal [junta] of commerce had assembled, and agreed upon the constitution of the society, a number of them signing their names as its members--among them the marqués de villamediana, the prior of the consulate of commerce. "the body of merchants endowed the society with a permanent fund of 960 pesos a year, the value of two toneladas which were assigned to it in the lading of the acapulco galleon." the society was formally inaugurated on may 6, 1781, under the presidency of basco, who made an eloquent address. its first president was the quartermaster-general of the islands, ciríaco gonzález carvajal; according to its first regulations, it contained the following sections: natural history, agriculture and rural economy, factories and manufactures, internal and foreign commerce, industries, and popular education. "stimulated by basco, the society undertook with great ardor to promote the cultivation of indigo, cotton, cinnamon, and pepper, and the silk industry, according to the orders published by the superior authority. the parish priest of tambóbong, fray matías octavio, taught his parishioners to prepare the indigo, presenting to the society the first specimens, which were adjudged to be of superior quality. in 1784, the first shipment of this article to europa was made in the royal fragata 'asunción.' the society also recommended that effort be made to attain perfection in weaving and dyeing. (the society declined greatly after the departure of its founder; and aguilar roughly opposed it. in 1809 it was extinguished; two years later, orders were received for its reëstablishment, but this was not accomplished until 1819. in the following year, its constitution was remodeled; and in 1821 it founded at its own cost a professorship of agriculture and an academy of design, and established special instruction in dyeing. in 1824 it resolved to bestow rewards on the most successful farmers; and it introduced from china martins, to fight the locusts that were desolating the fields. in 1828 its constitution experienced another revision; but during more than half a century it gave hardly any sign of its existence. it had a flash of vitality in 1882, but soon fell again into a decline. to-day [about 1893] there is hardly any indication that manila remembers a society of this sort; and, as it is not in the guía de forasteros ["guide for strangers"], it may be said that it has ceased to exist.) "filipinas had been, until the arrival of the illustrious basco y vargas in the country, a heavy burden on the capital, since every year the situado was sent in cash from méxico to meet the obligations of the islands. in order to free españa from this sort of load, and to raise the country from its depressed condition, he conceived the vast project of stimulating the cultivation of tobacco, by establishing a government monopoly of it. [28] he communicated his plan to the spanish government; and by a royal order of february 9, 1780, the monopoly of tobacco, similar to that which was in force in the other dominions of the nation, was decreed. he immediately published two proclamations, on december 13 and 25 respectively, in 1781, prohibiting the sale, traffic, and manufacture of tobacco; and on february 16, 1782, he issued (signed and sealed by himself), 'instructions which are given to all the commanders or heads of the patrols, the provincial administrators, the market inspectors, and other persons who are under obligation to prevent loss to the revenue from tobacco.' these were directed to the prevention of smuggling, showing the way in which investigations should be conducted--including the houses of parish priests, the convents, colleges, and beaterios, the quarters of the soldiers, etc. he created a board of direction for this revenue, a general office of administration or agency, and subordinate offices to this in the provinces. basco's idea was strongly opposed by various interests; but the governor's energy was able to conquer this unjust opposition, and the monopoly was organized on march 1, 1782; it constituted the basis of the prosperity of the exchequer in that country, and its most important source of revenue. "the zealous governor visited the provinces in person, in order to inform himself of their needs and to remedy these, compelling their governors and other functionaries to fulfil their trusts as they should. he also organized various military expeditions to occupy the igorrot country." from the first, basco did what he could to restrain the incursions of the moro pirates; but he had many difficulties to encounter. he repaired the forts in mindanao and the visayan islands; he built small vessels, and stationed them in cebú, iloilo, zamboanga, and calamianes, from which points they could more promptly set out to punish the moros; and he sent an expedition to mamburao, in mindoro, which drove out the pirates who, as we have already seen, had established themselves there. these raids being thus checked for the time, trade began to improve; "and from sámar alone, whose traffic with manila had been paralyzed for more than ten years, forty-three caracoas went to the capital in 1779." the sultan of joló humbly asked basco for peace, and returned to the spaniards a small vessel captured near antique by one of his dattos, "an unusual proceeding among the pirates." the natives of bulacan voluntarily offered (december, 1781) to pay for the cost of two vessels to sail against the pirates, and imposed on themselves for this purpose a tax of one-half a real a year on each tribute; this proving insufficient, they increased it, in the summer of 1784, with a ganta of unhulled rice per tribute. this example was immediately followed by the natives of pampanga. in 1782, the visayas were invaded by a mindanao host; but on several occasions the spaniards succeeded in defeating the pirates and sinking many of their boats. basco conquered the batanes islands, north of luzon, [29] and this enterprise for a time diverted his military forces from the moros, who consequently increased their depredations on the visayan natives and carried away many captives from calamianes, panay, and negros. by royal orders of july 17 and 26, 1784, the post of quartermaster-general of the islands was created, in accordance with a request by basco; and that of deputy-intendant of the exchequer was united with it, independent of the superior government of the islands. it was placed in charge of one of the auditors, ciriaco gonzález carvajal, also at basco's recommendation; and from this time the royal officials were styled "ministers of the royal exchequer." carvajal aided basco greatly in establishing the monopoly of tobacco, and it was he who drew up the instructions to officials on this subject. in 1785, a dispute arose between them over the establishment of the tobacco monopoly in camarines and albay, each regarding this undertaking as the prerogative of his own office. carvajal proposed that provincial intendancies should be created in ilocos, camarines, cebú, and iloilo; this was done, and approved by royal orders of november 24, 1786; but a year later the spanish government suppressed carvajal's office, and these provincial intendancies as well. in 1785, there was a revolt of the heathen indians in ituy and paniqui, headed by a calinga chief named lagutao, who assembled over 1,200 men; but it was put down by a force of 300 musketeers sent from cagayán, and lagutao was killed in battle. a royal decree of february 25, 1785, ordered the immediate expulsion of all chinese from manila, [30] allowing the governor to fix a place outside the walls where a small number of them might reside, under supervision; and another decree (april 1, 1785) approved the foundation of a colony of 200 chinese on lake candaba, in pampanga. at carvajal's instance, a monopoly was decreed (november 4, 1786) on gunpowder in filipinas. in the following year, instructions for the execution of this measure were issued (december 11); and about the same time the monopoly of wines was placed in control of the exchequer. the constant opposition to basco's reforms and efforts which he encountered finally wore out his patience, and he offered his resignation; at first it was not accepted, but he insisted, and the king allowed him to hand over the government of the islands to pedro sarrio. basco embarked for spain at the end of november, 1787, and for his eminent services was promoted in the navy, ennobled, and made governor of cartagena. montero y vidal praises in high terms the character and achievements of this distinguished governor, who had secured for filipinas greater benefits than had any other, establishing its revenues on a firm basis, introducing most important reforms, and advancing its material and moral progress; but he was assailed by "the envy, rivalry, spite, insane hatred, and lack of patriotism of the auditors, merchants, and other classes, who were governed by base motives and despicable passions, or by ignorance and covetousness." the natives in northern ilocos were displeased at the monopolies [31] on tobacco and wines, and revolted; but the alcalde-mayor of the province went to meet them, with fray agustín pedro blaquier, [32] cura of batao, and persuaded the insurgents to disperse without bloodshed. sarrio held the office of governor but six months. after the death of archbishop santa justa (december 15, 1787), he found it necessary to allow the regular priests to resume the charge of the parishes, as is shown in the following extract from his letter to the king, dated a week after that event, explaining his reasons for this course: "first, because in temporal matters as well as in spiritual is seen a manifest and notorious difference between the villages administered by the regulars and those which are in charge of the seculars of indian and mestizo (sangley and chinese) birth; these are almost the only ones dedicated to the cure of souls, for in all the islands hardly six curas can be named who are spaniards or spanish mestizos. it can be said, in general, that the villages which are under the direction of the regulars have adequate spiritual nourishment, which cannot be asserted of those which are in charge of the indians and mestizos. these, when they receive the name of priest, are not thereby deprived of that innate negligence and indolence with which nature has endowed all these islanders; and hence it results that, given up to idleness, gambling, and other [like] pursuits, they abandon study, and begin to lose whatever fitness [for the office] they may have possessed at the time of being ordained or receiving the curacy. the consequence of this is, that they grow remiss in their preaching and the instruction of their parishioners; these functions they are unable to discharge competently, not only because they are little used to books, but because not many of them are thoroughly instructed in the latin and spanish languages, in which those authors have written of whom the curas must avail themselves in order to distribute to their flocks the proper food of doctrine. once possessed [thus] by ignorance, it is not astonishing that no greater impression is made on their minds by the rigid law of residence, [33] or that of the other obligations that are inseparable from the parochial ministry. on the other hand, accustomed from childhood to live in houses of bamboo or wood, they regard stone dwellings with indifference; and to this may be attributed the fact that some of them abandon the parish houses which formerly were the homes of the regulars, and make separate dwellings for themselves. others, even though they live in the parish houses, take little pains to repair and keep them in good condition. this would be to some extent endurable if their neglect did not also extend to the church building and the ornaments which are used in the divine worship; for it is noticed that there is seldom a church in their charge which is sufficiently clean and well kept, since they do not make repairs in time, or apply to this purpose any of their perquisites. these they spend for their own use and on their own families, who inevitably remove from their own natal village to that of the curacy, and thus become even more slothful than they are by nature. they are quite unlike the regulars, who, being reared in different principles and trained in the purest teachings of our catholic religion, generally have no other aim than that of the proper care of their churches." on july 1, 1788, the proprietary governor félix berenguer de marquina assumed the reins of office, and all matters connected with the exchequer returned to their former condition. in a decree of march 29, 1789, he ordered that the appointment of the heads of barangay should be made by the provincial governors, after being proposed by the notables [principalia] of the respective villages. an expedition was sent out from spain by the government in july, 1789, to make scientific observations and draw plans and maps of the coasts of spanish america and the marianas and filipinas islands, with new sailing routes. one of its members was antonio pineda, a native of guatemala and a spanish officer, bearing official commission to study the flora of filipinas and the condition of agriculture. unfortunately he died while there (july, 1792), while making scientific observations in ilocos; he was but thirty-nine years old. a monument was erected to him at malate, but has been practically destroyed by the ravages of time. the archbishopric of manila was administered, from october 16, 1789, by juan orbigo y gallego, [34] a franciscan, previously bishop of nueva cáceres. marquina drew up, in january, 1790, a "plan of reforms for the government of filipinas," which he considered necessary for the prosperity and advancement of the islands, and in order that the yearly remittance from the mexican treasury might be stopped. he proposed the fortification of manila and cavite, an increase in the military force, and an increased capitation tax on the chinese in order to meet this greater expense for the army; also the opening of the port of manila to all foreign commerce, and various changes in the acapulco trade. he advised that filipinas should be made a viceroyalty, and the viceroy be rendered independent of the audiencia and of the religious orders. other reforms proposed were: "the formation of a company of marines for manning the vessels sent out to cruise [against the moros], and another of marine artillery for the same purpose; the reform of the chief accountancy by limiting its exorbitant powers; the establishment of an acordado, [35] or a sort of police, in the provinces, directed rather to intimidating and restraining [criminals] by means of vigilance than to punishing them with harshness and violence; allowance of fixed and decent salaries to the alcaldes-mayor, and putting a stop to their trading (which absorbed all their time, with great risks to impartial conduct and justice); the desirability of abolishing the odious monopolies on playing-cards and gunpowder; the transfer of the natives from the batanes islands to cagayán, on account of the wretched condition of the former; and the advantage of occupying, in preference to the batanes, the island of mindoro--which was richer, and nearer to manila, and [at the time] reduced to the utmost indigence by having been abandoned [by its inhabitants] and by the incursions of the moros. [36] the colonization of various islands with catalans, valencians, and galicians, in order that they might be preëminently devoted to agriculture; taking advantage of the gold placers, so abundant in the country, from which was obtained no less than 200,000 pesos' worth of gold a year; the establishment of a mint, with which the exportation of gold from the country would be avoided. the increase of the cruising vessels, and distribution of these into three divisions, placing in each one a panco, in order to fight the pirates better; the necessity of conferring ample powers upon the governor (who had to establish all these improvements) without his having to be subject to the board of the royal exchequer, 'since i know by experience that the opposition which i am accustomed to meet there is not actuated by zeal for the benefit of the royal service, but for personal ends;' and the creation of another secretaryship, in order to attend to the crowd of matters which were a burden on the governor and captain-general." he also proposed to place in one fund the revenues from tobacco, wine, and customs duties. on march 2, 1790, were published the regulations for the sale of wine under the monopoly arrangement; the dealers were declared exempt from polos and personal services, [37] must sell only pure wines, without any mixture of water, and must always keep a supply on hand. a royal decree of may 14, 1790, ordained that the chinese should pay a capitation tax of six pesos a year. in the same year the regiments of pampanga and zambales and bataán were formed, in order to increase the disciplined militia of the provinces. in july the governor received a letter from the king of cochinchina, asking that two of his ships, then at canton, might be aided on their arrival at manila, with money to make needed repairs and buy a quantity of sulphur, [38] on the king's account; this was done, and afterward approved by the spanish government. in october, the curacies of ilocos--which, formerly held by the dominicans, had remained vacant since santa justa's effort to enforce the diocesan visitation--were placed in the hands of the augustinians, with the provision that the royal right of patronage should be observed in the appointments to these new ministries. the death of carlos iii occurred on december 14, 1788, but the official notification (despatched a fortnight later) did not reach manila until july, 1790. in the following november the solemn proclamation of the accession of carlos iv, and the oaths of allegiance to him, were celebrated at manila with fiestas which lasted from the third to the twenty-first of that month. a description of these festivities was published (1791) by the dominican fray manuel barrios, a lecturer in santo thomás university, from which montero y vidal quotes liberally (pp. 329-338). they included, besides the splendid and solemn character of the ceremonies themselves, "a general illumination of the city during three consecutive nights, pontifical mass and te deum in the cathedral, levees at the palace, dances in the cabildo buildings, masquerades, banquets, fireworks, comedies, and even a bullfight." the filipino natives and the chinese [39] also contributed to the festivities, with devices or entertainments peculiar to their customs. thus says barrios: "it ought to be understood that the taste of the chinese, in the matter of spectacles and public diversions, is based on ideas that are very different from, or rather quite contrary to, our own. as proof of this, is sufficient the spectacle which they presented on this night, the first sight of which might astonish any european who might not have seen beforehand some diversion of this people. a lion spitting fire, more terrible than those which grow up in the deserts of zaara [i.e., sahara], was followed by an enormous serpent, more than fifty cubits long, which made extraordinary movements and contortions on account of swallowing a globe of fire which floated before it through the air; and behind the serpent came another lion, no less fierce than the first. this spectacle was made even more terrible by the confused din of the gongs, which the chinese beat without ceasing. the lions fought each other, with the greatest ardor and pertinacity; and the serpent performed many pleasing movements and evolutions, causing admiration of the skill with which so huge a mass moved about so swiftly. finally, the two lions began to swell, and brought forth an abundance of fireworks; and it would be unjust to the chinese if i did not state here that this display, although of short duration, was very handsomely designed. one of the lions being now set on fire, it began to run around through the plaza, with an incredible velocity, which spectacle gave much pleasure to those present. on the following day the chinese presented a comedy in royal street, binondo, which, begun at three in the afternoon, lasted until four the next morning; and even then they say that it was a short one compared with what they are accustomed to. during the following nights they went out through the suburbs, and there was no street through which the huge serpent did not move, to the intense delight of the people who followed it." on this occasion the royal consulate (of commerce) of manila distributed 3,000 pesos in alms to poor widows and orphans, and doweries to penniless girls. one pedro galarraga displayed both ingenuity and profuseness; "he diverted the crowds of people, and carried to the stars the name of his august sovereign, by means of a large aerostatic globe, which crossed the bay and was lost to sight among the clouds. the festivity was crowned by the liberality of the said don pedro, who flung to the people a quantity of coin bearing the stamp of the new monarch; and on the following day he also distributed these to all persons of distinction." finally, the rector of santo thomas and the dominican provincial had a celebration of their own, with fireworks, a dance at the palace performed by the students of that university, and the recitation of a poem before the governor and all the distinguished personages of manila, eulogizing the loyalty of that city and its people. marquina took much pains to have the obras pías honestly administered. he ordered that the nipa houses which still existed within the walls of manila should be torn down, as being both a disfigurement and a danger to the city. during his term of office, a severe epidemic of smallpox was experienced in filipinas; and he gave large sums to the parish priests to relieve the poverty caused by the pestilence. the islands were ravaged by the moros year after year, the naval force of the spaniards doing little more than to remain on the defensive; and in 1789 marquina wrote to the king saying that the continual warfare of the moros was "an evil without remedy." mahomet sarpudin, the successor of ali-mudin ii, was very crafty and deceitful, and, while professing to be a friend of the spaniards, he sent out illano pirates against the merchant vessels, some of which were captured by mahomet's own followers. marquina met with much trouble in his government, from "class interests" and from the ingratitude of those whom he had helped; he resigned his office, "and returned to españa poor and disheartened." [40] the king made him viceroy of mexico. marquina's successor was a military officer, rafael maría de aguilar y ponce de león; he began his duties as governor on september 1, 1793. from the first, he was desirous of checking the moro raids; but reports came that the english were going to attack filipinas again, and his first efforts were directed to the defense of manila and cavite. he raised a force of 10,000 armed men, forming companies of spaniards and of mestizos, and stationed detachments in outpost batteries in the environs of the city. he strengthened the walls, and tore down houses which menaced them; and increased the naval forces, also establishing a naval station and lookout on corregidor island. the english learned of aguilar's preparations to receive them, and concluded not to go near manila; "but they allied themselves with the joloans, inciting them to invade the visayas." marquina's "plan for reforms" was sent back to the islands, the king asking that it be considered by the royal officials there, who should send him a report and their decision as to its advisability; "but as it attacked objects so powerful in the islands as the regular orders, the audiencia, and the comptroller and officials of the exchequer, it is useless to show what report would be that sent out [by them] in regard to the plan of marquina, which was in many respects extremely clear-sighted." in 1794 a shipyard, independent of that at cavite, was erected in binondo, its principal purpose being to construct vessels with which to follow up the moro pirates; it was called la barraca ("the barracks"), [41] and was "famous for the enormous expenses which were suspected in the construction work carried on there." it was placed in charge of juan nepomuceno acuña, and its directors were, ex officio, the royal officials. on christmas day in 1796, a spanish squadron of five vessels arrived at cavite, commanded by an officer of high rank, ignacio maría de álava; [42] it was sent for the defense of the islands in case of another war with great britain--which indeed was declared soon after the fleet's departure, the news of it reaching manila in march, 1797. álava set out with his squadron on april 19, to attack the english fleet which was on its way from china to london, little dreaming that a powerful squadron of their enemy was so near. but an unexpected hurricane arose just before the fleets met, and nearly wrecked the ships of álava, which after a hard struggle made their way back to manila with broken masts and torn rigging. a royal decree of september 24, 1796, ordered the transfer of the shipyard at san blas [43] in california to the port of cavite, in order (to quote from the decree) "that a shipyard may be formed there of sufficient capacity to protect the settlements in that colony from european forces and from the piratical raids of the mahometans who occupy the neighboring islands, and to assist with doubled power and resources our squadrons in south america and asia." at its head was placed juan villar, a competent and experienced constructor from the shipyard at havana, furnished with competent foremen to work under him, and with "plans and specifications suitable for every class of vessels;" and provision was made for the immediate construction of lanchas carrying guns and mortars. "this measure was the origin of the arsenal of cavite." [44] the royal officials were angry that the management of la barraca, with its opportunities for profit to themselves, should be taken from them; and they refused to allot to villar the salary to which he was entitled--that which he had received at havana, and one-half more for going to manila in the royal service. this brought on heated controversies between aguilar and álava, which lasted a year and a half before they were settled, villar and his subordinates meanwhile residing in manila; finally, álava carried his point, and villar was placed in his post at cavite, with the salary which he ought to receive. in 1796 the grenadier regiments of luzón and batangas were created, as a part of the provincial disciplined militia; also five battalions of militia, the malabar company at cavite being abolished. [45] in the same year there was felt in manila and in many other provinces of luzón one of the greatest earthquakes which has ever occurred in the archipelago; and in october, 1797, another calamity was the loss (on the coast of albay) of the galleon san andrés, laden with a rich cargo for acapulco--"due to its commander's complete ignorance of nautical affairs;" he was a merchant of manila, instead of an experienced navigator. in 1799 aguilar published (january 30) a decree prescribing the method for making the registration of the natives for the punctual collection of the tributes; and another (october 30), prohibiting the exportation of small silver coins. the home government recommended (august 5, 1799) to the governor of filipinas that he encourage the cultivation of the mulberry, cinnamon, pepper, cacao, and cotton. in that year, the fragata "pilar" arrived from america with $1,200,000 for the aid of the islands. "in 1800 aguilar ordained that no public work should be commenced without the previous knowledge of the government of the islands, in order to avoid their being constructed with injurious consequences to the natives, as was found to be the case in many places. also, by edict of july 19 in the same year he prohibited the construction of vessels having more than fifteen cubits of keel, without the permission of the authorities, obliging the owners, under penalty of 200 pesos fine, to comply with the plans which would be furnished to them for a moderate sum by the [government] shipbuilder don josé blanchic." álava and his squadron were unable to do much toward checking the moro raids, being continually detained at manila on account of the threatened attack on that city by the english; but that officer vigorously organized and regulated the naval station at cavite, made excursions into the provinces in order to become better acquainted with the resources and topography of the island, and protected the commerce of filipinas with china and nueva españa. a royal decree of september 27, 1800, ordered him to establish a naval bureau at manila, "with the full powers of command and jurisdiction prescribed in the ordinances of the navy and subsequent royal orders," which he should place in working order before his return to spain; its objects were, "the defense of the filipinas islands, improvement in the construction of the vessels, knowledge of the hydrography and navigation of those seas, and the management of the arsenal at cavite;" and for its first chief was appointed captain ventura barcáiztegui. when álava undertook to execute this commission, aguilar refused to surrender la barraca to him, as also the men and vessels of the privateer force which had been organized earlier to punish the moros--alleging that this fleet had its own rules and was not affected by the naval ordinances; and that the internal defense of the islands belonged to him, as being captain-general therein. álava had to yield, and established the naval bureau as best he could with the scanty means at his disposal; he also drew up regulations for its administration. he left manila, to return to spain, on january 6, 1803. in 1806 aguilar, being seriously ill, surrendered his office of governor to the king's lieutenant on august 7, and died the next day, after thirteen years' rule; (this is the longest term of a governor's office during the entire history of the islands). [46] miscellaneous documents 1766-1771 financial affairs of the islands, 1766. francisco leandro de viana; july 10, 1766. letter to carlos iii. f. l. de viana; may 1, 1767. anda's memorial. simon de anda y salazar; april 12, 1768. ordinances of good government. [compiled by governors corcuera (1642), cruzat y góngora (1696), and raón (1768).] instructions to the secular clergy. basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina; october 25, 1771. the expulsion of the jesuits, 1768-69. [compiled from various sources.] the council of 1771. [letter by a franciscan friar;] december 13, 1771. sources: the first of these documents is translated from a ms. copy (probably official duplicate of above date), in possession of edward e. ayer, chicago; the second, from viana's ms. book, cartas y consultas, fol. 39v-46, in possession of e. e. ayer; the third, from pardo de tavera's publication (with many annotations), memorial de anda y salazar (manila, 1899), from a copy belonging to james a. robertson; the fourth (partly translated and partly synopsized), from josé felipe del-pan's ordenanzas de buen gobierno de corcuera, cruzat y raon (manila, 1891), from a copy in the library of congress; the fifth, from ferrando's historia de pp. dominicos (madrid, 1871), v, pp. 59, 60, from a copy belonging to e. e. ayer; the sixth, compiled from danvila y collado, crétineau-joly, and montero y vidal, as indicated in the text--the archbishop's decree being obtained from a printed copy (dated 1770) in the archivo historico nacional, madrid; the seventh, from a copy of the original latin ms. sent to the editors by a friend in germany. translations: the text of the third, and of the fourth, is translated by james alexander robertson; the seventh, by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a.; the remainder, by emma helen blair. financial affairs of the islands, 1766 statements of the amount contributed to his majesty by the natives of the philipinas islands; that which is spent in their spiritual administration; what the ecclesiastical estate receives from the king and from the indians; and the economies which the royal treasury can practice, and the augmentations which it can receive, in order to maintain these dominions with respectable forces, without the necessity of the royal situado which comes annually from mexico--and with the advantage that the royal exchequer can in the future make good the expenditures incurred during the 202 years which have elapsed since the conquest of the said islands. by don francisco leandro de viana, a student in the old college of san bartholome el major of the university of salamanca, and formerly rector of the said college; graduated as a licentiate by the chapter of santa barvara; a member of the council of his majesty; his fiscal in the royal audiencia of manila, and promoted to the post of alcalde of criminal cases in that of mexico. statement i the number of tributes in these philipinas islands, and the amount that they produce yearly by the official statement which i sent to his majesty with my report and advices of july 14, 1760, it appears that there were one hundred and seventy-eight thousand, nine hundred and seventy-one whole tributes of indians, at the rate of ten reals each. it also appears that there were eight thousand, one hundred and sixty-nine and one-half whole tributes of mestizos, at the rate of twenty reals each, which are equivalent to sixteen thousand, three hundred and thirty-nine whole tributes of indians. adding this item to the aforesaid one, they make a total of one hundred and ninety-five thousand, three hundred and ten tributes; and adding those paid by the blacks, the grand total, stated in round numbers [numero cerrado] for greater convenience in this reckoning, is placed at two hundred thousand whole tributes belonging to the royal crown. tributes: 200,000 a whole tribute comprises two persons, and the two hundred thousand tributes aforesaid produce to the royal exchequer, at the rate of ten reals which each one pays, the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand pesos every year. note the whole tributes belonging to private encomiendas number eighteen thousand, one hundred and ninety-six and three-fourths, according to the general statement of accounts of this royal treasury for the past year of 765. from these the encomenderos collect one peso for each tribute, and the king two reals; on this account, although the number of tributes belonging to the crown and to the encomiendas exceeds two hundred and ten thousand, at ten reals each, only the two hundred thousand above stated have been considered [in this account]; and their value is placed at two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, which is the utmost that the natives of these islands pay for the benefit of the royal treasury. statement ii what the king expends in the spiritual administration of the indians, and what is received on this account by the ministers of the doctrinas and the missionaries. 1. for the cash stipends which his majesty pays, at the rate of a hundred pesos for every five hundred tributes, the curas and the ministers of the doctrinas receive, according to the number of the two hundred thousand tributes, the sum of forty thousand pesos. 2. for the stipends in rice, at the rate of a hundred fanegas (each of forty-eight gantas) for every five hundred tributes, at one peso a fanega--which price was established by the royal officials in the papers granting the contribution for wine used in masses--his majesty pays, and the aforesaid curas and ministers receive annually, the sum of forty thousand pesos. 3. for the wine for masses and oil for the lamps [47]--as appears in the respective documents therefor, of which account is given to his majesty--this annual expense is fixed at the sum of seventeen thousand, one hundred and ninety-three pesos, six tomins. 4. for the transportation of these supplies, the cost to the royal treasury is moderately estimated at two thousand pesos. 5. for the cash stipends of forty-one religious who are missionaries, at the rate of one hundred pesos each, his majesty pays the sum of four thousand one hundred pesos. 6. for the stipend in rice of a hundred fanegas (each of forty-eight gantas) to each missionary, at one peso a fanega (reckoned at the lowest price), his majesty pays the further sum of four thousand one hundred pesos. 7. for the supplies of cash and rice which are paid monthly to one hundred and ninety-two indians as escorts, who assist thirty-two of the said missionaries, at the rate for each one of one peso in cash and twenty-four gantas of rice in the hull (estimated at four reals), these amount to the sum of three thousand, four hundred and fifty-six pesos. 8. for the supplies of medicine and clothing, and for the support and comforts of sick religious, the expense is placed at five thousand pesos. 9. in some villages which contain a small number of tributes, his majesty pays the same stipends as in the villages of five hundred tributes, for which reason what is paid by the king exceeds the amount which was estimated for the number of two hundred thousand tributes, by the sum of one thousand pesos. 10. for the stipends which his majesty pays to the chaplains of the fortified posts--who usually are the religious who are in charge of the native villages at the said posts--are paid one thousand, six hundred and eighty pesos. 11. for the expenses of the religious who come from españa to these islands--who each five years average forty-six and one-half each year--estimating these at a thousand pesos for each person, the religious orders receive and the king spends forty-six thousand, six hundred pesos. 12. for the stipend of the archbishop, the prebends of his church, and the contribution that is given to it [for its expenses], the royal treasury expends nine thousand, eight hundred pesos. 13. for the stipends of the three suffragan bishops of zebu, nueva segovia, and nueva cazeres, for the contributions which are made to these three churches, and for other stipends to their ministers, his majesty expends twelve thousand, four hundred pesos. the total amount of these items is 187,229 pesos, 6 tomins. summary pesos tomins the king receives from the indians, as in 250,000 statement i the ecclesiastical estate receives from the king, as in statement ii 187,229 6 ------ net balance in favor of his majesty 62,770 2 statement iii what should be deducted from the aforesaid 62,770 pesos, 2 tomins, as necessary expenses of the provinces of these islands. 1. the three per cent which his majesty pays to the alcaldes-mayor for the collection of the tributes, calculated on the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, amounts to the sum of seven thousand, five hundred pesos. 2. the pay of alcaldes, corregidors, and magistrates in the provinces of these islands amounts to the sum of seven thousand, five hundred pesos. 3. as in all the provinces the tribute is regularly paid half in money and half in kind, it is necessary to transport the said commodities from the villages to the capital; this expense costs the royal treasury, according to a fair estimate, the sum of six thousand pesos. 4. for one thousand, two hundred and ninety-eight men employed in the fortified posts the royal treasury spends, according to the pay [-rolls] of their respective garrisons, the sum of twenty-two thousand, four hundred and ninety-three pesos, two reals. 5. for fifteen thousand, five hundred and ten rations of unhulled rice, of twenty-four gantas each, estimated at the prices of two, four, and six reals, in proportion to the scarcity or the abundance of [the supplies in] the said fortified posts, the royal treasury spends seven thousand, one hundred and seventy-four pesos, six tomins. 6. for one thousand and forty-five uniforms for the said garrisons, estimated at the low price of three pesos each, the royal treasury spends three thousand, one hundred and thirty-five pesos. 7. for the consumption of balls, gunpowder, muskets, cannon, etc., estimated moderately and at the lowest price, there is an expense of five thousand, five hundred pesos. these indispensable expenses amount to the sum of fifty-nine thousand, three hundred and three pesos, which, deducted from the sixty-two thousand, seven hundred and seventy pesos, two tomins, of the net balance contained in the summary of statement ii, leaves only three thousand, four hundred and sixty-seven pesos, two tomins, in favor of the royal treasury. summary pesos tomins what the king receives, as in statement i 250,000 what is spent, as in statements ii and iii 246,532 6 ------ balance in favor of the royal treasury 3,467 2 note 1. in the expenses of the fortified posts the forts of manila and cavite are not included; neither are the forts of romblon, cuió, acutaya, culion, and linacapan, for these five forts are maintained at the expense of the natives in the respective localities, and without further cost to the royal treasury than some supplies of arms and gunpowder. nor are the forts included which have been built since the end of the year 753, since their fixed charges and annual expenses do not appear in the book which was formed in the said year with the descriptions of the fortified posts. [48] 2. attention should be directed to the following items: the exemptions from tribute which are usually granted to the villages in the cases for which the laws provide; the amount of what is not collected; that which is lost through the failure of the officials to render account, and through the omissions of the royal officials to collect as they should; the salaries which are paid to the said royal officials and to the subordinates of the established accountancy, mainly for the accounts and collections of the royal revenue in the provinces; the costs of transporting the proceeds of the said tributes to this capital; the losses of the vessels which convey the said goods, commodities, or products in which the said tributes are levied, according to the different production of the provinces; the pay of workmen [tag., bantayes], and other petty expenses which are paid from the royal revenue in each province; the cost of the vessels which go out to cruise against the moros, in the defense of the said provinces; and many other expenses, to ascertain and compute which would require tedious labor. but, as this report aims to show how much the king receives from the indians and what he spends on their account, the aforesaid general computations are convincing that the royal treasury spends in these islands much more than what they produce; and that the ecclesiastical estate--or, to speak more accurately, the religious orders--profit by and receive almost all the proceeds from the tributes. 3. on this account the royal situado has been necessary in these islands, in order to pay the following expenses: the salaries of the governors, the ministers of the royal audiencia, and their subordinates; the officials of the royal treasury; the soldiers in the garrisons of manila and cavite, with all their followers; the arsenal of cavite; and numberless expenses which have grown since the retrenchments which were decreed by señor cruzat. and as the situado and the income-producing monopolies are not sufficient for all the said expenditure, the islands have been and will be in the most wretched condition, and in the utmost danger of being ruined, unless some remedy be applied. statement iv what the curas and ministers receive from the indians 1. on account of the three reals which each whole tribute pays to the curas and ministers for the feasts of corpus [christi], the patron saint, and the monument at holy thursday, they receive from the two hundred thousand tributes the amount of seventy-five thousand pesos; and [therein] are not included the heads of barangay, the officials of the villages, and other persons exempt from tribute, who also pay the said three reals. 2. as for the value of the casual fees and parochial dues, although it is the general opinion that those same ministers of doctrinas regulate these at one peso for each tribute, it is estimated that from this source are received only one hundred and seventy thousand, four hundred pesos. the total of these sums is 245,400 pesos. summary pesos tomins the ecclesiastical estate receives from the king, as in statement ii 187,229 6 also from the indians the aforesaid sum of 245,400 ------ total amount 432,629 6 note thus, what the ecclesiastical estate receives from the king and from the indians, for only the spiritual administration of the latter, amounts to the sum of four hundred and thirty-two thousand, six hundred and twenty-nine pesos, six tomins, without including what is produced by the chaplaincies founded in the churches of some ministries, or by the confraternities--which are worth much, on account of duplicated offerings, since in them are enrolled not only the living but the dead. nor [does it include] the wax for novenaries, masses, and other services which through devotion are offered by the indians and mestizos; or the offerings at the sanctuaries, to which in all the provinces many people repair with wax and offerings for masses; or the sure revenue [from the charge] of fifteen pesos for every feast of the numberless visitas and chapels which are in all the villages (more than those which are celebrated in the principal churches); or the amounts received, at the burials, from the distinction of the silver from the wooden cross--so that, although in a certain village there may not be a silver cross, there are two of wood, and one of them is distinguished from the other by the amount of the fees [imposed for its use]. nor have there been included in the said item the five hundred pesos which are annually paid from the royal treasury to the convents of manila in order that they may support one or two religious who are versed in the dialects of the provinces; or the alms which they receive from the charitable foundations [obras pías] of the misericordia, and from those which have been founded in each order; or the proceeds from the leasing of their lands acquired by donations, chaplaincies, and legacies; or the premium or interest from the funds of the confraternities, etc. likewise should be added the fees for burials, which, although they belong to the fabricas of the churches, are received by the curas and ministers of the doctrinas, and they are not willing to render account of these to the vice-patronship. besides that which is for the spiritual administration, the religious orders in these islands receive enormous amounts of money every year from the proceeds of the houses, mills, ranches, and other properties which they possess, here and in méxico; for they collect some rents that are exorbitant for the cultivated lands, exacting more than twenty per cent of the actual value of the said lands. comparison pesos tomins all that the king receives from the indians, without deducting the items mentioned in the notes on statement ii, amounts to 250,000 all that the ecclesiastical estate receives, not including the items mentioned in the notes to this statement iv, amounts to 432,629 6 ------ that which the ecclesiastical estate receives exceeds what the king receives, by the sum of 182,629 6 it is, then, apparently fully proved that what these indians contribute to the king is not sufficient for the necessary expenses of their spiritual administration; since, even without counting the cost of the fortified posts (which serve only for the benefit of those same indians), it is evident that the net balance which remains in favor of the royal exchequer, after deducting the expenses mentioned in statement ii, is lost, through the causes which are stated in the second note on statement iii. from this it follows: first, that all the profit of these islands accrues to the ecclesiastical estate. second, that in order to aid the indians the royal revenue has been burdened, to the injury of other vassals, with the charge of the royal situado which comes annually from nueva españa, in order to maintain the forts, troops, and courts, and meet other expenses of the royal treasury here. third, that the latter is heavily indebted, because the royal situado and the monopolies of the royal exchequer are not sufficient for so enormous expenses. fourth, that for lack of funds the king's service is neglected, the forts are defenseless, the provinces at the mercy of the moros, and everything is in notable danger of total ruin, unless suitable remedies are applied in time. on account of this, i have established in my "demonstration of the wretched and deplorable condition of the philipinas islands," [49] etc., the necessity of maintaining them with respectable forces, and [suggested] the expedient of augmenting the tribute on account of the obligation which every vassal is under to contribute to his king what is necessary for maintaining the kingdom in peace, justice, and union, and defending it from enemies. even without the necessity of increasing the tribute, i have been of opinion, and still continue in the firm persuasion that these islands could support themselves alone, and save to the royal revenue the remittance of the situado. desiring to demonstrate this truth--which has been taught to me by the experience and continual application of eight years--i will set forth the economies and augmentations which this royal treasury can observe in order to supply its urgent needs, and to support these islands more gloriously, and to the greater advantage of the royal exchequer. statement v the economies which the royal exchequer can practice, and the augmentations which it can receive, in what the curas and ministers of doctrinas collect from the king and the indians. 1. in the paper of suggestions which i presented to the government [here], and sent to the commander [50] frey don julian de arriaga with my report of july 22, 1764, there was a discussion of the saving which the royal exchequer will be able to make by paying to each cura and minister of a doctrina one stipend only, and not so many as correspond to every five hundred tributes. for, since the cura is only one, it does not seem just, even when the curacy is one of two thousand tributes, that four stipends be paid to him; but he should content himself with one, the royal exchequer saving the rest. the amount of this will reach annually some twenty thousand pesos, very nearly. i have made representations on this point to the royal audiencia, in order that they may settle this by an ordinance. 2. each stipend for a village or mission is fixed at a hundred pesos in money, and two hundred cavans of rice; if all this be paid in cash, and not in the said produce, regulating this [amount for the rice] by the price in each province, the negotiations of the curas and ministers with the alcaldes will be avoided, and the royal treasury will save each year at least fifteen thousand pesos in the stipends of curas, ministers and missionaries. it should be remembered that the abuse of paying the stipend in rice was introduced in violation of the law (ley 26, título 13, libro 1 of the recopilación de yndias), as i have represented in the expediente [51] of ordinances which is pending in the royal audiencia. 3. the fabricas of the churches have for funds the fees from the burials, and the eighth part of the occasional fees, with the others which i have stated in the document which treats of this subject, besides the [governmental] contribution of wine; and with the said funds there is a superabundance for paying the cost of the wine for masses and the oil for the lamps--which are set down as expenses of the royal exchequer in the third and fourth items of statement ii. these amount to nineteen thousand, one hundred and ninety-three pesos, six reals. 4. in the aforesaid paper of suggestions, and in the report of june 5, 760, the reasons were set forth why the king should not pay the cost of the missions which come from españa to these islands; for the religious orders are rich, although they deny it. thus the royal exchequer could save what is mentioned in the eleventh item of statement ii, which amounts each year to forty-six thousand, five hundred pesos. 5. the impost of the three reals for each tribute for the feasts of corpus [christi], the patron saint, and the monument, was granted by the provisor of this archbishopric at the instance of the religious orders, in the year 1697; and in that of 704 it was included in the provincial ordinances by señor zabarburo. this contribution is excessive, and the cost of the feasts is very small because the natives make the decorations of branches and furnish much wax; and the two feasts of corpus christi and the patron saint usually are held on the same day. for these reasons señor molina commanded, in his bishopric of nueva cazeres, that no payment should be exacted from the indians on account of these feasts, further than half a real for each tribute, considering that this sum was sufficient to pay for their celebration. the same was the practice of señor arevalo, who succeeded him in the same bishopric; but señor matos, the last bishop there, did not act thus. it is also an intolerable burden to the indians that at the time when they go to make their confessions, in order to fulfil the annual injunction, the said contribution is collected from them; and most of them are persuaded, through their stupidity and ignorance, that they are paying for the confession. all this i have explained in the expediente of ordinances which is pending in the royal audiencia. it would therefore be expedient that the said three reals be collected by the alcaldes-mayor, who should give to the curas and ministers a third part of the proceeds, setting aside the other two thirds for the maintenance of the fortified posts. thus the royal exchequer would have the benefit of this saving of expense, and would be increased by fifty thousand pesos, which is two-thirds of the proceeds of the three feasts, as is stated in the first item of statement iv. 6. the royal exchequer can save the cost of furnishing the medicines, clothing, support, and comforts for the sick religious; for the returns from the ministries are large, and the religious orders are rich. this saving, as is said in the eighth item of statement ii, amounts to five thousand pesos. the total of all these items is 155,693 pesos, 6 reals. thus the royal exchequer can save expense, and increase its funds every year by the sum of one hundred and fifty-five thousand, six hundred and ninety-three pesos, six reals, the amount of the six previous items, which correspond to the costs of the spiritual administration of the indians. this should be deducted from the amount which the ecclesiastical estate receives, for this very purpose, from the king and from the indians--which, according to the summary of statement iv, reaches the sum of four hundred and thirty-two thousand, six hundred and twenty-nine pesos, six tomins--and there still remains, in favor of the ecclesiastical estate, two hundred and seventy-six thousand, nine hundred and thirty-six pesos. summary pesos tomins the ecclesiastical estate receives from the king and from the indians, as in the summary of statement iv 432,629 6 deducting the amount of the savings which are stated in the preceding lines, 155,693 6 ------ there remains, in favor of the ecclesiastical estate, a net balance of 276,936 note the escorts which are furnished to the ministers are, at most, proper in the first years of a mission; but ordinarily this is a useless expense, by which the religious orders profit--or rather their missionaries, who take no other escorts than their own servants; nor do they need escorts, especially in the well-peopled missions. most of these are such, because many indians from the villages take refuge in the missions, either fleeing from justice, or for not paying the tribute. thus could be saved the cost of the said escorts; and even the stipend for every mission after twenty-five years from its establishment, by causing the people to be brought into villages. statement vi other increases and savings which the royal exchequer can make, in the various directions which are here stated. 1. it is assumed that there are, at the lowest figure, six thousand heads of barangay in the provinces of these islands; for although, by the ordinance, each headship ought to have forty-five entire tributes, it is certain that there are few which reach that number, and that there are many of five, eight, ten, and twenty tributes. therefore, assigning to each headship, on the average, at most thirty tributes, they make the six thousand above stated, the number of tributes [in them being] one hundred and eighty-three thousand, three hundred and thirty, the lowest computation that can be made of headships and of tributes. as three persons in every headship are exempted [from paying tribute], the royal exchequer is deprived of the value of nine thousand entire tributes, which, at the rate of ten reals, make eleven thousand, two hundred and fifty pesos. therefore, by abolishing the said headships, and making the governadorcillo or headman of each village responsible for the collection of the tributes therein (as is done in nueva españa), or by allowing the said headships and decreeing that those who hold them shall pay tribute (as they formerly did, by order of the visitor, auditor don joseph arzadun), this increase in the tribute will result to the advantage of the royal exchequer, by the sum of eleven thousand, two hundred and fifty pesos. 2. it is generally the case that the heads of barangay keep back from the king, at a very low estimate, at least ten tributes each, on account of the dispersion of the houses of the indians, which renders almost impossible any exactness in the tax-lists which for this purpose are committed to the said headships. therefore, if the reduction of the villages into parishes [52]--which i have continually urged, and shall ask from this government--could be effected, not only would the aforesaid collection of the tribute be greatly facilitated, especially if it were committed, as i have said, to the governadorcillos and leading chiefs; but the tax-lists would be exactly drawn up by the alcaldes, and the said ten tributes in each barangay which have been mentioned would not be kept back from the king. this, estimated for the six thousand [headships], would come to the number of sixty thousand tributes; at the rate of ten reals each, the royal treasury would enjoy an increase from this source, which would reach the sum of seventy-five thousand, five hundred pesos. 3. by order of the above-mentioned visitor, no exemption from tribute was enjoyed by the officials of the villages, except by the governadorcillos and headmen; and counting six exempt persons [each] in three hundred and sixty villages alone--without including the visitas, which also have their officials--they make the number of two thousand, one hundred and sixty, which make one thousand and eighty tributes. these, at the rate of ten reals, amount to one thousand, three hundred and fifty pesos; consequently, by taking away these exemptions the royal exchequer will be increased by this sum. 4. the singers, sacristans, and doorkeepers of the churches in the villages are paid from the communal treasury of the indians, and have their fees at all the feasts, burials, etc. [53] by exempting them from polos and personal services, and taking away their exemption from the tribute, [there would be gained] two thousand and thirty-eight and one-half whole tributes, which in the general [statement of] accounts for the year 765 are reckoned as exempted on account of the service of the churches in the villages tributary to the crown; the increase to the royal exchequer would be two thousand, five hundred and forty-eight pesos, one tomin. 5. those who are for the same reason exempted in the villages of private encomiendas, according to the said general statement, number one hundred and ninety-six and one-half whole tributes. by abolishing this exemption, the increase to the royal treasury will be two hundred and forty-five pesos, five tomins. 6. the confusion in the accounts of the royal revenue in the provinces; the arrears [in despatch of business] which they experience in the offices; the increased losses of ships, with goods belonging to the royal account, which are made a pretext [for not settling their accounts]; losses by fire; uncollectible charges; negligence in pushing the collections that ought to be made; and other damages which follow from the said confusion--all these are reckoned at thirty thousand pesos a year. if the debits and credits were in money, and not produce, and the alcaldes were obliged to supply the royal storehouses, transporting at their own account the commodities from the provinces--these being placed to their credit, according to the stipulation made with each one--with the rest which i have presented before the royal audiencia and superior government, the royal exchequer would render available the said sum of thirty thousand pesos. 7. likewise i have asserted in the royal audiencia that the indians ought not to be paid for the conveyance of their tributes, [when paid] in kind, from their villages to the capital of their province, as being contrary to the laws (ley 1, titulo 9, libro 8, and ley 63, titulo 5, libro 6, in the recopilación de yndias) which treat of the tributes of the crown, and plainly show the obligation of the indians to carry their tributes to the said capitals--differently from the tributes of encomiendas and from general appraisements, which are mentioned in ley 44, titulo 5, libro 6, in which it is commanded that the tributes be paid in the villages. consequently, if the aforesaid conveyance is at the cost of the indians, as seems just, and not at that of the royal exchequer, not only will the frauds arising from such entries in the accounts of the alcaldes be avoided, but his majesty will save the expense which is mentioned in the third item of statement iv, which amounts to the sum of six thousand pesos. (in case the method which is suggested in the sixth item preceding this be established, the said sum will inure to the benefit of the alcaldes-mayor, who should at their own account and risk render a statement, with payment, of the entire proceeds of the tributes; and in the obligation or contract with each one the said benefit should be kept in view, in order that it may inure to the benefit of the royal exchequer.) 8. there has always been an outcry in españa against the purchase of public offices in the yndias, notwithstanding that these have been placed on sale only in the exigencies of the crown. if the sale of these offices on the royal account is a question involving much scruple, it necessarily follows that it would be an injustice to sell them on the account of those who have authority to make appointments to those offices ad interim. consequently, by reëstablishing the oldtime method--by which the candidates for the posts of alcalde must present themselves before the royal audiencia with documentary evidence of their merits, in order that three qualified persons might be presented to the superior government, in the first, second, and third places respectively, for each post of alcalde--the dangers arising from the sale of offices which has been practiced in some governments would be avoided; and the selection [of officials] would be more conformable to justice and less mercenary (as i represented to his majesty in the year 760). the royal exchequer could thus save the salaries of the alcaldes and magistrates (as is done in nueva españa), which saving would amount, as in the second item of statement iii, to the sum of seven thousand, five hundred pesos. (if the alcaldeships were knocked down to the highest bidder in the auction-hall, together with the farming of the tributes, it would result in even greater profit to the royal exchequer.) 9. the offices of commander and military officers of the ship which goes annually to acapulco are bestowed on citizens of this city; and the appointments to these offices can be made without giving them the salaries which hitherto they have enjoyed; for they are sought not so much for the salaries as for the honor, and for the free passage, with comfortable berths and conveniences, [which is furnished to officers]. consequently the royal exchequer could save the amount of the said salaries, which exceeds ten thousand pesos. 10. in the paper of suggestions and the report which i cited in the first item of statement v, are mentioned the many advantages which would result from the establishment of guilds [gremios] which i propose; and from the increase of the royal revenues by the half-annats from the officials [of the crown]; and by the duties of one-fifth on silver and gold. these metals are wrought, at the will of the silver-smiths, of various standards and degrees of purity, contrary to the provisions of the royal decree of march 17, 1735; and as i cannot fix the exact amount for the aforesaid duties, a moderate estimate is made, at the lowest [standard], that the increase of the royal revenue would amount to some seven thousand pesos. 11. in each village there is a governadorcillo or headman, a deputy (and, if the village is a large one, two or three), a constable (and likewise two others, in large villages), an inspector of grain-fields [juez de sementeras], another of palm-trees, and a notary. in the visitas of the villages there are likewise deputies, constables, and inspectors of grain-fields. the large villages are more numerous than the small ones. if we allow for each one of the three hundred and sixty villages one headman or governadorcillo, only one deputy and one constable, one inspector of palm-trees and another of grain-fields, these make in each village, on the average, six offices which annually pay the half-annat, by a custom which was introduced into these islands in violation of the law of the indias, which exempts the indians from this royal impost. but in the settlement of its amount there is an unusual variation and difference, by which in the provinces of tondo, bulacan, balayan, and laguna de bay (which are close to manila) a governadorcillo pays twelve pesos, a deputy six pesos, and the constables, inspectors, and notaries four pesos [each]; while in the other provinces which likewise are close to this capital--pampanga, batahàn, and cavite--a governadorcillo pays six pesos, a deputy four pesos, and the constables, inspectors, and notaries three pesos [each]. in all the other and remote provinces, a governadorcillo pays only one peso, six granos; a deputy, six and one-half reals; and the constables, inspectors, and notaries, three and one-half reals. from this it results that each village in the four first-named provinces pays thirty-four pesos, and each village in the three other provinces close by pays only twenty-two pesos; and in the thirty-seven villages of these three provinces the difference which there is between paying twenty-two pesos each and (as in the former) thirty-four, is four hundred and forty-four pesos--which is the increase for the said royal impost, if the payment is fixed at thirty-four pesos. 12. the seven provinces above mentioned have one hundred and eleven villages, and to fill up the complement of three hundred and sixty there remain in the remote provinces two hundred and forty-nine villages. each one of these pays only five pesos, one tomin; and by ruling that they shall pay twenty-two pesos this impost will be increased by sixteen pesos, seven reals in each village. multiplying this by two hundred and forty-seven, the number of villages, the said increase will amount to the sum of four thousand, two hundred and one pesos, seven tomins; and by equalizing [the payments of] all the provinces, at the rate of thirty-four pesos for each village, the aforesaid increase will rise to seven thousand, one hundred and eighty-nine pesos, seven tomins. 13. in my report of may 10, 760, in which i demonstrated the defective foundation of the commerce here, i proposed the increase of sixty thousand pesos every year, [in the amount of the permission?] his majesty to permit the return of the silver from acapulco with the impost of eight to ten per cent; and it is certain that the ten per cent will produce to the royal exchequer annually, on the average, one hundred thousand pesos, which is the amount in which the royal officials at acapulco are interested. 14. in a report of june 25 in the same year, i proposed that the boletas should be applied to the benefit of the royal exchequer; [54] this increase would be at least fifty thousand pesos. 15. in a report of june 5 of the same year, i proposed to save the expense of one [university] chair of civil law [instituta], which would yield an increase of four hundred pesos. 16. in a report of july 14 of the same year was mentioned the abandonment of the sale of [papal] bulls; and it was shown that this could produce at each publication at least one hundred pesos, which would be an annual increase of fifty thousand pesos 17. the contract for working the iron mine called santa ynes [55] was knocked down to the highest bidder at the royal auctions, before the late war, and afterward its operation ceased entirely. consequently, by working the said mine on the royal account, on the terms which i proposed in the cited paper of suggestions, and in a written statement which i presented to the government (from which no action has yet resulted), the royal exchequer will gain the increase and profit of more than fifty thousand pesos. 18. by reëstablishing the farming or monopoly of playing-cards, either (preferably) by contract or by its administration or the royal account, as is commanded by the royal decrees of february 5, 730 and november 28, 1734, it could produce in all the provinces more than twenty thousand pesos, at the lowest estimate, in increase of the royal revenue. 19. by establishing the monopoly of cock-fighting [56] in these islands (as in mexico), with the charge of one grano for each indian who resorts to the said sport, and reckoning forty-eight granos (which make four reals) for forty-eight times [57] when each, at the least, would bet each year, four hundred thousand persons would share [in contributing to] the royal exchequer two hundred thousand pesos, at the least reckoning. for it is certain that there are more than eight hundred thousand souls who are able to bet on the cocks, and that, on account of their vicious dispositions and extraordinary addiction to this sport, it might be reckoned that each one would gamble more than eighty times a year; in that proportion the proceeds of this income, which here is estimated at only two hundred thousand pesos, would exceed four hundred thousand pesos. 20. by establishing similarly the monopoly of tobacco, [58] there would be an enormous increase in the royal revenue, since in the form of snuff [polvos] it is used by nearly all the spaniards (both ecclesiastical and secular) in the islands. by establishing monopoly shops in the villages of the provinces, the consumption [of snuff] would be great; but that of leaf tobacco and cigars would be incomparably greater yet, on account of being used by more than a million of souls; for it is certain (as is the case) that even the boys and girls use the said tobacco before they [are old enough to] exercise their reason [antes de tener vso de razon]. it can be asserted without exaggeration that this traffic would produce more than four hundred thousand pesos. 21. in a report of june 5 of the aforesaid year 760, i explained the increase which the royal revenues might obtain, and in the cited paper of suggestions i proposed the means, by which the monopolies of buyo and wine [59] could be augmented by more than a hundred and thirty thousand pesos; for it is certain that if these were extended to all the provinces (they now have no wider limit than five leguas from this capital) they would produce for the royal treasury enormous sums. 22. the casting of plows is permitted to one person only, who is appointed by the government; if this were sold at auction it certainly would produce, at the lowest estimate, the sum of seven hundred pesos. thus the savings and increases of revenue contained in this sixth statement would produce to the royal treasury the aforesaid sum of one million, one hundred and fifty-seven thousand, one hundred and thirty-nine pesos, five tomins every year. summary pesos tomins the savings and increases of revenue contained in this statement amount to the sum of 1,157,139 5 those contained in statement v amount to 155,693 6 -------- total 1,312,833 3 accordingly, the savings and the increases mentioned in the two foregoing statements are worth to the royal exchequer the sum of one million, three hundred and twelve thousand, eight hundred and thirty-three pesos, three reals; and even if it be reckoned at no more than a million, this annual product will be more than enough to maintain the islands with respectable forces, and to make good the expenses hitherto caused to the royal revenue, without the necessity of increasing the royal tribute from the indians. and, in case it be thus increased, in the following statement will be set forth the value of the said increase. note 1. in the said savings and expenses have not been included the royal customs duties--on which i made a report to his majesty under date of march 4, 760--because they are at the present time levied and collected with great increase of the royal revenue, time having confirmed what was contained in the report here cited. for, notwithstanding that the collections are now made on the spanish ships only at the rate of three per cent, the royal exchequer has an increase of two hundred per cent, more than in past times when these duties were levied, either really or nominally [se exigia, ô se aparentava la exaccion], at eight per cent. 2. reference can be made to the information which i furnished to his majesty under date of june 5 in the aforesaid year of 1760, in which were discussed the savings which the royal exchequer could make in various directions, especially in the timber-cutting and in the royal storehouses, for the damage that the royal interests suffer [therein] is very evident; but no definite amount is set down for the value of the said savings, nor are they included in this account, since it is difficult to compute them. 3. for the same reason, the large retrenchments have not been included herein which can be made in the ribera of cavite, and in the stricter examination of the accounts pertaining to military supplies, provisions, implements, and reserve supplies for the acapulco ships and other vessels belonging to his majesty; for there is great waste, and little care is exercised in what is furnished for consumption. [60] these and many other economies can be facilitated only by disinterestedness, zeal, and application to the affairs of the royal service. statement vii what can be produced for the royal exchequer by an increase in the tributes in statement i is reckoned the number of two hundred [thousand] whole tributes, at the rate of ten reals each, which is the amount that they actually pay. this computation was made by reducing the tributes of mestizos to tributes of indians, and in the same sense ought the increase which is discussed in this statement to be understood; for, although the mestizos pay twice as much tribute as the indians, and consequently the increase ought to be double, the number also is duplicated, in order to avoid discrepancies and to facilitate the greater perspicuity and clearness of these statements by the definite number of two hundred thousand tributes, at the rate of ten reals each. as this is a very moderate rate, it can be increased in such ratio as shall be considered necessary; for this reason, i have set down separately in the following columns the amounts by which the royal treasury will benefit from an increase in the tributes--from ten reals to sixteen, which are two pesos; to twenty-four reals, which are three pesos; and to thirty-two reals, which are four pesos. -----------------------------+-------------+-------------+------------- increase in tribute, | of 6 reals | of 14 reals | of 22 reals | pes. tom. | pes. tom. | pes. tom. -----------------------------+-------------+-------------+-------------the increase of 6 reals, of | | | 14 reals, and of 22 reals | | | in each one of the 200,000 | | | whole tributes which | | | statement i mentions, | | | amounts, as seen in the | | | respective columns, to | 150,000 | 350,000 | 550,000 | | | the said increase in each one| | | of the 9,000 tributes | | | mentioned in item 1, | | | statement 6, amounts to | 6,750 | 15,750 | 24,750 | | | the said increase in each | | | one of the 60,000 tributes | | | mentioned in item 2, | | | statement 6, amounts to | 45,000 | 105,000 | 165,000 | | | the said increase in each | | | one of 1,800 tributes | | | mentioned in item 3 of | | | said statement amounts to | 870 | 1,389 | 2,970 | | | the said increase in the | | | tributes mentioned in item | | | 4 of the said statement | | | amounts to | 1,528 7| 3,567 3| 5,605 7 | | | the said increase in the | | | tributes mentioned in item | | | 5 of the said statement | | | amounts to | 147 3| 343 7| 540 3 +-------------+-------------+------------- total | 204,236 2| 476,551 2| 748,866 2 +-------------+-------------+------------- summary | | | the increase of 6 reals, of | | | 14 reals, and of 22 reals | | | in each tribute, according | | | to the respective columns | | | of this statement, amounts | | | to | 204,236 2| 476,557 2| 748,866 2 | | | the increases and savings | | | contained in the summary | | | of statement 6 amount to | 1,312,833 3| 1,312,833 3| 1,312,833 3 +-------------+-------------+-------------total amount of the increases| | | and savings of the royal | | | revenue every year | 1,517,069 5| 1,789,384 5| 2,061,693 5 -----------------------------+-------------+-------------+-------------thus the increases and savings which the royal exchequer can practice in these islands, without increasing the royal tributes from the indians, will be worth each year the sum of one million, three hundred and twelve thousand, eight hundred and thirty-three pesos, three tomins, as is shown in the items of statements v and vi. if the tribute is increased from ten to sixteen reals (which are two pesos), the savings and increases will bring into the royal treasury the sum of one million, five hundred and seventeen thousand, and sixty-nine pesos, five tomins. if the tribute is increased from ten to twenty-four reals, the said savings and expenses amount to the sum of one million, seven hundred and eighty-nine thousand, three hundred and eighty-four pesos, five tomins. and if the tribute be increased to thirty-two pesos, the said savings and expenses amount to two millions, sixty-one thousand, six hundred and ninety-nine pesos, five tomins. note all these computations of the savings and increases which this royal treasury can gain each year have been made without including in the totals the actual product of the tributes and other branches of the royal revenue in these islands; therefore, adding the said product to the total of the savings and increases which are here mentioned, there will result a greater amount than that which has been estimated. no matter how gloomily people may talk, the aforesaid statements are convincing that, even if these estimates are made lower, these islands can, notwithstanding these reductions, be maintained by their own resources alone; and in the future the royal exchequer can make good the great sums which the islands have hitherto cost, with the special advantage that the fortified towns and military posts can be put into very respectable condition, and be made superior to the forts of any hostile nation whatever. i protest and swear that i have understood the matter thus, and that, because i consider it feasible, judging from the experience of my office, i have [here] devoted myself to demonstrating more specifically that which in general is contained in the work entitled "demonstration of the wretched and deplorable condition of the philipinas islands," etc., which last year i presented before this superior government, and of which i rendered account to his majesty, whose royal mind will consider what is most expedient for the glory of his monarchy, the conservation of these islands, and the advantage of the royal exchequer. it is to those ends that the savings and increases of revenue are directed that are found in these statements--which are the children of the zeal, affection, fidelity, disinterestedness, and assiduity with which i have devoted myself to the affairs of the royal service. manila, july 10, 1766. don francisco leandro de viana letter from viana to carlos iii sire: by a royal decree dated at madrid on august 4, 1765, your majesty ordered that this royal audiencia should take pains to secure the observance of the laws (24 and 25, título i, book vi) in the recopilación de indias with regard to the trade and intercourse of the spaniards with the indians; and that it should report to your majesty upon the other things contained in the copy of a letter from the venerable dean and cabildo of this holy church, [61] in which they chiefly set forth the request that your majesty will deign to issue stricter orders so that the indians may learn the castilian language. as the aforesaid report has not been despatched by this audiencia--which is composed of two auditors, and there is only one of integrity, and zeal for the royal service--i have deemed it inseparable from my obligation to inform your majesty [62] of what the experience of about nine years as fiscal has taught me regarding the aforesaid points, and to make known the zeal with which i have labored, to the end that in this particular the laws and your majesty's royal decrees might be carried out. for this it is necessary to assume (in confirmation of the statements in the above-mentioned letter) that the despotism of the ministers of the doctrinas is absolute, so that they are almost the only ones who command in these islands; and that they govern at their own will the villages and provinces, without recognizing your majesty or obeying any laws or royal decrees save those which suit their own interests and opinions. it is evident and notorious that they do not obey any of the rest, except as they please. this is proved by the fact that there is no law or decree or ordinance which is observed by the said ministers of doctrinas in questions of the royal patronage, in the administration of the sacraments to the sick, in the tanorías and other matters in which their comfort is concerned, and, above all, in the schools, for instruction in the spanish language. all this lawless conduct (which results from the absolute sway of the ministers of doctrinas) will be evident to your majesty from the copy which i enclose of two fiscal opinions, which are literally transcribed from the official records belonging to the year 765; the originals are found in the respective expedientes preserved in the office of the court secretary of this audiencia. in these is told sufficient to give some idea of the despotism of the said religious, on whom nearly all the people of these islands are dependent--some through fear, and others through unjust acts of compliance and tolerance which at the present time make it exceedingly difficult to check that despotism. this will never be accomplished unless the governor and the ministers of the audiencia proceed unitedly and with equal firmness, without yielding to the religious, and with inflexible zeal for the fulfilment of the laws and the municipal ordinances of these islands. but for this end it would be indispensable to confer the public offices of the provinces on men tried and true, who would fulfil their obligations; and not on persons who, buying the said offices in manila, undertake to fill them by inflicting so many injuries [on the natives] that their very infractions of law oblige them to depend absolutely on the religious, and to maintain the latter in their possession of authority over the indians and over the alcaldes. from this beginning it results that neither the orders of the governor nor of the audiencia take effect, and that all the measures which are conformable to the laws and to your majesty's royal decrees prove futile; for there is a false show of fulfilling them, which leaves these matters in the same confusion which attempt was made to remedy. in the laws of the indias, in the former "ordinances" of these islands, in those which were drawn up by governor don pedro manuel de arandía [63] and in repeated royal decrees, this matter of the instruction of the indians in the spanish language is especially enjoined; but, notwithstanding this, the notion of the said religious has prevailed that the indians shall remain ignorant of the said language, in order to keep them more dependent [on the fathers], and in order that no spaniard may obtain information of what is going on in the villages. there are innumerable instances which have occurred, of the curas of doctrinas punishing the indians who talked with the spaniards in our language. in the villages close to this capital there are many indians who understand the said language very well, but when they are in the presence of any religious they reply in their own tagal language to the spaniards who ask them questions in castilian, through their fear of the father; and the latter never speaks to the indians in spanish, even though they may be proficient in it. this is convincing that the intention of the religious orders is certain and evident, that the indians shall not know our language, so that they may be more secure of the doctrinas not being taken away from them, of the bishops not attempting to visit them, of the non-enforcement of the laws (none of which are enforced) of the royal patronage, and of the continuance of the despotism with which they govern the indians in both spiritual and temporal matters, without fear of any noticeable result. for thus they find themselves necessary, and they mock at the zeal of a governor, of an archbishop, of a fiscal, and of all those who mourn the entire non-observance of the laws; and as these officials and the ministers of the audiencia are seldom united to procure the enforcement of the laws, because the religious orders do not neglect to mislead some of them, the latter are always sure of a victory through this disunion (which is very frequent), when the same spirit of courage and firmness does not animate the minds of all [the officials] for the fulfilment of the laws and of your majesty's royal ordinances. through your royal complaisance, i have continually inveighed against the main points in the opinions of the curas of doctrinas, which are opposed to the laws and ordinances; and especially against their persistent endeavor that the indians shall not know our spanish language--as your majesty's royal mind will be informed by the copy which i enclose. as contributing to fuller information on this point, and confirming it, i will state that in the year 762 i, as fiscal, made the same claims in this royal audiencia which the venerable dean and cabildo set forth to your majesty in the year 764. there is equal proof for what i demanded regarding the trade of the spaniards with the indians. it is grievous to see that no one dares to carry on this trade; for, however strict may be the orders which have been issued, not only by your governors but by this audiencia, the curas of doctrinas have many means for rendering them ineffective. they dissuade the spaniards from going to the indian villages, where, as a rule, they are treated with incredible contempt, and are denied even the food which they need (and for which they offer money), because neither the governadorcillo nor any other indian dares to sell it without permission from the father minister. not only does the father usually deny this, but he stirs up the anger of the indians against the spaniard--whom they call castila; the name of castilian has thus become exceedingly odious among the natives, and they regard every spaniard with dislike, if indeed not with hatred. to see a spaniard in their villages appears to them such a novelty that all the inhabitants--old persons, the youths, and the children--sally out to look at him, with loud yells and uproar, in which one can only hear, "castila! castila!" and amid the annoyance of being surrounded by indians, without being able to understand them, the spaniard has no other resource than to go in search of the father of the doctrina, and humiliate himself before him with the same abjectness as the said indians show, in order that the reverence shown to this despot may furnish him with lodging and food, and render his life safe. this would not happen if the castilian language had been extended into the provinces, for experience shows that every indian who understands it feels much affection for the spaniards; and the natives aid them wherever they meet them, if they are not in the presence of the fathers of doctrinas. it is no less certain that many of the fathers trade in the villages which they administer, and that for this reason also they are undertaking to hinder, by the aforesaid means, the trade of the spaniards. all this will seem as incredible to your majesty as it seemed to me until my official duties, and the things that i myself have seen in the provinces through which i have traveled, proved its truth to me; and even more than what is notorious and public to all who have lived in these islands for some time can be told to your majesty by doctor don simon anda y salazar, who certainly was often undeceived, by experience, in regard to the aforesaid intentions of the religious. i, sire, would not dare to write on subjects so delicate, and so difficult to explain, if i were not fully convinced of what i have stated above, and of the fact that this abuse has not been nor will it be remedied, while a governor little acquainted [with his duties] in the early years of his term casts into oblivion the measures taken by his predecessor, or revokes them, through the persuasions of the religious; and when he reaches the point of being undeceived he comes to the last years of his government, and the measures that he takes then have the same fate as those already mentioned, on the arrival of his successor. the same thing occurs with the ministers [of the audiencia] who have recently arrived at this city; for, under the influence of the said religious, they regard as recklessness and impiety that which afterward, with some experience, they recognize as zeal for the royal service. this disunion and lack of agreement in their opinions would not be experienced if the laws were punctually observed, and if the "ordinances for the provinces" were established as law--which would regulate all these matters, and not allow freedom for failure in supporting them, as they ought to be supported, by an opinion that is equally firm in all the governors and ministers. for nothing so injures good government as the attempt of those high officials to temporize with every one, and not incur any one's ill-will; and to look out for their own profit, to the detriment of the general good. it is notorious, at the same time, that for the said reasons whatever concerns his majesty and the public is in almost utterly desperate condition; that the laws and royal decrees are not held in due reverence and respect; that they are transgressed with reckless readiness; that seldom is justice administered, on account of the intervention of influential persons; and that only where there is no advantage for self--as is the case in the affairs of poor people--are the laws observed. from this abuse--offensive to the supreme power of his majesty, which usually is not obeyed in these islands, where a spirit of greed is the sole ruler with absolute dominion--it results that zealous and upright ministers are the only ones who are persecuted; and that those who remain inactive, and are susceptible to presents, and can be led into unlawful yielding and compliance, are popular with the citizens. another of the more important causes which occasion the said abuse is, that since the audiencia has no cognizance of the affairs of the provinces in regard to their government, and as the governors on account of their military profession (in which alone they have been trained) have not the necessary knowledge of the laws and of the "ordinances of good government," or of municipal regulations, it results that an upright governor does not come to a resolve about anything, for fear of making some mistake; another, more resolute, goes headlong into measures to which his associates persuade him; and another governor, with interested motives, works for his own advantage. as a general rule, all or most of the governors are bewildered with the multitude of affairs which present themselves; they do very little work, and in nothing do they act with less vigor than in the government of the provinces; and enactments are made at the pleasure of the governor's secretary, and occasionally of the assistant judge [asesor]. here these usually are venal and have little sense of honor; and they attend only to such business as brings them gain, and not that of their office, which yields them nothing. these serious and notorious difficulties can be avoided only by separating from the government the superintendency of the exchequer [64] which is the department of business that is most neglected, and is most worthy of attention--and establishing ordinances, which shall be enforced without deviation, for the secure furtherance of the royal interests, and of the administration of justice in the provinces, leaving the absolute cognizance of the latter to the royal audiencia, and of the former to an intendant, and forbidding them to the governors, who have more than enough field for action in military and purely political affairs in which to display their zeal. then they would devote themselves to these important matters belonging to their profession, which are those which have seemed to them to merit least attention and care, because their application to other business produces them more gain. if these departments of the government were separated in the above manner, there would be an invariable method of procedure in the two tribunals of the audiencia and the intendancy. for in the former, even if one or another minister should pass away, there would remain others, who could instruct the new officials, so that the said method should never be changed without evident necessity, justified by documents and by unanimous opinions; and in the intendancy the same thing would occur, by means of the practical knowledge which would pass from some royal officials to others, and from some subordinates to others. especially should be left to parties [in controversies] free recourse by appeal to the royal audiencia from all the acts and measures of the intendant; and he, with the ministers [of that court], should proceed to the choice (by a majority of votes) of the [provincial] governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor. thus, likewise, would be avoided the sale of those offices, which is frequent; and the merit and services of the citizens would be rewarded, so that they might have some stimulus in regard to their conduct and valor, and be encouraged to serve your majesty by these hopes--which are entirely lacking to them at the present time, in which he alone is preferred who gives most for the offices. in regard to the "ordinances for the provinces," i have systematized those which doctor don simon de anda y salazar can show you; he carried with him a copy of them, which i drew up with the knowledge and experience which i have acquired by dint of constant application. thus far they have been neither approved nor censured by the royal audiencia, in virtue of the royal decree which your majesty addressed to that body, that they should frame and arrange some ordinances, keeping in mind the articles of the late governor don pedro manuel arandía, and those of the reverend father in christ the bishop of nueva caseres; [65] but as the said ordinances cannot be framed without [incurring] the resentment of the ministers of doctrinas, and opposing their despotism and their designs (which aim at the overthrow of the ordinances which i composed), that court has left the matter in suspense for more than three years. and it will remain in this condition, at the pleasure of the senior auditor in the said audiencia, on whom alone it depends, unless the efforts of those zealous ministers don manuel galvan and the above-mentioned don simon de anda, and those which i have exerted in the duties of my office, can secure the settlement of a business of so great importance--in which are included the two points which i have already mentioned, the trade with the indians, and their instruction in the castilian language. there is another matter not less important, the reduction of the villages and houses of indians into parishes [debajo de campana], which i have continually recommended, and still urge; for i am of opinion that without such reduction we shall have neither christians nor good vassals, as it is impossible for the indians, while dispersed, to be instructed in the mysteries of the catholic religion. living, as most of them do, without government either spiritual or temporal, they readily abandon both their religion and their vassalage, as experience has proved. this would be corrected by the said reduction, and, as a result, the indians would become more civilized; they would go to church frequently, the children would attend the schools, and their instruction in the castilian language would be facilitated, and with it our trade. if schools for the instruction of boys and girls were established in the chief towns of the provinces, as i recommended to the superior government, religion and the christian church would flourish in these valuable dominions--whose natives are susceptible of great religious and social progress, if zeal and care be displayed for that which has hitherto been neglected. as for the royal interests in these islands, i have the satisfaction of having sent to your majesty a work entitled, "demonstration of the deplorable and wretched condition of these philipinas islands," etc.; and another containing seven demonstrations [66] showing the products yielded by these dominions and the expenditures of your majesty therein; and the great retrenchments of these, and the increase [of revenues], which might be established--which would reach every year the amount of more than one million, three hundred thousand pesos, without including the increase of the tributes or counting the present receipts of this royal treasury. in regard to these two works, however great an outcry may be made by the indignation which the religious have conceived against me on account of the advantages of which they would be deprived by the [royal] approbation of the second work, i trust that the royal and just mind of your majesty will be gratified by the zeal with which i have discovered the "philosopher's stone" with which these islands can yield to your majesty more than what their maintenance has cost for two hundred and three years. in the present report i have expressed myself at some length, bringing in the points just mentioned because i think that they help to a more intelligent understanding of the two most important matters, the trade of the spaniards with the indians, and the knowledge by the latter of the spanish language. to understand better the ideas of the ministers of doctrinas, it only remains for me to say, through love for the truth, that among them there are some religious of exemplary virtue, who are included [in my censure only] in what concerns their spiritual administration, in other matters fulfilling [their obligation of] obedience to their superiors, and not meddling with worldly affairs; but i cannot avoid giving, in conclusion, a brief account of the manner in which the ministries are filled in their chapter-sessions. the factions among the religious are notorious, and sometimes scandalous; and they are engaged during the entire year in activities for the chapter-session. the faction which gains the upper hand shares among its adherents all the ministries which have the right to vote, and those of the greatest profit and ease; and the rest are distributed among those of the opposite faction, who go as exiles to the mountains, and especially to the missions. this is the reason why so few souls are converted among the pagans; because no longer are selected for missionaries the religious who have a vocation [for that work], and zeal, but those who have no influential friends and those who are unable to attend the chapter-sessions. the provincial-elect supports those of his faction, on account of the importance to him of their votes for the next chapter; and he overlooks or permits more than what is right. he makes--with ostentation, and with greater authority than that of a bishop--the visitation of the ministries under him; and even if the indians complain of any extortion, it is not corrected except when the religious [in that village] belongs to the opposite faction. some complaints reach the tribunals of this city, and, however justified they may be, the provincial does not punish them, except when that suits the interests of his faction; but there are very few who complain, because it is an article of faith, so to speak, among the indians that the father ministers possess an absolute power and dominion, which compels them to endure or perform whatever the fathers command them. [67] and since in each province, even though it may be of wide extent and contain many villages, there is no spaniard save the alcalde, and he also fears the said fathers, they are despots; and the indians are unable to do anything save what their father minister tells them to do. for these reasons, the entire secular government of these provinces remains at the disposal and pleasure of the curas of doctrinas, whose maxim is that which the religious orders most observe, as well as their provincial superiors. in order to fill that office, they give up administering the indians, but at the end of the provincialate they return to the said administration, in which the same despotism belongs to them. this is absolutely without remedy, and will be so while the curas of doctrinas, besides what i have already said, cannot be subjected to the visitation of the ordinaries. if that were the case, they would prevent any ecclesiastic from taking part in secular affairs, and from oppressing the indians--not allowing them to compel the natives, contrary to the ordinances of the provinces, to supply fish for the support of the cura; or to pound the rice (in which they employ the young indian women); or to furnish the other polos or tanorías which they have established, contrary to the laws and the said ordinances. the ordinaries would also prevent the frequent abuse of their causing the sick to be carried to the church in order to give them the viaticum--as is done notwithstanding the ordinances and many royal decrees which prohibit this; they would take pains to see that the indulgences of the bull [of the crusade] were preached; they would visit the brotherhoods and the confraternities. they would take inventory of the incomes of the respective churches, according to the laws of the royal patronage, in order to know how they are spent, in regard to which also i have advanced what your majesty will find in the expediente for the wine monopoly. they would keep close watch over the schools, to see that instruction be given in the spanish language. they would restrain the occupation of some religious in the business of trading; and trade would become free to the spaniards, who thus would have the opportunity which hitherto they have lacked for trafficking in the provinces. with this traffic the indians would become accustomed to dealings and intercourse with the spaniards, whose name is now most odious to them; for by this means their curas keep them in greater subjection--if it is not, indeed, a sort of vassalage; it goes so far as to dominate the wills of the indians, and to make them as hostile to the spaniards as, in general, the religious are. finally, with the said visitation of the ordinaries, and the subjection to it of the curas of doctrinas, a remedy would be provided for almost all the abuses and the usages that are practiced in the ministries--which are today the same that were related to your majesty by the venerable bishop palafox, which appear in his arguments in favor of the secular clergy--the reverend bishops proceeding with the pastoral zeal which without doubt would actuate them if they were not members of the orders, and with harmony and agreement with the government as vice-patron. for, with the two branches [of the government] united, having the same object, and punctually observing not only the visitation but the law of the royal patronage in the presentation or removal of curas, it is very certain that the indians would be relieved of heavy burdens; the religious would not be so despotic; and they would devote themselves to the care of their parishioners in spiritual affairs, without meddling in secular matters. the good government of the provinces would be established; trade with the indians would be introduced and promoted; and by means of this trade, and of instruction in the spanish language, mutual kind feeling would be engendered between the two peoples, and there would be an end to the detestation with which one regards the other. above all, sire, it would be known that your majesty is the sovereign of these islands, in which, it can be asserted, the religious do not recognize your majesty; for they observe or heed hardly any of the laws, the royal decrees, and the ordinances which regulate, the above-mentioned matters. at the same time, they are exceedingly jealous and exacting that all the laws which treat of advantages, stipends, and contributions to them shall be executed. but even all that is here mentioned will not be enough for the amendment of the many evils which demand it, unless all [the officials] are encouraged and animated by the [right] spirit in the governor of these islands, on whose good or evil conduct depends the good or the bad behavior of almost all the people who compose this colony. this government has in its charge a multitude of affairs, which on account of their extent overtax the ability of one person alone, and on this account they are entrusted to many--but with this distinction, that when the governor is able, assiduous in his duties, vigorous, and just in his dealings (traits which unfortunately have been seldom seen in these islands for many years past), such also are those who assist him; and they take pains to secure his approval as much as they fear to displease him. but when the governor is a man of limited ability, indolent, or dominated by avarice (which is most frequently the case), all his associates have these same failings and vices. moreover, all business then depends on the governor's secretary; nothing is attended to, save what yields [him] some profit, and everything is neglected which concerns your majesty, the government of the provinces, the proper management of the royal exchequer, and the public welfare. in these matters, the earnest zeal of neither the fiscal nor of some other upright ministers is sufficient, for since they are such they oppose what is unjust, and obtain no other result than many vexations, and the grief of seeing that these islands are going headlong to their final ruin. hence it may be concluded that only a governor who is able, industrious, and very disinterested, in conjunction with reverend bishops of like zeal, assiduity, and disinterestedness, can constitute the effectual check by which the curas of doctrinas may be kept within bounds, by subjecting them to the [episcopal] visitation, and to the enforcement of the laws of the royal patronage; and by stationing in the provinces alcaldes who are men of honor and who fear god, who will be vigilant for the laws and ordinances--as they will be if, free from uncertainty as to their authority, they have no cause to fear the religious. but, on the other hand, if they have cause for such fear they will neglect everything, and only busy themselves in what encourages their covetousness, with acts of extortion and violence which seldom are punished, because they are hidden in the residencias; and because the governor, who regularly sells these offices to the persons who give most for them, permits their acts of injustice, which he would punish if the appointment were a disinterested one and in accordance with the royal intention of your majesty. by these facts it seems to be demonstrated that the main root of all these evils is in the inefficiency, indolence, and, most of all, the covetousness of the governors; and that the remedy for them lies alone in the division of the [governmental] business, as i have already stated, or else, if this division be not made, that the governors be men who are able, assiduous, and disinterested. for such will cause all the members [of the government] to follow the example of their head; and the laws, the royal decrees, and the ordinances will be obeyed, so that your majesty may be recognized as sovereign lord of these dominions, and a thoroughly good government will be established which can preserve these christian lands, with benefit to the royal treasury, as i have had the honor to represent to your majesty. for otherwise it does not seem probable that the royal orders of your majesty will be productive of results, for experience shows that such has not been the case hitherto with the many pious and excellent provisions contained in the wise laws of the indias, and with the repeated royal decrees by which, at various times, those laws have been confirmed. these have not yet been fulfilled, nor will they be, unless disinterestedness rules, and unless there is punishment for covetousness--for this is what ruins and upsets everything, and, by force of defying and insulting upright ministers, causes the latter to live without freedom to execute justice, and to render the worthy tribunal of the audiencia useless and inactive; for the iniquitous proceedings of some governors, and especially of the present one, have reduced this court to the utmost humiliation, as the numerous transactions of which i have given account to your majesty prove. may god preserve the catholic royal person of your majesty for many years, as is needful for the monarchy. manila, may 1, 1767. [francisco leandro de viana, fiscal of the royal audiencia.] anda's memorial, 1768 abuses or disorders which have been fostered in the filipinas islands under the shelter of religion, and at the cost of the royal treasury, which ought to be cut down at the root, so that the governors who may be sent to those parts, if they are good may be better, and if bad may not be worse--and, at least, so that they may not have any excuse; so that religion may be established on its sure principles of purity, in order that the king may be owner of those domains (until now he has been owner in the matter of expense); and finally, so that his majesty's vassals, both spaniards and indians, may be vassals of their king alone, and may be relieved from the abominable slavery which they have borne for about two hundred years. [68] first abuse it is an abuse, and a very great one, for a city so reduced as manila to have two universities for the small student body [estudiante y medio: literally, "student and a half"] therein, without other object or idea than the rivalry of the thomist and jesuit schools, to the so great harm of the state, and of religion, as has been seen in all parts, in so many clamorings and scandals. [69] it has been said that there is a student and a half, not because there is no more, but because i mean by that that there are eighty or ninety (and there are no more) for the two universities. in the beginning there was a secular university as in españa, but the two orders did not rest until they destroyed it; [70] and they, having remained alone, scarcely furnish subjects for the eight canonries, two raciones, and two medias-raciones, of the cathedral. it is to the interest of all the orders that a secular ecclesiastical estate shall not be fostered, or [even] exist; for in this manner, since there is no one [else] to be obtained, they continue in the possession of the curacies, and the king continues his former and most detrimental burden of sending missionaries at his own cost, who become there so many other enemies. on account of the abovesaid, the two universities in great harmony and accord have introduced the settled plan of furnishing an instruction of mere ceremony, in order thus to disappoint even the small number of students. in the university of santo tomás there is one professorship of institute law, and another in the university of the society. who will believe that when i was in manila there were not more than three advocates who had graduated from those universities? namely, don santiago de orendain, don domingo de aranas, and don luis de luna--the first two professors, but with scarcely any pupils. it is a fact that the bar in manila is superabundantly supplied. notwithstanding that, if advocates did not go from mexico to gain their livelihood the business [of the courts] would cease for lack of defenders, notwithstanding the two universities--who through their shrewdness and influence prevent the students from pursuing that career, as very few are inclined to that of theology. [71] remedy for this evil the university of the society having been extinguished by their expulsion, the same ought to be done with that of santo tomás; for, otherwise, the same difficulty remains. suitable professors ought to be sent from here, [72] who will maintain themselves with the same incomes, [73] and suitable seculars, in order that they may be given the curacies near manila. in view of this reward there will be no lack of students to attend it; and in a few years, the hard yoke of all the regular estate, hitherto possessing almost all the curacies and maintained by the king, notwithstanding the rich fees or dues [therein], will be shaken off. [74] second abuse it is an abuse that, although the spiritual administration belongs by right to the secular clergy, and the regulars possess it precariously ad nutum [misprinted mitum] regis propter inopiam clericorum in principio, [75] the greatest promotion which an unemployed secular obtains in filipinas is to be the servant or deputy of the fathers. [76] thence it results that the latter abound in so great wealth, collectively and singly, and the former suffer from necessity; and all of them are the sons of spaniards and indian women, and all vassals of the king. in view of this disclosure, what father will spend and what son will work without even a remote hope of reward? remedy for this evil since the reign of don fernando vi (in the years 53 and 57), all the curacies in both americas have been taken from the regulars as fast as the latter have died. let the same be done in filipinas, and that will be in accordance with all right. the true religious will surely give thanks, the curacies will return to their center, and the ecclesiastical estate will be aided by what is in justice due to it. third abuse it is an abuse that since the regulars have possessed the curacies for so many years and with so many troubles [ensuing therefrom], they have not, although the country is so wealthy and their fees and parish dues are so heavy, thought of relieving the king of the hard and intolerable burden of paying them a stipend in money, with rice, wine for the mass, and oil; and, in those curacies which they call missions, even the escorts for the guard of the father--who runs no risk and for that reason is not accustomed to have any escort, although the king always pays for them. [77] what vassal who has even the most lukewarm regard and respect for his king could keep still when the curacies of binondo, santa cruz, and the parian (which are under the cannon of manila), and that of tondo, which are, with but little difference, worth to the regulars, the first, six or seven thousand pesos in obventions, and the others but little less, nevertheless draw from the king the stipend in the things mentioned above? remedy for this evil to create a university, as has been said, to send clergy for its beginning, and to make current the tithes--of which hitherto in manila it is only known that they are inserted in corpore juris, [78] nothing more. by this just provision the king will save three hundred thousand pesos; the army will find that they can be supported with that amount; and the difference between these two investments will be evident, since the soldiers defend the king, and the regulars are his enemies, of which the past war was a good example. fourth abuse it is an abuse that amid the many and heavy fees which the regulars charge the indians they exact fees for confession, and, in the [very] act of making the confession, one and one-half reals in order to comply with the precept, under the pretext of the three feasts, namely, corpus christi, the titular saint, and holy thursday; for even if that is not simony, at least est res pesimi exempli. [79] it is certain that the indian believes that he pays for confession, and it is also a fact that if he does not pay he is not confessed. as soon as the english took possession of manila, they learned of such a custom, and thereupon cast great contempt on our religion, and persuaded the indians to follow them, for among them there was no such practice, nor could there be--which was an error and a manifest deceit. [80] from this custom, abuse, or offering, two hundred pesos are obtained in some villages, and in others three hundred, four hundred, and even more, according to the population. the abovesaid feasts result so cheaply to the father that with twenty pesos he pays the expenses of all three of them; for the adornment of the church and of the line of march is made by the indians; wax is no expense to the father, or very cheap; he or his associate preaches the sermon; and, let him preach what he will, he never gets beyond a discourse spoken in a language which either the preacher does not understand, or, if he does understand it, he does so very poorly and with great errors. [81] remedy for this evil to decree that this abuse cease entirely; for it is less inconvenient that there should not be such feasts than that, under the pretext of those feasts, occasion be given for so serious a scandal; a thousand expedients that are proper will be found without using this one, which touches a most sensitive point in religion. fifth abuse since the discovery of the two americas, the king has been seignior of them in temporal matters, and in spiritual, royal patron and pope, and as such has made appointments to all the secular and ecclesiastical employments of the cathedrals, with the advice of the auditors; and the curacies are filled by the vice-patrons, with preceding examination and proposal by the ordinary. in this matter there is seen the monstrosity in filipinas that, excepting the prebends of the cathedral, all the curacies are given by the provincials to their subjects without examination, proposal by, or notice to, the ordinaries or the vice-patrons, with absolute despotism and independence, despoiling the king and ordinaries of the so well-known right that belongs to them. remedy for this evil until seculars are provided, the provincials must cause their subjects, by right and the councils, to subject themselves to examination and proposal by the ordinary to the vice-patrons; and it is an intolerable abuse that the provincials make those appointments without giving notice to the latter. sixth abuse it is an abuse, born of the preceding, that the archbishop of manila and the three bishops of nueva cáceres, nueva segovia, and cebú, residing in their dioceses, may be bishops in partibus, since, under pretext of the exemption of the regulars, they may not ask the latter how they administer their obventions or how they live, which in truth is the height of scandal. remedy for this evil the venerable palafox, in la puebla, conquered the regulars by a formal judgment that as parish priests they must remain subject to the ordinary; but after his removal to osma those who were expelled succeeded in nullifying this and other just decisions. the same thing was obtained in manila by archbishop camacho; but after he was transferred to the bishopric of guadalajara in nueva españa the same thing happened as in la puebla, so that the regulars have continued and still remain in the same abuse--which will cease by ordering them to obey the judgment secured by camacho (or by the council, which is the same thing). [82] seventh abuse just as the bishops who live within their dioceses are bishops in partibus, the king is that in the filipinas islands. his majesty resides in them by the authority communicated to his president and audiencia, and to the alcaldes, governors, and corregidors of the provinces, in which the president, audiencia, and other ministers do not command, but only the religious father. the king is named as such, and is called upon as king, only in order that he may pay the stipends; beyond that his royal name is abhorred and persecuted. it causes horror to see a religious, paid and maintained by his majesty, with the character of apostolic missionary, no sooner arrived at manila from these kingdoms than he immediately publishes and defends the assertion that the king is not master of the islands, but only they who have conquered them; that the indian ought not to pay tribute; and that no bull [i.e., of the crusade] is needed. it is for this very reason that there are so many difficulties in collecting the tribute, and that the bull is not purchased excepting in manila and its environs. with these opinions, and their extolling, some the pontifical grants to their girdle, others those of the scapulary of carmel, [83] and others their exercises, they obtain vast contributions which they call alms; and the king is left with the bulls, for the religious assert and proclaim that they are not necessary. in regard to jurisdiction, it is a well-known fact that no gobernadorcillo of indians carries out any mandate of the president, audiencia, or alcalde without the permission of the religious father--under penalty of one hundred lashes, which are given to him instantly if he obeys the royal magistrates and justices. with these and other pernicious ideas in which the fathers abound, they surprise the poor indian, strike him with terror, and make him believe that they are all-powerful, can do everything, and that the authority of the king is worth nothing. thus the king becomes, like the bishops, a monarch in partibus, in name alone, and only in order to maintain certain persons who style themselves apostolic missionaries. a few days after i had arrived at manila, the archbishop-governor [i.e., rojo] despatched an order to the province of pampanga; it fell into the hands of a father, and he tore it to bits with great calmness, the archbishop overlooking that act of disrespect. hence, even in case that one obey any mandate of the royal jurisdiction, so many are the obstacles and difficulties that the fathers find for its execution, that they absolutely do not have any other endeavor or desire than to cause the indian not to recognize any other sovereign than themselves. the worst is, that this idea has existed since the conquest of the two americas, whence it passed to filipinas, with the utter detriment and ruin of king, state, and religion. hence the king is called king, and the president, audiencia, and alcaldes by their own names; but, in reality, the fathers exercise these functions. [84] remedy for this evil to order with the utmost strictness that the regulars restrain themselves within their limits as parish priests, under penalty of expulsion if they meddle with or embarrass the royal jurisdiction. eighth abuse from these so pernicious ideas fixed in the minds of the indians, is born the monstrous result that a baptism, burial, or marriage costs them twelve, twenty, or more pesos, if the father asks it--and this is with all caprice, and no resistance or appeal can be made. but when it comes to demanding the tribute, although it is not more than one peso and two reals a year for the whole tribute, and five reals for the half-tribute, there are a thousand difficulties, and various stratagems are used, such as going to the mountains to hide, or feigning that they cannot pay; and, in such a case, they always have the father on their side against the king and the alcalde, on this point. remedy for this evil to order that the fathers shall not meddle in worldly affairs, especially in the royal jurisdiction; that they shall not engage in trade; [85] to establish collection of the tithes; and to compel them to observe very moderate tariffs [of parish fees]--under penalty of expulsion obliging them to undo the evil that they have wrought. ninth abuse it is an abuse that the king pays the expenses of the voyage and support of the fathers in filipinas, under title of apostolic missionaries, and they go there to become merchants and business men, to the harm of the poor spaniards and of the indian, besides their abandonment of the spiritual ministry which is in their charge. in the environs of manila--with the exception of the franciscans, who have nothing, and of the condesa de lizárraga, who has a small estate--the religious orders possess the following estates: the dominicans, lolomboy, panay, navotas, great malabon, and biñan; the calced augustinians, malinta and pasay; the discalced augustinians, san pedro tunasan, san nicolás, imus, and tunasancillo; the jesuits, mayjaligue, masilog, nagtajan, nagsubig, mariquina, indan, silan, marigondon, payatas, and san pedro macati (where they have their earthenware factory, from which they make annually thirty thousand pesos fuertes net profit). these are the ones which i now have in mind, although they have other estates in the provinces, of which i can give no exact account. but indeed i know, because i have seen it, that the indians who cultivate those lands come to be virtually slaves, by which means the orders have aggrandized themselves, with their trade in sugar, cattle and horses, and rice. although this last is the bread of all, that bread rises in price to such a degree that it can rise no further--to which is added the great export of these products to china and the coasts of coromandel and malabar. [86] remedy for this evil to command, under penalty of expulsion, that they do not trade, as it is contrary to law; and, in respect to estates, they ought to sell them, even though they are the just owners, since such business is inconsistent with their ministry. it is certain that, by public report, if they had to show their titles to those lands it would be found that many, if not all of them, had been usurped from the indians. on this account, without doubt, in regard to this point there was much talk in the time of governor arand[i]a. but nothing was gained in favor of the indians, from whom, let the fathers allege what they please, the endowment of land which the law orders cannot be taken. tenth abuse in the extreme parts of the mountains of the provinces of pampanga, pangasinan, ilocos, and others, the regulars possess missions which they call active [vivas] missions. there has been a mission for forty, fifty, or sixty years, without paying tribute or acknowledging the king. if any alcalde has tried to visit them, they have had superabundance of witnesses and testimonies for their right to conduct it; [87] this means that the king supports the missionary, and escorts who guard him. this is a monstrosity; for if he wishes to know the condition and results of the mission the matter is reduced to a lawsuit, until the alcalde is ruined. in reality such missions are advance-posts or custom-houses toward the mountains of the heathen, whence the latter bring down to them their gold, cacao, wax, and other products. this is what employs and occupies the religious father. there are well-founded opinions which assert that the inhabitants of the mountains are not reduced to subjection because of the bad treatment which they know is given them in the missions--where from their foundation there has not been nor is there any spaniard save the father. it follows from this that, where the father is, there is no lack for vexations against the indians. consequently, for the same, and even a stronger reason, the rigor of the decree and laws, and the censure of fray gaspar de san agustin, which are cited in the following abuse, ought to include the regulars. remedy for this evil to prohibit them from engaging in this trading, under penalty of expulsion; and under the same penalty, that they shall not hinder the indians from going to manila to sell these and other products which they have, and much less hinder the spaniards from going to the provinces to buy them, to reside there, and to marry in them, if they wish. to order that the missions be visited, without hindrance, by the bishops in regard to spiritual matters, and by the government; and that, at the proper time, they must pay the tribute in accordance with the laws. eleventh abuse it is an abuse that the fathers have in every way defended and protected, from the time of the conquest, the chinese idolaters, apostates, traitors, and sodomites, without any benefit to the community, [88] but with considerable harm in spiritual and temporal affairs; and that they have persecuted the poor spaniard with so great rancor and eagerness. for it is seen that if any spaniard goes, on account of misfortune, to the provinces to gain his livelihood, the father immediately orders him to leave, even if he does not lash him, etc. [89] this is the reason why, after so long a time, there is no other settlement of spaniards than that of manila; for in the provinces rarely or never does one see a spaniard. and, pursuing the same reasoning, after the lapse of so many years we are as strange to the indians as in the beginning, and even more so, as one can see in the history of the conquest compared with what we all saw during the war. i venerate, as i ought, the justness of the laws, (xxi and xxii, book vi, título iii, and law i, book vii, título iv, of the recopilación) which prohibit, in the words of the laws, "spaniards, negroes, mulattoes, or mestizos from living in the villages of the indians, for it has been found that some of the first are restless fellows, of evil life, robbers, gamblers, and vicious and abandoned people." however, conceding for the present whatever crimes and stigmas these laws impute to the spaniards, i declare and affirm that, with that ban, the regulars have committed more havoc in america and filipinas than all the locusts together. these (the laws) the regulars order posted in the tribunal houses of the villages, and obey them with such rigor that if the laws concerning the missionaries were observed in the same way there would be no christianity equal to that of those countries. let the evil spaniard be punished; that is but justice: but the good man cannot and ought not to be punished. the fact is that by means of the said laws the father puts all [the spaniards] on the same footing, and persecutes and punishes all without distinction until he drives them out of the country. in this way, he is left alone in the village, and without witnesses for what only god knows, and the intelligent catholics weep; and the indian grows more alien every day, and becomes hostile to the spaniard through the instruction which he receives from the father. if the spaniard is very bad, let him be punished by all means. but, if this is proper, why do they not only not ask the same in regard to the chinese (who without comparison is worse), but defend, protect, and aid him, on account of trade and whatever else offers? the spaniard may be a robber, gambler, and vicious; but he is not an idolater, an apostate, or a traitor, a sodomite, and the father of all deceit, as is the chinese. nevertheless, the father keeps still about all this and shelters it, and reserves his hootings only for the poor spaniard, who many times shames the father missionary himself by the regularity of his conduct. what consolation can there be for the spaniard, prohibited so rigorously from entering the domains of his king, when he sees that the chinese are not only not hindered from such entrance, but also that they are encouraged; and that they rove about, and come and go, with more freedom than in their own country? [90] is it possible that we must see laws so harsh against the people of our own nation, and yet, that although the chinese are foreigners and so perverse in all ways, they have merited a special título in the recopilación and in article 18, book vi, for their defense, trade, and increase in manila and the provinces? fray gaspar de san agustin speaks as follows in his history of the conquest of filipinas, book ii, folio 373 and verso, when speaking of the chinese: "they are a race blinded by greed, and self-interest, and when these intervene friendship or relationship counts for nothing; for the son delights more in deceiving his father than the foreigner." he continues, and after noting that they are atheists, and that only by a miracle will it be seen that any of them is a good christian, he concludes as follows: "finally, they are a nation who hope for no other blessings than those of this world, nor other glory than temporal goods; and they worship no other god than the metals of silver and gold, and keep faith with money alone." this is the character of the chinese, according to the above-cited author. [91] and, granted that it was a very inadequate statement, it is necessary to remark that both he and the rest of his order, and the others, with no difference, have favored and protected such atheists and persecuted the spaniards. the proof is ad oculum [i.e., ocular], until the destruction during the war; for manila and the provinces were inundated by chinese, married and protected by the fathers, but there was not, nor is there a spaniard [in the provinces]. this was because they did not find themselves persecuted by those same fathers; therefore the chinese, according to the same historian, reached in time past the number of four hundred thousand. the most remarkable thing is, that the fathers administered to them in spiritual matters with as great serenity as if they were fathers of the deserts, [92] and yet fray gaspar confesses that they are atheists. we cannot pass in silence the fact that after the war the chinese religious [93] refused to confess the chinese, for they said that they knew that their fellow-countrymen were idolaters. however, the spanish religious found a moral rule by which to proceed without any innovation, as they proceed in their own administration; and in this way they have administered the christian churches in those regions. consequently, he who says the contrary deceives, and falsifies the truth in regard to certain facts which are public, and which all those of us who have been in those regions have seen. in confirmation of the above, see the same historian, book iii, folio 426, in which, treating of the arrival of governor santiago de vera, he says: "he brought very strict orders from his majesty [94] to correct the great excesses which had come to his royal notice, and which had been committed by the encomenderos of the indians--who, losing shame before god and the world, had descended to such dishonorable acts (perhaps for lack of punishment in the first encomenderos), which transgressed their obligation." leaving aside the truth of so great excesses and of the medium by which they came to his royal notice (which if investigated thoroughly must have been, without doubt, through the fathers themselves) it is a fact that a decree was despatched at lisboa, march 27, 1583, in favor of the indians, and against the excesses of the encomenderos. the above-mentioned historian continues, and says that the governor deprived bartolomé de ledesma, encomendero of abuyo, of his encomienda, as also others whom he found more guilty in similar crimes--whose names he omits, as it is not his intention to reveal or point out other persons who at present behave as they should; but he will not neglect to give the royal decree. in fact he gives the decree literally, and in truth the crimes of the encomenderos are so atrocious that they become incredible. but granting their certainty, because the decree so says, one must wonder that the father inserts it so exactly after he has just said that he omits those excesses because it is not his intention to describe them. that being a manifest contradiction, proves that the mind of the fathers has always been, and will always be, to defame and make odious the spaniard to the indian, the council, and the king, in order that the fathers may be masters of everything, without opposition or witnesses. the same historian concludes the matter on folio 427, with the following words: "but doctor santiago vera made such judicious arrangements in regard to the evil doing of the encomenderos, that, from the time of his government, that matter began to take better shape, and through the infinite pity is at present in better condition." [95] this condition of affairs is what the fathers wish, for it has been many years since there has been any encomendero or spaniard in the provinces. that has been their sole desire, and, having obtained it, he openly avows that the matter is at present in a better condition through the divine pity, because they are alone, absolute, and without rival. but how could this fail to happen thus, if laws xxiii and xxiv of the same título and book only permit the spaniard, even though he goes as a merchant, to remain in the villages of the indians for three days; and if he exceeds that time, it must be with the penalty of fifty pesos of gold-dust for each day? it is to be noted here that the father is so exact in the observance of these laws that it can be said that he keeps others; and although he does not exact the fifty pesos because most of the spaniards require the money for their food, what does it matter if he orders them to be lashed and imprisoned? let this point be taken in the sense which is desired [by the fathers], and let the spaniard be considered most perverse; yet he is better than the best chinese. is it possible that so many privileges are conceded to the chinese, that he is to live, marry, and trade freely in manila and the provinces, and so great harshness must be exercised against the poor spaniard? is it possible that the latter can deserve so little that he is not indeed equal to the chinese? [96] the condition of this matter reduces itself to a few points. first, that if, by scandals and evil example to the indians, the spaniards have to leave the villages, one ought to begin with the father. this is so notorious a fact that all who have been in américa and filipinas will testify to that effect in the official letters of the council. second, in respect to the arguments which are alleged against the spaniard, they are not what they seem, and one must subtract three-fourths of them; while it must be assumed as a well-known fact that, as they are his declared enemy, and all the regulars are pledged against the spaniard, they have not hesitated to find witnesses and raise up false testimonies, in order to attain their plans. this idea is so generally practiced and current, that would to god there were no memory of it. all these complaints and outcries are reduced to the fact that if the spaniard is solicitous for women, to oblige him to marry an indian woman is of infinite advantage to him; and, if he is vicious by another extreme, to punish him. if this remedy does not please the religious (and immediately it does not suit them) why, just as they are irritated against the poor spaniard, do they not cry out in the same manner against the chinese, who is so perverse, but defend him in whatever arises? why do they not cry out against the negro, mulatto, and mestizo who are such consummate rogues, but discharge all their spite upon the castila? the explanation of this mystery consists in the fact that the spaniard treats the father with the urbanity that is used toward ecclesiastics in españa; but he is not imposed upon by the kind of servitude which the former desires, and at the same time he is a witness of what occurs in the provinces that is not right, and which the fathers do not wish him to know. on the contrary, the chinese, under pretense that they allow to him his liberty, keeps still, dissimulates, makes presents, and blindly submits to whatever is ordered of him. third, although we grant, as is right, the justice of the above-expressed laws in the time and the sense in which they were made, yet, as they are generally put in force against every spaniard good or bad, it follows: first, that they punish the innocent; second, they prevent the settlement by spaniards in the provinces, although it is so necessary; and, third, they hinder our union and friendship with the indians, and consequently, marriages. and, supposing that the indian women do not desire anything else, and that a spaniard thus married has all the kindred of his wife favorable to him, i desire to know, according to good policy, whether there is any other remedy more rational and suitable than this, for the conservation of those domains? this is what law viii, título i, book vi, provides. there are two alternatives: it is either advantageous for the nation to preserve them, or not. if the latter, let the spaniards come, and let them be abandoned at once. if the former, there is no other means better than that of union between the two nations. and, besides the fact that this is the universal practice throughout the world, it is unnecessary to say anything more about the matter; for, let the regulars say what they will, they will not deny that if the castilian language had not been precluded from the beginning, and had the spaniards married the indian women--which was the method of giving them good treatment, according to the laws--there would be little or nothing to conquer in the two américas and filipinas. consequently, it seems indispensable to abrogate the above-cited laws, or to moderate them somewhat in favor of the nation, restraining the license of the fathers. that is quite in accordance with law xxiv, título i, book vi, which permits the spaniard to trade freely with the indians. that cannot be done if he is to be driven from the villages in three days' time. remedy for this evil to abrogate the laws above cited, as being suggested without doubt, by the regulars, and if not, as being dangerous to the state; and to order that the spaniards can come and go, and freely trade, in the provinces; to proclaim rewards for those who marry indian women, and to expel the father if he meddles with the spaniard in what concerns his external conduct, since, if he is evil and commits crimes, there are justices to punish him. twelfth abuse it is an abuse that, contrary to the command of the laws and so many decrees, the fathers do not permit the indians to talk spanish, to which they are greatly inclined, and punish them if they do. this is the surest rule (although very pernicious to the state) of which the fathers have availed themselves, since the time of the conquest, to domineer over the indians despotically with the king and the spaniards, to the common prejudice of all. [97] from this policy it results that every convent of manila is a babel, for, when the fathers assemble in the capital, it frequently occurs that each one brings servants from his province to serve him. and since they follow a system, from which no religious order departs, to speak to each indian in his own language, it happens that in one convent are found the tagálog, pampanga, pangasinan, ilocan, cagayan, zamboangan, camarines, igorot, ilongot, and visayan tongues, all in sight of the government, audiencia, and spaniards, with total contempt of what is ordered in this regard by his majesty; and by this very proceeding they boast that we do not understand them, and that they alone command the wretched indians. quite the contrary was the rule which the portuguese followed in india from the beginning of their conquests. hence one finds that there is no other language in macao, canton, goa, the malabar coast, coromandel, ceilan, and batavia, than their own. surely, if that plan had been followed (as it ought to have been) in the two américas and in filipinas, so many hardships would not have been encountered [by the spaniards] as were seen during the invasion of the english, [98] and as will always be seen for this reason; and the king would be master of those domains with as much security as he is of these [in spain], but, if the contrary be true, they will always be dependent on the will of the ecclesiastics. in proof of this truth, one must not forget what we all witnessed during the war; for with the exception of the provincial of st. francis, who was most loyal and of great service, and that of the augustinian recollects, all the rest were declared enemies--so much so that in the most critical time of the undertaking, they asserted that the governor was an insurgent. they held meetings to depose him, contrary to the express laws, and openly encouraged the opposing side. [99] all the above is confirmed by what was seen in the same system, namely, that notwithstanding the noble example of the loyalty of the two above-mentioned provincials, some of their subjects gave them much to suffer, and as much more to do, for the party of the king. this proves that neither to his majesty nor to their superiors do they render submission, because of the absolute lawlessness with which they grow up. remedy for this evil to command that the laws and decrees which order the indians to be taught the spanish language, be observed; and that the father who violates this, as they have done hitherto, be sent to españa, which it the greatest punishment; and without doubt they will have care in the matter. thirteenth abuse it is an abuse that all the curas oblige the dalagas (so are the girls called) to go to the house of the fathers (the latter, although contrary to law, call it "convent") to pound the rice. that operation consists in removing the husks with certain mallets, by dint of their labor. if this service and labor--which would have to be done by their servants, or be paid for to the poor, in which case the work would be proper, and of value to them--is neglected, it is under penalty of lashes to the girl who does not render it. it is a shameful thing that these women, all marriageable, have to do so unsuitable and dangerous things, as daily experience affirms. [100] they are also obliged to sweep the churches and clear the grass away from the entrances, while in some places the fathers compel the baguntaos (who are the unmarried men) each to carry them a stick of wood every time they go to mass. in others they practice different burdens and vexations, so that the result of these continual acts is, that since these fathers do not content themselves with the generous stipend which they receive from the king, nor with their so abundant extra fees, they still burden the poor indian in whatever way they please, always conspiring so that he shall have nothing of his own, not recognize or respect any other authority than their own. [101] remedy for this evil to order, under penalty of expulsion, the fathers not to meddle with the indians except in their spiritual ministry; and that their household duties be performed by servants, for which they have much more than enough income. fourteenth abuse consequent upon this notion of theirs is this abuse, that when the gobernadorcillos of the villages (these are the deputies of the alcaldes) who exercise the royal jurisdiction, go to see the father, they have to leave their staffs or rods of justice at the entrance; for the fathers do not permit even tokens of the royal authority in their presence. the fathers compel those officials to accompany them quite to the sacristy, and, when they return to their house, make them serve them at table, and never allow them to sit down or to keep their hats on; and they address those officials by tu [i.e., "thou"] as they do servants. let one estimate what they will do with the other indians. remedy for this evil to order that, when the gobernadorcillos go to see the father, they be compelled to go into his house with their badges of justice, under penalty of [the father's] expulsion if they are forbidden to do so; for, representing as they do the king, the father must treat them with suitable decorum, and must give them a seat, and under no pretext be served by them at table. fifteenth abuse it is an abuse that, when the provincials go to visit, they make their so magnificent entrances into the villages at the cost of the indians. that is, just as if they were bishops, the bells are rung for them, and they are accompanied by vast crowds from village to village; and the people go to receive them, and go to expense and make feasts, which only cooperate toward their absolute domination over those natives. remedy for this evil that the regulars be subjected, as is decreed, to visitation by the ordinaries. by so doing, the latter will make use of their right without there being any necessity for visits by the provincials; and when the provincials wish to visit them purely as religious, and not as parish priests, to prohibit the indians from great public feasts and expenses, under penalty of expulsion, since there is no other remedy. sixteenth abuse it is an abuse that after the stipend or sínodo, [102] and large fees exacted by the father from a poor indian in regular form, the indians generally have to carry the [sick] indian in a hammock or parilusclas [103] to the church in order that the father may administer the sacraments to him. on account of that abuse, and the motion, and the [effect of the] wind, most of them die; and the man's death is followed by a looting of his house for the burial fees. this is a fine way for the fathers to fulfil their duty and exercise charity. remedy for this evil to order, under penalty of expulsion, that they fulfil their duty, as every good parish priest should, by administering the sacraments to the poor sick in their own houses; and such grave wrongs against the indians and his majesty will cease, by moderating the tariffs, with the establishment of the tithes. seventeenth abuse it is an abuse that, although the provincials are ordered to watch over the reduction of these peoples, so that the indians, living within sound of the church-bell, may be directed and instructed in a christian and civilized manner, the latter are today found (except those administered by the franciscans, who are those most settled in villages) as scattered as they were in the time of their paganism. they have many of the vicious habits of their paganism, and are so stupid in their christian belief and social life that it causes pity. so grave a wrong is followed by another against the royal treasury, namely that, as they live far away and in the recesses of the mountains, it is impossible for the alcalde to enumerate them for the payment of their tribute, and he is compelled to guide himself by the list or register which the father gives him. in that particular, considerable discrepancies have always been noted against his majesty; for in filipinas and américa, it has been considered as an act of cleverness to defraud the king and persecute the spaniard, and they never tire of it. remedy for this evil to decree that the reduction into villages be carried out as is ordered, which can be secured at once if the father so wishes; and if he opposes the order, to expel him. by so doing, the wrongs stated above will be avoided. eighteenth abuse it is an abuse that the alcaldes in the provinces find it necessary to yield to the father in whatever the latter desires (this is always against royal authority) against the indian and the spaniard; and, if the alcalde does not thus act, that moment the fathers rise against him and prove, in part or in all, the following charges: "he lives in concubinage, is a drunkard, a thief, and does not observe his duties toward the church," even though he be an anchorite. for the father causes the indian to make depositions as he wishes, and if the indian does otherwise, there are lashes. by this may be understood the doctrine which is taught to those ignorant people, and the condition in which the administration of his majesty's justice and authority is. remedy for this evil to order that the father do not meddle with temporal affairs, under penalty of expulsion. this is certain, for otherwise there will never be peace. [by so doing] the alcalde can administer justice; and, if he should be unjust, the governor and the audiencia will set the matter right. nineteenth abuse it is an abuse for some men of the religious estate, who are supported and maintained by his majesty with the character of apostolic missionaries, to teach the indians, instead of love for their neighbor, to hate and persecute the castilas (thus they call us spaniards). this is a practice as old as the conquest, and was seen with horror in the most cruel period of the war; and afterward this proposition was inculcated in a certain pulpit of manila, to a great gathering of spaniards and indians, [saying], "to issue to a man a warrant as alcalde is the same thing as que deleatur de libro vitæ;" [104] and in other pulpits were said other things not less scandalous against all the [spanish] nation. remedy for this evil to ordain that there be no preaching contrary to the decalogue, under penalty of expulsion, which is justified by so cruel and scandalous an act. another of the most grievous abuses is, that religious who have served as missionaries in the islands are generally chosen as bishops in those islands. they having been brought up under the conditions already stated, are influenced, even though they might desire to exercise their jurisdiction as ordinary in certain districts conquered centuries ago, most by the abuses and the domination of their respective orders. consequently, they overlook wrongs, and keep silent, from which results the despotism of the orders over the two powers [i.e., secular and ecclesiastical]. it is true that, even if they should wish to exercise their jurisdiction, the orders will not allow it; for they are so blind and obstinate in their sway and privileges that they are capable of killing any bishop who makes such an attempt. doctor fray domingo de salazar, first bishop of manila, began that dispute with the augustinians, as fray gaspar relates in the above-mentioned history. others have defended the same idea, but, nevertheless, we see that the said fathers and other regulars still maintain their domination in opposition to the bishops--with detriment to both jurisdictions, and perhaps to christianity, that cannot be exaggerated. there are other abuses against the royal treasury worthy of the most prompt relief, such as that of the storehouses of manila and cavité, which cost the king huge sums on account of the lack of system therein. another abuse is that the post of commander of the acapulco ship costs his majesty four thousand pesos. besides the enormity that such an office should be conferred for only one ship, the further abuse follows that neither the captain nor other officers are of any use, as the commander orders everything at his own caprice; in consequence, either he is superfluous, or they are. another abuse is that, after so many years in which so much gold has been produced in the islands, this precious metal makes no acknowledgment to its king in filipinas by paying him the tenth, nor is it weighed in a mint, nor is it by any other expedient made useful to his majesty; for the religious orders, the indians, the spaniards, and the mestizos make free use of this trade. another abuse is, that there has been no thought of conquests in the mountains of pangasinan, ilocos, and cagayan, where, according to accurate information by the fathers themselves, there have been more than three hundred thousand tributes. it would be an easy undertaking, according to the reports of the fathers themselves and the mildness of those indians. on account of the advantage which may result for his majesty and his vassals there, the following points should be considered: it is known (and i have information in my possession) that there are mines of a special copper, with a mixture of gold, in ilocos and catanduanes; and it would be an advantage to open and work them for the casting of artillery and other manufactures. the iron mine of greatest yield was in operation until the time of the war, when the works were burned. [105] if they were placed in operation again, there is nothing more to do than to begin the work, and they will make whoever operates them wealthy. the post of commissary of the inquisition ought to be placed in charge of a secular priest, and withdrawn from the regulars, who have always held it and have practiced very many abuses. trade ought to be placed on another footing than that of the regulation of 1734, as it is impossible to subsist on that basis, for thus the islands will be ruined. after they had suffered a year and a half of war, which was one continual pillage, there remained no other wealth than that which was made safe in the "filipino;" and that wealth has suffered greatly through the continual losses of the trade since that time, and the excessive rise in prices. a ship ought to sail regularly every year for manila, to carry secular priests for the object which i have explained, and laymen who are accustomed to the commerce here; for, to speak plainly, those in manila are not spaniards, but chinese, in their customs, usuries, etc. it does not seem out of place to put the shipyard there into good condition for ship-building, and even to create a navy department, like those at ferrol, cartagena, and cádiz. [106] the recoinage of the mutilated money of the islands ought to be considered, for the sangleys have pared and clipped it so much that it is almost half-size. on that account no one wants it, and all desire to get rid of it, with the loss of ten to twelve per cent, which is the usual discount. there is always fraud in that, although the greatest fraud is in the purchases which are made with that money, in which the goods are sold forty per cent dearer, so that the chinese profits and cheats in everything; for, as he does not carry to his own country other money than that with the milling around the edge, he cheats by forty per cent more in the goods, and the discount does not cost him more than ten or twelve. [107] in the management of the royal treasury, and especially in that of the storehouses at manila, cavite, and other places; in the contracts and charters for the transportation of provisions from the provinces to the capital; in the care and conservation of arms and ammunition; in the collection of tributes; in the collection of all the royal duties; in the appraisals for the sales of offices; in the auction of the revenues leased and held by monopoly; and finally, in everything of advantage to his majesty: there are most enormous frauds, which need instant correction by planting deeply the order, system, and method which justice and the laws demand, in order to suppress the thefts which have hitherto enriched the governors, royal officials, and other employees who have made a private patrimony out of what belongs to the king, destroying the royal revenues and ruining the islands generally by their insatiable greed. consequently, although the country has resources for maintaining superabundantly all the obligations and business of the royal service, his majesty has expended immense sums in the annual situados sent from nueva españa, without other benefit than that of feeding the avarice of faithless ministers, both secular and ecclesiastical--who, although charged with the conservation and prosperity of those islands, abandon them without defense, and in the miserable condition which was made plainly evident in the last war, to our utmost grief, where even the hearts of those most honored and put under obligation by the king were alienated, and they forgot the loyalty and love due to both majesties. [108] for the radical correction of the above ills it is indispensably necessary to frame and send from here clear and full instructions for establishing the just method of procedure that is fitting, conferring on the governor all the authority necessary for its execution, by the means which prudence and the actual condition [presencia, misprinted paciencia] of affairs dictate to him. finally i direct attention to the undeniable assumption that the filipinas islands, on account of the natural wealth of their soil, their advantageous situation for carrying on the commerce of asia with this peninsula [i.e., spain], and still more as being the outpost which defends and insures the peaceful possession of the rich and extensive empire of the two americas, northern and southern, on their pacific coasts, in which is situated the greater part of their wealth--for all these reasons, they demand in justice, in reason, and in all good policy, that the greatest attention be given to them, without sparing any means or effort that may contribute to the conservation and success of so important a matter. the choice of a zealous governor will contribute especially to erecting the foundations of that great work, but it is necessary to honor him and give him authority, so that he may work to advantage and without the obstacles that have many times frustrated the best and most carefully conceived ideas, by secret information, by tricky and criminal artifices, and in other evil ways. the ideas expressed thus far are quite adequate, if they are carried into execution, and they become more important, on account of the persons by whom they must be carried out, many of whom have reached the end of their usefulness, and belong to different estates, and very opposing interests--the most influential of whom are accustomed to and have grown old in despotism and lack of restraint. in order to remove that despotism from the provinces, to make the city secure, and succeed in obtaining that one "render to god what is of god, and to cæsar what is of cæsar," that governor needs a body of troops suitable to cause respect for the name of the king. this object can be attained only by being carefully followed up by a ruler who is disinterested and zealous for the royal service, it being well understood that such military force ought to be placed on the same footing of pay as that of nueva españa, since otherwise there will be no one who will serve in it. the king has capable and zealous ministers who can examine the points which are here briefly indicated. they may be certain that what i have set forth is accurate and reliable in all its parts, and that i have had no other motive and impulse in exposing it than my love and zeal for the service of god and of the king. the latter will deign to determine what may be most to his royal pleasure. madrid, april 12, 1768. doctor don simon de anda y salazar your excellency, dear sir and master: i remit the enclosed extract of the points which, i have considered, require a positive and speedy remedy in the filipinas islands, so that your excellency can more easily understand their condition in the toilsome labor of examining the representations which i made at the time upon the other points, from manila. your excellency may be assured that i have no private interest in the matter, for everything is for the king, my master. it is to be noted that, although this appears to be hostile to the religious estate, it is not so, nor have i any such spirit [of hostility]. i assure you that, if these recommendations are carried out (if your excellency shall deem that best) the religious communities will thank you heartily, although at the beginning, and at first sight, they may show some anger. may god preserve your excellency many years, as i desire. madrid, april 13, 1768. your excellency, your humble servant kisses the hands of your excellency. doctor don simon de anda y salazar [addressed: "his excellency bailio frey don julian de arriaga." [109] ordinances of good government ordinances of corcuera and cruzat y gongora, with later additions ordinances of good government (the original ones) by governor-general don sebastian hurtado de corcuera in 1642. revised by governor-general don fausto cruzat y góngora in 1696. enlarged later. [110] don fausto cruzat y góngora, knight of the order of santiago, member of his majesty's council, his governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands, and president of the royal audiencia and chancillería resident therein, etc.: inasmuch as i have recognized that there has been considerable change in regard to the ordinances made by don sebastian hurtado y corcuera when he was governing these islands in the former year 1642, for the direction and good government of the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors of the provinces of the islands, both in those occasioned by time and because of some [111] ... having been seen in the observance of ... sections which then ... in harmony with reason ... some have been abolished and others added at different times; and since on account of the many numbers that are found to have been revised at present, confusion might be caused to the ministers who are to observe them, as has been experienced on some occasions; and desiring to avoid these inconveniences, and that everything may be clearer; and since i believe that it will be greatly to the pleasure of god our lord, and the service of his majesty (whom may god preserve), to reduce them to a less number, which the times render necessary, for their good direction according to the present condition of affairs: i order and command you, the said alcaldes-mayor and corregidors who are at present and shall be in the future in the provinces of the district of this government, that during the term of your offices, each one of you in your jurisdiction and district, shall observe the following order, sections, and instruction. 1. [on taking office, they must swear before the chief notary of the government to execute the laws according to justice; not to take bribes and excessive fees; and to abide by the laws of the kingdom, and any ordinances, and the present instructions.] 2. [since the officials will serve as an example to the natives under them, they must see that their behavior morally and religiously is above reproach. they are also to watch carefully over the morals of those under them, and especially to see to it that blasphemy is punished.] 3. [the indians must be well treated, and must be molested by no person, whatever his rank. the rich must not oppress the poor in any way, "and if anything should arise in this that you cannot remedy in person, you shall advise me very minutely of it so that i may correct it and have it remedied in the most advisable manner. you shall not permit any encomendero or his collectors, or any other person, to borrow or get credit from the indians in gold, reals, or any other ...; nor that the tribute be collected from them before it is ... the year when they are to pay it; and the collection, ... according to the last appraisal at the ages ordered; nor that, as a ransom or as a recompense for anything, or under cover of anything else, more be collected from the indians than is due according to the said appraisal, namely, one toston in kind, and the hen at the price declared in the appraisal, and the rest in reals; nor that any collection be made from him who sowed and did not harvest; nor from anyone who was sick or occupied in the service of his majesty, and was unable to sow, nor from old men of sixty years, who are by reason of that age reserved by this government [from the tribute]. you shall not consent under any consideration to the contrary of all the above; nor that the said encomenderos or their collectors live among the indians of their encomiendas longer than the duration of the time of the collection, which at the longest must not be more than three months." likewise the encomenderos and their collectors are to promptly pay what they owe to the indians, both for personal services and for provisions and other supplies furnished at the time of the collection of the tribute, and these shall be paid at the current rates. great care is to be exercised in the election of new cabezas de barangay, who are to be in the line of succession, and have the necessary qualifications therefor, and are to pay the media-anata before a legal title can be issued to them by the governor. when at death or for any other just reason it becomes necessary to elect other cabezas, "you shall send me the nomination of three chief persons suitable and capable for each barangay, and shall inform me of the reasons and causes for the removal, so that after i have examined them i may choose whom i please." the non-observance of this method of election will bring its punishment. each barangay must consist of forty-five to fifty tributes, and no more. [112] barangays with less shall be united.] 4. [the indians must not be harassed with injurious taxes and assessments (as is so often the case). if such become necessary, the governor is to be informed thereof, the necessity therefor, and the sum to be assessed. a list of the citizens is also to be sent, "with mention of those who possess property, so that allowance may be given by this government to make the assessment, so that an equal charge may not rest upon those who have money and those who are destitute of it, but that each one contribute according to his several ability." the imposition of a tax or assessment without the permission of the governor carries with it deprivation of office and satisfaction from the property of the one dismissed of the entire sum contributed, to those assessed, and a fine of 500 pesos for the treasury and fortification expenses.] 5. [in the management and disbursements of funds from the communal treasuries, there is much graft among the officials. an order sent to all the provinces the preceding year at the request of the fiscal ordering the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors to oversee and manage the communal treasuries is to be strictly obeyed. all disbursements are to be by express order of the superior government. disbursements made without such order shall be made good from the property of the one allowing them, or their bondsmen.] 6. [alcaldes-mayor and corregidors are not to accept any presents, even of food, during the term of their office, as their hands will be bound thereby. they must pay a just price for what they purchase. during the term of their office they are not to purchase a ranch or any lands in the territory of their jurisdiction; neither are their secretaries or alguacils-mayor to buy them: for many evils follow therefrom. they are to build no sailing craft under any consideration, "under penalty of loss thereof and two hundred pesos, applied half to fines for the treasury and fortifications, because of the great harm caused to the natives by such constructions. for when you need any vessel, you can charter one." likewise they are forbidden to engage in any trade with the natives and citizens of their jurisdiction, either directly or through agents. they are not to take a portion of the fees and salaries of their notaries, interpreters, and other persons, "because of the harm resulting from the judges having such shares. nor shall you allow your officials to take them; nor shall you make an agreement with anyone in regard to the abovesaid."] 7. you shall visit your jurisdiction once each year, remaining twelve days in each large village of the chiefs, and six days in the small villages, visiting them and trying with justice the natives in whatever they plead, remedying all that you may find necessary and clearing away whatever injuries or injustices may have been committed. [during the visit or rather, during all their term, they are not to hale anyone into court to justify any slavery, but justice is to be meted to those who appear to plead of their own accord. they, their clerks, or other officials, shall not take fees from any fifths of gold paid them in their jurisdictions; neither shall fees be exacted for the visit. they must pay their own expenses during that period and not exact them from the indians. contravention of this last means restoration of the amount exacted to the indians, and four times as much as a fine.] 8. [this regulates the manner of trials and the fees for the same. no process is to be made in cases involving sums up to twenty pesos, but such cases are to be briefly despatched, and the notary cannot receive a fee in excess of four reals from each party to the suit, under penalty of returning it, and a sum four times as large as a fine to the manila court. if one indian causes the arrest of another indian, and the one arrested confesses his guilt, sentence is to be passed by virtue of the confession. otherwise witnesses shall be called, and after their depositions are taken, the case shall be judged. if there is any appeal, the case is to be tried in second instance, and after examining the witnesses the records are to be sent to the manila audiencia. criminal cases must be tried as soon as possible. those involving sums not in excess of five pesos shall be tried summarily, and nothing more than a mere record of them shall be made for the archives of the notary. no fees are to be received for depositions of witnesses, and only the fee adjudged by the tariff can be accepted for giving written records of the case to the parties involved. the tariff of fees is to be posted in a public place in the court, both in the spanish and native language, in order that all may know the amount to be paid. notaries are to record the amounts accepted as fees, which must not exceed the tariff. this method of trial was ordered for the purpose of saving time, expense, and trouble to the indians.] 9. [tariffs according to which food can be supplied to travelers are to be posted in all the villages along the line of travel; as well as of all aid furnished in sailing craft, men, and horses. "for which you shall unite with the father minister of the doctrina, and between you two, you shall make said tariff. in it you shall write that in tondo and all along the coast of manila, two reals must be paid for one hen, one real for a dumalaga, [113] and one-half real for a chick; in pangasinan, ilocos, and cagayan, one real shall be paid for a hen, one-half real for a dumalaga, and one cuartillo (four to the real) for a chick; in tayabas, the tariff made and confirmed by this superior governor shall be kept, until otherwise commanded by it; in pintados, leyte, cebú, camarines, catanduanes, calamianes, and the other jurisdictions and provinces, each hen at one-half real, and in proportion each dumalaga and chick. the other food and other things necessary for travel, on the basis of such tariff shall conform to the usage of the country." the fees to be collected by them and their notaries for making the tariff shall not exceed one real, and a copy of the same is to be sent to the governor for his examination and confirmation. contravention of this order carries a fine of fifty pesos, to be applied in halves to the treasury and the fortifications.] 10. [bridges are to be built and repaired, and rivers kept clean, especially those flowing from laguna to manila through pasig and taguig. all undergrowth, enclosures, and obstacles to the natural current are to be removed, in order that the waters may be confined to their beds, thus avoiding overflows and damage to crops. this must be done with the least possible trouble to the indians, and all must share alike in the work.] 11. [in villages along the line of travel, the natives must not be made to act as porters (a prolific source of evil), even with light burdens. each village must purchase immediately horses and cows, so that they may be available for travelers.] 12. [natives must not become vagabonds, but must cultivate their land, both for their own good and that of the community. in some provinces, underbrush has sprung up and food is scarce because of the nomadic habits of the indians, and their laziness. an edict is to be published to the effect that if all those who own lands do not cultivate and sow them within two years, such lands will be sold to the highest bidder. the official not obeying this law shall be fined fifty pesos, to be applied in halves to the treasury and the fortifications.] 13. [the rearing of fowls and swine is obligatory on the inhabitants. each indian is to have at least six hens and one cock, and one sow. each sangley is to have a dozen hens, one cock, and two sows. this will avoid scarcity and dearness in price. close inspection is to be made by the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors, under penalty of suspension from their office. for such inspection, no fees are to be charged by any person connected therewith, under penalty of returning said fee, and a sum four times as great for the treasury.] 14. [great harm results from spaniards, sangleys, and indians giving money to other indians for their trading. no sum must be so given in excess of five pesos, not even under pretext that it is advance pay for rice or other products. if more is given, it shall be lost, and the indian receiving it cannot be made to pay it. the prices current at the time of the harvest shall be paid to the indians by all purchasers other than the king, who has a special rate. no purchases can be made by individual persons until those for the royal warehouses have been made, and the tributes paid. notaries and indian governors are forbidden to draw up any contract at the fixed rate or at the price paid by the king.] 15. [inasmuch as indian slavery is forbidden; and since the transfer of those called slaves by custom is also forbidden; as is also that their descendants born after august 18, 1692 (the date of the publication in manila of the act of the royal audiencia of mexico, in accordance with the royal decree of buen retiro, may 1, 1686), should be slaves: the officials are to carefully carry this law into effect, and prevent such slavery.] 16. [careful regulations are made concerning the chinese. because of the spiritually demoralizing effect of the sangleys on the indians, and the harm resulting from the wasting of the substance of the latter which is given in exchange for things of little value offered them by the wily celestials, great care is to be exercised in regard to both christian and heathen sangleys. none of the latter are to have residence among the indians, and if any such are found in any village, they are to be immediately sent to the parian in manila, the penalty in case of non-compliance with this order being two hundred lashes and four years' service in the cavite harbor. the married christian sangleys who prove detrimental to the indians are to be sent to the villages of santa cruz and binondo, and the single men to the parian (these facts to be ascertained from the priests in charge of the various villages), in accordance with the laws of december 12, 1695, and january 16, 1696. sangley traders may go to their trade in the jurisdictions of tondo, bulacan, pampanga, laguna de bay, and the port of cavite, provided they have the government license therefor, not being allowed to sleep in any village or house of the indians, but in their own boats. trade in any village is limited to twelve days. any sangley who shall be found sleeping in any village shall be sent to the governor, who may impose at will upon him the penalty of two years' service in the harbor of cavite. christian sangleys shall not be allowed to reside in any village in excess of the number required for the service of the convents and the village, and unless married to indian women. close lists of all such, with the necessary statistics, must be kept, and they must have the government license to remain in such villages. any alcalde-mayor or corregidor allowing any sangley to live in any village or to trade without the government license shall pay a fine of 200 pesos, and must pay besides the amount of the license for the period during which the sangley has been without it.] 17. [commerce is to be free to all indians of whatever jurisdiction they be, throughout the philippines; and no license is required, nor can any fee be charged them. this will ensure a good supply of provisions and other necessities, and promote the cultivation of the land. good treatment must be shown to them, and their passage from one place to another facilitated, under penalty of a fine of 100 pesos, and a charge in the residencia of the one who transcends this order.] 18. [large and small weights and measures are to be uniform in all the islands with those used in manila, and shall have been sealed and marked in that city. all others shall be collected, and used under no consideration. those using others shall restore all things sold with them, and a sum four times as great as a fine to the treasury.] 19. [this law lessens and defines those exempt from tribute, polos, and personal services. on account of so many reservations from these, the burden has fallen on the weakest of all the natives, namely, the timauas [i.e., freedmen]. those exempt shall include all sixty years old and above; the cabezas de barangay, and their eldest sons and successors; cantors, sacristans, porters, and cooks [of the church and convents], who have been exempted in accordance with the act of governor santiago de vera; all officers of justice for the time they serve only; the pampangos who serve as soldiers and in other capacities for the royal pay in manila, cavite, and other presidios, for the time they serve, and their wives in case that they are married. the due honors are to be reserved always for all ex-officials of justice, and they shall be given a special bench in the audiencia, so that they need not stand, but exemption from all dues shall be only for the length of their actual service. all other reservations than those named above are null and void, among them those of men having more than six children, a practice that has been introduced in some parts, and which was ordered suspended, by request of the fiscal, by an order of december 24, 1695. alcaldes-mayor and corregidors violating this law shall pay the amount of all injuries resulting therefrom, and a sum four times as great, as a fine.] 20. [this law concerns the matter of repartimientos among the natives for supplies for the royal magazines, and for the galleons and vessels despatched annually to nueva españa and the marianas. many injuries result because the repartimiento is divided among the indians, and the spanish and chinese mestizos without regard to their material conditions, which gives rise to much suffering. often "those who have nothing to give, are compelled to get the products elsewhere, and at times to buy them at a higher price than that paid them on his majesty's account." the repartimiento is to be made among all who have had a harvest, according to their several ability, and after sufficient has been reserved for the support of their families, the next year's sowing, and for the tribute. those who have not been able to harvest, either through the inclemency of the weather, or because they have been unable to sow because of being absent or busied in the royal service, and the poor, shall be exempt from furnishing supplies. a sworn statement given before the priest of the village shall be necessary to secure exemption. those furnishing supplies shall be paid immediately, the money being given to each seller in person, and not to the cabezas de barangay or the notables. if the royal funds of any district are insufficient to pay for the supplies furnished, the surplus will be sent on from manila. under no consideration shall any debt be left standing. the alcalde-mayor who shall violate this shall be deprived of any political office forever, and shall be compelled to pay all such debt from his own property and a sum three times as great, as a fine, and he may become exempt from this penalty under no consideration. no repartimiento shall be made except at express order of the superior government, under penalty of a fine of 1,000 castilian ducados.] 21. [a law of the kingdom prohibits repartimientos of indian tanores [114] for the service of the alcaldes-mayor, priests, or any other persons; or that contributions of fish be asked for the support of anyone, for vigils, or for fridays and saturdays. this law must be strictly enforced, and must be proclaimed in all the villages so that the indians may be fully aware of it. if the alcalde-mayor is unable to prevent any person from violating this law, the governor shall be informed and he will take the proper measures. any neglect in this shall be made a charge in the residencia. the alcalde-mayor who violates the law shall pay the just value of such services or fish, and a fine three times as great, and be deprived of all political office perpetually. indians used as rowers by the alcaldes-mayor or priests in their official capacity shall not be paid, but at all other times they shall be paid as follows: between mariveles and manila, at the rate of one-half real per day and food; from mariveles and beyond, at the current rate of the various districts.] 22. [alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, priests, and other officials shall not be supported at any other than their own expense. provisions shall be purchased at the prices current, and cash must be paid for them. the natives, however, are compelled to sell provisions to such persons for their support, but such purchases are not to exceed the amount needed. violation of this law means loss of office.] 23. [alcaldes-mayor and corregidors on assuming office shall receive from their predecessors an inventory of all papers in the archives (if there are no notaries in charge of them), and shall pass on the same with all that have accumulated during their term of office to their successors. this shall be a charge in their residencias, and they must present testimony that they have so done. no person is to be condemned to the galleys or to undergo any bodily mutilation, except with the advice of an assessor enrolled in the royal audiencia. in case there is no assessor in any district, all cases involving such condemnation must be concluded, all except the sentence, and then prisoner and records sent to manila for sentence in the royal audiencia.] 24. [in prisons, women and men must be kept separate. if the complaint against women is slight, they shall not be confined in prison, but kept in the house of some relative. no prison fees shall be accepted by any official from the indians imprisoned, under penalty of repaying them, and a fine four times as large.] 25. [no office can be resigned without governmental permission, under penalty of a fine of 100 pesos. record books shall be delivered to the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors by the government secretary, in which shall be kept an account of the fines, expenses of justice, and fifths of gold. at the conclusion of anyone's term, this book shall be delivered to the royal accountancy, and the amount of the fines and fifths to the royal treasury.] 26. [this law concerns the appointment of inferior officials by alcaldes-mayor and corregidors. no spanish alguacil is to be appointed without government title. if any serious case demands such an officer, he shall be appointed only for the time necessary and when the immediate duty is concluded he shall be dismissed. appointments as lieutenants, masters-of-camp, sargentos-mayor, captains, alferezes, sergeants and adjutants of native military companies, governors for the sangleys and natives, and all other appointments to military and political posts (whether paid or not), shall not be made without government title. appointments shall be made only when vacancies occur, and when necessary, three names shall be sent to the governor at manila, who shall make the appointment therefrom. without the government title, no one shall exercise any official duty, under penalty to that alcalde-mayor or corregidor who shall violate this law, of a fine of 500 pesos, the payment of the fees of media-anata and such title, while the violation shall become a charge in his residencia, and he shall be subject to all other penalties imposed for such violation. notaries are prohibited under like penalties from drawing up such titles or countersigning the same, and shall not allow possession of any post to be taken without government title. all notaries shall be required to make full testimony of the observance of this law, and in districts having no notary, a certification must be made by the priest.] 27. [methods of election for various jurisdictions are prescribed by this law. in the four jurisdictions of tondo, laguna de bay, bulacan, and pampanga, considerable trouble has been experienced at the annual election of the district governor, which has resulted in much ill-feeling among the indians, and lawsuits because of factions among them, as the elections have been participated in by all in common. henceforth, the elections are to be held on the day assigned, by all the cabezas de barangay of each village (if there are twelve of them; if less than that number, notables of the village are to be appointed to that number), who with the retiring governor and with the intervention of the alcalde-mayor and priest of the village, shall proceed to the election. having chosen three persons, their names shall be forwarded to the governor at manila, in a sealed paper bearing the following title: "election of such and such a village, which is sent to the governor and captain-general of these islands, through his government secretary." in accordance with the governor's choice from these three names the title of the new village governor will be expedited. in the jurisdictions of calilaya, balayan, mariveles, and cavite, elections shall be held as heretofore, and those elected shall go to, or send to, the governor in manila for confirmation of their office. elections shall occur between january 1 and february 28, and for each one the alcalde-mayor and the notary shall receive only three pesos. in all other jurisdictions, elections shall be held in the usual manner, and the appointment made by the alcalde-mayor, but no office shall be enjoyed without the government title. these titles shall be sent to each district, in accordance with the order of september 23, 1693, made out by the government secretary, and signed by the governor and countersigned by the secretary; and on them shall be entered the names of the successful candidates. the names of those elected shall be sent for entry in the government books, and all media-anatas shall be paid, as well as title fees and cost of sealed paper. no newly-elected official shall hold office until he has received the government title, and the old official shall hold over until such time. violation of this law shall incur the penalties of the preceding law, and it shall be made a matter of residencia.] 28. [no encomienda shall be granted nor any acts made in regard to them without the express command of the superior government. any claims to encomiendas must be satisfied through the proper channels. claims to any encomiendas obtained otherwise are null and void.] 29. [no spaniards may live in any indian village, except by permission of the governor at manila, and where such permission is given, they must live decently and quietly. this includes both married and single men, and is to be enforced especially in the province of pampanga, although all spaniards married at present to pampangas may remain. all other men married to spanish women or to indian women of pampanga [in the future], and all single men must leave the province immediately, and may not return without permission. if spaniards wish in the future to marry pampangas, they cannot live among the natives, under penalty of a fine of fifty pesos.] 30. [a general treasury council held in april, 1696, rules that the indians shall not be compelled to take the tribute to the capital cities at their own expense. in case they are ordered to take it to any place, they must be paid the proper prices for transportation. if after the stipends of the priests of the villages are met, any residue of the tribute remains from the encomiendas belonging to the royal crown, the alcaldes-mayor shall notify the superior government and the royal officials of the amount in each village, so that it may be ordered taken to the place deemed most advisable. nothing spent for transportation shall be admitted unless an order has been given for such transportation. encomenderos and collectors shall observe the same method in order to avoid the injuries suffered by the natives. violation of this law shall be a matter of residencia, and those violating it shall be condemned to make good all the losses to the indians in consequence thereof, and four times that amount as a fine.] 31. [a government act of march 22, 1657, ordered all the polo funds created in each village to be suppressed, as well as the need of each chief contributing annually one peso and each timaua one toston to them, for the expenses of his majesty's service. alcaldes-mayor and corregidors are ordered not to allow such funds to exist, or any contributions to be made for them, under penalty of suspension from political and military office for four years, service as a soldier, and a fine of 100 pesos.] 32. [great care is to be taken to have the indians plant cocoanut palms and set out abacá plants: the chiefs, trees to the number of two hundred and plants to the same number; and timauas, each to the number of one hundred. those dying out are to be renewed, so that the number may always be kept up. this is to be a matter of personal care on the part of the alcaldes-mayor, who are to appoint a representative in each village to register the trees and plants and render account of neglect to observe this law. the palms are useful for the support of the indians, while from its fruit are obtained oil, wine, and bonote for the furnishing of the galleons and other vessels, and the material for making rigging. for failure to prepare these supplies for the ships, a fine of 1,000 pesos shall be imposed for the purchase of oil and abacá, and the omission shall be made a charge in the residencia. loss of office shall also be incurred, and for the inferior officials a penalty of two years in the galley without pay.] 33. [the indians, both men and women, and the married christian sangleys must be made to destroy the locusts that do so great harm to the crops throughout the islands, especially the young, called locton, which are so destructive, and can be killed easily as they have no wings. each person shall be charged during certain days or weeks to kill so many gantas of this destructive pest, under penalties that shall be imposed for neglect. neglect by the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors in this law shall mean deposition from office, and a charge in their residencia.] 34. [no obstacle shall be placed to the sangley craft that have government permission to trade in any province, during the time of said permission. but at the end of the term of their license, they must return to manila, and the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors may not continue that period. sangleys found without the government license, or with it, if outside the provinces of tondo, bulacan, pampanga, laguna de bay, and the jurisdiction of the port of cavite, to which the government license extends, shall be arrested and sent with their crafts to manila, with testimony to that effect, so that they may be punished fittingly. if any license is given or continued unlawfully, a fine of 1,000 castilian ducados shall be imposed, and perpetual deprivation of office.] 35. [a government order of september 13, 1688, in pursuance of a royal order of the ninth of the same month, arranged for "raids into the mountains of the provinces of these islands, for the reduction of the indians in insurrection and the mountain-dwellers in the provinces of cagayan, caraga, calamianes, the island of negros, oton, camarines, and leyte; and that in the said provinces of cagayan, caraga, calamianes, and oton, where spanish and pampanga infantry is garrisoned, whenever aid of money and rice is given on the account of his majesty, the said raids shall be made with that part of the infantry that is deemed advisable, while the remainder shall be left for the usual matters for which it was intended. the alcaldes-mayor of camarines and leyte shall give aid from the royal property in their charge, in rice to the amount of one ganta of palay per day for every person taking part in the said raids, for the time of their duration, but he must not forget to send a previous report to this superior government, with the testimony of the notary of each province and the certification of the father minister of the doctrina of the number of persons to be occupied in said raids, and at the end of said raids he shall send a report of them, and the time they lasted." otherwise the alcaldes-mayor will not be credited with the amount of rations they have supplied for such raids. in regard to the island of negros, the corregidor of that island shall requisition the necessary troops from the alcalde-mayor of cebú. this order shall be sent to all the provinces and shall be kept in the archives of the courts thereof, so that it may be exactly observed.] 36. [lists of the persons sailing in any royal vessel to points in the islands shall be furnished by the pilot or master; as well as the time for which they are supplied with food. a month's rations are to be allowed to such persons after supplies are exhausted. if they cannot return to manila in that time because of some unforeseen event, another month's ration shall be given them by the alcalde-mayor in whose jurisdiction they may happen to be, and the amount entered in their accounts, so that it may be made good. all repairs to such vessels as have to be made in the provinces, and the cost of the same shall be estimated by experts in the presence of the proper officials and the priest of the village. the alcalde-mayor shall pay the same from the royal funds, and, on the statement of the priest, the expense shall be admitted.] 37. having been informed that the native vassals of his majesty living in the villages of the provinces of these islands had intercourse and communication with the heathen, apostate, and fugitive indians who dwell in the mountains and hills, by going to trade with them and selling them iron for their weapons, wearing apparel, and the other things lacking in said mountains, and necessary to them for the conservation of human life, on account of which their pacification and reduction to our holy catholic faith and to the obedience of his majesty is impossible, frustrating, because of the interest of said christian natives in the gold and wax which they get through said heathens and apostates, the catholic zeal of his majesty, who is maintaining these islands at so vast expense to his patrimony, for the sole purpose of the extension of the holy gospel and the conversion of their natives thereto; and considering the only remedy to be the avoidance of such inconvenience: on the seventh of january last of this year, i sent orders generally to all the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors, commanding them to publish an edict in every village of their jurisdiction, forbidding all the natives thereof who are subject and recognize vassalage to his majesty, to have intercourse, communication, or trade with the heathen, apostate, and fugitive indians, negroes, and zambals, who inhabit the mountains and hills, and are not reduced to the royal obedience, under penalty of one hundred lashes and two years' service in the harbor of cavite, with only their food. said alcaldes-mayor and corregidors shall watch, and use great care in avoiding such intercourse, communication, and trade, and shall take all the measures that appear necessary therein. they shall report to this government the results and all that arises therein, in order to see whether it is necessary to enact any other measure. they shall do this inviolably, without any pretense or tolerance, for it is not practicable that said heathens and apostates having been compelled by necessity, will become reduced to obedience to his majesty and embrace our holy faith by means of the preaching of the father ministers of instruction. the latter shall for their part aid in a matter so to the service of both majesties, as i have asked and requested of the reverend fathers provincial of the orders. said alcaldes-mayor are advised that this prohibition is not to be understood in regard to the heathen indians who live in the villages and obey and pay tribute to his majesty; and that those of this kind shall not be prohibited from trading with the christians, because they are subject to the obedience of the king, our sovereign, and pay him a recognition of vassalage, in the tribute which they give. 38. [an order given by cruzat y góngora, december 24, 1695, to alcaldes-mayor and corregidors, arranges for the appointment in each village of several notables, whose business it shall be "to seek out indians who commit offenses against god, our lord, in order to correct and punish them, and report thereof to the father ministers, so that they may be dissuaded from their errors, and directed along the path of salvation." great care is to be exercised in this, and those indians called vilitaos and casonos [115] are to pay tribute and render personal services. report must be made as to whether the above classes still exist, and whether they pay anything to any person for exemption from tribute, polos, and personal services, and they shall be punished if of the secular court. [116]] 39. [this law, which was enacted by cruzat y góngora, may 14, 1697, and ordered to be included among the government ordinances, commands that the two cooks allowed to priests established in a district having five hundred whole tributes be no longer exempted from tribute, polos, and personal services. the ordinance enacted by santiago de vera, by which cantors, sacristans, porters, and cooks, are exempt from the above, shall be revised to read only the first three. this ordinance is made in pursuance with the decision of the royal audiencia of february 22, 1697, that laws xli, and xlii, título xii, book vi of the recopilación be obeyed. it was consequently ordered by cruzat y góngora's decree of february 22, 1697, that no village shall against its will furnish any indian tanores to the seculars, regulars, or other ecclesiastical persons, or to the alcaldes-mayor. (see ante, pp. 203, 204, ordinance 19.) hence, that this order may be executed, the present ordinance follows.] 40. [an ordinance enacted by governor zabalburu, april 8, 1704, is given because of a communication received by him from archbishop camacho, under date of january 26, 1702. the letter asks that law vi, título i, book vi, of the recopilación be enforced, because of the sins, both against chastity and justice, arising from natives serving in the houses of their prospective parents-in-law. it happens often, in addition to the sin against chastity that the marriage is not consummated, and the man loses his wages for the service he has rendered. the archbishop has published an edict ordering this practice to cease, but it is wise for both the civil and ecclesiastical power to act in concert in this matter, "for it often happens, on not few occasions, that fear of the royal power is stronger than veneration for the holy laws of the church." the governor is asked to add to the penalties of the law, those penalties which he judges advisable. consequently, he orders that in each native village, no indian shall receive into his house or service any man who is about to contract marriage with his daughter, during the three festival days of the village, and that he shall not receive any money or products from him because of such matrimonial contract. timauas violating this ordinance shall receive fifty lashes, be incapacitated from holding any office, and be compelled to restore to the treasury what may have been thus paid. notables shall lose their rank and become timauas. the due performance of this ordinance shall be a charge in the residencia of alcaldes-mayor and corregidors.] 41. [an ordinance enacted by the same governor, april 28, 1704, cites an act of his predecessor, cruzat y góngora, april 30, 1697, ordering that when the priests of the villages need indians for the necessary things of the divine service, the gobernadorcillos are compelled to furnish them, the priests paying such indians at the rate of one real per week apiece and their food. according to the order of governor niño de tabora, no priest was to have more than four indians, in addition to the cantors, sacristans, and porters. in villages so small that the stipends received by the priests are insufficient to pay for the services of the four indians, they are not under the necessity of paying them, if their residence there is a necessity, and they reside there at the petition of the indians, in which case the latter shall pay for the services of the four indians. another act of cruzat y góngora, of august 31, 1697, rules that the offering to be contributed by the indians for each of the three religious festivities of the patron of each village, corpus christi, and holy thursday, be one real for each whole tribute, and one-half real for each single man or woman, this alms being fixed at the request of the procurators-general of the four friar orders and the society of jesus. this offering is to be collected in a humane manner, and the gobernadorcillos and cabezas de barangay are not to exact a greater sum under pretense that it is for the church. these two acts zabalburu orders to be included in the ordinances given to each alcalde-mayor on the assumption of his office. he also orders the observance of an act enacted by himself march 13, 1704, ordering that eight bagontaos be assigned in each village weekly for the service of divine worship, the church, and the ministry of the sacramental mass; and for the service of the priests when it becomes necessary to leave the village to administer the sacraments. in villages of less than three hundred tributes, there shall be only the eight bagontaos, under penalty of punishment to the gobernadorcillos who shall allow more. this ordinance is to be proclaimed in all the villages by the alcaldes-mayor on the festival days.] 42. [in accordance with the request of archbishop camacho that curas and missionaries be ordered not to exact larger fees than those allowed by the royal tariffs, and that the alcaldes-mayor enforce this, an order to that effect is issued to the latter. violations by curas and missionaries are to be reported to the superior government, and alcaldes-mayor are to get careful reports on this head from the native gobernadorcillos and their officials. any omission in this shall become a charge in the residencia, and the alcalde-mayor shall be obliged to make good the excess fees from his own property, and pay a fine four times as large as the excess. this was ordered to be included in the ordinances, march 8, 1708.] 43. [this ordinance has to do with the government monopoly on playing-cards. on december 2, 1707, the governor orders that the department of that monopoly be taken from the control of the royal officials of the treasury and given into the charge of a special judge. various ordinances enacted by doctor don juan de gárate y francia are to be carefully observed. alcaldes-mayor shall have the direction of this department in their respective jurisdictions, and in accordance therewith this ordinance is to be included among those given to them on assuming office. the special judge may appoint whom he pleases in the department, at salaries approved by the fiscal. lastly all the packs of cards in the island are to be collected, and those bringing them are to be paid the price for which they are to be bought; and this as well as all other matters shall be done as the special judge deems best.] 44. [in consequence of two royal decrees (both of which are inserted), one dated september 30, 1714, and the other june 15, 1720, which forbid under severe penalties the manufacture and sale of brandy (made from sugarcane) in perú and nueva españa, because of the many evils arising therefrom, governor toribio joseph miguel de cosio y campo orders the said decrees to be translated into the native languages of the philippines, and proclaimed by order of the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors in their respective jurisdictions, and the strict enforcement of the same. if an indian manufacture and sell brandy, for the first offense he shall be arrested, given two hundred lashes, and thrown into the galleys for six years; for the second offense, this shall be doubled; and for the third, tripled, besides exile from the province. the same punishment shall be meted out to the makers of instruments for the manufacture of brandy, if they are indians. this law is made a part of the ordinances which are to be given to alcaldes-mayor, who are enjoined under severe penalties to break up this nefarious traffic.] 45. [the same governor, on may 16, 1724, in view of a report of the alcalde-mayor of bulacan, of january 5, 1724, the writ of the fiscal, of january 20, and the vote of the royal audiencia, forbids the alcaldes-mayor and others to exact fees from the natives for appointments, under penalty of a fine of 500 pesos and a sum four times as great as the fee exacted. all other fees are to be regulated according to law xxv, título viii, book v, of the recopilación, and the government secretary is ordered to send a list of all fees that can be taken to all the provinces, which is to be strictly observed. all exaction of unjust fees by the royal accountancy is to cease. copies of this ordinance are to be sent to all the alcaldes-mayor, in order that they may be affixed in the public place so that all may know of it.] 46. [on december 10, 1725, the same governor, in view of the report of the recollect provincial, of september 20, 1723, and the deductions of the fiscal, october 7 and november 6, 1723, and january 14 and november 23, 1724, orders that all bandalas or purchases [117] of wax, rice, and other products, be distributed among the natives according to the several ability of each one, and with regard to the fact of whether they have been able to reap a harvest, or to care for their crops after planting them (see ordinance 20, which is expressed in almost the same terms). the injuries done to the natives by the bandalas and purchases must cease. copies of this ordinance are to be sent to all the villages and proclaimed in the native languages, in order that all the natives may be informed of it. it is also to be noted in the books of the royal accountancy, so that all purchases may be made according to the terms expressed therein, and that all exactions may cease.] 47. [the governor, after examining the report of fray benito de san pablo, recollect, formerly of the district of romblon in the province of panay, in regard to the exactions of the alcaldes-mayor from the natives, and the remarks of the fiscal, orders the alcaldes-mayor to collect from the indians tribute only in the products which they possess; and but two gantas of rice, in place of the three which they have usually and unlawfully collected. this shall be made a matter in the residencia, and violations will be punished with fines and penalties.] 48. [governor valdés tamon under date of july 28, 1730, orders instructions sent to the alcalde-mayor of laguna de bay and to all other alcaldes-mayor, commanding them to pay for the services of the natives according to the tariff (see ordinance 21), except in cases of the administration of justice and matters of the common welfare.] 49. [an ordinance of the same governor, august 9, 1730, orders the late alcalde-mayor of ilocos to present himself in manila within a month after being notified thereof, in order that he may hand in his accounts. he is to do this under penalty of a fine of 1,000 pesos. this ordinance arises from the report of the judge of the residencia that said alcalde-mayor, captain bernaldo roldan, is building a large dwelling house in the capital city of the province, whence will ensue injury to the royal treasury from the detention of his accounts.] 50. [in order to remedy the neglect, inexperience, and laziness of alcaldes-mayor, castellans, and other officials of villages, forts, and presidios throughout the philippines, the governor, francisco josé de obando y solis, on august 13, 1751, enacts that all such officials must perform their full duty promptly. annual reports must be sent to manila regarding the condition of villages, forts, and presidios, discipline, etc. the original reviews, which are to be made monthly, are also to be sent. all priests are urged to send separate reports concerning the same matters. thus will the demoralized condition of the spanish forts and presidios--where the soldiers are totally undisciplined, and hence unprepared for any sudden call--and the injuries to the royal treasury, be remedied.] 51. [the same governor, on october 25, 1751, orders that cabezas de barangay cannot, while serving in that capacity, be proposed or nominated as gobernadorcillos or other officials of justice, for from this practice has arisen considerable harm to the royal treasury, because the collection of the tribute is in charge of the gobernadorcillos and officers of justice, and one man cannot well perform two distinct duties. ordinance 27, governing the election of gobernadorcillos and officers of justice, must be understood with these limitations and restrictions. alcaldes-mayor and priests are ordered and urged to watch carefully over this matter in order that all frauds against the royal treasury may cease.] 52. [the same governor, in view of the many things that demand immediate remedy, notwithstanding the many government ordinances that have been enacted by his predecessors (because new laws always give rise to new conditions and other abuses), orders governors, corregidors, alcaldes-mayor, and other officers of justice immediately to "issue, and cause to be issued, the most suitable measures, so that in the villages of their districts schools be erected, established, and founded, now and henceforth, where the sons of the natives and other inhabitants of their districts may be educated and taught (in primary letters, in the castilian or spanish language). they shall see to it and watch so that the people study, learn, and are taught in this language, and not in that of the country or any other. they shall procure its greatest increase, extension, and knowledge, without consenting to, or permitting any person, of any rank or quality, to violate or disobey this resolution, or schools of any other language to be erected or established, under penalty of five hundred pesos, applied at the discretion of this superior government. but as soon as it is ascertained or learned that any ecclesiastical or secular person is attempting or trying to violate this resolution, his purpose shall be prevented, hindered, and disturbed; and a report of the one disquieting and disturbing, if an ecclesiastic, shall be made, in order that he may be ordered to conclude and not continue [his purpose]; and if a layman, he shall be arrested, and a cause shall be formulated briefly and summarily, his property confiscated, and he shall be sent a prisoner, together with his property, so that the most severe and commensurate penalties may be applied." ordinance 29, forbidding spaniards to live in the villages of the natives, is annulled, in order that this may have better effect; but the alcaldes-mayor and other officials must look after and correct their behavior. such schools are to be established at the cost of the various villages, being paid out of the communal funds established for schools taught in the native language. these latter shall cease in proportion as spanish schools are established. future offices conferred on the natives shall be given to those with the best knowledge of spanish. this ordinance was issued october 19, 1752, as were also ordinances 53-60, which detail the report to be made to the superior government.] 53. [this ordinance commands governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor, now and henceforth, to report to the superior government within a year after taking office, concerning the products and manufactures of their provinces.] 54. [also the report shall include "the condition of the province; its fortresses, weapons, and defenses; the number of troops in garrison, and their condition; the amount of artillery mounted; the amounts of war supplies, arms, ammunition, and other utensils;" in whose charge they are, and how they are looked after. separate reports shall be sent from those in charge of the above. also the best methods for correcting abuses shall be discussed.] 55. [the report shall also give details regarding pay and aid of officers and soldiers, the manner of paying them, their behavior in reviews, how often the latter are held, and by whom.] 56. what bodies of militia exist in the villages and hostile frontiers, and whether they are kept in readiness; with what powers and under what rules they have been created; and whether they must be maintained permanently or only on occasion. 57. [whether pay is determined on the total number that ought to be enrolled, or whether the proper discounts are made for death and desertion.] 58. [the annual report shall include the census of each village, visita, or mission, the data for which can he secured from the parish priests and missionaries. also a note must be made of all innovations that occur, and that are worthy of superior notice.] 59. what convents, colleges, and houses of shelter, for education and teaching, exist in each village; their size, construction, and building fund; with the number of religious, and those educated or being educated therein, and in the doctrinas and missions which they own. 60. [the report shall also contain the location of villages and their accommodations, the inclinations of their inhabitants, and whether any intelligent persons are found in them. a map of the province shall accompany the report for the greater intelligence of the superior government, and its use in dictating laws. this resolution (ordinances 53-60) carries with it a penalty of 500 pesos in case of violation, and others at the governor's discretion. in the future, officials shall not leave their residences until they have received the approval of the government for the strict fulfilment of their duties.] 61. [a royal decree, dated madrid, april 5, 1765, in view of the controversy that arose [in 1764] between governor alfonso hernandez de heredia and the audiencia in regard to the opening of the despatches, orders, and instructions belonging to joaquin de aguirre, who died in america before he could take his post as governor of guatemala, to which he had been appointed; and in order that a fixed rule might be laid down: orders that whenever any appointee dies in any american village before he can assume a post to which he has been appointed, the corregidor, alcalde-mayor, or other justices, collect his papers, despatches, orders, etc., and with the notary make an inventory of them, but without examining them, and send the same sealed to the audiencia of the district (or the governor of the district, if there is no audiencia), with the first word of each document, its date, and signature, so that the proper measures may be taken, and the judges of the property of deceased persons shall have no authority to meddle in this. this decree is to be communicated to all the justices of the royal provinces, in order that they may so act. account is taken of this decree in the manila audiencia, june 22, 1766. the fiscal, after examining the decree, june 28, 1766, advises that it be observed, and instructions be sent to the judges of the property of deceased persons and to alcaldes-mayor. at a meeting of the audiencia, july 3, 1766, the advice of the fiscal is acted on fully.] the so-called ordinances of raon royal ordinances formulated by the superior government and royal assembly of these islands, february 26, 1768, for the proper direction of the governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor of their provinces, relief of the natives, and observance of the laws; ordered to be observed and complied with, by royal act of the same date. ordered to be printed and distributed by his excellency don rafael maría de aguilar, governor-president and captain-general of the islands by the authoritative decree with which they begin. [118] [under date of manila, september 11, 1801, governor aguilar orders the printing of one hundred copies of the ordinances formulated february 26, 1768, and the distribution thereof to the alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and governors of the provinces. [119] by royal decree of january 17, 1797, an order was given for the revision, correction, and modification of those ordinances; but it has not been done, and only one copy of them is known to exist, and that is not attested. the ordinances are to be registered in the proper places. copies are to be sent to the bishops and provincials of the orders, so that they may urge the obedience of the ordinances. each alcalde-mayor is to pay the cost of the printing of the copy sent him. this decree is to precede the printed ordinances. [120]] [raón revises the ordinances of governor pedro manuel de arandía, [121] in consequence of royal decrees of december 4 and 23, 1760, ordering ordinances for the direction of the alcaldes-mayor. the ordinances follow, mainly in synopsis.] 1. [alcaldes-mayor and other justices are to receive their titles in the usual form, after giving bonds and taking the necessary oath to perform their duties lawfully, to administer justice without self-interest, and impartially, not to take excessive fees or accept bribes, to observe these ordinances and those of the recopilación, and to promote the welfare of the provinces.] 2. [since the conduct of the superiors furnishes an example to inferiors, alcaldes-mayor and other judicial officers must furnish a good example to the natives, by carefully observing the laws and rites of religion, and by showing the due respect and veneration to all ecclesiastics. those of evil disposition shall be rigorously punished in accordance with their offenses.] 3. [under no consideration shall the indians be ill-treated by the judicial officials or anyone else, and the laws of título x, book vi, of the recopilación shall be strictly observed. if the alcaldes-mayor are unable to prevent ill-treatment of the indians, they shall report the same to the superior government, according to law lxxxiii, título xv, book ii, and law iii, título x, book vi; or to the fiscal of the audiencia, according to law vi, título xviii, book ii.] 4. [the alcaldes, encomenderos, or any other person, shall not collect gold or money, or accept a loan, or present, from the indians, or collect more than the just amount from them (law xiv, título xxix, book ii, and laws xlviii, xlix, título v, book vi). personal services must be paid, as well as the food purchased from them, at the prices of the tariff. if the indians are forced to buy the products that they sell, they shall buy them at suitable prices.] 5. [the tribute shall be collected only when due, and to the proper amount, both in kind and in money, according to the instructions given out by the royal accountancy. especial care shall be taken in the examination of the lists and ages of the indians (law xxiii, título v, book vi), in order that unlawful exemptions from the tribute may not occur, thus wronging the royal treasury. offenses either against indians or the royal treasury shall incur a fine of four times the amount, besides a special fine of 200 pesos.] 6. [exemptions from polos are more common than from tribute. with good reason some have been conceded to villages which have churches to build or to some private persons for distinguished services especially in times of war. [122] all such concessions must be examined by the alcaldes-mayor, in order to ascertain whether they are to the prejudice of the rest of the people, and to inform the superior government thereof. no further exemptions must be granted under penalty of a fine four times the amount of the exemption--except to cantors, sacristans, and porters; to governors, lieutenants, and officers of justice, during their term of office; and to cabezas de barangay, their wives, and eldest sons, and all others exempted by the superior government since 1764. all others conceded before that date shall be revoked until confirmed by the government. exemptions in the provinces of cavite, tondo, laguna, bulacan, pampanga, and bataan, shall be conceded directly by the superior government; in all other provinces through the alcalde-mayor. the indian claiming exemption from any payment must present himself with his proofs before the alcalde-mayor.] 7. [collection of tribute in kind is often severe upon the indians, because of epidemics (law xiv, título v, book vi), locusts, failure of crops, and other misfortunes. at such times it is quite proper that the indians be not molested for what they do not possess (law xxii, título v, book vi). however, since the indians often sham, when it is to their advantage to sell their crops, the alcalde-mayor shall see to it that neither the indians nor the royal treasure suffer unjustly. if it is necessary to collect in money what ought to be collected in kind, an additional charge of five per cent must be made, in order to cover the increased cost to the government of the products elsewhere for the storehouses, and in order that the indians may not avail themselves unjustly of excuses from paying in kind when that is to their advantage (law lxv, título v, book vi; law xvi, título ix, book viii).] 8. [this is similar to old ordinance 20 (q.v., ante, pp. 204, 205). to it is added that the alcaldes shall send to each village an account, authorized by the provincial notary, of the distribution of the purchase or bandala so that this may be presented at the residencia, and compared by the judges with the orders given for that purpose, in order to ascertain whether the two tally, and whether there is any excess.] 9. [whenever it becomes necessary to purchase more products than the amounts regularly fixed, orders to that effect must be issued by the superior government. extraordinary purchases thus made shall be paid for at the prices current in that particular province where they are bought, and not at the regular price established for royal purchases.] 10. [by law xliv, título v, book vi of the recopilación, and by ordinance 30 (q.v., ante, p. 210) of the old ordinances, it was ordered that the indians were to pay the tribute in their own villages, while the cost of transportation to the chief cities of the provinces was to be met by the royal treasury. but the above law treats of tributes in general, and hence includes those of private encomiendas, and is contrary to the laws regarding the royal tributes, namely, law x, título ix, book viii, and law lxiii, título v, book vi. these laws declare that tributes shall be paid in the chief cities of the provinces, or if paid elsewhere, cost of transportation shall he paid by the indians, and not by the royal treasury. this ordinance therefore amends old ordinance 30, which will prevent the frauds committed by the alcaldes under the name of transportation expenses. besides, this expense, being so moderate, will not be hard on the indians.] 11. [this ordinance was intended for the simplification of the accounts of the alcaldes-mayor, and for the prevention of frauds to the royal treasury. by entering in the accounts the amount of the tribute in both money and kind (it being paid in both), there was a confusion of accounts, many back accounts, and frauds through the loss of vessels or pretended fires, etc. the alcaldes-mayor are ordered to compute all the accounts in money, although the tribute shall be collected as heretofore. no certification that the collections have not been made will be received, as such documents are very suspicious. when alcaldes-mayor take office, they shall sign a contract to send in their accounts, and to store in the magazines the amount of the products necessary for the royal service, the value of which shall be reported in money. the rations that are given to the troops or crews of vessels in the various provinces shall be computed also in money, at the price established in each province. this regulation, in accord with the tenor of ordinances 4 and 5 formulated by arandia, shall be enforced on the appointment of the new alcaldes-mayor to the various provinces.] 12. [the factor of the royal treasury shall make a chart of the products of each province which are needed for the annual provision of the royal magazines, and of the prices in each province, according to the appraisals of the tribute and of the freight that must be paid for transportation, in order to avoid confusion and doubt regarding the same. the freight is charged according to the distances and the risk in transportation. the chart shall also give the amount of the stipend for each province that is paid in kind, computed in money, as well as the prices for the food furnished to the royal vessels, and the rations for the troops. the alcaldes are to take receipts for all that they shall deliver, and place the same in their accounts in money value according to the chart.] 13. [since the products of the royal bandala or purchase are to be brought to the royal magazines, another chart, expressing the prices paid in such purchases, transportation charges between villages, and sea freights to the royal magazines, shall be made for each province, in order to avoid fraud and confusion.] 14. the pay of their stipends to the curas and ministers of the missions, as well as the [payment for the] other ordinary expenses of each province, shall be made by the alcaldes-mayor, according to the instructions of the royal officials, and the orders of the superior government, and they shall be bound literally by those orders. 15. [the payment of the stipends of the curas and missionaries in money and not in kind is advised, in order to avoid all contentions such as are wont to occur between them and the alcaldes-mayor. the former always collect in the method most convenient to themselves, which is often to the prejudice of the royal treasury. since there is no longer a reason, as at the beginning, for paying the stipends in both money and kind, law xxvi, título xiii, book i, of the recopilación ought to be observed, according to which the stipend should be paid in money. the practice of paying the stipends in the villages hitherto practiced, and not compelling the curas and missionaries to have recourse to the royal treasury (according to law xix, of the above título and book), should be continued.] 16. [the alcaldes-mayor shall send annual reports to the superior government whether the sacrament has been administered in their houses to sick indians, whether this has been neglected by any curas and missionaries, or whether the latter have caused the sick to go to the churches to receive it. if they have been thus remiss, the stipends shall not be given them, and if paid them by the alcaldes-mayor shall not be credited to them (which is in accordance with law xxvi, título xiii, book i, of the recopilación, and the royal decree of june 11, 1704, which is, however, not to be observed in general).] 17. [the indians are to have the administration, teaching, and instruction necessary, but are not to be molested and vexed unjustly by the curas and missionaries (see recopilación, título xiii, book i). they must not be assessed anything, or such assessment shall be discounted from the stipends of the curas and missionaries.] 18. [in view of the poverty of the royal treasury, and the opulence of the curas and missionaries, who receive excessive stipends--since, although a village may have but one parish priest, he may collect two, three, four, or more stipends, according to the number of tributes--it is ordered that but one stipend be paid in each village, notwithstanding its size (in the same manner as if it had only five hundred tributes): the money saved thereby shall be paid out to the benefit of the public cause.] 19. [law i, título iv, book vi, of the recopilación, recommends that the communal fund of the native villages be an object of especial attention, and that one real from each whole tribute be paid into it. the collection for this is to be made by the alcaldes-mayor under bond, and they must report and send amounts to the royal treasury, distinctly stating the amount belonging to each village. the royal officials are to enter this account under separate headings, as provided by laws ix and xi of the above título; and this fund must be reserved for the purposes expressly stated by the superior government.] 20. [when the amount of the communal funds has reached a sufficient figure, one of the auditors especially appointed by the superior government shall with the fiscal and royal officials purchase annuities or invest the money in sea or land enterprises. the gain therefrom shall be applied to the maintenance of seminaries for indians of both sexes, "which ought to be established in each province for the education and secular and christian instruction of their natives, as the only means by which they can be instructed perfectly in the mysteries of our holy faith, and so that they may be good christians and better vassals." this is according to laws xvii-xix, título iii, book i, of the recopilación.] 21. [neither the alcaldes-mayor nor any other person may, without special government permission, spend anything from the communal funds, outside of the common obligations of each village--namely, expenses for cantors, sacristans, and the porter of the churches; the schoolmaster; the election fees of the gobernadorcillos, and their salaries; and the three per cent paid for the collections of the communal funds.] 22. [each village shall have a chart showing the condition of its communal funds. this shall show receipts and the fixed expenses as above outlined.] 23. [each alcalde shall leave his successor a record of said chart, taking a receipt for the same in order to present it to the royal accountancy. this shall be compared later by the royal officials with the accounts as handed in by his successor.] 24. [villages of more than 500 tributes shall have eight cantors, two sacristans, and one porter, each of whom shall be paid from the communal funds the customary amount of rice annually, namely, 4 fanégas of palay of 48 gantas. villages of 400 tributes shall have six cantors; 300, five; 200, four; and no village shall have less than the last figure. all churches having a cura or missionary shall have two sacristans and one porter. there has been much abuse in this matter, and the alcaldes-mayor are cautioned to have especial care in enforcing this ordinance, under penalty of a fine of 200 pesos.] 25. [it is important that each village have good teachers to instruct the indians in the spanish language; but the monthly salary granted to teachers by the communal fund, namely, one peso and one cavan of rice, is very little. consequently, the alcaldes, with the aid of the curas and missionaries, are ordered to regulate the salaries in proportion to the tributes, reporting the same to the superior government and the royal accountancy, so that better teachers may be secured and law xviii, título i, book vi, of the recopilación, may be better realized.] 26. [the law enacted by governor arandía, arranging for the expenses of media-anata and title of certain poor and old notables to be taken from the communal funds of the villages, in order that such men might serve as gobernadorcillos and the villages not be deprived of their services, is to be observed, the only condition being that the poverty must be very great, and such men very useful to the community.] 27. [no indian tanores shall be set aside for the service of the curas, missionaries, alcaldes-mayor, or any other person, except those mentioned in ordinance 24. those serving as cooks and servants shall not be exempt from tribute, polos, or personal services; nor shall they serve against their will. they shall receive the pay fixed by law, and accustomed to be paid to private individuals, according to law lxxxi, título xiv, book i, of the recopilación.] 28. [if the curas and missionaries need rowers for the administration of the sacraments, and the alcaldes-mayor, for matters of the royal service, they shall not pay the indians for such service, and shall allot said rowers by polos. otherwise, each rower shall be paid one-half real per day and his food between manila and mariveles; beyond, the pay shall be regulated according to the tariffs of the various provinces.] 29. [eight baguntaos shall be chosen in each large village each week to accompany the most holy sacrament, when it is taken to the houses of the sick, and to aid in the mass, and other matters of the divine service. villages of five hundred tributes shall have six baguntaos, and smaller ones, four. they shall receive no pay, but shall not be employed in other matters, unless they are paid therefor, under penalty of deprivation of office to the gobernadorcillo or judicial official who permits it; and the alcalde-mayor who is aware of this and does not remedy it, shall pay the amount due such indians, and a fine four times as great.] 30. [girls and women must not be employed in the missions in pounding rice among the men; neither shall they be employed to sweep the cemeteries of the churches, or the houses of the curas and missionaries; for this results often in great sin, and is contrary to the laws of the kingdom, especially law xi, título xiii, book i, of the recopilación. alcaldes-mayor shall not permit this under a charge of the same in their residencia, and a fine of 500 pesos, in accordance with the ordinance of november 23, 1757, which was enacted because of the many complaints. those suitable for such duties are the old and crippled who have been exempted from tribute, and the schoolboys (of whom the curas may make use freely so long as they are schoolboys, but no longer.) alcaldes-mayor shall not employ women; and gobernadorcillos shall not make use of the services of schoolboys to the detriment of their instruction.] 31. [the indians shall not be required to supply the curas, missionaries, or alcaldes with fish. if the latter permit this, they shall have to pay for the fish at a just price, and a sum four times as great as a fine, and shall be deprived of office perpetually, as transgressors of law xii, título xiii, book i, and law xxvi, título ii, book v, of the recopilación.] 32. [in order that curas and missionaries may not be compelled to go without cooks and necessary servants because the indians are unwilling to serve them, the gobernadorcillos of the villages shall furnish men for such service (not to exceed four in the large villages). from the stipend of the curas and missionaries, they shall be paid one real per week, and be given their food. in villages too small to warrant this expense on the part of the ecclesiastics, the village shall maintain the servants, and they shall not become an expense on the royal treasury.] 33. [similar to ordinance 22 (q.v., ante, p. 206). this ordinance adds that deprivation of office shall be the penalty to the secular person violating its orders, while the ecclesiastical person who violates it shall be proceeded against according to law.] 34. [similar to ordinance 9 (q.v., ante, pp. 197, 198). the prices in tondo and the coast of manila are as follows: "one hen, one and one-half reals; one dumalaga, three cuartillos; and one chick, four granos." this ordinance is in accordance with law i, título xvii, book iv.] 35. [this ordinance cites and reiterates ordinance 42 of the old regulations (q.v., ante, p. 219), and is in accordance with law xliii, título vii, book i of the recopilación.] 36. [alcaldes-mayor and census-takers shall not exact the two reals from the natives which they are accustomed to take as a fee for enumerating them, under penalty of a fine of 500 pesos, and a sum four times as great as that they shall be proved to have taken. this ordinance shall be a special charge in the residencia.] 37. [alcaldes-mayor shall be governed by law xxix, título viii, book v, of the recopilación in regard to fees for suits and other matters. the government secretary shall send a list of all fees that may be received to all the provinces, which shall be translated into the native languages and published by proclamation, and posted in the court, so that the indians may know their rights and make the proper complaint at the time of the residencia. the employees of the royal treasury are liable for the fees which they also exact unlawfully, and which they are accustomed to take from the cabezas de barangay and the other natives.] 38. [similar to ordinance 8, of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, pp. 196, 197).] 39. [similar to ordinance 24, of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, pp. 206, 207). this ordinance in its several parts is in accordance with laws ii and xxi, título vi, book vii, of the recopilación.] 40. [this ordinance forbids alcaldes, justices, gobernadorcillos, and officials of the villages to impose any tax on the indians. it is similar to ordinance 5 of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, p. 195), and is in accordance with law vi, título xv, book iv of the recopilación.] 41. [no tax shall be imposed on the indians such as has been the custom, for taking clay from any common place with which to make vessels, or for the manufacture of salt, or an annual payment for each beast or tree that they own, or other unjust impositions. the alcaldes-mayor shall report all such exactions.] 42. [similar to ordinance 11 of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, p. 198), which is in accordance with law xxii, título xiv, book i, law xi, título xvi, of the same book, and law xxxvi, título iii, book iii, of the recopilación.] 43. [similar to ordinance 14 of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, p. 199).] 44. [because of the great losses resulting from loans to the indians, all loans in excess of five pesos are prohibited. the indians, through their great carelessness, and indolence, are prone to seek loans, esteeming the present moment only, and being unmindful of the future. in return for the loan, it is customary for the indian to give his land in pledge, and the creditor enjoys the usufruct thereof until payment of the sum borrowed is made. this is usury and a virtual signing away of the land, for the payment is seldom made, and hence, the land is lost permanently. such contracts are declared null and void, and those making them shall lose the amount of the loan, and be fined a sum four times as great. it is forbidden to the indians to sell their land by law xxvii, título i, book vi of the recopilación.] 45. [it is against law to have indian slaves, and any so-called by usage shall be set at liberty. the alcaldes-mayor shall send transgressors with the records of their cases to the royal audiencia.] 46. [this ordinance cites ordinance 41 of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, pp. 217, 218). since the method there outlined of collecting the three reals for the religious festivities, works prejudice, because the indians generally believe that the holy sacrament of penitence is to be bought--as, under the system of collection by the priests, confession is often denied until payment is made--it is decreed that collection in the future shall be made by the alcaldes-mayor. the proceeds shall be deposited in a chest with three keys, one to be in possession of the father, another in that of the alcalde-mayor, and the third in that of the gobernadorcillo. it is quite proper that this tax be made, and that the royal treasury be exempt from payment of these church festivals, expenses which are increasing daily. this will result in good to the indians morally and religiously, and to the royal treasury.] 47. [this ordinance merely reiterates the orders of old ordinance 31 (q.v., ante, pp. 210, 211).] 48. [inquiry shall be made as to whether any bilitaos and casonos are exempt from the tribute, personal services, and other contributions of the indians; and, if so, they shall be made to render them, and the alcaldes-mayor allowing such shall be punished. to make that investigation, and the investigation of idolatry, maganitos [i.e., idolatrous feasts], and other sins, several indians of good life shall be secretly appointed by the alcaldes-mayor. with the approval of the curas and missionaries, indians guilty of sins shall be severely punished.] 49. [ordinance 43 of the old ordinances (q.v., ante, p. 219), is reënforced. in addition, it is ordered that alcaldes-mayor shall not allow public houses for gambling in their jurisdiction; for the unjust tolerance of games of chance, which are forbidden by the laws, works injury to the indians, spiritually and materially. this prohibition shall be published by proclamation, with its penalty, namely, fifty lashes to the indian timaua for the first violation, and a month's imprisonment to the chief, and loss of the sum at play; for the second and third offense, the penalty shall be increased. this shall be made a charge in the residencia of the alcaldes-mayor and ministers of justice. the cooperation of the father ministers in communicating notices to the alcaldes-mayor of those who engage in gaming is asked.] 50. [the terms of old ordinance 40 (q.v., ante, pp. 216, 217), are reiterated briefly, and, if they are not observed in the future by alcaldes-mayor and other ministers of justice (for they have not been observed in the past), each violation will carry with it a fine of 100 pesos, while the violation shall be made a charge in the residencia, and inability to secure other posts in the provinces.] 51. [the orders of old ordinance 44 (q.v., ante, pp. 219, 220) are briefly restated, and the penalties extended specifically to corregidors and justices who fail in the observation of the royal decrees of that ordinance. proclamations are to be made in the jurisdictions where brandy is manufactured, and after three days, transgressors are to be proceeded against and the penalties for violation of the ordinance to be enforced. manufacturers, sellers, and owners of the instruments used in the manufacture of brandy shall receive two hundred lashes and be thrust into the galleys for five years; for the second offense, they shall serve ten years; and for the third, another ten, and when that time is up, they shall not leave until they receive the express consent of the superior government. their goods shall also be confiscated. [123]] 52. [under no consideration shall more than the two gantas of unhulled rice be collected in zamboanga, [124] under penalty of paying a fine four times as large.] 53. [the territory of native reductions and villages is declared communal, and at the time of the erection of any village, lands must be apportioned to the indians, according to law viii, título iii, book vi of the recopilación. no land-tax or rent is to be paid for such land, it being the royal will (law xliv, título xii, book iv) that the indians have lands allotted to them for planting and working, as ordered in laws xxi and xxiii, título i, book vi, and law xiv, título xii, book iv. [125] these lands may not be sold without permission, some advantage gained thereby, and the intervention of the royal fiscal, as prescribed in law xxvii, título i, book vi, law xxxvi, título xviii, book ii, and law xvi, título xii, book iv. if claim is made to the lands by any spaniard or mestizo, or any secular or ecclesiastical community, they shall prove their claims in a short limit of time before the alcaldes-mayor, who shall forward the records to the royal audiencia for its decision. if their titles are not presented within that limit, the audiencia shall also judge the legitimacy of the claim. it has always been the royal purpose that lands shall not be sold or apportioned to the injury of the indians and their reductions; and it is prescribed by laws vii, ix, xvii, and xviii, título xii, book iv, that lands given to the injury of the indians shall be restored to their owners. lands belonging to indians who die without heirs revert by law xxx, título i, book vi, to the king; and it is prohibited by law x, título xii, book iv, that lands allotted to explorers or settlers be sold to ecclesiastical communities or persons, under penalty of being confiscated and allotted to others. this ordinance is to be observed by alcaldes and ministers of justice under severe penalties, and it is to be published by proclamation in the villages, for it is of great importance to the state that all the indians have the necessary lands. individual mention is to be made of those villages that do not have such lands and the government will provide them so far as possible, giving the lands to those who possess them with just title. in addition to the lands which the indians ought to have in their private capacity, each village ought to possess communal lands which are to be cultivated for the common benefit, and the products of which are to be incorporated in the communal fund--from which roads can be repaired, highways and bridges built, the royal buildings repaired, and other necessary works carried on without any burden to the indians.] 54. [indians employed on any of the public works shall labor only from the rising to the setting sun, with one and one-half or two hours for rest at midday. the rest of the time they must be made to work diligently. if any pressing necessity requires, however, such as the making of rigging, or other things for the royal service, alcaldes-mayor are empowered to lengthen the hours of labor, making the work as easy as possible for the indians, and increasing the pay proportionally with the hours. likewise, if the hours are diminished, the pay shall be proportionally diminished.] 55. [much trouble is caused by the actions of various officials in regard to the allotment of indians for the cutting of timber and other royal services, because they accept a money payment of five pesos, three reals from many who are thereby excused from taking part therein--a sum which is kept by the said officials. besides, they collect from the royal treasury the amount of the rations that the total number of indians would use. in order to stop this practice, it is commanded that all the indians allotted to any royal service, or their substitutes, take part in it. this is the only way in which to prevent the frauds practiced by the cabezas de barangay and the foremen of the cutting gangs. alcaldes, justices, and officials of the villages are to obey this ordinance strictly, under penalty of deprivation of office, a fine four times as great as the amount of the loss occasioned by them, and a further fine of 500 pesos, imposed on the alcaldes. the latter shall get a statement from the father chaplain and the foreman of the cutting gang, of the number of indians of his province who take part in the cutting, and shall report the same to the superior government] 56. [the indians are prohibited from wearing gold and silver ornaments on their clothes, unless the gold and silver is wrought by a goldsmith or by a silversmith, under the penalty that the indian timaua wearing such shall be punished with fifty stripes, and confiscation of the clothes so ornamented; while the chief shall be imprisoned for one month, and his clothes so adorned shall be confiscated. the second offense shall be double this, besides some money fine.] 57. [similar to old ordinance 10 (q.v., ante, p. 198). stress is laid on the rivers coming to manila from the provinces of laguna, pampanga, and bulacan.] 58. [similar to old ordinance 33 (q.v., ante, p. 211).] 59. [similar to old ordinance 23 (q.v., ante, p. 206).] 60. [similar to old ordinance 25 (q.v., ante, p. 207).] 61. [in part the same as old ordinance 26 (q.v., ante, pp. 207, 208). this ordinance provides in addition as follows. alcaldes-mayor, in whose charge, according to the new rules, the distribution of the bulls of the crusade have been placed, are to appoint as collectors and treasurers (prescribed by ordinance 11 of the crusade instructions) either the gobernadorcillo or one of the cabezas de barangay of the respective villages, and not any indian who pays tribute; for since the former are the most prominent men in the village and the responsibility of the tributes, as collectors and treasurers, devolves on them, this will result in greater profit to the royal treasury. each appointment made by the alcaldes in violation of this order shall incur a penalty of 100 pesos.] 62. [similar to old ordinance 7 (q.v., ante, p. 196). this ordinance adds: "and if the alcaldes do not comply with all the contents of this section, and of laws xi, xiii, xv-xvii, xix, xxii-xxiv, xxvi, xxviii, xxix, and xlii, título ii, book v, of the recopilación de indias, a charge as infractors of this section will be made against them in their residencia."] 63. [this ordinance contains the prescriptions of old ordinances 53-60 (q.v., ante, pp. 224-226).] 64. [alcaldes-mayor, within three months after having suffered their residencia, shall go to manila, and their successors shall compel them to this step, in order that they may present their accounts of the royal revenues. if they stay in the provinces thirty days after the conclusion of their residencia, they and their successors shall be fined 1,000 pesos.] 65. [this ordinance cites old ordinance 36 in full (q.v., ante, p. 213), and prescribes its observance.] 66. [since but little profit has been obtained from the raids allowed to be made according to old ordinance 35 (q.v., ante, pp. 212, 213), as they are made with indians who have friendship and trade with those of the mountains, and who, consequently, always give warning of such raids to the latter, while expenses roll up rapidly to no advantage, it is ordered that no raids be made in the future unless by order of the superior government. in case of necessity, the alcalde-mayor shall report to the superior government the necessity for the raid, the number of men necessary, the time it will take, and the expense, his report to be accompanied by a certified statement of the cura or missionary. in case time will not permit the awaiting of special orders from the superior government, the alcalde-mayor may, with the consent of the cura or missionary, make the raid; after which he shall send full reports of the same to manila, with certifications of the father minister, in order that the expenses may be allowed. alcaldes-mayor shall mutually aid one another on all raids.] 67. [alcaldes-mayor or their agents shall not buy houses, lands, or ranches in the territory of their jurisdictions during the time of their office, nor allow their notaries or alguacils to do so, under penalty of 500 pesos' fine. they shall not build nor allow to be built any boat for transportation without the express permission of the superior government; and the work of indians thereon shall be paid at the rate of the tariff. such construction shall be made in places having the spiritual and temporal administration, under the above penalty. the alcalde-mayor obtaining government permission, shall inform the gobernadorcillos of the villages of his province of all the conditions, so that the indians may lodge complaint of all injuries offered them during the construction, and obtain justice therefor. the same rule holds good for all work done for the alcalde-mayor, and payment shall be with the intervention of the father minister. likewise work done for the latter shall be paid by him in the same manner with the intervention of the alcalde-mayor, and in absence of the latter, with that of the gobernadorcillo of the village, who shall report fully to the alcalde-mayor, so that he may remedy all abuses. this is in accord with law xi, título xiii, book i, of the recopilación.] 68. [alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and other officials are allowed (by a royal decree of july 17, 1751) to trade in their provinces by reason of a payment made to the government, and mistakenly called an excise tax. they shall not, on account of that privilege, injure the trade of the spaniards and indians of their jurisdiction, but shall allow them to trade freely, without exacting from them any payment under pretense that it is an excise tax. nor shall they be allowed to buy at rates lower than the others. violation of this ordinance, which is to be proclaimed annually in the villages, and to be a charge in the residencia, incurs the penalties of deprivation of office, a fine of 500 pesos, and other penalties that may be imposed.] 69. [similar to old ordinance 18 (q.v., ante, p. 203). the penalties assigned are restoration of what has been weighed or measured by unjust weights and measures, and a fine of 500 pesos to the alcalde-mayor allowing the use of such weights and measures, and the payment of the amount lost, with four times as much to the treasury.] 70. [interprovincial trade of the various products shall not be prohibited, as such prohibition is in violation of law viii, título xviii, book iv and law xxv, título i, book vi, in accordance with which laws trade is to be encouraged. the indians may cut timber in accordance with law xiv, título xvii, book iv. the desire for gain, however, shall not be allowed to cause the indians to send out of any province the products necessary for its conservation. this may be prohibited with the consent of the father minister, from whom the alcalde-mayor shall ask a certification for his own protection. without that certification, he shall not make such prohibition, under penalty of the penalties of the preceding ordinance. the natives shall pay no fees for the privilege of interprovincial trade; and, if any alcalde-mayor violates this, he shall incur a fine of 100 pesos, besides the responsibility of making good all the loss occasioned by his action. this shall also be a charge in the residencia.] 71. [this ordinance relates to the encouragement of the increase of the produce of each province, for which all alcaldes-mayor and other officials must work, under penalty of punishment for neglect and disobedience. the products best suited for each province are to be especially encouraged, whether of useful trees, wheat, and other grains, vegetables, cotton, pepper, etc., or domestic cattle. each indian shall have at least twelve hens and one cock, and one sow for breeding purposes. factories for the making of textiles and rigging shall be encouraged and increased. alcaldes-mayor shall strive especially to wipe out the vice of laziness--which is the chief vice among the indians, and the origin of all their other vices--by mild means, but if necessary by harsh ones, as this is so important for the general good, in accordance with law xxi, título i, book vi. those who do not, within two years, work in their fields and gardens and cultivate their lands shall lose them. especial care shall be taken of this during the visit, and annual reports shall be made by the alcaldes-mayor, who shall be careful to state increase.] 72. [similar to old ordinance 32 (q.v., ante, p. 211).] 73. [since the laziness of the indians is so prejudicial and the origin of many vices, especially incontinence and theft; and since it is against law xxi, título i, book vi of the recopilación, to permit laziness among them: it is ordered that all indians engage in some work, either the cultivation of land or the rearing of cattle, as outlined in ordinance 71. gobernadorcillos shall be ordered to watch carefully to see that this ordinance is obeyed, and alcaldes-mayor shall verify their statements at the time of the visit. lazy indians shall be forced to labor at the public and royal works of the province for so long a time as the alcalde-mayor shall determine. lands of the villages allowed to lie uncultivated for one year shall be taken from their owners, and given to other indians who are more industrious, in accordance with law xi, título xii, book iv.] 74. [alcaldes-mayor shall prefer for all honorable posts, such as that of gobernadorcillo, those indians who are most industrious in the cultivation of their lands, the planting of trees, and manufactures, reporting the same to the superior government.] 75. [in view of the many infractions of old ordinance 37 (q.v., ante, pp. 213-215), that ordinance is repeated with strict orders of observance, under penalty of loss of office, a fine of 500 pesos, and charge in the residencia.] 76. [this ordinance cites old ordinance 16 (q.v., ante, pp. 199-203), but adds that the new order of the royal decree of april 17, 1766 must be observed. this decree orders that all the catholic sangleys who committed excesses during the time when the english occupied manila shall be expelled from the philippines, only true christians being allowed to remain, according to law viii, título xviii, book vi of the recopilación. these sangleys are to be assigned to the respective territories and villages which are deemed best. they shall not be allowed to carry weapons of any sort, and shall be employed only in agriculture and the trades. they shall not be allowed to leave their respective villages except by permission of the justice, governor, or alcalde-mayor to whom they are subject, under penalty of perpetual exile from his majesty's domains.] 77. [old ordinances 20 and 21 (q.v., ante, pp. 204-206), which are in accordance with law xxii, título iii, book vi, of the recopilación are repealed by ordinance 52 of the present ordinances; and spaniards are permitted to live among the indians (as seems in harmony with law xviii, título xv, book i), the alcaldes being ordered to see that they live as good christians. since experience demonstrates that the residence of spaniards in the provinces is advantageous for the instruction of the indians in the spanish language, for the cultivation of their products, and for the encouragement of their trade (in accordance with law xxiv, título i, book vi), the alcaldes-mayor are ordered to aid the spaniards resident in their provinces as much as possible, and to forbid residence therein only of those who are vicious and mischievous.] 78. [similar to old ordinance 28 (q.v., ante, p. 209).] 79. [this ordinance prescribes the method of holding the elections for gobernadorcillos (see old ordinance 27, ante, pp. 208, 209). elections shall be held at the beginning of each year, in the royal buildings, and nowhere else. if held elsewhere, they shall be considered null and void, according to arandía's ordinance no. 11; and the alcalde or justice violating this order shall be fined, and the notary making the records shall lose his office. the voters in the elections shall be the twelve senior cabezas de barangay. if any of these are absent, by reason of sickness or other cause, the number shall be completed from the other cabezas de barangay, observing strict seniority always. if there are not enough cabezas de barangay, the number of twelve voters shall be completed from the senior notables of the village. with these the retiring gobernadorcillo shall vote, and they shall nominate three trustworthy persons for the post of gobernadorcillo, reporting the number of votes received by each. these nominees must be able to read, write, and speak spanish. the ballot shall be secret, and be attested by the notary. the alcalde-mayor or the justice shall preside at the election, and the father minister may be present "if he please, in order to represent what he considers advisable, and for no other end." the results of the election shall be sent, stamped and sealed, to the secretary of the superior government, and the appointment of gobernadorcillo shall be made from manila, and the proper title despatched, while the other officials necessary shall be appointed as heretofore. this applies to the provinces of tondo, laguna, cavite, balayan, mariveles, bataan, pampanga, and bulacan. in other provinces distant from manila, elections shall be held in the same manner, and appointments made by the alcaldes-mayor or justices, who shall be furnished with blank titles, which they shall fill out. no man shall assume office without the proper credentials. names of all appointees shall be sent to the superior government and entered in the proper books, as well as the fees of the credentials and stamped paper. the fees of media-anata shall be collected from all gobernadorcillos and other officials, the amount of such fees being entered in the royal treasury annually. the royal officials, on their part, shall see that all fees are paid, and shall ascertain from the alcaldes and justices the number of gobernadorcillos in the various jurisdictions, so that they may check up the records properly.] 80. [retiring gobernadorcillos shall hold office until all fees have been met by the newly-elected gobernadorcillos.] 81. [cabezas de barangay may be elected to the post of gobernadorcillo without ceasing to act in the former capacity, according to arandía's ordinance, no. 21.] 82. [those becoming cabezas de barangay by inheritance shall obtain their credentials from the superior government, asking for the same with the accompanying report of the alcaldes, or the persons by whom they shall have been proposed. the district of each cabeza de barangay shall contain not less than forty-five or fifty tributes.] 83. [since the houses of the indians are so scattered, and there is so great lack of zeal in reducing them "under the bells," as is ordered by the laws and by many royal decrees, many spiritual and temporal wrongs are caused the indians. for they do not attend church, and it is impossible often to attend the sick and give them the sacraments, so that many of them die without the consolation of religion. it is impossible to learn the sins committed, or the exact number of those who should pay tribute. under penalty of being punished as enemies to the state, alcaldes-mayor are ordered to reduce the natives into villages. they shall not allow any house to be more than one-half league from a church; and, on the other hand, shall not allow them to be built so close together that there is danger of fire. reports of what has been done in this shall be sent to the superior government annually, under penalty of a fine of 100 pesos. the ecclesiastical superiors are requested (in accordance with laws ii and iii, título iii, book vi of the recopilación), to order their subjects to lend all the aid possible in the reduction. any opposition offered shall be considered just cause for the ends proposed in law xiii, título xv, book i.] 84. [when the reduction of the villages is completed, the gobernadorcillo of each village shall take charge of the collection of the tribute, as compensation for which he shall be given one-half of one per cent. he shall report promptly to the alcaldes, under pain of loss of office, to which the deputies shall succeed. this method will relieve the cabezas de barangay from the collection, and the latter shall be included in the lists and pay tribute also, which will amount to a considerable increase to the royal treasury.] 85. [to obviate the harm resulting from the father ministers meddling in concerns of temporal government (contrary to law lxvi, título xiv, book i of the recopilación), alcaldes-mayor are ordered not to allow any usurpation of their office. all measures advocated by the father ministers in behalf of the indians, spiritually and temporally, shall be presented to the alcaldes-mayor and other justices in a respectful manner, and shall receive respectful consideration, so that the indians may receive a good example thereby, and pay the proper respect to each one. if the alcaldes are unable to check attempted usurpation, they shall report the same to the superior government, which will take the necessary measures. the father ministers shall, on their side, present grievances against the alcaldes and other justices who do not attend sufficiently to their recommendations for the spiritual and temporal welfare of the indians, to their superiors, if they do not wish to do so directly to the government, who shall take the matter up with the proper authorities. observance of this ordinance is urged on the secular and regular superiors.] 86. [alcaldes-mayor must treat the gobernadorcillos with all the respect due their office, such as never allowing them to stand, in their houses or other places. also gobernadorcillos shall be punished if they do not fulfil their duties with honor, and properly.] 87. [alcaldes are also ordered to see that the gobernadorcillos are treated respectfully by the father ministers, "and shall not allow the latter to lash, punish, or maltreat them, nor leave them standing, or cause them to leave the baton at the street-door when they go to see the father curas or missionaries, as this is contrary to the honor and respect of justice. neither shall they allow them to serve the plates in the masses of said fathers, as ministers of justice ought not to be employed in that service, or others like it, which are suitable only for servants." all ecclesiastical superiors are ordered to charge all their subjects not to violate these regulations, and all the gobernadorcillos and officers of justice shall be notified that they are not to remain standing before the father ministers; that they are to go to visit them without leaving the baton of justice behind; not to serve at the masses; and not to leave the territory of their respective villages, even under pretext of accompanying the father minister, the alcalde, or any other person--under penalty of loss of their post, disqualification from holding any office of justice in the future, and two months' imprisonment.] 88. [on their part the alcaldes, while preserving the necessary respect toward justice, must maintain due respect for the priestly office, and seek always to promote good relations with the father ministers.] 89. [arandía's ordinance, no. 10, ordering alcaldes and justices to treat with the father ministers only in writing and to visit them only when accompanied, is repealed, as it is contrary to law lxv, título xiv, book i, of the recopilación. the ecclesiastical superiors shall do their utmost to restrain their subjects within the bounds of moderation. frequent visits between the alcaldes, gobernadorcillos, and other justices, and the father ministers are recommended. in this intercourse, however, the gobernadorcillos shall be ruled in temporal affairs by the orders and commands of the alcaldes-mayor, but are to maintain due respect to the father ministers--who shall not meddle with matters of secular government, but shall take the measures advisable for the spiritual welfare of the indians.] 90. [ecclesiastical superiors shall be requested to order their subjects to preach frequently to the indians concerning their obligation of paying the tribute, and the indulgences that they obtain by taking the bull of the holy crusade, in view of the many troubles arising from the lack of instruction in these two points "so important for their salvation, so in accordance with the intention of our catholic monarch, and suitable to the zeal of good ministers of instruction, and of faithful vassals of his majesty."] 91. the sumptuousness of the buildings, the churches, and houses of the missionaries, mistakenly called convents, is one of the burdens which the indians unjustly suffer, and which, according to a very laudable opinion, contributes greatly to their desolation. moreover, since it is apparent by the experience of the past war, what harm said buildings have occasioned, as they serve as shelter and defense to enemies, it is declared that buildings of stone and tile shall not be permitted in the provinces where there is danger of enemies, but only those of boards and nipa; [126] and where it is considered advisable by the superior government to permit them, a fixed rule shall be given, ordering that the houses of the missionary ministers be of moderate style, and in harmony with the plan which must be sent to each alcalde-mayor--with orders to demolish those which shall be built new without the necessary licenses, in case that they exceed the limits of the said plan. [this is in harmony with the royal decree, dated madrid, june 18, 1767. the terms of ordinance 67 shall be observed until other regulations are provided.] 92. [while there is great excess in the sumptuousness of the houses of the missionaries, there is a corresponding degree of ruin and dilapidation in the royal buildings throughout the islands. many are in so poor condition that they are unfit for habitation, and travelers and alcaldes-mayor are caused great hardship in their journeys through the villages. often it is impossible for the latter to visit their jurisdiction for the lack of royal buildings; and, because of trouble with the missionaries, they cannot live in the convents. still more disagreeable is it for ministers of the royal audiencia to exercise their commissions in the provinces, for it is not in harmony with their dignity or good for their health for them to lodge in places unsuitable for habitation; while law lxxxix, título xvi, book ii, forbids them to take lodging in the convents. in consequence of this it is ordered that all villages, especially the capitals of the provinces, erect suitable royal buildings, in accordance with plans that will be issued by the superior government. these shall be kept in repair, and in them the gobernadorcillos shall hold their courts and shall have their prisons.] 93. [according to old ordinance 52 (q.v., ante, pp. 223, 224), and to arandia's ordinance, no. 17, it is strictly ordered that the alcaldes-mayor request the father ministers to exert themselves, so far as it concerns them, to establish schoolmasters in all villages, who shall teach the indians to read and write in spanish, and the christian doctrine and other prayers, in accordance with the royal decree of june 5, 1574. the pay of the masters shall be one peso and one cavan of rice per month, but may be increased at the option of the alcaldes-mayor; and it shall be paid from the communal treasuries of the villages (see no. 25 of the present ordinances). if the masters do not teach and instruct the indians in spanish, they shall make restitution of all the pay that they have received, be incapacitated from all employment in the islands, and punished at the will of the alcaldes-mayor. this matter shall constitute a factor in the visits of the alcaldes-mayor, and if any persons oppose the teaching of spanish, they shall be proceeded against according to law. neglect on the part of the alcaldes shall incur punishment in proportion to its degree. as yet but little zeal has been shown in this matter, and there has been a total lack of observance of law xviii, título i, book vi, of the recopilación, which is in harmony with many royal decrees.] 94. [the visitas or chapels in villages, besides being unnecessary for divine worship, which is to be held in the churches where the indians can attend, are a burden on the indians, by reason of the expenses incurred in their building and repairs, and the increase of feast days (although there should only be the three permitted by the government), fees, and alms, which must be paid to the curas and missionaries. consequently, alcaldes-mayor are ordered, at the time of their visit, to report to the superior government all the visitas in their jurisdictions where the sacrifice of the mass is celebrated; with what authority and license they are established; the distance from each visita to the church of the village; the advantages derived from them; the expenses, fees, and alms contributed by the natives; and all other matters connected with them. no visita shall be established without the sanction of the superior government.] all the above sections contained in this royal ordinance shall be observed and complied with by the governors, alcaldes-mayor, and corregidors of the provinces of these islands, and by each of the persons mentioned therein--with warning that, if they do not execute them, they shall be punished according to the penalties imposed in them. given in the city of manila, and the royal hall of the assembly thereof, february 26, 1768. don jose raon francisco enriquez de villa corta manuel galvan y ventura registered, josé raon (seal) by the grand chancellor, josé raon [then follows the short statement of the government secretary, ramon de orendain, who had the ordinances written down at the order of the audiencia. this is succeeded by an act of the audiencia, dated february 26, 1768, enjoining strict observance of these ordinances which were ordered to be formulated by royal decrees of december 4 and 23, 1760. those decrees ordered the revision of the ordinances of governor arandía. in order that all persons may not plead ignorance of them, they were ordered to be registered in both accountancies, and in the government secretary's office, and copies were to be sent to each alcalde-mayor, corregidor, and justice. [127] these copies were to be translated into the native languages of the different jurisdictions, and the archives of each village was to have a copy. other copies were ordered to be sent to the bishops and the father provincials of the several orders, so that they might order obedience on the part of their subjects, who are not to meddle in governmental matters. last is the attestation of orendain as to the accuracy of the copy, which bears date manila, june 14, 1768, and which was sent to the castellan of the port of cavite.] instructions to the secular clergy 1. retirement and abstraction [from the world]; the priests shall not enter any house except to administer the sacraments, or to perform some function proper to one who has the care of souls. 2. they shall explain the christian doctrine and the gospel, using at least half of the time for this holy exercise in the castilian language. 3. they shall visit, both afternoon and morning the schools for boys, which our curas shall be under obligation to promote in their villages with every endeavor; and, if it be possible, the schools for girls. 4. [they shall pay] all respect and courtesy to the governors of their villages and the officials of justice, not allowing the latter to remove their caps when in the presence of the priests, and much less to serve them at the table--warning them that they must not leave their wands or insignia of justice on the stairs or in any other place, but always and everywhere carry these with them. 5. they shall not meddle with elections; and the affection and reverence of the people will be won if they attend solely to the welfare of souls and give personal advice. 6. they shall promote peace among their parishioners by all means; and shall exhort them to shun idleness and cultivate their lands. 7. they shall strive to banish the sport of cock-fighting, not sparing any effort for this, and the same with drunkenness. 8. they shall not allow the dalagas [i.e., young girls] or any woman to clean the church; the sacristans must perform this duty. 9. any cura who shall not attend to the adornment and cleanliness of his church will be punished with the utmost severity. 10. no woman shall enter the clergyman's house. 11. the priests shall spend the day in prayer and study, after having celebrated mass and divine service. 12. the conferences on moral subjects and on the church rubrics [128] shall be inviolably observed. 13. they shall conform, without any exception, to the tariff in the exaction of parochial fees; but if the parishioner shall be poor, the cura shall not for that reason neglect the administration of the sacraments, the burial ceremonies, etc. 14. they shall proceed to remove the abuses in [furnishing] cross and candlesticks of wood for the poor man, and of silver for him who pays the fees. 15. they shall immediately propose, in a kind and gentle manner, the [formation of] settlements [for their people], and shall expatiate to their parishioners on the advantages which will result to them from living in a settled community and village. 16. games of cards are prohibited to our curas, even among themselves. 17. they shall be careful to reside in their respective villages; and they shall leave these only for conferences or for hearing one another's confessions, when they have [in charge] no sick person in danger; but under no pretext shall they pass the night outside their own parishes. 18. on all occasions they shall wear their long robes. 19. each priest shall forthwith prepare a book, in which these our decrees shall be written--as well as those which we shall again issue in person, or which our provisor and vicar-general shall enact; or measures which shall be taken by our vicar forane, [129] as the one who keeps all things in his view. 20. even within the house they shall go dressed and shod through the day; and any one who shall descend to saying mass in a tipsy condition [con la turca], or shall take his seat in the confessional without collar and cassock, shall undergo severe penalties. 21. in every respect they shall render obedience to our vicar forane. 22. finally, mindful of the duties of their ministry, and of the very exact account which god will demand from them for the souls of every one of their parishioners, they shall instruct their people, by deed and by word, until the true idea of christian life is formed in them--stimulating in them love and obedience to our catholic monarch, who has conferred upon them so great benefits and loves them with a father's tenderness, and to the venerable ministers who govern them in the name of god and of so great a king. at the archiepiscopal palace in manila, on the twenty-fifth of october in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-one. [130] the expulsion of the jesuits, 1768-1769 [this subject is one of profound and far-reaching significance in history, especially that of europe; but the exigencies of our limited space forbid us to do more than suggest some of the more important aspects of this matter, and to furnish references to historical works in which it is treated at length. our chief attention is necessarily given to the expulsion of the jesuits from the philippines, which will concern us mainly with the facts of the case; and for this we must have recourse largely to montero y vidal's account of it as given in his historia de filipinas, ii, chapters v-vii. (ferrando says nothing about the banishment of the jesuits, save in a few incidental allusions which we have cited in previous notes.) to this relation we add a few contemporaneous documents, and other matter from various historical writers, presenting as far as available actual facts, and the views of both sides, impartially.] the expulsion from the spanish dominions "the controversy between the catholic nations and the court of rome in regard to the limits of the right of jurisdiction of the state and of the spiritual authority of the church goes back to an early date. the clergy, who in the middle ages possessed both moral and intellectual supremacy, held españa in perpetual tutelage; and so greatly abused their power that the journals of the early cortes record numerous petitions, constantly set aside, now in regard to ecclesiastical amortization, now about the creation of the religious orders; exemptions and privileges for the clergy, multiplication of benefices, and concessions to foreigners; excessive imposts claimed in roma for favors and dispensations; and innumerable abuses introduced in the discipline of the spanish church. until the clamor of battle ceased and the national unity was realized, the sovereigns did not preoccupy themselves with recovering the prerogatives of the royal power, and the catholic monarchs [i.e., fernando and isabel] were the first who undertook to maintain with care the so-called regalías [131] [i.e., prerogatives] of the crown." [from that time many controversies arose between the courts of madrid and rome, and even their diplomatic intercourse ceased entirely at times. a concordat was formed in 1737,] "which, instead of settling the pending disputes, deferred them until january 11, 1753, at which time the royal right of patronage was decided in favor of the kings of españa; and questions referring to pensions and other claims of the roman curia were settled by the conveyance of 23,066,660 reals, which the marqués de la ensenada delivered in roma before the concordat was signed. carlos iii, who as king of the two sicilies had had a similar controversy with the court of roma, and had in 1741 secured the solemnization of a concordat, found the principal disputes terminated in españa; but he could not prevent time and circumstances from originating others, which were settled in due time." [with this controversy between church and state, the jesuits were necessarily as well as of choice involved. "during two centuries, and under different aspects, two diverse principles came into open opposition: the principle of authority, essential in the catholic church, which was the banner of the society of jesus; and the principle of rebellion against the past, proclaimed by protestantism, converted afterward into the encyclopedistic philosophy, and still later taking the form of a social, religious, and political disintegration. to the propaganda of false ideas which was causing so much corruption among the youth, the society of jesus opposed solid and christian education, the defense of its doctrine, and the preaching and example of its members." carlos iii had come from italy with a dislike to the jesuits, and with various opinions which were more radical than those then current in españa; and the influence of french philosophy and political thought in that country (see note 4, ante, pp. 25-27) enabled him to secure advisers who were willing to second his ideas--although at first he made the mistake of appointing too many foreigners in his cabinet. the king and his ministers formed plans of reform for the country which have made danvila call him "the first revolutionary monarch of españa." it became evident that these plans could not be made effectual unless the influence of the jesuits against them could be neutralized. that order had been expelled from portugal and all her dominions, by decree of january 12, 1759; and it was suppressed in france by louis xv in november, 1764. permission to settle in spain and naples was denied to the french exiles by carlos iii. in march, 1766, a popular uprising took place in madrid, directed against one of carlos iii's ministers (leopold de gregorio, marqués de squilace, a sicilian by birth) who, besides the prejudice against him as a foreigner, had made himself unpopular by certain sumptuary regulations; it resulted in his banishment from spain. soon afterward, the king found it necessary to make changes in his ministry. the presidency of the council of castilla was conferred upon pedro pablo abarca de bolea, conde de aranda, an aragonese noble; and five new places therein were created, making twelve in all. all these councilors were spaniards, and five of them were archbishops and bishops. [132] "after the madrid riot, everywhere resounded complaints against the court and its nobles, the priests and the friars, and especially against the jesuits," the last-named being accused by many of having incited the riot. "the appointment of aranda was praised, as taking from an ecclesiastic the custody of the royal prerogatives." the disturbance quieted, the royal council took measures to ascertain, through a secret investigation, the causes of this uprising; and their conclusion is thus stated in a letter sent by order of the king to the government of naples, june 23, 1767:] "the result of all [the evidence] was, that the jesuits were either the principal or the only inciters [of the riot]; they stirred up the flames on every side, roused aversion in the minds of all classes of people, and detached them from their affection and subordination to the government. the jesuits printed and scattered about papers and writings that were seditious, and opposed to the royal authority and to the sovereignty and its legitimate rights; they preached against portugal and france in their sermons to the public, and in the parlors of the nunneries, insinuating themselves to confess and direct the nuns without authority and against the wills of the superiors of the convents; even in the cloisters of the religious women, the jesuits instilled, by their lectures and conversations, pernicious ideas and unworthy suspicions against the religious belief of the king and his ministers; and both before and after the tumult they threatened calamities and tragedies. they complained of all the decrees that were issued, on account of the [government] offices and dignities not devolving on their partisans and the followers of their school; they murmured against all the measures of the government, because they had no part in these, as being opposed to their ideas and their advantage. their perverse [ideas of] moral practice in españa and the indias, the laxity of their morals, their sordid commerce, their intrigues, their cunning schemes, and, finally, everything that has been written or published by those whom the society fancies to be its rivals and enemies: all these have been verified, and found convincing, with facts and instances of the present time (and which cannot be denied), without the necessity of resorting to the many and enormous excesses of former times or of foreign countries. [133] their hatred to the house of bourbon, and their aversion to the 'family compact,' [134] their partiality to the english, and their desire that the latter should subdue france; the greater satisfaction and confidence which they feel toward protestant princes, preferring these to the catholics; and other designs of theirs that are abominable, and contrary to the spirit of religion, of honor, and of humanity: these have been proved to us by many and irrefutable means, which their own acts and writings have furnished to us. time and paper would fail me if i tried to specify to your excellency the facts and proofs of the many charges which have accumulated against them." [finally--as a result partly of this investigation, and partly of the growing alarm and distrust felt against the jesuits, especially as they were securing new privileges from the holy see--carlos iii issued decrees dated at el pardo, february 27, 1767, for the banishment of the jesuits from spain and the indias. "the instructions for the measures to be taken by the persons commissioned to carry out the banishment of the jesuits in españa and the indias, and to take possession of their goods and estates; [135] the information as to their colleges, residences, and missions in the western indias, the filipinas islands, and the kingdoms of the indias; and the circular letter of conde de aranda to the viceroys and governors of the indias providing for what they might decide for themselves, without asking any questions: this bears the date of march 1." on march 12 this decision was known in rome; and four days later despatches from aranda gave fuller details, and included a copy of a royal decree which charged him to "display to the other religious orders the confidence, satisfaction, and esteem which they merited for their fidelity and doctrine, their observance of the monastic life, their exemplary service of the church, their creditable instruction, and their withdrawal from the affairs of government as being alien to and remote from the ascetic and monastic life." on march 20, aranda determined to appoint april 3 as the date on which this expulsion of the jesuits should go into effect; and on the thirty-first carlos iii wrote a letter to pope clement xiii, stating that he found it necessary to expel the jesuits from his dominions, and would send them to the states of the church, to be under the direction of his holiness as the father of the faithful. the spanish ambassador at rome, to whom this letter was sent for delivery to the pope, was also notified that all the expelled jesuits would be pensioned, as long as they remained outside of the spanish territories, at the following rate: to the ordained priests, 100 pesos annually; to the laymen, 90 pesos; and to all, a half-year's salary in advance. [136] the pope was overcome with grief at this news, and in reply (april 16) remonstrated with the king against this measure, protesting that the jesuit order was innocent of disloyal or evil acts, and urging the king to suspend the execution of the decrees against them. this of course had no effect, and the pope refused to receive the banished jesuits into his territory, hoping thus to compel carlos to take other steps; but the latter sent the exiles to corsica instead. on january 23, 1776, pius vi directed the nuncios in the catholic countries to enforce the law of silence in regard to the extinction of the jesuit order--a measure especially directed against the publication of libels and satires, which at that time abounded in the larger cities, and were often indecent and infamous. in that year, also, harmony was restored between the holy see and the catholic powers.] [the above general account of the causes leading to the expulsion of the jesuits from the spanish domains is obtained from various places in the account furnished by danvila y collado in his reinado de carlos iii, t. ii, iii, to which the reader is referred as being probably the most full, accurate, and scholarly account now available of this important historical episode. he uses a great variety of material, obtained largely from the original documents in the spanish archives, which he cites directly (and often in full), with careful references to his sources; and, although his sympathies are with the jesuit order, which he thinks was unjustly maligned, he is evidently too thorough a scholar to suppress or distort the facts in the case. the following outline of his work in regard to this subject will give the reader an idea of his thoroughness therein, and of the places where one may find special information on various aspects of the subject. tomo ii: chapter v, "controversies with roma," relates those which occurred under carlos iii over the royal prerogatives, the measures for canonizing the venerable palafox, [137] ecclesiastical amortization, the banishment of the inquisitor-general by the king, the expulsion of the jesuits, and other burning questions of that time. chapter vi treats, with much fulness of detail, of the madrid uprising of 1766, with its causes and effects. chapters vii-ix form a history of the jesuit order from its first establishment to 1766. tomo iii: chapter i, "causes of the expulsion;" chapter ii, "the execution of the expulsion;" chapter iii, "the monitory decree of parma," a brief issued by clement xiii on january 30, 1768, which attempted to assert the temporal power of the pope; [138] chapter iv, "origin of the extinction of the society of jesus," showing how the plan for this measure was initiated by france, and how the other powers rapidly fell into line for her support; chapter v, "the election of clement xiv," relating the important part played therein by the question of suppressing the jesuit order, and the political scheming by the various powers interested; chapters vi-viii, "extinction of the society of jesus;" chapter ix, "consequences of the extinction;" chapter x, "rehabilitation of the society of jesus," which ends with the brief of leo xiii (july 13, 1886) abrogating that by which clement xiv put an end (july 21, 1773) to the jesuit order.] [in the appendix to tomo iii are various important documents, presented in full, as follows: official report to carlos iii of the proceedings on april 30, 1767, of the council committee [consejo extraordinario] which advised the expulsion of the jesuits, in regard to the pope's remonstrance against that measure. another letter of remonstrance from the pope, may 6, 1767; and the king's brief and resolute reply thereto, june 2 of same year. letter written (june 23) by one of the spanish ministers, manuel de roda, stating "the reasons which his majesty has had for decreeing the expulsion." another report of the council committee, dated november 30, 1767, long and interesting, on the proposal made to spain by portugal for concerted action by the powers to secure the extinction of the society. a report from the full session of the council, dated march 21, 1767, recommending the extinction of the order; the signatures include those of the archbishops and bishops. [139] "brief statement of the infractions of law committed by the jesuits, which was sent to roma for delivery to the pope;" [140] it was drawn up, in 1769, by josé moñino, conde de floridablanca, another of the spanish ministers.] [in crétineau-joly's histoire de la compagnie de jésus, volume v is devoted to the expulsion of the jesuits successively from portugal, france, spain, and other countries, and the results of that measure. in regard to spain, see pp. 236-254. we present here the leading points of interest therein. according to crétineau-joly, carlos iii was "a prince who was religious and able, upright and enlightened, but impetuous and obstinate; he had most of the qualities which promote the welfare of peoples. his character entirely accorded with that of his subjects; like them, he pushed to the utmost degree family spirit and the honor of his name. at naples, as well as at madrid, carlos iii always showed himself devoted to the society of jesus." in the uprising at madrid in march, 1766, the popular irritation made the situation exceedingly dangerous, "when the jesuits, all-powerful over the minds of the people, flung themselves into the mêlée and succeeded in appeasing the tumult. the people of madrid gave way to the entreaties and threats of the fathers; but, in dispersing they undertook to show their affection for the latter; and from all sides the cry of 'long live the jesuits!' resounded in the pacified city. carlos iii, humiliated at having taken flight [to aranjuez], and perhaps still more humiliated at owing the tranquillity of his capital to some priests, returned to the city. he was received with joy; but he had around him men who, affiliated with choiseul and the party of [french] philosophy, felt it necessary to mingle poison with the facts. the marquis de squillaci was replaced in the ministry by the count d'aranda, and, after a long time, the spanish diplomat made common cause with the encyclopedists." "the duke of alva, a former minister of fernando vi, shared his ideas, and became the apostle of innovations, and the exciter of hatred against the jesuits. [141] portugal and france had just expelled them; alva and aranda dared not remain behind. the pretext of the revolt at madrid for the cloaks and broad hats [142] had produced the effect which was to be expected; it inspired the king with suspicions of the jesuits. the prince could not explain to himself the fact that there, where the majesty of the sovereign had been defied, the moral authority of the jesuits had so easily overcome the popular fury. the people had massacred his walloon guards, and accepted the intervention of the fathers of the [jesuit] institute. this mystery, to which the contact of the disciples of st. ignatius with all classes of people so easily supplied the key, was exaggerated and distorted for the ear of carlos iii. the king was favorable to the society of jesus, but [his ministers] succeeded in rendering him indifferent to it; then one day, a net woven long before wrapped the society in its meshes." "those who favor the destruction of the order of jesus, and the partisans of that same order, while they agree entirely as to the result, differ essentially in regard to the causes. the former claim that the 'hat insurrection' opened the king's eyes, and made him suspect that this society of priests aspired to dethrone their protector, or at least to make themselves masters of the spanish colonies. the others affirm that aranda was only the stone-setter [metteur en oeuvre] of a plot organized in paris. this plot, they say, had for its foundation the pride of a son who was unwilling to have to blush for his mother." [143] several protestant writers are cited to show that the king's decision to expel the jesuits was caused mainly by his resentment at the madrid uprising (which he was made to believe was incited by the jesuits), and at the statements made in a pretended letter by ricci, the jesuit general--a letter which the french minister, duke de choiseul, was accused of fabricating--to the effect "that he had succeeded in collecting documents which proved incontestably that carlos iii was the child of adultery; this absurd invention made such an impression upon the king that he allowed the order for the expulsion of the jesuits to be wrested from him." "this fact is confirmed by other contemporaneous testimony, and by the documents of the society of jesus." "the order is not touched anywhere [in the proceedings of the council]; the discipline or the morals of the jesuits are never incriminated." "the suppositions which cause the decision of the council extraordinary are not proved; they are not even expressed." "all that the government of fernando vii afterward admitted was, that 'the society of jesus was expelled forever, in virtue of a measure wrested by most crafty and unrighteous underhand dealings from his magnanimous and pious grandfather carlos iii.'" "the pragmatic sanction is as reserved as the sentence of the council extraordinary; it throws no light on the nature of the crimes imputed to the jesuits." "the mandate of the king was pitiless; the authorities, both military and civil, conformed with it, without understanding it. there were at that time unspeakable sufferings, bitter regrets, and cruel outrages to humanity. it was directed against six thousand jesuits scattered in spain and the new world; they were carried away by force, insulted, confined, and crowded on the decks of vessels. they were devoted to apostasy or to misery; they were surprised in their houses, despoiled of their property, their books, and their correspondence; they were torn from their colleges or their missions. young or old, well or sick, all were obliged to submit to an ostracism of which no one had the secret. they departed for an unknown exile; under threats and insults, not one let a complaint escape him. in their most private papers there was never found a line which could make them suspected of any plot."] the expulsion from filipinas [an account of this is presented by montero y vidal in his hist. de filipinas, tomo ii; he relates the causes of this measure, and the execution of it in españa and the colonies in general (pp. 141-179), and the expulsion from filipinas (pp. 181-228), which latter account is here given:] the conde de aranda, who was especially entrusted by carlos iii with all that related to the banishment of the jesuits and the seizure of their property, addressed to the governor-general of filipinas the following letter, dated march 1, 1767: "inside the annexed letter from señor marqués de grimaldi, secretary of the affairs of state, you will receive another from the king our sovereign, in which his majesty deigns to confer authority on me for the purpose of which this despatch treats--which, in short, is the banishment of the order of the society of jesus from all the royal dominions, in the manner and form provided in the royal decree, of which i enclose a printed copy. the very fact of the special honor which the king confers on you of [a letter with] his own signature [puño, "fist"] will convince you of the importance of the matter and of secrecy, and of the king's resolute determination for the most punctual fulfilment [of the decree]. "as for its execution, you will be guided by the instructions framed for españa and by the additional ones that apply to the indias, availing yourself of both, to the end of selecting from each that which is best adapted to your purpose. as i have taken into consideration the distance of those countries from this one, and the difference in their mode of government, i have decided to entrust to you all discretionary power [necessary] to change or add details of circumstance, so that the [desired] result may be attained with that completeness which so important a matter requires. i think that your clear-sightedness and prudence will peaceably bring about obedience to the royal decision--without, however, neglecting guards and the use of moderate force, in order not to risk the failure of the enterprise; but in any event if, contrary to what is usual, you should encounter resistance from the religious concerned in this, or find among their adherents any inclination or resolution to oppose you, you will employ the authority and force of military power, as you would in case of rebellion. "it will be important that in the villages where there is a college or house of the society measures be taken (as soon as the royal decree has been made known to them) to inform the other religious orders and the secular clergy of those places that the decree of his majesty is limited to the jesuit religious; for it is very proper that all the other ecclesiastics, both seculars and regulars, contribute with their persuasions, so that the people generally shall reverence the decrees of his majesty, since they must be considered as always based on important and just grounds. the king our sovereign has the greatest confidence in your fidelity and ability, and consequently i have the same. i only desire, therefore, your complete fulfilment [of this commission], and that you write to me in order to keep me informed of the results, without making any inquiries on doubtful points; for if these should arise you must decide them for yourself, being governed by the sense and idea which the royal decree and instructions themselves, as a whole, produce. may god preserve you many years. madrid, march 1, 1767." paragraphs 1 and 2 of the "additional instructions regarding the banishment of the jesuits from the dominions of his majesty, for what belongs to the indias and the filipinas islands," to which the preceding document refers, say: "(1) in order that the viceroys, presidents, and governors of my domains in the indias and the filipinas islands may know that they have, in virtue of the royal decision, for this purpose, the same powers that reside in me, i entrust to them those which are mentioned in the instructions for españa, so that they may issue the orders designating the depositaries [for papers, goods, etc., belonging to the persons expelled], and the ports [of departure for them], and promptly make ready the necessary vessels for the transportation of the jesuits to europa and the port of santa maría, where they will be received and equipped for their destination. (2) as the authority of those officials will be ample, they will remain responsible for the execution of the decree--for which they may select a suitable time, and will fix the day on which it may be carried out in all parts of their territory, issuing the proper orders with the utmost promptness, in order that no information may reach any of the [jesuit] colleges of what is being done at others in this regard." the preceding documents were accompanied by a list of the colleges, houses, and residences of the jesuits, certainly not a very accurate one. the colleges, residences, and curacies which at that time they possessed in filipinas were as follows: in manila (jurisdiction)--the colleges of san ignacio and san josé, and that of san ildefonso at santa cruz; also the following curacies. in the province of tondo (manila), which includes the present district of morong--san miguel, san pedro macati (college and novitiate), cainta, taytay, antipolo, bosoboso, san mateo, and mariquina. in the province of cavite--cavite (where they had a college), cavite viejo, silan, indan, maragondon, naic. in the corregidor's district of mindoro--boac, santa cruz de napó, marinduque island, gapan. in the province of cebú--cebú, with a college, and the curacies of mandaue and liloan. in bohol--inabangan and talibón (where was situated the residence of bohol), with the villages and ministries of loboc; baclayon, dauis, malabohoc, tagbilaran, santísima trinidad, and (on the coast farthest from luzón) the curacy of hagna. in the island of negros--ilog, cabancalan (with the mission of buyonan, himamaylan, cavayan and the mission of sipalay). in the province of otón (iloilo)--iloilo (with a college), molo, arévalo. in the island of sámar--catbalogan, paranas, humavas, calviga, boac, bangajon, tinagog, calvayog; in the island of capul, the ministry of abac. in the province of ibabao, or coast of sámar farthest from luzón--palápag, lavan, catubig, catarman, bobón, sulat, túbig and borongan. on the southern coast of the same island--guiguan, balanguigan, basey and lalaviton. in the island of leyte--carigara, barugo, jaro, alangalang and leyte. on the farther coast of the same island--the residence of ilongos, and the ministries of palompón, poro, ogmug, baybay, maasin, sogor, liloan, cavalian and hinondayan. in the northern part of the same island--the residence of banigo, palo, tanavan, dulac and abuyog, and (in the interior) dagami and burabuen. in the island of mindanao--the presidio of zamboanga, with a college and ministry; bagonbayan, dumalon, siocon, catabangan, caldera, polombato and siraguay. in the northern part of the same island--dapitan, iligan, lavayan, langaran, lubungan, disacan; talingan, and various visitas and missions along the same coasts and the bay of pangue. in the marianas islands--agaña, with a college and indian seminary; agat, merizo, pago, guajan, yuarajan, umata, rota and saipan. the first communication addressed to raón by conde de aranda in reference to the manner of effecting the expulsion of the jesuits was sent to him through the viceroy of méjico, in order that the latter might despatch the letter from acapulco. lest this should go astray or be delayed, a second copy was sent to him by way of cádiz and the french ships of their company of the eastern indias, its bearer being an official appointed for this purpose, under the pretext that he was going there to discipline the troops. in this latter communication (on the same date of march 1), conde de aranda added these words to raón: "i think that when this reaches you the very reverend archbishop will have already arrived in manila, as he sailed from cádiz a month ago in a swedish ship. if that is the case, your lordship can inform him confidentially of this despatch; and you can count on his illustrious lordship in whatever your lordship may deem necessary, in his opinion or his aid. for his majesty esteems him, and i know him intimately; and i am certain that he will coöperate with whatever measures may conduce to the success of this enterprise, and to the greater service of the king." in another and third despatch was repeated what had been previously explained to raón, informing him that the bearer of the second despatch was his majesty's courier pedro santillac--who was to embark in holanda, in order to go to batavia, and thence to manila, chartering a vessel, if there was none available, for this object. raón, who was an extraordinarily avaricious and venal man, [144] and not conscientious in the performance of his duties, saw in this matter a business out of which he could obtain profit; and he utilized it for his own advantage, revealing to the jesuits, for a large sum of money, the secret of their expulsion. thanks to this perfidy, they were able to place in safety a large part of their wealth, at least what they possessed in gold and silver, and in valuables that were easy to hide; and they caused the disappearance of documents and papers which compromised them, or, if these were seized, would be proof of their plans and pernicious intrigues in certain matters. notwithstanding this despicable proceeding, raón sent the following answer to the letter of carlos iii: "sire: as soon as i read, pressed to my lips, and placed on my head the respected royal letter of your majesty giving orders relative to the expulsion of the jesuits who were settled in all these domains of your majesty, and the seizure of their goods, i employed the means that occurred to my loyalty and zeal for the accomplishment and fulfilment of this important business. in consequence, there are sailing as passengers on the ship named "san carlos borromeo" sixty-four individuals, including the principal jesuits of this mainland [of luzón] and the island of marinduque; and for the removal of a like number of missionaries from the bisayas islands four vessels are employed. meantime i have the aid of the other holy religious orders in occupying temporarily the ministries there--as i fully informed your majesty in greater detail through conde de aranda. may our lord preserve the royal catholic person of your majesty, as these remote regions need. manila, july 23, 1768. sire, [i kiss] your majesty's royal feet. don joseph raón" the faithlessness of raón, information of which reached the court, caused his successor, don simón de anda, to receive orders to commence legal proceedings against raón, for the purpose of proving this grave offense and punishing it severely. that upright and severely just magistrate did so; and nothing will aid more the exact understanding of one of the most far-reaching events in the history of filipinas than to insert here, complete, the summary drawn up by anda of the above-mentioned lawsuit, since in it are shown in great detail the particulars of what was done in these islands in the expulsion of the jesuits. here is the exact copy of this important document: [space will not permit us to present this summary in full, but we make an outline of it sufficient to preserve all the facts of main importance; it may be found at pp. 187-216 of montero y vidal's account. charges were brought against raón and three others; these were francisco henriquez de villacorta and domingo blas de basaraz, members of the audiencia, and juan antonio cosio, the governor's secretary. raón was proved guilty on the charge of having given information to the jesuits of the measures to be taken against them, on the next day (may 18) after receiving the royal commands; "and immediately they began, and continued without ceasing, the concealment of their wealth and the burning of papers. circumstantial evidence shows that it was raón who told them, and various persons declared that this 'was worth to him many pesos.'" he made an outward show of obeying the decree, by sending (at 10 a. m.) troops to surround and guard the jesuit college; and also his secretary, to tell the fathers that the soldiers had gone there for purposes which would afterward be explained to them by auditor galvan. the latter, however, he kept busy otherwise, until the twenty-first. on may 18 he sent galvan to the jesuit college of san ildefonso, outside the walls, to carry out the decree, and raón waited until he finished these duties before he sent galvan to the main colleges within the city; this gave the jesuits from three to five days to hide their treasures and burn their papers, [145] in which they occupied themselves both day and night. raón failed to require the superiors of the colleges to call in their absent priests, and to remove the jesuits, as soon as they were notified of the decree, from their colleges to some other place of detention till they could be sent from the city. they also possessed eleven farms and ranches; raón is charged with having left the jesuits in these undisturbed, for several months or even more than a year, without any check on their doings, or inventory of the property, which they stated as they chose; and even that he sent cavalry to these farms, to be at the orders of the fathers there. in the provinces outside of manila, raón neglected to carry out his instructions for the expulsion; and in consequence "there was not a college or a town in which the jesuits did not have notice beforehand of their expulsion." accordingly, they also concealed their wealth and burned their papers, and they even found their way into their colleges at manila; and raón so neglected his duties that it was four months after the royal decree was published at manila before the first orders for the expulsion from visayas were sent thither. [146] in order to shield himself, he had his secretary cosio draw up a false statement, duly attested, that the governor had duly executed the royal commands regarding the jesuits, in accordance with his instructions; and this was sent to aranda, with a letter in which he threw the blame upon galvan for any defects which might be found in the conduct of the expulsion. other secondary charges were brought against raón: he had allowed the jesuits to prepare their outfits for their voyage as they chose, and for this to leave the college in which they were detained, and to have intercourse with various people, all this contrary to his instructions; he had displayed negligence, lack of system, and extravagance in the shipment and supplies of food for the exiles; he neglected to look after the interests of the obras pías which the jesuits had administered, thus causing serious damages to those foundations. he did not make provision, for two years after the expulsion, for the administration of the temporalities occupied by the jesuits; thus the collection of debts due to them was "absolutely neglected, until measures for this were taken by the present government; so were the estates, houses, obras pías, and moneys at interest, and left without any person to call to account the individuals who were managing them; and from this ensued the arrears and losses that may be inferred." raón was also charged with having conspired with cosio, basaraz, and villacorta to persecute and harass galvan, viana, and santa justa--from which persecution galvan suffered so much that, worn out and depressed by it, he finally died; but they, not content with that, tried to defame his reputation. in most of these charges, raón tried to make excuses for his conduct, or to throw the blame on galvan or villacorta; but anda declares that they were all partly or wholly proved, and that raón neglected everything in his official position "which did not involve the handling of 'mexican grease [vnto mexicano],'" that is, of bribes. his secretary cosio was naturally included in all the charges made against raón (in some of which he was declared more to blame than his master); but he is especially denounced for having drawn up and attested the false declaration that raón had obeyed his instructions and performed his duty faithfully in the expulsion of the jesuits, and as having done more than any one else to cause the death of galvan; anda concludes by saying, "he is more subtle and malevolent than can be expressed." [147] villacorta was charged with having been more intimate with the expelled jesuits than was becoming in an auditor; with having censured the archbishop for his insistence on episcopal visitation of the regulars; with having conspired against galvan and the others; and with perjury. it was also proved that he had lived in open immorality, having two illegitimate daughters; that he engaged in trade, with dummy partners [testas de ferro]; that he had, contrary to his obligation of secrecy, informed the friars of the government's decision in regard to the diocesan visitation of their curas, before it could be carried out, and had complained of the archbishop to the king. the charges against basaraz were similar to those against raón, in regard to the expulsion of the jesuits and the conspiracy against galvan, and are not repeated in detail, especially as he had died before the conclusion of the legal process against him. he was also an intimate friend of the jesuits, being a "third brother" of theirs, that is, affiliated to them through a third or lay order, like those of other regular corporations; he prevented the execution of some measures against them, and allowed them to take whatever they desired from their archives which had been seized; he was in constant and secret communication with the expelled priests, and spent money for them as they directed him; he allowed them to carry money and papers on board the ship; he spoke disparagingly of the king and his ministers, and their proceedings against the jesuits; he falsified records, and compelled the notaries to make false entries; and, besides all these, he was drunken, licentious, and extravagant. raón and basaraz died soon after the beginning of proceedings against them; "and villacorta did not raise his head after he saw the charges, and that all of them were documentary; and finally he also showed the bad taste to go to accompany the others, at the very time when he finished making his defense;" accordingly, cosio was the only one left to send to spain. anda recounts the aid and kindness which he showed to all the accused, allowing them abundance of money, attendance, and liberty, and sending basaraz to a hospital, and afterward to one of the best houses in the city, for the sake of his health; cosio is the only one who experienced any severity, being sent to fort santiago. nevertheless, anda expects that many will try to make trouble for him, by misrepresenting or calumniating him, and accusing him of having caused those deaths by undue severity; he desires, however, that "those malicious acts be not attributed to him which, as he has known, have been represented at the court by the friars, and the prisoners, and especially the blessed [bendito, ironically] father serena." another auditor, juan antonio de uruñuela, was also accused of voting at raón's dictation, and being concerned in the conspiracy against galvan; he also brought to the islands 3,000 pesos, which he placed in charge of the friars, who included it and other property of his with their own money, as all being "for their missions in china," so that he might not have to pay duties on it. cosio and raón's friends attempted to show that the archbishop had warned the jesuits of their expulsion; but raón's own testimony had disproved that accusation. anda was unable to conclude the proceedings against the accused, for when he reached manila he found that the audiencia contained only villacorta, basaraz, and uruñuela; "and although two auditors came in company with him, don francisco ignacio gonzalez maldonado and don juan francisco anda (his own nephew), the former gave indications of perversity in the residencia of villacorta, which he conducted, and it was necessary to reserve the second to succeed basaraz in the post of commissioner of the jesuit properties--for the governor knew, extra-judicially, that uruñuela and maldonado would decline to accept it, and, in order to avoid a dispute, he would not propose it to them." anda mentions various ways in which the relatives of the accused had endeavored to hinder the legal proceedings, means which they afterward used too successfully at court to involve him in trouble with the home government, although he had faithfully followed the instructions given him by that very government to bring the guilty parties to justice.] in execution of the orders of the court, the properties which the jesuits possessed in the islands were confiscated, their administrations being afterward entrusted to a special commission appointed by the governor-general. in order to give some idea of the amount of the said property, we will insert here a curious document written by a person of undeniable veracity, not at all unfriendly to the jesuits, who on account of the offices which he held in manila had at his disposal the respective expedientes [of the above suit]; he writes thus: "the possessions of the jesuits in filipinas.--i have personally examined the voluminous expedientes drawn up for their expulsion from these islands; i have gone through the itemized inventories of all the colleges, houses, residences, and ministries; i have examined the appraisement, leases, and sale of the estates, buildings, cattle, furniture, and valuables, besides [a statement] of what was rendered useless and of the large remittances made in kind to the peninsula; and all this has furnished me official data so accurate that i can make a statement without fear of being charged with falsehood in the matter. to enter into details would be exceedingly tedious; but to the end that all may not remain buried under the dusty cases of the government archives, i am going to set down here a résumé which shows, with only a glance, all that was taken possession of from the jesuits at their expulsion from filipinas. [effects] pesos in ready money, interest that was collected, and obras pías 463,882 produce from the sale of various estates and houses 721,553 idem, from furniture and chattels sold in the various colleges, residences, and ministries 128,735 a printing-office, adjudged to the [archiepiscopal] seminary, and valued at 4,035 a drug-store, turned over to the royal hospital, and valued at 2,660 -------- all these amount to the sum of 1,320,865 "but it should be kept in mind that the articles of merchandise, provisions, furniture, and other articles amounted to a large sum which were placed in the royal storehouses without appraisal or valuation, as appears from their respective appraisements. [148] also in marianas there was adjudged to the royal treasury a drug-store and the estate of tachona, eleven leguas in circumference, with cattle, house, and outbuildings; and the college of san juan de letrán, with all that pertained to it, was handed over to the recollect fathers with the same informality. the same thing occurred with two ranches which the college of cebú possessed in the island of bojol, and two others belonging to the college of iloilo. then the estate of zamboanga alone, on which there were 2,139 head of cattle, horses, etc., and which also was applied to the treasury without appraisal, yielded in nine [sic] years from august, 1768 (when the government took possession of it) to 1779 the amount of 17,561 pesos, from which the value of the estate may be calculated. the royal college of nobles of san josé, with its building and everything pertaining to it--including the three estates of tunasan, liang, and calatagan--was given up without appraisal to the new rector who was appointed, don ignacio de salamanca, a magistral canon; it was only known that the said estates, after deducting all the expenses of administration, repairs, etc., yielded a net profit of 27,336 pesos, in the first eight years. not only was handed over to the new curas all that belonged to divine worship in the various ministries which the society had in its charge, and in the archbishopric alone were the cathedral and twenty-two poor churches enriched with the ornaments and sacred utensils which came from the great college of san ignacio [149] and other houses; but a great quantity of valuables, jewels, [150] etc. were sent to españa which had no immediate connection with the holy sacrifice, and which, according to the instructions sent around by his majesty, were placed in the second class--as candelabras, frontals [for the altars], lamps, etc., of gold and silver, which were used on solemn occasions for greater magnificence--also of those articles which were classified as profane. finally, we must consider the enormous deterioration [of the valuables placed] in the royal storehouses, and the infinitely greater amount lost by selling the goods at forced sale, in many different and remote places, and when there was a scarcity of buyers. considering all this, i think that i can affirm that the product of the secular properties that were seized from the society of jesus reached the amount of 2,000,000 pesos. how much this immense capital has produced to the royal treasury it is not possible to ascertain. i will say, however, that the 252,442 pesos alone to which the capital of the obras pías amounted at the time of the expulsion increased in december, 1796, to the sum of 513,168 pesos--that is to say, they increased in eighteen years by 260,726 pesos, or more than half of that capital; and, in this century, from 1820 to 1837 this fund yielded an increase of 420,849 pesos. it is important to note that as soon as the jesuit estates were seized his majesty reduced those foundations from 45 to 26, abolishing the rest, and leaving a capital of [only] 151,626 pesos; it is this which has furnished so wonderful results."... it is fully understood that the jesuits of filipinas felt profound grief at having to abandon a country in which they had gathered so rich a harvest, considering their excessive regard for worldly possessions--as is affirmed by the venerable palafox, the bishops whose opinions we have cited, and pope clement xiv, who suppressed the society, and all persons who have been occupied with this special idiosyncrasy of the jesuits. the incidents connected with the expulsion of the jesuits from filipinas were among the most productive of scandal which, in matters of that sort, the history of that country records. at that time the jesuits enjoyed so great a predominance, and realized such enormous gains throughout the archipelago (with their well-equipped industrial enterprises, their lucrative trade, and the produce of their vast estates), and they kept the [spanish] natives of the country so thoroughly exploited and so subjected to their domineering influence--cajoling the vanity of some with the hypocritical deference with which the fathers treated them, and favoring the notions of independence in others, giving them to understand that they [the jesuits] were not spaniards, but citizens of the world (which is the aspect under which they make themselves more congenial to the islanders than the friars do, for the latter never fail to make it known that they are spaniards)--that their wrath was unutterable when the decree for their expulsion from the islands was made known to them. they attempted to evade the royal mandate, and to disparage and criticise the monarch's authority and his acts, unloosing against these the passions of their fanatical partisans; and with their infamous conduct they presented a most melancholy spectacle, in which the royal authority was questioned, religion made light of, and vices and faults which it would have been expedient for them to keep secret were displayed to the public. in 1769 there came to manila on the frigate "venus" various printed books which sharply attacked the jesuits, and censured their conduct and teachings, while they extolled the expulsion decreed against that order by carlos iii. these books began to circulate, and pass from hand to hand, to the great satisfaction of the jesuits' enemies and the furious anger of their partisans; and a magistrate [i.e., basaraz] who was a friend to the jesuits proceeded, without authorization, charge, or commission from any one, to seize and prohibit the said books, and arrested the person who was distributing them. [the archbishop then wrote, besides the edict which follows this résumé, an indignant letter to raón, both of which are cited at some length by our writer.] the fury of the jesuits' partisans against the archbishop was extraordinary; and they disseminated reports that he was a heretic, and that his edict ought to be suppressed, with a thousand other insults against his person and dignity. a friar theologian wrote a confidential letter in defense of the jesuits, and contradicting the [aforesaid] printed books; the jesuits had a multitude of copies of this letter circulated. the archbishop immediately printed a long answer (or refutation) to the said letter, and likewise circulated it in profusion through the country. [the next feature of this controversy was the circulation of a voluminous ms. document, defending the theologian's letter and the teachings of the jesuits. [151] decree by the archbishop of manila + we, don basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina, by the grace of god and of the holy apostolic see archbishop of manila and metropolitan of these philipinas islands; councilor and preacher to his majesty, and apostolic subdelegate; deputy vicar-general for the royal forces on sea and land in this archdiocese and its suffragan dioceses for his eminence the lord cardinal de la cerda y san carlos, the patriarch of the indias; chief almoner of the king our sovereign; chief chaplain and vicar-general of the said royal forces in all his domains and lordships; etc.: to all the persons of both sexes who exist and dwell in our archbishopric, of whatever state, rank, and condition you may be, greeting in our lord jesus christ, who is the true salvation. [152] we cannot deny the great pleasure and satisfaction with which our heart is filled at beholding, in our own experience, the loyalty, obedience, and fidelity with which our beloved subjects, in proof of their most profound and humble vassalage to the royal person of our august sovereign and lord, don carlos iii (whom may god preserve), have accepted the most just decisions of his majesty in regard to the expulsion of the regulars of the association named the society of jesus from all his dominions of españa, the americas, the philipinas islands, and others adjacent. and this first royal decree having been followed, among others, by that one in which his majesty, as a prince who professes the soundest doctrine with the purest religion, issues effectual orders that in all his kingdoms may be suppressed that most pernicious and consequently abominable doctrine which the said regulars taught even from the beginning of that order--in regard to which we were thoroughly instructed years ago, and now, in order to secure the general conviction of this truth, there has just been published by order of his majesty a pastoral by our brother dignitary his most illustrious lordship the present archbishop of burgos--we have learned that by the coming of the ships from europa directly to these islands there have been made public in this city various printed documents [153] relative to the pernicious maxims and teachings of the aforesaid regulars. these documents, according to the uniform answers of persons who have come in the said ships, are publicly distributed in madrid and other cities of our españa; and we have even noticed in the mercuries of public news which have reached our hands (and the said mercuries are not printed without previous notice to and permission from the court) the aforesaid documents conspicuously announced. we know that in this city they have produced in the minds of many persons who have read them the same good effect as there in españa--that is, to confirm them more and more in that just judgment which they have formed of the uprightness, and of the justness of the reasons, which could induce our catholic sovereign to decide upon the expulsion of the aforesaid regulars. and we have been informed that the circulation of those documents has ceased [154]--(we know not why, and only know that such is the fact), without the intervention of the public, superior, and legitimate authority--a singular thing, which of itself is sufficient to occasion a most pernicious result, that those who have read them will doubt the truth of what is said therein, at the same time depriving those who have not read them of the important information which they furnish in regard to the lax and mischievous nature of the moral maxims which are encountered at every turn in the books written by the said regulars; and in some of the said documents these statements are mentioned, the works where they are found being cited, and their original authors. [moreover], we, as our beloved people have seen, have not lost (in fulfilment of our official pastoral letter) any opportunity since our safe arrival in these islands--both in private conversations and in sermons, and even in public theses--to inveigh against laxity in matters of morality; and, since our obligation is so pressing, not only to teach good and sound doctrine, in order that it may be embraced, but also to point out emphatically what is pernicious and evil, in order that men may flee from it as from poisoned food, which slays the soul. the aforesaid documents have greatly aided us in this, forasmuch as they open the eyes of their readers, in order that they may learn the source from which have issued the wrong and dangerous doctrines which have occasioned so many injuries and losses to the holy church--which, as opposed to the spirit of the church, have always aroused against them the antagonism of the supreme head who rules it, of the holy fathers, and of all the true teachers of the gospel religion which our heavenly master, jesus christ, imparted to us. accordingly, in view of all this, we would be guilty of a very culpable omission if we should keep silence, in neglect of so excellent reasons, and should not explain our opinion to our beloved people on this occasion when the aforesaid documents have ceased to be current--from which it may result that many of our beloved subjects continue in their former false ideas and dangerous prepossessions, for lack of means so opportune for leading them out of these. therefore, for all the aforesaid reasons (and after having examined the said printed documents), and to dissipate whatever uncertainties upon this point may have arisen in some minds, we have resolved to declare, as using our episcopal authority for the edification of souls, and by the present we do declare, that our subjects are authorized to read the aforesaid printed documents with security of conscience, and without prejudice to sound doctrine, in which assertion we have in mind the pious objects above stated. indeed, far from being opposed thereto, it is very expedient to read them, in order to disabuse the mind of many prejudicial errors by which the conscience is endangered, and to arrive at a knowledge of the holy truth, to which end the matters which are treated in these books evidently conduce. for there is no reason to doubt, with appearance of prudence, that everything which is contained in them it strictly true, when it immediately occurs to everyone that, in giving this assurance, the men agree in all parts of the catholic world who are most worthy of confidence on account of their piety, high standing, and wisdom--and among these are many spaniards who are distinguished in both worlds for their virtue, and in both are no less noted for their learning. in the number of these are also found the supreme pontiffs, innumerable bishops and clergymen, an endless number of religious in other orders, and the universities; and even various individuals of high character, and who are prominent in the society, have with one voice been calling, at all times, for the reparation of the spiritual decline which has, by dint of force and through sheer obstinacy, been introduced in the church universal by those who are now expelled. [this they have done] by their arbitrary opinions, destructive to the gospel of jesus christ, for they were the first to carry these into practice; and through a practice so detestable they have given amply sufficient reasons to the christian princes who with their kingdoms form the greater part of the roman catholic church--and, above all, to her eldest son, our most pious, ever august, and catholic monarch don carlos iii (whom may god preserve)--for banishing them forever from all their vast domains. and as this is an indubitable fact, and notorious to all the world, such likewise are the arguments set forth [in the aforesaid documents]; and any person who for lack of profound study and of discernment between sound and wrong doctrines, or for want of opportunity, or through undue affection for those expelled persons, has been either unable or unwilling to observe seriously their iniquitous proceedings--whether as perpetually displaying, under the pretext of obedience, their reluctance to obey and submit to the sovereign decrees of the vicar of christ; or persecuting everywhere the bishops; or making war on the other venerable and most holy religious orders; or poisoning good morals and even the faith itself, especially in the missions of china and malabar (having been also the cause of the ruin of the japan mission, notwithstanding the zeal of the missionaries of other orders and of the noble martyrs of the seraphic order, [155] whose memory will endure in the church): or intriguing against the governments and the lives of princes; and attempting to turn, this way and that, the entire world at their pleasure--he who, we again say, in ignorance of all that has occurred in this matter, may remain in doubt as to the reasons which have, by divine ordering, caused the downfall of these regulars, is under obligation of conscience to lay aside this doubt, and to admit that such causes were urgent in order that so many christian and catholic princes should unite in the same and so momentous a judgment. for, their hearts being in the hand of god (as the scriptures expressly declare to us), they have herein assured the success of the measures that they take, and uprightness and justice in their proceedings--and much more in things of greater importance; for as vicars of god, each one in his own domain, they issue commands, impose laws, and govern in pursuance of justice, with special assistance from god himself. and therefore it would be impiety, and a sort of blasphemy, to try to excuse and justify those who have been expelled; since this would be the same as wounding in the most conspicuous point of their honor the sovereignty of the kings, and especially of the [preëminently] catholic among them all, who is our king--for whose defense every vassal ought to stand ready to lose his life; how much more so, to sacrifice personal desires and affections, or to keep silence and read in order that he may be undeceived from error and instructed in the truth of things, or not to utter insults regarding the head [of the church] in order to defend some members whose corruption had increased to such an extent that it was necessary to sever them entirely in order to save the body. this and no other is the sound doctrine which upon this point we desire our beloved faithful to bear well in mind; and in order that it may come to the knowledge of all, and that no one can allege ignorance at any time, we command that the present edict be published in the customary churches, and posted in public places, where it can be read by all. given in our archiepiscopal palace at manila, signed by us, stamped with the seal of our coat-of-arms, and countersigned by our undersigned secretary; on the first day of november in the year one thousand, seven hundred and sixty-nine. basilio, archbishop of manila. by command of his illustrious lordship the archbishop of manila, my master: father don ildephonso garcia, secretary. the council of 1771 letter of a missionary father of the order of st. francis to a spanish father of the society of jesus, written from the city of manila in the philippine islands, december 13, 1771, and communicated not long ago to father aloysius knapp. [156] the provincial council which was held this year by the archbishop of this place with his three suffragans has given rise to the greatest discord. [157] for therein the archbishop and the governor of the islands sought to have abolished the solemn votive mass (of the blessed [virgin]) and the salve regina--which from the first christianizing of these islands it has been the custom to chant every saturday in honor of the blessed virgin as well as other devotions to the blessed virgin, for the preservation and spread of the catholic religion--under the pretext that the indians might not [thereby] be led into idolatry and the worship of mary as a goddess. [158] this purpose and decision of the two they gave in writing to the three suffragans. two of the suffragans--one of whom was a secular, the other belonging to the order of st. dominic--yielded assent, or at least showed no displeasure thereat. but the third, by name de luna, of the order of st. francis, bishop of camarines, a man worthy of honor for his advanced age and uprightness, rose in indignation at the dastardliness of the motion, and with apostolic zeal declaimed against the written decision. on recognizing, however, that his endeavor was wholly fruitless, with the declaration that the council was a scandal he left the assembly, subsequently sending [a copy of] this scandalous mandate to the royal audiencia--a body consisting of three magistrates, to whom an appeal may lie against the governor--from whom he requested an official statement in writing to that effect, in order that he might send this scandalous decree to madrid. on being apprised of his action, the governor and archbishop in a rage sent soldiers to force from bishop de luna the statement of the royal audiencia and the written decree, even under threat of death, should he refuse to surrender them. but as the whole city was deeply indignant at this insolent proceeding, the soldiers, dreading greater evils, desisted from their violent purpose, whereupon bishop de luna received orders to leave the city. soon after his return to his episcopal see he issued a pastoral letter to his clergy, religious and secular, wherein he declared the council [159] null and scandalous. this declaration of the bishop was accepted by all except the dominican fathers, who sided with the archbishop and the governor, who, quite unmoved by tumults, scandals, and bloodshed, continued this council of theirs. in the meantime bishop de luna put himself in hiding, and, it is said, took passage for spain on a ship sailing for china, in order to present the case to his majesty. in this council it furthermore was decreed, that bishop de luna should be wrested from his see, and all the augustinian fathers driven from their parishes. accordingly, on october 22 and 28 of the year 1771, a large body of soldiery, sent therefor from the city of manila by the governor, gave to thirty-one indian clerics [160] the parishes of the augustinian fathers, whom they led away as prisoners after having pillaged their homes in the name of the king, and substituted the said indian clerics in their place. the same fate that befell the augustinian fathers was destined for us franciscans; but, rather than be taken away as prisoners, we all abandoned our homes and our parishioners, and went up to our convent on a mountain, where we purposed to struggle with hunger and hardships until god should otherwise dispose of us. the father provincials of both orders sent word in writing to their religious who were not yet in captivity, to return to spain, in any way and, in fine, by whatever road they could. it is said that before long soldiers are to be sent to pillage all our convents, both inside and outside the walls of manila. the governor is intercepting all letters addressed to spain; he forbids any to be sent thither. accordingly, since he recently got hold of four letters which were intended for spain, which had been written by the commander-in-chief of the troops, he had him thrown into jail and deprived of his command; another spaniard, who sided with the spanish religious and clerics, he fined three thousand dollars [talerorum]. for the governor and the archbishop declare that spanish religious or clerics will no longer be tolerated, since with their masses, sodalities [institutis], and prayers in common [comprecationibus], [161] they are tricking the people, and with their devotions bleeding them of their money. during this persecution the moros, the enemies of the christians, are fishing in muddy waters; from the neighboring islands of xolo and mindanao they are making raids in every quarter, pillaging and setting afire churches and houses; they have slain many; many more they have carried away into slavery, as happened three days ago when they captured five hundred christians a short distance from the city of manila. all these miseries and the immense slaughter of christians the governor and the archbishop view with unconcern, pleased with this conceit alone that thereby they are harassing the religious and are strong enough to persecute them--whose sorrowful fate, moreover, they rejoice at, when, in the midst of banquets and revelry [jocando], they intone the [invitatory] of the [divine] office: regem, cui omnia vivunt, venite adoremus, venite exultemus, [162] etc. they rejoice since they have driven very many religious away from their ministries; but it is greatly to be feared that their joy will soon be turned into mourning. for all the pampangos, the people who occupy the most fertile and extensive region about the city of manila--who are the bravest of all the indians, and excel all the rest in religious fervor--are stirring up a revolt against the governor, the archbishop, the indian clerics, and all their partisans, all of whom they threaten with death. they seem already to have leagued themselves with the moros, to whom they have already given as captives five of the indian clerics thrust upon them, in exchange for five spanish soldiers, besides asking for the augustinian fathers who were taken away from them by force. before opening the said council [conciliabulum], the archbishop made the charge that all religious were unfit and unworthy to attend the council--a statement that he insisted each one of them should subscribe to in his own handwriting. such as refused were [punished], some by being thrown into prison, others by being very grievously distressed. two fathers of the pious schools, however, as being members of his own order, [163] he chose as secretaries of the council. bibliographical data the documents in the present volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. events in filipinas.--from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas, ii, pp. 66-70, 115-140, 229-382; from a copy in possession of the editors. 2. financial affairs.--from a ms. copy (probably an official duplicate of the original document), in the possession of edward e. ayer. 3. letter by viana.--from viana's ms. book, cartas y consultas, fol. 39v-46; apparently viana's original letter-book for the year 1767; it is in the possession of edward e. ayer. 4. anda's memorial.--from pardo de tavera's publication (with many annotations), memorial de anda y salazar (manila, 1899); from a copy belonging to james a. robertson. 5. ordinances of good government.--from josé felipe del-pan's ordenanzas de buen gobierno de corcuera, cruzat y raon (manila, 1891); from a copy belonging to the library of congress. 6. instructions to the secular clergy.--from ferrando's historia de pp. dominicos (madrid, 1871) v, pp. 59, 60; from a copy belonging to e. e. ayer. 7. expulsion of the jesuits.--from danvila y collado's reinado de carlos iii (madrid, 1894), tomos ii, iii, from a copy belonging to the library of congress; crétineau-joly's histoire de la compagnie de jésus, v, pp. 236-254, from a copy in the state historical library of wisconsin; montero y vidal's historia de filipinas, ii, pp. 181-228. the decree by the archbishop is obtained from a printed copy (dated january 1, 1770) in the archivo historico nacional, madrid. 8. the council of 1771.--from a copy of the original latin ms. (which is conserved in private archives), sent to the editors by a friend in germany. notes [1] this résumé of events during the latter part of the eighteenth century is compiled from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas, ii, pp. 66-70, 115-140, 229-382; that work is mainly annalistic. of those which we have used in former volumes, murillo velarde's stops at 1716, and concepción and zúñiga at the siege of manila (evidently for the prudential reasons, connected with persons still living, which zúñiga frankly assigns in his own case); montero y vidal is therefore the only writer now available who follows the thread of secular events connectedly throughout the later history of the islands. wherever possible, we have used his own language--which, in long citations, or special phrases, is distinguished by quotation marks. [2] on march 27, 1765, viana declared (respuestas, fol. 113) that the natives of pangasinan ought to be compelled to pay all arrears of tribute due since the last collection made before the english invasion; that the village notables should not be exempted; and that each tribute ought to pay two reals extra to reimburse the government for the costs of putting down the rebellion in that province. later (fol. 134), he estimates that the tributes in that province are the same as before the war; "for, although it is certain that a great many of the insurgents died, it is also evident that the reduction [of the province] prevents the concealment of the tributes which was formerly practiced by the heads of barangay." [3] puch specified the alcaldes-mayor (vol. xlix, p. 337, note 208)--cf. what viana says of those officials in his "memorial" (vol. xlviii), chapter v, sections 34-38--but his remarks were considered as reflections on higher officials. [4] ferrando (v, pp. 9-16) says that puch was engaged, by order of his provincial, father bernardo pazaengos (more correctly written pazuengos), and at the urgent requests of other pious persons, in conducting a sort of mission in the city, "with the object of correcting the many vices which had been introduced into manila during the invasion by the english;" and in one of those sermons he made the utterances which brought him into trouble. the audiencia resolved to notify the provincials of all the orders and the dean of the cathedral that they must order their subordinates to conform to the laws in regard to their preaching; and the jesuit provincial in particular, that he also take care that puch should give satisfaction to the audiencia and the public for his reflections on government officials. pazuengos laid the case before the heads of santo tomás university, and, as their decision was in his support, he answered the audiencia that he had ordered the priest hereafter to obey the law cited by the audiencia; but that he declared puch to be "immune and exempt from blame" in regard to the remarks made in the sermon before mentioned, and protested that he did not intend to censure in the least the acts of the audiencia. he added that, if this were not enough, he would send puch to the mindanao missions. this aroused viana's anger, first "against the jesuits, and afterward against all the other orders; and he finally issued an official opinion filled with calumnies and invectives, which might rather be called a defamatory libel." at this all the orders took up the matter, especially resenting viana's attitude because they had supported the government so loyally during the english invasion: the superiors held a special conference in the convent at tondo, and agreed to draw up a remonstrance to the king against the fiscal's unjust attack on them, demanding that he investigate the whole affair and decide it according to justice. ferrando condemns puch's imprudent remarks, but regrets that the matter had not been settled by his superior, instead of dragging the other orders into the quarrel and thus eventually causing trouble at court for all of them, especially for the jesuits. ferrando adds (p. 24): "we have also another key to explain the hostility which certain persons at that time manifested toward the religious orders in these provinces over seas, in the sinister pleiad of ministers who then surrounded the catholic king. aranda, roda, campománes, azpuru, and floridablanca all had connections, more or less evident and close, with the french encyclopedists and philosophers of that time, and all emulated tanucci in regard to regalist doctrines"--that is, maintaining the rights and prerogatives of the state as against the church (gray's velázquez dictionary). in regard to this last statement, cf. manuel danvila y collado, in his reinado de carlos iii, ii, pp. 561-564: "religious intolerance, still great in the reign of felipe v, tended to extinction in succeeding reigns. in the almost half a century during which he occupied the throne, there were in españa twelve inquisitors-general; and such was the hold which the holy office possessed in public opinion that, in order to entertain the new king, a solemn auto de fe was held in 1701, which he declined to attend. nevertheless, he protected the inquisition, because louis xiv had advised him to support it as a means of maintaining tranquillity in the country; he availed himself of it to inspire respect for the oath of fidelity which was given to the new monarch; he repressed the jewish worship which, again and secretly, had been propagated in españa after the annexation of portugal; but it was the general opinion that rigor against the heretics diminished after the advent of the house of bourbon. the sect of molinos was persecuted and punished with severity; even macanaz, the enthusiastic defender of the royal prerogatives, was banished from españa, for political rather than religious motives; and the third volume of the historia civil de españa, by fray nicolás de jesús belando, who dared to defend the regalist idea, was prohibited. these rigorous proceedings diminished during the reign of fernando vi, who permitted macanaz to return to españa, and who established as a principle that the coming of the bourbons to the throne of the españas was to produce a complete modification of the system of the holy office ... even the concordats of 1737 and 1753, by recognizing the royal prerogatives of the crown of españa, authorizing the taxes on the estates of the clergy, and reforming various points of discipline, allowed the admission of some ideas which ignorance or superstition had until then deemed irreligious or favorable to impiety. the diario de los literatos also enlightened many people in regard to knowledge of the books which were being published, and the judgment which ought to be formed of them; and the weekly sheets gave acquaintance with foreign works which no one knew of, and which were a preparation for the interesting literary transformation of the epoch of fernando vi; while at the same time the rigors of the inquisition were relaxed, in harmony with the change which had been produced in public opinion. indeed, from that time the holy office occupied itself only with persecuting the jesuits and the free masons (who had been excommunicated by the bull of clement xii of april 28, 1738, renewed on may 18, 1751).... there certainly is no room for doubt that, partly through the progress of public opinion and partly through the knowledge which was obtained here of the works of diderot and d'alambert--and especially of the encyclopedia, begun in 1751, and concluded in 1772--it became the fashion and people were proud to have acquaintance with the tendency of the philosophy proclaimed by the french freethinkers--but they did not comprehend that this philosophy necessarily led to revolution, and with it to the loss of all property rights (which was the foundation of its influence in society), and the annihilation of all political influence within the state.... the spanish nobility were seduced by the philosophic or encyclopedistic propaganda of france." the official opinion by viana regarding the puch episode may be found in a ms. volume entitled, respuestas dadas por el fiscal de s. m., fol. 22v-26; it is apparently viana's own original record of his official opinions delivered to the audiencia during the year 1765, and is in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. this book furnishes valuable information regarding conditions in the islands after the departure of the british forces. [5] le gentil (who sojourned in manila from 1766 to 1768) relates in his voyage (t. ii, pp. 199, etc.) various incidents to show this; and raón even displayed to le gentil the magnificent presents which he had received from the officers of a french ship which came to manila in evasion of the prohibition of foreign trade there. raón was also condemned, in his residencia, for having revealed to the jesuits, beforehand, for a large sum of money, the news that their expulsion had been decreed, and for other acts of disobedience to the royal commands regarding that expulsion. [6] this date is incorrect, for the fiscal gave his assent to the manufacture of barrillas on february 16, 1765. this is shown by the entry for that date in viana's respuestas (ms.), fol. 89; he makes the express stipulation that these barrillas be used only for petty payments, and not for important transactions. from fol. 108v it appears that these coins were immediately made, but in too great haste, and were called in by the authorities, late in march. [7] see jagor's description of the great volcano of mayon and his ascent of it (september, 1859), with a list of its known eruptions, in his reisen, pp. 75-84. cf. le gentil's description of it and of this eruption (voyage, ii, pp. 13-19); he cites at length a letter from the then alcalde of albay. its summit was considered inaccessible until two young scotchmen made the ascent in april, 1858. [8] santa justa belonged to the order of escuelas pías (see vol. xlviii, pp. 52-54, note 10). see list of writings by this prelate, in montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 228, 229, 318; also in vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 380-389; they are mainly pastoral letters, and memorials to the spanish government. [9] when raón insisted on enforcing the royal rights of patronage, the orders all resisted him, repeating the arguments which they had alleged to arandía in the like case. the dominicans declared that they could not obey the governor's commands until they could receive orders from their superiors in europe; raón refused to wait, and the provincial declared that his curas would rather surrender their ministries, but would continue to serve therein until the governor, as vice-patron, should command that these be surrendered to other curas. "this was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the secular clergy, first the ministries of the parián and binondo, and afterwards those of the province of bataan, notwithstanding that he could have no cause for complaint against our religious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in letters to the king and the supreme pontiff. he found a pretext for proceeding to the secularization of the curacies in bataan, in the banishment of the jesuits, whose expulsion from the islands occurred at the same time as the events which we are relating." "as the ministries in the island of negros were left vacant in consequence of the expulsion of the jesuits, the governor addressed himself to our provincial, asking for ministers to occupy those vacant posts. the latter excused himself from this, on account of the lack of religious; and the archbishop made this a pretext for informing and counseling the governor that, since the dominicans had offered their resignation of the doctrinas in the province of bataan, on account of the controversy over the right of patronage, the religious who were ministering in that district could be sent to the island of negros. he offered to provide secular priests in their place, and availed himself of this opportunity to despoil our religious of the curacies or ministries of bataan. in effect, this was done; and our religious were compelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbishopric, in order to go to learn a new dialect and minister to strange peoples in the inland of negros." "the bishop of cebú had no secular priests capable of replacing the jesuits (as deserving as persecuted), who were administering the island of negros and the province of iloilo,... consequently, our religious began to minister in the villages of iloilo, himaras, mandurriao and molog, in the island of panay; and those of ilog, cabancalan, jimamaylan, and guilgonan, in that of negros. with great repugnance the province took charge of an administration of which the jesuit fathers had been despoiled in so unworthy a manner; and not only on this account but on that of the great difficulties which arose from this separation of provinces and villages, in the regular visiting of them and in intercourse and the supply of provisions, our fathers abandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of cebú undertook to transfer their administration to the secular priests. thus it was that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages." (ferrando, hist. pp. dominicos, v, pp. 39, 42, 43.) [10] "all the curacies of the banished jesuits, those of the dominicans and recollects, and those of the augustinians in pampanga, were handed over to the secular clergy. in order to fill so many curacies with ministers for instruction, the archbishop was obliged to ordain so many indians that it became one of the most reprehensible abuses that can be committed by a prelate. on account of this it was a common saying in manila that rowers for the pancos could not be found, because the archbishop had ordained them all." (buzeta and bravo, diccionario, ii, p. 279.) the result was a great disappointment to the archbishop himself, as may be seen by his exhortations and pastoral letters addressed to them; some of these may be found in ferrando, hist. pp. dominicos, v, pp. 51-61. he recounts their ignorance, neglect of duty, sloth, vicious practices, cruel treatment of the natives, and even thefts from the churches entrusted to their care; he reproaches, exhorts, commands, and threatens, and calls them to account before god for their transgressions. from ferrando (pp. 59-60) we translate santa justa's "instructions to the secular clergy" in 1771; it will appear later in this volume. [11] forrest makes the following statements about the laws and government of the mindanao moros (voyage to new guinea, pp. 277, 278): "though laws are similar in most countries, each has some peculiar: the principal of magindano are these. for theft, the offender loses the right hand, or pays threefold, just as among the mahometans of atcheen. for maiming, death: adultery, death to both parties: fornication, a fine. (the industrious chinese seem to be excluded from the benefit of law: those in power often forcing kangans upon them, and making them yearly pay heavy interest. the ordinary punishment of incontinence in female slaves to their masters, is cutting off their hair; which was a custom in germany, in former days.) inheritance goes in equal shares to sons, and half to daughters; the same to grandchildren. where are no children, whole brothers and sisters inherit. if there are no brothers or sisters, or nephews, or nieces, or first cousins, the sultan claims it for the poor. it is the same, ascending even to the grand-uncle. if a man put away his wife, she gets one third of the furniture; also money, in proportion to his circumstances. a child's name is not given by priests, as in the molucca islands, and in other mahometan countries. the father assembles his friends, feasts them; shaves off a little lock of hair from the infant head, puts it into a bason, and then buries it, or commits it to the water. "the form of government at magindano, is somewhat upon the feudal system, and in some measure monarchical. next to the sultan is rajah moodo, his successor elect. then mutusingwood, the superintendant of polity, and captain laut, overseer of the sultan's little navy, are both named by the sultan. there are also six manteries, or judges named by the sultan, and six amba rajahs, or asserters of the rights of the people: [elsewhere, forrest calls them "protectors of the people's privileges"]; their office is hereditary to the eldest son. although the sultan seems to act by and with the advice and consent of the datoos, not only of his own family, but of others; yet, this compliance is perhaps only to save appearances. when he can, he will doubtless be arbitrary." [12] montero y vidal gives no date for this expedition, but the reader would infer that it occurred about 1766. later, he ascribes this proceeding to governor basco; so he has either confused his data, or neglected to state whether (as is possible) the pirates were twice expelled from mamburao. [13] "plan of the present condition of the city of manila, and of its environs and suburbs. explanation.--a. royal fort. b. small bastion of san francisco. c. san juan. d. santa ysabel. e. san eugenio. f. san joseph. g. ancient redoubt. h. bastion of the foundry. i. a kind of ravelin. j. bastion of san andres or carranza. k. bastion of san lorenzo of dilao. l. work of the reverse. m. bastion and gate of the parian. n. bastion of san gabriel. o. bastion and gate of santo domingo. p. bastion and gate of the magazines. q. bastion or stronghold of the fortin. r. royal alcaiceria of san fernando. s. the cathedral church. t. san domingo. v. san francisco. x. san agustin. y. the church of the former society of jesus. z. san nicolas de recoletos. 1. san juan de dios. 2. royal chapel. 3. santa clara. 4. santa ysabel. 5. santa potenciana. 6. beaterio of the former society, and now of buena enseñanza [i.e., good teaching]. 7. beaterio of santa cathalina. 9. college of san phelipe. 10. college of the former san joseph. 11. college of santo thomàs. 12. royal hospital. 14. convent, parish church, and the capital village of the province of tondo. 15. parish church of the village of binondo. 16. parish church of the village of santa cruz. 17. parish church of quyapo. 18. convent and parish church of san sebastian. 19. convent and parish church of the parian. 20. chapel of san anton, a chapel of ease. 21. convent and parish church of dilao. 22. parish church of san miguel. 23. hospital of san lazaro. 24. ruined convent of san juan de bagombaya. 25. hospital of san gabriel. here the sangleys are treated. 26. convalescent hospital of san juan de dios. 27. mayjalique, a former estate of the society of jesus. 28. palace where the governor resides. 29. royal audiencia and accountancy. 30. houses of cabildo. 31. battery of the english. 32. spanish battery." [below is given the scale to which the map is drawn: 700 varas to 13 cm. the size of the original ms. map is 94 × 64 cm.] [14] cf. anda's earlier management of revenues: "anda insisted that his successor should review the accounts of his administration; and the result of the expert examination was, that in spite of the war which anda had maintained, and of the fact that he had paid for whatever expenditures were necessary, he had consumed only the comparatively insignificant sum of 610,225 pesos. thus out of the 3,000,000 pesos which he received by the ship 'filipino,' the large amount of more than 2,000,000 found its way into the treasury." (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 115, 116.) on january 14, 1765, viana rendered an opinion (see his respuestas, fol. 67v-74) regarding the protest made by the citizens of manila against the royal order that they must contribute 180,000 pesos for the king's needs; he rebukes their selfishness, timidity, and lack of loyalty, but advises the governor to convene the citizens, and ask them for spontaneous and loyal offerings to meet the needs of the royal treasury. the contribution demanded was to be repaid by lading-space on the acapulco galleon, with which arrangement the citizens were dissatisfied; but viana refutes their objections, and reminds the audiencia of the expenses for troops, administration, etc., which are necessary for the protection and defense of those very citizens. in this document, viana states that of the money saved from the treasure brought to manila by the "filipino," 1,000,000 pesos was distributed among the obras pías, and half as much to the citizens; and that later torre ordered that all of it be handed over to the latter. [15] see also le gentil's account of the earthquakes which he experienced while at manila (voyage, ii, pp. 360-366). he states that the spaniards distinguished two kinds of earthquakes: terræ moto, a trembling which "makes itself felt from below upward;" and temblor, when the trembling is felt in undulations, like those of the sea. a list of the earthquakes which the philippine islands (and especially manila) have suffered was made by alexis perrey, and published in the mémoires of the academy of dijon, in 1860. (jagor, reisen, p. 6.) [16] see, as an instance of this, the citation made by mas (informe, i, part ii of "historia," pp. 18, 19) from a ms. by martínez zúñiga, complaining of anda's conduct toward the friars. mas, however, cordially endorses most of anda's conduct while in command in filipinas. [17] see this document, post (anda's memorial). montero y vidal cites a section from it, and compares several paragraphs of another one with the royal instructions, to show their similarity; see his hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 239-244. [18] fray miguel garcia, bishop of nueva segovia, died at vigan, on november 11, 1779. [19] the present lists of the islands contain no such name as balambangan. as montero y vidal says that it was next to cagayán de joló (now cagayán sulu) it may be the islet now called mandah, just north of the former; its area is one-half a square mile. [20] when the chinese were expelled from manila in 1758, many of them went to reside in joló, where some 4,000 were found at the time of cencelly's expedition; these took sides with the joloans against the spaniards, and organized an armed troop to fight the latter. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 265.) [21] "the datos at once feared the vengeance of the english, and declared tenteng unworthy of the rights of a joloan and an outlaw from the kingdom with all his followers. the sultan wrote to the governor of zamboanga, assuring him that neither himself nor the datos had taken part in this transgression; and he asked the governor to send him the curia filípica and the empresas políticas of saavedra, in order that he might be able to answer the charges which the english would make against him. (this sultan israel had studied in the college of san josé at manila.)" tenteng repaired to joló with his booty and the captured english vessel; "these were arguments in his favor so convincing that he was at once admitted." he surrendered to the sultan all the military supplies, besides $2,000 in money, and divided the spoils with the other datos; they received him with the utmost enthusiasm, and raised the ban from his head. "about the year 1803, in which the squadron of general álava returned to the peninsula, the english again took possession of the island of balanbangan; and it appears that they made endeavors to establish themselves in joló, and were instigating the sultan and datos to go out and plunder the visayas, telling the joloans that they themselves only cared to seize manila and the acapulko galleon.... in 1805, the english embarked on thirteen vessels and abandoned balanbangan." (mas, informe, i, part ii of "historia," p. 16.) montero y vidal says (pp. 380-382) that the english attacked zamboanga (1803) on the way to balambangan, but were repulsed with great loss. they had at the latter place three ships of the east india company, and five ships belonging to private persons; the garrison included 300 whites, 700 sepoys under european officers, and 200 chinese. "in a short time the greater part of these forces abandoned balambangan to go to batavia." "the english, after burning the village and the fort, abandoned balambangan, on december 15, 1806, doubtless on account of the insignificance of that island." [22] regarding anda's birth, see vol. xlix, p. 132, note 74. according to montero y vidal (hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 281), he studied at four different schools (jurisprudence, at alcalá) taking several degrees, including that of doctor in law. he opened an office in madrid, and attained great fame as an advocate. in 1755 he received an appointment to the audiencia of manila, of which post he took possession on july 21, 1761. anda was succeeded ad interim by pedro sarrio, "who found himself obliged to compel the obras pías to lend some money to the government" (mas, informe, i, part ii of "historia," p. 21). [23] a full account of this controversy, with the text of some of the official documents therein, may be found in mas, ut supra, pp. 23-28. [24] by a royal decree of january 12, 1777, it was ordained that the indians should devote themselves to the cultivation of flax and hemp; this must have originated from a suggestion by anda. [25] zúñiga thus relates the result of this experiment in the village of san pedro tunasan (estadismo, i, pp. 29, 30): "the owner of these lands is the college of san josé in manila, which has there a good stone house, and a spanish manager who attends to the collection of the rent from the tenants. the land is quite fertile; it produces abundance of mangas, cocoanuts, oranges, lemons, camias, balimbins, buyo, sugar, and various other kinds of trees and garden produce. also there are a good many mulberry trees, and silk is made in the farm buildings. when the economic society was established in manila, when señor basco was governor, the rector of the college gave orders that all the land adjoining the farm should be planted with mulberry trees; and, as this tree grows as easily as a weed in this country, in a short time were seen around the house extensive and beautiful plantations of these trees, which could produce an abundant harvest of excellent silk. silkworms were imported from china, and it was seen that they multiplied readily. not only on this estate, but in all directions, the promotion of this industry was taken up with ardor. a considerable quantity of silk was made; but on selling it the owners found that they lost money in cultivating this article. when a calculation was made of what the land which the mulberry trees occupied could produce, it was found that even when it was planted with nothing more than camotes it yielded them more than the silk did; add to this the care of the worms and the cost of manufacture, and it will be found that those who devote themselves to its culture must inevitably lose. in other days the promotion of the silk industry had been considered at manila; and an old printed sermon has been found, written by an augustinian father, who stated therein the measures which had been taken to introduce into the filipinas islands an industry which could be very profitable for them. the father preacher exhorted the inhabitants to devote themselves to an occupation which could be so useful to the nation; but those who directed the economic society of friends of the country took good care to keep that quiet, so that the farmers might not be discouraged by seeing that in other days the cultivation of this product had been attempted, but had been abandoned because, without doubt, no benefit resulted to the producers. but, no matter how many precautions were taken, and efforts made to persuade those who might devote themselves to this industry that much profit could be obtained from it, every one abandoned it. the rector of san josé alone continued to manufacture the silk that was yielded from the mulberry trees which he had planted, although at last he had to abandon his project. the silkworms multiply well in filipinas, and are in a condition to make silk throughout the year; and, as the mulberry trees are always in leaf, silk is yielded all the time. there is practically not a month [in the year] when some silk cannot be obtained--very different from españa, where it is necessary to stop gathering silk throughout the winter, as the trees have no leaves. notwithstanding all these advantages, as we are so near china, which furnishes this commodity very cheaply, it cannot yield any profit in these islands--where, besides this, the daily wages which are paid to workmen are so large, and what they accomplish is so little, on account of their natural laziness, that it is not easy to push not only this but even any other industry in this country." [26] acordado, literally, meaning "decision;" lo acordado, "decree of a tribunal enforcing the observance of prior proceedings." mas says that these magistrates were appointed in imitation of those who performed such functions in america. [27] see jagor's note on this association (reisen, pp. 307, 308). [28] "only one plant of those that were carried to the filipinas islands was introduced, and its cultivation directed, by the government; this was the tobacco. perhaps there is no other which is more enjoyed by the natives, or more productive of revenue, than is this plant. so important for españa is its utility that it alone, if his majesty's government promotes its maintenance intelligently, can become a greater resource than all the other incomes of the colony." "tobacco is the most important branch of the commerce of these islands; its leaves, which in all the provinces are of excellent quality, in some of them reach such perfection that they cannot be distinguished from those of havana. the government has reserved to itself the right to sell tobacco; its manufacture is free only in the visayas, but in all the island of luzon this is subject to the vigilance of the government. nevertheless, the proprietors or growers are permitted to cultivate it in pampanga, gapan, nueva ecija, and in the province of cagayan; but the government buys from them the entire crop at contract prices." "to the far-seeing policy of the captain-general don josé basco is due the establishment of this revenue, one of the richest in the islands. its direct result, a short time after it had been established, was that the obligations of the colony and its political existence, far from depending, as before, on an allotment made in its favor by the capital, were advantageously secured; and in the succeeding years this branch of the revenue displayed a very notable increase, with well-grounded indications of the greater one of which it was susceptible. in 1781 this income was established; and at the beginning of 1782 it was extended to the seventeen provinces into which the island of luzon was then divided. it is easy to estimate the resistance which was encountered in establishing this revenue--not only through the effect of public opinion, which immediately characterized the project as foolhardy, but through the grievance which it must be to the natives and the obstacles continually arising from the contraband trade. certainly it was hard to deprive the natives suddenly of the right (which they had enjoyed until then) of cultivating without restriction a plant to the use of which they had been accustomed from infancy, being regarded among them as almost of prime necessity. but there was no other means, if that worthy governor's economic idea was to be realized, than the monopoly, which should prohibit simultaneously in the island of luzon the sowing and cultivation of the said plant, reducing it to the narrow limits of certain districts, those which were most suitable for obtaining abundant and good crops. if to this be added the necessity imposed on the consumers of paying a higher price for a commodity which until then had been easily obtained, we must admit that the undertaking was exceedingly arduous and hazardous." "at the outset, districts were set aside in which its cultivation was permitted: gapan, in the province of pampanga; some districts in cagayan, and the little island of marinduque--although in these last two places only an insignificant amount was harvested. notwithstanding the difficulties which surround every new enterprise, from the year 1808 the net profits which the monopoly annually produced exceeded 500,000 dollars [duros]." (buzeta and bravo, diccionario, i, pp. 51, 173, 438, 439.) see jagor's interesting account of the tobacco monopoly (especially in the middle of the nineteenth century), in his reisen, pp. 257-270. one of his notes (p. 256) states that the income from this monopoly was $8,418,939 in the year 1866-67; another (p. 259) cites authorities to show that tobacco was first introduced into southern china from the philippines, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, "probably by way of japan." the idea of establishing the tobacco monopoly had been urged by viana in 1766 (see pp. 109, 110, post). [29] the title given to him was "conde de la conquista de las islas batanes" ("count of the conquest of the batanes islands"); and the principal village in those islands bears the name of basco. [30] regarding the chinese in filipinas, see (besides many documents in this series) the following works: mallat, les philippines (paris, 1846), ii, chapters xxii, xxvii, xxix; jagor, reisen, pp. 271-279; rafael comenge's cuestiones filipinas, part i, "los chinos" (manila, 1894); f. w. williams, "the problem of chinese immigration in further asia," in report, 1899, of american historical association (washington, 1900), i, pp. 171-204; china en filipinas (manila, 1889), articles written mainly by pablo feced; los chinos en filipinas (manila, 1886). [31] when the tobacco monopoly was established in cagayan, the natives so resented this measure "that many of them abandoned the province and went to manila" (buzeta and bravo, diccionario, i, p. 438). [32] agustin pedro blaquier (blasquier) was born at barcelona in 1747, and entered the augustinian convent there at the age of twenty-one. in 1772 he arrived at manila, where he completed his studies; and was then sent to ilocos. later, he held important offices in his order; he was made assistant to the bishop of nueva segovia (1795), and succeeded to that office four years later. he died at ilagan while visiting his diocese, december 30, 1803. he was of scholarly tastes, possessed a fine library, and left various ms. writings. [33] apparently meaning the obligation of the cura to reside in the home belonging to the parish, provided for his use. [34] huerta gives his name (estado, p. 437) as juan antonio gallego or de santa rosa, and orbigo as the place of his birth (1729). he came to the islands in 1759, and after serving in both the missions and manila, spent the years 1771-79 as procurator of his province to the court of madrid. returning to filipinas, he took possession of the bishopric of nueva cáceres (which had been vacant during thirteen years) on april 27, 1780. in his first official visit of that diocese he showed so much devotion and zeal that even the hardships of travel in mountains and forests there did not prevent him from completing his task, and he was the first bishop to set foot in the catanduanes islands. after nine years of this service he was promoted to the archbishopric of manila, where he was beloved for his virtues. he died at santa ana, on may 15, 1797. montero y vidal says (hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 353) that this prelate was "very peaceable, and of excellent character; learned, and plain in his habits; on which account he had no enemies." [35] see note 26, p. 50, ante. an opinion rendered by viana on april 22, 1765 (respuestas, fol. 126v, 127), shows that the institution of the santa hermandad had been transplanted from spain to the philippines. it seems that the "alcalde of the hermandad," also styled the "provincial alcalde of manila," claimed that he ought not to be obliged to go outside of manila in the exercise of his office (which, by the way, was one of those classed as saleable). the fiscal decides that the alcalde is under obligation to act within the municipal territory and jurisdiction of manila, which includes all the land within five leguas of the city; that outside that limit he may send a suitable deputy, instead of going in person; that the laws of the kingdom do not fix any definite limits for the jurisdiction of the hermandad, and that the wording of the alcalde's commission is ambiguous in the same matter; and that the audiencia is competent to settle the present question. viana therefore recommends that suitable action be taken by that court, who are reminded that the aforesaid alcalde receives no salary and his agents [quadrilleros] no pay, and therefore he cannot be compelled to go outside of manila when he maintains and arms these men entirely at his own expense. "the said office can never be of public utility unless it be placed on some other footing." [36] montero y vidal cites (hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 361) the following from fray nicolás becerra's estado general de la provincia de s. nicolás de tolentino de padres agustinos descalzos de filipinas (sampaloc, 1820): "before the invasion of the moros, mindoro was the storehouse of manila, on account of the great amount of rice harvested in it. in that epoch--truly a fortunate one for this island, for our order, and for the state--so great was the number of inhabitants that they formed fourteen large ministries (curacies) and one active mission; all this was the result of the careful attention and apostolic zeal of the recollect fathers, who took into their charge the furtherance of mindoro's conquest, at a time when its reduction had only been begun. then came its desolation by the moros, leaving it without inhabitants or ministers; and for the two ministries of calapan and naujan which remained, and which this province resigned, the illustrious archbishop appointed two clerics. these administered those parishes during twenty-nine years, that is, until the year 1805, at which time mindoro returned, by special favor of the superior government, to the administration of the recollect fathers." montero y vidal also states (ut supra) that in 1803 aguilar created a corregidor for mindoro, with special charge to persuade its remaining inhabitants--who in fear of the moros had, years before, fled into the interior of the island--to return to their villages on the coasts. he made his headquarters at calapan, the chief village of mindoro, and soon the natives returned to their dwellings, while the moros seldom troubled that region. [37] "besides the tribute, every male indian has to serve 40 days in the year on the public works (pólos and services), a week for the court of justice (tanoria), and a week as night-watch (guard duty). the pólos, etc. consist in labor and service for state and community purposes--the building of roads and bridges, service as guides, etc." this requisition may, however, be commuted to a money payment, varying according to the wealth of the province--usually $3, but sometimes as low as $1. "the tanoria consists in a week of service for the court of justice, which usually is limited to keeping the building clean, guarding the prisoners, and similar light duties; but those who in turn perform this service must spend a week in the government building, on call. one may buy his freedom from the tanoria also, for 3 reals; and from the patrol, for 1 3/4 reals." (jagor, reisen, p. 295.) on pp. 90, 91, jagor says that the moneys collected for exemption and pólos were in his time sent to manila, and in earlier days appropriated by the gobernadorcillos (sometimes with the connivance of the local alcalde himself); but that they ought to be spent in public works for the benefit of the respective communities where the money was collected. he instances this use of it in the province of albay (in 1840) by the alcalde peñaranda, who spent the money thus collected for roads, which jagor found still tolerably good, although the apathy of later officials had neglected to repair them when injured and to replace worn-out bridges. [38] spanish, azufre; in another sentence, apparently misprinted axúcar ("sugar"). the former reading is more probably correct. [39] regarding the chinese in the philippines, see reports of the philippine commission, as follows: 1900, vol. ii (testimony taken before the commission; consult index of volume); 1901, part ii, pp. 111, 112; 1903, part iii, pp. 619-631; 1904, part i, pp. 707-711. also the recent census of the islands, especially vols. i and ii. see also the works mentioned ante, p. 57, note 30. [40] mas says (informe, i, part ii of "historia," p. 37): "marquina was accused of selling offices through the agency of a woman; he suffered a hard residencia, and was not permitted to depart for españa except by leaving a deposit of 50,000 pesos fuertes, with which to be responsible for the charges made against him. at madrid, he was sentenced to pay 40,000 pesos." mas also states that during the terms of basco and marquina (in all, fifteen years), over 1,500,000 pesos fuertes were spent in building and arming vessels to chastise the pirates. [41] thus named from the barrack or sheds of san fernando; the locality was originally a barrio of binondo called santisimo niño, destroyed by a conflagration in the time of basco. on this account, the spot was appropriated by the government, in order to establish thereon a shipyard or dock for the vintas. (barrantes, guerras piraticas, p. 163.) [42] it was álava's expeditions which gave father martínez de zúñiga the opportunity to examine the condition of the islands which he used so well in his estadismo de las islas filipinas; for he accompanied álava therein, at the latter's request. [43] "the naval department at san blas was established to aid the government in its efforts to occupy vacant coasts and islands adjoining its settled provinces, especially the west coast of north america. arsenals, shipyards, and warehouses were established. all orders given to expeditions passed through the hands of its chief. it was, however, on the point of being abandoned, when father junípero serra's suggestions in 1773, on its usefulness in supplying the californias, led to its being continued and carefully sustained.... conde de revilla gigedo during his rule strongly urged removal to acapulco; but it was not removed, and in 1803 remained at san blas without change." (bancroft, hist. mexico, iii, p. 420.) [44] mas says (informe, i, part ii of "historia," p. 47): "in that same year 1800,... the king ordered that the arsenal called la barraca should be abolished, and that only that of cavite should remain, in charge of the royal navy. the execution of this decree was the cause, in 1802, of a dispute between the governor-general, aguilar, and general álava." see barrantes's fuller account (guerras piraticas, pp. 200, 201, 217, 249-263) of the arsenals at la barraca and cavite, and the controversies over them. according to this authority, the naval affairs of those places, as also of corregidor island, were in bad condition; the service was inefficient, the methods and tools were antiquated, and lack of discipline prevailed--to say nothing of the fraud and "graft" already hinted at. [45] in 1797 the following military forces were maintained in filipinas: infantry regiment of the king, created at the conquest of those islands, composed of two battalions on the regular footing; infantry company of malabars (created in 1763), containing one hundred men; squadron of dragoons of luzón (created in 1772), containing three companies, in all one hundred and sixteen men; corps of artillery, of two companies, and containing two hundred and six men. there were also bodies of provincial militia, both infantry and cavalry, one being composed of mestizos; and an invalid corps, created in 1763. (guía oficial de españa, 1797; cited in vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 123.) [46] the spanish régime in filipinas lasted 333 years, from legazpi's first settlement until the acquisition of the islands by the united states. during that time, there were 97 governors--not counting some twenty who served for less than one year each, mostly ad interim--and the average length of their terms of office was a little less than three and one-half years, a fact which is an important element in the administrative history of the islands. [47] these expenses were paid from the royal treasury, "at the rate of 34 p. 3 r. for every cura or religious, every year" (viana respuestas, fol. 161). [48] explanation of "plan of the present condition of manila and its environs:"--"1. royal fort. 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6. small bastions of san francisco, san juan, santa ysabel, san eugenio, and san joseph. 7. ancient redoubt. 8. bastion of the foundry. 9. a kind of ravelin. 10. bastion of san andres or carranza. 11. bastion of san lorenzo de dilao. 12. bastion and gate of the parian. 13. works of the reverse [obra de revez]. 14. bastion of san gabriel. 15. small bastion and gate of santo domingo. 16. small bastion and gate of the magazines. 17. fortin. 18. parish church and convent of the parian. 19. chapel of san anton, a chapel of ease. 20. convent and parish church of dilao. 21. parish church of san miguel. 22. hospital of san lazaro. 23. ruined convent of san juan de bagumbaya. 24. ruined parish church of san tiago. 25. parish church of la hermita. 26. ruined hornwork of fascines. 27. royal alcaizeria of san fernando. 28. parish church, convent, and large village of binondoc. 29. hospital for chinese. 30. college, parish church, and village of santa cruz. 31. parish church of quiapo. 32. convent and parish church of san sebastian. 33. convent, parish church, and village of the capital of the province of tondoc. 34. convalescent hospital and island of st. john of god. 35. house of mayjalique. a. masonry bridge of maloza. b. masonry bridge of san lazaro. c. masonry bridge of dilao. d. ruined house of balete. e. ruined edifice. f. powder magazine. g. ruined cavalier. manila, september 30, 1767. don feliciano marquez" [below follows the scale of the plan, which is 500 varas to 9 1/2 cm. the size of the original ms. map is 110 × 54 cm.] [49] for the "demonstration" here cited, see vol. xlviii, in which it is the final document. in the library of edward e. ayer, of chicago, is a ms. book containing copies of letters by viana written in 1767; the first of these (dated january 5) is addressed to the marqués de esquilace, and mentions the despatch to him and to the king, in the previous year, of copies both of the "demonstration" and of the present statement of "financial affairs of the islands." he also relates how he has been actuated in his official duties by his zeal for the royal service, and has always upheld the rights of the crown; and in consequence he has been the mark for the hatred and enmity of all those who live by plundering the royal treasury, and who desire a fiscal who will allow them to do so without any opposition. the above-mentioned documents have, he says, "raised a furious tempest, the anger of those who fear the loss of their own profits, on which loss depends the rightful increase of his majesty's interests, and the saving of iniquitous expenditures." of the religious orders in the islands, he says: "they have great power, and much wealth which is acquired through what they unjustly collect from the royal exchequer and the indians. no one dares to incur the hostility of the religious, for all fear the direful results of their power; and under pretext of a false piety, painted with the bright colors of the true, they have been wont to obtain whatever they have claimed. for this reason they have, ever since the conquest of the islands, burdened the royal exchequer with the increasing and numerous expenses occasioned in behalf of the said religious orders, instead of securing economies for it." he claims "the glory of being the first one who, by dint of close application, has discovered the 'philosopher's stone' for the enrichment of these islands and the royal exchequer." viana also relates in this letter the enmity of francisco salgado against him, because he has, by insisting on the rights of the crown, secured sentences against salgado in two lawsuits--one denying his claim for 36,000 pesos in the iron-mine contract, and the other compelling him to pay into the royal treasury the sum of 28,000 pesos, due from him as farmer of the wine monopoly--notwithstanding this man's wealth and his persistent efforts to corrupt the royal officials. "this is a very unusual thing in manila, where rich persons, like salgado, know the method of making their iniquitous dealings secure, by dint of presents and bribes, which are frequent. it is by this means that the said salgado succeeded in gaining the good will of the present governor of these islands [i.e., raón], by offering him 20,000 pesos in cash (as is well known and notorious) in order that the wine monopoly might be awarded to him at its sale, for the sum of 24,000 pesos in each year. i opposed this, proving by documents that the said monopoly produced more than 54,000 pesos, after deducting all expenses; and that the poverty and the urgent necessities of the royal treasury protested against the sacrifice of the 30,000 pesos of which the exchequer would be deprived every year." he says that the governor tried to secure the award at that low rate to salgado; but viana appealed to the royal audiencia, in which the case was pending when he wrote, and raón and salgado were both afraid of losing the great profits which otherwise they would have gained. he implores the minister "to exert his influence to check the rapidity with which these islands are hastening to their utter ruin." further reports and letters by viana in regard to the salgado affair are found in this book (cartas y consultas), at fol. 6-11, 15-23, 30-37; the wine monopoly was finally sold for 40,000 pesos a year, thanks to viana's persistent efforts. [50] spanish, baylio, meaning a knight commander of the order of malta--i.e., the knights of st. john of jerusalem. the following word is spelled "frey" because it denotes a member of a military order. (velázquez.) [51] expediente: this word has numerous meanings in spanish, some of which are difficult to define in english. in this case it apparently means "the collection of all the papers belonging to a subject or business;" it may also denote "a summary or abstract, a legal process, official acts, or judicial inquiry." another meaning is, "any subject, claim, importunity, or analogous matter submitted to investigation, and depending upon a decision or warrant." (dominguez.) the law here referred to (felipe iv, june 18, 1658) provides that the religious who are charged with the instruction of the indians shall receive "a stipend of 50,000 maravedis in each year for each doctrina of 400 tribute-payers, which rule shall be inviolably observed." [52] spanish, vajo de campana, literally, "under the bell," i.e. of the church. in an opinion rendered on april 17, 1765 (respuestas, fol. 121, 122), viana recommends that the audiencia issue strict orders to die corregidor of tondo to proceed to the reduction of the indians dispersed through his province into villages--providing them with suitable dwelling-places from the lands belonging to the respective villages, or from the vacant crown lands. he enumerates the advantages (the religious ones being most important of all) which will follow to the indians as well as to the government from this change; and asks that the religious ministers be charged not to interfere with the secular authorities in carrying out this plan, but rather use their influence to persuade the indians to submit to it quietly. this plan is but the beginning of his scheme to bring about, as fast as it can be secured, the reduction of all the natives in all the provinces to obedience to spanish dominion. on fol. 132v, 133 are opinions regarding applications which were made soon afterward by certain persons or communities to be exempted from the enforced reduction to village life; viana refuses to entertain these, insisting that all the natives must be brought "under the church bell," in order that they may be instructed in religion, that their souls may be saved. (cf. fol. 146, 147, 156, 162, 185.) he also urged (fol. 139), on may 9, 1765, that all unsettled indians in the province of cagayan should be returned to their respective villages. [53] see the tariff established by archbishop camacho (vol. xlii, pp. 58-64.) [54] viana had said, in an official opinion rendered on january 14, 1765: "notwithstanding these arguments [among which viana mentions the frauds committed in the sale of these boletas], the royal junta of the exchequer would not have decided upon the application of the galleon's lading to the benefit of the royal treasury if the necessity had not been most urgent, and this measure indispensable; and the distribution would have continued, in accordance with the favor bestowed by our kings and sovereigns to the commerce here--which has no right of justice to the boletas, nor is his majesty under obligation to distribute them, since they have been assigned [to the citizens] by his royal clemency as a mere favor and benefit, and as alms. no one ought to be surprised that this favor, this benefit, and this alms should be suspended when there are no funds, and no means for paying it, and when it is applied in order to meet the unavoidable expenditures of the royal treasury, and to the payments which in justice must be made to the troops and other people employed in the royal service and the defense of these dominions. for it would not be just that for the sake of distributing the boletas, to which there is no obligation in justice, there should be failure in paying the claims which by every rule of law are due, and to meet the expenses which are unavoidable for the conservation of these islands." (respuestas, fol. 73.) it is evident from this that the above measure was put into force temporarily, at least, in 1764, as a necessary expedient in the distressed condition of the islands after the english evacuation; and that viana now recommends it as a permanent regulation. [55] there is an interesting statement in viana's respuestas, fol. 151-155, regarding the iron mine of santa ynes and its early history. one francisco salgado claimed to have discovered it, and tried to operate it for some time; but he finally abandoned the work, and it (or rather the right to work it) was sold, some years afterward, by the government to the highest bidder. viana says of this mine: "it is called a mine, but more properly is a quarry of rocks containing iron, with which rocks the mountains of santa ynes abound; and in order to obtain them no vein is followed, nor is there need for tunnels, as there is in the mines." salgado sold considerable iron from santa ynes, including 2,000 picos of it to the royal storehouses at four pesos a pico, instead of the current rate of ten pesos; this low price was claimed by the royal fiscal as the right of the crown, in the term of ezpeleta as governor. in 1765, salgado was claiming from the government 36,000 pesos, to reimburse him for the losses he had met in operating santa ynes; but viana sturdily opposed this, saying that the mine naturally belonged to the crown, and that salgado had forfeited any rights which he might have had therein, and did not make any claims to the mine at the time when it was placed in the hands of francisco casañas and juan solano, as he should have done in order to render them valid at the present time; moreover, he had made various misrepresentations of the matter at different times, and ought to be punished for falsehood. in fol. 158, 159, viana states that (in 1765) casañas is dead, and solano pays to the royal treasury five hundred pesos a year. viana is anxious to prevent the abandonment of the mines (which he fears in view of the losses and injuries caused by the late war), since they contain enough iron to supply all india, and ought to be operated for the benefit of the royal treasury, thus saving the great expense which it incurs in buying iron from china, and preventing the drain of so much money from the islands. he therefore proposes that some two hundred chinese be placed at work in the mines to operate and develop them, and build the necessary furnaces and other appliances; this will also reduce the population of the parian, and will cost nothing to the treasury save the rations for the sangleys, who should be compelled to cultivate the lands near the mines and raise most of what is needed for their support and that of their families (for the married ones should be selected for this colony). they should be placed under a manager of skill and energy, with twenty-five or thirty soldiers at his disposal. from this enterprise, "numberless advantages would ensue for the king and for the public. the consumption of iron in the islands amounts to from 80,000 to 100,000 pesos' worth annually; and even the most ordinary sort, that from china, costs seven to eight pesos a pico for bars, and twelve to thirteen when wrought into nails, balls, etc." by the above plan the cost of producing the iron would be reduced to about three pesos a pico. all the sangley ironworkers should therefore be seized, and transported to the mines. [56] "in the eastern part of the philippines, cock-fights must have been unknown in pigafetta's time; he saw the first gamecocks in paláuan." (see pigafetta's mention of these fights, in vol. xxxiii, p. 211.) "in the 'ordinances of good government' of hurtado corcuera, in the middle of the seventeenth century, gamecocks were not mentioned. in 1779 they first added to the revenue from taxation; and in 1781 the government farmed the right to collect entrance-money in the cockpits (galleras, from gallo, "cock"), for $14,798 a year. in 1863 the revenue from these places made an item in the budget of $106,000." a special ordinance regarding cock-fights was dated at madrid, march 21, 1861; among its provisions is permission for this sport to be held on sundays and feast-days, from the conclusion of high mass until sunset. "the craving to gain money without work they can with great difficulty withstand, and many are, through the passion for gambling, drawn into borrowing money at usury, embezzlement, and theft, and even highway robbery; the bands of robbers on both sea and land consist, for the greater part, of ruined gamesters." (jagor, reisen, p. 22.) [57] spanish, vecinos, which is probably a clerical error for tiempos, as indicated by the context. the implication in "forty-eight" is, apparently, that the cock-fight would be a regular holiday amusement. [58] this recommendation by viana was carried out later by governor basco (see pp. 53-55. ante). [59] in some of viana's official opinions (respuestas, fol. 114v-117, 128-132), he gives advice regarding the farming-out of the wine monopoly. he protests (march 27, 1765) against the action of the board in charge of this matter, who proposed to give this privilege to andres del barrio (the only bidder at the auction), for 16,000 pesos a year for five years. he states that it had at the previous sale brought 26,000 pesos, when the amount consumed was the same as at present; and the farmer's returns from this monopoly ought to be even more now, since the regular soldiery now number 2,000, against less than 1,500 at the last sale, and some years hardly 1,000, while the net profit of this trade, if it be carried on with energy and business ability, ought to average over 30,000 pesos a year. viana also protests against granting the monopoly on buyo to pedro tagle (also the only bidder) for 10,000 pesos, when the board had decided to offer it for 12,000 in order to dispose of it more easily, while the royal officials had valued it at 14,000. the board made reply to these objections, with arguments which viana characterizes as weak, and proceeds to demolish with his usual energy. he complains that they acted without even notifying him to attend their proceedings, when they ought to be aware that he, as fiscal, is a member of the board. they have cited the prices first paid for the wine monopoly (10,000 and 15,000 pesos respectively; cf. vol. xlvii, pp. 118, 119), without considering that those were for the term of three years only, while the present term is five years; and the prices paid before the english war were, at the last sale, 26,000 pesos, and at each of the two preceding ones 20,500. he states that the spaniards of the city are poor, and consume little wine from the monopoly shops; but this is not the case with the soldiers, nor with the natives, who now are receiving higher wages than before the war, and are comparatively rich through it since they are selling all kinds of supplies at higher prices than ever before. viana says that francisco salgado, the last holder of this monopoly, began it without any means of his own (having lost all he had in working an iron mine); but at the end of the five years he had gained from the monopoly 200,000 pesos. he estimates that the expenses of administering the business are 40,000 pesos annually, and adding to this 26,000 for the government dues, and 40,000 for the contractor's gains, the total amount of the business is 106,000 pesos a year. if the acapulco galleon and its successful voyages could be depended upon more certainly, the spaniards would have more money to spend, and the wine monopoly would be even more profitable. viana makes an interesting comparison between the administration of monopolies in the islands and that in spain, where the circumstances are so different that, as he says, the laws of castilla on this point are "absolutely impracticable" in the philippines; moreover, in spain the monopoly must be considered in connection with the impost of alcabala, "which is not collected on anything in these islands." he urges that the board at least restrict the term of the monopoly of wine to four years, if they sell it at the rate of 16,000 pesos; and that for six years the rate be made 20,000. also, that if the buyo monopoly be sold for 10,000 the term be made four years, and the rate be 9,000 [sic] for six years. if they will not do this, these monopolies should be administered by the government directly, and not farmed out at all. (from an entry dated may 10 (fol. 141v), it appears that the wine monopoly was purchased by theodora fagoaga.) apropos of his statement regarding the alcabala, cf. what he says on fol. 134, regarding a request made by the alcalde-mayor appointed for the province of pangasinan, who asked a reduction of alcabala and bonds [fianzas] (presumably required for his faithful administration of that office). viana advises against such reduction, saying of the alcabala, "there is the same reason for paying the same amount as in the past, because the commerce is the same; and the said impost is not so much for alcabala as for the privilege of trading allowed to the alcaldes-mayor, relieving them from the oath which they formerly took." [60] probably the worst of these abuses were checked by the formation of a naval bureau by the decree of 1800 (see "events in filipinas," ante, last paragraph). [61] this letter, as appears from the royal decree above cited, was dated july 15, 1764, and was written by the officials of the vacant see of manila--in answer to a despatch from the king (november 2, 1762) to the late archbishop rojo, in which "he was thanked for the visitation which he practiced in his diocese, and charged that the christian doctrine must be taught to the indians in castilian;" and the cabildo answered that the numerous laws on that point were always disobeyed by the curas from the orders, for reasons similar to those here charged by viana (cf. the memorial by anda, ante, sec. 12). see pardo de tavera's memoria de anda y salazar, pp. 87, 88. [62] this document is obtained from viana's letter-book, cartas y consultas, fol. 39v-46, being the last letter therein. this fact, coupled with his statement in the last sentence (which indicates that his position under the unscrupulous raón had by that time become untenable), suggests the probability that he returned to spain in the summer of 1767. certain references to anda indicate that viana did not, when writing this letter, expect to return so soon to spain; but the necessity of that step doubtless became evident soon afterward. anda embarked for spain on january 10, 1767. [63] referring to those of corcuera and arandía, which are presented in this volume, post. [64] this reform was accomplished under basco, in 1784-85; sec p. 50, ante. [65] or camarines, both names being used for the diocese. but one would expect the mention in the text to be cebú instead, alluding to the temporary government of ezpeleta; the mention of nueva cáceres may be a lapsus calami. [66] this document immediately precedes the present letter; the "demonstration" is at the end of vol. xlviii. [67] in 1765, certain trees which had been planted by the indians on the highway of mayhaligue were torn up by order of the procurator-general of the college of san ignacio, manila. complaint was made of this, and the matter investigated; it appeared that the indians had planted the trees by order of the alcalde-in-ordinary, but the jesuit claimed that he did not know this. viana's official opinion in the case (see his respuestas, fol. 62v-63), dated december 23, gives the argument on both sides at some length, and concludes (in a somewhat sarcastic tone) by deciding that the jesuits doubtless were not aware that the trees had been planted by official order, but nevertheless had no right to tear them up; and recommends that they be compelled to restore the trees to the highway, at the expense of him who first destroyed them. [68] to the text of this document we add most of the annotations thereon made by dr. t. h. pardo de tavera, as found in his publication of this document (memoria de anda y salazar, manila, 1899); these are especially interesting, as coming from the pen of a native filipino who is a scholar, a liberal, and an enlightened patriot. these notes--either translated in full, or condensed into a summary, citing his exact language whenever possible--are credited to him, stating the note-number and page where they are found. [69] from the date of the foundation of the college of santo tomás, there was strife between it and the jesuit college of san josé. in 1648, the dominicans triumphed for the time being, and the jesuits were forbidden by the royal audiencia to grant degrees in their university. that decision was reversed in spain by a royal decree of march 12, 1653. san josé was closed when the jesuits were expelled. (pardo de tavera, pp. 43, 44, note 1.) [70] in note 2 (pp. 44-47), pardo de tavera gives a sketch of the history of the "secular university" of manila. the royal decree founding it (dated may 16, 1714) states as its purpose, "that persons born there may have the comfort of being enabled to fit themselves for obtaining the prebends;" accordingly, three chairs were established at manila, for instruction in canon and civil law and roman law. the first incumbents (appointed in 1715) were julian de velasco, francisco fernandez thoribio, and manuel de osio y ocampo. the institution was opened on june 9, 1718, and included also the chairs of medicine and mathematics, professors for these being appointed by the governor--who, finding that this enterprise was opposed by the religious orders, especially by the dominicans and jesuits, ordered that a building for its use should be erected near his palace; but lack of funds stopped this work in 1721. when the chairs became vacant in 1726, a competitive examination was held to fill them, at which only five men with the degree of bachelor of law were present. the lectures were but thinly attended, five or six students only being the usual audience; the royal decree suggested that these be reënforced by students from san josé and santo tomás, but these colleges discouraged such attendance, and it availed naught. in 1726, the jesuit murillo velarde was appointed to the chair of canon law, and then the jesuits offered san josé college to the new professors (at first, the lectures in the royal foundation had been given in a private house, because the archbishop declined to let them be given in the archiepiscopal seminary); this aroused the jealousy of the dominicans. finally a compromise was made between them, by agreeing that in each of the two universities there should be a chair of canon law in charge of a religious, and one of civil law in charge of a layman. the king, learning of this controversy and the ineffectiveness of his foundation, decreed (july 26, 1730) that it should be closed, thus saving to the treasury the annual cost of 2,000 pesos. pardo de tavera remarks that the name of "university," given to it in manila, does not appear in the royal decree of 1714, which simply established the three chairs mentioned. see also the account of "the college seminary of san phelipe," in vol. xlv of this series, pp. 187-207, and some allusions to it in vol. xliv, pp. 145, 178; velasco and toribio were imprisoned by bustamante at one time (vol. xliv, pp. 152, 155, 159.) in reality, we must go back to the royal foundation in 1702, which was encroached on by cardinal tournon and the abbot sidoti (1704-07); see san antonio's full account of this in vol. xxviii, pp. 117-122. pardo de tavera gives an outline of this account in his note 3 (pp. 48-50), and adds: "the power of the friars caused the organization of the seminary to be delayed until, toward the end of the past century, thanks to señor sancho de santa justa y rufina, the seminary of san carlos was created; it was installed in the former house of the expelled members of the society of jesus." [71] "the religious orders in filipinas have always been accused of opposing culture and the diffusion of human learning among the filipinos, having assumed, according to their traditional policy, the role of monopolisers of public instruction, in order thus to present themselves as its defenders and partisans, proclaiming themselves the civilizers of the people, and the source and origin of their intellectual progress. in reality, having in their hands the public instruction they so conducted themselves that, as don simon says, they organized an instruction of mere ceremony, intended to maintain the filipinos in a calculated ignorance, and keep them imbued with principles which tended to subject their conscience and reason to the absorptive power of the monastic supremacy." (pardo de tavera, p. 50, note 4.) [72] it is to be remembered that anda wrote this memorial at madrid, where he was occupying a seat in the council of castilla. [73] "the idea of secularizing the university of manila, suggested by anda y salazar, was contemplated a century later by señor moret, minister for the colonies [de ultramar], and decreed by the regent of the kingdom on november 6, 1870. the college of san juan de letran was also secularized by the same decree; but in filipinas orders of that sort were not executed. for the friars upset the whole matter, threatening the ruin of the colony if the decree were carried out, raising protests and petitions--in short, causing the bishops and the authorities to range themselves on their side, in order to present to the government at madrid the question from the point of view which suited the interests of the dominican order. the execution of the regent's decree was suspended, writings were sent to madrid in favor of the friars, and, as always, they gained their point, and continued to be owners and masters of the university and of the college of san juan de letran." (pardo de tavera, note 6, pp. 50, 51.) [74] "the friars have always been considered as poor and needy by the government of españa, and in that notion--without stopping to consider that their ownership of land was continually extending further in filipinas, and that through various schemes they had created for themselves a secure income in the country--the spanish monarchs by various provisions (most of them despatched at the instigation of the friars) have ordained that their needs be supplied with wine, oil, various contributions, and cash donations, under the most flimsy pretexts." (pardo de tavera, note 7, p. 51.) [75] "at the pleasure of the king, on account of the lack of clerics at the beginning." [76] "in effect, it can be said the friars trained clerics in order afterward to employ the latter in their own service; for under the name of coadjutors each cura kept in his convent one or two clerics, according to the necessities of the parish, who served him as if they were slaves, and who suffered every sort of humiliation and annoyance. it was not only in those times [of anda] that the situation of the filipino cleric was so melancholy and abject; but, in the midst of the increasing prosperity of the friars and their curates, with equal pace increased also the wretchedness of their coadjutors and the intolerable misery of their existence. in order to justify their conduct toward the filipino clerics, the friars resorted to the pretext of their unfitness; but not only is this argument calumnious, but, even if it were accepted as sound, it does not justify the bad treatment which they give the cleric, and would demonstrate, besides, that the education which he receives from the friars is incomplete and defective." (he cites archbishop santa justa as rebuking the regulars for thus calumniating the clerics, saying, among other things, "is it not notorious to every one of us here that the spiritual administration all devolves upon the coadjutor cleric, the father minister reserving to himself only the charge of collecting in his own house, without leaving it, the parochial dues. how can they deny this, when it is so public? if the clerics are incapable, how can the ministers in conscience allow and entrust to them the spiritual administration of their villages? if that be not so, how dare they discredit the clerics with the strange, not to say unjust, censure of their being unfit and incompetent?") "in these later times, the friars, since they could no longer rail against the clerics in that fashion--for they do not, at least so much now, insist on their old accusation of unfitness, because the filipino clerics have proved that they include men of as great learning and virtue as the friars, and even more--resorted to a political reason, making the spanish government believe that the filipino clerics were every one filibusters. this weapon was of good results for the cause of the friars, but fatal for the filipino clergy, who found themselves horribly trampled upon in 1870, on occasion of the famous rebellion of the cavite arsenal; for three of their most distinguished and revered members, fathers burgos, zamora, and gomez, were executed under the calumnious accusation of being leaders of the rebellion, and a great number of other distinguished filipino priests were sent to the military posts or into exile. public opinion flung back upon the friars the terrible responsibility of sentences so iniquitous; but since then the new and safe weapon of 'filibusterism' has been used more and more against the filipino clerics." (pardo de tavera, note 8, pp. 52, 53.) [77] "the contribution of wine and oil had been granted (as is stated in ley 7, tit. iii, book i of the recopilación de indias) to certain poor monasteries, so that they could illuminate the blessed sacrament and celebrate the holy sacrifice of the mass. it was likewise ordained that such contribution should be furnished in the articles themselves, both oil and wine, and not in money or bullion. this contribution was to be given to the conventual religious and not to the ministers of doctrinas, that is, to the curas (ley 9). the escort of soldiers which was furnished to the missionaries was granted to them by a royal decree of july 23, 1744, the text of which i have not been able to find. according to diaz arenas (memorias históricas), the royal decree of may 13, 1579, granted to each cura in a doctrina the sum of 50,000 maravedís, and half as much to the sacristans. afterward, by a royal decree of october 31, 1596, the said stipend of missionary religious was fixed at $100 and 100 fanegas of palay. on march 4, 1696, august 14, 1700, january 19, 1704, and july 14, 1713, the king had ordered the viceroys of his colonial possessions to send him a report in regard to the religious who were really in need of the contribution of wine, wax, and oil, in order that he might cease giving aid to those who had no need of it, 'or that the half or the third part might be deducted from their allowance, in proportion to the poverty of each one.' this is seen in the royal decree of september 22, 1720, in which the king insists that this information should be sent to him; but he could not obtain it, in spite of repeated orders." [other attempts were made to secure such information, through the century, but without success.] (pardo de tavera, note 9, pp. 54-56.) [78] "the book of laws;" there is also an allusion to the generally adopted legal code or collection of laws, known as corpus juris--literally, "body of law." the main reference in anda's phrase is to the recopilación de indias, which provides for the collection of tithes in the spanish colonies. [79] "it is an exceedingly bad example." [80] pardo de tavera cites (note 11, pp. 56-58) a royal decree dated april 27, 1704, charging the governor (then zabalburu) and audiencia to restrain the friars from levying unjust exactions on the indians. this decree was occasioned by the complaints on this score made (in 1702) by archbishop camacho; in it are enumerated the following acts of such injustice: "besides the stipends which are paid to them from the royal treasury, they oblige every indian in their districts to render them service in all their domestic necessities, and to furnish them with four fowls every day in each mission, and with fish, fuel, and everything else that the land (and even the water) produces. at the same time they collect from the indians excessive fees, without observing the tariffs; for from an indian whose property is worth four hundred pesos (which is the value usually of that belonging to the wealthier natives) they exact for a burial one hundred or two hundred, besides what they afterward receive for the funeral honors [i.e., ceremonies for the welfare of departed souls]; and twelve pesos for the offering for [wearing] the cope [del habito de la religión], or, if the natives are very poor, six or eight pesos, the religious making it necessary to the burial that he shall wear the cope; and when they lack means to pay for these, they serve the religious like slaves until they have earned what they need to pay these impositions. as for the marriages, the religious receive thirteen pesos for what they call the altar fee, and thirteen reals for the cross, and eight for the offering for the mass, and four for the veiling; even when they are very poor, the religious exact from them at least six or eight pesos as a requisite [for the marriage]. the indians are, for a long time, living in illicit intercourse, because they have not the means to pay [these exactions]. in the baptisms they have introduced another tax after the offering; the rich indian must pay up to twelve pesos for the silver cross, and the poor one pays, as such, for the wooden cross. besides this, they also receive three reals every year from each indian for the feast of the patron saint of the village, honors for the dead, and wax for the monument; and, added to this, one or two reals when they confess the indians at the lenten season--without giving any care or attention to their instruction, or to the greater service of the churches in their charge. they are deficient in almost all which belongs to their obligations as missionary curas, excepting the religious of the order of preachers and those of the society, who treat the natives more kindly and instruct them better." cf. the "tariff of fees" drawn up by camacho (vol. xlii, pp. 56-64). [81] "the friars, in studying the filipino languages, continually compared them with the latin and the castilian, to the grammar and genius of which they molded, whenever they could, those of the new language which they were learning. as a result, the grammars of the filipino languages which they soon made created an artificial language, very different from that actually spoken by the islanders. educated filipinos distinguish perfectly this conventional language of the friars; and the latter in their turn make the charge, when they have noticed one of these observers, that the indians when talking among themselves employ a different language from that which they use in conversations with the cura. the reverend father fray ramón martinez vigil (now bishop of oviedo) has not failed to notice this difference; but in undertaking to explain it he falls into an error that is excusable if one considers his religious calling, which cannot admit that when there is a blunder the mistake is on the priest's side. speaking, then, as a priest, and doubly superior to the indian by being a spaniard besides, he confidently says: 'all who have observed their familiar conversations (of the indians) are agreed in affirming that they entirely lay aside the rules of grammar, in order to make their conversation more rapid and short--speaking among themselves a tagálog quite different from what they use when they address the spanish priest or any other european who understands their language.' (revista de filipinas, t. ii, 1877, p. 35.) every one who understands tagálog has endured mortal torments thousands of times while hearing from the pulpit the sermons which a great number of religious utter in that conventional language. at present, however, the sermons that are preached are, as a rule, written in the old style, for the occasion, and then revised and corrected by coadjutors, or by citizens versed [in the native language], who shape and polish the discourse properly." (pardo de tavera, note 12, pp. 58, 59.) [82] an interesting sketch of the controversy in filipinas over the episcopal visitation of the regular curas is given by pardo de tavera in his note 13, pp. 59-68. the strife began even with the first bishop, domingo de salazar, and continued for some three centuries; for as late as 1865 the archbishop of manila and two of his suffragan bishops joined in sending to the spanish government complaints against the friars of substantially the same tenor as those made earlier by salazar, camacho, and santa justa. papal and royal decrees were issued at intervals, insisting on the right of episcopal visitation; but in most cases these were practically nullified by the influence or opposition of the friars, and the inadequate supply of secular priests. the friars several times threatened to abandon their curacies (and actually did so, on some occasions); and they claimed exemption from visitation on various grounds--claiming a privilege granted to them by pope pius v (which, however, was afterward annulled by clement xi), the right to obey only the superiors of their respective orders, and the lack of any obligation on them to serve the curacies, which they claimed to be only a work of supererogation. [83] "apart from the religious fiestas and the surplice-fees, filipinas pays to monasticism another tribute of incalculable amount for straps, rosaries, scapulars, girdles, and other objects rivaling one another in similarly miraculous qualities--which are issued for cash, and at a fixed price, which yields no less than a thousand per cent on the capital invested." instances of this are given; "a worn pair of trousers, which the students from whom it is asked give gratis, is transformed into hundreds of scapulars, and each scapular costs two and one-half reals fuertes, or perhaps thirty-one hundredths of a peso." "thousands, even hundreds of thousands, of hard dollars are paid as a tax by filipinas on this account to the monastic coffers; and if jesus christ drove out the traders from the temple, in the country of miracles those persons are chastised who refuse to obtain the goods from the temple." (marcelo h. del pilar, cited by pardo de tavera in note 14, pp. 68, 69.) [84] pardo de tavera here cites in full (note 16, pp. 69-76) a letter from governor corcuera to the king complaining of the conduct of the friars. (this letter appears in vol. xxvi of our series, pp. 116-125.) [85] "some have believed that anda y salazar, whom they consider resentful against the religious orders in filipinas, accumulated against them, in this memorial, accusations which he alone maintained; but in the preceding notes we have demonstrated that the charges which that upright magistrate made against them were not unfounded, nor much less were they recent. in regard to the commerce to which, according to him, the religious devoted themselves, it was a certain fact, scandalous and of long standing--with the aggravating circumstance that they continued to trade in opposition to the commands of the sovereign." a decree dated february 2, 1730 is here cited which shows this plainly, accusing both seculars and religious of trafficking openly and scandalously, and using their sacred character as a cloak for this and for extensive smuggling; and ordering the archbishop and bishops, and the provincials of the orders, to restrain and punish those of their subjects who thus offend, and the president and audiencia to proceed against the ecclesiastical authorities if the latter fail to do their duty. (pardo de tavera, note 17, pp. 76-78.) [86] "the economic ideas of señor anda were as erroneous as were those among the generality of the spaniards in that period. the commerce of exportation was for them a wrong and a heinous act, with which they reproached him who did it; nor would they admit that he who sells his products has a right to carry them where he can obtain the highest price." (pardo de tavera, note 18, p. 78.) [87] "it is now the general opinion that the religious orders cannot prove their right of ownership of all the income-producing properties which they hold in both town and country. it cannot be doubted that under the regime of government established by the united states this important question of ownership will be cleared up." the writer here relates the controversy of auditor sierra with the religious orders over this question in the time of archbishop camacho; finally the governor intervened with his authority, terminating the dispute by declaring that the new visitor, auditor ozaeta, would accept as valid the titles to property presented by the friars. (pardo de tavera, note 19, pp. 78-80.) [88] "it is true that the chinese could not have received worse treatment; they have always been laden with accusations of all kinds. as for their being of no benefit to the country, this assertion is entirely contrary to the facts. the chinese have committed abuses, it is true; but it is only right to acknowledge that they are industrious, patient, respectful, and sober; and that with such traits they must necessarily be useful to the country in which they are." (pardo de tavera, note 20, p. 80.) the feeling against the chinese in manila after the english invasion was very bitter, as has been already noticed; it is reflected in viana's official opinions, as is evident in the following (respuestas, fol. 127v): "it is a matter of public notoriety that nearly all the sangleys of the parián have been traitors to god and to the king, by having offered public sacrifices to their idols, aided the english enemies, and acted basely against the entire spanish nation. any representations made by the said sangleys ought therefore to be regarded with suspicion, and more especially when they are not traders; for such persons cannot carry back to china the profits of the trade, but only the fears arising from their crime." the chinese in question had left the parián in the late war, and gone to their own country; and now had returned to manila, desiring to remain there on their former footing. viana advises that a rigorous investigation of their previous status, actions, and character be made by the government, and any of them found to have acted treasonably toward the spaniards be punished with the utmost severity; while those who had not been traitors, but had left the parián on account of their trading or other like reasons, ought to be fined at least fifty pesos each for having done so without permission. again (fol. 134v) he says of a certain widow (gabriela josepha by name), whose dwelling had been seized on account of her supposed disloyalty, that "as she is a sangley mestiza, there is strong reason to suspect that she is the widow of some traitor." after the english left manila, the sangleys there (in number 400 to 500) were compelled to labor on the ditch and other defenses of the city, as a punishment for their previous revolt. in april, 1765, they offered to the government 12,000 pesos, as "a free donation, in view of the exhausted condition of the royal treasury;" and 8,000 pesos more to the audiencia, in order that they might be relieved from the aforesaid labor, which sum was surrendered by the auditors to the royal exchequer. viana recommended (respuestas, fol. 125v, 126) that these donations be accepted, and the sangleys relieved from the ditch-digging for such time as the 8,000 pesos would last; he estimated that the work might be completed with this sum, since the government could order that from the provinces all the criminals in the jails, and the "vagabonds and mischievous persons who abound in the villages," should be sent in to manila to work on the ditch--thus subserving at once the ends of justice, economy, and military defense. viana in this paper sarcastically refers to the part taken by the chinese in aiding the english against the spaniards during the late war, when, he says, thousands of sangleys performed all sorts of labors for the english, besides contributing money to aid them; he therefore considers it but just that they should now labor in the royal service, since it is quite enough favor to them that their lives have been spared by the spaniards.--eds. [89] "in this, as in other points in the memorial, anda is not the only one who points out the abuses committed by the missionaries." (here le gentil is cited; see our vol. xxviii, pp. 210, 218, where he speaks of the absolute power of the religious.) "the friars explained their attitude against the spaniards by saying that those who went to the provinces served only to instruct the indians in vices; but it is certain that, granted the sort of life led by the curas, and their absolute independence, the presence of a spaniard in the town must have been vexatious to them. besides, the latter could not tolerate their abuses without protesting against them; and his attitude would have served as an example and stimulus for the indians to escape from the insupportable domination and tyranny of the fathers. "at the end of this present century an intelligent and respectable dominican friar says, in an official memorial, referring to the spaniards of the provinces in filipinas: 'if they remain many years they live altogether like the indians--dragging along a miserable and wretched life, a disgrace to the spanish name in these islands--and become utterly slothful and vicious, deserving i know not whether pity or execration. for, since they come from españa without education or ability to undertake even a simple commission--and it is a wonder if in their own country they ever knew how to plow or make a pair of shoes--here they are of no use whatever. and, as here all the spaniards bear the title of don, and are addressed as señor, they are prone to desire to appear as such, establishing themselves with a white suit [americana], which costs them half a peso, and giving themselves airs as gentlemen, and persons of distinction. there are very few of them who make some little fortune--a situation which, however little it can be bettered, is never to be envied--and almost all of them lead a life that is melancholy and wretched enough, having become idlers, and scandalizing the indians of the villages wherever they go, being a disgrace to the spanish name in these islands.' such is the opinion regarding the spaniards residing in the provinces, expressed by the reverend father fray josé maría ruiz, in his memoria prepared for the exposition of filipinas at madrid in 1887, pp. 284, 285. in a decree dated august 4, 1765, the king, angered by the conduct of the friars who oppose the residence of the spaniards in the provinces, issues strict orders that no hindrance shall be placed in the way of such residence." (pardo de tavera, note 21, pp. 80-82.) [90] on july 9, 1765, viana demanded from the audiencia (respuestas, fol. 167v, 168) that the sangley traders of the parián and the alcaicería be expelled from the islands and their goods confiscated, as a punishment for their late treason, and also because they have been getting control of the retail trade of manila, and thus injuring the spanish shopkeepers. he also renews his proposal that the married chinese of the parián be sent to santa ynes, as a sort of penal colony to work in the mines and cultivate the ground adjoining. [91] "father fray gaspar de san agustin judged the chinese with the same prejudice as he did the indians; yet he was less hard and unjust than he was against the latter, about whom he wrote so much evil that afterward it was not possible to find any more failings or offenses to hurl against them." (pardo de tavera, note 23, p. 83.) [92] in the text, yermo ("desert"), a conjectural reading by pardo de tavera. [93] "there were in manila some chinese dominican friars, who had come from the missions which the order of preachers maintained in the neighboring empire." (pardo de tavera, note 24, p. 83.) [94] see instructions for the new audiencia, vol. v, pp. 298-300. [95] in the year 1583 some revolts by the indians occurred, caused by the bad treatment they received from the encomenderos; some of these fancied that the indians of their encomiendas were to serve them as slaves, and spared neither the lives nor the property of the natives in making themselves rich. the government intended to make some reforms, but delayed so long that the natives, having no other means of protecting themselves, thought they must revolt against the encomenderos. in 1584 the new audiencia arrived at manila, presided over by santiago de vera; "the state of things in which he found the country, the injustices which were committed on every side, the violent means to which the oppressed found themselves obliged to resort for self-defense, impressed him deeply--above all, when in 1585 rebellion was declared by the pampango and tagal indians. that prudent magistrate comprehended that the first thing which he must do in order to rule with justice was to understand the usages and customs of the country which he was commissioned to rule; and it was then that, knowing the remarkable abilities of the virtuous fray juan de plasencia, dr. vera wrote to him, asking that he would inform him in regard to the social and political organization of the tagals. as for the abuses of the encomenderos, undoubtedly they were magnified and exaggerated by the friars, whose interest it was to disparage the former, in order that they themselves might be absolute masters of the country in place of the encomenderos." pardo de tavera cites in full a letter from the king to archbishop salazar, dated march 27, 1583, in which the grievances of the indians are enumerated. "we are informed that in that province [of filipinas] the indian natives are seen to be dying, on account of the bad treatment inflicted on them by their encomenderos; and that the number of the said indians has been so diminished that in some places more than a third of them are dead. this is because the taxes are levied on them for the full amount, two-thirds more than what they are under obligation to pay, and they are treated worse than slaves, and as such many are sold by some encomenderos to others; and some are flogged to death; and there are women who die or break down under their heavy burdens. others, and their children, are compelled to serve on their lands, and sleep in the fields; and there they bring forth and nurse infants, and they die, bitten by poisonous insects; and many hang themselves, and are left to die, without food; and others eat poisonous herbs. and there are mothers who kill their own children when they are born, saying that they do so to free them from the sufferings which they are enduring. and the said indians have conceived a very bitter hatred to the name of christian, and regard the spaniards as deceivers, and pay no attention to what is taught to them; accordingly, whatever they do is through force. and these injuries are greater for the indians who belong to our royal crown, as being under [official] administration." the king, in view of all this, renews his instructions to the viceroys and governors to enforce the laws in behalf of the indians, and urges the bishop and other ecclesiastics to use their influence for this same purpose. (pardo de tavera, note 25, pp. 83-86.) see also salazar's letter to the king (vol. v, pp. 210-247). [96] "that the chinese should be more successful than the spaniard in filipinas is easily explained. in anda's time, the spaniard who went to the provinces to devote himself to trade was a poor man who had no official situation, and for that reason an unlucky fellow who could not depend on support and influence in a country where favor was the law; while the chinaman, with his presents, trinkets, and bribes, secured everything." (pardo de tavera, note 26, p. 86.) [97] "from the earliest days of the conquest of filipinas, the monarchs displayed decided earnestness that the knowledge of the castilian language should be diffused among their peoples; while the friars opposed to this a resistance as tenacious as it was hostile, not only to the interests of the civilization of these regions, but to the sovereignty of españa." (here is cited a royal decree, dated august 4, 1765, as an example of many, strictly commanding that the natives be taught the castilian language, and that no hindrance be placed in the way of the spaniards freely traveling and trading in the provinces.) "a few years ago señor escosura, royal commissary--whose complaisance toward the friars, so well known, gives more force to the censures which he directs against them--said, in speaking of the education of the filipinos: 'that education, in the first place, if we except the city of manila and its environs, is entirely reduced to instruction in the christian doctrine, in tagal or in the dialects of the respective provinces--and for the same reason, is in exclusive charge of the parish priests, either seculars or regulars (who are most in number and influence); and these pastors, to whom this country owes most important services, and whose usefulness and necessity i avow and proclaim, suffer, nevertheless, from some prejudice.... they assert that to teach the indians castilian would be to furnish them the means--which at present they lack, on account of the diversity of their dialects--to revolt against the spanish authority; that from the moment when they can readily understand the laws and measures of the government they will discuss these and comment upon them, from the standpoint of their local interests, and therefore in opposition to those of the metropolis; that to give these natives an idea of their own rights is to inoculate them with the spirit of rebellion; and that, the foundation of race superiority, which now aggrandizes the europeans, being thus destroyed, it would be impossible to govern these provinces without material force, as now.' and, in order to promote the teaching of castilian in the second half of the nineteenth century, señor escosura said that 'it would be expedient to address urgent requests to the archbishops and bishops, impressing upon them the necessity of their obliging the parish priests to fulfil the commands that are given on this point in the laws of the indias,' because in three centuries of spanish domination the laws and frequent decrees thereon had never been obeyed." (pardo de tavera, note 28, pp. 87-90.) [98] in the decree cited in the preceding note occurs the following statement: "if the indians had been taught the said [castilian] language, the calamities and vexations would not have occurred which were experienced by the spaniards, of both sexes, who in their flight after the loss of this fortress attempted to find asylum in the mountains and the villages nearest to them." [99] pardo de tavera cites (note 29, pp. 90, 91) several statements by rodriguez ovalle (whose ms. account of the siege of manila has been used by marqués de ayerbe in his sitio y conquista de manila) to show that a few of the religious tried to incite the indians in the provinces to rise against the spaniards, and some others became bandits; and that rojo was jealous of anda's position and authority. [100] "law 81, tit. xiv, book i of the recopilación de indias, issued in 1594, provides that 'the religious may not be served by the indians; but, in very necessary things, they may receive such service by paying them for it.' the construction of the village churches has been accomplished by obliging the indians to work gratis, to furnish the materials gratis, and to do everything gratis; the same procedure also served for building the convent or house of the cura." see note 80, ante, p. 146; also the report made by auditor gueruela on his visit to camarines in 1702, in vol. xlii, pp. 304-308. [101] "the complaints against the sort of abuses which are mentioned in this section of anda's memorial are precisely those which the filipino people formulated; it was those abuses which drove the filipinos to form the katipunan, to rise in armed revolt, and to struggle against the spanish government, in order to gain escape from friar dominion. recent occurrences, and the publicity regarding the promoters of the filipino insurrection, render it unnecessary for us to comment further on the words of anda." (pardo de tavera, note 31, pp. 91, 92.) [102] sínodo: here a synonym of estipendio (stipend), being the name of the stipend allowed to priests in america and the philippines. [103] "i do not recognize the word parilusclas, in the memorial; perhaps it is an error of the copyist. the fact is that the sick are conveyed in a hammock, a litter, or a sedan-chair to the door of the convent, where the cura comes down to confess them, give the viaticum, or apply the holy oils, as the case demands." (pardo de tavera, note 32, p. 92.) [104] "that his name shall be blotted from the book of life"--a statement made in the sensational sermon of the jesuit puch in 1764 (see pp. 24-26, ante). pardo de tavera says (note 33, p. 92) that this occurred in lima; he cites also a letter by corcuera in 1636 (see our vol. xxvi, pp. 60-72) to show that the political use of the pulpit by the friars was a practice of long standing. [105] see account of the santa ynes mine in note 55, ante, p. 107. [106] see the first document of this volume, "events in filipinas," for mention of this and other reforms made later by the spanish government, which are recommended by anda in this memorial. [107] "as fractional currency was always exceedingly scarce in filipinas, recourse was had, in order to remove the difficulty, to the proceeding of cutting into bits the pesos and half-pesos. it was undoubtedly for this reason that to the coins thus made were applied the tagal names of kahati (kalahati, "the half") for two reals, that is, the half of a half-peso; and sikapat (si-kaapat, "the fourth part") for one real, or the quarter of a half-peso; and so on--and, for the same reason, this was called in castilian moneda cortada ["cut money"]. these fragments of coin bore a stamp which indicated their value, and which was placed on them in manila; but, as the stamp did not indicate the exact size of the piece of coin, the various hands through which it passed diminished the amount of metal as much as they could, thus reducing it to its least possible size. governor la torre published an edict on april 25, 1764, in which, with the object of mitigating the bad results of this, since 'not only the sangleys, but the indians and mestizos, are unwilling to accept the cut money, on account of its debasement,' he made the decision (certainly a contraproducente [i.e., a measure producing effects contrary to what were intended]), to compel 'all the cut money to pass current for its value according to the stamp on it.' this remedy was evidently profitable for those who debased the money, because it was compulsory to take the money by its stamp, its debasement being treated with indifference. the term 'milled money' was applied to coin of proper standard and manufacture, full and exact weight, with milled edges; the chinese exported it, plainly because it alone could be accepted in the regions to which they carried it, but this did not occur with the cut money, which could only be accepted as bullion outside of filipinas. then, as now, was verified the natural phenomenon of the expulsion of good money from a country by that which is debased, because no one outside desires it, as it is not current by law." (pardo de tavera, note 39, pp. 101, 102.) [108] "whoever reads these last words of the auditor anda will not fail to make the melancholy reflection that at the end of the nineteenth century when the spanish domination in the filipinas islands was definitely overthrown, the last governor-general could have written the same sad complaint, could have addressed to the [spanish] nation the same catalogue of abuses and disorders, which, by perpetuating themselves and increasing, effected the result which exactly suited [such causes], the loss of filipinas!" (pardo de tavera, note 40, p. 102.) [109] pardo de tavera states (p. 6) that arriaga (misprinted arriola) was the king's secretary of state. [110] del-pan considers the ordinances of corcuera and cruzat much superior to those of raón. (see his introduction, p. 20.) these ordinances (only 1-38) are synopsized very briefly by montero y vidal, historia general, i, pp. 380-385. as here presented, the ordinances are translated partly in full and partly in synopsis, the latter indicated by brackets. [111] the leaders indicate that the text is illegible or lacking, because of the poor condition of the ms. (see del-pan, p. 117, note). [112] crawfurd calls attention (dict. indian islands, p. 345) to the resemblance between the philippine barangay and "our anglo-saxon tithings and hundreds." on the civic administration of philippine communities, see appendix in jagor's reisen, pp. 298-302. [113] the tagálog equivalent of polla, a chicken or young hen. [114] filipinos who serve as domestic servants. [115] noceda and sanlucar's tagálog vocabulario defines casonó as "a servant or companion who lives at home;" but it does not contain the word bilitao. this apparently is compounded from bili, "to buy, or sell," and tauo or tao, "man." [116] at this point the ordinances proper of corcuera, revised by cruzat, end. the revision was signed by cruzat at manila, october 1, 1696; and he orders alcaldes, chief justices, corregidors, and war captains, to obey strictly all of the regulations contained in it, under penalty of the punishments and fines mentioned therein. a copy of the ordinances is to be sent to each official, and a certified copy in triplicate to the supreme council of the indies. the following ordinances (39-61) are in the form of decrees of the manila government or of royal decrees, and contain many orders quite foreign to the mission of provincial chiefs, and, consequently, out of place in the ordinances. the last one is of the time of raón (1766), who in 1768 revised the ordinances of arandía. (see del-pan's introduction, p. 22, and p. 153 of the ordinances of corcuera and cruzat.) [117] noceda's (also santos's) tagálog vocabulario gives compra (spanish, meaning "purchase") as the equivalent of the native word bandala, meaning a compulsory purchase by the government of rice or other products from the natives, who evidently adopted the spanish word directly. (see vol. xlvii, p. 119.) [118] these ordinances are published also in autos acordados (manila, 1861), i, pp. 29-71; and in rodriguez san pedro's colección legislativa, i, p. 245. [119] when the ordinances were printed in 1801, the superiors of three of the religious orders immediately petitioned for the revocation of ordinances 16, 18, and 46, because they contained ideas injurious to the ecclesiastical estate. (del-pan, in his introduction, p. 7.) [120] this decree was registered in the accountancy-mayor of the royal tribunal and audiencia of accounts in manila, september 16, 1801; in the accountancy of the royal treasury of manila, september 18; and in the secretary's office of the royal audiencia, september 23. since only a simple copy of the ordinances existed in the secretary's office, the secretary asked the governor to order the castellan of cavite to send an attested copy in case he possessed one. the governor issued such an order september 7, which was complied with on the twelfth, the receipt of which is noted by the secretary on november 5. [121] the ordinances of governor pedro manuel de arandía were formulated in 1758, but no copy of them is known to exist. the ordinances of raón were formulated for the purpose of revising them, and had it not been for the castellan of cavite, it is to be feared that no authorized copy of them would be in existence. (del-pan, in his introduction to the ordinances, p. 7.) [122] a considerable number of these requests for such exemption are discussed in viana's respuestas; sometimes this privilege was granted, and sometimes it was refused. in march, 1765, the natives of tayabas petitioned for exemption for that year from the annual bandala of oil levied on them. viana recommends (respuestas, fol. iii v) that this be granted, but that the amount due from tayabas be levied on other provinces in proportion to their production of oil. [123] ordinance no. 51, it is to be noted, is only against brandy made from sugarcane; and the use of and traffic in other brandy was allowed and even stimulated. (del-pan, in his introduction, p. 17.) [124] this is the "zamboanga donation," made by the indians for the maintenance of the fort there (see vol. xlvii, pp. 119, 120). in 1765, the regular situado for zamboanga was 15,975 pesos (viana, respuestas, fol. 111). [125] "by royal order of september 21, 1797, issued in virtue of an expediente which, in the preceding year, gave full information in regard to the tenor of article 53 of the 'ordinances of good government,' his majesty decreed that 'the privilege of the indians to enjoy freely the use of the lands, waters, and pastures which they need for their tillage and stock-raising, ought to be understood to be limited to the lands (joining and close to their villages) which are or may be assigned to them, the rest of the land remaining subject to the rules that have been established for the sale and adjustment of the crown lands. and in order to avoid the abuses which are committed, under the pretext of the indians' privileges, in the leasing of the lands within the boundary of the villages, this will not be tolerated hereafter; but the lands assigned to the villages must be cultivated invariably by the indians in their own villages.'" (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 353, 354.) [126] in april, 1765, the royal engineer gomez asked that the churches of san anton, dilao, san lazaro, and the parián be demolished, as dangerous to the safety of the city in case they should fall into the possession of enemies; also the houses of bamboo and nipa, "which have extended up to the esplanades of puerta real and the parián." viana seconds this (respuestas, fol. 119-121), and adds to the list the churches of malate, la hermita, san miguel and others; he cites from recop. de indias the law forbidding any edifice within three hundred paces of the walls. he also advocates the removal of the aforesaid houses, and the formation of new villages, with a careful and regular arrangement of streets and houses, the inhabitants being placed therein according to their occupations--each guild [gremio] being aligned to a certain street; this would also enable the authorities to drive out all miscreants, collect the tributes to better advantage, and preserve order and justice. on march 22, 1765, viana recommended to the audiencia (respuestas, fol. 106v, 107) that the open country from bagumbayan to la hermita be cleared of everything thereon, no matter how light or combustible it might be, within the space of one month; and that the natives in the village of santiago be transferred to la hermita, or to any other of the neighboring communities, and dwelling-places be assigned to them from the communal lands of those villages, in recompense for the homes taken from them in santiago. [127] in 1838, the spanish government considered seriously the formulation of some new ordinances of good government for the philippines, the commission for the same being given to señor otin y duazo, a member of the royal audiencia. the motives for this are thus given in the memorial of the above, as follows: "the attention of your excellency has been justly called to the confusion and irregularity with which the alcaldes-mayor proceed in their government of these provinces, for the want of a uniform and general statute to serve as a standard in the performance of their duties; since the ordinances promulgated in 1768 have become entirely extinct through the abuses and vicious practices introduced by greed, caprice, or the indolence of the subordinates entrusted with their observance, and through the reforms rendered necessary by lapse of time and experience." it is not known that otin y duazo ever drew up any ordinances. seven years later, another lawyer, señor umeres, drew up a new project for ordinances of good government, in 252 articles. these ordinances contain many good matters, but cannot properly be called ordinances of good government. they contain matter on the following: general instructions to the provincial chiefs, similar to that circulated in spain by francisco javier de burgos in 1634, entitled instruccion á los subdelegados de fomento, containing general principles and a true plan of administration; a letter from the vice-patron to the diocesan prelates and to the superiors of the orders, concerning the relations of the parish priests with the administration; regulations of the native municipality, detailing the form of the elections and the duties of pedáneos, lieutenants, cabezas de barangay, and other purely local agents; regulations concerning the order and security in the villages, comprising restrictive clauses regarding gambling and vagrancy; regulations on the city policy; regulations concerning the polos, personal services, and other duties imposed by the local administration; and regulations concerning primary instruction, agriculture, stockraising, internal trade (treating of weights and measures, transportation, etc.). (see del-pan's introduction, pp. 35-37.) [128] these conferences of the clergy originally were held monthly, for consultation on difficult cases of conscience and the like, the investigation of crimes, etc.; they lasted from the ninth to the thirteenth century. they were revived by st. charles borromeo, but on a more modern plan, for the discussion of questions in morals, ritual, etc., with the object of providing that the clergy should have the knowledge necessary for their duties. these conferences prevailed in the catholic countries until the end of the eighteenth century, when they fell into disuse; but they have been once more revived in many countries, and are regularly held in all the dioceses of england. the rubrics are directions to be followed in mass and other sacred rites. (addis and arnold, catholic dictionary.) [129] vicar forane: "either a dignitary or, at least, if possible, a parish priest, who is appointed by the bishop to exercise a limited jurisdiction in a particular town or district of his diocese; an appeal lies from his decision to the bishop, who can also remove him at pleasure." (addis and arnold, p. 841.) [130] these instructions come at the end of a pastoral letter, headed thus: "we, don basilio sancho de santa justa y rufina, by the grace of god and of the holy apostolic see metropolitan archbishop of these filipinas islands; councilor and preacher to his majesty; and deputy vicar-general of the royal forces by land and sea in these eastern regions, etc." (they are obtained from ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, v, pp. 59-60.) [131] "all the disputes between españa and roma regarding the nature, extent, and limits of the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions--commonly known by the name of the regalias of the crown--are reflected in the continual conflicts with the nuncio, the inquisitor, and the confessor; and from them arose the pase regio and the disamortization [of corporation lands], in order to make themselves manifest in the expediente for the beatification of the venerable palafox, and to endeavor to find a definitive solution in the expulsion of the jesuits. carlos i and felipe ii of castilla alike considered themselves set apart by god to defend eternally the true faith, with the mission of guarding and protecting the church; and, like the ancient roman emperors, in temporal affairs they acknowledged no superiority or limitations on the earth. the king was regarded as a living law, a permanent tribunal, the supreme master and legitimate lord of all his vassals; in one word, the crown was looked upon as the defender of the church. the conflict of the middle ages ended, españa aspired to a double social ideal, unity of power and religious unity; and this thought produced concentration, and the desire to separate what was spiritual and concerned with dogma from what was temporal and belonging to the government of peoples. two distinct ideas strove together in the field of doctrine; one, supported by the submissions in former days of the eastern empire, claimed to subject temporal monarchs to the supreme political direction of the head of the catholic church; and the other, derived from primitive traditions, claimed that the catholic sovereigns ought to exercise, equally with the pontiffs, the external government of the church, as its natural protectors. a persistent and obstinate strife arose between the two ideas, and after several centuries the controversy was settled, by limiting the rights of the holy see to that which concerned dogmas and the spiritual power, and leaving to the royal authority all that referred to discipline and the exercise of government, in whatever relates to the security of the state and the welfare of the people. it is this which with some unfitness has been called regalías; and at bottom it has been nothing more than the recovery of the proper character of the civil power, and the demarcation of the attributes of the power of the church and the state. this demarcation, the strife over which lasted for entire centuries, was recognized in españa by the concordat of 1753, in which is declared the right of [ecclesiastical] patronage of the kings of españa; and to it the exequatur, disamortization, and the reform of both the regular and secular clergy, served them as a complement." (danvila, reinado de carlos iii, ii, pp. 270, 271.) the pase regio (latin, exequatur) above mentioned refers to the prerogative assumed by the spanish kings of the right to "pass" or confirm papal edicts or briefs, or those issued by other foreign ecclesiastics, or by the superiors of religious orders, before these could be valid in the spanish dominions; several instances of this have already been mentioned in documents of this series. "disamortization" (a word which, as the standard english lexicons contain no single word which expresses exactly the idea conveyed in the spanish desamortización, we are obliged to coin for this purpose, simply transferring it, in english form, from the spanish) means the act of setting free any lands which had been conveyed, in mortmain, to the corporations (mainly religious), that is, enabling other persons to acquire such lands. the exequatur is called by danvila (ii, p. 281) "the most transcendent of the regalías of the crown." [132] it may be noted that all these high ecclesiastics signed the reports of the council justifying the expulsion of the jesuits, and that the archbishop of manila (santa justa) is cited in various documents as having counseled the king to banish that order from his dominions. [133] "it is known that the society of jesus was, more than a religious association, in reality a great mercantile company, from a very short time after its institution until its extinction by clement xiv. its vast commercial transactions in europe, america, and oceania furnished to it immense wealth; and, infatuated with their power and the dominion which they exercised over the minds of their ardent followers; having gained possession as they had done of the confessional and directing the consciences of kings and magnates; and strengthened by the affection (which they exploited with great ability) of women--upon whom they always have exercised, as they still do, a magnetic influence--the jesuits considered themselves absolute masters of the world; and they devoted themselves to intervention in political affairs, managing with cautious skill political dealings in almost all countries, according to the degree in which these concerned their particular purposes. their insolent and illegal acts, their despotism, their ambition, the iron yoke with which they oppressed both kings and peoples; their disputes with the other religious associations, who could not look with pleasure on the predominance and wealth of the new society which so audaciously gathered in the harvest from the fertile vineyard of the lord; their dangerous maxims in regard to regicide, their demoralizing system of doctrine, their satanic pride and insatiable greed, their hypocrisy and corruption: all these raised against them a unanimous protest. mistrust of them awoke in kings and peoples; men of sincere purpose and true christian morals were alarmed; and on every side arose enemies of their order, and irrefutable proofs of their abominable aberrations were brought forward." (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 142-146.) [134] see detailed account of the so-called "family compact" and the secret agreement which accompanied it, in danvila, op. cit., ii, pp. 101-167. at the end he says: "the celebrated 'family compact' was never an affaire de coeur, but an alliance offensive and defensive in order to check the progress of the british arms in europa and america, and to dispute with england the maritime supremacy of which she had possessed herself.... the 'family compact,' and the secret agreement which completed it, were from the beginning an alliance offensive and defensive of españa and france against great britain." [135] montero y vidal makes numerous citations (hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 142, 143, 147-159) from letters written to pope innocent x in 1647 and 1649 by the noted bishop of la puebla, juan de palafox y mendoza, showing how great wealth and power the jesuits had attained in nueva españa, their hatred toward him and their conspiracies and even open attacks against him for doing his official duty, and their lawless, scandalous, immoral, and irreligious acts, as he has seen them. [136] in november, 1779, letters were received by the spanish government from their ambassador at rome, asking that, in view of the poverty and suffering endured by the ex-jesuits there, their pensions might be increased. inquiries were made as to their numbers, with the following results; "on april 1, 1767, there existed in españa 1,660 priests, 102 scholastics, and 965 coadjutors, making a total of 2,727. from the seven provinces of the indias there arrived at the port of santa maría 1,396 priests, 327 scholastics, and 544 coadjutors, making a total of 2,267. the pensions of both classes amounted to 7,264,650 reals. on april 1, 1779, there existed in italia 1,274 priests and scholastics, and 664 coadjutors belonging to the four provinces of españa [i.e., those of the jesuit order in that country, being designated as toledo, castilla, andalucía, and aragón], and, confined in them, sixteen priests and five coadjutors, the life-pensions of all these amounting to 2,852,600 reals; and from the seven provinces of indias there were 1,197 priests and 279 coadjutors, the yearly sum of whose pensions was 2,255,750 reals, including those assigned to the jesuits confined in españa. thus the difference between 1767 and 1779 was that of 2,151,300 reals, on account of the flight to foreign lands or the [ecclesiastical] suspension of 242 priests, 4 scholastics, and 145 coadjutors, and the death of 1,038 priests and 516 coadjutors. the twelve colleges and the procuradoría of the provinces of méjico and of filipinas, and of the college of navarra, yielded 3,665,133 reals, 15 maravedís, leaving a surplus of 1,111,408 reals. the expenses for pensions, maintenance in españa, clothing, and others which had arisen with the ex-jesuits from the indias, up to the end of june, 1779, reached the sum of 45,321,439 reals, 20 maravedís; and adding to this 3,086,767 reals, 14 maravedís, the value of a certain contribution given by order of his majesty to the royal hospital of this court, and the payment of debts contracted by some colleges in the indias, the total is 48,408,207 reals. the temporalities of the indias were therefore indebted to those of españa in 7,077,836 reals, 16 2-3 maravedís." in view of these statistics, the council did not feel able to increase the amount of the pensions, but agreed to send to the spanish ambassador at rome the sum of 1,500,000 reals, to be distributed among the ex-jesuits in such manner as would best relieve their poverty. (danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 614, 615.) (the above passage is carefully copied from danvila, but there are some discrepancies in the figures given; these cannot be verified, of course, without reference to the original document in the simancas archives cited by the author. these discrepancies are in all probability due to careless proof-reading, some instances of which we have seen in danvila's admirable work.) "some of the expelled [jesuits] did not content themselves with removing [from corsica] to the states of the church and the italian cities, but ventured to make their appearance in barcelona and gerona; and when the council committee had notice of this fact they assembled, and decided that the observance of the pragmatic sanction [for the expulsion] ought to be decreed, imposing the penalty of death on the secular lay-brothers, and perpetual confinement on those ordained in sacris." (danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 114, 115, 117.) the "suspension" referred to above evidently applies to certain persons who returned to secular life and occupations, some coadjutors even marrying wives. [137] it has been seen (note 135, ante) that the jesuits were bitter enemies of the visitor palafox; and the proposal to canonize him, which was made by carlos iii to the pope in 1760, aroused the strong opposition of that order. his letters to the pope in 1647 and 1649 had led to papal decrees enforcing the episcopal authority against the encroachments of the jesuits, which, after attempting to oppose them, the latter were finally compelled to obey. it was not until 1694 that the ecclesiastical authorities began to examine the writings of palafox; and it appears that his letter of 1649 was prohibited in the index expurgatorius in 1707 and 1747, and that by an edict of the inquisition of may 13, 1759 certain letters attributed to him were seized and publicly burned by the hangman--not because there was in them anything deserving theological censure, but on merely technical charges of having been published without the necessary "red tape" prescribed in such cases, and "in order to renew controversies already finished, with the sole object of calumniating and discrediting among the faithful the order of the society of jesus, against the intention and good fame of that prelate to whom they were attributed." the spanish rulers felipe v and fernando vi, and later carlos iii, had all at various times made efforts to have palafox's writings examined by the roman congregation of rites; for they regarded him as one of the defenders of the royal right of patronage in america. this was finally accomplished, the congregation declaring unanimously that they found therein nothing contrary to the faith or to good morals, or to sound doctrine; and that the process for his beatification might now be undertaken. the pope approved this finding, on december 9, 1760, and on february 5 following the supreme inquisition of spain published a decree annulling the above-mentioned prohibitions of his writings. it was thereupon made known to the spanish ministers that in the council of the indias no document remained which favored the cause of palafox; the records had been cut out and carried away. this mutilation was ascribed to the jesuits. the beatification of palafox was approved by the congregation of rites, and the pope confirmed this on september 6, 1766; but its execution forthwith encountered delays, showing that his enemies in rome were the same whom he had pointed out in his letter of 1649. (danvila, op. cit., ii, pp. 255-270.) [138] this decree, "if we view the occasion of its publication, and the terms in which it is expressed, accepted in the name of the court of roma the war to which all the catholic nations were provoking it; and accepted that war without sufficient power to defend itself. the attitude of france, españa, portugal, naples, and parma, and later of vienna, was the result of a new policy which strove to limit the power of the pontificate and to take away its temporal power; and the latter ought not to have begun hostilities without weighing well the consequences, and, above all, without estimating the forces on which it might depend for the combat. the monitory decree of parma, as the brief of january 30 is called, in which his holiness protested against all the measures which the catholic courts were putting into execution, was the origin and cause of the expulsion of the jesuits by the duchies of parma and plasencia; of the prohibition of the circulation in the catholic states of the bull in coena domini and of obedience to it; of the reëstablishment in those states of the pase regio, which had been suspended in españa since 1763; of barring from circulation the monitory decree, because it was considered hostile to the regalías of the crown and to the rights of the sovereigns; of the publication by order of the council, and at the cost of the spanish government, of the 'imperial judgment,' in which the rights of the holy see were limited exclusively to the faith, to matters of dogma, and to purely spiritual matters; of the reprisals with which the pope was threatened if he did not revoke the monitory decree; of the occupation of benevento and pontecorbo (which was an actual outbreak of hostilities), and the attempt to do the same with castro and ronciglione; of a mutual understanding between all the courts hostile to the holy see; and of the establishment of a general agreement that the extinction of the society of jesus would be an indispensable condition for the continuance of correspondence with the court of roma. the monitory decree of january 30 will signify, in the view of history, the termination of the secular dispute which roma kept up during two centuries; the triumph of a new policy; and the menace against the temporal power of the popes, which constituted the essential part of the controversy. with the monitory decree, roma was conquered, and the revolution made rapid advance." (danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 228-230.) [139] danvila's researches in the archives of simancas brought to light the opinions of the spanish prelates on the expulsion of the jesuits from that country; out of sixty, forty-six approved the suppression of the jesuit order, eight were opposed to it, and six excused themselves from expressing their opinions. (danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 428, 429.) [140] among the charges made in this paper is the following: "from filipinas comes evidence of not only their predictions against the government, but the illicit communication of their provincial with the english commander during the occupation of manila." [141] a note by crétineau-joly (p. 237) declares that alva, when on his death-bed, confessed to felipe bertram, bishop of salamanca, the general of the inquisition, that he "was one of the authors of the uprising of 1766, having incited it in hatred to the jesuits, and in order to cause it to be imputed to them. he also avowed that he had composed a great part of the supposed letter by the general of the jesuits against the king of spain." a protestant writer is cited as saying that alva made this same declaration to carlos iii, in writing. [142] spanish, capas y sombreros; an edict had been issued forbidding these to be worn by the inhabitants of madrid. [143] alluding to accusations against the personal character of isabel farnese, carlos's mother and wife of felipe v. [144] "don joseph raon was one of the most shrewd of the governors of manila in enriching himself without causing any one to complain; but he did nothing whatever for the service of the king. in 1768, manila was at the same point where the english left it in 1763, without cannon or gunpowder, the troops ill-fed and ill-paid." (le gentil, voyage, ii, p. 167.) it will be remembered that the french scientist was in manila at the same time when raón was. [145] in política de españa en filipinas, 1894, pp. 175, 176, retana describes a collection of documents which he had recently acquired, relating to the expulsion of the jesuits from the islands. among these were the official expedientes, and a series which contained the inventories of all the property which the jesuits possessed. the list of the papers and letters found in the college of san ignacio formed a folio volume of more than 600 pages. (there was also a list of all the books which the jesuits kept for sale. among these were more than 200 copies of noceda's diccionario, the first edition, of which copies are now considered exceedingly rare. "in this inventory appear books of which i believe not a single copy is now in existence.") the collection thus acquired by retana contained original letters from anda and santa justa to conde de aranda, and others by the jesuit clain, camacho, raón, anda, basco, and other noted persons. at the time, according to montero y vidal (hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 222) this collection, which contained more than 20,000 folios, was deposited in the colegio de agustinos at valladolid. [146] it is interesting to compare with this episode that of the banishment of the french jesuits in louisiana (1763), as related by father françois p. watrin; see jesuit relations and allied documents, lxx (cleveland, 1900), pp. 211-301. some of those exiles took refuge in the spanish-american colonies; others proceeded to france, but found that their order was being driven out of that country. [147] le gentil states (voyage, ii, p. 167) that cosio was banished to africa. [148] doubtless referring to appraisals and inventories made afterward by anda, who caused this to be done with great exactness. [149] buzeta and bravo say (diccionario, ii, p. 250) of the great college of san ignacio: "it is said that the building of this church of the society, its great convent, and the college of san jose (which it has close by) cost 150,000 pesos;" also that it occupied 34,000 square varas of space (or more than six acres). [150] at a fiesta held in the jesuit church at manila, in 1623 the statues of canonized jesuits were placed at the altar. "their garments were richly embroidered with gold and silver thread in intricate designs, and were all covered with jewels--diamonds, pearls, rubies, emeralds, seed-pearls, and other precious stones--arranged in such a manner that their luster and varied colors gave them a most pleasing and beautiful appearance. on the image of st. xavier were faithfully counted more than 15,000 precious stones and pearls, among them more than a thousand diamonds. on that of st. ignatius there were more than 20,000 jewels, and of these over 800 were diamonds." (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 41b, 42.) [151] a royal decree printed at lima in 1777 orders the presidents and auditors of the audiencias in those regions and filipinas, and archbishops and bishops in all the spanish dominions beyond the seas, to exercise great care and vigilance that no person shall talk, write, or argue about the extinction of the society of jesus, or the causes which led to it. [152] there is a play on words here, salud meaning both "greeting" and "salvation." [153] contemporaneous documents preserved with this decree by santa justa show that the imprints to which he refers were as follows (their titles being here translated): 1. "instruction to the princes regarding the policy of the jesuit fathers, illustrated with extensive notes, and translated from the italian into portuguese, and now into castilian, with a supplement on the orthodox belief of the jesuits. with permission of the authorities. at madrid, in the printing-office of pantaleon azuar, arenal street, the house of his excellency the duke de arcos. in the year one thousand, seven hundred, and sixty-eight. this will be found in the bookstore of joseph botanero on the said street of arenal, corner of zarsa street." 2. "reflections on the memorial presented to his holiness clement xiii by the general of the jesuits, in which are related various deeds of the superiors and missionaries of that order in all parts of the world, intended to frustrate the measures of the popes against their proceedings and doctrines, but which demonstrate the absolute incorrigibleness of that body. translated from the italian. madrid; by joachim de ibarra. in the year one thousand, seven hundred, and sixty-eight. this will be found in francisco fernandez street, in front of the steps of san phelipe el real." 3. "continuation of the portraiture of the jesuits, drawn to the life by the most learned and illustrious catholics, etc. third edition, with permission of the authorities. at madrid, in the shop of the widow of ericeo sanchez. in the year one thousand, seven hundred, and sixty-eight." 4. "portraiture of the jesuits, drawn to the life by the most learned and most illustrious catholics: authorized judgment formed of the jesuits, with authentic and undeniable testimonies by the greatest and most distinguished men of both church and state, from the year 1540, in which their order was founded, until 1650. translated from the portuguese into castilian, in order to banish the obstinate prejudices and voluntary blindness of many unwary and deluded persons who close their eyes against the beauteous splendor of the truth. third edition. with permission of the authorities, at madrid. at the shop of the widow of elicio sanchez. in the year one thousand, seven hundred, and sixty-eight." [154] it seems that auditor basaraz prohibited the circulation of these books, in which he was supported by raón; consequently the books that had been seized were held back, notwithstanding santa justa's protest, and the matter was not settled in court, as it should have been. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, pp. 196, 224.) [155] referring to the order of st. francis, since many of its members were martyred in the japanese persecutions. (about the time of the expulsion of the jesuits, their enemies declared that, while martyrs abounded in the other religious orders, the jesuits escaped that fate among the heathen.) in the other missions, the allusion is to the noted controversy over the chinese rites, in which the jesuits were accused of undue laxity and connivance with heathen customs; the same accusation was also made against them in some of the american missions. [156] marginal note: "father aloysius knapp was born at rheinfelden, canton of aargau, in switzerland, in 1720; entered the society (in the province of upper germany) in 1740, and professed in mexico in 1749. thence he went to the philippines; after exile therefrom he returned to his native land, where he died in 1775." [157] see account of this council on pp. 41, 42, ante. at that time the governor was anda, and the archbishop was santa justa. [158] archbishop santa justa's scheme of doing away with all popular church devotions (under the plea presented in this letter) had, singularly, its exact counterpart in several european countries, where, in almost the very same year, that identical movement was inaugurated in many places throughout all the dominions of joseph ii of austria--in austria itself, the low countries, tuscany, naples, etc. the mass of existing documents clearly show that the courts of vienna, paris, madrid, and lisbon were openly enlisted with the powers of irreligion to undo all christian belief even among the poor people at large. another point to be considered in connection with this is the social ferment and disquiet of that period.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [159] latin, conciliabulum (cf. spanish conciliabulo); see vol. xlii, p. 109, note 36. [160] latin, clerici (spanish, clerigos); it always means secular priests, in contradistinction to the "regulars," or "religious," of the monastic orders. the same distinction is found in the use of presbyter and sacerdos (spanish, presbítero and sacerdote), the former meaning a secular priest, the latter a regular priest. [161] as here used, institutis means literally "their proceedings," or "devices," or "schemes;" and comprecationes, "their prayer-meetings," and the like--which have been rendered by the words which seem to convey the meaning intended. the friars (the "padres," as the indians called them) established many sorts of sodalities, brotherhoods, fraternities, etc., to keep their natives straight; they also furnished all sorts of attractions in the church--music, chants, prayers, etc.--to keep them engaged during divine service. in this way the padres kept the natives fairly christian.--rev. t. c. middleton, o. s. a. [162] "come, let us adore the king, for whom all things live; come, let us exult," etc. the invitatory is the opening part of matins, which is here parodied à la voltaire.--rev. t. c. middleton, o. s. a. [163] these were ildefonso garcia de la concepción and joaquín traggia. gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume li, 1801-1840 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume li preface 11 documents of 1801-1840 events in filipinas, 1801-1840. [compiled from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas.] 23 remarks on the philippine islands, 1819-22. "an englishman;" calcutta, 1828 73 reforms needed in filipinas. manuel bernaldez pizarro; madrid, april 26, 1827 182 bibliographical data 275 appendix representation of filipinas in cortes. [compiled from various sources.] 279 list of the archbishops of manila, 1581-1898. [compiled from various sources.] 298 illustrations chart of china sea and the philippines, 1794, in the complete east india pilot, printed for laurie & whittle (london, 1800), ii, map 114; photographic facsimile from copy in library of congress. frontispiece plan of a portion of manila, showing new works constructed december 15, 1770-june 15, 1771, drawn by the engineer dionisio kelly, 1771; photographic facsimile from ms. map (in colors), in archivo general de indias, sevilla 29 chart of the port of san luis, in the marianas islands, 1738; photographic facsimile from original manuscript by adjutant domingo garrido de malavar, in archivo general de indias, sevilla 67 plan of the environs, and a portion of the coast and bay adjacent to the city of manila, 1779 (?); photographic facsimile from original ms. map (in colors), in archivo general de indias, sevilla 161 plan showing outer works of manila, drawn by the engineer tomás sanz; photographic facsimile from original ms. map (in colors), in archivo general de indias, sevilla 193 preface in the present volume, a brief outline of events in filipinas during the period 1801-40 serves as a background and setting for the following surveys of political, social, and economic conditions in the islands during that period. of these, one is made by an english naval officer who had visited the islands, another by a spanish official of long experience, and a third (presented in synopsis) by a merchant familiar with the commerce of the orient and the americas. these different accounts (written at nearly the same time) furnish most valuable knowledge of the philippines and their people, and their needs and possibilities; and at the same time they reflect the more enlightened and liberal ideas of policy and administration which had gained a foothold in spain, and which the recent loss of her other colonies had made her more willing to put in practice in filipinas. the leading events in philippine history during the first four decades of the nineteenth century are briefly epitomized from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas. governor aguilar opposes the appointment of native secular priests to the curacies, regarding them as unfit for these posts. during his term, he introduces public street-lighting, paved sidewalks, and vaccination in manila, and various other beneficial measures; he attempts, but with little success, to check the piracies of the moros, and is compelled to desist therefrom by news of the war between england and spain, and the consequent danger to manila. at his death (august 8, 1806) an officer named folgueras becomes governor ad interim; he strengthens the fortifications of manila, and quells a revolt in ilocos. he is succeeded (march 4, 1810) by the new proprietary governor, gonzález aguilar, who promotes cattle-raising in the provinces, quells another insurrection in ilocos, publishes the first newspaper in filipinas, and proclaims the spanish constitution of 1812. in 1813 arrives his successor, josé de gardoqui, whose rule is by no means easy; for he is opposed by corrupt royal officials, and has to encounter revolts among the indians caused by the publication of the new spanish constitution--disturbances which are aggravated by the despotic acts of fernando vii on regaining his crown (1814). gardoqui prohibits the introduction and use of opium in the islands, strengthens the fortifications of cavite, puts down banditti and smugglers, and in many other ways benefits the colony; he dies in december, 1816, and is succeeded by folgueras. the latter revives the economic society, and founds a nautical academy. in 1820 occurs the first epidemic of cholera morbus, which is unfortunately accompanied by a massacre of the foreigners in manila, executed by the credulous indians who have been persuaded by malicious persons that the pest was caused by the foreigners having poisoned the waters. martínez, who becomes governor on october 30, 1822, brings over a number of spanish officers for the filipinas regiments; this creates jealousy among the officers who had come from america, which results in a mutiny among them and part of the troops in manila (june, 1823); this is put down, and the leaders are shot. an expedition is sent against the moros (1824), which lays waste their shores. on october 14, 1825, martínez is replaced by mariano ricafort as governor; the latter is also made chief of the treasury. the parish curacies are, by a royal decree in 1826, restored to the regular orders. in 1827 the naval bureau is reëstablished at manila, under pascual enrile, who succeeds ricafort as governor in 1830. (both these men were among the most illustrious rulers of filipinas, on account of their ability, uprightness, and zeal for the public welfare.) in 1828 the insurgent mountaineers of bohol are finally subdued, and reduced to villages. various royal decrees are obtained for the promotion of agriculture, manufactures, and other industries; and for obliging the chinese to live in villages, like the indians. several important reforms in the administration and the social conditions of the colony are instituted by these two governors, and enrile is especially active in building highways and providing other means of communication to bring the inland and the maritime provinces into communication with each other. in 1836, governor salazar has to enforce the laws forbidding the sale of firearms and powder to the enemies of spain; he also makes a treaty of commerce with the joloans, which does not, however, restrain them from piracy. in 1837, he urgently requests the spanish government to send more spanish friars to the islands as parish priests. the political disturbances in spain at this time are reflected in filipinas, and a strong carlist faction oppose governor camba (who assumes that office in august, 1837), and finally procure his recall to spain, little more than a year afterward. under his successor, lardizábal, the status of the chinese in the islands is determined, provision is made for the official censorship of books brought to filipinas, a school of commerce is established at manila and various important changes are made in financial and municipal administration. in february, 1841, lardizábal is succeeded by marcelino de oráa. in 1828 was published at calcutta an interesting book entitled, remarks on the phillippine islands, 1819 to 1822, "by an englishman"--as he states therein, a naval officer; this is here presented, with additional annotations from various sources. it throws much light on conditions in manila at that time, and is of especial value as coming from an enlightened foreigner, rather than a spaniard. he praises the natural resources and advantages of the islands, and makes various comments on their climate (which "is remarkably temperate and salubrious"), diseases, and population; he then classifies this last, describing in succession the various races, white, colored, and mixed, who inhabit the islands. he defends the natives from accusations which have been made against them, and considers their defects as the natural result of the oppression and injustice which they have suffered, and the general insecurity of property in the islands. robbery and piracy prevail there, outside of the new spanish towns; and even in manila there are numerous acts of pillage committed by the lawless soldiery. justice is neglected or corrupted; and the church exacts so many holidays, pilgrimages, etc., that the natives are obliged to neglect their fields, and tend to become idle and dissipated; they also are burdened by many church taxes and impositions. our writer proceeds to describe the government of the islands, general, municipal, and provincial, and the abuses prevalent in the last-named; then the ecclesiastical administration, the character of the clergy, and their influence over the natives. the sources of the colonial revenue are enumerated, with the chief branches of expense, the main part of this being for the military and naval forces, both of which are mismanaged, ill-disciplined, poorly paid, and of course very inefficient. agriculture is "yet in its infancy," as a result partly of the oppression of the natives, partly of the expulsion of the jesuits--who did more than any others to civilize the indians--and partly of the restrictions on commerce, which now are less oppressive; yet the country is almost incredibly fertile. the implements used in tillage are described, with the methods of cultivating the chief products, and that of refining the sugar produced there; and the reasons are given why europeans have been unable to engage in agriculture with success. the mineral products of the islands are enumerated. commerce is, like agriculture, still undeveloped; our author attributes this to the acapulco trade, to the prohibitory system pursued by spain and to the monopoly allowed to the philippine company, and criticises spain's policy toward her colonies. he then describes the condition of philippine commerce, with statistics of 1818; and the difficulties under which it labors--especially the insecurity of property and contracts, the fraudulent dealings of the chinese merchants; and the neglect of government to prevent smuggling or to make suitable provision for reëxportation of goods--which have prevented manila from being one of the great centers of oriental trade. the second part of these "remarks" is devoted to manila; a description of the city, its fortifications (which our writer considers very inefficient on the side next to pasig river), streets, public buildings, mode of constructing houses, and the public cemetery; and social conditions there, which are unfavorable to morality and the development of character. the author criticises the colonial policy of spain, and regards her tenure of rule over filipinas as precarious, especially as discontent and ideas of political freedom are spreading among the indians. of unusual interest and value is a memorial written (april 26, 1827) by manuel bernaldez pizarro, on the "causes which antagonize the security and progress of the filipinas islands," and which bring about their backward condition, with the measures which he judges desirable for their correction. as a high official in filipinas during seventeen years, his opinions are of much importance, especially as he was evidently a clear-sighted and upright statesman, a keen observer, and a logical thinker--albeit he was, like the majority of government officials, still much under the sway of autocratic and regalistic notions--and was fertile in ideas and projects for improving the condition of filipinas. the memorial is methodically arranged in sections relating to military affairs, moro piracies, land-titles, spanish vs. native clerics, the residence of foreigners in the islands, character of government officials, administration of justice, taxes and revenue, commerce, agriculture, manufactures, etc. on each of these subjects he presents a concise statement of present conditions and tendencies, followed by his recommendations for change, reform, or suppression. in the army, the principal difficulty lies in the corps of officers, partly peninsular and partly native or american, with indian subalterns; these classes have almost nothing in common, and the latter are dangerously near to the indians, or are spoiled by the tendencies of the country. provision should be made, therefore, for sending officers from spain to fill all posts of command. instead of enlarging the military force, a central location (afterward indicated as cavite) should be selected, and rendered impregnable to assault, in which the government and the spanish population of manila might be safe in any revolution or other dangerous emergency; manila is not sufficiently fortified for such a purpose. the piracies of the moros are ruining the islands; the only way to check them is to conquer joló and mindanao with a powerful expedition, and colonize them from the visayas. the indian villages are often much too large to be properly directed in either spiritual or civil matters, and should be made smaller, with stricter police patrol. measures should be taken to authenticate and confirm the titles to landed property, which at present are confused and unreliable. much harm is caused by the ignorance, unfitness, and immorality of the indian and mestizo clerics; they not only neglect their priestly duties, but have dangerous tendencies to revolution; as soon as this is practicable, all such should be replaced by european friars. bernaldez descants upon their virtues and their ability to rule the indians well, and advises the government "to maintain as many religious as possible in the islands, and give them as much political authority as is consistent with their ministry." foreigners are undesirable as residents in filipinas, especially exiles, idlers, and stowaways; and even spaniards from the peninsula should be compelled to return thither after a certain period. strict residencias should be required from the alcaldes-mayor, as many of them are unfit to hold that office, and commit crimes which render them dangerous to the peace of the provinces. greater care should be exercised in the selection of all government officials, in order to correct the laxity which everywhere characterizes the administration of the islands. there is pressing necessity for better means of communication with the mother-country, which can best be promoted by encouraging her commerce with filipinas. the governors and intendants should be obliged to furnish the reports and information about the country which the laws require; and there should be more coöperation between the governor and the audiencia. private persons of means should be encouraged and aided to undertake the enterprises which the country needs. various specified abuses in the administration of justice should be corrected; and the trading alcaldes-mayor should be replaced by corregidors, who should be able and experienced lawyers. the tributes ought to be paid in money, and not in kind; and this involves the need of a colonial money for filipinas. the revenue taxes, especially those on tobacco and wine, should receive more attention, and these two should be extended to all the provinces; and the manufacture and sale of brandy in the islands should be restricted. the chinese in the islands should be carefully classified, more strictly supervised by the government, and more heavily taxed. the rebate of duties granted on all foreign imports at manila is ruining the filipinas manufacturers, whose "infant industries" should be protected; and bernaldez proposes a new schedule, carefully classified. the inter-island trade is exclusively in the hands of the alcaldes-mayor and the rich chinese and mestizos, who should therefore pay a moderate tax on that lucrative commerce. a colonial currency is urgently needed. an account of the management of the obras pías should be demanded by the government, and those funds should be employed in promoting agriculture and industry in the islands. the shipbuilding and mining carried on by the government ought to be furnished by private persons under contract. agriculture is the most important industry of filipinas, and a feeder to its commerce; its backward condition should be remedied. he recommends direct and unlimited commerce between spain and the islands, government encouragement to large agricultural enterprises, instruction of the indians in better methods of agriculture and the preparation of its products, and rewards for industry and application on their part. the production of opium for the chinese market ought to be allowed in filipinas, and heavy duties collected on its exportation. enormous sums of money are yearly carried to india and china for fine cotton goods, which could as well be manufactured by the filipinos if they knew how to dye these properly and had machinery for spinning the cotton thread; the government should take active and prompt measures to secure this desirable end. closer relations should be established with spain, whose government and merchants are urged to work together in behalf of this. bernaldez concludes by showing "the necessity of forming a special code of laws for filipinas," and of "a periodical visitation of that colony by officials from the peninsula." as appendix to his memorial, we present a summary of a similar document, written at nearly the same time by a merchant of long and varied commercial experience in the orient and the americas. less official and formal, but more shrewd, alert, and liberal, this writer presents his views, with much clearness and force, on the decadence of the islands and the means of making them more prosperous and wealthy; and a comparison of these with the opinions of bernaldez might well be helpful to the present administration of filipinas. in an appendix to this volume we present a brief account of the three spanish cortes in which the philippines had representation; all these sessions occurred in the early part of the nineteenth century, one of the most disturbed and critical periods of spain's national existence. the most important measures of these cortes concerning the philippines were, the suppression of the acapulco-manila galleon and the abolition of the privileges formerly granted to the compañia de filipinas. in each of these assemblies efficient representation of the islands was barred by their distance from spain and the difficulty of communication with that country, while, in general, political development was very backward. the final ruling, in the constitution of 1837, by which special laws were devised for the government of ultramar, appears to have been the only possible solution of the difficulty (at least for the philippines). finally, we furnish a list of the archbishops of manila during the spanish régime. the editors. may, 1907. documents of 1801-1840 events in filipinas, 1801-1840. [compiled from montero y vidal.] remarks on the phillippine islands, 1819-22. "an englishman;" 1828. reforms needed in filipinas. manuel bernaldez pizarro; april 26, 1827. sources: the first document is compiled from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas (tomo ii, pp. 360-573; iii, pp. 6-32); the second is reprinted from the original publication, a copy of which is in possession of edward e. ayer; the third is presented, partly in synopsis, from original mss. in the ayer collection. translations: the first and third are made by emma helen blair. events in filipinas, 1801-1840 [at the beginning of volume l may be found a brief summary of events during the latter third of the eighteenth century, a record which is here continued as above. as before, we epitomize from montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas (tomo ii, pp. 360-573; iii, pp. 6-32), using his own language wherever practicable, usually distinguished by quotation marks.] under governor aguilar the "ordinances of good government," as revised by governor raon in 1768 (for which see vol. l, pp. 191-264), were reprinted in the year 1801. "on september 8, 1804, don fray juan antonio zulaibar, a dominican, and formerly a professor in the university of alcalá, took possession of the archbishopric of manila." in november following, the governor sent despatches to the king explaining his action in appointing to certain curacies regular instead of secular priests, saying that the latter were seldom qualified for those charges. he said, in regard to this: "no one is ignorant how different are the appearance and the degree of prosperity of all the churches and settlements administered by religious from those in the villages which are in charge of indian clerics. of the latter, some are doubtless men of virtue and pious intentions; but in general it is notorious that, on account of their origin, lack of education, the very obscure condition in which they are reared, and the little (if any) knowledge that they possess, they do not inspire in their parishioners that respect and veneration with which the latter regard the religious--who, on account of being spaniards, possess the art of dominating the minds of the indians, in order to maintain them in those conditions on which depends the preservation of these your majesty's dominions. the religious know how to guide the indians, without violence, to whatever ends are expedient for both religion and the state, as the results of never becoming too familiar with the natives. the indian clerics not only follow the opposite course, but, lacking the dignity that belongs to their character as priests, they mingle familiarly with their parishioners not only in their sports, but in feasting and other things which are entirely unfitting; and not seldom they dress themselves in the same manner as do the natives, abandoning the very garb of their priestly estate." he proceeded to say that only deplorable consequences could result from the surrender of the curacies entirely to the native priests; and that the religious of the orders must be employed therein, unless they could be supplied with properly qualified secular priests who were spaniards. the same ideas were expressed by the municipal council of manila, who said of the native priests: "the weak and yielding disposition which has been for so long a time noticed in these islanders does not permit in them that steadfastness which is so proper for the priestly character and the difficult office of the care of souls." "in june, 1805, the frenchman félix renouard de sainte-croix was commissioned to examine the gold mines in mambulao (in camarines); and in his report he explained that various gold mines existed there, with very rich veins, but some were difficult to develop and others had been abandoned. by royal order of july 5, 1805, was decreed the total independence of the manila custom-house, ordaining that its manager should be under the immediate orders of the [treasury] superintendent." [1] on december 20, 1806, aguilar created a bureau of vaccination at manila, of which he was president; and regulations were made for public vaccination, which had a marked effect in diminishing the ravages of the smallpox. this governor gave much attention to the construction of public works, one of the more important of these being the highway from manila to cavite. he caused the streets of the capital to be lighted at public expense, and paved sidewalks to be built, and made the police system more efficient; he also did much to promote domestic industries. aguilar endeavored, throughout his term of office, to check the incursions of the moros. the pirates attacked even the coasts of luzón in 1793, and an expedition sent out against them in december of that year accomplished almost nothing, being too late and ineffective. in the following year the governor called a council of the leading military officers and other persons experienced in moro wars and the affairs of the southern islands, where it was shown that the moros made captive some 500 persons a year, whom they rendered slaves--excepting the old, who "were sold to the inhabitants of sandakan, who sacrificed these captives to the shades of their deceased relatives or of prominent personages, [2] preserving the skull of the victim as a proof that they had complied with so barbarous a usage." it was shown at this council that during the time from the establishment of the vintas in 1778 until the end of 1793 the colony had spent the sum of 1,519,209 pesos fuertes for vessels, expeditions, wages, etc., in the warfare with the moros, to say nothing of the losses and destruction caused by the pirate raids. the council resolved to abolish the present equipment of vintas and pancos, replacing these by lanchas carrying cannon, in six divisions of six lanchas and one panco each, with extra pay and honors to the crews; and to repair and strengthen all the forts on the coasts liable to attack. aguilar attempted to open negotiations for peace with the moro sultans; but these had no effect, the piracies still continuing. in the summer of 1794, a portuguese trader of manila who had carried goods to joló was treacherously attacked on his return, when near iloilo, by the same moros with whom he had traded at joló; but he defended his vessel bravely, and one of the leading dattos of joló was killed in the fray. in august, 1795, two vessels of the spanish royal navy arrived at manila, with tidings that the english, again at war with spain, were planning to occupy the filipinas islands; this compelled aguilar to desist from further proceedings against the moros, for the time. it was hoped that álava and his powerful squadron (who remained at manila during 1797-1802) might chastise the moros, but nothing was accomplished in this direction--either through fear of another english invasion, or because of the disagreements between aguilar and álava. [3] on january 21, 1798, two english ships attacked the spanish post at zamboanga, but were bravely repulsed with much damage to the invaders. in that year a strong force of moros attacked the village of baler and others inland from the eastern coast of luzón [where now is the province of principe], constituting the oldtime missions of ituy; they devastated these towns, and seized four hundred and fifty captives, among them three parish curas, one of whom was sold by them for 2,500 pesos. these pirates were established in burías island for four years, from which center they harried the neighboring coasts. in 1799, the authorities decided that it was more expedient that the warfare with the moros be carried on by the provincial authorities, with the direction and aid of the central government; and instructions to this effect were sent to all the alcaldes-mayor. in 1800 aguilar established friendly and commercial relations with bandajar, sultan of borneo; and on november 4, 1805, his governor at zamboanga, francisco bayot, made a treaty of peace with mahamad ali mudin, sultan of joló, in which the latter agreed to forbid any foreigners to reside in his dominions without the consent of the spanish government, and in case of war to close his ports to enemies of spain. in 1804-05 english cruisers were frequently seen off the coasts of filipinas, and they even attempted to capture several villages on the mindanao coast, but were repulsed. on aguilar's death (august 8, 1806), the rule of the islands was assumed by the king's lieutenant at manila, mariano fernández de folgueras; and his first measures were for the defense of manila, as there were rumors of another attack by the english. in the summer of 1807, there arose a rebellion in the mountains of ilocos norte, begun by certain spanish deserters from vigan in conjunction with some vagabond indians; afterward it spread to many of the ilocans, who resented the government monopoly of wine and prohibition of native manufacture of basi (a liquor produced by the fermentation of the juice of sugar cane). this revolt was put down without much difficulty, and the leaders were hanged at manila; much was accomplished by the augustinian fathers of ilocos in restoring peace. in february, 1809, the news arrived at manila of the french invasion of spain, and the captivity of fernando vii; the manila authorities promptly declared their loyalty to that monarch. somewhat later a french schooner of war was captured off the coast of batangas, and the french authorities at isle de france endeavored to persuade those at manila that england, not france, was the enemy of spain, and that the people of filipinas ought to support the french interests. folgueras answered, refusing to accept any such propositions, and would do no more than to return the french prisoners from the captured vessel. on march 4, 1810, the new proprietary governor manuel gonzález aguilar, assumed his office. on february 14 preceding, a decree had been issued by the spanish government granting to all the colonies in america and to filipinas representation in the spanish cortes by deputies chosen by the various capital cities. the sessions of this cortes began on september 24, 1810, and filipinas was represented therein by acting deputies; afterward, one was duly chosen (ventura de los reyes) by the municipality of manila, according to the forms required. [4] "in the jurisdiction of each village in the philippine archipelago, there are extensive communal lands, in which the natives can keep, almost without cost and easily guarded, their herds of cattle and horses. in regard to these lands (which in that country are called estancias ["ranches"]), the new governor framed a useful ordinance, which remained in force, with good results, during a long period. (it has now fallen into disuse, and many of the communal lands have become the property, illegally acquired, of private persons.) important service was rendered [to the country] by these ranches, on account of the increase of live-stock and its great cheapness; and a positive source of wealth for the provinces was initiated with the exportation of their cattle." in the sessions of cortes in 1811, a decree was issued (january 26) that trade in quicksilver should be free in all the spanish dominions of indias and filipinas. in the summer of 1811, a new rebellion broke out among the natives of ilocos norte, some of whose chiefs attempted to found a new religion, in behalf of a deity whom they called lungao; [5] they endeavored to persuade the heathen mountain-dwellers of cagayan to join them, but the insurrection was quelled promptly by the spaniards, and the ringleaders put to death. it was in gonzález aguilar's time that the indians were allowed to render the services required from them for public works on those in their neighborhood. in order to relieve the public anxiety and impatience caused by the dearth of news from the mother-country, the authorities of the colony undertook to publish a sort of gazette containing such information as was available from europe--mostly received through english publications that came from bengal. accordingly, "the first newspaper in filipinas made its appearance on august 8, 1811," [6] the second number appearing three days later; it was published during the rest of 1811 and part of 1812, and must have ceased for lack of material. [7] "on account of the war which españa was sustaining against the french invaders, the religious corporations agreed to contribute with their donations toward the expenses of so great an undertaking; the order of dominicans gave with that object, in august, 1812, the sum of 36,000 pesos. on march 19 the constitution of 1812 was promulgated at cádiz, and orders were issued that allegiance to it should be sworn in all the towns of the monarchy. the deputies signed it on the eighteenth, and among the signatures appears that of don ventura de los reyes." the constitution was solemnly proclaimed in manila on april 17, 1813, and the oath of allegiance was taken on the following day. a decree in cortes (july 3, 1813) extended to the veteran troops of the over-seas colonies the same scale of rewards as had been recently granted to the soldiers of the peninsula. in that same year a special effort was made by the spanish government to add to its revenues by pushing in the colonies the sale of bulls of the crusade. [8] a new governor arrived at manila assuming command on september 4, 1813; this was josé de gardoqui jaraveitia, who also had appointment as chief of the naval station. this exasperated the treasury officials, for thus the entire naval force was under one head, that sent against the pirates [which aguilar had stubbornly kept separate from the naval bureau--see "events in filipinas," vol. l, pp. 23-74] being now taken from their control, with all its opportunities for their personal profit; and they opposed gardoqui in whatever he proposed or undertook. [9] on february 1, 1814, a fearful eruption occurred in the volcano mayón, which partially or wholly destroyed many villages in albay and camarines; hot stones, sand, and ashes were poured forth from the crater, and villages were thus set on fire, and their inhabitants killed. the slain numbered 12,000, besides many more seriously injured; and those who escaped lost all their possessions. the most fertile and beautiful districts of camarines were converted into a desert of sand. "the introduction into filipinas of the political reforms established at the metropolis [of madrid] were the occasion, in certain localities of the archipelago, of lamentable disturbances of public order. the indians understood that the proclamation of the political creed of 1812, solemnly made known to the country, signified exemption from tributes and public services; and this absurd belief spread to such an extent that the governor of the islands found himself obliged to publish an edict on february 8, 1814, explaining the extent of the benefits conferred [by the constitution], and the necessity which exists in every nation for paying contributions for supporting the expenses of the state. these explanations did not satisfy the indians, and uprisings occurred in various places, principally in ilocos norte; the people claimed that they ought to be relieved, as were the notables, from polos and services, or the obligation of laboring on public works, as bridges, highways, churches, convents, school-houses, etc.,--an exaction which, according to them, did not go with the equality which was established among all by the constitution; and it cost the alcalde-mayor of the province his utmost efforts to restrain the ilocanos from violence." still worse were the effects of the renewal of absolutism in spain, on the return of fernando vii from his captivity in france; for on may 4, 1814, he issued a decree abolishing the cortes, and nullifying its acts, and immediately began a course of persecution and condemnation, even to death, of all the prominent liberals in the country. he also reëstablished in spain the inquisition [10] (which had been abolished by the cortes on february 22, 1813), and the society of jesus. when the royal decrees were received in filipinas, the indians believed that they were false, and concocted in manila; one thousand five hundred ilocanos seized their arms, and began plundering, killing, and destroying throughout the province. this was mainly, however, a rebellion of the common people (tagal, cailianes) against the ruling class, the principalía or notables; and the latter finally took arms against the rebels, aiding the spaniards to suppress the insurrection. on july 20, 1814, a treaty of peace was made between spain and france. "gardoqui, by an edict of december 1, 1814, prohibited the introduction of opium into filipinas, imposing on those who should violate this law six years of confinement in a presidio and the confiscation of the opium; and to those who were found smoking the drug a fortnight's imprisonment for the first offense, thirty days for the second, and four years in presidio for the third. a term of eight days was allowed in order that persons who might possess unsold stocks of the said drug could deposit them in the custom-house for reshipment to china. in the said year of 1814, there was built in the environs of the town of laoag (ilocos norte) a leper hospital, at the expense of the charitable parish priest there, fray vicente febras, an augustinian; and this act is worthy of note, since this was the first establishment of the kind in the provinces of the archipelago." a royal decree of august 22, 1815, reëstablished the jesuit order in the indias and filipinas; and another, dated december 11, commanded the seizure in the colonies of various political books and pamphlets, with penalties for their use in schools. after the death of governor aguilar, the moro pirates were comparatively quiet for a time, but in 1813 they renewed their attacks on the spanish territories, and during several years they harassed the latter, taking many captives, and even seizing several vessels, both spanish and english, on the seas. governor raffles, of java, after the restoration of that island by england to holland, proposed to gardoqui that they coöperate in occupying joló and mindanao; but the spaniard declined this, protesting against any operations by the english in spanish territory. "gardoqui, during his term of office, caused the fortifications of cavite to be repaired, making them very strong; he issued orders regulating weights and measures; he created the general administration for the revenues from wine; and he occupied himself greatly with the improvement and development of the tobacco plantations. the bandits, smugglers, and gamblers had been increasing at an alarming rate; and, in order that they might be promptly punished the governor appointed a military commission, headed by a lieutenant-colonel. thanks to their energetic proceedings, the desired object was attained." gardoqui's last days were embittered, and his end hastened, by the treacherous act of one of his secretaries, who, by substituting a false report for the one which gardoqui had dictated in favor of retaining the naval bureau, procured the governor's unwitting signature to the former and thus made him appear to report adversely to the bureau; as a result, the bureau was suppressed by a royal decree of march 23, 1815. his disappointment and wounded honor so grieved him that his death soon resulted (december 9, 1816). the command ad interim was again assumed by folgueras, who held it during nearly six years. on december 17, 1819, he reëstablished the "royal economic society of filipinas," as a result of royal orders to that effect issued in 1811 and 1813; and five days later its first session was held, the governor presiding, only two members of the original society being still alive. [11] a month later, it met again, with sixty new members, and manuel bernáldez was chosen director of the association; and its new ordinances were approved by the governor on july 24 following. folgueras, learning that certain immunities and advantages had been granted to cuba and puerto rico for the encouragement of agriculture, requested from the home government similar help for filipinas; the crown decreed an investigation of the subject, but the fulfilment of this was delayed from time to time, so that not until 1848 was even a definite statement and proposal for action in this direction made. [12] (this was done by rafael díaz arenas, one of the four members of the economic society--to which the investigation had been referred--who had been appointed to prepare the data for a report to the crown; "but we do not know whether the society accepted his proposal, or whether it reached any definite conclusion on the subject.") in october of the year 1820, manila was ravaged by a terrible epidemic of smallpox, which was especially fatal in the villages along the pasig river; the corregidor of tondo therefore issued an edict prohibiting the use of the river water. a public relief committee was organized to give the sick medical treatment and to furnish food to the poor; and the friars and the private citizens vied with the authorities in ministering to the victims of the pest. the medical men belonging to the ships anchored in the bay came to the city, and did all in their power to aid these benevolent efforts; but all these things only confirmed in the ignorant natives the fatal idea, already spread among them, that the disease was caused by the foreigners having poisoned the waters and used to this end the specimens of insects and other creatures which they had collected for scientific purposes. a crowd of armed indians therefore gathered in the square of binondo on october 9, attacked the houses of the foreigners, and murdered twenty-seven persons--among whom was not one spaniard; nor did they, in plundering the houses, rob any spaniard. the governor sent out some troops, but they accomplished nothing in checking the riot, which ended only at nightfall; and he did nothing to prevent further crimes of this sort, so that the mob renewed their acts of violence the next day, [13] plundering and killing many chinese of the suburbs. this aroused folgueras to activity, and he sent out a large force of soldiers to pursue the assassins; but the latter at once dispersed. a council of the authorities was called, but there were discordant opinions among them, and they seem to have taken no definite action. the municipal council of manila called upon the governor for the proper legal proceedings in regard to this scandalous and lawless uprising; and for this purpose he appointed a commission. [14] in october, 1820, was created the office of general intendant of army and treasury, separate from the superior government; and it was conferred upon colonel luis urréjola, with a salary of 5,000 pesos. in may, 1821, the constitution of 1812 was again proclaimed in filipinas, only to be again abrogated in 1824, as a result of fernando vii's triumph (with french aid) over the liberal party in spain. "folgueras gave great impulse to the economic society of friends of the country; and he attempted to found in manila a school of medicine, surgery, and pharmacy, commencing for this purpose the indispensable documentary evidence [expediente], but he did not succeed in carrying out this plan--a failure much to be regretted, because nearly all of the towns [in the islands] had neither physician nor drug-store. as a compensation, the creation of the nautical academy was an excellent idea, for its practical results are of great value." "in 1821 appeared the second periodical which was published in the country, entitled el noticiero filipino; [15] [i.e., "the philippine intelligencer"]; and in the same year were published two others, el ramillete patriótico ["the patriotic bouquet"] and la filantropía ["philanthropy"]. the life of all was of short duration." folgueras was replaced by a proprietary governor, juan antonio martinez, who began to exercise that office on october 30, 1822. he brought with him many military officers from the peninsula, "a measure counseled by folgueras, in view of the deficiency of officers in the regiments of filipinas, and the little confidence which they inspired; and this was the cause or pretext which he advanced to the court to exculpate himself for not having adopted more energetic measures when the melancholy assassinations were committed by the indians among the foreigners in 1820. the body of officers in the army of filipinas was almost entirely composed of american spaniards. these were greatly displeased at the increase of peninsular officers, partly because they supposed that thus their own promotions would be stopped, and partly on account of race antagonisms." they talked so much against the newcomers that the governor became distrustful, and finally discovered that the american officers were plotting and conspiring against authority; he consequently arrested the persons suspected of this intrigue, and sent them to spain (february 18, 1823)--among them being luis rodríguez varela, styled el conde filipino ["the filipino count"]; [16] and the factor of the company of filipinas, josé ortega. nevertheless, the plots continued, and the authorities sent him who appeared to be the leader in these, captain andrés novales, to fight the pirates in northern mindanao; he embarked (june 1, 1823), but was driven back by a storm, and immediately he and his accomplices determined to "declare themselves openly against the authority of españa," and set up a government of their own. the insurgents (some eight hundred in number) seized the cabildo house, and incarcerated therein the leading military chiefs and some magistrates; then they murdered folgueras, and took from his pockets the keys of the city; and they fortified themselves in the royal palace, and attempted to seize the artillery quarters. here they were resisted bravely by a few loyal officers and men, and word was conveyed to the governor, who collected the troops available and sent these against the palace. the insurgents there were soon overcome, and many abandoned their posts and fled; novales was made a prisoner, taken before a court-martial--to whom he declared that he had no accomplices, and was alone guilty of seducing the troops--and with the sergeant mateo (who had commanded the insurgent force in the palace) was shot that afternoon, as also was lieutenant ruiz, who had assassinated folgueras. amnesty was extended to all the remaining prisoners, except six officers, who were shot soon afterward. on october 26, 1824, great damage was done in manila by a severe earthquake, which destroyed the barracks, several churches, and many houses; and this was followed (november 1) by a fearful hurricane, which ruined many buildings and wrecked a multitude of sailing vessels. in this same year the economic society founded a monthly periodical entitled registro mercantil [17] ["the mercantile register"]. the ravages of the moro pirates continuing, and becoming each year more menacing, [18] martínez sent out an expedition against them (february 29, 1824), which laid waste the shores of joló and southern mindanao, and killing a considerable number of moros, among whom were three of their fiercest and most treacherous dattos. martínez advocated such operations as this, as the only means of stopping the piracies of the moros. during the period of 1823-29, the augustinian missionary fray bernardo lago succeeded in reducing to village life and converting more than eight thousand tinguianes and igorrots in the province of abra, forming the mission of pidigan. in 1825 martínez was replaced by mariano ricafort palacín y abarca, and departed for spain; a few days after leaving manila he died, and was buried in cochinchina. ricafort assumed office on october 14, 1825, and by royal orders also took possession of the intendancy of exchequer, although urréjola was continued in its charge; but in the following january ricafort concluded that "this dual command was impossible," and restricted the intendant to certain routine functions, at the same time asking the approval of the home government for this proceeding. he had brought with him a portrait of fernando vii, presented by the king to his colony of filipinas; the municipal council of manila decided to pay this portrait the same honors as if the king himself had visited the islands, and during the week of december 19-25 festivities of every kind were conducted, with the utmost display and magnificence. (five years later, orders from the spanish government were received at manila, censuring the extravagant expenditures on that occasion, said, to amount to some 16,000 pesos, as an unwarranted and blamable use of municipal funds, and regulating, for the future, expenditures of this sort.) a royal decree of june 8, 1826, ordained that the secularization of parish curacies should cease, and that those ministries should be restored to the religious orders, which was accordingly done. on september 15 of that year fray hilarión diez, an augustinian, took possession of the archbishopric of manila, replacing zulaibar, who had died on march 4, 1824. in june a circular letter was sent by ricafort to the provincial governors, reminding them of the law (art. 26 of the "ordinances of good government") which forbade them to hinder in any way the trade in the products of the provinces, whether by spaniards, natives, or mestizos, and whether in kind or with money, ordering them to permit trade freely everywhere, without any delays or exactions against those doing business. in 1827 ricafort sent an expedition against joló, which was kept off by the valor of the joloans; but the spaniards burned and ravaged the settlements on the shores of illana bay, doing the moros much damage. in that same year the spanish government reëstablished the naval bureau at manila, independent of the captain-general, and pascual enrile was appointed as its chief; he proceeded to reorganize all branches of the service, including that intended to serve against the pirates, whom he was able to restrain to a great extent; and he constructed several cruisers and other vessels, one of which remained in active service for forty years. he established the jurisdiction of the bureau throughout the archipelago, creating port-captains for iloilo, capiz, cebú, and pangasinán. ever since the insurrection of 1744 in bohol, caused by the imprudence of the jesuit morales, the insurgents had (under their chief dagohoy) maintained hostilities, not only against the spaniards, but even harassing their own countrymen who occupied the coastal villages of that island. the recollects, in charge of the missions of bohol after the expulsion of the jesuits, tried to persuade the rebels to submit to spanish authority, and secured from governor raon a general amnesty for them; but it resulted only in their defying further the authority of the government, which was long unable to take any measures for subduing them. finally, in 1827, the danger to the loyal villages of bohol was so menacing that the authorities were compelled to protect them and reduce the insurgents; and to this end ricafort sent powerful expeditions (may, 1827, and april, 1828), which after strenuous efforts compelled the rebels to submit. [19] that governor accomplished much during his term of office for the promotion of agriculture. he ordained (1825 and 1826) that the native gobernadorcillos should furnish to agriculturists the idle and unoccupied indians within their jurisdictions, to work on the estates, these laborers being paid their daily wages; and on october 30, 1827, that all complaints in civil cases relating to farm laborers should be settled by the magistrates as promptly and simply as possible, "observing the contracts and usages of the indians, when these are not unjust," and that no indian laborer should be imprisoned for a purely civil debt (save those to the royal exchequer), nor should his animals, tools, lands, or house be seized therefor. the spanish minister of the exchequer, luis lópez ballesteros, also took a paternal interest in the islands, and secured royal decrees for the benefit of their industries. one of these (dated april 6, 1828) encouraged the importation into filipinas of all machinery suitable for spinning and weaving cotton, offered public aid to private enterprises for improvement in weaving and dyeing, and promised protection and encouragement to all projects for promoting native manufactures of cloth; and made the exportation of raw cotton from the islands free, in order to promote the cultivation of that plant. another decree (of the same date) permitted the free importation of all kinds of agricultural machinery and implements into filipinas; and authorized premiums and rewards from the public funds to filipino farmers who should first make large plantations of coffee, cacao, cinnamon, and cloves, as also to those who should make most progress in the plantations of chinese cinnamon [canelón], tea, and mulberry-trees, and in raising silk, etc. those who kept in cultivation a certain area of land, and day-laborers who continued to work for a certain number of years, were exempted from paying tributes; and the native farmers were allowed to keep cockpits in operation daily and without tax, on the estates which they cultivated. "in spite of so many privileges, not many of them were inclined to the cultivation of their fields." another royal order (april 6, 1828) made important regulations regarding the chinese residing in the islands; they were to be gathered into villages, as were the indians; their heads of barangay were to collect the tributes, as in the indian villages, being allowed three per cent of the collections for their trouble; they were classified into three groups--those who were engaged in foreign or wholesale trade, those in domestic or retail trade, and artisans of all classes--who were obliged to pay a monthly tax of ten, four, and two pesos respectively; those who had settled in the islands, but were not married, must return to china within six months; and any chinaman who failed to pay his tax for three months was to be sent to compulsory labor on some estate, at a specified wage, from which should be deducted two pesos a month until his tax dues should be paid. [20] still another royal order of the same date gave free permission to any person of sufficient means to cultivate the opium poppy in filipinas and export its product therefrom; and ordered that its culture should begin on lands close to manila. another decree ordained the establishment of a mint at manila; but this desirable measure was not carried out until many years afterward, and the islands meanwhile had to suffer from the wretched clipped and debased currency which had so long prevailed there. on october 13, 1828, ricafort published an edict that all money which came to the islands coined by the revolted spanish colonies of america should be recoined at manila, taxing it one per cent for this recoinage. on november 9 following, a long but not destructive earthquake occurred. in that same year a conspiracy was set on foot by some civil officials; it was discovered, and its promoters sent to spain. as a result, the authorities created a public vigilance commission, and demanded more troops from spain; a regiment was accordingly sent to manila in 1830. by royal decree of october 27, 1829, it was provided that the post of superintendent of the exchequer should be filled by the intendant of the army and treasury; accordingly this charge was assumed (september 9, 1830) by francisco enriquez, who for two years had been intendant succeeding urréjola. in january, 1829, an officer named guillermo galvey (whose duty it was to follow up smugglers in pangasinán and ilocos) conducted an expedition into the district of benguet; an interesting account of this is found in the diary left by him. by royal decree of april 5, 1820 spanish vessels were permitted to enter british ports just as british vessels were admitted to spanish ports. ricafort, having finished his government of filipinas, sailed for spain at the end of 1830. he was a governor of good judgment and much energy, and did much to improve the condition of manila and of the country. he issued edicts imposing penalties on those who should sing obscene songs, and on blasphemers, gamblers, beggars, and parents who brought up their children in evil ways; and he "made provision for a general domiciliary visitation of manila and the formation of a list of its citizens, which measure resulted in many persons of bad antecedents abandoning the capital. he also decreed standards for weights and measures, which unfortunately soon fell into disuse; and he created a military commission with power to execute evildoers, which fulfilled the object of its creation." ricafort was succeeded (december 23, 1830) by pascual enrile y alcedo, a most zealous and able governor. he personally visited the northern provinces of luzón, accompanied by his relative and adjutant, josé maría peñaranda (afterward the governor of albay), a military engineer, who afterward made journeys and surveys in a large part of the rest of that island; this resulted in carefully prepared itineraries, plans, and maps, which were utilized in the construction of highways and bridges, and the establishment of postal routes, which opened up communication between regions before destitute of such facilities, and sometimes in places heretofore deemed impassable. the navigable rivers and bayous of pangasinán were explored and mapped; a highway was made in pampanga which should be safe from the overflow of lake canarem; and explorations were made from east to west in luzón for the sake of bringing the shores of the island into communication with the fertile plains of the interior. on may 14, 1834, peñaranda was made corregidor or governor of the province of albay, "which experienced a complete transformation during his just and beneficent rule. to him it owed its most important roads, bridges, and public edifices, and the promotion of its agriculture, on which account his name is venerated by the inhabitants of albay; they perpetuated the memory of this illustrious but modest patriot by erecting, some years after his death, a monument to him in the plaza of the capital of the province." the economic society of friends of the country contributed to the development of agriculture, in the time of enrile, by its reports, memoirs, and material support. we read with surprise, however, that in 1833 this society, in an opinion requested from it by the home government, opposed the establishment of a mint at manila, and informed enrile that such institution was at that time unnecessary. in march, 1831, galvey made an expedition into the country of the igorrots; and in the following december, to the district of bacún. a decree of may 9, 1831, established a custom-house in zamboanga, "in order to prevent the frauds committed by foreigners in the port of joló, and to facilitate and promote expeditions to that point." a royal decree of april 24, 1832, substituted the garrote for the gallows in capital punishments. another, dated february 16, 1833, provided for the adjustment and management of the funds belonging to the obras pías, which charge was entrusted later to a committee composed of the governor of the islands, some of the treasury officials, and the archbishop. [21] the treasury officials, by a decree of july 3, 1833, accepted the proposal of certain persons to establish "a lottery, at their own account and risk, offering to pay to the treasury forty per cent [of the receipts?], besides twenty-five per cent of the value of the tickets which composed each drawing, after furnishing adequate security as a guarantee for the fulfilment of their promise." the exclusive privilege of this lottery was granted to these persons for a period of five years. enrile created the guía de forasteros ["guide for strangers"] of filipinas; it first appeared in 1834. our author reproduces (t. ii, pp. 539, 540) the table of contents of this annual. fernando vii died on september 29, 1833, and was succeeded by his daughter isabel ii, to be until her majority under the regency of her mother, maria cristina; this was quickly followed by the carlist insurrection, the reactionary party being headed by the young prince carlos, who was proclaimed king as carlos v, and civil war ensued, which for seven years stained the soil of spain with the blood of her own sons. by royal order of august 10, 1834, the chinese traders were restricted to the parián, and those chinese who were allowed to reside in the provinces must devote themselves to agricultural pursuits. enrile issued an edict on october 1, 1834, removing the special duties imposed on the chinese champans, and placing them under the same regulations as the vessels of other foreign nations. on february 2, 1835, the official despatches arrived from spain which decreed the restoration of the constitutional regime and the convocation of the cortes. enrile strengthened the naval forces sent against the pirates [la marina sutil, composed of light-draught vessels], and was able to drive them away from the coasts of visayas. he also increased the area planted in tobacco, enforced just weights and measures, endeavored to correct the evils resulting from the debased money of the islands, and caused a light-house to be erected on corregidor island. our writer commends this governor as being "one of the most intelligent and industrious who have ever ruled filipinas." "to him the country owes material improvements of the utmost value, of so much importance as the great highways of luzón, which have facilitated the intercourse between the provinces, bringing them into postal communication, one after another, by means of the mail-routes established by him; and the administration of the colony is indebted to him for regulations and procedures that are scientific and orderly, in all the branches that have contributed to the development of the general welfare, making considerable increase in the public wealth. agriculture, commerce, and navigation likewise experienced the beneficial results of this illustrious governor's judicious management; and his term of office was the source of the rapid progress which has been made from that time by these most important factors of the general welfare--in great part, thanks to the impulse received from the measures, dictated by him, which conduced to the natural development of those industries." enrile resigned his post, and returned to spain early in 1835. he was succeeded ad interim (march 1, 1835) by gabriel de torres, at the time the commander of the army [segundo cabo] under enrile; as a military officer, he immediately proposed plans for the improvement of the military service; but these were checked by his premature death, [22] less than two months after entering on his office. in his place, the command was assumed (april 23) by the officer next him in rank, juan crámer; but he surrendered this office on september 9 following to the new segundo cabo, pedro antonio salazar castillo y varona. the latter, on april 25, 1836, issued an edict that "the plain [sencillas] pesetas coined in the peninsula should be accepted [in the islands] at their lawful value of four reals vellón instead of five, as if they were pillar coins [columnarias]; [23] accordingly they began to circulate, having been recently introduced into the islands." on june 11, 1836, the superintendency of treasury affairs was assumed by urréjola in place of enríquez. [24] on july 28, salazar found it necessary to issue an edict for the enforcement of the laws which prohibited carrying gunpowder and firearms to the indias, and selling them in countries hostile to spain; this referred especially to moroland, where evidently the pirates had been thus aided by unscrupulous traders to make their raids against the northern islands. salazar thought that he could restrain those piracies by carrying on commerce with the moros, and therefore made a treaty with the sultan of joló, mahamad diamalud quiram (september 22, 1836), which stipulated "that every three-masted ship which made port at joló with chinese passengers from manila should pay 2,000 pesos fuertes, and smaller vessels in proportion to their size;" but "the most important cargo which went from manila to joló never exceeded 2,500 pesos. the joloan barks which should go to zamboanga were to pay a duty of one per cent, and those which entered at manila two per cent; but no joloan bark was accustomed to go to manila." the governor of zamboanga also made a treaty with another moro ruler; but it resulted only in increasing the insolence of the pirates, who paid no attention to their treaties. at the beginning of 1836, salazar sent an expedition under galvey to occupy the igorrot country; but it was, despite galvey's remonstrances, sent in too great haste, and without adequate preparations, and too near the beginning of the rainy season; they reached that region, and built some forts, but so many of the soldiers were attacked by sickness that the expedition was forced to give up the undertaking and retire, "without any other result than the expenditure of several thousand dollars." [25] in that same year, peñaranda conducted with brilliant success an expedition to dislodge the pirates from masbate island, where they had fortified themselves. "afterward, he established a system of signals in the provinces of the south, to watch the movements of those pirates." on january 26, 1837, salazar sent an urgent request to the spanish government for the despatch of spanish regulars to supply the parish curacies throughout the archipelago, as (for the same reasons advanced by former governors) he considered the indian clerics unfit for that purpose. in view of the secularization of the orders that had been decreed in spain, [26] he desired that some two hundred of the friars there should be sent to filipinas, which, added to those already in the islands, would be sufficient for the parishes. the political disturbances in spain found some reflection in the distant colonies; and in february, 1837, there was danger of a tumult arising, "some insisting that the constitution should be proclaimed, in order that they might utilize the change to their own advantage;" among these were several officers of high rank. absurd reports were circulated throughout manila: that the governor was opposed to the proclamation, and was intending to banish certain persons from the country, and that he was a carlist, etc. violent measures were proposed by some of the radicals, but these were resisted by some of the cooler heads; and many citizens opposed the proclamation of the constitution, fearing that serious disturbances would result. salazar, being informed of these things, promised that when the royal despatches arrived he would open them in the presence of all, and fulfil whatever orders he should receive from the home government. this occurred on august 26 of that year, and the royal orders decreed that no change in political affairs should be made in filipinas until the cortes should decide the matter; this and salazar's tact reconciled the contending factions. at the same time he received a decree reducing in all departments the military forces of the islands; the authorities resolved to suspend the execution of this order, and sent an envoy to remonstrate with the government on this subject--for this purpose choosing one of the officers who had been most prominent in the recent controversy, and thus removing from manila a person whose presence there was regarded as dangerous. by royal order of february 1, 1836 (published in the islands on march 31, 1837), order was given that there should be compiled and published in manila every year tables of the values of the moneys from the new provinces of america, in order that their value might, in their circulation in manila, be properly adjusted to the spanish peso; consequently, the recoinage of american money was stopped. a later edict ordered that from june 1, 1837, "the coin called cuarto should circulate at the rate of twenty to the real, [27] instead of seventeen as hitherto, on account of the greater size and weight of the new coins; and to this new subdivision were adjusted the prices of the measures of tobacco established therefor, and the revenues from wine. also the circulation of cigars [tabacos] in place of money was forbidden; the indians had introduced this on account of the scarcity of copper coin, and because the greater part of that then current was counterfeit, on which account a multitude of disputes had arisen. the governor decided, moreover, that the spanish peseta should be accepted at thirty-two cuartos, five [pesetas], therefore, corresponding to the peso fuerte." a royal order of may 31, 1837, declared certain jurisdictions--caraga, samar, iloilo, antique, capis, albay, camarines sur, and tayabas--to be those of governors, at once military and political, who should be military officers appointed by the war department; all the rest (excepting cavite, zamboanga, and the marianas, which also were filled like the foregoing) were classed as alcaldeships, and appointments thereto should be made from the attorney-general's office [ministerio de gracia y justicia]. the constitution of 1837 was decreed and sanctioned by the cortes on june 8 of that year; and it was ordained by that body that the provinces of ultramar should be governed by special laws, a provision reiterated by succeeding constitutions. "from that time filipinas lost its representation in the cortes." on august 4, 1837, arrived at manila the new governor of the islands, andrés garcía camba, a knight of the order of santiago. he had already spent ten years in filipinas (april, 1825, to march, 1835), and had gone to spain as the deputy of manila to the cortes, an honor twice again conferred upon him. he was received with the utmost enthusiasm, although the liberals at manila were irritated by the action of the cortes in depriving the islands of representation therein; but camba himself had liberal views, as well as a generous and kindly nature, and gained the good-will of that party. this made trouble for him, however, in another direction. the civil war in spain aroused there great partisan bitterness, which spread to the colonies; and in filipinas was a carlist and reactionary faction, who opposed camba in every way. "the regular clergy, as a body, were partisans of the pretender, and not only gave him their sympathy but aided him, as well as the carlist publications, with their money. the court of madrid was aware of this attitude of the friars, and had already sharply censured salazar for his indulgence and lenity toward them. several carlist partisans had been banished from spain to the marianas, but had gone to manila instead, and were not only unmolested there, but visited and entertained by many of the most prominent people of the city, and especially by the ecclesiastical element. camba found that carlist reunions were being held in the convents of san juan de dios and santo domingo, and that even the archbishop, [fray josé segui] was an avowed adherent of the pretender; the governor tried to conciliate the disaffected, but with little success, since the clergy, the audiencia, and many influential persons, both citizens and officials, were jealous and hostile toward him." [28] he was obliged to compel the archbishop to deposit certain funds, belonging to the cavite hospital, in the royal treasury, instead of the dominican convent; also to arrest a dominican friar for conducting treasonable correspondence with carlists, and to send to spain a military officer concerned therein. notwithstanding camba's ability, integrity, and devotion to the interests of the islands, and his patience with his opponents, they exerted so much influence and carried on so many intrigues against him, not only in manila but at madrid, that they procured his recall to spain; [29] and on december 29, 1838, he surrendered the governorship to his successor, luis lardizábal y montoya. notwithstanding the obstacles and difficulties which camba continually encountered, he accomplished some important improvements in the administration, [30] the chief of these being the reorganization of the postal service, which from 1838 was conducted under one bureau and on modern lines; he improved the means of communication between the provinces, and pushed forward the reduction of the heathen tribes. he informed the spanish government that the attempts to make treaties and alliances with the sultans of joló were of no use in bringing any permanent or substantial advantage to spanish navigation and commerce. in 1837 was published the flora de filipinas of the augustinian fray manuel blanco, the first attempt to form a compendium of philippine botany. [31] a royal decree of october 24, 1838, "created in spain a consulting committee for the administration of colonial affairs, as members of the same being appointed, among others, the ex-governors of filipinas ricafort and enrile." a royal order of november 16, 1838, had prohibited the holding of provincial chapter-sessions in filipinas; the recollect procurator at madrid remonstrated with the government against this, and the matter was referred to the governor and archbishop of manila. lardizábal decided that the chapters should meet, and that the senior auditor of the audiencia should attend those sessions, as the representative of the vice-regal patron. by a decree of august 31, the governor regulated the status of the chinese in the islands. they were "classified as transients, those spending the winter [in the islands], and permanent residents. they were allowed to choose the occupation which best suited them, without any restriction. the resident chinese who should be arrested [as being] without official permit [cédula] or passport were condemned to labor on the public works; and deportation to zamboanga, misamis, paragua, and calamianes was decreed for all those who were serving a prison term for failure to pay their capitation-tax, in both manila and cavite, with the object of securing by this means a larger population for those places." on july 6, 1839, a weekly publication was begun in manila entitled, precios corrientes de manila [i.e., "prices current at manila"], [32] in the spanish and english languages. a royal decree of october 4, 1839, provided for the introduction and circulation of books in the islands; the fiscal must designate those that merited examination, and then they must be passed upon by two censors, appointed by the governor and the archbishop respectively, whose opinion must be submitted to the fiscal; and if "there shall appear sufficient ground for prohibiting the circulation of any work, because it may contain principles, opinions, or doctrines opposed to the rights of the legitimate government or to the religion of the state, it shall be not only seized but reshipped." [33] on july 15, 1840, was opened the school of commerce, established at the request of the board [junta] of commerce. "on november 11 lardizábal repeated ricafort's edict of 1828, prohibiting foreigners from selling merchandise at retail and entering the provinces to trade." at the end of this year important changes were made in the administration of financial affairs, all the revenues arising from government monopolies being united under one bureau; and another bureau was likewise created for the general administration of the tributes and some other branches of revenue, as those from cockpits, tithes, etc.; while in all the general offices of supervision was introduced the system of bookkeeping by double entry, which had been established in the royal accountancy of the exchequer in 1839. the governor also issued instructions for more careful and accurate accounting being made of municipal property and local imposts, in order to prevent abuses and waste of funds. lardizábal was soon weary of his command, although faithful to his duties while governor, and so earnestly entreated the home government to allow him to return to spain that finally he gained this permission; and he departed on that voyage (february, 1841), only to die a few days after leaving manila; he was buried on an islet near java. he was succeeded by marcelino de oráa lecumberri. remarks on the phillippine islands and on their capital manila, 1819 to 1822 advertisement the following remarks are drawn up by one but little accustomed to writing, and offered with much diffidence. in them the spanish character will be found perhaps severely treated; but it is necessary to remark, that not only these observations are, from their very nature, general; but farther, that they have no reference to the genuine or european spanish character--a character of which the writer has but little knowledge, and one as essentially different from that which falls under consideration in the following pages, as the society of all convict colonies is from that of the mother country. [34] part i the phillippines of the numerous groupes of islands which constitute the maritime division of asia, the phillippines, in situation, riches, fertility, and salubrity, are equal or superior to any. nature has here revelled in all that poets or painters have thought or dreamt of unbounded luxuriance of asiatic scenery. the lofty chains of mountains--the rich and extensive slopes which form their bases--the ever-varying change of forest and savannah--of rivers and lakes--the yet blazing volcanoes in the midst of forests, coeval perhaps with their first eruption--all stamp her work with the mighty emblems of her creative and destroying powers. java alone can compete with them in fertility; but in riches, extent, situation, and political importance, it is far inferior. their position, whether in a political or commercial point of view, is strikingly advantageous. with india and the malay archipelago on the west and south, the islands of the fertile pacific and the rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of china at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as almost to exceed credibility; the phillippine islands alone, in the hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and enlightened government, would have become a mighty empire:--they are--a waste! this archipelago presents, in common with all the islands which form the southern and eastern barrier of asia, those striking features which mark a recent or an approaching convulsion of nature: they are separated by narrow, but deep, and frequently unfathomable channels; their steep and often tremendous capes and headlands, though clothed with verdure to the very brink, appear to rise almost perpendicularly from the ocean; they have but few reefs or shoals, and those of small extent; and in the interior of the islands, numerous volcanoes, in activity or very recently so, boiling springs and mineral waters of all descriptions, minerals of all kinds on the very surface of the earth, and frequent shocks of earthquakes, all point to this conclusion, and offer a rich and unexplored field to the geologist [35] and mineralogist, as do their plants and animals to the botanist and zoologist; [36] the few attempts that have hitherto been made to examine them, having from various causes failed, or only extended to a short distance round the capital. [37] the climate of these islands is remarkably temperate and salubrious. the thermometer in manila is sometimes as low as 70°, and rarely exceeds 90° in the house during the n. e. monsoon. in the interior it is sometimes as low as 68° in the mornings, which are remarkably cool, so much so as to require at time$ woolen clothing. none of the mountains are within the limits of perpetual congelation; but i think some cannot be far from it, as i have seen something much resembling snow on the pico de mindoro, and there may be higher ones in the interior of magindanao. [38] both natives and spaniards live to a tolerable age, in spite of the indolent habits of the latter, and the debauches of both. the spaniards are most commonly carried off by chronic dysentery, which is called by them "la enfermedád del pays" (the illness of the country): from its very frequent occurrence, at least 7 out of 10 of those who exceed the age of 40, fall victims to this disorder. [39] acute liver complaints are very rare, as is also the chronic affection of that organ, unless as connected with the preceding disorder. fevers are not common amongst europeans, in manila. amongst the natives, the intermittent is of common occurrence, particularly after the rains (in september and october), and in woody or marshy situations. [40] this appears to be owing as much to the thinness and want of clothing, together with their habits of bathing indiscriminately at all hours, as to miasmata; and, as their fevers are generally neglected, they often superinduce other and more fatal disorders, as obstructions, &c. tetanos in cases of wounds is of common occurrence, and generally fatal. their population, by a census taken in 1817-18, amounted to 2,236,000 souls, and is increasing rapidly. in one province, that of pampanga, from 1817 to 1818, there was an increase of 6,737 souls, the whole population being in 1817, 22,500; but i suspect some inaccuracy in this. the total increase from 1797 to 1817, 25 [sic] years, is by this statement 835,500, or 3,360 per annum! in this census are included only those subject to spanish laws. about three quarters of a million more may be added for the various independent tribes, [41] which may be said to possess the whole of the interior of the islands, on some of which, as the large one of mindanao (called by the natives magindanao) there are only a few contemptible [spanish] posts, the interior and a great part of the coast being still subject to the malay sultans, originally of arab race. the population of the marianas and calamianes islands, with that of palawan, which are all included in "the kingdom of the phillippines," are comprised in this number, but the whole of these does not exceed 19,000. of this number about 600 only are european spaniards, with some few foreigners: the remainder are divided into various classes, of which the principal are, 1st, the negroes, or aborigines; 2d, the malays (or indians, as they are called by the spaniards); and the mestizos and creoles, who are about as 1 to 5 of the indian population. the negroes [i.e., negritos] [42] are in all probability the original inhabitants of these islands, as they appear at some remote epoch to have been of almost all the eastern archipelago. the tide of malay emigration, from whatever cause and part it proceeded, has on some islands entirely destroyed them. others, as new guinea, it has not yet reached, a circumstance which seems to point to the west as the original cradle of the malay race. in the phillippines, it has driven them from the coast to the mountains, which by augmenting the difficulty of procuring subsistence, may have much diminished their numbers. still, however, they form a distinct, and perhaps a more numerous class of men than is generally suspected. they have in the present day undisturbed possession of nearly 2/3ds of the island of luzon, and of others a still larger proportion. these people are small in stature, some of them almost dwarfish, woolly-headed, and thick-lipped, like the negroes of africa, to whom indeed they bear a striking resemblance, though the different tribes vary much in their stature and general appearance. they subsist entirely on the chase, or on fruits, herbs, roots, or fish when they can approach the coast. they are nearly, and often quite naked, and live in huts formed of the boughs of trees, grass &c., or in the trees themselves, when on an excursion or migration. their mode of life is wandering and unsettled, seldom remaining long enough in one place to form a village. they sometimes sow a little maize or rice, and wait its ripening, but not longer. these are the habits of the tribes which border on the spanish settlements. farther within the mountains they are more settled, and even form villages of considerable size, in the deep vallies by which the chains of mountains are intersected. the entrances to these they fortify with plantations of the thorny bamboo, pickets of the same, set strongly in the earth and sharpened by fire, ditches and pit-falls; in short all the means of defence in their power are employed to render these places inaccessible. here they cultivate corn, rice, and tobacco; the last they sell to indians, who smuggle it into the towns. this being a contraband article, as it is monopolized by government, the defences are used against the spanish revenue officers and troops, who on this account never fail to destroy their establishments when they can do so, though many are impregnable to any force they can bring against them, from the nature of the passes, and from the activity of the negroes, who use their bows with wonderful expertness. there are indeed instances of their repulsing bodies of one or two hundred native troops, but affairs of this magnitude are very rare. to this predatory kind of warfare, as well as to the defective qualities, and often very reprehensible conduct of the missionaries, generally indian priests (clerigos), are perhaps to be in some measure attributed their unsettled habits. those nearest the spanish settlements carry on a little commerce, receiving wrought iron, cloth, and tobacco, but oftener dollars, in exchange for gold-dust, &c., or for wax, honey, and other products of their mountains. the circumstance of their receiving dollars, which they rarely use in their purchases, is a curious one; but it is a fact, and very large quantities of money are supposed to be thus buried; from what motive, except a superstitious one, cannot be imagined. [43] of their manners or customs little or nothing is known. like all savage nations, they are abundantly tinctured with superstitions, fickle, and hasty. one of their customs best known is, that upon the death of a chief, they plant themselves in ambush on some frequented track, and with their arrows assassinate the first unfortunate traveller who passes, and not unfrequently two or three; the bodies are carried off as sacrifices to the manes of the deceased. [44] the communications between the spanish settlements are often interrupted by this circumstance, as no indian will venture out when the negroes are known to be "de luto" (in mourning): they are also said to have a "throwing of spears," similar to those of new holland, at the death of any eminent person. in fact, upon this, as upon all other points unconnected with masses and sermons, there exists a degree of ignorance which is almost incredible. the early missionaries, in their rage for nominal conversion, appear to have neglected entirely the history or origin of their neophytes; and, as in america, where the monuments of ages were crumbled to the dust to plant the cross, all that related to the history of their converts was considered as unprofitable, if not as impious, the devil [45] being compendiously supposed to preside over their political as well as religious institutions in all cases. in this belief, and in its consequent effects, the modern missionaries, who are mostly indian priests, are worthy successors of their spanish predecessors. the government have many missions established for the purpose of converting them, but with little success. like most savages, their mode of life has to them charms superior to civilization, or rather to christianity (for here the terms are not synonimous); and they rarely remain, should they even consent to be baptized, but on the first caprice, or exaction of tribute, which immediately takes place, and sometimes even precedes this ceremony, return again to their mountains. exposed to all inclemencies of the weather, and with an unwholesome and precarious diet, they perhaps rarely attain more than forty years of age. their numbers are supposed rather to diminish than increase; and in a few years this race of men, with their language, will probably be extinct. it is indeed a curious subject of enquiry, whether the language of those of the eastern islands has any, and what resemblance to those of africa, or the southern parts of new holland and van dieman's land? [46] they are not represented as very mischievous; but if strangers venture too far into their woods, they consider it an aggression, and repel it accordingly with their arrows. those who frequent the spanish settlements are rather of a mild character; and there are instances of spanish vessels being wrecked on the coast, whose people, particularly the europeans, have been treated by them in the kindest manner, and carefully conducted to the nearest settlement. the character of the different tribes appears, however, to vary in this particular: some are described as treacherous and cruel, and those which inhabit the north western coasts of the bay of manila are accused of having frequently attacked the boats of ships, when these were not sufficiently guarded in their intercourse with them. the natives of the town in the bay of mariveles, at the entrance of that of manila, assured the writer of these pages, that it would be madness to attempt accompanying them into the woods, even in disguise; and in this they persisted, though money was offered them to allow him to proceed with them. the indians are the descendants of the various malay tribes which appear to have emigrated to this country at different times, and from different parts of borneo and celebes. their languages, though all derived from one stock (the malay), has a number of dialects differing very materially; so much so, that those from different provinces frequently do not understand each other. they differ too in their character, and slightly in their manners and customs. the most numerous class of them are the bisayas, [47] (a spanish name, from their anciently painting their bodies, and using defensive armour). these inhabit the largest part of the southern islands. luzon contains several tribes, of which the most remarkable are the ylocos, cagayanes, zambales, pangasinanes, pampangos, and tagalos. these still retain their national distinctions and characters to such a degree, that they often occasion quarrels amongst each other. of their general character as a nation we are now to speak. the indian of the phillippine islands has been strangely misrepresented. he is not the being that oppression, bigotry, and indolence, have for 300 years endeavoured to make him, or he is so only when he has no other resource. necessity, and the force of example have made those of manila, what the whole are generally characterized as--traitors, idlers, and thieves. how, under such a system as will be afterwards described, should they be otherwise? say rather, that all considered, it is surprising to find them what they are; for they are in general (i speak of the indian of the provinces), mild, industrious, as far as they dare to be so, hospitable, kind, and ingenuous. the pampango is brave, [48] faithful, and active; the fidelity of the cagayan is proverbial; the yloco and the pangasinanon are most industrious; the bisayan is brave and enterprising almost to fool-hardiness:--they are all a spirited, a proudly-spirited race of men; and such materials, in other hands, would form the foundation of all that is great and excellent in human nature. but for 300 years they have been ground to the earth with oppression. they have been crushed by tyranny; their spirit has been tortured by abuse and contempt, and brutalized by ignorance; in a word, there is no injustice that has not been inflicted on them, short of depriving them of their liberty; and in a work published at madrid in 1819 (estado de las yslas filipinas, par [sic; for por] don tomas comyn), whose author was a factor of the phillippine company, a whole chapter (the 4th) is devoted to the mild and humane project "of establishing spanish agriculturists throughout the islands," who are, "to require a certain number of indians from the governors of towns and provinces, who are to be driven to the plantations, where they are to be obliged to work a certain time, the price of their labour being fixed, and then to be relieved by a fresh drove!" [49] such a system, incredible as it may appear, has been proposed to a spanish cortes; and still more wonderful, plans like these excited no reprobation in manila. such were spanish ideas of governing indians! justice would almost tempt us to wish that this scheme had been carried into execution, and that the indian had risen and dashed his chains on the heads of the authors of such an infernal project. and yet the indian is marked out as little better than a brute; so many of them are, but to the system of government, and not to the indian, is the fault to be ascribed. it is not here meant to accuse the spanish laws; many of them are excellent, and would appear to have been dictated by the very spirit of philanthropy. but these are rarely enforced, or if they are, delay vitiates their effect. that this colony, the most favoured perhaps under heaven by nature, should have remained till the present day almost a forest, is a circumstance which has generally excited surprise in those who are acquainted with it, and has as generally been accounted for by attributing it to the laziness of the spaniards and indians. this is but a superficial view of the subject; one of those general remarks which being relatively a little flattering to ourselves, pass current as facts, and then "we wonder how any one can doubt of what is so generally received."--the cause lies deeper, man is not naturally indolent. when he has supplied his necessities, he seeks for superfluities--if he can enjoy them in security and peace;--if not--if the iron gripe of despotism (no matter in what shape, or through what form it is felt), is ready to snatch his earnings from him, without affording him any equivalent--then indeed he becomes indolent, that is, he merely provides for the wants of to-day. this apathy is perpetuated through numerous generations till it becomes national habit, and then we falsely call it nature. it cannot be too often repeated, that from the poles to the equator, man is the creature of his civil institutions, and is active in proportion to the freedom he enjoys. who that has perused the history of java by sir s. raffles, [50] and seen the effects of government planned by the talents of minto in the spirit of the british constitution in that country, will now accuse the javanese of unwillingness to work, if the fruits of his labour are secured to him? and yet we remember when a javanese was another name for every thing that is detestable. it is ever thus--we blame the race, because that flatters our pride--we should first look to their institutions. i return to the phillippines. the cause, then, of their little progress is "because there is no security for property;" or in other words, the smallness of the salaries of the officers of justice, as well as of other members of government, and the profligacy inseparable from all despotic governments, have laid the inhabitants under that curse of all societies, venal courts of justice. does an unfortunate indian scrape together a few dollars to buy a buffalo, in which consists their whole riches? woe to him if it is known; and if his house is in a lonely situation--he is infallibly robbed. does he complain, and is the robber caught? in three months he is let loose again (perhaps with some trifling punishment), to take vengeance on his accuser, and renew his depredations. hundreds of indian families are yearly ruined in this manner. deprived of their cattle, on which they depend for subsistence, they grow desperate and careless of future exertion, which can but lead to the same results, and thus either drag on a miserable existence from day to day, or join with the robbers [51] to pursue the same mode of life, and to exonerate themselves from paying tributes and taxes, in return for which no protection is granted. in many provinces this has been carried to such an extent, that whole districts are rendered impassable by the robbers, [52] who even lay villages under contribution! this is the state of the inland towns. on the coasts, and while a flotilla of gun-boats is maintained at an expense of upwards of half a million of dollars annually, there is no part safe from the attacks of the malay pirates from borneo, sooloo, and mindanao. these make regular cruises to procure slaves, and have even not unfrequently carried them off, not only from the bay of manila, [53] but even from within gun-shot of its ramparts! the very soldiers and sailors sent for their protection plunder them. an indian in whose neighbourhood troops are posted, or who sees the gun-boats approaching, can no longer consider his property safe; and in the very vicinity of manila, soldiers ramble about with their loaded muskets, and pilfer all they lay hands upon at midday! [54] does the indian, in spite of all this, escape, and by patient industry make a little way in the world? he is vexed with offices; he is chosen alguazil, lieutenant, and captain of his town; to these offices no pay is attached, they always occasion expenses and create him enemies; he is pinched or cheated by the mestizos, a forestalling, avaricious, and tyrannical race. does he suffer in silence? it is a signal for new oppressions: does he complain? a law suit. the mestizos are all connected, they are rich, and the indian is poor. the imperfect mode of trial, both in civil and criminal cases (by written declarations and the decisions of judges alone), lays them open to a thousand frauds; for if the magistrate be supposed incorruptible, his notaries or writers (escribanos and escribientes) are not so; and from their knavery, declarations are often falsified, or one paper is exchanged for another whilst in the act of or before signing them. to such a degree does this exist, that few indians, even of those who can read spanish tolerably, will sign a declaration made before a magistrate without threats, or without having some one on whom they can depend, to assure them they may safely do so. nor is this to be wondered at, when it is known that declarations on which the life or fortune of an individual may depend are left, often for days, in the power of writers or notaries, any of whom may be bought for a doubloon; and some of them are even the menial servants of the magistrate! this applies to luzon. in the other islands, this miserable system is yet worse: they have seldom but one communication a year with the capital, to which all causes of any magnitude are sent for decision or confirmation; and, as the papers are often (purposely) drawn up with some informality, the cause, after suffering all the first ordeal of chicane and knavery, experiences a year's delay before it is even allowed a chance of being exposed to that which awaits it at manila. or should the cause be at length carried to the audiencia, or supreme court, and there, as is sometimes the case, be judged impartially, the delay of the decision renders it useless--the sentence is evaded--or treated with contempt! this may appear almost incredible, but known to any person who has resided in manila. while the civil power is thus shamefully corrupt or negligent of its duties, the church has not forgotten that she too has claims on the indian. she has marked out, exclusive of sundays, above 40 days in the year on which no labour can be performed throughout the islands. exclusive of these are the numerous local feasts in honor of the patron saints of towns and churches. [55] the influence of these extends often through a groupe of many islands, always to many leagues round their different sanctuaries; and often lasting three or four days, sometimes a week, according to his or her reputation for sanctity; so that including sundays, the average cannot be less than 110 or 120 days lost to the community in a year. this alone is a heavy tax on the agricultural classes, by whom it is most severely felt; but its consequences are more so, from the habits of idleness and dissipation which it engenders and perpetuates. these feasts are invariably, after the procession is over, scenes of gambling, drinking, and debauchery of every description. "and mony jobs that day begun, will end in houghmagandie." [56] thus they unsettle and disturb the course of their labours by calling off their attention from their domestic cares; and by continually offering occasions of dissipation destroy what little spirit of economy or foresight may exist amongst so rude and ignorant a people. nor is this all; they are subject to numerous other vexations and impositions under the title of church-services; such are, in some towns, five or six men attendant daily in rotation to bring the sick to the church to confess, or to carry the "padre" with the host to their houses, and many others; all of which, though in themselves trifles, are more harassing, from their unsettling tendency, than pecuniary imposts. an encouragement to celibacy and its consequent evils is also to be found in the (to them) heavy expenses attendant on all the domestic offices of religion, as matrimony, baptism, &c., as well as in the increase of the poll-tax on married persons, for the whole of which the husband is responsible. the ecclesiastical expenses of a marriage between the poorer classes are about five dollars: the others, as christenings, buryings, &c., in proportion. these appear trifles; but if to these are added the confessions, bulas, [i.e., of the crusade] and other exactions, it will be seen that these constitute no trifling part of the oppressive and ill managed system which has so much contributed to debase their real character. i say nothing here of the natural effect of the roman catholic religion on an ignorant people, who imagine, that verbal confession and pecuniary atonements (rarely to the injured person) are a salvo for crimes of all magnitudes: that such is the case, is notorious to every one who has visited catholic countries. let us for a moment retrace this picture. to whom after this is it attributable that the indian is often a vicious and degraded being, particularly in the neighborhood of manila? if he sees all around him thieving and enjoying their plunder with impunity, what wonder is it that he should thieve also? if his tribunals of all descriptions afford him no redress, or place that redress beyond his reach, what resource has he but private revenge? [57] if he cannot enjoy the fruits of his labour in peace, why should he work? if he is ignorant, why has he not been instructed? there exist scarcely any schools to teach him his duties: the few that do exist teach him latin! prayers! theology! jurisprudence! and some little reading and writing; [58] but he is only taught to read the lives of the saints, and the legends of the church, whose gloomy, fanatical doctrines and sanguinary histories have not a little contributed to make him at times revengeful and intolerant. does he prevaricate and flatter? it is because he dare not speak the truth, and because a long system of oppression has broken his spirit. does he endeavour to advance himself a few steps in civilization? his attempts are treated with ridicule and contempt; [59] hence he becomes apathetic, careless of advancement, and often insensible to reproach. the best epithets he hears from spaniards (often as ignorant as himself) are "indio!" the god of nature made him so. "bruto!" he has been and is brutalized by his masters. "barbaro!" he is often so by force, example, or even by precept. "ignorante!" he has no means of learning; the will is not wanting. in a word, the spirit of the followers of cortes and pizarro, appears to have left its last vestiges here, and perhaps the indian has been saved from its persecutions only by the weakness of the spaniard. such are some of the causes which have marked the character of the indian, which is not naturally bad, with some of its prominent blemishes. i am far from holding up the indian of the phillippines as a faultless being; he is not so; the indian of manila [60] has all the vices attributed to him; but i assert, that the phillippine islander owes the greater part of his vices to example, to oppression, and above all to misgovernment; and that his character has traits, which under a different system, would have produced a widely different result. to sum up his character:--he is brave, tolerably faithful, extremely sensible to kind treatment, and feelingly alive to injustice or contempt; proud of ancestry, which some of them carry to a remote epoch; fond of dress and show, hunting, riding, and other field exercises; but prone to gambling and dissipation. he is active, industrious, and remarkably ingenious. he possesses an acute ear, and a good taste for music and painting, but little inclination for abstruse studies. he has from nature excellent talents, but these are useless for want of instruction. the little he has received, has rendered him fanatical in religious opinions; and long contempt and hopeless misery has mingled with his character a degree of apathy, which nothing but an entire change of system and long perseverance will efface from it. [61] the mestizos are the next class of men who inhabit these islands: under this name are not only included the descendants of spaniards by indian women and their progeny, but also those of the chinese, who are in general whiter than either parent, and carefully distinguish themselves from the indians. the mestizos are, as the name denotes, a mixed class, and, with the creoles of the country, like those of all colonies, when uncorrected by an european education, inherit the vices of both progenitors, with but few of the virtues of either. their character has but few marked traits; the principal ones are their vanity, industry, and trading ingenuity: as to the rest, money is their god; to obtain it they take all shapes, promise and betray, submit to everything, trample and are trampled on; all is alike to them, if they get money; and this, when obtained, they dissipate in lawsuits, firing cannon, fireworks, illuminations, processions on feast days and rejoicings, in gifts to the churches, or in gambling. this anomaly of actions is the business of their lives. too proud to consider themselves as indians, and not sufficiently pure in blood to be acknowledged as spaniards, they affect the manners of the last, with the dress of the first, and despising, are despised by both. [62] they however, cautiously mark on all occasions the lines which separate them from the indians, and have their own processions, ceremonies, inferior officers of justice, &c., &c. the indian repays them with a keen contempt, not unmixed with hatred. and these feuds, while they contribute to the safety of a government too imbecile and corrupt to unite the good wishes of all classes, have not unfrequently given rise to affrays which have polluted even the churches and their altars with blood. such are the three great classes of men which may be considered as natives of the phillippine islands. the creole [63] spaniards, or those whose blood is but little mingled with the indian ancestry, pass as spaniards. many of them are respectable merchants and men of large property; while others, from causes which will be seen hereafter, are sunk in all the vices of the indian and mestizo. the government of the phillippine islands is composed of a governor, who has the title of captain general, with very extensive powers; a teniente rey, or lieutenant governor; the audiencia or supreme court, who are also the council. this tribunal is composed of three judges, the chief of whom has the title of regent, and two fiscals or attorney generals, the one on the part of the king, the other on that of the natives, and this last has the specious title of "defensor de los indios." the financial affairs are under the direction of an intendant, who may be called a financial governor. he has the entire control and administration of all matters relative to the revenue, the civil and military auditors and accountants being under him. commercial affairs are decided by the consulado, or chamber of commerce, composed of all the principal, and, in manila, some of the inferior merchants. from this is an appeal to a tribunal "de alzada" [i.e., of appeal] composed of one judge and two merchants, and from this to the audiencia, without whose approbation no sentence is valid. the civic administration is confided to the ayuntamiento (courts of aldermen or municipality). this body, composed of the two alcaldes, twelve regidors (or aldermen) and a syndic, enjoy very extensive privileges, approaching those of houses of assembly; their powers, however, appear more confined to remonstrances and protests, representations against what they conceive arbitrary or erroneous in government, or recommendations of measures suggested either by themselves or others. they have, in general, well answered the object of their institution as a barrier against the encroachments of government, and as a permanent body for reference in cases where local knowledge was necessary, which last deficiency they well supply. the civil power and police are lodged in the hands of a corregidor and two alcaldes: the decision of these is final in cases of civil suits, where the value in question is small, 100 dollars being about the maximum. [64] their criminal jurisdiction extends only to slight fines and corporal punishments, and imprisonment preparatory to trial. the police is confided to the care of the corregidor, who has more extensive powers, and also the inspection and control of the prisons. to him are also subject the indian captains and officers of towns, who are annually elected by the natives. these settle small differences, answer for disturbances in their villages, execute police orders, impose small contributions of money or labour for local objects, such as repairs of roads, &c. &c. they also have the power of inflicting slight punishments on the refractory. to them is also confided the collection of the capitation or poll-tax, which is done by dividing the population of the town or village into tens, each of which has a cabeça (or head), who is exempt from tribute himself, but answerable for the amount of the ten under him. this tax is then paid to the alcalde or corregidor, and from him to the treasury. the mestizos and chinese have also their captains and heads, who are equally answerable for the poll-tax. the different districts and islands, which are called provinces, and are 29 in number, are governed by alcaldes. the more troublesome ones, or those requiring a military form of government, by military officers, who are also corregidors. samboangan on the south west coast of mindanao, and the marianas, have governors named from manila, and these are continued from three to five years in office. these alcaldeships are a fertile source of abuses and oppression: their pay is mean to the last degree, not exceeding 350 dollars per annum, and a trifling per centage on the poll-tax. they are in general held by spaniards of the lower classes, who finding no possible resource in manila, solicit an alcadeship. this is easily obtained, on giving the securities required by government for admission to these offices, which consist in two sureties [65] to an amount proportionable to the value of the taxes of the province, which all pass through the alcalde's hands. of the nature and amount of these abuses an idea will be better formed from the following abridged quotations, which are translated from the work of comyn before quoted (p. 16). [66] "it is indeed common enough to see the barber or lacquey of a governor, or a common sailor, transformed at once into the alcalde in chief of a populous province, without any other guide or council than his own boisterous passions. "without examining the inconvenience which may arise from their ignorance, it is yet more lamentable to observe the consequences of their rapacious avarice, which government tacitly allows them to indulge, under the specious title of permissions to trade (indultos). ----"and these are such that it may be asserted, that the evil which the indian feels most severely is derived from the very source which was originally intended for his assistance and protection, that is, from the alcaldes of the provinces, who, generally speaking, are the determined enemies and the real oppressors of their industry. "it is a well known fact, that far from promoting the felicity of the provinces to which he is appointed, the alcalde is exclusively occupied with advancing his private fortune, without being very scrupulous as to the means he employs to do so: hardly is he in office than he declares himself the principal consumer, buyer, and exporter of every production of the province. in all his enterprises he requires the forced assistance of his subjects, and if he condescends to pay them, it is at least only at the price paid for the royal works. these miserable beings carry their produce and manufactures to him, who directly or indirectly has fixed an arbitrary price for them. to offer that price is to prohibit any other from being offered--to insinuate is to command--the indian dares not hesitate--he must please the alcalde, or submit to his persecution: and thus, free from all rivalry in his trade, being the only spaniard in the province, the alcalde gives the law without fear or even risk, that a denunciation of his tyranny should reach the seat of government. "to enable us to form a more correct idea of these iniquitous proceedings, let us lift a little of the veil with which they are covered, and examine a little their method of collecting the 'tributo' (poll-tax). "the government, desirous of conciliating the interests of the natives with that of the revenue, has in many instances commuted the payment of the poll-tax into a contribution in produce or manufactures: a year of scarcity arrives, and this contribution, being then of much higher value than the amount of the tax, and consequently the payment in produce a loss, and even occasioning a serious want in their families, they implore the alcalde to make a representation to government that they may be allowed to pay the tribute for that year in money. this is exactly one of those opportunities, when, founding his profits on the misery of his people, the alcalde can in the most unjust manner abuse the power confided to him. he pays no attention to their representations. he is the zealous collector of the royal revenues;--he issues proclamations and edicts, and these are followed by his armed satellites, who seize on the harvests, exacting inexorably the tribute, until nothing more is to be obtained. having thus made himself master of the miserable subsistence of his subjects, he changes his tone on a sudden--he is the humble suppliant to government in behalf of the unfortunate indians, whose wants he describes in the most pathetic terms, urging the impossibility of their paying the tribute in produce--no difficulty is experienced in procuring permission for it to be paid in money--to save appearance, a small portion of it is collected in cash, and the whole amount paid by him into the treasury, while he resells at an enormous profit, the whole of the produce (generally rice) which has been before collected!" comyn, p. 134 to 138. this extract, though long, is introduced as an evidence from a spaniard (not of the lower order, or a disappointed adventurer, but a man of high respectability), of the shameless abuses which are daily practiced in this unfortunate country, and of which the indian is invariably the victim: and it is far from being an overcharged one. hundreds of other instances might be cited, [67] but this one will perhaps suffice to exonerate the writer of these remarks from suspicion of exaggeration, in pointing out some of the most prominent of them. while treating of the government of the phillippines, we must not forget the ministers of their religion, and the share which they have in preserving these islands as dominions to the crown of spain. this influence dates from the earliest epoch of their discovery. the followers of cortes and pizarro, with their successors, were employed in enriching themselves in the new world; and the spirit of conquest and discovery having found wherewith to satiate the brutal avarice by which it was directed, abandoned these islands to the pious efforts of the missionaries by whom, rather than by force of arms, they were in a great measure subdued; and even in the present day, they still preserve so great an influence, that the phillippines may be almost said to exist under a theocracy approaching to that of the jesuits in paraguay. the ecclesiastical administration is composed of an archbishop (of manila), who has three suffragans, ylocos, camarines, and zebu; the first two on luzon, the last on the island of the same name. the revenue of the archbishop is 4000, and that of the bishops 3000 dollars annually. the regular spanish clergy of all orders are about 250, the major part of which are distributed in various convents in the different islands, though their principal seats are in that of luzon; and many of them, from age or infirmity, are confined to their convents in manila. the degree of respect in which "the padre" is held by the indian, is truly astonishing. it approaches to adoration, and must be seen to be credited. in the most distant provinces, with no other safeguard than the respect with which he has inspired the indians, he exercises the most unlimited authority, and administers the whole of the civil and ecclesiastical government, not only of a parish, but often of a whole province. his word is law--his advice is taken on all subjects. no order from the alcalde, or even the government [68] is executed without his counsel and approbation, rendered too in many cases the more indispensable from his being the only person who understands spanish in the village. [69] to their high honour be it spoken, the conduct of these reverend fathers in general fully justifies and entitles them to this confidence. the "padre" is the only bar to the oppressions of the alcalde: he protects, advises, comforts, remonstrates, and pleads for his flock; and not unfrequently has he been seen, though bending beneath the weight of years and infirmity, to leave his province, and undertake a long and often perilous voyage to manila, to stand forward as the advocate of his indians; and these gratefully repay this kind regard for their happiness by every means in their power. their hospitality is equally praiseworthy. the stranger who is travelling through the country, no matter what be his nation or his religion, [70] finds at every town the gates of the convent open to him, and nothing is spared that can contribute to his comfort and entertainment. they too are the architects and mechanists: many of them are the physicians and schoolmasters of the country, and the little that has been done towards the amelioration of the condition of the indian, has generally been done by the spanish clergy. it is painful, however, to remark, that much that might have been done, has been left undone. the exclusive spirit of the roman church, which confines its knowledge to its priests, is but too visible even here: they appear to be more anxious to make christians, than citizens, and by neglecting this last part of their duty, have but very indifferently fulfilled the first,--the too common error of proselytists of all denominations, which has probably its source in that vanity of human nature, which is as insatiable beneath the cowl as under any garb it has yet assumed. some of them too have furnished a striking but melancholy proof of the eloquent moral, "it is not good for man to be alone." let us draw a veil over these infirmities. he who has lived amidst the busy hum of crowds, amidst the wild whirl of human passions and interests, can have but little conception of the state of that mind, which perhaps feeling alive to the blessings of social intercourse, is cut off for years from civilized men; and thus buried mentally, is constrained to seek all its resources within itself. [71] that heart is one of powerful fibre which does not sometimes show itself to be human.... there are instances indeed of some of them forgetting in a great measure their language! and of others who have become almost idiots while yet in the vigour of life! [72] the next and lowest order of ecclesiastics are the indian clergy (clerigos); they are in number from 800 to 1000, and though from the want of spaniards, the administration of many large districts and towns is confided to them, they are as a body far from being worthy of such an important charge. the majority of them are ignorant to the last degree, proud, debauched, and indolent: in a word, they unite the vices of the priesthood to those of the indian, and form a class of men who may almost be said to be distinguished by their vices only. this arises from various causes, of which the principal appears to be that of their being entirely excluded from the higher ecclesiastical situations. this alone, by depriving them of the most powerful stimulus to correct conduct, together with the very confined education they receive, and the impassable line drawn between them and the spanish clergy, whom they are never allowed to approach, and who treat them with much contempt, are sufficient to account, in a great measure, for their apparent demerit. the fact, however, is such, whatever be its cause; and seldom a week passes, or at most a month, but some of them are brought before the ecclesiastical tribunals, under accusations but little creditable to their cloth. their ordinary resort at manila is the cockpit or the gaming table, where they shew an avidity and keenness which are disgraceful and shameless to the last degree. yet to the guidance of beings like these is the unfortunate indian in a great measure abandoned, even in his last moments: for from the very great proportion of these to the spanish priests, and from the recluse lives of the latter, nearly nine-tenths of all the clerical duties are performed by the indian clerigos, such as i have described them. the few who do form an exception, are men whose conduct is highly creditable to themselves, and more striking from its unfrequent occurrence. a keen and deadly jealousy subsists between these and the spanish ecclesiastics, or rather a hatred on the one side, and a contempt on the other. the indian clergy accuse these last of a neglect of their ecclesiastical duties, of vast accumulations of property in lands, &c., which, say they, "belong to us the indians." the spaniards in return treat them with silent contempt, continuing to enjoy the best benefices, and living at their ease in the convents. from what has been said, it will be easily seen, "that much may be said on both sides;" but these recriminations have the bad effect of debasing both parties in the eyes of the natives, and are the germs of a discord which may one day involve these countries in all the horrors of religious dissentions. [73] such are the civil and ecclesiastical government of the phillippines. we turn now to the revenue and expenditure, military establishments, &c. until very lately these rich islands have been a constant burden to the crown of spain, money having been annually sent from mexico to supply their expenses. the establishment of the monopoly of tobacco has principally contributed to supply this deficiency. it was established by an active and intelligent governor (vasco) about 1745 [sc., 1785] and still continues to be the principal revenue of the country; and large sums have been from time to time sent home to spain, as a balance against those received from mexico. the sales of this article amount more or less to a million of dollars per annum. the extensive establishment which is kept up to prevent smuggling, and the expenses of purchase and manufacture, reduce its net produce to 500,000 dollars per annum. the plant is cultivated in the districts of gapan in pampanga, in a part of the province of cagayan, and in the island marinduque to the south of luzon. it is delivered in by the cultivators at fixed prices, and sent to manila, where it is manufactured in a large range of buildings dedicated to that purpose, and retailed to the public at about 18 to 19 1/2 dollars per arroba of 25 lbs. (spanish), the prices varying a little according to the harvests. the administration, inspection, and manufacture of this article, employ several thousand persons of both sexes (the manufacturing process being almost wholly carried on by women). this is not only the most productive, but the best conducted branch of the revenue; while it is at the same time the least vexatious in its operations, though not exempt from those objections which are common to all government monopolies. another of these monopolies is that of coco wine, as it is called (vino de coco y nipa). this is a weak spirit produced from the juice of the toddy tree (borassus gomutus), [74] and from the nipa (cocos nypa): of this, large quantities are used by the natives. the expense of collection is about 80,000 dollars, the net revenue to government varying from 2 to 300,000. the poll-tax (tributo) is the other great branch of the revenue; the manner of collecting it is described in p. 29. its amount to each individual is, with some exceptions and variations in different provinces, 14 rials, or 1 3/4 dollars for every married indian, from the age of 24 to 60. the mestizos pay 24 rials or 3 dollars, and the chinese 6 dollars each: this last branch is generally farmed. the amount of indian and mestizo tribute may be stated in round numbers at 800,000 dollars: the expense of collecting it diminishes it to about 640,000. the exemptions from it are disbanded soldiers, who pay less than others, men above 60 years of age, and the cultivators of tobacco, or makers of wine for the royal monopolies. the collection of this tax is always attended with much trouble, and it is detested by the indians to the last degree. the exaction of it from the newly converted tribes, [75] and the extensive frauds which, as already detailed, are practised by means of it, render it the most oppressive of all impositions. the natives consider it (perhaps with some justice), as giving money to no purpose; and infallibly evade it by every means in their power. the customs produce from 1 to 300,000 dollars per annum. the remaining part of the revenue is derived from various minor sources: such are the cockpits, which are farmed, and produce a net revenue of 25 to 40,000 dollars;--the chinese poll-tax, 30,000 dollars;--"bulas," [76] (the sale of which is farmed, and produces from 10 to 12,000 dollars);--cards, powder (a monopoly), stamps, and other articles of minor importance; amongst which was formerly the monopoly of betel nut, which is now abolished. the expenses of administration are as follows. the civil and ecclesiastical officers of government, 250,000 dollars. the military, including all classes, about 600,000; and the marine, about 550,000. the excess of revenue over the expenditure is stated by comyn to have been in 1809 about 450,000 dollars, but in this is included 250,000 received from mexico. in 1817, by an account published by order of the ayuntamiento of manila, the amount of the revenue was- receipts dollars poll tax 638,976 rentas (monopolies, farms, &c.) 810,784 ========= total 1,449,760 [77] of which a surplus would remain when all the expenses were liquidated. in preceding years, some surplus has been remitted to spain. the military establishment consists of three regiments of infantry, one of dragoons, a squadron of hussars, and a battalion of artillery, in all about 4500 regulars. the militia are numerous, but only one regiment is under arms: the total of men may be estimated at 5000, but on an emergency, large bodies of irregulars can be called into activity. in 1804, the governor, don j. m. de anguilar, [i.e., aguilar] is said to have had upwards of 20,000 men under arms, being in expectation of an attack from the english. these troops (which are all natives) are in general badly disciplined and officered, mostly by country-born officers, without the advantage of an european education, ignorant of their military duties to the last degree, many of them (more especially in the mestizo regiments) connected with the soldiers by relationship, or at least by the tie of mutual indulgence, the soldier performing every menial office for the officer, who in return winks at the excesses of the soldier. this is carried to such an extent, that, not to mention such trifles as a garden wall or gate, a bathing house, or a stable, or at times a little smuggling; there are instances on record, where the commanding officer of a regiment has built himself a country house! the whole of the masonry and carpentry being performed by soldiers of his regiment! another is of a captain collecting his debts by means of a piquet of infantry; taking possession of his debtor's house until payment was made! it will be easily conceived, that where these things are permitted, the soldiers are made subservient to other purposes; accordingly they have been employed to punish the paramours of their officers' wives--to eject a troublesome tenant--or at times to take vengeance for affronts, in cases where it might not be safe for the injured person to do so. [78] these remarks apply more particularly to the mestizo officers. the spaniards, and some of the creoles, who are but very few in number, form a respectable class of military men, of whom some few may be cited as models of spirit and discipline: but they are not sufficiently numerous for their example to influence the despicable beings with whom they are unavoidably associated; and the wealth and influence being generally on the side of the native-born officers, these abuses are permitted, and the complaints of others disregarded. it is but just, however, to remark, that their pay is excessively mean; it is a bare, and miserable subsistence; and due weight should be given to this circumstance in extenuation. a captain of regulars has not more than 80 dollars per month! and so on in proportion, and when we reflect, that from the low value of the circulating medium, a dollar will barely command more than a rupee in any part of india, much must be allowed for men so situated. hence, though the men, arms, and accoutrements are not bad, the troops are, from abuses, embezzlement, and neglect, miserably deficient in a military point of view, and but poorly calculated to answer any efficient purpose. to this description, the regiment of artillery and pampango militia are exceptions: the style of equipment and discipline of the first are a high testimony of the activity and military talents of their colonel. the queen's regiment is by far the most respectable of the infantry. their cavalry are badly mounted, the horses being very small, and by no means good. the men too are clumsily equipped, with swords manufactured apparently in the 14th century, being straight, disproportionably long, and furnished with a steel poignet or basket, above which is a cross, resembling the rapiers of that time. their marine is still more miserably deficient in the requisite qualities for essential service, and suffers more from the mal-administration of its various branches. all work done in the royal arsenal is computed to cost at least 40 per cent. more than that by individuals! the marine consists of a flotilla of 40 or 50 gun-boats, and as many feluccas, [79] of which about one half, or fewer, may be in constant activity; with what effect has been already remarked. like the army, the navy is almost entirely officered by creoles and mestizos, whose pay is but a subsistence, and consequently no prospect is offered to young men of family and enterprise who may have other resources. the arsenal at cavite, about 10 miles from manila, is well provided with officers and workmen, but has no docks. vessels, however, may heave down with great safety; and the work, though expensive, is remarkably well executed. the agriculture of this very fertile country is yet in its infancy. oppressed with so many enemies to his advancement, and placed in a climate where the slightest exertion insures subsistence, the indian has, like the majority of his malay brethren, been content with supplying his actual wants, without seeking for luxuries. hence, and from the expulsion of the jesuits, they have made no advances beyond the common attainments of the surrounding islanders. this spirited and indefatigable order of men, who, both by precept and example, encouraged agriculture, not only as the source of national greatness, but as preparatory to, and inseparable from, conversion to christianity, which they well knew did not consist alone in ceremonies, but in fulfilling the duties of citizens and men, and who, whatever were their political sins, certainly possessed more than any other the talent of converting men from savage to civilized life, have left in the phillippines some striking monuments of their wide-spreading and well-directed influence. extensive convents (the ground stories of which were magazines), in the centre of fertile districts formerly in the highest state of cultivation, but now more than half abandoned,--tunnels,--canals,--reservoirs and dams, by which extensive tracts were irrigated for the purposes of cultivation, attest the spirit with which they encouraged this science; and if their expulsion was a political necessity, it certainly appears to have been in this country a moral evil. the restraints imposed on commerce were another insuperable bar to their prosperity, as depriving them of a market for their produce. since foreigners have been allowed free intercourse with them, their agriculture has in some degree improved by the increased demand of produce; but under the present system, but little can be expected from it. [80] the soil is in general a rich red mould, with a great proportion of iron, and in some districts volcanic matters; it is easily worked and very productive: that in the immediate vicinity of manila, and for four or five miles round it, extending to that distance from the coast of the bay, is an alluvial soil, formed by the confluence of the numerous rivers with the ocean; it is stiff, and in all respects very inferior to the other. in some parts are extensive tracts, the reservoirs of the waters from the mountains in the rainy season, which first yield an amazing supply of fish, [81] and then a good crop of rice or pasture for the buffaloes. the frequent rains, and the numerous rivers and streams with which the country is every-where intersected, adds to its extraordinary fertility: it is seldom, if ever, afflicted with droughts, but is at times devastated by locusts (perhaps once in 10 or 15 years), and these make dreadful havoc amongst the canes. their attacks, however, are partial, and generally take place after the rice is harvested, in december, disappearing before the rains. in 1818, nearly the whole of the canes were destroyed by them, and the ayuntamiento of manila expended from 60 to 80,000 dollars in purchasing large quantities of them, which were thrown into the sea. [82] the buffalo is universally used in all field labours, for which, however, he is but poorly calculated: the slowness of his pace, and his great suffering from heat, which obliges the labourer to bathe him frequently, occasion a very considerable loss of time, which is scarcely compensated by his great strength and little expense in keeping. indeed, the bullock should perhaps be on all occasions substituted for him, excepting only in the cultivation of rice fields. in a few districts, this is the case; but it is with reluctance that the native uses him in preference to the buffalo. their breed of horses is small, but very hardy: they are never used for agricultural purposes, though but few of the peasants are without one for riding, and many of them have two or three. in the province of pampanga (the finest tribe of indians in the phillippines), they risk considerable sums on races! of which they are very fond. their plough is of chinese origin: it has but one handle, and no coulter or mould-board, the upper part of the share, which is flat, and turned to one side, performing this part of the work. the common harrow is composed of five or six pieces of the stems of the thorny bamboos, which at the lower part are almost solid; these are united by a long peg of the same, passing through all the pieces: to these the hard branches of thorns are left appending, and being cut off at a short distance from the stem, form the teeth of the instrument, which, rude as it is, performs its work well, and usefully, and is seldom out of order. for cleaning and finally pulverizing the ground, they have another harrow of chinese origin, (or an invention of the jesuits?) it is of wrought iron, and for simplicity and utility it is, i think, unequalled. by means of it they can extirpate the lallang grass (andropogon caricosum), called by them cogon, [83] and which no other instrument will perform so well, that i am acquainted with. a hoe, like that of the west indies, answers the purposes of a spade; and (with the basket) of a shovel. a large knife (the malay parang), called "bolo," completes the list of their agricultural instruments. machinery they cannot be said to possess, except a rude mill of two cylinders for cane, and another for grinding their rice, can be called such. the greater part of the rice is beaten from the husk in wooden mortars, and by hand. the rainy season commences with the s. w. monsoon, and ends in october. the rice (the aquatic sorts) is planted by hand in july and august, and reaped in december. the upland rice, of which they have two varieties, is planted earlier, and comes sooner to maturity. the cane is planted in the manner called "en canon" by the french, that is, the plant piece is stuck diagonally into the ground; and thus, from the roots being often on the surface, the plant suffers frequently from drought, and they have seldom two crops from a piece of cane: their sugar, though clumsily manufactured, is of excellent grain, and highly esteemed by the refiners of europe. the indigo plant is very fine; and though, as in all countries, a precarious crop, yet it is far from being so much so as in india: it has been manufactured equal to guatemala, but in the present day is of a very inferior quality: this arises from various causes, of which the principal are ignorance in the manufacture of it, a want of capital, and spirit of enterprise. they have no tanks of masonry, the whole process being carried on in two wooden vats of a very moderate size, from which the fecula is taken once a week. it is needless to remark, that the quality of the indigo is materially injured by this alone: it is also subject to many adulterations in the hands of the mestizos, before being brought to market. the coffee plant was almost entirely unknown about 40 years ago, a few plants only existing in the gardens about manila. it was gradually transported from thence to the towns in the neighbourhood of the lake, where it has been since multiplied to an amazing degree by an extraordinary method. a species of civet cat with which the woods abound, swallows the berries, [84] and these passing through the animal entire, take root, and thus the forests are filled with wild plants. this fact may be depended upon, and the major part of all the coffee exported from manila is produced from the wild plants, and is equal or superior in flavour to that of bourbon. the government, in 1795 or 96, made an attempt to force its cultivation in the province of bulacan, but forgot, as one of their own officers naivement observes, "que no habia compradores ni consumidores"--that there were neither consumers or customers for it! it of course fell to the ground, and in the next passage of the same work, the indian is partly blamed for it! the cultivation of cotton is as yet but very partial. it is of the herbaceous species, of a very fine quality, almost equalling the bourbon, but excessively adherent to the grain: so much so indeed, that none of the attempts to separate it from the seed by machinery have hitherto succeeded; the grains passing through the rollers, and staining the cotton. it is cleared by the natives by means of a hand-mill, very clumsy in its construction, and performing so little work, that the cleaning costs six dollars per pekul. the principal part of the cotton comes from the province of ylocos, where large quantities of stuffs are manufactured. the brown cotton, for which a prize was offered in 1818 by the society of arts, grows in great quantities, and is manufactured into durable cloths and blankets. the prices of agricultural labour vary from 1 rial [85] per day near manila to 3/4 and 1/2 rial in the provinces--a plough with two buffaloes and a man, 2 1/2 rials. the workmen, like day labourers in all countries, are often "looking for sunset;" but when allowed task work, are willing and industrious. a plough will go over rather more than a loan [86] of ground in a day--about a quinion in three months. of the produce of any given cultivation, it is difficult to speak with any degree of correctness: calculations of this kind are difficult to make amongst a people labouring each for himself, and all for the wants of the day: for, unaccustomed to generalize, each gives his own as the average, and hence the discrepancy which every person must have remarked who has had occasion to make inquiries of this description in half civilized countries, where a main point, the value of the labourer's time, and of that of his animals, is invariably left out, as is also the difference of work for himself and for a master. the tables given at the conclusion of comyn's work are, as far as regards the vicinity of the capital, very erroneous. they are also very deficient in many points. [87] the following is a much nearer approximation. a quinion of land requires four ploughings and three harrowings, say six ploughings in all. ds. rs. now as 1 quinion will occupy a hired labourer about 90 days at 2 1/2 rials = 28 dollars 1 rial, which for six times is 168 6 fencing, 12 ds.; grubbing, &c., 15; cane slips, 25; planting, 18; weeding and hoeing, 30; carriage, 18; manufacture, 45; pilones, &c., 12 175 0 cost 343 6 produce at low average, 150 pilones, [88] salable at 3 1/2 ds. 487 4 ======= profit 143 6 this supposes the proprietor of the cane to be possessed of a mill, buffaloes, &c. for the wear of which no estimate is made. the 150 pilones of sugar, each weighing about 150 lbs. gross, will produce the refiner who has purchased them about 100 piculs of sugar, of which s. ds. 80 1st sort, worth 6 1/4 dollars 500 0 20 2d ditto, and molasses, &c. 3 3/4 75 0 ======= 575 0 they have cost him about 487 4 refiner's allowance on 100 pilones, s. ds. 47 8 the profits of the refiner would appear high; and they have been so; but are far from what this statement appears to give, from various reasons, of which the chief are, the heavy capital sunk in buildings, interest on advances, &c. and from a want of knowledge, the enormous waste of labour in the process. a glance at this may give an idea of what trade is at these antipodes of commercial knowledge. i have termed the process "refining;" it should rather be called claying and sorting--and it is as clumsily managed as the ingenuity of man could well devise. the trade is principally in the hands of three or four capitalists; advances are made by these to brokers, the provincial merchants, who annually bring their produce to the capital in small vessels, [89] and to the masters of coasting traders, in which the sugar merchants have shares. these are made to a large amount, 80 to 100,000 dollars; and as the interest of this must at least run for six months at 9 per cent. it forms a heavy item. losses and defaulters form another, say 1/2 per cent. in all 5 per cent. the pilones are delivered from november to may and june, and are received into extensive warehouses, which are provided with large court-yards and terraced roofs. here the upper part of the pilone is cut off, and a quantity of manufactured sugar being pressed down on the top of it, a thin layer of the river mud is put on it; this is watered from time to time and changed once or twice, the pilone standing on a small foot, with the small hole at its apex left open, through which the molasses slowly drains, leaving the upper and broader part of the pilone of a fine white, gradually decreasing in goodness to the bottom, where it is little more than molasses--the pilone is then cut in two; the darker part is put by as second quality (or reboiled), and the whiter portion as firsts, of the sugar, the care taken in the process, the kind of mud used, &c. about two piculs of sugar from three pilones is a fair average, when these are of a good size. that from the province of pampanga is by far the best; it is produced from a small red cane [90] about four feet high, and of the thickness of a good walking stick. the sugar being thus clayed, is now to be mixed, pounded, and dried. the last process is performed by laying it on small mats in the sun, on the terraces and pavements of the court-yards. on the slightest appearance of rain, it must be hurried under cover, and brought out again when this is past. so that in a manufacture of any size, when from 3 to 400 chinese are employed at 4 1/2 dollars per month, fully 1/3d of their labour is expended on this operation alone. the management of the rest requires no comment. the cost of production of any of the other articles cannot be estimated to any degree of correctness, from the very small scale on which they are cultivated, and the limited knowledge of the writer of these remarks. those of comyn are erroneous. the indians are the principal and almost the only cultivators of the soil, very few mestizos or chinese [91] being engaged in it. the few spaniards and other europeans who have attempted it, have been obliged to abandon their attempts to form plantations. these failures, or rather determination to abandon their speculations (even when in a promising state), have arisen from various causes; but the general one may be stated to be the very little security for life and property, in a country such as has been described. this is with the major part an insuperable objection; for from the moment they are established, and known to possess money for the payment of their workmen, they must be in expectation of an attack, and prepared to defend themselves; nor can they lie down at night free from the apprehension of seeing their establishments in flames before morning! either from robbers, or from malice of any individual who may think himself aggrieved:--the impossibility of obtaining justice so generally experienced by the indians, and the many chances of escaping punishment, being strong inducements to the ill-disposed to adopt these modes of revenge. to this it may be added, that even were the foreigner to kill the most determined robber in the country, the circumstance of having done so in defence of his life and property, would by no means exonerate him from a fleecing by the inferior officers of justice, and from a long and tiresome process of depositions, declarations, &c. during which his affairs must be entirely neglected. [92] in addition to this he must lay his account with another obstacle, and this none of the smallest--the chance of bad faith on the part of those with whom he is connected; a chance which by no means will diminish in proportion to his success; for, let no foreigner deceive himself on this head in manila; if he cannot flatter as low, or bribe as high as his adversary, his cause is lost by some means or other. the phillippines also produce cacao of an excellent quality, though not sufficient for their consumption, a large quantity being imported from new spain. pepper is also an article of exportation, but in very limited quantities, the utmost the phillippine company have been able to procure being about 60,000 lbs. in favourable years. to these may be added the abaca (musa textilis), a species of plantain, from which the beautiful fibres are procured known by that name. this is becoming a very considerable article of exportation, both raw, and manufactured into cordage. the natives also consume large quantities of it in cordage, and as shirting cloth, into which a large portion of the interior and finer fibres are manufactured. some of it is equal to the coarser sort of china grass cloth. [93] in gogo, [94] a gigantic climbing plant, whose trunk attains the size of a man's body, is another remarkable production of these islands. its branches being cut out into lengths, are coarsely pounded and dried in the sun: they are used as soap by all classes of people, the saponaceous fluid which is extracted from them being remarkably cleansing, and the fibres answering the purpose of a brush. it is also used in large quantities in washing the earth of rivers and streams, to separate the gold from them. it is not cultivated, but exists in great abundance in the forests, in which are also the sapan-wood (called sibacao), the sandal, ebony, and vanilla. they abound in gums and resins, large portions of which are washed down by the torrents; but these are for the most part useless, either from the ignorance of the natives, or from the impossibility of venturing far in the interior. their timber is excellent, and in a country so covered with forests, of course plentiful; but the want of roads and other conveniences of transport, renders it, in manila, rather an expensive article. the principal timber woods are, the "mulave" [i.e., molave], a compact, heavy, yellowish wood, and almost incorruptible, perhaps from the very great portion of tannin it contains. tindalo, [95] a hard wood, much resembling the iron-wood of the brasils, and like it used for screws, &c., &c. when great hardness is required. "betis," an excellent timber tree, which grows to a very great size, and for its durability is generally used for the main beams of churches, convents, and other large buildings. the "narra," of which there are two kinds, the white and red: this last is almost equal to mahogany in polish and durability. banaba, a red wood resembling cedar; and many others of equal goodness. of these the banaba and mulave are most used in shipbuilding, the first for planking, and the last for the framework. for masts, the manga-chapuy and palo-maria are generally used: the last is equal or superior to pine, both in strength and lightness. their forests are not infested with those ferocious animals which are the terror of those of other asiatic countries. the tiger, elephant, and rhinoceros are unknown: the wild buffalo and hog are the only ones of which the native has any dread. these attain an enormous size, but are not mischievous, unless provoked. the dried flesh and hides of these animals, as well as of deer and wild cattle, which are in immense numbers, form a considerable article of trade amongst the natives, the "tappa" or dried flesh being used for food, and the hides for exportation. their serpents, however, attain an enormous size: the largest are those of the boa species (constrictor), and will devour a horse or a cow at a meal. [96] of this genus there is one variety very beautifully marked, which frequents the houses, and is called by the spaniards (culebra casera), the house snake, [97] and by the indians "sawa." these are often seen from 10 to 12 feet in length, but are very harmless. few houses are without one or more of them in the cellars, stables, &c. but they are seldom disturbed, as they are said to devour rats and other noxious animals; though, when these fail them, they attack fowls, or even goats. they form a favourite article of food with the chinese, who keep them in jars to fatten, and the indians may be often seen carrying them through the streets for sale. of other varieties they have great numbers; some of which, as the "dahun palay," or leaf of rice, of a deep green and yellow, which frequents the rice fields, and the "mandadalag," or whip-snake, are excessively venomous: accidents from these animals are not, however, very frequent; from whence it may be concluded, that the superstition of the natives has greatly exaggerated the number of venomous ones: and this may be the more readily inferred, not only from their excessively superstitious character, and the common custom of all nations in this particular; but also from the thousand ridiculous fables told by them of the cameleon, which is very common in the woods, and perfectly harmless. the indian name for it is "ynyano." of minerals they have an inexhaustible supply: gold is found in almost all the streams, and even in the sands of the shores of the bay after blowing weather: no mines of it have as yet been wrought, though they are known to exist. the quantity obtained by the rude efforts of the natives merely washing the sands of the torrents, is very great, and certainly does not fall short of 4 to 500,000 dollars worth annually, as great quantities are expended in gilding for the churches, &c. &c. silver is also found, but in small quantities. virgin copper is another produce of their mountains: pieces of it are frequently met with in the torrents, and on the shores of some of the islands (masbate, burias, and ambil). the negroes have also been seen with rude ornaments, and even with utensils made from it. of iron they have whole mountains in the very vicinity of manila! (provinces of pampanga and bulacan), some of the ores yielding 75 per cent. of metal, and of an excellent quality, this having been ascertained by some biscayan iron-masters sent out for that purpose. it contains great numbers of magnets. there are some miserable establishments for working and smelting these ores, but on a very small scale; they have only produced cast iron articles, and those of an inferior quality. they have no forging machinery. [98] cinnabar, lead, and tin are supposed to exist; but of these last there is no certainty. sulphur is found in the neighbourhood of the volcanoes in considerable quantities, and is an article of export to bengal and other places: the principal part of it is collected on the island of leyté, which is next to samar on the south side of the strait of st. bernardino. it is collected on the edges of numerous small apertures, which emit at times flames and smoke. these are situated in an extensive plain near the sea-coast in the vicinity of the village of dulag, on the eastern side of the island. with these natural advantages, and those are not few that still remain to be enumerated, the commerce of this country, like its agriculture, is still in its infancy: and this has been principally owing to two great causes--the trade to acapulco, and the prohibitory system invariably pursued by spain in regulating the intercourse with her colonies, and which here has been burdened with an additional weight, the monopoly of the phillippine company. it were a task far exceeding the intention and ability of the writer of these remarks to point out the causes and effects of these extensive evils:--a few observations only will be made to elucidate such remarks as may follow on the commerce of manila. of the prohibitory system pursued by spain towards her colonies, it may perhaps be said, with as much justice as of her wars, that it was, "en faire un desert pour s'en assurer l'empire;" [99] for few systems could have been better calculated to assure the first object; the last has miserably disappointed its advocates, and left a striking lesson to the world, at which humanity has cause to rejoice. with jealousy of foreigners exceeding even the bounds of credibility, she invariably refused them admittance, [100] whether for scientific or commercial purposes; [101] or when from accident or influence this was obtained, the people following, and often exceeding the lessons of their rulers, by civil and religious persecutions, and contempt, contrived to render their existence almost a burden. it would appear to have become an axiom amongst them, remarkable only for its illiberality, that "a dollar gained by foreigners was one taken from the pocket of a spaniard;" [102] and that in all cases where the interests of the merchants of the mother country and those of the colonies were opposed, the latter were to be sacrificed. [103] her own subjects were, from the same miserable narrow policy, embarrassed with restrictions and conditions--permissions from the consejo de las yndias, &c. &c. that it became by no means a trifling affair to be able to embark for the phillippines, unless at the risk of being sent home from there by the local authorities. unable herself, from the want of manufactures and energy, to profit by her colonies, she obstinately refused to allow others to do so, and in this she invariably persisted. the fruits of such a system were such as might have been expected; the colonies submitted--(while they were obliged by force to do so), smuggled to a large amount, remonstrated, resisted, and declared themselves independent; and thus has spain forever lost those advantages which a more liberal policy might have secured to her through a long course of time. [104] in the philippines, this system, though followed for a long time, has been of late years successively relaxed, and the good effects of this modification are visible to the most indifferent observer: it has however left deep traces of its operations, and much is still wanting: the foreign merchant or adventurer, how much soever he may be smiled upon and caressed, has still to contend against a rooted and long cherished jealousy of all that is not spanish. the acapulco trade is another and a principal cause of the very confined state of the commerce of this valuable colony. a few remarks will be sufficient to justify the apparent paradox. the merchant of manila (says comyn), is "entirely different from the merchant of other parts of the world; he has no extensive correspondence, no books, or intricate accounts; his operations are confined to a shipment of bales to acapulco, and to receiving the silver in return: and in 40 years, only one or two instances have occurred wherein bankrupts have been able to produce a correct set of books to the consulado (or chamber of commerce)!" this description was doubtless correct at the time when it was written (1809); but it is just to observe that they are now much improved, and though not excessively enterprising, are better acquainted with the true principles of commerce. such were the merchants: let us examine a little the trade. the basis of it was, and is, the funds called "obras pias" [105] (pious works). these are funds under various denominations, whose origin was the piety of well-meaning spaniards, who dying rich have bequeathed large sums for the purpose of lending to deserving traders to commence or continue their career with. the administration of these is confided to various religious and charitable institutions, or to civil associations--the trustees forming a board, at which the sums to be lent, &c. are determined. their statutes differ in many unessential points; [106] but their general tenour is the same, viz. that sums not exceeding two thirds of the fund shall be lent on respondentia at certain rates of interest, which are fixed according to the risk of the voyages; and these, when repaid, shall be added, principal and interest, to the original fund. the interests are 25 per cent. to acapulco, 15 to bengal, and so in proportion. the total of the capitals of these establishments (there are 12 or 14 of them), amounted to about three millions and a half of dollars in 1820, of which about two millions are due to the funds on various risks, principally those of new spain: of this the major part is considered as lost by those best qualified to judge of the subject. the principal employ of these funds has been in the commerce to acapulco; and from the facility with which capital was procured, the excessive gambling spirit which this introduced, as well as the system of mutual accommodations from the trustees of different funds, and the utter absence of the wholesome restraint of public examinations of their accounts, it has resulted that more harm than good has been done by these establishments. the original intentions are entirely perverted, a few small sums being lent to young adventurers (when they have powerful friends), but far the greatest part is employed by the trustees themselves under the name of a relation or friend. [107] when, without risking any capital of his own, the merchant might thus share the enormous profits of this trade, with no more exertion than signing the invoices and letters (they were written by indian clerks), and receiving the treasure on the return of the vessel, it is not surprising that for nearly two centuries they neglected all the other commercial advantages which surrounded them, or that such a commerce produced such merchants: the history of it and of them for that period may be confined to a few words:--they were the agents of the merchants of madras and bengal, receiving and shipping their goods, and returning their proceeds, while their profits were confined to a large commission on them. [108] this trade was anciently confined to a single ship annually, the famous galleon. she was fitted out, manned and armed, at the king's expense, and commanded by a king's officer. this was reimbursed by a duty of 33 1/3 per cent. on the registered cargo, the merchants contributing to her provisionment, and to the payment of 20,000 dollars as a bounty to her commander. she was calculated to carry 3,000 bales of a certain size, and the privilege of shipping these was confined to the holders of 1,000 tickets called "boletas," which were divided amongst different public bodies, charitable and religious institutions, the widows of the officers, &c., these tickets being saleable to others: [109] and of the enormous profit on this trade, some idea may be formed, when it is known, that with the very heavy expenses attendant on every stage of it, 500 dollars have been paid for a ticket entitling the holder to ship three bales! by regulation, the invoice was not to exceed 500,000 dollars; but this was always evaded. the vessels were crammed with goods, and generally netted 100 per cent. or even 150 on every thing taken out. [110] by applications from private merchants, the permissions have of late years been extended to their ships, and even brigs; but they still were encumbered with many useless restrictions and conditions, which of course were evaded by every means that could be devised. by the adoption of the new constitution, and the late declaration of the independence of mexico, [111] which began in the seizure of a convoy of nearly a million of dollars belonging to the merchants of manila, this trade is now almost annihilated. as has been remarked, their intercourse with the other countries is very limited. the phillippine company, who were in possession of the exclusive trade of europe, have for many years taken no advantage of their privilege (the last ship which arrived from spain was in 1817); [112] but private merchants were still debarred from doing so, till the promulgation of the constitution. [113] foreigners have been, however, gradually admitted since 1800; and they have supplied the wants of the country by introducing european articles, and carrying off the surplus produce, when a sufficient quantity could be procured to employ their capital, which rarely happens without much delay. so rapid has been the augmentation of this trade, that though in 1813 only 15,000 pekuls of sugar were exported, it had increased in 1818 to 200,000, at from 6 1/2 to 9 dollars per pekul. the other exports of the same year were as follows:-coffee, about 400 pekuls, at 28 dollars; cotton, 1,000, at 20 to 25 dollars; indigo, 1,000 quintals, at 90 to 110 dollars per quintal; wax, 600 pekuls at 40 to 50 dollars; red wood, &c. &c. in large quantities. in a printed account, the number of foreign vessels for that year (1818) are stated to be, english, 18; american, 10; french, 4; portuguese, 2; chinese junks, 10, and 8 spanish vessels. the value of imports as follows: goods, 2,296,272 dollars cash, 758,239 ========== $3,054,511 the exports, 1,205,649 dollars; but this last is any thing but correct, not only from the very imperfect nature of the custom-house valuations, but from the smuggling, which is carried on to an immense amount. it will be nearer the truth to estimate the imports at about 3,8, or 3,900,000, and the exports at 3 1/4 or 3,500,000. [114] the imports consist of piece-goods for the acapulco market, and for home consumption from bengal; cambrics and handkerchiefs of plaided patterns from madras; woollens, wines, spirits, silks, printed cottons, hosiery, hardware, &c. from europe (principally from france); bird's nests, tortoise and mother-of-pearl shell, bich-de-mar [i.e., balate], wax, dried fish, &c. from soolo, borneo, and other islands of the archipelago; toys, silks, nankeens, teas, and dollars from china; dollars from the united states; and from south america, silver, cochineal, and cacao. of these articles the specie and cochineal are mostly exported to bengal and madras, and the produce of the soolos and borneo to china; the other exports have been noticed in a preceding page. an active coasting trade [115] is carried on by the natives amongst the islands, though they suffer dreadfully from the pirates; but such is their enterprising turn, that with these in sight, they will often cross from one island to another, when they have a fair start; and frequently set out on a long trip in a small prow [i.e., prau], armed only with their spears and "campilans," [116] though knowing the pirates to be in the neighbourhood of their track. they are well known in the piratical states, where a manila slave always commands a higher price than any other. they have been much stigmatized in british country-ships, as the leaders of mutinies, &c.; but though no doubt can exist that they have often assisted in cutting off vessels, yet i question much whether the fault was not in a great measure to be attributed to a want of discrimination between the high spirit of the philippine islander, and the meek sufferance of the patient lascar--a fatal mistake, when both are trampled on, as it is to be feared they but too often are. this trade is carried on in pontines, [117] galeras, feluccas, and prows or boats of all sizes. the pontines are stout-built vessels of european models, from 80 to 150 tons, with two long mat sails, like a chinese junk. the "galeras" are smaller, and carry a lateen sail, like those of the mediterranean. the feluccas have been already described, and their prows and boats resemble nearly those of their malay brethren. large property is often embarked in these vessels, and they are conducted entirely by natives. they have but a few manufactures: the principal one is that of coarse gauzes, and rope from the abaca plant, the first of which has a very extensive consumption and is universally worn by all classes of the natives. it is principally carried on in the province of camarines, at the s. e. angle of the island. considerable quantities of coarse canvas and striped cloths are manufactured from cotton in the province of ylocos; and in those in the more immediate vicinity of the capital, the striped cloths called "tapis" are universally worn by the native women over their petticoat. none of these articles except the abaca rope are exported, and probably the whole of the cloths might be imported at a cheaper rate than they are made. the phillippine company, by a mistaken policy, expended large sums in endeavoring to render these manufactures articles of export to spain and the americas; but after heavy and repeated losses, the attempt was at length abandoned. i am not certain whether there was not a clause in their charter, obliging them to attempt this; and from the interfering spirit of spanish legislature throughout the last two centuries, it is more than probable it was so. for the company must have seen the impropriety of endeavoring to establish manufactures in a country so thinly populated, and where the little security for property or power of enforcing contracts, must have exposed them to a thousand losses unknown in europe. this last circumstance is one which is at all times a severe check on the prosperity of any undertaking in this country. the most shameless frauds are daily committed, particularly by the chinese and chinese mestizos, and for these there is no resource; complaint is unavailing, for the trouble of obtaining redress is greater than the injury, and it is a matter of common conversation--how so and so has been cheated in his contracts. they appear to mistake indolence for compassion, and allow themselves to be robbed with impunity, rather than pursue the offender, or, should they do so, the magistrate to whom they apply is but too apt, if the affair is intricate, to mistake procrastination for deliberation, and thus the culprit escapes unpunished. the losses of private merchants and the individuals in this way, would, if enumerated, exceed belief. another and a most serious drawback to the commercial prosperity of the phillippines, has been the negligence or ignorance, or both which have prevented the establishment of bonded warehouses, or a system of drawback duties on re-exportations. a glance at their position, and the consideration of the monsoons, will convince any one, that this was of all things that for which ample provision should have been made; and it would be no exaggeration to say, that this commerce would in a few years have increased tenfold with china alone, had this plan been adopted. the enormous duties and vexatious spirit of the chinese government, together with, what must doubtless be often the case, the fleecing combinations of the hong merchants; [118] would long ago have driven every vessel from their ports, could another have been found near enough to insure a supply of goods, which, from the enterprising spirit of the chinese, could not have failed. manila is this port. from amoy and nankin, the granaries and workshops of the eastern provinces, the most fertile and commercial part of the empire, it is but a short run to manila; and thus, when the chinese could freely trade in their favourite article, opium, [119] and find too an assortment of european and malay goods, while the european could complete his investment of funds with the valuable produce of china, [120] without the expense of the measurement duties, and while the malay could trade with both, an emporium might have risen, inferior only perhaps to batavia or calcutta. an attempt was made in 1817, by a spanish merchant, to commence something of this sort. he purchased a quantity of turkey opium from an american, with an understanding that it was to be reshipped, on payment of a small additional duty. it was so, but a quantity of the opium was plundered from the custom-house godowns, and the proprietor was told "that the king was not responsible for losses." it would be foreign to the object of a cursory sketch like the present to enter farther into the details of this subject. enough has been said to bear out an assertion, which those who are acquainted with the trade will not think exaggerated, that had this system been fairly and equitably established, one half of the trade to china would before this have centered at manila; and it is only at manila that the advantages of such a transit could have been unknown or neglected in the 19th century. i proceed to make some observations on the capital and its inhabitants. [121] part ii manila manila, [122] the capital of the "kingdom of the phillippines," [123] in lat. 14° 26' n. and long. 121° 3' east of greenwich, is situated on the eastern side of an extensive bay in the western coast of the island luzon, or luconia, as it is sometimes called. it is a captain general-ship (not a viceroyalty), and archbishopric, and the seat of the audiencia, or supreme tribunal. the city forms nearly a sector of a circle, of which the center is a point formed by the coast and the influence of a small but rapid river, the passig, which flowing to the westward, and passing to the north of the city, discharges the waters of an extensive lake about 30 miles distant from the town. this river is navigable for vessels of 250 tons for a small distance from its entrance, which is formed by two fine moles, built by the municipality of the city. on the southern of these is a small semicircular battery for four guns, and on the other a light-house. the southern or outer mole is much out of repair. the constant and rapid current of the river forms a bar at its entrance, over which there is 10, and at times 11 feet water at spring tides, in a narrow channel close to the battery. the city is well fortified on the sea and land faces, but on that towards the river very indifferently, being only defended by a long curtain with a few ill-constructed bastions, which from their diminutive size are rather playthings than bastions. the curtain is narrow, and confined on the inside, and unfit for guns of calibre; the buildings within the city overlooking, and even joining the wall in some places. on the other side of the river, within 200 yards of this curtain, are a number of stone houses, along the whole length of its bank; and the bases of these being walls of eight and ten feet thick of solid masonry, would afford an immediate cover for an enemy, who might breach the curtain in ten minutes at so short a distance, and with perfect safety, the fire from some of these taking the whole of the works on the n. eastern side in reverse. indeed its only defence on this side is the river, [124] the current of which is always rapid. over it is a neat but narrow stone bridge of ten arches, which joins the city at its northern angle to the suburbs. on the city side of the bridge is a square tower, with an archway pierced through it, and with embrasures on the top. this is intended as a "tête de pont;" but it is too small for any effective purpose, and, like the bastions on this face, resembles a military plaything; and this defect is the more striking, as the fortifications, from this angle on the land and sea faces, are remarkably handsome and well proportioned. at the north-western point of the city, which joins the mole, is the citadel of santiago, a clumsy old-fashioned fortification, separated from the rest of the city by a narrow ditch with a stone bridge, but joined by the curtains of the bastions. it is incapable of any respectable defence, except from a semicircular bastion, which forms the point, and commands the moles and entrance to the river. it is now used as a state prison and magazine. the convicts employed in the public works are also lodged in it. this was the refuge of the unfortunate foreigners who escaped from the massacre on the 9th of october 1820; and to the honour of the commandant (col. don a. parreno), and his lady be it recorded, they found there another home. the length of the city within the walls is 1,300 yards spanish, from n. w. to s. e.; its width 744, and circumference 4,166. the side towards the river, it has already been remarked, is, from the want of bastions, and from the encumbered state of the approaches to it, in a very defective state. the sea and land faces are exactly the reverse of this, being remarkably clear and strong. the land face has a double ditch, and an esplanade of five or six hundred yards in breadth, which towards the river is marshy and swampy, and utterly unfit for military operations. towards the sea, and for some miles along the coast, is an epaulement, [125] thrown up when in expectation of an attack from the english in 1804. on this esplanade formerly stood a church, from the tower of which the english under sir w. draper fired into the heart of the city: [126] it is now razed. there is also a small battery called charles the fourth's, on an elevated spot in the marshy ground; it is about 350 yards from the fortifications and is mostly used as an exercising battery. another redoubt of stone stands at the southern point of the outer ditch, and flanks the sea shore to a considerable distance to the southward: it also serves to cover the head of the outer ditch, which is not carried round the sea face, apparently for want of room, as its crest would nearly approach high water mark in this part. there are six gates to the city, two on each face: those on the land side have neat stone bridges over the outer ditch, which are not mined, and, being of solid masonry, would be found cumbersome in case of an attack. the inner ones, and those on the sea side, are of wood or stone pillars with drawbridges. the ditches are wide and deep, but much encumbered with mud and weeds, from which last the fortifications also have suffered. the bastions on the sea and land sides are in many places without embrasures, the guns being "en barbette." [127] the shore is not very flat, and will perhaps allow a frigate to lay within gunshot of the ramparts. within the walls of the city is the cathedral, the inside of which is very handsome, though the exterior is destitute of all symmetry, and seems to have been intended as a contrast to the majestic architecture of the interior. the governor's palace resembles a decent barn or warehouse, both externally and internally. it is large, dirty, and ill distributed, the basement being used as a prison. the cabildo, or town house, is a handsome building, and the only one in the country which has any pretensions to symmetry, of which the architects of the phillippines take every opportunity of shewing a sovereign contempt:--so much so, that it is rare to find even the doors and windows, or the angles of a room, correctly placed and laid out! these three buildings form three sides of a small square, the only one in the city, of about 100 yards on each side, the fourth side being occupied by private houses. in the centre is a handsome pedestal of reddish marble, on which no statue has yet been placed. [128] the streets of the city are narrow and dirty; and the middle being a hollow, in rainy weather forms a continued puddle. they are paved at the sides with granite from china, the stone in the immediate neighbourhood of manila being too soft. the pavement is not in good repair, and in some streets only occupies one side; the other, which is generally occupied by a large house, or the wall of a convent, being heaped up with dirt, rendered solid by long accumulation, and forming a hill against the wall, the receptacle of.... this is not confined to bye-lanes, but is most common in the great square (plaza constitucional) in front of the cathedral! [129] the city and suburbs are well lighted, and the european quarters of the last are cleaner than the city. the convents, which occupy nearly one third of the whole area of the city! are more distinguished for their size and massy architecture, than for their beauty. the church and convent of st. augustine, and that of the jesuits (now fast falling to decay), are, however, neat and well built. that of san domingo is the most extensive. the hospital of st. john of god, a military order of knights hospitallers, is extensive, but for want of funds, is but indifferently entertained. [130] there is also a university (st. thomas), two colleges for the instruction of indians and mestizos, and three convents of nuns, who receive girls to educate. there are also two schools for girls, both endowed by the piety of single individuals; the first of these being a spanish lady, who came out from spain for the express purpose of devoting herself to the education of indian and mestizo girls! the other is that of a mestizo woman of the village of binondo, a suburb of manila. there are some large houses, but they are generally ill-built and inconvenient, the rooms being often excessively large, and always badly laid out. the ground floor is used for warehouses, stables, &c. and always includes a large court-yard. the first floor only is inhabited. the architecture of the lower part is very massive, being often walls of solid masonry of eight or ten feet thick, with large arches from side to side, and connected with massy beams. at the height of the floor, these walls are discontinued, and on them are raised at distances clumsy pillars of brickwork, or at times of wood (which is seldom straight). these pillars are connected at the top by large joists in all directions, having wooden forelocks driven through them close to the pillars; and on this framework are laid the rafters for the tiled roof; the interstices of the pillars, and divisions of the rooms, being filled up with brick and plaster. the ends of the floor timbers being allowed to project over the walls, form a gallery of eight or ten feet in width along the front of the house, and round it when insulated: this gallery is boarded for about four feet in height in front, and then filled up with sliding windows, the small panes of which are filled with plates of thin mother-of-pearl shell, [131] forming one continued window, like the front of a hot-house. the communication to this gallery is by wide folding doors from the rooms, a large one having four or five, which thus admit light and air into the apartments; but the shell windows, when closed against the sun, transmit an intolerable heat, and the houses are not in general cool ones. the galleries are often used as dressing, and even as bathing rooms; and as they overhang the streets, the passenger is often sprinkled from them, in consequence of this dirty practice. the exterior of these galleries being painted a curious mixture of tawdry colours, such as black, grey, blue, yellow, and red, in panels, flowers, ovals, &c. on white or grey grounds, with their shell windows above, and the grated ones of the godowns below, gives a tawdry and unsociable appearance to the houses. the better sort, and those newly built, have venetians, which greatly improves both their appearance and comfort. all the houses have a cross, and some two or three, on the roof or gables, as a preservative against evil spirits, [132] and lightning; and though few years pass without many accidents from the latter, the crosses are still preserved in preference to conductors, even in the magazines, not one of which is provided with this useful preservative, though that of the citadel contains many thousand pounds of powder. the suburbs of the city are extensive, and contain many stone houses, in which some of the principal inhabitants reside, and generally all the foreigners, the vicinity of the river, and its many branches, rendering it more convenient for business. the custom-house is a plain octagonal building of considerable extent, and contains a fine courtyard surrounded with an arcade, and extensive magazines for warehousing goods. these, from neglect and the ravages of the white ants, are fast falling to decay, and in a few years the building will be a ruin; it is now very dirty and ill-arranged, the entrance not being convenient to the river, and wanting quays and a crane. the officers of this establishment are in general attentive, civil, and indulgent to foreigners, though the length of their siestas does not contribute to the dispatch of business. there is no interpreter attached to this establishment, nor is the king responsible for goods or money deposited in it, this being solely at the merchant's risk. the "calzada," or public drive, is a broad neat carriage road, leading round the outer face of the outer ditch, from the bridge, round the land and sea faces of the fortifications to the river. it is planted with trees, and forms a good drive, having roads leading from it into the country, whose rich and cultivated appearance gives the stranger a high opinion of its fertility. the roads are however much in want of waterings in dry weather, the dust of the principal one being at these times insufferable. on the road leading to the village of santa anna is the cemetery, [133] a building well worth the attention of strangers both as a novelty in itself, and as in some measure redeeming the character of the architecture of this country from its general want of interest and symmetry. it consists of two concentric circular walls, about ten feet apart and fourteen in height, both surmounted with a balustrade. the inner wall forms the periphery of a circle of about 250 feet in diameter, and is pierced with three rows of small semicircular arches, which form the entrances to as many arched, oven-like receptacles, formed in the space betwixt the walls, and of a size just calculated to receive a coffin, to which purpose they are appropriated. there are from two to three hundred of those receptacles; and when occupied, the entrances are walled up. the plot of ground in the centre is crossed by two broad stone walks, the borders of which are planted with flowers and shrubs; the remaining space is used for interments. on the further side from the gate, and joined to the wall, is a handsome chapel of an oval shape, the roof being a dome. the interior of this chapel is remarkably neat; and the altar, which is white, and gold, is particularly so, from its elegant simplicity and chasteness of ornament: on each side of it are repositories for the remains of governors and bishops. without are flights of steps leading to the terrace joining the walls, and two passages leading to a smaller building at the back of the chapel, and in the same style as the large one. this is called the "angelorio" and a recess in it the "ossario." the first is appropriated to the remains of infants and children, and the last to the bones which may in time accumulate. this purpose suggests the only objection which is apt to arise in viewing the building, which is, that, as in the course of time the receptacles must be filled up, those which have been first occupied must be opened, and the bones displaced to make room for others. to many this is a most revolting objection, and would appear to indicate a dulness of feeling and want of sentiment, which, though far from being uncommon at manila, by no means accords with the spirit and style in which the building is executed, or with the reflections it is apt to excite. there are no other buildings in the neighbourhood of manila worthy the attention of the stranger. the appearance of the surrounding country is rich, and in some parts highly cultivated; but an air of neglect and dilapidation is visible throughout, which strikingly marks the apathetic character of both classes of its inhabitants. it is remarkable, too, that the neatness of the native villages, and the apparent comfort of the people, increase in direct proportion to their distance from the capital, as the influence of government is less felt, and the indian, knowing no other authority than the "padre," retains more of his original character. the vices of spanish colonies have been often the theme of those who have visited them; and when speaking of manila, they have seldom exaggerated. [134] it has been observed, and with some justice, that "to know the education of the children, is to know the character of a people." if this be true, but little can be said for manila, where this highly important duty is more neglected than perhaps in any civilized part of the globe. the majority of the young are abandoned entirely to the indian servants, who soon familiarize them with all that is vicious. they know but little of their parents more than as the master and mistress of the house, whose hand they must kiss, kneeling, every morning and evening. by five years of age they smoke cigars, ride out at night by moonlight, abuse the indians, and not unfrequently their parents. at 12 they are debauched. at 18 or 20 they marry, and then form the citizens for which such an education has prepared them. they are seldom or ever taught any useful employment or profession. this the majority of them would look upon with the utmost contempt: "soy gracias a dios, de sangre noble," [135] is their reply to any advice of this kind; and this is a passport to a cadetship in the army or colonial marine; which, though attained at the age of 12 or 13, seldom finds them with any vice unlearnt. the girls are educated nearly in the same manner, as far as to the acquirement of any useful knowledge. they are sent to the nunneries till 12 or 14 years, and from thence married. of household duties they know little or nothing, and of any thing else, still less. the manner of living is nearly as follows: the gentlemen rise about six or seven, and take chocolate. they then lounge about in their shirts and trowsers (the former often outside of the latter) till nine, when they dress, and dictate a letter or two to their writers (they rarely write for themselves); at 10 they breakfast, after which they go out in their carriages to transact any business they may have in town. at 12 or 1 they dine, and from table retire to sleep the siesta, till 4--at 4 chocolate [136]--at 5 drive on the esplanade, or into the country, till 6 or 7, when visits are received or made till 10 or 11; supper is served hot at this hour, and at midnight they retire to sleep. some of these evening parties (tertulias) are lively and pleasant, but at most of them gambling is carried on with great avidity. both ladies and gentlemen smoke at these, as well as at balls and other assemblies. they drink but little wine or strong liquors, their ordinary beverage being water, which is handed round in large glasses with sweetmeats, which are always eaten before drinking water. society in manila is at a very low standard: in a community, the majority of which are men of inferior classes, no very select assemblies can be expected; and those whose character and education might have given another tone to it, are here, from necessity, amalgamated with the crowd. there are in fact only a few houses where a respectable society can be met with; at others the stranger is disgusted with a coarseness of manners, and with unfeeling or often excessively indelicate conversation, and an ignorance of the most common branches of knowledge that must be heard to be credited. hence, exclusive of some of the civil and military officers of government, the agents of the company, and a few respectable merchants and priests, the remainder are but little qualified for select society, and there exists amongst them a want of moral discrimination, a toleration of publicly known vicious characters of both sexes, that is not a little embarrassing to the stranger. this is more particularly the case with the female part of society, with many of whom "era tentada la pobrecita por el demonio!" [i.e., "the poor woman was tempted by the devil"] appears to be a salvo, both at confession and in society, for failings which in europe inevitably and justly entail expulsion from it. such is the society of manila, and such its manners: from them the general character of those who compose it may be easily imagined; they are polite in offering every thing--but do but little or nothing:--they affect great decency of manners and a religious deportment in all their actions; but any thing but this is to be found in the conduct of the generality; and a common remark amongst themselves, "esta no es tierra para un hombre de bien," [137] is worth a chapter on the subject. this may be thought an exaggerated, or at least a highly coloured picture, and it is natural that it should be so. a recital of a well-known custom may add an evidence to these assertions, premising that it is not the only, though the most prominent one that attracts the notice of the stranger: i allude to that of promiscuous bathing. this shamefully indecent custom could exist in no country where the common decencies of life were held in due consideration. imagine the members of a large family, the father, mother, children, young and old, any visitors who may be in the house and often part of another family, all assembled in a large bath, built out on the river with bamboos, the women with only a petticoat and a gauze chemise, and the men with a thin pair of drawers, and this continuing for one or two hours. this is a manila bath, to which it is no uncommon thing for an acquaintance to be asked, and in which 4/5ths of all the families in manila indulge. it may be said in extenuation, that from its frequency no evil arises from it: this may be the case, but it is not the less indecent on that account. the policy of spain towards the phillippines appears to have been to preserve them--no matter how, as it afforded occasion to remark, "that the sun never set in the dominions of his catholic majesty." its neglect of so rich a colony can only be supposed to arise from ignorance, or from a mistaken determination to sacrifice it to the americans: from which, this is not the place to enquire. it will suffice to observe, that in spain it has been at all times considered as the "ne plus ultra" of expatriation: a natural consequence of this was the state of society which has been shewn to exist. [138] nor is this idea confined to spain alone: mr. whitbread, when addressing the house on the tyranny of ferdinand to the liberal party, concluded in the following manner: "some have perished on the scaffold--others in the dungeons of ceuta--and others, still more horrible to relate, have been sent to linger out their days amidst the savages of the phillippine islands!" the islands have suffered too from another cause, the adoption of the spanish language as that of the courts of justice, &c. &c. and the consequent neglect of that of the natives amongst the higher classes of europeans. hence they are ignorant of the feelings and prejudices of the people they govern, and who look to them for example, or at least for precept; and not a little of the extensive influence of the priesthood may be owing to their intimate knowledge of the language, and the mutual confidence which results from this. the indian, meanwhile, has not neglected the language of his masters; and as from the indian writers, who transact all business, every thing is known, it follows, while both mistakenly consider their interests as separate, the natives and creoles have much the advantage. both despise and detest the spaniards, the majority of whom, divided into factions of andaluces, montaneses, serviles, and liberales, [139] abuse each other cordially; while the few who know and feel that there are other and higher duties owing from them to the indian, must look on with regret, or complain to be disregarded or insulted. the disaffected, and those who have nothing to fear and every thing to hope from a popular commotion, do not lose sight of these advantages; and are rapidly spreading doctrines gleaned from the works of voltaire, rousseau, tom paine; &c. and stimulating them with songs of liberty and equality; as unfit for them as they were for the creoles and slaves of st. domingo, to whose fate the phillippines are fast verging, and from which nothing but some extraordinary event can save them. [140] the 9th of october, 1820, has given a fatal blow to the power of spain in this country; for much as has been written and said on the subject, it is questionable whether there exists any country of black men, where the white is not looked upon as an intruder; and "the country belongs to the indians," "la tierra es de los yndios," is a common remark, even amongst the lower orders. moral or political injustice seldom fails to recoil on the head of the oppressor; and when the government of manila allowed an indiscriminate massacre and pillage of european foreigners by the mob, and by their shameful lenity gave a tacit sanction to it, they taught the indian, that he might with equal impunity attack them. the plunder then obtained is a premium to future violence; and perhaps the day is not far distant, when they may bitterly repent the hour in which they allowed the indian to feel his physical superiority. this he is now hourly taught, and the doctrine of "el pueblo soberano" [i.e., "the sovereign people"] is hourly echoed in his ears by those who are least capable of managing him when once aroused. "la constitucion" is made the pretext for every thing subversive of good order and due restraint; the convulsed state of spain, the imbecile indecision of the present government, and the recent revolution of mexico (another example to the many already before them), will not a little tend to accelerate the crisis to which, it is to be feared, they are fast approaching; a crisis to which every political body must be subject, who would govern an ignorant people by laws made for an enlightened one, and who forget in their speculations, that though the civil institutions of a people may be changed in a few hours, their moral character cannot; and on it and its influence throughout the circle of social intercourse depends the portion of real freedom which a people can enjoy. conclusion such was the outline of the state of these islands in 1822. severe and frequent as the censures are which are passed in the foregoing pages, the writer is not conscious that they are in any instance unjust or exaggerated, or that praise has been withheld wherever it might be due. the unprejudiced, honourable, and well-informed, will, he hopes, think so, the opinion of others is indifferent to him: they will perhaps too believe, that his object has neither been to flatter nor to wound, but, if a sketch like this had originally any object, a hope that when their true state was better known these islands might be better appreciated--perhaps better governed; that a cruelly-abused class of men (the natives) might one day find their condition ameliorated; and lastly, that when this fair and rich portion of the earth shall be visited by men of science, a few general remarks on their state at any given period, however ill drawn up, might be of some use. who indeed can but reflect with pain, that while the torch of science has blazed in the western hemisphere, from greenland to the antarctic, bearing with it light, and life, and hope, and blessings, few are even aware how very much it has yet to illumine in the east! finis reforms needed in filipinas opinion regarding the causes which antagonize the security and progress of the filipinas islands most excellent sir: the filipinas islands, on account of their great extent, their advantageous location in the center of the commercial world of asia, their considerable population, and the fertility of their soil--which is capable of yielding all the products which are grown between the two tropics--require from his majesty's paternal government a carefully planned system of measures which shall strengthen their peace and internal security, and at the same time advance their agriculture, industry, and commerce to that high degree to which they have been destined by providence. as i am charged by order of the king our sovereign to furnish information regarding the measures which can contribute to objects so important, it will be my plan to point out (but with that circumspection which is so necessary in matters of colonial policy and administration) the causes which today are antagonizing both the internal and external security of those islands and their successful administration--civil, economic, and commercial--proposing in regard to each one of these the correctives which have been impressed upon me by my experience as consulting attorney [asesor] and judge in all the public affairs of justice, army and navy, the government, revenues, and commerce; and my own observations under popular revolutions, changes in the system of government, and other vicissitudes and critical positions in which that colony has been seen during the long period of my residence therein. of the causes which antagonize the internal security of the filipinas islands, and of correctives for them of the present composition of the divisions of the army the army of the filipinas islands, in view of the class of men of whom it now consists, offers very little (if any) moral confidence for their resisting the force of the revolutions which may be formed in the very bosom of the islands. it is officered, in great part, by spaniards of the country, and by some americans and mestizos; and the disposition, tendencies, and education of the latter class are (with very rare exceptions) absolutely different from those of the other and european officers; consequently, there exists between the two classes, from the outset, a certain insuperable disunion of feeling, between not only individuals but the two classes. the officer who is a native of the country has all the lax characteristics which the climate induces. he lives in exclusive intercourse with his neighbors, and separated from the europeans. he likes the military career solely for the conveniences connected with his office; he is incapable of a noble emulation, and limits himself in the service to the outside and very inexact fulfilment of the necessary obligations of his position; and when the cause of the legitimate government exacts on his part sacrifices incompatible with his own interests or those of his neighbors, he disowns and absolutely abandons his duties. for these reasons the officers born in that country have never come to merit the confidence of their chiefs; and if from the rank of cadets they have been promoted to that of captain, it has been more from the peremptory necessity of completing the military corps and protecting the service than on account of their fitness, military spirit, or appreciation of the confidence and honor which the king bestows on them. such sentiments they can never possess until they undergo a rigid training moral and political, in the colleges of españa. this mental divergence, and the natural contrariety of their temperaments, so mischievous in the ordinary service of military bodies, are much more lamentable in the crisis of a revolution. the officers of the country, being nearer to the indian soldiers in their customs and language, make common cause with the latter, and seduce and lead them into their own faction, with a marvelous readiness; this i have repeatedly seen in the mutinies of military bodies which have occurred in the americas, and especially in that of the troops in the kingdom of guadalajara in the year '21, and in that at manila in the year '23. the army of filipinas also contains a considerable number of indian sergeants and corporals, and this is another of the causes from which have already arisen, and always will arise, seditions in the corps. whoever has observed the natural disposition of the filipino indian will recognize two things: first, that he always imitates and obeys only that which is directly commanded, explained, and taught to him; and, second, that while he is kept in his simple condition of laborer, artisan, or soldier he is entirely void of ambition. the indian soldier serves very contentedly during the eight years of his term, and returns to his own land without aspiring to anything; but when he is placed in command, of any degree whatever, he is filled with pride, and vehemently desires to be at the head [serlo todo], without changing, for all that, his station as an indian. [the writer states that even these non-commissioned officers were formerly always spaniards; [141]] the appointment of indians to these posts has been only in these last years, in which a system of commerce which entirely separated those islands from their center of government has rendered impossible the despatch of reënforcements, so necessary to those islands. from that very time may be noted much laxity in the military service and discipline; and i have witnessed the insurrections and disorders which never were known in former days. in the popular uprisings in the suburbs of manila, at the end of 1820, [142] the detachments commanded by indian corporals who were sent out to pacify the villages took such part in the lawlessness that they even attacked houses, and it was by their gunshots that many foreigners were butchered. in the military insurrection of june 3, 1823, parties of troops commanded by only one officer (a philippine spaniard), without any previous plan or any combination, and simply by appearing before the barracks of their regiment and offering to make captains of the indian sergeants, immediately persuaded them to revolt; and, directing the soldiers at their own pleasure, they committed the lamentable and horrible acts of that day, which ought to be kept well in mind. [this should be a warning against allowing the indians any place of command, especially as they have more influence with the common soldiers than do the superior officers; and all military posts of command should be filled with competent and trained spaniards. the writer urges the following measures of reform: (1) that a sufficient number of spanish officers to fill all the posts of sergeant and corporal, and a surplus number to fill vacancies as they occur, shall be sent to filipinas annually; (2) the class of cadets should be suppressed, who "have always been (with a few exceptions) very unsatisfactory officers; for, belonging to very poor and obscure families, and receiving no kind of education, in a country which so depraves and corrupts a youth, they demoralize the soldiers, and cause the military career to be held there in slight esteem;" (3) in future, no other officers except the heads of corps should be sent there from the peninsula, so as to make room for promoting the lower officers, and to avoid demoralizing the young spaniards; (4) that the indian and mestizo sergeants or corporals who, after fulfilling their twelve years of all service, have to be replaced by spaniards, shall be given places in the custom-house or revenue service, or in the monopoly shops, so as to recompense them for losing their posts.] in this manner the indian soldier--who is docile, and always imitates the desires and opinions of his immediate superiors--will receive more disinterested treatment than he has hitherto had; he will make common cause with his leaders, in critical cases of popular revolutions; and the army will remain loyal and incorrupt in its opinions, always ready for its duty, and united in action and interests. of the enlargement of the army of the islands the colonies are governed and maintained more by opinion, justice and example than by force of arms. when opinion in them becomes corrupted up to the point of forming great conspiracies, the offensive action of the army produces no other effect than to hasten the ruin of the legitimate government. [in the filipinas islands, the persuasions and example of the ministers of religion, and the measures taken by the civil authorities, have been usually sufficient to put down an uprising; but it is not well to rely too much on military force in such cases, since such action causes rankling resentment and unites the discontented in the common effort to throw off the yoke. it is impossible, in such a climate, to employ only spaniards in the army, since they cannot endure it, and the expense of such an army would also be too great a burden on the royal treasury.] the army of filipinas, then, ought not to have a greater force than is sufficient to defend and maintain, in any event, a post or locality that is impregnable, which can serve as a protection and defense to the government, its interests and employees, and the families of spanish blood. a center of strength, ordered and disciplined, of this sort (the locality of which i will mention later), will be inaccessible not only to three millions of inhabitants who now people the islands, but to thirty millions who might inhabit them; and this idea alone in the mind of the filipino indian is the most efficacious for disconcerting, in its origin or progress, any plan for conspiring or taking by surprise. [in such a point of vantage, the government can use measures of policy,] which in revolutions are more effective than arms for reëstablishing order, without leaving in the minds of the people, as war does, deep feelings of resentment at being repressed; and the partial revolutions in the provinces will be always broken--as thus far have been those of ilocos, cebú, bataan, and others--by the zeal and sagacity of the european religious and coöperation of the civil employees of the king. in such a crisis, the principle is, to disunite sagaciously the opinions and feelings of the people; and repression by force only unites them. [if the military forces, the forts, and the navy be augmented, the only results will be to demoralize the army, make unnecessary display of the government's power, teach the indians the art of war (which as few of them as possible ought to know), and impose unendurable burdens on the treasury. plans of this sort ought to be postponed until the country can bear such burdens. the present permanent veteran force of the islands seems to bernaldez sufficient for the above purpose;] it consists of four battalions of infantry, each containing approximately one thousand men; of a cavalry corps, recently increased to three squadrons; and a brigade of artillery, with a force of four hundred forty-four men, including a light-armed company. the following may also be regarded as permanent troops: a company, called the pampanga, annexed to the service of the engineer corps; and three brigades called the "pirate marines" [marina corsaria], who have been in service twenty years. [the system of rewards is costly and useless. the soldier receives enough pay to live comfortably, in a country where living is so cheap; "it is equivalent for an indian, and even for a spaniard, to three times the same amount in europa." the rewards given to the soldiers ought to be reduced in such measure as the circumstances of the colony demand, "taking for a basis the fact that with four hard dollars a month any inferior employee can maintain himself and all his family comfortably in the provinces, and that all beyond that is extravagance." the pampanga company has no organization; it ought to be placed on a military basis, with european officers, and ranked as a company of pioneers, when it would be very useful in the service. the militia troops of the islands have been neglected, although they are (especially the pirate marines) so important in checking the moro pirates. the commanders are "men of no force, arbitrarily chosen by the governor there, from the class of merchants and private citizens of manila, who possess only honorary titles, without any military instruction or love for the military career." the militia forces do not cost the government much, but they are of very little use. bernaldez thinks that the pirate marines ought to be regarded as a part of the regular army, with the same pay, and with european officers. the cavalry corps of luzon is untrained, and would be of little use in an invasion of the country; it ought to be replaced by light and irregular cavalry, and supplemented by a small body of veterans. two squadrons in the corps of dragoons of luzon would be sufficient to preserve order in manila, and the third ought to be abolished as unnecessary.] of the artillery and its dependent branches [the artillery corps is in better condition than any other part of the military force of the islands; it is under better discipline, and has always been under european officers. the indians are in great terror of the cannon. when in the tumult of 1820 folgueras ordered three pieces to be planted at various points outside the walls, the natives implored him to take the cannon away, as the inhabitants were so terrified that they did not dare to cross the streets; and in the disturbances of 1809 in ilocos, "only one four-libra cannon, fired by a revenue-clerk, the ball from which hit a church-tower, was sufficient to curb and disconcert more than 10,000 insurgents." to this corps might be added (but as footmen) the company which should be disbanded in the cavalry, since in so rough and broken a country as luzon horsemen are of little use. the artillery in manila is of wretched quality: almost all of it was cast there, at various periods, and by unskilled founders; not only the guns but their carriages are irregular, clumsy, unreliable, and are difficult to manage; and for these very reasons the foundry there has been abolished, but since that time no cannon save a small siege battery has been sent thither from europe. the artillery cast in manila is sufficiently good to provide for the defense of the provinces against the moros; but measures should be taken to provide for the better defense of that city. the working of iron and the making of artillery are almost entirely in the hands of the chinese of manila, [143] and the indians therefore are unskilled in this industry; some skilled masters should be sent over from spain to teach them and oversee the manufacture of iron. the country abounds in rich mines of iron, but these have been barely scratched and then abandoned; only some common utensils are made there, and other iron articles are sold to the people at high prices by foreigners, who carry great sums of money out of the country. "the iron of manila has been examined in the artillery workshops, and has been found to be very soft and fibrous." attempts have been made by the spanish government to utilize the mines and introduce machinery into their operation; but the officials entrusted with these enterprises have been ineffective, caring only to draw their salaries. bernaldez urges the encouragement of private capital to undertake these works, with concessions, privileges, and protection which shall be adequate to enlist their energies; this would lead to the development of the natural riches of the islands, the population would be increased by skilled artisans and mechanics, and the great increase thus obtained in wealth of the country would likewise bring incalculable benefits to the royal treasury--not only in revenues from the increased commerce and manufactures, but in the great saving in the expenses of furnishing the army with weapons, made in the country at so much less cost than before. in the arsenal reform is needed; all its workmen except the gunsmiths should be replaced gradually by indians, who are so skilful and work for less wages than the spaniards; and the gunsmiths should have a regular military organization. better provision should also be made for a supply of gunpowder. at the beginning of the century, a powder factory was erected, which cost eighty thousand hard dollars, although it was made of only bamboo and nipa; with this a large supply of powder was made, but its quality was poor, on account of the impurities in the saltpetre, which they had to obtain from india. there has been talk of building another factory (the former one being apparently no longer in existence); it is likely to be as costly an enterprise, because the lack of a strong current in the rivers "has rendered impracticable the installation of hydraulic machinery." the spanish government ought to take measures to provide the large amount of powder needed for the use of the forts, army, navy, and revenue service. bernaldez advises that this be done by making contracts (with either spaniards or foreigners), by which they can secure powder of better quality and at lower prices; and besides this they ought to send immediately to the islands a scientist (whose salary ought to be paid from the funds of the economic society and the consulate of commerce)--"whose mission shall be not only to establish in the capital a chair of mineralogy (which is so necessary for exploring the hitherto unknown interior of the islands), but himself to make researches in the provinces of the archipelago for places where the saltpetre can be found--which he will find, without fail." then gunpowder can be made in the islands, and they will be independent in the means for their defense.] of the forts of manila and cavite no location like that of manila could have been selected by the conquistadors of the island of luzon for fortifying themselves and founding the capital of an infant colony. [its position is described, with mention of its earlier fortifications; but these were only suitable for the defense of its inhabitants against piratical attacks. its present condition is a dangerous one, for its fortifications are unable to withstand a siege by european troops; it has no bomb-proof magazine, and hostile batteries across the pasig river could easily reduce the city to ashes. manila is not suitable for a military center, and the efforts of the government ought to be bent toward the fortification of cavite, which would render that place a first-class fortress; its advantages for this are enumerated in detail, and the measures which should be taken to render it impregnable.] the feeble fortifications of manila and its citadel may be preserved for the present, in order to shelter the government and the property of the spaniards from a sedition; but in case of war and the landing of an enemy let them be abandoned and destroyed, in order to proceed for safety to the impregnable point of cavite. in this manner will be laid the foundation for the perpetual security of the [spanish] government in those islands, and for their preservation against all enemies, whether within or without. of the piracies of the moros longer tolerance of the piratical raids by the moros is another cause which in time must compromise our secure possession of the islands, through the plundering of their maritime villages and the captivity of their inhabitants, and the stoppage of the commerce and the coasting trade. much more is this true because some ports of the islands, which are in the possession of those pirates, are already frequented by foreign vessels, which provide the pirates with military supplies and firearms; and it is to be feared that later the foreigners will furnish them with plans, vessels, leaders, and other aids, like those which they have furnished to the disaffected peoples in the americas, to wage steady war on the spanish government. [the spanish colony has carried on defensive warfare with the moros ever since the conquest, but has gained no permanent advantage therein, while the enemy have increased in numbers and strength, inflicting ravages on the southern provinces that are "continually greater and more scandalous." the spaniards have spent enormous sums in forts, vessels, and other defenses; but with little effect, on account of the immense extent of the coasts of filipinas and the great number of uninhabited places where the pirates can hide themselves from pursuit.] their vessels, called pancos, are of extraordinary swiftness. the moros make these of planks lashed together with rattans, without nails or any [other] ligature. their masts are three bamboos, their rigging a few pieces of rattan or the bark of trees, their sails are certain petates, or mats, which they call saguran; and their provisions are reduced to the flour made from a tree, called yoro [i.e., sago] and dried shellfish. nearly all their pancos have two banks of oars, and two men for each oar. and with this slight though warlike equipment, with their harpoons, javelins, campilans, and arrows (in handling which weapons they are very dextrous), and with their swarming crews--composed of their slaves, who row under the lash; and of a multitude of pirates, who thus make their living, and traffic in their booty--they attack, among many, with the odds on their side, surround, and jump aboard, any christian vessel which cannot defend itself on account of a small crew or the inaccurate firing of its cannon. [if they are caught in some bay by the spanish who pursue them, they abandon their pancos, hide in the mountains, where they find enough to live on, and, as soon as the spaniards depart, the pirates easily construct new boats and resume their raids. the pirate marine with the forts, troops, and cannon supported by the spaniards make a heavy burden of expense on the treasury and on the people; and the amount thus spent in half a dozen years is enough to equip a strong naval expedition which could humble the insolence of the pirates. in view of this, and of the importance of joló--which is the headquarters of the moro pirates and of their government, and the general market for the christian slaves and property which they carry away--bernaldez advocates the immediate conquest of that island, and its repopulation from the more thickly settled parts of the northern islands. this can easily be done. thousands of families whose members have been enslaved, especially in bohol, are ready to join such an expedition, if leaders and provisions are supplied to them; and there are a multitude of skilled inter-island pilots--mestizos who are efficient and rich--who would act as leaders for the sake of their own profit and reward in such an enterprise. for ships they could use the government armed vessels, and the multitude of boats which ply among the islands; and sufficient rewards could be furnished to the soldiers in the distribution of the conquered lands and of the plunder which they would obtain. by this plan, the moro piracies could be suppressed, and the islands thus gain peace from those fierce enemies.] of the large indian villages although the laws of the indias endeavor to establish firmly the peace and good government, both temporal and spiritual, of the villages by placing limits to their extent and the number of their residents, the inattention of the governors of filipinas in regard to this so important subject, on the one hand, and on the other the interested motives of the parish curas and the ministers of the doctrinas, have given rise to the abuse of the villages of excessive size which are now found established in filipinas. these, as they cannot be properly governed by their respective local authorities, maintain within themselves a source of internal civil discord, and from time to time they have broken out in disturbances which have placed the islands in a very critical situation. if the reports of their population be examined, it will be found that in a great number of villages it does not fall below 10,000, 11,000, or 12,000 souls; and it is impossible that so many can be well directed spiritually by the one parish cura alone which each village has, or in secular matters by only one gobernadorcillo or alcalde. in this class of towns the most notable are the following: tondo, with 13,424 souls; binondoc, 22,570; tambobo, 21,378; pasig, 14,465; malolos, 19,655; vigan, 17,320; pavay, 14,840; lavag [laoag], 25,242; bacarra, 13,064; balayan, 18,631; taal, 23,526; banan, 17,438; batangas, 19,566; cabatuan, 17,359; xaro, 14,911. in these populations which do not conform to the rule there has always been recognized more or less instability, for the class of the plebeians, or caylianes, is immense, and out of proportion to that of the timauas, or nobles; and likewise because the unarmed authority of a gobernadorcillo must necessarily be vacillating, at the mercy of that great mass of people, who are easily set in motion by a seditious person, a few drunkards, or the superstitious tale of some old man. the successive revolts of various towns in the province of ilocos in the years 1810, 1812, and 1816 had no other source. the cause of this last uprising was decided by me, in my official character as fiscal of the royal audiencia of manila. in my reply i explained the origin of those repeated insurrections, analyzed the degree of perverseness which progressively in each of them had been revealed in the purpose of the conspirators, and deduced the necessity of dividing the province of ilocos into two, to the end that its large towns should each have a ruler closer at hand who might keep them in check. the audiencia made a report, with my opinion as fiscal thereon to the king our sovereign; and, his majesty having deigned to command that immediately the said province should be divided into two, it has been maintained on that footing, up to the present time, in the greatest order and tranquillity. [even more surprising is the neglect of the governors to enforce the law that no houses shall be erected close to the castles and fortresses.] within cannon-shot of the walls of manila, and even no farther away than the breadth of the river, one hundred thousand souls--indians, mestizos, and chinese--have been allowed to establish themselves; a people of foreign origin, in great part, without passports, classification, settled occupation, or any other requisite of a well-ordered social condition, and whose formidable number is threatening manila with an inevitable blow. the sudden movements of that great mob of people, ignorant and swayed by blind passion, reached the point of approaching close to the defenses of the city, in the year of 1820, even before this was known to the government and the military council (which for this object had been called together, and of which i was a member)--notwithstanding that the object of their revenge was in the outer suburbs, and that their aim was not, at least for the time, directed against the city. [these facts ought to make the authorities of the colony realize that no other considerations ought to interfere with their prime obligation, which is to preserve peace and order in the towns and maintain the military posts in security. bernaldez recommends that new regulations be formed regarding the settlements of the islands; that no town be allowed to contain over five thousand souls and one thousand houses (except the capitals of the provinces, which might have ten thousand souls and two thousand houses); that the large towns be divided into villages on the above basis, which should be kept separate from one another; and that in the suburbs of manila there should be more rigorous police control of the people. the indians there should be classified by occupations, to each being appointed a chief or leader who should be responsible for the conduct of those in his class; the use of all dangerous weapons should be forbidden; passports should be required for all persons coming from the provinces; and vigilant watch should be kept over the occupations and mode of life of every family.] of the titles to landed property belonging to the indians and the villages the lack of clear and exact laws for properly authenticating the documents regarding the ownership of the lands of the indians, and the uncertain and unlimited possession which the villages have of lands under the pretext, of their being communal, have been and always will be in filipinas the origin of a multitude of ruinous lawsuits and contentions--sometimes those of indians and villages among themselves, sometimes between these and the spanish and mestizo proprietors. the indians, as a rule, have no title of ownership in the lands which they possess, and if any one has such it is a private document, signed by other indians--who with the greatest readiness deny, change, and forge their signatures--or it will be simply a writing signed by the alcalde-mayor, a copy of which, if it remains in the court, will disappear or be mutilated, with equal readiness, by the indian clerks of the alcalde, in whose charge the archives are--if indeed these are not entirely destroyed in the frequent fires which occur in the villages. the most common method which the indians of the villages have for proving their territorial property is by tradition, and the depositions of witnesses; and with that powerful weapon they undertake and maintain the most contentious lawsuits, aided by the fiscals of the audiencia--who often forget that their office of defenders of the indians is bona fide, and for the sake and protection of the natives in the tribunals to which the laws commend them. but any person who may have exercised the duties of magistrate for any time in filipinas will know that in the decisions of judges there is nothing more discredited than the evidence presented by indian and mestizo witnesses, who are not restrained from perjury by either an intimate acquaintance with the obligations of religion or by sentiments of conscience, honor, and reputation. it is very common to see, in court cases, that witnesses of that sort will swear, and then contradict their own testimony, according as the witnesses [are affected by] either their own interests or the influence of the litigant who presents them. these causes, besides rendering the lawsuits of this kind eternal, have very frequently produced scandalous disobedience of the villagers to the enactments of the audiencia of the islands, and uprisings of armed men in order to prevent effectually even the judicial possession of the crown lands which had been sold, with all the formalities of the laws, by the government there; and, finally, they withhold the spanish families and persons of wealth from purchasing rural establishments in order to undertake on a large scale the cultivation of the products of the country, which is perhaps the only means of promoting the agriculture of the islands. it is therefore expedient, in order to cut short these noisy controversies, which have so mischievous consequences for the internal peace of the communities in the islands, that his majesty be pleased to command that the government there shall oblige all the villages and private land-owners in them to have authenticated before the respective alcaldes-mayor of the provinces the documents for their ownership, both private and communal. strict obligation should be imposed on them to surround their lands with trees--achiote, [144] mulberry, cotton, cinnamon, cacao--under penalty of losing their title to the land. the documents should be registered in the tribunals of the respective alcaldes, who at the end of every year should send to the capital the original books of record, in order that these may be kept there securely in the archives, for which provision shall be made by the government, not admitting in the courts or declaring lawful any other titles of ownership to lands than those which are supported by those necessary conditions. of the ecclesiastical orders which are conferred on indians and mestizos the irregular procedure of the reverend archbishops and bishops of the islands in conferring ecclesiastical orders on the indians and mestizos there, will be in that colony, as it has already been in america, one of the causes which most incite revolutions. the indians receive through the priesthood a standing which they cannot worthily sustain, because they never lay aside the affections, passions, and usages of indians. educated by the religious, they afterward come to be their decided enemies; they divide with the religious the opinions of the villagers, who finally, even though they know the deficient morals of the native priests, always respect the sacred functions which these exercise. the least political evil which the latter occasion is [through] their neglect of their obligations as parish priests, the irregularity of their mode of life, and their carelessness in everything pertaining to divine worship. the inhabitants of the villages administered by indian curas are very different from those of the religious from europa, whose people are distinguished by their simplicity, docility, and religious training. he who knows the active and leading part played by this class of persons in accomplishing the independence of america will not be surprised that in the establishment of the constitution in filipinas indian curas have almost all been the directors of the elections in their villages, the electors, and the deputies in cortes and for the province--in all these functions distinguishing themselves by their officiousness, and their pretensions against the legitimate government of the islands. this class of persons, dominating the consciences of the ignorant and unfortunate, can easily drag them into error. as simple farmers and artisans, they would have been useful to their families and to the government; but mistakenly raised to the dignity of priests, other interests now move them, and they form a commonwealth apart in the safe retreat of the provinces. a consideration of justice wrongly understood by the prelates of the islands, and a vehement desire in the indian or mestizo heads of families to ennoble these by placing their sons in the priesthood, have caused there an excessive ordination of indians--which i cannot avoid characterizing as such, since, besides the many clerics who are actually administering villages, there is a considerable surplus of others who are scattered through the provinces. these evils were foreseen in the laws of the indias (ley iv, tit. vii, lib. i), which cautions and exhorts the reverend prelates of the indias not to ordain so many clerics as they were doing; but this has not sufficed, and it is necessary that the government, recognizing the unfortunate experience that it has already had with this abuse, should take the most efficacious measures for the purpose of limiting the authority of the prelates in filipinas, in conferring ecclesiastical orders on indians and mestizos, strictly to the number of clerics which the religious orders of those islands agree upon and propose as necessary to have for their coadjutors, and for indian villages not now occupied, or which in the future the religious shall fail to occupy--ordering the governor of filipinas to secure, by mild and discreet means, that the vacant curacies of clerics be conferred on european religious. of the european religious in filipinas the lack of european religious in the filipinas islands for filling at least four-fifths of their curacies is incompatible with the permanent preservation of that colony. it can be safely asserted that the government of his majesty has in this class of ministers the most powerful force for maintaining that possession in attachment to his sovereignty. their virtuous and unworldly mode of life; their absolute disinterestedness in regard to temporal matters, which is a marvelous contrast to the greed and ambition of the european trader, the mestizo, and the chinese; their extraordinary sacrifices in living apart from the society of their equals for nineteen, twenty, and [even] thirty years in those almost uninhabited islands, which are unprovided with the sort of nourishment suitable to their estate; their discretion and patience in correcting and teaching the indians; their resignation in all kinds of adversity: everything, in short, contributes to make the inhabitants of that land regard them as supernatural beings, and in the light of this conception the fathers exercise over the indians a moral force more powerful than even that of the government. the indians live in entire moral separation from the spaniards; they have their own laws of tradition, their own opinions and customs, entirely unknown to any one who is ignorant of their language or has not continual intercourse with them. the european religious are the only persons in the confidence of the government who by favor of these circumstances, and with a practical and intimate knowledge of the nature and inclinations of the natives there, can find a way into their hearts, incline their wills to what is right, enlighten them, and keep them peaceful and submissive; and without this larger armies would be of no avail. [the religious are the only persons who understand the condition of their respective villages, and the alcaldes-mayor are usually indolent and inefficient, relying on native interpreters, and caring little for aught save their own profit; they depend on the religious in all cases of difficulty, and the higher authorities are jealous of this superiority of the religious. the government ought to maintain as many religious as possible in the islands, and give them as much political authority as is consistent with their ministry; five hundred of them should be sent there, and the alcaldes-mayor should be obliged to consult every month with their respective curas on the best means of promoting the interests of the people, and the central government can then act on reports of these conferences.] on the settlement of banished and vagabond foreigners in the islands [the entrance of these persons causes trouble among the people of the islands: the indians are easily influenced by white men, especially those who teach them to live in more freedom and insubordination to authority; foreigners of this sort are almost always of lax morals and dangerous political opinions, which are even more dangerous to "the spaniards of the country, who, although more enlightened than the indians, are more susceptible to such corruption." the foreigner thus residing in the islands, "usually from the dregs of other nations," makes light of all the institutions there, and tries to set the people against the mother country; and three times recently has occurred] the scandal, unheard-of in that colony, of foreigners who, abusing the innocence of the country, have, being already married in their own country, again married philippine spanish girls, leaving them abandoned and dishonored. others, who feigned to be learned physicians and agriculturists, have deceived and defrauded proprietors in the islands. others have clandestinely introduced impious, revolutionary, and obscene books printed in the spanish language, but pirated in france, with which they have caused atrocious injury in the morals of families there. in fine, the settlement of foreigners in the islands would not be expedient, even for the sake of the advantages which their industry and arts would produce there; for works carried on always with foreign capital, on the account of foreigners, and by the agency of foreigners, would leave to the country very little benefit as compared to that from labor employed there by spanish capital, and on the account and for the benefit of spaniards. if we desire to preserve intact in filipinas the religious ideas and the pure morals of our ancestors, and due submission to the government of his majesty, it is necessary to keep the people away from every point of contact with foreigners. in china, japan, and other nations, the revolutionary spirit has not been able to penetrate, because the laws of those kingdoms keep the gates closed to all strangers. in a colony still in its infancy in customs and enlightenment--which, like a school of education, needs to have for models men of sound morals--it has been very absurd to allow to remain and become citizens therein men who have served a term of exile, and polisones [145] or vagabonds, sometimes followed by officers of justice from the peninsula; and that the indian people should see (as so many times i have seen) that this sort of men succeeded in obtaining positions as corporals, revenue officials, and even militia captains, solely from the circumstance of their being white men. it is necessary always to remove from the colonies this sort of people, who on account of their principles and their inclinations must be enemies of order and of government, permitting therein the settlement only of respectable spanish artisans and merchants, whose upright conduct may serve as an example to that neophyte people, while at the same time they make fortunes for themselves. but even this point needs careful study, and in regard to it i will present the following reflections. of the residence of european spaniards in filipinas by a necessary and inevitable effect of certain causes, physical and moral, which would take too long to explain here, the spanish race in the colonies--or the descendants of europeans, and mestizos of these, born and reared there--have from their birth political sentiments which are entirely opposite to those of their ancestors and other europeans. they regard the indian as an entirely passive being, the european as a foreigner, and the land as exclusively their own. the educational institutions which thus far have been founded in the colonies, with the object of uniting their inhabitants, by means of enlightening them, under the same principles of religion, morals, and politics, have not been able to uproot those ideas; on the other hand, recent events in the americas have proved that the men who had most education and acquaintance with the sciences were the party leaders [corifeos] of revolution and independence. it ought to be regarded as an incontestable truth that as soon as the spanish race in filipinas reaches a greater number than that of the europeans, and with this increase acquires a certain degree of moral force, a war for independence will be declared; and according to this idea the educational institutions, when there is not sincerity in the minds of the persons and in the laws that aim at encouraging this class of population in the colonies, have a tendency hostile to the preservation of the royal government in them. this class of spanish families is, for another reason, very unfortunate in filipinas, and may be regarded as condemned to perpetual slothfulness and misery. they cannot devote themselves to agriculture, because in that burning climate only the indian resists labor so hard; nor to handicrafts, because the wages which the indian and the sangley mestizo alike earn, which is sufficient to meet their simple needs, is insufficient to pay for another sort of food and clothing for the spaniards. for these same reasons, they cannot occupy themselves in the coasting trade; nor, finally, in the commerce of the islands on a large scale, for lack of sufficient capital, since by inheritance is divided among all the sons the wealth which their european parents left to them; and the practice of law is there a career to which resort is very unfortunate. all these causes, added to the lassitude which the climate inspires, maintain that class of people in such a condition of idleness and poverty, especially the women, that it has been necessary to establish in the capital alone six seminaries and beaterios in which to shelter and educate spanish girls; and that in the ordinance regarding the acapulco galleon his majesty should grant to the spanish widows of merchants the special favor of a pension or widow's usufruct on the boletas of that vessel, their only means of making a living. [bernaldez declares that these european spaniards, "there abandoned, as it were, to the mercy of charity, or to vices," are not only useless but dangerous to the country; that among them revolutions are born; that it is for the best interests of españa to retain her population at home, and, while furnishing means for spaniards to enrich themselves in the colonies or their trade, to attract to the mother country all possible wealth and capital, not allowing her children to remain abroad after acquiring wealth; and, finally, "to remove from the colonies all cause of insurrection, than which there is none greater and more terrible than the propagation [therein] of the spanish race." moreover, the europeans settled in the colonies "have too much influence, through their exclusive wealth and connections, for weakening governmental action there; and care nothing for any political changes except as they can find therein opportunity for speculations" (on which he instances the action of european spaniards in mexico in iturbide's short reign, and in other events of the revolution there). "the filipinas islands need, to maintain them in tranquillity, nothing more than a stable system of administration, civil and spiritual, by means of religious, and an army trained and commanded by competent european leaders, officers, sergeants, and corporals, with the necessary number of civil officials." the creole inhabitants should be diminished as much as possible, all spaniards being required to return with their families to their own country; and "aid given to destitute widows and orphans of spaniards who die in filipinas would be better employed in paying for their removal to europa." this matter should be considered in the residencia of every governor. convicts and exiles should no longer be sent to the islands. no foreigner should be allowed to marry there except on condition of leaving the country with his wife. no european adventurer or idler should be allowed to remain in the islands unless he proffer sufficient security for his good conduct and occupation; he may then remain not longer than ten years; otherwise, he should be at once sent back whence he came. every ship should carry back to españa as many spaniards as it brought to the islands; and european spaniards should not be allowed to remain in filipinas more than ten years, after which they should be compelled to return with their families to españa.] of the residencias [it is highly desirable that public officials should undergo strict residencia, and that regulations be made for these, which are adapted to the special needs of filipinas. this is especially true of the alcaldes-mayor, who, as they have permission to trade, are more tempted to evade or infringe the laws; and many persons are appointed to that office who "lack all the qualifications necessary for obtaining any public office whatever." unfortunately, since the royal decree of august 24, 1799, no alcalde has been or can be subject to residencia, and they consequently enjoy absolute impunity in their transgressions; for that decree does not allow a sufficient time for complaints to be made in a country like filipinas, where intercourse between the provinces and the capital is so uncertain, interrupted, and difficult, on account of the vicissitudes of weather and climate, the lack of roads and postal facilities, and the great distance of many provinces from manila. "this impunity has most serious results, very detrimental to the peace and quiet of the islands; for such has been the class of persons whom necessity has compelled to appoint as alcaldes-mayor that not only have they used their authority to possess themselves of the property of the indians--seizing the boats of traders, which injured the natives in their traffic--and defrauded the indians with unjust exactions; but they have humiliated the religious, stolen moneys from the king, outraged young girls, burned houses, and, in short, have thrown the provinces into a condition of effervescence and of conspiracy against the government which sent to the natives such a ruler." bernaldez urges the government to take such measures that the residencia of the alcaldes may be made effective and just.] of the selection of all classes of employees for the filipinas islands [on this point, the writer urges greater care and more sense of responsibility. all government officials, of every grade, should be of good morals, old enough to have stability of character, sufficiently competent and experienced to understand their duties, and such as will set a good example to the natives.] the imprudence of one man alone has often been sufficient to incite a sedition in the minds of various parties or castes in those islands; and in any case it is very dangerous to entrust positions of command to persons who are not endowed with well-proved ability and discretion. i cannot attribute the laxity which in recent times is evident in all branches of the administration and government of those islands to any other cause than the injudicious selection of many of their employees. the military corps, whose former captains and subalterns had been mainly sergeants sent from the peninsula, were kept in the best order and discipline until, in the year '23, those officers were added to them who accompanied general martinez--of some of whom, according to the documents which were executed for my court, their appointment to the indias, with their scandalous conduct, looks like a proof that in españa there was neither religion, morality, nor subordination. [bernaldez urges that certain qualifications be required for office in filipinas; the governors should be members of learned bodies, and excel in discretion and ability, and in the art of governing, and of promoting the welfare of a country, rather than in the military art. the intendants should be "enlightened economists, capable of creating and promoting the great wealth of which that virgin country is capable." the officials of the audiencia should be at least thirty-five years old, with ten years of service, and experienced in legal practice; and other employees should be trustworthy, experienced, and not mere youths. "the filipinas islands, like every colony, are the country of the corruption of youth, and where it is necessary to work with men whose characters are already formed."] of the use of weapons in filipinas [the writer protests against the carelessness which, contrary to the laws of the indias, has allowed the natives to possess and carry weapons--even including campilans and sabers, pistols and guns. these arms have, through culpable negligence of the government officials, been imported in the foreign ships and sold publicly; and, possessing them, the natives are a constant source of danger to the whites. he recommends that the governor of filipinas be commanded to disarm the natives, using mild and politic methods, and allow them no implements or tools save those required in their labor; to stop the importation of arms into the islands; to compel all coasting vessels to deposit with the authorities, during their stay in the harbor, the arms which they carry for defense against the pirates; to see that no weapons be allowed in the villages save those needed by the local guards; and to stop all clandestine manufacture and sale of gunpowder.] of the despatch of assistance to the filipinas islands [this section is devoted to the evils resulting from the remoteness of the islands, and the neglect of providing them with facilities for communication with españa; it is necessary, if the government desires to keep the islands; to remedy this deficiency at once, for their material prosperity, the administration of justice, their safety from enemies, their loyalty to the crown--all are at great risk under present conditions. "the establishment of postal service in vessels of the royal armada would be a most burdensome expense to the treasury of españa and to that of filipinas. unfortunately, previous to the royal decree of 1820 in regard to the commerce of filipinas, in the long period of forty years only twenty trading ships have gone to those islands, leaving them without assistance or communication during the long space of three, four, five, or [even] seven years." however, this can be remedied, and without expense, by suitable measures for the promotion of commerce between the islands and españa, "an attempt at which has been made in these last six years, during which time more expeditions direct to filipinas have been effected than in the preceding forty years--that is, sixteen from cadiz, three from santander, coruña, and san sebastian, and five whose return is now expected."] of the causes which operate in the backward condition of the administration, both civil and economic, of the filipinas islands; and their corrective [of the failure of governors and intendants to make reports] [exact and circumstantial information is of course, necessary for the guidance of the home government in all measures relating to the resources, needs, development, and administration of the islands, and annual reports on all these matters are demanded from governors and intendants by the laws of the indias. essential as this requirement is, it has always been neglected.] what those officials sometimes write, when questioned about these matters, are but generalities; their reports and information are reduced to how much has been produced and how much spent, in the résumé of the royal exchequer accounts. thus it is not known with what necessity and justice certain extraordinary expenses have been incurred, what number of employees the king has in that colony, what causes have occasioned the increase or decrease in the product of the revenues, and, finally, how the means and resources of the people who contribute to the royal income can be augmented so that the latter can likewise be increased, all which the government ought to know. [it is true that the governors are laden with multifarious routine duties, which often prevent them from attending to these important matters, and from examining conditions personally, for which they have to depend upon the reports of their subordinates; and these are apt to be actuated by self-interest and they do not like reforms, so their statements are not very reliable. the reports made by the municipalities, commercial consulate, and other bodies are of the same sort, as being always from the standpoint of their corporation; and neither authorities nor corporations have the same stimulus to thoroughness, accuracy, and energy as has the private person who undertakes an enterprise. it is through the latter class that great projects and advances are made, but such persons hesitate to present plans for these to the authorities there, because the authorities do not examine them personally, "but by means of a contentious, voluminous, and annoying expediente," and likewise have no authority to adopt these plans until they are referred to madrid--where, too, they are not encouraged to bring such projects before the royal government, and these, moreover, would have to be sent to manila first (apparently to contend there with the aforesaid expediente). bernaldez continues:] in order, then, to awaken this interest of enterprising private persons in the agriculture, manufactures, and commerce of filipinas, it is necessary to have there a body expressly devoted to this object, and authorized to adopt provisionally any plan for improvement and progress which may be proposed to it and examined by it with the aid of its special knowledge of the country; and this body ought to be the superior council of the royal exchequer of the islands.... this council, as such, has very little occupation; its ministers, like all who are employed in filipinas, attend to their official duties only in the forenoons, remaining free during all the afternoons and evenings for employment in a service of so great importance as this. i am, then, of opinion that his majesty should deign to establish the following: that the superior council of the royal exchequer in filipinas constitute a similar council for the improvement and prosperity of the country, with the object of stimulating in every way the indians to work, and capitalists to undertake enterprises. that its members hold weekly meetings for this purpose, at such hours as the president shall designate. that it also call in the proprietors of lands, agriculturists, manufacturers, and merchants of the country, listen to their views, and encourage them to propose reforms and plans for promoting the useful arts. that it be authorized to decide upon the execution of projects, provisionally, until the approbation of his majesty is secured, in all matters which do not occasion loss to the country or injure the interests of the treasury. that it can draw upon the treasury of the community for a moderate amount of necessary expenses for the encouragement and reward of enterprises, for anything which can bring a positive and general benefit to the indians and the government. of the royal court [our writer notes the requirement of the laws of the indias that the governors and audiencias should consult and act together in matters of government, and the excellent results of this procedure. [146]] but unfortunately such has not been the case in the recent governments of filipinas. the governor-presidents have entirely separated themselves from their audiencias, and have governed alone--sometimes in military fashion, not heeding the opinions and customs of the country, but depending on force of arms; and sometimes only by the advice of the lawyer who assists the governor, who has the title of government counselor [asesor], and who, although he ought to limit himself to giving opinion on points and cases regarding statutes, is counselor in all the arduous matters of administration. from this it has resulted that the fate of the colonies may be left in the hands of this class of counselors, and that their subordinates have had so much power and importance. [moreover, this course leads to dissensions and hostilities between the governor and the audiencia, which is a bad example to furnish to the people and lowers their respect for the authorities.] it must be borne in mind that the indians of filipinas are not so sunken in ignorance that they do not of themselves, and likewise through their attorneys and confessors, recognize that they have a sovereign who rules them, and who to this end has given them laws; consequently, all lack of concord among the authorities, and every change introduced in the method of governing the villages, must produce fatal consequences. [it is therefore recommended that the governor consult the audiencia in all matters of the internal government of the islands, and any failure in this should be made a charge in his residencia.] of the administration of justice in general the consideration and respect which the audiencia of manila merits among the indians proceeds also from those times in which its members made official visits to the provinces, and in these visits did so much good to the villages. the visiting auditors were, in reality, friendly mediators in the disputes between the indians; and they made agreements, placed limits to the villages, furnished a sort of municipal ordinance, and protected the natives against the oppressions of the alcaldes-mayor. notwithstanding my high opinion of that tribunal, i regard as very proper the provisions of law xxxiv, título ii, book ii of the laws of the indias in regard to the removal and promotion of its ministers, basing my opinion on the same arguments as did the law--that is, that it is very desirable not only to reward them, but to uproot them from the friendships which they contract in places where they remain a long time. these friendships, whose influence is always detrimental to the equitable administration of justice, are in manila an almost necessary result of the small spanish population, of the lack of all public amusement or diversion, and of the fact that with the enervating effect of the climate the rectitude and vigor of european morals is lost after some years of residence in the country. [the audiencia has been unable to attend to the administration of justice in the islands as it has desired, for it has always been hindered by the many obstacles which arise from the storms, the lack of roads and mail service, the attraction of all the lawyers in the islands to the capital, the ignorance of the gobernadorcillo and the alcalde of each other's language and of judicial procedures, the dilatory mode of carrying on these between the provinces and manila, etc. "thus it is very common that these lawsuits, besides being always full of defects, last three, four, or six years; and that in that long period either the delinquents take to flight, or the documents are lost." even in the audiencia itself there are many obstacles to its action. its subordinate officials are indian or mestizo lawyers, who often are neither competent nor qualified for their positions;] and that which most contributes to retard the despatch of business, and to maintain the offices of the court without any organization, is the unfitness of those who occupy the class or purchasable and renunciable offices. the court clerk, the special commissioners, and the attorneys know nothing else than how to obtain the greatest possible advantage from the purchase of their offices. without any instruction in the obligations of those positions, because they cannot acquire it in that country, and incapable of carrying out even what the ministers themselves have the patience to teach them, those men are, notwithstanding, the only ones whom the ministers can choose for those offices, because they are likewise the only ones who can outbid others in the sale of them. these positions are also of little advantage, because in the immense extension of the military jurisdiction, among the wealthy persons of filipinas, the tribunal of the war department has drawn to itself all the civil causes of importance in the islands; and the audiencia has been reduced to criminal causes, and the minor controversies over land among the indians, for which reason it is impossible to have educated europeans who will purchase those posts and serve in them. the consequence of this is that the offices of the audiencia are in the utmost disorder; that they do not contain even the books of entry which the laws provide for, or registers, citations, or reports of cases; that in order to record a decree or an official report it is necessary for a minister to take upon himself the task of doing that; and, finally, that the administration of justice must necessarily be slow. [bernaldez therefore recommends that the ministers of the audiencia be promoted at least every ten years to other appointments; that the minor offices be no longer purchasable or renunciable, but filled directly by royal appointment, and given to suitable persons, with good salaries (which are specified); and that the government of the islands provide some expedient for raising money to pay the salary of an attorney-general in each province.] of the alcaldes-mayor and military governors of the provinces [the office of alcalde-mayor and provincial governor involves the civil government and defense of the province, the administration of justice, and the collection of the taxes; but those who are appointed to it are usually only traders, in reality, and care more for the profits yielded by the trade that is permitted to them than for the obligations of their office. they are paid twenty-five hard dollars a month for salary, "and they pay to the treasury the same sum for the indulto [i.e., privilege], as it is called there, of trading," to which pursuit they devote all their time and energies during the term of their office.] a system of alcaldeships so anomalous and irregular nevertheless produced at the outset some benefits to the islands, because, by reason of the great lack of capitalists there, many products of the agriculture and industries of the provinces would have received no encouragement if the alcalde had not speculated in them for the sake of his own trade. it is also necessary to note that there are provinces with which, on account of their remoteness and the little advantage which they have for the coasting trade, there was hardly any other means of communication than the barks of the alcalde. but now, when the coasting trade has become so general, it is a necessity to abolish, in most of the provinces of the islands, that absurd system of trading alcaldes; and to appoint in their places corregidors, lawyers educated in españa, with only a salary, and the charge of making collections for the royal revenue, with the right to the offices in the audiencia there. this increase in expenditure should be covered by the duties which ought to be imposed on the coasting trade, which by this means remains free from all impediment. [bernaldez urges that the provincial magistrates be carefully selected, for their knowledge, experience, discretion, and executive ability; and that they be men who will devote themselves to the proper administration of justice, the study of those regions hitherto unknown, plans of reform, and the encouragement of industry and commerce among the people--not forgetting to preserve friendly relations with the parish priests. he recommends that seventeen of the provinces in the islands of luzon, panay, and cebú be divided into corregidorships, eight into those of the first class, and nine into those of the second, with specified salaries to each; that appointments to these posts be made for six years; and that corregidors of the first class be proposed by the audiencia.] of the taxes [at present, the tribute paid by the indians should not be increased because so many of them would be distressed by any heavier tax; but this might be done later, when the class of large proprietors may have increased in numbers. the payment of this tax in kind is a source of loss, not only in the quantity and quality of the products paid in, but in the damage caused by transportation and storage; and in selling the products thus received by the government there is loss, because its agents are poor managers of such business, not having the shrewdness or the knowledge of the markets which enable private merchants to make their profits. the commutation of the payment from money to kind was only partly due to the influence of the alcaldes, who preferred it for the benefit of their own trading;] the cause which has rendered that commutation almost necessary and which operates directly to the prejudice of the indian, is the lack of a colonial money peculiar to the filipinas islands, like that which the other possessions in asia have (of the necessity of which i will speak in another chapter), in order to revive internal commerce and promote and facilitate the payment of taxes. the indirect taxes by means of government monopolies in filipinas are, in my opinion, those most suitable to the native disposition of inhabitants who, furnished most abundantly by the soil with all the income necessary for their support, convert the superfluous enjoyments of life into objects of prime necessity. it should be a firm principle of good government to protect and rectify the administration of these indirect taxes, especially those on tobacco and wine--not only because these will be sufficient to cover abundantly all the expenses of army and navy, but because in case of a war and the absolute cessation of trade the government will have this firm support for its existence; and therefore no hearing should be given to the suggestions and proposals of those persons who are craftily working to free the islands from those monopolies. but so long as these taxes are not made general through all the provinces of the archipelago, so that the fire of the contraband trade (which always finds lodgment in the exempt provinces) may be extinguished, and until certain reforms are adopted in their administration and protection, the produce [of these taxes] in favor of the royal exchequer must be very disproportionate to the amounts consumed by that large population. of the revenue from tobacco the revenue which supports the filipinas islands, which cannot be replaced by any other, and which if it were properly established and administered would yield incalculable advantages, is that from tobacco. three millions of inhabitants, all without exception of sex or age consumers of that article--and for each one of them, on the average, and at a very low estimate, can be set down a consumption of four pesos [worth] a year--would produce an addition to the revenue of twelve million pesos, which they would obtain from the land and from their industries, in order to give at the same time a great impulse to commerce. this is not a paradox, for the use of tobacco is of so prime necessity for the indians that the same calculation can be made for that object that would be made for the use of bread in españa. [bernaldez considers the injurious effects of enforcing this monopoly in only a part of the islands--"although more than half the population is today subject to the monopoly, its income is only one-tenth of what, at a reasonable estimate, it ought to be"--and those of its careless and negligent administration. he makes the following suggestions:] that the collection of the tributes from the indians of filipinas be made compulsory in money, as soon as the colonial money can be placed in circulation in their provinces. that the monopoly of tobacco in filipinas be extended to all the [now] exempt provinces, without exception; and the government there will succeed much better in establishing it therein by sagacity than by authority or force. that the examination and appraisal of the leaf tobacco which the monopoly purchases from the growers be made before a board which the government there shall appoint annually, composed of officials from the capital who are most trustworthy and intelligent in that branch of administration, such tobacco as proves to be unfit for use being burned in their presence. that all the tobacco which can be collected in filipinas be conveyed to españa, by means of contracts with private persons for the freighting of ships; and with it the amount which can be remitted from the [different] branches of the royal exchequer, and the annual surplus of their funds. of the revenue from wine the product of the revenue from wine cannot in filipinas be considered so important as that from tobacco, because the indians are very moderate in their drinking. the wines made from the cocoanut and nipa (the only ones subject to the monopoly) are wholesome for the indians; and as the monopoly has regulated the supply for each village, greatly improving the process of making the liquor and diminishing its strength, the indians prefer the monopoly to the free privilege of this article. the failure of this revenue to increase depends on two causes: first, that the monopoly is not extended, as it ought to be, to all the provinces of the islands, not only thus to place all the natives on the same footing, and so suppress the contraband trade, but to prevent by this method the manufacture by the indians of other beverages which are more injurious to their health, and which, without giving them pleasure, intoxicate them as has been the case with the brandy and rum from sugar-cane juice or molasses; second, the great amount of the two last-named liquors which is clandestinely furnished to the public, as a result of the permission, very negligently guarded, which was given to manufacture them freely to export abroad, or to sell them under a certain tax in order that they should not injure the consumption of the article placed under monopoly control. [bernaldez admits that the manufacture of the above-mentioned brandy and rum ought to be allowed, "because otherwise the country would lose the enormous quantity of molasses which results from the sugar-making, which has a considerable value, but cannot be employed for other uses;" but the government ought to maintain the value of the monopolized beverages, and at the same time facilitate the exportation of rum and brandy. [147] he recommends, besides the extension of the wine monopoly:] that, as a consequence, every other kind of beverage made in the country be prohibited in the islands for the common use of the indians. that the manufacture of brandy and rum from sugar-cane be allowed only for the export trade. that each manufacturer be likewise allowed to have a retail warehouse, under the imposts which they now pay. that the manufacturers be compelled to establish their factories in the immediate vicinity of manila, where they can and must be watched, at their own expense, by the revenue clerks. that all the brandy and rum which is made from sugar be immediately deposited in warehouses, the keys of which the custom-house shall take charge of, the government levying on it moderate duties for deposit as well as for export. [148] of the head-money, or personal tax, from the chinese [the chinese were at first allowed in filipinas only to cultivate the soil and work in handicrafts; but they have drawn into their possession the control of trade and commerce, "winning the good-will of the government and the tolerance of the inhabitants of manila with a thousand intrigues unknown in the country. they have done in filipinas what the europeans ought to have done, that is, to acquire wealth and send it, or themselves go with it, to their own country to establish commercial houses;" and thus they have added a marvelous amount to the wealth of china. their method of doing business is explained--practically the same as is done in the united states at the present time; united capital and effort, division of the gains accordingly, quick sales and small profits, etc. they have obtained the exclusive retail trade in manila, and a great part of the wholesale trade, "and thereby have aroused the hostility of corporations and private persons, notwithstanding that they are a class of peaceable and industrious people in the country." bernaldez thinks that their tax of six pesos a year is much too small, considering the advantages which they enjoy and the large fortunes which they acquire in the islands; in batavia the chinese pay the government as much as thirty pesos a month for merely the permission to trade. the tax on them at manila is farmed out to a chinaman, and does not yield as much as it should. the following recommendations are made:] that measures be immediately taken to correct and render accurate the registration of the chinese settled in filipinas. that the individuals of that nation be divided into three classes: first, wholesale merchants, understanding by that term all those who embark for china and receive thence goods on commission or for their own account; second, retail merchants, or shopkeepers; third, artisans of every class. that these be distributed by groups under head-men [por cabecerias], which shall not exceed sixty individuals to each one. that every chinaman, as soon as he is registered, shall be joined to one of these groups, the head-man becoming responsible for him. that these chinese heads of barangay must give security for the tribute from those under them, and collect the tax and deliver it to the alcalde-mayor of their respective province, being responsible in every case for the residence and occupation of their tribute-payers; and for this commission collecting the three per cent. that in future the tax on the chinese already settled and those who shall settle in filipinas shall be as follows: the wholesale merchant, ten pesos fuertes a month; the retail merchant, four pesos ditto; the artisan of every class, two pesos ditto. that every chinaman settled there shall be free to return to his own country, provided he is not married, the limit of six months being allowed for this. that the chinaman, of whatever class, who shall not pay his respective tax within one year shall be sent and delivered up to one of the ranch-owners for compulsory labor [por repartimiento], in order that there he may work at the day-wages agreed upon, which must not fall below two reals a day and food-rations of rice; and that the ranchman shall with these wages pay the tax [due], at the rate of two pesos a month. [among the advantages derived from this arrangement will be that of sending out of the islands the many poor and useless chinese who have been gradually multiplying there, and have been infecting the natives with their vices. it will even benefit the chinese themselves, "who with two reals a day, which make 7 1/2 dollars a month clear" (thus showing that sunday labor was exacted), "can pay two pesos of tax and be exceedingly prosperous."] [149] of the custom-house duties the royal decree of august 25, 1818, by which it was decided that the exaction of import and export duties should be made in the manila custom-house from the owners of the vessels, without considering the ownership of their lading, and that if the vessel were spanish it should pay three per cent, and if foreign six per cent, has been a special favor or privilege granted to half a dozen spanish ship-owners (for those who conduct the commerce with china and bengala cannot be more than that number), with serious loss to the exchequer. this is, of course, annually deprived of the considerable income of the three per cent rebate on all foreign goods imported into manila, which is a direct benefit to the foreigners who own nearly all the commerce in those goods. the manufacturers of filipinas, especially those of cotton fabrics--which are able to compete with, and even exceed in cheapness, those of china, since the cotton of which these are made is of their own raising--are being ruined, because that rebate of duties brings the prices of the chinese goods so near to those of their infant industry that the former ought always to be preferred; and, finally, the above arrangement has also given opportunity for various frauds proceeding from the pretended sale of foreign vessels to spaniards, solely for the purpose of availing themselves of the rebate of duties on their cargoes, and to the possession (under assumed names) by chinese settled in manila of spanish vessels. [bernaldez states the considerations which should regulate these duties, and the following recommendations for the payment of duties on various classes of merchandise, this amount to cover in each case the entire exaction: on national goods in transit, carried to manila--on a spanish vessel, three per cent; on a foreign ship, six per cent. the same goods for consumption in the country shall pay nine and ten per cent respectively. on foreign goods from india and china, for domestic consumption, ten and fifteen per cent respectively; from this class should be excepted the wines, brandies, pig iron, small articles of cast iron, dry beans, and foreign paper, which should pay twenty and twenty-five per cent respectively. goods, whether national or foreign, not declared as in transit at leaving manila shall pay two and four per cent respectively; but those registered on a spanish ship from india, china, and all asia for españa, ten per cent. coined silver and gold, and silver bullion, shall pay no entrance duty at manila, but on leaving that port shall pay three and six per cent respectively; and foreign gold in bullion shall pay eight per cent at entering manila (whether on spanish or foreign vessels). national products, and those of the industries of filipinas, shall pay when exported eight per cent on a foreign vessel, but nothing on a spanish ship. the duty of the merchant's peso [peso marchante] which the municipality of manila collects should be abolished as obstructive to commerce; for the legal origin of this imposition is unknown, and it is very unsuitable for a municipality which is rich through its rents, revenues, and imposts. bernaldez believes that this tariff would promote agriculture, industry, and navigation, and benefit the royal treasury. more coin would be brought into the islands, the plan of exempting it from duties having been adopted for that purpose by all the other governments of asia. the burden of these duties will fall mainly on the rich class, and not on the indians. the "infant industries" [fabricas nacientes] will be protected, and the spanish merchant marine will be given the advantage over the foreigners.] of the inter-island trade the inter-island trade of the filipinas islands is at present quite active, as is shown by the latest reports received. its importance is well worth consideration, since the commodities which are traded in this way constitute the greater part of the cargoes of the export commerce. tortoise-shell, gold, birds'-nests, balate, wax, cacao, and other products form cargoes of great value which come from the provinces. the exclusive proprietors of this commerce are the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces, and the rich mestizos and chinese, who in this traffic have made exorbitant profits, for it is these alone who exclusively avail themselves of the rise in prices which is produced in manila by the arrival there of foreign vessels together. this causes those posts of alcalde there to be very eagerly sought, since in only three years of holding them they allow [the making of] a fortune; and also that the class of mestizos and chinese is the only one that is sure of becoming rich in filipinas.... the result is, that with the exception of the great fortunes which in other times were made in the privileged commerce of nueva españa, it is this [coasting trade] from which have proceeded the fortunes of manila. [this branch of trade is exempt from all duties, a privilege which does not benefit either the agriculture or the other industries of the indians, since they always sell at the same price, and have no share in the profits of the trade. nor is this commerce promoted by the freedom from duties, for it will always continue and always yield great profits to those who carry it on--who can well afford to pay a moderate tax on their lucrative trade, especially as it is partly for their benefit that the government incurs so great expense for curbing the piracies of the moros. it is recommended:] that all commodities, whether natural products or those of industry, which arrive at the port of manila by sea from the provinces shall pay one per cent on the prices current in that city; and from this tax shall be exempted only rice (whether in the hull or cleaned), cocoanut oil, and fresh fruits, as being articles of prime necessity for the indians. that no duty shall be collected for those same products when they are transported by land, or by the rivers and bayous of the island of luzon. and that, from the time when this law shall go into effect, the power which the municipality of manila has to tax the value of the provisions which come from the provinces shall be suppressed. the exemption from duties will tend, in regard to the provinces of luzon, to encourage in that island preëminently, as is desirable, agriculture and industry, and at the same time will save to the custom-house the new expenses which it would [otherwise] have to incur for establishing posts and men to guard against smuggling. of money the spanish peso is the universal money in the commerce among all the nations of asia; and, as therefore the exterior commerce is constantly drawing it into circulation, the governments of all the colonies in that part of the world have found themselves obliged to create a colonial money, which on account of its provisional value cannot be taken out of the country, and, being directed into the internal commerce of the province, feeds and multiplies exchanges. in filipinas there was no need of adopting that measure while its commerce with nueva españa lasted, because then those islands were receiving annually a million of mexican pesos, and the situado of two hundred and fifty thousand; and, besides this, the business that was carried on during that period in the natural and industrial products of the country was almost insignificant. and if in filipinas at this present time enough money circulates to support the outside traffic, that results from the fact that the profits which the colony has gained from the commerce with all the nations of europa (the balance of which is in favor of filipinas) are greater than the losses of money which it experiences in its commerce with india and china. [this is of course a very precarious situation; for the contingencies of war, diversion of commerce from the islands, or poor crops may at any time compel filipinas to send out all its money to india or china for the supply of its needed commodities; and this would ruin even the internal commerce, "on account of the serious difficulties which the establishment of a system of public credit there presents."] besides that, considering now the matter of giving a strong impulse to the agriculture and industry of those islands, there would be needed for the former project many millions of pesos in constant circulation in the provinces, and there must be a great reversion of the capital employed in commerce to the interior of the islands; and this cannot be practiced in a country in which hardly enough money circulates to support the government and the demands from without, and which had undertaken to promote its interests by commerce before placing its agriculture and industry on a sound basis. in almost all the provinces of the islands very little money circulates, and in some of them there is not even what is necessary in order that the natives can pay the government taxes; and from this has proceeded the necessity of commuting the tribute from money to kind. the spanish pesos go from and return to the provinces rapidly; and it can be said that the produce of the taxes which has to be sent annually to the capital, and the importations of the alcaldes and the mestizos, are equal. most of the indians trade among themselves by means of simple barter, and the mestizos make them pay dearly with their products for the money that they need for clothing themselves and paying their taxes. there is, then, nothing to hope for--either advance in agriculture and the useful arts, or the great extension and progress of which the consumption of monopolized articles is susceptible--without the creation of a colonial money which will remain within the colony to which it belongs, which will liberate it from the precarious dependence on foreign commerce, which will afford to the indian the just profits from his labor, which by remaining with him in the provinces will encourage him to obtain possession of it as an easy means of providing him with the necessities of life at the time [when he needs them,] and which likewise may be an allurement to his children--which up to a certain point it is of great importance to encourage in the indians, as a powerful incentive to make them labor. [lastly, this colonial money would check the exportation of silver coin by the chinese, [150] who would then prefer to export from filipinas its nature products in return for their commodities. in china all the spanish pesos are, in order to keep them within the empire, disfigured with so many marks that they cannot be used in foreign commerce.] we have no knowledge thus far of there being silver mines in filipinas; but it is a positive fact that gold abounds there, of so low grade and so mingled with silver that it has little more value than that metal. this circumstance, aided by the introduction of some silver bars from america, carried thither by foreigners, the recoinage of the half-dollars, and of the silver two-real, one-real, and half-real pieces which circulate in the islands, and the use of the great amount of old silver in household articles--which is there sold at very low prices, on account of being alloyed and manufactured in china--would supply the government with easy means for the creation of a colonial currency without need for expense, or for forestalling [the income from] any fund, only by accepting from the persons interested their respective materials in gold or silver, under assay, and returning to them the value of the metal in the coined money which it would yield, after deducting the necessary expenses. likewise the government could accept, in payment of all taxes, the gold which is obtained from the placers, at the same prices at which the chinese carry it away, and after it was assayed at its mint--where the learned professors who for this purpose would be sent from europe would dictate the necessary measures for carrying into effect an undertaking which is the basis for all progress in the islands. i am therefore of opinion that his majesty should deign to issue the following orders: that a colonial currency be immediately created for internal circulation in the filipinas islands. that for this purpose a mint be established there. that the standard for this money be the same as those of the moneys of the same kind which have been adopted in the other colonies of asia. that the subdivisions of its value be made according to the needs of internal trade. that all the gold and silver, in various forms, which private persons offer for coinage be accepted at the mint, returning it to them in the standard coin which it yields after the expenses are deducted. that the government there be authorized to accept in payment of taxes the gold from the mines of filipinas, after it is assayed. that regulations be drawn up by competent persons, in which precautions are taken against any fraud in this matter. of the charitable funds established in filipinas [the obras pías merit full attention from the government,] on account of the advantages which the agriculture and industry of the islands may gain from them. if the limited and privileged dealings of manila with nueva españa had not been reduced to a merely passive commerce of transfer or transportation, those foundations would, at the same time while they have become wealthy, have given real opulence to that commerce. of the enormous profit of two hundred and three hundred per cent which the transactions of the galleon yielded at acapulco, the greater part was for the foreign dealers of india and china, whose wares supplied almost all the lading of the galleons, and for the obras pías; a greatly reduced profit remained for the manila merchants, which could be shown by a calculation which might be made of the many millions imported from nueva españa by the galleons, and of the comparatively small value, in money or assistance, which has remained [therefrom] in the islands. [the returns from these funds are now greatly diminished, since the cessation of the acapulco trade, for on that depended the commerce with india and china, which also has practically ended, save for the commodities from those countries which are consumed in filipinas. this could not have been foreseen by the founders of those funds, many of which, moreover, are impeded by various restrictions and conditions; and the government should interpose its authority not only to secure the fulfilment of the founders' wishes, but to commute the investment of the funds in such a way that they may be used to promote the agriculture and industry of the country. these funds ought also to be preserved as a most useful resource in case of war or revolution, when the usual revenues of the government would cease. bernaldez therefore recommends:] that the government of manila furnish special protection to the charitable foundations of the islands, and keep close watch over their honest administration. that it stimulate the managers to obtain immediately from the competent authority the commutation of the allotments of these funds so as to benefit the agriculture and manufactures of the country, giving reports of what shall be effected in a matter so important for the welfare of the islands. that the funds in the communal treasuries of the indians and the chinese, those of the secular revenues, [151] and any others which are not subject to private foundations and regulations, and which hitherto have followed in their investments the rules of the obras pías, shall be by preference set aside for rewards bestowed for enterprises in agriculture, industry, and inter-island trade. thus will be remedied the injury arising from the failure of those great funds to be in circulation; and the abuse of employing them in favor of foreigners and their commerce, under assumed names, will be corrected. of the arsenal of cavite [bernaldez declares that the works of naval construction, etc., for the government can be accomplished for half the cost by means of private contracts awarded to the lowest bidder, which is proved by the history of all the enterprises which have been undertaken by the government in those islands, whether in agriculture, mining, or metal-working; "for, however great the disinterestedness and economy which can be ascribed to the officials who conduct the enterprise, in this direction nothing can take the place of the contractor's activity and vigilance." in the cutting and gathering of timber there is abundant cheating and graft, as that work is directed by indian overseers, or by mestizos and chinese; the latter have abandoned the system of day wages ("which the natural slothfulness of the indian renders very costly"), and instead pay the natives so much for a certain amount of work (which they call paqueao). "in this way the indians, who always are cheated in these calculations, have to redouble their efforts to gain the amount bargained for, thus allowing to the mestizo the benefit of at least one-third of the usual daily wages." after the timber is cut, its transportation, storage, and seasoning cost more when done by the government than by the mestizo contractor, and occasion much loss and damage. ships of war could be built at manila to great advantage, so far as the abundance and cheapness and location of the timber is concerned; but the lack of iron and copper there is a serious hindrance to such plans. there are mines of both metals in the islands, but they are not worked for lack of enterprising persons and suitable machinery. bernaldez recommends: that the crown offer large rewards for the successful operation of the iron and copper mines in the islands, the supply therefrom of metal sufficient for the construction of ships and cannon, and the introduction of machinery for mining and iron-working. that arrangements be made for building war-ships each year, by contracts for the supply of timber and the manual labor. that competent engineers and constructors be sent from españa, at good salaries; that necessary supplies and materials be secured by contracts, bid for in public; and that funds from the royal exchequer be set aside for this purpose to the amount of one hundred thousand to one hundred and fifty thousand pesos annually. that all the construction and repairing of war-ships for filipinas be done through contracts, at public bidding; and that the arsenal of cavite be reduced to a simple depository for the articles required for arming the ships, with such officials as may be necessary for the custody of these.] of the agriculture of the filipinas islands, in general, and of their principal productions the filipinas islands, on account of the fertility of their land, their abundant rains, and the great number of animals for labor, constitute an agricultural colony; and to the readiness with which the country supplies the principal articles for human support has been due the rapid increase of its population. and although the indians, as a general thing, only devote themselves to the cultivation of what they actually need for subsistence, the annual production so far exceeds the necessities of the people that very seldom has the failure or scarcity of provisions been experienced. the abundance of its arable lands and the excellence of its products have also rendered this colony capable of a considerable commerce with the other nations, at a much greater advantage over the other colonies, inasmuch as the land is tilled by free labor, which costs only the value of its food and clothing; and not by slaves, who, besides those expenses, occasion that of the premium or interest on the money invested in their purchase, which causes a difference of at least a third more in the cost of the manual labor employed in agriculture. the neglected condition in which agriculture is in filipinas, considered under this last aspect, and the backwardness in knowledge of the manipulations required in the preparation of its raw products for their consumption in trade, proceed from the following causes: (1) the lack of a stable and regular system of commerce which can assure to the inhabitants of the islands the annual exportation of the produce of an extensive agriculture. the foreign vessels resort to the ports there, some years in excessive number and others very infrequently; and this irregularity always produces an effect opposed to the interests of the colony. the extraordinary rise in prices--which during the last three years has reached a value double that from which the ability to sell at all times would enable the colony to gain a profit--and the consequent lack of commodities for supplying all the vessels, prevent them from returning in the following years; while the decline of prices below what is fair, caused by the non-arrival of ships, discourages large production in agriculture. the indians are absolutely without capital and storehouses which would enable them to hold back their produce for another market. they are induced to cultivate the soil solely by their present advantage; they always sell, but they suffer from the stern law of trade which, although it flatters them in years of scarcity, equally tyrannizes over them in years of abundance--for they are always deceived regarding the actual prices of the general market, of which they are ignorant; and one year only of unsuccessful sales, whether from lack of foreign ships, or through the loss of their crops, will be a warning to them for a long time. in short, the agriculture of filipinas at this time depends on the irregular and transient stimulus which is furnished to it by the peripatetic capital of the mestizo, who buys only in the years when he calculates that he must in view of the condition of the crops and the market, make a profit; while the indian farmer always sows his seed heedless of results, and without the guidance of that elementary principle in affairs of commerce that the estimate of what he acquires ought to be based on a calculation of the market for it. for the corrective of this evil, and assuming that, for reasons that are rightful and conformable to sound policy (as i have set forth), the residence of foreigners in the islands ought not to be permitted, i find no other means than this, that the government encourage, by judicious measures, the direct and unlimited commerce of españa with that colony--of which i shall speak in another chapter, [presenting] the rough sketch of a plan which ought to produce the following effects: (a) the definite and reliable annual exportation from those islands, not only of the great quantity of sugar, indigo, coffee, and other native products which are needed in the ordinary consumption of españa, but of that which spanish commerce can dispose of in the other nations and free ports of europa. (b) the establishment of spanish trading posts [factorias] in the interior of the provinces of filipinas, which the spanish mercantile interests will carry on for the sake of acquiring the agricultural produce at first hand, freeing the indians from the oppressive rule of the mestizo trader, and forming contracts with them, at prices agreed upon, for a certain number of years. [the backward condition of agriculture proceeds] (2) from the lack of great agricultural establishments. one of the causes for this is the fact that the capital of the islands, which ought to be employed for that object, has been diverted by the commerce of india, china, and nueva españa, which offers greater and quicker profits. the religious orders administer their estates as in mortmain, or by ecclesiastical rules. the indians cultivate, not from inclination but through necessity, the little plots of ground on which they have fixed their abodes. they lack the buildings and appliances necessary for the preparation of the little sugar and indigo that they collect; and from that results the wretched and unreliable quality of those articles which so discredits them in the trade. they lack also the capital to incur the expenses of a regular plantation, and these enterprises require costly outlays at the start. but this cause of backwardness would be remedied by the impulse which would be given to commerce by the exportation of native products, which would attract to agriculture the capital which it has hitherto lacked, and by the special protection which the government can grant to large capitalists who may devote themselves to agriculture. (3) from the ignorance of the indians, not only of the various methods of making plantations, but of the means of preparing the raw materials for their employment in the trade--a cause which is so universal and so mischievous that the agricultural products of filipinas, which ought to be, on account of their excellent character and the extent of territory of the islands, commodities which should supply all the markets of europe and hold the first rank in quality, are the most scarce in general commerce, and moreover lowest in price, as i am going to prove by some instances. the sugar of filipinas is today the most important commodity for exportation which the commerce there includes. the cultivation of the sugar-cane cannot be improved; but the manufacture of the sugar is so defective that, in spite of the superior quality of the cane, the sugar which is produced from it is inferior to that which is called terciado [i.e., brown] at habana. although in the market of cadiz the white sugar from habana is worth thirty-two to twenty-five silver reals, and the brown sugar twenty-six to twenty-eight, the white sugar of manila is worth twenty-four to twenty-five [152]--that is, nine silver reals less than the former, and two or three reals less than the latter on each arroba. consequently, the temporary privilege granted by his majesty in exempting the products of filipinas from duties is the only support of the expeditions which have come [thence] to the peninsula; and it is unquestionable that when that privilege ceases that commerce will likewise come to a complete stop. for if from the twenty-four silver reals, the highest price at which an arroba of the manila sugar can be sold, be deducted for duties eight reals and twenty-seven maravedís, the trader will receive a price of only nineteen silver reals, five cuartos; subtracting from this the fourteen and one-half reals of the prime cost at manila (according to the latest information received), and the only profit left to him would be four reals, three maravedís--with which it is absolutely impossible for him to pay either the heavy freight charges on that commodity, or the interest on money and the insurance premiums, on a voyage three times as long as that from habana. the low price [of sugar] in the market has no other cause than the lack of skill at manila for manufacturing the sugar; this art is there found entirely in its infancy, and without any other method than that which, since very ancient times, the chinese have taught them. [the sugar-makers have not proper machinery or appliances, or the knowledge, for any of the stages of the process; and their product is inferior, when it might be as good as that of habana--or even better, if the same skill and care were used in making it as are used there. the above profit of nine reals on the arroba, if equally divided among the grower, the manufacturer, and the government (for duties which in that case should be imposed on the sugar), would yield each of them $300,000 annually, on the estimated production of 1,000,000 arrobas which would be practicable for filipinas--to say nothing of the increased benefits to the laboring class--with improved methods of manufacture. to secure this, the government must be energetic in promoting large establishments there, and introducing machinery and skilled laborers. "the funds in the communal treasury of the indians, which at the present time must reach about $300,000, and whose object is the benefit of those same indians," might aid the government in meeting the expenses of such measures; the skilled artisans could instruct the indian farmers in the new improved methods, and the industry would be almost perfected in two years' time, at very little expense. bernaldez describes in similar manner the deficiencies, possibilities, and needs of the indigo, coffee, and cacao industries, and urges the government to extend like care to these; what has been done thus far by the colonial government has been quite ineffective, because it has been in the form of proclamations and enactments which merely required small plantations to be made by all the inhabitants, but these failed because they disregarded the principles of political economy and made no provision for the individual interest of the cultivator.] there are, then, two means which ought to be adopted for the promotion of large plantations in filipinas, incentive and instruction; and for this it is necessary to grant pecuniary rewards to the agriculturists, and furnish them with teachers from the near-by islands of java or even bourbon, where not only coffee but cacao is cultivated. (4) and, finally, the cause which likewise exerts a powerful influence in [causing] the neglected and backward condition of agriculture is the slothfulness of the indians and their absolute indifference to acquiring and keeping property. [this sloth is caused by the climate, the abundant supply of the necessities of life with little labor, and the hospitality which prevails among the natives;] and if it were not that in the capital and its adjacent provinces there has now been introduced a certain degree of decency and [even] luxury in some families of that class, it would be difficult to find any one to render service or to practice the useful arts that are necessary in villages. [with a people like this, it would be hazardous to attempt to compel them to work; but "even if they are naturally slothful, they have their likes and dislikes; and a wise government ought to avail itself of these two powerful resources to urge them to work." the indians dislike to pay direct taxes, and hate the collector of these; also they are passionately fond of cockfighting and spectacles of all sorts, and of office-holding; and if these characteristics are considered in the policy of the government much can be done to make them industrious. bernaldez recommends: that a system of direct, unlimited, and regular commerce be established between españa and filipinas, for the purpose of maintaining a reliable and definite annual exportation of the latter's products. that agricultural establishments be protected by the government, being allowed (although at their own expense) the assistance of a band of irregular soldiers. that machines, tools, and other aids to agricultural production be admitted free of duties. that skilled workmen be taken to the islands as instructors in the manufacture of sugar and indigo, and cultivators of coffee, etc., with their machinery and tools; their salaries for three years and their transportation to manila being paid from the communal funds of the indians. that large rewards be paid to the farmers who shall make large plantations of coffee and other useful trees or establish the silk industry. that the owners of these large plantations shall be allowed to keep on their lands each a cockpit for his laborers, free of expense. that groups of indians, chinese, and mestizos, limited to twenty families each, who shall maintain an indigo or sugar plantation of a certain extent in good condition, shall be relieved from paying the tribute so long as the plantation is kept up. that every indian who works for wages during five consecutive years, to the satisfaction of his employer, shall be perpetually exempted from tribute, the employer paying the laborer's tax for twenty years. that the indians and mestizos who cultivate large plantations on their own account shall have the preference for the offices in their respective villages. that the government of filipinas take measures to avoid frauds in connection with these proposed changes.] of the anfion, or opium [bernaldez describes the efforts made by the english east india company to import opium into china, although against the will of the chinese government, and states that a certain amount is smuggled into manila to supply the chinese settled in filipinas; he supposes that the prohibition of this trade in the islands arose from the fear of the governors that the indians would become habitual users of this drug and thus be injured; but in his experience of seventeen years in various judicial positions in filipinas he has never seen a scandalous case of opium inebriacy among the chinese of luzon, nor any indian brought into court for using the drug; and "the indians without exception regard the use of opium with the utmost indifference and contempt." he thinks that it should not be prohibited in filipinas, since its use appears not to injure the chinese there, or to be necessary for the indians; while the islands] ought not to be deprived of a revenue that is exceedingly lucrative for agriculture, commerce, and the treasury; of an article which in the order of nature ought to be exclusively for the trade and benefit of the islands; and a means by which the manila commerce would draw great wealth from china, turning in its favor, and with large sales, the balance of trade with that empire, which is now and always has been against manila. a chest of opium, weighing one pico of filipinas or 100 cates of china (each of 22 onzas), would probably cost the manila grower for all expenses at most 100 pesos; and its value in china is usually 1,400 to 1,600 pesos. add to this advantage that of the large and secure market which filipinas has close at hand, since there would be annually consumed in china more than eight millions pesos' worth of this article from the islands; this would permit all the extension which they choose to give to the cultivation of this article. and if 8,000 chests of opium produced in filipinas would yield in china 12,000,000 dollars, the royal exchequer, which ought to secure its proportion of the great advantages to agriculture and commerce, could without any difficulty load that product with a duty so considerable that it would produce four to six millions of pesos a year. [bernaldez therefore recommends: that the government, without abrogating the present prohibition of the importation and use of opium in the islands, give free permission to capitalists to cultivate the poppy and export opium from filipinas; that the poppy-fields be close to the capital and enclosed; that the harvest be superintended by trustworthy persons from the revenue service, as is that of tobacco; and that the entire product be deposited in the magazines of the custom-house. that at the time of its exportation a duty of 25 per cent be collected on the value of the opium, at the prices current in china. that the concession of raising opium should be granted by preference to the planters who already are maintaining large plantations of sugar, indigo, coffee, and other useful products.] of the cotton manufactures the madrast commerce annually carries into filipinas fabrics of cotton, called cambayas, to the value of $300,000 to $350,000, a sum which the traders carry back to their own country in cash, without taking away any natural or industrial product of filipinas. likewise the chinese carry into the islands annually, by means of their champans, cotton fabrics with the names of manta hipo, chuapo, and others, to the value of $300,000, nearly all of which sum they carry back to their own country in cash. the armenians of india and the chinese had likewise the control, from the time of the conquest of the islands, of importing into them annually the enormous quantity of small cotton articles [pañuelos] and ordinary cambayas which the natives of the country consume, until intercourse with those coasts was interrupted in the late war with inglaterra. then necessity and the high price of those goods induced the natives of filipinas to manufacture them, and in such abundance that the ships which arrived at manila, after the peace, with those commodities suffered great loss; and from that time the importation of those fabrics ceased, and the natives continued to manufacture them in the country. this has not been the case, however, with the fine cambayas and kerchiefs from madrast, nor with the cotton fabrics from china; for the former are dyed with the beautiful and permanent indian colors, furnished by certain plants which are to this day unknown in filipinas, and the latter [are desired] on account of the very low prices at which the chinese sell them. thus, although various manufacturers of manila have attempted to weave and dye that class of goods, they have not obtained favorable results, and have abandoned to the armenians and chinese the exclusive provision of filipinas with those commodities. it seems impossible that a colony in which is produced cotton of a quality superior to that of all the other colonies in asia, whose natives are industrious, and where the general consumption of the country offers a large and sure market for cotton fabrics, must be dependent for its supply on foreign manufacturers, and carry on with them a commerce which is one-sided [pasivo] and ruinous. nevertheless, the causes of this incongruity lie in the great population of india and china as compared with that of filipinas, which causes the wages paid for the spinning of the thread (and it is this item which increases or diminishes the cost of the woven goods) to be very low; in the enormous crops of cotton which those countries produce as compared with that of filipinas, which abundance causes a diminution in the price of the raw material there; and, finally, in the superiority of the dyes of india, which no colony has been able thus far to imitate. in order to compensate for the cheapness of hand labor in the great populations of india and china, it is necessary that in filipinas cotton-spinning machinery should be introduced, and that this project be encouraged by all means; that instructors in weaving and dyeing cambayas and kerchiefs be taken thither from madrast, who shall at the same time introduce into filipinas a knowledge of the plants from which the oriental dyes are obtained, with the methods of planting and cultivating these--meeting this expense from the communal funds of the indians. [these measures, and the promotion already urged for large plantations of cotton, would furnish employment to many natives of filipinas, and "place in circulation within the country itself the $650,000 which annually are carried out of it in hard money to foreign lands for the value of the cambayas and other fabrics imported into it." moreover, a new and important line of goods would be added to the exports of filipinas in these fine cotton fabrics, which would be equal to those of india and even cheaper; while the islands can always supply their own coarse cottons much more cheaply than these can be manufactured in españa, an industry which should therefore be fostered in filipinas. these coarse commodities could thus be supplied also to españa, more cheaply than they can be manufactured there; thus spanish commerce would be liberated from its present dependence upon foreign countries for them, and the money paid for them would instead go into the hands of spaniards, in spanish possessions. to secure these ends, the government of filipinas should be cautious in imposing import duties on the fine foreign goods, gradually increasing them according to the ability of philippine manufacturers to displace foreign goods by native products. bernaldez therefore recommends: that encouragement and rewards be conferred on those who introduce cotton-spinning machinery; that instructors in weaving and dyeing be brought from india, as above mentioned; that the manufacture of coarse cotton fabrics in the islands be promoted; that duties on the fine goods should be gradually increased; that raw cotton be permitted free exportation from the islands; and that the authorities of the exchequer there confer on these matters with the local manufacturers and merchants.] of the means for establishing regular communication and frequent and permanent mercantile relations between españa and the filipinas islands. [the writer urges the necessity of more interest and care for the needs of the islands, and action by the spanish government in their behalf, if they are to be retained as a spanish possession. for this purpose a regular commerce with the islands should be maintained, sufficient to keep twelve ships in constant employment, six sailing for the islands every year; and thus could be kept in efficient condition the large force (more than one thousand two hundred) of government employees in all the departments of the island service. he warns the ministry against plans which may be proposed by selfish interests and intrigues, for leaving the islands in their present poverty and isolation from the mother country. the commercial interests of the latter should unite to carry on this work, partly for their own profit, partly as a matter of patriotism. "the filipinas islands ought to be the center of the spanish government's power in asia, the great market for spanish commerce," and the source of enormous revenues to the spanish treasury; they should be to españa what india is to england, and are even more capable, by their natural endowments, of being a source of power and opulence to the mother country. spanish commerce is being greatly injured by the restrictions laid upon trade with the countries of asia, and the treasury should adjust the duties it exacts to those of other countries; this would put an end to the smuggling which wastes more than half of its revenues under the present system, cheapen prices, increase the consumption of goods, and augment the revenues of the crown. bernaldez compares the restrictive spanish policy with that pursued by the dutch and english in asia, the latter being "based on the principle of maintaining and protecting their principal possessions in those regions;" and illustrates this by allusion to their leading colonies, while he censures spain's negligence and folly in regard to filipinas, and her apathy in allowing foreign nations to seize her commerce. the royal decree of january 10, 1820, although aiding philippine commerce only as a temporary measure, has already done much for the islands; their commerce with españa has placed in circulation considerable quantities of capital, and has increased the products of agriculture and the exportation of these from manila to such a degree that their value has risen to almost double what it was before. this has been mutually beneficial to both countries; but the colony "will become the victim of this very prosperity" unless the home government shall grant certain exemptions and privileges to render it permanent and solid. the present restrictions on spanish commerce prevent the exportation of silver to filipinas, and enable the foreigners to monopolize the trade of the islands in iron, wine, brandy, paper, and other wares which, being spanish products, ought to be furnished by spanish merchants--who, in this fettered condition, are "unable to find any way of placing funds in manila for the purchase of their cargoes." moreover, "the premiums on insurance have been considerably increased for [vessels bearing] the spanish flag, on account of the risk from the insurgent corsairs; and these same risks compel the merchants to increase, for their part, the expenses for the armament and crews of their ships." the merchants of manila have only two commodities to offer to spanish trade, sugar and indigo, and the latter of these is not practicable for the sole lading of a vessel; while if the sugar crop should fail, those merchants are left without other resource, to say nothing of the uncertainty in prices caused by that in the number of foreign customers who will arrive at manila. the spanish government, therefore, "should open to the commerce of españa with filipinas a wider range of objects in all the productions of india and china, both natural and industrial, in which commerce can engage in speculation and with which it can furnish cargoes for its ships;" for the trade in sugar alone is far too inadequate and uncertain to support the ships needed for the maintenance and protection of filipinas. bernaldez urges forcibly such action by the government, and makes these recommendations: that spanish ships be allowed to trade with filipinas, without any restrictions or duties, save that on foreign goods carried by them a duty of ten per cent be paid, and five per cent on arrival at manila. that returns from these consignments which consist in products of filipinas shall be free from any duties or imposts whatsoever, at either end of the voyage or on their circulation in españa. that ships may complete their cargoes at manila, if they wish, with any products of india, china, and other asiatic countries, to the extent of 30 toneladas of lading for every 100 toneladas of philippine products carried in the vessel; these foreign goods shall pay ten per cent duty at manila, and ten per cent on reaching the spanish ports, reckoned on the cost of the goods at manila as shown by the official registers. any ship-owner who shall have carried only spanish goods to filipinas and philippine products on the return trip shall be given the right to make another voyage to the ports of india or china, carrying the goods most suitable for those markets and returning to españa with white cotton stuffs and other goods at their pleasure. in these latter voyages, spanish products carried to asia shall be exempt from all duties; and foreign products carried thither shall pay a duty of ten per cent on the values in the general tariffs; and asiatic goods brought back to españa shall pay the same rate on the first cost in asia, as shown by the original invoices. that silver may be freely exported from españa for all these trading expeditions, by paying two per cent. and that the shipments of moneys due from the colonial revenues to the spanish government be made through the spanish ships which shall be at manila at the beginning of the monsoon, in proportion to their respective tonnage.] of the necessity of forming a special code of laws for the filipinas islands; and of ordaining that a periodical visitation of that colony be made by officials from the peninsula. [such visitation should be made] every five years, by officials despatched from the peninsula for the purpose of inspecting the manner in which the laws are fulfilled, and the conduct of government employees of all classes; to examine the progress made in all the branches of administration, and matters that are worthy of reform; to make provisional arrangements for these, according to the instructions that shall be entrusted to them; and to furnish information to his majesty's government, from their positive knowledge and examination of the facts. the climate of filipinas, and the disposition, passions, and customs of its inhabitants, are very different from those of the two americas, by whose code the islands are governed. although they form a naturally agricultural colony, they lack agrarian laws suited to the nature and resources of the country. the administration of justice demands many modifications of the general laws; and the institutions of the municipality and the [commercial] consulate, similar to those of the peninsula, have not corresponded to the beneficial ends which the sovereign intended in them, on account of the character of the persons who in manila compose that class of corporations, and of their clashing interests and relations. the chairs of theology, laws, and philosophy should, i am forced to say, be abolished, on account of the abuse which is made of the knowledge gained in those branches of learning; and in their places be substituted chairs of agriculture, botany, mineralogy, arts, and commerce--throwing open the colleges and universities of españa to the natives of filipinas who desire to cultivate the former branches. in the laws which regulate law-suits, in the tariffs, in the penalties--in short, in all which has been adopted from other countries and another condition of human life--there is a certain discord with the character, usages, and customs of the inhabitants of filipinas which it is necessary to correct. a periodical visitation by officials experienced in affairs, would set everything in motion in that colony, fill the natives with hope, correct the arbitrary use of power (which usually increased in proportion to the distances from the center of government), and furnish to this government accurate and impartial data for making its decisions. it is a great mistake, in my judgment, to seek for light on affairs of government in the colonies from the information furnished by their authorities and corporations; they are always prone to support their own jurisdictions or interests, and, in whatever matter these may cross, it is impossible to expect impartiality. the laxity which the climate inspires, the pleasures, the relations of friendship, kindred, and interest in a small population of spaniards all these things cause the neglect of affairs of government, and the domination of private interests. points of mere etiquette, questions of little importance to the [royal] service, and discords (which furnish a bad example) between married persons it has been mainly these things which for many years have filled the official correspondence of the colonies and kept their authorities occupied. many of the subjects which are touched upon in this writing are either absolutely unknown to the government, or have not been discussed with the specifications and explanations which their importance deserves. i have explained to your excellency impartially the causes which antagonize the security and progress of the filipinas islands; and your excellency will recognize, by the irrefutable facts which i have here set down, that in that colony there exist the elements necessary for it to render itself prosperous, and to distribute its wealth throughout españa, increasing the glory and power of her sovereign. your excellency desires radical measures of reform, and solidly-grounded plans for prosperity, because you recognize that this is the great art of government and of political economy. i have endeavored not to embarrass myself with the examination of one-sided and isolated questions, but rather to rise to the comprehension of the axioms and general principles which would give perpetual strength to the tranquillity of the filipinas islands and lay the foundations for their advancing prosperity. it has already been made evident by melancholy experience that the governmental measures adopted since the conquest of the colonies have not been suited to their object. it is therefore necessary either to leave existing in filipinas the same causes which have brought other colonies to their ruin, or to change the system without loss of time. this great reform will assuredly be the work of the present enlightened government of his majesty, and the future prosperity of the filipinas islands will be the grandest monument to his glory. madrid, april 26, 1827. most excellent sir, manuel bernaldez pizarro [here follows a "résumé of the measures proposed in this memorial," which we have already presented by sections, at the end of each subject treated. at the end is a list of the items of estimated increase in the public revenues of the islands provided the reforms advocated by bernaldez are adopted.] [another ms. in the possession of edward e. ayer, dated madrid, july 15, 1827, is of similar scope to this; it is signed with the initials "p. de s. m.," and is addressed to the spanish minister ballesteros. the writer states, in the prefatory note, that his paper is the fruit of his many years of practical experience and observation, being actively engaged in commerce from manila throughout the philippine archipelago, in china, in all the foreign colonies of india, and on the pacific coasts of america; and that he has written this paper "in the short time since he knew the charge given to señor bernaldez." he sends it to the minister to be laid before "the junta extraordinaria (or special committee) which at that time was considering the judicious informatory report of the auditor señor bernaldez folgueras in regard to the protection and preservation of the filipinas islands;" and he offers to appear before the committee in person, to give any further information or explanation which may be desired. he states that, like ballesteros, he is a galician; and he displays much enthusiasm for the advancement and prosperity of filipinas. this ms. is headed, "impartial reflections of a spaniard, who is enrolled among the citizens of manila, upon the causes of the decadence of the filipinas islands, and the means which he deems most suitable for making them productive to the central government, and for restoring them to the state which, by their advantageous location, they are capable of occupying." it begins by deploring the injury and loss caused to the islands by the piracies of the moros, and recommending that the spanish government remedy the abuses and negligence displayed in the administration of the colony, and the enormous and extravagant expenditure of funds in the wars against those pirates. this latter could be ended by effecting the conquest of joló, mindanao, and other centers of piracy, and establishing therein military and agricultural colonies of visayans; this, and the development of the natural resources of those islands, would stop piracy and add much to the colonial revenues. following the example of the english colonies in america, and of the jesuit missionaries in paraguay and california, agriculture should be fostered in every way in filipinas--where much greater success can be obtained because the native population is large and robust, and needs not to be supplemented by slave labor, which fortunately has been kept out of the islands. this and other industries there can be promoted at the same time, by proper measures. the preservation of the colony cannot be left to the indians, and six thousand men from españa, selected carefully, should be sent to filipinas as soldiers and colonists, lands being bestowed on them; and with them should come commissioners of high standing and integrity to reform abuses in the colony and take measures for its benefit. banks should be established, currency provided for, and facilities given to all the people for securing credit when needed--under the care, protection, and partly the management of the government. commerce should be made entirely free to the world, in all kinds of products, whether native or foreign, save for the payment of moderate customs duties. a lottery should be established; fire and marine insurance companies should be protected; all artisans, of every class, nationality, and religion, should be free to settle in the islands (those who oppose this show puerile fears and absurd and impolitic notions); the ownership of land should be made secure and legal; waste lands should be brought under cultivation, under penalty of losing title to them; such lands should be freely granted to all, whether natives or foreigners, who will cultivate them; and intending colonists be aided in all practicable ways, even from the public funds. the convents and cabildos which have the administration of funds deposited with them for the promotion of agriculture should be obliged to render their accounts of these, and to distribute them so as to carry out the intentions of the founders; and the funds which were to be invested in the acapulco trade should, as that has now ceased, be applied to the benefit of agriculture. foreign nations should be allowed to send consuls to manila, which would be a benefit not only to foreigners residing in the islands, but reciprocally to spaniards who navigate the seas controlled by foreign nations. a printing-office should be established there, and provision be made for the publication of a daily paper devoted to commerce and industry, and having correspondents in the other oriental colonies to furnish information of their progress and achievements in all the useful arts. a mint should be erected at manila; and the government establishments there for making cannon and gun-powder, which now are almost useless, should be put on an effective footing, and those articles should be supplied for the defense of the merchant and coasting vessels. a probate court has been formed, for the proper care of intestate property and that left to minors; and its administration should be regulated carefully, and the funds in its charge be administered for the benefit of its owners and of the country. manila and its environs should be sufficiently policed, and lawlessness curbed; vagabonds should be kept under control, and all who employ indian servants should be made responsible for their conduct; and such servants should not be employed by any one, whether spaniard or foreigner, nor allowed to enter colleges as students, without producing certificates from the police department. a college should be established in which the youth should receive instruction in belles lettres, medicine, chemistry, botany, experimental physics, and mathematics; and a botanical garden should be made near manila. martins should be introduced into luzon, for the extermination of the locust plague. the intendancy of the royal exchequer should be separated from the office of captain-general, so that the intendant shall have authority to direct the affairs of the former independently.] [the writer proceeds to describe the character of the tagalog natives, which he paints in gloomy colors.] it is impossible to define either the character of these tagálos, or their morality--although it can be said that they have none; for, although in outward appearance they profess the catholic religion, inwardly and in their actions they manifest that they follow no religion. the zeal with which the first conquistadors undertook to instruct them in the true belief has been useless; and the watchful care of the missionaries whom the piety of our kings has not ceased to send to those regions has been of no avail, except to make of their neophytes, instead of true catholics and useful members of society, a new species of men, who unite the slothfulness of the savages to the vices of civilized peoples. thus it is that the tagálos are fickle, vagabonds, full of superstitions, assassins, liars, licentious but without love, adroit thieves; and, in one word, they do not respect even the most sacred of the laws, divine or human. they lose no opportunity to make mischief among the authorities, and between the latter and spaniards of all classes; and they have the cunning to throw the blame on these last, as being more timid. moreover, they perjure themselves without the least scruple; their telling the truth depends on their being more or less carefully instructed by the parties to the suit; and unfortunate is he who summons them as his witnesses. they do not understand love, and their sensuality is carried to the extreme; consequently they are cruel fathers and worse husbands, and they have not the least respect or consideration for their wives. paternal love is a strange thing for them, and therefore when they punish their children they do so barbarously, and if they begin it in the morning they do not finish until night. the same cruel disposition is seen among the schoolmasters who are paid by the government to teach the youth in their villages. the code of laws for the indias, considering these indians as neophytes like those of the antillas and the americas, has made them participants in the privileges and liberties granted to those natives; and it exempts them from the penalties of which they render themselves worthy by the atrocious crimes which they continually commit. incest, for example, is a common vice among them, for which opportunity is given by the little privacy in which the families live; for the mother, daughters, and sisters all sleep in one bed [hacen cama redonda], without any other separation from the men than merely a blanket. it is difficult to prove this crime among them, and only the cura or missionary could rebuke them and apply the proper correction, in their wrongly-understood condition of neophytes, if in confession they should reveal their sin; but, as lying is their dominant vice, they are silent or else deny it, and the cura cannot, even when he knows of it, obtain any satisfaction from them. the capital and its environs are the refuge of the more perverse, who migrate from the provinces and from their villages, in order not to work and to relieve themselves from paying the tribute. there they devote themselves to studies in the colleges of santo tomas, san josé, and san juan de letran, making progress in a short time, and deceiving the professors with their apparent ingenuousness; at the same time they are occupied as servants to the spaniards and foreigners, but only nominally, since they do not go to their master's house except for eating, sleeping, and stealing from him (which they do with astonishing dexterity). after a little time, having abused the master's patience, and having violated his wife, daughters, and other relatives, if he has such (without respecting even those who have not reached the age of puberty), they end by departing with the utmost coolness; and in order to avoid recognition, and so that they cannot be caught if they happen to be pursued, they employ the trick of shaving the head, and, while naked, anointing the entire body with oil, and then take to flight, with no other covering than a mere breech-clout. the poor spaniard, although he finds that he has been robbed, does not think of resorting to the magistrates to make complaint, for he knows that instead of doing him justice they would, after making him spend much money, sentence him to pay the costs and exculpate the indian, regarding the latter as a neophyte. still less does he say a word about the rape, in order not to make public his own dishonor. let it not be supposed that this occurs only among private persons; for there have been persons in authority who have experienced in their own houses similar acts of insolence from these vicious and immoral neophytes. after these evil deeds, they disappear, as i have said; and in a very short time they are seen returning from ilocos, camarines, and cebú, ordained as clerics, with what sort of character may be understood--now cleansed from all their crimes, and absolved from guilt and penalty, to continue their studies in the colleges. thus they graduate as bachelors and doctors, and secure curacies, in which they commit the acts of folly which may easily be inferred, and which it would be tedious to explain here; and with their corrupt behavior they set an example to their parishioners of dissoluteness, impiety, and slothfulness. [the writer then enumerates the good qualities of this people, so far as they go. they are inclined to the arts and sciences, and learn quickly, and their deficiencies therein are due only to their lack of books for their instruction, and tools with which to finish off their work; this is mainly due to their improvidence, "for an indian, even though he is a doctor and a cura, is unable to save one cuarto for purchasing those things, no matter how cheap they may be; on the other hand, he will, if he needs money for his vices, pledge his breviary or sell his missal." "nevertheless, they exercise all the occupations except those of silversmith, tailor, and watch-maker, for no one would trust them [in these];" but lack of tools prevents them from doing as good work as europeans. they have taste in the fine arts, and almost all the buildings are planned by them. they are excellent artillerists, and a french naval commander (in 1798) thought them better than his own; and are useful in naval fights, on account of their courage and agility. an indian will in a few days' practice understand as much of seamanship as a european would gain in twenty years; and many of them have migrated from the islands as seamen on the ships. but they resent being called "negroes," and in several cases where they have been thus affronted they have mutinied, killed the europeans, and fled with the ship and cargo. so great has been this migration that in the other colonies of asia rigorous measures have been taken to stop it, and "in all the ports of india, the entrances and roads are full of gibbets on which men from manila are hanged, for a warning; but, seeing that this had no effect, all the owners and captains of merchant ships have been compelled by law not to receive on their vessels more than four or six of these indians." the tagálos are free with their money, and readily lend to any european whatever they may possess. they take great care of their fighting cocks ("who are for them actual idols"), are very temperate in eating and drinking, and are never seen intoxicated. they are often devoted to agricultural labor, and will do well in it when they are supplied with better methods and appliances.] [some account is given of the negritos and other wild tribes of luzón; and it is stated that any colonist who wishes to settle among them will be able to succeed in any agricultural or other enterprise which he may undertake, if he will obtain the consent of the chiefs, pay the savages whom he may employ exactly what he has agreed to give, and not annoy them with matters of religion. as for the civilized tagálos, their women are entirely different from the men; they are kind, hospitable, and industrious, and, although coquettish, are very modest and decorous in behavior. they sow the rice, and gather all the crops; roll cigars, and weave beautiful fabrics of cotton and abacá; and embroider beautifully, besides making hats, mats, and many other articles. in fine, "if it were possible to put an end to all the men and leave only the women, or rather unite them to other men who would possess their good qualities and think as they do, filipinas would come to be the most wealthy and fortunate country in the universe." it is certain that agriculture would be the best mode of life for the indians, and they ought to be urged to engage in it, after the examples furnished by the jesuits in paraguay, the quakers in america, and other successful colonists. the writer suggests various means to stimulate the indians to greater industry (especially as the spaniards cannot undertake work in the fields), and for the formation and management of agricultural enterprises; he would have them well treated, promptly and justly paid, and supplied with house, land, and suitable amusements. it has been a great mistake to prohibit the alcaldes-mayor and other provincial officials from owning estates there, while permitting them to engage in trade; this policy ought to be reversed, and they be obliged to cultivate the land, and prevented from harassing the indians as they have done. in forming large estates, provision should be made for the homes of the laborers being comfortable, arranged in regular streets, protected as far as possible from the danger of fire, and shaded by trees of useful sorts; and from these should be well isolated the proprietor's dwelling, sheds, machinery, and other property. gardens, orchards, fishponds, etc., should be formed; and all appliances should be furnished which are desirable for improving the quantity and quality of the products of the estate, and for providing a safe and abundant supply of food, and of the luxuries which are dear to the heart of the indian. careful directions are given for the selection of land, the supply of water, cattle-raising, making of plantations, protection against storms, etc. an interesting account is given of the chinese in filipinas, their trade, relations with the spaniards, the abuses in these, the hatred felt toward them by the tagálos (resulting mainly from the illicit relations of the chinese with the indian women), their mode of life, etc.; they should be compelled to devote themselves only to agriculture and the useful arts, and to abandon commerce and business entirely. they have been very injurious to the interests of the islands, and ought to be expelled from filipinas, save as they are engaged in handicrafts or the tillage of the soil. the spaniards ought thus to follow the example of the dutch in java and other islands, where the chinese have made excellent agriculturists and manufacturers of agricultural products, and have enriched both themselves and the dutch; if they had been thus treated in filipinas, that country would now be as prosperous and wealthy as are the dutch colonies, and its trade would be as rich and extensive as that of the dutch. as it is, enormous sums of money have been carried to filipinas from españa, and spent in the islands, with hardly any return to the mother country; and the greater part of this wealth has been absorbed by the trade with china, and has been stored away in that country.] [a note at the end of this ms. outlines the author's plan for the establishment of a banking system at manila.] bibliographical data the documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. events in filipinas.--compiled from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas, tomo ii, pp. 360-573; iii, pp. 6-32. 2. remarks on the phillippine islands, 1819-22.--reprinted from the original publication (calcutta, 1828), from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. 3. reforms needed in filipinas.--from two original mss. in the collection of edward e. ayer. 4. representation of filipinas in cortes.--compiled from various sources, as indicated in preliminary note. 5. list of archbishops.--compiled from various sources, as indicated in first paragraph. appendix representation of filipinas in cortes. [compiled from various sources.] list of the archbishops of manila, 1581-1898. [compiled from various sources.] sources: these appendices are obtained from various sources, as indicated therein; they are compiled by james alexander robertson. representation of filipinas in the spanish cortes preliminary note: the account of the first two cortes is drawn largely from notes made by james a. leroy from diario de las sessiones de las cortes generales y extraordinarias, and other sources, and kindly sent by him to the editors. for the first cortes see also montero y vidal, historia general, ii, pp. 388-390, 392, 396-398, 400-409, 411-413,422-435, and guia oficial de españa, 1813, pp. 21, 22, where the philippine deputies are named. for the second cortes, see also montero y vidal, ut supra, ii, pp. 444-452, 457-462, 476-481. for the third cortes, see montero y vidal, ut supra, ii, pp. 544, 545, 552-560, 563-573; and filipinas y su representacion en cortes (madrid, february 8, 1836), which although published anonymously is by camba. the cortes of 1810-1813 three times in their history have the philippines had representation in the spanish national cortes, [153] namely, for the years 1810-1813, 1820-1823, and 1834-1837. in the first two periods is emphasized the backwardness of the philippines politically as compared with the spanish-american colonies. in all three periods, one cannot point to any single great measure that was enacted solely at the initiative of the philippine representatives (unless with the possible exception of the suppression of the acapulco galleon), and indeed, not to a great many in which they took part. [154] with fernando virtually a prisoner in france (where he remained for five years), the nationalists in spain being without a ruler, since they refused to consider joseph bonaparte as king, organized a provisional government known as the central governing assembly (junta central), with headquarters in the south. this junta, taking the necessary steps for the reorganization of government, and the calling of a cortes, proceeded, on june 25, 1809, to rehabilitate the old consejo de españa, and on january 29, 1810, to constitute the supreme consejo de regencia. the delegates to the first session of the cortes, for which final orders were issued by decree of june 18, 1810, and in which, by a decree of january 22, 1829, all the spanish domain was to have equality of representation, assembled on the island of león during the month of august, 1810. on account of the distance of the american countries and the philippines and the impossibility of regularly-appointed delegates reaching spain in time for the opening of the session, substitutes were chosen from residents of those countries then in the peninsula. consequently, at the opening of the cortes, september 24, 1810, the philippines were represented by pedro pérez de tagle, an officer in the corps of the spanish royal guards, and dr. josé manuel couto, prebend of la puebla. the election at manila (held by order of the regency, february 14, 1810), resulted in the choice of ventura de los reyes, a wealthy merchant of manila, and on the whole an active representative, who, despite his seventy years, set out immediately for cádiz. the two substitutes above mentioned took but little part in affairs. [155] several general measures enacted by the cortes touch the philippines incidentally. [156] the first matter, however, specifically connected with the philippines was the receipt by the cortes (march 16, 1811) of the report of the governor of the philippines (dated august 8, 1809) in regard to the french vessel "mosca," which had been captured by the parish priest of batangas (fray melchor fernandez), and the despatches carried on that vessel. the reading on april 26, 1812, of the proposed decree prescribing the manner of holding elections in the regular cortes to be convened in 1813, aroused lengthy discussion. [157] on may 6, reyes moved that a special form of election be granted for the philippines because of their distance and the character of their inhabitants. the islands had neither the funds nor the men to send by which equality of representation would be justified, and he requested that it only be declared that they must not send less than two. an amendment offered by the committee on the constitution proposed that to the instructions regarding the elections in ultramar be added a clause to meet reyes's wishes, but the matter was hotly contested by the american representatives who feared that such a clause might sometime lead to the cutting down of their own representation, and as a consequence the proposal of the committee was not voted on. [158] in january, 1813, after recommendation by the committee on ultramar, it was resolved to grant the petition of the board (mesa) of the misericordia of manila (which had been hanging fire in the cortes since september 25, 1812), asking for certain reforms, among them that the number of persons voting for the electors of the board itself be reduced. [159] on january 6, 1813, the proposed ordinances for the hospice for the poor at manila (the establishment of which was provided for by royal order of december 27, 1806), were declared unconstitutional by the committee on ultramar, [160] and that committee's report was adopted. a minute in the records of march 11, 1813, shows that the suppression of the brandy monopoly had been decreed by the governor of the philippines and that it could be manufactured freely in the provinces of tondo, cavite, bulacan, and pampanga. by far the most important measure affecting the philippines, however, was the suppression of the acapulco galleon. [161] the discussion on the matter was lengthy and bitter, and arose over one of twelve propositions submitted by reyes on february 11, 1813, to the effect that the determined suppression of the acapulco galleon be published, and in its place those engaged in that commerce be allowed to fit up private vessels at their own cost to continue the trade with nueva españa, through the ports of acapulco, san blas, or any other, under the old terms of 500,000 pesos for the outgoing voyage and 1,000,000 for the return, and a lowering of the duties by one-half. the matter was debated in the presence of the secretaries of the peninsula and ultramar, and after full discussion, in which many of the delegates took part, and in which the american delegates generally favored a liberal policy for the philippines, the decree suppressing the galleon was finally issued on september 14, 1813. [162] the special session of the cortes closed on the date of the decree above, and the regular session opened at cádiz, either in the latter part of september or the first part of october. on october 4, the last meeting was held in cádiz and opened again in the island of león because of yellow fever in the former place. on the eighth of that month, reyes presented three plans for the benefit of the agriculture, industry, commerce, and navigation of the philippines. on the twenty-ninth of october meetings at the island of león were suspended, and resumed again in madrid, on january 15, 1814. fernando vii, released by order of napoleon, after the disastrous campaign conducted by joseph in spain, abolished the cortes by his decree of may 4, 1814, and on the publication of this decree in madrid, on the thirteenth many of the members of the cortes were arrested, all the acts of the constitutional government were declared null and void, the inquisition reëstablished, and absolutism was again proclaimed in spain. on the publication of the decree in the philippines, the ilocans, deeming it only a ruse of the governor, revolted, sacked churches and convents, and destroyed public records. their insurrection was directed chiefly against their own principales and their wives. [163] the cortes of 1820-1823 after vainly endeavoring to rule as an absolute monarch, fernando vii was compelled to convoke the cortes by his decree of march 6, 1820. [164] on the twenty-second the regular session of the cortes for 1820-1821 was formally summoned, the colonies being allowed to be represented by substitutes pending the arrival of regularly-elected representatives. at the first preliminary meeting of june 26, the two philippine substitutes, [165] jose maría arnedo and manuel felix camus y herrera, presented their credentials. the cortes were declared open on july 9. matters of trade and commerce, involving the question of duties, [166] were of paramount interest, so far as the philippines are concerned, although the matters of elections, revenues, and ecclesiastical affairs were debated at some length. from july 18 to october 19, were considered at intervals the privileges and monopolies of the compañía de filipinas, which were abolished by a decree of the latter date. [167] several decrees and orders of november 9 (on which date the first session of the cortes ended), affecting trade and looking toward the development of the colonies, were issued. [168] at the opening of the new session of the cortes, the philippine substitutes of the previous session held over. [169] an order [170] of march 22 decided that the vice-royalties, captaincies-general, etc., were not to be filled for stated periods, but incumbents were to hold them at the will of the king. of great importance was the approval on june 30, of a petition presented by arnedo on june 16 asking for direct mails between spain and the philippines under charge of the navy department. on that same date the report of the committee on hacienda on the estimated budget for the ministry of ultramar for 1822 (over 330,000 reals more than that of 1821), aroused considerable discussion, especially among the american delegates. [171] a decree of june 29 provided for public schools and provincial universities, of which manila was to have one. this decree provided for schools and courses much ahead of anything in the islands, but it remained a dead letter because of the speedy suppression of the constitution. [172] this session of the cortes closed on june 30. the preliminary meeting of a special session was held on september 22, 1821, at which the above two philippine substitutes were approved. [173] camus y herrera was one of a committee chosen on the twenty-third, to inform the king that the cortes was ready to open the session, which accordingly was opened next day. on november 4, the philippine government and governor were arraigned by representative lallave of veracruz for electing only four instead of the twenty-five representatives to whom they were entitled. discussion of this matter resulted in the cortes directing the minister of ultramar (february 11, 1822), that the philippines, notwithstanding claims of distance and poverty, were to elect their whole quota to cortes. at the secret session of february 12, 1822, it was decided to allow arnedo and camus y herrera (in view of a petition presented by them on the eighth, and because of their pressing need), to draw a sum sufficient to meet their needs and the debts that they had been obliged to contract in the performance of their duties, from the money sent by the provincial deputation of manila (24,500 pesos) for the regularly-elected philippine representatives of the next session. this special session closed february 14. the first preliminary meeting of the regular session was held february 15, at which vicente posada, a former magistrate of the manila audiencia, presented himself as a regularly-elected representative from the philippines. he was not, however, allowed to take his seat in this session, which opened formally on march 7, and closed on july 30, as it was claimed that his resignation had not been confirmed and that he was consequently still a government employe. [174] during this session, a clause of a decree of june 28 ordered the encouragement of visits to cuba, porto rico, and the philippines by naturalists for the purpose of study. at the first preliminary meeting of the special session, held october 1, 1822, francisco bringas y taranco, ex-alcalde-mayor of ilocos, the deputy elect for nueva segovia, manuel sáenz de vizmanos, senior accountant of the tribunal de cuentas of the philippines, and posada, presented their credentials, which were approved on october 3, although posada was again contested. at the preliminary meeting held on the fourth complaint was made that the philippines had elected but four deputies instead of twenty-five. [175] the session which opened on october 7 closed on february 19, 1823, without any action having been taken by the philippine representatives. the regular session opened on march 1, 1823, at madrid, but the absolutists gaining control through the invasion of the french, nothing was done in this session, and the cortes, which had been compelled to flee first to sevilla and then to cádiz, were finally dissolved by fernando on october 1, who declared all their acts from march 7, 1820, to that time null and void. posada was one of those condemned by fernando after his entrance into madrid, for his liberal tendencies. by decree of december 25, 1823, fernando communicated to america and the philippines the reëstablishment of absolutism, the suppression of the constitution of 1812, and the abolition of all the organisms inaugurated during the constitutional régime. [176] the cortes of 1834-1837 the third cortes of 1834-37 were called after the death of fernando vii, which occurred september 29, 1833, when the liberals again demanded concessions and a constitutional government. [177] the ship "santa ana" sailing from cádiz, august 28, 1834, reached manila with official orders and the summons to the cortes; [178] which having been called for july 24, 1834 (by decree of may 10), had already convened. the election for the philippine representatives (march 1, 1835) [179] resulted in the choice of brigadier andrés garcía camba, [180] and licentiate juan francisco lecaros (or lecaroz) [181]--the first a resident of manila (formerly a resident in nueva españa), and the second the madrid agent for the manila ayuntamiento. camba sailed for cádiz on the "santa ana" on march 21, and arrived in spain august 20, 1835, after the end of the first session of the cortes. that session imposed a special tax on certain classes of financial documents, which affected all the spanish domains; and which was sanctioned by the regent, may, 1835, and communicated to the philippines on june 2. the new session was set in a meeting of the consejo de ministros (september 28, 1835) for november 16, 1835. the first preliminary meeting was held on november 12, at which the philippine representatives presented their credentials, being duly confirmed on the meeting of the fourteenth, although camba was contested by one manuel cacho of manila. the formal opening of the session occurred on the sixteenth, and on the twenty-fourth, camba and lecaros took the oath, the former being placed on the committee on etiquette. on the occasion of the vote of confidence in the government, the philippine representatives spoke on the rumors of the transfer of the philippines to a foreign government, stating that such rumors had already been reported in foreign newspapers, as well as the power to whom the transfer was to be made and the sum to be paid. such a sale they could not believe would be the reward of so many years of loyalty to the spanish government. in the discussion of the election law for the cortes, the government and the cortes came to a deadlock, and the cortes were dissolved by the government. hence nothing was accomplished during this session. [182] a royal decree of the date when the cortes were dissolved, ordered the new cortes to assemble at madrid, march 22, article 5 of the decree specifying that elections should be held in the provinces of ultramar on receipt of the decree. consequently, at this session, which lasted from march 22 until may 23, when it was again dissolved, the philippines had no representation. a decree of may 24 ordered a new session for august 20, at which the philippines were to have four representatives, the officials evidently not taking into account the distance of the philippines from spain, for it would be manifestly impossible for any representative to arrive from the philippines for that session or even for the one of march, 1837. the election at manila held in 1836 resulted in the reelection of camba and lecaros. on august 13, a royal decree (in consequence of the mutiny of la granja) ordered the publication of the constitution of 1812 until the cortes clearly manifested their will or drew up a new constitution. another decree of august 21 called the general cortes for october 24, in accordance with the rules of the constitution of 1812; and one of september 28 suppressed the real consejo de españa é indias. at the secret session of the cortes on january 16, 1837, a proposition for special laws to govern ultramar was made, being passed to the proper committee. on february 10 the committee having in charge the drafting of a new constitution, presented a plan for the provinces to be ruled by special laws, in accordance with which their delegates were not to sit in the cortes. on march 9, 1837, the elections at manila resulted in camba and luis prudencio alvarez y tejero, [183] formerly of the manila audiencia, and a resident of manila for thirteen years, being elected. the latter arrived in spain after the passing of the law excluding the philippine representation from the cortes. a royal order of may 31, 1837, presented the method to be observed in the provision of alcaldes-mayor for the philippines. on june 18, the new constitution was promulgated in madrid, article 2 of which decreed that ultramar should be governed by special laws. [184] since that time the philippines have had no representation in cortes. [185] list of archbishops of manila the authorities used in the following chronological list of the archbishops of manila are as follows: san antonio, chronicas; zúñiga, historia general; delgado, historia; buzeta y bravo, diccionario; ferrando y fonseca, historia de los padres dominicos; montero y vidal, historia general; various copies of the guia; the reports of the philippine commission; and some minor works. salazar, domingo de, o.p.--born at rioja, in 1512; takes dominican habit at convent of san esteban, salamanca; becomes master in theology; missionary in nueva españa for 40 years; goes to spain as procurator general for his province, and preaches before felipe ii, in favor of the indians; proposed as first bishop of the philippines in 1578 and consecrated at madrid, 1579; arrives at manila in march, 1581, with two jesuits, two coadjutors, eight franciscans, and one dominican; erects cathedral of manila, dec. 21, 1581, by virtue of bull of gregory xiii, as suffragan to the see of mexico; celebrates provincial synod (1582-86), with attendance of 90 ecclesiastics and 6 seculars (to discuss both ecclesiastical and secular matters); tries to enforce episcopal visit on the regulars, thus raising the question in the philippines that was so often to convulse those islands both in ecclesiastical and secular circles; royal audiencia founded partly on account of his petition; defends natives against encomenderos; aids greatly in the building of the cathedral and in the church of the dominicans, as well as the hospital for the natives, and the college of santa potenciana; quarrels with gomez perez dasmariñas, by whom the audiencia had been suppressed in obedience to royal commands; goes to spain in 1591 (leaving his companion salvatierra in charge), to seek royal redress, and secures reëstablishment of audiencia, and complete royal favor, although opposed by the governor and the augustinians; procures elevation of manila into a metropolitan see, with three suffragan churches; designated as first archbishop by king, but dies dec. 4, 1594, at college of santo tomás at madrid, before the papal bulls arrive, aged 82; hot-headed and impetuous, and apt to meddle too freely in secular affairs, but a worker. see the many documents in our series by salazar, and those containing matter in regard to him. santibañez, ignacio, o.s.f.--native of búrgos; guardian of the province of búrgos, and later provincial; preacher to felipe ii; presented as first archbishop, june 17, 1595; consecrated in nueva españa in 1596; delays going to the philippines until 1598 because the bulls of the pallium are not correct in all details; takes possession of his see, may 28, 1598; immediately erects the cathedral into a metropolitan church, with three suffragan sees (cebú, with pedro de agurto, o.s.a., as bishop; nueva cáceres, with miguel benavides, o.p., as bishop; and nueva segovia, with francisco ortega, o.s.a., as bishop), by virtue of the bull of clement vii, dated aug. 14, 1595; audiencia reëstablished during his time; dies from dysentery, aug. 14, 1598, after term of 2 months and 17 days; buried in cathedral; funeral sermon preached by pedro de agurto, o.s.a., bishop of cebú. vacant see. benavides, miguel, o.p.--native of carrion de los condes, where he was born of illustrious parents; takes the dominican habit in san pablo at valladolid, where he also becomes a collegiate at the college of san gregorio; reader of theology; goes to manila with the first dominican mission in 1587; spends a short time in the chinese missions, whence he is exiled; helps promote building of chinese hospital in manila; elected procurator general for his order and accompanies salazar to spain; there gains three missions, and an increase in the commerce; elected first bishop of nueva segovia; consecrated in nueva españa, in 1597; arrives at manila, 1598; takes possession of bishopric, 1599; presented as archbishop, 1601; takes possession of manila see, 1603, the king defraying the cost of the bulls, on account of benavides's poverty; by decree of sept. 9, 1603, gives administration of the japanese in manila to the franciscans; partly responsible for the chinese massacre of 1603 (see the various documents in our series); in response to a royal decree ordering all natives to take a new oath of allegiance to spain, takes possession of all the natives in the name of the crown of castilla and leon; dies on st. anne's day, july 26, 1605; buried in dominican church; leaves bequest for foundation of dominican college (san tomás); a generous alms-giver. see documents on the foundation of san tomás. vacant see. vazquez de mercado, dr. diego--native of arévalo, in castilla la vieja; related to the family of the ronquillos; obtains degree licentiate in canons in university of mexico; becomes secular priest, goes to philippines with salazar, where he becomes his lawyer and acts as dean of manila cathedral for sixteen years; in 1597 goes to nueva españa, to assume the curacy of acapulco; in nueva españa given the degree of doctor of canon law from the university of mexico; resigns his office as dean of manila during the sojourn of santibañez in nueva españa; in 1600, presented as bishop of mechoacán, where he serves three years; oct. 22, 1603, presented as first bishop of yucatan, and receives necessary bulls in campeche; consecrated in mexico, jan. 13, 1604, and governs his bishopric for three years; in 1608, presented as archbishop of manila; takes possession of see, on eve of corpus christi, 1610; completes building of cathedral by means of his own funds and contributions of the inhabitants of manila; builds a chapel in the collateral nave on epistle side of cathedral, for his own burial and that of the prebendaries of the cathedral; enacts various acts for the good government of the cathedral; dies june 12, 1616; buried in chapel. vacant see.--the archbishopric is governed by pedro de arce, o.s.a., by virtue of a brief of paul v, which is delivered to the ecclesiastical cabildo by the audiencia; governs for a period of more than four years. garcia serrano, miguel, o.s.a.--native of madrid or of chinchilla; goes to the philippines in one of the early missions; becomes prior of manila and provincial of his province, and is elected procurator to spain; there presented as bishop of nueva segovia; consecrated in nueva españa in 1616; goes to the philippines the same year and governs his bishopric for two and one-half years, presented as archbishop, in 1618; takes possession of his see, aug. 24, 1619, having received the pallium at the church of nuestra señora de guia, aug. 1 of that year; during his term, the nuns of st. clare arrive at manila, whom he aids greatly; obtains brief (1625) from urban viii, allowing the feast of corpus christi to be celebrated at a more opportune season, but this brief was never carried out; tries to enforce episcopal visit of regular parish priests, but opposed vigorously by regulars who threaten to resign curacies, and question is finally submitted to king and pope for decision; holy sacrament stolen from cathedral in 1628, [186] and due partly to his grief over this calamity, garcia serrano dies on corpus christi day, june 14 (montero y vidal says june 6), 1629, at age of 60. vacant see.--on the death of garcia serrano, the ecclesiastical cabildo and the bishop of nueva segovia, hernando guerrero, o.s.a., go to law in regard to the government ad interim of the archbishopric, the latter claiming it by virtue of the brief of paul v, since pedro de arce, o.s.a., has resigned his right. the litigation lasts until jan. 29, 1630, when arce assumes the government by decree of the royal audiencia, and although he has continual suits he maintains his office. the vacancy lasts 6 years and 9 days. guerrero, hernando, o.s.a.--native of madrid or alcaraz; professes in the augustinian convent at madrid; after going to the philippines, holds many posts in the order, and is finally sent to spain as procurator; on arrival at mexico, finds decree appointing him bishop of nueva segovia; proceeds to spain, where he obtains a mission, and his bulls confirming his appointment; returns to the philippines in 1627; consecrated at cebú, in 1628; governs his bishopric for 7 years; tries to obtain the government of the archbishopric of manila in vacant see (see above); presented as archbishop, jan. 16, 1632; takes possession of see, june 23, 1635; during his term quarrels with the governor, hurtado de corcuera, the audiencia, and the jesuits (see the numerous documents in our series concerning this); refuses to authorize or recognize the collado faction among the dominicans; exiled, in 1636, to marivelez; returns from exile, june 6, 1636, his exile having lasted 26 days; visits diocese personally, and nearly captured by camucones in consequence; dies july 1, 1641, at age of 75; buried in augustinian church; zealous, but obstinate, hot-headed, and too unbending. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo governs because arce renounces his right to do so. montero de espinosa, dr. fernando.--native of búrgos; becomes secular priest; doctor of theology in salamanca university, and holds other offices; first palace cura of felipe iv, when royal chapel was erected into a parish church; a noted preacher; administrator of the hospital outside of toledo; presented as bishop of nueva segovia in 1642; consecrated in mexico in 1643; may 20, 1644, while on way to islands, receives presentation as archbishop; embarks at acapulco, in march, 1645; arrives at the port of lampon, at the end of july of that year; sets out for manila, but dies at pila, in laguna de bay, of fever; funeral celebrated on day he was to have made his public entrance into manila; 45 years old; buried beside benavides, but his remains afterward removed to the sagrario of the curas by archbishop poblete. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo governs; although it is agreed that the different members of the cabildo shall govern by months, the dean obtains the upper hand through connivance with the governor's favorite venegas, and a vicar general is elected. in this period occurs the jesuit-dominican contest as to priority of colleges; the franciscans are disturbed by interior dissensions; while the cabildo itself is racked by internal dissensions; the royal decree ordering st. michael the archangel to be published as patron of the islands is put into force. poblete, dr. miguel de.--secular priest; born in mexico, in 1603; a professor in the university; occupies some of the best ecclesiastical posts in nueva españa; resigns the bishopric of nicaragua in 1644; the decree of his presentation as archbishop of manila, dated may, 1648; keeps decree hid for more than a month before showing it; consecrated at the archiepiscopal palace at mexico, sept. 9, 1650; reaches cavite, july. 22, 1653, with governor manrique de lara; latter requests him to go ashore first and bless the country, on account of the troubles of the former archbishop; makes solemn entry, july 24; at lent of 1654 the brief of innocent x (aug. 7, 1649), giving benediction and absolution to the land placed in force; tries to enforce episcopal visit of regulars, who oppose him strongly, and resign their curacies, compelling the archbishop to restore them for want of seculars to put in their place; quarrels with governor salcedo, who refuses to pay the ecclesiastical stipends, whereupon the cabildo is suspended for the time being, and poblete tries to borrow 2,000 pesos with which to satisfy the most pressing needs of the cabildo; trouble over the appointment to the office of dean of the cabildo, which falls vacant; rebuilds cathedral, laying the first stone, april 20, 1654; begs alms for cathedral, and applies to it 22,000 pesos, which has been contributed to it by the inhabitants of manila; dies on the day of the conception, dec. 8, 1667; orders body not embalmed, but his orders disregarded; buried (governor participating in obsequies), dec. 11, in the sagrario of the curas in the cathedral; funeral services met by alms of private persons; memorial honors celebrated, jan. 30, 1668; 64 years old at time of death; much regretted. vacant see.--the ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric. lopez, juan, o.p.--born in martin muñoz in castilla la vieja; professes in dominican convent of san esteban of salamanca; collegiate at college of san gregorio at valladolid; goes to philippines in 1643 as missionary; lectures on theology in the college of santo tomás; in 1658, goes to nueva españa to recover health; following year sent title as definitor and procurator general; goes to spain by way of france, in 1662, and thence to rome; general of order gives him the degree of master of theology; at rome receives decree of felipe iv (dec., 1662) presenting him as bishop of cebú; receives confirmation from pope, apr. 23, 1663; gathers a band of 40 missionaries, and on reaching nueva españa is consecrated at mechoacán, jan. 4, 1665; takes possession of bishopric, aug. 31, 1665; has troubles in bishopric, and proceeds to excommunications, unjustifiably, so that it becomes necessary for the royal audiencia to intervene; during term as bishop, visits manila twice, once when the commissary of the holy inquisition arrested governor salcedo, and the second time at poblete's death, under summons from the governor, who requested him to rule the archbishopric ad interim; presented for archbishopric in 1671; takes possession, aug. 21, 1672; quarrels with ecclesiastical officials and with governor, the latter depriving him of the ecclesiastical stipends; obtains royal permission to have stipends sent from mexico, in order that this might be avoided in the future (although the decree does not arrive until after his death); dies, feb. 12, 1674, after a fever of 5 months, at age of 61; heart and entrails buried in sagrario of the curas, and body in the dominican church; honors celebrated, mar. 1, 1674; no bishop in islands at time of his death as all had died in 1671; harsh and impetuous by nature, and hence carried by his zeal into constant trouble. vacant see.--dean and cabildo rule the archbishopric. pardo, felipe, o.p.--born in valladolid of noble parents; takes habit in convent of san pablo at valladolid; there becomes master of students; goes as missionary to philippines in 1648; lector and rector in university of santo tomás in manila; holds many posts in his order, his first term as provincial ending in 1665; and his second in 1677; twice commissary of inquisition; presented as archbishop, by royal decree of may 30, 1676; takes possession of archbishopric, at age of 68, nov 11, 1677, without being consecrated, by special order of the king; requisite bulls reach him only in 1681; consecrated, oct. 28, 1681, in manila cathedral; makes public entry, nov. 1; during his term, the first governor of the marianas arrives; arrival of auxiliary bishop de partibus gines de barrientos, o.p., with title of bishop of troya; takes missions in luzón from recollects, which he gives to the dominicans, giving to the recollects the missions of mindoro in exchange (see the documents in our series referring to this); has conflicts with the governor, other orders, and ecclesiastical cabildo; orders all spaniards to pay all fees to the parish priests of each district instead of to the parish priest of bagumbayan, and since almost all the spaniards lived in binondo, this benefited his order especially; exiled to lingayen, in pangasinan, mar. 31, 1683; secretly appoints barrientos to govern the archbishopric; brought back from exile by governor curuzalaegui, and takes vengeance on the ex-governor, vargas, and others; dies, dec. 31, 1689, at age of 80, without the aids of religion; buried in church of the dominicans; harsh, obstinate, revengeful, partial to the dominicans; under the influence of the dominican verart, who was his counselor, and a man quarrelsome by nature. see the documents of the pardo controversy in our series. vacant see.--the ecclesiastical cabildo yields the government of the archbishopric to the bishop of troya, gines de barrientos, but the latter finally resigns the post, and the cabildo rules. barrientos makes so extreme use of his power while in command, that two members of the cabildo retire to the augustinian convent in order to be immune from arrest, and ask aid of the governor ad interim. camacho y avila, dr. diego.--secular priest; native of badajoz; collegiate-mayor in the insigne de cuenca of salamanca; canon of the church of badajoz; presented as archbishop, aug. 19, 1696; consecrated at la puebla in nueva españa; takes possession of his see, sept. 13, 1697; the papal legate tournon comes to the islands during his term, and camacho's connection with him leads to complications with the spanish government; a strong champion of the episcopal visit of the regular parish priests, and hence opposed by all the regulars; his attempts to place seculars in control of the parish churches end because there are not enough seculars to supply the places left vacant by the regulars; makes many improvements in the cathedral, and spends on it more than 40,000 pesos; founds seminary of san clemente, which is thrown open to foreigners; because of this and his connection with tournon, as well as indirectly because of his opposition to the regulars, transferred by royal order to the bishopric of guadalajara, in nueva españa; takes possession of this, mar. 25, 1706; visits bishopric several times; dies, in 1712; in will orders honors to be celebrated for him in manila cathedral; these celebrated, oct. 26, 1713, by diego de gorospe yrala bishop of nueva segovia. see the various documents regarding the camacho controversy in our series. vacant see--cabildo governs until the arrival of the following. cuesta, francisco de la, ordr of san gerónimo.--native of colmenar, near madrid; master in theology; preacher to the king; presented as archbishop in 1706; consecrated in mexico, aug. 12, 1707; clement xi decides in favor of episcopal visit of regular parish priests, and cuesta attempts to carry the visits into effect, but regulars induce him to wait until representations can be made to the pope; imprisoned by governor bustamante; governor bustamante assassinated oct. 11, 1719, and cuesta freed and becomes governor ad interim, as all the auditors refuse the post; governs islands until july 24, 1721; all three bishoprics vacant during part of his term; transferred to the bishopric of mechoacán, in nueva españa, because of the death of bustamante; arrives at acapulco, jan. 11, 1724; takes charge of diocese, april 18; dies may 30 (buzeta and bravo say, may 31), 1724, at age of 63; buried in his church. vacant see.--archbishopric governed by ecclesiastical cabildo; house for girls built. bermudez gonzalez de castro, dr. carlos.--secular; native of puebla de los angeles, nueva españa; licentiate and doctor of laws; professor in canons in the university of mexico; holds office in inquisition of mexico, and other high offices in that archbishopric; presented as archbishop of manila; in 1722; consecrated, june 17, 1725; compelled to remain in nueva españa three years longer for lack of a vessel sailing to the philippines; leaves mexico city, mar. 5, 1728, and embarks at acapulco, mar. 27; goes ashore at marianas, where he baptizes an infant; received privately in manila, july 29, 1728; receives pallium, aug. 22, from the bishop of cagayan, at parish church of quiapo; takes possession, aug. 25; has trouble with the governor in regard to the college of san felipe; establishes formal rites; falls ill, oct. 5, 1729, and dies, nov. 13, at the age of almost 62; bequeaths heart to convent of san lorenzo in mexico; corpse buried, nov. 18. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric. angel rodriguez, juan, trinitarian.--born in medina del campo; master in sacred theology; fills various posts in spanish cathedrals; professor in salamanca and alcalá universities; appointed confessor of diego morcillo rubio de auñon, archbishop of lima; arrives at lima, april 17, 1731; presented as archbishop of manila, may 18, 1731; obtains bulls, dec. 17, and council decrees, dated feb. 29, 1732, on may 25, 1732; compelled to remain in lima until jan. 2, 1736, as no ship is allowed to sail to acapulco; embarks at acapulco, apr. 17, 1736; lands at samar, aug. 30; reaches nueva cáceres, oct. 4; consecrated there by bishop dr. felipe de molina, nov. 23; receives pallium, nov. 26; takes possession of see through dean luis rico, jan. 23, 1737, and makes public entry on the twenty-fourth; gives form to the cathedral choir, and introduces the gregorian chant; prohibits night processions, and reforms several feasts; takes up the cause of the fiscal who has become embroiled with the governor and taken refuge in the recollect convent, and persuades him to present himself in fuerza, hoping that the governor would treat him compassionately; matters turning out differently than he hopes, the archbishop, believing himself to be the cause of the evils that come upon the fiscal, is attacked by severe melancholy which causes immediate death; peaceful by disposition, lovable, and virtuous. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric. santisima trinidad martinez de arrizala, pedro de, o.s.f.--native of madrid; auditor of quito; counselor of the indies; becomes franciscan; consecrated as archbishop of manila in spain; makes public entry into manila, aug. 27, 1747; in spain obtains decree ordering the expulsion of the chinese settled in the islands, but does not present it, because of the representations of the bishop of nueva segovia, arrechedera, then governor ad interim, and whose order, the dominican, has charge of the chinese; on the arrival of the new governor, obando, presents the decree, but it has no effect because of various disputes between the governor and archbishop; demands that arrechedera hand over the government of the islands to him and even appeals to the court; quarrels with obando's successor, governor arandía, over questions of etiquette; dies, may 28, 1755 (zúñiga says may 29). vacant see.--dean and ecclesiastical cabildo in charge of the archbishopric. rojo del rio y vieyra, manuel antonio.--native of tula, nueva españa; canon and provisor of mexico; consecrated as archbishop of manila in nueva españa, in 1758; takes possession of his see, july 22, 1759; demands charge of government of islands from bishop lino de espeleta, governor ad interim, but latter holds command until arrival of decree from spain transferring the command to rojo; immediately settles villacorta matter and quashes case against the spanish mestizo orendaín; british besiege and capture manila, 1762; rojo made virtually a prisoner; has disputes with anda; dies, jan. 30, 1764, and given military burial by english; see vol. xlix. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo assumes control of the archbishopric. santa justa y sancho de rufina, basilio.--an aragonese; a member of the escuelas pias; preacher to the king; procurator for the province of aragon; appointed archbishop, in 1767; consecrated in spain, and arrives at manila in 1767 via cape of good hope; immediately establishes mission and preaches rigorously against all the vices for nine days; adorns cathedral; presides over council by which bishop of nueva cáceres exiled to his bishopric; makes most vigorous attempts to enforce episcopal visit of regular parish priests of any archbishop in history of the philippines; bases his action on the bull firmandis of benedict xiv, dated nov. 6, 1744, and the bull of feb. 24, 1745, which were confirmed at the instance of the king by the bull nunc nuper, of nov. 8, 1751; in 1768, visits all the curacies held by the dominicans; all the other orders resist; although the governor commands the orders to submit to the visit, and strives to uphold the royal patronage, the orders disregard him; many parishes provided with native secular priests by the archbishop in 1768, especially the parishes of the parián, binondo and the province of bataán, which had been administered by the dominicans (which regulars claim was an irreparable injury); regulars complain to king, and archbishop directs energetic representation against them, may 10, 1768; jesuit expulsion occurs during his term; raón is finally gained by the orders and yields; when his successor anda arrives, the archbishop appeals to him for aid, and although the latter is unwilling to go as far as santa justa y rufina, he aids him; provincial council called at manila for may 19, 1771, to which the three suffragan bishops summoned; six meetings held but nothing lasting done; trouble over visit of the beaterio of santa catalina; anda suspends cedula of nov. 9, 1774, ordering the curacies secularized as they fall vacant; secularization ordered suspended by royal decree of dec. 11, 1776; archbishop dies at manila, dec. 15, 1787; strong character, vigorous mind, impetuous; regular historians assert that he was influenced by the french encyclopedists and by the ministers of cárlos iii. see pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina (washington, 1903), for various writings of santa justa y rufina; and our series for some account of his time. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo takes charge of the archbishopric. orbigo y gallego, antonio de, o.s.f.--born at orbigo in león, in 1729; takes franciscan habit at priego; goes to philippines as preacher and confessor, in 1759; elected bishop of nueva cáceres while procurator for his order in spain, in 1779; takes possession of his see, in 1780; chosen archbishop of manila, in 1789, and takes possession of his see oct. 15 through the procurator, capitular vicar, and archdeacon, francisco durana, and makes public entry next day; visits his see, and once narrowly escapes capture by the moros near manila; dies may 15 (buzeta and bravo say may 16), 1790, at santa ana; buried in franciscan church at manila, on following day, as he had requested that his corpse be not embalmed; of pacific character, learned, simple in his tastes, and without enemies. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo assumes control of the archbishopric. salamanca, ignacio.--native of manila; dean of manila cathedral; becomes bishop of cebú, sept. 28, 1789; consecrated in manila, and goes to bishopric in 1794; presented as archbishop of manila, but dies at cebú, feb. 1802, before having received the despatches of his new dignity. vacant see.--the ecclesiastical cabildo rules the archbishopric continuously from the death of orbigo y gallego to the coming of zulaibar, as salamanca does not actually hold the office. zulaibar, juan antonio, o.p.--born in vizcaya in 1753; takes habit at age of 16 in convent of san pablo at búrgos; receives degree of doctor at university of ávila; professor of theology at university of alcalá for 7 years; presented as archbishop of manila, aug. 1803; arrives at manila, sept. 2, 1804; consecrated at manila, by domingo collantes, bishop of nueva cáceres, july 14, 1805 (ferrando; buzeta and bravo say sept. 8, 1804); voting member of vaccination board formed at manila, dec. 20, 1806, by royal order of sept. 1, 1803; endows seminary of his diocese; dies mar. 4, 1824. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo assumes control of the archbishopric. diez, hilarion, o.s.a.--born at valladolid, 1761; takes habit at an early age in the same city; in the philippines serves as parish priest in several tagálog villages, and becomes proficient in the tagálog language; is twice prior of the manila convent, and provincial of his order; his appointment as archbishop meets general approval; assumes charge of his see, sept. 15, 1826; consecrated in the augustinian church, oct. 21, 1827; dies, may 7, 1829. vacant see.--ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric. segui, jose, o.s.a.--born at camprodon, in bishopric of gerona, oct. 3, 1773; takes habit at seo de urgel; goes to philippines in 1795; missionary for 20 years in china; after his return to the philippines, serves as definitor and procurator general for 12 years; auxiliary to his predecessor and made bishop in partibus of hierocesaréa, july 27, 1829; elevated to the metropolitan see by pius viii, july 5, 1830; consecrated at the manila augustinian church, oct. 28, 1830; receives pallium, sept. 14, 1831, from the bishop of ilocos whither he goes for that purpose; enters manila publicly, sept. 29, 1831; sends several circulars to his clergy, and invites them to spiritual exercises annually; receives the great cross of isabel the catholic; dies, july 4, 1845. vacant see.--governed by ecclesiastical cabildo. aranguren, jose.--recollect; born at barasoain, diocese of pamplona, feb. 16, 1801; studies philosophy at pamplona, and law at zaragoza; takes habit at alfaro, at the college of the recollects (since removed to monteagudo), in 1816; arrives at manila, in 1830; serves in pampanga; acts as provincial secretary; cura at masinlos in zambales; definitor in the chapter of 1840; elected provincial in 1843; appointed archbishop by king, nov. 12, 1845; begins to govern, mar. 19, 1846; consecrated, jan. 31, 1847; receives pallium, feb. 2, 1847, and makes public entrance into manila, feb. 7; receives great cross of isabel the catholic; dies, apr. 18, 1862; laborious, prudent, and economical. vacant see.--the archbishopric is governed by dr. pedro peláez, a filipino secular priest, who is elected by the ecclesiastical cabildo as capitular vicar. meliton martinez de santa cruz, dr. gregorio.--secular; born in 1815, in prado-luengo, in the diocese of búrgos; studies theology in seminary of san jerónimo in búrgos, and afterwards occupies a chair in the same seminary; receives degree of bachelor at the university of valladolid, and studies in the university of madrid, where he also receives degrees; acts as provisor in palencia, for 12 years, where he receives the doctorate by competition; holds various posts in the pamplona ecclesiastical cabildo; appointed archbishop of manila by the sovereign, july 31, 1861; consecrated in madrid, mar. 23, 1862; takes possession of see, may 27, 1862; receives degree of doctor in jurisprudence from the university of the philippines, aug. 24, 1862; a member of the vatican council until its suspension in 1871; has dissensions with the recollects over vacancies occurring in the manila diocese; together with the secular bishops of cebú and nueva cáceres, sends exposition to queen, feb. 15, 1863, urging the right of episcopal visitation of the regular parish priests; asks that briefs and laws declaring removable ad nutum the regular curas, be left in force; with provincials of orders protests to governor against the moret decrees, may 16, 1869; feb. 19, 1872, publishes long pastoral letter in spanish and tagálog lamenting and condemning cavite insurrection, and especially the part taken in it by the filipino clergy; resigns, 1875. vacant see.--1875-1876. payo, pedro, o.p.--takes charge of see, 1876; adorns and improves cathedral; dies, 1889. vacant see.--1889-1890. nozaleda, bernardino, o.p.--native of asturías, of rustic parentage; originally a professor in manila; takes possession of his diocese, oct. 29, 1890; apr. 28, and may 8, 1898, issues circulars to the filipinos urging them to repel the american invaders; resides about 26 years in philippines; relinquishes archbishopric, june, 1903; returns to spain after the transfer of the philippines to the united states; there nominated archbishop of valencia, [187] but the citizens refuse to receive him, because of evil reports about him. [188] notes [1] "originally, when the port of the capital of filipinas was visited only by vessels from the asiatic nations and a few spanish ships, the exaction of duties was in the hands of the royal officials, according to the laws of the indias. in 1779 basco y vargas ordained that those functionaries should attend only to collecting duties from the ships which navigated to the coasts of coromandel, malabar, bengala, java, cantón, acapulco, and cádiz; and that the duties proper to the entrance or outgo of products and commodities in the inter-island commerce should be in charge of the director of alcabala. from this originated the foundation of the custom-house, it being completed by royal decrees of 1786 and 1788, from which time it was provided with the necessary force of men for collecting the import and export duties." (note by montero y vidal.) [2] cf. forrest, voyage to new guinea, p. 368: "they believe the deity pleased with human victims. an idaan or maroot [a tribe in northern borneo] must, for once at least, in his life, have imbued his hands in a fellow creature's blood; the rich are said to do it often, adorning their houses with sculls and teeth, to show how much they have honored their author, and laboured to avert his chastisement. several in low circumstances will club to buy a bisayan christian slave, or any one that is to be sold cheap; that all may partake the benefit of the execution. so at kalagan, on mindano, as rajah moodo informed me, when the god of the mountain gives no brimstone, they sacrifice some old slave, to appease the wrath of the deity. some also believe, those they kill in this world, are to serve them in the next, as mr. dalrymple observes." he also says (p. 271), that they pay "perhaps five or six kangans" for an old slave, and that the above mountain is "in the district of kalagan [i.e., caraga], a little way west of pandagitan, which emits at times smoke, fire, and brimstone." this evidently alludes to mt. butulan, a volcano (now apparently extinct), in the extreme southern point of davao province, mindanao. [3] see account of this at end of "events in filipinas," the first document in vol. l. [4] see post, near the end of this volume, the document on the representation of filipinas in the spanish cortes. [5] "a fanatic, who, styling himself a new christ, appeared to the fishermen and announced to them their true redemption--freedom from monopolies and tributes, and whatever could allure the unwary. this fanatic and more than seventy of his following, called 'apostles,' were seized, with their gowns, litters, flags, and other articles with which 'the new god,' as was reported, must make himself manifest." (official despatch, cited by montero y vidal.) [6] it may be noted that in 1809 folgueras had, "in order to quiet the public anxiety" to know what was going on, published on two occasions a sort of gazette (called aviso al público) of news regarding his encounter and correspondence with the french in that summer. (montero y vidal, ii, pp. 390, 391.) [7] see retana's periodismo filipino (madrid, 1895), appendix i (pp. 533-559), in which a detailed account of this gazette, with lists of the articles in most of the numbers, is given by j. t. medina. he concludes that it had fifteen numbers, irregularly issued, the last of which was dated february 7, 1812. [8] according to jagor (reisen, pp. 108, 109), "the receipts from the sale of the bulls of the crusade in 1819 were $15,930, in 1839, $36,390, and in 1860, $58,954. in the two years 1844-45 they rose to $292,115, because the families and the heads of barangay were forcibly obliged to accept the certificates of indulgences, 'with the assistance and supervision of the curas and subordinate officials' (who for this received 8 and 5 per cent respectively), and thus they were distributed in the houses--certainly one of the most shameless applications of the repartimiento system." [9] a note by montero y vidal cites josé r. trujillo, a philippine official, as stating (1887) that the chief opponent and plotter against gardoqui was joaquin cirilo de la cajigas, the chief accountant of the treasury board and head of the naval bureau; he left a great fortune to his descendants, "who even now figure as rich men in the country, while the naval chiefs and officers who served here at that epoch did not bequeath to their descendants more than poverty and honor, although some of them had risen to high positions in the naval forces." [10] "the holy office was, however, again abolished by the cortes, in its session of 1820. [11] "in 1797, when on account of the decadence of the society and the opposition of aguilar it practically ceased its functions, its president at that time, the auditor don francisco javier moreno, placed on deposit in the consulate [of commerce] 6,000 pesos, which at that period constituted all its funds. at the time of its reëstablishment, the capital of the society consisted of 34,224 pesos, two reals, one grano in ready cash; a debt owed by the convent of san juan de dios, of 7,525 pesos--the remainder of the sum of 15,890 pesos, four reals, one grano, which by decree of the government dated april 1, 1805, were ordered to be paid for the rebuilding of that convent's edifice; and twelve gold medals and 241 of silver. it was agreed to invest these funds in commerce by sea or land, according to circumstances." (pamphlet cited by montero y vidal.) [12] for a brief account of this society's work, see note on "agriculture" at end of vol. lii. [13] an interesting account of this event is furnished in a letter by peter dobell, then russian consul in the philippines, which is preserved in the new york public library; it is printed in the bulletin of that institution for june, 1903, at pp. 198-200. dobell went to macao for medical treatment in july, 1820, and this letter was written from that city, on november 28 of that year. he thus writes: "i arrived with my wife and daughter at manilla last march, was received with great apparent attention, politeness & hospitality. after living there a couple of months, however, i perceived that there existed a vast deal of jealousy and envy, against all strangers, and particularly those who resided or intended to form establishments in the country. those ignorant people could not divest themselves of this feeling, even toward those, whose capitals, talents and industry, were directed to the most laudable pursuits, and promised to produce great public as well as private advantages to the colony. at this crisis several french ships were in the port, one or two americans and a english ship from bengal. in the french ships, had arrived a naturalist sent out by the government to make collections, and some persons, who intended to remain in the philippines to cultivate sugar, cotton &c. &c. in the month of july last, i discovered that i had in my travels, contracted a disease, called by the doctr hydrocele and becoming very troublesome to me, i determined as there are no good surgeons in manilla to pay a short visit to macao with my family & return to my post, as soon as circumstances would permit, after the operation. this i found, i could do the more conveniently, as my nephew, a fine young man of 23 years, had joined me at my arrival and i left him, in full charge of my office &c and departed. this envious disposition, on the part of the spaniards, increased daily, against the strangers, until an opportunity presented itself of gratifying their malignant hatred, in the most cruel & bloody manner & without themselves appearing to have any thing to do in the business. it is necessary first to tell you, that the new constitution, had been received during the prevalence of this feeling, giving extensive privileges & liberal encouragement to foreigners, who might think proper to settle in the philippines & rendering the natives as free & equal, in rights, etc. as their former masters. this certainly made them a little unruly, but, if not secretly instigated, it would never have induced them to commit a crime, that makes humanity shudder. the ship from bengal, was the merope captain nichols and it was supposed she had brot into the colony the epidemic, that has ravaged all india, this year, under the name of the 'cholera morbus.' it made its appearance, in the beginning of october last, carrying off great numbers of the indians every day. the humane french & other strangers, who beheld these miserable wretches, dying around them without any medical aid, freely administered what medicines they had, and were actively & daily employed, in endeavoring to alleviate; the distress & cure the complaints of all those, who lived within the sphere of their exertions. this also became, a cause of jealousy and hatred and the villains, began immediately to exasperate the indians by saying, 'this poisonous disease, was introduced by the french & the other strangers, they have poisoned even the waters, and they administer poison to the sick, purposely to exterpate the whole race of tagalians.' the ferocious indians wanted nothing farther to excite them to deeds of blood & plunder. on the 9th of october about 10 or 11 in the morning they collected, to the number of about 3,000 men armed with pikes knives and bludgeons and proceeded coolly and deliberately to plunder and massacre all the strangers on whom they could lay their hands! i have not time to give you the details of this shocking business, but you will certainly read them in the gazettes as i have sent both to england and russia very full accounts for publication. suffice it now to say that the governor & the authorities were vainly implored for assistance. they came, it is true, with the troops, but it was only to behold with sang froid the horrid spectacle. not a musket was fired to save the lives of those unfortunate and defenceless strangers, who to the number of 39 were plundered & cruelly massacred; some of them were so cut up & mangled it was impossible to recognize them. as the most of them were roman catholics, they were all collected and thrown into a hole together without the shadow of a ceremony or a stone to mark their graves! what is worse, the last accts from there down to the 9th of november mention that not a spanish life was lost, nor has a single native as yet suffered punishment for this most atrocious & horrible deed. my house was attacked & pillaged, my nephew & a mr prince of boston, who lived with him, made prisonners, and, after being near two days in the hands of the indians, suffering the most abominable treatment, they luckily escaped death. eighty five chinese & 11 english seamen were also plundered & assassinated. i have been obliged to represent this affair in its full suit of black to my government and have at the same time declared my intention of going back to siberia, next april, where i shall await the orders of his imperial majesty.... i leave the place & those miscreants to themselves, from the conviction, that its commerce is ruined forever. in the first place they held their productions too high & paid too low for european commodities, so that, when the allowance of the half duties granted to the importers of sugars shall cease, no french ships will visit the philippines to pay from 7 to 9 dollars a pecul for sugars. the cadmus, you say will make money. if she does, she will i fancy be the only american ship that profits by its trade to manilla. all those, who came out last year lost money on the sales of their cargoes, &, from what we hear of prices in america, and on the continent, they must lose by the returns. but what will give the death blow to the prosperity of the philippines, is the late horrible massacre. all those french and other foreigners, who were anxious to have established themselves in commerce or on estates in the country, are now frightened off and certainly no one will find himself, confident enough to trust to a government, which could permit such a massacre to take place, immediately under its eyes, when it had 5,000 men in arms, ready at a minutes notice to disperse the mob. thus situated, manilla offers no chance of profit or speculation; and i confess, however my hopes and wishes may have been disappointed, i turn from them with disgust & horror, better pleased to be ordered to live, in some remote corner of siberia, on black bread & salt, than roll in wealth, amidst such an inhuman, illiberal and unchristianlike race of men.... i must close my letter by informing you that the captain general has refused all the applications for indemnification, from those who have been plundered; so that as yet, neither the punishment due to the assassins has been inflicted, nor redress made to the unfortunate people who were robbed." by the kindness of james a. leroy, the editors have in their hands a copy (furnished by dr. pardo de tavera from the original in his possession) of a decree issued by governor folgueras (dated at manila, october 20, 1820), addressed "to the natives of the filipinas islands, and especially to those of the district of tondo," in which he rebukes them severely for thus violating the law of nations, under the influence of "a general frenzy," and "led astray and infuriated by certain malicious persons." he characterizes their belief that the strangers had poisoned the waters as a foolish and absurd notion, which "the mountain negritos or the moros of joló and mindanao would be ashamed to entertain;" and reminds them that the strangers whom they have plundered and slain were not only friends and brethren, but the very persons on whom the prosperity of the islands must depend, since they supplied a market for the produce of the country. he then presents the report which has been made by an official whom the governor had specially appointed (october 13) to investigate this idea of the foreigners' crime, which is to the following effect: "as the evidence of guilt [cuerpo de delito, the same as the latin corpus delicti] in the poisoning which is charged, the indians have brought to us, among the spoils which they plundered from the houses of the frenchmen, various animals of different forms, and among them a serpent, of quite the usual size, one of those which they call 'house-snakes,' in a dissected state; others, with some little shellfish, preserved in spirits of wine, in a crystal flask; in another, two granos of muriatic baryte; a quantity of peruvian bark, which in my opinion would weigh about an arroba and a half; and a box of sheet-tin about a vara long, one-fourth as wide, and six dedos thick, in which also was found a mass of insects, but already decaying; and finally, in the house of a woman who had been accused of being an agent of the french for the alleged poisoning, a little package of some black powders in china paper [i.e., rice paper]." the official states that these animal specimens have evidently "no other object than to enrich cabinets of natural history," and could not in any way have been used for injuring human beings. the muriatic baryte was for use in analyzing mineral waters, and was, moreover, useful in various diseases. the peruvian bark was, as all might know, a useful medicine and had often been helpful in checking the cholera itself. the black powders, it was also decided, were also of medicinal value; and the entire story is characterized as a fiction and delusion. the official regrets that it was believed by so many persons who should have known better than to accept so gross an error; "but it is certain that they did, and, among them, many of the clergy; and with this the delusion attained such power that it has caused the very scandalous deeds which all good persons lament; for it is certain that there is no better way of propagating an error than for persons of authority to adopt it. there is no doubt, it appears, that this foolish idea of poisoning had its origin in the ignorance of the indians; but there is as little doubt that malicious persons, imposing upon this folly and lack of knowledge in the indians, incited them to perpetrate the assassinations and robberies of the disastrous days, october 9 and 10." he adds that one of the books brought to him by the indians, which they had taken from the house of the french naturalist, was filled with sketches of fishes, mollusks, and birds peculiar to the country, which plainly showed that he was only making zoological observations. in view of all these things, folgueras calls upon the natives to repent of their sin, to surrender to the authorities the instigators of the tumult, to restore to the plundered foreigners what had been stolen from them, and to denounce the authors of the murders, that justice might be done to these evil persons. these exhortations are especially addressed to the inhabitants of binondo, "which has been the theatre of the most horrible tragedy, and has covered itself with blood and ignominy." this decree is published by dr. pardo de tavera, from the original printed edition, in his biblioteca filipina, pp. 45-47. [14] in his scarce third volume of the informe, mas says that the governor, either wittingly or unwittingly, did well in not sending out the soldiers, who were natives, until the fury of the people had spent itself; as otherwise all discipline might easily have been lost, and the soldiers have joined with their kindred in the massacre. [15] our author gives the name of this periodical incorrectly; it should be el noticioso filipino--see retana's periodismo filipino, appendix ii (pp. 561, 563). it was apparently begun on july 29, 1821; it was issued on sundays. its publication ceased before november 1 of that year. this information was furnished to retana by pardo de tavera; he also supplied accurate data for la filantropia (pp. 561-563), which began on september 1, 1821; it seems to have ceased publication in 1822. el ramillete patriótico is known only by an allusion in one of the numbers of filantropia, which speaks of the former as having been "silenced" (presumably by the authorities). pedro torres y lanzas gives (p. 565) a description of nos. 27-37 (march 16-may 25, 1822) of filantropia. [16] regarding this man and his works, see retana's el precursor de la político redentorista (madrid, 1894); it is specially devoted to varela's parnaso filipino (sampaloc, 1814). retana says of him: "it is unquestionable that his writings in prose and verse encouraged among the indians the wrong interpretation which was given to the constitution of 1812, from which resulted the series of insurrections, fortunately isolated, which took place in filipinas." [17] this publication was begun in january, 1824, and continued until may, 1833; at first two hundred and fifty copies were printed. it was finally obliged to suspend publication, for lack of funds. see retana's periodismo filipino, pp. 10-14, and 566; at the latter place, torres y lanzas describes a file of nos. 49-109 (lacking two numbers) of this publication, which is presumably preserved in the archivo general at sevilla. [18] in 1823 the pirates captured the provincial of the recollects, with one of his friars; and that order had to furnish 10,000 pesos for their ransom. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 482.) [19] general ricafort published a relation of this enterprise, dated at manila, december 30, 1829; he describes the island, presents an historical sketch of the insurrection in bohol since 1744 and the efforts to quell it, and at the end furnishes a tabulated statement of the expeditions sent by his orders, with number of men, expenditures, etc., and of their results--a statement signed by captain manuel sanz, the leader of the expedition, and dated at talibon, august 31, 1829; to this is added the signed statement by the parish curas of bohol that the numbers of insurgents who have been conquered or have submitted to the spanish rule agree with their respective registers. according to this account, the number of insurgents reduced or submitted was 19,420; to this must be added 98 "banished for their rebellious dispositions," and 395 "obstinate persons who died at the hands of the troops," and an unknown ("for lack of information") number of those killed in the year 1827 and on march 28 of 1828, and more than 3,000 souls who have fled to other provinces. some of the troops were spaniards from manila, but the main part of the force was composed of indians from bohol and cebú, to the number of 5,970 and 54 respectively; 294 of the former and 32 of the latter deserted the ranks, and 4,977 boholans and 22 cebuans were at the end disbanded, as being on the sick list; and very few were either killed or wounded in the campaign. the reduced insurgents were formed into the following new villages: catigbian, with 1,967 souls; batuanan, with 6,266 souls; cabulao, with 790; balilijan, with 2,100; and vilar, with 930. in other villages were distributed the remaining insurgents. [20] "the chinese refused to accept their reduction into villages; more than eight hundred elected to return to their own country; four hundred odd were assigned to labor on the public works, as being insolvent; and about a thousand fled to the mountains in order to elude payment and punishment. the intendant, in view of the difficulty in collecting [their] taxes, explained to the government the expediency of modifying the enactment; and this was done in 1834." (note by montero y vidal.) [21] these funds were chiefly the obras pías which had been administered by the jesuit order in filipinas up to their expulsion from the islands; at that time, nearly half of these foundations were extinguished by the authorities, and such moneys as remained in them were covered into the royal treasury. forty-five of the jesuit obras pías were thus left, which were administered by the government in the following manner: the capital was divided (as had long been the custom of all the orders in filipinas in administering obras pías) into three parts; one of these was invested in the commerce of acapulco, another in that of the coromandel coast and china, and the other third remained on deposit as a reserve to make good any losses in the amounts invested. much light is thrown on the management of these funds by the jesuits, in the official report made (june 23, 1797), in pursuit of a command from the spanish government, by angel de la fuente, the chief of the bureau of secular revenues [contaduría de temporalidades] at manila; the original ms. of this is in the possession of edward k. ayer, chicago. fuente examined the account-books which the jesuits had kept of these funds, and found them full of confusion, discrepancies, and omissions; but after comparing and verifying them so far as he could, he made a list of them, with statement of their origin, amount, and application. he found that in seventeen of these funds there was no evidence that the money had been applied as directed by the donors, and only partial indications of this in fifteen others. he reported that many of these obras pías had been contributed for the advantage and benefit of the jesuits themselves, and therefore, since that order had been suppressed, the funds might now justly be applied to any desirable pious purpose. to this end, he recommended that nineteen of the funds be placed in charge of the diocesan authorities, and twelve others used by the government for specified purposes, and that the rest be covered into the royal treasury. [22] "in order to give aid to the widow of torres, and pay the expenses of her voyage to españa, a subscription was raised which produced 12,000 pesos; but we note that the promoter of this married the widow, and they returned to the peninsula together." (note by montero y vidal.) [23] the "pillar dollar" was so called from the pillars on the reverse of the coin, which represent the pillars of hercules, or the straits of gibraltar; this device was characteristic of the spanish-american coinage. this dollar was the peso duro (or "hard dollar"), of eight reals; and its half, quarter, eighth, sixteenth, and thirty-second parts were represented by smaller coins. the greater part of the supply of pillar dollars were made in mexico; but this coinage ceased in 1822. in the peninsula, the coins were the dollar--formerly of ten reals, but now of twenty reals vellón--the half, the peseta or pistareen (which is one-fifth of the dollar, or four reals vellón), and the half and the quarter pistareen. after the peninsular revolution of 1821, pillar dollars were struck for a short time at madrid, but these are easily distinguishable from the true pillar dollar. in 1810-16, silver coins were used in brazil, which were only the spanish dollar, softened by annealing, and then restamped; the pillars may be distinguished underneath this surface, by close inspection. see eckfeldt and dubois, manual of gold and silver coins (philadelphia, 1842), pp. 33, 77, 119, 122, see also chapter on spanish coinage, especially that called "vellón," in lea's inquisition in spain (new york, 1906-07), i, pp. 560 et seq.; this latter, although debased, was the standard of value until 1871, when it was replaced by the decimal system. [24] "according to a memorial published by don francisco enríquez on leaving his office, there were at that time in the funds [of his department] a surplus of 1,000,000 pesos, and in the storehouses over 275,000 bales of tobacco, the value of which exceeded 4,000,000 hard dollars." (note by montero y vidal.) [25] hangers-on of the palace at manila tried to throw on galvey the blame for this failure; but montero y vidal cites galvey's diary, to show that he had to contend with overwhelming difficulties, inadequate supplies and lack of proper facilities, and the insalubrity of the country. he stated therein that he had made "forty-five expeditions into the hill-country, and had received therein four wounds, two of which were mortal." he died in 1839. [26] royal decrees of 1835 and 1836 suppressed the jesuit order throughout the spanish empire; all the religious communities and colleges of men (excepting the colleges of missionaries for asia, the clergy of the escuelas pías and the hospital convents of st. john of god), and the houses of the military orders; and all the beaterios whose inmates were not devoted to educational or hospital labors. [27] "in filipinas the peseta is worth only 32 cuartos." (vidal y soler, viajes por jagor, p. 227; published in 1874.) [28] soon after his return to spain he published a book (cádiz, 1839) relating his experiences as governor of filipinas. [29] camba's wife died, three months after their arrival at manila; and at her funeral certain military honors were paid her, as provided in the regulations of affairs in the indias, and these were promptly approved by the home government. camba's enemies, however, accused him at madrid of having had the same honors paid to his wife as were customary with royal persons; and, at the time, the artillery officials demanded from him pay for the powder used on that occasion. (note by montero y vidal.) [30] in conjunction with the audiencia, he commissioned a magistrate, francisco otín y duazo, to draw up new "ordinances of good government," in 1838. (montero y vidal, ii, p. 360.) [31] montero y vidal says (iii, p. 21): "on march 21, 1840, the economic society of friends of the country made a grant of 500 pesos to father blanco for the expenses of printing and publishing the flora which bears his name." in 1845 a second edition appeared, corrected and enlarged by the author himself; and a third edition was issued (1877-80) at the cost of the augustinian order. this last was in four volumes, a limited edition, with an atlas (in two volumes) containing 478 colored plates; it also included a previously unpublished ms. on philippine botany, written late in the sixteenth century, and an appendix prepared by the editors of blanco (fathers andrés naves and celestino fernández-villar) in which they endeavored to coördinate blanco's species with those of other authors and to enumerate all the species of philippine plants then known. see an account of blanco's work and that of his later editors, with estimate of the scientific value of both, in review of the identifications of species described in blanco's "flora" (manila, 1905), by elmer d. merrill, botanist of the bureau of government laboratories at manila. [32] in retana's periodismo filipino (pp. 566, 567) torres y lanzas describes some copies of this periodical, dated october 5-november 9, 1839, and january 23-february 6, 1841; he cites a letter by urréjola to show that precios corrientes was published weekly, beginning july 6, 1839, by private enterprise. [33] by a later royal decree, the fiscal was to settle any case of disagreement between the two censors, and any books seized by the authorities should be only sent back to the shipper, and not kept by them--the archbishop having demanded that confiscated books should be surrendered to him. (note by montero y vidal.) [34] the full title of this book is as follows: remarks on the phillippine islands, and on their capital manila. 1819 to 1822. by an englishman. "when a traveller returneth home, let him not leave the countries where he hath travelled altogether behind him." lord bacon--essays. calcutta: printed at the baptist mission press, circular road; and sold by messrs. w. thacker and co. st. andrew's library. 1828. opposite the title-page is a folding map, entitled "map of the province of tondo." it is spanish, dated 1819; and shows as well portions of the adjacent provinces. the book is dedicated "to holt mackenzie, esq. this work is respectfully inscribed, by his obedient humble servant, the author. calcutta, march, 1828." notes signed "eds." are supplied by the editors; the rest are those of the author himself. the original text is reproduced as exactly as possible. [35] besides the references already given, see j. roth's sketch of the geology of the philippines, in appendix to jagor's reisen, pp. 333-354.--eds. [36] the bureau of government laboratories at manila published, during 1902-05, a valuable series of bulletins on various topics in botany, ornithology, biology, diseases of man and beast, etc., and another series was published by the mining bureau; the former bureau is now replaced by the bureau of science.--eds. [37] in the environs of manila, a monument is erected to the memory of ..., [37-a] a spanish naturalist of unwearied industry, and it is said, great talents, sent out by government to examine the phillippine islands. after seven years' incessant labour, he died of a fever, and at his death his manuscripts, which are all written in cyphers, were taken possession of by the government; they are said yet to remain buried in the archives of 'la secretaria,' having never been sent to europe! [37-a] apparently referring to antonio pineda (vol. l, p. 61); but he died only three years after leaving spain. in the expedition to which he was attached, he was director of the department of natural sciences; he was accompanied by louis née, a frenchman naturalized in spain. they visited uruguay, patagonia, chile, peru, and nueva españa; and in chile were joined by the hungarian naturalist, tadeo haenke (who, reaching cádiz after their vessel sailed, was obliged to sail to south america to meet them). from acapulco they went to marianas and filipinas; and journeyed (1791) through luzón from sorsogón to manila. pineda labored diligently in luzón, and made large collections; but died at badoc, in ilocos, in 1792; his brother arcadio pineda, who was first lieutenant of the ship, was charged to put in order the materials collected by antonio, but many of these were lost on the return journey. returning to south america, at callao haenke and née parted company; the former again traveled in america, but in the vicissitudes of these journeys much of the material collected by him was lost or spoiled. the residue was classified and described, after his death, by the leading botanists of europe, and this matter was published in a work entitled reliquiæ haenkeane, seu descriptiones et icones plantarum quæ in america meridionali et boreali in insulis philippinis et marianis collegit thaddeus haenke, philosophiæ doctor, phytographus regis hispaniæ (pragæ, 1825-35). née went from concepción, chile, overland to montevideo, and thence to spain; and in september, 1794, he reached cádiz, with a herbarium of 10,000 plants, of which 4,000 were new ones. these were preserved in the botanical gardens at madrid, with more than 300 drawings. see ramón jordana y morera's bosquejo geográfico é historico-natural del archipiélago filipino (madrid, 1885), pp. 356-358, 361; and josé gogorza y gonzález's datos para la fauna filipina (madrid, 1888), p. 2.--eds. [38] the loftiest peak in mindoro is mount halcón, said to be 8,800 feet in height. the most prominent volcano in the archipelago is mayón, 7,916 feet high, in albay, luzon; in negros is another volcano, called canlaón, 8,192 feet high. in panay the highest peak is madiaás, 7,264 feet; and in mindanao is the loftiest peak in the entire archipelago, the almost extinct volcano of apo, which rises to 10,312 feet. see the chapter on "mountains and rivers," in census of philippines, i, pp. 00-73.--eds. [39] le gentil says (voyage, ii, p. 29): "this animal [the hog] is so common there that they even use its fat for sauces, ragouts, and fried articles; for butter is not known in manila, and there is very little use of milk there. the manilans doubtless find less difficulty (for in that climate people are very fond of repose) in using pork fat in their food than in rearing and keeping cattle and making butter. this sort of food, joined to the heat and the great humidity of that country, occasions serious dysentery in many persons." he adds (p. 123): "the venereal disease (or 'french disease,' as they call it, i know not why), is very common there [in manila]; but they do not die from it; the great heat and copious perspiration enable people to live at manila with this malady, they marry without being frightened at it, and the evil passes by inheritance to their children; it is a sort of heritage with which but few european families are not stained."--eds. [40] le gentil thus speaks of the placer-mining practiced by the indians in luzon (voyage, ii, p. 32): "it is true that this sort of life shortens the days of these wretched people; as they are perpetually in the water, they swell, and soon die. besides that, the friars say that it is their experience that the indians who lead that sort of life have no inclination to follow the christian life, and that they give much trouble to the ministers of god who instruct them. despite that, it is to the friars and to the alcaldes that these indians sell their gold."--eds. [41] in his "non-christian tribes of northern luzon," worcester calls attention to the various indefinite modes of using the word "tribe," among ethnological writers, and proposes (p. 803) the following definition as a means of securing clearness and accuracy therein: "a division of a race composed of an aggregate of individuals of a kind and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves in, and distinguished from their congeners by, physical characteristics, dress, and ornaments; the nature of the communities which they form; peculiarities of house architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and carrying on agriculture; character and importance of manufactures; practices relative to war and the taking of heads of enemies; arms used in warfare; music and dancing, and marriage and burial customs; but not constituting a political unit subject to the control of any single individual nor necessarily speaking the same dialect." he adds: "where different dialects prevail among the members of a single tribe it should be subdivided into dialect groups." he also says (p. 798): "it was the usage of the spaniards to designate as a tribe each group of people which had a dialect, more or less peculiar, of its own. furthermore, the custom which is widespread among the hill people of northern luzon of shouting out the name of a settlement when they desire to call for one or more persons belonging to it, seems in many instances to have led the spaniards to adopt settlement names as tribal ones, even when there were no differences of dialect between the peoples thus designated."--eds. [42] the fullest and most authoritative account of the negritos is, of course, the monograph by w. a. reed, the negritos of zambales, published by the philippine ethnological survey. see also worcester's account of them in his "non-christian tribes of northern luzon," in philippine journal of science, october, 1906, pp. 805 et seq.--eds. [43] see le gentil, voyage aux indes. [44] is not this, or something resembling it, a custom of the natives of australasia? [45] see herrera and ant. de solis, hist. of mexico. [46] the negro of the east appears to have amalgamated with some other family. on the south coasts of australasia, they resemble in many points the people just described. this continues to be the case as far as cape capricorn. to the northward of this, as far as murray's islands in torres straits, they are a stout, tall, athletic race of men, [46-a] and as hairy on the face and body as europeans, with long hair, and without the negro cast of countenance. this race may be traced by intervals to ternate, gilolo, &c., where they are called harraforas; [46-b] but none are found in the phillippines (unless the ylocos have some relationship to them). is not the native of new ireland and queen charlotte's islands too of this race? [46-c] the difference between them is most striking. the one are dwarfish negroes, the others almost black europeans. both are essentially different from the malay family, and not only so, but from each other (the native of amboyna, i think, forms the link between them) and this difference is apparently anatomical, in the shape of the skull, facial angles, &c. we are as yet in the infancy of our knowledge of the origin of these various families of the human race: like that of languages, it will in all probability remain one more of conjecture than of fact; but it is still a subject of deep interest. i have heard from respectable authority, that the language of cagayan, the most northern province but one of the island of luzon, the men of which are tail, stout, olive-coloured, almost beardless, and proverbial for their mildness, peaceable behaviour, and fidelity, so much resembles that of the sandwich islanders, that some of these at manila found no difficulty in making the cagayan servants understand them! the province of ylocos is the next to this to the north, and forms the north coast of the island. the ylocos are black, short-bearded men, and noted for their insubordination and dissipated character. [46-a] the writer of this memoir has, on the coast of new holland, between cape capricorn and endeavour straits, had occasion to know this fact. a party of these savages attacked the captain and supercargo of a vessel in which he was an officer, and they were repulsed only by firearms. the account of them given by the supercargo, and indeed by all the party attacked, uniformly agreed in describing them as the finest made and strongest looking men possible. their bodies were also very hairy. [46-b] the term "haraforas" is applied to the subanos of mindanao by captain forrest; from his voyage, pp. 266, 268, 271, 273, 278-282, we obtain the following interesting and first-hand information about that people: "the vassals of the sultan, and of others, who possess great estates, are called kanakan. those vassals are sometimes mahometans, though mostly haraforas ["who are also called subanos, or oran manubo," p. 186]. the latter only may be sold with the lands, but cannot be sold off the lands. the haraforas are more opprest than the former. the mahometan vassals are bound to accompany their lords, on any sudden expedition; but the haraforas being in a great measure excused from such attendance, pay yearly certain taxes, which are not expected from the mahometan vassals. they pay a boiss, or land tax. a harafora family pays ten battels of paly (rough rice) forty lb. each; three of rice, about sixty lb.; one fowl, one bunch of plantains, thirty roots, called clody, or st. helena yam, and fifty heads of indian corn. i give this as one instance of the utmost that is ever paid. then they must sell fifty battels of paly, equal to two thousand pound weight, for one kangan. so at dory, or new guinea, one prong, value half a dollar, or one kangan, given to a harafora, lays a perpetual tax on him. those vassals at magindano have what land they please; and the mahometans on the sea coast, whether free or kanakan, live mostly by trading with the haraforas, while their own gardens produce them betel nuts, coco nuts, and greens. they seldom grow any rice, and they discourage as far as they can, the haraforas from going to mindano, to sell the produce of their plantations. on the banks of the pelangy and tamantakka, the mahometans grow much rice. the boiss is not always collected in fruits of the earth only. a tax-gatherer, who arrived at coto intang, when i was there, gave me the following list of what he had brought from some of rajah moodo's crown lands, being levied on perhaps five hundred families. 2870 battels of paly, of forty lb. each; 490 spanish dollars; 160 kangans; 6 tayls of gold, equal to 30 l [sterling]; 160 malons: a cloth made of the plantain tree, three yards long, and one broad. this last mentioned cloth is the usual wear of the country women, made in the form of a bengal lungy, or buggess [i.e., bugis] cloth, being a wide sack without a bottom; and is often used as a currency in the market. the currency in most parts of the country, is the chinese kangan, coarse cloth, thinly woven, nineteen inches broad, and six yards long; the value at sooloo is ten dollars for a bundle of twenty-five sealed up; and at magindano much the same; but at magindano dollars are scarce. these bundles are called gandangs, rolled up in a cylindrical form. they have also, as a currency, kousongs, a kind of nankeen, dyed black; and kompow, a strong white chinese linen, made of flax; of which more particularly hereafter. the kangans generally come from sooloo; so they are got at second hand: for the spaniards have long hindered chinese junks, bound from amoy to magindano, to pass samboangan. this is the cause of so little trade at magindano, no vessels sailing from indostan thither; and the little trade is confined to a few country chinese, called oran sangly, and a few soolooans who come hither to buy rice and paly, bringing with them chinese articles: for the crop of rice at sooloo can never be depended on. in the bazar, or market, the immediate currency is paly. ten gantangs of about four pounds each, make a battel; and three battels (a cylindrical measure, thirteen inches and five-tenths high; the same in diameter) about one hundred and twenty pounds of paly, are commonly sold for a kangan. talking of the value of things here, and at sooloo, they say, such a house or prow, &c., is worth so many slaves; the old valuation being one slave for thirty kangans. they also specify in their bargains, whether is meant matto (eye) kangan, real kangan, or nominal kangan. the dealing in the nominal, or imaginary kangan, is an ideal barter. when one deals for the real kangans, they must be examined; and the gandangs, or bundles of twenty-five pieces, are not to be trusted, as the dealers will often forge a seal, having first packed up damaged kangans. in this the chinese here, and at sooloo, are very expert. the china cash at magindano, named pousin, have holes as in china. i found them scarce; their price is from one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty for a kangan. at sooloo is coined a cash of base copper, called petis, of which two hundred, down to one hundred and seventy, go for a kangan." "on sooloo are no haraforas. the haraforas on magindano make a strong cloth, not of cotton, but of a kind of flax, very like what the batta people wear on the coast of sumatra." "one day near tubuan, a harafora brought down some paddy from the country: i wanted to purchase it; but the head man of the village, a magindanoer, would not permit him to sell it me. i did not dispute the point; but found afterwards, the poor harafora had sold about three hundred pounds of paly for a prong, or chopping knife." "they all seem to be slaves to the magindano people: for these take what they please, fowls or anything in the house they like best; and if the owners seem angry, threaten to tie them up, and flog them." "the inhabitants of this country [of the illanos] have generally their name from the lake [i.e., lake lanao] on which they reside. the inlanders dwell chiefly towards the east, where are said to be thirty thousand men, intermixed in many places with the haraforas, who seem to be the primitives of the island. on the north coast of magindano, the spaniards have had great success, in converting to christianity those haraforas. their agreeing in one essential point, the eating of hog's flesh, may, in a great measure, have paved the way." "the magindano people sell to the haraforas iron chopping knives, called prongs, cloth, salt, &c., for their rice and other fruits of the earth. for the haraforas dread going to sea, else they could carry the produce of their lands to a better market. they are much imposed on, and kept under by their mahometan lords; and are all tributary to the sultan, or to some rajah rajah (noblemen) under him. their system proves thus the feudal." "the haraforas are thinly scattered; and, being all tributary, many together seldom stay long at one place. this cannot be for want of water, pasture, or fertile ground; as with the tartars on the continent of asia. on this island, almost every spot is covered either with timber, brushwood, reeds, or grass; and streams are found every where in abundance. nor can it be to avoid wild beasts; there are none on the island: a good cause why deer, wild horses and other wild cattle are found in so many parts of it. i suspect that the haraforas are often so opprest that some have wisely got inland, beyond the tax-gatherer's ken." evidently forrest and the writer of the remarks had in mind two different peoples, to whom they applied the term haraforas. crawfurd explains this name (dictionary ind. islands, p. 10) as a corruption of alforas; it is "not a native word at all, nor is it the generic name of any people whatsoever. it is a word of the portuguese language, apparently derived from the arabic article al, and the preposition fora, 'without.' the indian portuguese applied it to all people beyond their own authority, or who were not subdued by them, and consequently to the wild races of the interior. it would seem to be equivalent to the 'indios bravos' of the spaniards, as applied to the wild and unconquered tribes of america and the philippines."--eds. [46-c] and that groupe to which quiros, mendana, or torres gave the name of "yslas de gente hermosa"? [still thus named on modern charts; see voyages of quiros (hakluyt society's publications, london, 1904), pp. xxiv, 217, 424, 431.--eds. [47] our author here confuses the spanish name "pintados" (literally, "painted," referring to their tattooed bodies) with the native name, "bisayas," both being indifferently applied to the islands south of luzon.--eds. [48] see sir william draper's dispatches at the siege of manila. [49] was it not by this system (the mita) that the mines and plantations of mexico were wrought? and mexico,--that mexico which the spaniards of cortes in the 15th century called new spain,--became nearly a desert? [50] a higher and purer praise is due to this gentleman than having written the work alluded to: it is that he acted on its spirit, and first taught the "red man" to know himself as man, and (a far more arduous undertaking), he taught the white man that his prosperity was essentially connected with that of the native. the country in which the foundations of our power were laid on such a basis, should not have been given away like a ministerial snuff-box. [50-a] [50-a] java was conquered by england in 1811, but was restored to holland five years later. during that time the island was governed by sir thomas stamford raffles (1781-1826), who published a history of java (london, 1817); he was afterward governor of the english settlements in sumatra (1818-24), in both these posts ruling with great ability and vigor and an enlightened and liberal mind. gilbert elliot, baron minto, a noted english statesman, was governor-general of india during 1807-13, and went with raffles to java to organize its government.--eds. [51] see descripcion geografica y topografica de la ysla de luzon, por don yldefonso de arragon, parte iv. prov. de la pampanga, p. 3, 5, &c. the author is a colonel of engineers. [in 1818-20, he was chief of the topographical bureau at manila.--eds.] [52] ibid. [53] "estos (pueblos) aunque immediatos a las orillas de la mar, estén libres de las invasiones de los moros; la espesura de las manglares occulta y hace dificil la entrada, &c." "these (towns), though close to the sea shore, are free from the invasions of the moors (pirates); the thickness of the mangroves conceal and render the entrances difficult." the writer is speaking of towns, of which none are more than 20 miles from manila!-descripcion geog. y topograf. [54] the writer was once obliged to arm all his servants against 16 soldiers with their muskets from a neighboring military post. the two parties remained some minutes with their arms levelled at each other, when a parley was begun, which ended the affair without bloodshed. the origin of the quarrel was a dispute at cockfighting between his servants and the soldiers. [55] such are, for example, nuestra señora de antipolo, about 20 miles east of manila, and the santo niño (holy child) of zebû: to both of these it is reckoned almost indispensable to make a pilgrimage: the natives of luzon to the first, which is about 25 miles from manila; and those of all the bisayas or southern islands to the other. from antipolo [55-a] alone have been sent in a single year 180,000 dollars as the produce of the masses! and the writer has conversed with pilgrims from the province of ylocos! in all cases of peril and difficulty, a vow is made to one of these saints, which is seldom left unfulfilled. the crew of a small vessel of men offered 54 dollars for masses at the convent of st. augustin (i think), on the day of the feast del santo niño. [55-a] for detailed account of the shrine at antipolo, its worship, miracles, etc., see murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, fol. 210v-229v; and in the engraved frontispiece to that work may be seen a representation of the statue of the virgin of antipolo (see our vol. xliv, opposite titlepage).--eds. [56] this word is defined by the standard dictionary (new york, 1895) as a scottish slang word meaning "unlawful sexual intercourse." it is apparently allied to the obsolete northumbrian word "houghen-moughen," meaning "greedy, ravenous"--see wright's english dialect dictionary, iii (london, 1902), p. 247.--eds. [57] nothing has stamped the character of the manila indian with greater atrocity in the eyes of englishmen, than their frequent appeals to assassination (the knife) in cases of supposed or actual wrongs. how long is it since dirks were laid aside, because useless, in scotland? when men cannot appeal immediately to a magistrate, they appeal to themselves. duels too are another kind of appeals of the same sort. [58] "at manila, therefore, a doctor [of law] is a species of phenomenon, and many years pass without one of them being seen; in two universities there is no doctor, while in 1767 there was but one competitor for the doctoral of the cathedral. yet it must be noted that this competitor was a mexican, and was not born in manila. of what use, therefore, are two universities in this city? would not a single one be more than enough? one who knows latin is greatly esteemed in manila, because that language is not common there, in spite of the two universities which i have just mentioned; what is learned in those institutions is very poor, and is only imperfectly understood. when i arrived there, a great many persons asked me if i knew latin, and when i answered that i knew a little of it they apparently had after that more respect for me. all the ancient prejudices of the schools seem to have abandoned us of europe only to take refuge at manila, where certainly they have long remained, for the ancient doctrine is there in too good hands to give place to sound ideas of physics. don feliciano marqués often honestly confessed to me that in spain they were a hundred years behind france, in the sciences; and that at manila they were a hundred years behind spain. one can judge, by that, of the present state of physics at manila, in the midst of two universities. in that city electricity is known only by name, and the holy office of the inquisition has prohibited experiments in that line. i knew there a frenchman, a surgeon by profession, a man of parts and of inquiring mind, who was threatened with the inquisition for having tried to make such experiments; but i think that what really drew upon him this ill-fortune was the experiment of the "little friar." [this simple experiment in physics was made with a little figure resembling a friar; it had never before been seen in manila, and everybody ran to look at it and laugh.] "this experiment of the surgeon, who made his little friar dance, and sometimes sink to the bottom of the vial by way of correcting him, drew upon him the displeasure of the entire body of religious with whom manila swarms; there was talk of the holy office, and it was said that the surgeon's experiment was a case for the inquisition. the surgeon, therefore--whose only intention in the experiment was to vex the friars who had prevented him from making his experiments in electricity--was compelled to cease his pleasantry, and manila had to express its detestation of the pleasure that it had taken in seeing the experiment." [the author was visited by many people at his observatory, who desired to see the sun and the planets through his telescope;] "the women were even more curious than the men about the rare things which i showed them, and which i took pleasure in explaining to them; but not a single religious came to visit my observatory." (le gentil, voyage, ii, pp. 96, 97.)--eds. [59] see el yndio agraciado (the aggrieved indian), a pamphlet published at manila in 1821, but suppressed by order of government. [59-a] [59-a] pardo de tavera says of this pamphlet, in his biblioteca filipina, p. 146: "it attacks one don m. g., a philippine spaniard, who was allowed to propose a plan of studies which was not much to the liking of the filipino indians. as appears by the title of this pamphlet, there existed in manila at that time a publication (probably weekly) called el noticioso filipino. [see also tavera's account of this sheet, at foot of the same page, which he regards as the first periodical which appeared in manila]. doubtless the former was the doing of some friar, who took the name of 'indian' in order to express himself more freely."--eds. [60] this distinction should never be lost sight of. the indian of manila, from whom strangers generally form their estimate of this people, is so mixed, that a genuine indian (malay) family is scarcely to be met with; they are a mixture of indian, chinese, japanese, mexican (from the troops), seamen of different nations, and spaniards besides, "toutes les capitales se ressemblent, et çe n'est pas d'eux qu'il faut juger les moeurs d'un peuple quelconque." [60-a] --rousseau. let it never be forgotten, too, that while the indians of manila, on the 9th of october, 1820, were assassinating every foreigner within their reach, the indians of the country were saving those in their power at the hazard of their lives! [60-a] that is, "all capital cities are alike, and it is not by them that the morals of any people should be judged."--eds. [61] the following statements regarding the native character are made by ramon reyes lala (the philippine islands, new york, 1899, pp. 80-87), himself a filipino: "the first thing that in the native character impresses the traveler is his impassive demeanor and imperturbable bearing. he is a born stoic, a fatalist by nature. this accounts for his coolness in moments of danger, and his intrepid bearing against overwhelming odds. this feature of the malay character has often been displayed in the conflicts of the race with the europeans in the east indies. under competent leadership the native, though strongly averse to discipline, can be made a splendid soldier. as sailors, too, i do not believe they can be equaled." "as a result of the stoicism of the native character, he never bewails a misfortune, and has no fear of death." "europeans often seem to notice in them what they deem a lack of sympathy for the misfortunes of others; but it is not this so much as resignation to the inevitable." "the educated native, however, impregnated with the bitter philosophy of the civilized world, is by no means so imperturbable. while more keenly alive to the sufferings of others, he is also more sensitive to his own sorrows." "incomprehensible inconsistencies obtain in nearly every native. students of character may, therefore, study the filipinos for years, and yet, at last, have no definite impression of their mental or moral status. of course, those living in the cities are less baffling to the physiognomist and the ethnologist; for endemic peculiarities have been so rubbed off or modified that the racial traits are not obvious. but observe the natives, in their primitive abodes, where civilizing forces have not penetrated! you will then be amazed at the extraordinary mingling and clashing of antithetical characteristics in one and the same person; uncertain as to whether the good or the bad may be manifested. like the wind, the mood comes and goes, and no one can tell why. i myself, with all the inherited feelings, tastes, and tendencies of my countrymen--modified and transmuted [by his education and long residence in europe and america], happily--have stood aghast or amused at some hitherto unknown characteristic manifesting itself in an intimate acquaintance; and after i had been for years, too, wholly ignorant of his being so possessed or obsessed. and after that, the same mental or moral squint would be displayed at irregular intervals." "his indolence is the result of generations of tropical ancestors. besides, deprived by the spaniards from all active participation in affairs of the government, and robbed of the fruits of industry, all incentive to advancement and progress was taken away. he therefore yields with composure to the crushing conditions of his environment, preferring the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor for the benefit of his oppressors. naturally. recent events, however, show that, given the stimulant of hope, even the 'indolent natives' of the philippines can achieve and nobly dare. some spaniards also have asserted that the filipinos are naturally disloyal and treacherous, and that their word is not to be depended on. now, the whole world knows that they have every reason to be disloyal to the spaniard, who has for centuries so cruelly oppressed them. the devotion to the cause of freedom, however, which has recently made rizal and hundreds of others martyrs to spanish cruelty, shows that they also have the stuff that heroes are made of, and that they ran be loyal to an animating principle." "though calm, the native is not secretive, but often loquacious. he is naturally curious and inquisitive, but always polite, and respectful withal--especially to his superiors. he is passionate, and, in common with all half-civilized races, is cruel to his foes. the quality of mercy, like the sentiment--as distinguished from the passion--of love, is perhaps more the product of the philosophy of civilization than a natural attribute of the human heart." "all travelers unite in attributing to the natives extreme family affection. they are very fond of their children; who, as a rule, are respectful and well-behaved. the noisy little hoodlums of european and american cities are utterly unknown. the old are tenderly cared for, and venerated; while in almost every well-to-do household are one or two poor relatives who, while mere hangers-on, are nevertheless made welcome to the table of their host. indeed, the hospitality of the filipinos is proverbial. a guest is always welcome, and welcome to the best. as a rule, the people are superstitious and very credulous; but how could they be otherwise? for three hundred years they have been denied even the liberty of investigation; when no light, save the dim glimmer of priestcraft pierced the utter darkness of their lot. those that have been educated, however, have proved apt converts--only too apt, say the priests and the spaniards--to the conclusions of science and of modern research. the native is rarely humorous, and seldom witty. he is not easily moved to anger, and when angry does not often show it. when he does, like the malay of java, he is prone to lose all control of himself, and, with destructive energy, slays all in his path. this is infrequent, however, but is a contingency that may occur at any time. if a native has been unjustly punished, he will never forget it, and will treasure the memory of his wrong until a good opportunity for revenge presents itself. like all courageous people, he despises cowardice and pusillanimity. he has, therefore, but little regard for the meek and humble chinaman, who will pocket an insult rather than avenge himself. he greatly esteems the european, who is possessed of the qualities which he admires, and will follow him into the very jaws of death. he is easily awed by a demonstration of superior force, and is ruled best by mild but firm coercion, based upon justice. he is not often ambitious, save socially, and to make some display, being fond of ceremony and of the pomp and glitter of a procession. he is sober, patient, and always clean. this can be said of few peoples. he easily adjusts himself to new conditions, and will soon make the best of their surroundings. as servants they are honest, obedient, and will do as they are told. it must be said that they enjoy litigation more than is good for them or for the best interests of the colony. there must be some psychological reason for this. it doubtless gives some play to the subtlety of the oriental mind. it is said that he lacks the sense of initiative, and to some extent this may be true. the recent conduct of aguinaldo--a full-blooded native--proves, notwithstanding, that he is not wholly deficient in aggressiveness nor in organizing power." lala adds (pp. 157, 158): "i have talked with many rude, untutored natives that, frankly, astonished me with the unwitting revelation of latent poetry, love of imagery, and spiritual longings in their nature."--eds. [62] such is, although in somewhat varying degree, the condition of half-caste classes everywhere. a vivid picture of their condition in india, which may illustrate that of the mestizos in filipinas, is found in a book entitled that eurasian (chicago, 1905), by "aleph bey," the pseudonym of an american writer who had spent many years in india; he depicts, in terms both vigorous and pathetic, the origin, difficulties, and degraded condition of the eurasians (or half-castes) there, and the oppression and cruel treatment which they encounter from the dominant white class.--eds. [63] "to be born in spain was enough to secure one marked tokens of respect; but this advantage was not transmitted. the children who first saw the light in that other world no longer bear the name of chapetons, which honored their fathers; they become simply creóles." (raynal, etablissemens et commerce des européens, ii, p. 290.)--eds. [64] i am perhaps not quite correct here. [mas states (informe, ii, "administration of justice," p. 1), that the limit for civil suits was 100 pesos fuertes.--eds.] [65] it will be understood that these sureties have their share in the advantages, that is plunder, which the alcalde derives from the government. this often amounts to 20, 30, or even 50,000 dollars in three or four years--though at the time of their leaving manila, they are in debt to a large amount. it is but just to observe, that there are some few honorable exceptions. [66] this is a typographical error; the reference to comyn work is on p. 13 of remarks.--eds. [67] even from spanish writers: see zuniga's history, morillo [i.e., murillo velarde], and others. le gentil (who names his informants, men of the first respectability), la peyrouse, &c. many public papers of the government bear witness to these abuses. "el alcalde de aqui señor! (said an old indian to the writer at zebú), le quitará los dientes de la boca a s. md." "the alcaldé here, sir!--he'll take the teeth out of your worship's mouth." this was not too strong an expression. [68] they are well aware of the extent of their influence, and even at times speak of it. "si aqui manda su tropa el rey, se vayan los indios al monte, pero si yo cerro las puertas de la iglesia los tengo todos a mis pies en veinte quatro horas." "if the king sends troops here, the indians will retire to the mountains and forests. but if i shut the church doors, i shall have them all at my feet in twenty-four hours," was the remark of an intelligent "frayle" to the writer. [69] le gentil says (voyage, ii, p. 2): "every order of religious has, then, taken possession of these provinces, which they have, so to say, shared among themselves. in some sort, they command therein, and they are more kings than the king himself. they have been so shrewd as to learn the dialects of the various peoples among whom they reside, and not to teach the castilian language to them; thus the religious are absolute masters over the minds of the indians in these islands."--eds. [70] those who can see only inquisitors in catholic bishops will be a little incredulous of one of them checking an attempt to convert a protestant! this happened to the writer, who found himself one evening seated between an indian clerigo and the bishop of zebû, an aged and most worthy prelate. the indian father, to show his zeal for the faith, attacked me on the subject of religion with the usual arguments of ignorant friars, till i was on the point of quitting the room to avoid answering. "my son," said the old prelate to the indian--"we are here to convert the indians, not to annoy the strangers who may visit us. i will send this gentleman some books, and i doubt not they will duly prepare his mind to see the errors of the protestant church, and then we may hope for success with him!" [71] "yo hé llorado de ansias de ver à un europeo!" "how often has the desire of seeing an european made me weep!" was the pathetic remark of a most worthy minister to the writer of these remarks.--this man had been 27 years on one small island! [72] "insanity is the fashionable disease [at manila], and a great many persons are attacked by it; but it prevails more generally among the women and the religious--the latter most of all, and they are very subject to it. the life which they lead contributes greatly to this: to be always shut up, in a climate so hot, eating scanty and poor food, and much given to study; perhaps also there is some grief at finding themselves banished and shut in so far away [from spain]. all these causes make the brain grow hot, and madness follows. nearly all the religious who go to the philippines arrive there while young.... as for the women, their natural infirmity may, at a certain age, conduce to insanity, with which a great many are stricken." (le gentil, voyage, ii, pp. 130, 131.)--eds. [73] they have already conducted them to scenes of the last indecency and even bloodshed. see martini's hist. the inquisition has been but little felt in the philippines of late years. a tribunal existed, but it was merely nominal, and held only "in terrorem." it was not wanted as a political engine; and as a religious one, there was little use for it amongst a people who will believe any thing and every thing. the grand inquisitor, during the last 25 years, is a man universally beloved!--the padre coro. [74] this is, according to montero y vidal (archipiélago filipino, p. 72), the name applied by linnæus to the caryota onusta of blanco, generally called cabonegro by the spaniards (see vol. xviii, p. 177); but the list of fiber plants in official handbook of philippines applies to that tree (p. 332) the name caryota urens l. the natives also make various sorts of wine and brandy from the sap of the cocoanut palm (cocos nucifera); see delgado's historia general, pp. 645-648, 664.--eds. [75] there is an instance (i think in the province of pampanga) of a negro tribe, who annually pay their tribute--but upon the express condition that no missionaries are to be sent! [76] "bulas." surely this most absurd of all impositions on the credulity of a people, should be abolished, or at least imposed in a less objectionable manner. the "bula de cruzada" (originally a contribution to the wars against the infidels), for which is granted permission to eat meat and eggs in lent, or benefits to the souls in purgatory ("bula de difuntos"), from the pope is an article of revenue to the king of spain. his most catholic majesty farms it to one of his subjects, who rather than lose a rial of his bargain, will sell them to chinese, turks, or hindoos, if they are fools enough to buy them, as the chinese have been known to do for the souls of their ancestors!--quere: what has become of the original intention of these precious documents? of which a modern spanish author has remarked, "que es el papel mas caro y mas malo que se vende." it is the worst and dearest paper that is sold, (gallardo dicc. critico burlesco). it is, however, an indispensable condition to the performance of many of the offices of religion to have the last published bull. see manila almanack. [77] in 1810, the total of receipts was 1,466,610 dollars. [78] such assertions demand some evidence in support of them. a very recent case has occurred, wherein the colonel of a militia regiment (of chinese descent), having some dispute with a french gentleman, and high words taking place, called up the guard stationed at his door, it is supposed to flog him! the french gentleman having procured some weapon, kept the whole guard at bay, together with their gallant colonel. muskets were levelled at him, and he probably would have been assassinated, but for the interference of some of the family, and his own firmness! complaint was made of this, but no notice was taken of it, nor was the gallant colonel's conduct thought at all incorrect. on the contrary it was very generally applauded! [79] large boats undecked, pulling from 20 to 30 oars; they carry a four or six pounder and five or six swivels; they are fine boats and sail fast. the gun-boats carry a long 24 or 32 pounder, and six or eight swivels; and including marines, carry from 80 to 100 men. [80] for recent information on this subject, see chapter on agriculture (revised by frank lamson-scribner, chief of bureau of agriculture), in official handbook of philippines, pp. 99-126; and census of philippines, iv, pp. 11-394, with full description of chief products of the islands, methods of cultivation, lists of fruits, vegetables, and fiber plants, and detailed statistics of production, lands, etc., as well as of domestic animals of all kinds.--eds. [81] the fish principally caught is one called dalag (blennius?) [81-a] this fish, common i believe to many parts of india, presents some phenomena well worth the attention of naturalists. in these extensive plains, only a few pools remain in the dry season; and after the rains, such multitudes of them are found, that they are caught with baskets only. they weigh from one to two pounds, and are from one to two feet in length; they are found in the rice fields, when these have been overflowed a few weeks, and strange to relate, in the graves and vaults of churches when in damp situations, but with little or no water near them; this fact is related on respectable authority. the fish, though not delicate, is good, and forms a valuable article of food for the poor. [81-a] montero y vidal mentions this fish (archipiélago filipino, p. 107), as belonging to the genus ophicephalus; it is "abundant in the rivers, lakes, and pools." see also official handbook of philippines, pp. 151, 152.--eds. [82] they, very unaccountably, neglected any steps to procure the martin from bengal or cochin china. [82-a] this might, however, have arisen from an idea that, as in the isle of france, the martins might have become as great a nuisance as the locusts; but surely the introduction of some species of hawk would have obviated this. [82-a] montero y vidal says (archipiélago filipino, p. 113) that the family of orthoptera, "leaf-eaters in their adult stage, are the most fearful scourge for agriculture," perhaps the worst of these plagues being the locust (oedipoda manilensis; spanish, langosta); "the indians use great nets to catch them, because not only the government pays a bounty for a certain quantity of these destructive insects which the natives may present, but they preserve the insects and use them for food." he also states (p. 96) that a species of grackle (gracula) was imported from china (in the hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 294, he mentions in the same connection martins [pájaros martines]) to exterminate this pest; but does not mention the time or the result of this experiment.--eds. [83] see vol. xlviii, p. 96, note 37.--eds. [84] this is the viverra musanga. [84-a] see horsfield's zoology of java. [84-a] montero y vidal states (archipiélago filipino, pp. 86, 87) that two species of carnivores, paradoxurus philippinensis and p. musanga, are dreaded by the coffee-planters; these creatures "spend the day in holes dug in the ground, and go out at night to hunt their game." he mentions, besides these, two species of civets, both of the genus viverra. delgado says (p. 875) that he has never seen the miró (paradoxurus) except in the island of leyte.--eds. [85] eight rials are a spanish dollar. [86] the following are the common land measures in use at manila: la brasa de tierra is 8 feet 1.6-10 english, (from a new government measure); 10,000 of these, or a square of 100 each way, is a quinion. 10 balitans is a quinion 10 loanes is a balitan hence the quinion contains 661511 16-144ths sq. ft. or 73501 2-9ths sq. yds., [86-a] which, taking the bengal bigha at 14400 sq. ft., gives about 46 bigahs, or 15 acres english. [86-a] the quiñón = 2.79495 hectares = 6.89 acres. (official handbook of philippines, p. 294; jagor's reisen, p. xv.) jagor has balístas for balitans, and mallat has baletas.--eds. their dry measure is as follows: 8 chupas, 1 ganta.--25 gantas, 1 caban. i could not procure a sight of the standard. a mean measurement of several new gantas and cabans (for they are all clumsily made, though sold at a government office) gave as follows: the caban, 4633 cubic inches english. the ganta, 186,878 ditto. the mean of these two (for the first would give 185.72 to the ganta) is thus about 186 cub. inches to a ganta, and 4650 to the caban, or 2 bushels and 1-6th winchester measure. [86-a] [86-a] since january 1, 1862, the caban of manila (established january 1, 1860) is regarded as the standard measure for all the provinces. it measures exactly 75 liters, or, in cubical form, 422 mm., inside measure, or 5,990.96 spanish cubic inches. (the caban of 1859 contained 80.00919 liters.) a caban of rice weighs 128 to 137 spanish pounds = 59 to 63 kilograms." (jagor's reisen, p. xv.)--eds. [87] the table here referred to is as follows: "estimate of the cost and annual product of one cabalita of land planted with sugar-cane in the province of pampanga; to wit: p. r. gr. for plowing the said land 6 times 1 4 for breaking the clumps with the balsa 3 times 6 for the surrounding fence and rattan 3 p. 5 r., and three days' work 3 r. 9 gr. 4 9 for 4,000 cane-shoots for planting, 1 p.; tracing the lines and making the holes, 5 r.; two days' work at planting, 2 r. 6 gr. 1 7 6 for fencing twice more, and cutting out the grass 6 for 14 moulds, at 1 1/2 r. 2 5 for 1 1/2 tareas [= amount of mill's capacity at one time], each of 14 loaves [pilones] of sugar, the amount usually obtained, at 8 p. a tarea 12 -------- total cost 23 5 3 selling price of a loaf of sugar, averaging those of 2 6 6 the three grades deduct cost of each loaf, at the rate of 1 6 1 ========= net product, equivalent to 90 per cent profit 1 3 2" comyn gives similar tables for the production of indigo and rice, estimating the net profit thereon at 57 and 60 per cent respectively. he adds, on the margin of the sheet: "in favorable years the profit of the grower is wont to increase in an extraordinary manner. the 4,000 shoots of sugar-cane, for instance, yield him 3 tareas, or 28 loaves of sugar, in place of the 14 loaves which were figured in the comparative estimate preceding; the cavan of seed yields 80 and even 100 cavans of rice in the hull, in place of the 35 computed; and he obtains a quintal of indigo from 15, or even from 10, balsadas, instead of 25 being necessary for furnishing the said product. and if the grower is fairly well-to-do, so that he can send his produce to the general market, and sell it to the foreign merchants or ship-captains who come for these products, he can obtain incomparably more for them than by delivering them upon the ground to the middlemen. at manila i have seen indigo from la laguna sold at the rate of 130 pesos a quintal for extra fine grade, and at 100 pesos for the usual quality; sugar, at 4p. 5r. a loaf; and palay (or rice in the hull) at 3 pesos; but i have preferred to limit myself to a low rate in the selling price which i have assigned to the aforesaid products in the preceding estimates, in order to demonstrate more thoroughly the advantages which agriculture offers in filipinas, and at the same time to conform to practical experience in the formation of estimates of this sort." cf. similar estimates by mallat (philippines, ii, pp. 256-281.--eds. [88] pilones are large bell-shaped moulds, from 2 to 2 1/2 feet high, and 1 1/2 broad. [89] some of their voyages are most curious. one or more of the principal men in a village, sometimes 15 or 20 of them, join to build a small "parao." on this they embark with their harvest in sugar, cacao, wax, &c., sell it at manila, and return to their village; there the accounts are settled, and the return cargo distributed; after which a feast is held, and the santo duly thanked for the good markets of this year, and asked for better next. all parties then visit the vessel, which they pull to pieces! every man carrying a piece home with him--to take care of till next season, when they are all sewed together for another trip. [90] at the present time there are six varieties of sugar-cane in filipinas; of these, the purple is considered the best, and is more generally cultivated in the visayas; the white and the green are almost exclusively restricted to some provinces of luzon and the rural districts near manila; the other kinds are cultivated sparingly and in few places. the sugar manufactured in the islands is "made in pilones (which includes nearly all from luzon), and the granulated, which is the kind that has been adopted in the visayan islands and in some luzon plantations." the pilon weighs a quintal; the granulated is put up in sacks (known as bayones, containing two and a half arrobas of sugar. (josé r. de luzuriaga, in census of philippines, iv, pp. 26, 27).--eds. [91] these last, by a royal cedula (ordonnance), are only admitted into the island as cultivators. this, like almost every ordonnance of his catholic majesty, relative to this country, is disregarded; and the chinese are almost all shopkeepers, or petty merchants. were an impartial account of the administration of these islands to be presented to the king of spain, it might begin thus: "sire,--not one of your majesty's orders are executed in your kingdom of the philippines." [91-a] [91-a] cf. similar statements by viana (letter to carlos iii) and anda (memorial), in vol. l.--eds. [92] this case actually occurred to one of the most respectable military officers in the spanish service, now a captain in the queen's regiment, whose name is don m---de o----. this gentleman, a man of high spirit, and one of the few spaniards in manila who are an ornament to their profession, bearing the king's commission, and in pursuit of the robbers, suddenly fell in with a noted chief of them, when accompanied only by a piquet of infantry. the robber knew him, and with a gallantry worthy of a better cause, defied him to single combat! with true chivalric spirit, the challenge was instantly accepted; and orders given to the piquet not to interfere on pain of their lives. a desperate conflict ensued, in which the gallant spaniard was at length victorious, and the robber's head was sent through the country in triumph. shall the sequel be told? when he returned to manila, with the blessing of every honest native for having cleared that part of the country of robbers, a subject of prosecution was found in this service by those numerous enemies which every honest man has in a country like this, and on some frivolous pretext of having (unavoidably) fired into a cottage, and killed or wounded some innocent persons. he could not stoop to flatter or bribe; and it was with the utmost difficulty, and rather by the exertions of his friends than by his own, that after suffering a long series of vexations, he was saved from ruin! [93] manufactured, i think, from the urtica nevea of linn. [93-a] [93-a] see our vol. xxii, p. 279. in regard to cultivation and preparation of abacá, see jagor's reisen, pp. 245-256; mallat, philippines, pp. 279, 280; census of phil., iv, pp. 14-24.--eds. [94] mimosa saponaria? [94-a] [94-a] this plant (variously known to the natives as gogong, gogo, bayogo, and balogo) is a leguminous climbing plant, entada scandens (official handbook of philippines, pp. 367, 384). blanco (flora, pp. 247, 248) praises its detergent qualities, especially for bathing purposes, as even superior to the soap of europe; and says that it is also used medicinally for asthma, and as a purgative, and that the indians place dry pieces of its wood in their jars of cacao-beans to keep away worms. he states that it is also named mimosa scandens by some writers.--eds. [95] tíndalo is the native name of the afzelia (or eperua) rhomboidea, a leguminous tree highly valued for its durable and beautiful timber. mangachapuy, vatica (or dipterocarpus) mangachapoi, furnishes a timber especially used for shipbuilding and other work which must resist sun and rain. (official handbook, pp. 352, 357; blanco, flora, pp. 260, 261, 281, 313.)--eds. [96] it is said by the indians. [97] perhaps boa hortulana? [97-a] [97-a] see our vol. xii, p. 259; and xxix, p. 301. dahon-palay is dryimus nasutus (montero y vidal, archipiélago filipino, pp. 103, 104). see also official handbook, p. 149; and worcester's philippine islands, p. 514.--eds. [98] many years ago, a complete set of forging machinery was sent out on speculation; it was sold as old iron, for no one of course would speculate in mines, when they could with so much more ease obtain 100 per cent. for their capital in the trade to acapulco. [99] that is, "to reduce them to a desert, in order to assure her empire over them."--eds. [100] "by a royal decree of february 2, 1800, the residence of foreigners in filipinas was forbidden. this mandate was renewed by royal decrees of september 3, 1807, and july 31, 1816." (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 360.)--eds. [101] perhaps much of this may be traced to the avaricious spirit of the early adventurers, and to the cruelties of the buccaneers; and thus what might have been only a local, became from habit a national principle; though "soy cristiano viejo" [i.e., "i am an old-time christian"], was always the surest passport amongst an intolerant people, with whom "filosofo" is yet an epithet of reproach. [102] something of this is more or less visible in the colonial policy of almost all countries; but that those have been the most flourishing who have acted on the broad and liberal principle of "ubi dives, ibi patria" [i.e., "where wealth is, there is my country"] (a humiliating but correct estimate, not only of the bulk of colonial adventurers, but of mankind in general), will scarcely be questioned. the havannah is a splendid example. in 1780, strangers were rigorously prohibited, or at least loaded with restrictions; an enormous smuggling trade was carried on, and the island did not pay its own expenses. in 1820, when the prohibitory system had been long annihilated, and strangers allowed free intercourse and establishment, its trade had increased a hundred-fold; and not only did it suffice for its own, much more expensive establishments; but, both directly and indirectly, contributed large sums to the mother country, though at the first epoch, the profits on colonial capital were at least 30 per cent. more than at the last. [103] "we have been told, that we must not sit under the shade of our own vines and olives! that we must not pluck the fruits from the trees which our fathers have planted!--and why--lest the merchants of cadiz should be deprived of their profits in supplying us with wine and oil."--from a chilian manifesto, published soon after the declaration of independence. [104] a valuable study of "the spanish colonial system" is furnished by the chapter under that heading in wilhelm roscher's kolonien, kolonial-politik und auswanderung (leipzig, 1885), an english translation of which is published by prof. e. g. bourne (new york, 1904), with some additional annotations. see also "the colonial kingdom of spain," in helmolt's history of the world (new york, 1902), which is praised by bourne as an excellent and scholarly study by konrad häbler; but unfortunately the american edition of that work does not name the author of the above section. bourne also treats this subject in a chapter of his spain in america (new york, 1904), pp. 220-242, and at pp. 355, 356, gives a helpful list of authorities thereon.--eds. [105] "ecclesiastical foundations and obras pías were, it may be said, innumerable. from the richest city to the smallest village, from one extreme of the peninsula to the other, and even to the farthest boundaries which the monarchy reached in the period of its greatest grandeur, the acts of christian piety are seen in various foundations. these include not only hermitages, confraternities, memorials, charitable foundations, and chaplaincies,--which by themselves alone made a total of enormous wealth--but more pretentious establishments, as convents, cathedrals, parish churches, and colleges; and any person will be surprised at those which were supported by some towns which in their present condition are reduced in population and poor. larruga in his memoirs states that toledo had 25 parish churches and its cathedral, 39 convents, 14 hospitals, and four colleges, in all, 83 foundations. salamanca had more; cuenca had 31, avila 31, almagro 17, and so with the other cities of castilla." among these pious gifts were "the exchanges of barcelona, sevilla, and valencia, the colleges of salamanca, that of santa cruz of valladolid," and many cathedrals and convents. (arias y miranda, examen crítico-histórico, p. 139.)--eds. [106] at one of them (i believe that of santa clara), the sculls of the seven founders are placed on the table at which the trustees meet!--but this, it is said, does not exempt the funds from being misapplied. [107] it was not uncommon for a person worth ten thousand dollars to borrow 40 more from the public funds. of these about 25 or 30,000 were shipped, and the remainder kept at home. if the ship was lost, the accounts were settled; and if she came back, the interest was always repaid,--which of course entitled them to borrow again, till a fortunate loss made them independent. and where every body did this, no one thought it incorrect. [108] it is not here meant to controvert the principle of this kind of commerce being at times the most lucrative that can be carried on; but to remark, that had it not been for the strange system of trading just described, the restrictive system, and the monopoly of the phillippine company, the activity and ingenuity of private traders would have discovered other branches of commerce, and with them, that their own produce might suffice to pay for the piece goods of bengal. as an instance, the english and every other nation of europe have for a century carried betel-nut to china, but from the phillippines not a nut was exported--it was a royal monopoly! and the merchants and growers were thus deprived of about half a million of dollars annually, that the king might pocket 30,000. many other instances might be cited. [109] the boletas "long did duty as paper money, passing from hand to hand." (lala, philippine islands, p. 177.)--eds. [110] "aunque a mexico llevan diablos cornudos siempre ganan dinero" (though they should carry horned devils to mexico, they would make money by them), was the gruff observation of an old soldier to the writer. the trade could not have been better characterized; for the very topmen and cabin servants crammed their departments full of goods of all kinds; and it was a very common thing to heave to, to clear the decks in the bay of manila. the "timoneles" (quarter-masters) had always servants! [111] the revolt of mexico from spain began in 1810, but independence was not accomplished until 1821. the first constitution of the republic of mexico was proclaimed on october 4, 1824.--eds. [112] a ship was dispatched from manila in 1821, and another freighted: this last as an english ship; both were on account of the company. [113] the first constitution of spain was promulgated on march 19, 1812, during the napoleonic invasion of that country. fernando vii had been displaced on the throne by joseph bonaparte for a time, but the latter fled from madrid, at wellington's approach with an english army, and fernando (who had been imprisoned in france since 1808) was restored to spain as its king, returning in march, 1814. after long-continued struggles with the liberal party, fernando restored absolutism in that country in 1823, with the aid of a french army; and the constitution was overthrown until after fernando's death in 1833.--eds. [114] to account for the enormous difference, it will be sufficient to observe, that the acapulco ships alone smuggle from 1-4th to 1-3d of their cargo (treasure) on shore--that opium which is prohibited, is smuggled to a considerable amount, as is also treasure, particularly gold, to avoid paying the import duties. with respect to the exports, the chinese alone smuggle nearly a million annually, and no notice is taken in the account of treasure exported to bengal in bars. [115] comyn briefly sketches this domestic commerce (pp. 43-45), but in vague and indefinite terms, save for the following paragraph: "besides the traffic founded on the ordinary consumption, and the necessity of being furnished with goods both domestic and foreign in order to supply the fairs known by the name of tianguis, which are held weekly in almost all the villages, there is also a species of traffic peculiar to the rich indians and sangley mestizos (who are an industrious class, and own the greater part of the ready money). this consists in buying up beforehand the harvests of indigo, sugar, rice, etc., with the aim of afterward dictating the prices when they resell those products to him who buys at second hand."--eds. [116] large, heavy swords, which some of them wield with great dexterity. [117] they have some few brigs and schooners, but the number of these is not much more than 20. [118] "the hong merchants (chinese) were twelve in number, licensed by government as intermediate agents in trade, between foreign merchants and the chinese people, becoming responsible for the good conduct of the former, and, at the same time, securing to the emperor the payment of all maritime duties." (allen, opium trade, p. 45.)--eds. [119] dr. nathan allen, in a pamphlet entitled the opium trade (lowell, mass., 1853), presents a history of this traffic, describes its results in both china and india, and protests against its continuance. he states that opium, originally a native of persia, spread thence into turkey and india, being cultivated more extensively in the latter country than anywhere else in the world. in 1767 the british east india company formed the plan of sending opium from bengal to china, where but little of this drug had previously been sold; but they had little success in this until 1794, when they began a traffic which lasted some twenty-five years at the ports of whampoa and macao. in 1821, the opium merchants abandoned these places, on account of difficulties encountered in their trade, and centered it at lintin island, in the bay at the entrance to canton river, where it rapidly increased. "here might be seen large armed vessels reposing, throughout the year, at anchor, constituting a floating depot of storehouses, for receiving the opium in large quantities from the ships bringing it from india, and dealing it out in chests and cases to the chinese junks, to be retailed at various points on shore. the merope, capt. parkyns, in 1821, was the first ship that commenced the system of delivering opium at different cities along the coast of china, and from that time, the trade increased with wonderful rapidity. eligible places also on the east and north-east coast of china were selected to station receiving vessels, to which the chinese might easily have access, and become participators in the trade." allen cites many contemporary and high authorities. among these, james holman says, in 1830 (travels in china, p. 162), that the opium boats "are but seldom interfered with, nor are they likely to be, so long as the free traders can afford to pay the mandarins so much better for not fighting, than the government will for doing their duty. the use of opium has become so universal among the people of china, that the laws which render it penal, and the proclamations which send forth their daily fulminations against its continuance, have not the slightest effect in checking the prevalence of so general a habit. smoking houses abound in canton; and the inhabitants of every class who can furnish themselves with the means to obtain the pipe, are seldom without this article of general luxury. it is a propensity that has seized upon all ranks and classes, and is generally on the increase." from the year 1800, the chinese government tried to stop this traffic, strictly prohibiting the importation of opium; but foreign merchants paid no attention to this, and forced the trade on the chinese people. in 1839, a chinese official destroyed, by command of the emperor, over 20,000 chests (worth $12,000,000) of the drug at canton; this led to a war with england, commonly known as "the opium war." the resulting treaty of peace compelled the chinese to open five ports to british trade and residence, to cede the island of hong-kong to great britain--at which place the opium trade then centered; and in 1845 the british authorities licensed twenty shops to sell opium at retail--and to pay heavy indemnities not only to the english government and the merchants, but for the opium destroyed, which had been legally confiscated by the emperor as contraband goods. the chinese commissioners objected, but were threatened with renewed hostilities if they persisted, and they had to yield. during the past year negotiations looking to a cessation of the opium traffic have been carried on between great britain and china. the following also shows the recent growth of the drug in china. "as for the gums from the indias, the chinese physicians and surgeons make hardly any use of them. i do not think that in an entire year there is used in pekin a half-livre of opium (which they call yapien); its place is supplied by using the white poppy." (father parennin, in a letter dated september 20, 1740; lettres édifiantes, ed. 1811, t. xxii, p. 274.)--eds. [120] one of the great drawbacks on the profits of the voyages from europe since 1814 has been, that no light goods of value were to be obtained. an american, in 1816, remained 16 months to obtain two crops of indigo, and bought all to be got in the market. she made an excellent voyage, even with this heavy expense. [121] at this point in the book (namely, facing p. 82) is a plan of manila entitled "plano de la ciudad de manila, capital de las yslas filipinas," which shows the city and its suburbs; and a second illustration showing, first, "view of manila from the plain of bagumbayan," and second, "view of manila from the sea." the plan of manila is from a spanish source.--eds. [122] generally, but incorrectly written, "manilla." [123] under this title is included not only the phillippines from the bashees and babuyanes to mindanao, but also from palawan on the west to the carolinas on the east. [124] it has no ditch on this side. [125] a covert from an enemy's fire, but not intended for defense with guns; composed of gabions or bags filled with earth, or of earth heaped up.--eds. [126] le gentil states (voyage, ii, pp. 103, 104) that arandía was hated by the friars because he desired to demolish two churches outside the walls of manila; these were so solid, and equipped with towers, and so near the walls, that they were a source of great danger to the city if they should fall into an enemy's hands. "i have been assured that the friars raised the cry of heresy against m. arandía, and that they talked of nothing less than excommunicating him; but his death stopped all that. this zealous governor actually died in 1760, before he had effected his project; but his death was not regarded as natural." when the english appeared before manila, arandía's loss was regretted, when it was too late. the english demolished the aforesaid churches and their towers, for their own safety.--eds. [127] that is, elevated so as to fire over the top of a parapet.--eds. [128] this place was afterward occupied (1824?) by "a statue of carlos iv, in bronze, a true work of art, cast in manila. it was erected in recognition of his having ordered the conveyance [to the islands] of vaccine virus, transmitted from arm to arm, for which purpose exclusively he arranged for the departure of a ship from méjico, which reached manila on april 15, 1805." (montero y vidal, archipiélago filipino, p. 301.) the same writer says (hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 388): "the benefits produced by vaccination among the natives, always so harassed by that pest [of smallpox], were evident," and folgueras made strenuous efforts to secure its propagation throughout the country. he also gave orders that the dead should not be interred within the churches, a measure which drew upon him hostilities and annoyances from the religious." the plaza mayor, where the above statue stands, is now called plaza mckinley.--eds. [129] and yet the ignorant natives ascribed the pest of cholera, which caused such ravages in manila in 1820, to the poisoning of their wells by foreigners. a french physician, dr. charles l. benoit, who arrived at manila at that time, and spent four years there, states, in his observacións sobre el cólera morbo espasmodico (madrid, 1832) that in this belief the indians, usually so humble and religious, then committed innumerable crimes. see account of their massacre of foreigners, pp. 39-45, ante.--eds. [130] the brethren devote themselves to the care of the sick, and perform their duties most honourably and zealously; so much so, that the refectory is often supplied with little but rice for their own dinners. the other orders are richly endowed, and fare sumptuously--but they are more a-la-mode. [131] these plates are obtained from the shell of the placuna placenta, a mollusk; they are generally used in place of window-glass, and by their partial opacity modify the effects of the sun's heat.--eds. [132] this would appear a vulgar interpretation of a popular custom; but from this charge the writer will be exonerated, when it is known, that should a person yawn, he devoutly makes the sign of the cross before his mouth, while it continues open, to--keep the devil from him! ex pede elephantem [i.e., "by the foot-print, one recognizes the elephant"]. [133] "when the terrible epidemic which manila had suffered came to an end, the municipal council caused a fine cemetery to be constructed in the village of san fernando de dilao, commonly called paco." (montero y vidal, historia de filipinas, ii, p. 457.)--eds. [134] la peyrouse, when speaking of the public flagellants in the passion week, did not, i believe, do so; but though superstitious enough, this practice is no longer continued in the present day. [135] "thank god! i am of a noble family!"--and if they are told, "well, but if you have nothing to eat?" "me hago frayle," "well, i can be a friar," is the answer. [136] le gentil says (voyage, ii, pp. 116, 117) that the jesuits decided that the use of chocolate was admissible on fast days, consequently these were no mortification to most of the people.--eds. [137] "this is no country for an honest man"--a remark quoted, too, i think, by le gentil. [138] cervantes, whose keen but justly merited satire on many of the failings of his countrymen, is only equalled by his beautiful eulogies on many of their excellencies, has aptly described the composition of their colonies in his day. "to the indies--the refuge and resource of despairing spaniards--asylum of rebels--protector of homicides--receptacle of gamblers (called by some knowing ones)--common decoy for women of loose characters--the deceiver of many, and remedy of few."--novela del zeloso estnemeno [i.e., "the jealous estremaduran"]. [139] andaluces: natives of andalusia province. montañeses: appellation of the dwellers in the hill-country of santander province, spain. serviles (literally "those who are servile or fawning"): a political epithet applied to the monarchists or absolutists. liberales: the liberals in politics, much as that term is used at the present time. le gentil describes (voyage, ii, p. 109) the clannishness and provincialism of the spaniards in manila.--eds. [140] this is not an isolated opinion; and in corroboration, it will be sufficient to mention, that upwards of 3/4ths of all the disposable spanish property in the country has been sent out of it. this fact is a volume in itself. since this was written, two serious commotions have taken place, in the latter of which the conspirators obtained possession of the city, which was regained by storming. [140-a] [140-a] reference is here made to the rebellion incited by novales in 1823; see account of it on pp. 47-48, ante.--eds. [141] the great length of this document obliges us to summarize passages of lesser importance; but as much of the author's exact language has been retained as possible. [142] bernaldez refers to the massacre of foreigners in 1820, and the mutiny under novales in 1823, both of which are related in the first document of this volume. [143] in the archivo general de indias at sevilla is a ms. map, drawn (june 20, 1773) by the government engineer at manila, miguel a. gomez, showing "portion of the site on the river of tanay, indicating the plan of the iron-works for casting anchors and artillery, and the shop for casting the small iron articles which are called in the philippine archipelago cauas--which are equivalent to kettles, boilers, and frying-pans, and which the chinese or sangleys manufacture with so great skill and dexterity." gomez estimated that this establishment would cost "at least 175,000 pesos, without reckoning the cost of the dwelling-houses" for officials, artisans, and laborers. [144] the native name for the annotto (bixa orellana), the seeds of which produce a yellow substance used for coloring cheese, butter, etc. [145] polizon: "a person who embarks by stealth and without a passport, in the ships which sail to america." (dominguez.) [146] "the association of the audiencia with the governor began in 1527, with cortes, as the court recognized the impossibility of controlling so great a hero by means of a single, and perhaps insignificant, man. (roscher, spanish colonial system, bourne's ed., p. 24, note 5.) [147] the writer here adds: "this exportation is of very little importance in the markets of asia, where the more usual and cheaper beverage for the people is rak [english, "arrack"], or wine made from rice." [148] in 1853 a pamphlet was published at madrid, written by sinibaldo de mas, entitled, articulo sobre las rentas de filipinas y los medios de aumentarlas," written for the boletin oficial of the treasury department." (vindel, catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1558.) [149] "only since 1843 have the chinese shops been opened on the same terms as those of other foreigners. but there is no doubt that the chinese have been a great boon to the colony. they have had, in the main, a civilizing influence on the natives, and have taught them many important things: as the working of iron and the manufacture of sugar from the juice of the sugar-cane. they have also ever been the leaders in commerce and the chief middlemen of the colony; and for this reason mainly they have been deemed an unwelcome necessity, for, without them, trade would almost be brought to a standstill, and, in consequence, labor would suffer and living be rendered dearer to every class. by their superior shrewdness and unscrupulous cunning they have, on the other hand, excited the hatred of the natives, who despise them for their cowardice. thus, from time to time, the feeling against them is very bitter. another objection against the celestial is that he underbids all competitors, working for what others refuse. furthermore, he spends little, and all that he saves he carries to his own country. their expulsion, however, would be as unwise as it is impracticable, and the only remedy that meets the case is a proper state-control. the employment of coolie labor, notwithstanding, is at present impossible, on account of the hatred that the lower-class natives feel toward them. in manila there are at present no less than 40,000 chinese, while the whole colony contains about 100,000. they have their own courts, their guilds, and secret societies, which are necessary for their self-protection; and they choose representative deputations to represent them in the government." (lala, philippine islands, pp. 104-106.) le gentil says (voyage, ii, p. 101) of the banishment of the chinese from manila in 1767 (at which time he was residing there): "i did not know any spaniard in manila who did not sincerely regret the departure of the chinese, and who did not frankly admit that the philippines would suffer for it, because the indians are not capable of replacing the chinese.... the parian was a sort of market, where could be found provision of everything necessary for living; and it is not without reason that the spaniards regretted the loss of this laborious people." [150] "this spirit of greed compelled the chinese to abandon in their internal commerce the gold and silver coins which were in general use. the number of those who made counterfeit money, which was continually increasing, permitted no other line of conduct; and money was no longer coined save in copper. this metal, however, having become scarce, in consequence of events which history does not record, the shells so well known under the name of 'cauris' [english, 'cowries'] were mingled with the copper coins; but the government, having observed that the people were dissatisfied with so frail an article, ordered that the copper utensils throughout the entire empire should be given up to the mints. as this ill-judged expedient did not furnish resources adequate to the public needs, the government caused about four hundred temples of foé to be demolished, the idols in which were melted down. finally the court paid the magistrates and the army partly in copper and partly in paper; but the people rebelled against so dangerous innovation, and it became necessary to give it up. since that time, which was three centuries ago, the coinage of copper is the only legal one." (raynal, établissemens et commerce des européens, i, pp. 641, 642). [151] spanish, temporalidades: referring to the bureau in charge of the property formerly belonging to the jesuits. [152] thus in text, but evidently a clerical error by bernaldez's amanuensis. a similar discrepancy is seen in the estimate of the trader's profits, below. [153] the cortes, as first known by the spaniards, contained three divisions, the three estates; the ones called in the three periods above-mentioned had but one chamber; the present cortes contains two houses, the senate and the congress or house of deputies or representatives. the senate consists of three divisions: senators in their own right (the heir presumptive, the grandees, archbishops, etc.; life senators appointed by the crown; and those elected by the people, half of whom are removable every five years. members to the lower house are elected for five years by electors chosen by the people. no cortes was held from 1713-1789, and from the latter year until 1810. [154] for a good account of this period in spain, which was one of great confusion, see e. w. latimer's spain in the nineteenth century (chicago, 1898, 3d ed.) the machinations of napoleon and the other events leading up to the establishment of the cortes of 1810-1813 are well and concisely narrated. see also hume, modern spain (new york, 1900). [155] the latter, indeed, was granted permission (january 4, 1811) to go to veracruz for his health; and on july 22, 1811, permission was given to the former to go to the philippines on private business, although he was later forbidden to leave until the return of his colleague, as his absence before that time would leave the philippines without representation. the request was renewed on the arrival of reyes (december 6, 1811), and on the latter's assumption of his seat (december 9), perez de tagle was allowed to leave. on september 19, 1813, a discourse was pronounced at manila by josé de vergara, "deputy-elect for the province of manila to the general cortes," and published in that year at sampaloc. the election of deputies in that year was regulated by a junta composed of governor gardoqui, archbishop juan de zúñiga, manuel díaz condé, and three others; one of their decisions exempted the very poor in the community from contributing to the fund raised for paying the traveling and other expenses of the deputies to the cortes. (vindel, catálogo biblioteca filipina, nos. 1874, 1875.) [156] such were the decree of october 5, 1810, confirming the essential unity and equality of all parts of the spanish domain; the abolition of the quicksilver monopoly, january 26, 1811; the provisional creation of a consejo de estado to consist of twenty members (six from ultramar), on january 21, 1812, although the constitution (adopted march 18, 1812) called for one with forty members (twelve from ultramar): the creation of the secretaría del despacho de la gobernación de ultramar (april 2, 1812), and the establishment of the tribunal supremo de justicia, and the suppression of the consejos de castilla, indias, and hacienda (all of them provided for in the constitution); and the suppression of the inquisition (february 22, 1813). the law of november 9, 1813, abolishing personal services for indians and regulating public works, seems to have been intended only for america. [157] february 20, 1812, was the last meeting on the island of león, the cortes assembling on the twenty-fourth at the church of san felipe neri, at cádiz. [158] the method of election for the cortes of 1813 (decree of may 23, 1812) provided for a preliminary election board for each colonial province consisting of the provincial head, the archbishop, bishop, or acting archbishop, the intendant (if there were one), the senior alcalde, the senior regidor, the syndic procurator-general, and two commoners (these last to be chosen by the others). one representative was to be chosen for each 60,000 people. (see the essential clauses of this decree in montero y vidal, historia general, ii, pp. 406, 407.) on the same day was also decreed the creation of provincial deputations, of which one was specified for manila. in this session of cortes also, the reorganization of the audiencias was decreed, but the philippine representative seems to have taken no part in the debate. [159] trouble had arisen over the administration by the board of the obras pias which it was usual to loan out to those interested in the galleon trade. [160] these ordinances were unconstitutional because control of the hospice was vested in a board headed by the captain-general, while by the constitution such organizations were now to be controlled by the ayuntamientos and provincial deputations. the despatch regarding this matter was sent to the cortes by the secretary of ultramar, november 27, 1812. [161] on july 7, 1810, the governor of the philippines proposed the suppression of the galleon, and requested permission for the inhabitants of the philippines to ship goods in spanish bottoms not in excess of 1,000,000 pesos. the suppression was resolved upon by the cortes by article 3 of the decree of october 8, 1811, regarding commerce. [162] this decree (which is given by montero y vidal, historia general, li, pp. 412, 413) states that the inhabitants of the philippines may trade in chinese and other asiatic goods in private spanish bottoms with the ports of acapulco and san blas in nueva españa, under the old terms of 500,000 pesos for the outgoing, and 1,000,000 pesos for the return voyage. if the port of acapulco be closed, they may trade at sonsonate. for four years the lower rates of duties granted by cárlos iv by decree of october, 1806, are continued. boletas, or tickets granting lading space, are to be furnished no longer. [163] in accordance with a royal order of june 17, commanding the representatives of the colonies to report the petitions pending, or which had not been moved, that had for their object the welfare of the colonies, reyes petitioned the suppression of the acapulco galleon; permission of 1,000,000 pesos for the outgoing, and 2,000,000 pesos for the return voyage; unlimited extension of the lower duties conceded october 4, 1806; one or two peruvian ports open to the commerce of the islands; that natives of the islands be allowed to export goods in spanish bottoms to any point of the spanish monarchy free of export and import duties; trade on the northwest coast of america with spaniards; and that the permission be conceded to bring back all unsold goods (in addition to the amount of imports allowed), on payment to the treasury of a 6 per cent duty. the answers to these requests were as follows: the acapulco ship was suppressed by order of april 23, 1815; permission of export to the value of 750,000 pesos; the ports of callao and guayaquil thrown open to philippine trade; traffic with the spaniards on the northwest coast of america; permission to bring back unsold goods to the extent of one-third the amount of imports allowed, paying ten per cent duty for such excess; and free trade for philippine products at any port of the monarchy in spanish bottoms for ten years. [164] on the seventh he took the oath to observe the constitution of 1812; and on the tenth, by a decree ordered the reëstablishment of the secretaría del despachó de la gobernación[, the first acts of which were the promulgation of the constitution of 1812, and the reëstablishment of all the organisms created by the cortes of 1810-1813. [165] apparently appointed by the secretary of ultramar. their credentials were approved at the third preliminary meeting of july 5 or 6. [166] a general decree of october 5, 1820, ordered a uniform and general schedule of duties for the peninsula and ultramar; but this law was modified by another law of december 20, 1821, recognizing the impracticability of uniformity of duties for spain and the colonies, and providing that the schedule be uniform except for the differences rendered necessary in the provinces of ultramar. [167] the secretary of hacienda considered the privileges of the company for the importation of cotton goods as unconstitutional and contrary to the prosperity of national manufactures. at the meeting of august 18, it developed that the company had transferred its monopoly to a foreign merchant of cádiz. the company was allowed to present its argument, but the report of the committees on commerce and hacienda was adopted. later the company presented a petition requesting the liquidation of the government's indebtedness to it, the privilege of selling its stock of cotton goods, and various other concessions incident to the closing up of its affairs. this petition, sent to the cortes by the secretary of hacienda, was referred to the committee on commerce on november 2. on the fifth, a petition was presented by the philippine representatives and gregorio gonzales azaolo, of sevilla, asking that the prohibition of the importation of cotton goods should not affect the philippines until the industry was developed or established in those islands. this petition having been referred to the committees on commerce and hacienda, their report on november 8 recommended the opening of the oriental trade to all spaniards trading in spanish bottoms. this recommendation was embodied in article 3 of the decree of november 9, specifying the kinds of goods which spanish ships trading by the cape of good hope could introduce into spain or spanish america. [168] the decrees of the diarios de las cortes show no decree of this date confirming a previous decree of march 7, 1820, granting exemption of duties for ten years on natural and industrial products of the philippines, when imported in spanish bottoms into the peninsula, as declared by montero y vidal. the decree of december 21, 1820, providing for the abolition of the monopoly on tobacco and salt after march 1, 1821, and providing customs and consumption duties, seems not to have affected the philippines. [169] in october, 1820, the preliminary board for the election of representatives was organized in manila, but inasmuch as the elections were not held until after the constitution had been sworn to in manila in may, 1821 (and later in the provinces), no regularly-elected representatives were present at the second session. [170] wrongly called a decree by montero y vidal. this order was addressed to the secretary of war in answer to a question raised by the council of war. [171] the special discussion arose over the item of 50,000 reals for missions and a note in the report reflecting on the native clergy in the philippines. some of the americans, who were quite fully imbued with the free thought of the french philosophical school, declared for the suppression of the missionaries (meaning friars), inasmuch as they were useless and even harmful. the committee answered this by asserting that the missionaries in the philippines were used by the government as civil and political agents, and that they did do much good work in their own legitimate line. the passage concerning the incapacity of the native clergy was meant to apply to the philippines alone, but if desired it could be removed as it was not essential to the report. an american representative moved that the 50,000 reals be used in the establishment of normal schools in ultramar. the philippine representatives seem to have taken no part in the debate except that camus y herrera moved that the obnoxious clause concerning the filipino clergy be stricken out. the report was accepted as read. [172] each university was to have a public library, a drawing school, a chemical laboratory, cabinets of physics, natural history, and industrial products, another of models of machines, a botanical garden, and an experiment farm. the university to be established in manila was to have theological and law courses for the doctorate. manila was also to have a medical school, a school for veterinary medicine, a school of fine arts, and commercial and nautical schools. professorships were to be filled by competition, and those for the philippines were to be examined by persons designated by the subdirection of studies in mexico. girls were to be taught to read, write, and cipher; while the older female students were to be taught the work suitable to their sex. this matter of education for girls was left to the provincial deputations. [173] on the twenty-third there was a discussion as to the legality of the substitutes for the representatives of ultramar being allowed to hold over; and it was finally declared that only those for the philippines and peru could sit during this session. [174] this exclusion was in accordance with a decision of the committee on credentials handed in february 11, 1822, to the effect that government employes did not cease, to be such until their resignations were accepted by the government. posada did not present his credentials at the meeting of february 15, declaring that they had been robbed with his baggage en route from cádiz to madrid. he did present them, however, at the next meeting of february 20. at the third and fourth preliminary meetings (february 22 and 24) the matter was debated, and he was excluded on the grounds of being still a government employe. [175] foreman states wrongly (p. 362, ed. of 1906) that seventeen deputies were elected and sat during the cortes of 1820-23, and he names eight of them. he may have confused the names of electors with those of representatives. the four elected (of whom only three are known) were perhaps elected for the districts of the archiepiscopal see and the three suffragan sees of the philippines; although montero y vidal says that both sáenz de vizmanos and posada were elected from nueva cáceres. [176] although a provincial deputation had been organized in manila in 1822, almost its only act was to petition (april 12, 1823) for more missionaries. [177] fernando's infant daughter, isabel ii, ascended the throne under the regency of her mother maría cristina. through the efforts of the liberals, six important decrees were passed march 24, 1834: suppression of the consejo de estado, during the minority of the queen; suppression of the consejos de castilla and de indias, in whose place was established a tribunal superior de españa é indias; suppression of the consejo supremo de guerra, and in its place the establishment of the tribunal supremo de guerra y marina y de extranjería; suppression of the consejo supremo de hacienda, replacing it by a tribunal supremo de hacienda; an order to the secretary of the despacho de gracia y justicia to propose the new organization of the consejo real de las ordenes; and the institution of a consejo real de españa é indias to have general supervision of american and philippine matters. [178] the first news of reform and the fact that the new cortes were to be summoned was received unofficially at manila by a united states ship sailing from cádiz in june, 1834, and reaching manila toward the end of the same year. [179] no provision was made in the third cortes for substitute representation for ultramar (except in the decree of august 21, 1836, calling a cortes for october 24 under the rules of the constitution of 1812), which is in point with the ignorance manifested throughout this period by the officials at madrid with regard to the philippines. this accounts for the islands having no representation for some of the sessions of the cortes. [180] andrés garcía camba resided in manila during 1825-35, and became so popular that he was elected a deputy to the spanish cortes; he was afterward (august, 1837-december, 1838) governor of the philippines, and wrote a book (published at cádiz, 1839) regarding his experiences while holding that office. himself liberally inclined, he was constantly opposed by reactionary influences. although his name does not appear in the pamphlet filipinas y su representación en cortes, he is generally considered as its author; and he alludes to it in the memoir above mentioned. (vindel, cat. bib. filip., nos. 1881, 1886.) [181] foreman says that lecaros was a mestizo; and montero y vidal that he was a filipino lawyer. the board of electors was mainly composed of peninsulars. [182] camba proposed (filipinas y su representación en cortes, 1836) a special mode of election to cortes for the philippines, which was to be by the manila ayuntamiento, as that was the only political organization in the islands worth mentioning, and was in direct contact with affairs. the law to be adopted for ultramar, camba argued, must take into account the condition of the country and the inhabitants. during this session, the philippine representatives presented two petitions to the secretario, del despacho de hacienda, asking in one for a moderation of the excessive duties on the introduction of spanish brandy into the philippines, and in the other the sending of few pensioners and subaltern employes to the islands, as this was a prejudice to the native philippine spaniards. lecaros presented a plan to mendizábal, the provisional president of the consejo de ministros, for the suppression of the monopoly on tobacco in the philippines, but mendizábal took measures to make the monopoly more remunerative to the state. see montero y vidal, historia general, ii. pp. 554, 555, note. [183] he wrote memoria sobre las islas filipinas (valencia, 1842). [184] july 31, 1837, the new commercial treaty made september 22, 1836, between the governor of the philippines and the sultan of joló was referred to the committees on state and commerce, was reported on favorably on october 4, and was accordingly approved on the twelfth of october. this treaty stipulated that every three-masted schooner porting at joló with chinese passengers from manila was to pay 2,000 pesos fuertes, and lesser boats in proportion to their size. as the most important cargo ever sent to joló from manila never exceeded 2,500 pesos in value, it is hard to see the value of this treaty so greatly lauded in madrid. no joloan vessels went to manila. in this matter the officials showed a woful ignorance of the philippines, the minister of the navy stating that all vessels stopped at joló on their way to the philippines. this treaty, as well as the one made by the governor of zamboanga with the chief of maluso near basilan, only made the moros bolder in their piracy. see montero y vidal, historia general, ii, pp. 557-560. [185] on may 25, 1869, an amendment was presented by julián pellón y rodriguez in the spanish cortes demanding that parliamentary representation be granted to filipinas. among the signers to this amendment were victor balaguer and francisco javier moya. (vindel, cat. bib. filip., no. 1883.) [186] the host was stolen at least three other times in the history of the philippines: once in camarines; once in malate; and in 1730 from the franciscan convent and church at maycavayan. see san antonio, chronicas, i, p. 181. [187] in 1808, the manila diocese comprehended the provinces and districts of manila, bulacan, batangas, cavite, la infanta, laguna, mindoro, morong, nueva ecija, pampanga, principe, tarlac and zambales. it had 219 parishes, 24 parish missions, 16 active missions, 259 parish priests, or missionaries, and 198 native secular priests who acted as assistants to the parish priests (who were mainly regulars). see the rept. of the phil. com., for 1900, i, p. 132, and iv, p. 107. [188] foreman, philippine islands (n. y., 1906 ed.), p. 597, note 2. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume lii, 1841-1898 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume lii preface 13 documents of 1841-1898 internal political condition of the philippines. sinibaldo de mas; madrid, 1842 29 matta's report. juan manuel de la matta; manila, february 25, 1843 91 the philippines, 1860-1898: some comment and bibliographical notes. james a. leroy; durango, mexico, 1907 112 events in filipinas, 1841-1872. [summarized from montero y vidal's historia de filipinas.] 208 constitution of the liga filipina. josé rizal; tondo, july 3, 1892 217 the friar memorial of 1898. manuel gutierrez, o.s.a., and others; manila, april 21, 1898 227 bibliographical data 287 appendix: agriculture in filipinas. joseph basco y vargas, and others 291 errata and addenda to volumes i-lii 325 illustrations map of east india islands, in james bell's system of geography (glasgow, 1836), v, map 2; photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university frontispiece map of the dolores or garbanzos islands (the carolinas), 1731; photographic facsimile of original ms. map, drawn by juan antonio cantova, s.j., in archivo general de indias, sevilla 37 map of the philippine and mariana islands; enlarged photographic facsimile of map in lettres édifiantes, xi (paris, m. dcc. xv), p. 74; from copy in library of harvard university 209 autograph signatures of diego luis san vitores, s.j., and others; photographic facsimile from original ms. in archivo general de indias, sevilla 337 map of portion of the palaos islands, discovered 1710 by expedition under francisco padilla; drawn by josé somera, chief pilot; photographic facsimile of original ms. map in archivo general de indias, sevilla 347 chart of the port of sisiran, in the province of camarines; photographic facsimile from arandia's ordenanzas de marina (manila, 1757) between pp. 26-27; from copy in library of congress 355 preface in this final documentary volume of our series we present matter which is planned to bring out the salient points of the highly important period from 1841 to 1898, a little more than the last half-century of the spanish régime, together with such bibliographical aids as will enable students to find readily the best and most available sources for the history of that time. the first two documents (written respectively by a civil official and a military commander) furnish a reliable and intelligent survey, by eyewitnesses, of political, economic, and social conditions in the islands in 1842-43; and thus supplement the similar relations (in vol. li) dated fifteen years earlier. the admirable paper by james a. leroy who is well known as the leading authority on philippine affairs, places before our readers a clear and orderly review of the last four decades of spanish rule in filipinas--with keen but impartial comments on conditions, events, and men therein; and with full and well-selected bibliographical references to the best works on the subject. it gives us pleasure to present here the hitherto unpublished constitution of the liga filipina, from rizal's own ms. draft; and the friar memorial of 1898 (a curiously mediæval document for the end of the nineteenth century), which heretofore had appeared only in a limited spanish edition and a partial and unsatisfactory english translation. to these documents is added an appendix on agricultural conditions in filipinas, giving a view of these in 1784 and another in 1866; an outline of the projects, efforts, and achievements of the noted economic society of manila; and bibliographical references for the use of the reader. following is a synopsis of the above documents: of exceeding interest and importance is the third volume of mas's informe, on the policy of the spanish government as regards internal affairs in the philippine islands. intended almost exclusively for the use of the government, but comparatively few copies were published, and hence the volume is of great rarity, and is not mentioned by most of the bibliographers. we know with certainty of four copies: two owned in the philippines, one by the heirs of clemente zulueta, and the other by epifanio de los santos (our translation being made from a typewritten copy of the latter); one in the peabody institute, baltimore, and one in the collection of the compañía general de tabacos de filipinas, barcelona. its chief value and importance lie in its treatment of various vital questions that had already begun to present themselves to some minds more or less clearly--the relation of the filipino-spaniards to those of the peninsula; questions concerning the natives, chinese mestizos, and spaniards; separation from spain; and lastly, the proposition to free the islands. the document, while containing many things that are general in nature, and which even appear childish and visionary, is in many other things clear-sighted, and shows deep and keen observation. the first two volumes of mas's work (which have been cited so frequently in this series) were written in order to form a suitable background to the third volume, and thus lead to it naturally, by giving a résumé in succinct form of the history, government, and social and economic conditions of the islands. proceeding to his purpose, the author states that the intentions of spain in regard to the colony may be one of three: perpetual possession; utter neglect; or emancipation. he treats only of the first and third. to ensure perpetual possession, there are three principles to be borne in mind and acted upon: the reduction of the white population; the subordination of the natives; and the general reform of the spanish administration. the growth of the white population fosters the spirit of independence, for the spaniards of the philippines look upon the islands as their own country, and have no affection for spain. their only concern is to hold possession of the government posts, but they are lazy and ignorant. they are naturally disgruntled by the appointment of peninsular spaniards to posts in the islands; for, since the promotions are limited, they cannot hope for the advancement that they believe is due them. their discontent was seen in practical form in the insurrection instigated in 1822 because of the officials brought from spain by antonio martinez; and there was evident discontent because of the new contingent that appeared in 1825. there are more than one thousand filipino-spanish males in the philippines, but only four hundred posts, and their hopes continually wane at the appearance of officials from spain, although spain has an evident right to send whom it will to the islands. to obviate the trouble, mas suggests that only single men be sent to the islands from spain to act as officials, and that they be required to return to the peninsula after twenty years' service, with the option of returning in ten years. these men will probably marry spanish women in the islands, and on their return to spain will take their families with them, thus reducing the white population considerably. it is a mistake to send women to the colony, and a grave error to endeavor to increase the white population there. a plan is proposed for the further reduction of the white population by sending all males to spain at the government expense, at the age of sixteen, where they shall be educated at the expense of the manila treasury. the sending of the situado from spain for the support of the islands was formerly a large factor in keeping the colony loyal, but since that has become unnecessary the one great check on the colony has disappeared. but separation now would mean that the whites would disappear in the mass of the natives, and would even become inferior to them. it is wrong to infer that the whites and the natives will work together, for there is a barrier between them, and the recent outbreak in tayabas cannot in any way be ascribed to the former. the salvation of the whites lies in agriculture, and great profits are to be acquired therein, although the spaniards are loath to engage in such work. their fields can be cultivated by chinese labor, and by captured moros, and contracts can be made, in addition, with individual filipinos, under certain exemptions. mas favors the system of indentured servants, for self-interest will dictate good treatment to them. to ensure native respect for the whites, the education of the former must be very restricted, and the colleges at manila be closed. filipino soldiers shall not rise above the rank of private or corporal. filipino secular priests must be reduced in numbers, and must, in general, act only as the assistants of the regulars. filipinos cannot maintain the dignity of the priestly office, and instead debauch it, as mas proves by various letters. religion is the mainstay of the islands, and the regular curas must be given as much power as possible, and officials must work in harmony with them. the friars must, however, live morally, abstain from trade, and not meddle in temporal affairs. emancipation will be the ruin of the friars; and, in order that they may conserve spanish interests, all the curas must be spaniards from spain. curas lose respect among the natives because they are compelled to collect the marriage and burial fees, and the government should come to their aid by collecting these under the form of a specified tax. above all, the whites must observe religious ceremonies, which they now almost utterly neglect. the laws of the indias are executed too rigidly, and are too favorable to the natives. the latter are becoming arrogant and impudent, and will end by driving out the spaniards. mas would require a distinctive dress for the natives, the chiefs to be the only ones who may wear jackets. the priests have been guilty of destroying rank among them. natives must salute all spaniards and show great outward respect. the title of "don" must be given them no longer, for this gives the idea of equality with the whites. all government officials must be given decent pay, and must be made to spend it liberally. offices should not be given in order that their incumbents may amass money. only spaniards of good character should be allowed to go to the islands. if the treasury officials are decreased in number and the collections farmed out, this work should be done by natives and mestizos, as this is an odious office, and engenders much ill-will. race hatred must be developed between the filipinos and chinese mestizos as much as possible. the latter are the richer and more intelligent, and in case of emancipation at this moment would soon gain the upper hand. they are hated by the natives. it is highly important to have a respectable and moral spanish force in the islands, for should the native troops mutiny nothing can be done as matters now stand. curas should have the power of intervention in the meetings of the principales, as this method will avoid conspiracy. natives should not be taught how to cast artillery or make firearms and powder. indeed, the powder factory recently established should be suppressed, as the contract under which it was allowed is not advantageous, and better powder is manufactured in murcia. steam vessels are needed for quick communication among the islands, and to repel moro invasions, and suppress insurrections. spanish should not be taught to the natives. newspapers may be allowed, under proper censorship; and curas should translate into the native dialect such articles as are important for the natives. a complete system of police is necessary. trouble is to be expected from china, but it will be quite safe to allow the entrance of a certain number of chinese laborers to work on the estates of the whites. they can be counted on in case of trouble with the natives, and in case they themselves revolt native hatred will soon finish them. it is advisable to watch the intercourse between foreigners living in the islands and the natives. a complete reform is needed in the administration of the government, which, as now constituted, is honeycombed with laxity and graft. the laws of the indias are confused and contradictory, as is proved by numerous citations. government is too little centralized. spanish statesmen have been guilty of strange errors in regard to the philippines, through their ignorance. mas proposes a regency of three men, the president to be a spanish grandee. the duties of this body are outlined, which in general correspond to those of the governor-general and audiencia. the plan contemplates a council of state; and thorough judiciary reforms, in order to render the judiciary independent of the government. the prestige of rank is to be observed, as this is a large factor in preserving the status quo. in the provinces, the provincial chiefs (who are to be sent from spain) shall hold all the power, as at present. the treasury reforms suggested look toward a lessening of graft, and greater economy. in case the spanish government decides to emancipate the philippines, the exactly opposite course must be chosen to the one outlined so fully for their conservation. education and the arts must be encouraged, newspapers allowed with but a mild censorship, and the population must become amalgamated. to effect the last, dowries should be paid to the women in all crossed marriages. native assemblies should be established in order to train them in political matters. mas favors emancipation. the islands have been a drag on spain from the first, and, if a violent separation comes, it will result in a further loss of life and treasure. it is interesting to note that he adds a plea for the greater humanitarianism of the emancipation plan. matta's report of 1843 in regard to the moral condition of the philippines, and the reforms necessary in administrational and economic matters for the conservation of the islands is of great practical value. the report was called forth by the sedition of apolinario, the founder of the cofradia of san josé, and the revolt in 1843 of a portion of the troops. it sets forth the loss of prestige by both the government and the regular clergy (once the prime support of spanish authority in the islands), and the confusion that is rife throughout manila and the provinces, a state approaching anarchy. political factions, the troubles arising from the contradictory character of the natives, the demoralization in military circles, all demand radical reforms. a system of law taking into consideration the character of the natives is needed, as well as greater centralization in the government, with well defined powers granted to subordinate officials; suppression of various religious educational institutions as breeders of discontent and trouble, and the establishment of commercial and other schools; abolition of the residencia; and other legislative and economic measures. for the development of the islands capital is needed, but reform must precede in order that capital may be attracted. agriculture is the main support of the islands, and must be developed by the whites, mestizos, and chinese, who will support the government, and thus offset the immense numbers of the natives. the report calls for extensive military reforms and the establishment of a good police system. tagálog academies are proposed, so that spanish officers may learn the native language. it is of great importance to conciliate both peninsulars and spaniards born in the philippines, and to show partiality to neither, in order that prosperity may reign. mr. leroy's contribution to this volume consists of two parts: a general editorial comment on the modern era of the philippines, and some bibliographical notes and further comments for the study of that period. the first shows the influences working in and through the philippines and the filipinos, and is necessarily treated on broad lines, detail being scrupulously avoided. the second part is written in the same spirit, but in notes and titles gives the student full material for the study of the modern era. by the modern era, mr. leroy means roughly the last half of the nineteenth century, but necessarily, in speaking of it, he has been compelled to go back to influences beginning to be felt before that time. very briefly he sketches the elements making for a broader life in economic and social and political lines; the break-down of old ideas, whose longer continuance was untenable in material, intellectual, and religious progress; and the rise of the greater respect and self-consciousness of the filipinos. in his bibliographical section, the author treats fairly and impartially of the threefold development of the filipinos and the philippines: viz., the social; the economic--under which are discussed general considerations, agriculture, land, etc., the chinese, industries, commerce, internal trade, navigation, etc., and currency--and the political, under which are discussed the spanish administration and the filipino propaganda and revolution. under the first division of the latter are treated the administrative organism, the administration as actually working, taxation, legal and judicial matters, science and material resources, the moros and pagan peoples; and under the second, the religious question, the friar estates, the filipino clergy and their cause, the revolt of 1872, reform and demands for more "assimilation," the propagandists, masonry, the liga filipina, etc., the katipunan, the insurrection of 1896-97, the pact of biak-na-bató and the question of independence. by its mass of comment and titles, this section fully supplements the first part, and presents to the student a comprehensive survey of philippine life and development, that will be found the most useful material yet published for detailed study of the modern era. in "events in filipinas, 1841-1872," the attempt is made only to indicate general conditions in the islands, by citing very briefly some of the more important matters during that period in social, religious and economic lines. in addition to this, we have added a short bibliography, from which the student may gather abundant and accessible material for this period. through the kindness of sr. epifanio de los santos we are enabled to present in full for the first time the constitution of the liga filipina (which was organized by rizal on july 3, 1892) from a copy made from the manuscript of rizal. this constitution shows the liga not to have been formed for the purpose of independence, but for mutual aid and protection of its members, and the fostering of a more united spirit among filipinos. nowhere does it contain a word against the sovereignty of spain or against religion. in it are declared the ends, form, duties of members and officials, rights of members and officials, the investment of funds, and general rules. the one exception that might be taken to the constitution is that implicit and unquestioning obedience to all superior commands is required from the members. as the last document proper in this series we present the friar memorial of april 21, 1898, which voices the protest of all the orders (augustinians, franciscans, recollects, dominicans, and jesuits), but which was destined never to reach officially those for whom it was intended (the spanish government, through the minister of the colonies), because of the appearance in spanish waters of the american squadron, and the defeat of the spanish fleet. it is fitting, however, to present this document in this series, as it is a complete statement of the friars' standpoint, and especially as the last document of the series, as it marks the passing of the old spanish régime. the beginning and ending alike express the loyalty of the orders to the spanish government, and throughout the document is noted the expression of the patriotism of all the members of the orders as spaniards. the memorial, as a whole, is a protest against the charges brought against the friars from both spanish and philippine sources; against free-thought; against masonry and other secret societies; against the secularization of the orders, episcopal visitation, secularization of schools, and all the other demands of the separatists and insurgents. that the friars are the cause of the insurrection, they indignantly deny. they have ever done their duty, and have worked in the interests of religion and the spanish fatherland. the insurgents, the filibusters, the separatists, of both spain and the islands, have directed their whole cry against religion in order to veil their real purpose. the friars have borne all the vilification that has been directed against them patiently, but they cannot for their own honor do so longer. they are proud of their record throughout the history of the islands, and are mindful that, as the only permanent peninsular social factor in the philippines, they have christianized the islands, have maintained peaceful relations therein, and have kept them for spain. only since the entrance of those imbued with the revolutionary free-thought, and of freemasons, have the islands been disturbed--a period of about thirty years. the katipunan society is nothing else than a society constructed on masonic principles, and its rapid diffusion of late throughout many districts greatly complicates the problem and renders the remedy more difficult. had the orders been silent in the face of the attempts of the masons, of the filibusters, and of the insurgents, they would not have become an object of persecution; but since they always stood out for the traditional religion and for spain, the storm of abuse and ill-treatment has fallen upon them. they challenge their detractors and calumniators to prove charges that they have not fulfilled their duty, and those of personal immorality. they have not committed abuse in the taking of parochial fees; they are not hostile to education (indeed, all the education of the islands has been established and fostered by them); they do not despise the educated natives, but, as is easily proved, are good friends with them. most of the graduates from their institutions have remained loyal, and the same is generally true of the wealthy classes. the real cause of the rebellion can be traced back to the government in allowing the entrance of free-thought into the islands and the dissemination of masonic doctrines, which have led to the lessening of respect for religion and for spain; and, as this has come about, it has been natural for race hatred to spring up. the only way of obtaining peace is to strengthen the religious life of the islands, and to force out all the revolutionary forces of free-thought and masonry. the mission of the friars must receive government support and respect, else it will be impossible for them longer to remain in the islands. they do not desire temporal honors, or to take part in the civil affairs of government; they are even willing to relinquish the slight official intervention that they possess: but they must demand the honor due to religion which has always been theirs by right. they are governed in their actions by the syllabus errorum of pius ix. the laws of the indias, the actions of the sovereigns, the instructions to legazpi: all commit spain to the maintenance of friars in the philippines, and to the greater interests of religion. even earlier, the siete partidas of alfonso the wise command respect to ecclesiastical persons. this respect, therefore, the friars demand, if they are longer to remain in the islands, and be the support of the government. this memorial is one by those who are fighting for life, and who see dimly ahead the fate that may overtake them. the subject of agriculture in the islands is briefly treated in an appendix, showing conditions in the islands in 1784 and 1866, as described by governor basco and the german traveler jagor respectively; the aims and achievements of the economic society of manila; and references to the more important writings on agriculture in the islands. all show how backward were the conditions of that industry, even to the end of the spanish régime, although various efforts were made by spain to institute reforms and promote the cultivation of the soil; but most of these were too superficial and partial to be successful--indeed, they were continually hindered by the whole system of spanish colonial administration and the deficiencies in the native character and training. in conclusion, the editors desire to express their cordial thanks and acknowledgments for information, suggestions, and other assistance rendered by the many friends of this undertaking. the majority of these have been already mentioned in previous volumes, especially in annotations furnished by them; and the names of several more appear in the list of "errata and addenda" (at the end of this volume) which is unavoidable in any series so extensive as this. therein is contained much information which reached the editors too late for insertion in its proper place, or was furnished by those whose personal knowledge enabled them to correct misstatements in works cited as authorities. the following persons may be mentioned as meriting special thanks for aid rendered to the editors: manuel de yriarte, chief of division of archives, manila; epifanio de los santos, malolos, bulacan, luzón; t. h. pardo de tavera, of the philippine commission, manila; and rev. anthony huonder, s.j., luxembourg, europe. the editors june, 1907. documents of 1841-1898 internal political condition of the philippines. sinibaldo de mas; 1842. matta's report. juan manuel de la matta; february 25, 1843. the philippines, 1860-1898: some comment and bibliographical notes. james a. leroy; 1907. events in filipinas, 1841-1872. [summarized from montero y vidal.] constitution of the liga filipina. josé rizal; july 3, 1892. the friar memorial of 1898. manuel gutierrez, o.s.a., and others; april 21, 1898. sources: the first of these documents, the rare volume iii of mas's informe, is obtained from a typewritten copy furnished by epifanio de los santos from the printed original in his possession; the second, from an unpublished ms. in the possession of t. h. pardo de tavera, who furnished to the editors a typewritten copy of it; the third is written especially for this series by james a. leroy; the fourth is summarized from volume iii of montero y vidal's historia de filipinas; the fifth is obtained from a copy, furnished by e. de los santos, of rizal's original ms.; the sixth, from james a. leroy's copy of one of the printed originals, revised by a printed copy belonging to the madrid edition. translations: all these documents (outside of the third) are translated by james alexander robertson. internal political condition of the philippines, 1842 report on the condition of the filipinas islands in 1842. written by the author of the "aristodemo," of the "sistema musical de la lengua castellana," etc. [1] volume iii. their internal political condition. madrid, january, 1843. the twenty-four chapters which i have presented hitherto, [2] have only been preliminary studies, in order that i might treat of the present matter; for it would be an ill thing to speak of the internal administration of the country, or of the line of policy that it is of advantage to adopt therein, without passing in review its anterior data, analyzing its elements, and forming an opinion of its resources. the laws of every state must have one object, and the wiser and more perfect they are, the better they fulfil their end. to discourse, then, on those laws which are advisable in filipinas, one must take note of the intentions that the government may have in regard to the islands. these intentions will probably be reduced to the following plans or principles. to conserve the colony forever, that is to say, without its separation being even thought of. to consider indifferently its loss or its conservation, and the fate of the spaniards living in the colony. to resolve upon emancipation, and prepare the colony for giving it freedom. [3] in regard to the second of these three fundamental policies, nothing occurs to me to say, except that it follows in everything, as hitherto. i shall treat, then, only of the first and last. in order to conserve the colony, it is necessary, in my opinion, to work with reference to the spirit of the following three principles, which i shall endeavor successively to explain: 1st. it is advisable to reduce the spanish-filipino [4] population to the least possible number. 2d. the people of color must voluntarily give respect and obedience to the whites. 3rd. the general administration demands a complete reform. 1st. it is advisable to reduce the population, etc. in the epochs when the light of experience was lacking, it was believed that the most powerful means of assuring the possession of a colony was to increase the white race therein as much as possible; and, as a school for this conviction, they preferred to send thither as employes those who had the most children, especially female. the council of indias [5] has, up to its last gasp, given proofs of this erroneous idea. but since then it has been seen that, in fleeing from scylla, it has fallen into charybdis; for among this white population born in the country, there is formed a local interest opposed to that of the mother-country, which begins by creating a discontent, and ends by suggesting the desire for independence. [although a filipino-spaniard calls himself a spaniard, all his sympathies are in the philippines, and spain is only secondary in his thoughts. generally the sons or grandsons of government employes, filipino-spaniards, receive but little education, are fond of playing the gentleman, are lazy and dissipated. little inclined to a professional or business career, they put all their efforts on securing a government post. as it is about one-half of the posts do belong to them, but since the best posts depend upon the favor of the madrid ministers, the filipino-spaniards are constantly disappointed in the promotion which they believe belongs to them by right. consequently, there is much ill-will and complaint. camba's pamphlet, [6] although chiefly written to prove that there was no disloyalty in the philippines, yet noted the anger and consequent mutiny (june 2-3, 1823) [7] because of the arrival of governor j. antonio martinez (october, 1822) with a large staff of peninsular officials and sergeants; as well as the displeasure manifested in october, 1825, by the arrival of a new contingent of civil and military officers with governor mariano ricafort. still, it is not right to expect that, so long as spain does not intend to abandon the philippines, it should refrain from sending peninsulars to fill the posts there or cease to exercise the appointing or removing power as it sees fit. if all the posts are reserved for the filipino-spaniards, it cannot be expected that the islands will remain loyal to a country so distant from them. in fact, the filipino-spaniards, under existing circumstances, cannot receive greater consideration than at present. the natural and necessary preference for peninsulars in the posts of the philippines engenders the hatred of the filipino-spaniards toward them; but, on the other hand, this hatred has been greatly exaggerated by the peninsulars, who are intolerant and contemptuous of the colonials. this contempt, mas illustrates by two examples, of which he was an eyewitness. such things, together with the contemptuous nickname given them by the peninsulars, gives rise to much ill-will on the part of the filipino-spaniards, who declare that all the cause of the enmity between the two classes comes from the former. the real cause, however, of the hatred, is economic, and a matter of the posts. each of the male filipino-spaniards is seeking a post, but since there are only four hundred posts of all kinds in the islands, while the filipino-spaniards number about one thousand, the trouble must be continuous and must even become exaggerated, just so long as a remedy is not applied. such a remedy would be for the government to refuse them any post in the army or other department of government service in the philippines, although recognizing them as spaniards with full rights if they come to reside in the peninsula. mas proceeds to elaborate his plan for decreasing the white population of the philippines. all spaniards going from europe to the philippines before the age of fifteen or sixteen must be regarded as filipino-spaniards. it is proposed that only single men be sent to fill posts in the islands, and that they be compelled to return to the peninsula after twenty years, with permission to return in ten if they so please. it will be natural for these men to marry filipino-spanish women, who with their children will accompany their husbands to the peninsula at the end of the twenty years. transportation should be at national expense. on a basis of three passages for each family, the cost would be only 450 pesos. each twenty years, there would be one thousand two hundred return passages to be paid. this would cost only 27,000 pesos annually. in return, four hundred men would have to be sent to the islands each twenty years, or with allowance for deaths and other contingencies, five hundred. at 300 pesos apiece, this would cost annually 8,750 pesos; and the total transportation expense would be only 35,750 pesos. although transportation is not now paid by the government, the strange mismanagement is practiced of sending married men with families, thus increasing the white population. on the basis that there are three thousand five hundred young filipino-spaniards in the islands (both male and female), and reckoning sixty years as the average life of the individual, there would be fifty-eight and one-third individuals for each year of the sixty years, of whom one-half would be women (and hence eligible for marriage with the peninsulars). all the males shall be taken to spain at the end of the fifteenth or sixteenth year at national expense, and there educated at the expense of the manila treasury in whatever profession they choose. these shall reside in the peninsula thereafter, where they shall be given a post. some few of the thirty or so of the males reaching the indicated age annually, will doubtless prefer to devote themselves to commerce or industry; hence at the most there will be only about twenty-five passages of young men to reckon on annually, which will be an inconsiderable expense. if this plan be carried out there will be few children to transport after sixteen years. european spaniards, if prohibited from marrying native filipino and mestizo women, will marry only filipino-spanish women. hence, as they continue to retire to spain, the white population will constantly decrease. there will not be a sufficiently large number of whites to become turbulent, and the domination of the peninsula over the islands will be ensured. this plan can be carried out at an annual expense of about 40,000 pesos, and probably much less. this will really be a saving over present expenses, for retirement and widows' pensions cost more, the widow of an oidor receiving 18,000 reals vellon. hence, the passive classes receive about 175,000 pesos annually. however, mas does not advocate that those receiving pensions at present be deprived of them or sent to spain, as this would be unjust and cause discontent. in former years the quarrels and discontent did not lead to desire for independence. the population was not so great as now; also (and especially) since an annual situado was sent from the peninsula to pay the government employes, and the latter thus depended on the spanish treasury, they would have gained nothing by rebelling. this is the case at present in the marianas islands, where the officials are paid and supported from the money and food sent there, and the few whites there, consequently, have no desire for independence.] it will also be asked, in addition, whether, in case the philippine colony separated at present, it would be possible for the white population to become masters of the country, or would there be a tendency for them, perhaps, to amalgamate with the colored population. the observation is very just. the filipino-spaniards do not think of forming a body with the (indian) natives, nor is it possible for them to desire it, for now they are the masters and in such an event they would become equals and even inferiors, since the vast mass of the natives would quickly reduce them to nullity in the matter of government, and in place of the privileges and exemptions from paying taxes, which they at present enjoy, they would more than once have to obey and humble themselves before the very one who now mops the ground that their foot touches. in the recent occurrence of tayabas, [8] when the first news of the insurrection arrived, i was at a gathering of several spanish leaders, and they all believed, or at least suspected, that the whites of the country had compromised themselves in the matter. i maintained immediately, and obstinately, that they were mistaken in this, since however disloyal and intemperate one may fancy the filipino-spaniards, it was impossible for me to believe that it would ever enter their heads to arouse and arm the natives. in fact, the true spirit of the movement was soon known, and it was seen that the filipino-spaniards were as alarmed at the result (if not more so) as were the europeans. their hopes and plans, then, can only be based on the persuasion that the natives and chinese mestizos will continue quiet, and pay the tribute as at present, and that they will make their patrimony from the country, and share its posts. this idea is highly absurd, no doubt. much less loved by the natives than the europeans, without the support of the friars (for even granting the case that those living in the country should remain, others would cease to go from the peninsula), without capital, in a weak minority for the subjugation of more than two hundred thousand rich, active, and intelligent mestizos, and three and one-half millions of natives (who have already rebelled against the spaniards themselves, in spite of the great prestige of the reenforcements that could be received from the other side of the seas), and compelled by force of circumstances to adopt a liberal and intelligent system with reference to these same natives, which would speedily make the latter more arrogant and exacting than at present, it is quite easy to see that the government of filipinas, would within a very few years, fall into the hands of the indian filipinos, or, perhaps, into those of the chinese mestizos, or of the two races mixed, and that the whites would become submissive to the people of color--if they were not despoiled of all their property, as having been usurped and without valid title, just as happened to the turkish families who had acquired possession in that land during the long rule of the turks in greece, in which, since the insurrection, not a single mussulman has remained. it is clear, therefore, that this spanish population, long established in the country, is the one that has most to lose. in case of an outbreak, the europeans would return to españa, where they would continue their professions and would find their kin. the filipino-spaniards, however, would have to change utterly, for they would lose everything, and would have to seek another country. these are obvious and important truths, and nevertheless, can we tax the individuals in question with being blind or stupid, when we see repeatedly in the history of popular revolts that a bailly, a danton, in fine, that the most clever and eminent men persuade themselves that they are able to stop a revolution at the line which they trace, and do not suspect that they are going to be the victims of the masses who rise? for the white population that remains in the country, and for all who are living there at present, agriculture offers an abundant resource. very fatal is the deep-rooted idea that spaniards cannot prosper in it. [mas cites several instances to prove that spaniards can succeed in agriculture in the philippines. he also cites the instances of the ansaldos family as told by father agustin de santa maria, who acquired great wealth from agriculture, and who moved to the peninsula during the english invasion.] reflection: just as the two ansaldos brothers, leaving the life of trade, which the spaniards in the indias generally follow, applied themselves to the cultivation of the soil through their own efforts, lived many years, and succeeded in amassing a fixed and permanent capital, why could not the same be done by so many idle spongers who go about manila with their white faces begging, deceiving, terrifying, exciting, and confounding all the inhabitants? the present superintendent of the islands, don juan m. de la matta, [9] whose opinion i greatly respect, because i truly believe that he is one of the few spaniards who know the country, and that he has the capacity, honor, patriotism, and energy to do something good and solid there, wrote me in a letter now before me: "it is necessary for the spanish population to stick to agriculture, the only source capable of providing abundantly for their necessities, for which the profit from any other employ in the different careers of the state is indeed very insufficient. i have already called the attention of the ministry of the treasury to this particular, showing that a wretched generation, and consequently, one dissolute and turbulent, is increasing daily, and that the government must prevent in time the fatal consequences, by inviting them to turn their attention to agriculture. [10] in fact, there are rich and extensive lands which have been abandoned, which ought to invite the attention of a filipino-spaniard more than the posts, for with an estate not only can he live in ease and independently, but he can also establish a rich patrimony for his descendants. lands that now are worth little, or even nothing, will in time have a greater or less price by reason of the population of the territory and the perfection to which its cultivation is carried. there is today in the charity hospital of sidney an aged woman, whose husband owned a bit of land, which he sold thirty years back for three pounds sterling, and at this moment it is worth one-half million pesos fuertes. and this, only because of the rapid increase in population! in filipinas itself, any one can be convinced of this manifest fact, which is a trivial truth among economists. in laguna and other provinces, there are most fertile fields, abandoned and at the disposal of the one who will take them; and in bulacan and tondo, whose soil is very inferior, all have owners and a value. in the environs of malolos and manila, land costs one thousand pesos fuertes per quiñon. one hundred years ago, this same quiñon could be bought for fifty." [the difficulty in attracting the whites to an agricultural life lies in the labor question. mas does not consider advisable the system of the dutch in java, [11] and prescribed by certain laws of the indies, of compelling the natives to work in estates at the established wage scale, "as the natives have been accustomed for three centuries to be humored and allowed freely to work or live in idleness according to their fancy." he proposes that the heavy tribute of the chinese who cultivate the lands of the spaniards be reduced to the small amount paid by the chinese mestizos; also that negritos, igorots, and captured moro pirates be made to cultivate the fields for the spaniards. he also recommends the plan of indenturing the condemned criminals out to the cultivators, as england did with its criminals, who were sent to america in former periods. this system mas does not consider as unjust or inhumane, but quite the contrary, for the farmers, since their pocket book is touched, will be more considerate than the prison officials. he recommends the awarding of prizes for the cultivation of cacao and coffee; and "finally, the authorization of individual contracts, by means of which filipinos may bind themselves to work on the estate of a spaniard for a certain number of years, as is done in the military service, such spaniards then remaining subject until the termination of the contract. these persons, during said time, shall be exempt from service in the army, and exemption from polos and personal service may even be conceded to some (for instance, to one for each quiñon of land)."] 2d. people of color must voluntarily respect and obey the whites. in order to attain this object, it is necessary to maintain the former race in an intellectual and moral condition which will make of their numerical majority a political force less than that which resides in the second, just as a pile of straw in the balance weighs less than a gold nugget. the farmer or the goatherd does not read social contracts, or know more than what takes place in his own village. this is not the class of people who have overthrown absolutism in españa, but that class who are educated in the colleges, and who know the price of guarantees, and fight for them. we must not depart from this point of view, if we are to discuss the matter sincerely. the making of liberals must be necessarily avoided, for in a colony the words liberal and insurgent are synonymous. the consequence of the idea will be to admit the principle that each step forward is a treading backward. it is necessary to circumscribe the education to primary schools where reading, writing, and arithmetic will be taught, continuing as at present with one school in each village, and leaving their direction to the curas. the colleges for males now existing in manila must be closed. [12] in english india, whose educational institutions and free government are of so much weight with some, there is nothing similar to this, and an englishman who wishes to become a lawyer, a notary, a physician, or a military or civil official, has to go to england for study and graduation--i say englishman, for the natives do not even enter into the question. in the service of arms, they must not rise beyond privates or at the most corporals. it is much better to make a sergeant or officer from a spanish farmer, even though he cannot read and write, than from the more capable native. on the contrary, the more dexterous and deserving is the latter, so much greater will be the mistake committed. here the one who plays for gain loses. it is less dangerous and more tolerable to bestow the rank of officer on a very stupid, vicious, and cowardly fellow. it is necessary to provide that a spanish cura be placed in each village, and it is preferable to leave a village without a minister rather than to place it in charge of a filipino secular priest. between filipinas and españa there is no other bond of union than the christian religion. this bond is very powerful, and may induce the islanders to love and to defend the spanish domination as a duty. in no place better than in españa is it known of what the religious influence on the masses is capable, even in violation of their most direct interests. to imagine that the natives will become fond of our government because they judge it good or the best possible, i believe a vain project. their ignorance regarding the condition of other peoples does not permit of their entering into such comparisons; and those who might be capable of doing it, will discuss political matters; and however excellent such men consider our domination, they would always think that it would be more advantageous for them to withdraw from the yoke and seize the scepter in their own hands, and pass by this method from their humble condition of vassals and subjugated to that of masters and mandarins. therefore, just as the community is sustained by virtue and the monarchy by fidelity, this colony, in my opinion, must be maintained by religion. starting from this beginning, nothing can become so direct an agent for promoting emancipation, as the ordaining of priests among the natives. [13] some persons observe that they are unfit and vicious, and consequently, do not infuse respect, exercise influence or cause fear. more, if a filipino secular priest lives in a state of intoxication, and even commits, as has indeed happened, atrocious crimes which lead him to the scaffold, he does not for this cease to be a priest; and thus he degrades the class to which he belongs, and undermines the prestige of sanctity surrounding the character of a religious man. and this idea, namely, that because they are filipinos, they cannot have any influence, has been destroyed by merely the recent insurrection in tayabas, where a lay-brother, a young fellow, without any personal or antecedent quality that could make him respected, was able, by means of a religious matter--without the printed copies of the admonition of the archbishop of manila, or the spanish friars of the neighboring territory, being able to prevent it--to cause a settlement to mutiny and to arm a crowd of three or four thousand men, even to the point of firing upon their own pastors, who only saved themselves by means of flight; to kill the governor of the province; and attack the national troops. and so that my opinion in regard to this matter is, and has been, that of many others who studied the country, i shall copy a few extracts illustrative of the matter. [14] [mas's first extract is from a communication to the king from governor aguilar, dated november 25, 1804. in this letter, aguilar characterizes the native secular priests as lazy and dissolute. he cites a recent example of a village, evidently previously in charge of the native seculars, where a recollect priest has been placed in charge, and where in consequence the church has been completed and order preserved. although there are some good native priests, they do not infuse the respect that the regulars do, for the latter are never intimate with their parishioners, while the native priests, on the other hand, live on an intimate footing with them, and enter into every detail of their lives. consequently, the regulars can manage the natives better than the native secular priests. again the religious have no ties, and hence their only care is their church and their duty. the native seculars are burdened with relatives, who even live in the curacies with them, and hence, they neglect their churches which soon fall into ruin. it would be bad indeed for the islands if the bishops were to transfer the curacies to the native seculars. that might be done when there are spanish secular priests who possess the right qualities, but to transfer them to the natives would be committing a great wrong. if all the villages in charge of native secular priests had friar curas, they would be in a much better condition. in negros, which is in charge of the native seculars, nothing is done, a ruinous condition prevails, and the villages are greatly depopulated. if the matter were left to him, he would not allow a single native secular priest to have charge of a village. they might profitably be used as assistants to the regulars.] [the second letter is one from the manila ayuntamiento, dated july 12, 1804. this letter is highly laudatory of the friars, who spare no pains to fulfil their duties. the native secular priests however, are only in few instances found efficient, and are in general only fit to act as assistants to the friar curas. the filipinos with their weak intellects, seem unfitted for the office of priest, by reason of their lack of constancy. they have not the education requisite for the office of priest, for the conciliar seminaries are little more than a name in which a few native secular priests, themselves without sufficient education, attempt to teach. the regulars subjected to the royal patronage would be much better than any native seculars. after mindoro was transferred from the recollects to the native seculars, the missions quickly declined, churches were ruined, moro raids increased, and the tribute of the villages fell off. in consequence, the government now wishes to replace the native clergy by the recollects. the regulars also further the temporal affairs, and have done notable things in agriculture. the ayuntamiento hopes that the complaints against the regulars will be disregarded, "for although there are some defects which they may have, they are always useful to religion and the state."] [the third citation is from san agustin's famous letter on the character of the natives. [15]] taking the christian religion as the foundation upon which our domination is sustained, it is evident that everything that contributes to destroy the religious spirit, destroys and undermines this foundation. under this idea nothing can have more direct harm than the degradation and corruption of the minister of divine worship, and experience has demonstrated this truth. for just as the first sectarians of jesus christ extended his religion rapidly by means of the enthusiasm which took possession of their minds, and by means of the martyrdoms which they suffered, so also, in all places where the priests have given themselves to effeminacy, to feasting, to ambition, and to vices, the belief of the peoples has diminished from that moment, and they have ended by falling into religious indifference. the government ought, then, to consider the clergy as a power; and just as great care is taken not to introduce insubordination and demoralization into an army, so also the government ought to watch over the conduct of the curas. let them have all the influence possible over the village, but let them always be spanish europeans, and allow them to feel no other interest than españa. this is the vital question. if the matter be considered under this point of view, one cannot exaggerate the harm that a goodly portion of the friars are doing, and the moral force that our government is losing because of the manner in which they are living. the most general weakness is that of concubinage. many keep a mistress (who is there called a stewardess [despensera]), inside or outside the convent. the convent in filipinas has no cloister, as it is a parochial house. and this fault, if one considers the climate of the country, the circumstances, and the ideas of the natives, is, to say truth, the most excusable and the least harmful. the most pernicious and transcendental fault into which many curas have fallen especially for some time back--a fault ten times more harmful than the one to which we have referred--is that of avarice, fed by the practice of trading. it is well known that the mode of trading in that country usually consists in usury, that is, in advancing money in order later to receive products in kind at a very low price. and even leaving aside this aspect of the matter, it happens, as is natural, that the minister, as soon as he has become a speculator, contrives to get some profit from his position, and from the influence which his ministry and the policy indispensable in that country give him, and thinks little or nothing of the means so long as they conduce to the increase of his capital. sometimes this vice is united with the first, and the stewardess or her husband--who is generally one of the servants of the convent, whom the friar has married to her, in order to save appearances--is charged with the gathering, magazines, shops, sales, etc. but it must be confessed that the government has had a great part in this corruption, by protecting the religious against their superiors. two left during the term of general lardizabal, taking a large amount with them. when the augustinian provincial, father grijalvo, went with his secretary, father fausto lopez, to see him [i.e., lardizabal] about one of them (father jarava) [16] who wished to go away with his money, and said provincial asserted to him that this was a very bad example, as there were many who would devote their energies to making money, and then leave, although religious are so necessary in these islands, the said general answered him: "do not believe it. you are not so necessary. you are deceived in this. the english government in india has no friars, and yet that country is sustained and prospers." nevertheless, in singapor, he [i.e., father jarava] boasted in conversation with the good bishop courvery (as the latter mentioned to me) of the gold which he carried; and told him of the presents which he had had to bestow in manila in order to obtain his passport, especially to the assessor of the government. the most illustrious bishop wrote that to that capital, and on learning it, the guileless general lardizabal was angry enough to tear his hair, as was mentioned by the secretary of the government, cambronero. [17] in 1840 they went to inform the alcalde-mayor of a province that all those who went away with indigo, unless provided with a pass by the cura, were detained in the bantayan (a kind of sentry-box) of a village in his jurisdiction. the alcalde ordered the matter to be investigated, and found it to be so; and some passes were brought to him, which stated little more or less than "permit so-and-so to pass with so many quintals of indigo." the reason for this was that the cura had advanced money to them, and feared that if they carried away the indigo and sold it, it would afterward be impossible to collect the money. the alcalde ordered a verbal process to be formulated, in which two friars and two secular priests made their depositions in the most effective terms against the cura in question. [the alcalde-mayor wrote to the vicar of the province, who answered him under date of batac, july 25, 1840, to the effect that the freedom given by the government to the friars, who had been relieved of obedience to their prelates, accounted for this. the government and the ideas of the present time were to blame, consequently, not the friar prelates. the friar of whom the alcalde-mayor and the vicar wrote boasted that when he was attacked on the one side he took refuge in the jurisdiction of the other. although he boasted that he intended to take his 40,000 pesos and enjoy life with a female companion, yet he obtained governmental permission to remain in his curacy.] the curas generally suffer from another defect, namely, that of meddling in temporal matters, or rather, of endeavoring to abrogate all jurisdictions, and then assume these in themselves. it is evident that there must be a limit to everything, and that those friars who display an insolent spirit and are usurpers of command must restrain themselves within limits. but this evil is one of the least, if our chief and vital object be considered to be the conservation of the state. is it or not a fact that, for españa to maintain this colony under its dominion, it needs the influence of the religious over the inhabitants? if it is a fact, one must consider these persons as instruments; their influence must be positive; the alcaldes and other employes must be wheels of the machine, who must be in communication with them, and to a certain point move at their impulse. so long as the villages obey the voice of the friars, the islands will be spanish, for the friars can do no less than be so. emancipation would inevitably cause their ruin. this will appear hard and unendurable to many who are not friends of theoretic intervention, especially among the present military and civil officers of filipinas; but i understand it in this way, and do not see by what other agency a handful of spaniards can, at six thousand leguas' distance, and without spanish troops, keep obedient a vast and wealthy country, which has need of us for nothing, in which there are not a few elements of independence, and which is coveted by many foreign nations. and if all this is a fact, we can do no less than lament the unjustifiable imprudence of having printed in the ordinances of good government now in force, which were printed and distributed throughout the whole country, the following: [here follow ordinances 17, 18, 24, 30, 31, 85, 87, 89, 91 and 92 (some only in part), for a synopsis of which see vol. i., pp. 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, and 256-261. mas continues:] in no part did the animosity with which these ordinances were written appear so much as in these last two articles, for they treat of the construction of convents, churches, and royal houses; and since none of these edifices can be erected without the instructions of a special measure and by authorization, it follows that the government is dictating provisions to itself, and consequently, it was quite useless to insert them in a public law; and although it was intended that they should contain the expression of the royal will, the latter would always have been sufficient provided that action were taken in the proper bureau. moreover, what ordinance 91 says about the possibility of the sumptuous convents being used as a shelter by the enemy, as was experienced in the war with the english, seems to me to be lacking in common sense. for if they are susceptible of being used as fortresses, they will be an advantage to those possessing them, who may, if they wish, burn them when they have to abandon them. in the same category are all the strongholds. for example, in the war with the english above mentioned, the latter captured manila, and immediately made use of the forts to protect themselves from anda's troops. consequently, according to the argument, the fortifications of manila ought to be demolished. if the enemy defend themselves in the convents, it will be because they have to flee from us, and then we can desire nothing better than that they shut themselves up, so that we may surround them and take them prisoners. if the spaniards are in such a condition that they look upon the convent as a refuge, they can, since they are in their own country, get aid at any moment. a large and beautiful church, in the midst of a village of bamboo or board houses, contributes not a little to inspire a lofty idea of what is within it. all the sumptuous edifices of the ancients were temples. the utility of protecting the religious spirit having been admitted, the spaniards of the province, who in general give a contrary example, by not fulfilling their church duties, do great harm. this is so much more harmful, as they are in the sight of the entire village, which knows quite well the actions of their most private life. finding myself on the day of corpus christi at a place where a large procession and church function were being made, not a single spaniard of the several who were there, went to mass, including the governor of the province. for an alcalde not to go to mass, becomes so much the more scandalous, as it is the custom for the gobernadorcillo with all the community and past captains to go to get him at the royal house in order to accompany him as a matter of ceremony to the church. it happens on account of this that it is enough for them to give notice of a spaniard to the cura so that the latter may have the cura told that he is not at home--a thing which contributes to destroy the prestige of our name and dominion. surely, this, joined with other motives, has contributed to diminish the spirit of devotion, especially for the last fifteen or twenty years. this decrease is not imaginary. i have assured myself of it through several channels, among others, through a house that formerly traded in books of religion and prints. from this i deduce that our foundations are becoming weaker, and if they are not strengthened, it may be delayed more or less, but the edifice will fall. i opine then, that if the colony is to be conserved, it is absolutely necessary to take positive measures to check the exterior manifestations of irreligion; to cause the priests to appear under the most possible venerable point of view; and to endeavor to have their influence over the masses powerful. one of the acts to which the curas now see themselves obliged, and which robs them of great prestige, is the collection of the parochial fees at marriages and burials. a person who has lost a child or a parent by death, has in addition to the grief for his loss, the expense which it occasions. he goes to the cura weeping, and tells him that he has no money. the cura, nevertheless, must show himself inexorable; finally the native hands the cura a portion of the sum; the parish priest bids him go get the part lacking; he returns with another portion; and after seeing that the pretense of his poverty avails him nothing, he pays the whole fee. there are some who come with the money divided into the four corners of their handkerchiefs, and unwrap them one after the other, trying each time to avoid the payment. the same thing happens in marriages; and there are many who live in concubinage waiting until the cura marries them free of charge. these scenes are very unpleasant to the religious, and yet, they can do no less than show themselves hard, for if they did otherwise they would be unable to collect any of the fees which belong to them and form the greater part of their income. and the worst of all is, that this money which the cura would lose, would probably not be used in reproductive investments, but would be spent in feasting and the cockpit. it would be, then, much more advisable, and very much to the taste of the religious, to have a general tax imposed, and collected by the alcalde, as now happens with the sanctorum. [18] one-half real annually for each soul would be sufficient and would compensate, as some of them have assured me, for the present sum of the parochial fees. the display in the ceremony of marriage and burial ought to be suitable and designated by rules. those who desired any music or some extraordinary mourning decorations could pay something extra. in that way, the parishioners would experience nothing more from their parish priests than agreeable things--counsel, protection, and alms. since it is very important that the religious, as guides of public opinion, have essentially spanish hearts, it is absolutely necessary for all these men to be born, to have been educated and ordained in españa. from this is deduced the need of protecting the colleges existing at present, and where friars are made who take a vow for filipinas. [19] their pride must be entirely broken, and they must in all places and on all occasions consider the spaniard as their master, and not their equal. our laws of indias, dictated in the most beneficent, but not always in the most wise, spirit, not only concede them all the rights of spaniards, but seem in several points to prefer them to the spaniards, especially in the possession of lands. these benevolent regulations, often executed with exaggeration by the auditors of the audiencia, the protector of the indians, and the governors-general who come from españa, overflowing with ideas of philanthropy and humanity, and without knowing the natives otherwise than by their humble hypocritical exterior with influential persons, have raised their pretensions to an alarming degree. [the natives have committed many acts of violence and contempt. a recollect cura was beheaded in talibong, cebú; the provincial governor of negros was assassinated in 1833, and another spaniard severely wounded; the alcalde-mayor of capis was attacked in 1836, but saved himself by his presence of mind; the house of the alcalde-mayor of antique was burned and he barely escaped the flames; another alcalde-mayor was taken prisoner to manila in an iron cage; the cura and government employes were ridiculed in pantomimic dances in capan in 1841; a comedy was to have been enacted at the feast-day celebrations at santa cruz, laguna, in 1840, in which the alcalde-mayor and his court were to be held up to ridicule, but it was avoided by the arrest of the actors. it has happened sometimes that the gobernadorcillo remains seated in the presence of a spaniard with whom he has contests in the ayuntamiento. the members of the village ayuntamientos are not accustomed to rise when a spaniard enters the town hall, and even laugh at them; and should the spaniard grow angry and strike any of them, complaint is forthwith made to the governor, who punishes the spaniard. an artillery captain and an advocate were stoned without cause in a laguna village. a spaniard, angered by the insolent answer of a native, struck him, whereupon the native threatened his life. in manila, the natives are insolent. they do not yield the sidewalk to spaniards; coachmen and porters do not rise in the presence of spaniards; filipino women do not yield to spanish women either in the stores or the church. since the new governor, oraá, has ordered a verbal process against a commandant for punishing a servant, they have become more insolent than ever. other acts of insolence are noted. these things are not heard of by the governor, or they lay no stress upon them as they do not recognize their political importance. "before the justice, the spaniards and the filipinos are equal." the latter, however, get better treatment from the governors, who have even punished provincial governors severely, while they have treated the natives with clemency. the prestige of the spanish name must be preserved. "he who merits it must without doubt be punished, not only for the crime which he commits against humanity and justice, but also because it obscures the luster of the spanish character from which righteousness, benevolence, and liberality ought always shine forth. but it is advisable that this be among spaniards, and that no account or satisfaction of it be given to the natives. place them in the way of rights, and they will not pay until driving us from their soil." it is wrong to treat the native with less severity than the spaniard. mas asserts that in all the countries in which he has traveled, he has had to exercise patience to no greater degree than in the philippines. the insolence and disrespect which he has witnessed do not allow him to see safety and security for the spaniards. "it seems to me that the islands were more secure in the times when a native got down on his knees when a spaniard passed." mas advises that spaniards alone be allowed to wear the neckerchief, and that natives and mestizos be distinguished by the loose shirt and straw hat which they have chosen themselves. principales only should be permitted to wear jackets. the religious have destroyed distinction in rank among the natives in great measure, but while this is generous and democratic, "the destruction of rank also destroys the principle of ambition, the stimulus for economy and work."] the places of cabezas de barangay must not be hereditary, but these posts ought to be filled by the most wealthy. among these people aristocracy of money has great influence, but not that of family. in the colony, there must be no noble blood except the spanish. when the filipino or mestizo meets a spaniard, the former shall be obliged to stop (except at manila) to salute him. if seated, he shall rise when the spaniard addresses him or passes in front of him. he who raises his hand against a spaniard, although it be to defend his own life, shall incur the penalty of laboring on the public works all his life. if the offense is verbal, the punishment shall be decreased in proportion to the case. a spaniard shall not give a seat in his house to a filipino or mestizo, much less sit at table with him. he who falls into this fault of decorum, shall be punished the first two times by a fine, and the third time he shall be exiled from the colony. no spaniard, under any consideration, shall be allowed to contract marriage with any filipino or mestizo woman. the filipinos or mestizos who desire to use a carriage or a saddle horse, shall have to obtain a permit for which an annual tax shall be charged, so that those who sustain this luxury may be very few. [mas condemns the custom of giving the title "don" to gobernadorcillos and principales. even almost naked tinguianes and igorots are found with that title--which is ridiculous. let the filipinos use their own native equivalents for "don" and "doña." also the natives should not be allowed to present petitions which are disrespectful because of their ignorance of the language, such as for instance calling the governor a robber.] government employes should be well paid, for in a country where appearances count for so much as in the philippines, it is not well to live in a miserly manner. there are no spanish grandees in the colony, and but few of the merchants can afford to live luxuriously. mere living expenses are cheaper than in spain, and one could if he desired save more, but if the natives live better than the ruling class, there will be a loss of prestige. better salaries are paid in the philippines than in spain, but this is necessary. the governor, for instance, must really give some idea of the royal master whom he is serving, and this can be done through a certain amount of display. each official ought to spend at least two-thirds of his pay. no spaniard ought to be allowed to go to the provinces who is not of well-known good behavior, and who does not leave in manila a bondsman for the debts which he may contract. passports are at times given to poor spaniards, soldiers, or licensed corporals, for example, who go through the villages of the interior defrauding, guzzling, entering the houses of the town in an unbecoming manner, asking perhaps, food or baggage without paying for them, and finally obliging the natives to arrest them. the pernicious consequences of these examples are incalculable. [in case that the employes of the treasury are decreased in number, and collections are made by contractors, only natives and chinese mestizos should be accepted as such, on account of the odium incurred. the latter class will probably take the contract, which will result in good as it will tend to develop race hatred between them and the filipinos.] those races are the ones who make up the population. the one excels and is strong through its number, and the other through its intelligence, activity, and wealth. the ability of the government will consist in keeping them always separated, and at swords' points, in order that they may never form a common mass or public spirit, but that, on the contrary, the one may serve as an instrument to subject the other. filipinos would rather associate with mestizos than with spaniards, for although the first tyrannize over them, and draw them under the yoke so far as possible, they invite them to dine, and treat them so that they all appear united. the spaniards, for the most part, always talk to them with an air of superiority, and keep them at a certain distance--a thing which naturally disgusts the filipino. [the filipinos do not, however, like the chinese any better, but on the contrary, respect the spaniards more as coming from a higher race. they regard the mestizos as a bastard race and beneath themselves. there are many lawsuits between the two classes for preference in rank. in villages where there are both mestizos and natives, each class has its own gobernadorcillo, although that of the latter has now been declared superior in rank, and in case of the death or absence of the alcalde-mayor, takes his place. they are jealous of these privileges, and in case of immediate separation, the mestizos would not become the dominant force in the country. this rivalry is useful for spanish interests and must be preserved. the chinese mestizos will within a century have grown to at least one million by natural increase and immigration from china; and will possess the greater part of the wealth of the islands. they are the proprietors, merchants, and educated people of the country, and will dominate public opinion. this class has no sympathy for spain and will be difficult to subdue. therefore, the moral force of the natives must be preserved, and the rivalry between the two classes fomented, so that the natives may not become the vassals of the mestizos. mas proposes a land tax on the mestizos and a distinctive dress. theaters for both natives and mestizos, where they can rival and ridicule each other will be helpful. arts and the prosperity of the country must be stimulated, for if the natives are left to their natural incapacity and sloth, they will be in the power of the chinese mestizos within a century.] [a spanish force of at least one thousand or five hundred men is needed. if the native soldiers mutiny, nothing can restore discipline unless there is a spanish force. some of the governors have opposed even spanish corporals and sergeants. the country seems quiet but a terrible mutiny and revolt may occur any day. there were only spanish soldiers in the old days, and respect was more manifest. native regiments are of modern date. the disreputable regiment of asia made up largely of criminals has caused the spanish soldiers to lose prestige among the natives. and besides they have been wretchedly treated. it would be well to have soldiers from borneo or other islands outside the archipelago. if the british do not object, men might even be enlisted cheaply in india. this would relieve the natives from service, from which they would gladly be free; and the country would be more secure, and more prosperous.] [the principales should be allowed to hold meetings only in the presence of the cura. it is well known that they plot against the alcalde-mayor and the cura at times when they assemble for any common matter.] the spanish language ought not to be taught them, but they ought to learn to read and write in their own. it is impossible to avoid the introduction of papers and books into the provinces which it is unadvisable for them to read, and experience demonstrates that those who know our language, are almost always the restless ones of the villages and those who murmur at, censure, and act contrary to the curas and alcaldes. [it is folly to teach the natives how to make artillery and firearms. factories for the manufacture of these are now being finished in the islands. it would be better to send everything of this nature from spain. another imprudence is the manufacture of powder. besides its inferiority to spanish powder, and the danger of allowing the natives to learn to make it, it costs more than that sent from spain. although after the delivery of twelve thousand quintals, the factory and its effects are to become national property, the works which are now not worth more than ten thousand pesos, will be worthless.] [mas recommends the use of steam vessels for inter-island communication, for the rapid moving of troops, and the better protection of spanish interests. they can also be used against the moros [20] with better effect than the small squadron of sailing vessels now employed, and will be more economical. coal and wood abound in the islands and can be used as fuel.] the publication of a newspaper shall be permitted under the supervision of the government. in them shall be inserted descriptions of the best methods of making sugar, indigo, etc., dyeing thread, tempering iron, and in fact everything that may conduce to the instruction of agriculture and manufacture; the edicts and orders of the government; and political news, both peninsular and foreign, edited in the manner that is found advisable. [all the village ayuntamientos shall be compelled to subscribe to such a paper, and the cura shall be asked to translate into the native vernacular all useful articles. foreign papers are admitted without any charge, and prove, instead of a benefit, an injury, for they are all democratic in tone, and foment disorder and discontent.] the non-existence of newspapers in filipinas causes a very bad result among foreigners, who consider them and with reason, the foremost mark of civilization, and at the same time, the government is deprived of the advantage of guiding public opinion. [21] a system of police must be established, especially in the capital. not many years ago, there was a commission of public vigilance, which was abolished, i believe, during the government of general camba. the neglect of the captains-general in this regard at present is scarce credible. [although china has caused and will cause trouble in the future, still the salutary punishments that the chinese have received, and the rapid increase in the filipino population, justify the admission into the islands of 15,000 or 20,000 more chinese, on the basis that there are only 8,000 or 10,000 now in the islands. these can be scattered through the islands and would work only on the estates of spaniards.] twenty thousand chinese could work 10,000 quiñons of land, which planted with sugar cane would yield annually 2,000,000 picos of sugar. this sugar sold at manila at only 3 pesos fuertes [per quintal] would produce the sum of 6,000,000 pesos fuertes. [in case of a popular insurrection the chinese would all side with the government and if an attack were threatened from china, it would be sufficient to turn them over to the filipinos, who, because of their hatred for them, on account of their superior industry, would soon make short work of them.] [foreigners are useful because of their knowledge and capital, and create much wealth for the islands through their continued traffic with their own countries. but their presence does not promote the conservation of the colony.] formerly the feeling against this class of persons was very pronounced, owing in great measure to the religious, who always spoke of the english, dutch, etc., as heretics, drunkards, and barbarians. the antipathy thus engendered was highly important, in case of an outside attack. [the natives are now friendly to foreigners, who pay more liberally than spaniards, and even spaniards at manila are aping the english and are friendly to them. undesirable books have and will surely be introduced through the foreigners; and consequently, the laws forbidding them to go to the provinces must be enforced, and entrance to manila must not be easy. la place, the frenchman, although he wrote many inaccurate things of the islands, [22] recognized the danger from foreigners, when speaking of the slaughter of the foreigners in 1819 during the cholera.] 3rd. the administration requires a complete reform. the command of filipinas has always been entrusted to a governor and captain-general, as if it were a province of españa. to set some balance to his power, because of the distance from the throne, certain privileges and preeminences have been granted to other persons, especially to the audiencia, even to the point of making of the latter a court of appeal against the measures of the chief of the islands. besides, the revenues have been removed from his jurisdiction, and the office of the intendant has been constituted, who obeys no others than the orders communicated to him by the ministry of the treasury from madrid. [23] it is very obvious that this single point is quite sufficient to paralyze completely the action of the governor-general. besides, since there are many matters which require to be passed on by distinct ministries, it happens that two contrary orders touch the same matter, or that one order is lacking, which is enough to render its execution impossible, the contingency moreover arising that a chief may detain a communication, even after he has received it, if it does not suit him. this system of setting obstacles in the way of the governor of a distant colony is wise and absolutely necessary, but since the leyes de indias are not a constitutional code, but a compilation made in the year 1754 [24] of royal orders despatched at various epochs and by distinct monarchs, in which are decided points of government, justice, war, politics, revenue, procedure, etc., there results rather than a balance among the various departments of authority a confusion of jurisdictions, the fatal fount of eternal discord. [mas cites laws from leyes de indias showing the great confusion and contrariety of the orders to governor and audiencia. this confusion has given rise to scandalous and tragic events because of the contests over authority. during these latter years have occurred many offenses of like nature. general enrile had them with the intendant, and general camba mentions several during the period of his government. to these difficulties, is added another, in order that the chariot may run right and easily; the government of the provinces is in charge of an alcalde-mayor, [25] who is at once judge of first instance, chief of the political matters, subdelegate of the treasury, and war captain or military commandant, for whose different attributes he is subject to authorities distinct from one another. this appears inconceivable, but yet it is a fact, although the cleverness of our india legislators has not been so great that it could free the system of the inconveniences which necessarily must obstruct it. whatever difficulty occurs in the fulfilment of an order, it must be solved by means of a conference and advice [consulta], [26] from which a reply is not obtained until from twelve to fourteen months. these difficulties are more frequent in filipinas than in a province of the peninsula, because of the lack of knowledge of the country generally possessed by the ministers who dictate the measures. things have gone so far that it has been ordered that the cultivation of the balate (a fish) be encouraged; and that the situado of zamboanga be sent overland, because of the loss of the ship which was carrying it across to the island of mindanao, where d. infantes was then governing said presidio. the superintendent enriquez says in the document which he printed on leaving his post in 1836, [27] that in the short period in which he filled the superintendency, he sent to the court six hundred and twenty-seven questions for resolution. and to these springs of torpor in the administration of the government, we must add that the captains-general scarcely decide any question whatever, without handing the matter for report to the assessor, fiscal, audiencia, etc., because of the distance and impossibility of consulting españa, and through their fear of compromising themselves, since on many occasions, measures have been obtained against them in madrid, through agents and representatives or through complaints sent from the islands. the same thing happens with regard to the intendant and other authorities. from this practice arises the system of expedientes [28] which reigns, and which is so fatal to the prosperity and good government of the country, since very often the arrangement that appears good to some, is contrary to the opinions or interests of others. [expedientes lasting for years have been formulated for matters requiring immediate attention. for instance, one lasting for years was formulated in regard to an expedition against the moro pirates. an expediente is formed when a foreigner arrives at manila without a passport from spain and asks permission to remain in the country, although the law on this point is explicit. thus much valuable time is lost and the expedientes result in only a waste of paper, besides great injury to the islands. the governor often has to conform to the opinions expressed in the expediente, although he knows they will be the cause of injustice. [29] on the other hand, the governor is often directly at fault, because he enforces his own opinion on his assessor, who has often obtained his position through favoritism and is not a lawyer, and decides questions according to the will of the governor. besides, the governor has the armed force at his disposal. the chiefs of the various departments at manila carry on correspondence with the directors-general of their respective departments in madrid, without the knowledge of the governor, a fact that increases the confusion and disorder. the director of the mails even is at fault in this, and renders accounts to the general post-office department in spain.] a sub-inspector of engineers newly created, just went to manila with orders to extend the fortifications of the capital to its suburbs. the suburbs contain about fifty thousand inhabitants scattered throughout various villages which are composed of houses all of one story in height, which is enough to give an idea of the extension of the imagined fortification. the amount of artillery for garrisoning their walls, the workshop necessary to keep the artillery in good condition, the garrison necessary for their defense, besides the operating gangs: all were to be in the greatest magnitude, and demand an annual expense which the treasury of the colony could not even remotely meet. and if one reflect that the enemy can take all the other islands and even disembark at any point of luzon itself without the necessity of going to manila; that if this capital were besieged, it would be by enemies coming by sea, and hence, being masters of the port, they would very quickly take by hunger a place of one hundred and fifty thousand souls, or indeed it would be surrendered by the natives, and then the inhabitants, instead of contributing to the defense, would open their doors to the aggressors; and that the concentration of the forces, the property, the archives, and public and private wealth, at one single enclosed point, is to form a target to call the attention of exterior and interior enemies: we can do no less than agree that the plan of extending the fortifications of manila to all its suburbs lacks all reasonable foundation, and that it will be advocated only by the many people who possess houses on the shores of the pasig river, within cannon range, because of their fear lest, if the events of 1762 are again repeated, all those edifices which they were by a fatal lack of foresight permitted to raise successively (an evil which it is now very difficult if not impossible to remedy), would be leveled to the ground. [however, the present condition of the treasury will not allow this plan to be executed. the sub-inspector of the artillery has petitioned that all companies of the regiment be commanded by captains of the staff. this would cause discontent among the subalterns who would see all hope of promotion vanish forever. they can rise now only to captain, and some of them are even now angry. the artillery corps has always been loyal to the government and it is advisable to keep it so. officers might indeed be trained in the military college, but in that case the promotion of the sergeants must be arranged for. complaints of the military in the philippines mean more than they do in spain where the complainers are retired or exercise patience. but this substitution may be made without consulting the governor, as it is a matter concerning the artillery itself.] in the various departments of the administration there may also be abuses to examine or correct, which will never be known or exactly proved by chiefs resident in madrid, because of the distance which is so favorable to the distortion of facts. for example, the brigadier of the navy, don j. ruiz de apodaca, told me before the sub-inspector of artillery and another chief that all the articles which were bought by the treasury for the arsenal, were charged at a much higher price than those for the fort, etc., and he invited me to go to his house where he would prove it to me with the documents. on the other side, i have heard complaints that after a contract had been made with the treasury for cables, iron, etc., it is impossible to get a receipt for them in the arsenal, unless for a bonus; that quantities of timber will not be receipted for and those who have transported it to cavite have to sell it at any price; and that it is bought by the very ones who have qualified it as useless; that many houses have been built in cavite with the timber given out as no good, only with the object of making new bargains. don f. ossorio told me in the house of the secretary of the government, and in the presence of several respectable persons, that when he was commandant of artillery at that place, he made all the furniture of his house with wood which he bought in the arsenal as firewood. it is a fact that naval construction is very dear, and that the fragata "esperanza" cost more than 600,000 pesos fuertes. during my stay in the islands, there has been talk of trickery in the outlay of tobacco, besides a defalcation in the magazines of three thousand eight hundred bundles of leaf. it was declared that there was introduced, for example, into the factory magazines, a quantity of bundled tobacco, in which was one part composed of fillers [palos] which had to be burned as useless; but if these fillers amounted to five thousand arrobas, only four thousand were destroyed. the other thousand arrobas were taken out as leaf of the best brand [from the magazines] and was carried to private houses where it was manufactured as contraband. this leaf was replaced by the fillers which ought to have been burned. for that reason, the cigars which were sent to the tobacco shops of the provinces, and even those which were sold to the trade, were sometimes of the worst quality; that the boxes were short weight; that choice lots were finished with care, and marked with a mark, and papers were given authorizing the exchange of tobacco in the factory, by which means the associates in these speculations could buy the poor tobacco which was given to the public, and leave it in the national magazines, taking in place of it, that manufactured properly and reserved. but what i know to be a positive fact in this matter is that few or many superior or fine boxes were made, which were obtained by favor in manila; and that when don luis urrijola [30] left the intendancy, the tobacco had lost its credit, and nine thousand boxes were held in the magazines, which no merchant then or since has cared to buy. the new superintendent, don j. m. de la matta took direct and positive measures by separating the magazine from the factory, and reducing the functions of the latter to the manufacture only, etc., whereupon the requests for the new tobacco were renewed, so that when i left manila, it was impossible by a great amount to meet the demands of the trade. but had it not been for the providential appointment to the superintendency of said clever and zealous employe, perhaps that revenue would have entirely ceased. this is one of the foremost resources of that country, and the governor-general would at this moment find himself, perhaps, in the greatest straits, and it would be impossible to prevent the evil, although he knew its origin and progress, as he had no intervention in the department of the treasury, which is, nevertheless, the soul of all government. in the same place i also heard talk of the sale of posts, of abuses in the pay of vouchers and other matters. [these things may be misrepresentation or calumny, but they are ever increasing in force and are being repeated with exaggeration--which tends to weaken spanish prestige which is the source of their moral strength.] i believe that all that i have observed is enough and more than enough to show that the actual system of administration suffers from capital defects, and to assert that, in my opinion, the organization of a government is peremptory, which besides being a check on despotism and a barrier to ambition, by means of correction and reform through itself, contains the elements of unity, concord, prudence, rectitude, power, and duration. here follows for what it may be worth, a plan circumscribed on fundamental bases. [31] [mas's plan provides for a regency or commission of three persons, one of whom shall be the president and exercise the powers of the governor-general. a fourth member is to be elected as a substitute in case of death or illness, who, until called upon to fill any vacancy, shall travel through the provinces and study the conditions of the country. all matters of importance, especially money matters must be decided at a meeting of the regency, and appear by an act signed by all three. the president shall communicate and sign all orders, and all official communications must be sent to him. the two secretaries, political and military, shall receive orders only from the president, and shall attend the meetings of the regency without vote. the president alone shall decide questions of detail and procedure and execution, in accordance with the regulations, always expressing whether any measure has been voted on or not. the secretary shall send concise daily reports of all communications signed during the day by the president, noting after each one whether it was with or without the vote of the regency. thus the other two regents having it in their power to call for the rough draft of any measure, can easily tell whether the president has overstepped his executory powers and encroached on the powers of the entire regency. this provision will obviate any such tendency on the president's part, and will remove the jealousy of his two associates. the plan further provides for a commander-in-chief of all the army; a commander of the navy; a superintendent of the treasury; a court of justice; and a council of state, to be composed of the officials above mentioned, together with the chiefs of artillery and fortification, the contador-mayor of accounts, the contadors of the army and treasury, the archbishop of manila, and the provincials of the religious orders. the council which has no power to assemble of its own accord, shall be assembled to consult on serious matters by the regency. at the death of the president, the senior regent shall assume his office, the substitute shall take a regular seat in the regency, and the council shall appoint a new substitute to act provisionally until the court make a regular appointment, which shall never be the provisional appointment of the council. the deliberations of the council shall be secret and the regents shall only state the matters for discussion and then retire. the council may be assembled at the request of the regents acting either singly or in accord. in impeachments of the president, if the impeachment is sustained, the senior regent shall take his place; if it is not sustained, the council shall retire, but may be assembled any number of times for the same matter. there is a clause against lobbying in the council to influence the votes of the members. in case of two summons at the same time, the council shall obey the one emanating from the president or senior regent first.] the members of the regency shall be jurisconsults, owners of estates, or military men, and the regularly-appointed president shall always be a grandee of españa. it is highly important that, at that distance, the first chief impose some personal respect, and that even his very lineage make him appear superior to all the others. [the dissension manifest in basco's term as governor was due to his low rank, as he was only a captain of fragata when he went to the islands as governor, a fact that gave rise to envy. he was an excellent governor, but the ministry that supported him did not know the sentiments that move the human heart. governor lardizabal also was of lower rank than some who served in subordinate positions in the islands. it would be better to appoint a grandee to the post of governor; for, having his estates in spain, he would be more loyal. a grandee also could better support the prestige of the government than a poor soldier or man of no rank, as he would be more accustomed to the duties of that life. a soldier generally desires to make money, and will neglect his real duties. as a rule there are no battles to be fought, while there are many duties of an administrational and industrial character. the governor must have tact with the natives, and look carefully after foreign, commercial, and industrial relations, and the progress of the islands. it would be highly advisable to choose such a man when general alcala is relieved.] [for the government of the provinces, advocates shall be appointed from spain, and they shall remain no longer than twenty years in the islands. there shall be three classes of provincial governments with distinct salaries. in addition to the requisite number of provincial governors there shall be six or eight substitutes in case of vacancies. these shall receive a salary of fifty pesos per month, so long as they are not called upon to fill a vacancy, and shall meanwhile do the bidding of the regency. a vacancy in the governments of the first class shall be filled by the regency from the governors of the second and third classes; and one in the third class from the substitutes. governors may be transferred at will by the regency, and the relative importance of the various provinces may also vary.] the provincial governors shall be as now political chiefs, judges of first instance, subdelegates of the treasury for the receiving of the direct incomes, managers of the mails, and war captains. this centralization has many advantages, a very chief one being the economic. the inconveniences which follow from it, will disappear when there is one supreme authority in the islands. the limits of the provincial courts shall be enlarged to include both civil and criminal cases. this will increase the power of the subordinate authorities, and decrease the troubles of the audiencia. the party [in the suit] shall always have the recourse of appeal. the superior court of justice shall be composed of three persons, one of whom shall be the president. it shall try criminal, civil, and contentious matters as well as trade questions by appeal. appeal may be had from its sentences to the regency, which shall appoint three advocates to judge the case. these latter shall become joint judges, and together with the three judges shall form the court of appeal. this court shall be presided over by one of the regents or by the substitute with a vote, the jurisconsult member being rightly preferred for this if there is one in the regency. [the fees of the court of appeal shall be larger than those of the audiencia; and if the decision of the latter is found correct the penalty shall be increased; the death sentence, however, being abolished. a vacancy in the court of justice shall be filled provisionally by the regency, and regular appointment shall be made from madrid, which must be otherwise than the provisional one made by the regency, unless such appointment be made before the action of the regents is known in spain. this will tend to make the judiciary independent of the government.] [in regard to the treasury employes a plan similar to that of the provincial governors shall be adopted. the custom of sending employes for any of the treasury posts from madrid, many of whom are ignorant even of bookkeeping, means death to the hopes of those already in the islands, and breeds discontent.] [this plan does not involve any extra expense. the president shall have a yearly salary of 12,000 pesos, in addition to the palace of manila and the house at malacañang; the two regents shall each receive 6,000 pesos and 1,000 pesos extra for a house; and the substitute 4,000 pesos--a total of 30,000 pesos. [32] posts of rank in manila have lately been increased, and now there are a lieutenant-general, a mariscal de campo, six brigadier-generals, and many colonels and commandants; and yet men of lower rank than all these have been appointed governor of the islands. there is no need of so many military titles. a brigadier-general, with 6,000 pesos' pay acts as second commandant of the navy, which consists of but a few gunboats; and a sub-inspector of engineers has just arrived who has only two officers under him. colonels can serve in place of brigadiers, and since they receive 2,000 pesos less, this will be a saving of at least 10,000 pesos. this added to the 7,000 pesos that can be saved from the affairs of justice being managed by three persons, who have no administrational duties, the 13,000 pesos saved from the present salary of the captain-general, and the 1,000 pesos given as a gratification to the commandant of the marine corps, will mean a total saving of 31,000 pesos.] [mas also proposes the establishment at madrid of a ministry of the colonies, [33] through whom all the communications of the regency shall pass. it should have departments of government, war, navy, revenues, and justice. it can easily turn over to other ministries what primarily concerns them, and work in harmony with them. for instance it would not elect bishops, but would determine their number and salary.] thus far i have given minute details on the three principles which, in my opinion, i said it was necessary to adopt as basic policies in order to conserve the filipinas: namely, to avoid the increase of the white population; make of the colored population, a docile and well-inclined mass; and reform the present administration. i have still to add that i conceive it to be of the foremost interest to always have in that treasury a sufficient store of spare funds to at least cover the expenses of one year. [it will be impossible to realize loans in case of either internal or external war. the treasury has been continually exhausted for years, and has drawn on the obras pías. notes have been drawn on the manila treasury for over three million pesos, on which interest is being paid, and there is no hope of paying the principal.] such a method of doing things, is, in my opinion, a political imprudence twice over--in the first place because the islands are left exposed to reverses from a faction or from a foreign enemy; in the second, because it causes certain murmurs among their inhabitants, and a discontent difficult to conceive of here, and which may precipitate their ruin. after having discussed the means of conserving the colony, supposing that this is always the intention of the government, let us consider the other extreme, taken in review, namely, to resolve to emancipate it and prepare it for giving it liberty. in order to attain this end, it becomes natural, as is necessary, to adopt a system diametrically opposed to the first. the chief object must be that it does not cause the shedding of blood, that the relations of friendship and of trade with españa are not interrupted, that the european spaniards living there do not lose their chattels or landed property, and, especially, that our race there, the filipino-spaniards, preserve their estates and their rights of naturalization, and free from the unfortunate fate that threatens them, and which is even inevitably expected for them, if the colony separates by force and at this moment. it is needful to encourage public instruction in all ways possible, permit newspapers subject to a liberal censure, to establish in manila a college of medicine, surgery, and pharmacy: in order to break down the barriers that divide the races, and amalgamate them all into one. for that purpose, the spaniards of the country, the chinese mestizos, and the filipinos shall be admitted with perfect equality as cadets of the military corps; the personal-service tax shall be abolished, or an equal and general tax shall be imposed, to which all the spaniards shall be subject. this last plan appears to me more advisable, as the poll-tax is already established, and it is not opportune to make a trial of new taxes when it is a question of allowing the country to be governed by itself. since the annual tribute is unequal, the average shall be taken and shall be fixed, consequently, at fifteen or sixteen reals per whole tribute, or perhaps one peso fuerte annually from each adult tributary person. this regulation will produce an increase in the revenue of 200,000 or 300,000 pesos fuertes, and this sum shall be set aside to give the impulse for the amalgamation of the races, favoring crossed marriages by means of dowries granted to the single women in the following manner. to a chinese mestizo woman who marries a filipino shall be given 100 pesos; to a filipino woman who marries a chinese mestizo, 100 pesos; to a chinese mestizo woman who marries a spaniard, 1,000 pesos; to a spanish woman who marries a chinese mestizo, 2,000 pesos; to a filipino woman who marries a spaniard, 2,000 pesos; to a spanish woman who marries a filipino chief, 3,000 or 4,000 pesos. some mestizo and filipino alcaldes-mayor of the provinces shall be appointed. it shall be ordered that when a filipino chief goes to the house of a spaniard, he shall seat himself as the latter's equal. in a word, by these and other means, the idea that they and the castilians are two kinds of distinct races shall be erased from the minds of the natives, and the families shall become related by marriage in such manner that when free of the castilian dominion should any exalted filipinos try to expel or enslave our race, they would find it so interlaced with their own that their plan would be practically impossible. after some years, when this population was sufficiently trimmed off, an assembly of deputies shall be formed from the people, in order that they may hold sessions in manila for two or three months every year. in those sessions they shall discuss public affairs, especially those treating of taxes and budgets. then after some time of such political education, our government may be withdrawn without fear, fixing before doing that the kind of government that is to be established--probably some constitutional form analogous to those of europe, with a royal prince at its head chosen from among our infantes. my task is concluded. which of the two plans, above analyzed, it is the most just or advisable to follow, does not concern me to recommend, much less propose. i will add, however, a page to express my opinion as an individual of the spanish nation. if i had to choose i would vote for the last. i cannot see what benefits we have had from the colonies: depopulation, decadence in the arts, and the public debt, which come in great measure from them. the interest of a state consists, as i see it, in having a dense and well-educated population, and i do not speak only of literary or political education, but of that general education, which makes each one perfect in his trade, i mean in that education which constitutes a cabinet-maker, a weaver, a blacksmith, the best cabinet-maker, weaver, or blacksmith possible. the greater or less number of machines is, in our century, an almost sure thermometer by which to gage the power of empires. a colony cannot be useful except with the end of filling one of the following three objects: to make of it a tributary country, for the increase of the income of the mother-country (as holland effects by means of a compulsory and exclusive system); to erect it into a second country, and a place of immigration of the surplus population (such as are especially australia, van diemen's land and new zealand); finally to procure in it, a place wherein to expend the products of the national manufactures (as is the principal aim of the modern colonial establishments). for the first, we have already seen that the filipinas are a poor resource, and will be for a long time; and i shall not wonder that before losing them, they will cost us, on the contrary, some millions. as for the second, they are not necessary, for we have no surplus population to unload. and for the third they are useless, for we ourselves have no manufactures to export. barcelona, which has the most factories in the peninsula, does not have the least direct communication with the islands. all that is taken there from cadiz consists of a little paper, oil, and liquors. if it were not for the tobacco and the passengers who go and come, one or two vessels annually would be enough to take care of all the mercantile speculations between both countries. [separation will not deprive spain of a future rich market in the philippines, as the case of the american colonies and england shows. even if spain should have a surplus population within a century, the philippines will also have no lack of inhabitants, and it will be necessary for the spaniards to emigrate to the marianas. mas is not concerned by the argument that separation would mean the loss of the christian religion in the islands. to the argument that the islands might fall into the hands of the british, french, dutch, or chinese, he asks why spain should become a knight errant for all unprotected peoples. spaniards in the islands can always return to spain. people assert that since spain has spent over 300,000,000 pesos on the islands, it is but proper that that country be reimbursed; but although it has also spent much on the holy land, it never expects any return therefor. let the filipinos pay heavier taxes under their own government; why is that any concern? even if ninety per cent of the population should desire to remain under spain's domination, that is no sign that there may not be a better condition.] in conclusion, if we are conserving the islands for love of the islanders, we are losing our time, and merit, for gratitude is sometimes met with in persons, but never can it be hoped for from peoples; and indeed through our love, why do we fall into an anomaly, such as combining our claim for liberty for ourselves, and our wish at the same time to impose our law on remote peoples? why do we deny to others the benefit which we desire for our fatherland? by these principles of universal morality and justice, and because i am persuaded that in the midst of the political circumstances in which españa is at present, the condition of that colony will be neglected; that none of the measures which i propose for its conservation (this is my conviction) will be adopted; and that it will emancipate itself violently with the loss of considerable property and many lives of european spaniards and filipinos: i think that it would be infinitely more easy, more useful, and more glorious for us to acquire the glory of the work by being the first to show generosity. hence, the foreign authors who have unjustly printed so many calumnies against our colonial governments, authors belonging to nations who never satisfy their hunger for colonies, would have to say at least this once: "the spaniards crossing new and remote seas, extended the domain of geography by discovering the filipinas islands. they found anarchy and despotism there, and established order and justice. they encountered slavery and destroyed it, and imposed political equality. they ruled their inhabitants with laws, and just laws. they christianized them, civilized them, defended them from the chinese, from moro pirates, and from european aggressors; they spent much gold on them, and then gave them liberty." [34] matta's report, 1843 communication from the intendant of the army and treasury [intendente de ejercito y hacienda] of the filipinas islands, don juan manuel de la matta, [35] to the governor and captain-general of said islands, don marcelino oraá, in regard to the moral condition of the country after the insurrection of a portion of the troops of the third regiment of the line, which happened at daybreak of the twenty-first of last january; and declaration of the chief legislative reforms, and of the peremptory measures of precaution and security, demanded by said condition. [the recent disaffection of a portion of the philippine troops has caused the government to issue instructions in case of the occurrence of any excitement, insurrection, or alarm in the city of manila and its environs. matta, on receiving these instructions, has transmitted secretly to the commander of the revenue guard [36] (whom he has advised in case of any danger to assemble all his command in the tobacco factory of binondo) the portion of the instructions that concerns him. also the forces of the station of san fernando are to be embarked on the boats in the river belonging to the revenue guard, and placed in command of the port captain. in addition to the instructions above cited, it seems advisable, "considering the moral condition of the country, to adopt radical measures to avoid the evil before having to punish it, thereby to shelter the colony from new seditions, which cannot be repeated without imminent risk of sad consequences." the suppression of the attempts of the insurgents and the calming of manila was due to the loyalty of the artillerymen quartered at the fort of santiago and the presence of other loyal troops.] the sedition of apolinario [37] in the province of tayabas, at the end of october, 1841, and the insurrection of part of the third regiment of the line, which occurred in the capital at daybreak of january 21, [38] have in little more than one year placed these important possessions at the verge of a terrible civil war, and have compromised great interests. [the discipline of the third regiment of the line before the insurrection was poor, a fact that was attributed, among other things, to the bad condition of the barracks. on the other hand, a corps composed of native troops recruited from manila and the neighboring places remained loyal, and was used to good effect in putting down the insurrection. in the opinion of many, native troops officered by spaniards (even to the sergeants and corporals) would prevent disaffection in the future, and be much better than peninsular troops. in this treatise it is matta's purpose to set forth "the measures by which the tranquillity of these inhabitants and the conservation of this precious portion of the spanish monarchy, will be conserved in the future." the moral condition of the islands is most delicate and merits the close attention of the government, "and most especially of your excellency, to whom is chiefly confided the tranquillity and conservation of these important possessions--which now demand radical administrational and economic reforms that will permit the development of the wealth of their fertile soil, and the welfare of all their inhabitants; and peremptory measures of foresight and security, which will render those advantages lasting, keep the country loyal, and inalterably bind the union of the islands with the mother-country." in consequence of the civil wars in spain, the spanish government has been compelled to draw heavy sums against the treasury of the philippines, by which not only has the treasury been exhausted but a debt of more than four million pesos incurred--a debt that cannot be met for years, "both because the needs of the colony are increasing annually, and because the remainder left from the revenues, after covering the ordinary obligations of the budgets, is almost all spent in tobacco leaf, which is sent for the consumption of the mother-country, in accordance with the orders of the government." in regard to the military defense of the country, conditions are as bad. "there are but few arms and they are in poor shape. the provinces are undefended. the army is composed almost exclusively of natives, and they are so few in number that the army is insufficient to defend the capital and fort of cavite in case of a foreign invasion." indeed, in case of invasion it might be best to raze the fortifications built at the expense of so great sacrifices.] in general there is to be seen considerable indifference, and even disaffection, to peninsular interests. ideas of emancipation are sheltered in many bosoms. discontent swarms in all places. it is given utterance with effrontery, and is developed and fomented in various manners. since the beginning of the colony, boldness, deceit, and acrimonious speech have had a foremost seat, but greed is today the dominant passion in the white people. their needs are many and there are few means of satisfying them. the hot climate especially contributes to captiousness, and the development of vehement passions. a multitude of jealous, complaining, and evil-intentioned men foment the discontent, to which also pusillanimous persons contribute by their indiscreet and excessive fear. although by means of different passions, there is a manifest tendency to constantly discredit the dispositions of the government, to attack maliciously the authorities who represent it, and to foment rivalry and discord among them, to which both the complexity of the legislation and the burning climate lend themselves. thus all concur in weakening the prestige that gives force to the government. the malcontents have the necessary time to gather new proselytes, to consolidate a faction against the mother-country, to prepare the will of the masses; and they await the time and opportunity for the realization of their desires. this plan is not in writing, but is engraved in the hearts of those who direct it, shows itself by its works, and is the result of the tendency of the age, of the calamitous circumstances in which the mother-country finds itself, and of the kind of abandonment in which these important possessions are held. [notwithstanding the royal order of april 25, 1837, prohibiting publications that might disturb public order and weaken the prestige of the government, such publications have circulated freely in manila, thus increasing the discontent. in such publications the followers of apolinario are called innocent, and the execution of the rebels in the camp of alitao has been termed assassination. all things have combined to destroy in manila "the prestige and moral force that have been hitherto the principal foundation of our domination."] [although the provinces are not yet so greatly disaffected as is manila], their moral condition is very different from that when they generally pronounced against the english in 1762 and gave the victory to anda. mejico belonged to españa, and its treasury contributed to the support of the islands, which had the exclusive benefit of a traffic which the public especially valued, and whose conservation was inseparable from union to the mother-country. north-american independence and the french revolution had not yet come to fix the future destiny of all the colonial possessions of the world. [39] the regular clergy, the principal base of our domination, then exercised an influence over the inhabitants, which time has almost entirely vitiated. little care is taken for the instruction of their members, from which it results that some of them with their gross manners, stupid pretensions, and exactions from the chiefs of the provinces, and the gobernadorcillos and notables of the villages, occasion anger, quarrels, and discord which disturb the quiet of the inhabitants, distract and embarrass the authorities, and nourish those indiscreet and tenacious struggles in which all lose, and which have contributed so greatly to the rapid undermining of the base of our power in the provinces. the mistrust of a sad future leads many of them to engage in commercial business, and conduces to avarice and to a worldly life, so that they have lost their religious prestige, without gaining the respect and the consideration due to eminent and beneficent citizens. without doubt there are respectable men among the individuals of the regular clergy, who, superior to circumstances, devote themselves entirely to the fulfilment of the duties of their sacred ministry; who as true fathers of their parishioners, look carefully after their comfort and welfare; and who, for that reason possessing their esteem, are, consequently, one of the chief supports of the action of the government in the villages. it is with reference to these that i have remarked in another place that both religion and policy recommend them. let all be placed in the same category, and let strict watch be put on the instruction and conduct of the parish priests, in which, truly, there is much to correct; and the happiness of the provinces will be secure, if, in addition, the improvements demanded by the state of civilization and of wealth in some of the provinces, and by the genius and circumstances of the various races inhabiting them, and the differences of the times in which we are living, are made in their government and administration. for that purpose it must be kept in mind that ambition is wont to affect the spanish people transplanted to these distant and hot climes; that arrogant presumption is the distinctive characteristic of their descendants; and we must consider duly the characteristic qualities of the natives. as i have remarked to your excellency on a different occasion, i consider the moral picture of the indian as very difficult to draw, for frequently one finds united in him abjectness and ferocity, timidity and a wonderful fearlessness and courage in danger, and indolent laziness and slovenliness combined with industry and avaricious self-interest. it is impossible to represent exactly under one single stroke all the phases of their contradictory character. but in general the indian is pacific, superstitious, indolent, respectful to authority, heedless, distrustful, and deceitful. dominated by his first sensations, and most fertile in expedients to extricate himself from difficulties, or to carry out his design at a moment's notice, he must be considered as a minor who follows the dictates of his own will; and, as such, he must be directed for his own good, his difficulties must be forestalled, corrected and punished. the natives are also spiteful and revengeful when they believe themselves offended; and at such times, hiding their ill-will under the veil of a deceitful humility, they await the opportunity for satisfying it, and generally give rein suddenly to their ill-will with perfidy and ferocity. [the contradictory character of the filipino native explains the ease with which a large province can be governed by one official with the aid of the parish priests and two or three dozen soldiers; while, on the other hand, the insurance companies of india refuse to stand the risks of mutiny in a vessel employing half a dozen natives from manila in its crew. the natives know no middle path between abject respect and insolent contempt, in their attitude toward the whites. in case of a foreign or internal war the governors or alcaldes-mayor of the provinces would be the least capable of directing affairs, because of their ignorance of the native languages and customs, and because they are in continual conflict with the natives over the collection of the tribute, while at the same time they exercise a monopoly in trade.] for a very long period the elements of discord among the authorities have been numerous for lack of a special and analogous legislation, enacted with regard to the genius and circumstances of the various peoples inhabiting these islands and the enormous distance separating them from the mother-country. during these latter years, there have been heaped up on this unfavorable foundation the elements emanating from the civil war which has covered the mother-country with mourning, and those of our own political dissensions; the development and tendencies of the revolutionary principles common to all the colonial possessions of the world, and which only force, supported by the interest of self-preservation, is capable of restraining; and lastly the impressions which it has been impossible to keep from transmission to the natives and other races, in proportion as the knowledge of our language becomes general to them, and as they become civilized, and contract our tastes and necessities through the increase of commerce and industry, and observe from anear the confusion resulting from our lack of harmony. this is, in my opinion, the chief cancer of this body politic, and will finish it very speedily unless your excellency, acting with the discretion and the energy so strongly charged in the laws, and especially in the royal order of april 25, 1837, apply the remedy peremptorily demanded by our situation. [discord and confusion and the spirit of resistance are rife throughout the provinces. the events of 1820 and 1823, the sedition of apolinario in october, 1841, and the mutiny of the troops, although different in their origin, all exhibit the "perfidy and ferocity that always accompany movements of color in ultramar." the prestige of the government is weakened, which formerly was, with religion, the chief foundation of spanish domination. the political factions that have arisen in the last six years, and which are now perfectly organized, are greatly to blame. the peninsulars and spanish filipinos will end by destroying each other if the fitting remedy is not speedily applied. in a report made to the government after the sedition of apolinario had been put down, matta said that the origin of the confraternity consisted "only in the character of the superstition which distinguishes these natives, who most readily believe whatever is presented to them under the veil of religion and of the marvellous; asserted that it became fanaticism as soon as measures were taken against apolinario and his confreres, and that it became a declared sedition when the unfortunate ortega attacked them in ygsaban with more valor than prudence; and that from that time presenting the appearance of a near insurrection in the neighboring provinces, it is to be feared that it would have been converted into a revolution capable of compromising the conservation of these important possessions had not the seditious ones been promptly defeated and severely punished in alitao." matta's report also said that probably apolinario's expulsion from the hospital of san juan de dios in manila, and the measures taken against his associates, together with the suggestions of the adherents of independence, contributed to the holding of the novena in tayabas in spite of the precautions taken by the military and ecclesiastical authorities. these occurrences were principally the effect of superstition and fanaticism; and although the ideas of emancipation have been present in the philippines, as in all colonies since the spanish-american revolution, yet ideas of emancipation are limited in the islands to a few spaniards who do not even form a political party, but only a crowd of complainers who are either not government employees, or are employees who take it ill that spaniards are sent from the peninsula to fill offices that they believe belong properly to themselves. [40] the ideas of emancipation have not yet contaminated, nor will they in a long time contaminate the chinese, the chinese mestizos, spanish mestizos, or the natives, with the exception of a few of the "secular clergy, as insignificant because of their ignorance and few resources as by their lack of influence among their countrymen." whatever be the opinions of the influential spaniards born in the islands, they recognise that political upheavals would be as fatal to themselves as to the peninsulars. in the insurrection of last january, among the six white officers assassinated or wounded, three of those killed and one wounded belonged to the revolting regiment, while the two remaining who were wounded were europeans. the safety of all lies in the stability of the government; but it must be noted that events are daily more serious and that the discontent is spreading. important reforms are necessary, but matters must be viewed only in the light of the public cause. "without virtues there can be no prestige; and, without prestige, it will also be impossible for the lesser part to dominate the great whole." the conservation of the islands depends on "radical reforms in their legislation, and peremptory measures of precaution and security." such reforms are:] 1st. the formation of a special law for these islands, analogous and framed with reference to the genius and circumstances of the various peoples inhabiting them, and to their great distance from the mother-country. [matta believes in a law that will outline the duties of the governor and captain-general, and place under his general supervision real heads of the various departments of government, who shall be responsible. a colonial council or cabinet for consultation on affairs of general public interest should also be formed. this separation of duties into specific classes, the heads of each department to be subordinate to the governor, in accordance with law ii, título ii, book iii, will ensure the right use of the governing functions. to continue so many unconnected duties under the governor will only add to the confusion.] 2d. the improvement of the government and administration of the provinces by organizing them with reference to their present state of civilization and wealth. for they cannot now, without serious inconveniences, without transcendental harm, have the government, judicial, military and revenue functions, together with commercial occupations and cares, united under one person alone. [the system of placing one person in command of all these departments is opposed to civilization and to the mercantile spirit that has penetrated into the provinces. civil governors should be appointed who should have charge of the government, administration of justice, and the promotion of the welfare of the inhabitants. such governors should have learned the native tongue and should know something of the native manners and customs. the collection of tributes should not be entrusted to them, and their posts should be permanent, except for transfers, promotions, and suspension by the governor and captain-general, or sentence by the suitable tribunal. this will give such provincial chiefs the necessary prestige, in accordance with the royal order of december 10, 1839. in the provinces, passion often takes the place of reason, and anything at all can be justified because of the facility with which the natives contradict and perjure themselves. the position of the provincial chief demands that his authority be very vigorous and held in respect. the native must be kept respectful by tact, justice, punishment, and energy. jueces pesquisidores [41] and judges to take the residencia should not be sent to the provinces, as that tends to weaken the authority of the provincial chief. easy recourse can be had in the provinces to the tribunals and superior authorities of the islands, while the natives and chinese can appeal to their protectors, who are generally very zealous in their behalf.] 3rd. the suppression of the colleges of santo tomas, san jose, [42] and san juan de letran of this capital, and the conciliar seminaries of the bishoprics, as perpetual nurseries of corruption, laziness, or subversive ideas, as contrary to the quiet and welfare of the villages as to peninsular interests. [the suppression of the last three can be made at once, and they should be replaced with schools of agriculture, [43] arts, [44] and commerce, which will conduce to the prosperity of the colony. as regards santo tomas, inasmuch as immediate suppression would anger the spaniards and chinese mestizos who have control of almost all the capital of the islands, a new plan should be adopted by which desire to attend it would be gradually decreased until it can be suppressed without any trouble. sensible spaniards generally believe that the suppression of these institutions would conduce to the good of the islands and of spain. from them come the swarms of ignorant and vicious secular priests, and the pettifogging lawyers, who stir up so much trouble among the natives, and cause the provincial chiefs so great inconvenience. although not much attention is paid to this class, they are the most vicious and worthless in the islands. public convenience demands the teaching of agriculture, the arts, and commerce, instead of the theology and law to which the institutions above mentioned are devoted. it should not be forgotten that the spanish-american revolutions were fostered by curas and lawyers, who since they know both the native language and spanish, have great influence with the masses. the influence of the friar parish priests is now very much weakened, for they have almost entirely abandoned the spiritual administration to their native assistants. these assistants, by working on the superstitious character of the natives, can rouse them to any act that will satisfy their own desires for vengeance.] 4th. the eternal abolition of the sentences of residencia, to which, as governors, the captains-general of the provinces of ultramar are still subject. [these sentences have been of no use to the inhabitants of the islands, but on the contrary of great harm. appeal lies to the audiencia from the judicial acts of the governor, and to the spanish court from his purely administrational acts. the free press, in which all things are bruited, is also of great use. communication with spain is now frequent. the governor and the chief of the treasury have been divested of almost all governmental authority through the residencia. the judicial and contentious have invaded everything and obscured the action of the provincial chiefs as well as the superintendent and intendant and the governor. the chief authorities of the islands need more energy and freer action.] 5th. [the adoption of various other legislative and economic measures which matta has before proposed to the government.] [capitalists and workers are needed in the islands, but, in order to attract them, there must be governmental and administrational reforms. the natives must be considered and various reforms made concerning them, and the heavy tribute on the chinese must be reduced to not more than the twelve reals per annum for those engaging in agriculture. the public wealth of the islands must be increased. whites, chinese, and mestizos must be encouraged to go to the islands in greater numbers, in order to correct the laziness of the natives, and, by their wealth and prestige, to offset the numerical majority of the natives. the increase of consumers in the islands will give a greater outlet to spanish products from the peninsula. the revenues must be increased in proportion to the public wealth, in order to sustain the increase of necessary forces.] [the reforms looking toward security and conservation which are urgently demanded by the moral condition of the country are as follows:] 1st. the reëstablishment of the well-organized military commission of police, vigilance, and public safety. [this would be able to check all sorts of disorder and conspiracy. its members should be paid by the state, such pay to come from the licenses issued to travelers going to the interior, from licenses to carry arms, from fines, and from the fourth part of all contraband goods confiscated.] 2d. the institution of night-watches in the city and villages outside its walls, which require them, as almost all the traders and a considerable portion of the white population live therein. [these night-watches would relieve the troops of patrol duty in many instances. they would be under the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and paid from the municipal funds.] 3rd. the constant maintenance of a guard of at least one thousand european troops. [these are necessary for the garrisoning of the fort at santiago, the palace, the parián gate, and the other necessary points. matta's plan also calls for the reëstablishment of the spanish guard of halberdiers of one hundred men, to act as interior palace guard, and serve as a source of supply for sergeants for the native regiments. he recommends the establishment of tagálog academies in order that the spanish officers and sergeants may learn the native language. [45] certain privileges are proposed for the european soldiers, whereby their pay may be greater than that of the native soldiers, for their necessities are greater. the term of service in the philippines ought to be eight years, as provided by royal order of july 26, 1836; but those who are fit ought to be allowed to reënlist and be transferred to the revenue guard [cuerpo del resguardo], in order to save cost on transportation. matta is against having fewer europeans in the service as has been urged by many persons of experience in the philippines. the system outlined by him is not one merely of military occupation, but looks to a close bond with the mother-country and to the industrial development of the islands. agriculture is the best occupation for the whites, and is in fact the only one that will give a good comfortable living. a greater number of europeans will mean a greater proportion of mestizos; [46] and if these, together with the chinese and some of the whites, engage in agriculture they will throw their influence on the side of the government, because of self-interest. exaggerated ideas are voiced regarding the peninsulars. they are never more dangerous than during the first few years in the islands; but, as they become accustomed to the climate and learn to know the inhabitants, their ideas moderate. consequently, for this reason, and because of the expense, matta is against frequent reliefs of soldiers. vacancies in the ranks should always be filled with recruits from spain, and never with natives. discipline must not be relaxed on the voyage from spain; and the soldiers must be kept in good form physically. a special boat is recommended for the transport of soldiers to and from spain; and cost of transport can be reduced.] 4th. the completion of the organization of the valuable corps of the revenue guards [cuerpo del resguardo]. [this can be done by carrying out the royal order of october 18, 1837, and the three parts of the regulations drawn up by matta's predecessor june 4, 1841, the first two parts of which have already been approved. matta has endeavored without avail, and supported by various officials, to gain the governor's approval to the third part. the corps of the revenue guards is always loyal to the governor. with the increase provided in the plan for organization, this corps will be the most suitable to defend the country either against foreign or internal foes. since the immediate object of the revenue guards is the custody, defense, and guard of the revenues, they ought to depend immediately on the treasury department, although they may be available when the public safety demands it for any other duty. by a decree of matta's predecessor, of april 25, 1839, the revenue guards of the various departments--those of the bay, and of the tobacco and wine and liquor monopoly revenues--were united into one corps. this extensive corps, which absorbs annually the sum of 191,589 pesos, has no adequate organization, a matter to which immediate attention should be given.] 5th and last. that the attempt be made, in a truly impartial and foresighted system, to conciliate the minds of people, and to put an end to that pernicious mistrust that has been introduced between the peninsular spaniards and the sons of the country [i.e., the spaniards born in the philippines], which is so contrary to the common interest. [the government must not be partial to any one class of men, for each class contains good men who should be rewarded and advanced, and bad men who should be closely watched and punished. merit should be the only cause for advancement. in closing matta says that his private life in the islands and his long public service have given him abundant opportunity to observe and study people and conditions. this memorial is dated manila, february 25, 1843.] [47] the philippines, 1860-1898--some comment and bibliographical notes by james a. leroy the "modern era" in the philippine islands--which indeed, in certain respects, did not really begin until after the establishment of american rule--coincides roughly with the last half of the nineteenth century. it is impossible to assign arbitrarily any date as precisely that of its commencement. one will be inclined to lay stress upon this or that circumstance, and to choose this or that date, as he places importance mostly upon matters connected with economic development, or with social progress, or with political reforms. the truth is that there was advancement in all these lines, as also there were hindrances to progress in each of them, and that only by surveying it in each of these phases of its development can we come to understand in how considerable a degree philippine society was remade during this period. looking primarily at the expansion of trade and foreign relations, we might date the new era in the philippines from the opening of the suez canal in 1869. yet that event, while greatly stimulating trade and agricultural development, did not inaugurate the modern era in that respect. the presence of foreign traders, introducing agricultural machinery and advancing money on crops, was the chief stimulus to the opening of new areas of cultivation, the betterment of methods of tilling and preparing crops for the market, and the consequent growth of exports; indeed, one may almost say that certain american (united states) and english trading houses nurtured the sugar and hemp crops of the philippines into existence. and their pioneer work in this respect was done before the opening of the suez canal brought the philippines into vital touch with europe by means of steam navigation--american influence being then, in fact, already on the wane. one might more readily, from this point of view, assign importance as a date to 1856, when iloilo (and soon after sebú) was opened to foreign trade (hitherto confined to one port of entry, manila) and foreigners were permitted to open business houses outside of manila and to trade and traffic in the provinces; or, even, to 1859, when the first steam sugar-mill was set up in negros island. but the entering wedge had been driven by foreign traders into spain's policy of exclusion even before the cessation of the galleon-trade, the monopoly which confined manila's trade to a few spaniards resident there and their backers in mexico, who saw in manila only a depot of exchange for chinese and other oriental commodities, and commonly despised the idea of giving any attention to the crude products of the philippines or endeavoring to stimulate philippine agriculture and exportation properly so called. from the date when this ruinous monopoly expired with the occupation by mexican insurgents of acapulco, the port to which the galleons brought their silks, cottons, etc., attention was perforce turned upon philippine products as a source of trade, and philippine exports began to grow. [48] spanish traders being too few, and utterly untrained in the ways of competition, and spanish ships being scarce in the orient, foreign traders and foreign ships gathered the bulk of the business even in the face of useless and annoying restrictions, until finally these foreigners had broken down the barriers sufficiently to enter and take a hand in actively fostering agricultural development in the philippines. hence, the opening of the suez canal only gave a new turn and a great acceleration to a movement that, as regards philippine internal development, may more logically be dated from 1815, the year of the last voyage of the galleon. in one sense, indeed, the opening of the suez canal tended to lessen, relatively, the influence of foreign business and banking houses in the development of the philippines, in that it led to direct steamship connection with spain, awakening interest at home in this hitherto neglected colony and bringing to the philippines for the first time in three hundred years more than a mere handful of spaniards. after the early adventurers and encomenderos had disappeared, the number of spanish civilians in private life was few indeed, numbering the favored merchants who had shares in the galleon trade-monopoly, and an occasional planter, descended perhaps from a family of encomenderos rooted in the philippines, or being an ex-army officer who had remained in the islands. moreover, the small army maintained in the islands was to a considerable extent officered by mexican creoles or half-castes, its soldiers being mostly filipinos and mexicans. the list of civilian officials was itself small, the governor (alcalde mayor) of a province combining with his executive functions and (very commonly) his command of the troops garrisoned therein, the powers of a superior judge for both civil and criminal jurisdictions. the members of the religious orders constituted the largest numerically, as well as the most influential, element of spaniards in the philippines. outside of this class, the spanish population of the archipelago, always very small even in its total, was mostly gathered in a few places, manila containing by far the greater proportion. the general rule in the provinces was that only one white man, the friar-curate, was to be found in a town, a number of the smaller towns, moreover, not having a friar-curate, but a filipino secular priest. [49] the movement of spaniards to the philippines had, indeed, begun before the opening of the suez canal. the inauguration of the spanish-philippine bank in manila in 1852 afforded evidence much less, however, of the growth of spanish commercial interests than of a desire to foster the growth of such interests by supplying credit facilities more nearly up to date than those hitherto available (at ruinous rates of interest) from the old "pious funds" [obras pías] of various sorts, especially since the foreign trading houses were virtually performing the functions of banks in their ways of extending credit to agriculturists, or were being aided by private bankers associated with them. [50] the loss of spain's colonies on the mainland, besides turning many loyal or proscribed spaniards toward cuba and the peninsula, had in a small degree encouraged such emigration to the more distant philippines, and the history of certain of the most prominent spanish families in the philippines dates from the decades immediately following the political upheavals in spanish-america. in the main, however, such immigrants as came to the philippines in this way were government employees who, being ousted from the american continent, must rest as pensioners on the home government if the latter could not find them places in the spanish antilles or the philippines. such immigration, it need not be said, was not altogether an unmixed good; and some of the various "administrative reforms" designed for the philippines in the fifties and sixties showed the influence of this pressure to provide places for officeholders with a claim on the government. the number of spaniards who came to the philippines on their private initiative was very small until direct steam communication with the peninsula was opened, and though it never became large during the last thirty years of spanish rule, spanish commercial interests in the islands gained relatively on those of foreigners after the opening of the canal. a direct steamship line from barcelona was soon established under subsidy. the domestic shipping laws of spain were even more fully extended over the philippine archipelago, and the already existing preferential customs duties and regulations aided the growth of spanish trade in the islands thereafter more than they had done before. [51] the opening of the suez canal and the entry of spaniards into the archipelago in greater numbers marks an epoch even more in a social way than as respects trade and commerce. and the new social era then inaugurated was closely allied thenceforward with the discussion of political reforms, with the essay of some such reforms on the part of government, and finally with an organized filipino propaganda for greater social and political freedom. when the spanish revolution of 1868 occurred the philippines were still far remote from the mother-country, with its disturbing agitations, wherein violence and utopianism were destined to prepare the way for the reaction; the new governor-general sent out by the reformers who expelled isabel ii came to manila by the cape of good hope, the old voyage which took four months or more to bring even the news of what was going on in spain. the constitution of 1868 had been proclaimed in the philippines but a few months back when, early in 1870, the first steamer arrived direct from barcelona via suez. thenceforward, the capital of this remote spanish outpost in the orient was but one month distant from barcelona for mail and passengers; soon after ocean cables to the ports of china (eventually extended to manila) put the philippines in daily touch, as it were, with important occurrences in spain. the old régime of slumbering exclusion, already breaking down under the influence of trade, was ended. the influx of spaniards from this time forward had in it, from the first to the last, more of "politics" than of individual initiative. more of them came out to take governmental positions than to engage in trade, or, less frequently, in agriculture, though many who lost their places by changes in administration stayed in the islands and occupied themselves in private enterprises. it was the "reformers" of the revolutionary period in spain who first undertook to make a "clean sweep" of the offices in the philippines, putting in their friends. administrative reforms, and to a considerable extent a change of officials, was needed; but a more or less complicated bureaucracy was introduced along with some laudable reforms, and there was then inaugurated the pernicious custom of changing the lower spanish officials in the philippines, as well as the higher, with every change of administration in spain--the "dance and counter-dance of employees," as one writer has named it. [52] there is undoubtedly some truth in the charge made by the defenders of the philippine friars that the entry of spaniards, especially officeholders, during the latter part of the nineteenth century lowered the prestige of the spanish name in the islands, and was a cause (the friars would make it the chief or sole cause) of the discontent, eventually the rebellion, of the filipinos. administrative reforms, some of which were highly beneficial, such as the abolition of the tobacco monopoly [53] and the reorganization of provincial governments, nevertheless had the chief effect, in the eyes of the filipinos, of raising direct taxes and of burdening them with the support of new sets of officeholders, whose presence was not infrequently distasteful. by far too large a proportion of these officeholders, who came out to an unhealthful clime to take places which were miserably paid and might be taken away from them in two or three years, were concerned rather with the "pickings" than with the duties attached to their offices. some were openly contemptuous of the natives, and thus helped to destroy the former good feeling between the races. the grievance of the friars was, however, far more frequently vented upon a class of spanish officeholders quite different from those who gained odium through tyranny or corruption or both; the special hostility of the friars was visited upon their countrymen who gained great popularity with the natives, because of their more democratic beliefs and manners. such men were commonly of the anti-clerical party in spain, and the bitterest element in home politics was thus transferred to the philippines. one may recognize that such men were all too commonly quixotic and indiscreet, as spanish liberals notoriously are. to refuse to kiss the friar's hand, and to speak contemptuously of him and all his kind (perhaps even to stir up scandal against them), may have seemed to such men a very natural and proper method of asserting their political beliefs and their sense of individual independence; yet the friars have rightly said that such actions, and the many things growing out of them, struck a blow at the very foundations of the structure upon which spanish supremacy had been built in the islands. hence it was that not infrequently a more far-seeing liberal, after some years of experience in the islands, would come out as a defender of the philippine friars and their views as to the political régime to be maintained there; he would perhaps explain it by saying that he was "a liberal at home, but in the philippines all ought to be spaniards and only that." even if we give full faith to the complaints of the friars' defenders on this score--and their representations of the last half of the nineteenth century are very one-sided--even if we admire and accept as truthful the picture they draw of a sort of eden in the philippines back of 1860, and particularly in the two preceding centuries, wherein the humble filipino lived practically free of taxation, exempt from abuses from above, guileless of serious crime, and watched over by a paternal superior who directed his steps to the eternal bliss of the other world: still, accepting the friars' case at its face value, it is plain that they asked for and expected the impossible when they fought to perpetuate medieval conditions in a country opened to trade and commerce and to modern thought and contact with the world at large. we may doubt that ignorance was bliss even in the "good old days;" but it was certain that those days must come to an end when the philippines were awakened by steamships, telegraph lines, newspapers, and books (even though under clerical and political censorship). clear-sighted prophecy was that of feodor jagor, the german scientist who traveled through the philippines just before 1860, and who, though he found much to praise in the old paternal régime, said: "the old situation is no longer possible of maintenance, with the changed conditions of the present time. the colony can no longer be shut off from the outside. every facility in communication opens a breach in the ancient system and necessarily leads to reforms of a liberal character. the more that foreign capital and foreign ideas penetrate there, the more they increase prosperity, intelligence, and self-esteem, making the existing evils the more intolerable." [54] the echoes of spanish partisanship and the talk of nineteenth-century reforms had been heard in the philippines before the revolution of 1868 and the opening of the suez canal, though it was only after these events that the people generally began to be stirred, and then only in the most populous districts. because the clerical influence was all-powerful anyway, and the whole fabric of philippine government reposed upon it, carlism was felt in the islands before 1850 rather as an influence in certain military mutinies and as a source of strife between rival sets of civil officials than as involving primarily a defense of ecclesiastical privilege. foremost among the events of the decade preceding the revolution of 1868 may be put the return of the jesuits to the islands in 1859 (allowed by decree of 1852) and the beginning of educational reform with the decrees of 1863 ordering the establishment of a normal school and of primary schools under government control and supported directly by the local governments. [55] the jesuits had already opened a secondary school in manila, introducing for the first time something besides merely theoretical instruction in natural sciences, and more modern methods of instruction generally. their secondary school was subsidized by the city government of manila, their meteorological observatory was subsidized by the insular government, which also employed them to inaugurate and conduct the new normal school. [56] from this time forward the society was both directly and indirectly a stimulus to educational progress in the philippines, was influential both in diffusing more generally primary instruction and in improving methods and widening curriculums of higher instruction. in a large degree, the educational program remained to the end of spanish rule a pretentious but most superficial thing, more sounding brass than solid achievement. but we may fairly date a new epoch in this respect from the return of the jesuits and the decrees of 1863. in another way the return of the jesuits is to be associated with the beginning of a new era in the islands. they were not permitted to resume the parochial benefices which their order had held prior to their expulsion in 1768, but were to engage in missions in mindanao and in educational and scientific work. their resumption of the old missions in mindanao was accomplished at the expense of the order of recollects, which was thereupon given the provision of certain parishes, including several wealthy parishes in luzon, which had for greater or less intervals been held by the more prominent and able of the secular priests, filipinos of pure native blood or half-castes. [57] the cabildo of the manila cathedral, including the more notable of the secular priests, and the curates of the few conspicuous parishes (in central luzon) which it fell to the lot of the secular clergy to occupy, had come to regard these benefices as their property, in a "corporate" sense, as it were, quite as each religious order felt that certain parishes, or whole provinces "belonged" to it as an order. it is significant that here, for the first time, one notes a feeling of solidarity among the filipino secular clergy--for the demonstration of which feeling one has looked in vain, except in isolated cases, prior to that time, above all in connection with the effort (1770) of the spanish archbishop santa justa y rufina, to secularize the parishes and displace the friars with native priests. only the bolder of the filipino priests expressed the complaints of their fellows, even now, and open talk of a campaign for secularization of all the parishes was scarcely heard until some courage was infused into these few and the small party of filipino liberals (mostly half-castes or spaniards of philippine birth) after the revolution of 1868 and the arrival of a governor-general who permitted public demonstrations in behalf of liberal reforms. from the time of the execution of three filipino priests for alleged complicity in the cavite mutiny of 1872 [58]--the proofs of whose guilt the public has not seen, if the military courts which tried them did--there was added to the campaign for the expulsion of the friars [59] on account of their landed estates and of their stifling of intellectual freedom the demand that philippine parishes be entrusted to a native priesthood. only since american occupation has the demand for a national clergy found full expression, but it had for a quarter of a century before that been an important phase of the sentiment of nationality, a sentiment that was growing steadily, though slowly and in the main secretly until 1896 in the tagálog provinces and 1898 in the archipelago at large. the reactionary party had partially regained the upper hand when the mutiny occurred in cavite in 1872. instead of treating it as its comparative insignificance demanded, and as prudent statecraft would have counseled, they employed it as an excuse for vengeful violence, as a means for resuming full control of philippine policy, and continued for twenty-five years thereafter to point to it as their most useful "horrible example," as an evidence of what must follow the inauguration, even in the slightest degree, of a liberal policy in the government of the islands. rightly or wrongly, the people of that and the succeeding generation in the tagálog provinces, and to a less degree in the others, were schooled in racial resentment through the belief that the native priests had been done to death, upon a pretext of manufactured evidence, by the malevolence of the friars. the proscription of the more conspicuous of the then small liberal element among the filipinos had consequences of no less importance. those who were sent into exile for alleged complicity in the cavite mutiny were certain conspicuous half-castes and a few spaniards of philippine birth or of long residence in the islands. the native element proper was for the moment scarcely affected, even in manila and its environs; and no one has ever demonstrated that the few more advanced men of spanish blood who were moved by the revolution in spain to take a stand for liberal measures in the philippines were engaged in anything but legitimate political discussion, or indeed that they talked of going so far in this direction in the philippines as had already been done in the peninsula. these proscriptions powerfully stimulated the idea of a "filipino cause." some of the exiles escaped to hongkong, and there founded a filipino colony. others settled eventually in europe; the more progressive and ambitious filipinos began sending their sons to madrid and paris for education in contact with the thought of modern europe; and in these capitals, and later in japan, little filipino colonies became centers of discussion of political reforms, and through letters, publications in the liberal periodicals of spain, and finally through their own books and periodicals of propaganda, greatly influenced the growth of a public opinion in the backward society of the philippines. spanish masonry gradually extended the circle of its initiations and of its secret operations (necessarily secret to an extraordinary degree) in the islands. at first only spaniards had been admitted to a few lodges, then mestizos were admitted, and finally natives of some degree of education without regard to race. in the eighties and nineties, there seems to be no doubt, a sort of independent grand lodge in spain (asserted by some to be of spurious masonry), [60] managed by zealous liberal propagandists with whom certain of the filipino propagandists in barcelona had associated themselves, directed the active organization of lodges in as many filipino towns as contained favorable material, for the purpose of fostering in the islands a demand for political reforms, of distributing the literature of the propaganda, and of collecting funds to support the campaign in spain for the extension of greater social, political, and religious freedom to the filipinos. the spaniards associated with this movement were for the most part men of no standing and quixotic visionaries. some of the filipinos who figured in the propaganda abroad were quite as unpractical, being inexperienced and excitable youths, full of jealousy of each other, while some few of them, moreover, misused the funds raised for them by their fellows at home. the whole program for "assimilation" of the philippines to spain as a province of the peninsula, giving a distant archipelago in the orient with its widely different population, social status, and economic conditions and needs, a government just like that of european spain was manifestly absurd and inimical to the interests of the filipinos themselves, not to add that its realization was an utter impossibility. but these things should not have been allowed to hide the justice of the demand for such reforms and privileges as were practical and compatible with the needs and conditions of the archipelago and its people: for a spokesman or spokesmen of the philippines in the cortes at madrid; for reforms in judiciary and fundamental laws, not blindly copied from those promulgated in spain but adapted to the philippines, or if necessary especially drafted for them; for administrative reforms, above all as to the civil service and looking toward an increasing recognition of the native element in government, and toward a decentralization that should be gradually extended as far as deeply rooted habits and long-standing customs would permit; and, finally, for greater individual and social freedom, both in a political and a religious sense. this last was really the crux of the whole situation, so far as the continuance of spanish sovereignty should not come to depend purely on force. in the old days it had rested on religious teachings, on the friars in fact, with the sense of race-prestige in the background to support spanish authority. it was futile for the friars to cry out for a return to the old conditions, and to denounce as dangerous any reforms in the direction of freedom of thought or of speech; the pages of history could not be turned back. the idea of future independence from spain was, to be sure, in the minds of some at least of the filipino propagandists. but their present campaign was for greater political liberty, and the measures they advocated, and even the methods they employed almost to the last, would have been legitimate in any free country--were, in fact, legitimate even then in the peninsula itself, where they could advocate publicly what they must whisper among their fellows at home. the very fact that such organizations as these spurious masonic lodges were under the ban, and that even to be suspected of belonging thereto was to invite the danger of deportation from home as a "conspirator," is sufficient proof of the essential righteousness of the propagandists' cause. and the campaign that began with a few spanish-filipinos in manila and gradually extended to the more independent men of education in the provinces eventually, under half-educated leaders of the small middle class, reached in a perverted form the masses themselves, especially in central luzon, and found expression at last in violence and an outburst of race-hatred. the katipunan was not masonic, as the friars asserted, only copying some of the masonic formulæ; but it was a natural and logical outgrowth of the smothering of what had been a legitimate movement for the expression of filipino reform sentiment. the title to these notes has indicated the year 1860 as marking in a general way the opening of the modern era in the philippines, without reference to any one particular event. it is proposed to give here, briefly, such further notes as will afford a working bibliography on this period, while calling attention to some subjects and certain points that are commonly disregarded in the bibliographies and published works dealing with the last years of spanish rule in the philippines. no pretense to completeness is made. the aim is to call attention, under their proper heads, to the more distinctly useful (or, in some cases, the more unreliable, and hence to be avoided) titles already listed in the philippine bibliography that is to be most readily obtained, and which is also the most complete and satisfactory work of this sort, viz., that published at washington in 1903; [61] and also to supplement these titles with others there unnoticed and with other data not easily found. in the main, only such works are cited as the writer has himself consulted, though in some cases the notes or recommendations of others have been followed. the first essential to a study of this period is a fair and comprehensive survey of philippine conditions in the years just preceding--the "old régime," as we may call it, though it was then breaking down in certain particulars. one book alone will serve the student's purpose in this respect; and, whatever others are read, jagor's [62] is indispensable. next to him, and in addition to the documents appearing in this series immediately preceding the present volume may be cited the 1842 informe of the spanish diplomat in the orient, sinibaldo de mas, and the two-volume treatise of 1846 by the frenchman, j. mallat. in certain respects, the latter has closely followed mas; but his is no mere translated plagiarism, like that of john bowring (1859), who was only a temporary visitor entertained by spanish officialdom in manila. the work of paul de la gironière, not his twenty years in the philippines, but his more serious work of 1855 (aventures d'un gentilhomme breton aux îles philippines), merits attention as containing the observations of a cultivated foreigner who had the advantage of years of residence in manila and a neighboring province. as was indicated at the beginning of these notes, to make a thorough study of this period, we should consider it under three heads, viz., economic development, social development, and political development. not only has there been no comprehensive review of the period as a whole, but there exists no review of it under any one of these heads, nor even any group of writings which can be offered to the inquirer as covering the field of inquiry in any one of these respects. for one thing, we must draw mainly upon spanish sources of information, official and private, and rare indeed is the spanish writer who does not either proceed regardless of the economic point of view, or else give entirely secondary consideration to the vital matter concerned in the economic and social progress of a people independently of political forms and governmental influences. the result is that spanish writers, with them the filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of philippine treatises in other languages (drawing hastily upon spanish sources), have over-emphasized the political history of this philippine period. of course, in spain and the spanish countries long-standing habit makes it the tendency to look to government for everything, and to think of all amelioration of evils and all incitements to progress as coming from above; while social and economic conditions in the philippines are such as to emphasize this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education standing apart from the masses and being, to the latter, identified in the main with the government, with the "powers above." nevertheless, it is to be insisted that social and economic progress in the philippines during the last half-century should be considered separately and studied more particularly than they have been thus far. it need hardly be said, for another thing, that it is not possible to make an absolute separation of this subject under the headings thus indicated. such a thing cannot be done with any people in any period of history. in this particular case, one need only mention the religious question, with its phases as a contest between friars and native clergy, as a demand for modern freedom of thought and speech, and as an agrarian question, to show at once that matters social, economic, and political are here interwoven. so also the spanish administration cannot be considered wholly apart from its bearing upon economic and social as well as purely political matters. no rigid classification is possible, but the student who approaches the history of this period--which, apart from its own interest, has had ever since 1898 the most vital bearing upon a public question of great importance in the united states today--will avoid confusion by giving consideration to these separate points of view. social development one would welcome an attempt by some one of the more ambitious filipino writers and students whose attention has been occupied almost exclusively with political controversy to write the social history of his people during this last period of spanish rule. the materials for such a study, so far as they now exist in print, are very fragmentary, and the work could hardly be well done by any but a resident of the islands during that period. but few references need be given here, and the inquirer must derive most of his information on this line from the numerous books and pamphlets whose object is primarily political questions and from the economic and fiscal tables and studies which shed light upon the general status of the people. general historical surveys of the period are lacking. montero y vidal's three-volume history comes down only to 1873. and, though it is the best philippine historical work for reference purposes, it is, after all, hardly more than a chronology of important events and compilation of official orders and projects, touching the life of the people scarcely at all. the same author's work of 1886, el archipiélago filipino, merits attention also in this connection, though primarily it sets forth facts geographical, statistical, etc. the works of manuel scheidnagel deserve also citation as those of a spanish official of long and varied experience in the philippines, and as shedding, incidentally to the particular subjects which they treat, light upon the conditions of country and people in general. [63] the foreigners who traveled in the philippines during this period, and who have written thereon, were occupied in most cases with scientific pursuits, and have confined themselves mainly to these objects in what they have published. the luçon et palaouan (paris, 1887) of alfred marche touches upon the customs and conditions of the people in its record of six years' scientific research for the government of france. edmond plauchut's contributions to the revue des deux mondes for 1869 and 1877, in lighter vein and perhaps not always accurate, are, like gironière's writings of earlier date, interesting as presenting the observations of a resident foreigner. among the works in english, revised or written since 1898 to meet the demand in the united states for information about the philippines, dean c. worcester's the philippine islands and their people (new york, 1898), brings us nearest to the life of the people, particularly in the rural districts and regions most remote from modern changing influences. the treatises of the british engineers and experts in tropical agriculture, frederick h. sawyer and john foreman, are written by men who were, naturally, best prepared to discuss the agricultural conditions and the material resources in general of the philippines. outside of these matters, except when reciting personal experiences and observations, both are compilers whose reading in philippine bibliography has been very fragmentary. foreman in particular has undertaken to cover the entire field of philippine history and politics, and has, to state the plain truth, made a very bad botch of it. he has been so often quoted in the united states as authority for erroneous statements that it is time to make this fact clear. it is commonly impossible to draw the line in what he has written between fact and gossip, conjecture, or partial truth. his latest edition (1906) contains most of the old glaring errors or even worse omissions, with a full measure of new ones in his recital of the history of events since 1896. some data contained in foreman's book are not readily available to an american student outside of the large libraries; but a caution is to be uttered against relying upon him, even for his recital of fiscal details or for his statistical tables. sawyer is very much more accurate and reliable, just as he is less pretentious in the program of his work. in studying the social process of the filipino people from about 1860 onward, the subject of education holds the first place. [64] it is, however, unnecessary to occupy ourselves here with the bibliography of the subject, which has been very fully covered in vols. xlv and xlvi of this work, the appendices to those volumes giving, in connection with other documents in this series and with the bibliographical notes, the most comprehensive treatment of the subject of education in the philippines that is yet available in any language. as we might expect from what has been said, the social life of the philippines, at least from about 1875, may best be studied in the periodicals of manila. in this connection it is only necessary to mention retana's el periodismo filipino, which covers the subject down to 1894. la revista de filipinas, edited by j. f. del pan, 1875-77, deserves special mention among the many periodicals of short life. among those of longer duration may be named el diario de manila, and also, for the closing years of spanish rule, la oceanía española, la voz española and el comercio. [65] one should also consult these spanish periodicals of manila for the political history of these years, particularly of 1896-98. it must be remarked, however, that, just as these periodicals reflected mainly the life only of the capital, and that quite exclusively from the spanish viewpoint, so also they treated political and administrative matters not merely under the constraint of their editors' notions as to "maintaining spanish prestige" but also with a censorship in the background, maintained by and for the political and the ecclesiastical authorities. [66] down to 1898 the philippine law of censorship of 1857, modeled on that of spain in the days of isabel ii, was in force, and it covered the publication of books and pamphlets of all sorts and of newspapers, the importation and sale of books, pictures, etc., and the regulation of theaters. [67] one will, therefore, look almost in vain in these periodicals prior to 1898 for expressions of the filipino point of view, or, till the close of 1897, for any frank expression of liberal political views on the part of spanish editors. the few manila periodicals started by filipinos before 1898, usually printed in spanish and tagálog, had but an ephemeral existence. [68] one must look for the expression of filipino aims and ideas to the periodicals that have been published since 1898; indeed, even the spanish press of manila has treated filipino questions with freedom only since american occupation began. for population statistics, all practical purposes are served by the tables and comparisons of the american census of 1903. [69] here one may find also the best data for reconstructing before his eyes the social and economic status of the philippines and its inhabitants at the close of spanish rule. the spanish civil census of 1896 was unfortunately never published, nor completed in some provinces. the civil census of 1887, though published in very condensed form, merits attention. [70] certain of the more notable statistical works of private individuals will require notice in connection with agriculture, industry, and commerce; here the student may be referred to the bibliography under the names of agustín de la cavada, j. f. del pan, and josé jimeno agius. [71] economic development using, as throughout these notes, the bibliography as a starting point, the student is referred to the first part of that work, viz., the list of the library of congress, under the headings agriculture, commerce, finance, and political and social economy; and to pardo de tavera's biblioteca under the alphabetical lists of aranceles, balanzas, boletín, estatutos, exposición, guía, instrucción, memoria, and reglamentos. some of the works therein cited are obviously indispensable, and occasional biographical and bibliographical notes are also afforded, especially by pardo de tavera under the names of authors cited, which will help in forming an opinion on the value of their works. [72] it is in point here to designate among these works those most useful as references in a general way upon philippine economic matters, to add some not listed in the bibliography, and to give some special references under the particular headings of agriculture, commerce, and industry. general.--jagor's book, already noted as the best introduction to the study of this period, is again mentioned here as affording data on the tobacco monopoly (which lasted until 1884, before its affairs were wound up), the attitude of the spaniards toward the entry of foreign traders, and the part these foreigners played in developing the culture of abaká and sugar. cavada's historia geográfica, geológica y estadística de filipinas (manila, 1876) has a good arsenal of data drawn chiefly from the civil statistical inquiries of 1870, though, like almost all such works in spanish, it is without a topical index and is put together in a disorderly manner most exasperating to the searcher for facts or figures on a specific point of inquiry. of the works of josé jimeno y agius, his memoria sobre el desestanco del tabaco (binondo, 1871) and población y comercio de las islas filipinas (madrid, 1884) should be especially mentioned. gregorio sancianco y goson's el progreso de filipinas (madrid, 1881), especially valuable on administrative matters just prior to the revision of the fiscal régime in connection with the abolition of the government tobacco monopoly, has also many data on land, commerce, and industry. scattered through the eight volumes of the fortnightly la política de españa en filipinas (madrid, 1891-98) are useful items on philippine currency and exchange, trade, etc., with occasional studies of these questions and those of chinese and european immigration, in most cases hasty, unreliable pieces of work, often even fantastic for their utter disregard of the fundamentals of political economy. foreman's book has already been characterized; nevertheless, checked up with sawyer's, it is of use in this connection. of the consular and other official reports, those of the british foreign office [73] are the most valuable as a series, though the comprehensive reports of the french consul, m. de bérard, covering the years 1888-92, merit first place as individual treatises. [74] the testimony and memoranda presented before the american peace commission in paris in 1898, together with some magazine articles on the philippines, form appendices to senate document no. 62, 55th congress, 3rd session; only the memorandum of general f. v. greene (pp. 404-440) and max l. tornow's sketch of the economic conditions of the philippines require any consideration in this connection. [75] the reports on civil affairs (1899-1901) of the united states military government in the philippines and the reports of the philippine commission have much retrospective value in connection with the previous economic and fiscal régime, and merit a general perusal in that light; some of their more especially pertinent revelations will be hereinafter cited. the report on certain economic questions in the english and dutch colonies in the orient (washington, 1902) by jeremiah w. jenks, special commissioner of the united states government, is of course of comparative value primarily, but contains some general remarks on philippine conditions as regards currency, labor, land, and taxation. in many respects the best economic study ever made of the philippines is victor s. clark's labor conditions in the philippines (bulletin of the bureau of labor no. 58, washington, may, 1905); though discussing the labor question, and that under american occupation, it has been written with a view constantly to past conditions in the philippines, social and political as well as economic. [76] agriculture, land, etc.--beyond the general references given, no special work can be recommended on the subject of philippine agriculture. the reports and bulletins of the present philippine bureau of agriculture (1902 to date) shed much light incidentally on past conditions and methods of cultivation. numerous official provisions and some private treatises on the spanish land laws are cited by pardo de tavera; but these remained for the most part dead letters, and for all practical purposes a little compilation in english [77] by the present philippine forestry bureau suffices. in a report on the establishment of land banks in the philippines, josé cabezas de herrera provided a historical review and abstract of landed property in those islands. [78] in connection with his arguments in behalf of a tax on landed property as just and as also necessary in order to support a really efficient government in the philippines, sancianco y goson gives considerable information on conditions of land tenure and cultivation down to 1881. [79] chinese.--discussion of the chinese in the philippines is related more particularly to questions of industry and retail trade. nevertheless, the spanish government maintained almost to the end the theory--it was hardly more than an empty theory--that the chinese immigration was being so regulated as to constitute a stimulus to agriculture. the subject also falls into place here because, from about 1886, when a campaign for the exclusion of the chinese was started by spanish merchants and newspaper men, a program for fostering the immigration of spaniards into the philippines, and especially into the undeveloped areas of mindanao and palawan, was quite regularly coupled with the arguments for chinese exclusion. this program was usually presented without regard for the climatic and economic considerations involved; that it was a "patriotic" scheme was sufficient for some of these writers, who never stopped to ask themselves if their plans were practical. [80] among the pamphlets on the chinese in the philippines cited by pardo de tavera, those of del pan and jordana y morera deserve attention. a good survey of the subject, though not accurate in its statistics, is g. garcía ageo's memorandum on the chinese in the philippines in report of the philippine commission, 1900, ii, pp. 432-445. [81] industries.--the general references already cited must be relied upon, and it is a rather wearisome task to uncover the data for a study of philippine industries from statistical tables, treatises and pamphlets which have given the subject a cursory or fragmentary treatment. the british and french consular reports may, however, be especially remarked. also, the reports of the chief of the bureau of internal revenue in the reports of the philippine commission since 1904, when a new scheme of internal taxation was adopted, contain much information on industrial conditions, past and present. commerce, internal trade, navigation, etc.--the spanish statistical annuals, tariff regulations, etc., are fully listed by the library of congress and pardo de tavera, under the headings above noted for general references on economic matters. the most comprehensive survey of trade statistics, and one which almost serves the purpose by itself alone, is contained in the monthly summary of commerce of the philippine islands, for december, 1904, published at washington by the bureau of insular affairs. it presents classified tables covering philippine imports and exports for the fifty years 1855-1904; they were prepared from the best available spanish trade statistics, reduced to terms of american gold currency at the average rate of exchange for each year, and, so far as the writer has checked these figures, they are the most reliable that are presented anywhere. [82] among the very few spanish writings, azcárraga's libertad de comercio (madrid, 1872) and jimeno agius's población y comercio (1884) deserve special mention, also once more the useful little book of sancianco y goson, for brief but useful data for 1868-80 in its appendices. [83] for 1891-98, la política de españa en filipinas has some scattering figures on trade and commerce, year by year, highly unsatisfactory for the most part. besides the general references upon the spanish customs tariffs, one will find in senate document no. 134, 57th congress, 1st session (washington, 1902), in its exhibit d, a comparison of the 1901 tariff with the spanish tariff of 1891. [84] currency.--the list of the library of congress, under the heading finance, cites a few spanish and foreign treatises on philippine currency prior to 1898, and the earlier american official reports on the subject. one will get more enlightenment upon the actual conditions prevailing during the last years of spanish rule from memoranda and testimony in certain of these american reports than from any of the printed sources of date earlier than 1898. nevertheless, the petition of the manila chamber of commerce in 1895 reproduced in la política de españa en filipinas, v, no. 105, brings out in part the highly unsatisfactory conditions produced by the spanish government's inaction and disregard of well-established economic principles. in ibid., vii, p. 217, is given the text of the decree of april 17, 1897, providing for the new philippine silver peso which was beginning to circulate in the islands when american arms intervened, and which was proclaimed as a "settlement" of the philippine currency evils, yet would obviously not have proved sufficient, unsupported as it was by provisions to sustain it in the face of the decline of silver. in much of the loose talk about economic depression in the philippines since the wars of 1896-98 and 1899-1901, not enough attention has been paid to the fact that "hard times" had really begun before, during 1891-95 particularly, and that an unstable currency and exchange fluctuations had then played their part in producing these conditions; also that it was the filipino laborer and small producer who was especially mulcted of his due by conditions produced in part officially and in part by governmental neglect. [85] in addition to the american documents listed by the library of congress, reference should be made, as regards currency and exchange evils before 1898, to the survey of the subject by the schurman commission (report of the philippine commission, 1900, i, pp. 142-149), and the testimony of manila bankers and business men in the same report (vol. ii); to magazine articles by charles a. conant printed as appendices in report of the commission on international exchange (washington, 1903); and, for a few details on previous conditions, with exchange tables, to the reports of e. w. kemmerer, chief of the division of currency, for 1904 and 1905. [86] political development--spanish administration our object here being primarily the political progress of the filipino people, we are concerned incidentally, as it were, with the subject of spanish administration considered by itself alone. a good study of that subject, be it said, is lacking, and it may be recommended as an opportunity worth improving. no one who has read even a little about the philippines and filipinos need be told that it is necessary to trace the political development of this people along two lines--unfortunately, it proved for spain, lines that are divergent in considerable degree. hence the subdivision of this heading, regarding, first, development under spanish administration and then the filipino propaganda, first of reform and finally of revolution. we are concerned in the first instance, that is, with reforms and progress realized in consequence of measures "from above." it has already been said that very considerable progress had been made by the spanish government from about 1860 onward, and was being made when the tagálogs appealed to arms in 1896. [87] it is also true that the stimulus to the filipino reform propaganda came in considerable degree from the movements toward betterment of the government itself, and from the agitations for reform in spanish home politics. [88] but the development of the filipino people, social, political, and economic, proceeded at last more rapidly, or less haltingly at least, than the progress in reform from above; the reform measures were only partial, often unpractical or ill-adapted to philippine conditions; abuses of administration continued under so-called liberal periods as well as in times of full clerical domination; in the action and reaction of spanish politics, in which so often are party divisions merely nominal and superficial, the course of progress was so irregular and uncertain as to lend justification to the feeling of the filipinos that they were being treated with insincerity; and all the while, in the midst of bitter partisan and religious controversy, conducted on both sides by writers most rabid and intemperate, the two peoples were constantly growing apart from each other, and were losing the mutual good-feeling of past years which, though always superficial in large part (as in any such domination of one race by another), had nevertheless had a foundation of genuine esteem. the administrative organism.--for present purposes, it almost suffices to refer simply to the list of the library of congress under the headings finance, law, political and social economy, and to pardo de tavera's biblioteca under the names of authors cited in the above list and the alphabetical headings aranceles, balanza, boletín, colección, disposiciones, exposición, guía, memoria, proyectos (those of 1870 for all sorts of reforms proposed after the spanish revolution of 1868), and reglamentos. the bibliography of colonization published by the library of congress, besides these special works on the philippines, lists also works on spanish colonies and works on colonization in general. [89] of the compilations, annuals, etc., listed in these bibliographies, special attention may be directed to those cited under the names of rodriguez san pedro (to 1869) and rodriguez berriz (to 1888). the most complete reference work on spanish legislation, executive regulations, etc., is the colección legislativa de españa, and this work contains provisions enacted at madrid with regard to the philippines down to and including 1898. for the full official record, not only of enactments at madrid, but of the forms under which these were carried into effect in the islands themselves, the philippine governmental regulations, proclamations, etc., covering this entire period down to the end of spanish rule, the official gazette of the philippines (published under the name la gaceta de manila, 1860-1898) is the final source; but the writer knows of no full collection thereof in any library of the united states, though there is of course one in the archives at manila. in this connection, it should be remarked that the governor-general had very wide, and in some respects not very exactly prescribed, powers, one of the most indefinite and sweeping of which was that requiring any general law or special provision of madrid, before it actually acquired force in the philippines, to be published with the governor-general's "cúmplase" ("let it go into effect"). this might be, and usually was, a mere formality; but it was capable of being used so as at least to postpone the execution of a legislative decree or ministerial order which was distasteful to the chief authority of the philippines, was violently opposed by the influential interests in the islands (particularly the ecclesiastical element), or, as happened in some cases, was manifestly inapplicable to philippine conditions. of course, the governor-general could readily be overruled, but even so, he could, if he desired, secure thus a delay and possible reconsideration of the matter, and the frequent changes of party administration in spain encouraged delays of this and like sorts, not a few reform decrees remaining thus dead letters in the philippines. it is often important, therefore, to discover not only what was the law or regulation provided for the philippines in madrid, but how it was put into force in the islands, or if it actually took effect at all. for this purpose, the official guide of the philippines (guía de forasteros to 1865, guía oficial from 1879 to 1898) supplements in some respects the official gazette and the collection of rodriguez berriz. [90] of surveys and summaries of spanish administration in the philippines listed in the bibliography may be mentioned cabezas de herrera's apuntes (1883) and fabié's ensayo histórico (madrid, 1896), also josé de la rosa's la administración pública en filipinas. [91] in the compilation by jesuit fathers published at washington in 1900 under the title el archipiélago filipino, there is to be found in vol. i, a survey of the governmental organization and the various activities of the government both under civil and ecclesiastical control. this is reproduced in english in vol. iv of report of the philippine commission, 1900. in vol. i of this report of the schurman commission (part iv, chapter i, also pp. 122-123) is an abstract of the spanish system of government which, so far as the framework of that government is concerned, serves the purpose for one who can not readily consult the spanish official sources from which it was drawn. [92] the major portion of this abstract is occupied by a translation and summary of the law reforming the philippine local governments in 1893, commonly called the "maura law" after the colonial minister who promulgated it. [93] as put in force by governor-general blanco, however, it was somewhat altered and revised, and many of its more promising provisions for local autonomy had in most towns remained in reality dead letters up to the time when revolt broke out in the tagálog provinces in 1896; elections under the new law were suspended, and martial law established. for this law in its original text and as promulgated by blanco, with regulations and model forms for the municipalities, see felix m. roxas's comentarios al reglamento provisional de las juntas provinciales (manila, 1894). [94] the administration in actual operation.--what most interests us is the actual working of this machine in manila, the provinces and towns, and the works above cited will mostly provide for us only its skeleton on paper. to make it an effective machine, we must resort to personal testimony, occasional revelations thrown upon it by such of our writers as looked beyond mere routine, and perhaps most of all to the periodical literature of the times. [95] few of the resident writers of the old régime thought it was quite patriotic, or would serve their personal interests, to discuss matters as frankly, for example, as did sancianco y goson. [96] testimony before the schurman commission (vol. ii of its report) in 1899 brings out, here and there, revelations as to how the former government was actually administered. [97] philippine government reports under american rule bring to light here and there revelations about the former administration, especially in fiscal and judicial matters. the customs collections benefited the treasury far less than they should have done; perhaps fully as much as was turned in was "absorbed" in one way and another. [98] special surtaxes on the customs and port dues were collected at manila for the improvement of its harbor from 1880 to 1898, amounting during the last five years alone to 3,500,000 pesos. yet the work, when at last inaugurated, dragged along in desultory fashion and the value of the breakwater constructed and the equipment in hand in 1898 amounted to no more than $1,000,000 gold. [99] taxation.--no one of the works on administration just cited treats this subject in a comprehensive or satisfactory manner. the only special study of the subject that is known to the writer is carl c. plehn's taxation in the philippines (political science quarterly, xvi, pp. 680-711, and xvii, pp. 125-148), and the author of this excellent survey had to drag his data forth from the official records and compilations. this survey gives all the most necessary information as to kinds of taxes, their incidence, and amounts; but for the most part there lie outside of its scope the questions one wishes to have answered as to methods of collection and the working of the fiscal administration in general, the actual receipts and expenditures for government purposes, and particularly the special local revenues so far as separate from general revenues. sancianco y goson again helps to fill the gap, as regards the system of taxation prevailing before the abolition of the tobacco monopoly and the reform of the tribute and the corvee in 1884. [100] anyone who has had experience with spanish fiscal tables need not be told that they do not always show what they appear to show. it is thus that the writers who have reproduced in english since 1898 philippine budgets for various years [101] have unwittingly misled their readers as to the real cost of government under spain. the figures shown in these budgets were the totals of net collections (and expenditures), for ordinary purposes, for the central government of the islands alone. they did not include the purely local licenses and other taxes, the surcharges on general taxes for local government (to be expended under supervision of the central authorities), the percentages that went to collectors, the other fees forming part or all of the compensation of some judicial and other officials, special surcharges for port works and other purposes not covered in the ordinary budget, etc. naturally, no estimate was included of the value of the forced-labor levy. the products of "squeeze" and "pickings," in some cases so fully established as to be notorious, were of course not included; nevertheless, they represented part of the cost of government to the people. finally, an ecclesiastical establishment, really a part of the government itself, drew support from the people in many ways beyond what would have been provided had not the power of government been behind it, under a system of voluntary contributions, for instance, apart from the communities which paid rent to the friars as landlords. [102] the spanish-philippine debt of 40,000,000 pesos, incurred in 1897 in consequence of the insurrection, has not had sufficient notice as being originally the cause at paris of the payment of $20,000,000 by the united states to spain in connection with the clause of the treaty providing for the cession of the philippines. had the islands remained under spanish sovereignty, they would have carried this their first public debt, expended wholly for war purposes, part of it being loaned for the payment of military operations in cuba. [103] legal and judicial.--in the introduction to the list of the library of congress, under the heading law, and on the pages of the list cited in that note will be found the formal bibliography of the subject. [104] some references upon the actual conditions of the administration of justice in the philippines have already been given. for this purpose, note also a comparison of the old criminal procedure with that introduced in 1899 in military governor on civil affairs (rept. war dept., 1900, i, part 10), pp. 17-20. the compilation of rafael morales y prieto [105] is also to be specially mentioned for the criminal law and procedure, 1880 to 1894, and also for an appendix containing circulars as to judicial fees of various sorts. for brief summaries in english of the old judicial organizations see exhibit j of the report of the taft philippine commission, 1900, a résumé by chief justice arellano, especially for a statement as to the conflict of laws and codes, old and new, and as to the relative degree of authority of these codes; and census of the philippine islands (washington, 1905), chapter on the judiciary. [106] justice willard's brief notes on the spanish civil code (manila, 1903) also merits consultation. science and material resources.--so far as the scientific work of the period has a direct bearing upon our present purposes, it relates rather to the section on economic development. but the materials are sufficiently listed in the bibliography, and the subject is introduced here only to say that this is one of the lines along which, in recent years, spanish administration was beginning to make progress. this was true, however, chiefly of forestry and mineralogy, and was due almost entirely to the spanish officials abella y casariego, centeno y garcía, and sebastian vidal y soler, and to the stimulus of the work of foreign investigators, especially germans. the work of the jesuits in meteorology should also be specially mentioned. it will be noted that little headway was made in the matter most vital for the philippines, viz., agriculture; nor can we say that even a beginning was made in industrial chemistry or other researches calculated to foster either incipient or undeveloped industries, while the public health service was lamentably defective and scientific research relating thereto amounted practically to nothing. reference may be made to the already large list of publications of the present philippine government's bureau of science, board of health, agriculture, forestry, and mining bureaus as showing the state of scientific investigation before 1898, also for bibliographical data. [107] moros and pagan peoples.--ethnology as a science does not claim a place here. [108] we are concerned with the spanish advance toward the establishment of effective control over large areas either partly occupied or kept in a wild state of nature by backward or warring tribes; though considerable headway was made in the last half of the nineteenth century, spanish sovereignty over these areas was after all only nominal in 1898. moreover, especially as regards the moros, the materials and bibliography have been presented in other volumes of this series. [109] attention is called to a useful compilation of spanish campaigns against the moros by lieut. w. e. w. mckinley, [110] especially for its reviews of malcampo's campaign of 1876, terrero's of 1886-87, weyler's of 1888-91, and blanco's of 1894-96. [111] the american military reports from 1899 to date and reports on the moro province since 1903 contain scattered data on spanish relations with the moros and also the hill tribes of mindanao. similarly, the reports and publications of the philippine ethnological survey from 1902 to date contain references to spanish contact in recent years with the pagan peoples of luzón, mindoro, and palawan. [112] political development--filipino propaganda and revolution religious question.--it need scarcely be repeated that the "friar controversy" enters not only into this, but every phase of our discussion, and in one form or another, is touched upon in almost all our sources of information about the philippines. for one thing, however, we are not here concerned with a historical judgment upon the work of the friars in the philippines, though it is proper to note that there has of late been evident a reaction in their favor from the tendency common in the united states immediately after 1898 to judge them wholly by recent events, and their work is now more fairly viewed in its three-century perspective. we are, moreover, excused from entering upon a comprehensive survey of literature about the friars and their work in general by the fact that the subject has been constantly to the fore throughout this series. what is needed here is only the citation, supplementary to the bibliography and to the great accumulation of bibliographical references in other volumes of this series, of certain titles easily overlooked (some because of recent publication) and of such special passages in all these works as elucidate particular matters of importance. as with all the political literature of the philippines, 1860-1898, the reader is to be warned against the exaggerations of both sides. always and everywhere, religious privileges and prejudices have aroused discussion both violent and intolerant; and in this case we find, on one side, a defense of religious and ecclesiastical privileges of a medieval character and in a tone and temper inherited from those times. nor, even setting the purely ecclesiastical and religious questions aside, need we expect to find in this literature any review or discussion written in a calm and scientific spirit. spanish political literature is almost entirely polemic, and spanish polemics is sui generis. so, as with the friars and their defenders, we find here the principles of modern political science, which appeal properly to cool reason and the tolerance of liberalism, put forward by spaniards and filipinos in a language and with a spirit that hark back to times which we have come to think of as far remote from ours. the bitterness of tone, the intolerance and contempt of the filipino, and the flaunting of "race superiority," which came to characterize the writings of the friars and their defenders in this period--and which played no small part in leading the filipinos to the brink of separation--are shown to the full in the numbers of la política de españa en filipinas, 1891-98. the purpose of this organ was to combat in spain the program of those who would further liberalize the régime of society and government in the philippines. w. e. retana, at first an associate editor with josé feced, was after 1895 its sole editor. just what were the relations of the madrid establishments of the philippine religious orders with the business department of this periodical is not known; but it is admitted that "the friars helped by subscriptions" at least, and it has generally been supposed that their connection with it was really closer, in short that it was practically an organ of theirs. [113] in it will be found the pro-friar and anti-liberal account and view of events and matters current during the years of its publication, and also various studies of earlier years written from the same point of view. the case for the friars, especially for the period from 1863 on, may also be found quite typically set forth in a single volume of five hundred pages by a philippine augustinian, padre eladio zamora (las corporaciones religiosas en filipinas, valladolid, 1901). [114] testimony given before hon. william h. taft in 1900 regarding the friars and their part in the old régime, by the spanish archbishop and heads of the orders themselves as well as by filipinos on the other side will be found in senate document no. 190, 56th congress, 2nd session. friars' estates.--the above document, which is entitled lands held for ecclesiastical or religious uses in the philippines, also gives information on the friars' rural estates. one will find no comprehensive treatment of this subject before 1898, though it is usually touched upon, often with great inaccuracy, in the anti-friar pamphlets. for further data upon the subject in american official reports, see: report of war department, 1900, i, part 4, pp. 502-508 (general otis); report of taft philippine commission, 1900, pp. 23-33; ibid., 1903, i, exhibits f, g, h, and i; ibid., 1904, i, exhibit i (report on examination of titles to friars' estates); and report of secretary of war, 1902, appendix o (rome negotiations of 1902). [115] the filipino clergy and their cause.--contests between secular and regular ecclesiastics, and over the subjection of friar-curates to ordinary jurisdiction had filled many pages of philippine history in every century. but, when revived under somewhat new forms from about 1863 on, as remarked in the introduction to these notes, they speedily assumed a new and rather distinct phase. the introduction has noted the connection of the jesuits' return with the encroachment upon the filipino secular priests and with the counter demand for the belated subjection of the friar-parishes to the ordinary ecclesiastical legislation and jurisdiction of the church; under the encouragement of the 1868 revolution in spain, these demands grew apace from 1868 to 1872, and became interlaced with strictly political demands, until finally we may regard the cause of the filipino clergy as a part of the campaign for filipino nationalism. the reaction of 1872 and immediately subsequent years checked it, and it has found full expression only since spanish sovereignty was overthrown; but it is best considered in its broadest scope, as a part of the filipino movement toward nationality, though it may have been but dimly or not at all felt as such by some of its most active protagonists. for the documents showing what was the modern phase of the question regarding parishes in its beginnings, see the pamphlets cited in the list of the library of congress under agu[a]do (p. 64), and in pardo de tavera's biblioteca under the same name and numbers 681, 873, 1,348 and 1,962. [116] we must come down to the period of american rule for full statements of the case of the filipino clergy against the friars. a spanish cleric, formerly an augustinian friar-curate, who was excloistered on his own petition some time before the end of spanish rule and has since continued to reside in the islands, has been the chief spokesman for the filipino clergy. he is salvador pons y torres, and, apart from frequent contributions on the subject to the press of manila since 1898 and various pamphlets, he undertook to review the entire subject in his defensa del clero filipino and its supplement el clero secular filipino, both published at manila in 1900; while in connection with the visit of delegate chapelle, a campaign was being conducted for fuller recognition of the filipino clergy by the vatican. [117] their claims are set forth in memorial elevado á sa santidad el papa león xiii por el pueblo filipino (manila, 1900). [118] for the full exposition of the question, one must study it under the filipino revolution against the united states and in the history of the aglipay schism since 1903. [119] revolt of 1872.--that the chief victims of this episode were prominent filipino priests connects it rather with religio-political than with purely political matters. the civilians who were arrested for too great activity in agitating for political privileges were deported to guam, whence their escape to foreign ports was perhaps winked at, while after a time some of them returned to the philippines. [120] but the three most prominent priests who were tried for complicity in the mutiny at cavite (burgos, a spanish-filipino, zamora, a chinese-filipino, and gomez, a pure-blooded filipino) were condemned to death by a very speedily summoned court-martial and were promptly executed. if we had the record of the proofs submitted before this court-martial (which acted very summarily and under pressure of official and other demonstrations of indignation, not to say vindictiveness), and the statement of its conclusions, we should be in better position to judge whether or not a great injustice was done. but neither officially nor semi-officially was the guilt of the condemned ever shown, and we have either to accept very vehement and intemperate assertions about it having been proved, or to incline to the belief that these men were struck down by a power which stretched out its hand in the dark, and that their death was a punishment for having ventured under the preceding liberal administrations to advocate the withdrawal of the friars as curates of parishes. certainly this became the belief of the filipino people, propagated from year to year by word of mouth (acquiring thus exaggerated and distorted details as being of sober truth), and occasionally finding expression in print. [121] the usually sober and colorless montero y vidal becomes very rabid in his recital of this episode in philippine history and is very positive not only in denouncing the priests who were executed and the deportees as guilty but in proclaiming their movement as actually separatist in character. he ridicules at length the account of the frenchman plauchut in the revue des deux mondes for 1877; but plauchut, as well as montero y vidal himself, was resident in or near manila at the time of these occurrences. finally, dr. pardo de tavera, a nephew of one of the prominent philippine spaniards who were deported, supports plauchut's version and impeaches montero y vidal's. [122] reforms and demands for more. "assimilation."--the reactionists had regained the saddle in the philippines even before the republic in spain came to an end; they used the incident of the cavite mutiny as a "horrible example," and succeeded in repealing or nullifying all reforms not to their taste even in educational or purely administrative matters. till after 1880, the "filipino cause" was in hiding. but meanwhile young filipinos of wealth were going abroad for education, and above all a new generation of filipinos were coming from the new middle class produced by the better industrial opportunities consequent upon expanding trade and commerce, were breathing in popular ideas of hostility to the friars in the more advanced rural districts, and were exchanging ideas, and imbibing in the exchange a new sentiment of nationality, when they met, in constantly increasing numbers, in the colleges and normal school at manila, tagálogs, ilokanos, bisayans and others of the hitherto separate communities. regional feeling was still strong, but it was beginning to break down. [123] those who went abroad for education soon began to propagate the idea, already half expressed at home, that philippine education, even with the improvements, was still archaic and in some ways anti-modern; and every avenue out of this condition was found to be blocked by the friars. if in reality the men of spanish blood (in whole or part) who had agitated for greater political liberties during 1868-72, had aimed at separating the philippines from spain--and all the reasonable probabilities are opposed to such a belief--at any rate, the new generation of filipinos who took up the cause in the eighties were ardent and, for some time at least, sincere advocates of spanish-philippine union. they carried the matter, indeed, to the extreme, in the campaign for "assimilation," which has already been characterized as unpractical. reforms of a partial nature, any statesman could predict, would breed the demand for more. so, during the eighties, when most headway was made in administrative and legal reforms under liberal administrations, we find the filipinos formulating demands for the first time; and it is significant that they all centered about the friars. under the liberal governor-general terrero, and with sympathetic spaniards in the posts of secretary of the civil administration and civil governor of manila, officers of some of the tagálog towns ventured to display a sense of independence of the traditional friar-dictatorship in local affairs, even (in the case of malolos and the binondo district of manila) to carry contests with the friars over the personal tax-lists before higher authority; the friars' tenants around kalamba, where josé rizal's parents lived, challenged the administrator of that dominican estate, and aired their protests publicly in 1887; [124] and in 1888 a public demonstration against the friars, and especially archbishop payo, took place in manila, and a petition for the removal of the friars was addressed to the queen regent. in 1887 these civil authorities of liberal affiliation had issued official orders regarding cemeteries and church funerals, contravening, on grounds of public health, long-standing practices of the friar-curates; and the friars, even the archbishop, had been almost openly intransigent about the matter, indicating the belief that they would soon upset this régime of affairs by the exercise of their power at madrid. the demand on the part of some spanish periodicals of manila that the proposed government trade school should not be surrendered to the augustinians was another indication of the current of the times. [125] in form at least, there was nothing in any of these demonstrations or representations which would not be perfectly legitimate under any free government. yet, even before the expiration of terrero's term, he was prevailed upon to send home centeno y garcía, the civil governor of manila, and the processes of law had been set in action by judicial authority against some of the participants. and, even before the downfall of the liberal ministry at madrid, the mere display of a disposition on the part of filipinos to speak for themselves as a people had started the currents of reaction there. weyler was the successor of terrero as governor-general. the friars' representations at madrid obtained, while the liberal minister becerra [126] was still in office, the omission of the provisions for civil marriage and registration from the civil code as it was extended to the philippines in 1889. weyler used force to quell the subsequent disturbances at kalamba, and among the score or so of deportees were some of rizal's family. [127] the propagandists.--a full history of the filipino propaganda would list a large number of names, both of members of the filipino colonies abroad and of secret agitators and wealthy contributors at home. but the story must be developed from the various sources to be cited, and we are concerned here with those who figured most actively by their writings. of these, marcelo h. del pilar and josé rizal were altogether the most notable, their prominence indeed leading to the formation of factions about them and the display of those personal jealousies which wreck or threaten to wreck every filipino movement. [128] it is significant that the propagandists coming to the front in the eighties were, one may say, genuine "sons of the people" though associated with them were others who were sons of the half-caste aristocracy. it is significant also, that, though these two leaders del pilar and rizal, came from bulakan and laguna provinces respectively, the heart of the more advanced communities of tagálogs around manila, yet the islands as a whole were beginning to be represented in the propaganda, notably by the lunas, from ilokos, and graciano lopez jaena, a bisayan. the latter started the first filipino periodical of consequence, la solidaridad, and published eighteen numbers of it at barcelona up to october 31, 1889, when del pilar took charge of it, transferred it to madrid and edited it there as a fortnightly till 1895. it was face to face with la política de españa en filipinas from 1891, and, as the latter is the chief source for the pro-friar and anti-liberal side of the controversy, so la solidaridad, which circulated among the educated filipinos in many parts of the archipelago despite the censorship, is the chief source for the writings of the propagandists. [129] marcelo h. del pilar had taken an active part in stimulating opposition to the friar-curates, particularly in matters of local government, in his native province (bulakan) for some years before the troubles of 1888. when the pendulum swung towards reaction, he left his family (being then a man of middle-age) and went to spain to carry on the fight close by the center of government, support of his campaign being pledged by a committee who undertook to secure filipino subscriptions, certain wealthy filipinos being identified privately with the cause. del pilar's writings show nothing of the poet or dreamer, as do rizal's; he had, in some degree, an "economic mind," though entirely untrained in that line, and he was at the outset of the active propaganda in spain (1889) a maturer man than rizal. coming straight from the problems of actual life among his people, he stated their grievances with more practical reference to direct and immediate remedies and with special reference to their economic status; while rizal, as a student in contact with modern european life and thought, dreamed of and preached, in more general terms but on a far wider scope, the social regeneration of his people and the expansion of their political rights. del pilar would have made a good representative of his people in the cortes. but rizal was a genius, who with the touch of imagination and satire lifted the cause of the filipinos to a place in the thought of the world, and at the same time, as poet and patriot combined, fired the enthusiasm of his own people and became their idol. and, in the course of events, it was rizal who proved the soberer, the more mature as time went by. he was opposed to means of violence, even to the last, and the whole record bears out his protestations on this score; he still looked to the future as a dreamer-patriot, but he also looked to the present state of his people and saw that the most vital problem was the teaching them that they must raise themselves by their own efforts, must deserve a better destiny. del pilar, disappointed by the failure to achieve greater immediate, practical results by relying upon the progress of liberalism in spain, after seven years of propaganda along these lines, was starting for hongkong or japan, to conduct there a really revolutionary campaign, when death overtook him shortly before the tagálog revolt in 1896. he had, apparently, lost faith in the ideals of "assimilation," of spanish-filipino unity, which he had set forth in glowing phrases in 1888 and 1889. he had also, apparently, become convinced that the upper-class filipinos, especially the most wealthy and prominent, were too lukewarm or too prone to temporize for safety's sake, that the time had come to make the cause more distinctly one of the people as a whole. he is credited with having suggested and outlined the organization of the katipunan, and he seems to have concluded that it was time for the filipinos to resort to cuba's example and not to political petitions only. [130] even in noli me tangere, first published under his own eye at berlin in 1887, when rizal, at the age of twenty-six, was just fairly setting out in life, there are many evidences that the author, if he meant primarily to set before the world the backwardness of the existing social and political régime in the philippines, its stifling of thought, and its many tyrannies, had also in mind to set before his people, in some of his instantaneous photographs of philippine life, their own defects. in el filibusterismo (ghent, 1891), the more mature reformer preached yet more plainly the necessity of social and political progress beginning from below, and not simply inspired from above. that his people took the lessons meant for themselves (and take them still today) less to heart than they responded to the satire and invective directed against the form of rule imposed upon them, was the fault not of rizal but of human nature, prone to apply the preacher's words only to the other fellow. it is a great misfortune that we have in english no real translation of noli me tangere, [131] and none at all of el filibusterismo, which, as a political document, is the stronger of the two. [132] it is no less regrettable that no biography of rizal, tracing his mental development and his relation with the events of 1880 to 1896, nor even a good biographical sketch of him, has been published in the english language. retana's biographical and bibliographical notes, published in a madrid monthly, nuestro tiempo, 1904-06, and about to appear in book form, are indispensable as the only comprehensive work on the subject, and resort must be had to them for a full array of citations, as also for many documents not available elsewhere. [133] rizal's edition (paris, 1890) of morga's sucesos de las islas filipinas has already been cited in connection with that work in vols. xv and xvi of this series (see note 3 of former). its annotations are rizal's chief contribution to the history of his people, and it must be said that his political feeling has crept into them to the damage often of their scientific value. [134] there also deserve mention here rizal's discussion in 1889 of the future of his people, [135] and some of blumentritt's writings about rizal and in his defense. [136] masonry, liga filipina, etc.--in almost all the spanish writings about the philippine insurrection, especially those by friars, we find it ascribed primarily to "franc-masonería," the terrible bugaboo in naming which the spanish friar sums up in one word his notion of all that is pernicious in modern life since the french revolution, and the chief cause of the loss by spain of her american colonies. so, as to the philippines, the argument is, had not spanish masons been able secretly to organize there, and to pervert the minds of certain filipinos, the colony would have remained in its loyalty of primitive simplicity and happiness. the truth is that masonry played a very secondary part in the filipino agitation for reform, furnishing simply a convenient medium for conducting the propaganda. up to the last ten years of spanish rule, only a few lodges of spanish liberals and foreigners, into which some of the half-castes and more well-to-do filipinos had been admitted, had been organized in the philippines, and had led a rather irregular existence. at about the time when la solidaridad was moved to madrid, a spanish-filipino association was there formed, in which spaniards and filipinos combined to agitate for reform. this circle was virtually identified in membership with a certain spanish grand lodge (probably spurious, as regards the legitimate parent organization of free masonry), which delegated agents to conduct the active organization of new philippine lodges dependent upon it. it appears certain that this was done with the idea definitely in view of being able thus to propagate liberal political ideas and secretly distribute such literature among the filipinos, also the more easily to raise funds for the work. but had not such a favorable means of conducting the propaganda been presented, it would have been improvised. one must subject to critical examination the spanish writings, and will readily discover their exaggerated deductions from such facts as came to light. [137] interesting reading is afforded by the confidential royal order of july 2, 1896, addressed to governor-general blanco. [138] it approves his deportation of the principales, or headmen, of malolos and taal (who had defied the local friar-curates), and orders him to have provincial and other officials watch and report confidentially on all secret organizations (forbidden by the laws of the indies, as recited in royal order of august 2, 1888) and list all persons of whom "there may be indications enough to believe that they are affiliated," etc. (opening up thus a splendid opportunity for private denunciations). he is to use in this secret work only officials who are peninsulars, never natives; so also he is to invite coöperation of "the parish-priests who belong to the religious orders." as to punishments, it is preferable to deport the "suspected," fixing their residence in the moro country or guam, rather than to exile them, as they would then join the colonies abroad and conduct a propaganda. the project of marcelo del pilar for an association called solidaridad filipina, [139] which came to nothing practical, and the liga filipina, organized by rizal just before his deportation from manila in july, 1892, though in part modeled after masonry, are among the things which show that the filipino propagandists did not confine their efforts to masonic organization. our spanish sources would have it that the liga filipina was really separatist in character, and the prosecution deliberately based upon this charge the demand for rizal's conviction in 1896. it remains unproved, and the statutes of the league as prepared by rizal [140] entirely support his assertion that the design of the league was to foster coöperation among the filipinos, to "raise the arts and sciences," and develop filipino commercial and economic interests generally. the organization was a fraternal society, in effect, the aim being to bring filipinos closer together in a "brotherhood," and incidentally to undermine the control of chinese and others upon the trade of the country--in which respects it would likely have proved mostly utopian, even had not political conditions and rizal's deportation brought it virtually to naught. in the pledges of its "brothers" to stand by each other for the "remedy of abuses" as well as for other things, the league very plainly looked toward unity of action in matters social and political, and no doubt the idea of bringing his people together for such political action as might become possible was foremost in the mind of rizal and its other organizers. but this does not prove the charge that it merely covered up a plan to get arms and rise in rebellion as soon as possible. the katipunan.--we come now to the parting of the ways. just as marcelo del pilar had concluded that the time was at hand for more vigorous measures, so on the other hand some of the filipinos of education and social position (cautious also, in some cases, because of their property) had become discouraged and faint-hearted. the deportation of rizal had its effect in 1892, and the local government reforms of 1893-94 were followed by a reactionary government in spain which might nullify even such concessions, in the face of the constant demand for a check upon the half-liberal régime of blanco. some of the middle-class leaders of manila, who had been drawn into the masonic movement, had decided that the time had come to organize the masses, at least in the tagálog provinces. andrés bonifacio, an employe of a foreign business house in manila, was the leading spirit; gathering his ideas of modern reform from reading spanish treatises on the french revolution, he had imbibed also a notion that the methods of the mob in paris were those best adapted to secure amelioration for the filipinos. his ideas were those of a socialist, and of a socialist of the french revolution type, and he thought them applicable to an undeveloped tropical country, where the pressure of industrial competition is almost unknown, and where with the slightest reasonable exertion starvation may be dismissed from thought. there was in this new propaganda an element of resentment toward the wealthy, upper-class filipinos, the landed proprietors in general, as well as toward the friar landlords and the whole fabric of government and society resting on them. summing up all the evidence he has been able to obtain on the katipunan, the writer agrees with felipe g. calderón, a filipino, in his opinion [141] that its socialistic character negatives the assertion of the spanish writers that the upper-class filipinos were its real supporters and directors, working in the background; and that, while this propaganda from below looked to independence and the substitution of spanish rule by filipino rule, yet it was without any political program, properly speaking, and there was merely a crude idea in the minds of the masses that they were somehow going to shake off their masters, get rid of the whites, and divide up the big estates not only of the friars but of filipino landholders as well. calderón does not discuss the alleged plan of the katipunan to assassinate the whites, especially the friars. it is certain that such bloodthirsty ideas were in the minds of some of the leaders; but the more direct documentary evidence that has been produced on this point is perhaps open to the suspicion that it was manufactured in connection with the courts-martial which operated with such fury after the outbreak of revolt in 1896. [142] after all the furore that had been made, the actual revelations as to the importance of the organization, character of its leaders, number of its followers, and extent of its operations, would have made the whole affair somewhat ridiculous, had it not been represented that behind this humble organization of perhaps forty thousand initiates in the tagálog towns there was a great program for setting up an independent government and that the upper-class filipinos were simply using this organization as a stalking-horse. the truth appears to be that, while these over-important katipunan leaders thought in terms grandiloquent, and led their humble followers in the towns around manila most affected by the propaganda to indulge in futile and ridiculous dreams of a coming millennium (while some of themselves were quarreling over the obols contributed), the movement was mostly talk even up to the time when an augustinian curate in manila made himself the hero of the rabid spanish element in manila by "exposing" an organization about which the governmental authorities had had partial information for some weeks, or even months. bonifacio started this separate organization in 1894, but calderón seems to be correct in saying that work in the towns outside of manila was only begun in the spring of 1896. the humble followers were assured that the japanese government would help them oust spain, and that rifles to arm the whole population would come from there. but japan never in the least violated her obligations to spain, and, if the leaders even bought any rifles in japan, they must have been few indeed. [143] when bonifacio sent an emissary to dapitan in the spring of 1896, to propose to rizal a plan of armed revolt and that he should escape on a steam vessel sent for the purpose, and join in this campaign, rizal rejected the proposition as folly, and displayed his great impatience with it. [144] on every ground, it seems probable that, had not friar gil and the spanish press of manila been so insistent on giving great publicity to some katipunan engraving-stones, receipts for dues, etc., kept in hiding by the affiliated employes of a spanish newspaper, the revolt might never have come about at all. certainly, no date was set for it (though various future dates had been vaguely discussed), till the sudden arrests of august 19 and 20, 1896, sent bonifacio and his companions fleeing to bulakan province where, practically without arms, they appealed to their fellow-workers in bulakan, manila, and cavite provinces to rise in revolt on august 30. the friars and the rabid element of spanish patriots were so anxious to force the hand of blanco, and to discredit him, that, it may be, they forced upon a military commander whose troops were mostly in mindanao a revolt that, a few months further on, might either have dissipated itself or have been avoided by an adequate show of force. [145] because the friars are so much to the fore in all the discussions of these events, we must not overlook the part played by governmental abuses, as already described. the civil guard, given a more extensive organization and scope of action during these closing years of spanish rule, by its abuses (committed, for the most part, by filipinos upon their own fellows) played probably the foremost part in drawing odium upon the government. [146] next to police abuses, and sometimes allied with them, were the misuses of the powers of local government (with which alone the great majority of the people came into direct contact), especially in regard to the levy of forced labor; and here again, the humble filipino's complaint was chiefly against his own fellow-countrymen of power and position. but, summing up all the administrative abuses and all the evils of the government system, we are still left a long way from agreement with the friars' assertions that the masses loved them and that governmental abuses were the sole cause of rebellion. [147] insurrection of 1896-97.--no history from the filipino side has yet come to light, and there are certain points that can be cleared up only by the frank testimony of the filipino participants. [148] we are dependent chiefly on spanish sources, written in the passion of the times by men not careful about sifting the facts. all things considered, the two best sources, both for what they say and for what may be inferred from them, are the so-called memorias of two governor-generals, prepared in order to defend their administrations before the spanish senate and the public; that of blanco covering the preparatory stage and early months of the rebellion, that of primo de rivera its closing stages. between these two governor-generals, the work of monteverde y sedano covers the military operations under polavieja. blanco's memoria [149] affords, unconsciously, the most severe indictment that could be passed on spain's fitness to hold the philippines (or her other colonies) in 1898. this man was really of liberal temperament; he had formed a just conception of the real insignificance of the katipunan movement; and he strove, when the crisis was prematurely forced on him, to restrain the vindictiveness of the rabid spanish element, and really believed in the efficacy of a "policy of attraction." but instead of setting forth on broader grounds the reasons for his course of action and discussing with sincerity and frankness a policy for the philippines, he felt compelled after his return to spain to bow before the howls of press and public. he defends himself before his clerical-conservative critics not by showing the folly of their illiberal policy for the colony, but endeavors to prove that they were wrong in accusing him of lack of severity as well as of energy. thus we learn (p. 20) that, even under a blanco, before the outbreak came, one thousand and forty-two persons had been deported "as masons, disaffected and suspicious or harmful to their towns." during the night of august 19-20, 1896, following the sensation created by friar gil, there were forty-three arrests in manila, and three hundred more within the next week. during september, thirty seven men taken in arms were shot, after summary trials (p. 25.) the number of filipinos, mostly men of some position, who had not taken up arms, but were arrested for alleged complicity in the katipunan, and involved in the trials before a special court for conspiracy and sedition, very soon mounted to five hundred, including those sent in from the provinces. some remained incomunicados for more than forty days. the men executed from september 4 to december 12, 1896, when blanco surrendered command to polavieja, numbered seventy-four in all. [150] evidence as to the "reign of terror" that was inaugurated in manila may be drawn from the spanish treatises to be cited, wherein the episode is recited with gusto. the spanish press of manila for 1896-98; also that of spain, especially philippine letters of 1896-98 in la política de españa en filipinas, el heraldo, el imparcial and el correo of madrid, furnished the original source of information for these writers, and should be used to supplement this history of the insurrection. transcriptions of testimony taken by the special court for sedition and conspiracy appear in retana's archivo, iii and iv, and evidences that the more yielding witnesses had their phraseology, and sometimes their statements of fact, dictated to them will be noted by the careful reader, especially if he be familiar with spanish methods of judicial procedure. references to the common use of torture to make witnesses (in some cases eager enough to insure their own safety by "delation") sign such testimony, will be found in the filipino press since 1898, occasionally also in spanish periodicals of manila since 1898. [151] these same sources also supplement the citations on rizal already given, for the story of his trial and execution, and the increase of severity and terrorism after polavieja took charge. they are also, in the main, our sole, fragmentary sources on the state of cavite during insurgent control of the province, the insurgent organization, etc. [152] the spanish treatises and pamphlets on the insurrection are: [153] josé m. del castillo y jimenez, el katipunan, ó el filibusterismo en filipinas (madrid, 1897). partial accounts of events of 1896-97; already characterized as rabid and cheaply patriotic. ricardo monet y carretero, comandancia general de panay y negros. alteraciones de órden público ... desde octubre de 1896 á marzo de 1897 (iloilo, 1897). mostly official proclamations, etc., by the author as commander in the western district of bisayas, regarding disturbances there and symptoms of a tendency to revolt. e. reverter y delmas.--filipinos por españa. narración episódica de la rebelión en el archipiélago filipino (barcelona, 1897); 2 vols. the title of a later edition is la insurrección de filipinas. known to the writer only by title. [154] enrique abella y casariego, filipinas (madrid, 1898). more temperate than most other spanish writings. treats of the development of the insurrection, and of the course of events under blanco, polavieja, and primo de rivera. federico de monteverde y sedano, campaña de filipinas, la división lachambre. 1897 (madrid, 1898.) excellent account of the campaign of polavieja by his aide; somewhat grandiloquent, considering the comparative insignificance of the military operations themselves. les philippines et l'insurrection de 1896-1897 (paris, 1899); a thirty-nine-page reprint from revue militaire de l'étranger. l. aycart--la campaña de filipinas. recuerdos é impresiones de un médico militar (madrid, 1900). contains some charts and some interesting data on the military campaign as such. manuel sastrón--la insurrección en filipinas y guerra hispano-americana (madrid, 1901). [155] written by a spanish official in manila during this time, and composed of accounts and documents drawn mainly from the press of manila. it is, however, the most useful arsenal of data. major john s. mallory--the philippine insurrection, 1896-1898 (appendix viii to report of major-general g. w. davis, commanding the division of the philippines, in report of war department, 1903, vol. 3, pp. 399-425). a non-critical compilation, mostly from sastrón and monteverde y sedano. it is, however, by far the best review of the 1896-97 insurrection as such that is available in english, and is a fairly satisfactory account for one who cannot consult the spanish sources. far better than foreman's account. m. arroyo vea-murguía--defensa del sitio de naic (filipinas). antes y despues. (madrid, 1904.) of little value. the pact of biak-na-bató.--purposely, the word "treaty," so often applied to this transaction, is here avoided; for, apart from technical objections to a word that applies to agreements between sovereign powers, this was no treaty in any sense of the word. there was some mystery surrounding the negotiations by which the insurgent chiefs surrendered a few hundred nondescript firearms and retired to hongkong; untrue or half-true charges were bandied back and forth, for political effect, in the cortes and the press of spain; and, of the chief actors in the affair, only primo de rivera has given his account--perhaps not with entire frankness. [156] aguinaldo has confined his statements on the subject to the most brief assertions of a general nature [157] to the effect that reforms by the spanish government were promised. primo de rivera categorically denies this; while pedro a. paterno, the go-between, has made no statement at all during the nine years that have passed since the conflicting statements have been before the public, involving directly the question of his own veracity and good faith. primo de rivera is an ex parte witness, to be sure; but his statements upon the more vital points involved are corroborated by the very insurgent documents on this subject captured by the american army in 1899 and now in the war department at washington. [158] primo de rivera says that, when paterno presented a paper early in the negotiations containing a full program of reforms, [159] he rejected the document absolutely, saying he could not discuss such matters with the insurgent chiefs, that the spanish government would accord such reforms as it thought wise, and he could only interpose his good offices to make recommendations in that respect. the copy of this document now in the war department at washington shows the clauses about reform to have been crossed out. primo de rivera says that, from that time forth, the negotiation was purely on the basis of a payment to the rebel chiefs to surrender their arms, order the insurgents in the other provinces to do the same, and emigrate to foreign parts. the only documents bearing signatures on both sides, either of those published at washington or elsewhere, refer exclusively to these particular points of money, surrender of arms, and program of emigration, though paterno inserted in a preliminary of the final contract on these subjects a clause as to reposing confidence in the spanish government to "satisfy the desire of the filipino people." [160] primo de rivera recommended the transaction to his government for one reason, expressly because it would "discredit [desprestigiando] the chiefs selling out and emigrating." [161] the first proposition of the insurgents was for 3,000,000 pesos; primo de rivera acceded, under authority from madrid, to 1,700,000 pesos; and the total sum named in the contract signed on december 14, 1897, is 800,000 pesos. when aguinaldo and his twenty-seven companions reached hongkong, they received 400,000 pesos and never any more. though really looking at it as a bribe, the spanish government had consented to the money payment ostensibly on the ground of indemnity to widows, orphans, and those who had suffered property losses by the war, and to provide support for the insurgent chiefs abroad. that it was the idea of at least some of the insurgent leaders that the money was to be divided between them is shown by a protest signed by eight of those who remained behind to secure the surrender of more arms than the paltry number of two hundred and twenty-five turned over at biak-na-bató, appealing to primo de rivera for "their share." [162] the latter says he turned over to these men and paterno the 200,000 pesos of the second payment (the actual disposition of which is unknown [163]); and that he turned over the remaining 200,000 pesos to governor-general augustín in april, 1898, when it was evident that peace had not been assured, after all. as to the remaining 900,000 pesos which primo de rivera had authority to pay, but which did not appear in the final contract, primo de rivera says (pp. 133, 134) that paterno omitted them from the document because they were to be used to "indemnify those not in arms," and that he did not "think it prudent to inquire further about them at the time." [164] enough has been developed to show the demoralizing character of the transaction. in justice to aguinaldo and his closest associates, it is to be said that they had kept the money practically intact, for use in a possible future insurrection, until they spent some of it for arms after commodore dewey's victory in manila bay. [165] nor are we able to say categorically that aguinaldo and the other leaders in biak-na-bató were not led to believe that specific reforms had been promised verbally by primo de rivera in the name of his government; aguinaldo and paterno could clear up that matter, but neither speaks. just what informal discussion of this subject there was between paterno and primo de rivera, we do not know; but the latter's own version will warrant the conclusion that he at least permitted paterno to lay before the insurgents the fact that he was making recommendations on this line, and to hold out the expectation of results, once he was not confronted with armed rebellion. [166] he declares that a scheme of philippine reform, covering also the friar question, had been drawn up and agreed upon, when premier cánovas was assassinated and the conservatives soon after fell from power; but he does not tell us what were the reforms as to the friars. primo de rivera continued to give his ideas as to the need for reform in provision of parishes, church fees, local government, education, civil service, etc., after the liberals came into power. yet, though stating the case against the friars in strong terms, virtually confirming every charge made against them, he appears to have advised only a curtailment of their power and a more rigid discipline, not their elimination as parish-priests, which was the aim of most of the insurgents. [167] when a spanish editor in manila began writing in february, 1898, of political reforms in the direction of "autonomy," without submitting his articles to previous censure, primo de rivera suspended publication of the periodical. [168] that spanish circles in manila as well as the filipinos were in expectation, in late 1897 and early 1898, of the announcement of some comprehensive scheme of philippine reform, is apparent from the press of the time. [169] the liberal press of madrid and barcelona was also actively agitating reform for the philippines, and spanish liberals and filipinos addressed petitions on the subject to the government at madrid. [170] the general belief at manila was also that some sort of promise of reforms had passed at biak-na-bató, even that it included the gradual withdrawal of the friars. [171] that the religious orders themselves knew that they were the storm-center is sufficiently shown by the memorial of april 21, 1898, reproduced post, pp. 227-286. [172] the question of independence.--we have, on one hand, the assertions of rabid spanish writers that separation from spain was throughout the real aim of the filipino leaders, who merely covered it under a plea for reforms (the friars say, under a false assertion that the filipinos were opposed to them). we have, in direct opposition, the assertions of spanish liberals and of some filipinos that the movement was inspired by genuine loyalty to spain, and was only a protest and appeal for reforms even in its last phase as an outbreak in arms, 1896-98. this view was accepted by the schurman commission in 1899. again, during the years from 1898 to date, when demands for independence were made upon the united states, the more radical filipino leaders, first in insurrection, now in political agitation, have asserted that complete political independence was definitely the aim in 1896-97, and was the ideal in mind for some years before. thus they would corroborate the assertions of the more rabid spaniards who claimed that rizal and all his co-workers, both in the aristocratic ranks above and in the katipunan below, were hypocritical in their protestations of loyalty to spain. where does the truth lie? the fact is, one can sustain any view he prefers to take of this subject, by detached citations from documents of one sort or another. the real answer is to be found only by a careful survey of all the evidence as to filipino activities and aspirations. we note that, when rizal discusses the possibility of future independence for his people, he sets it as a century hence. we need not take him literally, nor, on the other hand, need we say his title was merely hypocritical, and he was insidiously inciting his people to think of immediate independence; we shall be fairer to survey his writings as a whole, probably reaching the conclusion that the independence of his people was constantly in his mind, but sober reason warned him to restrain his and their youthful impatience on the subject. in discussing del pilar and rizal, it has already been pointed out how the former changed places with the younger man and became the more impatient of the two; and the connection of this growing impatience with the more violent nature of the katipunan has been shown. so it is not enough to cite detached passages from rizal or del pilar, for example, to prove either that they were just filibusters under cover of protestations or, on the contrary, that they never dreamed of independence. [173] the propagandists felt differently at different times, under the pressure sometimes of self-interest, influenced sometimes by momentary incidents or passions. it is plain that, with some of them at least, a new tone had been adopted toward spain when, at the beginning of 1896, the manifesto of the katipunan organ to the filipinos bitterly exclaimed: "at the end of three hundred years of slavery ..., our people have done nothing but lament and ask a little consideration and a little clemency; but they have answered our lamentations with exile and imprisonment. for seven years in succession la solidaridad voluntarily lent itself and exhausted its powers to obtain, not all that they ought to concede, but only just what of right is owing to us. and what has been the fruit of our effort unto fatigue and of our loyal faith? deception, ridicule, death, and bitterness. "today, tired of lifting our hands in continual lamentation, we are at last ourselves; little by little our voice has lost its tone of melancholy gained in continual complaint; now ... we raise our heads, so long accustomed to being bowed, and imbibe strength from the firm hope we possess by reason of the grandeur of our aim.... we can tell them bluntly that the phrase 'spain the mother' is nothing but just a bit of adulation, that it is not to be compared with the piece of cloth or rag by which it is enchained, which trails on the ground; that there is no such mother and no such child; that there is only a race that robs, a people that fattens on what is not its own, and a people that is weary of going, not merely ungorged, but unfed; that we have to put reliance in nothing but our own powers and in our defense of our own selves." rizal put in the mouth of the old filipino priest in el filibusterismo (1891) the view of the thoughtful filipino patriot, considering the social defects of his people: "we owe the ill that afflicts us to ourselves; let us not put the blame on anyone else. if spain saw that we were less complaisant in the face of tyranny, and readier to strive and suffer for our rights, spain would be the first to give us liberty.... but so long as the filipino people has not sufficient vigor to proclaim, with erect front and bared breast, its right to the social life and to make that right good by sacrifice, with its own blood; so long as we see that our countrymen, though hearing in their private life the voice of shame and the clamors of conscience, yet in public life hold their peace or join the chorus about him who commits abuses and ridicules the victim of the abuse; so long as we see them shut themselves up to their own egotism and praise with forced smile the most iniquitous acts, while their eyes are begging a part of the booty of such acts, why should liberty be given to them? with spain or without spain, they would be always the same, and perhaps, perhaps, they would be worse. of what use would be independence if the slaves of today would be the tyrants of tomorrow? and they would be so without doubt, for he loves tyranny who submits to it." doubtless rizal felt that his people had made progress toward social independence in the five years that followed, till the katipunan outbreak came; but he condemned that beforehand as a foolish venture, and reprobated it as harmful to filipino interests before his death. though in a sense this was a movement for independence, we have seen that only vague ideas of a political organization were in the minds of the leaders, while the deluded masses who followed them with, for the most part, bolos only, had virtually no idea of such an organization, except that filipinos should succeed spaniards. [174] the prematurely commenced revolt, as it gained at the outset, some defensive advantages over the bad military organization of spain, developed ideas and aspirations quite beyond the early crude dreams of its leaders; they were really surprised at their own (temporary) success, and emboldened thereby. [175] even after the loss of cavite, when the revolutionists were hemmed in and hiding in the bulakan mountains, they put forward, in an "assembly" at biak-na-bató, a more comprehensive and ambitious political program (a filipino republic, in short) than had ever before been drawn up by filipinos. [176] we know also that no small part was played by the "reign of terror" in turning even the moderate filipinos against spanish rule as an entirety. we should be far from the truth if we should say that this tagálog rebellion, and the demonstrations of sympathy with it in other provinces, brought the filipino people together in a unanimous sentiment for independence. that it did greatly stimulate this feeling is certain. he would be a bold man who would now assert that independence was not the common aspiration, when outside pressure suddenly pricked the bubble of spanish authority in 1898 and released the people for the free expression of their sentiments. but he is equally bold who asserts that the filipino people had been suddenly and miraculously transformed into a real nation by these events, or that the aguinaldo government had the support of or really represented the whole country, above all of the most sober-thinking filipinos. events in filipinas, 1841-1872 this period, opening with the coming of governor marcelino de oraá lecumberri, and closing during the governorship of rafael de izquierdo y gutierrez, is one of the most important and critical in the history of the philippines. it witnessed the insurrection of tayabas (1841) under the leadership of apolinario de la cruz (q.v., ante, pp. 92, 93); the use of steamships against the moros (1848), whereby the spaniards gained great advantage; approval for the spanish-filipino bank, august 1, 1851, with a capital stock of 400,000 pesos, and 2,000 shares of 200 pesos each, of which 1,000 shares were to be acquired by the obras pías and 1,000 were open to the public (the bank beginning operation in 1852); the reinstatement of the jesuits (october 19, 1852; although the first band did not arrive until the middle of 1859), whereby education was given a slightly freer movement; [177] the famous educational laws of december 20, 1863, and other educational orders, decrees, and regulations (q.v., vol. xlvi); the spanish revolution of 1867-68, and the new constitution; the opening of the suez canal (november 17, 1869), by which communication with the mother-country was rendered quicker and easier, and liberalism given more decided tendencies; and lastly, the cavite insurrection of 1872, which ended with the execution of three native secular priests. during this period there were in all fourteen regularly-appointed governors, and eleven provisional terms, in the latter, ramon montero y blandino serving three times, and joaquin del solar twice--the average of each term (regular and provisional) being slightly over one year. this was comparatively a period of newspaper activity, about thirty newspapers being founded during these years. the entire period may be called the period of adolescence. conditions in spain were to a certain extent reflected in the islands. confusion and uncertainty in the peninsula had their counterpart in the colony. the administrational experiments of the madrid officials extended to the government of the colonies, and there were many changes which vitally affected the philippines. some of the new laws were good; others show a greater or less ignorance regarding the islands. throughout, however, the prevailing tone is one of greater liberalism. to be classed under foreign politics of the period were the laws regulating foreign commerce; the slight contact with the dutch who appeared to be making overtures for a settlement in the southern islands; some negotiations with the celebrated rajah brooke; and the campaign of cochinchina, in which the spaniards aided the french. local politics show great activity. provincial limits were changed and fixed, and new provinces were created. special subordinate governments were created for the visayan islands and for the marianas. police regulations were made, and bodies of police created. there were city improvements in manila. reforms were instituted in the various provinces in regard to the alcaldes-mayor. various departments of the government were also reorganized. in 1867-68 new regulations were adopted for the management of the audiencia of manila. in nothing is the upward trend more strongly marked than in economic lines. the measures passed were often groping, it is true, but yet on the whole looked toward the greater light. there was an attempt to exploit the coal mines of the islands, and mining regulations were made. agriculture received attention (see post, appendix on agriculture). commerce was given greater concessions, and the customs duties were revised. provincial chiefs were forbidden to engage in trade. various acts of legislation regarding monetary conditions, the establishment of a mint, and the coinage of special money for the philippines attest the greater commercial activity. there was considerable legislation in regard to tobacco. the many laws regarding the chinese have a purely economic basis. topographical maps which were ordered made and the new roads ordered constructed indicate a desire to know the country and its conditions better. exhibits of philippine products were made at the world's fair in london in 1851 and 1862. telegraphic regulations were made in 1869. for religious and educational influences of this period see the religious appendix in our vol. xxviii, and the educational appendices in vols. xlv and xlvi. an important order of january 15, 1849, forbade the religious orders to alienate their property. a decree of june 20, 1849 gave the recollects charge of the island of negros, and they did considerable work there and developed the island somewhat, although they but built on previous efforts, and did not accomplish as much as has been claimed. the reëstablished society of jesus was given control of the mission work of mindanao in 1861. the suppression of the house of st. john of god in manila and the establishment of the sisters of charity were asked from the pope in 1852, at the time of the reëstablishment of the jesuits. the conciliar seminaries were given into charge of the fathers of st. vincent de paul on their establishment in the islands. the franciscans were allowed to maintain a college in spain for the training of missionaries for the philippines. the history of the development of the people during this period has been greatly neglected. there was a decided advance educationally and politically, as well as a growing discontent, that were due to a complexity of factors, among which were the easier communication with spain, the greater number of spaniards in the islands, and the spread of books and papers through the capital and provinces. on the side of the government there were expeditions into the north country against the igorots and other tribes. in the south there were almost continual campaigns against the moros, over whom some important victories were obtained. the usual decrees ordering good treatment of the natives were issued, with as little effect as of old. the liberal policy that the government was inclined to adopt toward the natives is evidenced by the efforts made to secure educational laws, and by the regulations of 1863. by an order of october 31, 1844, a casino was opened for the natives in manila. another order prohibited the smoking of opium by chinese and natives. discontent in the native body is seen in the revolts of native soldiers and police. it was forbidden to carry arms without a license. the lottery established in 1850 had a bad influence. the vaccination board established at manila and the leper hospital established in 1850 at cebú, were on the other hand good measures, but were not welcomed so heartily as the lottery. the surreptitious introduction and circulation of books and plays caused the government in 1854 to attempt to regulate the book trade. government pawnshops were opened in 1860 in manila. pensions were granted to the parents of those natives who were killed in the service of the country. the earthquake of 1863 proved especially disastrous, and the cholera epidemic of the same year, while not so severe as that of 1820, decimated the people considerably. the moret decrees (see vol. xlv, pp. 163-165) were distinctly in favor of the natives, but were never carried out. the discontent ever grew more pronounced, and at last broke out actively in the cavite rebellion, which was instigated and promoted by the secular clergy and others. there has been no attempt to do more than point out general tendencies during this period, and to note some of the most important matters. for a good working bibliography, which will be found to cover this period see mr. leroy's article the philippines, 1860-1898--some comment and bibliographical notes, which immediately precedes the present document. constitution of the liga filipina ends: 1. to unite the whole archipelago into one compact, vigorous, and homogeneous body. 2. mutual protection in every want and necessity. 3. defense against all violence and injustice. 4. encouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce. 5. study and application of reforms. motto: unus instar omnium [i.e., one like all.] countersign: ... form: 1. to set these ends in operation, a popular council, a provincial council, and a supreme council shall be created. 2. each council shall consist of a chief, a fiscal, a treasurer, a secretary, and members. 3. the supreme council shall consist of the provincial chiefs, just as the provincial council shall be composed of the popular chiefs. 4. the supreme council shall have command of the liga filipina, and shall deal directly with the provincial chiefs and popular chiefs. 5. the provincial council shall have command of the popular chiefs. 6. the popular council only shall have command of the members. 7. each provincial council and popular council shall adopt a name different from that of their locality or region. duties of the members: 1. they shall pay monthly dues of ten centimos. 2. they shall obey blindly and promptly every order emanating from a council or a chief. 3. they shall inform the fiscal of their council of whatever they note or hear that has reference to the liga filipina. 4. they shall preserve the most absolute secrecy in regard to the decisions of the council. 5. in all walks of life, preference shall be given to the members. nothing shall be bought except in the shop of a member, or whenever anything is sold to a member, he shall have a rebate. circumstances being equal, the member shall always be favored. every infraction of this article shall be severely punished. 6. the member who does not help another member in the case of need or danger, although able to do so, shall be punished, and at least the same penalty suffered by the other shall be imposed on him. 7. each member, on affiliation, shall adopt a new name of his own choice, and shall not be able to change the same unless he become a provincial chief. 8. he shall bring to each council a service [trabajo; evidently a service done for the organization], an observation, a study, or a new candidate. 9. he shall not submit to any humiliation or treat anyone with contempt. duties of the chief: 1. he shall continually watch over the life of his council. he shall memorize the new and real names of all the councils if he is the supreme chief, and if only a popular chief those of all his affiliated members. 2. he shall constantly study means to unite his subordinates and place them in quick communication. 3. he shall study and remedy the necessities of the liga filipina, of the provincial council, or of the popular council, according as he is supreme chief, provincial chief, or popular chief. 4. he shall heed all the observations, communications, and petitions which are made to him, and shall immediately communicate them to the proper person. 5. in danger, he shall be the first, and he shall be the first to be held responsible for whatever occurs within a council. 6. he shall furnish an example by his subordination to his superior chiefs, so that he may be obeyed in his turn. 7. he shall see to the very last member, the personification of the entire liga filipina. 8. the omissions of the authorities shall be punished with greater severity than those of the simple members. duties of the fiscal: 1. the fiscal shall see to it that all comply with their duty. 2. he shall accuse in the presence of the council every infraction or failure to perform his duty in any member of the council. 3. he shall inform the council of every danger or persecution. 4. he shall investigate the condition of the funds of the council. duties of the treasurer: 1. he shall enter in a ledger the new names of the members forming the council. 2. he shall render strict monthly account of the dues received, noted by the members themselves, with their special countermarks. 3. he shall give a receipt and shall have a note of it made in the ledger in the hand of the donor, for every gift in excess of one peso and not over fifty. 4. the popular treasurer shall keep in the treasury of the popular council, the third part of the dues collected, for the necessities of the same. the remainder, whenever it exceeds the sum of ten pesos, shall be delivered to the provincial treasurer, to whom he shall show his ledger, and himself writing in the ledger of the provincial treasurer the amount delivered. the provincial treasurer shall then give a receipt, and if it is in accordance with the accounts, shall place his o. k. in the ledger of the other. like proceedings shall follow when the provincial treasurer delivers funds in excess of ten pesos to the supreme treasurer. 5. the provincial treasurer shall retain from the sums handed to him by the popular treasurer one-tenth part for the expenses of the provincial council. 6. whenever any member desires to give the liga filipina a sum in excess of fifty pesos, he shall deposit the sum in a safe bank, under his vulgar name and then shall deliver the receipt to the treasurer of his choice. duties of the secretary: 1. at each meeting he shall keep a record of proceedings, and shall announce what is to be done. 2. he shall have charge of the correspondence of the council. in case of absence or incapacity, every authority shall name a substitute, until the council name one to fill his place. rights of the members: 1. every member has a right to the moral, material, and pecuniary aid of his council and of the liga filipina. 2. he may demand that all the members favor him in his trade or profession whenever he offers as many guaranties as others. for this protection, he shall transmit to his popular chief his real name and his footing, so that the latter may hand it to the supreme chief who shall inform all the members of the liga filipina of it by the proper means. 3. in any want, injury, or injustice, the member may invoke the whole aid of the liga filipina. 4. he may request capital for an enterprise whenever there are funds in the treasury. 5. he may demand a rebate of all the institutions or members sustained directly by the liga filipina, for all articles [sold him] or services rendered him. 6. no member shall be judged without first being allowed his defense. rights of the secretary [sic; chief?] 1. he shall not be discussed unless an accusation of the fiscal precede. 2. for want of time and opportunity, he may act by and with himself, as he has the obligation to perform the charges which may be laid on him. 3. within the council he shall be the judge of every question or dispute. 4. he shall be the only one who shall be empowered to know the real names of his members or subordinates. 5. he shall have ample power to organize the details of the meetings, communications, and undertakings, for their efficacity, security, and rapid despatch. 6. whenever a popular council is sufficiently numerous, the provincial chief may create other subordinate councils after first appointing the authorities. once constituted, he shall allow them to elect their authorities according to the regulations. 7. every chief shall be empowered to establish a council in a village where none exists, after which he shall inform the supreme council or provincial council. 8. the chief shall appoint the secretary. rights of the fiscal: 1. he shall cause every accused person to go out or appear while his case is being discussed in the council. 2. he shall be able to examine the ledgers at any time. rights of the treasurer: he shall dispose of the funds in an urgent and imperious necessity of any member or of the council, with the obligation of giving account and answering before the tribunal of the liga filipina. rights of the secretary: he may convoke extra meetings or assemblies in addition to the monthly meetings. investment of the funds: 1. the member or his son, who while not having means, shall show application and great capacities shall be sustained. 2. the poor shall be supported in his right against any powerful person. 3. the member who shall have suffered loss shall be aided. 4. capital shall be loaned to the member who shall need it for an industry or for agriculture. 5. the introduction of machines and industries, new or necessary in the country, shall be favored. 6. shops, stores, and establishments shall be opened, where the members may be accommodated more economically than elsewhere. the supreme chief shall have power to dispose of the funds in needy cases, whenever he later renders an account to the supreme council. general rules: 1. no one shall be admitted without a previous and unanimous vote of the council of his village, and without satisfying the tests to which he must submit. 2. offices shall end every two years, except when there is an accusation by the fiscal. 3. in order to obtain the posts, three-fourths of all the votes present shall be required. 4. the members shall elect the popular chief, the popular fiscal, and the popular treasurer. the popular authorities shall elect the provincial authorities; and the provincial authorities shall elect the supreme authorities. 5. every time that a member becomes the popular chief, that fact shall be communicated to the supreme chief, together with his new and old names; and the same shall be done whenever a new council shall be founded. 6. communications in ordinary times, shall bear only the symbolical names both of the writer and of the persons for whom they are intended, and the course to be pursued shall be from the member to the popular chief, from the latter to the provincial chief or the supreme chief, and vice versa. in extraordinary cases alone shall these formalities be omitted. however, in any time or place, the supreme chief may address anyone directly. 7. it is not necessary for all the members of a council to be present to render decisions valid. it shall be sufficient if one-half the members are present and one of the authorities. 8. in critical moments, each council shall be considered as the safeguard of the liga filipina, and if for any cause or other the other councils are dissolved or disappear, each council, each chief, each member, shall take upon himself the mission of reorganizing and reëstablishing them. [178] the friar memorial of 1898 his excellency, the minister of the colonies: we, the superiors of the corporations of the augustinians, franciscans, recollects, dominicans, and jesuits, established in filipinas, in fulfilment of the statement of the telegram presented to his excellency, the governor-general and viceroyal patron, [179] on the first instant, to be transmitted officially to your excellency, and which has been done by the said superior authority, as he has condescended to inform us, have the honor of presenting this exposition to his majesty, king don alfonso xiii (whom may god preserve), and in his royal name, to her majesty, the queen regent, doña maría cristina, to the president and members [vocales] of the council of ministers of the crown [ministros de la corona], [180] and most especially to your excellency, as minister of the colonies. we send it directly to your excellency, in accordance with law and custom, so that, in due time, you may condescend to lay it before the lofty personages above mentioned, and even, if you deem it advisable, before the entire nation, duly assembled in the cortes of the kingdom. in writing this exposition, to us, the religious of the corporations existing in the country from ancient times, united in one soul and one heart, as faithful brethren, is reserved the honor in the very beginning of fulfilling respectfully the most acceptable duty of reiterating our traditional adhesion to the king, to his government, and to all the authorities of the fatherland, to whom we have always considered it an honor to keep ourselves subject and obedient, by the law of conscience, which is the strongest human bond, endeavoring continually and in all earthly things, from our respective sphere of action, to coöperate with every class of endeavor for the maintenance of public order in filipinas, for its legitimate and holy progress, for the development of its intellectual and even material interests; and, in a very special manner, for the propagation and conservation of the divine teachings of catholicism, for the encouragement of good morals, and for the security of the moral prestige, the only force which has been until now the great bond of union between these beautiful lands and their dear mother the mother-country [metrópoli]. motive for this exposition. truly, your excellency, if extremely troublesome circumstances, by which spanish authority in the archipelago is threatened, and the bitter campaign (or better, conspiracy) of defamation and anti-monastic schemes, incited against us, especially since the outbreak of the insurrection, did not compel us to talk, very willingly would we leave it to politicians to occupy themselves with the problems that concern this country, and we would maintain the silence that has fittingly been our norm of procedure for many years, not speaking except when questioned officially, being jealous, by that manner of retirement, of avoiding the criticism which has so often been heaped upon us with audacious flippancy or malice, that we meddle with the temporal government of these islands. but now the hour is come, when, as loyal patriots and constant supporters of spanish authority in filipinas, we must break that silence, in order that one may never with reason repeat of us, either as religious or as subjects of españa, that terrible accusation of the prophet, canes muti non valentes latrare. [181] the hour is come, also, when we must emerge in defense of our honor, atrociously blemished in many ways, of our prestige that has been trampled upon, of our holy and patriotic ministry, which has, finally, been subjected to the most terrible calumnies and the most unqualified accusations. though private persons may at any time make a noble renunciation of their good name that has been defamed, offering to god the sacrifice of what civilized man esteems highest, never is that allowed in any form, according to the teachings of the holy doctors of the church, to public persons, to prelates, to superiors, to corporations, who must defend and preserve their prestige, their credit, and their reputation, in order to worthily fulfil their respective functions. a religious corporation discredited and publicly reviled, is in its class like a nation whose flag is insulted or whose laws are disavowed. it should die struggling for its honor, rather than allow its good name to be trodden under foot, and its rights to become unrecognized and unrevered. abandonment of the religious corporations and their patience and prudence under these circumstances. truly, one cannot qualify us as hasty and imprudent, in that we now address ourselves to the exalted authorities of the fatherland. we have borne patiently the continual insults and vilifications for more than eighteen months of masons and filibusters, open or hidden, in newspapers, clubs, and public assemblies, who have attributed to us the blame for the insurrection, and heaped dishonor on our persons and ministries by the most unjustifiable attacks, cast in their majority in the mold of demagogism and free thought. with christian meekness have we endured the return to the peninsula of a multitude of persons who have resided a greater or less period in the islands, who have shown so little honor to our habit and profession; but if, instead of being religious, we had been seculars, and if, instead of being a question of ecclesiastical corporations, it had been one of civil or military corporations, they would have refrained from speaking ill of us--and we can be quite sure of that, and there are eloquent daily proofs of this assertion--for the effective means that such corporations generally practice would have tied their tongues, and would have made them recognize their flippancy and their injustice by imposing a vigorous corrective to their extensions. we religious have no sword; we cannot pronounce judgment; we do not glitter with gilt braid; we do not belong to a corporation, whose individual members take part in the government of the fatherland, or in exalted considerations of the same; we are neither military men nor functionaries of the judicial or administrative profession; we do not have weight in any political party; we do not intervene in elections; we do not form (for conscience forbids us) great federations that become feared; we do not incite the public, except to obedience and submission to all constituted authority; we are unable in determined cases to distribute appointments, or offer promotions or remunerations; we are not accompanied by a fattened retinue of friends or flatterers, who defend us for their own personal advantage, and who are the blind paladins of the general, of the politician, of the exalted dignitary, of the opulent banker; neither have we any influence over the press; we do not possess a nucleus of attached partisans to shout for us and overexcite so-called public opinion: in one word, we are without all the methods that are used in modern public life to gain respect and fear, to influence the nation, and cause all the shots of slander or ignorance to strike ineffectually against us. the religious of filipinas, far remote from europa, alone in their ministries, scattered even throughout the farthest recesses of the archipelago, without other associates and other witnesses of their labors than their dear and simple parishioners, have no defense other than their reason and right, which, although established on justice and law, and secured by the protection of the divine providence--which mercifully has not failed us hitherto and which we hope will not fail us in the future--do not have, nevertheless, in their favor (nor ever, although we might have done so, would we avail ourselves of them) those most powerful modern auxiliaries which are attaining so much vogue and so great success in societies in which the great christian sentiments having grown cold, reason is not heard easily unless supplied with the force of cannon or with the armor-plate of the high bench, of vast political parties, or of fearful popular movements. alone with our reason and our right, although with our conscience satisfied at always having fulfilled, yea always, our duties, of having been as patriotic as the greatest, or more so, and of having fulfilled the obligations of our sacred ministry, we have endured silently and in all patience, in accordance with the advice of the apostle, the insults and vilifications, even of persons to whom we have offered in christian sincerity our affection and civilities, even by persons who call themselves very catholic, but who, perchance, infected with the contagion of the practical jansenism of certain present-day reformers, forget the remark of that great christian emperor, who said that if he should see a priest who had fallen into any frailty, he would cover him with his cloak, rather than publish his weakness. alone, with our reason and our right, and confident that reason would at last clear the pathway, and that light would at last illumine the dense obscurity created by hatred of sect, by the separatist spirit, and by flippancy, envy, and the false zeal of certain persons, we have endured the insinuations, made in the cortes [parlamento] [182] of last year which showed scant respect to the orders; the assertions made, not only in private, but also in centers of great publicity, and by persons of considerable popularity in military circles [politica militante], that the religious prestige of filipinas was so broken that it was necessary to substitute it with armed force; the publishing of the recourse of an eminent politician, sacrificed by anarchy, to the orders for information and advice in philippine matters, as a dishonorable censure; the grave accusations directed against us, as well as against a most worthy prelate, in a memorial presented to the senate, although veiled under certain appearances of impartiality and gentle correction; the different-toned clamoring from day to day, with more or less crudity, in order that the historic peninsular period of 1834-40 might be reproduced in the islands, and in order that measures might be adopted against us, so radical that they are not taken (and the discussion of them is shameful) either against the centers of public immorality, or against societies and attempts that have no other end than to discatholicize the nation and to sow in it the germs of thorough social upheaval. why the religious have been silent until now. we believed and thought that our prudence and long silence, adorned with the qualities of circumspection and magnanimity which religious institutions should always possess, ought to be sufficient for discreet and fair-minded people, so that they would immediately impugn those accusations and form a judgment by which those repeated attacks would not make a dent in our credit and prestige. we supposed that that campaign of diatribes and reproaches would vanish at last as a summer cloud formed by the effluvia cast off from the forges of masonry and filibusterism. but instead of being dissipated the storm appears to be increasing daily. the treaty of biac-na-bató [183] has again placed in the mouth of many the crafty assertion, made now by the rebel leaders that the institutes of the regulars have been the only cause of the insurrection. the secret society [184] of the katipunan, which is extending itself throughout the islands like a terrible plague, has established by order of its gran oriente, [185] the extinction of the religious as one of the first articles of their program of race hatred. in the peninsula and here, the masons, and all those who, in one way or another, second them, have rejuvenated [recrudecido] their war against us. manifestos have been published in madrid, in which misusing the names of filipinas, measures highly disrespectful and vexatious to the clergy are demanded. even in the ministry of the colonies, although officiously, persons have managed to introduce themselves, who, pursued by the tribunals of justice as unfaithful do not hide their animadversion to the religious corporations. now, if we were to continue silent in view of all these circumstances, our silence would be taken with reason as cowardice, or as an argument of guilt; our patience would be qualified as weakness; and even firm and sensible catholics who recognize the injustice of the attacks directed upon us, could with reason infer that we were stained, or that we had come to such a prostrate condition that one could with impunity insult and mock us, as if in downright truth we were old and decayed entities whose decadence is the last symptom of death. prius mori, quam foedari, [186] said the ancients; and the most loyal maccabæans, "it is better to die in the battle than to see the extermination of our nation and of the sanctuary." [187] as long as the corporations exist, they will glory, as they ought, in repeating with st. paul: "quamdiu sum apostolus, ministerium meum honorificabo." [188] we have always endeavored to honor our ministry, and we shall always continue to honor it, now and in the future, by the grace of god, which we trust will not fail us. consequently, we do not vacillate in addressing ourselves today to the exalted authorities of the nation, taking shelter in our confidence, that, though we are poor and helpless, and have no other protection than our spotless history, our immaculate honor, and our secure rights, we are talking to those in whom intelligence and good sense are brothers to nobility of thought, who are always ready to listen, especially to the poor and weak, and in whom their respect and love to catholic institutions and to the so eminently glorious and meritorious title "regular clergy of filipinas," shelter them from the suggestions of sects and the prejudice of anticlerical and separatist parties. they are persecuted because of their religious significance. what reason have the religious corporations of filipinas given that they should be persecuted with so great passion? ah! your excellency, that reason is no other than because they are very catholic, because they are very spanish, because they are effective supporters of the good and sane doctrine, and because they have never shown weakness toward the enemies of god and of the fatherland. [189] if we religious had not defended here with inviolable firmness the secular work which our fathers bequeathed us: if we had shrunk our shoulders in fear before the work of the lodges and before the propagation of politico-religious errors that have come to us from europa; if we had given the most insignificant sign, not only if not of sympathy, yet even the least sign of mute passivity, to the advocates of the false modern liberties condemned by the church; if the flame of patriotism had become lessened to us; and innovators had not met in each religious in filipinas an unchangeable and terrible adversary to their plans, open or hidden: never, your excellency, would we religious corporations have been the object of the cruel persecution now practiced on us; but on the contrary, we regulars would have been exalted to the clouds, and so much the more as our enemies are not unaware that, granting the influence that we enjoy in the archipelago, our support, even if passive and one of mere silence, would indisputably have given them the victory. but they know that our banner is none other than the syllabus of the great pontiff, pius ix, [190] which has been so often confirmed by leo xiii, in which all rebellion against legitimate authorities is so vigorously condemned. they know that, as lovers of the only true liberty--christian liberty--we would rather die than consent, in whatever pertains to us, to the least lack of the purity of the infallible catholic teachings, of the holiness of christian customs, and of the most complete loyalty due the spanish nation. consequently, they hate us; consequently, veiled under divers names and with divers pretexts, they are making so cruel war upon us, that one would believe that the masons and filibusters have no other enemies in filipinas than the religious corporations. in such wise does that honor us that we can very well say with the prince of the apostles: "if you be reproached for the name of christ, you shall be blessed: for that which is of the honor, glory, and power of god, and that which is his spirit resteth upon you (1 peter iv, 14)." [191] and for their patriotic significance. apart from their essentially religious character, the regulars of the archipelago have another significance that makes them odious to the separatists. they are the only permanent and deeply-rooted spanish institution in the islands, with a suitable and rigorous organization, perfectly adapted to these regions. while the other peninsulars live here in the fulfilment of their duty more or less time, as is convenient to their private interests, and with no other bond that follows them to filipinas than their own convenience, being ignorant of the language of the country and having no other relations with the natives than those of a superficial intercourse, we religious come here to sacrifice our whole life. we form as it were a net of soldiers of religion and of the fatherland in the archipelago, scattered even to the remotest villages of the islands. here we have our history, our glories, the ancestral house, so to speak, of our family. bidding an eternal farewell to our native soil, we condemn ourselves voluntarily, by virtue of our vows, to live forever consecrated to the moral, religious, and political education of these natives, for whose defense we have in all ages waged campaigns, which, without the pious boastings [crudezas] and exaggerations of las casas, [192] have constantly reproduced in filipinas the figure of the immortal defender of the american natives. craftiness of the insurgent leaders of filibusterism. in this point it must be confessed that the insurgent leaders of filibusterism are logical. "do the regulars," they have asked themselves, "who are the spaniards most deeply-rooted and most influential in the country, and the most beloved and respected by the people, agree to, or will they ever agree to our projects? then let us petition their expulsion, and their disappearance in one way or another. if we do not succeed in it, let us destroy them. since there are many peninsulars, who, influenced by modern errors or carried away by ignorance or evil passion, lend ear to those who inveigh against the religious, let us inveigh loudly. let us form a powerful cry against them. let us conspire in lodges and political clubs. let us petition at any risk measures looking to the lowering and destruction of the regular clergy. those peninsulars will listen to us without us having any fear that they will hold us as filibusters. it will be said of us that we are liberals, that we are reformers, that we are democrats, that we are even masons and free-thinkers: but that does not matter. many peninsulars are the same. they also inveigh against the religious. they also petition freedom of thought, freedom of the press, freedom of association, secularization of education, ecclesiastical disamortization, suppression of the privileges of the clergy. they also inveigh against the terrible theocracy, and do not cease to defame the religious and to impute to them all sorts of crimes." that, your excellency, is the watchword that has been given to all the filibusters, and to all who will procure the emancipation of the country in one way or another, for their separatist ends, and especially since the treaty of biac-na-bató. "there is nothing against españa, nothing against the king, nothing against the army, nothing against the spanish administration: say if you have seized arms that it has been exclusively because of the abuses of the clergy, that you were not attempting separation from the mother-country; that you wished only modern liberties and the disappearance of the orders. and even though all the documents, judicial and extrajudicial, in which appear the plans of the conspirators, and all the acts of the canton of cavite, during its ephemeral emancipation, demonstrates the contrary, let us exert ourselves to say that that was not the intention of the rebels, that that was an affair of some enthusiasts or madmen, but that the great mass of the insurgents seized arms only through coveting those liberties. the multitude of lay spaniards of every class and profession sacrificed; the countless natives killed or harassed in innumerable ways, because of their unswerving loyalty to the fatherland; the cries of 'death to the castilas!' and 'long live the tagálogs!' the stamps of a tagálog republic, a filipino republic, [193] an army of freedom; the speeches and circulars of the assembly or supreme council; the fiery katipunan constitution written in characters of a mysterious key, and that written at biac-na-bató; and in their style, an infinite number of deeds and documents, many of them very recent, which even to satiety evidently demonstrate the anti-spanish and separatist character of the insurrection: all that we shall now conceal by crying 'down with the friars!' 'long live democratic liberties!' 'long live españa!' and with those cries are we certain of being heard, and in that way shall we be able to more easily attain the final goal of our desires." that is the logic and the tactics of the filibusters, and it must be confessed that in it they show themselves to possess practical talent, and to be thoroughly acquainted with the society that surrounds them. had they said that the insurrection had been provoked by the excesses of the government employes, of the military, of the governors, of the directors of the treasury; had they placed in relief the multitude of abuses that have been committed against the native in one form or another (although never by the nation, or by the majority of its sons); had they attributed the armed insurrection to that: they would now be opposed by all the peninsular element, and their voice would have had not the slightest echo, as it would have been stifled by the more powerful voice of others who would have cried out in defense of the spanish name, and who would have locked on them the door to all the means of propaganda and agitation which they are now exploiting. but when they declaimed against the clergy, when they demanded the liberties that the clergy cannot in conscience approve, they had at least assured their campaign, and in part, perhaps, the success of the same. their real purposes. does not this show, your excellency, that, in talking of the supposed or enormously exaggerated abuses of the clergy, they are not moved by love of justice and morality, and much less by love for españa? what then, do they not recognize that for one religious who has committed abuses, it is to be surmised, from their employment, that there have been many more laymen in proportion (and let it be clear that we accuse no one, and least of all the worthy official corporations) who have converted their office, totally or partially, into a means for illegal advancement? have the insurgents not cried out at other times, and during the preparatory period of the insurrection, against the meritorious civil guard, against judges and alcaldes, against the army, against the peninsular resident in the island, against the administration in general, and even against the superior authorities of the archipelago? is not this proved by the books of the unfortunate rizal, by the solidaridad, [194] and other documents and pamphlets of the laborers, although one must not forget that their favorite watchword was always to cruelly attack the religious? undoubtedly so, but it was not now advisable for them to declare it. now was come the opportunity to show themselves very spanish, very loyal to the king (they who were affiliating themselves to the extent of their ability with the most radical parties), very fond of the army, and to attack only the religious! accusations against the orders. they work deceitfully, we shall say with the psalmist (psalm 35), [195] they talk of peace and of love outwardly, but evil and hate are hid in their hearts; supervacue exprobaverunt animam meam. most vainly do they wrong us, we shall add, in respect to the accusations that they direct against us. "unjust witnesses rising up have asked me things i knew not. they repaid me evil for good: and have sworn my destruction. but thou, o lord, wilt destroy their plans, and wilt save my existence." (psalm 35.) [196] yea, your excellency, unjust witnesses, for where are those abuses, those excesses, those vices, those outrages, of which their mouths are so full, and which furnish them matter for their speeches of a demagogical club of the rabble? what do the religious corporations maintain, when viewed with a deep synthetical standard, which is not in accordance with the canons of the church and the rules of their institute; which is not fitting to the holy ministry that they profess; which is not greatly beneficial to the supreme interests of the fatherland? we turn our eyes in all directions, and however quick-sighted may be our eyes, unless one views the orders through the pharisaical or separatist prism, they discover nothing that does not merit the heartiest applause. "laudet te alienus," says the sacred book of proverbs, "et non os tuum." [197] but it is not our intention to praise ourselves here. it is our intention to vindicate ourselves; to defend our honor unjustly impeached; to demonstrate our eminently spanish mission; and to maintain our good name, which is our treasure, which is the great title of nobility that we can never abdicate nor allow to be vilified. "by your good works stop the mouth of the ignorance of foolish and senseless men," says st. peter to us. (1 peter ii, 15.) [198] "we walk not in craftiness, nor by adulterating the word of god; but by manifestation of the truth commending ourselves to every man's conscience, in the sight of god; that is our glory, the testimony of our conscience," is also taught us by st. paul. (2 cor. iv, 2.) [199] from our dishonor follows the dishonor of the holy and spanish mission that we exercise; and god has told us that we should be the salt of the earth and the light of the world, and that we should shine in such manner that men may see our good works, and glorify our father who is in heaven. [200] how they have fulfilled their duties. our good works are in the gaze of all men, and our good works, thanks to god, are the brightest gem of the corporations. not only do we preach the gospel here; not only do we carry the christian and civilized life to the barbarous and fetish-encumbered inhabitants of these islands; not only did we obtain the incorporation of the archipelago into the spanish crown, working in harmony with the other official entities, and preserved it, as is well known, in a peaceful and happy condition for the space of three centuries; but also, in all time, even now when we are wronged so deeply by some ingrate filipinos, whom we pity, have we been the constant defenders of the indians, enduring for that reason innumerable loathings, and all kinds of persecution on the part of many peninsulars, who did not understand the devotion and patriotism of our conduct. in all time have we been zealous for the purity of the faith and for the conservation of good morals; and illegal exactions, bribery, extortions, outrages, ease, immoral gambling, and a licentious or little restrained life, have always had in us a severe judge and the most inexorable censor. can it be said of the religious institutes, whether collectively or in the vast majority of their individual members, that they have prevaricated; that they have ever abandoned the duties entrusted to them in the administration of the sacraments, in the celebration of divine worship, in christian preaching and catechising, in the vigilance of good manners, in the tutelage of moral interests, in protection and relief to the needy and weak, in advice and consolation to all about us, in the maintenance of obedience to the mother-country, in the extension of education, in the campaign against every kind of superstition and erroneous practice, in repression of concubinage, and of other public irregularities and scandals? does not the tenet enter the head of the most exalted sectarian, if he has any lucid moment, that we religious have fulfilled with assiduous self-abnegation the obligations of our ministry? we have become wearied with reading, your excellency, whatever has been written and published against us for years, and we know also how much is said now in assemblies and gatherings. with our hand upon our heart, with our foreheads raised aloft, as one who walks in the light and fears not to have his deeds examined and discussed in the light, we challenge and defy our detractors and calumniators, and those who flippantly, or by any other unjust and inaccurate motive, talk and murmur, to show us with exact data and with perfectly authentic information, not only the accuracy of all their accusations, but the mere probability of whatever they allege against our honor and well-established credit, touching the fulfilment of our duties, both religious and patriotic. their procedure in respect to parochial obventions, to education, and intercourse with intelligent persons. it is said that we commit abuse in the exaction of parochial fees. let the laws of the church be consulted, let the doctrines of the moralists and the principles of positive natural and divine law be cited; and then submitted to that only sure rule as a criterion, let them tell us whether we abuse the public in that matter, and whether our procedure, within just bounds, is not that employed by the most disinterested priests. it is said that we are hostile to education and the advancement of knowledge. but if by education and knowledge, doctrines not condemned by the church, our mother, are not meant, let them tell us whether the islands have any education that has not been established, protected, sustained, and encouraged by the clergy, in all branches of instruction, both primary, and secondary and superior. it is said that we despise the intelligent men of the country, and that we make them the object of every kind of persecution. that assertion is so rare and stupendous that we wonder whether our enemies will write in imaginary spaces. a multitude of youths are graduated annually with the degree of bachelor or after the conclusion of some higher course, from the ateneo municipal, from the colleges of manila and the provinces, and from the university. we are honored by the friendship of the vast majority of them, and take no little satisfaction in seeing them prosper and in knowing that they respect the christian and solid education that they have received. it is known that very few of the great number of students that attend our lecture halls, and of the not few graduates that are scattered throughout the islands, have taken part in the rebellion; and that the vast majority of them have kept loyal to españa, in fulfilment of the oath that they took on receiving the investiture of their professions. but what happens in the old world with the apprentices of free thought happens here: all those modestly call themselves intelligent who think that they exhibit signs of knowledge and talent by showing contempt for priests and religious; while it is a fact that a goodly proportion of those who express themselves in that manner have been unable to complete their courses with us, and are the refuse of our lecture halls. regarding the sanctity of their private life. an outcry is being made against the vices and immorality of the regulars in terms that seem to be inspired in protestant and anticlerical centers of low quality. but in that, as in other things, saving what can never be avoided even in the communities most sanely organized, by the severest legislation and the most exquisite care, all who view us near at hand are not ignorant that nothing can be thrown into our face. the words of father st. augustine, when defending his institute against accusations similar to those directed against the orders of filipinas, are very opportune and efficacious in this matter. "tell me, brethren, is my congregation, peradventure, better than noah's ark, in which, of the three sons noah had, one was evil? is it, peradventure, better than the family of the patriarch jacob, in which, of his twelve sons, only joseph is praised? is it, peradventure, better than the house of the patriarch isaac, in which, of the two sons born to him, one was chosen of god, and the other damned? is it, peradventure, better than the household of jesus christ, our savior, in which, of his twelve apostles, one was a traitor, and sold him? is it, peradventure, better than that company of the seven deacons filled with the holy spirit, chosen by the apostles to take charge of the poor and widowed, among whom one, by name nicholas, became a heresiarch? is it, peradventure, better than heaven itself, whence fell so many angels? can it be better than the earthly paradise, where the two first parents of all the human race, created in original justice and grace, fell?" ah! the religious corporations of filipinas, caring for the sanctity and salvation of all its sons, on seeing one of their individual members fail in his duties, after correcting him, and after taking, in accordance with law and religious prudence, measures efficacious to repair, if he did it, the scandal, and even, if necessary, to destroy and fling aside the rotten branch, cry out in pity with the apostle like a true mother: "quis infirmatur et ego non infirmor? quis scandalizatur et ego non uror?" "who becomes sick spiritually and i do not suffer with him? who suffers scandal and i am not burned?" that is what all should say who learn of the backslidings of their neighbor; that is the dictate of charity and of justice; that is demanded by respect and consideration to the ministers of the church. and so long as our systematic accusers do not prove that the orders consent and do not check the sins, in great part humanly inevitable--considering the conditions under which those dedicated to the ministry live--of the very few religious who have the misfortune and weakness to fall, they have no right to dishonor us and to cry out against what we are the first to lament and to try to correct. will they prove it sometime? we are quite assured of the opposite; and that though they have at hand, as many methods of inquisition and proof as the judge most interested in any cause can desire. our convents, our ministries, our persons, are in sight of all. our parish priests and missionaries are alone and surrounded by a multitude of natives. whatever we say, do, or neglect to do, is seen and spied by all the people. our habitations are of crystal for all classes of people. our publicity as europeans and our condition as priests place us in such relief in the missions and parishes, that it would be stupid simplicity to try to hide our doings and actions. consequently, everything is favorable to our adversaries in the trial to which we provoke them, and to which each regular voluntarily submits himself, from the moment that, faithful to his vocation and obedient to his superiors, he sacrifices himself to live among these natives, his very beloved sheep of the flock of christ. our honor, our reputation rests in their hands. it would be easy for our adversaries to confound the religious institutes if truth presided over their accusations. but since truth is that which does not glitter in their words, the saying of holy writ becomes verified in their conduct: "they spake against me with a lying tongue, and with the speech of hate did they attack me;" and in regard to us the saying of st. peter: "you shall keep an upright conscience with modesty and fear, so that as many as calumniate your upright procedure in christ, shall be confounded." [201] other equally unjust charges. we shall not compare our conduct with that of the respectable and very estimable native priests of the secular clergy, whom the majority of the separatist filipinos flatter, undoubtedly because it is not to the purpose of their plans to combat them. we shall not rebut the shamelessness of supposing that part of our property has a criminal origin, and that we are certain despots in our rural estates who suck the blood of our tenants by various methods, an infamy so often refuted with authentic data of overwhelming proof. we shall not speak of the vast imposture of imputing to us all the executions by shooting, imprisonments, tortures, trials, and confiscation of property of those implicated in the last insurrection. we scorn the absurd fable that we are absolute masters, not only of consciences, but of all the archipelago, at the same time that they, obviously contradicting themselves, as error is wont to do, declare that our prestige and influence in the islands is lost. we neglect to attribute to ourselves whatever hate and censure, according to them, have been made in the country by the military [institutos armados], the governors, the judges, and all the public organisms, in deportations and other kinds of punishment; as if we religious managed to our liking the machine of the government and administration of this territory, and as if, from the governor-general down to the last agent of the police, all were but the blind executors of our will. we lay aside those and other things--poorly executed arguments--which certain misguided sons of this country are still employing, and which are unfortunately repeated by certain peninsulars, in order to manifest their hatred or prejudice against the clergy; and pass on to speak of the insurrection and of the imperious necessity of remedying the extremely embarrassing situation of the religious corporations in the archipelago. fundamental causes of the insurrection, and who are to blame for it. the government is able only too well to recognize the causes that have produced the insurrection, and we shall not be the ones who try to give it lessons in that regard. the government is aware that until several years ago, every separatist idea, every rebel tendency in the country, which was enjoying the most enviable peace and felt respect to authority with the same unreflecting, although patent and holy, force, with which domestic authority in all parts is obeyed and respected, was exotic and an anachronism. then was submission to españa and subordination to all authority an element truly social, rendered incarnate by the religious in the mass of the filipino population, which neither dreamed, yea, your excellency, neither dreamed of ideas of political redemption, nor imagined that, in order to keep themselves loyal to the mother-country, one single bayonet was necessary in the country. the public force of the cuadrilleros and of the guardia civil [202] (the latter of very recent creation) was necessarily created to check and restrain thieves and tulisanes; [203] while every one thought that the wretched army then in the archipelago had no other object than to combat mindanaos and joloans, and to be ready for any conflict with the neighboring powers. españa was able to be sure of its dominion here, and to live so carelessly, with respect to political movements as in the most retired village of the peninsula. all authority was obeyed, was respected, by conscience, by education, by tradition, by social habit, passively and by custom, if one wishes, but with so great strength and firmness, with so indisputable and universal submission, that more indeed than individual virtue it was the virtue of the mass of the whole population, it was the spontaneous homage to god, which, represented in the powers of the fatherland, all felt and practiced, not conceiving even the possibility of rebellions and insurrections. thus had they been taught by the religious, who always unite the names of god and his church with the names of their king and of españa. consequently, by bonds of conscience, did all the archipelago love and obey him, and no one thought then of political liberties, nor in lifting yokes that existed for no one. are there then no abuses? no, your excellency it could have very well happened that there were abuses on a greater scale than in the epoch immediately preceding the present events. but since these people were educated in the doctrine that it is never legal to disobey authority, under pretext of abuses, even if some are true; since these people had not yet been imbued with the new modern teachings, condemned a hundred times by the church; since no one had spoken here of popular rights, many of them as false as senseless; since the propaganda against priests and religious had not yet reached filipinas: it resulted that, considering those abuses, as one of so many plagues of humanity (from which regulated societies are not free, according to the principles of the newest erroneous law, but rather they are, on the contrary, suffered with greater intensity and with greater loss to the fundamental interests of the social order) these inhabitants tolerated them patiently, and had recourse for their remedy to the just methods taught in such cases by catholic ethics, with the greatest advantage to individuals and to nations. consequently, as many as have contributed, in one way or another, to introduce those revolutionary doctrines, and those germs of social and political disturbance into the archipelago, whether peninsulars or islanders, of whatever class or rank, are the true authors, conscious or unconscious, of the great weakening of the traditional obedience to the mother-country, of which the whole archipelago was in peaceful possession until thirty years ago, that was disturbed by no one or by no influence. the introducers of those doctrines and tendencies are beyond all doubt the culprits of the insurrection, for they are the ones who have done their utmost to prepare for it and with success to unroll it, even supposing that they have not directly and deliberately procured it. who sows the wind will reap the whirlwind; who introduces principles must accept the consequences; who generates hate must not wonder that war results; who teaches the pathway of evil cannot declare himself free from responsibility for the disorders originated by his teaching. partial causes: masonry. will it be necessary to explain this simple consideration? we do not think so. but should we desire to unfold it, it would be easy for us to add that the anti-religious propaganda; the ideas of erroneous liberty and forbidden independence, incited and aroused in certain filipinos by european politicians and writers; the antipathy and opposition, clearly shown by certain spaniards, even by those ruling and by government employees, against the religious corporations; the establishment of masonry and of other secret societies, the former's legitimate offspring; the most favorable reception that the revolutionary filipinos found for their plans in many centers and papers of madrid and other places; the lack of religion in many peninsulars; the ease with which the ancient laws of filipinas have been changed; the mobility of public functionaries which, giving opportunity for many irregularities, has contributed greatly to the continual lessening of the credit of the spanish name; and in part, the backwardness, which has been observed sometimes in the sons of the country with regard to public appointments: [all these] are partial aspects, various phases and confluent factors (of which we do not attempt to enumerate all) of the fundamental and synthetical cause that we have expressed. no one is unaware that the chief of all those partial phases and factors of the social disorganization of the archipelago has been masonry. the asociación hispano-filipina of madrid was masonic. those who encouraged the filipinos in their campaign against the clergy and against the peninsulars here resident, were masons in almost their totality. those who authorized the installation of lodges in the archipelago were masons. those who founded the katipunan, [204] a society so mortally masonic, that even in its terrible suggestive pact of blood it has done naught but imitate the masonic carbonarios, were masons. practical consequences of that. the traditional submission to the fatherland, diffused and deeply settled in the archipelago by the religious corporations, having disappeared in part and having been greatly weakened in part; the voice of the parish priest, thanks to the above-mentioned propaganda, having been disregarded by many natives, especially in manila and conterminous provinces, who were taught in that way to give themselves airs as intelligent and independent men; the prestige of the spanish name having been greatly tempered, and the ancient respect with which every peninsular was formerly regarded in the islands having been almost annihilated in many towns: is it strange that race instincts should have asserted themselves strongly, and, considering that they have a distinct language, and distinct lands and climate, that they should have discussed and have attempted to raise a wall of separation between spaniards and malays? is it not logical that, after having been made to believe that the religious is not the father and shepherd of their souls and their friend and enthusiastic defender, but a vile exploiter, and that the peninsular here is no more than a trader constituted with greater or less authority and rank, that they should madly and illegally have imagined that they could easily separate from españa and aspire to self-government? gloomy situation of the archipelago and omens of its future. we shall not insist, your excellency, on this order of consideration, for it rends our soul, it cleaves our heart in twain, to consider how easily so many rivers of blood, so great and extravagant expenses, and so extraordinary conflicts, might have been spared, which in a not long lapse of time, may, perhaps, result in the disappearance of the immortal flag of castilla; how easily the military situation, originated by the insurrection, a situation that was threatening to make of filipinas another cuba, might have been avoided; and with how little trouble the archipelago might have been continuing at present in the same tranquillity and peacefully progressive situation as it had years ago: if having the power, as was a fact, but that was not attempted or thought of, the door had been shut on the disturbers; if masonry had never been allowed in the country; and if every tendency contrary to the moral prestige, the most powerful social bond, immensely superior to all armies and all political institutions which united these countries with their beloved and respected mother-country, had been effectively restrained in their beginnings. has the present most gloomy situation any remedy? it is somewhat difficult, and even dangerous, to answer the question, for if the katipunan was six months ago relegated to the hills of laguna and bulacan among the rebel leaders who were fugitive there, or was dragging out a shameful existence in certain villages that were in communication with the insurgents, today the plague has spread. for the ones pardoned at biac-na-bató, breaking the promise given to the gallant and energetic marquis de estella, [205] obedient to the watchword received, have spread through the central provinces; and by using threats and terrible punishments, which have no precedents in the pages of history, nor even of the novel, have succeeded in attracting to their ranks a great number of indians, even in villages which gave eloquent proof of loyalty to the holy cause of the spanish fatherland before the submission of biac-na-bató. they have also succeeded in establishing themselves in cápiz and in other points of the visayas: and indeed the movement of zambales, of pangasinan, of ilocos, of cebú, and of the katipunans, are at present open in manila. the thought of what may happen to this beautiful country at any moment terrifies us, for we do not know to what point sectarian fanaticism may go, exploiting the suggestibility of this race and their weak brain by the deeds that they are heralding, brought to a head by them, in regard to the army, whose increase in the proportion that would be necessary to establish a complete military situation, they know to be impossible; by the published exemption from the cédula [206] and other tributes; by the supposed immunity of amulets, called anting-anting; by the illusion that none but indians will hold office, and that the alcaldes and generals will be from their ranks; by the remembrance that money and confidence were given to the rebels of cavité, bulacan, and other points; by the news that their partisans were sending them from madrid and hong-kong; by the example of goodly numbers of peninsulars, who are not on their guard against showing their hostility to the religious, in order by that manner to procure the latter's disregard by their parishioners, who even dare to lay hands on them; and by innumerable other methods, too many, in short, to enumerate, but terribly destructive, and of maddening and vigorous influence in these malayan villages. the thought of what consist the secrets of the revolution, which the learned gentleman, appointed as arbitrator [207] by the so-called government of the insurgents to arrange with the superior authority of the islands as to the conditions of submission and the surrender of arms, swore to keep secret, as appears from the justificative document of his authorization, is also terrifying. we are ignorant of what those secrets may be, which apparently are not the politico-ecclesiastical reforms which are now demanded in madrid, since those matters are mentioned openly in the abovesaid document signed by aguinaldo in the name of the rebel assembly; and the most courageous heart is terrified at the fancy that there might be an organization more powerful, more far-reaching, more general and active of revolution, somewhat like the katipunan, which we now see to be rapidly spreading, and which at a moment's notice, would effect a general rising, whose most saddening results one can easily foresee, and avoid with the greatest difficulty, unless every labor association be effectually prosecuted and extirpated in time. remedy for that situation. laying aside for the meanwhile those dangers, which are daily obscuring the filipino horizon more deeply, and supposing, as we desire, that peace may be obtained throughout the islands, the situation of the archipelago has a remedy, and one, as is clear, that consists in removing all the causes that have produced so deep a confusion and in prudently and with justice adopting the measures that, assuring peace, will protect and encourage the legitimate interests of these inhabitants. the great mass of the country is not corrupted. it suffers from an access of hallucination and fanaticism produced by sectarian preachings and practices, but its heart and head are not perverted. if it be attended with care, it will return to its former pacific habits and submission. the wealthy and intelligent classes, still healthy, protest against all those movements, and since they are loyal and friendly to us, desire the normal mean to be reestablished as soon as possible, and will contribute, together with the institutions of the mother-country, to the most glorious undertaking of restoring order and the pacific and progressive trend of the archipelago. it pertains to the government to direct and manage those forces in order to obtain so satisfactory an end, by reestablishing the mainsprings of government, now so nearly disappeared or very much weakened; by giving prestige to all the conservative elements; and with an administration, grave, intelligent, active, stable, moral, acquainted with, and fond of the country, and one dissociated with every political doctrine, to continue and perfect the just and benevolent, and catholic and spanish regimen: whereby the mother-country would gain the sympathies of these inhabitants and establish its dominion securely. this is strange material for the peculiar objects and character of this exposition, which has no other purpose than to defend the honor of the religious institutes and demonstrate the necessity of supporting and invigorating their ministry, if they are to continue their noble and patriotic mission in the archipelago. we do not intend to mix in politics, however much we may have as much or more right than any society or individual to speak of these things. but indeed we must be the defenders of the rights of the church, and of the regular clergy. we are indeed under obligations to watch over spanish interests, which are not at variance with, but perfectly amalgamated with religious interests. what the orders need and claim. as religious then, and as spaniards, we address the government, and without circumlocutions or subterfuge (for these are not the times for paraphrases and euphemisms which cloak the truth), we believe that we can tell the government that if the interests of spanish domination in the archipelago have incurred and are incurring so serious danger of shipwreck, it is because they have rather been, and are, profoundly combative of the interests of religion; and that if the revolutionists have succeeded in making themselves heard by a multitude of natives, it is because they have been taught, before and during the ingrate rebellion, to despise and even to persecute the religious who taught them a doctrine of peace and obedience. he who does not see this, suffers great blindness, or it is an obvious sign that he is infected with the terrible evil that has brought so dire consequences to filipinas. he who closes his ears to the lessons of providence--sorrowful, but indeed healthful lessons--and believes that it is possible to restore order here and establish a prosperous and tranquil progress without strengthening religious influences, is not far from the separatist camp, or shows that he is unable to learn from great social catastrophes. it is not sufficient for that purpose to recognize the need of morality and of religion. one must recognize them in all their integrity and purity, such as our holy mother, the church, makes them known. it is not sufficient to talk to the people of the great doctrines of the crucified, and instruct them not to attempt to attack the legitimate interests of catholicism--vagaries that so very often cover mischievous and pharisaical intentions, in order afterward, under pretext of abuses, to tell them by word and deed, not to listen to the priests who preach those doctrines to them and inculcate in them respect for those interests. if one would attempt to effectively establish the peace of the archipelago upon a firm base, he must support in toto and in solido the mission of the religious corporations, so that they may be fruitful in the proportion that these inhabitants demand, who are still affectionate to the faith and to civilization, and so that the natives may be strengthened in the solid conviction that they are obliged to obey and respect españa, their true fatherland in the social and civic order, by bonds of conscience and not by human considerations which are always unstable and shifting. consequently, we regulars who have more than sufficient reasons to recognize to their full extent the evils that affect the archipelago, so beloved by us, and who have been for some time experiencing the fact that, far from religious action being strengthened, it is restricted and opposed in various ways, do not waver in telling the government with blunt frankness that, if it do not consent to give that support, daily more necessary, to the church, the social disturbance of the country will continue to increase daily, and that by not applying any remedy to that evil, the stay here of the religious is becoming morally impossible. of what use is it for us to force ourselves to fulfil our religio-patriotic duties, if others take it upon themselves to destroy that labor on the instant; if they, by methods that flatter evil passions so greatly, gain the favor of the same people whom we have taught to be docile and submissive, by saying to them continually that they should pay no attention to us? would it suffice, peradventure, to preach respect to property, if, at the same time, there were no laws that protected it and public force that effectively restrained those covetous of another? would any professor be assured of the effects of his teaching, whose pupils were to be told by respectable persons or through vexatious methods, as they left the lecture room, to forget or despise the lessons of their masters? then in like case do we find ourselves in filipinas. we do not want, your excellency, temporal honors or dignities, which we have renounced by choosing for our profession a life hidden in jesus christ. we do not belong to those who, in whatever they do, think immediately, even when deserving them, of recompenses and decorations. we do not desire, as our enemies believe (who judge us, perhaps, from themselves), to preponderate in the civil government and administration of the villages, nor even at least to continue our slight official intervention assigned to us in certain secular matters by law and tradition. if one desires to strip the parish priest or the missionary of all administrative, gubernatorial, and economic functions, in which, without us ever claiming it, yea, ever, the secular authority has come to solicit our modest cooperation, let it be done at a seasonable time. those who adopt such an inclination will see what is most advisable for the exalted interests of the fatherland; but from them and not from us, who have ever (even enduring because of that intervention, annoyances, censures, and persecutions, and considering it a true burden) been docile auxiliaries of the civil authority, will be demanded the responsibility of the consequences that may be occasioned by so far-reaching a measure. we have come to the islands to preach and to preserve the christian faith, and to instruct these natives with the celestial food of the sacraments and the maxims of the gospel; to prove that the principal intent of españa, on incorporating this territory with its crown, was to christianize and civilize the natives. we have not come to become alcaldes, governors, judges, military men, agriculturists, tradesmen, or merchants; although the concord and fast union that should prevail between the church and state be granted, and the fact that we constitute here the only social spanish institution, never have we refused to contribute with our might as good patriots and submissive vassals to whatever has been demanded of us, and which we have been able to perform, without dishonor to our priestly and religious character. what they as catholic institutions contradict. all who have written upon filipinas consider the benefit that the country, and very chiefly the spanish dominion, has obtained, from that system in which the parish priest and the missionary were the intermediary, more or less direct, between the public authorities and the mass of the filipino population. it does not belong to us to demonstrate that, for well does the history of this archipelago show it, and it is being told in eloquent, although tragic voices by the present fact, with the deplorable consequences that españa is feeling, and to which it has been guided by a senseless and suicidal propaganda against the religious orders. what we have to say at present is, that if the civil authority be not most diligently attentive to the maintenance, encouragement, and guaranty of religion and morality in the islands, as it must be through its solemn promise contracted before the supreme pontiffs and before christian europe, in accordance with the teachings and precepts of our most holy mother, the church; if it do not oppose a strong wall to the avalanche of insults, taunts, and systematic opposition to the religious of filipinas, which is coming down upon the peninsula and the archipelago; if it do not prosecute the secret societies with the firmness of a foreseeing government; if it do not cause us to be respected and held as our quality as priests and spanish corporations demand, in public and in private, in all the spheres of the social order, in whatever concerns españa and its agents, repelling every project that in one way or another attempts to remove our prestige and to lessen our reputation, hindering the fruit of our labors: there is no suitable and meritorious way--and we say it with profoundest grief--in which we can continue in the islands. we cannot be less, your excellency, in our order, than military men, to whom their profession is an honor and exaltation, as well as an exaction; less than the class of administrative functionaries whose rights and prerogatives are defended and guaranteed by the state; less than the mercantile and industrial companies and undertakings, who are considered and protected as impelling elements of public wealth; less than legal, medicinal, and other professional--scientific, artistic, or mechanical--associations, which are honored and respected in every well-organized society. we believe, and this belief is not at all exaggerated, that, as catholic institutions, we have a right to all the honors, exemptions, and privileges, that the christian church and state, and the laws--in accordance with which the religious orders were established in filipinas--extend to ecclesiastical persons and corporations, and especially to the regulars; and that as spanish institutions, we ought to have the same consideration as the other entities that have arisen and exist under the protection of the flag of the fatherland. as catholic institutions, we must, with all the energy of our soul, repel, as contrary to the imprescriptible and supreme laws of the true and the good, and to the original laws of the church, freedom of worship, and the other fatal and false liberties that are the offspring of the thought, of the press, and of association, which certain men are trying to bring to this archipelago, and which conflict with the most rudimentary duties of the patronage that españa exercises here, as is clearly set forth in various places in the recopilación de indias. in like manner do we repel, inasmuch as it contradicts the rights of the church, the pretended secularization of education, in accordance with what we are taught in propositions 45, 47, and 48, [208] of the syllabus, and which are obligatory on all catholics, and very especially on christian princes and governments. contrary to those rights, and entirely abusive and tyrannical, would be every measure that the secular power might try to adopt in regard to the religious orders of the archipelago: whether in meddling with their regular regimen and discipline; whether in secularizing them; whether in disentailing their property, or fettering their free disposition of the same; whether in freeing their members from their obedience; whether in depriving them of the honors or privileges which they possess according to the canons, the laws of the indias, and christian common law, as is expressed in proposition 53 of the above-mentioned syllabus. [209] every law that attempts to suppress, diminish, or weaken the sacred laws of personal, royal, or local ecclesiastical immunity is contrary to the sacred rules of the church. also contrary to the church, and smacking of the heresies of wickliffe and luther, is every ordinance that denies the clergy the right to the stipends and fees that are due them from their holy ministry, and that tries to meddle with matters of parochial fees, a thing that is peculiar to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. it is contrary to the honor and sanctity of the religious estate to suppose it incapable of exercising the care of souls, and to say that, in governing the parishes, we violated the canons, when in exact accordance with them, we christianized this country, and since have continued to minister it. it is vexatious to the regular clergy, and opposed to the rights legitimately acquired, for the civil authority to attempt to despoil the religious corporations of the ministries and missions founded and ruled by them, under the protection of the leyes de indias and the sovereign ordinances of the apostolic see. incompatible with the vow of obedience that binds every religious, is the complete subjection of the individuals of the regular clergy who discharge the care of souls to the authority of the diocesan, depriving his prelate of the attributes that he possesses over his subjects; and the bishop cannot be allowed, to the loss or detriment of the rights of the regular superior to suppress the regular curacies at his pleasure, since the ministries depend immediately on the corporation which appoints those religious who are to fulfil the duties of them. the need of keeping intact the authority of the regular prelate over his curas and missionaries. no one is ignorant that the religious corporations of the archipelago are communities composed in their vast majority of parish priests and missionaries. if that be so, and it must be so, in order that the orders fulfil the peculiar end for which they came to filipinas, how could the jurisdiction of the regular prelate he maintained, if the attributes that he has received from the holy see, the only immediate authority to which the regulars are subject, for the government of his subjects, of whatever class they be, be lessened? by pontifical laws, the religious assigned to the doctrinas and missions are considered absolutely as viventes intra claustra, which signifies that they are governed by their peculiar superiors, rights, and attributes, which are binding on every subject strictly conventual. if it were not so, the individual life would be established to a greater or less extent in the orders; their communal bonds would disappear; the regular prelates would become mere figureheads; and the religious corporations, losing the internal discipline that gives them so much vigor and strength, would be converted into associations of priests [presbiteros], who although they pronounced religious vows one day, would afterwards have no other bonds with their superiors than the corporative habit and name, and too, perchance, the possession of the open door in order to take refuge in the convent whence they went out, whenever they so desired or the bishop ordered it. the action of the regular prelate over the curas and missionaries of his order must be so active, immediate, energetic, and universal, that he can change, remove, or transfer them, or give them another occupation and appointment, and his authority over them must remain in everything as powerful as if it were a question of the last one of the conventual religious. that is required by the regular discipline; that is demanded by the vow of obedience. in proportion as the attempt is made with the individual to restrict or weaken the jurisdiction of the order, it is equivalent to jesting at the intention of us religious, who do not profess to be subjects of the bishop, but only to occupy ourselves in the business of religion which our prelates assign us; it is equivalent to disnaturalizing the religious corporations, and consequently, to destroying them, the very thing that the separatists are attempting. such a thing will not happen, we are sure; for the moment that a law freeing the parish priests and missionaries from subordination to their prelate, or lessening or restricting the latter's power, is dictated, no religious, by bonds of conscience, would dare to continue at the head of his parish or mission, and all would retire to their convents at manila. such a thing will not happen, for the bishops themselves would be energetically opposed to it, and would confess, as they do, that precisely because the vast majority of their parish clergy are regulars, their clergy live so morally and apply themselves so assiduously to their ministry, and that scarcely would they find that in secular priests [presbiteros] or in regulars not fully subject to their order, and that they are consequently interested, through love of their flock, in having the parish ministries of the archipelago continue to be ruled by the same laws as hitherto. and such a thing will not happen, we say, because the holy see, jealous guardian of the interests of christianity in the islands, not less than of the prestige of the regulars, will not permit it; while, at the last, the government would be placed in the dilemma, namely, that either a suitable and sufficient personnel be proposed to it, which might replace the religious corporations of filipinas in a stable and worthy manner, or, on the contrary, that the latter continue discharging their actual duties, without the least diminution of the jurisdiction of their respective regular prelates. españa's obligation to send ministers of the catholic religion to these islands and to solidly guaranty that religion. such a thing will not happen finally, for the government of the country can never forget (regarding this point and the others with which the present exposition is concerned) the will of isabel the catholic, the fundamental and capital law of these dominions, by which the government is obliged to send here prelates and religious and other learned and austere persons of god, in order to instruct their inhabitants in the catholic faith, and to instruct and teach them good morals; for nothing must be desired ahead of the publication and extension of the evangelical law, and the conversion and conservation of the indians in the holy catholic faith. "inasmuch as we are directing our thought and care to this as our chief aim, we order, and to the extent we may, charge the members of our council of indias that laying aside every other consideration of our profit and interest, they hold especially in mind the matters of the conversion and instruction, and above all that they be watchful and occupy themselves with all their might and understanding in providing and appointing ministers sufficient for it, and take all the other measures necessary so that the indians and natives may be converted and conserved in the knowledge of god our lord, the honor and praise of his holy name, so that, we fulfilling this duty which so tightly binds us and which we so desire to satisfy, the members of the said council may discharge their consciences, since we have discharged ours with them." (law i, tít. i, book ii and law viii, tít. ii, book ii of recopilación de indias.) the council of ministers together with the ministry of the colonies [210] has been substituted for the council of indias, of whose devotion and zeal in fulfilling the fundamental duties of their trust, we cannot harbor the least doubt. very expressive also to the question in hand is law lxv, tít. xiv, book i of the same recopilación. "we order the viceroys, presidents, auditors, governors, and other justices of the indias, to give all the protection necessary for that service to the religious of the orders resident in those provinces and occupied in the conversion and instruction of the natives, to our entire satisfaction, by which god has been, and is, served, and the natives much benefited, and to honor them greatly, and encourage them to continue, and do the same, and more, if possible, as we expect from their persons and goodness." words of the instructions to legaspi; of the laws of partìdas; [211] of felipe ii. thus was it commanded scores of times to the authorities of these islands, and in harmony with that legislation, in the instructions to the great legaspi, it is expressly stated: "you shall have special care in all the negotiations that you shall have with the natives of those districts to have with you some of the religious, both in order to make use of their good counsel, and so that the natives may recognize and understand the great consideration in which you hold them; for seeing that and the great reverence given them by the soldiers, they will also come to respect them. that will be very important, so that, when the religious impart to them the matters pertaining to our holy catholic faith, they may give them full credit; since you know that his majesty's chiefest end is the salvation of the souls of those infidels. for that purpose, in whatever district, you shall take particular care to aid the said religious ... so that, having learned the language, they may labor to bring the natives to the knowledge of our holy catholic faith, convert them to it, and reduce them to the obedience and friendship of his majesty." (colec. de doc. inéd. de ultramar, ii, p. 188.) [212] that is the genuinely spanish spirit, the glory of the human race, and especially of christianity, which caused our legislators to write in the partidas (partida i, tít. vi, law lxii, and tít. xi): "laymen must honor and regard the clergy greatly, each one according to his rank and his dignity: firstly, because they are mediators between god and them; secondly, because by honoring them, they honor holy church, whose servants they are, and honor the faith of our lord jesus christ, who is their head, for they are called christians. and this honor and this regard must be shown in three ways; in speech; in deed; and in counsel." "the churches of the emperors, kings, and other seigniors of the countries, have great privileges and liberties; and these were very rightfully [given them], for the things of god should have greater honor than those of men." that is the spirit that was expressed by the mouth of felipe ii when he answered those who proposed to him the abandonment of these islands, in consideration of the few resources that the public treasury derived from them: "for the conversion of only one soul of those there, i would give all the treasures of the indias, and were they not sufficient i would give most willingly whatever españa yields. under no consideration shall i abandon or discontinue to send preachers and ministers to give the light of the holy gospel to all and whatever provinces may be discovered, however poor, rude, and barren they may be, for the holy apostolic see has given to us and to our heirs the duty possessed by the apostles of publishing and preaching the gospel, which must be spread there and into an infinite number of kingdoms, taking them from the power of devils and giving them to know the true god, without any hope of temporal blessings." duties of the government and of others in regard to religious interests in the islands. consequently, those offenses that should be most prosecuted in filipinas, and against which the government should prove especially active, are offenses against religion and against ecclesiastical persons, as such offenses are those which wound the greatest social welfare, and are most directly opposed to the fundamental obligation that españa contracted on incorporating these islands with its crown. hence, masonry, an anti-catholic and anti-national society, ought not to be permitted, but punished severely; every propaganda against the dogmas, precepts, and institutions of our holy mother, the church, ought to be proscribed; outrages against the clergy and religious ought to be punished with greater rigor than when committed against any other class of persons, giving such outrages the character of sacrilege, which they positively possess; all, from the governor-general to the lowest dependent of the state, ought to exert themselves to demonstrate by their word and example, in public and in private, and without those conventional exteriorities of pure social form (a catholicism that becomes naught but mere observance and courtesy, and which, unfortunately, abounds so widely), that they love and respect the catholic religion, and that they esteem more the duties toward god and toward his holy church that proceed from it, than any other duty and obligation, however exalted and respectable may be the institution that imposes it. hence the government of the nation and exalted authorities must be the first who ought to destroy, not only in their official, but in their private acts, and as politicians, authors, government employees, military men, in the different orders of social life, the ridiculous and contemptuous idea that free thought has sown against priests and religious, permitting themselves to talk of them in a tone that honors the clergy so little, and which when known by the elements of other inferior social classes, cause respect to the catholic priest to become weakened daily, many judging that the religion of officials is frequently nothing more than a social hypocrisy and a practice of pure political convenience. hence the government ought to very carefully see that all its personnel in the archipelago be sincere and earnest catholics, in order that the sad spectacle may not be again seen, that we have so often and so prodigally witnessed, by which the chief ones, in opposing the apostolic labor of the religious corporations, are the very ones, who, inasmuch as they are functionaries of a catholic state, ought to be those who support and strengthen it the most. hence every association, assembly, or undertaking which is trying to sow here anti-religious or anti-clerical ideas, under any color or pretext, even the exercise of political rights, ought to be prevented at all hazards from having any representation or branch in these islands; and the previous censorship over every kind of book, pamphlet, and engraving that comes from outside, and over those which shall be published here, should be restored, or better said, strengthened. hence, the close union of all the peninsular element here resident becomes more necessary, so that, all united for the protection of our divine religion, by all respected and obeyed, we may resist the enemies of the fatherland with greater force; may not by our discords give the rebel camp opportunity to gain strength; and as far as possible, may succeed in elevating the moral prestige, today, unfortunately fallen so low. hence, likewise, is the great necessity of the disappearance in gubernatorial circles of an erroneous idea, most fatal and extremely disrespectful to the orders, which, propagated by sectarian spirits or by bad or lukewarm catholics, seems now to be a postulate of many politicians in madrid, and of the majority of peninsulars who come to this archipelago. infamous idea in regard to the importance of the orders and the manner in which they are generally regarded. we refer to the idea which began to spread after the revolution of '68, which looks upon the religious of filipinas as an evil necessity, as an archaic institution, with which differences must be composed for reasons of state; as a purely political resource, and a convenience to the nation, which cannot be substituted with others. that infamous idea, manifested at times frankly, and at times with reticence or with insinuations that cut more deeply than a knife, is known by our declared enemies. it is known by the natives of the country who have been in the peninsula. it is known, because it has been propagated in newspapers and other products of the press that have penetrated the archipelago, by a vast number of natives, who, with having left filipinas, are notably offended by it. all the peninsulars who make war on us, whether by anti-religious prejudices, by doctrinal compromise, by personal resentment, by flippancy, or by envy (for among all those classes do we have enemies) help to spread and propagate that idea throughout the islands. from that idea many deduce the opinion that we are dragging out in this country an existence of pure compassion and condescension; that we are living here, tolerated and as if on alms, instead of honored and respected as any other institution of the mother-country; that in many ways, one would believe that we religious are less and have less value than the military, than the government employes, or than those of other professions and careers; and that with wonderful facility one imputes to us, as to the most abandoned and destitute, the blame for all the evils that afflict the country, governors and other representatives of the government and administration of the islands availing themselves of our name of obliged appeal, in order to evade and shun responsibilities, whenever any calamity comes upon them or whenever there is any unpleasant event to bewail in their conduct. for all, there is indulgence, for all, excuse, for all kindness and the eyes of charity. the epoch is one of adjustment and respect for all manner of extensions, although with the loss of morality and justice. only in what concerns priests and religious must one look with contemptuous pride, with extreme rigor, and with despotic exaction. the religious has to pay it all; on him must all the blame be cast; to him belong the feelings of anger, the aversions, the censures, the expressions of contempt. we appear, your excellency, to be only the anima vilis [213] of the archipelago. it is evident that we, as the priestly and religious class, and as a spanish corporation, cannot in any manner consent to this humiliating position, which, as private persons, obliged to greater perfection than the generality of christians, we endure patiently, remembering the words of the apostle "tamquam purgamenta hujus mundi facti sumus omnium peripsema usque adhuc," [214] and of which we would not speak if the evil were restricted to one of so many annoyances annexed to our ministry; so much the more as we unfortunately see that that injurious and erroneous idea is greatly injuring our ministry, and is daily causing our influence among the people who are entrusted to us to become lessened, since they are assailed strongly and tenaciously by all the disturbing agents that have caused the insurrection. respect that they merit as religious and as spaniards. the religious corporations ought to be greatly honored and distinguished (and it grieves us deeply, your excellency, to have to speak of these things): firstly, because their individual members are adorned with the priestly character, which is the greatest honor and dignity among christians that men can have; secondly, because their apostolic mission has here propagated and preserves the splendors of catholicism. they are priests and they are religious: thus they unite the two devices that inspire the greatest veneration among any society, which feels some needs superior to the material, or those of their proud reason divorced from jesus christ. not less respect do they merit in their character as spanish entities. besides being here ministers of the official religion, they are public ecclesiastical persons, recognized by the state. they live under its safeguard, as do the military and civil entities. they have labored, and are laboring, for the fatherland, at least as much as any other class of spaniards residing in the archipelago. and in the point of intelligence, within their respective profession and of morality and private and civic virtues, they rise not only collectively, but individually, to so great a height as the class that is considered the most high and reputable in the archipelago. there is one most special reason and one of extraordinary importance which demands that that respect should be sanctioned by the laws and supported by customs, namely, that the religious in his respective duties, becomes, as a general rule, the only peninsular, and, therefore, the only representative of the mother-country in the majority of the filipino villages. consequently, spanish prestige is greatly interested in that he be the object of such considerations and guaranties that these inhabitants far from seeing, as unfortunately they have not a few times seen, that he is despised and humbled, be daily more fortified in the traditional idea that their cura or missionary is, at once the minister of god and the representative of españa, a lofty idea that has redounded, and redounds, so greatly to the favor of the mother-country, and says so much in honor of all the spanish entities. we came to the archipelago through our love to religion and españa, and have remained in it more than three centuries, ready to continue here so long as conscience does not dictate the contrary to us. gross temporal considerations do not move us, nor sentiments of pride and of mere personal dignity. in the fulfilment of our duties, we have striven to attain even sacrifice and by the grace of god, we shall continue the sacrifice. a good proof of this is offered the impartial critic by the present epoch of rebellions and insurrections. the cura and missionaries, in spite of persuasions that they were putting their lives in great danger by the continual plots of the ferocious katipunan, have steadfastly maintained themselves in their posts, foreseeing that if they abandoned their parishioners, a general rising of the islands was almost certain. this procedure, if not heroic, is sufficiently near it, and has cost us many victims, snatching away our dearest brethren from us, some treacherously assassinated and others immolated by reckless mobs seduced by filibusters and masons. and although this sad sacrifice has seemingly not been bewailed and appreciated, as perhaps it ought to be by the loyal sons of españa, we trust that god, the compassionate and generous remunerator of every good deed, will in his infinite mercy, receive it as a propitiation for the evils of this unfortunate country, and will have rewarded the martyrs of religion and of the fatherland. character and objects of this exposition. may the nation, government, and your excellency, pardon this slight extension of our sentiments of dignity, offended as religious and as spaniards. this is not a memorial of merits and services, since we have never solicited applause or recompense, which never constitute the lever of our labors. neither is it a panegyric, which we are not called upon to make, and which we do not believe is wanting, since the history of the religious corporations of filipinas detaches itself so patiently and cleanly in all kinds of just and upright progress. it contains some apologetic matter and much of most sensible complaint because of the unjustifiable injuries that almost daily are received by us. it is the weak expression of the profound bitterness that seizes upon us at contemplating and viewing from anear the condition of vast disturbance in which this beautiful portion of the fatherland finds itself. with the utmost respect and submission, laying aside absolutely whatever proceeds from political parties and much more from private persons, it tells the government with christian simplicity and synthetically that it should adopt and maintain a perfectly logical criterion with regard to the religious corporations of filipinas; and that, therefore, if it thinks, as is just and decorous, that we, the religious corporations, exercise a most lofty and necessary mission in the archipelago, honorable and worthy of the greatest consideration, of its own accord and without utilitarian considerations and false reasons of state, it so manifest clearly and with nobility, making a beginning by giving a practical example of that in its laws and decrees, and in its instructions to the authorities of these islands, and that it do not allow us to be annoyed or insulted; and so much the more since being weak and helpless, and bound as we are by religious weakness and patience, we have no other means of defense than our right and the protection of the good, and we can never appeal to the means of repression and influence to which we allude in the beginning of this expository statement. but if the government, on the contrary, by an error that we would respect, not without qualifying it, in our humble judgment, as most fatal to the interests of religion and the fatherland, should believe that the religious have terminated their traditional mission here, let it also have the frankness to say so. we shall listen to its resolution calmly. but let it not imagine, in adopting measures which, attaching, although without claiming it, the privileges of the church, our profession as priests and regulars, and our honor as refined spaniards, that in practice it might appear that it was trying to burn one candle to christ and another to belial, that it was trying to please masons and catholics, good patriots and separatists, by placing the orders in a so graceless situation that they might become like the mouthful that was thrown into the jaws of the wild beast in order to silence its roars for the time being. synthesis of the same. such would happen if the secularization of the regular ministries; the secularization of education; the disamortization of the property of the corporations, or the expression of the liberty that belongs to them to enjoy and dispose of them; the declaration of the tolerance of worship; the establishment of civil marriage; the permission of every kind of association; and the liberty of the press became law. such would happen, in what more directly concerns us, if the government continuing here and there its campaign against us, unjustifiable from every point of view, were to show by its acts that it actually conceives that we have been the cause of the insurrection, and that we are opposed to the progress of these islands, and to the unfolding of their legitimate aspirations. such would happen, if the government, failing to rigorously prosecute secret societies, and to effectively correct the seditious ones who are exciting the ignorant masses of the people against the regulars and against all that is most holy and spanish in the islands, should desire the religious to continue in their ministries, liable at any moment to be sacrificed, as is the terrible watchword of the sect, and which has already unfortunately occurred, without, perhaps, their having even the consolation that those sacrifices are appreciated. if we religious are to continue to be of use in the islands to religion and españa, no one can have any doubt that it must be by thoroughly guarantying our persons, our prestige, and our ministry, it must be by knowing that the fatherland appreciates and treats us as its sons, and that it must not abandon us as an object of derision to our enemies, and as victims to the rancor of masonry and separatism. martyrdom does not terrify us, but only honors us, although we do not consider ourselves worthy of so holy an honor: but we do not desire to die as if criminals, enveloped with the censures of friends and enemies, and perhaps, abandoned and despised by those who ought to protect and esteem us. that is the extremely gloomy and graceless situation in which the orders find themselves, especially since the beginning of the tagárog insurrection, and above all, since the extension of the katipunan, a situation that threatens to become worse, if the government becomes the echo of the filibusters, of the masons, of the radical elements, which, it seems, have conspired together to give the finishing stroke to the great social-religious edifice, raised in these islands by catholic españa. by that no one should be surprised that we religious, placed in so imminent a peril, desirous of not offering abstracts to the policy of any government, and of avoiding the censure that we are the cause of the evils of the country and the bar to its progress, should choose the abandonment of our ministries, exile, and expatriation, in preference to our continuance in the islands in a situation, which, if prolonged for a longer time, will result as decidedly dishonoring to our class, and would make our permanence in the archipelago unfruitful. we have fulfilled our duty here as good men; such is our firm conviction. should we go elsewhere, there, by the grace of god, we shall also be able to fulfil our duty. and for that result, the holy see, if contrary to all our just expectations, it cannot succeed in making itself heard by the spanish nation, will not deny us the opportune permission. fortunately, we have trust in the noble sentiments and deeply-rooted catholicism of her majesty, the queen regent; we trust in the devotion and patriotism of the ministers of the crown; we trust in the sensible opinion shared by the majority of the spanish people; we trust in the intelligence and spirit of justice of the catholic minister of the colonies; and we trust that, after listening to the most dignified prelates of these islands, and after taking into consideration the prescriptions of natural and canonical law, the exalted advantages of the fatherland in these regions, and the undeniable services that the religious orders in filipinas have contributed, no resolution contrary to the teachings and precepts of our holy mother, the church, will be adopted, and which is contrary to the prestige of the regular clergy, but that, on the contrary, the catholic institutions of this archipelago will be once more affirmed and strengthened, as is imposed by both religion and the fatherland. in this confidence, and reiterating our traditional adhesion to the throne, and to its institutions, we conclude, praying god for the prosperity and new progress of the monarchy, for the health of his majesty, the king, and of her majesty, the queen regent (whom may god preserve), and for prudence of the cortes and the government in their resolutions, and very especially for your excellency, whose life may god preserve many years. [215] manila, april 21, 1898. your excellency. fray manuel gutierrez, provincial of the augustinians. fray gilberto martin, commissary-provincial of the franciscans. fray francisco ayarra, provincial of the recollects. fray cándido garcia valles, vice-provincial of the dominicans. pio pí, s.j., superior of the mission of the society of jesus. notice. because of the impossibility, due to the length of this exposition, of drawing up the copies necessary for the archives of each corporation, it has been agreed by the respective superiors, to print an edition of fifty copies, ten for each corporation, which are destined for the purpose stated above. collated faithfully with its original, and to be considered throughout as an authentic text. in affirmation of which, as secretary of my corporation and by the order of my prelate, i sign and seal the present copy in manila, april 21, 1898. fray francisco sadaba del carmen, secretary-provincial of the recollects. [216] there is a seal that says: "provincialate of the recollects." bibliographical data the documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. internal condition of philippines.--from a typewritten copy furnished by epifanio de los santos from the rare printed original (volume iii of mas's informe) in his possession. 2. matta's report.--from an unpublished ms. in the possession of t. h. pardo de tavera, who furnished to the editors a typewritten copy of it. 3. the philippines, 1860-1898.--written especially for this series by james a. leroy, durango, mexico. 4. events in filipinas.--summarized from volume iii of montero y vidal's historia de filipinas. 5. constitution of liga filipina.--from a copy, furnished by epifanio de los santos, of rizal's original ms. 6. friar memorial.--from james a. leroy's copy of one of the printed originals, revised by a printed copy belonging to the madrid edition. 7. appendix on agriculture.--the first section, from a printed copy of basco's decree (sampaloc, 1784) belonging to edward e. ayer; the second, from jagor's reisen (berlin, 1873), pp. 303-306, from a copy in the mercantile library, st. louis; the third, from fernandez and moreno's manuel del viajero en filipinas (manila, 1875), pp. 172-178, from a copy belonging to the editors. appendix: agriculture in filipinas by joseph basco y vargas (arayat, march 20, 1784), and others. sources: the first section of this document is obtained from a printed copy of basco's decree, in the possession of edward e. ayer; the second part, from jagor's reisen, pp. 303-306; the third, from fernandez and moreno's manual del viajero en filipinas, pp. 172-178. translations: all these are made by emma helen blair. appendix: agriculture in filipinas a decree by basco in 1784 don joseph basco y vargas, balderrama y rivera, knight of the order of santiago, commander of a division in the royal navy, governor and captain-general of these filipinas islands and president of their royal audiencia and chancilleria, commander-in-chief of the troops of his majesty in these dominions, general superintendent of the royal treasury, and of the royal revenue from tobacco, and delegate superintendent of that from the mail service, etc. [the author begins by showing the importance, necessity, and advantage of agriculture to both the state and the individual, with illustrations drawn from history and observation in various countries of the world, and continues:] since agriculture is so necessary for the subsistence of mankind, and the maintenance of kingdoms, it is not wonderful that it should be so cared for by the wise and by kings, and that the lawmakers of nations should have ennobled this pursuit with special privileges. especially have been distinguished in this direction the spanish monarchs, who, besides other privileges granted in favor of the farmers, have thought it well to decree that neither the implements for their labors, nor their lands, should be taken from them for any civil debt; and also they granted to these laborers the privilege that they could not be imprisoned for any civil debt in the season for their harvesting and field labors, authorizing the superior judges to grant them delay in such cases. but besides these so useful and valuable benefits the natives of filipinas enjoy still others more extraordinary. for their security, besides having ordained that their goods shall not be seized for costs in lawsuits, nor shall they be punished with pecuniary fines, conferring upon them other favors of the same kind, it has been likewise commanded that no one may lend money to them above the sum of five pesos, under the penalty of losing what is lent them beyond that. in all these things the monarchs have sought to release the farmers from many oppressions and injuries, and to prevent the losses and deficits which otherwise, for most of the vassals, are caused by caring for the interests and profits of a few individuals. but it occasions the greatest sorrow that in filipinas, contrary to the pious and christian intention of our kings--and especially that of the wise monarch, who is now prosperously governing us, our lord don carlos iii (whom may god preserve)--spaniards should have acted, in regard to these exemptions, without any heed or consideration for the injuries which have resulted here to the indians and their agriculture, and with notable loss of the wealth which the fertility and valuable products of this country promise. and since this chief executive, actuated by what he himself has observed in this province of pampanga, in that of bulacan, and in those of tondo and laguna de bay (which he has visited personally), cannot any longer permit such extortions and injuries as are caused, among all classes of persons, to the farmers and poor indians in the said provinces, and in the other districts to which this decree will also be made to extend: i command that in future the implements of labor--such as carabaos, plows, hemp-combs, and other field utensils belonging to the indians, mestizos, creoles, spaniards, or any other class of persons--shall not be seized for a civil debt, any more than their lands, since most of them have no ownership in these. moreover, they shall not be arrested at the times when they must work in the fields, such as plowing, and gathering their harvests: and, at the times when they can be arrested, authority shall be given to the alcaldes-mayor so that they can grant them a respite of six months, without loading them with fees or other exactions. and, as the backward state of agriculture in filipinas proceeds also from the fact that, notwithstanding there are many industrious, laborious and charitable persons in the villages, there are also many others in whom sloth and idleness reign--for instance, many chiefs and their sons, and the heads of barangay; and generally these who have exercised the office of magistrate (who, on account of having served in these employments, afterward refuse through a sort of vanity and pride to go back to field work), all these caring only to subjugate the common people by compelling them to work without pay in their fields, and trying to exempt themselves from the common labor, and from the other burdens to which those who pay tribute are subject--likewise this chief executive has resolved to declare that such exemptions ought not to be understood for the classes of persons who are mentioned above, unless they possess at least eight cabalitas of their own land cultivated and worked by their servants or day-laborers, expressly forbidding that they rent these lands to others--always provided that they are not prevented by age or infirmities from carrying on their farm-work in person, since in this case they are allowed to rent them. and although, in regard to the contract of casamajan [217] which they commonly practice, absolute prohibition ought to be made to them on account of the burden which ensues from it to the poor, and also to their own consciences, on account of the many usurious acts which are committed therein, [yet] considering, as has been already stated, that there will be many who, on account of age and sickness, cannot themselves attend to the cultivation of their land, this chief executive consents to grant such persons a contract of that sort, under the condition that whatever loan is made to the farmers by their partners, it shall be in the form of palay, and they shall collect it in the same; that is, if they shall lend, for example, four cavans [of rice], they shall receive four others. and the same is ordained in regard to money, so that if they shall lend, for example, two pesos they shall receive only two pesos; and, if they shall lend cloth, if it is not returned they may only receive its just value at the time when the bargain was made--under the penalty that no judge shall admit any claim in contravention of this ordinance, and the complainants shall lose what they had lent. besides this, i have in the same manner heard of the unjust and vile bargains which the usurers make in regard to the cultivated lands, and even the trees which the farmers cultivate in their gardens, and their houses, binding them with the agreement of retrovendendi, [218] as it is commonly called, exacting from him who is bound--sometimes for many years, and sometimes forever--the produce and the ownership [of those possessions], for a small amount which the lender has furnished. they also exact a premium for the money which they lend, sometimes in valuables, and sometimes besides these. this is done by a multitude of usurers who overrun the island, with great offense to god and injury to their neighbors. in order to redress such evils, which provoke divine justice against the islands, this chief executive has also resolved to ordain that in future such contracts shall not be made, either by writing or in words; for they are null and void, and usurious. and we forbid all the magistrates of these islands to give hearing to any claim arising from these contracts; if they contravene this order, they remain responsible for all losses and injuries, with the penalty, besides, of a fine of five hundred pesos. besides this, the inhabitants of all the islands ought to have understood that the lands which they obtained are all royal [realengas] or communal, with the exception of those which they possess through inheritance, or through legitimate purchase from the native chiefs [caciques] who were cultivating them at the time when the catholic faith was established in filipinas, and when they rendered fidelity, obedience, and vassalage to the august spanish monarchs; and of those which were purchased from his majesty with title of ownership from the royal audiencia. [they should also understand] that for this reason the royal lands cannot be absolutely sold or alienated, since they only enjoy the use and usufruct of them; consequently, those who fail to cultivate them for the years appointed by the audiencia lose this right of use, and the magistrates ought to assign these lands immediately to another person. as for the rest of the lands, no one can obtain them except by right of purchase and agreement with the tribunal of indults and compositions [219] of lands, which his majesty has established for this purpose. in the same manner, the lands which they hold by this tenure, as those inherited, or purchased from native chiefs, they cannot sell without the intervention of the court of justice. for this reason, warning is given that in the house-lots of the villages also they have no more than the use of the land; on this account, whenever the term of three years has passed without those who had formerly lived on them building houses on these lots, it has been and is the duty of the court to assign these lots to other persons--without allowing or accepting lawsuit or claim, when this neglect is evident, either through general report or by the verbal deposition of witnesses who have resided there a long time and are conscientious; for these house-lots are common property of the villages in which they are located, and for this reason the ownership of them cannot be sold, because this title does not belong to those who dwell in them. in regard to this matter, and with observation and knowledge of the injuries connected with it, this chief executive (having been actually present in this, province of pampanga, and in the others that have been named) likewise ordains that the house and house-lot cannot be seized from any debtor, of whatever class he may be, as is commonly done--leaving in the street, and exposed to beggary and other evils, a multitude of indians who perhaps would again be self-supporting, if they could have recourse to their own sheltering roof (which hardly would be worth as much as ten pesos), and the trees which they enjoyed on their own land. proceedings must be taken only against their goods, without leaving them or their wives destitute; for it is very well known (as those who lend ought to know) that no one can lend to a native more than five pesos--an amount which he can easily pay with his work, or with some article of luxury which he may possess. this regulation must serve for the magistrates, as they are ordained and commanded, in order that they may conform to it; and, in virtue of the ordinance by his majesty that in cases involving from one to five hundred pesos formal claim shall not be brought into court, the alcaldes-mayor shall decide these verbally, without receiving formal complaints, or anything else except the [original] documents, or the verbal declaration or confrontation of the parties. it must be noted that in cases where this is necessary, and the complaining party shall name some valuable article which is worth the amount of his demand, the magistrate shall proceed to sell it in the public square; and by selling it to the highest bidder, in one day (which shall be announced by the public crier), payment shall be made to the claimant, handing over the rest to the debtor, and deducting only such fees as are proper for the few hours of time which the judge may have spent on the case. by this, however, must be understood that in such cases their wooden houses which may have some value (as they actually do in most of the villages) shall not remain exempt from seizure; for it is certain that the owners of such houses, if through ill-luck or calamity they come to misfortune, can never lack some means among their own relatives for establishing themselves in some humble house, which they can erect as cheaply as i have just stated. in regard to the repartimientos of people for the royal works, which are constructed in the provinces near manila, as also in regard to the domestic servants [tanores], and other people who are assigned for work on the churches, government buildings, and jails, and guards [bantayes], etc., various regulations have been made; but, knowing that these are not sufficient to uproot so many wrongs, injuries and oppressions as the indians suffer from the magistrates of their villages, and from the heads of barangay--making the villages contribute a greater number of people than is needed and required, and exempting from their turn of service those who should render it (both of these proceedings serving to defraud the poor, who, in order not to leave their grain fields, yield whatever the magistrates and chiefs ask from them, according to their caprice and the extent of their greed)--it is ordained and commanded that both these repartimientos be carried out with the knowledge and consent of the parish curas. to each individual cura must be sent a statement of the number of people necessary, and of the quota from each village; and the headmen shall be under strict obligation to obtain certificates from the said father curas that they have carried out the repartimiento in conformity with the decrees. it must be understood that these repartimientos cannot be made in conscience, and without contravention of the law, among the farmers and artisans who are occupied in their tasks, so long as there are wandering and idle people, since these last are the ones assigned by the law for these necessities. as little are the sons of the chief exempt, or the heads of barangay who have no occupation, or those who have held an official position, if, relying on this sort of privilege, they do not return to their former occupation or duties in the field. finally, it is ordained and commanded to all the governors, corregidors, alcaldes-mayor, and other magistrates throughout the island, that they most punctually observe and fulfil whatever is here decreed, in order thus to render greater service to god, and to the king--who has entrusted to the carefulness, conscience and vigilance of this supreme government the welfare of these islands and of all their inhabitants; also their social condition, just government, promotion, and reputation. and the said governors, corregidors, alcaldes-mayor and other magistrates here mentioned are warned to fulfil whatever is here decreed, under a penalty of five hundred pesos fine; and on the alcaldes of the natives, the mestizos, and others of their class a fine of twenty pesos is imposed, both fines to be applied in the usual manner. these fines shall be exacted from them whenever any application shall be presented that is founded upon any transgression of this decree, or when its infraction shall be proved in any manner. and as it is necessary that the parish priests shall aid, on their side, and shall be zealous for its fulfilment, the reverend and illustrious archbishops and bishops and the devout provincials of the islands shall be urgently requested to incite and oblige their parish priests to the observance of these wholesome regulations and ordinances, charging upon their consciences that if they know of any failure to observe the decree, they shall communicate it to the supreme government. the said reverend prelates shall also be notified that this supreme government expects--from their well-known zeal and love for their flocks, and because they have resigned all else for the greater service of god and of the king--that they will coöperate by their utterances and with their effective persuasions in fulfilling by all means the desires and intentions of the governor, who considers himself under the strictest obligation to issue this ordinance, and to command that it be carried out until his majesty shall be pleased to confirm it. before his royal throne will be presented the merit and activity of each one of those who excel in solicitude for its observance, a full account of which will be given to his majesty in our next despatches. and, in order that this decree may be known in all the villages and in all the districts of the island, and published with all possible fulness and clearness, it shall be translated into all the dialects; and as many copies as shall be necessary shall be printed, in two columns, the first in castilian, and the second in the respective idiom of the province to which it shall be sent. copies of these shall be posted everywhere in the magistrates' offices of the villages, and printed copies shall be supplied to all the courts of the capital, in order that they may observe and fulfil the decree, so far as it belongs to them. at the village of arayat, on the twentieth day of the month of march, 1784, don joseph basco y vargas by command of his lordship: vizente gonzales de tagle, notary-public ad interim of the government. [220] agricultural conditions in 1866 [the following article is taken from jagor's reisen, pp. 303-306.] excepting some large estates acquired in earlier times through donation, landed property originated mainly through the right of occupation by the possessor and his rendering the land productive which even now is a common right recognized in the laws of the indias in favor of the indigenous inhabitants. in the exercise of this right, the native takes possession of such unused land as is necessary for his house and tilled fields, and loses it only when it remains uncultivated for two years. setting aside these native (and likewise very poor) landed proprietors, landed property is legally acquired in the following manner: through purchase from the state of a certain area of unimproved crown lands [spanish, realengas]; through actual purchase from the natives who possess property; through contracts (called pactos de retro) concluded with the natives; and through the pledging or hypothecation of bonds, which even these natives are accustomed to agree to, especially in commercial dealings. the first of these means ought to be a source of wealth; but it is not, for various reasons. at present very few persons are familiar with the legislation regarding the unused crown land, which consists of numberless single decrees forming a casuistical, disconnected, complicated, and confused mass.... by a royal order of 1857, the first offer for untilled crown lands was fixed at fifty dollars a quiñon; and the concession could not be secured without a previous public auction. from that time private persons held aloof from such demands; to the former evils are added the high price, and the danger of being outbidden in the auction, and thus of losing one's trouble and expense for the examination of the lands. in 1859 the decree was modified, and the former price of four reals a quiñon as first offer was established; but this decree is not yet published. in order that capital may flow into agriculture--without which that industry cannot possibly be developed to the production of grain and colonial products for exportation--it is absolutely necessary to overcome all obstacles which discourage men of wealth. among these hindrances stands in the first rank the local administration, in regard to the granting of untilled crown lands; in the second, the obstructions which are placed in the way of both [spanish] natives and foreigners who wish to acquire rights of settlement and citizenship in the community. besides the difficulty of acquiring large possessions, still others exist. the planter can easily find laborers, to whom he must make considerable advances in food, cattle, and money; but the indians pay little attention to fulfilling their contracts, and the legal means at the command of the planter for compelling them to fulfill their past engagements are as burdensome and ruinous as even the abandonment of his rights. unless the alcalde is active and shows good-will, the planters usually prefer not to press their claims; they endure the loss, and many are thus induced to abandon their enterprises. this cancer on agriculture will disappear as soon as every indian possesses a certificate of citizenship [bürgerbrief; spanish, cédula de vecindad]. if one weathers the first year, storms, locusts, and business crises are to be expected later, all of which depress the price of his product. in such cases it is for the planter the greatest evil that no credit exists. there are no mortgages, at least there is no compulsory registration of mortgages; accordingly, no one dares to lend his money on such estates, or he does it only at crushing rates of usurious interest. an improvement in this respect is urgently demanded by the agricultural interests, both great and small, by the mercantile class, and by large and small estates; it would place a limit to the pacto de retro, as well as to the usurious contracts which are called in luzon tacalanan, in bisaya alili--the furnishing of loans on the proceeds of the next harvest--to which must be ascribed the misery and the backward conditions that prevail in many places.... the pacto de retro is one of the most usual modes in which landed property passes from the possession of the natives to others. a considerable part of pampanga, bataan, manila, laguna, batangas, and other provinces has, within a few years, changed owners in this way. thus also do the inexpressibly cunning and thrifty mestizos usually acquire their landed possessions, the cultivation of which they then improve; but that does not prevent this custom from being detrimental to the public welfare. the native who possesses a piece of land through placing it under cultivation and actually occupying it, but almost never (or very seldom) by purchase from another owner, when he finds himself in pressing need of money offers his land as a pledge for the desired loan from a capitalist; but where he has no document to establish and prove his just claim, no foundation exists for a loan on mortgage under moderate conditions, since the applicant is free from all burdens and obligations. the capitalist therefore looks for his own security in immediate possession. the hypotheca is converted into an antichresis security (prenda pretoria), and as it is with great difficulty (or at least it very seldom occurs), that the indian who receives the money consents to pay it back at the appointed time, and it is not to the lender's interest to force him to pay it, the result is, that for a sum corresponding to the secured loan--that is, for a half or a third of the value of the security--the piece of land finally changes proprietors. not seldom it happens that the former proprietor remains on the land as a farmer (that is, as a laborer, in reality as a slave to his debts). often the indian is seduced into contracts of this sort by his passion for cockfighting and gambling. the laws of the country require the indians to live in villages, uniting their farms into hamlets, so that they can be watched over and their tributes collected. in ordinary circumstances, the indian builds for himself a hut in his field, where he lives while he is working his land, and goes on saturday evenings to the village in order to hear mass on sunday. his field has no great value for him, since he can always put another piece of land into cultivation, so great is the surplus of land in all the villages remote from the capital. the facility with which he can abandon one tract to take possession of another is very detrimental to the development of agriculture. a small landed proprietor, who has planted a bit of waste land with rice or potatoes without asking any one's permission, raises an outcry if his garden is entered by a cow or a horse that grazed there years ago; and, since the law stands in his favor, he is allowed to receive from the owner of the cattle payment for often imaginary damages, while the loss from such causes should be borne by him who cultivates a field without enclosing it. this same small proprietor avails himself for his own benefit, of all the privileges and rights of an entire village of indians, if a wealthy man desires to lay out a plantation in his neighborhood. the capitalist who has decided on such a plan often finds that on land which was before entirely unfilled and waste, when he has after long difficulties acquired control of his property, and has reckoned a certain amount [of expense], some indians have planted a grain field; and through testimonies covered with signatures, which are presented in the court, they assert that they inherited these very lands from their fathers, and have never ceased to work them. a remedy for these abuses would consist in the limitation of districts, and the jurisdiction of the municipality, so that, for the purpose of increasing the landed property for the inhabitants of a village, so much land should remain free as they could at the time reasonably claim--more or less than the so-called municipal field (legua comunal), of which, besides, no law makes mention. all the remaining land located within the jurisdiction should be declared the property of the crown, and the title to all possessions then located outside of municipal control should be valid; but in future all possessions that shall not conform to the said rules shall be declared invalid. within the municipal limits or the legal property of the village (which may not extend beyond the sound of the bell) the native farmer should be allowed to dwell, [even] outside of the village, in the midst of the lands cultivated by him; and only in case he alienates or abandons these should he be compelled to live in the village. the natives should bring new plots under cultivation within the municipality, and be able to acquire these by paying to the communal treasury a small ground-rent, or a moderate sum once for all. such grants should proceed, with all publicity, from the entire body of the notables, with the cooperation of the parish priest, and be recorded in a safely-kept book in every village, and should never contain a greater area than the applicant can till with his own carabaos [büffeln]. if such grant of state land does not exceed a quinõn, it should be issued, according to the aforesaid forms, by the alcalde [221] of the province; if of greater extent, in the capital of the colony; but all ought to be recorded in the land-register of the province and village concerned. those measures that were taken for the benefit of the natives and the promotion of cattle-raising, but which have an opposite effect, ought to be abolished. agriculture, like every other occupation, needs no protection save clearness and security in its essential conditions of life. economic society of friends of the country [the following account of this association and the more notable of its achievements is obtained from fernandez and moreno's manual del viajero en filipinas (manila, 1875), pp. 173-178. this subject is presented here as being so largely connected with the progress of agriculture in filipinas.] founded in the year 1781, in virtue of a royal order dated august 27 in the preceding year (issued in consequence of advices from the excellent governor don josé basco y vargas), in 1787 it suspended its meetings on account of the gradual and progressive decline of the society. in 1819 it resumed its functions, but suffered a period of discouragement and paralysis as a result of the asiatic cholera morbus, which appeared then for the first time in these islands; and until october, 1822, the few meetings which the society held had no other object than questions of internal order, having little interest or importance for its history. [222] a memoir published by the society with date of january 1, 1860, [223] makes the following statement: "from that date (october 22, 1822), it can be said, begins the series of the society's labors and services--achievements all the greater and more valuable, inasmuch as they proceeded from slight and ephemeral causes, and from a corporation which could not depend on material resources even remotely proportioned to the magnitude of its object; and which plunged into labors [which meant] nothing less than the advancement and civilization of a virgin country, containing more than 8,000 square leguas of surface, with 3,000,000 of inhabitants still half-barbarous, and without stable or established mercantile relations with any part of the world (on account of the recent crisis in the privileged commerce, which bad just been abolished), with a capital of 30,000 pesos, at 5,000 leguas distance from european civilization, and with a government occupied besides with the political situation and calamities of those days, confiding only in its patriotic enthusiasm and in its desires for the aggrandizement and prosperity of the country." in the above memoir are concisely recorded three hundred forty-seven notable achievements, all beneficial to the country, accomplished by that distinguished society in the space of thirty-seven years. we would gladly reproduce entire in our modest book the relation of services so important; as we cannot do this, we indicate those which, in our judgment, are the more notable. 1823. february 1--free distribution of one thousand three hundred twenty copies of [books of] grammar, orthography, and reading-lessons, for popular use. february 15--the society bestows a gold medal on don doroteo punzalan estrella, for opening a channel which gave a new and more convenient direction to the river of tondo; and another of silver on don agustin campuzano and pedro antonio for other and similar services rendered, to the benefit of the country. march 1--the society resolves to give two hundred fifty pesos annually to endow in this island a chair of agriculture; and it appoints a prize for the best memoir which should be written "on the causes which hinder the development of the agriculture of the country." october 8--translation and printing by the society of the book entitled, guide for the lancasterian mutual system of education, [224] which manual was distributed gratis, by decision adopted on march 9 of the following year. december 2--establishment of a school of drawing; the first examinations for graduation from the said school took place april 9, 1828. the society resolves to send to india, on its own account, an intelligent person to study the method of dyeing the cambaya fabrics; and to order from north america three machines for hulling rice. 1824. march 9--offering of prizes for the best pieces of cloth woven in filipinas in imitation of those from china, and for the most successful experiments in dyes for cambayas; the prizes were awarded on september 22 of the same year. september 22--it is agreed to pay the cost of instructing eight indians in the art of dyeing, in order to extend this knowledge through the country; on october 6, 1825, the first dyers from the society's school are examined and approved. 1826. february--orders are given to reprint a manual presented by don josé montoya on the cultivation and preparation of indigo. 1827. april 24--printing of a memoir on the cultivation of coffee. october 30--the society votes the sum of eight hundred pesos for aid of the hospital for the poor in this capital. 1828. november 26--the society orders the printing of a manual of the elements of drawing. 1829. november 8--machines for hulling rice are received, sent by the economic society of cádiz. december 13--the society supports the government's project for establishing a bank in this capital. 1830. march 21--reorganization of the mercantile register. [225] 1833. august 13--the society discusses and reports on the project of cultivating the poppy and making opium in filipinas. 1836. june 30--voluntary donation of five hundred pesos in behalf of the necessities of the state, on account of the war in españa. 1837. june 27--the society awards a prize of one thousand pesos to don pablo de gironier [226] for what he had done in exhibiting a coffee plantation of more than sixty thousand trees, in readiness for its second crop. 1838. december 10--another prize, of five hundred pesos, bestowed on don vicente del pino for a second coffee plantation of sixty thousand trees. 1839. july 12--the society assigns the sum of one hundred fifty pesos a month, for one year, to the publication of a periodical of industries and commerce. [227] information regarding the uncultivated and crown lands of filipinas is furnished by the society, by reason of the royal decree of may 13, 1836. 1840. march 21--the sum of five hundred pesos awarded to father blanco for the costs of printing and publishing the flora filipina, which bears his name. 1843. september 14--a prize is offered for the invention of a machine for combing abacá [fiber]. 1844. march 14--a memoir by the society on the cultivation of sugar cane. 1845. august 22--an informatory report on the increase of population and the necessity for protection to agriculture. 1846. september 22--prizes of one thousand and 500 pesos to don iñigo gonzales araola for two plantations of coffee, in accordance with the conditions of the royal decree of april 6, 1838. the society resolves to send young men from filipinas to study mechanics in foreign countries. 1847. february 3--a fifth prize, of five hundred pesos, to don antonio ortega for the cultivation of coffee. the society allots five hundred pesos to the support of the university; and five hundred pesos for the erection of nipa houses to aid the unfortunate [rendered homeless] in the burning of the village of santa cruz. november 25--a proposal for improving the construction of buildings in this capital; and decision that the society build a house and afterward raffle it. 1849. october 10--the society votes one thousand pesos for a second attempt to acclimate in these islands the martin, a bird which destroys the locusts. on february 27, 1850, was added another allotment of five hundred pesos; and on november 16, 1852, another of one thousand three hundred eleven pesos, with the same end in view. 1850. august 16--report is made in regard to a museum, and to the provisional allowance of one thousand five hundred forty-seven pesos to arrange that such museum be formed. the sum of five hundred pesos is voted, to be spent for specimens of articles representing the industries of the country, so that these can be exhibited at the london exposition; in consequence of this exhibit, the society receives (april 12, 1853) from the universal exposition of london a prize for the specimens that were sent there of fabrics woven from vegetable fiber, and a special prize for the weaving of the cigar-cases [petacas] of baliuag. [228] on may 13, 1858, it receives from london a new medal as a prize for articles from filipinas. 1852. november 16--systematic report on the opening of more ports to the external commerce of filipinas; on june 15, 1855, the society congratulates the government on the establishment of the ports of iloilo, sual, and zamboanga. 1853. april 12--prize of two thousand pesos and honor of a medal awarded to don cándido lopez diaz for the invention of a machine for cleaning the abacá. november 15--the sum of one hundred pesos is voted to the subscription for the necessities of galicia. 1854. march 17--contribution of five hundred pesos for aiding the necessities of the village of tondo, in consequence of the fire which occurred there some time before that date. 1855. january 9--the society offers the government twenty per cent of its capital, without interest, for the improvement of the construction of public buildings; on july 23, 1857, money is paid out for public works. may 18--gives information on the importance to the country of the government being favorable to the free exportation of rice. august 26--project for instituting a school for small children. october 3--distribution of elementary books provided by the society, treating of the cultivation of coffee, the preparation of indigo, and the principles of drawing. 1856. march 4--report in regard to sending young men to europe, in order that they may devote themselves to mechanical studies. 1856 [misprint for 1857?]. july 27--votes a grant of one thousand pesos to purchase objects for the museum and preserve them with those already therein. december 12--consideration of matters relating to a company for [operating] steamboats. [229] 1858. september 6--scheme for rendering uniform the weights and measures of filipinas. november 15--consideration of two crops of rice in filipinas, and report favorable thereto by señor govantes (a member), who furnished information on the mode of improving and making dikes without any cost or difficulty. in this interesting account of meritorious deeds we have omitted, in order not to make it too long, the numerous reports sent out by the society for draining marshes, loans of money for promoting agriculture and the mechanic arts, rewards to literary works, etc. we should state that at present [in 1875] the society holds the meetings provided for in its by-laws; and that each member, in order to defray in part the expenses of the corporation, contributes annually twelve pesos from his own funds. we do not doubt that it will continue its vigilant efforts, in order to realize, as far as possible its motto, "public felicity." the chronological record of its resolutions from 1822 to 1860 also forms a memorial of the progress which has been made in this country in agriculture and industries; [230] and, although it is not strictly proper for this place, we set down here, in continuation, some data referring to the said acts, for the purpose of bringing together in this section of our work all the activities in which the said economic society has exerted an influence. 1822. november 25--woolen cloth [paño] woven, the first in filipinas, by one of its members, don santiago herreros. 1823. july 18--first cards for wool made in filipinas, by a member of the corporation, fray diego cera. it sends to china a plant and some seeds of the vanilla of the country. the existence of cerpentaria [sic] is recognized, a plant equally valuable with xiquilite [231] for the production of indigo. on april 24, 1827, report was made of a record of experiments made for extracting from the said plants the fecula [i.e., coloring matter] of the indigo; and on september 5, 1828, a botanical description was furnished of the cerpentaria, and an analysis of the fecula which it produces. september 4--seed of the sugar cane of filipinas is sent to habana, and that of rice (or palay) to the economic society of sevilla. 1824. september 2--the first permanent dyes for cotton and nipis. october 19--wool, silk, and shellac [goma laca] are produced in cebú. 1825. april 2--first report of the society on the establishment of a paper-mill; the second report on the same subject was issued on march 14, 1835. 1826. february 11--spinning machinery is ordered from the united states. june 13--the first of the goods called "coast" cambayas and kerchiefs, [but] of inferior quality, are woven and dyed, through the influence of the corporation. december 9--the cochineal insect is brought into these islands. 1827. april 24--importation of a horse and two mares of superior blood, presented to the society in order to improve the breed in these islands. 1828. november 26--information regarding the pine, the torch-wood [tea] of northern luzon, and of a plant which produces a blue dye like the indigo. 1834. february 24--reports for the acclimation of tea in filipinas; the first trial of this cultivation was undertaken on august 14, 1837, and five hundred plants ordered from batavia. august 8--abacá is exported for the first time. december 12--information upon the existence of mineral coal in cebú, surigao angat, and monte de san mateo. 1835. march 14--information collected regarding the silk industry in caraga, various kinds of fiber for cordage (including one which appears suitable for replacing hemp), a bark suitable for dyeing black, and the discovery of a copper mine in masbate. september 15--first sowing of abacá in laguna; on march 19, 1837, the first specimens of the said product are presented. 1836. april 23--machines for hulling rice by steam power, and on a large scale, introduced by don eulogio de otaduy. cottonseed sown in antique, using seed from pernambuco. 1839. july 12--caldrons [made] of red copper from the mountains of pangasinan. 1841. january 29--propagation here of the cotton from north america known by the name of "[sea] island;" and request for seeds is sent to the united states. 1843. march 14--importation of a steam machine for extracting the fiber of [para acorchar] abacá. 1848. june 14--inquiry into the existence in the country of the white poppy from which the opium is extracted. (on april 20, 1849, the society issues a very explicit report on the cultivation of the said plant and the preparation of opium [232] in filipinas.) december 22--a note regarding gutta percha and gamboge, by don jacobo zobel, a member. 1849. april 30--acquisition and planting of eleven roots of the tallow-tree, [233] at the country-house of malacañan. 1850. november 4--introduction of new apparatus and methods proposed by señor sagra for the manufacture of sugar. report on the promotion of abacá culture. 1851. may 5--memoir on clays in the environs of this capital, and their application in the art of pottery. wild cha [i.e., tea] found in abundance in the island of masbate. july 18--report on the exportation of rice. 1854. august 29--appointment of a commission to report to the society upon the present state of agriculture in the country, and obstacles which must be removed for its complete development. 1855. january 9--gutta-percha found in romblon. [234] july 28--the society grants a gold medal to don juan b. marcaido for his efforts and studies in the method of extracting the abacá fiber from all the species of bananas which grow in the country. 1856. march 4--communications referring to the method of securing the [edible] birds'-nests in calamianes. 1857. october 1--presentation of specimens of soaps made in the country. 1858. april 19--knowledge of a gum called conchú found in marianas. august 15--information given by señor barbaza, a member, relative to a hundred kinds of rice in visayas. 1859. may 10--project regarding agriculture and commerce. (we have endeavored to make note of the important activities in which the said society has taken the initiative or has shared since 1860, up to the date of the printing of the manual; and here is the result of our investigations.) 1860. february 11--the society makes a subscription of five thousand pesos to defray, in part, the expenses of the african war. 1861. october 8--the society votes to contribute two thousand pesos from its funds for the expenses of sending articles from filipinas to the london exposition. efforts are made to acclimate in filipinas the cochineal insect. 1862. march 8--it decides to give a prize to the cotton-grower who produces most. may 26--full report by the society in favor of the establishment of a school of agriculture, theoretical and practical. report on conducting water to the capital. [235] september 30--the society resolves to obtain seed of cotton from egypt, to distribute it among the farmers. october 30--the society receives official notice of the prizes awarded to the philippine exhibitors in the london exposition. 1863. may 23--a specimen of spirits of turpentine is presented to the society, having a strength of 37° by cartier's areometer, obtained from the trees of the country; a prize is granted to the person who prepared it. october 27--the society subscribes five hundred pesos to relieve the necessities of the artisans and laborers who suffered in the earthquake of june 3. 1864. july 8--full report regarding the rebate of import duties on wheat flour. 1865. july 17--the society votes three gold medals and five of silver, and five prizes of one hundred pesos each, for the owners of new houses which may be built, which in the greatest degree shall combine the requirements of solidity and economy, and in which no nipa shall be used. october 31--full report on the establishment of a quarantine station in the bay of manila. the society resolves to contribute a sum monthly for the promotion of the botanical garden, a practical school of botany. [236] 1866. december 22--the society votes seven prizes in money for the best exhibitors, in the fair at batangas: for cows with their calves, for the two finest female carabaos [caraballas] with their calves; for the two finest mares with their colts; to the female weaver who shall present [specimens of] the best ordinary fabrics of cotton or abacá for common use in the garments of the people; for the best fabrics of silk; for rewarding makers of hats or petacas; and for the horse-races. 1867. october 30--the society resolves to spend five hundred pesos in purchasing plows, spades, and other farming implements, to distribute them among the farmers of ilocos and abra who may have suffered the greatest losses in consequence of a terrible inundation. 1868. july 11--the society decides to reward, with a gold and a silver medal, the authors of the best two memoirs which shall be presented proposing "the means which the government and the society can employ to secure the development of agriculture in the country." october 16--motion for the establishment of a savings bank and public loan office. 1871. december 11--a gold medal is granted to don santiago patero for the memoir presented to the society by that gentleman upon the cultivation of coffee and cacao, besides the printing of five thousand copies of the said treatise in order that it may be brought to the knowledge of the farmers. 1874. project for an annual fair and exposition at manila. a study of the mutual use of bills of exchange in filipinas. preparation of a memoir on the cultivation and manufacture of sugar; and others on the trade in coffee and cacao, and the abacá industry. appointment of a commission for studying the project for establishment of an agricultural bank. [the limitations of our available space compel us to omit any detailed account of agriculture in the islands; we have chosen to present, in the preceding papers, a view of agricultural conditions at two different periods--in basco's decree, 1784; and in jagor's account, 1866--with an outline of the efforts and achievements of the economic society from 1781 to 1874 (which aimed to develop the agricultural resources of the country and with these its manufactures and commerce), and references to the leading authorities on this subject, most of these works being easy of access for the student and thus rendering unnecessary our further use of them in this series. these references here follow: comyn, estado, pp. 6-21, and chart ii at end; mas, informe, ii, section on agriculture (47 pp.); mallat, les philippines, ii, pp. 255-282; buzeta and bravo, diccionario, i, pp. 169-206; jagor, reisen, in various places; montero y vidal, archipiélago filipino, pp. 204-216; worcester, philippine islands, pp. 503-510--and, for description of native methods, [237] his "non-christian tribes of northern luzon," in phil. journal of science, october, 1906; the annual reports of u. s. philippine commission; official handbook of philippines, pp. 99-118; census of the philippines, iv, pp. 11-394 (including detailed and classified statistics of the subject for the year 1903); and the farmers' bulletins published by the insular bureau of agriculture, manila. cf. also the chapters on agriculture, titles to land, and agricultural products, in "remarks by an englishman" and bernaldez's "memorial," in vol. li; the section on agriculture in leroy's contribution to the present volume; and titles of works on these subjects which are enumerated in griffin's list of books on the philippines, pardo de tavera's biblioteca filipina, vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina, and retana's aparato bibliográfico de filipinas (madrid, 1906).] errata and addenda to volumes i-lii volume i p. 91, lines 1-3: this is not correctly stated; see p. 30, last sentence in first paragraph. p. 130, middle: navarrete, cited; "edition 1858" should read "edition 1859." p. 185, last paragraph: the following information is furnished by the courtesy of prof. winslow upton, director of ladd observatory, brown university: "the first and second methods enumerated in this quotation refer to that now known as the method by lunar distances, which was already in use in the sixteenth century. in the former the position of the moon was to be determined by its measured distance from some star, in the latter from the sun. since risings and settings at an assumed horizon are specified, it is probable that the distance between moon and sun was determined by the time interval of their respective risings and settings. the fourth method is that still known by the same name. the statement of the third method is obscure. it may mean that the longitude was to be found by a measured distance on the surface of the earth from a station whose longitude was already known. this distance could be turned into difference of longitude if the length corresponding to a degree of longitude in that latitude were first determined. this method is used today in geodetic operations." p. 218, note 184: the india house of trade (casa de contratación) was created by a decree of isabel of castilla (january 14, 1503) as both a commercial board and a tribunal; and it partly replaced the admiralty court which had been established in sevilla since the thirteenth century, the quarters of the latter (in the old alcázar) being assigned to the india house when the latter was first organized. the powers of the india house increased greatly in the course of time, and it was subordinate to no council save that of the indias; in 1583 a chamber of justice was added to it. this institution was, by a decree of 1717, removed in the following year to cádiz. an interesting study on the india house is found in los trabajos geográficos de la casa de contratación (sevilla, 1900), by manuel de la puente y olea. this work--prepared by careful examination of the documents in the archives--is devoted to the early voyages of discovery that were undertaken under the auspices of the india house and its navigators, ending with that of loaysa (1525); the geographical studies made by its cosmographers, and other scientific researches connected with its enterprises; and the enrichment of the fauna and flora of the new world due to the conveyance thither of useful plants, fruits, and animals through the agency of the house. see also the detailed account of this institution, its organization, policy, and methods, by bernard moses, in annual report of american historical association, 1894, pp. 93-123: a large part of that paper also appears in his establishment of spanish rule in america (n. y., 1898), chap. iii. p. 275, note 201: for "inflicted" read "afflicted." p. 282, note 202: "during the process of exploration and settlement, authority in america rested in the hands of leaders of expeditions and colonies, who usually bore the title of adelantado. this was the title formerly applied in spain to the military and political governor of a frontier province. standing face to face with the moors, he held the general military command of the province, and had power to gather the people under his standard. in his capacity as a civil officer, he took cognizance of such civil and criminal cases as arose within the limits of his territory. [santamaria de paredes, in derecho politico, p. 487, has described the adelantados as 'governors of great territories, with a character chiefly military.']" (moses, spanish rule in america, p. 68.) p. 297, note 205: for "strait of magellan" read "la plata river." p. 300, in address of letter: for "cel." read "ces." line 2 from end: for "avises" read "avisos." the endorsement should read thus: ["de cochin a 23 de dic. de 1522." "a su mag xxjx de agosto."] for dates of these letters see data thereon in the bibliographical volume (liii) of this series. volume ii p. 73, end of paragraph: for detailed account of early expeditions previous to that of legazpi, see the historia general of fray rodrígo de aganduru moriz, published in doc. ined. hist. de españa, tom. lxxviii and lxxix (madrid, 1882). p. 75: to list of translators add, "the ninth, by francis w. snow." p. 79, line 9: for "secular" read "layman." p. 83, line 16: for "lepuzcua" read "guipuzcoa." p. 84, line 4 from end: for "buttock-timbers" read "futtock-timbers." p. 115, line 9: for "panay" read "panaon." p. 126, line 12 (and in many similar cases): the word "painted" is the literal translation of the spanish pintado, and here refers to the custom of tattooing the body. p. 129, near end: the "lofty volcanoes" may have been canlaon and magasú, in negros oriental. p. 167, line 7 from end: for "novelty" read "innovations." p. 173, note 84: evidently "pito" was in the original "pito," for "polito;" the man being actually "[hy] polito the drummer." p. 192, paragraph 4: "s. s." stands for "señores," meaning the native grandees of those countries. p. 193, middle: for "cloths" read "canvas." p. 194, line 2 from end: after "fifty" add "thousand." p. 197, line 1: bancroft (hist. mexico, ii, p. 600) says that arellano tried to secure the reward offered for discovering the return route from the spice islands. p. 220, line 8 in heading: for "prone-" read "proue-." p. 231, end of text: this letter was probably written by some one belonging to arellano's ship, or who obtained his information from that captain's followers. p. 237, middle: for "officers" read "artisans." p. 276, line 5: for "by" read "with." p. 297, last line: the viceroy's name should be luis de velasco. p. 332, paragraph 2: for "leg. 1, 23" read "leg. 1/23." volume iii p. 29, lines 1-7: "the intimate relation between the king and his american dominions necessitated a regular organized system of postal communication. as early as 1514, by a royal warrant, dr. galindez de carvajal was made postmaster of the indies, and by a subsequent order of the council of the indies, issued in 1524, all persons were restrained from interfering with him in the dispatch of messages concerning the affairs of the indies. the lines of this service covered the distance between seville and the other ports, and madrid, as well as the distances between spain and america. the postmaster of the indies was an officer of the india house.... rigorous laws enjoined all persons from intercepting and opening letters and packets. of the amount paid for this service the postmaster was allowed one tenth part." (moses, spanish rule in america, pp. 64, 65.) p. 33, note 1: for "spain" read "nueva españa." p. 77, middle: agias, probably meaning the clusters of fruit on the variety of pepper which is called aji (or agi) in america. p. 113, line 3: for "seventy" read "sixty-eight." p. 118, line 5 from end: for "twenty-eight" read "eighteenth." p. 223, note 73: for "pp. 108-112" read "pp. 54-61." volume iv pp. 46 and 47: these are transposed in the "make-up." p. 68, note 6: see worcester's interesting account of the tinguians in his "non-christian tribes of northern luzon," p. 860; he praises their abilities, industry, eagerness to learn, and excellent traits of character, and their relatively high degree of civilization, as compared with that of their neighbors. p. 131, note 14, line 3 from end: regarding batachina, see vol. xxvii, p. 105, note 39. p. 139, line 3 under "sources:" for "original ms. documents" read "ms. copies." p. 150, line 4 from end of text: delete "[caliph?]." p. 166: by an error in the "make-up" the last five lines on the page are misplaced; they belong at the top. p. 205, line 9 from end: for "pablo" read "pedro." the same correction should be made on p. 247, line 13 from end. p. 284, line 9: for "up" read "above." note 38: the chief early authority on the islands of mindanao and joló, with their people, is combés's hist. de mindanao y joló, which has been used frequently in this series. his descriptions of the latter are thus located in his book: the tribes, cols. 27-44; their boats and weapons, 70-76; their customs, 61-70; their character, laws, and government, 49-61; their sects and superstitions, 44-48. another excellent authority is forrest, whose voyage contains much valuable information. the best account of the history and culture of the people is that given by n. m. saleeby, in his "studies in moro law, history, and religion," already cited by us. cf. also late u. s. government publications on the islands, in which there is much matter regarding the moro tribes. p. 289, last line: for "an" read "on." p. 320, line 2 from end: for "forty mss." read "forty-one ms." volume v p. 31, line 2 from end of text: for "and two priests" read "two of them priests." ("theatins" is here used for "jesuits," as explained in vol. xix, p. 64.) p. 39: cf. the statistics of population, throughout loarca's relación, with those in "account of encomiendas," vol. viii, pp. 96-141; also in u. s. census of philippines, 1903, ii, pp. 123-209. p. 41, lines 22, 23: for "on the other side of the above-mentioned native communities" read "besides the above-mentioned natives, there is"--and, in fifth line below, omit "is" before "a village." in last line, for "village" read "spanish settlement." p. 43, line 1: this should read "there are more than thirty encomenderos." end of line 7: for "treasury," read "revenue." p. 49, line 6: for "other" read "except two of the." p. 51, line 4: for "cavigava" read "carigara." line 2 of paragraph on panaon: for "lies" read "lie respectively." in next paragraph: for "built around" read "located along." p. 55, line 4: for "well-disposed" read "shrewd traders." p. 57, line 1: for "seen" read "discovered." p. 61, paragraph on tree-dwellings: for "in each one a house is built which can contain" read "in one house at the top of a tree live;" and after "fortress" insert "for defense." end of this page, and line 1 of p. 63: for "formerly did much harm to the natives" read "the natives of this island have done them much harm;" and for "making" (line 2) read "the ships make." p. 63, paragraph on mindanao: for words after end of bracketed clause, read "but it is not necessary on this account to seize all that is discovered in the island of mindanao." p. 65, line 2 from end: this is a line of type set in here by mistake; for it read "belongs to an encomendero in the." p. 69, lines 11 and 12 from end: for "from the cases which are brought before the law for settlement" read "from other commissions which are entrusted to the magistrate." p. 71, line 12 from top of page: after dash insert "and." p. 73, line 13: for "cocoa-beans" read "cacao-beans." in next paragraph: for "mats--the latter from rushes" read "petates, which are mats." p. 75, paragraph on buracay: the last sentence is incorrect; the second clause should read "no rice is cultivated there, but they have a source of income in some goats." p. 77, line 11: for "wheat and produce" read "grain and collect." line 4 from end: omit "larger." p. 79, line 8 from end: for "righting" read "cleaning;" adreçar in the text is evidently a phonetic rendering of aderezar. p. 83, line 4: for "monks" read "friars." p. 95, line 8 from end: for "dependencies" read "lands belonging to it." p. 113, line 2 from end: for "returning from" read "in the direction of." p. 117, line 4: for "no" read "hardly any." p. 118, line 8: for "ouo" read "uno." p. 125, line 8 from end of text: for "inheritances" read "maganitos;" this refers to the superstitious ceremony described on p. 131, near middle. p. 187: the sentence after loarca's signature should read, "he was one of the first who came to these islands, and is greatly interested in these matters; and therefore i consider this a reliable and accurate account"--apparently an indorsement of the "relation," by governor peñalosa. p. 189, last paragraph: for "amanicaldo" read "amanicalao;" for "luanbacar," "tuanbacar;" for "capaymisilo," "capa and misilo." p. 201, note: for "sevillano" read "of sevilla." p. 222, line 2: in regard to the cruelty displayed by the spaniards to the indians, see george e. ellis's "las casas, and the relations of the spaniards to the indians," in winsor's narrative and critical history of america, ii, pp. 299-348. cf. karl häbler's remarks in helmolt's history of the world (n. y., 1902), i, pp. 390-396. p. 239, lines 8 and 9: by a printer's mistake, a line of "dead" type was inserted instead of the one which belongs here; for "volves" to "will" inclusive read "if it is managed in this manner. let your majesty." p. 249, line 11 from end: for "will" read "should." p. 257, section 2: for "lay" read "secular" (it refers to the municipal council of manila). p. 258, note 37. on this subject, consult the magnificent work of henry c. lea, history of the inquisition in spain (n. y., 1906-07), the only full and scholarly account thus far given, and based on extensive researches in the spanish archives. he discusses the origin and establishment of that institution, its relations with the state, its jurisdiction, organization, resources, practice, punishments, spheres of action, etc. p. 263, lines 9, 10, 13: for "from" read "in regard to." note 38: concepción states (hist. de philipinas, ix, p. 204) that the public sentence of anathema against those who were contumacious to the edicts of the inquisition, whether for heresies or sins--a sentence which that tribunal commanded to be read every three years--had been pronounced only twice up to his time (1790). this was done by the augustinian commissary pater-nina, in 1659; and by the dominican commissary juan de arechederra, in 1718. p. 265, near middle: for "prudence" read "conduct." p. 280, section 14: for "report to" read "take residencia of." p. 286, line 6--also p. 287, last line of section 35: for "except" read "even." p. 287, section 37, line 1: for "inability" read "disability." p. 289, near middle: for "remit" read "refer." line 4: for "buildings" read "works." p. 291, line 5: for "machinery" read "industries." p. 293, section 56, lines 4 and 5: instead of "bishops," etc., read "bishop for the clergy whom we present to benefices." p. 299, section 74: for "caciquedoms for" read "authority as chiefs on account of;" and for "milreis," "maravedis." p. 305, section 103: for "when they exact" read "that they may exact." p. 307, section 113: for "receive" read "levy." for "superintendents" read "tax-collectors;" calpiste means "the steward or collector whom the encomenderos stationed in the indian villages," and calpisque "the collector of the taxes or tributes which belong to the lord of the village" (dominguez, supplement). section 114, lines 1 and 2: for "granted in encomiendas by" read "allotted in." section 121, line 1: this should read, "the registers must be examined and marked with a signet." volume vi p. 78, note 18: omit words in parentheses. the portuguese form of the name, macao, ends in a nasalized sound, unsuited to the spanish tongue; the spaniards represent this by calling it macan; and macati is apparently only a transcriber's error. p. 241, line 2: for "written" read "received." line 3: for "for" read "from." volume vii p. 39, note 5: this name should be bay, instead of bombon. p. 154, middle: for "river madre" read "the waters of the river." p. 167, line 8 from end: delete "[siam]." p. 174, lines 7-9: the sentence between dashes is evidently an interpolation by the editor of santa inés's cronica (to which this account by plasencia is appended), and referring to the preliminary ten chapters of that work, which furnish a description of the islands and their people. p. 194, line 1: "in almost every large village [he is speaking of samar and leyte] there are one or more families of asuáns, who are universally feared and avoided, and treated as outcasts, and who can marry only among their own number; they have the reputation of being cannibals. are they perhaps descended from men-eaters? the belief is very general and deeply rooted. when questioned about this, old and intelligent indians answered that certainly they did not believe that the asuáns now ate human flesh, but their forefathers had without doubt done this." "cannibals, properly speaking, in the philippines were not mentioned by the early writers. pigafetta had heard that on a river at cape benuian (the northern point of mindanao) a people lived who cut out only the heart of a captured foe, and ate it with lemon-juice. dr. semper (philippinen, p. 62) found the same practice, except the use of lemon-juice, on the eastern coast of mindanao." (jagor, reisen, p. 236.) p. 197, line 4: for "felipe ii" read "council of indias." p. 207, note 32: after "king" add "or the fiscal." p. 222, note 34: at beginning of line 5 insert "ceylon, erroneously applied by some early writers to." p. 224, line 13: more definitely located by the editor of reseña biográfica (i, p. 114), who says, "it was in the place that is now called arroceros [i.e., "the rice-market"]. (note.) it was a great quadrangle of porticos which enclosed a spacious lagoon; the latter communicated with the pasig river, and thus facilitated the entrance of the chinese champans." p. 276, last line: insert, before "the first conclusion," the words, "it is taken for granted that, of the encomiendas of these islands, some have instruction and some are without it." volume viii p. 27, middle: the date of dasmariñas's letter should be february 28. p. 84, line 1: for "cubao" read "lubao." p. 121, last line: for "aguette" read "aguetet." pp. 127, 133: see vol. xxii, pp. 77, 103, where fernando de silva asks that his wife's encomiendas may be confirmed to her; she was the daughter of doña lucía de loarca, and must have been the granddaughter of the conquistador miguel de loarca. cf. vol. xxiii, p. 80. p. 263, line 5 from end: this name should be basil hall chamberlain. volume ix p. 13, line 10 from end: for "he" read "dasmariñas." p. 26, note 3: "mengoya (or nagoya), as mentioned in the text, was in hizen province, kyushu island; the nagoya in owari was not in existence in hideyoshi's time." [letter to the editors from prof. j. k. goodrich, of imperial college, tokio.] p. 68, note 13: the following interesting account of the earlier imprints in filipinas is cited (in vindel's catálogo, iii, no. 2631), from a book written by the dominican fray alonso fernández. historia de los insignes milagros que la magestad divina ha obrado por el rosario de la virgen soberana, su madre, desde el tiempo de santo domingo hasta 1612 (madrid, 1613), fol. 216, 217: "of some writers of the order of st. dominic who were living in this year of 1612. "in the tagal language of filipinas: fray francisco de san joseph of the convent of madre de dios at alcalá, who is living in the province of nuestra señora del rosario of filipinas, has printed at batán, in the tagal language of filipinas, a 'book of our lady of the rosary;' also another book, in the same language, which treats of the holy sacraments of the church; the natives of the islands have been greatly benefited by these books. "in the chinese language: fray domingo de nieva, of the convent at valladolid, who serves in the province of filipinas, has printed at batán, in the chinese language and likewise in the characters used by that people, a 'memorial of the christian life.' fray tomas mayor, of the convent at játiva, who serves in the province of nuestra señora del rosario of filipinas and japón, printed at batán, in the country of filipinas, in the chinese language and with chinese characters, a 'symbol of the faith.'" ("none of the bibliographers of philippine literature have mentioned this curious and interesting passage.") in imprenta en filipinas, cols. 5-14, 77, retana argues (and apparently on good grounds) that the printing of the doctrina in 1593 was xylographic, not typographic. p. 77, line 3: after "friend" add "and i have had an embassy from him." p. 153, line 1: in the bibliográfia mexicana of garcía icazbalceta the statement was made that bishop agurto "founded at zebú a hospital for sick persons of all nations and creeds, with such liberality that he gave up to it even his own bed, having been obliged to ask that another be lent to him at the hospital itself, on which he might sleep that night." (vindel, catálogo, no. 1462.) p. 164, note 26: after "sanscrit" add "sri ayuddhya." at end, add the following: "see plan of juthia in bellin's atlas maritime, iii, no. 51. it became the capital of siam in 1350, and was destroyed by the burmese in 1767. (the siamese proper are the thai--a word which probably means 'freemen'--who are a superior race.) this statement is made by o. frankfurter, of the siamese foreign office, in a. c. carter's kingdom of siam (n. y. and london, 1904), pp. 81, 82." p. 190, middle: in line 17, a better reading would be "front" for "face," apparently meaning the breast of the horse; and in next line omit "[a frontal]." p. 299, line 5: for "ryos, a colonel" read "ryos coronel." (a similar correction should be made on p. 313, line 5.) see sketch of rios coronel, and description of his memorial, by retana in vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 349-354; he went to filipinas in 1588, returned to spain in 1605, and afterwards was in the islands from 1611 to 1618. p. 305, last line of description of map: after "indias" insert "(est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18)." see description in torres lanzas's relación de los mapas de filipinas. retana calls this the earliest map of luzón. p. 327, section 1: the order of the two pressmarks here given should be reversed. volume x p. 47, last line: for "soldiers" read "sangleys." p. 65, line 8: for "lanao" read "liguasan." p. 131, end: this document was probably written by luis perez dasmariñas. p. 218, line 13: for "false musters" read "fictitious offices." p. 275, middle: for "twelfth" read "tenth." volume xi p. 138: see torrubia's account of the abandonment of la caldera in 1599, and of the unusually large expeditions immediately afterward by the moros against panay (dissertación, pp. 10-17). p. 152, line 8: for "domingo de rramos" read "on palm sunday." p. 221, line 2 from end: the italian version of vaez's letter makes this number "twenty-nine thousand" only. p. 270, middle: for "babao" read "ybabao." p. 288, end: add "signed by the council." volume xii p. 109, note 20, and p. 120, note 24: for explanation of this use of "theatin" see vol. xix, p. 64. p. 131, paragraph 2, line 3: for "him" read "you." p. 165, middle: for "rajaniora" read "rajamora." p. 179, last line of note: for "herrara" read "herrera." p. 182, line 4 from end of note: before "tabacos" insert "de." p. 205, note: for "paro" read "jaro." pp. 209-216: for "lagoon" read "lake"--the reference being to the lake of bay. p. 219, middle: tigbao is the visayan name of two different kinds of grass, anthistiria gigantea and heteropogon contortus (merrill, dictionary of plant names). p. 255, line 10 from end: for "stamped" read "printed." p. 256, line 9: for "lagoon" read "lake." p. 323, line 8: after "therein" add "(as also in castro's 'points,' pp. 70-72)." volume xiii p. 68, line 10: for "cane" read "bamboo." p. 96, line 6 from end of text: the hard polished outer surface of the bamboo joint is also often used for writing; some interesting specimens of this sort are in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. p. 248, line 8 from end: for "third" read "second." p. 257, note, line 2 from end: for "spain" read "nueva españa." volume xiv p. 37, middle: add to list of signatures "the licentiate andres de alcaraz." p. 143, middle: the ordinary naval ration furnished on the royal ships which plied between manila and acapulco was prescribed as follows in arandía's ordenanzas de marina (manila, 1757), p. 61: "on days when meat is eaten--biscuit, 18 onzas; jerked beef, 6 onzas; fried pork, 3 onzas; salt, 1/2 onza; vinegar, for ten persons, 1/4 onza; firewood, 2 libras. on days when fish is prescribed--biscuit, 18 onzas; pottage or soup of vegetables [miniestras], 3 onzas; pork fat [manteca], 1 onza; salt fish, 6 onzas; salt, vinegar, and firewood, as on the other days. for each ration, four quartillos [about 2 1-6 quarts] are reckoned--one for cooking the ration, and three for drinking." p. 197, line 3: for "biebengud" read "bienbengud." p. 209, break in middle: to this place transfer the endorsement at end of p. 213. p. 280, line 4 from end: for "july 29" read "july 25." the same correction should be made on p. 6, line 8 from end; p. 241, line 7. volume xv p. 179, lines 6 and 7 from end of text: for "from camanguian" read "of camanguian [i.e., storax]." volume xvi p. 30, note 3: mazamune sent one of his nobles as ambassador, felipe francisco taxicura, in company with sotelo; see relations printed at sevilla (1614) and roma (1615). (vindel, catálogo, iii, p. 205.) p. 112, note 129, middle: worcester says ("non-christian tribes of n. luzon," in phil. journal of science, october, 1906, p. 807): "the negritos do not tattoo themselves, but do ornament themselves with scar-patterns, produced by making cuts through the skin with slivers of bamboo (plate xxiii, fig. 1). into these cuts, which are arranged with more or less geometric symmetry, dirt is rubbed to cause them to become infected and to produce large scars." p. 160, note, line 7 from end: for "in regard to" read "by." p. 178, note 233: this explanation is erroneously applied by stanley, as the piña is a philippine fabric, and not chinese. the reference in the text is to the cloth made from "china-grass" (bohmeria nivea), on which see vols. xxii, p. 279, and xliv, p. 267. p. 180, note 235: jagor (reisen, p. 315) thinks that the chiquey is the same as the lei-tschi or lechía (on which see vol. xxxviii, p. 21); the latter was called euphoria by blanco, but is now known as nephelium litchi. p. 201: the name of the ladrones islands was in 1668 changed by the missionary san vítores to marianas, in honor of mariana, queen of felipe iv. the group contains 17 islands, which--excepting guam, the largest--belong to germany, or, as it is called, "the german new guinea protectorate," having been transferred to that power by spain in 1899, together with the carolinas and palaos, for 25,000,000 pesetas. the original inhabitants (a polynesian people) are known as chamorros; but in later years a large filipino element (soldiers and others) has mingled with them, and the people show a preponderance of the filipino type. in 1898 the population of the group, exclusive of guam (which contained about 9,000 people), was 1,938. little was done for them by the spaniards until 1668, when a jesuit mission went to the marianas under the direction of diego luis san vítores. the attempts of the privileged class of natives to keep the new faith from the common people resulted in the loss of prestige by the former, conflict between the two classes, and martyrdom for some of the jesuits--san vítores meeting death thus on april 2, 1672. nevertheless the missions made progress, and a few years later the jesuits counted eight churches, three colleges, and over 50,000 converts (crétineau-joly, v, pp. 30-22). the military conquest of the islands by spain was accomplished during the years 1676-98; and they were occupied from that time by a governor and a small force of troops. in 1828 a new plan for the government of these islands was formed at madrid, by which the royal estates were suppressed, and the lands divided among the natives, who were also provided with cattle and tools at low rates; the governors were forbidden to trade, industries and commerce were declared open to the natives, and free ports were named. in 1855 felipe de la corte y ruano calderon went to the marianas as governor, with orders to make certain needed reforms, and to make a full report on the condition of the islands, which he did. during the spanish-american war of 1898, guam was occupied by the united states before the governor had even heard of the outbreak of hostilities. for information regarding these islands, their people, and history, consult montero y vidal's historia de filipinas--which contains (i, pp. 350-352) a list of authorities, both ms. and printed--and archipiélago filipino, pp. 438-442; 2nd bibliographies of the philippines, especially those of retana, griffin, and vindel, already cited, and griffin's list of books on samoa and guam (washington, 1901). as for the missions there, see francisco garcía's vida y martyrio de sanvitores (madrid, 1683); gobien's histoire des isles marianes (paris, 1700), largely a translation from the preceding; murillo velarde's hist. de philipinas, which contains several chapters on this subject; concepción's hist. de philipinas, vols. vii, viii; and especially stöcklein's neue welt-bott (augsburg, gratz, and wien, 1728-58), vols. i, iv, and v, which contain matter on missions in filipinas, marianas, and palaos, most of which is not to be found in lettres édifiantes. volume xvii p. 88, line 8 from end: for "dionisio" read "diego;" the same on p. 5, line 10. p. 126, line 4 from end of note: for "invention" read "finding." p. 136, note 40: for "grograin" read "grogram." p. 150, end: the date of this document is september 5, not 9. p. 222, second paragraph: see bernard moses's "economic condition of spain in the sixteenth century," in annual report of american historical association for 1893, pp. 125-133. p. 243, "sources:" the citation from ventura del arco should read "pp. 383-405;" the same correction should be made on p. 282, under no. 14. p. 292, middle: the date of salcedo's arrest should be october 9; see vol. xxxvii, p. 24. cf. diaz's conquistas, p. 673. p. 293, line 8 from end: after "alcántara" insert "of military affairs." under sketch of curuzealegui: for "twenty-fourth regidor" read "one of the twenty-four regidors." p. 299, line 4: after "october 30" insert "1776." volume xviii p. 36, note: in the books of the india house at sevilla, accounts were carefully kept for the estates of deceased persons (vol. xviii, p. 36, note 3), the deceased being credited "with all that is brought over in armadas and flotas, and debited with all that is delivered to his heirs, executors, and creditors." these funds grew very large, and loans were made therefrom; in 1633 the king borrowed over 500,000 ducats, but would not return this money. later, such property was forfeited, if unclaimed for two years. by decree of 1671, the treasurer was allowed one per cent for managing these funds. (moses, "casa de contratación of sevilla," in report of american historical association, 1894, pp. 106, 107.) p. 186, line 7: this raid occurred in october, 1618; the moros killed the commanders of the post, arias girón and juan pimentel. the shipyard was valued at more than a million pesos. (torrubía, dissertación, pp. 30, 31.) volume xix p. 206, line 3: for "ovens" read "furnaces." p. 306, middle: this memorial is obtained from pastells's edition of colin, iii, pp. 219-221. p. 307, middle: for "done in silk and unwoven silver," read "not woven, done in silk and silver [thread]." p. 310, line 2: for "500 dead taes" should probably be read "gratuity (or perquisite) of 500 taes;" apparently an expression analogous to ganancias muertas, "a gambler's gains," indicating money obtained without earning it--james a. leroy. volume xx p. 75, line 6 from end: for "july 21" read "july 31." the same correction is needed for p. 5, line 8. volume xxi pp. 41 and 42: the notes on these pages should be transposed, as they are erroneously inserted--that on nova collectio becoming note 8, and that on the papal brief note 7. p. 105, line 6: for "october 3" read "october 8." volume xxii p. 30: at end of note insert after "see" the words "lea's moriscos of spain (philadelphia, 1901), and." p. 99, note: see also formosa under the dutch (london, 1904), by rev. william campbell, an english presbyterian missionary in formosa. he has used original sources, translating the writings of valentyn, candidius, and other dutch writers, and various letters and other documents contemporary with dutch rule in that island; and at the end presents a full bibliography of the subject. pp. 125-129: parde de tavera states (biblioteca filipina, p. 91, no. 544), citing medina, that this document is of earlier date than 1618. p. 289, middle: the line beginning "inhabitants" and ending "easily" is a duplicate of the same line above, inserted here by a printer's error; in its place insert "insurrection of the year 605 [sic] and at present many." volume xxiv p. 340, last line: for "113" read "13." volume xxv p. 44, line 14: after "date" insert "of august 14." p. 74, note 11: penas de cámara may be rendered, in a general way, "fines of the exchequer;" but it should be remembered that cámara, as used in this connection, means any royal tribunal, executive or judicial--whether the council of the indias (which was often referred to as el consejo y cámara de indias), or the audiencia or the council of a colony, or the tribunal of accounts of any establishment, or even the municipal council, or council under an alcalde or alcalde-mayor. penas de cámara in the laws of the indies had, i think, especial reference to the various penalties provided, especially against officials for any non-performance of duty, by the council of the indias; and there was a special board of accountants for the fund of these fines, in connection with that council. in regard to the phrase contador de resultas, i have obtained (through the kindness of fenton r. mccreery, secretary of the american embassy at mexico city) some further information, furnished by señor josé algara, under-secretary for foreign affairs of mexico. he thinks that the above phrase is equivalent to glosador, [that is, to one who makes comments or explanations, or who "designates any amount in order to call attention to the examination or proof of the account to which the item belongs" (domínguez)], or to segundo contador ["a second accountant"]. señor algara states that the references to the accountants for the colonies in the laws of the indias (book viii, titles i and ii) did not define the character and duties of the various officers, because that had already been done in the nueva recopilación (title ii, law v, no. 1). he also cites from nicolás m. serrano's diccionario universal the following definition of contador de resultus: "any one of those persons in the first grade of the chief accountancy [contaduría mayor de cuentas], which corresponds to those officials employed in former times by the comptroller-in-chief [contador mayor] who were occupied in computing or transcribing the amounts in the account-books of the obligations which are incurred by those persons who administer the royal revenues by lease or by other title."--james a. leroy (in a private letter). p. 99, line 3 from end of text: for "thirty-five" read "thirty-eight." the same correction should be made on p. 5, line 5 from end. p. 146, line 10 from end: "agreement" is not a quite satisfactory rendering for the spanish composición, which has a technical meaning in regard to the possession of lands; see note on this subject in vol. lii pp. 296, 297. "composition" will probably be the best rendering, provided that this technical meaning is understood in such use of the word. james a. leroy says of this, in a private letter: "'arrangement' also conveys somewhat the same idea--that is, the rearrangement of their rights, or the reconciliation of rights prescribed in this decree. composición de derechos means, quite closely rendered, 'reconciliation of rights,' according to my recollection of its use in certain contracts which i have seen here in mexico. it gives the idea of arbitration, to some degree, of rights more or less in conflict which are reconciled by agreement." p. 147, line 7: consolidations of encomiendas were made, in order to abolish those which were too small, or make a more equitable distribution of the territory comprised in those which were very large. pensions were also assessed against large encomiendas, although in the laws of the indias it was ordained that the maximum amount of such pensions should be 2,000 pesos. apparently the aim of this decree was, to provide that in extending the tenure of the encomiendas and rearranging them the royal officials should also make allowance for the charges against the encomiendas in the way of pensions, so consolidating them as to accord with the decrees of previous years on this subject. those decrees sought to prevent an encomendero from being deprived of a fair income by the assessment of too many pensions against it (for wives, relatives, or dependents of previous encomenderos of the same district; or for other services to the state, paid for by assigning portions of remunerative encomiendas); and at the same time aimed to restrict the income to be derived from an encomienda, and to make these incomes nearly uniform in value.--james a. leroy (in a private letter). volume xxvi p. 5, line 2 from end: for "july-august" read "march-july." p. 269, middle: for "bienzos" read "lienzos." volume xxvii p. 5, line 4: for "cavite" read "manila." p. 122, middle: the peso ensayado was, according to lea (hist. of inquisition in spain, i, p. 562), a colonial coin, worth 400 maravedís, equivalent to 11 3/4 reals, or a little more than a ducado. p. 146: "the fundamental idea of the commercial and industrial policy of spain, as carried out through the india house, was that of restriction and privilege." (moses, spanish rule in america, p. 265.) see roscher's comments thereon in his spanish colonial system (bourne's ed.), p. 35. p. 256, middle: this mention of the salve refers to the ave maria, not to the salve regina ("hail, holy queen!").--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. p. 339, middle: the "moro-moro play" was a feature of town fiestas, both religious and secular functions, for several centuries, and is still common in the more remote towns, though the modern sophisticated filipinos have been trying to laugh it out of court, and have done so in the more cultured regions. i saw it at kotabato in 1901, where the handful of christians in the population played it before the commission and a host of gathered moro tribesmen from up the river.--james a. leroy (in a private letter). volume xxviii p. 47, note 19: in line 5, for "southern" read "northwestern." the stronghold of the moros, after joló was destroyed, was at maibun, a town on the southern shore. combés describes the island in detail in his hist. mindanao y joló, cols. 14-19. see also escosura's memoria sobre filipinas y joló, pp. 213-436. p. 55, note: crawfurd is wrong as to the kris being a poniard or dagger; or, if so, it is certainly in the philippines a short, straight-bladed sword, with wavy edges.--james a. leroy (in a private letter). see illustrations of moro weapons presented in this series; also those in worcester's philippine islands, p. 155, and in reports of philippine commission and other government documents. collections of these weapons may now be seen in most of the large museums in the united states. p. 96, note: the best description and classification of the pagan and moro tribes of mindanao is that of barrows in the census of the philippines, i, pp. 461-477; see also his report for the ethnological survey, in report of the philippine commission for 1903. p. 130, art. 564, line 1: for the second "province" read "convent." p. 200, end of paragraph 1: in one of viana's official opinions in 1765 (respuestas, fol. 103, 104), he scores the board of the misericordia for demanding any further security than the royal name and promise for loans made by them to the government; if they had been content with that, thus "avoiding irrelevant conferences of theologians and jurists," they would have responded with honor and loyalty to the many favors that they have enjoyed from the king, etc. p. 210, last paragraph: see account of this affair in vol. i, note 67. p. 211, paragraph 2: the laws of the indias ordained--e.g., lib. vi, tít. i, ley xviii (1550); lib. i, tít. xiii, ley v (1634)--that there should be schools in which spanish was to be taught, for the sake of having a suitable language in which to teach the christian faith. p. 218, end of paragraph 1: viana (respuestas, fol. 102v) recommends that certain criminals be sent to serve at zamboanga, some for life and others for specified terms. forrest mentions the practice of sending convicts from manila to zamboanga, as they were sent from england to botany bay. the secretary mentioned by le gentil was cosio, who himself was afterward banished to africa for his illegal acts under raon. p. 257, line 6: the word "impost" is incorrect here; the english equivalent is most nearly approached by rendering this phrase [spanish, derecho de elecciones de gobernadorcillo], "the [government] right in elections." j. a. leroy says of this, in a private letter: "it apparently refers to the right of the superior government--generally exercised in each province by the alcalde-mayor or provincial governor--of selecting the gobernadorcillo of each pueblo from a list of three [lerna], this list being proposed to him by the notables [principales] at the annual election. it is altogether probable that the man chosen sometimes had to pay that official, and that mas is here reporting this as another of the abuses which, under the early spanish régime, the friars used to charge against the alcaldes-mayor, in that sense, being a 'robbery' of the natives." p. 266, line 2: for "271-275" read "271-273." p. 321, line 3: the statements of this writer would make it appear that the friars developed the resources of negros; but that is not the fact. the old régime described by mas and jagor failed to develop those resources; and the modern development of negros (which dragged the friars reluctantly after it) was accomplished through foreign commerce and foreign traders, a part of the general development of the philippines as a whole. this very document shows how, when it was seen to be beginning, through spanish and spanish half-caste planters, to whose aid british importers of machinery of the modern sort soon after came, the friars stepped in to claim an island which since the spanish discovery they had sadly neglected, and to wrest its growing curacies from native priests. this friar's claims (pp. 319-322) are all the more audacious in view of the proximity to his own time of the development, through foreign agencies, which he claims as due to his order. there are other parts of this same recollect chronicle which show how the modern political bitterness of spirit had crept into the accounts of philippine history emanating from the religious orders.--james a. leroy (in a private letter). p. 349, line 3: the volume-number should be "i," not "ii." the same correction should be made on p. 370, last line. p. 368, line 6: for "brothers" read "sisters." volume xxix p. 104, line 8 from end: after "taken." add "[madrid, march 15, 1638.]" volume xxx p. 54, note, lines 6-8 from end: it is only fair to the duke de almodovar to explain the reasons for his treatment of raynal's work; they are thus given by josé arias y miranda, in his examen crítico-histórico del influjo que tuvo en el comercio, industria y población de españa su dominación en américa ("a work crowned by the real academia de la historia, and published by that body, at madrid, 1854"), an interesting and well-written study of that subject, with learned and valuable annotations and much reference to standard authorities: "in regard to the famous history of abbé raynal, although it abounds in flights of imagination, in philosophical ideas, and in passionate and declamatory judgments, it has merited general acceptance on account of the information it contains and the notable indications of penetration and genius which are revealed in it. but it was not possible for the duke de almodovar to make it known to his countrymen without variations and emendations, since it was one of the works included in the indexes of the holy office; he therefore contrived to present it as a work imitated rather than produced, without daring to mention even once the name of the author, or to print his own on the title page, substituting for the latter the anagram of 'malo de luque.' this recasting was very skilfully done; he suppressed what could not be published; and added information and very judicious reflections upon commerce in general and on that of our [spanish] possessions. although this history belongs properly to our literature, since it is not a translation, it has never been reprinted since the first edition, copies of which are now becoming rare." p. 229, note, line 2 from end: the phrase "grant of feudal rights" is in spanish la dominación á caballería de tierra. much of the old feudalism still remained at that time, preeminently in connection with the military orders; there are many laws regarding these in the autos acordados, and some of them extend well into the seventeenth century. apparently dasmariñas held the village of binondo as a sort of encomienda, [it was only the land which he purchased from velada], and had also the feudal right to the service of the chinese and mestizos (over whom he, a caballero, was lord), as retainers obliged to serve him on the land, but not on sea.--james a. leroy (in a private letter). cf. note on caballería, vol. xlvii, p. 199. volume xxxiii p. 27, line 1: for "venetia" read "vicenza;" p. 273, note 1, line 2, and p. 274, line 11, for "venice," "vicenza;" and p. 274, line 21 from end, for "venetian," "vicentine." volume xxxiv p. 160, note 541, line 1: for "loony" read "loory." volume xxxv p. 226, note 60: this note is a lapsus calami, as may be seen by the date of the earthquake mentioned therein. volume xxxvii p. 274, note, line 10 from end: for "fifty-five" read "sixty-five." volume xxxviii p. 79, note 41: veitia linage's norte de contratación was englished (but with numerous omissions and additions) by captain john stevens, as spanish rule of trade to the west indies (london, 1702). the navigation, trade, and products of filipinas are treated in book ii, chapter xiii. the author was for some time commissioner and treasurer of the india house of trade at sevilla. (bernard moses, in report of american historical association, 1894, p. 95.) p. 207, line 4 from end: the accent on the final syllable of philippine geographical names ending in "n" is really a spanish variation, in accordance with the rule for pronunciation of such names in spanish. but when these names are (as is usually the case) of filipino origin the rule is--depending, of course, on their roots and composition--that they are accented on the penult; e.g., vígan, narvácan, ilígan, etc. spanish usage has distorted the pronunciation in some cases, until the original accent has become hispanicized, as cagayán, pangasinán, etc.; but as a general rule these words are accented on the penult.--james a. leroy (in a private letter). volume xxxix p. 33, note 5: cf. the account given by forrest (voyage, pp. 201-206) of the history of the rulers of magindanao, and the curious genealogical chart of the sultans of mindanao and joló which follows; he obtained his information from pakir mawlana himself, who took it from the "original records" in his possession. the curay of concepción is called kuddy by forrest, who says that he was the son of tidoly and grandson of kudarat (corralat). p. 97, line 4 of note: for "inhabited" read "uninhabited." (when dampier visited them in 1685 he found most of them peopled.) in regard to the batanes dialect, mentioned near the end, it contains strong guttural aspirates, which are distinctive of this idiom; the nasal sound alluded to is equally prevalent in ilocano.--william edmonds, basco, batanes islands, in a private letter. volume xli p. 55. note: the name palaos (also written palau or pelew) is applied to the western group of the carolinas archipelago, which extends in a general east and west direction from the region south of the marianas. although nominally the property of spain, these islands were greatly neglected by the spaniards, even into the nineteenth century. their attention was directed for a time to the palaos by the event described in clain's letter, and various attempts were made, but unsuccessfully, to establish christian missions therein, two jesuits, duberon and josé cortil, being killed by natives in 1710, and another, antonio cantova, meeting the same fate in 1731. in the latter half of the last century, german interests gained ascendency in the islands, which led to their absorption by germany. jagor cites (reisen, pp. 215, 216) several historical instances of palaos islanders being carried by storms to the coasts of filipinas; and adds, "later, i had in manila an opportunity to photograph a group of people from the paláos and caroline islands, who a year previously had been cast by a storm on the coast of samar." he also says (p. 203): "as dr. gräffe (who spent many years in the micronesas) informs me, paláos is an indefinite expression, like kanaka and so many others, and certainly does not designate the inhabitants of the pelew group exclusively." regarding these islands, see montero y vidal's hist. de filipinas, i, pp. 31, 402-409, 455-473. and his archipiélago filipino, pp. 469-505; also miguel's estudio de las islas carolinas, and the various bibliographies of the philippines, especially griffin's list, and vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina. see karl semper's die palau-inseln im stillen ocean (leipzig, 1873), which pardo de tavera praises (biblioteca filipina, p. 402) as "the most important modern work on the palaos islands which i know." in the ethnological museum at dresden is an important collection of material made by semper. p. 313, line 9: instead of barcena, this name is written by torrubia (dissertación, p. 63) barrena. p. 316, note: add "apparently a misprint for cutay." volume xlii p. 64, line 6: a new tariff or parochial fees was ordained (november 19, 1771) by archbishop santa justa; but little heed was paid to it by many of the parish priests, who collected much more, for all functions, than it prescribed. p. 157, lines 4-6 from end: alluding, it is said, to the noted jewish physician hasdai. volume xliii p. 47, line 2 of chapter heading: for "religious" read "zambals." p. 72, line 3: for "dampier" read "cowley?" (see also our vol. xxxix, p. 115, note.) note 11: in the philippine journal of science (published by the bureau of science, manila), for october, 1906, is an interesting paper on "the non-christian tribes of northern luzon," by dean c. worcester, secretary of the interior in the government of the islands. he endeavors to furnish a systematic classification of these tribes; repeats the lists made by the jesuits, professor blumentritt, and dr. barrows, criticizing each of these, and in some respects differing from their methods; and then enumerates the separate tribes, as classified by himself--giving under each, the synonyms of the tribal name, with other names which may be classed under this; "its habitat, so far as it is at present known;" and description of its people, and of their dress, homes, mode of life, occupations, customs, etc. a similar paper on those tribes in southern luzon is announced for the coming year. for these papers worcester has utilized personal observations made on these peoples not only by himself, but by numerous other government officials both civil and military, during the years 1900-06; and special information regarding them obtained in the census enumeration of 1903. he says (p. 802): "it is not too much to say that hardly a rancheria now remains in the cordillera central and its foothills, except in the district of apayos, which has not been visited by americans, while even in the latter district twenty-nine of the more important rancherias have been visited." the above paper contains excellent illustrations made from 208 photographs, taken by worcester himself or other government officials. other valuable papers announced for the journal in 1907 are: "the tagbanua and mangyan alphabets," by t. h. pardo de tavera; "the subanos of the zamboangan peninsula," by edwin b. christie; and "primitive philippine fire-making apparatus," by dean c. worcester. p. 78, note 13: worcester recognizes but seven distinct non-christian tribes in northern luzon: the negritos, ilongots (ibilaos), kalingas, ifugaos, bontoc igorots, lepanto-benguet igorots, and tinguians. he says of some of these tribal designations ("non-christian tribes of n. luzon," p. 804): "the altasanes, ifumangies [the same as jumangi], ileabanes, and panuipuyes do not exist. in all probability these latter names were taken from those of rancherias which have long since disappeared. while some of the larger rancherias in northern luzon are very old, others are of recent origin and the names and locations of these settlements are constantly changing." p. 102, line 5: it gives us pleasure to publish the following information furnished by dr. n. m. saleeby, the error in the text being based on erroneous information: "i beg to inform you that dr. n. m. saleeby is not a 'native moro,' nor is he mohammedan. i went to cotabato, mindanao, in may, 1901, as a captain and assistant surgeon u.s.v., and served in that capacity until february 1, 1903. from the latter date until june 30, 1906, i served as superintendent of schools, and member of the legislative council for the moro province. i am a naturalized american citizen, and was born in a christian home in lebanon, syria." he is now connected with the bureau of science at manila, division of ethnology. p. 103, line 6: for "ms." read "book (sampaloc, 1731)." p. 154, end of note: in report of philippine commission for 1906, i, pp. 60-62, is an account of the law regulating (for the present) the sale and use of opium in the islands--a high-license system, adopted on march 8, 1906. p. 173, line 3 from end of text: "serif, or sherif, is a term of dignity bestowed on every supposed descendant of mahomet" (forrest, voyage, p. 285). volume xliv p. 72, note: the report of the philippine commission for 1906 indicates (pp. 340, 341, 381) gratifying success in the operation of the moro exchange in the district of zamboanga, which "has led to similar exchanges being established on a small scale in the districts of cotabato and lanao, and large ones are projected in sulu and the district of davao." it has "greatly stimulated fisheries among the moros," and "islands which were formerly inhabited by lawless people who were practically pirates are now the scenes of peaceful activity on the part of moro fishermen." an agreement has been made with the merchants of the district to transact all their buying from the natives through the exchanges, on a cash basis instead of barter, etc. the amount of sales in the moro exchanges for the year 1905-06 was 298,481 pesos (philippine currency). p. 152, line 5: the envoy sent on this occasion, general benito carrasco pan y agua (who was chief notary of the cabildo of manila), wrote a relation of his embassy and the voyage to siam, which was published at manila in 1719. (vindel, catálogo, iii, no. 2622.) p. 222, note: patiño, who had been prominent in governmental affairs for nearly twenty years, died in 1736; he was a statesman and financier, and advocated peace with all the other powers, especially england. p. 255, lines 3-5 from end: up to the beginning of the sixteenth century, toledo was the chief city in spain in manufacturing silk; it has been estimated that this industry gave employment there to at least 100,000 people. gaspar naranjo, "who traveled through españa late in the seventeenth century, asserts that, according to his knowledge, in 1480 toledo consumed 450,000 libras of silk, which could furnish the supply for 15,000 looms. although this number was greatly lessened when the escorial was completed, yet from the looms of toledo proceeded the richest silks for church adornments, ribbons, and hangings. in the year 1651 toledo still counted 5,000 looms in operation, although not all within the city; a little afterward, there were not more than two thousand; in 1714 they were reduced to seventy, and finally to none at all. when the remnants of this manufacture left toledo, that of valencia gained strength, but never to the extent which might have been if legislation had permitted it. the moors had left that of granada in the best condition; years after the conquest it maintained 5,000 spinning-wheels, and the kingdom yielded a million libras of good silk; but just at this point began the exactions of the revenue officials, and likewise, in consequence, the decadence of this industry. it was declared subject to the payment of alçabala, which was a tax of fourteen per cent when once the tenth was applied as an ecclesiastical income; eight maravedís besides were charged to it for the impost called tortil [i.e., spiral?], and nine maravedís more for a municipal tax. when with the increase from successive impositions the management of this revenue became too complicated, all these duties were combined in one; and then it was seen that every libra of silk paid, as its share of the taxes, the enormous amount of very nearly fifteen and one-half reals. with the increase in taxes, the production steadily diminished; by 1643, that of granada had decreased from a million to one-fourth of that amount, and not long afterward to 80,000, and even less. the silk industry, thus burdened, had to compete with that of genoa, whence large shipments of silk goods were freely imported into spanish ports, and sold at lower prices than the goods made in españa; and a mortal blow was dealt to it when the exportation of spanish silks was prohibited, and sumptuary laws reserved the use of silk fabrics to a few classes. it is astonishing that this industry has been able to survive up to the present epoch, although it is in a languishing condition." (arias y miranda, examen crítico-histórico, pp. 154, 155.) p. 267, note 78, line 7 from end: for "p. 278" read "p. 279." p. 286, note 87: the document here mentioned was afterward shifted to another place; the reference should be to vol. xlvii, p. 119, paragraph 1 of note. volume xlv p. 53, middle: regarding the powers, privileges, and duties of the viceroys appointed by the crown of spain, see moses's spanish rule in america, pp. 86-92. p. 272, line 3: a number of ms. songs are in the collection of edward e. ayer, chicago, some of them scratched on the smooth outside of a joint of bamboo. volume xlvii p. 213, line 10: for "rice-mills" read "rice-market." p. 236, note, line 1: somodevilla, marqués de ensenada, was minister under felipe v and fernando vi, and rendered great service to his country; he re-created the spanish navy, and strengthened spanish commerce. he favored the french, and tried to unite the bourbon kings in a close alliance; but in 1754 he was banished from the court. he promoted agriculture, irrigation, road-building, manufactures, and mining, and made financial reforms; and he brought to an end the controversies with rome over the royal patronage. volume xlviii p. 63, last sentence: "throughout the cordillera central [of luzon] the rancheria or settlement is the social and political unit. in the head-hunting countries rancherias of people of the same tribe were constantly at war with each other, and the blood feuds between them were handed down from generation to generation. as a result, intercourse between these rancherias was more or less completely cut off for scores of years. it was unavoidable that differences of dialect should develop under such circumstances." (dean c. worcester, "non-christian tribes of northern luzon," in philippine journal of science, october, 1906, p. 798.) pp. 173, 174, note 101: some of these islanders must have remained permanently on the mainland, notwithstanding the decree for their return to the islands; for on february 23, 1765, viana recommended that the deputy alcalde-mayor of cagayan be allowed to remove the babuyan families from buguey to duao, as the latter was secure from the moros. viana advised, however, that the babuyans be not allowed to form barrios or visitas far away from the main reduction, and that every arrangement be made to secure their safety from the moros and from fire. (viana, respuestas, fol. 91.) p. 183, last two lines of text: this company of 1755 was formed "under the patronage of our lady of the rosary, and the protection of his majesty;" see the title-page of its ordenanzas, facsimile of which is given in vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 645. p. 189, note 111: the reforms and regulations made by arandía for the acapulco galleon may be found, in full detail, in his ordenanzas de marina (manila, 1757) with additions thereto, also printed in that year; these contain 164 and 57 pages respectively, and two large and handsomely engraved charts (by the filipino engraver laureano atlas), showing the port of sisiran in camarines, and that of cajayagan and calomotan ("commonly called pálapa") between the islands of laguan and batac. volume xlix pp. 7, 12, 25: the author of the "plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern philippines" was, according to the records of the british museum, alexander dalrymple, not draper. the date is given as 1702 in the ms catalogue of the museum. p. 309, note 185, line 4: for "of" read "on." volume l pp. 118-136: the date of viana's letter should be may 10. p. 159, line 8 of note 89: before "[americana]" for "white suit" read "white coat." j. a. leroy says of this, in a private letter: "americana here means a short or sack coat, of white drill or duck, buttoned up to the throat, and worn with only a gauze undershirt beneath it, and the trousers (often white also). it is the common garb of europeans and upper-class natives in the tropics. this usage among spaniards seems to have died out in spanish america, but the word is common in the philippines, where it is probably a survival from earlier spanish-american usage, transplanted to those islands. many spanish writers mention with contempt the way in which class distinctions in dress vanished among spaniards in the philippines (save, of course, among the military, ecclesiastical, and high official classes). so too, the donning of the americana meant the assumption of social prestige or aspirations by the filipinos. only a few years ago, nearly all the latter wore the gauze shirt outside of the trousers; but in recent years the younger men of education, even in the villages, and gradually the older men, have been adopting the americana for ordinary wear--a change which has been greatly accelerated during american occupation." volume lii p. 309, line 12: through lack of space, we are prevented from giving (as we had intended) an adequate treatment of the subject of commerce as a special topic, from the middle of the eighteenth century to that of the nineteenth. much, however, has been presented in various documents of vols. l-lii, which throws light on commercial conditions; and to these may be added the following references to documents and authorities which will enable the student to find desired material regarding this subject. "regulation of december 18, 1769, for the distribution of permits [boletas] and for the lading of the acapulco galleon at manila," in ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), v, pp. 403-519. le gentil, voyage, ii, pp. 192-230. royal decree for the establishment of the compañia de filipinas, march 10, 1785; also decree of july 12, 1803, making new regulations and conferring new privileges. dissertation on the benefits arising from the aforesaid company, by valentin de foronda, in his miscelánea (madrid, 1787). malo de luque [i.e., duqae de almodovar], historia política de los establecimientos de las naciones europeos; tomo v (madrid, 1790) is devoted to the spanish settlements in asia, the decree erecting the compañia de filipinas, and its operations during 1785-89. remonstrance addressed by the company (madrid, 1821) to the spanish cortes against its decree of october 19, 1820, abolishing the company's privilege of the exclusive traffic with asia conferred on it by the decree of 1803; this remonstrance is supported by the opinions of "celebrated jurisconsults of spain, france, holland, and england." rafael díaz arenas, memoria sobre el comercio y navegación de las islas filipinas (cádiz, 1838). andrés garcía camba, reglamento de la junta de comercio de manila (manila, 1838). comyn, estado, pp. 43-71. mas, informe, ii, fourth and fifth sections. buzeta and bravo, diccionario, i, pp. 219-238. mallat, les philippines, ii, pp. 290-356. manuel azcarraga y palmero, libertad de comercio en las islas filipinas (madrid, 1871). jagor, reisen, pp. 312-316. gregorio sancianco y goson, el progreso de filipinas (madrid, 1881), especially pp. 238-249. montero y vidal, historia de filipinas, ii and iii; also his archipiélago filipino, pp. 220-259. retana, articles in política de españa en filipinas, 1891, pp. 146-148, 233-234, 245-247; for 1892, pp. 27, 28; for 1893, pp. 8, 9, 77, 78. code of commerce in force in cuba, porto rico, and philippines (washington, 1899). census of philippine islands, iv, pp. 557-585. "modern development of the philippines through commerce," a series of articles by james a. leroy in dun's international review, november, 1905-february, 1906. cf. authorities cited in bourne's "introduction" to this series (vol. i), and in leroy's contribution to the present volume; also writings named in the bibliographies of griffin, pardo de tavera, vindel, and retana. notes [1] this is sinibaldo de mas, a noted spanish traveler and diplomat. he was born at barcelona, in 1809, and studied at madrid, especially the classic languages, arabic and other modern languages. in 1634, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the orient, where he visited successively constantinople, syria, palestine, egypt, calcutta, the arabian desert, and lastly manila, where he lived for some months. after his return to the peninsula, he was appointed spanish minister plenipotentiary to china. pardo de tavera says of him (biblioteca filipina, p. 253): "the work of mas is highly interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in filipinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. he does not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some persons as a classic work on filipinas.... his vanity led him to suppress his name...." pardo de tavera does not seem to know the third volume. retana [who possessed a copy of the third volume (no. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the compañía general de tabacos de filipinas), says in bibliografía filipina, p. 524]: "this third and secret part has never been described. the author published very few copies of it because of the gravity of its contents. sinibaldo de mas contrary to what those who know his estado [i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for filipinas." in this third volume mas precedes the text as follows: "of this secret chapter, the last of the informe sobre el estado de las islas filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the ministers, gentlemen of the council of the government, and other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. consequently, your excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made of it." the copy belonging to the peabody institute library belonged to javier de burgos. see (in addition to pardo de tavera and retana) dic. encic. hisp.-amer., xii, p. 537. [2] the first two volumes have separately paged chapters as follows: i. origin of the inhabitants of oceanica. condition of the filipinos at the arrival of the spaniards. history of the spanish domination in filipinas from their discovery until our times. continuation of the last chapter. population. animals. climate. minerals. topography. ii. languages. vegetables. agriculture. interior commerce. foreign commerce. industry. territorial division. administration of government and the captaincy-general. public instruction. ecclesiastical condition. administration of justice. army. navy. direct and indirect taxes. external political condition. vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient alphabets of the filipinos; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago. [3] a note by mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, "namely, to cede the country to some foreign power." but the religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the filipino-spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost universal insurrection. the fatal results that ensued from the former english policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares against making the philippines a penal colony. another plan, namely, to send out spanish emigrants from the peninsula, is also not feasible, for spain has no surplus population, and in fact needs a greater population. on the matter of penal colonies, forrest (voyage, p. 198) says, "the spaniards at manila transport convicts to samboangan, as england did to america." in 1875-78, there was some discussion of the question as to whether spain should establish penal colonies (like that of botany bay) in the marianas islands or in the gulf of guinea. [4] by this term, as well as by "filipino spaniards," as used in this document, are meant those of full spanish blood born in the philippines, or those who went to the philippines in childhood. [5] the consejo supremo de indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great ferdinand, was perfected by cárlos i, and was reformed by felipe ii. it was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the consejo de castilla. this corporation, which had had so great influence in spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of may 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the tribunal supremo de españa é indias, which was renamed consejo de estado in 1856. see dic. encic. hisp.-amer., v, p. 827. [6] the exact title of this work is as follows: los diez y seis meses de mando superior de filipinas, por el mariscal de campo d. andres g. camba (cadiz, 1839). pardo de tavera (bibl. filipina, p. 79) says of it: "this pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents." retána (bibliografía, p. 57) says that camba was a democrat sui generis. the book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. the copy of this pamphlet now in the boston public library was formerly in the retana collection. [7] see account of this mutiny in vol. li, pp. 47, 48. [8] see post, pp. 92, 93, note 37. [9] see post, pp. 91-111, the report by matta. [10] in a long note at this point, mas severely criticises camba's book, which he has already mentioned. he declares it lacking in knowledge of the philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. mas's own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the spaniards of the colony. mas condemns camba's policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as camba's assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country. [11] mas refers to the culture system practiced by the dutch in the island of java, 1830-1870. clive day (policy and administration of the dutch in java, new york and london, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by spain in the philippines in 1780. in addition to the above book, see the following for the history of dutch colonization in java: j. w. b. money's java, or how to govern a colony (london, 1861); p. j. veth's java (haarlem, 1896-); jules leclercq's un sejour dans l'île de java (paris, 1898); wilhelm krüger's das zuckerrohr und seine kultur (magdeburg und wien, 1899); and pierre gonnaud's la colonisation hollandaise à java (paris, 1905). [12] a note at this point by mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. this author says that long before the french revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in paris; but mas says people of that class in cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in european colleges. [13] mas cites a passage from captain gabriel lafond's quinze ans de voyages autour du monde (1840) to the effect that the philippine conquest was one of religion. the power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other spaniards with suspicion. the friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of european civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. spain did not suppress the orders in the philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. the native priests are those most hostile to the friars. they are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. natives should be excluded from the priesthood. [14] the insurrection which occurred recently in tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. the cura of the village where the confraternity of san josé was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. and since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: "you will be the first victim," as in truth he was. the cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. orders were then issued for the arrest of apolinario de santa cruz, but he fled. the brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of mahahay. the cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. the archbishop sent this advice to the government. to the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (note by mas.) [15] either mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed to copy the extract in question. it will be remembered that mas published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on population. the reference is evidently to sections 95-100 (q.v., vol. xl, pp. 270-277). [16] manuel grijalbo (sic), o.s.a., went to the philippines in 1810, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in the province, was appointed bishop of nueva cáceres, being consecrated jan. 28, 1849. he died at the episcopal palace, nov. 13, 1861. fausto lopez, o.s.a., was born in 1811, took his vows at valladolid in 1828, and went to the philippines in 1829. he was located in cebú until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death at manila, april 17, 1866. manuel jarava, o.s.a., was born at zaragoza in 1804 and professed at valladolid in 1827. he was in the philippines from 1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to spain. the date of his death is unknown. see pérez's catálogo. [17] manuel maria cambronero was a spanish jurisconsult. he was born in orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. during the french invasion, he acted as secretary of the council of state, on account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the french left. he later returned to madrid, where he opened a buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. see dic. encic. hisp.-amer., iv, p. 330. [18] a tribute paid to the church by all filipinos from the age of sixteen. "since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some districts special rates are fixed. not until 1841 was the payment of the tribute in cash made universal. there are, besides, three other taxes; the sanctorum, 3 reals; the comunidad, 1 real; and the recargo, 1/2 real. the total of imposts, then, is 16 1/2 reals; or for each single person one dollar and 1/4 real. the sanctorum is for [the expenses of] worship; but it is paid to the government, which pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. the comunidad is a charge for the communal fund. the recargo is a charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. in mindanao and the bisayas no additional charge is collected. according to agius (memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 reals, plus 0.55 reals of recargo, in all 6.8 reals, not considering the sanctorum and comunidad. the inhabitants of abra, ilocos, and union pay, besides, 1 1/2 to 2 1/4 reals for the permission to buy their tobacco outside the monopoly dealers." "mestizos by a chinese man and an indian woman pay a tribute of $3.00 a year since 1852; earlier, it was less. the indian woman married to a mestizo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage; but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an indian woman. mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own hands, also pay only as the latter do. the mestizos form their own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living together; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. every chinaman--excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 reals are collected--pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of $6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or $12." "a law issued nov. 3, 1863 (legis. ultramar [compiled by rodriguez s. pedro, pub. at madrid, 1865] iii), actually decided that every male inhabitant of the philippines--european or native, spanish or foreign--must render personal service for twenty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money payment. but this law was not put into execution, and europeans are free from all imposts. mestizos by spaniards and indian women are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sanctorum, and 1/2 real as a tithe for the government; little care, however, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, especially of their women." (jagor, reisen, pp. 293-295.) [19] the colegio de agustinos, or colegio de filipinas, at valladolid, would probably come under this category. [20] the use of steam vessels against the moros was introduced in 1847, and proved an immediate benefit. [21] see vol. li, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31. [22] this was admiral cyrille-pierre-théodore laplace, who was born at sea nov. 7, 1793, and died at brest, jan. 22, 1875. the book mentioned by mas is the voyage autour du monde par les mers de l'inde et de la chine (1833-39). the matte on the philippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353-470, 547-553, and is as follows: "manille; description de luçon; quelques details sur son gouvernement, ses habitants, leurs moeurs et leur industrie;" and notes. see la grande encyclopédie, xxi, p. 947; and the philippine bibliography issued by the library of congress. [23] the office of army intendant was created by royal orders of july 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of governor basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate superintendency of the treasury. the new office was independent of the superior government of the islands. the first incumbent of the new office was ciriaco gonzalez carvajal, then auditor of the royal audiencia and assessor-general of the government. see montero y vidal, historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312. [24] the first edition of the recopilación de leyes de indias was published at madrid in 1681. [25] for the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, see vol. xvii, pp. 323, 324, and 333, 334. [26] i.e., a report of the matter must be made to the government, through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course to be followed would be ordered. throughout the history of the philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective government, because of the distance from spain and difficulty of communication; so much so that when the answer was received, the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter. [27] on leaving his office francisco enriquez left two printed documents as follows: oficio al secretario de estado dando cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la intendencia á d. luis urrejola (manila, june 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); and entrega que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el intendente general de ejercito ... al ecsmo. sr. d. luis urrejola (manila, july 11, 1836; in 16 leaves). the document mentioned by mas must be one of these. see retana's bibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to the first document is made by retana). [28] i.e., all the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legislative, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all other measures. [29] a note at this point states that the polo and service tax had not been extended to the chinese mestizos, who were not in existence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few years back, when the natives of lingayen brought up the matter. chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages; and it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should pay such taxes for one month to the natives' six. at vigan, ilocos sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos because natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mestizos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as mestizos they paid a double tribute. governor oraá, however, imposed a fine for such denaturalization. as regards the petition against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in july, 1841, the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit against the mestizos. but they being poor could not do so, while it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos to the assessor. consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the efforts of the alcalde-mayor and mas, nothing could be done, as the governor was so hedged in. [30] francisco enriquez succeeded urrijola (who had been appointed october, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treasury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample powers than the latter had enjoyed. by a royal decree of october 27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly enriquez took such charge on september 9, 1630. see montero y vidal, hist. gen., ii, pp. 457, 521. [31] see josé cabezas de herrera's apuntes históricos sobre la organización político-administrativa de filipinas (manila, 1883). this is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of the philippines. [32] see the budget of receipts and expenditures in the philippines for the year, july, 1885-june, 1886, in montero y vidal's el archipiélago filipino, pp. 169-186. the expenditures involve: general obligations, 1,523,335.07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,007.43 pesos; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 11,624,908.51 pesos. the receipts were 11,528,178 pesos. [33] the administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in charge of the ministerio de la gobernación (ministry of the government) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to the ministerio de marina (ministry of the navy), which was after that called secretaría del despacho de marina, comercio y gobernación de ultramar (department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). after various other changes, the ministerio de ultramar (ministry of the colonies) was established by royal decree, may 20, 1863. the duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the organization or administrational régime of the colonies; to fix or change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and regents of the audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colonies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter according to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by the public treasury of the peninsula, which resolutions belong to the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those provinces, and the communications of the latter to the respective ministers. see dic. encic. hisp.-amer., xiii, pp. 131, 132. [34] in 1803 a spanish pamphlet was published at philadelphia, advocating the opinion that spain "ought to get rid of all her colonies in america and asia, in order to promote agriculture and industries in the peninsula;" it is attributed to the marqués de casa irujo (vindel, catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1797). [35] matta took possession of the above office on june 2, 1841; he had long been connected with the affairs of the colony. in 1837 he had drawn up a detailed report on the advantage which would result from introducing steamboats into the islands. (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 573.) [36] cuerpo del resguardo: the guards employed by the treasury to look after the customs and excise duties on the government monopolies of tobacco, wines, liquors, etc. [37] for accounts of the confraternity of san josé, see manuel sancho's relacion expresiva de los principales acontecimientos de la titulada cofradía del señor san josé (first published by w. e. retana in la política de españa, no. 21, et seq.); memoria histórica de la conducta militar y politica del teniente general d. marcelino oraá (madrid, 1851), probably written by pedro chamorro; and montero y vidal, hist. gen., iii, pp. 37-56. this confraternity was founded by apolinario de la cruz, a tagálog, a native of lucban in the province of tayabas, who was a donné in the hospital of san juan de dios in manila. the new confraternity soon had many adherents in the provinces of tayabas, laguna, and batangas, and in the middle of 1840 began to hold meetings in lucban, to which both sexes were admitted, and at which letters from apolinario were read. the attention of the friar parish priests was directed to the confraternity, and the meeting of october 19, 1840 was surprised and about 243 persons out of the 500 or 600 attending it, arrested. the governor of tayabas province, however, who regarded the matter as entirely one of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, ordered the prisoners to be released. through the representations of the parish priest of lucban, the provincial governor finally intervened, and the adherents to the confraternity thereupon held their meetings secretly in majayjay in laguna province. the meeting of sept. 19, 1841, at the latter place, was surprised and some arrests made, although but few, as information of the intended raid had been received. the departure of the provincial governor of tayabas, joaquin ortega, for manila, was favorable to the new sect, as a native adherent or sympathizer was left in charge of the government. through his acquiescence, the members of the confraternity who had gathered in armed bands at the village of bay in laguna (where they were joined by apolinario, who had fled from manila), were allowed to ensconce themselves in igsaban, tayabas. from thence they opened negotiations with the government at tayabas to be allowed to occupy that city, the substitute governor requesting from the parish priest that they be allowed to hold a novena in his church. negotiations failed, and ortega, returning on the twenty-second of october, ordered the natives to disperse, and on their refusal attacked them the next day with a force of over three hundred men. the natives, aided by a band of negritos who had joined them, repulsed this force and killed ortega, and then retired to alitao to celebrate a novena. there they were attacked on the first of november by a force composed of troops sent by oraá, and those of the province of tayabas, and after a severe engagement the natives were defeated. apolinario, who fled, was soon captured and shot on the fourth, others of the leaders being also arrested. apolinario was but twenty-seven years old, and evidently worked on the superstitious nature of his countrymen, who believed that he was immune from danger and that the rebel forces would be aided by the direct intervention of heaven. his followers baptized him under the name of "the king of the tagálogs." no one except pure-blooded natives were allowed to become members of the organization, from which circumstance the spaniards have always professed to believe that the confraternity was political in nature and that religious motives were merely a blind. some (as in vindel's catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1895) assert that the confraternity was a sort of katipunan. it is quite probable, however, that its origin was entirely religious, but religion mingled with superstition and fanaticism. the fact that apolinario attempted to legalize the existence of the organization through both ecclesiastical and government centers, which was refused in both instances, indicates that the insurrection was forced by the spaniards, through either fear or contempt. it is highly unlikely that the organization had at the beginning any political motive, and its attempted suppression was a mistake of the religious and civil authorities. [38] the defeat and slaughter of the members of the confraternity of san josé angered the native soldiers from the province of tayabas, who were quartered in malate. conspiring with some of the garrison of the fort of santiago, also from the same province, they attacked and took that fort jan. 20, 1843, under the leadership of two brothers (mestizos and officers of the regiment), after killing the officers on guard. the mutiny was quickly stilled by oraá, and the commander of the insurgents, a sergeant, samaniego, and some of the other leaders were shot on the twenty-second at the camp of bagumbayang. the other native soldiers remained loyal and aided in quelling the mutiny. see montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, iii, pp. 58, 59, and note. [39] the spanish government decided to aid france against england, and declared war against the latter power in june, 1779. the spaniards aided the americans against the british in florida and mississippi, and in march, 1780, captured mobile. martin a. s. hume says in modern spain (new york, 1900), p. 6: "as aranda himself foresaw, and set forth in a most remarkable prophecy, the aid lent by spain to the revolt of the english north american colonies formed a dangerous precedent for the separation of her own colonial dominions, and promoted the establishment of a great anglo-saxon republic in america, which in time to come should oust spain from her last foothold in the new world. 'this new federal republic,' wrote aranda to floridablanca, 'is, so to speak, born a mere pigmy, and has needed the support of two powerful nations like france and spain to win its independence. but the day will come when it will grow into a giant, a terrible colossus. it will then forget the benefits it has received, and think only of its own aggrandizement.'" [40] see mas's remarks in this connection, ante, pp. 32-34. [41] magistrates appointed to inquire into the circumstances of a violent death. [42] the college of san josé sent out the following bishops: josé cabral, bishop-elect of nueva cáceres; rodrigo de la cueva jiron, bishop of nueva segovia; francisco pizarro de orellana, bishop of nueva segovia; jeronimo de herrera, bishop of nueva segovia; felipe de molina y figueroa, bishop of nueva cáceres; domingo de valencia, bishop of nueva cáceres; josé de andaya, bishop of ovieda, spain, bishop-elect of puebla de los angeles, mexico, and archbishop of mexico; and ignacio de salamanca, bishop of cebu. the college also sent out one auditor, one royal treasurer, two alcaldes-mayor; 39 jesuits (of whom three were martyrs), 4 provincials, 11 calced augustinians, 10 recollects, 8 franciscans, and 3 dominicans. these statistics are given by pablo pastells in a letter in 1902, a translation of which is in the possession of rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [43] vindel says (catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 756) that the school of agriculture in manila was organized by rafael garcía lópez. in regard to this school, which was founded in 1889, see vol. xlv, pp. 314-318. [44] on may 4, 1869, a society was authorized for "the promotion of instruction in the arts and trades in the filipinas islands;" but it was of short duration, as schools of this sort were soon afterward established by the government. (vindel, ut supra, no. 1661; see also vol. xlv of this series.) [45] vindel mentions (catálogo biblioteca filipina, p. 50) "arrangements regarding the philippine institute, and chairs of tagálog, bisayan, and practical land-surveying," in the boletin oficial del ministerio de ultramar, vol. i. [46] "there was still at manila another caste of mestizos, originating from japanese and the indian women. these japanese landed on the island of luçon, about fourscore years ago, in a dismantled vessel, and destitute of everything; i saw them in 1767. they numbered, i believe, at most sixty or seventy persons, all christians. but as the form of government doubtless did not please them, nor perhaps did the inquisition, they had demanded to return [to their own country]; and all, or nearly all, actually departed in that same year, 1767, and returned to japan, where they have probably resumed the faith of their fathers." (le gentil, voyage, ii, pp. 53, 54.) concepción states (hist. de philipinas, vii, p. 6) that in 1658 a number of christian japanese were living in the barrio of san anton, near manila; some of them had come on a japanese ship that was driven to cavite by storms, and remained with their countrymen at manila. [47] a list of many practical plans and regulations for the benefit of the philippine islands, appearing in the boletin oficial del ministerio de ultramar (madrid, 1875-83) may be found in vindel, ut supra, pp. 49, 50. many other lists of interesting articles regarding the islands, found in periodical publications, are given therein, pp. 46-62; also in beleña's recopilacion (p. 67). [48] some credit should also be given to the royal philippine company (real compañía de filipinas), which, though unsuccessful financially, stimulated considerably the development of philippine agriculture between 1790 and 1820, after which year it did little until its dissolution. [49] comyn's estado says that in 1810 the number of spaniards, born in the peninsula or elsewhere, and of spanish mestizos, of both sexes and all ages, classes, and occupations, did not exceed 3,500 to 4,000. diaz arenas (memorías históricas y estadísticas de filipinas; manila, 1850) quotes official figures showing 293 spaniards settled in the provinces, outside of manila and tondo, in 1848; and he records 7,544 as the number of spanish mestizos in the islands, including tondo, as manila province was then called. cavada (historia geográfica, geológica y estadística de filipinas; manila, 1876), taking his figures apparently from the governmental statistics as to houses and their occupants for 1870, gives for that year 3,823 spaniards (all but 516 of them males) from the peninsula, and 9,710 "filipino-spaniards," the latter classification apparently including spanish mestizos with such pure-blooded spaniards as had been born in the philippines. among his peninsular spaniards would be included over 1,000 members of religious orders, an approximately equal number of soldiers, and the civil officials of spanish blood (except a relatively small number born in the islands themselves, mostly in the minor categories of officials). j. f. del pan (la poblacion de filipinas; manila, 1883), and f. cañamaque (las íslas filipinas; madrid, 1880) both report the parochial statistics of 1876 as showing the total of spaniards, apart from members of the religious orders, the civil service, and the army and navy, to be 13,265; cañamaque speaks of this latter class as "spaniards without official character (peninsulars and filipinos)," and del pan calls them "persons not subject to the capitation-tax on account of being of the spanish race." at least some of the spanish mestizos in the islands would appear to have been included in this total. a statistical résumé for 1898 (la política de españa en filipinas, 1898, pp. 87-92) gives the number of spaniards in the philippines at the end of spanish rule as 34,000 (of whom 5,800 are credited as officers and employees of governments, 3,800 as the normal number of spaniards in army and navy, and 1,700 as of the clerical estate). these figures, like various other estimates in pamphlets of recent years, are considerably exaggerated; they are reconcilable only on the supposition that they include not only spaniards of philippine birth, but also spanish mestizos. in 1903, only 3,888 peninsular spaniards were found in the archipelago. the census of 1896 would have shown separately spaniards and spanish mestizos; but it was not completed for all provinces, and has never been published. the foregoing estimates and figures do, however, show the great relative increase of spaniards and spanish influence in the philippines in the latter part of the nineteenth century. apropos of mr. leroy's note the following is of interest as regards the population of the eighteenth century. "the number of spaniards who are in the part of manila not occupied by the friars is very inconsiderable; in 1767, they did not exceed eight hundred persons. it can be said that the friars are masters of the city, for all the houses, except perhaps five or six, belong to them. this makes a fine revenue for them, since the houses are very dear--from two hundred to four hundred piasters (one thousand to two thousand livres). they are still dearer in the suburb of santa cruz, where they are worth at least five hundred piasters, for it is there that all the foreign merchants from india or china lodge. manila is still peopled by the tagálogs, who are the natives at once of this city and of its bishopric; the tagálogs serve the spaniards as domestics, or live by some petty trade or occupation." (le gentil, voyage, ii, p. 104.)--eds. [50] "the spanish-filipino bank, the oldest bank in the islands, was founded (1852) by an order of the spanish government uniting the obras pías funds of the four orders of friars in the philippines." (census of philippine islands, iv, p. 541).--eds. [51] in the tariff revision of 1891, spanish goods in spanish ships were made free of customs duties in philippine ports; prior to that time they had, as a rule, paid one-half the duties assessed on foreign goods. [52] in 1898, for instance, when the war with the united states began, the governor-general of the philippines who had recently negotiated a peace with the insurgent chiefs, had just turned over his place to a new man, a stranger in the islands, and sailed for home. the new liberal administration, which came into power in spain in october, 1897, had also sent to the philippines a new set of provincial governors, to take the place of men who had served, in many cases, less than two years. some of these new governors had not gone to their posts when commodore dewey's squadron arrived, and they were consequently blockaded in manila. [53] this was accomplished on december 31, 1882--(but see post, p. 141).--eds. [54] f. jagor, reisen in den philippinen (berlin, 1873), p. 287. also of interest in this connection are jagor's remarks in the following two citations from the same book (pp. 288 and 289, respectively). "government monopolies mercilessly administered, grievous disregard of the creoles and the rich mestizos, and the example of the united states, these were the principal causes of the loss of the american possessions [of spain]; and the same causes are menacing the philippines also. of the monopolies sufficient account has been given in the text. mestizos and creoles are not, it is true, shut out, as formerly in america, from all offices; but they feel that they are deeply injured and despoiled by the crowds of office seekers whom the frequent changes of ministers at madrid bring to manila. also the influence of the american elements is at least discernible on the horizon, and will come more to the front as the relations of the two countries grow closer. at present these are still of little importance; in the meantime commerce follows its old routes, which lead to england and the atlantic ports of the union. nevertheless, he who attempts to form a judgment as to the future destiny of the philippines cannot fix his gaze only on their relations to spain; he must also consider the mighty changes which within a few decades are being effected on that side of our planet. for the first time in the world's history, the gigantic nations on both sides of a gigantic ocean are beginning to come into direct intercourse: russia, which alone is greater than two divisions of the world together; china, which within her narrow bounds contains a third of the human race; america, with cultivable soil enough to support almost three times the entire population of the earth. russia's future rôle in the pacific ocean at present baffles all calculations. the intercourse of the two other powers will probably have all the more important consequences when the adjustment between the immeasurable necessity for human labor-power on the one hand, and a correspondingly great surplus of that power on the other, shall fall on it as a problem." "but in proportion as the commerce of the western coast of america extends the influence of the american elements over the south sea, the ensnaring spell which the great republic exercises over the spanish colonies will not fail to assert itself in the philippines also. the americans appear to be called upon to bring the germ planted by the spaniards to its full development. as conquerors of the new world, representatives of the body of free citizens in contradistinction to the nobility, they follow with the axe and plow of the pioneer where the spaniards had opened the way with cross and sword. a considerable part of spanish america already belongs to the united states, and has, since that occurred, attained an importance which could not have been anticipated either during spanish rule or during the anarchy which ensued after and from it. in the long run, the spanish system cannot prevail over the american. while the former exhausts the colonies through direct appropriation of them to the privileged classes, and the metropolis through the drain of its best forces (with, besides, a feeble population), america draws to itself the most energetic elements from all lands; and these on her soil, free from all trammels, and restlessly pushing forward, are continually extending further her power and influence. the philippines will so much the less escape the influence of the two great neighboring empires, since neither the islands nor their metropolis are in a condition of stable equilibrium. it seems desirable for the natives that the opinions here expressed shall not too soon be realized as facts, for their training thus far has not sufficiently prepared them for success in the contest with those restless, active, most inconsiderate peoples; they have dreamed away their youth." some writers have carried the evolution one step farther, as for instance, the following: see count edward wilczek's interesting study on "the historical importance of the pacific ocean," in h. f. helmolt's history of the world (n. y., 1902), i, pp. 566-599; he predicts a future contest which "will have to decide whether, by the permanent occupation of the northern pacific, the white race shall accomplish its world-embracing destiny, or whether, with the goal already in sight, and for the first time in its history, it will have to make way for a stronger"--that is, for the yellow race, in the form of japan and china.--eds. [55] see the most important of these decrees in our educational appendix, vol. xlvi.--eds. [56] in 1899 and 1900, the american government continued the subsidies to the jesuits to sustain the normal school and manila ateneo. with the establishment, however, of an educational system under the taft commission, the subsidy to the ateneo was withdrawn and a manila public high school established. the normal school was established in the old buildings of the exposition of 1887, and was the first special school organized under dr. atkinson. the vacation normal school is due to dr. barrows, who established it in the spring vacation of 1901, in order that the teachers from the provinces might be gathered together for brief instruction in new methods, exchange of ideas, and general inspiration. the regular normal school has been a very notable feature since 1901, and in some ways the most striking thing in the new school system. its woman's dormitory has been a center of filipino gatherings and a constant theme of praise by the filipino press. (from a previous communication to the editors by j. a. leroy.) see vol. xlvi, p. 95, note.--eds. [57] this exchange of mindanao missions by the recollects for parishes in and around manila and in mindoro was closely connected with the pro-seculars' campaign made in manila and madrid at that time--father burgos of the cathedral standing out preëminently on behalf of his fellows the native priests, a direct step in the way toward his execution in connection with the cavite mutiny of 1872. (james a. leroy, in a personal letter dated january 6, 1906.) see xxviii, pp. 342, 343.--eds. [58] see post, pp. 170, 171, note 119. with the three priests was also executed one francisco saldúa. máximo inocencio, enrique paraíso, and crisanto de los reyes were sentenced to ten years' imprisonment. others were also condemned to death, some of whose sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. the following persons were deported to marianas: antonio maría regidor, 8 years; máximo paterno; agustín mendoza, parish priest of the district of santa cruz de manila; joaquín pardo de tavera, a regidor of manila and university professor, 6 years. some of the latter and others lost their qualification as advocates of the audiencia.--eds. [59] in a pamphlet by manrique a. lallave (madrid, 1872), an ex-dominican missionary from filipinas, he declares that "the friars at that time possessed property to the value of eleven millions of pesos fuertes." (vindel, catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1846.)--eds. [60] see post, p. 182.--eds. [61] bibliography of the philippine islands (bureau of insular affairs, washington, 1903), comprising under one cover these two volumes which were also published separately by the library of congress: a list of books (with references to periodicals) on the philippine islands in the library of congress, compiled by a. p. c. griffin; and the biblioteca filipina of dr. t. h. pardo de tavera. for information regarding general bibliographies and bibliographical lists of philippina, see vol. liii of this series. [62] reference has already been made in another footnote to the german original; english and spanish translations of this work, both defective, were also published. it has not been deemed necessary in this brief sketch to append the bibliographical details, except when they may not be found in bibliography of the philippine islands, under the names of the authors herein cited. [63] particularly his las colonias españolas de asia. islas filipinas (madrid, 1880). [64] it is closely related also with the political questions of this period, with the friar controversy, and with matters of administration as such. [65] el diario de manila was established in 1848, a name which was changed to el boletin oficial de filipinas in 1852, and again to the former name in 1860; papers called el comercio were founded in 1858 (probably), and in 1869; la oceanía española, in 1877 (which succeeded el porvenir filipino); la voz española was founded in 1888 under the name of la voz de españa, the issue of march 5, 1892, marking the change of name. see retana's el periodismo.--eds. [66] see also griffin's list for a list of periodical articles (mainly from american magazines, although some foreign titles are also noted.)--eds. [67] retana reproduced this reglamento de asuntos de imprenta of 1857 in volume i of the archivo. retana, who was for a time a newspaper man in manila, says it was not known by the newspaper editors or by the political censor; in other words, the censor did about as he pleased. [68] the filipino press of propaganda, published abroad, will merit attention further on, when "reform and revolution" are discussed. [69] census of the philippine islands, 4 vols. (washington, 1903). in vol. ii, pp. 17-22, are tables comparing spanish estimates and censuses, with references to such. [70] archipiélagos filipinos en la oceanía, censo de población veríficado el 31 de diciembre de 1887 ... (manila, 1889). [71] for population alone, there may also be mentioned the table of various civil and ecclesiastical estimates, based mainly on the returns of the tributes, in sancianco y goson's el progreso de filipinas (madrid, 1881), pp. 175-186; and the summaries of five spanish censuses and tables of the 1896 census in report of the philippine commission, 1901, ii, appendices hh and ii. [72] if possible, pardo de tavera's bibliographical comments should be checked up by those made by retana to some of these works in his various bibliographies.--eds. [73] see library of congress list, etc., pp. 9-11. [74] cited in pardo de tavera's biblioteca as nos. 269 and 2,003. the american consular reports are given in a separate table in the library of congress list, pp. 178-180. only those of consul webb, 1888-90, need be mentioned as containing some data of interest. [75] both the papers cited have subsequently been reproduced in several other government bulletins, which will be cited in their places. e. w. hardin's report on the financial and industrial condition of the philippines (senate document no. 169, 55th congress, 3rd session) was similarly reproduced. all three of these documents, which were useful to american inquirers immediately following the events of 1898, may be disregarded by the student who resorts to the spanish and other sources herein given. [76] a 36-page pamphlet, commercial progress in the philippine islands (london, 1905), by a. m. regidor y jurado and j. w. t. mason, is quite inaccurate and in part gossipy, but may be noted as containing some nineteenth-century data on foreign traders and bankers not elsewhere in print. [77] spanish public land laws in the philippine islands and their history to august 13, 1898 (washington, bureau of insular affairs, 1901). these laws and conditions of land tenure under spanish rule are also succinctly summarized by d. r. williams in official handbook of the philippines (manila, 1903); in other respects the handbook, a washington library compilation prepared for the st. louis exposition of 1904, has no independent value and is often inaccurate. [78] according to retana, who cites this informe emitido ... sobre bancos hipotecarios (madrid, 1889) in the estadismo, ii, p. 151*. pardo de tavera (biblioteca, p. 76) says that this report led to the official decision that, in view of the general lack of titles, the establishment of land banks would be premature. [79] following are special citations from his el progreso de filipinas: land tax, and arguments therefor, pp. 9, 10, 28-34, 48-53, 56, 65-80; tax on real estate in towns, pp. 81-89; deficiency of provisions for obtaining title to unoccupied lands, pp. 48-53, 54-56, 57-66, 222-223; data (mostly from jordana y morera) regarding development of forest and agricultural resources and amount of cultivated land, province by province, to 1873-74, pp. 187-204; value assigned to land, province by province, result of official inquiry of 1862, pp. 212-223; filipino laborer and his share in development of agricultural resources, pp. 223-237; rates of interest on real-estate loans, pp. 253-254; land measures in use, pp. 257-258. [80] the intemperate and fantastic writings of "quioquiap" (pablo feced) in el diario de manila and la política de españa en filipinas are in point. [81] see also ibid., i, pp. 150-159. [82] these tables entirely supersede those presented, earlier in the period of american occupation, in the monthly summary of commerce and finance of the united states for november, 1899, and july, 1901 (which also reproduced the memoranda of greene, tornow, and others, already cited). some of the tables presented in bulletin no. 14, section of foreign markets, department of agriculture (washington, 1898) give in convenient form philippine trade statistics by countries, both for imports and exports. [83] el progreso de filipinas, pp. 238-244, foreign commerce, entry of spanish and foreign vessels, etc., for 1868; p. 244, table of exports for 1871, in quantities (66 per cent of the hemp and over 50 per cent of the sugar going to the united states in that year); pp. 245-249, internal trade and inter-island shipping; pp. 253-255, rates of interest and kinds of money in circulation; pp. 255-258, weights and measures in use (about 1880). [84] questions of customs administration belong with the subject of spanish administration, further on. [85] it is another instance of the old tendency to emphasize political evils and remedies, and neglect economic considerations, in the philippines. the labor monograph of v. s. clark, above cited, brings out the fact that higher wages for filipinos since 1898 are in part only a compensation for the previous penalization of the filipino laborer through a declining medium of exchange. [86] in report of philippine commission, 1904, iii, pp. 487-503; and ibid., 1905, iv, pp. 71-87. [87] see m. sastrón, la insurrección en filipinas (madrid, 1897 and 1901), chap. i, for a summary of the reforms of the '80's and 1893. [88] it is thus that, from their point of view, the philippine friars and their spanish clerical-conservative defenders have branded the filipino campaign, eventually for separation, as entirely produced and fostered by spanish liberalism. [89] list of books (with references to periodicals) relating to the theory of colonization, government of dependencies, protectorates, and related topics, by a. p. c. griffin (washington, 1900). it is inserted also in o. p. austin's colonial administration, 1800-1900 (from summary of commerce and finance of the united states for march, 1903). [90] the statesman's yearbook and such general works of reference will merit consultation; but it should be remarked that, prior to 1898, encyclopedias, annuals, etc., commonly treated the philippines rather cursorily and not always accurately, while, generally speaking, the spanish colonies have had very inadequate consideration at the hands of english and american authors and editors. for the special subjects of military and naval organization, see salinas y angulo's legislación militar (manila, 1879), and rodriguez trujillo's memoria sobre la marina (manila, 1887), both cited in the bibliography. [91] published in la españa oriental, manila, 1893, and la política de españa en filipinas, 1893-94. see pardo de tavera's biblioteca, no. 1496; note also his no. 2702, under tiscar. [92] it is to be emphasized, however, that this abstract shows only the framework of that government, and that just as it stood (on paper) at the beginning of 1898, its author not having traced the development of that organism even for a few years back nor learned that some of the provisions he outlined were not really in practice. [93] grifol y aliaga (vol. xlvi, p. 109, note 48) is very naïve, seeking to waive away the effect of the maura law's plain provisions in the same way as did some friar and other writers. in his decree providing regulations for carrying out the law, blanco explained that the parish priests were to retain their inspection of the schools as regards the teaching of religion and morals. the municipal tribunals were expressly created as schoolboards--an institution of which zamora (las corporaciones religiosas) bitterly complains. in reality, however, this reform remained a dead letter in most villages, except in the provinces most advanced in the propaganda, where the filipino local officials asserted their power of regulation (bulakan, batangas, manila, etc.). (from a previous communication from mr. leroy.)--eds. [94] pedro a. paterno's regimen municipal de las islas filipinas (madrid, 1893), reproducing minister maura's decree in its original form, with notes, was therefore premature. except in some of its comments, however, this work is at least not merely ridiculous, as are this author's writings on an imaginary primitive religion and civilization of the filipinos. don pedro has a lively imagination, too lively for politics and history, but capable of providing good entertainment when he exercises it as a dramatist. one finds him much more pleasing in this rôle than as a filipino reform propagandist, though in the latter capacity he seems to have been taken very seriously by doctor schurman and mr. foreman, and by various spanish officials before them, including, for a time, governor-generals primo de rivera and augustín. [95] once more, the manila press since 1898 merits attention here. the filipino press has not been always fair in treating of the old régime, but both in the filipino and the spanish press of manila since 1898 some things have been brought to light which were either suppressed for private gossip or not frankly discussed at the time of their conference. [96] notes from his progreso de filipinas: lack of public improvements and defects of public services, especially education, pp. 26-34; defects in administration of justice and its expensiveness, pp. 134-136; lack of development of material resources, pp. 205-211, 253-254; restriction of opportunities for filipino laborers, and the evils of caciquism, pp. 212-237. a study of caciquism (subjection of the masses) and its deep roots in philippine social, economic, and political conditions may be found in j. a. leroy's philippine life in town and country (new york, 1905), chap. vi; also the same in part by the same author in the atlantic monthly for march, 1905. [97] though unsupported evidence here given, particularly when obviously gossip or when coming from partisan witnesses, is to be accepted with caution. f. h. sawyer's reminiscences of the administrations of various governor-generals are subject to the same caution, except where the author plainly speaks from a personal knowledge of the facts; nevertheless, that such opinions on the highest officials of the islands could pass current even as gossip among spaniards and foreigners in manila is in itself alone very significant of the tone of public life in the islands. note sawyer also on the administration of justice, and foreman on the "pickings" of officials in the provinces. [98] note especially military governor of the philippine islands on civil affairs (report war dept., 1900, i, part 10), pp. 8-13, 79 et seq. see also, for defects and corruption in the customs administration up to 1881, sancianco y goson, pp. 36-37, 125-131. [99] part of this money was spent in campaigns against the moros, and perhaps for other purposes not covered by the budget of ordinary expenses. see la política de españa en filipinas, v, no. 116, for an account of progress in this work up to 1895. the press of manila has published during the past few years various articles on the funds collected by subscription in spain and the philippines for the relief of the sufferers from the earthquake in manila in 1863. see particularly el renacimiento, manila, september 18, 1906, for a report on the subject by attorney-general araneta. it would there appear that nearly $450,000 were collected; by 1870, only some $30,000 had been distributed to the sufferers themselves; whether they received further shares at a later date does not appear, but $80,000 were loaned from this fund to the obras pías in 1880, and about $15,000 were used for cholera relief in 1888-89. governor-general ide instructed the attorney-general to demand the return of the $80,000 from the obras pías, and recommended that, when $50,000 of this fund had been recovered, distribution of it among those who suffered losses in 1863 should begin--almost a half-century later, and under another government! [100] the new industrial (or income) taxes had, however, been inaugurated before he wrote. see his progreso de filipinas, pp. vii, 81-87, 93-94, on this subject; pp. 5-15, for extracts from a project of economic reforms in 1870 (which see, in the biblioteca, no. 2041); pp. 9, 10, 28-34, 48-53, 56, 65-80, 81-89, arguments for a real-property tax; pp. 6-10, 100-124, 142-143, the tribute; pp. 133-143, miscellaneous taxes; pp. 142-143, local taxes proper. [101] dr. schurman drew from spanish official publications the budget of 1894-95 for his exposition of the former philippine government (report of philippine commission, 1900, i, pp. 79-81), and this has been considerably quoted, with the assumption that it represented the full cost of government, in recent comparisons with the american régime. sawyer (in an appendix) gives the budget of 1896-97, with just a note showing that charges for collection and for local government made the actual collections for the poll-tax considerably larger than the insular budget showed. foreman, in his 1899 and 1906 editions, only reproduces from his first edition a fragmentary statement of the 1888 budget, without showing that this was only partial and without developing the later changes and increases in taxes. retana, in the estadismo, apéndice h, under rentas é impuestos del estado, gives the general totals of the budgets of 1890 and 1893-94 (likewise net totals for the central government alone). see sancianco y goson for proposed budget for 1881-82. the insular budget was published annually at madrid under the title presupuestos generales de gastos é ingresos de las islas filipinas. the budget was made up at madrid for each fiscal year, and put into effect by a royal decree (after its receipt in manila, some few months after the beginning of the fiscal year which it was to govern). some changes or additions were allowed to be made by the governor-general in imperative circumstances; otherwise the effort was to regulate philippine finances just the same as if the islands were a province of the centralized government of the peninsula itself. the folio volume of presupuestos published at madrid, running to several hundred pages, are valuable for giving in minute detail the expected items of expenditures, down to the last petty employee on salary; but they can give, of course, only the estimate of the revenue expected under each item, and actual collections sometimes varied considerably from these figures. above all, these presupuestos bear out the general remark that the spanish budget as published tends to conceal rather than to reveal the actual burden resting on the people. they are not budgets for the insular government alone, hence the budgets for the city of manila and for the local governments (provinces and towns), published separately in some years at manila, must be consulted to get total net collections for all branches of government. in addition, one must dig out for himself from the laws governing taxation, etc., and from the archives the data regarding fees for collection, notarial, legal and other fees accruing to private pockets, surcharges for special purposes, etc. [102] the subject can not be thoroughly discussed here. for some data and references thereon, see contributions by the writer to the political science quarterly, xxi, pp. 309-311, and xxii, pp. 124-125. regarding ecclesiastical dues and exactions, the share of the ecclesiastical establishment in local revenues, etc., see, besides citations there given, m. h. del pilar's la soberanía monacal en filipinas (barcelona, 1888, and manila, 1898). the above contributions cited by mr. leroy are his criticism of h. parker willis's our philippine problem (new york, 1905), and his rejoinder to mr. willis's reply to that criticism (march, 1907). see also mr. willis's remarks on this matter in his reply (pp. 116-119), which have been fully met in mr. leroy's rejoinder.--eds. [103] in confirmation of the first statement above, and for details regarding this debt, see senate document no. 62, 55th congress, 3rd session, protocols 11, 12, 15, and 16; ibid., p. 412 (greene's memorandum); senate document no. 148, 56th congress, 2nd session, for cablegrams between the president and the american peace commissioners from october 27, 1898, on, especially p. 44 (details of this loan); also sastrón's la insurrección en filipinas (madrid, 1901), pp. 284, 285. [104] special attention may be directed to clifford stevens walton's the civil law in spain and spanish-america, including cuba, puerto rico and the philippines (washington, 1900). [105] pardo de tavera's biblioteca, no. 1770. [106] data obtained from justices arellano and torres cover very well the judicial organization of recent years. for earlier years, it is often in error, the washington editor having tried to improve the manuscript with data drawn from various sources and presented without a real understanding of the legal, judicial, and administrative system of spain and the spanish colonies. [107] see especially bulletin no. 22 of the bureau of government laboratories (manila, 1905), for a catalogue of the new scientific library in manila. [108] it may be said, however, that the real foundations of that science are only now being laid in the philippines. most of the spanish writings in this line are, speaking strictly from the scientific point of view, unreliable or, in some cases, worthless. blumentritt, who has written most voluminously on this subject, was never in the philippines, but drew largely from these spanish sources, and he has confused the subject rather than shed light upon it. the german and french scientists who visited the islands were, in most instances, not primarily ethnologists, and have done but fragmentary work in this field. needless to say, all these sources must be consulted, especially for the historical side of the subject; but the science of philippine ethnology proper is still in its infancy. [109] especially in the appendix of vol. xli.--eds. [110] appendix vii to report of major-general g. w. davis, commanding the division of the philippines (rept. war dept., 1903, iii, pp. 379-398). [111] la política de españa en filipinas reproduces retana's eulogy of weyler (retana was made a deputy for cuba in the cortes during the weyler régime in cuba) and occasional articles on the blanco campaign in the lake lanao region, among which note (vi, p. 18) blanco's letter of oct. 19, 1895, describing the beginning of a railroad and other work around the lake. ibid., vii, p. 170, has the protocol of april 1, 1907, whereby germany and great britain accept a modification of the sulu archipelago protocol of 1885, permitting the prohibition by spain of traffic with joló in arms or alcoholic liquors. the projects to colonize mindanao put forward in connection with the lanao campaign have been mentioned. [112] the reports are in the annual report of the philippine commission. among the special publications, note jenks's the bontoc igorot (manila, 1905), chap. ii, for some notes on spanish relations with the igorots. [113] its columns could also be used to further personal interests, as already shown in the case of weyler. retana has since 1898 executed a "right-about-face," as has been best shown in his recent biographical study of rizal. herein, in various editorial notes in vol. v of the archivo (1905), and in various letters to the filipino press of manila, he has many times virtually apologized for his political writings up to 1898, has declared that he was always a "liberal" at heart, and has thus written an impugnation of his own writings in behalf of friar-rule. in a letter to i. de los reyes (reproduced from el grito del pueblo of manila in el renacimiento, manila, july 24, 1906), retana carries this note to the point of practically abject retraction, saying he never has been really a catholic, never confessed since his marriage, etc., and referring to rizal (whom he bitterly reviled from 1892 to 1898) as a "saint," etc. regarding retana and blumentritt, see also a letter by j. a. leroy in the springfield republican for july 7, 1906. in this connection see retana's opening paragraphs in his vida y escritos del dr. josé rizal, in nuestro tiempo for 1904-06.--eds. [114] this work furnished almost the sole basis for the discussion of the work of the friars by stephen bonsal in the north american review of oct., 1902; but mr. bonsal, whose article is thus entirely one-sided, did not state the source of his information. more than this, mr. bonsal has, in translating, made even stronger some of the extreme claims of friar zamora. the latter (pp. 483-498) cites praise for the friars from various governors-general: gándara (1866), de la torre (1871), moriones (1877), weyler (1891), and primo de rivera (1898). it is to be hoped he has not garbled them all as he did the statement of primo de rivera, omitting its most significant expressions of opinion and exactly reversing its import. moreover, mr. bonsal, in translating these passages from zamora, thought it best to leave out, for his american readers, the statement by weyler. much the same ground as covered by the claims of zamora is traversed, with citations, by j. a. leroy in the political science quarterly for december, 1903 (also in the same author's philippine life, chaps. v and vii). see also, in re extreme claims for the friars that they brought about all the internal development, settlement of towns, development of agriculture, etc., sancianco y goson, el progreso de filipinas, pp. 212-223, official data as to agriculture and lands by provinces in 1862, at the beginning of the modern era of trade and industry. [115] the official correspondence in the negotiations of governor taft with the vatican, above cited, may also be mentioned here as discussing the question of recognition of the native clergy in the philippines, and, in general, the status which the friars came to have there. many loose assertions made with regard to the friars' titles to the philippines will be corrected by a perusal of the legal report on their titles cited above. [116] the political phase of the attack on the friars' privileges which rapidly developed, especially in view of the events of 1868, are discussed from the friars' side in the pamphlet apuntes interesantes (1870), condemned by pardo de tavera (no. 91) and ascribed to barrantes. retana (estadismo, ii, p. 135*) praises the work and ascribes it to friar casimiro herrero. a general argument against the friars in those times is that of manrique alonso lallave, los frailes en filipinas (madrid, 1872), parts of which were reproduced in el progreso, manila, august 8-11, 1901. his figures on friar revenues, etc., are grossly exaggerated. he was an excloistered dominican, later turned protestant in spain, and went to the philippines as a protestant missionary in 1890, being poisoned in manila, according to v. diaz perez (los frailes de filipinas, madrid, 1904, p. 10). [117] see the biblioteca, nos. 2,000 and 2,001. both put forward the claims of the filipinos on grounds of ecclesiastical rule and practice (the council of trent particularly), but it is to be feared that the author's judgment on matters of authority purely ecclesiastical is sometimes warped by political or personal feeling. the same author's mi último grito de alarma (bigan [luzon], 1903) is an answer to constitución apostólica quae mare sinico (manila, 1903), which is a defense of the pope's philippine bull of 1903 by presbyter manuel e. roxas, a filipino priest. father pons also had a part in impugnación de la censura impuesta ... al presbítero adriano garcía (manila, 1900), a notable case which much aroused the filipino clergy in chapelle's time. here and in defensa del clero filipino are references to the torturing of native priests by the friars at bigan in 1896, to make them confess complicity in a supposed plot for revolt in ilokos. [118] biblioteca, no. 1689. note also no. 1675. [119] for the latter, consult especially la iglesia filipina independiente, organ of the schism, which was published in some sixty numbers between october 11, 1903, and early in 1905; also the recent pamphlet documentos interesantes de la iglesia filipina independiente (manila, 1906). the history of the religious question under the malolos government and guerrilla warfare, and especially of aglipay's part in it, has yet to be written from the documents (at least, unless those who participated are more frank in future than in past statements). [120] see for citations and statements (in part conflicting), about the deportees of 1872, montero y vidal, historia, iii, p. 591 and footnote; pardo de tavera's biblioteca, nos. 1462 and 1463; and notes by felipe g. calderón in supplements to el renacimiento for aug. 11 and 18, sept. 1 and 18, 1906. several filipino priests were also deported with these civilians, who were, as has been noted in our introduction, for the most part of spanish, not of malay, blood, though of philippine birth. [121] note especially rizal's introduction to his novel el filibusterismo, as showing filipino opinion on the matter. a story circulated among the people to the effect that the friars brought from sambales province a native who looked like father gomez and who impersonated the latter in order to implicate him in the mutiny at the cavite arsenal, with similar details, is related in an "appeal for intervention" presented by certain filipinos in hongkong to the consul-general of the united states at that place in jan., 1897. this document, by the way, has never received notice in the united states so far as known to the writer, who has a manuscript copy of it. rizal dedicated his novel el filibusterismo to the three priests executed in consequence of the cavite uprising of 1872. that dedication is as follows: "the church, by refusing to degrade you, has placed in doubt the crime that has been imputed to you; the government, by surrounding your trials with mystery and shadows, causes the belief that there was some error, committed in fatal moments; and all the philippines, by worshiping your memory and calling you martyrs, in no sense recognize your culpability. in so far, therefore, as your complicity in the cavite mutiny is not clearly proved, as you may or may not have been patriots, and as you may or may not have cherished sentiments for justice and for liberty, i have the right to dedicate my work to you as victims of the evil which i undertake to combat. and while we wait expectantly upon spain some day to restore your good name and cease to be answerable for your death, let these pages serve as a tardy wreath of dried leaves over your unknown tombs, and let it be understood that every one who without clear proofs attacks your memory stains his hands in your blood!" see j. a. leroy's philippine life, pp. 149, 150.--eds. [122] no real attempt to sift the evidence in the case is known to the writer. montero y vidal, historia, iii, chap. xxvii (also read the three preceding chapters), gives the version of one side, with principal citations. cf. pardo de tavera's biblioteca under these names, and see his version in census of the philippine islands, i, pp. 575-579. his reseña histórica de filipinas suffered some alterations as published in the spanish edition of the census, and was separately printed at manila in 1906, drawing forth a series of articles in the dominican periodical libertas (by friar tamayo), which also appeared in pamphlet form (sobre una "reseña histórica de filipinas," manila, 1906). as regards the 1872 affair, friar tamayo has drawn almost entirely from montero y vidal. [123] as, for example, when josé rizal, yet a mere youth, scandalized the friar and "patriotic" spaniards in manila by presenting verses for a school celebration in manila on "mi patria" ("my fatherland"). [124] rizal himself returned from europe to the orient in 1887, and visited his home, but was persuaded by parents and friends to go abroad again. he is said to have edited various circulars which were sent from hongkong and distributed in the philippines. [125] marcelo del pilar's pamphlet la soberanía monacal en filipinas (barcelona, 1888; reprinted at manila, 1898) was written with especial reference to these incidents, documents regarding which are given as appendices. retana analyzed the 1888 petition against the friars, and discussed its signers, in his pamphlet avisos y profecías (madrid, 1892), pp. 286-308. see also pardo de tavera's biblioteca, nos. 1597-1599 and 2807, the latter being a separate print of the petition to the queen, which appears in del pilar's pamphlet, appendix ix. the reply of the petitioners to the accusation that they really covered separatist aims under their attacks on friar-rule is worth quoting: "the aspiration for separation is contrary, señora, to the interests of the filipinos. the topographical situation of the country, divided into numerous islands, and the diversity of its regional dialects demand the fortifying aid of a bond of union such as the ensign of spain accords; without such a bond, it would be daily exposed to a breaking-up process hostile to its repose, and the very conditions of exuberant fertility that its fields, mines, and virgin forests afford would offer a powerful incentive to draw upon it international strife to the injury of its own future." [126] becerra, as minister for the colonies, met in social reunions with the filipino circle of madrid, and presented in the cortes projects for "assimilation," religious liberty, and the secularization of education in the colonies and partial municipal reforms for the philippines which were the forerunners of the "maura law." [127] friar tamayo, in his reply to statements by pardo de tavera, points out that weyler's action was in consequence of decrees of the courts (sobre una "reseña histórica de filipinas," pp. 194-195). this kalamba episode seems to have had a connection with the royal order of december 4, 1890 (under the new conservative ministry) empowering the religious orders to dispose of their estates without intervention of the crown, as had been provided by royal orders of 1834 and 1849. the friars had begun to make transfers to private corporations (really only fictitious "holding companies") before 1898. [128] one finds guarded references to his enemies among the filipinos themselves in some of rizal's private letters. the part played during the propaganda by hints of treachery in camp, also of dishonesty in the use of the funds raised by subscription in the philippines, is alluded to in various of the writings to be cited further on. [129] mariano ponce (el renacimiento, manila, dec. 29, 1906) tells of an earlier periodical of propaganda, españa en filipinas, started at barcelona in 1887, lopez jaena being one of its board of editors. in this connection may be mentioned ang kalayaan ("liberty") organ of the katipunan, which published one number (perhaps two) in tagálog at the beginning of 1896, ostensibly in yokohama, but really on a secret press at manila. data about it, and a translation of some of its contents into spanish may be found in retana's archivo, iv, documentos políticos de actualidad, no. 15. of gracíano lopez jaena may also be noted the pamphlet discursos y artículos varios (barcelona, 1891). he died in spain in 1895. [130] epifanio de los santos (one of the propagandists, now an official under the philippine government) is publishing a biography and bibliography of m. h. del pilar, reproducing documents and letters in plaridel (pseudonym of del pilar), a weekly started at bulakan, luzon, jan. 1, 1907. besides la solidaridad and la soberanía monacal, the writings of del pilar most deserving mention are the pamphlets la frailocracía filipina (barcelona, 1889), and los frailes en filipinas (barcelona, 1889), by "padpiuh." [131] the two alleged translations published in the united states under altered titles, do not merit even a mention; one is a garbled and partial translation from the spanish, the other an "adaptation" from a french version of the original, boiled down to give the "story" and thus shorn of the very descriptive passages and delicious bits of satire which make the work notable, not as a novel, but as an exposition. [132] the various spanish reprints (also a french one) of these novels may be found cited in retana's recent work, mentioned below. the best to date, but no longer easily attainable, are editions of both novels printed at manila in 1900 by chofre & cia. [133] there must also be seen the collections documentos políticos de actualidad in retana's archivo, iii and iv, especially those in the latter volume connected with rizal's trial and execution. besides the documents there reproduced--the diary of rizal as a student in madrid (now in the library of edward e. ayer, of chicago), notes and documents furnished to retana by various friends and coworkers of rizal (especially by epifanio de los santos)--use has been made in retana's latest work of data published in the filipino press from 1898 to date, particularly in the special numbers which appear annually in connection with the anniversaries of rizal's execution (december 30). among these may be named especially: la independencia, sept. 25, 1898, and jan. 2, 1899 (rizal's letters to blumentritt regarding his relations with blanco and recall to manila for trial; also quoted by foreman); la patria, dec. 30, 1899; la democracia, homenaje á rizal, separately printed at manila, 1899, with seventeen rizal articles, sixteen reproduced from la solidaridad; la democracia, dec. 29, 30 or 31, 1901-06, especially dec. 29, 1905 (notes by santos); el renacimiento, same dates; ibid., april 28, 1906 (notes by retana); ibid., may 26, june 2, and dec. 29, 1906 (notes by mariano ponce); ibid., sept. 22, 1906 (notes by edouardo late); la independencia, sept. 12, 14, 17, and 18, 1906 (rizal's correspondence from his place of exile at dapitan with father pastells, the jesuit superior, regarding his religious belief, and incidentally his loyalty to spain). see also la juventud (barcelona), el doctor rizal y su obra, published in 1897.--eds. [134] morga, who gave a more truly scientific and in many respects more favorable view of the filipinos at the time of the conquest than the later friar-chroniclers, had been neglected by spanish writers and students, and rizal's purpose in bringing out the sucesos was primarily to correct many recent exaggerations in the literature about the filipinos. the bitterness with which his work (and even morga himself) was assailed revealed the political spirit of the times. [135] filipinas dextro de cien años, in la solidaridad, reprinted in retana's archivo, v. [136] library of congress list, pp. 99, 100; and pardo de tavera's biblioteca, nos. 307, 308, 339 and 341 (also 1087). [137] as also their tendency to assume that every spanish official who favored a more liberal political régime in the philippines did so because he was a mason. the books of sastrón and castillo y jimenez (especially pp. 372-376, 382), also the friar pamphlets of garcía-barzanallana (library of congress list, p. 103) and navarro (biblioteca, no. 1,811), are especially in point. see, for accounts from the same point of view, the report of the spanish officer of the civil guard, olegario diaz, no. 77 of documentos políticos in the archivo, iii, and other documents in that series in vols. iii, and iv. masones y ultramontanes, by juan utor y fernandez (manila, 1899), is a defense of masonry by a spaniard who founded lodges in the philippines. v. diaz perez in the pamphlet los frailes de filipinas brings out from the same point of view some figures and other data on masonry in the philippines. [138] in his memoria al senado (madrid, 1897), pp. 158-163. [139] see biblioteca, no. 2,665. [140] cited in their original draft, somewhat skeletonized, in the notes furnished for retana's vida y escritos de josé rizal by e. de los santos, and by the latter also furnished in a manuscript copy to the writer (of which see the translation post, pp. 217-226). [141] notes, etc., in el renacimiento, manila, aug. 11 and 18, sept. 1 and 18, oct. 13, 1906. [142] this is especially true of the documents given by josé m. del castillo y jimenez, el katipunan ó el filibusterismo en filipinas (madrid, 1897), pp. 114-117, 118-123, whence they have been quoted by various other writers. it is to be noted, first, that the source of these documents has never been given; they are not among the extracts from the official records of the courts-martial reproduced in retana's archivo, iii, and iv; and, finally, certain passages in them read suspiciously as if prepared for the purpose of proving the most exaggerated statements about the katipunan and of magnifying the scope and aims of the whole movement. [143] see on this subject an article by j. a. leroy, japan and the philippine islands, in atlantic monthly, january, 1906. primo de rivera, in his memoria (1898), several times declares that the cavite insurgents of 1896-97 never had more than 1,500 firearms, including rifles of all sorts, shotguns, and revolvers. [144] this was allowed to appear even in the testimony as written down by the spanish military court (retana's archivo, iii, documentos políticos, nos. 35, 46, and 55). [145] besides castillo y jimenez, the katipunan will be found discussed in nearly all the sources to be cited on the 1896-97 insurrection. data on bonifacio are scanty, but see el renacimiento, april 23, 1903; ibid., for the notes of calderón, above cited, and of aug. 30, 1906, for a letter by pio valenzuela; also comments by a. mabini and notes by j. a. leroy in american historical review, xi, pp. 843-861. a pamphlet, the katipunan (manila, 1902), by francis st. clair (?), published in order to put before americans the friar view of the filipino revolutionists, contains an english version of the report of olegario diaz, cited above; its notes, drawn indiscriminately from retana, castillo y jimenez, and others, are full of errors. [146] friar zamora (las corporaciones religiosas en filipinas, pp. 334-325) says the forces of the civil guard sent to the bisayas were recruited not from the best men in the filipino infantry regiments, as the governor-general ordered, but from the worst, because these were the men whom the infantry colonels would let go. "we parish-priests knew this, because the civil guard officers themselves so told us; we saw, a few days after the posts were established in the towns, that the majority of the guards ought to be serving, not in that corps of prestige, but in some disciplinary corps or in the penitentiary. nevertheless, from our pulpits we recommended and eulogized what caused us disgust and displeasure, because it was so ordered by the governor-general to the provincial of the monastic orders, and directly to the parish-priests themselves through the medium of the governors of provinces." [147] joaquin pellicena y lopez, a spanish journalist of manila, an admirer of the jesuits (in some degree, perhaps, an exponent of jesuit views on recent years in the philippines), in the pamphlet los frailes y los filipinos (manila, jan., 1901), defends the work of the friars as a historical whole, but condemns their unwillingness to progress with the times. as one proof that the rebellion of 1896 was against the friars, not against spain, he says (pp. 27-28) that governor-general polavieja's demand for 25,000 fresh troops in april, 1897, was, only a pretext to cover his resignation. polavieja, who came out to succeed blanco and under whom rizal was almost immediately executed, had suddenly become convinced, says this journalist, by reading correspondence of aguinaldo with the jesuit superior, that the real cause of the trouble was the friars. as virtually emissary and appointee of the friars, the inference is, polavieja concluded it would be impossible for him to settle the difficulties successfully. the letters of aguinaldo to pio pí are most interesting, at least (see la politica de españa en filipinas, vii, pp. 326-328). [148] notably the "removal" of andrés bonifacio in 1897 (regarding which the bonifacio note above cites incomplete data), and the biak-na-bató negotiation, treated below. [149] memoria que al senado dirige el general blanco acerca de los últimos sucesos ocurridos en la isla de luzón (madrid, 1897). [150] ibid., pp. 64-68, 163-169. the real blanco expresses himself in these sentences: "for some people, proof of character and energy is given by ordering executions right and left, at the pleasure of the public, which is wont to be excited by passion; but, on the contrary, energy is shown by resisting all kinds of abuses, and this one most of all. to shoot men is very easy; the difficult thing is not to do it." [151] see also senate document no. 62 for hearsay testimony by foreigners at paris regarding the "reign of terror," tortures, etc.; and the books of foreman and sawyer for similar testimony. [152] it is to be noted that some of the worst stories of filipino outrages upon spanish captives, especially friars, later proved to be rumors, or were exaggerated, though some brutalities were committed. see la democracia, manila, july 12, 1906, for an alleged confession by friar piernavieja (extorted from him, and dictated to him in bad spanish); ibid., july 14, 1906, for data regarding the execution of him and two other friars in cavite, in "reprisal" for the execution of rizal. isabelo de los reyes's pamphlet la religión del katipunan (madrid, 1900), as also other writings in filipinas ante europa and el defensor de filipinas, a periodical edited at madrid, 1899-1901 by reyes, may be mentioned here, as to aguinaldo and the revolutionary movement in general; statements therein are commonly unreliable. [153] a few are in the list of the library of congress, under political and social economy, and american occupation, 1898-1903. some may be found under the authors' names in pardo de tavera's biblioteca. [154] so also la soberanía nacional, by d. paradada, a jesuit (barcelona, 1897), cited by pardo de tavera, as "stupid." in this connection may be cited the following titles of spanish writings on the events following may, 1898, which contain some backward glances upon the earlier phases of the filipino revolution, also some spanish imprevision; juan y josé toral.--el sitio de manila (manila, 1898). josé roca de togores y saravia (secretary of council of administration of philippines).--el bloqueo y sitio de manila. v. m. concas y palau.--causa instruida por la destrucción de la escuadra de filipinas y entrega del arsenal de cavite. notas taquigráficas (madrid, 1899). isern.--del desastre nacional y sus causas (madrid, 1899). luis morero jerez.--los prisioneros españoles en poder de los tagalos (manila, dec., 1899). carlos ria-baja (a prisoner of the filipinos).--el desastre filipino (barcelona, 1899). antonio del rio (a prisoner, spanish governor of laguna province).--sitio y rendición de santa cruz de la laguna (manila, 1899). el capitan verdades (juan de urquía).--historia negra (barcelona, 1899). joaquín d. duran (a friar prisoner).--episodios de la revolución filipina (manila, 1900). ulpiano herrero y sampedro (a prisoner).--nuestra prisión en poder de los revolucionarios filipinos (manila, 1900). graciano martinez (a friar prisoner).--memoria del cautiverio (manila, 1900). c. p. (carlos peñaranda).--ante la opinión y ante la historia (madrid, 1900); a defense of admiral montojo. bernardino nozaleda (archbishop of manila).--defensa obligada contra acusaciones gratuitas (madrid, 1904); especially for communications to blanco, 1895-96, in re katipunan, etc. [155] first published under the title la insurrección en filipinas (madrid, 1897), but the later volume, covering also the events of late 1897 and 1898 and the war with the united states, is more complete. [156] memoria dirigida al senado por el capitán general d. fernando primo de rivera y sobremonte acerca de sa gestión en filipinas. agosto de 1898 (madrid, 1898). pp. 121-158 cover the biak-na-bató negotiation. [157] e.g., in his reseña verídica (only signed, not written by him), an english translation of which appears in congressional record, xxxv, appendix, pp. 440-445. [158] see congressional record, xxxv, part 6, pp. 6092-94, for english translations with explanatory notes. see also senate document no. 208, 56th congress, 1st session, part 2, for the documents showing the discussion of the junta of filipinos at hongkong in february and may, 1898, relative to the biak-na-bató money payments and the obligations thereby contracted toward the spanish government. when the philippine insurgent records now in manuscript in the war department, edited by captain j. r. m. taylor, are published, all the captured documents on this and later matters will be brought together. [159] the same as has frequently been cited as the program of reforms promised by primo de rivera, or even as being contained in an actual treaty. such statements have usually been reproduced from foreman or directly from insurgent proclamations. it is notable that in these (e.g., that of the la junta patriótica, hongkong, april, 1898) it is only declared that primo de rivera "promised" these reforms, and that he himself would remain in the philippines during a three-year "armistice," as a guarantee that the reforms would be carried out. [160] the document cited by foreman (2nd ed., pp. 546-547; 3rd ed., pp. 397-398), read in the cortes in 1898, was not the final agreement and the terms of payment are incorrect. it is either spurious, or was superseded by the document, number 5 (of the same date) published in the congressional record, ut supra. this appears to have been the only document in aguinaldo's possession bearing the signature of primo de rivera, and it is merely a program prescribing the movements of the rebel chiefs from december 14 on, terms of payments, surrender of arms, amnesty, etc. [161] memoria, p. 125, cablegram of october 7, 1896. [162] a slightly modified copy of this appeal is quoted by primo de rivera (memoria, pp. 140-141), and in senate document no. 208, pt. 2, pp. 2, 3. the writer has a copy taken from one of the originals. [163] pardo de tavera remarks (rept. phil. comm., 1900, ii, p. 396) that someone "forgot he had this sum of money in his pocket." [164] paterno has apparently given to foreman a partial version of the transaction for the latter's 1906 edition. therein foreman comes around to imply that there was, after all, no "treaty" about reforms, but he is still very much confused as to the money payments, etc., and almost every sentence contains an inaccuracy. he appears to have seen the diario de las sesiones de cortes, at least for one or two speeches on this subject in 1898, when there were heated debates on philippine matters in the cortes, but it is strange he never consulted primo de rivera's detailed account of the affair. [165] it was declared, however, in the press of spain that aguinaldo projected a residence in europe and had started for paris when consul-general pratt found him at singapore in april, 1898. [166] the change of spanish administration in october, 1897, bringing the liberals again into power, with moret, who had proposed secularization of education in 1870, as colonial minister, was another reason for expecting liberal measures in the philippines as well as in cuba. it was this new ministry which urged primo de rivera to conclude the biak-na-bató negotiation speedily. one of the indications that the biak-na-bató documents in the war department, above cited, were "doctored" in some particulars is the insertion in paterno's letter to aguinaldo of aug. 9, 1897, of a reference to moret being minister; the change of cabinet in madrid occurred two months later. [167] see the memoria, pp. 159-176, on reforms. in a temperate, judicial way his discussion of the friars, from experience as governor-general from 1881-83 and during the insurrection, is perhaps the severest arraignment they could receive, above all since it came from a man appointed by a conservative administration. [168] see the memoria, pp. 144-154. the incident is related in various tones by other writers. [169] see the pamphlets, reprinting articles from two of these periodicals: juan caro y mora, la situación del país (manila, 1897), series in la oceanía española; and el gran problema de las reformas en filipinas planteado por el español, periódico diario de manila (manila, 1897). these articles appeared while the biak-na-bató negotiation was pending, and with full official sanction; but they touched the religious question only very cautiously, and mostly to defend the friars. the articles of caro y mora especially merit consideration in connection with the study of spanish administration in its last stage. [170] see especially el liberal, of madrid. the writer has a copy of a broadside dated at madrid jan. 26, 1898, exposición elevada á sa majestad la reina regente sobre la insurrección en filipinas, by vital fité, a spanish journalist, once provincial governor in the philippines. it represents friar-rule as the chief grievance, but recites also abuses and defects of administration. [171] see j. pellicena y lopez, los frailes y los filipinos (manila, 1901). [172] an earlier indication of the friars' fear of coming reforms is the pamphlet, filipinas. estudios de algunos asuntos de actualidad (madrid, 1897), by eduardo navarro, procurator of augustinians, who advocates "reform" by means of "a step backward." [173] as, e.g., does pellicena y lopez, in los frailes y los filipinos, to prove that separation was not the aim of the propagandists. the citation from del pilar's soberanía monacal (paragraph v), is almost identical with the paragraph of the 1888 petition to the queen, quoted already. [174] the author of the preliminary report of the schurman commission, nov. 2, 1899, must simply have blindly followed foreman and must have somewhat misunderstood his filipino informants, in order to make these remarkable statements (report, i, pp. 169, 172): "this movement [rebellion of 1896] was in no sense an attempt to win independence, but was merely an attempt to obtain relief from abuses which were rapidly growing intolerable." "now [june, 1898] for the first time arose the idea of independence [in aguinaldo's camp]." [175] a quite sufficient answer, if there were not plenty of others, to dr. schurman's statements quoted above is afforded by this passage in a proclamation of aguinaldo as magdalo at old cavite (kawit), oct. 31, 1896 (castillo y jimenez, el katipunan, pp. 298-302): "the revolutionary committee addresses to all filipino citizens who love their country a general call to arms for the proclamation of filipino liberty and independence as [a matter of] right and justice, and the recognition of the new revolutionary government established by the blood of its sons." and, on the same date, in a proclamation outlining a rough revolutionary organization of cavite province and each of its towns, he says: "filipinas witnesses today a fact unprecedented in its history: the conquest of its liberty and of its independence, the most noble and lofty of its rights." yet, in march, 1897, aguinaldo discussed in the correspondence with the jesuit superior, as already mentioned, the reforms he thought the country asked, and expressly disclaimed for the revolutionists the aim for independence. so also his proclamations and interviews on leaving for hongkong after the pact of biak-na-bató (see la política de españa en filipinas, viii, pp. 46, 47). however, in a letter to fray tomas espejo (undated, but written probably in january, 1898), aguinaldo says: "a great work is this, which demands great sacrifices, followed by the shedding of quantities of blood. but what matters that, for it is very little compared to the sublime and holy end which we hold before ourselves in attempting to take arms against españa. for this we have resolved to sacrifice our lives until we shall hear issue from the mouths of our compatriots, the blessed phrase 'all hail, filipinas! forever separated from españa and conquered through the heroism of their inhabitants.'" (la política de españa, viii, p. 44).--eds. [176] see sastrón's account of biak-na-bató in chapters v and vi of his insurrección en filipinas for some fragments of documents on this subject. [177] a royal decree of jan. 22, 1784, by carlos iii, declared the ex-jesuits competent to acquire and hold property; and, in the case of those secular coadjutors who had married, to bequeath their property to their heirs. that monarch died in 1788; and was succeeded by his eldest son, as carlos iv. in oct. 1797, the government learned that the spanish ex-jesuits were determined to return to spain, on account of the persecutions and even death which menaced them in the genoese territories, owing to a change in the government there, and that some of them had already reached the spanish ports; it therefore decided that they should be allowed to remain in the country, but must live in certain abandoned convents. the jesuits objected to this, and finally the government permitted them (1798) to retire freely to the homes of their families or into any convents they might choose, save that they were not allowed to reside in madrid or other royal seats. "many ex-jesuits returned to their fatherland, and others decided to remain in italia; but this situation did not last long, for in the year 1801 another decree was issued condemning them anew to proscription." orders were given that within one week all jesuits should leave their homes and present themselves at alicante or barcelona, where new orders would be given them. some fathers advanced in years were allowed to remain in spain; but all the rest were for the second time shipped to italy, where they suffered great hardship. in 1808 the spanish government felt more leniently toward these unfortunate exiles, considering, moreover, the difficulty of furnishing their pensions, and the fact that all those moneys were thus taken out of spain to foreign countries, to find their way ultimately into the hands of her enemies; and a royal decree by fernando vii, dated nov. 15, 1808, granted permission to those jesuits who desired to return to spain, with the same pension which they had been receiving. after the war between spain and france was ended, urgent requests were made to fernando vii by various personages prominent in ecclesiastical, educational, and municipal affairs that he would reëstablish in his dominions the society of jesus; and permission was given by a royal decree dated may 9, 1815, for the jesuits to have houses in the towns and cities which had asked for them. a year later, after various preparations for this change had been made by the government, another decree extended the reëstablishment to all the towns where the jesuits had formerly had their institutions. "in virtue of this, all the spanish jesuits who were residing in italy returned to españa, at the expense of the court. all these decisions were adopted in españa in fulfilment of the bull of pius vii dated aug. 7, 1814, solicitudo omnium ecclesiarum, by which the jesuits were reëstablished in all the catholic countries--that of clement xiv, which decreed the extinction of the order, being thereby annulled. [177a] not five years had passed after the reëstablishment of the society of jesus in españa when, the revolution of 1820 having been successful, the cortes assembled; and the spanish monarch, by decree of september 6 in that same year, again suppressed the [jesuit] institute, together with the other monastic orders, allowing the jesuits, however, liberty to reside in españa. fernando communicated to his holiness the above decision, and pius vii replied in a letter of september 15, expressing the displeasure with which he had received the tidings; but in 1823, the constitutional government having been destroyed, the regency issued a decree on june 11, reëstablishing the society and the rest of the regular orders in the same condition in which they were before march 7, 1820. fernando vii died on sept. 29, 1833, and the civil war began; and on july 17, 1834, occurred the lamentable massacre [177b] of the jesuits and other religious. by royal decree of july 4, 1835, the society of jesus was anew declared extinguished; and its property was ordered to be sold, in order to apply the product thereof to the extinction of the public debt. in spite of this decision, the jesuits remained established in españa; and it was necessary, in the last revolutionary period, to issue the decree of oct. 12, 1868, suppressing the society of jesus in the peninsula and the adjacent islands; and commanding that within the space of three days all their colleges and institutions should be closed, and possession be taken of their temporalities in the form provided on this point by the royal decree of july 4, 1835. to these provisions were added this, that the individuals of the suppressed society might not again reunite in a body or a community, nor wear the garb of the order, nor be in any way subordinate to the superiors of the order who existed either within or without españa, those who were not ordained in sacris remaining subject in all matters to the ordinary civil jurisdiction. but the realization of this measure was ephemeral; for when the constitution of june 5, 1869, was published, the right of every person was declared--and repeated in the constitution of june 30, 1876--to associate with others for all the purposes in human life which are not opposed to public morals; and, by favor of this liberty, the individuals of the society of jesus considered themselves authorized to form an association and found anew colleges and houses in the spanish dominions." a brief of pope leo xiii, dated july 13, 1886, finally reëstablished the society of jesus throughout the world, and abrogated that of clement xiv which in 1773 suppressed the order. the pope took occasion to express this permission in the warmest and most forcible terms; and "the rehabilitation of the society of jesus could not have been more complete or more satisfactory." "it is pleasant to observe that, after three centuries of strife, the principle of authority has triumphed." (danvila, reinado de carlos iii, iii, pp. 613-625.) [177a] a letter from mariano fernandez folgueras, dated manila, aug. 18, 1819, mentions the decrees of fernando vii by which the society of jesus is to be established throughout spanish dominions, and promises obedience to the royal orders. [177b] an epidemic of cholera was raging in madrid, and some malicious persons persuaded the common people that it was caused by the friars having poisoned the water. a mob broke into the jesuit convents and murdered many of the inmates; and over a hundred friars were killed for the same reason. [178] this constitution was partly printed at london, at the london printing press, no. 25 khulug st., in both spanish and tagálog. those parts printed (the ends, duties of the members, and the general rules) contain some changes from rizal's ms. preceding the constitution proper is the membership pledge to the liga. it is as follows: "number ... to ... of ... i ... of ... years of age, of ... state, profession ..., as a chosen son of filipinas, declare under formal oath that i know and entirely understand the ends aimed at by the liga filipina, whose text appears on the back of the present. therefore, i submit myself, and of my own accord petition the chief ... of this province, to admit me as a member and coworker in the same, and for that purpose i am ready to unconditionally lend the necessary proofs that may be demanded of me, in testimony of my sincere adhesion!" the ends of this printed text are the same as those of the ms. the motto is the same, and there is also a place for a countersign. the duties of the members are somewhat changed, the changes being as follows: "1. he shall pay two pesos for one single time, as an entrance fee, and fifty centimos as monthly fee, from the month of his entrance. 2. with the consciousness of what he owes to his fatherland, for whose prosperity and through the welfare that he ought to covet for his parents, children, brothers and sisters, and the beloved beings who surround him, he must sacrifice every personal interest, and blindly and promptly obey every command, every order, verbal or written, which emanates from his council or from the provincial chief. 3. he shall immediately inform, and without the loss of a moment, the authorities of his council of whatever he sees, notes, or hears that constitutes danger for the tranquillity of the liga filipina or anything touching it. he shall earnestly endeavor to be sincere, truthful, and minute in all that he shall have to communicate. 4. he shall observe the utmost secrecy in regard to the deeds, acts, and decisions of his council and of the liga filipina in general from the profane, even though they be his parents, brothers and sisters, children, etc., at the cost of his own life, for this is the means by which the member will obtain what he most desires in life." articles 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 are the same. the general rules of the printed version are as follows: "in order that the candidate may be admitted as a member to the liga filipina, he must possess morality, good habits, not have been proceeded against justifiably as a robber, shall not be a gambler, drunkard, or libertine. the candidate must solicit and petition his entrance from a member; and the latter shall communicate it to his fiscal, for the investigations that must be made in regard to his conduct." on dec. 30, 1903, a monument was erected to rizal, to his companions, and to other founders of the liga filipina by the village of tondo, on a site given by timoteo paez, one of the members of the liga. on the monument is the following inscription: "remember [this word in english, the rest in spanish]. facing this site and at house no. 176 ilaya st., dr. rizal founded and inaugurated on the night of july 3, 1892, the liga filipina, a national secret society, with the assistance and approval of the following gentlemen: founder, dr. rizal; shot. board of directors--president, ambrosio salvador; arrested. fiscal, agustin de la rosa; arrested. treasurer, bonifacio arevalo; arrested. secretary, deodato arellano; first president of the national war katipunan society; arrested. members--andres bonifacio; supreme head of the katipunan, who uttered the first warcry against tyranny, august 24, 1896. mamerto natividad; seconded, in nueva écija, the movement of andres bonifacio, august 28, 1896; shot. domingo franco; supreme head of the liga filipina; shot. moises salvador; venerable master of the respected lodge, balagtas; shot. numeriano adriano; first guard of the respected lodge, balagtas; shot. josé a. dizon; venerable master of the respected lodge, taliba; shot. apolinario mabini; legislator; arrested. ambrosio rianzares bautista; first patriot of '68; arrested. timoteo lanuza; initiator of the manifestation for the expulsion of the friars in 1888; arrested. marcelino de santos; arbitrator and protector of la solidaridad, the filipino organ in madrid; arrested. paulino zamora; venerable master of the respected lodge, lusong; deported. juan zulueta; member of the respected lodge, lusong; died. doroteo ongjunco; member of the respected lodge, lusong; owner of the house. arcadio del rosario; orator of the respected lodge, balagtas; arrested. timoteo paez; arrested."--epifanio de los santos. see retana's account of the liga in nuestro tiempo for aug. 10, 1905, pp. 202-211. he says mistakenly that the constitution was printed in hong-kong. [179] this was fernando primo de rivera, whose term ended april 11, 1898. [180] the consejo de ministros is the council formed by the ministers of the various departments, in order to discuss the most important and arduous matters, or for the purpose of working harmoniously in the discharge of their respective duties. the sovereign presides, or the minister chosen as chief of the cabinet, who is called president of the council of ministers. these councils are ordinary and extraordinary, according as they are held periodically or when demanded by circumstances. thus the meetings of the council are analogous to those of the cabinet of the united states. see dic. encic. hisp.-amer., v, p. 823. [181] i.e., "dumb dogs not able to bark," a portion of isaias lvi, 10. [182] the spanish cortes is made up of the senate (senado) and the congress (congreso), and in them, together with the king, resides the legislative power, according to the constitution of 1876. the present cortes is the outgrowth of the cortes formerly assembled by the king before the adoption of the constitution, or rather it is the substitute that has supplanted them; for the inherent principle today is that sovereignty resides in the nation instead of the king. see dic. encic. hisp.-amer., v, pp. 1166, 1167. [183] see ante, pp. 195-201. see also north american review, august, 1901, "the katipunan of the philippines," by col. l. w. v. kennon, p. 212; and primo de rivera's memorial. [184] the original is carbonario, a word used to indicate the member of a secret society, or the society itself. it is from the italian carbonaro, literally coal or charcoal dealer, and its origin is the secret political sect of italy, formed early in the nineteenth century, with the avowed purpose of destroying tyranny and establishing freedom. [185] the first filipino freemason lodge in the philippines was founded in cavite about 1860 by two spanish naval officers under the name of luz filipina. it was established under the auspices of the gran oriente lusitana, and was in correspondence with the portuguese lodges at macao and hong-kong. gradually other lodges were established and natives and mestizos were admitted to membership. the "gran oriente" of the text is the spanish division of the order, spain and portugal having split into two divisions after 1860. it is claimed by catholics that the katipunan was the fighting branch of the masonic order. it is probably true that it borrowed some few things from freemasonry in matters of form, but there the analogy seems to end. for the friar viewpoint of masonry in spain and the philippines, see navarro's algunos asuntos de actualidad (madrid, 1897), pp. 221-277; and pastells's la masonización de filipinas. sawyer's account (inhabitants of the philippines, pp. 79-81) is very inadequate. [186] i.e., "it is better to die than to federate." [187] this passage (1 machabees, iii, 59), reads in the english douay version: "for it is better for us to die in battle, than to see the evils of our nation, and of the holies." [188] i.e., "as long as i am the apostle, i shall honour my ministry," a portion of romans, xi, 13. [189] in the ayer collection is a document dated manila, january 17, 1888, by one candido garcia, a native filipino, an inhabitant of san felipe neri, in which he complains against the friar parish priest gregorio chagra, o.s.f., who has endeavored to have him deported as anti-spanish. the reason of this is because garcia had complained that the friar disobeyed the law in regard to burials as well as other laws. he also accuses the friars of not wishing to have the filipinos learn spanish, as they desire them to have no communication with spaniards. he thus charges the friars with disobedience and disloyalty. [190] a brief statement by the pope of errors condemned in 1864, and known under the title syllabus errorum. it was appended to the encyclical quanta cura, condemning eighty doctrines, which it calls "the principal errors of our times." these heresies had all previously been pointed out by pius ix in consistorial allocutions, and encyclical and other apostolic letters. it is a protest against atheism, materialism, and other forms of infidelity. it condemns religious and civil liberty, separation of church and state, and preëminence of the church of rome. see philip schaff's creeds of christendom (new york, 1877), i, pp. 128-134 and ii, pp. 213-233 (this last the latin and english text of the syllabus.) [191] we have taken the reading of the english douay version. translated directly from the spanish, this verse reads: "if you be reproached for the name of christ, you will be blessed; for the honor, glory, and virtue of god, and his own spirit rest upon you." [192] bartolomé de las casas or casaus, who was born in sevilla in 1474, and died in madrid, in july, 1569, and because of his great exertions for the indians called the "apostle of the indies." much has been written concerning this romantic and sincere character of early american history. he wrote various books, some of which have been published. mr. ayer of chicago possesses one volume in ms. of his three-volume historia general de indias. this history (covering the years 1492-1520) was begun in 1527 and completed in 1559. [193] aguinaldo states that after he had been driven to the mountains in may, 1897, he established a republic. see north amer. rev., august, 1901, p. 212. see also the constitution of the so-called republic in constitución política de la republica filipina promulgada el dia 22 de enero de 1899 (1899). [194] see ante, p. 176. [195] this is psalm 34 in the douay version, but, as here, 35, in the vulgate, and common english versions. psalm 9 in the douay version is equivalent to 9 and 10 in the other versions. after verse 21 in the douay version is the sub-head "psalm according to the hebrews," and the following verses are numbered from unity. the vulgate has the same heading, but regards the subject-matter as a new psalm. [196] we follow the douay version to the word "good" (psalm 34, 11, and part of 12). the rest of the passage we translate directly, as it has no exact equivalent in this psalm. the direct translation of the first two clauses of the spanish is "unjust witnesses have risen up, and charged me with things of which i am ignorant." [197] i.e., "let another praise thee, and not thy own mouth," the first half of proverbs xxvii, 2. [198] in the douay version this verse reads: "for so is the will of god, that by doing well you may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men." [199] the douay version reads: "but we renounce the hidden things of dishonesty, not walking in craftiness, nor adulterating the word of god; but by manifestation of the truth commending ourselves to every man's conscience, in the sight of god." the last clause above is evidently taken from 2 cor. i, 12. [200] a reference to matthew, v, 13-16. [201] the first reference is to psalm cviii, 2 (douay version) but cxix, common english version. the second reference is to 1 peter, iii, 16. neither one is an exact quotation, and hence we translate directly. [202] the cuadrilleros formerly acted as a police in the philippines. (see vol. xvii, p. 333.) the guardia civil or civil guard was created in imitation of the guardia civil of spain (the most efficient body of police of that country, and analogous to the carabinieri of italy) in 1869. (see montero y vidal, historia general, iii, p. 494.) [203] or robbers. they generally went in bands and had their retreats in the woods and hills. [204] see col. l. w. v. kennon's article in the north amer. review, for august, 1901, "the katipunan of the philippines." many other writers speak of this society, but as yet no real authentic account of it has appeared, as we are still too near it. [205] this was governor fernando primo de rivera y sobremonte, who wrote a memorial on his record in the philippines, which was published at madrid in 1898. [206] a required paper of identification carried by the natives, and for which they were taxed. [207] this was pedro alejandro paterno. [208] these three sections are as follows: 45. the entire direction of public schools, in which the youth of christian states are educated, except (to a certain extent) in the case of episcopal seminaries, may and must pertain to the civil power, and belong to it so far that no other authority whatsoever shall be recognized as having any right to interfere in the discipline of the schools, the arrangement of the studies, the taking of degrees or the choice and approval of the teachers. 47. the best theory of civil society requires that popular schools open to the children of all classes, and, generally, all public institutes intended for instruction in letters and philosophy, and for conducting the education of the young, should be freed from all ecclesiastical authority, government, and interference, and should be fully subject to the civil and political power, in conformity with the will of rulers and the prevalent opinions of the age. 48. this system of instructing youth, which consists in separating it from the catholic faith and from the power of the church, and in teaching exclusively, or at least primarily, the knowledge of natural things and the earthly ends of social life alone, may be approved by catholics. it must be understood that pius ix condemns these three sections as the entire eighty of the syllabus as errors or heresies. (see schaff's creeds of christendom, ii, pp. 224, 225.) [209] this section or error is as follows: 53. the laws for the protection of religious establishments, and securing their rights and duties, ought to be abolished: nay, more, the civil government may lend its assistance to all who desire to quit the religious life they have undertaken, and break their vows. the government may also suppress religious orders, collegiate churches, and simple benefices, even those belonging to private patronage, and submit their goods and revenues to the administration and disposal of the civil power. (see schaff's creeds of christendom, ii, pp. 226, 227.) [210] see vol. li, pp. 146, 147, note 103; and ante, pp. 83, 84, note 33. [211] the código de las siete partidas, so called because divided into seven parts, were compiled by alfonso the wise, the work of compilation beginning june 23, 1256, and being concluded probably in 1265. see dic. encic. hisp.-amer., xiv, pp. 982, 983. [212] see synopsis and extracts of the instructions given to legazpi in our vol. ii, pp. 89-100. [213] i.e., "the offscouring;" literally "worthless soul." [214] i.e., "we are made as the refuse of this world, the offscouring of all even until now," the last part of 1 cor., iv, 13. [215] this memorial is most inadequately published in the rosary magazine (a dominican periodical) for 1900, by ambrose colman, o.p. it is translated only in part, the translation often being faulty and giving a wrong meaning, and translation and synopsis not always being sufficiently indicated. [216] this "notice" does not appear in the copy printed (probably from one of the fifty copies) at the press of viuda de m. minuesa de los rios, madrid. [217] a tagálog word, meaning "that which is in partnership." [218] pacto de retrovendendo: "a certain agreement accessory to the contract of purchase and sale, by which the buyer obliges himself to return the thing sold to the seller, the latter returning to the buyer the price which he gave for it, within a certain time, or when the seller shall require it, according to the terms in which the agreement is drawn up." (diccionario of the academy, cited by dominguez.) cf. the political use of the same phrase in the treaty of zaragoza (vol. 1, p. 232). [219] the word "composition" (spanish, composición) as here used has "a technical meaning as applied to lands, and may be defined as a method by which the state enabled an individual who held its lands without legal title thereto to convert his mere possession into a perfect right of property by virtue of compliance with the requirements of law. composition was made in the nature of a compact or compromise between the state and the individual who was illegally holding lands in excess of those to which he was legally entitled, and, by virtue of his compliance with the law, the state conferred on him a good title to the lands that he had formerly held under a mere claim of title." under spanish administration, there was great confusion and uncertainty in land-titles; the laws in force were too complicated and slow in operation, and left too much power in the hands of indifferent or mercenary officials. some benefits were yielded by regulations for the composition of state lands which were in force from 1880 to 1894, and in the latter year more definite and positive provisions were made by royal decree (constituting the "public-land law" in force in the islands when occupied by the united states) for the settlement of uncertain land-titles; but in neither case were the results very satisfactory. the same may be said of the registration system known as the ley hipotecaria (or mortgage law), which in 1889 was extended to filipinas. during the period of revolution and war (1896-99) many of the land records were destroyed in the provinces, which further complicated questions of land ownership; and the u. s. philippine commission was obliged to make provision for the settlement of these by the "land registration act," which became effective on february 1, 1903. for account of its provisions and mode of operation, see the chapter on "land titles" (pp. 127-137) in official handbook of the philippines--where also is presented a more detailed account of the regulations made by the spanish laws. [220] at the foot of the last printed page is a note, evidently written by some person in the secretary's office of the council of indias (to which body this copy of the decree appears to have been sent), which reads in translation: "it came with a letter from the governor of philipinas, don joseph de basco y vargas, dated june 16, 1784, and received at the secretary's office on march 19, 1785." a penciled memorandum on the fly-leaf indicates that it was published at sampaloc, 1784. [221] by royal decree of feb. 26, 1886, the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces were restricted to judicial functions, and in others they were replaced by civil governors. [222] bernáldez, in his account (dated 1827) of "reforms needed in filipinas" (already presented in our vol. li) says of this association (fol. 29): "although in manila there is an economic society organized to promote public prosperity by means of the industries of the country, composed as it is of miscellaneous members, nominated without [their own] solicitation, and without inclination for that sort of occupation, there is little, if anything, to be expected from the activities of a body which has already gone to pieces once through its own inaction, and has been reëstablished only to comply with the sovereign's command, and not by the activity or encouragement of the citizens of filipinas themselves." [223] evidently referring to the pamphlet, noticia del origen y hechos notables de la real sociedad ... segun sus actas y documentos oficiales (manila, 1860); but this is a second edition, the first having been issued in 1855. [224] probably referring to the book the lancasterian system of education, with improvements, published (baltimore, 1821) by joseph lancaster on his newly-invented educational system (commonly known as the "monitorial"). he was an englishman, born in 1778, and a member of the society of friends; he visited the united states, where he published the above work; and his death occurred in 1838. [225] see account of this periodical in vol. li, p. 48, note 16. [226] this was paul de la gironière, a french surgeon who went to manila in 1820, and who escaped, almost by a miracle, from the massacre of foreigners by the natives in that year. he married a spanish lady of manila, the marquesa de las salinas, and spent twenty years in the islands, where he founded a colony at jala-jala, and kept a large estate under cultivation, besides performing, at various times, official functions entrusted to him by the manila government. he returned to france, where he died about 1865. he was author of a book, aventures d'un gentilhomme breton aux îles philippines (paris, 1855), which had considerable vogue, and is regarded as an interesting and in many respects valuable description of the islands, their resources and people, and social conditions there. he also wrote vingt années aux philippines (paris, 1853), of which an english abridgment was published in london soon afterward, called twenty years in the philippines. (see pardo de tavera, biblioteca filipina, pp. 185-186.) an english translation with the same title was published at new york (1854), "revised and extended by the author." [227] apparently alluding to the short-lived periodical precios corrientes de manila (1639-41); see vol. li, p. 71, note 31. [228] one of the largest and richest towns of the province of bulacán; and both town and province are renowned for various native manufactures--hats, cigar-cases, piña fabrics, and petates (i.e., mats)--of fine quality, and often very costly. see jagor's account (reisen, p. 48) of the manufacture of these cigar-cases at balivag; the fibers of which they are made are obtained from a certain species of calamus (rattar), and the cases cost from two to fifty pesos each. it appears that the word petaca comes (as does petate, "mat") from the mexican word petlatl, meaning "a mat." [229] "in 1848 were procured from london the steamers 'magallanes,' 'elcano,' and 'reina de castilla,' which were the first vessels of this class that were seen in filipinas; and to their excellent services are due the rapid transformation which was wrought in the prosperity of the country, and the repression of the piracies of the moro malays." (montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, iii, p. 87.) [230] in the archivo general de indias at sevilla are ms. reports of this society's labors for a number of consecutive years. [231] jiguilete (or xiquilite): the name given in india to the indigo shrub. the cerpentaria here mentioned is not identifiable, unless it be some other species of indigofera, several of which are cultivated in filipinas. the "vanilla" is presumably a plant described by blanco, which he calls vanilla ovalis, greatly resembling v. aromatica, except that it lacked the fragrant odor of the latter. [232] see jagor's chapter (reisen, pp. 309, 310) on the opium monopoly which was established in filipinas on jan. 1, 1844, and later continued by the spanish government, after much discussion and controversy. various arguments of policy, health, and morality were brought forward on both sides, but that which finally triumphed was evidently the one thus stated by the governor-general, "the revenue from opium is indispensable for our treasury." the use of opium in the islands was intended for the chinese residing there (being forbidder to the indians and mestizos), and then only under certain restrictions; but jagor found that, besides the 478 public opium-joints--which were "actual hotbeds of immorality, and always full of chinese"--hundreds of individuals were allowed, contrary to the law and to the intentions of the government, to smoke opium in their own houses. the revenue from opium amounted in 1860 to 98,000 escudos; in the fiscal year of 1865-66, to 140,000; and in 1866-67, to 207,000. montero y vidal cites in archipiélago filipino (published in 1886), the tariff schedule of 1874, "the importation of opium is prohibited; and only that will be allowed which, in small quantities, is destined for the pharmacies, and all that which may be imported by the lessees of the right to sell this drug to whom the treasury has granted that exclusive right in the provinces there--in which case it will pay duty according to item 80" (that is, at eight per cent). [233] a tree found in china (stillingia sebifera), which yields a substance resembling tallow, which is used for the same purpose as the latter. [234] regarding the gutta-percha industry, see official handbook of the philippines, pp. 91-95. [235] the water supply of manila is taken from the mariquina river, eight miles from the city, being pumped thence to a reservoir halfway to manila, from which it is distributed. "the works are owned by the municipality, having been largely paid for with a fund, the proceeds of a legacy, left by the will of a citizen, francisco carriedo, who died in 1743." (official handbook, p. 269.) this was one of the obras pias founded by a public-spirited citizen, francisco carriedo y peredo; he was born in the town of santander in 1690, and died at the age of 53, "having during his life conferred immense benefits on filipinas." (vindel, catálogo, i, pp. 155, 156.) [236] the botanical garden of manila was created by governor norzagaray (by decree of sept. 13, 1858); and, as a result of this, a royal decree of may 29, 1861, founded there a school o£ botany and agriculture, under the control of the governor of the islands and immediate supervision of the economic society. the locality called campo de arroceros ["the rice-dealers' field"] was set apart as a botanical garden, for the practical work of that school, with approval of the expenditures incurred by the governor for the establishment of both institutions; and the sum of 6,000 pesos a year was allowed for their maintenance. (in 1894-95, the budget included for the expenses of these two establishments the sum of 37,294 pesos.) see montero y vidal, hist. de filipinas, iii, pp. 260, 261, 317, 318. [237] worcester says of the ifugaos (ut supra, p. 829): "their agriculture is little short of wonderful, and no one who has seen their dry stone dams, their irrigating ditches running for miles along precipitous hillsides and even crossing the faces of cliffs, and their irrigated terraces extending for thousands of feet up the mountain sides, can fail to be impressed (pl. xxvi, xxxvii). when water must be carried across cliffs so hard and so broken that the ifugaos cannot successfully work the stone with their simple tools, they construct and fasten in place great troughs made from the hollowed trunks of trees, and the same procedure is resorted to when cañons must be crossed, great ingenuity being displayed in building the necessary supporting trestle-work of timber. the nearly perpendicular walls of their rice paddies are usually built of stone, although near quiangan, where the country is comparatively open and level, walls of clay answer the same purpose, and are used. the stone retaining walls are sometimes forty feet high, and so steep are the mountain sides that the level plots gained by building such walls and filling in behind them are often not more than twenty or thirty feet wide. i know of no more impressive example of primitive engineering than the terraced mountain sides of nueva vizcaya, beside which the terraced hills of japan sink into insignificance." gutenberg. the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xlviii, 1751-1765 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume xlviii preface 13 documents of 1751-1762: usurpation of indian lands by friars. fernando vi; san lorenzo, november 7, 1751 27 moro raids repulsed by visayans. [unsigned]; manila, [1755] 37 augustinian parishes and missions, 1760. pedro velasco, o.s.a.; tondo, april 16, 1760 52 later augustinian and dominican missions. antonio mozo, o.s.a.; madrid, 1763. bernardo ustáriz, o.p.; manila, 1745 59 events in filipinas, 1739-1762. [compiled from martinez de zúñiga and other writers.] 137 memorial of 1765. francisco leandro de viana; manila, february 10, 1765 197 bibliographical data 339 illustrations map of the philippine islands; photographic facsimile from original map in murillo velarde's historia de la provincia de philipinas (manila, 1749); from copy in possession of edward e. ayer, chicago frontispiece map of leyte, from original ms. of p. pagteel, in collection of charts by alexander dalrymple ([london], 1788), ii, p. 76; photographic facsimile from copy in library of congress 39 plan of the new alcaicería of san fernando, 1756; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 181 view of spanish city and fort of gammalamma, terrenate; photographic facsimile from recueil des voiages comp. indes orientales (amsterdam, 1725); iii, p. 348; from copy in library of wisconsin historical society 213 plan of the citadel of santiago at manila; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 219 map of mindanao, 1757; by nicolás norton nicols; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in archivo general de indias, sevilla 281 preface the contents of the present volume (dated 1751-65) include accounts of the missionary efforts of the augustinian and dominican orders, and events in filipinas from 1739 to the beginning of the english invasion; and the survey of the condition and needs of the islands which is presented in the memorial by the royal fiscal viana. a valuable feature in the missionary reports is the ethnological information furnished therein regarding the savage tribes of central luzón; and the self-sacrifice and devotion of the missionaries themselves appear in striking contrast with the unscrupulous greed displayed, as one of the short documents shows, in the management of the friar estates near manila. the times are troublous for the colony: several insurrections occur among the natives, the acapulco galleon of 1743 is captured by the english, the moro pirates ravage the archipelago with enormous destruction of life and property, and the spaniards are defeated by them. governor arandia attempts to establish reforms, and thus incurs much odium; he is engaged in numerous controversies, and finally dies. viana's memorial presents a vivid picture of the distressed condition of the philippine colony after the english invasion, its urgent need of relief, and the ways in which this may be accomplished. a letter by fernando vi to the manila audiencia (november 7, 1751) expresses his approval of the proceedings of auditor enriquez in pacifying the insurgent indians of certain villages near manila and in bulacan--a revolt caused by the usurpation of indian lands by the managers of the friar estates, and the fraudulent proceedings of government officials who aided such usurpation. enriquez had pacified the natives, deprived the friars of such lands as they held illegally, and distributed these among those natives who were aggrieved; he also investigated the titles by which the orders held their estates, and regulated the proper boundaries of their lands. the king also commands the manila government to exercise vigilant care for the welfare of the indians, and to notify them that in their difficulties they must have recourse to the royal fiscal for redress or aid. in a rare pamphlet published at manila in 1755, apparently written by one of the jesuit missionaries in leyte, are enumerated various instances when the raids of moro pirates against the visayan villages in 1754 are repulsed by the natives, under the direction of their spiritual guides; and one of these, the defense of palompong, is related at length. an official report (in ms.) made by the augustinian provincial (1760) shows the parishes and missions then in charge of his order in the philippines, with the population (classified as to sex, age, etc.) of each one. in the eighteenth century several important missions were conducted by the augustinians and dominicans among the savage and untamed head-hunting tribes of central luzón. those of the former order are recorded by fray antonio mozo in his noticia histórico natural (madrid, 1763); he presents much valuable information regarding those people, whose first contact with european civilization was mainly found in their intercourse with those missionaries. this begins, for the italons (now called ibilao) and abacas in 1702, when the augustinians attempt to christianize them--with fair success, considering the wildness and ferocity of those people. they also carry the gospel among the isinay, a work which the dominicans had been compelled to abandon as hopeless; and within a quarter of a century the entire tribe have been baptized and civilized by fray alejandro cacho. in 1740 these isinay missions are ceded to the dominican order. among all these wild peoples, the missionaries have introduced not only the gospel, but instruction in farming and irrigation, and supplies of cattle and plows; and, wherever possible, they have formed "reductions" or settlements of their converts, usually in localities best adapted to the cultivation of the soil. the augustinians carry on their missions among the ilocans, the tinguians, the igorots, the zambals, and the negritos--this last having stations throughout the islands; also in cebú and panay, and in china. mozo narrates the progress of these missions, but devotes much of his space to accounts of the wild tribes and their peculiar customs and beliefs; this is especially fortunate for our purpose in regard to the negritos, about whom less has been known than about the other philippine peoples, mozo's residence of three years among them rendering his observations extremely valuable. he also gave particular attention to the practices and medicines used by the natives in sickness, and to the plants which are useful therein. among these missions the most arduous, according to our writer, was that to the "apostates" and infidels who had taken refuge in a certain mountainous and densely-wooded district; these renegades and heathen dwelt together, each making the other worse. among these people were preserved many of the ancient pagan customs which the missionaries had in most places been able to extirpate; and these are described by mozo. even in this hard field, "multitudes of infidels were baptized and hundreds of apostates reclaimed." the augustinians also conduct missions in the interior of cebú and panay, where not only are the mountains rugged and the forests dense, but there are wizards among the natives who "by conversing with the demon do things which cause terror;" some account of their practices is given, as also of the converts gained by missionaries among those people. he then describes some of the medicines that are used by the natives. among these are the gall and fat of the python; a stone which, when applied to a woman's thigh, would facilitate childbirth; and a plant which intoxicates and infuriates those who go into battle. another plant temporarily paralyzes the muscular system. mozo concludes with an account of the augustinian missions in china, which does not concern our work. some account of the dominican missions in central luzón is given by bernardo ustáriz (manila, 1745) and manuel del río (mexico? ca. 1740). in paniqui the missionaries have formed within six years seven native churches, with nearly a thousand converts; they are erecting substantial wooden buildings for religious purposes, and have opened new roads and repaired old ones in order to facilitate intercourse between the provinces. a neighboring tribe of head-hunters have harassed the christian districts, but a government expedition is sent against them and checks their insolence; this success greatly increases that of the missions, to which hundreds of natives flock for instruction and baptism. río gives a more detailed account of the paniqui mission, and of its early beginnings. some of the first missionaries were poisoned by heathen savages. the most interesting feature of the dominicans' labor in this region is their opening a high-road from asingan, pangasinan, to buhay in ituy. a brief résumé of events during the period 1739-62 is compiled from the histories of the time; we have used for most of it zúñiga's narrative, copiously annotated from concepción's and others. the royal fiscal arroyo is imprisoned by governor torre, in accordance with an order issued by his predecessor; finally, the king orders restitution of the fiscal's office, salary, and confiscated goods, but this finds the unfortunate prisoner dead (1743). in the same year the english commander anson captures the acapulco galleon "covadonga," which causes heavy loss to manila. two years later, governor torre dies, after a troublous administration in which he incurs general odium. a revolt of the natives in balayan and taal is promptly quelled. torre is succeeded by the bishop of nueva caceres, juan de arrechedera, a dominican; his administration is vigorous, and he does much for the defense of manila against possible enemies. in 1747 the new archbishop of manila arrives in the islands, but arrechedera retains the office of governor. an insurrection of the natives in bohol is easily quelled. the king of spain writes conciliatory letters to the sultans of mindanao and joló, who profess friendship, but prove to be scheming and unreliable; they permit jesuit missionaries to enter their countries, but these are soon obliged to take refuge in zamboanga. a rebellion in joló obliges its ruler to flee to manila. in 1750 a new governor arrives there, francisco de ovando; he finds much to do in making the little navy of the islands effective and in equipping a squadron against the moros. he sends alimudin back to his kingdom; but at zamboanga the sultan's actions are so indicative of treachery that he and all his household are arrested and sent to manila. war is then declared against the joloans, and another expedition is sent to attack them, but the spaniards are obliged to fall back on zamboanga. this is followed by piratical ravages throughout filipinas, causing enormous losses of property, and of persons taken captive by the moros. ovando sends the captive alimudin with a fleet to restore him to the throne of joló; but at zamboanga he is suspected of disloyalty and treachery, and is sent back to manila as a prisoner. the spaniards attack the town of joló, but are repulsed; this encourages the pirates to renew their raids, and the visayan islands (and even luzón) are cruelly harried. ovando is succeeded (1754) by arandia as governor; he institutes reforms in all directions, thus drawing upon himself much animosity, in both secular and ecclesiastical quarters; and he makes treaties with the joloans. the dominican missions are reestablished in the batanes islands; and that order takes charge of the isinay missions in luzón, which are conferred on it by the augustinians. zúñiga records his opinions regarding the character of the filipino natives and the proper methods of conducting missions among them. in 1757 certain ecclesiastical controversies in tungquin are ended by decrees issued at rome. arandia expels the heathen chinese from the islands, and builds for their trade the market of san fernando. he becomes involved in numerous controversies with the religious orders, and draws upon himself much popular hatred--largely due to the acts of his favorite orendain. he makes the utmost exertions for the service of his king and the islands, and finally, worn out by these fatigues, dies (may 31, 1759), an event probably hastened by poison. the government is assumed by bishop espeleta, who even usurps it from archbishop rojo for a time; but the latter becomes governor (1761) by royal decree. he releases orendain, who had been imprisoned for his official acts, and provides comfortable quarters for the captive sultan of joló. in the following year occurs the siege and capture of manila, which will be related in vol. xlix. nearly half of this volume is occupied by the valuable memorial written in 1765 by francisco leandro de viana, then royal fiscal at manila, "demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the philipinas islands." we are told that the council of indias refused to print this document, a fact which indicates both the apathy and the corruption existing in the spanish court. viana was a man of keen and logical mind, clear and far vision, and great enthusiasm and energy; and he evidently felt a deep sense of official responsibility and ardent zeal as a spanish patriot. in this memorial he describes the weakness, danger, and almost destitution of the philippine colony, and shows the necessity of either abandoning it entirely or providing for it suitable means of support; demonstrates that the latter course should be adopted, and that it can be pursued if the natural resources of the islands are developed. viana sets forth the advantageous location of the islands from both the commercial and strategic points of view, and asserts that the english covet the islands as a vantage-point for themselves, especially as a basis for their explorations on the western coast of north america--of which, and of certain spanish explorations made in 1640, he gives some account--and for attacks on the spanish possessions in america. if spain keeps the philippines, they must be put into a condition of defense, for which viana makes various suggestions, some as less costly alternatives for others. the military forces of the islands should be enlarged, and the pay of both officers and men increased, so that they may have the means to support themselves decently. after this is accomplished, "the reduction of all the indian villages ought to be resolutely undertaken, as a matter that is absolutely essential." this would result in a great increase of the tribute-money, and in many benefits to both the government and the indian natives. viana proposes an increase in the rate of the tribute exacted from the natives, and various economies in the administration of the islands; and urges that the moros be thoroughly punished. he devotes a long chapter to "arguments which justify the increase of tributes." the expenses of administration in the islands have steadily increased since their conquest, as also have the needs of the spanish crown; yet the indians have not been further taxed to meet these demands, as have the people of spain; they should now pay their share of the burden, and, moreover, they are taxed very moderately. they are idle, improvident, and extravagant; they might be rich, if they would labor even moderately; and an increase in their tributes would require but little additional work from them, which would also help to correct their slothfulness. this vice, however, is also the bane of their spanish masters, whom viana bitterly rebukes; but he urges that the indians be compelled to do a certain amount of work, especially in agricultural production. the various rebellions of the natives of filipinas constitute another valid reason for increasing their tributes. viana declares that, in proposing this measure, he must at the same time protest against the misuse or theft of its proceeds; and he rebukes, in scathing terms, the recklessness, extravagance, and dishonesty of the spanish officials, and the unpunished corruption and misgovernment that prevail in spain's colonial administration. the increase of tributes can be secured only by maintaining in the islands a military force sufficient to punish and prevent the moro raids, and to keep the indians in wholesome awe; and the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces should be more carefully chosen and better paid. all military supplies should be kept at cavite instead of (as now) manila. as an alternative for increasing the tributes, viana suggests the establishment of church tithes, by which the royal treasury would be relieved of the heavy burden of supporting the ecclesiastical estate; or the imposition on the indians and mestizos of a tax for the support of the military posts in the provinces. part ii of viana's memorial is devoted to "navigation and commerce; the method for establishing them in these islands, and their great benefits." he begins by showing the necessity of navigation and commerce for the maintenance of every nation, which he illustrates from the history of the several european nations, deploring the neglect of these industries by the spaniards. the latter, notwithstanding the contrary claim made by the dutch, are free to navigate by way of cape of good hope; and all powers have an equal right to sail the high seas. viana enumerates the advantages of the cape good hope route for commerce--convenience, promptness, saving of expense, a wider market for the commodities of both spain and the philippines, better administration of the colony and stricter enforcement of the laws. moreover, the commerce of other european nations, especially that with mexico, could be greatly diminished, in favor of spanish trade; and the proceeds of the latter would remain among the spaniards, instead of being carried away to foreign lands and benefiting the enemies of spain. viana here, as in many other passages, laments the fatal indolence, negligence, and pride of his fellow-countrymen, which have prevented them from securing, as they might have done, the power and wealth which other nations have attained. he enumerates the valuable products of the islands, which ought to be developed and made available; chief among these are cinnamon and iron. viana sets forth his project for retrieving the condition of the islands by establishing a spanish trading company. he relates the great success, power, and wealth gained by the trading companies of the other nations; and urges that spain follow their example, and thus obtain a share of those benefits and gains. not least of these will be the awakening of the spaniards, especially the upper classes, to a more active and useful mode of life, banishing the ignorance, idleness, and vice which are so prevalent among them. for this purpose, appeal is made to the king to encourage and favor the formation of a trading company. viana advocates the establishment of shipyards in the islands, and enumerates the resources of filipinas for supporting this industry. by establishing a spanish company, many benefits could be enjoyed by the provinces of filipinas, especially in developing their resources and furnishing employment to the natives; and many valuable products of the islands are enumerated which ought to be included in their commerce. an important advantage for viana's proposed company is the friendly attitude of the peoples throughout india toward the spaniards. he finds manila's asiatic commerce now reduced to that with the chinese ports; but it should be reestablished with india, siam, and other countries. moreover, the proposed company can give new life to the acapulco trade, and compel the mexican traders to give fairer treatment and more advantageous sales to those of manila. viana remonstrates against the restrictions imposed on the commerce of the spanish colonies, which really serve only to increase the gains of foreigners. these restrictions are caused largely by influences emanating from cadiz and acapulco; the arguments alleged in favor of them are vigorously refuted by viana. in his opinion, it is the foreign merchants at cadiz who are at the bottom of the opposition to manila's commerce; and they are obtaining control of spain's wealth, and causing much more injury to her industries than can the little competition of manila. far greater is the damage caused by the fraudulent dealings of foreign merchants who sell in spain goods from china as if they were made in european countries; and by the commercial restrictions which prevent spaniards from competing with those foreigners. these injuries could largely be prevented by the proposed spanish trading company, which would also assure to spain various positive advantages; and viana suggests for that company free trade with nueva españa. no slight benefit resulting therefrom would be the great diminution of the illicit trade which the foreign nations are conducting in the spanish-american dominions. viana mentions the difficulties which that company will encounter, and proposes some measures to remedy these. one hindrance may be the jealousy of other nations; but they will not unite against spain, and, in case of war, holland and france would be inclined to side with her against the english. the greatest difficulty, however, will be the opposition of the philippine officials of the crown to the company, which may be a check to its activities; viana cleverly proposes to forestall this by entrusting to the company the government and management of the islands, the crown making over to it the tributes and customs duties. in the final chapter, he proposes to conduct the commerce of manila with nueva españa via the panama route, in case that by cape good hope prove impracticable, and sets forth its advantages; he suggests that for this purpose that route be improved, and perhaps a canal be made between the two oceans; and closes with an appeal to the spanish government for aid to this project. the editors january, 1907. documents of 1751-1762 usurpation of indian lands by friars. fernando vi; november 7, 1751. moro raids repulsed by visayans. [unsigned; 1755] augustinian parishes and missions, 1760. pedro velasco, o.s.a.; april 16, 1760. later augustinian and dominican missions. antonio mozo, o.s.a.; 1763. bernardo ustáriz, o.p.; 1745. events in filipinas, 1739-1762. [compiled from martinez de zúñiga and other writers.] sources: the first of these documents is obtained from la democracia (manila), november 25, 1901; the second, from a rare pamphlet published at manila (1755), in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago; the third, from an original ms. in possession of mr. ayer; the fourth, from mozo's noticia histórico natural (madrid, 1763), and a rare pamphlet by the dominican ustáriz, both from copies in the library of congress; the fifth, compiled from zúñiga's historia (sampaloc, 1803), pp. 546-601, and concepción's hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 89-237, fully annotated from other writers. translations: that of the third document is made by james alexander robertson; all the rest, by emma helen blair. usurpation of indian lands by friars to the president and auditors of my royal audiencia of the filipinas islands, resident in the city of manila: [1] don pedro enriquez, an auditor of that same audiencia, made a report, with sworn statements of his proceedings; of what he had done under the commission which was conferred on him by the government there for the pacification of the villages of taguig, hagonoy, parañaque, bacoor, cavite el viejo, and other places attached to them which lie near that capital, all which had revolted. [he reported that] they were pacified by merely the proclamation of a general pardon (except to the chief instigators of the revolt) which he published, and by the promise that their complaints should be heard and justice done to them; but the village of san mateo also revolted, and he proceeded to its punishment and left it in ruins, because the people had not surrendered their arms; it was, however, already [re]peopled, with inhabitants who were more numerous and of more peaceable disposition. a similar insurrection or revolt occurred in most of the villages of the province of bulacan, and these, like the former, by an agreement which they had formed by a public writing with the village of silang protested, as they afterward made evident in their petitions, against the injuries which the indians received from the managers of the estates which are owned by the religious of st. dominic and those of st. augustine, both calced and discalced--usurping the lands of the indians, without leaving them the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits; nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills near their villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture. [2] accordingly [the said auditor] determined to free them from these oppressions, [3] and decided that they should not pay various unjust taxes which the managers exacted from them. having proved to be capable in the other task assigned him, he received a commission as subdelegate judge of the adjustment of land-titles, in consequence of which he demanded from the aforesaid religious orders the titles of ownership for the lands which they possessed; and, notwithstanding the resistance that they made to him, repeatedly refusing [to obey], he distributed to the villages the lands which the orders had usurped, and all which they held without legitimate cause [4] he declared to be crown lands [realengas]--as occurred with the convent of san pablo, belonging to the calced religious of st. augustine, assigning to it [i.e., the crown] a farm for horned cattle and two caballerías of land which were supposed to belong to it, according to the testimony of the village of san mateo. he also took other measures which seemed to him proper for the investigation of the fraudulent proceedings in the measurement of the lands in the estate of biñan, which is owned by the religious of st. dominic--fraud which was committed in the year 1743 by the court clerk of that audiencia [of manila] with notable fraud and trickery, in which participated the two surveyors (appointed through ignorance or evil intent), to the grave injury of the village of silang. this had caused the disturbances, revolts, and losses which had been experienced in the above-mentioned villages. the aforesaid proceedings [by the auditor] were considered and examined with the closest attention in my council of the indias, with the decrees that were also sent by the audiencia there in the course of the proceedings in a second appeal interposed by the village of silang--decrees obtained in that suit by the natives of that village against the college of santo tomas de aquino, in regard to lands usurped [from them] and annexed to the estate of biñan, which the religious own. on the subject of the disturbance among the aforesaid indians, governor don gaspar de la torre, his successor the bishop of nueva segovia, and the provincials of the aforesaid religious orders set forth the allegations made in the name of the orders by father fray miguel vivas as their procurator-general at this court, and by father pedro altamirano, who acts in that capacity for the society of jesus for its provinces of the indias (on the point that the province of san ignacio in those islands had no share in the commotions in those villages, as was shown by various testimonies), and the explanations made by my fiscal, who was cognizant of the whole matter. it has therefore appeared expedient to me to advise you of the receipt of your letters of july 30, 1745, and july 17, 1746, and of the acts which accompany them; and to notify you that by a despatch of this date i approve, and regard as just and proper, all that was performed by the aforesaid don pedro calderon enriquez in virtue of the commission and appointment which was conferred upon him by governor don gaspar de la torre by the advice of the audiencia there, in order that he might proceed to the pacification of the insurgent villages in the jurisdictions of silang, imus and san nicolas, cavite el viejo, and the other districts which united on account of the controversy over the ownership of the lands which the religious--dominicans, and both calced and discalced augustinians--are endeavoring to keep. i also give him thanks for the judicious conduct and measures which he employed for the aforesaid pacification; and i likewise approve what he accomplished as subdelegate judge of the settlement of land-titles, in regard to the survey and boundaries of the estates which, in accordance with their legitimate titles, belong to each of those orders, in view of the more accurate and reliable information [obtained] from the interpretations of the four surveyors whom he appointed--the latter bearing in mind, to this end, the measures put into execution by the auditor ozaeta in the year 1699, in accordance with the chart printed by the pilot bueno, in his book entitled navegación especulativa y practica [5] [i.e., "navigation, theoretical and practical"] (which chart serves in those islands as the standard for the surveys)--assigning to the aforesaid religious that which belongs to them by their [legal] titles, which is the same that was ordained in the executory decree despatched by the audiencia there. i also approve what he did in adjudging to my royal crown the lands which the aforesaid religious orders had usurped, and in allotting lands to the indians for the sum of two thousand pesos, at times and terms stipulated with them. from the aforesaid investigations charges resulted against don juan monroy, court clerk of that audiencia, who was engaged in the survey and adjustment of boundaries made in those same lands of biñan in the year 1743--in which, by the declaration of the two surveyors who took part in it, is evident their ignorance of such work, and of the rules and measures [to be used]. although [sc., after?] the lands had been measured and a chart of the estates had been drawn, the computations were made by the said monroy, and the surveyors signed it, supposing that it was correct; but it was acknowledged that in that same year, later, another survey and adjustment of boundaries was made by the aforesaid court clerk and one of the said surveyors on some lands over which there were lawsuits--some, in particular, with the religious of st. augustine--in which survey there was assigned to each cattle-farm 3,024,574 square brazas of land, this being different from the previous survey, which was computed at 8,695,652 brazas. in this was proved the fraud with which the said monroy acted, in giving to the said religious more than half of the land which belonged to silang. accordingly, it has appeared to me proper to condemn him to two years' suspension from his office, and to lay upon him a fine of two thousand pesos, applied to the fund of fines paid into the royal treasury; and for this exaction there is issued, on this same date, the proper despatch to the marqués de regalía, a minister of the said my council and tribunal of the indias, and exclusive judge of rents, settlement of land-titles, and collection of fines and condemnations. by another despatch of the same date, the government of those islands is commanded to exercise hereafter the utmost vigilance in order that the indians of the said villages may not be molested by the religious, and that the latter shall be kept in check in the unjust acts which they may in future attempt against not only those indians but other natives of those islands. in this, the government must always bear in mind the reiterated commands given in the laws [of the empire], and the frequent royal decrees that have been issued, to the end that the indians shall be well treated and shall not suffer oppression or extortion; and shall direct that my fiscal there shall appear as their representative and in their defense on every occasion which shall present itself in this regard. considering how important it is that the indians shall know of the recourse which they can have when they are oppressed or ill-treated, and in their controversies, it would be very expedient that the government give them information of this, so that they may not be ignorant thereof, and that they may use these [peaceable] means without going to the extreme, as they did on this occasion, by employing armed force. for this time, my royal charity and clemency overlooks their proceedings, considering their heedless disposition; but when they shall have been advised of what they ought to do in such cases, and in others of a different nature, if they fail to use those means they shall be chastised with the utmost severity. i have resolved to notify you of this, in order that you may be acquainted with this my royal decision, and in order that, so far as you are concerned, you may make known my decree; and i command the most prompt and effective measures, to the end that it may be fully and duly carried into effect; for such is my will. dated at san lorenzo, on november 7, 1751. i the king by command of the king our sovereign: doctor josef ignacio de goyenechea [farther down on this decree were three rubricas of the lords of the royal and supreme council of the indias.] in the regular official session of the audiencia of manila, in september, 1753. the honorable president and auditors of the audiencia, being in session in the royal halls of the said court, having officially considered a royal decree dated at san lorenzo on november 7, 1751, by which his majesty (whom may god preserve) was pleased to approve what was done by the auditor don pedro calderon enriquez in the pacification of the villages which had revolted, and to command him to execute what is expressed therein, with the other provisions of the said royal despatch and the claims of the fiscal, the said president and auditors declare: that they must command and did command that the orders given by his majesty in his royal despatch be observed, fulfilled, and executed; and, in order that it may have due effect, the contents of the said royal decree shall be communicated to the reverend provincials of the holy orders of st. dominic, st. augustine, the recollects, the society of jesus, and to the prior of the convent of st. john of god, in these islands. attested copies of it shall be made, and sent to the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands, in order that, translating the decree into the language of the country, they may print it [6] and make known its contents to the natives of the said provinces, so that the indians may be informed of what is provided and ordered by his majesty in the said royal decree--the alcaldes sending to the [proper] official of the court a sworn statement that they have thus executed the decree; and likewise notifying the clerk of court, in order that, in virtue thereof, he may fulfil what is herein ordered and forbear in the exercise of his office, and may appoint a notary approved to his satisfaction so that he may be responsible for the deposit of those papers and the record of these proceedings. such were the orders and commands of the said honorable members, and they signed their names. [7] obando licentiate arzadun calderon enriquez before me: manuel de antiquia, notary and secretary. [this is a copy.] moro raids repulsed by visayans relation of the valorous defense of the bisayan natives of the village of palompong, in the island of leyte, of the province of catbalogan, in the philipinas islands, which they made against the mahometan forces of ylanos and malanaos, in the month of june, 1754. on the ninth day of the above month, about five o'clock in the afternoon, twenty-five moro joangas came into this port of palompong, with another small vessel, and entered the harbor with so little fear of being attacked by any armada that during the entire siege they left their vessels [sacayanes], high and dry, as if they were in their own land and enjoying an octavian peace. at their arrival their vessels displayed a great number of banners, streamers and pennons, all of red silk; but they did not land until the following day, at seven o'clock in the morning. so many of them landed that they numbered more than a thousand, and so boldly that they immediately surrounded and encompassed the church; and at the first attack they succeeded in burning the sacristy (over which was the dwelling of the father minister), notwithstanding it was defended with two bulwarks, and fortified by two rows of palma brava and two other rows of wooden palisades with a rampart. in this conflagration were destroyed all the furniture of the church and the house there, as also the goods of the people who had gone into the church; and the fire was so fierce that it gave no opportunity to save two lantacas, two versos, and the supplies that were stored there--gunpowder and balls, and rice for the food of the people. these took refuge in the church in great confusion and fear, at seeing themselves surrounded by so many enemies, and trying to prevent the fire--which, notwithstanding that the church was unroofed, had already caught on the ridgepole and other timbers--from going further. at the time when they burned the sacristy, the moros made five trenches very near the church, and immediately began to fire their artillery; this consisted in lantacas of various sizes, and other pieces up to the caliber of three-libra balls, as far as we could judge by the balls which were picked up. besides this, there were among them many musketeers that were very skilful, and the rest occupied themselves in hurling sumbilins and stones; and others threw a sort of wooden bar, sharp at one end, and with fire on the other; this caused much annoyance to the people, who, on account of the danger of fire, were manifestly without any protection by day or by night. on this first day there were three killed and five wounded on our side, and all by balls, for there was no special harm done by the rest of their missiles. since the moros were so numerous that they could renew their forces, they fought so continuously that they gave us no opportunity to rest night or day, so that some of our dead could not be buried until after several days. at last the women, besides providing some little food for the men, were continually occupied in drawing water to extinguish the fire, and even putting it out themselves, and in making wadding, cartouches, etc. on the second day, which was tuesday, we had two killed and five wounded; for the balls rained on us, so that in some planks which were placed on the parapet i counted as many as ten holes in each one. besides the continual fire from their trenches, the moros made two covers resembling tortoises, with two rows of planks, and under these they steadily approached the two gates which communicate with the sacristy. from the mouths of these they continually hurled fire, pieces of wood, etc., in order to burn the repairs which were made by those within, so that they could burn down the doors, in order to fire afterward a cannon from under the said tortoises, and carry away with it the entire church; but those inside frustrated the intention of the enemy by continually throwing water and dirt [on the fire]. the moros also made a bulwark, or cavalier, which overtopped the walls of the church, and through wednesday night and thursday morning they were pushing this close up to the church; but those inside, who by this time had recovered from their fear and consternation, in the midst of their total lack [of defenses], contrived to make a shelter of planks on top of the church, from which to fire a lantaca. when this was seen by the moros, they desisted from pushing their machine close to the church, but they began another piece of work which was worse; for, as the side of the church was undefended after the burning of the two bulwarks, and no one could put his head out of the window on account of the furious rain of balls and bullets, the moros stationed themselves at the foot of the wall and began to place against it a great quantity of wood, and whatever [fuel] the houses of the indians supplied them, and set fire to this at a time when a very brisk wind was blowing; this carried the flames even within the church, and, notwithstanding they incessantly threw water on the fire, many timbers were burned, and the stone sills of the church were reduced to lime and ashes. about this time they tried to scale the church on both sides, and a moro ascended up to a window; but he was thrown down by a blow in the face which was given him, and his companions who were beneath were put to flight by throwing at them pieces of stone. at this the moros were somewhat checked; and, seeing that on the side where they had made their greatest efforts to possess themselves of the church, repairs in proportion had been made within, they erected on the other side of the church two more bulwarks or cavaliers, which were higher than the first one. as fast as this was done, those within topped their walls with a parapet of molave planks; when they saw this the courage of the moros fell somewhat, and the christians were so much encouraged that on the following day (the fifteenth of the month and the fifth of the blockade) they made a sally, scorning the firearms of the enemies, especially the guns, of which those within were entirely destitute. in this sally the captain of the village killed a moro with a lance-thrust, and the rest took to flight. a drum and three shields were captured from them, but the christians did not dare to go very far for fear of some ambush. on retreating, and trying to enter by a very narrow gate, the moros charged upon them with a shower of sumbilins, and a shot from a lantaca at a distance of four brazas, when the unconquerable st. xavier so well defended his children that not even one of them was wounded. on another day those within again made a sally, and the moros did not dare to face them; consequently the christians were able to destroy their machines. they again made a sally on monday, but not only did the moros refuse to fight, but even in haste dragged out their boats, which were still on dry land; and vigorously rowing, with some of their boats flying a black flag, they quietly left the harbor, directing their course toward carigara. as for the moros, it is known with certainty that those slain in this siege are forty-six who were shot, and three killed with sumbilins; and one from a lance-thrust. the number wounded is not known, nor is that of those who were killed at night, but certainly it would be a great number, because their fiercest attacks were always made at night; and as there were so many of them, and on our side a continual fire of lantacas with almost marvelous success in their shots, we do not doubt that a much greater number would be killed by night than by day. it is certain that after the moros had gone all these shores were full of corpses; and it is known by captives who made their escape that the moros, after they had gone away, proceeded to throw many of the wounded into the waters of the bay. it is also known through the captives that the moros, astonished at such destruction, asked not only each other but the captives how it could be that in hilongos, which is a large village, they had lost so few men, and in palompong, so small a village, they had lost so many. besides those who were killed and wounded by the gunshots, it is known that many were wounded by certain poisoned darts which they call borot, [8] and doubtless many were rendered useless by their wounds. throughout this siege has been manifestly visible the power and protection of st. francis xavier, the patron of the village; it is not the least argument for this with me that this people in the absence of the father minister--who everywhere is usually the soul of the community, and whose presence is more necessary here on account of the disunited condition of the natives, who, as forming a new village, are of various factions, with continual jealousies--nevertheless could be encouraged to enter the church, when it is a fact that, left to themselves, they have a sort of aversion and horror of being shut in. another evidence is, that in the burning of the sacristy god in his lofty judgments permitted that the fire, although so fierce, was not communicated to the church; nor did it cause in those people the horror which usually impels them irresistibly to flee even from less dangerous fires. the third, that inside the church water was obtained with such facility that throughout the blockade it was not lacking, although they were continually drawing it in order to put out the fire; while in the deepest old wells, on an occasion when they were making repairs, i have noticed that the water failed many times. and for stronger evidence that it did not fail in the time of the siege (although it was a time of drought), after the siege, although it rained heavily, i did not see any water in the five wells which they made inside the church. fourth, that although in the fire there were hardly saved, in the judgment of all, some twenty cavans of rice, that scanty provision was sufficient for one hundred and thirty-five men, and some two hundred women and children, during the nine days of the siege. fifth, that although in the said fire hardly four gantas, or zelemins, of gunpowder were saved, and the fire of the lantacas was continual by day and night, that supply was enough for the same number of days; for several persons have assured me that on three successive days there was not in their opinion more powder than enough for one day, and on the next day the amount that had been used was not missed. the sixth, that the bisayans, who when left to themselves are so given to sleep, did not sleep an instant throughout the time of the siege. seventh, that although they saw the wounded and dead beside them it made no greater impression on them than if it were a representation in a comedy. eighth, when many of those who talked most valiantly had decided, in view of the lack of provisions and gunpowder, to leave the place and flee to the woods, on three successive nights, when they tried after prayers to open a door, they could never succeed in opening it before daylight. in this determination to go away many of the women were ready to die rather than surrender themselves to such a rabble, and on this account they had been armed in order that, by defending themselves, they might more easily meet death; and there was a man who had determined to kill his wife and children rather than see them in the power of enemies so cruel to soul and body. notwithstanding all this, they never failed in the strong hope that their illustrious patron, st. francis xavier, would not abandon them. he was continually invoked, and his image was carried in procession by those who were not occupied with the defense; and this confidence increased on friday (a day which so belonged to that saint), because on that day the face of st. xavier's image was seen to be very smiling and joyous, a certain omen of victory. greater than ever was their confidence in the saint's protection on sunday, when, although their provisions were so short and the enemy was seen in every direction, all believed that on the next day before noon they would find themselves free from the siege, for the very reason that it seemed impossible for them to maintain their position any longer. they asked this from their glorious patron with a promise of a novenary; and the saint made full response to their confidence, delivering his children from the siege on monday morning. with the departure of the moros, the people were left in great anxiety whether they would come back, as they were wont to do; for there was absolutely nothing to eat, and no place in which to find food, because the moros had gone about ravaging and destroying all the grain-fields that they found. the people therefore are entirely destitute, suffering terribly from hunger, and without having any means with which to find food. for neither cotton, nor abaca, nor woven cloth were left for the women; and the men, besides seeing their grain-fields and boats destroyed, had no implements with which to cultivate the earth, or to fish in the sea. of those who fled to the hills there were seventeen captured and nine slain, and there was one moro killed. the moros were on the march and went as far as the vicinity of ogmuc, following the christians who were retreating. finally, it is known by the captives who escaped that the chief dato went away from here wounded in the face with a ball, and their chief pandita was dying from a wound in his bowels. particular relation should be made of this valorous defense for being distinguished and aided, as is evident from its occurrences, by the powerful arm of the highest; and therefore the glorious defenses of other villages which, with warning to the moros, are celebrating the triumph of their bravery, i will reduce to a brief summary, which will thus make the memory of these eternal, without wearying the public with a diffuse account of their circumstances. in the month of february of this year, the moros, elated at the destruction of some little villages on that coast of the island [of leyte] opposite carigara, attacked the important village of hilongos. there were some two thousand of them, and they besieged the place for eleven days; but the natives of the village, encouraged by the presence and advice of their father minister, who was with them, made various sallies to hinder the formation of the enemy's trenches; and they repulsed his assaults with the death of many mahometans, without losing even one of our men in so frequent encounters. in the month of may of the same year, four joangas made port at the island of marinduque, with more than two thousand moros, and for a week they besieged the little fort of the village of gazang, which was defended by its natives from repeated assaults, under the judicious management of their courageous father minister; and the mahometans, not carrying out their depraved intentions, smothered their fury, ravaging and sacking whatever they found outside the precincts of the said fort. during the continual fighting of those days, the moros had more than ninety killed, and many more were wounded; while on our side there was no more than one killed, and another one wounded. the moros who went away unsuccessful from marinduque sent eight joangas to the island of luban, where they landed thinking that they would find very little resistance; but the father cura and the alcalde-mayor, with a few people who hastily gathered about them, defended themselves from behind a palisade which they had formed, with so notable intrepidity that with only the firearms of the alcalde-mayor they killed seven moros; and, sallying from the trenches, they fell upon the enemies until they compelled them to a shameful flight. a squadron of more than twenty joangas of the mahometans almost at the same time attacked the village of antiqui in the island of panay; but they experienced a vigorous resistance from its inhabitants, which originated from the fiery spirit and persuasions of their father prior. the same thing happened to another squadron of the same or greater number in the island of cuyo, the natives of which, with their father prior, not only defended themselves in their fort, but in a glorious sortie on the moros--who were terrified, as was proved by the weapons and armor which the indians secured as spoil. twice was the village of ylog, the chief town on the island of negros, attacked by thirty joangas of moros, but on both occasions their designs were frustrated, with notable loss to their hosts; this was attained through the noble intrepidity of the natives, urged on by the fiery courage and direction of their father minister; and the moros, seeing themselves attacked by the besieged, left several of their companions lying on the ground in the haste and confusion with which they embarked in their joangas, the moorings of which they cut in order to hasten their flight. on the twenty-fifth of july, the day of the illustrious patron of the spains, st. james the apostle, fifty boat-loads of moros arrived at the important village of catbalogan, and, divided into two bands, attacked the village on both sides. one of these parties gained possession of a high hill from which their lantacas dominated the fort, in which was enclosed the house and church of the [jesuit] college; the other party attacked on the side of the village, and for a week the rest of the moros hurled on it continual attacks; but all these were repelled with singular courage. the moros therefore, many of them having perished with their dato, the chief in command of the squadron, withdrew the rest of their forces, making the boast that they would return with a stronger force to avenge their injuries. the moros then proceeded to the village of calviga, which is situated on the same coast up the river, about half a legua from the shore, where some three hundred of them landed. these, on leaving their vessels, marched toward the village, regarding themselves as certain of taking it; but the natives, by the instruction of their father minister, waited for the enemy until they came within range of a cannon-shot. thus they secured the effective fire of their lantacas, with which they killed fifteen moros; and this alone was enough to make the enemy turn in precipitate flight. from here they went to the village of boad, which was on an island near by called palasan; and although they besieged it for three days, with redoubled efforts in their assaults, when they saw the vigorous resistance that was made by the natives and their father minister they retreated, balked in their intentions. about the month of september, in the province of albay the moros found their arrogance defeated by the union which was formed among the natives in three villages, under the conduct of an ardent franciscan; and by main force the natives compelled the enemy to go away from the province, rebuffed. last of all, the two villages ynitao and lubungan, on the northern coast of the island mindanao, especially experienced the fierce attacks of the mahometans on four occasions, when they sustained continuous assaults, repulsing them with vigorous sallies, and inflicting heavy punishment, with evident losses, on the moros. [9] by this brief narration it is clearly proved that, although these favorable results have not preserved the villages from the ravaging of their fields and other injuries, at least their inhabitants were delivered from slavery; [10] while, on the contrary, those who through cowardice did not make valorous resistance to the mahometan enemy have not only lost their goods, but they groan in captivity, unless they have been delivered by the victorious arms of his majesty. and thus the natives of this archipelago, arousing their own courage by the fortunate successes of their countrymen, can take example therefrom in order to avoid misfortunes in the future. [11] augustinian parishes and missions, 1760 report of the villages, tributes, those exempted by age and sickness, unmarried men and girls, schools for boys and girls, infants, missions, catechumens, and those newly baptized, of the provinces and ministries of the order of our father st. augustine, in these philipinas islands, this present year of 1760. ------------------------------------------------------------------------- provinces | villages | tributes of men and women | | | exempt | | | | young men | | | | | young women | | | | | | escolapios [12] | | | | | | | young children | | | | | | | | spaniards, | | | | | | | | men and | | | | | | | | women -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------tondo |tondo |1,810 | 500| 450| 868| 1,400| 1,904| 35 |passig |1,520 | 490| 400| 600| 1,310| 1,450| 0 |taguiig | 700 | 308| 204| 310| 600| 702| 3 |parañaque |1,025 | 330| 300| 400| 820| 1,090| 6 |malate | 512 | 162| 135| 200| 416| 640| 2 |tambobong |1,650 | 500| 510| 650| 1,130| 1,710| 12 |-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+---------- | total |7,217 |2,290|1,999|3,028| 5,676| 7,496| 58 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------bulacan |bulacan |1,250 | 380| 450| 580| 1,000| 1,150| 12 |guiguintô | 300 | 52| 80| 100| 125| 280| 0 |bigaa | 450 | 146| 162| 200| 350| 600| 0 |angat | 622 | 160| 220| 316| 502| 916| 2 |baliuag |1,000 | 317| 372| 500| 910| 1,320| 0 |quingua | 800 | 290| 310| 346| 614| 1,192| 1 |calumpit | 550 | 140| 150| 210| 300| 718| 0 |hagonoy | 750 | 240| 300| 390| 630| 1,030| 0 |paombong | 250 | 70| 60| 90| 110| 250| 0 |malolos |1,300 | 425| 520| 625| 1,000| 1,154| 0 |-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+---------- | total |7,272 |2,220|2,624|3,357| 5,541| 8,610| 15 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------balayan |taal | 800 | 106| 250| 410| 612| 1,025| 0 |bauang |1,225 | 150| 310| 600| 1,010| 1,212| 0 |batangas |1,200 | 150| 350| 600| 1,100| 1,210| 6 |lipa | 650 | 150| 200| 300| 525| 680| 0 |tiyauong | 350 | 134| 120| 118| 200| 230| 0 |san pablo | 850 | 140| 200| 420| 750| 892| 0 |tanauan | 420 | 70| 100| 190| 300| 512| 6 |-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+---------- | total |5,495 | 900|1,630|2,638| 4,497| 5,761| 12 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------pampanga |macabebe | 855 | 322| 150| 200| 550| 810| 4 |minalin | 760 | 300| 200| 351| 563| 850| 0 |sesmoan | 254 | 62| 70| 85| 80| 270| 0 |lubao | 520 | 160| 130| 210| 400| 525| 9 |uauâ | 680 | 250| 160| 302| 550| 560| 18 |betis | 260 | 61| 80| 88| 90| 270| 0 |santa rita | | | | | | | | y porac | 420 | 80| 91| 102| 150| 370| 0 |bacolor |1,150 | 400| 504| 510| 220| 1,300| 40 |san | | | | | | | | fernando | 525 | 150| 128| 200| 350| 625| 2 |mexico |1,100 | 315| 230| 504| 1,006| 1,500| 4 |pinpin | 500 | 140| 120| 200| 312| 532| 0 |arayat | 800 | 309| 200| 290| 525| 850| 0 |magalang | 300 | 70| 90| 100| 105| 312| 1 |tarlac | 410 | 60| 116| 134| 220| 513| 1 |san joseph | 150 | 20| 32| 44| 80| 200| 0 |tayug | 62 | 16| 20| 25| 30| 64| 0 |santor | 555 | 106| 100| 130| 258| 340| 0 |gapang | 660 | 202| 140| 180| 465| 684| 0 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------ylocos |namacpacan | 1,020| 230| 211| 358| 590| 1,114| 0 |bangar | 700| 212| 130| 254| 307| 595| 0 |candong | 600| 162| 124| 214| 368| 585| 0 |narbacan | 1,150| 260| 110| 326| 515| 1,119| 0 |santa | | | | | | | catharina | 818| 210| 162| 228| 480| 910| 0 |bantay | 830| 208| 162| 300| 500| 930| 0 |magsingal | 855| 183| 154| 257| 483| 663| 4 |cabugao | 1,125| 332| 246| 359| 754| 1,140| 0 |sinait | 495| 110| 115| 200| 398| 612| 0 |badoc | 558| 120| 140| 204| 390| 589| 0 |pauay | 1,560| 418| 500| 690| 1,004| 1,515| 0 |batac | 1,780| 506| 512| 790| 1,102| 1,655| 35 |san | | | | | | | | nicolas | 825| 208| 180| 400| 610| 920| 0 |ylauag | 2,250| 400| 710|1,125| 1,550| 2,310| 0 |sarrat | 480| 75| 102| 224| 237| 508| 0 |dingras | 800| 240| 196| 248| 25| 801| 0 |bacarra | 1,125| 251| 203| 401| 892| 1,151| 2 |bangui | 312| 36| 46| 74| 102| 347| 0 |-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------- | total |17,283|4,151|4,001|6,652| 7,707|17,464| 41 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------zebu |san nicolas| 700| 56| 103| 154| 392| 726| 0 |argao | 225| 300| 325| 506| 925| 1,136| 0 |bolohon | 650| 90| 170| 214| 354| 630| 0 |opon | 790| 104| 164| 259| 448| 770| 0 |cabcar | 500| 75| 100| 190| 301| 532| 0 +-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+---------- | total | 2,865| 625| 862|1,323| 2,420| 3,794| 0 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------yloylo |oton | 1,000| 164| 203| 298| 998| 1,000| 0 |alimodian | 1,490| 125| 656| 780| 1,309| 1,050| 0 |maasin | 1,390| 380| 268| 340| 1,100| 1,200| 0 |matagub | 825| 108| 203| 260| 752| 834| 0 |tigbauan | 1,260| 398| 360| 594| 916| 1,300| 0 |guimbal | 1,280| 209| 230| 386| 910| 1,050| 0 |miagao | 1,325| 309| 400| 602| 932| 1,125| 0 |antique | 990| 180| 295| 358| 510| 890| 0 |sibalon | 930| 260| 239| 420| 519| 990| 0 |bugason | 1,200| 302| 410| 660| 925| 1,150| 0 |xaro | 1,271| 320| 410| 625| 1,004| 1,261| 14 |dumangas | 724| 142| 157| 209| 604| 767| 4 |anilao | 430| 75| 90| 130| 140| 344| 0 |camando | 1,230| 465| 274| 446| 750| 922| 0 |cabatuan | 1,780| 502| 750|1,050| 1,213| 1,942| 0 |pototan | 1,050| 280| 310| 518| 861| 1,200| 0 |laglag | 800| 200| 284| 391| 500| 709| 0 |lambunao | 772| 182| 204| 310| 435| 719| 0 |passi | 622| 128| 193| 248| 301| 583| 0 |ygbaras | 550| 103| 155| 243| 258| 495| 0 +-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+---------- |total[13] |20,889|5,132|5,991|8,868|14,937|19,976| 18 -----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+----------panay |panay | 1,019| 350| 375| 496| 784| 847| 3 |capis | 730| 182| 200| 343| 402| 654| 16 |dumalag | 1,080| 223| 350| 589| 703| 994| 3 |dumarao | 750| 220| 266| 422| 451| 730| 0 |-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+---------- | total | 3,579| 975|1,191|1,850| 2,340| 3,225| 22 -------------------------------------------------------------------------general summary of all the classes contained in this table ----------------------------------------------------------------the above provinces |tributes of men and women | |exempted, by age and infirmity | | |young men | | | |young women | | | | |escolapios | | | | | |young children | | | | | | |spaniards, | | | | | | | men and | | | | | | | women -----------+-------------+------+------+------+------+----------tondo | 7,217| 2,290| 1,999| 3,028| 5,676| 7,296| 58 bulacan | 7,272| 2,220| 2,624| 3,357| 4,541| 8,610| 15 balayan | 5,495| 900| 1,630| 2,638| 4,497| 5,761| 12 pampanga |10,451| 7,615| 3,087| 4,399| 8,361|13,297| 100 pangasinan | 3,064| 725| 541| 843| 1,568| 3,001| 0 ylocos |17,283| 4,151| 4,001| 6,652| 7,707|17,464| 41 zebu | 2,865| 625| 862| 1,323| 2,420| 3,794| 0 yloylo |20,889| 5,132| 5,991| 8,868|14,937|19,976| 18 panay | 3,579| 975| 1,191| 1,850| 2,340| 3,225| 22 |------+------+------+------+------+------+---------- total |78,115|24,633|21,926|32,958|52,047|82,424| 266 ----------------------------------------------------------------missions of various nations belonging to the province of pampanga ------------------------------------------------------------------ villages | tribes | new christians|catechumens | | of both sexes | ----------------------------+--------+---------------+------------mission of magalang y tarlac|zambals | 85 | 82 mission of tayug |igorrots| 343 | 60 visita of lupao |balugas | 62 | 20 mission of santor |balugas | 24 | 40 +--------+---------------+------------ | total | 514 | 202 ------------------------------------------------------------------missions of igorrots and tingyans belonging to the province of ylocos --------------------------------------------------------------------- villages | tribes | new christians|catechumens | | of both sexes | -------------------------------+--------+---------------+------------village of santiago |tingyans| 352 | 200 village of san augustin de bana|tingyans| 85 | 50 territory of batac |tingyans| 11 | 20 territory of narbacan |igorrots| 5 | 12 territory of candon |igorrots| 35 | 39 territory of bangar |igorrots| 79 | 33 territory of namacpacan |igorrots| 12 | 30 territory of agoo |igorrots| 12 | 9 territory of iringay |igorrots| 0 | 20 territory of bauan |igorrots| 3 | 5 territory of magsingal |tingyans| 6 | 4 territory of bacarra |apayos | 5 | 4 +--------+---------------+------------ | total | 605 | 426 ---------------------------------------------------------------------[missions in] china --------------------------------------------------------------------- | new christians| catechumens | of both sexes | ----------------------------------------+---------------+------------missions of china in various villages of| | that extensive empire | 680 | 800 ---------------------------------------------------------------------total summary of the classes included in this table reduced to persons [notice is given that in the total of tributes it must be understood that each single whole tribute means two persons; and thus it will be noted in the figures. the total is as set forth below.] tributes 156,230 exempt 24,633 young men 21,926 young women 32,958 escolapios 52,047 young children 82,424 spaniards, men and women 266 missions of these islands 1,693 missions of china 1,480 ------ total 373,663 i, master fray pedro velasco, provincial of this province of santísimo nombre de jesus of philipinas of the order of the hermits of our father st. augustine, certify that the lists of villages and souls contained in this table and which are administered by the religious of this said province, are set forth truly; and in order that this may be suitably evident, i have affixed my signature in this convent of tondo, on april sixteenth, one thousand seven hundred and sixty. fray pedro velasco, provincial of st. augustine. later augustinian and dominican missions augustinian missions [the following account of augustinian missions in the first half of the eighteenth century is translated from antonio mozo's noticia histórico natural (madrid, 1763). [14] it is presented partly in full, and partly in synopsis, preferring for the former such parts as are of ethnological interest.] chapter i in which account is given of the progress of the mission to the italons, from the year 1700 to the present time. after we had been able to reduce to our holy faith two tribes who dwelt at the summits of the most rugged mountains in the province of pampanga, the caraclans and buquids, and from them had been formed three villages--santor and bongabon, quite populous; and pantabangan, of smaller numbers, and lying more within the mountains [15]--this gate being now opened so that we could proceed further, it only needed that we should have the courage to do so. for at the first step were encountered two contiguous tribes: the italons, a people fierce, brave, and bold; and the abacas, who are somewhat less so. the religious therefore feared that those people, to judge from their ferocious natures, would without doubt tear them to pieces at the very outset, without even listening to them; and for this very reason they greatly dreaded to set foot within the territory of those tribes. while we were in these straits, our provincial then being our father reader fray francisco zamora, about the year 1702 he selected for this purpose father fray antolin de arzaga, [16] whose virtue and ardor he knew well from experience, and entrusted to him this enterprise, as dangerous as difficult. [this gospel pioneer went out, equipped with what was necessary for administering the sacraments and with some trinkets to give the natives, "and with no other arms than his confidence in god."] [on august 16, 1702, a letter from father arzaga to his superior gave account of his progress thus far; it was written from pantabangan, which is "distant from santor eight leguas by a very difficult road." from the latter village he sent a message, by the hands of four chiefs, to the chief of lublub, who came out to meet him with forty infidels; but the father finally persuaded them to let him enter their village, where he exhorted and instructed them, receiving an attentive hearing. "this village [i.e., lublub] has about one hundred and fifty persons; it is distant from this one [of pantabangan] four leguas to the east, by an uneven road. this italon tribe consists of fifty-six villages (so far as i have yet ascertained), which lie on the shores of two deep rivers, toward the north. they have a general language which is entirely separate from those of tagalos and pampanga; they have well-kept villages, with high houses. they take great care of their fields, and keep their grain in tambobos, or granaries, thus anticipating times of sterility and sickness. the fishing, as also the hunting, is abundant and good; the climate is temperate; and there are many open plains, beautiful to see. the people are kindly, but very warlike and of courageous dispositions; they are quite ingenious, and are hospitable. they understand that there is a god, and that he is in heaven, caring for all whom he creates--to whom they offer sacrifices, only when they make agreements of peace--and that there is no other god than he. they say that he rewards the good and punishes the bad, but they do not know in what manner; and they admit that they have immortal souls. they make a contract of marriage with one wife only, which lasts until death; they do not allow concubinage; and they do not marry their relatives. they observe the truth well; and, what is more, they desire to be christians." [17] certain "bad christians" have told these italons that the spaniards are trying to load them with tributes and take away their liberty; therefore they are waiting to make their decision, and fifteen of them, accompanied by an augustinian religious, are carrying arzaga's letter to manila. he continues:] "the abaca tribe consists of ten villages, divided into two jurisdictions, one of which belongs to this village and contains six villages toward the north, extending, as they have told me, to the boundaries of the igorrots. twenty-two persons in the first village, called diama, came to visit me as soon as i arrived here; having explained to them some mysteries of our holy faith, they returned to their own village. i visited them there, and they received me thus: they had placed a tall cross at the entrance of their jurisdiction, and from that place to the village they had cleared the roads, which are very bad, adorning them with arches up to the front of the house in which they lodged me; and there they had built another cross, even taller. this village is distant a legua and a half [from pantabangan], and from it the gate is open for the entire italon and abaca tribes; it has wars with the italons in regard to certain murders. i conferred with them about their making peace [with those villages], and their learning the truth which our holy faith teaches. they listened attentively to what i said to them; and, in conclusion, we made an agreement that they will at once become christians and make peace. they ask that i catechize them, build a church, and baptize them. they are almost of the same type as the italons; but some of them have several wives, and this is not so liberal a people as the former one. this village [of diama] contains over a hundred persons; they speak a different language, for which reason it is necessary that there be a minister who can learn it, and devote himself to their instruction, for i am studying the italon tongue. what i state to your reverence is, that a minister is needed whom we can consult about some cases which are presenting themselves here; for it is very discouraging to act in the midst of scruples, in matters of conscience. what your reverence shall ordain will be in every way most just. "the second jurisdiction of this people pertains to caranglan, to which i went with the determination to visit the four remaining villages; for father fray francisco de la maza wrote to me from itui that two of those villages desired to be converted, and were asking for a minister of our order, on account of being in our jurisdiction. i asked about this in caranglan, and they said that it was true as regards one of them, which is an important village and is already christian; and in the other village there are many persons who are christians, although for lack of a minister they are going without administration. these two villages are a half-day's journey from caranglan, by a bad road, and one is contiguous to itui, on the western side. there are many rivers to be crossed; and, as these were filled by a storm which caught me at caranglan, i could not cross them, although i waited a week. one abaca has continued forty years in apostasy; he asks that i will reconcile him with the church, and baptize his wife and three children, and i am instructing them in order to do this. i am sending away the italons [with this letter], and tomorrow the indian who went to manila will come, to go with me to the abaca villages; we will do what is possible there, until the coming of another minister. when he shall come, i will go on to the italons who are further up [the river]; they tell me that it will require two months, only to go to the villages. i have information that they desire to see a father, and to be christians; this was furnished to me by nicolàs de los santos, who has been among these people; and he has done and is doing much good to their souls. he is my constant companion in my journeys, and serves me in everything; i earnestly commend him to your reverence." [the italons who carried this letter to manila were received with great kindness by governor zabalburu; and on their return they were accompanied by the minister for whom arzaga had asked, for which post was selected his uncle, fray balthasar de santa maria isisigana, [18] who went as superior of that mission. the two entered upon its labors with indefatigable zeal and energy, and on december 28, 1702, isisigana sent in an encouraging report of what they had accomplished. arzaga had already built a church at a place four leguas from pantabangan, which he dedicated to st. thomas de villanueva; and isisigana writes that they have just erected another at san agustin, and built a house for the minister, while at santo christo de burgos, about six leguas distant from this, the timber is already being cut for another church and convent. most of the people, whether adults or children, desire to embrace the catholic faith; and the missionaries go about, surrounded by the children, who sing and dance with joy. in building the church of san agustin, the fathers were aided by thirty infidels from another village, one and one-half leguas distant, who came of their own accord, simply because they had heard that a church was being erected there. fray arzaga went to the upper italons, by wretched roads; he went on foot from pantabangan to tablayàn, the first italon village, about eighteen leguas. many natives visited him there; he desired to go farther, but was attacked with an illness which almost proved mortal, and was obliged to return to pantabangan. the chief of tablayan, with his family, accompanied him thither; and they were ready to build him a church and house at once, if he could have remained with them. the missionaries asked for cattle from manila, and the provincial sent them two hundred and twenty. as they grew skilled in the native dialects, they were able to extend their labors further, and they baptized many people from the tribes in that region, abaca, italon, and irapi; and by 1704 they had formed several villages and erected five churches. the fruits of their zeal, and those gathered by other augustinian missionaries in the islands, are shown by a certificate given to the governor in that year by the provincial of the order, which reads as follows:] "i, fray juan bautista de olarte, pensioned lecturer in sacred theology, provincial of the province of santissimo nombre de jesus of the hermits of our father st. augustine, do certify that, from the eighth day of october, 1702, until the twentieth of may in this present year, the two missionary religious of the said my order who were employed in the conversion of the natives in the italon and abaca tribes, who dwell in the mountains of pantabangàn and caranglàn, [19] have founded five villages, to wit: santo tomàs de villanueva, which is composed of eighty families; santo christo de burgos, one hundred families; san agustin, one hundred and sixty; san pablo, one hundred and forty; san joseph, seventy families. they all have accepted the faith of our lord jesus christ, and the holy sacrament of baptism has been administered to four hundred and seventy-nine persons, all adults, who are instructed and taught in the christian doctrine and the mysteries of our holy faith; and those who at present are being catechized and instructed for baptism number more than eight hundred persons. "i also certify that in the said mountains of pantabangàn and caranglàn dwell the tribes called igorrots, irapis, and sinay, and others, which contain a great number of natives who live in their pagan state; and that the italon tribe alone contains fifty-six villages, all infidels, who have offered to become christians when they shall have ministers who can teach them and preach the religion of our lord jesus christ; and that the said missionaries of my order are employed in this ministry. "i also certify that the minister of my order who serves in the villages of tarlac, magalan, and bucsi, zambal villages in the province of pampanga, has catechized and baptized, from the year 1702 up to may 20 of this present year, fifty-eight adults, all of whom have come down from the mountains of the said villages. "i also certify that the minister who serves in the village of pórac in the said province of pampanga has catechized, instructed, and baptized, in the missions which he has carried on in the mountains of the said village during the said two years, twenty-six natives among the blacks who dwell in that neighborhood. "i also certify that the religious of the said my order who serve in the villages of agoò, bavang, and bacnotan in the province of pangasinan have converted to our holy faith, and instructed and baptized, in the period of two years twenty-six natives from the tribe called igorrots, who dwell in the said mountains. "i also certify that the ministers who serve in the province of ilocos have in the period of two years converted to our holy faith and baptized one hundred and fifty-six natives from the infidel tinguians who are in and belong to the said province, and live in its mountains and hills. "i also certify that the minister for the village of antique in the province of octong has in his charge and care the islets which are called cagayàn, and has labored for seven years to convert the natives inhabiting them to our holy faith. having gone thither to visit the christians, in the past year of 1703, he gave instruction in the christian doctrine and the mysteries of our holy faith to forty-four adults, and baptized them, with others, who were the children of christian parents; and he heard the confessions of all the old christians, for he remained in that mission four months. in the said province of ogtòn, the religious who are ministers at guimbal, tigbavan, and xaro have converted to our holy faith and baptized thirty-six adults, on various occasions when they have gone into the mountains in their respective jurisdictions. that there has not been a greater increase [in the number of conversions] not only in this province, but in those of pampanga, pangasinan, and ilocos, is [due to] the lack of religious ministers; for those in my province are not enough for even the maintenance of the villages and christians who are in their charge. and in order that these things may be evident in the proper place, i give the present at the demand and order of the captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal audiencia, don domingo zabalburu; it is dated at this royal convent of san pablo at manila, on the twenty-sixth day of may, in the year one thousand seven hundred and four. fray juan bautista olarte, provincial." [so great was the zeal of arzaga and isisigana that they devoted themselves to seeking out the heathen among those wild mountains, enduring privations, exposure, and sufferings, until the health of both was broken down. arzaga was again attacked by a sickness which prostrated him, and died in 1707; his uncle held out three years longer, and was then called in from the field, in order to recruit his strength, but he was never able to return to his labors, and died in 1716, in the convent of vava. [20] in their place was sent to this mission field fray alexandro cacho, [21] in zeal and courage a worthy successor to them. he succeeded in converting a chief named dinalavang, dreaded as well as renowned for his fierce and warlike disposition and for his skill in all military exercises; also a sister of this man, as valiant and dextrous as he, baptized as doña maria. mozo gives an interesting account of the fierce and cruel practices of these savage tribes (whom he compares to the huns), "which more than once i have rebuked, when i have been among those people." "if they succeed in killing a person they try to drink his blood; and, cutting off pieces of his lungs, together with the testicles [22] and other parts, they also draw out the entrails, and then divide these among themselves and eat them raw--not only to make themselves terrible, but also because they say it is a powerful medicine for exciting courage, fierceness, and fortitude in their battles. they also cut off the head, and carry it away in order to celebrate their festivals, with great gluttony and carousing, [filling the skull] with a sort of wine which they make from sugarcane and call ilang. afterward, they take the grinders and teeth and set these in the hilts of their cutlasses; and, as a consequence, there is hardly any one in this tribe or in the ibilaos whose cutlass is not adorned with many teeth of those whom he has killed, or who has not in his hut a collection of the skulls from human heads--this very thing inspiring them with greater courage when they fight, in the same way as it happened, as virgil sings, to æneas when he saw on his antagonist turnus the scarf of his beloved pallas. so these people, when they see the teeth of their own tribesmen on the sword-hilts of their opponents, fling themselves upon the latter like mad dogs; and from this may be readily inferred what degree of ferocity and barbarism theirs must be, and what sort of hardships and labors it will cost to free them from the power of the demon.... they greatly dislike arrogance in their neighbors; and they likewise abhor every sorcerer and wizard, a motive which makes them treat without mercy any one of these whom they seize, cutting him to pieces with their knives; and even at their feasts, and in the superstitious rites which they practice, they utter a thousand execrations against such persons, hurling at them a thousand curses, and swearing that they will not spare any one of them who may fall into their hands, [an oath] which they fulfil exactly." mozo describes the secret raids made by these people against their enemies, marching at night and attacking a defenseless village at daybreak; and he accuses them of aiding their ordinary weapons with a diabolical practice--"they throw into a hole in some creek a root and herbs which they carry, provided [for this purpose], and, by their using various magic spells which the demon has taught to them, so violent a wind is raised, and a tempest of rain, that with the noise thus caused they are not observed, and likewise are better protected from the villages against which they march." he adds, "i do not relate fables;" and states that he has several times endeavored to restrain them from this devilish proceeding. sometimes, he says, the proceedings are reversed, and the aggressors are, in their turn, surprised by those whom they have attacked, who then take revenge upon them. mozo relates how, on one occasion, a hostile band of heathen attacked some christians, and captured a loaded musket, its match still lighted; they examined it carefully, and, while handling it, incautiously let the match fall on the priming. the gun was discharged, killing some and crippling others of the group crowded around it; the survivors fled in terror, but afterward returned to the spot, and with a cord dragged the gun to their village and buried it in the ground. learning that its owner lived in bongabon, they immediately rated the people of that village as sorcerers, who had placed a powerful magic in the gun; and for more than fifty years they taught their children, as soon as the latter could speak, to avoid the dwellers in bongabon as dangerous sorcerers.] chapter ii the glorious triumphs among the isinay and adjoining tribes are related in the wild and impenetrable mountain ranges which extend to the northeast and north, and separate the provinces of pampanga and nueva segovia, there are various tribes who have almost the same customs as those of the abaca and ibilaos; one of these is the one called isinay. [23] to them, and to the adjacent tribes, the fervent zeal of the fathers belonging to the illustrious order of st. dominic [24] had been directed, years before; but they found so much stubbornness, violence, and cruelty that--after immense labors, and having been in danger of losing their lives--they were not able to secure the conversion of one of those people to our holy faith. for this reason the fathers were obliged to withdraw from them, seeing that they were wasting time without having any result, or even the hope of it. [the augustinian cacho took up this task, and went on foot among those wild mountains and wilder savages; at first they repulsed him, and even tried to kill him, but finally his perseverance and patience softened their hard hearts, and they were willing to listen to him.] from the year 1715 until 1723, he was able to found four new villages of the isinay people, not to mention many others besides, from other tribes, whom he baptized, and who united themselves with the other villages previously mentioned. finally, continuing unweariedly in his holy task, and enduring the hardships which may be guessed, by the year 1738 he had come to the end of baptizing and converting the entire isinay tribe, with a large part of other tribes, whom he settled in different villages. all these, thoroughly subdued and tamed, baptized, and established in a well civilized mode of life, the [augustinian] province surrendered to the holy order of st. dominic, with churches, dwellings for the religious, the sacred vessels, and the other ornaments of the sacristy, because that of our father st. augustine found that it had many missions for which to care, and not religious enough for all. this surrender was made in the year 1740 [25] preceding the permission of the governor and examination by the judge whom he appointed for that task. the latter recorded a judicial inventory of everything that was surrendered, and even copied from the baptismal registers the numbers of the persons baptized, that these matters might be evident for all time; and at the same time he made a judicial investigation, showing who those were who began to evangelize the said tribes--from which it appeared that when our religious began their labors there, there was not any christian in those places. this surrender being accomplished, then, our religious withdrew to their other missions, in which there are fifteen villages which have been formed since the year 1702, at which time that mission was commenced for the aforesaid places. in these glorious triumphs, those who attained greatest eminence and were most fortunate in winning souls, next to the three religious [already named], sons of this province of castilla, were: our father fray vicente ibarra, [26] who afterward was provincial; the father definitor fray juan velloxin, a most guileless man, full of virtue, and unwearied in labors; the father fray diego nogueròl, who is still living, and has been definitor--all these three from this province of castilla--and the father commissary fray joseph gonzalez, a son of the province of philipinas; also others, whom, in order not to be tedious, i omit. [news of this change reached spain in 1742, and the general public impression was that the aforesaid conversions had been accomplished by the dominican fathers. at the representations of the augustinian procurator at madrid, the king issued a decree (dated december 19, 1742), approving and confirming the transfer made to the dominicans, setting forth the facts in the case and giving the credit for these labors to the augustinians. in the rehearsal of their achievements various interesting facts are stated. the people of ituy were formerly called isinay, a name given to them by the italons. the first three augustinian missionaries baptized, from the year 1715 to 1723, six hundred and ninety-five persons of all ages among these ituis, not counting many others who were being prepared for baptism. of these converts they formed four villages with their churches: bujay (the chief village), pigpig, marian, and canan. in this and the italon mission they baptized in that period three thousand, four hundred and thirteen persons. in 1723 the order applied to the governor for further aid; he sent auditor pabón to inspect the missions, whose report led to the appointment of three more missionaries there, their stipends paid from the royal treasury. the eighteen isinay villages had been reduced to nine [27] by the missionaries; all of these contained church buildings, and most of them convents; and the people were considerably civilized. the missionaries had provided them with beasts of burden, and with "all the rest that was necessary for the cultivation of their grain-fields." through the efforts of these missionaries, in conjunction with the dominicans, a road was constructed from pampanga to cagayan; [28] and another, from pangasinan to paniqui, was opened by the dominicans, in which they were aided greatly by the augustinians. the eighteen italon villages, with two others, were reduced to fifteen: within the mountains, puncàn, caranglan, san miguèl, santa rita, bolo, pantabangan, san juan, and santo thomàs; in the valleys, tayog, umingan, lupào, san joseph, palosapes (or urorin), san agustin, and santa monica. perhaps the greatest among the augustinian missionaries was alexandro cacho, who died in 1745. after him came fray agustin barriocanal, [29] a man of great zeal, who formed a village called ambayavan; in the flower of his youth he was drowned while trying to ford a swollen stream (june 5, 1747). another noted missionary was pedro freyre; he converted eighty families in the jumangi tribe, and gathered them into a village, with their own church; and he converted great numbers from the italon, abaca, ibilao, irapi, and ilongot tribes, and even some of the blacks (negritos). mozo cites their labors in order to show that the missionary spirit was then even more active and aspiring than in the early days of the conquest; and confirms it by describing the mode of life of these mountain tribes, and the consequent difficulties in missionary labor among them, saying:] the tribes converted by the early missionaries were more civilized, dwelt on the plains, and had a more orderly mode of life, sowing grain and gathering enough for their support; but these of whom we speak, besides being rough in their behavior, hardly know any tillage of the soil, living generally by hunting. their mode of cultivating what little they plant is as follows: they first clear some little piece of ground from the brush and weeds on it, with their knives (which resemble those which the butchers use); then with the point of the knife they make holes in the ground, in rows, and throw into each a few grains of seed; they know no other plow, or any other thing which might serve as one, for which reason the harvest that they gather is always very small. they do the same for any planting of sugarcane which they make--from which, when the cane is mature, they press out the juice and make wine for drinking at their feasts; after cutting out of the soil the grass to the roots, they make little holes in it, and then thrust into these the shoots from the mature canes which they had cut. for this reason, and because it is necessary to provide means by which those who are converted may obtain a suitable support, so that for lack of this they may not go wandering about, as soon as we begin to confer baptism we endeavor to find animals and other necessaries for the cultivation of the land--the religious being often the first one who begins to plow and sow, directing them in this way, so that they may learn how to do it. the same thing occurs with reaping. they do not use sickles, but go on picking the grain spike by spike; and, as there is so little of it, they soon end their task. but, now that they are taught to plow, it is also necessary to teach them to cut and winnow the grain; and this is done, the religious being the ones who commence it, in order that the people may imitate them--in which the work alone is for them, as they give up all the fruit of it for the benefit of the said barbarians. [the missionaries also had to contend with the attachment of the savages to their mountains, for they abhorred the life on the plains. one reason was, their dread of the smallpox, which never entered the mountains, because these savage dwellers there instituted a strict quarantine--closing up the roads and paths with logs and brushwood, and sending out the declaration that they would immediately kill any one who dared to enter their territory. another reason was, that the hotter climate of the plains did not agree with them. accordingly, in order not to exasperate them, no further effort was made to change their dwellings, and the religious continued to labor among them in the midst of a thousand trials and hardships.] chapter iii missions of the provinces of ilocos and pangasinan in general [mozo states that the two provinces of pampanga and pangasinan were so populous that, "of those whom our forefathers converted in these two provinces alone are counted more than one hundred and fifty thousand souls--who, settled in villages, and maintained in a very civilized and christian society, hold their own on the frontier of the infidels; for their territory allows them no alternative, shut in on one side by the sea, and on the other by very rugged mountains."] four very noted tribes, three of them very extensive and populous, the fourth of more restricted territory and containing fewer souls--in which last the enemy [of souls], strongly fortified, has resisted for long ages--have been the aim to which the zeal and fervor of the evangelical ministers have been directed. the said tribes dwell among mountain ranges that are very extensive, lofty, and rugged--which, stretching from the province of pampanga and bordering that of pangasinan, run throughout ilocos, through a space, with bends and turns, of about a hundred leguas. [30] the first of these tribes is called igolot, and, corrupting the letters, they are wont to call it igorrot; their territory occupies about thirty leguas, from the confines of pampanga to those of the province of ilocos. contiguous to this tribe is another which is called tinggian, not less numerous; and it extends for a distance of about forty leguas along the same mountains, even trenching upon the province of ilocos. then comes another, called apayao, [31] extending about thirty leguas, which consists of many thousands of souls; and at one side dwell another tribe, called adang, which has fewer people, but, for the very reason that they find themselves less powerful, they have their dwellings in places almost inaccessible--maintaining (as do the three others) their own different dialect. of the said four tribes, the first and third are to a great degree cruel and barbarous; but the second and third, although sufficiently obstinate, are more tractable. it is said that the igolot tribe are a caste of those chinese who had come over with the pirate limahon to conquer those islands; and, being conquered, he escaped with those whom he could gather, those who could taking refuge in these mountains, in which they have multiplied exceedingly. besides the reasons which favor this opinion, it is apparently confirmed by their appearance; for, although they go about naked, and are subjected to every inclemency of the weather, they nevertheless greatly resemble the chinese in the light color and gracefulness of their bodies, especially in the eyes, in which there is a close likeness between them. their fierceness and cruelty is unequaled; their only desire is to take captives, in order to have slaves for their service, and, when they have enough of these, to kill whomever they encounter. for this reason, without a strong escort one cannot pass, except with great danger, through the upper part of those mountains; and even the villages are so infested with them that as a precaution they always keep some men armed to resist these marauders--at night stationing a sentinel with his drum, who is changed during the daytime--throughout that mountain range. and because in every place our natives (especially if they are away from the village) are so harassed by the igolots, therefore when they go to sow their grain or gather their crops they erect high sentry-posts, from which they can see if the enemy are coming; and those who work keep the sickle in one hand and a weapon in the other--as we are told of the israelites when in the time of esdras they were building the walls of jerusalem.... and even when they do this, they are not safe from the fury of these savages. such was the ferocity of this tribe, in which they continued until the past year of 1755, and in such manner did they try the patience of all those villages. the tribe adjoining this one, called tingguian, are more gentle and more industrious, and maintain a much more civilized condition, because they have much intercourse with the christians in whose vicinity they live; and for the same reason they are more open to the teachings of the religious. and although so far as concerns the acceptance of baptism they have continued very obstinate, for many years refusing to allow a religious to live among them, yet always it has been a very satisfactory harvest [of souls] which annually has been gathered and united with the christians, as may be seen by the certificate of the reverend father provincial which is presented above; speaking of the tingguians, he states that in only two years one hundred and fifty-six infidels had been converted to our holy faith by the religious of the villages near by--which has always been the fact, sometimes more and sometimes fewer. with such a drop of comfort as this, the ministers were consoled--who, not finding any hindrance in going from time to time to visit those savages, went in and out, carried away by their holy zeal. and although, when the fathers talked to them about our holy law, they would reply that the time for it had not yet come for them, nor was it possible to overcome their caprices by any arguments, nevertheless there was always one person here, or another there, who was made ready to receive the heavenly influences. the third tribe, which is the one called apayao, not only does not remain behind the igolot in cruelty, bloodthirstiness, and barbarism, but in a great degree surpasses it. for not only are its men continually going about, placing a thousand ambushes in the roads, in order to exercise their rage on the wretches who have the misfortune to fall into their hands, without sparing any person, no matter of what rank or condition he may be; but they have, besides, a specially barbaric custom and cruel superstition at the funerals and obsequies of their chiefs and other persons whom they respect, in every way very similar to that which for many centuries the greeks practiced at the death of their heroes, and other persons of rank, before and after the so celebrated destruction of troya. [here mozo makes a long digression regarding the customs of the ancient greeks and romans in killing slaves or other people at the death of a prominent person.] these [apayao] barbarians, then, are wont to celebrate the funerals and obsequies of their dead, although not promiscuously of all, but only those of their chiefs and other persons to whom they pay respect; and because they believe that the shades [manes] of the deceased take delight in human blood, they endeavor to give them this pleasure by killing people--a greater or less number, according to the station of the dead man. to do so, they avail themselves only of those whom they capture for this purpose, and these they go out to seek with great diligence, as soon as the dying man has ceased to breathe. in order that they may not lack these captives, they assemble a considerable number of men, and, some taking one road and some another, they go down from the mountains well armed, and, hiding in the brushwood near the roads, they wait very silently for some passers-by; and, as soon as they discover such persons, they attack them with great fury, and kill them with their javelins on the very spot. this done, the assailants cut off their heads, and laden with these (leaving the bodies there) they carry them to their own dead, and place the heads about him. after this they celebrate their sort of banquet, at which they eat and drink like beasts; and when this is finished they complete the burial. placing in the tomb some portion of food and drink, they bury the corpse with those heads, being greatly pleased and satisfied at having pleased the shades of their dead, and believing that through this whatever they may undertake will have a prosperous issue. [mozo recalls the scanty results of missionary work among these savage tribes in the early days. "in the year 1660, when don diego de salcedo was governor of these islands, two religious escorted by some soldiers entered the territory of the igorrots, and in a place called cayam [32] they established a small military post with a church, which they dedicated to the archangel st. michael; and from this place they began with apostolic zeal to preach to those tribes the holy name of god, but the harvest of souls which they could obtain was exceedingly small...." a little while after the said religious had made this entrance, the soldiers became sick through the insalubrity of the region, and the barbarians threatened to cut them into pieces if they did not immediately go away from that place. accordingly, not having sufficient force to resist, the fathers were obliged to yield to this opposition, and retired with much sadness, taking with them such persons as they had baptized. from that time until recent years, none of the various attempts to found a mission there had been successful, although occasional converts were made among those tribes. among the apayaos and tingguians also this experience was repeated; only within recent years had they allowed the religious to labor among them, a few, however, being converted by missionaries in villages near them.] chapter iv the missions of ilocos, in especial [the missionaries who most zealously and successfully labored in this field were: fray joseph herice, fray jacinto rivera, fray nicolàs fabro, and fray manuel madariaga. [33] the first-named established this mission in 1720; he formed a village of his converts, the first thus established among the adang tribe, another having been made among the apayaos, which was called vera [i.e., vira?]. the infidels named father herice "the hunter of souls." he labored among them twenty-two years, dying in 1742; and three years later father rivera followed him, after gaining considerable extension for this mission.] chapter v the mission to the tingguians [father fabro labored in this mission also, and formed a village of converts which he called san juan; by the year 1750, it contained more than a thousand souls. this missionary labored indefatigably, and much exposure and hardship finally crippled him; fray madariaga came to his aid, and, although his health was not good, he accomplished wonders. in 1736 he formed a village at dingras, naming it santiago; his death occurred in 1744. in 1753 two other tingguian villages were newly formed--one three leguas from santiago, further within the mountains; and another, four leguas from this. in that same year, father juan solorzano was sent to this mission; he was most zealous and useful, and forgetful of self, so much so that within the first year he contracted a fever, as the result of exposure, which ended his life in four days.] chapter vi the mission to the igolot tribe in especial [mozo refers to what he has already mentioned, that these barbarians would not allow the missionaries to settle in their country, but that some of them became converted through the labors of outside missionaries. they were not disturbed by this, however, but rather were pleased, because their relatives or friends who had removed to christian villages were thus able to supply them with articles of comfort or luxury which they themselves had not--"blankets, which they wrap around them when there is some cold weather, in the time of north winds; wine; hogs and cattle, of whose flesh they are very fond, and use it continually in their feasts and banquets." through this commerce, also, the missionaries find opportunity to reach some of the heathen, and thus secure occasional conversions. mozo describes a barbarous custom of theirs: "it is a usage among these people not to give burial to any of their dead, especially if he was a chief, until whatever he may have left has been consumed in gluttony and carousing among his relatives and others belonging to him; with some chiefs this is commonly no small amount, because in the rivers there some gold is found, and all the people endeavor to obtain it for their chiefs. for, expending for cattle, hogs, rice, and wine whatever the dead man possessed of this sort, they make enormous bonfires about the corpse, which they lay in the ground; and having killed the animals, they thrust them just as they are--with hair, hides, and entrails--into the said bonfires, and thus prepare barbecues [34] which are savory to their taste. afterward, beginning to dance around the corpse, they keep this up night and day, one set giving place to another. [35] they eat and drink frequently; and if any one is inclined to sleep he squats on his haunches, with his head resting on his knees, and needs no other bed. thus they remain, ten, fifteen, or twenty days with the corpse, without interring it; and, even when it emits a stench and swarms with maggots, it does not drive them away. they reserve some gold and some food, which afterward they inter with the deceased, so that he may have it, as they say, for his journey." in 1747 the augustinian fray francisco cordova (who had been the associate of cacho) was sent to agoo, on the frontier of the igolots, and soon secured their good-will, although they long refused to allow him to live among them. finally, after seven years of this apparently unfruitful labor, a miraculous change occurred. during the visitation of the provincial--then fray manuel carrillo, accompanied by mozo as his secretary--while he was conferring with cordova at aringay, five chiefs came down from the mountains, and asked carrillo to send missionaries among them. he sent a deputation of them to manila to ask this favor from the governor; who received them most graciously, and granted whatever they asked; they were instructed in the faith and baptized while in manila, and returned to their tribe, who eagerly sought baptism also. cordova [36] was made superior of the new mission, with fray francisco romero and fray pedro vivar as his assistants; they built two churches, and baptized many hundreds of the people. in other igolot villages, missions were also conducted by fray carlos de horta, fray joseph torres, and fray juan sanchez.] chapter vii missions to the zambals along the provinces of pangasinan and pampanga, fronting their western side, there dwells another tribe, which they call zambal, no less fierce than those already mentioned, and exceeding them in boldness. they are continually assaulting travelers, and they take their greatest pleasure in killing. so continual are their descents from the mountains to infest the said roads that it is only with great peril that one can cross from one province to the other without an escort; and even then many mishaps occur frequently; for these bandits lie hidden in the thickets and ravines at the sides of the road, and, when one of them gives a yell, all discharge their arrows, in the management of which they are very skilful; and, felling to the ground those whom they can reach, they cut off the heads of these, and carry them away in order to celebrate their feasts. they are also wont to approach the villages by night, and in hiding to wait for any person who strays from the rest and leaves the village early; then they do the same with him, be his rank what it may; afterward they take the skull of the slain man's head and use it for a drinking-vessel, in the same manner as did the scythians, as ravisius textor and plinius relate. this tribe obtain their living generally from the hunting of deer, wild swine and buffaloes, and from the honey produced by the innumerable bees which are in those extensive forests and shut-in mountains. they are accustomed also to plant certain potatoes, which here we call malagan potatoes, and there are named camote, the seed of which, with the name, was carried [thither] from nueva españa; but they care little for the said planting, because without any work of their own the author of nature provides them with a kind of wild palm, so useful and profitable that this tree alone admirably displays the wisdom of its creator--for what it spontaneously yields is a thing to cause astonishment, and would even be incredible to one who did not see it. [mozo here cites several authors regarding the uses of the palm in other countries, but says, "all this is nothing compared to the palms which we are going to describe; accordingly, for the praise of the creator, i am going to give a full account of the said tree," which he accordingly does. the palm referred to is the buri, [37] or sago-palm; its farinaceous product is called yoro in pampangan, and in tagálog sagu. he describes the native method of fire-making among these people, as follows: "they take two splinters of a kind of bamboo, very thick and tall, which grows in abundance throughout the forests there, and along the creeks; and, scraping the outer surface of one of these a little with a knife, they make tinder of the shavings. then they make a notch in the splinter with which they must rub the other one; and, placing on its outside that which serves for tinder, they make the other splinter firm, placing it on edge against some tree, first paring its upper edge thin, like a knife-blade. this done, with the other and notched splinter (and the tinder filling the notch) they begin, holding it flat, to rub the lower one very hard. in less than two minutes it begins to smoke, and is fully kindled; they breathe upon it to raise a flame, and, feeding this with dry leaves, grass, and little sticks, in a very short time they make a fierce blaze." [38] mozo also describes some vegetable medicines used by the natives. among these wild people were sent missionaries, fray gonzalo de salazar and others; these form villages with their converts--"magalang, tarlac, bucsic, and panlinlan, in which there are more than seven hundred families, as appears from the original register, made in the past year of 1759, of which i have a legal copy." in 1728, fray juan velloxin formed the village of tunàs; and in 1755 fray sebastian morono established those of pandolan, garlit, san miguèl, and another one. besides these, many converts removed their residence to other christian villages. mozo notices, as a curious phenomenon, that among these zambals are certain persons who are immune to the bites of poisonous animals and insects--as he thinks, because of some quality of their "humors," or of their physical conditions; he cites therefor pliny and other writers, and various instances of which he has known personally. he also describes the cure of these poisonous bites by sucking out the poison, which act (as also the person who does it) is called, in pampangan, tavac; but the ability to accomplish this he ascribes to some peculiarity of temperament or physique on the part of the healer.] chapter viii missions to the balugas, [39] or aetas besides the aforesaid missions, the province maintains another, scattered through all the islands, to a class of people who, it is believed (and with no small reason), were in olden times the masters of the entire land. one of the grounds for this belief is, that in all the islands (which are very many) these people maintain an identical language, and different from those of all the other peoples among whom they live; while the other natives of each island have a language different [from those spoken in other islands], and even in some places (as is evident throughout all this treatise) are encountered at every turn different dialects in the same island. another argument is drawn from the similarity which there is between the peoples of those islands and the malayos, and even in their respective languages--these malayos are natives of maluco, and are quite energetic and warlike--excepting the people of whom we now speak. from this it has been inferred that these blacks ruled that country; and that the said malayos, coming to it and subduing its former masters, compelled them to retire to the bush and the mountain heights, abandoning the rest of the country to the conquerors. these people of whom we speak are very dark in color, not black like those of angola; neither have they thick lips, or curly and short hair, like them. but their color is a brownish or pallid [descolorido] black, their hair like that of a mulatto; their lips are not thick; many of them are very corpulent, and all have large abdomens, and generally both men and women appear feeble. all go naked, with no other covering than a long strip like a narrow sash, with which, tied round the waist and drawn between the legs, the men cover their private parts; while the women wear a sort of apron, which covers them behind and before as far as the knees. both sexes make these coverings from the bark of a tree which they call balete; stripping off its bark, which is very smooth and flexible, they place it in water, afterward beating it in order to loosen the outer layer; then washing and drying it, it remains of the color and softness of a chamois-skin, although it is thin. they keep this on until it wears out, and when they can no longer use it they repair to the shop in the grove, to look for another in their storehouse. the nature and peculiarities of these balugas are described by the reverend father, former provincial of the philipinas, our father fray vicente ibarra, in the report of the missions which he made to the governor of those islands, don fernando valdés tamon, in the year 1738. he says, then, speaking of these people: "the third mission which is in these mountains is very arduous, not so much on account of the toilsome roads as because the people have less intellect than [any other that] is known in these islands; for this reason it has not been possible to introduce them into any civilization, although those who are baptized are numerous. their maintenance in the faith is so difficult that it cannot easily be explained after the no small expenses that are incurred; for all the time while the ministers are devoting themselves to their instruction it is necessary to support the fathers, furnishing to them rice, meat, wine, and tobacco, along with some trinkets for the women and children. for those people have neither house nor fields, nor any furniture save the bow and arrow and some heavy knives [machetes], with which they are continually seeking their food, without reserving anything for another day." [mozo adds other information, acquired during his residence of three years among the negritos; but precedes it by various citations from learned authors. returning to his subject, he says:] they have their own territory, within which they go about in bands and from which they never go out; but they do not have any fixed dwelling-place in it, for they remain a short time in one place hunting, and afterward they remove therefrom four or five leguas away. in whatever place they arrive, they make their hut in an instant with four rough sticks, and with a sort of grass, very long and flexible, with which the country abounds, which they call ilib, [40] or with the leaves of palms--with which and with the stakes they form their huts (which resemble those of the vineyard-keepers), in which with a piece of wood and some dry grass, [41] which they are sure to find about the entrance, they forthwith have bed and pillows, and all that they need for sleep. they live entirely in common, and therefore when they capture any deer or wild swine (by hunting which they live) they immediately share it equally--except the head and neck, which parts they set aside for the dogs that they have, who start the said game. each band, usually containing twenty-five to thirty persons, goes by itself, with one man to whom the rest pay respect, generally the one who is most daring and valiant. in the summer they go down to live on the banks of the streams, seeking the fresh air; but in times of rain, or when the north winds blow hard, they huddle together in the thickets, so dense that the wind hardly enters them. if one of them dies, as soon as he expires they bury him in a very shallow grave; and then they take to flight, in order that death may not seize another person and carry him away, as they say. when the time for [gathering] honeycombs arrives--and the stores of honey which the bees [42] gather in those dense forests are without limit--they are busy in searching for these; and if they come across a honey-tree the person who finds it immediately makes a mark on the trunk of the tree, and possesses it as securely as if he had it in his own house. for, even if another person goes there and finds it, when he sees the mark he says: "this tree already has an owner," and therefore he goes on. afterward, they go at a convenient time, and, waiting until there is no wind, so that the smoke may not be prevented from rising perpendicularly, they make a fire [under the tree]; and, the bees being scared away, men climb the tree, carrying a sort of sling, strongly made from a palm-leaf, very broad, [from the tree] which they call anao. [43] they take out the comb entire, with wax and all, placing it in this receptacle; and then tie it together and carry it down. they eat the honey, and sell the wax in order to buy tobacco for smoking, without which they cannot pass the time. so long as such people have their tobacco, their bows and arrows, their half-cutlass, and their outfit for striking fire, they do not desire anything else--money, or clothing, or lands--neither do they envy any person for anything. they shoot arrows with the greatest dexterity, and will pierce a deer with one from side to side in his most rapid flight. when they have food they eat it in a barbarous manner; but if on account of bad weather they have not been able to obtain any game, they boil water and drink it, and compress their bellies with cords. they are also accustomed to dig in the ground and search for a root called sucbao, [44] with which, when it is roasted, they can subsist, although in summer they never lack fruits in the woods. they are always happy, and keep themselves plump and contented; and among them are persons who are quite old. i frankly confess that, in the midst of the sorrow that was occasioned in me by the extreme barbarism and mental stupidity of this people when i knew by experience their mode of life, at the same time not only were presented before me those golden ages, so celebrated, of which ovid treats at length in his metamorphoses, cicero in his aratus, lactantius firmianus in his institutiones, and seneca in his epistolæ, but i also saw how true is that epicurean maxim, which, distinguishing human necessities, says, naturales necessitates satiari pene nihilo. to which pythocles adds, si vis hominem divitem facere, non pecuniæ adjice, sed cupiditatibus detrahe. [45] it is worth while to see the said people going about naked, without house or shelter, without land, and even without desire for it, yet living contented, happy, plump, and satisfied; without having any anxieties beyond that of searching for enough to get through the day with--which, as it is but little, they soon provide from what is yielded by nature in those mountains.... again i say that their mode of life arouses my admiration, and that if they were enlightened by our holy faith, and were enduring for god's sake the sufferings that they experience, i believe that not even the most austere monk of the thebaid could equal them. it is, however, true that they avail themselves of the "bill of divorce," although before marriage a false step is hardly heard of among them; and that in some districts they are cruel and murderous. [mozo here makes observations on various medicinal plants, which he found by actual experience or observation to be highly efficacious. among these are two roots which these natives used in cases of parturition--one to facilitate the birth, the other to cleanse and strengthen the mother's system; the woman was able to go out from her hut, carrying her infant, within one day, or even a few hours. seeing the great virtue of this treatment, mozo obtained a quantity of these remedies and prescribed them successfully in many similar cases, after he left the negritos. they poisoned their arrows with a decoction of the bark of the camandag, [46] and of some other plants, in order to kill large game--so powerful a poison that even a buffalo would die within two minutes if one of these arrows hit even its hoof.] it is a fact, however, that they do not use the said poisoned arrows against any save animals, considering it an inexpiable crime to shoot rational beings with them; but for hunting those animals--"the great game," as they call them--they use these arrows continually, and with them kill innumerable beasts. when one of these falls to the ground, they immediately cut off its head; and, having thoroughly washed the flesh, they eat it without any misgivings. i baptized the man who chiefly made this poison, who was already past the age of ninety years, who never was willing to leave me until he died; and on various occasions he explained to me the method of making the said poison, naming to me the separate ingredients, although i never was acquainted with them. these same people have other plants, the use of which i tried, in my religious instructions, to banish among them--not only because some persons make use of them for evil purposes, but also because they lead one to suspect some diabolical aid, for those people accomplish with them things which are truly amazing. but since information of this may be of great assistance in explaining some things which, written by the ancients, give the moderns material for many and various curious inquiries, i will briefly describe what those barbarians are accustomed to do with the said plants. they use, then, i was told, certain herbs that are amatory, or adapted for philters, if thus they should be called (which i do not dispute), in order to captivate the love of those whom they desire to win. for instance, do they desire to marry some woman who does not love them? then, obtaining their herbs (which they know very well), they carry these with them, endeavoring at the same time to carry them in the mouth when they talk with the woman; and the attraction is usually such that in a short time they succeed in gaining the affection of women who before were very averse to loving them. they do the same when they enter the presence of some person whom they have offended and whom they fear. they take the said herbs in their mouths, and, armed with this antidote, they are not afraid to be seen by him and to talk with him; and such are the results that they experience that, even when that person is greatly offended, he feels for that time so changed that, far from showing his anger, he receives them with great kindness, and with indications of special affection. they are also wont to use the aforesaid herbs in order to succeed in committing their lewd acts with women; and the women do the same in order to make themselves beloved by the men, very often, but not always, succeeding in this. [mozo relates an instance of this: a convert of his own, a most virtuous, modest, and exemplary widow, at first refused to marry another man, an infidel; but with the odor of these plants he overcame her opposition and carried her away with him. "never since then have i been able to see them again, although i tried to do so that i might convert that barbarian, and marry them afterward." he also relates how sometimes the natives would try this spell on him, if they feared that he was offended with them; after careful examination, he was satisfied that it caused not the slightest change in his feelings. he argues that any effect produced by the use of these herbs must, after all, be a natural one, and not caused by diabolical influences--a conclusion which he enforces by quoting various learned doctors. he and other missionaries made vigorous efforts to prevent the natives from such use of these herbs, on account of their bad results--as also in another custom, thus described:] in order to enable them to kill some deer quickly, they take some herbs which they call in their own language panarongusa, which signifies the same as to say in spanish, aliciente para venados [i.e., "a lure for deer"]. they distinguish the said herb into male and female, and therefore they make two small bundles of them, the male plants in one and the female in another. this done, they stick an arrow into the ground, and, placing at the top of it the herbs tied together, they begin to call the deer, imitating its voice, which they do to perfection. if in that vicinity there is any deer that hears the said sound, it infallibly sets out at once, and, beginning to scent, steadily approaches the fixed arrow, without taking fright at the men who are stationed near it. they allow the deer to approach, and, when it is in the place which suits them, they shoot an arrow at whichever part of its body they wish, and bring it down without difficulty. when i heard these things, i endeavored with those very persons, after they were baptized, to make a more than minute investigation, to ascertain whether the devil was giving them any instruction in it, whether they used any superstitious words, or performed [like] acts, so that i could form some opinion regarding these; but the unanimous reply of all was, that there was nothing of this sort, but that their ancestors had known that the said herbs possessed this virtue, and that they simply made use of them. there was, consequently, nothing more for me to do, except to declare that these were among the frauds of which the enemy [of souls] avails himself, in order by these baits to ruin their souls, and so much the more as he more secretly endeavored to introduce such things [as these among them]; and that on this account they ought to abstain from this mode of hunting, using only the common one, and trusting in the lord who gives food to all living creatures, without despising the raven's nestlings who cry unto him, that he would furnish what they might need for their support. i think that i succeeded, and that other religious will succeed in gradually banishing much of this abuse. [in ilocos fray alexandra cacho formed a village of converts, under the name of san juan de sahagun; and fray velloxin greatly enlarged the village of santa monica, "although in past years there came a pest of smallpox, which in a short time swept away a great number of the inhabitants." fray francisco alvarez, a son of the province of philipinas, in 1740 formed two other small villages in the mountains of santor; this was removed to another site by mozo himself in 1747, and in the period of three years he secured more than a hundred and fifty conversions, and even the attendance of their children at school. the harvest among those people, mozo says, is great, and many more might be saved if there were more missionaries; those who are among them are overworked, and in a few years are worn out or killed by their labors.] chapter ix missions to the apostates and infidels intermixed another mission, in my judgment more arduous than any of those i have mentioned, according to what i myself have experienced--and this is the general opinion of all those who are engaged in its cultivation--is the mission which the province maintains in a place which is called the marangley. this is composed of some very extensive and close forests, with various mountains, so covered with thickets and lofty trees that the sunlight can hardly enter there--although at intervals the natives have their clearings, of land which is so fertile that it seems incredible; and for this very reason, thinking that it would be considered fabulous, i omit an account of the abundance with which the land responds to whatever handful of seed they are accustomed to cast into it. in the said forests and hills dwell many people of various tribes, mingled together, christians and infidels. some are there, attracted by the hills from which they went out [in former times]; others, in flight from the officers of justice, who are seeking them. many also go there in order to live in idleness, and to free themselves from the payment of tribute and the fulfilment of other obligations; and many, because it is the region in which they were born, and where they have lived as infidels. there they dwell intermingled, infidels and christians being married together, and mingling a thousand superstitions with the law of jesus christ. from this results a hydra more fierce and more difficult to conquer than the celebrated one with which hercules fought; for the apostates, as being entirely corrupt, are most difficult to reclaim, and they with their corruption, persuasions, and evil customs, to a great degree pervert the simple nature of the infidels, just as st. paul tells us. their sustenance is like that which i related of the zambals, that is, [obtained] from the chase and from the innumerable wild palms which i have already mentioned; but they also sow their scanty bit of rice, the land responding to them with an incredible harvest, although they cultivate it wretchedly and take very little care of their fields. as many of them are christians and had learned the mysteries of our holy faith, while the infidels among whom they live have a thousand superstitions, omens, and foolish observances, they make a medley of jesus christ and baal, which is not even that of those samaritans of whom it is related that they desired at the same time to serve the god of israel and not to cast out their [false] gods. and because among these peoples are generally encountered not only the superstitions which those infidel communities maintain, but also the frivolous beliefs in which the peoples of philipinas were living before they could receive our holy faith, i have thought it well to reserve this information for this place--observing, moreover, that among the christian communities hardly a trace of these things is now encountered. this is the result of the labors, past and present, of the religious in extirpating them, and even in so short a time they have been able to banish them; while in our europa, and even in our españa, after so many centuries remnants of the ancient paganism are still frequently encountered.... those of whom we are speaking believe that every forest, every mountain, every river, and every grove has a powerful spirit who rules in those places; they call him nono, which signifies "grandfather"--by which name i understand they call him, partly because they think that the said spirit is that of some one of the powerful ones who once lived there, and also partly on account of the extreme veneration which those people have for their old men. it is also very credible that this foolish belief among them comes from their neighbors the chinese, who likewise attribute to every river, forest, field, and grove these penates and fauns, giving them a name which signifies the ruler and master of those places. they believe, then, that this spirit which they say rules there has his dwelling in some one of those trees which are most distinguished for size and for abundance of leaves, as likewise in some great heaps of earth, shaped like a sugar-loaf, which are made by a kind of ants, very destructive, which they call anay, [47] of which many are found in the open country there. accordingly, not only do they regard it as a religious duty not to pick fruit or take anything from the said hills without first asking permission from the nono, with words of great reverence, but likewise, whenever they pass before the said tree or hillock, they pay their respects, saying in their language, tabipo, which means, "by your permission," and then they go on their way. they are so fearful that, if they fail in doing this, they imagine that the said spirit will send upon them some sickness which will deprive them of life; this notion they confirm with some irrelevant casualties--some persons having failed to perform this ceremony, and afterward by accident having fallen ill--from which they conclude that this was a punishment from the nono; and therefore they try afterward to appease his anger by various gifts, which they offer to him after their fashion. moreover, in the said trees there is often heard some loud noise, which, although it is frequently made by some great serpent which has its abode in some hole that may be in the tree, they attribute to its nono--although it is true that the demon, in order to blind them more and thus to inspire them with greater terror, is wont to appear to them often in the said trees. the sacrifices which they are wont to offer to him in case of sickness, as likewise several times in the year, are reduced to burning certain herbs in front of the said tree, and placing there some little portion of food, drink, leaf tobacco, and an herb which they are accustomed to chew when combined with the small fruit of a palm, which they call luyos in the pampanga tongue, and bonga in the tagal (and that fruit and the herb all together they call in the former language mama, and in the latter buyo), all which things, after having thus offered them, they themselves eat, having made their prayers, such as they are. [mozo here stops to recall how like superstitions and heathen sacrifices lingered for a long time in africa and even in europe, and the efforts made by the christian fathers to extirpate them. he says that in filipinas the heathen do not "adore the trees as gods; but the aforesaid tree they regard as the dwelling in which the spirit who rules that grove or forest has his abode, and therefore they offer before it what we have described, and perform the said acts of prayer and veneration; but these are not directed to the tree, but to the spirit or nono who resides in it."] besides this, they have another and exceedingly foolish superstition and belief, which is also found among the chinese (and the romans had it, as we read in our father st. augustine and others); this is the belief that there is an evil spirit who is hostile to the birth of children, and who, they say, in the form of a bird approaches the house where the woman lies in childbirth, and kills the child by tearing out its bowels. this spirit they call in their language usuang (and it is the same that the romans call silvanus), which, they say, shines by night. in order to free themselves from this spirit, they do a ridiculous thing. as soon as the woman begins her travail, the husband, attended by other persons, strips off his clothes, and, taking his naked cutlass, climbs to the ridge-pole of the house, his companions remaining below with their lances; and he does not cease making cuts at the air until the infant is born. they believe that the said usuang is frightened away by this, and dares not return. at other times they do the same thing, [except that] they are stationed below the house. they also fear greatly two other genii or spirits, of whom they tell a thousand stories. one they call tigbalang, which they say has the body of a giant and the legs of a horse; and the other, which they say resembles a pigmy they call patianac. [48] it is certain that the demon thus appears to them, to terrify them with threats if they fail to serve him. they also use auguries, which they obtain from a bird that they call batala, in the manner of which virgilius sings, and which his commentator servius explains; upon this gellius, pompeius, cicero, tiraquellus, and other humanists expatiate at length. and it is not surprising that they should be prepossessed by this error; for, if we believe luis vives, it passed from assia to grecia, and thence to italia and roma. their belief is of that sort in this particular, that, if they set out on any expedition against another people, and on encountering them this bird should appear, singing in what they think is a melancholy tone, they immediately turn back and abandon their purpose, fearing to be entirely destroyed. on the other hand, if the bird sings to them agreeably, they at once regard their success as certain. when they make peace with their opponents, they use a thousand execrations and imprecations with which they sign their treaties; and in order to divine whether there is any insecurity in the decision they catch a hog, and having stretched it on the ground, with its feet fastened thereto, they thrust into the midst of its body a knife, very broad and sharply pointed, and, quickly drawing this out, they carefully look for the blood on both sides. if on the side which faces either of the two parties there is no blood, or if it is there but not running, they conclude that the people on that side are deceiving them; but if the blood runs on both sides they shake hands, together they feast on the hog, and they swallow powerful draughts [of palm-wine?]--forming the same opinion from the blood as did the ancients from the entrails of the animals which they sacrificed, cicero's statement being verified that there is hardly a nation which does not find auguries in these things. in the eclipses they display great sadness, believing that some dragon will carry away the sun or the moon, and therefore they call upon it in terms which express that idea. accordingly, in order to succor those heavenly bodies they raise loud yells, and shooting arrows upward, they make a thousand demonstrations of grief, as did the romans, according to tacitus and livius.... to this the chinese add still more; for, besides the said shouting, they bring out some copper instruments, a sort of timbrel, having a very loud and disagreeable sound; and striking these all at the same time, they make a frightful and horrible sound. this, they say, is to aid the sun not to be carried away by the dragon, which they think is frightened by this noise, and thus lets the sun go free. these and other superstitions and idle beliefs are generally held by the infidels of these islands, and among the peoples of whom we are speaking not only are these ideas found complete, but also, since among those people dwell apostates, who have some knowledge of the mysteries of our holy faith and of christian observances, they introduce among the multitude of such notions others from christianity--with the mixture which they make of these, bending one knee to christ and the other to the demon, and believing all these things equally. but it is not surprising that they do this, when even over here after six hundred years there still were left relics of the ancient heathenism, like to these, as appears from the councils, and from the saints above cited, who rebuke in terminis these very things--to which may be added the council of agde, [49] and other writings of the saints. [mozo here relates some incidents to show how the devil holds these poor people in bondage, and terrifies them with threats and horrible sights.] [in these missions, from the year 1718, multitudes of infidels were baptized and hundreds of apostates reclaimed. prominent among the laborers therein were fray juan velloxin, fray antonio leon and a brother of his (who died worn out by the fatigues of his work), fray manuel calvo, and fray francisco alvarez. [50] during that time four villages of converts were formed--ururin, lupao, umingan, and tayog, in which the natives lived in very christian fashion, their numbers increasing with new conversions. mozo relates several instances of the opposition made by the devil to this work.] chapters x, xi missions to visayas having now made known the triumphs secured in this present century in the great island of luzon, it is right that we say something of the missions which the province maintains in the various islands which are called visayas; and, in order that the reader may better understand the pious labors which are being endured in the conversion of the infidels therein to our holy faith, it will be very proper to say something about the customs of the said peoples, and of the places where they dwell, even though it be without enlarging much thereon. commencing with the latter point, i relate how in two islands, called zebu and panay, there are some exceedingly dense woodlands, and mountain districts more rugged than can be described; for they are so impenetrable, and so thick with undergrowth, that it is impossible to make a step forward without the utmost toil, and even danger, especially for those who are ignorant of the path, such as it is--which the natives know, and by which they go down, when it suits them, to look for some things which they need. in the said mountains dwell a people who are called mundos; [51] they have the same characteristics of fierceness and barbarism as those of whom we have spoken in preceding missions, but they have besides this a peculiarity which renders them intractable, for they have among them some fearful wizards, who by conversing with the demon do things which cause terror, and who are able to render credible much of what is regarded as fabulous. [here our author cites various writers to show how prevalent was witchcraft in the ancient times.] in this manner, then, instructed and misled by the demon, those barbarians do fearful things, especially to revenge themselves, to the continual terror of those about them. the natives say that these wizards, changed into crocodiles, follow them when in their canoes, and do not stop until they seize some person whom they hate; also that they change themselves into other animals, in order to commit other wicked acts--as likewise that, availing themselves of various enchantments, they commit horrible murders, with a thousand other diabolical acts which are attributed to them. for this reason, if any one having this reputation enters any village to settle there, or, when already resident there, some rumor arises that he may be such a person, they immediately summon him peremptorily to depart from the village within three days; and if he does not obey they burn his house, and even himself and his family, nor is it once only that they have killed such persons with their lances. i do not doubt that the vulgar herd invent much, but as little is it doubtful that there are many wizards, who do a thousand evil things. among them a malady is apt to prevail which they call bungsol (which signifies "a sudden swoon"), which is apt to attack them as a result of swellings, as hard as a stone, which originate in their stomachs; this trouble is often caused by chills, which they experience from going barefoot in the water and in wet places, and is wont to cause them such pains that on occasion they will suddenly appear as if dead. at other times, this sickness is also caused by some magic of a sorcerer, which they call gavay, by which word they are accustomed to denote the witchcraft and the act of practicing it--in which they do not often make a mistake; for through their mouths, as well as through other conduits of the body, these sorcerers on occasion eject rice in the hull, and other things, which could not be done if they were not aided by something of the said magic. in order to cure the person bewitched in this manner, they endeavor to summon some other person who has the reputation of a sorcerer; and this person, performing various exercises of his powers, calls to the one who caused that sickness. if the sufferer does not improve, the sorcerer at once pretends that the first one must be very far away, and for this reason cannot hear him, but will return the next day; and by this means he keeps the people deceived, and eats and drinks at the cost of the poor sick man. it also sometimes happens that they are quickly cured, and therefore when they see these things they feel such fear that, when the sorcerer goes so far as to ask for anything, they immediately give it to him, fearing lest he may bewitch them--in the same way as occurs over here [in españa] in some little villages, when those persons go through them whom they call loberos, [52] and others of that stripe. if on a journey they lose their way in some desert plain, they attribute this to the patianac of whom we spoke before; and in order that they may be able to find the road they strip off their clothing, and with this they say that they succeed in doing so because this proceeding frightens the patianac, and he takes flight and does not mislead them. in order to discover and know who it is that has taken from them any missing article, they employ a diabolical device, which they practice with a sort of sieve, which they call bilao--an act in which one plainly recognizes that it proceeds from the demon; for by simply shaking the said sieve while they name various persons the [name of the] thief comes into their minds. they also summon their manes, or [spirits of the] dead, when they are assembled in the house where some person has died; and in order to see whether or not those spirits come they lay down a sort of fine mat, and, scattering over it ashes in order that the marks of feet may be printed thereon, often there may be seen the traces of footsteps, and with this they remain well content. it is true, however, that even over here [in europa] such things were wont to be seen in olden times, as we read in various writings which describe the sacrifices which were offered to such departed spirits; and our father st. augustine points out this, citing marcus varro, while it is individually explained by tiraquellus and others.... as for the missions which the [augustinian] province has in the visayas islands, the toil with which they have been and are being cultivated is inexpressible, and very little, if anything, has been published or known about them--partly because, as this work is carried on more remote from sight, it has been less likely to attract applause; and likewise because the religious, content that god, for love of whom they are employed therein, should be cognizant of their labors, care little for the rest, thus avoiding the subtle vainglory which, under pretext of the glory of god and the honor of the religious order, often deceitfully seeks praise for oneself.... let the first mission, then, to become known to the public be that of bugasson, in the mountains of the province of panay, in order that it may be known how great has been the labor in the conversion of those infidels. in the year 1704, father fray thomás sanchez, a son of this province of castilla, when he had finished baptizing the indians who lived on the plains in that region, was assigned by his obedience to the said mountains, with two other fathers, as his associates. they obeyed the orders of their superior, and, after having conquered various difficulties, with a thousand risks of their lives, and having endured a thousand hardships of hunger, want, the fatigues of the wretched roads, and other inclemencies of the weather, amid the terrors of death they were able to secure the baptism of a number of barbarians, enough to establish a foothold in that region and erect a church. they continued in their task, reaping considerable fruit, although in a short time, worn out by fatigues, the said father and one of his companions died. others were sent in their places by the province, who were able to imitate the zeal of the first missionaries so closely that in the year 1733 they were able to form a village of the recent converts alone, on a most favorable site, of more than two thousand five hundred souls; and, our lord continuing his favors, so great a number have been added to the flock of christ, by means of the continual preaching and industry of the missionary religious, that in the original chart of the said village which was sent to his majesty in the past year of 1760, it is shown to have, counting women, men, and children, six thousand and eighty-nine souls, who are now baptized and reclaimed to civilization. at the western side of the province of panay, about twenty-five or thirty leguas out at sea, there are some little islets called the cagayans; they are so low that they can hardly be seen, except when one is very near, and therefore when the indians sailed thither they followed a star, by which they had marked the location of these islets. in them were many infidels, and even therein took refuge all the outlaws, and men who committed murders. there is no water in the said islands, but they contain so great an abundance of the palms called "cocoa" that, with the water of the said fruit, they do not feel the need of any other. [to go among these people was exceedingly dangerous, on account of their fierce natures; but it was accomplished (in 1703) by fray hypolito casiano, who succeeded in winning their friendship and converting them to the christian faith, so that in two years (as stated by the provincial olarte, ante) he had "baptized all the infidels there, and induced all the criminals who had resorted thither to repent of their deeds and reform their lives." he continued these labors and these triumphs until his death, in 1726.] the third mission of the visayas islands is that of which the reverend father provincial fray vicente ibarra gave a particular and exact account to the governor of the islands in the year 1738, when he had finished his visitation of the missions, having received an urgent request that he should make report of their condition and progress (for with all this strictness are affairs examined in philipinas, since such is the command of his majesty, whom may god preserve); and because the said father provincial, as being an eyewitness and well acquainted with the religious who began that mission, can speak with more accuracy, i will set down his very words, as follows: "the third mission which my province maintains is in the mountains of bosoc in the province of ogtong, on the further coast of the province of panay. this mission was established in the year 1728, an entrance being made in the rugged region of those mountains by father fray felix de zuñiga [53]--a religious of the most religious habits and the gentlest demeanor; and so zealous for souls that, without heeding the inclemencies of those wild mountains, he went about on foot, unshod, in sun and in rain, crossing almost by a miracle swollen and rapid rivers, and, despising danger, made his way into the most secluded places, in which there are many apostates and carib [54] blacks, of which sort are all those who are in the mountains of these islands. such power had his zeal and constancy that he gained no small number of souls, since from those who were converted he was able to form three small villages; but, while he was praying one day in the little house which he had made for his dwelling, some apostates killed him with their lances. at present the said mission is cared for, on account of the great deficiency of men that we experience, by two religious who are in the village of bugasson." [all these missions were still conducted, when mozo wrote, and were saving many souls; but their work was greatly limited and hindered by the scarcity of workers. these missionaries displayed the same spirit of devotion, zeal for souls, and self-sacrifice as did the earlier ones, but "with this difference [in results], that our predecessors dealt with peoples who were gentler and more civilized, while those of the present time are handling people who are more fierce and barbarous; and for this reason their triumphs must be the more glorious, and their virtue and constancy most firmly grounded. many other souls are caught for heaven in these islands by those religious who serve in villages near the districts where there are infidels, of which there are many in the said islands. they penetrate further into the country when they are permitted to do so, and they lose no opportunity when those [infidels] go down to their villages to procure articles that they need, which occurs often; those [thus converted] amount to several hundred persons annually."] [mozo here describes certain remedies for sickness which are used by the natives. among these are the gall and fat of the python (called saua and biting, in various dialects) and another similar species of serpent, which reach an enormous size in the forests of the interior. the gall is used both internally and externally by the natives, to cure chills and pains in the stomach--to which they are especially liable from going barefooted, and more or less naked, through mud and rain at all times; also for malignant fevers and any inflammation which causes them. mozo relates how he had cured himself of a high fever, when the physicians had "sentenced him to death," by the use of this remedy, and had on other occasions been relieved or cured by it; "consequently, i guard what i have of it like a precious jewel." the fat of these serpents is equally efficient for swellings or pains in the muscles and sinews, especially those caused by chills and exposure to weather; also it relieves the pains of gout.] [those indians used a small stone, resembling a nut, in order to facilitate childbirth; they said that it was found, although only in small quantities, in a mine somewhere; this stone, applied to the left thigh, would quickly relieve the most difficult case of parturition, [55] and afterward, applied again, would bring away the placenta; but in both cases it must be removed as soon as the desired effect was accomplished, or else it would "cause even the bowels to be drawn out." they also made use of a certain root, called in the pampanga tongue sugapa, [56] to inflame their courage in battle; "he who eats it is made beside himself, and rendered so furious that while its effect lasts he cares not for dangers, nor even hesitates to rush into the midst of pikes and swords. on many occasions, therefore, when they go out to fight with any who are hostile to them they are wont to carry this root with them, and, by eating it at the time of the attack, they enter the battle like furious wild beasts, without turning back even when their force is cut to pieces; on the other hand, even when one of them is pierced from side to side with a lance, he will raise himself by that very lance in order to strike at him who had pierced him. sometimes, also, when they wish to revenge themselves on some more powerful man, it occurs to them to eat the said root; and, with the fury which it arouses in them, they fling themselves upon him like rabid wolves, being carried away by that rage in the presence of the person whom they meet, whoever he may be. therefore, on account of the pernicious effects which the said root causes, the dutch have given peremptory orders in batavia that any person who sees another, whoever he may be, in the said fury shall without fail shoot him or [otherwise] put him to death, in order that an end may be put to the fatal accidents which are daily seen in that city, on account of the natives there being very prone to this barbarous proceeding. the malanao and joloan moros are accustomed to use this plant much. they are also acquainted with other herbs the use of which is no less pernicious, although in another way than is the root above referred to. i have forgotten their names, but in those regions there are many who know them, and are even acquainted with those plants (would that it were not so!). it is true, indeed, that among those who are now living in a civilized manner and are grounded in the faith, hardly any abuse is found in this respect; and even, except very seldom, any one who is acquainted with those plants; but among some infidel tribes there is often much of this, as i could confirm by cases which occurred to me while i was among those people." [mozo here mentions certain herbs (unnamed) which produce a complete physical torpor in the person to whom they are administered, so that he can use neither voice nor limbs; [57] the natives are apt to avail themselves of this for purposes of robbery, but "they do not use it in order to abuse women, which is an especial providence of our lord." he relates an "amusing trick" played by the natives on another religious: this father had baptized some infants, on condition that they be surrendered to his care to be brought up as christians; after a time, the parents came one night, and burned the above-mentioned herb under the house, thus producing its effect upon the inmates; "and in the sight of all, without any one having the power to move, they seized the infants and went away with them," nor was the father ever able to find either the children or their parents.] [the rest of mozo's work (pp. 152-234) is occupied with the relation of the augustinian missions in china; at the end is a list of the baptisms solemnized by one missionary during the year 1760-61, giving the name, age, and residence of each; most of these persons are children, and one had been a priest of an idol.] dominican missions in paniqui and ituy [in a rare pamphlet printed at manila and dated 1745--of which the library of congress possesses a copy--bernardo ustáriz, [58] then provincial of the dominican order in filipinas, wrote a sketch of the above missions, from which we make the following summary:] [the missions of the order had reaped a rich harvest in central luzón, but the fathers were not satisfied because the gospel had secured no stable footing "in paniqui, [59] which was hiding among the provinces of cagayan, pangasinan, and pampanga." they succeeded in making an entrance therein in 1739, at the cost of the lives of four of their missionaries; but six years later they were maintaining four laborers in that region and making encouraging progress. in this enterprise they were liberally aided by governor gaspar de la torre. in those remote and wild regions the missionaries suffered greatly from lack of suitable shelter and food, the inclemencies of the weather, and the hardships of traveling. as an illustration: "on one occasion, a missionary having set out from the village of appiàt for the place called cauayan, night came upon him when he reached a village named làcab; he expected that he could find a lodging there, and thus pass the night less uncomfortably, under some roof. he uttered loud cries, calling to its inhabitants, but his only reply was a confused yelling from the women, who in anger cried out that the religious should not enter the village. at the time they were offering a public supplication, in order to obtain from their idols rain for making their fields fruitful; and, as they formed the opinion that the devil would not speak to them through fear of the religious, they would not consent that the father should lodge in any of their houses. accordingly, he found himself obliged to sleep on the ground that night, exposed to any disagreeable change of weather that might arise." for some time the missionaries were derided, repelled, and threatened, and the natives endeavored to prevent them from entering the houses; but they persevered undauntedly, and the devil was often thwarted by their courageous resistance. many persons desired baptism, but some were lured away by the devil, speaking through the priestesses (or aniteras), and others were intimidated by the opposition of their friends and relatives, who would even threaten a convert with death. some fancied that to become a christian would render one "a perpetual slave to the spaniards." in 1743, a chief at appiat came with his family to the missionaries to be baptized. in the aforesaid space of six years, they had "succeeded in erecting six churches, in the villages of cauayàn, appiàt, bagabag, lappàu, darùyag, and carìg. to these should be added that of bayombong; for, although some christians were there when it was received from the reverend augustinian fathers, there were still many infidels, of whom some lived with the said christians, and others had fled to a forest called vàcal--from which they have gradually come out by dint of the visits which the missionaries have frequently made them, and with the baptisms among them an increase has been made in the number of the christians who were in bayombong when the order of st. dominic began its ministrations there. thus, in the said seven churches there is the number of nine hundred and seventy souls, baptized in the said time--besides ten apostates, who after many years have returned to the christian faith. the number of christians would be greater, if the missionaries did not use especial care in administering baptism, and if they were willing to comply with the desires of many persons." many of the requests for baptism were caused by the desire to escape from tyrannical lords, or from creditors, or from the penalty due to their crimes; and not a few imagined that they could thus gain some more influential position among their people. in those seven churches there were eight hundred and fifty-eight catechumens; and these would have been more numerous if there were missionaries. at the time of ustáriz's writing, there has been a gratifying change in the feelings of those people, even among the infidels; they are more docile, and more friendly to the missionaries, and they even live more peaceably among themselves, committing fewer murders. governor torre granted to these fathers "extraordinary indian guards, who even yet have not been able to complete the works in all the villages. in cauayàn and lappàu, they have built substantial houses and churches of planks; in bagabag and daruyag they have constructed houses of the same sort, and although [in those places] there are pavilions suitable for saying mass, they will proceed to build there substantial churches when they finish the wooden house and church in appiàt (or gàpat); they will also build a house in carig, where a large church of planks has already been completed. in the village of bayombong it has likewise been necessary to build a new house and church of planks, because the buildings which were there for both these were little more than hovels." these same indian guards had been obliged to spend much time in opening and repairing roads, which had delayed their work on the church buildings; but those new roads had enabled the missionaries to secure an easy communication with the surrounding provinces, and to discover the lurking-places of the heathen natives. the work and maintenance of these indian laborers are paid for by the government; but the fathers had to spend no small sum in other ways, to secure the spiritual conquest of the heathen about them. "it is necessary to influence them not only by fear but by love," and thus the missionary must give them gratuities and presents; he must also support some of them, even for several months, who came from a great distance to receive instruction and, being in a strange land, had no means of support. the fathers had furnished plows to all who asked for them, that the natives might better cultivate their lands.] [in the villages of bujay and dupag, and still more in the district of ytuy, they met many obstacles and afflictions, as those natives were not so docile as those of paniqui. "nevertheless, much fruit has been gathered, in baptizing many infidels of the neighboring tribes, ygolot, ylongot, and others; and in reclaiming some apostates who were hiding in the mountains." the missionaries were troubled not only with the obstinacy of those in ytuy (or ysinay), and the persistent efforts of the devil to render their labors vain, but with the hostilities committed on their converts by a tribe close by ytuy, called panoypuyes, who made head-hunting raids on their christian neighbors. the ysinays were a timid people, and these fierce marauders kept them in abject submission to their tyranny--killing them when found alone or unprotected on the road, killing or snaring their cattle, demanding from them contributions of produce, and even human beings whom the tyrants slew and then "offered in sacrifice to their false gods." the missionaries feared that they must abandon this mission; but, hearing that auditor arzadun was then making his official visitation in the province of pangasinan, they appealed to him for aid. he sent a body of armed men from that province against the panoypuyes, but they could not administer sufficient punishment; he then ordered troops from cagayan, two hundred and eighty-two in number. to these were added fifty of the indian guards from the mission of santa cruz of paniqui, and some of the native converts there; and this expedition was able to check the insolence of those dreaded marauders. ustáriz presents an extract from the report of this enterprise which was furnished to him by fray antonio del campo, the vicar-provincial of the said missions. the expedition captured and burned the villages of ajanàs (the principal village of the panoypuyes), masi, taveng, bangao, and others; and slew sapàc--the chief who ruled that tribe, and had been most tyrannical toward "the poor ysinay christians"--with many of his followers. in ajanàs was a large building, on higher ground than the rest, and surrounded by a wall of stones, which was their sole fortress; "it was destined only for the residence of the unmarried men, who, according to the custom of that tribe, are not allowed to cover the more shameful part of their bodies, nor sleep where the married people live; the said pavilion also served as a watch-tower the duty of sentinel service belonging to the unmarried men." since this castigation, the missions and christian indians had enjoyed peace; and the natives, relieved from their terror of the enemy, had flocked to the missionaries for baptism. in bujày there were baptized about two hundred persons of the ygolots alone, and at this writing there were "more than seven hundred souls newly added to this mission; for, the report of the valor of the cagayan christians in this undertaking having spread abroad, it has penetrated into even the most remote part of the mountains, attracting even the most secluded of the ylongots, a tribe who rival the panoypuyes in valor and fierceness. the mission of paniqui likewise felt these benign effects; for at the report of such an achievement more than six hundred persons came to enroll themselves for the [instruction in] catechism, from the yogad and gaddàng tribes--besides forty souls from the village of ybana in the ygolot tribe, who united themselves to the village of bayombong. nor was this blessing monopolized by these two missions, but, crossing the mountains, it went on to pungcan--to which place many families, influenced by the rumor of this influx of people [to the missions], have come down from the gumangi tribe, in whose instruction the reverend augustinian fathers are occupied."] [a pamphlet (mexico? ca. 1740) by fray manuel del rio, then provincial of the dominicans in filipinas, relates the "events in the mission of santa cruz in ituy, in the province of paniqui: in the year 1739;" it is reprinted by retana in his archivo, ii, pp. 175-205. the following information is gleaned therefrom, space not permitting us to present more than the leading facts contained therein.] [60] [the dominican province of filipinas had within the islands the following active missions: san miguel de oriong, in the mountains of batan; pantol and asingan, in those of pangasinan; in the islands [61] which extend toward hermosa island, those of the batanes and calayàn; and in the mountains and hills of cagayan, the missions of santa rosa of cifun, tumavini, orag, mavanan, santa cruz, vangan, and capitanan. the missionaries in the provinces of pangasinan and cagayan had long desired to extend their work into the inland region lying between those provinces; and this was begun in the year 1632, in the district of ituy, or isinay. this mission was founded by fray thomàs gutierrez, who afterward died therein. the district of paniqui was afterward chosen for missionary labors, but up to 1736 with only indifferent and occasional success; it "was founded in zifun by fray pedro ximenez, and afterward was transferred to the location which it now has, with the title of santa rosa." in 1735, the augustinian fathers (who at the time of río's writing were administering the ituy mission) observed some indications that those hearts were becoming softened; of this they informed the dominicans, who in the following year made the eighth attempt to establish a mission in that heathen district. on may 25, 1736, fray diego de la torre went from his village of ilagan (in cagayan) to make a reconnaissance among the heathen people of cagayan; at first they rebuffed him, but by dint of kind treatment and presents he won the confidence of some among them. these told him that the only obstacle in the way of his efforts was, the impassableness of the high-road from cagayan to pangasinan; if this were made passable, they would have no longer a barrier between themselves and spanish influence. fray torre's report of his dealings with these heathen induced the dominican provincial, fray geronymo sanz ortiz, to ask valdés tamón for government aid to their new enterprise; the governor granted the establishment of a mission in paniqui, composed of four religious and the guard necessary for their protection, at the expense of the king; and the following religious were sent thither: fray manuel molinér, fray joseph thomás marin, fray romualdo molina, and fray pedro de sierra. they began their labors in july, 1737, and encountered determined opposition from the natives, who, advised by the demon, would not admit them into the villages. the chiefs demanded, as the price of even allowing the missionaries to remain near the villages, gifts of beads, cattle and horses, and gold; and, finally, two men to slay as offerings to their demons. fray molinér died suddenly, it was suspected from poison given to him by some heathen; and in his stead fray torre was sent. about this time (1738) the fathers received protection and hospitality from an indian woman of rank in that tribe; and this aid, with the presents given by the fathers and their persistent charity and gentleness, softened the hearts of the unbelievers until they consented to make a treaty of peace, some of the chiefs even going to nueva segovia to ratify it. nevertheless, the fathers still experienced much opposition, especially from the people of bayongbong, the most southern and the chief village of that heathen district; and often their lives were in danger, especially when their indian guards became frightened and began to retreat to their homes. indeed, fathers torre and molina died suddenly, probably from poison, like molinér. the dominican provincial again appealed to the government for aid, asking that more guards be assigned to the missionaries, and that one or two military posts be established in that province--partly for the protection of the missionaries, partly to ensure the safety of the road which was to be built from pangasinan to cagayan; [62] this was granted by the governor, and the necessary provisions made therefor. by the time when news of this came to cagayan, marin had so far advanced matters that "almost nothing remained to overcome;" he had secured the support of a powerful chief named danao, and toleration from another named ansimo; and marin went to pangasinan, taking with him pyrán, danao's grandson--who was so caressed and honored by the spaniards that he returned home a firm friend to the missionaries, and did much to open his countrymen's hearts toward them. the dominican father provincial determined to open a direct road from paniqui to pangasinan, at the expense of the province--a most arduous and difficult undertaking, on account of the rugged surface of the country and the hostility of the igorrots, "a bloodthirsty and very treacherous people." father manuel del río was sent out to make the necessary explorations for this road, in which he suffered great hardship. the igorrots were greatly opposed to the intended road-making; but they were finally induced, by the father's arguments, but still more by his liberal distribution of presents, to give their consent. the treaty made with them was thus solemnized: "in the presence of all, a hog was killed, and, as soon as the knife was thrust into it, profound silence reigned--all watching the dying struggles of the animal, and the flowing of its blood, which seemed like a fountain gushing upward. after a long time, a christian indian who was experienced in their ceremonies came forward, and, collecting in his hand some of the animal's blood, went, with loud cries and a swaggering step, and smeared with the blood the feet of the igorrot chiefs; at this they were well pleased, and began to talk vigorously in their own language, and with bold gestures, as a sign that they would fulfil their agreement. this done, they were given something to drink, and the cattle, carajays, [63] salt, and other things at which the bargain had been settled were placed before them; and they returned to their villages contented, having remained from that time friends with the christians. this road is two days' journey in length, from the most eastern village of pangasinan, called asingan, to the village of buxay among the isinay people, which is a mission of the augustinian fathers. for the greater comfort of travelers, road-houses were built at regular distances, in the places called colong, malalapang, and malionlion; and in the last-named, which is the last town on the border of pangasinan, a religious was stationed--on account of some igorrot christians being there, with some others who, it was hoped, would become christians--with the title of missionary to the infidels there; he was separate from the other four who were in the province of paniqui, who were destined to the reduction and conversion of the infidels in that province. this was a great achievement to open this road for communication between the provinces; for this has been an undertaking often attempted but never carried out, and often the royal exchequer has incurred great costs in it, and always without any benefit--especially twenty years ago, when the unfortunate mariscal don fernando bustillo, governor and captain-general of these islands, attempted to open this road. many thousands of pesos were spent, many unlucky events occurred, and no result was attained; and now, without any expense to the royal exchequer, at the cost of the religious order, it was readily cut through and opened. it is hoped that this road will be of great utility, not only for the said communication and trade between the provinces, but also for the easier conversion of the infidels--who, through trade and communication with the christians, will learn their civilization and excellent customs, and will after a time abandon the barbarous condition in which they lived before." in april of 1739, father río was accompanied to manila by danao and the other chiefs already mentioned; they were feasted and laden with presents, and the governor "granted freely whatever they asked." in this road-building and other matters pertaining to this mission, the dominican province spent "almost three thousand eight-real pieces; although it is the poorest province in the indias, it can liberally spend its treasure, as now it has done, in the service of god and for the good of souls, for which chiefly it was founded."] [64] events in filipinas, 1739-1762 [a brief summary of events during the above period is here presented; it is taken, like similar abstracts in previous volumes, mainly from the histories of zúñiga, concepción, and montero y vidal.] [the government of the islands by valdés y tamón ended in the summer of 1739, when he was succeeded by gaspar de la torre. just before this time, the former ordered the royal fiscal, christoval perez de arroyo, [65] to be sent to prison for refusing to give up certain documents in his possession; the fiscal then took refuge in the recollect convent, and his property was seized. after torre's coming, the archbishop (fray juan angel rodriguez), at the instance of the recollects, made arrangements with him for arroyo's restitution to office; but the governor, instead, imprisoned the fiscal. the suit against him could not be decided at manila, and was therefore referred to the court at madrid, arroyo meanwhile remaining a prisoner, and harshly treated. the archbishop was so grieved at this, and at his having been the cause (although innocent) of arroyo's imprisonment, by inducing him to leave his asylum in the convent, that he became seriously ill; and the heroic remedies prescribed by the physicians so reduced his strength that he soon died. among the accusations made against arroyo was that he had married (in 1738) doña maria luisa josepha de morales y santistevan without the knowledge and consent of her guardian; but this was apparently settled by the proof afterward adduced that the marriage took place on august 12, 1742, and was performed by the guardian himself, juan de la fuente y yepes, dean of the cathedral. in the following december arroyo died; his widow was summoned to take his place in the legal proceedings then pending against him, but asked the authorities to release her from this requirement; nevertheless, her property was seized, and the case was referred to madrid for settlement. the court censured both valdés y tamón and torre for their proceedings in the matter, and ordered that arroyo be restored to his office, with pay for the time which he had spent in prison; but this decision reached manila (april, 1743) only after his death. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 89-121.)] [in january of 1743 the bishop-elect of nueva caceres, the master don isidoro de arevalo, asked from the manila government permission to go to macao to receive his consecration, there being no bishop in the islands to confer it. but the governor had received letters from china which told of the expedition of the english commander anson (see vol. xlvii, p. 231, note 48), his depredations on the south american coast, and his presence in the harbor of canton for the purpose of repairing his vessel; and he therefore asked the bishop to defer his voyage for a time, in order to avert the danger of his capture by the english "pirate." in the following may, news came to manila that anson had sailed from canton, and gone toward the embocadero to lie in wait for the acapulco galleon "cobadonga;" the ship "pilar," which anson had been previously foiled in capturing, was despatched (june 3) to aid the galleon, but its commander seems to have been timorous, and took refuge in the port of ticao at the news of a strange warship being seen (june 22) in those waters. finally, his ship began to leak, and he returned to manila without accomplishing anything. on june 30 the "cobadonga" was captured by anson, after a brave resistance by the spaniards. the residencia of the officers of the "pilar" was delayed for two years, and, although the charges of delay and negligence brought against them were serious, they were finally exonerated from blame; those of the expedition which endeavored, but unsuccessfully, to find and punish anson after his capture of the "cobadonga" were also justified. as for the commander (don geronimo montero) and officers of the latter vessel, severe charges were brought against them by the royal fiscal for surrendering the ship; they were arrested, and a special investigation of the matter was made by the royal audiencia. the fiscal demanded that they be punished; but after examination of the testimony, the governor decided that they were not to blame for the surrender; but they were condemned to pay the costs of their trial. in this voyage the "cobadonga" had not brought from mexico the returns on the investments made for that year by the misericordia [66] and other administrators of obras pías; these returns, amounting to 1,200,000 pesos, were left behind at acapulco, either through fear of the english cruisers or for more profitable investment in mexico. hence arose a controversy as to the restitution of these funds, and the misericordia brought suit for their recovery from the agents who had withheld them; but it was decided by the council of indias that the latter were not bound and could not be compelled to repay the money. "in the outer court of justice this went very well, but in the inner court it was quite otherwise; for we have knowledge of actual restitutions of the property thus withheld being made to the obras pías, by those persons who had more healthy consciences." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 121-237.)] [the remainder of this summary is taken from zúñiga's historia de philipinas, pp. 546-601.] señor don gaspar de la torre made a bad beginning of his government; the violent proceedings which he instituted against the fiscal arroyo began to make him odious to the community, the misfortunes which occurred during his term of office exasperated the minds of the citizens, and all his conduct was directed more toward pacifying this hatred than to gaining the esteem of the subjects whom he ruled. seeing that he was disliked in the city, he began to be affected with melancholy, from which resulted a dysentery, a disease from which one seldom recovers in philipinas. his illness was aggravated by the news which reached him that the village of balayan in the province of batangas had revolted; [67] and finally a supposed revolt of the sangleys ended his life. there was a rumor that the chinese were going to come into the city, and, notwithstanding his illness, he tried to go out against them; his friends would not permit this, and soon ascertained that it was all a fabrication; [68] but he became so feverish from the shock that he died a few days afterward, september 21, 1745.... in his place began to rule, conformably to the directions given by his majesty, señor arrechedera of the order of st. dominic, the bishop-elect of ylocos. he made investigations in regard to the uprising of the chinese, and found that they had no such intention, nor had they given any cause for suspecting them of rebellion; it was therefore believed that this report had been circulated in order to vex the governor. no long time was spent in quelling the uprising in balayan; for the sargento-mayor went out with a hundred men of the regular troops and many indians, encountered the insurgents, and, although he could not conquer them, because the indians who accompanied him all fled immediately, checked the onset of the enemy, without his having suffered any mishap, save that he received a musket-shot from one of his own men, a raw recruit. he asked for aid from manila, and they sent him two hundred men, with whom he conquered the enemies and punished them as they deserved--shooting some, and banishing others, according to the influence that they had exercised in the sedition, which vanished like smoke. he left behind a small detachment in that province, in order to inspire some respect [for the spanish power] in the seditious who might remain in hiding; and the rest of the troops were sent to cavite, because, besides the information which he received that the english were at batavia with a squadron, the alcalde of ilocos gave warning that two ships had been seen from that coast, with two smaller vessels, which were believed to be enemies. the most illustrious governor put the town in a condition for defense, erected various works, purchased arms through the agency of foreigners, and cast some cannons. all these preparations were not necessary, for the english did not come, although they resented our having taken from them a brigantine and a balandra.... in philipinas, manila found some consolation in the arrival of two ships, [69] which had returned from acapulco and brought some funds to relieve the necessities of the commonwealth. in one of them came don fray pedro de la santisima trinidad, [70] who, while a member of the council of indias, had taken the franciscan habit in the recollect convent of pomasque; and his majesty presented him for the archbishopric of manila, asking the pope to compel him to accept that dignity. fray pedro, not being able to oppose the mandate of his holiness, was consecrated in españa; he came to philipinas, and took possession of his office [mitra] on august 27, 1747. it appeared that he ought to have begun at the same time to rule as governor [of the islands]; for the king's decree appointed for the vacancies [in that office] the archbishop of manila, and in default of him the nearest bishop--through which arrangement the office had been assumed by señor arrechedera, who ought to have surrendered the authority to the archbishop as soon as the latter took possession of his see. his most illustrious lordship did not choose to stir up this question, and contented himself with reporting the matter to the court; answer was made to him that orders had already been previously despatched that he should take charge of the government ad interim, but this royal order did not arrive [at manila] until after the arrival of the proprietary governor. [his most illustrious lordship] also brought a decree in which his majesty committed to him the expulsion of the chinese--which had not yet been effected, on account of the personal interests of the governors, although it had been repeatedly commanded; but he thought it well not to make the decree known until a better opportunity, because he found señor arrechedera greatly devoted to the chinese." [71] this was the only defect that was observed in this most illustrious prelate and governor; in other matters his most illustrious lordship carried himself with much honor in his government. he quelled the revolt in the island of bohol, sending commander lechuga with a suitable force; this officer punished some of the rebels, and reduced all the fishermen's villages of that island to obedience to the king of españa; but in the hill-country the insurgents remain until this day. [72] the jesuits had been urging our catholic monarch phelipe v, and constrained him to the inglorious act of writing to the kings of joló and mindanao; the governor sent ambassadors to deliver his letters and make an alliance with the moros. [73] those petty kings were greatly delighted at the honor thus done them by a king so great as that of españa, and, in order to gratify him by complying with his requests to them, consented to receive missionaries into their countries. a jesuit father went to mindanao, but, seeing that the chiefs were restless and the king had little power to restrain them, he feared that they would take his life, and abandoned his mission; and he fled for refuge to the fort of zamboanga. in joló two jesuits began to sow the seed of the gospel, [74] but gathered little fruit because the panditas of the moro religion raised a fierce opposition to them, and the leading men of the kingdom were not willing that the missionaries should preach a different faith from that which they had inherited from their ancestors. in these circumstances the king of joló, mahomad alimudin, desired to go to visit the governor of manila; but the jesuit fathers were displeased at this resolution, because they feared that the king's brother bantilan, an enemy to the christians, would be left in command. from this resulted jealousies and disturbances in the court, and the minds of men became so inflamed that some one gave the sultan, or king, a lance-thrust. [75] affairs were thrown into so bad condition that the fathers of the society, not considering themselves safe in joló, precipitately retreated to zamboanga. the sultan alimudin likewise fled from his kingdom in order to go to manila, to seek aid from the governor in order to punish the rebels who had given him the lance-thrust and conspired against his person. [76] he reached zamboanga, [77] and there the spaniards furnished him with means to proceed to manila; he entered that city with a retinue of seventy persons, with whom he was lodged in a house in the suburb of binondo, which was kept at his disposal at the cost of the royal treasury. afterward he made his public entry [into manila], and was received with great ostentation; the leading persons in manila visited him, and presented to him gold chains, robes, diamond rings, sashes, and gold-headed canes--so that he was astonished at so much magnificence, and at the generosity of the spaniards, for whatever he needed for the support of his household was supplied to him from the royal treasury. [78] the governor desired that the sultan should become a christian, and spoke to him about it; and the latter did not delay to pretend to embrace our religion. he was entrusted to two jesuit fathers for instruction in the faith, and very soon he was instructed in the christian doctrine, and gave signs of being truly converted, by the urgent requests which he made to the archbishop to baptize him. nevertheless, his conversion was somewhat uncertain. some said that he became a christian only that the spaniards might place him on the throne from which he saw himself ousted, and that we ought not to trust in his conversion; others were of opinion that in his conforming to the usage of the church we ought to believe that his intention was sincere, and that he should be baptized, so long as he did not in his outward actions give cause for thinking otherwise. in view of this diversity of opinions, his illustrious lordship thought it expedient to delay the baptism, and to wait until the sultan should give stronger proofs of his resolution. this delay vexed the bishop-governor, who desired to see him a christian as soon as possible; and, as he could not change the archbishop's mind, he sent alimudin to the village of panique, [79] which is the nearest one [to manila] in his bishopric of ylocos, in order that he might be baptized there; and he sent a spaniard to appear in his name as sponsor. besides the guard of his own people, the sultan was accompanied by another guard of spaniards; and in all places through which he passed a ceremonious reception was given to him. in panique he was baptized by a dominican religious, on april 29, 1750, with great solemnity and the assistance of other religious of the same order. on his return to manila, the governor received him with a general salvo from the plaza, and ordered that festivities should be celebrated with comedies, dances, fireworks, and bull-fights, in sign of rejoicing. in joló the brother of the sultan, named bantilan, had continued in the government of the kingdom; it was he who had ordered that his brother be assaulted, and had stirred up the rebellion among the chiefs which compelled his brother to take refuge among the spaniards. bantilan was the greatest enemy that the spaniards and christians had, and gave orders that many boats should go out to infest our seas. the joloans--who were rebels against their own king, and pirates by office--equipped many pancos, joined with them other moros, whom they call tirones, and began plundering raids through all the islands. the most illustrious governor gave his commands against them, and commanded some small fleets to set sail; this did not fail to cause in the moros some respect [for our power], and to restrain them; but no injury was inflicted on them, nor were their insolent acts punished, because there were in manila few troops. for this reason it was impossible to restore the throne to the king of joló, who was now, since becoming a christian, named don fernando de alimudin; the proprietary governor, who arrived in the same year when he was baptized, met him in manila with the greatest ostentation. chapter xxxi don francisco joseph de obando, a native of caceres in extramadura, went with a squadron to the southern sea, and was in lima at the time when that great earthquake occurred in which callao was submerged. [80] there the favor of the king was extended to him, in appointing him governor of manila; he went to mexico, and in that kingdom married doña barbara ribadeneyra; and, accompanied by his wife, he embarked for philipinas to render service in the government, of which he took possession in july, 1750. as soon as he arrived, the archbishop presented to him the royal decree in which his majesty charged him with the expulsion of the sangleys. the governor held a council for the discussion of this subject, and in it was stirred up a controversy over a seat, which frustrated the excellent intention of his majesty to expel the chinese, who are so injurious to these his dominions. the archbishop attempted to seat himself on a chair at the left of the governor, at the head of the table [en la testera]; the latter would not allow this, nor that the guards should form in ranks when the archbishop entered the palace or passed through the gates of the city; and these points of etiquette were sufficient to prevent the execution of the order to expel the sangleys from philipinas. information of this controversy was sent to the court, and on both points came decisions in favor of the archbishop. the royal audiencia had a dispute with the governor on another point, because he had by his own authority appointed don domingo nebra temporary warden of cavite, when he should have conferred this post after consulting the royal audiencia, as his majesty had commanded. the governor did not gainsay this royal order, but he said that there was no person competent for the building of the vessels which it was necessary to construct for the commerce of acapulco and the defense of the islands against the moros, except nebra; that the latter was seventy years old, and could not be compelled to take charge of the construction of boats unless he wished; and that in no case would he accept the post under consultation of the royal audiencia, because in that case he would be subject to residencia. the governor concluded that, in an extraordinary case like this, he ought not to adhere to the usual rules, but decide what was most expedient for the royal service. [81] the royal audiencia made their remonstrances and protests, but, seeing that the governor was the stronger, they yielded, and appealed to his majesty. in spite of the knowledge which the governor so highly extolled in nebra, the fragata "pilar," which he careened and which was despatched to acapulco, perished at sea, without any news about her having come here. another and very noisy controversy occurred in manila about this time. a lady who had made profession in the beaterio of santa cathalina, where she was called mother cecilia, became enamored of don francisco figueroa; [82] and presented herself before [the ordinary, during] the vacant see (señor arrechedera being then the governor), alleging that her profession was null. the provisor, who did not desire controversies with the dominican fathers (to which order the governor belonged), pacified her, [arguing] that she should be silent for the time, and wait for a better opportunity to press her claim. as soon as señor obando arrived, seeing that the difficulties had ceased which until then had made her keep silent, she presented herself before the archbishop, asking, as she had done before with the provisor, that he would annul her profession. his illustrious lordship commanded that the beata should be placed [for the time] in santa potenciana, but this was vigorously opposed by the dominican fathers. they had recourse to the superior government, but, not finding support in that tribunal, they gave way and surrendered the lady to the provisor, to whom was entrusted this sequestration. the lawsuit followed, and the archbishop decided that, in view of the fact that his majesty had forbidden that the beaterio of santa cathalina should be erected into a convent, mother cecilia, who had made profession in it, could not be truly a religious, and therefore her profession was null. [83] the dominican fathers lodged an appeal before the [papal] delegate, who was the bishop of zebú; [84] and the appeal was admitted to allow another trial in the former court, but not to suspend its decrees [en lo devolutivo, y no en lo suspensivo]. in order to follow up their appeal with vigor they sent a religious who might carry on active judicial proceedings against the beata, because they thought that to do otherwise was a disgrace to the beaterio; but that bishop declined to hear so vexatious a lawsuit, under pretext of his poor health. there was no other bishop in philipinas to whom they could have recourse, for which reason they carried the suit to the archbishop of mexico; and he summoned mother cecilia before his tribunal, demanding that she be sent to mexico in order that he might hear and decide the case there. as the appeal had not been admitted for the suspension [of the first sentence], the beata contracted matrimony, and with her husband embarked for mexico, where the marriage was considered valid and her profession as null. [85] the documents in the case [el espediente] having been carried to the council of indias, orders were given that the beaterio of santa cathalina should be extinguished with the death of the beatas who [then] were its inmates--which has not been done, because the dominican fathers have obtained the revocation of this order. [86] the governor, being informed of the ravages which the moros were committing in the provinces of bisayas, determined to attack them with a powerful squadron, which could at the same time reëstablish don fernando alimudin (whom, now become a christian, señor obando had found in manila) on the throne of joló, of which he had unjustly been despoiled. there was a diversity of opinions on this latter point, because many persons believed that no confidence could be placed in his fidelity, and suspected that on the first occasion that might arise he would practice some treachery, as his fathers had done. but the decision was made in favor of the exiled king, and he was carried to joló in the almiranta of the armada, which sailed from cavite under command of the master-of-camp of the royal regiment, who bore commissions for both these offices. the armada reached zamboanga, but the almiranta did not make its appearance; and, in order not to lose the monsoon, and not to give the moros time to fortify themselves, the fleet, without waiting for the almiranta, sailed from that port on june 13, 1751, and on the twenty-sixth anchored in the cove of joló, at a mile distant from the forts of the enemy. they began to fire the cannons at these, and those who were in command were so intimidated that they began negotiations for peace; and they signed a letter in which they bound themselves to obey their king and receive him as faithful vassals, and to surrender to the spaniards all the captive christians who might be in the island. with this compact the master-of-camp returned, much elated, to zamboanga in nine days; and carried with him two champans of chinese [87] whom he found trading there, seizing them under the pretext that they had sold a cannon to our enemies the joloans, with whom treaties of peace had just been made. the almiranta had been delayed because it had met some damage, and had remained at calapan repairing its rudder, for which reason it did not arrive at zamboanga until july 25; but the king of joló, impatient at waiting so long, had embarked with two caracoas and arrived there twelve days before. in spite of his activity, the governor of zamboanga was very doubtful of his fidelity; and, having found two letters which alimudin wrote to the king of mindanao--one in the vulgar tongue, [written] by order of the governor of manila, and the other in the arabic language, which he had learned in batavia, where he had spent some time--the commandant became curious to know what he was saying in this language, [now] obsolete in our islands. he sought for someone to translate the letter, and found that alimudin said that what he wrote in the other was in obedience to the governor of manila and to his commands; and he could not avoid obeying him, or excuse himself, because he was in a foreign dominion. to this suspicion was added the fact that a brother of his named asin, and the chiefs of joló who had made the compact with the master-of-camp to receive their king and surrender the captive christians, came to zamboanga to visit him; and they not only brought no captive, but it was said that, under pretext of this visit, they were bringing in arms, in order to gain possession of the fort. the governor, influenced by these reports, arrested the sultan with all his following, [88] and searched the house in which they lived, but he found only a few arms, which gave no indication of an uprising; but other faults were discovered, which gave plausible ground for their arrest. various despatches and presents which he had sent to the moros were considered as suspicious; and the commander and two passengers of the almiranta declared that he was on very bad terms with the people in manila, from whom he had received many kindnesses, to whom on all occasions he showed himself ungrateful; that he said the new governor had kept him like a prisoner; that he gave no sign of being a christian, since he went every night to sleep with his concubines, did not hear mass, and had taken away the crosses from the rosaries belonging to the people of his household; and, finally, that he had apostatized from the faith by offering a mahometan sacrifice at calapan, where he killed a goat, divided it into twelve parts, with many superstitious ceremonies, and gave them to his followers to eat, in order to celebrate easter. the governor of zamboanga made report to manila regarding these charges and his arrest of the sultan and his household; and answer was made to him that he should send alimudin and all his people to manila as prisoners, and that war should be declared on the joloans [89]--giving authority to every one who wished to equip his vessel as a privateer, and allowing him to keep for himself whatever he should seize as plunder; and any persons who should thus be seized should remain captives, [90] since the moros of joló had been declared not only enemies to the spaniards, but pirates, who ought to suffer captivity, just as they imposed this lot on the christians whom they seized. the extermination of the moros was undertaken with so much ardor that pardon [indulto] for their crimes was granted to those who should present themselves to serve against the enemy. the armada which the master-of-camp had at zamboanga was reënforced, [91] and a second expedition was made to joló, more unfortunate than the first--for the spaniards attempted to land in that island, and the moros received them with such valor that they compelled our people to retreat, with heavy loss and great disgrace to the spanish arms, to the fort of zamboanga. the haughty bantilan, who ruled the kingdom of joló in the absence of his brother, undertook to induce, by the victory which he had gained over the spaniards, the men of mindanao to break the peace which they were observing with us, and to harry us as much as they could; and he urged all the pirates who were in those islands to take up arms against the spaniards, whom he represented as conquered, and in fear of their arms. then the seas of bisayas were seen covered with little fleets of moros, who carried desolation everywhere. nothing was heard of save plundering, the burning of villages, the seizing of vessels, captivities, and [other] acts of violence, which the moros committed in our territories [92]--so that señor obando wished to go forth in person to restrain them, and to repair the many injuries which they were inflicting on us. his majesty had commanded that a fortified post should be established in the island of paragua, in order to shut off the pirates from entrance [into bisayan waters] on that side, just as it was closed on the other side by the post of zamboanga. in order to proceed in all respects with moderation, the governor sent an ambassador to the king of borney, in order that the latter should cede to us the territory that he possessed in that island; and when it was ceded he made ready a squadron to build the fortified post, and from that place to follow up the moros who were plundering our islands. he intended to go out in person at the head of this armada, and consulted the royal audiencia on this point; but the auditors were of opinion that it was not expedient to hazard his person, and that he could entrust this expedition to another person, who by carrying an engineer to draw plans for the fort which it was necessary to build on the island of paragua could accomplish all that was expected from the expedition. in accordance with this advice, the governor appointed, as its commander, don antonio fabea, [sc. faveau] who sailed from cavite with eleven vessels; he took with him don manuel aguirre, who went with an appointment as commandant of the military post which was to be established, and bore orders to go to igolote, in the same island [of paragua], to dislodge the moros, who usually took refuge in that place. here his men fell sick, to such an extent that, without doing more than to take possession of that district, they went back to manila, leaving behind two hundred and seventy dead, and carrying home many sick men in the squadron. [93] the king of joló had already reached manila, and was imprisoned in the fort of santiago, [94] to the great satisfaction of those who had been opposed to his baptism and had always doubted his fidelity; but he obtained from the governor permission that his daughter the princess faatima, who was imprisoned with him, might go to joló with letters from him for his brother and other chiefs, in order [to urge them] to make a stable peace with the spaniards; and for this permission he bound himself to surrender fifty christian captives. [95] the princess accomplished the return of the captives, and obtained from her uncle bantilan the despatch of an ambassador to manila, to attend to her father's affairs. the envoy carried authority to conduct, jointly with bantilan's brother the king, negotiations for peace with the governor, and to solemnize the treaties which they should regard as expedient, [the chiefs] binding themselves to obey whatever the two should sign. it was stipulated with the king and the ambassador that the moros of joló should surrender all the christian captives who were in their island, and send back all the arms which they had taken from the spaniards, and the ornaments which they had plundered from the churches; and, in order to make these treaties effective, permission was granted to one of the chiefs who were prisoners with the king to go to joló in company with the ambassador whom bantilan had sent. the governor had very little confidence in the promises of the moros or in their treaties, because they had always broken them with the same facility with which they had made them; and he prepared a strong squadron [to go] against them, in order to compel them by force to observe the treaties which he did not expect they would keep of their own accord. nor did his suspicions prove to be groundless, for in that year (which was 1754) occurred the worst inroad which those islanders had made into philipinas. in all districts they made raids with blood and fire, killing religious, indians, and spaniards, burning and plundering villages; and taking captive thousands of christians, not only in the islands near joló, but throughout our territories, even in the provinces nearest to the capital manila. [96] the fleet which the governor had made ready went out against them, but, before they could do anything, his successor came, at the end of his four years' term of office; for this reason, he left the islands in the most deplorable condition that had ever been known, the cause of these evils being either his own misconduct or the unfitness of those to whom he gave appointments, or perhaps his misfortune. what is certain is, that he experienced a very grievous residencia, and many charges against him resulted; and in the following year he embarked in the galleon "santisima trinidad" for acapulco, and died on the way, without reaching españa. chapter xxxii don pedro manuel de arandia, [97] a native of ceuta and of vizcayan ancestry, took possession of his government in july, 1754. as soon as he arrived in manila, he undertook to organize the troops, and to place the military force on a regular footing and in conformity with the ordinances which are observed in españa. from the royal troops that were in the islands he formed the "king's regiment" of two battalions; he reorganized the body of artillerists, placing it in the condition in which we now see it; and he assigned to both the soldiers and the officers pay with which they could decently support themselves and meet their obligations, without being harassed to seek in some other way what was necessary for life. he was very diligent to put in order the arsenal at cavite, and whatever depended upon the royal officials--in which he did not fail to suffer annoyances, and to incur the dislike of many persons who did not enjoy so much reform and so great zeal. [98] at the beginning of his government, in the month of december, occurred the terrible eruption of the volcano of taal, which lies in the middle of lake bombon, in the province of batangas. so heavy was the shower of ashes that it destroyed four villages which were on the shore of the lake, and it was necessary to remove them a legua inland. there were many and severe earthquake shocks, and a noise as of squadrons engaged in battle; and the atmosphere was darkened with the quantities of sand and ashes which issued from the volcano--so that in manila, which is distant twenty leguas, but little could be seen at noonday; and in cavite, which is somewhat nearer, that time of day seemed like a dark night. [99] i have ascended with señor alava [100] to the summit of this volcano, and only a lake was seen, about half a legua in diameter; it was very deep, and its waters were dark green. the armada which señor obando had sent against the moros met so poor success that the governor was obliged to take away its command from don miguel valdés, who had been sent as its chief officer; and it was conferred on father ducos, a jesuit, from whom he expected better results. in fact, that father was fitted for the post, and acted with such valor and discretion that he took from the enemies more than a hundred and fifty vessels, destroyed three of their villages, killed their inhabitants, and made captive innumerable people; and he checked the onset of those barbarians, who were devastating everything. [101] these happy tidings arrived at manila in january, 1755; señor arandia gave orders that the te deum should be sung by way of thanksgiving, and confirmed father ducos in his command of the naval squadron; he had great esteem for the father because the latter was the son of a colonel who was the governor's intimate friend, and because he seemed to have inherited his father's valor. señor arandia treated the king of joló with much kindness, and allowed him his liberty, although the king voluntarily continued to live in the fort of santiago; the governor gave him a monthly allowance of fifty pesos and six cavans of rice for his support, and prevailed upon the archbishop to grant him permission to hear mass and receive the sacraments, of which he had been deprived. the king desired to marry as his second wife a woman who had been his concubine but was now a christian; [102] the archbishop would not permit this, and señor arandia not only smoothed away all the difficulties, but gave the king the use of his palace in order that in it he might celebrate the marriage with more pomp and solemnity. he did not gain these dispensations without some dispute with his most illustrious lordship, to which was added another, which, although of less importance, was sufficient to alienate feeling and cause resentment in philipinas. the governor complained of the archbishop because the bells were not rung for the former when he entered or left any church, as ought to be done on account of his being vice-patron, especially when he went [thither] as president of the [ecclesiastical] tribunals. his most illustrious lordship declared that he had no order from the king for doing so; but these formalities, together with the attacks of illness which the most illustrious señor trinidad suffered, caused his death; this occurred on may 29, 1755. señor arandia continued to favor the king of joló, for he thought that by this means he could end the war with the moros. he sent to joló all the princes and princesses, the datos, and all the women, who were detained in manila, leaving the king alone--who acknowledged his vassalage [hizo pleito homenaje] and took the oath of fidelity, until a decision [of his case] should arrive from the court of españa, which had been informed of his detention. the princes and princesses arrived at joló on october 5 of this year; they were graciously received by bantilan, who, grateful for the generosity of the governor, promised to observe faithfully the treaty of peace which his ambassador and his brother had signed at manila. it was necessary, in order to extricate ourselves entirely from the war, to make an agreement with the men of mindanao; the governor undertook this, and sent ambassadors to them; but the petty rulers who are in that island are so numerous and so treacherous that it is impossible to establish a permanent peace with them. even assuming that all the petty kings of the moros may desire to observe the peace with the spaniards, they will never succeed in it, because they possess so little authority over their vassals that they have never been able to restrain them, [103] and they never will prevent them from going out to plunder and to seize captives throughout our islands, for they have given themselves up to this kind of life; and only the spiritual conquest of their provinces is adequate to deliver us from these troublesome enemies. during this government was undertaken the reëstablishment of the missions in the islands of batanes, which lie to the north of cagayan. from early times the dominican fathers maintained in the islands of babuyanes religious ministers, who gave instruction to their inhabitants; but in the year 1690 they removed these people to cagayan. the king having decreed that they should go back to their own land, the religious who directed them established a mission in the islands of the batanes, [104] distant some thirty leguas from cagayan; and after his death his companion withdrew, leaving the mission abandoned until the year 1718. it was then reëstablished by another dominican religious, who fixed his headquarters in the island of calayan, in which place he attempted to make the indians in the other islands settle, in order that, brought together there, they might be instructed in the christian religion. great as was the desire of the batanes to enter the bosom of the church, only a hundred and fifty persons took the resolution to change their place of abode; and half of these died in a short time. that island offered few means of comfort, for which reason the father missionary became sick; and, although he had a successor, the mission was entirely abandoned. [105] in the year 1754, two religious were sent, of whom one died and the other retired to cagayan, seriously ill; but he returned in the following year with another companion. in order to ameliorate the destitution which they had suffered in the preceding year, they determined to take with them a carpenter, a lay brother of their order, in order that he might, as soon as they reached the place, put together a house, which was to go in the vessel, in pieces. their zeal did not permit them to wait until the work was finished; and, fearing that the monsoon would pass away, they embarked without their little house. hardly had they reached calayan when the two fell sick; other fathers went to succor them, and all became sick; accordingly, they returned [to the mainland] one after another, and it was necessary to abandon the mission after the dominican fathers had incurred large expenses for it. afterward, this conquest was again undertaken, by señor basco in 1783; and this effort has been successful in maintaining there the dominican fathers, converting those islanders to the faith. a commandant was stationed there with his garrison, which caused much expense, because it was necessary to send them all their supplies from philipinas; for in all those islands the only produce is camotes and such other eatable things as grow in the country itself. there is no doubt that other articles would be produced, but so numerous are the rats, which consume everything, and so frequent the baguios or hurricanes, that one may rest assured that these plagues would devastate the fields before the crops could mature. every year a bark was sent to carry succor to the islands, but, as the baguios are so frequent in those seas, many of these vessels were wrecked; it has therefore been recognized that the maintenance of that post is impossible, and the result is, that only the dominican fathers remain there with a small guard, who must be succored from cagayan. for this enterprise señor basco was granted the title of conde de la conquista; but i assert that if half of what he spent in batanes had been expended in placing missionaries in ylocos, pangasinan, and cagayan, he would have gained more vassals for the king of españa, and with less risk. i am astonished that we should have left the beaten track of the conquest or pacification of the indians, and taken up another which is more dangerous and more costly, only because it makes more noise and a more showy appearance, that is, [the conquest] by arms, which always has produced bad effects--as occurred at this time, in the hill-country of the igorrots. in the year of 1740, the augustinian fathers handed over to the dominicans the missions of ytuy, or ysinay, in order that, these being joined to the missions of panique which they had established in the preceding year, the provinces of pangasinan and cagayan might be united on their southern borders. [106] the indians, both christians and unbelievers, resented this change of missionaries, from which resulted a species of civil wars among them; and it was necessary for the auditor don ygnacio arzadun y rebolledo, who was then making official visitation of the province of pangasinan, to send troops [to ytuy] to silence the malcontents. our men fought a battle with them, in which the natives were defeated and pacified; but a few years later they again became restless, and finally, in the year 1756, many christians apostatized; and these, united with the unbelievers, raised a furious tempest. they burned some churches, slew many of the people who remained faithful, and, losing reverence for the missionary fathers, searched for them to take their lives. on account of this, señor arandia despatched an expedition to this mission and to the hill-country of the ygorrots, which had very little effect; for it accomplished nothing save to frighten the indians and make them flee to the hills, to come down again as soon as the soldiers should go away. in order to know how to pacify the indians, it is necessary to understand their character. whether because of their naturally superstitious disposition, or because god has thus ordained it, they are very affectionate to the missionary fathers, and have much reverence for them; but there are not lacking some who dare to plan some perfidy against the fathers, and for this reason they need escorts to protect them from audacious attempts of that sort. at times the natives become heated and rise against authority, and the multitude come out against the fathers, unless there is some check to restrain them; such a check, is in the military posts, which ought to be near the missions, so that the indians may have respect for these, and fear lest they will be immediately punished if they commit any insolent act. with these measures of precaution the islands were conquered, and the same are observed at the present time; but the missionaries are very few, from which it results that they are so widely separated that they have to make a day's journey to visit one another, when they need to be confessed or on other occasions, and they are very poorly paid. for what is a hundred pesos and two hundred cavans of rice for a spaniard to maintain himself with decency in the missions? [even] this small stipend they sometimes cannot collect without a thousand annoyances and vexations which are occasioned to them by the alcaldes-mayor, who seek various pretexts for not paying them, and compel them to go from the mission to the [provincial] capital to collect it, as i have seen. so wretchedly do these poor religious live that there are occasions in which they find themselves obliged to use for their own support what was given to them for their guards; and they live without these, preferring to remain exposed to the affronts of the heathens rather than perish with hunger. the military posts are also few in number, and the indians in them are unable to impose respect on their countrymen. if the money that has been spent in useless expeditions could have been employed in these sure means of pacification, that undertaking would have made much greater progress. it is true, we shall never see the rapid advances made by our ancestors in the conquest [of the islands], because the indians have their eyes more open; the christians themselves persuade the others not to be baptized, in order that the tribute and other taxes may not be imposed on them. moreover, they themselves have a custom which greatly hinders their civilization, and consequently their conversion. if any one commits a murder in another village, its people do not rest until they have avenged the crime; the consequence is, that the weaker villages are obliged to remove from the district, or to league themselves with other villages. in either case, the christian church suffers much, because those who are baptized must follow the infidels of their own village and separate themselves from the [missionary] fathers, or else must enter into the general hostilities. nevertheless, gradually they would all be converted; for if in the neighboring villages many unbelievers are continually being baptized, who leave their own lands and are held in less regard than are the oldtime christians, how many more would not be baptized if they could remain in their own homes, honored and courted by their old acquaintances? christian morality is very holy, and attracts all hearts in which vice has not become deeply rooted. on may 15, 1757, the holy congregation [i.e., of propaganda] at rome issued the decree which put an end to the controversies which the discalced augustinians (or recollects) sent out by the propaganda had in the kingdom of tungquin with the dominican missionary fathers from philipinas over the administration of certain districts, and in regard to the [association called the] "lovers of the cross" [amatrices de la cruz]. [107] the dominicans had received into their missions various priests sent out by the propaganda, who--for lack of ministers, or on account of the persecutions--had ministered to some villages in the dominican territory. on this account his lordship fray hilario de jesus, bishop of coriza, asked from the dominicans a residence for a recollect (as the latter belonged to his own order); and soon after that he asked for the entire district, which was granted to him during the lifetime of that religious. when the bishop saw the dominicans so compliant, he did not delay in demanding another district for his discalced fathers. the dominicans did not accede to this demand, and his illustrious lordship, availing himself of various pretexts, introduced into that district a recollect religious; from this resulted a sort of schism, in which papers were written on both sides, insulting remarks were made, and neither party would yield. like altercations occurred in other districts, because the recollects tried to thrust themselves into the missions of the dominicans. the "lovers of the cross" were a sort of beatas, who lived in a community, and, although they did not take the vow of chastity, observed the [rules of the] religious life; some of them belonged to the tertiary order of st. dominic, and others to the discalced religious women of st. augustine. it was made evident that these beaterios ought to be subject to the parish priests; but, bringing forward various pretexts, the dominicans and recollects disputed over the direction of these beatas. in order to stop the scandals which resulted from these disputes, the bishop of coriza assembled a [diocesan] synod in the village of luctuy; it was the second synod held in tungquin, and held its first session on june 24, 1753. among the other points that were settled, action was taken on the "lovers of the cross," and on the distribution of districts. as the bishop was a recollect, and the rest of those who attended the council were his confederates, everything was decided against the dominicans; father hernandez, therefore, who was the only member of his order who attended the synod, protested against all its decrees, appealed to the apostolic see, and went out of the meeting before it was ended. after the synod closed, the dominicans, seeing that a recollect was going to rome to secure approbation for the acts of the council, sent another envoy, a dominican, to prevent this. when the whole matter was examined in the holy congregation, two districts were set aside for the recollect fathers, and the rest were continued in charge of the dominicans, the beaterios of the "lovers of the cross" were left subject to their respective parish priests. in regard to the [acts of the] second council of tungquin, it was ordained that they should not be carried into effect until the holy congregation should, after a thorough examination, agree to confirm them. returning to manila, one of the good things which señor arandia did in his term of office was the expulsion of the chinese. he sent away all the heathen to their own country, and, in order that hereafter they might not remain in philipinas, he founded the market [alcayseria] of san fernando, [108] in which all the sangleys who come here to trade must dwell until the time for the departure of their champans arrives; and then all must embark in their vessels except the christians, who have permission to live in the islands, provided they devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil. the spaniards who were interested in the residence of the sangleys in manila persuaded him that, if he expelled them, there would not be people enough to carry on the internal trade; and, in order to counteract this frivolous pretext, he established a [commercial] company of spaniards and mestizos. this lasted only one year, [109] because there was little need of it in some islands where there are more than enough to carry on this sort of traffic. the asiatics are naturally slothful, and consequently enjoy greatly the kind of life--since it gives them food without labor--which they secure by buying and selling the commodities which are consumed in the country; and, even if some are unsuccessful, every one has a very moderate [amount of] trade; but there is hardly any one among them who does not carry it on very steadily. this abundance of petty traders makes their wares much dearer, since they pass through many hands before they reach the last buyer; and each trader, since he operates with little capital, must make large gains in order to support himself. from this it must be inferred that the sangleys, far from being necessary to this commerce, greatly injure it; and it should have been considered desirable to lessen, in place of increasing, the number of these traders or dealers. notwithstanding the wisdom of this measure, señor arandia lost much in popular esteem by it; and this, added to others of his actions, brought upon him the hatred of the community. in virtue of the ample powers which he brought from the court, he drew up instructions for the alcaldes-mayor and the government of the provinces, in which he openly declared himself against the regulars. at the beginning, he had treated these religious bodies with respect; but, resenting some acts of disrespect manifested toward him by certain individuals, in these instructions he deprived the orders of the kitchen-boys who had been furnished to them by the king since the conquest, and the servants granted them by the crown for sacristans. not content with causing them these losses, [110] he made various remonstrances against them to his majesty, in which he spoke of them with little civility; and in the instructions he spared no means of injuring them, seeking opportunity to speak ill of them even in those sections of that document which have no connection with the religious. the blame for all this was laid on his favorite, don santiago orendain, [111] who was the declared enemy of the ecclesiastics; but this could not excuse señor arandia for issuing directions which the king had the goodness to censure as soon as he saw them, for depriving the ecclesiastics of the groves of nipa palms which they held in la hermita and bagunbayan, for stirring up several groundless controversies with them, for imposing taxes on the goods which the religious in the provinces were sending to their convents, [112] and for expressing his [unfavorable] opinion of them in public. he had a dispute with the royal audiencia because he was not willing to render military honors to them when they went in a formal body, on occasions when he did not preside over their sessions. he imprisoned the treasurer and auditor of accounts of the royal exchequer, and caused them great suffering, because they had sent information to the court of some things that was contrary to the explanations given by him in his reports. unwearied in the government, he conceived many projects which he considered necessary for the proper government of the islands. he talked of removing the arsenal from cavite to the port of lampon; and he ordered a ship to be built in the kingdom of siam, which had such ill-fortune that in bringing it over to manila it was driven to port in china three times, and once to batavia, causing enormous expenses to the royal treasury. [113] the governor made reports to the king, and proposed to him various plans for the promotion of [operations in] the mines of iron and gold. he abolished the corregidorship of mariveles, annexing marigondon and the other little villages of that shore to the district of cavite, and forming from the villages on the opposite shore and from others which belonged to pampanga the alcaldía which we call batan. [114] he made regulations for the soldiery, the royal exchequer, and the acapulco ship [115]--on all occasions giving many proofs of his zeal for the royal service, by which he was aroused to enthusiasm; but this disposition, ill directed by orendain, was the cause for his being abhorred by every one. it was so wearing upon him that he reached the point of feeling a distaste for every kind of business, and experienced so great a failure of his vital powers that in the night of may 31, 1759, it was known that he was dying; and, after receiving all the sacraments, he expired at two o'clock in the morning of the following day. [116] he left by his will two hundred and fifty thousand pesoty and one cannot guess how he gained them in the less than five years during which his term of office lasted; but at the hour of death he distributed them in a pious and christian manner. through the death of señor arandia, the bishop of zebu, señor espeleta, assumed the government. soon afterward, the new archbishop of manila arrived here, don manuel roxo, [117] a native of tala [sc. tula] in the kingdom of nueva españa; his majesty had taken him from the post of canon and provisor at mexico, for this see, giving him permission to be consecrated in nueva españa. he took possession of his church on july 22, 1759, and immediately claimed that he should be put in possession of the military government, which it seems belonged to him by the royal orders. the four auditors were divided in opinion, señors calderón and davila deciding that the archbishop should assume the governorship, and señors villacorta and galban that no change ought to be made. while they were in session in their hall, discussing this question, his illustrious lordship espeleta entered; he spoke with decision, and, in order to intimidate them more, made ready the artillery and placed the troops under arms; at these preparations the auditors and the archbishop gave way, and the bishop of zebu remained in peaceable possession [of the government]. the first thing that he did was to revoke the ordinances of señor arandia, and to make some preparations against the moros, who since the year fifty-four had been ravaging our provinces; but the event which made most noise in his time was the lawsuit against doctor orendain. every one placed on him the blame for the actions of señor arandia; and the fiscal of the king, señor viana, believed that he had been placed under arrest in his own house by the favorite's suggestion. orendain, either because his conscience stung him, or because reports had been spread that some design was formed against his person, took refuge in the augustinian convent at tondo. the fiscal made it a pretext for claiming orendain from this asylum, that he should be arrested because he was treasurer for the crusade, and, by his voluntary withdrawal [to asylum], indicated that he might prove to be a debtor to the royal treasury. he then left his refuge, and was imprisoned in the fort of santiago, the authorities commissioning señor villacorta to bring legal proceedings against orendain. it was found that he had hidden various jewels in the convents, and, while these investigations were being pursued, he made his escape from the fortress in the dress of a woman, going away in a coach, without the guard recognizing him, and took refuge in the convent of the recollects. the auditor thus commissioned had recourse to the provisor, in order that the latter might give orders for orendain's removal thence; but, as the provisor did not accede to this after three demands, the auditor sent a notary with soldiers, and removed orendain by force from the sanctuary. the provisor declared señor villacorta publicly excommunicated, and his name was placed on the list. that gentleman had recourse to the royal audiencia, which ordered the provisor to absolve the auditor; this was done through the cura of the cathedral, but ad reincidentiam, and for the period of thirty days--that is, if the accused did not return to the church within the thirty days, he would incur excommunication the second time. señor villacorta challenged the provisor, and this lawsuit became so tangled that various judges were challenged by one side and the other, and even señors calderon and davila were challenged by the king's fiscal, who had taken part in the dispute; and there was no one who could give judgment in the suit, because some refused to take the responsibility, and others were challenged by one or the other party. in such condition was the orendain affair, when a decree arrived from his majesty in which he appointed the archbishop as governor ad interim on account of the death of señor arandia. he assumed the authority in the year 1761, and put an end to this clamorous lawsuit by commanding that orendain should leave the fort, and all his property be returned to him, with [his giving] security for all that he owed to the holy crusade; he also imposed on all persons perpetual silence during the time until his majesty (whom he informed of his proceedings) should make some other decision. his most illustrious lordship continued to rule the islands in much peace, fulfilling rather the office of father than that of governor, conciliating those who were turbulent, and extending his charity to the king of joló, who was living in the fort with much lack of comfort. the governor quartered him in a house in manila, decently furnished, with a coach and with menials enough for his service. he wished, besides this, to restore him to his kingdom, and after listening to the opinions of the leading persons in manila, it was decided that the king don fernando and his son israel should be sent back to joló, and that they should take with them a guard of spaniards, in order that the chiefs in that island should not compel him to abjure the catholic religion which he had embraced. when they were ready to carry out this undertaking the english arrived [at manila], the war with whom it is necessary to relate in separate chapters. [118] memorial of 1765 by francisco leandro de viana. ms. dated february 10, 1765. source: this document is translated from a ms.--apparently a duplicate copy of the first original, and bearing viana's autograph signature--in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. translation: this is made by emma helen blair. viana's memorial of 1765 part i in which is shown the deplorable condition of the philipinas islands; the necessity of preserving them, with respectable forces; and the method for attaining this, without the costs which hitherto [have been incurred], and with increase to the royal exchequer. chapter first: of the present unhappy condition of these islands [119] 1. there is no greater misfortune in the world than poverty; all have a contempt for it, and all regard it with displeasure. no one honors the poor man, however heroic and eminent he may be; his subordinates serve him unwillingly, and readily show him insolence. he has no success, for lack of money; and, in fine, every undertaking costs him immense labors, fatigues, vigilance, and sorrow. 2. it is literally this which is occurring in these islands. the moros deride us, and display their superiority compared to our weakness, which certainly is ignominious to the catholic arms, and to the reputation of the [spanish] nation. when we had forces for punishing them, they were curbed and humiliated; since they have seen us poor and weak they have displayed their perfidy and boldness, and are treating us with the greatest insolence ever seen--for they invade even the villages along this bay, without there being, on our side, any means to prevent this. 3. the vassals of his majesty, both spaniards and natives, live in the sorrow which is aroused in them by their melancholy reflections on our poor and miserable condition. the indians, who are civil only when they fear some punishment, regard their sovereign with little respect, and the spanish nation with disgust at seeing it humiliated by the english, the dutch, the french, and even the moros; and they judge that the spaniards are somewhat more than the indians, but much less than the other nations. and, although they are confounded at the glorious successes which our armies have gained against the english since the capture of this military post, and at the heroic valor with which the unfaithful provinces have been punished, when they become aware of our actual poverty that will be enough to destroy their reverence and respect for the acts of the superior government, and to make them bold to commit any insolence, for our lack of means to restrain them from it. 4. for this same reason, nothing can be undertaken that will avail against the moros who harass us, [120] or against the indians who refuse obedience to the commands laid on them. the consequence of this is, that the scanty funds in the royal treasury are being consumed; that it is deprived of the receipts which it could have if we were in a respectable condition; and that a zealous governor of these islands labors and watches, in weariness and grief, to procure the remedy for so many evils, under the impossibility of finding it. 5. if we look at the condition of this fort and of that at cavite, we shall lament, as is natural, the necessity of repairing their fortifications and building some new ones, of clearing out the ditches, of tearing down buildings, and of other works which will be deemed indispensable. if we turn our view to the artillery, we shall find it so defective, and part of it so useless, that for the defense of these forts it will be necessary to spend many thousands of pesos. if the gun-carriages which are needed and are actually lacking are built; if the forts are supplied with the gunpowder, balls, grapeshot, bombs, grenades, and other implements of war, and with iron, nails, mantelets, cordage, and oil, and, in short, with everything which ought to abound in the [royal] storehouses: the cost of all these things, which are necessary, will be enormous. if attention is given to the need of ships for transporting [hither] the situado, and of other smaller vessels for sending aid to the military posts, providing them with supplies, driving away the moros, and transporting property from the provinces, one will be astounded at the contemplation of these expenses. and, after all, he will draw the conclusion that nothing of what i have mentioned can be undertaken, for lack of money; that the moros will keep us in a state of continual fear; and the indians will act as caprice leads them; that at the first outbreak of war the forts will be found entirely defenseless; that the military posts will be exposed to destruction; and, in one word, that the lack of troops and money places these islands in imminent risk of their total destruction, by various paths, and our sovereign and the spanish nation in grievous danger of losing their honor, reputation, and influence--which must be averted by such means as are possible; and one of these is, the abandonment of these domains. 6. if, then, they produce nothing; if to maintain them must cost so much that it weakens the royal exchequer, to the injury of other and more important domains; if for lack of money the honor of the catholic arms cannot be maintained in these distant regions; if we are exposed to being the plaything of all the nations; if we cannot resist or confront the feeblest enemy who may attack us; and finally, if we must endure the ignominy of being discreditably deprived of these faithful vassals, with the loss of all that they have: it is better to anticipate these losses in good time, to abandon or sell these regions, and allow to all [their inhabitants] free opportunity to make their property secure and take refuge in other dominions, where the power of our beloved kings and lords may shield and defend them. 7. this is the method of saving expenses, and employing those funds for other and more useful purposes, and averting the ignominies to which we are exposed--with danger not only to our property but to our lives. for we are surrounded by ferocious and inhuman enemies, such as are the english--who, warned by the events of the late war, will give no quarter if they return to these islands, on account of not exposing themselves to remain as prisoners within the walls of manila and cavite--the moros, who will come to the aid of the said english, or alone by themselves if they see us very weak (and in every way those people are terrible, for they know not what humanity is); the sangleys or chinese, who are equally barbarous and bloodthirsty; and even the indians, who also are cruel and ferocious. 8. the recent example of pangasinan is the most melancholy warning. what obstinacy and blindness! what insolence and aversion toward the spaniards! what treasons and apostasies! what murders, so inhuman and cruel! it is certain that the indians desire to throw off the mild yoke of the spaniards; that they are christians, and vassals of our king, simply through fear, and fail to be either christians or vassals when they consider us weak; and that they neither respect nor obey any one, when they find an opportunity for resistance. 9. the revolted indians in the island of bohol solemnize weddings among themselves, confer baptism, and perform other functions of the catholics, for which purpose they have some persons who perform the duties of the father ministers in the villages; and this mockery, this scorn, this contumely they display for what is most sacred in our religion. they have fled from the villages, and live in their freedom in the hills; yet for this conduct they have experienced only kind treatment and promises of pardon, to which they do not, and never will, pay any attention. if we had troops and money, those insurgents would be reduced; they would be good christians and vassals, and the royal treasury would possess the receipts from their tributes; for only the fear of punishment is adequate to subject the indians, and draw them toward what is right. 10. more recent is the case of pangasinan, whose natives had just been making the same mockery of our catholic religion, and showing the same contempt for it; but chastisement has reduced them to being christians and vassals to our king. it is argued from this that, so long as we have not the forces for coercing the indians, they will be our greatest and most terrible enemies--from whom we cannot free ourselves, save by the measure of abandoning the islands, in case we do not maintain them with respectable forces. chapter second: of the difficulties which will result from abandoning these islands 1. not many years had passed after their conquest when it was recognized in españa that, in order to support them, it was necessary to expend much money; and the question arose whether it was more expedient to maintain these new domains, or to abandon them. opinions were expressed on both sides: some urged that but little advantage had resulted to the crown from spending immense sums of money in this country, so distant from its sovereign--who, besides the fact that it did not promise him much profit, could not render it assistance with the promptness which was necessary. others, on the contrary, urged that under no circumstances ought these islands to be abandoned, which were conferring such glory on our arms, victorious in the four quarters of the world, in which resounded the power of our sovereign, and his royal and catholic zeal for the salvation of so many souls. 2. our king and sovereign don phelipe the second, of glorious memory, embraced this latter opinion, with that apostolic and heroic resolution, so celebrated in our histories, that "for the sake of one single soul that might be saved, he would consider well employed the moneys that were being spent in these islands." 3. i believe that to this religious motive others were added, of policy and state, for maintaining these islands, which, although at the beginning they would consume much money--as occurs in every new colonizing enterprise, which [sort of work] is not done for nothing--at the same time promised great advantages, on account of the valuable products which they yielded, and the great number of people who were conquered. efforts in this enterprise were made for several years, with the greatest ardor; the chimerical projects of terrenate and the molucas were begun, which cost us infinite expense; and, on the other hand, we were harassed by the moros, with the dutch, who were aiding them as enemies to this conquest, which they feared would be their ruin--an indication that we had a better opportunity than they to aggrandize ourselves with the commerce of all india, which would have yielded to us the very profits which they feared to lose. and we, occupied in defending ourselves from so many enemies, have not thought of making any progress, but only of leaving everything as the famous legaspi established it--and yet continually with new burdens, on account of the creation of new offices, the increase of missions, and other expenses, which exceeded the income of this royal treasury, and were made up from that of mexico. 4. freed at last from the aforesaid enemies, [a time of] serenity and calm began in these islands, and much progress might have been made, to the benefit of the royal exchequer; with its forlorn condition, and the interested motives of those who were managing it, the zealous and disinterested governor don fausto cruzat promptly made himself acquainted. he collected much money which had been regarded as lost; he erected or rebuilt very costly works, as the galleon "san joseph," the palace, the halls of the royal audiencia and the accountancy, with prisons, storehouses, etc.; he left much money in the royal treasury; he prevented the remittance of large sums which were due from the mexican treasury; and he practiced economies which were very considerable, and suited to his own example of interest, zeal, application, and ability. but the reduction which he made in the military force, in pay, and in the royal situado, was not the best idea for the security of these islands, and for supplying their urgent necessities--especially as no increase of the royal revenue was established in place of the said reduction. for as a consequence--and the receipts of the royal treasury having been diminished, when they might have been increased--and with the necessity of holding the moros in check, with costly expeditions and the construction and equipment of some military posts, our expenses were increased; and since these were greater than the incomes, the islands have not retrieved their condition since that time. they have had but few troops, and this government has not been able to make itself respected, or to restrain the invasions of the moros. nor is it able to undertake enterprises that would be useful in the provinces, in order that these might produce for the royal revenues the great increase which they bid fair to yield, and for which plans would be made, [if the support of the government could be given], by those who were of opinion that these islands should be preserved. as is admitted by [those of] all nations, these islands are the most fertile, abundant, and rich, and the country the most delightful, in all india; and no other region is so well suited for [the center of] a flourishing commerce, on account of their situation. [for they lie midway] between the empire of china, the kingdoms of siam and cochinchina, the islands of celebes and molucas, the kingdom of borney, vengala, the coasts of coromandel and malavar, goa, persia, and other populous regions which have made the [mercantile] companies of olanda and inglaterra rich. with greater reason would they be able to increase the wealth of españa, if in these islands were cultivated their many valuable products, which are greatly esteemed in the aforesaid colonies, and if these products found there the market which foreign goods now enjoy. the whole matter consists in restoring our commerce with the same courage and perseverance which the foreigners display, for which design the abandonment of these islands would be very pernicious--even laying aside religious motives, which are powerful to the catholic zeal of the spaniards. 5. i find another and greater objection to the abandonment of these islands; that is, that the english would securely establish themselves therein, for they have shown themselves eager and greedy for the advantages which the islands present. in that case, they would easily carry on, by way of the southern sea, an illicit commerce with nueva españa--where they could land wherever they might please, and without difficulty make themselves masters of the californias, in order to continue, with this advantage, the discoveries by which they have sought to find a passage to the eastern indias by the [route] northwest from hudson's bay (called thus from the name of an english captain). with this object there was formed, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, a company of english merchants, who, as a result of their latest enterprises (in the years 1746 and 1747), [121] have reasonable expectations of finding a way of communication between the northern and the southern seas, according to the critical account of a modern geographer. 6. west of canada and of the misisipi river is the great gulf of the western sea, [122] which falls [into the ocean] above [i.e., north of] cape mendocino; it was discovered by the spaniard martin de aguilar, and it is judiciously conjectured that it extends a considerable distance toward the lands of the northern region in which is situated the strait of anian, according to the discoveries of the russians in 1728, 1731, and 1741--which have a certain agreement with those of the aforesaid aguilar, and especially with those which our admiral don bartholome fuente and his captain pedro bernarda made in the year 1640, [123] north of california and northwest from canada. 7. the former navigated along the coast of california four hundred and ninety-six leguas to the north-northwest, as far as the lake which is called lake de los reyes [i.e., "of the kings"], and reached canoset; he crossed a lake, and by a river--to which he gave the name parmentier, which was that of his spanish interpreter--he arrived at another lake, which he named fuente; it is one hundred and sixty leguas long and sixty wide. from this point he passed to another lake, called ronquillo (from the name of a captain in that squadron), and in one of the villages there he learned that at a little distance toward the east there was a ship, in which it was supposed that there were spaniards; they found an english ship, which had reached that place by the current from bafin's bay, or else that of hudson's bay. 8. captain bernarda, who had directed his course to the north, arrived at minhaset, a village of america; he entered a lake four hundred and thirty-six leguas long (which he named velasco), the extremity of which extends northeastward, as far as 77 degrees of latitude, and by a river which flows from the said lake to the southwest he came out at the sea. again going to the north, he continued his navigation to the northeast in the sea of tartaria, as far as 79 degrees of latitude, always following the coasts. he sent ashore a spaniard, and he assured him that he had seen the extremity of the gulf of davis's strait, or of bafin's bay; and that in that place there was a freshwater lake at the latitude of 80 degrees, and mountains of ice toward the north and northwest. from this the said captain concluded that there was no passage or communication between the said strait and the southern sea; but the english regard these relations as the effect of the spanish policy, which hides the actual discoveries of admiral fuente. as if there were not a similar refutation of error in the voyage which the merchants of zelandia undertook in the year 1592, as samuel ricard [124] relates, with the idea of passing over to china by way of the coasts of tartaria! on the contrary, the english suspect that there is a passage to the southern sea by way of hudson's bay; and they are continually searching for it, with the greatest ardor and perseverance--for which enterprise they will have, without any doubt, motives which encourage their expectations. it is enough for my purpose to show how substantial is the advantage that would result to the said english from being masters of these islands, in order that they may establish themselves in the coasts of the californias, and thus render easy the illicit commerce and the discoveries that i have mentioned. 9. even without these suspicions, it cannot be doubted that in case of war breaking out the english could attack our domains in the two americas from these islands, by the coast of the south [sea]; and from europe, by the opposite coast--diverting our forces in one direction, in order to strike a blow in security, where it may be most to their advantage; and to this risk we expose ourselves by abandoning these islands. but, notwithstanding this, i conclude that if we must ignominiously lose them, by not maintaining them with respectable forces, it would be better for us to abandon them rather than to encounter such a calamity. this, in my opinion, would be accomplished in the first hostilities [that might break out], since the english, who are arrogantly establishing their factory in joló to secure the profits of their commerce in that kingdom, will much more willingly establish themselves in manila, whenever an opportunity is afforded them; and they will profit by whatever now benefits the spaniards--and much more, on account of their greater application and industry, which regards the entire circuit of the world as narrow for the extension of their commerce. 10. the dominions ceded to the english by españa and francia in north america, as far as the misisipi river, furnish to that nation the means for continuing the discoveries which i point out; and it cannot be doubted that, at the same time, they are seeking for a connection between the two seas--to which the inquisitive disposition of the english will devote itself, with the energy which hitherto [they have displayed]. they can open a route, by land if not by water, to the californias, where any settlement [by them] would be very injurious to us, but very advantageous to them if they possess these islands. but without them the english could not maintain such a settlement, except at great cost in sending to it supplies in ships, which would have to navigate either by way of cape horn, [125] in order to go along the coast of the south--without fear of encountering resistance from the spaniards, since a dozen englishmen, and half as many indians to guide them, will make the crossing, and fortify themselves in any part of the southern [i.e., pacific] coast of america--or by the cape of good hope [buena esperanza], the gulf of india, and the straits of malacca, in order to cross over from there, by way of these islands, and afterward make the same voyage as do the ships of this [acapulco] line. these voyages, so protracted, will hold back the english from any settlement on the southern coast of america. however, if these islands belonged to them, they would immediately execute that project, in order to secure the advantages of this great commerce and of the illicit traffic which they would carry on in nueva españa--just as now they are conducting it from jamayca and honduras among all the windward islands [islas de barlovento] and in part of the americas, with notable injury to the commerce of españa and to the royal duties, of which they are depriving his majesty with so many illicit importations [of foreign goods]. 11. many other difficulties which would ensue from the abandonment of these islands can be seen in the extracto historial [126] of the commerce of philipinas, to which i refer--contenting myself, lastly, with calling attention to what we have lost by the dutch having made themselves masters of the molucas, the commerce of which has compensated them for the enormous expenses which they incurred. this subject also is treated by the said extracto historial, and by the chronicles or histories of these islands. it is sufficient to say that the dutch have enriched themselves with the cloves and spices of the molucas, from which the spaniards obtained nothing but great expenses, with no mercantile advantage; that with the said products they have drained the silver from our dominions; and that with this money they have waged most cruel war against us. 12. let a computation be made of the expense which the molucas caused us, and of the loss which we have experienced from abandoning them; and even he who is least versed [in such matters] will concede that the latter is vastly greater than the former. for ten years' expenditures for preserving the molucas are not equal to the increase of strength which we have given every year to our enemies since they gained possession of those islands. i assert that we would not have abandoned that valuable piece of territory if our spaniards had been as industrious and assiduous in trading as are the dutch; or if they had realized what they lost, which has been the immense treasures which the dutch have gained. but ours is the singular misfortune that we regard the land as useless that does not abound in silver; nor will we consent to be convinced that commerce is the most safe of mines, if the products which our provinces yield are promoted, cultivated, and worked up. 13. the importance of the molucas was not thoroughly understood until we lost them; nor will the loss resulting from the abandonment of the philipinas be realized until they are in the power of some other nation, less indolent and negligent than ours. then their exceedingly rich products--cinnamon, cloves, pepper, nutmegs, cotton, gold, iron, and the others which are yielded in great abundance (as will be said in its place)--will be cultivated and gathered up; those foreigners will sell us these very fruits, which now we cannot appreciate, and with them will take away our money; and in any war we shall be ruined by the gains which our abandonment [of the islands] will produce to those [who possess them]. 14. i believe that in view of these reflections, and of what i am going to explain, every good spaniard will be convinced of the necessity of preserving these islands--even though it shall be at greater expense, and without the powerful incentive of religion--on account of the great benefit which can result to the monarchy if we open our eyes to avail ourselves of the advantages which these dominions offer to us, as i attempt to demonstrate in this writing. chapter third: upon maintaining the islands with respectable forces 1. assuming the difficulties which would follow from abandoning them, which is the first measure proposed, the second seems indispensable--to place these forts not only in a condition of ordinary defense, but in one of entire security, in order to avert the ignominy and discredit of our arms, and to render worthy of respect the name of our king and sovereign, and that of the spanish nation, which certainly have lost much of their honor in this part of the world, at seeing the derision which the moros have repeatedly cast at us. and it has been a special providence of god that since the shameful loss of manila our arms should regain the reputation which they had lost in the siege of this fort, by some glorious successes--so complete that they were extolled by the enemies themselves, and caused admiration throughout india--in order to show that the loyalty of the spaniards, even when their forces were most feeble, could conquer the strongest enemy and avenge their injuries. but this glorious and heroic example of fidelity and valor--by which all the people distinguished themselves, under the orders cf their commander, don simon de anda y salazar--ought not to lull us into living in excessive confidence that, in another invasion (which may god not permit), we shall be able to accomplish the same results; for the hand of god is not always ready to work miracles, and he desires that men shall aid themselves, in order that he may aid them. 2. i say, then, that it is very easy to make these fortified places so worthy of respect that there will be no forces in this part of india able to capture them. with the same ease any person can begin to form, in his imagination, a basis of brave soldiers, of fortifications, etc.; but he will strike on a reef from not knowing how the increased expense which must necessarily burden this undertaking can be supported. for this end, i will propose some measures, after showing the way by which to make ourselves respected. 3. the towns of manila and cavite ought to be placed [in a condition of defense] with the plan of fortifications in the modern style which shall be furnished by the engineers who may be consulted, or may come from españa, for this purpose. this expense will be very great, as is naturally obvious; and perhaps with the same expenditure the entrance of the bay could be fortified to prevent the entrance of ships and leave this place in a condition conformable thereto--devoting all attention to the said entrance and to the port of cavite (in which the courts, the [royal] offices, the storehouses, etc, ought to be), because its situation, aided by art, will make the said port impregnable, and its maintenance less costly and more secure. 4. the town of manila is of no use without the port of cavite; and the latter, without the former, is more useful and less costly. any enemy who attempts to capture this town [of manila] can secure the same advantages by seizing other lands on the shores of the bay, because all is alike, but useless, without the said port; and the expedient of abandoning this town (which, on account of its uselessness, does not merit the expenditure of so much money), and employing the same expense in fortifying, if that can be done, the entrance of mariveles, is more advantageous and safe, and less costly. it is more advantageous, because then no vessel can enter the bay, to invade the villages along its shore, as the moros now do; more safe, because while any [hostile] squadron would be wasting time in opening a passage by which to find entrance into the bay and lay siege to cavite, opportunity would thus be given for various military measures which would render difficult the capture of the said port; and less costly, because not so many soldiers are necessary to guard the fortifications of the said entrance and port as to man the great extent of the walls of manila--which, according to intelligent persons, needs a garrison of at least three thousand men. [127] 5. there is a sort of flat boats which are called "floating bastions" [baluartes en el agua]; they are of shallow keel, but of a strength which can support artillery of large caliber. this is a most admirable invention for defending the entrances of ports; those who understand the subject will give more minute information regarding these vessels, which, added to the fortification of the aforesaid entrance [of mariveles], will make it impossible for hostile ships to enter the bay. 6. there is no doubt that manila, as i have said, is unnecessary if cavite is well fortified; but it is also certain that at manila it is easier to bring in supplies, and for all the troops and the citizens to remove, with their property, to the provinces, where the enemy cannot attack them. these reflections, and the difficulties which there may be in fortifying the entrance to the bay, will be better foreseen by those who understand the subject. 7. besides the two ships, which are necessary for the trade with nueva españa, there ought to be at cavite two others in reserve, which could serve in any outbreak of war for the guard and defense of our fortifications, and even could be sent out for capturing the ships of our enemies which might come from europa and from the coasts [of india] to trade at canton, for the latter pass in sight of the coasts of ilocos and cagayan, and visit without fail pulaor, pulicondor, and pulizapato. these ships [at cavite] ought to have competent naval officers; and even in time of peace they will be very useful for keeping the coasts clear [of enemies], for transporting troops to the military posts, for any expedition against the moros, and for reconnoitering and surveying the lands, and the shoals and dangerous places of our islands and seas, and discovering new routes. the navy, shipyard, and arsenal of cavite should be placed under such regulations as shall be considered most suitable; and as warden of the said port there should be appointed a competent naval officer, or some one of the builders of ships, with the title of superintendent of the arsenal and shipyard, in order that affairs may progress in proportion to his ability. 8. the expense of the two ships which must sail to acapulco is paid for by the same royal duties which have been hitherto paid, for there have always been at least two galleons for this purpose. as for the additional two ships, and some fragatas besides, it can be estimated that they will cost one hundred thousand pesos a year, besides their construction; this can be carried on in various parts of these islands, with evident saving of expense on account of the exceeding abundance of timber and the low wages of the workmen. 9. the principal defense and security of these islands consists in the troops. in every province there ought to be fifty soldiers, with their officers, at the disposal of the alcaldes-mayor. in this way the reduction of the villages would be made easier, without which all the rest is absolutely idle and useless. as fast as the villages are reduced, they offer greater advantages for both spiritual and temporal things; and thus could be established what would be very beneficial to the indians and to the royal exchequer, as will be explained later. 10. with a thousand soldiers distributed in the provinces--and these in time of war could retreat to the forts--and with three thousand who may be permanently stationed in the forts, the port of cavite and the forts which may be erected at the entrance of the bay will be impregnable. or, [if it be a question] of not undertaking this work but of maintaining the fortified post of manila, the said number of troops will likewise be sufficient; for the dutch, the english, and the french, who are the powers that we can fear in india, have not the facilities for coming to conquer our towns with so many marines as there would be soldiers in our garrisons aforesaid; and, on the other hand, they may fear lest we invade them with part of the said military force and of the militia (which, disciplined on the plan that i propose in my memorandum of suggestions, will exceed six thousand men, besides the veterans). with that force, and with the enormous number of men who could be obtained from these islands for [making] earthworks [para faginas] and for other construction, the name of our sovereign and of the spanish nation would command so much respect in this part of the world that no one would dare to invade us. 11. the permanent garrison of manila and cavite, according to the regulation by señor arandia, contains two thousand men, divided into twenty companies; and the plan which i propose for the security of the said towns and of the provinces calls for another two thousand men. from these can be formed another twenty companies, of a hundred men each; and, since usually these companies are at no time complete, it will be necessary, in order to keep them full, to increase the said plan by another thousand men, in order that the [regular] footing of four thousand men may always be maintained. they can easily be recruited in nueva españa, and [sent over] by every ship to replace those who may die; for we have learned by experience that the americans, if they are well disciplined, are remarkably well fitted for soldiers. they are barbarians in courage, and are daring and resolute; they fling themselves into the greatest danger as joyously as into a dance; and whether on the march or in guard duty, in heat or in rain, and in the most distressing fatigues, they are always gay, contented, and good-humored. with the same aspect they endure poor food, a scanty supper, a hard bed; and, finally, they are very obedient, and their virile powers are quite spent [son de potencias mui despejadas] usually--so much so that on this account they usually have all the vices which are natural to man. but strict discipline and punishment are a great restraint on them; and, with the example of four or five hundred veteran soldiers who might come from españa, a very respectable military force could be trained here--with the additional consideration that they are better able than are the europeans to endure heat and rain, and other hardships, which ruin the latter and make no impression on the former. but it is indispensable that some officers of rank should come from españa, to lay good foundations for this edifice, for in no other way can it be permanent. 12. in order that this force may serve willingly, and be reliable, it is necessary to increase their pay. it is impossible to have good officers unless they have sufficient pay to support themselves decently, and it is certain that they do not have it; the same thing is true of the soldiers, relatively; and on this account it is found that both officers and men serve by compulsion, for, by leaving the service, they make a better living, and are more highly esteemed. a captain with [a salary of] twenty-five pesos, a lieutenant with eighteen, and an alférez with fourteen, cannot feed, clothe, and house themselves; and in order to appear on the streets neat and clean, they are forced to practice a thousand stratagems and deceits, which cast discredit on the body of officers and injure their reputation among the citizens. the honorable officer who does not conform to this [sort of] life, or who has means to support himself in some other way, or who adds to his income by trading, escapes by leaving the service; and the soldier deserts, and takes refuge in one of the provinces, where he lives better and has more comforts. therefore, in order that they may serve the king with affection, willingness, and honor, both officers and men should receive a corresponding rate of pay. 13. this, it seems to me, ought to be fixed at the rate of fifty pesos for the captain's pay, forty for the lieutenant, thirty for the alférez, ten for the sergeant, eight for the corporal, and five for the private soldier; and in this proportion for the sargentos-mayor, the adjutants, and others. with these salaries all the military could support themselves decently, and the service would be desirable; young men of good standing would devote themselves to it; there would be emulation among the officers, and, if these were competent, among the soldiers also--who, with such pay, would not be so eager to desert the service. 14. computing the annual expense of the aforesaid forty companies, according to the proposed schedule of pay, it would amount to very nearly the sum of three hundred and twenty thousand pesos; and adding thirty thousand pesos more, for the pay of the corps of artillerists whom we ought to have, the annual expense would be about three hundred and fifty thousand pesos. [with that force,] there would be men for the detachments which we may need to send on special service, for the expeditions that may be necessary, for proceeding wherever necessity may call for aid, and for the ships and the galleys; and, above all, for rendering ourselves respected and feared, in times of either peace or war. 15. this increase of troops and pay, compared with the pay and troops stated in señor arandia's regulations, amounts to the half more; and i reckon it, with that of the artillery, at two hundred thousand pesos more of expense; this, with the hundred thousand applied for the navy alone, will make three hundred thousand pesos of increase to be charged to this royal treasury. computing the cost not by the said regulations, but by the plan which i have just proposed, the entire cost of army, navy, and corps of artillery amounts to four hundred and fifty thousand pesos annually. chapter fourth: on the facility with which these islands can produce for the royal exchequer more than what it needs for the said expenses. 1. having constituted the aforesaid military force--or half of it, in order that the expense may be less at first--the reduction of all the indian villages ought to be resolutely undertaken, as a matter that is absolutely essential, without which all the rest will be useless. this reduction made (which can be accomplished in less than a year), enumeration will be made of the tribute-payers in all the provinces; after the reduction their numbers will be greatly increased, because the heads of barangay will not be able to hide the tributes as easily as they now do, or to commit thefts and dishonorable acts, as they have hitherto done. the ordinances will be made duly effective, especially in regard to plantations, and other measures will be adopted that are beneficial for the better government, both economic and civil, of the villages; government buildings will be erected in the chief towns, at least, that may serve to shelter the alcalde-mayor and the troops that he will have; also a storehouse, in which to keep the property of the royal exchequer. good schoolmasters will be employed for the instruction of the indians, and for teaching them our language; and the matters in which the father ministers should have the right to intervene, and those in which they ought to forbear, will be strictly regulated, without any dispensation. the cultivation of the land will be conducted with the utmost care; and, finally, the tribute will be increased, to the rate of two pesos a head each year. although this is a very moderate impost, and is profitable not only to the king but to the indians, in order to draw them out from their continual and pernicious slothfulness, this branch of revenue will produce annually one million, six hundred thousand pesos. this addition to the royal treasury, even when some deduction is made, as is ordinary, will not only support the expenses of my plan for army, artillery, and navy, but a considerable amount of silver will be left for other allotments from the royal exchequer, and for indemnifying the expenses with which the islands have been burdened, from the time of their conquest until now. 2. the other increases and savings which the royal exchequer can make in its various branches i have set forth to his majesty and to the superior government, and i will furnish a still more detailed account whenever it shall be deemed necessary. it is sufficient [here] to know that these can amount to some four hundred thousand pesos, and that, when added to the income from the tributes, the two items will amount to two millions of pesos annually; and even if half a million be deducted for contingencies and losses, and another half-million be spent in making payments, a million still remains as savings. even considering the matter as gloomily and distrustfully as possible, there cannot fail to be an annual saving of half a million of pesos, as any one will understand who is moderately acquainted with the affairs of these islands. 3. with such receipts in the royal treasury, and with the aforesaid soldiery and their pay, and with navy, artillerists, and military supplies, what enterprises cannot be undertaken in these islands? will this not be the most considerable establishment in all india? will there be forces that can overcome us? will the english, who have their forts and factories, with the necessary garrisons, venture again to invade this place? on the contrary, will they not fear, and with just cause, that we, superior then in forces, will attack them in their own colonies? i think that no one will doubt that the advantage is ours, assuming that my plan for savings and increases in the royal revenues is practicable; and i believe that, however numerous the difficulties which may accumulate in carrying it out, all will admit the suitability of these islands for attaining it, if only it be undertaken in earnest and followed up persistently by all the governors; for if the military forces be placed on the footing that i propose, all the rest will be overcome without special difficulty; and i dare stake my head on it. 4. in order that the islands may enjoy the peace, tranquillity, and comfort which they should have, with evident benefit to the royal revenues, it is absolutely necessary to inflict exemplary punishment on the moros of jolo and mindanao, whose insolence, perfidy, cruelties, piracies, seizing of captives, and deceitfulness have ruined these wretched provinces, and will entirely annihilate them unless the remedy be applied--and there is no other, than to attack them in their own territories, and give them no quarter; to destroy them, or else intimidate them so that they will never forget [their punishment]; and to put a stop to their raids, by some small forts, which can keep them in subjection--imposing on them a heavy tribute, which will indemnify the expenses of the expedition and the costs of the said forts and soldiers. the enterprise is easy and safe, when we have the men and the money; and the advantage and even necessity is the greatest one of these islands. upon this i could expatiate at length, since this is a matter upon which i have worked with considerable application; but this point is sufficient, as being one of those most essential to the prosperity of these islands, and to make it evident that at the same time we can succeed in depriving the english of their factory in jolo. [128] this is another of the more important matters, since in either peace or war they will entirely ruin these islands: in peace, by frauds and commercial intrigues; and in war, with small forces. 5. for the execution of all the aforesaid, and in order that the [military] establishment proposed may suffer no delay or procrastination, it would be expedient for his majesty to give commission for this to the governors, and to the ministers of the audiencia, with the insistence which is merited by this project, so assured and so beneficial; and the amplest powers should be given them to proceed in such manner as they shall judge, by the majority of votes [in councils of war], to be most expedient. for in consulting his majesty in regard to some uncertainties, and waiting for his royal decisions, the delay of at least three years will be experienced; and in so long a time the postponement of action cannot fail to be injurious to the enterprise, and to cool interest in its continuation, when it ought to be pursued with the greatest ardor, zeal, and efficiency, deferring for this all other affairs, as being less important. 6. the first thing which should be attempted is, that his majesty issue commands--provided he approve the project for making these domains respected, and the plan for economies and increases in the royal revenues--to the viceroy of nueva españa to send over here money and soldiers, in order to serve as a foundation for the work that is to be undertaken. for this is necessary to be done, even if there were no such project; for in its present condition the place is without defense, and the government without forces to make itself obeyed; and there is no medium between the two extremes above stated--to abandon this country, or to maintain it with honor; and the latter cannot be secured without spending money, and without having sufficient troops to garrison the forts. 7. if to these succors from nueva españa were added two ships and five hundred soldiers from europa, a corresponding force of officers, and abundance of military supplies--which could come to these islands by way of the cape of good hope--great advantages would ensue. first, all the vassals in these islands would rejoice at seeing such succor as never before had been seen in them; second, the indians would have some idea of the power of our sovereign, since, as a people of material ideas and little penetration, they do not consider or understand more than what enters through their eyes; third, they would feel more respect, fear, and dread, which is that which holds them in check, and obliges them to be christians and vassals of our king. fourth, such aid would serve as a terror to the moros, and would allow the provinces, overwhelmed by their invasions, to take breath; fifth, all the soldiery would be disciplined and organized after the example of the said five hundred veteran soldiers, and with the sergeants and corporals of the latter a good corps of officers could be formed, filling vacant posts with them in place of the untrained and inexperienced (to whom can be given other appointments in the posts of alcalde-mayor, corregidor, etc.). sixth, in these neighboring provinces the reduction [of the villages] and the increase of tribute could be immediately undertaken, without risk of resistance on their part; and when the undertaking was concluded in this region, where it is easier to carry out such a measure, it would be continued in the other provinces, one after another. thus in a short time the benefits set down in this project would be obtained, and with them the troops and their pay could be increased, fortifications and ships built, supplies provided (which could be done here), and the moros who harass us destroyed. chapter fifth: of the arguments which justify the increase of tributes 1. as this matter is discussed with the greatest scruples by all the authors, it has seemed to me desirable to explain, as briefly as possible, the reasons which i consider just for the increase of tributes which i mention in the preceding chapter. i see therein from the start the obstacles and difficulties which this delicate question will occasion; but i will bring together the considerations which no author denies in this discussion; i will adapt their doctrines to the indians of these islands, in order that the justification of my design may be evident; and i will conclude with touching upon some objections which have been raised by the most learned persons whom i have consulted on this point. 2. from the confusion and disorders of ancient times originated the selection of kings, to whom and to their successors the respective kingdoms entrusted the power of establishing laws; of forming towns, and of maintaining them in peace, justice, and social order; of appointing persons for government, civil, economic, and military; of establishing tribunals; and, in fine, of providing their vassals with all the means conducive to their greatest comfort and security. the people bound themselves to contribute means for meeting these expenses, with the tributes and regular charges which might be necessary. by this mutual obligation between the kings and the vassals, the latter must be protected, defended from enemies, and maintained in peace and justice; and in return and acknowledgment they must also pay the tributes, since these are employed for the common benefit, and secure the stability and solidity of the state. if st. paul counseled that tributes be paid to the heathen princes, with how much more reason ought they to be paid to our catholic monarchs! 3. the payment of tributes is binding in the tribunal of conscience, under [penalty of] mortal sin, and with the obligation to make restitution when they are fraudulently withheld; and this opinion no author questions. but, as it is not possible to determine the quantity, opinions are divided, and many persons expand this matter, urging that the excessive imposition of tribute exonerates from the obligation to pay it, and establishing [the fact of] the said excess on various arguments, although i know not whether these are solid as is necessary. for, in order to speak with assurance on this matter, neither theology nor jurisprudence is sufficient; but it is necessary to know also the science of government and that of administration--which are little understood by some who clamor against excess in the tributes, without knowing whether or not there is any. 4. in matters of government, a statesman who is adorned with superior talents will distinguish the expenditures which are necessary from those which are needlessly incurred; he will know whether the tributes are sufficient to meet the obligations of the crown; and he will make a calculation of the incomes and expenses of the royal exchequer. this neither the jurist nor the theologian can do, without knowledge of these matters, which are remote from their professions, and consequently they cannot be sure whether the tributes are sufficient, or are extravagantly spent, in order that they may establish the [charge of] excess in them, or the [right of] relief from paying them, or the [justice of] scruples at imposing them. but the theologian and the jurist who may have the said information will doubtless declare with most correctness, whether the tributes are excessive or moderate, and whether there is obligation to diminish them or necessity for increasing them, in order that sovereigns may not experience the aforesaid scruples, or the vassals have cause for not paying the tributes. 5. it cannot be denied that in all the nations of europe the tributes have been increased in this century, as the mercuries publish it; and this is right, because continually new things are discovered which render the old ones useless--for instance, a fortification which formerly was considered impregnable is [now] regarded as very frail and weak. on the other hand, the exertions which a power makes oblige it to incur greater expenses, and all of the powers strive to place themselves in a state of equilibrium which can render their respective domains secure. the abundance of silver has raised the prices of commodities, and, as everything costs much more than formerly, and the necessity for expenditures is infinitely greater, the increase of tributes cannot be avoided, nor can the vassals be excused from the clear obligation to pay them, in proportion to the [demands of the] times, which cannot be the same. 6. the pious feeling with which the indians have been regarded has rendered still more delicate the question of the tributes which have been imposed upon them; nevertheless, all our authors agree in justifying not only those which at first were laid upon them, but those which for just reasons were afterward increased. moreover, it was decided by a council of very learned men whom the emperor carlos fifth consulted that the indians ought to pay the same tributes which the other vassals were paying in españa, appraising their value, and moderating the tax according to the resources of the tributaries and to what each province could carry and endure; [129] and from this proceed to the laws which have been established, and the royal decrees that have been issued, for this purpose. these ordinances are even more benign than the aforesaid decision; for really the poverty of the indians has been exaggerated more than is just, and it has been believed that by these moderate measures the conquest of the indias, both spiritual and temporal, would be more easily effected--which i do not attribute to that, but to the great reverence which the reputation and glorious achievements of the spaniards occasioned in the indians. 7. taking for granted then, the moderation (as all admit) of the tributes paid by the indians, especially in these islands--where they paid only at the rate of four reals for each tributary, and of one real a head which was afterward imposed in addition, one entire tribute finally paying ten reals, in accordance with ley 65, tit. 5, lib. 6, of the recopilación de indias, without there being, from the year 1602 until now, any further burden upon them--and assuming, as an unquestioned fact, that there has been a continual increase of new offices, new military posts, and many expenses in these very islands; as also that the urgent needs of the crown are now incomparably far greater than in the past century, it seems that by an undeniable conclusion the increase of tributes ought to be lawful, in proportion to the increase in the said expenses. for without the tributes the king cannot fulfil his obligations as such, in regard to his vassals; nor can the latter omit to contribute the means for their own preservation and security, which is what the sovereign must endeavor to obtain for them. 8. what reason will there be for the vassals in the peninsula of españa being the only ones to be laden with an increase in the tributes, and for the vassals in the indias not bearing the same increase? one class is under the same obligation as the other to pay their share to their king, for the necessary expenses of the monarchy. let, then, a survey be made of the taxes and imposts which have been increased in españa since the conquest of the indias, and it will be seen what increase of tributes has been imposed upon the spaniards in order to defray the expenses of the crown, while in the indias hardly any increase has been made--although it accords with equitable justice that all should bear these burdens which conduce to the common welfare, and assure the stability and permanence of all the dominions. 9. even when the expenses of these islands were less, the tributes were not sufficient; and every year the generosity of our sovereign has sent and is sending the situado [130] from nueva españa--which, [even] with the product of the tributes and of other royal taxes, is not enough to satisfy all the obligations of this royal treasury. this is an argument which demonstrates that these vassals do not contribute to their king the amount which, in the opinion of all, they are under obligation to pay; for they ought to pay that which his majesty spends for their comfort, for their spiritual and temporal government, for the administration of justice, and in defense of their persons and property. besides all this, they ought to contribute to the royal revenues for the expenses of the wars, and the maintenance of troops and forts, of the navy, of state officials, and of the royal household--which, as indispensable and general expenses, ought to be exacted from all the vassals. but not only are these expenses never exacted from the vassals here, but these islands have been supported at the cost of the labors and fatigues of the other vassals, without any reason being found why one class should enjoy more privileges than the other while they receive equal benefits. 10. there are probably in all the world no vassals who are less burdened than are the indians of these islands. they eat and drink without paying alcabala or any impost; the fabrics with which they clothe themselves, if made in the islands, pay nothing, and if they are of foreign make they bear no heavier burden than the light one of the customs duties; in the polos and personal services to which the king assigns them, he furnishes them with rations and pay according to the tariffs and ordinances of the provinces; and, finally, each indian pays, at the end of the year, only five reals, from the age of eighteen years to that of sixty. i agree that at the beginning it was proper to proceed with this moderation, because the said tribute was then considered sufficient for the expenses, and those of the monarchy were also less in those times, on account of the scarcity of silver, which caused all commodities to be cheaper than they are now; and, finally, because they had not been conquered by wars occasioned by their own perverse conduct, in order to impose on them heavy tributes at the discretion of the conqueror, as is just in such cases. for they submitted of their own accord, and our conquest was made not because they had previously furnished us with causes for war, but for the sake of their greater good, both spiritual and temporal; for this reason their tribute ought to be more moderate, but not so much so that, in order to relieve these vassals, it should be charged back to the others (as it has been, unjustly), in order to support these islands. for it does not accord with justice that exemption should be granted to these indians from their obligations, as vassals, to pay their share toward the expenses of these dominions and of the entire monarchy, in [due] proportion; and that this favor [to them] should prove injurious to the rest of the vassals, who certainly are more worthy of consideration [than these], since they are more useful. 11. "in the time of their heathendom, they ought to be considered as slaves rather than as vassals of their tyrannical petty kings, to whom they paid service as vassals. these tyrants employed them in their grain-fields, and in gathering pearls, shells, gold, dyewood, amber, and civet; in timber-cutting, and in the construction of vessels; in a word, the people had nothing more than the labor appointed to them by their tyrant masters" (thus i explained the matter to his majesty in a report of june 5, 1760, and [here] will copy exactly the rest of its contents regarding the increase of tributes). "your majesty conquered these dominions and these peoples, making rational beings from brutes, christians from heathens, and rich people from poor ones. your majesty gave them the freedom of the sea, the rivers, the lands, and the forests; established a governor, an audiencia, and other courts, in order that they might be defended from their enemies and maintained in justice; formed bishoprics, with bishops and curas; and, in fine, you completed these benefits with the many privileges which are contained in the laws of the indias, without further burden to them than the payment by each indian of five reals. at the same time, they were able to pay much more, as it is just they should, considering that every vassal ought to contribute to his king and natural lord whatever is necessary to maintain the vassals in peace, justice, and social order; but in these islands not only does your majesty not obtain what is needed to pay these expenses, but your majesty supplies, and has supplied, an immense amount of money. if the rest of your vassals contributed in this proportion, your majesty could not maintain your dominions, for you spend vastly more than what they yield to you; nor could the indians of these islands, moreover, be instructed and governed if your majesty spent upon them no more than you obtain from the fund of the tributes. therefore, in order that these obligations may be reciprocal--that of your majesty to maintain the indians in social order, and theirs to contribute for the same--it is necessary that the tribute be proportioned to the expenses, and larger than what they are at present paying." 12. let these reflections be prudently considered, for, even without the constraint of the foregoing ones, they show the lawfulness of increasing the tribute; and at greater length i have stated the disposition of the indians, as i also explained to his majesty in the said report: "they are a people who are given up to sloth; they work one day for the food for the entire week, and the rest of the time they are without occupation, and most often [spend that time] in gambling or drinking. that is a very unusual indian who takes pains to have a comfortable house, and to accumulate some little property for the comfort of his children; for he [usually] only works for his food and for wretched clothing, for paying his tribute, and for gambling. this is more usually the case; as also is it certain that there are no vassals who have better opportunities for being rich, or can do so more easily. those who were exempted from going to cut timber paid the overseer five pesos, three reals each, in order not to be obliged to do this work for the period of one month; and in this is evident the facility with which they make money when they choose, and when necessity urges them." 13. here comes in well what the governor has set forth in a memorandum of suggestions regarding the increase of the tributes, and i will extract from it what answers my purpose: "among the numerous vices which are occasioned by the incredible laziness of the indians, one is that of gambling. when they gamble on a cockfight, a multitude of people assemble, and all of them carry ready money for this purpose. the indian women adorn themselves with many chains of gold, with pendants, and with rosaries ornamented with gold; with rings and bracelets of tumbac, and with many buttons of the said metals on their chemises. the indians are accustomed to use much silver, and some gold and tumbac, on the said buttons and those on their jackets; in rings and clasps; on their knife-belts [131] and weapons ornamented with silver. for a burial they pay out twenty, forty, or sixty pesos; they spend enormous amounts in the banquets at their weddings, in the functions of gobernadorcillos, and in other things, which prove that the indian, notwithstanding his great slothfulness, has money for everything except for the tribute." 14. there is no province which does not yield many and excellent products, and, if the indians were willing to apply themselves to a very moderate [amount of] labor, they could pay a larger tribute, and [yet] live with more comforts; for there are probably no vassals in all the world who have such facilities and opportunities for becoming rich as have the indians of filipinas. but this condition is not attained when there is slothfulness; and what means have the spaniards used to banish this vice? none; for we are as languid and negligent as the indians, and have left them in their freedom without seeking either their advancement or our own. the spaniards do not go out of manila, where all are gentlemen; they regard it as unworthy to devote themselves to any other pursuit than commerce; they employ themselves in swindling and begging alms, rather than seek a living in the provinces; and, more than all, they live in utter idleness. they loiter about, divert themselves with gambling and other vices, and become insolent in their licentious mode of speech, even that which they do not understand. for this reason manila is the commonwealth most abominable for malicious tales, slanders, and factions, [132] for sloth and licentiousness; for even the citizen of most wealth and he who is most occupied will have at least ten months which he does not know how to employ. 15. such is the example that we set to the indians, and they imitate us so perfectly that they all desire to live as the spaniard does, to wear the same costly ornaments, and to be rich--but without labor, and without ceasing to be idle or to divert themselves with all the other vices. if the many spanish vagabonds who wander about manila and its environs were distributed in the provinces, they would trade therein; they would marry indian women of rank, would become rich with some application and labor, and would thus furnish a good example to the indians. in this way the foreigners (and especially the french) have established their colonies, free from the error of our pernicious vanity, inaction, and sloth; and we, although better warned than they, are unwilling to change our ideas, but prefer to maintain the indians in the same state of idleness. 16. the means for their not being idle is, that the spaniards should work, and encourage and aid the indians to cultivate their lands and utilize their products. an ordinance should be published that no indian may be a gobernadorcillo or official of his village unless he cultivate and gather in a certain portion of rice, wheat, sugar, cacao, cotton, wax, or other product, regulated by what each province produces; that if they do not cultivate their lands they must lose them, the lands being adjudicated to other persons, in order that these may cultivate them; and that exemption from tributes, polos, and personal services be granted to those who shall most distinguish themselves in tillage and harvesting. the idea is, to stimulate them in this manner to the tillage and cultivation of the lands which his majesty grants to all the villages and the indians who dwell in them; and these measures are very gentle compared to others which were decreed by the municipal law of the indias. for in one of the ordinances of mexico it is decreed that "the indians must not be allowed to be idle, or to wander about as idlers and vagabonds; but they must work on their farms." the authorities could compel them by force to obey this, as señor solorzano proves by various arguments in book 2, chapter 7 of his política indiana, demonstrating that no indian would work if allowed his liberty, "through his natural inclination to an idle and easy life," as is definitely stated in ley 1, tit. 13, lib. 6 ("of the indians"), and many others of the same recopilación; and that the indians resist work "because they are exceedingly slothful and fond of idleness, and are inclined to abandon themselves to intemperance, licentiousness, and other vices which idolatry occasions among them; and as they are so little covetous, and are content with so little for food and clothing, many passing their lives in the manner of beasts, some force and compulsion is necessary to make them give up this mode of life; for the devil prompts and persuades them not to serve or aid the spaniards. 17. "on this account it has always been regarded as best to keep them occupied and at work, and in their heathen condition the same was done by their ingas [i.e., incas] and montesumas--to such an extent that, when they lacked profitable and necessary occupation, their rulers set them to work at others that were only for pleasure, and of no use or benefit; they were even made to collect little bags of lice, and to cut and carry to the mountains stones of enormous size." 18. all this description seems written for the indians of these islands, and he who may have any experience with them will decide that, in order to remove them from their sloth and their vices the increase of their tributes is indispensable, as is the necessity of compelling them by the said measure to perform work that is useful to the king, and likewise to themselves, in both spiritual and temporal interests--so much so that one can and ought to form the gravest scruples at allowing the indians to remain in their present condition, since it is the origin of numberless evils (from which i shall pray god to deliver his majesty and his ministers), through consenting to this so pernicious sloth, and not applying some remedy to it. at the same time with the increase of the tribute, the abundance of products and the wealth of the islands will be greater; for if the indians now do a certain amount of work in order to pay five reals, they will be under necessity of working three times as much in order to pay two pesos. 19. in nueva españa, señor solorzano regards as lawful and very just the tribute of eight tostons (which are four pesos, each of eight silver reals), for each indian, one-half more [133] than what i rated in the increase which is here proposed. he who has any knowledge of the said kingdom and of these islands will admit that the said rate is very moderate; for the indians of america do not enjoy so great an abundance of products or so wide a market as do the natives of these islands. also, there they have not, in proportion [to the extent of the country], as many troops and as many military posts as here; and these natives have fewer burdens of polos and personal services, and much less hardship, than those of nueva españa. notwithstanding these advantages, which furnish just reason for imposing on these islands the same tribute which is regarded as just in nueva españa, i am fixing the rate at one-half less--for with the two pesos for each indian i think that there will be more than enough to place the troops, the fortifications, and the navy, on a more respectable footing; to defend these vassals from the invasions of moros and other enemies; and, by saving to his majesty the royal situado and making amends for the enormous expenses which have burdened these islands, to furnish to the royal revenues some increase, and have means with which to meet the needs and obligations of the crown. 20. the difference which there may be between the indians who were conquered by arms and those who voluntarily subjected themselves to our sway (as were those of these islands) is also found in the said regulation of rates, by which the latter will pay but one-half as much as the former; for this circumstance that i have mentioned does not relieve them from the obligations and burdens of vassals--although on account of it they have the right to be treated with more clemency, as they have been treated hitherto, and will be in the future--paying the two pesos as tribute, in order that his majesty and the other vassals need not defray the expenses to which the people of these islands ought to contribute, since these conduce to their spiritual and temporal welfare, and to the preservation and security of these dominions. 21. besides this, it ought to be borne in mind that, from the first years of this conquest until the one in which we now are, nearly all the provinces have at various times rebelled and risen in arms; and not one of our authors doubts that for this kind of offense the indians ought to be punished by an increase of their tributes, that this may serve them as a warning and example; for they [thus] lost the right to be treated with the mildness which their first voluntary submission deserved. if the spaniards had proceeded after this fashion in these islands, it would have been an easy matter to increase the tributes, in order to save the situados. moreover, with the examples in this war [i.e., with the english] we have most rightful cause for punishing, by some such means, the traitorous and revolted provinces, by [imposing] not only the two pesos of tribute, but much more, in order to make some distinction between the indians who have continued faithful to our king and those who have rebelled and acted disloyally. 22. with these brief reflections the minds of those who have entertained some doubts or scruples in regard to the increase of tributes which i proposed in the preceding chapter would be convinced; but there would be other difficulties to overcome in this exceedingly delicate matter. people will tell me (as i have sometimes heard it said) that any person who proposes the increase of tributes commits mortal sin, and incurs the excommunication of the bull of the cena. but i will reply with the upright and pious intention which has influenced me to write on this subject--on which, in my opinion, depends the preservation of these islands and their christian churches; for they will certainly be lost in a few years unless they produce [means] for the expenses which they occasion, or unless his majesty increase the royal situado; this is a difficult matter, and he is under no obligation to do so. and it is sufficient for me, in order not to incur the said excommunication, that the bull of the cena is not received in españa in regard to matters of temporal government (in which our sovereigns are absolute), but only in what concerns ecclesiastical discipline, and the purity of the faith and the catholic religion, in which the spaniards have always affirmed the blindest obedience to the supreme pontiff and vicar of christ on earth. 23. nevertheless, i regard with the most profound veneration and respect all that is contained in the aforesaid bull, and its provisions regarding government taxes and tributes make me hesitate; for, assuming (as a good catholic) some influence of the holy ghost for the said pontifical declaration, [134] my mind would be full of remorse if at the same time when i defend the increase of tributes i did not oppose the malversation of their proceeds, the superfluous expenses, the lack of economy in those who administer them, and the numberless thefts from the royal revenues, which are the strongest objections that can be raised against my proposal. 24. it is certain that the vassals are under obligation to pay tribute to their kings, but it is likewise certain that they have the right, in equity, that what they pay as tribute be well employed, and that punishment be administered to those who steal, extravagantly spend, or misapply those funds; for in the honest administration of the royal revenues consists the greatest comfort of the vassals and the prosperity of the [respective] monarchies. the remark made by a celebrated french writer is [worthy] of note: that if the ministers of the king of españa in the indias were not so dishonest the royal incomes would amount to more than those of all the powers of europa. the vassal complies with the obligation which rests on him, but the kings do not fulfil theirs; for they let go without punishment all the theft, all the robbery, all the iniquity committed by their ministers. i am well aware that there cannot be government among men without these defects and vices, which without exception are utterly incurable, and all the nations of the world have committed them from the time of adam; but he who knows our general misgovernment of the indias and the numberless robberies which are committed [therein] will be astounded to see that the criminals are not punished. [at the same time] he is certain that the royal revenues are in great part consumed by those who manage them, while if some exemplary punishments were inflicted the thefts would be greatly checked; that, by not curbing these, heavier burdens are laid upon the vassals; and that these protest against the tributes which are imposed upon them, [levied] not strictly for the maintenance of the dominions, but in order to enrich the officials, who (especially in the indias) make enormous fortunes with what they obtain by defrauding the royal exchequer--or, to speak more correctly, by plundering those who pay tribute. 25. if in the collection, administration, and allotment of the royal revenues there were application, zeal, disinterestedness, and economy, it is evident that the vassals would not be compelled to contribute with so many imposts and taxes; for with what is plundered and misapplied in one year the expenses could be met for the half of the following year, and perhaps, instead of increasing the taxes, it would be possible to make some reductions of these to the vassals who should be considered most burdened. 26. i have not the slightest doubt that the tributes which have been hitherto paid in these islands are not sufficient for maintaining them in a condition so respectable as that which i have already proposed; and if for this chiefest reason i have defended the increase of tributes, i likewise retract this opinion in case our court do not apply the most effective remedies, in order to check the robberies and malversations which during my time i have seen, and that they may not be responsible before the stern tribunal of god for such hardships to the indians, and for the robberies, which will be committed in greater number in proportion to the increase in the funds which will be handled. for, strict as is the obligation of the vassals to contribute to the expenses, or pay tribute, equally so is that of the sovereigns to make proper distribution of what is contributed, and to endeavor that it be not misapplied; and so long as kings do not fulfil this obligation, by appointing zealous and disinterested officials, and punishing with the greatest severity those who are not such, there will be few persons who will venture to express opinions in favor of increasing the tributes. but [when such measures are taken] i will be the first to withdraw from this statement of my opinion; for i have always believed that the aforesaid condition [of honest administration] was inseparable from such increase. 27. i will note other objections which have been made to me against increasing the tributes; but, before mentioning them, i protest my veneration and blind obedience to the royal decrees of my king and sovereign, whose upright conscience will consider what is most in accordance with its internal peace, the rectitude of his royal intentions and the comfort of his vassals, by mercilessly punishing those who defraud the royal treasury, and issuing such other commands as are expedient. 28. there are many who restrict the powers of the sovereign which i mentioned in section 2 of this chapter, and who say that the [various] countries, when they instituted kings, did not dispossess themselves of all the authority which the people of the nation possessed; but that the latter reserved something, especially in the matter of taxes, which were proposed and demanded by the kings, while the vassals granted or denied them--[the objectors] drawing conclusions from this ancient method, and (especially in our españa) from the convocation of parliament [cortes]; that the power of the king to grind his vassals is not absolute, and that these do not depend in such matters on the will of their kings alone. i frankly state these objections, which, even though they be paltry (on account of the positive opinion of the sovereign, supreme, and absolute power of our kings, who recognize no superior on earth), it is expedient for those who ought to anticipate them not to overlook; for, in order to render a question clear, and to foresee all the difficulties in its decision and practical result, a knowledge of the replies and objections which may be made is always helpful. i content myself with pointing these out, and repeating my [assertion of] invariable obedience to the royal commands of my king and sovereign, as i stated in the preceding section. 29. [some] persons will also raise objections against what i have stated in the fifth section, that in all nations imposts and taxes are increased, according to their necessities and exigencies, and that, when this time [of urgency] is ended, the vassals are set free from such burdens; but that in españa there is no impost which may not be perpetual, as has generally been the case with all--and the "man of san quintin" demonstrates it in his memorial, attributing the ruin of the monarchy to [the imposts,] the millones and sisas especially. [135] 30. these and other objections i will answer briefly, by saying that the presumption of the law by which it is believed of all public officials that they conduct themselves conformably to justice, so long as quite the opposite is not evident, is stronger and more effective in favor of kings and their wise prime ministers--who, with more enlightenment, a profounder knowledge of the [affairs of] state, well-known zeal for the welfare of the monarchy, and the proper maintenance of their lofty honor and character, have decided and will decide these matters, in which we who are inferior and of more limited abilities ought to render subordinate our own opinions, and honor with the utmost respect their wise decisions, persuading ourselves, as is just, that in their councils they have borne in mind all the considerations which can produce the most advantageous judgment, before it is made known to the public. for however satisfied one may be with their reasoning, he would admit that he was convinced if it were possible for him to hear the substantial arguments which influence the royal proceedings of our sovereign--on account of which i, more than any other person, submit these productions of my dull intellect to the superior comprehension of his majesty and his zealous ministers, protesting that i do not presume to furnish enlightenment on these subjects because i might think that they do not possess it, but in order to manifest my intense desire that what is understood to be beneficial to the state, to the glory of the nation, and to the welfare of all the vassals, may be carried into execution. 31. it will be necessary to assume that the increase of tributes in these islands will be resented in the greater part of them, and that, in order to obtain it, the precaution of stationing fifty or sixty soldiers in each province will be necessary; in view of this, the indians will not cause the least trouble, while if they see us without military forces the aforesaid increase will be entirely impracticable. 32. equally it must be assumed that so long as the moros invade the provinces the indians will resist paying tribute; for they will represent that for the defense of their villages they are employed during most of the year in making bulwarks, stockades, and little strongholds, and with weapons in their hands, on account of having no aid from the king which will secure them from the said invasions; and in truth they ought to be heeded in this point. to this end i repeat that in these islands some respectable forces are necessary, and with them must be punished the haughtiness and insolence of the moros; for at the sight of this example the indians will be encouraged, they will attend to their labors, they will regard with respect the affairs of his majesty, and they will assuredly pay the tribute which may be imposed upon them, without danger of their revolting. to this end, a circular edict or decree should be drawn up, in which, suiting the mode of expression to the disposition of the indians, should be fully explained to them the motives which constrain us to the said increase, and the obligation under which they lie to pay their share of the expenses for their spiritual and temporal maintenance under the mild sway of our catholic king and sovereign, and for freeing them from the tyranny and servitude to which they would see themselves reduced if these islands should, for lack of military forces, pass over to another sovereign. 33. this edict or order, carefully prepared, and translated into the idiom of each province, can produce many good results if we proceed with an understanding of the character of the indians, and [in accordance] with the ideas that are necessary, which ought to be communicated, by instructions, to all the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors of the provinces, according to the circumstances of each one--imposing the most severe penalties on those who do not exactly fulfil the orders which the government may entrust to their management and conduct, and offering corresponding rewards to those who shall distinguish themselves in the execution and success of the new order of things, which ought to be established in each province. [136] 34. in order to [secure] the observance of the said ordinance, it will be expedient that when the tribute is increased the salaries likewise should be made larger. an alcalde-mayor has twenty-five pesos of salary a month, which makes three hundred pesos a year; but before he leaves manila for the province to which he is assigned he spends a larger sum [than that] in the fees for his documents and in the notary's office, and for the securities [that he must give]. in three years his term as alcalde comes to an end, and the expenses of his residencia cost him four hundred to five hundred pesos; and it needs but little less for the settlement, presentation, and despatch of the accounts of the royal revenue. thus all the salary which he receives on account of being alcalde, which amounts to nine hundred pesos in the three years, is not sufficient for the aforesaid expenses; for the rest of their maintenance have been invented the thefts from the royal revenue which they handle, and from the indians within their jurisdiction. for this reason, and likewise because these offices have usually been sold, as a rule they are filled by men who are not very trustworthy. but if suitable pay were assigned to them, there would be many persons of known probity who would seek them, transgressions could be more severely punished, plundering would be decreased, the appointees would furnish better bondsmen for the security of the royal exchequer, and the indians would not experience oppression. 35. the poverty of the alcaldes-mayor, their being loaded with debts when they go from manila, and the ambition to become rich in a short time, draw them into trading with the product of the tributes in each province; they buy vessels, lade them with goods, and convey these to manila, or send them to other provinces. if the vessel sink, if the moros seize it, or if it run aground on some shoal and the goods are damaged, or if any other disaster occur, the alcalde loses nothing, for he possesses nothing; and the damage is suffered by the king alone. 36. all this would be remedied by paying them more; for there would be more reliable alcaldes, and they could be compelled to deposit in the royal treasury every year, by means of their agents, the royal revenue of their respective provinces, in order to avoid the aforesaid contingencies, which here are common. 37. with better alcaldes, all the provinces would be well governed. for what is more melancholy than to surrender authority over them to persons who are incompetent, nobodies, in distressed circumstances, vicious, and thieves? how is a man of this sort to govern fifteen, twenty, or forty thousand indians? if he cares for nothing except for conducting his own business, how is he to attend to the affairs which concern the king and the indians? if the alcalde is inefficient, or coarse, or ill-bred, or of little capacity, how is he to govern well? how is he to administer justice, and how civilize his subjects? how is he to furnish reports on subjects which his limited intellect does not comprehend or fathom? how is he to look after the cultivation of the soil, the collection of its products, making plantations, and other things for which the ordinances provide? 38. this disappointment, this disorder, this misgovernment, and the thefts from the royal revenue can only be avoided or remedied, for the most part, by increasing the tribute and giving larger salaries to the alcaldes-mayor, the corregidors, and the other officers of justice in the provinces. there is occasion for the same increase of pay in the posts of public and royal officials, and the subordinates in the accountancy of the royal exchequer, in order to stimulate them to better work and greater zeal and application in the affairs of the royal finances. 39. in the royal storehouses there would be an end to the incredible infractions of law and the thefts by the storekeepers, by giving this position to honorable spaniards, with suitable pay; and abolishing the mischievous abuses in the waste and consumption of supplies--with unchangeable regulations for the incomes and expenditures; for the respective account-books of the storehouses and the appointment of an auditor for verifying them; for the credits and debits of the accounts, with vouchers for them; for the obligation and responsibility of the storekeeper; for the weekly inspection which ought to be made by the royal officials, in order to acquaint themselves with the condition of all these matters, and ascertain whether or not they are properly attended to; and for many other things, which contribute to greater economy in the royal revenues. [137] 40. in order that there shall not be such confusion, it would be expedient to separate the storehouses, or divide what belongs to the artillery and military supplies from all the rest; and to abolish the dependence of the storehouses at cavite on those of manila, making the regulation that in the said port be entered and unladen whatever is necessary for the equipment of ships, galleys, and other vessels of the king, without its being necessary that the vessels from the provinces which come with property belonging to the royal account should unlade their cargoes in these storehouses [at manila], from which various goods are sent back to the said port. this causes greater expense, on account of the detention of the seamen, and because of the vessels and men that afterward are employed in conveying to the said port what [supplies] it needs, in which also they are exposed to the uncertainties of the sea. this is avoided and spared by the direct discharge of cargo in the said port, where, in fact, the main storehouse ought to stand, because there three-fourths of the goods belonging to the royal account are consumed. 41. the superior government gives orders for the hasty equipment of some vessels to cruise against the moros, and for other purposes. the cordage, the sails, and all the rest, are sent from the manila storehouse; the said vessels set sail, and come to supply themselves with provisions at these storehouses. who does not see the loss of time and the increase of expenses which are uselessly incurred, and which could be saved if the storehouses at cavite contained what they need? 42. although what i have touched on in these last sections may seem a digression from the object of this chapter, they will be excused by those who remember what i had already stated in section 26, and by those who think that the increase of tributes will facilitate the increase of salaries. this measure will give the superior judges more discretionary power for punishing the thefts and illegal acts which are diminishing the royal patrimony, to the injury of the vassals--who have no right to complain that those who render them faithful and disinterested service should be well paid; but their right in justice calls for punishment to those who, receiving suitable pay, satiate their covetousness with the blood and sweat of those who are wretched. 43. with the increase of tribute, numberless other matters could be regulated, for the settlement of which it is needful to begin spending money. all my plan and project is based on this chapter, for in no other way--although these islands can be supported with the economies which i set forth to his majesty in my advices of the year sixty, without the necessity of the royal situado--will it be possible to place the country in the respectable condition of strength which can oppose the nations who are established in this part of india, or to produce so great advantages to the royal exchequer. i therefore desire that these reflections of mine be carefully considered, in order that, with other opinions that carry more authority than mine, the royal and upright conscience of my beloved king and sovereign may make such decision as he shall hold most expedient; and i shall content myself with having brought forward what is dictated to me by fidelity and affection, the zeal of a good spaniard, desire for the glory and increase of the monarchy, and the general welfare of these islands and of the entire [spanish] nation. 44. and if, notwithstanding the cogent reasons which justify the increase of the tributes, it be preferred to employ with these vassals an extraordinary degree of mercy, without a resulting deficiency in the means for supporting the islands with respectable forces this could be made practicable by establishing the tithes [138] for the maintenance of the ministers of religious instruction, that of the cabildo of this holy metropolitan church, with its archbishop, and the suffragan bishops with their churches; for the wine for masses, and the oil for the lamps; and even for the missionaries--all with the saving, for the royal exchequer, of these great expenses. 45. nearly all the provinces have their military posts, with the garrisons corresponding to the greater or less danger of enemies; and this expense is another of the heaviest incurred by the royal exchequer, which would be able to save it (in default of the increase of tributes) by laying upon the indians and mestizos the burden of such contribution as shall be deemed necessary for maintaining the said military posts. [this would include] the pay of the troops in garrison, the cost of transporting them and of the shipment of provisions, clothing for the men, and the purchase of necessary arms; for all this would contribute to the benefit of the provinces and of their inhabitants. 46. and if, for the same reason which i have stated for the military posts, there be exacted from the natives of the provinces the cost of the thousand soldiers distributed among them who are mentioned in sections 9 and 10 of chapter third, the total saving to the royal exchequer will exceed 260,000 pesos, or will come near to 300,000. with this, and the product from the tributes (if these are paid as hitherto), and from the other sources of income, there will be in the royal treasury funds sufficient for the maintenance of the islands according to my plan, provided that the rules be observed which i set forth in my memorandum of suggestions and in my advices to his majesty. thus will be secured these objects: to make our power respected throughout india, to avoid the expense of the royal situado which comes from nueva españa, and to gain the many advantages which have been mentioned. i shall speak of these in the second part of this work, in which i am going to treat of navigation and commerce, the gains from which will be more than enough for maintaining these dominions, even if the tributes are not increased. part ii of navigation and commerce: the method for establishing them in these islands, and their great benefits. chapter first: in which it is demonstrated, with examples, that no power can make itself respected in the world without navigation and commerce. 1. i do not presume to utter new things, but to arouse the minds of spaniards to follow the examples of the other nations, to which end i have drawn from the works on history, both ancient and modern, what confirms this idea. [this chapter is interesting, but the limits of our space make it preferable to omit most of it, as having but slight connection with our main subject; the following sections are worth retaining.] 17. in the fifteenth century was begun the manufacture of woolen stuffs [paños] in inglaterra; for before that they sold (as we are now doing) their woolens to other nations, especially to the flemings and the people of brabant--from whom some seditious persons went over to the said kingdom, about the year 1420, and taught manufactures to the english. monsieur de thou, [139] however, attributes this establishment [of a new industry] to queen isabel [i.e., elizabeth], and to the disturbances, on account of religion, in which the great duke de alva and the inquisition of españa were insulted--without having borne in mind, when he allowed his pen to move with the envious and bitter temper that swayed him, that, many years before the revolution of some of the seventeen [netherlands] provinces which threw off the mild yoke of the spaniards, the artisans of lovaina [i.e., louvain] had already introduced the manufacture of woolen stuffs in londres. 18. the french, who in the opinion of cardinal richelieu were totally unfitted for commerce, have made with it and navigation the most felicitous progress, especially since the reign of louis fourteenth. 19. nor must i omit the height of glory and power to which the empire of the muscovites has been raised since the reign of the great czar peter. that nation was ferocious, barbarous, and slothful, and had no intercourse with other and foreign nations. that glorious monarch formed the design of civilizing the vassals of his russian empire, and of turning their inclinations toward political affairs, the sciences, the fine arts, and the great advantages which result from so praiseworthy occupations; but [even] his uncommon intellect found no other means [for this] than that of navigation and commerce. but he went incognito to inglaterra and holanda, under pretext of renewing certain treaties, but in reality with the idea of gaining instruction in those two sciences, which were his only aim. in this he actually succeeded, by dint of immense labor and mechanical occupations, which, if apparently they were unworthy of a prince, were afterward (as they still are) those which most enhanced his glory. not to linger over what is well known, i conclude with what is to my purpose: that the great czar peter established commerce in his empire, overcoming insuperable difficulties; and from the year 1697 (which is the real date of that enterprise) to the present time so marvelous has been the progress of that empire that its forces by sea and land, its wealth and products, its manufactures, its vassals transformed from barbarians into civilized beings, learned men, and politicians, yield to [those of] no other power--all being due to commerce, which in the short time of sixty-seven years has wrought these apparently incredible prodigies. 20. the swedes and danes [140] also have made much progress through this means; and the portuguese, glorious in their conquests and discoveries, have constantly declined ever since they neglected navigation and commerce, regarding these as occupations unworthy of their nobility. [141] 21. almost the same has happened to our españa; what fear, what respect, what terror, did not our armadas inspire in the four quarters of the world? there was no power that could resist them; but, not to linger on the glories of our nation, i leave that to the histories which relate them--especially those of the reigns of the pious king don fernando, the catholic monarchs, the emperor don carlos fifth, don phelipe second, and don phelipe fourth, who certainly protected navigation and commerce. i will assert [here] only what answers my purpose: that our navy declined, our great manufactures in sevilla, segovia, and other places retrograded, and our commerce deteriorated, with the continual wars; and, as we did not repair this damage, we were at the same time promoting the commerce of the other nations. these have made themselves rich through our negligence and inactivity--selling to us all the more commodities the more we abandoned manufactures, and with their gains increasing their shipping the more that we gave up shipbuilding--until in these latest reigns our shipping and commerce were reëstablished. but it is necessary to extend our commerce further, in proportion to our vast domains; otherwise, we keep them greatly exposed [to danger]. for it has been now thoroughly proved that navigation and commerce have rendered formidable and terrible the forces and power of the nations who have practiced them, as also that from the decay or neglect of these activities has proceeded the ruin of kingdoms. chapter second: of the liberty of the spaniards to navigate by way of the cape of good hope 1. some may think that this navigation is prohibited to the spaniards by the treaties of peace, and that on this account we have not established a commerce like that of the dutch, english, french, swedes, danes, and other nations. but it is certain that there is no such prohibition, and that our natural inactivity, laziness, and lack of application to commerce, has been the cause of our not undertaking the aforesaid navigation, which is equally free to us as to all the other powers. for the prohibition that the englishman, the dutchman, and the rest can lay upon us is, that our ships may not enter their ports, just as they have been forbidden to enter our ports; but they cannot hinder us from navigating in all the seas of the world, in accordance with natural right and the law of nations. that law does not allow the dominion of the sea to any power, according to grotius, heinsius, and others--contrary to the mare clausum [i.e., "closed sea"], of the englishman selden, [142] who in regard to the dispute of the year 1653 defended the [english] dominion of the white sea, and the right of forbidding this navigation to the dutch; but they maintained their freedom with powerful fleets, and with the same arguments which justify the freedom which the spaniards possess for navigating by way of the cape of good hope. 2. as the dutch have always regarded these islands with suspicion, fearing some injury to their own commerce, they likewise have striven in every way to make amends for the damages which they fear. one of these is the extension of our commerce, because it diminishes their own; and, in order to hinder it, they have sometimes chosen to avail themselves of article 5 in the treaty of westphalia in 1648, and of article 10 in that of utrecht in 1714--in which is confirmed the said article 5, wherein it is provided that "the spaniards shall retain their navigation to the eastern indias, in the same manner as they enjoy it at present, without being authorized to extend it further; as likewise the inhabitants of this low country [i.e., netherlands] shall abstain from frequenting the places which the castilians possess in the eastern indias." from these expressions, and from the demarcation [made] by the supreme pontiff alexander sixth, the dutch--who claim, by right of conquest, to enjoy the privileges and prerogatives of the portuguese--try to argue that our ships have no right to navigate by way of the cape of good hope, nor along the regions of asia--the coromandel coast, vengala, the red sea, etc.--intending that these philipinas islands shall be the limits of our navigation to the west. 3-8. [in section 3, it is shown that the demarcation of alexander vi was made only to check possible disputes between the great catholic nations of spain and portugal, and its provisions referred only to their discoveries of lands and isles, and not at all to the navigation of the sea, which no power can claim, "since it is not fitted for other dominion than that of god." section 4 shows that the portuguese and spaniards have frequented each other's ports, without any difficulties arising between them over the navigation of those seas, which has not been and could not be forbidden to the spaniards; and that even if the portuguese had had any such exclusive right it could not pass over to the dutch when they conquered the former nation in india, especially as privileges granted by the holy see to its catholic followers could not be claimed by protestants. in section 5 it is asserted that the previously-cited article 5 of the treaty of westphalia does not forbid navigation past the cape of good hope, but only the entrance of spaniards or dutch into ports belonging to the other power; that navigation on the high seas is, "by natural right, free to all the world," and the object of the treaty was to protect both powers in their respective possessions and commerce. as further proof of this, viana cites (in his section 6) the hague treaty of 1650, and comments on it in section 7. in the following section he shows how the dutch are claiming what was never granted by alexander vi, who separated only the conquests of spain and portugal, and not their navigations in the high seas, a distinction which has been observed in the practice of both countries, "who have freely navigated and traded through all the seas of the east and the west." he claims that japan and china "are, without doubt, included in the demarcation of castilla."] 9. equally within the demarcation of españa are included the kingdoms of siam, camboja, cochinchina, and, in the other direction, borney, the molucas, and the other islands of the malays--as was declared in the year 1524, by the geographers appointed for this purpose by the crowns of castilla and portugal, to whose decision the respective sovereigns agreed. as for the prohibition of navigation, if the demarcation of alexander vi were to have been observed, it was clear that the dutch must admit the right of the spaniards to prevent their navigation through the seas of the kingdoms and provinces here enumerated, as also through those of japan and china, to which the dutch ships go every year; or else that they have not any right to forbid to the spaniards the navigation by way of the cape of good hope. for by the admission of those very dutchmen, in a letter which the governor of batavia wrote to the governor here [at manila], in regard to a balandra seized by the spaniards in the island of mindanao (which belongs to the crown of españa, and is within the limits of the aforesaid demarcation), they say that the spaniards could not enjoy dominion over the rivers and ports of mindanao, and that only the authority of the petty king there ought to be acknowledged; and they add that it is lawful for any power to navigate there, and make observations on the situation of those lands and towns, and to trade therein with the vassals of the princes who possess them. this carries conviction [of the principle] that as little ought the spaniards to recognize in eastern india any other authority than that of the princes of the ports and towns where their ships make port; and that it is lawful to navigate through those seas, to reconnoiter those lands, and to trade with their vassals, as has been done hitherto. for our ships have gone to their ports, where they have been well received, as happened recently with the ship named "guadalupe," in the past year of 760; and those who have come to this city, under various flags--moro, armenian, malabar, chinese, siamese, and others--have met the same friendly reception. 10-11. [viana asserts that, although "long use and immemorial possession may be a certain title to dominion over the sea," in such instances as that of the venetians over the adriatic, and the greeks over the ionian, this cannot be true of the claim made by the dutch (as having conquered the portuguese settlements) to the dominion of the great seas that lave india and africa. these waters are too vast to be possessed by any one power, and have always been freely used by all nations. moreover, the influence of alexander vi and his successors had always been in favor of the catholic monarchs of spain, and of the preservation of the law of nations--"which presumption is taken for granted whenever for just cause temporal dominions are changed by the paramount power of the supreme pontiff." [143] he also cites solorzano to support his contention. the final section repeats the statement that the dutch cannot forbid the spaniards to navigate through the seas of india, and past the cape of good hope; and adds, "would to heaven that we had the eyes to perceive the advantages of this navigation, which are the following." thus he prepares for chapter iii.] chapter third: of the advantages of the commerce carried on by way of the cape of good hope 1. the distance of these islands [from españa] deprives our court often of news; occasions delays in the correction of so many infractions of law; retards all governmental measures; gives opportunity for the commission of many iniquities; discourages those who are zealous for the royal service; causes incredible expenses to the royal exchequer, and to the inhabitants of these islands; and detains the citizens here, as if in a place of banishment, [144] since they are not at liberty to return to españa, nor have they means to pay the expenses of the long and grievous journey over land and sea, by way of acapulco. all this would be in great part remedied by carrying on navigation and commerce by the cape of good hope. 2. the clothing for the troops is brought from mexico; it costs much, and serves only to kill the soldiers. if it came directly from españa, it would be of better quality, cheaper, and more suitable for garments; and our [spanish] manufactures would have this market. 3. the wine for masses comes by way of vera cruz; it crosses the entire kingdom of mexico, and is shipped at acapulco; and it arrives here with so many leakages, damages, and costs for transportation that it costs very dear--and sometimes it is mixed with water, to replace what the muleteers drink on the route [across mexico]. if it came by way of the cape, there would not be this uncertainty about celebrating mass and the wine would cost much less. 4. the iron which has been purchased here from the dutch, english, and others at very high prices would cost much less if it came directly from españa, and foreigners would not carry away our silver. i say the same of the lead, copper, gunpowder, balls, bombs, grenades, and cannons, which have always been bought from foreigners, on account of the negligence of the spaniards--who, although they have [material for] all the said [supplies] within the islands, go outside to find it, for lack of application in working the mines. 5. the many thousands of pesos which the king has expended in the transportation of missions by way of nueva españa, the detention of the religious in the said kingdom in order to await the galleon (for which delay the king pays), and the amount that is contributed for clothing to the religious orders of st. dominic and st. francis, would have been largely saved, and can be thus saved in the future, if the said route be established. among the ships of that navigation will come to these islands many belonging to the commerce of cadiz, and on the other hand other ships will go to cadiz from here, among which there will be many who will undertake [to convey], some one article and others another of the numberless commodities which can yield some profit. with this trade it will be known what the philipinas are; our court will have more light [about them]; the infractions of law and the iniquitous acts, of which it will have accurate information, will be punished; and the measures of redress will not be delayed for four or five years, as is now the usual case. 6-7. [viana (in section 6) reminds the government of the great advantage which the proposed route would give in sending news of an outbreak of war with any power, enforcing this by the ignorance of the philippine colony, in the late war with england, of any hostilities with that country, of which manila learned by the coming of the english squadron to attack that city. he urges (section 7) the lack of available shipping along the south american coast, and "the incredible amount of money which the equipment at acapulco of the fragata 'santa rosa' (which by accident arrived at the said port from perù) cost; and the injuries which would have followed to these islands if the divine providence had not made ready the said fragata for our succor. thus will be seen the advantage of the aforesaid navigation and commerce, for, without its costing the king any money, he will have in cadiz vessels for carrying out the orders and despatching the succors and provisions which his royal compassion shall regard as expedient."] 8. conducting our commerce from these islands to españa by way of the cape of good hope, the commerce of the foreigners must necessarily be diminished, and they will not obtain so much silver from us. in most years there come to the port of canton, in the empire of china, twenty-four, twenty-eight, or thirty ships--english, french, dutch, swedish, and danish; they carry our pesos fuertes (which is the money most valued in china and throughout india), and some european commodities, as fine woolen stuffs, and brussels camlets [carros de oro] (which the chinese use for their outer garments [145] in the winter-time), some pearls, and clocks, and much wine; cochineal [grana] from our own america, and the opium of india, are also two main lines of this commerce. 9. such is the lading of the said ships, which return to europa with chà or tea, and with some porcelain, some articles of furniture in lacquered or varnished wood, rosewood escritoires, and candlesticks and other articles of white copper; [146] and, finally, they carry a great amount of silk, both raw and in fabrics, which is their principal lading. the raw silk is used for the european manufactures, and with the fabrics they transact most of their trading. each of the aforesaid nations has its agent in canton, who during the year disposes of such goods as his ships could not sell; he furnishes to the chinese the designs [for fabrics] which are every year invented, and they weave the stuffs of the same width as those of europa. afterward they sell these, as coming from francia, inglaterra, and other european countries, without any one being able to detect the fraud except those who have been in these islands--where it is notorious to all that this is true; and he who may doubt it will find this statement confirmed in the "universal dictionary" of sabary. [147] a large portion of the said fabrics or stuffs come to nueva españa in our trading-fleets, and, although they are of the same quality as those which the galleons carry from here to acapulco--with only the difference that the latter are wider and somewhat more lustrous than the former--there is a very great difference in the prices; for the mere name of "french" or "english" confers value and estimation on the said fabrics throughout the kingdom of mexico, and the mere name of their being "chinese" renders those which go by way of acapulco of little value. 10. this fraud only the traders of manila thoroughly understand, because they see it every year; the traders of cadiz would be equally aware of it if they carried on commerce in the empire of china, as the foreigners do. they would also discover in the same way numberless small wares of canton make which are sold in españa as made in londres and paris, as is the case with the snuff-boxes of all kinds, whether gold or silver, or of tortoise-shell or other material; with lace-bobbins [palillos] of mother-of-pearl, ornamented with gold, and those of finely lacquered or varnished work, painted; and with various other curious articles of mother-of-pearl, ivory, etc. 11. all of these desirable articles, and many more, could be obtained by our ships, if they came via the cape of good hope to these islands, which are on the route to canton. at cadiz they could take on cargoes of woolen stuffs, which here are used for riding caps and coats, [148] liveries, and in china for outer garments, as i have said; brussels camlets, which both here and in that country are greatly used; wines (and thus the swedes, who carry it from cadiz to canton, and the dutch and the english--all of whom carry away our money, and make us pay sometimes a peso fuerte for a single bottle of red wine, and for that of xeres--would be deprived of this [source of] profit); hats, which the foreigners sell to us at high prices; silk hose and thread under-stockings; mirrors; crystal chandeliers; branched candlesticks, and lanterns; vases, cups, and other kinds of glassware; european paper; thread for sewing; britannia linens, fabrics from cambray, etc. (which are brought at much cost from batavia); silver and gold galloons and laces, which also the dutch sell (and would to heaven that the great extravagance of manila in this respect might be prohibited!); and numerous other articles, which persons who have a practical acquaintance with commerce can name better than i, and which, if used, would be recognized as highly beneficial. 12. of course the said lines are of recognized utility and large profits, both for the spaniards who may ship them by the said route of the cape, and for those who will buy the goods in these islands, at more moderate prices. above all, the profit would remain among spaniards; our spanish manufactures would have this additional market; we would succeed in stopping the foreigners from draining away all our silver. for it is an intolerable grief to good spaniards that, when more than two hundred millions of pesos have come to these islands since they were conquered, there are not now found in them eight hundred thousand pesos in ready money. [this is] because our own inactivity and lack of application causes us to buy from foreigners the very articles with which these dominions abound, or which they bring from our own españa--as is the case with the iron, the copper, the lead, the saltpetre; with the cinnamon, cloves, and pepper; with the wines; with the woolen stuffs; with the mirrors; with the hats, hose, galloons, and other articles, of which some are manufactured in our españa, and others are produced in these islands. 13. the spanish ships which make their navigation by way of the cape could supply, as i have said, these islands with what they need, and carry from them to canton many excellent products which the foreign ships cannot include in their cargoes. such are birds'-nests, nacre or mother-of-pearl, carey or black tortoise-shell, indigo and dyes from pampanga, balate, tapa, deer's sinews, hides, sybucao, ebony, lumber, and other things, which have a great consumption in china; on this account every year cargoes of these commodities are carried thither by the champans which come here to trade, and by the barks which depart from here for emui and macao. with these products, and with the commodities from españa, the said vessels would ship at canton the same goods that the foreigners are taking on; the royal duties at cadiz would be the same; our manufactures would be greatly promoted; the profits would be as great [to the spaniards] as the losses to the said foreigners; the products of these islands would be cultivated according to the market for them; and, finally, in time many other advantages and benefits would be made evident. 14. the said ships returning from canton by way of this city, in order to pursue their voyage to cadiz, could carry some products of the islands--such as very fine petates or mats, hats of the same kind, and cotton; tortoise-shell, palomaria; tamarinds, dragon's blood; manungal, [149] and jars of the same wood, which is very medicinal; various especial roots; gold; sibucao, which resembles brazil-wood, for dyeing; pepper, which yields very abundantly wherever it is cultivated; sugar, which does not cost here two cuartos a libra; dried candied fruits; and, finally, they would have the benefit of the cinnamon, with which our mountains abound from samboanga to caraga in the island of mindanao; it would be the most valuable line of commerce. these mountains are in the same degree of north latitude as those of ceylan, where the dutch obtain all the cinnamon; and it is judged, on account of their location, that the quality of the cinnamon also is the very same. for in ceylan likewise cinnamon grows that is thick and gummy, like that of samboangan, and if the latter were cultivated like the former, it would be equally good. [150] the cinnamon of mindanao will be as good as that of ceylan if the king prohibits the latter in his dominions, and facilitates the consumption of the former; and if the spaniards had begun to sell their cinnamon before the dutch did so, ours would now be of better quality than theirs. 15. as soon as i arrived in these islands and had made myself somewhat acquainted with this subject, the inactivity and indolence of our people caused me much sorrow; for although we possessed this exceedingly rich treasure, there had been no one who devoted himself to its development. this i explained, among other things, to his majesty in my report of june 5, 1760, showing what these islands could produce, the valuable products with which they abound, and the possibility of maintaining them without the situado which annually comes from mexico. in the following year came don nicolas norton nicols, [151] who, it seems, proposed at the court the project for [developing] the cinnamon, and brought a royal order from his majesty that he should be aided therein. i did so, with the utmost energy and readiness, and this famous and skilful englishman began to make plantations in caraga; people assure me that he would have carried this work to completion if god had not taken away his life, through the grief which he experienced at the attack on us by the english, from whom he expected no favor. it was necessary that a foreigner should accomplish what no spaniard had done in some two hundred years; [152] he died on account of our misfortunes, and now there will be no one who will devote himself to the same enterprise; for these citizens have no thought of any further occupation than their everlasting laziness, nor have they the spirit to risk four reals, or any zeal for the nation. 16. even without its cultivation, there is a wide market for all the cinnamon which comes from samboangan. the greater part of it is used in these islands, for chocolate, and brings a very good price; for ragouts and for liquors, it is stronger than that of ceylan; and it is being shipped, as for several years past, to nueva españa. in samboangan no cinnamon is procured besides what the natives gather in order to better their wretched condition, but this produces a sufficient quantity. this is enough to prove that if the spaniards would apply themselves to the cultivation of the cinnamon of the said mountains; to making new plantations, the bark of which, as being more delicate, would yield better cinnamon than that of ceylan; and to gather what nature herself produces, without any [human] labor: this commodity alone would be capable of enriching the islands and the spanish commerce, and of annihilating that of the dutch. the dutch company supports existence, notwithstanding its many losses and obligations, on the cinnamon and [other] spices, fixing the prices of these at its pleasure, as being masters of this commerce--which indemnifies them for their losses on other things, and for the incredible costs of fortresses, troops, and [commercial] establishments in the aforesaid island of ceylan (which would not be incurred in our cinnamon mountains). 17. the iron is another valuable product of these islands; there are mountains of this metal, the ores of which yield seventy-five per cent, only twenty-five per cent being lost in the fire. to judge from the abundance of ores in the said mountains, iron to supply the world can be obtained from them. before the english came to attack us, the working of these mines was vigorously pushed; it was in charge of don juan solano and don francisco casañas. in less than eight months they established furnaces, coalpits, barracks, forges, and other facilities, and they mined a large quantity of iron; but everything was destroyed, as a result of the loss of manila, because some malevolent persons went to plunder and destroy all the works. but it is absolutely certain that all the iron can be obtained [here] which the islands need for nails, plows, bolts, cannon-balls, bombs, grenades, cannons, and carajayes, and for other uses, which amount to more than one hundred thousand pesos every year, without the iron costing three pesos a pico. [it is also certain] that if this money remains within the islands--an amount of which hitherto the dutch, english, and chinese have drained us--they will become rich, and diminish the commerce of the foreigners. 18. the commerce in the iron that is necessary for these islands will alone produce, in fifteen or twenty years, more money than what they now have; and if the indians were compelled to clothe themselves with the fabrics of the land, even with the little commerce that we have the islands would abound with silver. the trade with nueva españa in iron would be extremely advantageous to his majesty; for the mines of sonora and other provinces further inland cannot be worked, on account of the transportation from mexico of the great amount of iron and quicksilver that is necessary; and this, and the expenses which are added for the conveyance of silver to mexico, leave very little profit to the miners. 19. in carrying the iron from these islands and the quicksilver from peru to acapulco or to la navidad, these effects can be transported in small vessels, and with little expense, to the coast of guadalajara; they will cost less than if purchased in mexico; at least thirty or forty pesos will be saved on the transportation of every arroba; and, if on the return trip by the same route the silver is embarked for acapulco, there will be a great saving of freight in the transportation of this metal. 20. let a computation be made of the money which must have gone out from the islands since their conquest, in order to purchase the very products in which they abound, and the amount will be incalculable for the items of cinnamon, iron, saltpetre, and other products. let also computation be made of what the outlays must have been for purchasing wines, mirrors, and the other things which, as i have stated above, could be brought directly from españa; and it will be seen that by our own fault we have enriched our enemies, and that we could have annihilated their commerce and increased our own with only the sources of gain which are pointed out in the present exposition. then let us, even though it be late, have the discernment to avert our total ruin, by striving, with glorious emulation, to secure the greatest prosperity for the spanish nation. chapter fourth: of the necessity for forming a company in these islands 1. by a royal decree dated at sevilla on march 23, 1733 (in which the project was carried out which was approved by his majesty on april 26, 1732), there was established by our lord don phelipe fifth, of undying memory, a company with the name of "royal company of philipinas," [153] under fifty-eight articles and stipulations. these were full of the most unusual privileges and liberties that can be granted, and were even more advantageous to the spaniards than those which louis fourteenth granted to the french for their oriental company; but i do not know exactly for what reason--some attribute it to the loss of torres's trading-fleet--the paternal affection did not prove effectual with which our beloved king and sovereign took an interest in making the spanish monarchy prosperous by the extension and promotion of commerce (the only means for securing wealth), imitating the examples of almost all the nations of europa, who, in order to become rich, have established their companies in the orient. 2-12. [in these sections viana expands this last statement, enumerating the nations who have enriched themselves by the oriental trade, and the companies formed in each for this purpose. first were the genovese and venetians, who traded with india by way of the red sea; they were afterward driven out of this trade by the portuguese, in consequence of the discovery by the latter of the route via cape of good hope. (section 3.) "portuguese trading-fleets of thirty ships came to the commerce of india every year, and for brasil alone sailed fifteen to twenty ships laden with merchandise from india--besides others which carried on trade in china, japon, persia, arabía, mosambique, melinda, sofala, and other regions. but now that commerce is so reduced that only one or, at most, two ships sail from lisboa yearly, which would not be the case if they had established a company with adequate capital, which is the only way of making commerce lasting." the dutch at first bought spices from the portuguese, and then resold them at a huge profit to the other european nations; but phelipe ii prohibited the spice trade to portugal, and the dutch therefore formed a company to operate in the orient, and trade directly with its peoples. as finally constituted in 1602, this company had (section 6) a capital of 6,600,000 florins ("according to savary"); and "in less than four years the members received the principal of their shares with the great profits which they obtained." at the time of viana's writing, the dutch company were maintaining "twelve thousand men, regular troops, in their twenty-five fortresses in india, and were able to equip 30,000 militia in their colonies, especially that of batavia" (savary). viana cites another authority, samuel ricard, who places this militia force at 100,000, and states that the company employed in the eastern trade more than 160 ships, each carrying thirty to sixty cannon, besides forty ships of the line (which number was increased in time of war). this enterprise ruined the commerce of the portuguese (who had been the first to open the sea-route to india); "from that time until now it has steadily diminished, and is the poorest in all india; this has been the result of their not having formed a company with capital, and with respectable forces to oppose the conquests which the dutch made. for they had a better opportunity than the latter, and it would have cost them less to maintain a flourishing commerce, as was that which they already possessed, than it cost the dutch to establish a new commerce by dint of money, conquests, fortifications, and enormous expenses." the english company (section 8) sent out its first fleet (of four ships) in the year 1600; its capital was 369,891 pounds sterling. after various fluctuations of fortune, it was reëstablished in 1698, and attained great prosperity, so that its capital had increased to 1,703,422 pounds. in viana's time, "the ships from madrast for london (more than fifty in number) carry annual cargoes of five to six million pounds, according to the estimate of sabary; and, taking into consideration the increase which this commerce has had since he published his famous work, the 'universal dictionary,' it must by this time be worth some ten millions. this does not include the operations of the private english traders who traffic among the colonies of india; this may be inferred from the duties which they pay in madrast, which, at the rate of five per cent, produce for the company 80,000 pagodas. this sum amounts to 120,000 or 130,000 pesos, estimating the pagoda at twelve and sometimes thirteen silver reals." the english company were maintaining in constant operation 150 ships and fragatas, and more than fifty smaller vessels, employed in their commerce between india and london alone; to the great expenses of this navy must be added those of the company's forts and garrisons in india, which indicate how enormous were their profits. an englishman told viana that the king of england was owing to the company more than 36,000,000 pesos, the amount of loans which they had made to the crown in various emergencies. the oriental commerce of the dutch was further encroached upon (section 11) by the trading companies formed later in france, sweden, and denmark, and proposed in prussia; [154] these were protected and fostered by their respective governments. the commerce of the dutch "would have been ruined if it were not for their being exclusive owners of the spice trade--of which only the spaniards are able to deprive them, since we have in these islands cinnamon, pepper, cloves, and nutmeg." as all those nations maintained forts, garrisons, and war-ships, the necessity of opposing these armaments with like forces has imposed on the dutch enormous additional expenses. viana says (section 12): "i know not what reason there can be why that which is so beneficial to all the powers should not, with even greater cause, be an advantage to españa, which holds her conquests in peaceable possession, and has valuable products in her dominions; moreover, she has forts and ports which at little cost can be rendered impregnable, and better opportunities than any other nation for a very flourishing commerce. yet she labors only to enrich her enemies, abandoning to them the commerce which our people are unwilling to carry on, and surrendering to them our treasures and wealth, in exchange for the greater part of the commodities and products which our own lands produce."] 13. if the spaniards would form a company in the islands, similar to the foreign companies, and according to the pious anxiety with which the magnanimous heart of our beloved king and sovereign don phelipe fifth, of undying memory, was concerned in this matter, all the nations who trade in india would have the same experience as the portuguese and dutch. our commerce would annihilate or [at least] diminish that of all the india companies, who cannot find a market for their goods if they do not trade these in our dominions--and this they could not do if the spanish company had large capital, and ships for navigation and trade in españa and the americas. if we could fortify the towns and garrison them, as has already been explained, the other nations would find themselves under the necessity of spending much more than they now do, in order to defend themselves against our power, if war should break out. this increase of expenses on the one hand, and diminution of their commerce on the other, are two excellent principles, which promise many advantages to the spanish company--which, as it is not, like the others, compelled to incur these expenses, will be able to sell its commodities at lower prices, and the gains will be more certain. 14. in order to facilitate the establishment of this most beneficial company, the royal protection of our sovereign is absolutely necessary, and with it must be banished the contemptuous notion that the spaniards form of the commercial career; for that notion usually leads them to keep their chests full of silver, for which they sell the products of their family estates. as a rule, the spaniards spend with great economy what is necessary for their maintenance, especially those in the little hamlets throughout the kingdom; and, as they enjoy no commerce, they deprive themselves of the benefits arising from commercial activities, with detriment to their families and to the public welfare. on the other hand, they imagine that there is too great a risk in the remittance of their silver by sea, because they are so little (or not at all) acquainted with nautical science and mercantile affairs; and, as timidity prevails in their minds over ambition, they consider themselves fortunate to keep their riches under their own eyes, without thinking of investing them. but they would take hazards on their money, if they were touched by that eager desire for gain which is inseparable from all commerce, and which is stimulated by the lure of profits. 15. there are, of course, many persons whose ability enables them to understand thoroughly the benefits of commerce; but they live remote from the marine ports, they have not trustworthy acquaintances to whom they can confide the management of their capital, and they sorrowfully deprive themselves of the benefits which they would derive from its employment, the result of which is that they lead idle lives, or sometimes yield to an extravagance which is excessive and impairs their fortunes. even more melancholy than all that i have related is the sight of the spanish nobility, without any occupation, and, as a rule, reared in extreme ignorance and idleness. this is the source of many excesses, the beginning of ruin to the most robust constitutions, a hindrance to the generation of children, and a cause of the lessening of population which is continually growing more worthy of consideration. 16. let there be formed, then, an oriental company, and let the nobles of the kingdom contribute its funds; the profits [on these] will awaken in them a liking for commerce, and they will become acquainted with this most useful branch of knowledge. they will maintain their [business] relations, they will have some occupation, and will not use up their fortunes with vicious habits; their children will be brought up with a liking for commerce, and the fathers will have the satisfaction of employing some of their sons in appointments under the same company. this is the most certain means for securing the happiness of families and the prosperity of the entire monarchy; for, if commerce and the naval service (which follows the other closely) are promoted, there will be no vagabonds or idlers. rather, idleness will come to an end, and with it many vices, on account of the enormous number of men whom a company with large capital needs to employ by land and sea--not only for its business positions, but for manufactures and navigation, in which persons from all spheres of life find an opening. 17. what a number of people must be employed by the english and dutch companies in the more than one hundred and fifty ships which each company maintains for its commerce, and in the various colonies in which they have established that commerce! and what advantages result to these two powers from keeping so many people busy, maintaining them at the company's expense, and freeing them from the idleness in which they would [otherwise] live! if those countries had not so great a commerce, vagabonds and idlers would abound in them; but this class of people is not seen there. on the contrary, there is great application to all the arts and sciences; for all have employment, and all are useful--some in manufactures, others in the military or the naval service, and others in commerce, etc. 18. the attainment of these fortunate advantages depends on whether our beloved king and sovereign will assure to his vassals all his royal protection for the promotion of the said company, following the example of his glorious father, don phelipe fifth, ever to be remembered; for the money of the royal treasury is the main foundation for this great and most useful enterprise. for it cannot be doubted that, animated by the same spirit, there will be many contributors to the capital of the said company--all the nobility of españa, from the highest rank down; the guilds of madrid, which now form a body of considerable importance; all the merchants of españa, the two americas, and these islands; some foreigners; and many religious communities, who have set aside the proceeds of their funds for pious contributions--convinced of the benefits of this commerce, and of the prosperity which will ensue to the spanish nation; and regarding it as certain that (as will be mentioned hereafter) our spanish merchants, if assured of their gains by way of these seas, and the method of supplying the americas, in great part, with the materials for clothing which they need, without the burden of the royal imposts, will not long for the illegal purchase of foreign commodities. 19. there are also other advantages, worthy of being known, which render the above-mentioned project more feasible. one of these is the abundance of timber for the construction of ships; at least ten ships can be built every year in these islands; and, by taking care of their many forests, even if a hundred ships were built now there would be enough timber left to construct every year the ten that i have mentioned. the viscount del puerto greatly praises (in book 9, chapter 10, article 2 of his reflecciones militares [155]) the project of a friend of his (whose name he conceals) for forming a company in these islands; and among the products which it yields he mentions the timber called tiga (it is not known here by this name), extolling its strength, and setting forth the advantages of carrying this wood to españa as ballast for the ships. 20. this wood (of which, according to the said author, the strong ships of philipinas are built) is in my opinion the teca [i.e., teak], which comes from the coast; or that which is known here (and i am inclined to think that this is meant) by the name of molave. this abounds in all the islands, and is so compact that it petrifies in the water, which i myself have seen; of it are made the ribs of the ship's frame, the knees, and all the principal timbers that strengthen the ship. the keels are made of another wood, equally strong, which is called guijo; it never rots in the water, nor does the boring worm, which is bred on the ships in the port of cavite, penetrate it. there are other woods as useful as the guijo, and among them is the dongon, which is better. as a rule, the lower masts are made from the mangachapui, which is another timber of especial value; for, although it is somewhat heavy, it never splinters, and is very elastic. the yards and topmasts are of palo maria; and for whatever is made of boards the lavan, the banaba, and the tangili [156] are also used, from which kinds of wood very long and broad planks are obtained. there are pines here, and various other kinds of trees, which can be put to the same use; and plantations could be made of the teca tree (the wood of which lasts more than a hundred years in the water), for there is more than enough land for this purpose in the vicinity of manila and cavite. likewise, sawmills could be built, in order to save the expense of [hiring] sawyers; also dry-docks, for careening the ships and preserving them under cover. 21. in ilocos are manufactured the blankets which serve as sails for our ships; and canvas can be made (as it has been) of excellent quality and in enormous quantities, for there is no end to the cotton which is and can be gathered, with the greatest facility, and of the finest quality. moreover, on the many tracts of land which the sloth of the indians leaves untilled hemp could be cultivated--which, even if it should not yield well on the lands of one province, would without doubt succeed on those of another; for there is nothing among all the products of the earth which is not afforded by these islands, by searching for the climate--whether hot, cool, or temperate--which is suited to the needs of the crop. flax would be produced with the same ease as hemp, without any other cultivation than that which rice receives on irrigated soil [en tubigan]; and the seed of both these plants has been sown, and is yielding very well, in the province of cagayan. 22. there is much pitch, and cordage is so abundant that it can be supplied to all the ships of españa, with what is made here; and, in order that it may be evident whether it is suited for this purpose, i will explain in detail how on this may depend the question of saving the expense of purchasing cordage in foreign kingdoms, by availing ourselves of that produced in our own dominions. [the fiber used for] cordage is both white and black; the former is known by the name of abaca, which is obtained from the bark of a tree resembling the plantain, the trunk of which is heckled like [the stems of] hemp. the fiber is very harsh; tar scorches it, and for this reason no tar is used in these ships; it is stronger than hemp, as experience has shown. it is usually of service no longer than for one voyage; the threads shrink much, and on this account all the cordage here is heavier than that of europa. on twisting it, it is apt to break, and in order to avoid this it is cured by placing it for some time in salt water, and drying it in the sunshine, then storing it until it is needed; for if this precaution be not taken, and it becomes spattered or moistened with fresh water, it will soon become rotten. with some additional expense the cordage could be made finer and smaller, without changing its quality; it would then be more easily handled, and the manoeuvers of the ships would be more expeditious. 23. the [fiber for] black cordage (known as cabo negro) [157] is obtained from a plant which they call gamù, very similar to the coco, and it is a veil which covers the entire tree, from the top down; it grows out between each pair of leaves [entre òja y òja] of the gamù, like long hair, or tufts of hair. it is exceedingly harsh, and for this reason it is used only for cables, of all sizes, and to some extent for tackle and rigging; and there is nothing with which to compare its strength. it lasts many years, but it is necessary to keep it either under water, or uncovered, where the dew and the rains bathe it; and in dry weather water is thrown over it, either salt or fresh, for its better preservation; for if it stands in the sun and wind, without these precautions, the threads break, and it loses its extraordinary strength. it is also preserved by keeping it in a shady place, where the wind strikes it but little. these two kinds of cordage are exceedingly abundant in these islands. 24. there is another sort of cordage, [made] from the husks of the coco, which is superior to the other two; for with the said fiber the ships can be calked, and [even] after many years the bonote (thus they call it) comes out as fresh, strong, and sound as on the day when it was thrust between the planks. of this species also there is a great abundance. 25. the anchors can be cast here, by putting into operation the iron mines of which mention has been made; and i can say the same of the cannons, the balls, the grape-shot, the bombs, and the grenades. for, i repeat, there is iron in these islands for supplying all the world, and there are men enough to mine and manufacture it, if there be brought from españa some skilled directors (who are not found here). if it be desired to work the copper, there are mines of this also, although i cannot speak with the same certainty of these as of the iron mines; for i have not come across any records to show whether the said metal has been worked at any time, and what the product was. the same thing is true in regard to the lead mines, but i have seen ores from paracale, which were smelted at bacolor, by order of don simon de anda; and i do not doubt that, if we had skilled master-workmen in this and other industries, many useful discoveries would be made through the agency of the aforesaid company, whose funds would allow the expenses that a private person is unable to incur. 26. to this concourse of advantages ought to be added the most important one that our indians are exceedingly ingenious in the construction of ships. they do not understand arithmetic, or proportions and measures, or the computation of the weights of the various parts, or anything which requires knowledge; but if they have masters who will furnish to them models of the works, they imitate everything with the greatest accuracy, for they have exceedingly keen eyesight, and indescribable facility in making whatever they see. for this reason we have here excellent carpenters, calkers, and the other artisans necessary for the construction of ships, and in whatever number may be desired. 27. there is not an indian in these islands who has not a remarkable inclination for the sea; nor is there at present in all the world a people more agile in manoeuvers on shipboard, or who learn so quickly nautical terms and whatever a good mariner ought to know. their disposition is most humble in the presence of a spaniard, and they show him great respect; but they can teach many of the spanish mariners who sail in these seas. in the ships of españa there are sure to be some indians from these islands, and investigation can be made to ascertain what they are. the little that i understand about them makes me think that these are a people most suited for the sea; and that, if the ships are manned with crews one-third spaniards and the other two-thirds indians, the best mariners of these islands can be obtained, and many of them be employed in our warships. there is hardly an indian who has sailed the seas who does not understand the mariner's compass, and therefore on this [acapulco] trade-route there are some very skilful and dexterous helmsmen. their disposition is cowardly, but, when placed on a ship, from which they cannot escape, they fight with spirit and courage. 28. let it be considered, then, whether these circumstances are worthy of regard, and highly advantageous for the company of which i am speaking--which likewise can save much money in the difference of wages; and any one will reason that not one of the foreign companies has had the opportunities which these islands possess for the establishment of a company, since all these things which are easy and of little expense for the spaniards were almost insuperable difficulties for the dutch, the english, and the french--who succeeded in overcoming them by dint of silver, of conquests, and of fortifications; and by bringing from europa supplies which we do not have to bring, because they abound in these islands. 29. in order not to be prolix in relating other advantages which the companies in general possess, as compared with the commerce of private persons, i refer to those which are set forth by the distinguished don miguel zavala (in his celebrated memorial [158] to phelipe v of blessed memory), whose authority alone would be sufficient in order that no means should be neglected for establishing the aforesaid company in these islands; and i pass to other advantages which the said author explains. but first i will point out what relates to the fortunes in the indias, which do not pass to the grandsons; this is accounted for by the vicious way in which the creoles, as a rule, are reared--the indolence and vices in which they are brought up, and the luxury and prodigality to which they are accustomed from childhood. if these fortunes, or the greater part of them, were [invested] in the company, they would not be so easily wasted; and, even if the sons should save nothing from the profits, they would keep the principal which their fathers might bequeath to them in the aforesaid company. or, in case there were some persons so reckless as to sell their shares, others would buy these, and the commerce and its gains would always remain for the benefit of the spaniards. 30. with the funds of a company, enterprises could be undertaken that would be both extensive and easy. the province of pampanga alone is capable of producing more sugar than can be consumed in china (to which the sangleys carry it when it is cheap), in the coasts of coromandel, malabar, and vengala (where it is scarce, and is sold at a high price), and in all the ports of india; having a market, all that is required of this product will be supplied in abundance, especially if the said company encourages the indians to cultivate their lands. it would be the same with the dyes; and with deer's hides, sinews, and tapa (or dried meat) which all come from the same province, and are sold to the chinese who come here to trade. by establishing a mart in the capital [of pampanga], on the company's account, it will gather in all the said products, in exchange for cloth, especially if credit be given to some persons until the time of the harvest; and the gains will be enormous, since profits will be made on the sale of the cloth, on the purchase of the products, and on the export of these to other colonies. 31. the same method ought to be observed in the other provinces for promoting the cultivation of the lands and the abundance of so highly valuable products as they yield; by this means there would be obtained in pangasinan all the gold which the infidels bring down from the mountains there, which exceeds three hundred thousand pesos each year, and with that which is brought from other provinces reaches five hundred thousand pesos. this commodity is very useful in all the commerce of india, and can also be carried to europa, as is done by the english and dutch, to whom regularly comes the gold from philipinas; its current price is at the rate of sixteen pesos for the tae of 22-carat metal (each tae has the weight of ten reals), and in this ratio is purchased that of 21, 20, 19, and 18 carats. 32. in the provinces of ilocos and cagayan there might be excellent factories, to work up the great amount of fine cotton which they produce; and, by bringing skilled workmen from the coast, the figured cottons which are brought thence could be made [here]. in all the visayan islands, in the province of camarines, and in that of albay, are made the choicest and finest webs, which they call nipis; and others, of commoner quality, which they call guinaras, and use for shirts. in cagayan and ilocos are woven very fine handkerchiefs, towels, coverlets, table-linen (which is of as good quality as that made in flandes), terlingas, etc.; and if only these provinces are stimulated, and factories established with good master-workmen, the company can easily manufacture at least all the cloth which the indians consume. as these number a million of souls, if we allow to each one an average consumption of no more than one peso, this would amount to a million of pesos; and the greater part of this amount, which now the chinese, the dutch, and the english carry away, would remain in the islands, and would increase the profits of the spaniards and the losses of the said foreigners. 33. the cacao is very abundant and cheap, and if it could find a market in other colonies and kingdoms the crop of it would be still greater, because the indians would devote themselves to its cultivation. [159] entire groves of the coffee-tree could be planted, since it yields fruit everywhere; it is milder than that of mage [i.e., mocha?] and its fruit is gathered in the year when it is [first] planted, on account of the richness of the soil. rice and wheat, if the natives applied themselves [to cultivating these], as they would do if they had a market for them, would be sold at good prices throughout china (where these grains are scarce), in cochinchina, in siam, in camboja, in pegu, and sometimes in the malabar and coromandel coasts. wax--of which these mountains are full, and which is sold by the infidel indians who inhabit them--has a great consumption here, and much of it is shipped to nueva españa; and if it were bartered for cloth, as was said above, it could be procured in greater quantity. tobacco, oil, and sulphur are very abundant. horses are valued in the said coasts, and, although there are many of them in these islands, there would be more if the ranchmen had a better sale for them; for at times they are accustomed to kill the horses, in order to dry their flesh and sell it. carabaos and deer, whose flesh is likewise dried, yield some pesos. in fine, the following are recognized articles of merchandise in different places in china, cochinchina, camboja, and siam: sugar, rice, cotton; indigo, dyes, sibucao (a sort of brasil-wood), deer's sinews, pepper, black tortoise-shell (called carey), nacre shells (or mother-of-pearl), [160] birds'-nests, ebony; tapa (or dried meat), balate and camaron (both which are shellfish), and bonga; cables of cabo negro--all of which commodities these islands produce. [to these must be added] cochineal from nueva españa, fine cloths and camlets from españa; lead (which also is produced by these islands, although it is not mined), and other articles, as stated above, of which better information will be given by practical merchants. 34. for vengala, the coromandel and malabar coasts, persia, zurrate, and other parts of india, are found useful indigo, sugar, sibucao, sulphur, siguey, birds'-nests, cotton, rice, gold, and horses; and, in one word, all that has been said in the preceding chapter (speaking of the private commerce which could be carried on via the cape of good hope) ought to be understood, with greater reason, of the commerce which can be carried on by the company of which this chapter treats. for this reason i omit what i said there of the cinnamon and other products which the company could develop, with its funds and systematic arrangements, better than an individual could; for the latter may die, and the former continues perpetually to carry on the enterprises of manufactures, mining operations, the cultivation and promotion of crops, and the exportation of all these to foreign kingdoms and colonies. for all will be successful in these islands with the indians, who, if well paid, will do what they are ordered to. [161] 35. i have already mentioned the indescribable readiness with which our indians learn perfectly whatever they see, even without the necessity of a master to instruct them. there are some who write well, without knowing how to read, as they have had no teacher; for by their natural inclination they devote themselves to imitation of the letters, and easily succeed in doing so, without being able to read what they write. this is one proof of their readiness, above mentioned, but they have still more of it in embroidery. it is a marvelous thing to see, that there is hardly an indian who cannot embroider, and that they learn this art without any teacher save their own attention and their extraordinary patience. the hands of the indian women are the most delicate, for every kind of sewing and needlework; and the company, by availing itself of this skill of our indian men and women, could employ an innumerable number of people in embroidery, needlework, and the making of hose--they make them of fine quality, in zebu of cotton, and in la laguna of silk--and obtain much profit through these industries, in finding a market for them. 36. near paracali in the province of camarines there is abundance of rock crystal, very transparent and choice. in the province of cagayan are some stones that are very singular and rare; one of these is emerald-green veined with gold or golden-brown, and when well polished it looks like a mirror, or like the finest jasper. another is a stone as white as marble, similar to that which abounds in the mountains of san matheo near manila (from which has been made the paved floor of the society's church in this city); and who knows what nature is keeping concealed, for our enlightenment, in the provinces and mountains of these islands? assiduity, good taste, and the desire for knowledge would discover many things if there were spaniards here who would devote themselves to the investigation and examination of the many rarities in the plan of nature. 37. if there were any chemist and herbalist here, this likewise would be an immense aid for making further discoveries and experimenting with many trees, roots, herbs, and medicinal stones. for instance, the narra; [162] in cups made from the wood of this tree water becomes, in a very short time, of a most beautiful blue color, and people say that it is useful for curing obstructions; the wood called manunga, which is extolled for its remarkable virtues; the seeds of the catbalonga, or st. ignatius's kernels, which are already known and esteemed in europa; the shell in which the cocoanut grows, in which water soon becomes exceedingly bitter; bezoar stones; and innumerable other articles from which homely remedies are made here, among the spaniards as well as among the indians. the latter make much use of the remedies produced in the islands, and know some, both herbs and woods, which cure the most hideous and bloody wound in twenty-four hours. the rhubarb [163] may be smelled [sehuele] in many woodlands, and no one is acquainted with it; the herb of calamba is especially good for preventing, by [the application of] its juice, the bad results of a blow or fall. more than all, in the mountains of mindoro there is a tree called calinga, the bark of which has a delicious odor, which smells like cinnamon, cloves, and pepper all combined; i made a small quantity of chocolate, using the said bark powdered instead of cinnamon, and it was very pleasing to the taste. in the ship "santissima trinidad," which the english captured, i was sending to madrid some lozenges and many pieces of the said bark, which is a delicious flavor for seasoning ragouts; and i have used it in my household. señor anda also sent to madrid the aforesaid bark, and, i think, chocolate made with it powdered. so great is the abundance of these trees that there are mountains, many leguas in extent, which produce them. 38. if the foreigners had these trees, they would have already introduced in the world the use of this commodity, with enormous profits; and we, if we possessed industry, and zeal for the interests of the nation, would have been able with this tree, to lessen the consumption of the cinnamon and cloves of the dutch. let these points be considered, and the advantages will be recognized which can assuredly be expected by the company which may be formed in these islands--regarding it as certain that nothing will make progress, except by this means; rather, this colony will in a little while go wretchedly to destruction, without the least hope for its reëstablishment. 39. by way of conclusion to this chapter, i will note as the last (and an important) advantage of the aforesaid company the conspicuously fair treatment and friendly reception which the spaniards have experienced, and may expect, throughout india. our silver [money] is in good repute in all regions, and those peoples, especially the chinese and the princes of india, show the greatest eagerness and make great efforts to obtain it, as being the most valuable for them; and, although the dutch, english, french and other powers trade in this part of the world with our pesos, the spanish ships are always better received in those ports, because they carry more silver and more products of these islands, which are held in very evident esteem. 40. since i have been in manila, i have seen only the traders from canton and emui in china visit this port, [164] except the ship "guadalupe," which went to the [malabar?] coast; and through its captain and officers i have heard of the friendly reception which they met in all the ports of india. but in other days the commerce of this colony was more extensive. in china it was established in the year 1598, and has been maintained without interruption; the king of camboja asked this government for aid, and it was sent to him in the year 1594, leaving commerce with that country established. in the same year the king of siam sent an embassy to open commerce with these islands, and in 1599 the said commerce was actually begun, by vessels which went from these islands, and which came from siam, with which country the spaniards have maintained the most friendly relations. this was recently experienced in the case of the ship which was built there in the year 53, by order of our governor the marques de ovando, who sent thither letters for the said king of siam; and the latter, in virtue of these, furnished a sufficient sum of money, and gave all the other assistance which they asked from him. in the year 718, the same king of siam granted a piece of land, in order that the spaniards might establish a trading-post there. 41. in the year 1596, commerce with these islands was established in cochinchina, and the spaniards declined to establish a trading-post [on the land] which this king afterward bestowed upon them. in tunquin also the spaniards undertook their commerce; and in zurrate, vengala, and other kingdoms of india, both moorish and heathen, they have been equally well received. although, on account of the reverses of this commonwealth and the lack of courage in its merchants, the spaniards have given up this commerce for several years past, it cannot be doubted that the aforesaid company has the opportunity to establish itself advantageously, furnishing a market for the products of these islands, bringing hither those of the said kingdoms, and establishing (if that shall be expedient) some trading-posts--with which their purchases will be at more reasonable prices, and their gains in españa and nueva españa more assured. 42. here at the same time another advantage presents itself. the commerce which now is carried on with acapulco by private persons suffers many losses, occasioned by the unsuccessful fairs there. these losses originate in the necessity of selling the goods in order to send back [to manila] the money that they produce; for even if the merchants lose in the sale something on the principal which they shipped, it is necessary to sell their goods in order to repay what they obtained from the obras pias for their investments. if the goods are left in nueva españa, in order to take advantage of an opportunity for better sale, they cannot meet the cost of the expenses, and here find themselves tormented by their creditors. the company cannot be placed in such straits, but will always sell their wares to advantage and profit; for when in acapulco they do not obtain good returns on the merchandise, they can transfer it to the storehouse which they will have to establish in mexico. this expedient alone will be sufficient to induce the mexicans to make strenuous endeavors to be preferred in the sale at the said port, because they will not deceive the said company as they now do private persons, acting aggressively against them, in order to fix arbitrarily the prices of their goods--constrained as our merchants are to sell them, on account of the limitation of the time [of the fair], since the galleons ought to sail from the said port by the twenty-fifth of march. 43. i will conclude this chapter with the authority of the celebrated don geronimo ustariz, [165] who, although he disapproves the commerce [managed] by companies in españa and the americas, considers it expedient in these islands; and indeed, when his arguments against the establishment of the said companies are examined, it will be seen that they do not apply to this commerce--where, on the contrary, it will be seen that not even the least progress can be secured, unless the company of which i am speaking be formed. 44. the same author, speaking of the commerce in spices, is inclined to think that it ought to be carried on directly by the spaniards, by the same route which other nations adopt for it, arranging the purchases in these islands in order to supply the americas and all españa by the ports of acapulco, panama, and portovelo. this exhibits the utility of what i have herein set forth, for it is confirmed by the three most earnest and distinguished spaniards of this century, to wit, the visconde del puerto, don miguel de zabala, and don geronimo ustariz. but i am surprised that this last-named writer, who treats the subject of commerce so extensively and so acutely, with the greatest erudition and knowledge of whatever there is to be known of foreign nations and countries, should be ignorant that these islands produce in abundance cinnamon, pepper, and nutmeg, which, without the necessity of buying it from the dutch, we can use for our benefit, in order to supply all our own dominions. this is a proof that the spaniards of philipinas do not apply themselves to becoming acquainted with this country, in order to make known its products; and that they would not be [thus] ignorant if the alcaldes-mayor would make reports--one to their successors, and another to the government--of the condition of each province, as i advised his majesty in the past year of 1760. chapter fifth: of the extension which the commerce of the aforesaid company can enjoy 1-3. [viana makes remonstrance against "the limitations and restrictions with which the commerce of the spaniards is established." these only enable foreigners to compete with them to greater advantage, and increase the gains of foreign traders. he adduces the examples of other nations in support of his position that commerce ought to be extended and freed from restrictions, as far as possible; and complains that spaniards only are forbidden to trade with each other, in the colonies of that monarchy. (section 3.) "the argument for this is apparently founded on the exportation of silver, and on the opposition made by the merchants of cadiz, who are misled by foreigners, and that of the officials at acapulco, who find their advantage in the said limitation. those merchants are always inveighing against the injuries that result to their trade, and the check to our [spanish] manufactures, with which arguments they have always tried to bring about the ruin of this [philippine] commerce; but i will see if i cannot overthrow these arguments."] 4. all the silver that is coined in the dominions of españa comes to a halt in foreign kingdoms, among our greatest enemies. the treasures of the indias pass through the aqueduct of cadiz, without leaving even a trace on the conduits of the spanish merchants, as can be demonstrated by [comparing] the riches that the indias have produced, and the poverty of the spaniards. upon this point i refer to what don miguel de zavala says in his memorial; and that which the celebrated macanaz has written on the same subject ought to be printed on plates of gold, or, better, in the hearts of our sovereigns and their ministers of state, in order to cure the wounds of their vassals with the remedies which he proposes. for if all the silver is carried away from the dominions of españa, what more will she have, whether it go by way of acapulco or by way of cadiz? i assert that in cadiz the commerce of the foreigners is greater than that of the spaniards: the latter (with the exception of some strong business houses, which have been built up in this century) support themselves by being figureheads [166] for the former, who cannot possess the commerce in their own behalf or in their own persons. this is disclosed by the "universal dictionary of commerce," in praising the good catholic spaniards in this illicit mode of carrying on business--which is the same as regarding them as being, even if not traitors, at least disobedient to their king. here is seen the interested motive for [the claim] that the silver should not be exported by way of acapulco, but that all should go to cadiz, into the power of the foreigners--who are the ones who, in reality and with hidden hand, have always made opposition to this commerce of manila. 5. those who carry away the silver from acapulco are all spaniards, and the greater part of it accumulates in the empire of china, which has not waged war against us, nor will she do so, with the gains that we allow her; but those who carry away the silver which reaches cadiz are the foreigners, and it is going to remain with the powers who are harassing and ruining us with our own wealth. let these points of difference be compared, and decide whether it is not a weak argument, that of the export [of silver from nueva españa], against which so much clamor has been made by the commerce of cadiz--or, to speak more correctly, the convenience of the foreigners--and i believe that it will be outweighed, not only by the loss of the royal duties which are yielded to the royal treasury by the silver which goes to cadiz, but by the injury that is caused to us by the profits which we furnish to the foreigners. moreover, the silver carried away from acapulco can yield the same [amount in] duties, in order to avoid the aforesaid loss, if it be considered of much importance--which it is not; for even if two millions of pesos were carried away each year, and the royal treasury deprived of the duties thereon (for which privation there is no necessity), that is not a sum which merits the great opposition, if not bitter hatred, of the commerce of cadiz for this poor commerce [of manila]. 6. the other argument, that of the retardment which our manufactures of españa would suffer [in competition] with those of china, is as easily overthrown. it is certain that our factories cannot furnish all the goods which are consumed in our dominions, and that on this account the silks, fabrics, hose, ribbons, etc., of other powers are allowed entrance therein; and what more need is there, in the case of these wares than of those of china, for declaiming against the injury which the latter, but not the former, occasion? there is no further difference except that the spaniards trade with one class of the goods, and the foreigners with the other. against the foreigners there is no one to raise objections, as some of them do against our own people; and as in these clamors there is no mention of the name of englishmen, frenchmen, dutch, swedes, danes, irishmen, etc., but [only] of the commerce of cadiz and of its spanish traders, the motive for this opposition is better hidden, the injury which they exaggerate is more readily believed, the minds of people are preoccupied with impressions of this sort; and the commerce of manila, which has neither capital nor fame nor authority, and not so much influence as that of cadiz, is the one which always suffers, which is permitted [only] with restrictions, and which cannot repair the damages experienced by the merchants of cadiz without knowing them. 7. before this, i had already mentioned the great amount of silk, both raw and woven, which foreigners bring from china, and that with this they supply their own manufactures, and [likewise] obtain money from us by selling in españa the fabrics from canton as if they came from paris, londres, amsterdam, etc. is this, or is it not, detrimental to our manufactures? and, if it is, why is not an outcry made against it by the merchants of cadiz? they will say that it is impossible to prohibit this commerce, while our own manufactures are in so backward a condition; but why will this argument not avail the spanish merchants of manila? they will say also that the foreigners introduce into españa not fabrics from china, but those of their own manufacture; that, whether it be from one country or from another, the injury to our manufactures is the same. but what cannot be denied is, that the foreigners who obtain so great an amount of silk from china trade it in our dominions, and that we cannot do the same in order to deprive them of those enormous gains. if, then, the company of spaniards were formed in these islands, they could convey from china a great deal of raw silk for our factories, and many special fabrics which would be of as good quality as those of europa; they could furnish them more cheaply than the foreigners do; and, above all, the profits would remain among the spaniards. our commerce would steadily flourish; we would have more ships, to make our dominions safe; the marine service would be increased; and necessarily there would be diminution in the commerce of the foreigners, for which our deluded spaniards are pleading. 8. the royal duties will be the same, if the silk and fabrics of china are carried by our ships of the company, as if they were carried by the foreigners; and even if the kindness of our sovereign makes some reduction [in the duties], in order to favor the said company and subvert those that are hostile to it, other advantages, of greater importance than the aforesaid duties, will result to the crown, in the certain knowledge that, in the present state of things, that is prohibited to the spaniards which is allowed to foreigners--that is, the introduction of goods from china which are difficult to recognize in españa, on account of the facility with which european fabrics are imitated in canton. 9. by allowing to the aforesaid company the importation of chinese goods into españa, while the prohibition to foreigners remains in force, the trading-fleets and galleons will be supplied; and these commodities will be purchased less from foreigners, in order that our own manufactures and commerce may gain some growth. 10. all the silk which our company will put on the market will diminish the amount sold by the foreigners; and if they have not a market for this commodity they will take on smaller cargoes of it in china, cochinchina, canton, tonquin, tripara, bengala, and achem, and the said company will find it easier to purchase the silk. before the nations of europe carried away the silk from canton, it could be bought at very low prices; but since they began to carry on this commerce--which was in the year 1685, in which the emperor of china opened his ports to all nations--up to the present time, the prices have risen more than three hundred per cent, as some merchants of this city have informed me. 11. in the six years that i have spent in manila, the [price of] silk has risen every time; and because so much was being sent out of the country [of china], the emperor forbade, under the most rigorous penalties, the exportation of this product--of which an enormous amount is consumed in his empire, where it was already becoming scarce in the year 759--that it might be used by his vassals, whom he regards with the most extraordinary affection. 12. finally, when the merchants of cadiz become shareholders in the said company there will be no more talk of the export of silver by way of acapulco, or of the injury to our manufactures from the fabrics of china; or the only ones who will cry out against it will be the foreigners connected with the said commerce [of cadiz], when their names are made known, for they will not [then] have spaniards to talk, as the saying is, "through a goose's mouth." if it shall be considered expedient (as it seems to me it is) that the aforesaid company may ship freely, and without any restriction, such wares as it shall think best to the kingdom of nueva españa, the royal duties can be so adjusted that the royal treasury will not suffer a great loss, under the certainty that the goods of the said commercial company will all be duly registered, as also the silver which they bring in return; for its directors will possess no authority for anything except what is according to the rules in the like method of commerce. this legality in the declarations [of goods shipped] will result in great benefit to the aforesaid royal duties, even though these be more moderate than the duties which are exacted from private persons whose greed for gain urges them to convey, and to bring [here], many contraband articles. 13. for greater security on this point, it could be so regulated that there would not be the slightest uncertainty, by causing the agents or directors whom it will be necessary to have in this city, to write out the invoices of what they ship, according to the entries in their cash-books, and the same with the silver and the goods that are brought back in return--information of all this being sent from here to the officials at acapulco, and reciprocally from that port to the officials at this capital, in order that on each side any possible infraction of the law may be known, and those engaged in the commerce be restrained from committing such. this exhibition of invoices and the returns in silver can be compared with the statements which the directors of the company will furnish, in order to ascertain whether the former agree with those which will be contained in the said statements. i take for granted that in the presentation, examination, and approval of these accounts there will be the supervision of some person appointed for that purpose by our sovereign--whose royal and benevolent disposition will, it is to be believed, place some capital in the company that i have mentioned, as a foundation for this great work; and in this case it is hardly possible that the least crevice will be found by which the royal duties might suffer loss. 14. the nobility of españa, from the highest rank down; the guilds of madrid, who now form a commercial body of much importance; all the merchants of españa, the kingdom of mexico, peru, and these islands; some foreigners; and many religious communities which have set aside the produce of their funds for pious purposes--all these will, without doubt, become shareholders in the aforesaid company, if they are convinced of the benefit of this commerce, and of the prosperity which will ensue to the spanish nation; and when the said merchants have their gains by means of these seas assured, and a means of supplying the kingdom of mexico with a great part of the goods which its people need, without the burden of the royal duties, it is certain that they will not desire to purchase foreign goods, except at such advantage as will prove detrimental to the foreigners. 15. it is also evident that the aforesaid company will be able to furnish its commodities at lower prices than the foreign companies do; for it does not have to incur so many expenses in maintaining troops, fortresses, etc., as do the dutch, english, and french; nor will the costs of the navigation be so great, because the voyage is shorter. moreover, the purchases will be [made] in china, at the same prices as those of the said foreigners; and consequently, the company transporting its merchandise to españa, and being able to furnish goods at more reasonable prices than the foreigners do, for these reasons the profits will be greater and the losses of the foreigners more certain. by carrying the goods from these islands to nueva españa, the company will hinder the illicit commerce of the said foreigners, who in sailing from india to europa, and from europa to their colonies in america, must incur more expense than the said spaniards, and will not be able to furnish commodities at the same prices as the latter can. 16. the english who come to trade in china carry these goods to the ports of inglaterra, pay there the duties on them, and afterward ship them to various regions--among these to jamayca, from which island they carry on a very extensive illicit commerce with the windward islands; with nueva españa, through honduras, and by way of the coasts of campeche and vera cruz; and with peru, through the colony of sacramento, and various other places. the number of laden vessels which enter jamaica every year exceeds five hundred; and by this can be estimated the value of the goods which are [thus] disposed of (for all of these are carried into our dominions), and the great amount of silver which they carry away from us, thus causing loss to the royal duties of his majesty--which, in proportion to the said goods and the money which they produce, would be very large. 17. sabary, whom i have cited, estimates at eight millions of pesos the illicit commerce which the english carry on, from jamayca alone, with the spaniards of america; and he states, to the discredit of our nation, that all the ministers and officials, from the highest to the lowest, proceed by agreement to defraud the royal duties, and to become rich at the cost of what they seize from the royal revenues. 18. probably no less is the amount of the fraudulent commerce carried on by the dutch from curazao; and much greater is that which is conducted by the two nations (and even by the french) in puerto rico, cartagena, buenos ayres, campeche, honduras, portovelo, caracas, guayaquil, and the canarias islands, and the other ports of the windward islands and the two americas--as also is made known by the same author whom i have already cited, besides what we all know. 19. the new and very extensive territory which the aforesaid english now possess in north america, and on the mexican gulf as far as the misisipi, renders this illicit commerce much easier for them by means of that coast, especially by way of the new santender, [167] which has a good harbor for vessels of moderate size, and many rivers; it is not far distant by land from cretaro [i.e., queretaro] and other rich cities of nueva españa, and by sea it is not far from vera cruz. with these great opportunities, the illicit commerce can be pushed to the utmost; for the ambition and covetousness of the trader despises no means which may bring him profit. 20. the commodities which the english illegally introduce [into our colonies] must necessarily be cheaper than those which go in our trading-fleets by way of vera cruz, for the latter pay many duties, and the former none; and the very english who sell in cadiz to the spaniards, paying their duties, sell the same commodities in nueva españa at a lower price than in cadiz. therefore, if some efficacious remedy be not applied to these illicit importations, i think that our commerce will be ruined; that our trading-fleets will experience great losses; that the royal duties will be diminished; and that in nueva españa the illicit commerce will reach an even greater extent than in perù. but it also seems to me that if the commerce from these islands to acapulco is free to our company the aforesaid losses can be in great part averted, for the following reasons. 21. when the foreigners (and especially the english) obtain so much silk, both raw and woven, from china we must believe that they find this commerce profitable, and that the said commodity is very cheap in the said empire, compared with the prices of silks in europa. the profit is more obvious in the woven goods, because the infinite number of people who inhabit china, and the abundance of workmen in every kind of occupation, cause their manufactures to be exceedingly cheap--as all of us who live in this part of the world know by experience, who every year send to canton commissions for many articles, because they cost us less than to make the purchases in this city. for instance: the chinese and the spaniards carry silver from here to canton, where it is worth three per cent more; and nevertheless a snuff-box, a salver, and other small articles of silver cost less there than when made here to order--which shows the great saving of [cost in the] manufacture which results from the great abundance of workmen, as i have said. 22. this advantage which the english have through the commerce of canton--to which port usually come every year thirteen or fourteen ships--can also be enjoyed by our company; and, buying at the same prices [as the english]; it can sell its goods at lower prices in nueva españa, even after paying the royal duties. for the english are obliged to make longer and more costly voyages, as is that from canton to inglaterra, and from there to españa and nueva españa; while the spaniards will sail from here to acapulco. the former pay royal duties in inglaterra, and the latter will pay these in acapulco, saving the expenses of the second voyage which the english make, to their colonies in america. finally, the spaniards are not obliged to maintain, at so great expense as do the english, fortified posts and many troops, which are supported by their profits; for these reasons, the latter will not be able to sell their goods at the same price as that of the spanish company. consequently, they will not make illicit importations [into the spanish colonies] of silks and [woolen] fabrics; and even those of their linen goads (which are most to be dreaded) can be diminished with [our importations of] the light linen goods of china [liencesillo] (which are used in nueva españa), with "elephants" and other goods from the coast, and, in due time, with the cotton cloths which will be woven in these islands. here there is abundance of cotton, and of people for its cultivation and manufacture--especially if some masters in this art come from españa, or, in case that fail, from the coromandel or the malabar coast; and if among the indians be introduced the spinning-wheels which are already in use in the manufactures of españa. 23. from all these arguments it will be possible to conclude whether they are as well adapted to free commerce [of these islands] with the kingdom of peru, and to that which the two americas can mutually and reciprocally conduct between each other, in order that all the vassals may have a share in the extension of the commerce which hitherto has been prohibited to them; that the products of all the provinces may be increased, by the market which will be provided for them; that the southern [i.e., pacific] coasts of the said americas may have an abundance of vessels; that they may mutually aid and defend each other from enemies; that by this means all our dominions remote from españa may be more securely preserved; that our silver may have wide circulation among the spaniards, who, occupied in this lawful traffic, will not expose their money to the risks of the illicit commerce; that the commerce of the foreigners may be diminished, without the least loss to the royal exchequer in the duties from them; and, in fine, that with the gains [from this commerce], and with the decreased exportation of silver to the foreign kingdoms of europa, the prosperity of our monarchy may begin, and it may come to be the most worthy of respect in all the world, with the extension of its commerce--which is the sole and only means of attaining success; for no other means has been found more effectual, by either ancient or modern geniuses. chapter sixth: of the difficulties which the aforesaid company will encounter, in order to establish and continue its commerce; and of the method for preventing these. 1. the difficulties and inconveniences which the celebrated don miguel de zabala mentions, and the manner in which he entirely removes them, ought to be borne in mind in this chapter (like all the rest that that great man wrote), in regard to the establishment of our commerce through companies, in order that by the said work, and by what i have set forth, even the dullest person may be convinced of the usefulness of the spanish company in these islands. notwithstanding that the principal difficulty, and the only one to be feared, is the efforts of the foreign powers, i will copy exactly the remarks of the said author, for perhaps not all those who see this document will have [opportunity to see] them; and i cannot dispel these fears with arguments more weighty, or persuasion more effective. 2-18. [zabala admits the danger that other powers, angered at the loss of their gains through the success of a spanish company, would endeavor to destroy it; but he regrets the timidity of the spanish merchants, who allow themselves to remain at the mercy and dictation of foreigners. the spaniards would readily take measures to end this, if entire secrecy were possible, but they fear failure if their intentions are known by the foreigners. they should remember that not only are the spanish colonies in the indias strictly forbidden to trade in any way with the other powers, but that the latter themselves had consented to these arrangements, which españa had a right to make for her own colonies. those powers will not seek by force the ruin of spanish commerce, as that would be too costly an enterprise, but will endeavor to gain this end by craft and intrigue. if a spanish commercial company were formed, its larger capital and more extensive business would enable it to withstand losses which would ruin private persons. all of these considerations should relieve the fears which check the free and wide operation of spanish commerce and thus keep it within the clutches of foreign traders. zabala urges the formation of spanish companies for commerce, on which must depend the security of gains therein and the prosperity of españa.] 19. it is hardly possible that the nations of europa will unite to hinder the company of these islands. the dutch will not fail to appear with their pretended right of authority to prohibit to us the navigation by way of cape good hope; but with the arguments which are presented in chapter 2, part ii [of this memorial], and those which our wise ministers of state can bring forward in favor of our well-known right in justice, the said dutch will find themselves obliged to admit it, or they will fear the injury which we can inflict upon them by hindering their commerce in china, japon, and other regions which are included in the arbitrary division and imaginary limit made by pope alexander sixth. 20. on the other hand, likewise, the dutch recognize and fear the superiority of the english, who are doing them much damage in india--as recently they experienced, in the past year of 760, in their establishments in vengala, and even in those of the island of ceylan, to judge by some shrewd suspicions that the english were encouraging the king of the said island in his revolt against the dutch. if the spaniards establish their company, the british forces will be further diverted, in case war should break out, by those of españa and francia; the dutch will then consider themselves more secure, and will expect some aid in case they guide those nations to appropriate some [english] establishments; for the aforesaid powers will not, for their own advantage, consent that the english attain further superiority by unjust means. 21. the french also have a like interest in the formation of the spanish company, and they will promote it, in order to have its aid, which may be to them very important; for if they had had it in the late war they would not have lost all their establishments in india; nor would we have lost the fortified posts of manila and cavite, if we had had the said company. 22. the lack of a port on the coast of africa as a landing-place for our ships is another of the difficulties which our navigation by way of cape good hope may encounter; but our friendly relations with the court of francia will open to us, without doubt, free entrance to the port of mauritius. with a knowledge, too, of the ports on the said coast of africa, we can establish ourselves where we think it best to, as the dutch have done; or we can find some island, like that of santa elena, [168] which the english occupy, or those of san matheo and acension, which serve the portuguese for a way-station. 23. the last difficulty may be the greatest of all, and it consists in the probable opposition of the ministers and officials of his majesty to the ministers and officials of the company. for i assume, in the pursuance of my plan, that there will be here ships of war, a suitable force for the safety of these towns, a governor and captain-general, a royal audiencia, royal officials, etc.; and that the company will have likewise its own ships, the construction of them, cloth manufactures in the provinces, the working of mines, the cultivation of cinnamon, and other enterprises, which without the aid of the government are difficult, but with it very easy. the aforesaid opposition to those of the company, and the unpleasant relations which follow (or are very probable) between the directors and the government, may be a very great impediment to all the said activities. but this, it seems to me, can be corrected by making suitable regulations, and his majesty issuing very strict orders for their punctual observance, with heavy penalties against the transgressors; also by the company having so many protectors in the court as its shareholders, especially if the shares be taken by the highest nobility, as an example to the rest. these will be so many more public prosecutors, who will raise an outcry against those who, in whatever way, oppose the interests of the company; and who will demand punishment for him who deserves it, in order that this may serve as a warning to others--under the well-founded assumption that the growth of the aforesaid company can interest no one so much as it does our sovereign, in order that the crown and the nation may be maintained with dignity and splendor, and gain credit by our commerce, and by the riches which it will draw to us if that commerce be undertaken and continued with the ardor which is demanded by love for our country. 24. i do not dwell so much as i might on this last difficulty, because it seems to me that what i have said is alone sufficient for taking the necessary precautions. as little will i take time to enumerate the advantages which would result to his majesty from committing to the aforesaid company the government, management, and social order of these islands, with the obligation to maintain them with sufficient forces--for this purpose, [the crown] making over to it the tributes and the royal duties, and the company furnishing some amount to the royal revenues in acknowledgment of the [royal] authority, during the time while this sort of treaty or contract should last; on this subject, i could divulge something, if i did not realize the great difficulties therein. 25. besides this, i consider that if his majesty place these towns and islands under the plan that i have proposed, they can bring together their considerable military forces for the furtherance of the said company, and for such assistance as it may find necessary--so that the king may increase his royal revenues and the company save much expense, which will redound in material gains to its commerce, and to obvious damage to that of the foreigners. 26. by granting to the company the privilege of proposing [the names of] persons whom it considers trustworthy, to serve in the office of alcalde-mayor for the provinces where it will have its manufactures, cultivation of crops, or operation of mines, all possible advancement will be rendered easy, and the royal exchequer will preserve the royal revenues, by means of the said persons, for whom security will be given by the said company or its directors; and even the tributes of various provinces could be arranged, by agreement, with evident advantage and benefit to the royal exchequer. 27. finally, all matters must be regulated on a very substantial basis--questions of government, the cases in which preventive measures must be taken, the protection of the company, and the powers which must be granted to it, as will be unavoidable in order to obviate uncertainties and injurious dissensions, in regard to which suitable advices will be given on the proper occasion. chapter seventh: of the suitability of panama and portovelo, in case the navigation via cape good hope be impracticable. 1-2. [viana briefly restates some of the conclusions reached in foregoing chapters, and proceeds to consider the possibility of the route via the cape of good hope proving impracticable, in which case he proposes as an alternative the route via panama.] 3. god has placed an isthmus midway between the two americas, with the port and bay of panama on the coast of the southern sea, and that of portovelo on the opposite coast; although the former is of use only for vessels of medium size, there is another, called perico, which admits ships of the line, their lading being conveyed in small vessels to panama, which is two leguas distant. the second, which is that of portovelo, is one of the most beautiful and well-defended ports in america; there are disembarked the goods of the ships from españa, and they are conveyed to panama; and the gold and silver and some products of peru, which arrive at the latter port at the time of the [spanish] trading-fleets, are transported to that of portovelo by land, and by the chagre river, for the return of the ships to españa. 4. the spanish company, when established in these islands, can have its storehouses and factors at the said ports; the ships which sail from here for panama will leave there their cargoes, and bring back the goods which the ships of cadiz will have carried to portovelo; and these latter will in their turn do the same, leaving their cargoes at the said port, and, for their return voyage, taking aboard whatever might be sent to them from panama. 5. this route would, without doubt, occasion greater expenses to the spanish company than would the navigation via cape good hope, but always many advantages to its commerce would result. if war should break out, the said route will be more secure from enemies, and our coasts will be better defended by the frequent visits of our ships to the said ports on the southern coast; in that spacious sea they are not in danger of encountering enemies, as in the straits of sunda, malaca, and others of the malayan islands, through which it is necessary to pass in order to navigate through the seas of india and of the african coast, with risk from the nations of europa who are established in both regions. 6. if the prosperity of the said company will be as great as the circumstances here set forth promise, we ought to expect that, in order to facilitate its commerce and save transportation, some part of its gains will be employed in the improvement of the panama route--in making the chagre river more navigable, and perhaps in seeking the easiest mode of joining the two seas, or in finding other means for conveying the goods by water from one port to the other. [169] 7. the idea of facilitating the commerce of españa with these islands by the said route is not a new one, nor do i claim that it should be attributed to me; for it was brought forward in the year 1621, after the dangers of the navigation via cape horn [cabo de hornos] had been recognized, and it was realized what difficulties there were in conducting the commerce through those stormy seas. information regarding it having been asked from the president and ministers of [the audiencia of] panama, "they brought forward so effectual arguments why it should not be permitted" (so don joseph de veytia says, in his norte de la contratacion) "that navigation by this route ceased." 8. before undertaking any enterprise people's minds are usually dismayed at the multitude of hindrances which present themselves to the imagination; but all these are overcome, as a rule, by assiduous application, for the success of the enterprises which always are as difficult in their first stages as they are easy and simple in the middle and end of their course. the subject of commerce has encountered in our españa apparently insuperable difficulties, which have intimidated the leading ministers in its promotion; and, while it cannot be denied that our nation has devoted very little attention to that most useful study, the science of commerce, our people ought to distrust the reality of the disadvantages which have been exaggerated in other times, and investigate them in these happier days. therein the same difficulties will not be found, or it will be possible to obviate the injury which may be feared, by effectual measures for the greater stability of the commerce, the security of our dominions, and the welfare of all the vassals. 9. in francia there was so much distrust on the subject of commerce that, its promotion and extension being deemed impossible, every project of this kind was rejected. cardinal richelieu, in his political testament, regards the french as incapable of commerce, as i have said; and, before this famous minister, his predecessors discussed the matter in no other fashion. but the great louis fourteenth and his most zealous and able [minister], monsieur colvert, overcoming dangers, scorning inconveniences, and trampling on difficulties, resolutely undertook, with magnanimous souls, to render that easy which for so many centuries had been deemed difficult, and finally they succeeded. then why will it not be possible also to render the transaction of our commerce successful and easy by way of panama, conquering the difficulties which will be alleged against it? 10. i am not ignorant of these hindrances; but i believe that, however strong they may be, they will not prevail over the welfare of the monarchy, and that the elevated and magnanimous royal soul of our beloved king and sovereign don carlos third (whom may god preserve) and his zealous ministers will overcome the difficulties which have been hitherto considered insurmountable, and will hasten with suitable remedies to check the ruin of our dominions, which had its origin in the great amount of illicit commerce of the foreign nations. perhaps they will form an entirely opposite idea from that of other times, regarding the conduct of our commerce by way of panama, in order to provide from these islands the commodities which are needed for españa and the americas, to assure the royal duties, and to overthrow the foreigners--who, as i have said, will not be able to sell their merchandise at so moderate prices as the spanish company can; and it will be the only effectual means of preventing the aforesaid illicit commerce. 11. i have set forth, sincerely and candidly, what my limited ability comprehends, and the knowledge that i have acquired of these islands; i have touched on these subjects as concisely as possible, in order not to render this document diffuse and too wearisome. i doubt not that in it will be found many defects, since the practical knowledge of commerce is remote from my profession; on these points, others who are more intelligent will be able to bring forward their arguments. i will be content if all will be convinced of my love for the nation, of my desire for its greater prosperity, of my ardent zeal, and of my loyalty to my king and sovereign; these are the only motives which have constrained me to offer the reflections which i have here stated--availing myself, for this little work, of the small amount of leisure which the arduous occupations of my office leave free for me. may god grant that the effects and results correspond to my good intentions; and for the sake of their best success, the preservation of these islands, the extension of spanish commerce, and the happy advancement of the monarchy, may he render prosperous for many years the life of our beloved king and sovereign don carlos third (whom may god preserve) manila, february 10, 1765. francisco leandro de viana bibliographical data the documents in the present volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. usurpation of indian lands.--from la democracia (manila), november 25, 1901; from a copy in the possession of james a. leroy, durango, mexico. 2. moro raids.--from a rare pamphlet published at manila (1755), from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. 3. augustinian parishes, 1760.--from an original ms. in possession of edward e. ayer. 4. later missions.--from mozo's noticia histórico natural (madrid, 1763), and a rare pamphlet by ustáriz (1745), both from copies in the library of congress. 5. events in filipinas, 1739-62.--this is compiled from zúñiga's historia (sampaloc, 1803), pp. 546-601, and concepcion's hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 89-237; and fully annotated from other writers. 6. viana's memorial of 1765.--from a ms.--apparently a duplicate copy of the first original, and bearing viana's autograph signature--in the possession of edward e. ayer. notes [1] this document was printed in the manila newspaper la democracia (the organ of the federal party), on november 25, 1901; it was furnished to that paper by hugo salazar, a young filipino--a native of luzón, educated as a pharmacist, prominent in the federal party during 1901-04, and in 1903-04 governor of surigao province, mindanao--under the pen-name of "ambut." it was printed with accompanying comments written by him, which here appear as foot-notes, signed "ambut." we are indebted to the courtesy of james a. leroy (now [1906] u. s. consul at durango, mexico) for a copy of the above issue of la democracia, and for the above information. [2] cf. pp. 141-143, post, note 63. [3] in view of these abuses which occurred in the middle of the eighteenth century, which have been repeated in our own time (up to the year '97) with an outcome favorable to the friars because the latter found support in the venality or the pliancy of the authorities, will it be possible still to deny the justice and good reason with which the filipinos reject the friars, demanding the suppression of the religious corporations, which always and everywhere have had pernicious consequences? libertas, in its no. 686, shows bad faith and shamelessness in addressing to a co-religionist of ours these questions in its editorial columns: "can don leocadio inform us whether these popular tumults which keep him so preoccupied were known in filipinas before the year '96? is it not public and notorious that certain conspicuous attorneys, resident in manila, are the ones who are deceiving the people, promising them impossible things, and obtaining from them beforehand enormous sums of money?" don leocadio does not answer, in order not to waste his time; but he recommends the reading of this royal decree, in which all the friar-lovers will find a complete answer if they will reason with their brains. as the organ of the friars, it is natural that libertas should speak thus, displaying the blessing of his holiness leo xiii as a banner for concealing error and falsehood; it is likewise natural that those who reason with the stomach should form a chorus for that sort of scribbling; but it is truly regrettable that our women and other persons should aid, through their lack of instruction, through the influence of the confessional, and through religious fanaticism, in falsifying historical truth.--"ambut." [4] it results, then, that the friars usurped not only the lands of individuals, but those of the state; this is called "filling both sides of the mouth with food" [comer á dos carrillos]--which they were doing, receiving salaries from the state and collecting dues from their parishioners.--"ambut." [5] this work was composed by joseph gonzález cabrera bueno, a native of teneriffe, and at the time of its publication (manila, 1734) the chief pilot for the manila-acapulco line of galleons. he was a sailor of great ability and long experience, which, with this book, gave him a very high rank among the mariners of his day. he dedicated the book to governor valdés y tamón; its censura (or examination by the censor) was made by murillo velarde; and its illustrations were engraved by the native filipino artist nicolás de la cruz bagay. (vindel, catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 819.) [6] this direction to the alcaldes-mayor naturally suggests the query, "how many of the provinces were supplied with printing-offices in 1753?" and reminds one of dickens's "circumlocution office," and its efforts "how not to do it." [7] the pernicious character of the religious corporations, as an evil to society, is sufficiently proved; for even catholic france is expelling them from her bosom. it only remains, then, to decide whether the prohibition of their existence is opposed to the principle of the separation of church and state. to conform to the principle that the welfare of the people is a supreme law, and in virtue of that to deny legal existence to such associations as are hostile to the said principle, is not to fail in [loyalty to] the separation of the church and the state, inasmuch as the prohibition has nothing to do with religious dogmas or ecclesiastical discipline; and, in order to be just and thoroughly impartial, it does not oppose itself to any specified community or sect, for it entirely sets aside the religious character of the corporations, considering them simply as groups of human beings in their relation to the general good. the state, in this case, legislates without passing beyond the bounds of its proper and exclusive jurisdiction, and does not invade the attributes of the ecclesiastical power. some will say that by prohibiting the existence of religious corporations liberties are restricted. to this i answer, that that liberty which causes harm to society ought not to be understood as liberty; and, [using the term] in this sense, the united states would not be disloyal to their constitution in adopting restrictive measures in regard to the "trust," chinese immigration, and the association of persons dangerous to peace, order, and the sanctity of the home. as for the estates of the friars, señor sumulong was quite right, to judge from the facts in this royal decree, in asking for an ample and complete investigation of the legality of the titles to property which the friars could bring forward. it is to be observed that there was no opportunity here for [ascertaining] the real right of prescription, for it was impossible to protest against usurpations if one did not wish to be deported or shot as an anti-spaniard or a filibuster.--"ambut." an interesting commentary on the above opinions is found in the recent action (december, 1906) of the french government in regard to the roman catholic church in france, the separation of church and state there, and foreign interference with the proceedings of that government.--eds. [8] bolot (borot): an arrow with a hook or barb (noceda and sanlucar's vocab. tagal). [9] the year 1754 was especially disastrous to the philippines on account of the moro raids; thousands of people were slain, and other thousands carried away captive; even the coasts of luzón were ravaged, and the population of the visayas suffered a notable diminution. see account of these losses in concepción's hist. de philipinas, xiii, pp. 190-250; and montero y vidal's hist. de pirateria, i, pp. 309-317. in july of that year, ovando was succeeded in the government of the islands by arandía, who at once instituted reforms in the military service, and did what he could to defend the islands from their enemies; he died on may 31, 1759, worn out with the cares and fatigues of government. [10] forrest says (voyage to new guinea, p. 302) in describing the pirate raids by the moros: "the spaniards not allowing the bisayans fire-arms, the latter prove less able to defend themselves." also (p. 303): "on celebes, they take, if in dutch territory, even those of their own religion: a decent musselman, with his wife and four children were brought to mindanao, by this very prow." "the sooloos have in their families many bisayan, some spanish slaves, whom they purchase from the illanon and magindano cruisers. sometimes they purchase whole cargoes, which they carry to passir, on borneo; where, if the females are handsome, they are bought up for the batavia market. the masters sometimes use their slaves cruelly, assuming the power of life and death over them. many are put to death for trifling offences, and their bodies left above ground." (ut supra, p. 330.) [11] the archbishop of manila, don miguel garcia serrano, wrote to his majesty that in the period of thirty years during which there was no fortified post in mindanao, twenty thousand christians had been made captive by the moros. (torrubia, dissertacion, p. 49.) this relation was evidently written by some one of the jesuit missionaries in leyte, and perhaps even an eyewitness to the events related. the villages which he names as having repulsed the enemy seem to have been largely those in charge of the jesuits. some mention of the raids made in 1752-53 against the recollect missions may be found on pp. 163, 164, post, note 88. [12] escolapios: regular clergy of the order of escuelas pías (or "religious schools"), founded early in the seventeenth century by st. joseph of calasanz (1556-1648), an aragonese priest. (see vol. xlvi, pp. 114, 115, note 49.) besides the usual three vows, they took another one, to consecrate themselves to the instruction of children. they soon attained great reputation, and their order extended to many countries. so highly were their educational services appreciated in spain that when the religious orders there were secularized (1835) that of escuelas pías was exempted therefrom by special grant, which was extended also to the philippines. "nevertheless, it is argued that they do not accept any salutary innovation or judicious reform, even when it is guaranteed by the experience of accredited instructors; and it is said that they walk on leaden feet, as if tied down to a stale routine." (dominguez.) echegaray also gives to the word escolapios the meaning of "students attending the escuelas pías," in which sense the word is evidently used here--except that the schools are simply the parish schools conducted by the friars among the filipino natives. [13] totals given in these tables are in some cases incorrect, but have been left as in original. [14] the title-page of this work reads thus in english: "a plain historical account of the glorious triumphs and fortunate progress gained during the present century by the religious of the order of our father st. augustine, in the missions which are in their charge in the philipinas islands, and in the great empire of china. information is given regarding each of those peoples, their usages, customs, superstitions, mode of life, and medicines which they use in their diseases, with other curious information. composed by the reverend father fray antonio mozo, of the same order, formerly secretary and definitor of the province of philipinas, and now commissary and general definitor for the same, who dedicates it to this province of castilla of the same order. with the necessary licenses. at madrid, by andrès ortega, las infantas street. the year 1763." this book contains much information regarding the customs and superstitions of the natives, especially of the negritos, which is valuable not only as being furnished by an educated man who lived among them, but on account of his kindly nature, comparative freedom from bigotry and prejudice, and his inclination to take an impartial and philosophical view of his subject. for this reason, a very full synopsis has been made of his work, and his observations on the natives have been mostly translated in full. he left the islands in 1759, as he states on p. 76 of his book. [15] this mission field was located in the eastern part of what is now the province of nueva ecija (formed at the beginning of the nineteenth century), on the rio grande of pampanga and its tributary the santor, nearly half-way from the source of the former to its mouth; the peoples here mentioned evidently dwelt at first on the heights of the caraballo de baler--part of the caraballo sur range, from which flow northward the waters of the magat and the rio grande of cagayan; and southward the rio grande and the rio chico (respectively "great river" and "little river" of pampanga). the name "buquid" apparently simply designates them as dwellers in the mountain forests. the italons--a name of the same signification, applied by the gaddans to the ilongots dwelling in the caraballo mountains of nueva ecija and príncipe (who are called ibilao by their isinay neighbors north of that range)--and abacas lived on the headwaters of the rio grande and rio chico. barrows says (census of philippines, i, p. 437): "the ibilao who inhabit the mountains of nueva ecija are among the most persistent head hunters of northern luzón. their raids upon the christian settlements of nueva ecija are incessant, and they have repeatedly taken lives in the vicinity of carranglán and pantabangán within the last two or three years." (see also ut supra, pp. 470, 471.) [16] in another place this name appears as alzaga; but pérez (catálogo, p. 179) spells it arziaga. this missionary was a native of valladolid, and came to the islands in 1699; he died in 1707. [17] for a modern description of the ilongots (or italons), see that given in census of the philippines, i, pp. 545-547; the writer (l. e. bennett, governor of nueva vizcaya) says: "the chiefs of all these settlements stated to me positively that adultery was unknown among these people, and that their family relations were very closely drawn. they further stated that they never knew of a case of a young woman giving birth before she had been married." "fighting is never carried on in the open, but they depend entirely upon assassination and ambush. they set pointed bamboos and spring guns for each other in places known to be traveled, and use spears and bows and arrows with poisoned tips when they fight." [18] this name is spelled isasigana by pérez. he was born in durango, vizcaya, in 1665, and came to the islands in 1699. three years later he was sent to carranglán, where he remained until he was worn out with missionary labors. recalled to manila for his health's sake, he afterward held various offices in his order (1706-10), and was minister at guagua and apalit (1712, 1713). he died at guagua (vava, in mozo), in 1717. [19] "the missions of pantabangan were administered by the augustinians until they surrendered them to the franciscans in order that the latter might unite these to their missions of baler, which lies on the further coast that is called by that name. they maintain in these missions two or three religious, who minister to pantabangan, where there are 60 houses; puncán, which has 56 houses; and carranglán, 82. very little progress is made in these missions, on account of the misgovernment among the indians and the lack of policy on the part of the spaniards." (zúñiga's estadismo, retana's ed., i, p. 473.) vindel describes in his catálogo, t. ii, no. 328, a rare pamphlet (apparently not mentioned elsewhere): relación del descubrimiento y entrada de los religiosos de n. s. p. s. francisco ... en los pueblos ó rancherías de los montes altos de baler; it is undated, but was probably published at manila, about 1755. in it, "fathers manuel de san agustín and manuel de jesús maría fermoselle report to their provincial, fray alejandro ferrer [who held that office during 1753-56], the condition in which they found those villages." san agustín labored in baler and neighboring villages during 1747-60. the mission of baler was founded in 1609 by franciscan missionaries, but half a century later was ceded, through scarcity of laborers, to the recollects; the latter order abandoned that district in 1703, for the same reason, and the franciscans resumed the charge of it. baler was formerly situated on the right bank of the san josé river, near the sea; but on december 27, 1735, it was utterly destroyed by a tidal wave, and the surviving inhabitants removed the village farther inland, to higher ground. (huerta, estado, pp. 280, 477.) [20] pérez states that he died at guagua, a town in southern pampanga; for this name vava is apparently a phonetic spanish corruption. [21] alejandro cacho was a native of león, and came from a noble family; he arrived at manila in the mission of 1690. he was a missionary to various tribes in upper pampanga (now nueva écija), among whom he labored indefatigably for more than forty years. "he formed villages, opened roads, established schools, built churches, and felled groves; and what was but a little while before a gloomy and impenetrable forest afterward burst upon the sight of the astonished traveler as a broad plain, which the directing hand of the indefatigable augustinian converted into a fertile field and beautiful province, the pride and hope of the new converts. and he accomplished even more; assigned to the missions of carranglán and pantabangan (1707) he eagerly devoted himself to the study of the flora in those unknown regions, examining the medicinal virtues of each plant; and as a fruit of his laborious task, besides practicing successfully the art of the physician among his beloved parishioners he left us the works which we mention below." "he is one of the figures which most clearly illustrate what the religious in filipinas was, in the double conception of priest and maintainer of the spanish sovereignty in this archipelago." (pérez.) he died in carranglán in 1748. the works alluded to are: "a treatise on the medicinal herbs of the mountains of buhay;" "origin and customs of those barbarous peoples;" "history of the augustinian missions among the italon ilongots, the isinais, the irulis, and the igolots," during 1704-33; and three maps drawn by cacho, giving valuable information regarding the habitat of those peoples in central luzón. besides these, he wrote catechisms in the languages of those tribes, directions for their government, etc. [22] spanish, al testud; this word does not appear in the lexicons, and it is impossible to determine its meaning accurately from the text. testud may be possibly a misprint for testuz, meaning "the hind part of the head;" but it is more probably the mistake of an amanuensis for testiculos, these glands being regarded as the source of virile power. [23] "isinay is the language spoken by the igorot of the hills in western nueva vizcaya, and by a part of the population of the towns of aritao, dupax, and bambang, who are of igorot origin, but whose ancestors were converted in the latter half of the eighteenth century." "the name igorot (in spanish form, igorrote) means in several malayan languages, 'people of the mountains.'... i have adopted it as a general designation for the whole body of primitive malayan tribes of northern luzón who are of the same physical type, speak closely allied languages, and present the same grade of culture." (barrows, in census of philippines, i, pp. 471, 472.) see also vol. xx of this series, pp. 269-279. [24] see account of dominican missions, following this of mozo's. interesting accounts of the dominican missions in luzón and its dependent islands, in recent times, may be found in the correo sino-annamita (a missionary publication issued from the college of santo tomás, manila, during the period 1866-97), vols. i, iv, xiii-xv, xx, xxi, xxiii-xxx. [25] a royal decree (given in full by mozo, pp. 48-51) states that the augustinians informed the dominicans, by a letter of september 8, 1739, of their decision to surrender the ituy missions, contingent on the permission of the governor; and the actual formal surrender took place on april 8, 1740. this transfer was liberal and disinterested, the augustinians asking no compensation for their property, which was of considerable value. the number of baptized persons included in these missions was 2,755; and the augustinians had taught them to irrigate their lands, and had furnished them with animals and plows. [26] fray vicente ibarra was born in durango in 1694, and made his religious profession at the age of sixteen; he came to the islands in 1712. he was minister at santor and other places (1720-28), and afterward held several offices in his order. in 1737 he was prior provincial, and made a visitation of all the augustinian religious ministers there. the latter part of his life was spent mainly at manila, where he died on december 24, 1760. he left various writings in the pampanga dialect. (pérez's catálogo.) juan belloxin was born in the province of logroño in 1695, and made his profession at salamanca when seventeen years old. he came to the islands in 1718, and spent ten years as missionary to the heathen isinays, on whose dialect he left some ms. volumes. he was minister in various villages in other districts, and died at manila in 1742. diego noguerol was a native of the province of coruña (1699), and professed at compostela in 1716. two years later he arrived at manila, and went to the upper pampanga mission; he was the first minister at buhay (1728), where he remained seven years. he labored in other ministries and held offices in the order, dying at manila in 1785. [27] these were bujay (the mission center), dupag, meuba, mayon, diangan, limanab, batù, paitan, and bayongbong (this last located in paniqui). [28] see description of trails in igorot country, in census of philippines, i, p. 542. [29] agustín barrio canal was born in the province of burgos, and made profession in the augustinian convent of salamanca in 1733, at the age of nineteen. he came to the islands in 1737, and became a missionary in western and central luzón, where he died as related in mozo's text. pedro freyre was born in the province of lugo, and entered the augustinian order at burgos. he came to the philippines in 1737, and labored among the tribes of central luzón until 1753; he then became a minister in pampanga, where he spent nearly twenty years. in 1771 he was removed by force from his post there, for refusing to accept the diocesan visit; the rest of his life was spent at manila, where he died in 1790. (pérez's catálogo.) [30] reference is here made to the great western mountain range of luzón, the caraballos occidentales; it is nearly 200 miles long, and, including its subordinate ranges, one-third as broad. it is really a system of mountains, its central range forming the divide between the waters flowing to cagayán river on the east and those flowing to the china sea on the west. its southern portion is called cordillera sur, which, bending eastward, under the name of caraballos sur joins the sierra madre or eastern coast range. this last range stretches along the eastern side of luzón, from the northeastern point of the island to laguna de bay, a distance of 350 miles, and divides the waters of the cagayán valley (which is about 50 miles wide, and 160 in length) from those of the pacific slope. see census of philippines, i, pp. 60, 61. [31] barrows classes the apayaos as an igorot division, located in the district of ayangan; (cf. vol. xliii, p. 72, note 11). the tinguians also are igorot, and are the pagan people of abra; "they have developed toward civilized life, being about on the same plane of culture as the ilocano." "this word is derived from tingues, meaning 'mountain,' a malayan word, archaic, and almost unused now in tagálog, and the suffix an." adang evidently means the gaddans, or gaddang, another igorot branch in western isabela; some of them, christianized in early days, occupy the northern towns of nueva vizcaya. (census of philippines, i, pp. 469, 471, 477.) [32] cayán was formerly the capital of lepanto; and is three miles from the present capital, cervantes. [33] josé herice was born in 1691, in a town in navarra, and made his religious profession at pamplona at the age of twenty. he came to the islands in 1718, and was sent to the ilocos missions. he was the pioneer evangelist among the adang (or gaddans), and consumed so much of his strength in that field that he was transferred to easier charges in ilocos, from 1725 on. he died at batác in 1742. (pérez's catálogo.) rivera came to the islands in 1713, and was sent to the tinguians, but for like cause was also transferred to the plains villages in 1719. madariaga came over with herice, whose associate he was among the gaddans and apayaos, until 1729, when he too went down to the plains; he died in 1744. [34] spanish, barbacoas: a word adopted from the indians of guiana, their name for the frames on which they roasted or smoke-dried any kind of meat or fish; it is also applied (in english, corrupted to "barbecue") to a hog or other large animal roasted whole, and to the open-air entertainment at which such roasts (now usually made in a pit dug in the earth) form part of the food. [35] see account of igorot canaos (or feasts), and their dances at these, in census of philippines, i, pp. 535-537. [36] francisco javier córdoba was born in mexico in 1712, and entered the augustinian order at the age of seventeen. he came to the islands in 1732, and spent the rest of his life in the missions of pampanga and ilocos; his death occurred there, about 1764. romero was a native of cadiz, born in 1729, and entered the order in mechoacán, nueva españa, in 1750. two years later he came to the islands, and joined the igorot mission, afterward being cura in indian villages; finally he returned to america (soon after 1774). pedro vivar was born at logroño in 1737, and made his profession at valladolid, at the age of fourteen; he came to manila with the mission of 1752, and two years later was sent to the igorot mission. after three years labor there, he took charge of the ministries in various native villages of ilocos, where he died in 1771. in the revolt which occurred in that province during the british occupation, he and other missionaries were imprisoned by the insurgents, and narrowly escaped being slain by them. vivar left several mss., among them a history of the above rebellion, which was recently published (manila, 1893), in vol. iv of biblioteca historica filipina. (pérez's catálogo.) [37] the tagálog name of the sago-palm (in pampanga called ebos, according to mozo), or corypha umbraculifera. c. minor is commonly called palma brava (tagálog, anáhao or anáo); see vol. xlvii, p. 181, note 27. [38] this is the fire-saw, a variant on the fire-drill so generally used by the north american indians and other savage peoples. see description and illustration of the fire-saw used in borneo, (similar to that of the zambals), in ling roth's natives of sarawak, i, pp. 377, 378. [39] "'baluga,' in the pampango language, means half-breed or mixed blood. it has quite a wide use to indicate negrito-malayan roving savages." (barrows, in census of philippines, i, p. 469.) [40] ilib: a pampango name of the cogon grass (imperata arundinacea); see vol. xxix, p. 233, note 74. [41] spanish, lumbre, meaning "fire," thence "light;" and by extension "tinder," used to produce fire. evidently the allusion in the text is to material used for tinder--in such a region and for use as a bed, obviously meaning dry grass. [42] see delgado's description of the bees in filipinas (historia, pp. 848, 849). he states that there are several different kinds of bees, which produce great quantities of wax and honey--especially in the visayas, where two crops are gathered in the year. [43] see note on sago-palm, p. 91, ante. [44] evidently the same as súcao, an ilocan name for a kind of pond-lily, nelumbium speciosum; its tubers (and blanco says, its flowers) are edible--as is the case with those of other species of the same genus, in america and other regions, which are used for food to some extent by the savages. [45] that is, "natural necessities are satisfied with almost nothing." the other saying is: "if you wish to make a man rich do not add to his wealth, but take away his desires." [46] the visayan name for the shrub (croton tiglium) which yields the croton oil of commerce; it belongs to the order euphorbiaceæ. [47] "termes monocerus (koen), the common name for which is anay. the anay, or white ant, is a very remarkable insect, with a large head, on the upper part of which it has three small eyes; and it is armed with two hard teeth, shaped like a forceps, with which this creature destroys in a very short time the woodwork of a house, the best depository of papers, the largest library, or the finest wardrobe of clothing. the only wood that it does not attack is the molave, on account of its bitter taste and excessive hardness. the anay lives in families; it is found in all wet localities, and erects dwellings of clay which are two or three meters in height, and so solid that the passage of buffaloes over them is not sufficient to destroy them. the interior of these ant-hills contains a multitude of little cells, divided by thin partitions; and in these they deposit thousands of eggs (some 80,000 to each female) that are infinitely small. one [in each hill?] of these terrible insects is distinguished by its enormous proportions, and this one the indian calls 'queen of the ants.' in the rainy season, wings grow on them, and they fly in fabulous numbers at sunset. the damage which these insects cause is incalculable." (montero y vidal, archipiélago filipino, p. 114.) the same writer mentions, in the preface to the same work, as an instance of the prevalent ignorance in spain of the nature and needs of that country's colonies in the east, that some member of the royal council undertook to despatch a decree that the army in filipinas should go in pursuit of the anay, believing it to be some terrible criminal. salazar makes an interesting reference (hist. sant. rosario, p. 567) to some unnamed species of ant: "in that country [of the mandayas] are certain ants which are called 'dutchmen,' whose sting is so sharp that it becomes unendurable;" and he relates that this creature was used by a dominican missionary as a new penance. [48] cf. account of these superstitions as still believed in batangas, in census of philippines, i, pp. 520, 521. [49] agde (latin, "agatha") a city in southeastern france, was anciently the seat of a bishopric suffragan to narbonne; it was suppressed in 1790. the council here referred to was held in the year 506, "in the time and with the authorization of alaric, king of the visigoths in spain, although he was an arian." (chevin's dictionnaire de noms de lieux, p. 5.) [50] antonio léon was born in 1702, in the province of alicante, and made profession in the augustinian convent at salamanca at the age of sixteen. he came in the mission of 1724, and spent the rest of his life mainly in the missions of pampanga, in which he died (1766). his younger brother pablo came (being then a novice) to the islands at the same time; he was missionary in puncán (1731) and santor (1732) and died in 1733. manuel calvo was born in almagro in 1704, and when sixteen years old entered the augustinian order at toledo. he came to manila with the foregoing brothers, and labored in pampanga missions; he died at ayárat in 1758. francisco alvárez was a native of oviedo province in spain, and made profession at madrid in 1727, at the age of twenty-two; he came to the islands in the mission of 1732. he also labored in the pampanga missions, and died at manila in 1769. (pérez's catálogo.) [51] "in the mountains [of iloilo] there are many indians whom they call mundos; they should be called vagamundos [english, "vagabonds"], but the indians bite off half from castilian words when they are somewhat long. these mundos are descendants of the christians who, not being able to remain in the villages on account of their delinquencies, have fled to the mountains. they are not unwilling to become christians, provided the fathers will go to their hamlets to live; but as this is impossible, on account of those places being inaccessible to civilized people, they continue in their infidelity. some come down to the villages, and in their places others escape [to them] who commit new crimes; and [thus] this caste of people is continually maintained, notwithstanding the efforts that have been made to reduce them. the indians trade with them, and give them rice and cloth in exchange for the wax and pitch which they bring down from the hills; and, in order not to lose this advantage, the indians have been opposed to the reduction of the mundos to a civilized and christian mode of life." (zuñiga, estadismo, ii, pp. 93-94.) [52] loberos (from lobo, "wolf"): dominguez calls it a synonym of espantanublados ("scare clouds"), an epithet of "the vagabond who, wearing long garments, goes through the hamlets begging from door to door; and the country folk believe that he has power over the clouds" (diccionario of the academy). [53] félix de rioja y zúñiga was born at cadiz in 1691, of a noble family, and made his profession there at the age of seventeen, renouncing an inherited title. he came to the islands in 1712, and seven years later was sent to the bataan mission. he was sent to guimbal (1722) and bugason in 1728; in the latter place he was murdered in june, 1734. [54] carib: the name of the indian race who inhabited the antilles and adjacent coasts when the new world was discovered; also applied in general to fierce (and especially to cannibal) savages. [55] cf. matilda c. stevenson's account of a ceremony employed at childbirth by the sia indians of new mexico, in which an ear of corn (which among them is the emblem of life) is passed up and down the body of the mother, accompanied with prayers to one of their divinities, to secure a safe and easy delivery. (report of u. s. bureau of ethnology, 1889-90, pp. 134-141.) [56] this plant is evidently datura alba (or perhaps in some places d. fastuosa, which has the same properties), commonly called "jimson weed" in the united states; it is called catchúbong or tachibong by the visayans, and in tagálog talamponay. (see official handbook of the philippines, part i, pp. 377, 401; also merrill's dictionary of plant names, p. 142.) [57] it is possible that this plant is euphorbia pilufera, a soporific; it is used, as are many other plants found in the islands, for poisoning fish. [58] fray bernardo ustáriz was born in the archbishopric of zaragoza, and entered the dominican order at calatayud; he came to the philippines with the mission of 1730. in the following year he was minister at binondo, and in 1739 at abucay; with these exceptions he was engaged in high offices of his order--being the head, at various times, of the college of letran and of the university of santo tomás; and twice (1743 and 1755) the provincial of the order. he was afterward appointed bishop of nueva segovia, taking possession of that see in 1761. in the following year the capture of manila by the english occasioned a revolt in ilocos; the efforts of ustáriz to oppose the insurgents were unsuccessful, and drew upon him their resentment. they kept him a prisoner for six months, and were on the point of killing him; but his life was saved by the opportune arrival of a spanish force. he then accompanied the troops through their campaign for the pacification of pangasinan, and the hardships which he underwent therein and in his previous captivity shortened his life; he died at the hospital of san gabriel, near manila, august 2, 1764. (ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, v, pp. 6-9.) [59] father manuel del río thus describes the district of paniqui and its people (retana's archivo, ii, pp. 185-187): "this province of paniqui extends from north to south; and its length, from the last christian village of cagayan, which is itugug, to the last infidel village (but close to the mission of isinay), called bayongbong, is probably two and one-half or three days' journey. its breadth thus far has not been ascertained; but i think that it includes more than fifteen leguas of plains, or level ground, from the mountains of the igorrots to those of the ilongots. these are two ranges of lofty peaks, which intersect this province in the middle, and likewise others in the center of this island; and in these mountains dwell these two and other barbarous tribes, whom hitherto it has been impossible to conquer, on account of the inaccessible character of the mountains. the land of this province of paniqui is quite level, and good for cultivation. the villages are numerous, although not very large; for on the shores of the maga river alone, which flows through the length of that province from south to north, are counted eighteen villages, including both large and small ones. the people of that tribe are distinct from those adjacent to them, and have a different language from the others. the men are accustomed from childhood to file their upper teeth into points, which often causes them to decay; and the teeth, after being dyed a sort of dark blue, are adorned (when the person is a chief) with small golden pegs. for persons of rank, it is considered very unsightly to have white teeth. they also pierce their ears, as women do; and some cleave them through. these people are barbarians in their customs, without any kind of civilization or government; and they pay respect only to some chiefs, who have acquired a reputation as such by their valorous deeds. they are not idolaters, nor are they given to religion or to worship; they have only some superstitions regarding the songs of birds, and similar things, founded on oracles which are given to them by the demon, through the agency of their aniteras, or priestesses. these women, through a compact which they have with the demon, after taking a certain potion are possessed by that same demon; and through their mouths this enemy is able to declare his will to those wretched people. at other times, the demon speaks to them in his own person, in an aerial body; but never, or very seldom, does he allow himself to be seen by those who hear him. through the counsel of this chief enemy of the human race, those heathen are wont to buy indians from other provinces, in order to offer them in sacrifice, by killing them, to the demon. of this class must have been a little boy four years old, apparently an igorrot, who was seen by the said father commissary, fray diego de la torre. those infidels were buying the child, to kill him; and the father, not having with him any forces for preventing this, could only obtain from them that they should bring the child to him for baptism before the sacrifice. god chose that the bargain should not be settled, and that the father should buy the child for some trinkets and beads, which those people value; and accordingly he brought the lad to cagayan, snatching him from the teeth and claws of the infernal wolf. the said father encountered among those infidels, another boy, about seven years old, who was white and ruddy, like a european--a very singular thing among people so swarthy as they. his mother had had other children, but dark, like herself; and she says that when she was pregnant with this boy she dreamed that they commanded her to give him the name of adàn [i.e., adam], and therefore did so, calling the boy adàn. they regarded him as a little idol; and therefore, although the father urged them several times to give him the child, he was unable to obtain it." [60] see earlier accounts of these dominican missions in central luzón, in vol. xxxvii, pp. 98-101; and in vol. xliii, salazar's history, book i, chap. xxxiii, and book ii, chaps. ii, xi, xxii, xxxv, xlix. cf. ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, passim, for detailed accounts from the beginnings of those missions down to 1830. [61] in retana's printed text this word appears, by some error, as montes, when the context plainly indicates islas. [62] see account of this project, the explorations made for it, and its successful accomplishment, in ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, iv, pp. 367-382. [63] carajay is, according to vidal y soler (viajes de jagor, p. 138), an earthenware jar, used for cooking by the bicol natives in camarines. [64] according to an official report sent to the king in july, 1752, the dominican province of santisimo rosario had then only 83 religious, who were in charge of 219,459 souls. besides the missions of china and tun-kin, the province conducted in the filipinas islands seven missions in cagayan, two in pangasinan, six in ituy, one in cauayan, and eight in paniqui; and one in the mountains of oriong, in bataan. "in all these missions, or villages of new converts, there were reckoned 8,917 christians, with many catechumens who were being prepared to receive the holy sacrament of baptism. this number is not included in the general administration of the province previously mentioned. some of these villages or missions were committed to religious appointed as vicars in other and older villages, to which the former were added, and considered as visitas or annexes--especially in cagayan, where there has not been any religious with only the title of missionary. the number of souls who are today in charge of the province in the islands of luzon and batanes, according to the general report of 1870, is 560,911." (ferrando, hist. pp. dominicos, iv, pp. 560, 561.) [65] the fiscal arroyo declared that he had been imprisoned in order that he might not prosecute claims against the following persons in their approaching residencias: governor valdés tamón, for the enormous sums which the royal treasury had lost during his government, which amounted to a million and a half pesos; the marqués de las salinas and the marqués de monte-castro, confederates of the same señor valdés, for having appropriated from the royal treasury and from the public two and one-half million pesos; and don domingo de otero vermudez, [who had taken] more than two hundred thousand. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, p. 95.) [66] see enumeration of these funds in the historical sketch of the misericordia, in vol. xlvii. [67] it is thus stated by concepción (hist. de philipinas, xi, p. 280): "with the pretext that the fathers of the society [of jesus] had usurped from them cultivated lands, and the untilled lands on the hills, on which they kept enormous herds of horned cattle--for which reason, and because the jesuits said that these were their own property, they would not allow the natives to supply themselves with wood, rattans, and bamboos, unless they paid fixed prices--the indians committed shocking acts of hostility on the ranches of lian and nasugbu, killing and plundering the tenants of those lands, with many other ravages. nor did they respect the houses of the [jesuit] fathers, but attacked and plundered them, and partly burned them, as well as many other buildings independent of these." all was plundering, rapine, destruction, and debauchery; the natives also rebelled against the exactions from them of tribute and personal services. "the contagion spread to the village of taal, and more than sparks were discovered in other places, although efforts were made to conceal the fire." the alcalde-mayor and the jesuits tried at first to pacify the indians, urging them to wait for the official visit of auditor calderon; but they could do nothing, the natives being rendered only more daring by this attempt. troops were then sent from manila against them; in the battle mentioned in our text several were wounded, among them the commanding officer, sargento-mayor juan gonzalez de el pulgar; but he succeeded in routing the enemy. the chief of the insurgents, one matienza, took refuge in a church, but was captured and disarmed therein. reënforcements were sent from manila, and the rebellion was soon quelled. the leaders of the rebellion were punished in various ways, according to their prominence or influence; some were shot, others sent into exile or to the galleys; and amnesty was granted to the insurgents who would lay down their arms and renew their acknowledgment of vassalage. to this may be added the following statements by calderon himself: "by commission of this royal audiencia, i went to a village outside the walls of this capital, to take measures for the completion of a small bridge, which was being hindered by some dispute, and to pay to master alarífe 250 pesos which had been offered to him for its construction. i proceeded to make inquiries regarding the lands and revenues belonging to the village; and i found that all the surrounding estates (on which the people were working) belonged to a certain [f., for fulano] ecclesiastic, the indians and mestizos paying him rent not only for these, but for the land occupied by their cabins, at the rate of three pesos a year for the married man, and one and one-half pesos for the widow or the unmarried man. and as it seemed to me that the person who, according to what was evident to my own eyes, was collecting about 30 pesos of land-rent, independently of the estates and houses belonging to him, was the one who rightfully ought to bear the cost of the little bridge, i announced that this cost should be collected from the persons who were owing rents for the lands. receipts therefor were to be given to them, and orders were issued to the royal judges before whom such cases come first, that they must, if the laymen who make these payments should be accused before them, give the latter credit for these receipts; nor in all this brief summary, and in the measures that i took, would i notice the ecclesiastic who called himself the owner of all." "in regard to the representations of the convenience for the indian who has built his hut in the grain-field, i believe that it is quite the contrary, and that it would be more expedient for him and for the commonwealth that he should not be allowed to build it there, or that he be obliged to change his dwelling, for those huts generally serve as refuge for persons bent on mischief; besides, as the indian thus has no watchful neighbor to inform the religious minister of his doings, and no alcalde, he lives in too much freedom. but, granted that all this comes to an end, what right has the owner of the land to more than the rent from him who occupies it? and if with his pilapis, or pathway, and his house he occupies no more than 50 brazas--for which he has to pay the same as if he had rented a cabalita, which is a thousand brazas--and if he must pay the same rent, then lease to him the cabalita, including therein the house and pilapis; and with this the indian will have land for planting his young trees, and for making some planting of grain." these items are cited from a pamphlet issued (manila, 1739) by the auditor pedro calderón henríquez, entitled: discvrso ivridico, en qve se defiende la real iurisdiccion, y se hace demonstracion de la injusticia, que contiene el contrato de arrendamiento de solares en estas islas; in it he "laments the great amount that the filipinos were paying to the ecclesiastical power." this seems to have brought out a reply defending the ecclesiastics, apología por la immvnidad ecclesiastica, y por la licitvd de terrazgos, o alqvileres de tierras segvn la forma, estilo de algvnas estancias de estas islas philipinas (manila, 1739); it is significant that this was published from the jesuit printing-house, and the auditor's pamphlet from the college of santo tomás. regarding both these, see vindel's catálogo bibl. filipina, nos. 1807, 1808; therein is cited the following paragraph from the apología: "48. in the cultivated estates or farms which the society of jesus possesses in these islands, the tenants pay nothing for the house-lot which they occupy, with the little garden which their houses are wont to have in addition; but they pay only for the other land which they cultivate. there is, moreover, an order from the superiors that no person shall be allowed on those farms unless he has the charge of some grain-field--and rightly so, since this is the purpose for which admission to the estates is granted to any one; although this does not prevent entire justice being shown to the old men, widows, and other people who are legitimately disabled, by allowing them to remain, as they do, in their houses without paying anything for these and without cultivating a field. therefore, there is evident falsehood in what is said by a certain [n., used when name is not to be mentioned] author, at the beginning of no. 3, art. 2, in speaking of these estates of the society--that is, that the tenants pay for the land which they cultivate and for the ground under the houses which they occupy. in santa cruz the same observance was in use at the beginning, and it still is followed among the tenants who work on the lands of mayhaligue adjoining the said village of santa cruz, and have their houses in the grain-fields. but as in course of time the sangley mestizos increased in numbers, and devoted themselves to other occupations--painters, gilders, and silver-smiths, etc., which trades they now exercise with dexterity--and many households were formed, up to the number of about three hundred and eighty, which they now reach, it became necessary to yield to their importunities; and for this college of san ignacio at manila to condemn the splendid orchards which it possessed there, and permit the said mestizos to establish therein their dwellings. and, as it is not right that the said college should suffer the heavy damage of losing the said orchards, which had cost it many thousands of pesos, ..." [68] concepción says (hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 278-280) that some investigation of this report was made before torre's death, and seven of the wealthiest chinese were arrested, "as being those most liable to suspicion in the proposed disturbance." these men were kept in prison for six months, the investigations being continued by arrechedera and indicating that the "plot" was but a malicious fabrication, intended to harass torre and thus cause his death. finally, the governor, in view of their long imprisonment and the failure to prove any charges against them, released the chinese prisoners, "under precautions and securities." one of the prisoners proved, by a note from the warden of the court prison, that the latter "had received the chinaman as a prisoner, without being told from whom or by whose order." the further precaution was taken of sending back to china, in the champans that went that year, "no small number of chinese, of those who were known to be strollers and without employment." concepción states that torre's government was rendered odious largely by a certain man in manila, "who, on account of his rank and wealth, ambitiously lorded it over the community, causing its government to be subject to his pleasure, and did all that he could to cast infamy on the governor." [69] in these ships came the royal situado for the current year (1747), and 30,000 pesos on account of the arrearages due; moreover, the returns from the cargo of the previous year were unusually large, owing to successful sales at acapulco. the vessels halted at the port of sisiran, where the silver was disembarked, being sent overland to manila; this was done through fear lest they might be attacked by enemies at the embocadero. the galleon "rosario" was sent with a cargo for acapulco, but was driven back by contrary winds, because it was poorly constructed and difficult to manage. this placed the royal treasury again in great straits, because the situados were in arrears for six remittances; arrechedera appealed to the citizens and the clergy, who responded liberally--especially the archbishop and his chapter; "the society of jesus alone furnished 11,000 pesos--the royal promise being pledged for payment; and the obras pías also contributed to the common cause with their reserve funds." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xii, pp. 36-38.) [70] his family name was martinez de arizala; at this time he was fifty-two years of age. he was a member of the audiencia of quito in peru (now in ecuador) for seventeen years, and had been entrusted with various important commissions by the king. [71] probably on account of his being a dominican, the chinese in and near manila being mostly in charge of that order in matters of religion. [72] a full account of this revolt and its cause and progress may be found in concepción's hist. de philipinas, xiv, pp. 79-107; and of its punishment by lechuga, in xi, pp. 40-43. in writing the latter volume, he had not any adequate information regarding the causes of the rebellion; but later he obtained a detailed account of this from the recollect fathers in bohol who took charge of the natives after the expulsion of the jesuits in 1768. according to them, the immediate occasion of the revolt was the arbitrary conduct of the jesuit, father morales, who was, in 1744, in charge of the district of inabangan. he sent out a native constable to arrest a renegade indian, but the latter slew the constable, whose brother, francisco dagóhoy, obtained the corpse, and carried it into his village. morales refused to bury it in consecrated ground, and it lay for three days unburied and rotting. angered at this arbitrary and harsh treatment, especially as morales had been the cause of the constable's death, dagóhoy swore vengeance on the jesuit, and persuaded the natives of his district to join him therein; 3,000 of them followed him, abandoning their homes and fortifying an inaccessible retreat in the mountains. on their way they plundered a large and valuable estate in that vicinity, named san xavier, belonging to the jesuits, which was well stocked with cows, carabaos, horses, and other animals. soon afterward, dagóhoy bribed an indian to kill the jesuit minister of hagna, father lamberti; and afterward morales was also assassinated by natives. the insurgents were numerously recruited through various acts of injustice and tyranny by the spaniards, and the rebellion was assuming dangerous proportions. bishop espeleta of cebú endeavored to persuade the insurgents to return to their allegiance, and offered them secular priests instead of the jesuits; but they took this for timidity on the part of the government, and became only more emboldened. twenty years later, recollect missionaries were sent to bohol in place of the expelled jesuits, and in the district of baclayon was stationed fray pedro de santa barbara; he laid plans for reclaiming and reconciling the insurgents, and was partially successful; dagóhoy and several other datos "returned to god and to the church" with their followers, several hundred being baptized and making then confessions. nevertheless, they did not go much further, and although bishop espeleta endeavored in person to secure their christian administration, "he could not secure from dagóhoy any more than that he would build a church, in order to comply with his christian obligations; but, as he was attracted by the lawless life which he had led during so many years, and by the gratification of being obeyed, the undertaking was delayed until the present time. nothing was done save to erect the foundation posts, which had to serve for the present church." this last volume of concepción's was published in 1792, and his later information was obtained probably in 1789, in which year he wrote this account. (espeleta's last remonstrance with dagóhoy was made, as stated by our writer, "in the year sixty-two;" but the context would indicate that it occurred after the labors of the recollects began, and therefore the date is more probably "seventy-two," the word sesenta being printed for setenta, by one of the typographical errors so frequent in conception's pages.) fray pedro de santa barbara was so delighted at his first success that he persuaded the civil authorities to withdraw the troops from most of the bohol stations, and to publish a general amnesty (this was not later than 1770); but the result was, that the insurgent chiefs would not allow any of their followers to leave their strongholds under pain of death, and continued their habits of raids on their neighbors, plundering, and murder. concepción expresses indignant surprise that this rebellion had been allowed to go long unpunished, with so great loss and injury to the peaceable part of the population. [73] these ambassadors were: for mindanao, father francisco isasi, rector of the jesuit college at zamboanga, and the sargento-mayor there, don thomas de arrevillaga. for joló, isasi was also designated; but on his return from tamontaca his health was so broken that in his place was appointed father sebastian ignacio de arcada, then in charge of the district of siocon; he went thither accompanied by arrevillaga, having been sent by juan gonzalez de el pulgar, then governor of zamboanga. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xii, pp. 75-106.) [74] the missionaries appointed to the mindanao mission were the jesuits juan moreno and sebastian arcada; but the latter was ill at the time, and died soon afterward; in his place was substituted ignacio malaga. see account of their mission in concepción, xii, pp. 110-112, 138-141. those who went to joló were juan ang[e]les and patricio de el barrio; they left zamboanga on june 3, 1748, in company with alimudin. for account of their mission, see concepción, xii, pp. 114-138; he cites a diary and letters written by father angeles, and the report of commandant pulgar. he blames the jesuits (pp. 146, 147) for misrepresenting the moro sultans to the governor, and pulgar (as being under their influence) for an unnecessarily hostile attitude toward the moros. [75] concepción states (xii, p. 134) that alimudin was so infatuated for one of his concubines that he neglected his duties of government; and that his brother bantilan bribed a man to assassinate the sultan, giving him six slaves and a thousand pesos. [76] ferrando speaks (hist. pp. dominicos, iv, p. 535) of "this sedition, actual or feigned (but on this point history has not made its final utterance)." [77] forrest says (voyage, p. 334) of alimudin's visit to samboangan: "he bought goods from don zacharias the governor, giving the don his own price, made presents to the officers of the garrison, and lost his money to them, as if accidentally, by gaming with dice. still resolved to ingratiate himself with the governor, the sultan wanted to make him a present of forty male slaves, whom he had drest in rich liveries on the occasion. many of them were natives of papua or new guinea. zacharias refused the presents, suspecting the sultan of some design. the sultan then asked leave to go to manila. he went thither, and said to the archbishop, 'i will turn christian, let the spaniards take sooloo, send the stubborn datoos to samboangan; make me king there, i then will oblige every one to embrace your religion.' the spaniards listened to him, and he returned to samboangan with an armada." [78] see letter of the jesuit masvesi regarding this visit of the joloan ruler, in vol. xlvii, pp. 243-250; also account of it (1750), ascribed to arrechedera, in retana's archivo, i, no. v. [79] ferrando says (iv, pp. 538, 539) that arrechedera sent the sultan to binalatongan (in pangasinan) for baptism; but that alimudin was taken ill at paniqui, on his journey, and it was therefore decided to baptize him there. [80] this catastrophe, one of the most ruinous of its kind ever known, occurred on october 28, 1746; lima was wrecked by the earthquake, and callao destroyed by a tidal wave--in lima, over 1,100 persons perished, and in callao 4,600. a detailed account of this event was published at lima by order of the viceroy, marqués de villa garcia, an english translation of which appeared in london (the second edition in 1748); and other accounts were published in lima and mexico. [81] see account of this controversy, the wretched condition in which the royal ships and galleys were found to be, and the loss of the "pilar," in concepción's historia, xii, pp. 183-211; cf. montero y vidal, hist. de piratería, i, p. 291, note. the vessel known by the names of "rosarito" and "philipino," which "had cost the royal treasury 60,666 pesos, had remained more than four years abandoned to the sun and rain, without any care;" and it was now valued at 18,000 pesos, a sum which, after more thorough examination of the rotting timbers, was reduced to 7,500. the spanish government had ordered that six ships be at once constructed to proceed against the moro pirates; and it was therefore necessary to hasten this work, without waiting for "red tape," hence nebra's informal appointment. the "pilar" was not a fragata, but a large ship; it sailed in june or july, 1750; its repairing and cleaning was so hastily done that the vessel began to leak before it left the luzón coast. the commander, ignacio martinez de faura, was notified of this, and that it was unsafe for the vessel to proceed into the open sea; he answered, "to purgatory, or to acapulco!" in the following october, pieces of wreckage were picked up on the eastern coasts of luzón, which were identified as belonging to the "pilar." [82] "the secretary of the government, who, protected in that quarter by the person who ought to have condemned his acts, pushed forward his designs and finally effected his purpose" (ferrando, iv, p. 548). [83] "this [dominican] province had already (in 1745) reported to his majesty that the beaterio of santa cathalina was maintained in the form of observance provided by the royal decrees of february 17, 1716 and september 10, 1732; that it contained the fifteen religious which it ought to have according to the arrangements of its founder; that they observed the three vows of religious, according to the enactment of st. pius v, issued on 28 [sic] in 1566; and that, although there had never been the slightest question raised on this point, some uncertainties were beginning to present themselves regarding the nature of their vows, and even whether dispensation from these could be granted by the archbishop of manila." accordingly, the dominicans requested the royal decision on these matters; the king therefore decreed (june 20, 1747) that a committee formed of the governor, the archbishop, and the dominican provincial, should carefully examine into the best method of carrying out the previous decrees. they did so, and, when their deliberations were laid before the royal fiscal, he demanded that the vows taken by these beatas be declared opposed to his majesty's will. sister cecilia, as soon as she was placed in santa potenciana, divested herself of the religious habit, claiming that her profession was null--a claim which was irregular, "because the five years had already passed which the laws and justice allow for proceedings of this sort." when the papal delegate disallowed the appeal of the dominicans from the archbishop's attempted control of this case, they appealed to the audiencia for protection from the fuerza exerted by the latter; but that court declined to interfere, saying that there was no fuerza committed. the archbishop then pronounced a definitive sentence in favor of cecilia, and set her at liberty; she then married figueroa, and they went to nueva españa. the spanish government took no further notice of her case, save to refuse to the dominicans permission to lay it before the holy see. (ferrando, iv, pp. 548-551) [84] this was don protasio cavezas. [85] a minute account of this episode is found in concepción's historia, xii, pp. 212-230. the lady's name was cecilia ita y salazar. she had been educated in the beaterio from childhood, and had been a professed religious for sixteen years. [86] "the royal decree issued in 1762 in consequence of the notorious litigation of mother cecilia did not decide that the beaterio should be extinguished, but only that new religious should not be admitted until those then living, who numbered nearly thirty, should be reduced to fifteen religious of the choir, in conformity with the provisions of its foundation," "and that the number of the fifteen beatas should be kept up, according to vacancies that might occur." (ferrando, v, p. 151). [87] "the seizure of these champans was afterward the cause of a clamorous lawsuit incited by various officers against the master-of-camp abad, accusing him of having kept for himself the best part [of the goods seized]. it was also proved that he employed the vessels of the royal navy in his mercantile speculations; this evil was very general in that period, and to it must be attributed, in large part, the scanty results of most of the expeditions against the mahometan malays of southern filipinas." (montero y vidal, hist. de piratería, i, p. 294.) another chinese champan was seized by the spaniards, apparently not long afterward, near malandi; it was laden with goods for trade in mindanao, which included a number of guns and other weapons, with ammunition. these were confiscated by the spaniards, an act which was greatly resented by jampsa, the sultan of tamontaca, who therefore abandoned the spanish alliance and sided with the hostile moros. (concepción, xiii, pp. 1-5.) [88] this proceeding took place at midnight on august 3, and the number arrested was 217 persons: these included alimudin's four sons, his brother and sister, four of his daughters, five brothers-in-law, a son-in-law; a mahometan jaddí ("the second rank in that sect, equivalent to a bishop") and five panditas; also two prominent chiefs, one hundred and sixty of the sultan's vassals, and thirty-two concubines and female servants. (montero y vidal, hist. de piratería, i, p. 298.) cf. concepción, xii, pp. 288, 289. [89] alimudin and his household arrived as prisoners at manila in september, 1751. soon afterward the manila government declared war, with fire and sword, against the joloans and all those moro peoples who aided them; permitting the enslavement of all who should be captured, whether men, women or children; and giving all their property and possessions to their captors, free from all royal dues or imposts. see copy of this proclamation in montero y vidal's hist. de piratería, appendix, pp. 29-31. concepción (xii, p. 344) regards this declaration of war as unjust; he adds that the joloan captive princes, whose arrest was incited by ambition and greed, were so unfortunate as to lose their protector, bishop arrechedera, by death (november 12, 1751). in the same month died also bishop arevalo, of nueva caceres. [90] here, as most often elsewhere, "captives" are synonymous with "slaves." montero y vidal (hist. de piratería, i, p. 299) protests against this permission to enslave the moros, as being contrary to the provisions of the laws of the indias, which forbid slavery in philipinas. [91] concepción says (xii, pp. 345-352) that the master-of-camp in command of the fleet (who was antonio ramón de abad y monterde) was undecided whether to attack joló, but was persuaded to do so by the jesuits, who told him that the very sight of the spanish squadron would ensure the surrender of the joloans. the attack was made at the beginning of june, 1752, and was unsuccessful; abad was angry at the jesuits, who had led him into this difficulty, and quarreled with them. they retorted by accusing him to the governor, of conduct (in modern phrase) "unworthy of an officer and a gentleman"--that is, of neglect of official duty, mismanagement of the campaign, unnecessary sacrifice of his men's lives, and licentious behavior at zamboanga. this was believed, until abad was reported much more favorably by other officers of his fleet. see full account of his residencia (ut supra, xiii, pp. 36-85), in which he was acquitted from the charges made against him, but sentenced to pay the costs of the residencia. [92] these hostilities broke out in 1752, and for several years scourged the unfortunate visayans. concepción records many of these attacks in considerable detail (hist. de philipinas, xiii, pp. 5-36); the missions of the recollects, as also those of the jesuits in mindanao (except those under the shelter of the fort at zamboanga) were the frontier outposts most exposed to the pirates, and it is these missions that concepción chiefly mentions. the fort at iligan, mindanao, was besieged by two thousand moros for two months; but a spanish fleet was sent from cebú, which obliged the enemy to raise the siege, after a great loss of men. this defense was conducted by the jesuit in charge there, father josé ducós, whose father had been an officer in the spanish army; and this same priest rendered valiant service in other moro raids in that region. tagoloan and yponan, in the province of cagayan, mindanao were besieged by the moros; but the mountain indians were called down to their aid by the jesuit missionaries, and compelled the enemy to retreat. in caraga, surigao was attacked, and the christian inhabitants, with their two recollect missionaries, were compelled to take flight and seek refuge in the mountains; they were hunted there for weeks by the enemy--one of the priests being finally captured and taken to lanao--all this time, enduring terrible hardships and suffering, which caused the other (fray roque de santa monica) to become hopelessly insane; he was afterward brought to manila, but died there in a demented condition. "the district of surigao, rich through its famous gold-mines, and now in most wretched condition," was devastated and ruined. the enemy did the same in the island of siargao, where the recollect missionary, fray joseph de la virgen de el niño perdido, was slain while endeavoring to lead his followers against the pirates. nearly all the population--of surigao, more than 2,000 souls; of siargao, more than 1,600--were either slain or carried away captive. the district of butuan was laid waste and some two hundred captives seized; the little military post at linao, up the river, alone escaped, mainly through the difficulty of ascending the stream. the moros attacked the island of camiguin, which was so bravely defended by its natives that the pirates were repulsed--especially by "one of the villages, which consisted of people of moro origin from the lake of malanao, from which they had withdrawn on account of domestic dissensions, and settled in this island. they are of excellent disposition, very good christians, courageous, and have an irreconcilable hatred for those enemies." here they were led by their recollect priest, fray marcelinc de el espiritu santo, "a robust native of la mancha," who with them fought so valiantly that the enemy could not make a landing. romblon had so good a fort that it could repel the foe; ticao was so poorly defended that the people, with their missionary, fray manuel de santa cathalina, could only take to flight--the priest being afterward captured, and finally ransomed for eight hundred pesos. in several places the missionaries were either slain or captured by the pirates; and these raids were extended, the boldness of the enemy increasing, even to the coasts of luzón, in batangas and zambales. the government took what precautions it could, but these amounted to little save in the vicinity of manila, cebú, and zamboanga; military and naval forces, and supplies of all sorts, were deficient, and there was much official apathy and corruption. [93] "this unfortunate attempt cost the treasury 36,976 pesos, and a galley that was seized by the moros" (montero y vidal, hist. de piratería, i, p. 301). [94] "in manila the indignation against the disloyal ali-mudin knew no bounds. all clamored for the punishment of so ignoble a race, sorrowfully recalling the fact that the amount expended in courting him and in the expenses of his sojourn there was more than 20,000 pesos, without counting the 6,000 pesos and the military supplies sent to establish the jesuits in joló" (ut supra, p. 299). later, the authorities at manila hardly knew what to do with alimudin; he would probably have been put to death, but it was feared that the moros would retaliate by slaughtering their christian captives, who numbered some 10,000. fatima procured the return (in the summer of 1753) of fifty-one christian captives, and negotiations were made for peace between manila and joló; and in june, 1754, bantilan surrendered sixty-eight more captives, and a spanish galley and champan. faveau, who had carried on a brilliant campaign against the pirates with his little squadron, made a favorable report to the governor of the good intentions of both bantilan and alimudin; and stated that the return of the latter to joló was desired by his subjects, and that bantilan was willing to resign in his favor. arandía sent most of the joloan prisoners back to that island, retaining the sultan and his eldest son as hostages until the full accomplishment of the treaty; they remained there until the capture of the city by the english (1762), who afterward restored them to joló (see vol. xlix). ferrando (iv, pp. 541-543) considers that alimudin was unjustly suspected and ill-treated, and defends him from accusations of disloyalty to the spaniards and to the christian religion. [95] "the sultanship in sooloo is hereditary, but the government mixed. about fifteen datoos, who may be called the nobility, make the greater part of the legislature. their title is hereditary to the eldest son, and they sit in council with the sultan. the sultan has two votes in this assembly, and each datoo has one. the heir-apparent (who, when i was there, was datoo alamoodine) if he sides with the sultan, has two votes; but, if against him, only one. there are two representatives of the people, called manteries, like the military tribunes of the romans. the common people of sooloo, called tellimanhood, enjoy much real freedom, owing to the above representation; but the tellimanhood, or vassals of the adjacent islands named tappool, seassee, tawee-tawee, and others, being the estates of particular datoos, are often used in a tyrannical manner by their chiefs. i have been told that their haughty lords visiting their estates, will sometimes with impunity demand and carry off young women, whom they happen to fancy, to swell the number of their sandles (concubines) at sooloo." (forrest, voyage, p. 326.) [96] for detailed accounts of the events here briefly mentioned, the moro wars, the imprisonment of alimudin, the ravages committed in the islands by those pirates, etc., to the end of ovando's government, see concepción's hist. de philipinas, xii, pp. 230-419, and xiii, pp. 1-250. see also the account of the "moro raids repulsed by visayan natives," ante; it is inserted mainly to represent more vividly, in the words of a probable eyewitness, a typical raid by moro pirates on the peaceable christian natives. [97] to this name should be added, "santisteban, echeveria, y alvero" (concepción, xiii, p. 250); he was a knight of the order of calatrava. [98] see concepción, hist. de philipinas, xiii, pp. 250-287, for details of these reforms. [99] see concepción's account of this eruption (xiii, pp. 345-350); it lasted from september to december, 1754 and was accompanied by severe earthquakes, one of which lasted half an hour. [100] ignacio maría de alava, "commander-in-chief of the naval forces in asiatic waters," was a personal friend of zúñiga, to whom the latter dedicated his historia. in a preliminary notice to his estadismo (p. 3 of retana's ed.) he says that alava desired to become acquainted with the philippines from various points of view, and invited the priest to accompany him therein. alava arrived at manila on december 25, 1796, and remained in the islands until january 7, 1803; he reorganized the naval forces and the arsenal at cavite, with much energy and ability, but had various controversies with governor aguilar. afterward he held important posts in the spanish naval administration, and died on may 26, 1815. see retana's note concerning him (ut supra, ii, p. *562), and montero y vidal's hist. de philipinas, ii, pp. 345-359. [101] the exploits of this militant jesuit are described by concepción, in hist. de philipinas, xiii, pp. 148-168, 178-188, 296-319. [102] the name given her in baptism was rita calderón; the marriage occurred on april 27, 1755. see concepción, xiii, pp. 333, 334. [103] "the people of magindano, and their neighbours, known commonly by the name of oran illanon, as living near the great lano, are very piratically inclined. neither can the sultan of magindano restrain his subjects from fitting out vessels, which go among the philippines, to mangaio, that is, cruise against the spaniards: much less can be restrained the illanos, being under a government more aristocratic; for, on the banks of the lano, are no fewer than seventeen, stiled rajahs, and sixteen who take the title of sultan, besides those on the coast. when the spanish envoy sailed from magindano for samboangan, rajah moodo sent a vessel, as has been said, to convoy him across the illano bay. this is a proof the spaniards are not on good terms with the illanos. these, within ten years before 1775, have done much mischief to the spaniards, among the islands called babuyan, at the north extremity of the philippines; and, at this time, they possess an island in the very heart of the philippines, called burias, where has been a colony of illanos, for many years, men, women, and children. the spaniards have often attempted to dislodge them; but in vain: the island, which is not very large, being environed with rocks and shoals to a considerable distance." (forrest, voyage to new guinea, pp. 301, 302.) [104] fray mateo gonzález founded this mission to the batanes. he made his profession in 1667, and came to manila four years later, being then twenty-seven years old. he was sent to the cagayán missions, and was stationed in the babuyanes islands during 1673-84 (save in 1677-80, at lallo-c). in 1686 he made a visit to the batanes, where he was well received; they contained over 3,000 souls. leaving his companion there to study the language, he went to manila to secure support for his new mission, to which he returned with fray juan rois; but hardly two months passed before the unhealthful climate and many privations brought mortal illness on them. gonzález died on july 25, 1688, and rois on august 10, following. with this the batanes mission came to an end until (in 1718) it was revived by fray juan bel. (reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 155-157.) [105] "action was taken in a session of the royal treasury officials on the execution of the orders in a royal despatch which notified this government to establish on the mainland of cagayan the people who were dwelling in the islands of the babuyanes; for this purpose the sum of five thousand, three hundred and ninety-eight pesos was sent from the royal treasury of mexico, definitely allotted to this transportation. the migration was agreed upon, the money was spent, but the only result was the transfer of some families, the greater part of them remaining in their own islands--where, as they were accustomed to that mode of life, they desired no further privileges than their own liberty, even though it be with necessary inconveniences, which they felt little or not at all, being free from the yoke since their youth." (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, p.304.) cf. salazar's sketch of the history of these missions, in chapter xxiii of hist. sant. rosario (in our vol. xliii). see also, for both early and later events therein, ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, iii, pp. 550-588, and iv, pp. 254-258, 330, 582-585. concepción (ut supra) does not mention the date of the royal decree; but ferrando states (iv, p. 423) that it was dated march 14, 1728, and that it granted for this purpose the sum of 3,398 pesos; the "3" may be a typographical error for "5," the amount as given (but spelled out) by concepción. ferrando says that some three hundred families removed to the mainland, but that many more remained in their islands. [106] this is more fully described in the previous document, "later augustinian and dominican missions." [107] see ferrando's hist. pp. dominicos, iv, pp. 576-582. [108] arandia made a census of the christian sangleys in the islands, and found that they numbered 3,413. he established the market here mentioned, that of san fernando, at first intended to be simply a pavilion in which trade might be carried on; the heathen merchants to return immediately to their own country, without going inland from manila or having any dealings with the natives. but, as it was soon apparent that the exigencies of weather and trade required larger and more permanent quarters, arandía had a plan made for the necessary dwellings and storehouses, by a recollect lay brother who was an excellent architect (whom the governor had appointed superintendent of royal works); and a contract for building it was made, at a cost of 48,000 pesos. half of this amount was contributed by a citizen of manila, fernando de mier y noriega, the other half being supplied from the royal treasury; as a reward for this service, he was made warden of the new market, an office carrying a salary of fifty pesos a month, and passing to his children and descendants. (concepción, xiii, pp. 357-360.) the king, however, restricted this privilege to mier's life. [109] see concepción's account of this enterprise (xiv, pp. 167-171). the amount of capital raised was 76,500 pesos, in shares of 500 each; with this, the company began to buy goods (ropas) to supply the public necessities, and sold these in their own shops, in each of which were two spanish agents, no sangley having anything to do with these shops. it was planned that the company, having bought goods at wholesale--they found that they could purchase thus at sixteen per cent less than they paid for the same goods at retail--should sell at only thirty per cent above the first cost; "of this [gain] eight per cent must be paid to his majesty to make up to the royal treasury the deficiency arising from the loss of the licenses that the infidels had paid; ten per cent went to the shareholders; and the remaining twelve per cent was kept for the payment of salaries, and for a public fund for the promotion of the industries and products of the country." their capital was found insufficient to make their purchases; indeed, this lack had always been felt when the sangleys conducted the trade, but their industry had supplied it; the directors therefore applied to the misericordia and other administrators for the loan of the reserve funds held in the obras pías. the latter were at first disposed to aid the company, but later declined to do so, following the advice of certain theologians whom they consulted. the auditor pedro calderon henriquez gave an opinion contrary to this, saying that the obras pías had gained great profits through the voluntary concession and tolerance of the citizens, who ought not to be the only ones to make sacrifices for the public good; and that "in these islands they had winked at the business transactions of the confraternities, which are not carried on in other regions, on account of the convenience which the merchants found in having money ready for investment in their commerce." the governor therefore demanded from the misericordia 100,000 pesos of their reserve funds, and from the third order (of st. francis) 30,000; and with these funds the company was for the time floated. (among the advantages expected from this enterprise were: lower prices than the chinese asked for goods, the same price the year round, the retention of all profits within the country, and the certain support of the twenty-one families belonging to the company's employ.) another great hindrance was found in the general practice of using clipped money in this trade, which caused great losses. this and other difficulties caused the dissolution of the company within the year, and it was unable to do more than save the capital invested therein. [110] ferrando says (iv, pp. 587-591) that arandía cut off from the hospital of san gabriel 800 pesos, out of the 2,000 which it received from the communal fund of the sangleys, for whose benefit the hospital was founded; and this amount the dominican province was obliged, through motives of humanity, to make good from its own treasury. moreover, he insisted that the augustinian provincial, fray juan facundo meseguer, should reveal to him the private reasons which he had for removing two of his friars from their charges in indian villages. this was in reality an attack on all the religious bodies, who all resolved to make common cause on the governor, and forthwith sent to the king a remonstrance against the governor's proceedings; this checked arandía, who desisted from his demands against meseguer. [111] vindel's catálogo, tomo i (madrid, 1896), p. 94, cites from rezabal y ugarte's escritores de los seis colegios universitarios (madrid, 1805) mention of works left by viana, existing in the archives of the council of indias, among them "ordinances for the government of the indian provinces of filipinas." this, with the hostility which his letters and other writings exhibit toward the religious orders, indicates the possibility that viana had some responsibility for the instructions here mentioned by zúñiga. [112] according to concepción (xiii, pp. 360-366), the tax here referred to was a general one, called "the royal impost," an ad valorem duty levied on all the products of the provinces, brought in the coasting trade to manila; it was established, in view of the depleted condition of the royal treasury, for the maintenance of the royal fleets against the pirates and the defense of the internal commerce of the islands, and was exacted from all persons concerned, without exempting any one, whatever his rank or estate. the dominicans were unwilling to pay this tax on certain commodities which they were sending to their convents in cagayan, alleging that these were not commercial articles, and that they were exempt as a religious body. this was of no avail, and their vessel was seized; but, either through their representations at court or because arandía had not first asked the royal permission for this measure, it was censured by the government and the duty removed. [113] see concepción's full account of this venture (xiv, pp. 208-275). it will be remembered that bustamante had attempted in 1718 to open up commerce with siam (vol. xliv, p. 152); but this was a failure, through the apathy of the spaniards. in the year 1747 a siamese ship came to manila with merchandise, and another four years later; these were well received there, and allowed to sell their goods free from duties. on the second ship came a jesuit, father juan regis aroche, as envoy from the king of siam to establish friendly relations with the manila government; he proposed to ovando to send an expedition to siam to build there a galleon, then needed at manila for the acapulco trade. as the royal treasury had not the funds for this, ovando formed a stock company, with a hundred shares, each of 300 pesos; 30,000 pesos were thus raised (said by the jesuit to be enough to build the ship)--"with the idea that afterward the king [of españa] would vouchsafe to buy it, and the gains would be divided pro rata among the shareholders, whose profits would be considerable even if the ship were sold at the usual and reasonable price." accordingly captain joseph pasarin was sent to siam (march 18, 1752), and made arrangements for the construction of the ship, which was facilitated and aided by the king of that country; labor was there abundant and cheap, yet the cost of the ship was much more than had been planned, and not only was a second remittance made from manila, but the king furnished nearly 13,000 pesos besides. pasarin set out on his voyage to manila with the new ship, but, when in sight of bolinao, a fierce storm drove the spaniards back, and finally compelled them to land in china. they went to macao, refitted their damaged ship (for which a wealthy portuguese lent them, without interest, 20,516 pesos), and set sail for manila on april 28, 1755; storms again drove them from bolinao, and they were compelled to put back to macao, and to remain there five months until the north winds should subside; simon vicente de la rosa again generously aided them with 5,000 pesos. returning their voyage on december 12 of that year, unfavorable winds again attacked them, and they were obliged to make port in batavia. (january 12, 1756). here pasarin fell sick, and on his recovery found that the shipbuilder whom the dutch had detailed to repair the galleon had fled with certain goods which he plundered from it, and twenty-eight of his seamen had deserted; at last he secured a new crew, and reached cavite on july 6, 1756. this galleon was named "nuestra señora de guadalupe," or "la mexicana;" its keel was 120 english feet long, and its capacity was 1,032 toneladas; it was built entirely of teak; the entire cost of vessel, equipment, and construction was 53,370 pesos. the king of spain disapproved the enterprise; and when the accounts of the company were settled, it was found that they were still indebted to the extent of 9,520 pesos. the galleon was sold at public auction for 10,000 pesos. [114] concepción furnishes an interesting account (xiv, pp. 76-79) of the abolition by arandía of the "rotten borough" of cebú. during the term of governor arrechedera, he received a request from juan baraona velazquez, governor and chief magistrate of cebú province, that in view of the lack not only of regidors there but of citizens who could fill that office, the governor should confer it on certain persons named by him, among them two who were the only permanent (spanish) settlers there. nevertheless, affairs soon returned to their former condition: of the five persons thus appointed, one was long detained in manila, and one died; another was deprived of office for harsh treatment of the headman of the sangleys, and still another for failure to perform his duties. "thus, only the regidor espina was left, and in him much was deficient, if he were not actually incapable; for he could not read or write, and his judgment was not very sound." velazquez therefore proposed that these offices be extinguished, and some suitable person be appointed from manila to assist him in ruling the province. nothing came of this, and his successor, joseph romo, applied to arandía for relief, saying that for two years no election of alcalde-in-ordinary had been held, and the office was exercised by the regidor pedro muñoz--the same who had ill-treated the sangley--"of whom alone that municipality was composed;" that the latter had obtained his post only ad interim, and now refused to surrender it to romo. "in view of this report, señor arandía decided that these remnants of the city should be abolished, leaving it with only the name of city, and that it should be ruled by its chief magistrate, as alcalde-mayor of the province; and in this wretched condition was left the first city of this sphere, endowed with privileges by our catholic kings, and worthy of other and greater consideration. its lack of citizens transformed it into so dry a skeleton; and, although this measure was provisional, necessity has made it perpetual." buzeta and bravo say (diccionario, i, p. 555) that since then cebú had been governed by a gobernadorcillo, like any native village; and at the end of that same volume they give a table of the population of cebú province in 1818, which shows that the ancient city of santisimo nombre de jésus contained no pure spaniards, its population of 2,070 souls being all native or chinese except 233 spanish mestizos. its present population, according to the late u. s. census, is 31,079--of whom 793 are natives of china, 131 of america, and 168 of europe. [115] he had witnessed personally at acapulco the careless, disorderly, and even fraudulent manner in which this trade was carried on by the mexican merchants, who contrived to secure the advantage in every way over those of manila. he therefore imposed severe penalties on all who on either side should practice frauds. he also appointed four of the most distinguished of the citizens of manila to register, apportion, and appraise the goods sent thence; but the only result was that these men took the best for themselves, and consulted their own profit; he therefore revoked their commissions and sharply rebuked them. arandía also made many reforms in the management of the acapulco ship, its supplies, and its men, both on the sea and in port. (concepción, xiv, pp. 171-183.) [116] le gentil and marquina are cited by montero y vidal (hist. de filipinas, ii, p. 14) to show that arandia died by poison or other violent means. [117] his full name was manuel antonio rojo del río y vieyra. [118] at this point properly should come the documents which relate the invasion of the islands by the english, their capture of manila, the consequent disturbances in the provinces, etc.; but the great length of this episode, and the desirability of bringing all this material together in one volume, induce us to place it all in vol. xlix, completing this present volume with the noted memorial by the royal fiscal viana, written nearly a year after the evacuation of manila by the english. [119] the title-page of this valuable ms. reads as follows: "demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the philipinas islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce, and the extension and profits of the latter. with reflections, which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal protection, in order to render the spanish monarchy prosperous and glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they are ruining it in both peace and war. by don francisco leandro de viana, a student in the old college of san bartholome el maior of the university of salamanca; former rector of the same college; graduated by the chapter of santa barbara in the aforesaid university; a member of the council of his majesty; and his fiscal in this royal audiencia of manila." it is followed by a letter addressed to the governor of the islands, francisco de la torre, with the date of march 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and serves the double purpose of an introduction to viana's memorial and of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general, as the representative of his majesty. this preface rehearses the needy condition of the islands since the english invasion, entreats the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of spain, and briefly outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. vindel states (catálogo of 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was forbidden by the council of the indias. it is of much importance, not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the english invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of spain, her relations with the rest of europe, and with her colonies, and the national characteristics of her people. the memorial is here presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized, as they have but minor and indirect importance. viana writes with authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot. the university of salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the royal protection of ferdinand the saint, his son alfonso x continuing this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. later kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen salamanca, and it became the greatest educational institution in spain, and one of the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. in 1401 bishop diego de anaya maldonado founded the first college for poor students, which was called the college of san bartolomé, and later "the old college." in 1845 salamanca and all other like institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the government. (ramon ruiz amado, in the new and monumental catholic encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.) [120] "since our entrance into this land, the moorish [i.e., mahometan] following has been greatly increased--not only through the ordinary traffic which the people of macazar carry on in it; but because the santons of meca, proceeding by way of the strait of moca, come to sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring alcorans in arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. a great number of these books were seized in la sabanilla, and i saw them in the hands of sargento-mayor ponce, in the year 1724." (torrubia, dissertacion, pp. 2, 3.) [121] probably referring to the hudson's bay company, although that was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746-47 here mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of william moor and henry ellis in those years, "for discovering a northwest passage"--a discovery for which the english parliament had offered a reward of 20,000 pounds. this expedition, however, was not under the auspices of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated moor and ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity. [122] on maps of north america made in the first half of the eighteenth century may be seen the great mer d'ouest, or "western sea," evidently an exaggeration of puget sound, to which only the entrance had then been discovered. the explorations of martin aguilar were made in january, 1603, in partial conjunction with sebastian vizcaino, who went along the california coast with two spanish vessels, aguilar being in command of one of the ships. bancroft (northeast coast, i, p. 140-148) thinks that aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. the russians (under the lead of vitus bering) made various discoveries on the alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for furs in alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter route, to china, where they carried on a highly profitable trade, although they undersold the english merchants there (bancroft, ut supra, pp. 345, 346). [123] this exploration by fuente and bernarda is regarded by most of the authorities on this subject as being spurious. the account of it first appeared in a london periodical (the monthly miscellany), in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. for more circumstantial description of it, see bancroft's northeast coast, i, pp. 116-119; and winsor's narrative and critical history of america, ii, pp. 462, 463. [124] probably referring to ricard's traité general du commerce, of which a second edition was published at amsterdam in 1705. [125] in spanish text, cabo de hornos, but there is no information available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the dutch explorer's name (as seems more probable), or whether the spaniards used the name hornos (meaning "ovens") through some accidental circumstance or association. the first discovery of cape horn was made by francisco de hoces, one of the ship-captains in loaisa's expedition of 1525, who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first doubled from the east by the dutch commander william cornelisz schouten van hoorn in 1616--accounts of this voyage being written by both van hoorn and his companion lemaire. (winsor, narrative and critical history of america, viii, pp. 384, 409-412.) [126] for the text of extracto historial, see vols. xxx, xliv, and xlv of this series. [127] marginal note by viana.--"don miguel gomes, who plays the engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of fortification. he regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless, and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification [that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent than the present one. one does not need to be very skilful to adapt to the site of manila one of the many plans of fortification that are contained in belidor and other noted authors. the skill of an engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not failing to observe the rules of fortification. one of these rules is, to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison, and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there to defend them; but the said don miguel does not order his scheme by this rule. on the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended, for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it. "on the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways, glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one, and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy--who will not be able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while they are clearing the field from obstructions. "the curtain along the shore of the great pasig river is a weak one, but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will be impregnable on that side. this inundation can be made in various ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars) would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge, and in the estuaries or rivers of binondoc and santa cruz, in order that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of provisions, which always come by water and not by land. the artillery of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit the enemy to approach in order to destroy them. "the curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the fortress or citadel of santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. if to that advantage be added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town could be made equally impregnable on that side--especially if the fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. in this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented by the aforesaid gomes--regarding which i set forth what common sense [la luz natural] dictated to me, in the expediente which was referred to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand workmen can be maintained for a whole year." [128] forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) valentyn to the effect that the mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the dutch to build a fort on their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the privilege; and that the sultan told other dutchmen in 1694 that the same request from the english had been likewise refused, although they offered even more money. valentyn therefore thought that dampier had been misled in his idea that the mindanaos would make a treaty with the english and allow them to settle. [129] a phrase which recalls the well-known order by an american railroad magnate, "charge all that the traffic will bear." [130] the term situado was also applied, among other things, to the increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (see vol. xiv, p. 247, and xvi, p. 160). torrubia explains this clearly in his dissertacion, pp. 95-98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of "the fourths:" "the said father ministers are paid from the 'fourths' of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the increase of the tributes. the present method is, to collect the ten reals, as the ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is called situado. after that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers--to whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers is completed. for this purpose was instituted the royal fund of 'fourths,' which is explained in the recopilacion by ley 14, tit. 3, lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute, which is called the 'fourth' of the eight remaining reals; thus six reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated for the tribute. the destination of the money from the 'fourths' was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not now its use, because, thanks to god, all the tributes in encomiendas are christians. accordingly, with those two reals of the 'fourths' the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops, etc. this is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different." [131] verecus (for biricús): meaning "sword-belts." [132] spanish, pandillas: one of its meanings is, "a party of persons joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief," which is quite equivalent to the americanism "gang." [133] thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but evidently thus written by some oversight; for viana certainly meant to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the mexican impost was twice that which he was proposing to establish in filipinas. [134] on the margin of the ms. is the following note, written in a different hand, probably by some official of the india council, or some friend of viana's: "it was necessary to speak thus in a country of ignorant ecclesiastics." [135] millones: "the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (see vol. xliv, p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years." sisas: "the impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as a nuisance--which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another appellation." (dominguez.) [136] marginal note by viana.--"in the royal audiencia is pending the expediente of the provincial ordinances, in which i have asked for various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government." [137] marginal note by viana.--"in the expediente for the regulation of storehouses i explain what would be proper for checking the abuses that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them." [138] on the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the spanish colonies, see recopilación de leyes de indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and xii declare that the indians shall not be responsible for tithes, but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from the indians as tribute. in the philippines, the crown had from the first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical estate; and tithes were not exacted there. [139] presumably citing the historia of jacques auguste de thou (the elder), originally published in latin at paris, 1604-08, but afterward appearing in many editions and translations. this book was "the history of his own time," covering the period 1543-1607. [140] an east india company formed in denmark sent an expedition in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of tanjour, india, where the danes built tranquebar and fort dannebourg; for a time they carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the dutch crowded them aside in india, and the company finally surrendered its charter and made over its settlements to the government. in 1670 a new company was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and, having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. two years later, another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty years. see raynal's établissemens et commerce des européens dans les indes, i, pp. 548-566. [141] for full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests of the portuguese in the east indies, with accounts of india, china, japan, and of the people of those countries, see raynal's établissemens et commerce des européens dans les indes (genève, 1780), i, pp. 1-150. at the end, he states "the causes which brought on the ruin of the portuguese in india." "this little nation, finding itself the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were consumed in long navigations. she lost also the foundation of all real power--agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. still worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of territory which no nation in europe could preserve without weakening itself. this little country, but moderately populous, was constantly wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists." "as the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of commerce, assumed that of brigandage. clocks and watches, firearms, fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have been carried to the indias were not then at the degree of perfection which they have since attained, and the portuguese could only carry money there. soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from the indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples." "of all the conquests which the portuguese had made in the seas of asia, there now remain to them only macao, part of the island of timor, daman, diu, and goa. at present, macao sends to timor, to siam, and to cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. it sends five or six to goa, laden with goods that were rejected at canton, and most of which belong to the chinese traders. these latter ships carry return cargoes of sandalwood, india saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods, and all the articles for which goa can trade on the coast of malabar or at surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed shallops. as a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more than three or four cargoes a year for europe; and the value of these does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,--excepting its sugar, snuff, pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown." "such is the degraded state into which the portuguese have fallen in india, [that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it, the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. the theater of their glory and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. formerly a viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers, black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression, which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?" [142] the english jurist john selden published (london, 1635) a work that attracted great attention, entitled mare clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo. a later edition (1636) added to this a considerable amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the dutch. the macanaz mentioned by viana in several places was probably melchor rafael de macanaz, a fiscal of castilla early in the eighteenth century (revue hispanique, vi, p. 455). [143] at the foot of the ms. page is written the following comment, in the same hand as that mentioned ante, p. 249, note 130: "the author agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics." [144] spanish, como en un presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape was, of course, practically impossible. [145] in the text, vicias, a word which does not appear (save as a botanical term) in the spanish dictionaries; its translation, therefore, is necessarily conjectural. [146] an alloy of copper and nickel, known as "white copper" and "german silver," and to the chinese as packfong and petong. [147] the dictionnaire universel de commerce of jacques savary des bruslons was published at paris, 1723-30; it had numerous editions, and was translated into english (london, 1751-55). [148] in text, capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries, and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusing capirotes and redingotes. [149] manungal (samadera indica): "the wood is used in making cups which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has certain medicinal properties." (official handbook of the philippines, p. 353.) blanco (who named this tree manungala, but later niota) says that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus; and montero y vidal (archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that "it was as efficacious as peruvian bark in fevers." in the same work (pp. 389, 391) manungal is, apparently by some oversight, identified with the macabuhay (tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according to merrill's dictionary of plant names (p. 76) to lunasia amara. [150] in this connection should be cited the account of the ceylon cinnamon published by forrest in his voyage to new guinea, pp. 338-349; it was "communicated by the chief inspector of the cinnamon trade, and manufacturer in that island, to albertus seba, a noted druggist at amsterdam. translated by the late dr. scheucher; f. r. s." some notes on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by seba, and there is an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector's description. of these but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. some of these varieties are said to yield "camphire" [i.e., camphor]. [151] the map of mindanao made by norton nicols, here reproduced, is accompanied by the following inscription: "the island of mindanao, whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy catholic faith and who, together with the islanders of jolo, cause the horrible ruin, martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his catholic majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood of his faithful vassals, the indians, although as yet fruitlessly. said island is about 150 leguas away from manila, and about 23 from jolo. it lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute, north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. east and west it extends 128 1/3 leguas. its most western point is 127 degrees 17 minutes east of cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree, amounts to 2,555 2/3 leguas. reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes, 8 seconds, so that 12 o'clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes past 8 at night there. [this map is drawn on a scale of 20 spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the size of the original ms. map is 41 × 27 cm.] [152] a parallel case: "before 1744, the philippines had not beheld on their fertile soil the growth of any of our [european] vegetables. at that time, mahé de villebague carried thither seeds of them, and all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later, the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go elsewhere, left his garden to another frenchman, who was settled in these islands. the spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares, with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the roots. fortunately the chinese, who are continually occupied with what can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. by degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial; and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of the colony." (raynal, établissemens et commerce des européens, i, pp. 607, 608.) [153] regarding this company, see vol. xlv, pp. 45-50. [154] in this series the only mention of german trade in the orient has been contained in one or two slight allusions. the following note on this subject is kindly furnished us by asa currier tilton, late of the historical department of the university of wisconsin, and now one of the staff of the wisconsin state historical library. germany and the search for the sea-route to india.--germany was concerned in the explorations of the portuguese and spaniards because of her close commercial relations with those nations. the fuggers, welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and financial relations with spain and portugal, and were thus able to secure the right to participate in the india trade. the first occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505-06, when almeida, the first portuguese viceroy, was sent out. the following works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries, and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources for more detailed information: general works: heyd, geschichte des levantehandels in mittelalter (stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into french, histoire du commerce du levant au moyen-âge (leipzig, 1885-86), 2 vols. peschel, geschichte des zeitalters der entdeckungen (stuttgart and augsburg, 1858). sachse, pennsylvania: the german influence in its settlement and development; part 1, "the fatherland, 1450-1700"--published in proceedings and addresses of the pennsylvania german society, vol. viii (1897). on the fuggers and welsers: ehrenberg, das zeitalter der fugger (jena, 1896), 2 vols. häbler, die geschichte der fuggerschen handlung in spanien (weimar, 1897); and die überseeischen unternehmungen der welser und ihrer gesellschafter (leipzig, 1903). hautzsch, die überseeischen unternehmungen der augsburger welser (leipzig, 1895), a dissertation. tagebuch des lucas rem aus den jahren 1494-1541: beitrag zur handelsgeschichte der stadt augsburg; "mitgetheilt mit erläuternden bemerkungen, und einem anhange von noch ungedruckten briefen und berichten über die entdeckungen des neuen seewegs nach amerika und ostindien versehen, von b. greiff"--published (augsburg, 1861) in jahresberichte 26 of the "historische kreisverein" in the jurisdiction of schwaben and neuburg; (the appendix contains documents from the collection of dr. conrad peutinger); rem was an agent of the welsers, and represented them at lisbon and in spain. on the expedition of francisco d'almeida: kunstmann, die fahrt der ersten deutschen nach dem portugiesischen indien (münchen, 1861). balthasar springers indienfahrt, 1505-06, "wissenschaftliche würdigung der reiseberichte springers zur einführung in den neudruck seiner meerfahrt vom jahre 1509, von franz schulze" (strassburg, 1902); springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of the german merchants. the voyage from lisbon to india, 1505-06, "being an account and journal by albericus vespuccius; translated from the contemporary flemish, and edited" by c. h. coote (london, 1894); this is shown by harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt flemish version of springer's account; and vespuccius had nothing to do with this voyage. harrisse, americus vespuccius (london, 1895); besides showing the true character of coote's book, this work contains valuable notes on the german connection with the discoveries. [155] this work (turin, 1724-30) was written by alvaro j. a. i. de navia osorio y vigil argüelles de la rua, marqués de santa cruz de marcenado and visconde del puerto. he also wrote comercio suelto, y en compañias, general y particular en mexico, perú y filipinas, etc. (madrid, 1732). [156] for identifications of these various woods, see vols. xii, p. 245 (molave), and xviii, pp. 169-173. tangili is the tagálog name for various trees of the genera dipterocarpus and shorea, (of the same natural order). "teak" is a corruption of the malabar name for the tree known to botanists as tectona grandis. according to official handbook (p. 356), it "exists in mindanao, and said to exist in negros." blanco gives (flora, p. 93), the following interesting account of its habitat: "the only teak tree of which i have first-hand knowledge is the one which exists in the village of tanay, in laguna de bahi [i.e., bay]. formerly there were two, and they were planted by a franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. the tanay people call it ticla.... it is common in some provinces of visayas, in negros island, zambales, mindanao, and butuan, as has recently been ascertained. the tree whose flowers i have seen is in tanay, and has waited twenty-three years to bloom." [157] see vol. xviii, p. 177. the term is applied (official handbook, p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a species of palm, caryota urens. [158] representación al rey ... dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real erario (madrid?, 1732), by miguel de zavala y auñon. it is of interest to note that viana must have been related to zavala, since his name, in full, was francisco leandro de viana zavala vehena saenz de villaverde; he was afterward made conde de tepa and marqués de prado alegre. [159] cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern mindanao and the district of davao. the native product commands a better price than that imported from singapore. coffee is found throughout the islands; the best quality is grown in batangas. (official handbook, p. 303.) montero y vidal says (archipiélago filipino, p. 61) that the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of caracas, and coffee that is superior in some respects to that of mocha. see jagor's account of cacao in the philippines, its history, culture, and preparation, in his reisen, pp. 76-81. [160] marginal note by viana.--"at this very time, men are obtaining in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster." [161] marginal note by viana.--"the mulberry trees yield wonderfully in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and bringing silkworms from china, [the production of] this valuable article of commerce can be promoted." [162] narra is the native name of the valuable timber trees in the genus pterocarpus, especially p. indicas; it is sometimes called "the mahogany of the philippines." the species alluded to by viana is probably p. blancoi, called apálit by the pampangos; "the decoction of the wood is nephritic" (official handbook). catbalonga (pepitas de san ignacio) is one of the native names tor strychnos ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine is obtained. see jagor's interesting note on this plant (ignatia amara, l., or strychnos ignatii, berg.) in his reisen, pp. 213, 214; he says that it is used (under the name pepita de catbalonga) as a household remedy in many families in filipinas, and is regarded by the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds. [163] neither blanco nor merrill mentions the rhubarb (rheum) as a product of the philippines, although the former describes a tree the soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew in the province of laguna. calinga is the native name of cinnamomum pauciflorum. [164] "on account of the english invasion, it was positively prohibited that foreign vessels should land at filipino ports. this prohibition, and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593--which provided that no merchant of manila should send his vessels to china, or go there to purchase his goods directly--were superlatively absurd, mischievous, and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor of the chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of manila once a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles." this stupid procedure not only kept the spaniards from competing with foreigners in the markets of india and china, thus surrendering all that commerce and its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the english and french, took advantage of the chinese monopoly of trade with manila by sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some asiatic country; some armenian or moor would act as owner of the vessel, the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (montero y vidal, hist, de filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.) on one occasion viana tried to stop this by demanding that the audiencia punish severely the frenchmen who were selling their cargoes in manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but that tribunal declined to do more than notify the frenchmen that a repetition of the offense would be severely punished--on the ground that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would involve nearly all the citizens of manila, the religious corporations, and various dignitaries. (azcarraga y palmero, libertad de comercio, pp. 115, 116.) azcarraga was a filipino. [165] referring to the book by this author entitled theorica y practica de comercio y de marina (madrid, 1724), an important work, which was translated into english (1751) and french (1753). two of the chapters have the following titles: "of the commerce which can be carried on in the eastern indias, by availing ourselves of the shelter and assistance of filipinas;" and "of the commerce with filipinas." (vindel's catálogo, 1903, p. 276.) [166] spanish, testas de fierro (in modern form, testaferros); meaning "those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business when it belongs to another person" (dominguez). [167] referring to the town of nuevo santander, near the eastern coast of mexico; it was founded in 1749 by josé de escandon, a spanish officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of tamaulipas. this town is on the santander river, about 120 miles north of tampico, and is now the capital of the province. [168] st. helena island, famous as the place of napoleon's last exile. the british government has withdrawn (october 27-29, 1906) the military forces there. [169] bancroft states (hist. central america, ii, pp. 246-250) that the first project for an interoceanic canal across the isthmus of panama was broached probably by charles v, who ordered that a survey be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made; this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could not be undertaken. the first road across the isthmus was made about 1520. by the middle of the century panama had become the most important city of america, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of spain and by pirates, and before 1671 (when old panama was burned) it was four times sacked and partially destroyed. by the end of the sixteenth century the importance and population of this city had greatly declined, for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing receipts of treasure from the mines of both north and south america, and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and, most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions imposed on commerce by the spanish government. portobello also became a rival of panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry in place of nombre de dios. destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, panama was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified so that it was regarded as impregnable. until 1718 the provinces of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of peru, and then were incorporated with the kingdom of nueva granada. after 1748 spain had but little intercourse with her south american colonies except via cape horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued; its commerce became insignificant; and panama became of but slight importance. (ut supra, pp. 390-403, 464-481, 517-542, 570-594.) the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xl, 1690-1691 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. contents of volume xl preface 9 document of 1691 events at manila, 1690-91. [unsigned; manila, june, 1691.] 21 bibliographical data 33 appendix: ethnological description of the filipinos native races and their customs. francisco colin, s.j.; madrid, 1663. [from his labor evangélica.] 37 the natives of the southern islands. francisco combés, s.j.; madrid, 1667. [from his historia de mindanao, ioló, etc.] 99 letter on the filipinos. gaspar de san agustín, o.s.a.; 1720 183 the native peoples and their customs. juan francisco de san antonio, o.s.f.; manila, 1738. [from his crónicas.] 296 illustrations photographic facsimile of frontispiece to colin's labor evangélica (madrid, 1663); from the copy in possession of edward e. ayer, of chicago 39 title-page of historia de las islas de mindanao, etc., by francisco combés, s.j., (madrid, m. dc. lxvii): photographic facsimile from copy in library of harvard university 101 title-page of conquistas de las islas philipinas, by gaspar de san augustin; photographic facsimile from copy in biblioteca-museo de ultramar, madrid 185 autograph signature of gaspar de san augustin; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in collection of eduardo navarro, o.s.a., of the colegio de filipinas, valladolid facing p. 278 preface in the present volume but one document appears in the chronological order of events in the islands; it is short, and is mainly concerned with the ecclesiastical disputes which had been only partly quieted with the death of archbishop pardo. the rest of the volume is occupied by an ethnological appendix, which presents the observations of early missionary writers--jesuit, augustinian, and franciscan--on the native peoples and their customs and beliefs. due allowance being made for their ecclesiastical standpoint, these writers may be considered excellent authority on this subject--especially combés, who was one of the jesuit pioneers in mindanao. the document first mentioned above is a letter from a manila jesuit, relating events in that city during the year 1690-91. as in the lifetime of pardo, there are dissensions between the ecclesiastical and the secular powers, the former represented by bishop barrientos, acting ruler of the archdiocese; the latter by the audiencia until july, 1690, and after that by the new governor, zabálburu. the bishop attempts to remove by force some of his prebends from the augustinian convent, but is foiled by the vigilance of the friars. being opposed in this scheme by the auditors, barrientos excommunicates them, a proceeding which they ignore. at the coming of the new governor, his favor is adroitly obtained by a military officer named tomás de endaya; and the auditors are for a time treated insolently by both. zabálburu soon shows, however, that no one can govern him; and he displays much egotism, contemns the religious, and oppresses the indians with exactions for public works. the jesuit colin, one of the pioneers in the philippine missions, furnishes in his labor evangélica (madrid, 1663) a valuable account of the native races and their customs. he makes some attempt to trace the origin of the malayan tribes, which he places, for most, in the islands of sumatra and macasar (or celebes), and for some in the moluccas. the negritos came, he thinks, from farther india, and possibly from new guinea also. a chapter is devoted to the alphabet, mode of writing, and languages in use among the filipínos. colin praises their quickness and cleverness; some of them act as clerks in the public offices at manila, and of these some are capable of taking charge of such offices; and they are competent printers. colin discourses at length upon the native languages--admiring the richness and elegance of the tagálog--and upon their mode of bestowing personal names. he then proceeds to describe their physical appearance, dress, ornaments, treatment of hair and teeth, and tattooing; their food, customs in eating, and modes of making wine; their songs and dances; their habits of bathing. their deities, religious observances, and superstitions are recounted--including the worship of spirits, ancestors, idols, and phenomena of nature--and their ideas of the creation, and of the origin of man. their mortuary customs include the employment of hired mourners, the embalming of the corpse, the killing of slaves to accompany the soul of the deceased, and a taboo imposing silence. colin gives an account of their limited form of government (its unit the barangay); their laws, criminal and civil, with their penalties (among which appears the ordeal); the different ranks of society, and the occupations of the people; their weapons and armor; their marriages and divorces, and punishments for adultery. he also recounts their customs in adoption of children, inheritance of property, and slavery. similar information is furnished by another jesuit writer of note, francisco combés, on the native peoples of mindanao and other southern islands, in which he spent twelve years as a missionary. he enumerates the several tribes and their distinctive characteristics; of these the lutaos (or orang-laút, "men of the sea"), the chief seafaring and trading tribe, have acquired an ascendancy over the others which is comparable to that of the iroquois among the north american indians. combés describes their mode of warfare, and ascribes to their aid the supremacy of corralat over the other moro chieftains, since their wars are of little importance except when waged by the sea-routes. these lutaos of the coast hold in a sort of vassalage the subanos, or river-dwellers, who are slothful, ignorant savages, treacherous and cowardly. combés next praises "the noble and brave nation of the dapitans," a small tribe who migrated from bohol to mindanao; he relates their history as a people, and why they changed their abode, and how they have always been the loyal friends and followers of the spaniards. the virtue and ability of their women receives much praise. combés discusses the origin of the mindanao peoples, and sketches the general characteristics of each, and their mutual relations. according to our author, the joloans and basilans came from butuan, in northeastern mindanao; and the history of this migration is related in some detail, as well as the way in which the joloans became so addicted to piracy. combés proceeds to recount the beliefs and superstitions current in the southern islands. paganism prevails in them; but the southern coast of mindanao, and basilan and joló, are mahometan. curious legends are related of the founder of the latter religion there, who is reverenced almost as a divinity; but those people know little of mahomet's religion save its externals, and are practically "barbarous atheists." the people are largely governed by omens; they sometimes offer sacrifices to their old-time idols, but these have little real hold on them. sorcery has great vogue among them, and corralat and other powerful chiefs excel in it; this is one source of their ascendancy. combés describes their mode of life: their food (which is little besides boiled rice), their clothing, their houses and furniture; and their usages and laws regarding conduct, crimes, and penalties. he regrets the prevalence of slavery, which profanes all social relations, and even destroys all kindness and charity. there is no class of freemen; all are either chiefs or slaves. all offenses are atoned for by the payment of money, save certain unnatural crimes, which they punish with death. among the moros is practiced the ordeal by fire, and the burial of the living for certain crimes; but some escape from these in safety, through their power as sorcerers. the authority and government of the chiefs is described; they are tyrannical and rapacious, and treat as slaves even chiefs who are subject to them. combés makes special mention of some customs peculiar to the subanos, or river-people. they are exceedingly rude and barbarous, without any government; and a perpetual petty warfare is waged among them. their women, however, are more chaste than those of other tribes, and lutao girls of rank are reared, for their own safety, among the subanos. among these people is a class of men who dress and act like women, and practice strict celibacy; one of them is baptized by combés. a chapter is devoted to their burials and marriages. in the burial of the dead they spend lavishly, clothing the corpse in rich and costly garments; but they have ceased, under christian influence, to bury the dead man's treasures with him. marriages are celebrated with the utmost display, hospitality, and feasting; and with entire propriety and decorum. another chapter describes the boats and weapons used by the natives. next we present the famous letter on this subject by gaspar de san agustín (june 8, 1720); our text is collated with other versions, and freely annotated from these, and from comments made by delgado and mas on san agustín's statements. san agustín, who had spent forty years among the filipinos, begins by expatiating on the great difficulty of comprehending the native character, which is inscrutable--"not in the individuals, but in the race." they are fickle and false, also of a cold temperament, and malicious, dull, and lazy--due to "the influence of the moon." they are ungrateful, lazy, rude and impertinent, arrogant, and generally disagreeable. san agustín relates many of their peculiar traits, and incidents showing these, to much disparagement of the natives. he berates their ignorance and superstition, their faults of character, their conduct toward the spaniards, their lack of religious devotion, etc.--exempting, however, from these censures in the main the pampangos, who are more noble, brave, and honorable, and are "the castilians of these same indians;" and the women, who are devout, modest, and moral (although he ascribes this to the subjection in which they are held by the men, and the necessity for the women to support not only their children but their husbands). after all these complaints, san agustín returns to his former position, that it is impossible to understand the nature of the filipinos; and all that he has related is but approximate and tentative. for this reason, it is necessary (especially for religious) to know how to conduct oneself with them. he therefore makes various suggestions for enabling their spiritual fathers to guide them discreetly and successfully. no less interesting than his account of the people are the comments made thereon by the jesuit delgado (himself long a missionary in the islands), and the spanish official mas, who spent some time there and visited many of the islands. the former refutes many of san agustín's statements, sometimes very sharply; the latter often supports them, but sometimes he finds them in contradiction to what he himself has observed. fray gaspar's letter impresses the reader, at first, as being the complaint of an irritable and querulous old man (he wrote it at the age of seventy); but another cause for his mental attitude may be found toward the end of his letter, where he argues against the proposed ordination of filipino natives as priests--a plan which aroused great opposition from the religious orders. the ms. which we use contains a sort of appendix to san agustín's letter in the shape of citations from the noted jesuit writer murillo velarde. these are evidently adduced in support of san agustin's position, and disparage the character of the indians in vigorous terms. finally, we present a chapter from delgado's historia de filipinas making further comment on san agustín's letter, and defending the natives from the latter's aspersions; he refutes many of these, and censures fray gaspar severely. he also regards murillo velarde's description of the native character as hasty, superficial, and exaggerated. besides, delgado reminds his readers of the great services rendered to the spaniards by the indians--who alone carry on the agriculture, stock-raising, trade, and navigation on which the support of the spaniards (who, "when they arrive at manila, are all gentlemen") absolutely depends--and declares that the spaniards themselves are arrogant and tyrannical toward the indians. additional information regarding the native peoples is afforded by the franciscan writer juan francisco de san antonio, in his crónicas (manila, 1738-44). he begins with a dissertation on the origin of the filipino indians, in examining which he finds many difficulties. he notes several of the mixtures of different races which have produced distinct types; among these he is inclined to class the half-civilized mountain-dwellers in the larger islands--who, as he thinks, spring from either civilized indians who have retreated to the hill-country, or from the intercourse of native filipinos with japanese, chinese, and other foreigners. the chinese and japanese who live in and near manila, and some malabar mestizos, are desirable elements of the population. the negritos are the aboriginal inhabitants; in former times they harassed the indian natives with frequent raids, and killed all who ventured into the mountain region. in the time of san antonio, the indians secretly pay them tribute, in order to avoid their raids. he describes their physical aspect, costume, and mode of life; he conjectures that they came to the philippines originally from new guinea. the civilized peoples may all be reduced to the tagálogs, pampangos, visayans, and mindanaos; all are of malay stock. of these, the first probably came from malacca, as traders, remaining in luzón as conquerors; the pampangos, from sumatra. the visayans may have come from the solomon islands, but this is not certain. in mindanao, as in luzón, the black aborigines were driven into the interior by the malay traders who came there. these latter show much tribal variation, but all must have come from the near-by islands of borneo, macasar, or the moluccas. san antonio characterizes these mindanao peoples separately. the coast tribes are partly mahometan, partly christianized; the missions among them are those of the recollects and jesuits. the mountain tribes are apparently the aboriginal natives--also malayan, according to some, but it may be from celebes or other islands. all these our author presents as conjectures only; "god is the only one who knows the truth." he proceeds to describe the characteristics and disposition of the filipino natives, which is full of contradictions. they are hospitable, but neglect their parents; and are deceitful and ungrateful. they are exceedingly clever and imitative, and even show much ability in many occupations and mental exercises; but they are apt to be superficial, incorrect, indifferent to results, slothful and lacking in concentration of mind. "their understandings are fastened with pins, and attached always to material things." our writer then describes the languages, mode of writing, manners and names, that are current among these peoples; also their physical features, clothing, and adornments. curiously enough, san antonio states that the visayans have--(in his day) given up the practice of tattooing their bodies. he proceeds to recount the religious beliefs and superstitions of the filipinos, much as colin and other early writers have done, but with somewhat more detail in certain matters, especially in regard to the omens and superstitions of the people. their government and social conditions (especially the former practice of enslavement) are described in detail; also their customs in regard to marriages and dowries, transaction of business, weights and measures, inheritances, etc. the editors june, 1906. document of 1691 events at manila. [unsigned; june, 1691.] source: this document is obtained from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 53-67. translation: this is made by emma helen blair. events at manila, 1690-91 relation of what occurred in manila from june 24, 1690 to the present month of june in this year, 1691. the tragedy which for years has been enacted in this city of manila has had some variation this year, from the time when the galleon "santo cristo de burgos" set sail for nueva españa up to the present month of july, in which the galleon called "nuestra señora del rosario, san francisco javier y santa rosa" has been fitted up for the said navigation. by it is [sent] this written relation, which will contain the most notable events which have occurred in manila, omitting many others, on account of not having secured information of them because they occurred outside of manila. i have already written, last year, of the condition in which the affairs of the bishop of troya remained; to wit, that the necessary decrees were issued by the royal audiencia that the bishop should restore the [ecclesiastical] government to the cabildo, to whom it belonged, as appears from the acts which the cabildo had presented in the audiencia--not only by way of appeal from fuerza, but also on behalf of the right of the royal patronage, which resided in that body, since the said audiencia was exercising the civil government in these islands. these efforts were hindered by the efforts of the auditor don alonso, former commander of the troops, and don tomas de endaya, master-of-camp of the army in manila for which i refer to the account which was given to his majesty. this, then, by way of preliminary. when the galleon "santo cristo de burgos" set sail for nueva españa, there was little respite from negotiations of this sort, as we had hoped would be the case until the arrival of the new governor, [1] who thought that he would certainly arrive that year. thus ran the talk of all. but, as the said bishop is so peculiar in his decisions, he made an astonishing resolution; this was, to go in person to the convent of san agustin, a little after two o'clock in the afternoon, having crossed a great part of the city on foot, accompanied by two clerics (it is evident that they must have been among the most unassuming ones), laden with pistols and other weapons, in order to take away from the said convent the dean, the cantor, and other prebends from the place where they had taken refuge--their safety being, for fear of the bishop, protected by royal decrees. this performance gave much material for gossip, in which the blame was laid upon the commander of the troops and his favorite don tomas, and even on the augustinian friars themselves, for having all left the city that day in order that thus the bishop could carry out his purpose, without its being easy to secure recourse from the violence which he intended; for the commander of troops had gone to take supper at a country house, the provincial of st. augustine had betaken himself to a resort on the river, and the prior had left the convent just at two o'clock. this scheme, if it were one, was not carried out; for the choristers and the vicar of the convent, being informed how the bishop intended to remove thence the persons who were protected by his majesty and entrusted to their care, made it a point of honor that such an accident should [not] happen, since neither the provincial nor the prior was in the convent; accordingly, by the time the bishop arrived they closed the gates of the convent, not permitting him to enter. thereupon various colloquies took place between the two parties, making the case more plausible by the detention of the bishop and his satellites at the gate opening into the street. meanwhile the friars had time to notify the prior and inform the gentlemen of the royal audiencia. with the arrival of the prior, entrance into the convent was made easy for his illustrious lordship, to whom the friars set forth that they could not gratify his wishes without first making the auditors aware of his claims. the bishop agreed to this, but on condition that they notify only don alonzo, of whom his illustrious lordship must have been sure. in short, the fact is that the case first reached the auditors' ears; and they, assembled in session, issued the decrees which, as i mentioned above, they left to the efforts of señor fuertes--who in all haste went to the palace, and finding the auditors in the council-chamber, displayed much anger that they should have made such a decision without his presence and counsel. since there is no remedy, when a thing has been done, except patience, as the common saying goes, it was now arranged that señor fuertes and señor ozaeta should go to san agustín to pacify the bishop, in which task they spent the greater part of the afternoon. the unjust things said by the bishop to señor ozaeta, and the uncivil language which he tolerated from the bishop, are not fit to relate. at five o'clock in the afternoon, the bishop went away from san agustin quite rebuffed but very respectfully treated by the two auditors and their numerous companions. in front of his illustrious lordship walked his provisor and faithful achates, master don geronimo caraballo, bitterly lamenting the miserable condition in which manila was, since they were hindering their prelate in a resolution so just, since it was to punish those wicked clerics who had taken refuge in san agustin. it is well to note the pious exclamation of this prebend, for it will be quite important to the case afterward. this chimerical attempt turned out badly for his illustrious lordship in the end; and he undertook to be revenged when one was least looking for it. for the news having arrived, on july 30, that one of the two galleons which were expected on the return voyage from nueva españa had reached the embocadero, and that in it was coming the governor, there was discussion whether his illustrious lordship was proceeding in the execution of his designs. but it was not thus; for his illustrious lordship, a few days after this information arrived, posted the auditors as excommunicated, saying that they had incurred this by the bull de cena, forasmuch as they had tried cases which by right belonged to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as the law states that these are not separated from that jurisdiction. notwithstanding the publication of their names, the auditors ignored the censure, as launched a non judice [i.e. "by one who is not a judge"]; but it was not on this account that not only they but the entire city yielded to the pressure of great anxiety. for they feared lest the new governor, whose coming was daily expected, would be tinctured with the same opinions as those held by don gabriel, the deceased governor--which were based on the same sort of case as was then occurring. for, they said, since a new governor (who is the only arbiter for all classes in manila) was at the gates of the city [he might] without searching his own mind, have taken a resolution so unusual that even don felipe pardo had not ventured to execute it against the corporate body of an audiencia. it is not possible that there should be any secret information. people confirmed it when they learned how don tomas de endaya had sent a despatch to the ship by a person who stood high in his regard, in a very swift champan, so that he could in the name of don tomas give his letters and welcome to the governor who was expected, with a valuable present. it was well known that the said champan had been wrecked; but it was also learned that the person who bore that commission had landed, before the wreck of the champan, in one of the provinces there; but it was not known whether the present [that he carried] was landed, and for this reason it was uncertain whether the determinations of the bishop were the results of the assiduity of don tomas de endaya, who was a supporter of the bishop. the talk went further; for inasmuch as the first news which reached these islands that the ship had arrived at the embocadero was sent to don tomas de endaya by his brother don bernardo--whom, they said, he had made alcalde of catbalongan, which is the first passage and entrance into these islands--[they said that this was done], first, that he might place in safety the thousands of pesos which he expected would be brought to him by the patache which he had sent to nueva españa, laden with goods belonging to himself and don gabriel de curuzealegui, which was coming on its return voyage; and second, that he might gain the good-will of the new governor with gifts and favors. the latter opinion prevailed, and on this ground people considered the action of the bishop of troya as not so bold. these alone were the topics discussed, proceeding from the beginnings which they fancied to be facts. but after they experienced some of the actions of the new governor, they regarded as certain that which before they had only considered probable. for, the royal audiencia having decided that auditor don juan de sierra should go in their name to welcome the governor, the said auditor went up the river to fulfil his commission, and, having met the piragua in which the governor was coming with his family, the auditor went close to it, to present his message; but neither did the governor open the curtain of the pavilion or stern-cabin of the vessel, nor permit the auditor to speak to him, but obliged him to sheer off from the side of the piragua. at this rebuff, the said auditor was obliged to join the other vessels which accompanied the governor, following the piragua, which was very swift--for from the ranch of don tomas de endaya (where the governor had been entertained as a guest) to manila is a journey of at least one day, but the piragua made it in much less time. thus the foresight of don tomas gained not only the privilege of entertaining the governor, but the opportunity of becoming his favorite, for which purpose he acted thus. the governor arrived at manila about four o'clock in the afternoon; the wind was blowing violently, and the rain fell in torrents, heavier than have been seen for many years in these islands. all these discomforts were overcome by the bold and impetuous disposition of our new governor; but i am not surprised at such haste, since he came for more than to obtain a bishopric. he was lodged in the buildings which the city had made ready for him, where he was awaited by don tomas de endaya, with other citizens of his following, and they retired to his room, which had been prepared for him. he shut himself up there with don tomas, and gave orders to the guard that no one should be allowed to enter. at the same time the auditor don juan de sierra arrived to acquit himself of his embassy; he had been thoroughly wet on the river, but the captain of the guard detained him, telling him of the order that he had, not to allow any one to enter. the auditor replied that these orders ought not to apply to an auditor who came in the name of the royal audiencia. the captain of the guard then carried word to the governor, telling him how auditor don juan de sierra was there, who had come on behalf of the royal audiencia to welcome his lordship. the governor answered that he had come there fatigued, and that he was not ready for visits; and then he continued to walk up and down, hand in hand with don tomas, and shut in his room, until the night had well begun. then the said [don tomas] took his leave, returning to his house within manila, with much contentment, and explained to several confidants how he had firmly established himself, and that they had formed a close alliance; but that it would be more veiled than that which had existed between the said don tomas and don gabriel--the new governor promising to favor his affairs in every way. such was the judgment formed at the time, and that opinion is further strengthened every day. on the following day, early in the forenoon, don alonso--who is the person charged with the direction of military affairs--went to visit the new governor, by whom he was very kindly and graciously received. they spent several hours in conversation, alone or in company with the said don tomas; and don alonso informed him of all the troubles that he and his associates had experienced in regard to matters connected with the bishop of troya; for this was the principal design which both sides had--the friendly reception of the new governor. the audiencia did not go to visit the governor until they ascertained whether he would receive them, fearing, on account of the reasons which have been mentioned, that the excommunication which the bishop had made known to them had been imposed through the influence of the governor. but this turned out better than they expected, for he received them with much friendliness; he took a seat below, with them all, trying to treat all with kindness, and gratifying not only don tomas and his faction but the audiencia. various events and circumstances occurred at the time when he was making arrangements for his entry into the city, which tended to persuade all that no one would govern him, and that his proceedings would be those of an upright judge. he made, then, his entry, and soon displayed the energy of his nature, and a hasty and vehement disposition. one day, when the soldiers in the guard-room of his palace were talking loudly at a gaming-table, he came down in person, and with his blows broke a cane on the men; with this, he gained among the soldiers the surname of "the good sergeant." he issued numberless proclamations, which no one now observes, because the man's disposition has been recognized. he was very solicitous about the night patrols, not only within but without manila--obliging those within the walls to go about at night with torches; and ordaining to the people outside that after eight o'clock no one should go out of his house, under penalty of two years in the galleys and two hundred lashes. a dominican religious who did not know of these new orders, going to hear a confession in his ministry outside the walls of manila, encountered the patrol within his own village--at which he was surprised, as it was not customary for the patrols to enter the villages outside the walls, on account of the knavish acts which the soldiers are wont to commit under pretext of making the rounds. for this reason the said religious ordered them to depart from the said his ministry, and to patrol in their accustomed beat; but, although they did not obey him, they informed the governor next day of the opposition which the religious had made to the patrol. at this the new governor, being angry without good reason, gave orders that if any minister tried to forbid the patrol, they should notify him three times, and, if he persisted in his opposition, they should seize him by the collar and carry him a prisoner to a fort, until they could report to him on the next day. it is to be noted that these patrols, commanders as well as soldiers, are usually native mulattoes, and mestizos from nueva españa. at the fiesta of the naval battle, at which the governor was present, he showed extreme resentment, and uttered sharp complaints because he who recited the epistle turned his back on the governor's wife--doubtless thinking that he who recited the gospel had his face turned toward her not because the rubrics require that it be read while facing the people, but in order to show her the attention that was due her; and therefore he criticised him who had recited the epistle. not less absurd was his assuming that he ought to be named in the prayers at mass, after the king, as is done with the viceroy; and as this was not done at a fiesta at which he was present, he was so vexed that there also he chose to display his resentment. it was with some difficulty that the auditors pacified him at the time, and afterward made him understand how unreasonable he was in the matter. he prides himself on being very learned, and that he needs no advice from any one, holding it as an established maxim that the religious lie to him in whatever they say or propose in favor of the indians. from this results the extreme contempt in which the religious now find themselves [held by him], and the grievous oppression which the poor indians experience; for, from the very month in which this governor entered manila, the indians have not ceased their labors [on public works] to this day, without any attention being paid to the times when they ought to attend to their farming, or to the inclemency of the rainy seasons--not even in a sort of pestilence which has prevailed in this [province] of tagalos among the indians. sick as they were, [the officials] obliged them with blows to go to their toil in timber-working, where not a few fell dead from the labor and their illness; and all this, only to build one ship (a very small one), on account of the unnecessary destruction of the galleon "santo niño," which don juan de bargas had constructed in his term as governor. bibliographical data the documents contained in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. events at manila, 1690-91.--from the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 53-67. 2. native races and customs.--from colin's labor evangélica, book i, chap. iv, xiii-xvi; from a copy of original edition (1663) in possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. 3. natives of the southern islands.--from combes's historia de mindanao, ioló, etc. (retana and pastells's reprint), chap. ix-xviii. 4. san agustín's letter.--from an early ms. copy in possession of edward e. ayer. 5. native peoples and their customs.--from san antonio's crónicas, i, pp. 129-172; from a copy in possession of edward e. ayer. appendix: ethnological description of the filipinos native races and their customs. francisco colin, s.j.; madrid, 1663. the natives of the southern islands. francisco combés, s.j.; 1667. letter on the filipinos. gaspar de san agustín, o.s.a.; 1720. the native peoples and their customs. juan francisco de san antonio, o.s.f.; 1738. sources: the material for this appendix is obtained from the following works: colin's labor evangélica (madrid, 1663), book i, chap. iv, xiii-xvi; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. combés's hist. de mindanao, ioló, etc. (madrid, 1667)--reprinted by retana and pastells (madrid, 1897), chap. ix-xviii; from a copy of the latter in the possession of the editors. san agustín's letter, from an early ms. copy in the possession of edward e. ayer. san antonio's crónicas (manila, 1738), i, pp. 129-172; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer. translations: the above matter is compiled and translated by james alexander robertson. native races and their customs [this so-called ethnological appendix does not presume to present in exact scientific detail the various races and tribes inhabiting the philippines; but to give in their own words what the earliest writers especially have themselves observed and experienced concerning some of those races and tribes, in so far as such observations have not hitherto appeared in this series. the accounts contain much of value as showing how the filipino was gradually transformed in many ways by his contact with his conqueror. for early ethnological information of the philippines, see vols. v, vii, xii, xiii, and xvi of this series.] [colin in his labor evangélica (madrid, 1663) devotes pp. 15-19 and 53-75 (comprising chapters iv, and xiii-xvi of book i) to the filipinos. those chapters here follow.] chapter iv of the origin of the nations and peoples who inhabit these islands 25. although these are islands it will not be necessary to fatigue the mind by discussing (as do san agustin and other authors in respect to other islands and to america) whence and how people and animals came to them. for if some of these islands have been, at any time since the flood, part of a continent, from that time men and animals could remain in them; while if they have always been islands, the nearness of some of them to others, and of some of them to the mainland of asia, whence began the propagation of the human race and the settlements of the descendants of noah, is sufficient reason why some of them could come to settle these regions. and that this was really so, and that the principal settler of these archipelagoes was tharsis, son of javan, together with his brothers, as were ophir and hevilath of india, we see in the tenth chapter of genesis, which treats of the dispersion of peoples and the settlement of countries, as we establish in another place. 26. now then, coming to our theme, when the conquistadors and settlers arrived at these islands and subdued that of manila, they found three varieties or kinds of people in them. those who held command of it [i.e., the island of manila], and inhabited the seashore and river-banks and all the best parts round about, were moro malays of borney (according to their own report). that is an island also, and is larger than any of these filipinas and nearer the mainland of malaca, where there is a district called malayo. [2] this place is the origin of all the malays who are scattered throughout the most and best of all these archipelagoes. from that nation of the malays springs that of the tagálogs, who are the natives of manila and its neighborhood. that is proved by the tagálog language, which resembles the malay closely; by the color and lines of the whole body; by the clothing and habit that they wore at the arrival of the spaniards here; and lastly by the customs and ceremonies, all of which were derived from the malays and other nations of india. the occasion of their coming to these parts might have been either that they were driven by chance through these seas (as we have seen in our days, borne to these islands people from other unknown islands, who spoke a language that no one understood, and who had been driven by the sea); or they could have come hither purposely in the search for new lands on which to settle, because their own were too crowded, or some disaster had overtaken them which caused them to leave their home forever. but it is very likely that greed and commercial interests attracted them, as occurred in the parts of india with regard to the moros, persians, and arabs. the portuguese say in their histories that when they reached those kingdoms they found the moros uppermost and masters of all, by reason of the commerce which they introduced among the heathen kings and rulers, the natives of the country, whose goodwill the moros contrived to secure with rich and valuable presents. little by little they continued to remain in the land and pay the royal duties, until they became so powerful that they revolted against the real rulers and deprived them of the best of their lands. barros [3] says that the first portuguese found that that had happened in those districts of india some hundred and fifty years before their arrival. in the same way one may imagine the passage of the malays to borney to have occurred, and of the borneans to manila; and that along with the arms and temporal commerce would come some caciques, [4] or priests of the cursed mahometan religion, who introduced that religion into the villages and maritime nations of these parts. as for me i can readily believe that that great island of borney in past centuries was continued on the northeast by paragua, and on the south [5] by the lands near mindanao, as is indicated by the shoals and islets of paragua on the one side, and those called santa juana and other islets and shoals which extend toward jolo and taguima, opposite the point of la caldera on the mindanao shore. if this assumption be true, as is affirmed by aged indians of those parts, the opportunity for the borneans to scatter through the filipinas is very evident. 27. it is probable that the inhabitants would come to borney immediately from samatra, which is a very large land quite near the mainland of malaca and malayo. in the midst of that great island of samatra there is a large and extensive lake [6] whose marge is settled by many different nations, whence, according to tradition, the people went to settle various islands. a pampango of sense (one of these nations) finding himself adrift and astray there through various accidents (and from whom i learned it), testified that those people [of sumatra] spoke excellent pampango, and wore the oldtime dress of the pampangos. when he questioned one of their old men, the latter answered: "you [pampangos] are descendants of the lost people who left here in past times to settle in other lands, and were never heard of again." it can also be believed that the tagálogs, pampangos, and other civilized nations, analogous in language, color, clothing, and customs, came from parts of borney and samatra, some from certain provinces or neighborhoods and some from others. that is the reason for the difference of the languages, according to the custom of these uncivilized lands, for every province or neighborhood has a different language. 28. the nations of the bisayas and pintados, who inhabit the provinces of camarines in this island of luzon, and those of leyte, samar, panay, and other neighborhoods, came, i have heard, from the districts of macasar, where it is said that indians live who make designs on and tattoo the body, in the manner of our pintados. pedro fernandez de quiros, in the relation which he wrote of the discovery of the salomon islands in 1595, says that an island called madalena was found in ten degrees north latitude, at a distance from pirù of one thousand eight hundred leguas (which is nearly the same latitude and distance as the filipinas) where indians of good proportion, but taller than the spaniards, and all naked and bearing designs on their bodies, legs, arms, and hands (and some on their faces), in the manner of our visayans, were found. consequently, it is apparent that there are other nations of pintados to be discovered. we have as yet not enough data, nor even a well founded conjecture, to say whether ours originated from the latter, or on the contrary both from some mainland. we know well that people who tattoo the body have been seen in brasil and florida. then, too, this custom was formerly seen in some nations of scythians in asia and of britons in europa. but we cannot yet determine the legitimate origin of our visayan pintados. if some of the natives of mindanao, jolo, bool, and part of cebu, who are lighter-complexioned, braver, and of better proportions than the pure visayans, are not borneans, they might be ternatans--as may be inferred from the neighborhood of the lands and the communication of one with another; and because in what concerns the worship and religion of the cursed prophet, even today they are governed by terrenate; and when they find themselves beset by the troops from filipinas, they make an alliance and help one another. 29. all those whom the first spaniards found in these islands with the command and lordship over the land are reduced to the first class, the civilized peoples. another kind, totally opposed to the above, are the negrillos, who live in the mountains and thick forests which abound in these islands. the latter are a barbarous race who live on the fruits and roots of the forests. they go naked, covering only the privies with some articles called bahaques, made from the bark of trees. they wear no other ornaments than armlets and anklets and bracelets, curiously wrought after their manner from small rattans of various colors, and garlands of branches and flowers on their heads and the fleshy parts of the arm; and at the most some cock or sparrow-hawk feather for a plume. they have no laws or letters, or other government or community than that of kinsfolk, all those of one line of family obeying their leader. in regard to religion and divine worship they have but little or none. the spaniards call them negrillos because many of them are as much negroes, as are the ethiopians themselves, both in their black color and in their kinky hair. there are still a number of those people in the interior in the mountains. in one of the large islands there are so many of them, that it is for that reason called the island of negros. those blacks were apparently the first inhabitants of these islands, and they have been deprived of them by the civilized nations who came later by way of samatra, the javas, borney, macaçar, and other islands lying toward the west. if one should ask whence could come the negros to these islands so distant from africa and ethiopias, where negroes live, i answer that it was from nearer india, or citra gangem, which was formerly settled by ethiopic negroes and was called etiopia. [7] from there, it is more probable, went out the settlers of african etiopia, as we prove in another place. moreover, even today does india have nations of the negro race. also they could easily pass from the districts of the mainland of india to the nearest islands, and could come from one to the other even as far as these filipinas. in nueva guinea, which is quite near terrenate, the natives are negroes like those of guinea, and on that account the first explorers gave them that name; and they could also pass from those to these districts. 30. there is another kind of people, neither so civilized as the first, nor so barbarous as the second. they generally live about the sources of the rivers, and on that account are called in some districts, ilayas. they are the tingues, and are called manguianes, [8] zambals, or other names, for each island has a different name for them. they generally trade with the tagálogs, visayans, and other civilized nations who are commonly settled near the sea and river mouths. although those ilayas or tingues are not christians, they pay some sort of recognition or tribute, and have their system of policy or government. it is thought that they are a mixture of the other barbarous and civilized nations, and for that reason they are midway between the other two classes of peoples in color, clothing, and customs. we do not pretend to deny by the above that some people could have come from other parts and kingdoms of india extra gangem (such as sian, camboja, cochinchina), and from china itself, and even japon, to conquer and settle in parts of these islands--especially the chinese, from whose histories, and their remains found in various parts, it is learned that in former times they were masters of all these archipelagoes. [9] if they were the first settlers of the javas (as is told by juan de barros) they could still more easily have settled in some parts of these islands which are nearer to them. persons who know the provinces of ilocos and cagayan, in the north of this island of luzon, assert that they have discovered there the graves of people larger than the indians, and the arms and jewels of chinese or japanese, who, it is presumed, conquered and settled in those parts, led on by the desire for gold. [10] chapter xiii of the nature, languages, and letters of the filipinos in accordance with the origin which we ascribed to the civilized nations of these islands in chapter four, so also are their capacity, languages, and letters. they are descendants of the malays of the mainland of malaca, whom they also resemble in their capacity, languages, and letters. 92. from the shape, number, and use of the characters and letters of this nation it is quite evident that they are all taken from the moro malays and originated from the arabs. the vowel letters are only three in number, but they serve for five in their use; for the second and third are indifferently e, i, y, o, and u, according as is required by the meaning or sense of the word which is spoken or written. the consonants are thirteen in number, and serve (except at the beginning of the phrase or initial letter) as consonant and vowel; for the letter alone, without a dot above or below, is pronounced with "a." if a dot be placed above, the consonant is pronounced with "e" or "i." if the dot be placed below, it is pronounced with "o" or "u." thus the "b" with the dot above is pronounced "bi" or "be," and with the dot below, "bo" or "bu." for example, in order to say "cama" [i.e., bed] the two letters "c" and "m" are sufficient without a dot. if a dot be placed above the "c", it will be "quema" [i.e., "fire"]. if dots be placed below each, it will be "como" [i.e., "as"]. the final consonants are supplied in all expressions. thus in order to say "cantar" [i.e., "to sing"], one writes "cata," only a "c" and a "t." to say "barba" [i.e., "beard"], two "b's" are sufficient. with all the supplements, he who reads in that language will, if he be skilful, have no trouble in pronouncing the words or phrases correctly by substituting the letters that must be substituted according to the sense. but since that always occasions difficulty, those who know our characters are studying how to write their own language in these. all of them have now adopted our way of writing, with the lines from left to right; for formerly they only wrote vertically down and up, placing the first line to the left and running the others continuously to the right, just opposite to the chinese and japanese, who although they write in vertical up and down lines, continue the page from the right to the left. all that points to a great antiquity; for running the line from the right to the left is in accordance with the present and general style of the hebrews; and the style of running the lines vertically from the top to the bottom, is that of the oldest nation of the chinese--which doubtless greatly resembles the method of the hebrews, whose characters have much resemblance to theirs. those of the moro arabs resemble those of the syrians. diodorus siculus, [11] who wrote in the time of the emperor cæsar augustus, in making mention of an island which lay in our middle region, or torrid zone (whither iamblicus [12] the greek went in the course of his adventures), says that they do not write horizontally as we do, but from top to bottom in a straight line; and that they use characters which, although few in number, make up in their use for many, for each one has four different transformations. consequently, one may see that that method of writing, and the characters of those nations, are very old. [13] 93. before they knew anything about paper (and even yet they do in places where they cannot get it), those people wrote on bamboos or on palm-leaves, using as a pen the point of a knife or other bit of iron, with which they engraved the letters on the smooth side of the bamboo. if they write on palm-leaves they fold and then seal the letter when written, in our manner. they all cling fondly to their own method of writing and reading. there is scarcely a man, and still less a woman, who does not know and practice that method, even those who are already christians in matters of devotion. for from the sermons which they hear, and the histories and lives of the saints, and the prayers and poems on divine matters, composed by themselves (they have also some perfect poets in their manner, who translate elegantly into their language any spanish comedy), they use small books and prayerbooks in their language, and manuscripts which are in great number; as is affirmed in his manuscript history by father pedro chirino, [14] to whom the provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric entrusted the visit and examination of those books in the year one thousand six hundred and nine, for the purpose of preventing errors. that was a holy proceeding, and one that was very proper among so new christians. the filipinos easily accustom themselves to the spanish letters and method of writing. they are greatly benefited thereby, for many of them write now just like us, because of their cleverness and quickness in imitating any letter or design, and in the doing of anything with the hands. there are some of them who commonly serve as clerks in the public accountancies and secretaryships of the kingdom. we have known some so capable that they have deserved to become officials in those posts, and perhaps to supply those offices ad interim. they also are a great help to students in making clean copies of their rough drafts, not only in romance but also in latin, for there are already some of them who have learned that language. finally, they are the printers in the two printing-houses in this city of manila; and they are entirely competent in that work, in which their skill and ability are very evident. 94. coming now to the other point, that of their languages, there are many of these. for in this island of manila alone there are six of them, which correspond to the number of the provinces or civilized nations; the tagálog, pampanga, camarines (or visayan), cagayan, and those of the ilocans and pangasinans. these are the civilized nations. we do not yet know the number of the nations of the negrillos, zambals, and other mountain nations. although the civilized languages are, strictly speaking, dissimilar, they resemble one another, so that in a short time those people can understand one another, and those of the one nation can converse with those of another--in the same way as the tuscan, lombard, and sicilian in italia; and the castilian, portuguese, and language of valencia in españa. the reason why these languages resemble one another so closely is the same as in italia and españa. for as the latter languages originated from the roman, just so do these originate from the malay. for proof of that it is necessary to do nothing else than to compare the words and idioms, or the modes of speech, of each one of these languages with the malay, as will be seen in the following table, in which is made the comparison of the three most important languages, the tagálog, visayan, and pampanga. since for the sake of brevity the comparison is made in a few words, whoever is interested can with but slight labor extend the comparison through many words. spanish malay tagálog pampanga visayan cielo [i. e., sky] langriet lañgit banoa laguit sol [i. e., sun] mata ari arao aldao arlao luna [i. e., moon] bulam bouan bulan bulan of these languages the two most general are the tagálog, which is used through the greater part of the coast and interior of the island of manila, and the islands of lubang and mindoro; and the visayan, which is spoken throughout all the islands of the pintados. of the two without doubt the most courteous, grave, artistic, and elegant is the tagálog, for it shares in four qualities of the four greatest languages in the world, namely, hebrew, greek, latin, and spanish: with the hebrew, besides the resemblance already noted in the manner of its vowels and consonants, it has the roots of the vocables and their hidden and obscure meaning [sus preñezes, y misterios] and some gutturals; with the greek, the articles in the declension of nouns, and in the conjugations the abundance of voices and moods; with the latin, the abundance and elegance; with the spanish, the fine structure, polish, and courtesy. as a proof of this, father pedro chirino has inserted in his printed relation of these islands an example in the prayer of the ave maria, [15] as a short and clear instance, with his explanation, with notes in the following manner. it should be noted that the father, belonging to a past age, wrote it in the old style, which has changed here somewhat since then, although not substantially. the ave maria in the tagálog language abe guingoong maria matoua ca na ave señora maria alegra tu ya hail lady mary be joyful thou now napopono ca nang gracia llena tu de gracia full thou of grace ang pañginoong dios na saiyo el señor dios està contigo the lord god is with thee bucor cang pinagpala sa babaying lahat singular tu bendita entre mugeres todas especially, thou blessed among women all pinagpala naman ang yyong anac si jesus bendito tambien el tu hijo jesus blessed also he thy son jesus santa mariang yna nang dios santa maria madre de dios holy mary, mother of god, ypanalangin mo caming macasalanan ngayon seamos intercedidos de ti nosotros pecadores agora may we be for by thee we sinners now interceded at cum mamatay cami, amen jesus. y cuando muramos nosotros. [amen jesus]. and when shall die we. amen jesus. [16] the first word, "aba" is a mysterious one in the tagálog, and has the force of a salutation, as has "ave" in latin; and the same is true of "bucor" which means "diversity," "distinction," and "singularity." the article is [seen in] "si jesus." its abundance lies in the fact that it has many synonyms and turns of thought. consequently, the above prayer, over and above being elegant, could also be expressed in several other ways just as elegant, and the same sense and meaning would be kept. its polish and courtesy consists in not saying "ave maria" as does the latin--for that would be a lack of courtesy and a barbarism in the tagálog--but by the interposition of that polite word "guinoo." the visayan [version] does not contain that word, as being a less polished language. however, i am not trying to cast a slur on the latter for that reason, for each language has a beauty and elegance for its natives which does not strike the foreigner. 95. among the uncivilized nations, although the people are fewer, the languages are more; for almost every river has its own language. in mindoro (and the same will be true of other districts more remote) we saw the barbarous manguianes assembling from places but little distant from each other, who did not understand one another. they were so barbarous that they had never seen a spanish face. the things sent them to attract them were hawk's-bells, nails, needles, and other similar things. they thought that the sounds of the harp and guitar were human voices. when a mirror was held up before them, they exhibited singular effects, in one of fear and in another of joy. the lack of civilization and communication is the reason for the multiplicity of languages. for just as in the primitive multiplication of languages which took place in the tower of babel, the doctors observe that the languages equaled the number of the families of the descendants of noah, so among the barbarous nations each one lives to itself alone without any recognition of or subjection to public laws. they are always having petty wars and dissensions among themselves; and, since they lack communication, they forget the common language, and each one has so corrupted its own language that it cannot understand the others. we observed in some districts that one language was spoken at the mouth of a river and another one at its source. that is a great hindrance to the conversion and instruction of those peoples. 96. the polish and courtesy, especially of the tagálogs and those near them, in speech and writing are the same as those of very civilized nations. they never say "tu" [i.e., "thou"] or speak in the second person, singular or plural, but always in the third person: [thus], "the chief would like this or that." especially a woman when addressing a man, even though they be equal and of the middle class, never say less than "sir" or "master," and that after every word: "when i was coming, sir, up the river, i saw, sir, etc." in writing they make constant use of very fine and delicate expressions of regard, and beauties and courtesy. their manner of salutation when they met one another was the removal of the potong, which is a cloth like a crown, worn as we wear the hat. when an inferior addressed one of higher rank, the courtesy used by him was to incline his body low, and then lift one or both hands to the face, touch the cheeks with it, and at the same time raise one of the feet in the air by doubling the knee, and then seating oneself. the method of doing it was to fix the sole of the feet firmly, and double both knees, without touching the ground, keeping the body upright and the face raised. they bent in this manner with the head uncovered and the potong thrown over the left shoulder like a towel; they had to wait until they were questioned, for it would be bad breeding to say anything until a question was asked. 97. the method of giving names was the following. as soon as a child was born, it was the mother's business to name it. generally the occasion or motive of the name was taken from some one of the circumstances which occurred at the time. for example, maliuag, which means "difficult," because of the difficulty of the birth; malacas, which signifies "strong," for it is thought that the infant will be strong. this is like the custom of the hebrews, as appears from holy writ. at other times the name was given without any hidden meaning, from the first thing that struck the fancy, as daan, which signifies "road," and damo, signifying "grass." they were called by those names, without the use of any surname, until they were married. then the first son or daughter gave the surname to the parents, as amani maliuag, ynani malacas, "the father of maliuag," "the mother of malacas." the names of women are differentiated from those of men by adding the syllable "in," as ilog, "river;" si ilog, the name of a male; si iloguin, the name of a female. they used very tender diminutives for the children, in our manner. among themselves they had certain domestic and delicate appellations of various sorts for the different degrees of relationship--as that of a child for his father and mother, and vice versa. in the same way [they have appellations] for their ancestors, descendants, and collaterals. this shows the abundance, elegance, and courtesy of this language. it is a general thing in all these nations not to have special family names which are perpetuated to their successors, but each individual has the simple name that is given him at birth. at present this name serves as surname, and the peculiar name is the christian name of juan or pedro which is imposed at baptism. however, there are now mothers so christian and civilized that they will not assign any secular name to their children until the christian name has been given in baptism, [17] and then the surname is added, although it has already been chosen after consultation with the parents and relatives. in place of our "don" (which indeed has been assigned to them with as much abuse as among ourselves), in some districts they formerly placed before their names, lacan or gat: as the moluccans use cachil, the africans muley, the turks sultan, etc. the "don" of the women is not lacan or gat, but dayang, dayang mati, dayang sanguy, i.e., "doña mati," "doña sanguy." there is general distaste among our tagálogs to mention one another among themselves by their own names alone, without adding something which smells of courtesy. when they are asked by the spaniards "who is so-and-so?" and they cannot avoid naming him by his own name, they do it with a certain shamefacedness and embarrassment. inasmuch as the method of naming one is "the father of so-and-so," as soon as he has children, for him who had no children (among persons of influence) his relatives and acquaintances assembled at a banquet, and gave him a new name there, which they designated as pamagat. that was usually a name of excellence by some circumlocution or metaphor, based on their own old name. thus if one was called by his own name, bacal, which signifies "iron," the new name given him would be dimatanassan, signifying "not to spoil with time." if it were bayani, which signifies "valiant" and "spirited," he was called dimalapitan "he to whom no one is bold." it is also the custom among these nations to call one another among themselves, by way of friendship, by certain correlative names based on some special circumstance. thus if one had given a branch of sweet basil to another, the two among themselves called each other casolasi, the name of the thing given; or caytlog, he who ate of an egg with another. this is in the manner of the names of fellow-students or chums as used by us. these are all arguments in favor of the civilization of these indians. chapter xiv of the appearance, features, clothing, and other ancient customs of the natives of these islands 98. the ordinary stature of these indians is medium, but they are well built and good-looking, both men and women. their complexion is yellowish brown, like a boiled quince, and the beard is slight. the tagálogs wear the hair hanging to the shoulders; the cagayans longer and hanging over the shoulders; the ilocans shorter, and the visayans still shorter, for they cut it round in the manner of the oldtime cues of españa. the nation called zambals wear it shaved from the front half of the head, while on the skull they have a great shock of loose hair. the complexion of the women in all the islands differs little from that of the men, except among the visayans where some of the women are light-complexioned. all of the women wear the hair tied up in a knot on top of the head with a tasteful ribbon. both men and women, universally, consider it essential that the hair should be very black and well cared for. for that purpose they use lotions made of certain tree-barks and oils, prepared with musk and other perfumes. their greatest anxiety and care was the mouth, and from infancy they polished and filed the teeth so that they might be even and pretty. they covered them with a coating of black ink or varnish which aided in preserving them. among the influential people, especially the women, it was the custom to set some of the teeth most skilfully with gold which could not fall out, and gave a beautiful appearance. the men did not glory in their mustaches or beards, but quite the contrary; and consequently they pulled them out on purpose. and just as it is an amusement or custom of some of us to gnaw our finger-nails, they get amusement in pulling out the hairs of the beard with certain little bits of cleft bamboo [cañuelas hendidas] or with little shells in the form of pincers. all the women, and in some places the men, adorn the ears with large rings or circlets of gold, for that purpose piercing them at an early age. among the women the more the ears were stretched and opened, so much greater was the beauty. some had two holes in each ear for two kinds of earrings, some being larger than others. 99. the men adorned the head with only cendal [18] or long and narrow thin cloth, with which they bound the forehead and temples, and which they call potong. it was put on in different modes, now in the moorish manner like a turban without a bonnet, and now twisted and wrapped about the head like the crown of a hat. those who were esteemed as valiant let the elaborately worked ends of the cloth fall down upon their shoulders, and these were so long that they reached the legs. by the color of the cloth they displayed their rank, and it was the badge of their deeds and exploits; and it was not allowed to anyone to use the red potong until he had at least killed one person. in order to wear it embroidered with certain borders, which were like a crown, they must have killed seven. the personal clothing of those men was a small garment or short loose jacket [chamarreta] of fine linen which barely reached the waist. it had no collar and was fitted formerly with short sleeves. among the chiefs those jackets were of a scarlet color, and were made of fine indian muslin. for breeches they wore a richly colored cloth, which was generally edged with gold, about the waist and brought up between the legs, so that the legs were decently covered to the middle of the thigh; from there down feet and legs were bare. the chief adornments consisted of ornaments and jewels of gold and precious stones. they had various kinds of necklaces, and chains; bracelets or wristlets, also of gold and ivory, on the arms as high as the elbow; while some had strings of cornelians, agates, and other stones which are highly esteemed among them. on the legs, instead of garters, they wear some strings of the same stones, and certain cords of many strands, dyed black. the fingers of the hand are covered with many rings of gold and precious stones. the final complement of the gala attire was like our sash, a fine bit of colored cloth crossed over the shoulder, the ends joined under the arm, which they affected greatly. instead of that the visayans wore a robe [marlota] or jacket [baquero] made without a collar and reaching quite down to the feet, and embroidered in colors. the entire dress, in fine, was in the moorish style, and was truly rich and gay; and even today they affect it. the dress of the women, besides the small shirt with sleeves already mentioned, which was shorter for them, for their gala dress had little modesty, was a skirt as wide at top as at bottom, which they gathered into folds at the waist, allowing the folds all to drop to one side. this was long enough to cover them even to their feet, and was generally white. when they went outside the house they wore for a cloak certain colored short cloaks, those of the principal women being of crimson silk or other cloths, embroidered with gold and adorned with rich fringe. but their principal gala attire consisted in jewels and ornaments of gold and stones which they wore in their ears, and on the neck, the fingers of the hand and the wrists of the arms. but now they have begun to wear the spanish clothes and ornaments, namely, chains, necklaces, skirts, shoes, and mantillas, or black veils. the men wear hats, short jackets [ropillas], breeches, and shoes. consequently, the present dress of the indians in these regions is now almost spanish. 110 [i.e., 100]. besides the exterior clothing and dress, some of these nations wore another inside dress, which could not be removed after it was once put on. these are the tattooings of the body so greatly practiced among the visayans, whom we call pintados for that reason. for it was a custom among them, and was a mark of nobility and bravery, to tattoo the whole body from top to toe when they were of an age and strength sufficient to endure the tortures of the tattooing, which was done (after being carefully designed by the artists, and in accordance with the proportion of the parts of the body and the sex) with instruments like brushes or small twigs, with very fine points of bamboo. the body was pricked and marked with them until blood was drawn. upon that a black powder or soot made from pitch, which never faded, was put on. the whole body was not tattooed at one time, but it was done gradually. in olden times no tattooing was begun until some brave deed had been performed; and after that, for each one of the parts of the body which was tattooed some new deed had to be performed. the men tattooed even their chins and about the eyes so that they appeared to be masked. children were not tattooed, and the women only on one hand and part of the other. the ilocans in this island of manila also tattooed themselves but not to the same extent as the visayans. the dress of both men and women among the ilocans is almost alike in that province. thus far the dress. we shall now say somewhat of the food and their customs in eating. 101. their usual sustenance is as stated above, rice, well hulled and cleaned, and boiled only with water, which is called morisqueta by the spaniards, as if to call it "food of the moors." the meat is that of a small fish which is lacking in no part. that is also boiled in water, and with the broth from it, they give a flavor to the morisqueta. for lack of rice and fish they use the herbs and many kinds of native potatoes, and fruits, by which they are sustained well enough. at their banquets they add venison, pork, or beef, which they like best when it has begun to spoil, and to smell bad. their manner of eating is, to be seated on the ground. their tables are small and low, round or square, and they have no tablecloths or napkins; but the plates with the food are placed on the same tables. they eat in companies of four which is as many as can get around a small table. on the occasion of a wedding or a funeral, or similar feasts, the whole house will be filled with tables and guests. the food is placed all together on various plates. the people do not shun all reaching out to the same plate, or drinking from the same cup. they relish salt, and salty and acid foods. they have no better dainty for the sick than vinegar and green or pickled fruits. they eat sparingly but drink often; and when they are invited to a banquet, they are asked not to eat but to drink. they waste much time in both eating and drinking. when they have enough and are drunk, the tables are taken away and the house is cleared. if the banquet is the occasion of a feast, they sing, play, and dance. they spend a day and a night in this, amid great racket and cries, until they fall with weariness and sleep. but rarely do they become furious or even foolish; on the contrary, after they have taken wine they preserve due respect and discreet behavior. they only wax more cheerful, and converse better and say some witty things; and it is well known that no one of them when he leaves a banquet, although it be at any hour of the night, fails to go straight to his own house. and if he has occasion to buy or sell, and to examine and weigh gold or silver he does it with so great steadiness that the hand does not tremble, nor does he make any error in the weight. 102. the wine commonly used among them is either that made from palms, as it is throughout india, or from sugar-cane, which they call quilang. the latter is made by extracting the sap from the canes, and then bringing it to a boil over the fire, so that it becomes like red wine, although it does not taste so good. the palm wine is made by extracting the sap or liquor from which the fruit was to be formed. for as soon as the palm begins to send out the shoot from the end of the twig, and before the flower is unfolded, that flower-stock is cut, and a bit of bamboo is fastened to it and is tied to the stalk or shoot. since the sap naturally flows to that part, as in the pruned vine, all the sap that was to be converted into fruit, flows into that bamboo, and passes through it to vessels, where, somewhat sour and steeped with the bark of certain trees which give it color, heat, and bite, they use it as a common drink and call it tuba. but the real and proper palm-wine is made from the same liquor before it turns sour, by distilling it in an alembic in ovens that they have prepared for it. they give it a greater or less strength, as they please; and they get a brandy as clear as water, although it is not so hot [as our brandy]. [19] it is of a dry quality, and, when used with moderation, it is considered even outside filipinas as healthful and medicinal for the stomach and a preventive of watery humors and colds. the visayans also make a wine, called pañgasi, from rice. the method of making it is to place in the bottom of a jar of ordinary size (which is generally of two or three arrobas, with them) a quantity of yeast made from rice flour and a certain plant. atop of that they put clean rice until the jar is half full. then water is added to it, and, after it has stood for a few days, it is fermented by the force of the yeast, and is converted into the strongest kind of wine, which is not liquid, but thick like gachas. [20] in order to drink it they pour water into the jar. it is a cause for surprise that even though water be poured in again and again, the liquor is pure and liquid wine, until the strength vanishes and is lost, and then they leave it for the children. the method of drinking it is with a tube, which they insert clear to the bottom where the yeast is. they use three or four of those tubes, according to the number of the persons who can find room around the vessel. they suck up as much as they wish, and then give place to others. 103. the banquets are interspersed with singing, in which one or two sing and the others respond. the songs [21] are usually their old songs and fables, as is usual with other nations. the dances of men and women are generally performed to the sound of bells which are made in their style like basins, large or small, of metal, and the sounds are brought out quickly and uninterruptedly. for the dance is warlike and passionate, but it has steps and measured changes, and interposed are some elevations that really enrapture and surprise. they generally hold in the hands a towel, or a spear and shield, and with one and the other they make their gestures in time, which are full of meaning. at other times with the hands empty they make movements which correspond to the movements of the feet, now slow, now rapid. now they attack and retire; now they incite; now they pacify; now they come close; now they go away: all the grace and elegance, so much, in fact, that at times they have not been judged unworthy to accompany and solemnize our christian feasts. [22] however, the children and youths now dance, play, and sing in our manner and so well that we cannot do it better. they had a kind of guitar which was called coryapi, which had two or more copper strings. although its music is not very artistic or fine, it does not fail to be agreeable, especially to them. they play it with a quill, with great liveliness and skill. it is a fact that, by playing it alone, they carry on a conversation and make understood whatever they wish to say. 104. all of these islanders are extremely fond of the water for bathing purposes, and as a consequence they try to settle on the shores of rivers or creeks, for the more they are in the water the better they like it. they bathe at all times, for pleasure and cleanliness. when an infant is born, it is put into the river and bathed in cold water; and the mother, after having given birth, does not keep away from the water. the manner of bathing is, to stand with the body contracted and almost seated, with the water up to the throat. the most usual and general hour is at sunset, when the people leave work or return from the field, and bathe for rest and coolness. men and women all swim like fish, and as if born and reared in the water. each house has a vessel of water at the door. whenever any one goes up to the house, whether an inmate of it or not, he takes water from that vessel to wash his feet, especially when it is muddy. that is done very easily; one foot is dried with the other, and the water falls down below, for the floor there is like a close grating. chapter xv of the false heathen religion, idolatries, superstitions, and other things, of the filipinos 105. it is not found that these nations had anything written about their religion or about their government, or of their old-time history. all that we have been able to learn has been handed down from father to son in tradition, and is preserved in their customs; and in some songs that they retain in their memory and repeat when they go on the sea, sung to the time of their rowing, and in their merrymakings, feasts, and funerals, and even in their work, when many of them work together. in those songs are recounted the fabulous genealogies and vain deeds of their gods. among their gods is one who is the chief and superior to all the others, whom the tagálogs call bathala meycapal, [23] which signifies "god" the "creator" or "maker." the visayans call him laon, which denotes "antiquity." they adored (as did the egyptians) animals and birds; and the sun and moon, as did the assyrians. they also attributed to the rainbow its kind of divinity. the tagálogs worshiped a blue bird as large as a turtle-dove, which they called tigmamanuquin, to which they attributed the name of bathala, which, as above stated, was among them a name for divinity. they worshiped the crow, as the ancients did the god pan or the goddess ceres, and called it meylupa, signifying "master of the earth." they held the crocodile in the greatest veneration, and when they saw it in the water cried out, in all subjection, "nono," signifying "grandfather." they asked it pleasantly and tenderly not to harm them, and for that purpose offered it a portion of what they carried in their boat, by throwing it into the water. there was no old tree to which they did not attribute divine honors, and it was a sacrilege to think of cutting it under any consideration. even the very rocks, crags, reefs, and points along the seashore and rivers were adored, and an offering made to them on passing, by stopping there and placing the offering upon the rock or reef. the river of manila had a rock that served as an idol of that wretched people for many years, and its scandal lasted and it gave rise to many evils, until the fathers of st. augustine, who were near there, broke it, through their holy zeal, into small bits and set up a cross in its place. today there is an image of st. nicholas of tolentino in that place, in a small shrine or chapel. when sailing to the island of panay, one saw on the point called nasso, near potol, a rock upon which were dishes and other pieces of crockery-ware, which were offered to it by those who went on the sea. in the island of mindanao, between la caldera and the river, there is a great point of land, on a rough and very high coast. the sea is forever dashing against these headlands, and it is difficult and dangerous to double them. when the people passed by that one, as it was so high, they offered it arrows, which they shot at the cliff itself with so great force that they stuck there, offering them as if in sacrifice so that it would allow them to pass. there were so many of those arrows that, although the spaniards set fire to them and burned a countless number of them in hatred of so cursed a superstition, many remained there, and the number increased in less than one year to more than four thousand. 106. they also adored private idols, which each one inherited from his ancestors. the visayans called them divata, and the tagálogs anito. of those idols some had jurisdiction over the mountains and open country, and permission was asked from them to go thither. others had jurisdiction over the sowed fields, and the fields were commended to them so that they might prove fruitful; and besides the sacrifices they placed articles of food in the fields for the anitos to eat, in order to place them under greater obligations. there was an anito of the sea, to whom they commended their fisheries and navigations; an anito of the house, whose favor they implored whenever an infant was born, and when it was suckled and the breast offered to it. they placed their ancestors, the invocation of whom was the first thing in all their work and dangers, among these anitos. in memory of their ancestors they kept certain very small and very badly made idols of stone, wood, gold, or ivory, called licha or laravan. among their gods they reckoned also all those who perished by the sword, or who were devoured by crocodiles, as well as those killed by lightning. they thought that the souls of such immediately ascended to the blest abode by means of the rainbow, called by them balañgao. generally, whoever could succeed in it attributed divinity to his aged father at his death. the aged themselves died in that presumptuous delusion, and during their sickness and at their death guided all their actions with what they imagined a divine gravity and manner. consequently, they chose as the place for their grave some assigned spot, [24] like one old man who lived on the seacoast between dulac and abuyog, which is in the island of leyte. he ordered himself placed there in his coffin (as was done) in a house standing alone and distant from the settlement, in order that he might be recognized as a god of navigators, who were to commend themselves to him. another had himself buried in certain lands in the mountains of antipolo, and through reverence to him no one dared to cultivate those lands (for they feared that he who should do so would die), until an evangelical minister removed that fear from them, and now they cultivate them without harm or fear. 107. they mentioned the creation of the world, the beginning of the human race, the flood, glory, punishment, and other invisible things, such as evil spirits and devils. they recognized the latter to be man's enemy, and hence feared them. by the beginning which they assigned to the world and the human race, will be seen the vanity of their belief, and that it is all lies and fables. they say that the world began with only the sky and water, between which was a kite. tired of flying and not having any place where it could alight, the kite stirred up the water against the sky. the sky, in order to restrain the water and prevent it from mounting to it, burdened it with islands; and also ordered the kite to light and build its nest on them, and leave them in peace. they said that men had come from the stem of a large bamboo (such as one sees in this orient), which had only two nodules. that bamboo, floating on the water, was carried by the waves to the feet of the kite, which was on the seacoast. the kite, in anger at what had struck its feet, opened the bamboo by picking it with its beak. when it was opened, out of one nodule came man and from the other woman. after various difficulties because of the obstacle of consanguinity in the first degree, one of the gods namely, the earthquake, after consulting with the fish and birds, absolved them, and they married and had many children. from those children came the various kinds and classes of people. for it happened that the parents, angered at having so many children idle and useless in the house, took counsel together; afterward the father one day gave way to his anger, and was desirous of punishing them with a stick which he had in his hand (a thing which they can never do). the children fled, so that some of them took refuge in the chambers and innermost parts of the house, from whom they say came the chiefs; others escaped outside, and from them came the freemen, whom they call timauas; others fled to the kitchen and lower parts, and they are the slaves; others fled to various distant places, and they are the other nations. 108. it is not known whether there was any temple [25] in all these islands, or any place assigned in common for worship; or that the people ever assembled for public functions. in private they were wont to have in their own houses (and not outside them in any cave or like place) some kind of altars, on which they placed their idols, and before them a small brasier with burning aromatics. but although they had no temples, they did not lack priests or priestesses for the sacrifices, which each one offered for his own purpose or necessity. the tagálogs called those cursed ministers catalonan, and the visayans babaylan. some were priests by inheritance and relationship; others by the dexterity with which they caused themselves to be instructed and substituted in the office of famous priests by gaining their good-will. others were deceived by the devil with his wonted wiles, and made a pact with him to assist them, and to hold converse with him through their idols or anitos; and he appeared to them in various forms. the method of making the sacrifices hinged on the different purposes for which they were intended. if it were for a feast of ostentation and vanity that was being made to some chief, they called it "the feast of the great god." the method of celebrating it was near the house of the chief, in a leafy bower which they erected especially for that purpose, hung round about with hangings in their fashion, namely, the moorish, which were made from odds and ends of pieces, of various colors. the guests assembled there, and the sacrifice having been prepared (on those occasions of a feast usually some good fat pig), the catalona ordered the girl of the best appearance and who was best adorned, to give the spear-thrust to the animal, amid the ceremony of certain dances of theirs. when the animal was dead it was cut into bits and divided among all the people, as is the blessed bread. although other animals were killed and eaten, and other viands and refreshments peculiar to those people were used, that animal was the one esteemed and was reverently consumed. the chief part of the feast was the drinking, accompanied, as ever, with much music and dancing. 109. if the sacrifice was because of the danger of death in the house of sickness, the minister ordered that a new, large, and capacious house be built at the expense of the sick person, in which to celebrate the feast. that work was performed in a trice, as the materials were at hand and all the neighbors took part in it. when it was finished, the sick person was taken to the new lodging. then preparing the intended sacrifice--a slave (which was their custom at times), a turtle, a large shellfish, or a hog--without an altar or anything resembling one, they placed it near the sick person, who was stretched out on the floor of the house on a palm mat (which they use as a mattress). they also set many small tables there, laden with various viands. the catalona stepped out, and, dancing to the sound of gongs, wounded the animal, and anointed with the blood the sick person, as well as some of the bystanders. the animal was then drawn slightly to one side and skinned and cleaned. after that it was taken back to its first location, and the catalona there before them all, spoke some words between her teeth while she opened it, and took out and examined the entrails, in the manner of the ancient soothsayers. besides that the devil became incarnate in her, or the catalona feigned to be him by grimaces, and shaking of the feet and hands, and foamings at the mouth, acting as if out of her senses. after she had returned to her senses, she prophesied to the sick person what would happen to him. if the prophecy was one of life, the people ate and drank, chanted the histories of the ancestors of the sick person and of the anito to which the sacrifice was being made, and danced until they fell through sheer exhaustion. if the prophecy was one of death, the prophetess bolstered up her bad news with praises of the sick person, for whose virtues and prowess she said the anitos had chosen him to become one of them. from that time she commended herself to him and all his family, begging him to remember her in the other life. she added other flatteries and lies, with which she made the poor sick person swallow his death; and obliged his relatives and friends to treat him from that time as an anito, and make feasts to him. the end was eating and drinking, for that marked the termination of their sacrifices. each person who attended the sacrifice was obliged to offer something--gold, cotton, birds, or other things--according to his capacity and wish. the offering was given to the priest or priestess who had performed the sacrifice. consequently, the latter were generally quite rich and well dressed, and had plenty of ornaments made of various kinds of jewels. on that account, however, they were not honored or esteemed; for they were considered as an idle lot, who lived by the sweat of others. after their duty was once performed no further attention was paid to them, unless they united with their office nobility or power. 110. to give a list of the omens and auguries would consume much time and be useless. if the owl lit on the roof at night it was a sign of death. consequently, when a house was built some sort of scarecrow was set up to keep that bird away, so that the house might not be lost; for a house would under no circumstances be lived in if that happened. the same was true if any serpent was seen in it after it had been newly built. if they came across a serpent in any road they would not proceed farther, even if their business was very pressing. the same was true if they heard any one sneeze, a rat squeal, a dog howl, or a lizard [26] sing. fishermen would not make use of the first cast of the net or a new fish-corral, for they thought that they would get no more fish if they did the opposite. neither must one talk in the fisherman's house of his new nets, or in that of the hunter of dogs recently purchased, until they had made a capture or had some good luck; for if they did not observe that, the virtue was taken from the nets and the cunning from the dogs. a pregnant woman could not cut off her hair, under penalty of bearing an infant without hair. those who journeyed ashore could not mention anything of the sea; and those who voyaged on the sea could not take any land animal with them, or even name it. when a voyage was begun they rocked the boat to and fro, and let it vibrate, and if the vibrations of the right side were more pronounced the voyage would be good, but if bad they were less. they cast lots with some strands of cord, with the tusks of swine, the teeth of crocodiles, and other filthy things, at the ends; and their good or evil fortune would depend on whether or not those ends became tangled. 111. the oaths of these nations were all execrations in the form of awful curses. matay, "may i die!" cagtin nang buaya, "may i be eaten by the crocodile!" maguin amo, "may i turn into a monkey!" the one generally used is matay. when the chiefs of manila and tondo swore allegiance to our catholic sovereigns, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, they confirmed the peace agreements and the subjection with an oath, asking "the sun to pierce them through the middle, the crocodiles to eat them, and the women not to show them any favor or wish them well, if they broke their word." sometimes they performed the pasambahan for greater solemnity and confirmation of the oath. that consisted in bringing forward the figure of some monstrous beast asking that they might be broken into pieces by it if they failed in their promise. others, having placed a lighted candle in front of them, said that as that candle melted and was consumed, so might he who failed in his promise be consumed and destroyed. such as these were their oaths. 112. it remains for us to speak of their mortuary customs. as soon as the sick person dies, they begin to bewail him with sobs and cries--not only the relatives and friends, but also those who have that as a trade and hire themselves out for that purpose. they put into their song innumerable bits of nonsense in praise of the deceased. to the sound of that sad music, they washed the body. they perfumed it with storax, or benzoin, and other perfumes, obtained from tree-resins which are found throughout these forests. having done that they shrouded the corpse, wrapping it in a greater or less number of cloths, according to the rank of the deceased. the most powerful were anointed and embalmed according to the manner of the hebrews, with aromatic liquors which preserve the body from corruption, especially that made from the aloes wood, or as it is called, eagle-wood. that wood is much esteemed and greatly used throughout this india extra gangem. the sap from the plant called buyo (which is the famous betel of all india) was also used for that purpose. a quantity of that sap was placed in the mouth so that it would reach the interior. the grave of poor people was a hole in the ground under their own houses. after the rich and powerful were bewailed for three days, they were placed in a box or coffin of incorruptible wood, the body adorned with rich jewels, and with sheets of gold over the mouth and eyes. the box of the coffin was all of one piece, and was generally dug out of the trunk of a large tree, and the lid was so adjusted that no air could enter. by such means some bodies have been found uncorrupted after the lapse of many years. those coffins were placed in one of three places, according to the inclination and command of the deceased. that place was either in the upper part of the house with the jewels, which are generally kept there; or in the lower part of it, raised up from the ground; or in the ground itself, in an open hole which is surrounded with a small railing, without covering the coffin over with earth. near it they generally placed another box filled with the best clothing of the deceased, and at suitable times various kinds of food were placed on dishes for them. beside the men were placed the weapons, and beside the women their looms or other instruments of labor. if they were much beloved by those who bewailed them, they were not permitted to go alone. a good meal was given to some slave, male or female, and one of those most liked by the deceased; and then he was killed, in order that he might accompany the deceased. shortly before the entrance of the faith into the island of bool, one of the chiefs of that island had himself buried in a kind of boat, which the natives call barangay, surrounded by seventy slaves with arms, ammunition, and food--just as he was wont to go out upon his raids and robberies when in life; and as if he were to be as great a pirate in the other life as in this. others buried their dead in the open country, and made fires for many days under the house, and set guards so that the deceased should not return to carry away those who had remained. 113. after the funeral the lamentations ceased, although the eating and drunkenness did not. on the contrary, the latter continued for a greater or less time, according to the rank of the deceased. the widow or widower and the orphans, and other relatives, who were most affected by grief, fasted as a sign of mourning, and abstained from flesh, fish, and other food, eating during those days naught but vegetables, and those only sparingly. that manner of fasting or penitence for the dead is called sipà by the tagálogs. mourning among the tagálogs is black, and among the visayans white, and in addition the visayans shave the head and eyebrows. at the death of a chief silence must reign in the village until the interdict was raised; and that lasted a greater or less number of days, according to his rank. during that time no sound or noise was to be heard anywhere, under penalty of infamy. in regard to this even the villages along the river-bank placed a certain signal aloft, so that no one might sail by that side, or enter or leave the village, under penalty of death. they deprived anyone who broke that silence of his life, with the greatest cruelty and violence. those who were killed in war were celebrated in their lamentations and in their funeral rites, and much time was spent in offering sacrifices to or for them, accompanied with many banquets and drunken revels. if the death had happened through violence--in war or peace, by treason, or any other manner--the mourning was not laid aside nor the interdict raised until the children, brothers, or relatives, killed an equal number not only of their enemies and the murderers, but also of any strange persons who were not their friends. like highwaymen and robbers they prowled on land and sea, and went on the hunt for men, killing as many as they could until their fury was appeased. that barbarous kind of vengeance is called balàta and in token of it the neck was girt with a strap which was worn until the number of persons prescribed had been killed. then a great feast and banquet was made, the interdict was raised, and at its proper time the mourning was removed. in all the above are clearly seen the traces of heathendom and of those ancient rites and customs so celebrated and noised about by good authors, by which many other nations, more civilized, were considered as famous and worthy of history. chapter xvi of the government and political customs of these peoples 114. there were no kings or rulers worthy of mention, throughout this archipelago; but there were many chiefs who dominated others less powerful. as there were many without much power, there was no security from the continual wars that were waged between them. manila had two chiefs, uncle and nephew, who had equal power and authority. they were at war with another chief, who was chief alone; and he was so near that they were separated from one another by nothing more than a not very wide river. the same conditions ruled in all the rest of the island, and of even the whole archipelago, until the entrance of the faith, when they were given peace--which they now esteem much more than all that they then obtained from those petty wars and their depredations. they were divided into barangays, as roma into districts, and our cities into parishes or collations. they are called barangays, which is the name of a boat, preserving the name from the boat in which they came to settle these islands. since they came subject to one leader in their barangay, who acted as their captain or pilot--who was accompanied by his children, relatives, friends, and comrades--after landing, they kept in company under that leader, who is the dato. seizing the lands, they began to cultivate them and to make use of them. they seized as much of the sea and near-by rivers as they could preserve and defend from any other barangay, or from many barangays, according as they had settled near or far from others. although on all occasions some barangays aided and protected others, yet the slave or even the timaua or freemen could not pass from one barangay to another, especially a married man or a married woman, without paying a certain quantity of gold, and giving a public feast to his whole barangay; where this was not done, it was an occasion for war between the two barangays. if a man of one barangay happened to marry a woman of another, the children had to be divided between the barangays, in the same manner as the slaves. 115. their laws and policy, which were not very barbarous for barbarians, consisted wholly of traditions and customs, observed with so great exactness that it was not considered possible to break them in any circumstance. one was the respect of parents and elders, carried to so great a degree that not even the name of one's father could pass the lips, in the same way as the hebrews [regarded] the name of god. the individuals, even the children, must follow the general [custom]. there were other laws also. for the determination of their suits, both civil and criminal, there was no other judge than the said chief, with the assistance of some old men of the same barangay. with them the suit was determined in the following form. they had the opponents summoned, and endeavored to have them come to an agreement. but if they would not agree, then an oath was administered to each one, to the effect that he would abide by what was determined and done. then they called for witnesses, and examined summarily. if the proof was equal [on both sides], the difference was split; but, if it were unequal, the sentence was given in favor of the one who conquered. if the one who was defeated resisted, the judge made himself a party to the cause, and all of them at once attacked with the armed hand the one defeated, and execution to the required amount was levied upon him. the judge received the larger share of this amount, and some was paid to the witnesses of the one who won the suit, while the poor litigant received the least. in criminal causes there were wide distinctions made because of the rank of the murderer and the slain; and if the latter were a chief all his kinsmen went to hunt for the murderer and his relatives, and both sides engaged in war, until mediators undertook to declare the quantity of gold due for that murder, in accordance with the appraisals which the old men said ought to be paid according to their custom. one half of that amount belonged to the chiefs, and the other half was divided among the wife, children, and relatives of the deceased. the penalty of death was never imposed by process of law, except when the murderer and his victim were common men and had no gold to satisfy the murder. in such a case, if the man's dato or maginoo (for these are one and the same) did not kill him, the other chiefs did, spearing him after lashing him to a stake. 117. in a matter of theft, if the crime were proved, but not the criminal, and more than one person was suspected, a canonical clearance from guilt had to be made in the following form. first they obliged each person to put in a heap a bundle of cloth, leaves, or anything else that they wished, in which they might discover the article stolen. if the article stolen was found in the heap, at the end of this effort, then the suit ceased; if not, one of three methods was tried. first, they were placed in the part of the river where it is deepest, each one with his wooden spear in his hand. then at the same time they were all to be plunged under the water, for all are equal in this, and he who came out first was regarded as the criminal. consequently, many let themselves drown for fear of punishment. the second was to place a stone in a vessel of boiling water, and to order them to take it out. he who refused to put his hand into the water paid the penalty for the theft. thirdly, each one was given a wax candle of the same wick, and of equal size and weight. the candles were lighted at the same time, and he whose candle first went out was the culprit. 118. there are three kinds and classes of people: the chiefs, whom the visayans call dato and the tagálogs maginoo; the timauas, who are the ordinary common people, called maharlicà among the tagálogs; and the slaves, called oripuen by the visayans and alipin by the tagálogs. the last are divided into several kinds, as we shall relate soon. the chiefs attain that position generally through their blood; or, if not that, because of their energy and strength. for even though one may be of low extraction, if he is seen to be careful, and if he gains some wealth by his industry and schemes--whether by farming and stock-raising, or by trading; or by any of the trades among them, such as smith, jeweler, or carpenter; or by robbery and tyranny, which was the most usual method--in that way he gains authority and reputation, and increases it the more he practices tyranny and violence. with these beginnings, he takes the name of dato; and others, whether his relatives or not, come to him, and add credit and esteem to him, and make him a leader. thus there is no superior who gives him authority or title, beyond his own efforts and power. consequently, might was proclaimed as right, and he who robbed most and tyrannized most was the most powerful. if his children continued those tyrannies, they conserved that grandeur. if on the contrary, they were men of little ability, who allowed themselves to be subjugated, or were reduced either by misfortunes and disastrous happenings, or by sicknesses and losses, they lost their grandeur with their possessions, as is customary throughout the world; and the fact that they had honored parents or relatives was of no avail to them, or is of no avail to them now. in this way it has happened that the father might be a chief, and the son or brother a slave--and worse, even a slave to his own brother. 119. their manner of life and ordinary conduct from the days of old is trade, in all sorts of things by wholesale, and more by retail in the products of the earth, in accordance with what is produced in each district. the maritime peoples are great fishers with net, line, and corral. the people who live inland are excellent farmers and hunters. they are always cultivating rice, besides other vegetables and garden products, quite different from those of europa. the women also are shrewd in trading, especially of their weaving, needlework, and embroideries, which they make very neatly; and there is scarcely one who cannot read and write. sometimes the husband and wife go together on their trading, and, whether for this or for any other thing, she must always go ahead; for it is not their custom to go together. even if it be a band wholly made up of men or of women, or of men and women mixed, and even if the road be very wide, they go in single file one after the other. 120. the maritime peoples were accustomed to make many raids, and those of the interior to set ambushes for such depredations, wasting life in this. their weapons consisted of bow and arrow; a spear with a short handle, and a head shaped in innumerable ways, most often with harpoon points; other spears without any head, with the point made on the shaft itself (which is now of bamboo and now of wood), a vara long, hardened in fire. they had swords; large, sharp daggers, made very beautifully; and slender, long blowpipes [ceruatanas], through which they shot most dangerous poisoned arrows, in the manner of the inhabitants of samatra. such are their offensive weapons. their defensive weapons are wooden shields and rattan or corded breastplates, and other armor helmets of the same material. 121. what justice, what fidelity, what honesty should there be amid so great cruelty and tyranny? virginity and purity were ignominious, which is the general vice of idolaters. whether married or single, the woman who had no lover could not be safe; and by regarding that as an honor, they considered it a dishonor to give their persons free. when men children were born in certain provinces, the mothers themselves performed on them a certain form of circumcision, quite different from that of the jews and moros, and only in order to render them more skilful in their lewdness. yet with all this, they abhorred, and chastised, and rigorously punished incest. 122. in the celebration of their marriages, espousals, and divorces, and in the giving and receiving of dowries, they also proceeded according to reason. in the first place, they agreed as to the dowry, which is promised and given even now by the man, in the sum named by the parents. when it is determined the betrothal takes place, generally with a conventional penalty which is rigorously executed. however, neither men nor women take it for an insult or grieve greatly if the betrothal be refused, because then they benefit by the fine. the truth is, that if those who are bound by the fine were the parents, after their deaths the children are free to break the contract without incurring the penalty, by only the restitution of the amount received as dowry. matrimony at present includes, besides the above, the delivery of the person and the dowry. the latter is not received by the woman but by her parents or relatives, as it were selling their girls, in the manner of the mesopotamians and other nations. the parents convert the dowry into their own estate, and it is distributed with the other property, at their deaths, among all the children equally. but if the son-in-law has been very obedient to his parents-in-law; then the latter generally return the dowry to their children. the other relatives are only depositaries of what they must again deliver to the children. besides the dowry, the chiefs formerly gave some presents to the parents and relatives, and even to the slaves, to a greater or less amount according to the rank of the bridegroom. the pagan ceremony and form of marriage had to be authorized by a sacrifice; for after the marriage had been agreed upon and the dowry paid over, the catalona came, and a hog was brought to her. the ceremonies were performed as in other sacrifices. the lovers having seated themselves in their bridal chamber, each in the lap of an old woman who acted as godmother, the latter gave them to eat from one plate and to drink from one cup. the bridegroom said that he took the woman to wife, and, accepting her, the catalona or babaylana immediately gave them a thousand benedictions, saying to them: "may you be well mated. may you beget many children and grandchildren, all rich and brave," and other things of this sort. thereupon the hog was slain, and the lovers were married; and when the others became tired of dancing and singing, all became intoxicated and went to sleep. if the recently-married couple did not suit each other, another sacrifice was ordered, in which the bridegroom himself danced and slew the victim--the while talking to his anito, and offering himself to it for the sake of peace and harmony with his wife. that having been done, he calmed himself, confident that then and thenceforth the two would live in harmony, and enjoy their married life in peace. these nations consider it important to take a wife only from their own family, and the nearer the better. only they except the first grade [of kinship], for they always considered that as a dissolving impediment. but what marriages were those in which the contract was not indissoluble, and could be dissolved by the woman, if she were to blame, merely returning the dowry! if the husband were to blame, it was not returned; and the marriage could be repudiated by themselves, without any solemnity of law. that was done daily for very slight causes, and new marriages were formed with others. polygamy was not the fashion among the tagálogs. however, if the wife bore no children, the husband could with his wife's permission have them by his slave women, in accordance with the example of the ancient patriarchs. among the principal visayans, the ministers of the gospel found established the custom of having two or more legitimate wives, and large dowries, which was a great obstacle to christianity. 123. thus far in regard to marriage. as to the children and their succession and inheritance, if they were legitimate they inherited equally in the property of their parents. for lack of legitimate children the nearest relatives inherited. if there were illegitimate children, who had for example been had by a free woman, they had their share in the inheritance, but not equally with the legitimate children, for the latter received two-thirds, and the illegitimate one-third. but if there were no legitimate children then the illegitimate received all the inheritance. the children of a slave woman who belonged to the man were given some part of the household effects, according to the will of the legitimate children. in addition the mother became free for the very reason that her master had had a child by her. there were also adopted children, and the practice was that the one adopted bought his adoption. for the natural parent gave a certain sum to the adopted parent in order to have his son or daughter adopted, and thereupon the latter was adopted without any other subtlety of law or of paternal power. it was done only to the end that the adopted child, if he should outlive the one adopting him, should inherit double the sum that had been given for his adoption. thus, if ten were given, he must inherit twenty. but if the adopted parent outlived the adopted child, the adoption expired as well as the right of inheritance, which was not given to the heirs of the adopted one, either in whole or in part. but if, on the contrary, the parent died while his own child was living, he left him by way of addition to the sum for adoption doubled, some jewel or slave woman, as a reward for his good services. but, on the other hand, if the child was ungrateful and acted badly, the adoptive parent gave him up, by restoring the sum that had been given for his adoption. adultery was not punished corporally, but by a pecuniary fine. therefore the adulterer, by paying to the aggrieved party the sum of gold agreed upon between them, or given by the sentence and judgment of the old men, was pardoned for the injury that he had committed; and the aggrieved party was satisfied, and his honor was not besmirched. also he continued to live with his wife without anything more being said on the subject. but those children had by a married woman did not succeed to the nobility of the parents or to their privileges; but were always reckoned plebeians, whom those people call timauas. likewise those children had by a slave woman, although they were free, as was the mother, were always regarded as of low birth. these who succeeded to the nobility were the legitimate children. in the barangay, when the father was lord of it his eldest son inherited that office; but, if he died, then he who came next in order. if there were no male children, then the daughters succeeded in the same order; and for want of either males or females, the succession went to the nearest relative of the last possessor. thus no will was necessary for all those successions; for wills were never in vogue among these nations in the form and solemnity of such. as for legacies it was sufficient to leave them openly, in writing or entrusted by word of mouth, in the presence of known persons. 125. a great part of the wealth of these indians consisted in slaves. for, after gold, no property was held in greater esteem, because of the many comforts that were enjoyed for their mode of living through a multitude of slaves. thus our spaniards when they entered the islands found so many slaves that there were chiefs who had one, two, and three hundred slaves, and those generally of their own color and nation, and not of other foreign nations. the most general origin of those slaveries were interest and usury. that was so much practiced among them, that no father would aid his son, no son his father, no brother his brother, and much less any relative his relative, even though he were suffering extreme necessity, without an agreement to restore double. if payment was not made when promised, the debtor remained a slave until he paid. that happened often, for the interest or increase continued to accumulate just so long as the payment was deferred. consequently, the interest exceeded the wealth of the debtor, and therefore the debt was loaded upon his shoulders, and the poor creature became a slave; and from that time his children and descendants were slaves. other slaveries were due to tyranny and cruelty. for slaves were made either in vengeance on enemies, in the engagements and petty wars that they waged against one another, in which the prisoners made remained slaves, even though they were of the same village and race; or as a punishment which the more powerful inflicted on the weaker ones, even for a matter of little importance, of which they made a matter of insult. for instance if the lesser did not observe the interdict on talking and noise, usual in the time of the burial of the chiefs; if he passed near where the chief's wife was bathing; or if any dust or any other dirt fell from the house of the timaua upon the chief or his wife when passing through the street: then in these and numberless other similar cases the powerful ones deprived the poor wretches of liberty, and tyrannically made them slaves--and not only them but their children, and perhaps the wife and near relatives. the worst thing is that all those who had been made slaves by war, or for punishment of debts, were rigorously regarded as such, as slaves for any kind of service or slavery, and served inside the house. the same was true of their children, in the manner of our slaveries, and they could be sold at will. however, the masters were not accustomed to sell those born under their roof, for they regarded them in the light of relatives. those slaves were allowed to keep for themselves a portion of any profit which they made. the tagálogs called such true slaves sanguiguilir, and the visayans halon. other slaves were called namamahay, for they did not serve their master in all capacities, nor inside his house; but in their own houses, and outside that of their masters. they were bound, however, to obey their master's summons either to serve in his house when he had honored guests, or for the erection of his house and its repair, and in the seasons of sowing and harvest. they [had also to respond] to act as his rowers when he went out in his boat, and on other like occasions, in which they were obliged to serve their master without any pay. 126. among both kinds of slaves, sanguiguilir and namamahay, it happens that there are some who are whole slaves, some who are half slaves, and some one-fourth part slave. for if the father or the mother were free, and had an only son he was half free and half slave. if they had more than one child, these were so divided that the first followed the condition of the father, whether free or slave, and the second that of the mother. so did it happen with successive pairs. but if there were an odd number of children, the last was half free and half slave. those who descended from them, if they were children of a free father or mother, were slaves only in the fourth part, as they were the children of a free father or mother, and of one half slave. sometimes, because it happened that two people had agreed to marry and the man had no wealth for the dowry--or rather, nothing with which to buy his wife--he became her slave. in such case the children were divided in the said manner, and the first, third, and fifth, and the remaining ones in the same way were slaves, inasmuch as they belonged to the father, who was also a slave of the mother--and not only slaves to her, but also to her brothers and sisters and relatives, in case of her death and the division of her property. on the contrary the second, fourth, and others in the same way, were according to their custom free, inasmuch as they belonged to their mother who was free; and they were masters and rulers over their own father and brothers and sisters. the same thing happened in the case of interest, a thing of so great importance among them that, as already remarked, the father would not pardon the debt and interest even to the son, nor the son the father, even in case of necessity, until the one had made a slave of the other for it. consequently, if one brother ransomed another brother, or a son his father, the latter remained a slave, as did his descendants, until the value of the ransom was paid with interest. consequently, the captive was gainer only by the change of master. such as the above are the monstrous things that are seen where the law of god and christian charity are lacking. in the division made between heirs, when a slave belonged to many, the time of his service was divided and each of the masters had the share that belonged to him and was his in such slave; and the division was made by months, or as was convenient among the masters. when a slave is not a whole slave but only a half or fourth part, he has the right to compel his master to give him his freedom for the just price at which he is appraised, according to the rank of the slavery, sanguiguilir or namamahay. but if he be a whole slave, the master cannot be compelled to ransom him at any price, even though he should have become a slave for debt, if already the day set for the payment of the debt has passed. 127. there was another kind of service which was not of a truth servitude, although it appeared to be such. it was generally seen among certain persons called cabalangay. whenever such persons wanted any small trifle, they begged the head chief of their barangay for it, and he gave it to them. in return, whenever he summoned them they were obliged to go to him to work in his fields or to row in his boats. whenever a feast or banquet was given, then they all came together and helped furnish the tuba, wine, or quilan, such being their method of service. 128. the ancient custom in manumission was for the whole sanguiguilir slave to pay ten taes of gold, and the namamahay the half; and, in addition to that, he had to give the half of whatever things he owned. for instance, if he owned two large jars he had to give one. in order to make that conveyance, the slave must make a banquet, at which were present masters, relatives, and friends. at the height of the banquet the delivery of the gold and household articles was made, those present being witnesses that the master had received them. the latter was thereupon satisfied, and the slave was set free. even today the tagálogs are wont, at death, to grant freedom to the children of their slaves who are born in their house, no matter how young they be. however, they do not free the parents of those children no matter how old they be, and even if they have been served throughout life by them. that seems absolutely illogical. 129. to what has been said of dowries and marriages, it must be added that in some districts, besides the bigaycaya and those presents made to the relatives, there was panhimuyat. this was a kind of present that was given to the mother of the bride, merely in return for the bad and watchful nights that she had passed in rearing her. that panhimuyat signifies "watchfulness and care." if the dowry was equal to five taes of gold, the panhimuyat was equal to one tinga, which was equivalent to one tae, or five pesos. that was a custom which well shows the harshness and greed of these nations, since the mothers wished to be paid even for the rearing of their daughters. also, whenever a chief married any daughter of his and asked a large dowry of his son-in-law, as, for instance, eighteen or twenty taes of gold, the father was obliged to give his daughter certain gifts called pasonor, such as a gold chain, or a couple of slaves, or something proportional to the dowry. it was very shameful to ask a large dowry without giving a pasonor. this is still done, resembling the gifts which among us the father presents to his daughter præter dotem, [27] which the civil law calls bona paraphernalia. [28] the natives of the southern islands [francisco combés, s.j., [29] in his historia de las islas de mindanao, iolo, y sus adjacentes (madrid, 1667), devotes a number of pages to the peoples of mindanao and other islands. this matter we translate from the reprint issued (madrid, 1887) by pablo pastells, s.j., and w. e. retana, book i, chapters ix-xviii.] chapter ix of the nations of these islands and those adjacent to them four nations have renown in this island, the caragas, [30] mindanaos, [31] lutaos, [32] and subanos. [33] that of most renown is the nation of caraga, which, although it is the smallest numerically, has been the greatest in deeds. in times past that nation was the scourge of the islands, as is today proclaimed by the depredations that still are fresh in memory in the islands of pintados--especially so in that of leyte, where there is scarce a village which has not bewailed its ruin. a good part of this ruin extended to ours, the pirates having pillaged our town of palo and destroyed all the villages of the coast, taking prisoner the father ransomer, [34] who exercised that office for all the jurisdiction, and obliging those who lived in the villages to retire into the mountains. those nations maintained themselves by their own valor, without protection of the pagan kings; they were bold against all, and no one dared to do anything to them. they are a brave nation on sea and land, and on land they are the first nation of the islands; and by their aid great exploits have been accomplished, as was seen in the conquest of the lake of malanao, and in all others that have occurred since they were subdued by the gospel and the catholic arms. the second nation in estimation is the mindanao, which includes the kingdoms of buhayen; for in olden times they were all one nation, and today, although various petty rulers govern them, they are one in customs and language. they are a nation of some valor, and with their policy of being subject to kings they have acquired esteem among the other nations, whom they have united under one political government for achievements that are too great for their own courage. they are treacherous and of little faith, as they are now swayed by the impious worship of mahomet. the third nation is the lutaya. it is a nation common to these islands of mindanao, jolo, and basilan. in all these islands it preserves the name of lutao, for since that is their vocation it well explains their nature. for lutao means, in those languages, "he who swims and goes floating over the water." such is the nature of these people that they know no other house than the ship. in the villages which they have formed they well show the inclination with which they were born; for they are so fond of living on the sea that their houses are built in it, in places which the low tide leaves exposed. in that way they can set upright the trunks of the trees with which they must form their houses, driving them down according to the load which they have to sustain. when it is high tide the houses are very far from the shore, and the water in between is so deep that brigs and craft of heavier tonnage can sail there. these people hate the land so thoroughly that they do not trouble themselves at all about its cultivation, nor get any benefit from it. all their labor lies in fishing, and they get from that the means of barter for whatever they need, even for the wood that they burn and the logs from which they build their houses and craft. since they are so slightly attached to the land, they easily move to other parts, and know no fixed abode except the sea; for although they recognize villages, in which they assemble, they seldom live in these, for they are scattered through the bays and beaches suitable for their fishing. they live under the kings of mindanao and jolo, and the chiefs of the same, and those of the island of basilan; today with some, tomorrow with others, according to the district in which they are. those of this island are scattered along all the coast which extends from samboangan to the river of mindanao, and have no fixed dwelling in any other part--except some of them who have settled in the city of cebú and a few others in the village of dapitan. they are equally esteemed in all parts as being the sinews for the wars of these regions (their campaign field being the sea), and also for their skill in constructing vessels fit for the wars of these regions, and their skill in managing them. by their constant communication with,all the nations (as they go to all parts for their advantage), and because of their method of living--which is so in the manner of traders, enjoying the fruits of the land--and by the alertness of their intelligence, they are the most capable, the most clear-sighted, and the most crafty people of these islands. therefore, they maintain the supremacy in everything, and, although they are the smallest in number, and everywhere the most foreign [of all these peoples], they are today the kings, and hold the rulers as their slaves; for now by loans, now by violence, and now by private vengeance, they have established the entire slavery of these islands. as their work causes but little exertion, naturally they grow up lazy, and only shake off their laziness for the gains and advantages of an industry like trading and sea piracy. and since the gains derived from that source are sure, both because the cunning employed by them is that of finished robbers, and because their wings are those of royal falcons, they are most eager for that exercise, as they are assured by these advantages from all danger; for, whether it be because of the swiftness of their ships or because of their skill in rowing them, no ship of ours has ever been able to overtake them. assured on that point, they have pillaged whatever their greed has dictated to them. their method of attack is for all of them to land at once with a terrifying and barbaric cry, the awfulness of which strikes terror to the people as they are caught defenseless and separated and thus incapable of resistance. they are more circumspect on the sea, when danger does not oblige them to make resistance. for since these natives do not fight for reputation, but only for gain, they seek to assure that, and not to buy it too dear with their blood. therefore, when they meet a ship which they think cannot make any resistance they go to it in certainty of making it a prize, and that they will catch it a half-legua from shore. however small it be, they do not care to seize it if there is any danger. they continue to row about it, until they cause it to waste its powder in spectacular warfare, and then, when they see it weakening, they attack it with great valor throwing by hand so many missile weapons that no man can [safely] show his face; and when they get within range there is rarely a man who is not wounded, for they hurl these missiles in showers. no matter how well equipped a boat may be, if once it gets within their range it has to surrender; for then their men, both sailors and soldiers hurl their arrows with both hands, so that they confuse those who uncover themselves for the fight. but by startling them from a distance, that danger is not imminent, and less resistance suffices. in order that this may be better understood, i shall relate some attested incidents of such encounters. one happened to an inhabitant of dapitan, with whom i sailed for many days. he, when going toward his village in a small boat, met the fleet of the joloans. a ship with one piece immediately left the fleet to pursue him. the indian carried a musket, and after he had discharged it the enemy, recognizing it, moderated their zeal, and coming within range discharged their own piece. then they backed water in order to load again and repeated the attack, always keeping a close watch on the musket. in this way they made three attacks, until at the third their piece became enraged, and breaking its carriage, fell into the sea. thereupon the enemy dared attempt nothing more, and retired. the same fortune happened to father antonio abarca, [35] of our society, of whom we shall make honorable mention later. he, having left me in dapitan in order to go over to bohol, on that same day while sailing toward that island, and while still one legua away from it, found three hostile joangas of joloans at another island, small and uninhabited, called illaticasa, which attacked him at the same time. there was but one firearm in the ship, and the father was the only one who knew how to manage it. he seeing himself so far from land, and pursued by an enemy so keen and so swift on the sea, availed himself of his courage, which was great, and of his skill, which was remarkable; and, adroitly fighting, he kept firing at the enemy, until he gained shore, being almost all the time in range of them, and so near that they talked to one another. by that means he saved himself and his people--a thing that would have been impossible in any other manner; but his defense was so fiery that in less than half an hour he fired the gun more than thirty times. these people are the instruments of all the exploits by sea, for of all the other nations no one will embark unless he is forced; and on account of the little effectiveness that is found by experience in all the others, our enemies, who are watchful for their own safety and for fortunate results, are not hindered by those other peoples. consequently, he who has most men from this nation is considered the most powerful and is the most feared, as they have power to infest the seas and coasts, making captives and pillaging, and making themselves masters of the crossings and passages necessary for communication with the other islands. for that same reason the mindanao has become so feared in these latter years that although he of buhayen is the true and legitimate king, he is coming to be less esteemed; for since the mindanao king has many lutaos, he has also power to make war. and although the king of buhayen has twenty-fold more vassals, he can make no one uneasy because he has no subjects of this nation; consequently, he has no weight in these islands. for the wars of these nations, now because of their little permanence, now because of the natural ruggedness of their settled parts, are but seldom offensive by land; for the enemy are immediately perceived, and the less powerful avail themselves of the shelter of the mountains. since the people are of little endurance and less subordination they cannot sustain long campaigns. therefore, at most the valiant ones set an ambush, and according to the way it falls out the campaign is finished without the spoils being surrendered; for their articles of value, as there is so little good faith among them, are always kept buried, or are so light that they are carried along with them. on that account he alone is judged powerful who has people to make war by sea. in ancient times this power caused all this island to pay tribute to the king of mindanao in order to be free from his attacks. in the time of buisan, the father of corralat, they had hopes of rendering all the islands of pintados tributary; and, though the island of burney is so out of the way, more than twenty thousand vassals pay tribute to him in the villages called suaco. for the same reason, although the joloan nation is so small, it has become the most distinguished in these islands; for on sea it equals the strength of the mindanaos, as they have as many or more vassals of the lutao nation. the fourth nation is the subano. they are the settlers along the rivers. to them is due the name suba, which is the equivalent of "river" in the general language of these nations. it is the nation of least esteem, both because of their natural barbarousness, for they live in the plains with as little association with one another as have brutes (one house being located a legua's distance from another, according to where each one wishes to build his hut); and because of their poverty, which is dire. for since they have no other intelligence than [what is required for] their work, their slothfulness reduces their efforts to what necessity [only] requires, so that what is abundant for a laborious life is always lacking with them. they are deficient in civilized ways, along with human intercourse, as they are born so hostile and so averse to communication [with others] that they grow old in their rude settlements without curiosity drawing them from their place of residence, or without their seeing the sea, although some of them live where they hear news of the horror of its tumults and movements. if either necessity or gain has made them give a glance at their rivers, they are satisfied with that, and do not seek a better fortune with its dangers. this inertia forbids them, incapable of giving force to their ambition, from following its impulses with [favoring] winds. they are as cowardly as treacherous, the one being the consequence of the other. he who better plans a bit of treachery and comes out most safely is considered the most valiant. as they all know one another, they look out for one another, and build their houses so high up that a pike cannot reach and wound them. their usual practice is to seek a very high tree, where they can build their nests safely; and, their houses being so unostentatious in size and furnishing, a tree holds them easily. the ladder by which they ascend is a log, some grooves that they cut in it serving as steps. on the coming of night they draw this ladder up and thus sleep secure. they teach us the little with which life is satisfied, and the fatigues which our ambition and pride give us; for in order to satisfy our ambition and pride we take upon us so many cares, which, so far as life is concerned, are superfluous, and are not the least of the accidents which our life suffers. this nation is almost wholly in vassalage to the lutaos, and every village recognizes some chief [36] of the latter nation to whom they pay tribute; and that chief bears himself as a king among them, and makes and unmakes at his will. in the beginning, this authority entered under color of protection and support against the king of mindanao, and remained in enthroned tyranny, so that today most of this nation are slaves of the lutaos--their want of intellect subjecting them to a thousand cheats, and their want of protection to a thousand outrages. for since the lutaos are so alert a nation, and so sharp in their affairs, they have gradually bought the subanos by trading with them, becoming masters of their entire freedom. chapter x of the noble and brave nation of the dapitans of this island, which has given empires to so many kings, without doubt the crown is the village of dapitan; and, although it is so small at present, it has been one of the most densely populated in the past, the one most respected for its power, and in our times the whole, both of these conquests and of their christian churches. in a small number, reduced to one single village, there is inclosed a nation [37] apart from all the others, and superior to all those discovered in nobility, valor, fidelity, and catholicism. they are descended from the island of bool, where they anciently occupied the strait made by that island and the island of panglao, which remains dry at low tide, but at high tide allows a galliot to pass. therefore many brazas in the sea stand, even today, certain columns of upright wood, as honorable witnesses of the location so gloriously occupied by this nation, and today the venerable ruins of poor although adequate buildings which they sustained. they occupied both shores and the entire island of panglao. there they conquered the famous people of bohol; for as their nation was the less numerous in that island, they were obliged to sustain their name by their deeds. the boholans, conquered and put to flight, abandoned the site which they occupied from the shore of the strait to the coast of baclayon and took refuge on the river of loboc, where their name is still preserved in a few families descended from that stock which conquered that island, and only the valor of the dapitans subdued. [38] according to the ancient law of the land the dapitans can call the boholans their slaves since less title was sufficient for that in the days of their antiquity, and the most authoritative reason was always that of war. war exiled the dapitans from their country, a proof of their valor and the unforeseen accidents of their misfortunes; for they were the only people of all the archipelago who were renowned among foreign princes for their exploits, and to them alone were embassies made. it happened then that in an embassy sent by the king of terrenate, the most warlike and powerful king known, his ambassador lost [due] respect for the house of the dapitan princes--then represented by dailisan and pagbuaya, who were brothers--by making advances to a concubine. they punished the crime more by the laws of offended and irritated fury than by those of reason, with hideous and indeed cruel demonstrations of contempt, by cutting off the noses and ears of the ambassador and his men. when they had returned to terrenate, the horrid aspect of his subjects aroused the wrath of the king. he armed all his power in twenty joangas to oppose the dapitans. his general, doubtful of the outcome, as he knew the valor of those with whom he had to do, made use of a trick by which he assured a deceitful victory. he sent his joangas in, one by one, giving out that they were traders, and under the security of friendship--excusing the above occurrence, in order to divert the attention [of the dapitans], with the laws of punishment, deserved because of the boldness of their men. the dapitans, seeing that the ternatans were attending only to the sale of their goods, lost their caution, and came up with the same confidence as ever. when the ternatans had all their fleet together, and saw that of the dapitans, they closed with them. although the latter placed themselves in a position of defense, they retreated before that multitude, and the terror of arms to which they were unaccustomed; for the ternatans already had muskets and arquebuses, the use of which they had before other nations, because of their trade with the portuguese. [39] the frightful effects of these, as terrible by their ruin as by their novelty, worked on the minds of the dapitans. dailisan was killed in that fray, and his brother pagbuaya was left the reigning prince. he, seeing how he was involved with the ternatans, and how much at the mercy of their new [arms] [40] was the place occupied by the dapitans--where the ternatan ships could succeed in anchoring under the houses of the dapitans, and using their arms, fight them in safety--resolved to seek another place, better defended. he also thus resolved because these nations regard as unlucky the place where fortune has once shown itself hostile to them, and immediately abandon it as accursed. even today, in these islands, it is a fact that the house where a chief dies is abandoned by his people and it remains alone, waiting its ruin. [41] he sought then a place where, their valor and its ruggedness joining hands, they could make up, aided by the strength of the site, for the small number of their nation. as there were no hills on their coasts, and they were unable to restrain their noble and warlike nature to the confinement and gloomy prison of the retired mountains, where they would be deprived of the trade and benefits of the sea, they crossed to the island of mindanao, a crossing of fifteen leguas, and twenty from their village, and seized a small rugged hill, which would allow itself to be monopolized by their valor. the people who elected to follow pagbuaya numbered one thousand families of freemen, his subjects, without taking into account the unmarried men. in these nations, where there is a law of dowry--or rather a law for the purchase of wives--there are many men who are denied the bonds of matrimony because of their poverty. neither do we reckon the slaves of the prince, who exceeded five hundred, and many other families of the lutao nation, who as they now live under the protection of the kings of mindanao and jolo, lived then also under the protection of the dapitan princes. they had occupied the new site but a short time when their renown caused anxiety to the most remote princes, who were fearful of their power. consequently, the king of the great island of burney was the first to send his ambassador with two joangas, soliciting their friendship. while they were yet awaiting the resolution of the dapitans, the brave magallanes sighted their coasts with his squadron, as we shall relate in the second book. they immediately made peace with him, being pleased, as brave men, with the valor which they recognized in the unknown people. [42] the borneans were sent away with the message that the dapitans wished no other friendship than that of their new guests. they have preserved that friendship to this day, as noble people, without any complaint [arising] of their loyalty, even to the lowest slave; and their exploits in favor of our arms have deserved much praise. for the son of that pagbuaya, called manooc, following the fidelity of his father, and surpassing it with the good fortune of being a christian, aided the spaniards in their first conquests of these islands--especially in the conquest of manila, the capital of all these islands; and later in the conquest of camarines, taking at their own expense, in all these feats of arms, their men and the nations subject to them. that prince, who, as he was the first to become acquainted with the spaniards (having shared the knowledge of them which his father acquired with the first sight of the squadron of magallanes), was the first to receive the blessing of acquaintance with our holy faith, giving renown equally to his own banners and to those of our king and sovereign, and receiving the name don pedro manuel manooc--continued the greatness of his deeds. for besides the services rendered in manila and the province of camarines, he sustained war against mindanao and jolo, and attacked them with his fleets in their very houses. on one occasion, when among others he went to attack jolo, he met the king himself, who was also going out with his fleet of twelve joangas. manooc defeated him and captured his flagship, and, at the cost of many killed, the king escaped as a fugitive, by hastening to the land. he made war on the caragas, who were the terror of the islands at that time. he subdued the village of bayug of the malanao [43] nation, who were subject to the mindanaos, without our arms having any other protection amid so many enemies than that of his valor which made easy so many undertakings. that prince was the father of doña maria uray, who is today living as an example and ornament of these nations because of the perfection of her virtues--which she prefers to a better fortune, for she has spurned marriage with the kings of jolo in order that she might not subject her faith to the outrages of barbarous and faithless princes. don pedro manuel manooc left orders that he was to be buried in the city of cebú, as he had ordered in his will that his bones be taken to that cathedral. his children carried out his orders, thereby showing both their affection to us and their devotion to him. the women were not inferior in merit. for doña madalena baloyog, the sister of don pedro manuel manooc, had so great authority among the barbarous subanos that she alone by her discretion reduced more of them than did the arms of her people by their valor and courage. she obtained the name of pacifier, mistress, and sovereign of the hard hearts of the chiefs of the subanos. her authority was so manifest to our men that, the natives of the river of butuan having rebelled, and killed their alcalde-mayor and their minister, a secular priest, who was then in charge of it, [44] it was sufficient for her to assure them of pardon for the deed, and to secure to us their pacification and due obedience forever. the cousin of don pedro manuel manooc was laria, who competed in all things for the greatness of his cousin. he served in the conquest of maluco with the same nobility and valor, and would receive no pay or rations for his men. in the seven times when the island of jolo was attacked in war, he took part in all of those conflicts, always showing himself remarkable for his princely actions and soldierly valor. a son worthy the nobility of such a father was don gonçalo maglenti, the husband of doña maria uray, whom we mentioned above, and the father of don pedro cabelin. the latter is still living and is nowise inferior in his deeds and fidelity to his forbears, as he was reared from childhood with so good merits of nobility and christian warfare--accompanying his father from the age of seven years, on all occasions of danger; thus he came to despise danger so thoroughly that at the age of thirty (his present age) the enemies of god and of our king whom he has killed in hand-to-hand combats, in various frays, surpass two hundred. don gonçalo, then, the father of so illustrious a son, left him enough examples to emulate his valor, for in accordance with his surname (which means "he who hurls down thunderbolts"), his valor hurled them in a constant shower. he opposed the might of the mindanaos at the time of their greatest arrogance, when they threatened all these islands with their arms. he always went in pursuit of their fleets and of those of the malanaos which were sent by way of the bay of pangil [45] to aid the mindanaos, for he was an ally for the defeat of their plans. he subdued from the bay of pangil to the village of sidabay, ten leguas from samboangan, all of the villages scattered through sixty leguas along the coast (formerly many more and superior in number). his care watched perpetually over the islands, and of his own accord he despatched advices to cebú and oton at the first rumor of hostile fleets, by means of which the evil designs of the enemies might be frustrated. that care merited for his nation exemption from the tribute and from all personal service, which its natives enjoy today by concession from his majesty. in this site the dapitans--now reduced to the enterprises of his valor to so small a number that they scarce exceed one hundred families--alone and strangers, have defended themselves from the power of all the pirates of these islands, all of whom, pursuing them with their vengeance and injuries, have attempted to extirpate them entirely. and as they have the land so at their mercy, with nations who have inherited so much internal hatred [to the dapitans] at being subdued by this noble nation, the former have been unable to get one single captive out of their hands, and their sieges are always left crowned with triumphs. for buhisán, the father of corralat, and the most warlike of the kings of mindanao, with one hundred joangas and the incentive of his own person and presence, returned within fifteen months, his haughtiness undeceived. the joloans, notwithstanding their power, had no better fortune, and left behind seven joangas in the enterprise that they attempted--although the opportunity was so in their favor, when there were scarcely ten men in the stronghold, as the majority had gone to various places for their trade. among the subanos--the ports of their conquest, which surround them on all sides--their valor is so accredited, that a dapitan has nothing to fear among a hundred of them. for if they see him ready for them, they do not dare to attack him, however thirsty for his blood their hatred makes them; for the subanos are all the triumphs of the arms of the dapitans, of which the sound and rigorous execution has drawn the former from their mountains, and made settlements of men from savages scattered among the thickets, who are reduced to more civilized life. thus has been established a province which, in our time, has been given separate an alcalde-mayor, namely, that of iligan; and by that province is secured to our arms an opening for the conquest of mindanao and jolo, as we have thereby had soldiers, pilots, and most skilful sailors, who are better than all those who sail in these islands. their village remains as a stronghold opposed to the petty rulers of those peoples. they are a very prudent race, and are quite hispanicized in their customs, and by the modesty of their bearing naturally deserved respectable. thus they do not endure the outrages that the other subdued nations endure, now from the boldness of the soldiers, now from the exigencies of our necessities; for they attend to all things willingly, considering it an honor to satisfy our desires. consequently, in respect and esteem they are the princes of these islands. in matters of the christian faith they yield in no wise to the most pious european nation or to the loyalty of the most distinguished. they are the ones who guard religion. the minister who visits the ports of their coast, with four dapitans whom he takes as a guard goes as safely as if he were taking an infantry regiment; and no misfortune has ever happened to such an arrangement. for although misfortunes have been experienced in the infidelity of the native subanos, yet they have been invited by the confidence of the father missionaries, who have gone among them without that valiant guard, as will be seen in the course of this history. finally, the faith of this island and those near by is owing to the dapitans; and, to their fidelity and valor, the glorious confidence of our arms. chapter xi the settlers of these islands, and their origin the owners of these islands are those who people the mountains. they, enamored with their peaceful mode of living, and fed with the happy returns of their cultivation, built their nests there and lost their liking for the coast and love for its occupations. thereupon, as they were reared in so deep retirement, which is especially great and unconquerable in these natives, because of their slothfulness and because they are so dead to curiosity, by which they have grown old in their gloomy retreats, they gradually became mountaineers; and, their intercourse with other peoples ceasing, they became less alert and more barbarous, allowing the foreign traders to seize the coasts, harbor-bars, and rivers which they found deserted. since by their trade, and in every way, the latter were making themselves masters of all things, the aborigines, being less valiant, yielded to the foreigners, as these were more civilized. consequently, on the south coast the rulers of those peoples are the lutaos, who bear themselves among these nations as princes. in some parts those peoples are called subanos, as in the jurisdiction of iligan and samboangan; in mindanao, they are called manobos [46] and mananapes [47] which is equivalent to "brutes." in jolo, they are guinuanos [i.e., guimbanos], and in basilan they are called sameacas, [48] and they are subject in all places equally to the fortune of the lutaos. no other origin to these peoples can be conjectured than one general to these islands--whose language, since its structure is founded on malayan roots, shows by its origin the origin of its natives. to this testimony corresponds the arrangement of these islands, which are strung out in a series from burney and macaçar, so that there is scarcely any considerable break, and there is no such correspondence in any other part. the lutaya nation are new in these islands, and live more on the seas than on their plains. they have no greater stability than is promised by a log in the water where no firm foundation can be laid. they scarcely take their feet from their boats. their moorish dress of turban and marlota [i.e., a moorish robe], their arms and worship, clearly show their origin. with all this agrees their more polished language, which they speak, emulating the grandeur of the princes of these nations who have made an ostentation of speaking it--indeed, because their own especial language approaches more nearly to it than any other, for they owe to it a great number of their words. [49] as the moorish faith [i.e., mahometanism] is recent in india, [50] and thence has steadily spread through these kingdoms it can be understood that this nation [i.e., the lutaos] occupied these coasts but a short time ago. the lutaos of this island who are subject to corralat and the buhayens (both through commerce and by the submission which they observed toward the king of ternate) show that they are branches of that stock. they recognize even their protection, which in olden times was the greatest obligation, and give them aid in their wars and protect them from their enemies. by the prowess of the lutaos those rulers were encouraged to cause grievous depredations among these islands, until the spaniards established themselves so strongly in ternate that, checked by that, as a bulwark of the islands, the moro chiefs did not attempt to pass farther, being content with placing their domestic affairs in safety without risking it for foreign [gains]. there are black negroes in this island, who pay tribute to no one. they resemble those of the island of negros, and of the uplands about manila, called aetas. they live more like brute beasts than like men, and they flee from the sight of all, doing ill to whomever they can. they recognize no village, nor in a land of so many inclemencies do they have any other shelter than that of the trees. they can be seen daily in the bay of pangil. in the village of layauan, where i was making the visitation, there appeared to be many of them. they have no other adornments than those which they inherited from nature; and pay so scant respect to decency that they do not secure even what is requisite. their arms are the bow and arrows dipped in poisons, which they know and with which they prepare the arrows. it appears probable, from what we know of other islands, where these people are found gathered in the most inaccessible mountains, that these are the first ones that occupied all these islands; but, as they are more ancient and are so shut in, nothing more is known of their origin than what is evident from this land, connected by its islands in a chain with those of burney, macaçar, and great maluco. this nation maintains only one excellence--at the cost, [however,] of its brutal condition and wretched mode of life--namely, its liberty. no power, not even that of our spaniards, has been able to subjugate them. they are so free in their indomitable barbarism that they will not suffer any subordination among them, not even that which fraternal feeling for their own people might bring about if they recognized dignities or any organized form of social life. [51] the lutaos of jolo have all their communication with the borneans, raising the trident of their king [52] in the villages of that enormous island. there they are judged to be one people [with the borneans], and are declared such by the fraternal intercourse that they maintain among themselves--being related by marriage, and conspiring together with their arms for the invasion of these islands, where their squadrons are seen daily under one and the same banner. but the rulers and nobility of all the islands of jolo and basilan recognize as the place of their origin the village of butuan (which, although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the visayan nation) on the northern side, in sight of the island of bool, and but a few leguas away from leyte and from bool, islands which are in the same stage of civilization. therefore, that village can glory at having given kings and nobility to these nations. it is not so long ago since the branches which flourish so well today were lopped from their trunk, that the memory charged with the event that divided them can have forgotten it. the old king of joló who is now living [i.e., bongso], saw the one who was dismembered from his people, and whom misfortunes exiled from his fatherland in order to make him venture on another's land, thus giving him the foundation of so warlike a kingdom, which is so feared in these regions. inasmuch as the tender beginnings of this new kingdom gathered encouragement from the protection of our arms, which it enjoyed for some time as pacific and tributary, it will be well to relate its beginnings before time obscures them. the dissensions of two brothers obliged the less powerful to seek, by way of exile, a path to liberty which oppression denied him. those affected to him accompanied him, and with them, seeking a land to his liking, he hit upon the island of basilan. the one who stirred up that people was named paguian tindig, [53] then a title of nobility, and today the legacy of kings and princes of the blood royal in the island of joló. in his company he took his cousin, one adasaolan, whom his fate gave to him in order to maintain its enmity to him. some of those in his company allowed themselves to be led away by the fertility and abundance of this island and remained behind, captivated by its advantages. with the rest tindig went to joló, whither the report of its wealth, the advantages of its seas and islands, and the fertility of its mountains carried him. they easily conquered the natives, who were barbarians and unaccustomed to the rigors and ambitions of war. they remained as rulers of the island, and their prince was paguian tindig, who, as subject to the spaniards (who had already subdued the river of butuan), continued in the same allegiance and paid them tribute. his cousin adasaolan he married to a daughter of dimasangcay, [54] the king of mindanao named paguian goan (a dangerous plan) in order to give himself power in the rivalry [with his brother]. the mother of corralat, by name imbog, was a joloan, and with the communication indispensable to relationship easily infected adasaolan with the perfidy of mahomet, and the tyranny and violence of his law; and he, puffed up by the favor of the mindanao king, and confident of his help, which their relationship promised him, planned to kill his cousin, in order that he might remain absolute master of the island. he blockaded him, unprepared, in his house with four hundred men who had gathered to his standards. but in a happening not expected or feared, love acted, being forewarned, and innocence, being offended. and since there is no confusion that blinds the courage of foresight, he had taken the precaution to pour down along the supports of the house (which are here called arigues, and are of strong wood) a quantity of oil, which rendered the scaling more difficult; and the besiegers, finding more resistance than their presumption imagined, and yielding to so great force, retired. tindig recognized the difficulty in which he was, and considered war as declared and broken out; and, in order not to stain it with blood at the cost of his men, planned to absent himself and look for aid, respect for which would ensure his condition. he went to manila for that purpose, having repressed the forefront of his danger, and, as a tributary and subject prince, easily secured the pledge of our arms for his help; and, because he alone could measure the force with the necessity, the means was left to his choice. he thought that two well-armed caracoas would be enough, and, although a powerful fleet was offered him, he refused to accept it; for he considered himself as invincible in his joanga, if reënforced by two spanish caracoas. his absence made his rival powerful, for the party without a leader readily unites with that side that has one; and, the cause of the rivalry being wanting, tyranny easily united the forces of the island. eight well-armed joangas were prepared by adasaolan, which were given to him by buhisan, the father of corralat; and tindig, having come within sight of joló, went ahead with a lack of caution, to prepare his people, as he did not believe that the party of his cousin was so in the ascendancy. the enemy who were awaiting him, all ready, as soon as they saw his joanga without the shelter of the caracoas, all surrounded it and boarded it, with the determination to finish the war at one stroke. ours who were coming behind could not aid him; for he had gone on ahead, as we have said, to advise his men, and to notify his enemies of the war, so that fear could accomplish what he desired without recourse to arms. overcome by the multitude rather than yielding to force, he was killed. he died unconquerable, his death leaving the tyrant assured of power. the king of joló, raya bongso, who was punished by governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, in his conquest of joló, is a good witness of this contest. he, without much questioning, showed even the wounds that he received on that occasion, fighting, although but a lad, at the side of paguian tindig, who was his relative. the spaniards having arrived, and the cause of their fighting (the protection of him who had fallen) being now removed, and not finding anyone with whom to fight, returned to manila. the tyrant, flushed with his victory, and being greedy with the hopes that great captures were assured to him in the islands with alliance with the mindanaos and borneans, united himself to them; and following their fleets, with so good masters of piracy his people became so great pirates, that they surpassed all in deeds, and by themselves caused so great havoc throughout the islands that they have proved the heaviest scourge that these natives have suffered. and refusing obedience to his majesty and the tribute which they have always paid, that principality [of joló] was founded and has less antiquity in these islands than the spaniards. [55] chapter xii beliefs and superstitions of these islands the general condition of these islands is paganism. from sangil to samboangan, the dwellers along the beach follow the law of mahomet, as well as those of the islands of basilan and joló. this last is the metropolis of the false religion, and the mecca of this archipelago; for there is the tomb of their first master, concerning whom the caciques [i.e., kasis], for the credit of his deceits, have been establishing innumerable fables, which have already become a lying tradition in this century. one is that he came from paradise with three others, of whom one went to java, and another to burney, and the other two landed at joló, and thence one went to mindanao. he of mindanao was ill received; and because of that, and of having been shipwrecked in the sea by driving on a reef, he went in anger to an island to become a hermit, walking upon the water. but he who was wrecked in a ship could ill keep his footing in the water. such is the character of lies, that some are quite contrary to others. the outfit that he carried consisted of a net, and it is said that he caught fish on the mountain with it, by dragging it over the ground. but if he found fish on the mountain then the fish surely could not escape him, unless indeed it were a flying-fish. when his followers went to seek him, satan had already carried him away, and they found only the net--and that stretched out, for it had been placed to dry. from that point they took occasion to discuss so disconnected bits of nonsense as we have mentioned. thereupon he who remained in joló obtained the chair of the evil [doctrine], and, as he is accredited with not fewer deceits, he was able to authorize his person and his doctrine with the barbarians; for he also gave them to understand that he could get fresh water from the sea, that he could sail on land, and could establish fisheries on the mountain, as did the other. the use of these errors gave authority for the common people to invent others. they believe that the enchanted boat which they never saw, and whose anchorage they never knew, still exists. the respect that his deceits gained him in life became ignorant and infamous adoration at his death. a sepulcher was erected for him, which became the mausoleum of his memory, and the mecca of his deceits. they erected it on the famous hill [of joló], and it was very elegant. [56] at its foot they planted the singular fruit which they call the king's fruit, [57] which is unique in this archipelago, and of which no one ate except himself, although for devotion the shells were given to the others. as we said, they planted many jasmines, and made their defenses there, so that animals might not defile the mausoleum. as an entrance to it, there was arranged in front of it a little house which was placed at the beginning of the stockade, as if it were an entrance into the well of st. patrick. there they made their offerings, all of which went to the benefit of the prebendaries of the house, who were generally of the blood of the hypocrite. thence they took their auguries for the war, for, putting water in a vase, together with some earth from the sepulcher, if it became bitter to the taste the outcome would be bad; but if sweet, it would be happy. it is said that this test was made for the war waged on them by don sebastian, in consequence of which the king was always inclined to treat for peace. by the entrance of our forces upon the hill, that place lost its worship and esteem; for the soldiers turned it all upside down, and dug it up in the hope of finding some treasure, and found no trace of a human body. the indians were terrified at their boldness, and asked whether those who dared to do so much would not die. thereupon, those people were left with only the staff [of that teacher], which the kasis [caciques] keep; for that is the staff of all virtues, and in going out with it (which is at the time of any necessity), all make it great reverence, and attend to all that is asked of them. for if they do not do so, he excommunicates them, with two blows with it which he gives on the house or the boat, and there can be neither health in the one or good luck in the other. all these are the artifices of cupidity, which holds them fast in a deceitful fear by vain terrors. the other relic is the cap, [58] which is the hereditary possession of the kings, and to swear by it is to use the sanction of a great sacrament. notwithstanding so many lies that are made up to sustain this deceit, there are but few who esteem it; and in general they are all atheists, and those who have any religion are sorcerers. for as moros, beyond not eating pork, and practicing circumcision, and [having] a multiplicity of women, they know not anything. they drink wine more than we do, and all their happiness consists in drunken revels--[to them] a positive act of greatness; and thus all their knightly deeds consist in emptying more or fewer jars [of wine], and there is a wedding in which they empty two hundred. all their festivals consist in this. they live in all respects like men without any law who do not know god, and without any mode of worship, and unmindful that there is such in the world. all regard the law as little more or less, and, according to the land they inhabit, follow its customs and laws. accordingly they are neither moors, heathen, nor christians, but barbarous atheists. corralat, who has civilized his country somewhat, has his mosque, and makes his people attend it. but when they leave their village, each one does as he pleases--except some of the chiefs, who, following the example of the king, have made it a point of honor to appear to be moors. but the common people, assuredly, lay no stress on that point. what they believe in thoroughly are omens, which are almost general in all the islands. there are many of them: of birds, like the limocon; [59] of insects, like the lizard; of accidental occurrences, like sneezing; of happenings, like deaths or earthquakes; of observances at time of sowing, and of reaping, and of the hunt--all of these have their observances, which they fulfil in order to have luck in the work; for they believe that without these it will be unlucky, and without any profit. therefore, they do not undertake those things, since in many districts it is considered an omen when anyone asks for a portion of what may be caught (as for instance, of the hunter or fisher), if we say to him when he goes to try his luck: "divide with me what you shall catch." they consider that as a bad omen, and return to their house, for they believe that they will catch nothing. those who are atheists knowingly are the dwellers in mountains; for they have no mosques, or shrines, or any method of praying to god. those upon whom they call in their illnesses are their ancestors, saying "alas, my mother!" or "my grandfather." that is rather the natural expression of pain than a prayer in which they experience any efficacy. where there are some to whom the devil talks (which was more usual in their antiquity), such people offer him their sacrifices, [60] and the indians have recourse to them in their illnesses, so that they could make the same efforts for them. today the christian truth has obscured the falsity of hell. at most, the descendants of those ministers of the devil, who were generally women, do what they saw them do without the devil taking any notice of them or talking to them. others, who lay but small stress on all that, do what they heard said was the custom in the days of their antiquity, let happen what would. but they do it with so little earnestness that it appears to be levity rather than religion. with the same fervor they follow any other rule, so that they always remain without any law, unless it be where the energy and incessant constancy of the missionaries has made them forget their ancient customs, and with continual instruction has made it easy for them to accept the new things of our holy faith. in caraga there was a barbarous custom to make their ships lucky, namely, to vow to them the first time upon some name, which was generally the name of one of their captives. that which has great value in all parts is sorcery; and they hold it in such high esteem that the father hides it from the son, and unless they receive a great profit they refuse to communicate any secret of it. the famous sorcerers are feared, although there is no one who is not ashamed of being called thus, and the word "sorcerer" is one of the insulting words of these natives. my judgment from seeing these [sorceries], so alike, is that they are implicit compacts made with their ancestors. for it also seems impossible that there are herbs of so powerful poison that they can kill so instantly that some persons kill, with only the breath alone by chewing those herbs; and others, by burying those herbs where one has to pass. they also use figures, which they dedicate to him whom they wish to harm, and these accordingly torment him; the figure continues to aggravate the evil upon the sorcerer's enemy. others work by letters, and that is peculiar to the moro kasis [caciques], although the most of all this is fabulous; but as they imagine that it is true, for any accident for which they find no remedy, and of whose cause they are ignorant, they throw the blame on the sorcerer. it is recounted of the king of burney that, on learning the name of one, he can kill him if he chooses. sargento-mayor pedro duran monforte having made war in his land, the king was informed of his name, and said that since he knew his name, therefore monforte could not live much longer, and with that he consoled his people. but thanks to god, the sargento-mayor has been living for three years since that threat. thus are all their affairs. he who unites the excellency of a powerful sorcerer to mahometan ardor is king corralat. he causes the fish to enter his boat. while one of our fathers was in his boat, a fish leaped in; the king picked it up and, giving it to the father, said: "this is for the father." it is also related that he makes a piece of artillery float on the surface of the water by placing an oar in its mouth. he has a saker, which according to report, when fired, serves him as a good or evil augury. the fact is, that he talks very familiarly with the devil. according to the tale of a spaniard (and one for which he vouched to me), when he was going from samboangan on a certain embassy, just as he entered the river the favorite of corralat told him that, the night previous, his king had asked him whether any ship were to be seen. to his negative answer the king said to him: "then take note that three ships will arrive tomorrow, and one of them will be spanish." that was a fact, for two ships from java entered, and that of the said spaniard. thereupon the favorite exclaimed: "great saint corralat, there is no other truth." with such things he has established so much credit that if god do not bury his body in the depths [of the sea], the mindanaos will worship him and will found another house of mecca, such as they had in joló. with that he has become a greater king than any of his forbears; for their fear of him is incredible, as they recognize in him one who has superior power to avenge himself. consequently, they do not dare undertake anything against his will; for they regard it as certain that they will be unlucky. since the devil has been so advantaged by that way, he manages to make their fears come out true at times, by which credit for the others is assured. chapter xiii the moderation of their conduct, and the sobriety of their living among all the indians it is a general fact that in what relates to their own persons natural law is more conspicuous, and has a more firmly established empire, than have the nations. part of that is founded on the slothfulness of their natures, and part on the rudeness of their civilization; the former makes them content with little, and the latter causes them to ignore the niceties of art. their food proves the first well; and the havoc that they cause, the second. the food is very poor among the wealthy, and requires little labor; for they neither know condiments nor for that purpose are drugs valued among them, of the use of all which they are ignorant. both slave and ruler, plebeian and prince, eat bread; for, since that consists of a little boiled rice, one cannot eat it more adorned than the other. since all of them are bakers of this bread, he who wishes to clean it better eats it whiter. he who has no slaves to relieve him from that eats it as he chooses; and, consequently, there is no one who does not know how to cook his food. for they are under the daily necessity, even the richest, of making it; and, as ostentation in ordinary life is so little, it is unavoidable that service is lacking to them on their voyages and navigations, so that they are forced to use their own hands. those who do not obtain rice--either because the land does not bear it, or because it is limited in any year--eat of many roots, which supply the lack fully, and which require no other preparation than boiling. he who is so well served that he obtains a little fish, venison, or pork, with water and salt alone makes his stew, without the knowledge of other kinds of pottages. in order to give their food a sharp flavor, they are wont to cook it with some herbs of a sour taste. consequently, in the seasoning of their food they consume nothing, so that they save the cost of butter, oil, vinegar, and all spices. they are accustomed to make their puches [i.e., a sort of pap] and poleadas [i.e., a sort of fritter] from cocoanut milk and the honey made from sugarcane, which are their preserves and royal cakes. but such is at a great wedding or at a feast, where their desire for ostentation arouses their endeavors. such were presented to me by the king of joló, panguian bachal, while i was visiting at his court. they consisted of a half-dozen small cakes made of rice flour and kneaded with cocoanut-milk, and baked until they turned dark, so that they appeared to be cinnamon to the sight. in fact the color was due to the toasting and to a preserve, like turpentine, made from the fruit of the durion with honey made from sugarcane. this is enough to turn the strongest stomachs--as it were, the chief dainty for the stomach of a bull--oppressive, as it was all night to the queen mother; [61] and we satisfied ourselves with looking at it. their clothing is very simple, without stiffening or linings. all are dressed after the same style, and innovations due to curiosity are not allowed. as the country is so hot, they dress very loosely, a fact which makes the cutting out very easy. each one is the tailor of his own garments. this is the reason why the indians are so lacking in the communal idea, and are so hostile to assembling and uniting in villages; for since their misery and laziness make them content with the easiest and most natural, which all obtain, they do not need one another. for in each house are found all the trades, and no one makes use of them unless his own necessity compels him. if one goes to fish, he is content with what will satisfy either his appetite or his necessity; and the desire of acquiring does not make him break with his laziness in order to work. returning to their clothes, the stuffs worn are generally common to nobles, and plebeians, kings and slaves, and there is no difference between them--except it be in something extraordinary, in which the obligation and ostentation of their chief persons induces them to depart from their accustomed use. at such times they are wont to wear silks and very beautiful stuffs, with buttons and gold lace. their krises (which are their inseparable weapons) have gilded scabbards and hilts of massy gold. i have seen some of them which were valued at nine slaves each, all covered with precious stones and perhaps encrusted with pearls. but in daily appearance all resemble one another, both in the garments in which they dress and in the fashions that they employ. these clothes consist of breeches and short jacket [ropilla]--or skirt, to be more accurate. that is not worn over a shirt, for with them the first garment is not the shirt, but the skirt, for it is all one. sometimes they wear a jacket with long skirts cut in the french style; which, although it can be buttoned, is generally worn open, with the breast exposed. in this particular this nation is quite different from the others of this region. they use another style of cut; the skirts and sleeves each ending in a point, and the ends which ought to close over the bosom are brought together in double points, fastened either with a button or with a knot, so that almost all the breast is left open. the breeches are full and white, resembling those which the spaniards wear for the sake of cleanliness under their black ones. they are girt with a bit of native linen, so long that after having been knotted it hangs from the waist to the knees; and it serves to make their garb more decent than it would be because of the meagerness and thinness of the breeches. or if they do not have that, then they use two brazas' length of the same cloth or silk, which at its full width they wind about the body, joined in front with one end crossed below the other. in that manner they cover the breeches entirely, and the clothing is much more decent. in this usage, the gala costumes have special elaboration, and it displays their ostentation; for they are wont to wear cloth that is valued at thirty or forty reals of eight. they also wear breeches of the malay fashion, which are closed like ours, although they are not so tight. it is the rule that they must be of silk with a gold fringe below, or with border and buttons of the same which among these people is always of filigree or of solid gold. in that they consider only ostentation, without any risk of waste. on the head, in the moorish style, is worn a turban. its use throughout the indias is general, but among these people inviolable. i do not know whether it is because even their hearts are tinged with their cursed worship, or because of hatred to our nation and to our customs, or because of flattery to their natural arrogance--through which they will never, of themselves, come to depreciate their own things. even yet throughout the islands, those who are esteemed as chiefs are ashamed of appearing without hats. the clothing of the women is plainer, and such that it becomes indecent; for from the small mantas or textiles of these regions, which are all very thin, they make a sack nine palmos long and open at both ends. they gird this in at the waist as much as may be necessary, so that it falls to the feet; what is left they allow to fall over the legs, and it does not even reach to the knees, or necessarily serve for the decency which modesty requires. they adjust it by drawing it close to one side of the body, and by making folds on the other side of all the extra width in proportion to their body. this sack, which by day is a garment--so shameful to decency, because it so ill satisfies it--serves at night for mattress, sheets, and curtain. for on retiring they ungird the sack, and the part which they doubled about the knees they put up to the head. that is all the opulence and comfort that their beds can boast of, which are made of a thin mat. these are their holland and rouen linens, which serve for their opulence and their fastidious cleanliness. that is their whole wealth of quilts and covers, which protect them from the cold and from the mosquitoes. all is so exactly adapted to necessity, that there is no difference between the chief women and the slaves--as i saw in joló in the queen herself, and in samboangan in many other women, not inferior to her in vanity. however, the women of highest rank, on retiring let fall a curtain without a covering. and that is all their ostentation and the necessary obligation of modesty for the protection from sight of those who are careless concerning their manner of sleeping, in houses where there is no division of apartments, and where there can be no rooms for the multitude that inhabit them, and where the others throw themselves down pellmell on the floor. at most, the master is protected by that little grandeur. this is in regard to the bed, for in dress no difference is known. the gala dress of the women of this nation consists wholly of the shirt [sayuelo] which is made in the style usual to the indians. it is however, drawn close about the breasts, and the sleeves are very long, at times each sleeve taking three or four varas of cloth. the sleeve is gathered at the wrist in a very fine and graceful plait, as the goods that they wear are so delicate. they heighten that gala dress with the wealth of gold, the use of which among these indias extends to the wrists, which they cover with bracelets, either solid or hollow, and a finger in width. on days of great display they generally wear three or four pairs. the work is beautiful, and these add much to their gay and festive appearance; and they show off the arm loaded with such rich bracelets. for cloaks or mantles they wear textiles of fine silk, and at times of gold [tissue], which they call patolas [62] which is a very beautiful and rich kind of goods. generally, when they leave the house they all wear very long black cloaks; that partly moderates the ugliness and utter indecency of their dress--which of itself is, i know not whether more ugly or more immodest, with its sack above mentioned, which serves them as shirt and petticoat, without its having any distinction either for station, rank, or display. the houses in which they reside have what is sufficient for their shelter and poor lodging. they have no salons where they can walk, or higher stories where they can amuse themselves, than that which separates them from the ground. this is made with logs, upon which as columns they build their sills, to which they fasten the ends of the beams with their keys. the roof is thatch, which nature furnished, a provision very suitable to the needs of the country--which, as it is so subject to earthquakes, does not allow a greater weight without danger to the buildings. the floor is of bamboos, split or otherwise prepared; for, as these are hollow, they can be split with the same ease, thus avoiding the trouble and niceties of carpentry. thus the floor is like a grating, and is a necessary precaution of their natural laziness and dirtiness; for by this way of making their floors they avoid having to sweep them, since the houses can so easily be washed and rid of all dirt. they have no benches or chairs, and thus they get rid of the encumbrance of much furniture. they consider a seat on the floor as more secure. they use tables somewhat; these are round and hollowed out in the middle, in the manner of an ordinary brasier, and are built wholly for use rather than for display. in that hollow they put all their dishes, which consist of boiled rice, and fish of the same stew, without there being any danger of the food being spilled out. they use no tablecloths or napkins; and, although they use dishes somewhat, they do not usually feel the lack of these, as the trees with their wide leaves furnish them a cleaner table-service, and the bamboos make them very tasteful jugs and bowls which are formed from their lengths between knots. these also form their jars; for there is a kind of bamboo from which they make jars containing three or four azumbres. [63] by cutting four joint-lengths and boring holes in them, they fill a good jar. the cocoanuts yield them cups, for here these are very common. chapter xiv the laws of their private conduct and the general laws of their government following are the laws pertaining to them privately as persons. they are as much adapted to the nature of the world (although more clothed with innocence), as they are to their laziness and cupidity which prohibits them from all expense which is not necessary for life, as superfluous. for that i have always said of these natives that they are fine philosophers, adapted to nature. the laws which touch on other matters and have to do with their neighbors are quite at variance with the laws of nature; and these extend to a tyranny so manifestly cruel that at times and in some things it comes to be brutality. i have seen a son who held his father as slave, and, vice versa, a father who held his son as slave; for if one make an outlay for another, they take account of it, as would be done in the case of a stranger. inasmuch as this son had freed his father by buying him from his master, that man was reckoned as his son's slave, and the same would be true of the son. it may happen that a chief lowers himself [by having intercourse] with his slave-woman, and the son whom she bears may be so cruel that at the death of his father he makes his own mother his slave. even if, while they are at peace, these points are not cleared up, and the inner tyranny employs external civility, yet, if dissensions alter these relations, and they are divided, the men avail themselves of those rights, and subject their mothers to whatever they choose, and do not allow them to leave their houses. thus do they come to be served by their mothers at all times. in regard to those who descend from them, there is even less shame; and among another kind of relations is an utter disregard of nature in this respect, for their own nephews are the slaves of their uncles, and, vice versa, uncles are slaves of their nephews. they do not know what charity is. consequently, whatever benefits they confer are all placed on account as debts, which their tyranny estimates wholly to their own satisfaction. unfortunate he whom abandonment or orphanage has flung into the house of another, for now for his sustenance, and again for his rearing, he must become a slave. kindness is shown at the cost of liberty. although that was general throughout the islands, in this island it is excessive, as it is a tenet of the perfidious sect of mahomet; and its cruelty has left no liberty that it has not opposed. therefore, there is not in this nation the middle class that is found in the others which forms the common people out of the freemen; for there are no freemen, nor any mean between chiefs and slaves. their community is composed of but two extremes, so far separated. it is a fact that there are many ways by which to reduce men to such a condition, and there is no escape from the injury. for, since self-interest is the advantage of those who are powerful, it unites them against the unfortunate one who dares to proclaim the offense that has been done to him, while his punishment conciliates so many other offenders who might perplex justice; and fear shuts the mouths of those whom the same fortune might gain to his favor in the support of his testimonies. therefore, when it comes to proof there is always a lack of witnesses for innocence; while on the contrary there is for tyranny an oversupply of ocular witnesses of things that they have never seen or heard. when some stranger goes to a village to trade where he does not have the guaranteed patronage of many powerful relations, in the case of any neglect that is shown him in courtesy or in the laws, they bring such a case against him that to get out of it well he abandons his business and perhaps with his business his freedom. the worst of it is that the punishment is always more than the offense, for the just pay as if they were sinners. their avarice or tyranny not satisfied with the vengeance taken on the criminal makes the offense related to the very blood, in order to extend their cupidity farther. hence it is that on account of the crime committed by a single one, they make all the relations slaves. i saw four brothers who were all deprived of their inherited freedom because of the incivility and weakness of one. finding myself in iligan--a nation which, as it is so new, is even yet throwing out the sparks of this tyrannical fury it happened that a common woman spoke some insulting words to another woman who had rank; and the latter's husband, coming to me to make a complaint, said to me, exaggerating the offense: "father, if the spaniards were not here, and we could rule ourselves by our own laws, we would have made mincemeat [gigote] of that woman with a campilan, and slaves of her brothers and sisters and relatives." finally, he whom avarice rules with a tyrannical power (for all their laws end in self-interest) gets usury from his offense and employment from his crime. avarice rules in all their judgments; and the purse becomes the gallows of all crimes. money is the vengeance of the aggrieved parties, and the sponge for injuries. when they are paid for, no spot or sign of the offense is left. although there are crimes which bear especially a capital penalty, yet there is no penalty that cannot be redeemed by money or goods. he who has no possessions at all has still liberty, and can surrender that also. that is the road most traveled by which some come to be the slaves of others; and perhaps the chief, if he be poor, may be the slave of another who is a plebeian. when anyone is caught in adultery, if sudden wrath does not execute him, which is but seldom, the wounds are passed on to his purse, in the endeavor to destroy him, and the husband subjects his own wife to the same harshness and penalty. for here all persons have a separate purse, and the husband is not master of what his wife possesses but only of what pertains to him. nor, under pretext of managing her possessions, does he have more to do with it than the extent of her permission; and she is always mistress of her own possessions. thus she pays a fine to her own husband, as if she were a stranger to him. having received this, the aggrieved party remains as satisfied as when, among the spaniards, one sword has pinned both guilty ones together. the offender retains a privilege truly insulting and barbarous--that for one year he may have intercourse with the woman without her husband complaining. then the husband and wife return in all peace to cohabit as before, the offense being again at risk, for another atonement. they especially abhor theft, and they have assigned an ignominious penalty for the thief, as a warning. this is to cut off the joints of his fingers, more or fewer according to the crime. that perhaps obliges them to pass from the hands to the toes, the penalty being proportioned to the misdeeds of greater atrocity. but that penalty can also be redeemed, as can the others, by money. notwithstanding that, some crimes they regard as so capital that they do not respect petitions or allow bribes, and death is the necessary punishment for them. the unnatural crime is one of them, and the severity of the execution well shows their natural horror, for such people are burned, and their houses; and nothing that they possessed is allowed to escape from this rigor, as being contaminated. or, having caged the offenders, they throw them into the sea, and destroy their houses and fields, by such punishment to make demonstration of their abhorrence. the most feared crime is that which they call sumban, which is incest in the first degree; for they regard it as assured by long experience and knowledge inherited in tradition from their ancestors, that the land which allows that crime is bound down by wretchedness and misfortunes until its infamy is purged by the rigorous chastisement of the offender. there is no other means which can placate the wrath of heaven. consequently, when they suffer long droughts, or other general plagues from heaven, they immediately attribute them to this. a case of that nature came to my notice in the year fifty-one, when the drought was general, and so great that even the water of the rivers failed, and that river which had any water that found its way to the sea was rare. the indians of the village which was in my care on the coast of siocon came to tell me that it was a punishment from the sky, and that it had been demanded by the awfulness of such crime on the coast of mindanao, where they said that a mother was living in marriage with her son. they petitioned me to have the offenders punished, and warned me that the punishment should be death without remission, such being their custom, without admitting satisfaction by any other penalty, however excessive it be. the same report was current in the island of basilan. however, it was without other foundation than that the indians are gossipy and suspicious, ignorant of the secrets of the sky and ruled by the traditions of the past. they are ruled in that island by greater fear, as they retained more accurately in their memory certain cases that served them as examples and warnings. for, at a certain time, the sky was so leaden that for two years not a drop of rain fell. there was an indian who violated the respect that he owed to his blood and to nature, with regard to a daughter of his. although he tried to bury the crime in the depths of his silence, it cried out to the sky as an offense, and was heard distinctly as a sin; for the effect, as ungrateful as evil, always turns against its cause. he was a person of influence, and respect for him did not allow any investigation to be made; but, the villages grieving over the public calamity, and unable to endure their forced famine, men trampled under foot respect and laws, in their judgment that tolerance in so execrable an evil had also vexed and hardened the sky. by common consent they seized father and daughter, and, shutting them up in a cage well weighted with stones, threw them into the sea. in return they experienced from the sky approbation for their avenging zeal, in the heavy rain with which it received them. for at all times god preserves the credit to virtue, and even among barbarians imposed penance on vice, so that those who became familiars of vice could have no excuse. [64] the joloans executed the same punishment with equal severity, but through malicious information. god, who is always the protector of innocence, shielded the wretched; for when they cast two other fathers in the same manner [into the water], he took away the weight of the stones, and gave the men strength to keep afloat, without abandoning them for a whole day, so that, the report of the matter having reached the king, the wonder forced him to seek new information, by which he discovered falsity and recognized innocence. in all the nations innocence considers god as its advocate, and in desperate cases rests secure on his protection. judges in suits or causes follow the simple laws of nature, and have no embarrassment of laws and doubts and contrary interpretations. they have no delays by reports or prolixity of writs, for they do not waste a single dedo [65] of paper in that. the accusation, the plea, and the evidence are quickly heard--all in the manner of the time of noah. if there is no testimony, they admit the parties to the oath, which contains terrifying imprecations. with that plea the party is usually content; for the obligation and risk, to which he is exposed by results which are reckoned as punishments of heaven against perjured ones if the rigor of their imprecations is executed, are greatly feared. if perchance the party is satisfied that he has truth on his side, at his petition they do not rest content with that trial, but judgment of red-hot coals or hot iron, [66] such as was resorted to in españa and other countries, in centuries ruder and more immune from laws by the privilege of their innocence and goodness. if the persons are burned, then their punishment is proceeded with; and if not, the accuser is obliged to make requital. that custom seems to have been communicated by the moros by way of terrenate, where it is still observed. however, no one is burned, for since the ternatans are so skilled in sorcery, they know herbs of such efficacy and bewitchments of such power, that they communicate it to the hands so that they can handle the iron with impunity, as if it were a nosegay of flowers. also many of those whom they bury alive, that being the punishment of adultery and rape, escape. i say this, for it often occurred that persons escaped from the execution of this test, in the sight of the spaniards at ternate, women whose guilt was notorious, but who cleared themselves of suspicion among their people by this proof. i was told many happenings of this sort, during the time that i spent in those islands [i.e., the moluccas]; and i was assured that it was done by means of an herb, and i was shown some that were famous in its knowledge. these were the ones to whom the accused had recourse in all their exigencies, suborning their expertness with a quantity of money. chapter xv the form of government of these natives the kings, although so tyrannical in government, and in power so beyond the affliction and trouble which authority and ostentation incur, yet according to the condition of their poverty maintain the form and authority of a court. peace affairs are in charge of a chief justice or counselor, called zarabandal. that is the greatest court title and he decides the causes and suits, and advises concerning the sentence. in the outside villages where the king does not reside, the chiefs meddle wherever they wish, without other law than their power and will, and their unbridled greed; and the one injured has no recourse, for, in quarrels between the plebeians and chiefs, the king always takes the part of the latter--who are more powerful, and are those who can make trouble for him, and even deprive him of his kingdom. for his principate is founded more on the recognition that they make of his nobility than on any absolute power which secures to him their vassalage; since a slave will say "no" to the king in what does not suit him. that happened in joló, in the presence of father alexandro lopez. when the father was negotiating through the medium of the king to have the ransom for a christian put at a humane figure, the other, a joloan slave by condition, who had the christian in his power, said to the very face of the king, when the latter asked him to conform to the prices settled upon in the treaty of peace, [67] that he would not do it; and that was the end of the matter. that signified that the king's power in execution extended just so far as his vassals wished, and that they would obey him just so far as it pleased them. they have established orders of nobility, with a distinction of titles which aggrandize it. some are called tuam, which is the same as "señor" or the title applied to men in españa. others are given the title of orancaya, which signifies "rich man;" it is the greatest title, and equivalent to grandee of their kingdom. it is equivalent to the same title that españa gave to its grandees when his majesty used more simplicity, and called them ricos-homes [i.e., "rich men"]. the rest are called chiefs, and correspond to what we call caballeros and hijos-dalgo [i.e., "knights and nobles"]. they have no greater dignity than the honor. those of the blood royal are called cachiles following the custom and style of the kings of maluco, terrenate, tidores, and xilolos. the same in the peculiar style of joló are called paguian. the orangcayas or ricos-homes become the rulers of vassals, and have some villages in their charge. in those villages, although the king is recognized, and tribute sent to him, in all else those rulers are absolute; and especially in government affairs are they independent. they are the ones who tyrannize most ungovernably over the people; for whatever fine the king imposes upon them, or whatever gift he requests from them, they lay hands upon their subjects, and, as if they were slaves they take away the son from the father in order to sell him. that has been the case so often that, even since they have been made subject to our government, it has been necessary to examine with close attention, whenever they bring any slave to sell, the reason for his slavery; for it has been found that they sell us many slaves without any other right than that of their tyranny, relieving their necessities and making their payments with the first person whom they meet--bringing him, beguiled by some other pretext, to the spaniards; and the injury was suffered without any complaint, because of the incapacity and dullness of the poor subanos. the latter, as they are so unused to intercourse with us, and so shut up in their own lives, had no arguments to oppose to what they did not understand; and showed their wonder, surprise, and bashfulness in brute silence. for that reason, where the orangcayas govern (which are almost all villages of the subanos or indians of the mountain), there is scarce one who enjoys liberty. those chiefs hold them so under their power, that they regard the very leaders and chiefs of the subano nation as their slaves. that i experienced on a visit which i made on a dangerous occasion, when in order to assure the minds of the people i took with me a lutao chief who was the absolute master before the spaniards entered, and to whom they still paid hereditary respect along all the coast of siocon. being, then, with all the people and chiefs of the nation assembled together in a village, and i endeavoring to honor them with signs of the greatest affection, the lutao said: "do not pay any attention to these people, father, for they are all my slaves." this he said in a place where we two and the chiefs of the village were alone. i thought that that contempt and arrogance would arouse them; but on the contrary, it softened them, as the affection and presents of a loving prince would his humble vassal. and, although they were not slaves, the respect in which they were born gives the chiefs so much authority, that although we [spaniards] possess the rule, they, as chiefs, command the people. and, as the latter were reared in that tyranny, their natural disposition made them show respect and natural submission; for, notwithstanding the immunity that our arms give them, they obey those chiefs better than they do us. may that be tempered in part by the christian government, and the vigilance of our father ministers, and the recourse which they find in the royal officials. for a chief of those natives who was governor of the village of baluasan, near to samboangan, when speaking of the wretched subjection in which the lutaos held them, and the good fortune that had come to them with the entrance of our government, by restraining the lutao tyranny, and giving arms to persecuted liberty, spoke to me these words: "if you [spaniards] had not arrived when you did, there would now not be any of us left; for we would already have been finished, and bartered for goods with the people of macasar." these words consoled me, on account of the fidelity which the interest and recognized advantages of that barbarian guaranteed. [68] such was the government maintained by corralat. and since he made all of them so powerful, giving them special power by laws, he was very acceptable to the princes of his nation and therefore most secure. these men, then, are the ones who grieve over the losses sustained by the change, who see themselves put under holy laws and just--they who before had no other laws than those of their own will, and their unbridled ambition, laws from which the others suffered as a servile, cowardly, and rude nation. chapter xvi some peculiarities of the customs of the subanos the customs of the subanos or indians of the mountains there is no reason for relating; for with more hideous extremes they maintain the evils of the lutaos, while those peculiar to them are, as it were, the brutal creatures among other citizens. but that even will add praises to the changes that have resulted from the skill of the omnipotent, and to the zeal of the missionaries, by whose means virtue produced the civilized and christian conduct which now is theirs. their dress approaches that of the inhabitants of the beach with whom they have communication. accordingly, those who traffic with lutaos or moros dress in their style; while those familiar with the visayan nations (such as the peoples of caraga and the coast of dapitan), through commerce with them, follow their custom. all their government is confusion, and they wage war, not some nations with others, nor one village with another, but all are, as it were, enemies of the human race. armed against one another, without subordination or greater subjection than what the might and act of violence of the boldest obtained, they had no other laws in their causes that the might of the one provoked to avenge himself; and his rigor, even in the worst cases, was appeased by gifts. thus when a subano came to acquire a poor capital that would enable him to pay for a murder, he committed the murder with the greatest safety, in order that he might be enrolled in the number of valiant and to have authority as such to wear a red turban. because of that barbaric vanity they would kill their best friend, if they caught him asleep or off his guard; for the barbaric courage of these nations does not consider posts of reputation, but those of security. in caraga there was a more atrocious custom; for, in order to be able to clothe oneself in the dress of the valiant--namely, a striped turban, and breeches of their peculiar style (which they call baxaque) with similar stripes--one must have killed seven men. [69] the peculiarity of this nation, and the thing that gives them some excellence and esteem, is that their women are more chaste and modest. they esteem virginity, and keep it inviolate, even to advanced age, for the vocation of matrimony. it is true that this virtue is aided by their natural disposition, which furnishes for the defense of chastity their native stupidity and shyness; but therewith they succeed in an undertaking which among lutaos and the other nations of these islands is rare and difficult indeed. this has secured them so much esteem and confidence in this region that the chiefs of high standing among the lutaos, in order to guard their daughters more safely, have them reared among subanos; and they do not take them into the dangerous camp of their own nation unless it is to establish them in marriage, and with that station, in safety, as they think. among this nation there is a class of men who profess celibacy [70] and govern themselves by natural law, and they are very punctual and perfect in their observance of it; and such is the feeling of security in regard to them, that they are allowed to go about among the women without any fear or suspicion. their dress is throughout like that of the women, with skirts of the same fashion. they do not use weapons, or engage in anything else that is peculiar to men, or communicate with them. they weave the mantas that are used here, which is the proper employment of women, and all their conversation is with women. therefore, the purpose of life which they follow comes to be more extraordinary by its peculiarity and by its perils, considering both the nature of that country, and the little regard that they give to their dangers. so satisfied do they live, either from their own purpose or from their natural disposition, that they have never discredited their position with weaknesses. they were, so to speak, hermits of their religion, and were held in high esteem. and in fact the constancy of their life and modesty of their customs, obliged one to have respect for them. in a nation so barbarous and who knew not god, it appears a prodigy worthy of wonder that one of the special providences of his divine majesty, to place such examples of virtue in a country where vice had absolute control, so that the experience of the eyes causes them to esteem what god's love did not obtain. i have known two of these men, and one of them i baptized, to my especial consolation, while visiting the coast of siocon, which extends for twenty leguas from samboangan toward dapitan. his reputation reached me in a different village, for in his own they kept him closely concealed, whether it were for the sake of their ancient observances i do not know. like a holy man of his law, or because of some fear, he also kept himself hidden; for, as he afterward told me, they had terrified him by telling him that if the spaniards caught him they would put him in the galleys. by that means, to him whom the pathway of salvation was most easy, they filled it with such difficulties that they made it impossible for him. i knew that they would refuse to let me see him for those same reasons, and therefore made use of a trick and of a dangerous resolution, to catch him. for near the village, which was located on the beach in the shade of trees (the poverty of these barbarians not suffering more shelter), and where in a few hours they would suffer from hunger, having them all before me i told them that if the lavia [71] whom they had hidden did not come, then the mass would not begin. labia is the name they give to those of this profession. the name of this one was tuto. i added that no one must return to his house until he arrived, and that if he delayed too long, i would go to samboangan with the chief of the village and the subanos of importance. that was the same to them as if i were taking them to the galleys; so much does their wretchedness grieve to leave the wretchedness in which they were born, and their lack of intelligence to appear before reasonable people and spaniards. without allowing them to talk, or to question whether he was there or not, or where, but assuming that it was a well-known thing, i turned to a relative of the governor, and said to him: "go for him quickly, for i shall not move from this spot until he comes." he departed without a word, and all of the people remained motionless, staring with fright. when they recovered their equanimity, their whole attempt was to excuse their negligence by empty excuses, which i accepted in order to calm their minds. inside of an hour i found in my presence him whom i desired so much. he, seeing the love with which i received him, and how differently my purpose was declared from that which his fears gave him to understand, recovered his courage in full, and immediately offered himself for baptism--a matter which i was unwilling to defer, in order that i might leave him with his salvation assured. consequently, after instructing him briefly, i baptized him, and called him martin, as that happy lot came to him on that saint's day. [72] he satisfied my hopes and hastened to me every time when i afterward visited his village of malande, very punctually, and always with some special refreshment both for me and for him who in my company had acted as his sponsor. the other lavia whom i saw was in one of the joloan islands, called pangutara. [73] him i found to be already a christian, whom father alexandro lopez, a great apostle of the joloans, had reduced and baptized in samboangan, and called santiago. this man is naturally very well dispositioned and has no moral defects, and he is a man of a celestial peace and serenity. he is always bubbling with laughter, which is the effect of the security of his soul; for, when the conscience has nothing to fear, the heart has gladness to scatter abroad. i must not neglect to tell one thing that i noticed in regard to the nature of the people of this profession, from what i could gather from the exterior of those two, which seems to me to be the reason that takes them along the pathway so unusual and difficult in a climate so hot, and lands so dangerous (as he who has had experience in these islands, and who knows the wretchedness of their natives in this region, will know). for the physiognomy of those men is that of eunuchs, and their natural disposition and condition are so cold, that it made me think that they must be so naturally, and that nature kept her virtue under control in this region. but since they behave in all other things with so blameless a life, i shall always consider them as prodigies of the divine providence in favor of virtue. for no one despises virtue as a thing unknown, since even to barbarians virtue is painted in so natural colors that they respect it naturally, without more external credit than their native security. this sole spark of good morals have i found among the so great darkness in which the subanos live. however, they have another custom belonging to the same aspect of their lives, so vile that it is sufficient to obscure greater lights than those of that small spark; for among them is more acceptable the exchange that they make of their women with one another--the husbands mutually agreeing upon this exchange, and celebrating the hideous loan and the vile restitution with dances and drunken revels, according to their custom. their feasts are like their customs, and one is the manifestation of the other. chapter xvii burials and marriages of those natives i have kept these two acts, so contrary in their effects, in order to present them in one place in this chapter, inasmuch as they are of greater display and magnificence, and in them, in spite of the simplicity of those natives, the serious predominates. in the first, which is practiced with their dead, i know not whether to praise more their piety or their generosity and grandeur, or to which of the two virtues recognition is due; for both are carried to the greatest extreme. for their liberality, the obligations of their piety (which declares itself in those attentions a debtor to nature), passes by and tramples under foot the laws of their poverty and the natural simplicity of these indians, and makes demonstrations superior to their fortune, clothing their dead with the magnificence of princes. in the shroud alone, they clothe the dead person in a hundred brazas of fine muslin, which serves him as a shirt. over that they place rich patolas, which are pieces of cloth of gold, or of silk alone, worked very beautifully, and of great value, pious generosity endeavoring to give him the best and to clothe him in the finest and most precious garments. it is a law, established by immemorial custom, that the children and near relatives each clothe the deceased in a piece of gauze or of sinampuli (another fabric of equal estimation) arranging it with such loops and knots that they find space for it all. in regard to the dress, this custom is in force even to this day, and no man who respects himself has ever failed in this law. there is no one so poor and so wretched that he does not own a piece [of cloth] eight brazas long, which is reserved for his burial. they have abandoned other demonstrations, or rather, exchanged them for christian ones, of which we shall speak at the proper place. in that regard they give oldtime christians much to emulate. for formerly they buried with their dead most of their treasures--gold, bells, and other things, which are highly esteemed among them. those things were so sacred to reverence that no one, however abandoned and audacious he might be, had the courage to stretch forth his hand to take them--although he could have done so with great safety to himself, as their dead are buried in caves, islets, or solitary mountains, without other guard than their imaginary religion. on the day on which they buried the deceased, about his sepulcher they planted palms, jasmines, and other flowers peculiar to this region. if the deceased was a king, or a prince of equal nobility, they placed a tent above the grave with four white banners at its sides, while inside it they burned perfumes as long as the time of lamentation or memorial lasted, perhaps setting aside some slaves for that employ, in order to make it more lasting. this heathen display has given way to christian demonstrations of sumptuous honors and abundant alms which they give for their deceased, as we shall relate in the proper place. but i shall not defer the telling of one which may prove a matter of reprehension to our neglect and forgetfulness, in what is more important to us, namely, that they are wont to have the coffin prepared during the lifetime for their burial. they make those coffins out of one single piece, and from incorruptible woods. they keep them under their houses where they can see them whenever they descend from or ascend to their houses; and they are open to the gaze of all who pass along the street. that is a care that it would be right for them to have learned from the oldtime christians, whom the faith of what they hope for, ought to arouse with greater demonstrations.... the subanos follow the lutaos in some things, their poverty and misery exerting efforts in the worship of their dead, and their barbarism showing itself at the side of their piety, when they throw into the sea, out of grief, the gold of their ornaments, decorations, and their most precious jewels--a custom wellnigh universal in all these islands. [74] but in one island their cruelty is shown especially in their alleviation of their grief and their barbaric pity for their calamity, by giving associates to the deceased, and making them companions of their grief, causing the same havoc and loss in others. because their father, son, near relative, or anyone whom they had loved had died, they would seize their arms in order to kill the first person whom they met, and without other cause for offense than that of their natural disposition and their barbaric ferocity. thus with the blood of the unfortunate one did they dry the tears of their own ill fortune, finding consolation in the misfortune of others. the celebration at their marriages is such that in all that has been discovered nothing else can compare with it; and the spaniards who daily wonder at it as witnesses always do so with new wonder. for if the marriage is of a chief, the celebration begins a week beforehand, and is concluded a week after with dancing to the sound of their bells and drums. there is open table for all who care to go up into the house. the viands consist of wine, for that is the thing in which they are especially solicitous to show display, while they take no account of the food, although it is not lacking. but the deceiving heat of the wine takes away their taste so strongly that they are mindful of nothing. its heat serves to give spirit and animation to their songs (which are in honor of him who makes the feast), and sprightliness to their dances. the day of the celebration [of the wedding] when the betrothed couple have to appear for the nuptial blessings, the bride, breaking the strict confinement which she keeps all that time, issues forth with a display and gravity superior to her condition; for her relatives and the other indians of their partisanship are clad in their gala costume, and armed with lance and shield, and escort the bride. the march is to the accompaniment of bells and moorish dulzainas [i.e., a sort of wind instrument]. the ladies of honor follow in double file, and they generally consist of all the women of the village, who are invited for the sake of greater display of grandeur. then the girls follow in the same order, while those of greater social standing and higher rank are borne in chairs richly adorned, and carried on the shoulders of four slaves. at the end comes the bride in a certain very spacious chair which allows room for a lady who supports and assists her, and to two or three girls, who serve her with so singular modesty and gravity that it would cause wonder even if she did not affect so great elaborateness; for she scarcely moves an eyelash or must move her hand, those who accompany her substituting themselves for everything. one dries the sweat from her, another fans her, and a third looks after her clothing. down a different street comes the bridegroom to meet the bride, with a like or even greater retinue in competition with that of the relatives of the bride. the men are in gala costume, and armed; the women are in festal array; and the chief women in chairs. the dress of the bridal pair must be white, until, the [bride's] consent having been given, the bridegroom retires, and exchanges it for a red dress. in this ceremony coquetry displays greater affectations: for the bride takes a half-hour to give her answer, and, after it is given she wastes another long half-hour to reach the lattice of the chapel. and it is necessary to sit down to await the bride for that time, amid the laughter of those who a few days before saw her running and leaping about like a mad she-goat, while on this day she deports herself with so great a demonstration of sedateness and virginal modesty. the precision of her steps, they say, is a necessity, because she is coming bound even to the feet. that is the ceremony that they practice for the reception of the husband who is the one who must come to take those bonds and shackles from her. on that day the house is all hung with a canopy that covers everything, so that neither walls nor ceiling are seen. the bridal-chamber is open to the sight and richly adorned, for on that day everything gleams with splendor and adornment. the bride is seated on a cushion, near a seat made for the groom from cushions in the moorish style, with embroidery and strips of silk with a quantity of lace. she is served with the same ostentation as in the street, and displays no more animation than a statue. i was present at one of so great display that, besides the display which the lutaos showed in their weddings, there came at two o'clock of the same day, marching in a company formed of their men, lancers and arquebusiers, an assembly of men who taking position in the plaza de armas, invited the governor and all the spanish artillery for that afternoon; and for the following day all the paid soldiers--pampangos and cagayanes--giving food to all and serving the spaniards quite in the spanish fashion, both in the cuisine and in the courtesies. it is an event of so great preëminence that the governor and all his captains and best soldiers go to it, in order to honor and conciliate those people. and any prince can well go to see those ceremonies, for neither actions nor words show that they are barbarians; but [they appear as] the most modest nation in the world, which is celebrating its marriage without any idea of the [carnal] delights of it. they are so moderate in showing their affection that during three days they do not avail themselves of the license of their estate. such is the way in which they act that the fathers worthily honor it with their presence, and on that day go to their houses, for they are unaccustomed to the modesty and caution unless it is when they confess and anoint them. everything is dispensed with on that day because of its gravity. we all, then, went on that day with the superior, and the governor and captains. i was very glad to be a witness of so great splendor, modesty, and gravity in natives who are in other things so simple and unceremonious; and to see a sacrament so hazardous treated with so much devotion, in the respect shown to the ministers of it. that chief spent at that feast more than four hundred arrobas of wine, and more than one thousand birds. although they are poor, in order to meet the obligations of that day satisfactorily they strip themselves, showing an equally generous spirit in such action with the living as is displayed in the fatherland with the dead; for the greatest displays of their grandeur are the funerals and weddings. chapter xviii boats and weapons of these natives the craft used by the lutaos for war are, like those of terrible pirates, built with particular attention to speed--both for pursuit, and to seek shelter whenever affairs go wrong with them, or when their undertaking is dangerous to them. for since their wars are always waged for greed, and reputation never induces them, they try to advantage themselves quite at their safety; and they readily abandon any undertaking if they see that it will be costly to them. that care and attention, which govern their boat-building, cause their ships to sail like birds, while ours are like lead in this regard. the planking that they use is very thin, and has no other nails, crotches, or knees than a little rattan. rattan is the substance which here takes the place of hemp, in tying things together, some planks [in the craft] being tied together with it. for that purpose projecting parts are left at intervals on the inside [of the planks] in which holes are made; and through these the ligament passes, without any harm being done to the plank. upon so light a foundation they build upper works, as high as they wish, of bamboo upon the cates. the cates are buoys which run on both sides from bow to stern, and they act as outriggers for the ship, which is sustained by these two floats. the ship carries more outside than in. the outside scaffolds allow room for two rows of oars, beside that of the hull. thus small craft of from seven to twelve brazas (which is the largest size) have a crew of sixty men and upwards. i have seen one that was manned with three hundred hands; for, in order to have the rowing more compressed together they use loose oars, each one handling his own. those oars are certain round blades, which an indian manages easily. therefore, when it is necessary they row exactly to the time of their breathing, by inserting more or less of the oar, according to the force they wish to give. for the rowing is excellent and the oar is put directly into the water, because it is trusted solely to the hands, without being fastened to anything. that is a custom that obliges them to have their craft very flat, and to elevate the sides but little, and they are content to leave but one plank out of the water. these vessels are crescent-shaped. consequently, there is but a small keel, or little of it in the water, and that part which they rob from stern and bow is left out of the water--three or four brazas of keel or stem, all of which serves for its speed, and there is little to hold the boat back because of its narrowness. therefore the helm is not managed like the spanish helm, by the sweep from the end; accordingly, they use two rudders, one at one side and one at the other, where the flat part of the keel begins. one is usually employed for managing the boat, and both of them when it is stormy. with the second they keep the boat from getting unsteady, which would follow from its lightness, that rudder giving the boat more stiffness and serving as ballast. that is a precaution rendered necessary by its very lightness, the vessels that are lightest being those that require most care by being unsteady. in the middle they have a scaffold, four or six brazas long, which they call burulan or baileo. this consists of a floor raised above the rowers, and has its awning, which is called cayanes. those awnings are made from the leaves of a small palm which grows in the water. that is the quarters for the fighters and the chiefs, for those vessels do not have any stern-cabin; it is, at the same time, the little castle from which they fight. all that structure finds its support and staunchness in what they call the cates, which are the buoys of which we have spoken. they are made of three or four bamboos as thick as the arm, and even larger, and reach from stem to stern. they are so adjusted that they drag through the water about one and one-half brazas away from the vessel. consequently, they do not allow it to toss about, however violent the waves, but are the arms that keep the boat safe. they are used in general by all the craft of these islands, and by those of burney and maluco; for, since their ships are of no account without this security, they have no safety in the sea nor do the indians dare to embark. from this circumstance molina, who represented to the council that buoys ought to be fastened to the ships so that they could sail or float with a support made of certain bags blown up and thrown alongside, derived his argument. he thought that that would assure the fleets, as they could not then sink, as he had experienced, even if they filled with water. it might have proved successful indeed, and in favor of his discourse, if some heavy sea raised by the hurricanes would not prove sufficient to burst the bags and drag them away from the sides; for hurricanes have more than sufficient violence to break up the stern and destroy the ship. that has been well known by actual experience here; for a few hours of a severe storm are sufficient to destroy the fastenings; and those ships would be wrecked daily if the voyages were not so short, and the vessels of so small burden that they can find shelter in any port. when necessity arises, the men in them beach the vessels themselves, and do so more easily when they go in a fleet, as then they unite their forces. the crossings are so short, because of the multiplicity of islands, that the weather never catches them in such a way that they can not soon escape by drawing near to one land or another. for fair weather this appliance is very useful, so that they take comfort in them freely. in regard to their weapons, the lutao nation is the most curious in these islands; for all glory in having the most precious and the finest arms possible. all of them from their earliest age wear their weapons, with so careful a regard to this matter that no one dares to leave his house without his weapons. the wearing of weapons is so much a matter of reputation with them, that they consider it an insult to be obliged to appear without them, regulating their punctiliousness in this region very much according to the laws of españa. it casts much shame upon the negligence into which our military force has fallen, by the poor reputation of those here who profess arms, who in the sight of these nations are not ashamed to be seen without swords or daggers; and those which they carry well demonstrate the care with which they serve in their posts, since they necessarily satisfy outward appearance, although they would be useless on occasion. i speak of the simple and common soldiers; and, since this care is lacking in most of them, it ought to be felt more, and with effect, by those who can remedy it. the weapon worn by the natives of the cities is a wavy dagger, which they call a kris. its blade is engraved with channels and water-lines, which make it very beautiful. the hilt is a small idol, made of ivory for the common man, and of gold for the chiefs, studded with gems which are highly esteemed among them. i saw one worn by the commander socsocan [75]--who was the lord of samboangan when our men conquered it--which was valued at ten slaves. the scabbard was gilded with the same neatness, and at some time had been covered with sheets of gold. i saw a scabbard in joló, which had a pearl as large as a musket-ball at the end of the chape. the blades are very fine, and, although so small (being scarcely two palmos in length), they are valued at twelve, twenty, or thirty reals of eight. such are their arms in peace; those of war, for fighting on the land, are lances and shields. the shield is round among the coast-dwellers of the south, and in the islands of basilan and joló. in the rest of this island, the general custom of the long and narrow shield which is used in all the other islands is followed; with these, they shield and protect all the body. from these weapons the kris is inseparable, and they use it at close quarters, and after they have used the lance, which they throw in the usual manner. their lances show the same care as their krises, and are very much ornamented and engraved, and have their covers gilded. the shaft is of the finest ebony, or of some other beautiful wood; and at intervals they put rings of silver or tin on it. the head is of brass, which is used here, and so highly polished that it vies with gold. it is chased so elaborately that there are lances that are valued at one slave each. at the end they fasten a large hawk's-bell, which they fix upon the shaft in such a manner that it surrounds it; and when they shake the lance it sounds in time with the fierce threats and bravadoes. the valiant use them and as man-slayers, give warning to those who do not know them and those of less valor, so that they may avoid them as they would vipers. the arms used on sea and land--besides those of the plain, in places where the people fortify themselves with the resolve to defend themselves--in addition to the one mentioned (which are the most deadly), are the bagacayes, which are certain small bamboos as thick as the finger, hardened in the fire and with points sharpened. they throw these with such skill that they never miss when the object is within range; and some men throw them five at a time. although it is so weak a weapon, it has such violence that it has gone through a boat and has pierced and killed the rower. brother diego de santiago told me, as an eyewitness, that he being seated saw that thing (which appears a prodigy) happen in the same vessel in which he had embarked with a garrison. to me that seemed so incredible that i wished immediately to see it myself; and, cutting a bagacay, i had it thrown at a shield. in samboanga i saw a bull which was killed immediately by a bagacay which a lad threw at it, which struck it clear to the heart. it is a thing that would cause laughter in europa, and there would be little esteem for the valor which does not despise such weapons, and they would jest at so frail violence. but it is certain that, at close range, there is no crueler weapon; and it is also certain that, the day on which these moros have bravery enough to get within range, on that day any ship must yield. for they send in such a shower of these bagacayes that scarce a man is unwounded; while many are stuck like bulls, so that they cannot move for being laden with so many weapons. then the rowing ceases, and they discharge the missiles with both hands and some from each finger, both rowers and fighters. that throws their opponents into disorder, and they are unable to manage their weapons. there must be many in españa who were in the dangerous sieges which governor don sebastian hurtado de corcuera undertook against the kings of both mindanao and joló--where, in the so great mortality which the glorious boldness and military honor of our men incurred, the most of those who fell, to exalt their fame forever, were slain by arms so weak and apparently contemptible. in the same way they use stakes hardened in the fire which they hurl with accuracy, and which inflict even more damage. the lance is used in the same way, and they hurl it with so extraordinary violence that they pierce a steel-covered shield and transfix the soldier with it, as has been seen often. in an engagement that captain gaspar de morales [76] fought in joló, his steel-covered shield did not avail him; but the lance passed through it and his arm, and did not fall short of giving him a mortal wound in the breast. the negrillos of this island use the bow and arrow, as these are the weapons least difficult to obtain, and more natural [to them], as requiring less skill. they poison arrows, and the wound is consequently always dangerous. the wooden points of the arrows are so hard that those people have no occasion to regret the lack of iron. [77] the use of the blowpipe [zarbatana], which is one braza long, has extended from the borneans to the joloans, and even to the lutaos of this island. by blowing through it they discharge certain small darts smeared with so deadly a poison that if one single drop of blood is drawn, death is certain to result, if the antidote is not quickly applied. when our soldiers have to make an expedition to burney, where other weapons are rarely used, they go prepared with the most efficacious antidotes--namely, human excrement, as has always been happily experienced. these blowpipes are sometimes used also as lances, having the iron fastened at one side, so that, if the shot is not accurate, they use it alternately as a lance. then when the opportunity is offered they make use of their darts. they are so good shots that they can bring down the smallest bird at twenty or thirty paces. the joloans who are called ximbanaos, [78] and are more ferocious and of greater determination, are armed from top to toe with helmet, bracelets, coat-of-mail, greaves, with linings of elephant-hide--armor so proof that nothing can make a dint on it except firearms, for the best sword or cutlass is turned. that was an experience acquired by many in the conquest of the joloans by general don pedro de almonte verastigui, [79] who had brought from ternate braggarts of that nation, who wielded the campilan or cutlass--a weapon made for cutting off heads, and for splitting the body from top to toe. but they could effect nothing, notwithstanding the heavy blows of those cutlasses; and retired like cowards, giving as an excuse that their weapons would not cut, and that they were only succeeding in ruining them, for they were all nicked by the strong resistance. from the shoulders rise two irons to the height of the helmet and morion by which they protect the head from being cut off. they knot the flaps of their skirts on the breast or coat-of-mail, so that they can bend the knee to the ground, according to their method of fighting, when the case demands it. they wear a plume of feathers above the forehead, such as is seen on mules. they leave nothing unarmed, even to the eyes, which are armed by fierceness--both because of the terrific appearance of their arms, and by the fierceness which they affect. it is the fitting dress, among them, for princes and braggarts. when they put it on they generally take some opium, [80] and, rendered furious and insensible [to danger] by it, they enter amid the vessels of a squadron madly, and destroy it with great slaughter. for their arms are lance, kris, or dagger; and with their bounds and leaps, in which they indulge according to their barbarous method of fighting, they appear in many places, always endeavoring to bring down many [of their foes]. hence, in order that any ball may strike them, it is necessary that it cause disaster in the troop--besides the injuries that their fury has executed in safety, armed so proof against those who dress as lightly as the heat and roughness of the country compel. the mindanaos use a weapon quite distinct from that of the ternatans. it is a campilan or cutlass of one edge, and heavier than the pointless turkish weapon. it is a very bloody weapon, but, being so heavy, it is a danger for him who handles it, if he is not adroit with it. it has only two forms of use, namely, to wield it by one edge, and to raise it by the other, in order to deal another stroke, its weight allowing time for the spears of the opponents to enter. they do not gird it on, as that would be too much trouble, but carry it on the shoulders, in the fashion of the camarlengos [81] who carry the rapiers on their shoulders in public ceremonies in front of their princes. besides that weapon the mindanao uses lance, kris, and shield, as do the other nations. both these and those have begun to use firearms too much, having acquired that from intercourse with our enemies. they manage all sorts of artillery excellently, and in their fleets all their craft carry their own pieces, with ladle, culverins, esmerils, and other small weapons. [82] san agustin's letter on the filipinos [gaspar de san agustin, o.s.a., wrote the following letter regarding the filipinos. this letter has been widely discussed pro and con by various writers, because of the views expressed therein. many manuscript copies of it exist in various collections, archives, and libraries. the present translation is made from an early manuscript copy, belonging to mr. e. e. ayer, of chicago. in footnotes we give the variant readings of the ms. conserved in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid (pressmark "6-5a; caja 17; 21-4a"), that ms. being indicated in our notes by the letter m.; and of the letter as published in delgado's [83] historia (pp. 273-296, where it shows marks of having been edited by either delgado or his editor), that publication being indicated by the letter d. sinibaldo de mas presents many of the essential parts of the letter in his informe de las islas filipinas en 1842, i, "poblacion," pp. 63-132. he says: "in order to give an idea of their physical and moral qualities, i am going to insert some paragraphs from a letter of father gaspar de san augustin of the year 1725, [84] suppressing many latin citations from the holy fathers which weigh that letter down, and adding some observations from my own harvest, when i think them opportune." we shall use most of these observations in the annotations herewith presented. sir john bowring gives, on pp. 125-139 of his visit to the philippine isles (london, 1859) some excerpts taken from mas's informe, but he has sadly mixed san agustin's and mas's matter, and has ascribed some of the latter's observations to san agustin, besides making other errors. [85]] letter from fray gaspar de san agustin to a friend in españa who asked him as to the nature and characteristics [genio] of the indian natives of these philipinas islands. [86] my dear sir: although your command has so great weight with me, the undertaking of performing it satisfactorily is so difficult that i doubt my ability to fulfil what you ask. it would be more easy for me, i believe, to define the formal object of logic; to give the square of a circle; to find the mathematical [side [87]] of the double of the cube and sphere, or to find a fixed rule for the measurement of the degrees of longitude of the terrestrial sphere; than to define the nature of the indians, and their customs and vices. this is a memorandum-book in which i have employed myself for forty years, and i shall only say: quadraginta annis proximus fui generationi huic, et dixi semper hi errant corde; [88] and i believe that solomon himself would place this point of knowledge after the four things impossible to his understanding which he gives in chapter xxx, verse 18 of proverbs. only can they tell the one who knows them by pointing to the sky and saying, ipse cognovit figmentum nostrum. [89] but in order that you may not say to me that i am thus ridding myself of the burden of the difficulty, [90] without making any effort or showing any obedience, i shall relate briefly what i have observed, for it would be impossible to write everything, if one were to use all the paper that is found in china. 2. the knowledge of men has been considered by the most erudite persons as a difficult thing. dificile est, noscere hominem animal varium et versipelle. [91] man is a changeable theater of transformations. the inconstancies of his ages resemble the variation of the year. a great knowledge of man did that blind man of the eighth chapter of st. mark have who said, with miraculous sight, that he saw men as trees: video homines velut arbores ambulantes. [92] for the tree in the four seasons of the year has its changes as has man in his four ages; and thus said the english poet oven: "ver viridem flavamque æstas, me fervida canam autumnus calvam, frigida fecit hyems." [93] "for this is the inconstancy of man in his [various] ages: green in his childhood; fiery in the age of his virility; white in old age; and bald in his decrepitude." but his greatest change is in his customs, for he is a continual proteus, and an inconstant vertumnus. [94] thus does martial paint his friend: "dificilis, facilis, jucundus, acerbus est idem; nec tecum possum vivere, nec sine te." [95] from this came the proverb "quot capita, tot sententiæ." [96] for in the changeable affection of man are locked up all the meteoric influences of natural transformations. 3. it is a fact that the difficulty of knowing these indians is not in the individuals, but in the race; for, if one be known, then all are known, without any distinction--so much so that the greek word monopantos [97] fits them, and which another critic gave to another race of people, because they were all homogeneous and uniform among themselves. at the eighth meeting of the last lateran council, held in the time of leo x, the opinion of the monophysite philosophers [98]--who give but one single soul to all men, each body having a part of it--was condemned. doubtless that impious opinion originated from some nation as alike in customs as these indians; and it is not the worst thing to have been able to give this humble judgment, although it is defective. [99] 4. although we call both the natives of america and those of these philipinas islands indians, it cannot be denied that they are very different; for the inclination of the asiatics [100] is somewhat more docile and more capable of progress through teaching. accordingly, i shall confine my remarks to the indians of philipinas, leaving the definition of the americans for those who know them; for they have enough chroniclers who have undertaken it, although i doubt that they obtained their desire, such as father juan de torquemada in his monarchia indiana, [101] fray antonio de remesal, [102] and father joseph de acosta. [103] for what has been written of them by the bishop of chiapa, fray bernardino de cassas, [104] and by don juan de palafox [105] in his treatise on the virtues of the indians, was written from very remote experience; and they were carried away by the holy zeal of their defense as they were deceived [106] by their remote knowledge of the object--as [in viewing] the hills and mountains, which anear are green, but afar are blue. gold conceals from the sight the degree of its fineness; and one must crush [107] the rock himself, and frequently, in order to recognize the truth. 5. the asiatic indians of philipinas, then, are almost the same as those of the other nations of east india, in what regards their genius [genio], temper, and disposition. consequently, the malays, siamese, mogoles, and canarines [108] are distinguished only by their clothing, languages and ceremonies. i except the japanese (who are, as gracian [109] learnedly remarked, the spaniards of asia) and the chinese, who, by their culture and civilization, and love of letters, seem to be different--although, touched with the stone of experience, they are the same as the indians. [110] the influence of the stars which rule assia is common, whence macrobius and suetonius complain that the corruption of the good native customs of the romans proceeded, especially from persia, whence came great evil both to the greeks and to the latins. 6. but leaving this immense sea of peoples and customs, let us return to our natives of these islands, who, besides having been exceedingly barbarous, living without a ruler, and in a confused monarchy, [111] have the vices of the islanders; for they are fickle, false, and mendacious, and [that] by the special influence and dominion which the moon exercises upon all the islands, isthmuses, and peninsulas [chersonesos], of which much will be found in the theatrum vitæ humanæ of laurencio beyerlinch. [112] 7. the temperament of these indians, as is proved by their physiognomy, is cold and humid, because of the great influence of the moon. they have but little or no difference among themselves in their temperament, as was remarked by a learned doctor who has had considerable experience in these islands, namely, doctor blas nuñez de prado. [he observed] that there was no difference, but a great similarity, in the humors of those who had been treated, and a fine natural docility in responding to the medicine; in whatever remedy it was applied to them. for they have not the great rebelliousness and changeableness of the europeans, because of the infinite combinations made in them by the four humors. the cause of this is the similarity and lack of variety in the food that they use and which their ancestors used, which go to make up a nature different in its root from that of the europeans, but yet very similar. [113] 8. this disposition and influence makes them fickle, malicious, untrustworthy, dull, and lazy; [114] fond of traveling by river, sea, and lake; fond of fishing, and ichthyophagous [115]--that is, they sustain themselves best on fish; they have little courage, on account of their cold nature, and are not disposed to work. [116] besides this they have other qualities and vices, of which i do not know the cause, and i do not believe that i can easily know them. [117] i shall mention some of them. [118] 9. first, they are remarkable for their ingratitude; and although ingratitude is an innate vice in all people, through the corruption of original sin in our vitiated nature, it is not corrected in them by the understanding, and they lack magnanimity. therefore, it is all one to do a good turn to an indian, and to prepare oneself to receive the blow of his ingratitude. consequently, if one lend them money, they do not pay it; but instead they run away from the father. hence there is ground for scruples in regard to lending money to them; for that is a benefit from which evil must result, as they absent themselves and do not come to mass. if others ask them why, they answer that the father [119] is angry at them. in them is verified the picture given by the holy spirit in chapter xxix, verse[s] 4[-9] of ecclesiasticus. "many" (he says) "have thought by artifice to satisfy the thing due, and have given trouble to those who have aided them. so long as they receive, they kiss the hands of him who gives, and humble themselves with promises. but when it comes time to pay, they will beg for time (for they are beggars and not givers); and they will utter tedious and complaining words, and the time is spent in vain. even though one can pay, he can be got to do so only with great difficulty. for one solidus [120] scarcely will he give the half, and that he will think an unjust artifice; and if he cannot pay he will keep the money, and will esteem the debtor as an enemy causelessly, and will return him insults and evil words, and for honor and kindness will return him dishonor." [121] this picture of ingratitude given by ecclesiasticus fits many, but it fits the indians better than all other nations, except the vix solidi reddet dimidium, [122] for they pay nothing. this is one of the evil signs that the royal prophet finds in the evil and ingrate in psalm xxxvi, verse 21: "the sinner shall take the loan, and shall not pay." [123] consequently we find our indians pagans in this, although they are christians. [124] 10. if they borrow anything that is not money, they will never return it until it is requested; and, as an excuse for not having returned it, they say that they have not been asked for it. [125] 11. their laziness is such that if they open a door they never close it; and if they take any implement for any use, such as a knife, pair of scissors, hammer, etc., they never return it whence they took it, but drop it there at the foot of the work. [126] 12. if they are paid anything in advance, they will leave work and keep the pay. [127] 13. they are naturally rude, and consequently, it is strange to see them, when talking with the father or a spaniard, first scratch themselves on the temples, [128] and, if it be a woman, on the thigh; but the more polished scratch themselves on the head. [129] 14. it is a thing of great wonder that in everything they make in which there is a right and wrong side, they naturally make it wrong side out. consequently, they have not thus far been able to give in to difficulty of folding a cloak with its right side in; [130] nor [do they understand] it can be that when a shirt or habit is wrong side out, on putting the head in, it is given a turn and remains right side out. consequently, whenever they see this done, they express more surprise. [131] hence the remark of a discerning man, that all they did was wrong except folding a cloak, because in that operation the wrong side is the face or right side. [132] 15. when the men walk with their wives, they go in advance, and the wives follow, as that is just the contrary of our custom. this was a bit of carelessness that cost orpheus the loss of his wife, who was stolen by the prince auresteo, as we are told in mythology. [133] 16. they are curious, rude, and impertinent, and accordingly, when they meet the father they generally ask him where he is going and whence he is coming; and innumerable questions, all impertinent and troublesome. [134] if any letter is read before them, they will go behind one to see it, although they do [not] know how to read. and if they hear any talking in private, they draw nigh to listen to it, even though it be in a language that they do not understand. 17. they enter, without being summoned, into the convents and the houses of the spaniards, even into the most secret apartment, but in their own houses they practice many civilities. if the door be locked, they try with might and main to look through the cracks at what is being done, for they wish to know everything. [135] they tramp about in the convents and houses of the spaniards so loudly, that it causes wonder and annoyance; and especially if the father is asleep. in their own houses, on the contrary, they walk about so lightly, that they seem to be walking on eggs. [136] 18. they are very early risers in their own houses, [137] for their poverty and the noise demand that. but if their masters sleep until ten, they must do the same too. 19. they must eat and try all that their masters eat, even though it be something delicious or from europa; and no spaniard, and especially the father minister, will have been able to succeed in making them eat out of other dishes than those from which their master eats. i know well that i have been unable to obtain it, notwithstanding my efforts. neither will they drink out of another and separate jar. [138] 20. their manner of sitting is generally on their heels [en cuclillas], and they do that in all places except in the convents, where they break the seats with sitting on them and leaning back in them with out-stretched legs. and they must do this in the balconies, where they can see the women. [139] 21. they care more for their disheveled hair than they do for their souls; and only they will not imitate the spaniards if they have the custom of shaving, as is now being introduced with the false hair and perukes. [140] 22. their usual habitation and happiness in the convents consists in not leaving the kitchen. there they hold their meetings and feasts, and there is their glory, as is the open country in castilla. a religious whom i knew, called the kitchen flos sanctorum, [141] because the life of the father and of all the village was discussed there. 23. when they go out alone at night, they must have a blazing torch, and go about waving it like a censer; and then they throw it down wherever they please, and this is usually the cause of great fires. 24. they would rather wear mourning than go about in gala dress, and are accordingly very observant in wearing it during their funerals. [142] 25. they do not esteem garments or gala dresses given them by their spanish masters; and accordingly leave such in any place, without perceiving that they are losing them. but any old rag that they wear from their own houses they esteem and value highly. 26. they do not care for any domestic animal--dog, cat, horse, or cow. they only care, and too much so, for the fighting cocks; and every morning, on rising from slumber, the first thing that they do is to go to the roosting-place of their cock--where, squatting down on their heels, in its presence, they stay very quietly for at least a half-hour in contemplation of their cock. this observance is unfailing in them. [143] 27. they live unwillingly in convents, or in houses where they cannot be at least on the scent of women. 28. it is not known that the indian has [ever] broken a dish or a crock in his own house, and consequently one will find dishes in them that date from before the arrival of the spaniards in this country. but in the convents and houses where they serve, they break so many that one would believe that they do it on purpose to do their masters an ill turn. [144] 29. one may not trust a sword, mirror, glass, musket, clock, or any other rare article to them; or allow them to touch it even with the hands; for immediately, by physical contact alone, they put it out of joint, break it, and harm it. they can only handle bamboo, rattan, nipa, or a bolo, and some few a plow. [145] 30. they are insolent and free in begging for unjust and foolish things, and this without considering time or season. when i remember the circumstance which happened to sancho pancha when he was governor of the island of barataria, one day after eating [146] with an importunate and intrusive farmer, who said that he was from miguel turra, i am reminded of the indians when they beg. [147] and we shall say that if they bring four eggs, they think that with justice they ought to be given a price of one hundred pesos. that is so true that when i see an indian who is bringing something, which is always a thing of no value, or something that is of no use to them, such as ates, mangas, or belinbiles [i.e., balimbing], i repeat those words of laocoon to the trojans: timeo danaos, [et] dona ferentes (2nd æneid). an indian came to beg from the bishop of troya (as was told me by his illustrious lordship)--don fray gines barrientos, [148] a specially circumspect prelate--the loan of fifty pesos, for which he took him a couple of guavas. an indian brought a cock to the marquis of villa-sierra, don fernando de valenzuela, [149] while he was in the fort of cavite; and, when that gentleman ordered that he be given more than six times its value, the indian told him that what he wanted was to be given eighty cavans of rice, [150] and that in a time of so great scarcity it was not to be had for two pesos per cavan. but they have this curious peculiarity, that they are just as happy if these things are not given to them as if they had been given. for they have little or no esteem for what the spaniards give them, and especially the father. accordingly, when they sell anything that is worth, say, six, [151] they ask thirty, and are satisfied if six be given them. [152] they would rather have one real from the hand of the sangley than one peso from the spaniard; and the power that the sangleys have over them is surprising, for they are generally cheated by those people. [153] 31. they are very fond of play, [154] for they believe that it is a restful way in which to gain much, and it is very suitable to their laziness and lack of energy. therefore, an indian would rather lie stretched out in his house than gain the greatest wage. on this account, when he gets a peso he stays at home without working, until it is all eaten up or drunk up, for it all amounts to the same thing. this is the reason why they are so poor, in comparison with the sangleys and mestizos, who live in abundance, for they know how to seek and work. [155] egestatem operata est manus remissa. (proverbs x, verse 4.) 32. they have contradictory peculiarities, such as being very cowardly, while on some occasions they are rash; for they confess that they would rather suffer a hundred lashes than to have one shout aloud to them--which, they say, penetrates even to the heart, without the cause being known. 33. it is laughable to see them waken another who is sleeping like a stone, when they come up without making any noise and touching him very lightly with the point of the finger, will call him for two hours, until the sleeper finishes his sleep and awakens. the same thing is done when they call anyone downstairs, or when the door is shut; for they remain calling him in a very low tone for two hours, until he casually answers and opens to them. [156] 34. in another way, they exhibit other rash actions, by which it is seen that their rashness is rather the daughter of ignorance and barbarity than of valor. for it occurs that an indian, man or woman, may be walking along the road and hear a horse which is coming behind him, running or going at a quick pace; but this indian never turns his face. if the horse come in front of him, he will not turn out of the road so that he may not be trampled underfoot, if he who comes on horseback does not turn out with greater consideration. the same thing occurs when they see a very large banca coming down upon them with long sweeps of the oars, while they are in a small banquilla; when they will allow themselves to be struck by it, with the danger of being overturned and drowned. it costs much labor to those in the large banca to avoid that, while the others could do it with great ease. this has happened to me on innumerable occasions. [157] 35. the same thing happens in the rivers where there are crocodiles, although they see them swimming about; for they say the same as do the moros [i.e., mahometans], that if it is from on high it must happen, even though they avoid it. and thus, as says father fray gabriel gomez (history of argel, book 2, chapter 19), they say in the lengua franca "god is great! be not led by fancy! the world is just so. if it is written on the forehead that one is to live, then he will live; but if not, then he will die here." [158] for their koran says that each one has his fortune written in the lines of his forehead. these indians believe the same thing (and they have never seen the koran), and only because it is great nonsense. they receive no warning from the many misfortunes that happen every day for their sins. [159] 36. while it is a fact that they are extremely credulous among themselves, they will believe of the spaniards only what is against them. therefore, it is evident that the [christian] faith is a supernatural act, in that they believe the divine mysteries taught by the spaniards. however, they do not believe some things, or refuse to believe them because they find the contrary profitable. consequently, there is no one who can persuade them that it is a sin to steal from the religious ministers or the spaniards. of this we have such proofs that we have not the slightest doubt that it is so; but, only perceiving it is not being able to remedy it. [160] so great is the ease and tenacity with which they believe the greatest nonsense, if this is to the discredit of the spaniards or against them, that it would be a long undertaking to recount some of it. i have deemed it advisable to mention only two [instances] of it of which i heard [161] and of which i was a witness, so that the rest can be inferred from them. 37. while i was in bisayas in the year 1672, those islands began to be depopulated and the indians began to take to the mountains from the visitas of xaro, because a rogue told them a bit of nonsense like the following. he told them that the king of españa had gone out fishing, and the turks had come upon him and made him captive; and that the king had given for his ransom all the indians of the province of oton. they believed this so thoroughly that it was with great difficulty that the alcalde don sebastian de villarreal and the father ministers could quiet them, and considerable time passed before they were sure of the whole matter. [162] the second: while i was in the village of lipa, a mine was discovered in that of tanavan which was said to be of silver. governor don fausto cruzat y gongorà sent ministers and officials in order to find out about it and to assay it. these men made their efforts, but the mine only said, argentum et aurum non est mihi. [163] but the devil willed to have some rogue at this time to sow this deceit, namely, that the ministers [164] said that the mine would yield no silver until all the old women of cometan had been caught, and their eyes plucked out and mixed with other ingredients, in order to anoint the vein of the mine with that mixture. this was believed, so that all was confusion and lamentation, and the old women hid in the fields; and it took a long time to quiet them, and cost the ministers great difficulty, as the indians would not believe them because they were castilians, until time itself undeceived them. [165] 38. may god deliver us from any one of those indians whom they consider as sages, who says any bit of nonsense, even though it be against the faith, [166] and they only respond, vica nong maronong, "thus say the sages," and it is labor lost to persuade them to the contrary; for the authority that these scholars have over them is incredible. 39. they are extremely arrogant, and hence the son will not obey his father, or the headman, or captain of the village. [167] they are only bound in this by fear, and when they have no fear they will not obey. they only recognize the spaniard to be more than they; [168] and this they say only because of an interior impulse, which forces them against their will and without their knowing why. this is the providence of god, so that they can be governed. 40. they are very fond if imitating the spaniard [169] in all his bad traits, such as variety of clothes, cursing, gambling, and the rest that they see the coxcombs [170] do. they shun the imitation of the good things in the dealings and civilization of the spaniards, and in the proper rearing of their children. for in all the rest that treats of trickery, drunken revelries, and ceremonies in their marriages, burials, and tyrannies one against another, they observe exactly what they learned from their ancestors. thus they unite in one the vices of the indians and the spaniards. [171] 41. just as the poor are arrogant, so also are the old ones ignorant, and they are not to be distinguished from the youths. consequently, in their weddings, banquets, and revelries one will see old men with white hair, mixed with the lads; and slouchy old women with their scapularies, clapping their hands and singing nonsensical things with the lasses. scarcely is there an indian who knows his age, and many [172] do not know the baptismal names of their wives, after they have been baptized for fifty years. [173] 42. they are so ignorant that they do not have the slightest knowledge concerning the origin of the ancestors from whom they descend, and whence they came to settle these islands. they do not give any information concerning their paganism, which is not the worst; and they only preserve in certain parts some ridiculous abuses, which they observe at births and sicknesses, and the cursed belief that persuades them that the souls of their ancestors or the grandfathers of the families are present in the trees and at the bottom of bamboos, and that they have the power of giving and taking away health and of giving success or failure to the crops. therefore, they make their ancestors offerings of food, according to their custom; and what has been preached to them and printed in books avails but little, for the word of any old man regarded as a sage has more weight with them than the word of the whole world. [174] 43. they act tyrannically one toward another. consequently, the indian who has some power from the spaniard is insolent [175] and intolerable among them--so much so that, in the midst of their ingratitude, some of them recognize it, although very few of them. yet it is a fact that, if the spaniards had not come to these islands, the indians would have been destroyed; for, like fish, [176] the greater would have swallowed the lesser, in accordance with the tyranny which they exercised in their paganism. [177] 44. they are wanting in understanding and reflection, so that they do not recognize any means in anything, but go to extremes. consequently, if one ask them for warm water, they bring it boiling, and then if they are reproached and told that one wishes it more temperate, they go and bring it back as cold as ice. [178] in this vicious circle of extremes, they will continue ceaselessly without finding a mean. consider then, how they will act in prudential matters, where one must seek the mean and not the extremes, as says the poet: [179] es[t] modus in rebus, sunt certi denique fines. quos ultra, citraque nequit consistere rectum. [180] this is the cause of great anxiety to us, and with them a cause of great happiness to see us grow impatient, even though it cost them some blows, which they take very willingly because they make us impatient. they celebrate this in a lively manner in the kitchen. there is nothing that the indian regrets more than to see the spaniard or the father calm, and that he patiently and with forbearance restrains his hand from them when it is necessary; for but rarely do they do anything willingly, and hence the most prudent among them are wont to say that "the rattan grows where the indian is born." [181] virga in dorso ejus, qui indiget corde (proverbs x, 13). they resemble in this a mischievous lad who served a good cleric. one day his master sent him to buy a hen, and he stole and hid a leg. [182] his master was silent, and overlooked the incident. it came to pass that the master and the lad walked into a field, where they came upon some cranes, all of them with one foot lifted high in the air. thereupon the lad said to his master, "sir, the hen was like these birds which have but one foot." the cleric answered, "no, my lad, for these birds have two feet; and if you do not believe it, look." so saying, he threw a stick at the cranes, which flew away in fright, showing the other foot. at this the lad said, "o, sir, had you done the same with me, the hen would also have had two feet." doubtless, this lad must have been of the same disposition as these good brothers, who do nothing good without a beating. tu virga percuties eum (proverbs xxiii, 14). [183] it happened that an augustinian religious--who still lives and is very well known for his great learning--arrived in these islands in the year 1684, and was given, shortly after his arrival, a lad of eight or nine years for his service. the lad was so clever and lively, that he was held in esteem, [184] and the said religious was very fond of him because of his great activity. the lad considered that the father was very patient with him, and chid his neglect very mildly. one day he said to the father "father, you know that you are new. consider the indians like myself. you must not overlook anything. if you wish to be well served, you must keep a rattan, and when i commit any fault, you must strike me with it; and then you will see that i shall move as quickly as a sparrowhawk. for you must know, father, that the rattan grows where the indian is born. so have i heard said by the old indians." [185] trouble enough do the poor wretches have, for one may say of them: oderunt peccare mali formidinæ penæ. [186] 45. one can give them nothing, even if it be given, [187] for if he happen to give one anything in the presence of others, even if it be a needle, [188] all will demand that in justice the same be given to them. in this they closely resemble the laborers of the twentieth chapter of st. matthew, who construed as an injury the favor that the householder showed to their companions. this is covetousness and lack of consideration. so far is this foolishness carried that the indian will take fifty lashes willingly, if he knows with certainty that all the others are to get as much. surely they cause great trouble with this wretched habit, and those who might confer some benefit on them often avoid doing so. 46. they are so distrustful that they think that the ground on which they walk and the air which they breathe are about to fail. this does not make them more provident and industrious, but more foolish and dull. therefore, if there are many to confess they troop together all in a body, each one desirous of being first. this causes extraordinary trouble and impatience to the confessor. but, if there are but few, they come a legua apart; and one must summon them, and they take an hour to come. if the father rises in anger, or because it is late, then they all come together in a crowd, and say "father, me only." this is a bit of foolishness in which one can trace the great deficiency of their understanding. [189] 47. as they are so curious, and fond of knowing whatever does not concern them, what occurs when many of them confess together is wondrous to see. for all of them keep a steadfast gaze on the one who is confessing. one is astonished and amused to see all the women with their faces turned backward [190] so that they seem to be biformed januses, or paid dancers with a mask at the back of the head. in this manner, they remain until the end of the function. the same is true on ash wednesday or at the adorations of the cross on holy friday, when all of them wish to kiss at one time, or in other similar functions. 48. they are much given to the sin of blasphemy, [191] because of their natural vileness, their pride, and their presumption. hence it is quite usual for them to complain of god, whom they call paghihinanaquit, asking why he does not give them this or that, and health or wealth, as he does to other creatures. they utter words of nonsense that horrify those who do not know that it proceeds from their great lack of understanding and consideration, and from their very great disability for conforming themselves with the divine will. [192] thus the royal prophet david, when compelled by his superior enthusiasm to touch what he considered inferior matter, and [when he] lifted up his complaints of the divine providence, was excused by his ignorance, as will be seen in psalm lxxii, [23], where he humbles himself, saying: ut jumentum factus sum apud te: et ego semper tecum. [193] 49. they are very vain, [194] and they spend their money never more willingly than in functions of vanity; for they consider themselves highly, and wish to be esteemed without doing anything worthy of esteem. the men especially, even though they do not have anything to eat, must not for that reason fail to have a shirt and a hat, and to dress in style. they give banquets very frequently, for very slight causes; and everything resolves itself into eating, drinking, and great noise. their vanity is the only thing that causes them to lessen their laziness, in order to get the wherewithal to keep up this esteem, and applause from their compatriots. [195] 50. they are revengeful to an excessive degree--so much so that they are vile and cowardly, and the ministers have great trouble in reconciling them with their enemies; and although they do it through fear, it is never with the whole heart, for this passion has great influence over them. and since they need magnanimity and manliness to overcome it, and these virtues are foreign to them, [196] hate generally forces its roots into them so deeply that it is impossible to eradicate it in a whole lifetime. [197] this is the reason why they are so inclined to litigation, and to going before the audiencias and courts with their quarrels, [198] in which they willingly spend their possessions for the sole purpose of making others spend theirs and of causing them harm and trouble. for that they are even wont to pledge their sons and daughters. [199] 51. in order to be contrary in everything to other nations, they have lust but no love. this is in regard to the illicit love; for in the supernatural love which grace causes in the sacrament of marriage (since divine impulse works in this) their evil disposition is conquered and most of them make very good husbands. but in illicit intercourse the men have no other purpose than bodily appetite, and to deprive [of virginity] as many women as they have done, in order to sport with it. for it is a long established custom among them that the women shall give to the men, and the latter shall be the ones served and fêted; while only blows, kicks, and trouble are given to the women. so true is this that one might say that they have an inferno both in this and in the other world. hence the women are very poorly clad, for the men want everything for themselves. [200] 52. but in the midst of this, which appears inhuman, one may praise them for having succeeded in treating their wives as they deserve, in order to keep them submissive and happy; for this submission makes them better, and humble, and prudent, and conformable to their sentence of being subject to man. and if the europeans would learn this useful and prudent management from them, they would live in greater peace and with less expense; and marriage would be more mild and quiet, and well ordered, according to reason, and better directed toward the end for which it was instituted--as we see is the case with these people, with a fertility that causes our wonder. 53. they have another remarkable custom, which has been taught them by the infernal machiavelian [201] satan, which is good for their bodies, but bad for their souls. this is that they observe very strictly the concealment of one another's faults and wrong-doing. they endeavor to see that no transgression comes to the ear of the father minister, or alcalde, or any spaniard. they observe this with peculiar secrecy, although they may be at enmity among themselves, and ready to kill as they say. consequently, the most serious crime that can happen among them is to tell the father or alcalde what is passing in the village. [202] they call that mabibig, because it is the most abominable fault and the only sin among them. [203] 54. this worst of customs is very prejudicial and troublesome to the spaniards and to the father ministers. for it might happen that one has one servant (or all) who wastes and destroys the property of his master, and there is [no one] who will tell him what is passing. [204] but if it happens that the wasteful servant leave, then all the others tell what he did; and, whatever is lacking afterward, they throw the blame on that absent servant. if the spaniard reprove the servant whom he most esteems and benefits, asking him why he did not tell of the evil that the other servant was doing, he replies with great dudgeon that they must not accuse him of being mabibig, or talebearer of what happens. this is what takes place, even if the servants know that they are flaying their master. consequently, the first thing that they do when any new servant comes is, to threaten him if he turn mabibig, and afterwards make him do all the work that belongs to them all, while the old servants are quite free from toil. hence the fewer servants a spaniard has, the better served will he be; for only the newcomer works and does everything, and the others not only do nothing, but are all served by him. [205] 55. they have another peculiarity, which always causes me great wonder. i am trying to discover the cause therefor, but i only find, so far as i can make out, that it is due to their incapacity and ingratitude and their horror of the spaniards. this is, that while the difference between the poverty, wretchedness, and want of their houses and the anxiety and poverty in which they live, when compared with the abundance, good cheer, good clothes, and comfort which they enjoy in the service of certain spaniards is almost infinite, if they happen to be discharged, or to leave for some very slight cause occasioned by their pride and vanity, they turn from one extreme to the other, so contented with the present misery that they do not remember or even consider the past abundance. if they be asked in what condition they lived better, they answer that everything is one and the same, and hence we do not get revenge by sending them away in anger [en embiarlos con dios]. but what great happiness is theirs! [206] 56. they would rather scorn the goods of the father or of the spaniards than enjoy them and profit by them. hence what they lose is greater than what they spend. 57. they are greatly lacking in foresight. hence the servants and stewards do not advise their master to procure any article until it is completely gone. therefore when they say that there is no more sugar or no more oil, it is when there is not [oil] enough to whet a knife. [207] consequently, great deficiencies and annoyances are suffered because of this custom. 58. if there are visitors or guests to dine with the master, they do not consider the guests at all, thus causing the poor master of the house great shame; [208] and it is necessary for him to excuse himself by the poor instruction that the devil gave them in this matter. no misfortune can be greater to him than to offend against his civility; and in a manner that seems good to them, for doubtless they are so persuaded by the devil. it is also their custom, when there is company, for all to go to the kitchen and leave the master alone. [209] 59. their stomachs are like sackbuts, with systole and diastole; [210] and thus they contract and expand them in a wonderful manner. for although they observe parsimony in their own houses, it is a matter for which to praise god to see them gorge themselves and gulp down things at the expense of the spaniards, as quevedo said there of galalon: "galalon, who eats but little at home, overloads his goodly paunch at another's expense." [211] 60. but say to them, buen provecho; [212] for usually these losses are well retrieved when they row. they are horrifying and frightful in venting their anger, both against one another, and against the father ministers; and there would be so much to say in this that it would never be finished. [213] they are able to make their complaints in such a manner and to such purpose that they persuade those who know most about their falsity and trickery that they are telling the truth. i remember that an alcalde of experience [214] was heard to say, when the indians came to him with complaints: audivi auditionem tuam, et timui. [215] there are usually indians, both men and women, in the suburbs of manila, who hire out as mourners in the manner of the mourners of the hebrews, and such as were in style in castilla in the time of the cid. the authors of the quarrel go first into the house of some lawyer [216] well known for his cleverness, who is one of those called in law rabulas, [217] who do not know which is their right hand. these men keep books of formulas and of petitions directed against all the human race; for example, in this form, "suit against alcalde;" and then follow all the crimes and excesses that can be committed by alcaldes. [218] the same thing is true of suits against ministers and curas, and in them is enclosed all possibility of irregular conduct. then the said "smith of calumny," [219] as the italian says, takes the names of the plaintiffs and defendants, and a few facts; and then puts it all in the book from beginning to end [de pe á pa], without omitting one iota. and this is not to speak uncertainly; for in the archives of the court will be found the chart which was discovered in the possession of a certain rabula named silva, who, in addition to this had skill in counterfeiting royal decrees and documents. 61. when the petition has been made, they go with it to the mourners, and they go to press their suit with a lamentation like that of magedo for king josias, which would soften stones. [220] that has been investigated by several governors in my time. i remember one investigation by don juan de vargas, and another by don gabriel de cruce-laegui; and many who are living remember them. let them judge, then, the pity that ought to be expressed for the father ministers, whose honor is exposed to so great danger. 62. their cunning and diabolical cleverness in making an accusation is not the equal [i.e., is more than the equal] of their capacity; and it is known that they have the special suggestion of the father of discord, satan. i remember that they brought to a certain provincial a complaint against the father minister, saying that he kept twelve indians busy in caring for but one horse. the provincial made an investigation and found that the father had but one indian, and that he used the said horse a great deal, in order to attend to the administration of souls. when the calumniators were chidden for the falsity of their complaint, they explained it by saying, "father, that indian is, in truth, but one; but he is changed every month, and at the end of the year there are twelve men." just see what subtlety, and what confusion in their arithmetic, in order to make their accusation--the indians maliciously speaking of a year in order to give color to their calumny. [221] so many cases of this sort can be stated, that they are unending. and with all this, these natives have such persuasiveness, or powers of enchantment, that they generally deceive and persuade the most experienced with their lies. 63. inasmuch as any sort of complaint is received, without subjecting the accuser to a penalty in case that he cannot prove his allegations [222]--as ought to be the case, and according to the orders of the mexican council--no one's honor is safe. for, if they prove their accusations, they are the gainers, while if they do not prove them they return home as cool as ever, for they always go to gain and never to lose. [223] 64. they are very fond of ceremonial acts and festivals where there is some novelty; and fond of long pilgrimages [224] to images of some new miracle, while they forget about the old. [225] 65. they are especially fond of comedies and farces, and therefore, there is no feast of consequence, unless there is a comedy. [226] if possible they will lose no rehearsal, and in all they pay attention only to the witty fellow who does innumerable foolish and uncouth things, and at each of his actions they burst into hearty laughter. he who plays this part acceptably receives his diploma as an ingenious fellow, and has permission to go and come anywhere, and even to cajole the women before their husbands; and the latter must laugh, even though they have no wish to do so. it is very necessary that these representations be not harmful, for many of them are printed. accordingly, they receive considerable benefit from these functions and external acts, such as the descent from the cross, and other representations, which are patterned after those called escuitales [227] in nueba españa--in which is verified the truth of the sentence in the ars poetica of horace, verses 18[0-181]. [228] segnius irritant animos demisa per aures, quam quæ sunt oculis conspecta fidelibus. 66. consequently, those who have experience are wont to declare that the faith enters into the indians through the eyes; and hence it seems worthy of consideration that it was the apostle st. thomas whom our lord [229] had prepared for the teaching of the indians--he who desired that the belief in his glorious resurrection might enter through the eyes: nisi videro ... non credam (john xx, 25). 67. they are extreme in their observance of their usages and customs, which they call ogali. to be found wanting in these is a great infamy; and, consequently, in order not to break them they will trample everything under foot. the ceremonies and abuses practiced in their weddings and funerals are numerous and curious, and no success has been had in suppressing them, notwithstanding all the efforts that have been made; for all they want from the spaniards is their clothes, and all the evil that they see in them. i believe that these customs will never be suppressed. [230] 68. another curious peculiarity is that although there are generally some few who are jealous, if they have any business with the spaniards, they will not go themselves, but will send their wives or daughters without any fear of danger, in order that their business may be well despatched. [231] 69. they are very material and literal in their conversations, and one cannot say the slightest word to the women in jest, however slight it be; for the most discreet thing that they will answer to one will be, tampalasanca, which means, "you are a [232] shameless fellow;" and, if not that, [233] a tempest of words, that will make him repent having given occasion for them. [234] this alone is their custom with the spaniards. [235] 70. it is a thing to be wondered at that even the dogs have another disposition, and have a particular aversion toward spaniards. when they see spaniards, they choke themselves with barking. and when the children see a father they cry immediately, [236] and thus from their cradle they begin to hold every white face in horror. [237] 71. they are so cowardly that they fear any indian who becomes a bully among them--so much that, if they only see him with a poor knife, they fear him so greatly that he can do whatever he wishes. all the village together will not be bold enough to arrest him, for they say that he is posong, which is the same as "bold." i have had many examples of this. [238] 72. the vice of drunkenness is regarded by them as rank in the fourth degree, [239] and they have made it a point of nobility; for the chiefest men think that they are the best workmen at this occupation. [240] it is a fact that those most given to this vice are the ilocans, then the visayans, and then our tagálogs. [241] the pampangos can be exempted from this rule, for they are very temperate in this wretched habit, as well as in all the other things which we have mentioned. they are very different: for they are truthful, and love their honor; are very brave, and inclined to work; and are more civil, and of better customs. in regard to the vices here mentioned (for they are, in the last analysis, indians like the rest), they keep them more out of sight and covered. in all things the pampangos have a nobleness of mind that makes them the castilians of these same indians. consequently, that people must be distinguished from the rest in its character, in all that we have said. 73. returning now to the others, in general, they possess vanity without honor; for among them it is no reason for less esteem to be drunkards, robbers, or connivers in evil deeds, or [to practice] other like virtues. [242] they lose reputation and honor only if they get the reputation of being sorcerers. consequently, in the opinion of a very learned minister, there is no case of a restitution of honor, unless some accusation of this infamous sin is imputed to them. in their marriages and among their kindred their disgust is not moved except by this, for the others are excused by self interest, but this fault is not. [243] 74. all that i have said of the men is very different in the women, saltem quoad modum. [244] for they are of better morals, are docile and affable, and show great love to their husbands and to those who are not their husbands. they are really very modest in their actions and conversation, to such a degree that they have a very great horror of obscene words; and if weak nature craves acts, their natural modesty abhors words. [245] the notion that i have formed of them is that they are very honorable, and, most of all, the married women. although beans are boiled, it is not by the kettleful, as in other regions. [246] scarcely will one find a tagálog or pampango indian woman, who will put her person to trade; and they are not so abandoned as we see in the women in other regions. they are very averse toward the spaniard, and love the equality [in marriage] of their own nation; and, as a foreign religious said, are suited "each man to each woman." they rarely have any love for a spaniard. they have another peculiarity, which if the indian women of america had, that land would not be so full of mulattoes, who are a ferocious and wicked race. this is their horror for cafres and negroes, which is so great that they would sooner suffer themselves to be killed than to receive them. the visayan women, however, are ready for everything, and are not so fastidious. on the contrary, they are very ready to consent to any temptation. [247] 75. the women are very devout, and in every way of good habits. the cause for this is that they are kept so subject and so closely occupied; for they do not lift their hands from their work, since in many of the villages they support their husbands and sons, while the latter are busied in nothing else but in walking, [248] in gambling, and wearing fine clothes, while the greatest vanity of the women is in the adornment and demeanor of these gentlemen, for they themselves are very poorly and modestly [249] clad. 76. in all that i have said, to this point, concerning the nature and morals of these poor people, i have done no more than to approximate [to the truth], as the mathematicians have done in the squaring of the circle. for an essential, substantial, and exhaustive definition [250] is for some other person, to whom divine providence chooses to communicate this difficult matter. [251] very praiseworthy is barclayo, for in his eupormion and his argenis, [252] he succeeded in discerning the natures of nations; as did juan rodemborgio, [253] and our gracian in his criticon. [254] but had they treated of the filipinos, they would not have been so successful. 77. the bishop of la puebla, don juan palafox, [255] wrote a keen treatise on the virtues of the indians of nueva españa, in which his uncommon intellect and his holy and good intention are displayed more clearly than is the truth of his argument on the subject; for in a curious way he endeavors to make virtues of all their vices and evil inclinations. for in what they merit before god through their wills, they do not merit if it be the impelling force of their natural inclination and manner of living, because absuetiis non fit passio. [256] one cannot, indeed, compare the voluntary poverty of st. francis with that of the indians, which is born of laziness and full of greed; for theirs is the infamous poverty which virgil places in hell: et turpis egestas. [257] and just as the economy of a poor wretch is not reckoned as fasting, so it will not be proper to say that if st. antony [258] went barefoot, the indians do the same; and that they live on certain roots, as did the fathers of the thebaid. [259] for the fasting and the austerities of st. arsenius [260] had a different impelling motive--since he left the pleasures and esteem of the court of the emperor theodosius [261]--than that which they can have, being so born and reared, and never having seen anything else. hence, ovid says of the getas that they left the delights and comforts of roma, and returned to seek the poverty and misery to which they were accustomed in pontus: roma quid meltus scyt[h]ico [262] quid frigore peius? húc tamen ex illa barbarus urbe fugit. [263] 78. it is not my intention to include the sangley mestizos here, as they are a different race. for although they were the children of indians at the beginning, they have been approaching more and more to the chinese nation with the lapse of successive generations. et compositum ex multis atrahit ad se nuturam simplicis dignioris. [264] consequently, i leave their description for whomever wishes to undertake that task; for i fear that i shall succeed but very ill with the task which i have here undertaken, as it is so difficult. 79. finally, summing up all the above, the inference will be that all the actions of these wretched beings are such as are dictated by nature through the animal, intent solely on its preservation and convenience, without any corrective being applied by reason, respect, and esteem for reputation. consequently, he who first said of a certain people that if they saw the whole world hanging on one nail and needed that nail in order to hang up their hat, they would fling the world down in order to make room for the hat, would have said it of the indians had he known them. for they think only of what is agreeable to them, or of what the appetite dictates to them; and this they will put in action, if fear, which also dwells in them, do not dissuade them. [265] hence they will be seen dressed in the shirts and clothes of their masters, for the sole reason [266] that because they no sooner enter any house than they become the owners of everything in it. and the worst thing is that, although they are not good and faithful servants, intrant in gaudium domini sui. [267] 80. they also have other qualities worthy of envy, non quoad causam sed quoad efectum. [268] such is their contentment with their lot, for they believe that there is no people in the whole world better than they, and that if they possess a bamboo hut, a little rice for a few days, a few small fish, and a couple of leaves of tobacco, they do not envy the tables of xerxes or eliogabalus, [269] and can sing with lucan: o tuta potestas augusti parvique laris. prohl munera nondum intellecta deum quibus hoc contingere templis, vel posuit muris nullo trepidare tumulto, cæsarea pulsata manu. [270] 81. they are also worthy of envy for the calmness and conformity with which they die, with so wonderful peace, as if they were making a journey from one village to another--the lord working in these creatures as the lord that he is, [271] for in that transit his mercy shines forth more; and thus said david (psalm, xlvii, 21) domini, domini, exitus mortis; [272] whence that reduplication which the hebrew grammar calls ohatsere, [273] signifies the superlative in name and action. the same is the declaration of divine wisdom (proverbs, xx): in viis justitiæ ambulo, in medio semitarum judicii, ut ditem diligentes me. [274] the father celestial summons them for the relief of their burdens, and of the troubles which they have had during life: venite qui laboratis, et onerati estis, et ego reficiam vos (matthew xi, 28). [275] for it is a fact that if one consider the life and lot of most of them, they resemble that merchant in the gospel of matthew (chapter 13), who gave all that he had for the precious pearl; for it costs them more than is apparent to become christians, with so much cutting of timber, and many personal services; and thus god gives them the true rest of death, as to poor and needy ones. parcet pauperi, et inopi, et animas pauperum salvas faciet (psalm, xii, 13). [276] exiguo enim conceditur missericordia (wisdom, vi, 7). [277] 82. in all the aforesaid, i find no more than the claw by which this lion can be recognized, because of the difficulty of the matter; therefore i refer the matter to another who has greater talent and experience, who can tell more, since i cannot do everything. [278] i remember once to have heard from an inexperienced preacher this ingenious bit of nonsense, that in praising st. john the baptist he cited that passage of st. matthew (chapter xi, [7]), coepit jesus dicere [ad turbas] de joanne; 83. and he said that john was so great a saint, that even in the mouth of christ our lord it was [only] possible to begin speaking of him, but that no end could be reached. the same i shall say of this matter, in all candor. 84. there is no little to learn and study in the matter, concerning the manner in which one must behave with them--especially we ministers, who come from remote lands in order to assist and teach them; for because of not understanding this aright many have become disconsolate, and have conceived a horror of the indians, and have returned to españa, or they have lived amid great hardship, in a continual combat of impatience and anxiety, thus frustrating the good vocation which brought them to these islands, a vocation so acceptable to god our lord. for, as says the angelic doctor st. thomas, 22, book 188, article 4: deo nullum sacrificium est magis acceptum, quam celus animarum. [279] to those who take this charge upon them, the words of the lord in his revelations to st. brigida are of great consolation. among many others, he says (book 2, chapter 6): vos ergo amici mei qui estis in mundo procedite securi, clamate, et anuntiate voluntatem meam. ego ero in corde et in ore vestro. ego ero dux vester in via et consolator in morte. non relinquam vos, procedite alacriter quia ex labore cresit gloria. [280] for it is a fact that all this exhortation is necessary, in order to combat the friction that is caused to the european disposition by dealing with people of customs so different, and which has caused so many to lose their reason. 85. therefore the compass to which the navigator must always be attentive, in the gulf of the customs of this exasperating race, is patience. for this is the only remedy which christ our lord left to his disciples for the attainment of this ministry: (luke xxi, [19]) in patientia vestra possidebitis animas vestras; and st. paul, in hebrews x, 36: patientia est vobis necessaria, ut reportetis, repromissionis. [281] 86. with this knowledge and without losing [282] this strong protection one must continually consider that all these vices and evil traits are dictated and impelled by their nature, at times aided by the suggestion of the common enemy when he hopes to succeed in causing us impatience. very worth considering in this are the words of st. paul (2 cor., xi, 19, 20): libenter enim suffertis insipientes cum sitis ipsi sapientes. sustinetis enim si quis vos in servitutem redigit, si quis devorat, si quis accipit, si quis extollitur, si quis infaciem vos cædit. [283] for all these hardships, and greater, must be suffered here among these brothers. [284] 87. i confess for my part that, at the beginning, i was afflicted and was greatly tormented, until with the lapse of time i came to realize that such was their disposition and nature, and that these trees could give no better fruit. in time it became to me a motive for praising god to see the variety of conditions and [285] customs which he has placed in human nature, which is so beautified with variety; and i took particular pleasure in seeing youths and boys doing all things backward--without any malice, and without having prompters, like actors; but moved only by that hidden peculiarity that makes them so different from all other nations, and so uniform among themselves, [a likeness] which is so great that any one who has seen one of these monopantos has seen them all. with these considerations i lived consoled, and succeeded in making of them wax and wick, as the saying is. [286] 88. first, one must not shout out at them, for that is a matter that frightens and terrifies them greatly, as can be seen if one cries out at them when they are unaware--when the whole body trembles; and they say that a single cry of the spaniard penetrates quite to their souls. 89. one must not strike them with the hands, for if we are of flesh, they are of iron, and the hand will suffer greatly, for god does not choose that they be corrected so indecently. [287] 90. all of their faults must not be overlooked, for they will become insolent and worse daily. consequently, it is necessary for the father ministers to give them some lashes as a father, with great moderation, for it is enough to give lashes for vanity and haughtiness. this must be observed especially in the lads, as is the order of the holy spirit (proverbs, xxiii, 13, 14): noli subtrahere a puero disciplinam; si enim percussieris eum virga, non morietur. tu virga percuties eum: et animam ejus de inferno liberabis. [288] the command of st. gregory shall be observed carefully (2 p. pastoral, chapter 6): curandum quippe est ut rectorem subditis, et matrem, et patrem se exhibeat disciplina. [289] 91. nothing must be taken away from them, or received from them, without paying for it; for they are very poor, and the least thing produces a great want with them. it must be considered that their greatest misery arises from their laziness and rude condition, and that that habit keeps them in its grasp, and they suffer great poverty; for egestatem operata est manus remissa (proverbs, x, 4). we must consider also that they support us and that they pay as they are able for our labors. if anything be given to them, let it be purely [290] for god's sake and as an alms, for if it be lent it will be entirely lost, both the merit and the patience [291]--considering their necessity and not their ingratitude, as a thing ordained by god. propter miseriam asume pauperem, et propter inopiam eius ne dimitas eum vacuum; et cætera (ecclesiasticus, xxix, 12). [292] 92. it is better, in selecting servants among the indians for the inside of the house, to see that they be the sons of caciques or chiefs. they must be shown neither love nor familiarity. they must indeed always be treated well, but with uprightness and seriousness of face. it must be considered that in proportion as they are better caressed and clothed, the worse and more insolent they will become. this is the teaching of the holy spirit in proverbs xxiv, 21: qui delicate a pueritia nutrit servum suum, postea sentiet eum contumacem. they must be taught their duties, and must always be ordered to perform them with prudence and circumspection, for otherwise they will come gradually to lose respect for their master, and for the character which god presents to them in the spaniard in order to dominate them; and then will result the same thing that happened to the log which, æsop says, was placed in the lake by jupiter to be king of the frogs. but the frogs, seeing after a time that it did not move, made sport of it, and jumped on top of it, etc. not many things should be ordered of them at one time; for their memories are very poor, and they will only keep the last one in mind. the keys of the pantry or to the money must not be entrusted to them, for that would be placing opportunity and temptation in their hands, and they never resist it. good instruction and subjection in the house, and, above all, the good example of life which they see in their masters, instil much into them; and under such conditions they generally become good servants, especially those of the pampango nation. on the other hand, also, one must not expect a good servant in the house of a bad master. [293] 93. one must not exhaust them or squeeze them much beyond what they can give of themselves, as we do with the lemon, for all that will be pressed out will be bitter, as says the proverb of the commentary; qui nimis emungit, solet extorquere cruorem. [294] neither is it well or proper to go about visiting the caciques or going up into their houses, except when necessity requires it; for immediately the whole village will be filled with envy and complaint, and the esteem of the father ministers will suffer considerably. besides, their stench and vice do not render this diversion desirable. [295] 94. when [296] they are sent with a message to any place, one must very patiently await some notable failure caused ordinarily by their natural sloth and laziness. [297] sicut acetum dentibus, et fumus oculis, sic piger his qui miserunt illum (proverbs, x, 26). [298] 95. i do not believe that i should omit mention, saltem per transenam, [299] of a matter very worthy of consideration--namely, that if god chooses to chastise the flourishing christianity of these islands for our and their sins, by placing it in the hands of indians ordained as priests (as appears about to threaten us very soon), if god do not apply a remedy, what abominations will not follow! for to declare that they will change their customs [300] and the aforesaid vices is impossible. on the contrary, their arrogance will grow worse with exaltation to so sublime an estate; their cupidity with power will be better fed; their laziness, with the lack of necessity; and their vanity, with the applause that they would wish to have, for they would desire to be served by those whom they would in another estate respect and obey; and the villages would suffer from the curse mentioned in isaiah xxiv, 2, sicut populus, sic sacerdos. for the indian who is ordained does not become a priest because it is the calling that conduces to the most perfect estate, [301] but because of the great and almost infinite advantage that comes to him with the new estate that he chooses. how much it differs from being a father cura, to be a baguntao or sexton! from paying tribute, to being paid a stipend! from going to the [compulsory] cutting of timber, to being served in it! from rowing in a banca, to be rowed in it! that does not count with a spaniard, who, if he become a cleric, often gives up an office as alcalde-mayor, captain, or general, with many other comforts in his native place, while his house is exalted above all the nation of the indians. let one contrast this with the vanity with which one who has been freed from the oar, [302] or from an ax in the cutting of timber, will give his hand to be kissed! what a burden for the village will be the father, and mother, sister and nieces ranked as ladies, when many other better women are pounding rice! for if the indian is insolent and intolerable with but little power, what will he be with so much superiority! and if the wedge from the same log [303] is so powerful, what will it be if driven by so great authority! what plague of locusts can be compared to the destruction that they would cause in the villages? [304] what respect will the indians have for him, seeing that he is of their color and nation--and especially those who consider themselves as good, and even better perhaps, than he who became a cura, while they do not become anything better than bilango or servant? how severely the good cura will chastise them, and for trifling offenses! [305] as we see the indians do when they act as gobernadorcillos of their villages for even a single year--when the first thing that they do, and in which they most delight, is immediately to place the picota [306] in front of their houses, in order to apply lashes with the hangman's strap [penca]. what tyranny will the cura practice on them, such as they are wont to practice if they have any power and authority! how well the wedge of the same wood will force its way, without there being any one to say to him, curita facis? [i.e., "dost thou play the cura?"] [307] 96. therefore, if any insurrection or mutiny should arise, how well could it be arranged and prepared, [308] if the cura entered also into the dance, as he is also an indian and interested? for, in all the insurrections that have occurred in these islands, respect for the father ministers has been of great importance; but the very opposite would have happened if these were indians. then in the frequent carousals and feasts of which they are so fond, and on which their vanity and their chieftainship are founded, without any doubt there would be great indecency; for the cura would be very tender of conscience who would not pledge them in their cups. in that and other temptations would happen what lucian relates in the second of his dialogues. 97. a noble youth had a very beautiful and gentle female kitten, which he esteemed so highly that he begged the goddess venus to change it into a beautiful maiden, in order that he might marry her. the goddess did so. thereupon, the youth [309] immediately arranged the wedding, to which he invited the best people of the city. while, then, the bride was richly adorned with jewels and surrounded by many other women, [310] and the guests, a mouse happened to appear, and began to approach them in order to eat some crumbs of bread which were scattered about. the bride saw it, and, without power to control herself, ran after the mouse throughout the length of the hall, and the guests were unable to restrain her. the groom was ashamed, and said, [311] "gentlemen, your pardon; for this girl was formerly a cat, and will always have the habits and bad traits of that animal." 98. i believe that the same thing would happen with the indians, [312] even when they belong to the caciques or nobility; for it is incredible that they can strip themselves of the peculiarities of their nature. i at least do not believe it at present, although god our lord can very easily do it, for he is the one who raises up sons of abraham from the stones. but we must not ask for miracles needlessly, but allow the indian to remain an indian, and go to his labor as before. if it is desired to prepare them for the high ministry of the priesthood, it is advisable to test them in the offices of alcaldes-mayor, captains, regidors, and councilors; for it appears to me that there is no one who can say that these said offices are greater and of higher rank and dignity than the priesthood, at least where the inquisition exists. then, if they conduct themselves well in the said employments, they can be given the management of the body and blood of jesus christ our lord; and then one can say with reason: quia in pauca fuisti fidelis supra multa te constituam. [313] for, as the church teaches us through the mouths of the holy fathers, the dignity of the priesthood is so great that that of the kings or emperors of the world cannot compare with it. thus says st. ignatius the martyr in his epistle to smyrna, chapter x, sacerdotium est apex bonorum omnium, quæ sunt in hominibus. [314] st. ambrose, in chapter 2 of his book de dignitate sacerdotum [315] says so still more clearly. [316] father molina [317] has considerable to say on this in the first treatise of his libro de sacerdotes [i.e., "book of priests"] as has father señeri [318] in his cura instruido [i.e., "the cura instructed"]. 99. then is it possible that, even though they are catholics and faithful sons of the church, we must exalt to so lofty an estate men against whom there would be so many complaints if they became alférezes of a company in the regiment of manila? can the sacred habit of st. peter, which we religious venerate as that of the greatest dignity, and to which we yield the most honorable place--which, as said the patriarch of antiochia [319] to the emperor of china, is the first rank and order of the church--be obliged not to experience disgust at such low creatures? i do not know in what it [i.e., the proposal to ordain indians] can consist, unless it be that in it is realized the vision that the said st. peter had in cesarea when the sheet was let down from heaven filled with toads and serpents, and a voice commanded him to eat without disgust--as is read in chapter x of the acts of the apostles. for although it signified the calling of heathendom, it must not be understood in moral things of the barbarous and mean nature of some peoples that compose that heathendom, in order to constitute the ecclesiastic hierarchy. [320] when i come to discuss this matter, i find no end, and i find that we can only say: domine adauge [nobis] fidem (luke [x]vii, [5]). [321] 100. it is also a fact that the sacred canons do not demand from those who are ordained more than an honorable life and example, and a sufficient knowledge. then, in order to dispense the spurious and legitimate [322] and the mestizos, there is a brief of gregory xiii which begins "nuper ad nos relatum est," [323] issued at roma, january 25, one thousand five hundred and seventy-five. for all that, i regard them [i.e., indians as priests] as irregular, not only for the reasons given and stated above, but also because they lack the ecclesiastical and priestly mental ability, and the prudence necessary; and without these all the rest serves as almost nothing, as pedro urceolo sang with graceful elegance in his "epigrams:" sis licet ingenuus clarisque parentibus ortus; esse tamen vel sic bestia magna potes. adde docus patriæ et claros tibi sume propinquos; esse tamen vel sic bestia magna potes. sint tibi divitæ [324] sit larga et munda supellex; esse tamen vel sic bestia magna potes. denique, quidquid eris, nisi sit prudentia tecum; magna quidem dico, bestia semper eris. [325] 101. may god our lord preserve your grace for the many years of my desire. manila, june 8, one thousand seven hundred and twenty. [326] your humble servant, who kisses your hand, fray gaspar de san agustin [on a loose paper inserted in the copy of this letter owned by the museo-biblioteca de ultramar (which as stated above, is unsigned), which was formerly owned by the well known spanish scholar pascual de gayangos, is the following: "according to paragraphs [of this letter] which paterno inserted in his work la antigua civilizacion de filipinos (madrid, 1887), p. 241, this letter must have been written by father fray gaspar de san agustín; and according to sinibaldo mas, who inserts entire passages from this ms. in his informe sobre el estado de filipinas en 1842, i, pp. 63-132, and attributes it to father gaspar." paterno has not had access to the document itself, but has used mas.] [subjoined to the letter is the following, the origin of which we cannot account for, but which indicates the wide circulation that the letter must have had.] questions of father pedro murillo [velarde] [327] of the society of jesus 102. what is the indian? reply--the lowest degree of rational animal. question--how many and what are his peculiarities? reply--twenty-one, as follows: pride without honor. friend without loyalty. a drunkard without satiety. compassionate without mercy. reserved without secrecy. long-suffering without patience. cowardly without fear. bold without resolution. obedient without submissiveness. one who practices austerities without suffering. bashful without sense of honor. virtuous without mortification. clever without capacity. civilized without politeness. astute without sagacity. merciful without pity. modest without shame. revengeful without valor. poor without corresponding [mode of life]. rich without economy. lazy without negligence. laus deo. résumé of the entire letter by the said father murillo 103. the filipino indian is the embryo of nature and the offspring of grossness. he does not feel an insult or show gratitude for a kindness. his continual habitation is the kitchen; and the smoke that harms all of us serves him as the most refreshing breeze. if the indian has morisqueta and salt, he gives himself no concern, though it rain thunder and lightning, and the sky fall. he is much given to lying, theft, and laziness. in the confessional he is a maze [embolismo] of contradictions, now denying proofs and now affirming impossible things. now he plays the part of a devout pilgrim over rough roads and through the deepest rivers, in order to hear mass on a workday at a shrine ten or twelve leguas away; while it is necessary to use violence to get him to hear mass on sunday in his parish church. they are impious in their necessities with the father, but liberal and charitable to their guests, even when they do not know them; and through that they are greatly disappointed. at the same time they are humble and proud; bold and atrocious, but cowardly and pusillanimous; compassionate and cruel; slothful and lazy, and diligent; careful and negligent in their own affairs; very dull and foolish for good things, but very clever and intelligent in rogueries. he who has most to do with them knows them least. their greatest diversion is cock-fighting, and they love their cocks more than their wives and children. they are more ready to believe any of their old people than even an apostolic preacher. they resemble mellizas, [328] in their vices and opposite virtues. in lying alone, is no contradiction found in them; for one does not know when they are not lying, whether they are telling the truth by mistake. one indian does not resemble another indian, or even himself. if they are given one thing, they immediately ask for another. [329] they never fail to deceive, unless it crosses their own interest. in their suits, they are like flies on the food, who never quit it, however much they be brushed away. finally, there is no fixed rule by which to construe them; a new syntax is necessary for each one; and, as they are all anomalous, the most intelligent man would be distracted [330] if he tried to define them. farewell. [delgado has the following interesting chapter (pp. 297-302 of his historia) on this letter, which it is judged advisable to present at this place.] chapter vii some considerations concerning the matter in father gaspar de san agustín's letter i confess that i read this letter, in which the reverend author criticises the customs and dispositions of the natives of filipinas, some years ago. but i read it as i am wont to read other letters, for diversion and amusement, without thinking much about its artfulness, and i was delighted with its erudition. however, when i afterward considered its contents with some degree of thought, i saw that it brought forward, in its whole length, no solid proof of what it tries to make one believe; and it appeared to me a hyperbolical criticism from the very beginning. on that account i resolved to make a few brief commentaries on the matter in the letter, both for the consolation of those whom our lord may call to these missions, and so that it may be understood that at times sadness and melancholy are accustomed to heighten things, making giants out of pygmies--all the more, if a relish for revery and grumbling be joined with a tendency to exaggeration and with figures of speech corresponding thereto. consequently, i am surprised that the reverend annalist or chronicler [i.e., san antonio] of the seraphic province of san gregorio praises this letter, saying that it is worth printing, since its author has penetrated as far as one may penetrate into the characters of the natives of these islands. and yet the author confesses that it is as difficult to define their nature as are the eight impossible things which are recounted there. that seems to me a fine hyperbole. from the above one can see that, as he commenced this letter by affirming a hyperbole with eight hyperboles, it is not surprising that i called it hyperbolical; and especially if all the hyperboles that it contains from its beginning to its end be enumerated. but ere i begin to express my opinion i would like to sum up two contradictory and opposite expressions that i find in these authors. the reverend father fray gaspar says of the indians, in his letter, that the difficulty of knowing the indians lies not in the individual but in the race, for, if one be known, all are known. father pedro murillo says, in his approbation of the cronicas, [331] that "there is no fixed rule by which to construe the indians; for each one needs a new syntax, all being anomalous. with the indians the argument does not conclude by induction, since no one is like to himself; for, in the short circuit of a day, he changes into more colors than a chameleon, takes more shapes than a proteus, and has more movements than a euripus. [332] he who has most to do with them, knows them least. in short, they are an aggregate of contrarieties, and the best logician cannot reconcile them. they are an obscure and confused chaos, in which no species can be perceived and no points of exactness distinguished." all these terms considered one by one, compose a very exaggerated hyperbole, in which this author showed his great erudition and little experience, for he only ministered in a few missions, and for a short time. for during most of the time while he lived in these islands he did not leave the professor's chair, except for a short time; and all that he tells of his journey to and travels among the visayas was learned in passing and hastily, in company with the provincial who visited those missions. there he obtained very little light on the character and temperament of the indians, as he had no dealings with them as one settled among them. and, just as in this expression he opposes himself without much reason to the reverend father fray gaspar, who after forty years of ministry, affirms that the indians are well designated by the greek word monopantas--a term which was given to a certain people by a critic, as they were all similar and homogeneous--so also when he affirms that all are anomalous and heterogeneous because they cannot all be constructed in one and the same syntax, does he go beyond the credence that can be given to his ingenious hyperboles. the experience that the said father murillo could have is of the indians who go about in manila and its environs, who are interpreters, servants in accounting-rooms and secretarial offices, who are accustomed to deal with spaniards of all kinds, with creoles, mestizos, sangleys, and other kinds of people who assemble there for trade. they have learned fraud and deceit, as well as the bad morals and propensities of all and every one of them. as is seen, one cannot judge of a whole nation--and much less of all the nations of the islands, who are diverse and distinct in genius and customs by the cases of these indians who speak spanish. and taking into account so great diversity, i affirm that it is impossible to find a definition that admits and includes all of them. for these persons whom i have mentioned, reared among so many classes, and among people so heterogeneous, and who are imbued with customs so diverse, cannot form rules by which to explain their own nation, much less by which to define the other nations. now if the statements of authors in regard to physical or moral matters are so at variance that we can say that each author has a different opinion--as says the proverb, quot capita, tot sententiæ--and if thus far no ground and certain point has been found at which the understanding may stop, how is it strange that they do not find, in order to describe indians with customs so unusual and artificial as have those of manila, a compound idea made up of all that they have learned from the spaniard, both good and evil; all that they have learned from the guachinango; [333] and what they have learned from the mestizo, the sangley, the moro, the malabar, the cafre, and all the other people with whom they have intercourse and with whom they trade? granting this to be true, it appears that the definition of father murillo fits these spanish-speaking indians, but not the others, who have not had any intercourse with diverse classes of people. on this account it seems to me that father fray gaspar hit the definition exactly, when he said in his letter that the asiatic indians of filipinas are almost the same as all the people of the nations of eastern india, in what concerns their genius, disposition, and inclination; and are not distinguished one from another except in their rites, clothing, and languages. i add, in what regards their abilities and capacities--which are so good, and in general so well inclined--that i believe that if children, either boys or girls, were taken from filipinas to viscaya or to castilla, the natives [of those countries] would not distinguish them from the vizcainos, castilians, or mountaineers. for their vices are not due so much to their nature, as to their bad rearing and education; and they are easily instructed both in the evil and in the good. and notwithstanding what father fray gaspar, father murillo, and fray juan [francisco] de san antonio have said, they would have been more successful had they not said, with exaggeration, that it would be impossible to write everything that they have observed of the indians, on all the paper that is found in china. that is a hyperbole that transcends all faith. thus does he continue in all that he says; and he affirms, further, that it surpasses all that we can touch with the hands or see with the eyes. hence from the beginning we can state those two rules of law: semel malus, semper præsumitur malus; and the other, malum ex quocumque defectu. [334]... what mystery is there in the customs and genius of the indians that should make them so deep and inscrutable that we cannot reach them, sound them, and explain them? since they are indians like all the rest of the people of asia, without there being more or less in them. therefore, "these profundities, this intricate, confused chaos, this aggregate of contrarieties, this maze of contradictions, are a collection of rhetorical locutions or tropes invented in order to exaggerate and to use hyperboles in what of itself has no mystery--these definitions remaining purely in the manner of speech, or of the conception, of their authors; or perhaps in a mere misapprehension formed by a critical, melancholy, or affected genius. but since in this letter, the evil propensities of the indians, both men and lads, who act as servants, are set down in detail, let us see on the other hand, somewhat of the good that the indians possess. for one should not write and consider only the evil, and omit as fitting all the good, in order thereby to make the object more detestable. for, as says a mystical writer, we must not possess the nature of the dung-beetle, which goes always to the dungheap, but that of the bee, which always seeks out the sweet and pleasant. let us see what father murillo says of the good: "they are most clever in any handiwork, not in inventing but in imitating what they see. they are most beautiful writers; and there are many tailors and barbers among them. they are excellent embroiderers, painters, goldsmiths, and engravers, whose burin has not the like in all the indias (and i was even about to pass farther if shame did not restrain me), as is seen clearly in the many good engravings that they make daily. they are good sculptors, gilders, and carpenters. they make the water craft of these islands, the galleys, pataches, and ships of the acapulco line. they act as sailors, artillery-men, and divers; for there is scarce an indian who cannot swim excellently. they are the under-pilots of these seas. they are very expert in making bejuquillos, [335] which are gold chains of a very delicate and exquisite workmanship. they make hats, petates or rugs, and mats, from palm-leaves, rattan, and nito, [336] which are very beautiful, and embroidered with various kinds of flowers and figures. they are remarkable mechanics and puppet-showmen, and they make complicated mechanisms which, by means of figures, go through various motions with propriety and accuracy. there are some jewelers. they make powder, and cast swivel-guns, cannon, and bells. i have seen them make guns as fine as those of europa. there are three printing houses in manila, and all have indian workmen. they have great ability in music. there is no village however small, that has not its suitable band of musicians for the services of the church. they have excellent voices--sopranos, contraltos, tenors, and basses. almost all of them can play the harp, and there are many violinists, rebeck, oboe, and flute players. the most remarkable thing is, that not only do those whose trade it is make those instruments; but various indians make guitars, flutes, harps, and violins, for pleasure, with their bolos and machetes. and by the mere seeing those instruments played, they learn them almost without any teaching; and the same thing occurs in other things. on this account it is said that the indians have their understanding in their eyes, since they imitate whatever they see, by another like it." this is what father murillo says; but he left the most important things in the inkhorn. i will add them here, as i have heard them affirmed many times by the spaniards in cavite, namely: who are the men who convey and conduct the ships and galleons from acapulco and other kingdoms? is it the spaniards? ask that of the pilots, masters, and boatswains, and they will all affirm that this great and inestimable good is due to the indian alone. (here is indeed where a hyperbole will fit exactly.) besides this, who are the people who support us in these lands and those who furnish us food? perhaps the spaniards dig, harvest, and plant throughout the islands? of a surety, no; for when they arrive at manila, they are all gentlemen. the indians are the ones who plow the lands, who sow the rice, who keep it clear [of weeds], who tend it, who harvest it, who thrash it out with their feet--and not only the rice which is consumed in manila, but that throughout the filipinas--and there is no one in all the islands who can deny me that. besides this, who cares for the cattle-ranches? the spaniards? certainly not. the indians are the ones who care for, and manage and tend the sheep and cattle by which the spaniards are supported. who rears the swine? is it not the same indians? who cultivates the fruits--the bananas, cacao, and all the other fruits of the earth? of which there is always abundance in the islands, unless unfavorable weather, locusts, or some other accident cause their loss? who provide manila and the spaniards with oil? is it not the poor visayan indians, who bring it in their vessels annually? who furnishes so great profit to the spaniards in manila with the balate [337] and sigay; and who buys these products very cheaply from the wretched indians, and resell them for double the sum to the pataches of the coast and to the sangleys? who guide and convey us to the villages and missions, and serve us as guides, sailors, and pilots? perhaps it is the spaniards? no, it is the indians themselves, with their so exaggerated, magnified, and heightened laziness. is this the thanks that we give them, when we are conquering them in their own lands, and have made ourselves masters in them, and are served by them almost as by slaves? we ought to give god our lord many thanks, because he maintains us only through the affection and by the useful labors of the indians in this land; and he would perhaps have already driven us hence if it were not for this usefulness of theirs, and for the salvation of the indians. we also owe many thanks to the indians, since god our lord sustains us in their lands by their means; and because we would die of starvation if they did not sustain us, provide us with food, serve us, and conduct us through the islands with so much love and security that they would all first perish before the father in whatever perils arise. these and many other like things were overlooked by father murillo, who was enraptured by their music, engraving, and rugs. by the aforesaid, one will see with how little truth the statement is printed that the indians are the greatest enemies that the father ministers have; for certainly all the above could not be reconciled with such a proposition. on the contrary, it must be said that the indians are those who defend us from our enemies; for, in the presidios, who are the soldiers, who sail in the war fleets, who are in the vanguard in war? could the spaniards, perchance, maintain themselves alone in this country, if the indians did not aid in everything? little experience and less reflection would he have who should propose such a thing. therefore, these two things do not harmonize well, that those who hate us should defend us, and that those who are our greatest enemies should be the ones to maintain and support us. nor is it to be wondered at that there have been insurrections on several occasions; these, perhaps, have not arisen because the indians were ill-disposed to the spaniards; but, on the contrary, we know that many of them have been caused by the cruelty, wickedness, and tyranny of some alcalde-mayor and other spaniards who, having been elevated from low beginnings, try to become gods and kings in the provinces, tyrannizing over the indians and their possessions. this is often the cause of the insurrections. would that i could mention some especial cases in this matter. however, i do not care to dip my pen in blood, and write tragedies instead of history. for, although i could say more, the authority and arrogance that every spaniard assumes upon his arrival in this country is incredible. the native peoples and their customs [san antonio, [338] in his cronicas (manila, 1738-44), i, pp. 129-172, has the following ethnological matter. we omit the side heads.] chapter xxxix of the origin of the indians [after a brief allusion to the creation of man at the beginning of the world, the writer continues:] 384. now, then, i have said as much as there is to say of the origin of the indians, if we speak of the first and most remote. for to endeavor to determine the first settlers of these lands, whence and how they came, whether they were carthaginians, jews, spaniards, phoenicians, greeks, chinese, tartars, etc., is reserved for god, who knows everything; and this task exceeds all human endeavor. and if such study obtain anything, it will amount only to a few fallible conjectures--with danger of the judgment, and without any advance of the truth or of reputation. and such is the notion (omitting many other absurdities that have been written), that the indians were produced ex putre like unclean animals, or like the wild plants of the field. others showing them great favor, assign the sun as their father, which produced them from some noble material. others say [that they were produced] by the ingenious art of chemists or magicians; others that there were two adams in the world, one in asia, and another in the western indias, and that our indians proceeded from one of them; others, that there were already people in the world before the creation of adam; and that from them came the heathen, and from adam, the hebrews. all of the above, being so erroneous nonsense, and blindness from the devil, is already refuted, and is well refuted with contempt. 385. the only conjecture that can be made with some more visible foundation is the origin of our indians, considering those who were found in these islands at the time of the conquest by the spanish arms. in accordance with this, i shall relate what written records i have found (which is very little), and what i have carefully investigated, which will not be much, for the natives are not very capable of forming adequate accounts of this subject, and what we europeans are reducing to treatises. 386. father colin (both learned and curious in the investigation of the matter which we are treating) reduces the people found in this land by our first conquistadors into three different classes. the first class consisted of those who ruled and governed as absolute masters; and these were civilized after their own fashion. the second consisted of black and barbarous mountaineers who inhabited the tops of the mountains, like brutes. the third consisted of men neither so barbaric nor so civilized as the other two classes; for, although they lived in retirement, they did not hate civilization and human intercourse. 387. this third class still remains in the same ancient condition. they live, as a rule, on the plateaus of the mountains, and at the mouths of rivers, and maintain themselves by hunting and fishing, and some agriculture. most of them trade, and barter wax with the villages. these people are called zimarrònes, zambals, ylàgas, tìngues, tagabaloòyes, [339] manòbos, mangyànes, and various other names, according to the difference of the sites where they live. some or others of these have become christians, through the efforts of the near-by evangelical ministers. the rest are heathen, but they have no determined rites, and are governed only by the customs of their ancestors, and those customs are mostly barbaric. some of these people are accustomed to pay some sort of recognition or feudal due to our catholic monarch, who is thereby bound to defend them from the invasions of their neighboring enemies. such is done by the tagabaloòyes in the province of caràga, who pay their annual feudal due in guinàras and medriñaques (textiles of abacá), [340] in order to be defended from the moros their neighbors. likewise the mangyànes of mindôro (who number about seven thousand), who pay fifty-two arrobas and a half of wax annually, or 105 tributes; and some of the manòbos in the mountains of caràga (who are heathen and without number, although some are christians--a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have [fixed] habitation and excellent houses)--pay tribute. 388. the origin of all these people (who are scattered throughout these islands) is inferred to be either the many civilized indians who have retreated to the mountains in order not to pay tribute, or in order not to be chastised for any crime; or the many different nations immediate to this archipelago. for some bear traces of being japanese mestizos, as do the tagabaloòyes, as i am well informed by religious who have had intercourse with them. some are known to proceed from the chinese; some from pure indians, and some from other nations, as is declared by the circumstances of face, body, color, hair, customs, manner, and behavior--according to the experience of various religious, who agree that they are not of the pure race of the indians, but mestizos as above stated. and even in five clans of mangyànes who are said to exist in the island of mindòro, there is one which has a little tail, as do the monkeys; and many religious who have assured me of it, as witnesses. in valèr, on the coast opposite us, a woman was found not long ago who had a long tail, as was told me by the present missionary; and he was unable to be sure of the origin of that race, unless it was a race of jews. 389. i do not know whether those people who are found only in the environs of manila, and are called criollos morenos [i.e., creole blacks], can be put in this mestizo class. the former are all oldtime christians, docile, well inclined, and of sufficient understanding. they serve the king in personal duties, and always have their regiment of soldiers, with their master-of-camp, captains, and other leaders; and in this way they are outside the reckoning as indians. it is difficult to assign their true origin to them. for some make them the descendants of those blacks, of whom we shall speak later, who were the primitive lords of these domains. but i do not see how this can be so, for they do not resemble those negrillos either in their hair or in the members of their bodies, or in the qualities of their minds, in which these creoles have the complete advantage. and although it might be said that they have been bettered in all ways with the lapse of time, and the change of location to one more civilized and temperate, it is not credible that they would not retain some of their old vices, as is the case with various other races here, and as has been experienced in nueva españa. some people make them the descendants of those slaves who were formerly held here by the petty rulers, brought by foreign traders in exchange for the drugs that formed their commerce and with whose price they made a good profit. even yet they bring to our settlements a considerable number--so many, that it is necessary for one of the auditors to be judge of the slaves, and his duty costs him his time and patience. the creoles refuse to confess this origin, and it does not seem to me that they would be so well received and so well regarded if they had so vile an origin. some believe that they descend from the free malabars who come to these islands under pretext of trade. i incline more to this view, paying heed to the physiognomies and intellect of them all, for they are almost all alike in their clear dark color, aquiline noses, animated eyes, lank hair, docile disposition, and good manners, by which we may infer that those that there are now are malabar and indian mestizos. 390. at the present time, all this archipelago, and especially these islands of the tagálogs, are full of another race of mestizos, who were not found at the first discovery, whom we call sangley mestizos, [341] who are descended from indian women and chinese men. for since trade with them [i.e., the sangleys] has been, and is, so frequent, and so many remain in these islands under pretext of trade, and they are the ones who supply these islands with clothing, food, and other products, those who have mixed with the indian women in marriage are numerous; and for this purpose they become christians, and from them have resulted so many mestizos that one cannot count them. they are all christians, and quite commonly well disposed, and very industrious and civilized. they take pride in imitating the europeans in everything, but their imitation is only a copy. they inhabit the same villages with the tagálogs, but are not reckoned with them; since for the reckoning of the king they belong to a different body. the women are more like the sangleys or chinese, but the men not so much; however, these inherit from them ambition, in their continual industry. 391. there is also another kind of mestizo--the japanese--who result from the japanese who were shipwrecked on these islands in former years. they are of better conduct than the others, since they have a better origin. they are more esteemed here and have more privileges, for they only pay half as much tribute as do the others. 392. it is tradition that the negrillos, who belong to the second class of people whom our first conquistadors found, were the first owners of the islands of this archipelago; and that, the civilized nations of other kingdoms having conquered them, they fled to the mountains and settled there, and from there it has never been possible to exterminate them, because their sites are impenetrable. there they have lived and brought forth children until the present. in former times they were so elated with their primitive power that, although their forces were not able to cope with those of foreigners in the open, they were very powerful in the thickets, mountains, and mouths of the rivers; and were accustomed to burst like an avalanche upon the villages, and compel their inhabitants to pay them tribute, as if they were the lords of the land, who were inhabiting it. and if the people refused to give it willingly, they killed right and left, collecting the tribute in the heads of those who were decapitated; as was written by one of our oldtime religious in the following words: "even in my time, it happens," he says, "that they descended to the settlements and sought tribute from the tagálogs, and at times took some heads for this purpose. thus did it happen in sinilòan, which refused tribute at the approach of the spaniards. the mountain indians, having revolted, attacked the village; and they took three heads, and badly wounded a spaniard who was defending them." thus far the religious. at other times those people did not allow the indians to make use of the wood and game of the mountains, and the fish of the rivers. for being very skilful in the use of the bow and arrow, and very swift and experienced in the fastnesses of the mountains and thickets, they inhumanly shot with arrows as many as approached their territories, without anyone catching sight or sound of them. for that reason, the inhabitants of the villages consider it wise to make an agreement with the negrillos to pay them a certain tribute, provided that the latter leave the rivers and fields free. and although this pact is not so apparent at present, i believe that it is practiced secretly because of the fear that the indians have of them, and because of their dependence on them; since the negrillos are the lords of the mountains which contain the most virgin forests, with woods of the greatest value. it is a fact, too, that those of the present day are as barbarous as their ancestors. 393. all of these people are black negroes, most of whom have kinky hair, and very few have lank. they are flat-nosed, and almost all of them have thick, projecting lips. they go totally naked, and only have their privies covered with some coverings resembling linen cloths, which they draw on from the back forward, and which are called bahaques. they make those bahaques from the bark of trees, pounded with heavy blows, so that there are some that look like fine linen. wrapping a rattan around the waist, they fasten the bahaque to it by the two ends. as ornaments they wear certain bracelets of rattan of various colors, curiously wrought; and garlands on their heads and on the fleshy parts of their arms, composed of various flowers and branches; and as a means of greater distinction for some one person, a cock's feather or the feather of some other bird, as a plume. their food consists of fruits, and roots of the mountain; and if they find, perchance, some deer, they eat it in that place where they kill it. that night they make their abode there, and after they grow tired of dancing, they sleep there--all helter-skelter, like brutes. next day the same thing happens, and they sleep in another stopping-place. all their customs are the savage and brutish ones characteristic of barbarians; and they recognize no other laws, letters, or government than those of the heads of their families, at the most. they only care about defending their own territories, upon which they have lively wars, some negrillos against others, with great mortality on both sides. at such times no natives dare enter the mountains, for the negrillos kill them all, whether friend or enemy. their most common arms are shield, bow, and arrow. if by a miracle any christian is found among these people, and if perhaps the religious have reared some of them in christianity from childhood, it very rarely occurs that he does not flee to the mountains whence he originated, when he becomes grown. 394. one of the islands of this archipelago which has a name, is the one called the island of negros, because of the abundance of those people. it is located between the two islands of zebú and panày, and in it is established a christian and civilized government. but at one point of this island, which lies toward the west, and is called the point of sojotòn, there is a great number of the said blacks, and not one christian. in the center of the island is a much greater number; therefore, it is along the beach where the jesuit fathers and the seculars administer, and where the visayans or pintados are settled. 395. the origin of these negrillos is thought to have been interior india, or citra gangen, which was called etyopia; for it was settled by ethiopian negroes, whence went out the settlers to african etyopia, as father colin proves in detail. consequently, there being on the mainland of india nations of negroes, and even in nueva guinea so many that their first discoverers gave the island that name because of the multitude of these people; and since the distance from those places to these islands and the philippine archipelago is not great; nor was the land [of nueva guinea] which was five hundred leguas in length, entirely settled with blacks--whom the ships of viceroy don antonio de mendoza found in one of the capes of the strait of magallanes: those blacks could very easily pass from one island to another, and their chief abode with their own name might be the island of negros, as we have remarked. thence they could extend afterward to dominate and settle the rest of the islands, without any opposition from other people, until the opposition came through other men more rational and civilized than they, who dispossessed them. 396. the third kind of people whom our spaniards found in this archipelago were the civilized nations, who maintained their government or seigniory on the river banks, on the seashores, and in the other sites with the best locations in these regions, and in the locations most fit for healthful and safe dwelling-places. among them there was another remarkable class of people, and their domination, scattered throughout the many islands of this archipelago, the chief of whom are the tagálogs, pampangos, visayans, and mindanaos. other peoples are reduced to these, although they have various distinguishing marks. the tagálogs, who are the natives of manila and its archbishopric, with but little distance between their villages, were malays, who came from a district called malàyo; that is the origin of all the malays, who are scattered throughout the most and the better parts of all these archipelagoes. they are located on the mainland of malâca, and as that district is not far distant from the great island of bornèy, it is inferred (and this tradition has been handed down from father to son), that the malays went to bornèy, and from bornèy to settle manila and its district; taking the name of tagàlog--which is the same as taga ylog, which signifies, in their own language, "those who live on the rivers;" for the tagálogs have always lived on the shores of the rivers. 397. that the tagálogs originated directly from the malays, is proved (in the opinion of all) by their language, which differs but little from that of the real malays; by their color, and the shape of their faces and their bodies; by the clothes and vesture in which the spanish conquistadors found them; by their customs and ceremonies, all of which resemble those of the malays--of whom the tagálogs themselves said, and say always, that they are the true descendants. the coming of the malays to this archipelago is not incredible, as we have so many examples of various accidents in these seas which have originated from the weather, by which we have seen brought to these islands unknown peoples, who spoke languages which no one could understand. for instance, a boat driven from its course, landed in the year 1725 on the opposite coast of valèr and casigùran, where our religious were in charge; it contained more than twenty men, whose language or garb had not been known until that time. but it is much more easily credible that the malays came to these islands led by greed for their commercial profits--as, one reads in the histories of the portuguese, happened in the regions of india with the persians and arab moros, who, having entered under the pretext of trade, afterwards became masters of everything. the same thing is said here of the entrance of the moro malays. 398. the pampangos (according to tradition) originated from the largest island of the orient, which is that of sumàtra or trapobàna (although some apply the latter name to zeilàn), which is located below the line. that island is seven hundred leguas in circumference, and is near the land of malâca and malâyo, and for that reason it is included in the aurea chersonesus. in the midst of that great island of sumàtra there is a large lake, on whose surrounding marge many different peoples have their abodes. according to father colin (who himself examined him), a pampango who had lost his way reached that place; and, having discovered that there were men there of his own build, language, and clothing, approached, and entered into conversation with them in his own elegant pampango tongue. they answered him in the same speech, and one of their old men said: "you are descendants of the lost people who, in former times, left here to settle other lands, and have never been heard of since." from this it appears that one may infer the origin of the pampangos. but it is not easy to determine whether they came from sumàtra direct, or settled first in bornèy, because of the nearness of its lands and domains, and thence passed on to settle the islands of this archipelago; although it appears from the statements of some who have been in bornèy for a time that they even find there sufficient indications that the pampangos originated, some from sumàtra and others from malâyo. it is certain that if the island of bornèy was not a land continuous with that of these islands in past centuries (and arguments are not lacking for this), at least many islets are found lying in a row and near one another, with which bornèy is closely connected. [342] such a one is paragua, which extends in a northerly direction. toward the east, bornèy is extended by mindanào. with this continuation and the short distances between these regions, one can see the little difficulty in changing their abodes from one to the other; and it is believable that the tagálogs, pampangos, and other civilized races who were found in this archipelago, and who were almost alike in language, customs, bodily proportions, and clothing, as now we see them, came immediately from bornèy, some from some provinces and some from others. that may account for the little difference that is found among them. 399. it is argued that the visayans and pintados--who are the ones found in the camàrines, lèyte, samàr, panày, zebù, and other neighboring territories--came from the large island of macasàr, which is very powerful and densely populated. it has its emperor, who is called sumbanco, and many petty rulers. the basis of this argument lies, not only in the short distance from that island to this archipelago, for it is only distant about sixty leguas from the point of samboànga; but also because in macasàr, as is reported, there are indians who adorn and tattoo the body as do the visayans (who are called pintados on that account). but it is not known with certainty where one and the other originated. we only know of a relation written by the chief pilot, pedro fernandez de quiròs, of his voyage to the salomon islands and their discovery by albaro de mendaña de neyra in the year 1595. that relation is addressed to doctor antonio de morga, lieutenant-general for his majesty of the philipinas. the said quiròs says in it that, finding themselves in ten long degrees south latitude, they sighted an island to which general don albaro gave the name of la magdalena; and that from its port there came to receive them, he says, "with seventy ships, more than four hundred white indians, of a very fine symmetry, tall, lusty, and robust, and so well built that they far surpassed us. they had fine teeth, eyes, mouth, the most beautiful hands and feet, and long hair. many of them were very fair; and among them were the must handsome youths, all naked, and without covering over any part; and all their bodies, legs, arms, hands, and in some the faces, were adorned as among these visayans." from this it is evident that they are pintados indians; and that they were not conquered, like those whom we call here pintados visayans. they live in south latitude, in the same parallel as that of the north, from ten to twelve degrees. but it is not easy to determine what might be the origin of the others; since, although it is known that this custom of tattooing and making figures on the body is found in brasil, in florida, among the scythians of asia, and the britons of europa, and even among the moros of africa, those nations are very remote from our pintados; and so remote an origin cannot be conceded to the latter. 400. the large island of mindanao took its name from a large lake (which is called danào in the general language of these islands) which is found in that island, and into which many rivers flow. the same thing has happened in that island as i have said of the others, namely, that its first owners and settlers must have been the ones who are now found on the uplands and in the fastnesses of the mountains and the crags. since they are inclined to the mountains, they allowed the foreign traders to settle their seacoasts and rivers, as they were found uninhabited and defenseless; and when the latter had taken possession of the best of the territories and districts, the true owners were unable to expel the foreigners, since the latter were the more powerful and civilized. 401. from this fact comes the variety of tribes that have been found in that island of mindanào: such as the caragas, the butuans, the cagayans, the dapitans, the mindanaos, the malanaos, besides the tagabaloòyes, manòbos, and lutàos, and a great number of blacks, like those of whom we have already written. of all of them, when we consider their first origin, there is no other inference than that it was in the neighboring islands of bornèy, macasàr, or the malùcas, considering not only the mahometan rites and their manner of dressing, but also the bonds of sympathy existing among them. for to this day they maintain their friendship and trade, and unite for the protection of one another, although they are not all mahometans, and most of them are infidels, atheists, and total barbarians. 402. if we consider their more immediate origin, the caragueños have the first place. they are so called from caraga or caràghas, which was formerly the name of all that coast which extended north and south from the point of surigao to that of san agustin, and then, turning toward the west, extended from surigao and ran through iligàn and as far as dapitan, until in later times a division of districts was made. the caragas are the oldest people in that island, and without the protection of any foreigners have maintained their location and their valorous courage--which was well known in former times, by the visayans and even by all the islands of this archipelago. they have rendered greater their valor by the character of christians (a fact which they owe to the burning zeal of the discalced augustinian fathers, their first conquistadors), since their aid has been the most efficient and most formidable in the invasions of the moros, in favor of the church and its evangelical ministers. these people, if they are not butuans, differ but little from them, and now they are united; by which we believe the origin of both to have been common. 403. the butuans, worthy of eternal memory and thanks, as they were the first among whom the catholic arms found shelter, come down from the village and river of butuàn, the coast which looks to the north from mindanào. it was the first soil where the famous magallanes [343] planted the domination of jesus christ and that of our catholic king. all these, perchance, have the same origin as the visayans and pintados, because of their great nearness to them. but they are the origin of the best blood and nobility of the basilans and joloans, for the king of xolò even confessed that he was a butuan. but he gives the lie to that by his barbarous procedure, for he has been the scourge most disturbing to these islands; while the butuans have ever remained faithful, and have been vassals to god and to our catholic monarch, following the example of the caragas throughout. 404. the cagayans take their name from cagayàn el chico [i.e., the little], which is [found by] following the coast from butuan to the west and southwest. it is a bay with this name, which is not of ancient usage, but was given from the other cagayàn, today a province in the upper part of the island of luzòn, between cape bojeadòr and that of engaño. these islanders are reduced and civilized, and differ but little from the previous ones [i.e., the caragas] from which it is argued that they are not very different from them in their origin. 405. the dapitans were a people who inhabited a closely hemmed-in strait between the island of bohòl and that of pànglao, and possessed the two shores of that strait. they conquered the boholàns in a war, and assumed their name and territory. these new and triumphant boholans left that island of bohòl (the country having already been abandoned by the old boholàns), and went to live in dapitàn, located on the mindanào coast, almost opposite bohòl and pánglao, whence they took the name dapitàn. that name has been extended and preserved even to the present, because of their fortunate progress, and the friendly reception that our first conquistadors experienced from their noble loyalty and honorable valor. no other more remote origin is known of them, but it is conjectured to be like the others. 406. the mindanàos and malanàos are moros, but they seem formerly to have been heathen (from which today they are considered as newcomers), and took their names from the celebrated lakes in their territories. father combès says that the malanàos resemble the visayans in their government, and the same is inferred of the mindanàos; and, of both, that one must seek there their true origin. the mindanàos have always remained mahometans, and have not allowed the light of the gospel to enter. the malanàos, with the district of bayùg, were reduced to the yoke of christ at another time, and were for some years constant to their baptisms by the discalced augustinian fathers; but later they grew weary of it. at the present time some of those moros have come to the governor of manila with the title of ambassadors, from bayùg and malanào, in order to petition for the discalced augustinian fathers as ministers of the gospel. this is not the first time when they have requested them, as well as the franciscan religious, as i have seen in an original document. since the fathers of the society are those to whom those places are adjudged for the preaching of the holy gospel, and since the disposition of that race is so faithless in their dealings, some suspicions have been aroused by those embassies, and we are endeavoring to probe their designs in coming. 407. the tagabaloòyes take their name from some mountains which they call baloòy, which are located in the interior of the jurisdiction of caràga. they are not very far remote from and trade with the villages [of caraga], and some indeed live in them who have become christians. others are being converted through the zeal and care of the discalced augustinian fathers, who regard them as inhabitants of baslig, which is their headquarters and priorate. those people, as has been stated above, are the descendants of lately-arrived japanese. this is the opinion of all the religious who have lived there and had intercourse with them, and the same is a tradition among themselves, and they desire to be so considered. and it would seem that one is convinced of it on seeing them; for they are light-complexioned, well built, lusty, very reliable in their dealings, respectful, and very valiant, but not restless. so i am informed by one who has had much to do with them; and all the above are qualities which we find in the japanese. 408. the lutàya nation, or the lutaos, do not give much sign of their first origin, just as they do not evince any particular inclination for one kingdom or another. for since their natural disposition is one of self-interest and fickle, and delights in war, they make alliance now with the joloans, now with the basilans, and now with the mindanaos--as quickly with one as another, and as quickly against their allies and with others. they show that they are moros by the turban, the marlota, [344] their arms, and their ceremonies; but they cannot be very ancient, since the mahometans have not been very long in india and in these parts. the lutaos could have come to these islands from the regions whence it is inferred that the others have come. 409. of the mountain people without civilization or government, and with the life and custom of barbarians, it is inferred that they were some of these primitive possessors, who fled from the civilized foreigners. these people have various names in various settlements. in yligàn and samboàngan, they are called subànos; in caràga, manòbos; in xolò, guinuànos; in basilàn, sameacàs. [345] and although some say that it is known that they are the descendants of the malays, because their language is built on the general roots of the malay language, there are religious (living today) who have lived there for many years, who assure me that they have not heard, in their method of talking with them, any malay root. consequently, since the islands are so strung out even as far as the islands of bornèy and macasàr, and since the crossing is so easy, it is always inferred that their origin comes from that direction. 410. in the upper and northern part of the great island of luzòn are the two provinces of cagayàn and ylòcos. those people, as is inferred by father colin, are descended from chinese or japanese, because the graves of men of larger stature than the indians have been found there, as well as some chinese and japanese jewels which have been preserved among them. if these should be slight indications--for they can proceed from various other circumstances, on account of the great nearness of china and japan--they may aid in the foundation of that inference. but we cannot get any farther than conjectures, as in everything else, after so much toil. it serves only as a light, so that others may infer a truer origin. and the same is true of pangasinàn, which lies next. 411. on this account, and without all the above serving as an obstacle, one can also conjecture the origin of other nations who are scattered through the innumerable islets of these archipelagoes; for they may proceed from all india extra gangen and from its most renowned kingdoms, such as siàn, cambòja, china, cochinchina, tunquin, japon, the lequios, etc.--especially when not few affirm that the chinese dominated all this archipelago, and that they were the first settlers of the javas, as is mentioned by barros. in fine, these are the conjectures that i have found. other conjectures may be made from their customs and ceremonies, in the comparison of which the curious will find not a few strong arguments, if they read thoughtfully. but, at the last, god is the only one who knows the truth, to which our limited judgments cannot penetrate. chapter xl of the characteristics [genio] and genius [ingenio] of the filipino indians [paragraphs 412, 413, and a portion of 414 will be found in our vol. xxviii, pp. 220-223. the balance of the chapter follows.] ... they are the greatest enemies that the father ministers have. they are impious in the known necessities of their parents and relatives, and very charitable to a guest who comes to them and stays leisurely in their houses, without knowing him and without sending him away; and they do not even take warning by the experience of great inconveniences. many other contradictions and contrarieties are found daily in these indians by those who have communication with them and know them, so that in them vices are united to their opposed virtues, as if related. only in the matter of lying there is no contradiction, for one cannot tell when they are not lying. neither does one know when they are thankful for any benefits received; for one could write by thousands the cases of their ingratitude which have been experienced--either not taking any account of the good that is shown them, regarding it as a justice due them; or paying with treachery pure and simple their greatest benefactors. all these are truths, and although (in the opinion of terence) they gain hate for the one who states them, it is not right for the indians who may read this to hate me; for i know it all by my own experience and that of other fathers of long standing--which indeed the indians who know them recognize. in nueva españa and in perû the same thing occurs, to about the same extent. 415. from this result other things, in the same father ministers, that seem also to be contradictions. for the minister of the indians who loves them most would like not to have anything to do with them, but to be very distant from them; and if he succeeds in getting far away from them, then his love for them will not suffer it and he does not rest until he is with his indians again. it is a providence of god, so that instruction may never be lacking to these wretched beings. this, i believe, appears like the discreet love with which christ loved judas, for an example to men; loving persons compassionately, and distinguishing their evil qualities, as things detestable. if all the above-mentioned contradictions of the indians are malicious, or arise from their lack of understanding, let him who will examine it, for even in this have i found new contradictions. for some actions which appear simple are very doubly acts of malice; and quite the contrary also occurs at other times. in short, whether malicious or simple, their mental standpoint [genio] is incomprehensible, and consequently the merit that belongs to the ministers of instruction very great. 416. in regard to the mind [ingenio] and understanding of these natives, no general rules can be laid down; for there are rude and clever ones in all parts, although it be even among spaniards and servants in courts. but speaking generally, all authors agree, and experience tells us the same, that the filipinos are more clever than the indians of other parts. they can learn any art at all with ease, and imitate with exactness any beautiful production that is placed before them. consequently, they become so fine writers that the accounting-rooms are filled with them, as are also the secretariats, the courts, and the offices of private persons. but very rarely can one find the copy of an indian which does not need revision, for they cannot cease lying even in writing; or else because of the little care with which they do it. this is very mortifying to those who dictate and correct. some of them have been so capable that they have become officials in the accounting-rooms, and have served ad interim in the highest offices. others serve as managers for alcaldes-mayor, and they have great knowledge of government business; whether with a right conscience, god knows. there are others who have great cleverness for the management of a suit between litigants; and are so keen in entangling the parties that they cannot be disentangled with their laws, and recourse can be had to god alone. there are at present some of them who are printers, and they have sufficient intelligence. in their own political and civil government i have seen many indians who are very capable, and who can discourse so powerfully, with their natural logic, that they convince. but as it is natural for them to be concerned only about the present time, they need some one to direct them so that they may not make any error in what they discuss. in short, their understandings are fastened with pins and attached always to material things, for they do not understand things with any depth. i believe that this is the reason why there is so little fruit produced from the constant repetition of sermons; for they are perplexed with abundant instruction, or else do not understand it. and although the sermon be very clear, and preached in their own native language, not one of them can yet repeat the substance of what he hears, although he understands it when it is preached. they are, however, very clever at handiwork, because of their great indifference in everything. on that account they can play well on all musical instruments; and their inclination for music is very great, and they make instruments. there are good singers among them, and these have positions, with a fitting salary attached, in all the churches, from the cathedral to the poorest ministry; and thus they are being trained, from the time when they sing soprano. they are fond of verses and representations. they are excellent translators, and can translate a spanish comedy with elegance into verses of their own language. and thus, although all, both men and women, are fond of reading, they are indefatigable when verses are concerned, and they will act them out as they read them. accordingly it results that they are clever for all things, in whatever duty they are set; and they would be more so if they were less lazy, or if their greed for temporal possessions were greater. on this account, they have always been, are, and will be poor, without caring for more than the food of the present day. i do not know whether this is a special providence of god for these poor wretches; for when they have a little wealth, as the vessel is so limited, immediately it swells out and then they do not know what to do; and, to let it be known that they are rich, they immediately waste it in expenses that are at best useless, until they remain as they were before. thus their inclination [genio] is opposite to their judgment [ingenio] in this direction; and although they have sufficient intellect, they yield to their natural disposition [genio], which dominates them, and in this never allow themselves to be directed. chapter xli of the letters, languages, and civilization of the filipinos 417. just as in italia the tuscan, lombard, and sicilian languages resemble one another, and in españa the castilian, portuguese, and valencian--for they all recognize one origin (namely, the roman), although they are, strictly speaking, quite distinct among themselves--so it happens in the languages of these philipinas islands. the principal cultured languages found here at the conquest were six, namely, the tagálog, the visayan, the pampanga, the cagayan, the ilocan, and the pangasinan. it is a fact that all the languages here resemble one another, and he who knows one of them can easily talk the others, for the structure of them all differs but little. we trace them all to one origin, which cannot be other than the malayan language, according to the comparison which has been made of words, and to the formation and construction of them all. consequently, although these indians have regarded their origin as distinct from that of various other nations, in the manner already mentioned, it is evident that the more immediate generations must have been malays, since their letters and languages alone are found in these islands. 418. the vowels in the characters proper to their language are three in number, although they have the same value as our five in use; for the e and the i form one single letter, as do also the o and the u. the consonants are thirteen in number, but they are never used alone, for the vowel is always used with them. thus by the use of the c and the m alone they write cama [i.e., "bed"]. in order to pronounce words with other vowels, they make use of certain commas, placed either below or above. consequently, as all the pronunciation of their writing for the most part makes it necessary for them to supply it at the expense of commas, the difficulty that was experienced was considerable, even in the natives themselves. on that account they have applied themselves so easily and willingly to our letters, in order to write in their own language. 419. their own method of writing was peculiar, by writing the lines from top to bottom, beginning at the left hand and proceeding to the right. this bespeaks a very great antiquity; for the ancient custom of the hebrews is to write lines, from the right to the left, as the chinese do at the present time. but the latter write them from top to bottom, as was done in these islands. diodorus siculus, who wrote in the time of the emperor cæsar augustus, says that in an island of the torrid zone the people wrote from top to bottom, and employed only a few letters. 420. before the people knew anything of paper in these islands they wrote on the smooth bark of bamboo, or on leaves of the many palms which are found in these islands (and even yet this is done, in districts where there is no paper, or even that the schoolboys may not waste paper), the point of a knife or an iron, or some other material, serving as a pen (and now with birds' quills and ink). if it were a missive letter, they wrote it on palm-leaves, and folded it as we fold our letters. some of them are much given to writing on the ground in a squatting posture, which is the usual way both men and women sit. 421. the cultured languages, as already stated, are six in number--for one cannot reckon the languages of the negritos and mountain people as such, since each settlement has its own distinct language, which results from the lack of human intercourse. among the cultured languages, the chief and mother languages are considered the tagálog, the pampanga, and the visayan; and even among these the tagálog is considered the most polished and powerful. that is not [for instance] because it lacks the tu [i.e., "thou"]--which is well employed with their primitive pronoun ycao or ca, even with persons to whom the greatest respect is due--but on account of the po and po co, which explains it, and signifies "sir" [señor mio]. the first is used for men, and the second for women. interwoven with the words, it shows reverence and courtesy; as, for example, in order to answer "yes" to a woman one says oo, po co, an expression which without the po co would be too familiar. in many other phrases in the tagálog language is shown its seriousness and polish; those who write grammars of the language will be able to set them forth. 422. the natives of these islands employ innumerable other elegancies and courtesies, now in actions, now in words, now in names and titles, which they apply to themselves; these are various according to the difference of the provinces, and are too numerous to mention, for they are ceremonial, and they value their ceremonies highly. no one will pass in front of another, without asking permission, and in order to pass, he doubles the whole body with the most profound bow, at the same time lifting one foot in the air, and doubling the knee and lifting both hands to the face. if one has to talk to any person of higher rank, he shows all reverence and squats down [pone en cuclillas], with raised face, and waits thus, until he is asked his reason for coming; for to speak without being questioned would be a point of bad breeding. they employ many courteous acts and expressions in saluting one another when they meet; but these do not seem to me to be so many as in nueva españa, where people do not cease to use them until they lose sight of one another in the street. the filipinos do this here with greater dignity and respect. when they write, they heighten their style with so many rhetorical phrases, metaphors, and pictures, that many who think themselves poets would be glad to do as much; and yet this is only in prose. for, when it comes to poesy, he who would understand it must be very learned in their language, even among his own compatriots. 423. the names which they impose now are usually high-sounding. i know a pius v, and a philipe v; and, following this custom, they take as surnames the most honorable names of españa. this is since they have known castilians. but, even before, they could rival in this the kings of españa; for just as the latter have been called "the wise," "the prudent," "the chaste," etc., for the special virtues which have made them worthy of this glory, so here in the philipinas, they called one "the strong," another "the splendid," and another "the terrible," according to his deeds, or to those of his ancestors, or in accordance with various incidents that happened at birth. now they are introducing the custom of taking the paternal name added to the baptismal name. however, when the first-born child comes to any one, the latter's christian name is forgotten; for that instant they call the father by the name of his first-born for the rest of his life. if the name of the first-born is rosa, the father is called ama ni rosa, or pan-rosa, which means "the father of rosa." one must not then ask for such a man in any village by his christian name (which is the one entered on the parish register), for there are many so named, so that he would not be known by that name. an author is not wanting to call this an instance of courtesy; but many times it serves as a dishonor, if they know him and call him, for example, "father of judas." they employ many other names and endearing expressions in naming their children, relatives, and families, although i believe that the affection that they feel for one another has very little reality. 424. the "don" of the castilians is being rapidly introduced among the indian chiefs, both men and women, of these islands. in olden times they did not lack a term proper to their own language by which they expressed it, as lacan or gat for the men, and dayang for the women. chapter xlii of the physical features and clothing of these indians 425. according to the differences in climate we find certain differences in the lines of the body and faces of the indians, as has been stated above. but this difference amounts to but little. all of them are sufficiently corpulent, well-built, and well-featured, except that they are all flat-nosed; for the cartilage of the bridge of the nose does not come to a point as among europeans. consequently, there are no sharp noses among the full-blooded indians. some have tried to explain the color by saying that it is the color of cooked quinces, or brown, or an olive color. but it appears much stranger to me, and i have been unable to find a legitimate color to which to compare it; for it is a brown color, but flushed with red. [346] it is generally clearer in the women, and still lighter in all of the visayans. the hair is black and lank, as is that of the scythians, getas [i.e., getæ], and turks, and is carefully tended with washings, and very fragrant oils, as was that of the lycians. they assert that they do this in order to free it from grease (which is considerable), but a great part of it consists in vanity. among the tagálogs it is allowed to grow to the shoulders, among the ilocans somewhat longer, and among the visayans slightly longer or shorter, and done up; but the cagayans leave it loose and hanging upon the shoulders. this custom must have appeared well to all of them, since everywhere they envy the one who has the longest and heaviest hair; and the same thing is seen among the women. it is indeed considered as an affront to cut the hair for any crime. the zambals alone shave the head from the middle forward; and from the middle back, as far as the occiput, they wear a large shock of loose hair. ribbons are never used to tie it, but with the hair itself men, women, and children make a knot near the crown of the head or the occiput, as do the turks. 426. the eyes of all are very beautiful and large, either gray or black. the face is broad. the teeth are even and fine; formerly they covered them with ink or a varnish of a black color. now that is no longer used except among the tagabaloòyes of caragà, of whom i have written; their beauty, lightness of complexion, and the features of their faces might deceive one, and they would be taken for spaniards if they kept their mouths shut, and one did not see the black teeth. they also, especially the chief women, adorned the teeth with gold, with exquisite beauty. i do not know whether they waste the gold so now. all of the men are beardless in the face, but their bodies are sufficiently shaggy, as are those of all asiatics. it is attributed to the temperature of the torrid zone in which we are. who cares to study this more in detail would better read fray gregorio garcia, the dominican. [347] in olden times the indians removed and pulled out, as if it were a defect, any little hair that appeared on the face, with pincers of bamboo made for that very purpose. i have not read that they did this because they considered it a reproach to have a beard, as did those of perù--who did the same, as i have read in the above-cited author. 427. the women (and in many parts the men, especially the mountaineers), have certain large holes in their ears, in which they place pendants and earrings of gold. they make the greater display of it according to the greater size and openness of the holes. some women have two holes in each ear, for two kinds of earrings. this is usual among the zimarrònes and blacks, for the civilized people have now adopted the custom of the castilians in this regard. 428. in olden times the men wore their heads covered or wrapped about with a narrow strip of cotton or linen. those who esteemed themselves as valiant men wore the two ends hanging to the shoulders. this they called the potong; and some wore this of colored cloth, to declare their chieftainship. no one could wear a red one unless he had killed at least one person, and he could not have it striped until he had killed seven. now they wear neat white and black hats, which are woven from various materials which they gather in the field. 429. of the mountain people it is already known that their own skin is their clothing, and that they only use the bahag, which is a linen or cloth which keeps in the privies. but the clothing of the men who live in villages is a half-shirt of linen, silk, or some other material--which, at the most, reaches to the navel; it is open to the air, and has wide sleeves without wristbands, and this is called the baro--and certain garments that they call saluàles, which correspond to our small-clothes or under-drawers. these are also loose and wide, and made of any kind of linen or other material; they do not open at the front, but at the side, and they are tied there. they never wear anything on feet or legs. the above is the whole amount of their clothing, and, at the most, a cord or belt at the waist, like a girdle, where they hang the knife. the chiefs and others wear, for church functions and other meetings of theirs, in addition to the said clothing, a long black garment reaching to the feet, with sleeves fitted at the wrists. this they call barong-mahaba, which signifies "long baro." it is an eminently modest and decent garment, and is worn loose and not girdled. for outside wear, these garments are of ordinary materials. for gala attire, they are of silk, and much worked with embroidery, except the long baro, which is always the same. today the people of highest rank in the villages dress in the spanish fashion, with coats, trousers, stockings, and shoes, although it is the most usual practice to wear stockings of natural skin, in the midst of all these adornments. in former times, their greatest care was exercised in supplying the lack of clothing with abundance of gold, with which they adorned all the body. that custom is still preserved, although not in the abundance of which we read earlier. in what they wore the full complement of their gala attire was a colored sash drawn up under the arm, which is no longer worn at the present time. all the clothing of the filipino indian is reduced to the above, and i believe that it is so throughout this archipelago, without any difference of special note. 430. the dress of the women is the baro already mentioned, but not so long, and only covering the breasts and hanging loose; and a garment as wide above as below, in which they envelope the body from the waist down, fastening one of the ends in the girdle in order to secure it. this garment is called a tàpis. the mestizo women wear skirts with plaits and seams, with the opening at one side. the tàpis is the unchangeable costume of the indian women of this archipelago, and this, at the most, is generally of silk, but of a modest hue, and of only one color. upon their festival occasions the women--some for gala attire, or others, because they are more modest--wear white spanish petticoats. some wear an underskirt, especially within doors. but when they go abroad, the tàpis is [preferred] above all. some of them wear garments resembling black mantillas, which they call cobìjas, with which they cover the whole body from the head down, in the manner of the mantillas of españa. with this and the bits of gold that they wear on the body--in the ears, at the throat, on the wrists and fingers (and she who does not possess these ornaments must be very poor indeed)--they appear as indian women in their wealth of gold, and are indian women in their being and clothing. now when the indian women go abroad, they wear slippers embroidered with silk and gold; few and far between are those who wear shoes. formerly, they wore a ribbon, of wrought gold which covered their foreheads and temples. now, at the most, they usually wear a chased silver or gold nail, thrust through the knot of their hair. women of a somewhat more advanced age and respect wear the long baro, which is made in the same manner as that of the men above described. it is certain that an indian woman appears well in this manner, for there is no more modest dress for women that one can imagine. 431. the chief bodily adornments of the visayans were the tattooing and designs which gave them the name of pintados. they did this in the same manner as the moro men and women, and it was the olden custom of the huns, gelones, and agathyrsos; but the kind of the designs was according to the deeds and merit of each person. but that barbarous method of adornment was lost long ago, and has not been seen among them for many years. perhaps they have erased those pictures with the water of holy baptism, since they embraced the true catholic ceremonies. chapter xliii of the false religion which these indians held in their heathendom; and of their superstitions and omens. 432. the great slothfulness and natural carelessness of these indians is recognized by its results; for as yet not the slightest scrap of writing concerning their religion and ceremonies, or their ancient political government, has been found. only by tradition and old songs which have been preserved from father to son, and from other things which they have still in use, has it been possible to trace somewhat of their antiquity by means of some careful ministers. the first who took his pen for this purpose, at the instance of the superior government, was our venerable fray juan de plassencia, one of the most zealous workers in the vineyard of this archipelago, in the year 1589. [348] so great credence was given to him in this, that his relation of the customs of the indians, having been received by the royal audiencia, was imparted to the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces for their government. later, in the year 1598, with but little difference in time, doctor don antonio de morga, auditor and lieutenant-governor of philipinas, wrote his description. in it the same matter is treated, taken from the other. our fray antonio de la llave, [349] afterward (in the year 1622) used this in his description. in the year 1660, father colin wrote his description, adding anew the best form. since this is a matter in which we cannot exceed the ancients, yet with them all it will be necessary for me to write something, in order that i may not leave this treatise of my description faulty. 433. these indians had various sorts of adorations: now to animals and birds, as did the egyptians; now to the sun and the moon, as did the assyrians. the tagálogs adored now tigmamanoquìn, which was a blue bird of the size of a turtledove; now the crow, which they called meylupa, which signifies "lord of the soil," as if he were the god pan, or the goddess ceres of the ancients; now the crocodile, which they called nono, which signifies "grandfather," to which they offered various sacrifices in order that it might not harm them. sometimes they adored any old tree, especially the one they call balete, and even those now living show respect to it; now they adored and offered gifts to the stones, crags, reefs, and promontories of seas and rivers. all was the result of their natural fear, so that all these things should cause them no harm. nevertheless, they had a knowledge of one sole god; and accordingly they adored him as the principal god, and greater than all. the visayans called him lauon, which signifies "ancient;" and the tagálogs bathalà mey capal, signifying "god, the maker, or creator of all things." 434. besides these they had other idols, which the visayans called diuata, and the tagálogs, anito, each of which had its special object and purpose. for there was one anito for the mountains and open country; another for the sowed fields; others for the sea and rivers; another for the house of their dwelling. these anitos they invoked in their work, according to the functions of each one. among these they also made anitos of their ancestors, and to these was due the first adoration of all. the memory of this anito is not even yet erased. they kept some small badly-made figures of all these, of gold, stone, ivory, or wood; and they called them lic-hà or laràuan, which means a "figure" or "image" among them. 435. they also venerated as anitos those who came to disastrous ends, because either the lightning, or the shark, or the sword, killed them; for they thought that such immediately went to glory, by way of the rainbow, which they call balangao. with such barbarous beliefs lived and died the old people, puffed up and vain, considering themselves as anitos. as such they caused themselves to be respected and worshiped; and buried after death in places set apart and of distinction among them all, as they were reverenced there. there are many cases of this known, and it required all the valor and zeal of the father ministers to destroy tombs, fell trees, and burn idols. but it is yet impossible to tear up the blind error of the pasingtabì sa nonò, which consists in begging favor from their aged dead whenever they enter any thicket or mountain or sowed fields, in order to build houses and for other things. for if they do not do this, they believe that their nonos will punish them with some evil result. this is found among an ignorant people without malice, who do not know why they do this, but only that they do it because they saw that their aged people do it here. the ministers labored hard to remove this error, especially in the remote villages; for in those that are now civilized the people at present laugh at it. 436. for all these adorations and sacrifices it is not evident that they had any common and public temple. for although these places had the name of simba or simbahan, which signifies "place of adoration and sacrifice," and the people attended them and resorted thither, they were not like our temples common to all, but, as it were, certain private oratories belonging to the houses of their chiefs, where those of their families, or their dependents, or those related by marriage, met to make a feast for any special object. for this purpose they made a bower in the house itself, which they call sibi, dividing it into three naves and lengthening the fourth. they adorned it with leaves and flowers on all sides, and many lighted lamps. in the middle was placed another large lamp, with many ornaments. such was their simbahan or oratory. this feast was called pandot; it was their most solemn one, and lasted four days. during that time they played many musical instruments, and performed their adorations, which is called nag àanito [350] in tagálog. when the feast was ended and all the adornment removed, the place had no longer the name of church or temple, and remained a house like all the others. 437. their sacrifices always redounded to the advantage of their bodies; for they were reduced to all eating, drinking, and making merry. in proportion to the motives, so were the ceremonies of their sacrifices. if it were only for the entertainment of their chief, they made a bower in front of his house, which they filled with hangings, according to their moorish custom; and there they all ate, drank, danced, and sang. for this it was the usual practice to fetch a hog, which the catalôna or priestess ordered the most graceful girl to stab with the knife, amid certain dances. that done, and the hog having been cooked according to their custom it was divided among all the company, as if it were a relic; and they ate it with great reverence and respect, with the other food of their feast. they drank more than they ate, as they always do. with this was ended the greatness of their sacrifice, without god to whom to offer it, or altar therefor. 438. if the sacrifice was for the health of some sick person, the priest of the sacrifice ordered a new house to be built at the expense of the sick one. that done (which took but a very short time, as the materials are close at hand, and many assemble for that purpose), they removed the sick person to it, and arranged what was to be sacrificed. that was sometimes a slave, but most generally some hog or marine animal; its flesh they set before the sick person, with other food according to their custom. the catalôna performed her usual dances, wounded the animal, and with its blood anointed the sick person, as well as some of the others among the bystanders. then it was divided and cleaned, in order that it might be eaten. the catalôna looked at the entrails, and making wry faces and shaking her feet and hands, acted as if she were out of her senses--foaming at the mouth, either because she was incarnate as the devil, or because she so feigned so that credit might be given her. in this way she prophesied what would happen to the sick man, either adverse or propitious. if it were propitious, there was great feasting; and if adverse, means were not lacking to her to evade it--as they were also not lacking in case that her prophecy was not fulfilled. if the sick man died, she consoled them all by saying that their gods had elected him as one of their anitos, because of his prowess and merits; and she began to commend herself to this saint, and made them all commend themselves to him, and everything ended in drunkenness and rejoicing. then the catalôna took all the gifts, which all had offered her according to their custom, and returned home, wealthier, but not with more reputation; for those who exercised that office among the indians were held in no estimation, for they were considered lazy persons who lived by the toil of others. 439. when the sick person died, he was followed by the lamentation of his relatives and friends and even by other and hired mourners, who had that as their trade. in their lamentation they inserted a melancholy song, with innumerable extravagant things in praise of the dead. they bathed, smoked, and shrouded the corpse, and some embalmed it in the manner of the hebrews, with certain aromatic liquors; and thus did they bury it, with all due respect. 440. the grave of the poor was a hole which was dug under the house itself, and was called sìlong. the rich and influential were kept unburied for three days, amid the weeping and singing. a box or coffin was made out of one piece, which was the dug-out trunk of a tree; and the cover was tightly fitted on, so that no air could enter. there they buried the deceased, adorned with rich jewels and sheets of gold, especially upon his mouth. as the coffins were usually of incorruptible wood, which was used for this purpose, in this way some bodies have been found uncorrupted after many years. 441. the coffin with the body was placed in one of three places, according to the direction of the deceased: either in the highest story of the house itself, in a place like a cock-house, where they usually keep their treasures and other goods; or under the house, which is the sìlong, elevated from the ground; or if they place it in the ground itself, they dig a hole, and enclose it with a small railing and there they deposit the box with the body without covering over the hole. they buried others in the fields, and lit fires in the house, and then set sentinels so that the deceased should not come to take away the living with him. others had themselves buried in a lofty place on the seashore, in order that they might be venerated and worshiped; and sentinels were posted so that no boats should pass there for a certain time. 442. another box, filled with the best clothes of the deceased and various viands on their dishes, were set near the grave; if the deceased were a man, various weapons that he used were left there; if a woman, her loom, or other work-utensils that she had used. if the deceased had while living been employed in sea-raids, as a pirate, his coffin was made in the shape of a boat which they call barangay. as rowers they placed in it two goats, two hogs, two deer, or more, as they wished, male and female paired, with a slave of the deceased as pilot in order to take care of them all. some food was put in for their sustenance, and when that food was consumed, they dried up with hunger and thirst, and all perished. if the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave, bound, was placed under him, and was left there to die with him. after the burial, although the lamentation ceased somewhat, the revelry in the house of the deceased did not cease. on the contrary, it lasted a longer or shorter time, according to the rank of the deceased. 443. on the third or fourth day of the funeral, all the relatives assembled at the house of the deceased, for they said that he returned that day to visit them. at the landing of the stairway of the house, they set water in a basin or tub, so that the deceased might wash his feet there, and rid himself of the earth of the grave. they kept a candle lit all that day. they stretched a petate, or reed mat, on the floor and sprinkled ashes on it, so that the deceased might leave the marks of his feet there. at meal time they left the best place at table vacant for the dead guest. they ate and drank, as at the most splendid banquet; and then spent the balance of the day in relating and singing the prowess of the deceased; then each one went home. this ridiculous ceremony is called tibao. the indians even yet retain the oldtime custom of this assembly, but all superstition and error have been removed from it, and they unite to pray for the deceased; but it is not without inconveniences that ought to be remedied. 444. the mourning consisted in fasting, and during the days of mourning they lived only on vegetables. this fasting or abstinence was called sipà by the tagálogs. in dress the visayans wore white, as do the chinese in sign of mourning, and this is even yet the custom in some villages; but black is the most usual color for mourning in the rest of the islands. with this kind of mourning they cover all the body, so that the face may not be seen, especially if they are women and if the mourning is thorough. during the mourning the men may not wear a hat; but, instead, a black cloth wound about the head. they wear mourning for any deceased relative, even though he be related only very distantly; but the mourning is greater or less according to the degree of relationship, both in manner and in duration of time. 445. from the above is inferred the belief of these indians in the transmigration of the souls of the deceased. in this they agree not only with the chinese, who believe in this peculiar error, but also with other indians whom torquemada mentions in his second volume. the similarity that they might relate in rites, both with the indians of nueva españa and perû, and with other nations of greater antiquity, may be compared by the curious reader, by reading the entire book of the origin of the indians, and by tracing there that of these indians. [351] 446. it is an assured fact that the oldtime heathen of these islands knew that after this life there was another one of rest, or let us say paradise (for bathàla maycapàl alone in their belief lived in the sky); and that only the just and valiant, those who had moral virtues and lived without harming anyone, went thither to that place as a reward. in the same way, as all of them believed in the immortality of the soul in the other life, they believed in a place of punishment, pain, and sorrow which they called casanàan, where the wicked went, and where, they said, the devils dwelt. consequently, the transmigration of the souls of their deceased to other living bodies was a sign of rest to them. since no one desired his relatives to be numbered among the condemned in casanàan, the error of the chinese found in them an easier entrance, for it was built upon the foundation of their own errors. 447. the superstitions and omens of these filipinos are so many, and so different are those which yet prevail in many of them, especially in the districts more remote from intercourse with the religious, that it would take a great space to mention them. they merit tears, although they are all laughable. they are being continually preached against, but we have not succeeded in extinguishing them; and the people obey the customs of their barbarous ancestors rather than the christian prudence which the ministers teach them. and although i do not at this time consider it as an explicit error, ut in plurimum, yet the error implied in the tenacity with which these people follow the errors of their ancestors is dangerous. 448. now they ask permission of the nonos for any task, with the pasingtabi sa nono. now they have innumerable fears if the owl which they call covàgo hoots; if they find a snake in a new house, or on a journey that they have undertaken; if they hear anyone sneeze; if any rat squeals, or if the lizard sings, or if any dog howls; and other things like these. there must be no talk of fish in the house of the hunter, nor of hunting nor dogs in that of the fisherman; while in neither the one nor the other house must there be any mention of new implements for work, unless they have already been used. sailors must name nothing of the land, nor landsmen anything of the sea: for all these were omens. 449. pregnant women could not cut their hair, for they said that the children that they would bear would have no hair. when a woman is about to give birth, some men undress until they are stark naked. then taking shields and catans, one takes his stand in the silong, and another on the ridge of the house, and they continually fence with the wind with their catans as long as the parturition lasts. i have removed some from this performance by force of punishment. they say that it is to keep the patiànac and the osuàng away from the woman. these are witches among them who come to obstruct the success of the childbirth, and to suck out the souls of children; and the people act thus in order to prevent them. he who does not wish to have this observed in public, through fear of punishment, removes his wife to another house for the parturition, if he thinks that the witch is in his. the procurer of this witch they say is the bird tictic, [352] and that this bird, by flying and singing, shows the witch or osuàng the house where there is a parturition, and even guides him to work other misfortunes. consequently, whenever they see or hear the tictic, they all grow melancholy, in their fear lest some harm come to them. 450. they greatly fear and reverence the tigbàlang or bibit. this is a ghost, goblin, or devil; and as it knows the cowardice of these indians, it has been wont to appear to them in the mountains--now in the guise of an old man, telling them that he is their nono; now as a horse; and now as a monster. consequently, the indians in their terror make various pacts with it, and trade their rosaries for various articles of superstitious value, such as hairs, grass, stones, and other things, in order to obtain all their intents and free themselves from all the dangers. thus do they live in delusion until god wills that the evangelical ministers undeceive them, which costs no little [effort], because of the very great fear with which they are filled. 451. in order to discover any theft, they generally burn fresh rock-alum, and after it has vaporized and then crystallized they say that the figure which those crystals form is the living picture of so-and-so, and that he is the author of the theft. since they believe such nonsense as easily as it is difficult to make them believe the divine mysteries, they all agree to that statement, even though the face should be that of a dog; and they make a charge in court against so-and-so, and impute the theft to him. sometimes they take a screen or sieve (which they call bilào), in which they fasten some scissors in form of a cross, to which a rosary is hung. then they proceed to call the name of each one who is present at this exercise. if the bilào shakes when the name of pedro is called, then that poor pedro is the robber, and pays for the theft, without having perhaps eaten or drunk of it. [353] sometimes they light a candle to the saint of miracles, my st. anthony of padua, misapplying his peculiar protection for all lost things; they believe that if the flame of the candle should flare up in the direction of any of those present at this act, he is thus shown to be the robber. for these and like deceitful artifices, there are not wanting masters, indian impostors, both men and women, who, in order to gain money, deceive the simple-minded in this manner, without paying any heed to the claims of conscience in these wrongs. 452. the different kinds of these ministers of the devil in the olden days, so far as i have examined them, are twelve, and they are as follows, according to their own old names for them: sònat, catalònan, mangagávay, manyisalàt, mancocòlam, hoclòban, silàgan, magtatangàl, osuàng, mangagayoma, pangatahòan, and bayòguin. 453. the sònat was equivalent to a bishop among them; and they all reverenced him as one who pardoned sins, and ordained others as priests and priestesses. they expected salvation through him, and he could condemn them all. this office was general throughout these islands, but it was held only by the chiefest and most honored, as it was of great esteem among them. it is said that this office came from the borneans. some try to make out that he was the master of a kind of exercise that is not decent, but i have found nothing certain among the much that i have examined. 454. the catalònan (as remarked above) was the priest or priestess of their sacrifices; and although his office was an honorable one, it was only while the sacrifice was pending, for after that they paid but scant attention to him. 455. the mangagàvay were the sorcerers who gave and took away health and life by their sorceries. it was an office general throughout this archipelago. 456. the manyisalàt was the sorcerer appointed for lovers. the mancocòlam was the sorcerer or witch who belched forth fire from himself, which could not be extinguished with any application except by his rolling himself in the ordure and filth that falls from the houses into the silong; and the master of the house where he rolled himself died and there was no remedy. the hoclòban was another kind of sorcerer more efficacious than the others, since without any medicine he could kill, overturn houses, and work other destruction. this is in catanduanes, but the two preceding ones are general. 457. the silàgan's duty was to draw out the entrails and eat them, from all persons whom he saw dressed in white. that happened toward catanduanes; and it is not fable, since our fray juan de mérida buried a spanish clerk in calilàya to whom this misfortune had happened. the magtatàngal is said to have been a man who left his body without head and intestines, and that the head wandered about hither and thither during the night in different parts of the world, and in the morning reunited with his body, leaving him alive as before. this story is current in catanduànes, but it is regarded as a fable, although the natives assert that they have seen it. 458. we have already spoken of the osuàng. it is only added that human flesh is his usual food. they all saw this one flying, but this is told in the visayas and not in tagalos. 459. the mangagayòma was the sorcerer who made use of the natural remedies in his sorceries; but those remedies were often corrupted by pacts with the devil. the pangatahòan is the same as the soothsayer, who prognosticated the future; and this notion was general throughout this archipelago. the bayòguin was an effeminate man [hombre maricon], inclined to be a woman and to all the duties of the feminine sex. 460. this is sufficient as an index of innumerable other errors, superstitions, and omens, in which their ancients were submerged, and some of their descendants now follow their footsteps. however, i am of the opinion that it is born rather of their simplicity than of their malice, ut in plurimum. yet i would not be so bold as to assert that there are not some who make their contracts with the devil; and, with or without contracts, it is certain that many enchantments are found here, whence follow deaths to some and extraordinary accidents to others. and although that can be attributed to the multitude of herbs of which they have good knowledge, they always leave suspicion of some diabolical art. 461. the oaths which were and are most usual in these indians are execratory. since they lie so much, i do not know why they are not brought to confusion in the promissory notes that are always furnished with curses. in the oath of allegiance which the people of manila and tondo took to our catholic monarchs in the year 1571, they confirmed that promise of their obedience in this manner: "may the sun split us through the middle; may we be devoured by crocodiles; may our women not show us favor or affection"--if they should fail to keep their oath. sometimes they took the pasambahan, which was, to draw the figure of any wild and monstrous animal, and ask to be torn to pieces by that animal if they broke their contract or agreement. sometimes they lit a candle, and declared that, just as the candle, so might they be melted, if they did not fulfil their promise. now this is somewhat better, but not, their perjuries; for with great ease and frequency one catches them in false oaths in legal instruments. this is well known, and therefore should be well punished. chapter xliv of the former government and social customs of these indians 462. i have already said that our brother and venerable father fray juan de plassencia wrote in the convent of nagcarlàn and signed (october 24, 1589) a relation describing all the old customs of these indians, in obedience to a request and charge of the superior government. that relation appeared to all a very truthful statement, as, in order to make it, his examination and vigilance were rigorous. 463. of this relation i have already used what i thought ought to be set down in their fitting places. now i shall say in substance what he tells when speaking of the social customs of the indians and their old-time government, with some additions which serve for the better understanding of the matter. 464. these indians were not so lacking in prudence in the olden time that they did not have their economic, military and political government, those being the branches derived from the stem of prudence. even the political government was not so simple among all of them that they did not have their architectonic rule--not monarchic, for they did not have an absolute king; nor democratic, for those who governed a state or village were not many; but an aristocratic one, for there were many magnates (who are here called either maguinòos or datos), among whom the entire government was divided. 465. in the olden days, when, as most of them believe, the malays came to conquer these islands, they called the boat or ship by the name of barangay, which is well known and much used in these times. in this boat came a whole family, consisting of parents, children, relatives, and slaves, under the government of one who was the leader, captain, or superior of all. in some districts, this man was called maguinòo, and in others dato. and in proportion as they continued to people this archipelago in this manner, it filled up with families and they appropriated their places of settlement, each of them seeking its own convenience for its maintenance and living. and there they lived governed by their own chiefs, not with a hard and fast rule, but all in friendly relations. by virtue of this friendship they were obliged to aid their chief, both in his wars and in the cultivation of his fields; and all to aid one another mutually. but no one was able to usurp the property which belonged to another, even though he were of the same barangay. 466. this barangay consisted of about one hundred persons, more or less, according to the number that they knew were sufficient for their territory. if perchance those of one barangay did any injury to another, cruel wars broke out between them, as broke out between the chiefs of manila and tondo when the spaniards came in to plant with the faith the catholic dominion, and with it the true peace, which now they enjoy with tranquillity. these chiefs or maguinóos, although some were so by inheritance, commonly did not get these offices by virtue of their blood, but by their merits; or because some one had more power, more wealth, more energy, or more moral virtue than any of the others. this method of government has always seemed so good to these indians that it is the form followed in all the villages, and all the tributes are divided among various heads of barangays, in accordance with the enumeration of the villages; and those heads are the ones who look after the collection of the royal income, and see that the indians live like christians. they must also, by reason of their office, give account to the father minister and the alcalde-mayor of their province, in case there is any fault to find with their respective barangays. 467. no indian could pass voluntarily from one barangay to another without the payment of a certain sum, which was established among them, and unless he made a great feast to all the barangay which he left. it was much more difficult if they were married. if a man of one barangay married a woman from another, the children had to be divided between the barangays, as was also done with the slaves. 468. the classes of people mentioned in that early age by our brother plassencia (besides that of chief or dato) are three, as follows. one class is that of the nobles, whom they call mahadlìcas. this word signifies, according to the best vocabularies of the tagálog language, those who are free, and who were never slaves. the second class are called pechèros; and the third are those who were slaves legitimately. although i find in one vocabulary that mahadlìca is rendered as "freedman," still i find that freedman is rendered by timava in most trustworthy vocabularies. and although in the common practice of the tagálog speech, one now says minahadlìca aco nang panginoongco, that is, "my master freed me," i do not believe that it is so; for mahadlìca properly signifies "to give freedom to the slave," only because absolute liberty is its peculiar signification, and they make use of this term when it was given to a slave. thus this term gives liberty, and the slave remains free from all slavery in the uttermost of its meaning. it is certain that the term timava is more correctly used to signify the freedman. consequently, the tagálog speech applies it and uses it, not only to express the liberty of the slave, but also for him who breaks the cord at the gallows and is freed from punishment; and for any fierce animal which makes sport of bonds. they only lengthen somewhat the accent of the last syllable in the latter sense, and say nagtitimavà. 469. the pechèros were the ones called alìping namamahay. although in strictness, in the tagálog, the term alìpin signifies "slave," the pechèro was not properly a slave, for he always remained in the house and could not be sold. consequently, this term could only be applied to express their method of service, namely, an up-stairs servant, as i understand it. these pechèros were married. they served their masters, whether datos or not, with the half of their [time in the] fields, or as was agreed upon at the beginning; and served them as rowers. but they lived in their own houses with their wives and children, and were lords of their property, lands, and gold; and their masters had not the slightest liberty of action or dominion over those things. and, even though they should fall by inheritance to a son of their master, if the former went to live in another village he could not take them from their own native village; but they would serve him in their own village, according to their ability, as they served their former master. 470. the slaves who were strictly such were called alìping sa guiguilir. this term comes in strict tagálog to mean the servants below stairs; for the term guilir signifies "the lower part of the house," or "its lower entrance." these were bought and sold, or acquired by war, although those who were born in a family were seldom sold, for affection's sake. such served their master in all things; but the latter would give them some portion of his field, if they were faithful and zealous in their labor. if they gained anything by their industry, they could keep it. if they were slaves because of debt, a condition that was very frequent among them, when the debt was paid they were free; but they were also obliged to pay for their support and that of their children. at times it was usual to transfer the debt to another, for the obtaining of some profit; and the poor wretches remained slaves, even though such was not their condition. much of this is found yet, although not with the rigor of slavery, but by the force of obligation; but these poor pledged creatures suffer a certain kind of slavery in their continuous and toilsome service. the authorities ought to employ all their care for the uprooting of so keenly felt an abuse. 471. if perchance these slaves sa guiguilir acquired any gold through their industry, they could ransom themselves with it and become pechèros; and that ransom did not cost so little that it did not amount to more than five taes of gold, or thereabout. if one gave ten or more, then he became free from every claim, and became a noble. for this purpose a certain ceremony took place between the master and the slave, namely, the division between the twain of all the furniture that the slave used--and that with so great strictness that, if a jar was left over, they broke it and divided up the bits; and if it were a manta, they tore it through the middle, each one keeping half. 472. from the time when our brother plassencia explained this difference of slaves, many acts of injustice which the indians practiced on one another were remedied; for they made slaves of those who were never so, because, as the term alìpin is so confused, and the alcaldes-mayor did not know the secret, they declared one to be a slave in all rigor, because the indians proved that he was alìpin, which signifies "slave," being silent, in their malicious reserve, as to whether he was namamahay or sa guiguilir. there were many such acts of trickery. 473. those born of father and mother who were mahadlìcas were all also mahadlìcas, and never became slaves except by marriage. consequently, if a mahadlìca woman married a slave, the children were divided. the first, third, and fifth belonged to the father, while the mother had the second, fourth, and sixth, and they alternated in the same way with the other children. if the father were free, then those who pertained to him were free; but slaves, if he were a slave. the same is to be understood in regard to the mother and her children. if there were only one son, or if there were an odd number, so that one was left over in the division, the last was half free and half slave. however, it has been impossible to determine at what age the division was made, or at what time. the slavery of these children followed the native condition of their parents in all things, and the children were divided as they pertained to them, whether they were male or female, as they were born. the same thing occurred when one was poor, and did not have the wherewithal with which to endow or buy his wife for marriage; and then, in order to marry her, he became her slave. hence it resulted that the free children who belonged to the mother were masters and lords of their own father, and of the children who belonged to the father, their own brothers and sisters. 474. if the mahadlìcas had children by their slaves, mother and children were all free. but if the mahadlìca had intercourse with the slave woman of another, and she became pregnant, the mahadlìca gave the master of the slave woman one-half tae of gold because of the danger of the death of her who was pregnant, and because that her legitimate master was deprived of the services of the pregnant woman, by reason of him. when the woman gave birth, one-half the child remained free, and the father was bound to take care of its support; and, if he did not do that, he meant that he did not recognize the child as his, and it remained all slave. 475. if any free woman had children by any slave who was not her husband, all were free. if a free woman married a half-slave, the children were slaves only to the one-fourth part, and they considered that in the question of their service. the service was divided among all those who were considered as masters, by weeks or months, or as the masters might agree. but they had the right because of the parts that were free to compel their masters to free them for a just price, which was appraised in proportion to the character of their slavery. but if one were wholly slave, he could not compel his master to free him for any price, even if he became a slave only for debt provided he did not pay the debt at the expiration of the time. 476. another form of servitude was found among them, which they called cabalangay; it included those persons who begged from the chief who was head of their barangay whatever they needed, with the obligation of serving him whenever they were summoned to row, work in his fields, or serve at his banquets--they helping to meet the expense [of these] with the tuba or quilàng, which was their wine. thus did their headman give them what they needed, with this agreement. 477. this tyranny of slaves was so extensive in this archipelago that when our spaniards conquered it, there were chiefs with so many slaves--of their own nation and color, and not foreign--that there were those who had one, two, and three hundred slaves; and most of these were not slaves by birth, but for slight reasons, and even without reasons. for since their best kind of property, after gold, consisted in slaves, as their own conveniences were increased considerably by their services, they expended care in nothing to a greater extent than in increasing the number of their slaves; now by usury and interest, in which they had no respect for their own parents and brothers and sisters; now by petty wars and engagements among themselves, in which the prisoners became slaves; now by the punishment for some slight crime such as for not having observed the interdict on speaking during the funeral obsequies, or if anyone passed by the chief's wife while she was taking a bath, or if, while the chief was passing by the house of any timava, some dust accidentally fell on him. or they were made slaves because of other reasons, as tyrannical, as trivial, such as are natural for those who have not the light of the holy gospel. 478. after this [report of father plassencia] was promulgated, the above abuse was so thoroughly removed that now there is not the slightest amount of slavery among the indians, in accordance with apostolic briefs, which have been confirmed by various royal decrees of our catholic monarchs. thus we are all soldiers of one and the same divine lord; all militia under the holy cross, which is our catholic standard; and citizens and sharers of the heavenly jerusalem, which is our kingdom. thus do we live in these islands, spaniards and indians, all vassals of one catholic monarch in regard to human matters. this point can be seen in extenso in the politica indiana of solorzano in book 2, chapter i. [354] 479. the laws or regulations by which these indians governed themselves were founded on the traditions and customs of their ancestors, which were not barbaric in all things as were they. for they were directed to venerate and obey their parents, and to treat their elders with the due respect; and individuals to follow the dictate of the community of the village; and to punish crimes, etc. 480. their judges for this were the chief or dato aided by some old men of his own barangay, or of another barangay if necessary. or they themselves appointed a judge-arbiter, even if he were of a distinct barangay or village. if there were a suit with rival parties, they tried first to come to an agreement. if they would not agree, an oath was taken from each one, who declared that they would do as the judges should sentence. having done that, witnesses were examined summarily. if the testimony was equal for each side, then the litigants were reconciled. if the evidence were in favor of one of them, the suit was sentenced in his favor, and the defeated one was notified. if he would not admit the sentence willingly, the judge and all the others proceeded against him, and by way of execution deprived him of all the gold to which he had been sentenced. the greater part of it went to the judges of the case, and to pay the witnesses on the victorious side; while the poor litigant had the least of all, being content with only the glory of victory. 481. criminal cases were judged according to the rank of the murderer and the murdered. for if the murdered man were a chief among them all his relatives went to the house of his murderer, and the houses of his relatives, and they had continual wars one with the other until--the old men stepped in and acted as mediators, with the declaration of the amount of gold that ought to be given as a payment for that murder. the judges and the chief old men took one-half that sum, and the other was divided among the wife, children, and relatives of the deceased. the penalty of death was never adjudged except when the murderer and his victim were so poor and so destitute that they had no gold for satisfaction and expenses. in that case either his own chief or dato killed the criminal, or the other chiefs speared him after he had been fastened to a stake, and made him give up the ghost by spear-thrusts. 482. in the matter of thefts in which the thief was not known with certainty, and those under suspicion were many, they made a sort of general purgation performed in the following manner. each one was obliged to bring in a bundle of cloth, leaves, or anything else in which the stolen article could be hidden. then the fastenings were unwound, and if the stolen goods were found in any of them, the matter ceased, and no investigation was made as to whom the bundle belonged, or who had stolen it. but if the stolen goods were not found, the following means were employed. each suspect was made to enter a river with a good bottom, staff in hand, and then all at once plunged under. the first one who came up, because he could no longer hold his breath, was regarded as the thief of the stolen goods, for his remorse of conscience, they said, took away his breath. on that account, many were drowned for fear of punishment. the other means was to place a stone in a vessel of boiling water, and to order the suspects to take it out with the hand, and he who refused to put in his hand paid for the theft. another means was to give them each a wax candle with wicks of equal length, and of the same size and weight, all lit at the same instant; and he whose candle went out first was regarded as the culprit. of all this, and in all the other suits and civil or criminal causes, the chief took half the gold, and the other half was divided among joint judges and witnesses; and scarce a bit was left for the poor creditor, litigant, or owner. this was one of the greatest sources of gain to the chiefs and datos, and offered the best opportunity for them to exercise their tyranny with the poor, even were the latter guiltless. 483. adultery was not punishable corporally, but the adulterer paid a certain sum to the aggrieved party; and that was sufficient so that the honor of the latter was restored and his anger removed. they paid no attention to concubinage, rape, and incest, unless the crime were committed by a timava on a woman of rank. on the contrary, the committal of such sins openly was very common, for all of them were very much inclined to this excess; but i cannot find that they were addicted to the sin against nature in the olden time. verbal insults, especially to chiefs, women, and old men, were regarded as deserving the severest kind of punishment, and it was difficult to obtain the pardon of the aggrieved. chapter xlv of other customs of these peoples, and in regard to their marriage, dowries, children, and issue 484. it is not known whether these natives divided the time into hours, days, weeks, months, or years, or made any other division of time. as this was necessary to them for the reckoning of their commerce, trade, and contracts (in which they all engaged), they used for reckoning their times of payment, and for other transactions and business of their government--for the hours, the state of the sun in the sky, the crowing of the cock, and the laying time of the hens, and several other enigmas which are still employed in the tagálog speech. to keep account of the changing of seasons, they knew when it was winter or summer by the trees, and their leaves and fruit. they knew of the division into months or years by moons. consequently, in order to designate the date of payment, they said "in so many moons, in so many harvests, or in so many fruitings of such and such a tree." these were the methods employed in their trading and government. 485. the days were reckoned by the name of the sun, namely, arao. thus the tagálogs now reckon ysang árao, "one day;" dalauang árao, "two [days]," and so on until they have the difference of weeks, which they call by the name domingo, saying "so many domingos." [355] the night is called gab-ì; and the day arao, from the name of the sun. the months were named and reckoned by the name of the moon, namely, bovan in tagálog. thus did they divide the seasons after their own manner, and in their own speech. only there are no terms to indicate the hours of the clock [in their speech]; and now the castilian [names of] hours are tagalized, in order to indicate the hours of time. they call the clock horasan, that is, "a thing in which one sees the hours;" whether in its place or in the instrument made for it. 486. they expressed "the year" in their old speech by the word taòn. it is metaphorical, for it really means "the assembling of many," and that they have joined together months to make one year. they had a word to signify seasons and climates, namely panahon. but they never knew the word "time" [tiempo], in its general sense, and there is no proper tagálog word for it; but they use the spanish word only, corrupted after their manner, for they make it tiyempo. 487. their business and contracts were for the greater part illegal, filled with usury, interest, and tricks; for each one thought only of increasing his own profits, and paid no attention to his nearest relatives. consequently, loans with interest were very common and generally practiced (and even yet this archipelago is not free from this abuse, nor have the difficulties experienced in the confessional ceased); and the interest increases to a very high figure, the debt doubling and increasing for so long a time as the debt is delayed, until it results that the debtor, his wealth, and his children, are all slaves. their general business was the bartering of one product for another (and it is still much in vogue)--food, mantas, birds, stock, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fisheries, palms, nipa-groves, woodlands, and other similar products. sometimes those products were sold for a price, which was paid in gold, according to the terms of the agreement. thus they traded among themselves with the products of their own lands, and with foreigners from other nations for products peculiar to them; and for this they were wont to have their deferred payments, their days of reckoning, and their bondsmen who were concerned therein--but with exorbitant profits, because they were all usurers. 488. in regard to money of silver or gold they did not possess it in that [early] time. those metals were employed in their trading only by the weight, which was used alone for silver and gold; and that weight they called talaro, and was indicated by balances, like ours. they reckoned and divided by this. and after they learned about money they gave to each piece its proper name, taking the coin that we call "tostòn," or "real of four," as the basis for greater sums. this they called salapì, although that is the common term for all kinds of money. they divided the salapì into two cahàtis, the cahàtis into two seycapat, the seycapat into two seycávalos, the seycávalo into two calatíos, the calatìo (which they call aliu) into the cuding, etc. all this division was regulated by tostòns in this manner: the cahàti signifies one-half tostòn; seycàpat, the fourth part; seycávalo, the eighth; calatìo is the tagálog cuartillo; [356] and so on. in order to say "three reals," they say tatlongbahagui, that is, three parts of the tostòn. from the tostòn on, they count up to ten, and from ten to twenty, etc. consequently, in their language they use this expression for ours, saying, "i ask ten and one more," or "i ask one for twenty;" and so on. but now since they know what pesos are, that is, reals of eight, some of them reckon by pesos, which is more familiar to the spaniards. but most of them do not forget their salapìs, nor the method of reckoning used by the ancients. 489. the gold, which they call guinto, was also reckoned by weight. the largest weight is the tàhel, which is the weight of ten reals of silver--or, as we say, of one escudo. the half-tàhel is called tingà, which is the weight of five reals. the fourth part is called sapaha, which is two and one-half reals. they also used other metaphorical terms (as the spanish do the term granos), and said sangsàga, which is the weight of one red kidney-bean [frixolillo] with a white spot in the middle. 490. in order to weigh bulkier things, such as wax, silk, meat, etc., they had steelyards, which they called sinantan, which was equivalent to ten cates, of twenty onzas [i.e., ounce] apiece. the half of that they called banal, which was five cates; and the half of the cate they called soco. consequently, these old weights having been adjusted to the spanish weights by the regulations of the year 1727, one cale is equivalent to one libra, six onzas; one chinanta to thirteen libras, and twelve onzas; hence one quintal, of eighty of the old cates, corresponds to four arrobas and ten libras of our weight. a pico of one hundred cates is equivalent to five arrobas, twelve and one-half libras, in the new arrangement. as in the case of gold, one tàhel must weigh one and one-fourth onzas in our weight. 491. in regard to the measures of quantity which the ancients used, they were the same as those we now see: cabàn, ganta, half-ganta, and chupa. the city has regulated them by the spanish measures in the following manner. the caban, which signifies "box" [arca] in their own tagalog speech, is equivalent to one fanega of the standard of toledo. the ganta (gantang in visayan, and salòp in tagálog) is equivalent to one half of a toledo almud, which is the hal-zelemin in other territories. the half-ganta is equivalent to one cuartillo, which is called pitìs or caguiina in tagálog. the chupa is the eighth of the half-almud of toledo, which is called gàtang in tagálog, and also gahinan, for it is the ration of cleaned rice sufficient for each meal of a man. the act of measuring in this manner is expressed by the word tàcal among the tagálogs. when the king issues orders for rice, it is reckoned by cabàns of twenty-four gantas apiece; and now it is known that it is of pálay rice, which is rice with the husk and uncleaned. when vouchers are issued for the stipends and the support of the religious ministers, the reckoning is by fanegas, at the rate of two cabàns of twenty-four gantas each, of the said pálay rice uncleaned. and because his majesty chooses that they give it to us very clean, it is now ruled in the royal accountancy that forty-eight gantas of the fanega of pálay is equivalent to a basket of twenty gantas of bigàs, which is the name for cleaned rice. henge the king in his charity, in order to give us our sustenance in the rice without waste, gives valuation to the measure at his own pleasure, for the rice with husk, so that the quantity may be doubled. the estimation of the king in this is not the same as looking into the hollow measure in its strict capacity, as has been already explained. 492. they also measure by brazas and palmos (but for the vara, i find no proper tagálog term, but only the spanish). the braza is called dipa; that of the city is of sixty points, into which the six feet contained in it are divided. the palmo is called dancal. tumòro is one jeme. [357] sangdamàc is the whole width of the hand with the five fingers. sangdali is the width of one finger; and sucat is the act of measuring in this manner. [358] 493. so was their usage in their business. although there are no arithmetical numbers among their characters, such as we use, they counted with little stones, making small heaps of them, and made use of the natural words of their own speech, which are very expressive in tagálog; and they did not feel their ignorance of the numbers written in their own characters; for they could express the highest number very clearly by word of mouth. 494. the maritime folk were wont to go out upon many raids, and those ashore to set strange ambushes for their robberies, to the great loss of life. their arms were bow and arrow, and a short lance resembling a dart, with the iron head of innumerable shapes; and some without iron, the points being made from the bamboos themselves, or from stakes hardened in the fire. they used cutlasses; large and broad daggers, of excellent quality, with sharp edges; and long blowpipes, through which they discharged arrows dipped in poison. their defensive arms were wooden shields, breastplates of rattan or thick cord, and helmets of the same material. 495. among so many barbaric customs, the universality of their vices prevailed; and they were infidel, tyrannical, and unchaste. they regarded virginity as an opprobrium, and there were men who received a salary for the office of deflowering [the girls] of their virginity. no woman, married or single, assured her honor and credit, unless she had some sweetheart; and although this was so honorable for the women, it was considered a dishonor to give the liberty of her body freely. now the women are modest in their behavior, but easy, if they are sought, as the smoke from the fire of their beginnings still endures. at the birth of males, and even the females, the midwives themselves made easier for them the carnal act, by cutting off i know not what from their organs. and now that the midwives do not do it, there is no lack of the introduction of this abuse among the boys; but it is assured that this is not the circumcision of the jews. the devil influenced them in other curious ways for the greater sensuality and duration in their carnal acts, methods which are now completely extinct. but they have sufficiently caught the plague of sodomy from the japanese and chinese; and i have already seen some persons burned, in my time. in short, men and women never think of being chaste, so that among the most holy all their thought is of their marriages. 496. at the present time we have always tried to see that the brides and grooms are always of equal rank and condition. it was not usual for them to have more than one own wife, and one own husband; but those who were chiefs and wealthy were allowed to have some slaves as concubines, especially if their own wives did not prove fruitful. only among the visayans did the first religious ministers of the gospel find established the custom of one man having many legitimate wives, and that of large dowries, which was no small obstruction to the planting of the gospel. the general rule was for each man to have one legitimate wife; and they tried to obtain one who was of their own family, and even very closely related to them, barring out the first degree, for that was always a direct impediment to their marriage. their marriages were not indissoluble, as are those of christians. for if the consorts returned the dowry, one to the other, the one at fault to the one without blame, that was sufficient for repudiation; and they could marry others, unless the couple had children, in which case all the dowry was given to these. if profits had been made with the lapse of time, while they had lived together, those profits were divided between them both, if the gains were in common. but if they were the secret gains of one of them, then that one kept them. 497. the dowry, which is called bigaycàya, was always given by the man (and it is even yet given), the parents of the girl determining the sum beforehand, at the time when they discussed the marriage. the parents of the bride received that dowry, and neither the bride nor her parents contributed any fund. the dowry was set according to the rank of the contracting parties; and if, perchance, the parents of the bride asked more than the ordinary sum, they were under obligations to bestow some gift to the married couple to suit the occasion as, for instance, a couple of slaves, some small gold jewel, or a bit of cleared land--for cultivation, as i have seen practiced even yet, and which they called pasonòr. in this bigaycaya was included what they called panhimùyat, which was the sum that had to be paid to the mother of the bride in return for her care and labor in the rearing and education of her daughter. in it was also included the pasòso, or the sum that was to be paid to the chichiva, or nurse, who had reared her. at present, if perhaps there is no bigaycaya in any marriage, for any reason, they never fail to collect these revenues from the groom, upon which there is generally a suit. 498. this dowry or bigaycaya was and is given before the marriage with all the solemnity that they can muster up, amid a great concourse of maguinoos, relatives, and friends of the lovers. the latter are given the crosses on the money to kiss, which is counted and exhibited in public, in confirmation of the pact; and then the marriage is immediately celebrated with feasting and rejoicing. the employment of this bigaycaya is not the same in all the villages. in some it is all converted into the property of the parents of the bride, by way of trade, they selling their daughter (as do those of mesopotamia) for a reasonable price. if the men do not possess the wherewithal with which to buy them promptly, innumerable sins follow and the two live in improper relations, even to the knowledge of the parents themselves--the young man serving as a servant in the houses of the latter to do their will, but in the capacity of a son, as far as familiarity and permission for evil are concerned. many efforts are employed to extirpate this diabolical abuse, but it still costs great toil. under the title of catipàdos (thus they call those who are engaged for marriage) are some concubinages legitimate for all time, for which the bigaycàya is not necessary. having given up the bigaycàya, the poor couple are left destitute, for the parents of the bride take charge of everything. 499. that money is better used in some villages; for it serves to provide all kinds of clothes for the bride, and for one-half the expenses of the wedding (which are generally very great), and the parochial fees of the marriage, so that scarcely any is left for the parents of the couple. this is the practice that i have seen observed where i have been. these and other ogalis (which are customs) can only have their origin in the past, and come from father to son, and even there is variety in them, according to their distinct origins. 500. that which in españa is called "the exchange of rings," in order to give security to the marriage contract and the wishes of those who are to contract it, has also been observed here, the couple giving each other some jewel. this has been called talingbòhol. this was followed by the habìlin, which is the sign that they have given the dowry which they had promised. and this was like the sign in shops to show that the price was fixed and that the article could not be sold at another price. some fathers have maintained the custom of asking the same price for their daughter as they paid for the mother when they were married; but as fortunes are unequal, this cannot be maintained inexorably, nor at all times, nor with all. 501. the dowry was never returned to the one who gave it, unless the son-in-law were so obedient to his parents-in-law that he should win their affection, in which case they returned him the dowry, at the death of any one; but this was rather a matter of charity than of obligation, as all confess. if the woman who was to be married was alone, and had neither parents nor grandparents, she herself and no other received the dowry. at present, the greed of the indians must be greater; for this poor lone woman is never without either the chichiva who gave her the breast, who will not be left without her payment, or uncle, aunt, or other relative in whose care she has been because of the loss of her legitimate parents. and since the above consider themselves as her parents in this matter (the pinaca ama, as the indians call it) they take upon themselves the place of her parents, and get all the money, just as if they were the true parents. 502. all the relatives and friends who go to weddings were also wont to take each some little present. these gifts were set down very carefully and accurately, in an account, noting whatever each one gave. for if pedro so-and-so gave two reals at this wedding, two reals were also given to him if he had another wedding in his house. all this money is spent, either in paying, if anything is due for the wedding, or as an aid in the expenses. or if the parents of both the young couple are niggardly, they divide it and keep it. if they are generous, they use it in the pamamuhay, or furnishing of the house of the couple. consequently, there is no regular custom in this. the nearest relatives give the couple a jewel as a mark of affection, but do not give money. these jewels belong to the bride, and to no one else. 503. three days before the wedding all the relatives of both parties assemble at the house where it is to be celebrated, to make the pàlapàla, which is a sort of bower, by which they make the house larger so that all the guests may be accommodated easily. they spend three days in making this. the next three days are those customary to the wedding and its feast. consequently, there are six days of expense, of racket, of reveling, of dancing and singing, until they fall asleep with fatigue and repletion, all helter-skelter without any distinction. often from this perverse river the devil in turn gets his little harvest--now in quarrels and mishaps which have happened, and now in other more common sins; the greatest vigilance of the father ministers is insufficient to stop these wrongs, and there are no human forces (although there ought to be) which can banish these pernicious ogalis. 504. in the olden days they employed certain ridiculous ceremonies, which had but little decency attending the intercourse of the couple upon the night of the wedding, customs which have now been totally uprooted. the least indecent was the coming of the catalona or babaylana to celebrate the espousals. they brought a hog for this purpose, and with it and on it performed their rites as in other sacrifices. the young couple seated themselves on their bridal bed, in the laps of certain old women who played the part of godmothers of the espousal. these women fed the young couple with their own hands from one dish, and they both drank from one vessel. the groom said that he loved the bride, and she that she loved the groom. thereupon the shouts of joy broke out, and cries, and there was singing and dancing and drinking. then the catalona arose with great gravity, and so many were the blessings that she showered down upon the young couple that, according to some that i have heard among these natives, they would exceed without any doubt the flatteries of our gypsy men and women, when they tell the fortune of one who has given them a large reward. 505. if the recently-married couple did not agree well, the groom danced, spear in hand, before a hog, and then gave it the death-thrust, praying meanwhile to his anito, and this was sufficient to make the young couple agree. now the couple go in festal procession in the manner of a masquerade, to the house where they are to live. then they form another such procession, in order to convey the godparents to their abodes, and with this the festival is at an end. and after so great expense, they usually remain indebted for the small parochial marriage fees, if the father minister has not been very prompt. 506. in regard to heirs, all the legitimate children equally inherited all the property of their parents. if there were no legitimate children, then the nearest relatives inherited. if one had two or more children by two wives, all legitimate, each child inherited what belonged to his mother, both of the wealth of her time, and of the profits made from it, which could have belonged to her. as to the dowry, it is inferred that the child's grandparents received it, and spent it at the time of the wedding. if there were other children who were not legitimate, who had been had by a free woman, they had one-third of the property, and the legitimate children the other two thirds. but in case that there were no legitimate children, then the illegitimate children of a free woman were the absolute heirs. some property was given to the children of slave women according to the wishes of the legitimate heirs, and the mother became free, as has been stated above--as did the children also, in the manner already explained. 507. they were also accustomed to have adopted children, and they are still much addicted to this; but the adoption was purchased by the one adopted, who gave the adopter a certain sum of gold, and, without any other intricacies of law, the latter kept the one adopted, although otherwise he had his own legitimate father. this was the contract made in such cases. if the adopter reared the one adopted during his life (whether he had other children or not), the one adopted was to inherit the sum that had been given for his adoption--increased by a like sum, obtaining in the inheritance twenty, if ten had been given. but if the one adopted died first, the total obligation of the adopter expired, even to the heirs of the one adopted. over and above the inheritance obligation, the adopter generally left the one adopted something else, such as a jewel or a slave, if his services had been good, as a reward for his faithfulness and affection. if however, the one adopted was disagreeable, the adopter gave him up by giving back the sum that had been given for his adoption, and the contract was annulled. 508. if children were had in adultery, they all lived with the mother. if the party aggrieved had been paid and satisfied by the culprit with gold, according to their custom, the children were declared legitimate, and inherited equally with the real legitimate children in the inheritance of the father; but they inherited nothing from the mother. but if the injury were not atoned for, they had no inheritance, and were not regarded as legitimate. 509. these children, and those had by one's own slave woman (notwithstanding the liberty which she and her children enjoyed), and much less the children had by a slave of another master (notwithstanding that gold was paid for her during her pregnancy), did not succeed to the nobility of their parents, nor to their privileges; but were always considered as people of low birth, and were enrolled among the timavas in the villages. the legitimate children alone could inherit nobility, and even posts. hence if the father were absolute lord in one barangay, his sons succeeded to that office, according to priority of birth; and if there were no sons, then the daughters, and after them the nearest relatives; and it was unnecessary to appoint or name them in their wills. they have never had the custom of making wills, and at most leave a list of their wealth and obligations. however, the custom is now coming in of making some testamentary memoranda before the village clerk, so that it may be legal in court. notes [1] domingo zabálburu de echevarri (see vol. xvii, p. 294). [2] for description of borneo, see vol. xxxiii, p. 353, note 419. malayo refers to a portion of the malay peninsula. for the origin, settlement, and distribution of the native peoples in the philippines, see barrows's account in census of philippine islands, i, pp. 411-417, 447-477; cf. crawfurd's dictionary of indian islands, pp. 249-253. [3] joão de barros, the great portuguese historian, was born at vizeu in 1496 and became page to the crown prince (afterward joão iii), for whose amusement he wrote his three-volume romance, cronica de emperador clarimundo (coimbra, 1520). joão iii appointed him captain of the fortress of san jorge de mina, governor of the portuguese possessions in guinea, and (1533) treasurer and general agent for portuguese india. an attempt to colonize a grant of land in brazil (received 1539) failed, and was abandoned. barros died in 1570. the book referred to in the text was his decados, a history of portuguese india, written in fulfilment of a royal commission. the first "decade" was completed in nine years (1552), the second soon after, and the third ten years later. the fourth was left unfinished at his death, but was completed later by diogo do conto, who added eight more volumes. a complete edition was printed at lisbon in twenty-four volumes (1778-88). barros was a conscientious writer and a good stylist. (new international encyclopædia.) [4] an apparent error for the word "kasis," and here wrongly used (see vol. xvi, p. 134, note 161). [5] thus (sur) in text; but, as a matter of fact, paragua stretches northeast from the north point of borneo, and the sulu archipelago in the same direction from its northeast side. [6] sumatra is on the whole deficient in lakes. the largest is lake singkara, about twenty miles in length by about twelve to fifteen in breadth, with a depth of twenty-four fathoms, and is the source of the indragiri river. another lies near the foot of the mountain mârapi, and is called danau sapuluh kota, or "lake of the ten forts." there are two others in the country of the korinchi malays; and still another in the country of the lampungs, toward java, and called the ranu (javanese synonym for "water"). it is about sixteen miles long and eight miles wide. colin evidently refers to either the first or the last of these. see crawfurd's dictionary, p. 416. [7] india citra gangem (if we accept marco polo's division) would correspond to greater india, or the country extending from the ganges to the indus. india extra gangem, or lesser india, included the territory between the eastern coast of the peninsula of india, and that of cochinchina or champa. see wright's edition of travels of marco polo (london and new york, 1892), p. 435, note. colin says (p. 1), that india extra gangem or farther india included the coasts of the rich kingdoms of malacca, sian, camboja, champa, cochinchina, tunquin, and china, as far as the confines of oriental tartary. the allusion to an asiatic ethiopia is hopelessly confused, and may have arisen from marco polo's second division of india, which includes abyssinia. [8] of the manguianes, or more properly the mangyan, pardo de tavera says in etimologia de las nombres de razas de filipinas (manila, 1901): "in tagálog, bícol, and visaya, manguian signifies 'savage,' 'mountaineer,' 'pagan negroes.' it may be that the use of this word is applicable to a great number of filipinos, but nevertheless it has been applied only to certain inhabitants of mindoro. in primitive times, without doubt, the name was even then given to those of that island who to-day bear it, but its employment in three filipino languages shows that the radical ngian had in all these languages a sense to-day forgotten. in pampango this radical ending still exists and signifies 'ancient,' from which we can deduce that the name was applied to men considered to be the ancient inhabitants, and that these men were pushed back into the interior by the modern invaders in whose languages they are called the 'ancients.'" they live in the mountains of mindoro and are probably a mixture of the negritos with other filipinos, and possibly in some localities there may be a small infusion of white blood. they are non-christian, and are very timid. their dress consists of the "gee" string, with the addition, in the case of the younger girls, of some forty or eighty yards of bejuco (rattan) wrapped around the waist. they are divided into several tribes, chief among which are the "buquit," "bangon," and "batanganes," who roam in bunches or by families, the oldest acting as chief. they are willing workers, and make nearly all the bancas used in the province. they have no knowledge whatever of agriculture, and do not know the value of money. the census of 1903 shows a population of 7,269. see census of the philippines, i, pp. 472, 473, 547, and 548; and ii, p. 15. [9] the chinese carried on a fairly active trade in the philippines three centuries before magellan's discovery of the archipelago. the articles traded by them for the products of the country consisted of pottery, lead, glass beads, iron cooking-pans, and iron needles. some of them may have gone north above manila. see census of philippines, i, p. 482. [10] see david p. barrows "history of the population of the philippines," published in vol. 1, of census of philippines, for valuable material in regard to the peopling of the philippines. see also crawfurd's dictionary. [11] diodorus, surnamed siculus, or "the sicilian," was a greek historian, a native of agyrion, sicily, who lived in the time of cæsar and augustus. after long travels in asia and europe he wrote his bibliotheca, a universal history in 40 books, covering a period from the oldest time to 60 b. c. books 1-5 and 11-20, besides other fragments, are still extant. the early portion of the work is ethnological, but the later is in the annalist style. (seyffert's dictionary of classical antiquities.) [12] either iamblichus the syrian greek romance writer, who lived in the second century a. d., or iamblichus the greek philosopher from chalcis in syria, who was a pupil of porphyrius, and the founder of the syrian school of neo-platonic philosophy, and who died about 330 a. d. the latter justified oriental superstition and had the reputation of working miracles. (seyffert's dictionary of classical antiquities.) [13] see vol. xvi, p. 117, note 135. [14] señor don antonio graiño, a bookman in madrid, spain, has an unpublished ms. history by pedro chirino, probably a copy of the one mentioned by colin. [15] see vol. xii, p. 237. [16] this should be compared with the ave maria as given by chirino (see vol. xii, p. 237). colin also gives the same in the visayan tongue, but as it differs so slightly from the version as given by chirino ("ginoon" in place of "guinoon," line 2, second word; "sancta," in place of "santa," line 5, first word; "ynahan" in place of "inahan," line 5, third word; "macasala" in place of "macasasala" line 6, fourth word; and "camatay" in place of "camatai," last line, fourth word), it is omitted here (see ut supra, p. 239). the version in the harayan tongue that is given (ut supra, p. 238) by chirino, is omitted by colin. in his text we retain also his spanish translation of the prayer. [17] cf. personal names and the ceremonies attendant on bestowing them among the bornean malays, in furness's home-life of borneo head-hunters (philadelphia, 1902), pp. 16-53; and ling roth's natives of sarawak, ii, pp. 273-277. [18] light thin stuff made of silk or thread; crape. see velázquez's new dictionary. [19] "such is the wine from nipa, called tanduay. the famous chemist (a chinese mestizo) anacleto del rosario, discovered a process by which the disagreeable taste of this brandy disappears; and it becomes equal to that of spain in color, smell, taste, and strength." (father pastells, in his edition of colin, i, p. 62, note 2.) [20] gachas: a certain food composed of flour, milk, and water, to which is added honey or sugar, and the consistency of which is midway between starch and flour paste. (dominguez's diccionario.) [21] "their most popular traditional songs are the cundimán, the comintán, the balitao, the saloma, and the talindao. some are only sung; in others, they sing and dance at the same time." (pastells, in his colin, i. p. 63, note 1.) [22] "the dance here described by the author is that which is called in filipinas moro-moro." (pastells, ut supra, p. 63, note 3.) [23] pastells (ut supra, p. 64, note 1) discusses the meaning of the word bathala; he thinks that it is ascertained "by resolving the word into its primary elements, bata and ala = 'son god, or son of god.' this is why the first missionaries did not deprive the natives of this name when they instructed them about the existence of god and the mysteries of the trinity, the incarnation, and redemption, as states an anonymous but very circumstantial relation written at manila, on april 20, 1572. this is more evident in the song which the mandayan baylanas use in their sacrifices, when they chant the miminsad, saying: [here follow the words of this song, for which consult our vol. xii, p. 270, note.] ... the mandayas believe that mansilatan is the father of batla (man being a prefix which indicates paternity, being, or dominion), and the búsao who takes possession of the baylanas when they tremble, and of the baganis when they become furious; it is a power which is derived from mansilatan.... this interpretation of the word bathala is confirmed by that word of the visayans, diuata; we always find here the same idea signified in the words diwa and uata, differing only in their transposition.... in closing, we may note that dewa in malay, déwa in javanese, sunda, makasar, and day[ak?], deva in maguindanao, and djebata in bornean, signify 'the supreme god,' or 'divinity.'" [24] the caverns were, in especial, formerly the usual sepulchres of the indians. the anthropologists have profited by this circumstance for their studies, and for furnishing the museums of their respective nations with skeletons of those natives. (pastells, ut supra, p. 66, note 1.) [25] the mahometans [moros] had their mosque, or lañgà." (pastells, ut supra, p. 66, note 3.) legazpi says (vol. iii, p. 60): "the heathens have no [religious] law at all; they have neither temples nor idols, nor do they offer any sacrifices." [26] a reference to the common little house or chirping lizard, which is often seen and heard on the walls of the houses. see census of philippines, i, p. 74. arthur stanley riggs says in a note in a forthcoming volume, the filipino drama: "the common or house lizard in the philippines has a pretty, chirping note. when one hears a lizard 'sing,' as the spaniards call the cry, it means, among the ilocanos, an important visit of some kind. if hunting at the time one hears several lizards sing, he must turn back immediately, as disaster will inevitably follow further progress. other curious and interesting superstitions obtain in like manner in other parts of the islands." [27] i.e., "over and above the dowry." [28] i.e., "property which was given to women over and above the dowry, and remained at their own disposition." [29] juan francisco combés was born at zaragoza on october 5, 1620. at the age of twelve he entered the jesuit order as a novice, at tarragona; after six years of study there, he wished to enter the philippine missions, and was therefore sent to mexico to await an opportunity for going to the islands. this did not come until 1643, when diego de bobadilla went from acapulco with forty-seven jesuit missionaries, of whom combés was one; five of these died in an epidemic, which carried away one hundred and fifteen of the people on the ship. combés completed his theological studies at manila, and was ordained in 1645, being soon afterward sent to zamboanga. he remained in mindanao twelve years, often acting as ambassador of the governors to corralat and other moro chiefs, and ministering in various places; in 1657 he returned to manila, where he spent two years, and then three years in leyte. he was then recalled (1662) to manila, and tried to induce the authorities there to maintain the forts in the moro country; but his efforts failed. in 1665 he was sent as procurator for his order to madrid and rome; but he died on the voyage, december 29 of that year. (retana and pastells's ed. of hist. de mindanao, col. vi-xix.) [30] of the caragas, blumentritt says (tribes of the philippines, mason's translation, p. 535): "in older works are so named the warlike and christian inhabitants of the localities subdued by the spaniards on the east coast of mindanao, and, indeed, after their principal city, caraga. it has been called, if not a peculiar language, a visaya dialect, while now only visaya (near manobo and mandaya) is spoken, and an especial caraga nation is no longer known." it is quite probable that the term caragas was only a local name applied by the people of this district to themselves or applied to them by the spaniards; and if they ever did exist as a separate people they have been completely absorbed by the surrounding peoples. [31] the mindanaos (properly maguindanaos, "people who come from the lake") are mentioned by pigafetta (vol. xxxiii, p. 239); they live now, as formerly, principally about the rio grande, and they gave name to the island of mindanao. they are mahometan moros and were the chief obstacle of the spaniards in mindanao, but were finally brought under control by general weyler, and their power and importance is now almost gone. their political achievements are the only ones of consequence ever made by peoples of the philippines. see census of philippine islands, i, pp. 466-467. [32] blumentritt (tribes of the philippines) identities the lutaos with the mono of the district of zamboanga, who are frequently called ilanos, and adds that the name appears to be the hispanicized form of the malay orang-laút ("men of the sea"). the description given by combes fits rather the orang-laút themselves than the ilanos, who live along the seacoast west of malabang, and are few in number. the orang-laút, called also "sea gypsies," "bajau" and "sámal-laút" ("sámal of the sea") are found throughout the malay archipelago (in the philippines along southern mindanao and throughout the sulu archipelago), and live for mouths in their small boats. their original home was johore and the islands in the strait of malacca; and they are only imperfectly mahometanized, some being quite pagans. the sámal living in towns in zamboanga and the sulu archipelago are probably descendants of the sámal-laút who have abandoned their wandering life. see census of the philippines, i, pp. 464, 475, 476, 563. [33] the subanon (spanish form "subanos"), or "men of the rivers" are an important pagan tribe of western mindanao, who are found in the mountains of zamboanga, and extending eastward slightly into cottabato, misamis, and dapitan. for a modern description that agrees essentially with that of combés, see census of the philippines, i, pp. 552-560. [34] spanish, redentor; in religious orders, the father appointed to attend to the ransoming and return of christians held captive by mahometan enemies. [35] antonio de abarca, s.j., was born in villalba in the diocese of cuenca, september 13, 1610. he entered the society march 23, 1628, went to the philippines in 1632, and took his final vows, january 21, 1649. he was a missionary in mindanao and the visayan islands, and rector of carigara and cebú. while going to rome as procurator, he died at sea (january 23, 1660), near acapulco. (combés, pastells and retana ed., col. 694.) [36] this chief is called timoly by the subanos; hari-hari by the mandayas; masali campo, by the monteses; matado, by the manobos; bagani, by the bagobos; and dato and sultán by the mahometans and moros. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 655.) [37] the so-called dapitan nation was a visayan tribe and lived in mindanao in the present comandancia of dapitán in the province of misámis. strictly speaking they can be called a distinct tribe with no greater accuracy than can the caragas. see blumentritt's tribes of the philippines (mason's translation); and pastells and retana's combés, col. 779. [38] baclayón is a village on the extreme southwest coast of bohol. loboc is a village of southern bohol, and two miles inland. (philippine gazetteer.) [39] the portuguese had discovered the moluccas before magallanes set out on his memorable voyage in 1519. see vol. xxxiv, pp. 39, 153. [40] the text which we follow reads "y quan a fauor de sus nueuas." "nueuas" may possibly be a misprint for "navios," in which case the phrase would read "how much at the mercy of their ships." [41] even yet infidels abandon a house in which the head of the family has died. father pastells says that while crossing the island of mindanao with father heras in 1878, one sálug died in the house of silungan, a freedman recently redeemed by the said missionaries. he was baptised before death by father pastells. silungan demanded from the religious the value of the house, which he proposed to abandon. the fathers, however, answered him that since the freedman had died with baptism, the house was purified. this satisfied the heathens, and they did not insist on their demand. (pastells and retana's edition of combés, note 13, col. 655.) [42] this refers to legazpi's and not magallanes's expedition. pagbuaya made friendship with the former, and gave him a pilot to guide him to the inland of panglao. in book two of combés's historia, chapter ii, is related rightly the occurrence with regard to the king of borneo, after the arrival of legazpi. combés says that the dapitans imagined that the spaniards were eating fire when they smoked, and the hard white sea-biscuits they imagined to be stones. the noise of the artillery they took to be thunder, and the sword with which each one was girt, they thought to be a tail. [43] the term "malanao" is derived from "ma," "people of" and "lanao," "lake," and has long been used to distinguish the moros living on the watershed of lake lanao. see census of the philippines, i, p. 473. [44] in 1596, fathers valerio de ledesma and manuel martinez first established the mission of the river of butuan. that same year, there not being as yet any division into bishoprics, the manila ecclesiastical cabildo (as the see was vacant), gave mindanao into the formal possession of the society of jesus, an act that was confirmed by francisco tello, as viceroyal patron. later, the question of the jurisdiction about lake malanao was argued in court between the jesuits and recollects, and was decided in favor of the former by juan niño de tabora, a sentence confirmed by corcuera september 5, 1637. (pastells and retana's combés, cols. 655, 656.) [45] the bay of panguil or pangil takes its name from a fruit, pangi (hidnocarpus polyandra--bl.), which is carried down to the coast by the rivers. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 759.) [46] the manobos are a malay head-hunting heathen tribe of northern mindanao who live in the interior about the watershed of the agusan river. "manobo" is a native word, which, in the bagobo language of the gulf of dávao, means "man." blumentritt (with whom retana agrees) says that the correct form of the name is "manuba" or "man-suba," i.e., "river-people." the term might possibly be extended to the mountain people of misamis province. see census of the philippines, i, pp. 461, 473; blumentritt's tribes of the philippines (mason's translation); and pastells and retana's combés, col. 780. [47] blumentritt (tribes of the philippines, mason's translation) says of the mananapes: "a heathen people alleged to dwell in the interior of mindanao, possibly a tribe of buquidnones or manobos." retana (pastells and retana's combés, col. 780) says that the appellation is equivalent to "manap," and is not the name of a tribe, but merely a nickname to indicate that those bearing that name are wild like beasts. [48] retana (pastells and retana's combés, col. 780), derives "sameacas" from "sumasacas," a word which he says is equivalent to the visayan "tagasaca," "people of the uplands." according to him, they are malayan moros, but montero y gay (blumentritt's tribes of philippines, mason's translation) says that they are heathen. it should be observed that retana is not always a safe guide in etymological and ethnological matters. [49] this entire sentence is, like many others of combés, of loose and vague construction. apparently what he means is, that the lutaos had, like the javanese, a polite and a vulgar tongue; and that the former more closely resembles the sanskrit (since he implies that the lutaos came from india). [50] the spaniards, mindful of their own struggles with the moors of spain (moros) called all mahometan peoples moors. [51] see vol. xxxvi, p. 174, note 33. [52] a classic allusion, occasioned by the marine life and habits of the lutaos. [53] paguian tindig is equivalent to "just king." in their literal sense, both words signify "he who causes persons and things to pass by the right path." (pastells and retana's combés, col. 727.) [54] elsewhere written limansacay; see vol. iv, pp. 241-278, the account of gabriel de ribera's expedition against the mindanaos in 1579. [55] such was the first outbreak of hostilities which caused the rebellion of the moros of joló against spain, and originated the piracy of that small archipelago, which wrought so much ruin, and caused so much bloodshed and depopulation among the visayan and tagálog islands. (pastells and retanas combés, col. 658.) [56] regarding the introduction of mahometanism in those islands, see vol. iv, pp. 150, 151, 168, 178. [57] a common name for the mangosteen (garcinia mangostana), a fruit of delicate flavor and highly prized; this tree grows in joló and mindanao. (official handbook of philippines, p. 316.) [58] becoquin: "a sort of cap made with a piece of cloth." when the joloans made a treaty with the jesuit lopez, they ratified it by an oath taken "on the becoquin or cap of tampan, one of the old-time ministers of their deceit.... when the princes of joló swear by this becoquin, using this ceremony, it is the strongest oath that they can take, and that which is most respected." (combés, hist. de mindanao, col. 478, 785.) [59] the limocon (calcophups indica) is a species of turtledove with red feet and beak. it is very beautiful, its plumage being green on a white background. see delgado's historia, p. 830. [60] there are offerings and sacrifices among the mindanao heathen. the first [pagcayog] consist in offering rice, buyo, and money before a small idol of bayog [pterospermum] wood (placed on a small altar adorned with bamboo and bonga [areca]), called diuata or manáug. this idol, which is a poorly-made image, has for eyes the red fruit of the tree called mabugaháy, and is painted with the sap of the narra. the blood sacrifices are of animals, and even of human beings. the first are called talíbong, if the animal sacrificed is a cock, and pag-balílig, if it is a hog. in either case, the priestesses (bailanes) having assembled, to the sound of the agun and guímbao, are clad according to rule; that is, with embroidered handkerchiefs on the head; magnificent red shirts, rich glass beads hanging from the neck; silver medals fastened to the breast; large gold earrings with strings of beads; a jabol or dagmay which serves them as a skirt, and is very skilfully woven and figured with crocodiles and other designs; at the girdle, in the midst of fragrant flowers and hawk's-bells, they carry the balarao or dagger with which the sacrifice of the victim is made; on the arms precious bracelets of ságai-ságai and pamóans; and on the feet hoops and hawk's-bells, which sound in cadence with the dance which legalizes such ceremonies. when the priestesses have taken their places about the altar, upon which the victim is to be sacrificed, they commence their dances to the sound of the culintangan, some of them playing on the guimbao and the agun. they walk about the altar; they tremble and belch, while singing the "miminsad," until they fall senseless to the ground like those stricken with epileptic fits. then the spectators go to them, fan them, sprinkle them with water, and the other women bear them up in their arms until they recover consciousness. then they repeat the ceremony and the chief priestess buries her balarao in the heart of the hog or slits the cock's neck. thereupon, she sucks up the blood which gushes forth from the victim, partaking thus of the sacrifice. the other bailanes do the same. during the epileptic fit, they assert that mansilatan has appeared to them and notified them of the good or ill outcome of the war, sickness, harvest, or whatever they have been investigating. then it all ends in excessive eating and drinking. the human sacrifice is called huaga, and is only practiced among the bagobos and most barbarous heathen of mindanao. the victim is offered to the mandarangan, the god of the mountain or volcano of apo; this person's value is generally apportioned among those who participate in the sacrifice, and he who pays most is the first to wound the unfortunate victim. the latter is cut into mincemeat in a moment amid the horrifying cries of his infamous executioners. thanks to the painstaking vigilance of the authorities of that district, and to the incessant care of the missionaries, so impious and criminal a ceremony is almost entirely eradicated, and is only practiced in secret, in the densest woods. in addition to the huaga, there are true cases of cannibalism among the baganis, who are wont to eat the raw entrails of those who fall before their lances, krises, and balaraos in battle. they do that as a mark of bravery. they have a proverb which says: "i am long accustomed to eat the entrails of men." (pastells and retana's combés, cols. 657, 658.) [61] referring to tuambaloca, the queen of raya bongso; bactial (misprinted bachal in the combés text) was his bastard son, who for a time ruled joló, during his father's life. [62] these patolas are mentioned by pigafetta in his relation. see vol. xxxiv, p. 59. [63] a measure of capacity equivalent to about one-half an english gallon, or two liters. [64] this last sentence is in the language of the inquisition, the original being "y aun entre barbaros puso con sambenito al vicioso, para que no tengan escusa los que se le hizieron familiares." "sambenito" (translated "penance") is the "garment worn by penitent convicts of the inquisition;" or "an inscription in churches, containing the name, punishment, and signs of the chastisement of those doing penance." [65] the dedo is a measure equivalent to one forty-eighth of the vara or spanish yard. [66] father pastells has seen the immediate effects of the execution of judgment by boiling water, and cured a young man, who had thrust his hand into boiling water, by sentence of the chiefs, in order to prove his innocence. the judgment of plunging the parties into water is also practiced, and he who remains in the water the shortest time is adjudged the criminal. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 659.) [67] these prices are mentioned in vol. xli, appendix. [68] one of the chief causes of the great depopulation of mindanao and the visayan islands was the slavery produced by the piracy of the lutaos, encouraged by the moros of borneo, célebes, gilolo, macazar, ternate, and the other moluccas, who brought the slaves in the markets to which they were conveyed. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 659.) [69] the baganis, who dress in the manner described by the author, generally count the number of their victims, by placing on the edge of the shield as many locks of hair as the assassinations that they have committed. one macusang gave father pastells his shield as a present, as a sign that he would kill no more christians; and that shield held one hundred and eight locks of hair. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 659.) [70] now called bido. they dress like women; and some think them hermaphrodites. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 659.) henry ling roth, in his natives of sarawak and british north borneo (london, 1896), i, pp. 270, 271, describes these men in women's attire as found in borneo, where they are called manang bali. before such assume women's dress they are unsexed; and thenceforth they endevour to imitate as nearly as possible the women in everything, he who can best do so being regarded as the most successful. their services are in great demand and they generally grow wealthy, when in order the better to act their assumed character as women, the manang bali takes a husband. the latter is despised by the women and disliked by the men of the tribe, and is completely under his so-called "wife's" domination. men are not brought up in this office as a profession, but one becomes a manang bali from pure choice, or by sudden inclination, at a mature age. he is always a person of great consequence in the village, and may become the chief. he has many cares, and acts often as a peacemaker, in which he excels, all little differences being brought to him. his wealth is often at the service of his followers, and he is ready to help in times of trouble and distress. when the manang bali marries, he generally adopts some children; and if he has had children before he becomes a manang bali, he must give them their portions and start in that career unencumbered. cf. the "berdashes" among the north american indians; see jesuit relations (cleveland reissue), lix, pp. 309, 310. [71] retana (pastells and retana's combés, col. 786) derives "labia" from "labi" and "a" "he who advantages the others." "tuto" is said by retana (ut supra, col. 790) to be equivalent to "tuud-tuud" meaning "in real truth." [72] either the eleventh or twelfth of november. the first date is the day of st. martin, the blessed confessor; and the second that of st. martin, pope and martyr, who was martyred in 655. [73] the island of pañgutarang, of the sulu group. it is about 11 × 9 miles in extent, and is low, but is densely inhabited and has considerable trade with joló. it has some settlements of the sámals, the descendants of the sámal laút or "sea gypsies." see u. s. philippine gazetteer, and census of the philippine islands, i, p. 464. [74] at present, when anyone dies, those of his house break out into uncontrollable lamentations, and the father or husband becomes so beside himself at times that, seizing his bolo, he slashes right and left whatever he finds, destroying his clothes, furniture, utensils, and even the very floor of the house; and it is necessary to lay hold of him in order to avoid a worse ending to such uncontrolled actions. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 660.) [75] socsocan (sofocan, sogsocan) was a basilan by birth and one of the most esteemed of corralat's chiefs. he became friendly to the spaniards and served them well as commander of the lutaos. his name is said to signify "he who penetrates the fortresses or the ranks of the enemy." (pastells and retana's combés, col. 735.) [76] captain gaspar de morales was made admiral of the squadron in joló. he fought bravely in la sabanilla and in joló, where he was severely wounded. he became commandant of the stronghold and afterward was governor of the joloan fort. as governor he was an utter failure; for by his avarice and licentiousness he occasioned the insurrection of salibansa (whose daughter he had seized), and the loss of the sulu archipelago for more than two centuries. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 723.) [77] among woods of extraordinary hardness is the magconó (xanthostemon verdugonianus naves). this wood is so hard that if a nail be driven into its heart and it be afterward sawn apart, one does not observe where the saw strikes the nail, and it said that both substances are of equal hardness. father pastells asserts that he has seen bits of this wood that have been converted into real flint after only twenty-five years. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 660.) [78] of these people, properly called guimbajanos (guinbajanos, guimbanos, guimbas, and quimpanos), blumentritt (tribes of the philippines, mason's translation) says: "the historians of the seventeenth century, under this title, designated a wild, heathen people, apparently of malay origin, living in the interior of sulu island. their name is derived from their war drum (guimba). later writers are silent concerning them. in modern times the first mention of them is by p. a. de pazos and by a manila journal, from which accounts they are still at least in caroden and in the valley of the loo; it appears that a considerable portion of them, if not the entire people, have received islam." retana (pastells and retana's combés, col. 779) derives the name of these people from guimba, "a mountain." they are not mentioned under this name by the census of the philippines. [79] pedro de almonte vérastegui, of sevilla, was a brave soldier, who served as general and sargento-mayor, and admiral of an expedition against maluco. he was especially distinguished for his honesty and uprightness. in sibuguey he attained equal merit with corcuera, and in 1638 conquered joló. diego fajardo assigned him the encomienda of lorenzo cañete, left vacant (july 1, 1645), by the death of the latter's son. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 695.) almonte vérastegui has often been mentioned in this series. [80] the chinese, during the spanish régime of the philippines, were allowed to smoke opium under certain rules; but its use was prohibited to the natives, although it was at times used secretly. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 781.) [81] the former officer of the crown of aragon, who was assigned to duty immediate to the king's person. he enjoyed several privileges, one of them being to hold the royal sword naked in public ceremonies. (dominguez, diccionario nacional.) [82] the arms of the natives of mindanao, like their clothes, are manufactured by themselves. the spears and campilans are said to be finely tempered. they themselves adjust the dies for their pataquias. the sheaths, like the hafts of their krises, are of gold richly engraved. the haft of the kris used by dato ayuman of tabiran was of solid gold, and was engraved with sentences from the koran in arabic characters. the usual weapons are: campilans, krises (straight and wavy), machetes, bolos, ligdaos, súndanes, various kinds of spears, balaraos, and badis. they use coats-of-mail made of brass, tortoise-shell, malibago [-bark], or very thick cloth, or long sashes wound about the breast. spears and arrows are generally poisoned with the resin of the tree called quemandag or the poison of red ants or scorpions; and the points of their daggers and balaraos are also poisoned. they also use darts made of steel, iron, bone, palm-wood and bamboo. for defense they construct traps, dig pits, and set bamboo points. they use also various kinds of lantacas and other kinds of firearms, with which the chinese supply them, or which they manufacture themselves. these were considered contraband of war during the spanish régime. (pastells and retana's combés, col. 782.) [83] juan josé delgado was a native of cadiz; the time of his birth is not known. in 1711 he left spain for filipinas, and perhaps remained for some time in mexico: it is probable that he reached filipinas as early as 1717. he seems to have spent most of his life in the visayan islands--sámar, cebú, leyte, etc.--but to have visited most of the peoples in the archipelago at some time or other. his historia was written during the years 1751-54; the date of his death is not known. see sketch of his life in the historia (manila, 1892), pp. x-xi. [84] mas used the ms. of the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, which is wrongly dated. see post, pp. 278-280. of the letter itself he says (i, "poblacion" p. 63): "these paragraphs and other ancient documents will show us ... how little the individuals who now occupy us have changed since that time." [85] for instance, mas says (p. 63): "here follows what the author of the celebrated work on the philippines, called cronicas franciscanas [referring to san antonio's chronicas] says: 'the very reverend father, fray gaspar de san agustin, an augustinian from madrid,'" etc. bowring makes this: "among the most celebrated books on the philippines are the 'cronicas franciscanas' by fr. gaspar de san agustin, an augustine monk of madrid;" and following gives the impression that he makes the selections directly from san agustin--a ridiculous error. in regard to the word "monk" used by bowring, that author is again in error, technically at least, an error that is quite often met with in many works. as pointed out by rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a., in a letter dated december 8, 1902, the only regulars in the philippines who could rightfully be styled "monks" were the benedictines. the members of the other orders are "friars," the equivalent of the spanish "frailes." the monks are strictly cloistered. the friars appeared first in the thirteenth century, and do not live a strictly cloistered life. [86] m. reads on the outside wrapper: "letter by fray gaspar de san agustin;" and the heading of the letter is as follows: "+ letter written by an aged religious of philipinas to a friend in españa, who asked him as to the nature and characteristics of the indian natives of these islands." d. reads: "letter written by the very reverend father fray ... giving him an account ..." [87] m. and d. read "mathematical side;" and continuing d. reads "of the double of the cube of the sphere." [88] i.e., "i was with this generation for about forty years, and i said 'these people always err from the heart.'" m. omits the latin phrase and reads in its place "and i have only learned that they are almost incomprehensible." d. reads as m. and then adds "and therefore i shall only say," followed by the latin phrase. [89] i.e., "he himself knew our formation." the last word of the latin phrase is omitted in m. [90] d. reads "excuse myself from the burden and difficulty." [91] i.e., "it is difficult to know man--a changeable and variable animal." m. gives only the first four words of this latin phrase. [92] i.e., "i see men as trees walking." [93] not set off into lines in the ayer ms. a literal translation of the citation, which is rather freely translated in the text, is: "spring makes me green; burning summer, yellow; autumn, white; and chill winter, bald." m. omits all the quotation after the first three words; d. reads "glaucumque" instead of "flavamque." the poet mentioned by san agustin was a welshman by the name of john owen, or, according to his latin name, joannis audoenus. he was born about 1560, at armon, wales, and died in london, in 1622. he studied law at oxford, and afterward became a teacher at various places. he imitated the epigrams of martial, and his epigrammata were published first in three books at london, in 1606, but were later augmented by seven more books. they were reprinted many times in various countries and even translated into other languages--among the latter, into english, french, and spanish (madrid, 1674-82). one of the best editions is that printed at paris in 1774. [94] d. omits this last phrase. [95] m. omits the epigram. it is the forty-seventh epigram of the twelfth book, and is translated thus in henry g. bohn's epigrams of martial (london, 1877): "you are at once morose and agreeable, pleasing and repulsive. i can neither live with you nor without you." it has been several times translated into english verse. [96] i.e., "as many opinions as persons." [97] from the greek words monos, "one," "single," and pas, "all;" thus meaning, "homogeneous." [98] the monophysites held that there was but one nature in christ. they were condemned at the fourth general council held at chalcedon in 451, but the decision of that council was a few years later set aside by an imperial encyclical issued by the emperor basilicus. during the next century the monophysites split up into many sects, and fought among themselves. the monophysites still exist in armenia, egypt, syria, and mesopotamia; and are represented by the armenian national church, the jacobite christians of syria and mesopotamia, the coptic church, and the abyssinian church. the schismatic christians of st. thomas are now connected with the jacobites. see addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, pp. 597, 598. [99] m. greatly abridges this paragraph, among other things omitting all mention of the monophysites. d. also omits the latter. [100] at this point m. adds "who are the true indians, so named from the river indus or from indostan, for our indians are so by catachresis or misusage." [101] the title of the franciscan juan de torquemada's book, is as follows: ia (-iiia) parte de los veynte y un libros rituales y monarchia indiana con el origen y guerras de los indios occidentales de sus poblaçones, descubrimiento, conquista, conversion y otras cosas maravillosas de la misma tierra (sevilla, 1615; in three parts). [102] the title of antonio de ramesal's book is historia general de las indias ocidentales, y particular, de la governacion de chiapa, y guatemala. escrivese juntamente los principios de nuestro glorioso padre santo domingo, y de las demas religiones (madrid, 1620). remesal was born in allariz in galicia, and took the dominican habit in salamanca, where he also became doctor of theology. he was sent to central america in 1613, and on his return wrote his book. see moreri's dictionaire, vii, p. 68; and hoefer's nouvelle biographie générale, xli, col. 956. [103] see vol. viii, p. 38, note 1. [104] bartolome (not bernardino) de las casas, the great apostle of the indians. he first went to the new world in 1502 as a planter, became a dominican religious in 1510, and in 1514 began to preach against the cruelty inflicted on the indians by the spaniards, for the purpose of alleviating their misfortunes, making numerous trips to spain. he finally obtained from cárlos i the "new laws," which were so rigorous that an attempt to enforce them resulted in an insurrection in peru under gonzalo pizarro, for an account of which see pedro gutiérrez de santa clara's historia de las guerras civiles del peru, 1544-1548 (madrid, 1904-05). he finally returned to spain for the last time, and died after a few years in the dominican convent of valladolid. his writings are many, and important. the reference in the text may be to his brevissima relacion de la destruycion de las indias (sevilla, 1552); or to his historia general de las indias, which existed only in ms., until 1875. [105] see vol. xxix, p. 189, note 42. san agustin probably refers to his virtudes del indio (1650?). palafox left many writings, a number of which are of a controversial nature. [106] in d., "taught." [107] in d., "collect." [108] m. and d. call these last two peoples the "mogores" and the "camarines." [109] baltasar gracian was born in calatayud, aragon, in 1601, and entered the society of jesus in 1619. he taught belles-lettres, philosophy, moral theology, and the holy scriptures, and preached for several years. he was rector of the college at taragona, catalonia, where he died december 6, 1658. his first book, el heroë, appeared in 1630. the most famous of his numerous works was his criticon, which is probably the book referred to in the text. it is a sort of satire on the vices and customs of the times; and in places reminds one of pilgrim's progress. it was published in three parts, the first in 1650 at madrid, and the other two at huesca, in 1653. most of his works were published under his brother lorenzo's name. his talent in writing is vitiated by his affectation and other faults. see ticknor's history of spanish literature (new york, 1854); sommervogel's bibliothèque; moreri's dictionaire, iv, p. 174; and hoefer's nouvelle biographie générale, xxi, cols. 570, 571. [110] m. and d. add "for most of the defects and vices of these indians are common, on account of the," and continue as above. [111] this passage is badly confused in the three copies. the transcriber of m. has wrongly made the viviendo acephalos of the ayer copy, bebiendo à sed [i.e., drinking when thirsty?] which hardly makes sense. that ms. continues, "and in confused anarchy," which is better than the ayer reading. d. reads "who besides having been living as the greatest barbarians, leaderless, and in confused anarchy." [112] both m. and d. omit the passage referring to the influence and dominion of the moon. m. gives the names as "beyerlinhe," and d. as "bayarlinch." laurentius beyerlinck was a noted flemish savant and litterateur. he was born at antwerp in 1578, and, after studying in that city with the jesuits, went to louvain, where he enjoyed a benefice until 1605. in that year he was recalled to antwerp to become head of the seminary, and soon afterward obtained a canonry and then an archdeaconry there. his death occurred in antwerp june 22, 1627, at the age of forty-nine. notwithstanding his short life and his religious labors, he wrote a surprising amount. an edition of his magnum theatrum vitæ humanæ appeared in london, in eight volumes, in 1678. see moreri's dictionaire. [113] "when they grow delirious in their sickness, they are never frantic, but calm." (mas, p. 64.) [114] m. and d. add here "slow." [115] in the ayer ms. "serithnophagos." d. makes it "ictiófagos," which reading we have adopted; and m. omits the phrase. [116] the abundance of fish is one of the means by which nature aids their necessities. in the rainy season, all the creeks and ravines are full of water and fish. the very rice fields swarm with eels, shrimps, and a species of fish called dalag, which is about two palmos long and more than two inches thick. it is especially interesting for an european to see a crowd of people in the month of october on the high-road, busily fishing in the sowed fields. as the rice is now grown, it is impossible to see the water that bathes and wets its roots, and consequently, when the hooks are drawn out with fish two palmos long on them, it appears to be enchantment, or the inconsequential things of a dream. as the water dries up, the fish, still living, gather down in toward the hollows where there is yet some water; and they are there caught with the hand, or killed with clubs. "the indians have three meals [per day]: breakfast, dinner, and supper. these three meals consist of rice boiled in water but dry like the rice cooked in the valencian style, or like the turkish pilao. in addition they eat a trifle of fresh or salt fish, some sort of meat stew, camotes, etc.; but rarely do they have more than two different dishes, unless it is the occasion of a banquet. in the dearest provinces, the [expense of] common food cannot be estimated at more than one-half real of silver per day per adult; and since the daily wage that they earn is at least one-half real and their food, it results that this race have great opportunity to save and acquire considerable wealth. but their vices, their few necessities, and their disposition, which is indifferent and lacking in foresight, does not allow them to better the condition of their birth; and they remain in the wake of the mestizos, who are always the wealthy people of the villages." (mas, pp. 64, 65.) [117] mas says (p. 65): "it is not easy for anyone to explain them, so long as he tries to consider these men equal to the europeans." [118] this sentence is omitted in m. and d. [119] all the matter above between the word "father" and this point is lacking in m. [120] the solidus was a coin of the roman empire, which was at first called "aureus," and worth about twenty-five denarii, but afterward reduced to about one-half that value. it is used in the same manner as "farthing" or "cent" would be in english. [121] these passages are translated as follows in the douay version of the bible: 4. many have looked upon a thing lent as a thing found, and have given trouble to them that helped them. 5. till they receive, they kiss the hands of the lender, and in promise they humble their voice. 6. but when they should repay, they will ask time, and will return tedious and murmuring words, and will complain of the time: 7. and if he be able to pay, he will stand off, he will scarce pay one-half, and will count it as if he had found it: 8. but if not, he will defraud him of his money, and he shall get him for an enemy without cause: 9. and he will pay him with reproaches and curses, and instead of honour and good turn will repay him injuries. [122] i.e., "scarce does he return the half." [123] in the douay version: "the sinner shall borrow and not pay again;" being only one-half the verse. m. omits the reference, but gives the passage. [124] delgado (historia, p. 306) commenting on this passage says: "i find noted many actions of the indian boys who serve in the houses and convents; and all are ridiculous things which we ourselves did in our own country when we were boys like them." he objects to san agustin's quotation from scripture on the ground that it is too general, and that those words were not written merely for them. "if twenty cases have been experienced where the indian borrower has failed to return what he borrowed, it cannot be said that the entire tagálog nation are sinners, let alone other nations, which may not have been seen. such a supposition is illogical." [125] the paragraph structure of m. and d. differs from our text in the above two paragraphs, and in other places throughout this letter; and the paragraphs are also unnumbered in both of these versions. the copy owned by eduardo navarro, o.s.a., valladolid, agrees with the ayer ms. in having numbered paragraphs, but the numbering is not in all cases the same. [126] at this point the following paragraphs which are not contained in either the ayer ms. or in d. occur. "they think that it is a fine thing to meddle and take part in things where they are not invited. consequently, if any of ours wishes to attend to any bodily necessity, not fit to mention, even when he least wishes it, there comes an indian before or behind him even though he leave the banca and seek the most retired spot to do what no other can do for him. "they cruelly treat the animals that serve them, and the danger of losing them does not move them to the contrary. thus following the very opposite of st. paul's command: non alligavis vos bobi trituranti [i.e., "thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,"--i tim. v, 18, a quotation from deut. xxv, 4], they tie the poor cow or carabao to a post after it has worked all day; and, if it is a horse, they feed it without removing bit or bridle. and if they have to look after their carabao it must be on condition of their being atop of it while it moves from place to place; and on the road they make sores on its buttocks." that the indian does not shut a door that he has opened, etc.; delgado says (p. 306): "this is done by boys, and is common in our own country. it is not because of laziness, but perchance, for lack of attention, or the liveliness or mischievousness of boys, in which the aged and prudent indians cannot be included." he has often seen the carpenters carefully collect their tools and take them away, so that they should not be lost. san agustin's criticism is too general and has proceeded from what he has experienced in a few foolish lads. [127] "this," says delgado (p. 307) "is peculiar only to some workmen, and not to all the nations of these islands, and the same thing happens also in our own country among cobblers, tailors, and other deceitful and tricky workmen." mas comments as follows (pp. 66, 67): "there is no tailor, cobbler, or workman of any kind, who does not begin by begging money when any work is ordered. if he is a carpenter, he needs the money in order to buy lumber; if a laundryman, to buy soap. this is not for lack of confidence in receiving their pay, for the same thing happens with those who have the best credit, with the cura of the village, and even with the captain-general himself. it consists, firstly, in the fact that the majority have no money, because of their dissipation; and secondly, because they are sure that after they have received a part of their price, their customer will not go to another house, and that he will wait for the workman as long as he wishes (which is usually as long as what he has collected lasts), and that then the customer will have to take the work in the way in which it is delivered to him." [128] m. reads, "in the region of the genitals;" and d., "ears." [129] delgado says of this: "let us give thanks to god that our parents reared us in civilized ways; for if they had not, we would do the same. but how many blows and lashes we had to take to become so! and indeed it must be noted that it is not so much because of rudeness that the indian scratches himself, or does other things somewhat more indecent and coarse, as has happened to me at times when with them; but because of a sort of fear or respect, that so confuses them that they do not know at times what they are doing, or even what they are saying." the criticism, like others of san agustin, is too sweeping. delgado has not noticed this among the visayans, although he has noted it among the tagálogs. because some women are coarse, coarseness cannot be charged in general upon all the women of the islands. [130] d. reads "and as yet they have not gotten over the difficulty of folding a cloak with the right side in." [131] m. and d. read "make gestures of wonder." [132] "i have observed that they are very stupid in making anything when one tries to give them instructions, but not when one allows them to work in their own manner. for example, one desires to have the cork which has slipped down into a bottle drawn. the best thing to say then, is 'see here, get this cork out without breaking the bottle. take care!' thereupon the indian goes and fixes it as well as he can. once i asked an old woman for some fire to light my cigar. there were many live coals on the ground remaining from a fire. she took a handful of earth in her palm, and atop of that placed a coal which she presented to me. in this way they do things that at times show sufficient ingenuity and skill, especially with bamboo and rattan. general alava declared that their brains were in their hands." (mas, pp. 67, 68.) [133] these last six words are lacking in m. this refers to the well-known myth of orpheus and eurydice. by auresteo, san agustin means aristæus, probably an early greek poet, but deified as a beneficent god and worshiped in various parts of greece and other places. he was said to be the son of apollo and the thessalian nymph cyrene, and was reared by hermes, who made him immortal; although he is also sometimes called the son of urana and gæa. his connection with the orpheus myth was probably an innovation of virgil (georgics, iv, ll. 315-558) who tells how he caused the death of eurydice, who was killed by a serpent while fleeing from his persecutions. see smith's dictionary of greek and roman biography and mythology, and seyffert's dictionary of classical antiquities (london, 1891). "it is still the custom in many of the churches for the men to take their positions in the center toward the upper part, and the women in the lower half." (mas, p. 68.) [134] the last two words are missing in m. and d. curiosity, says delgado (p. 307) and impertinence is a characteristic of all the peoples of asia. "they have asked me often as to my employment or occupation, my manner of living, and the amount of my pay. this proceeds from the tolerance and benevolence that they generally find in the spaniards." (mas, p. 68.) [135] this argues only their wildness and lack of civilization, says delgado (pp. 307, 308), and they ought to be taught civilized manners by their masters, or at least by the missionaries. the spanish houses generally have porters, so that the indians cannot penetrate into the most retired apartment. it may happen at times in manila, or in some of the missions; but it is not the custom in the visayas, or in the province of tagálos. delgado has never had such a thing happen to him, for the indians have always announced their arrival before entering. [136] "this proves the severity with which they are treated by their own people, and the kindness that they experience in us." (mas, p. 68.) [137] "thank god," says delgado (p. 308) "that i find the prognosis above that says 'they are great sleepers' absolutely false." [138] this sentence is lacking in m. and d. [139] in d., "where the women go." "they do this because they are humored like children in the convents." (mas, p. 69.) [140] m. and d. omit "and perukes." [141] literally, "the flower of the saints," perhaps alluding to some book of lives of saints, thus entitled. m. has "the isles of the saints." [142] m. and d. omit the last three words. [143] "nearly all the villages have theaters for cock-fighting. before fighting, some very sharp knives are fastened to the spurs so that one or the other is killed at the first meeting. on this account the cockfight does not offer the interest or sport that it does in españa and other places, and it occupies the attention of these people solely as a means of winning or losing money. in reality, a cockpit is a house of play. before the two fowls are placed in attitude of fight, the bets are placed on two spindles. one of them generally offers a great sum in favor of the black cock, while others bet on the white one, until the sum is matched. the leading cocks are loosed and one of them is killed in less than two minutes. this is in fact a 'monte,' as is playing the races or betting on the jack [at cards]. the filipinos, by nature idlers and greedy, are passionately fond of play, for they consider it an excellent and unique way of getting money without working; and they gather like flies to these pernicious places, in order to spend what they have and what they can succeed in borrowing or robbing, abandoning their most sacred and peremptory obligations. furthermore, they pass many hours, both in their houses and in the cockpit, teaching a cock how to fight and to have no fear of the people; and examining the other cocks, in order to ascertain by certain rules and marks which will triumph and which will succumb. there is nothing more commonly seen even in the very streets of manila itself, than a man squatted down on his heels with one of these fowls, in order that it might become accustomed to the noise, so that it might not grow confused or become frightened in the pit. there are men who take heed of nothing else or have other thought during the day than of their cocks. "the government authorizes these wretched gatherings, not only on sundays, but also on thursdays or fair-days, which are not few, and has rented out the right of opening these theaters. last year this department produced about 40,000 pesos fuertes. a sad recourse which must have occasioned and will occasion so many tears, crimes, and punishments, since so much vagabondage is thereby caused. there are often serious quarrels, which two judges of the theater end by deciding according to the laws. when any one of the contestants does not conform to the sentence, he has recourse to the alcalde, who takes the evidences in regard to the matter; and these quarrels generally go on appeal to the superintendency and to the upper litigious assembly. these causes are judged according to existing instructions, which were written in america. "the indians are also very fond of cards. they play brisca, burro (which is distinct from that of españa), and panguingui, which is a game played very commonly by the chinese. in this occupation they often pass all the night until dawn; and the cabezas de barangay lose the tributes of their subjects, and they have to go immediately to jail, or take to the mountain. "they generally play duplo at their parties--a game consisting in arithmetical combinations--and also our game of forfeits." (mas, pp. 69-71.) [144] delgado (p. 308) admits that the youthful servants do break dishes, but they are cheap. "there are indians in manila who make and repair watches and other delicate baubles, and do not break them. consequently, not only can they handle bamboo, rattan, nipa, and bolos, but also other things; and they make and handle them lovingly." "this is because they are generally heedless, sometimes through stupidity, and at other times because they are thinking of their sweetheart, or of something else, instead of what they are doing. when the filipino drops a dish, the spaniard says nothing, or is satisfied by calling him only a brute, animal, or savage; while in his own home, he would not escape without some buffets, which have more effect on this race than would the philippics of cicero." (mas, p. 71.) [145] "the father must have said this of the country people, or of those who are servants; for among those who devote themselves to the arts there are some who turn out work very delicate and difficult to execute, even in europa--as, for instance, the textiles and embroidery of piña, and the gold chains or bejuquillos, etc." (mas, pp. 71, 72.) [146] d. adds "or [rather] not eating." this incident is related in the second part of don quixote, chapter xlvii. [147] this sentence is omitted in m. the following is there a question, "and what shall we say if they bring four eggs?" [148] a dominican and the assistant of archbishop pardo, who became acting archbishop after the death of the latter. see ferrando's historia de los pp. dominicos, vi, p. cxlvii; and our vol. xxxix, "the pardo controversy." [149] don fernando valenzuela, a grandee of spain, marquis of san bartolomé de los pinales and of villasierra, chief master of the horse, gentleman of the chamber, etc., the favorite of the mother of carlos ii of spain, mariana of austria (with whom his connection was said to be dishonorable), was, as a youth, page to the duke of infantado. he went to rome with the duke, who was appointed ambassador to the papal court. on his return he gained the favor of the queen's confessor the german jesuit nitard, who introduced him into court circles. his rise to favor was rapid, for he was talented and handsome. after the downfall of nitard, he gained entire ascendancy over the weak queen, who showered honors upon him. finally he was exiled to the philippines (1670), through the efforts of don juan of austria, uncle of the king, and was imprisoned in the fort of cavite where he landed march 29, 1679. on the death of don juan, the first act of the queen was to have valenzuela freed from his exile, and a special ship was sent to the philippines to take him to spain. it is reported, however, that he died in mexico, while on his way to spain, from the kick of a horse. he built the bridge over the manzanares at toledo, at the cost of one million ducats. see harrison's history of spain (boston, 1881); montero y vidal, i, p. 364; and concepción, hist. de philipinas, vii, pp. 349-364. a document in ventura del arco's ms. collection (vol. iii)--which is a compilation from original documents in the real academia de la historia, madrid--gives an account of the reception accorded to valenzuela on his arrival at the philippines, and some details of his life there. [150] m. reads "rice in the husk." [151] m. and d. add "pesos." [152] delgado says (p. 308): "if they had as much understanding as the reverend father, they would not do it." the cases cited prove nothing general, since they are only particular cases. "but it must be borne in mind that all the indians of these islands are very poor, and dress very poorly and live meanly; and when they see that the spaniards, and especially these bishops and marquises, bear themselves with so great ostentation, and are so free and magnanimous and liberal, as their nobility demands, some indians of little capacity are emboldened to beg from them things that they ought not; for they think that such men will never remain poor even though they give much." we beg god often for things out of season. "this is because they know beforehand that they ask nonsense, and assume that their demand will not be granted, but they only are trying to see whether it might be met by any chance; for they are accustomed to the extreme goodness of the spaniards, and do not fear making them angry by an absurd demand." (mas, pp. 72, 73.) [153] m. and d. read: "although the sangleys cheat them, as if they were simpletons, and they are satisfied to be cheated by them." delgado says (p. 309): "this i absolutely deny, for i have more than once seen that after the indians have traversed the whole parian of the sangleys to sell their goods, if they are not offered more than four they immediately carry their goods to the spaniards or to the fathers, in order to get eight for them; and this must be tongod sa calooy, that is, for charity, which the spaniard and the father always practice with them." "this is a fact, but it needs explanation. the filipino is by nature phlegmatic, and especially when it is a question of buying or selling anything; for he exerts himself to get the largest profit possible, and the calculation of that costs him much trouble. a countryman comes, for instance, to sell two or three quintals of indigo to a merchant. thereupon, he does not come alone, but is accompanied by relatives and friends, and sometimes women. very often the indigo belongs to four or five owners, who all come in the wake of the seller. each proposition must be communicated to the society that is squatted there in a circle on their heels. the matter is discussed at length, and then it is decided to lower the price one peso per quintal. the buyer claims that the price should be three pesos. finally this point is settled. then another discussion begins, namely, that the indigo is damp, and that some pounds must be allowed for waste. in short the transaction is so tiresome and so eternal, that there are very few spaniards who have the patience to endure so much impertinence and importunity; and they generally end by saying dryly, 'will you or will you not give it?' and then they order them angrily into the street. the chinese and mestizos do not hurry them, but on the contrary invite them to eat, and keep them in their houses for three or four hours, and sometimes days. finally they get the goods for what they wish to give, and more often cheat them like chinese. for the filipino is very stupid even in matters of self-interest. once i was with a spaniard who was buying indigo. after the trading had cost him more patience than job must have had, the indigo was weighed before him, the account was reckoned, the money made ready and placed on the table in piles of 20 pesos, while there was one of 7, which was placed separately, and another of reals and copper coins. the man who had been most attentive to everything took the piles of 20's and left the pile of 7. we called him back to tell him to take that money which he had left. thereupon he took the seven pesos, and it was necessary to call him back the third time to tell him that all the money on the table belonged to him. he himself had determined that the price should be 52 or 53 per quintal, and then he took what was given him. the majority are the same. then it is learned that a chinese has bought for 20 the same quantity of indigo for which a spaniard offered 25. it is said that a filipino would rather receive one real from a chinese than one peso from a spaniard, as we have just seen was written by father gaspar." (mas, pp. 73, 74.) [154] "and tell me, your paternity," says delgado (p. 309), "who is not given to this vice in this land?"--an interesting commentary on social conditions. [155] commenting on this, delgado (p. 309) says: "who are the ones who cut the timber, and build the ships, galleys, and galliots, as says father murillo, and work in the ships in the port? then they do this stretched out in their houses, as says our father master? it is true that they are always poor, but the true cause of that is different. let them not admit into manila so many heathen chinese, who possess in themselves all the trades and employments, by which one may seek his livelihood. the indians would apply themselves to these trades, and would not lie stretched out in their houses, for the sangleys do not allow them to engage in these or to seek their livelihood." mas says (pp. 75-77): "i have never read a single manuscript or printed book about the filipinos that does not speak of their laziness. "i, accustomed to hear the term 'lazy' given to spaniards, and to other men who have been or are idle--rather through the influence of bad laws or because of the lack of laws, than because of the impulses of their physical organization--was ready to believe that the filipinos would be found to exhibit the same characteristic in regard to this--especially when i remembered the system of delivering the provinces to trading governors and monopolists and the prohibition for so many years of trading with foreign ports, which still exists, with the exception of the city of manila. but in spite of the fact that these things powerfully influence the obstruction of the founts of wealth and choke incentives to work, i have seen things that have made me change my opinion. for instance, i have desired to send people to get grass for my horses; and, in spite of the facts that it was very abundant and near, and there was not the slightest doubt about the pay, i have been unable to get anyone to go for it. on arriving at a village, i have endeavored to get a guide to accompany me to the next village; and, in spite of the facts that the distance was not more than one hour and the road excellent, i have found it difficult to obtain him. and even i have obtained it by means of the justice, as [a carrier of] baggage; although one pays for this service, according to the schedule, one silver real, with which a filipino has enough to live on for at least two days. a few weeks before my departure from filipinas i was at an estate belonging to religious, where there are various individuals who enjoy an annual salary sufficient to support themselves, on condition that they guard the estate against robbers, and that they work whenever necessary, in which case their day's wage is paid them. the question was raised of transferring the rice in the husk from one granary to another, distant about 20 paces, and they were not to work more than the hours usual in that country, which are very few, for which they were to be given one silver real daily, besides their food. all this was in addition to their annual pay. it is to be noted that the season was the dryest and coolest of the whole year, namely, the month of january, and a filipino's support cost then about five cuartos per diem. however, by no means would they consent to work consecutively all the days, for they said that when night came they were exhausted, and needed rest on the following day. had i not been present there i would not have believed it. i have been in many filipino huts where i saw many men and women pass the day without doing anything, while everything was indicative of their poverty. i have examined the condition of the fields, and i have discovered that any man may become wealthy, and yet all live in wretchedness. i have been much surprised to hear that they must be ordered by edict to sow the fields, so that the propitious season may not pass by; and that those who allow their houses to burn are punished. especially have i noted that the chinese mestizos, who are partly of the same blood as the most diligent chinese immigrants, are always comfortable, and some of them have accumulated considerable wealth. this might all be in the hands of the filipinos, who are the most ancient inhabitants, have enjoyed and enjoy greater protection, and have been owners of all the estates that are now possessed by the mestizos, which the latter have bought by the fruits of their industry and their economy. it is to be noted that all the chinese who come to filipinas are very poor, and come from a colder country. gentil says that the filipinos have acquired their laziness from the spaniards; but if they have learned indolence from the spaniards, why did not the mestizos learn it also, who are on the contrary so active and industrious? why have they not learned to be diligent from the mestizos, since they have a more continual and intimate intercourse with them than with the spaniards? i conclude by saying that after examining and weighing everything thoroughly, i am of the opinion that there exists in the nature of the filipino, quite independent of any accessory and modifying cause, an element of quiet and inertia that is but slightly neutralized by the ambition of acquiring consideration and wealth." [156] delgado (pp. 309-310) says: "this happens perhaps among the boys who serve in the convents in tagalos and in no other missions; and i have also seen them awakened in another manner. and although this seems a matter for laughter among us spaniards, it is not so for them. for they do it in order not to make the other impatient by waking him suddenly, and it serves among them as a kind of prudence and respect. the game thing happens when they call at the door of any house. but generally they enter without the formulas of etiquette." "this is a hard fact and has been called to my attention often. for in any other matter whatsoever, it is well understood that ignorance makes an unpolished man appear quite distinct from a civilized man. but when it comes to waking one who is sleeping, i cannot conceive that wisdom, or even a knowledge of reading, can have the least influence. but i believe that i have discovered the origin of this peculiarity. the remontados filipinos of abra have the greatest respect for a sleeping man. their deepest curse is 'may i die when asleep.' their oath, when they come to the province of ilocos for the election of gobernadorcillos, for causes, etc., is 'may i die when asleep,' 'may a bolt of lightning strike me,' etc. this same fear of dying when asleep exists also in other tribes and in the provinces of ilocos, and must have been formerly a general idea, since, as we have already observed, the origin of our christianized indians and those at present remontados and called infidels was the same. whether this fear arose from some disease in which the people slept and did not awaken, or whether only from the similitude of sleep to death, it is difficult to ascertain. however, it is always surprising that, since no one now dies or becomes sick because his rest is interrupted, the indians still constantly preserve this so stupid dread; so that even after a master has ordered his servant to awaken him, the latter has great difficulty in doing it in a quick and positive manner, although he knows that, if he do not execute it, it will put his master out greatly. that shows at least the most powerful influence of habit on the minds of these men. somewhat similar to this is our custom of saying 'jesus,' when anyone sneezes--a custom which i have heard expressed by 'god bless you,' 'á vous souhaits,' 'salute,' etc., among all the peoples of europa.... this custom generally allows the man who receives an accident to die without aid, because of not awaking the physician or cura." (mas, pp. 77, 78.) [157] this is because the indians do not appreciate the danger, says delgado (p. 310). this happens often on narrow roads, and not to indians, but to spaniards or mulattoes, and neither will yield to the other, whereupon quarrels ensue. but the lesser always yields to the greater. it has happened once or twice to delgado. "this is a fact, and a proof of their indifference and stolidity." (mas, p. 78.) [158] the lengua franca is the trade-jargon of the orient. the original of the passage above is as follows: "deó grande nopillar fantacia; mondo cosi cosi; si estar escrito in testa andar andar; sino acá morir." m. reads "an andar andar," and has other slight differences. d. reads "ha (de) andar" and has also other slight differences. the full name of the author above mentioned is gabriel gomez de losada, and his book is escuela de trabaios, in quatro libros dividida: primero, del cautiverio mas cruel.... segundo, noticias y govierno de argel: tercero, necessidad y conveniencia de la redempcion de cautivos christianos: quarto, el mejor cautivo rescatado.... (madrid, 1670). [159] m. and d. add (though with a slight difference in wording) "for they will not believe that he who loves danger will perish in it." some indians are fatalists, but not all, says delgado (p. 310). the visayans are generally careful, and watch out for the crocodiles. those who have been devoured by those reptiles have always been evil, and were so punished by god for their sins. mas says (p. 79), that this fatalism must have been imported from asia. [160] delgado says (p. 310): "this proceeds from their barbarous condition, and because the spaniards commonly deceive them, and teach them things that are not very good, especially the convict guachinangos, of whom this country is full. but that they cannot be persuaded that it is a sin to steal from the religious or from the spaniards, i regard as a misapprehension, or at least it is not common for this to happen, although his paternity brings forward such evidence, that one cannot doubt him. for i have seen the contrary in many villages." mas (pp. 80, 81), says: "it is a fact that some indians have but little scruple in stealing from spaniards, for they say that all that the latter possess is of the philippines and consequently theirs. but do not believe that they have any consideration for their fellow-countrymen. in its proper place we shall see that theft is the greatest part of the criminality of the islands.... it is to be noted that they generally rob on a small and rarely on a large scale; for their ambition is limited to satisfying a vice or to bettering their present condition, but not in changing it. "the father provincial of the augustinian religious, said in his printed report, in the compilation made concerning the causes of the insurrection in ilocos in 1807: "'the indians of ilocos have become highwaymen, like those of the other provinces. they steal cows, horses, and carabaos from their own countrymen; and those who are occupied in this trade are ready for all sorts of evil. it is not surprising that many of these should have come with the deserters who first rebelled in the mountains of piddig, and that others should unite with them when the fire was fanned. but one can not call this a cause for insurrection, nor do i believe that for such thefts the means should be to take the stealers of carabaos to manila so that they might be punished; but it is enough for the alcaldes-mayor to watch over their province and punish these thefts. by so doing they would succeed in lessening thefts, for the extermination of them is as impossible as is making an end of the classes of the thieves according to the proverb of the indians, "when the rats die, then the thieves will come to an end."' "it is true that perhaps one ought not to ascribe all this demoralization to a perverse disposition. one must not have lived among the filipinos, or have been very blind in regard to them, to say that they are all thieves. there are very many who, although they could steal with impunity, do not do so.... the frequency of theft may proceed from other causes. perhaps the system of mercy and impunity that has dictated and is dictating the sentences of the audiencia of manila has contributed thereto...." [161] m. and d. omit "of which i heard," and the latter reads "and i shall only tell of two of which i was a witness." spaniards also, says delgado (pp. 310, 311), recount things that are not credible, and "it is not to be wondered at that some rude and ignorant people should believe such nonsense; and if they believe some things that are told them by some scholars, it is because of the authority of those people among them.... this happens commonly in other places, besides among the indians." [162] see an account of this matter and the trouble caused by it, in vol. xxxix. [163] i.e., "silver and gold have i none"--a reference to acts iii, 6. [164] m. and d. read "miners." [165] "when the ship 'santa ana' arrived at manila in the year 1832 with 250 spanish soldiers, it was rumored among the women of the tobacco factory that those soldiers were coming to take away their children in order to irrigate the mines in españa with their blood. all were aroused and fled to their homes, took their children, and began to take refuge in the houses of the spanish women, and they could not be persuaded that it was all nonsense. the house of doña dolores goyena was filled with them. also many men armed with spears came out on the streets; but the disorder gradually subsided." (mas, p. 82.) [166] m. and d. add "for all the ministers cannot free them from this deceit." [167] this is not so in general, says delgado (p. 311), but is true only of some individuals among the various nations. [168] m. reads "respect the spaniard more." [169] the truth is that any spaniard, with rare exceptions, has more penetration, more vivacity, more nobility, more talent, and more courage than a filipino. this superiority can do no less than have its effect.... for the rest, few in manila have an exact idea of the filipino character. their arrogance may be seen in the importance which the gobernadorcillos give to themselves. they go daily to the city hall, but they make two regidors go to their houses to get them. there the regidors wait until the gobernadorcillo is ready to come out, and the latter then goes in solemn state to the city hall, preceded by the regidors and the alguacils, with staffs in hand. when these officers reach the door of the city hall, they stop in order to allow the gobernadorcillo to pass between them; and he enters without noticing the salutes given him by the guards, who take off their hats to him. he immediately takes a seat which is on an elevated platform, and there he thinks himself to be on a throne; and even the spaniards who enter casually, especially in the villages on the highroad, appear of but little importance to him. this is the place where the auditors of the audiencia of manila, and all others who have any share in the government of filipinas, ought to come incognito, and as if in passing, in order to know the filipinos--instead of forming an opinion of their character from the servants of their house, or from those who go to the capital with clasped hands and a downcast look in their eyes to ask some favor of them. the strange thing is, that the indians do not learn from the alcaldes-mayor, who administer justice with the greatest equality, and who do not sit in an elevated place, or even sit down, and go into the street without any following. this aristocratic spirit may be observed in the church. all the principales, who consist of the gobernadorcillos, cabezas de barangay, and all others who have the title 'don' and wear a jacket, seat themselves in the central aisle or nave; and the following order of etiquette is in general scrupulously observed: the gobernadorcillo; the ex-gobernadorcillos, who are called past captains, in order of their seniority; the actual first lieutenant, who must be a cabeza de barangay; the two lieutenants; and nine present officials; the ex-cabezas, in order of seniority. if any ex-captain from another village is present, he takes a seat among those of his class, and is given the first place, out of courtesy. when the lieutenants and officials leave their posts, they are not called principales, as are the others, but titulados." (mas, pp. 83, 84.) [170] d. reads "petty sextons." [171] delgado says (p. 311): "it is a fact that nature always inclines rather to evil than to good. but in order to correct their vices there are fervent and zealous ministers in all parts, who preach to and teach them." mas says (pp. 85-89): "in fact some indians practice ceremonies in their marriages which date from before the conquest. "on the birth of an infant, the newborn child is sometimes taken to another house in order to free it from the patianac; and, when the child is taken out for baptism, aromatic substances and incense are burned for the same reason. "when a person dies, they celebrate a novena in his house at night, where the relatives (and sometimes those who are not relatives) assemble. after praying, it is not seldom that they sit down to gamble. on the last day there is a great banquet, and sometimes a dance. these mortuary feasts are practiced even yet, in all their purity, in the mountains, as we have already seen. "if possible, both men and women bathe daily in the river. the women enter the water wrapped in their tapices, taking care that the bosom is covered. when they are in the water they take that garment off to wash themselves. the men enter the water with wide pantaloons and the body bare. they enter the river at any hour and before everybody; but one must confess that they do it with great decency and modesty.... when i was in santa cruz de la laguna, the cura published an edict ordering men and women not to bathe in the same place. that gave rise to many jokes and jests, and it is to be supposed that they continued their old-time customs. they consider us as not overcleanly, because they see us make less use than they of the bath.... it is also the custom for the families of the country and many europeans to bathe together. during the outdoor sports of manila, at the summer houses of mariquina, or other neighboring towns, the chief diversion is the bath. the women generally enter the water wearing a kind of blouse, and the men with wide pantaloons and the body uncovered. newcomers from europa do not consider this amusement at all decent. "they kiss by bringing the nostril near and drawing in the breath. this is the plain kiss in the mountains, but some filipinos of the plains, especially of manila, have also become accustomed to kiss with the lips; but they always put the nose to the face at the same time, and if they have a sincere affection, they always smell as if they were giving a deep sigh with their mouth closed.... when they look at a person from a distance, and desire to express their desire to kiss him, they constrict the nose in the manner of one smelling. a very extreme kind of kiss is given by rubbing the nose on the spot that they wish to feel, and drawing in the breath as long as possible. "i am greatly surprised that no one of the writers on the filipinos has spoken of this remarkable fact, which springs from their exquisite sense of smell. it is so great that a servant can tell his master's shirt, after it is cleaned and ironed, even though it lies with ten or twelve other shirts resembling it and belonging to other persons, by simply smelling them. they also assert that if a man be near a woman for whom he experiences a feeling of love, she knows it by the odor of his perspiration, and vice versa. as a pledge of affection, they ask for a shirt that has been worn--which they return after it has lost its odor, and replace by another, just as we beg for a lock of hair. "they had the custom of circumcision, a custom which they did not acquire from the arabs, since it is still practiced on the peaks of the independent mountains. they practice it still, and that against the will of the curas. ancient customs have very great force. it is to be noted that the manner of operation is not the same as that practiced by the jews, for the cut is made from the upper to the lower part. "they had the custom that the suitor for a maiden's hand went to serve in the house of his future father-in-law for three or four years, and did whatever he was asked--in general, the most onerous duties. then the parents of the bride had to give him a house, clothes, etc., and the marriage was celebrated. in many provinces, as for instance, in bulacan, there is now no trace of this custom, because of the abuses which were committed. this custom, which we meet in the first pages of the old testament, could not have been acquired from the mussulmans, who by their koran hold laws diametrically opposed. this custom is still followed in laguna, although the young man does not live in the house of his loved one, for the cura does not permit it. the friars have done their utmost to destroy this custom. "they scarify new-born infants in order to draw blood from them; and then apply lighted matches to various parts of the body, which cause them burns, and serve the place of caustics. "women in childbirth they suspend by the hair in order to stop the flow; and, after parturition, they compress the abdomen, and press down with great force on both thighs at once, in order to make the organs return to their former position; and they perform other things of like nature, which we consider as injurious and nonsensical. but they hold one of their old women higher than the best paris physician. "they consider the balete tree as sacred. at marriage, they carry it dishes of food as an offering; and it is very difficult, or impossible, to make them cut one of them. it has happened that they have begged incense from the cura on various pretexts in order to go immediately and burn it under a balete tree. "they are very fond of telling tales of love adventures, of witches, and enchantment, and everything else that is rare and marvelous, even though it be nonsense and against common sense. "they believe that all diseases are cured by drawing out the air that has been introduced into the body; and, consequently, their favorite remedy is to supply a kind of cupping-glass of chinese origin, which they drag over two palmos on any part of the body, and which leaves a great red streak. "they respect their fathers and mothers greatly, and even the younger brothers the older. i have seen a married woman, on entering her house, kiss the hand of a sister older than herself. "in order that a young man may marry, he must give the bride the money or other things up to her value; and that price is often kept by the parents. the parents would rather have their daughter remain single, even though she be with child, than to give her without a dowry. it is not seldom that one can hear a mother say that she will not give her daughter for less than one hundred pesos, or fifty, etc. "in order to strike fire they take a bit of bamboo, and slit it down the middle lengthwise. in the hollow or inner part, they dig out one portion near the center, which leaves the bamboo much thinner. then on the outside they open a chink, lengthwise. then they take the knife, and scraping the upper part of the other half-bamboo, they make some very fine shavings. these they roll about between the two palms of the hands until they form a small ball, and that they place in the hollow of the half-bamboo. the latter they place on the ground, with the shavings below. then with the other half bamboo, they rub (while singing) across the one which has the shavings below it, upon the same point where the shavings are placed, and in a few seconds they begin to smoke. thereupon they rub faster and blow, and a blaze starts. all this is the work of one minute. "on going out between people, or when passing in front of anyone, they bend the body and clasp the hands, which they then move forward as if they wished to open a path or cut the air. this is a sign of respect, or their method of asking leave to pass. "the women ride horseback, not astride, but with a side-saddle, as do europeans." [172] m. reads "most of them." [173] this is common throughout the world, says delgado (p. 311). "that they do not know their age happens commonly among rude and wild people, wherever they may be; but their age is known very well by their datos and chiefs, in order to assign them their place in the tribute readily. in what pertains to their ancient beliefs, there is no doubt that these are preserved in some parts, and there is no lack of babailanes, who are their priestesses or diuateras; but one must consider that all these peoples of the indias are new christians, and the seed that the enemy had sown, and which had thrust so deep roots into them, has not yet been completely destroyed." [174] m. and d. omit "than the word of the whole world." mas says (pp. 90-96): "the superstitions of these people can be divided into three classes. the first consists in believing that certain monsters or ghosts exist, to which they give names and assign special duties, and even certain exterior forms, which are described by those who affirm that they have seen them. such are the tigbalan, osuang, patianac, sava, naanayo, tavac, nono, mancuculan, aiasip, the rock mutya, etc. "the antinganting is any object which promises wealth or happiness, as we would speak of the girdle of venus, or the ring of giges. "many spaniards, especially the curas, imagine that these beliefs are not very deeply rooted, or that they have declined, and that most of the filipinos are free from them. this is because in the presence of such the filipinos do not dare tell the truth, not even in the confessional, because of their fear of the reprimand that surely awaits them. i have talked to many about these things, some of whom at the beginning began to laugh, and to joke about the poor fools who put faith in such nonsense. but when they saw that i was treating the matter seriously, and with the spirit of inquiry as a real thing, they changed their tone, and made no difficulty in assuring me of the existence of the fabulous beings described above.... "the second class consists in various practices, like that of burning incense under the balete tree; putting ashes at the door of the house where a person has died, in order that they might recognize the tracks of the soul of the dead one; leaving a plate for the dead man at the table, etc. "when don g. piñeiro went to culamba in 1841, for the purpose of climbing a lofty mountain, he encountered innumerable difficulties in getting people to accompany him, in spite of the orders of the superior government; and he had to desist and climb from the village of los baños accompanied by the cura, who had the road opened for him. the reason for that, as the said religious assured me, was the fear of the filipinos for the anito, although the excuses that they offered were quite different. "in the said village of los baños, they believe that there is an antinganting in one of the hot water springs, which has water at 67° reaumur. this consists in the divine child, who appears and hops about in the water on good friday; and he who catches him obtains the antinganting. this last year, 1841, a man tried to get too near, and fell in. his entire body was scalded, and he was bled; but not one drop of blood could be drawn from his body, and he died on the following day. "the third, and to me the most remarkable, class is found not in certain personages or superstitious and determined proceedings, but in sudden and capricious scenes, and in improbable and inexplainable apparitions. "there is scarce a filipino, even the most enlightened, who does not tell marvelous things that have happened to him--wondrous visions, mute and speechless; ghosts, goblins, strange figures; dead people; dogs, and fabulous and never imagined animals; castles, and balls of fire, that have appeared to him; frightful noises of all sorts that have scared him; and, finally, the most improbable stories and bits of nonsense that could be invented by the most raving maniac. "on hearing them recount so many of these extravagances, and seeing that they distinguish them from dreams, i have been unable to believe that they were deceits; and observing their faces very carefully during the narration, i have been convinced that they were intimately persuaded that they had seen the things that they described. whence can this mental weakness come? it is not from ignorance, for i have noticed the same thing as in the others, in several clerics who have studied in the university for ten or twelve years. one day i was in a convent where the boards of the floor began to creak because of dryness, and the coadjutor became so frightened that he went away to sleep in another house; and the christian reflections, jests, and anger of the spanish cura could not restrain him.... the filipino cura, don j. severiano mallares, committed and caused to be committed fifty-seven assassinations, because he believed that he could by this means save his mother, who, he had persuaded himself, had been bewitched; and was hanged in the year 1840. the attorney on that cause talked in pathetic terms of the indescribable and barbarous prodigality of blood shed by that monster. reflecting upon this phenomenon, i am inclined to think that it is based on their natural timorousness...." [175] in d., "indolent." [176] from the word "islands" to this point, is omitted in d. [177] "that they are tyrants, one over the other," says delgado (p. 311), "i do not deny. they inherited this peculiarity from their ancestors, and it has as yet been impossible to uproot it entirely, as many others which they learned from their ancestors. however, these vices are not so common as they were formerly. and not only would the indians of these islands have been consumed if the spaniards had not come hither, but they would have been conquered and enslaved by the neighboring nations, such as the borneans, chinese, and japanese, as we see in the books of history. " ... the principales were the aim of the popular wrath in the ilocan insurrection in 1807. 'kill all the lords and ladies' was the cry, while the people hastened toward the capital to petition for the abolition of the monopolies and the fifths. the same thing happened in the year 1814." (mas, p. 97.) [178] m. omits "and bring it back as cold as ice." [179] this is a general statement that is not true, says delgado (pp. 311, 312), for the example given is merely from boys; and, besides, it never freezes in filipinas. [180] this citation is missing in m. it is from horace's satires, book i, ll, 106, 107. e. c. wickham (horace for english readers; oxford, 1903, p. 163), translates the passage as follows: "there is measure in everything. there are fixed limits beyond which and short of which right cannot find resting-place." [181] "that they need beatings and the rattan," says delgado (p. 312), "as examples prove, is a fact, and they confess it; but they resemble all other nations in this particular.... but it must be employed with prudence and moderation, as the discipline is employed by our fathers in our own lands, regarding them as sons and small children, and not as slaves or as our enemies. for god has brought us to their lands, in order to watch over them, and maintains us here for love of them. we must note that the indians are not so bad as they seem to us.... it must also be observed that there are many spaniards, and even ministers, who are melancholy and crabbed, and so ill-conditioned and moody, that everything wounds them, and they are contented with nothing. all the actions of the indians displease them, and they even believe that the indians do them purposely to make them impatient and to jest with them. from such ill-conditioned people the indians suffer much, and tolerate and endure much, because of their respect for them. consequently what the reverend father says below, namely 'that it costs them more to be christians than one would believe' is a fact and true." "the spaniards cry out and are in despair at seeing the continual and great acts of rudeness of the filipinos, some of which are done maliciously, with the sole object of making us angry, when they contract hate for us. at times after they have wearied and disgusted the spaniards grievously, and have caused the latter to give them a buffet, this is a cause for great sport among them, and they celebrate it in the kitchen amid great guffaws, as i have heard many times. especially is it so if those who are made angry are women. but the spaniards persist in not being convinced of this fact, nor will they ever learn how to treat this people. the old men of the country say that the spaniard is fire and the filipino snow, and that the snow consumes the fire." (mas, pp. 97, 98.) [182] m. and d. add "his master chid him, but the lad replied that the hen had but one leg." [183] this quotation is lacking in m. and d. [184] m. and d. read "in love and esteem." [185] "i shall not at present enter upon a discussion of whether one ought or ought not beat the filipino. i shall only remark, as a matter pertaining to this section, that the first thing that one sees in any of their houses is the rattan hanging in a corner. when a father places his son in any spanish house, this is his charge: 'sir, beat him often.' to educate the young people, or to establish order in any place without the use of the rattan, is a thing that they do not understand." (mas, p. 99.) it is said that even at the present day a filipino father will not hesitate to chastise his son corporally, even after the latter has attained his majority. [186] this last phrase and the latin quotation are lacking in m. englished that quotation is, "the evil hate sin for fear of punishment." [187] this phrase is omitted in d. [188] in d. this is "even if it be a leaf." [189] delgado says (p. 312): "but if his paternity knows of this lack, how surprising that this and other things happen in regard to them, such as that all keep their faces turned toward him who confesses. if his paternity would then preach them a sermon and correct them, i assure him that they would correct themselves, and these backward-looking dancers who are so immodest in the church, when they ought to be modestly thinking of their sins and repenting of them, would correct themselves, and would not cause wonder and laughter." [190] m. omits the remainder of this sentence. for "januses," d. reads "worms." [191] because some of the indians are given to blasphemy, says delgado (p. 313), it does not follow that all of them are blasphemous. [192] "i shall here attempt a delicate and interesting investigation, namely, the religiousness of the filipinos. there are opposite opinions on this matter, and serious errors are liable to arise.... "the women always wear scapulars about the neck, and usually some sort of a small cross; and a reliquary, containing the bones of a saint and a bit of the wood of the cross. but this has become a part of the dress, like earrings or necklaces, and both the devout women and those who are not devout wear them. "the walls of the houses are often covered with the engravings of saints, and on the tables are many glass globes and urns containing saints, virgins, and little figures of the divine child, which generally have the face as well as the hands of ivory, and silver clothes richly embroidered. in well-to-do houses there are so many that they resemble a storehouse of saints rather than a habitation. in many houses this is a matter of vanity and ostentation; and they regard valuable saints as they do bureaus and mirrors elsewhere. "in the church great sedateness and devotion or silence reigns. in the villages the church is divided into three parts. in one end the women are seated, in the other the men, while the gobernadorcillos and principales occupy the center. however, this is not observed very strictly in some villages. in some churches there are men in the front half and women in the back half. when a small village is founded, in order to get the concession for a settlement and for a cura they offer to give the latter, in addition to paying the sanctórum tribute [a tribute paid to the church by all philippine natives of sixteen years and over], a monthly quantity of rice, eggs, fowls, etc., but they are afterward very remiss in living up to their offer. many friars have had to have recourse to the alcaldes and to the officials of the district; and i have even heard of one of them who had to take a musket and kill the fowls in the yards, and carry them to the convent. "they are very fond of singing the passion or history of the death of jesus christ, which is written in tagálog verse. during the evenings of lent, the young men and women assemble in the houses for this purpose. but although this was a religious gathering at the time when it was originated, at the present time it has been converted into a carnival amusement, or to speak more plainly, into a pretext for the most scandalous vices; and the result of these canticles is that many of the girls of the village become enceinte. so true is what i have just said that the curas have prohibited everywhere the singing of the passion at night; and some of the curas go out with a whip in order to disperse them--or rather, send the fiscal of the church to ascertain who is singing, and send for such person immediately to beat him. "they say that all the saints are spanish, since the patrons of their churches are always of this class. they would have no veneration for a saint with a flat nose and the physiognomy of a filipino. "when any sick person refuses to confess, his relatives request him to do so. in this case they do not tell him that he will be condemned, etc., but, 'consider what a shame it will be; just think what people will say; consider that you will be buried outside of holy ground.' the idea of being buried on the beach is what gives them most fear. this can only be explained by saying that they have seen the cemetery and the beach and not hell, nor the other world, which, as one would believe, costs them much to conceive--although in reality they do believe in it, in the same way as many europeans believe in it, but without understanding it, and only because the sages give assurance of it.... "in spite of this indifference regarding the future life, they generally order masses said for the souls of their ancestors, and not because of compromise or vanity, but true faith and devotion, although this does not argue much in favor of their religiousness. for the igorots, who are the type of the filipinos, although they do not believe in the immortality of the soul, have many superstitions in regard to the shades of the dead.... "in some places the curas have to lock the doors of the church after mass, so that the people will not depart without hearing the sermon, and this in places quite religious, as is pangasinan. many of those who are carried to mindanao or to jolo as captives become renegades with the greatest ease; and then they will not return, even though they may. "some make the sign of the cross as they go down the stairways. all stop on the street at the sound of the prayer-bell; and the same thing happens in the houses, where they often pray on their knees with true devotion. they all remove their hats when passing in front of the church, and many stop to pray. nevertheless, all the curas assert that they make a false confession, for they only confess the three following sins: absence from mass, eating of meat during lent, and vain blaspheming; although it is apparent to the curas that they have committed other greater sins. it is a great trouble to get them to take part in the procession, and those who can do so escape through the cross streets. in manila it is necessary for the regimental heads to appoint soldiers to go to take part in this act, and to pay them one-half real; and, were it not for this expedient, it would sometimes be impossible to do it. the curas have considerable trouble in the villages in getting them to confess. they are given forty days of grace, and many come after being threatened with twenty-five lashes; while many of the degree of captain, and many who are not, get along in spite of all without confession. in the village of lilio, on the brow of mount banahao, where there are 1,300 tributes, there were more than 600 persons who did not confess in the year 1840; and this has not been one of the most remiss villages in the fulfilment of its religious duties." [father juan ferrando, who examined mas's ms., says that 'the filipinos confess according to the instruction that is given them. in manila, as i know by experience, they confess as well as the most fervent spaniard, and i have heard many fathers say the same of many indians of the provinces.'] "very many of them also never go to mass in any village where the cura is not especially zealous. in the city of vigan, where there are about 30,000 persons, not more than 500 or 800 went to church during my stay there on any feast-day, except one of especial devotion to celebrate a virgin patroness of the city. there has been and is much talk of the influence of the curas in the villages. no doubt there is something in it, but their respect and deference toward the parish priest is influenced not a little, in my opinion by their idea (and one not ill founded) of the power of the priest, of the employment that he can give; and of their hope that he will protect them in any oppression that they receive from the civil government or from the soldiers. in reality, the friar usually addresses his parishioners in the language of peace, which is the method which fits well into the phlegmatic filipino. he constitutes himself their defender, even without their having any regard for him--now from the injuries that the avarice of their governors causes them, now from the tendency of these to acquire preponderance and to command, which is the first instinct of man. consequently, the friars, by resisting and restraining in all parts, and at so great a distance from madrid, the tyranny or greed of the spaniards, have been very useful to the villages, and have been acquiring their love. and since the islands are not kept subject by force, but by the will of the mass of the inhabitants, and the means of persuasion are principally in the hands of the religious, the government is necessarily obliged to show the latter considerable deference. from this fact originates their influence in temporal affairs, and the fear mixed with the respect with which they inspire the people. three facts naturally result from all this. the cura, speaking in general, is the one who governs the village. consequently, when a new village is formed its inhabitants do not care to be annexed or dependent on another village in regard to spiritual things; but desire and petition for a parish priest of their own, in order that they might have in him a powerful defender in their differences and suits with other settlements, or with the alcalde of the province. lastly, the ascendency that the minister is seen to enjoy is perhaps as much civil as religious, if it is not more so. and in fact ... although they have often succeeded in pacifying seditions by their mere presence alone, and the insurgents, for instance, in ilocos in the year 1807, surrendered to the friar the cannon that they had captured from a band of 36 soldiers and two patrols of the guard, who were routed, yet at other times not only have individuals but whole masses refused to listen to the admonitions of the religious, have completely lost respect for them, have insulted them, threatened them, wounded them, and even assassinated them, and have not lacked the complement of all this, profaning the churches. i shall not mention the thefts in the churches, such as one which happened in the capital of pangasinan when i was there in that province; for these might be considered as single individual deeds, isolated and insignificant. i deduce then, as the resultant conclusion of all these observations, that there are many filipinos, especially among the feminine sex, who have the true fear of god, but many others who feel a great natural indifference in this matter. they exhibit scarce a disposition toward religion, a fact that i believe must proceed from their little consideration of the wonders of religion ... which is a mark of their small amount of intelligence, for they show great indifference for the punishments of the other world, and even the ecclesiastical punishments of this. nothing shows this so clearly as the insincere confessions which they make in order to finish with it. it is to be noted that almost the same thing happens at the hour of death, and that this is seen in the small and remote villages where spaniards have never been. neither can it be the result of errors of faith or philosophic reading, since the people know no other books than those of the doctrine or the passion. "combining the above data and observations with what i have heard recounted, and what we see in manuscripts and printed books about the method by which the old-time religious have maintained devotion in these islands--which has been by calling the list in order to ascertain those who did not observe their obligation to attend mass and confession, and by punishing in the church courtyard those who are remiss--i am inclined to believe that the law of jesus christ is learned here superficially; and that if the system adopted some years ago be continued, of obliging the curas to reduce themselves only to the means of preaching, prohibiting them rigorously from compulsive and positive means, before a century passes there will be but few pure-blooded natives in this archipelago who are true and devout christians...." (mas, pp. 100-106.) [193] m. and d. omit all of this last sentence and quotation. [194] a vice common to all the world, says delgado (p. 313). [195] "although they have but little honor, they have in effect only too much vanity. when one goes to their houses, they make a great effort to show off their wealth, even if they have to beg a loan in order to meet the expense. they do not care to bury their relatives for the love of god, although they try if possible to avoid the payment of the funeral expenses. a cura told me that after a man had paid him the burial expenses a baguio or hurricane began; whereupon the man came to get his money, saying that he wished the burial of a pauper, because in the end, no one would have to see it." (mas, p. 107.) [196] delgado (p. 313) utters a warning against judging on this particular, and says "that virtues are not so distant from them, as his paternity writes." [197] m. omits this sentence to this point. [198] what fault do the indians have in trying to get and defend their own? there may be excess in this matter, says delgado (p. 313), but the indians do not go to law only to cause trouble. [199] m. and d. omit this sentence. [200] in regard to this delgado says (pp. 313, 314) that "there is no dish more relished in this land than defamation and complaint.... this is a country where idleness sits enthroned; for when the ship is despatched to nueva españa there is nothing to do for a whole year, but to complain and discuss the lives of others." delgado does not believe that lust is the only feature in the intercourse between men and women. neither does he believe that women are treated, as they deserve, with kicks and blows; nor that such treatment is in accordance with conjugal love, or with the text of women being subject to men. san agustin's advice to europeans is not good. [201] the ayer ms. and m. read "machiabelo;" d. reads "macabeo," i.e., "maccabæan." [202] from this point m. and d. read: "they call this mabibig, and this is a thing that will rouse up the entire village against one, the stones, and the land itself. hence, the concubinages among them, and other evils, have no human remedy, nor can have; for no one wishes to be mabibig, for that is the most abominable fault and the only sin among them." [203] the indians do not tell tales of one another for a more potent reason than that of being declared mabibig, is delgado's commentary (pp. 314, 315)--namely, the fear, of private revenge. "but the prudent indians always advise the father minister, if there is any scandal in the village; now in confession, so that it might be remedied without anyone knowing the person who has told it; now by a fictitious and anonymous letter, as has happened to me several times. one must exercise prudence in this matter, for all that is written or spoken is not generally true." [204] m. and d. read with some slight verbal differences, which translate the same: "for one might happen to have a servant or two who waste and destroy the property of their master, and no other servant, however kindly he has been treated by his master, will tell him what is happening." [205] "this league of the caste of color for mutual protection and defense from the domineering caste is very natural. the filipinos are not so constant in maintaining it, however, that it is not broken by two methods: by offering money to the accuser, or by bestowing so many lashes on each one who is implicated in the crime." (mas, p. 109.) [206] delgado (p. 315) finds this very natural, and dismisses it by the reflection that liberty is dear. [207] in m. and d. this reads: "therefore when they say that there is no more sugar or no more oil, it is when there is not [sugar] enough to make a cup of chocolate, or oil enough to whet a knife." [208] m. and d. read: "they will place the best cup and plate, [d. mentions only the plate] which are much different than the others, for the master, and will only look after him, and pay no attention to the guests." [209] m. and d. omit this sentence. [210] spanish, sacabuches consistol y deresistol, a transcriber's error for con sistol y diastol (this phrase omitted in d.); a play on words, as the sackbut forms the various tones by lengthening and shortening the instrument. the phrase systole and diastole is now applied to the alternate contraction and expansion of the heart; san agustin apparently uses it through fondness for a learned phrase. [211] the citation from quevedo is lacking in m. san agustin has slightly misquoted; though it translates the same as the correct version. the lines are as follows: galalon, que en casa come poco, y á costa agena el corpanchon ahita. the citation is from quevedo's poema heroica de las necedades y locuras de orlando el enamorado. [212] that is, "much good may it do you," an expression used at eating or drinking. san agustin evidently refers in the following clause to the scanty fare supplied to those who row in the boats as compulsory service. [213] this is not a general rule among the tagálogs, and much less among the visayans. neither are all the indians forgers. (delgado, pp. 315, 316.) [214] m. omits "alcalde" and reads "prudent and experienced man." d. reads "a prudent and experienced alcalde." [215] i.e., "i heard your evidence, and feared." [216] m. reads "some indians;" d., "some erudite indians." [217] rabula, "an ignorant, vociferous lawyer;" cf. english "pettifogger." [218] this sentence is omitted by m. d. reads "all the alcaldes." [219] the italian phrase fabro de calumina is used. [220] king josiah or josias was slain at mageddo. see iv kings (ii kings of the king james version), xxiii, 29, 30; and ii paralipomenon (ii chronicles of the king james version), xxxv, 22-25. [221] m. reads: "the indians making use of a whole year in order to increase their calumny." d. reads: "just see what subtlety and moderate arithmetic they use in order to make their accusation; the indians lumping together a whole year in order to give pasture to one single horse;" and then adds: "and there are so many cases of this that if i mentioned them all i would never end." [222] we have thus freely translated the original sin afianzar calumnia, which is a regular law term. [223] "but a short time ago, when señor seoane was regent of the audiencia, as the result of an urgent complaint against a spanish cura, a verbal process was ordered to be made, and from it not the slightest charge resulted against the priest. another judge was entrusted with the forming of another verbal process, with the same result. the supreme tribunal, being persuaded that the matter was not all calumny, sent an expressly commissioned judge from manila, who found no more crime than did the others. "i personally saw a representation signed by the gobernadorcillo and all the principales of a village, in which they affirmed that their cura had forced the wife of the first lieutenant; had punished the lieutenant for opposing her being kept to sleep in the convent; went out on the street drunk; went into the town hall to beat individuals of the municipality; and had not celebrated mass on sunday for the same reason of being drunk. when a verbal process was made of it, all retracted. i became acquainted personally with this friar, who is a fine fellow...." (mas, pp. 113, 114.) [224] from this point, m. and d. read: "but it is to images of some new miracle. they have the habit of devotion, but they seek the newest and forget the old." [225] as to the indians being fond of making pilgrimages to new and distant shrines where some notable miracle has occurred, spaniards often have the same love. see delgado, p. 316. [226] san agustin is speaking of the indians of manila and its environs, says delgado (p. 316): "for this is rarely seen in the other islands. hence in the twenty-four years that i have lived in the visayas, only in the city of cebu have i ever seen any other than some religious drama [auto sacramental], or the pieces of the school children." [227] in m. escuitiles; and in d. miscuitiles. [228] the verse number is given correctly in m. san agustin quotes incorrectly, the proper version being: segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, quam quæ sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus.... the translation given by wickham (ut supra, p. 349), is as follows: "what finds entrance through the ear stirs the mind less actively than what is submitted to the eyes, which we cannot doubt." "they are very fond of seeing theatrical pieces. they make some translations from our dramas, and they make a piece out of anything although it is destitute of the rules of art. they are especially fond of very long comedies, that last a month or more, with many hours of representation daily. these are drawn from histories or from stories, and they stage them. in tondo there was played, for instance, matilde, ó las cruzadas [i.e., "matilda, or the crusades"]. the celestina was probably the origin of this taste. filipino poets have written several dramas of this kind, as well as some epic, religious, and love poems. but in the epoch previous to the arrival of the spaniards, it appears that there existed only a few love songs, of whose merits i cannot judge, as i know the language so slightly. "they have verses of as many as twelve syllables, which are the ones generally used in their poems. they are divided into quatrains, whose four verses rhyme among themselves. the filipino rhyme, however, consists in the last letter being a vowel or a consonant.... they read all their verses in a singing tone, and the quatrains of the twelve-syllable verse are read with the motif of the comintan, which is their national song. the custom of singing when reading poetry is a practice of china, and of all the asiatic peoples whom i have visited. the kind of versification which i have just cited is evidently anterior to our conquest, as is also the above-mentioned air, which is adjusted to it. this air is melancholy and does not resemble at all any chinese or indian music that i have heard. there are several comintans, just as there are different boleros, polish dances, or tyrolian dances. some of them have a great resemblance to the music of arabia. on the slopes of camachin [which is a mountain in southern mindanao], i heard a song which is exactly and purely of that sort...." (mas, pp. 115, 116.) the celestina mentioned by mas is a noted dramatic story--probably written about 1480, and by rodrigo cota, of toledo, and others--which has exercised a very strong influence on the spanish national drama. it has great literary merit, admirable style, and well-drawn pictures of human nature; and it attained so extensive and continual popularity that even the inquisition did not place celestina in the index until 1793, notwithstanding its grossness of thought and language. (ticknor, history of spanish literature, i, pp. 262-272.) [229] m. and d. read "christ our lord." [230] "in the visayas," says delgado (p. 317) "very rarely do the indians imitate the spaniards in their dress; for almost all of them go barefoot, according to their custom, and wear long black garments that cover the entire body (which we call cassocks or lambong), very wide breeches, and the shirt outside. for they can never accustom themselves, as do the spaniards, to gathering it inside, as is the custom of the country. i have seen the same among the tagálogs, with the exception of some servants of the spaniards, and some officials and clerks, among them. but these men do not make the rule for the other nations of this archipelago, who are numerous and different. i can truly tell what i see among the spaniards of visayas, who dress in the same manner as the indians; and very rarely do they put on shoes and stockings or slippers, except on an important feast-day when they go to the church, for they cannot endure it any other way. it is a fact that the indians do preserve somewhat their ancient customs in districts where there is less civilization and instruction; but where they are well taught and directed, they have almost forgotten these." "a cura told me that he had surprised a man and three old women crouched down beside the corpse of the former's dead wife. the four people were all covered over with sheets, and were in the attitude of listening with the closest of attention to see whether the deceased would say anything to them. they practice many simplicities like this in all their solemn ceremonies, of which we have spoken. so general is this that in the ordinances of good government in force, there is an article that orders the persecution of idolatry and aniterias." (mas, pp. 116, 117.) [231] "if father fray gaspar had been in madrid, he would not have been so greatly surprised that those soliciting anything should send their wives to obtain favors. moreover, the filipinos, not only fearing, but with full consciousness, generally send and even take their wives to the spaniards to obtain some employment, or merely for money. the most direct means for a general to obtain the friendship of a married woman is to win over the husband, just as in order to get a single woman one must gain over the mother. i have known very intimately a steward who was very much in love with his wife, and was jealous even of her shadow. nevertheless, at the least insinuation of his master he took her to the latter's apartment, and it appears that he desired her to go there very often. upon thinking over this matter, i am convinced that a partial cause of it is the little importance that they attach to the act of love, and especially in the fact to which they are persuaded that no one of their women will ever love us; and they are only handed over for the profit, and are lent us as a personal service, just like any other; and when the woman goes away from us, she takes her heart with her, which is all for the filipinos." (mas, p. 117.) [232] m. and d. add "most." [233] this phrase is omitted in d. [234] it is not to be wondered at that they are literal and material in their conversation, for they know only their villages. see delgado, p. 317. "i have observed none of this, especially in the women to whom i have talked. almost all of them are always attentive, courteous, and kind." (mas, p. 118.) [235] m. and d. omit this sentence. [236] m. adds: "and run away, for he is the bugaboo, with which the children are frightened." [237] dogs do not bark at the spaniards only, in any country, but at those who are strange to them. neither do the indians detest the fathers from birth. the fact that the indians yield to anyone who assumes a boasting attitude, especially if he be drunk, and have a knife, is not so much cowardice as prudence. "i believe that the reverend father was very melancholy, and tired of the ministry, when he began to write his letter." (delgado, pp. 317, 318.) "if our father had traveled, he would have known that dogs bark at anyone whose clothes are unfamiliar to them. in regard to their horror of white faces, he at least exaggerates. it is not at all strange that a child should cry at an object being presented to him that he has never had in his ken before. i have seen many children burst into sobs at the sight of my eye-glasses. it is a fact that some of them have just as little as possible to do with us, either for contempt, embarrassment, or antipathy; but there are a very great number who profess affection for us. when the government secretary, cambronero, died in the year 1840, all his servants shed tears abundantly. a serving-maid of the señora de recaño was left desolate, when the latter embarked for españa a short time ago. an old woman on the occasion of [the engagement of] movales in the year 1823, gave col. santa romana proofs of great affection and fidelity. during the same engagement, while don domingo benito was haranguing his artillery sergeants and telling them 'i shall die the first,' one of them answered, 'no, sir, i shall die before you.' when the jesuits were exiled, the villages that they administered grieved exceedingly. in the archives of st. augustine, i have seen the relation of one of the friars who went there for their relief, and he paints in lively colors the memory preserved of the jesuits: 'here they cannot look upon a white habit; notwithstanding the kind words that we speak to them, and the presents that we make them, we cannot attract to ourselves the good-will of these people; hence, when we call a child, he runs away instead of coming to us.' i have seen some servants ready and anxious to go with their master to any part of the world; and, if the spaniards would take than, many would go to españa. when some insurgents in the island of leite put alcalde lara in the stocks, his servant feigned to be in accord with them. he made them drunk, and then took his master from the stocks. he fitted up a barangay quickly, in which they attempted to escape, but the night was stormy, and all were drowned. and finally, i myself have received several disinterested proofs of their good-will." (mas, pp. 118, 119.) [238] "it is difficult to ascertain whether the filipino is a brave man or a coward. on one side, we see any braggart terrify a multitude; and on the other, some face dangers and death with unmoved spirit. when one of them decides to kill another, he does it without thinking at all of the consequences. a man of vigan killed a girl who did not love him, six other persons, and a buffalo; and then stabbed at a tree, and killed himself. another servant of the tobacco superintendent killed a girl for the same reason, before a crowd of people, and then himself. a soldier killed a girl for the same reason while i was passing in front of santo thomás. a coachman, in november, 1841, tried to kill another man, because of a love affair; and, failing in the attempt, killed himself. filipino sailors have committed many cruelties, and have a reputation throughout the entire indian sea as turbulent fellows and assassins. the [insurance] companies of bengal do not insure at full risk a vessel in which one-half the crew is composed of islanders. when i was in the island of pinang, at the strait of malacca, i tried to get passage to singapor, in order to go to filipinas, in the brigantine "juana" and to take in my company as a servant one of the seventeen sailors of manila, who had been discharged from a portuguese vessel because of a row that they had had with the captain. the commander of the "juana" was a chinese, and the crew malayan; counting sailors and chinese passengers there were about 40 persons aboard. under no consideration would the captain admit me together with the servant, telling me: 'no, no, even if you give me a hundred pesos, i will take no man from manila.' in fact, after much begging, i had to resign myself and leave him ashore, and take ship without knowing who would guide and serve me; for i understood neither chinese nor malayan. at the same time, i have heard that the filipinos are cowards in a storm. the infantry captain molla told me that the captain of a pontín which encountered a heavy tempest began to weep, and the sailors hid in order not to work; and he had to drive them out of the corners with a stick, for which they began to mutiny and to try to pitch him overboard. ashore they have given some proofs of boldness by attacking spaniards to their faces.... sergeant mateo was boldly confronted in the insurrection of 1823. the soldiers have the excellent quality of being obedient, and if they have spanish officers and sergeants, will not turn their backs on the fire; but alone they have never given proof of gallantry. in the war with the english, they always fled ... and the few europeans whom anda had were his hope, and the soul of all his operations. i have asked many officers who have fought with filipinos, either against the savages in the mountains, or against ladrones; and they all have told me that when it comes to fighting, they preferred to have twenty-five europeans to one hundred filipinos. many allege, in proof of their bravery, the indifference with which they die; but this is rather a sign of stupidity than of good courage. from all of the above data, we might deduce that the individual whom we are analyzing is more often found to be cowardly than impassive and fearless; but that he is apt to become desperate, as is very frequently observed. they express that by the idea that he is hot-headed, and at such times they commit the most atrocious crimes and suicide. he is cruel, and sheds blood with but little symptoms of horror, and awaits death calmly. this is because he does not feel so strongly as we do the instinct of life. he has no great spirit for hazardous enterprises, as for instance that of boarding a warship, breaking a square, gaining a bridge, or assaulting a breach, unless he be inflamed by the most violent passions, that render him frantic." (mas, pp. 119-121.) [239] in m., "to a great degree;" and in d., "in a certain manner." [240] d. reads "on this occasion." [241] delgado says (p. 318) that the sin of intoxication is overstated. among the visayans, intoxicating beverages are indulged in in differing degrees, while many are abstemious. "i would like to hear what the tagálog indians who live among spaniards in manila would say to this stain, that is imputed to them alone." "perhaps this may have been so in the time of father gaspar, as the filipinos preserved more of their ancient customs than now, for we see that intoxication is very common in the independent tribes living in the mountains, but today it is not observed that the [civilized filipinos] drink more than the individuals of other nations who are considered sober." (mas, pp. 121, 122.) [242] delgado denies that the indians are robbers (p. 318). [243] delgado says (p. 318): "this passage is absolutely malicious, so far as the visayans are concerned; for no visayan woman of good blood will marry with other than her equal, however poor she be. and although all are of one color, they make great distinctions among themselves." "the same thing is recounted by father mozo to be the case among the mountain savages." (mas, p. 122.) [244] i.e., "at least as to manner." [245] d. omits this last clause. [246] an adaptation of an old proverb, probably meaning here, "although sins are committed here, they are not so frequent as in other places." [247] san agustin speaks without sufficient authority, says delgado (pp. 318, 319), for he only remained a short time in panay, and learned nothing of the other parts of the visayans. "i know very well that what he imputes to the visayan women is not absolutely true. for generally they detest not only cafres and negroes, but also inequality in birth. they are not so easy as his paternity declares in admitting any temptation, and there are many of them who are very modest and reserved." bad women exist everywhere, even among the whites. "there is no doubt that modesty is a peculiar feature in these women. from the prudent and even humble manner in which the single youths approach their sweethearts, one can see that these young ladies hold their lovers within strict bounds and cause themselves to be treated by them with the greatest respect. i have not seen looseness and impudence, even among prostitutes. many of the girls feign resistance, and desire to be conquered by a brave arm. this is the way, they say, among the beautiful sex in filipinas. in manila no woman makes the least sign or even calls out to a man on the street, or from the windows, as happens in europa; and this does not result from fear of the police, for there is complete freedom in this point, as in many others. but in the midst of this delicacy of intercourse there are very few filipino girls who do not relent to their gallants and to their presents. it appears that there are very few young women who marry as virgins and very many have had children before marriage. no great importance is attached to these slips, however much the curas endeavor to make them do so. some curas have assured me that not only do the girls not consider it dishonorable, but think, on the contrary, that they can prove by this means that they have had lovers. if this is so, then we shall have another proof that these filipinos preserve not a little of their character and primitive customs; since, according to the account of father juan francisco de san antonio, it was a shame for any woman, whether married or single, before the arrival of the spaniards, not to have a lover, although it was at the same time a settled thing that no one would give her affection freely. "that they are more affectionate than men is also a fact, but this is common to the sex in all countries.... "that they rarely love any spaniards is also true. the beard, and especially the mustache, causes them a disagreeable impression, and he who believes the contrary is much mistaken. besides, our education, our tastes, and our rank place a very high wall between the two persons. the basis of love is confidence; and a rude filipino girl acquires with great difficulty confidence toward an european who is accustomed to operas and society. they may place themselves in the arms of europeans through interest or persuasion; but after the moment of illusion is over, they do not know what to say and one gets tired of the other. the filipino girl does not grow weary of her filipino, for the attainments, inclinations, and acquaintances of both are the same. notwithstanding the filipinos live, as i am told, convinced that not one of their beauties has the slightest affection for us, and that they bestow their smiles upon us only for reasons of convenience, yet i imagine that sometimes the joke is turned upon themselves--especially if the spaniard is very young, has but little beard, and is of a low class, or can lower himself to the level of the poor filipino girl." (mas, pp. 123-125.) [248] m. reads "fishing." [249] d. reads "gloomily." [250] m. reads "for to define them categorically, with an essential and real definition." d. reads "for to define them categorically, with an essential and real substantial definition, awaits another." [251] m. omits the remainder of this paragraph; and the last sentence in d. reads: "but it they had undertaken the task of defining the indians, they would not have been so successful." [252] this was the french poet and theologian john barclay, who was born at pont-à-mousson, in 1582, and died at rome, august 12, 1621. he refused to enter the society of jesus, and followed his father to england where he published a poem at the coronation of james i, which found considerable favor. while in london he was accused of heresy, and was summoned to rome by paul v. in london he published a continuation of his euphormion, the first part of which had appeared in 1610. this consists of a latin satire in two books. his argenis was published in paris in 1621, and there was a leyden edition in 1630. it is a story, written in prose and poetry, of the vices of the court. it was very popular and was translated into many languages. see hoefer's nouvelle biographie générale. [253] probably joannes rodenborgh, who wrote the fifth part of logicæ compendiosæ (utrecht, 1676). [254] see ante, p. 192, note 109. [255] see ante, p. 191, note 105. [256] i.e., "passion does not come from custom." this is lacking in m. [257] i.e., "and infamous need." this is from the aeneid, book, vi, line 276. [258] st. antony of thebes was the founder of monachism. he is said to have been born at koma, egypt, near heraklea, a. d. 251, and to have died a. d. 356. in early life he retired to the wilderness, and lived in seclusion until 305, when he founded the monastery of fayum, near memphis and arsinoë. he is the patron of hospitallers, and his day is celebrated on january 17. his life was written by st. athanasius, a condensed translation of which is given by s. baring-gould in his lives of the saints (london, 1897, 1898), i, pp. 249-272. see also addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 596; and new international encyclopædia. [259] formerly called thebaica regio, one of the three great divisions of ancient egypt, and equivalent to upper egypt. this district was famous for its deserts, which became the habitation of many of the early christians, among them both sts. antony and arsenius. see larousse's grand dictionnaire. [260] st. arsenius was a roman of a noble and wealthy family, who became the tutor of the two sons of theodosius at constantinople. he fled to egypt after the death of theodosius, in shame at the poor results of his teaching. there he lived in the desert, where he was called "the father of the emperors." he died about 440, after a long life of seclusion. he figures in kingsley's story of hypatia. his day is celebrated on july 19, and he is especially revered in france and belgium. see baring-gould (ut supra), viii, pp. 446-448. [261] d. reads wrongly "theodorico." [262] d. reads "gético." [263] in the first line of the above citation, which is from the epistolarum ex ponto, book i, epistle 3 (to rufinus) read "littore" in place of "frigore." the translation of the two lines is as follows: "what is better than rome? what is worse than the scythian shore? yet the barbarian flees thither from that city." [264] i.e., "though composed of many, it draws to itself the nature of the more worthy simple form." [265] "among the filipino indians there are many who are very good, and are very capable of being directed and taught in good and holy customs; and because there are many bad ones, who govern themselves not by reason, but by the pressure of public opinion, it cannot be said rightly and conscientiously that all are bad." (delgado, p. 320.) "this paragraph appears admirable to me, and a more exact idea of the filipino cannot be given in so few words--at least such as he is at present, either because of circumstances, or because of his physical constitution, or of the two things together." (mas, p. 127.) [266] m. and d. add "it is in favor of their comfort, and they commit other greater acts of insolence, for." [267] i.e., "they enter into the joy of their lord;" a reference to matthew xxv, 21, 23. [268] i.e., "not as to the cause, but as the effect." d. reverses the position of the negative. [269] heliogabalus the roman emperor, who ascended the throne in 218 a. d., at the age of fourteen, and was assassinated after three years. he is known chiefly for his acts of madness and bestiality, and his cruelty. [270] san agustin has quoted these lines incorrectly. they are found in ll. 527-531 of marcus annæus lucanus's pharsalia, and are as follows: ... o vitæ tuta facultas pauperis angustique lares! o munera nondum intellecta deum! quibus hoc contingere templis aut potuit muris nullo trepidare tumultu cæsarea pulsante manu?... the translation of this passage is as follows: "o secure opportunity of life, and lares of the needy poor man! o gifts not yet recognized as a god! what temples could enjoy this blessing, or what walls be in confusion in any tumult, if the hand of cæsar move?" [271] "all religious agree that they die with the utmost indifference, and that when they come to the bedside of the dying one, in order to comfort him, they remain cold upon seeing how little those people are changed by the words that their approaching peril inspires in them. confessions at such a time are generally somewhat more sincere, but always very short and stupid. the relatives are not at all careful about talking of his death in the presence of the sick person--as, for example, one of them remarking to the cura in a very natural and quiet voice in his uncle's presence (who still fully retained his feeling and hearing): 'see, father, it would be wise for you to consecrate the winding-sheet, for i think that he is about to die soon.' the same indifference is to be observed in a criminal condemned to any punishment. he is seated on his heels on a bamboo bench, smoking. every few moments the religious enters to give him a christian word, to which the criminal generally answers: 'yes, father, i know quite well that i have to die; what am i to do about it? i am an evil man; god so decrees; such was my fate;' and other things of this sort. he eats regularly, and sleeps as on any other day.... [this] is only one additional proof, and in my opinion, a not slight one, that the filipino race is inferior, at least in spiritual matters, to our race." (mas, pp. 128, 129.) [272] the location of the above quotation is not given in the ayer ms., but is given in both m. and d. [273] d. reads "chatcere." [274] possibly a reference to proverbs ii instead of xx (where there is nothing that corresponds to this passage). the translation of the above is: "i walk in the ways of justice, in the midst of the paths of judgment, so that i may call myself diligent." [275] this is not quoted correctly, but should be: venite ad me omnes, qui laboratis et onerati estis, et ego reficiam vos. the editor of d. has emended this passage. [276] this is the wrong reference. in the king james version, it is lxxii, 13, and in the douay version, lxxi, 13. [277] i.e., "for to him that is little, mercy is granted." this is not in m. [278] the remainder of this paragraph, and all the next, are lacking in m. [279] i.e., "no sacrifice is more acceptable to god than the zeal for souls." [280] i.e., "ye therefore, my friends who are in the world, proceed with security, and cry out and announce my will. i will dwell in your heart and in your mouth: i will be your leader on the way, and you consolation at death. i will not leave you. proceed with eagerness, for glory increases from the labor." d. reads "audacter," "boldly," instead of "alacriter." m. gives but a portion of the citation. [281] this quotation is not exact, the correct version being as follows: patientia enim vobis necessaria est: ut voluntatem dei facientis, reportetis promissionem. it is not in m. [282] in d. "placing." [283] m. is the only one of the three versions of this letter that locates this citation correctly. we adopt the reading of the latin vulgate, as san agustin has not quoted exactly. [284] m. and d. omit these last four words. [285] m. and d. read "variety of combinations of." [286] of the remainder of the letter, delgado says (p. 323): "in regard to all the rest that the reverend writer adds, concerning the manner in which those who live with the indians ought to comport themselves, i have nothing more to say or to add. for it is all well written and noted, and those who come new to these islands will do very well to read it and to do as the reverend father prescribes, teaching the indians to read and write and other knowledge, for they have great capacity for all and at the same time, civilization, which is very necessary to them; and where they fail and sin, punish them as children, and not as slaves. by so doing they will obtain from them whatever they wish." mas says (pp. 130, 131) of the advice given by san agustin "i would be very glad, and it would be very advantageous for them, if all the spaniards would adopt this system which is both wise and unique. but quite to the contrary, many persons think that the filipinos ought to understand them at the slightest insinuation and very readily. for any fault they become impatient and call the filipinos brutes, and carabaos, and express themselves in the presence of the filipinos in the most violent manner, and in the most insulting terms about the race in general, even to the point of wishing to destroy them and other barbarous and sanguinary ideas of which their heart is not capable. and they do not take note that such outbreaks of wrath only serve the purpose of confusing the filipinos, rendering them more stupid, and rousing up hatred against them and all the spaniards." [287] in m. "mildly." [288] m. gives the reference wrongly as the nineteenth verse. [289] i.e., "care must, in fact, be taken that the teacher and the father and the mother give discipline to their subjects." [290] not in m. [291] in d. "and the merit lies in the patience." [292] i.e., "help the poor because of the commandment; and send him not away empty-handed because of his poverty, etc." m. and d. add the thirteenth verse, as follows: perde pecuniam propter fratrem et amicum tuum, et non abscondas illam sub lapide in perditionem. the english of this is: "lose thy money for thy brother and thy friend: and hide it not under a stone to be lost." to the above paragraph m. and d. add the following: "for the merit becomes greater in proportion to their ingratitude if we fulfil our obligation and if they act according to their disposition. for, as says the royal prophet david (psalm xxxvi, 21), mutuabitur peccator, et non solvet: justus autem miseretur et tribuet." [293] this paragraph is divided into two paragraphs in m. and d. and is very much abridged. it is as follows: "it is necessary that those indians who are taken as servants, be shown no love if they are children, but always uprightness, for one must consider it as most certain that in proportion as they are better clothed and caressed, the worse they will become when they grow up. this is the teaching of the holy spirit: [the verse from proverbs as above follows]. they must be treated with great uprightness and prudence, for otherwise they will gradually lose their respect to the character that god presents to them in the spaniard. [the fable of king log follows as above.]" [294] i.e., "he who blows his nose too violently generally draws forth blood." [295] m. and d. make two paragraphs of the above, and read as follows: "one must not press them to give more of themselves than they can, as we do with the lemon, for that which will be expressed will be bitter, and, as says the proverb [in d.--"and as says a law commentary"] qui nimis emungit solet extorquere cruorem. we must remember in all this the teaching of the holy council of trent, session 13 [in d.--"3"] de reformat, chapter i, whose words, although they are very well worth reading, i omit on account of their length. it is not proper to go up into their houses, except when necessity requires it, keeping therein the evangelical precept (luke x, 7 [wrongly cited as xx]): nolite transire de domo in domum. for one will lose much in estimation, while their vices [in d.--"coldness"] do not make this a desirable diversion." [296] m. and d. add: "anything is entrusted to them." the remainder of san agustin's letter is omitted in d. [297] m. and d. add here: "for thus does the holy spirit advise us." "one day a friend of mine ordered a servant in my presence to go to a certain house to ask in his name for the last gazettes from europa. i advised my friend to give the servant a note, since the latter would doubtless give expression to some bit of nonsense. he took no notice of me, and sent the servant. in fact, the man understood "aceite" [i.e., "olive oil"], for "gaceta" [i.e., "gazette"], and returned with a bottle of olive oil. his master was very much put out, while i burst into a roar of laughter. a peculiar thing is often observed in servants, namely, when one of them is ordered, 'go to the house of don antonio,' before the message is finished the servant begins to go; and one has to call him back and say to him, 'but, man alive, where are you going?' and, if he is allowed to go, he reaches his destination and says that he has been sent there, and then returns whence he came, or utters some foolish remark." (mas, p. 133.) [298] in the vulgate, the last word of the latin in this citation is eum. [299] i.e., "at least in passing." this is not in m. [300] m. reads "denude themselves of their customs." [301] m. reads: "for the indian who is ordained does not give himself a trade because of the more perfect estate." [302] m. has instead of "from the oar," "from handling a bolo." [303] spanish, la cuña del mismo palo; another application of an old spanish proverb. [304] m. adds "and those farthest from manila, where also the remedy is very far away." [305] spanish, sobre quítame allá esas pajas--literally, "regarding 'carry away these straws from me,'" defined by the academy's dictionary as, "about a thing of little importance or value." [306] picota: "a column [the insignia of jurisdiction] or gibbet of stone, which is usually placed at the entrances of towns or villages; on which are ignominiously exposed the heads of persons executed or of criminals" (bárcia, dicc. etimológico). [307] m. adds "to the father cura." the reason for this letter may be found possibly in this paragraph, in the hostility of the religious orders to admitting the filipinos to the priesthood. [308] m. reads "how well it could be subdued and composed." [309] m. adds "in his happiness." [310] m. reads: "and while they were all gallantly seated in the hall, and she was, very finely adorned with jewels, in the room, surrounded by many ladies." [311] m. reads: "the bride spied the mouse from a long distance, and, not being able to restrain herself out of respect for that function, she arose and began to run the length of the hall. she overthrew the people, and they were unable to restrain the fair bride, and cause her to desist from her undertaking. the angry groom said to them." [312] the rest of this sentence reads in m., "even though they should become bishops." [313] matthew xxv, 21. [314] i.e., "the priesthood is the apex of all good things which exist among men." st. ignatius the martyr was born about the middle of the first century of the christian era, and is said to have been baptized by the apostle john. he was bishop of antioch for forty years. arrested by the roman authorities because of his preaching, he was sent to rome, where he was killed by wild beasts in the arena, probably about 107 a. d. he met the famous polycarp while on his way to rome. many epistles exist which are said to have been written by him, although some of them are probably spurious. his day is celebrated on february 1. see s. baring-gould (ut supra), ii, pp. 1-5, and new international encyclopædia. [315] i.e., "concerning the dignity of the priesthood." m. adds: "nihil est in hoc secula excelentius sacerdotibus [i.e., 'there is nothing more excellent in this world than the priesthood']; and above, horur igitur, et sublimitas sacerdotalis nullis poterit compurationibus adequari si regum fulgori compares, et principum diademati longe erit inferius, quam si plumbi metallum aduri fugorem compares. [i.e., "therefore the priestly reverence and height can be equaled by no comparisons. if it be compared to the splendor of kings and the diadem of princes, the comparison is far more inferior than if the metal lead were compared to gleaming gold."] and of this father don antonio molina speaks at length in his admirable book." [316] st. ambrose was one of the four doctors of the western church. he was born at trèves about 340 a. d., and received a good education in rome, and entered into the roman civil service. elected to the office of bishop of milan, in what was regarded as a miraculous manner, he soon became one of the great strongholds of the young religion of christianity. to him was due the honor of receiving the great augustine into the church. his death occurred in 397 a. d. his day is celebrated on december 7; and in milan he is regarded as a patron saint. the ambrosian library of that city is named for him. see s. baring-gould (ut supra), xv, pp. 74-104; and new international encyclopædia. [317] antonio de molina was a spanish theologian, who was born at villa-nueva-de-los-infantes (castilla). entering the augustinian order, he taught theology, until he later retired to the house at miradores, where he died september 12, 1612. he wrote a book called instruccion de sacerdotes, which was published in various places in spain, and later translated into various languages, among them the latin. see hoefer's nouvelle biographie générale, xxxv, col. 892. [318] paulo segneri, s.j. was one of the most illustrious men that the jesuit order has produced. he was a native of nettuno, italy, being born march 22, 1624, and entered the society december 2, 1637. he early became deaf through his excessive study. after teaching the humanities and rhetoric, he became a preacher and missionary, traversing italy on his missionary journeys during the years 1665-1692. in 1692 he was called to rome by innocent xii, to take the place of his preacher-in-ordinary. his death occurred at rome, december 9, 1694. his influence on italy is ranked by some only second to that of savonarola. his style in writing is regarded as of chief rank in purity and accuracy for his century. his writings were numerous, and have been translated into many languages, some of them into greek and arabian. the book mentioned in the text is il parroco instruito: opera in cui si dimostra a qualsisia curato novello il debito che lo strigne, e la via da tenerse nell' adempirlo (firenze, 1692). see sommervogel's bibliothèque; and hoefer (ut supra), xliii, cols. 685, 686. [319] the dignity of patriarch in the catholic church (leaving aside the papal rank) is the highest grade in the hierarchy of jurisdiction. antioch early occupied a high place among the patriarchates, although with the lapse of time it lost its high position; and finally, after the schism between the eastern and western churches, the appointee to that dignity did not actually assume the office. see addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, pp. 35, 36, and 640. the patriarch mentioned in the text was the famous cardinal charles thomas millard de tournon. see vol. xxviii, p. 118, and note 56; concepción, ix, pp. 1-123; and crétineau-joly, v, pp. 38-54. [320] these last two sentences are missing in m. [321] at this point the letter proper in m. ends with the words: "may god preserve you for many years," and no signature follows. this is followed by the questions for men and women of murillo velarde. [322] in the text, legitimos; probably a transcriber's error for ilegitimos ("of illegitimate birth"). other papal letters give leave to dispense with the above classes, who could not, otherwise, be promoted to holy orders. both classes could, also, be raised to church dignities, but only to minor dignities, and not to high ones as bishoprics, etc. the distinction between espurios and [i]legitimos seems merely to have been a legal one, as both terms mean the same in effect.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [323] i.e., "it was lately related to us." [324] in the copy of this letter conserved in the collection of fray eduardo navarro of the colegio de filipinas, valladolid, spain (of which we have the transcription of a few pages at the end), this word reads divina. [325] antonio (not pedro) urceo, who was also called codrus, was an erudite italian, who was born august 14, 1446 at rubiera, and died at bologna in 1500. he was a good educator of youth, but of choleric temper. while acting as tutor in one of the noble italian families, a fire destroyed most of his papers, which so worked upon him that he retired into almost complete seclusion for six months. in 1482 he went to bologna, where he taught grammar and eloquence. although during his life he gave doubts of his orthodoxy, his death was all that could have been wished. his works were published in four editions, the first being at bologna in 1502, under the title in hoc codri volumine hæc continentur orationes, seu sermones ut ipse appelabat epistolae. silvae. satyrae. eglogae. epigrammata. the translation of the above citation is as follows: "although thou be freeborn and sprung from noble parents; still even yet thou mayst be a base beast. add that thou art an honor to thy country, and claim the noblest kin; still even yet thou mayst be a base beast. thou mayst have wealth, thou mayst have abundance of elegant furniture; still even yet thou mayst be a base beast. in short, whatever thou shalt be, unless thou have prudence, i declare that thou wilt ever be a base beast." of the native priests of the philippines, delgado says (pp. 293-296): "i know some seculars in the islands, who although indians, can serve as an example and confusion to the european priests. i shall only bring forward two examples: one, the bachelor don eugenio de santa cruz, judge-provisor of this bishopric of santísimo nombre de jesús, and calificador of the holy office, a full blooded indian and a native of pampanga. and inasmuch as the author of this letter confesses that the pampangos are a different people, i shall name another, namely, the bachelor don bartolomé saguinsin, a tagálog, a cura of the district of quiape (outside the walls of manila), an indian, and a native of the village of antipolo. i knew his parents, and had friendly relations with them while i was minister in that village. both men were esteemed for their abilities and venerated for their virtues, in tagalos and visayas." in addition, "those reared in any of the four colleges in manila, for the clerical estate are all the sons of chiefs, people of distinction among the indians themselves, and not of the timaua, or of the class of olipon, as the visayan says, or maharlica or alipin, as the tagálog calls the slaves and freedmen. the reverend fathers of st. dominic or of the society rear these boys and instruct them in virtue and learning; and if they have any of the vices of indians, these are corrected and suppressed by the teaching and conversation of the fathers. furthermore, when the most illustrious bishops promote any of these men to holy orders, they do not proceed blindly, ordering any one whomever to be advanced--but only with great consideration and prudence, and after informing themselves of his birth and his morals, and examining and testing him first before the ministry of souls is entrusted to him; and to say the contrary is to censure the most illustrious prelates, to whom we owe so much veneration and reverence. furthermore, there are among these indians, many (and perhaps most of them) who are as noble, in their line of descent as indians, as is any spaniard; and some of them much more than many spaniards who esteem themselves as nobles in this land. for, although their fate keeps them, in the present order of things, in an almost abject condition, many of them are seigniors of vassals. their seigniory has not been suppressed by the king, nor can it be suppressed. such we call cabezas de barangay in tagálog, and ginhaopan in visayan. they and their children and relatives lose nothing of their nobility because they serve the king in cutting timber, in the fleets, or in other personal services which are necessary in this land. as they lose nothing, it is also much honor for them that the king be served by them. accordingly, there are sargentos-mayor, masters-of-camp, captains, governors of the villages, and lieutenants, and all are indians of distinction. these would not go to row in a banca, and their hands would certainly be freed from handling a bolo or an ax in the cutting of timber, and their mothers, wives, and daughters would not have become spinners, if it were not for españa. and although all the indians seem of one color to the father, this color is well distinguished among them; and they are very respectful to their chiefs and much more so to their priests, even though these be indians like themselves." delgado continues by saying that, although some of the native priests have turned out badly, that is not sufficient to condemn them all. it is arbitrary to declare that the indian enters the priesthood solely for his own comfort, and because of the respect shown him, and not because of the spiritual blessings. many spaniards also enter the ecclesiastical estate merely for a living. there are examples of negro, japanese, and chinese priests. "consequently, it is not to be wondered at that the most illustrious prelates and bishops should ordain indians here and in nueva españa, and in other parts of the indias." [326] the date of the navarro copy is wrongly given as 1725. [327] pedro murillo velarde was born august 6, 1696, at villa laujar, granada, and entered the jesuit novitiate at the age of 22. having entered the philippine missions, he was long a professor in the university of manila; and later was rector at antipolo, visitor to the mindanao missions, and procurator at rome and madrid. he died at the hospital of puerto santa maria, november 30, 1753. murillo velarde is one of the more noted among jesuit writers. his principal works are the following: cursus juris canonici, hispani et indici (madrid, 1743); historia de la provincia de philipinas de la compañia de jesus (manila, 1749); and geographica historica (madrid, 1752), in ten volumes. in the historia (which work we have used freely in the present series, as material for annotation) was published his noted map of the philippine islands, the first detailed map of the archipelago; it was made by order of the governor of the island, valdes tamón, in 1734. [328] a kind of sausage composed of lean pork, almonds, pineapple kernels, and honey. [329] this sentence is missing in father navarro's copy. [330] literally "lose a foothold." [331] delgado here refers to the "opinion" by murillo velarde which is prefixed to vol. i of san antonio's chronicas; this is dated at san miguel, may 19, 1738, and contains a detailed description of the products of the islands--vegetable, animal, and mineral--from which we extract his description of the peoples therein, as follows: "the natives of these islands are generally called indians, because these islands are included in the demarcation of the western indias--although properly they are in the eastern hemisphere, because, as they are distant from españa more than a hundred and eighty degrees of longitude, which makes the half-circuit [of the globe], it necessarily follows that they must be on the side of the east. all the indians resemble one another, especially in the yellowish-brown color and the flattened nose; and there is little difference between the individuals. in the island of negros, between cavitan and sipalay, i encountered heathen blacks with crinkled hair, as if they were from guinea. the people who are here called creoles are of a swarthy brown color, with withered skin, and are quite civilized and capable. as for the origin of the indians, i am inclined to think that they originate from malayos, on account of the similarity of their language; for by examining on various occasions a malay (a native of maláca) who could speak several languages fluently, and a ternatan, and lutaos and subanos, i have ascertained the following: in the malay, "sky" is called languit, and the same in tagálog, in lutáo, and subáno; "man" [varon] is lalaqui in malay, as in the tagálog and bisayan; "tongue" is dila in malay, as in tagálog; "white" is puti in malay, as in tagálog, subáno, and lutáo. in other words the difference is but slight; thus, in malay "land" is nigri, in tagálog lupa, in lutáo tana, in boholan yuta; and "man" [hombre] is in malay oran, in tagálog tavo, in lutáo aa, in subáno gatao. the indians are exceedingly clever in every kind of handiwork, not for inventing, but for imitating what they see. they write beautifully; many of them are tailors and barbers, for they learn both these trades with little effort; and there are among them excellent embroiderers, painters, and silversmiths; and engravers whose work has no equal in all the indias--and i was even going to place it far ahead of all the rest, if shame had not restrained me--as is very obvious in the many and excellent engravings which they are all the time producing. they are good carvers, gilders, and carpenters. they build vessels for these islands--galleys, galliots, pataches, and ships for the acapulco trade-route. they are good seamen, artillerists, and divers--for there is hardly an indian who does not know how to swim very well. they are the pilots of these seas. they excel in making bejuquillos, which are golden chains of delicate and exquisite workmanship. from palm-leaves, rattan, and nito they make hats, and petates or rugs, and mats, that are very handsome, and wrought with various kinds of flowers and other figures. they are noted as mechanics and puppet-players, and make complicated mechanisms which, by means of figures, go through various motions with propriety and accuracy. some are watchmakers. they make gunpowder, and cast mortars, cannon, and bells. i have seen them make guns, as handsomely constructed as those made in europe, although i do not think that they would be as substantial and reliable as those. there are in manila three printing-houses, and all keep indian workmen; and the errors that they make are not numerous. they have remarkable skill in music; and there is no village, however small, that has not a very respectable musician to officiate in the church. among them are excellent voices--trebles, contraltos, tenors, and basses; almost all can play on the harp, and there are many violinists, and players on the oboe and flute. it is especially noticeable that not only those whose trade it is to make these instruments do so, but various indians, through love [for such work], make guitars, harps, flutes, and violins, with their bolos or machetes; and they learn to play these instruments by only seeing them played, and without any special instruction. almost the same thing occurs in other matters; and on this account it is said that the indians have their understanding in their eyes, since they so closely imitate what they see. such are the indians, when observed on the outside surface of their aspect; but when one penetrates into the interior of their dispositions, peculiarities, and customs, they are a labyrinth, in which the most sagacious man loses his way. they appear ingenious and simple in countenance and words, but they are masters eminent in deceit and feigning; under an apparent simplicity they conceal an artful and crafty dissimulation. i believe that the indian never fails to deceive, unless when his own interests are hindered. in their lawsuits and business dealings they are like flies, which never quit what they are seeking, no matter how much they are brushed away; and thus they surpass and conquer us. the chinese say that the spaniard is fire, and the indian is water, and that water quenches fire. they neither resent an injury nor thank one for a kindness. if you give them anything, they immediately ask for another. there is no fixed rule for construing them; for each one is needed a new syntax, because they are anomalous. with them the argument is not concluded by induction, since no indian resembles another, nor even is one like himself; for in the short round of one day he changes his colors oftener than a chameleon, takes more shapes than a proteus, and has more movements than a euripus. he who deals with them most knows them least. they are, in fine, a union of contrarieties, which the greatest logician could not reconcile; they are an obscure and confused chaos, in which species cannot be perceived or formal qualities distinguished; and if i had to define them i would say: "obstabatque alijs aliud, quia corpore in vno frigida pugnabant calidis, humentia siccis, mollia cum duris, sine pondere habentia pondus." [332] alluding to the irregular tides in the straits of euripus, between euboea and greece; during a large part of the month these tides occur as often as eleven to fourteen times during the twenty-four hours. their irregularity occasioned among the greeks a proverb, which delgado here uses. [333] a name given by the inhabitants of cuba to the natives of mexico, and in vera cruz to those of the interior. the name is also applied to shrewd and brusque persons. (new velázquez dictionary.) [334] these two rules are respectively: "evil once, evil is always presupposed;" and "evil [may spring] from any failing." [335] these chains were also of chinese manufacture; apparently the filipinos took up this industry through their tendency to imitate. [336] the lygodium scandens, also called gnito and nitongputi, a climbing fern found throughout the philippines. blanco gives the name of the genus as ugena. the glossy, wiry stems are used in the making of fine hats, mats, cigarette and cigar cases, etc. see census of philippines, iv, p. 166. [337] the balate is an echinoderm found abundantly in the visayas, of which delgado describes three varieties (p. 935): namely the holothuria scabra (jager), which is white; the holothuria atra (jager), which is black; and the bacongan or synapta similis (semper), which is of larger size. the second variety is most esteemed. it was sold dry in the visayas or taken to manila and sold, where they were worth thirty-five or forty or even more silver pesos per pico. the chinese especially esteemed them (and do so yet) and large sums were paid for them in that country. the filipinos occasionally ate them fresh, but only in the absence of fish. [338] juan francisco de san antonio was born in madrid in 1682, and made his profession in the franciscan order at the age of twenty. in 1724 he brought a mission band to the islands, and spent there the rest of his life. his lifelong employ was in preaching, and as instructor in theology--save fifteen years spent in indian villages near manila. he died in that city may 29, 1744, the same year in which the last volume of his cronicas was published. see huerta's estado, p. 537. [339] these are the tagablis or tagabili, also called tagabelíes, tagabaloy, taga-bulú, tagbalooys, etc. murillo velarde, in his map, places them west of caraga and bislig in mindanao, but this district has been found to contain only manobos and mandayas. they are probably the heathen malay people living between the bay of sarangani and lake buluan, whence their name, meaning perhaps "people of buluan." see blumentritt's native tribes of philippines (mason's translation), and census of philippines, i, p. 476. [340] the cloth made from abacá alone is called sinamay; that made of abacá and pineapple fiber, jusi; and that from a specially selected grade of abacá, much finer and more difficult to extract than commercial hemp or that used in making other cloths, lupis. see census of philippines, iv, p. 19. [341] zúñiga (estadismo) mentions the chinese mestizo population of tambóbong or malabón (now in rizal province) as about 7,500. some of them had acquired by trade property to the value of 40,000 pesos. the tribute collected from all the chinese mestizos of luzon numbered 10,500, over 8,000 of which came from the provinces immediately north of manila--tondó, bulacán, and pampanga. the chinese mestizo element is very evident today in the provinces of bulacán and pampanga, and probably forms the principal element among the native owners of haciendas. see census of philippines, i, pp. 435, 436, 438. [342] spanish, con que se da borney la mano; literally "shakes hands." [343] an evident lapsus calami for legazpi, such as has occurred in other writers. [344] a moorish garment resembling a herdsman's jacket, with which the body is covered and girt. it is still used on some festive occasions. (dicc. academia, 1726.) [345] see ante, p. 123, note 48. [346] spanish, amusco, pero encendido; the last word, encendido, is literally "kindled," or "glowing"--that is, as here used, evidently referring to a reddish tint given by the blood showing through the skin. [347] the name of this book is probably the origen de los indios de el nuevo mondo, e indias occidentales (valencia, 1607; 8vo). garcia was also the author of a book entitled historia ecclesiastica y seglar de la yndia oriental y occidental, y predicacion del sancto evangelio en ella por los apostolos (baeça, 1626; 8vo). [348] see this report in vol. vii, pp. 173-196. see also vol. xvi, pp. 321-329. but san antonio quite overlooks the earlier relation by miguel de loarca (vol. v, pp. 34-187). [349] antonio de padua or de la llave went to the philippines with gomez perez dasmariñas in 1590. he took the habit march 17, 1591, and professed in the province of san gregorio march 19, 1592, changing his former name of gonzalo to antonio. after studying in the manila franciscan convent, he became missionary in the village of san miguel de guilinguiling, in 1602, and afterwards in the villages of paete, santa cruz, siniloan, lilio, and pila. he acted as definitor ad interim, from october 7, 1634 to january 13, 1635, and after becoming missionary of pila was appointed commissary-visitor, holding that office from june 12 to december 16, 1637. he served as definitor again in 1639, and finally died in the franciscan convent of mahayhay in 1645. he was the first chronicler of the province of san gregorio, and wrote the annals of his order from its founding in the philippines in 1577 to the year 1644, in two volumes; and a life of gerónima de la asuncion, foundress of the royal convent of poor clares in manila. see huerta's estado, pp. 452, 453. [350] possibly a misprint for magaanito, as it is called elsewhere. [351] see ante, p. 191, note 101. [352] noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario de la lengua tagala (manila, 1860) defines tictic as the "song of a nocturnal bird called apira, whence the name was transferred to the bird itself. it is also known by the names of lapira and pirapira." [353] that is, evidently without having enjoyed any of the fruits of the theft. [354] the spanish edition of juan de solorzano pereyra's disputationem de indiarum jure (matriti, 1629-39; 2 vols., fol.), and of which later editions were published. the title of the first edition of the spanish work is politica indiana sacada en lengua castellana de los dos tomos del derecho i govierno municipal de las indias occidentales que mas copiosamente escribio en la latina. ... por el mesmo autor ... anadidas muchas cosas que no estan en los tomos latinos (madrid, 1648, fol.). [355] i.e., sunday, domingo being the spanish word; evidence that this method of styling the week was evolved after the conquest. [356] see vol. iii, p. 161, note 42. [357] the distance from the extremity of the thumb to the extremity of the index finger, when outstretched; hence a span. [358] for the above weights and measures, see vols. iii, p. 71, note 20; p. 184, note 50; p. 253, note 87; and xv, p. 179, note 116. see also census of philippines, i, p. 327; and iv, pp. 447-457 (a long list of weights and measures, with many tables, used in the philippines). gutenberg the philippine islands, 1493-1898 explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century, volume xlvii, 1728-1759 edited and annotated by emma helen blair and james alexander robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by edward gaylord bourne. the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio mcmvii contents of volume xlvii preface 11 documents of 1728-1759 the santa misericordia of manila. juan bautista de uriarte; manila, 1728 23 survey of the filipinas islands. fernando valdés tamón; manila, 1739. (to this is added, "the ecclesiastical estate in the aforesaid philipinas islands," by pablo francisco rodriguez de berdozido; [manila], 1742.) 86 the order of st. john of god. juan maldonado de puga; granada, 1742 161 letter to the president of the india council. pedro calderon y enriquez; manila, july 16, 1746 230 letter of a jesuit to his brother. antonio masvesi; cavite, december 2, 1749 243 commerce of the philipinas islands. nicolas norton nicols; manila, [1759] 251 bibliographical data 285 appendix: relation of the zambals. domingo perez, o.p.; manila, 1680 289 illustrations map of the philippine islands; photographic facsimile of original ms. map (ca. 1742) in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid frontispiece plan of manila, ca. 1742; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid 89 plan of cavite and its fortifications, (ca. 1742); photographic facsimile from original manuscript in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid 107 cebú and its fortifications, ca. 1742; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid 115 plan of fort at zamboanga, 1742; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid 121 church of san juan de dios, manila, in religiosa hospitalidad, by juan m. maldonado de puga (granada, 1742), facing p. 148; photographic facsimile from copy in collection of eduardo navarro, o.s.a., at colegio de filipinas, valladolid 177 preface the documents presented in this volume (which covers the years 1728-59) form a comprehensive and interesting survey of the islands and their condition--social, religious, military, and commercial--during the middle portion of the eighteenth century; and the writers of these are prominent in their respective spheres of action. the appendix furnishes a valuable description of the savage zambals of western luzón, written by a dominican missionary among that people in 1680. the first document is a translation and condensation of the manifiesta y resumen historico de la fundacion de la venerable hermandad de la santa misericordia (manila, 1728), by juan baptista de uriarte. this poorly-constructed work is chiefly valuable, not for the direct historical facts that it gives, but for the social and economic deductions that can be made from those facts. for instance, in spite of the great poverty prevailing among certain classes of manila, it is apparent that the city possessed much wealth, else it would have been quite impossible for the brotherhood of santa misericordia to carry on its beneficent work to so great an extent. the brotherhood is founded april 16, 1594, after the model of the brotherhood of the same name in lisboa, its first establishment being in the school of santa potenciana. the rules of the new organization are ordained january 14, 1597, and first printed in 1606. the favor and protection accorded it in the beginning by luis perez dasmariñas is continued by many succeeding governors and ecclesiastics, many of whom act as purveyors. as might be expected, the first attempts toward charitable aid are weak, but strength is gradually attained, and the noble work of the brotherhood receives due recognition. certain pious funds are gradually established; the brotherhood executes many wills; a hospital is early founded, under the spiritual charge of the franciscans. in 1597, the royal hospital is taken in charge by the misericordia at the request of governor tello, in order that it may be managed better. amid all the many disasters from the time of its foundation to 1728--shipwrecks, other sea accidents, invasions by the dutch, earthquakes, etc.--the brotherhood ever lends a helping hand cheerfully. the city is divided into three parts, for the greater good of the poor and destitute. the various amounts of the alms distributed, which are given throughout the work, show how well the brotherhood discharged the purpose of its foundation. christianity is debtor to this organization through the aid furnished to the religious orders at various times. generous aid has been given to the prisons, to poor widows, to orphan girls (for whom a school is founded), and to noble destitute families, and others. its activities extend even to the ransoming of spanish and portuguese prisoners from the dutch; to the care of the native, spanish, and foreign soldiers who fight under the banners of spain; and even to japan. a productive rule of the brotherhood is the one compelling all the brothers at death to leave something to the association. from 1619 on, many loans are made from the coffers of the misericordia to the royal treasury, which is generally in a state of exhaustion; and these loans are always cheerfully given, even in the midst of the depressions that the association experiences. that the brotherhood has enemies is shown by citations from a manifesto which charges it with neglect and poor business management. these charges are, however, disproved by our author. indeed, the manila house exceeds in the amount of its alms, those given by the lisbon or mother house. elections are annual, and are made by ten members chosen by the brotherhood as a unit. the board is composed of thirteen brothers, chief of whom is the purveyor; his duties, as well as those of the secretary, treasurer, and three stewards, are stated. the remaining brothers of the board are known as deputies. royal decrees of 1699 and 1708 exempt the association from visitation by either ecclesiastical or civil officials, a concession that had been long before conferred upon it by tello. an important event in the history of the brotherhood is the completion in 1634 of its church and school of santa isabel, whereby it does much good, especially among the orphan girls under its charge. confessions in the school are in charge of the jesuits. many of the girls of the school enter the religious life, but others marry, and to all such a generous dowry is provided. regular devotions are prescribed for the girls; and for the brothers of the association various church duties are ordained. the girls are also required to help in the kitchen and to learn the duties of housekeeping, so that at marriage they are quite ready to assume the position of wife. the number of girls and women aided in this school and church reaches into the thousands, and the expenses of the church have been considerably over 100,000 pesos. in 1656, the brotherhood makes a transfer of its hospital to the hospital order of st. john of god. chief among the funds established for the use of the brotherhood are those by governor manuel de leon of 50,000 pesos, and by the famous archbishop pardo of 13,000. notwithstanding the many disasters that have occurred in the islands, many of which affect the brotherhood, the latter has never been in a better condition than at the time when this manifesto is written. in his final chapter, uriarte gives a list of the members of the board of the brotherhood, of which he is secretary. he also gives in full various documents which he has mentioned in the body of his relation. under charge of the association is the appointment of twenty-nine chaplaincies (apparently among the religious orders, for ten chaplaincies for lay priests are also mentioned); and a certain number of fellowships are supported in san josé college. the brotherhood is composed of 250 members, whose qualifications and duties are given. the work ends with an account of the annual alms given by the association. the condition of the islands in 1739 is well depicted in the relation furnished in that year to the home government by governor valdés tamón. brief descriptions are given of the city of manila, and the port of cavite, with their fortifications, gates, artillery, garrisons, and military supplies; the document contains similar accounts of all the other military posts in the philippines, and short descriptions of the various provinces in which the islands are governed. lack of space, however, obliges us to omit the greater part of these accounts, presenting only those concerned with manila, cavite, cebú, and zamboanga. in 1742 an additional report was made for the king in regard to the status of the ecclesiastical estate in the islands; this is here given in full. the four cathedral churches are first mentioned, with the jurisdiction, incumbent, expenses, and sources of income of each. the other religious and the educational institutions of manila, and its hospitals, are enumerated, with statements of the aid given to each by the royal treasury. a list is given of all the encomiendas in the islands granted for such purposes, also of those granted to private persons. another section is devoted to the missions which are carried on by the religious orders, and to the expenditures made for them by the government of the islands, tabulated statements of which are given, as in the other sections of this report. there is also a table of the amounts collected by the religious who are in charge of the mission villages as offerings on feast days. at the close are found some remarks eulogistic of the friars' labors in the islands, with an expression of regret that they have not carried out the king's orders to have the castilian language taught to the filipino natives. the work carried on by the misericordia was well supplemented by that of the hospital order of st. john of god, an account of which was published (granada, 1742) by one of its brethren in manila, juan manuel maldonado de puga. he describes the urgent need of aid for the sick there, the efforts made in early years (chiefly by the misericordia) to supply this want, and the coming of the hospitalers of st. john (1641) to manila. the government places in their charge the royal hospital at cavite (1642), and the misericordia surrender to them their hospital in manila (1656); and for a time they conduct a hospital for convalescents at bagumbaya. a full account is given of the transfer of the misericordia hospital, and of its history up to 1740. some difficulties arise between the hospitalers and the misericordia, which are decided in favor of the former by the jesuit university. maldonado presents a careful description of the new church and convent erected in 1727 by the hospitalers, and narrates the leading events in their history. an interesting digression by our author describes the system of weighing in use by the sangley traders in the islands, and the substitution therefor (1727) of the castilian steelyard and standards of weight; he states that he is the first to explain the chinese system, and we know of no other writer who has done so. he proceeds to give an account of the manner in which the filipinas province of the hospital order is governed, with lists of its provincials and of its present officers and members; and then enumerates the incomes and contributions of the order in the islands, relating the history of these, and similarly the grants of royal aid to its work there. in this connection is described the personal service called reserva or polo, which is imposed on the natives. another chapter enumerates and describes the charitable foundations [obras pias] from which the hospital receives aid. maldonado describes the present condition of the other hospitals in the islands, those outside manila being mainly for special classes--the lepers, the chinese, the soldiers, etc.; and few of them are properly managed or served. he ends with an apology for numerous errors in his text, due to the blunders of native amanuenses. a letter from manila (july 16, 1746) to the president of the india council recounts the difficulties and dangers with which the islands are threatened by the dutch and english, who are sending goods from their eastern factories to america, lying in wait to seize the spanish galleons, and even menacing manila. the writer suggests that the former trade between luzón and the malabar coast be resumed, and that more effective measures be taken to overawe the dutch and english in eastern waters. the jesuit antonio masvesi informs his brother (december 2, 1749) of the failure of the joló and mindanao missions, and severely criticises the governor, bishop arrechedera, for his infatuation with the sultan of joló, and his lavish entertainment of that treacherous and crafty moro, against the advice of the jesuits. masvesi sends also an account of these matters by a brother jesuit, these letters being intended to counteract the influence of arrechedera's reports to the home government. a curious memorial to the king, by an englishman named norton but naturalized in spain, urges that that country open up a direct commerce with the philippine islands by way of the cape of good hope, and that mainly in cinnamon. he enumerates the products and exports of the islands, and urges that these be cultivated more than they are--above all, the cinnamon, which is now purchased by spain and her colonies from the dutch, at exorbitant prices. the finest quality of this spice could be produced in mindanao, and norton recommends that plantations of cinnamon be made there, thus furnishing it to spain and the colonies at a lower price, and retaining their silver for their own use instead of allowing their enemies to get possession of it. he recapitulates the great advantages which will accrue to spain, to her people and colonists, and to the indian natives, from the execution of this project; and he would cultivate in the islands not only cinnamon but pepper. he cites figures from the amsterdam gazette to show how great quantities of commodities which might be produced by the philippines are brought to europe from the dutch factories in the east; and he points out how spain might profitably exchange cinnamon and pepper for the lumber, cordage, etc., which she now purchases for cash from norway and russia. he urges that spain should no longer submit to the tyranny of the dutch and other heretics, who are really in her power, since they must depend on her for silver. he asks that the king will appoint a commission to examine and report on his project, and enumerates various conditions which he requires in order to establish the direct commerce between spain and filipinas. at the end are stated the numerous advantages which would accrue to spain and the colonies from the execution of norton's plan. appendix: domingo perez, one of the most noted of the seventeenth century dominican missionaries, writes an account in 1680, from personal experience, of the newly-acquired dominican province of zambales, in which he describes that province, and the people in their manifold relations. he gives much interesting information, for the truth of which he vouches, concerning the malayan race of the zambals, whose peculiar characteristics he describes, from the standpoints of their religion and superstitions, and their social and economic life; describes the changes effected by the softening influences of the christian religion; and gives various suggestions as to their management. they are seen to possess a religion somewhat vague in its general concept, but quite specific and complex in its individual points, with a graded priesthood, to all of which, however, not too great importance must be attached. in their superstitious beliefs, they approach quite closely to the other peoples of the philippines. birds are a good or bad omen according to circumstances; sneezing is always a bad omen; great credence is given to dreams. marriage is an important ceremony, and chastity is general among the women, who exercise great power among the people. feasts are occasions for intoxication. above all, they are fierce headhunters, and strive to cut off as many heads as possible, although they are a cowardly race. the dominican policy of governing the zambals is one of concentration, in which they are well aided by the garrison of spanish soldiers stationed in the zambal country. the editors december, 1906. documents of 1728-1759 the santa misericordia of manila. juan bautista de uriarte; 1728. survey of the filipinas islands. fernando valdés tamón; 1739. (to this is added, "the ecclesiastical estate in the aforesaid philipinas islands," by pablo francisco rodriguez de berdozido; [manila], 1742.) the order of st. john of god. juan maldonado de puga; 1742. letter to the president of the india council. pedro calderon y enriquez; july 16, 1746. letter of a jesuit to his brother. antonio masvesi; december 2, 1749. commerce of the philipinas islands. nicolas norton nicols; [1759]. sources: the first document is translated (partly in full and partly in synopsis) from manifiesta ... del hospital de la sancta misericordia (manila, 1728); from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. the second, from an original ms. in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid; part of it (of minor importance) is necessarily omitted here. the third (largely in synopsis), from religiosa hospitalidad por los hijos del ... s. ivan de dios en philipinas (granada, 1742); from a copy belonging to e. e. ayer. the fourth, from an original ms. in the library of the academia española, madrid. the fifth, from a transcript in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 297-305. the sixth, from an original ms. (or possibly a contemporaneous copy) in possession of e. e. ayer. translations: the first is made by james alexander robertson; the remainder, by emma helen blair. the santa misericordia of manila chapter i of the beginning of this venerable brotherhood of the city of manila, in the year 1594 [the santa misericordia of manila [1] was founded in imitation of the association of the same name which had been established in the city of lisbon in august 1498 with the consent of the vacant see and of queen leonor, wife of juan ii. at the time of the foundation of the manila branch, clement viii occupied the papal chair, and luis perez dasmarifias was governor of manila.] chapter ii of the foundation of this venerable brotherhood, and the circumstances attending it the foundation of this venerable brotherhood was april 16, 1594, the following being assembled and congregated in the church of the holy society of jesus of this city: his excellency, don luis perez das mariñas, knight of the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of these islands for the king our sovereign; the very reverend father, fray christoval de salvatierra, of the order of st. dominic, governor of the bishopric for his excellency, don fray domingo de salazar, its bishop, who at that time was in the kingdoms of castilla; the venerable dean, don diego basquez de mercado; the judiciary and municipal body of this noble city; the master-of-camp of the royal army of these islands, don diego ronquillo; and the majority of the nobility and citizens of the city. and they having been informed of the so holy end for which this venerable brotherhood and confraternity is instituted (in regard to which matter, a devout talk was given by the very reverend father rector of the college of the said society of jesus, antonio sedeño, who with the ardor of his spirit, informed them of the importance that the foundation of the venerable brotherhood, whose institution they were discussing for the spiritual and temporal welfare of their neighbors, would be in the time of their greatest calamities and miseries); in view of all of which, having conferred with mature deliberation and due reflection concerning the seriousness of the matter: they unanimously and harmoniously decided upon the foundation of so holy a brotherhood. from that time it was considered as established with the fixed resolution to begin the exercise of works of charity, in accordance with the rules which were made for the better government of the brotherhood, the original of which are conserved in the first book of records. then immediately their excellencies, the ecclesiastical and secular governors, who were present, each one for himself, in the part that pertained to him, confirmed all the abovesaid and affixed their signatures. it was agreed for the time being that this venerable brotherhood of our lady of charity should be established in the college of santa potenciana in this city. the first brothers who composed the financial board [mesa] of this brotherhood, numbered thirteen: the purveyor don luis perez das mariñas, knight of the order of alcantara, governor and captain-general of these islands; its secretary, don estevan de marquina; its treasurer, don juan de esquerra; the deputies, don juan ronquillo, don christoval de azqueta, don antonio de cañedo, don francisco de poza, don diego del castillo, don juan de alzega, don juan arseo, don hernando nuñez de peñalosa, don juan de la lara, and don thomas de machuca. those gentlemen in the meeting held may 11, 1594, enacted that this venerable brotherhood should militate under the protection and favor of that of lisboa, since that is the head of all the brotherhoods which are founded in the districts of españa and of india, so that recognizing this brotherhood as its offspring, they might establish a mutual correspondence and a perpetual brotherhood, and, as faithful brothers aiding one another, obtain the chief end of their institute which is directed to the exercise of works of charity and mercy. on this matter, having written to the said venerable brotherhood, the latter responded without the least delay, congratulating it on having obtained in its foundation and brothers the limit of its desires, and despatched the rules of that house which were received by this brotherhood in 1596. and in order that they might be observed more fittingly and performed in accordance with the condition and state of the land, it was necessary to revise some of them, although only a few, but only after great thought and consideration by very learned persons. those which today are in force were ordained january 14, 1597, in a meeting called for that effect. they were given to the press in 1606. at the same time this brotherhood succeeded in being admitted and recognized as an offspring by the brotherhood of the misericordia of the city of lisboa. it is not outside the present matter to mention at this place, although briefly ... the governors and captains-general for the king our sovereign, who have been brothers and purveyors of the house of the misericordia of this city, as well as the archbishops, ministers of the royal audiencia, the venerable deans, masters-of-camp, and others, who will be named later, in the chronological order in which they became brothers. it is as follows. [these names are as follows: luis perez das mariñas; doctor antonio de morga; licentiate christoval telles de almazan, auditor; francisco tello; fray miguel de venavides, archbishop; luis de bracamonte, master-of-camp; doctor juan de vibero, dean of the manila cathedral; doctor diego basquez de mercado, dean, vicar-general, and archbishop; miguel garsetas, chanter and purveyor; diego ronquillo, master-of-camp and purveyor; juan juares gallinato, master-of-camp; doctor juan fernandez de ledo, purveyor; manuel de madrid y luna, auditor; doctor alvaro de mesa y luna, auditor; juan de balderrama, auditor; alonzo de campos, archdeacon; alonso faxardo, governor and purveyor; mathias flores delgado, auditor; geronimo de legazpi, auditor; antonio alvarez de castro, auditor; sebastian cavallero, royal fiscal; doctor alonso zapata, schoolmaster; alvaro garcia de ocampo, auditor; doctor francisco samaniego, royal fiscal; licentiate juan de volivar y cruz, royal fiscal; sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor and purveyor; sabiniano manrique de lara, governor and purveyor; lorenso de olazo, master-of-camp; francisco pasqual de pano, auditor; augustin de cepeda, master-of-camp and purveyor; thomas de endaya, master-of-camp and purveyor; francisco de atienza y vañes, master-of-camp; doctor diego camacho y avila, archbishop; doctor francisco rayo doria, dean, commissary of the holy crusade and purveyor; doctor domingo de valencia, bishop of nueva cazeres and purveyor; conde de lizarraga, martin de ursua y arismendi, governor and purveyor; doctor joseph de torralva, auditor, governor, and purveyor; doctor phelipe de molina, bishop of nueva cazeres; doctor manuel antonio de osio y ocampo, dean, vicar-general, and commissary; doctor juan de la fuente yepez, schoolmaster; marquez de torre campo, governor and purveyor.] chapter iii of the condition and conveniences of this brotherhood in its beginning not a little admiration is caused upon beholding the weak foundations upon which the providence of god erected so great a work for the spiritual and temporal consolation of the poor and wretched people, who suffered extreme necessities in this community. in the beginning of its foundation, so scarce were the conveniences for obtaining the desired fruit of its chief institution that scarcely did they succeed in remedying the most urgent needs of their neighbors; but, as it advanced on account of the liberal hand of god, it commenced, as a father of charity, to scatter its gifts by means of worthy benefactors of this house, the first who liberally ennobled and enriched it being the said don luis perez das mariñas, with the following concessions and alms. 1. the first concession which he conceded to this brotherhood was three toneladas in the cargo of the ships which annually voyage to the port of acapulco in the kingdom of nueva españa, to bring the royal situado belonging to these islands, the date of its bestowal being april 30, 1594. it was confirmed by don francisco tello, governor and captain-general of these islands, january 24, 1597. 2. the second was of ten shops in the alcayceria, the parián of the sangleys, its date being august 29, 1595. 3. the third was of an encomienda of eight hundred tributes in the valley of ytuy, in whose conquest the said don luis was taking part, its date being april 25, 1596. 4. the fourth was twenty-four young bulls which the said gentleman applied from his majesty's stockfarm as an alms for this venerable brotherhood. these concessions were the principal support of this venerable brotherhood. after them followed some other alms, which in particular demonstration of their especial purpose were made by the said gentleman with the certain knowledge that by so good direction they would be distributed without the slightest delay and proportionally to the need of each person. from that instant it appears that the providence of god pledged itself in moving the hearts of men so that this so great work should take its greatest increase by means of the plentiful bequests which were left to this brotherhood, and funds which were frequently established as an encouragement of the pious ends in which its charity was exercised, committing their best alms and aids for the relief of the necessities of the poor, both families and self-respecting persons, in the best kind of bonds. the brotherhood obtained at the same time many trusts which the faithful administration of wills gained for it, which were in its charge, by the exact fulfilment which it gave to them. therefrom there resulted to this venerable brotherhood the well-known advantages which immediately resulted to the benefit of the said poor, whose needs and their relief were the only object of all its attention. chapter iv of the hospital which this brotherhood founded, and the christian and charitable exercises in which it was occupied. this venerable brotherhood imagined that it was lukewarm and neglectful in its love toward its neighbor, so long as it did not manifest it in works proportionate to its greatness. on that account its charity gave the first flights in the foundation and erection of a hospital in which poor soldiers were to be treated. inasmuch as there was no other in whom to place the care of this so great need, this brotherhood attended promptly to so fitting a relief, building it at the cost of many pesos in 1596, supplying what was possible in so little time, for the erection of said hospital. in fact, it was obtained with the happiness which its memory should make famous three years after its foundation. it gave its first attention to seeing that it was well provided with beds, good food, and other things necessary for the greatest relief of the sick, and secondly, by inquiring personally and anxiously ascertaining the lodging of said sick soldiers, so that they might immediately conduct them to the said hospital of santa misericordia. so christian and punctual and careful in their material treatment of the sick were they that this venerable brotherhood arranged for three deputies of the financial board alternately and continuously to live in the said hospital, for the better care and management of the medicines, their prompt application, and the competent assistance of physician and surgeon who treated the sick therein, as well as the good administration and management which they were to have of the many pesos which were spent for those pious ends; the seraphic order of our father st. francis [had charge] in the spiritual of the care of their souls with exemplary zeal and love, by means of one of its religious, a priest, who was maintained by this brotherhood, and to whom it gave everything necessary. within three years after the foundation of this hospital, so much had the idea of the charity with which the sick were treated, and the good management which was observed in it, increased, that on december 3, 1597, his excellency, don juan [i.e., francisco] tello, governor and captain-general of these islands, sent to this financial board (which was then at santa potenciana) doctor don antonio de morga, who was an auditor of this royal audiencia, and his lieutenant-governor and captain-general, who afterwards merited promotion to the royal council of castilla, to lay before the purveyor and deputies of the brotherhood that it was quite apparent to all the members of this holy confraternity that, in order that charity might be good it had to commence by itself; and accordingly, since this financial board and all its brothers were exercising the works of charity and mercy with so great fervor as was well known, and since they knew the needs that the hospital of the spaniards, our brothers, was suffering, not so much for lack of means as of management, wherefore, so great a number of spaniards died, and the wealth and means which his majesty has given it were not used to advantage: we should consider it fitting to include that hospital with ours for the slaves, as was most suitable for us, as it was of our own nation; and to manage it in the same manner as ours of the misericordia, so that the wealth and means which it had should only be spent and laid out for the benefit of the sick, and so that there might be order, concert, and relief, in order that by this means the so many deaths that occurred daily therein, because of the poor administration, order, and lack of relief, might be avoided; and that if this financial board and the holy confraternity desired to accept and to take charge of a matter of so great service to god, our sovereign, and of his majesty, as taking under our charge the management of the said hospital by way of charity, his lordship, the governor, would be prompt with all the power that he possessed and all the means that he could use to withdraw this board from all individual and general risk of giving account now or at any time of the wealth and possessions of said hospital, which his majesty had given it, both as governor and as patron and manager. if necessary he would transfer it and resign that office to this board, and would cause and command that now and in no time should they be obliged to give account of what his majesty had given and assigned to the said hospital for the support of the sick and the other expenses connected with it, but that with it and all that it should have, we should proceed in the same form and manner as with ours of misericordia in accordance with our rules. in regard to this, the governor would do all that was necessary, and that his lordship could do, for he was assured of the great service that would be performed to god our lord; also that the conscience of his majesty would be discharged; and that great gain would come to the community and its citizens. thus far the proposition. on behalf of the board, reply was made that they would convoke a general chapter of the brotherhood, in order to inform all the brothers; and that they would hand in writing to the said doctor whatever resulted in regard to this proposition, so that he might inform the governor without any delay. in the general chapter of the brotherhood, which was held december 6, 1597, it was resolved unanimously that the management of the said hospital should be assumed by the board of the santa misericordia, so that both majesties might be served therein, provided that the governor fulfilled the clauses and conditions which were set forth in memorial on the part of the purveyor and deputies of the brotherhood. on their presentation, the approval of them all resulted. in accordance with and by virtue of an act and edict of the superior government, transfer of the said hospital to the purveyor and deputies of the santa misericordia became a reality, being given before the alcalde-in-ordinary, don gaspar osorio de moya, and the royal official judges, then don domingo ortiz de chagoya, accountant, and don francisco de las missas, factor. all the above was executed january 3, 1598, and the board of the santa misericordia remained in possession of the said hospital as will appear more at length from the papers formed on this point. this proposition in all its circumstances well shows the credit which this venerable brotherhood had negotiated and gained, not only in the estimation of the holy religious orders and the citizens of this city, but also in the appreciation of the governor, don francisco tello, who transferred the royal hospital of the spaniards with so great satisfaction and confidence to the care and management of this board; for his lordship believed that by this measure, he was securing and founding a new estate of relief, assistance, and aid for the sick spaniards of the said hospital, because of the kindness and good management of so zealous and christian brothers. chapter v of the disasters which assaulted manila during the five years from 599 to 604; and how the charity of the brothers of santa misericordia shone forth to the good of their neighbor. [the years 1599 and the first four of the seventeenth century prove very disastrous for the philippines, for they are visited by many earthquakes, and suffer many other losses and misfortunes. the first earthquake of june 21, 1599, does much damage to buildings, and it is followed by other disastrous earthquakes in 1600. this year also are lost the two ships "santa margarita," in the ladrones, and "san geronimo," in catanduanes; and the raid of oliver van noordt occurs. in 1601, two galleons are lost in a hurricane--"santo thomas" in camarines on its way from nueva españa, and the second in the shipyard of pañamao near leyte. two ships from acapulco land at the islands in 1602 with goods wasted and rotten. in 1603, a fire causes the loss of more than one million pesos in goods; and the disastrous rising of the chinese also occurs.] this is a brief sketch of what happened during the five years in this city of manila--events which truly cannot be read without great horror. during that time the extreme necessity of many poor people was crying out for relief, especially that of many women, who were coming from nueva españa, and wretched slaves who because of the rigor of unsatisfied hunger were yielding up their lives. a good proof of this truth is a letter (the original of which this brotherhood preserves) from his excellency, don diego bazquez de mercado, most worthy archbishop of the holy cathedral church of this city, who was promoted from bishop of campeche to this church, where he had before been its dean, and had been at the foundation of this venerable brotherhood as the ecclesiastical governor of the vacant see of don fray domingo de salazar. its date is august 15, 613, and it was written in duplicate to our most holy father, paul fifth, and is of the following tenor. [in this letter vazquez de mercado informs the pope of the growth of christianity in the philippines, much of which he attributes, in addition to the work of the religious orders, to the work of the santa misericordia. he asks the pope to confirm the enclosed rules and regulations of the brotherhood. he also asks for certain indulgences in order that the rules may be followed properly.] during this time of the most cruel miseries and disasters this venerable brotherhood made a rare show of the greatest strength of its burning charity, for it appears that, through this house of the misericordia, god erected a new storehouse, well provided with every remedy for the consolation of invalids, the relief of prisoners, and the remedy of the sick. thus the misericordia attended promptly to what it considered most fitting, striving as much as possible to soften the lamentations and tears of so many poor people who begged relief in troops for their extreme need, by distributing among them daily, and when the cords of hunger pressed them more tightly, in the public places of this city vast alms, which exceeded three hundred pesos weekly. at the same time it took the most vigorous measures for the construction of new infirmaries or rooms, which were erected after the hospital of the misericordia, in order to attend nearer at hand, and with greater and prompter assistance, the pains, treatment, and relief of so many poor women who refused to receive them anywhere else, as well as to the wretched slaves who were dying of hunger or sickness in the out-of-the-way places of this city. if this so christian provision had been lacking those people could not have obtained spiritual or temporal consolation. with so powerful and christian an example, this holy brotherhood moved and attracted all the city, not only to the imitation of so devout exercises but also succeeded in getting the free coöperation of many alms which were distributed for so pious purposes. all of the city was divided into three equal parts or wards, so that the deputies of the board, who were successively occupied in this, might distribute said alms, and many others which were given into their own hands in proportion to the necessity and rank of each one of the families. in this it was quite evident that the liberal hand of god was working in order to succor with so great piety so innumerable miseries. it appears that during the hard times of those five years, this brotherhood distributed more than 80,000 pesos to the benefit of all this community and its poor. this brotherhood seeing that for the fulfilment of its principal rule of relieving the necessities of its neighbor spiritually and physically, the brothers who composed the board [mesa] were not sufficient, thought it advisable to provide that, up to the number of forty, they should busy themselves in attending promptly to the greatest necessity that called to them, in order to furnish the most efficacious relief; that it would be well to take charge of the poor sick men and women, and bring them to the hospitals; that it would be well to gather the dead bodies and bury them; that it would be well for the assistance in hospitals and treatment of the sick, to watch and find in all the suburbs and wards of this city, the persons who needed physician, surgeon, and medicines. and upon the instant they gave advice to the treasurer and almsgivers appointed by the board, so that they might attend to the most important remedy. one cannot imagine the work of this venerable brotherhood during the time of those disasters in attending to and providing for all the necessities in the two hospitals of the spaniards and of the native soldiers of the country; to the two infirmaries of poor women, and of wretched slaves; and to the two prisons of the court and the city, which were also dependent upon the assistance and relief which their charity negotiated for them: since it is certain that besides the personal work of the brothers, in those first years, for the above purposes alone, and for other pious ends, there was spent from the year 599 to that of 650 a sum of more than 540,446 pesos, 7 tomins, which it has been possible to verify in the short time that i have had for it, and other liquidations that will be set forth hereafter. but this was done with such accounts and checks on the parts of treasurer and almsgivers of this house that a strict monthly or annual residencia was taken from them by the purveyor and other deputies, the balances resulting either against or in favor punctually. their revision was entrusted to the purveyor and secretary of the board and immediately they proceeded to the satisfaction of the said balances of all parties. chapter vi of the advantages and gains which resulted from the great alms which were given out by the house of santa misericordia for the common relief of spiritual and temporal needs. [the brotherhood has had great influence in the increase and conservation of the catholic faith, both spiritually and temporally. many alms have been given to the religious orders that they might pursue their work, especially between the years 1600-1650, such alms being used for edifices of worship and other pious purposes. the prisons have been a special object of care to the brotherhood, for the prisoners of the two prisons in manila have been looked after daily in regard to clothing and other matters; and an attorney has been paid to conduct their cases, in order that they might be concluded at the earliest possible moment. for this more than one thousand pesos has been spent annually. alms have been given to widows to the amount of four, eight, twelve, sixteen, twenty, and twenty-four reals weekly; and the same is true of poor soldiers disabled in the royal service in the philippines and vicinity, to whom alms are distributed weekly. the noble families who have been overtaken by adversity have also been aided, and that so tactfully that the asking of alms by them has cost no embarrassment. to them the weekly distribution has amounted to twenty, thirty, fifty, one hundred and more pesos. the brotherhood has always been careful to inquire into the morals of those among whom its alms have been distributed, and evil morals have meant suspension from the alms-list, to which they have been readmitted on reforming. brothers of the confraternity found to be leading an evil life have been expelled from membership until they have given assurances of reform. especial care has been taken in relieving members who have fallen into misfortunes. orphan girls whose fathers have died in the royal service in the wars have been sheltered, taught, supported, and, at marriage, given a dowry. from the organization of the brotherhood until 1634, more than three thousand orphan girls have been so aided.] chapter vii of other works of charity in which this venerable brotherhood was busied for the benefit of captive spaniards and portuguese, and the alms which it sent to japon and other districts, and the devout exercises in which it busied itself with great profit. [silva's expedition against the dutch who attempt to raid the islands in 1609 and 1610, which ends in the defeat of the latter, april 24, 1610 (the leader of the dutch being one francisco ubiter, who was with oliver van noordt in his battle with the spaniards), is a great drain on the community. the loss of the ship "san francisco" in japan, which left nueva españa in july, 1609, means a great loss to the citizens, and gives the brotherhood much to do. those wounded in silva's wars, up to the time of his death, april 19, 1616, both spaniards and native soldiers, as well as some foreign ones who participated therein, become a special object of care to the brotherhood. many spanish and portuguese captives are redeemed from the dutch during this period. the charity of the brotherhood reaches even to japan, where the christians are being persecuted so unrelentingly at this time. lastly, the bones of members of the brotherhood who have died and been buried in the islands of mariveles and fortuna, and in playa honda and other places are removed thence and buried in the manila cathedral.] chapter viii in which are shown the alms that were distributed for masses among the sacred religious orders, to the poor of the prisons, the widows, and orphans, in dowries, food, and clothing of the daughters of the brotherhood, etc., from the first years of its foundation until the years of the great earthquakes of 645 and later until that of 60; in which are included other sums which had been paid from the treasury for the expenses of the building of the church and college of santa isabel and other pious purposes. at the time when this venerable brotherhood was founded with the solemnity and attending circumstances that are mentioned in chapter ii, for its better management and government, various chapters of rules were formed. one of them was that all the brothers in the wills that they signed were obliged to leave some alms to the brotherhood. with such a beginning which gave prestige to the works of this house, the brothers tried to have their wills ready before they started for the undertakings or conquests that were undertaken during that period. hence resulted the foundations of various works, whose capitals were invested in annuities with most secure bonds and from their rent a great part of the alms which this house distributes, thus giving fulfilment to their pious purposes. besides this, they also ordered in their wills other sums to be distributed at the discretion of the board, and they were applied as a relief for the necessities of the poor, for this brotherhood in the administration of the many works under its charge has not pretended to extract other fruit than that of serving god by relieving and succoring the miseries and hardships of its neighbor, exercising itself continually in the fulfilment of works of charity. from the first years of foundation until that of 1650, it appears that in the pious assignment of alms for the missions of japon, in masses which have been said by the sacred orders, in the church of the santa misericordia, in alms for the religious communities, in repairs of their convents, in relief for poor widows, in dowries for the girls of the schools and other poor girls of the community, in their food and clothing, and in other things, this venerable brotherhood has distributed and spent 107,125 pesos, 4 tomins, 3 granos, which have been earned and produced by the capitals of the funds invested at interest. i surely believe that this house is one of the precious stones which most beautify the crown of the king, our sovereign. but, in every way, the paragraph which follows is of more value. in these times and, those extending to the year 660, in which the sums of pesos which entered into this house were very great, due to the liberality of illustrious benefactors (among the least not being those assigned by the governors of these islands, don luis perez das mariñas, don francisco tello, don juan de silva, don sebastian hurtado de corcuera, and don sabiniano manrrique de lara), the sum of 356,363 pesos, 3 tomins, which the book of the treasurer for those years gives as data, was reached. in that time there were many wills which were fulfilled by this venerable brotherhood; and there were not few bequests and alms which were given to it, especially by the will of the alguacil-mayor, don bartholome thenorio, who left special memories in this house, the last being a principal of twenty thousand pesos which still remain while the interest therefrom from the year 702 until the present time is more than twenty-five thousand. chapter ix in which are shown in separate items the supplements of reals which the house of santa misericordia has given to the royal treasury of this city, during the periods of its greatest poverty and necessity, occasioned both by the raids which have been made in these islands by the dutch enemy and for reënforcements and fortifications of this royal camp and of other presidios of the royal crown from the year 619 until that of 726 for the service of his majesty (whom may god preserve for many years). [the royal treasury reaches a state of exhaustion in 1619 because of the inroads of the dutch, who harry the spanish presidios and forts. in this year governor alonso faxardo is compelled to ask a loan of the brotherhood, for which he offers good security. that loan is unanimously voted by the purveyor and deputies, on april 4, 1619, and amounts to 39,599 pesos, 5 tomins.] october 6, 638, it also appears from a certification of the royal officials that they gave to the royal treasury by way of loan 104,609 pesos, 2 tomins, 1 grano, while don sebastian hurtado de corcuera was governor and captain-general of these islands, as a relief for the necessity therein, and the prosecution of the conquest of jolo and the supplies of war which would be required for its total conclusion. it also appears by another certificate that on july 3, 643, the purveyor and deputies of the misericordia paid 57,468 pesos, 2 tomins by way of a loan, by virtue of an order of the said governor, to attend to the necessities of the treasury. and inasmuch as in the said year, because of his lordship having before received a royal decree under date of june 28 of the year 635, he wrote to this board a letter [january 28, 1643] [2] which is conserved in the original with many others of all appreciation, we believe it advisable to give it here, its tenor being as follows: [in this letter corcuera cites the royal decree above mentioned which orders general prayers said in all the churches of the islands for the success of spanish arms. the governor has written to all the bishops and to the provincials of the religious orders asking the command to be observed in their churches. he asks the misericordia to have a mass said in its church every friday for the perpetual memory of the passion of our lord jesus christ, so that the spanish pretensions may prevail.] it also appears that in the year 643, forty-five thousand pesos which came as part of the register from nueva españa, belonging to the property of the said don bartholome thenorio, were embargoed in the royal treasury at the petition of doña ana de zarate, his sister-in-law, and although the members of the royal audiencia declared the said sum as free and its delivery due to the board of the santa misericordia, as it was his executor, yet by certain results which the fiscal of his majesty made, it remained in the said royal treasury until its liquidation, and lastly, by way of loan until the year 705, in which the final balance of the said sum was paid from the royal treasury, in order to fulfil the will of the said deceased. it likewise appears by the reports and certifications of the royal officials, that from the year 643 and upward, there were paid into the royal treasury by order of governors don sebastian hurtado de corcuera and don diego faxardo, 76,231 pesos 4 tomins, from the board of santa misericordia by way of loan. and although his majesty (whom may god preserve) was pleased to order (by virtue of the representations given by the board) through his royal decree of march 8, 660, his excellency, the viceroy of nueva españa, to pay the said sum given to the royal treasury in six payments of 12,305 pesos, 2 tomins, it was impossible to collect the said sum in these islands; for although the remissions of the said payments were made by his said excellency as an item in the register for the satisfaction which was to be given to the board of santa misericordia, they were retained in the royal treasury of this city from the year 663 until that of 666 in order to succor the necessity of the city, during a period of so many disasters. consequently, this new loan amounted to 61,526 pesos, 2 tomins, and both together amounted to 137,757 pesos, 6 tomins, which were employed in matters of the royal service and the benefit of these islands. it also appears by another certification, that in the year 650, 13,740 pesos were embargoed in the royal treasury which had come consigned as a part of the register to the board of santa misericordia, belonging to the property of the alguacil-mayor, don bartholome thenorio, by virtue of an order from don diego faxardo, on an occasion when the royal treasury was suffering so great necessity. it also appears from another certification, and royal provision despatched by the said governor, which was announced for this board march 1, 653, in which his lordship represents the great need of the treasury of his majesty with the lack of reënforcements from nueva españa; that although exact efforts had been made, on account of the general poverty which all the citizens of this city, as was well known, were suffering, it had been impossible to remedy, not even to the extent that was necessary, so that it might endure so serious a lack; and that because it was very fitting for the service of his majesty to seek all the possible means which might exist, so that the said royal treasury should have money with which to succor the infantry of this royal army, until our sovereign should deign to bring the royal situado of these islands; for the present he ordained etc.: in consequence of which the board of the misericordia paid 70,601 pesos, 4 tomins to the said royal treasury, with which sum it remedied for the time being its present necessity. lastly, it is well known that in the year 726, his excellency, don thoribio joseph miguel de cosio y campa, knight of the order of calatrava, and governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal chancilleria of them, finding himself in great necessity of means to succor the need of the royal treasury on the occasion of the loss of the galleon "santo christo de burgos," with the profits of this trade, on the coast of the island of ticao, on account of a storm which forced it to beach on the night of july 23 of the said year; and upon his lordship, the marquis, seeing himself forced to take most prompt measures for the cutting of timber for the new ship which was built in the royal shipyard of the port of cavite, for the supplies of the royal army of this camp, and for many other inexcusable expenses, notwithstanding that the commerce of these islands was weak and its citizens in a time of the greatest necessity,--because of various supplies and gifts made to his majesty in order to succor the need of the said royal treasury: nevertheless, the said marquis was obliged to solicit by other means the things necessary for the fulfilment of the royal service, and universal welfare of these islands, by having recourse to the house of santa misericordia in order to obtain forty thousand pesos, which were supplied without prejudice to the regular works of the house, and were made from some deposits which could be detained in their treasury until the arrival of the royal situado which was expected from nueva españa. he offered to pay them promptly under the royal word; by virtue of which, and the christian efforts which preceded from one and the other parties, the said board supplied 33,641 pesos, 7 tomins, to the royal treasury, so that it might in part be freed from its greatest necessity. as soon as the royal situado of his majesty had safely arrived at these islands his lordship, the marquis, kept the word which he had promised by giving entire satisfaction to the board of the santa misericordia, in the full delivery of the said sum. as a conclusion of all the loans made to his majesty by the house of santa misericordia will serve that which it made in the year 646 to the royal treasury of these islands, when its governor and captain-general was don diego faxardo, on the occasion when they were rumored to be surrounded by necessities and when the dutch enemy was at the entrances of marivelez, as he showed in a letter which he wrote the said board on september 12, 646, which is of the following tenor. [in this letter diego faxardo thanks the brotherhood for the loan of ten thousand odd pesos which it made to the royal treasury on this occasion. all the loans between the years 1619-1726 have amounted to 2,449,418 pesos, 2 tomins, 1 grano. in addition, the santa misericordia has paid into the royal treasury between 1629-1695, as executor for deceased persons, 14,777 pesos, 2 tomins, 3 granos.] chapter x in which is given public satisfaction in behalf of this brotherhood for a chapter of a manifesto which has been published denouncing the rectitude and faithful administration of the brothers; and it is proved that the annuities of the house of the misericordia not only are not lost, as is supposed, but that, on the contrary, they are in much better condition than at any other time. [a manifesto published against the brotherhood charges lack of business ability and neglect in the handling of its funds, so that much of the money entrusted to it has been lost; and proposes that the brotherhood be made subject to inspection by the authorities--by the ecclesiastical ordinary, if the association be considered a pious body, or by the ordinary with a royal minister, if the association be regarded as under royal protection. discussing the manifesto our author shows that the affairs of the brotherhood have never been more prosperous. as compared with the religious orders, their capitals and the returns therefrom show better results, and not nearly so many arrears. the brothers are good managers and look after their business carefully. those who have been benefited by the brotherhood are so numerous that there are but few in the community who have not been helped. from the year 1677 when the first fund was established, the brotherhood has distributed 657,383 pesos, 6 tomins, 6 granos. the purposes for which this sum has been applied are for masses for souls in purgatory, alms for the religious orders and royal colleges, dowries to poor girls, alms to widows, prisoners, and confraternities and their processions, aid to the sick, and for divine worship, the support and clothing of its collegiate daughters, support for women in retreat, and aid for the buildings of their house and chaplaincies, etc. the complaints against the brotherhood have emanated from those who have not obtained all the aid that they desired because their credit is not sufficiently good. if the brotherhood attempt to please everyone they will end by pleasing no one. no partiality is shown, but affairs are managed in a businesslike manner. even were the brotherhood subject to inspection, it could act with no greater rectitude.] chapter xi in which a relation is given of the government and order observed by the house of the santa misericordia in the administration of the funds under its charge, and the dependencies annexed to them. the alms which it gives regularly from one year to another, when there are no shipwrecks, and the account which is given annually in it. i do not believe that any of the many houses of the misericordia throughout christendom, can be declared to be governed with better rules or have better accounts than that of this city of manila. i am not speaking without sufficient foundation, since i have read with special attention the great order which rules in the house of the capital of lisboa. that house is the mother and pattern and source of them all, to whose teaching this faithful daughter of hers, not only has not kept its great talents which i expect from her zealous care, idle, but also has been able ingeniously to exceed her in the pious indulgences of increasing and treasuring up more copious annual reënforcements for the relief of the needs of her neighbor. 1 am very certain that this truth would run no danger amid the extensive shoals of self-love, for it navigates governed by the demonstrable reality which removes all kind of doubt; it is current knowledge that the alms which are annually distributed by the royal house of santa misericordia of lisboa amount to forty thousand pesos more or less; but it is not less well-known and certain that those distributed by this house of manila, when no shipwreck happens, or other misfortunes, amount on the average to seventy thousand pesos annually, making one mass of the benefit which the funds of the sea yield, in addition to those which are produced by those which are founded in bonds, possessions, monopoly, encomienda of his majesty, chaplaincies of which he is patron, and other sources of wealth which are added to the huge mass of the said sum. this truth is so well known to all this city that it need no further support than the same certainty in which it is founded. the order with which this house of santa misericordia is governed is that on november 21, the day of the presentation of our lady, the virgin mary, and the day on which the brothers who have formed the board for that year, and which begins the election of other new members, the election is made by ten electors, whom all the brotherhood appoint, in the manner provided by our rules. they number in all thirteen brothers, the first being the new purveyor. [next are the] secretary and the treasurer, the latter being the one who was secretary the previous year, who remains in that office in order to give account of the dependencies and affairs of the house since he has handled them all most intimately. after the above are the majordomo of the chapel, the general manager of the house, and all annexed to it; majordomo of prisoners; steward of the dish in which the alms are collected; while the rest of the brothers are occupied in other important duties of the house, such as visits of the treasury and of the prisons, the distributions of alms, secret investigations which are committed to them by the board, and others of like tenor. so great is the authority and power of the purveyor of the house over all the brothers of the santa misericordia, and so prompt the obedience of the brothers, that it rather seems a well-ordered community of religious than of seculars, for the first thing which they swear on the holy gospels when they join the brotherhood is to well and faithfully observe the rules of the brotherhood, and that whenever they are summoned by the purveyor and councilors of the board, and should hear the signal of the bells, they will go thither promptly, if there is no legitimate hindrance that they can see. the purveyor may, when in the board, command, agree, vote, talk, and keep silence, whenever he pleases. he can command a board meeting called, and a general meeting of the brotherhood at the advice of the deputies, appointing the day which he considers best. he may transfer the board and apportion among the brothers of it the duties of collector of alms, and visitors of the prisons. he may remove the chaplains if they commit any notable error in his presence, as well as the servants of the board, and the rectress or portress of the college when he thinks best. he may proceed to the correction and fitting punishment of the collegiates by means of the rectress when they deserve it, and he may (which is more than all the rest) remove with the advice of the councilors of the board those brothers who are disobedient and break the rules of the brotherhood. he may remove those who violate their privileges and those who live after a scandalous manner, if having been warned three times they do not turn over a new leaf. he may appoint others in their place, so that they may serve god our lord in this his house. finally, he may (although i do not) do many other things which limit of space does not permit me to write here. the seven deputies who are named above with determined duties shall receive from their predecessors the books of which each one of them has had charge, in order to enter therein the new accounts of debit and credit of all that which shall be given into their power in the course of the year, and all that shall be disbursed in order to fulfil the pious ends which are entrusted to them. this having been inferred, i say that the first thing which is asked by the new board from the new purveyors is to take charge of the girls' school, which is managed according to past custom with allowances and expenses which are occasioned with it in the food and clothing of all the girls, the salaries of the rectress and portress, and other servants who are employed in it. and having accepted this duty, he goes ahead to arrange the provisions of rice, oil, and sugar, and other substances increased in times of the greatest cheapness and advantage; for whose constancy in the new account which is opened in the book of expenses of the purveyors, he sets down monthly the expense which is made in each one of them, and in this way he proceeds in all those of the year, placing each item down separately and procuring that the expenses shall not be increased unless there be a greater number of girls or wards, and, at the end of the year, he presents the book with his account. its examination and review is entrusted to the present secretary, who balances it, either in favor or against, and having set forth the balanced part, the said secretary places his approval at the bottom of it and signs it, and enters it in the minutes of that day so that it may stand forth for all time. the secretary of the board on whom devolves the greater part of the work has his new record book in which are entered all the despatches of the petitions which are presented, the distributions which are made, and the applications of the alms, both of dowry for the schoolgirls, and the orphan girls outside [the school], the salaries which are paid to the chaplains of the house, the portress and the servants of the house, and the alms of the masses of alva, 9 and 11, which are said in our church on all feast-days. especially with great care does he enter the two inspections or general balances, which are struck at the beginning and end of each board, of all the sums of pesos, both of current funds, of dowries and alms, and of deposits which are contained in the treasury under separate headings, in order to apply them to the purposes which their founders assigned by full directions. he affixes his rubric to the memoranda which are in the sacks, with the statement of what each one contains, with the day, month, and year of the record in which they are set down. the writing of all the above with his own hand is an operation so indispensable to his obligation that he is obliged to do it under oath. in case of his absence, the same is done by the treasurer who supplies his absences by writing in a separate book whatever occurs in regard to the business matters of the house. and as soon as the secretary takes charge of the current despatch of the house, he is obliged to transfer to his book whatever shall have been decreed during his absence, so that by such a proceeding all that which belongs to the record of that year may be found in one volume. he is also obliged to enter all the sums of pesos which are received in the treasury in the books prepared for them, both of the dues collected and the usufruct which are yielded by the sea funds, besides the great number of very troublesome collections, although the love of god makes them mild and easy, to whomever works for the welfare of his neighbor and the preservation of this house. he is also obliged to adjust the appointments of the chaplains of the many chaplaincies of which the board of the santa misericordia is patron, by virtue of which, and of those presented as said chaplains, a collation of the chaplaincies has always been given to them so far as it concerns them, and the fitting support has been decreed and given as a relief for their poverty. in this there is no other consideration, either in this court or in other superior courts, but it is passed upon before the said secretary just as in the house of lisboa, which has as a special privilege that the secretaries of the said house may give attestations in all and any court. the treasurer, who has charge of the possessions of the parián of the sangleys, attends to the collection of their rents, and the distribution of the alms, which are distributed every saturday throughout the year to the self-respecting poor at the door of the house of the santa misericordia; and also the alms in pesos for the masses which are said throughout all the months of the year by one of the chaplains of the house for the soul of the founder, who endowed it with the said possessions. and in the book which is delivered to him with the enumeration and individual account of the places and location of said possessions and of the purposes for so charitable a foundation, the said treasurer enters the debit and credit account of all the sums which are received monthly and are disbursed by them, collecting receipts of them all for the account which must be given at the end of the year, which passes in review and must be balanced like the other accounts. the treasurer is also the one who is present at the time of the two inspections or general balances of the treasurer. if between the last of the board which has just ended and the new one which is formed for its government there is any difference because of some quantity of pesos having been drawn in the interim, for any purpose for which it has fallen due, he gives prompt account thereof by the vouchers made and that appear from the preceding record book and by his receipts. in this way he continues until the conclusion of the said general review, which is generally the first thing. following, other important points are begun by the new board without any confusion arising. the chapel steward receives in inventory all that belongs to the church and its sacristy, with the aid of the chaplain-in-chief of the house, from the acting secretary of the board, and the past steward. in his presence, the list is formed item by item in the book of inventories, and is received by the acting steward, and when it is completed to the satisfaction of all, the four sign it, and it is placed in the first record so that it may stand forever. he has also another separate book of the new expenses, which are made in the church, sacristy, and other things in his charge in the course of the year. in it he forms the debit and credit account in minute detail, and at the end of the year he presents the book; proceeding to his resolution with the same solemnity as the others whom we have mentioned. the attorney-general who attends to all the business and interests of the house (except those of the annuities which have a separate attorney with a paid advocate) receives in the book of suits all those which the preceding board left pending, and also the writs and other papers which are to be in his charge for that year. for the better direction, management, and outcome of said suits, an intelligent advocate is appointed for him to whom he may apply in all his doubts. and in all that which he does in pursuance of this order, he gives account in all the board meetings which are regularly held semi-weekly. a secretary, who keeps the keys of the archives, is obliged to give him all the documents that he asks for, and shall keep a record of the withdrawal of such. he also has another book, in which he enters in alphabetical order the accounts of the funds, the costs belonging to each one, which are caused in prosecution of the said suits, the signature of writs and the cancellations [chancelaciones] of them. later he forms from them the general debit and credit account in which he places the salaries of advocate, procurator, and attorney in the royal audiencia with the other expenses which belong to the said matters. at the end of the year, he presents it, and with it the fitting obligation of review, balances, and approval is made, as in all those above mentioned. but independently of this, he shows the book of current suits, writs, and other papers. having been compared by the secretary, with the statement of those which were given to him at the beginning of the year, and of those which were given to him from the archives in his term, if the whole thing agrees, he is absolved from his charge, but in no other manner until the total fulfilment. the steward of prisoners has in charge the collections of the possession of the sites of the paddy-fields, whose usufruct is distributed half and half in the two prisons of the court, and of the city, for the support of the poor prisoners, and the other half in the hospital of the misericordia, which is in charge of the religious of st. john of god, as a relief for sick men and women. besides this relief, which is monthly, they share other large alms which are furnished from other funds administered by the house of the misericordia. in his book of the said possessions, with the statement of their purposes, he forms his account of debit and credit, and, at the time of its presentation, gives his discharge by the receipts which he collects from the wardens of said prisons. that is generally, or always, executed with the knowledge of the minister who has charge of the inspection of the prisons and the relief of the needs experienced therein. the steward of the dish in which the alms are collected is obliged to send it every fortnight to two brothers of this venerable brotherhood, so that on sunday they may go out to collect alms in all the public parts of this city. they having observed this measure, return the dish and the alms to the said steward. the latter, observing the same rule throughout the months of the year, draws up his debit and credit account. the alms which he declares before the board are equal in sum to those which have been collected, according as it appears. in that conformity it is approved, the same measures as before with the others having preceded. this is the government, order, and method which the house of the santa misericordia has maintained faithfully, with the punctual assistance and encouragement of the zealous, disinterested christians. they are the work of its brothers, whose powerful example in the faithful administration of the funds entrusted to them has enabled them to obtain exemption from inspection of their house until the present time. they are today more assured than ever by dint of royal decrees, the first dated madrid, september 7, 1699; in which his majesty resolves and declares that this brotherhood, in order that it may be maintained and continue its exercises with more encouragement, shall not be subject to visits by the ordinaries, archbishops, provisors in vacant see, or by any other ecclesiastical minister; and that it shall be allowed to make use as hitherto of its good government and to observe its rules and ordinances. and in the same vein is another decree given in buen retiro, under date of june 11, 1708, in which his majesty also resolves that the decree above inserted be kept, fulfilled, and executed, exactly according to the terms expressed therein, and that no embarrassment or obstacle be opposed or permitted to be opposed to the fulfilment of its contents, as such is his royal will. in that one can see clearly how, having been well informed, his majesty approves the good government of this house and the practice of its rules and ordinances. this is the greatest intent of this chapter, and we leave the rest so that the parties may discuss it in or out of court. chapter xii in which are recounted the new hardships which came upon these islands between the years 620 and 634, both because of the invasions of the dutch enemy therein and because of the putting back and loss of ships, which happened in this period; and the devout exercises and alms of the house of santa misericordia. [in this period four ships put back and two are almost completely lost. the dutch, however, prove the worst thorn from which the islands suffer, for they invade all parts of the spanish colonies of the orient. the brotherhood, during this time, works with unexampled energy in its measures for the public relief, and its work among the hospitals. in this time, too, it builds the school of santa isabel from certain bequests, spending in these and other things, 176,910 pesos, 6 tomins, 10 granos. in 1632, a new branch of the misericordia is formed in formosa, which is taken under the protection of the one in manila. the latter sends the new branch 5,065 pesos, 5 tomins, 9 granos, as an aid to it in its work. the brotherhood also treats for the ransom of domingo vilancio, s.j., and fray juan de san joseph, a recollect, who are captives in joló, and for which five hundred pesos are expended. although the former dies, before his ransom, that of the latter is effected. for two hundred pesos, one pedro delgado is ransomed in japan, the ransom money being sent by way of macao.] chapter xiii in which notice is given of the conclusion of the costly building of the church and school of santa isabel, and the removal thither of the girls whom this brotherhood had in that of santa potenciana, and in other private houses where they lived in retirement and with their devout exercises distributed through the hours of the day. it was the year 634, in which the brotherhood of the santa misericordia saw their desires fulfilled in the conclusion of the costly building of the church and school of santa isabel, for the commodious housing of the many daughters whom they were maintaining in the school of santa potenciana and other private houses of shelter, at the expense of many pesos which it expended for the pious ends of their clothing, dowries, and other like things; when the removal of them all to the new school was arranged with especial joy and gladness of all this city. [the opening of the school is marked by great ceremonies, the chief event being the procession which is participated in by the brotherhood and the girls of the school under the leadership of the rectress, cathalina de aguirre. at the new church various exercises are held.] the girls of this school have always been orphan girls, for the most part daughters of parents of rank and of many merits and services to the king our sovereign, who in the first days lost their lives in the service of his majesty. they continually praise god with the general example to this city begging his majesty for the greater conservation of the spanish monarchy and that of these islands and their fields of christendom. they often frequent the holy sacraments, the holy society of jesus having precedence in the task of confessing them. they spend four hours in the choir by day and night, and are occupied in hearing mass and reciting their devotions. they are employed by day in the work of sewing and helping in the kitchen, for which purpose two of them are chosen weekly, both so that the food may be cooked with neatness and so that they may learn how to take care of and manage a house. they are under the charge of a rectress, and the rectresses have always been persons of great virtue and example. they have a portress who takes care of the porter's lodge, as well as of the actions and decorum of the said collegiate daughters when they call them below. on fridays during lent they meditate and think over the devout exercises of the via crucis inside the school. at night they recite the rosary in a chorus to the queen of the angels and at the stroke of half-past nine, taps sound and silence reigns. they all sleep together in one single, capacious, decent, and neat dormitory. they eat in the refectory and have a lesson out of spiritual books. during lent they listen in the choir to the sermons which are preached in the church of said school on monday mornings, as well as to the explanation of the christian doctrine on sunday afternoons. those who have charge of so holy a work are those of the holy society of jesus, at the request of this board. finally, since the chapters of the rules of the said school are many and various, they are omitted for the present, inasmuch as the limit of time does not allow anything else. the brothers of this venerable brotherhood, besides the festivities and functions which our ordinances provide, annually attend the said church on the day of the glorious apostles st. philip and st. james, and the following: in the first to celebrate the feast with greater solemnity for the health of their majesties and the increase and conservation of their kingdoms and domains; and in the second, to celebrate the obsequies and honors for the deceased kings. for the greater concurrence, authority, and luster of so royal a function, all the sacred orders are invited and are punctually present. a catafalque of the size demanded by such an act is erected and on it are placed the royal insignias, and a great quantity of wax, and the vigil mass and response are chanted, accompanied by the best music that can be found, in order thereby to make a rare showing of loyalty and love by this demonstration of piety and acknowledgment, which this venerable brotherhood has always had, and has for its kings and sovereigns. chapter xiv of the number of girls whom this venerable brotherhood has supported since its foundation until the present time; and the report of the expenses caused by the said girls during all that time; also [the expenses] in the church of santa isabel in their charge, and other particulars. [those helped by the brotherhood are the hospital of st. john of god, of which the board of the brotherhood is patron; the house of women sheltered by the ecclesiastical judge of this archbishopric; the religious orders; the public prisons; destitute widows; orphan girls; and all poor beggars. but most of all the school of santa isabel is eloquent in its praises, for since 1634, the brotherhood has helped 13,270 girls, scholars, wards, women, and other persons. many girls it has sent to swell the ranks of the order of st. clara, while many have been married, for whom a dowry has always been provided. the sum of 508,916 pesos, 4 tomins, 3 granos, has been spent in this work. from its foundation until 1634, the brotherhood has helped many girls in the school of santa potenciana, maintaining besides many girls in private families. the number of such girls exceeds seven thousand, many of whom have embraced the religious life, while others have married, a dowry being furnished to these latter. they have never refused to shelter abandoned children, for whom they have cared tenderly, teaching them and sending them into the life for which they are fitted.] the spiritual welfare must not be passed by in silence, which has been and is being obtained for all this city, from the time of the erection of the church called santa misericordia. there, every sunday, and day of observance, three masses are specially said: the first between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning, from which follows the spiritual consolation which the poor share, who, by their necessity and poverty, cannot succeed in hearing it if it is not held at such an hour; the second, at nine o'clock in the morning, which is attended by the majority of this city; and the third at eleven, so that the poor slaves and servants of this city, after concluding their domestic tasks, may attend it without failing in what pertains to their obligation. besides the above, there are many which are daily celebrated in the said church, where on many occasions of the year there is generally an open collectorship of masses, which are said with the alms which the funds of this house produce. the expenses of this church in all that pertains to divine worship and other functions which are frequent, both of the interment of brothers, of their wives, and firstborn, and honors which are shown them, both in attendance on those executed, their burial, and other charitable exercises in which this brotherhood is employed, exceed 118,438 pesos, 3 tomins, since the time of its foundation. it excels in the adornment of its temple and in the neatness and glory of the things of divine worship and in that of the priestly ornaments, and other things. this is all in charge of a deputy of the board, who is annually appointed as chapel steward, so that by the attention and care which he gives, it may all be done in a fitting manner, without there being any omission, and so that there may be no falling off of observance in said church and its sacristy. [in addition the brotherhood distributes 25 or 30 pesos weekly to the japanese beatas of san miguel; and 3 pesos apiece to certain poor collegiates called "sons of the board [mesa] of santa misericordia," who are attending san juan de letran. this latter sum is given to the president of the college, who looks after their education.] chapter xv in which are mentioned the various events in these islands by land and sea during the years 635-645, and supplies given to the royal treasury, and devout exercises of the brothers of the santa misericordia. [in 1635, no ship sails for nueva españa "for reasons of state, or decisions of governor sebastian hurtado de corcuera." although a ship does reach acapulco in 1637, the citizens of the philippines are not much benefited thereby, for the goods are all embargoed at acapulco, contrary to the usual custom, because of certain strict edicts, and all appraised at four times their value, the consequent duties being very heavy. during this period also occurs the disastrous loss of the island of formosa. the islands are offered some cheer by the happy successes of corcuera in his joló campaign, which is begun in 1637. before going on this campaign, he writes the brotherhood, under date of december 4, asking its prayers for the success of his undertaking. at the end of the expedition, the brotherhood generously gives the royal treasury a loan of 104,609 pesos, 2 tomins, 1 grano. a letter from corcuera october 26, 1639, to the brotherhood asks it to take charge of the conversion of two of the moro hostages who have been brought from joló; all the religious orders also having been asked to do the same. the flagship "concepcion" is lost in the ladrones in 1638 on its way to acapulco; and in the following year, the two ships from nueva españa, on the cagayan coast. from the end of 1639 to the beginning of 1640, the city passes through a hard time with the great danger arising from the chinese revolt. the poor are troublesome for there are many of them, and the brotherhood is compelled to labor diligently. to relieve the necessities of the royal treasury, the sum of 102,468 pesos, 2 tomins is lent it, on the occasion of the loss of the galleon, "encarnacion" on the mindoro shoals while on its way to ternate with reenforcements.] chapter xvi of the great earthquakes of the year 1645, and the events that happened therein; losses of the house of the misericordia in the works in its charge, and the adjustment of the losses of its investments, which were imposed on the houses demolished, in virtue of a general compromise. [the first shock of the earthquake that occurs on november 30, 1645, is followed by many other shocks more or less severe. by the general appraisals made of the losses the misericordia is declared in 1648 to have had 89,855 pesos invested in houses, of which only material worth 23,177 pesos, 2 tomins, 6 granos is saved, the loss thus being 66,677 pesos, 5 tomins, 6 granos. the brotherhood further loses 2,739 pesos, 6 tomins, 2 granos, for the tearing down of ruined walls, and spends 7,725 pesos, 2 tomins, 8 granos for the rebuilding of the ruined houses, the total loss thus amounting to 77,142 pesos, 6 tomins, 4 granos. thus the final assets of the brotherhood on the old investment are 12,712 pesos, 1 tomin, 8 granos. however, the real value of the investment of the association amounts to 159,365 pesos more. a capital of 69,510 pesos which is invested in stockfarms and farming lands of the religious orders is fortunately saved. between the years 1634-1660 the sum distributed by the misericordia amounts to 220,770 pesos, 1 tomin; and between 1637-1651, 72,948 pesos, 7 tomins, 6 granos. after the earthquake the brotherhood rebuilds its church, college, and the hospitals for the natives, poor women, and slaves of the city. in addition, it gives 400 pesos toward the rebuilding of the cathedral; 300 pesos for repairs on the franciscan convent; 100 pesos for repairs on the chapel of san antonio of the tertiary branch of the said order located in the church of their convent; 150 pesos to fray christoval del castillo, definitor of the franciscan order (40 of them to be used for his support and that of the religious in his charge in the hospital for the natives, and 110 pesos for pious works and grave necessities, namely, aid in ransoming a recollect religious who has been captured by the joloans); 200 pesos to the father procurator of the recollects; 200 pesos to fray juan de san antonio, provincial of the said order; and lastly many alms to all the needy of the community.] chapter xvii of other new misfortunes which occurred in these islands from the year 646 to that of 673; loans given by the board of santa misericordia to the royal treasury, and the great alms which it gave during that time; and the transfer of the hospital of the house to the religious of st. john of god. [in the years 1637 and 1659 memorials are sent to spain of the wretched condition of the islands, occasioned by frequent invasions, insurrections, repeated loss of ships, and exorbitant royal duties charged in acapulco. the ships lost are the following: in 1646, the galleon "san luis," on the cagayan coast, when coming from nueva españa, and the galleon "nuestra señora de buena esperanza" on the island of negros, while returning from taking reenforcements to ternate; in 1648, the ship "buen jesus" is burned on its return from nueva españa in lampon, to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, and the same year are lost the galleon "nuestra señora de guia" in the river of camboja where it is being refitted, and the galleon "san antonio de padua" in mindoro with the reënforcements which it is taking to ternate; october 21, 1649, the flagship "encarnacion" on the coast of bula, while returning from nueva españa; in 1651, the ship "san joseph" on the island of luban, while coming from camboja, and the same year the galleon "san diego" puts back, after leaving for nueva españa; in 1653, the galleon "san diego" in limbones, while returning from nueva españa; in 1655, the galleon "san francisco xavier," in the bay of boronga, while returning from nueva españa, with the loss of many people, a new galleon which has been built in camboja at great expense, with the loss of many people; and two merchant ships with goods belonging to the citizens of manila; in 1656, two ships after leaving for nueva españa, put back; in 1669, two ships put back, but leave in 1670, one of them being burned at acapulco; and in 1672, the ship "san thelmo" puts back. no reenforcements come from nueva españa in the years 1647, 1652, 1662, and 1663. in 1662, the commerce of macao is lost because of the portuguese revolt against spain; and at that time the portuguese seize a ship with 30,000 pesos which was intended for the purpose of war supplies for the spanish monarchy, and much property belonging to the citizens of manila. in 1647, a fleet of thirteen dutch ships enters the bay of manila, where they demolish some of the fortifications, although they are finally driven off, retiring to the northward where they inflict much damage. the embassy of the chinese pirate cogsen under charge of fray victorio risio, o.p., throws the city into a flutter, and new fortifications are pushed apace, a process which however, exhausts the treasury and the citizens. sabiniano manrrique de lara writes to the brotherhood, under date of december 14, 1662, asking them to attend the octave ordered to be held in the cathedral after christmas. the presidios of ternate and zamboanga are abandoned in view of the approaching trouble with the chinese pirate. an earthquake that occurs august 20, 1658, proves more disastrous than that of 1645. insurrections in several provinces in 1660 and 1661 are put down only after great expense, as is that of the chinese in 1672. the brotherhood gives alms of more than ten thousand pesos in 1646 for the equipment of the fleet that is to oppose the dutch; in 1650, a second loan of 13,740 pesos for the expenses of the treasury; another loan of 7,601 pesos, 4 tomins in 1653, to aid the expenses of the royal army; a fourth loan for the equipment of fleets and presidios; a fifth of 61,526 pesos, 2 tomins: a total of 169,099 pesos, 2 tomins. in addition to these loans, the brotherhood distributes alms to many sources, between the years 1651-1690, the total sum of 172,467 pesos, 7 tomins, 6 granos. may 31, 1656, the purveyor and deputies grant a transfer of the hospital and all its properties, etc., to the hospital order of st. john of god, on the condition that the purveyor and deputies as patrons, may inspect the hospital once each year, and if they note any defect or neglect report the same to the prior in order that it may be remedied--a transfer made because of hard times. the brotherhood continues to aid the hospital with many alms, notwithstanding its own poverty.] chapter xviii of the appreciation and esteem which the governors and captains-general, and the archbishops and bishops of this holy cathedral have had for the house of santa misericordia; and other particulars worthy of being read. [those governors, archbishops, and others who have signally aided the brotherhood in alms and other ways are the following: luis perez dasmariñas, francisco tello, archbishop venavides, archbishop diego basquez de mercado, governor alonso faxardo, bishop fray pedro de arce, governor sebastian hurtado de corcuera, governor diego faxardo, governor sabiniano manrrique de lara. the latter writes a letter to the brotherhood under date of march 17, 1660, excusing himself from attending certain ceremonies because of stress of work, and makes provision for the running of the school of santa isabel. governor manuel de leon y saravia founds a fund of 50,000 pesos for the benefit of the entire community in 1677, an action that is imitated by francisco coloma, who leaves a principal of 4,000 pesos. fray felipe pardo establishes another pious fund in 1689 of 13,000 pesos, and in a letter of march 21 of that year, asks the brotherhood to accept the same. fray andres gonzales, bishop of nueva caceres, writes in an appreciative vein to the brotherhood, and also founds a pious fund. april 18, 1691, the dean of the cathedral also writes appreciatively to the misericordia. the latter, on the occasion of the destructive earthquake of 1645, offers the use of its church to the cabildo of the cathedral as that edifice has been quite destroyed. november 26, 1652, the offer is accepted and a commission appointed by the dean to settle conditions with the brotherhood. these conditions relate to church service and procedure, both the cabildo and the misericordia making certain concessions. the religious orders of manila have at various times made mention of the misericordia and its good work to his majesty, and the same thing has been done by governors and archbishops. to these good reports, which are sent to his majesty in 1693, are due the royal decrees of 1699 and 1708 by which the brotherhood is declared exempt from visit by the ordinary, archbishop, provisors during vacant see, or by any other ecclesiastical minister; as well as the papal concessions that are made it. our author defends the exemption from visit against those who oppose it. many honors have been heaped upon the brotherhood during royal religious ceremonies. lastly, governor marquis de torrecampo has shown honor and appreciation to the association, on many occasions, even naming a new ship which he had built "santo christo de la misericordia," in honor of a crucifix owned by the brotherhood.] chapter xix satisfaction given by the board of the santa misericordia to all this city, in answer to certain words of the opposing manifesto, which charge it with omission; proving that it could not, or ought not, immediately upon the death of captain manuel lobo, fulfil the terms of his will, or distribute his wealth in accordance with his last wishes, until the time that it did do so by the direction of the learned opinion of the professors of the royal university of this city. [the faithful administration of wills has ever been one of the chief glories of the brotherhood. the above-mentioned captain dies in the marianas, september 8, 1709, leaving the board as his executor, and his mother as his heir. in this chapter the words of the manifesto charging the brotherhood with neglect in not settling up the will above mentioned in more than fifteen years, are cited; and then by means of arguments, letters and the opinion of the professors of the university, full answer is made to the charge, and the action of the brotherhood justified.] chapter xx of the present condition of the house of santa misericordia, after so many and so repented disasters; beginning of its new increases in the foundation of various funds at this time; the new misfortunes which succeeded from the year 700; and alms which the house gave during this time. [the years of bad luck experienced by the brotherhood in the loss of money and the necessities of the times, when its expenses are increased disproportionally by the repair of its church, college, office, hospital, distribution of alms for rebuilding other edifices, and the remedy of other public necessities, at last turn by the foundation of certain pious funds. the first is founded by manuel de leon y saravia, in 1677, and is for 50,000 pesos. in imitation of him ten more funds are established, which produce alms amounting to 170,956 pesos, 4 tomins up to the year 1700, which are distributed for the spiritual and temporal needs of the poor, and for other purposes.] at this time the possessions of pedro quintero nuñes and those of licentiate manuel suares de olivera, as well as the stockfarm of the royal alférez joseph correa, fell to the house of santa misericordia. they have been and are of great profit to the sick poor, and imprisoned, to some of the sacred orders, for the blessed souls of purgatory, and other pious purposes. it is a fact that up to the present time, they have produced in benefit to all the above, 105,258 pesos, 4 tomins, almost half of which was spent up to the year 700, which would be doubtless of great consolation and relief to the poverty and necessities of this community in times when even the citizens, ill-satisfied by the blows of the past disasters, were experiencing new outbreaks and losses in their wealth, by those which happened frequently to the galleons of this line, from their having to put back to port, and the embargo of the goods, which were embarked therein. for from the year 673 until that of 700, trade received signal injuries in the port of acapulco, the merchandise of the trade being embargoed during the years 676 and 677, in revenge for having detained in this city at the advice of royal officials 330,000 pesos, which came in the year 675 from the citizens of mexico in violation of royal decrees. in another decree of 678, obtained by the said citizens [of mexico] by dint of very inaccurate reports, it was ordered that those of this city return said sum, increased by interest at the rate of twenty-five per cent. that shaving [escalfe] was made from the embargoed goods. from so notorious setbacks, other losses of greater consideration followed; and from the increase of excessive taxes which were imposed on those interested who took the galleon "san antonio de padua" to the port of acapulco in the year 79, the citizens suffered very great setbacks. in the year 682 the ship "santa rosa" put back, and in 86, while attending to the preparation of the ship "santo niño" for acapulco, news came that there was a squadron of eleven hostile ships among the islands. on that account the voyage was suspended and the ships were prepared to go out to oppose the said squadron and guard the galleon which was expected with the succor from nueva españa. [calamities are still in store for the philippines. the "santo niño" leaves cavite in 1687, but is forced to put back in order to winter at bagatao, and returns to cavite with its cargo half rotten. reenforcements providentially come from nueva españa in 1688. in 1690, the almiranta while returning from nueva españa is lost in the marianas, and although the people are saved, the cargo is partly lost. the galleon "santo christo de burgos" is compelled to put back to camarines to winter in 1692. sailing once more in 1693, it is never again heard of. the "san joseph" is lost three days out from port in the island of luban, and many people are drowned. in 1696, as there is no galleon to send to nueva españa, a patache is bought for the trade, but the 74,000 pesos that it is compelled to pay in acapulco for duties, is so great a tax on the citizens of manila that but little is left for them. however, amid all these disasters, there is one bright ray, namely in the pious funds that are established in the brotherhood. from 1673-1700, these funds realized 227,724 pesos, 3 tomins, which are distributed among the poor and used for other purposes. between the years 1690-1701, the sum of 44,425 pesos, 3 tomins is realized from investments and applied to pious ends.] chapter xxi of the alms which the house of santa misericordia has distributed from the year 701 to that of 728; losses suffered by the funds in their charge during that time, and an account of other things. [the brotherhood expends great sums between the years 1701-1728, for the sick, prisoners, beggars, souls in purgatory, support of orphan girls, and poor widows. the interest on annuities for that period amounts to 78,115 pesos, 6 tomins; returns from commerce, to 417,202 pesos, 5 tomins, 6 granos; while for the college is spent the sum of 86,136 pesos, and for divine worship, besides the masses said and some other things, 37,345 pesos, 4 tomins, 6 granos: a sum total of 618,799 pesos, 7 tomins. during this period occurs the loss of the ships "san francisco xavier" and "santo christo de burgos," in which the brotherhood was a heavy loser.] chapter xxii in which are contained the indulgences and favors conceded by the supreme pontiffs to the brothers and sisters of santa misericordia of the city of manila, which are copied from the original briefs, relics, with which it is enriched; with its authentic royal decree which exempts and preserves it from visits by the ecclesiastical ordinaries, in imitation of the royal house of lizboa; the chaplaincies and becas of which it is patron, the number of brothers of which this venerable brotherhood is composed and those who serve this present year in the board of santa misericordia; and the report of the alms which are given annually. the purveyor and deputies who compose the illustrious board of santa misericordia at present are as follows: general don benito carrasco y paniagua, purveyor (an office he has held three times previously); secretary-in-chief for the king our sovereign of this noble city and its deputation, with active voice and vote by privilege in its most noble ayuntamiento; secretary of the board, captain don juan baptista de uriarte (author of this small work), regularly-appointed regidor for his majesty of said noble ayuntamiento, who as ex-treasurer took charge of the office of secretary, in accordance with the rules, in the absence of sargento-mayor don joseph antonio nuño de villavicencio, general treasurer of the bulls of the holy crusade, accountant regulator, regularly-appointed regidor of this noble city and special notary of the holy office, as he has been promoted to the post of accountant, a royal official of the royal treasury; treasurer, general don miguel de allanegui, accountant of accounts and results of the royal treasury of these islands, and familiar of the holy office; chapel-steward, general don joseph verelo de urbina; purse-steward and attorney-general, captain don antonio de olivarria; prison-steward, sargento-mayor don joseph de vega y vic; steward of the plate, who looks after the gathering of alms, captain don simon de amechezurra; and deputies of the board, general don antonio sanchez zerdan, and the sargentos-mayor, don joseph beltran de salazar, regularly-appointed regidor for his majesty of this noble city, don frutos delgado, don antonio lopez perea, also senior regidor of the city, and captains don domingo allende and don sebastian de arramburu. [an act of may 22, 1728, orders a compilation to be made of the indulgences and other things, in order that the high estimation of the popes and sovereigns for the brotherhood may be apparent. indulgences have been granted by urban viii, clement xi (september 20, 1717), and innocent xiii; and the latter has also approved the institute of the brotherhood. the latter own various relics. one reliquary, bearing the papal arms, and conserved in an elaborate golden pyx which is deposited in a tabernacle on the altar of the assembly room of the brotherhood, contains a bit of the wood of the holy cross, a bit of the swaddling clothes in which the child jesus was wrapped, a bit of a bone of st. isabel the mother of john the baptist, a bit of a bone of st. ignatius loyola, and a bit of a bone of st. pasqual baylon. other relics are another bit of the wood of the cross, a bone of st. felix, pope and martyr, a letter of st. pedro baptista, o.s.f., who was martyred in japan, and a shinbone of st. christina, virgin and martyr. in addition, the brotherhood bears the title of apostolic syndic of the seraphic order of st. francis, and as such its brothers enjoy all the privileges and exemptions conceded to that order by apostolic bulls, and all of the indulgences, privileges, etc., for all the provinces of nueva españa subject to the obedience of the father commissary-general of the order. the royal decree of june 20, 1623, confirms the rules and regulations of the brotherhood. in consequence of this decree, the brotherhood presents a petition to the governor asking him as royal vice-patron to confirm the rules and regulations. this is done by special act on september 4, 1625 by fernando de silva. they have already been approved by francisco tello, and gabriel de la cruz, schoolmaster of the cathedral, january 24, 1597. the royal decree of september 7, 1699, inserted in the decree of june 11, 1708, grants exemption from government or religious visit. notwithstanding this decree, the effort has been made without success to subject the brotherhood to visit. the closest of supervision has been exercised by the brothers themselves. all the documents mentioned above are given by our author.] chaplaincies with collation there are twenty-nine chaplaincies with collation, of which the board of santa misericordia is patron. they were founded by different benefactors, so that in accordance with the conditions and clauses which were provided in their foundations, the board appoints the chaplains who are to serve them. such appointees taking the appointments which it sends to them (in which the obligation which falls to each one is made known to them) present themselves before the proper persons within the term which the holy council of trent prescribes, for the approval and collation of those chaplaincies. it is intimated to them at this time that they must inform the board promptly that they have fulfilled their so necessary obligation for the good government which is demanded in this. an account must be kept in a separate book of chaplaincies, in the form which is always usual. lay chaplaincies the lay chaplaincies, of which the board is also patron, number ten. they are filled in accordance with the clauses of their foundation by the chaplains whom the board appoints to serve them; in whose despatch a different style is followed since they are lay. becas of collegiates in the royal college of san joseph of this city, captain diego gonzalez de arcos founded two becas with a capital of 4,000 pesos, making the board of santa misericordia patron of them, with the condition that the sons of [men from] estremadura, and especially those of villa de don benito be preferred. their vacancies are reported by the reverend father rector of the said college. number of brothers in this venerable brotherhood and other circumstances the founders and brothers of this brotherhood, considering the work and business in which they had to employ themselves continually in fulfilment of the works of charity, prudently decided and decreed by a chapter of the ordinances that there should be 250 brothers for the due fulfilment of all the ordinances, in whom good report, sane conscience, honest life, fear of god, observance of his commandments, and prompt obedience to all that should be of service to god and to the brotherhood, and the relief of one's neighbor had to be included. they declared that they should not be single, unless they had reached the age of thirty, but that being virtuous persons and of the said qualities, they might receive dispensation and be received as brothers if they were twenty-five years old or upward. but no one who was not an oldtime christian, and no one who had any obligatory duties that could prevent him from serving in the brotherhood [could be a member]; neither could those who did not know how to read or to write. among said 250 brothers would be always the management and government of the house, and the election of the officers, with obligation to serve god by those who should be elected and appointed by the purveyor and brothers of the board if there were no legitimate obstacle to prevent that. before they should be admitted as brothers, the secretary of the house was to enter in the book of the brotherhood that its ordinances should be submitted to them, so that having seen and read them, they might determine whether they could fulfil them. and if they were questioned by the board in regard to them, and were found with a mind resolved to observe them and to serve according to the rules in the brotherhood, an oath was to be taken from them on the holy gospels in a missal before the purveyor and brothers of the board, to the effect that when they should hear the signal of the house, or the bells, with the sign that had been arranged for the summoning of the brothers, they should come to the house to perform the works of charity in accordance with the orders that they should receive from the purveyor and brothers of the board; and also if they were summoned in the name of the aforesaid and there was no legitimate obstacle. the above was to be a matter of conscience. they were also to swear to keep the secrets of the board and the rules, when they should be summoned by the board, and were obliged, notwithstanding their oath, to recite fourteen pater nosters and fourteen ave marias for the deceased brothers, and, having done that, they were to be received as brothers, and their names to be inscribed in the book of the brotherhood. annual alms given by the house of the santa misericordia of the city of manila since we have to furl the sails to this discourse, because of the limits of time, and make an end to this small work in these last chapters, i thought it important to first make an extract (although with much labor) of all the alms and sums of pesos, produced by the funds which are administered by the house of santa misericordia, during the years when--all being complete, and no disaster of earthquakes coming upon them, or shipwrecks or other accidents, which depend on time--it distributes to the benefit of all this community. i was also moved to this interesting task by making charts of all the funds and their pious purposes, by having met in the first part of the life of the venerable and most reverend father master, fray simon de roxas, a great servant of god and a member of the order of the santissima trinidad de redemptores [i.e., the most holy trinity of redeemers]. [3] written during the year 670 by the very reverend father master, fray francisco de arcos, preacher and theologue of his majesty, and of the tribunals of his royal conscience, etc., in which he refers to a paragraph of a letter which juan baptista labaña wrote during the voyage from portugal of don phelipe iii (of happy memory), in which he cited folio 16; and in the life of the said venerable father, a description of the alms which the royal house of santa misericordia of the court of lisboa distributed in the year 619, and of those which regularly and annually it distributes in the pious ends which are contained in the said chapter, is found in book 8, chapter x, pp. 418-420. it states that those alms are about 30,000 ducados annually. inasmuch as chapter xi of this work states that the alms distributed by this house of santa misericordia of the city of manila amounted to about 70,000 pesos, i have determined to prove the said proposition part by part, passing over the circumstances which are found in the said chapter, and making a clear demonstration of their reality, without failing one jot in the truth, which is required in a matter of so great importance, and which has to yield in so great glory to the spanish monarchy. it is a pity that in the circumstances of the present case, there should be many who opposed the truth as it did not issue so clear and apparent in all the books of the house which treat of this matter; and necessarily i am obliged to give it by imagining charts which are fitting and do not leave the least reason for doubt. this having been granted, therefore, i assert that the alms and sums of pesos received by the holy cathedral church and the sacred orders of this city, the beaterios, confraternities, the venerable tertiary order, the house for sheltered women, the hospice of san jacinto, the colleges (without including that of santa misericordia, st. john of god and its infirmary), the province of camarines, and the indians of marinas islands, amount to 25,520 pesos. in the alms given for masses, 5,777 pesos are also distributed as a suffrage for the blessed souls of purgatory; among the poor prisoners of this city, 2,691 pesos; as a benefit to the school of santa isabel, which belongs to the brotherhood, in the divine worship of its church, the salary of its chaplains, servants of the house, support, clothing and other things which are spent for the girl collegiates (the number of those at present are 58 inmates, rectress, and portress, 9 wards, and 6 slave women, who serve in it), and repairs of said school (in which alone this present year about 6,000 pesos have been spent), they give and apply 10,700 pesos; as dowries for the said girl collegiates and other orphan daughters of noble parents of this city, 16,000 pesos; for the relief of the necessities of poor spaniards, widows, self-respecting poor, 6,936 pesos. besides these sums 3,000 pesos are set aside for the benefit of the above-mentioned purposes which, with somewhat more, are produced by the sums at interest, and also 1,200 pesos which are yielded by the encomienda which his majesty applied to the board of santa misericordia in the provinces of the ylocos and leite. therefore totaling up the eight items of pesos above applied, the amount is 71,824 pesos produced by the funds administered by this house, as is adjusted with the greatest exactness. one may see by the sums that result to the benefit of so many pious ends, the reality and truth of the said proposition, and consequently, the great succor of silver for the relief of the needs of its neighbor. surely i believe that in this small work of rich treasures, an extraordinary splendor for the house must shine forth (with the new discovery of so abundant a mine, which has been buried in silence in the extensive field and space of 134 years); a prodigy which looks to spain for the non-moderation of this great house of misericordia in the most remote parts of the world. i believe that without injury to the greater (if it can be that there is another which exceeds it), it merited as panegyrist of its glories (although with more time) a nature suitable to its worth and greatness. lastly placed in the royal crown of españa, it will be one of the most precious stones which beautify that crown with its rich splendor, for the greater honor and glory of god our lord. survey of the filipinas islands [part i] [title-page:] relation in which, by order of his catholic majesty (may god keep him) are set forth the towns, castles, forts, and military posts of the provinces subject to his royal dominion in the philipinas islands. with sketches of their plans and detailed accounts of the supplies, soldiers, wages, rations, and ammunition, required to maintain them; the annual amount of these, and the product of the incomes and amounts set aside for them from which they are obtained. all these provinces are described, with information not only of essential but of curious matters, with a summary of what they yield for the royal treasury; an account of it is given, with a general résumé of the fixed income and charges of the treasury, drawn up by the field marshal, don fernando valdés tamón, in whose charge is the government of these islands. in the year 1739. [4] brief description of the city of manila the island of luzon (it is also called nueva castilla) is the largest of all those which submit to the catholic crown in this philippine archipelago. its figure is that of an arm somewhat doubled, and the latest observations give it three hundred and fifty leguas of circumference, and two hundred leguas of length. its width cannot be accurately stated, because the land is in some places broad and in others narrow, although it is known that it is longer from the elbow to the shoulder, and in that distance it is noticed that the greatest width is forty-three leguas; and it is about twenty-two leguas from the elbow to the hand of this imaginary arm. in this remotest part, then, of the spanish domain, in 14° 48' of northern latitude and 158° 38' of eastern longitude, is situated manila, [5] nearly in the middle of its mainland, in the region of the elbow of its [imaginary] figure; and there, as being the capital of all the spanish possessions in the philipinas islands, resides permanently the royal audiencia with its president the captain-general, the archiepiscopal see, and other tribunals. the number of citizens who distinguish the city is astonishingly small; these are the spaniards who live within the walls, and in the wards of binondoc and santa cruz, which adjoin it; and although in these places there is an astonishing number of people, i have the idea that they are a contemptible rabble, excepting the small number of the spaniards. it was june 24, 1571, when manila was founded, and it recognizes as its founder the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi--a hero in truth, worthy of the greatest praises for the bravery, judgment, and good fortune by which he was distinguished in these conquests. the site which this town occupies [6] is a point of land on the shores of the sea, in a bay thirty leguas in circumference; into this falls a river of considerable size, which comes down from a lake distant five leguas from the city on the eastern side--by which it flows, surrounding the city, and in its progress washes its walls, until it pours its waters through the bar. up to this time the secular government has been in charge of forty governors, twenty-three of them proprietary, and seventeen ad interim. the ecclesiastical government likewise has had one bishop and thirteen archbishops. both these numbers are carefully estimated from the list of [those who have held] both dignities. the fortifications with which this town is girt about are everywhere of irregular shape, in accordance with the surface of the ground. its walls, although of masonry, are not regarded as inferior--if one considers the good quality of the stone, which is easy to work on account of being soft--to those of mud or brick. on the other hand, i am persuaded that an injustice would be done to our walls if one should deny them the advantage of the former kind and the solidity of the latter, in view of their great resistance; for in the course of more than a century since their construction, some slight decay has been noticed only occasionally, and in places here and there little sheltered from the salt winds; and this is remedied, or the wall is preserved, by applying a thin coat of lime, an idea which has come as the result of experience. its circuit appears to be 12,498 castilian feet, both its extremities closing in with the castle of santiago, which, on account of its position, occupies in manila the place of the citadel. the bastions in its circuit are twelve, all furnished with terreplein; nine are small, and the others large, of the regular size. in one of these last, named "san andres," there is a powder-magazine, bomb-proof, which the present governor caused to be constructed; an incentive to building this was the little shelter afforded by a mere shed in former times, and the exposed condition of its contents to the shots of a besieger; these risks that were feared have ceased at sight of the present fortification. there are two sentry-towers incorporated with the said wall, and besides this there are a ravelin and a crown-work. all this is a very respectable aggregate, as contributing to the greatest defense of the city; the situation of each of these defenses will be described in the proper place. the gates of this city are six, two main entrances and four posterns. of these santa lucia and palacio, which look toward the west, allow passage to the shore--as also on the north side santo domingo and almacenes give passage to the river. the main gates are distinguished by the names real and parian. the latter is situated in the middle of the curtain which faces the northeast between the san lorenzo and san gabriel bastions; and inside of it is its guard-station, capacious enough to lodge a company of men. corresponding to the empty space below, in the upper part it has a spacious sentry-tower, furnished with some cannons, which, by favor of its sides defends the collateral bulwarks--a fortification which, it may be supposed, was placed here in order to make up for the defect of the extraordinary length of this curtain. the outer works of this are thus composed: a crown-work, which masks the gate; a fausse-braye [falsabraga], which extends from the flank of the bastion san gabriel, until it almost reaches the said gate, there leaving room for a little bridge for communication with the crown-work already mentioned; a ditch, of which we shall treat further on; its covered way, parapet, and palisade, with its esplanade, the whole regularly surrounded, so far as the narrowness of the place permits; and at its foot a quagmire, which serves as an outer ditch. at the end of this, and along its outer margin, extending toward the south, there is a grand highway, which at its beginning is joined with another but small road, which lies between the outer ditch and the river; and both of these connect with a little bridge, next to a small fort which was erected for the guards stationed at the large bridge which, close by, crosses the river. the ditch of the half-curtain (of which mention was reserved for this place, in order to avoid confusion) is formed by the waters which overflow from the river at the rise of the tides. it starts from the angle defended by the bastion san gabriel, and extends until it is very near the parian gate, with a counterscarp--which there leaves it, bending toward the crown-work, and thus is left almost isolated, with a small arm. this, a little farther, adds all its waters, as if on deposit, to the outer ditch already mentioned. not thus the main ditch; for this, overflowing the right side according to the amount of water which it receives [from the river], continues its course along the margin of the grand highway, more or less closely according to its curves, until, coming close to the walls, it ends its course round about them, close to the bastion san diego. at this place art has imposed restraints on it, having in mind, no doubt, the frequent inundations to which that vicinity would be exposed if (as was easy for it) this ditch should come to unite its waters with the sea. from this measure of prudence resulted two benefits of special importance, in which both the fortified post and the public are directly interested--the former, on account of the advantage which it enjoys (as may be seen in the plan) in the fact that the ditch serves it as a moat on the eastern and southern sides; and the latter, because it is utilized for the great number of vessels which, aided by the rising tide, come up to the puerta real to discharge their lading. this is one of the two principal gates already mentioned. it is located on the southern side of this town, in the curtain which defends the bastions san diego and san andres, although nearer to the latter; and it much resembles the gate of the parian (although built in different style) in its convenience and its fortifications--for it has, like the former, a guard-station and watchtower, similarly arranged and equipped. it is only noted that this curtain, peculiar among all, is the only one which is furnished with terreplein; for this reason some cannons (which defense the others lack) have been placed in it. its other exterior works, arranged according to their order, are reduced to a bridge that can be raised, a moat with its counterscarp faced with stone [revestido], and at a little distance a ravelin in condition for defense--notwithstanding which, on account of masking the gate it is not found in front of the half of the curtain which was its proper place. although this gate had the remaining features of covered way, parapet, palisade, and esplanade, they were entirely in ruins at the time when this government began--which induced us to plan them anew, in modern style, and of much better quality than were the old ones. all the curtains which face the western and northern part of this fortress are, without question, the weakest part of its defenses; but on the supposition (which is believed to be a remote contingency) that european armies may move to attack it in earnest--and it may be regarded as an enormous undertaking by our enemies here, who are most laughable on account of their lack of discipline and of forts--the natural defenses are apparently even more than sufficient. for it has on the west the waters of the bay for a moat, and on the north a river that is broad and deep; and with this all fears may be laid aside. there is also maintained in this city, at the expense of the royal treasury (as being a necessity), a foundry for artillery, grenades, and cannon balls of all calibers; and an iron-furnace, where men are continually forging, according to the occasion, many hand-weapons and some firearms. the metals for these are transported from countries beyond the sea. besides these, a scant half-legua to the south, is the powder-factory, which is enclosed by a triangular redoubt of stone and mortar, with seven mounted iron cannons, and fortified by three demi-bastions. this factory supplies gunpowder to manila and the forts dependent on it; to the ships of his majesty which sail annually to the port of acapulco and the marianas islands; to the armadas which, when any danger from enemies arises, are made ready on the opposite shore; and to the public festivals. more than enough to cover the expense is received from those who wish to buy it, to whom it is furnished for their money. the ingredients of its composition are produced in the country, except the saltpetre, which is brought from foreign countries. artillery, mounted and dismounted, of this fort, with whatever is necessary for handling it bronze cannons caliber iron caliber cannons 1 3 2 2 1 4 13 4 1 5 6 5 2 8 10 6 1 9 11 8 1 14 4 10 1 16 4 12 15 8 4 14 7 20 5 18 3 22 4 20 2 24 2 30 6 25 2 stone-mortars, 90 for moat-guards - - 43 bronze cannons 65 iron cannons military supplies kept in reserve, independent of those used in actual service 20,370 iron cannon-balls, as reserve for the said artillery. 18 bronze stone-mortars, with their chambers. 5 iron esmerils. 4 iron pinzotes. 458 match-lock arquebuses. 409 flint-lock guns and [hand-] cannons, with bayonets. 34 pairs of pistols. 20 blunderbusses, bronze and iron. 2,267 short swords, cutlasses, and broadswords. 1,097 iron grenades. 50,342 lead bullets, of suitable size. 800 arrobas of gunpowder, kept in reserve. the fighting men who serve in the said royal camp of manila comprise nine companies of spanish infantry. the first is under command of the captain-general; the second, of the master-of-camp; the third, of the sargento-mayor; and the rest, under six captains who are appointed by this government. each company has its alférez, its sergeant, and also its minor posts of page, standard-bearer, fifer and drummer; and, in all, there are six hundred and seventy-five soldiers. there are also a captain and thirteen halberdiers, the personal guard of the governor and captain-general; two paid adjutants, and seven supernumeraries; one deputy-commander of artillery, with his head gunner, and thirty-six artillerists. there is a military engineer, and an overseer of the royal works; and there are masters and a suitable number of workmen for casting artillery, operating forges, and making gunpowder. there are also, to serve as workmen in the said shops, a company of pampango infantry, with their captain, alférez, sergeant, standard-bearer, and two hundred and forty-three regular soldiers--more or less, according to circumstances. the wages and rations of the said soldiers are paid monthly, excepting the captain-general, who receives his pay every four months and at the rate of 8,000 pesos (each of 450 maravedis of silver) a year. the amount each one receives is stated thus: officers: the master-of-camp, 137 pesos, 6 tomins; the sargento-mayor, 30 p.; the six captains, each 15 p.; the captain of the guard, 24 p.; the deputy commander of artillery, 25 p.; the military engineer, 25 p.; the overseer of works, 20 p.; two paid adjutants, each 8 p.; the seven supernumeraries, each 6 p.; the alferezes, each 4 p.; the sergeants, each 3 p.; the head gunner of the artillery, 8 p.; the pampango captain, 4 p., 4 t.; his alférez, and his sergeant, each 2 p., 4 t. soldiers: the spanish soldiers, each 2 pesos; the halberdiers, each 3 p.; the artillerists, each 2 p.; the drum-major, 3 p.; the pages, standard-bearers, one fifer, and the other drummer, each 2 p.; the pampango soldiers, each 1 p., 2 t., and some of them have extra pay; one pampango standard-bearer, with [blank] p., 6 tomins. to all the above are furnished respectively a ration of rice, excepting the captain of the guard, the engineer, and the overseer of works--for which purpose are used 7,4543 1/2 fanegas of rice a year--and the wages amount annually to 34,139 pesos, 3 tomins; the latter are paid from the royal treasury of manila, which, as it has to meet the other charges which are imposed on the amount of the royal revenues, has not, it is acknowledged, funds adequate for this purpose, as will be made manifest in the proper place. the castle of santiago it has a circuit of 2,030 feet; its shape is almost triangular. its fortifications on the southern side, which faces the city, include a curtain with terreplein, flanked by two demi-bastions; it has a fausse-braye, and a ditch which communicates with the river. on the northern side, toward the entrance of the ditch, in place of a bastion is raised a cavalier with three faces or batteries; one of these fronts the sea (the anchorage included), another the said entrance, and the third the river itself. this last side of the cavalier joins a large tower of the same height as the walls; and through the tower there is a descent to a semi-circular platform or battery, at the level of the water, with which the aforesaid triangular figure of this castle is completed. through these sides the fort has the necessary communication with the city, through its principal gate, which faces that way; with the river, and with the shore or beach of the sea, by a postern gate which furnishes passage to it. all the above will be better understood by referring to the proper plan folio [blank in ms.] where also will be found, placed in their order, the guard-stations, the barracks of the troops who garrison it, and the quarters of the warden and his subalterns. the reduced size of the plan has not allowed room for showing other buildings distinctly, such as the chapel, various storehouses (among these the powder-magazine, which is bomb-proof), the dungeons, the reservoirs of water, etc. artillery mounted and dismounted, with the necessary articles for its handling bronze cannons caliber iron caliber cannons 4 2 1 3 2 4 1 4 1 6 1 5 3 8 1 6 1 10 2 16 3 16 2 25 8 18 4 32 3 20 4 25 - - 29 bronze cannons 12 iron cannons reserve supplies 1,534 iron cannon-balls, kept in reserve for the said artillery. 1 bronze mortar, carrying a 300-libra ball. 95 muskets. 85 match-lock arquebuses. 3,414 balls for these guns. 161 grenades. 80 bar-shots. 80 lanterns (a contrivance for [using] fire and stone). 148 turkish swords, pikes, broad daggers, hand-spikes, lances, and gun-forks. 200 arrobas of gunpowder, kept in reserve. the troops in the regular garrison of the said castle are composed of one company of spanish infantry, commanded by the warden (who is appointed by his majesty), with a lieutenant-commander, an orderly aide-de-camp, an alférez, a sergeant, and five minor posts--those of page, standard-bearer, fifer, and two drummers. it has sixty regular soldiers, one head gunner, and twelve artillerymen. the fort has also, as workmen in the shops, pampango soldiers in a company of infantry, with their captain, alférez, sergeant, the three minor posts of standard-bearer, fifer, and drummer, and ninety regular soldiers, three of them receiving extra pay. the wages and rations of the said troops are paid monthly, in the form which is shown in the following schedule: officers: the warden, 66 pesos, 5 tomins; his lieutenant, 15 p.; the aide-de-camp, 5 p., 6 t.; the alférez, 4 p.; the sergeant, 3 p.; the head gunner, 4 p.; the pampango captain, 6 p.; the alférez and the sergeant, each 2 p., 4 t. soldiers: the sixty spanish soldiers, each 2 pesos; the twelve artillerymen, each 2 p.; the page, the standard-bearer, the fifer, and the drummers, each 2 p.; the pampango soldiers, and the men in the minor posts, each 1 p., 2 t. these wages amount in the year to 4,595 pesos in cash; and the rice, of which rations are issued to all, to 1,219 1/2 fanegas. all this expense is met from the royal treasury and storehouses of manila; the exact statement regarding it will be found at the end. description of cavite in sight of manila, and south-southeast of it, at a distance of three leguas by way of the waters of the bay, and six short leguas by land--in 14° 31' of north latitude, and 158° 38' of east longitude--is the port of cavite, which is formed by a tongue of land, curved from east to west; it is 5,100 feet long, and 1,200 feet broad. it is the ordinary anchorage for the ships of his majesty and of private persons, as well as for the pataches belonging to the commerce of the various oriental peoples, who come here to carry it on every year, at regular times. its population is composed of the soldiers who garrison its castle, and those of other posts; the sea-faring men who serve in the vessels of the [acapulco] trade-route, and in various other vessels, in the royal service; and the men who compose the force of the navy-yard, for the repair and the building of ships. among so many, the citizens of most prominence are the pilots, boatswains, and other officers of the ships and the ribera. the entire government--political, military, and social--is in the hands of a warden and chief magistrate, who is not responsible to any one except the captain-general. its principal fortification consists of the fort san phelipe, the shape of which is an irregular quadrilateral; it is situated toward the point of the ribera, at a distance from it of about 1,100 feet. it has four bastions with orillons, in old style; its western curtain, in which is its gate, has a fausse-braye; and its southern curtain, on the shore of the ribera, has a barbette battery of twenty mounted cannons. a similar account of the two remaining curtains is omitted, because in them there is nothing new for notice. the circuit of the fort is 1,410 feet; and within it are located, in due order, lodgings sufficient for the soldiers in its garrison, an armory, a powder-magazine, a water reservoir, and other offices necessary to the service. on the western side, which is contiguous with the village of san roque, this fort is also fortified by a curtain 540 feet long, which, with the two large towers which flank it, occupies the entire width of the tongue of land, and, with a revetted moat, leaves cavite almost isolated; it would be feasible to make it entirely so by the union of the two bodies of seawater--with experience of fatal results, if the double defense of a counterscarp were not interposed. this curtain has, as a mask to its gate, a half-star work with its own gate, which is the one that people call puerta vaga; and these two entrances furnish, for the said town and manila, the only passage by land that is found in this port. to this fortification is added another, and of no less importance, the necessity of which was made evident by warnings; and the plan of its structure was thought out by experience. for, having noted in less than fifty years the repeated ravages caused in this port, on the north side, by the violence of the sea when driven by the north winds--which indicated its entire destruction in the future--the superior government decided to construct a stable barrier, by which the so great damage that was feared might be prevented. this was carried out by the engineer then in charge, by constructing in the water a barrier of stone and mortar, large enough to be able to resist such attacks, and of height equal to that of the highest tides, on a foundation of pile-work and beams. this work extended from the point of the ribera, on the side which was endangered, until it reached the northern tower of the curtain which is mentioned in the preceding paragraph--that is, the entire length of cavite. upon this breakwater he raised a parapet with its banquette, in which were formed the bastions, demi-bastions, flanks and curtains, as this line gave opportunity, and in the plan of cavite they are indicated; but all these works were at the level of the water. for its greater permanency, command was given to cast into the water outside, at the foot of the pile-work, a number of stone-heaps; since these are always multiplying themselves, an evident benefit has resulted. the arms and supplies for the maintenance of these forts are those which here are scheduled. artillery, mounted and dismounted, in the port of cavite, with all that is necessary for its handling bronze cannons caliber iron caliber cannons 10 1 6 1 1 2 43 2 1 3 9 3 1 4 21 4 2 6 46 6 26 8 25 8 4 10 35 10 15 12 15 12 4 14 8 14 1 16 1 16 19 18 41 18 10 25 1 20 7 30 2 35 2 40 1 stone-mortar, of 300 libras. -- -- 109 bronze cannons. 257 iron cannons. military supplies kept in reserve, independent of those used in actual service 2 esmerils of bronze, of 8-onza caliber. 4 small iron cannon, of the same caliber. 101 swivel-guns, with 216 chambers and quoins, of iron. 16,905 iron cannon-balls, suitable for the said artillery. 207 bar-shots of iron, "diamond point." 67 iron crowbars. 22 iron angelots. [7] 190 iron grenades. 142 muskets. 221 match-lock arquebuses. 16 guns, some with bayonets. 9 pistols. 1 blunderbuss. 6,672 balls corresponding to these weapons--2,910 of iron, 62 angel--[i.e., double-headed] shot, and the rest of lead. 480 hand-weapons--turkish swords, broadswords, cutlasses [machetes], lances, pikes, halberds, partisans, half-moons, spears, languinatas, and spontoons. 400 arrobas of gunpowder, kept in reserve. the fighting men of the said port of cavité and its fortress (who are in one body, just as the above-mentioned supplies are considered collectively) comprise three companies of spanish infantry--one commanded by the warden, another by the sargento-mayor, and another by a captain--with 180 soldiers in all, with their leading officers and minor posts. there is also a captain of artillery, with twenty-four artillerymen; the deputy of the castellan; three orderlies; two carpenters for the gun-carriages of the artillery; and one military notary. there is, besides, a company of pampango infantry with its master-of-camp, sargento-mayor, and other officers, with two hundred and twenty regular soldiers, one hundred and twenty of whom are assigned to work as sawyers. all the officers and soldiers, both spaniards and pampangos (except the warden and the notary) receive a suitable ration of rice and their pay in cash monthly. the wages amount to 11,500 pesos, and the rations to 3,084 fanegas of rice. these are furnished from the royal treasury and the storehouses in manila, according to the list here set down. officers: the warden, 100 pesos; the sargento-mayor, 25 p.; one captain of spanish infantry, 15 p.; the alferezes, each 4 p.; the sergeants, each 3 p.; one captain of artillery, 15 p.; the deputy of the castellan, 15 p.; three orderlies, each 6 p.; one military notary, 8 p.; the pampango master-of-camp, 10 p.; the sargento-mayor of that people, 6 p., 4 t.; the alférez, sergeant, and adjutant of the said nation, each 2 p., 4 t. soldiers: the spanish soldiers, each 2 pesos; the pages, standard-bearers, drummers, and fifer, each 2 p.; the artillerymen, each 2 p.; two carpenters for the artillery, each 2 p.; minor posts in the pampango company--standard-bearer, fifer, and drummer--each [blank] p., 6 t.; 220 pampango soldiers, each 1 p., 2 t. of the pampangos the following receive extra pay, with the title of sawyers: three each, 4 p.; another, 2 p., 4 t.; another, 2 p.; and eighteen others, each 1 p., 4 t. the place which is now called "ribera of cavité" includes all the ground from the point of cavité to fort san phelipe. all this is enclosed, with two gates, [which are] at the angles flanked by the bastions--that of the powder-magazine on the northern side, and by that of cháchara [i.e., "chit-chat"] on the southern side. although these passages had formerly been open, it was considered best to shut them off thus, in order to check the frequent thefts that were committed of nails and other furnishings at times when ships were being repaired or built; but in doing so a narrow strip was left, in order to furnish a path for the work-people from the ribera, thus forming the barbette battery; and this strip has preserved the principal curtain of the fort from the continual former lashings of the waves of the sea. on this ribera is located the shipyard, where the galleons, pataches, galleys, and galliots of his majesty are constructed into ships; also here is the bridge which is used for careening the said ships, and others that belong to private persons. it also includes the royal iron-works, where are forged the iron tools and instruments, of all kinds and sizes, that are necessary for the said construction; and the workshops of the various artisans who are daily at work on this ribera. there are separate storehouses for the masts, anchors, cables, rigging, and other kinds of cordage; for cannon, and for gun-carriages; and generally for all the military supplies and nautical equipments, with the dwelling-houses of their principal officers. all this was built by the present government, and with so good management that in a short time, and without confusion, everything necessary for this purpose was constructed, repaired, or equipped. other royal buildings which are not included in the ribera are indicated on the chart of this port, for which reason i omit notice of each. all this arrangement for the navy-yard of the ribera, although it is planned for the benefit of all vessels, whether native or foreign, is chiefly designed for those of his catholic majesty, and more especially for the galleons which annually make the voyage to nueva españa; these are built, equipped, and supplied in this port and ribera. a sufficiently detailed account of these will be given in the following lists. ribera of cavité master workmen in the navy-yard: one captain of the point, yearly, 300 pesos; one alférez of the seamen, 120 p.; one sergeant of the said men, 90 p.; four corporals, and one watchman, 180 p.; two chief pilots, 240 p.; two assistant pilots, 192 p.; one examiner and inspector of the royal works of the port, 300 p.; one constable for the storehouse of provisions, 120 p.; one surgeon, 96 p.; one coxswain of the galley, 120 p.; one chaplain for the galley, 180 p.; one foreman of the royal iron-works, 300 p.; one foreman of rope-making, 120 p.; one foreman of the cooper shop, 240 p.; one foreman for the artisans [8] of the artillery, 120 p.; another overseer of the aforesaid, 30 p.; one head overseer of the carpenters, 360 p.; another, his assistant, 300 p.; one director of works, 300 p. all, except the father chaplain, receive rations of rice. workmen in the navy-yard: 226 seamen (of whom 16 serve as captains), with different rates of pay according to their various employments, and, with corresponding rations of rice; this amounts each year to 5,201 p., 4 t., 6 granos; 166 common seamen, with the same pay and ration of rice, yearly 2,490 pesos; to the convicts on the royal galleys are issued rations of 516 cavans of clean rice, which with 22 p., 4 t. for oil for the lanterns, and 300 p. a year for fish, salt, and vinegar, will be worth 580 p.; eight ropemakers, with rations of rice and different rates of pay according to their different kinds of work, amounting yearly to 198 p.; 16 coopers, with different rates of pay and rations of rice, receive yearly 351 p., 9 granos; 152 men for using the augers, at various rates of pay, including rice, receive yearly 3,920 p., 4 t.; tool-grinders, at various rates of pay, receive yearly, including the value of the rice, 594 p.; 305 artisans [pandayes] (15 of them in the artillery), with various rates of pay, and the amount of the ration of rice, receive yearly 372 [9] p.; 33 painters (two in the artillery), according to their different rates of pay, with rations, 495 p.; 135 blacksmiths, with rations and various rates of pay, amount to 4,644 p.; 31 lascars, barraqueros, [10] at different rates of pay, receive annually 709 p.; 16 carpenters, at various rates of pay, with the value of their rations, receive 1,452 p.; 4 overseers, at various rates of pay, with rations, 300 p.; the hand-sawyers and the calkers (not only natives, but sangleys) receive, according to the day-wages for which they work, without a ration of rice, wages amounting in one year to 14,922 p., 3 t., 6 granos; the galagaleros, [11] the indians who work in repartimiento as ropemakers and woodcutters, and the raftsmen, at various rates of pay according to their work, and in rice, receive each year 2,714 p., 1 t. all the aforesaid people in the navy-yard on the ribera of cavité receive yearly 49,948 p., 3 t., 8 granos, in which is included the value of 26,174 cavans, 11 gantas of rice, which is consumed in the rations given to each person; but from this are excluded the father chaplain, the sawyers, and the calkers. this amount, in summary form, is the same which the royal officials now certify, omitting the details of each item on account of the great prolixity which would be caused by stating the various assignments of pay which correspond to the various offices and work, and reserving the full statement for the annual report with which the royal officials fulfil their duty. preparation of the ships: since the chief employ of the navy-yard at the ribera at cavité is the building and equipment of his majesty's ships, and, specifically, those which are annually despatched to nueva españa with the merchandise that is allowed to that commerce and for the royal situado--in which construction is expended the amount from the royal treasury already mentioned--to it also belong the expenses of the entire outfit for the ships, the pay of the naval and military officers, great and small, the men for the crews, and the provision of necessary supplies. as regards expense caused by these things, it is included in the certification of the royal officials in their general statement of purchases; this brief relation refers the reader to that account, avoiding the annoyance of so long a schedule, and here is given only the list of the men assigned to this employ--the computation being now made from the two pataches, the flagship and the almiranta, which in the year 1736 were manned in this form: officers of the ships: the commander of the flagship ("nuestra señora de cabdalonga") with salary of 4,125 pesos; the captain of the almiranta ("nuestra señora del pilar") 2,750 p.; the chaplains of the two pataches, each 75 p., 150 p.; two chief pilots, each 300 p., 600 p.; two assistant pilots, each 150 p., 300 p.; two mates, each 150 p., 300 p.; two head gunners, each 150 p., 300 p.; two boatswains, each 150 p., 300 p.; two carpenters, each 150 p., 300 p.; two calkers, each 150 p., 300 p.; two divers, each 150 p., 300 p.; two notaries, each 100 p., 200 p.; two storekeepers, each 100 p., 200 p.; two surgeons, each 100 p., 200 p.; two stewards, each 100 p., 200 p.; two water-guards, each 100 p., 200 p.; two additional pilots, each 150 p., 300 p. total, 11,025 pesos. the men of the crews: 64 artillerymen, each 100 p., amount to 6,400 p.; 160 mariners in the crews of the said pataches, at the rate of 75 p. each, 12,000 p.; 72 spanish common seamen in the said crews, at the rate of 50 p. each, 3,600 p.; 120 deck-hands in the said crews at 25 p., 3,000 p.; extra pay issued to the royal official timekeeper, who made these payments, 25 p. total, 25,025 pesos. adding together these amounts for pay of officers and crews, the total is 36,050 pesos. description of fort san pedro in the city of santissimo nombre de jesus, in zebû in the island of zebû, which is regarded as the center of all the islands of pintados--it is thirty leguas long, twelve wide, and eighty in circuit--is the city of santissimo nombre de jesus. it is the capital of this province, wherein, amid the evident ruins of its former opulence, is preserved, close to the city, the fort of san pedro. it is built of stone and mortar, with a terreplein, and is situated on a point on the shore of the sea, in 10° of north latitude, and 161° 47' of east longitude; [12] it is distant from the capital, manila, ninety-six leguas to the southeast, and is five degrees south of that city. the shape of this fort is triangular, with three bastions having straight flanks; it is 1,248 feet in circuit. its curtains are of unequal length, and in that one which fronts the city, toward the northwest, is the gate of the fort. this is masked by an outer work of stakes, of square shape, with its gate to the city; and a palisade extends the whole length of the curtain, in the form of a fausse-braye. this fort contains the necessary buildings, as they are indicated on its plan; it has also arms and soldiers, as herewith stated. arms and supplies 13 pieces of bronze artillery, caliber 2 and 4. 18 iron cannons, caliber 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 10, and 14. 2 bronze mortars, with iron pivots. 6 bronze stone-mortars. 12 chambers. 50 pinzotes. 250 arquebuses and muskets. 1,826 iron balls for the artillery. 14,055 lead balls for the muskets, arquebuses, and pinzotes. 294 grenades. 500 arrobas of gunpowder, with small-arms and hand weapons, are kept in reserve, as is certified by the royal officials. all the above, with the clothing [for the soldiers], and the replenishment of arms and gunpowder, is provided from the capital, manila, in accordance with the orders of this government. the military force a captain of spanish infantry, who is the alcalde-mayor, with monthly pay of 25 pesos; an alférez of the said company, with 3 p.; a sergeant, 2 p.; an orderly, 4 p.; a lieutenant of the fort, 4 p.; 57 regular soldiers, each 1 p.; 4 minor posts--page, fifer, drummer, and standard-bearer, each 1 p.; 6 artillerymen, each 1 p.; a captain of the pampango company, 4 p.; his alférez, 1 p., 4 t.; the sergeant, 1 p.; twenty [pampango] soldiers, and three minor posts--page, drummer, and standard-bearer--each 4 t.; one position as overseer of the iron-forge, 3 p.; two others, as shoremaster and overseer of buildings, 2 p.; another as pilot, 1 p. each one of the said persons receives a monthly allowance of half a fanega (which is one cavan) of rice. the maintenance of this military post amounts to 1,584 pesos and 624 fanegas of rice every year; this expense is paid out of the proceeds of the tributes and other revenues which are collected on his majesty's account in the said province of zebû. description of fort nuestra señora del pilar at samboangan this fort is in the town of samboangan, [13] a separate jurisdiction with a chief magistrate, who is the governor of this military post. it is situated in the great island of mindanao, near the promontory which is called punta de la caldera, in 7° 4' north latitude, and 160° 30' east longitude; [14] it is distant from the capital, manila, 134 1/2 leguas south by east, and four degrees to the east. this fort is constructed of stone and mortar, with a terreplein, at the entrance of the town, on the sea-shore; the beach surrounds it on the eastern and southern sides, along which it has also, externally, a palisade. on the western side, where the gate is, it has a marsh for a moat; and on the northern side, which faces the dwellings, it has an artificial moat. its shape is that of a rectangle, with four full bastions--three with straight flanks, and one with an orillon; it has a circuit of 820 feet, and in it are enclosed the necessary buildings, as the plan shows. the town has its own special fortifications; for on the eastern side it has a long curtain of palisades, in the midst of which there is a semicircular platform, which defends it. on the northern side there is a long curtain of stone and mortar, flanked at the east by a bastion with orillon, called santa cathalina; and at the west by a cavalier of rectangular shape, called santa barbara. this curtain has its palisade, which ends on the western side of this town, at some distance from the said cavalier; and the rest of this said side has some marshes for defense. the said wall and curtain of this town is surrounded by a canal, full of water, ten or twelve feet wide; and it connects with the said marshes. the arms, supplies, and soldiers with which this military post is maintained and defended are stated in the following lists: arms and supplies of this post 24 bronze cannons, of caliber 1, 2, 3, 4, and 12. 1 bronze culverin, caliber 4. 1 mortar of the same, caliber 18. 45 iron cannons, calibers 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, and 18. 17 stone-mortars of the same [material], calibers 3 and 4. 58 chambers. 8 blunderbusses, 5 of bronze and 3 of iron. 11 pinzotes. 253 guns, muskets, and arquebuses. 698 grenades, loaded and unloaded. 1 pair of pistols. 2 short carbines [terzerolas]. 8,407 lead and iron balls, suitable for the artillery. 39,104 lead balls, for the arquebuses, guns, and muskets. 500 arrobas of gunpowder, as regular supply. other weapons, for hand use, minor supplies, and all the rest that is necessary for handling [the artillery], are enumerated in a separate certified statement by the royal officials. military force in the post of samboangan one captain of the first company of the spanish infantry, a post which is held by the governor of this town, with a monthly salary of 50 pesos; its alférez, 4 p.; its sergeant, 3 p.; an aide-de-camp, 6 p.; 74 spanish soldiers, each 2 p.; three minor posts--page, standard-bearer, and drummer--each 2 p. the captain of the second spanish company, 15 p.; its alférez, 4 p.; its sergeant, 3 p.; 68 soldiers, and three minor posts--page, drummer, and standard-bearer--each 2 p. the captain of the third spanish company, who commands the armada, 15 p.; its alférez, 4 p.; its sergeant, 3 p.; 58 soldiers, and 3 minor posts--page, standard-bearer, and drummer--each 2 p. a head gunner for the artillery, 4 p.; a lieutenant and paymaster for this post, 15 p.; a surgeon, 5 p.; a notary for this post, 3 p.; 2 amanuenses, hired by the day, each 3 p., 6 t.; 2 chaplains for the infantry, by the year, each 100 p. a captain of the company of pampango infantry, with monthly pay of 4 p., 4 t.; its alférez, 2 p., 4 t.; its sergeant, 2 p., 4 t.; 100 pampango soldiers, each 1 p., 2 t.; 2 minor posts--page, and standard-bearer--each 6 t. one master armorer, 3 p.; 2 skilled tilers, each 2 p., 4 t.; 15 supernumerary seamen, paid at various rates, by the month, [blank]. all these people receive a suitable ration of rice. coastguard galleys at samboangan at this post are maintained, as a measure of precaution by this superior government since the past year of 1730, two coastguard galleys (a flagship and an almiranta), with [a crew of] 96 impressed men [forzados], and with all the supplies necessary for their outfit; care is also taken to repair and fortify them. they have been kept up as an armament necessary at this time for checking the insolence of the neighboring moros, who attack the villages of the territory under the royal crown. in regard to the maintenance of these galleys, and the amount of supplies and the number of soldiers and sailors [required for them], although all this is found included in the expenditures of the royal treasury as actual expenses it must be borne in mind that they are not perpetual, but accidental and extraordinary, according to the movements of our enemies. for this reason, these items of expense are sometimes included and sometimes omitted in the statements of accounts, according to the differences of time and occasion. galliots at samboangan more permanent at this post are the two galliots which are, by act of the general council of the treasury, maintained there since the year 1729, as necessary in those seas, so rough and so infested with enemies, for transporting from the province of ogtong and the storehouses of yloylo the rice and other provisions which are needed in this post [of samboangan]. the amount needed for the pay of these seamen is sent from the royal treasury of manila. the entire maintenance of this post of samboangan amounts each year to 12,592 pesos, 2 tomins, and 7,108 cavans (which are 3,554 fanegas) of rice, according to the last balancing of the accounts. to meet this expense, a situade is sent from the royal treasury of manila, the number of pesos corresponding to the amount of the fixed charges, and to that of the accidental expenses when there are any. the clothing, gun-powder, supplies for replenishing the storehouses, cordage and sails, other supplies for vessels, supplies for the hospital and other offices of that post--all these are provided from the royal storehouses of manila; while from those of yloylo is sent the rice for the rations, with other foodstuffs, in which that province abounds. in order to meet the said expenses, there is set aside the value of the ganta of clean rice which was offered, contributed as a gift, by every whole tribute (of two persons) in the provinces subject to the royal crown--those of balayan, mindoro, caraga, marivelez, calamianes, and cavite being exempted from this contribution--the amount of which is regularly more than 3,500 pesos a year. for the said expenses is also applied the value of the wine monopoly, which, at the rate of the last sale to the highest bidder, produces 25,000 pesos annually. to this is added the amount of the pay, rations, and supplies of the officers and soldiers who, at the time when this post was reëstablished, were detailed to serve in it, from those of cavite, yloylo, and zebû. [part ii] the ecclesiastical estate [title-page:] the ecclesiastical estate in the aforesaid philipinas islands: its archbishopric and its suffragan bishops, and the territory which each one includes. their cathedrals, with the dignities, canonries, and prebends, with which they are endowed; the stipends and offerings which they receive; and the amounts allotted to the other churches, colleges, and hospitals in the district. active encomiendas which are at this present time enjoyed by the various corporations and by private persons; and those in which the tributes are collected on his majesty's account for the objects to which they were granted. missions established, with a statement of their locations and the expenses which they occasion: settlements of indians who have been subdued, distinguishing the ministries, conducted by the secular ecclesiastics and the religious; the neophytes whom they direct; what they receive on account of this, not only on his majesty's account, but from the natives themselves, with a summary of the total of both. added to this relation by don pablo francisco rodriguez de berdozido, accountant, royal official for his majesty in these philipinas islands, and the senior official of those who have appointments in the royal treasury therein. in the year 1742. the holy cathedral church of manila it has its archbishopric, the jurisdiction of which includes the entire provinces of tondo, bulacan, and pampanga; taâl (or balayàn) as far as mindoro and marinduque; all the coast of zambales, as far as the district and bay of bolinao; laguna de bay and its mountains, as far as and including mahayhay; the jurisdictions of cavite, marivelez, and the city of manila. at the present time the see is vacant by the death of his very illustrious and reverend lordship, the master don fray juan angel rodriguez, of the order of the most holy trinity for the redemption of captives; and it enjoys as a yearly stipend 5,000 pesos of common gold, in virtue of the decree by his majesty dated at madrid on may 28, 1680. the said holy church has a dean, with 600 pesos as annual stipend in virtue of another royal decree of his majesty; four dignitaries--archdeacon, schoolmaster, cantor, and treasurer--with 500 pesos each a year, which amounts to the sum of 2,000 pesos; three canons (which include a doctoral, a magistral, and an honorary prebend), with 400 pesos each as yearly stipend, amounting to 1,200 pesos; two racioneros, with 300 pesos each as annual stipend, amounting to 600 pesos; two medio-racioneros, each receiving 200 pesos a year, which make 400 pesos; and a master of ceremonies--a post recently established by a royal decree dated at el pardo on february 22, 1734, with 200 pesos of yearly stipend. the said holy church has also a grant for its fabrica, material and spiritual, [15] of 600 ducados of silver, which make 825 pesos. [of this sum] 500 ducados are for the pay of the verger, the musicians, and others who serve it; and the remaining 100 ducados are for the fabrica [i.e., the care of the building]. it has also 400 pesos of offerings each year--by another royal decree of april 12, 1734--for the purchase of castilian wine, with which is celebrated the holy sacrifice of the mass; olive-oil and balsam for the holy oils; and cocoanut-oil for the lamp which burns before the blessed sacrament. the holy church of zebu it has its bishop, and its jurisdiction extends to that entire province, and comprises that of leyte with its adjoining islands; the province of caraga; panay, and the jurisdiction of ogton and its islands, as far as calamyanes; paragua, and the northern coast of mindanao, extending even to the marianas islands. at the present time this church is governed by his very illustrious lordship, don protaçio cavezas, who is bishop-elect; and he enjoys an annual stipend of 4,000 pesos, by virtue of the royal decree already cited of may 28, 1680. for the fabrica, material and spiritual, of the said holy church is assigned an encomienda of 1,783 1/2 tributes by royal decree of october 28, 1670; these are collected on the account of his majesty, and their value (which is 2,000 pesos, after deducting all expenses) is paid from this royal treasury to that prelate annually for the maintenance of chaplains, the purchase of wax, oil, and wine, the pay of singers and sacristans, and other expenses necessary to worship in the said holy church. holy church of nueva cazeres it has a bishop, and its jurisdiction embraces the entire provinces of camarines and albay, as far as and including the islands of ticao, masbate, burias, and catanduanes; the province of tayabas, as far as and including luchan; and in the opposite coast of maobàn, to binangonan, polo, baler, and casiguran. at present it is governed by his very illustrious lordship doctor don ysidoro de arevalo, who is the bishop-elect; and he enjoys a yearly stipend of 4,000 pesos of common gold, conformably to the aforesaid royal decree. likewise a payment is made from the royal treasury, in virtue of a decree by the supreme government and the council of the royal treasury dated october 2, 1723, 200 pesos, for priests of the choir, at 100 pesos each, as assistants of the aforesaid illustrious lord. another payment is made of 400 pesos, assigned to this church by the royal decree, dated at san yldefonso on august 19, 1736, for the pay of singers, sacristans, and doorkeepers, and other expenses for worship and for the [care of the] building of the aforesaid holy church. it likewise has a contribution of 232 pesos, 4 tomins, which is paid in 6 quintals of wax, 100 gantas of cocoanut-oil, and 4 arrobas of castilian wine, in conformity with another royal decree dated february 21, 1705. the holy church of nueva segovia it has a bishop (whose title is of cagayan), and its jurisdiction comprises the province of pangasinan from the promontory of bolinao, and that of ylocos; and cagayan, as far as and including palauan on the opposite coast. at this time the see is vacant by the death of his illustrious lordship doctor don geronimo de herrera y lopez, and this said bishopric enjoys an annual stipend of 4,000 pesos of common gold, in virtue of the royal decree cited. it has two priests in the choir, to whom 200 pesos are paid yearly for their support, each 100 pesos, in virtue of a decree of the general council of the treasury and of the supreme government, dated december 23, 1723. it enjoys a contribution of 232 pesos, 4 tomins, which is paid to it in 6 quintals of wax, 100 gantas of cocoanut-oil, and 4 arrobas of castilian wine, in conformity with the royal decree of february 21, 1675. general summary of the amounts of the stipends, funds for current expenses [fabricas], and contributions belonging to the four cathedrals. cathedrals stipends expense contributions totals funds metropolitan, manila 10,000 p. 825 p. 400 p. 11,225 p. cathedral, zebu 4,000 p. 2,000 p. 6,000 p. id. n. caceres 4,200 p. 400 p. 232 p., 4t. 4,832 p., 4t. id. n. segovia 4,200 p. 232 p., 4t. 4,432 p., 4t. ------- ------ --------- ------------ totals 22,400 p. 3,225 p. 865 p. 26,490 p. convents, colleges, hospitals and houses which enjoy stipends and contributions from the royal treasury, and have no administration [of parishes] within the walls of this city there is a royal chapel with six chaplains, who render service in the functions of the royal audiencia; and it was especially instituted for the [spiritual] direction and assistance of the soldiers who serve in this royal army. its expenses are met from the payments and wages which are issued monthly from the royal treasury, deducting from each of these a certain amount called "the contribution" for the said royal chapel, which amounts during the year to 6,004 pesos, 1 tomin. from this sum are paid annually 3,020 pesos for the salaries of chaplains and the expenses of divine worship; and the remainder is held in the said royal treasury, in order with it to provide for repairs on the aforesaid chapel, the renewal of the ornaments, and other extraordinary expenses--on account of which it is not brought into the computation with the other allotments. there is a royal hospital £or the soldiers of the regiment, with two chaplains, a steward, a physician, a surgeon, and an apothecary, all salaried; and it is provided with everything necessary for the comfort and treatment of the sick. the proceeds of its endowment annually amount to the sum--which is paid to it in money, including the value of 8,400 fowls--of 7,891 pesos; 960 cavans of rice, 3 arrobas of castilian wine, and 384 gantas of cocoanut-oil. the royal college and seminary of san phelipe was founded and erected by royal decrees of april 8, 1702, and december 21, 1712. it has a teacher of grammar, and eight seminarists who serve in this holy cathedral church in all its offices and functions as a class; their maintenance amounts annually to 1,520 pesos in money, including other supplies which are delivered from the storehouses--360 cavans of rice, one arroba of wine, and 192 gantas of cocoanut-oil. the seminary of santa potenciana was founded in the year 1591, when gomez perez dasmariñas was governor of these islands, and was received under the royal patronage. it has twenty-four inmates, daughters of spanish fathers, with their chaplain, superior, doorkeeper, and other servants, all paid on the account of his majesty; their salaries and maintenance amount each year to 2,476 pesos in money. they receive also 504 cavans of rice, two arrobas of wine, and 168 gantas of cocoanut-oil; in this is also included the cost of the clothing for the students and servants, that of divine worship, and other lesser expenses. and for this it enjoys an encomienda, by an act of the royal audiencia dated february 4, 1668, the income of which is collected for the treasury, and its management and administration is placed in charge of the royal official accountant. there are two royal chairs of canons and institutes, one in the college of san ygnacio of the society of jesus, and the other in the college of santo thomas, of the order of st. dominic; these were recently established, by royal decree of october 23, 1733, with two professors at salaries of 400 pesos each, which make 800 pesos a year. the brotherhood of the holy misericordia, and the seminary of santa ysabel for girls, in which a great number of them are sheltered; these are administered by a purveyor and twelve deputies, who are appointed yearly. they take charge of the incomes and charitable funds assigned to the said house, from which is produced a sufficient amount for the support of the establishment, for dowries, and for other large charitable contributions, which they distribute in accordance with the constitutions of the brotherhood. this house is at present under the immediate protection of his majesty, by his royal decree of march 25, 1733; and it enjoys on the account of the royal treasury only an encomienda of 963 tributes, by a royal grant of october 24, 1667, the net value of which will be set down in the proper place. the calced augustinians have a convent of san pablo with an adequate number of religious, who are annually assisted by this treasury with a contribution of wine for celebrating the holy sacrifice of mass, and oil for the lamp which burns before the blessed sacrament, in accordance with the late royal order of his majesty, dated september 15, 1726--at the rate of one arroba of wine for each priest, and 75 gantas of cocoanut-oil for each lamp. the convent of san gregorio, of discalced franciscan religious, is likewise assisted by the contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the aforesaid royal order. the monastery of the nuns of santa clara is likewise assisted with a contribution of wine and oil, in virtue of the said royal decree; and besides this it enjoys an encomienda, by decree of april 4, 1664, the income of which is collected on the account of his majesty, and its net amount, which is paid from the treasury, is 583 pesos. the convent of the religious of st. dominic, with two colleges (named santo tomas, and san juan de letran), enjoys the same contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the aforesaid royal decree. it has likewise 400 pesos in money, and 800 cavans of rice, for the stipend of four priests in active service, who must reside in the said convent in virtue of a royal decree dated july 23, 1639; and the said college of san juan de letran enjoys an encomienda of 700 tributes by royal grant of january 10, 1734, the value of which will be entered in its class. the college of san ygnacio, of the fathers of the society of jesus, and that of san joseph, composed of students, are likewise aided with a contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the aforesaid royal decree. they likewise receive 400 pesos, and 800 cavans of rice, for the stipends of four priests in active service who must reside in the said college of san ygnacio, in accordance with the royal decree dated february 18, 1707. and the said college of san joseph enjoys an encomienda of 383 1/2 tributes, on account of 20,000 pesos which were granted to it by royal decree of his majesty dated october 5, 1703, the net value of which will be entered in the class to which it belongs. the convent of san nicolas of the recollect religious of st. augustine similarly enjoys its contribution of wine and oil, in accordance with the said recent royal decree of his majesty. the convent of san juan de dios is also assisted with the contribution of wine and oil in virtue of the said royal decree, and 50 pesos in medicines; it also enjoys an encomienda of 541 1/2 tributes, by royal grant of july 2, 1735, the net value of which will be entered in the class to which it belongs. within the walls [of the city] are also contained two beaterios--one of dominican nuns, called santa catharina, with sufficient incomes; and another connected with the society of jesus, containing poor indian women, who are maintained by charity and do not enjoy any allotment on the account of his majesty. outside the walls of this city is the hospital of san lazaro, in charge of discalced religious of st. francis, for contagious diseases. this is annually assisted from this royal treasury, in accordance with the royal decree of january 22, 1672, with 787 pesos, 4 tomins in money, including the cost of 1,500 laying hens, 200 blankets, and 1,500 cavans of rice; and one arroba of wine for the celebration of the holy sacrifice of mass. the church of los santos reyes of the parian, and the hospital of san gabriel for the christian sangleys, and for medical treatment of them and of the infidels, in charge of the religious of st. dominic, receive from the communal treasury of the sangleys themselves 2,400 pesos; and from the royal treasury only the contribution of five arrobas of wine for the aforesaid celebration of the holy sacrifice of mass, and one hundred and fifty gantas of cocoanut-oil for the lamps which burn before the depository of the divine one. the sanctuary of our lady of safety and convent of san juan bauptista, of the discalced religious of st. augustine, situated in bagumbayan, enjoys only the aforesaid contribution of wine and oil. to the infirmary which the religious order of st. dominic has, for the medical treatment of its religious, is paid every year 100 pesos as a contribution, in accordance with the royal order of his majesty, dated september 4, 1667. to the three infirmaries of the order of st. francis is paid every year a contribution of 329 pesos, for the treatment of its sick religious who are in this city and in the provinces of laguna de bay and camarines, in virtue of his majesty's decree of october 30, 1600. at the distance of one legua, or a little less, there are two houses or sanctuaries--one named san francisco del monte, with two chapels close by, where regularly serve one religious (a priest of the order of st. francis), and one lay-brother, or donado of the reformed branch, which is called "the house of retreat or penance;" the other is called san juan del monte, with a religious of the order of st. dominic--and these enjoy only the contribution of wine. the sanctuary of our lady of guadalupe, of calced augustinian religious, enjoys the same contribution of wine and oil. in the port of cavite there is a convent of religious of st. dominic, and another of recollect religious; a college of the fathers of the society of jesus; and a hospice of the order of st. john of god--all without [parochial] administration; and they enjoy only the contribution of wine and oil. likewise in the city of zebu there is a convent of calced augustinians with three religious, priests; another convent of discalced augustinians, with one priest; and a college of the society of jesus, with two priests. in the port of yloylo, in the province of ogton, the society have another college with one priest. the religious of st. dominic have a convent with two priests in the city of nueva segovia, in the province of cagayan. all these houses are without administration, and enjoy only the same contribution of wine and oil. summary of the amounts of the stipends and contributions from the royal treasury which are enjoyed by the convents, colleges, hospitals, and houses which have no [parochial] administration. convents, colleges, hospitals, cash, rice, wine, oil, and houses pesos cavans arrobas gantas royal military chapel royal hospital 7,891 960 3 384 royal college of san phelipe 1,520 360 1 192 royal seminary sta. potenciana 2,466 504 2 168 chairs of canon law and institutes 800 brotherhood of misericordia convent of s. pablo (cal. aug.) 25 75 conv. s. gregorio (disc. fran.) 18 75 monastery of sta. clara 583 2 75 conv. st. dominic, and two colleges 400 800 23 225 coll. s. ygnacio and s. joseph 400 800 20 150 conv. s. nicolas (recollect) 24 75 conv. san juan de dios 50 2 75 two beaterios (domin. nuns and indian women) hospital of san lazaro 787 [16] 1,500 1 church of parian and hospital of san gabriel 5 150 sanctuary our lady of safety 6 75 infirmary for relig. of st. dominic 100 three infirmaries of st. francis 329 two sanctuaries, s. juan and s. francisco de los montes 2 sanct. of our lady of guadalupe 2 two conv., one coll., and one hospital at port cavite 12 225 three conv., and two coll. in the provinces 10 375 ----- ---- -- ---- totals 15,326 4,924 158 2,319 encomiendas of indians; how they were granted, and the owners who possess them in accordance with royal decrees of donation, his majesty has assigned encomiendas in these islands to the extent of 18,041 1/4 tributes. of these, 8,784 1/4 are assigned to four religious communities and eleven private persons, and their net product is collected by the encomenderos themselves or by their agents; and the remaining 9,257 are collected by the royal officials of these islands for the subventions and contributions which are stated in the aforesaid grants. they are separately mentioned in the following form: encomiendas belonging to religious communities and to private persons [grantees] date of grant no. of value in net tributes cash, receipts, p. t. gr. p. t. gr. college of sta. ysabel, this city oct. 24, 1671 963 1,328 2 6 1,030 3 7 college of san joseph, on account of 20,000 pesos oct. 5, 1703 383 1/2 671 1 485 2 10 college of s. juan de letran jan. 10, 1734 700 963 2 6 718 7 6 hospital of s. juan de dios july 2, 1735 541 1/2 812 2 584 1 d. pedro de garaycoechea (2nd life) oct. 30, 1690 1,247 1,558 6 960 0 4 d. fernando hidalgo (2nd life) sept. 31 [sic; 21 or 30?], 1701 383 536 1 9 386 7 8 d. juan francisco de salinas (2nd life) june 21, 1705 419 1/2 540 2 2 380 2 8 d. balthazar de soto (2nd life) june 11, 1709 350 3/4 364 6 2 239 2 3 d. antonio gomez quixedo [17] (2nd life) july 15, 1711 640 880 540 3 6 da. josepha de erquiñigo, condeza de pineda, two encomiendas dec. 19, 1712 1,323 1,659 2 1,036 6 2 d. juan afan de rivera (2nd life) march 6, 1715 387 1/2 406 6 271 5 d. julian fernandez de guevara (2nd life) june 30, 1721 470 517 4 5 342 0 3 da. monica de yturralde (2nd life) july 30, 1721 233 1/2 256 6 9 170 0 11 d. nicolas cortez monrroy (2nd life) july 30, 1721 379 568 4 397 5 2 da. maria manuela rita manzano (2nd life), two encomiendas july 14, 1738 363 425 5 273 3 3 -------- ----------- ---------- totals 8,784 1/4 11,489 4 3 7,817 4 1 encomiendas in which the collections are made on his majesty's account, to be applied to the objects for which they were granted. [grantees] date of grant no. of value in net tributes cash, receipts, p. t. gr. p. t. gr. the monastery of so. clara enjoys, by decree of apr. 4, 1664 868 971 6 10 583 0 6 the seminary of santa potenciana enjoys for its maintenance, by act of the royal audiencia, feb. 4, 1668 1,437 1/2 2,078 5 4 1,492 5 5 for the pay of the lieutenant general of the artillery, he possesses, by decree of dec. 16, 1608 895 1/2 1,044 1 692 7 8 to pay for the wine for masses and oil for the lamps, there are, by decree of apr. 8, 1668 4,272 1/2 5,913 2 6 4,760 6 9 for the maintenance of the building of the holy cathedral church of zebu, it enjoys, by decree of oct. 28. 1670 1,783 1/2 2,690 3 1 2,000 -------- ----------- ---------- totals 9,257 12,698 2 9 9,529 4 4 these encomiendas, although they were granted for the maintenance and existence of the five objects here stated, have had the tributes collected on the account of his majesty with the aggregate of the other tributes united to the royal crown [the aforesaid sums] being paid by the royal treasury to the parties concerned, not only the net amount of what is due to each, but what is necessary for the existence of those for whom they are destined, obtaining from other sources indifferently whatever is lacking to make up that sum. the amount of each is entered in the corresponding summaries [of accounts] as a charge upon the general fund of the treasury, according to what the parties receive--not only in cash, but in other assets from the royal storehouses--in order to establish, with the distinction and clearness which this memorandum permits, the total with which his majesty piously contributes to the preservation of the ecclesiastical estate in these islands. it is brought in here, in the account of the encomiendas, only to show how it is applied, and not as an increased charge on the royal treasury. active missions there are at present thirty-nine apostolic missionaries, distributed among twenty-one active missions which are situated in various places and provinces, who are engaged in the conversion and settlement of the infidels who dwell in the mountains in the greater number of these islands. of these, one is a secular ecclesiastic; four belong to the calced augustinian religious; five are discalced franciscans; twenty are dominicans; two belong to the society of jesus, and seven to the augustinian recollects. aid is given to them on the account of his majesty, in accordance with his royal decrees, by the stipend of 100 pesos and 100 fanegas of rice to each missionary, and with the military escorts necessary to their protection and to the safety of the subdued indians. likewise they receive a monthly allowance for these men, of one peso and one cavan of rice [for each], to which is added the cost of transporting this provision to the places where they are, which sometimes amounts to as much as the value of the principal. the mission which now is especially considered to have made the greatest progress and advancement is that established in the mountains of ytuy and paniqui in the province of cagayàn, in charge of the religious of the order of st. dominic--who, penetrating into the country, a task which had previously been greatly facilitated by the calced religious of the order of st. augustine, have brought that province into communication with the others in this great island (something which formerly could not be done, except by sea), with great harvest of souls who have been converted to our holy catholic faith. these costs are stated in the following summary, that which belongs to each mission being given separately. summary of the expenses which the active missions which are mentioned occasion to the royal exchequer. provinces missionary ministers cash, rice, wine, oil, pesos tom. cavans arrobas gantas ---[18] 2 missionaries of the society of jesus, with 331 472 escorts and transportation pampanga 4 mission., calced augustinians, with escorts 960 1,088 and transportation idem 4 dominicans, with escorts and transportation 820 1,016 idem 2 augustinian recollects, with escorts and transportation 480 544 2 150 pangasinan 3 dominicans, with escorts and transportation 537 744 idem 2 augustinian recollects, with escorts and transportation 412 544 ylocos 1 missionary, a secular ecclesiastic 100 200 1 75 cagayàn 13 dominicans, with their escorts and transportation 4,030 4 4,352 laguna de bay 1 franciscan, with escort and transportation 189 272 tayabas 2 franciscans, with their escorts and transportation 616 mindoro 1 augustinian recollect 151 5 200 75 camarines 2 franciscans, with their escorts and transportation 412 544 zebu 2 augustinian recollects 200 400 ------- ----- --10 provinces 39 missionaries, in 2 missions 9,239 1 10,376 3 300 p. t. [19] cavans arrob. gantas ministers, and villages of converted indians; the stipends and offerings which they enjoy on this account, according to the number of tributes to whom they minister. all the indian neophytes--settled in four hundred and fifteen villages and fifty-three visitas, which compose the twenty-one provinces of the territory--have their ministers of religious instruction, who exercise toward them the office of parish priests. these ministers are aided on his majesty's account, in accordance with the regulation made by the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi while he was governor of these islands, which was approved by royal decree of april 24, 1584. they received a hundred pesos and a hundred fanegas of rice for every five hundred tributes to whom they minister, and the contribution of wine and oil which was ordained by the late royal decree dated september 15 in the year 1726--enjoying this without any limitation of time. the separate provinces and number of ministers, and the amount of expenses, will be shown in the following tables: summary of the stipends which each religious order is entitled to receive for the mission villages and ministries that it has. provinces curates, sacristans, and cash rice, wine, oil, chaplains p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas manila 2 curas, with their sacristans 551 3 6 2 150 tondo 3 curas, with 3 sacristans 743 2 11 200 3 225 cavité 2 curas, and 2 sacristans 517 5 200 2 150 mindoro 1 cura and 1 sacristan 223 3 11 1 75 laguna de bay 3 curas 396 1 9 57 4 3 225 balayàn 2 curas 327 3 2 654 19 2 150 cagayàn 1 cura and 1 sacristan 358 0 1 164 14 1 75 idem 1 chaplain for the fort 180 ylocos 2 curas and 1 sacristan 770 7 3 1,358 2 150 camarines 6 curas and 1 sacristan 1,022 7 4 694 9 6 450 tayabas 3 curas 253 4 307 3 225 albay 10 curas 1,173 2,346 10 750 zebu 1 cura and 1 sacristan 275 5 9 1 75 idem 3 curas 766 4 2 797 19 3 225 ogton 2 curas and 1 sacristan 458 1 364 19 2 150 panay 3 curas 517 7 2 1,035 19 3 225 i. de negros 4 curas 723 2 4 1,446 14 4 300 leyte 1 cura 79 138 1 75 in 16 provinces 49 curas, 13 sacristans, ---------- -------- - ---- and 1 chaplain 9,338 3 4 9,764 21 49 3,675 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas provinces ministries cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas tondo 2 ministries 391 0 9 782 4 4 150 pampanga 5 ,, 220 6 4 441 14 9 375 cagayan 20 ,, 1,517 0 9 3,034 4 33 1,500 pangasinan 15 ,, 2,534 1 7 5,068 8 26 1,125 ---------- ------- - ----in 4 provinces, 42 ministries 4,663 1 5 9,326 6 72 6,150 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas provinces ministries cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas tondo 4 ministries 416 7 2 833 19 9 300 bulacan 4 ,, 611 0 9 1,222 4 5 300 bay 24 ,, 1,492 1 7 2,984 9 28 1,800 cagayàn 1 ,, 44 3 2 88 19 1 75 camarines 18 ,, 1,883 0 9 3,766 4 20 1,350 tayabas 11 ,, 1,312 6 4 17 825 ---------- ------- - ----in 6 provinces, 62 ministries 5,760 3 9 8,895 7 80 4,650 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas provinces ministries cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas tondo 6 ministries 1,224 4 9 2.449 4 15 450 bulacan 9 ,, 1,077 4 2,155 13 675 pampanga 18 ,, 1,416 4 9 2,833 4 30 1,350 pangasinan 3 ,, 368 4 737 4 225 ylocos 19 ,, 2,843 5,686 25 1,425 balayàn 6 ,, 933 1 7 1,866 9 10 450 zebu 3 ,, 441 7 3 516 4 4 225 ogton 14 ,, 2,164 7 2 4,329 19 21 1,050 panay 10 ,, 1,098 2 4 2,196 14 11 750 bay 1 ,, 122 0 9 244 4 1 75 ----------- -------- -- ----in 10 provinces, 89 ministries 11,690 4 7 23,013 10 134 6,675 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas provinces ministries and chaplains cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas tondo 9 ministries 710 2 4 1,420 14 16 675 cavite 4 ,, 546 4 9 1,093 4 6 300 mariveles 1 ,, 62 4 8 125 4 2 75 mindoro 3 ,, 212 4 425 3 225 zebu 15 ,, 1,661 7 2 3,323 19 17 1,125 ogton 1 ,, 112 4 225 1 75 idem 1 chaplain for the fort 180 i. de negros 3 ministries 238 476 3 225 leyte 32 ,, 3,433 0 9 6,866 4 32 2,400 samboanga 3 ,, 300 600 3 225 [idem] and for their transportation 75 ---------- -------- - ----in 9 provinces 71 ministries and 1 chaplain 7,532 3 8 14,554 21 83 5,325 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas provinces ministries and chaplains cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas tondo 1 ministry 17 34 3 75 mariveles 2 ,, 226 3 150 mindoro 4 ,, 315 6 4 631 14 7 300 pangasinan 4 ,, 265 5 7 531 9 10 300 albay 2 ,, 156 3 2 312 19 4 150 zebu 2 ,, 171 6 4 343 14 6 150 panay 2 ,, 210 420 4 150 caraga 7 ,, 606 7 2 1,213 19 11 525 idem 1 chaplain for the fort 180 calamianes 4 ministries 398 4 9 797 4 7 300 idem 1 chaplain for the fort 180 ---------- ------- - ----in 9 provinces 28 ministries and 2 chaplains 2,728 1 4 4,284 7 55 2,100 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas in order better to understand these tables, no estimate is made, in the class of secular ecclesiastics, of the additional sums which many of them enjoy from the treasury besides the amounts from the tributes to which they minister, for the amount required for their subsistence, in accordance with the royal decrees and acts of the treasury council obtained at the beginning of their establishment; and this surplus causes the disparity which cannot fail to be noticed. in the province of tayabas, which is administered by the religious of st. francis, there is no charge for rice, since this is always included in the amount of cash [supplied from the treasury]--as was agreed between this order, the governor, and the royal officials, on account of the scarcity [of supplies] in that province, and the difficulties which are found in the remittance, transportation, and delivery of that commodity. it is also set forth that, after the budget for the provinces was drawn up, and the number of tributes in them realized, it was resolved in a conference of the royal treasury officials to abolish the register of strolling indians, reducing them to a poll-list like the rest of the tribute-payers. according to these latest enumerations the amounts of the stipends are settled, and not in accordance with those which were considered in the aforesaid budget--from which fact arises the difference which is found in this one. summary of the amounts of stipends and contributions ministries cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas 49 curates, 13 sacristans, and 1 chaplain --[seculars] 9,338 3 4 9,764 21 49 3,675 42 ministers, religious of st. dominic 4,663 1 5 9,326 6 72 3,150 62 ministers, discalced religious of st. francis 5,760 3 9 8,895 7 80 4,650 89 ministers, calced augustinian religious 11,690 4 7 23,013 10 134 6,675 71 ministers and 1 chaplain of the society of jesus 7,532 3 8 14,554 21 83 5,325 28 ministers and 2 chaplains of the discalced augustinians 2,728 1 4 4,284 7 55 2,100 ----------- -------- -- ----- totals 41,713 2 1 69,839 473 25,575 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas general summary of the amounts, in stipends, contributions, and grants, with which the ecclesiastical estate in these islands is aided on his majesty's account. ministries cash rice, wine, oil, p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas four cathedral churches 26,490 colleges, hospitals, and other houses without administration 15,326 4 4,924 158 2,319 grants of encomiendas, and their net product 7,817 4 1 encomiendas in which collections are made by the royal treasury active missions, summary 9,239 1 4 10,376 3 300 stipends of ministers in charge of doctrinas 41,713 2 1 69,839 473 25,575 ------------ ----- -- -----totals 100,586 3 6 85,139 634 28,194 p. t. gr. cav. gant. arrobas gantas this is, in brief, what his catholic majesty piously expends and distributes every year from his royal exchequer in aiding the ecclesiastical estate and the divine worship in these islands, not only in money but in rice, wine, and oil--in everything conforming to the royal decrees and other provisions, on which is based the certified statement furnished by the royal officials to this government. and, in order that the total amount from both [these kinds of aid] may be better understood, i have thought it best to proceed to the reduction of commodities [to a cash basis], by which may be exhibited the actual cash value [of all that is given for this purpose]. reduction of commodities for the computation of the whole in cash [class of aid] commodities rates of cost cash value, furnished p. t. gr. actual cash 100,586 3 6 rice (24 gantas in a cavan) 85,139 cavans 4 tomins a cavan 42,569 4 wine for masses (arrobas) 634 arrobas 25 pesos an arroba 15,850 oil for the lamps (gantas) 28,194 gantas 1 tomin a ganta 3,524 2 sum total 162,530 p., 1 t., 6 gr. consequently, the payments in kind being reduced to money at the prices which are indicated, according to the estimate made every five years--in which are considered the transportation expenses, items of waste, and cost of administration--the whole amounts to 162,530 pesos, 1 tomin, and 6 granos, according to the computation. this amount is annually requisitioned by the royal officials from the amount of the tributes and other branches of income indifferently, in such a manner that when the indians fail--either in order to keep a reserve, or for some other special reason of scarcity--to pay the portion of rice which is required from them, it is necessary to make extraordinary purchases on his majesty's account, at the prices which at the time are current, in order to furnish the ecclesiastical estate with a suitable amount for their stipend. it is also necessary that the aid for each individual ecclesiastic be delivered, at the cost of the royal treasury, in his respective place of ministry, from which follows an increased and extraordinary expense in the transportation of these succors. as regards the wine for masses, the royal officials of this treasury usually ask those of mexico to send in each ship 500 arrobas of wine, which, it is estimated, ought to be distributed among the communities and ministries of the religious--considering that the secular ecclesiastics are accustomed to receive this in money, at the same rate of twenty-five pesos [an arroba]. the officials of mexico punctually fill this order, deducting from the situado the cost of purchasing the wine and transporting it to the port of acapulco--so that, when delivered in this city, and allowance being made for the waste, the total cost never falls below twenty-five pesos [an arroba]. as the aforesaid waste is usually considerable, on account of the long navigation and carrying the wine in [mule-] loads by land--and from the amount thus sent is separated, in the first place, the wine necessary for the use of the royal chapel and of the chaplains of the royal audiencia, [and for the celebration of mass in] the forts of santiago and san phelipe, at the timber-cutting [by the indians], and in the ships of his majesty--there is seldom enough wine to furnish the entire arroba which belongs to each priest. for this reason the net amount of what remains is divided pro rata among the aforesaid communities and ministries of religious, without keeping back the third part (as formerly was the custom) for emergency cases, on account of the urgent representations made on this point by the general procurators of the aforesaid communities--giving as their reason that this reserve would be safer and better guarded in their hands than in the royal storehouses, and there would be reason to fear that the wine would be consumed or adulterated. the matter having been considered at a session of the royal treasury officials on december 5, 1738, it was decided that the royal officials should proceed to deliver the wine, obliging the parties concerned to provide for themselves whatever lack might occur in the future, to which all agreed; in virtue of this, from that time was delivered to them all that was their share in the pro rata division of the net amount of all the wine that was on hand for this purpose. as for the cocoanut-oil for the lamps, there is seldom any change in the amount paid to the churches; for it is the current practice, in all the provinces where that tree grows, that the indians contribute it on account of the tribute, at the fixed price of one real for a ganta, and at the same price when it must be purchased, which the natives call "bandala." if there is any excess of cost, it is in the fact that oil is bought on urgent occasions in this city for the careening of the vessels and other special needs of the royal service--for which as regards the contributions [to the churches], only so much is levied [from the indians] as accords with the amount agreed on [with them]. besides this enormous amount of stipends and offerings with which his majesty aids the ecclesiastical estate, the ministers in charge of the villages of indian converts have generally introduced the annual collection, from the parishioners under their administration, of three reals from each whole tribute (that is, a man and wife) and from an unmarried man half that amount, as an offering, for the feasts of the titular saint of the village, the monument, and all saints' day; this also realizes a considerable sum for them, which may be more clearly understood by the statement which is presented in the following table: summary of what the ministers who are in charge of the indian villages receive from their parishioners, as an offering, for the three feast days of each village. [class] ministers villages tributes offerings, p. t. gr. secular ecclesiastics 49 86 32,254 12,095 2 religious of st. dominic 42 42 23,316 1/2 8,743 5 6 religious of st. francis 62 66 25,520 9,570 calced religious of st.augustine 89 93 56,923 21,346 1 society of jesus 71 90 35,524 1/2 13,321 5 6 discalced augustinians 28 38 11,276 1/2 4,228 5 6 -- -- ---------- -----------totals 341 415 184,814 1/2 69,305 3 6 consequently the 341 ministers in charge who administer the 415 villages and 53 visitas, and in them the number of 184,814 1/2 tributes of native indians, mestizos, and christian sangleys--according to the latest estimate, in which is included the enumeration of strolling indians--receive for the aforesaid offering each year 69,305 pesos, 3 tomins, and 6 granos, according to those figures. it cannot be learned that for the exaction of this offering they have further permission or privilege than the custom itself, introduced by those very ecclesiastics and religious in their respective parishes; nor in this accountancy is there any other evidence for it than the extra-judicial information acquired by the alcaldes, the natives, and the business men of the provinces, who have seen this practice in use in the manner which is here stated. the amount of this offering added to the 162,530 pesos, 1 tomin, and 6 granos which those ministers receive in stipends and contributions on his majesty's account, makes the sum of 231,835 pesos, and 5 tomins, which is the amount of the fixed revenue which they receive. besides this, they have the proceeds of the occasional fees from marriages, burials, baptisms, and other parochial dues, which are collected in all the parishes that are called curacies and ministries; and no account is rendered of the value of these, because it has not been possible to calculate it everywhere for the total computation of the usufruct, but it has always been considered as a large amount. notwithstanding all this, the religious orders have their incomes lessened by transporting a large number of religious from the kingdoms of castilla to these islands, at least every six years. in this way they consume a great part of their means, since the passage-money which his majesty grants them for their transportation is a very limited sum. more than all, we must not fail to remark that the fine appearance of the churches, and the care taken for divine worship and education, and the zeal for souls, which are so conspicuous in the ministries of the religious, cause more admiration than can be expressed, in places so remote as these and in a christian church so recently formed. the point most worthy of consideration is the subordination and reverence which these natives maintain toward their religious teachers, permitting the latter to flog them, impose penances on them, and rebuke them, when they incur blame in any omissions or faults, without their being offended at the minister. it may therefore truthfully be affirmed that it is these ministers who preserve in obedience, vassalage, and subjection all the neophytes, gathered into settlements--more being due to the authority and despotic manner in which the fathers rule them than to the political scheme of the alcaldes who govern them. this arises, as the indians themselves admit, from a natural fear which they conceive for the father's superiority, through a hidden influence which constrains them to feel thus, without knowing how, but which we understand--supernatural effects of the lofty and supreme providence. this result is greatly aided by the care which the fathers take in instructing, encouraging, and stimulating them in labor and cultivation, and the management of their domestic affairs, in which they are thereby benefited. would that they might devote themselves at once to suppressing the variety of languages which the natives use (which serve only to keep alive the root of their abuses and idolatries), as is done by the crown of portugal in all its conquests--gradually bringing them to the use of the castilian language, and endeavoring to secure instruction therein in all the schools, as is ordained by law xviii, book vi, tit. i of the recopilación of these kingdoms, in order that its purpose, so holy and just, may be attained. but i have not been able to find a convincing reason for their not putting this law into execution, although i have made efforts to ascertain if there were any. it may therefore be inferred that some insuperable and hidden difficulty must have been encountered on the part of the religious who are ministers in the doctrinas, which has hindered the useful and desirable progress of this christian maxim of policy. index of the plans, relations, and descriptions which are contained in this book reason for this work; with letter by don joseph patiño, [20] stating it. folio 1. concise description of the city of manila. fol. 3. description of the castle of santiago. fol. 9. plan and topographical chart of the capital, manila, and of the castle of santiago. fol. 11. description of cavite, with all the industries which are contained therein. fol. 13. plan of cavite, and of the castle and ribera. fol. 23. description of playahonda, with its plan. fol. 25. description of fort san francisco at cagayàn, with its plan annexed. fol. 29. description of fort santiago at ytugud, with its plan. fol. 23. description of the fortification san joseph at cabicungan, with its plan. fol. 37. delineation of fort san pablo at tuao, with its plan. fol. 43. description of fort san joseph at capinatan. fol. 47. description of fort santa ysabel at calamianes, with its plan. fol. 51. description of the fort of cuyo. fol. 55. description of the fort of linapacan. fol. 59. description of fort san juan bauptista of lutaya. fol. 63. description of the fort of culion. fol. 67. description of the fort at capis, capital of the province of panay, with its plan annexed. fol. 71. description of the fortification of romblon. fol. 75. description of fort nuestra señora del rossario at the port of yloylo, with its plan. fol. 79. description of fort san pedro at the city of zebu, with its plan. fol. 83. description of fort san joseph at cagayàn, [21] with its plan. fol. 87. description of fort san francisco xavier at yligan, with its plan. fol. 91. description of fort santiago at dapitan, with its plan. fol. 95. description of fort san joseph at tandag, capital of the province of caraga, with its plan annexed. fol. 99. description of fort san francisco at cateel, with its plan. fol. 103. description of fort san juan bauptista at liñao, with its plan. fol. 107. description of fort nuestra señora del pilar at samboangan. fol. 115. plan of samboangan. fol. 115. general résumé of the fortifications, their various constructions, situations, etc. fol. 117. general résumé of the military supplies. fol. 118. general résumé of the military forces, pay of the men, etc. fol. 119. description of the provinces. fol. 120. province of tongdo. fol. 120. province of bulacan. fol. 122. province of pampanga. fol. 124. province of pangasinan. fol. 126. province of ylocos. fol. 128. province of cagayàn. fol. 130. province of laguna de bay. fol. 133. province of balayan. fol. 136. province of tayabas. fol. 138. province of camarines. fol. 140. province of albay. fol. 142. province of leyte. fol. 145. province of caraga. fol. 148. province of zebu. fol. 150. jurisdiction of island of negros. fol. 153. province of ogton. fol. 154. province of panay. fol. 156. province of calamianes. fol. 158. jurisdiction of mindoro. fol. 160. jurisdiction of marivelez. fol. 162. jurisdiction of cavite. fol. 163. government of samboangan. fol. 164. general résumé of what is included in the description of the provinces. fol. 166. notice of the royal treasury of manila. fol. 168. résumé of what is produced and expended from the royal treasury of manila. fol. 169. hydrographic and chorographic chart of all the philipinas islands. fol. 172. [a similar index is given of the second part, that regarding the ecclesiastical estate; but we omit this, as all the matter in that part is presented in the foregoing pages--save the preliminary statement of the "new reason for this work, with the letter of don joseph de la quintana, [22] which states it;" and, at the end, "remarks, and conclusion of the work."] the order of st. john of god [the following account of the work done in the philippines by this hospital order is summarized from the history written by maldonado de puga.] [23] chapters i-iv [chapter i relates "the urgent reasons for the present treatise; and the necessity for, and usefulness of, our hospital order in philipinas." in the last paragraph of the chapter maldonado says: "these islands are in need of physicians and surgeons, as well as of medicines; for excepting the capital manila and the port of cabite--where we have hospitals, and where the few secular persons who exercise the profession [of medicine] can render assistance--the rest of the provinces, and the many dependent towns, are supported by providence alone, being helped by herbs and other simples about which they have been instructed by continual use. but, as this is so complicated a matter, whenever the patient's constitution and the dose disagree, or when other substances are added to make the latter more effective, the very article which was regarded as a remedy usually aggravates the sickness, and consequently there are continual deaths among those who make mistakes. in this capital, although there are apothecary shops, and practitioners who write prescriptions--whose charity is taken for granted, so far as they can exercise it--the crowd of patients who resort to them does not allow them to succor all, and it results that there is a great number who are unprovided [with medical aid]. others, because their poverty cannot bear the cost of the medicines, and who have no one from whom to obtain food, find their only asylum in our hospitals--where, without any hesitation, all are received; and, making a distinction in the respect paid to them, in regard to the rank or character of various persons who have entered these houses, in so far as our abilities extend, the institution has succeeded in giving entire satisfaction. although the royal charity maintains here a hospital and chapel at enormous cost, it is understood that this is only for officers, soldiers, seamen, and pampangos who have positions and render actual service; for the men retired from service are excluded by this rule, except by special favor of the superior government. on this account, our attention to our duties brings us in contact with a variety of people--priests, citizens, militiamen, retired officers, indians, negroes, besides foreigners who trade in these ports. [these constitute] a great throng of patients, and convince us that if so important a charity were to fail or be neglected many dead persons would, to our sorrow, be found in the streets and entresuelos [24] (the dwellings of the poor); and others, worn out by their afflictions, would be suffering the pangs of their necessities. these are relieved, in the present circumstances; but the permanency of the work demands that the superiors to whom the matter belongs shall aid us with laborers and encourage us with their support, obtaining from the catholic royal piety what they shall deem suitable for this purpose."] [chapter ii recounts the royal decrees for the aid of the hospitals at manila, dated in the years 1590-96; the foundation (april 16, 1594) of the misericordia brotherhood, and their establishment of a hospital, which after 1596 opened its doors to all who needed its aid; and the surrender of the royal hospital to their care (january 8, 1598), at the instance of governor francisco tello--their labors therein making evident the difference between the work accomplished by pure charity and that done by persons hired to do it; they also maintained franciscan ministers for attending to the spiritual needs of the sick. in the conflagration of may 1, 1603, the royal hospital was utterly destroyed, "with the third part of the buildings of this city, a loss which amounted to more than a million of pesos." then are enumerated the losses and calamities which rendered this loss more grievous to the colony, the destructive earthquake of june 21, 1599, followed by lesser shocks and disturbances until the following year of 1600; the loss of two richly-laden galleons (1599), the "santa margarita" and "san gerónimo;" the attack of oliver van noordt (december, 1600); the wreck of the "santo thomas" (1601), and of another galleon which was about to be launched at panamao; the return to port of the galleons despatched in 1602 and 1604; and the revolt of the chinese in may, 1603. a royal decree dated november 4, 1606, directed acuña to make every effort to rebuild the royal hospital; meanwhile the misericordia were aiding the throngs of people who, made destitute by the various disasters above mentioned, implored their help, and they spent in these exercises of charity eighty thousand pesos in five years. another royal decree (february 10, 1617) directed the audiencia of manila to place the hospitals there in charge of the brethren of st. john of god, who were going thither for that purpose; but the war with the dutch and other hindrances prevented them from carrying out this enterprise] [chapter iii states that about the year 1611 two brethren of this order, fray juan de gamboa and fray lucas de los angeles, had arrived in manila, desirous to found a hospital; but that the authorities there discouraged their plan. some writer has stated that these brethren returned in 1621 and founded a hospital for convalescents at bagumbaya; but maldonado regards this as uncertain, and difficult to verify, although some circumstances would indicate the probability that they made a second attempt to establish their order at manila. at various times requests were sent from manila for these hospitalers, and in chapter iv are related the arrangements finally made by the superiors of the order in nueva españa to send laborers to the philippines, which was accomplished in the spring of 1641; these were fray andrés de san joseph (a priest) and fray antonio de santiago (a lay brother). the warrant given them and other official documents connected with their going are reproduced in full by maldonado.] chapter v [the brethren of st. john of god began their labors at cavite, in november of 1641. corcuera provided lodgings for them in the royal buildings, and the inhabitants contributed so liberally that they were able to open a hospital of ten beds; but so great was the number of applicants for its aid that in january following, the hospital brethren asked for and received the surrender (january 30) to their management of the royal hospital at cavite, with all its property and slaves--provided that within four years they obtain the royal confirmation of this grant. an inventory of this hospital and its equipment is more curious than edifying: "the house which served as a hospital was of wood and piles, covered with tiling that was old and in bad condition; for dispensary [botica], it had a wooden framework containing various gallipots, vials, and earthen jars. in the infirmary were sixteen mattresses, ten pillows, twenty-seven sheets, two coverlets, and fourteen blankets; and its larder contained eighty cabans of rice, forty gantas of oil, fifteen arrobas of sugar, and four jars of conserves. for divine worship it had a box for an altar, hardly fit [for such use]; a chalice with its paten, without any ornament; a bell of medium size, and two small ones. for its service, it had some slaves, five men and seven women. as for revenues, it had three and a half residence lots and two lots occupied by shops, which yielded twenty-six pesos and [word omitted?] granos a month; also some woodlands, and a grazing tract in leyton, a place near the said port, with several head of horses and cattle. the most important [of its assets] were the deliveries made from the [royal] storehouses, for these were permanent; they had been ordered when the said hospital was in charge of the religious of our seraphic father st. francis." these supplies, as appears from the records of the treasury board of manila, had been furnished since january 12, 1619, at the request of the franciscans in charge of the cavite hospital. they asked, for immediate use, for "a dozen blankets, a dozen cupping-glasses, two syringes, two pairs of castilian scissors, two clasp-knives, six lancets, two scarifiers; some wool for mattresses; two books, one entitled de medicina, by the author barrios, and the other by dioscorides; four arrobas of castilian wine; a barrel of raisins and almonds; and half an arroba of rosado sugar." [25] for regular annual supplies, they asked two hundred fanegas of cleaned rice, as hitherto they had had no amount allotted for the hospital; six hundred fowls, since they received only little more than two hundred a year from those assigned them by his majesty in balayán; and three hundred pesos from the royal treasury, to be spent for meat, sugar, flour, and eggs, drugs from china, clothing for the slaves and servants, and other needs of the hospital. all these were granted them, and paid regularly until the hospital was placed in charge of the order of st. john of god (1642); "from that time there was a gradual diminution, to such an extent that, by another general conference of the treasury officials in 1657 the whole was reduced, so that by way of contribution [from the government] only two hundred pesos should be given, in the articles which should be required each year, and this [only] in the interval until other provision should be made." at the time when maldonado wrote, all government aid had been taken away; moreover, in 1645 the brethren had been obliged to vacate the royal buildings, in which they had been conducting the cavite hospital, and were incommodiously quartered in some poor shops of the sangleys; but in october of that year the authorities granted them the use of an empty building belonging to his majesty; it was constructed of nipa and bamboo, and had been occupied by some fishermen. the cavite hospital was rebuilt four times by the brethren of st. john: "the first time, by the reverend father fray francisco de magallanes, which lasted until the year 1682; the second, by the reverend father fray marcos de mesa, a priest of the order, which lasted until the year 1699; the third, by the reverend father fray juan de alarcòn, a priest, which lasted until the year 1728; and lastly, the one which is being built by the present superior, fray antonio de arçe. there is no doubt that this will be established in so good order that it will be an improvement on the previous ones; and meanwhile a house has been made ready, with sufficient space for lodgings. this was given as a contribution by captain don miguel cordero; and in it are maintained eight beds, and the corresponding offices. the title of this hospital always was, and still is, that of st. joseph. all its receipts in the year hardly reach two hundred and sixty pesos, a support so scanty that it is not necessary to emphasize the straitened manner in which the religious who minister in it must support themselves; the one who directs it has the appointment of prior." the sick soldiers and seamen at cavite are sent to the royal hospital of manila for treatment; if the money which they cost there were handed over to the cavite hospital it could take better care of them than they now receive.] chapter vi [a little more than two years after founding the cavite hospital, the hospitalers undertook to open a hospital for convalescents, where these could have the dieting, rest, and care necessary for fully regaining their health after they were discharged from the general hospitals; for lack of these, many persons had before perished. accordingly, they obtained from governor corcuera permission (april 16, 1644) to erect or buy a house for this purpose, to be situated on the pasig river above manila; but circumstances afterward induced them to locate it at bagumbaya, a suburb south of the city, outside the walls--permission being given for this by faxardo in the following september. here, as in other places, maldonado mentions this enterprise as a revival of the one supposed to have been undertaken in 1621. it contained two wards, one for men and one for women, in which twenty persons could be cared for. this work was continued but a short time--partly for lack of hospitalers, who had to devote their main energies to the hospital in manila; and partly because the bagumbaya house had not sufficient facilities for the entertainment of its inmates, who quickly grew tired of remaining there and of the strict dieting necessary for their full recovery, and went away--in the majority of cases, to die.] section vii chapter vii [the religious of the order then devoted themselves to the cavite hospital, and to the one established by the misericordia in manila, which that brotherhood placed in their charge in march, 1650; they took possession of it on may 31 following. the conditions of this transfer are given by maldonado in full (pp. 86-93). the donation is full and irrevocable, including all the property, servants, and incomes of the hospital. the hospitalers are obliged to treat poor women who are ill, both spaniards and mestizas; also the slaves (both men and women) of the citizens, who in such cases are expected to make an offering to the hospital of three pesos each--save that for slaves belonging to the seminary of santa isabel and to the misericordia this offering shall not be made. the latter institution shall be regarded as the patron of the hospital, and shall aid it every year with such contribution as is in its power, for necessary expenses and the support of the sick. the women who are inmates of santa isabel shall be treated by the brethren of st. john, so far as possible in the seminary itself; and the medicines needed for these patients shall be provided by the misericordia, to the extent of two hundred pesos a year in advance. the officers of that confraternity may visit the hospital, and shall have the right to notify the superior of the hospitalers of any deficiency or neglect they may find therein. any charitable person may erect a church or additional ward or wards in connection with the institution, and be regarded as a patron thereof; and such addition shall not be under the control of the officers of the misericordia. the hospital, however, shall retain the name of that brotherhood, and alms or contributions for its benefit shall be asked in its name. all property, incomes, rights, and credentials of the institution shall be surrendered to the brethren of st. john, who shall not be expected to give account to the misericordia of any contributions which they may receive; that association shall also use all its influence with the authorities to secure their aid and favor for the hospital in all ways, and to defend it from any objections or difficulties which may arise against it, particularly from the franciscans, who formerly had been connected with it. in case the hospital order shall lose all its laborers in the islands, the misericordia shall administer the hospital until the provincial of st. john in nueva españa shall be able to send more of his brethren to manila; and provision is made for the final settlement of affairs between that order and the misericordia, in case they decide to sever the present relations. the latter association shall pay at once to the order eight hundred pesos in cash, for the necessary expenses and equipment of the brethren in opening their hospital labors. all the documents regarding this affair and other important transactions of the order of st. john are reproduced in full by maldonado. on taking possession of the hospital (may 31, 1656) the hospitalers equipped three wards, with twelve beds in each, where men and women might be cared for separately, and the indians and morenos apart from the spaniards. a small church was also erected, with lodgings for the religious of the order; these buildings were injured in the earthquake of july 19, 1664, but were repaired for use until new ones could be erected. a new and large church was built, but this also was wrecked by an earthquake in 1674; a new church and convent were then built, which lasted until 1727, when they were found to be in so bad condition from the repeated seismic shocks which they had undergone that they must be reconstructed. this was accordingly done, the new edifice being dedicated on may 10, 1732 (see chapters ix and x for full description of it). this was the building which was standing at the time of maldonado's writing, and it had three wards, each containing more than twenty beds; that for the women is especially praised for its comfort and convenience. "during these last twelve years" [zaragoza's approbation states that the book was written in 1739] "there have been admitted sixteen priests, secular clergy, one religious of our father st. dominic, two other religious of our seraphic father st. francis, seventy-six students from the four colleges which are in this city; and from the laity, the licentiate don juan francisco de velasco, auditor of this royal audiencia, and a large number of citizens--not to mention eight thousand poor persons of inferior condition and rank. this appears from the books of registration, from which this enumeration has been made. attention was given to all these patients, in accordance with their respective stations; and with the same consideration burial was given to those who died."] chapter viii [later, doubts arose as to the exercise of the right and title of patronage which was reserved to the misericordia in the foregoing agreement; and certain individual members of that association, "moved (as it is inferred) by pious although very indiscreet zeal," stirred up these doubts and made officious inquiries. although they did no harm, it was thought best to consult the heads of the jesuit university in regard to the objections thus raised; and their opinion (undated) is given by maldonado. those learned professors declared in favor of the hospitalers, saying that any official visitation and inspection of their work could be made only by the archbishop of the islands; the officers of the misericordia might visit the hospital, but could not, even as its patrons, exercise any legal authority or compulsion over the brethren of st. john, or bring against them any legal claim. the jesuits refer to such a stipulation in the original document transferring the hospital (chap, vii); they also remind the misericordia of the wretched condition in which the hospital was when that association gave it up--for this purpose citing the inventory made at that time of the property thus transferred. some curious particulars are found therein. the old hospital had but one ward, under which was "the old chapel, where the dead were buried." one of the items is, "twelve head of slaves, most of them more than fifty years old, and some past sixty." its equipment of bedding, etc., comprises "four old tents of medriñaque; seven mattresses, made of ilocos blankets, with their outside badly worn; ten pillows, with their covers of medriñaque, old; two tables, with tablecovers, with six napkins, old; twelve sheets of ilocos weave." various articles for the use or adornment of the altar in the church are listed, most of them characterized as "old;" while an image of st. joseph and the holy child is "old and battered." there are "nine old cots for beds;" "a large chest, old, without any key;" "an old wooden table, on which the food is distributed;" "two old chairs for seats;" "four large cots, for spanish women;" "two old books which treat of medicine" (evidently those asked for by the franciscans in 1619); "one hundred and twelve porcelain vials, empty;" "sixty-one gallipots of chinese porcelain, empty;" "two stone kitchen mortars, without handles;" and some few other articles suitable for hospital use, that are presumably in good condition. in view of these facts, there is no ground for bringing complaints against the brethren of st. john, especially since they were not obliged by the document of donation to conform to any given standard in their management of the hospital, nor was any provision made therein for summoning them to give account thereof to the ordinary. the labors of conducting the hospital and providing means for its support are quite arduous enough for the order, without imposing upon it the burden of keeping accounts of all the receipts and expenses--a charge which it probably would not have accepted, and which cannot be now imposed upon it. the income of the institution from the property surrendered with it--a legacy from the late captain nicolas de luzurriaga--does not exceed a thousand pesos, which is a very inadequate endowment for meeting all the expenses which must be incurred for the patients sent to the hospital by the misericordia, even if these number no more than eight; and its scantiness prevents that association from making any just claim to the exercise of authority over the hospital. indeed, the jesuits censure the misericordia for having done so little for the institution since they surrendered it to the brethren of st. john. further: "apparently the mistake of the board [of the misericordia] consists in their being surprised that the sick are not better treated or regaled in the said hospital, when they see that the order of st. john of god has an encomienda granted by his majesty the king (whom may god preserve), a ranch of cattle and cultivated lands, some lots occupied by shops in the parian outside the walls of manila, and other considerable revenues--which, as evidently appears, are all considered as possessions of the said hospital of the misericordia, of which they are patrons--[a mistake which arises] from seeing that all these are possessed by the religious of st. john of god, but not making a distinction in regard to what belongs to that order as an order, for the support of its brethren. such is the ranch; when, in the year 49, captain don pedro gomez cañete lay sick in the hospital for convalescents at bagumbaya, without the walls of this city, he made a donation, by a clause of his last will and testament, of the said farms to the said religious order. suit having been brought by captain geronimo fuentes for a sum of money which the said captain don pedro gomez cañete owed, the aforesaid properties were placed at public auction, and the said religious order secured in the said auction, for a bid of 12,100 pesos, the said ranch and some shops in the parian--nineteen of them upper, and twenty lower; and eight other shops for the peddlers, with their lodging-rooms above. the said order also obtained at public auction eight residence lots in the locality of la hermita and santiago de bagumbaya (which were the ones where they started their work), and some others which they bought. the site and locality where the church and convent of the said order are at present built were the houses which belonged to captain don alonso parrilla; these also were secured at auction, for the price of 3,000 pesos, by paying in cash (as it did) 2,650 pesos, and the remainder of the 3,000 was left in a mortgage that could be paid up, the said order paying the amount due every year to this same board of the holy misericordia. another [resource is] a chaplaincy of masses to the holy ghost and the conception, which was founded by doña hypolita de zarate y osseguerra. these incomes have nothing to do with the hospital as a hospital; and therefore, in accordance with this, the members of the board cannot require that these revenues be subjected to official investigation, any more than in the case of other contributions and incomes which other benefactors had left to the said hospital, even though the proceeds of these are handled, and surrendered to the said religious, by this same misericordia as administrators for the said benefactors; for the members of the board have no rights as patrons over any of these, as is clearly stated in the agreement made in the conditions of donation." "from all this, the fathers rector and masters of this university of the society of jesus conclude that only with the gravest scruples of conscience, and at the risk of defaming the said religious order by accusations of omission or negligence in fulfilling their obligation to render assistance to the said sick persons, can the members of the board on this pretext demand before the illustrious archbishop that the said religious be visited, and account be demanded from them of the expenses and receipts, and of other matters pertaining to the said assistance--not only in regard to all the incomes which the hospital order, as such, possesses, noting down the contributions from all the benefactors of it; but as little even the proceeds which by the said donation the religious received from this same brotherhood of the holy misericordia--since that is expressly contrary to the agreement made with the said religious order in the instrument of donation, and would be a very heavy and onerous new burden upon it, if imposed now, after sixty years, on a donation which was originally free, complete, and irrevocable." this opinion is signed by joseph hernandéz, antonio arias, pablo clain, nicolas de zarate, and joseph de bobadilla. [26] it brought about a cessation of the controversy, and afterward, the hospital and its labors grew in public esteem and many favors were bestowed on it.] chapters ix-xii [these chapters are devoted to a history and description of the church and convent erected in 1727, an account of the solemn functions annually celebrated therein, instances of miraculous intervention by the virgin, etc. the church was dedicated on may 10, 1732, with festivities and solemn ceremonies which lasted during eight days. on the last day an oration was delivered by the dominican fray juan de arrechedera, who is styled by our writer "the tullius of manila." the church measured one hundred and fifty feet in length, and forty-two in breadth; maldonado describes it, both within and without, with much detail, and presents a large illustration of the exterior of the edifice, which is herewith reproduced on a smaller scale. among the notable donors to the adornment and furnishing are don buenaventura morales, a physician in manila; don juan monroy, court secretary of the audiencia; general antonio gonzalez quijano; don joseph antonio nuño de villavicencio, a regidor of manila; general miguel de allanegui, secretary of the government; doctor joseph correa villareal, an advocate of the audiencia; and general joseph de morales.] [in chapter xi occurs a curious digression in the midst of the descriptions of the solemn functions solemnized in the hospital church; enumeration of the instances of miraculous aid afforded by the virgin to her devotees gives occasion for an account of the system of weights used by the chinese traders in the islands, and the change made from these to the castilian system. general joseph antonio nuño de villavicencio "also relates that commission had been given to him to abolish the use of a certain make of steelyards [pesadores] customary with the chinese and other foreigners, with which commerce had been carried on in this city from the earliest times; and to establish [a system of] weights and measures modeled on the castilian, according to the provisions of the laws of both kingdoms. he recognized that the serious nature of this charge demanded the most extraordinary exertions, or else that the hindrances should be removed which had hindered it from being effective on occasions when, at various times, the [same] attempt had been made. but, being also stimulated by his own reputation, in order not to be conquered by the difficulty without a previous investigation, and being incited to close application by his interest in a transaction as much to the service of his majesty as to the general welfare of the commonwealth, he proceeded to the consideration of the importance of this business (the serious inconveniences of which might defeat his efforts), and of the risk incurred for his reputation if, after he had accepted the commission, he could not fulfil it; and the more he thought about it, the less did he unravel the tangle. at last, in his anxiety he found no recourse more certain of success than to offer himself to the divine favor [as expressed] in that sovereign object, the holy image [of the virgin]; and in this confidence he carried on the enterprise, heedless of any risk, and succeeded in his object, to the satisfaction of the many who before were disparaging it as chimerical, or who regarded it as impracticable. he gained the approbation of the royal audiencia so thoroughly that it conferred upon him new powers for [introducing] the same arrangement in all the provinces of its jurisdiction in these islands, where the same injurious effect was experienced; and he executed this commission with exactness, sending [to all places] carefully regulated models and instructions for making it effective." maldonado then goes on to describe the mode of weight formerly in vogue among the chinese traders, as well as the castilian system, thus:] form of the chinese balances let me be the first to explain the construction of the chinese balances which were in use; they were called da-chens. in shape it resembled a steelyard [romana]; the yard or beam was made of a kind of wood which they call palma brava, [27] and in its form was like a mace for playing truck [trucos]--except the butt, which at the extremity was thicker. it had a sort of frame of copper, octagonal in shape, with its movable pointer in the middle [con su espiga en medio de movimiento], and some pendent hooks. for indicating the weights, there were certain points marked by nails, set at proportionate distances, but without any numbers or any other characters to show the weight definitely. for counterweight there was a piece of metal or of stone hanging by a cord, but without any sign or mark by which the dachen or balance could make known what was entrusted to it. [28] to this badly-constructed instrument the handling of all kinds of merchandise had been reduced, and the trade was carried on [by it] among spaniards, chinese, indians, and morenos; and through necessity they--even the superiors and prelates--employed this balance on all occasions that arose, from the earliest times of the conquest until the year 1727, when the measure that is here discussed was carried into effect. this was not because the project had not been brought forward repeatedly, and at various times, but because the difficulties which hindered it could not be obviated. but, to continue the subject, so well known was the uncertainty of those dachens that even the very chinese, although it originated in their own country, stipulated beforehand for every transaction the balance by which [the goods] must be received or delivered; for each one of them regarded the balance which he himself used as the better reckoner. there were small ones, for weighing gold and silver; and others that were larger, for bulky goods. the weights by the smaller ones were computed in taels, each one corresponding to twenty adarmes of our castilian weight. from the tael there was a diminution down to granos, of which six were worth one adarme; but these names were never common in our language. [29] the chief weight consisted of cates, each about twenty-two onzas; the chinanta, which was equivalent to about ten cates, and in our castilian weight to thirteen libras and twelve onzas; the quintal, which was worth about eight chinantas, or eighty cates, and corresponded to about one hundred and ten libras of our weight; and the largest was called pico, which was reckoned at ten chinantas, or one hundred cates, and in our weight five and a half arrobas. but as this correspondence of weight to weight was prevented as people understood more thoroughly the lack of accuracy in the said balances, and the [cause for] suspicion of the way in which they were managed by the chinese--a people of such cunning that in their own land fraud is a science, in which degrees are given--the spaniards found themselves compelled to depend on computing the equivalent [in castilian weight], according to the greater or less skill of each person [in reckoning]; but the ignorance of the indians and the common people, exposed [as they were] to the insatiable greed, lack of piety, and unscrupulousness of the said sangleys, who gained great profits from this practice, aided the subtlety of the latter. difficulties which arose in regard to the introduction of new weights this fact being established, from it follows the reason of the difficulty, which is the subject (and to this end the considerations) on which argument arises. in order to suppress the use of the said dachens, it was necessary to have in reserve other weighing instruments, with which the commerce, both wholesale and retail, could be regulated. in order to establish the castilian weights, there must be specimens of the original standards which had to be followed, according to the royal decrees, to which weights must be conformed; and a factory must be established for the number of instruments which the new order of things would require. there was an absolute lack of everything; and therefore it was necessary either to permit the use of the dachens, or to make a general prohibition of commerce in the commodities for which the said balances served. to adopt any expedient less onerous was not allowed in the commission; that the former [i.e., the use of the chinese weights] should be continued was the very thing which he [i.e., general villavicencio] was ordered to prevent; to deny trade to the people would be ridiculous and ineffectual. the custom was as old as the spanish occupancy of the country; the serious danger of disturbances, [if he undertook] to regulate steelyards by guess, without observing the exactness [required by] the laws, was a new difficulty; delay [would be ir]remediable, and the general injury irreparable! let the most discreet person, then, infer from these circumstances whether the undertaking was an arduous one, whether the least [in]advertence would be conspicuous, and [what were] the risks to his reputation for good judgment; and whether recourse to sovereign aid would be urgent for his success.... castilian weight the reckoning of our castilian marco in accordance with the laws which prescribe its form originates with grains of wheat. the weight of thirty-six grains is computed as an adarme; sixteen of these make one onza, and sixteen onzas one libra; twenty-five libras make one arroba, and four arrobas the greatest weight, which is a quintal. laying aside the declarations that wheat may not be used to supplement the established weights of metal (a custom of various ports and provinces), it appears that, with only this information, a corresponding standard could not be made in manila, since it was deficient in that species of wheat to which the laws refer, and although there is likewise a harvest of these grains in philipinas, and quantities of wheat are also brought hither from china--some [having grains] of larger size and less weight, and others that are small and compact--the variety in them arouses great uncertainty, for a matter so delicate. certain it is that, whatever might be taken for the origin [of this computation], it must produce a system corresponding [to the castilian]; and, by being made general for both buying and selling goods, it would furnish due fulfilment to the form prescribed in the respective laws. but, as that system would always be deemed more conformable to the intention of the laws the more [nearly] its ratios were identical [with those of castilla], and when the variety of weights and measures (which, considering the laborious nature of mercantile operations and the interests at stake in them, is at times a very onerous burden) in the provinces with which trade is carried on should be reduced to a common basis: as these islands possess the trade with nueva españa, the importance which any unforeseen disagreement might indicate could not be overlooked. this consideration led to the most careful investigation of the basis to which the matter could be reduced; and, in order to find the system equivalent [to that of castilla], various standards were adjusted to one another, from which a safe conclusion might be drawn. accordingly, grains of lentils (which give name to the marco [30] of aragon) were taken, and search was made for grains of wheat whose weight would correspond, with the difference of one-eighth. the same was done with grains of alberjones [31] (from which sort originated the marco of venecia), and it was found that the weight of each one agreed with that of four grains of separated wheat. the same was done with chick-peas [garvanzos] (from which the marco of flandes took its origin), and it was found that one of these weighed the same as thirty-six grains of wheat. as a result, through the weight of the aforesaid legumes, in the respective ratios of the marcos of aragon, venecia, and flandez, and the corresponding weight of the grains of wheat, to which reference is made by our castilian marco, sufficient basis was formed on which to make the standards [of weight]. in fact, they were made by this rule, weights of metal being made which should correspond to one, two, and three grains of wheat, and which together should weigh as much as the weight which is called a grano of silver; another of one, two, and three granos of this sort, the aggregate of which should be equivalent to the weight of one adarme; and by this [were established] the rest of the weights corresponding [to those of castilla], as far as that one which would contain one onza, from which resulted the greater weights of libras and arrobas. metal weights were also made equivalent to half a grain of wheat, and to one-fourth, one-eighth, one-sixteenth, and one-thirty-second of a grain, which last is the same as the eleven hundred and fifty-second part of the adarme; or, if this latter weight were divided into so many and small parts, each one of them would alike agree with the weight made for the thirty-second part of the grain of wheat. the standard of weight kept in the repository this careful attention to details is better set forth by a statement of the skill and delicacy [displayed] in the construction of the weighing instrument which serves as standard in this capital, and is kept in the archives in the building of the municipal cabildo; it is a work which for its elegance might be valued in any one of the principal cities of españa and of the indias. it is a small one, such as is required by the weights which it carries; it is made in the form of a cross, of rich tombac [32] and the finest gold. in the semicircle which indicates the play of the index needle, a pendent pearl serves as ornament. the scales are of the same metal, gold and tombac, and the silken threads which sustain them of silk dyed red. the whole instrument works with so rigid exactness that when the smallest weight--a thirty-second of a grain of wheat, or the eleven hundred and fifty-second part of an adarme--which is an almost imperceptible amount, is placed in either of the said scales the index of this steelyard shows the difference. remarkable agreement of weights [that which had been] the physical probability of conformity of this construction [with the standard of castilla] was rendered certain with remarkable exactness. commission was given by the cabildo of this city that twenty-five steelyards should be sent from the kingdom of nueva españa; and, these having been brought hither at the time when the aforesaid steelyards and the weights, both large and small, were already made, [the cabildo] proceeded to make the comparison [between these and those] with judicial solemnity and the assistance of experts. this transaction having been completed with the exactness which its importance rendered urgent, the two sets of steelyards were found to agree so closely that it appeared that in those sent from nueva españa the scales were balanced by the weights made in manila, or that these were the regular weights for the said steelyards!... this measure, be it worthy of record, began with the benefit to the common people of these islands in the suppression [33] of the da-chens, or chinese steelyards; for the easy and continual fraud therein was computed by an official as being, in the limits of manila alone, more than thirty thousand pesos a year--an evil so deeply rooted that few persons supposed that it could be remedied. so far did this go that the marquès de torre-campo, then governor of these islands (whose prudent moderation was always honored), at the time when permission was asked from him for the publication of the proclamation by which the new usage was established and the old one prohibited, made very sententious remarks expressing his opinion that the said effort would be useless on account of the difficulties which, he inferred, would obstruct its effectiveness. but experience proved that he was mistaken; for in twenty-four hours [from that time] it would have been difficult to find any chinese steelyard, if search had been made. it appears from the original acts--and these have been furnished to us for this relation, which in everything punctually follows and refers to them--that before reaching this last step, the publication of the prohibition of chinese weights, the authorities caused to be made as large a number of properly regulated steelyards as the shops and guilds which use them might reasonably be expected to need. then the chinese were notified that the da-chens which they used should be brought forward; these were retained [by the authorities], and castilian steelyards were given [in place of them], with printed instructions for observance by those who used them; and steelyards for the use of the public were set in various places, with trustworthy persons [in charge], who could instruct persons of little understanding. and it is generally known that, although this was a matter of so serious tendency, and included every class of persons, not the slightest disturbance arose; for all knew its importance, and in order to enjoy the convenience [of the new weights] submitted to learn the first rudiments of knowledge [about them]; and perplexity [on this point] lasted but a short time, or was not evident at all, for in matters which concern one's interests close application makes progress, even in the dullest persons. [in chapter xii are enumerated the distinguished persons who have been buried in the new hospital church since its erection. among these were five infant children (1728-36) of villavicencio, the regidor who had so liberally aided the institution; at two of these funerals disputes arose over the rights of certain officials to precedence as pallbearers. another benefactor, general allanegui, was buried in the church (april, 1736); and three years later general don gregório padilla y escalante, who lived in the village of binondo. a sad tragedy is hinted at in the record, although it is mentioned chiefly in connection with ecclesiastical quarrels over parish dues and the disputed right of interring the poor corpse. on january 26, 1736, a spanish girl of about fifteen years was brought to the hospital; she had been found stretched on the ground near the door of the seminary church of santa isabel, bruised and senseless, and died in about an hour, without recovering consciousness. no one knew who she was; but her body was placed near the door of the hospital church, to see if any person would recognize it. several identified it as that of doña josepha de leon, a pupil in the said seminary, who in a temporary insanity had flung herself from the roof of that building to the street below.] chapter xiii [this chapter is devoted to an account of the government of the province of the order of st. john; a list of its provincials, with their terms of office; and a list of all the members of the order therein, at the time of writing this history. this province had always been subject to the very reverend commissary-general of the order resident in nueva españa; and, as its funds did not permit it to bring men from europe, the superior at manila would admit novices who wished to engage in the work of the order. these, when sufficiently instructed, if they showed a true vocation for that work were received into the order, and thus its numbers were sufficiently recruited to sustain its labors. the choice of a provincial for the islands was always reserved to the said commissary at mexico, who usually reappointed the same man, when he had been found competent for that office; this appointee was regarded as the vicar and visitor for the commissary (except in the matter of authority to grant dismissory letters to members of the order), and those titles were bestowed on the prior of the manila convent (the principal house), regarded to all intents and purposes as provincial, but with the modest title of "superior" [prelado]. the province had four houses: those at cabite and manila, and two others, at bagumbaya and zebù respectively. when maldonado wrote, the two former alone remained. the prior at cabite was nominally appointed by the commissary at mexico; but the uncertainties, delays, and costs caused by the distance thither and the long and dangerous voyage rendered it necessary to leave this choice practically in the hands of the superior at manila. the brethren of the community met every three years to elect councilors and transact other business. the superior appointed a procurator-general, manager of the hospital, and other minor officials. besides the priests and brethren of the order, certain men called donados were admitted to its ranks for the service of the poor and for the commoner duties of the convent. in the month of november of each year, the officers of the misericordia visited the hospital officially--it being definitely understood that they had no right to meddle with its management in any way. on new year's day of each year, the community assembled and chose by lot a patron saint for the coming year.] [following is the list of superiors (not counting fray juan de gamboa, who came in 1621, because his attempt to establish the order proved abortive): (1) father fray andrès de san joseph, a native of mexico; his patent was dated february 20, 1641 and he ruled the province until august 3, 1643. (2) father fray francisco magallanes, a portuguese; he received his credentials on march 10, 1643, but did not go to the islands that year; he took possession on august 3, 1644, and held the office until august 4, 1662. (3) father fray francisco cardoso, a portuguese; he immediately succeeded magallanes (by whom he was appointed, under special authority conferred by the commissary), and held the office for four years. (4) father fray christoval nieto de salazar, a native of mexico; he ruled from september 4, 1666 until august 9, 1669. (5) father fray marcos de mesa, a native of tescuco, mexico, held office from august 9, 1669 until his death in 1682. (6) father fray luis de la cruz, a canari by birth, next held the office, from 1682 until his death on january 25, 1683; he came to manila as alternate for the regular appointee, fray fructuoso de texada (who died three days after he reached the port of cavite); opposition to his rule arose in the order itself, but he was finally placed in possession of the office by the provisor of the archdiocese, aided by military force. (7) father fray phelipe de jesus, a native of manila, was superior from january 25, 1683 until september 2, 1684. (8) father fray antonio de robles, a native of mexico, ruled from september 2, 1684 until 1687; he then went to zebù, and was ordained a secular priest (9) father fray phelipe de jesus, as chief councilor, took the place of fray robles, and held office for three years. (10) father fray domingo de santa maria, a vizcayan, governed the province from july 16, 1690 until 1692, when he also entered the secular priesthood. (11) for the third time, fray phelipe de jesus held the office of superior, this time from july 21, 1692 until july 8, 1694. (12) father fray manuel de san romàn then took his place, ruling until august 13, 1697. (13) father fray francisco beltràn, a native of manila; as chief councilor, he took the place of fray phelipe de jesus, who died after having been appointed superior by the commissary; beltràn held the office only one year. (14) father fray geronimo nadales, a native of habana, was sent over by the commissary, and ruled from august 28, 1698 until his death, january 20, 1703. (15) father fray ignacio gil de arevalo, a native of mexico; as chief councilor, he took nadales's place, which he filled until his death in 1706. (16) father fray francisco hurtado, a native of mexico; he was second in the council, and became superior through election by the community after the death of fray gil; much opposition arose from a disaffected faction, but hurtado held the office (although with some subsequent limitations of authority) from 1706 until august 11, 1708. (17) father fray juan de santacruz, a native of manila, was superior during the next three years. (18) father fray francisco hurtado secured the commissary's nomination, and held the office from august 11, 1711 to july 13, 1720; "in his time there was a notable decline in this province." (19) father fray santiago gutierrez, a native of manila, ruled from july 13, 1720 to august 12, 1724; he was then deposed and secluded by the archdiocesan ordinary: maldonado regrets the injury thus inflicted on the order and its privileges, but discreetly refrains from open censure of this proceeding. (20) father fray lucas de san joseph, a native of manila; he was prior of cabite, and took the place of fray gutierrez; he entered the office on august 19, 1724, and ruled only two months, being requested to resign, as a result of various discords among the brethren. (21) father fray eugenio antonio del niño jesus, a native of la puebla, mexico; he was chosen by the community, in place of fray san joseph, and held office from october 3, 1724 until june 17, 1726. he restrained the discontent and disputes which were rife in the order, and his firmness and good management prevented what would have been great disasters to the province. (22) fray antonio de arce, a native of mexico city (the superior at the time when maldonado wrote); he was sent by the commissary with additional powers, assumed his office on june 17, 1726, and completed the good work begun by his predecessor; he restored harmony in the province, replaced the dilapidated buildings with new ones, and secured for his order the respect and prestige which it had largely lost under inefficient superiors. maldonado eulogizes fray arce's abilities, energy, and good judgment--qualities which have advanced the order in manila to equality with the others there.] [our writer enumerates the minor officials of the order at the time of his writing. there are three chaplains and preachers: father fray marcos beltràn (who made his profession in 1740), a native of cabite; father fray juan manuel maldonado de puga, a native of quautla, mexico, who came to the islands in 1727; and father fray raphael fernandez (professed in 1732), a native of manila. the two councilors are father fray santiago gutierrez (professed in 1700), a native of manila; and father fray joseph hidalgo (professed in 1732), a native of mexico. the hospital is in charge of father fray joseph guerrero, a native of chalco, mexico, who came to the islands in 1726. the procurator-general is father fray joseph mariano (professed in 1722), a native of manila; and the chief sacristan is father fray joachin de san joseph (professed in 1729), a native of mexico. the prior of the cabite convent is father fray diego de san raphael (professed in 1724), a native of octumba, mexico. the list of brethren then in the convent is as follows:] conventual religious.--father fray eugenio antonio del niño jesus, former prior of this convent (where he professed on march 8, 1709), a native of the city of los angeles in nueva españa; it has been ten years during which he has remained in a continual suspension of natural motions--his head bowed, in profound silence (not speaking, unless he is questioned, and then only what is strictly necessary); he is, in the opinion of many, crazy, but, in the judgment of those who direct his conscience, he is sane. father fray jacinto de los dolores, a native of this city; a son of this convent, where he professed on january 15, 1717. father fray lucas de san joseph, a native of this city; formerly prior of this convent, where he professed on july 25, 1717. father fray andrès gonzalez, a native of mexico in nueva españa, from which he came to this convent in the year 1726. father fray francisco diaz de rivera, a native of mexico in nueva españa, from which he came to this country in the year 1735. father fray pedro de noroña, a native of queretaro in the archbishopric of mexico; he professed in this convent on october 24, 1730. father fray francisco varaona y velazques, a native of mexico in nueva españa; he professed in this convent on february 20, 1735. father fray thomàs bernardo de herrera, a native of zafra in estremadura, in the bishopric of badajòz, in the kingdoms of españa; he professed in this convent on june 13, 1736. father fray pedro ladron de guevara, a native of mexico in nueva españa; he professed in this convent on june 13, 1736. junior religious.--fray bernardino de vilches y padilla, a native of the city of sevilla in the kingdoms of españa; he professed in this convent on march 7, 1739. fray lorenzo velasco y castroverde, a native of mexico in nueva españa; he professed in this convent on may 7, 1739. fray feliciano leal del castillo, a native of the city of zebù, the chief city of the bishopric of that name in these islands; he professed in this convent on april 26, 1739. brothers who are novices.--brother santiago mariano san ginès, who comes from the port of cabite in the philipinas islands; he took the habit on december 7, 1739. brother juan maldonado, a native of this city of manila; he took the habit on the said day, december 7, 1739. brother nicolàs mariano del rio, a native of the village of binondo, outside the walls of this city; he took the habit on the said day, december 7 of the said year, 1739. brother perez de albornòz, a native of the city of mexico in nueva españa; he took the habit on the said day, december 7, in the said year. brothers who are donados.--brother salvador de la soledad, a native of bacolor, in the province of pampanga; he is punctual in obedience, silence, and humility, continual in prayer, very austere, and of fervent charity. brother francisco de los dolores, a native of the city of gorgota, in the kingdom of vengala, in the territory of india. brother luis casimiro, a native of this city. brother cayetano del castillo, a native of this city. brother juan ferrer, a native of this city. brother pablo bertucio de san antonio, a native of the village of biñàn in this archbishopric. [maldonado makes special mention of a few distinguished members of the order in manila, who have flourished in recent years; regarding others, he states that he lacks information. father fray marzelo del arroyo, a native of manila, entered the order at cabite, and died at manila, past the age of ninety years; he was "an excellent physician, and a strong defender of the privileges of the regulars;" and he filled with distinction all the offices of the order except that of superior. father fray francisco alabes, a native of the city of oaxaca, mexico, was the first who took the habit of st. john (1647) in these islands; he rendered excellent service in the cabite hospital, and assisted father magallanes in founding the one at bagumbaya. father fray juan de alarcòn had many gifts; he was a noted orator, who was called "golden mouth," [34] a famous poet, and a zealous defender of the order; for a long time he was physician for the entire city, and administrator of the convent at cabite and of the ranch of san juan de buenavista, belonging to the order; he died at an advanced age. father fray bernardo xavier, a native of la puebla in mexico; he had held the chair of theology in the jesuit university in manila, and his brethren there called him "a sun eclipsed;" in disposition retiring, humble, austere, devout, and charitable, he was attracted to the labors of the brethren of st. john, and entered their ranks on november 25, 1671; he died on august 14, 1720. three religious of this order were slain by the natives: fray antonio de santiago, manager of the ranch, slain by the savage negritos (probably before 1650); fray lorenzo gomez, killed while traveling in ilocos by the savage tinguianes of the mountains; fray juan antonio guemez, killed with lances by the native bandits "who infested our estate of buenavista." maldonado suggests that some member of the order act as recorder of its annals and labors, so that hereafter these may be kept in remembrance, and published for its benefit.] chapter xiv incomes and contributions which belong to the hospital order for its maintenance and that of the religious in this province. [estate of buenavista.--"by donation from captain don pedro gomez cañete, various farm-sites and cavallerías [35] of lands belonged to us in an estate called buenavista, pinaot, and bolo, in the jurisdiction of bulacan, provinces close to manila. but as the donor when he died left debts behind, the lands were appraised, with preference of the legacies to the debts of justice; [36] and the said property being placed at royal auction, with the offerings of other benefactors, the highest bid was made on the part of our order, in the sum of twelve thousand one hundred pesos. afterward other lands were added to this estate, by donations and purchases which were made, and questions arose over the boundaries; but, as we have for our defense the just titles, the crown [37] has maintained us in the legitimate possession of the lands, which is evident from the records and decisions, which are here set down verbatim, and which declare it." here follow the documents which show that cañete received a grant, april 4, 1629, of two farm-sites and three cavallerías of land in the village of san miguel, the former part of the grant being opposed by the indians of candaba; another was made to gonzalo ronquillo ballesteros, september 26, 1601, of "two farms for horned cattle, and four cavallerías of land, in the district of alatib, toward candaba, close to canagoan;" and the boundaries were settled by acts of the audiencia, march 2 and may 14, 1715. "these said lands, those which were likewise obtained by the accountant pedro de almansa, and others which belonged to the monastery of santa clara, were sold to the aforesaid don pedro gomez cañete, and are among those which were purchased, as was related in the beginning [of this book]; and afterward were added to it other lots of land, all which compose the estate of buenavista, which belongs to our order in these islands." in 1715 the hospital brethren complained that the augustinians had intruded upon their lands, and were even building a house thereon, paying no heed to the repeated remonstrances of the superior of st. john; but the acts above cited confirmed the order in its possession of the lands, and ordered the augustinians to cease work on their house and give account of their procedure. "in this estate there are arable lands, pastures for the many cattle with which it is stocked, fruit-trees, and woodlands where the trees are cut for lumber. it was always maintained with one religious, who, as administrator, had charge of its produce; but when an opportunity to rent it occurred, it was considered best, and even more profitable, to do so. for it we receive five hundred pesos, and three hundred cabans of rice, annually for the period of five years, which is the present agreement, and it is well guaranteed."] irrigated lands in the district of polo.--by a donation which fray thomas ortiz, one of our religious, made to this convent--it belonged to the lawful share which he inherited from his parents--we possess certain irrigated lands [38] in the place which is called colòn, within the limits of the village of polo, in the province of bulacàn. the co-heirs brought suit in regard to these lands; but this, when tried in the courts, was declared in our favor. the said lands yield forty pesos as yearly rent. grainfields in bonga.--by purchase made of six quiñons of land, [irrigated?] grainfields, [39] in a place which they call bonga, within the limits of balivag, a village in the said province of bulacàn, [our order] enjoys the usufruct of one hundred and twenty pesos, which these lands pay as annual rent. lots outside the walls.--by the donations and contributions of different benefactors, we possess eight lots in various places, from the village of la hermita to that of bagumbaya; these pay in land-rents eighteen pesos a year. in this land is included the original site on which was located the hospital for convalescents, which was founded by the first religious [of our order] who came to these islands, as is elsewhere related. properties in the pariàn.--in the alcayzerìa, the pariàn of the sangleys, outside the walls, were purchased two properties, on which there are forty-seven shops and upper lodgings; these, when occupied, yield ninety-seven pesos a month, which amounts through the year to one thousand one hundred and sixty-four pesos. lots in manila.--for two houses, and two lots besides, which belong to this convent within manila, are collected thirteen pesos a month for rent, which amounts to one hundred and fifty-six pesos a year. contribution from the brothers of our order.--the present superior, father fray antonio de arze, by his great affability established the roll of lay brothers devoted to our order. those who at present appear on it regularly number one hundred and thirty-four and each one has a certain day for supplying food to the sick; this he compensates with six pesos, which he contributes as an offering, the amount being thus regulated--in all, amounting to eight hundred and four pesos a year. the contribution-plate.--the contribution-plate which, with the image of our holy father, [40] [is carried] through the streets to ask for offerings gathers during the week at least eight pesos, which amount to two hundred and eighty-eight pesos a year. contribution for the feast of our holy father.--for the feast-day of our holy father two of our religious go out a few days before, as representatives of our community, to ask for contributions among the citizens; and they collect very nearly two hundred pesos a year. contribution of rice.--in the month of october in each year a religious is despatched to the province of ilocos, in order to push forward the collection and remittance of the proceeds from the encomienda which is assigned to us in that province, and at the same time he asks for contributions among the farmers of that region; he carries, by way of precaution, some medicine, and benevolently exercises the office of his calling; and if the harvests are good he collects offerings of about seven hundred baskets of rice. and so great is the esteem felt in that province for our religious, as they have acknowledged, that when they go away in the month of march (which is the time of the monsoon) the people display to them their regret that they must lack the consolation which they receive during the stay of our religious, in the assistance given by them to the many persons stricken by disease. chapter xv [this chapter is devoted to enumeration of the favors extended by the crown to the hospital order. maldonado states that the royal grants to the ecclesiastical estate in the islands (in stipends and contributions) amount to more than 81,000 pesos a year, without counting over 11,000 pesos more which are allowed to the royal chapel and the hospitals. the brethren of st. john share in this bounty, to a liberal extent. a royal decree of june 19, 1680, granted to the order an encomienda of 500 tributes for twenty years, in order to repair the injuries caused to the hospital buildings by the earthquake of march 15, 1676, and to aid in carrying on its good work. in accordance therewith, governor cruzelaegui assigned to the order (february 9, 1685) the following encomiendas: "the rest of purao and tagurin, and the village of pedic in the province of ilocos, which consists of 115 tributes, vacant by the death of captain don nicolàs de ibar, who was enjoying it for the second life. also the encomienda of three-fourths of pilitan and its subjects in the province of cagayan, which consists of 287 tributes, vacant by the death of juan de robles aldaba, which he was enjoying for the second life. the two amount to 402 tributes;" and they were adjudged to the said order, for the repair of its buildings, etc., with the charge of paying from the amount thus collected the amount allowed by the crown for religious purposes and the stipends of ministers, in the same manner as other encomenderos must. this grant was afterward extended (by decrees of september 17, 1705, and july 2, 1735); but the assignment of tributes in cagayan was later exchanged for another in ilocos. the net annual proceeds of this encomienda amount to 500 baskets of rice and 250 blankets; "but if those who make the collections dispense with the fees through charity, and if the aforesaid goods are conveyed to us at manila in the same way, these favors amount to over 100 pesos more." on november 5, 1704, the treasury officials of manila assigned to the brethren of st. john an annual allowance of two arrobas of wine and seventy-five gantas of cocoanut oil for the use of their church, in the same manner as to the other churches of the city, with the customary provision that royal confirmation must be obtained within six years. this was done, but the papers were lost in shipwreck, and the grant was therefore extended another six years. a royal decree dated june 29, 1707 (evidently a misprint for 1717), ordered the treasury officials at manila to pay the hospital order annually the value of the said oil and wine; this was received at manila in 1718, and from that time the brethren of st. john were paid from the treasury fifty-nine pesos three reals a year. governor zabalburu allotted to the hospital the services of twelve men from the "reserve," a form of personal service which is thus described:] this grant, which is called reserva, and among the natives is distinguished by the name of polo, takes substantially this form: the natives, or indians of the four provinces which are next to manila, are under this impost (besides the tributes which they pay to the king), that their laboring men must render service, at the tasks assigned to them, for the time of one month in each year. by this measure are furnished [the men for] the timber-cutting, shipbuilding, and other royal works. to this end, [the names of] all stand in a very detailed enumeration, each being numbered for the alternation [in such service] which belongs to each one, and the apportionment, which is made according to the number of laborers which each village has. from this levy no one can escape, or excuse himself; for their mandons, or headmen, even when they find the laborers hindered by other occupations compel them, since any deficiency affects the service of the king, to pay for other men to act as substitutes in place of those who obtain excuses. this is all the harder because the substitutes do not content themselves with the wages which are assigned to them in the occupation itself, but collect three pesos besides, at which amount the bonus is settled (unless those who manage the business have somewhat more for their share) ; and it is an established custom that this bonus is shared by those whom their turn exempts. request is being made to the authorities that for the churches and other unavoidable needs men be granted for service, to the number stated, [but] with exemption from these oppressive circumstances; and that, as a just concession, the warrant for this be issued, in which is stated the number [of men] and the village from which they are assigned to this [service, which] is distinguished by the title "reserve." as a fact, those who have to render this service remain exempt from the turn and apportionment [of service] of which mention has already been made, without any obligation to furnish a substitute, or to pay for others to serve. with this, and with the wages which are paid to them for their labor, we succeed in obtaining people to assist us. by other grants, also from this government, there have been allowed to us fifty "reserve" vagrants, in order that our ranch may be cultivated. this is different [from the other], because the distinctive vagrant is understood as not having a fixed residence, and not being included in the enumerations of the men liable to polo; but they burden the lists on account of tribute in double pay. these men are governed by certain officers, who also impose upon them various works for the royal service; but those who by means of these "reserves" reside on ranches remain exempt, and therefore are occupied in the cultivation of the grainfields. from this it results that there are laborers for gathering the harvests, the commonwealth is furnished with provisions, those men gain the means for their support, and our estates are not lost to us by lying untilled. allowance for the dispensary.--by this superior government, and in an ordinance of september 27, 1709, fifty pesos were applied every year in medicines for the medical treatment of the sick in our hospitals; and, the expenses of the royal dispensary having been permanently charged [on the treasury] from the year 1717, bachelor don miguel de la torre, a physician of this city, besides the known saving of expense which he made easy for his majesty in this respect, made the offer to increase the allowance for medicines to a hundred pesos, which was not [formally] assigned, and remains verbal. this he has fulfilled, but so liberally that without any limitation all the medicines which have been necessary for the treatment of the sick have been furnished to us; and our order, always mindful of this kindness, recognizes the aforesaid don miguel de la torre as one of its special benefactors. these are the grants and allowances which this province at present enjoys, and, most grateful therefor, in all the spiritual exercises we ask and implore the exaltation of our pious king, a munificent patron, and we make such return as is possible in our estate of poverty. for, although in the royal hospital the soldiers receive treatment, this provision is not extended to their children and wives, or to the mariners of cabite when sickness prevents their passage [from that place to manila]; but all these find succor in our infirmaries, where they are aided with the comforts which are permitted by the scanty donations which we obtain. and although we know well how little merit there is in our labors, as being the proper function of our institute, we nevertheless take comfort in this, that in the large number of those who in these islands are maintained at the royal expense, we cost the royal treasury least; nor do we count in this the cost of transportation, or other extraordinary expenses (of which thus far we have had no benefit [from the crown]); for, as has been stated in the proper place, this humble province has always maintained itself by asking for alms. chapter xvi [herein are enumerated the charitable foundations (obras pias) [41] placed at the disposal of the misericordia or of the brethren of st. john. the earliest of these (although its date is not given) appears to be that of general thomàs garcia de cardenas; he gave the misericordia 12,000 pesos, of which 6,000 should be invested in the acapulco trade, and the profits applied to different charities--among them, 100 pesos being given to the hospital, which sum is still received by that institution whenever the acapulco galleons make successful voyages. another and similar one was founded by governor manuel de leon, with 50,000 pesos of principal; from the returns of this, 400 pesos were to be applied "for the care and comfort of the sick in our hospitals." master-of-camp thomàs de endaya in 1703 gave 8,000 pesos to the misericordia, one-half to be invested in the acapulco trade for the benefit of various charities; among these, the hospital was to receive 100 pesos for purchasing rice for the sick. abbot juan bautista sidot (by other writers written sidoti) in 1705 collected among the citizens of manila 12,000 pesos, which he invested in trade--one-third each in nueva españa, china, and the coast of yaba (i.e., java)--the returns on all these being held and added to the principal until they should be equal to 40,000 pesos, which sum was to be invested in the same manner, and its proceeds devoted to various charities. of these, the hospital was to receive 240 pesos annually, thus: 100 pesos for the salary of a physician, 100 for the cost of the dispensary, and 40 for the salary of a surgeon. the further sum of 1,100 pesos a year afterward was assigned to the hospital, since some of sidoti's plans for aiding other works proved abortive. a fund of 50,000 pesos, similarly invested in the acapulco trade, was given in 1706 by fray andrès gonzalez, o.p., bishop of nueva cazeres, from which 400 pesos a year were to be given to the hospital; he also made provision for distributing every year certain sums to the curas and missionary fathers in his diocese, to be spent in aiding the sick poor in their charge--"for the reason that, having asked permission from the royal audiencia of manila to found a hospital in this city of nueva cazeres and this not having been granted me, i desire that, since there is no actual hospital, there shall be one in substance." from this wording maldonado argues that, in case a hospital should be founded there, the fund left by gonzalez for his diocese--1,305 pesos, presumably for each year--might properly be claimed for the aid of such institution; "with the said contribution, and if the natives of the said province would agree to give [each] a ganta of rice or of oil, or some other little offering of that sort, a hospital could be supported which was suitable for aiding the many necessities which those helpless people suffer." sargento-mayor don antonio basarte, a citizen of manila, established another foundation for the misericordia in 1708; he left 50,000 pesos for this, but after the claims of his legal creditors were satisfied, only 9,849 pesos remained; this was duly invested, but the proceeds did not reach the amount of the original 50,000 pesos until 1726, at which time the returns became available for charitable uses; among these, 250 pesos were allotted for the meat necessary for the support of the sick in the hospitals. captain manuel martinez lobo left a bequest to the misericordia; [42] in 1727 this yielded the net sum of 3,300 pesos, which was invested in the trade of acapulco and yaba; from the proceeds the officers of the misericordia were to apply 50 pesos annually for the poor of the hospital, at the time when they should make their yearly visitation of that house. in 1727 general don joseph de morales (then steward of the misericordia) gave 600 pesos to be invested in trade, from the profits of which 100 pesos annually were to be given for comforts for the sick poor in the hospitals. the same officer at dying left a bequest for charities, in which were included the brethren of st. john; they were to receive (presumably from the returns made on each galleon) 100 pesos for buying shrouds for the sick who should die in the hospitals, 100 for clothing for the religious, and 100 for certain religious functions to be celebrated in their church. morales's successor as steward, general don domingo antonio de otero vermudes (who was also chief alguazil [43] of the inquisition), in 1729 founded an obra pia with 3,000 pesos; from its returns 100 pesos were to be applied for the support of the poor sick in the hospital. doña maria joachina, the unmarried daughter of sargento-mayor don juan antonio collantes y peredo, having property in her own right, left 4,000 pesos for charitable purposes, which included the payment of 500 pesos yearly for the convalescents from the hospital; this became available in 1736. licentiate manuel suarez de olivera and doña maria gomez del castillo (his wife?) left some real estate, on which shops were located, at the place called los arroceros (i.e., "the rice-mills"), outside the city walls; its proceeds were to be given in equal shares to the hospital and to the poor who were confined in the prisons. the aforesaid shops "fell into decay, and were rebuilt in 1714, with the stipulation that from the rent of them should be deducted the third part in order to repay the amount spent for that construction;" this was accomplished in 1722, after which the full amount was received by the beneficiaries. it is estimated that this aid amounts to over 150 pesos a year, and its value is greater or less according to whether the shops are all occupied; but "we receive only what is handed over by the deputy steward of the prisoners," to whom the collection of these rents had been entrusted by the misericordia. antonio de arisiga placed 4,000 pesos at interest, for the aid of various charities; from the income of this he applied 50 pesos annually for the comfort of the sick in the hospital; but in the course of time this foundation was impaired by various losses, and the misericordia divided its income pro rata among its beneficiaries. juan de moxica placed at interest 6,750 pesos, from the income of which should be given twelve reals for three masses every week, and the rest for the hospital and treasury of the misericordia; this income also became diminished, like the preceding one, and what was collected was applied to the aforesaid masses--although, in maldonado's opinion, any money in excess of moxica's requirement ought to be applied in equal parts to the hospital and the misericordia.] [all the foregoing funds are administered and controlled by the board of the misericordia; but the hospital has the benefit of certain others in the hands of the third order of st. francis. don manuel san juan de santacruz established a fund in that order, for investment in the acapulco trade; the income was applied to various charities, among which the hospital was to receive 100 pesos a year. in 1711 a similar fund was given by sargento-mayor don diego thomàs de gorostiaga, also in the acapulco trade; from its income, the hospital was assigned 100 pesos a year. in 1721, another fund was established by sargento-mayor don juan lopez, on similar terms, the hospital receiving from the income 50 pesos a year. a like foundation from don jacome maria balestra, made in 1724, brought to the hospital 120 pesos annually. in the same year and in like manner, another fund was given by the licentiate don gabriel de isturis, which added to the hospital's income 150 pesos a year. in 1728, an obra pia was established in the third order by some unknown donor, under the title of san raphael; from this 80 pesos were given, half to the convent of st. john, and half to the hospital. a year later, a similar fund was established under the title of san miguel, by captain don miguel de caraza; among its beneficiaries, the sick of the hospital received, for their food on certain holy days, 25 pesos a year. all those named in this paragraph were administered by the said third order.] [certain funds were established by benevolent women for charitable purposes, to be at the disposal of our writer, maldonado. "doña margarita luysa de avila, who was the widow of sargento-mayor don nicolàs de rivera, from the residue of her property set aside a principal of 700 pesos for the establishment of a charitable fund, which should be invested by halves in the trade of nueva españa;" to this maldonado added 1,000 pesos more, given to him by various other benefactors, and invested the whole thus, until its product should bring the fund to a total of 3,362 pesos; it was then to be divided into three parts, and again invested, its income being thus apportioned: "130 pesos, as the offering for 156 masses, which are celebrated in the church of our convent at manila, three on each monday in the year--one with an offering of one peso, and the others with one of six reals each; beginning after half-past six in the morning, and not before, nor shall they be said at one time--as suffrages for the souls in purgatory; and this stipend can be applied to the fathers belonging to this community who are priests. thirty pesos, in order that the reverend father who is prior or superior of this convent may arrange for chanting a solemn mass with vigils, and with the assistance of the community, on one of the days in the octave of the dead, in the month of november, the suffrages being applied in behalf of the founders. one hundred and fifty pesos, in order that the reverend father who may be prior or superior of this convent may distribute this sum, as is stated in the foundation of the said fund, for the expenses at the feast of the gozos [44] of the blessed ever-virgin mary, our lady; these must be celebrated in our church as a seven days' feast, which begins on the day of the patronage of the blessed st. joseph, who is honored as the father of jesus christ our lord--that is, the third sunday after easter. sixty pesos for the offering for eighty masses to be said, with the stipend of six reals each, which the reverend father who is or shall be the prior or superior of this convent is to arrange for being celebrated during the said septenary--fourteen on the first day, and eleven on each of the other days, and inviting for this function priests by whom it can be completed, since this community has not a sufficient number of priests therefor--in order to fulfil this obligation in the manner which is prescribed, and the intention of [the founders; the] said masses must be applied as suffrages for the souls in purgatory, and for those of the founders. twenty-five pesos, to be distributed during the said septenary among the poor, both men and women, who may be in our infirmaries. twelve pesos, to be divided as alms among the women servants of the infirmary for women in our hospital. twenty-eight pesos, to be divided, on the first day of the said septenary, among fourteen spanish widows, at the rate of two pesos each. fourteen pesos, for the cost of wine for masses, so much as is deemed necessary for the celebration of those which are mentioned in this foundation. forty pesos, which must be kept in reserve every year for the repairs on our convent of manila, according to occasion. this foundation began to operate in the year 1738, and would be in condition for distribution if it were not for the loss of a galleon and another misfortune, which retarded the distribution until the year 1745; and request has been made that its administration be entrusted to the venerable arch-confraternity of the blessed sacrament that is established in the church of san gabriel at bin[on]doc, a mission village in charge of the holy order of st. dominic, outside the walls of this city."] [another fund in maldonado's hands is that which "doña josepha ortega, who was the wife of general don antonio sanchez cerdàn, set aside from the main part of her estate, the sum of 2,500 pesos as a principal, in order that a charitable fund might be established, at the disposal of the religious who writes this. according to the instructions communicated to him by the said foundress, the said principal must be invested in the trade with nueva españa, its product accruing to it until the fund should reach the amount of 7,818 pesos 3 reals; in that case it should be divided into three parts, each of 2,600 pesos 1 real, with which principal the investment should be continued in the said trade with nueva españa; and the income of this fund, usually amounting to 1,042 pesos, be distributed in this manner: ninety-two pesos for the offering for that number of masses in the chapel of the ward [used as an] infirmary for women in this hospital of manila. twenty-five pesos for the expenses of the function of [the virgin's] solitude, which is solemnized in our church on the night of good friday in each year. eighty pesos for the offering for as many masses, which are to be solemnized in our church during the septenary of the most glorious patriarch st. joseph, at the feast of his gozos, which begins on the fifteenth day of october. twenty-five pesos for the redemption of captives. thirty-six pesos, to be divided, during the said septenary, among the sick poor, both men and women, in our hospital of manila. twelve pesos, to be divided, during the said septenary, among the women servants of the sick-ward for women in this hospital. one hundred pesos, to be distributed, during the said septenary, by the superior of this convent and one of the father chaplains, among deserving poor widows and orphan girls, especially those who are present in our church at the said festivity. thirteen pesos, for the same purpose, among the poor beggars who are present in our church at the said festivity. twenty-five pesos, for a hundred bulls for the living; these will be given as alms by the fathers who assist in the confessionals in our church during the said septenary, and who can ascertain the poor who are in need of this favor. twenty-five pesos, for the alms of a hundred bulls for the departed, [to be given] on the day when their memory is celebrated in our church in the month of november, the suffrage being applied for those who shall have died in our hospital. sixty-four pesos one real, for the function of masses, vigils, and responses for the cemetery, which has been established in our church as a suffrage for the dead, in the month of november of each year. twenty-five pesos, for the holy places of jerusalem. one hundred and fifty pesos for the cost of chocolate, [45] with which sum arrangements are made to furnish it to the religious of this convent of manila. one hundred pesos, which are to be reserved each year for the material fabrica of our convent and hospital of manila, as occasion may require. one hundred pesos for the expenses of the arch-confraternity of the blessed sacrament at binondo, which has been asked to take charge of the administration of this fund. and 134 pesos one real, in order that this sum may be separately invested, and with its accrued products form another foundation, until it shall contain 1,717 pesos one real as principal; and then, divided into three parts, it may be ventured in the galleons of the nueva españa route, and with its returns the following assignments be made: 300 pesos for two dowries, of 150 pesos each, to fatherless girls, the daughters of spaniards, of virtuous lives--which dowries are to be allotted on one of the days of the septenary, in the manner which will be explained. forty pesos for the christmas masses [missas de aguinaldo] which are celebrated in our church of this convent of manila. eleven pesos, for the expenses of the entertainment which must be given to those who meet in the committee which must be called together for the choice of the orphans to whom are to be allotted the dowries aforesaid, during the septenary of st. joseph, the arrangements for which in detail are punctually set down here. in order that embarrassments arising from personal considerations which intervene may be avoided, heed must be taken in the award of these dowries that the names be presented of those who are needy; and, this having been ascertained by a special conference which the father who is or shall be the superior of this convent shall have with the father priests--and if there are not two, he shall substitute the chief councilor--it shall be declared by the majority of votes who ought by right to be admitted from the persons who make claims; and, this settled, the choice shall be made among those who shall be thus accepted, by drawing lots, and the two dowries shall be awarded to the girls who shall draw the fortunate lots. the method of the said drawing shall be, that the names of all those who are accepted shall be written, each on a slip of paper; and an equal number of other slips, blank, shall be made, and on two of these shall be written the words, 'may i be endowed by the glorious st. joseph.' then in one urn, or other suitable receptacle, shall be placed the slips, folded, on which are written the names of the candidates; and in another urn or receptacle like the other shall be placed the blank slips--which, as already stated, shall be equal in number to those containing the names, and shall include those on which was written the fortunate lot, as has been explained--and both urns shall be shaken. [this shall be done] in the afternoon of the first day of the septenary; in the body of the church shall be placed a table with a neat cover, and some chairs, where the superior [of the order of st. john] shall sit as president, accompanied by the priestly fathers who may belong to it; in case there should be no more than one [of these], the chief councilor shall assist him. with the aid of the father councilor, a slip shall be drawn from [the urn containing] the names, and read, and then another shall be drawn from those that are blank, the writing on the slips being read aloud, and recorded on a paper which the said secretary shall keep by him; after this manner the other slips shall be successively drawn, until from the names those are chosen which the lot shall indicate; and, as it follows that there will be present in the church at this function the parties who are concerned, or some one who can act in their behalf, such person shall be summoned, and the order for payment handed to her, so that she may obtain her donation of 150 pesos for dowry. and for the orderly management of this business there shall be made a book of common paper, in which shall be written the [names and proceedings of the] special committee which shall be called together to investigate the claims; and they shall endeavor, before the choice is made, to gain accurate information, in order that the appointment may be confirmed in accordance with the intention of the said foundation. at the said committee-meeting the [claims of the] parties shall be presented, and especially of those admitted to the drawing, without any opinion being expressed regarding those who shall not be admitted, or any previous information regarding the decision being given to the parties concerned. those admitted to the drawing shall be notified to come together on the day prescribed, and on the same day these regulations shall be read, when the superior shall have reported that he has carried out all their provisions, as appears from the book of the committee; and the other arrangements that are made for the fulfilment of this charge shall be put into practice in each successive year, the full record thereof being afterward made in the book, with full evidence that to those who were chosen by lot the donation that was assigned them has been paid." maldonado expects that the income of this foundation as a whole will be available within six years, if no disaster be encountered; but the provision for dowries will have to wait twelve years. he states that two things must be considered, in estimating the value of the funds enumerated in this chapter: first, that when they were founded the profits on the acapulco trade were reckoned at fifty per cent, but at the time when he writes have diminished at the rate of forty per cent; accordingly, the incomes of the funds have been distributed pro rata to the various beneficiaries. second, as these incomes depend on the perils of the sea, they have encountered many losses from shipwrecks; or the failure of the vessel to complete the voyage, or even to obtain a cargo at manila; or the delay in receiving the returns from acapulco, caused by an unsuccessful fair there, or by other embarrassments.] [the other hospitals in the islands] [this matter is found at the end of chapter ii of maldonado's book (pp. 25-29), but is transferred to this place as being more appropriate in orderly sequence; he describes the condition of those institutions at the time of writing his book.] present condition of the royal hospital of manila the new royal hospital being reestablished, and all the expenses necessary for its maintenance being provided for in the royal treasury, for its business management and the assistance of the sick there were allotted a steward, a physician, a surgeon, nurses, and the other servants who were deemed necessary; and for its spiritual administration the discalced religious of the holy order of our holy father st. francis, in the province of san gregorio of these islands--which arrangement was approved by a royal decree, dated at madrid, may 20, 1624. it has continued in this manner up to the present century, when, on account of the lack of religious for the indian villages dependent on the franciscans, and other just reasons, they were released from the ministry of the said royal hospital, and the government appointed secular priests as chaplains, with a suitable income. the cost of maintaining the hospital in its present condition is reckoned at 6,841 pesos, thus: the chaplain, steward, and physician, at 300 pesos each; the surgeon, 240; [46] the chief sacristan, three nurses, one assistant surgeon, the keeper of the wardrobe, the cook, and the doorkeeper, each 96 pesos; with this the ordinary expense, 1,368 pesos. [it also requires] 960 cabans of rice, 384 gantas of cocoanut-oil, and 8,400 fowls; also 2,000 pesos, at which amount the provision for medicines is permanently fixed, and 215 pesos besides, which sum is allotted for the cost of wine for mass, wax, and other expenses which are incurred for the titular feast day, which is all saints' day. interments are made in the royal chapel of this garrison, which also has for the year's expenses 3,220 pesos more, without counting the extraordinary expenses which are necessary during that time in the hospital, for beds, tents, and other needs, and in the royal chapel for ornaments and the other requirements of the divine worship. in the said royal hospital, without a special order from the superior government no other persons are received, whatever their rank may be, besides the officers and soldiers who are in actual service; and, although some mariners resort to this institution--and these are few, on account of the distance of their residence, which is in cabite--it has not, either, a ward for women. the steward, the chaplain, and the chief sacristan (who usually is a priest) have their residence in the said hospital, and are continually on duty. the physician and the surgeons are present both afternoon and morning, to visit the sick and give prescriptions for what seems necessary. the nurses and the other servants lack the intelligence which is required [in such work], for those who are occupied in it are poor persons, who have no other situations; and, as the employment is arduous, they do not remain long in it. several high officials, in discussing this matter, have showed their preference that this responsibility should devolve upon our religious. it is certain that the object of that same institution calls for different service, and might also excuse some [further] expense to his majesty; but as this depends upon the royal command, it has not proceeded beyond mere talk. the hospital of our religious order--of which mention will be made further on, as not limited to a special class--is a general one, for men and women of all classes; and in this same holy exercise of their ministry is secured the relief and general consolation of the needy who resort to this charity. hospital of san lazaro without the walls of manila is another hospital, with the name of san lazaro, in which are gathered all those who are stricken by the contagious disease of the same name; it is administered and cared for by the religious of our holy father st. francis, and his majesty has assigned to it, by virtue of a royal decree of january 22, 1672, a contribution of 1,187 pesos 4 reals every year--500 pesos in cash, paid from the royal treasury; the rest is the estimated value of 1,500 cabans of rice, 1,500 fowls, 200 light ilocos blankets, and one arroba of castilian wine for the holy sacrifice of mass. hospital of san gabriel for the sangleys there is also another hospital outside the walls; it is under the protection of st. gabriel, and in the charge and administration of the religious in the venerable order of preachers of the province of the santissimo rosario of these islands; it is designed solely for medical treatment for the chinese (or sangleys) who reside in this country. for its maintenance at the beginning, there was assigned to it by his majesty the ferry across the great river which flows between the said hospital and this city; but this allowance ceased at the building of the great bridge which afterward was constructed, and by royal decree of november 26, 1630, the said allowance was commuted to the sum of 2,000 pesos each year, which is paid from the communal chest [47] which the sangleys themselves maintain. hospital of los baños in the village of los baños, in the jurisdiction of the province of la laguna, which is distant five leguas from manila, was founded another hospital at the account of his majesty; it was for the convalescent soldiers, on account of the specific properties of the waters of that district, particularly for venereal diseases [galicos]. but the institution has been steadily declining with the course of time, and at present there remains only one religious from the holy order of our holy father st. francis, who is assisted from the royal exchequer with 120 pesos a year. [royal] allowances for infirmaries in virtue of a royal decree of september 4, 1667, every year are issued [treasury] warrants for 300 baskets [sextos; apparently misprint for cestos] of rict and 200 fowls for the infirmary which the holy order of st. dominic maintains in the convent at the village of lalo, the chief town of the province of cagayan. by another royal decree, dated january 18, 1706, there are also issued to the holy order of our holy father st. francis 100 pesos for medicines, and the value of 129 pesos in various commodities, and 800 fowls, for the infirmaries which it maintains in this city, [in] pagsanhan, the chief town of the province of la laguna, and [in] naga, the chief town of the province of camarines. it is understood, however, that this aid is only for the treatment of the sick religious belonging to the said holy communities. hospital of zamboanga in the fortified town of samboanga is maintained a dwelling for the sick soldiers, who are assisted by a practitioner with the title of surgeon; for this occupation he is paid four pesos four reals monthly, and for the treatment of the sick a chest of medicines is sent from manila every year. the lack of skill on the part of this practitioner or surgeon, and, moreover, the fact that less provision is made for the entire amount of assistance [there given] than the hospital order requires, enable one to see what the men in garrison there will suffer. but it is inferred that those are in worse condition who serve in the garrisons of the fortifications of nuestra señora del rosario in iloylo, san pedro in zebù, santa isabèl of paragua in calamianes, san francisco in cagayan, and san joseph of tanda in caraga--not to mention many other posts that are dependent on these principal fortresses--where there is no attendance of surgeons, and no medicines are sent thither. our community, knowing this, shares in their affliction, by not being able to aid them for lack of the permissions from superiors and the adequate assistance which were indispensable for the proper care of the soldiers. [the book ends with another chapter, headed "digression xvii," which contains an apology for the deficiencies of the work, and an account of two miraculous interventions (by their founder st. john and by an image of the virgin) at their convent in july, 1739. on the former subject he says: "i avoid repetition of the reasons for the lack of elegant style and exactness of terms, and will conclude by saying that various other deficiencies that may be encountered are irreparable; for these natives who serve as amanuenses are so averse to all orthography that even the greatest exactness in pointing out their errors, in work of this sort, cannot prevent them from making mistakes. some words they separate [from those] to which these belong, and others they do not divide; they write proper names with a small [initial] letter, and place capitals in the midst of any word; sometimes they set down the words without the least understanding of the punctuation. on this account it is necessary that the reader discreetly supply what [deficiencies] of this sort he may notice; and if this [manuscript] be transcribed for any purpose, that it be corrected beforehand--for this effort has already been made, but has not been sufficient; nor would it be, even if the manuscript were copied over and over, for what is thus made correct in one place is compensated by a new error in another place." he ends with the usual protestation of loyalty to the doctrines and precedents of the church, dated at manila, july 10, 1740.] letter to the president of the india council i wrote last year to your most illustrious lordship, by way of nueva españa and portugal, mentioning the pleasure which i felt at the news that your most illustrious lordship held the presidency of the council of the indias; for besides the affection which i profess to your most illustrious lordship, ever since i experienced your kindness in balladolid, i have looked for the like success in the management of the important affairs which are entrusted to the council, and i hope that these unfortunate and remote regions may have a share in the good results which their government needs. in regard to the troubles which have afflicted this commonwealth: the dutch, keen to avail themselves of opportunities to extend their commerce, sent hither a warship in the year forty-four, under pretext of an embassy; it was in charge of monsieur duvins, the second factor in their trade with japon. he carried letters from the governor and council of batavia for the governor and audiencia here, in which it was stated that he came to look for a bark named "cathalina magdalena"--for which a swiss heretic had given pledges to the company at batavia with his own person; it had sailed from here with the name "sancta ana," and a commission from the governor here; but it was sold to the company, who changed its name, and in the charge of the same swiss it came back here to trade, with consignments belonging to the dutch. and since, in order to send the squadron to china, [48] the departure of the vessels which were in this bay was prohibited, the said bark was compelled to winter here; and, under pretext of looking after these [commercial] interests, the dutch sent their envoy with credentials. he carried himself, while here, with the air of an ambassador, and claimed that we should treat him as such, that we should give him audience in a session of the royal court, and that the auditors should visit him; but in polite terms he was given to understand that without express order from his majesty he could not be treated as he desired; and it was resolved that answer should be made to the letters with entire courtesy--stating that no such bark as the "cathalina magdalena" had landed at these islands; but that, if through stress of any storm it should enter our ports, it should receive succor, and our friendly relations would be maintained in all things. his principal topic, however, was that free trade should be permitted to him here, and that the dutch should bring us all the merchandise necessary for us. but, as he found no opening for a proposition of that sort--on account of the prohibition [of commerce] in the laws [of the kingdoms] and in the treaties of peace, and because of the damage which would ensue to the islands from admitting within them the different religion which neighbors so cunning and so powerful [as the dutch] would undertake to impart to them--he returned home much disgusted, publishing to the dutch that manila could be captured with five hundred soldiers, and even urging this enterprise as an easy one on barnet, the commander of the english squadron which was then at batavia. the dutch, not discomfited by this repulse, or by the loss of 50,000 pardaos [49] (which are 37,500 pesos)--which as they write from batavia, the above-mentioned ambassador expended--made an agreement with an english corsair who was at batavia, with a ship of fifty-two guns and another of thirty, to the effect that under his own flag he should escort four dutch ships, which they despatched to acapulco last year with merchandise. and in order to hinder the galleon from leaving this port they deceived a frenchman, [50] who was very well known here, hinting to him that the squadron of barenet [sic] and the corsair were going to attack manila; and they hastened his embarkation, at the cost of 4,000 pesos, in order that he might notify us here. then they gave orders to the corsair, with two other ships of their own, to let themselves be seen at the entrance of mariveles, in order to throw manila into alarm and hinder the sailing of the galleon. by [causing] this fright they succeeded in their purpose to prevent the sailing of the ship, which was lightened of its cargo as soon as the information which the frenchman gave reached us; and the 4,000 pesos were paid [to him] for the cost of this warning. the said four ships sailed to leeward, and sighted the coast of ylocos, whence we had news of this. but they could not attain their principal object; for when the six ships had come together in china, and were laden with [goods worth] 900,000 pardaos (each containing six silver reals), they expected the vessel which, after having given that warning here, was to cross over to china [51] and carry to the dutch a pilot for the navigation to nueva españa; but it could not reach china, and was obliged to go to batavia. the four dutch ships and the two [english] corsairs, resolved to carry out their project, sailed from canton on the fourteenth of september, bound for the coast of nueva españa and perú to carry on illicit trade, [52] and the english to make reprisals. but god, who chose to punish so mischievous a design, permitted that a hurricane should attack them, when they were four days out from canton; and as a result the two corsairs were driven back to china--the larger vessel dismasted and battered, and the smaller one badly damaged. the four dutch ships, badly leaking, spent twelve days in searching for an anchorage on the coast of ylocos, in order to make repairs; but not finding one, they went back to batavia, with their goods damaged. according to what is written to us in a despatch that is just received from batavia--from a person who was sent there from here to make observations on the condition of the english piratical squadron--the dutch lost on their merchandise half of its value; and the corsair sold for 17,000 pardaos his ship of fifty-two guns, with all its military supplies, since it was no longer fit for navigation, while he went with the other and smaller ship--it is said without [stopping for] food--to another port to repair it. [it is also reported] that the squadron of barenet had departed for bombain, toward the persian gulf, to cruise against the french, from whom he seized at the straits [of malacca] nearly a million pesos. the person who was sent from here to batavia (who is a malabar) with a balandra was detained there under the pretext that the governor had gone away, and orders were given that he should not be permitted to depart until the governor's return. but he informed us of everything, by a vessel which he despatched with six men and a french pilot; and he reported that three dutch fragatas were being equipped and laden with merchandise in order to carry on illicit trade at the entrance of [the gulf of] californias, carrying [respectively] forty, thirty, and twenty-five cannon. in his opinion, this was the cause of his detention, in order that, by news [from him] not reaching manila, the galleon should not sail for nueva españa, and their intention not be known here. on account of all these advices, and those which we had previously received by way of china making the same statement about the english, it was resolved here that, since the chief [cause for] fear, which was the said squadron--which occasioned the letter with order from the marqués de la enseñada, [53] to give warning that a ship should not sail from here with cargo--had ceased, and since the commonwealth was in the most deplorable extremity, with a shipment of goods which had been driven back to port, and laden and unladen the second time, and in evident risk of being lost, a final effort was made by dividing the cargo between two ships equipped for war. one of these carried seventy cannon and the other fifty-two (seventy and forty [respectively] being mounted), and a corresponding number of men, resolved to defend their property and with sufficient force to make resistance to the entire squadron of barenet, whose ships carried fifty-two, forty-five, forty, and thirty cannon. for the cost of this enterprise the body of merchants offered to aid with 50,000 pesos in acapulco; and this effort seemed necessary, for, as the viceroy of mexico had orders not to allow any money to come here, he understood them so strictly that last year he sent a bark [54] without one real. nevertheless, he was not ignorant that the situado had not been sent here for three years: that with this, and the failure of the [acapulco] trade, the treasury of the islands ran short 60,000 pesos each year in customs and anchorage duties; that the citizens would necessarily be reduced to poverty, and that these domains were utterly helpless; and that by despatching the aid in november it would arrive here in entire safety from the english--who only through general lack of military foresight were able to secure the prize which they made; for these islands have various ports where our ships can land (thus mocking the enemy), as occurred in the late war; but when they come by the ordinary route and the artillery is in the hold, no other result [than their capture] can be expected. the damage, most illustrious sir, is already done, but it calls to heaven for a remedy for the future. that which i propose is, that, since [the merchandise for] this commerce was formerly supplied, either by sending our barks to the malabar coast, or by armenians, moros, or malabars coming thence with their ships and goods--only tolerating that they might bring some french pilot--orders be given to observe this plan so strictly that warning be given to the audiencia, the archbishop, and the city [of manila] that they shall give information if the governor shall contravene those orders, and some exemplary punishment be meted out. for the despotic power which the governors, under pretext of their services, have assumed is great; and the freedom which they have given to the english and the french [55] has arrived at being general license. from this prohibition it follows that they cannot gain so much knowledge about the country and its forts, and that they cannot so greatly injure this commerce, [as hitherto]; for the asiatics are never so shrewd as the europeans, and their only concern is for their business, without meddling in observations of our forts or our forlorn condition. to this remedy i add that which i have proposed to the council, and which on this occasion i repeat. observing the aforesaid freedom, the dutch have ventured to come [against us] with the ease which the swiss heretic had represented to them; and if this swiss had not been allowed to come here with his bark, he would not have involved us in such difficulties with the dutch, for they, in pique, undertook to introduce their commerce into nueva españa--tempting the viceroy with 300,000 pesos which they carried thither last year, planning to give him this money so that he should tolerate [their trading]. and since they are now returning i fear that they are planning to occupy some port in california, [56] in order that it may serve them as a magazine--like the island of curazas [i.e., curacoa] in the north sea--and to make arrangements for carrying on their commerce from batavia with the same ease as from here. and in order to prevent these or others from undertaking such a scheme (which would be the destruction of america), i have collected testimony regarding all which can aid the council to realize how, without any expense to the royal treasury, and with the men of whom we have here more than enough belonging to the navy-yard and ships, [manila] can be fortified for that part of america, for the security of both these and those domains; but i hope for the success of the former proposition, in order not to pile up schemes. i assure your most illustrious lordship that this can be pushed forward in a way which will be very useful to the nation; because, in order to keep the dutch under control, it is enough that they know that we keep in readiness the three galleons each of seventy cannon, which the commerce ought to have, and four fragatas besides, with which we can disturb the commerce of the straits for the inland regions. this is especially easy to do with the english, because, even though they send squadrons from europa, many of their men die, and they use up their men as fast as they gain ground; and in this country they can never do us harm if we do not give way [to negligence], as hitherto [we have done]. i hope that your most illustrious lordship will pardon the annoyance of this, as springing from my zeal [57] for the service of the king and the welfare of the nation; and i confide in the inborn devotion [thereto] of your most illustrious lordship, whose life i entreat god our lord to preserve for the many years which i desire and need. manila, july 16, 1746. most illustrious sir, i kiss the hands of your most illustrious lordship. your most devoted and humble servant, pedro calderon y henriquez (with rubric) [addressed: "to the most illustrious señor don joseph de carbajal y lancaster, of the council and cabinet of the indias, and president of the council."] letter of a jesuit to his brother as the ships which in the years 47 and 48 sailed from here to acapulco were driven back to these islands, the letters which in those years i wrote to my brother could not be despatched. this obliges me to avail myself of a safer opportunity, that afforded by the voyage of the father procurators, pedro murillo [58] and bernardo pazuengos, who for many and important reasons are going to europe by way of the coast (that is, the orient) in a french ship which is going from here to france. in the letters which i wrote in past years, i informed my brother of the enterprise of the missions in joló and mindanao, in which we were involved by the governor of these islands, fray juan de arrechedera, by the hasty remittance of the letters despatched from don felipe (whom may god keep) to the sultans of joló and mindanao, and with his own energetic exhortations and promises to our provincial--so that he gave no opportunity to take any counsel, or to furnish means for avoiding the most serious difficulties. [the worst of these] was, as we soon perceived, that at the very time when he despatched with embassies the letters of our king to the said sultans, the said governor arrechedera sent an urgent invitation to the sultan of joló to come to manila, where he would be hospitably received and entertained. we all knew that the object of the governor was, that the sultan might bring here abundance of pearls and gold; and we also knew that with the departure of the sultan from his kingdom the mission would come to an end, as has actually happened. [59] at the time we were only mistaken in one thing, and that was, to feel sure that the fathers would not leave joló or mindanao; for we reckoned that if the sultan should leave joló the natives would kill the fathers of that mission, and the sultan would easily justify himself because the act had been committed in his absence, and he could even pretend great sorrow for the deaths of the fathers; and in mindanao, when it was known that in joló they had killed the fathers, they would do the same there to those engaged in the mindanao mission. in reality the fathers had arrived at zamboanga. when the moros found themselves obliged to receive the fathers in their kingdoms, according to the promise which they had given in their replies to our king and to the governor of manila, the two sultans agreed between themselves that after they had admitted the fathers [to their countries] they would treacherously kill them, and so that their murder could not be attributed to the influence of the sultans. the means which the sultan of joló took was, that after he left his kingdom they should kill the fathers--although god our lord disposed affairs otherwise from the schemes which the sultan, with unheard-of craft and perfidy, had plotted. in order that my brother may be fully informed, and may correctly relate everything to all those whom my brother may think expedient to tell of it, i send that enclosure which father ygnacio malaga wrote to me; this account is worthy of entire credence, since he was almost an eyewitness of everything which he relates, being one of the missionaries appointed for mindanao. if what governor arrechedera is doing here in manila with the sultan of joló could be known in madrid and roma, and in every other country, people would have no difficulty in believing the enormous perfidy, treachery, and deceit of the said sultan and other moros. it is nearly a year since the said sultan of joló arrived at manila, accompanied by three concubines and several slave-girls. at his arrival the artillery was discharged; and he was lodged very magnificently, in a house provided beforehand for this purpose, outside the walls of manila, with a continual guard of soldiers, whose captain was always under the orders of the sultan. the entry of the sultan into manila was arranged with so much pomp and ostentation that everyone said no more could have been done for the entry of the prince of españa if he should come to manila; but all that is told is less [than the reality]. the governor seeing a scarf woven with pearls and ornaments in gold, immediately his eyes and his heart went out toward the scarf and the many other pearls and jewels which he knew the sultan carried. at this the governor entirely closed his eyes to all the information that was given to him--not only that furnished by the fathers of the said missions who had come back to manila, but the letters which the governor of samboanga had written to him--openly saying that he placed more confidence in the king of joló than in the fathers who sent the information. what causes most general sorrow here (and especially to the archbishop) [60] is, that on account of the governor not being willing to listen to anything against the sultan, that is coming true which the fathers said to his lordship--that the said sultan from manila would cause the ruin of these islands, causing the jolóans by piratical raids to carry away many christian indians as captives, and to destroy churches and villages. this is what they are actually doing, as is written by the fathers in visayas, whose letters i have seen within a few days, and the governor will not permit that a word be uttered in order that it may not be said (although it is well known) that the moros are destroying the island with the gunpowder and balls which have been sent them from manila, and the sultan is paying for them with the pearls and gold which he has given to the said governor. what continually renews the grief of all is, that not only is no remedy applied to so dire evils, but that the governor continues to entertain the sultan in manila as if he were our friend or defender, while he is the greatest traitor and enemy that this christian church has had; and we greatly fear that by this time the said sultan is making himself master of the post at samboangan. [61] it is sufficient to have pointed this out in order that my brother may gain knowledge of the condition in which affairs are. what concerns the mission in mindanao is made sufficiently clear in the letter from father ygnacio malaga, and everything that he says is the simple truth; but, in order that this truth may not be smothered with the reports which this governor of manila is sending to the court at madrid, i have sent my brother that letter of father malaga, entreating him to please show it to the father procurator-general pedro ygnacio altamirano, and to any other person whom my brother may think best, for the sake of the credit of this province and of the entire society--for they do not lack many rivals, who are not willing that the ill-success of the missions of joló and mindanao should be attributed to the perfidy and malice of the moros; but they try to charge it to the very fathers of the society. my brother will also please tell the father procurator altamirano how the father provincial pedro de estrada had written to inform his reverence that all the letters of contract on our side in favor of his illustrious lordship fray arrechedera could not be worded otherwise, since we found ourselves obliged to this by the urgent request of the governor himself, and he had to see all of them. but in reality the course of the said governor cannot in conscience be approved [abonar] except with the reflection that father altamirano knows very well that our letters on this matter were being misconstrued, and that his reverence would not be influenced to bind himself in virtue of them to favor the said señor arrechedera. in order to make this more certain, the said father provincial estrada wrote a letter in order that the said father altamirano should not pay any attention to this undertaking of ours; and i, as his secretary at the time of the said father provincial, wrote the third letter, as i did all the rest. now it is evident to me that the archbishop of manila is informing his majesty very thoroughly of the proceedings of the said governor; and certainly it would go ill with us with the king and his council, if our reports should be presented in favor of the said governor, while those which the archbishop is now sending are entirely contrary to this. here we are, as if in limbo, for we have not had mails from europe for more than three years, except the news which came from china and batavia. the father provincial pedro de estrada died at the end of the year 48; his office was temporarily filled by father josé samaniego, and in seven months he also died. god our lord has freed these islands from the scourge of the english, for the squadron of forty-three ships which was destined for this coast undertook first to seize pondicheri and madrás (which they thought would be an affair of a few days), and then go on to philipinas; but they did not capture either pondicheri or madrás, and much or even the greater part of the squadron was destroyed in a fierce storm. if they had come here, it is certain that now this country would be in the power of the english; for all the precautions that were taken here for our defense were festivities with the sultan of joló and his concubines, to the profound sorrow of the community; etc. cavite, december 2, 1749. [addressed: "to my brother pedro, the abbot."] commerce of the philipinas islands, and advantages which they can yield to his majesty carlos iii to the king our sovereign carlos iii: [62] sire: the pressing obligation which rests upon all good vassals to render some service which shall be profitable to their sovereigns encourages my faint-heartedness to lay at the royal feet of your majesty this work, which i offer with the utmost submission, with the assurance of my most loyal desires that your majesty may enjoy the most prosperous and glorious reign over these dominions. [i am also urged on by] my own practical knowledge [of the subject], and the demand of the entire nation, especially of the mercantile interests--although little do they suspect that i have undertaken the enterprise with so much energy from persuading myself that my good fortune would gain for this act your majesty's kindly regard, which, coming to the knowledge of your loyal vassals, will be received with the utmost satisfaction, and as a proof of your paternal affection and your sincere desire for their advancement. i entreat our lord that he will grant you all success and prosperity, and a long life, in order that these realms may enjoy for very many years the felicitous rule which the nation ought to expect from the distinguished qualifications possessed by your majesty, from which it hopes to become more glorious than ever. prologue to the reader commerce is contemporaneous with human society, from whose necessities it was born. [the author here sketches the origin and development of commerce among civilized nations, and states how in his undertaking this work he received the approval of the late king of spain fernando vi.] commerce of the philipinas islands; the benefit and advantages which the said islands ought to yield to his majesty (whom may god preserve). [this will seem] a strange statement when it is considered that the philipinas islands since the year 1565 have caused to españa every year a very great expense, without affording the least temporal advantage; and when i now try to demonstrate the advantage and benefit of them to the crown of españa some will say that it is already time to stop; and others will ask, "who is this newcomer [63] who so boldly tries to persuade us that the spaniards have neglected their duty for one hundred and ninety-two years?" but so it is, and now is the time to warn them of this neglect; and, although ignorance attempts to prevent this, it shall not make me desist from the undertaking. i desire that his majesty (whom may god preserve) may have positive knowledge of the treasure which he possesses in the philipinas islands; and i am undertaking to place before his majesty plain and clear evidence that they can and ought to furnish very great profit, and maintain themselves from their own products. i make no pretensions as an author, nor do i claim to have the ability for that; therefore let us lay aside panegyrics, which are so unprofitable; for, even if this little work deserves them, that does not comport with my purpose, which is simply the service of his majesty and the advancement of his realms. as regards all that i shall be able to state of the products of commodities which the said islands yield, in order that every one may know that i do not advocate something that is not so, i recommend (although various persons have written on the subject) to the curious the two books of the reverend master father pedro murillo velarde, of the society of jesus, entitled historia de las islas philipinas and historia geografica of the same philipinas islands. these are worthy of attention, and in regard to what is theoretical can furnish much light; as for what concerns the practical, and the experience which i have acquired at the cost of much money, labor, and application, i must make evident all the following. first: we must consider what commodities or products these islands contain or produce, as well as the fact that we do not have to build castles in the air or proceed on fanciful assumptions; all that i assert shall be from my own knowledge. second: whether the products or commodities can be used, and to explain and demonstrate how we can avail ourselves of them; and all that i shall say on this subject will proceed from the long experience which i have had. third: the advantages and benefits which will redound to his majesty, to the spaniards settled in those regions, and to the indians themselves. the first point: as the products of the philipinas islands are enumerated by the reverend father murillo (whom may god keep in paradise), whom i have cited, and those of each island separately, in order not to extend this little work needlessly i will state the most important ones, which are the following: rice, sugar, cotton (of choice quality and very fine), indigo, sulphur, siguey, balate, wax, pepper, coffee, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl; gold, mines of iron, and mines of copper (like that of japon); tobacco, brazil-wood [sibucao], and pearl-fisheries; oil, cacao, birds'-nests, and ebony wood; lead (i believe that, as for the soil in some parts of bisayas, [64] it melts into lead, just as in the island of mauricius, which belongs to the french, it melts into iron); cocoanuts, which produce abundance of oil; [65] horses; deer and buffaloes, from which the people make what they call tapa [i.e., dried beef], and also use the sinews; and bichuca, or rattans. [66] the above-mentioned products are very abundant, and exceedingly easy to collect. i do not, however, wish to include the following, for the reasons which i have mentioned: lead, [of which] i have not personally actual experience, although i regard it as being as sure as all the others; coffee, which, as it is not cultivated, is not abundant, and its consumption is small for exportation, less than it would be for españa or europa; iron, [the working of] which, although it is very abundant, they have not yet succeeded in perfecting; the pearl-fisheries, which are not operated; copper, the mines of which are not worked; and cocoanuts, which are little used outside [the islands] except for oil and nails. [67] the second: the commodities that i have mentioned are exported to the places that are enumerated as follows, and sell at prices that are very profitable--although commerce has, as in all regions, its ups and downs [sus altos y bajos]. to various ports of china: rice, sugar, cotton, indigo, bichuca or rattan, balate, pepper, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl, brazil-wood, ebony, tapa, the sinews of cattle, birds'-nests, and lead when they have it. to the malabar coast and persia: sugar in large quantities, which is sold for money. to the coromandel coast and bengala: sugar, indigo, brazil-wood, sulphur, pepper, siguey, birds'-nests, cotton, and often rice. the third: the advantages and benefit which will accrue to his majesty from the commerce and exportation of the commodities and products of those same islands are various, to wit: the more that the commodities which they need from outside can be supplied from the native products of the islands themselves, the more silver remains in the [spanish] dominions. the more commodities or fruits are exported, so much more land will be cultivated, and many more people employed; and consequently the tributes imposed by his majesty can be all the more easily collected, and from that time the royal exchequer will be better filled; and the vassals, by being kept busy, become more obedient and more loyal. the spanish traders who are established there are favored [by such policy]; for they obtain their profits on both the exportation and the importation, and if one of these fail, the other will be able to supply the deficiency; but the advantage will be the greater if it can be obtained from both sources of gain. when commerce is flourishing, his majesty will obtain greater profits from the customs duties, for which reason it is highly expedient that his majesty encourage the cultivation of the land and the increase of its products--a thing which i do not consider difficult of accomplishment, as i have already demonstrated in another little work, which i have placed in the hands of the ministers. [68] in order to demonstrate clearly how much the people of manila could avail themselves of the products of the land, i will relate what occurred with myself (and it is a circumstance which proves what i advanced in the second point), to wit: when i was at manila the exportation of sugar was rigorously prohibited, so that hardly could a ship carry away enough for its own supply, [the authorities] telling the vessel-owners that it was against the ordinances of his majesty. i remained for some time under this delusion, until i had carefully examined the said ordinances, from which it was clear to me that his majesty had decreed everything in favor of his indian vassals, and that his royal will was, not to oppress them therein. it caused me, then, much pain to see that this thing was so entirely misunderstood, since this prohibition was diametrically opposed to it; for it forbade the people to enjoy the benefits of the country which god had given them, which the king never had intended to take away from them--especially as this [commerce] is the only means that they possess by which they can pay their tributes. finally i undertook to establish generally the exportation of sugar. having been warned of the difficulties, i went to the province where it [69] greatly abounds (which is called pampanga), and did what i could; it was agreed that i should make an experiment, in order to please his lordship. i consented, on the condition that a certain don francisco salgado, a careful and industrious man, should be appointed my assistant; as i had not the time to execute this plan, i only gave him all [necessary] information and instructions. at last we succeeded in making indigo so good that it stood every test, the severest and most certain that are known being those of water and of fire. i sent specimens of that quality to china, the coromandel coast, persia, and londres [i.e., london]; in the first three places they were anxious to obtain it, and offered good prices, and in the last-named one the indigo that had cost 500 reals vellon was sold for 2,600 reals. they will be able to manufacture every year such quantity as they desire. i believe that i have succeeded in what i undertook to demonstrate, which is as follows: first, to make known the abundance of the products of the philipinas islands; second, to prove from my own experience that it is easy to secure the benefit of these; third, to set forth the advantage and benefit which will accrue to his majesty, to the spaniards settled in those regions, and to the indian vassals generally. i can say that charity has induced me to make known what i have already related from my own experience, seeing that all that has hitherto been written [on this subject] is very superficial; nor can the most intelligent man form from those books a stable opinion of what these islands are capable of yielding from their so abundant products. this little work is condensed, but those who are capable of comprehending it will see that it is [so] on account of being written out of thorough understanding and knowledge of what i write about, and not for lack of a very broad field in which i might descant, for it cannot be denied that there is material for filling a volume. nevertheless, i do not claim to lay down the law, nor do i presume to change any system; my intention is only to depict things as they are, in order that his majesty may have actual knowledge of the treasure which he possesses in these islands. no advantage results to me, nor do i expect more than to be a man ready to communicate [what he knows], and desirous to do what shall depend on a limited ability, for the greater benefit of his majesty and the advancement of his realms. but it is already time that we show in what consists the advantage and benefit which will accrue to his majesty from the philipinas islands. what precedes this serves only to demonstrate that the spaniards settled in manila have a broad field for carrying on a flourishing commerce, and even it would redound much to the advantage of his majesty. but what i am earnestly advocating is cinnamon, and it is of great importance to his majesty and worthy of his royal attention; and if i say that no one has hitherto, or since españa conquered the philipinas, made a proposition so certain, so well founded, and so advantageous to his majesty, and to all his dominions and his vassals, it is not much to say. for it is no exaggeration when i say that it is more than the conquistador accomplished; he succeeded, with honor and glory, in conquering the islands, but they have always cost españa most dearly for their maintenance. for not only do i aim to relieve those expenses, which are so large, but those islands can in a few years become a benefit to his majesty, and to his vassals, both spaniards and indians. i do not ask these gratuities, [70] nor that the king should spend one maravedi; my chief object and desire is, that a stable commerce be allowed from those countries to these kingdoms by the most direct route. no one is ignorant of the vast amount of silver which goes every year from españa to the dutch for the supply of cinnamon, for it is not less than many millions of pesos duros each year, as they have estimated; but i affirm that this is because they [i.e., the spaniards] are willing to let the silver go out [of the country]. españa might with as good reason send to olanda to buy her wine as her cinnamon. i will not undertake to argue whence it comes, although i know it very well. what i am trying to do, without offending any one, is to remedy this lack which españa suffers, that the spaniards may use their good judgment and their reason and become true patriots. what a pity it is that his majesty, possessing so noble a commodity, and being able to place it on the market--with as good success as that of ceylán, and even at less than half of the price--should permit so many millions of silver to pass every year from his dominions to the dutch! which is to furnish that people with arms for carrying on war when opportunity may offer. it is well known that españa consumes more cinnamon than all the other nations; can there, then, be greater folly? in order (as i suppose) to humor the dutch, españa leaves unused the cinnamon which she has in her own house, in order to buy it from those enemies and the destroyers of the holy faith in those countries; i say that this is opposed to the christian religion, and i prove it in a few words: if españa would avail herself of this product which she could so easily dispose of, the dutch could not maintain [their establishments in] the island of ceylon, and then españa could even introduce missions in that island. but what foolish talk! the dutch maintain ceilon? the spaniards support it; they pay for its ships, its fortresses, and its garrisons which the dutch have there--although in order to destroy these the spaniards need neither balls, nor gunpowder, nor war. if any one thinks that this is a sweeping statement [es adelantar mucho], we are of differing opinions, because to me it seems a moderate one. i am known as a man who has accomplished much, who has traveled in many lands, and who has not passed through them heedlessly; nor have i stopped to consider the expenditure of money, or the risk to health, in order to satisfy my curiosity and obtain well grounded knowledge of all things wherever i have traveled. to the point: samboanga, the capital of the island of mindanao, is the place which could produce cinnamon as good as that of ceylon, if our people knew how to cultivate it; i have already made the experiment, and it will yield the amount that i shall require. the dutch are well aware of this, [as appears] by evidence which can be verified by me; for they, with their trained and accustomed cunning, placed in the said island a stone with the initial letters of [the name of] their company engraved on it, like those which they are wont to place in their bales of goods, etc., by way of manifesting that these belong to the said company. the said stone was brought to manila while i was there, and was delivered to the marques de obando; and his lordship, knowing that i understood the tricks and policy of those gentlemen, sent to call me, and, showing me the stone, he said, "what is the meaning of this stone, which they have brought to me under such-and-such circumstances?" i replied to his lordship, "it is nothing; it is a mark which the dutch are wont to set up in order to have a pretext, when opportunity offers, for laying claim to the lands in which they have placed the said stones." [71] no one, then, who understands that people--keen, mercenary, and always on the watch--will fail to agree with me, that they do not set up these stones in barren islands, unless it is evident that, on account of the location of these islands, it will not suit the dutch to have [other people there as] close neighbors. when they abandoned the island of maurisius, considering it uninhabitable on account of its sterility, they left no engraved stone in it. it is a circumstance which deserves attention, and is even worthy of coming to his majesty's knowledge; and likewise those who have or have had practical knowledge of these matters regard them in this way. finally, i have compared the quality of the soil at samboanga with that of ceylon, also the leaves of the cinnamon tree; still more, i have gathered the bark of this tree at samboanga and made certain experiments with it, and when i compared it with that from ceylon they were of equal value. i consider, then, [from] the manner of making these experiments with the cultivation of the soil and the culture of the cinnamon, [that] it will prove to be equal [to that of ceylon]. finally, in commencing the experiments which i have made--with the greatest application and industry, and enormous expenses--they are quite sufficient to prove that it will be possible, in the term of five or six years, to produce a large part of the best cinnamon which comes to europa. this i have learned from the experiment with a quantity of chocolate which i ordered to be made in my own house at manila; this product has been greatly liked by the ladies, and by people of taste and understanding, in the said city. in view of these proofs, which i have from actual knowledge of the method of cultivating and preparing this product, it causes me surprise that his majesty is losing a source of profit so extensive and lucrative; and i am persuaded that if full knowledge of them could have reached the officials who might have authority to examine the subject, they would have taken suitable measures to secure this benefit--although it is certain that it would not be considered that no one hitherto has attained it [i.e., such knowledge] except that which is here explained by myself, which is the simple truth. and as for what concerns my part, i can serve, if desirable, in carrying out a work so national and so advantageous to his majesty--in which honor and fame spur me to place myself at the disposal of his majesty, without causing him the expenditure of one real of silver; for, thanks to god, i have the means for travel. nevertheless, i shall never weary in the acquisition of the precious treasures of honor and truth; for god only knows the exceeding satisfaction which i feel in being the first and only person who has had the good fortune to furnish this information, so clear and plain that, if it were published to the world, i am sure that the rest of the nations would conspire against me; for they know its great usefulness, and the little difficulty which i would find in carrying out the plan. i have been assured that the clove is found in mindanao. i have made every possible effort to investigate this, and i believe that it is certainly so, although i cannot assert more than what experience has taught me. but i can affirm with more certainty that the nutmeg grows there, and needs only to be cultivated; also pepper of the best quality, and most delicious, can be had in abundance. at present the only thing left for us is to reflect upon the many advantages and incredible benefits which will accrue to his majesty, and to his dominions and vassals, both spaniards and indians, without costing him a real vellon to establish this commerce. the english and dutch, on the other hand, will spend millions to prevent the success of this great project, for which reason it is evidently necessary to maintain the utmost secrecy regarding it. recapitulation of the advantages and benefits of this commerce first: the millions of pesos duros which now pass out of the domains of his majesty, with which the dutch are enriching themselves and promoting their main commerce, that of the cinnamon; they will have so much less for hostilities against españa, the more that this matter of the cinnamon is pushed in that country, thus rendering it impossible for them to carry away the silver thence. second: great numbers of indians would be employed who now have no way in which to make a living or to pay their tributes; by this means not only would they be relieved [from their burdens], but it would be with great increase to the royal exchequer; and through their application and gains they would consequently be more faithful and constant vassals, while now idleness and vices prevent them from being such. third: the philipinas islands are suffering severely from the lack of communication by a direct route with españa; this could be easily secured by arming the ships there, which need from españa more people than a few officers; and it would be very desirable to transport for those islands some artisans whom they will need for promoting and cultivating the various products of the land. fourth: the more that the lands are cultivated and their products made available, the greater will be the number of men and of infidel indians that will be needed; and consequently they will submit [to spanish authority], and be converted into loyal vassals and friends, and christianity will be increased in those regions, without any fear that the moro and infidel enemies can disturb them. fifth: it will be possible to equip every year three or four ships of six hundred to a thousand toneladas each, and despatch them for europa with cinnamon, pepper, and other spices which will be produced there; and in return they will go back with various commodities and fruits, the products of españa, which the people of manila always find themselves compelled to buy from the english and dutch, carrying away the money for them. in this manner not only will these gains remain within the dominions of his majesty, without the other nations being able to draw thence the money with which they carry on war, [to the] injury of the commerce of españa, but by this means the [spanish] dominions that are so remote will come to be to a large extent dependent one upon another; and as the intercourse between them would be mutual and friendly, the indians consequently would have occasion to see and experience the greatness [of the spanish power]. thus they would come to be more faithful and loyal vassals, and returning to their own lands, would influence their countrymen to be the same. sixth: no one will deny my statement that the cinnamon would [thus] be obtained at a much less cost [by the spaniards] than that at which the dutch can sell it, unless [they encounter] less risk and danger--[which are] so manifest that for the preservation of this commerce they find themselves compelled to maintain a great number of troops and keep up many forts and garrisons, solely to defend themselves. let to all this be added the governors, and the enormous number of people whom they have in their service, with some very large expenses which arise from the various opinions of the companies--the costs of which, so ill applied, render the cinnamon more expensive (although in reality its cost is low), and it is certain that their commerce in spices does not prove to be so profitable as the nations assert. very differently, then, will it be in favor of españa when she reaches the cultivation of the cinnamon; for in place of the great expenses which his majesty has had ever since he took possession of the said island, without its producing any benefit, he will obtain the greatest advantages without spending a real vellon more than at present. especially, labor will be found as cheap, and the cultivation of the soil as easy, as in ceylon; and the navigation can be made with the same advantages that [other] nations [possess], or even greater. for this reason the cinnamon will cost the merchants forty or fifty per cent less than they have actually paid hitherto. it is certain that it is a very serious damage which españa generally suffers in her commerce, from paying, through this negligence, the freight charges of the dutch ships, and the cost of their officers and seamen; and they even maintain their fortifications, etc., with the money which they obtain from españa for this product of cinnamon. seventh: likewise, there would be great advantage to españa in the ships which would come from the philipinas, as i have said (in the fifth point); for they would return laden with many fruits and products of these kingdoms of españa. eighth: the americans would likewise share in this great benefit; for the cinnamon, for which they are today paying so exorbitant a price, they would obtain at very nearly the same price at which it is usually sold in cadiz. ninth: if the cinnamon should become cheap, much chocolate would be consumed by the poor; and consequently the duties would amount to much more, to the advantage of his majesty. notwithstanding that the greatness of the enterprise is clearly demonstrated, and no additional information is needed, two things ought to be noted. first, that no damage or expense can result to his majesty. second, that from this arrangement, it is evident and positive, not the least injury or disadvantage ensues to españa or to america; rather, it is a triple benefit, and indispensable--which, [however,] without general experience and practical knowledge it would be impossible to bring about without each dominion injuring the other; for in this consists the superiority of a man who is an expert. [the writer then proceeds to mention the spiritual advantages which would result from the temporal; but his argument becomes somewhat lame here, reducing itself to the "hope that, with the help of our lord, a firm and permanent peace with the moros may be secured" he makes an interesting statement regarding the extent of the ravages committed by the mindanao pirates: "i am certain, from accurate information, that during the government of the marqués de obando he cost the king eight millions of reals vellon [for this purpose], although he proceeded with the utmost economy and care in the manner in which he used the royal revenue; and, having made in the year 1755 a calculation of the expenses which these piracies were causing to his majesty and his vassals (both spaniards and indians) from the ravages made by the moros and infidels during the eight years preceding, it amounted to about eighty millions of reals vellon," not to mention the killing of priests and native christians. of course, if peace is secured with the moros, the progress and extension of the missions in the islands is assured. the writer again declares his devotion to the service of god and the king, his readiness to explain his plans further to those who desire more information, and his confidence that they will command the confidence of men of understanding, judgment, and patriotism.] although through experience (tempus edrax rerum) one can come to know the utility and advantage which will accrue from the execution of this so vast enterprise, i trust that i have demonstrated it quite sufficiently to render it worthy of the consideration of his majesty; nevertheless, seeing how much is involved, it is fitting for my honor to furnish proofs, the most detailed and circumstantial. this induces me to quote part of the lading which came in seventeen ships of the company of olanda, as published in the gazette of amsterdam, dated on july 3 of this present year, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine--products which are and may be those of the very islands in question; and in order to show how very important it is to give attention to what is herein proposed, each commodity is valued at the regular price which it can bring in the ports of cadiz, alicante, etc. prices libras [commodities] reals reals vellon vellon per total, libra 4,672,746 of pepper 7 32,709,222 50,000 of nutmeg 39 1,950,000 60,000 of mace 70 4,200,000 360,000 of cloves 50 18,000,000 375,840 of cinnamon 58 21,198,720 3,000 of candied nutmeg 60 180,000 2,398 of candied cloves 70 167,860 883,142 of sugar 3.94 [72] [3,424,000] 40,490 of camphor 16 649,840 6,582 of benzoin 22 134,936 10,500 of borax 15 157,500 12,146 of gum-lac 12 145,752 3,000 of gum myrrh 12 36,000 3,514 of gamboge 16 56,224 20,049 of indigo, superior 30 601,470 --------- [total,] eighty-three millions, six hundred and eleven thousand, five hundred and twenty-four reals vellon. 83,611,524 i have taken into consideration the objections which may be brought forward by persons who are little acquainted with trade, and these are reduced, substantially, to the following: that the consumption of these commodities in the dominions of his majesty cannot be regulated by the above calculation. they speak glibly; but, in order not to lose time with these persons, i answer them, that one is compelled to encounter ignorance, but the only concern of great souls is to serve faithfully their kings and nations, and endure the calumnies which are uttered against honest men--imitating the stars, which, no matter how much the dogs bark, do not cease to shine down upon them and to follow their own courses. accordingly, let us proceed to truths which are plain: first: that the dutch carry these commodities in large quantities, as is above stated--a proof that there is a consumption for that amount, and that this is a profitable trade. second: that the calculation which i have made cannot be defective, since the [amounts of the] commodities agree with the figures published by the dutch themselves; and the prices are obtained from the company of druggists, in accordance with what they pay for the goods at the ports. third: that the greater part [of these commodities], and the most important ones, if not [all], can be the products of the philipinas islands. fourth: that these commodities must cost much less than in olanda, or in any other country, is manifest and undeniable for this reason, that the dutch are obliged to incur enormous expenses--for governors, members of council, lesser servants without number, and many troops--in order to maintain their establishments; and these expenses increase just so much the prices of their spices, so that, if they buy these from the [eastern] nations at ten, the goods are worth to them twenty-five. this would not occur with us, because the king does not need to increase the expenses in order to secure the advancement of the islands. it would be entirely different; for, if these plantations are established, thousands of indians who now are suffering the utmost poverty without having any opportunity to work, and for the same reason cannot pay their tributes, would have a means of gaining their living and of paying their tributes, and on this very account it would serve much for the increase of the royal revenue. as these indians are not paid for their labor at higher rates than are those among whom the dutch reside, we must reckon, for the reasons here stated, that those same commodities would cost much less, and that the spaniards could sell them at lower prices than do the dutch; and, as the merchant in every country buys where he will find his greatest advantage, españa would be the fair for these commodities which have already enriched so many nations. but let us proceed to reveal the cunning of the dutch, who furnish only three millions, seven hundred and fifty thousand, eight hundred and forty libras of cinnamon--which, at the rate of sixteen onzas a libra, make six [73] millions, thirteen thousand, four hundred and forty onzas. the rule for making chocolate is to take ten libras of cacao, ten of sugar, and eight onzas of cinnamon, or even less, and on account of the waste [74] it is computed that the result will be twenty libras net; consequently, from the three millions, seven hundred and fifty thousand, eight hundred and forty libras of cinnamon could be made fifteen millions, thirty-three thousand, six hundred libras of chocolate. although it is folly to make such a proposition, i ask whether there are not in españa, [75] all america, the philipinas islands, and, in short, all the so various domains of his majesty, counting all these together, four millions of persons who drink chocolate sixty-four times in the year, in accordance with the rule of one onza for each time. even the most ignorant or malicious person will not deny my proposition; this makes, then, the consumption of chocolate sixteen millions of libras, and for making it there will be needed four hundred thousand libras of cinnamon. hence are drawn two conclusions. one is, the extreme craftiness of the dutch, in not furnishing more than the said quantity in order to supply the spaniards, and in making them believe that they will be left without chocolate; and thus they succeed in obliging the spaniards to pay for the cinnamon at the very high prices which the dutch have fixed in these recent years--for it is a hundred per cent more costly, and fifty per cent worse in quality; therefore there is an increase of a hundred and fifty per cent in favor of the dutch, and of three hundred per cent to the injury of españa, who without reason endures this tyranny. therefore, if the dutch are not mistaken in the estimate of cinnamon which they published in the gazette, and as the consumption [of that spice] in españa is as i have made evident, there will not be cinnamon to supply all the nations; nevertheless, there will be no lack of it in any of them. [76] second: since it is so evident that in the dominions of his majesty there is consumed in [the beverage of] chocolate alone (without counting the numerous kinds of food in which use is made of it) sixteen millions of libras, and in order to make it there are needed four hundred thousand of cinnamon, at the rate of fifty-eight reals vellon that quantity will cost twenty-three millions, three hundred thousand reals vellon, which is the least that españa could advance for the execution of the project. moreover, i do not know any reason for not admitting the commodity of pepper--which not only is so exceedingly abundant in the islands, but i persuade myself that, since it is so excellent in its crude state, it would with skilful treatment be better than that of any [other] country. it is also plain to us that the dutch bring [to europa] four millions, six hundred and seventy-two thousand, seven hundred and forty-six libras of it; they assure me that only because of the great abundance of garlic [77] in españa the pepper brings no more than seven reals vellon a libra--[at which rate] the above quantity will amount to thirty-two millions, seven [hundred] and nine thousand, two hundred and twenty-two reals vellon. this added to the twenty-three millions, three hundred thousand reals [for cinnamon] will make fifty-six millions, nine thousand, two hundred and twenty-two reals vellon. people will say, "where would we consume so much pepper?" then where does olanda consume it, i would like to know? "[and there are] francia and inglaterra; do they bring much less [to europa]?" do not those who ask such questions know how much the king is paying to norbega [i.e., norway] and the northern countries for lumber, cordage, etc., for the construction in his royal navy? and that, if it happens that care is not given in time to the planting of oak groves, he will need much more [from those countries]?--at present these commodities are paid for in ready money, which would not be the case if we could give the merchants there the pepper, etc., so cheaply (or at less expense than [if purchased from] another country), on account of the great consumption of pepper which there is in those countries, and because this would be a [form of] trade that is mutually advantageous, as i have already said, for the day-laborer and the shepherd. it would be permanent, and many millions of reals which now leave españa would remain here, to the greatest advantage not only of his majesty, but of his vassals. i say, then, that no one is able to deny these two propositions, of which his majesty will be best able to judge. have i heard some one argue that españa has [78] need of preventing thus the exportation of silver? such arguments are foolish, and one should laugh at them. do we not know that olanda commands that a very large part of the spice product be burned and destroyed, in order that a commodity which brings her so enormous a profit should not, through its excessive abundance, contribute to her loss? i say, then, that if españa reaches an excessive abundance of silver, it would be far better for the king to command that the mines be closed, or to fling the silver into the sea, than to let it pass into the hands of those who tomorrow can avail themselves of it to carry on war [against españa]. others i have heard talk [on this subject], so frivolously that i was astounded, hinting at the resentment of this other nation if españa should profit by what is her own--that is, the execution of the proposition [that i have made]. that is the same as to say that inglaterra or any other nation could declare that españa shall not cultivate the ground or sow the wheat, because it suited that nation to supply it; it is to talk very heedlessly, without knowing that españa can limit the commerce of francia, inglaterra, and olanda whenever she desires, without cannon-ball or gunpowder, by the prohibition of silver alone. if she chooses to deprive any one of those countries of this advantage, she has only to calculate what she owes to the other two for the net balance of their trade, and then not allow any more silver to go out to those countries; and these, needing it for themselves, will not be able to supply the other one. i can assert that españa, if she would avail herself of the rights which god has given her, would make herself more worthy of respect by depriving the [other] nations of what is essential, not only for their commerce, but for waging war to advantage. i believe that no one will dispute the advantages and benefit which can accrue from the philipinas islands, and it is this which from the outset i have attempted to demonstrate, although i omit, for the sake of brevity, the explanation of many things. keeping in mind how much i owe to the infinite mercy and goodness of supreme providence, in the second part of the work alluded to, which i presume to present to his majesty, i have treated at length of the ravages which the moros have committed during very many years in those islands, and of the exceeding damage which they thus cause to our holy roman catholic and apostolic faith, for i cannot do less. indeed, it is evident that god has assisted me with his divine grace; and therefore i certainly ought to defend and, if it should be necessary, die for his cause. accordingly, in whatever concerns the subjection of the moros, and consequently the protection and advancement of the holy faith in those islands, i hope to deserve that his majesty will do me the honor of appointing six lieutenant-commanders--three from his royal navy, and three from his army--in order that they may examine with the utmost care the plan upon which i have based my proposition, giving their opinions in writing for presentation to his majesty, in two copies, one for his majesty's royal council of the indias, the other for myself. when this examination shall be made, and the plan approved by the king if such be his royal will, i will immediately proceed to furnish the plan of the whole matter which i have drawn up for the execution of the project--from which, after further investigations (which are very just, and perhaps will be quite unprecedented) his majesty can more easily decide what shall be most expedient in this matter, as also the selection of persons for the said purpose. as for what pertains to the commerce, for greater certainty i deemed it expedient to communicate my intention to don antonio butlert [sic], formerly a merchant of cadiz--since he is distinguished not only for his great success in business and his genuine friendship to this nation, but by his long experience in and thorough knowledge of the commerce of these dominions--asking him to give me his disinterested opinion on the subject, in which he should consider with the utmost attention the general welfare of these dominions; and this opinion i have, in writing, and signed with the name of his firm, which reads "butlert and matheos." some persons who are little acquainted with affairs so vast, and who have still less ability to make ready for the great things which remain to be done, will suppose that the execution [of this plan] is easy, to one who has the writings which i have already furnished; nevertheless, if they engaged in the undertaking they would find themselves much mistaken, and the result would be greatly to the detriment of the nation. warned by what i have passed through, and dreading [the effects of] ignorance and malice, i have reached the decision to supplicate the king to grant me the honor of this examination--desiring, whatever may fall to my lot, to prove that i have no other purpose than to serve faithfully both majesties and their vassals, and entreating them for this end to dispose of my life and person, of which i will gladly make sacrifice in proof of my loyalty and sincere devotion. extracts from the proposition of don nicolas norton nicols; the conditions which he requires; the benefits and advantages which will accrue to his majesty and his vassals, on whose account his majesty was pleased to issue a decree on the twenty-third of february last. the aim of the said proponent is, to establish in the philipinas islands plantations of cinnamon, pepper, other spices, etc., and to open a direct commerce between the said islands and cadiz, by way of the cape of good hope. conditions.--that he shall be permitted to undertake the said route from cadiz, or may go to the said islands and make the voyage from there to cadiz, as he shall find most convenient. if he shall set out from cadiz, on account of not having time to build ships he shall be permitted to buy whatever vessels [he may need], without excepting those of foreigners. the cargo from cadiz must consist of different fruits, liquids, [79] and commodities that are products of españa and of her commerce, as on the return voyage it must be from the various products and commodities of the said islands and of their commerce. that his majesty remit the duties for the first voyage, and that the proponent be permitted to embark freely at cadiz the silver that he needs to defray the purchase of his return cargo. on the second voyage he shall pay at cadiz not only the five per cent duties but the three per cent of the silver which he shall thereafter embark, as is done with the [traders of foreign] nations. in order to obviate any objection, he will not enter any port belonging to his majesty or to any power of europa; he shall, however, be permitted to enter and anchor at any one of the indian ports, whether in these or in those seas, and therein buy, sell, exchange, or lade the goods which shall be offered to him. the advantages, etc., will be the following: his majesty will not subject his royal revenue to any expense, nor will it be exposed to the evil designs of men, or to the doubtful patriots who pretend to have knowledge. there is no treaty that can be set against him, as he can prove. by the most moderate computation, the dutch annually export four millions of pesos for the spice-trade; this, therefore, is to make them powerful, to the injury of españa. norvega, st. petersbourgh, and other countries demand a great amount of cash for lumber, pitch, cordage, sails, etc., for the royal shipbuilding, the greater part of which would be paid for in spices, as these are greatly liked in those countries. equivalent injury to españa, as is stated above. [80] the commodities and products of españa would have a much larger market. a strong stimulus to the cultivation of the soil. his majesty would experience much relief in the expenses of transportation for the missions. this navigation would serve as a nursery for the navy, as is found by experience in other countries. the direct communication would serve as a check on a thousand abuses, not only in the government of the islands, but in other matters. if his majesty should grant this privilege to the said islands, it would be most just that the commonwealth of manila should carry on its commerce with acapulco at its own cost, without laying the burden of it on his majesty. by not possessing this commerce when she can have it, españa is maintaining thousands of strangers in place of a like number of her own vassals; [the latter would] redound to the increase of the royal revenue, and in the course of years to the propagation of the holy faith. the moros, who now are by their wars destroying the felicitous progress of the christian religion, when they found by experience how much more it suited their own interests to maintain peace and commerce with the spaniards than to wage war against them, would inviolably observe their treaties; for, notwithstanding the cruelties which the dutch practice against their indians, the latter tolerate them on account of the advantages of their commerce. the people of manila will, when they have a market for their products, cultivate the land; they will establish family estates, and enrich themselves; and their riches, like those of the americans, will finally come to españa. the duties which your majesty would receive from this new commerce would in a very few years amount to very considerable sums. it would be a stimulus to other new commercial undertakings, which would be beneficial to his majesty and his vassals. the whole matter in small compass his majesty, without risking anything, is going to gain infinitely more than what has been [here] stated. the method of securing these vast benefits is the easiest and safest which can be put into practice, and itself makes plain the useful and salutary design of the proponent. don nicolas norton nicols bibliographical data the documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources: 1. santa misericordia.--from manifiesta y resumen historico de la fundacion de la venerable hermandad de la santa misericordia (manila, 1728), by juan bautista de uriarte; from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer, chicago. 2. survey of the philipinas.--from a ms. in the museo-biblioteca de ultramar, madrid--pressmark, "24-4a.-1.735;" various plans in it are here reproduced. 3. order of st. john.--from religiosa hospitalidad por los hijos del ... s. ivan de dios en philipinas (granada, 1742); from a copy in the possession of edward e. ayer. 4. letter to president of council.--a copy, furnished by sr. d. roman murillo, madrid, of the original ms., which he, as librarian of the academia española, madrid, found among other papers therein, this being the only one relating to the philippines. 5. letter by a jesuit.--from ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 297-305. 6. commerce of the philipinas.--from a ms., either the original rough draft or a contemporaneous copy, in the possession of edward e. ayer. 7. relation of the zambals.--from a certified copy--procured for us by sr. d. manuel de yriarte, chief of division of archives at manila--of the original ms., which is preserved in the archives of the convent of santo domingo in manila. appendix: relation of the zambals by domingo perez, o.p. ms. dated 1680. source: a certified copy of the original ms., which is preserved in the archives of the convent of santo domingo, manila. translation: this is made by james alexander robertson. relation of the zambals relation of the zambal [81] indians of playa honda, their situation and customs. by father fray domingo perez, of the order of preachers and vicar-provincial of the religious who assist in the said mission. year of 1680 [82] the very reverend father, fray baltazar de santa cruz, prior-provincial of this province of santo rossario of the order of preachers in these philipinas islands, having visited the villages (which we have today united and their inhabitants reduced to the said villages) and us two ministers who for the space of nine months have been busied in the reduction of said indians, said reverend father provincial ordered me to write a treatise on the site whence we have drawn the indians whom we have reduced, their customs, and mode of living. in order that the evangelical ministers who have to work in this mission may be able more clearly to direct those souls redeemed by the blood of our lord christ along the true pathway of heaven from which they have strayed so far for so many years blinded with the darkness of infidelity and idolatry; also in order that this paper may be used so that the ministers of justice of the king, our sovereign, may subject said indians and establish them under the obedience of his catholic majesty: although it is true that for more than sixty years they had ministers of the gospel, neither said ministers nor his majesty have been able to succeed in getting them to live in a settlement so that they may be administered or have justice as today it is hoped that they will be. the most that it has been possible to obtain with them was that distinct bands of them should unite on various occasions in the mountain on the plateau where the ministers had a house and church. but they immediately broke up again, said division occasioning the wars which those indians generally wage among their different bands, and the alcaldes-mayor were unable to punish the guilty and ungovernable because of the greater distance from the chief cities where the alcaldes-mayor live to these places, and because the coast of the sea is so rough during all the time of the vendavals and south winds, that it is impossible to navigate along it, while the road overland is so rough and blocked by mountains full of black enemies (those mountains being very rough in parts), and in the ravines there are very great rivers with very strong currents, so that in the rainy season one can have no communication from this place, with pangasinan, or with mariueles, or with pampanga; and during the dry season these indians are generally with the blacks in the mountains trading wax: consequently, they have never been obedient to the alcaldes-mayor, and hence, neither to his majesty nor to the gospel ministers whom they have hitherto had. although they have had ministers of great virtue and most ardent zeal for souls, as can be seen in the annals of their sacred order and even today, there are ex-provincials who have been their ministers whose signal virtues are apparent to all the community. of the site and district of playa honda playa honda begins at the doors of mariueles and extends along the mountains which border pampanga to the point of sunga and near pangasinan, which is distant more than forty leguas from mariueles to the visita of the christian baga indians who are administered by the minister of mariueles. they perform their duties toward the church every year, notwithstanding that they show very many imperfections, a fact which is not surprising, since the minister cannot be with them all the time that he would like, as the coast is inaccessible all the time of the vendavals. during that time they must necessarily live without a minister to instruct them. that visita has thirty tributes. although they have a village laid out with its church and house for the minister, they do not live in the said village except when the minister goes to visit them. they live in their rancherías whence they get molave wood in abundance. they have sufficient fields in said village for all, and for twice as many more if they cared to cultivate them, but they apply themselves more earnestly in cutting said timber than in farming their fields. they get considerable help for [cutting] said wood from the blacks of the mountain, for those blacks are excellent woodsmen. all those blacks are tributary and pay twelve reals annually for their tribute. the tribute is managed by the indians, and the encomendero does not meddle with them in the collection of the tribute from the blacks, but the indians pay the said tribute for the blacks. hence the black serves the indian all the year, without the black having other profit at the end of the year than his tribute paid. this is the reason why the village is continually without people, because the indians, on account of the profit from the work of the blacks, go to live with the blacks, or near the pass of the mountain, where said blacks live, in order to assist them in the work, for the blacks unless assisted physically do not work. four leguas from this visita toward the north is another visita called mariyumo, administered also by the said father minister of mariueles. its people are christians, although very bad ones, and seriously lacking in the faith, and have very many imperfections. they have very many superstitions and are much given to omens. not all of them are very fit to receive the annual communion. they also have a village laid out and a church and house for the minister. however, they do not live in the said village, but in their rancherías, much divided among themselves as are those of baga; although they are not such absolute masters of the blacks as are those of vaga, they also have blacks under trust on which account they receive many vexations from the encomendero, for it is the regular thing for them to pay the tribute for the blacks. the latter are more free than the blacks of vaga, for they have more land where they can spread out, which those of vaga do not have. those indians also possess considerable molave timber, but they are lazier than the indians of vaga. consequently, there is no one to cut the wood unless the corregidor of the island who administers justice to them, forces them to cut said wood. it would be doing a great service to god to unite the latter indians with those of baga, so that our holy catholic faith might be well administered to them. they number about forty tributes, and, if they are united with those of vaga, they can have a minister in residence where they will be well administered, and where they have lands sufficient for their farming, and timber in abundance. in such case there would not be so great a scarcity of that product in the city of manila. one legua from mariyumo begins the bay which lies back of the mountains of abucay and samal, where we commenced to get the indians whom we have collected in this nuevo toledo. the said bay has plenty of fish. its mouth is about one legua wide, and is closed by a small island surrounded by many reefs on the southern side, but on the north it is very deep--so that any sized ship can enter even when laden. but the said bay has no port and lies in the course of all the vendaval and the south winds. it is five leguas long stretching toward the east, and as many wide. along all that bay, which it will take two days to coast, were scattered twenty-two families, who are today living in this village of nuevo toledo where they have their houses and fields. having passed the said bay and entered the mountain, one legua inland in the mountain, one enters a very level and long plain. one-half legua inland in the plain, is situated the first village called nuevo toledo. that plain is six leguas wide and eight long. it is bounded on the east by some very rough mountains which lie between the province of pampanga and that plain; at the foot of those mountains were the rancherías of balacbac, which has fourteen families; lacnipan which had seven; sigle which had fourteen more; aglao which had thirty-three. all those families were scattered, so that in no ranchería did five families live together. the sea properly called playa honda bathes its western coast. on the sea-coast were thirty-six families of very pernicious indians, all of whom we collected into the village of santa rossa de banguen, where they possess their houses and fields. those indians were scattered along the creeks and carrizals [83] near the sea, along six leguas of coast and level land beyond the plain running toward the north two leguas. at the foot of some very rough mountains between the sea and buquil, there were fourteen other families whom we have also collected in said village of santa rossa de banguen, which today consists of fifty families. that said village of santa rossa is six leguas from that of nuevo toledo over a stretch of level land in which there is a very great abundance of game. many were supported by that and had no fields and wherever they caught the deer or carabao they stayed there until they finished eating it. but at present they possess their gardens in the village, and since care is taken in this, they will not be lazy, and will live in the village where, having their gardens and the food from them, they will not have so great need of the hunt. six leguas farther on in another site called nalso, a plain where are stationed the presidio and fort of pinauen in a corner of said plain at the foot of the mountains of buquil, was a little village of about forty families, which the very reverend father, fray joseph de la santísima trinidad, ex-provincial of his order, had collected in said district. there were there, moreover, twelve families who had recently descended the mountains of buquil, whom, since they were far from the fields, and the flight to the mountains was very near and five families had returned to the mountains, and there was no assurance of the others if left in said site, we transferred to the visita of alalam, which is now composed of eighty families. the latter place is seven leguas from the village of santa rossa de banguen. those who have had most difficulty have been the thirty-three families whom we moved from the site and district of aglao, as they were very wild indians, and little or not at all softened until the present, and said site is distant six leguas from the village of nuevo toledo where we stationed it. three leguas of the road are very bad, and there is not a drop of water to be found for four leguas, during all the dry season. the road is over sandy ground which is very large and full of rocks left by the river which flows from the mountain of pinatuba; and in those places where there are no rocks, but only the sand, the road is also very wearisome because that sand has no cohesion, and the least wind that blows lifts the dust which blinds the travelers and has thus cost the greatest hardship to those of this district who take that road in going and coming between the village and the mountain. in the month of january of this year of eighty, we had them all ready in the village, and i, taking them to the mountain so that they might bring down their possessions and rice to the village, and each family having brought down five baskets of rice, one-half the distance along the road, more than half of the people fell sick, because of the great labor which it cost them to pass the said sandy ground. on that account i ordered them to abandon their rice and possessions and to bring it down little by little, and in order that they might make their gardens before the season should expire, and so that they might finish their houses. they have already finished them, and their gardens are at a musket-shot's distance from the village, according to the edict which governor don juan de vargas hurtado, knight of the habit of santiago, changed for them for that purpose. even in these slight things, his lordship has been active on account of his so great desire that the indians be reduced and be reasonable, if we may so say, for as will be seen in their customs in which they have been reared until the present, they were wandering very far from nationality and civilization. the village of nuevo toledo was composed of more than one hundred families, and that of santa rossa de banguen, of fifty, in the month of january of this year 1680. all declared themselves before adjutant alonso martinez franco, superior commandant of the fort of paynauen. the latter, at the evident risk of his life, and with the continual watchfulness and zeal of a fervent religious, without heeding his own interest which he would have had if he wished to pay no heed to the order of his superior, and to receive the offerings of gold which the indians made to him so that he should not oblige them to leave their recesses, has aided us to his own great credit in collecting the indians whom we have today in the two said villages. he made lists of the people who were in the two villages above mentioned, who amounted to seven hundred and seventy persons. those people persevere even yet in the said two villages, and will persevere so long as the efforts which are being made to reduce those who are yet intractable in the mountains, do not cease. the said adjutant and superior commandant of the said presidio also formed the new village of alalam by withdrawing its ancient inhabitants from the places where they lived before, and brought them within a musket-shot of their fields. they were before that one legua distant from their fields. that site has a small bay, which the sea forms there, where there is very good fishing, and where boats can safely enter. the said village did not have such a bay before, in the former site. he also made lists of the indians whom he brought to the said village, who are the ones of nalso who were located at the foot of the mountains of buquil, and those who descended said mountains. i was not present when the said lists were made and hence do not know the number of the persons there, but it is evident to me that those gathered in the said village number more than fifty families. i have seen their houses which are already finished, and are excellent buildings, made of strong and hard materials. those indians also will retain in the said village, which is large, the horror which they have for the spanish arms, and more, if the raids of the spaniards on the indians who still keep to the mountains are repeated. of the idolatries of all those indians having to treat of the idolatries, superstitions, and customs of the zambals, i think i ought first to mention that my purpose is not to discourage the ministers of the gospel, who have to plant our holy catholic faith among those indians, but to impart to them the brief information which i possess of the little which i have ascertained in respect to the great amount which there is to ascertain, and which will be discovered with the lapse of time, concerning the customs of that blind people, who have lived so misguidedly and so far from reason at the doors of the true evangelical light which we profess. although they are surrounded by provinces whose inhabitants are excellent christians, such as the provinces of pampanga, pangasinan, and mariueles, yet notwithstanding they have been influenced very little or not at all for the good by the customs of the christians, on account of their lack of communication with them; for they only go to the said provinces to trade and traffic for a brief space of time, and then, if anybody is careless they cut off his head. hence, as i have said, they have but little communication with reasonable people. on the contrary, i think this paper of mine will serve as a stimulus for us religious, who, leaving our convents of our fatherland españa and our friends and relatives, being moved by the zeal for souls, come to these philipinas islands to publish our holy catholic faith, to preserve it, and teach good morals. all this drags us from our provinces in españa, and deprives us of our fatherland. here, then, among these miserable zambals, we shall find much to do. it is unnecessary to go to seek infidels in other kingdoms, for we have them here, although few; and at the same time we have one to subject them for us and place them under our obedience. i say then that this paper of mine will serve as a stimulus to the ministers of the gospel to come to employ themselves in the service of our lord and his holy catholic faith, when they consider the great evil that there is to tear out and eradicate from the hearts of these indians, and the great good that they lack to make them christians. and although there are very many baptized persons among them, yet in nothing at all are any of them different from the others, if one considers their customs and mode of living. those baptized are as idolatrous as those not baptized. i am not surprised at this, for until now the former ministers have not had any opportunity for living in residence among them, since they have not cared to collect them into a settlement. and if they have collected them, it has been for a short time only, and their evil customs have taken them again to the mountains and recesses whence we have drawn them, but today according to the efficacy which the governor of these philipinas islands places in the spiritual and temporal good of these wretched creatures, we have excellent hopes that they will persevere in their settlements and will be able to be taught the true pathway to heaven. these indians have their priests and priestesses, although such have no jurisdiction over the others; for here everyone is master of his own will, and they alone recognize superiority in one in so far as he gives authority to the other priests and priestesses for some special sacrifices. this last is done to the one who pays well for it. this priest is called bayoc, and he dresses like a woman. he wears a tapis [84] or apron, and ties up his hair like a woman, although above the tapis he wears and girds his catan, on the left side, and on the right side, his yua [85] as other men. those are the weapons of all these indians and no one goes without them, even though it be within his own house. the idol to whom this bayoc principally offers sacrifice is called malyari, which means "powerful." this idol is made with a wooden head and its body and hands of straw. they dress it up like an image after their manner, place it on its altar and niche, then light for it torches of pitch for lack of wax candles. all the people of the ranchería assemble to make the sacrifice. having built his altar, the bayoc takes his spear in his hand and makes three holes in the earth with it. those holes are filled with wine, and the spear, having been thrust into the ground, the bayoc begins his sacrifice, with a leaf of wild anahao or wild palm in his hand. he commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many wry faces by means of his eyes, he generally talks, sometimes between his teeth, without anyone understanding him. sometimes he contents himself with the wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the tremblings of all his body. after a few minutes he strikes himself twice on the knee with the hand in which he holds the palm-leaf, and says that he is the anito to whom the sacrifice is being made. at this the sacristan (for the devil has even in this the semblance of god and wishes to resemble his divine majesty) explains the need of the person who orders the sacrifice made. the bayoc promises to fulfil the desire of the person who is having the sacrifice made, and immediately the bystanders begin to sing certain songs in praise of the anito or idol. while they are being sung, they give the bayoc and the sacristan something to drink, and after those two, all those present drink. but no one drinks or eats anything that has been offered in the sacrifice until the bayoc eats or drinks, for they say they would die if they ate or drank before the anito, and for the anito to eat or drink is no other thing than for the bayoc to eat or drink. the office of sacristan, although the bayoc gives it to whomever he wishes, is not of great estimation, and in the absence of the one appointed for such office, the bayoc substitutes in his place the first one he lays his eyes on. but the office of bayoc is held in high estimation among them, and i am not surprised, for it possesses such advantages that for certain honors which he performs for a deceased person, they generally give him ten taes in gold. those honors are performed so that the soul of the deceased may leave its relatives, for they say that the said soul always follows them until said honors are shown it. [86] those honors are not shown to all, because all people do not have the means for those expenses. when they are performed, all the relatives and friends of the deceased are invited to be present at them. they offer food made of rice, buyo, tobacco, and wine to the amount that seems sufficient for the guests. then clothing malyari as abovesaid, and presiding over the ceremonies in a two-fold manner, [87] there is pure disorder. some lament, some sing, some play their musical instruments, and some dance after their manner. but whatever those who lament and those who sing, lament and sing is in memory of the deceased. finally, what is offered is consumed, and when they finish eating and drinking, the sacrifice is finished, and each of the guests takes his cup from which he has drunk, although some are accustomed to leave them, but they are the fewest. consequently, if one hundred persons attended the honors one hundred other cups would have to be obtained for each person to take his cup. it is to be noticed that they do not always dress the anito malyari, for only the bayoc has it, but whenever said bayoc offers sacrifices for any deceased person he dresses it, although some sacrifices are also made to other anitos without dressing said malyari. they also have their kind of baptism, which only the bayoc has authority to administer, first making a sacrifice to malyari in the abovesaid manner. at the same time, they clothe the one baptized according to their fashion. he looses his hair and hangs at the ends some small pieces of gold. the sacrifice having been finished, in place of water the bayoc baptizes him with the blood of a hog, either of the domestic or wild variety. the relatives of the one baptized stand all about him and the former on top of a rock. the ceremonies having been finished, the bayoc cuts the ends of the hair of the baptized person, from which hang the bits of gold, and flings them aloft, and the bystanders collect them hurriedly. that gold is afterward held in high estimation and with difficulty will they let go of it. consequently, those nearest the one baptized and his relatives, while the ceremonies and the sacrifice are being performed, sing certain songs, and all those who are present answer them. however, there are also very few who are baptized in this manner, because the fees which are given to the bayoc are large, and generally amount to eight taes of gold. if while the sacrifice or the ceremony of baptism is being performed, the bystanders make a great racket, and if after the bayoc has ordered them to keep still, the noise does not abate, then the bayoc takes some bran, dust, or sand, and flings it into the air over the heads of those who are making the racket, and after that is done no one dares to open his mouth and all the racket stops. the method exercised by the bayoc in delegating power to the other priests of the idols is not less ridiculous than all his other affairs. the new anitero or priest-to-be collects much wine, and the bayoc attends for one or two days a great drunken revel which must last for the space of seven days without cessation. in that revel everyone who enters or goes out, has leave to drink, and they are so long-winded in that matter that as many as gather there have to get drunk, and until he falls down and becomes dead drunk, they do not allow him to leave that place. then the bayoc thereupon proclaims such and such a miserable wretch as master of such and such an anito. as soon as the seven continuous days of the first revel are finished, they begin another seven days counting every second day; and when those second seven days are ended, they begin another seven, counting every third day. if any of these circumstances are lacking, the bayoc says that the idol or anito will punish them, and such anito will not obey the priest. the pay which is given to the bayoc for his assistance and proclamation to the new priest of his priesthood is according to the anito which he takes; for the anitos have their hierarchies among themselves. there is one anito which costs eight taes of gold, some that cost six, some four, and some three, according to the anito which each one wishes. acasi. the anito superior to all seems to me to be the one called acasi; for they sing him a song which says "mag yaman man a malyari monagon si acasi," namely, "although malyari is powerful acasi gets the first fruits." this is the refrain when they sing in the sacrifice which is made to this idol. that idol has few priests, for the authority given them by the bayoc to be able to offer sacrifice to him costs them a great sum. that idol, they say, is useful for the sick, and for works of importance. all his priests declare that they talk with acasi, but no one says that he sees him or does anyone of the bystanders hear him talk. the same is true of the other idols and their priests; and all become good and drunk whenever a sacrifice is made, and the priest tells them that the idol has told him the lies that he makes up, and the others believe them as truth. this is universal among all the other sacrifices which are made to the other idols. manglobar. there is another idol called manglobar. they say that that idol pacifies angry hearts. hence, when anyone commits a murder, he sends to the priest of that idol to have him pacify the relatives of the murdered man, and to reconcile them with the murderer. that reconciliation consists in the murderer giving gold or something worth it to the relatives of the murdered person, according to the rank of the latter. if the murderer has no gold, then he gives a slave, who is generally some negrillo of the mountain, whom they capture for that purpose. and if he cannot do that the priest kills a son of the murderer or a very near relative. if the murderer cannot do any of the above things, they kill him. the party offended also generally has recourse to such priest in order that the offender may be reconciled with the offended, and that is very general when the offender is more powerful than the party offended or has more kindred to protect him. only a priest is able to uncover that idol. mangalagar. there is another idol called mangalagar. of that idol it is said that he accompanies the priest wherever he goes on all occasions when they invoke him (good guardian angel!) when they have to make any garro or mangao, which means to cut off some head. if they have made a catch, they give thanks to such idol, and make him a sacrifice. this is so closely followed that they will under no circumstances mount into their house without first offering some sacrifice to such idol; for they say that they will be punished by that mangalagar, if they do not make him a feast before entering their houses, and they will have no luck another time in cutting off any other head. all those feasts are made with wine and drunken reveling. that idol has many priests, but not so many as do the anitos whom they have for their paddy fields. of the anitos which they have for their rice, i have not been able to discover more than five, as follows: aniton tauo. he seems to me to be lord of the winds, and superior to his four associates whom i shall immediately name. they offer the pinicpig, which are the firstfruits of their rice to that one. they gather the green rice and pound it, and afterwards parch it in a jar or kettle and offer it to him, first making their bit of an altar where they hang some handfuls of rice in proportion to the devotion of each one. they call that method of offering mamiarag. then follows dumagan, who they say causes the rice to head well; then calasacas, who makes it ripen; then calasocos, who they say dries it. accordingly, they sacrifice to him so that he may not dry it up. then follows damolag, who they say keeps it from the hurricanes when it is in flower. those anitos or idols have very many priests and priestesses, although, as i have said, no one sees the said idols or talks with them. they do not even paint them or have their images; but what the priest or priestess says to them they consider as an oracle and say that it will not fail. every class of people have recourse to those sacrifices; although some indians do not believe in it at all, yet, notwithstanding, all attend them, christians and heathens, without excepting anyone. of the superstitions of the indians i believe that the errors which they possess in this matter of superstitions are not less than those which i have mentioned of their idolatry, although i have not investigated it as thoroughly as the matter of their idolatry. but with the lapse of time, they will be discovered and ascertained. there is a bird which they call salacsac. its beak is red, as are also its feet. some of its feathers are green and some blue with black and white spots. that bird gets its food in the river. if it appears on the right hand of any one journeying to any place, he returns, for he says that some accident will happen to him, or some great trouble on the road, or in the place where he is going, such as being killed, or being shot with arrows, or something similar. if the said bird appears on his left hand he says that the same thing will happen to those whom he leaves at home, such as his children, wife, father, mother, or very near relative, and on that account he also returns. however, if the bird sings like a man who is laughing, then he goes on, and says that that bird is favorable to him. but if the said bird sings or croaks in any other way he returns, for he says that it announces some very great danger to him. there is another bird smaller than a gurrion which they call pasimanuquen. they say the same of this as of the salacsac. they say the same of the tocó, so called by the tagálog, and chacon by the spaniard. if they go to the mountain or near it and any tree falls, they say the same as of the chacon and of the two birds above mentioned. if they go on a journey and hear anyone sneeze they also return, and if they are prepared and about to do anything, they leave it then if anyone sneezes. if they hear any crow cawing at night, they say that it announces the death of a very near relative. if any dog which belongs to them breaks any of its teeth or falls down, they either kill the dog or give it to some one; for they say that it announces some death to them. if the dog jumps out of the window when it wants to leave the house, they also say that it announces the same thing. if they dream that the clothing that they have is ragged, they throw it away because they say that they will die. if they dream that the house falls down on them and burns them, they destroy it, for they also say they will die. the devil also has attempted to discredit the holy rosary among them, and when they go hunting they take it off, for they say that the dogs will bite the deer or wild boar if they wear a rosary. not one of these indians eats if he is alone, because they say that they will die. consequently, what they do is generally to make their food ready and carry it until they find a company before whom they may eat. they have also dedicated some places of the mountain and bamboos to the anito, and, consequently, they cut nothing there, for they say that they will die and that the anito will kill them, although they do not know to what anito it is dedicated, or who dedicated the said mountain or district to such and such an anito, and know only an old observance which they have received from their ancestors. in their marriages they also have their superstitions. after any marriage has been performed, husband and wife go to the mountain to seek the salacsac or the pasimanuquen, and if the bird sings well they return very happy; but if it sings badly they return very sad. if it sings well they carry along the road a bombon or pitcher of water, and by means of the said water, which is drunk by all the bystanders, the two newly-married people will have children. for the bird to sing well, it must sing on their right hand and in the manner of the said bird which laughs. to sing ill means nothing else than to sing on the left hand, so that the bird is somewhat hoarse and sad. in such case they say that said marriage will have a bad ending, and that one of the two will die in a short time. if they do not see the bird, they say that they will have no children. of the customs of these indians although those indians have their kind of rank, since some are chiefs, and others not, and there are others who are descended from slaves, yet notwithstanding that they have no obedience one for the other. the poor man does not obey the rich, nor does the chief have any authority over him who is not a chief. those who are obeyed (although but little) are the old men, when they assemble as if in council or meeting of the old men. but, in private no one dares to order another one, neither the chief him who is not a chief, nor the rich man the poor man; for here every one is master of his own will, and each one thinks that he is greater than his neighbor. their method of governing is by fear, and accordingly each one tries to make the others fear him more than any other. in order to accomplish that each one endeavors to beat the others in committing murders, so that the others may fear him. they commit those murders by treachery. in order that the relatives of the murdered man may not slay the murderer, the latter pays such and such a sum of gold to the kindred of the murdered person, according to the rank of the deceased. for if such deceased was a chief or had many kin, his murder costs more and is redeemed by a greater sum. the lowest price with which a murder is generally redeemed is five taes of gold. if the murderer has no gold, he redeems the said murder with silver at the rate of eight pesos per tae of gold, although gold is valued at ten pesos per tae among those indians; for it is very low grade gold, and as i have heard said does not reach fourteen carats. the little gold that they do possess is much adulterated with silver, copper, and bronze. but if the said murderer has no gold or silver with which to redeem the murder that he committed, he goes to the mountain and deceives some black or steals him and drags him to his ranchería, and delivers him to the relatives of the murdered man so that they may slay the said black. there is [no] great difficulty in this for in mountains there they have many acquaintances among the blacks. those blacks are not without their enemies in some rancherías of the blacks themselves, where they go to make the seizure. and since the blacks are very revengeful in taking vengeance on their enemies, they aid the zambals to capture them. the zambal gives the black, whose services he has used for that purpose, some arrows or machetes. but it must also be noticed that they do not always kill the black who is thus captured, for sometimes they let him live, and he is made a perpetual slave. there are many such slaves today, and i even believe that all the slaves whom they have are of this kind. if the murderer gives a slave in this way, he redeems the murder that he committed. even if he cannot give gold or silver or a slave he kills one of his sons or delivers him to the relatives of the murdered one so that they may slay him. they never hesitate to kill that son thus delivered up, for when he can bear arms he will rebel and return to his father. if perchance the child of the murderer given for ransom of the murder which he committed is a daughter, when the said daughter is married she will go to the house of her father or relatives with her husband. for among the zambals the woman is greater than the man, and the men sometimes obey the women. the latter are very haughty, and when the husband does not obey his wife, marriages are unmade very easily. if we reach such straits that the murderer has neither gold, silver, nor anything of value and cannot get a slave in the mountain, or a black, which is the same thing for that purpose, and has no son or daughter, or very near relative, such as some small orphan child, then in such case his kin themselves help him in ransoming himself, for in any other event, the relatives of the murdered person would infallibly kill him. accordingly, these indians esteem it highly to have kinship, and, although they be very remote relatives, they treat one another as brothers because of the need which they have one of the other, so that they may be aided one by the other in such cases. notwithstanding the said estimation which they have for their relatives, we see an evil and perverse custom which they have which is worse than the most blood-thirsty beasts, namely, that zambals are not accustomed to have more than two children, one a male and the other a female. consequently, if they already have one male child, they kill all the sons at birth until a daughter is born. then after they have had said daughter scarcely is the woman pregnant when they already arrange to kill the son or daughter, as soon as it emerges from the womb of the mother. but if any one begs said son or daughter, even while yet in the womb of its mother it is given to such person. but the one who has asked for it must pay its mother all the time that the said mother is occupied in suckling such boy or girl; and afterward it is considered as the child of that person at whose account it was reared and kept alive. however, i know many in this manner who have great love for their true parents. since we discovered said custom among them, we had delivered from death three children, although to the great sorrow of their parents because they had not killed them. but as soon as we find out that any woman is pregnant, we warn her that she must not kill the son or daughter that she brings forth, for we will punish her very severely, and they, for fear of the punishment, allow their children to live. they also have their mourning for very near deceased relatives. that consists in wearing a cloth on the head, which they are accustomed to remove in no case until they have committed a murder. and as long as they wear the said mourning which they call balata, [88] they are not accustomed to sing, or dance, or play their musical instruments; nor will they attend any feast among them. those feasts are always made with wine, and their musical instruments are played at them. but when they have cut off some head, or committed some murder, then they remove the balata, or mourning. for that purpose the relatives assemble and a great drunken revel is made where much wine is consumed and some days spent in this occupation. accordingly, it is necessary that among these indians many murders must be committed, for no mourning is removed until some murder has been committed, and then the relatives of the one who has been recently murdered in order to remove the previous mourning, also put on new mourning, and in order to remove that it is necessary to commit another murder. hence, they mutually kill one another, and they are always wearing mourning, except when the murder is committed far away among the blacks, or among the indians subject to his majesty in the neighboring provinces. and in order that they may not proceed ad infinitum in this manner, they try to commit the murders which they do commit secretly, when it is not in their district, so that the said murder may not be attributed to them. but, having committed the said murder, then they tell it to their neighbors, and they make merry, sing, and play their music, for as long a time as they ceased to make merry during the time when they wore the balata. thus it is commonly said that three-fourths of those who die among these zambals die violent deaths, and one-fourth and even not that much, die natural deaths. but whenever there is any death, be it violent or natural, there is the balata which must be removed by another death, either by killing another zambal, a black of the mountain, or an indian of the provinces, near the said zambals, or a black of the mountain, or an indian. i know a man who is said to have committed sixty murders. i do not dare to assert as true that which is told me of that indian, but what i know is that those indians do not get angry or take it as an affront among themselves to be so cruel, but on the contrary they highly praise and assert those customs, and are vain of the murders which they commit. thus, as among the spaniards, one speaks and talks with courtesy of "my associate so and so," "my neighbor," "my comrade," etc., and it is a kind of discourtesy to say "juan fernandez" "pedro sanchez," etc.; so also among these indians it is a discourtesy to be called by one's companions only men. it is a high and good politeness to be called by the name which signifies in their own language, "an accomplice in a murder" that title being "araoc;" and thus they say araoc juan, etc. and as they are little given to flattery, they never give the name of araoc to him who does not really and truly possess it; for it is regarded among them as making a jest at one to whom the said title is given, if it does not belong to him, just as among us it is a jest to give the title of a brave man to one who does not dare to draw his sword from his belt. their marriages are not made between relatives, but on the contrary they try to marry those who are not related to them; and i believe that the reason therefor is to acquire new kinship by means of marriage, for we see that he who has the most kindred is the most powerful, is the one held in highest esteem by all and commits more murders in which consists their greatest estate, for he has more and greater opportunity to go scotfree from those murders which he commits. marriages are not performed until the relatives of both parties are assembled, and order the two contracting parties to eat together from one plate. all the other preceding preparations and ceremonies belong to the contract of the marriage and the betrothal. said marriages, moreover, are [not] made by virtue of the wish of the contracting parties, for they are married from childhood when most of the contracting parties do not even have the use of their reason. the reason that has been given to me for this is so that they may be raised together from childhood, and contract love one for the other. but we see that very many marriages result badly, and after marriage the parties separate, although in this regard the men are very patient, for among these indians, as among all those of this land, it is the custom for the man to give the dowry to the woman. among the zambals, it is the custom not only to give the dowry to the woman, but also another kind of dowry to all the relatives of the said woman. they call the latter dowry sambon. among the tagálogs it was also formerly the custom and was called sohol. that second dowry among these indians is generally larger than the first, which is the one that is given to the woman. if husband and wife quarrel, and she wishes to separate from her husband and marry another man, and if the cause of the quarrel has been given by the man; they are divorced and he loses the dowry which he gave to his wife, as well as that which he gave to the relatives of said wife. but if the cause of the said quarrel proceeded from the wife and she wishes to be divorced, she must return all the dowry, and in such case her relatives also return that which was given to them. and since it is of some consequence to them whether the two married people live at peace or at war, it is very common for all the woman's kin to take her side, in order not to return what was given to each one. consequently, although there may never be justice, the woman always has the argument on her side to do that which she wishes. and since there is no other justice here than the yua, bows and arrows, the tanca, and caraza, the greater kindred and those most interested always prevail; and since these are the relatives of the woman to whom the dowry was given and the husband is alone, and at the most is supported by his brothers, always or generally the argument is on the side of the wife, and the husband has to give up both dowries. consequently, the poor zambal, in order not to be left without wife and dowry, endures whatever his wife wishes. besides, these indians are not so barbarous that they do not know when they are right in what they ask, and when they are not right. consequently, the wife will never say that she wishes to be divorced unless it is when the husband was the evident cause of the quarrel. however, sometimes they are accustomed to make friendship between the husband and wife, on condition that the husband commit a murder. in such an event he leaves the house and does not come again into the presence of his wife until he commits said murder. the murder having been committed, and said wife hearing of it, before the husband reaches the house, his wife goes to receive him with a new bajaque in her hands, in order to present it to her husband in sign of congratulation for obeying her. but in such an event the wife and her relatives have to make good the damage which follows from the said murder, and the husband is free. the ceremony of the wife going out to meet her husband with the present of the bajaque on said occasion is of so great importance among these indians that the husband will be grieved if his wife fails in this ceremony or courtesy. the married women have one good custom, and that is that they are chaste and loyal to their husbands. scarcely can a married woman be found among the zambals of whom it can be said casually that she has had lascivious communication with another, although it is very common for all the people to sleep together in one hut or thicket, and all, both men and women, are intoxicated. but there will be no occasion for a man to jest with a married woman, and more, in the presence of others. but i also believe that that chastity or less incontinence in this matter was not taught by the devil for the welfare and honor of these zambals, but to give them more opportunities to commit more murders and to make them more turbulent, for the married men are very jealous of their wives and in no case do they leave them. wherever they go, they go together, and do not lose sight of one another. when they go on a journey, they take all their possessions and the wife carries it all in a basket which she bears on her back by means of a cord from the head. the man with his bow and arrow escorts her. they are accustomed even to carry the hen and its chicks in the said basket or under the arm, so that they carry all that they can of the possessions which they have in their house except what is not portable, and those they hide in the thicket. and if the husband absents himself because of any occurrence, and cannot take his wife with him, and if, during the said absence, the wife weakens in her chastity, and it comes to be common property in the ranchería, for if she has been weak it is very difficult to keep such news from her husband, for these indians cannot keep a secret: then in such an event the husband kills without any remedy the one who has offended him by sinning with his wife. and having killed such a person, he informs the relatives themselves of said wife of the treachery which his wife has committed in order that they may kill her; and if the said relatives neglect to kill such a wife, then, in that case her own husband kills her and can kill also any relative of the said wife without being obliged in that account to pay anything. notwithstanding this custom, that quarrel is generally patched up with gold, but they must have much gold among them for that means. i know a principal woman, one of the most influential of said zambals, whom one of these contentions cost more than thirty taes of gold and two slaves whom she delivered up so that their heads might be cut off. but it is to be noted that the offender of the wife, or the adulterer [mancebo], gives said gold to the husband of said wife, and the wife gives the gold to her own relatives, if they are her cousins and brothers. that woman and chieftainess is called monica corosan and was married in facie eclesia [i.e., with the rites of the church], and because she has been weak and little or not at all faithful to her husband, it cost her the sum above mentioned, and she was divorced and separated from her legitimate husband, by whom she had a son, and was remarried to her adulterer. he already has three daughters. but although the said quarrel was patched up by means of the gold she has not dared to appear before her relatives for more than twelve years. consequently, the fact that said women are so chaste proceeds from this rigor which they exercise in this matter. if they value their husbands and relatives so greatly, it is because the latter may take vengeance. i believe that the single women are also chaste, although some are generally careless; but both the woman and the accomplice pay with their lives if the fact is learned. if any woman is pregnant, her relatives force her to tell who is the accomplice of her pregnancy, and if the two do not marry, the relatives kill them both without being obliged to give any compensation therefor. burials. in their burials, they are not wont to shroud the deceased but to clothe him. if he is a chief they put two dresses on him, according to their manner, and two robes. if the deceased has any share in any inheritance of gold, before they bury said deceased, the gold is divided before the corpse itself, and the part which belonged to him is placed in the grave with the said corpse with his store of certain articles of food. i have heard it said of the natives of buquil that if the deceased is a chief and has any slave, they kill a slave and bury him with his master. i have had very little to do with the natives of buquil, and, consequently, i do not know how much truth there is in this, and i do not affirm it. i have also heard another thing said which would horrify the ears were i to tell it; hence i do not dare to set it down on this paper. for, as i say, i have had but little to do with the natives of buquil, as they have not allowed us to enter there, and if i were to qualify it as true when i was not sure that it was true, if it afterwards appears to be false, it will be inferred that there is but little truth in this paper of mine. consequently, i will not mention it. there is a kind of contempt which is very great among the indians for one who has not murdered anyone. consequently, those who have some little gold with which to pay for their murders are much given to this vice of murdering. they generally buy slaves or negrillos of the mountain so that their little sons might kill them. binding the wretched slave or black they take said sufferer into the presence of their sons from three to seven years old and there kill him, and by that means their minds and all their being become acquainted with the idea of blood, so that when they are grown they may have so evil a custom. it is a curious thing that they generally buy many blacks or slaves for that purpose, and if one cannot do it, or has no wealth for the purpose of buying a black or slave in order that he may kill him alone, he unites with others, and thus many together buy said black. one buys the right to give the first lance-thrust or stab, another the second, another to take away a quarter of the head, another another bit of it, another half the head--according to the amount of the capital of each one--and he who wounds him with greater ferocity, that one has the best lot. i will relate a matter in regard to this, which happened to me when i was vicar of abucay. once i had about five little zambal lads in the convent whom i was teaching to pray and read. it happened that the fathers of three of them came to see them, and that gave the children, who were seven or eight years old, a desire to return to playa honda with their fathers. i gave them permission, for their parents begged it of me. i did not give permission to the other two, and, consequently, they remained in said convent with me. while the other little fellows were returning in company with their fathers and passing by mariyumo, which is a visita of mariueles, it happened that the indians of that visita, who are also zambals and but very little different from those of playa honda, had that day caught a black of the mountain, whom they were about to kill on the following day. the zambals and the children, their sons, stayed for the feast in celebration of the killing of the black. for their joy in being present at a death of any person in such a manner is as great as it is for spaniards to attend a zarza or play or all to play at ring. [89] that news came to the ears of the children, who remained under my care in abucay, two months afterwards. they were told of the feast which their three companions had had in the village of mariyumo when they were at the killing; and so great was their sorrow that they had not returned on that past occasion with their three companions that they began to bewail their lack of luck because they had not returned with their companions so that they also might have been present at the killing. hence, one can infer their so great inclination for this vice, for those who have never seen nor known any better customs learn to kill from early childhood. and in case that anyone has entire information concerning the peace and quiet into which the christians come by means of the catholic faith, since they have to live among indians of such customs, they must always have death in their hands or before their eyes, for one can trust no one, since they do not trust themselves. for every step that they take is at the risk of their lives. often they kill from necessity, as they believe, so that they may not be killed, as happens when they see in their rancherías any person or persons whom they do not know. since they do not know whether such persons are about to kill them, they anticipate them and take away their lives, but it is more usual to kill for revenge and to make oneself feared and famous in this matter. there are many of them who, when they have committed fifteen murders, place on the hams of the legs certain strings of a small white fruit of an herb which they call bantacan. when they have killed seventeen persons, they place the said fruit very close together in the manner of a rosary which they call tigdin. when the number has reached more than nineteen, they take away said fruit and in its place wear certain very highly colored sigueyes. but it is to be noted that, although twenty men take part in one murder, in order that they may wear that regalia, which they consider as tabi, [90] each one claims said murder as his, as if he had done it alone. they also generally tie a long narrow strip of anahao, or palmleaf, on the hilt of their dagger or yua. that token shows that he who carries it was the first one to strike the person that was killed on that occasion. notwithstanding the abovesaid, if anyone goes to their rancherías in company with another zambal of their number, he is sufficiently safe although he might be still safer at manila. of the change which we see today in these indians he who considers their barbarous customs, idolatries, superstitions, and the natural and great inclination for killing which these indians possess, and in which they have been reared; and hears of the so great change and the difference which exists at present in all their customs, when compared to those that they possessed in their recesses and rancherías: will easily understand that already god is walking among them, and that he has already taken pity on the souls and wishes them for himself. the immortality of the soul has already been explained to these indians in their mother tongue; as has also the reward which god has for those who keep his commandments and those of our holy mother church, and the punishment reserved for those who break them, and that, for as many sins as man commits he has to take his punishment in this life or in the next; and the unity of god, his eternity, and at the same time that which the christian man must believe in order to be saved. it has been father fray domingo escalera who has already learned their language, and has gone communicating it from one to the other, until there are now very few who do not understand this. when said father explains to them something of which they have not heard, all look at one another, as if surprised to hear what they are hearing. i have not had the capacity to do as much as the said father, but i have managed to explain it also in the tagálog tongue to those who understand it. but they do not understand many things, and i cannot tell them to them. consequently, i trust, god helping, that said father will produce great fruit among these indians, as he has learned their language. these indians did not observe any festivals or sunday, or lent, or vigil, or friday. consequently, although there are many christians baptized from childhood, it was the same as if they were heathen, and there was no difference between heathens and christians. having explained to them on one occasion the seriousness of the sin of breaking feast days, one of them went to the mountain and one sunday while cutting some bamboos he hurt his foot. the rumor spread among the indians that god had punished that indian because he worked on sunday, and from that time they have observed feast days and sundays. on another occasion, namely, ash wednesday, the said father told them that they ought to abstain from eating meat throughout lent, and that god would punish whoever broke said precept. next day an indian went hunting, and having killed a carabao calf, while he was cutting it up and carrying it to his house or to the village, the mother of the calf came out of the thicket and killed the indian. thereupon, the father took occasion to again charge them to abstain from meat during lent, friday, and vigil. all through lent there was scarcely one christian or heathen who dared to eat meat. for about eight months we lived in a small house which had scarcely room for the two beds of two religious. we had three indians of abucay who built us another larger house where we could live with some freedom. there was no indian who would be so kind as to aid them in their customs in anything, until they saw that the presidio of the spaniards which is located twelve leguas from the village where we united these indians, had already about forty men, and as soon as they heard the arquebuses in buquil, which was ten leguas from the said village, they moved quickly, and no longer answered a dry "no quiero" [i.e., "i will not"], for whatever we commanded them, as they had before answered us all the time. i have already said above that the devil had discredited the rosary of the most holy virgin, our lady, among these indians, and although some had rosaries which some faithful ones or religious had given them, in order to incline them to that holy devotion, yet no one of them could recite it, for there was no one who knew anything of the prayer. they only kept it in order to show it to those who went to trade and traffic at their rancherías, in order that they might consider them as christians, as it is a kind of affront among them not to be a christian. on the contrary they believed that nothing good would happen to them if they wore the rosary about their necks. but seeing the esteem which we had for those sacred beads, and that in their sicknesses when they asked us for any remedy for their attacks in which we do not apply any other medicine except the sacred rosary, and when they recognize that they recover miraculously from their illness by the use of the rosary alone, they believe that the devil had deceived them, and are growing very fond of this holy devotion, so that now very many of the married men, the single youth, indeed, the old men, wear the rosary about their necks, some recite it in their houses, and others attend church morning and afternoon to recite the rosary with the lads, and very many of them already know the whole prayer, and recite it at night in their houses in a loud voice. they formerly obeyed no one, but now they show great respect to their gobernadorcillos, to their chief, and to the old men, so that, if they are seated anywhere and their gobernadorcillo arrives, they all rise, and no one sits or covers his head until his gobernadorcillo is seated. father domingo escalera has lived for a short time with the indians of nuebo toledo, since they were gathered together. having come to the said village during the last days of the past lenten season, and seeing the so great change that god had produced in them, he said: "at the rate with which god is changing the hearts of these indians, they will be better christians than those of masinloc before ten years' time, although said indians of masinloc have been christians for more than sixty years." when we reached their districts in the beginning, the children and even the women fled from us, but today the women are very affable and those who have anything to wear go to church and scarcely can we keep the children away from us. when we go to the village, they come down from their houses and accompany us, and we can scarcely walk, because they seize us by our habits, and place their scapularies before our eyes. every morning and afternoon they go to the church to pray and to hear mass. before mass we recite the rosary, and after mass the whole prayer. in the afternoon we leave the church in the manner of a procession in two choirs, and the father sings the prayer and they answer until the prayer is finished. and on entering the church again candles are lighted to our lady, and the holy rosary is also recited. method used in getting these indians to persevere in said prayers the zambals are the most cowardly people in these islands, although they have hitherto been considered by the neighboring provinces as a people of great courage and warlike. their cowardice could be proved by many examples, but that does not concern the present matter. their whole strength consists in fleeing, and their courage in hiding. from that cowardice it proceeds that all the murders that they commit are by treachery. it never happens that if, fighting face to face, the enemy escapes and is on his guard and watchful, they commit any murder, because of their great timidity and cowardice. accordingly, in order that those whom we have assembled in the three villages above mentioned, may persevere in their settlements, the most efficacious fear and the one most suited to their nature is that the spaniards of the fort and presidio of paynauen of whom they have a very great fear, may come very often to the said villages and overrun the land, and penetrate even into their old recesses where they formerly lived; and if perchance they should find anything planted in the said recesses that they would destroy it and cut it down without leaving them anything. and so that they may see that the father protects them, when the said spaniards come to the village, the father opposes them and takes the part of the indians. [91] but it is always necessary in this matter for the soldiers to conquer, and the father is always very careful to always inform the spaniards by whom and where anything is planted which it may be necessary to destroy, and that the edicts which his lordship, the governor, sent them be carried out. these are to the effect that no one should plant anything in the old rancherías and that in the village each one should plant one thousand feet of gabes, and five hundred of sugar-cane; that said soldiers are to continue to make raids through the whole plain as i say, very often; yet, whenever the soldiers come to the village, they are to ask the gobernadorcillo and cabezas (for whom already they have some obedience) for permission to go to look for those who have become fugitives, and the father is to go along in order to assure such fugitive. as said absence has proceeded a trifle from fear of the spaniard, the indians of the village themselves are to go to seek those who should have become fugitives, in order that they may not go in company with the spaniard to the mountain, for the fear which they have of the said soldiers is inexplicable. they are to oblige said indians to make their gardens and fields in the village, where they have fine lands, very fertile for fields and gardens. if any are found to be neglectful in this, such persons are to be bound in order to keep them and take them to the fort so that they may pound rice for the soldiers. by those measures, there is no man who dares to return to the mountain. after they have lost their fear of the spaniards, the latter are to try to excite trouble between the indians and the blacks of the mountain, [92] but at all events said spaniards are to make no trouble for the indians whom they find in the villages, but rather must treat them well. in order that this may have effect, it is necessary for the governor to send twenty or thirty horses to the said district, so that the spaniards may get over the country, for the roads are intolerable, especially from the fort to santa rossa de banguen. that is a distance of six leguas of very troublesome sandy ground without a drop of fresh water in the dry season. there is a distance of six leguas also from santa rossa de banguen to nuevo toledo, where one cannot find a tree under which to rest. accordingly, without the said horses, nothing can be done, for all those who should go to the said places run great risk from the sun, as happened when adjutant alvaro martin franco went to the said villages to hold the elections, when almost all the spaniards who accompanied him fell sick. said horses will be of great use to the soldiers in hunting, for this country has abundance of game. with the horses also they can overrun the land of buquil, and terrorize intractable persons. since said spaniards often go to and fro between these villages and to buquil, no indian will go to the mountain, since no harm is done to them in the village; and those of the mountain considering their restlessness and that they are not safe and that the spaniards destroy their fields will descend to sow and to live in the settlement. for today, if those of the mountain do not descend, it is because they fear that the spaniards will punish them for not having descended before. in order to suppress all their bad customs, after having preached against them, proving them with natural arguments which are very easy and clear, with some examples which cause them horror, the most efficacious means which i find is for the father to investigate all their customs, and to understand them thoroughly, so that he may know them all; and then to make fun of the indians because they do not know that that is bad. if this is not sufficient, it is efficacious for the father to make them afraid that he is going to retire because they refuse to learn good customs, and abandon their abuses and atrocities, so that in such an event the spaniards may come upon them and kill them all; and by means of the fear which they have the father can do whatever he wishes with them. i assert that i have investigated thoroughly whatever i have written in this paper by the aid of some christian zambals who are very good catholics whom i have had under my care for four years, and whom i have been teaching to read and have instructed in our holy catholic faith by means of the tagálog books which have been written for that purpose by the zealous ministers whom that tagálog nation has had. one of these zambals is the son of a priest of the idols, who was reared in a ranchería where sacrifices were often made to the idols. an uncle of this lad whom i also have under my charge was formerly bayoc of the zambals, so that he knows all the ceremonies, superstitions, and sacrifices, and is also thoroughly conversant with their customs, for he lived among the said zambals for about twenty years. besides this, for three years i have had with me another child about ten years old who also knows the customs of these indians, because he was born and raised among them, for he is the son of zambal parents. all of those persons tell me what passes among the said zambals. besides this, i have also managed to prove it from the children of the village who, since they do not realize my purpose in questioning them in regard to these things, tell me it all. but if i ask any of the old men, or anyone who is very maliciously minded, he will not tell me anything unless i ask him secretly. consequently, i consider as true whatever i have written here, and i have refused to write anything of which i am doubtful. fray domingo perez [below is added by another person:] until the year 1682, said zambals were reduced and softened by the vigilance and attendance of the father missionaries of the order of our father st. dominic. may our lord prosper everything as he is able. afterward in november, of the year 83, a bold indian with another who accompanied him, waited in a concealed thicket for the father-vicar, fray domingo perez, who was journeying from one village to another, and shot him with an arrow, so that he reached his village badly wounded and died in a short time, after confessing to father fray juan rois. since that time the zambals have been in revolt. may it be the lord's will that they grow quiet. now since the assembly of 84 the fathers have been living cautiously and near the fortress. the vicar is father fray gregorio [93] and his associate fray juan navas, [94] errant. in masinloc the vicar is fray juan fernandez [95] and his associate fray juan, [96] errant. [copy endorsed: "the undersigned, provincial archivist of the province of santísimo rosario de filipinas and conventual of the convent of santo domingo of this city, certifies that the preceding copy is faithfully copied from the original, which is preserved in the third archives of martyrs--cajon 8, legajo 1, no. 2. in order that the above may be apparent he signs the present in this convent of santo domingo, january 3, 1906. the archivist, fray julián malumbres (rubric), o.p."] [endorsed: "a copy. manuel de yriarte, chief, division of archives, ex-officio notary public."] notes [1] the translation of the title-page of this book is as follows: "manifesto and historical summary of the foundation of the venerable brotherhood of the santa misericordia of the city of manila, the hospital, house, and girls' school and church of santa ysabel; with the accommodations and advantages for the common public welfare, particularly of these islands; the alms, succors, and dowries for the holy religious orders, and hospitals, orphan girls, widows, those in prison, and other needy persons. satisfaction of the charitable and indefatigable task, disinterested and noble method of procedure, faithful management without interruption or any diminution in the works of charity, and the administration of the pious foundations under their charge. favors and protection which it merited and obtained from our catholic monarchs. recommendation, concessions, indulgences, and relics with which the supreme pontiffs have honored and enriched it. all compiled and extracted from the books, bulls, decrees, and other authentic instruments which are kept in their archives, by commission and order of the purveyor and deputies who comprise the present board, by captain don juan baptista de uriarte, regidor of this most noble city, and its procurator-general, and former treasurer and present secretary of said venerable brotherhood. printed in the college and university of santo thomas, with the necessary licenses, by juan correa. the year 1728." the narrative is preceded by an introduction; a statement by the author to the purveyor and deputies of the financial board of the santa misericordia, to the effect that he has completed his task of compilation, dated june 28, 1728; thanks of the purveyor and deputies to the author, and expression of intention to print the work, dated june 30, 1728; decree to be sent to fray juan de arrechedera, o.p., commissary of the holy office, dated june 30, 1728; approbation of latter, july 8, 1728; government license, july 9, 1728; table of chapters; note to reader. torrubia gives the following figures for the work accomplished by the misericordia from its foundation (in 1594) up to 1730. "this house has endowed twenty-three thousand orphan girls, the daughters of spaniards; it has spent in their maintenance five hundred and eight thousand, nine hundred and sixteen pesos. it has supplied to our catholic monarch in pressing emergencies four hundred and forty-nine thousand, four hundred and eighteen pesos. it has expended in divine worship one hundred and fifty-five thousand, seven hundred and eighty-four pesos; and it has given in alms four million, one hundred and thirteen thousand, two hundred and seven pesos. this statement of expenditures is accurate, and is drawn from the original books of the said house. in the life of the venerable fray simon de roxas, book 8, fol. 418, it is mentioned as unprecedented that the misericordia of lisboa in one year gave in alms thirty thousand ducados; but that of manila gives every year seventy-one thousand, eight hundred and twenty-four pesos." [2] see other letters from corcuera to the misericordia, dated in 1637 and 1639 respectively, in our vol. xxix, pp. 172-174. [3] the order of the holy trinity was founded primarily by st. john of matha, a native of provence who was ordained to the priesthood. on the occasion of his first mass, he determined to devote himself to the redemption of christian captives from the mahometans. retiring for a season of prayer to the cell of the aged french hermit, st. felix of valois, the latter approved the plan, and in 1197, they both went to rome where they obtained the approbation of pope innocent iii for the erection of a new order. the pope ordered the bishop of paris and the abbot of st. victor to draw up the rules for the order, which received papal sanction in 1198. a white habit with a red and blue cross on the breast was assigned as a distinctive dress. it received a new confirmation and additional privileges by a papal bull of 1209. the french monarch philippe auguste authorized the existence of the order in his kingdoms, and gauthier iii, lord of châtillon, granted them land for a convent. later as the order increased, the latter, seconded by the king, granted them cerfroid, near grandlieu, on the borders of valois, which became the chief house of the order. the two saints founded many houses in france. many christian slaves were ransomed in morocco and spain. it was a fundamental rule of the order that at least one-third of its revenues should be set aside for the redemption of captives. it was estimated in the seventeenth century that since its foundation the order had ransomed 30,720 christian captives. at one time there were as many as two hundred and fifty houses. see baring gould's lives of the saints, ii, pp. 226-230; and addis and arnold's catholic dictionary, p. 810. [4] the limits of our space prevent us from presenting part i of this interesting document in full; but such matter is selected as relates to manila, cavite, cebú, and zamboanga, as being the most important spanish settlements in the islands. the list at the end shows the contents of valdés tamón's report in full, and presents an enumeration of all the military posts, with the names bestowed on the forts therein. part ii, on the ecclesiastical estate, is translated in full (save for preliminary and final remarks, and two letters of minor interest). [5] the city of manila is located in 14° 35' 31'' n. latitude, and 120° 58' 08'' e. longitude (from greenwich). the following longitudes (reckoned from greenwich) will enable the reader to compute the differences in maps on which longitude is reckoned from other meridians: madrid (observatory), spain, 3° 41' 21'' w.; san fernando (observatory), spain, 6° 12' 24'' w.; paris (observatory), france, 2° 20' 14'' e.; ferro, the extreme southwest of the canary islands (the assumed dividing line between the east and west hemispheres), 17° 20' w.; washington, d. c. (observatory), 77° 2' 48'' w. (u. s. philippine gazetteer, p. 183.) [6] see accompanying plan of manila, obtained from the valdés tamón ms. in madrid. an interesting "historical sketch of the walls of manila" is found in the annual report of the u. s. war department, 1903, iii, pp. 434-446, which contains numerous illustrations of the walls and gates, some of which show defenses which have since been demolished. a note (by capt. a. c. macomb) states that the map of manila referred to in valdés tamón's report is supposed to be identical with that carried to england by general draper after the capture of manila in 1762, which is now in the british museum in london. concerning the plates of the map taken to england by draper (the famous murillo velarde map, engraved in 1734), see our vol. xlix, note 25. [7] possibly guns for firing chain-shots (also called "angel-shots"). [8] pandayes: a term adapted from the tagal, panday being the equivalent of the spanish oficial. [9] thus in ms., but evidently a clerical error, since the amount of pay is so inadequate for the number of men. the amounts of pay given in these lists, added together, make a total which is over 7,000 pesos short of the total in the next paragraph; it is probable, then, that the pay of these artisans should be at least 7,000 more than the amount stated in the text. [10] perhaps meaning men who had the care of keeping the barracks in order and repair. the word is not found in the dictionaries. [11] a word evidently coined from the native word galagala (see vol. xii, p. 34, note), and probably referring to the occupation of gathering the resin which bears that name. it may be added to the note above cited that this resin (also known as "almáciga" and "dammar") is obtained in the mountains of southern luzón and panay, the best coming from camarines. (official handbook of philippines, p. 296); galagala, then, may be a bícol word. [12] cebú is in 10° 18' n. latitude, and 123° 53' 05'' e. longitude (u. s. gazetteer of philippine islands, p. 454). [13] in the ventura del arco mss. (ayer library), iv, pp. 335-408, is the transcript of an interesting document--"information furnished by don josé antonio niño de villavicencio in regard to the situation of the town of zamboanga; its original subordination to the royal crown; its fortification, dismantling, and reestablishment; the condition in which it was in 1737; its expenses; and the amounts which it paid toward these." after a sketch (illustrated by various official documents) of the early history of zamboanga as a military post, he relates its dismantling, and its reestablishment by bustamante; this latter is begun on april 5, 1719, under the command of general gregorio padilla y escalante, and its fort is named "nuestra señora del pilar de zaragoza." villavicencio carefully describes the fort, and presents an itemized statement of the expenses of maintaining it--which amount to 20,000 pesos annually, besides a reserve fund of 5,000 pesos which may be drawn upon for extraordinary and urgent expenses. the salary of the governor and military commander is 396 pesos a year. two jesuit chaplains are kept there, who receive each 100 pesos annually. there are eighteen other officers (commissioned and non-commissioned), and two hundred privates; also five other officials, including a surgeon. besides this force of spaniards is a company of pampango soldiers--a hundred men and five officers; and a considerable number of men are also employed as rowers, builders, coast-guards, and seamen. rations amounting to 9,855 cavans of rice are allowed in the budget of expenses; and the sum of 5,000 pesos is allowed yearly for ammunition and military supplies for this post. the rice and other provisions are mainly furnished from the provinces of iloilo and panay, on account of their fertility and their nearness to zamboanga. a considerable part of the expenses of that post is obtained from the contribution made by the inhabitants of the subjugated provinces, each tributario giving annually a ganta of clean rice; this amounts to 109,503 gantas of clean rice--equivalent, at the rate of twenty gantas cleaned to 48 gantas of palay, to 10,950 cavans of the latter--which is estimated to be worth, at the prices paid by the royal officials, 5,356 pesos. enumeration is made of the numbers of tributes paid in various provinces, as follows: tondo, 5,606 1/2; bulacan, 4,963 1/2; pampanga, 8,067; pangasinan, 10,896 1/2; ilocos, 8,665 3/4; cagayan, 5,218 1/2; laguna de bay, 6,795; tayabas, 1,612 1/2; camarines, 7,512; albay, 3,481; panay, 6,170 1/2; yloilo, 10,406 1/2; island of negros, 503 1/2; leite, 8,154 1/4; cebu, 4,411 1/2. all these are tributaries of the crown; to these are added the contributions made by "the tributaries and the encomenderos of the encomiendas independent of the royal crown," which amount to 18,144 gantas. a deduction must be made from these of 1,105 3/4 gantas, "from those who in the number of the said tributes do not make this contribution, on account of being servants of the churches, and for other reasons;" the result is the total above given. the tributaries of the following provinces are exempted from the contribution: balayan, mindoro, caraga, mariveles, calamianes, and cavite. a further source of revenue for the expenses of zamboanga is found in the monopoly on the wine of the country; this had formerly belonged to the crown, but had been surrendered at the petition of the city of manila. later, the citizens being called upon to make donations for the support of zamboanga, the city petitioned that this be accomplished by renewing the above crown monopoly of wine. "this new monopoly having begun to be in force from the year 1731, the sum at which this contribution [to zamboanga] may be estimated must be figured according to the successful bids [remates] at which the privilege has been leased;" it was farmed out--that is, sold at auction to the highest bidder for a term of three to five years. the first of these was don esteban garcia de los rios, for 1731-33, for the sum of 10,000 pesos a year; the second, captain pedro de ceballos, for 1734-36, 15,500 pesos a year; the third, captain josé ruiz, for 1737-41, 25,000 pesos a year. the proceeds of this monopoly, then, averaged during eleven years 16,833 pesos a year. this document is dated at manila, february 4, 1738. in regard to the contributions made by the indians for the expenses (outside of ecclesiastical) of the philippine colonies, torrubia says (dissertacion, pp. 98-103): "when the post of samboangan was rebuilt in the year 1755, it was the opinion of the very reverend father juan de bueras, provincial of the society of jesus, that the indians of pintados, as those most interested in the maintenance of the fort, should aid therein with a half-ganta of rice for each tribute. his opinion was accepted, but with the enlargement of the contribution to two gantas (which make one ganta of cleaned rice), and its extension to all the islands, which amount is paid up to this day. i have understood that this contribution amounts annually, on the average, to two thousand five hundred pesos. during the fifty and more years when samboangan did not exist, it was paid just as when the fort was there, notwithstanding that the cabildo opposed it; and the indians paid, without the motive for this imposition still remaining, at the least estimate, more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. the indians are obliged to make other contributions. for the maintenance of the soldiers, they furnish rice to his majesty at two reals a caban, and usually it is worth more; this is called the compra, and forty or forty-five thousand cabans (or fanegas) of rice are levied from them in compra, allotting it pro rata according to what each indian sows. for these cabans (or fanegas) no more than two reals are paid, although that amount is worth four reals, or more; and it is to be noted that in the suburbs of manila the price ordinarily does not go below three reals. the same practice is current in the compras of wheat, although it is true that in this the indians seldom lose much. besides this, the indians do the timber-cutting for the ships, and do not receive more than sixteen reals a month, which they do not have even for their tools (which they carry with them); they are soldiers, they row in the galleys, and they are mariners, artillerists, calkers, and carpenters. and we know very well that in these occupations they serve in the ribera of cavite without pay, and likewise in the armadas, three, four, or five years, only to obtain a situation in the ship which goes to nueva españa or acapulco. here [i.e., in madrid], without considering these contributions, all the expenses [of the islands] are summed up for the account of his majesty." he goes on to say that from the sum of expenses must also be deducted the voluntary contributions of the citizens; also that these military expenses have been unfairly laid at the door of the zamboanga fort. the soldiers there and in the forts at cebú and iloilo are paid from the situado contributed by the natives themselves; and the fleets which are sent against the moros, and the coastguard galleys at zamboanga, are not an expense caused by the fort there; "even if they were, it is a necessary one, under penalty of the moros eating us alive." torrubia ends his dissertacion, which is a plea for the maintenance of the fort at zamboanga, with a scheme for the formation of a fund--to be formed by levying a small tax on each of the christian sangleys, and on every "tramp," whether indian or mestizo--which shall be regarded as an obra pia, and be placed in the management of the misericordia; its proceeds are to be used for the support of the military posts and fleets which are maintained against the moros, for the support of missionaries in the moro provinces, and even for the extension of the gospel still further. this would relieve the natives from the oppressive "zamboanga donation," the citizens from the frequent contributions now expected from them by the government, and the royal treasury from the heavy burden of supporting the present list of armadas and forts; and the moro pirates would be easily held in check, and the interests of both the spaniards and the indians protected. [14] zamboanga is in 6° 53' n. latitude, and 123° 5' e. longitude (u. s. philippine gazetteer, p. 928). zamboanga was selected as the site for the fort in moroland, "because it was the indispensable landing-place for the hostile people; because it deprived the mindanaos of that port, which was the most important one in their dominion, in which they built their ships, and where they took refuge from an enemy; because it was the most suitable place for our infantry; and because it was the frontier of all the islands of moroland, where those enemies landed, recruited their forces, and repaired their vessels. it also was the point of vantage for intimidating those kings, and depriving mindanao of half its power; and for facing (at three leguas distance) basilan, the people of which are so valiant, and subject to joló, so that that king also is thus disarmed of half his forces. to this was added the consideration that the post had christian indians as neighbors, who, free from the extortions of the moros, would aid in the conquest [of those lands] and the extension of our power and of our faith, as has been actually done." (torrubia, pp. 45, 46.) [15] fábrica (latin, italian, and spanish; french, fabrique): a technical term in church administrative usage. the ordinary and common meaning is the material building or edifice, which (technically) includes repairs, improvements, changes, etc., as well as the necessary expense for caretakers of it, as watchmen, beadles, sweepers, etc.; these people are paid from the funds of the fábrica--which might be rendered as "building-fund," except that in ecclesiastical usage fábrica usually presupposes that the building it already reared, while the english phrase "building-fund" includes the idea of constructing it. (yet in latin, italian, and spanish the term fábrica is also used to include money for the erection of the church edifice, in cases where it has not yet been built; where it has been completed and paid for, fábrica is restricted to the meaning first given above, the "keep" of the building.) thus usually the term has a material sense only; but sometimes (though not commonly) fábrica is taken, as in the present text, in a spiritual sense, and implies the support or maintenance (honoraria) of the churchmen, the ministers attached to the building, as well as the maintenance of divine worship, as required by ritual. fábrica then refers to affairs of the soul or spirit, the spiritual upbuilding or edifice of the faithful. by extension, the same term is sometimes used to mean the board of churchwardens who administer the property. in the philippines the church property (save that belonging to the religious corporations) was in the hands of the bishop as sole trustee and administrator, a power which he might delegate to his provisor or vicar. the distribution of the fund mentioned in the text is unusual.--rev. t. c. middleton, o.s.a. [16] to this should be added 4 tomins, omitted in the table for lack of room; the same addition should therefore be made to the total of the cash column. [17] this name, also pineda in the next item, and manzano in the last one, is abbreviated in the original; and the forms given above are necessarily conjectural. [18] in the ms. "tondo" was written here, but afterward crossed out. [19] to this sum should be added 4 granos, omitted from the amount of cash stated for mindoro, for lack of room. [20] he was royal secretary in the council of the indias. in this letter (dated september 20, 1735) he states that the king desires information about the islands, and their fortresses and fortifications, because the recent fire in the palace at madrid had destroyed many papers; he asks for plans of fortifications, and reports of troops, munitions, and artillery, and that they be sent as speedily as possible. [21] evidently, from the context, referring to cagayán de misamis, in mindanao. [22] at the time a royal secretary; his letter is dated at madrid, august 30, 1739, and asks for the report on the ecclesiastical estate in the islands which is herewith presented. [23] the title-page of this book reads in english thus: "religious hospital work [conducted] by the sons of our pious father and patriarch, the father of the poor, st. john of god, in his province of san raphael of the philipinas islands: a condensed epitome of its foundation, progress, and present condition, in succinct and instructive style. dedicated to the very reverend father fray alonso de jesus y ortega, general of the same holy hospital order, by the reverend father fray antonio de arze, vicar provincial and visitor, and prior of the convent at manila--in obedience to whom it was written by fray juan manuel maldonado de puga, a religious and priest; preacher, master of novices, and chaplain rector in the same convent of manila. year of 1742." the dedication to the general, by antonio de arze, is dated at manila, july 14, 1740. the book is approved by fray pedro de zaragoza, of the same order, at ocaña, february 26, 1742; and permission for its issue is given by the general of the order at granada, september 28 following. it is approved by father martin garcia, s.j., "synodal examiner of this archbishopric and that of sevilla, and of the bishoprics of malaga and barzelona," at granada, on september 20; and the license by the ordinary is dated at granada, on september 26. the approval of the book by the inquisition is signed by fray pablo de ezija, a capuchin, at granada, june 12 of the same year; and finally, the permission of the royal council to print it is dated at madrid, on july 9. the colophon reads: "printed at granada, by joseph de la puerta, printer and seller of books: year of 1742." [24] the same as french entresol; apparently equivalent to the english word "basement," and referring to the space left under filipino buildings. [25] spanish, azucar rosado; described by dominguez as "sugar cooked to the point of caramel, to which is added a little lemon juice, so that the sugar remains [granulated] like sponge sugar, thus serving, with water, for a refreshing drink." [26] these signatures indicate that the opinion rendered by the jesuits dates back of 1717, since in that year clain died; it is probably earlier than 1708, since in that year arias and bobadilla went to the palaos islands (murillo velarde, hist. de philipinas, fol. 377 verso). [27] palma brava: the common name of livistonia rotundifolia, of the order palmæ; see merrill's dictionary of the plant names of the philippines (manila, 1903). [28] of interest in this connection is herrmann sokeland's "ancient desemers or steelyards," in annual report of smithsonian institution, 1900, pp. 551-364. it is well illustrated with engravings of various primitive weighing instruments which are preserved in the museums of berlin, germany, some of which came from thibet and india. [29] apparently meaning here, not the castilian language in general, but as spoken in the islands. [30] the marco is a weight equivalent to the half of a libra, and is used for weighing gold and silver. the marco of gold is divided into fifty castellanos, and that of silver into eight onzas. (barcia.) [31] albarejo (or alberjon): a provincial term (used in la mancha), applied, like the catalan candeal, to a variety of white wheat. (barcia.) [32] spanish tumbaga (from malay tambâga, copper): an alloy of copper and zinc, or a species of brass, with an excess of zinc; also known as "dutch gold" and "pinchbeck." [33] in the spanish text, extension; but this is apparently a misprint for some other word, for which, in accordance with the obvious meaning, we substitute "suppression." at the beginning of maldonado's work is printed a list of errata therein, thirty-two in number; this is followed by the naïve remark, "there are some others, which the discreet reader can correct." [34] spanish, pico de oro; the same as the greek chrysostom. [35] the word caballería has many meanings, but probably only two are here involved; these are found in the supplement to domínguez's diccionario nacional (ed. of 1878). one is, "in the indias it is understood as the distribution of lands or seigniorial domains granted to the settlers or conquistadors in a country." it is possible that the text refers to some of those military allotments, which might have descended unbroken to maldonado's time; but it is much more probable that he uses the word in the sense of a measure for land. caballería, in andalusia, means also the area of sixty fanegas (or 3.8758 hectares) of land. [36] this sentence sounds somewhat contradictory to the following one; but it is the literal rendering of the spanish, se graduaron con prelacion de los legados à las deudas de justicia. this is but one of many uncertainties in the text of maldonado's work which presumably arise from the blunders of native amanuenses which he mentions at the beginning of chapter xvii; the translation is as close as possible, but in various places has been necessarily made more free than is usual in this series, in order to render intelligible involved, elliptical, or even apparently erroneous phraseology. [37] in the text, escudo--a rather surprising and foreign use of this word instead of corona. [38] in the text, tierras tubiganes: tubigan is the tagal word for spanish aguanoso, meaning "wet," or "irrigated." [39] in the text, simenteras tabalcanes; but the word tabalcan does not appear in tagal dictionaries, and is probably a misprint for tubigan, as a result of some error by maldonado's native copyists. quiñon in spanish means "share" or "portion," usually of profit in an enterprise; but here it is evidently the hispanicized form of the tagal qiñong, which is defined by noceda and sanlucar as a land measure equivalent to 100 brazas square of area. [40] that is, the founder of the order, st. john of god. [41] montero y vidal says (hist. de filipinas, i, p. 463, note) of the obras pias: "in 1880 they possessed a capital of 2 1/2 millions of pesos, belonging to the following religious bodies: discalced augustinians, 127,938 pesos fuertes; idem at cavite, 33,117; order of st. francis, 500,840; order of st. dominic, 205,092; the [archiepiscopal] see, 88,155; house of misericordia, 811,154; the city, 37,272; the privileged confraternities, 97,617." see our vol. xxviii, p. 298, note 138. [42] an interesting account of this legacy is given by uriarte in his history of the misericordia (q.v., ante). lobo, a native of viana, in portugal, died on september 8, 1709, at agaña in the marianas islands, "having executed a power of attorney for disposing of his estate, in which he left the board of the holy misericordia as his executor, declaring his mother, isabel gonzales lobo--a widow, and a resident in the said town [i.e., viana]--the heiress of his property, in case she had survived him. if not, he named his soul as his heir, with the declaration that although he had in the said town married victoria de silva he had no children by her, nor had she brought him a dowry at the time and when they contracted matrimony." the misericordia made inquiries in spain to ascertain whether the mother were still alive, and the wife brought in a claim for part of lobo's property; it also appeared that the deceased had left a sealed will with his uncle, francisco martinez casados, in viana. not until 1723 did the papers arrive from spain to settle the difficulties attending this will; it seems to have been decided earlier that victoria de silva was entitled to one-half of the property gained by lobo during the period of their marriage [bienes gananciales], but the misericordia refused to pay out any money until the said documents should arrive from spain; also that board administered a large sum of money belonging to lobo, which was lent to general miguel martinez at interest, and could not be repaid for several years, especially as his estate was long in probate and greatly decreased in value. "accordingly, even if the conveyance of the share belonging to the said victoria de silva could have been made, there was no opportunity for it." nothing further is said about victoria, but the inference is that she had by 1723 died, or dropped out of sight, or was unable to push her claims further. at all events, the misericordia, according to uriarte, sold the property and distributed the proceeds according to the terms of lobo's will--having first consulted the learned doctors of the manila universities as to their justification in doing so, who fully sustained the board's course; it followed, then, that their procedure was lawful and christian, and that they were not to blame for the delays which occasioned the final disposition of the estate of lobo. the opinion of the jesuit university is reproduced in full; it is dated november 2, 1727, and signed by the licentiate don francisco fernandez thoribio (apparently an auditor who held the chair of civil law in the university) and father pedro murillo velarde, and is fortified by numerous citations from canons. they decide that, lobo in his last will "having left his soul as the heir of his property, that means only the direction that all of it may and should be spent in suffrages, alms, pious foundations, and other ways which can result for the relief and welfare of his soul; and in saying that he 'gives to the honorable steward and deputies of the board all his own faculty, amply and sufficiently,' he means that he leaves to the judgment of the said board the disposal of his goods, in such manner as shall, according to the circumstances, appear most to the pleasure of god, and the welfare and relief of his soul. accordingly, in virtue of the said power and faculty the said honorable steward and deputies have authority to proceed to the execution of the will, in the manner which we propose." they approve of the bequests made by lobo for three chaplaincies; for the aid of the seminary of santa isabel and the support of orphan girls; and for masses for the souls in purgatory. they recommend that the girls of santa isabel set aside the masses and prayers of a certain day for the repose of lobo's soul, for which shall also be said a thousand masses; and that an offering be yearly made from this estate for the aid of the home for wayward girls, in which a day shall also be observed with prayers for lobo's soul. no mention of victoria de silva is made in this opinion. [43] alguazil: one of the many words of law and administration derived by the spaniards from the arabs. the word was originally, according to dozy, al-vacil, which was from al-wazir, "vizier." under the arabs it was used to denote an officer of high rank, equivalent to dux. the governors of provinces under the ommiade khalifs sometimes received the title by way of extra dignity. the christians used the word down to the fourteenth century as an equivalent to judge of first instance. descending lower, in time it came to designate an officer of the court, the bailiff--in which sense only alguacil is now used. (h. e. watts, in note to his edition of don quixote [london, 1895], iv, p. 14.) [44] gozos: "verses in praise of the virgin or of the saints, in which certain words are repeated at the end of every couplet" (velázquez). [45] in 1686 the dominicans in filipinas were strictly forbidden to drink chocolate. this ordinance was observed for several years, until chocolate became so cheap and so generally used (even by the poorest indians and negroes) that it came to be regarded as a necessity rather than a delicacy, and the prohibition was removed from the friars. (salazar, hist. sant. rosario, p. 379.) the culture of the cacao (theobroma cacao), from the seeds of which chocolate is prepared, was introduced from nueva españa into the philippines under the rule of governor diego de salcedo. murillo velarde accredits this to the jesuit juan davila (hist. de philipinas, fol. 395 v.): "he cared for both the temporal and spiritual good of the indians, endeavoring that they should possess some means of gain which would cause them to remain permanently in the villages, in order to remove the difficulties which ensued from their wandering hither and yon--for, going about in this manner, they were not instructed in the christian doctrine or in christian morals--besides other damages which they cause. for this purpose he interceded with the governor, don diego de salcedo, to cause to be brought from nueva españa some shoots of cacao, in order to plant them in bisayas. the governor accordingly obtained them, while the father was at carigara, where a plantation was begun with good results; and from that place it has spread to other villages and islands of pintados--with great benefit to those indians, and to the general advantage of all the islands; for this beverage is more necessary here than in other regions. it is especially so for the ministers [of religion], who go about in continual voyages and navigations, very often without having the comfort of having any other provision or nourishment." father davila was born in sevilla in 1615, entered the jesuit order at the age of fifteen; and was ordained in 1639. for a time he was minister in the college for irishmen in sevilla. he came to the islands in 1643, and labored in the bisayan missions for many years; he died in ylog, negros, june 20, 1706. for seven years before his death he suffered from a malignant cancer in the face. concepción says (hist. de philipinas, ix, p. 150): "chocolate is a great aid to feeble stomachs; and cacao is now produced in such abundance that it serves as the common beverage of every class of people, although it is true that some islands produce it of better quality and richness than do others." the introduction of the cacao which was made in 1670 (see vol. xx, p. 198) is reconciled with that by davila thus, by blanco (flora, ed. 1845, p. 420): "it is very probable that with the remittance of cacao plants which came from america at his order, some others were brought over by private persons; and thus, at the same time when the cacao was spreading through carigara (where father davila was laboring) and through other regions, it would also be cultivated by tagals. in the year 1674, when father ignacio de mercado was parish priest of lipa, he says that he distributed seeds of this tree to many persons." the allusion here to tagals refers to san agustin's statement that the plant of cacao brought over by pedro brabo in 1670 was stolen from him by an indian of lipa, named juan del aguila, who hid and cultivated it; and thence it spread throughout the islands. [46] there is some uncertainty in the spanish text, which reads, cirujano dozientos; y quarenta el sacristan mayor. apparently there is some typographical error in the punctuation; but there is no means of verifying the fact involved. [47] the money in the communal fund of the chinese in the parián was called lapuat, and in 1718 amounted to more than 20,000 pesos (concepción, hist. de philipinas, ix, p. 234). [48] war had been declared by england against spain in october, 1739, in consequence of injuries inflicted on british commerce in the west indies; but letters of marque and reprisal had been issued by the english government in july preceding, under which captain edward vernon captured the city of portobello (november 22, 1739), and the castle at cartagena. captain george anson also was placed in command of a large fleet, to harass the spaniards along the coast of peru, then to proceed northward, attack panama, and capture the spanish treasure-fleet, in which proceedings vernon was to coöperate with him. anson's fleet was broken up by storms and sickness, and the two commanders failed to make connections; so anson, after various depredations on the western coast of south america, sailed to china, where he repaired his ship. then he set out to meet the spanish galleon from acapulco, the "covadonga;" and on june 30, 1743, anson captured this vessel after a hot fight, with over 1,500,000 pesos of silver, mostly in coin. to avenge this loss, a squadron of four ships (the one here mentioned in our text) was despatched by the manila government in pursuit of anson; they went to china, but could not find the englishman, who had sailed for his own country. [49] pardao (or pardo): a coin used in portuguese india, worth 3 tostoons 3 vintens (michaelis). this is equivalent to 360 reis, or to very nearly 35 cents in united states money. [50] after governor torre's death (september 21, 1745), the government of the islands ad interim was assumed by fray juan de arrechedera, bishop-elect of nueva segovia. his first care was to inspect the defenses and supplies of manila, in view of the dangers which menaced the colony from the english; and he sent to batavia for cannon, guns and ammunition, his envoy being a frenchman who was well accredited in the foreign factories, named antonio piñon, who is probably the man mentioned by calderon. piñon returned to manila with those supplies, to the value of 38,995 pesos. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, pp. 305, 306.) [51] it is clear that the name china (which the french and italians pronounce cina) is not the original name of that kingdom, but is one imposed upon it by the foreigners who went thither to trade and barter; it was adopted by the portuguese, and afterward by our people of the philippines. father julio aleni, a jesuit, in a book written in the chinese language says, in discussing this point: "china, according to foreigners, signifies 'the country or kingdom of silk;' and, since there is so great abundance of that commodity therein, those who sailed thither to buy it would say, 'let us go to the country of silk,' or 'to china,' which means the same. the like statement was made to me by don fray gregorio lopez, bishop of basilea, in whose charge is now the church of china, a religious of ours, and a native of that empire. to this opinion also incline trigautius and kircher." the most common and ordinary name which those people give to their empire, not only in books but in conversation, is chung kue, that is, "the kingdom in the middle." in former times they gave this name to the province of hò nan, which lies almost in the middle and heart of that empire; from that region it was afterward applied to that entire country. others say that the chinese regarded their kingdom as being in the middle of the world, through their ignorance of the many kingdoms that the world contains. for that reason they also call it tien hia, that is, "the world," or, "the largest or principal part of the world." another name they very commonly give to it, calling it hoa kue, or chung hoa, which means "flowery kingdom," or "garden, forest, and pleasant place of the middle of the world." in the time of the emperor xun this name was much used, and it is still used in literature. it is a very suitable name for that empire, for in truth it is throughout a beautiful garden and a peaceful and pleasant forest. (domingo f. navarrete's tratados historicos, pp. 1, 2.) [52] see raynal's account of "the settlements, wars, policy, and commerce of the dutch in the east indies," in his établissemens et commerce des européens, i, pp. 151-260. an interesting description of batavia, the capital of the dutch possessions in the orient, is given in pp. 221-228; and an account of the organization, administration, and policy of the dutch east india company, in pp. 158-161, 228-255. the foundation and early history of the dutch settlement at the cape of good hope are related in pp. 201-213. [53] apparently a member of the royal council; he sent orders that during the war with great britain no galleon should sail from manila for acapulco, stating that the king thus decreed in order to prevent those rich cargoes from falling into the hands of the english. the merchants petitioned governor arrechedera to suspend this decree, at least by permitting them to send to acapulco the goods which had been registered for that port three years before--which were already damaged by this delay, and would be ruined by a longer one; he did so (with the advice of his counselors), and the galleon "rosario" and the patache "pilar" were sent with cargoes in june, 1746. to accomplish this, in the exhausted condition of the colonial treasury, the merchants were obliged to contribute 50,000 pesos for the outfitting of the ships and other expenses; and the royal officials, with the consent of the ecclesiastical cabildo, borrowed from the funds in the treasury belonging to the cathedral 29,805 pesos. the ships were manned with crews of 500 and 350 men respectively. they made the voyage safely, and returned to manila with the situado for that year and 30,000 pesos on the arrearages in those of previous years. the "rosario" was again despatched with a cargo, and with request for the situados which had been held back in mexico; as these amounted to six, the islands were in great need, and the royal treasury almost empty; but the vessel was ill-constructed, and was driven back to port by storms. [54] concepción says (hist. de philipinas, xi, p. 237) that this was "a little vessel, which was in the service of the missions and presidios in california;" the viceroy sent it because, having heard nothing from manila for a long time, he feared that anson had caused destruction there. [55] raynal devotes book iv of his établissemens et commerce des europées (t. i, pp. 400-548) to the "voyages, settlements, wars, and commerce of the french in the east indies." the first voyage to india undertaken by a french commercial company (1601) was commanded by pyrard de laval, whose account of his adventures in the maldive islands has already been cited in these volumes; but this enterprise was unsuccessful. after various abortive attempts by frenchmen to engage in the oriental trade, an east india company was formed in france (1664) by the great colbert, with an exclusive charter and many special privileges. the company made a settlement in madagascar, which was abandoned in 1670, and the french ships then went to india, where they established a post at surat, and afterward one at pondicherry. at first the trade prospered, especially at the latter post; but after a time the affairs of the company were mismanaged, its funds diminished so that ruinous expedients, only temporarily successful, were resorted to; its markets at home were spoiled by the sale of india goods, taken by french privateers from english and dutch prizes, at very low prices; for lack of money, the company could not keep up its purchases in india; heavy duties were laid on all india goods; the conduct of the home government toward the company was, although vacillating, generally oppressive, and its administration corrupt; and the company long struggled on the brink of ruin. at the end of the fifty years' term of their charter, they secured (1714) an extension for ten years more; and in the period of "frenzied finance" engineered by john law (1716-21) various other trading companies were merged in this one, which later was substantially aided by the french government. for a time the company acquired great power and extensive territories in india; but war broke out between france and england, and in 1761 pondicherry was captured and destroyed by the english. afterward, from 1764 to 1769, the company conducted a prosperous oriental trade; but its affairs had long been mismanaged, and the government had meddled with these unduly, while there had been much corruption among both its directors and its officials. it was found to be heavily indebted, and its finances fell into almost hopeless confusion; and finally a royal decree dated august 15, 1769, suspended the exclusive privileges granted to the company of the indies, and gave all frenchmen liberty to navigate and trade beyond the cape of good hope. the company thereupon undertook to liquidate their affairs, and made over to the government (april 7, 1770) their property, the latter assuming the debts and obligations of the company. in the period 1725 to 1770, the east india company of france sent out 761 trading ships, an average of 17 each year; the number in 1725 was 33, but it dwindled toward the close of that period until, in 1769, it was but 3; the ships, during the 45 years, were manned by 87,223 men, an average of 115 to each ship. the amount of merchandise carried to the indias varied from 7,800,000 livres' worth (in 1769) to 612,000 (in 1764), and for the entire period was 133,000,000. the vessels that returned to france numbered 585; they carried thither goods which had cost 344,000,000 livres in the east, and which were sold in france for 636,000,000: the years in which these sales produced most profit were: 1741, a gain of 12,327,000 livres; 1752, 13,719,000 livres; and 1755, 12,785,000 livres. during the first decade, the company paid on its sales, as duties to the crown, the sum of 25,000 livres annually; then until 1765, with a few exceptions, 3,000 livres a year; and during 1765-71, sums varying from 538,000 to 126,000 livres a year. the annual dividends varied usually from eight and a quarter to three millions of livres; steadily decreasing (in groups of years) to the latter figure; in 1746 the dividend was 15,000,000, but in that year the company borrowed the large sum of 25,000,000. in 1765 the dividend was but 766,000 livres. its capital in 1725 was 100,000,000 livres due from the crown, and 39,835 in its ships and other assets. in june, 1747, the government increased its obligations to the company to 180,000,000 livres, in compensation for depriving it of the monopoly of the sale of tobacco, and engaged to pay it the interest on that sum forever at the rate of five per cent. (see a tabulated statement of the affairs of the french company, at the end of the atlas volume of raynal's work.) after the exclusive privileges of the company were suspended, the india commerce was carried on by private persons, and steadily flourished. raynal presents another table, showing the net product of this private commerce, as indicated by the sales at the french port of l'orient, during 1771-78 inclusive, of merchandise brought from the indies, china, and the islands of france and bourbon; it shows a regular and large increase, save in 1778. the amounts of these sales vary from 10,336,000 livres in 1771 to 27,509,000 in 1777; in the following year the amount was but 14,026,000. the total sales for the eight years amounted to 149,273,000 livres, an annual average of 18,659,000. [56] "[lower] california serves as a way-station for the vessels which sail from the philippines to mexico; cape st. lucas, situated at the southern extremity of the peninsula, is the place where they halt. they find there a good port, fresh food, and signals which warn them if any enemy has appeared in those places which are most dangerous for them. it was in 1734 that the galleon landed there for the first time; and the orders given to it, and its necessities, have drawn it to that place ever since." (raynal, établissemens et commerce des européens, ii, p. 106.) [57] the writer of this letter was one of the auditors of the royal audiencia at manila (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xi, p. 295). [58] evidently referring to pedro murillo velarde, extracts from whose historia de philipinas have already appeared in this series. the phrase "the orient" alludes to the route via india to europe. [59] full accounts of this mission may be found in ventura del arco mss., iv, pp. 447-591, in letters from the jesuits pedro estrada and juan angles, dated june 25, 1748, and june 18, 1749, respectively--with letter from felipe v to the sultan of joló, and the latter's reply. [60] this was fray pedro de la santisima trinidad martinez de arizala; he was a native of madrid, and had been an auditor in the royal audiencia of quito for seventeen years, and was an honorary member of the council of the indias. but, "disillusioned with the world, and weary of honors, his sensitive conscience found room in the estate of a franciscan religious, taking their habit, and professing their austere life." he took possession of the archbishopric of manila on august 27, 1747, at the age of fifty-two years. difficulties arose between him and arrechedera; but he contented himself with laying these troubles before the court at madrid. he died on may 28, 1755. (concepción, hist. de philipinas, xii, pp. 38-40, and xiii, pp. 338, 339.) [61] see the detailed account of this episode, and of events connected with it, in concepción's hist. de philipinas, xii, chaps, ii-v, which may thus briefly be summarized: in 1735 maulana, sultan of joló, abdicated in favor of his son mahamad alimudin. this youth was "brought up in the school of his father," in matters of craft and policy; he had spent some time at batavia, where he became proficient in the arabic and malayan languages, and in the koran--"which he explained with so much erudition that the joloans gave him the title of chief pandita of that kingdom," and he attained among the moros "an authority almost supreme." he negotiated for peace with the spaniards, which was effected in 1737; he promised to restore the christian captives, but his datos resented this, and refused to obey. in may, 1740, a recollect priest, fray hypolito de san agustin, was captured by moro pirates; but certain joloans--especially their pandita, one yaloc--rescued him and took him to joló, where he was kindly received and cared for. the sultan demanded a ransom of 12,000 pesos for him; after many difficulties and negotiations, and some aid from the jesuits, the captive priest secured his liberty by binding the recollect province to pay the amount demanded for ransom. soon afterward, the sultan was persuaded by commandant zacharias and the jesuit isasi at zamboanga to commute his claim to 1,000 pesos, which was gladly paid by the recollects. the peace made with alimudin stopped the invasions by the joloans, but the tirones from the bornean coast continued their destructive raids. remonstrances being made at madrid by the representatives of philippine interests, the king wrote the letters to the rulers of joló and tamontaca (the latter being ameril mahomenin campsa), which have been previously mentioned in this series; they were received at manila in july, 1746, and were sent to their destination by the hands of the jesuits isasi and arcada. these envoys conducted various negotiations with the sultan, who demanded (and received) from the manila government aid of money, guns, and iron--for joló, to repay him for the expenses which he had incurred in aiding the spaniards against the tirones; for tamontaca (or mindanao), to aid in the war with gula, the son of the rebel malinog. arrangements were made for the opening of jesuit missions in joló and tamontaca; but they soon came to naught. in september, 1748, a rebellion in joló unseated alimudin, and sent him a fugitive to zamboanga; and, ameril and gula having become reconciled, threatened treachery sent the jesuit moreno back from tamontaca to the same refuge. alimudin went to manila, here he was received with much éclat by governor arrechedera; he was there apparently converted to the christian faith by the governor's persuasions. [62] "by the marriage with elizabeth farnese (ancestry normal), philip v had, as an heir, charles iii, of spain, who was the best of the more modern sovereigns of that country--in fact, the only normal one since before the days of the emperor charles v, now seven generations in the background. not that charles iii inherited any of the ancient genius, for that had gone, never to appear again. he was, however, ([to cite] hume), 'an enlightened, generous, and just king and a noble and magnanimous man,' and (rose's biographical dictionary) 'possessed abilities as a monarch, and virtues as a private citizen, ... was a popular sovereign and a great economist of time, scrupulously methodical in all his operations.'" thus writes dr. f. a. woods, in his heredity in royalty (new york, 1906), pp. 155, 156--a book which endeavors, on scientific lines, to ascertain the influence of heredity as displayed in the royal families of europe. the chapter on the rulers of spain is found at pp. 124-171. he says (p. 138): "the origin of the well-known insanity in the spanish and austrian houses, perpetuated over thirteen generations and involving more than a score of individuals, is a very interesting question. it cannot be traced with certainty prior to isabella, the queen of john ii, of castile. this isabella was out and out insane, according to the english alienist, w. w. ireland; and from her, onward, the insanity passed along in one form or another by the very intermarriages which their pride and political motives caused them to arrange, with the intended idea of making permanent their world power, but with the inevitable result of losing that same prestige by placing it in the hands of the unfortunate children whose inheritance was necessarily mental weakness as the result of such unwise wedlocks." for account of carlos iii's reign, see manuel danvila y collado's reinado de carlos iii (madrid, 1894). an interesting description of this monarch's character and mode of life may be found in the dublin magazine for april, 1763, pp. 238, 239; it is written by a clergyman named clark, "chaplain to the earl of bristol, late ambassador at the court of madrid." he says, among other things: "he is the greatest nimrod of his time: he sacrifices everything to this favorite pleasure; he was disgusted at his public entry, because it hindered him of four days sport. he stayed three days at toledo, and killed six wild mountain-cats, which, as i was well informed by those who had calculated the expence of that expedition, cost him exactly 1000 l. a cat." "it has been imagined that he is a very weak prince, and of little or no understanding: ir is a great mistake; he has some parts, but is mulish and obstinate to the last degree; and, by being constantly flattered, he imagines that he has more understanding than he really possesses. he is reserved beyond the common reserve of princes, has no confidant, and communicates his will only by his orders to put into execution. he can neither be led nor driven; all must come from himself." "he allows no minister to remonstrate or argue with him." "he arrested and banished the inquisitor-general, and sent him prisoner to a convent. he engaged in the present war with england, contrary to the sentiments of his ministers, and in direct opposition to the voice of the whole nation." [63] a copy of the naturalization papers of nicolas norton y nicols as a spaniard exists in the archivo general de indias at sevilla; its pressmark is, "est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 13, libro 12, fol. 226b-229b," and the document is dated at aranjuez, august 3, 1758. norton became a catholic, and was allowed to trade in the philippines. the allusion to "192 years" is somewhat incorrect, if he refers to the first discovery of the islands, which occurred in 1565; or else he may have begun to write out this proposal to the king as early as 1757, which would tally with the above numbers. [64] in the text, bisarjas, evidently a clerical error. this, and a few similar discrepancies in the ms., strengthen the conjecture that it is not written by norton's own hand; it was probably dictated by him to an amanuensis. [65] see articles describing the cocoanut, its uses, culture, etc., in census of the philippine islands, iv, pp. 53-76; its uses are thus characterized (p. 72): "briefly summed up, its timber can be employed in every form of house construction; its foliage in making mats, sacks, and thatches; its fruit in curry and sweet-meats; its oil for medicine, cookery, and illumination; its various uses in the manufacture of wines, spirits, sugar, and vinegar." see also various scientific articles regarding the culture of the cocoanut palm, its enemies, and the qualities of its oil, in the philippine journal of science, manila, 1906 (published by the philippine government). [66] spanish, cañas, which (as sometimes elsewhere) indicates that this name was bestowed indifferently on the bamboo and the rattan; but the latter is here meant, of course, as being named bichuca (for bejuco). [67] spanish, clauos; apparently meaning that the natives used in their housebuilding wedges made from the wood of the cocoanut tree as a substitute for iron nails. [68] probably alluding to a document which is preserved in the archivo de indias at sevilla, by norton y nicols, dated at madrid, september 2, 1757; it will be mentioned in the bibliographical section of this series (vol. liii). [69] the context would imply that sugar is here referred to; but the writer does not mention it again, and seems to have abandoned his attempt to export it. [70] spanish, estas ayudas de, followed by a blank space, doubtless intended to be filled by costas. [71] concepción mentions this stone (hist. de philipinas, xii, p. 25), found on a site selected by the dutch; they had marked "a stone with the letter t, which, as it was interpreted, signified, 'annexed to terrenate.' this same token they had placed in other uninhabited islands in the vicinity. this marked stone was dug up by the sultan of mindanao, who sent it to the governor of samboangan, don pedro zacharias. two dutch chalupas went to call the mindanaos to account for this act, intending to obtain satisfaction for it by placing the marked stone in the locality of silangan, on the mainland of mindanao; but radiamura courageously drove back the dutch who made a landing--who, in retreating, swore to return with adequate forces for that enterprise." [72] there is some confusion or error in these figures, which read, in the ms., "35 = 3.94 @ 2,82:600." without them, the totals amount to 80,187,524; subtracting this from the entire total, there remains a balance of 3,424,000, apparently indicating the value of the sugar--save that the total for benzoin is erroneously figured in the ms.; it should be 144,804. the ms. is also uncertain on some of the other totals. [73] the writer (or more probably his amanuensis) has made an error in transcribing these sums; "six millions" should read "sixty millions," and at the end of the paragraph the amount of chocolate should be "one hundred and fifty" instead of "fifteen" millions. the remaining figures are correct. [74] "in 1618, according to the testimony of dr. marradón, of marchena, to one hundred cacao-beans must be added a pound and a half of sugar, two onzas of cinnamon, fourteen grains of mexican pepper, a half-onza of cloves, and two reals' weight of anise and annotto; and one might add almonds, nuts, and orange-flower water. years afterward dr. colmenero of ledesma modified this formula, making the paste in the proportion of one hundred cacao-beans, one-half libra of sugar, two granos of pepper, anise, cloves, alexandrian [i.e., white] roses, logwood, cinnamon, almonds, nuts, and a sufficient quantity of annotto to give it color." until the end of the eighteenth century chocolate was prepared mainly by hand-labor. "in the seventeenth century, the preparation of the chocolate was made by artisans, who received twelve reals and an azumbre [i.e., about half a gallon] of wine for preparing each day the portion of chocolate from sixteen libras of clear cacao. the chocolate, thus prepared and sold under the name of 'health chocolate,' often contained special ingredients, chosen on account of the fashion, or of the taste of the consumers; and if in those times great praise was given to the chocolate which contained aromatic essences--vanilla, amber, and orange--certainly not less famous on that account was the chocolate of madrid with its doradilla [i.e., ceterach], that of ávila with its pimentón [i.e., a large variety of pepper], and that of pamplona with its pepper and ginger. fray manuel ordoñez says, referring to the paste which we are considering, that 'in the past century it was sold only in the apothecary shops, like physicians' prescriptions, for our cure;' and from this citation we may infer not only that chocolate was regarded as a special medicine, but that it was considered as a therapeutic agent, worthy of being kept by the pharmacists of the seventeenth century. later, in the eighteenth century, the preparation of chocolate began to be made by the guild of spice-dealers, its ingredients being reduced to the cacao, cinnamon or vanilla, and sugar; and the custom became somewhat general of adding to the paste some biscuit-dough, in order to make it thicker when it was diluted with water. at the same time when the 'health chocolate' was sold in the spice-shops, a medicinal chocolate was prepared in the apothecary shops, in which the principal products of the pharmacopeia entered as ingredients. as the preparation of chocolate had become general in the convents, in attempting to compete with the spice-dealers the friars did not think of making it of better quality; but, in order to sell it more cheaply, they subtracted from cacao and cinnamon what they added in ingredients that were not always harmless for the parishioner's health. in order that the importance of this adulteration may be estimated, it is sufficient to cite some of the additions most used, as wheat flour, rice flour; ground lentils, peas, beans, and maize; starch, potato starch, and dextrine; olive oil, sweet almond oil, yolk of egg, tallow of veal and mutton; storax, chestnut [flour], gum tragacanth; cinnabar, red oxide of mercury, red lead, carbonate of lime, etc." the manufacture of chocolate has been conducted almost entirely by machinery during the past century, and has accordingly thrown out the majority of the artisans who made it by hand. (josé del carmenal, cited in gräfenberg's spanisches lesebuch, frankfurt, 1899, pp. 7-11.) [75] at the end of the atlas volume in raynal's établissemens et commerce des européens is a tabular "enumeration of the population of spain, prepared in 1768 by order of his lordship conde de aranda, president of the council of castilla." the population is given separately for each of the eight archbishoprics (which contain 48 bishoprics, 2 of them "exempt"). the lay population was thus classed: married persons, 1,724,567 men and 1,714,505 women; unmarried (presumably including children), 2,809,069 boys and 2,911,858 girls; total, 9,159,999. add the number of the clergy (both regular and secular), which was 147,805, and the entire population numbered 9,307,804. two curious discrepancies may be noted: the number of married men is greater than that of the married women by 10,062, and the girls exceed the boys by 102,789 (this latter an excess of about 3 2/3 per cent). the only region in which the number of married men is practically the same as that of married women is the archdiocese of valencia, and the only one where the same thing is true of the boys and girls is the archdiocese of zaragoza. the greatest discrepancy in the numbers of both these classes is found in the archdiocese of burgos, where there were 197,064 married men, and only 185,997 married women; and it had 330,428 girls and only 310,545 boys. highly significant is the enumeration of the privileged classes, of whom in the total population there were 846,657, thus classified: those enjoying royal privileges, 89,393; in the department of finances, 27,577; in that of the crusade, 4,248; in that of the inquisition, 2,645; in the nobility, 722,794. it is to be observed that three-fourths of all the privileged class are found in the archdiocese of burgos and the two exempt bishoprics--in the former, 324,661; in the latter, 306,378. not less interesting are the statistics of the ecclesiastical estate. in the 16,427 cities and villages were 18,106 parishes, which were served by 15,641 curas. there were 2,004 monasteries, containing 55,453 religious; and 1,026 convents with 26,465 nuns. all these religious orders employed also 8,552 persons as procurators and treasurers, and with the orders were affiliated 26,294 laymen. in the service of the churches were 25,248 laymen; and besides the curas there were 50,246 chaplains and beneficed priests. the total of all these items is 147,805, the number above given. [76] a literal translation of the text; but there seems to be some omission or confusion in the statement. possibly the writer intended to make it contingent on the success of his project for making cinnamon plantations. [77] in the text, aljoresesite; there is no such word in the lexicons, and it probably is an error (perhaps of an amanuensis) for ajo aceite, the name of a pungent preparation of garlic, oil, etc., which is used in the southern countries of europe as a condiment. [78] thus in original, but the context would indicate that "no" was omitted here. [79] spanish, caldos: a term applied to the wine, oil, and brandy that are transported by sea (dominguez). [80] the somewhat fragmentary nature of these statements indicates the probability that they are but memoranda, and the whole ms. a rough draft, which was to be presented to the king in revised and improved form. [81] wm. reed (negritos of zambales) says, (p. 27): "everything in the history of the zambal people and their present comparative unimportance goes to show that they were the most indolent and backward of the malayan peoples. while they have never given the governing powers much trouble, yet they have not kept pace with the agricultural and commercial progress of the other people, and their territory has been so steadily encroached on from all sides by their more aggressive neighbors that their separate identity is seriously threatened. the rich valleys of zambales have long attracted ilokano immigrants, who have founded several important towns. the zambals themselves, owing to lack of communication between their towns, have developed their separate dialects.... [but] zambal as a distinct dialect is gradually disappearing." "the zambals, however, lived in so close contact with the negritos that they impressed their language on them so thoroughly, that no trace of the dialect of the latter people remains in zambales" (p. 28). as pointed out in a recent communication from james a. leroy, the zambals were mountaineers, kin to the igorot of today, and of malay origin. they probably formed a portion of a very early migratory movement from the south who were pushed back into the hills. they must not be confused with the negritos, who are not malayan. the malayan origin of the zambals can be easily seen from perez's description. [82] fray vicente salazar in his historia, chapter xxx, pp. 134-138 ("description of the province of zambales, and the genius, customs, and ceremonies of its indians") makes use of this document by perez, which he greatly condenses. indeed, it forms his sole authority on the zambals. in the two following chapters ("fruit of the preaching of our religious in the changing of the customs of the zambals;" and "of some miracles which our lord worked in this mission and reduction of the zambals") also he uses considerable of the material of perez. [83] carrizal: land which is full of reed-grass. [84] tapis is a tagálog word, being the name of a garment worn by women as a skirt. see noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario de la lengua tagala. [85] iua: a tagálog word for a weapon resembling a dagger. see ut supra. [86] wm. a. reed (negritos of zambales, p. 26), commenting on salazar's description of the zambals, which is condensed from perez, says: "of course it is impossible to tell how much of this is the product of the writer's imagination, or at least of the imagination of those earlier chroniclers from whom he got his information, but it can well be believed that the natives had a religion of their own and that the work of the missionaries was exceedingly difficult." in this connection, it is interesting to note that perez later vouches for the entire truth of whatever he has written. [87] the original reads: presidiendo las ceremonias bis. the transcriber of the document for the present editors has added the following note: "the structure and meaning of this word is not well understood." it is the latin word bis, meaning "in a twofold manner," indicating that the god malyari presides over both the feast and the honors to the deceased. [88] balata is also used by the tagálogs to signify "abstinence from something in memory of any person." see noceda and sanlucar's vocabulario. [89] the spanish for "to play at ring" is correr á la sortija. this is an equestrian sport, which is played by taking an iron ring as large as a segovian ochavo (a small brass coin). this ring is fitted into another piece of iron, from which it can be easily withdrawn. the latter is hung from a cord or pole a few feet from the ground, and the horsemen and others who take part in the game, taking the proper distance, go toward the ring at a run. the one who bears off the ring on his lance is declared the winner. see dominguez's diccionario. [90] a word of respect in the tagálog dialect. [91] even when i was a missionary to the heathens from 1882 to 1892, i had occasion to observe the said policy, to inform the chief of the fortress of the measures that he ought to take, and to make a false show on the other side so that it might have no influence on the fortress. (note by dominican transcriber.) [92] the same thing was advised by father fray remigio rodriguez del alamo to don narciso claveria y oscariz, in respect to the different tribes of ifugaos. (note by dominican transcriber.) [93] this was gregorio giraldez, who reached the philippines in 1679. he was a galician by birth and professed in the dominican order august 31, 1666. he was immediately sent to the province of zambales, being appointed in 1682 vicar of alalang, and in 1684, of paynaven. in 1686 he became superior of the manila convent. he filled the offices also of procurator-general, president of san juan de letran, and vicar-provincial. his death occurred at manila, may 28, 1702. see salazar's historia, p. 130; and reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 215, 216. [94] juan de la nava went to the philippines in 1684, and was assigned immediately to masinloc, in the province of zambales, which post he filled for four years. in 1690 he was appointed vicar-provincial there, at the same time having in charge the house at paynaven. his death occurred august 24, 1691. see salazar's historia, pp. 583, 584, and reseña biográfica, ii, p. 252. [95] juan fernandez was born in the province of asturias, and professed at valladolid, september 8, 1674. reaching the philippines in 1679 at the age of twenty-six, he was sent to the province of zambales, being assigned in 1680 to masinloc, where he remained until 1686. he was also vicar of santiago apostol de bolinao (1688-96) and of santa catalina v. y m. de agno; vicar-provincial (1692-94); at bolinao again (1696-98); superior of manila convent (1698-1702); president of the house of santa mónica de marihumo, in zambales, from 1702 until his death in the first half of 1703. see salazar's historia, p. 130; and reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 223, 224. [96] this was juan rois. see vol. xli, p. 250, note 76.